a proclamation for adjourning the general assembly of this church, to the seventeenth of december next, 1695. scotland. privy council. 1695 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05620 wing s1808 estc r183485 52529287 ocm 52529287 179054 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05620) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179054) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:43) a proclamation for adjourning the general assembly of this church, to the seventeenth of december next, 1695. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1695. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the seventh day of february, and of our reign the seventh year. signed: gilb. eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland. -general assembly -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation for adjourning the general assembly of this church , to the seventeenth of december next , 1695. william by the grace of god , king of great britain , france , and ireland . defender of the faith , to our lyon king at arms and , his brethren heraulds , macers of our privy council , pursevants , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting ; forasmuch as , we by our proclamation of the date the ninth day of july last by past , did adjourn the present current assemblie of this church to the twentieth day of november instant , but not having time at present to prepare what were necessarie for the said assemblie : we have thought fit to delay the meeting thereof for some time , and that the members may not be put to unncessrie trouble , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , do hereby adjourn the present current general assemblie of this church , from the said twentieth day of november instant , to the seventeenth day of december next ensuing ; appointing the same to meet at edinburgh on that day , and requiring all the members thereof to attend the meeting accordinglie . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that incontinent , these our letters seen , ye past to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and whole other mercat crosses of the head-burghs of the several shires within this kingdom ; and there in our name and athoritie make publication hereof , that none may pretend ignorance ; and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the seventh day of november , and of our reign the seventh year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot , cls. sti . concilii . god save the king : edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1695. by the supreame councell of the confederate catholicks of ireland whereas by our late proclamation we have assured all and everie the inhabitants of the province of ulster ... confederate catholics. supreme council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46111 of text r43294 in the english short title catalog (wing i735). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46111 wing i735 estc r43294 27137352 ocm 27137352 109998 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46111) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109998) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:34) by the supreame councell of the confederate catholicks of ireland whereas by our late proclamation we have assured all and everie the inhabitants of the province of ulster ... confederate catholics. supreme council. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by thomas bourke ..., printed at kilkenny : [1648] other title information taken from first lines of text. "given at kilkenny castle the 13. day of august anno domini 1648." reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng church and state -ireland. ireland -history -1625-1649. ireland -politics and government -17th century. a46111 r43294 (wing i735). civilwar no by the supreame councell of the confederate catholicks of ireland whereas by our late proclamation we have assured all and everie the inhabi confederate catholics. supreme council 1648 290 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms of the knights of the garter c r by the svpreame covncell of the confederate catholickes of ireland . vvhereas by our late proclamation , vve have assured all and everie the inhabitants of the province of vlster who would give testimonie of their obedience to our authoritie by taking the late oath for observing the cessation , that they should be received into our protection , and be safe in their persons and goods , in pursuance whereof we have given protection to many , who now taking advantage of the advance of owen ô neyll into leix , have joyned with him , to prejudice those faithfull confederats , who propose no other end unto themselves , then the common good of the catholicke religion , and settlement of this nation : wee therefore taking the same into our consideration , and holding it requisit to apply a timely remedie unto so great a mischiefe , doe hereby declare , and publish , that all and everie person and persons , who shall ioyne with , or adhere unto , supply , relieve , or assist the said owen ô neyll with men , armes , victuals , or other accomodation whatsoever , shal be from henceforth put out of our protection , and accordingly proceeded with . whereof all and everie generall , commaunders , officers , and all other persons concerned , are to take notice . given at kikenny castle the 13. day of august anno domini 1648. dunboyn . lucas dillon . r. blake . r. bellings . gerald fennell . iohn walsh . rob. deverenx . p. bryan . god save the king . printed at kilkenny by thomas bourke , printer to confederate catholicks of ireland . to the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament the humble petition of the ministers of the county of hertford, concerning church-government. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94456 of text r212194 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[12]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94456 wing t1415 thomason 669.f.9[12] estc r212194 99870840 99870840 161110 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94456) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161110) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[12]) to the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament the humble petition of the ministers of the county of hertford, concerning church-government. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) for i.w. in the old baylie, printed at london : 3. sept. 1644. order to print dated: 31 august 1644. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. hertford (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a94456 r212194 (thomason 669.f.9[12]). civilwar no to the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament, the humble petition of the ministers of the county of hertford, concerning churc england and wales. parliament. 1644 234 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-07 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the honourable hovse of commons assembled in parliament , the humble petition of the ministers of the county of hertford , concerning church-government . humbly sheweth , that your petitioners having already received many happy fruits of your unwearied endeavours , for the reformation of the church ; which with all due thankfulnesse they acknowledge ; doe notwithstanding finde that those fruits have not growne up to that maturity which they expected , for want ( as they humbly conceive ) of a setled government in the church ; but rather to the retarding of their hopes , there be such universall distractions raised in the mindes of men , increasing , and multiplying dayly , and posting to such confusion , as we had rather leave to your wisdoms to judge what the issues may be , then to represent them according to our feares , wherefore your petitioners doe most humbly supplicate this honourable house , to apply your wisdome and providence to the preventing and cureing of these mischievous evils , by the speedy establishing of church-government amongst us . and your petitioners shall ever pray , &c. this petition was the 31 of august , read in the honourable house of commons with very good approbation , and an order made thereupon . printed at london for i. w. in the old baylie , 3. sept. 1644. a proclamation, for a publick solemn thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. 1691 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05601 wing s1786 estc r183468 52528961 ocm 52528961 179039 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05601) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179039) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:28) a proclamation, for a publick solemn thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : anno dom. 1691. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the fourth day of november, and of our reign the third year. 1691. signed: d. moncreiff, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-10 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , for a publick solemn thanksgiving . william and mary , by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , macers of our privy council , pursevants , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch as it hath pleased our gracious god , of his infinit goodness and mercy , not only to these nations , but likewise to the common interests ( both religious and civil ) of all christendom , to preserve our sacred person , and prosper us in our undertakings , this last summer , against these who are enemies to truth , and us ; and especially to crown our arms with the compleat reducing of ireland to our subjection and obedience ; and to restore and bring back our royal person in safety to our throne , to the joy and satisfaction of all our good subjects , after the many eminent hazards to which we have been exposed in our late expedition ; and we considering , how necessary a duty it is , and how much it does import the welfare of us , and our people , that signal blessings be owned and acknowledged , by publick and solemn thanksgivings , are resolved , humbly to acknowledge our thankfulness to the infinitly wise and good god , for such signal and seasonable mercies , conferred upon us and our people , in answer to the frequent and fervent prayers , poured forth at the several solemn fasts and humiliations , observed and keeped throughout this our antient kingdom , during our late expedition ; and the several presbyterian ministers , who were sent to attend the general assembly of the kirk of this our antient kingdom , having addressed themselves to the lords of our privy council , to interpose their authority , for appointing a solemn day of publick thanksgiving , to be religiously observed throughout this our kingdom , for the causes , and to the effect above-specified ; therefore we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , do appoint and command , that the twenty sixth day of november instant , be religiously and devoutly observed as a solemn day of publick thanksgiving by all persons within this kingdom , both in churches and meeting-houses , for returning most hearty and humble thanks , and acknowledgment to the divine goodness , for his signal blessings and deliverances already bestowed on us and our people , and to implore the continuance thereof in the gracious mercy of our god , and that a spirit of counsel and wisdom may assist us , and the princes and states our allyes , in our consultations and undertakings , for the ensuing year . and to the effect our pleasure in the premisses may be known , our will is , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the mercat-crosses of the remanent head-burghs of the several shires within this kingdom , and of the stewartries of kirkcudbright , annandale and orknay ; and there , in our name and authority , make publication hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains our sollicitor to cause send printed copies hereof to the sheriffs of the several shires , and stewarts of the stewartries foresaids , whom we ordain to see the same published , and appoints them to send doubles thereof to all the ministers , both in churches and meeting . houses , within their respective jurisdictions , that upon the lords day immediatly preceeding the said twenty sixth day of november instant , the same may be read and intimat in every paroch-church and meeting-house , certifying all such , who shall contemn or neglect so religious and important a duty , as the thanksgiving hereby appointed is , they shall be proceeded against , and punished as contemners of our authority , and as highly disaffected to our person and government . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published as aforesaid . given under our signet at edinburgh , the fourth day of november . and of our reign , the third year . 1691. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . in supplementum signeti . d. moncreiff , cls. sti. concilii . god save king vvilliam and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anno dom. 1691. his majesties declaration to all his loving subjects, march 15. 1672. published by the advice of his privy council. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1672 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02055 wing c2991 estc r171213 52612062 ocm 52612062 179347 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02055) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179347) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2786:8) his majesties declaration to all his loving subjects, march 15. 1672. published by the advice of his privy council. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) re-printed by evan tyler, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1672. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. dated at end: given at our court at whitehall, this fourteenth day of march, in the four and twentieth year of our reign. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england -17th century -early works to 1800. dissenters, religious -england -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms his majesties declaration to all his loving subjects , march 15. 1672. published by the advice of his privy council . our care and endeavours for the preservation of the rights and interests of the church , have been sufficiently manifested to the world , by the whole course of our government , since our happy restauration , and by the many and frequent wayes of coercion that we have used for reducing all erring or dissenting persons , and for composing the unhappy differences in matters of religion , which we found among our subjects upon our return : but it being evident , by the sad experience of twelve years , that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses , we think our self oblieged to make use of that supream power in ecclesiastical matters , which is not only inherent in us , but hath been declared and recognized to be so by several statutes and acts of parliament ; and therefore , we do now accordingly issue this our declaration , as well for the quieting the minds of our good subjects in these points , for inviting strangers in this conjuncture , to come and live under us , and for the better encouragement of all to a chearfull following of their trade and callings , from whence we hope by the blessing of god , to have many good and happy advantages to our government ; as also , for preventing for the future , the danger that might otherwise arise from private meetings , and seditious conventicles . and in the first place , we declare our express resolution , meaning and intention to be , that the church of england be preserved , and remain entire in its doctrine , discipline and government , as now it stands established by law ; and that this be taken to be , as it is , the basis , rule , and standard of the general and publick worship of god , and that the orthodox conformable clergy do receive and enjoy the revenues belonging thereunto : and that no person , though of a different opinion and perswasion , shall be exempt from paying his tythes , or other dues whatsoever . and further we declare , that no person shall be capable of holding any benefice , living , or ecclesiastical dignity or preferment of any kind , in this our kingdom of england , who is not exactly conformable . we do in the next place declare our will and pleasure to be , that the execution of all and all manner of penal laws in matters ecclesiastical , against whatsoever sort of non-conformists or recusants , be immediately suspended , and they are hereby suspended . and all judges , judges of assize and goal-delivery , sheriffs , justices of the peace , mayors , bayliffs , and other officers whatsoever , whether ecclesiastical or civil , are to take notice of it , and pay due obedience thereunto . and that there may be no pretence for any of our subjects to continue their illegal meetings and conventicles , we do declare , that we shall from time to time allow a sufficient number of places , as they shall be desired , in all parts of this our kingdom , for the use of such as do not conform to the church of england , to meet and assemble in , in order to their publick worship and devotion ; which places shall be open and free to all persons . but to prevent such disorders and inconveniencies as may happen by this our indulgence , if not duly regulated , and that they may be the better protected by the civil magistrate , our express will and pleasure is , that none of our subjects do presume to meet in any place , untill such place be allowed , and the teacher of that congregation be approved by us. and lest any should apprehend , that this restriction should make our said allowance and approbation difficult to be obtained , we do further declare , that this our indulgence , as to the allowance of the publick places of worship , and approbation of the teachers , shall extend to all sorts of non-conformists and recusants , except the recusants of the roman catholick religion , to whom we shall in no wise allow publick places of worship , but only indulge them their share in the common exemption from the execution of the penal laws , and the exercise of their worship in their private houses only . and if after this our clemency and indulgence , any of our subjects shall presume to abuse this liberty , and shall preach seditiously , or to the derogation of the doctrine , discipline or government of the established church , or shall meet in places not allowed by us , we do hereby give them warning , and declare , we will proceed against them with all imaginable severity : and we will let them see , we can be as severe to punish such offenders , when so justly provoked , as we are indulgent to truly tender consciences . given at our court at whitehall , this fourteenth day of march , in the four and twentieth year of our reign . edinburgh , re-printed by evan tyler , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , 1672. a letter, &c. gentlemen and friends, we have given you so full, and so true an account of our intentions ... england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1688 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66143 wing w2342a wing o12_cancelled wing w2489_cancelled estc r22812 12490708 ocm 12490708 37734 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66143) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 37734) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 770:4 and 951:36 or 2163:2) a letter, &c. gentlemen and friends, we have given you so full, and so true an account of our intentions ... england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1688] broadside. signed: your wellwishing and assured friend, w.h.p.o. letter to the army of james ii by william, prince of orange, written about 1 nov. 1688. item at reel 770:4 identified as wing o12 (number cancelled); item at reel 951:36 identified as w2489 (number cancelled). reproductions of originals in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery and bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -great britain -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-10 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter , &c. gentlemen and friends , we have given you so full , and so true an account of our intentions , in this expedition , in our declaration , that as ; we can add nothing to it , so we are sure you can desire nothing more of us . we are come to preserve your religion , and to restore and establish your liberties and properties , and therefore we cannot suffer our selves to doubt , but that all true englishmen will come and concur with us , in our desire to secure these nations from popery and slavery . you must all plainly see , that you are only made use of as instruments to enslave the nation , and ruine the protestant religion , and when that is done , you may judge what ye your selves ought to expect , both from the cashiering of all the protestant and english officers and souldiers in ireland , and by the irish souldiers being brought over to be put in your places ; and of which you have seen so fresh an instance , that we need not put you in mind of it . you know how many of your fellow officers have been used , for their standing firm to the protestant religion , and to the laws of england , and you cannot flatter your selves so far as to expect to be better used , if those who have broke their word so often , should by your means be brought out of those streights to which they are reduced at present . we hope likewise , that you will not suffer your selves to be abused by a false notion of honour , but that you will in the first place consider , what you owe to almighty god and your religion , to your country , to your selves , and to your posterity , which you , as men of honour , ought to prefer , to all private considerations and engagements whatsoever . we do therefore expect , that you will consider the honour that is now set before you , of being the instruments of serving your country , and securing your religion , and we will ever remember the service you shall do us upon this occasion , and will promise to you , that we shall place such particular marks of our favour on every one of you , as your behaviour , at this time , shall deserve of us , and the nation ; in which , we will make a great distinction , of those that shall come seasonably , to joyn their arms with ours , and you shall find us to be your well wishing , and assured friend , w.h.p.o. to the inhabitants of london, this is, a message, in the name of the lord. wollrich, humphry, 1633?-1707. 1663 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a96824 wing w3301 estc r186808 47683572 ocm 47683572 173026 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96824) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 173026) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2661:31) to the inhabitants of london, this is, a message, in the name of the lord. wollrich, humphry, 1633?-1707. 1 sheet ([1] p.). [s.n.], london, : printed in the year 1663. signed: humphrey wollrich. reproduction of original in: friends' library (london, england). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -quaker authors -early works to 1800. prophecies -quaker authors -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london -17th century. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the inhabitants of london , this is , a message , in the name of the lord . thus saith the lord , heaven and earth shall pass away , before one jot or tittle of my word shall pass away unfulfilled ; even my living word is established for ever , and standeth fast in all generations : that which no man made , can no man alter nor change . and this is it to london and the inhabitants thereof ; open your ears to hear , and your hearts to understand the lord's controversie with you : even this is my controversie , saith the lord , and my determination saith the almighty ; who am mighty to perform that which i have spoken , and to bring to pass the thoughs of my heart in all generations . thy decrees made in thee shall not stand , the unrighteous precepts prescribed by thy law-makers shall not continue , they that make them are like unto them , the thoughts of their hearts are altogether vain ; they shall not abide nor continue , but pass away as their own dung , and as the untimely birth of a woman : they shall never see the perfection of that day they look for ; a cloud shall cover it , and a night from the lord , that livethfor ever and ever , shall dwell upon it ; that which is unto the wicked , as the shadow of death , shall dwell upon it . wo be unto all treacherous hearted in thee , that pretend liberty , while they are whetting their swords to slay , and pointing their arrows to shoot at the innocent . their swords shall enter into their own bowels , and arrows stick in their reins , the pit they are digging for the anointed of the lord , and holes to fling his jewels into , they themselves shall fall in . this is my controversie and my determination saith the lord of the whole earth . but , they that make the lord their refuge , even the lord their hiding-place ( at all times ) and fear not man , that must die , and perish as his own dung , but wait on the lord , and in all things that befall them , acknowledge him able to save out of all : your hearts shall live , that seek the lord , even him alone , and his face continually ; in his salvation shall ye rejoyce , and your souls in it shall delight world without end . live in god , the fountain of love , life and power ; there is an end of all sufferings , there the weary be at rest , there the prisoners rest together out of the reach of the oppressor . judge self in every state , strait , and condition ; give not your power to the beast , neither strengthen the wicked , ( nor give them ease ) by looking or seeking unto them for help and deliverance , that are your persecutors ; but with david , let your souls and minds say , our help standeth in the name of the lord , that made heaven and earth . and so , the lord god visit thy own in every one , that we that love it , may rejoyce with it , now and ever more . humphrey wollrich . london , printed in the year 1663. die sabbati 16. januarii. 1640. it is this day ordered by the lords spirituall and temporall in the high court of parliament assembled, that the divine service be performed as it is appointed by the acts of parliament of this realm: ... england and wales. parliament. house of lords. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83899 of text r209695 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[17]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83899 wing e2807 thomason 669.f.3[17] estc r209695 99868561 99868561 160575 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83899) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160575) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[17]) die sabbati 16. januarii. 1640. it is this day ordered by the lords spirituall and temporall in the high court of parliament assembled, that the divine service be performed as it is appointed by the acts of parliament of this realm: ... england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. order to be printed: die jovis 9. septemb. 1641. with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a83899 r209695 (thomason 669.f.3[17]). civilwar no die sabbati 16. januarii. 1640. it is this day ordered by the lords spirituall and temporall in the high court of parliament assembled, that england and wales. parliament. 1641 169 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit ❧ die sabbati 16. januarii . 1640. it is this day ordered by the lords spirituall and temporall in the high court of parliament assembled , that the divine service be performed as it is appointed by the acts of parliament of this realm : and that all such as shall disturbe that wholsom order , shall be severely punished according to the law : and the parsons , vicars , and curates in the severall parishes , shall forbear to introduce any rites or ceremonies that may give offence , otherwise then those which are established by the laws of the land . ❧ die jovis 9. septemb. 1641. it is this day voted by the lords in parliament that the order abovesaid shall be printed and published . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641 new propositions propounded at the kings royall court at holmby, betwixt the kings most excellent majesty, and mr. marshall and mr. caryll concerning the presbyteriall government, the booke of common-prayer, and the directory : also his majesties severall reasons, concerning episcopacy, and mr. marshalls reply for the cleering his majesties objections : together with divers remarkable passages of the commissioners of the kingdome of scotland, propounded to his majesty for his royall assent to the propositions, and signing the covenant : with another message from his majesty at holmby, to both houses of parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a52970 of text r19889 in the english short title catalog (wing n730). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a52970 wing n730 estc r19889 12353853 ocm 12353853 60058 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52970) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60058) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 643:22) new propositions propounded at the kings royall court at holmby, betwixt the kings most excellent majesty, and mr. marshall and mr. caryll concerning the presbyteriall government, the booke of common-prayer, and the directory : also his majesties severall reasons, concerning episcopacy, and mr. marshalls reply for the cleering his majesties objections : together with divers remarkable passages of the commissioners of the kingdome of scotland, propounded to his majesty for his royall assent to the propositions, and signing the covenant : with another message from his majesty at holmby, to both houses of parliament. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. caryll, john, 1625-1711. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) scotland. parliament. [2], 6 p. printed for f.f., london : feb. 26, 1647. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. church of england. -book of common prayer. church and state -scotland. a52970 r19889 (wing n730). civilwar no nevv propositions propounded at the kings royall court at holmby, betwixt the kings most excellent majesty, and mr. marshall and mr. caryll. [no entry] 1647 1194 2 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevv propositions propounded at the kings royall court at holmby , betwixt the kings most excellent majesty , and mr. marshall and mr. caryll . concerning the presbyteriall government , the booke of common-prayer , and the directory . also , his majesties severall reasons , concerning episcopacy , and mr. marshalls reply for the cleering his majesties objections . together with divers remarkable passages of the commissioners of the kingdome of scotland , propounded to his majesty for his royall assent to the propositions , and signing the covenant . with another message from his majesty at holmby , to both houses of parliament . published by order of parliament . london , printed for f. f. feb. 26. 1647. new propositions , propounded at the kings royall court at holmby , betwixt the kings most excellent majesty , and mr. marshall , and mr. caryll . the parliament of scotland have sate very close , about the disposall of his majesties royall person , and his future reigne and government of himselfe and his royall posterity , which indeed is a thing of high concernment and very much desired , by his majesties subjects within the kingdome of england : their hearts relenting , untill the time of expitation , of the great businesse now in dispence , betweene the soveraigne and the subject ; their eyes being fully fixed upon this state-object , longing to see that happy day of the joyfull returne of their gracious soveraigne , to his tribunall throne at london . for , the accomplishing of these their long-wished desires , his majesties loyall subjects , ( the parliaments of both kingdomes ) doe likewise endeavour to bring to a speedy period , and instant of time ; if so be , his gracious majesty would be pleased , to hearken to the faithfull advice of his two great councels , by signing the propositions , and taking the covenant , that so the distractions of the church of england , may be fully composed , and the purity of religion firmely established , within his majesties realmes and dominions . and to this end , the estates of scotland , do freely and unanimously concurre with the parliament of england , for the humble advising of his majesty to condiscend to these their propositions , viz. 1. that his majesty would be pleased ( no longer to continue in this adverse way ) but to unite himselfe with them , and to give his royall assent for the signing of the propositions ; that so , all differences may be composed within his majesties realmes of england and scotland . 2. that his majestie would be graciously pleased to unite his royall heart with his subjects of both kingdomes , by taking that blessed covenant , first drawn up , by the divine will and pleasure of the great iehovah , in the highest throne , and here confirmed upon earth , ( by his omnipotent power ) for the finishing of his great worke ; that so the purity and light of his gospell , might spring and grow up , both in the hearts of prince and people , and shine in all lustre , throughout the realmes of england and scotland . 3. that his majesty would be pleased to embrace these their humble and loyall desires , by signing the propositions and taking the covenant , his subjects of scotland do declare , that his gracious majesty and his royall posterity , should not suffer in the least , &c. and for the further effecting of this gallant worke , no meanes and waies is unsought by the commissioners of both kingdomes for the retarding of it , but doth daily use their utmost endeavours for the attaining of the same , which god grant may be speedily b●ought to a period . for , how would his majesties loyall subjects rejoyce , to heare that tryumphant sound , and melodious eccho , of his majesties concurrence with his great councells , by setting his royall hand to signe the propositions , and bending his gracious heart to receive this faithfull covenant . a message from his majesty to both houses of parliament . carolus rex . sine i have never dissembled , nor hid my conscience : and that i am not yet satisfied with the alteration in religion , to which ye desire my consent . i will not loose time in giving reasons ( which are too obvious to every body ) why it is fit for me to be attended by some of my chaplaines , whose opinions , as clergy-men , i esteeme and reverence . not onely for the exercise of my conscience , but also for the cleering of my judgement , concerning the present differences in religion ; as i have at full declared to mr. marshall , and his fellow-minister : having shewed them that is the best and likeliest means of giving me satisfaction ( which without it i cannot have ) in these things , whereby the distractions of the church may be the better se●led . wherefore i desire , that at least two of these reverend divines , whose names i have here set downe , may have free liberty to wait upon mee , for the discharging of their nuties to mee , according to their fuection . from holmby this present moneth of february , 1646. for the speaker of the house of peers , pro tempore , to bee communicated to the two houses of parliament at westminster assembled . charles rex . the bishop of london . the bishop of salisbury . the bishop of peterborough . dr. shelden , cler of my closet . dr. may , deane of yorke . dr. sanderson . dr. bayley . d. heywood . dr. beale . dr. fuller . dr. hammond . dr. tayler . the kings majesty is verb desirous to come neere london , but yet expresseth himselfe very gallantly at holmby , and is very familiar with the commissioners of both kingdomes , and hath had severall conferences with the english divines , about religion and the government of the church of england , having propounded severall reasons unto them , why he will not give his royall assent for the confirming of the presbyteriall way , and setling of the directory : desiring likewise to have a conference with twelve learned divines of the episcopall government , that so he may be cleered of some points , which as yet seemeth very strange unto him . but as mr. marshall and m. caroll doth use their utmost endeavours for the convincing of his majesty , and to cleer some scruples about the directory , which his majesty objects against : but within few dayes wee hope to heare of the happy tydings of his majesties royall assent , to the desire and humble supplication of his great councell the parliaments of both kingdomes . finis . the address of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, to the king's most excellent majesty, for maintaining the church of england, as by law established with his majesty's most gracious answer thereunto, die martis 16. aprilis, 1689. england and wales. parliament. 1689 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a82517 wing e1189 estc r229550 38875512 ocm 38875512 152257 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82517) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 152257) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2288:4) the address of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, to the king's most excellent majesty, for maintaining the church of england, as by law established with his majesty's most gracious answer thereunto, die martis 16. aprilis, 1689. england and wales. parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], edinburgh : re-printed in the year, 1689. imperfect: stained. reproduction of original in: huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -establishment and disestablishment. church and state -great britain. broadsides -edinburgh (scotland) -17th century. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the addres of the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons , to the king 's most excellent majesty , for maintaining the church of england , as by law established ; with his majesties most gracious answer therunto . die martis 16. aprilis , 1689. may it please your majesty , your majesties most loyal and obedient subjects , the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons in parliament assembled , do with utmost duty and affection , render to your majesty our most humble and hearty thanks for your gracious declaration , and repeated assurances , that you will maintain the church of england , established by law , which your majesty hath been pleased to rescue from that dangerous conspiracy that was laid for her destruction , with the hazard of your royal person . and her zeal against popery , having appeared at all times , and more especially of late , beyond the contradiction of her most malicious enemies ; it being likewise evident , that her loyalty hath alwayes been unquestionable , and that the misfortunes of the last reign can be attributed to nothing more than the endeavours that were used to subvert it . we therefore humbly pray your majesty will be graciously pleased to continue your care for the preservation of the same , whereby you wiil effectually establish your throne , by securing the hearts of your majesties subjects within these your realms , who can no way better shew their zeal for your service , than by a firm adherence to that church , whose constitution is best suited to the support of this monarchy . we likewise humbly pray , that according to the ancient practice and usage of this kingdom in time of parliament , your majesty will be graciously pleased to issue forth writs , as soon as conveniently may be , for calling a convocation of the clergy of this kingdom ; to be advised with in ecclesiastical matters , assuring your majesty , it is our intention forthwith to proceed to the consideration of giving ease to protestant dissenters . william r. though i have had many occasions of assuring you , that i will maintain the church of england as by law established ; yet i am well pleased with every opportunity of repeating those promises , which i am resolved to perform , by supporting this church , whose loyalty i doubt not will enable me to answer your just expectations . and as my design in coming hither was to rescue you from the miseries you laboured under ; so it is a great satisfaction to me , that by the success god has given me , i am in a station of defending this church , which has effectually shewn her zeal against popery , and shall always be my peculiar care . and i do hope the ease you design to dissenters , will contribute very much to the establishment of this church , which therefore i do earnestly recommend to you , that the occasions of differences and mutual animosities may be removed ; and as soon as conveniently may be , i will summon a convocation . die sabathi , 20 aprilis , 1689. ordered by the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled , that the address of both houses , presented to his majesty yesterday , and his majesties most gracious answer thereunto , be forthwith printed and published . jo. browne , cleric . parliamentor . edinburgh , re-printed in the year , 1689. die mercurii: 5⁰ maii. 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament, that the preamble, together with the protestation, which the members of this house made the third of may, shall be forthwith printed, and the copies printed brought to the clark of the said house, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83737 of text r209676 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[6]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83737 wing e2609a thomason 669.f.3[6] estc r209676 99868541 99868541 160564 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83737) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160564) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[6]) die mercurii: 5⁰ maii. 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament, that the preamble, together with the protestation, which the members of this house made the third of may, shall be forthwith printed, and the copies printed brought to the clark of the said house, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. this edition has 4 paragraphs. annotation on thomason copy: "different from ye former. fo. 28". with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a83737 r209676 (thomason 669.f.3[6]). civilwar no die mercurii: 5⁰ maii. 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament, that the preamble, together with th england and wales. parliament. 1641 905 2 0 0 0 0 0 22 c the rate of 22 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ die mercurii : 5o maii. 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament , that the preamble , together with the protestation , which the members of this house made the third of may , shall be forthwith printed , and the copies printed brought to the clark of the said house , to attest under his hand , to the end that the knights , citizens , & burgesses may send them down to the sheriffs and justices of peace of the several shires , and to the citizens and burgesses of the severall cities , boroughs , and cinque ports , respectively . and the knights , citizens , and burgesses , are to intimate unto the shires , cities , boroughs , and cinque ports , with what willingnesse all the members of this house made this protestation : and further to signifie , that as they justifie the taking of it in themselves , so they cannot but approve it in all such as shall take it . we the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the commons house in parliament , finding , to the great griefe of our hearts , that the designes of the priests and iesuites , and other adherents to the see of rome , have of late been more boldly and frequently put in practice then formerly to the undermining and danger of the ruine of the true reformed protestant religion in his maiesties dominions established : and finding also that there have been , and having iust cause to suspect that there still are , even during this sitting in parliament , indeavours to subvert the fundamentall lawes of england and ireland , and to introduce the exercise of an arbitrary and tyrannicall government , by most pernicious and wicked counsels , practices , plots , and conspiracies : and that the long intermission , and unhappy breach of parliaments , hath occasioned many illegal taxations , whereupon the subiect hath been prosecuted and grieved : and that divers innovations and superstitions have been brought into the church ▪ multitudes driven out of his maiesties dominions , iealousies raised and fomented betwixt the king and his people , a popish army leavied in ireland , and two armies brought into the bowels of t●is kingdome , to the hazard of his maiesties royall person , the consumption of the revenues of the crown , and treasure of this kingdom : and lastly finding great cause of iealousie , that indeavours have been , and are used to bring the english army into a misunderstanding of this parliament , thereby to incline that army , with force to bring to passe those wicked counsels , have therefore thought good to ioyne our selves in a declaration of our united affections and resolutions , and to make this ensuing protestation . i a. b. do in the presence of almighty god , promise , vow , and protest , to maintain and defend , as far as lawfully i may , with my life , power , and estate , the true reformed protestant religion , expressed in the doctrine of the church of england against all popery and popish innovations within this realm , contrary to the same doctrine , and according to the duty of my allegiance , his majesties royall person , honour , and estate ; as also the power and priviledges of parliament ; the lawfull rights and liberties of the subject , and every person that maketh this protestation , in whatsoever he shall doe in the lawfull pursuance of the same . and to my power , and as far as lawfully i may , i will oppose , and by all good wayes and meanes indeavour to bring to condigne punishment , all such as shall either by force , practice , counsels , plots , conspiracies , or otherwise , do any thing to the contrary of any thing in this present protestation contained . and further , that i shall in all just and honourable wayes indeavour to preserve the union and peace betweene the three kingdomes of england , scotland , and ireland ; and neither for hope , feare , nor other respect , shall relinquish this promise , vow , and protestation . whereas some doubts have been raised by severall persons out of this house , concerning the meaning of these words contained in the protestation lately made by the members of this house , ( viz. ) the true reformed protestant religion , expressed in the doctrine of the church of england against all popery and popish innovations within this realm , contrary to the same doctrine ; this house doth declare , that by those words , was and is meant , onely the publick doctrine professed in the said church , so far as it is opposite to popery and popish innovations ; and that the said words are not to be extended to the maintaining of any form of worship , discipline , or government , nor of any rites or ceremonies of the said church of england . ❧ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. die mercurii, 9. may 1660. resolved upon the question by the lords and commons assembled in parliament, that all and every the ministers throughout the kingdoms of england and ireland, dominion of wales and town of bewick upon twede, do and are hereby required, and enjoyned, in their publick prayers, to pray for the kings most excellent majesty, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83459 of text r36412 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.25[15]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83459 wing e2265b thomason 669.f.25[15] estc r36412 99870566 99870566 163820 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83459) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163820) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f25[15]) die mercurii, 9. may 1660. resolved upon the question by the lords and commons assembled in parliament, that all and every the ministers throughout the kingdoms of england and ireland, dominion of wales and town of bewick upon twede, do and are hereby required, and enjoyned, in their publick prayers, to pray for the kings most excellent majesty, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john macock, and francis tyton, printers to the house of lords, london : 1660. title from caption and opening lines of text. "all ministers to pray for the king, james duke of york, and the rest of the royal progeny. ministers are to give thanks for the king's letters to both houses, the commanders-in chief, and the lord mayor, &c. on the day of thanksgiving, thursday next. on thursday fortnight, they are to read the letters and declaration from the pulpit." -cf. steele. order to print dated: die mercurii, 9. may 1660. signed: jo. browne, cleric. parliamentorum. annotation on thomason copy: "may 9". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -ii, -king of england, 1630-1685 -early works to 1800. england and wales. -sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -early works to 1800. a83459 r36412 (thomason 669.f.25[15]). civilwar no die mercurii, 9. may 1660. resolved upon the question by the lords and commons assembled in parliament,: that all and every the ministers t england and wales. parliament. 1660 447 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit die mercurii , 9. may 1660. resolved upon the question by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that all and every the ministers throughout the kingdoms of england and ireland , dominion of wales , and town of berwick upon twede , do and are hereby required , and enjoyned , in their publick prayers , to pray for the kings most excellent majesty , by the name of our soveraign , lord charls , by the grace of god , of england , scotland , france , and ireland king , defendor of the faith , &c. and for the most illustrious prince james , duke of york , and the rest of the royal progeny . resolved upon the question by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that the ministers who are appointed to officiate before both houses upon thursday next , being the day appointed for a publick thanksgiving , and all other ministers within the cities of london and westminster , and the late lines of communication , who in their several churches , and chappels , are to carry on the duties of that day . and also all other ministers who are on that day fortnight to perform the like duty throughout the kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , and town of berwick upon twede , shall be , and are hereby enjoyned to return thanks to almighty god for his majesties several gracious letters to both houses of parliament , and to the commanders in chief of the forces both by land and sea , and to the lord mayor , and common-council of the city of london , together with the declarations enclosed , and the iust and honourable concessions therein contained , and for the hearty , loyal , and dutiful conjunction of the lords and commons now assembled in parliament , and the vniversal concurrence of all the commanders and forces both by land and sea , to receive his majesty into his dominions and government , according to their bounden duty , and the laws of the land ; and that the ministers upon thursday fortnight be enjoyned to read his majesties letters and declarations to both houses in their several churches and chappels at the same time . die mercurii , 9. may 1660. ordered by the lords in parliament assembled , that these resolves be forthwith printed and published . jo . browne , cleric . parliamentorum . london , printed by john macock , and francis tyton , printers to the house of lords , 1660. a proposal of union amongst protestants, from the last-will of the most reverend doctor sands sometime archbishop of york (as the sentiment of the first reformers) humbly presented to the parliament. sandys, edwin, 1516?-1588. 1679 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a56021 wing p3709a estc r182167 12121261 ocm 12121261 54432 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56021) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54432) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 875:32) a proposal of union amongst protestants, from the last-will of the most reverend doctor sands sometime archbishop of york (as the sentiment of the first reformers) humbly presented to the parliament. sandys, edwin, 1516?-1588. 4 p. s.n., [london : 1679] reproduction of original in huntington library. caption title. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestantism -great britain -political aspects. -great britain. church and state -great britain. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proposal of union amongst protestants , from the last-will of the most reverend doctor sands sometime archbishop of york ; ( as the sentiment of the first reformers ) humbly presented to the parliament . right honourable , for the divisions of reuben there once were great thoughts and searchings of heart ; and well may there be the like at this day for those among us in england , by which , not the seamless coat of christ , but his precious mystical body is miserably rent and torn in pieces . at this many are exceeding angry ( if from a right principle it is well ) , and complaints do every where abound ; but what , ah ! what is done in order to a cure ? some indeed have offer'd at it , but greatly mistaken their way , inflaming the wounds , instead of healing them . peace with god , and conscience , and among the brethren , is that legacy , which our dearest lord left unto his disciples . cordial and mutual love springing up in all expressions of kindness , is that amiable badg by which he would have them known in the world. in a word , vnion and communion among christians , is both the beauty and strength of the church ; that renders her lovely as a city compacted together , and terrible as an army with banners . hence it is , that our saviour did so earnestly pray his father , that his people might be one , and made perfect in one ; and paul did with utmost importunity press the philippians to have the same love , to be like minded , and of one accord . and oh ! that all , upon whom the name of christ is called , would carefully attend to this advice , and follow it , keeping the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace : for by this means our church would become a paradise , and earth a kind of heaven . to endeavour , and ( by the happy concurrence of a divine blessing ) to effect so great and good a work as unity in the church , and concord among christians , is most worthy of so august an assembly as an english parliament ; yea , of such a parliament as you are , whom we have many and many a year longed for , and do now with our souls rejoyce to see . what doth more nearly concern you , or what possibly can more highly exalt you in the love ▪ and esteem of all truly religious and sober persons both in the present and future generations , than your being instruments in the divine hand for the undoing of heavy burdens , breaking every oppressing yoke , and taking stumbling blocks out of the way , that all the sons and daughters of sion may worship god in the beauties of holiness , with one shoulder , and with one consent . and is not this a time for it ? is not this the time ? when can you find a fitter ? when can healing-endeavours be more in season ? violence of storms should drive the sheep together . desperate plots , practices and attempts of busie and irreconcilable enemies , should more closely and firmly unite jarring friends . hannibal is at the gate . the pope and his emissaries , the iesuits with their vassals , seek our ruine . they have been long travailing with mischief , and brought to the birth , and were at the very point of bringing forth , had not our gracious god wonderfully interposed both for discovery and prevention . oh! let not protestants devour one another , when their popish adversaries would devour all ; who are not yet satisfied , but as much as ever thirst for blood . besides , not only the rage of men , but the rod of god should teach us peace and quietness . it becomes us to give over our unchristian contendings with one another , seeing god hath with great severity in various ways contended with us all . sundry years we have been in the furnace of affliction , and should be so througly melted , as easily to run into one : i mean all those in england who fear god , and desire to see the king of saints in his beauty . i know there is an implacable enmity put by god himself between the seed of the woman , and the seed of the serpent ; and as luther saith , cain will murder abel to the end of the world . but if any , professing religion , should be of implacable spirits , resolved to carry their heats and animosities down with them to the grave , their speedy march off would be a mercy to the church and nation , unless god please to mollifie their hearts into a brotherly compliance upon good terms . and blessed be his name , there is a cementing , healing spirit to be found among many , very many in the nation , who long for peace , and pray for peace , and are most willing to deny themselves , and do any thing for peace , only they dare not forsake holiness , neglect their duty , nor wound their consciences by offending god : and i doubt not , but many of their brethren would go far to meet them , and welcom that day in which all middle-walls of partition shall be broken down . how sweet , how exceeding sweet is that passage lately dropt from the lip and pen of that very learned and reverend divine , dr. tillotson , being brethren upon so many accounts , and by so many bonds and endearments all united to one another , and all travelling toward the same countrey , why do we fall out by the way ? since we are brethren , why do we not , as becomes brethren , dwell together in unity ? his most excellent majesty ( under whose refrigerating shadow we have enjoyed so much tranquillity ) hath made frequent motions for the composing of differences among us ; but unto this day , too too few in place and power have written after so fair a copy , or trodden in the steps of his royal clemency . he hath now again in his late most gracious speech to your honours , propounded vnion as the end he ai●● at , and which , he wisheth , would be extended to protestants abroad as well as at home . a saying most highly becoming so great a prince , a defender of the faith , and unquestionably , chief of the protestant party . god grant he may live long , and act vigorously toward the effecting of so glorious a design , that not only we , but the children yet unborn may rise up and call him blessed . most noble sirs , give us leave with some confidence to hope , that you are like-minded , and herein will joyn issue with his sacred majesty . among those other weighty and arduous affairs which will be before you , be pleased , as our great physicians , to reach out to us an healing hand . a divine told us of late . that the church of england is ready with open arms to embrace those that do dissent ; and it may be rationally concluded , that dissenters are full out as ready to be embraced ; doubtless those that have been so long underfoot , and in the dust , having very hard measure meted out to them , would gladly be taken up now into the arms ; surely such unwonted kindness would fill their mouths with thankfulness , and put them into an extacy of joy provided there be nothing in the terms to choak them . it is no kindness to hug the man , and wound his conscience . may it please you , right honourable , with a tender hand , by a safe and right way , to bring them into the bosom of their mother . it is not for me , the meanest of ten thousand , to act the dictator ; no , no , i will turn orator , and humbly pray , that you may be all taught of god , and endued with a spirit of wisdom and understanding , to find out proper and effectual means and methods , for the bringing about this ever-to be desired harmony and accord among protestants . only this i crave leave with all humility and earnestness to beg , that what god hath not set up in the church , may be pull'd down ; and those things taken out of the way , which have been , and always will be bones of contention among persons truly learned and godly . may that be rejected as an innovation , which is not as old as the apostles ; and nothing imposed upon ministers or people , but what hath footing and warrant in the holy scriptures : oh that all dissenters would come up to the church of england , as far as ever they can with a good conscience ; and oh that they also may be so far condescended to . and certainly it can neither be prejudicial to the church to yield in those things which ( dissenters account sinful , and ) she her self calls indifferent ; and upon that score are at best but chips in porridg , not worth contending for . nor can it be any unhandsome or dishonourable reflexion upon our first renowned reformers , whose memory is deservedly dear to us ; for they did famously in this our israel , casting out abundance of filth and rubbish , laying a good foundation , and making an admirable progress in the structure ; yet such was the iniquity of the times , the rage of their enemies , and the opposition they met with , that they did not , nay they could not finish the work , nor add the top-stone to the reformation , but left something for their successors to do , which are you : the good lord give you an heart to do it . rome was not built , nor could it be pull'd down in a day , or in an age. since therefore his most sacred majesty , ( being thorowly sensible of the great advantage our common enemy , the papist , hath received by the breaches that have not only been made , but hitherto continued among such as profess the same faith ) , hath been graciously pleased to recommend to your special care the concern of the protestant interest , as well at home as abroad , and hath commanded the honourable the lord chancellor of england to acquaint you , that he judgeth it a thing necessary for you in your great wisdom , to find out some way for the relief of such protestants as do wander only from the church of england , thorow the tenderness of their consciences , being such as would not destroy it , but do build upon the same foundation with your selves ; i take upon me the humble boldness to offer to your honours serious consideration , the sentiments , and very words of one of the very first reformers of our church of england ▪ as it remains upon record , being extracted out of the last will and testament of the most reverend father in god , edward sands , late arch-bishop of york , being the general sense of the said reformers , of which you may be more fully satisfied from the words themselves . concerning rights and ceremonies , by political constitutions authorized among us ; as i am , and have been perswaded , that such as are set down by publick authority in this church of england , are no way either ungodly or unlawful , but may with good conscience for order and obedience-sake be used of a good christian ( for the private baptism to be ministred by women , i take neither to be prescribed nor permitted ) ; so have i ever been , and presently am perswaded , that some of them be not so expedient for this church now , but that in the church reformed , and in all this time of the gospel , wherein the seed of the scripture hath so long been sown , they may better be difused by little and little , than more and more urged . howbeit , as i do easily acknowledg our ecclesiastical policy in some points may be better'd , so do i utterly mislike , even in my conscience , all such rude and undigested platforms as have been more lately and boldly , than either learnedly or wisely preferred , tending not to the reformation , but to the destruction of the church of england . the particularities of both sorts referred to the discretion of the godly-wise ; of the latter i only say thus ; that the state of a small private church , and the form of a large christian kingdom , neither would long like , nor can at all brook one and the same ecclesiastical government . thus much i thought good to testifie concerning these ecclesiastical matters , to clear me of all suspicion of double and indirect dealing in the house of god ; wherein , as touching mine office , i have not halted , but walked sincerely according to that skill and ability which i received at gods merciful hand , &c. l. probatum apud london , &c. vicesimo secundo die mensis maii anno domini milissimo quingessimo nonagissimo juramento iohannis theaker notarii publici procuratoris ciciliae relictae & executoris , &c. cui , &c. de bene , &c. jurat . drury , fol. 30. marcus cottle regist. i shall not trouble you with any observations of mine upon this discourse of that reverend person , but submit it to your honours judgment , and take further boldness to subjoyn a remarkable passage of the truly worthy and reverend dean tillotson . viz. it is not for private persons to undertake in matters of publick concernment ; but i think we have no cause to doubt , but the governours of our church ( notwithstanding all the advantages of authority , ( and we think of reason too on our side ) are persons of that piety and prudence , that for peace-sake , and in order to a firm vnion among protestants , they would be content , if that would do it , not to insist upon little things , but to yield them up , whether to the infirmity , or importunity , or perhaps in some very few things , to the plausible exceptions of those who differ from us . oh that it may be according to his word ; and so i shall most cheerfully yield to him , that , on the other side , men ought to bring along with them a peaceable disposition , and a mind ready to comply with the church in which they were born and baptized , in all reasonable and lawful things , and desirous upon any terms that are tolerable to return to the communion of it ; a mind free from passion and prejudice , from peevish exceptions , and groundless and endless scruples : and such i perswade my self all sober and pious dissenters will be found . and now , right honourable , i humbly crave your gracious entertainment of these few lines , sent indeed from a mean and unknown hand , but from an heart full-fraught with loyalty to his majesty , and dutiful respects to your honours , and zeal for the purity , peace and prosperity of the reformed church , and particularly that part of it , which gods right hand hath planted in this famous island . i shall not sin in ceasing to pray , that the good hand of god may be upon you , that he would spirit , direct , assist and succeed you , that you may be the repairers of our breaches , and the restorers of paths to dwell in . the father of mercies , and god of peace grant , that there may be no longer among us the noise of axes and hammers ; no more crumbling into parties and factions , no more divisions nor causes of them ; but that our english ierusalem may be as a bride made ready for her husband . that upon all our assemblies there may be a glory , and upon that glory a defence . finis . proclamation for a solemn national thanksgiving scotland. privy council. 1695 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05614 wing s1801 estc r183480 53299284 ocm 53299284 180016 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05614) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 180016) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2810:41) proclamation for a solemn national thanksgiving scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, edinburgh, : 1695. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion letterhead with royal emblems proclamation for a solemn national thanksgiving . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith ; to our lovits , macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch , as it hath pleased almighty god graciously to prosper our arms in the besieging and taking of the town and strong castle of namure , and to preserve our person in the manisold dangers to which we were thereby exposed ; for which signal mercy , and the other successes and advantages that we and our arms have been blessed with , during this campaign : as we and all our good subjects are bound to render thanks to god , so we conceive it no less our duty , from so happy and propitious beginnings , to implore the goodness of the same almighty god , to continue his gracious countenance and assistance with us , for such a happy conclusion to this campaign , as may procure peace to christendome , and the security of the true protestant religion . therefore we have thought fit , with advice of the lords of our privy council , to appoint , likeas we hereby appoint a day of solemn thanksgiving and prayers to be observed within this kingdom , upon the days following , viz. in the town of edinburgh , and shire thereof , on the fifteenth day of september instant ; and in the other parochs and churches on this side of tay , on the twenty second day of the said month ; and in the whole remanent parochs and churches of this kingdom upon the twenty ninth day of the famine month ; which day of thanksgiving and prayers , for the causes and ends foresaids we hereby petemptorly enjoyn to be observed , with all religious exercises suitable to such an occasion , and by all ministers and others therein concerned , as they will be answerable under their highest peril . our will is herefore , and we charge you that incontinent thir our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and the mercat-crosses of the remanent head-burghs of the several shires within this kingdom ; and there in our name and authority make publication hereof , that none pretend ignorance : and ordains our solicitor to cause send printed copies hereof to the sheriffs of the several shires , and their clerks , whom we ordain to see the same published , and appoints them to send doubles thereof to the ministers within their bounds , that upon the lords day immediatly preceeding the saids days above-appointed , the same may be publickly intimat and read . and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the third day of september , and of our reign the seventh year , 1695 . gilb . eliot cls. sti. concilii . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty , 1695. a copy of the speakers letter to the vice-chancellour and the heads of houses of the vniversity of oxford together with the protestation and declaration with it. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a47684 of text r34969 in the english short title catalog (wing l1070). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a47684 wing l1070 estc r34969 14917531 ocm 14917531 102910 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47684) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102910) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1573:15) a copy of the speakers letter to the vice-chancellour and the heads of houses of the vniversity of oxford together with the protestation and declaration with it. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. [2], 14 p. printed by leonard lichfield, oxford : 1642. signed: william lenthall. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. eng church and state -england. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a47684 r34969 (wing l1070). civilwar no a copy of the speakers letter to the vice-chancellour and the heads of houses of the vniversity of oxford, together with the protestation an lenthall, william 1642 3268 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion copy of the speakers letter to the vice-chancellour and the heads of houses of the vniversity of oxford , together with the protestation and declaration with it . oxford , printed by leonard lichfield , anno dom. 1642. to the vice-chancellovr , and the heads of hovses of the vniversity of oxford . mr vice-chauncellour , it is now some moneths since that the protestation taken by the lords and house of commons , was sent downe into the country with an expectation that it should be generally taken throughout the kingdome , for a testimony of their good concurrence with the parliament . but through the remissnesse of some of those that had the care of recommending it to others , very many there be that have not hitherto taken it . now the house of commons ( having discovered many dangerous designes , plotted against the parliament , and especially , that of the fourth of this instant ianuary , which had it taken effect , would have strucken , not only at the priviledges , but the very being of parliaments , as will more appeare by the declaration herewith sent unto you , which the house desires you to publish through all parts of the university of oxford , ) have thought fitt once againe to recommend the taking of this protestation , and have therefore commanded me in their name to desire you , and all , and every the heads of houses in the same university , to meet together in one place , as soone as possibly you may , and there to take the protestation your selves , and then to call together all , and every the masters , schollars , and servants of the same university , being of the age of 18. yeares or upwards , and tender unto them the protestation , to bee taken in the presence of you , the said mr uice-chancelour , and the said heads of houses ; and to take the names both of those that doe take , and doe refuse to take the same protestation , and to returne them unto the burgesses serving for that university , before the 20th day of february next , wherein the house desires your greatest care and diligence , as a matter very much importing the good , both of the king and kingdome , which being all i have in command , i rest 8o . febr. 1641. your very loving friend william lenthall speaker . die mercurij : 5o . maij. 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament , that the preamble , together with the protestation , which the members of this house made the third of may , shall be forthwith printed , and the copies printed brought to the clark of the said house , to attest under his hand , to the end that the knights , citizens , and burgesses may send them downe to the sheriffes and iustices of peace of the severall shires , and to the citizens and burgesses of the severall cities , boroughs , and cinque ports , respectively . and the knights , citizens , and burgesses , are to intimate unto the shires , cities , boroughs , and cinque ports , with what willingnesse all the members of this house made this protestation : and further to signify , that as they justify the taking of it in themselves , so they cannot but approve it in all such as shall take it . we the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the commons house in parliament , finding , to the great griefe of our hearts , that the designes of the priests and iesuites , and other adherents to the see of rome , have of late been more boldly and frequently put in practise then formerly , to the undermining and danger of the ruine of the true reformed protestant religion in his maiesties dominions established : and finding also that there have been , and having iust cause to suspect that there still are , even during this sitting in parliament , indeavours to subvert the fundamentall lawes of england and ireland , & to introduce the exercise of an arbitrary and tyrannicall government , by most pernicious and wicked councells , practises , plots , and conspiracies : and that the long intermission , and unhappy breach of parliaments , hath occasioned many illegall taxations , whereupon the subiect hath been prosecuted and grieved : and that diverse innovations and superstitions have been brought into the church ; multitudes driven out of his maiesties dominions , iealousies raised and fomented betwixt the king and his people , a popish army levyed in ireland , and two armies brought into the bowells of this kingdome , to the hazard of his maiesties royall person , the consumption of the revenues of the crowne , and treasure of this kingdome : and lastly , finding great cause of iealousie , that indeavours have been , and are used to bring the english army into a misunderstanding of this parliament , thereby to incline that army , with force to bring to passe those wicked councells , have therefore thought good to ioyne our selves in a declaration of our united affections and resolutions , and to make this ensuing protestation . i a. b. doe in the presence of almighty god , promise , vow , and protest , to maintaine and defend , as farre as lawfully i may , with my life , power , and estate , the true reformed protestant religion , expressed in the doctrine of the church of england against all popery and popish innovations within this realme , contrary to the same doctrine , and according to the duty of my allegiance , his majesties royall person , honour , and estate ; as also the power and priviledges of parliament ; the lawfull rights and liberties of the subject , and every person that maketh this protestation , in whatsoever he shall doe in the lawfull pursuance of the same . and to my power , and as farre as lawfully i may , i will oppose , and by all good wayes and meanes indeavour to bring to condigne punishment , all such as shall either by force , practise , councells , plots , conspiracies or otherwise , doe any thing to the contrary of anything in this present protestation contained . and further , that i shall in all just and honourable wayes indeavour to preserve the union and peace between the three kingdomes of england , scotland , and ireland ; and neither for hope , feare , nor other respect , shall relinquish this promise , vow and protestation . whereas some doubts have been raised by severall persons out of this house , concerning the meaning of these words contained in the protestation lately made by the members of this house , ( viz : ) the true reformed protestant religion , expressed in the doctrine of the church of england against all popery and popish innovations within this realme , contrary to the same doctrine ; this house doth declare , that by those words , was and is meant , onely the publike doctrine professed in the said church , so farre as it is opposite to popery and popish innovations ; and that the said words are not to be extended to the maintaining of any forme of worship , discipline , or goverment , nor of any rites or ceremonies of the said church of england . h. elsyng . cler. parl. de com. a declaration of the house of commons , touching the late breach of their priviledges ; and for the vindication thereof , and of divers members of the said house . whereas the chambers , studies , and trunks , of master denzill hollis , sir arthur haslerigg , master iohn pym , master iohn hampden , and master william strode esquires , members of the house of commons , upon munday the 3. of this instant ianuary , by colour of his majesties warrant have been sealed up by sir william killigrew , and sir william flemen , and others , which is not only against the priviledge of parliament , but the common liberty of every subject : which said members afterwards , the same day were under the like colour , by serjeant francis , one of his majesties serjeants at arms , contrary to all former presidents demanded of the speaker , sitting in the house of commons , to be delivered unto him , that he might arrest them of high treason . and whereas , afterwards the next day , his majesty in his royall person , came to the same house attended with a great multitude of men armed in a warlike manner , with halberts , swords , and pistolls , who came up to the very door of the house , and placed themselves there , and in other places , and passages neer the said house , to the great terrour and disturbance of the members then sitting ; and according to their duty in a peaceable , and orderly manner , treating of the great affaires of england and ireland . and his majesty having placed himselfe in the speakers chair , demanded of them the persons of the said members to be delivered unto him , which is a high breach of the rights , and priviledges of parliament , and inconsistent with the liberties , and freedom thereof . and whereas , afterwards his majesty did issue forth severall warrants to divers officers , under his own hand , for the apprehension of the persons of the said members , which by law he cannot doe ; there being not all this time , any legall charge or accusation , or due processe of law issued against them , nor any pretence of charge made known to that house ; all which are against the fundamentall liberties of the subject , and the rights of parliament . whereupon we are necessitated , according to our duty , to declare ; and we doe hereby declare , that if any person shall arrest m. hollis , sir arthur haslerigg , m. pym , m. hampden , and m. strode , or any of them , or any other member of parliament , by pretence or colour of any warrant issuing out from the king only , is guilty of the breach of the liberties of the subject , and of the priviledge of parliament , and a publike enemy to the common-wealth . and that the arresting of the said members , or any of them , or of any other member of parliament , by any warrant whatsoever , without a legall proceeding against them , and without consent of that house , whereof such person is a member , is against the liberty of the subject , and a breach of priviledge of parliament ; and the person which shall arrest any of these persons , or any other member of the parliament , is declared a publique enemy of the common-wealth . notwithstanding all which we think fit , further to declare that we are so farre from any endeavours to protect any of our members , that shall be in due manner prosecuted according to the lawes of the kingdom , and the rights and priviledges of parliament for treason , or any other misdemeanors , that none shall be more ready and willing then we our selves , to bring them to a speedy , and due tryall , being sensible that it equally imports us , as well to see iustice done against them that are criminous , as to defend the just rights and liberties of the subjects , and parliament of england . and whereas upon severall examinations taken the seventh day of this instant ianuary , before the committee appointed by the house of commons , to sit in london , it did fully appear , that many souldiers , papists , and others , to the number of about 500. came with his majesty on tuesday last , to the said house of commons , armed with swords , pistolls , and other weapons ; and divers of them pressed to the door of the said house , thrust away the door keepers , and placed themselves , between the said door , and the ordinary attendants of his majesty ; holding up their swords , and some holding up their pistolls ready cocked neer the said door ; and saying , i am a good marksman , i can hit right i warrant you , and they not suffering the said door , according to the custom of parliament to be shut , but said they would have the door open , and if any opposition were against them , they made no question , but they should make their party good , and that they would maintain their party ; and when severall members of the house of commons were coming into the house , their attendants desiring that room might be made for them , some of the said souldiers answered , a pox of god confound them , and others said , a pox take the house of commons , let them come and be hanged , what a do is here with the house of commons ; and some of the said souldiers did likewise violently assault , and by force disarme some of the attendants , and servants of the members of the house of commons , waiting in the room next the said house , and upon the kings return out of the said house , many of them by wicked oaths , and otherwise , expressed much discontent , that some members of the said house , for whom they came were not there ; and others of them said , when comes the word , and no word being given at his majesties coming out , they cryed a lane , a lane ; afterwards some of them being demanded , what they thought the said company intended to have done , answered , that questionlesse in the posture they were set , if the word had been given , they should have fallen upon the house of commons , and have cut all their throats . vpon all which we are of opinion , that it is sufficiently proved , that the coming of the said souldiers , papists , and others with his majesty to the house of commons on tuesday last , being the fourth of this instant ianuary , in the manner aforesaid , was to take away some of the members of the said house ; and if they should have found opposition , or deniall , then to have fallen upon the said house in a hostile manner . and we doe hereby declare that the same was a traiterous designe against the king and parliament . and whereas the said m hollis , sir arthur haslerigg , m. pym , m. hampden , and m. strode , upon report of the coming of the said souldiers , papists , & others in the warlike and hostile manner , aforesaid , did with the approbation of the house absent themselves from the service of the house , for avoiding the great , and many inconveniences , which otherwise apparantly might have hapned : since which time a printed paper in the form of a proclamation , bearing date the sixth day of this instant ianuary , hath issued out for the apprehending , and imprisoning of them , therein suggesting that through the conscience of their own guilt , they were absent and fled , not willing to submit themselves to iustice ; we doe farther declare that the said printed paper is false , scandalous and illegall , and that notwithstanding the said printed paper , or any warrant issued out , or any other matter yet appearing against them , or any of them , they may and ought to attend the service of the said house of commons , and the severall committees now on foot . and that it is lawfull for all persons whatsoever to lodge , harbour or converse with them , or any of them ; and whosoever shall be questioned for the same , shall be under the protection and priviledge of parliament . and we doe further declare , that the publishing of severall articles purporting a form of a charge of high treason against the lord kimbolton , one of the members of the lords house , and against the said , m. hollis , sir arthur haslerigg , m. pym , m. hampden , and m. strode , by sir william killigrew , sir william flemen , and others in the innes of court , and elsewhere in the kings name , was a high breach of the priviledge of parliament , a great scandall to his maiesty , and his goverment : a seditious act manifestly tending to the subversion of the peace of the kingdome , and an injury , and dishonour to the said members , there being no legall charge or accusation against them . that the priviledges of parliament , and the liberties of the subject so violated and broken , cannot be fully and sufficiently vindicated , unlesse his majesty will be gratiously pleased , to discover the names of those persons , who advised his majesty to issue out warrants , for the sealing of the chambers , and studies of the said members , to send a serjeant at arms to the house of commons , to demand their said members , to issue out severall warrants under his majesties own hand , to apprehend the said members . his majesties coming thither , in his own royall person . the publishing of the said articles , and printed paper in the form of a proclamation against the said members in such manner as is before declared ; to the end that such persons may receive condigne punishment . and this house doth further declare , that all such persons as have given any councell , or endeavoured to set or maintain division or dislike , between the king and parliament , or have listed their names , or otherwise entred into any combination or agreement , to beayding or assisting to any such councell or endeavour , or have perswaded any other so to doe , or that shall doe any the things above mentioned , and shall not forthwith discover the same to either house of parliament , or the speaker of either of the said houses respectively , and disclaime it ; are declared publike enimies of the state and peace of this kingdome , and shall be enquired of , and proceeded against accordingly . die lunae 17. januarii . 1641. it is this day ordered , by the commons assembled in parliament , that this declaration shall be forthwith published in print . hen. elsing . cler. parl. de com. an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament. being an exhortation to all his majesties good subjects in the kingdome of england, and dominion of wales, to the duty of repentance and humiliation, with an earnest confession of particular and nationall sinnes for the obtaining a firme and happy peace, now in agitation. to be used privately in families, but especially publikely in congregations. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83023 of text r212210 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[20]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83023 wing e1810 thomason 669.f.9[20] estc r212210 99870855 99870855 161118 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83023) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161118) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[20]) an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament. being an exhortation to all his majesties good subjects in the kingdome of england, and dominion of wales, to the duty of repentance and humiliation, with an earnest confession of particular and nationall sinnes for the obtaining a firme and happy peace, now in agitation. to be used privately in families, but especially publikely in congregations. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john wright in the old-baily, london : febr. 11. 1644. [i.e. 1645] order to print signed: john brown, cler. parliamentorum. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng repentance -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a83023 r212210 (thomason 669.f.9[20]). civilwar no an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament. being an exhortation to all his majesties good subjects in the kingdome of en england and wales. parliament. 1644 1206 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament . being an exhortation to all his majesties good subjects in the kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , to the duty of repentance and humiliation , with an earnest confession of particular and nationall sinnes . for the obtaining a firme and happy peace , now in agitation . to be used privately in families , but especially publikely in congregations . that flourishing kingdoms have bin ruin'd by impenitent going on in a course of sinning , the sacred story doth plainly tell us ; and how neere to such a ruine our sinful nation now is , the present lamentable face of it doth too apparently shew . and though we should feele the heavy stroakes of god , yet seven times more , it is our duty to accept the punishment of our iniquity , and to say , righteous art thou o lord , and just are thy judgements . yet because the lord who is just , is also mercifull , and in his infinite mercy hath left the excellent and successefull remedy of repentance to nations brought neere to the gates of destruction and despaire , o let not england be negligent in the application of it . humble addresses of a penitent people to a mercifull god have prevailed with him . they prevailed for nineveh when the sentence seemed to be gon out against her , and may also prevaile for england . it is therfore thought most necessary by the lords & commons in parliament , that all his majesties subjects in this kingdom of england , be excited and stirred up , speedily to lay hold upon this only and unfailing remedy of repentance ; freely acknowledging , and heartily bewailing even with the deepest humiliation , godly sorrow , and detestation , secretly and in families , but especially publikely in congregations , both their owne personall sins , and chiefly those sins that are and have bin the sins of this nation : a confession of nationall sins being most agreeable to the nationall iudgments , under which the land groanes , and most likely to be effectual for the removing of them . neither ought this confession to sleight or light , when there is so heavy a weight of sins , infinite in number , and hainous in nature , that lies upon this nation . such are the high contempt of gods holy ordinances , and of holinesse it selfe : grosse and affected ignorance , under the glorious light of the gospell cleerely shining among us ; unfruitfulnesse under the precious meanes of grace , ingratitude for mercies , incorrigiblenes under iudgments , multitudes of oathes , and blasphemies , wicked prophanations of the lords day , by sports and gaming 's , formerly encouraged even by authority ; all sorts of uncleannesse ; luxury , and excesse in eating and drinking ; vanity , pride , and prodigality in apparell ; envy , contention , & unnaturall divisions , oppression , fraud , and violence ; from diverse of which sins , & many other , not one person throughout the whole nation , can say that he is wholy free ; but all must confesse that they have contributed toward the great stock of nationall sins ; and so have increased the treasure of wrath , against these daies of wrath ; and therefore since , according to the language of the holy ghost , we are a sinfull nation , a people laden with iniquity , and that from the sole of the foot , to the head , there is no soundnesse in vs , we may justly expect the desolations that are denounced against so great and generall a corruption . and as it is our duty to humble our selves and to give glory to god , the searcher of all hearts , by confessing all sins ; so ought we to be affected and humbled with deepest sence of sorrow , for those most crying sins , which now we find , by too sad experience , to have a more immediate influence upon the destruction of a kingdome ; some of which are idolatry and bloodshed . that of idolatry , as it was the sin of our ancestors , so it is the spreading sin of these latter times , while by a generall connivence , and almost tolleration , it hath beene severall wayes fomented and encouraged : the grievous effects whereof this kingdome of england now begins to feele , from multitudes of armed papists and their abettors , and the kingdome of ireland far more heavily hath felt , being brought almost to utter ruine , by the intestine warres of romish idolaters . and for that other crying and cruell sin of bloodshed , that cals aloud for vengeance ( besides many murders not expiated , and the blood-guilty pardoned ) did it not goe hand in hand with that abhominable idoll of the masse , in the dayes of queene mary , and some of her predecessors , when many hundreds of the deere martirs and saints of god lost their precious lives in flames and prisons ? and though severall acts by which that innocent blood was shed , have beene repealed by parliament : yet to this very day , was never ordeined such a solemn publique and nationall acknowledgment of this sin , as might appease the wrath of that iealous god against whom , and against whose people , with so high a hand it was committed . now that all the sin and misery of this polluted and afficted nation may be bitterly sorrowed for , with such griefe of heart , and preparednesse for a thorow reformation , as god may be pleased graciously to accept : it is required and ordeined by the lords and commons in parliament , that every minister and preacher of gods word , in the kingdome of england and dominion of wales , in their severall auditories and congregations , especially upon the fast daies , shall most earnestly perswade and inculcate the constant practice of this publique acknowledgement and deepe humiliation , for these , and all our nationall and crying sinnes , and likewise the necessity of a personall and nationall reformation , and shall publish this ordinance concerning the same : that so at length we may obtaine a firme and happy peace both with god and man , that glory may dwell in our land , and the prosperity of the gospell , with all the priviledges accompanying it , may crown this nation unto all succeeding ages . ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that this ordinance shall bee forthwith printed and published , and read in all parish churches and chappels throughout the kingdome of england and dominion of wales , by the parsons , vicars , and curates of the same . john brown , cler. parliamentorum . london , printed for john wright in the old-baily . febr. 11. 1644. a second dialogue between the pope and a phanatick, concerning affairs in england by the author of the first, who is a hearty lover of his prince and country. hearty lover of his prince and country. 1681 approx. 25 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41189 wing f758 estc r17988 11865184 ocm 11865184 50082 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41189) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50082) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 29:1) a second dialogue between the pope and a phanatick, concerning affairs in england by the author of the first, who is a hearty lover of his prince and country. hearty lover of his prince and country. ferguson, robert, d. 1714. [2], 14 p. printed for h. jones, london : 1681. attributed by wing to robert ferguson. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england -anecdotes great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685 -anecdotes great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -anecdotes 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2004-07 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a second dialogue between the pope and a phanatick , concerning affairs in england . by the author of the first , who is a hearty lover of his prince and country . london : printed for h. jones , 1681. a second dialogue between the pope and a phanatick . pope . brother , you are welcome to the belveder , we are now in a committee of secresie , and may discourse our thoughts with freedom , without suspicion of a surprize . how stand our affairs in england ? phan. ah , sir ! matters have not succeeded according to my wishes and expectations ; i thought i had been secure of my designs , and this made me act with confidence ; but ah ! — pope . what ? are all our plots and intrigues sham'd into a sigh ? is your tripos himself deceiv'd ? i thought he had been so unerringly skill'd in the arts of undermining , that no government could have escap'd his trains . phan. you know his antient predecessor at delphos was sometimes mistaken , and if our oracle be at present doubtful , 't is according to former precedent , and far from wonder in demonology . i had great hopes that my terrible comet-parliament ( whose rod did far out-stretch the regal scepter ) would have mounted to a higher elevation than charles his wain , and fix'd upon our horizon : but on a sudden the comet , and the parliament , and our hopes dissolv'd together . pope . in my opinion , your blazing commons appear'd with too fiery a tail , and acted with too much openness and effrontery ; there was more capricio than policy in their proceedings . affairs were not ripe enough for their daring adventures ; they drew up 19 propositions , and such bold remonstrances , as if the king had already been their prisoner in the isle of wight . and what a mischief was it to the liberty-keepers of england , to send for gentlemen into custody , by no other warrant , but from will , will ? this was an unlucky indication of the plurality of arbitrary powers , and was as much as to say in our language , sic volumus , sic jubemus . their proceedings being illegal and unwarrantable was their merit , and not their crime ; in my opinion , their onely guilt was the imprudence of a too early vexation , & their being arbitrary somewhat too soon . for i am afraid these frequent hurricanes should impress upon the abhorrers of petitions , an abhorrence of parliaments , and make the people vote , that the commons are the greatest enemies to their own sitting , and give them occasion to resolve , that if they must be slaves , they had better with st. paul be bound with one of caesar's chains , than loaden with 500 irons . remember that you once govern'd the nation by a junto of commons , without a king or house of lords , and if by a too early violence you force the king into extremity , you may give him occasion to govern the realm by a king and house of peers , and , at least , to exclude your members from the commons ; for your continu'd affronts will furnish him with plausible reasons to excuse the model , and justifie such a proceeding . i grant you shew much gallantry , and met with good success in the dayes of charles the first , but i am your elder brother , and have had longer experience in the ruin of empires than your age can pretend to ; therefore it is my counsel , as your friend and brother , that if you be again allow'd the priviledge to choose your representatives , advise them to court the king with fair pretensions and reserv'd compliances , till you can , by great complements and a little money , caress him into an act of oblivion , and when he hath forgot both himself and you , then is the time to remember the good old cause . phan. indeed i now wish that we had treated the king with more fineness , for i know by precedent , that he who is to do execution upon a monarch , should not appear bare-fac'd , but in masquerade : and i have a suspicion that our bolder votes and addresses have so awaken'd him , that we may have lost our advantage : especially considering that he was immediate successor to a murder'd father . pope . but how did you resent the remove to oxford ? phan. oh sir , i had a very painful sense of that removal , it was a kind of dislocation in the body politick : for , methinks , the commons out of london look like members out of joynt . this disappointment depriv'd us of the blessed advantages of republican cabals , and metropolitan tumults . but yet , to shew that no change of air could alter our nature and resolutions , we did pursue the same votes at oxford , that we had commenc'd at westminster . my dictator or terrae filius , was just preparing a speech for the theatre , but that proud pile was founded by an arch-bishop , and so surrounded with caesars , that we could never enter the circus , but were dispers'd with a sudden thunder-clap ; and this gave occasion to some prophane tantivy-men to ridicule that assembly , and stile it the anchovy parliament , because it dissolv'd so soon upon the first heat . pope . but i am told of a declaration that follow'd that dissolution , and that the king hath declared , he will govern by his laws ; and you and i have more reason to be afraid of that , than of his being arbitrary . phan. 't is true , and i believe that declaration was one of the evils presag'd by that malignant comet ; for , to speak plainly , i was never pleas'd with that blazing-rod , for , when it first appear'd in it's western position , the extremity of his radius seem'd to be just zenith to the house of commons : and i am afraid , that comet was some tory among the stars , that had no good meaning to the lower house ; for when that parliament dissolved , it presently disappear'd , as if it came on purpose to point at us , and affront us . pope . some did fancy here at rome , that that star might be the receptacle of the souls of stafford , and the rest of my last martyrs in england ; and that the large emanation from the comet , did remark the streaming effusions of their blood , and signifie a rod to revenge it . phan. i shall not dispute which martyrs were the greater saints your regicides or mine ; but i must tell you , that i was resolv'd for the blood of stafford , not so much upon the account of his crimes , but in regard to his name ; it sounded so like the earl of strafford , that i fancyed his blood might be happily ominous , and be royally and canonically attended according to our former precedent . but i assure you of late we are become very tender of catholick blood , and if the popish lords , and my bosom-friend fitz-harris were to remain untry'd , till we vote them to the bar , they should be reserv'd till doomsday . pope . but brother , the comet hath so amus'd you , that you have forgotten the declaration . phan. i confess , it did a little divert me ; but , i can as soon forget the covenant as the declaration . the king indeed did once pass an act of oblivion for us , but it is against our method of grace , to grant an oblivion for the king , except it be to forget his mercy . to declare against the collective wisdom of a nation , to term the actions of an heroick house of commons , irregularities , miscarriages , illegal and unwarrantable proceeding , this is too high an affront to be forgotten . for tho we printed our votes , and discover'd our secrets , on purpose to inflame the little sisters , yet for the king to expose the pudenda , or nakedness of the peoples members , in churches and markets , to be observ'd and scoff'd at by crowds of tories ; this was uncivil and immodest , nay , about two years ago , i would have call'd it impudence . but that which added to my vexation was the prelatical order for reading of it in the pulpit ; if it had been denounc'd below the mount , in the despis'd service-desk , it would have had no impression or solemnity ; but being publish'd from the sanctum sanctorum of the pulpit , that most sacred seat of oracles , this made it pass for jure divino , and because the voice came from the pulpit , some silly people were apt to think that the declaration was made in heaven . this was a metropolitan stratagem , and shall be recorded for the first article against william the second . pope . but i am inform'd that there was an use of consolation in the conclusion of that declaration , wherein the king promis'd the people the favour of frequent parliaments . phan. in my opinion , that is not so great a favour , except we can sit again next door to hell , where we may correspond with our old familiars . but however , frequent parliaments suppose frequent dissolutions , and one good old fashion'd long parliament were worth 500 frequent ones . pope . but i hope you do not despond , and give up the common cause as desperate . phan. i will never despair as long as you have a being in the world , for i yet find , there is an infallibility in your name , the crying pope and popery is still the surest stratagem , and there could be no successful plot without that infallible noise . but that which most supports my hopes , is , the king's want of money . the fort royal is defended by so many cannons and regular fortifications , that there is no way to take it but starving ; and to this end , we have , by a solemn vote , made it treason against the parliament for the king or his friends to supply his need , without the consent of his enemies . for if it be in the power of zeal , money , or perjury , we will send him such commons as shall never grant him a penny , except he stake his crown , or some of the jewels of it . pope . i would have you declare in all the high courts of shops and coffee-houses , that a parliament is as necessary to raise money in england , as a purgatory at rome : but i am afraid your church of england tories have no more regard to votes , than you have for proclamations . and you have so alarm'd them by your late arbitrary proceedings , that i am jealous that they should rather think it their interest to make an honourable and timely composition with the crown , by some considerable benevolence , than run the adventure to be plunder'd by your troops , and sequester'd by your committees . i do allow your indisputable maxim , that the poverty of the king is the interest of a presbyterian house of commons : and you have wisely ordain'd , that though the king should be reduc'd to the straitest exigencies , yet he must not so much as ask an alms , and if necessity should teach him the common impudence to be a beggar , yet you have politicly resolved , that it shall be a crime to be charitable to the crown , without the leave of the commons , those high almoners of england . but brother , the mischief is , that you did once contribute your money and plate to carry on the war against the king , without a statute of parliament : now this may become an unlucky precedent , and if ever the cavaliers come to be considering animals , they may chance to conclude , that they may as freely give their gold to support the hands of moses , as you did to make the golden calf of a commonwealth : and that it were more religion and loyalty , in their prince's extremity , to contribute their money without a parliament to preserve the king and monarchy , than it was for you to destroy them both by an arbitrary contribution . now this being the fatal crisis of our cause , be sure you maintain with all possible confidence , that for any one to cast in his free-will-offerings into the treasury or corban of the crown , is will-worship and popery , and as antichristian a superstition as alms and charity . i wonder you have so long allow'd the king that imperial prerogative to be the sole lord of the mint , it would have been a mighty policy and advantage , if you could have shared in that authority , and enacted that the coin of england should have had the image of the king stamp'd on one side , and the superscription of the common-wealth on the other . this would have been a demonstration that he could never have had any money without you . there is an apocryphal passage in the gospel , that would make us believe that christ and st. peter should pay tribute to caesar without the consent of the sanhedrim , and should tell the jews they were oblig'd to do so too , because the money had the image and superscription of caesar , which did suppose their subjection to him , and his intire authority over them . and i observe that charles the second , in his english coin , is stamp'd more romano , and his image looks like the ancient figure of caesar augustus . i wish this be not ominous . phan. peter's calling the king supreme , and his example , and paul's command of paying tribute to emperours because they are god's ministers , and upon the account of their care in government , does no way concern you or me ; for you know there were no popes nor parliaments in those dayes of primitive christianity . pope . you have answer'd like an oracle . but suppose the cavaliers should be such fools , as to shut their purses till you cut them open , and keep their money till they lose their lands ; though they should not present their oblations , yet the unwilling sacrifices of our estates which will be drawn from us by the cords of penal laws , will help to inrich the crown ; and , which is worst of all , will give the king the advantage to answer our clamors of arbitrary power , by destroying of us both according to law. phan. i hope to prevent all these mischiefs in the next session of parliament . pope . but i am afraid that your elect members have been so often reprobated by prorogations and dissolutions , that they should be weary of appearing . and if ever the king , by any crafty stratagem , procure a cavaliering parliament , who are bigots for the monarchy and hierarchy of england , both you and i are ruin'd , and we are sure not to have one friend in the three estates . such a pack of tories would restore the use of convocations , and damn the lay committee for religion ; they would contrive such persian laws that should obviate your elections to 〈◊〉 , and cut off your succession to the chair . nay , perhaps , they would resolve to burn the votes and journals of the two last houses , that your braver affronts and oppositions to princes , may be no advantage or precedent to posterity . phan. sir , i know the warm temper of my own members , and that they have such a prurient lust after madam respublica , that they have a state priapism , and will stand as long as the lower house is open , and they shall never want the provocatives of aurum potabile , for i will contribute as freely to raise a parliament against the king , as ever i did to levy arms against him ; for i cannot well do this without the other . pope . truly brother , i begin to fear that the king will out-wit us both , with all our cabals and cardinals . that the duke of york is a romish bigot , is not so infallibly resolv'd at rome , as it is in westminster . what would you say , if after all our noise the d. of y. should declare to be no papist , and your d. of m. prove a decoy protestant , and that the popery of the one , and the compliance of the other , was onely an intrigue to betray us both . — what 's the matter ? phan. a little faint , sir. pope . ho' staffiere ! fetch me quickly some elixir libertatis & proprietatis . — come , what cheer now ? phan. this will recover me . but truly , you conjur'd up such a formidable apparition , that though i knew it to be but an vmbra , yet it had such a horrid aspect , that it almost frighted me into a deliquium . pope . i wish it may be onely a phantom , but what would you do if it should prove a reality ? phan. why , such a miracle of policy might perchance work another wonder as great as that , and convert me to loyalty and obedience ; but if my nature render such a change impossible , there were no living under so great a sham , and therefore , when the duke of york deserts you , and the duke of mon forsakes me , i will take the liberty to hang my self ; and so i shall yet live and dye in an arbitrary way , and both in life and death affront the government . pope . but what think you of sending the d. of y. into scotland ? phan. i wish he were banish'd out of your dominions and ours , and yet , i think you challenge a jurisdiction over all the kingdoms of the earth , besides the territories of purgatory . i would you had him upon the scala santa at rome , or we upon a scaffold on tower-hill , any where , so he were not upon the same terra firma . my scottish brethren say , that he is posted like the threatning angel at the gates of eden , with a flaming sword , that turns to north and south , and was planted there , on purpose to stop their passage , and prevent their return to paradise . pope . but do you really design to enthrone your d. of m. and ever trust that lord of the sun tavern with the chariot and ranies of government ? phan. no truly . we know the natural sons of princes are begotten in an arbitrary way , against the proceedings of law and property , and therefore they are commonly born with an unhappy inclination to unlimited government ; and it is not empire , but common-wealth that we are designing . but you and i must have lost our ancient politick , if we cannot embroil one monarchy by the divided names of two opposite dukes . pope . what think you of the condition of tangier ? in my opinion , the king 's securing that place without your aid , and against your will , was a mighty instance of his power and policy . his gallant fleet in the mediterranean , his victorious arms at tangier , have made his name glorious in the levant ; and i believe the emperour of morocco , tho one of the heads of the dragon , yet dare not address to him with so much rudeness as the tail of a house of commons . phan. the preserving tangier from the assault of the moors , was one of the blackest misfortunes that ever befell us ; for our confederates in africa , intrench'd before that town in a very critical juncture ; and if they had carried the place while my house of comets were blazing , it would have given us a brave advantage to have storm'd the throne ; for , then we would have clamor'd against the king , and charg'd him with the ruine of our levant trade ; we would have brought the loss of that town into the popish plot , and accus'd some romish officers for betraying the place to infidels . this would have so much lessen'd the king's reputation both at home and abroad , and so much serv'd our interest in the promoting of popular complaints , that we could not have wish'd a happier event : but to preserve the place and to triumph too , was so great a disappointment , that i begin to fear , the old prince of the blacks will deceive us . indeed there was a time , when we would have annex'd that place to the crown , for fear it should have been remov'd into the exchequer ; but to speak san's complement , i had rather tangier should have been annex'd to the crown imperial of morocco , than to the crown imperial of england . pope . before we part , i thing my self oblig'd to give you my thanks for some late eminent services . first , for your vigorous pursuit of the excluding bill . there were some hundreds of years from the first date of anno domini , which are commonly call'd the first four centuries , when you and i had not a being in the world. in those days , the plain christians kept themselves to the old fashion'd modes of primitive christianity , and observ'd the meaner habits of meekness , humility , and patience , with a tame subjection to secular powers ; and tho sometimes they had the command of forts , and castles , and valiant armies , yet they were so silly as to truckle to a pagan successor , and suffer him to ascend the throne without any affront or disturbance . but you and i have learn'd braver principles , and taught the world , that dominion is founded in grace , that is , in your favour and mine . now , if , like these primitive fools , you had left the throne to the right and descent of law and nature , and to the quiet disposure of providence , then i am confident , if the duke had surviv'd the king , that he would never have render'd his short reign uneasie , by removing the boundaries of an establish'd religion and government , but would have thought himself oblig'd , in generosity , to have been defender of that faith , and of that people , who had never given him the least disquiet . i am not yet assur'd that the duke is a zealot in my religion , but you do well to report him to be so , and you have taken a course to make him one , and i thank you for that . that which next merits my thanks is your bill for uniting protestants ; for , you have so ingeniously contriv'd the project , that it will equally serve your interest and mine ; for you only exclude the roman tongue , but in others allow a confusion of languages , and suffer every division to enjoy their own dialect : and yet by an almighty vote , resolve , that ninety and nine divisions shall be but one single unite , and the same idiom . brother , if ever you can effect this , i will grant you to be a greater conjurer than i , and that you have out-done the mystery of transubstantiation . this politick stratagem would introduce so great a confusion into the church of england , that many wiser men would come over to rome , and think it the better babel of the two . in my opinion , your uniting device does far exceed a toleration , for that would leave the church of england to enjoy it's distinct order and establishment ; but this cunning contrivance and mystical union , would confound the glory and discipline of that church , which is the greatest envy of rome and geneva . i have yet no hopes to repeal the 23. but i thank you for your endeavours of repealing the 35th . of eliz. that fundamental , establishing law of rank protestant religion . i do dispence with your observing of queen elizabeth's day , and the pompous burning of my effigies , so you will but damn the statutes of jesabel , for that was her ancient title among yours and mine . i hope , next parliament , tho you meet in a new place you will pursue your old votes and resolutions . phan. we call it popery to confess an error , and scorn the superstition of repentance ; we have already offended beyond the hopes of oblivion , and have no other method to secure our indemnity , but by proceeding to higher crimes . pope . well , dear brother , i must leave you a while to divert your melancholy thoughts with the pleasant prospects of the frescati . i have appointed a consult with my cardinals , about the liberties of the gallican church , and the regalities of franee , and i will leave it to your care , to undermine the prelacy and prerogatives of the church and monarchy of england . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a41189-e90 the pope's countrey-house . villages where the pope and cardinals have their country houses . an act appointing a fast throughout the whole kingdom of scotland scotland. privy council. 1675 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05302 wing s1398a estc r182974 52612429 ocm 52612429 179547 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05302) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179547) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2793:19) an act appointing a fast throughout the whole kingdom of scotland scotland. privy council. gibson, alexander, sir, d. 1693. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by andrew anderson, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno 1675. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. dated at end: given under our signet, at edinburgh, the fifteenth day of july, and of our reign, the twenty seventh year, one thousand six hundred and seventy five years. signed: al. gibson, cl. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fasts and feasts -church of scotland -17th century -early works to 1800. public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -17th century -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 megan marion sampled and proofread 2009-01 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an act appointing a fast throughout the vvhole kingdom of scotland . charles , by the grace of god , king of great brittain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , to all and sundry our lieges and subjects whom it effeirs , greeting . forasmuch , as the almighty god , in his most wise and righteous providence , after the sinfull abuse of his most signal mercies of the blessed gospel , of our own and our subjects wonderfull deliverance from the yoke of usurpation and bondage , by the almost miraculous restauration of us to the exercise of our government , and of the long and mercifull continuance of our despised peace and plenty ; doth , by his warnings and judgements incumbent and impendent , manifestly discover his anger and displeasure against the grievous sins of this kingdom ; and particularly by the sad and pinching dearth , whereby many indigent persons and families are reduced to a starving condition , and by the long and threatning drought , the lord , in his righteous judgement , having so long bound up the clouds , making the heavens brass , and the earth iron , thereby threatning our subjects of this kingdom with the breaking of the staff of their bread , and with the dreadful plague of famine : which dispensation doth with a loud voice call upon all ranks of people for speedy and true repentance , and the national expression hereof by deep mourning and solemn fasting and humiliation . therefore we , with advice and consent of the lords of our privy council , do ordain a day of publick and solemn fasting and humiliation to be keeped and observed by all the people of this kingdom in the several paroches thereof ; strictly commanding and requiring them upon that day , to cease from all the works of their ordinary callings , and to repair to their respective paroch churches , and there make solemn confession of their sins , and implore the divine mercy for the land , by praying , mourning , fasting , and such other devotions , as are requisite and usual upon such dayes of publick humiliation : and more particularly , humbly to confess and mourn for the great neglect and contempt of , and disobedience to the blessed gospel , and the ordinances thereof , and the great and lamentable increase and prevalency of atheism , profaneness , and irreligion which is thereby occasioned , and for the sinfull undervaluing of the great blessing of peace so long enjoyed by our subjects under our government . by all which , and many other crying sins , the lords jealousie and anger are kindled , and his hand is stretched out against this kingdom , threatning the destruction of the fruits of the ground , the necessarie provision for the life of man and beast , that by serious mourning for , and sincere and hearty turning from these provoking sins , the lord may graciously pardon them and repent him of the evil seemingly determined by him , and most righteously deserved by us , and may open the clouds and grant the latter rain in its due season and measure , reserving for us the appointed weeks of the harvest . and for this end and purpose , we , with advice foresaid , do seriously recommend to , and require the arch-bishops and bishops , to be carefull that this fast be duely observed by the ministers in their respective diocesses , as followes ; to the arch-bishops of st. andrews and glasgow , the bishops of edinburgh , dunkell , brechin and dumblane , to cause it to be intimated in the several paroch kirks of their diocies upon sunday , the twenty fifth , and observed on wednesday , the twenty eighth of july instant ; and the remanent bishops , whose diocies are more remote , to cause it to be intimated on sunday , the first of august , and to be observed the fourth of angust next . and as to such ministers , who , by reason of their distance from edinburgh , cannot be so soon advertised , that they celebrate this fast upon the next convenient wednesday thereafter . given under our signet , at edinburgh , the fifteenth day of july , and of our reign , the twenty seventh year , one thousand six hundred and seventy five years . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . al. gibson , cl. s ti concilii . god save the king. edinburgh , printed by andrew anderson , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty . anno 1675. a circular letter to the clergy of essex to stir them up to double-diligence for the choice of members of their party for the ensuing parliament ; with some queries offered to the consideration of the honest free-holders. 1690 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48489 wing l21a estc r43333 27212582 ocm 27212582 110037 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48489) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110037) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1723:6) a circular letter to the clergy of essex to stir them up to double-diligence for the choice of members of their party for the ensuing parliament ; with some queries offered to the consideration of the honest free-holders. h. l. l. h. 1 sheet ([2] p.) [s.n.], london : printed in the year, mdcxc [1690] imperfect: faded. contains, in part, a letter signed: h.l. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. great britain -politics and government -1689-1702. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a circular letter to the clergy of essex , to stir them up to double-diligence for the choice of members of their party for the ensuing parliament . with some queries offered to the consideration of the honest free-holders . the letter ▪ sir , there is a trial of skil to be , it seems , between coll mildmay's interest and the church party in essex : how much is behoves you at this time to use your utmost endeavour to send good men to the parliament , you cannot but be very sensible ; let me therefore intreat you , earnestly to persuade the clergy of your deanry , to use their utmost endeavours to bring in as many voices as they can for sir anthony abdy and sir eliab harvey , and not to fail b●ing themselves at the election ▪ if their health will permit . i pray give my hearty service to them , and let them know it is ▪ i who most earnestly intreat this at their hands , who am theirs , and , sir , your most assured friend and brother , h. l. the attestation to this letter by a conformable minister , who was willing to have it communicated for the edification of the laity . sir , i do assure you the above-written is a true copy , which i my self took from the original . it was superscribed to no particular person , but put into the hand of a neighbouring minister , with a direction , that the apparitor for the archdeaconry of essex should carry it to the habitation of every minister in his jurisdiction . besides this from the b. i have seen another from the e. of n. written to an infamous bailiff of an hundred ▪ ordering him to endeavour to prevail with the freeholders of that hundred ▪ to appear for sir anthony and sir eliab . so far the honest clergy man , who it seems is not to be compell'd to a choice against his judgment , by the threats or artifice of any spiritual or temporal bum. ● 1. whether the shiling the weight 〈…〉 ir of chusing members to sit in parliament [ 〈◊〉 manual of skill ] ▪ suits not better , with the air of a soldier , than with the gravity of a b 〈…〉 ? 2. whether if solliciting for the choice of members to sit in parliament , be part of the priestly function , or within the things lawful and honest , in which they 〈◊〉 obedience , 〈◊〉 was not great condescention in the b. earnestly to entreat in such humble terms ? 3 whether the office of a soll●citor , or that of an informer upon penal laws in default of church-wardens , be the greater ecclesiastical dignity or prom●ti●n ? 4. whether whoever he was that wrote the letter to the clergy ▪ he does not lay himself open to a complaint in parliament ▪ not only for the 〈…〉 ness of his letter to those who are under him , hardly consistent with that freedom of elections which the law is tender of ▪ but for his following the late observator ▪ in dividing protestants into parties , and censu●i●g , as opposite to the church-party , all those of the nobility and gentry , and the body of the freeholders of essex , who have for several years look'd upon the collonel as the fi●test person to represent them in parliament , for his experience , prudence , courage , and unshaken fidelity to his countrey , and to the crown too , where it has not carried on a separate interest ? 5. if by the church-party is not meant a faction engaged in an interest divided from the protestant interest at home and abroad , why is not the present lord lieut ▪ the e. of oxford , who is for the collonel , as well to be thought of the church-party , as the d. of albemarl was , except that he cannot drink so much for it as the other did ? and why should not the circular letters now press the clergy to be for them whom the now ld. lieut , and the gentry with him , think fittest to serve their country , as formerly , by an implicit faith , without knowledg of the persons , they did for such as the then ld. lieut. and his gentry should recommend ? 6. whether the bustle now made by them who call themselves the church-party , does not naturally revive the memory of a great man's ministry ▪ when money was receiv'd from france for a peace , advantageous only to the factors , and them that bought it , though at the same time the parliament had paid much more largely for actual war : aud when the popish plot was stifled , and they who enquir'd too far into it , were made plotters themselves ? 7. whether the effect of a like circular letter , in the beginning of the late king's reign , when the collonel was set aside ( how fairly is not now to be enquir'd into ) doth not shew that the church-party which then prevail'd , may well be thought of an interest divided from all other protestants ? can it otherwise be believ'd , that when they knew that king to be a papist , they , for the sake of a few good words to the church , would have trusted him with the revenue for life , when they had it in their hands , and need not have parted with it , till full provision had been made for the safety of the religion , and laws of their countrey ? 8. whether seeing those who were for the regency , that is , for having james still king , and this king but a minister of state , or general under him , list themselves with the church-party , and the papists ; that party are not to be thought to be for king james ? while the earl of oxford , suitable to his character , and all coll. mildmay's interest , to a man , are for our present king and queen , that is , for protestancy against popery , england against france . 9. whether the b of l. who is personated in this letter , can be thought to have written it himself , having appear'd in arms for this king , before the other withdrew , and being past possibility of making his peace with the late king , unless he turn mere lay-man , and accept of the regency , and administration of affairs under him in a lay capacity ; being already become irregular according to the doctrine not only of papists , but of the church-party here ; who , notwithstanding all his sollicitations for them , will no more dispense with his irregularity , than they did with good archbishop abbot's in the time of king charles the first 10. whether the laymen , who are wheedled into the separate church-party , ought not to consider , that if they believe as the church believes , they are bound to think that not only they who join'd in inviting over our great deliverer , and appear'd with or for him in arms before the late king withdrew , but all who were under that king's allegiance , and swear to this , are , or have been , neither good subjects nor good christians , at least not good church-of-england-men ? for the church has these passages , among many others of the like nature , in its homilies , to which , god be thanked , none but clergy-men have given any solemn or unfeigned assent and consent . had english-men at that time known their duty to their prince , set forth in god's holy word , would english subject● have sent for , and received the dauphin of france , with a great army of french men , into the realm of england ? would they have sworn fidelity to the dauphin of france , breaking their oath of fidelity to their natural lord , the king of england ? and have stood under the dauphin's banner displayed against the king of england ? this king it must be known , was king john ▪ one of the worst of men , who not only had violated the original contract between him and his people ; but had voluntarily abdicated , in giving the kingdom , as much as in him lay , to be held as the pope's fee. and yet you see what the church holds , of inviting and joyning with a foreign prince , even in such a case . 11. whether clergy-men are to be thought ignorant of the contents of the homilies ? whether therefore all lay-men concern'd for the support of this government , and of the protestant religion ought not to be very jealous of those for whom they are sollicited by the clergy ? especially considering that their representatives , when they were prest by the bps. to thank his present majesty for rescuing them from popery and slavery , were not for medling with any thing , but what concern'd the church of england ▪ as if its concerns lay another way : and the generality of them were against all manner of alterations , being , it seems , fond of those passages in the homilies ▪ which condemn all that adhere to this government . 12. whether , tho the bp. of l's late action , wherein he forsook his church party is justly popular , yet he , who was advanced in ill times , and complied so far with k. james , as to desire dr. sharp to discontinue preaching ; and so far submitted to the high commission-court , as not to insist upon a legal plea to its jurisdiction ; deserves to be trusted by the people of essex , more than coll. mildmay , who stood up for them undauntedly in the worst of times , to his great expence and hazard : and yet behaved himself with such moderation and prudence , that the managers then , so eager to make plots , could frame no pretence against him ? the freeholders of essex have us'd to see for themselves , without ecclesiastical spectacles : nor have they more than once since the pensioner-parliament , been hector'd or wheedled by the church-party from their own true interest . they cannot but remember what they suffered under their insolencies formerly ; nor is it likely that they will again put themselves under that uneasie yoke . they cannot so soon forget the fines , imprisonments , and dancings of attendance from sessions to sessions , merely for voting for such parliament-men as they could trust . it is not therefore to be thought , that they will contribute towards setting that party again in the saddle . london : printed in the year . m dcxc. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a48489-e10 apparitor or bailiff . vid. the case of the l d. mohun in mr. p miscel . parl. homilies ▪ the six●h 〈…〉 against w●llful rebellion , last edit . f. 383. a proclamation, for a national fast. scotland. privy council. 1698 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05597 wing s1783 estc r183464 52528960 ocm 52528960 179037 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05597) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179037) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:26) a proclamation, for a national fast. scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno domini 1698. caption title. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh the tenth day of may one thousand six hundred ninety and eight years, and of our reign the tenth year. signed: gilb eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fasts and feasts -church of scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation for a national fast . william by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland defender of the faith ; to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part conjunctly and severally , specially constitute greeting : forasmuchas the holy and righteous dispensations of the almighty god , in sending so cold and unkindly a season and seed time , after two years scarcity and dearth ; as also the great death of cattle through most part of the kingdom , and growing dearth and famine threatned , do all express his high displeasure against this land , and provoke him to multiply and inflict these and heavier judgements as the just deservings and effects of the sins abounding in this nation , and of the great security and impenitency under them , and therefore do certainly call aloud for our own and our peoples deep humiliation , under the mighty hand of god , and our most earnest and solemn application , by fasting and prayer for his gracious pardon , and removing and averting the foresaids judgements , and turning us sincerely to the lord . upon which considerations , the provincial synod of lothian and tweddale with a commity of the commission from the general assembly , have likewise addressed the lords of our privy council , that a day of humiliation may be appointed and keeped for these causes , and others mentioned in their said address , throughout the whole kingdom : therefore , we with the advice of the lords of our privy council , command and appoint a day of humiliation , fasting and prayer , to be keeped and observed within the bounds of the provincial synod of lothian and tweddale , upon tuesday the seventeenth day of this current moneth of may , and upon the twenty fifth day of the said moneth for the rest of the kingdom upon this side of the river of tay , and throughout the rest of the whole kingdom , upon the first day of june nixt to come : upon which days respective , we and our people are to be deeply humbled before god , for the manifold sins and provocations , that so openly abound in the land , and in which men still continue secure and hardned , notwithstanding of god's great mercy and deliverance wrought for us , and of frequent confessions and former fasts , which yet have produced no amendement or reformation , and therefore to deprecat his deserved wrath , and to implore his mercy and grace , and that the lord may turn unto us ; and turn us and our people to him , and avert the judgement hanging over us , and other evils wherewith we are so eminently threatned , and send kindly weather to cherish the fruits of the earth for food to man and beast : which respective days of solemn humiliation and prayer above appointed ; we with advice foresaid require and command , to be most religiously and seriously observed by all our people by publick prayer , preaching and all other acts of deep humiliation and devotion , suitable to the foresaids causes and occasions . our will is herefore and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent thir our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and to the remanent mercat-crosses of the head burghs of the several shires and steuartries within this kingdom , and there in our name and authority make publication hereof , that none pretend ignorance ; and we ordain our solicitor to dispatch copies hereof to the shireffs of the several shires , and stewarts of stewartries and their deputs or clerks , to be by them published at the mercat crosses of their head burghs upon receipt thereof and immediatly sent to the several ministers , to the effect the same may be intimat and read in their several paroches-churches , upon the lords day immediatly preceeding the respective days above-appointed . and ordains thir presents to be printed . and allowes the causes of this fast given in to the lords of our privy council , by the provincial synod of lothian and tweddale , to be also printed and transmitted herewith . given under our signet at edinburgh the tenth day of may one thousand six hundred ninety and eight years , and of our reign the tenth year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , anno domini 1698. the compassionate samaritane unbinding the conscience, and powring oyle into the wounds which have beene made upon the separation, recommending their future welfare to the serious thoughts and carefull endeavours of all who love the peace and unity of commonwealths men, or desire the unanimous prosecution of the common enemy, or who follow our saviours rule, to doe unto others what they would have others doe unto them. walwyn, william, 1600-1681. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a97095 of text r34715 in the english short title catalog (thomason e1199_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a97095 wing w681a thomason e1199_2 estc r34715 99872386 99872386 169459 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a97095) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 169459) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 168:e1199[2]) the compassionate samaritane unbinding the conscience, and powring oyle into the wounds which have beene made upon the separation, recommending their future welfare to the serious thoughts and carefull endeavours of all who love the peace and unity of commonwealths men, or desire the unanimous prosecution of the common enemy, or who follow our saviours rule, to doe unto others what they would have others doe unto them. walwyn, william, 1600-1681. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665, attributed name. [12], 92, [4] p. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeare 1644. anonymous. by william walwyn. sometimes also attributed to john goodwin. place of publication from wing. the last two leaves are blank. thomason apparently considered "good counsell to all those that heartily desire the glory of god", p. 79-92, to have had an independent existence. annotation on e4r of his copy: "this is all of this booke though it begins thus july 29 1644 london". reproduction of the original in the british library. p. 79-92 only. eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a97095 r34715 (thomason e1199_2). civilwar no the compassionate samaritane: unbinding the conscience, and powring oyle into the wounds which have beene made upon the separation, recomme walwyn, william 1644 1874 2 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion good counsell to all those that heartily desire the glory of god , the freedome of the common-wealth , and the good of all vertuous men . you are most earnestly intreated to take notice , and to be warned of a most pestilent and dangerous designe lately practised by some hellish polititians , tending to the dividing of the honest party amongst themselves , thereby to weaken them , and to give advantages to the common enemies . the ground of their designe is , the difference of judgement in matters of religion amongst conscientious well minded people , occasion being taken from thence to make them not only to despise and hate one another , but as odious to the generality of good men as are theeves , murderers and harlots . the means they use to promote their designe , is principally to broach some grosse and foolish errours ; and then to father them on all those that are called anabaptists , antinomians , brownists , separatists or independents : perswading and possessing the people : first , concerning the anabaptists , that they hold all government in the commonweale to bee unlawfull ; which you are to know is most pernicious delusion , for they approve of , and doe submit unto all government that is agreed on by common consent in parliament ; and disapprove only of arbitrary and tyrannicall government , usurpations and exorbitances in magistrates and officers ; and have disbursed their monies and hazarded their lives as freely for their just government , and liberties of this nation , as any condition of men whatsoever . secondly , that the antinomians doe hold , that a beleever may live as he list ! even in all licentiousnesse : which is most grossely false : there being no scripture more frequent in their mouthes then this , namely , the love of god bringing salvation to all men hath appeared , teaching us to deny all ungodlinesse and wordly lusts , and to live righteously and godly , and soberly in this present world . thirdly , that the brownists , separation and independents doe hold that all other protestants are in a damnable condition , who doe hold fellowship , church society , and communion with grossely , vitious and wicked persons : which also is most notoriously false : for they doe not so judge of any ; but doe judge that themselves having ( to their apprehensions ) grounds in scripture , proving the unlawfulnesse of such mixt communions , may not , nor dare not so communicate : and as concerning others they judge ( as themselves would be judged ) that they exercise their religion in that way which appeareth to them most agreeable to the word of god . when these sowers of division have possest the people , that these and the like absurdities are held by them : then they advise them to flye from them as from serpents , and not to heare them or discourse with them , as they tender the safety of their souls ; & make them glad & rejoyce when they heare any of them are imprisoned or silenced ; or their bookes ( though slightly and absurdly ) answered : and when they heare that many of them are forsaking the kingdome , and betaking themselves to the west-indies and other places for liberty of their consciences ( as void of all remorse ) they cry out , let them goe , a good riddance , it will never bee well in england ( say they ) so long as these sects are permitted to live amongst us ; nor untill the parliament do set up one expresse way for exercise of religion , and compell all men to submit thereunto , and most severely to punish all such as will not . but you will finde that this is the very voice of prelacie , and the authours thereof to bee the very same in heart , what ever they are in cloaths and outside — and that it is not the voyce of the apostles , who required that every man should be fully perswaded in his owne minde of the lawfulnesse of that way wherein he served the lord ; and that upon such a ground as no authority on earth can ever dispence withall , namely , that whatsoever is not of faith ( or full assurance of minde ) is sin . our saviour christ did not use the sadduces in so unkinde a manner , and yet they held more dangerous opinions then any that are accused in our times ; for they beleeved that there was no resurrection , and that there was neither angell nor spirit ; though they came to him in a kinde of insolent confidence in these their opinions , which he knew sufficiently , he , neverthelesse both heard and answered them gently ; he did not revile them with reproachfull language , telling them that they were not worthy to live in a common-wealth ; nor did he warne others to discourse with them ; hee did not command their persons to be imprisoned , nor declare their lives to be forfeited : it is likely they lived quietly , and ( in all civill respects ) according to the loves of the country , and were honester men then the scribes and pharisees who were hypocrites : and so , as the true authour of his apostles doctrine , he allowed them to be fully perswaded in their owne mindes , using no meanes but argument and perswasion to alter or controle their judgements : he knew that men might live peaceably and lovingly together , though they differ in judgement one from another : himselfe was composed of love , and esteemed nothing so pretious as love ; his servant and apostle paul was of the same minde also , affirming that though hee had all faith and al knowledge , and understood all mysteries , though he could speak with the tongues of men and of angels , and have not love , he is nothing , a meere sounding brasse or tinckling symball : he desires that who are strong in the faith , should beare with those that are weak , adviseth him that eateth that hee should not condemne him that eateth not : where one observed a day to the lord , and others not ( though a matter of great moment ) yet he alloweth every one to be fully perswaded in his owne minde : now if our saviour and his apostle , that could infallibly determine what was truth , and what was error , did neverthelesse allow every man to bee fully perswaded in his owne minde , and did not command any man upon their authority to doe any thing against judgement and conscience — what spirit are they of , whose ministers are they , that would have all men compelled to submit to their probabilities and doubtfull determinations ? the apostle perswadeth those whō he instructed to try all things : these allow not things to be compared , they take liberty to speake what they please in publike against opinions and judgements , under what nick-names they thinke fittest to make them odious , and write and print , and licence the same , wresting and misapplying the scriptures to prove their false assertions ; but stop all mens mouthes from speaking , and prohibit the printing of any thing that might be produced in way of defence and vindication ; and if any thing bee attempted , spoken or published without authority or licence , pursuivants , fines and imprisonments , are sure to wait the authors , printers and publishers . and though experience of all times under popery and prelacie , have proved this a vaine way to bring all men to be of one minde , yet these men are not yet made wiser by the folly of others , but suffer themselves to be outwitted by the devillish policies of those that put them on in those compulsive and restrictive courses , as knowing it to be the only meanes to obstruct the truth , to multiply opinions , and cause divisions , without which they know they should in vaine attempt the bondage or destruction of the honest party . be you therefore wise in time , and speedily and freely unite your selves to those your brethren , though reproached with never so many nick-names , and use all lawfull meanes for their ease and freedome , and for protection from reproach , injury or violence , that they may be encouraged to abide in , and returne unto this our distressed country , and to contribute their utmost assistance to free the same from the bloudy intentions of the common enemies , and give them assurance of a comfortable freedome of conscience when a happy end shall be given to these wofull times : you cannot deny but that they are to bee trusted in any imployment equall to any condition of men , not one of them having proved false hearted or treacherous in any publike employment : sticke you therefore close to them , they will most certainly sticke close to you ; which if you doe , all the popish and malignant party in the world will not be able to circumvent you : but if you suffer your selves to be so grossely deluded as to despise or renounce their assistance and association , you shall soone perceive your selves to be over-growne with malignants ( the taking of a covenant will not change a blackamore ) your bondage will be speedy and certaine : the ground upon which you renounce them is so unjust and contrary to the word of god , that god cannot prosper you ; you have therefore no choice at all ; but if you joyne not ; you perish : your destruction is of your selves . ( complaine of none else ) your pride and disdaine of them will be your ruine . thus have you the faithfull advice of him who is neither anabaptist , antinomian , brownist , separatist or independent : but of one that upon good ground ( as he conceiveth ) holdeth fellowship and communion with the parochiall congregations , who observing with a ●ad he●●● the manifold distractions and divisions amongst his brethren about difference of judgement in matters of religion ; and finding the same fomented and made use of to the destruction of the common freedome of his deare country : he could not forbeare to give warning there of to all sorts of well-affected persons , hoping that they will labour to informe themselves more truly of the opinions and dispositions of those their too much despised brethren ; and ( as himselfe hath done ) resolve henceforward to joyne heart and hand with them in all offices of love and mutuall assistance of the commonwealth . finis . a letter from a clergy-man in the city, to his friend in the country, containing his reasons for not reading the declaration halifax, george savile, marquis of, 1633-1695. 1688 approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44723 wing h308 estc r9523 11809533 ocm 11809533 49495 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44723) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49495) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 495:14) a letter from a clergy-man in the city, to his friend in the country, containing his reasons for not reading the declaration halifax, george savile, marquis of, 1633-1695. 8 p. s.n., [london? : 1688] caption title. dated at end: may 22, 1688. attributed to george savile, marquis of halifax. cf. mcalpin coll. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii). -declaration : james r. ... that as it is our royal purpose to endeavor a legal establishment of an universal liberty of conscience. church of england. church and state -england. freedom of religion -england. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from a clergy-man in the city , to his friend in the country , containing his reasons for not reading the declaration . sir , i do not wonder at your concern for finding an order of council published in the gazette for reading the king's declaration for liberty of conscience in all churches and chappels in this kingdom . you desire to know my thoughts about it , and i shall freely tell them ; for this is not a time to be reserved . our enemies who have given our gracious king this counsel against us , have taken the most effectual way not only to ruine us , but to make us appear the instruments of our own ruine , that what course soever we take , we shall be undone ; and one side or other will conclude that we have undone our selves , and fall like fools . to lose our livings and preferments ▪ nay our liberties and lives in a plain and direct opposition to popery , as suppose for refusing to read mass in our churches , or to swear to the trent-creed , is an honourable way of falling , and has the divine comforts of suffering for christ and his religion ; and i hope there is none of us but can chearfully submit to the will of god in it . but this is not our present case ; to read the declaration , is not to read the mass , nor to profess the romish faith ; and therefore some will judge that there is no hurt in reading it , and that to suffer for such a refusal , is not to fall like confessors , but to suffer as criminals for disobeying the lawful commands of our prince : but yet we judge , and we have the concurring opinions of all the nobility and gentry with us , who have already suffered in this cause , that to take away the test and penal laws at this time , is but one step from the introducing of popery ; and therefore to read such a declaration in our churches , though it do not immediately bring popery in , yet it sets open our church-doors for it , and then it will take its own time to enter : so that should we comply with this order , all good protestants would despise and hate us , and then we may be easily crushed , and shall soon fall with great dishonour , and without any pity . this is the difficulty of our case ; we shall be censured on both sides , but with this difference : we shall fall a little sooner by not reading the declaration , if our gracious prince resent this as an act of an obstinate and pevish or factious disobedience , as our enemies will be sure to represent it to him ; we shall as certainly fall , and not long after , if we do read it , and then we shall fall unpitied and despised , and it may be with the curses of the nation , whom we have ruined by our compliance ; and this is the way never to rise more : and may i suffer all that can be suffered in this world , rather than contribute to the final ruine of the best church in the world. let us then examine this matter impartially , as those who have no mind either to ruine themselves , or to ruine the church : i suppose no minister of the church of england can give his consent to the declaration . let us then consider whether reading the declaration in our churches be not an interpretative consent , and will not with great reason be interpreted to be so : for , first , by our law all ministerial officers are accountable for their actions : the authority of superiours , though of the king himself , cannot justifie inferiour officers , much less the ministers of state , if they should execute any illegal commands ; which shews , that our law does not look upon the ministers of church or state to be meer machines and tools to be managed wholly by the will of superiours , without exercising any act of judgment or reason themselves ; for then inferiour ministers were no more punishable than the horses are which draw an innocent man to tyburn : and if inferiour ministers are punishable , then our laws suppose that what we do in obedience to superiours , we make our own act by doing it , and i suppose that signifies our consent , in the eye of the law , to what we do . it is a maxime in our law , that the king can do no wrong ; and therefore if any wrong be done , the crime and guilt is the minister's who does it : for the laws are the king 's publick will , and therefore he is never supposed to command any thing contrary to law ; nor is any minister , who does an illegal action , allowed to pretend the king's command and authority for it : and yet this is the only reason i know , why we must not obey a prince against the laws of the land , or the laws of god , because what we do , let the authority be what it will that commands it , becomes our own act , and we are responsible for it ; and then as i observed before , it must imply our own consent . secondly , the ministers of religion have a greater tye and obligation than this , because they have the care and conduct of mens souls , and therefore are bound to take care that what they publish in their churches , be neither contrary to the laws of the land , nor to the good of the church : for the ministers of religion are not lookt upon as common cryers , but what they read , they are supposed to recommend too , thô they do no more than read it ; and therefore to read any thing in the church , which i do not consent to and approve , nay which i think prejudicial to religion , and the church of god , as well as contrary to the laws of the land , is to mis-guide my people , and to dissemble with god and men ; because it is presum'd , that i neither do , nor ought to read any thing in the church , which i do not in some degree approve . indeed , let mens private opinions be what they will , in the nature of the thing , he that reads such a declaration to his people , teaches them by it : for is not reading teaching ? suppose then i do not consent to what i read , yet i consent to teach my people what i read : and herein is the evil of it ; for it may be it were no fault to consent to the declaration , but if i consent to teach my people what i do not consent to , myself , i am sure that is a great one : and he who can distinguish between consenting to read the declaration , and consenting to teach the people by the declaration , when reading the declaration is teaching it , has a very subtile distinguishing conscience . now if consenting to read the declaration be a consent to teach it my people , then the natural interpretation of reading the declaration , is , that he who reads it , in such a solemn teaching-manner , approves it . if this be not so , i desire to know , why i may not read an homily for transubstantiation , or invocation of saints , or the worship of images , if the king sends me such good catholic homilies , and commands me to read them ? and thus we may instruct our people in all the points of popery , and recommend it to them with all the sophistry and artificial insinuations , in obedience to the king , with a very good conscience , because without our consent : if it be said , this would be a contradiction to the doctrine of our church by law established ; so i take the declaration to be : and if we may read the declaration contrary to law , because it does not imply our consent to it ; so we may popish homilies , for the bare reading them will not imply our consent , no more than the reading the declaration does : but whether i consent to the doctrine or no , it is certain i consent to teach my people this doctrine ; and it is to be considered , whether an honest man can do this . thirdly , i suppose no man will doubt , but the king intends , that our reading the declaration should signifie to the nation , our consent and approbation of it ; for the declaration does not want publishing , for it is sufficiently known already : but our reading it in our churches , must serve instead of addresses of thanks , which the clergy generally refused , though it was only to thank the king for his gracious promises renewed to the church of england , in his declaration , which was much more innocent , than to publish the declaration itself in our churches : this would perswade one , that the king thinks our reading the declaration , to signifie our consent , and that the people will think it to be so . and he that can satisfie his conscience , to do an action without consent , which the nature of the thing , the design , and intention of the command , and the sence of the people expound to be a consent , may , i think , as well satisfie himself with equivocations and mental reservations . there are two things to be answered to this , which must be considered . i. that the people understand our minds , and see that this is matter of force upon us , and meer obedience to the king. to which i answer , 1. possibly the people do understand that the matter of the declaration is against our principles : but is this any excuse , that we read that , and by reading recommend that to them , which is against our own consciences and judgments ? reading the declaration would be no fault at all , but our duty , when the king commands it , did we approve of the matter of it ; but to consent to teach our people such doctrines as we think contrary to the laws of god , or the laws of the land , does not lessen but aggravate the fault , and people must be very good natured to think this an excuse . 2. it is not likely that all the people will be of a mind in this matter , some may excuse it , others , and those it may be the most , the best , and the wisest men , will condemn us for it , and then how shall we justifie our selves against their censures ? when the world will be divided in their opinions , the plain way is certainly the best , to do what we can justifie our selves , and then let men judge as they please . no men in england will be pleased with our reading the declaration , but those who hope to make great advantage of it against us , and against our church and religion : others will severely condemn us for it , and censure us as false to our religion , and as betrayers both of church and state : and besides that , it does not become a minister of religion , to do any thing , which in the opinion of the most charitable men can only be excused ; for what needs an excuse , is either a fault or looks very like one ; besides this i say ; i will not trust mens charity ; those who have suffered themselves in this cause , will not excuse us for fear of suffering ; those who are inclined to excuse us now , will not do so when they consider the thing better , and come to feel the ill consequences of it : when our enemies open their eyes ▪ and tell them what our reading the declaration signified , which they will then tell us we ought to have seen before , though they were not bound to see it ; for we are to guide and instruct them , not they us . ii. others therefore think , that when we read the declaration , we should publickly profess , that it is not our own judgment , but that we only read it in obedience to the king ; and then our reading it cannot imply our consent to it : now this is only protestatio contra factum , which all people will laugh at , and scorn us for : for such a solemn reading it in the time of divine service , when all men ought to be most grave and serious , and far from dissembling with god or men , does in the nature of the thing imply our approbation ; and should we declare the contrary , when we read it , what shall we say to those who ask us , why then do you read it ? but let those who have a mind try this way , which , for my part , i take to be a greater and more unjustifiable provocation of the king , than not to read it ; and , i suppose , those who do not read it , will be thought plainer and honester men , and will escape as well as those who read it and protest against it : and yet nothing less than an express protestation against it will salve this matter ; for only to say , they read it meerly in obedience to the king , does not express their dissent : it signifies indeed , that they would not have read it , if the king had not commanded it ; but these words do not signifie , that they disapprove of the declaration , when their reading it , though only in obedience to the king , signifies their approbation of it , as much as actions can signifie a consent : let us call to mind how it fared with those in king charles the first 's reign , who read the book of sports , as it was called , and then preached against it . to return then to our argument ; if reading the declaration in our churches be in the nature of the action , in the intention of the command , in the opinion of the people , an interpretative consent to it , i think my self bound in conscience not to read it , because i am bound in conscience not to approve it : it is against the constitution of the church of england , which is established by law , and to which i have subscribed , and therefore am bound in conscience to teach nothing contrary to it , while this obligation lasts : it is to teach an unlimited and universal toleration , which the parliament in 72. declared illegal , and which has been condemned by the christian church in all ages : it is to teach my people , that they need never come to church more , but have my free leave , as they have the king 's , to go to a conventicle , or to mass : it is to teach the dispensing power , which alters , what has been formerly thought , the whole constitution of this church and kingdom : which we dare not do , till we have the authority of parliament for it : it is to recommend to our people , the choice of such persons to sit in parliament , as shall take away the test and penal laws , which most of the nobility and gentry of the nation have declared their judgment against : it is to condemn all those great and worthy patriots of their country , who forfeited the dearest thing in the world to them , next a good conscience , viz. the favour of their prince , and a great many honourable and profitable employments with it , rather than ▪ consent to that proposal of taking away the test and penal laws , which they apprehend destructive to the church of england and the protestant religion ; and he who can in conscience do all this , i think need scruple nothing . for let us consider further , what the effects and consequences of our reading the declaration are likely to be , and i think they are matter of conscience too , when they are evident and apparent . this will certainly render our persons and ministry infinitely contemptible , which is against that apostolick canon , let no man despise thee , titus 2. 15. that is , so to behave himself in his ministerial office , as not to fall under contempt ; and therefore this obliges the conscience , not to make our selves ridiculous , nor to render our ministry , our counsels , exhortations , preaching , writing , of no effect , which is a thousand times worse than being silenced : our sufferings will preach more effectually to the people , when we cannot speak to them : but he who for fear or cowardize , or the love of this world , betrays his church and religion by undue compliances , and will certainly be thought to do so , may continue to preach , but to no purpose ; and when we have rendred our selves ridiculous and contemptible , we shall then quickly fall , and fall unpitied . there is nothing will so effectually tend to the final ruin of the church of england , because our reading the declaration will discourage , or provoke , or misguide , all the friends the church of england has : can we blame any man for not preserving the laws and the religion of our church and nation , when we our selves will venture nothing for it ? can we blame any man for consenting to repeal the test and penal laws , when we recommend it to them by reading the declaration ? have we not reason to expect that the nobility and gentry , who have already suffered in this cause , when they hear themselves condemned for it in all the churches of england , will think it time to mend such a fault , and reconcile themselves to their prince ? and if our church fall this way , is there any reason to expect that it should ever rise again ? these consequences are almost as evident as demonstrations , and let it be what it will in it self , which i foresee will destroy the church of england and the protestant religion and interest , i think i ought to make as much conscience of doing it , as of doing the most immoral action in nature . to say , that these mischievous consequences are not absolutely necessary , and therefore do not affect the conscience , because we are not certain they will follow , is a very mean objection ; moral actions indeed have not such necessary consequences , as natural causes have necessary effects , because no moral causes act necessarily : reading the declaration will not as necessarily destroy the church of england , as fire burns wood , but if the consequence be plain and evident , the most likely thing that can happen , if it be unreasonable to expect any other , if it be what is plainly intended and designed , either i must never have any regard to moral consequences of my actions , or if ever they are to be considered , they are in this case . why are the nobility and gentry so extreamly averse to the repeal of the test and penal laws ? why do they forfeit the king's favour , and their honourable stations , rather then comply with it ? if you say that this tends to destroy the church of england and the protestant religion , i ask whether this be the necessary consequence of it ? whether the king cannot keep his promise to the church of england if the test and penal laws be repealed ? we cannot say , but this may be : and yet the nation does not think fit to try it ; and we commend those great men who deny it ; and if the same questions were put to us , we think we ought in conscience to deny them our selves : and are there not as high probabilities , that our reading the declaration will promote the repeal of the test and penal laws , as that such a repeal will ruine our constitution , and bring in popery upon us ? is it not as probable , that such a complyance in us , will disoblige all the nobility and gentry , who have hitherto been firm to us , as that when the power of the nation is put into popish hands , by the repeal of such tests and laws , the priests and jesuits may find some salvo for the king's conscience , and perswade him to forget his promise to the church of england ? and if the probable ill consequences of repealing the test and penal laws , be a good reason not to comply with it , i cannot see but that the as probable ill consequences of reading the declaration , is as good a reason not to read it . the most material objection is , that the dissenters , whom we ought not to provoke , will expound our not reading it , to be the effect of a persecuting spirit : now i wonder men should lay any weight on this , who will not allow the most probable consequences of our actions , to have any influence upon conscience : for if we must compare consequences , to disoblige all the nobility and gentry by reading it , is likely to be much more fatal , than to anger the dissenters : and it is more likely , and there is much more reason for it , that one should be offended than the other : for the dissenters who are wise and considering , are sensible of the snare themselves , and though they desire ease and liberty , they are not willing to have it with such apparent hazard of church and state : i am sure that thô we were never so desirous that they might have their liberty , ( and when there is opportunity of shewing our inclinations without danger , they may find that we are not such persecutors as we are represented ) yet we cannot consent that they should have it this way , which they will find the dearest liberty that ever was granted . this sir , is our case in short , the difficulties are great on both sides , and therefore now if ever , we ought to besiege heaven with our prayers , for wisdom , and counsel , and courage ; that god would protect his church and reformed christianity , against all the devices of their enemies : which is the daily and hearty prayer of , sir , your friend and brother . may 22. 1688. postscript . i have just now seen h. care 's paper called , the public occurrences , which came out to day , and cannot but set you right as to his news about the reading of the declaration on sunday : he tells you , that several divines of the church of england , in and about this city , eminent for their piety and moderation , did yesterday read his majesty's late declaration in their churches , according to the order in that behalf ; but some ( to the great surprize of their parishoners ) were pleased to decline it . you in the country are from this account to believe , that it was read here by the generallity of the clergy , and by the eminent men among them : but i can , and do assure you , that this is one of the most impudent lyes that ever was printed : for as to this city which hath above a hundred parishes in it , it was read only in four or five churches , all the rest , and best of the clergy refusing it every-where . i will spare their names who read it ; but should i mention them , it would make you , who know this city , a little heartily to deride h c's account of them . and for the surprize he talks of , the contray of it is so true , that in wood-street , where it was read by one dr. m. the people generally went out of the church . this i tell you , that you may be provided for the future against such an impudent lyar , who , for bread , can vouch and put about the nation , the falsest of things . i am yours . after debate about the printing and publishing of the orders of the 16th of january last, which followeth in these words, viz. it is this day ordered by the lords spirtiuall and temporall, in the high court of parliament: that the divine service be performed, ... england and wales. parliament. house of lords. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83883 of text r209707 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[18]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83883 wing e2787a thomason 669.f.3[18] estc r209707 99868574 99868574 160576 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83883) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160576) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[18]) after debate about the printing and publishing of the orders of the 16th of january last, which followeth in these words, viz. it is this day ordered by the lords spirtiuall and temporall, in the high court of parliament: that the divine service be performed, ... england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1641] title from caption and opening words of text. imprint from wing. dated: 9⁰ september 1641. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a83883 r209707 (thomason 669.f.3[18]). civilwar no after debate about the printing and publishing of the orders of the 16th of january last, which followeth in these words, viz. it is this da england and wales. parliament. 1641 472 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion after debate about the printing and publishing of the orders of the 16th of january last , which followeth in these words , viz. it is this day ordered by the lords spirituall and temporall , in the high court of parliament : that the divine service be performed , as it is appointed by the acts of parliament of this realme . and that all such as shall disturbe that wholsome order , shal be severely punished according to law . and the parsons , viccars , and curats , in their severall parishes , shall forbeare to introduce any rites or ceremonies that may give offence , otherwise then those which are established by the laws of the land . 9o september 1641. resolved upon the question , that the order of the 16. january , 1640. shal be printed and published . lords assenting , bishop of lincolne . lord mowbery . l. cleveland . l. dunsmore . l. dover . l. denby . l. portland . l. carnarvan . l. coventree . l. newarke . lords disassenting , lord keeper . l. privy seale . l. bedford . l. mandavil . l. newport : l. whorton . l. clare . l. hunsdon . it being put to the question , whether the lords would order that it should be voated that the said order of the 16th of january should be printed and published , before a conference desired with the house of commons concernit . we whose names are underwritten did disassent ; and having before the puting of the question demanded our right of protestation , did accordingly make our protestation : that we held it fit and necessary to have the consent of the house of commous in those things which concerne so neerly the quiet and government of the church : and therfore we desired to have a conference with the house of commons before any conclusive order were printed or published herein ; especially the house of commons having but lately brought to us , ( and desired the consent of our house unto ) certaine voates of theirs against divers innovations , in , or about the worship of god , lately practised in this kingdome , without warrant of law . and therfore to acquit our selves of the dangers and inconveniences that might arise by the printing and publishing of the said order of the 16th of january , as binding to the whole kingdome , without desiring the consent of the house of commons , we did protest our disassents to this voate : and doe thus enter it as aforesaid . lord privy seale . l. bedford . l. warwicke . l. newport . l. clare . l. hunsdon . l. mandavill . l. whorton . master edmund calamies leading case calamy, edmund, 1600-1666. 1663 approx. 26 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32039 wing c258 estc r7623 13131749 ocm 13131749 97865 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32039) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97865) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1546:8) master edmund calamies leading case calamy, edmund, 1600-1666. 16 p. [s.n.], london printed : mdclxiii [1663] imperfect: print show-through with loss of print. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng puritans -england. church and state -england. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-08 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2004-08 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion master edmund calamies leading case . behold how he seeketh a quarrel against me ? london , printed in the year , mdclxiii . mr. edmvnd calamies leading case . lord mayor's officer with a warrant . for as much as i have received a certificate from , and under the hand and seal of the right reverend father in god , gilbert lord bishop of london , that mr. edmund calamy late curate of the parish church of st. mary aldermanbury , in the said city of london being ( according as is provided and enacted by the late act of parliament made for the vniformity of publick prayers , &c. ) by reason of his inconformity disabled to preach or read any lecture or sermon in any church or chappel within his majesties realm of england , or dominion of wales , and town of berwick upon tweed , and continuing and remaining still so disabled , did since the feast of st. bartholomew last past , upon two several daies , viz. on tuesday the twenty sixth day of august last past , and upon sunday the twenty eighth day of december , 1662 in the said church of st. mary aldermanbury , presume , and take upon himself ( without any lawful approbation and licence thereunto ) to preach or read , and did preach or read two several sermons or lectures publickly before the congregation , then , and there in the said church assembled , contrary to , and in contempt of authority of the said act of parliament : these are therefore ( as i am required by the said act ) in his majesties name to will and command you to receive into your custody within the gaol of newgate , the body of the said edmund calamy brought unto you herewith , and him there detein for the offence aforesaid , for the term of three months from the day of the date hereof , without bayl or mainprise , according to the tenor and effect of the act of parliament aforesaid . and this shall be your warrant therein , dated this fifth day of january , 1662. church-members . far be this from you , good sir , spare your self , and retire until this calamity be overpast . come my people , enter thou ●nto thy chambers , and shut thy doores about thee : hide thy self as it were for a little moment , until the indignation be overpast . mr. calamy , what mean you to weep , and to break mine heart ? for i am ready not to be bound onely , but to dye for the lord jesus . brethren . now you will not be perswaded , we must cease , and say , the will of the lord be done . calamy . the lord jesus did not hide himself when he was to be taken for me , but said , here i am : i will not hide my self now i am to be taken for him , but will say , here i am : only i shall entreat some of your company , to my lord mayor , to whom you may give an account of that daies proceeding . brethren . with all our hearts : — lord mayor . as i would upon other occasions have been glad , so really i am now sorry to see you mr. calamy : equally sorry i am , that i must inflict such a punishment ( as i am obliged by the act ) upon a person of your years and profession ; and that such a person should dese●ve it : in charity i could not think your conscience could have allowed you at any time , so open an affront to the most solemn establishment of authoritie : i● reason i could not think your prudence could have allowed it at this time , when his majestie was so f●ll of gracious thoughts towards you , and all sober men of your way . calamy . in prudence i should not at this time have displeased his majestie : in conscience i cannot at any time displease god. lord mayor . i hope his majesties government is so just , so moderate , so agreeable to the great principles of religion and reason , upon which mankind joyn in a society , or christjan . in a church ; that there is no discreet and knowing person put upon the sad dilemma of either provoking god , or opposing the authority ordained of god. calamy . necessity is layd upon us , yea , woe unto us if we preach not the gospel . that you may have a reason of that which was done by me , and so may not think i did it unwarrantably , i offer your consideration what hath been much upon my spirit , from the 5. of the acts , as the apostles taught the people , the priests , the sadduces , the captain of the temple , came upon them , being grieved that they taught the people : and they layd hands on them , and layd them in hold against the next day : howbeit , many of them which heard the word believed , and the number of the men was about five thousand . and when they had called them before them , they asked them by what power , or in what name have you done this ? then peter filled with the holy ghost , said unto them : ye rulers of the people , and elders of israel , if we be examined this day of the good deed that we have done ; be it known unto you all , we have done it it in the name of the lord jesus christ. and when they saw the boldnesse of peter and john they marvelled , and they took knowledge of them . but when they had commanded them to go aside out of the councel , they conferred among themselves , saying , what shall we do to these men ; for that indeed notable things have been done by them , is manifest to all them that dwell at ierusalem , and we cannot deny it : but that it spread no further among the people , let us straitly threaten them that they speak henceforth to no man in this name . and they called them , and commanded them , that they should not speak at all in the name of jesus . but peter and john answered and said unto them : whether it be right in the sight of god , to hearken unto god more than unto you , judge ye ; for we cannot but speak the things which we have seen and heard : so when they had further threatned them , they let them go , finding nothing how they might punish them , because of the people . l. b. l. if it were not our businesse rather to manifest our obedience to the act of uniformity in performing duty , then to dispute your disobedience in neglecting yours , we could easily show you how many waies you have wrested this scripture , as the unlearned and unstable wrest them , to their own damnation : and how wide your case is from theirs . for 1. they were silenced by no l●w ; you are silenced by a law : they could say with st. paul , acts 25. 8. for them●elves , and answer , that neither against the law of the jewes , nor against the temple , nor against caesar , have we offended at all . you must confesse , that against the law of the nation , against the church , and against caesar , in many things have you offended all . 2. they were forbid to preach in the name of jesus . you are onely forbid to rebel in the name of jesus : they were restrained from publishing the truth : you are restrained onely from publishing errors . 3. there the whole ministry was to be silenced : here you onely , and a few others , are suspended : so that now christ is preached , and you may rejoice . 4. they were suspended by the prevailing power of oppressions : you are silenced by the reasonable power of your own representatives in parliament . ●ewes silenced them without a law ; you by a law , which the men you have chosen have made , have silenced your selves . 5. a necessity which lay upon them , who were called of god , to reveal the gospel which was hid from ages ; doth not ly upon you , who many of you , are not so much as called by man to preach that word ; which for many years . god be thanked , hath dwelt richly among us . 6. they loved not their life unto the death , that they might preach the gospel ; you love your opinion so well , that you will rather not preach the gospel then hear it : they would not be silenced to save their lives , you silence your selves to ●al●● your r●pute and esteem . mr. calamy . o add not reproach unto affliction ▪ o sir , we would not have left our callings and stations for fear of death , we must now leave them for fear of that which is worse then death : we would willingly die rather then not serve the lord in our calling : we must rather not serve the lord in our calling then sin . an honest man. really i am afraid that while you think you avoid sin by refusing ceremonies which are indifferent , you committed sin in neglecting your calling , which was necessary . mr. calamy . let every man be fully perswaded in his own mind : what is but indifferent in your apprehension , was sinful in mine , and every man must give an account of himself . b.s. it is not what you think of the thing imposed can secure your conscience , but what they are ▪ that which is good remains good , and that which is evil , evil : and that in the very same degree of good and evil as it was before , neither better nor worse , any mans particular judgement or opinion thereof notwithstanding . mr. calamy . that 's true indeed , yet what is good or indifferent in it self , if i am perswaded it is evil , it is evil unto me : to him that esteemeth any thing to be unlawful to him it is unlawful , rom. 4.14 . b.s. to him th●● thinketh a thing unlawful , and is at liberty , whether he doth it or no , to ●im it is unlawful : but to him that thinketh a thing unlawful , bu● yet is enjoyned by lawful authority to do , to him if he hath not a clear rule to the contrary , it is l●wful . wh●tsoever it co●●●●ded us by those whom god hath felt over us 〈◊〉 in chur● , common-wealth , or family , which is not evidently contrary to the law and will of god , ought to be receivved and obeyed no otherwise , then as if god himself had commanded it ; because god himself hath commanded us to obey the higher powers , and to submit our selves to their ordinances , rom. 13. 1. 1 pet. 2.13 . mr. calamy . i hope i must not go against my conscience within me , to comply with my superiours above me . b.s. what a strange thing is this ! that when the blessed apostle commanded you to obey for conscience sake , you should disobey , and that for conscience sake too : your governors charge you upon your conscience to be obedient , and you pretend your conscience to be free from that subjection : it is a sad thing that you have brought your selves and other poor souls to such ● strait between two sins , and you can by no means possible avoid both , as long as you persist in this way ; for if you do the things commanded , you go against the perswasion of your own conscience , and that is a great sin ; and if you do them not , you disobey lawful authority , and that is a sin too . mr. calamy . truly neither fancy , faction , nor humor makes me not to comply , but meerly for fear of offending god : and if after the best means used to satisfie my self ; as prayer to god , discourse , study , i was not able to apprehend the lawfulness of what was required ; if it be my unhappiness to be in an error , surely men will have no reason to be angry vvith me in this vvorld , and i hope god vvill pardon me in the next . mr. s●rin . when i vvas called upon either to conform to the lavvs for uniformity , or to leave my ministry , i asked of my self tvvo things , whe●her i would rather suffer death then use the thing● imposed in a church professing the foundation , and urging them as things indifferent , not pressing them as binding consciences in themselves , or as needful to salvation ? and whether the execution of my ministry ( which was pressed upon my conscience with ● wo , if i neglected it ) should be as dear to me as my life . p.s. good god , to see to what pass small errors have brought us ! how difference of apprehension hath brought forth difference of judgment : and difference of judgment bath brought forth difference of practice , and disagreement of affection . the difference of practice hath moved authority to silence and suppress refusers of conformity . the disagreement in affection doth move you who are deprived , to speak and act against persons in authority ; whereby in the event the course of the gospel is interrupted , and of popery enlarged ; the friends of sion are grieved , the enemies rejoyce ; the enemy of mankind is gratified , and the lord is displeased ; the church is rent with schism , the truth scandalized by dissention ; the ministers undone by loss of living , and the unity of brethren living in the same house , professing the same faith and rejoycing in the same hope , is pulled in pieces , and this like to continue god knows how long . mr. calamy . it is sad that magistrates should enjoyn such things as should cause such divisions as cause great thoughts of heart . b.s. it is sad indeed that subject● cannot submit to such things as are enjoyned for peace , order , and decency . l. m. i wonder you should not consider how dangerous it should be to affront the most solemn injunction of the whole nation , a law so universally desired , so deliberately resolved on , so seriously pressed , as the greatest security of church or state. mr. calamy . i was several times persecuted for owning his majesties authority and interest . i did not think i should live to be imprisoned for opposing it . sr. t. e. the more favour his majestie had for you for former service , the more sorry he is that you have forfeited it by your presen● and 〈◊〉 . his majestie thought that mr. calamy would not have 〈◊〉 so , of any man in england . mr. calamy . really i did not do it upon mine own head , but upon the request of divers honourable and worthy persons who were otherwise like to be disappointed of a morning sermon . sr. r.b. it is generally reported , and upon the extraordinary concourse of people to your church , as generally believed that it was designed before hand ; several citiz●n● inviting one another to your church to hear you preach . mr. calamy . it might be a design upon me , it was no design by me : this is not the first time we have been tr●panne● . t.f. there are few that know you that can allow you so much indiscretion as to yeild to the private importunities of a few gentlemen , against the publick authority of a whole parliament . mr. calamy . i may say ( with reverence to the lord jesus , of whom it is written ) that i had compassion of the multitude , who were as sheep without a shepherd . e.w. you would have taught the people better by your silence , then by your sermon : your obedience had been better than sacrifice ● the misguided throng had been better taught by your cheerful submission to authority , then by your indiscreet discourse against it . when you had been importuned to preach , you should have said ; i pray you go home and learn what that m●aneth , submit your selves to every ordinance of 〈◊〉 for the lord's sake , whether it ●e the king as supream , or 〈◊〉 governor● 〈…〉 them who are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them 〈◊〉 do well , for so is the will of god● that wish well doing we may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men , as free and using your liberty as a cloak of ●icenti●●●ness , 〈…〉 wherefore ye must needs be subject not only for w●●th , but for conscience s●ke , 〈◊〉 13.5 mr. calamy . i hope an offence of this nature may be passed by , being so innocent in the design of it , so harmless in the consequence of it . w.f. how harmless it is in the design of it , be it between you and your god and soul : how dangerous it is in the consequence of it , any man may guess that considers what encouragement it may give your party , if you are not punished ; and what offence it may give them if you are . if you are winked at , why say others , are we not winked at too , without respect of persons . if you are punished , then they say , we are persecuted . it is sad that you are become such an occasion of offence between the king and his good people . mr. calamy . i hope i am not so unhappy . t.m. you were looked upon as the fittest man to break the ice , being a man so much esteemed for your own worth , and so much interessed in honourable friends and acquaintance . for as formerly cartwright was encouraged by the e. of lecester , travers was entertained by the l. treasurer cecill , walsingham was owned by secretary walsingham ; so you stir up your honourable women , and look for the favour of many excellent personages . mr. calamy . i hope his majesties gracious declaration may excuse me . f.h. when my lord of london acquainted his majestie with what you had done , his majestie said , i am sure he hath no encouragement to , if from my declarati●n : his majestie never intended any favour of this nature to you● and i fear this p●ssage will obabstruct that favour he intended . mr. calamy . so far i hope may this passage be from prejudicing his sacred majesty against us●● that it may rather incline him to favour us : considering the necessity he hereby may perceive of our service , and the reasonableness of his indulgence . m. o. flatter not your self with these v●in thoughts ; his majesty may pity you , but he doth not want you . god hath sent his word , and great are the company of preachers . mr. calamy . let not the rigour of one session restrain those whom the indulgence of another may release . n.p. it is a question whether the same parliament may repeal the act that made it : whether those things that have been over-ruled , may be debated by the same house . mr. calamy . i hope that what a popish priest may do without check , a protestant minister may do without imprisonment . r.b. neither the one nor the other may be endured to seduce the people , and with fair words to deceive the hearts of the simple , if any man teach any other doctrine , and consent not to wholesome words , &c. mr. calamy . i hope his majesty will use his interest with the parliament . a.c. you of all men should not expect it , who complained of his late majesties protecting delinquents against his parliament . a brother . it is an unheard of course that the church should be governed by civil laws , and ministers punished by lay-men . an honest man. since the reformation , by your leave and the papists , we have owned his maj. under christ , defender of our faith , and law-maker of our church : the church directs , the state establisheth . good women . al●s , that they should use the good man so unworthily and hardly ! a.b. when mr. calamy and mr. love , &c. were under restraint , and word was sent to the army in scotl. concerning it , harrison and others said , if godly men transgress the law , they should be punished by the law good w. alas what harm hath the good man done ? r. l. in short he abused the kings authority , he hath broken the settled law , he hath vilified the power of parliam . he hath disturbed the publick peace , he stands to the principles of the rebellion , and provokes another . good wo. i wonder what he preached ? a.b. he preached that glory was departing from our isr. good w. these courses will bring us to another war. a.b. not so we hope . what , will you endanger the publick peace rather then be restrained ? will you not scruple at rebellion , who scruple at a few ceremonies ? what would you do if you had power in your own hands , that are so bold without it ? shall the minor part impose upon the major ? shall a novel fancy bear down an apostolical institution ? shall a private opinion contest with a publick law ? g.w. alas that our teachers are removed into corners . a.b. our dangers begin at the pulpit , without the aid of seditious sermons , i do believe the strife had never come to bloud : he was a wise man that said , the single imprisonment of crofton hath quieted that party more then all the multiplied and transcendent favors of his majesty . good w. these are sad times . a.b. say not that the former times were better then these , for thou dost not enquire wisely concerning this thing : when you guided the times others complained ; now others guide the times , you complain ; when shall we be quiet , i think it is our best way to rest where we are good w. good man , he hath discharged his conscience . a. b he hath it may be discharged his conscience , and my l. m. must discharge his : he who in order to the making of good christjan . , makes bad subjects , hath a zeal indeed , but it is seditious ; a religion , but it is rebellion . g.w. now you suffer for righteousness sake , happy is he . a.b. yes , but what glory have you , if when ye are buffeted for your faults you take it patiently . let none of you suffer as a murderer , or as a thief , or as an evil doer , or as a busie-body in other mens matter . mr. calamy . may i but 〈◊〉 ●espi●ed until ●o mo● row . l.m. yes , with all my heart upon your , and your fri●●ds word . sr. i.b. remember how you prayed , preached , and what you did june 6. 1641. and what was done jan. 6. 1644 , and i pray speak not with argyle as you go home . jeremiah 3●●38 . 1 this man se● hath not the welfare of this people , but their 〈◊〉 . 2 thou fallest away to the caldeans . 3 it s false . i fall not to the caldeans . 4 jeremiah said , what have i do●e against thee ' or against they servants that i should be put in prison . 5 let my supplication i p●ay 〈◊〉 , &c accepted before thee o king. 6 then took they jeremiah and sent him to the dungeon . 7 when ebed●●●lech the ethiopjan . the chamber lain of the kings house heard that they put jeremiah in the dungeon , he spake to the king , saying , my lord the king , these men have done evil in all they have done to jeremiah the prophet whom they have cast into the dungeon , &c. calamy 1 this man envieth the establishment of this nation , and seeks its hurt . 2 thou fallest away to the separation at hemsted . 3 it is false , i kept no convenucle at hemsted . 4 mr. calamy said , what have i done worthy of imprisonment ? 5 let my petition be re●●●ved by your most ●xcellent majestie . 6 then took they m. calamy & sent him to newgate 7 now when l.ch. heard that mr. calamy was in prison , he went to the king , and said , may it please your majesty , it is pity that reverend mr. calamy should be sent to newgate . pana ad unum , terror ad omnes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a32039-e60 ●f . 26. 20. acts 2 ● , 13. act. 21.14 1 cor. 9.16 acts 14. two speeches of george, earl of bristol, with some observations upon them by which it may appear whether or no the said earl and others of the same principles, deserve to be involved in the common calamity brought upon roman catholicks, by the folly and presumption of some few factious papists. speeches. selections bristol, george digby, earl of, 1612-1677. 1674 approx. 35 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29572 wing b4786 estc r11516 12645655 ocm 12645655 65128 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29572) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65128) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 345:10) two speeches of george, earl of bristol, with some observations upon them by which it may appear whether or no the said earl and others of the same principles, deserve to be involved in the common calamity brought upon roman catholicks, by the folly and presumption of some few factious papists. speeches. selections bristol, george digby, earl of, 1612-1677. [4], 12 p. [s.n.], london : 1674. page 9 is cropped in the filmed copy. signature a-b photogrphed from union theological seminary library, new york copy, and inserted at the end. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -england. church and state -catholic church. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-07 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two speeches of george earl of bristol , with some observations upon them . by which it may appear whether or no the said earl and others of the same principles , deserve to be involved in the common calamity brought upon roman catholicks , by the folly and presumption of some few factious papists . london , printed in the year . 1674 reader . being a roman catholick agreeing in principles with what george earl of bristol hath of late publickly declared of himself in parliament , i could hardly bear with patience the injurious censures and uncharitable constructions made of a speech of the said honourable persons , in the house of peers , by divers of the same communion , though of a differing stamp in relation to government . they did their best to have it understood , that the persecution which seem`d to threaten catholicks , had whetted that earls wit to find out specious and plausible distinctions betwixt catholick and catholick , whereby to exempt himself from the inconveniencies likely to fall upon the generality of that profession ; distinctions which in them selves they said had no solid grounds of discrimination , and that his sentiments express`d therein , were adapted only to the present occasion . the publishing of the said speech in print i thought wonld be a service to the publick , as well as a justice to that lord , wherein his distinction of catholicks of the church of rome , from catholicks of the court of rome , will certainly appear a right and a reasonable one : concerning which , if the reader rest not satisfied , but will needs descend to particular differences , he is referred to a dedication of a book lately published in print and directed to all catholicks of his majesties dominions , by one peter walsh , a franciscan fryer , wherein the chief imposals of the court of rome upon the more orthodox doctrines of the church of rome , are faithfully and learnedly exposed . now as to the second part of their detraction , i thought the injuriousness of it could not better be made appear , then by printing also another speech of the said earls , made to the house of commons many years since , wherein the self-same sentiments were eminently declared by him , at a time when roman catholicks were as free from alarums of any new persecution , as ever they have been during any session of parliament . a speech of george earl of bristols made to the house of peers at the first reading of the bill against popery , upon saturday the fifteenth of march , 167 2 / 3 the king being then present . my lords , i am very sensible to what inconveniences a man of my perswasion exposes himself that offers to speak ( especially to break the ice first ) to a bill of this nature brought up to you from the great representative of the commons of england , a bill which those of my own profession may possibly think so severe , and most protestants so necessary . if i speak for the passing of this bill it is likely i may give scandal to the first and if i speak against the passing of it , it is certain i shall give high provocation to the latter . and if i speak for some parts of it , and against some others , i may have cause to fear that i may offend both sides , the usual fate of those who affect to shew their subtilty by cutting a feather ( as we say ) : well my lords so be it , let what will befall me upon this occasion i shall still have within me a consolation above even the power of an act of parliament to take from me i mean the testimony of a good conscience , & of having discharged the duty of a peer of this house in so eminent a conjuncture clearly , and candidly according to the best of my understanding . yet still with most humble submission to the superiority of yours . my lords , before i enter upon the matter give me leave to tell those lords of my own profession that hear me what i think their duty , as well as mine , if any of them shall think fit to speak in this house upon this occasion . my lords , i do understand that how different so ever our sentiments are from your lordships in point of doctrine , and questions spiritual , we ought to lay the consideration of them all aside in this place , and to speak in it not as roman catholicks ; but as faithful members of a protestant parliament . and as such , give a preferrence before all temporal interests of our own to the right interest of the state under whose protection we live , resting confident that whatever part of our ease and conveniences in this world , we shall willingly sacrifice to the peace , and security of our countrey will one way or other be recompensed unto us by almighty god , either in this , or in the other . now my lords , as to the rest of this most honourable assembly , give me leave to remind you what kind of catholick i told you the other day i am ; that is a catholick of the church of rome , not a catholick of the court of rome , a distinction ( if i am not much deceived ) worthy of your memory and reflection , when ever any severe proceeding against those whom you call papists shall come in question , since catholicks of the court of rome do only deserve that name . my lords , i could easily make clear unto you the reality , and the reasonableness of this distinction by instances in matter of opinion , did i not think it always impertinent to trouble this house with points of controversie ; but i shall only take the liberty to evidence the justness of the distinction to you by a personal instance , fra. paulo my lords who writ so shrewdly the history of the counsel of trent i am sure will never pass with any body that hath read him for a catholick of the court of rome , the artifices and abuses of which he hath exposed to the world in such lively colours , and painted them out in figures ( give me leave to say ) even bigger then the life , and yet this fra. paulo my lords dyed piously , and devoutly a steady catholick of the church of rome , such as i trust god will give me the grace to do were i put to the bloodiest tryal , such a catholick my lords i am , and as such i make no doubt but i shall live to do roman catholicks more service , and procure them more advantages from the comiseration of this parliament , then all the unquiet spirits , or rabbi-busies of the court of rome . and now my lords , i come to speak to the matter of this bill , which i shall do at this time generally , and at large , reserving my self as to perticulars till it be read by paragraphs , yet thus much i cannot forbear telling you now that there are some perticulars in this bill , as those of the queens . and duke of yorks domestick servants , which while i have a tongue to speak , and a right to use it here , i shall ever oppose until i shall find my self bound up by your lordships determination . in the first place my lords , i beseech you to consider , that this bill for the securing of general fears , is brought up to you from the house of commons , the great representative of the people , and consequently the best judges of the true temper of the nation ; a house of commons surpassing all that ever hath been , in the illustrious marks of their duty , loyalty , and affection to their soveraign both in his person and government . such a house of commons as his majestie ought to consider , and cherish always , with such a kind of love as is due to a vvife , never to be parted with unkindly , and not as to a mistriss , to be turned off when our turn is served by her . my lords , this casual mention of a vvife , suggests to my thoughts a pursuance of the comparison , apt enough me thinks . i have observed in the course of my life , that men who have vvives somewhat coquettes , that is a little subject to gallantrys live easier lives with them , and freer from troublesome contentions then those who have vvives of exact and rigid vertue , and the reason of it is clear : for the more gamesome dames being conscious of their failings in that essential part are carefull to disguise , and repair them by kind and tender compliances with their husbands humour in all other things , whereas vvives severely punctual and exact in the chief matrimonial duty , expect and even exact far greater compliances from their husbands , and think themselves as it were priviledged by the rigidness of their vertue to be somtimes troublesome in domestick affairs ; but especially if jealousie be ( en campagne as the french phrase is ) . in like manner my lords , it is not to be much wondred at , if this incomparable house of commons , transcending all that ever was in the grand essentials of duty , loyalty , and affection to their king , should be at sometimes a little troublesome to him in lesser occurrences , especially when once fears and jealousies are on wing . my lords i shall not pretend to determine whether there hath been any just grounds given or no by the rabbi-busies aforementioned , or by the unseasonable ambition of any roman catholicks for such fears and jealousies . it suffices to exact the necessity of a timely remedy ; that they have indeed most violently seized , and distempred the minds of the major part of his majesties protestant subjects , which certainly no man conversant in the world can deny . now my lords , in popular fears , and apprehensions , those usually prove most dangerous that are raised upon grounds not well understood and may he rightly resembled to the fatal effects of panick fears in armies , where i have seldome seen great disorders arrive from intelligences brought in by parties , and by scouts , or by advertisements to generals ; but from alarums upon groundless , and capritious fears of danger , taken up we know not either how , or why , no man of moderate experience in military affairs but hath found at one time or other , the dangerous effects in the giving a stop to which mifchiefs , the skill of great commanders is best seen . in like manner my lords , this great and , juditious assembly of the house of commons rightly sensible of the dangerous effect which so general a disturbance of mens minds in the concernments of religion ( how groundless soever ) might produce , have applied their cares to obviate them by this bill ; a bill in my opinion as full of moderation towards catholicks : as of prudence , and security towards the religion of the state. in this bill my lords , notwithstanding all the alarums of the encrease of popery and designs of papists , here is no mention of barring them from private , and modest exercise of their religion , no banishing them from such a distance from court , no putting in execution of penal laws in force against them , all their precautions are reduced to this one intent , natural to all societies of men , of hindring a lesser opposite party from growing too strong for the greater and more considerable one and in this way of just prevention , is not the moderation of the house of commons to be admired ; that they have restrained it to this sole point , of debarring their adversaries from offices , and places ; and from accessions of wealth by favour of the soveraign . they considered well that wealth and power from publique charges and imployments do range the generality of men to opinions , and parties more strongly farr , then all other arguments , according to the saying of eneas silvius ( himself a pope ) that the popes superiority over general counsels would ever find most doctors for it , because the pope had so many bishop-ricks to give , the counsells none . i say my lords , that in contemplation hereof , the wisdome of the house of commons has wholly applied its care in this bill to hinder ( as appears most reasonable ) those of an opposite party , from a part in the government of that state , under whose protection they live . it is true my lords , some roman catholicks may seem to be put to extraordinary tests in this act , and such as upon the score of conscience as a roman catholick i shall give my negative to . but speaking as a member of a protestant parliament i cannot but think prudent and reasonable in the proposers their end being solidly to secure the fears of those they represent . and after all my lords , how few do the sharp trials , and tests of this act regard ? only a few such roman catholicks as would fain hold offices and places , at the price of hypocrisie , and dissimulation of their true sentiments in religion . my lords i am none of those , none of those wherry-men in religion who look one way , and row another . i have had the honour to exercise a great charge of state under the last king of blessed memory : and to continue the same under our most gratious soveraign that is now till it pleased almighty god to call me ( even at the article of death ) to that religion , wherein i trust he will give me the grace to live and dye , what danger soever may be set before me ; but after that call my first work my lords , was to deliver up the seals to the king uncomanded , as judging it unfit ( though then in a catholick country ) for any man of a different religion from his prince , to exercise a charge of that importance under him , and i am now my lords much more of that opinion then ever . upon the whole matter my lords , however the sentiments of a catholick of the church of rome ( i still say , not of the court of rome ) nay oblige me ( upon scruple of conscience ) in some perticulars of this bill , to give my negative to it when it comes to the passing , yet as a member of a protestant parliament my advice prudentially cannot but go along with the main scope of it . the present circumstances of time , and affairs considered , and the necessity of composing the disturbed minds of the people . it may be said my lords , that some things in this bill seem to trench upon his majesties prerogative , and his inherent power of pardoning and suspending prosecutions . my lords , that inherent power in our soveraign , god forbid any body should think this most meriting house of comons could ever have the least design of taking away , or invalidating ; but to desire his majesty to suspend the application of that undeniable power , in certain particular cases , i esteem to be far from any derogation to the essence of that royal prerogative . my lords , let me give you an instance to make my sentiments of this matter more clear , his majesty recomended unto you in a former session , the care to provide a bill for preventing the great mischief by duels , if your lordships should have thought fit in that bill to have engaged his majesty to have declared that he would never pardon any duel , would it have been thought a derogation to the inherent regal power of pardoning ? when as the cure of so great an evil could never be hoped for whilst there was room left to a princes pitty , and generosity , to be wrought upon in favour of such gallant persons who are most usually involved in that crime , no my lords , when nations are so happy as to have nothing more to fear then from the good nature , and debonair inclinations of their prince there can in my opinion no better service be done him , then by way of dutiful adress , sometimes to oblige him to a binding up of his own hands from the exercise of those indulgent vertues , which in particular cases , may prove noxious to the publique . a speech of the earl of bristols to the house of commons , spoken by him there , on the first of iuly , 1663. being a vindication of himself , and of sir richard temple . mr. speaker , were i to be wrought upon by the arts or menaces of my enemies , or by the alarums in my behalf of my friends contrary to that firmness and assurance which a cleer heart and a good conscience do always uphold in a man of honour i should have appeared in this place with such fear and trembling as could not chuse but disorder any mans reason and elocution . the niceness of the subject upon wich i am brought hither were enough to discompose but over and above that , i am not ignorant what personal prejudices i am under , and how industriously they have been improved among you . but mr. speaker , when i look round this illustrious assembly , and see above three parts of it composed of men that wear as i do a sword by their side , and have drawn it so often in his majesties service gentlemen of birth , integrity and fortune all apprehensions vanish from a man that hath served , and suffered for the king as i have done . mr. speaker i know the time of this honourable house , upon whose prudent deliberations the happiness of king and kingdom depends , is too pretious to have and part of it spent in vindication of me ; but since not only the reputation and the innocence of one of your members depends upon what i shall say& but even his majesties honour is in some sort concerned in the right apprehension of it& i hope it will be thought no presumption in me to begg of you as i do in all humility , one quarter of an hours patience and attention . mr. speaker i am here exposd as the bearer of a message to his majesty from sir richard temple , which he hath thought worthy to be complained of to this house and which sir r. t. affirms that he never sent . lay your hands upon your hearts gentlemen , and say truly ; does not your innate candor pity a person of my condition brought into a strait in all appearnce so inextricable ? for on the other side is i avow to have carried from sir r. t. that message , which his majesty hath made so high and so unusual an expression of his being offended at , and which sir r. t. denies to have ever sent ? how can men of honour ever forgive me so ungentlemanly a proceeding towards a person who had trusted me as a friend with the doing him as he thought a good office with his majesty . on the other side mr. speaker should i disavow the having delivered the message from sir r. t. which his majesty hath thought fit to affirm that he received from him , and by me , what subject can be strong enough not to sink for ever under the weight of such a contradiction to his soveraign ? i ask you again gentlemen , does not the condition i am brought into by the arts of mine enemies move at the same time your pitty and indignation . mr. speaker , when david was put to his choice of one of the three extream calamities he made election of the plague , and why ? that he might fall into the hand of the lord , and not into the hands of men. in like manner mr. speaker , if one of the two extreams that threaten me be as it appears unavoidable , let me fall into the hands of gods vice-regent the king. the world would never pardon me an unworthy action ; his princely goodness i am sure would in time pardon me a generous fault . but when you have heard me out gentlemen i am confident that you will find that i shall need neither the worlds pardon , nor the kings ; but only yours . in the first place mr. speaker , i am bound to clear sir r. t. which i here do upon my honour , that he never sent by me any message to the king that had the least tincture in it of an undertaking of his , which i conceive to be the only part that could give offence to his majesty , or be a ground for the complaint made against him . in the next place , since the king ( who the law says can do no wrong ) hath thought fit to affirm that i brought him that undertaking message from sir r. t. it must needs be true , and i do with all submission acknowledge whatsoever his majesty is pleased to affirm of me . but having discharged that duty to my soveraign , i hope i may be allowed to lay the fault home upon my self , and to tell you in all truth and sincerity , that my tongue ( i know not by what unhappy distemper in delivering that message ) delivered that which was never in my thoughts , so farr was i from thinking to deliver such a message from sir r. t. that i protest i did not think my self charg'd with any thing from him by way of message . it is true , that being much moved at an ill office which had been done sir r. t. i made a warm adress unto his majesty in his behalf , wherein i expressd his great grief that his majesty should be offended with him , and having joynd thereunto some reasonings of his in justification of his conduct , in order to his majesties service , i pursued his expression with such others of mine own upon the same subject , as , all circumstances considered , any body but the king might easily have mistaken , that to be a continuation of a redress from sir r. t. and an undertaking of his , which was indeed a fervorous discourse , and a confident undertaking of my own . sir r. temple being thus clear'd without the least dentraction to his majesty . if undertaking for you gentleman be a guilt , t is only i that stand guilty before you , but you are too noble i sure and too just to condemn me in your judgements before you have heard the nature and circumstances of my undertaking which with your leave i shall now deelare to you the full , taking the matter as i needs must to be rightly understood from a higher original . mr. speaker having had the honour heretofore to discharge with approbation a place of so high trust as that of secretary of state to his majesties father of blessed memory , and himself ; and since my quitting that place , his majesty having had the goodness to admit me frequently to the happiness of his princely conversation you cannot imagine but that sometimes he hath vouchsafed to speak with me of business especially of parliament , having the honour to be a peer at present , and heretofore as much vers'd as some of my contemporaries in the proceedings of the honourable house of commons . i confess unto you gentlemen , that before you last assembling he did it more then once ; and the thing wherein i most constantly delivered my opinion concerning this honourable house was , that never king having been so happy in a house of commons as he in you , a house compos'd of so many gentlemen of birth and fortune , eminent in their faithfulness to him , such as could never be suspected for any sinister designs , or any dependance , but upon the crown , and upon their duty to those that chose them , and such as in the former sessions had manifested their affections to him by such large aids and supplies , nothing could be more important to his service , then to make and preserve you still popular with those that sent you ; to which end i took the liberty to tell him that if the necessity of his affairs ( of which i that had no part in his counsell was no good judge ) could admit of it , he ought not in prudence to let you give him any money this sitting , but rather obliege you wholly to apply your selves to the making of such laws , as might endear both him and you to the people , and make them think all that had been given well bestowed , by which means at another meeting he would be master of the hearts and purses of his subjects ; but that in case his necessities should urge him , to press you hefore your rising for a new supply , that he ought by all means to let it be accompanied if not preceded by some eminent acts , for reformation of a former abuses and for the securing his subjects from the like for the future i persisted mr. speaker , in pressing upon all occasions , this advice to his majesty till some few weeks after your meeting , when as finding my self , i know not by what misfortune , fallen under some prejudices , i thought that a total forbearance from speaking to his majesty of any business , would be the usefullest way of serving him ; aud i do here protest unto you gentlemen with all sincerity , that from that time until this business of sir r. t. i never once opened my lips to his majesty concerning any publique affair whatsoever it is true mr. speaker , that a ground being given me to enter again with his majesty upon a subject which my heart was still full of i laid hold upon the occasion , and in pursuance of what i had said in behalf of sir r. t. i told his majesty ( perhaps with more freedome and fervour then became me ) that i feared his courtiers gave him wrong measures , both of the temper of the house of commons , and of the means to obtain new supplies from them , whether by way of present gift , or of such settlement in his revenue as might indeed bring him out of necessity , since that there could be no reasonable hopes of obtaining any such assistance , but by a concomitence at least , if not a precedency of such acts as might be grateful and beneficial to his subjects , and secure them , that what should be given hereafter should be better managed for his service then those vast sums that had been formerly granted . that if his majesty in his princely wisdom should think fit to drive on his business upon such solid grounds and not upon the false and self-intrested measures of some courtiers , he had a house of commons composed of members so full of affection to his person , and zeal for his prosperity and glory , that not only sir richard temple , but the most unprejudiced and ablest men in the kingdom as well as my self durst undertake . that such a house of commons would neither let him want such present supplies as the true necessities of his affairs should require , nor such an established revenue as was fit to support the greatness and honour of his crown if this hath been a criminal undertaking , you have before you gentlemen . confitentem reum . but mr. speaker , whilst i am endeavouring to do right to sir r , t. and to vindicate or arraign my self before you , according as you shall be pleased to understand it by telling you what passed from me to his majesty . i must not omit to give the honour due to him , for the kingly reply he made me upon that occasion , which was this . that he had a sense of the affection and merit of the house of comons towards him , even beyond what i had expressed , and that was the reason why relying so intirely as he did upon the affections of that whole body , he was and should ever be offended at any proposition to carry on his business there by officious undertakings and cabals either of his courtiers or others . an expressiion fit to be written with the rays of the sun that all the world may read it : an expression which certainly cannot but inflame the affections of this noble assembly that hears me , and carry you to make good those happy impressions of you which are so deeply stamp'd in his royal breast , such as i should think it a crime in mē to doubt , but that all suspitions being now vanished of his majesties owing the supplies desired to any arts or contrivances of others , your own zeal for his service will even in the proportion and timeliness of that , exceed the vain proposals of all pick thank undertakers . mr. speaker , i should here put a period to your trouble of hearing me , did i not think i might incurr the imputation of much weakness and supineness in my own highest concernments , if valuing as i do above all earthly things , the savour and esteem of my countrey , of which you are the illustrious representative : and knowing what industry has been used by my enemies to blast me with you , i should not lay hold on this just occasion , to remove from me unjust prejudices with so great an object of my ueneration . 't is that mr. speaker , which i humbly beg leave to do in a very few words more . i appeal gentlemen to numbers of you that hear me , whether i have not been represented unto you for a giver of advices of a farr different tenor from what you have heard upon this occasion ; nay whether i have not been painted out unto you as an inflamer of his majesty against his parliament , as an enemy of the church of england and as a most dangerous driver on of papistical interests . it is true mr. speaker , i am a catholick of the church of rome , not of the court of rome , no negotiator there of cardinals caps for his majesties subjects and domesticks a true roman catholick as to the other world , but a true english-man as to this . such a one , as had we a king enclined to that profession , ( as on the contrary we have one the most firm and zealous in the protestant religion that ever sate upon the throne ) should tell him as frankly as the duke of sully being a protestant did to his grand father henry the fourth , that if he meant to be king he must be a constant professor and maintainer of the religion established in his dominions . believe me gentlemen , roman catholick as i am , there is no man among you all more throughly perswaded then i , that the two pillars that can only uphold this monarchy must ever be , the maintenance of the subjects just rights and liberties , and the careful preservation of that state ecclesiastical whereof his majesty is the supreme governnour . and i do clearly profess that should the pope himself invade that established right of his , i would as readily draw my sword against him as against the late usurper . mr. speaker , one prejudice more i am under , which ought to have great weight indeed with his honourable house if there be a real ground for it and that is . that the earl of bristol is one of those , who by the vast things he hath got of the king , hath in part contributed to the groans of the people , to find their king still in such necessity after such unexampled charges laid upon the subject for his supply . it is true mr. speaker , that though i have neither office to keep , nor office to sell , his majesties gifts to me have been great in proportion to my merit which is none . for in serving and suffering for him with faithfulness , i did but my duty , which carries a reward with it self enough to raise comfort to me from the very ruine of my fortune . it is also true i have had the satisfaction from his majesties goodness , that he never refused me any thing that i asked for my self , but i hope i shall make it appear also , that i have not only been a very modest asker , but also a most careful one to ask nothing considerable but what carried advantage with it as well to his majesties interests as my own . i know well mr. speaker , that so kind and so generous a nature as our kings is an ill proportioner of bounty to merit , and consequently that the largeness , and kindness of his royal heart that way ; may have contributed much to the present straits he is in . happy the nation that hath nothing to fear for the publique , but from the vertues of their prince . it is your proper work gentlemen to reduce the effects of them to a right temperament ty your inspection , and may you begin it with all my concernments , which i most readily lay at your feet , humbly begging of you to appoint me a time when i may display them all faithfully before you , in hopes that no man who hath been a partaker of his majesties bounty will prove himself so unworthy of it as not to follow the example . mr. speaker , if having thus poured out my soul before you , i be so happy as to have begot a right perswasion in this honourable house of the true sincerity of my heart . i shall expect and implore two gratious effects of it . the first , that you will be pleased to grant me your pardon , if the same zeal for his majesties service , and the good of my countrey , which made me presume ( being no counsellor ) to press upon him my opinion in affairs of that importance have transported me also at this time to become in some sort your adviser . you have heard mr. speaker , of the dumb man whose tongue was set free by an iminent danger to his fathers life , wonder not then gentlemen if such a lover of my king and counnrey as i am , remembring to have seen them both , within these three years in a prospect of so much glory and happiness both at home and abroad , and finding to what a sad condition things are now reduced ( by what means is more proper for your wisdom 's to examine ) and god in heaven bless your inspection , wonder not i say that a man so affected as i am should by some eruptions of heart let you see , that periculum patriae ought to have a more powerful effect upon a man of a publique soul , then periculum patris , and is capable if i were a mute to make me become a counsellor . the next is mr. speaker , that if as i said before , i have been so happy in what i have expressed , as to have raised in you some more favourable thoughts concerning me , you will vouchsafe me some demonstration of it , whereby i may no more be made by my enemies such a bug-bear as i am , as if one gratious look of his majesty upon me were enough to ruine all his affairs with you , i shall then mr. speaker , continue the course i am in with comfort . but if i be so unfortunate as that there still remains in this incomparable representative of my countrey the least umbrage of danger to it by my access to his majesty . as dear as the conversation of the most amiable prince that ever breathd is to me , i shall banish my self for ever from his sight into the obscurest part of his dominions ; rather then continue upon me the jealousie of those upon whom his prosperity depends . or it this be not enough , i shall once more try my fortune abroad , where i trust this sword , this head , and this heart , shall make me live again as i have done in spight of mine ene mies , with luster to my self , and so me honour to my nation . finis . die mercurii 8⁰ septemb. 1641. whereas divers innovations in or about the worship of god, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83870 of text r209692 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[14]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83870 wing e2776a thomason 669.f.3[14] estc r209692 99868558 99868558 160572 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83870) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160572) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[14]) die mercurii 8⁰ septemb. 1641. whereas divers innovations in or about the worship of god, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a83870 r209692 (thomason 669.f.3[14]). civilwar no die mercurii 8⁰ septemb. 1641. whereas divers innovations in or about the worship of god,... england and wales. parliament. 1641 590 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ die mercurii 8o septemb. 1641. whereas divers innovations in or about the worship of god , have been lately practized in this kingdom , by injoyning some things , and prohibiting others without warrant of law , to the great grievance and discontent of his majesties subjects ; for the suppression of such innovations , and for preservation of the publike peace , it is this day ordered by the commons in parliament assembled , that the church-wardens of every parish church and chappell respectively , do forthwith remove the communion table from the east end of the church , chappell , or chancell , into some other convenient place , and that they take away the railes , and levell the chancels , as heretofore they were , before the late innovations . that all crucifixes , scandalous pictures of any one or more persons of the trinitie , and all images of the virgin mary shall be taken away and abolished , and that all tapers , candlesticks , and basins , be removed from the communion table . that all corporall bowing at the name ( jesus ) or towards the east end of the church , chappell , or chancell , or towards the communion table , be henceforth forborn : that the orders aforesaid be observed in all the severall cathedrall churches of this kingdom , and all the collegiate churches or chappels in the two vniversities , or any other part of the kingdom , and in the temple church , and the chappels of the other innes of court , by the deans of the said cathedrall churches , by the vice chancellour of the said vniversities , and by the heads and governours of the severall colledges and halls aforesaid , and by the benchers and readers in the said innes of court respectively . that the lords day shall be duly observed and sanctified : all dancing , or other sports , either before or after divine service be forborn and restrained ; and that the preaching of gods word be permitted in the afternoon in the severall churches and chappels of this kingdom , and that ministers and preachers be incouraged thereunto . that the vice-chancellors of the vniversities , heads and governours of colledges , all parsons , vicars , and church-wardens , do make certificates of the performance of these orders : and if the same shall not be observed in any the places aforementioned , upon complaint thereof made to the two next iustices of peace , major , or head officers of cities or towns corporate , it is ordered that the said iustices , major , or other head officer respectively , shall examine the trueth of all such complaints , and certifie by whose default the same are committed ; all which certificates are to be delivered in parliament before the thirtieth of october next . resolved upon the question . that this order now read shall be an order of it self without any addition for the present , and that it shall be printed and published . it is further ordered , that the knights , citizens , and burgesses of every shire , citie , and borough , do take care to publish this order in their severall counties , cities , and boroughs . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. the opinion is this, that resistance may be vsed, in case our religion and rights should be invaded johnson, samuel, 1649-1703. 1689 approx. 35 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46958 wing j836 estc r17465 13378299 ocm 13378299 99338 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46958) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99338) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 459:28) the opinion is this, that resistance may be vsed, in case our religion and rights should be invaded johnson, samuel, 1649-1703. 11 p. printed for j. watts ..., london : 1689. caption title. attributed to samuel johnson. cf. blc. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng freedom of religion -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-01 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-01 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the opinion is this : that resistance may be vsed , in case our religion and rights should be invaded . the arguments against it , are these : first , that the christian religion doth plainly forbid the resistance of authority . [ quaere , who has authority to invade the established religion and rights of the nation ? is any one impowered by the laws to invade the laws ? ] secondly , that though our religion be established by law , which makes a difference between our case and that of the primitive christians , yet in the same law which establishes our religion , it is declared , that it is not lawful , upon any pretence whatsoever , to take up arms against the king or any commissioned by him . [ neither doth this reach the question , for the king can do no wrong , nor in the second place , can he commissionate any person to invade the established religion and rights of the kingdom ; for a commission of that kind is not a commission in law , it is null , and void , and nothing . ] besides that , there is a particular law , declaring the power of the militia to be solely in the king. [ to do what ? to invade the established religion and rights of the kingdom ? if you read the whole act you will find the direct contrary . ] and that tyes the hands of subjects , though the law of nature , and the general rules of scripture had left us at liberty ; which i believe they do not , because the government and peace of humane society could not well subsist upon these terms . [ as if the established religion and rights of a nation , which are the very ends of government and of humane society , were best secured by being laid open to invasion , and exposed for a prey . ] thirdly , this opinion is contrary to the declared doctrine of all protestant churches ; and though some particular persons have taught otherwise , yet they have been contradicted herein , and condemned for it by the generality of protestants . whereas the following testimonies will prove it to be no singular opinion , but held by the most eminent protestants both at home and abroad : and they give such reasons for their opinion , as may at least excuse those persons who are of the same perswasion , till such time as those arguments are answered , as well as the opinion condemned . to begin with luther , with whom the papists say untruly our religion began , but who was indeed a person , whom it pleased god to make the great restorer of religion to this last age of the world. sleidan not only tells us , that he was of this opinion , but likewise how he came to be of it , when he had formerly held the contrary . the words are these : sleid. com. lib. 8. prius quàm foedus iniretur , in concilium adhibiti fuerunt non iureconsulti modo , sed theologi quoque● lutherus semper docuerat magistratui non esse resistendum , & extabat ejus h●● de re libellus : cùm autem in hâc deliberatione periti juris docerent legibus esse permissum , resistere nonnunquam , & nunc in eum casum , de quo leges inter alia mentionem faciant , rem esse deductam ostenderent , lutherus ingenuè prositetur , se nescivisse hoc licere : et quia leges politicas evangelium non impugnet aut aboleat , uti semper docuerit , deinde , quoniam hoc tempore tam dubio tamque formidoloso multa possint accidere , sic ut non modo jus ipsum sed conscientiae quoque vis atque necessitas arma nobis porrigat , defensionis cau●à foedus iniri posse dicit , sive caesar ipse , sive quis alius fortè bellum ejus nomine faciat . edito quoque scripto primum explicat , quàm fuerint in augustae comitiis obstinati pontificii , deinde monet in universum omnes , ne magistratui ad ejusmodi bellum imperanti militiam obtemperent . doctrinae verò pontificiae complures & gravissimos quidem recenset errores , quos ait ab illis propugnatum 〈◊〉 qui se castris illis adjungunt : quà quidem in re summum nefas inesse dicit : quanta sit etiam lux illata mentibus hominum hoc tempore per evangelii cognitionem demonstrat , & à tam impii belli societate temperandum esse docet . in english thus : before the princes and cities entered into an association , they took the advice not only of lawyers , but of divines also . now luther had always taught , that the magistrate might not be resisted , and there was a little book of his extant upon that subject . but when the lawyers in this consultation shewed , that resistance was allowed by the laws in some cases , and made it appear that the present case was one of those whereof the laws made mention , luther ingeniously professed , that he did not know the lawfulness of it before , and now said , that being the gospel doth not bar nor abolish the laws of the state , as he had always taught ; and furthermore , because in this uncertain and dangerous time many things might so happen , that not only matter of right , but also the force and necessity of conscience might occasion us to arm ; therefore an association might be entered into , to defend our selves , in case caesar himself should make war upon us , or any one else in caesar's name . he put forth a book likewise , wherein he first shewed how obstinate the papists were in the diet at auspurgh , and then warned all men in general that they should not obey the magistrate , if he raised the militia for such a war. he reckoned up very many and very gross errors of popery , to shew those who sided with the emperour , what things they would fight for , and consequently how great a wickedness it was : he shewed how much more light than formerly men now had by the knowledge of the gospel , and that they ought not to engage in so wicked a war. there were seven princes , and twenty four protestant cities , which entered into this association , some of whose arguments and reasons for it , we have upon record , in the following books of the same historian . the saxon and the lan●grave in their declaration , 2 september , which was in answer to the emperours , from his camp at ingolstadt , have these words : sleid. com. l. 18. quid caesari debeant principes , quid invicem ipse praestare deb●at , abunde nobis constat : ut nos illi , sic ipse vicissim nobis obligatus est : quod autem indictae causâ nos proscribit & omnibus possessionibus dejicere conatur , in eo juris vinculum dissolvit , quo clienti seu beneficiario devinctus est invicem patronus . iam quod rebellionem nobis objicit , nihil est , & scit ipse , nobis injuriam fieri . we know very well what duty the princes owe to the emperour , and what on the other side he himself ought to perform : we are mutually bound to one another . now because he proscribes us without any process of law , and endeavours to throw us out of all our possessions , in so doing he breaks that bond of the law , whereby a lord and his client or beneficiary are bound to each other . as for his charging us with rebellion , there is nothing at all in it , and he knows in his conscience that we are wronged . and presently after , quod si pactis stetisset atque decretis , nos etiam nostrum officium eramus facturi : sed quoniam ea violavit , & verò praecipua debetur deo obedientia , sibi culpam ipse tribuat . etenim quia religioni molitur exitium atque libertati , causam praebet , cur ipsum oppugnemus bon● conscientià . cum enim in eum casum res devénit , licet resistere , sicut & sacris & prophanis historiis demonstrari potest . nam injusta vis minime deum habet authorem ; nec alia ratione sumus ei devincti , quam si conditiones , quibus est creatus caesar , impleat . now if he had stood to his former compacts and decrees , we also should have done our duty ; but because he has broken them , and besides , our obedience is due to god in the first place , let him lay the blame upon himself . for being he endeavours the destruction of our religion and liberty , he gives us cause to oppose him with a good conscience . for in that case it is lawful to resist , as may be made appear both from sacred and prophane history . for unjust violence is by no means the ordinance of god ; neither are we any otherwise bound to him , than upon performance of the conditions , upon which he was made emperour . the city of magdeburg likewise in their writing , 24 march , and the ministers in april , to the same purpose , sleid. com. l. 22. primo docent , neque divino neque humano jure se posse convinci rebellionis . postea demonstrant eos , qui contra se sumunt arma , bellum ipsi christo facere , &c. deinde facilè quivi● intelligit , quàm non liceat vim nobis inferre . they first shew , that they could not be proved guilty of rebellion either by the law of god , or the law of man. then they demonstrate , that those who took up arms against them , made war upon christ himself , &c. and afterwards they say , every body easily understands , how utterly unlawful it is to offer any violence to us . so much for luther himself and the league or association , which comprehended most , if not all the churches of that denomination . and melancthon often inculcates all over his writings the same maxime of luther , which indeed was st. chrysostom's before them both : that the gospel doth not bar the laws of the state ; that it does not erect a new government , but leaves the government as it found it . and therefore where the laws and constitution of a government allow of a defence , the gospel does so too . and in his commentary on the proverbs , upon those words of solomon , prov , 24. 2● , 22. my son , fear thou the lord and the king , and meddle not with them that are given to change , ( that is , joyn not with them who would change our religion or government ) for their calamity shall rise suddenly , and who knoweth the ruine of them both ? he writes thus : concedit autem evangelium uti legibus politicis cum ratione congruentibus . im● si talis defensio non esset concessa , transformaretur evangelium in doctrinam politicam , & stabiliret infinitam tyrannidem . the gospel allows us to make use of politick laws which are reasonable . nay , if a lawful defence were not allowed by the gospel , the gospel it self would be transformed into a state-doctrine , and would establish infinite tyranny . or , as he says in another place , it would command infinite slavery , which it does not . non constituit evangelium novas politias , quare nec infinitam servitutem praecipit . 2 artic. symbol . nicen. sub quaest. hic autem quaeritur , utrùm armis reprimendi sunt tyranni , praecipientes ut faciamus contra mandata dei ? in his common places under the title vindicta , upon those words of our saviour , he that takes the sword , shall perish by the sword. he says thus : accipere gladium , est non datum à legibus stringere . ergo qui vim injustam infert accipit gladium , è contra verò qui justâ defensione utitur , non accipit gladium , sed stringit datum à legibus . for a man to take the sword , is to draw it when it is not put into his hands by the laws . therefore he who offers unjust violence , takes the sword ; but on the other hand , he who uses a just defence , does not take the sword , but he draws a sword which the laws put into his hands . and to name no more places , in his commentary on the 13 rom. upon those words , wherefore ye must needs be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake . neque vero haec tantum pertinent ad subditos , sed etiam ad magistratum , qui cum ●iunt tyranni , non minùs dissipant ordinationem dei quàm seditiosi . ideo & ipsorum conscientia sit rea , quia non obediunt ordinationi dei , id est , legibus , quibus parere debent . ideo comminationes hic positae etiam ad ipsos pertinent . itaque hujus mandati severitas moveat omnes , ne violationem politici status putent esse leve peccatum . neither do these words only concern the subject , but also the magistra●es themselves , who when they turn tyrants , do overthrow the ordinance of god no less than the seditious . and therefore their consciences are guilty too , because they obey not the ordinance of god , that is , the laws , which they ought to obey . therefore the threa●●ings which are here set down , do pertain likewise to them . let all persons therefore be moved , by the severity of this command , not to think the violation of the constitution , to be a light sin. and when i have quoted zuinglius too , i have quoted the three first reformers . he therefore in his pious and friendly admonition to the republick of the switzers , discourses much of his country's throwing off the yoke of oppression , and reckons that st. paul was of the same mind , when he says , but if thou mayest be made free , use it rather ; which eternal counsel of god , our valiant ancestors following , with undaunted courage , were blessed with wonderful successes , &c. pia. & amica parensis ad suitensium remp. p. 156. quo animo ipsum quoque paulum dicere existimo , si potes liber ●ieri , ●tere potius , 1 cor. 7. quod aeternum dei consilium patres nostri fortissimi viri infracto animo secuti , miris victoriarum successibus , ut sempachii nevellis , &c. et paulo supra , ipse dominus libertatis author existit , & honestam libertatem quaerentibus praesto est . but in his opus articulorum , art. 40 , 41 , 42. he is the coldest comforter , if not the most merciless insulter , in the world , over a people that lies under oppression : for he will not suffer them to complain . he says , they deserve what they suffer , and a great deal more ; they have no wrong done them ; and he bids them perish with their oppressor . they that list may see the place ; where , amongst other things , they will find he says , that the dreadful plagues that followed the iews , ier. 15. 3 , 4. upon account of the wickedness of manasseth , and the bloud which he shed in ierusalem , were most just punishments , and deservedly inflicted upon that people , because they suffered him to do it , &c. it was the misery of most of the protestants in other countries , as well as those in germany , in the beginning of their reformation , to fall under oppression ; particularly the french , scotch , and dutch protestants : and it is well known they all defended themselves , and used resistance ; which in scotland ended in an established reformation ; in holland , ended in an absolute freedom both from the popish and spanish yoke ; and in france , ended in a free exercise of their religion , but was soon interrupted by the true popish faith , and friendship of a massacre , so that they were forced to fight all over again . i desire that it may be observed , that neither these germans , scotch , dutch , nor french , in their first war , ever pretended that their religion was established by law , and thereby made a part of the government of their country , which men by their allegeance are bound to defend ; but they used resistance to repel the violence which was done only to their civil rights , and to the native liberty of their consciences . it were foolish impertinence to cite the authorities of those that were engaged in this resistance ; and it were endless to cite all the forreign divines who lookt on , and applauded it , and called it the lord's battles : i suppose it will be more for every bodies satisfaction , to see what our own bishops say to it , and whether they will own those men for protestants , who were engaged in such proceedings : for which purpose i shall set down the words of three of them , bishop iewell , bishop bilson , and robert abbot , bishop of salisbury , men famous in this church . bishop iewel , in the defence of his apology , p. 16. hath these words : neither doth any of all these ( luther , melancthon , &c. ) te●●● the people to rebal against their printe , but only to defend themselves by all lawful means against oppression , as did david against king saul : so do the nobles in france at this day : they seek not to kill , but to save their own lives , as they have protested by publick writing to the world. as for us , we are strangers unto their case ; they themselves are best acquainted with the laws and constitutions of their country ; and therefore are best able to yield account of the grounds and reasons of their doings . bishop bilson , in his book of the true difference betwixt christian subjection , and unchristian rebellion , dedicated to queen elizabeth , being a dialogue between theophilus a christian , and philander a jesuit , ( so that jesuits did not go for christians in those days ) does justifie that defence which both the french and dutch made , upon supposition that it was according to the laws and constitution of their country , and permitted by them . says the jesuit , what their laws permit , i know not ; i am sure in the mean time they resist . theoph. and we , because we do not exactly know what their laws permit , see no reason to condemn their doings , without hearing their answer . phil. think you their laws permit them to rebel ? theoph. i busie not myself in other mens commonwealths , as you do ; neither will i rashly pronounce all that resist to be rebels : cases may fall out , even in christian kingdoms , where the people may plead their right against the prince , and not be charged with rebellion . phil. as when , for example ? theoph. if a prince should go about to subject his kingdom to a forreign realm , or change the form of the common-wealth from imperie to tyranny , or neglect the laws established by common consent of prince and people , to execute his own pleasure : in these , and other cases which might be named , if the nobles and commons joyn together , to defend their ancient and accustomed liberties , regiment , and laws , they may not well be counted rebels . phil. you denied that , even now , when i did urge it . theoph. i denied that bishops had authority to prescribe conditions to kings , when they crowned them : but i never denied that the people might preserve the foundation , freedom , and form of their commonwealth , which they foreprised when they first consented to have a king. bishop abbot , in his demonstratio antichristi , dedicated to king iames , being an answer to bellarmine , has a large discourse about this matter . the occasion of it is this , persecution of the godly being one mark of antichrist ; bellarmine endeavours to shew , that this mark did not belong to the pope , nor church of rome , because they were not guilty of persecuting , tho' there were then fresh instances of their persecuting in holland , in the paris massacre , and other slaughters of the protestants . but says bishop abbot to bellarmine , cap. 7. sect. 5. you think you have wiped away all that bloud with one word speaking , and by only saying , that the protestants did not fall by a persecution , but by a civil war ; and that many more of the papists were slain 〈◊〉 than the inquisitors had burned , perhaps in an hundred years . nevertheless the bishop still charges this bloud upon the papists , because the protestants entred into this war meerly for their own defence : in which , says he , if some of the papists perished , how can they be accounted any other than the authors both of their own death , and of the death of their country-men too , being they took up arms , either by the unjust vsurpation of their princes , or by the lust of some factious men , against the publick faith , against edicts and covenants , against the rights of their own country , against the prerogatives of the nobles , against the franchises and priviledges of towns and cities ? sect. 6. hic vero politica res agitur , quid principi juris per leges , cujusque republicae fundatrices promissum sit ; utrum potestatem habeat infinita● & nullo limite conclusam ; an vero moderatam & sive optimatum sive populi arbitrio magis minusve temperatam . romanus imperator mero & absoluto imperio gentibus praesidebat , arbitrio suo jubebat omnia , leges scripsit & rescripsit , summam vitae necisque potestatem habuit . quare nullo praetextu christiani poterant vim illorum temporum arcere , vel injurias prohibere quibus vexati sunt . illarum vero nationum principes quas commemoras , certos sibi fines constitutos habent ; quibus ubi excedunt , licere sibi sentiunt optimates vim injustam depellere , & iugum excutere , quo per nefas & contra leges oppressi sunt . cujus rei controvers●a non a religione tantummodo , sed ab aliis politicis negotiis exorta est . itaque rex hispanus , qui non nisi conventione & pacto principatum habuit provinciarum belgicarum , ubi pacto stare desisteret , & contra datam fidem superbe ageret , ipse se exuisse principatu illo putabatur , ut nihil causae esset provinci●s illis , quo minus se tu●ri armis , & ambitiosam tyrannidem avertere liceret . galliarum rex majestatem habet regni multo majorem , cui tamen pro lege est , bodin . meth. hist. cap. 6. principem contra leges nihil posse , & rescriptis● ejus rationem nullam haberi debere , nisi aequitati perinde ac veritati consentanea sint . porro est etiam proceribus reliquisque ordinibus suus honor & dignitas , quam regi violare nefas est . quam quùm non ita pridem senserunt heroes regni illius novorum quorundam hominum factione gravissimè laesam qui sub obtentu religionis ambitioni suae servientes , insano furore coelum terrae miscerent , & lamentabilem totius regni calamitatem minitari viderentur ( quippe omnia pro arbitrio suo facta infecta , rata irrita esse jubentes , & edicta publico jure pro conservanda pace promu●gata , libitu suo frustrari non dubitantes ) ceperunt illi quidem arma pro regis & regni suâque omnium libertate vindicandâ , nec ferendum sibi putarunt , ut armata contra leges paucorum hominum insolentia , leges divinas simul & humanas intollerabili audacia proculearet . pugnarunt ergo pro jure suo , non aliquo ecclesiae privilegio , quo illa sibi integrum putet armis se defendere , sed politicâ libertate , qua citra injuriam principis , erdinem suum legibus constitutum adversus hostes conjuratos , non inferendo bellum sed populsando tueri licebar . atque in hoc causa eorum a veteris ecclesiae ratione distinguenda est , quae absque ullo juris sui titulo , mero imperii placito subjacebat . quamdiu vero ita se res habuit , caedebantur , ut tu dicis , christiani , non caedebant ; qui tamen sub constantino principe , jure publico armati , non tam caedebantur quam caedebant , & profligatis tyrannis & licinio , iugum persecutionis a cervicibus ecclesiae depulerunt . pari ratione ecclesia nostra , cum longo tempore sub antichristo , nullis secularibus praesidiis adjuta , duram servitutem serviisset , postquam ex illis fluctibus , miserante deo , eluctari jam & emergere caepisset , & legum aliquod praesidium stantibus ab illa principibus & optimatibus obtimusse● , caepit catenùs uti viribus suis & armata manu munitam edictis & legibus & privilegiis ab importuna tyrannorum oppressione vindicare . quare principes galliae quorum interfuit providere ne publica libertas per injuriam opprimeretur , neve quae lege sancta esse debebant , surreptitiorum quorundam libidine pro irritis & nullis haberentur ( qui usque adeo hostes republicae comperti sunt , ut signiferum illius seditionis ducem guisium rex ipse henricus , & si religione cum eo consentiens , quia judicio agere non posset , repentino impetu confodiendum curaret ) bello injustam illam violentiam repellendam , & ecclesiam non nisi juste armatam , pro ea quam lege habebat libertate conservanda , in aciem educendam censuerunt : ubi qui de tuis partibus , bellarmine , ceciderunt , non injuria persecutionis , sed justissimae defensionis impetu perierunt . but here we are fallen into a political question , how much authority over the subjects was promised to the prince by the fundamental laws of every state ; whether he have a boundless and unlimited power , or whether it be measured and adjusted , and more or less mixed with the power and authority of the peers or people ? the government of the roman emperours heretosore was absolute and unmixed , they governed all at pleasure , they made laws , and they unmade them again , and had the soveraign power of life and death : for which reason the christians could with no pretence resist the violence of those times , or defend themselves against the wrongs which were done to them . but the princes of those countries which you speak of , have certain bounds set them , which when they pass , the nobles think it lawful for them to repel their unjust violence , and to shake off the yoke wherewith they are wickedly and illegally oppressed . and thus the king of spain , who had the government of the netherlands , only upon composition and compact , when he did no longer stand to his compact , and acted insolently , contrary to the faith which he had given , was thought to have devested himself of that government ; so that there was no reason , why those provinces might not lawfully defend themselves with arms , and get rid of an ambitious tyranny . the king of france is much more absolute , nevertheless this serves for a law to him , that the prince can do nothing contrary to law , and that his edicts ought not to be regarded , unless they be agreeable to equity as well as truth . besides , the peers and the rest of the estates have an honour and dignity belonging to them , which the king himself cannot violate : which , when the nobles of that kingdom were sensible was deeply wounded , by a faction of some upstart men , who served their own ambition , under a cloak of religion , turned all things upside down , and seemed to threaten miserable calamity to the whole kingdom , truly they took up arms to vindicate the king's and kingdom 's , and all their own liberties , and thought it not fit to be endured , that the insolence of a few men , which was armed against the laws , should trample upon all laws , both divine and humane , with unsufferable boldness . they fought therefore for their own right , not by any priviledge which the church has to defend itself with arms , but by their civil liberty , whereby , without any wrong to the prince , it was lawful for them in a way of defence , to maintain their legal establishment against their sworn enemies . and herein their case differed from that of the primitive church , which was subject to absolute imperial will and pleasure , without any title to rights of its own . now , while their condition continu'd thus , the christians , as you say , were killed , but did not kill ; notwithstanding , when under constantine the emperour , they were armed with a publick right , they were rather for killing than being killed ; and having vanquished several usurpers , and licinius the emperour , they threw off the yoke of persecution from the neck of the church . in like manner our church , when she had for a long time undergone an hard bondage under antichrist , having had no secular protection at all ; after she had begun , by the mercy of god , to get above water , and to rise from under those waves of oppression , and having by the princes and nobles standing by her , gained some protection of the laws , she began to use her own power , as far as she had it , and when she was now fortified with edicts , and laws , and priviledges , to vindicate herself with arms from the vexatious oppression of tyrants . wherefore the nobles of france , who were concerned to provide that the publick liberty should not be oppressed by wrong , nor those things which ought to have been established by the law , should be made null and void at the pleasure of some few forreigners crept in amongst them , thought fit to have that unjust violence repelled by a war , and thought fit likewise that the church , which was no otherwise than justly armed , for the preserving that liberty which she had by law , should be drawn out into the field : where , those that fell on your side , friend bellarmine , did not perish by the injury of a persecution , but by the stroke of a most just defence . but because it may be said , that these are private men , which i grant to be true , though their arguments seem to be of another nature , and look like the publick and common reason of mankind , therefore , to finish and perfect this business of authorities , ( with which , as some men are wholly led , so , i hope , others may be so far excused , as not to be haunted and tormented at a dying hour , and tempted either to despair , or die with a lye in their mouths . ) in the last place i shall shew , that the whole church of england , in several convocations , have justified the protestants in those defences , and not only maintained in words , the justice of their resistance , but , which is more , they laid down their purses to help them ; and charged themselves deeply with taxes , in consideration of queen elizabeth's great charges and expences in assisting them : as you may see in the preambles of the clergy's subsidy acts in that reign . quinto elizabethae , cap. 24. among other considerations , for which the clergy give their subsidy of six shillings in the pound , they have these words : and , finally , pondering the inestimable charges sustained by your highness , as well of late days in reducing the realm of scotland to unity and concord , as also in procuring , as much as in your highness lieth , by all kind of godly and prudent means , the abating of all hostility and persecution within the realm of france , practised and used against the professors of god's holy gospel , and true religion . the first thing in this passage is the queen's assistance of the scotish nobility in their reformation , wherein they were opposed by the queen of scots , who brought french forces into scotland , which is set down at large in our chronicles , stow , p. 640. the temporalty , in their subsidy act , at the same time , cap. 27. call this assistance , the princely and upright preservation of the liberty of the next realm and nation of scotland from imminent captivity and desolation . the other thing is the godly and prudent means for abating hostility and persecution within the realm of france . now history will inform us , stow , p. 650. that those means were the forces sent under dudley earl of warwick , to newhaven , to assist the french protestants who were then in arms. we have some men who would find another name for it , and would call this the abetting of a rebellion ; but the whole bishops and clergy , in convocation , call it , the use of godly and prudent means to abate hostility and persecution , practised and used against the professors of god's holy gospel , and true religion : for so likewise they call a parcel of men , who neither professed nor practised the modern religion of non-resistance . again , the clergy grant another subsidy , 35 eliz. cap. 12. in consideration of her majesties charges , in the provident and needful prevention of such intended attempts , as tended to the extirpation of the sincere profession of the gospel , both here and elsewhere . the temporalties subsidy-act at the same time will explain this to us , in these reasons for their tax , cap. 13. besides the great and perpetual honour which it hath pleased god to give your majesty abroad , in making you the principal support of all just and religious causes against usurpers , — besides the great succours in france and flanders , which we do conceive to be most honourable , in regard of the ancient leagues , the justice and equity of their causes . and to the same purpose again the temporalty , 39 eliz. cap. 27. this land is become since your majesties happy days , both a port , and haven of refuge , for distressed states and kingdoms , and a rock and bulwark of opposition against the tyrannies and ambitious attempts of mighty and usurping potentates . neither are the clergy in their subsidy-act , 43 eliz. cap. 17. at all behind them , either with their money or acknowledgements . for who hath or should have a livelier sence , or better remembrance of your majesties princely courage and constancy in advancing and protecting the free profession of the gospel , within and without your majesties dominions , than your clergy ? so that if the french and dutch protestants were rebels in their resistance , then the church of england quite through queen elizabeth's reign , by their assisting of them , involved themselves in the same guilt . for it had been utterly unlawful , and a horrid sin to assist subjects in the violation of their duty and allegiance , and to aid them in resisting the ordinance of god. but this being too absurd to be believed of confessors , and men who had hazarded their lives for the protestant religion , it is plain that they held resistance to be lawful in these cases . and they have declared their opinion in this matter , where it was fit to be declared , in acts of parliament , though it be not to be found in their catechism . so that if they who hold the same opinion be in an error , they have erred with their fathers , they have erred with the church of england , and they have erred in good company . finis . licensed . london : printed for i. watts , at the angel in st. paul's church-yard . 1689. reasons of the house of commons why bishops ought not to have votes in parliament. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83813 of text r209667 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[3]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83813 wing e2696 thomason 669.f.3[3] estc r209667 99868532 99868532 160561 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83813) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160561) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[3]) reasons of the house of commons why bishops ought not to have votes in parliament. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1641] imprint from wing. spurious -wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng bishops -england -early works to 1800. church and state -england -17th century -early works to 1800. a83813 r209667 (thomason 669.f.3[3]). civilwar no reasons of the house of commons why bishops ought not to have votes in parliament. england and wales. parliament. 1641 441 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reasons of the house of commons why bishops ought not to have votes in parliament . 1 because it is a very great hinderance to the exercise of their ministeriall function . 2 because they doe vow and undertake at their ordination , when they enter into holy orders , that they will give themselves wholly to that vocation . 3 because councels and canons in severall ages do forbid them to meddle with secular affaires . 4 because the twenty foure bishops have a dependancie on the two archbishops , and because of their canonicall obedience to them . 5 because they are but for their lives , and therefore are not fit to have legislative power over the honours , inheritances , persons , and liberties of others . 6 because of bishops dependancy and expectancy of translations to places of great profit . 7 that severall bishops have of late much encroacht upon the consciences and liberties of the subjects , and they and their successours will be much encourag'd still to encroach , and the subjects will be much discouraged from complayning against such encouragements , if twenty sixe of that order bee to bee judges upon those complaints ; the same reason extends to their legislative power in any bill to passe for the regulation of their power upon any emergent inconvenience by it . 8 because the whole number of them is interessed to maintain the jurisdiction of bishops , which hath been found so grievous to the three kingdomes , that scotland hath utterly abolished it , and multitudes in england and ireland have petitioned against it . 9 because the bishops being lords of parliament , it setteth too great a distance between them and the rest of their brethren in the ministery , which occasioneth pride in them , discontent in others , and disquiet in the church . to their having votes a long time . answ . if in convenient time and usage are not to be considered with law-makers . some abbots voted as anciently in parliament as bishops , yet are taken away . that for the bishops certificate to plenary of benefice , and loyalty of mariage the bill extends not to them . for the secular jurisdictions of the dean of westminster , the bishops of durham , and ely , and archbishop of yorke , which they are to execute in their own persons the former reasons shew the inconveniences therein . for their temporal courts and jurisdictions which are executed by their temporall offices , the bill doth not concern them . finis . a serious and faithfull representation of the judgments of ministers of the gospel within the the province of london contained in a letter from the to the general and his councell of war / delivered to his excellence by some of the subscribers, ian. 18, 1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a59254 of text r37368 in the english short title catalog (wing s2605). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a59254 wing s2605 estc r37368 16412151 ocm 16412151 105371 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59254) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105371) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1158:10) a serious and faithfull representation of the judgments of ministers of the gospel within the the province of london contained in a letter from the to the general and his councell of war / delivered to his excellence by some of the subscribers, ian. 18, 1649. gataker, thomas, 1574-1654. [2], 14 p. printed at london, and re-printed at edinburgh by evan tyler ..., [edinburgh] : 1649. contains on p. 13-14 a list of 47 subscribers to the "representation", headed by thomas gataker. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. includes bibliographical references. eng church and state -england. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a59254 r37368 (wing s2605). civilwar no a serious and faithfull representation of the judgements of ministers of the gospel within the province of london. contained in a letter fro [no entry] 1649 6414 2 10 0 0 0 0 19 c the rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-05 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a serious and faithfull representation of the judgements of ministers of the gospel within the province of london . contained in a letter from them to the general and his councell of war . delivered to his excellence by some of the subscribers , ian. 18 . 1649. proverbs 24. 11 , 12. if thou forbear to deliver them that are drawn unto death , and those that are ready to be slain : if thou sayest , behold we know it not ; doth not he that pondereth the heart consider it ? and he that keepeth thy soul , doth not he know it ? and shall not he render to every man according to his works ? printed at london , and re-printed at edinburgh by evan tyler printer to the kings most excellent majestie , 1649. a letter from ministers of the gospel within the province of london , whose names are subscribed : delivered to his excellency by some of the subscribers , january 18. 1649. with desire to have it communicated to the generall councell of the army . may it please your excellency , with those of your councell : whereas of late divers applications have been made , as well in writing as by verball messages , inviting the ministers of london , or some of them , to meet with the officers of the army , in their consultations about matters of religion ; we , ministers of the gospel within the province of london , hold it our dutie , as then to refuse any such meeting as was proposed ; so now to give your lordship and your councell the reasons of that refusall , least by our silence we should seem to be wanting in that ingenuity and candor which becomes all , but especially the ministers of jesus christ . and understanding that some of our brethren , at one conference before your lordship and some of your councell , a and at another with some of your chief officers , b have already manifested their dislike , both of your late actions towards many of the worthy members of the honourable house of commons , and what likewise you have published in your late remonstrance and declaration , as your intention for setling the affairs of the kingdom , ( as we were informed by some of them , and willed thus to signifie , ) we thought fit hereby to manifest our concurrence with those our reverend brethern ; humbly desiring , that while we use that plainnesse and freedom which becometh the abassadors of christ , this our performance may not be misinterpreted , either as a transgressing the law of christian meeknesse , or an exceeding the bounds of ministeriall liberty ; we being commanded to cry aloud , and to lift up our voices as trumpets , to shew the people their transgressions , and the house of jacob their sins . had a conference been desired with us onely to have given you resolution , whether the wayes wherein at the present you are walking , are agreeable to the word of god , ( which case indeed had been sutable for private persons to have propounded , and for ministers of the gospel to have resolved ) we should most willingly and freely have delivered our judgements ( as our forementioned brethren have done ) concerning these your practises ; and have given you this our advice , grounded upon scripture ; namely , that in stead of proceeding further in such unwarrantable courses , you should have testified your timely and godly sorrow for what ( so clearly against the direct rule of the word ) you have already acted . and if onely for the clearing of this case , a conference had been desired , it was from the first professed that we should be ready and willing to meet , where and with whomsoever , to assert and maintain our judgemnet therein . but as if the justnesse of your way were already granted by us ; we were onely invited to contribute our assistance in prosecution of what you had undertaken , which we conceive to be out of your sphere ; and for us to have joyned in any consultation of this nature , would have made us accessary unto them ; guilty of the evill which is in them , and even partakers of other mens sinnes , contrary to the apostles rule , who bids us abstain even from all appearance of evill , and have no fellowship with the unfruitfull works of darknesse , but reprove them rather . it is already sufficiently known ( besides all former miscarriages ) what attempts of late have been put in practice against lawfull authority : especially by your late remonstrance , and declaration published in opposition to the proceedings of parliament ; as also by seizing and imprisoning the kings person , without the knowledge and consent of parliament , and by that late unparalled violence offered to the members of it , forcibly hindering above one hundred of them ( if we mistake not the number ) from sitting in parliament , imprisoning many of their persons ; though many of them are known to us to be men of eminent worth and intergrity , and who have given most ample testimony of their reall affections to the good of the kingdom ; and besides all this , there is an intent of framing and contriving a new module , aswell of the laws and government of the kingdom , as of the constitution of a new kinde of representative ( as you call it ) in stead of this and all future parliaments ; and this to be subscribed throughout the kingdom , under the notion of an agreement of the people ; as is declared in your late remonstrance , of november , 16. 1648. page 67. all which practices we cannot but judge , to be manifestly opposite to the lawfull authority of those magistrates , which god hath set over us , and to the duty and obedience ▪ which by the lawes of god and man , and by our manifold oathes and covenants , we stand obliged to render to them . and therefore we judge it our duty , rather to testifie our utter dislike , and detestation , then to give any ( though but implicite and interpretative ) approbation of them . we remember the advice of solomon , fear thou the lord , and the king , and meddle not with them that are given to change ; and that of paul , withdraw from every brother that walketh * disorderly , and not according to the traditions which you have received of us : of which this is one , put them in minde to be subject to principalities and powers , and to obey magistrates : and , let every soul be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god , the powers that be , are ordained of god : whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . the fear of god therefore ( whose ordinance is violated , when magistracy is opposed ) makes us afraid of medling with those who without any colour of legall authority , meerly upon the presumption of strength , shall attempt such changes as these are . a●● we cannot but be deeply affected with grief and astonishment , to see that an army , raised by authority of parliament , for the preservation of the priviledges thereof , and of our religion , laws and liberties , should contrary to their trust , and many ingagements , do that which tends to the manifest subversion of them all . we have not forgotten those declared grounds and principles , upon which the parliament first took up arms , and upon which we were induced to joyn with them ; ( from which we have not hitherto declined , and we trust through gods grace never shall . ) we remember , that when the king , with a multitude of armed men , demanded but a small number ( in comparison of those now secluded by you ) of the members of parliament : it was deemed such an horrid violation of their priviledges , and an act so injurious , and destructive to the good of the kingdom , as had not ( then ) any precedent or parallel ; and of what nature it was judged to be , by a parliament then free and full , may appear by the order of the house of commons of january 3. 1641. when , hearing but of a purpose in the king to seize upon some of their members , they declared , if any person whatsoever , shall offer to arrest , or detain , the person of any member of this house , without first acquainting this house therewith , and receiving further order from this house , that it is lawfull for such member , or any person to assist him , and to stand upon his or their guard of defence , and to make resistance , according to the protestation taken to defend the priviledges of parliament ; and by the declaration of january 17. 1641. that the arresting of any member of parliament , by any warrant whatsoever , without a legall proceeding against them , and without consent of that house , whereof such person is a member , is against the liberty of the subject , and a breach of priviledge of parliament ; and the person which shall arrest any of these persons , or any other member of the parliament , is declared a publick enemy of the common-wealth . and this violation of their priviledges , was that which did occasion first a guard , and was afterwards one reason of raising an army : but that an army thus raised by their authority , and for their preservation , should now so far exceed that act which was then esteemed without parallel , could hardly have been imagined by us , had not our eyes been witnesses of it . and although both houses of parliament ( who are joyntly together with the king , intrusted with the supream authority of the kingdom ) saw cause to take up armes for their own defence , against the attempts made upon them by the king and his evil councellours ; and for the preservation of the protestant religion established ( which was then indangered by the growth of severall errours and innovations ; ) and for the securing of the fundamentall laws and constitutions of the kingdom , which they apprehended then to be undermined by severall illegall incroachments : yet this cannot be pleaded as any justification or precedent for you ( who , in reference to the power of magistracy , are but private persons ) to usurp an authority over king and parliament , and to intermeddle with affairs which belong not to you . for the laws of god , nature , and nations , together with the dictates of reason , and the common consent of all casuists allow that to those which are intrusted with managing the supream authority of a state or kingdom , which they do not allow to a multitude of private persons , though they have strength in their hands to effect it . and moreover , although the parliament thus took up arms for the defence of their persons and priviledges , and the preservation of religion , laws , and liberties ; yet was it not their intention thereby to do violence to the person of the king , or devest him of his regall authority , and what of right belongeth to him , ( as appears by their many declarations in that behalf : ) much lesse was it their purpose to subvert and overthrow the whole frame and fundamentall constitution of the government of the kingdbm , or to give power and authority to any persons whatsoever so to do . and therefore we apprehend our selves obliged thus to appear for the maintenance of our religion , laws and liberties , together with the constitution , power and priviledges of parliament , and the setled government of the kingdom ; both , on the one hand , against all malignant counsells and designes for the introduction of an arbitrary and tyrannical power in the king ; and , on the other hand , against all irregular licentious proceedings of private persons , tending to the subversion of them , and to the introduction of anarchy , confusion , prophanesse , and irreligion . and we are the more strongly engaged thus to adhere firmly to these our former just principles , by reason of the severall oaths and covenants generally taken throughout the kingdom , as by the protestation of may 5. 1641. wherein we do in the presence of almighty god promise , vow and protest , according to the duty of our allegiance to maintain and defend with our lives , power and estates , his majesties royall person , honour and estate , and the power and priviledges of parliament . as also by the vow and covenant , wherein the lords and commons have declared , that there had been a treacherous and horrid design to surprize the cities of london and westminster with the suburbs , and by arms to force the parliament : and finding by constant experience , that many wayes of force and treachery are continually attempted , &c. required , that all that are true-hearted and lovers of their country should binde themselves each to other in that sacred vow and covenant , wherein we declare our abhorring and detesting the said wicked and treacherous designe , and that we would according to our power and vocation oppose and resist the same , and all other of the like nature . and likewise by the solemn league and covenant for the reformation and defence of religion , the honour and happinesse of the king , the peace and safety of the kingdomes , &c. wherein we have covenanted , that we will sincerely , really and constantly in our severall vocations , endeavour to preserve the rights and priviledges of the parliaments , and preserve and defend the kings majesties person and authority , in the preservation and defence of the true religion , and liberties of the kingdoms ; that the world may bear witnesse with our consciences of our loyalty , and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his majesties just power and greatnesse . in all which obligations , though the matter of them may be in part , of civil concernment , yet the bond and tye of an oath and covenant is religious , sacred , and inviolable . which though some may esteem no more then an almanack out of date , yet we look upon it as the oath of god , in whose name we have sworn , and who will certainly require it at our hands . we know with what a jealous eye , and severe hand , the lord avenged the quarrel of his covenant made by zedekiah to the king of babylon , though extorted from him , and prejudiciall to him . shall he prosper ( saith god ) shall he escape , that doth such things ? or shall he break the covenant , and be delivered ? as i live , saith the lord , seeing he despised the oath by breaking the covenant ( when so , he had given his hand ) he shall not escape . therefore thus saith the lord god , as i live , surely mine oath that he hath despised , and my covenant that he hath broken , even it will i recompense upon his own head . we dare not therefore ( when we have lift up our hands to the most high god ) by the violation of a more righteous oath , provoke the wrath of the lord against us , who is the searcher of all hearts , and to whom we must give an accompt at the great day . instead therefore of joyning in consultation with you ; we do earnestly intreat you in the name of our lord and master jesus christ , whose ambassadors we are , that you would commune with your own hearts , consider the evil of your present wayes , and turn from them ; remember from whence you are fallen , and repent and do your first works . you were once honourable and precious in the eyes of us and others of gods servants , while you kept in gods way , and within your own spheare ; you had our hearts , our help , and our prayers for successe therein : but alas ! you have eclipsed your own glory , and brought a cloud over all your excellencies . you are now walking in by-paths of your own , wherein we dare not say , the blessing of the lord , be upon you , we blesse you in the name of the lord , nor bid you god speed , lest we be partakers of your evil deeds . instead of preserving the truth and purity of religion and the worship of god ; we fear you are opening a door to desperate and damnable errors and heresies against the truth of god , and to many licentious and wicked practises against the worship and ways of god . how is religion made to stink by reason of your mis-carriages , and like to become a scorn and a reproach in all the christian world ? how are the faces of gods faithfull servants covered with shame , and their hearts filled with sorrow and grief 〈◊〉 thereof ? how is the golden cord of government broken in sunder ? the honour and authority of magistracy laid in the dust ? how hath the parliament , which sustained the force and opposition of professed enemies for many years , been made contemptible and torn in pieces by professed friends in one day ? you cannot but know how fully and frequently gods word commandeth and inforceth obedience & submission to magistrates , forbidding also and condemning , ( and that under pain of damnation , ) such practises as these of yours are . as likewise what severe threatnings and exemplary judgements from god have been denounced against , and inflicted on the contemners and opposers of this his ordinance . you know what a brand the apostle iude sets upon those that despise dominion and speak evil of dignities . wo unto them ( saith he ) for they have gone in the way of cain , and run greedily after the errour of balaam for a reward , and perished in the gain-saying of corah . you know the sad examples of corah , dathan , and abiram in their mutinous rebellion , & levelling design against magistracy and ministry , in the persons of moses and aaron , you take too much upon you ( said they to moses and aaron ) seeing all the congregation are holy . wherefore then lift you up your selves above the congregation of the lord ? which moses fears not to call a gathering together against the lord , and warnes the people to avoid their company , depart from the tents of these wicked men , and touch nothing of theirs , least ye be consumed in all their sins ; after which the earth opened her mouth , and swallowed them up , with all that appertained to them : and yet there were in that rebellion a considerable number of eminent men , two hundred and fifty princes of the assembly , famous in the congregation , men of renown . and consonant to the tenour of the scriptures herein , hath alway been the constant judgement and doctrine of protestant divines both at home and abroad , with whose judgements we do fully concur ; disclaiming , detesting and abhorring the wicked and bloody tenents and practises of jesuits , ( the worst of papists , ) concerning the opposing of lawfull magistrates by private persons , and the murthering of kings by any , though under the most specious and colourable pretences . which jesuiticall principles and counsels we fear , may have too great a concurrence with , if not an influence upon these late transactions . now we desire you seriously , and as in the sight of god , to examine your own hearts and ways , and to deal with your selves as sometimes nathan did with david . put case some other party of men in the kingdom , whose principles had not been concurrent with yours , should have attempted acts of such a nature , as those that you have performed ; as seising the kings person , and removing him from place to place without and against his and the parliaments consent : would it not have been judged by you an intolerable contempt both of his and their authority ? put case they and their confederates had attempted the removall of the parliaments guards , secured or inhibited a great number of their members , contrived and promoted new modules of their own , destructive to the being both of this and all other parliaments , with other acts of the like nature ; we appeal to your own consciences , what clamours and accusations against them would from your selves have proceeded . and if in other persons you would condemn the fact , the lord grant you hearts to see who are the men . was it once a crime of the higstest nature , to endeavour the subversion of the fundamentall laws of the kingdom , to disswade the calling , or perswade the dissolution of parliaments ; to countenance arminians , or connive at papists : and can it be now commendable to contrive the subversion of the whole laws and government of the kingdom all at once ; and instead of a few errours to allow , ( as we fear some amongst you indeavour , ) a totall impunity , and universall toleration of all religions ? be not deceived , god is not mocked : he knows how frequently you condemn that as a great crime in others , which you would have accounted a vertue in your selves ; but god who is no respecter of persons alloweth no such rule . those who knowing the judgement of god , that they which commit such things are worthy of death ; not onely do the same things , but have pleasure in , ( or consent with ) them that do them , in judging another condemn themselves . and thinkest thou this , o man , that judgest them which do such things , and doest the same , that thou shalt escape the judgement of god ? no surely , we are sure the judgement of god is according to truth , against them which commit such things , who will render to every man according to his deeds ; for there is no respect of persons with god . we desire that you would not be too confident on former successes . if god have made you prosper while you were in his way , this can be no warrant for you to walk in wayes of your own , and promise your selves successe therein ; nay , if through gods permission ( for reasons best known to himself ) you have had or may have successe in an evil way , yet is it no justification thereof , nor incouragement to proceed therein . yea , you know , that it is one of the greatest judgements , when god suffers men to prosper in sinfull courses . wise solomon tels us from his own experience , that there be somtimes just men to whom it happeneth according to the work of the wicked ; again , there be wicked men to whom it happeneth according to the work of the righteous : there is a just man that perisheth in his righteousnesse , and there is a wicked man that prelongeth his life in his wickednesse : but , because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily , shall therefore the heart of the sonnes of men be fully set in them to do evil ? god forbid . and therfore the providence of god ( which is so often pleaded in justification of your wayes ) is no safe rule to walk by , especially in such acts as the word of god condems . god doth not approve the practise of whatsoever his providence doth permit . when david , in the cave , had an opportunity to destroy saul , ( who was then in actuall pursuance of him for his life , ) davids men make use of such an argument from providence , behold , say they , the day of which the lord said unto thee , behold , i will deliver thine enemy into thine hand that thou mayest do to him as it shall seem good unto thee , but david neither durst himself , nor would permit his men to make use thereof ; but saith , the lord forbid that i should do this thing unto my master the lords annointed , to stretch forth my hand against him . again , when david found saul sleeping in his trench , behold a providence ( might abishai have said ) god , saith he , hath delivered thine enemy into thine hand this day , now therefore let me smite him , &c. no , saith david , destroy him not , for who can stretch forth his hand against the lords anointed and be guiltless ? but if , to follow providence , had bin a sufficient warrant ; david should have taken another course . in summe , if this be a good warrant , nothing can be a sin , for nothing can come to passe at all , unlesse the permissive providence of god afford an opportunity . nor is it safe to be guided by impulses of spirit , or pretended impressions on your hearts , without or against the rule of gods written word . for by this means the temptations of satan , and the motions of gods spirit will be put in equall ballance . and we desire you likewise to consider , whether any history , sacred or profane , recordeth any example of an impulse of spirit falling upon multitudes of persons at the same time , putting them all at once upon performances contrary to morrall precepts ; as also , whether such persons who are acted by an impulse of spirit , can command others who want it , ( nay , who do not so much as pretend to have it ) to do that unto , which themselves pretend to be so incited ? we know that it is the duty of christians , to try such instigations by the word of god , and examine how well they agree thereunto , that they may accordingly judge , whether it be the voice of god , or the voice of satan , and of their own corrupt hearts , that prompteth them . to the law and to the testimony , if they speak not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . the apostle peter directs the jews to whom he wrote , to adhere to the word written , as to a more sure word of prophesie . by the same rule , whereby we must try the spirits , we must also try the impulses of spirit , otherwise we do exceedngly strengthen the divils hands against our own souls , and tempt him to tempt us . if beyond all this you plead necessity of doing thus , least what you pretend as a glorious work , might else miscarry , and therefore venture on these wayes , which are by your selves confessed to be irregular and not justifiable ; we answer , that no necessity can oblige a man to sinne ; god stands not in need of our sin to carry on his own work . will ye speak wickedly for god , and talk deceitfully for him ? saith job . and yet this plea of necessity is of the lesse weight in your case , because , we fear , the ends you aim at , are no more justifiable then the means you use ; and the necessity pleaded is either meerly pretended , or at least contracted by your own miscarriages . but if at any time a precept of god may be dispensed with upon a necessity : yet , we suppose your selves will grant , that this necessity must be absolute , present , and clear ; not doubtful , uncertain , and conjectural , as that which is alledged in your case must needs be , it being discerned onely by your selves and your own party . it is most apparent to us , that there was of late no necessity at all of these your irregular practices ; the parliament being ( till forced by you ) ful and free , acting what was covenanted for , and ( if we mistake not ) what was agreed upon long before by the parliaments of both kingdoms . besides , you have engaged your selves by an oath to preserve his majesties person , and the priviledges of parliament ; and this is most clear , that no necessity can justifie perjury , or dispence with lawful oaths ; that dreadful flying roll being ready to seise upon him that sweareth falsly by the name of god . an example of which severe judgement from god , for the violation of an oath , you haue in saul , who though he did out of a good intention , in his zeal to the children of israel , slay the gibeonites ( a people formerly accursed , and who had fallaciously procured a covenant from joshua above two hundred years before ) yet for sauls breaking of that covenant , was the whole kingdom of israel , and his posterity in particular , most severely punished by god . we do therefore upon the whole matter , seriously beseech you , as in the sight of god , to recede from these evil wayes , and contain your selves within your own bounds , to learn john baptists lesson for soldiers , do violence to no man ( or , put no man in fear ) neither accuse any man falsly , and be content with your wages . but if you persist in these wayes , behold , you have sinned against the lord , and be sure your sin will finde you out ; and take heed , lest , when the hand of god shall overtake you , and turn the wheel upon you , you be found to suffer both as evil doers , and as busie-bodies in other mens matters . and when you shall thus return to your duty ; as we shall have cause to blesse god for it , so we shall not need to fear those threatnings which some of us have received ( we say not from your selves , yet ) from messengers directed ( as they informed us ) immediately from your selves , to some of us , that if we persist to stir up the people to sedition ( for so it seems our bewailing your sins before the lord , is interpreted ) and soldiers do us a mischief , we may thank our selves ; that if there follow another war , you will give quarter to none that stands against you ; that you will spare neither man , woman , nor childe , english or sranger . but if these our exhortations prevail not , we have discharged our duty , and , we hope , delivered our own souls ; and if it be our portion to suffer , we trust we shall suffer as christians , and for well-doing , and that such sufferings shall be acceptable with god ; in whose sight the death of his saints is precious ; who when he maketh inquisition for blood , forgetteth not the cry of the humble ; and though some of us were told by one of the messengers sent from you , that if we put our selves upon suffering , we shall have suffering enough : yet we know , that the god whom we serve is able to deliver us : to whom , in the discharge of our duty , we commit the keeping our souls , as to a faithfull creator . and thus out of a zeal to gods glory , a care to discharge our duties , and an hearty desire after the comfort and salvation of your souls , we have freely and faithfully declared our judgements concerning your late and present proceedings . if the lord please to make it effectual for your reformation , we and all the churches of christ shall have cause to blesse god for you ; but if for our sins , and the sins of the land , the lord make you instruments of misery and confusion ( which your present actings do certainly tend to ) we will say with eli , it is the lord , let him do what seemeth him good . but we hope better things of you , and subscribe our selves , jan. 17. 1649. your servants in the lord , thomas gataker , pastor of rotherhith . george walker , pastor of john evangelist . arthur jackson , pastor of michael woodstreet . charles ofspring , pastor of antholines . henry robrough , pastor of leonards eastcheap . nicholas profet , minister of the word at fosters . thomas case , minister of maudlinsmilk-street . stanly gower , min. of the gospel at martins ludgate . andrew janeway , of alhallows on the wall . samuel clark , minister of bennet fynk . thomas clandon , pastor of alhallows barking . john wall , minister of michael cornhil . james cranford , pastor of christophers . james nalton , pastor of leonard fosterlane . thomas cawton , paster of bartholomew exchange . iohn fuller , minister of buttolphs bishopsgate . francis roberts , pastor of austins . william ienkin , pastor of christ-church . eldidad blackwell , pastor of alhallows vndershaft . william harrison , minister of grace-church . iohn sheffield , minister of swithins . matthew haviland , minister of trinity parish . george smalewood , pastor of mildreds poultrey . william taylor , pastor of stephens colemanstreet . christopher love , pastor of anne aldersgate . robert mercer , minister of brides . ralph robinson , pastor of mary woolnoth . william blackmore , pastor of peters cornhill . francis peck , pastor of nicholas acons . stephen watkins , minister of the gospel at saviors southwark . william wickins , pastor of andrew hubbard . iohn wallis , minister of martins iron-monger-lane . thomas manton , minister of stoke-newington . tho : gouge , minister of sepulchres . tho : vvatson , pastor of stevens walbrook . nathaniel staniforth , minister of mary bothaw . iohn halk , preacher at alhallows on the wall . iohn glasscock , minister of the gospel at andrew undershaft . thomas whately , pastor of mary woolchurch . iacob tice , pastor of buttolph billingsgate . ionathan lloyd , pastor of james garlickhith . iohn morton , pastor of newington-buts . ioshuah kirby , minister of the word . arthur barham , pastor of helens . ben : needler , pastor of margaret moses . iohn vvells , minister of olaves jury . robert matthew , minister of andrew wardrobe . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59254e-170 a mr. marshall , mr. calamy . mr. whitakers . mr. sedgwick , &c. b mr. whitaker . mr. calamy . mr. ash , &c. 1 tim. 5.22 2. thes. 5.22 ephes. 5. 11. prov. 24. 21. 2 thes. 3. 6. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} tit. 3. 1. rom. 13. 1. 2. ezek. 17. 14. 15 , 18 , 19. psa. 129. 1. 8 2 john v. 11. jude v. 8. 11 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or saints . num. 16. 3. 11 , 26. 32 , 33 29. verse 2. rom. 1. 32. rom. 2. 1. 3 ver. 2. 6. 11. eccles. 8. 14. eccles. 7. 15. eccles. 8. 11. 1 sam. 24. 4 , 6 , 7 , 13. 1 sam. 26. 8 , 9. isa. 28. 20. 2 pet. 1. 19. job 13. 7. zech. 5. 4. 2 sam. 21. 1 , 2 , 6. luke 3. 14. numb. 32. 23. 1 pet. 4. 15 , mr. peters , &c. ezek. 33. 9. 1 pet. 4. 16. 1 pet. 3. 17. 1 pet. 2. 20. psal. 116. 15. psa. 9. 12. mr. peters . dan. 3. 17. 2 pet. 4. 19. 1 sam. 3. 18 william, by the prouidence of god, bishop of exeter, to all and singular archdeacons, officials, parsons ... and all other ecclesiasticall officers ... greeeting [sic] whereas his majesty, for the seasoning of all youth in their due alleageance, hath caused a booke to bee compiled and imprinted ... intituled god and the king ... church of england. diocese of exeter. bishop (1598-1621 : cotton) 1616 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19445 stc 5870.3 estc s3915 33151173 ocm 33151173 28975 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19445) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28975) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1873:27) william, by the prouidence of god, bishop of exeter, to all and singular archdeacons, officials, parsons ... and all other ecclesiasticall officers ... greeeting [sic] whereas his majesty, for the seasoning of all youth in their due alleageance, hath caused a booke to bee compiled and imprinted ... intituled god and the king ... church of england. diocese of exeter. bishop (1598-1621 : cotton) cotton, william, d. 1621. 1 sheet ([1] p.). [s.n.], imprinted at london : 1616. title from first six lines of text. signed at end: william exeter. reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -government. church and state -england. oath of allegiance, 1606. great britain -politics and government -1603-1625. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion william , by the prouidence of god , bishop of exeter . to all and singular archdeacons , officials , parsons , vicars , curates , church-wardens , side-men , and all other ecclesiasticall officers , and to all teachers whatsoeuer within our said diocesse , greeting . whereas his maiesty , for the seasoning of all youth in their due alleageance , hath caused a booke to bee compiled and imprinted , containing the sum of the oath of alleageance , intituled god and the king : or a dialogue , shewing that our soueraigne lord king iames being immediate vnder god , within his dominions , doth rightfully clayme what-soeuer is required by the oath of alleageance . and to the end that the same may bee duely read and exercised within his said kingdome , hath by his highnesse letters patents , bearing date on the thirteenth day of march last past , commanded all arch-bishops , bishops , arch-deacons , officials , and all other ecclesiasticall officers and ministers whatsoeuer : that by publique act , edict , order , or such other waies and meanes as they shall thinke fit , they make knowne his maiesties royall pleasure to be : and further to take order that euery teacher , aswell men as women , teaching eyther in the english or latine tongues , within their seuerall diocesse within the said kingdome , eyther publikely or priuately , shall take care that euery scholler ( according to their capacity ) shall and may be taught the saide booke eyther in english or latine . and that all such teachers whatsoeuer , as shall refuse so to doe , shall by the bishop of the diocesse where the said teacher teacheth , be disabled and prohibited from teaching of schollers , vntill such time as they shall conforme themselues thereunto : and further shall incurre his highnesse displeasure , besides such other punishment , as by the lawes of this realme may be inflicted vpon them , for their said contempt of his highnesse royall commandement . and further by his highnes said letters patents , hath commanded all and euery arch-bishops , bishops , maiors , bayliffes , shiriffes , iustices of peace , officials , parsons , vicars , curates , constables , and all other the magistrates , officers and ministers , and all other his subiects of his said kingdome : that they and euery of them , at all times within their seuerall iurisdictions and places , doe further the vniuersall reading and exercise of the said booke . and that euery parson , vicar , and curate , respectiuely within their saide parishes , doe take care , and see that euery childe ( taught publikely or priuately ) be taught the same eyther in the latine or english tongue , as they may best sort with the capacitie of such children . and that they and euery of them , be ayding , helping & assisting , in the due performance and execution hereof , with effect , as they tender his maiesties royall pleasure and commandement herein . these are therefore in his maiesties name , straightly to require all masters of families , and euery teacher , or teachers , men or women , priuate or publique , teaching eyther in the english or latine tongues : that they take such a speciall care , that all , and euery their youth , schollers , seuerally and respectiuely , may forthwith within the space of tenne daies next after monition giuen vnto them , by such as shall be authorised for that purpose , haue , read , exercise , and learne , and bee taught the saide booke ( order being already taken that there shall be a sufficient number of the said bookes in readinesse , in places conuenient for the buyer . ) and that the said bookes bee sold by such persons , or their deputies onely , as his maiesty hath thereunto authorised . and that they , nor any of the said deputies shall presume to take aboue the rate of sixe pence the booke , neither in latine nor english , the same being in octauo , within the said diocesse . and further that all persons , vicars , curates , church-wardens and side-men , doe at their ordinary day of appearance in any eeclesiasticall court within our said diocesse , quarterly present a true note of all their teachers , men or women within their seueral parishes , with the true number of schollers as euery such teacher teacheth , that their schollers may be furnished with bookes accordingly , together with the names of all such as shal refuse to conforme themselues thereunto . and also that all and euery the said parsons , vicars and curates , church-wardens and side-men , bee truely and faithfully ayding , helping and assisting , for the vniuersall dispersing and teaching of all youth whatsoeuer in the said booke , being vnder the age of xxi . according to his maiesties royall pleasure , and late proclamation , dated at theobals , the viii . of nouember last . commanding all his highnesse louing subiects , to obey such directions , and order , as by my lords grace of canterbury , my lords grace of yorke , and other the bishops of this realme shall be taken therein for the better accomplishment , and due execution hereof , according to his highnesse will and commandement . william exeter . imprinted at london . 1616. plain dealing being a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there. gordon, john, m.d. 1689 approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41557 wing g1285 estc r34919 14908527 ocm 14908527 102857 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41557) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102857) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1571:6) plain dealing being a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there. gordon, john, m.d. [8], 28 p. printed, and are to be sold by richard baldwin ..., london : 1689. attributed to john gordon, m.d., by halkett & laing, citing david laing as authority; this gordon is to be identified with sir john gordon in munk's roll of physicians ...--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -establishment and disestablishment. presbyterianism. episcopacy. church and state -presbyterian church. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion plain dealing : being a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns . with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there . licensed , september 11. 1689. london , printed , and are to be sold by richard baldwin near the black bull in the great old-bailey . 1689. to the right honourable and truely religious lady jane countess of sutherland . madam , the publication of this little piece ( at this juncture ) was not the effect of my forwardness , but of that deference i owe to several good men , and well-wishers of the present government , by whose importunity i was induced to take this task upon me , without prejudice to the rights of more abler men , to whose elaborate works on the same subject , as ( 't is here limited ) this essay has the honour to lead the way . those gentlemen my good friends had very good reason to be moved , when they heard the good measures of the government misrepresented to strangers by the artifices of designing men , having no less in their aim than to divide the common interest of protestants . they unanimously concurred in their judgments that it was expedient to put a stop to the spreading of this contagion , and urged me with motives that were too weighty for me to resist , having all the inclination imaginable to shew my zeal for our religion and liberties within my sphere . herein is contained a true ( tho a general ) account of the matter of fact to undeceive strangers of their mistakes , whose different opinions as to church government , and other circumstances , ought not to remove their christian charity towards one another , but ( being concerned in one bottom ) to promote the common interest and salvation of mankind , ( laying aside all prejudice , animosity and rancour , ) tho it should tend to the removal of any earthly thing most dear to them , that proves a stumbling-block or occasion of offence to either strong or weak brethren , imitating the apostles precept , acts 15. concerning the difference of the circumcision . and the apostle paul's resolution in the like case , romans , chap. 14. & 15. and in 1 cor. 8. last verse , if meat make my brother to offend , i will not eat flesh while the world standeth , lest i make my brother to offend . which no doubt is preceptive to the christian world , who pretend not to infallibility . but being 't is come this length , the dedication for its patronage and encouragement is due to your ladiship ; chiefly for three reasons . because , first , that your ancestors and relations had not only a great share in the reformation , but also ever since were great promoters of the protestant reformed religion in scotland , and protectors of its ministers and professors , and your charity upon that account to suffering ministers and professors , having been very considerable . secondly , that without any flattery , i dare say , ( and all those who have the honour to know your ladiship , will confirm my assertion ) that none understands the matter in hand better than your self . thirdly , that your honourable husband , your self , eldest son , and most of all your relations , were chiefly concerned in the last efforts , and great enterprize made , and the signal deliverance wrought of late for these oppressed nations , of which god was pleased to make our present gracious king his glorious instrument : ( and for which your endeavours , i hope your family will meet with its due reward . ) your ladiship must not expect a fine stile of language , it being sufficient that the matter of fact is true , tho design honest , and the language intelligible . madam , i might have been more plain , particular , and ad homines , but declin'd that method , designing to give offence to no good christian , be his profession what it will , if his principles be good ; i don't value how evil or byassed men may criticise upon this matter ; provided , that moderate good men may be pleased , and that the honest design of this little plain piece may be any ways serviceable to the present government , your ladiships honourable family , and other good subjects ; which that it may , and that , as god in his infinite wisdom has made our gracious king his glorious instrument of our redemption , from our fears of popery and slavery , as the effects thereof ) so the same almighty god would be pleased to settle the imperial crown of this kingdom upon the heads of king william and queen mary in peace and truth , and be so transmitted from them after they have lived a long , happy life here ( and received crowns of glory hereafter ) to their posterity and lawful successors for ever . and that your ladiship and honourable family may live happily under their auspicious reign , is and shall be the constant prayer of , to the reader . candid reader , i was desired to write the parts of particular ministers acted upon the last theatres of government , but judged this not to be a fit time , so that i hope you will excuse my writing of this in so general terms , and also for laying down some general hypotheses and propositions , argumentandi causa , ( which perhaps the more strict on either side will not allow ) being no divine ▪ myself , yet a well-wisher of the government , as well as of moderation and christian charity amongst all those of the reformed protestant religion , whose circumstantial differences occasioning some heats and animosities , i wish god will be pleased to remove to the common good of both . please to be as impartial and moderate in your reading and censures of this little plain piece , as i have been in exposing particular mens faults to publick view , and you will not only be more able to make a judgment of the thing , but also the impressions received of a violent procedure in church affairs in scotland will be removed , and if this moderate and general account do not perswade you to the contrary opinion , there will be a necessity to expose particulars and particular persons to more publick view , which i desire altogether to decline . i did design to add to this piece the objections made against the setling of the presbyterian government in scotland , with the answer to these objections ; with a list of the reformers from popery in scotland , and those that suffered martyrdom upon that account ; but being importuned not to put either of them to a publick view , i have laid it by for the present , but if this have a kind reception , i shall publish the other . a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergy's proceedings in the later reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there . it being too much spread abroad ( whether out of ignorance of the matter of fact , or design of an intriguing party to divide the interest of protestants , i will not divine ) that the present procedure in scotland tends to the oppression or persecution of the episcopal ministry there : but whatever be an evil parties design in it , sure i am , these surmises tend to load the good and unanimous designs of the present government with unjustifiable things : and to remove these mistakes which might give encouragement to an evil designing party , ( who are always like the salamander in the fire , and love to fish in muddy waters , acting both in different elements for the same ends ) or discouragement to the good party , whose different opinions about circumstances , ought not to divide them in the main . i shall first state it as my hypothesis ( as many learned moderate divines under both governments do ) that church government , whether it be this , or that , is a matter indifferent ; there being no platform of government left in the church , either by christ or his apostles , or their disciples , further than appointing bishops in every church ( which word in the common acceptation in the originals and translations , by both parties is understood to be overseers , without mentioning any preheminence to them over their brethren ) these being presbyters , and their deacons and elders ; so that church government in this case would seem to be left indifferent ; and every nation or people link'd together in one body or society , in their own civil government ( whether monarchical , democratical , aristocratal , &c. ) have it left in their option ( being free from engagements either to the one or the other ) to settle that church government , which the major part of that people or society judges most suitable to the word of god , and the general inclination and genius of the people . this being granted in the general ; in the next place let us consider , that when that nation in particular , as generally all europe were enslaved to the romish bondage , there was no other , and could no other government be , but prelacy suitable to that of their universal bishops , whose vassals they , as well as all other prelats were ( as they called them ) who assume to themselves always the title of head of the church , and christ's vicars upon earth , which all those of the reformed protestant religion , episcopal or presbyterial , look upon as blasphemous ; and therefore the pope is called by them all antichrist , and no doubt he is . but when that peoples eyes came to be opened to see clearly , the fundamental errors which that church maintained for several ages , and the many cheats , villanies , and wickedness committed by that clergy in general , they began to be reformed in their lives and manners , by the indefatigable pains and labour of some few presbyters , who suffered several kinds of martyrdoms and other cruelties therefore , by the popish clergy : and the romish clergies barbarous cruelties in those times towards those valiant champions in christ's cause , did at last animate the people to prosecute a general reformation in that nation , and their reformation being by presbyters , it seems gave the rise there , to that denomination of presbyterian . and the romish clergies cheatry , and wickedness in their lives and conversation , and cruelty towards those reformers , and those of the reformed religion , occasioned the peoples general hatred at the very order of bishops : and besides , that the bulk of the scots clergies opinion , being , that a well constitute presbyterian government is both more agreeable to the word of god , and general inclination and genius of the people , than any other . and though superintendants were appointed there at the beginning of the reformation ( the generality of the people not being as yet well reformed ) the reformers that they might prevail the more readily in moderation with the generality of the people ; especially considering the nearer they came to the last settlement ( being governed in civil matters by a popish king regent and queen ) in the infancy of their reformation , the easier the work appeared to be ; yet the presbyterian was the first established government , being fully settled in the year 1592. by a general meeting of the estates , and confirmed by parliament , and continued so till the year 1606. after that king james came to the imperial crown of england , when he endeavoured to make an union between the two nations , setled an episcopal government there , ( though contrary to the inclinations of the people and clergy in general ) expecting thereby to unite them as well in trade as in church government ; and the hopes of an union in trade , and other things beneficial to scotland , moved many of those who were presbyterially inclined , to go beyond their inclinations , and opinion , alongst with that settlement for present . but that settlement by bishops in scotland being all ( it seems ) that the then english clergy and others designed ( and in which settlement many eminent men of that kingdom were too precipitant , to their regret afterwards when they could not help it ) that being done the union was blown up , though i am of opinion , as are many eminent men of both nations , and well-wishers to the present government , that neither england or scotland can ever be truly happy , till there be an union in parliaments , as well as in trade : for though england be more opulent and powerful by sea and otherwise , ( by reason of their trade ) yet when england has a powerful enemy in the front , scotland might prove as dangerous , if not a fatal back-door to england ; and it 's not to be doubted if there were an union , but the product and export of scotland to other foreign countries at present might be of equal gain to england to what scotland might expect by an union in trade from england ; which could be made appear to a demonstration . but this not being hujus loci , i hope to be excused for this digression from the thing proposed , there being some sympathy between the one and others interest ; and to come to the point in hand , when there is any revolution in the state of that kingdom , as of late , and they are so happy as to have a king and governours that design nothing more than the tranquillity and happiness of the people , the people eagerly in their reformation desire to establish that church government which their clergy and people in general are of opinion is most consonant to the word of god , and their own inclination . and to make it clear that the first reformers were not at all for establishing the order of bishops , mr. knox being in exile in england , by reason of the clergies great persecution in king james the fifth's time in scotland , king edward the sixth , having a great esteem for mr. knox , he proffer'd him a bishoprick in england ; but he thanked that good king heartily , and refused it . and a long time after that kingdom was turned to the christian faith , they had no bishops , nor does any of our own or foreign historians assert that there was any that had the title of bishop in that church before paladius in the fifth century ; nor was this paladius either a diocesian or provincial bishop , adrian in the ninth century , being the first diocesian , nor was there any archbishop , primate or metropolitan to consecrate diocesian bishops till the year 1436. that patrick graham was made archbishop of st. andrews , and yet 1200 years before this there was a church in scotland , ruled by monks and presbyters , and not to mention many other eminent men , that treat upon that subject , of undoubted credit , i cite only fordon lib. 3. cap. 8. ante paladii adventum habebant scoti fidei doctores de sacramentorum administratores , presbyteros solummodo vel monachos ritus sequentes ecclesiae primaevae : and beda , baronius , and all others confirm that paladius was the first that was called bishop in that kingdom ; attamen s●●●l christiani prima●●i , saith another , so that long before there was any order of prelatical bishops allowed in scotland , even after paladius time , there was a church there ; and tho foreign and domestick authors ( favouring prelacy ) write upon this subject , and name many bishops to have been in scotland before and after paladius ; yet none of these authors dare have the confidence to say , that these bishops had any medling in state affairs till that nation was enslaved to the church of rome , and even when that was , the kings and church of scotland in general would never own the pope so much , or subject themselves to him , as other princes and churches did . look but the 43 cap. p. 6 th . k. ja. 3.39 cap. par. 4. k. ja. 4 th , 85 cap. par. 11. k. ja. 3 d. 4 cap. par. 1. k. ja. 4.119 . cap. par. 7. k. ja. 5 th , &c. which were but confirmations of k. ja. 1 st . acts cap. 13. parl. 1 st . cap. 14. &c. and there and elsewhere much more you will find to prove how little respect our kings had to the pope's thunders in the time of scotland's greatest devotion to rome . and a king who would rule wisely , and to the general satisfaction of the people ( in which case they can and will serve him faithfully ) will give liberty of conscience to his people in innocent or indifferent matters , which are perhaps matters indifferent to himself : and no good man dare not but attribute the epithetes of a heroick mind , as well as of a calm well disposed spirit to our present gracious king and queen , who condescend indulgently to any thing may make their people happy , so far as they are rightly informed ; and i am hopeful will verify seneca's saying in time , mens regnum bona possidet : besides , that the constitutions of bishops in scotland and england , are not the same thing , and in their dependance have not the equivalent power or influence in their publick and private managements in relation to the state ; for in england , the laws there seem to secure bishops so in their offices and benefices ( when ordained and consecrated ) that though they should not go along with the court in disagreeable things , without a new law , or ranversing the old in a parliamentary way , they cannot be put from their benefices , though they should be suspended from their offices . but in scotland that order depended so intirely upon court favour ; that the governours could , and actually have , without any supervenient law or statute turned out bishops , tam ab officio quàm à beneficio , of which there could be many instances given , but the matter of fact being so well known , we need not trouble the reader with them here . but certain it is , that the difference of these two constitutions is an encouragement to the one to own what is good , and is a bait to the other to maintain even more dangerous things than the doctrine of non-resistance it self if required : and to make a parallel between the english and scots bishops in many things , but particularly in their practices ; would be but a reproach to our nation , to render in publick , were it not that it clearly appears in matters of fact , whether it be the fault in the constitution of scots bishops , or the bishops own natural temper . that the old scots proverb holds true , that lordships changes manners ; for be they habit and repute never so good and moderate men when only in the state of ministers , yet when once bishops or prelats , for the most part they become like that emperor who was very good till he became emperor , and had power to do evil , whose answer upon a question of the alteration of his different temper and practices is well known to all versant in history , and there was one of the popes who proved to be of the same temper also . but now to come to give an account of some particular practices of their late bishops in scotland in the last two reigns , which generally created an irreconcileable hatred in mens minds to the order it self ( though church government were a matter indifferent to clergymen and laicks ; ) and the first step was , that when the general assembly of divines in scotland , who were not only very active to crown king charles the second at scoon in 1650. but also , great instruments to restore him to the imperial crown in the year 1660. and that the presbyterian government was confirmed act 16. par. 1. ch. 2 d. they looking upon mr. james sharp as one of the most violent presbyterians in the english time , of great credit with the presbyterian clergy , and of no less fame for his almost violent zeal that way , which all the presbyterian party there , solemnly swearing to stand by the church of scotland , as it was then established in a presbyterial government , was intrusted by them in the year 1661. as their commissioner to the king , to have that government continued : but the promise and fair prospect of an archbishoprick prevailed with his judgment , and gave him a new light , for which he was tainted with that epithet of the betrayer of the church of scotland , and his brethren , who being a politick man , failed not to contrive , and ( with other politicians in the state , and laxer clergy who looked for benefices ) to concert the new establishment of the order of bishops in its full extent , after the form almost of the old popish order , and abolishing the presbyterian government in the year 1662. it was no doubt a failure in some of the presbyterian ministers , then ( many of which were great eminent and loyal men , though refusing benefices from the late king ) to desert their churches and vocations in the publick assemblies , until they had been forced from them ( as no doubt they would have been without compliance . ) but certain it is , that when some of them left their charges , and others were forced to quit the same immediately thereafter , by imposing new engagements to that government , contrary to their former solemn oaths , and vows ( though it be much my opinion , that no oaths ought to be imposed in point of government , except that of allegiance to the king in his political government of the church , as well as in the civil state ; because good men need not to be loaded with oaths , and evil men will never keep oaths when they find opportunity to break them to any earthly advantage ) , which others imbraced for love of the benefices , and the ministers that either quit or were put from their charges , were not only restrained from preaching and praying in any publick meetings to their congregations , or privately in their houses , ( though they expected nothing for their labours ) by imposition of arbitrary penalties , and contriving penal and sanguinary laws , equivalent to that which was made against papists , seminary priests , and jesuits ad terrorem , 2 act. sess . 3. parl. 1 st . ch. 2 d. &c. acts 5. and 7. par. 2 d. sess . 2 d. acts 9. and 17. par. 2 d. sess . 3 d. but several more severe acts were made in parliaments 1685. and 1686. and though none of those laws were once put in execution against papists , priests , jesuits , &c. yet how violently were they put in execution against those poor ministers , their flocks and families , for the one's preaching , and the other's hearing of the word of god , without mixture or the least grains of schism or disloyalty ? which oppression ( meerly for the difference of opinion ) tended to so great a persecution ( which verified that old saying , that oppression makes a wise man mad ) that it put the people in such a terrible consternation , that this persecution or oppression ( call it what you will ) forced the people in the year 1666. to gather together and rise in arms in defence of their preacher's , religion and liberty , against those persecuting clergymen ; who not only contrived , but forced the statesmen and the king's privy-council to stretch these penal and sanguinary laws , against both their religion and liberty in which they were educated : and what devastation , forfaultures , cruelties and bloodshed followed thereupon in that poor kingdom for several years is so generally known , that it 's needless to relate it here , and the late king charles , who had nothing of violence in his nature , considering the common evil their divisions occasioned , ( with the concurrence , and by a representation of some honest men then in the civil government ) did give a little respite by a toleration to some ministers to preach in several congregations , but the regular clergy were so exasperated against this indulgence , that they themselves made terrible clamours and complaints to the king and clergy of england ( who were not so immoderate , nor so immoral in their actions against dissenters , nor so vitious and scandalous in their lives and conversations ) and to the officers of state , and the privy council in scotland , not only against those poor people , but also against any that favour'd or pitied them , alledging it was a schism in the church , that the ministers preached rebellion , which the council found frequently upon tryal to be false , and that those that gave any dissent to their violence against these people were disloyal . and many that were vitious and the most scandalous of their inferior clergy , not agreeing with the abstemious lives and the singular examples of those godly ministers , made it their business to harrass and malign them and the people , to the government ; till they got their point wrought so far as to remove this liberty which the king graciously granted , and procured an army of wild highlanders to be sent to those countries in anno 1677. which army committed the greatest barbarities and unnatural things that ever was heard tell of in a christian nation , by their oppressions , robberies , plunders , rapines , &c. making no distinction of persons or sexes . this being with great difficulty represented again to the king , he out of his wonted clemency , caused remove his army , and those poor people , though left in a manner desolate , having got the least respite ( their religion and profession being dearer to them than their lives ) they frequenting those meetings again without tumult or uproar , where they thought they had the word of god truly and more purely preached to them : the episcopal clergy ( being again allarm'd ) made the greatest clamour that could be , and made their interest at court to send arms again ( as they alledged , to suppress them ) upon which violent persons did get commissions , when other moderate men that had commissions laid them down ; and others refused them upon such cruel expeditions ) and raised regiments of foot , horse , and dragoons , and many of them , who having neither principles of religion nor humanity , were sent thither with those troops , and treated the people in a most barbarous manner , which forc'd those poor oppressed people to guard their meetings with armed men , till they fell in blood with those cruel mercenary souldiers in the year 1679. which cruelty and persecution increased their number the more ; which verifies that old saying , cinis & sanguis martyrum semen ecclesiae , for the more they were oppressed and persecuted , the more their number increased . and were there not then some of the greatest personages in that kingdom in disgrace with the king by the instigation of that clergy , and some other ministers of state , not only for their dissents to their violent proceedings against protestants ; but also for complaining of some other mismanagements in state ? but god has at this time been pleased to honour them , so as to put them in capacity to be most instrumental in setling the present government , i hope upon sure and lasting foundations . but not to make a greater digression , then was the duke of monmouth sent generalissimo to scotland to suppress those protestants ; yet he was to be over-ruled by the clergy , and the king's council ; who notwithstanding of his limited commission did , and for his favour shewn to those poor people ( who he knew suffered meerly upon the account of their religion and stricter lives ) was by the clergy and the violent party , their adherents , put in disgrace with the king , as other great persons were , and how many families of all ranks and degrees were then and since destroyed by this oppression and clergy's persecution ? how many were tortured without mercy ? how many were banish'd , drown'd , beheaded , shot , &c. many of them without the liberty of once calling upon god before their death , is incredible ; but all europe knows it , and it cannot be denied . and who knowing , or in the least understanding the affairs of scotland in those times , will deny but that these cruel proceedings against the presbyterian ministers and their hearers , ( by banishments , imprisonments , forfaultures , intercommonings , or outlawries , deaths , &c. ) were the very things that forc'd many of the vulgar sort of professors to fly to the hills and mountains , where ( though no doubt they had opportunity to hear some good ministers preach ) yet popish emissaries , trafficking priests , &c. being never idle , and never neglecting occasions by the divisions of those of the reformed religion , to propagate their hellish designs , were not wanting to be there as wolves in sheeps clothing , or devils in angels shapes , to seduce those of meaner capacities to imbibe some dregs of the jesuitical principles , which brought many of those poor innocents to end their days in misery . but that , when the late king james was dealt with ( for reasons best known to his cabin councellors ) to grant a general toleration , doubtless out of no respect to the presbyterian party ; they did , it 's true , take hold of that opportunity and freedom to preach the gospel , and no further , ( when in the mean time the episcopal clergy did give their thanks to the late king , for his liberty and toleration to papists , quakers , and all other sects ) of which they were hindred before by the episcopal clergy , their procurement ; and they no doubt had reason to thank the late king , or any , for the liberty it self ( having by it received a glimps of the gospel by their freedom to preach it ) though they desponded of its long continuance , but expected a greater persecution thereafter , which they preached to their hearers , and no doubt their prophetick sentences had been fulfilled , had not god in his mercy prevented it , by preparing a fit and glorious instrument to preserve his people from the designed overflowing deluge of popery and slavery . and what good protestant would not thank a turk or pagan , nay , the pope himself for life , liberty , and freedom of the reformed religion ; much more a native prince , especially considering what is before related about a 26 years oppression or persecution from those called the regular clergy then , and by their instigation ; for from that clergy they could expect no good tidings : for some of them had the impudence to say in pulpit , that rome should have it e're jack presbyter should have it ; this is a matter of fact , for who would not rather receive a favour ( in the acceptance innocent ) from a professed enemy , than be oppressed or cruelly used by a counterfeit false friend or unnatural relation , judge ye ? and whether these proceedings against those poor protestants , does not too much imitate the romish clergy and missionaries imposition on magistrates and governors to be their executioners , let any indifferent man judge : so that any impartial unbyassed person indued with common sense and reason ( considering what is said ( which is but a specimen of a system that could be written on this unpleasant subject to any good protestant , were it not to vindicate the generality of the nation , unjustly aspersed of purpose to make the government unfavourable to strangers , who know no better ) may conclude that this persecuted people , as well as the generality of the scotch nation , have reason not to continue the order of bishops there ; for if the practices of particular bishops in scotland , were rendred publick , none would tax or reproach that kingdom with violence , inhumanity , persecution , or rashness in their present management of church affairs ; especially considering how great instruments most of the episcopal clergy have been of late , by their connivance , forwardness , or contrivance to encourage the ministers of the late government to encroach so much upon the religion , laws , liberties , and properties of the protestant subjects , we shall only instance two ; so ex ungue leonem . the first is , of their behaviour in the parliament 1686. when there was no less design than to rescind the penal laws , fram'd and enacted against papists , seminary priests and jesuits , hearers and sayers of mass ad terrorem , to hinder the growth of popery in that nation , which was the only legal bulwark and security of the protestant religion , these all the bishops ( excepting three ) concurred to remove ; by removing of which laws , all persons lax in their principles , or evil-designing men would be left loose , and at their full liberty to act in the matters of religion as they pleased , and in which case a prevailing party might easily impose whatever they pleased , the power being in their hand , and the prerogatives screwed up above the highest note in the scale of musick : but god who did not design to destroy that nation ( meerly by his providence as the execution of his eternal decrees ) wonderfully prevented all those hellish designs beyond humane expectation , and disappointed the actors . the next was that when all rational foreseeing men had a jealousie of a popish contrivance , to impose a prince of wales to deprive the lawful heirs of their rightful succession , and men having searched more narrowly into the affair , they were fully convinc'd in their minds of a popish imposture , the whole bishops of scotland ( when in the mean time they could see no less than the persecution of their honest brethren in england for religious matters ) they ( some of them no doubt , for worldly interest , whither that would drive them , god knows , and others in compliance , for fear of suspension from , or loss of their offices and benefices ) did make the most solemn , though the most unreasonable , unchristian address , and disagreeable to the pretended character that ever was upon the birth of a supposed prince of wales ; and what expressions are in that address ( so generally known ) cannot but be nauseous to any good protestant to rehearse , in which they called that prince , the darling of heaven , &c. but to come in the next place to the late procedure of the convention , their committees during their adjournments , and the parliament now sitting , in relation to church affairs , i shall give an impartial account of the particulars , so much as is needful . and first , when the nobility and gentry of scotland that were here in january last 1689. did give their advice to the then prince of orange ( now our gracious king ) what methods to take in relation to the settlement of the scotch nation then in great confusion , having no government , by reason of the late king's desertion of the government ; the king did follow their advice ; and albeit that some alledged a general proclamation , to be published in ordinary times and accustomary places , for calling the ensuing general meeting of the estates , would be the best method to call them together , for reasons neither fit nor necessary to be inserted here ; yet his majesty , to a general satisfaction , did take very knowing mens advice to dispatch his circular letters , which he did by vertue of the trust they reposed in him , and the advice given by the gentry and nobility of scotland to such as had right to represent the nation in a general meeting , not omitting the then bishops , their order being as then established by a standing law , which his majesty would not transgress . and when those representatives of the nation did meet freely , frequently , and fully in a general meeting , by virtue of our now gracious king's warrant before explained , had the bisshops then behaved themselves as became persons of their profession , pretended honour & character , if they thought not the call sufficiently warrantable , they ought either not to present themselves at that general meeting , or when they did appear by vertue of that general warrant , they might have protested and deserted the meeting , as in their opinion not legal , before it were constituted so by the general meeting it self : otherwise , to have complyed fully upon their meeting , and not only to have acknowledged their faults , errors , and mismanagements in the late government , but also to have gone on honestly , and vigorously with the other estates , in prosecution of the good designs of their meeting . first , by concurring to heal the breaches made in the hedges of religion , and removing the encroachments made upon its laws . secondly , by restoring the wholsom laws , liberties & properties of the estates & their fellow-subjects , so much encroached upon by popish emissaries , and any other wickedly designing party in any of the later reigns , but contrary to this , being it seems conscious to themselves of some guilt , they did all bandy together , not only with those that were too active to carry on the mischief in the later governments , but also with a new designing party who had no principles , not only to vindicate all the evils that were done in the late government , but also to bring the nation under more slavery than ever ; the particulars thereof are too generally known . and considering their profession by their actions , contraria juxta se posita clariùs elucescunt . i will not be too opinionative to assert , that the generality of people in that nation , or the major part of this great and wise council of the nation did incline to continue the establishment of that hierarchy , they finding it in a manner very improbable , if not altogether impossible , ( considering all that is said , and much more might be said ) to reconcile the ignorance , debauchery and persecuting humour of the most part of the prelatical party in scotland , with the singular , exemplary strict , and orderly lives and conversations of the presbyterian clergy , and most of their adherents : but sure i am , that clergy's former and later behaviour were the reasons that induc'd that great and wise meeting of the estates so suddenly to tender that order of bishops as a grievance of the nation to his majesty , in their preliminaries , in order to be abolished in the next parliament , now sitting , and to vindicate that nation , the general meeting of the estates , and the present parliament , from all aspersions which are industriously spread abroad , loading them with a persecution of the episcopal ministry there . take this for truth , of which no intelligent man in britain can be ignorant . that the first act the estates made , was to secure their own sitting . the second material to our purpose was their declaring themselves a free estate , and a legal meeting , and declaring that they would not separate , but continue to sit by frequent meetings , till they had restored and secured their religion , laws , liberties , and properties ; as well as that of their fellow subjects so much encroached upon , and till they had established the government of the church and state. both which acts the bishops voted in and approved of . and this being done with several other things , establishing the legality of the meeting , &c. too tedious to rehearse here , being intended but an abbreviat ; who would think that the reverend protestant fathers of the church of scotland would have stood in the way of any proposition that might tend to the security of the protestant reformed religion , restoring the wholsom laws , and securing the liberties and properties of the subject ? yet with the next breath , they were not only for continuing profess'd papists in chief commands of strong fortresses , and in the army , expecting their greater security that way , as it seems they had reason , considering their former deportment ; and the then present circumstances of the nation ; but were also for recalling home the late king , which they alledged they looked upon to be the only way to secure religion , to give the standing laws their lustre ( no doubt there is something understood there , & latuit anguis in herba ) and to secure the liberty and property of the people ; these were their very express●ons . but as i doubt not , that there is any good christian , but is heartily grieved for the bigottry of the lat● k●ng's religion , his evil council and mismanagement of affairs in state and church , and encroachments up ●n all that was dear unto us , which brought him to his low estate , much more brittish inhabitants , and m●st of al● t●e s●ot●h pro●e●●ants , who can endure no government ●ut a monarchical ; whose love to that governm●nt is such , that they did always undergo great burthens , and did peaceably forbear many faults and infirmities in several of their kings for many ages , as unquestionable good historians make appear : yet to give a call to the late king in his and our present circumstances , to return with a french , irish , and other cruel popish crew , were either to make him more miserable , who could not but be utterly destroyed in the attempt , or the protestants in britain most miserable , by reducing of them all to popery and slavery , or to the french most unchristian cruelty , and untolerable heavy yoke , and our foreign protestant allies and their confederates , though of different religions , more uneasie , if not in hazard to be destroyed by the french ambition and slavery , which is more untolerable beyond doubt than that of the turks and tartars , his dear confederates ; but it seems our bishops when they desired to recall a popish king did not mind , or rather did not value the verity of claudian's remarque , in case the late king did return with the least favour of a reeling populace , — componitur orbis regis ad exemplum — and a little after , mobile mutatur semper cum principe vulgus . and who doubts , but that if the late king returned by force , the fate of all those of the reformed religion ( if real protestants ) whether episcopal or presbyterial , would be sudden in the execution , and if invited home , were his promises never so fair and specious , the same fate would no doubt befall them in a short time : and the mobile is not always to be trusted for a bulwark in every exigence . but to the next matter of fact. upon the day of april , the estates having fully considered that it would be dangerous , to have the government longer unsetled , and having upon good grounds , too tedious to relate here , resolved to declare the crown vacant , and the late king james's right , &c. forfaulted , the bishops not only urged frivolous arguments , but also voted against it ; notwithstanding their chearful voting affirmativè to the former acts. and there being an act ordaining the clergy not to pray for the late king james , &c. as king and prince , their right being forfaulted , and the crown declared vacant , the bishops all removed without any compulsion , except 2 , or 3 , who were the most moderate ; and one of those being desired at the rising of the meeting to say prayers , he , that he might not omit his pretended allegiance to king james in his prayers , omitted to say prayer in common form , or extempore , but only repeated the lord's prayer , desiring it seems to give offence to none : but a person present alledged , that several persons used to conclude their prayers with the lord's prayer , and so did that bishop ; for he suspected it should be his last prayer in that place . at the next sitting of the estates it was moved , that , considering the bishops behaviour in the later governments , their behaviour in that general meeting , ( where notwithstanding their being present , and voting in several acts affirmativè , which they contraveen'd contrary to their profession ) their order should be declared a grievance to the nation ; which motion being remitted to the consideration of the grand committee , they at their next meeting brought it in as their opinion , that the bishops were one of the greatest grievances of the nation : which opinion the whole meeting after serious consideration approved of , and voted them out of doors . after which , all the bishops withdrew themselves in cabals with several disaffected people , called several of their inferior clergy together , prompting them to disobedience in the present juncture : which principles many of the episcopal clergy did then vent too much in their preachings and publick prayers . the estates having emitted a proclamation proclaiming william and mary then king and queen of england , king and queen of scotland , without a contradictory vote , and only one non liquet ; and another proclamation enjoyning the clergy after the proclamation to read the declaration , and to pray for king william and queen mary ; and in doing of which , many did comply , but several refused ; yet all , even those of the episcopal clergy ( though not complying with this ) who would live peaceably and regularly as subjects , the estates took into their particular protection , putting forth another proclamation , prohibiting all or any of the subjects whatsoever to trouble or molest any of them in their lives or estates . and none will be so impudent as to alledge in publick , that any either of the bishops , or their inferiour clergy , whether complying or not , were ever troubled in their persons or estates since the said prohibition , and few even before , by the unruly rabble , unless it be those whose deportment no good men can vindicate , and those moderate men of untainted lives and conversations of the episcopal communion , who have chearfully complyed with the estates , and present government , will declare how they were caressed by the presbyterian party in this juncture , and others who might be nice and scrupulous in some points , christianly exhorted and invited to joyn with them without engagements , further than reading the declaration , and praying for king william and queen mary ; and i have reason to think that the present wise parliament will impose nothing capable to trouble their consciences in their complyance with the present government . and truly it would seem to be no small reproach to the scotch bishopsto hear those who were lately their inferior clergy now declare in the pulpit and elsewhere , how these many years by-past , they themselves have groaned under their bishops tyranny and oppression of several kinds . but after the bishops were declared a grievance to the nation for many undeniable good pregnant reasons , and now voted out of doors , the estates took many calm methods by exhortations , &c. with their clergy , to have their deportment suitable to their profession in the present juncture ; but several of them continued so obstinate , and endeavoured to seduce others to the defaming of the government in publick and private ; so that they were necessitated to deprive some of them ( though they indulged some eminent men till they advised better ) and ordered presbyterian ministers to preach in their churches : and sure i am notwithstanding the frequent complaints given in to the estates , of the episcopal clergy's and their parties meeting in cabals with papists and other disaffected people , to the contempt of the present government ; yet that they were so tender of their character , as ministers of the gospel , that none of them were once prosecuted by the estates , their committees , the privy council , or the present parliament , since their deprivation , except one minister , who was accused to have spoken some treasonable words ; and how tenderly they dealt with him in his misbehaviour and infirmities , for fear of bringing a reproach upon any that preached the gospel , whether6 of one order or another , is well known ; and it is too publick , how one of those deserting ministers wives , and others of that perswasion , who converse with papists ( as the effects of their cabals ) were apprehended , endeavouring to get into the castle of edenburgh ( with fresh meat , and other provisions ) when it was block'd up , and declared treason to converse with , or assist any therein ; and yet how tenderly they were proceeded against , is generally known ; there are many others of their evil practices in the late conjuncture , might be spoken of , too tedious to the reader ; but to conclude with the episcopal clergy's behaviour in scotland of late , who have been more active , or like to be found more guilty in a correspondence with , and assisting the lord dundee and his party , now in rebellion , and committing most inhumane actions , than several of those who are called the regular clergy ? which must be publick to their shame ; besides , that the late bishop of galloway is certainly concluded to be with the late king james in person in ireland . and as a further evidence of the estates , the present parliament , the council , and other people of scotland , their favourable deportment and lenity towards the episcopal clergy there , it 's undeniable that both the bishops and their inferiour clergy , who by their ill deportment and late obstinacy , deprived themselves of their benefices , do walk and travel in town and country , on foot , in coach , and upon horseback , at their pleasure , and live peaceably in their houses without any trouble or molestation whatsoever : and it will be found unquestionably true , that neither the episcopal clergy , nor any other , who have been grievous and great persecutors and invaders of the religion , and encroachers upon the laws , liberties , and properties of their fellow subjects in the late government , were in the least fear of their lives or estates in that kingdom , since the first general meeting of the estates ; notwithstanding of the great clamours and false aspersions , of purpose and industriously invented and spread abroad by some persons for their own ends , being either afraid to abide the test of the law by way of moderate justice , or being uneasie to themselves , and troublesom to others under any government , were it never so good and easie , but where they have a power to gratifie their lusts and voracious appetite , and to do mischief to others . and as for that allegeance that the bishops , whose order is abolished in scotland , and their inferiour clergy , who have deserted their charge , out of an ill principle , for the most part have not a livelyhood or subsistence , it must be very gross and ridiculous ; for it 's well known , that both the bishops and those of their clergy , who have deserted their charges had opulent benefices , and are rich ( though not to satisfaction ) or might have been so in a cheap country , where , with the least management , the half or third part of their yearly benefices might maintain them and their families very well ; for it 's known generally there , that several ministers with lesser benefices than any that quit their charge now , have made good fortunes for their children ; and it 's hardly known that ever their charity or pious acts was the occasion of their poverty , though they have had examples enough from many of their good english brethren clergy-men ; and if they lived too sumptuously , sibi imputent . and certain it is , that their presbyterian brethren , when they labour'd under the greatest poverty and affliction in the world , by the scots episcopal or regular clergy ( call them what you please ) their immediate procurement , none of them pitied their distress , or relieved them in their wants in the name of disciples , ( when it must be confess'd they were sheltered and connived at , not only in england and ireland , but caressed abroad in holland , and elsewhere ) though there is good reason to believe that these ministers and other presbyterians both pity these called lately the regular clergy , for their miscarriages , and pray for their reformation ; which god grant . but i conclude this point with a good church of england man's saying , that the bishops of england were like the kings of judah , and the bishops of scotland like the kings of israel ; for that there were several good bishops in england , but never one good bishop in scotland . and though this be a general rule or maxim of the scots bishops , yet no general rule wants its exceptions , there being some few eminent men of that order in scotland , who disssented from , and disapproved of their violent procedures , and inhumane and unchristian-like practice ; but this was rara avis in hisce terris . and i sum up all with a saying of a great father in the church , that whoever is of a persecuting spirit , whatever he profess outwardly , is of the devil ; which made persius in the like case in his satyrs , make that imprecation to tyrants in general , or persecutors , which is the same thing upon the matter ; both being tyrants : summe parens divum , saevos punire tyrannos haund alia ratione velis , &c. and tho tyrants or persecutors may have a time allotted them to diffuse their venom to the terror or affliction of others ; yet they will meet with their correction or judgments here or hereafter , when the oppressed and afflicted shall be released . and now being that the order of prelatical bishops is abolished in scotland by an act of parliament ; it is not once to be supposed that any other government can be established there in the church but a presbyterian ; the model thereof i submit interim , to the consideration and the final and unanimous resolution of a just and wise king ( who favoured the peoples general inclination ) and this wise , loyal and free parliament . and to make it evident to all unbyassed men , that it is not only the general inclination of the people , to have the presbyterian government established ; but also , that that kingdom can never be in peace , without the establishment of it : though i might urge many , yet i only offer two undeniable proofs . first , there being 32 shires or counties , and two stewartries ( comprehending the whole body of the nation ) that send their commissioners or representatives to parliaments , and all general meetings of the estates or conventions ; of these 34 districts or divisions of the kingdom , there are 17 of them entirely presbyterians ; so that where you will find one there episcopally inclined , you 'll find 150 presbyterians . and the other 17 divisions , where there is one episcopally inclined , there are two presbyterians . secondly , make but a calculation of the valued rent of scotland , computing it to be less or more , or computed argumentandi causa , to be three millions , and you will find the presbyterian heritors , whether of the nobility or gentry , to be p●oprietors and possessors of two millions and more ; so that those that are episcopally inclined cannot have a third of that kingdom ; and as for the citizens or burgesses , and commonalty of scotland , they are all generally inclined to the presbyterian government except papists , and some remote , wild , and barbarous highlanders , who have not a true notion of a deity , acknowledge neither king nor superiour , but the chief of their tribe , and have little subsistence but by rapin and plunder , and who ought to be subdued and reduced by force , and garrisons placed amongst them ; without which , they can never be kept in order , or obliged to serve the precepts of law or gospel . all which is true , and can be made appear to a demonstration . finis . resolves of the commons assembled in parliament, concerning such ministers as shall preach or pray against the present government established by parliament. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83837 of text r211235 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.14[55]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83837 wing e2723 thomason 669.f.14[55] estc r211235 99869965 99869965 163043 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83837) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163043) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f14[55]) resolves of the commons assembled in parliament, concerning such ministers as shall preach or pray against the present government established by parliament. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for edward husband, printer to the parliament of england, london : iuly 10. 1649. order to print dated: die lunæ, 9 iulii, 1649. signed: hen: scobell, cleric. parliament. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a83837 r211235 (thomason 669.f.14[55]). civilwar no resolves of the commons assembled in parliament, concerning such ministers as shall preach or pray against the present government establishe england and wales. parliament. 1649 350 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion resolves of the commons assembled in parliament , concerning such ministers as shall preach or pray against the present government established by parliament . resolved , &c. i. that if any minister shall directly or indirectly preach , or publiquely pray against the power , authority or proceedings of this present parliament , or against the present government established by authority thereof . ii. or shall directly or indirectly , in preaching or praying , make mention of charls stuart , or iames stuart , sons to the late king , who by judgement of parliament are declared enemies , and stand excepted from pardon , otherwise then as the enemies to this commonwealth ; or shall under the name of the royal issue or otherwise , promove any title or interest taken away , or declared against by authority of this parliament , to the prejudice of this present government . iii. or shall not keep and observe days of publique humiliation or thanksgiving , appointed or to be appointed by authority of parliament ; or shall not publish the acts , orders or declarations of parliament , being enjoyned and directed thereunto by authority of the same , having due notice thereof , without reasonable cause to the contrary shewed , shall be deemed , taken and adjudged delinquents , and within the respective orders , ordinances and acts touching sequestration , as to their ecclesiastical benefices and stipends . and that in all such cases , the committee of parliament for plundred ministers , and all other committees or commissioners for sequestration in the respective counties and places throughout this commonwealth , shall have power , and are hereby authorized and enjoyned to take cognizance thereof , and effectually to proceed thereupon accordingly . die lunae , 9 iulii , 1649. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament , that the said instructions be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed for edward husband , printer to the parliament of england , iuly 10. 1649. twelve considerable serious questions touching chvrch government sadly propounded (out of a reall desire of vnitie and tranquillity in church and state) to all sober-minded christians, cordially affecting a speedy setled reformation, and brotherly christian vnion in all our churches and denominations, now miserably wasted with civill unnatuall warres, and deplorably lacerated with ecclesiasticall dissentions / by william prynne ... prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56221 of text r32182 in the english short title catalog (wing p4117). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56221 wing p4117 estc r32182 12354053 ocm 12354053 60077 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56221) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60077) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1025:14) twelve considerable serious questions touching chvrch government sadly propounded (out of a reall desire of vnitie and tranquillity in church and state) to all sober-minded christians, cordially affecting a speedy setled reformation, and brotherly christian vnion in all our churches and denominations, now miserably wasted with civill unnatuall warres, and deplorably lacerated with ecclesiasticall dissentions / by william prynne ... prynne, william, 1600-1669. 8 p. printed by i.d. for michael sparke, senior ..., london : 1644. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library. eng church polity. church and state -england. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a56221 r32182 (wing p4117). civilwar no twelve considerable serious questions touching church government. sadly propounded (out of a reall desire of vnitie, and tranquillity in chu prynne, william 1644 5827 66 0 0 0 0 0 113 f the rate of 113 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-06 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion twelve considerable serious questions touching chvrch government . sadly propounded ( out of a reall desire of vnitie , and tranquillity in church and state ) to all sober-minded christians , cordially affecting a speedy setled reformation , and brotherly christian vnion in all our churches and dominions , now miserably wasted with civill unnaturall warres , and deplorably lacerated with ecclesiasticall dissentions . by william prynne , of lincolnes inne , esquire . 1 cor. 1.10 . now i beseeech you brethren by the name of our lord jesus christ , that yee all speake the same thing , and that there be no divisions among you : but that ye be perfectly joyned together in the same minde , and in the same judgement . 1 cor. 3.3 , 4. for yee are yet carnall : for whereas there is among you envying , and strife , and divisions , are ye not carnall , and walke as men ? for while one saith , i am of paul , and another , i am of apollo , are ye not carnall ? 1 cor. 14 , 33. god is not the author of unquietnesse , but of peace , as in all churches of the saints . london , printed by i. d. for michael sparke senior , and are to be sold at the blew bible in green arbour , 1644. having neither leisure nor oportunity to debate the late unhappy differences sprung up amongst us touching church governement ( disputed at large by master herle , doctor steward master rotherford , master edwards , master durey , master goodwin , master nye , master sympson , and others , ) which much retard the speedy accomplishment , and establishment of that happy reformation , wee all earnestly pray for , and at least pretend cordially to desire , i have ( at the importunity of some reverend friends , ) digested my subitane apprehensions of these distracting controversies , into the ensuing considerable questions , which sadly pondered , & solidly debated by sober-minded peaceably disposed men of greater ability and vacancy for such a worke , then i enjoy , may put a happy period to all our dissentions about this subject , and heartily unite our devided judgements , affections , the better to secure our selves against the common enemies , who prevaile most by our divisions . 1. whether the gospell being by christs owne injunction , to be (a) preached to all nations and people whatsoever , ( who have their severall established different formes of civill government , lawes , manners , rules , and customes , sutable to their respective dispositions , climes , republikes , ) it can be infallibly evidenced by any gospell text , that christ hath peremptorily prescribed one and the selfe same forme of ecclesiasticall government , discipline , rites to all nations , churches in all particulars from which they may in no case vary , under paine of mortall sin , scisme , or being no true churches of christ , with whom good christians may not safely communicate ? or ( rather ) whether every severall nation , republike and nationall church hath not under the gospell (b) a libertie , and latitude left them to chuse and settle such an orderly form of church-government , discipline , and ecclesiasticall rites , as is most suitable to their particular civill government , lawes manners , customes : alwaies provided it be consonant and no waies repugnant to the word of god , nor prejudiciall to his sincere worship , or the peoples salvation , nor such as hinders their christian communion , amity , charity among themselvs & with other true christian churches ? this being ( as i conceive ) a generally received truth among all (c) protestant churches ; the very substance of the 34. article of the church of england ; of the 77. article of the church of ireland , and of the statutes of 2. & 3. e. 6. c. 1.3 . & 4. e. 6. c. 10.5 . & 6. e. 6. c. 1.1 . eliz. c. 2.8 . eliz. c. 1. and whether some things in all church governments , disciplines , ceremonies whatsoever , are not and must not be left to humane prudence , for which there is no direct precept nor patterne in sacred writ ? which truth is assented to by al parties , churches whatsoever , in theory or practise . 2. whether , if any kingdome or nation shall by a nationall councell , synod and parliament , upon serious debate , elect such a publike church-government , rites , discipline as they conceive to be most consonant to gods word , to the lawes , government under which they live , and manners of their people , and then settle them by a generall law ; all particular churches members of that kingdome and nation , be not thereby actually oblieged in point of (d) conscience & christianity , readily to submit thereto , and no wayes to seeke an exemption from it , under paine of being guiltie of arrogancie scisme , contumacie , and lyable to such penalties as are due to these offences ? 3. whether that forme of ecclesiasticall governement , which hath sufficient ( if not best ) warrant for it in the new testament : the examples of the primitive church , of the best reformed churches in this latter age to backe it ; the resolutions of the most eminent persons for learning and pietie in all protestant churches , approving it , tends most to effect , establish christian (e) vnitie , peace and amity , in the churches , nations , kingdomes embracing it , and with forraign churches professing the same religion ; suites best with the publike civil government , lawes , manners of those realmes who receive it , and serves most effectually to prevent , suppresse all heresies , errors , scismes , factions , diversities of opinions , corruptions of manners libertinisme , injustice , with other inconveniencies which may infest a church or state ; is not to be chosen , rec●ived as a true undoubted church-governement , agreeable to the gospell of christ , and to be preferred before that ecclesiasticall government , which hath no such expresse ●arrant for it in scripture , no patterne for it in the primitive , or best reformed ●●urches , no generall approbation of the most eminent persons for learning ●nd piety in all protestant churches , asserting it ; tendes not to effect maintaine or establish christian vnitie , peace , amitie in the churches , nations , kingdomes embracing it : suits not with their established civill lawes , go●ernment , and is no effectuall meanes to prevent or suppresse , but rather to intro●●ce and foment all heresies , errors , scismes , factions , diversities of opinions , corruptions of manners , libertinisme , injustice ( for want of appeales ) and other inconveniencies , which may infest a church or state ? 4. whether the presbiteriall forme of church-government , if rightly ordered , be not such as is expressed in the former : the independent such as is mentioned in the latter part of the preceding question ? and therfore the first of them rather to be embraced then the last , without any long debate ? 5. whether the grounds and reasons principally in●isted on for an independ●nt church government , be not such as if duly examined , will by unevitable necessary consequence subvert , dissolve , at least imbroyle , endanger all nationall , provincial churches , councels , synods , all setled monarchicall , aristocraticall , or oligarchicall formes of civill governement in nations , republikes , states , cities ; reduce all ecclesiasticall , all civill publike kindes of government , to that which is meerely parochiall or domesticall , and make every small congregation , family , ( yea person if possible ) an independent church and republike , exempt from all other publike laws , or rules of civill and ecclesiasticall government , but what they shall freely elect ; prescribe unto themselves , during pleasure and alter as they see occasion , upon more light of truth revealed ? 6. whether in all nations ages , from the first preaching of the gospell till this present as christians and beleevers multiplied , particular churches , did not likewise multiply , which had a dependency on , and communion one with another , and were all subordinate to nationall or provinciall synods , and publike ecclesiasticall constitutions ? and whether any one example of such a particular independent congregationall church or governement , as some now strennuously contend for , ( or any one eminent writer who maintained the same ) can be produced in any christian nation , kingdome or republike , totally converted to christianity , since christs time , till within our memories ? if yea ; then let the independents nominate the place , age , author , if they can . if not : then doubtlesse that can be no church government of christs or his apostles institution , which had never yet any being , nor approbation in the world , till this present age , for ought that can be proved . 7. whether the selfe-same law of nature , god , and rule of rectified reason , which instructed , warranted all persons , nations , as they multiplyed , from private families to unite themselves into severall villages , * cities , kingdoms , republikes , and to subject themselves to some one or other publike forme of civill government , and such generall laws , ( obliging all persons , societies of men alike ) which they conceived most usefull , necessary for their common safety , and prosperity ; did not heretofore , and now likewise teach perswade & instruct all men to use the selfe-same form of proceeding in matters of church government , as the number of christians , churches multiplyed , or shall yet encrease among them ? since all nations whatsoever upon their conversion to christianitie have proceeded in this method , as all ecclesiasticall histories and the acts of councels testifie ? for example , first one person ( or more ) in a nation was converted to the faith of christ ; who converted his family , and so perchance for a time had a private * church in his owne house ; this family after converted other persons , families by degrees , who united themselves into a congregationall or parish church ; after which the christians multiplying , and their princes , magistrates , nations embracing the christian religion , they divided themselves into many parochiall churches , diocesse , provinces ; none of which parochiall churches , when multiplyed and the whole nation converted , either were or claimed to be independent but were ever subordinate to (h) nationall or provinciall synods , classes , to the (i) common councell of presbyters , and governed by generall laws or constitutions , to which they still submitted : just like our new chappells and churches lately built about london and other places which are not independent , but subordinate to the ecclesiasticall lawes and publike setled government of our nationall church . a course observed in all religions , nations in the world since adams time till now , for ought appeares to me . and why this order , dictated by god , nature , and constantly pursued in all nations converted to christian religion , should not be perpetually observed , but independent congregations gathered ; not of infidels , but of men already converted to and setled in the christian faith , of which forme of congregating churches , no one example , ( unlesse derived from the private conventicles of arrians , donatists , and other heretickes , who yet were not independent amongst themselves ) nor any direct scripture , reason , or authority can be produced , to satisfie conscience , for ought ever i could yet discerne , nor yet for particular church covenants , ( to which all members must subscribe before admission into independent churches ) i can yet see no ground . 8. whether the concession of one catholike church throughout the world , denied by none : the (k) nationall assembly , and church of the israelites under the law , ( who had yet their distinct synagogues and parochiall assemblies ) instituted , approved by god himselfe ; the synodall assemblie of the apostles , elders , and brethren at ierusalem , acts 15. who (l) made and sent binding de●rees to the churches of the gentiles in antioch , syria , cylicia , and other churches ; compared with the severall generall (m) injunctions of paul in his epistles to timothy , titus , the corinthians , and other churches hee wrote to , touching church discipline , order , government ; seconded with all oecumenicall , nationall , provinciall , councells , synods , and the church government exercised throughout the world , in all christian realmes , states , from their first generall reception of the gospell till this present ; compared with acts 7.38 . c. 2.47 . c. 5.11 . c. 8.1.3 . c. 12.5 . c. 15.22 . c. 20.28 . math. 16.18 . ephes. 3.10.21 . c. 5.25.27.29.32 . col. 1 18.24 . 1 tim. 3.5.15 . be not an infallible proofe and justification of nationall churches ; of a common presbyterian , classicall government , to which particular congregations , persons ought to be subordinate , & an apparent subversion of the novell independent invention ? whether all answers ●iven to these examples & texts , by independents be not , when duly scanned , meere palpable shifts or evasions which can neither satisfie the consciences or judgements of any intelligent christians ? and whether their argument from these phrases n the churches , the churches of christ , of asia , macedonia ; all churches , &c. in the plurall number ( meant only of the churches then planted in severall cities , provinces , regions , nations , under distinct civill governments , comprised in scripture under this aggregate title the church , oft times , and then equivalent to nationall churches derived out of them as the gospell , and beleevers of it multiplied ) be any more or better proofe of particular independent churches in one & the selfe same city , nation , kingdome , republique ; then historians , councells , and canons mentioning of the churches of england , scotland , ireland , wales , france , spaine , or the churches within the province of canterburie , yorke , or diocesse of london , &c. argue , all or any of their parish churches to be independent , not one parochiall church in all these realmes being yet independent , but alwayes subordinate to the whole nationall or provinciall churches , councels , parliaments , synods of these kingdomes , as all authors and experience witnes . 9. whether the independents challenge of the presbyterians to shew them any nationall church , profes●ing christ in our saviours or the apostles dayes , before any one nation totally converted to the christian faith , or any generall open profession made of it by the princes , majestrates and major part of any nation , kingdome , republique , who were then all generally pagans and persecutors of the gospell , not then universally embraced , be not a most irrationall unjust demand ? and whether this argument from thence . there was no nationall church professing christian religion in the apostles dayes ( before any nation totally converted to christianity . ) ergo , there ought to be no such nationall church now ; though the o prophets long before assured us ; and (p) christ with his apostles certainly knew & predicted there should be nationall convertions , churches after their dayes . be not as absurd an argument as these ensuing . there was no nation wholy converted to th●●aith , nor any church-meetings of christians in publique churches , but only in q privat families , caves , corners in the apostles dayes . ergo , no nations ought to be totally converted to the faith , nor any christians to meete in publique churches , but onely in private families , caves , corners now ; as they did then . there was no nation , kingdom , city , republique , catholique , congregationall , or parochiall church in adams yonger dayes , before people were multiplyed , but only a family government , and church . ergo , there ought to be none but an oeconomicall or family government , and church , but no nation , kingdome , city , republike , catholike , or parish church now . no man will be so void of sence or reason to argue thus . every man in his infancy is borne destitute of religion , of the use of speech , reason , understanding , faith , legs , &c. ergo , he ought to continue so when he is growne a man . yet this is the maine argument of some independents . the christian church in the apostles times , whiles she was in her very infancy , and under persecution , was not nationall , but so and so , ( yet never independent . ) ergo , she must not now be nationall , but still necessarily continue in , and be reduced to her primitive infant condition , and to an independent government . when as the very history of the acts , and pauls epistles clearly informe us , that as the number of christians multiplyed , so their (r) churches , church officers multiplyed , their church government , discipline varied . at first the christian church had none but apostles to preach and instruct the people ; but when beleevers multiplyed , then they and the apostles ordained (s) deacons : after that (t) elders , evangelicall bishops , widdowes , with other church officers . and then fell , not only to write new gospells , epistles , canonicall scriptures , and rules of faith , ( as appeares by the whole new testament ) for the churches further instruction , edification , direction , by the speciall guidance of (v) gods spirit : but also to prescribe new necessary (x) rules , canons , directions , with sundry matters of order , discipline , as new occasions were offered , which liberty of ordaining , supplying , instituting new rites , orders , canons , things necessary or expedient for the churches peace and welfare , they transmitted to posterity ; and all churches of christ in all ages , places , yea the independents themselves , have claimed and exercised this very liberty , as their right ; there being many things in their independent government , which have no expresse warrant nor example in sacred wit to justifie them . 10. whether independents can produce any one solid reason , why they ought not ( in point of conscience ) willingly to submit to a presbyteriall government in case it shall be established among us by the generall consent of the synod , and parliament , as most consonant to gods word , the lawes and governement , of our realme ? and if not , whether it will not be justly reputed an high degree of obstinacy , singularity , arrogancy , selfe-ends , and peremptory schisme in them to oppose this forme of governement , or demand a speciall exemption from it , for themselves alone ? when as papists , anabaptists and all other sects may claime the like exemption , upon the like grounds as they alleadge ? 11. whether that independent governement which some contend for , if positively and fully agreed on , and laid downe without disguises , and then duly pondered in the ballance of scripture or right reason , be not of its owne nature , a very seminary of schismes , and dangerous divisions in church , state ? a floud-gate to let in an inundation of all manner of heresies , errors , sects , religions , distructive opinions , libertinisme and lawlesnesse among us , without any sufficient meanes of preventing or suppressing them when introduced ? whether the finall result of it ( as master williams in his late dangerous * licentious booke determines ) will not really resolve it selfe into this detestable conclusion . that every man , whither he be iew , turk , pagan , papist , arminian , anabaptist , &c. ought to be left to his own free liberty of cōscienc , without any coertion or restraint , to embrace & publikely to professe what religion , opinion , church , government he pleaseth , & conceiveth to be truest , though never so erronious , false seditous , detestable in it selfe ? and whither such a government as this ought to be embraced much lesse established among us ( the sad effects whereof we have already experimentally felt , by the late dangerous increase of many anabaptisticall , antinomian , hereticall , atheisticall opinions , as of the souls mortality divorce at pleasure , &c. lately broached , preached , printed in this famous city , which i hope our grand councell will speedily and carefully suppresse , and by our devisions betweene some of our commanders refusing to be dependent or subordinat one to another , ) i referre to the judgement of all such who have any sparkes of love to god , religion , their bleeding dying distracted native country flaming in their brests , or any remainder of right reason residing in their braines . 12. whether the very title of independency be not altogether improper for any man or christian , as such , who is naturally as a man , spiritually as a christian , (y) ●sociable z dependent creature needing both the cōmunion , and assistance of other persons , nations , churches ? whether the national league & covenant we have taken doth not in sundry respects strongly ingage us against independency ? and whether the root from which it originally springs ( if really searched to the very bottom & stript of all disguised pretences ) be not a pharesaical (a) dangerous spiritual prid , vainglorious singularitie , or selfe-conceitednes of mens owne superlative holines ( as they deeme it ) which makes them , contrary to the apostles rule (b) to est●●●● others better then themselves : to deeme themselvs so transendently holy , sanctified , and religious above others , that they esteeme them altogether unworthy of yea wholy exclude them from their communion & church-society , as (c) publicans , hethens , or prophane persons ( though perchance as good , or better christians then themselves ) unlesse they will submitt to their church-covenants , & goverment , refusing all true brotherly familiarity , society with them , & passing oft times most uncharitable censures on their very hearts and spirituall estates ( of which god never made them judges & (d) forbids them for to judge , because he (e) only knowes mens hearts : which hath lately ingendred an extraordinary strangnes unsociablenesse and coldnesse of brotherly affection , if not great disunion , disaffection , and many dissentions among professors themselves , yea , carelesnesse and neglect of one anothers wel●●●●●● our mutuall christian dependency on and relations one to another as christian brethren . as members of the selfe-same state and visible church of christ , f being the strongest bond of unitie , of brotherly love , care , reliefe , and mutuall assistance in all times of neede : it being the common 〈◊〉 & naturall disposition of all men , to g disrespect , neglect the reliefe , assistance ●●re and protection of those who are independent on them , or have no relations to them , no communion with them , and whom they esteem as strangers , with whom they neither have nor thinke fit to have any brotherly church-society ; whence those of different churches , or contrary religions ( as christians , turks , papists , protestants , &c. ) are alwayes for the most part at variance , enmity , seldome or never friendly , brotherly , charitable or assistant one to another . since then this new-invention of independency , is apt to produce snch uncharitablenes , unsociablenesse , strangenesse , differences , coldnesse of brotherly love , care , reliefe , and mutuall assistance , even among christians who professe themselves true saints of god ; and tends apparently to the violation of these principall precepts of the gospell , and cheifest badges of christianity , by which we know we are of the truth , that we are christs disciples indeed ; translated from life to death , and may assure our hearts hereof ; namely ; to love one another : to love all the saints and brethren unfeinedly , not in word & in tongue , but indeed & in truth , with a pure heart fervently : i to walk in love as christ loved us : to put on as the elect of god ( holy and beloved ) bowels of mercy , kindnesse , humblenesse of minde , meeknesse , long-suffering : to be kind and tender hearted one towards another : and above all things to put on charity which is the bond of perfectnesse ; endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , to which we are called in one body ; there being , ( & we all having ) but one body , one spirit , one hope of our calling , one lord , one faith , one baptisme , one god and father of all , who is above all , and thorough all , and over us all ; i humbly referre it to the serious consideration of all pious and peaceable christians , whether it can be any church goverment of christs invention , approbation , or institution fit to be embraced in any christian realme : wherein we should with (k) one minde and one mouth glorifie god ; and all speake the same thing without any divisions among us , being perfectly joyned together in the same minde , and in the same judgement . this gods owne precept ; and it shall be my dayly prayer , it may now prove all our reall practise . i shall close up all with this exhortation of the apostle , necessary for our distracted times ; (l) if there be any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels and mercies , fulfill yee my joy , that you be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord and of one mind , let nothing be done ( henceforth as to much i feare hath formerly bin ) through strife or vain glory ; but in lowlines of mind , let each esteem of others better then himselfe : looke not every man on ( or after ) his owne things , but every man also on the things of others ; (m) and i beseech you brethren marke them which cause divisions & offences , contrary to the doctrine which yee have learned , and avoid them ; follow after the things which make for peace , and such things only wherewith one may edefie another ; laying aside all bitternesse , and wrath , and anger , and clamor , and evill speaking , with all malice , covetousnesse , pride , and self seeking : which duly practised will speedily reconcile and terminate all our differences , eternally unite us in a lasting bond of reall vnity and brotherly love against our . common enemies ; who endeavour to ruin●●s by our unnaturall sad divisions . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a56221e-270 (a) matth. 28.19 , 20. mar. 16.15 . rom. 10.18 . col. 1 5.6.23 . ephes. 3.5 . to 12. (b) 1 cor. 14.40 . c. 11.34 . (c) see the harmony of confessions section 10 , 11 16. (d) 1 cor. 14.32.33 . rom. 13.1.2 . 1 pet 2 13 , 14 , 15. 1 cor. 10.32.33 . (e) 1 cor. 12.12 . to 29. c. 14.33 . c. 1.10 . to 15. c. 11.16 . eph. 4.3 . to 17 rom. 15.56 . ia. 3.14.15 , 16● 17 , 18. phil. 2.1.2 , 3. 1 cor. 3.3.4 . * gen 4 17. c. 10. & 11 & 14. arist. pol. lib. 1. c. 1.2 . &c. * rom. 16 15 1 cor. 16.19 acts 11.19 . to 25 & 13.14 & 16. and 17. and 18 c. 28.30 , 31. (h) see binius , surius , crab , merlin , syrmond , caranza , and sir hen. spelmans tomes of councels . bochellus de●reta ecclesiae , gallicanae gratian i●o carnote● si● , the harmony of confessions , lyndewood and other canonists . (i) communi presbyter●rum concilio ecclesiae regebantur hier. epist. ad ev●grium & com. in tit. 1. igna●ius . epist. 5.6 18. tertul. apolog : advers. gentes cap. 39. ireneus adv : haereses . l. b 4. c. 43.44 . cyp. epist. 6.18.28.39.45 . sedulius & anselm : in tit. 1. ●ee my antipathy of the english lordly prelacy , &c. part . 2. c 8.9 where this is largely proved . harmony of confessions . sect. 11.12 . (k) exo. 23.17 c. 34.23 , ●4 . c. 35.1 . deu. ●6 . 15 , 17. c. ●1 1. lev. 8.3 num. 8.20 . c. 13.26 iosh. 22.12.10 34. c. 23. 2. c. 24 1. to . 20. iudg. ●6 . 1.2 . c● 2● . 5 . 1 chron. 31.1.10 . 9. c 28.1 , 2. c. 29.1 . &c. ● . chron. 5. ● . c. 6 3.12 , 13. c. 7 , 8 , 9. c. 20 4 , 5.14 c. 23.2.3 . c. 30.1 . to 27. c 31.1 . ezra . 31. c 10 1 &c neh. 8.1.10.18 . luk. 1.41 . (l) acts 15.22 to 32. c. 16 14. c. 21.25 . (m) ● cor. 7.17 c. 11.6 . c. 4. ●3 . c. 16.1.2 . gal. 1.1 . see rev. 1.11.20 . c. 2.7 . c. 22 . 1● . n acts 9.31 . c. 15 . 4● . c. 16 5 rom. 16 . 4● 16. ● cor 7.17 . c. 11 , 16● c. 1● . 33 , 34. c. 16.19 . 2 cor. 8.1 18.19.23 , 24. c. 11.13 . 2 thes●● . ● . rev. 1.11.20 . c. 2.7.11.13.19 . c. 3 6.13.22 . c. 22.16 . o isay 2 2 3. mic 4.1 . to 5. ps. 72.17 . ps , 82.8 . psal. 86.9 . ier. 16.19 mal. 1 . 1● . isa. 11.9 . to 16 c. 9.12.23 . c. 54.1.2 , 3. c. 60.3 . to 22. zach. 8.22 . (p) lu. 2.32 . mar. 13.10 . act. 1● . 46.47.48 . rō . 10.18.20 . ● 1.12 . &c. q rom. 16.5 . 1 cor. 16.19 . col. 4 15. philem. 2.23 . heb. 11.37.38 . acts 20.7.8 . acts 1.13.14 . i●h. 20 19. (r) gal. 1.1 . acts 9.31 . c. 15.41 . c. 16.5 . rom. 16 4.16 . 1 cor 7.17 . r. 11.16 . c. 14.33 . c. 16.19 . 2 co● . 1.18.19.23.24.11.28 , 2 thes. 1 rev. 1. ●1 . 20 c. 22.16 . (s) acts 6.1 . to 8. 1 tim. 3.8 . (t) act 11.30 . c. 15.2.4 . phil. 1.1 . tit. 1.5 . 1 tim. 3. c● to 6. c. 5.17 . iam. 5.14 . 1 pet. 5.1.2 . 1 cor. 1● . 28.29 . eph. 4.21.12 , 13. 1 tim 5.3.9.10 . 2 pet. 1.20.21 . (v) 2 tim. 3.16.2 . (x) 1 cor. c. 1 & 3. & 4. & 5. & 6 c. 11.34 . & 7. & 8. & 9. & 10.11 . & 12. & 14. & 16. &c. 1. 〈◊〉 2 epist. to tim. tit c. 1. & 2. 1 cor 7.17 c. 3.4.3 . * a bloudy tenent . (y) gen. 2.18 . c 9.17 . c. 10.11 . r. 4. arist. polit. l. 1. & ● . z 1 cor. 12.10 31. acts 10.5 . to 48 c. 11.21 . 22 , 26 , c. 15.1 . to 37. 1 cor. 16 1 , 32 , . 2 cor. 2.11.11 . 2 cor. 11.28 . 15. acts 19.9.10 c. 11.21.22 . (a) rom. 10.14 . isay. 65.5 . lu. 18.10 . to 19. pro. 30.12 . math. 7.1 . (b) ph●l . ● . 3 . (c) lu. 18.10.11.12 . math. 18.17 . (d) math. 7.1 . rom. 2.1 . r. 14.10 . (e) 2 chron. 6 , 30 , 17.9.10 . f acts 2.44 , 45 , 46. 1 cor 12.12 to 26. c. 16 ● , ● . 2 . cor 8. ephes. 4 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6● c. ●● 25 , to 23. 1 tim 5 , 8 , 2. cor 11 , 21. c. 12 , 14. g iudges ● 28. luk 9● 53 , 5● 〈◊〉 8 , 〈◊〉 iohn 13.34 , 35. 1 iohn 4.21 . c 3.14 , 18 , 19● 1 thes. 4.9 1 pet. 1 . 2●● c ●●17 . i ephes. 5 , 2. c 4 . ● to 7. col. 3.12 , 3 , 14 , 15. (k) rom 15.5 6. 1 cor. 1.12 (l) phil. 2.1.2 , 3 , 4. (m) rom. 6.17 . c. 14.19 . c. 12.16 . ephes 4.31 c. 5.3 . a speech of vvilliam thomas, esquire ianurary, 1641 concerning the right of bishops sitting and voting in parliament : wherein hee humbly delivereth his opinion that their sitting and voting there is not onely inconvenient and unlawfull thomas, william, sir, d. 1653? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a64569 of text r17410 in the english short title catalog (wing t984). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 30 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a64569 wing t984 estc r17410 13037503 ocm 13037503 96837 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64569) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96837) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e200, no 1) a speech of vvilliam thomas, esquire ianurary, 1641 concerning the right of bishops sitting and voting in parliament : wherein hee humbly delivereth his opinion that their sitting and voting there is not onely inconvenient and unlawfull thomas, william, sir, d. 1653? [2], 28 p. by th. harper, printed at london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng church of england -bishops -temporal power. church and state -england -early works to 1800. a64569 r17410 (wing t984). civilwar no a speech of vvilliam thomas, esquire. ianuary, 1641. concerning the right of bishops sitting and voting in parliament: wherein hee humbly de thomas, william, sir 1642 5027 0 5 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2004-10 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a speech of vvilliam thomas , esquire . ianuary , 1641. concerning the right of bishops sitting and voting in parliament : wherein hee humbly delivereth his opinion , that their sitting and voting there , is not onely inconvenient , and unlawfull , but that it is not necessary for the making up of free and full parliaments ; nay , that they have no right thereto , for such reasons as he declareth . parliaments and statutes therein made being of force , and no way nulls , notwithstanding their absence , whether voluntary or inforced ; and that they have not right to their temporalties , whereby they challenge their right to sit and vote in the house of lords , lay peeres : and therefore under correction he doth thinke that the severall petitions of the city of london and others , as unto that , were fairly and justly offered : and as they ought of due right to be admitted and received , so to be speedily debated , and voted , as he humbly conceiveth . printed at london by th. harper . 1641. a speech of vvilliam thomas , esquire . i have lately declared my opinion herein in part as to the inconvenience : i have also expressed that i was of the same minde as to the unlawfulnesse of the sitting of bishops in the house of lords , which i did but briefly touch , therefore desire i may a little further enlarge my selfe , there being a necessity thereof , ( as shall appeare ) for that in the delivery of that which i am now to speake of , it cannot bee avoided . i say now that i doe likewise conceive that they have no right to sit there , and in my render and proofe hereof i will bee as briefe as i may , or the matter permit , avoyding repetition of any thing formerly spoken : for i will not actum agere , or cramben bis coctam ponere ; it hath alwayes beene ill relished , and cannot at this time but be most distastfull : for as with iuvenal in his satyres , nam quecunque sedens modo legerat haec eadem stans , proferet atque eadem cantabit versibus lisdem , occidit miseros crambe repetita magistros . answerable to the greeke proverbe , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . but to the point of the right of bishops to sit there , which i deny , alledging it to be a meere usurpation , and a possession unduly gained , and wrongfully held , yet such as received interruption : and as king iames in his premonition speaketh of the bishop of rome and his usurped authority , so may i of their sitting in parliament : it is not enough ( saith he ) to say as parsons doth in his answer to the lord cooke , that farre more kings of this country have given many more examples of acknowledging or not resisting , some perhaps lacking the occasion , and some the ability of resisting ; for even by the civill law in the case of a violent intrusion and long wrongfull possession , it is enough if it bee proved that there hath beene made lawfull interruption upon convenient occasion . that there hath beene interruption , plainly appeareth , for that divers lawes have beene made in their absence , and yet remaine in force , as wee may see in iewel , fol. 644. fox monuments , 421. lamberts perambulation of kent pag. 221. and others , declaring severall parliaments to be held excluso clero , the clergy wholly exempted and left out , as in ed. 1. ed. 2. ed. 3. and other kings reignes . nay , they came not into the house many years after the beginning of parliaments , the first time they were there present being in the reign of henry the second , as mathew paris 185. so that they were not in the reigne of henry the first , or king stephen . nor when they came to bee members , if such i may call them , or that they had votes , were they to vote in all things , as the twelve bishops have passed verdict in their petitionary , if i may not rather call it proditory protestation , which some of them have wisely retracted ; in regard whereof , and their former worthy endeavours and expressions in defence of protestant religion , i should be most ready to intreat for . but as we cannot deny , but must thankfully acknowledge that the services formerly done by them , were truly honourable , and worthy great reward , but not worthy to countervaile with a following wickednesse . reward is proper to well doing , punishment to evill doing , which must not be confounded , no more then good and evill are to bee mingled , therefore hath beene determined in all wisdomes , that no man because hee hath done well before , should have his present evill spared , but rather so much the more punished , as having shewed hee knew how to be good , would ( against his knowledge ) bee naught . the fact then nakedly without passion or partiality viewed , without question they are culpable . and what seneca saith of alexander killing calisthenes , so may i of the bishops , hoc est alexand , crimen , &c. this is the eternall crime of alexander , which no vertue nor felicity of his in war shall ever bee able to redeem ; for as often as any man shall say he slew many thousand persians , it shall be replied he did so , and he slew calisthenes , when it shall be said he wan all as farre as the very ocean , thereon he adventured with unusuall navies , and extended his empire from a corner of thrace , to the utmost bounds of the orient : it shall be said withall but he killed calisthenes let him have outgone all the ancient examples o : captaines and kings , none of all his acts make so much to his glory , as calisthenes to his reproach . so after the enumeration of their several demerits from the weale-publicke , it will be answered , vulner averunt parliamentum . i reade in apollodorus de origine deorum , that when dionysius had cast licurgus into a fury or frenzy , he in this distemper taking a hatchet in his hand whilst he had thought hee had smitten downe the branch of a vine , with the same hand and hatchet slew his owne son . so i feare these prelates of late have given to their birth and being a deep wound if not mortall , by offering to cut downe a branch , a maine branch , priviledge of parliaments : sir walter rauleigh in his preface to his history of the world , speaking of some worldly politicke princes of this and other kingdomes , concludeth that they did bring those things to passe for their enemies , and seen an effect so directly contrary to all their owne counsells , as the one could never have hoped for themselves , and the other never have succeeded , if no such opposition had ever beene , god hath said it and performed it ever , perdam sapientiam sapientum , i will destroy the wisdome of the wise , quos vult deus perdere hos dementat : the application is easily made , shall i goe a little further in his expression : to hold the time we have , saith he , wee hold all things lawfull , and either we hope to hold them for ever , or at least we hope that there is nothing after them to be hoped for . but humbly craving pardon for this digression , i proceed forward ; and will returne where i left . i say they were not to vote in all things ; for by law they were to avoid the place when the matter came to losse of life or limbe , 10. edw. 4. but as i said before , whole parliaments have beene held without their presence or votes , which god forbid should be nulls . but to returne to my first purpose , to declare that they have no right to fit there , i conceive it will not be denied by any : and therefore i do take it as granted , and so need not labour much therein , that their such sitting is by reason and by right of their temporalities , or to speake more properly because of their possessing the same occasioning it , for as by their ecclesiasticall function , they have the title right reverend , so by their temporalities they are stiled right honourable , as we finde it in the bookes of heralds , and thereby become they peers of parliament , and sit with the lay lords as wee finde in kelleway 184. that the justices say , that our soveraigne the king may well hold his parliament by himselfe , his lords temporall and commons , without his spirituall lords , neither have they any place in parliament by reason of their spiritualty , but by reason of their temporall possessions ; therefore it is not such an indubitate right as is alledged , the like whereto we finde in the spirituall peers of france ; the three archbishops of rhems , langres , and laon were dukes ; the three archbishops of beavoies , chalon and noyon , earles of the same places , & thereby princes & peers so made by charles the great , as cassaneus ; likewise every bishop of england hath a barony , cook com. fol. 70. sect. 137. and mr. selden title of honour , fol. 699. and fol. 702. so that they have not , nor doe i conceive that they doe challenge their temporalities due to them , iure divino : for as an ancient father answereth such of them as say , quid mihi & regi , quid tibi ergo & possessioni per jura regis possides possessiones , whereto agreeth that memorable speech of king ed. the third in his proclamation against that insolent prelate iohn stratford , archbishop of canterbury whom hee most favoured , and trusted upon some complaints against him , cum ipse & alli prelati regni , qui de nobis ecclesiarum suarum temporalia recipiunt ex debito fidelitatis juratae fidem , honorem & reverentiam debeant exhibere solus ipse pro fide , perfidiam , pro honore contumeliam , & contemptum , pro reverentia reddere non veretur , unde etsi paratissimi & semper fuerimus patres spirituales ut convenit , revereri , corum tamen offensas quos in nostri & regni nostri periculum redundare conspicimus non debemus conniventibus oculus preterire , so that it seemeth at most to be but iure humano , and not iure divino , as some do urge and presse it . for as i reade in sleyden , speaking of the contention for primacy betwixt rome , jerusalem , antioch , and especially with constantinople , the ruine of al which rome at last effected . the bishops of rome , saith he , amplified with abilities , prevailed , and in the possession of the church , would erect to themselves a towre , which whether reared by the hands of men , or favour of princes , now carries the name , as though it were founded by power divine . now some will retort upon me that therein i confesse they hold it though not iure divino , yet iure humano , and so de iure , i am not yet of that minde , but may when i heare reason to convince , with saint augustine , errare possum , hereticus esse nolo . i grant that these temporall lordships , lay meanes , and revenues , are commonly called the possession of the church ; but i thinke as unproperly so termed , as unjustly by them held and detained from their right owners : for i thinke i may be bold to say , that the bishops never had property therein , or right thereto , the same being never intended for them , or given to them , but they were onely made stewards and dispencers of these bona sacra , to dispose and distribute them as was directed by the pious doners , to the poore , and other chatitable uses , as i will make appeare by faire verdicts and testimonies sans exceptions . the bishops shall have for their jury , bishops , and those not twelve , but twice twelve hundred , and those assembled in severall councels , twelve hundred yeares agoe , or thereabouts , the latest . and when i passe from those primitive times , by other sufficient enquests and verdicts to make up a dozen of juries , that these temporall and lay possessions were not so annexed to the church , but that they might & were severed and aliened away , and that by the very canons of the church , and lawes ecclesiasticall , as will appeare to any that will peruse the same . and wee may see the same not denyed by the church of england , no not in the time of popery . and also that it is altogether unlawfull for them to intermedle in temporall affaires , or to sit as judges , and to vote in courts of judicature . when thus it shall appeare to be neither iure divino , no part of spirituall function , nor iure humano , themselves not being of the first foundation , not entring into parliaments with the lay lords , but comming in and sitting there , either by intrusion , or of curtesie : the first in the time of superstition , the later since reformation , permitted to sit there rather for their opinions and advice in points of religion , as judges doe of law , but not to give votes concerning spirituall or temporall affaires : and this their entrance being some halfe a hundred yeares after the beginning of parliaments : then if neither iure divino , nor iure humano , i understand not quo jure , unlesse it be iure luciferiano , whose ambition will challenge a seat that god hath not appointed . it is said that where a snake may creepe in with the head , it will draw with it the whole body : so when the head , the proud prelacy of rome , had usurped and entred into temporall government , it drew with it the tayle inferiour bishops to trample upon regall and civill power . thus corrupt and proud prelacy , like a serpent , hath a sting as well in the tayle as in the head : and this viperous brood hath gnawed and rent the very howels of the mother church . for as a reverend doctour , and worthy divine hath delivered ; when once , saith he , the spirituall authority ( which ought to bee subordinate to the temporall ) began to interpose it selfe in temporall affaires , and within a while after to oppose it selfe against the temporall power , it made a ready way to the destruction of both . but let me not bee too far misunderstood , as if i should deliver , that bishops neither are nor can be good ; i doe not judge all the present bad , nor am i diffident but that ( as very many have beene heretofore ) wee may also have many very good hereafter ; but bishops either papall or hypocriticall , i utterly disallow , or at least wise dislike . now if popish bishops or their favourers will censure me for over bold saucinesse , to use this freedome of speech , which perhaps they will terme not only a harsh and malicious render , but an undeserved tax , and a most unjust charge , i will be further bold to tell them , that their owne fellow bishops and such as understood them better , have left recorded of them such things as i should be very unwilling to be uttered by my tongue , or to passe my pen : i will instance in some few of many that i might recite ; first bellarmine , doth not he in his chronologie say , that the bishops of rome did degenerate from the piety of their auncestors ? and speaking of hildebrand , saith , that he usurped power to depose princes , for which all honest and good men detest . and speaking of his owne lord and master sixtus the 5. sine poenitentia vixit , & sine poenitentia moritur , proculdubio in infernam descendit . and after : quantum capio , quantum sapso , quantum intelligo in infernum desoendu . and doth not machiaversay as much of his master : doth not baronius speaking of landus , iohn the tenth , and others possessing the see of rome , about anno 912. deliver this testimony of those bishops , qua tunc facies ecclesia romana , &c. what was then the face of the church of rome ? how filthy , when most potent and most filthy whores ruled all in rome , at whose appointment sees were changed , bishoprickes translated , and that which is most horrible , and not to bee spoken , their lovers ( false popes ) were thrust up into peters chaire , who were not fit to bee written in the catalogue of bishops , but for the summing or computation of time . doeth not gerochus bishop of richenberg say of those two firebrands of hell , octavianus , alias victor , and alexander the third his competitor , that they were antichristians , &c. nay doth not bishop theodoricke à niem , the popes secretary , conclude the bishops of rome to bee divels incarnate . i agree , saith hee , to what the canonists dispute , that popes are neither angels , nor men , but divells incarnate . saint bernard , and many others , speake little lesse of some bishops . i am willing to beleeve that our bishops be no such as those formerly spoken of , yet i thinke that they might bee well spared in the house of lords , where they have weaved spiders webs , and hatched cocatrice egges ; and therefore , under correction , deliver my opinion ; their roome it better than their company . now to draw to a conclusion of this preamble , and to proceed to the verdicts of the juries formerly offered , whereof the first is saint augustine , and his fellow bishops . but these jurors being so many , desire that ( being withdrawne ) they may have some short time to consider of their inquisition , and returne , and they will not stay long before they bring their joynt agreeing verdicts . the tvvelve iuries . 1 ancient fathers . 2 foragine bishops . 3 foraigne doctors , and authentique writers . 4 english bishops . 5 english divines . 6 popes and cardinals . 7 generall councels . 8 church canons , and ecclesiasticall constitutions . 9 petitions of lords and commons in severall parliaments . 10 the common lawes and statutes of this realm . 11 the edicts of emperours and kings . 12 angels , prophets , and apostles . ancient fathers . st. augustine . st. ambrose . st. hierome . st. origen . st. tertullian . st. gregory nazianzen . st. chrysostome . st. basil. st. bernard . st. john the alminer . st. zeno . st. spridian . forraigne bishops , and divines . hincmar archbishop of rhemes . waltram bishop of naumberge . ivo bishop of carnotum . bishop theodericke à niem . john calvin the divine . william de occham . bucer . nicholaus de clemangiis . petrus damianus . johannes de parisiis . aventinus . franciscus à victoria . hildebert de turim . forraigne doctors , and authentique vvriters . albertus magnus . albertus pighius . thomas waldensis . guntherus ligurianus . cornelius jansenius . dureus a jesuite . duarenus . george hiemburge . jacobus almaine . johannes maior . marfilius patavinus . antonius rosselus . potho . english bishops . st. aidan . st. anselme . st. thomas becket . b. thomas arundell . b. matthew parker . b. hooper . b. hugh latimer . b. john elmer . b. thomas bilson . b. john bridges . b. alley . b. gardener . b. bonner . b. john jewell . english divines . petrus blecensis de bath . john wicliffe . william swinderley . william fish . william tindall . doctor barnes . john freth . thomas becon . robert parsons . george blackwell . nicholas sanders . fox in his acts and monuments . popes and cardinals . p. gregorius . p. damasus . p. nicholas . p. celestine . p. adrianus . 4. p. celestine . p. paulus . ottobanus legat. ca. cusanus . petrus de aliaco cardinall of cameracum . ca. baronius . ca. bellarminus . generall councels . c. antioch . c. calcedon . c. carthage 3. c. carthage 4. c. carthage 6. c. constance . c. macrense . c. reginoburg . c. rhemes . c. laodum . c. tours . c. trent . chvrch canons and constitutions . gratian . linwood . ivo carnotensis . johannes loughconcius . hostiensis . summa angelica . gregory . silverius . paulus . ottobon london 1268. london 1537. card. poole london 1556. petitions of lords and commons in severall parliaments in the reignes of henry 3. edward 3. richard 2. henry 5. henry 8. charles 1. the rest are made up by this present parliament . the common lawes and statutes of this realme . common law . regist. pars 1. f. 187. quia non est consonū . kelway 184. the iustices say , &c. statute . ed. 1. excluso clero . 14. ed. 2. excluso clero . 38. ed. 3. excluso clero . 11. rich. 2. excluso clero . 10. ed. 4. excluso clero . 14. hen. 8. excluso clero . 27. h. 8. 34. h. 8. 35. h. 8. 3. e. 6. 6. e. 6. 2. mary . 8. eliz. the edicts and proclamations of emperours and kings . e. theodosius . e. honorius . e. justinian . e. hen. 4. k. bohemia . k. kich . 1. k. henry 3. k. edw. 1. k. edw. 2. k. edw. 3. k. henry 8. k. edw. 6. angels , prophets , and apostles , and sacred writers . moses . josua . samuel . ezekiel . hosea . haggai . matthew . marke . luke . john . peter . paul . angels , ( as bishop iewel out of parisiensis , polycronicon and others , ) did pronounce woes to the church , for that by the donation of lordships and possessions by constantine to the church of rome , poison was powred thereon . o let this venome lordships and temporalities bee taken away , and removed from episcopacy , for it hath well neere poisoned and destroyed it : now i desire to offer two or three words in my owne behalfe : am i become an enemy to episcopacy , because i speake the truth ? doe i not rather declare my selfe a wel-wisher , if not a firme friend to episcopacy , desiring onely the cure and preservation thereof ? my voice is not like to that of edom in the day of jerusalem , downe with it , downe with it even to the ground , but the voice of iudah at the reedifying of the lords house , grace , grace , i meane really spirituall , not lordly titular grace , i doe not say destroy the tree with the fruit thereof , but rather destroy it not , for there is a blessing in it , the fruit is good for meat , and the leaves for medicine , i am not for eradicating or demolishing , but my wish is and it ever shall be my endeavour to repaire the breaches of sion , and renew the beauty of the sanctuary , i doe not meane it beautified with images and pictures , paintings & pinacles , for quo nudior co venustior . in my opinion & conceivement , i should expresse a cruell pitty to my dearest darling being diseased or desperately sicke , if i should forbeare in my selfe , or hinder in others the curing of what i so deerly affected and professed so to doe , because i heare it cry out , or perceive impatiency in him to endure the suffering of the cure . god forbid i should be deemed an enemy to the church for wishing and advising it with adulterous israel , hosea 2.7 . to returne to her first husband , for then was it better with her then now . mild lenitives are not alwaies to be applied , but sometimes sharp corrosives , there must be as wel wine to search , as oile to supple , there is a crudelitas parcens , as a misericordia puniens , ( saith saint augustine ) now some will tearme me though not harmefull in regard of disability , yet in respect of will to hurt a hot adversary , yet others that perhaps have not so ill an opinion of me , will censure me likewise to bee but a cold friend , and say with erasmus , vno spiritu efflas calidum , & frigidum , or with seneca , de beneficiis call it panem lapidosum , which plautus delivereth in like words , — manus altera panem , altera fert lapidem . — as if i did claw the head with the one hand , and smite the cheeke with the other , but passing by this , me thinkes i heare some tell mee with cicero lib. 1. tuskulan , pugnantia te loqui non vides , ubi est acumen tuum , you delivered in another speech that the bishops entred members of the house of lords at the first parliament , and continued there till this last ; thereto i answer the scope , drift or end of that delivery was to declare their demeanor and actions in parliament , not the right of sitting or voting , and i onely as i remember said that it was not denied , but though it should be granted , was most inconvenient and hurtfull many such and other objections and carpings i shall at leasure think of , and yeeld answer unto . and whereas i have made a vaineglorious flourish ( as it will bee termed ) by offering so many juries and testimonies , i conceive it will bee judged an offer rather ad specimen then ad vulnus , as cicero de oratore : like that of cyrus king of persia ( as iulius frontinus recordeth ) besieging the city of sardis , who did put upon long poles the images of men , arming them like persian souldiers to terrifie cresus and the city of sardis ; or else my arguments and testimonies shall have an ironicall reply , in the words of tertullian , si non possunt valere , quia magna non sunt valebunt forsan quia multa sunt ; well granting some of these to bee but milites levis armaturae , ( as i conceive they will not prove to be ) yet undoubtedly some of the rest will charge with a sharper assault . then to draw to a full conclusion , let papall episcopalians censure my selfe and arguments as they please , it shall no way move me , i shall still possesse my soul in patience , though they account mee but a phylotus cous , who ( as mentioneth athenaeus ) was of so light and slender a body that he had weight of lead tied to his heeles , left by a blast of winde hee should have beene blowne away , and my arguments or testimonies to be clouds without water , titles without evidences like an apothecaries boxes that have goodly and faire names without , but have not a dramme of any thing good within , i say it little nay nothing troubleth or moveth me to heare some say that my axe hath no edge , or others that the same is but borrowed , or that some others , no lesse maliciously then wrongfully charge and taxe me with hypocrisie and vaineglory , affirming most unjustly of me , that which ireneus did most justly of some hereticks of his time , to be elatum mihi placentem hypocritam quaestus gratiae , & inanis gloriae operantem . but with seneca , conscientia satisfaciamus : nihil in famam laboremus sequatur vel mala dum bene merearis . let us satisfie our consciences , and not trouble our selves with fame : be it never so ill , it is to bee despised , so we deserve well . and as he elsewhere : laudari à bonis timeo , & amari à malis detestor . finis . master vvilliam thomas esquire his speech in parliament iune 1641 concerning deanes and their office : what it was originally and what it is at this present : and being proved to be for little use yes of great abuse therefore declared not only unnecessary but ought rather to be utterly abolished. speech in parliament june 1641, concerning deanes thomas, william, sir, d. 1653? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a64568 of text r11413 in the english short title catalog (wing t983). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a64568 wing t983 estc r11413 13013181 ocm 13013181 96514 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64568) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96514) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e198, no 26) master vvilliam thomas esquire his speech in parliament iune 1641 concerning deanes and their office : what it was originally and what it is at this present : and being proved to be for little use yes of great abuse therefore declared not only unnecessary but ought rather to be utterly abolished. speech in parliament june 1641, concerning deanes thomas, william, sir, d. 1653? [13] p. by tho. harper, printed at london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. a64568 r11413 (wing t983). civilwar no master vvilliam thomas esquire his speech in parliament, iune 1641. concerning deanes, and their office, what it was originally, and what it thomas, william, sir 1641 2735 56 0 0 0 0 0 205 f the rate of 205 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2002-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion master william thomas esquire his speech in parliament , iune 1641. concerning deanes , and their office , what it was originally , and what it is at this present , and being proved to be for little use , yea of great abuse , therefore declared not only unnecessary , but ought rather to be utterly abolished . printed at london by tho harper , 1641. mr. william thomas his speech in parliament . i have heretofore delivered the reasons , that induced me , to yeeld my severall votes touching the corruption and unsoundnes of the present episcopacie and church government , so for their unlawfulnesse of their intermedling in secular affaires ; and using civill power , as also the harme and noxiousnesse of their sitting as members in the lords house , and iudges in that most honourable and high court : now i crave leave to doe the like in showing the reasons of my vote concerning deanes and their office : i say that my opinion then was and now is that as the office is unnecessary , them selves uselesse , so the subsistance of the one and continuance of the other needlesse ; nay rather , as i will declare , most hurtfull , therefore may be easily spared , any rather ought to be abolished ; my reasons are these , that the office of d●anes doth ●●●ther tend or conduce ( as some have alledged ) to the honour of god , the propagation of piety , the advancement of learning , or benefit of the common-weale , but ● contra , that they occasion the dishonour and disservice of god , the hinderance , if not destruction of piety , the suppression and discouragement of learning and learned men , and the detriment and prejudice of church and common weale ; this 〈◊〉 conceive i shall make most apparent , if time and your patience will permit : but first i humbly crave leave ( and i thinke it will not be impertinent ) to declare what deanes were originally in their first birth ; secondly , what in their increase and further growth ; and lastly , their present condition , being at their full , and , as i thinke , their finall period . as to their originall , it is not to be denyed but themselves and office are of great antiquity , st. augustine declaring both ; but i doe not say that it is an ancient office in the church , but what officers deanes then were , be pleased to heare from saint augustines owne delivery in his booke 〈◊〉 m●ribus ecclesi● gatholica , if that booke , as also that of monachoru● be his , which erasmus and others have doubted : the monks ( saith he ) for their more retirednesse and better contemplation , appointed officers which they called de●●●● , the office of them , and why they were so called , how delivereth in these words as 〈◊〉 as i remember , opus a●tem 〈◊〉 quas decanos vocant , e● quad sunt denis pr●pos●●● 〈…〉 〈◊〉 suicorpor is tangat , neque in 〈◊〉 in vestimento , neque so quid ●luid vel qu●tidiane necessitate vel mutate ( nt asso●e●● ) vale●●dini , hi 〈◊〉 decani magna solicitu dine , omnia dispo●enses & presto facientes quicquid illa vita propter imbecilitatem corpor is postulot . here wee see the office of deanes in saint augustins time , antiquity sufficient , but not antiquity for being officers of the church , therefore they doe not rightly pluad antiquity , as to the point now controverted , the question being whether the office as now it is exercised , be the same that it was then , sure they shall finde it not only diff●rent , but in a manner quite contrary ; they are deceived that urgo in , but alloy 〈◊〉 to know that this 〈…〉 is able to discerne and distinguish and 〈…〉 face of 〈◊〉 from the true , and in vaine doe they ( when the gib. ) labour to deceive as by old 〈◊〉 ; old shoes , old garments , old 〈◊〉 , and old bread that is drie and ●●ould●●y therefore to no purpose , and causeles●● 〈◊〉 they charge unto 〈◊〉 novelty ; and to offer to take away church-governors and government . what those men , i meane deanes , were originally we had how they came to be 〈◊〉 and of the ministers , and for what cause , i shall here after declare ; but we m●y not think this charging of us as innovators strang ; when as christ himselfe had his doctrine censu red as new ; what doctrine is this saith the iews ; mark 1. 17. we are not then to expect that we shall escape the like censure of innovating . the servant is not above his lord , nor the disciple above his master ; and indeed so st. paul found it , for the grecians made the same demand to him : may we ( say they ) know what this new doctrine is where of thou speakest ; acts17 . but let us liberare animas nostras ; conscientiae satisfaciamus , nihil infamam laboremus , consentiamus i● ea quod convenit , non in eo quod traditum . but to returne where i left , granting the name and office , we finde them to be onely caterers or stewards to provide foode and raiment for the monks , whose garments , as they were not costly , so was not their fare dainty , being but bread and water ; as witnesseth st. hiero●● , athanasius , theodoret , and others . and surius in the life of pacho mus , written 1200 yeare since , testifieth the same . to have the like imployment now , i neither deny nor envie them . well now , let us see how they increased in authoritie , and came to bee accounted officers of great dignity ; then thus , when for the austeritie of their lives , and opinion of their sanctitie , princes and othere did besto●e lands and revenues upon the monks , then their praposits the deans did partake of their honours and possessions , and then began the corruption and poysoning of them ; tunc venenum 〈◊〉 in decan . religio peperit divit●● & filia 〈◊〉 〈…〉 . answerable whereto is that of saint hierom , in vitas patrum , since holy church increased in possessions , it decreased in vertues ; the like hath saint bernard , and many others . thus we see that the spring that was cleare in the barren mountaines , descending downe to the richer vallies , becomes thicke and muddy , and at last is swallowed by the brinish ocean ; salsum perdulces imbibet aequor aquas . but to deliver . it in the words of an honourable authour : time , saith he , is most truly compared to a streame that conveyeth downe fresh and pure water into the salt sea of corruption which invironeth all humane actions , and therefore if a man shall not by his industry , vertue , and pol●cy , as it were with the oare , row against the streame and inclination of time , all institutions and ordinances be they never so pure ) will corrupt and degenerate ; which we shall sea verified in deanes and their officers . for now being endowed with great possessions , it was ordained they should be chosen out of the presbytery to that place , ne sit decanum nise presbyter , as i finde in saint bernard . well , did they test in this state and condition● no , they must be civill magistrates , chancellors or keepers of the scale , lord treasurers , privie councellors , or what have they not of lay offices dignities , and titles ? i will not●●●● ble you with enumeration of particular dea●●s i will onely cite one , though ( if the time permitted ) i might cite 21. and that is a deane of paule , about anno 1197. who was made lord treasurer , who carrying that office , quickly hoorded up a great treasure ; at last falling into a deadly disease past recovery , he was exhorted by the bishops and great men to receive the sacrament of christs body and blood , which he trembling at refused to doe ; whereupon the king admonished and commanded him to doe it , hee promised him thereupon to doe it the next day . being admonished to make his will , hee commanded all to voyd the roome but one scribe . who beginning to write his will in the accustomed formes , in the name of the father , of the sonne , &c. the deane perceiving it , commanded him in a rage to blot it out , and these words onely to be written : i bequeath all my goods to my lord the king , my body to the grave , and my soule to the devils ; which being uttered , hee gave up the ghost . the king hereupon commanded his carcase to be carried into a cart , and drowned in the river . good god , what a change is this from being humble servants to poore monkes , to become proud prelates , peers to princes , quan tum mutati ab illi● , nunc cigni quomodo corvi . they now forsake their templa paupe 〈…〉 , & templa pietatis , tanqum noxia nomins and onely ●llow and make choice of templa honor is , & templa fortunae . they then tooke care for the ●oore monastery , but now poorely care for the ministery : and to speak no lesse truly then plainly , they doe either just nothing , or ( what is worse ) nothing that is just . but not to tra●e them further , let us examine what their present office is , which we finde so honoured and dignified . in the constitutions of h. 8. and e. 6. thus i reade , decani quoque cum in clero amplu● dignitalem & locum honoratum in bcclesia soitiantur presbyteri sun●o , viri graves docti & magna prudentlainsignes cathedrales ecclesias juxta illarum constitutiones regant , collegiotam canonicorum quam clericorum ecclesiae majoris praesint , neque discipli●●m lab● sinant , providiantque s●rmma diligen●ia ●t in●sna ecclesia sacrd vitue or 〈◊〉 just a rat●ene perigantur 〈◊〉 omni ordine & convenienti gravitat● a●fratrum ●tilitat . agantur , 〈◊〉 ●rehidiaconi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 domi hoc est in ecclesia cashedrali & ejus ca●nicis & clericis episcopo sint adjumento quast duo 〈◊〉 membr. utilissima & necessaria . quare 〈◊〉 decani abesse debent asua ecclesia 〈◊〉 maxima & ●words gentissima causa ab episcopo approbanda . i have delivered the whole chapter intire , because i would deale clearly . afterwards in the ninth chapter i read preaching to be part of their duty . concionens habeat hecanus in ecclesia cathedrali singulis diebus dominicis thus their office is declared to bee these particulars following . 1. to rule and order the church , and to look to the repaire , and for the decoration thereof , as is also elsewhere enjoyned . 2. to preserve discipline and holy rites . 3. to bee adjuments or assistants to the bishops in cathedrals , as bee the archdeacons abroad . part of which assistance is , as seemeth , to preach for them , but the bishops will excuse them that service as too painfull , nay forbid it as too dangerous ; but though they will not busie themselves in preaching , yet have they leisure to bee inventive and operative in poore beggerly toyes and trifles , which neither bring honour to god nor good to the church and people ; their preaching and godly life did antiently win the peoples hearts to love god , and them as his ministers , whom they received as angels of god , embassadors from heaven : humilitie , piety and industrie laide the foundation of all those magnificent structures , dignities , titles , places , revenewes and priviledges wherewith the church-men were antiently endowed , what hath or is likely to wast and demolish them is easie to conjecture ; king iames hath delivered it in these words . the naturall sicknesse that hath ever troubled and beene the decay of all churches since the beginning of the world , hath beene pride , ambition , and avarice , and these infirmities wrought the overthrow of the popish church , in this countrie and diverse others ; but the reformation of religion in scotland was extraordinarily wrought by god , though many things were inordinatly done by such as blindly were doing the worke of god . thus farre that wife and religious prince . but lest i should forget a principall part of the office , church musick , it shall have here the first place , the rather , for that as i reade the first comming in thereof was to usher antichrist , for idoe finde in my reading that anno 666. the yeare that was designed or computed , for the comming of antichrist , vitalian bishop of rome brought to the chirch singing of service and the use of organs , &c. as we reade in plas , baleus , and others , in the life of vitalian , who therefore was called the musicall pope , although at that time there was greater occasion of sorrow , the longobards having entred and wasted italy , and therefore fasting and praying had beene more proper then musicke and melodious singing . here upon ( saith mine author ) ignorance arose among the people , lulled , ( as it were ) asleepe by the confused noixe of many voices . this carried colour of advancing devotion , although it was no better ( as the case then stood ) then the altar erected to the unknowne god , acts 17. hereby the key of knowledge was hid , luke 11. when the common people understood not what was sung . and the heat of 〈◊〉 quenched in men of understanding whose eares were tickled , but hearts not touched , whilst ( at st. augustine complaineth of himselfe ) so most were more moved by the sweetnesse of the long then by the sense of the matter , which was ●ung unto them , working their bane , like the deadly touch of the aspis in a tickling delight , or as the soft touch of the hien● , which doth infatuate and lull asleepe and then devoureth ; if service in the latine or unknowne tongue , whereof the simplest people understood somewhat , was justly censured , certainly this manner of singing psalmes and service , whereof the most learned can understand nothing , is to be condemned : i dislike not singing , though by musick of organs and other instruments , but i wish that what 〈◊〉 sung may be understood ; and as iustinian the emperor commanded all bishops and priests to celebia●● prayer with a loud & cleare voice , 〈◊〉 mode , that the minds of the hearers might be sti●red up with more devotion to expresse the praises of god , so wish i , that service and psalmes may be so read and sung that they may be understood , and so edifie the mind as well as please the eare . now i am to declare that this office doth neither tend to the honour of god , the propagation of piety , the advancement of learning , or benefit of the common weale , but to the contrary , as i have delivered , rather to the dishonour , &c. but the day being so farre spent , i will not assume too much boldnes to presse upon your patience , for further hearing therof , but will crave leave for further rendring thereof at fitter opportunity and your better co●veniency . finis . by the king. a proclamation, for a publick general thanksgiving, throughout the realm of scotland. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1665 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02111 wing c3311a estc r173782 52612084 ocm 52612084 179367 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02111) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179367) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2786:28) by the king. a proclamation, for a publick general thanksgiving, throughout the realm of scotland. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1665. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. printed in black letter. dated at end: given at our court at whitehall, the tenth day of june, and of our reign the seventeenth year. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. anglo-dutch war -1664-1667 -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation , for a publick general thanksgiving , throughout the realm of scotland . charles , by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all and sundry our good subjects , greeting ; forasmuch as our navy royal , under the command of our dearest brother the duke of york , hath , upon the third day of june last , obtained a glorious victory over the fleet set out by the states of the united provinces : and we finding it suteable , that a solemn return of praise be paid to almighty god , by whose special hand , and signal appearance for vs and the justice of our cause , this great salvation hath been wrought ; have judged fit , by this our proclamation , to indict a general and publick thanksgiving for the cause aforesaid . our will is herefore , and we straitly command and charge , that the said thanksgiving and solemn commemoration of the goodness of god , manifested by the conduct and management of this late action , be religiously and solemnly observed through this our whole kingdom , upon the second thursday of july next , being the thirteenth day thereof ; requiring hereby our reverend archbishops and bishops , to give notice of this our royal pleasure to the ministers in their respective diocesses ; and that upon the lords-day immediatly preceeding the said thirteenth day of july , they cause read this our proclamation from the pulpit in every paroch kirk : and that they exhort all our loving subjects to a chearfull and dévout performance of this so becoming a duty they owe to the name of the lord our god , who has done these great and auspicious things for vs , and for the honour and interest of our kingdoms . given at our court at whitehall , the tenth day of june , and of our reign the seventeenth year . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , 1665. an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament concerning the arch-bishop of canterbury who by reason of many great and weighty businesses cannot as yet be brought to his tryall. laws, etc. england and wales. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a37912 of text r43148 in the english short title catalog (wing e1815). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a37912 wing e1815 estc r43148 26912954 ocm 26912954 109851 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37912) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109851) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1715:14) an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament concerning the arch-bishop of canterbury who by reason of many great and weighty businesses cannot as yet be brought to his tryall. laws, etc. england and wales. [4] p. may 19. printed for john wright ..., london : 1643. imperfect: print show-through. "die veneris, 17. maii, 1643. ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament, that this ordinance shall be forthwith printed and published. john browne cler. parliamentorum." reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. eng laud, william, 1573-1645. church and state -england. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a37912 r43148 (wing e1815). civilwar no an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament. concerning the arch-bishop of canterbury, who by reason of many great and wei england and wales 1643 549 2 0 0 0 0 0 36 d the rate of 36 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-03 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament . concerning the arch-bishop of canterbury , who by reason of many great and weighty businesses , cannot as yet be brought to his tryall . die veneris , 17. maii , 1643. ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that this ordinance shall be sorthwith printed and published . john browne cler. parliamentorum . london , may 19. printed for john wright , in the old-bailey . 1643 die martis , 16. maii ▪ 1643. whereas william lord archbishop of canterbury , standeth impeached in this present parliament for high treason , and for divers other great offences and misdemeanours , and by reason of many great and weighty businesses he cannot yet be brought to tryall for the said offences and misdemeanours , and he in respect of his said archbishopprick of canterbury , hath power to give and collate fic clerks divers parsonages , vicaridges , prebends , and other ecclesiasticall promotions and preferments , and if any of them should become voyd , and he left to preferre whom he please to the ●…me , the same may prove very inconvenient , he bestowing them upon unfit and unworthy persons ; be it therefore ordered and ordained , by the lords and commons in this present parliament , that in case any of the foresaid parsonages , vicaridges , prebends , or other ecclesiastical promotions or preferments now be , or shall hereafter and before the tryall of the said lord archbishop become voyd , that the said lord archbishop of canterbuty shall forbeare to present or collate any person or persons thereunto , without the leave and order of both houses of parliament : and it is further ordered and ordained , that the said lord archbishop shal from time to time untill his said tryall , present and collate such fit person or persons , to every such parsonage , vicaridge , prebend and other ecclesiasticall preferment as aforesaid , which now are , or hereafter before his said tryall shall become voyd , as by both houses of parliament shall be nominated and appoynted . and it is further ordered by the said lords and commons in parliament , that al archdeacons , registers , and other officers , ministers , and persons whatsoever , shall forbeare to give or make any admission , institution , collation , or induction of any person or persons whatsoever , which by the said archbishop shal be presented , in or to any such parsonage , vicaridge , prebend , or other ecclesiasticall preferment , other then such person and persons as shal be nominated and appoynted by both houses of parliament as aforesaid . and it is lastly ordered , that the said lord archbishop , and the churchwardens of every parish and other officers of the church , where any parsonage , viccaridge , prebend , or other ec-clesiasticall promotions or preferments , in the donation or guift of the said archbishop is , shall within two moneths after the respective avoydance thereof , give notice of such avoydance to the lord speaker of the house of peérs for the time being . finis . humble and modest proposals tender'd to the consideration of both houses of parliament, for uniting the protestant interest in the nation for the present age, and preventing our divisions for future 1680 approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59823 wing s3294a estc r37545 16970937 ocm 16970937 105557 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59823) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105557) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1159:3) humble and modest proposals tender'd to the consideration of both houses of parliament, for uniting the protestant interest in the nation for the present age, and preventing our divisions for future sherlock, william, 1641?-1707. [2], 9 p. printed for c.p. and are to be sold in the strand, london : 1680. attributed by wing to william sherlock. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -government. church and state -england. dissenters, religious -england. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion humble and modest proposals tender'd to the consideration of both houses of parliament , for uniting the protestant interest in this nation for the present age , and preventing our divisions for future . london : printed for c. p. and are to be sold in the strand . 1680. humble and modest proposals for uniting the protestant interest in this nation . i doubt not but every pious and sober protestant of this nation is now in great grief and anguish of heart to observe the passionate differences and unchristian dissentions , which dayly increase amongst christians united in one and the same doctrine of their religion , and reformed from the errours and superstition of the church of rome ; which cannot but oblige every serious man who wisheth peace and prosperity to the kingdom he lives in , to consider what should be the occasion of those unhappy and ruinous divisions we have so long suffered under , and to offer probable means for the composing of them . as to their first rise , i doubt not but they owe their original to the different manner of the reformation , and the establishing of the orders which each church did think fit and convenient for it self , ( as the reverend and pious mr. hooker acquaints us ) which were so peremptorily established under that high commanding form , which rendered them to the people as things everlastingly required by the law of that lord of lords , against whose statutes there is no exception to be taken ; by which means it came to pass , that one church could not but accuse and condemn another of disobedience to the will of christ , in those things where manifest difference was between them : whereas the self-same orders allowed , but yet established in more wary and suspense manner , as being to stand in force till god should give the opportunity of some general conference what might be best for them afterwards to do ; this , i say , had both prevented all occasion of just dislike which others might take , and reserved a greater liberty unto the authors themselves of entering into farther consultation afterwards ; which , though never so necessary , they could not easily now admit , without some fear of derogation from their credit : and therefore that which once they had done , they became for ever after resolute to maintain . now if we consider the shortness of that time wherein our first reformation continued under edward the sixth , and the necessity of many learned and pious ministers of the church of england to flee into foreign countries ( as strasburgh , geneva , &c. ) in queen mary's reign , for the preservation of their lives , where they frequently conversed with those eminent divines , who were the great reformers there ; 't is no wonder that some of them should return better pleased with their discipline than their own , especially considering that several of them had intimate acquaintance and conversation with one of the reformers , whom the reverend mr. hooker thought incomparably the wisest man that ever the french church did enjoy since the hour it enjoyed him . in queen elizabeth's , king iames , and our late soveraign's reigns , 't is well known how our differences still increased , until that unhappy war broke out , by which the non-conforming interest prevailed , so that the presbyterian discipline was endeavoured to be fixed as the established form of government in this nation ; our universities , preachers , writings , education , &c. were generally modelled thereto : by which means the greatest number of the trading part of the kingdom , many of the gentry , and some few of the nobility ( observing the precepts and practices , lifes and deaths of most of that clergy to be pious and exemplary ) joyned with men of this or the like perswasion . since which time it pleased god to restore our present soveraign to his throne , and the wisdom of the nation thought it convenient to establish the same discipline which our first reformers judged prudential ; not abating or leaving indifferent those ceremonies , which unhappily have occasioned those hither-to-irreconcilable differences between the church of england and the dissenters in it , and have been matter of dispute between the reformers , even from the first reformation from popery : upon which account many of the non-conforming divines laid down their livings , and the old disputes began afresh to be revived ; and so are like to be continued , until we be either ruined by popery , or healed by moderation , which is the onely salve to cure the churches wounds , and that admirable weapon-salve formerly proposed to the wisdom of superiours by the reverend dr. stillingfleet ; who having highly commended the prudence and temper of the french churches in composing their publick forms of prayer , that they were so far from inserting any thing controversial into them , that papists themselves would use them . and saith he , the same temper was used by our reformers in the composing our liturgie in reference to the papists , to whom they had an especial eye , as being the onely party then appearing , whom they desired to draw into their communion , by coming as near them as they well and safely could . and certainly those holy men who did seek by any means to draw in others at such a distance from their principles as the papists were , did never intend by what they did for that end to exclude any truly tender consciences from their communion . that which they had laid as a bait for them , was never intended by them as a hook for those of their own prefession ; but the same or greater reason which made them at that time yield so far to them then , would now have perswaded them to alter and lay aside those things which yield matter of offence to any of the same profession with themselves now : for surely none will be so uncharitable toward those of his own profession , as not to think there is as much reason to yield in compliance with them , as with the papists . and it cannot but be looked upon as a token of god's severe displeasure against us , if any , though unreasonable proposals of peace between us and the papists , should meet with such entertainment among many , and yet any fair offers of vnion and accommodation among our selves be so coldly embraced and entertained . thus far our reverend and learned dean of pauls . upon these and some other like considerations , i should humbly propose to the wisdom of this present parliament , some probable means to put an end to our present differences , and to unite us for the future ; that so we may become a flourishing nation , free from the factions and divisions of former ages . for the first . 1. i humbly propose , that the ceremonies at present enjoyned by law , might be left to the liberty of the clergy to use or lay aside ; and that because the dissenters on the one hand do declare that their conformity to them would be sinful , and the church of england on the other hand hath not onely declared upon our first reformation in the account she hath given of ceremonies , why some be abolished and some retained , that as those ceremonies were taken away which were most abused , and did burden mens consciences without any cause ; so the other that remain are retained for a discipline and order , which ( upon just cause ) may be altered and changed . but since his majesties restauration , the church of england hath again declared in her preface to the common-prayer , that the particular forms of divine worship , and the rites and ceremonies appointed to be used , being things in their own nature indifferent and alterable , and so acknowledged ; it is but reasonable that upon weighty and important considerations , according to the various exigency of times and occasions , such changes should be made therein , as to those that are in place of authority should from time to time seem either necessary or expedient . accordingly we finde that in the reigns of several princes of blessed memory since the reformation , the church upon just and weighty consideration her thereunto moving , hath yielded to make such alterations in some particulars , as in their respective times were thought convenient . thus far the church of england . and of late i finde , that a very eminent member thereof , the reverend dean of canterbury , hath acquainted us in a publick sermon preached by him at the york-shire feast , that though it was not for private persons to undertake in matters of publick concernment , yet he thought he had no cause to doubt but the governours of our church ( notwithstanding all the advantages of authority and reason too , as they thought , on their side ) were persons of that piety and prudence , that for peace sake , and in order to a firm vnion amongst protestants , they would be content , if that would do it , not to insist upon little things , but to yield them up , whether to the infirmity or importunity , or , perhaps , in some very few things , to the plausible exceptions of those that differed from them . now seeing the church of england hath once and again declared her excellent temper and moderation for the preservation of peace and unity in the church , the great end and designe of all church-government , we have little reason to question her readiness ( at such a time as this is ) to comply with so modest a proposal as a liberty of using or refusing those ceremonies , which she saith , in their own nature are indifferent and alterable , and upon weighty and important considerations , may be changed , &c. especially considering that by this condescention of hers , she will certainly bring into her communion a great number of the pious , moderate , and more considerative non-conformists : which will not onely adde strength to her self , but give a great joy and content to all those who have wish'd well to the peace , unity , and prosperity of this our church and nation ; and have long made it the subject of their prayers , that they might live to see those days in england , wherein iudah might not vex ephraim , nor ephraim envy iudah . 2. i would likewise humbly propose , that the rest of the protestant dissenters from the church of england , might be indulged by act of parliament , provided they neither preach'd , wrote , nor discours'd against the doctrine or government of the church as by law established ; and that , because charity , which is kinde , and thinks no evil , would oblige a sober and indifferent person to believe that the reason of their separation from our church , did onely proceed from a tenderness of conscience ( impressed upon them by the force of their education , study , conversation , &c. ) lest in complying with the present established form of worship , they should sin against god , and wound the peace of their own souls : for otherwise their own present quiet and interest must necessarily have obliged them to a different practice , they having been under a continual danger and hazard of the execution of the laws at present established against them ; whereby they have been not onely deprived of that maintenance which by the countenance of authority they might otherwise have expected and publickly enjoyed , but exposed to many wants , difficulties , and sufferings . as to the vniting of us for the future , i humbly propose to the wisdom of this present parliament , that an act might be passed , whereby every person ( after a limited term of years ) intending to take holy orders , should be incapacitated for any church-preferment , or for a license to preach in private congregations , who could not give a satisfactory account of his proficiency and ability in church-history and primitive learning , whereby he might be able to give a clear and plain account of what discipline and order were used in the church of god nearest our saviour's and the apostles days , when differences and errours in doctrine or church-government began first to spring up ; with the authors , occasion , and effects thereof . the advantages which must necessarily attend the making of such a law , would be very great both to our interest in church and state ; amongst which i beg leave to name the following . 1. we might hereby ( for the future ) more assuredly hope for , and expect peace and union amongst our ecclesiasticks ; they having been all well acquainted with primitive practice , and therein with the rise and growth of all heresies , schisms , and divisions in the church , and with the fatal consequences that have attended them ; whereby in all probability they would not more rationally than unanimously make choice of one and the same form of worship and discipline , but most heartily unite in their affections to one another , endeavouring with all their united strength to maintain the church in peace and purity . 2. by this means we might be assured to enjoy the most learned clergy that ever this nation brought forth , who would not onely prove a greater bulwark against popery on the one hand , but schism and faction on the other ; and being so well accomplished for the ministerial function ( before they enter into it ) might much more assuredly engage the affection and hearts of their people , by spending in private the greatest part of the week in instructing them in the principles , and encouraging them in the practice of the christian religion ; a duty , alas , too much neglected in our days . 3. by this means we might be sure of preferments to answer every mans merit , especially if the parliament should think it prudential to raise a sum of money for the purchasing all impropriations and advowsons , the latter of which to be annexed to the several colledges in both universities ; one of the principal reasons we can give at present why we have more clergy-men than livings , being this , that a great number of ordinary country-men and trades-men , out of an ambitious designe to make their children gentlemen , do send them to the universities , though they be not able to maintain them above three or four years : whereas were there such a law ( as i proposed ) once established , they would be willing to bring them up to honest professions and trades , much more suitable for them ; and persons of better estate and quality would be encouraged to bring up their children in the universities , and continue them there until they were arrived to that pitch of learning , which would not onely render them honourable to foreign nations , and highly serviceable to their own , but would capacitate them for the enjoyment of a preferment suitable to their parents charge , and their own pains and industry . in short , i heartily wish that we might often and seriously remember our blessed saviours prediction , that a kingdom divided against it self , cannot stand ; and likewise consider that fate which attended the faction and division of the iews ; which grew to that height , that they could not forbear destroying each other , even when their declared enemies the romans were coming to besiege their city . from which , good lord deliver us . postscript . upon some considerations , i thought it would not be unacceptable to print the speech of that wise and great general and emperor vespasian , to his roman officers ; who seeing the iews at great variance and civil discord amongst themselves , pressed vespasian their general not to lose this opportunity , affirming that it was gods providence ( who fought for them ) that the iews should be at civil discord among themselves ; and that therefore he should not over-slip so good an occasion , lest the iews should quickly be friends again one with another , either by the weariness of civil wars , or else repenting themselves of that which they had done . to whom vespasian thus answered : that they were ignorant what was to be done , and desirous rather , as it were in a theatre to shew their forces and strength , than with him to consider what was profitable and expedient . for ( said he ) if we presently assault them , our coming will make concord amongst our enemies , and so we shall bring upon our selves their forces yet firm and strong ; but by expecting a little while , we shall have less ado to conquer them , their chiefest forces being destroyed by their own civil war. god is more our friend than you are aware of , who without any labour and pain will deliver the jews into our hands , and will give us the victory without endangering our army . wherefore it is rather our part to be beholders of the tragedy , than to fight against men desirous of death , and troubled with the greatest evil possible , to wit , domestical sedition and civil war. and if any think that the victory is not so glorious , because gotten without fight , let him know and consider the uncertain events of war ; and that it is better , if it be possible , to get a victory without bloodshed , than therewith to hazard a defeat : for they who by counsel and advice do any act , deserve no less praise than they who by force of arms atchieve a victory . moreover , in the mean time that the enemies destroy one another , our souldiers may take rest , and so be stronger and better able to fight when need shall require . besides , it seems not that there is much haste required to get the victory ; for the jews neither prepare arms nor engines of war , nor levie any forces , nor seek for aid ; and so by delay no damage can ensue , but they will plague one another more by civil war , than our army by attacquing their city . and therefore whether we consider prudence or glory , we have nothing to do but let them ruine themselves ; for in case we should even at this present make our selves masters of that great city , so it would be justly said , that the victory was not to be imputed to us , but to their discord . foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum . finis . the countrey-minister's reflections on the city-ministers letter to his friend shewing the reasons why we cannot read the king's declaration in our churches. countrey minister. 1688 approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34754 wing c6561 estc r7155 13097338 ocm 13097338 97382 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34754) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97382) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 413:1) the countrey-minister's reflections on the city-ministers letter to his friend shewing the reasons why we cannot read the king's declaration in our churches. countrey minister. 8 p. printed for e. reyner & w. faulkner ..., london : 1688. caption title. imprint from colophon. pages 1 and 8 are stained in filmed copy. beginning-end photographed from union theological seminary library, new york copy and inserted at the end. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. dissenters, religious -legal status, laws, etc. -england. dissenters, religious -england. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-11 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the countrey-minister's reflections , on the city-ministers letter to his friend ; shewing the reasons why we cannot read the king's declaration in our churches . unless you had told me in what manner your friend was concern'd , when he met with his majesties order to read his declaration ; i cannot tell whether he had any ground to wonder or not : it looks like ingenuity in you , to tell your friend your thoughts freely ; but if you mean by freely , the liberty you take to tell the world plainly , how much you clash with your prince , which seems to be your meaning , by your saying , it is not a time to be reserved : such a freedom taken , might not long since have met with such a suspition , of something being reserved in this presumed freedom , which might have been accompanied with a dangerous inuendo . your next paragraph owns , you are intirely out-witted ; which does as little credit your prudence , as your following discourse , does your cause : but if you fall for want of fore-cast , who can help it ? you would not abate your violence one jott , when seasonably prompted to consider what the fruit of your rigorous , and more then legal prosecution of protestants upon penal laws would produce ; nor will you stand to your old and avowed principles . there is indeed an honourable way of falling : when a christian is called to suffer for such things as will bear him out in suffering , and whereof he will never have occasion to be ashamed , 1 pet. 4. 16. but it may deserve a clergy-mans consideration , whether a sturdy resolvedness not to part with such things , as have oft occasioned uncommendable practices , may not have some affinity with that evil-doing , and as a busy-body in other mens matters , which st. peter cautions against , v. 15. in the next place , you says ▪ that to take away the test and penal laws at this time , is but one step from popery . why did you not then consent , and press to have them taken away , when there was no such danger , yea , when the taking them away , might have rendred the introducing of popery inconceivably difficult , if not impossible ? but how do you know , that you judge right in this case now ? why say you , we have the concurring opinion of the nobility and gentry with us , who have already suffered in this cause : but is this the proof of an opinion , to say , that some of honour and wealth , have embraced and adhere to it , though with some inconvenience to themselves ? it would almost tempt a man to think a reasoner is at a great loss , when instead of arguments , he insists for proof on the outside grandeur of such as are of the opinion he pleads for . when the prince , and many of the people were averse to the crucifying of christ , what a clamour did the clergy make , have any of the rulers , or the pharisees believed on him ? but this people who know not the law , are accursed : john 7. 48 , 49. but suppose you are right in this point , what efficacy hath the clergy's reading the king's declaration , to take off the tests and penal laws ? if the clergy's breath can shake , or throw them away , either the laws are of little worth , and have a very sorry foundation , or the clergy are men of an admirable character . but say you , though our reading , do not immediately bring in popery , yet it sets open our church doors for it : i cannot imagine , why our church doors may not be shutt and lock'd as fast after reading , as before ; but if the clergy pretend to such power with their breath ( as to break the strongest barrs , set open our church-doors so wide , as that they can never be shut again ) they may well allow their prince a dispensing power ; or how can he be safe , as long as they can breathe ? say you , if we comply with this order , all good protestants will despise and hate us : to hate any person , is against an essential part of a good protestants religion ; if the order be not sinful , they will have no cause to despise you , because you read it , and act therein according to your avowed doctrine . if the order be in your opinion sinful , why do you not shew , what law of god is broken by it ? this is that you should have done , and not have insisted on such poor low considerations , as personal danger , dishonour , and falling without pity . he that suffers on a good account , hath honour and comfort enough in himself , and from his god ; he that suffers in a bad cause , falls dishonourably , though he have never so many great men to pity him . the great difficulty , you say , of your case is this , that fall you must , sooner or later ; and therefore like prudent men , you think the wisest course is , to be ruined presently ; but it is not the first time i have heard of that wise sort of people , who are for a short life , and a merry : but what necessity is there of your latter falling ? this is certainly like a melancholy mans cherishing such a resolved jealousie of wanting bread at last , as makes him pine himself to death in the midst of plenty . but what is the ground of this jealousie ? if we fall after reading , this is the way never to rise more : and what mean you by that ? is it that after reading the declaration , if penal laws be taken away , you shall never be trusted again with such a power to mischief your fellow subjects ? if this be all , it may be all for the better ; for neither the prosperity of the church of christ , nor the honour or welfare of the kingdom , do at all depend on one parties having it in their power to impoverish or ruine all the rest of the nation for meer matters of conscience . you now come to examine the matter , as you say , impartially ; and first , yo● suppose , that no minister of the church of england can give his consent to the declaration : this is just as much as to beg the question you should prove , and so all you write signifies nothing with those who do not suppose what you suppose . if you had indeed impartially examined , and proved the matter of the declaration to be sinful ; you would have had no occasion to have discovered your disloyalty , in pretending an authority against the command of your prince , nor of instancing ( as if you had lately perused the old history of the barons wars ) that you have the nobility and gentry on your side . you say , reading the declaration would be no fault at all , but our duty , when the king commands it , did we approve of the matter of it . this is not express'd after the usual manner of the church of england , when treating with the dissenters ; they would not then yield that orders might be suspended from a publication , till those who were required to publish them did approve the matter ; but it was then constantly affirmed , that the order must be obeyed , if the matter of it were not plainly sinful ; and of this , you asserted , authority was to judge : was not this the lowest , you would ever stoop , when scruples were raised , and conscience pretended against your orders ? where does the scriptures forbid it ? if it be not forbidden , the command is plain ( and the safest way must be taken , which is ) to obey . it is certain , some parts of the declaration , contain very plain and necessary truths , which church-of-england-ministers ought to approve ; if there be any thing in it which you think you may not approve , that should have been specified ; it would have been more modest , humbly to have applyed to the king for a convenient explication in that part , then presently in print , to cry the whole is sinful , and a device to ruine that you call the best church in the world. next , you endeavour to prove , that reading the declaration in our churches , is an interpretative consent : because , say you , by our law , ministerial officers , are accountable , for their actions ; and the authority of superiours , though of the king himself , cannot justifie inferiours in executing any illegal command : with reference to the command of superiours , we are to exercise our own judgment and reason ; and we may not obey a prince against the laws of the land , or the laws of god , because what we do , let the authority be what it will that commands it , becomes our own act , and we are responsible for it . this sort of arguing ( whatever may be in it ) would not a few years since be allowed by some sort of people sufficiently known in this kingdom , when urg'd in opposition to their inclinations : then the prince was set above law , and it was his command , and the notification of his pleasure , made any thing ( which was not malum in se ) obliging ; private judgment might by no means be admitted , when once the governours had interessed themselves in it , and made a determination . is it not very dis-ingenuous for any men , especially for ministers , to have recourse to a principle of their adversaries , ( which they have for many years decried ) onely because they would serve themselves with it upon a particular occasion , and to forsake their own doctrine , which they avowed so long as it would gratifie their revenge and ambition , tho now they think it may do them some diskindness ? this is to fetch weapons out of their adversaries artillery , not to fight against them , but to assault their prince , and batter that authority of which they formerly boasted , they were the only supporters : the most unjustifiable , and shameful inconstancy , is that of altering , and changing , and closing with any thing , to serve a present turn ; why may you not tell the people in his majesties words , that none of his subjects shall be forced by fines , and other penalties , to submit their judgment to others in the weightiest matters , as well as to tell the nation this in print , that clergy-men must follow their own judgment , not only in matters of religion , but of law also ? if inferiour officers are not satisfied that their superiours command is not lawful , is it not enough for them to desist from obeying it , without making clamours against it in print ? can they not comfort themselves ( in silence ) with that doctrine of universal passive-obedience , which they , when in the height of their ease and authority , preached to others as orthodox and sound ; and thought they thereby signalized their loyalty above all other societies of people in the world ? if a prince declares , that there are some laws in being , which are greatly injurious to many of his subjects , and that he is willing , that these inconveniences shall be redressed in a legal way : can any thing be more condescending and gracious , then for him to certifie this to his people , who are to choose those that are to repeal such laws as are prejudicial , and make such others , as may be for the publick good ? what hurt can there be in making known the princes pleasure in this , as particularly as he shall think meet , that his people may have time to consider and weigh matters , that nothing be done unadvisedly in such important concerns ? but say you , ministers of religion have the care and conduct of souls , and therefore are bound to take care , that what they publish in their churches be neither contrary to the laws of the land , or the good of the church . if you would keep close to your own argument , you should have said , that ministers who have the care of souls , are bound to take care , that what they publish in their churches , be not contrary to the law of god. but since you speak of the laws of the land , i can see no reason from thence , why such orders as are given , by those that are under his majest● should be enjoyned to be observed , ( though conscience be really concerned in the matter ) and his majesties orders , which have far greater authority be , denied : it may be when people are well acquainted with the kings declaration , it may have this good effect , that the ministers of religion , shall not be compelled to publish other peoples pleasures in their churches ; at least , not under such severe temporal penalties , as have been heretofore insisted on . you say , ministers of religion are not looked upon as common cryers ; but what they read they are supposed to recommend too . if they have not been looked upon as common cryers , i think they have been looked upon as worse ; when bishops sent orders made arbitrarily by justices of the sessions , to be published by them in time of divine service : b●t doth not the rubrick appoint , that what the king enjoyns , as well as what the bishops enjoyn● , shall be published in the churches ? the clergy of the church of england have loudly taught , and solemnly owned , that the king of england , as head of the church , has power to make injunctions and constitutions , and are not ministers every jot as much obliged to be his majesty's cryers , as to be instruments through which the bishop's eccho may sound more audibly to the people ? but what they read , they recommend too . ministers are not to be considered alike , in every thing they publish in the church . a difference arises from the nature of the things we publish : reading a chapter in the bible , and publishing the banns of matrimony , or citations , are differently to be considered ; when you publish the banns , what do you recommend , unless it be to know , whether any of the people have any thing to object , against such persons marrying ? but seeing you say , that for a minister to read any thing in the church which he does not consent to , or approve , is to misguide the people : i would ask you this one question , whether you do really think , that the worship which his majesty doth celebrate , be the true , and right way of worshipping god , which protestants ought to pray he may be kept and strengthened in ? if you are for the negative , pray consider what you recommend to the people , when you read these words in the litany ; that it may please thee to keep and strengthen , in the true worshipping of thee , thy servant james , our most gracious king and governour . but reading is teaching : very good ; what then ? i may not read any thing in the church , but what i approve . but , are not the people judges for themselves of what you read ? it is not your reading a thing in the church , that determines the people , unless they pay the clergy a greater deference than they deserve ; after all your reading , and teaching too , be it in a sermon of your own making , ( which no doubt , you prefer much above his majesty's declaration ) protestants will not follow your conduct any farther , than they are convinced it is good : a man is not determined by what he hears , otherwise than by the evidence he hath concerning it : now it would almost tempt people to believe the declaration hath so much reason and light accompanying it , as our clergy cannot well answer ; and that therefore they are afraid to read it , least the people should be convinced , and not follow their conduct so servilely as they would have them . but , why may i not then read a homily for transubstantiation , or invocation of saints , if the king sends me such ? let the question be , whether every thing read in the church , be a part of divine service ? and then if you consider , and answer it sedately , you will find your own question resolved . if you can prove the declaration to be contrary to the word of god , i will have no further contest with you about reading it in the church : i wish no humane orders were imposed upon ministers , to be read in the church : but if any persons have right to enjoyn them to read such orders there , certainly the king has much more . the king intends , our reading this declaration should signifie to the nation , our consent and approbation of it : what have clergy-men to do , to pry into the king's secret intentions ? the declaration speaks plainly for it self . but the d●claration does not want publishing . how can you tell that ? must the clergy , or his majesty judge when his declaration is sufficiently made known ? but this is designed to serve instead of addresses of thanks , which the clergy generally refused , though it was only to thank the king for his gracious promises , renewed to the church of england : many of the clergy have been looked upon a great while , as persons addicted beyond measure to flatter their prince ; and behold , all on a sudden , they are become rude towards him , or worse ; if they may not have leave to mischief their dissenting neighbours , they will not thank their prince for renewed promises to protect and maintain them : was ever ill manners and ingratitude towards a prince , thus rudely and disingeniously boasted of ? who can think these persons apprehend themselves to be in danger of falling without pity , who brag thus openly of their stoutness , that they would not so much as give their prince thanks , for the most gracious promise he could make them ? you say , it does not become a minister of religion to do any thing , which in the opinion of the most charitable man , can only be excused . in this , i think you are very much in the right ; i wish the multitude to whom your letters are sent , may fix their hearts on this pertinent passage : no charity can excuse at present , a great many of your former practises , nor will they find any excuse at last , if not timely repented of : if you had hitherto acted by this rule , you would never have needed to fear your fall with contempt , or without pity . you mention the book of sports , which w●● ordered to be read in churches . i will not say , how strict the greatest church-men were for reading of it , nor how well it did comport with the fourth command ; i only enquire , whether the present king , has not as much right and power , to order his declaration to be read in churches , as king charles the 1st . had , to order the book of sports to be read there ? and which of these two did thwart the holy scriptures most ? you say , it is against the constitution of the church of england ; it is to teach an vnlimited and vniversal toleration , which was declared in parliament illegal , in 1672 , and has been condemned by the christian church in all ages . the king's authority to make injunctions and orders , has been heretofore cryed up , as a main part of the constitution of the church of england ; how comes this change all on a sudden ? but , what is this universal toleration ? no more but this , that no one party of his majesty's subjects , shall be trusted with a power to destroy all the rest : will nothing serve your turn , unless you may continually render your selves grievous to your fellow subjects ? must none live and enjoy the comfortable influences of society and government , but those who will entirely surrender themselves blindly to your dictates ? methinks , sober , understanding and good clergy-men , should be afraid , lest any of that which was levi's reproach , should be a brand upon them . the instruments of cruelty are in their habitation ; oh! my soul , come not thou into their secret , gen. 49. 5 , 6. i will not intermeddle with parliaments , but only say , they are not always of one and the same mind ; and time was , when many of the clergy of the church of england , talked very contemptibly of some of them . but in that you say , it has been condemned by the christian church in all ages ; this wants proof : if it be well considered , the christian church will be found to thrive best , under such an universal toleration as constantine did grant , before ease , pleasure and wealth , had corrupted the bishops . hence the proverb , golden priests , and wooden chalices , golden chalices , wooden priests ; till the clergy grew negligent and haughty under constantines reign : it is certain , the orthodox had no humane penal laws whereby to punish hereticks . say you , ( 1. ) it is to teach my people , they need never come to church more : to what an extravagant indecency , towards both their prince and their church , will the affection of tyrannizing over others , transport some church-men ? could any enemy of the church of england , have advanced any thing more to her discredit , than to say , her members are under no obligation to attend on her ministry , but what arises from force and penal laws ? why may not people have your leave , as well as their king 's , to go , not only to conventicles , but to the mass , till they are convinc'd , that they do ill in going thither ? it is much better becoming a minister of religion , to convince such by scripture and reason , that their worship is false , then to contend to have them cast into prison , and by fines and confiscations , to compel them against their conscience to come to church ; for their presence there , is no more pleasing to god , nor beneficial to their own souls , whilst their minds are elsewhere , than it would be , if they were at a conventicle , or at mass . ( 2. ) it is to teach the dispensing power , which alters what has been formerly thought the whole constitution of this church and kingdom . who are they that thus thought formerly ? surely , none of those who taught loudly , and in prints solemnly authorized , that acts of parliament were acts of grace , that the princes power could not be bounded ; if there be any remaining , who were always of another opinion , they may pretend the same things now as heretofore : but for such persons as have been instruments of wrong and mischief , to borrow such notions from others , before they have renounced their former avowed principles , and satisfied for their injuries they have done , they can have nothing to alledge for themselves , which can justifie them in this present affair . ( 3. ) it is to recommend to our people the choice of such persons to sit in parliament , as shall take away the test and penal laws . is not this to recommend the clergy , as persons of great tenderness toward the people ? you would never permit them to be quiet , as long as it was in your power to make them uneasy : you would now perswade them , that the nobility and gentry are as much against the people's ease , as you are ; ( for which , i suppose , some of them will return you no thanks ) and now you will not read the king's declaration to your people , because it teacheth them how they may provide for their own ease , so as to live peaceably among themselves , and securely , under his majesty's tender and equal care for them all . ( 4. ) it is to condemn all those great and worthy patriots of their countrey , who forfeited the dearest thing in the world to them , next a good conscience ; viz. the favour of their prince , and a great many honourable and profitable employments with it , rather than consent to that proposal , of taking away the test and penallaws , which they apprehend destructive to the church of england , and the protestant religion : and he who can in conscience do all this , i think , need scruple nothing . your reading the declaration , doth no more condemn those who approve not of the king's intentions therein explained , than your refusing to read it , doth condemn the king : a good conscience should be very dear to every man ; i think no man should act in direct opposition to an erring conscience , till he can be better instructed . those that do really apprehend , that taking away penal laws will be destructive to the church of england , and protestant religion , ought not to interest themselves for the taking them away : but i do not understand , why both these may not be sufficiently secured by other means , than by putting a power in the hands of one party of his majesty's subjects , to ruine all the rest ; whether such a security may not be found out , will be best determined , when considered by the wisdom of the nation , when met ; and in a capacity to repeal some old , and make other new laws , as emergencies may require . now let any rational man judge , whether , notwithstanding all your arguments , a conscientious man , who does not scruple to read the king's declaration , may not scruple at many things which you have done formerly , and at your striving to keep your selves still in a capacity , to do the like for the future . you say , reading the declaration , will render your persons and ministry , infinitely contemptible . infinite contempt , is huge contempt indeed ; i acknowledge , ministers ought to behave themselves so , as that they be neither blamed nor contemned : there is scarce any thing makes a minister more justly contemptible , than encouraging immoralities , flattering and soothing great men , and shewing a domineering temper , and insatiable cruelty , where they can have an opportunity to exercise it : let such as have been guilty of these or the like crimes , reflect on themselves and repent , and they need not fear contempt for reading the declaration . nothing will so effectually tend to the final ruine of the church of england , because our reading will discourage , or provoke , or misguide all the churches friends . in that you except not one of her friends , you horridly affront them all , by the character you give them ; for you herein suppose them all to be either very timerous , very testy , or very ignorant persons ; but i think you are greatly out , and lay abundantly more weight on the clergies reading the declaration , than it will bear : for whether you read or no , such as are judicious and good friends to the church , will be firm to her , and to their religion ; and till you prove , that nothing can secure the religion of our church , but these penal laws and tests , your dismal consequence vanishes into nothing : the church of england may be kept upon her true foundation , ( and i hope penal laws have not much to do there ) and be by law secured in all her rights , from being hurt by any other parties , ( if these laws and tests be repealed . ) and she will be never the less beautiful and prosperous , because the power which she has used to hurt others , is taken out of her hands : but how does your reading contribute so mightily to a repeal , when all that hear it , are at liberty to judge for themselves ? your way of discoursing as you do , about reading the declaration , would tempt one to think , that you are of opinion , either , that the declaration is attended with such convincing reason , as will certainly satisfie people as soon as they hear it ; or else , that nothing is necessary in any point to determine , and fix people's minds and judgments , but only to have such a thing read by the minister in the church . your answer to the objection you raise touching dissenters , is very faint : say you , when there is an opportunity of shewing our inclinations without danger , they may find we are not such persecutors as we are represented . though they are not to be compared with the nobility and gentry ; yet one would think , one positive promise might have been by you , on this occasion afforded them ; what signifies , they may find , that which they could never yet find ? for as oft as you have been tryed hitherto , you have as soon as ever you were in a capacity , proved unfaithful to them ; they have felt the weight of your fingers : there neither has been , nor is any need of others to represent to them what persecutors you have been , and may be found again , if you have opportunity of shewing your inclinations without danger , for ought that you have hitherto manifested to the contrary : for here is not a word of any positive respect or tenderness towards them : is there a change wrought in your inclinations , without any sence of the wrong you have done ? here is not a syllable of any relenting at your former severities ; your letter abounds with flattery towards the nobility and gentry , repeated many times over , but not a tittle of any care you have taken , that the dissenters may have their liberty : as oft as it hath been granted by royal dispensations , you have been angry at it ; as oft as it has been propos'd in parliament , you have oppos'd it : so that you might have omitted this objection you have raised concerning the dissenters , and have passed them over in silence , as a people , whose anger or friendship you have no regard to ; unless after you made the objection , you had vouchsafed to have answered it also , more to their satisfaction . you conclude with a very honest proposal of prayer , with which i heartily concur ; and pray , that every party of professed christians , may upon all occasions , approve themselve persons of true piety , moderation , and real fidelity . allowed to be publish'd this 9th . day of july , 1688. london● printed for e. reyner and w. faulkner , and are to be sold by most booksellers . a speech of the honourable nathanael fiennes, second son to the right honourable the lord say, in answere to the third speech of the lord george digby concerning bishops and the city of londons petition : both which were made the 9th of feb. 1640 in the honourable house of commons : in which is plainely cleared the severall objections that are made against the londoners petition and also the great and transcendent evills of episcopal government, are demonstrated and plainly laid open. fiennes, nathaniel, 1607 or 8-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a41287 of text r226088 in the english short title catalog (wing f880). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a41287 wing f880 estc r226088 13013552 ocm 13013552 96528 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41287) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96528) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e196, no 32) a speech of the honourable nathanael fiennes, second son to the right honourable the lord say, in answere to the third speech of the lord george digby concerning bishops and the city of londons petition : both which were made the 9th of feb. 1640 in the honourable house of commons : in which is plainely cleared the severall objections that are made against the londoners petition and also the great and transcendent evills of episcopal government, are demonstrated and plainly laid open. fiennes, nathaniel, 1607 or 8-1669. [2], 28 p. s.n.] [london? : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng bristol, george digby, -earl of, 1612-1677. church and state -england -early works to 1800. a41287 r226088 (wing f880). civilwar no a speech of the honorable nathanael fiennes, (second son to the right honourable the lord say) in answer to the third speech of the lord geo fiennes, nathaniel 1641 8797 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 b the rate of 1 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-03 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a speech of the honorable nathanael fiennes , ( second son to the right honourable the lord say ) in answere to the third speech of the lord george digby . concerning bishops and the citty of londons petition , both which were made the 9th of feb. 1640. in the honourable house of commons . in which is plainely cleared the severall objections , that are made against the londoners petition , and also the great and transcendent evills of episcopal government , are demonstrated and plainly laid open . printed in the yeare . 1641. a speech of the honovrable nathanael fiennes , in the house of commons the 9. of february . 1640 , mr. speaker , two things have fallen into debate this day . the first , concerning the londoners petition , whether it should be committed or no . the other concerning the governement of the church , by arch-bishops , bishops , &c. whether it should be countenanced or no ? for the first , i doe not understand by any thing , that i have yet heard , why the londoners petition should not be committed , or countenanced . the exceptions that are taken against it , are from the irregularities of the deliverie of it , and from the subject matter contained in it . for the first , it is alledged that the long taile of this blazing starre , is ominous , and that such a number of petitioners , and such a number that brought the petition to the house , was irregular ; hereunto i answere , that the fault was either in the multitude of the petitioners , or in their carriages , and demeanors : if a multitud find themselvs agreived , why it should be a fault in them to expresse their grievances more then in one , or a few , i cannot see , nay , to mee it seemes rather a reason that their petitions should bee committed , and taken into serious consideration , for thereby they may receive satisfaction , though all be not granted that they desire . but if wee shall throw their petition behinde the doore , and refuse to consider it , that it may seeme an act of will in us . and whether an act of will in us , may not produce an act of will in the people , i leave it to your consideration . sure i am , acts of will , are more dangerous there then here , because usually they are more tumultuous . all lawes are made , principally for the quiet and peace of a kingdome ; and a law may bee of such indifferent nature manie times , that it is a good reason to alter it , onely , because a great number desires it , if there were nothing else in it , and therefore i doe not see that the number of petitioners is any good reason , why it should not be committed , but rather the contrarie . now for their carriage , there came indeede , three or foure hundred of the 15000 , some of the better sort of them , and there might be good reason for it . i have heard that there was brought a petition to some privie counsellours , with a thousand hands to it , and being brought onelie with six men , they were answered , that they six might write those thousand hands ; if there were a thousand that joyned in the petition , why did they not come too ? and wee heard it objected but the other daie , in this house against the ministers petition , that there were indeed seven or eight hundred names to it , but two hands onelie . therefore it was not without cause , that a considerable number should come , with a petition signed by so manie , but for any disorder in their carriage , i saw none ; for upon an intimation in one word from this house , they forthwith retired to their dwellings . as for the subject matter of the petition , three exceptions are taken against it . first , that divers things are contemptible in it , as that about ovide amore , set forth in english , and other such things . secondlie , that in manie things their discourse was altogether irrationall , for that they argue from personal faults of bishops against the office it selfe of bishops , and in other things argue from effects that proceed from it by accident , as if they did flie out of it . and in the last place , that their praier and conclusion is bold and presumptuous , desiring so boldly an abolition of standing lawes . to the first i answer , that some things may seeme contemptible in themselves , which are not so in their causes , nor in their effects , as the suffering of such lascivious pamphlets to be printed , and published , when other profitable writings are suppressed , doth discover a principle , that loosenesse and prophanesse , ( which will helpe to bring in superstition ) is more sutable to their hierachy then the contrarie , which makes them connive at such things , as are apt to produce loosenesse and lewdnesse , and this is no contemptible effect , nor doth it proceed from a contemptible cause . in the next place , for that which seemes irrationall in the way of their discoverie , divers things may seeme to bee personall faults , which indeede are derived unto the persons from the office , or from the circumstances thereof , i meane their revenues , and dignities , on the one side , and the ceremonies on the other side . for most of the things complained of , as silencing , and thrusting out of godly and paineful preachers , bringing in innovations in doctrine , and worship , and the like ; although they may seeme personall and accidental faults , yet if wee follow them to their last resort , wee shall finde , that their worldly wealth and dignities stirre them up to doe this , that their sole and arbitrarie power over the clergie , and in matter ecclesiasticall , enable them to effect it , and the ceremonies both new and old , serve as instruments , and meanes , whereby they effect it . in the last place , that their prayer in the conclusion of their petition , is bold , or presumptuous , i do not see there is anie reason so to esteeme of it : for if they had taken upon them to have altered any thing upon their owne authority , or had imperiously required the parliament to doe it , then it might deserve such a stile , but when they come as humble suppliants , by way of petition , desiring the altering of lawes , that haue beene found burdensome unto them , and that of the parliament , where , and wherein , onely old lawes may bee repealed , and new lawes may bee made , they come in the right manner , to their right and proper place , and therefore have done nothing , boldly , or presumptuously , but orderly , and regularly , and therefore ought not to receive any checke or discouragement , in the way that they have taken . now sir , concerning the government of the church , by arch-bishops , bishops , &c. which also hath beene spoken unto , whereas it is desired that the evils , and inconveniences should bee shewed , which arise not from the persons , but from the office it selfe of bishops , i shall apply my discourse particularly to that point . but first , i shall crave leave to say a word or two , in answere to what hath beene alledged for the credit of the government by bishops . first , that it is as ancient as christian religion , and that it hath continued ever since the time of christ and his apostles ; as for this , i doe not pretend to have so much knowledge in antiquitie , as to confute this out of the fathers and ecclesiasticall histories , ( although there are that undertake that ) onely one sentence i have often heard cited out of saint ierome , that in the primitive times , omnia communi clericorum concilio regebantur : and truely so farre as the acts of the apostles , and the new tastament goeth , which was the ancientest , and most primitive time of christianity ; i could never finde there any distinction betweene a bishop and a presbyter , but that they were one and the very same thing . in the next place , that which is alledged for the credit of episcopacy , is , that our reformers and martyrs were many of them bishops , and practized many of those things now complained of , and that in other reformed churches where bishops are not , they are desired . for the martyrs and reformers of the church that were bishops . i doe not understand that , that was any part of their reformation , nor of their martyrdome ; i have read that whereas ridley and hooper had some difference betweene them in their life time about these things , when they came both to their martyrdome , hee that had formerly been the patron of this hierarchie and ceremonies , told his brother , that therein his foolishnesse had contended with his wisedome . as for that which is said , that other reformed churches where they have not bishops , yet they are desired , i will not deny but some among them may desire bishoprickes , i meane the dignities and revenues of bishops , but that they desire bishops , as thinking it the fittest , and best government of the church , i cannot beleeve , for if they would have bishops , why doe they not make themselves bishops ? i know not what hindreth , why they might not have bishops when they would . in the last place , for that which is alledged in relation to the government of this kingdome that bishops are so necessarie , as that the king cannot well let them goe with the safetie of monarchy , & that if bishops be taken away , assemblies , or something must come in the roome therof . and if kings should be subject thereunto and should happen to bee excommunicated thereby , that after they would bee little esteemed , or obeyed as kings , for this if it shall be cleared , as it is affirmed , that the removall of the government by bishops , or of any thing therein do any thing strike at monarchie , i shall never give my vote , nor consent thereunto as long as i live . but to cleare that this is not so , i offer to your consideration , that by the law of this land , not onely all ecclesiastical jurisdiction , but also all superiority , & preheminence over the ecclesiastical state , is annexed to the imperiall crown of this realme , and may bee granted by commission under the great seale , to such persons as his majestie shall thinke meete : now , if the king should grant it unto a certaine number of commissioners , equall in authoritie , as hee may doe , this were an abolition of episcopacie , and yet not diminution of monarchy ; but the truth is , episcopacie is a kinde of monarchie under a monarchie , and is therein altogether unlike the civill government under his majestie : for the king being a common head over the ecclesiasticall state and the civill , we shall finde that in the exercise of civill jurisdiction , in all courts under his majestie , it is aristocraticall , and placed in manie , and not in one , as appeareth in this high court of parliament , in the inferiour courts of westminster-hall , & in the sizes , and sessions in the countrie , which are held by manie commissioners , and not onely by one , or his deputies , and commissaries , as it is in the exercise of ecclesiasticall gogoverment . as to the point of excommunicatiō , supposing that it did dissolve naturall and civill bonds of dutie , as it doth not , it might indeed bee as terrible to princes , as it is represented . but i reason thus , either princes are subject to excommunication , or they are not : if they bee not , then they need as little to fear a presbyterie , or an assembly , as a bishop in that respect ; if they bee , they have as much to feare from bishops , at leastwise from bishops in their convocations , as from presbyters in their assemblies , and so much the more , because they have formerly felt the thunderbolts of those of that stampe , but never from this latter sort . and now sir , i proceed to represent unto you the evills , and inconveniences that doe proceed from the government and ceremonies of the church , and truely in my opinion the chiefe and principall cause of all the evills which wee have suffered , since the reformation in this church and state , hath proceeded from that division which so unhappily hath sprung up amongst us , about church government , and the ceremonies of the church , and from which part in that division , i beleeve , it will appeare in the particulars . i know well there is a great division , & that upon greater matters , betweene us and the papists , and i am not ignorant that there have been great and sore breaches , made upon our civil liberties , and the right of our proprieties . but yet still i returne to my former position , that the chiefe and most active cause hath proceeded from the government and ceremonies of the church , and that those other causes have either fallen into it , and so acted by it , or issued out of it , and so acted from it . as for poperie , i conceive that to have beene a cause that hath fallen into this , and acted by it , for at the reformation , it received such a deadly wound by so many sharpe lawes enacted against it , that had it not beene enlivened by this division amongst us , it could never have had influence upon our church and state to have troubled them , as this day we feele : but finding that in this division amongst us , one partie had neede of some of their principalls , to maintain their hierarchie , together with their worldly pompe and ceremonies , which are appurtenances thereunto , from hence they first conceived a ground of hope , and afterwards found meanes of successe , towards the introducing againe of their superstition and idolatrie into this realme : and they wrought so diligently upon this foundation , that they have advanced their building very farre , and how neere they were to set up the roofe , i leave it to your consideration . as for the evills which wee have suffered in our civill liberty , and the right of our proprieties , i conceive they have proceeded out of this , and so acted from it , for if there had beene no breaches of parliaments , there would have beene no need to have had recourse unto those broken cisternes that can hold no water ; but there being a stoppage of parlamentary supplies , that was an occasion of letting in upon us , such an inundation of monopolies , and other illegall taxes , and impositions , accompanied with many other heavy and sore breaches of our liberties . now there needed not to have beene any breaches of parliaments , had there not been something disliked in them , and what was that ? it could not be any of these civill matters that bred the first difference , for they have proceeded out of it , therefore i conceive it was this . the prelates with their adherents ( the papists also concurring with them for their interest ) did alwaies looke upon parliaments with an evill eye , as no friend to their offices and functions , at leastwise to their benefices and dignities , and therefore ( some of them having alwayes had the grace to be too neere to the princes eares ) they have alwaies endeavoured to breed a disaffection in kings from parliaments , as the presse and pulpit doe aboundantly witnesse , and ballads too , made by some of them , upon the breaches of parliaments . but wee have a fresh and bleeding instance of this , in the confirmation in his majesties name , which they procured to be prefixed before their new booke of cannons , wherein they have endeavoured to make this impression upon his majesties royall mind , that the authors and fomentors of the jealousies in respect of the new rites and ceremonies lately introduced into the church , which wee call innovations , did strike at his royall person , as if hee were perverted in his religion , and did worship god in a superstitious way , and intended to bring in some innovation in matter of religion . now sir , who are the authors of those jealousies ? did they not come as complaints in the petitions from the bodies of severall countries the last parliament , and from more this present parliament , and who were the fomentors of those jealousies ? did not the generall sence of the last parliament concurre in it , that they were innovations , and that they were suspitious , as introductory to superstition ? nay , i appeale to all those that heare me , which are drawne from all parts of the kingdome , whether this bee not the generall sence of the greatest and most considerable part of the whole kingdome ? i beseech you then to consider what kinde offices these men have done betweene the king and the parliament , betweene the king and the kingdome , i speak of the greatest and most considerable part , as giving denomination to the whole . and now sir , as we have cast our eye backeward , if wee will looke forwards , how doe the clouds thicken upon us , and what distractions , yea what dangers doe they threaten us withall ? proceeding still from the same roote of church government and ceremonies : and truely as things now stand : i see but two wayes , the one of destruction , the other of satisfaction , destruction i meane of the opposite party to the bishops and the ceremonies , and reducing of all to cannonicall obedience , by faire meanes or by foule ; this way hath beene already tried , and what effect it hath brought forth in our neighbour kingdome , wee well know , and it is like to produce no very good effect in this kingdom , it mens scruples and reasons in that behalfe , shall be only answered with prisons , and pillories , and hard censures , that i may speake most softly of them . i hold therefore , that the other way of satisfaction is the safest , the easiest , and the onely way . and that is to take into consideration , the severall heads of the evills , which are causes of these complaints , and to find out , and apply the proper remedies thereunto . for the furtherance whereof , i shall make bold with your patience ( which i am very unwilling to tire , but must tire my own conscience , if i should not discharge it upon this occasion ) to represent a brief model of the several heads and springs , from whence the evils which are causes of these complaints , doe naturally or occasionally arise . the evills complained of , doe either arise from persons , or from things , those faults that are personal , are besides the point that i intend to speak to , there is one onely remedy for them , that is , by punishment and removal of such persons , and the putting of better in their room . as for those evils which proceed from things , they also are remedied by a removal of such things as are evil , and the putting of better in their room ; the evils and inconveniences of this kind do principally flow , either from the clergies offices and functions , or from their benefices and dignities ; those that arise from their offices and functions , doe arise naturally either from the lawes and constitutions , whereby , and according unto which , they exercise their offices and functions , or from the government it selfe , wherein they exercise those functions . the faults that i note in the ecclesiasticall lawes , are that they hold too much of the civill law , and too much of the ceremoniall law : of the civill law , in respect of all those titles concerning wills , and legacies , tithes , marriages , adulteries , which all belonging to the civil jurisdiction , and are no more of spirituall consideration , then rapes , thefts , fellonies , or treasons may bee . sir it is good that every bird should have his owne feather , and i remember when one came to our saviour christ , to desire him that hee would cause his brother to divide the inheritance with him , hee asked him , who made him a judge of such things : and may not we aske who made them , that take themselves to bee successours of christ and his apostles , judges of such things ? many inconveniences arise from hence , first , that the mindes of clergie men , are inured unto civill dominion , and to meddle with civill matters . secondly , the manner of their proceedings , is turned from a spirituall way into the fashion of processes in temporall courts . and lastly , which is worst of all , by this meanes the spirituall sword comes to be unsheathed about such things as doe not at all fall under the stroake thereof . many are excommunicated for pigges , apples , and nuts , and such like things ; but the other fault which i noted in the ecclesiasticall lawes , and constitutions , pincheth us more , which is , that they hold too much of the ceremoniall law . and heere mr. speaker , give me leave to lament the condition of this our church of england , beyond that of all other reformed churches . a certain number of ceremonies in the judgment of some men unlawful and to bee rejected of all churches , in the judgement of all other reformed churches to be rejected by them , and in the judgement of our owne churches but indifferent ceremonies , and yet what difference , yea , what distractions have these indifferent ceremonies raised amongst us ? what hath deprived us of so many faithfull , able , and godly ministers , since the reformation , as able and as fit in all other respects to discharge that function , as any age ever produced in the christian world since the time of the apostles , i say what hath deprived us of them , but these indifferent ceremonies ? what hath deprived us of so many thousand christians which desired ( and in all other respects deserved ) to hold communion with us , i say what hath deprived us of them , and scattered them into i know not what places and corners of the world , but these indifferent ceremonies ? what hath caused so many hard censures , and harder executions , but these indifferent ceremonies ? what hath occasioned those calamities , and dangers , which we feele , and which wee feare , but those indifferent ceremonies ? i shal say no more of them , but i pray god that now at length it may please his majestie with this his great counsel of parliament , to take a view of them , and if there be a necessitie to retaine them , let them bee retained ; but if not , then let us remove them , before they ruine us . as to the evills and inconveniences that arise out of the government it selfe , i should have noted something amisse , as well in the legislative part , as in the executive part , but in the former i am prevented , by what hath beene already voted concerning the power of making cannons : which votes if they bee brought to perfection , they will set us right in great part , in that respect , for surely , before the power was neither in the hands of such as were representative of that which is truely the church of england , nor yet in the hands of those that were truely representative of the clergie of england , if they were the whole church , as indeed they are not . as to the executive part , which consisteth in the exercise of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , therein i note also two disorders , confusion , and corruption , confusion of the spirituall sword , with the temporall ; lay-men strike with the spirituall sword , and spirituall men with the temporall sword ; nay , out of the same mouth , and at the same time proceedeth an excommunication , and a fine , or commitment , or both : i will not say positively , that it is unlawfull for clergie men to exercise civill jurisdiction , because i know it is a question , but yet such a question as hath beene determined by divers canons of generall councells , and by some that were made in synods of the church of england , that it is unlawfull , and that upon grounds which are not contemptible . as first , that it is contrary to the precept and practise of christ and his apostles . and secondly , that it is not possible for one man to discharge two functions , whereof either is sufficient to imploy the whole man , especially that of the ministery so great , that they ought not to entangle themselves with the affaires of this world . a third ground not so well observed generally , as in one part thereof , is this , that ministers of the gospell , being sent especially to gaine the soules of men , they are to gaine as great interest as possible may bee , in their minds and affections : now wee know that the nature of all men is such , that they are apt to thinke hardly of those that are any authors of their paine and punishment , although it bee in a way of justice , & therefore as it is well knowne , that clergy men are not to be present in judicio sanguinis , so the same reason extends it selfe to the administration of all civill jurisdiction , and therefore wee may observe that our saviour christ , as he alwayes rejected all civill judicature , so on the other side , he went up and downe healing mens bodies , and otherwise doing good to their outward estate , that his doctrine might have a freer , and fairer passage into their soules . for the corruption that i spoke of in the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction , i do not mean any personall corruption , but a deviation , or aberration from the prescript of the divine rule , and though it bee not easie to finde what that is in all particulars , yet it is not hard to say , what it is not , and that i doubt may prove our case in divers things . ecclesiastical jurisdiction we know , extendeth either to the clergy onely , and consisteth in the ordination , admission , suspension , and deprivation of them , or else it extendeth to the whole church , and consisteth in excommunication and absolution . as to the ordination , admission , suspension , and deprivation of ministers , we see how it is wholly at the pleasure of one man , and that of one man proceeding in a manner arbitrarily , and that of one man whose interest is concern'd in it , that the doore should be shut against able and painfull preaching ministers , and a wide doore set open to such as are unable , and unfit for that function : many and great and dangerous evills arise from hence . as first , that there is a constant farre and fewd betweene the ecclesiasticall state and the civill , betweene prelates , and parliaments , betweene the cannon law , and the common law , betweene the clergy , and the common-wealth , arising from the disproportion , and dissimilitude which is between the civill and ecclesiastical governement , however it may seeme to some to agree well enough , but the truth is , if wee consider his majesty as the common-head over the ecclesiasticall state , as well as the civill , wee shall finde that in the exercise of all civil jurisdiction , in all courts under his majesty , the power is not in any one , or his deputies and commissaries , as it is in the ecclesiasticall government , in the severall diocesses throughout this kingdome : if wee looke first upon the highest and greatest court , the high court of parliament , we know that is a counsell and a great counsel too . in like manner in the inferiour courts of westminster-hall , there are many judges in the point of law , and more in matter of fact , wherein every man is judged by twelve of equall condition unto him , i meane the juries , which are judges of the fact , both in causes civill and criminall : and if wee looke into the country , wee shall finde the sessions and sizes , and other courts held not by any one , but by divers commissioners . and in short , in the civil government , every man from the greatest to the least , hath some share in the government according to the proportion of his interest in the common-wealth , but in the government of the church , all is in the hands of one man , in the several diocesses , or of his chancellours , or commissaries , and hee exacts canonicall obedience , to his pontificall commands , with a totall exclusion of those that notwithstanding have as much share in the church , and consequently as much interest in the government of it , as they have in that of the commonwealth . ( sir ) untill the ecclesiastical government be framed something of another twist , and be more assimilated unto that of the common-wealth , i feare the ecclesiastical government will bee no good neighbour unto the civil , but will be still a casting in of its leaven into it , to reduce that also to a sole , absolute , and arbitrary way of proceeding : and herein ( sir ) i do not beleeve , that i utter prophesies , but what we have already found , and felt . a second , and that a great evill , and of dangerous consequence , in this sole and arbitrary power of bishops over their clergy is this , that they have by that meanes a power , to place , and displace the whole clergie of their diocesse at their pleasure : and this is such a power , as for my part , i had rather they had the like power over the estate , and persons of all within their diocesse ; for if i hold the one , but at the will and pleasure of one man , ( i meane the ministery , under which i must live ) i can have but little , or at least no certaine joy nor comfort in the other . but this is not all , for if they have such a power to mould the clergie of their diocesses , according to their pleasure , we know what an influence they may have by them upon the people , and that in a short time they may bring them to such blindnesse , and so mould them also to their owne wills , as that they may bring in what religion they please : nay , having put out our eyes , as the philistins did sampsons , they may afterwardes make us grind , and reduce us unto what slavery they please , either unto themselves , as formerly they have done , or unto others , as some of them lately have beene forward enough to doe . now whether it be safe to walke upon stilts on the top of the pinacles of the temple , upon so high precipices , as are the matters of religion , and conscience , ( which may have also a dangerous influence upon our civil liberries ) i leave it to your consideration : for my part , i should not thinke it safe , that such a power should be in any one man , though you suppose him to be a very good man . a third evil , and that of dangerous consequence , is that the dore is shut against able and painefull preaching ministers , and a wide doore set ope unto those that are unable , and unfit for that function , and the bishops interest is concerned in it , that it should be so . interest of honour , interest of profit , and interest of power , interest of credit ; for they see that those painefull preachers carry away all the credit from them , and they neither can nor will doe the like themselves : they cannot by reason they are so intangled with the affaires of this world , and civill jurisdiction ; they will not , their great dignities and honours make them so stately , that they think it is not episcopall to preach often ; and on the other side , they are so far , and live so much at their ease , that through idlenesse they cannot bring their minds unto it , and so first ariseth envy against those that doe take paines , and thence after springeth persecution . in the next place , their interest is concerned in matter of profit : for they suppose , that if the credit of their diana fall to the ground , their gaine will after cease , and that the people wi●l thinke much that some men should take all the paines , and other goe away with all the profit . lastly , their interest is concerned in it , in point of power , for they find that neither such preaching ministers , nor their auditours , are so pliable to yeeld blind canonicall obedience , as others are : and so it concernes them in point of power to stop their mouthes . and now it must needes follow by the rule of contraries , that it must be for their profit , honour , and power , to set open a doore to idle and unfit ministers . but there are two particuculars which i will note wherein it concernes them in their profits , to set the doore very wide open , where there is no suspition of refractorinesse . first we know bishops have many times livings in commendum and pluralities : but there is hardly any , but they have impropriations , whereof they are to see the cure discharged , and therefore it is for their profit , that there may be good store of cheape curates , which cannot be very fit and able men : and with such ordinarily , they furnish the cures of such places , whereof they have the impropriations . ( sir ) in the next place we know , that orders are not given , but in a manner sold , for not onely the bishop , and his register , but also his vsher , his chamberlaine , his butler , and porter , and almost all his meniall servants must have their fees , before the poore clarke with his box full of orders , can passe the porters lodge . i heare much of the legall simony , which consisteth in the buying and selling of benefices , but whether this doth not approach nearer to the evangelicall simony , which consisteth in the buying and selling of the guifts of the holy ghost ; i offer it to your consideration . now ( sir ) for excommunication and absolution , all seemes to be out of point , for excommunication is neither in right hands , nor exercised upon right grounds and matters , nor in a right forme and maner , nor to right ends , and then it is no marvaile , if it have not right effects . ( sir ) we know our saviour hath lodged it in the church ( for so runs the precept ) dic ecclesiae : now ( sir ) that one man should be a church , soundes strangely in my eares . in the next place ( i beseech you sir ) consider about what their spirituall sword is exercised , about things no way lying under the stroke thereof ? a man shall be excommunicated for a pig , or for an apple , and such like things ? i heard once a gentleman of the civill law , answere hereunto in this house , that the excommunication was not for the thing , but for the contempt , and the lesse the thing was , that was commanded , the greater was the contempt : if this were so , sure the greater is the cruelty , to lay command upon so small a matter , that draweth after it so deepe a censure , as to cast a man downe into hell . suppose a magistrate should command some triviall matter , some ceremony or other , under paine of treason , and should proceed against the infringers of his command as traytors , it were much to be doubted whether the command did not partake more of cruelty , then the disobedience of contempt ; for when authority shall so far loose it selfe , as to lay so great a weight upon so small a matter , it rendereth it selfe contemptible , and then it is no marvell ( i had almost said ) it is no fault , if it bee contemned , having made it selfe contemptible . then sir , for the forme of proceeding , it is no whit spirituall , there is no fasting and prayer , no seeking to reclaime the sinner , but rather it is after the fashion of a summary processe in a civill court , nay sir , it is accompanied sometimes with an intimation that no man shall buy , or sell , with the person excommunicated , nor set him a worke , nor doe any civill or naturall offices unto him . as wee had a complaint brought in this parliament , of a son that was excommunicated onely for repeating a sermon to his father , being an excommunicate person . now sir , for the ends for which this censure is executed , they are ordinarily to fetch in fees , or at the best to bring men under canonicall obedience , which is the ordinaries will and pleasure , and i have sometimes seen a minister pronounce an excommunication , which hee held in one hand , and presently after the absolution , which hee held in the other , so the end of the excommunication was the absolution , and the end of that was fees : ( sir ) for the honour of god , for the honour of our nationall church , and for the honour of the christian religion , let the high and great censure of the church no longer lackey after fees , let not christians any longer be cast to sathan , in the name of iesus christ , for the non-payment of a groat . and now sir we may imagine what effects are lik to follow upon such premises , the great and dreadfull censure of excommunication is thereby made contemptible , and were it not for the civill restrains , and penalties that follow upon it , no man would purchase an absolution , though he might have it for a half penny . and i have heard of some that have thanked the ordinaries for abating , or remitting the fees of the courts : but i never heard of any that thanked them , for reclayming their soules to repentance , by their excommunications ; ( sir ) for absolution it is relative to excommunication , and so labours of the same diseases : onely one thing i shall particularly note concerning absolution , ( sir ) it is called commutation of penance , but indeed it is a destruction of the ordinance , making it void and of none effect , and surely god never set his ministers to sell indulgences in his church . the oath that is to precede absolution , de parendo juri ecclesiae et stando , &c. hath already been sufficiently spoken unto , in the debate about the canons , and therefore there will bee no neede of speaking more to that . now sir , i am come to my last head , wherein i shall bee very briefe , and that is concerning the evills that arise out of the benefices and dignities of the clergy , the common cause being from the inequalitie of the distribution of them , much resembling a disease very ordinary at this time amongst children , which they call the rickets , wherein the nourishment goeth all to the upper parts , which are over great and monstrous , and the lower parts pine away : and so it is in the clergy , some are so poore that they cannot attend their ministerie , but are faine to keepe schooles , nay , ale-houses , some of them ; and some others are so stately , they will not attend their ministery : and so betweene them the flocke starves , but our evills have more especially proceeded , from the excessive worldly wealth , and dignities of one part of the clergy , i meane , such as either are in possession , or in hopes of bishoprickes for these great places of profit and honour , first have beene the baites of ambition , and then they became the apples of contention , and last of all the seeds of superstition , the one being a step and degree unto the other , and all of them leading in the end to the corruption , that i may not say subversion of our religion . sir they are first the baits of ambition , and i know not by what secret cause , but experience sheweth us , that when clergy men have once tasted the sweete of wordly wealth and honours , they are more eager , and ambitious after them then any other sort of men , hereupon other godly ministers , that live more according to the simplicity of the gospel , and the example of christ and his apostles , cannot but beare witnesse against their worldly pompe and dignities , and so the fires of contention breaketh forth . and truely ( sir ) the state of the clergy is very like to fire , which whil'st it keepes in the chimney , it is of excellent use to warme those that approach unto it , but if it once breake out into the house , and get upon the house top , it sets all on fire . so whilest the clergy keepe themselves within the pulpit , they are of great use to stir up the zeale and devotion of christians , but if they once flye out into the house , if they begin to meddle with civill places and jurisdictions , and especially if they once get up to the counsell-table , it is seldome seene , but that length they set all on fire , and what is it that maketh the fire to breake out of the chimney , but too much fuell : if there be but a moderate proportion of fuel , the fire keepes it selfe within it's bounds , but if you heape fagot upon fagot , a whole cart-load together , then it breaketh out : ( so sir ) if there bee a competent maintenance for the ministerie , they wil keepe themselves within their bounds , but if living bee heaped upon living , and temporalities added to spiritualities , the flame will soone breake out , and set the house on fire . ( sir ) i doe not envy the wealth or greatnes of the clergy , but i am very confident if those were lesse , they would be better , and doe more service to christ and his church , and i am very cleare in mine owne heart , that the livings of the clergie being more equally distributed , the service of god would bee so farre from receiving any prejudice , that it would bee much advanced , and withall a good proportion of revenue might return againe unto the crowne , from whence it was first derived . ( sir ) bishopricks , deanaries , and chapiters , are like to great wasters in a wood , they make no proofe themselves , they cumber the ground whereon they stand , and with their great armes and boughes stretched forth on every side , partly by their shade , and partly by their sowre droppings they hinder all the young wood under them from growing and thriving . to speake plaine english , these bishops , deanes , and chapiters , doe little good themselves by preaching , or otherwise , and if they were felled , a great deale of good timber might be cut out of them , for the uses of the church and kingdome at this time . a fresh stoole of three or foure able ministers might spring up in their stead , to very good purpose in those great townes , which are ordinarily the seates of those episcopal , and collegiate churches , and the private congregations of divers parochiall churches might thrive and grow better , which now have the sun of gods word , i meane the cleare and spirituall preaching thereof kept from them , and live in the dangerous shade of ignorance , by reason that all the meanes is taken from them , and appropriated unto bishops , or to deanries , & chapters , and other such like collegiate churches . besides such as doe begin to grow and start up through the voluntary pains of some amongst them , or by such preaching as they themselves have procured by their voluntary contributions , should not still bee dropped on as they are , from the armes and appendances of those great wasters , and kept downe continually by their bitter persecutions . that which remaines now , is to shew how these great revenues and dignities , become the seeds of superstition , and that is thus . the clergy in the maintenance of their greatnesse , which they are neither willing to forgoe , nor yet well able to maintaine upon the principles of the reformed religion , finding that the popish principles , whereon the bishop of rome built his greatnesse , to suite well unto their ends , that maketh them to side with that party , and that must needs bring in superstition : and as ambition allureth on the one side , so the principles they goe by , draw them on farther , and farther , and happily at length farther then they themselvs at first intended . whether a reconciliation with rome , were imagined or no by some , i leave it to every one to judge within himselfe : but sure i am , if an accommodation could have been made in some fashion or other , with the church of rome , the clergy might againe be capable of forraine preferments , and cardinalls capps , and this is no small temptation . now sir , i am at an end : onely i shall draw out three conclusions , which i conceive may clearely be collected out of what i have sayd : first that civill jurisdiction in the persons of clergy men , together with their great revenues , and high places of dignity , is one great cause of the evills which wee suffer in matter of religion . secondly , that the sole and arbitrary power of bishops in the ordaining and depriving of ministers , and in excommunication , and absolution , is another great cause of the evills we suffer in matter of religion . thirdly , the strict urging of subscription , and conformity to the ceremonies , and canons of the church , is another great cause of evill , which we suffer in matter of religion . and now my humble motion is , that we should take a piece only of this subject into our consideration , but the whole matter , and that not only that part of the ministers remonstrance , which hath been read , should be referred unto the committee which you are about to name , but londons petition also , and all other petitions of the like nature , so soone as they shall be reade in the house , and that the committee may collect out of them all , such heads as are fit for the consideration of this house , and surely that is fit to be considered , that happily will not be thought fit to be altered : consideration is one thing , and alteration another : where there is a mixture of bad and good together , the whole must be consired that wee may know how to sever the good from the bad , and so retaine the one , and reject the other , which is all that i desire . and if any thing have fallen from me more inconsiderate ( as in so long a discourse many things may have done ) i humbly crave the pardon of the house , protesting that i have spoken nothing but with a mind , which is ready to sacrifice the body it dwelleth in , to the peace and safety of his majesties kingdomes , and the safety and honour of his majestie in the government of them . finis . by the king. a proclamation, for a publick general fast, throughout the realm of scotland. scotland. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1665 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02110 wing c3310a estc r175752 52612082 ocm 52612082 179366 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02110) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179366) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2786:27) by the king. a proclamation, for a publick general fast, throughout the realm of scotland. scotland. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinbvrgh : 1665. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. printed in black letter. dated at end: given at edinburgh, the third day of may, 1665. and of our reign the seventeenth year. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fasts and feasts -church of scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. anglo-dutch war, 1664-1667 -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation , for a publick general fast , throughout the realm of scotland . charles , by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all and sundry our good subjects , greeting ; forasmuch as we , by the great injuries and provocations from the states of the united provinces , have been forced , for the just defence and vindication of our own and our subjects rights , to prepare and set out naval forces , and to engage into a war upon most important reasons of honour and iustice : and we , out of our religious disposition , being readily inclined to approve of an humble motion made to vs , for commanding a general fast to be kept throughout this our whole kingdom , for imploring the blessing of almighty god upon our councils and forces imployed in this expedition ; have thought fit , by this our proclamation , to indict a general and publick fast and day of humiliation , for the end foresaid . our will is herefore , and we straitly command and charge , that the said fast be religiously and solemnly kept throughout this our whole kingdom , by all our subjects and people within the same , upon the first wednesday of june , being the seventh day thereof : requiring hereby the reverend archbishops and bishops , to give notice hereof to the ministers in their respective diocesses , that upon the lords-day immediatly preceeding the said seventh day of june , they cause read this our proclamation from the pulpit in every paroch church ; and that they exhort all our loving subjects to a sober and devout performance of the said fasting and humiliation , as they tender the favour of almighty god , the duty they owe to vs , and the peace and preservation of their country ; certifying all those who shall contemn or neglect such a religious and necessary work , they shall be proceeded against , and punished as contemners of our authority , and persons disaffected to the honour and safety of their countrey . given at edinburgh , the third day of may , 1665. and of our reign the seventeenth year . god save the king . edinbvrgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , 1665. actes of the general assembly of the clergy of france, anno domini 1682, concerning religion translated into english for the satisfaction of curious inquisitors into the present french persecution of protestants. actes de l'assemblée générale du clergé de france de 1682, concernant la religion, retorquez contre ceux qui les ont faits. english catholic church. assemblée générale du clergé de france. 1682 approx. 70 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26314 wing a457 estc r6538 12706829 ocm 12706829 66047 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26314) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66047) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 372:6) actes of the general assembly of the clergy of france, anno domini 1682, concerning religion translated into english for the satisfaction of curious inquisitors into the present french persecution of protestants. actes de l'assemblée générale du clergé de france de 1682, concernant la religion, retorquez contre ceux qui les ont faits. english catholic church. assemblée générale du clergé de france. 32 p. printed by j.r., london : 1682. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -france -history -17th century -sources. church and state -france -history -sources. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion actes of the general assembly of the clergy of france . anno domini . 1682. concerning religion . translated into english for the satisfaction of curious inquisitors into the present french persecution of protestants , london , printed by j. r. an. dom. 1682. to the reader . there have been of late , strange clamors and out cries , of horrid , bloody , and almost inexpressible cruelties practised by the papists in france , against the protestants ( that is to say the calvinists ) there . the chief incendiaries to which cruelties ( they say ) are the roman clergy . the bishops , priests and jesuits ( if we will believe our own weekly mercuries ) incessantly press that popish prince , to redouble his already outragious fury , and tyranny against the lord's people ; racks and tortures are their daily exercise ; deep and hideous dungeons their constant habitation ; and happy is he , that can escape into england with burning match between his fingers or red hot iron plates fixed to the soals of his feet . there is none per adventure more scrupulous of obstructing acts of charity , or more compassionate to persons in misery , ( especially on the score of religion , ) then my self ; we can hardly do too much for those who suffer for god and heaven ; yet withal i confess , i am loath our nation should be imposed upon , by shams , and cheats , on religious pretexts ; i am loath , i say , the town and country should be incumbred ; our own poor deprived of alms ; the bread eaten out of honest tradesmens mouths ; and we made , as it were , the sink of france by countenancing , and entertaining from thence , swarms of vagabonds , amongst whom some are papists in masquerade , and others at best , such protestants as hate episcopacy , worse than popery , and come hither upon no other persecution then what idleness , beggery , or some misdemeanor hath laid upon them . i would not here be misunderstood ; it is most certain that the french clergy have made several late efforts , and desired herein the concurrence of their king , to bring back the hugonets ( so [ as the taking away the publick use of some churches , above what were granted by former edicts : the disenabling of ministers front promotions in one , or two vniversities ; the taking inspection , that the said ministers ( being apt to it ) should not in their sermons affront or asperse the church and government ; the discharging some of publick trusts ; the encouraging of others that turn to popery . the forbidding parents to hinder their children from becoming papists when they have a mind to it ; the allowing of priests and divines to visit the sick without leave of their friends ] being aggrievances odious and burdensome to tender consciences made several ( doubtless ) godly people come , with their families into england , where the zeal and piety of our gratious soveraign ; and other worthy magistrates , both assisted them , and recommended them to common benevolence ; notwithstanding all this , i hope i may , without offence , take the liberty at least to enquire whether the persecution of dissenters in france be so really dreadful , and the motive of the flocking over of such vast numbers of them hither , be so purely spiritual as is pretended . indeed they arrived here in a nick of time favourable for their purpose , and found us so actuated against popery , as that we easily believed all whatever either they themselves avouched , or true protestant news-mungers invented for them . we were then in an hott pursuit of a popish conspiracy , and it was not to be thought , that the papists who ( as it was said and sworn ) had both the conscience , and boldness , to raise armies ; to pistol , poyson , and stabb the king ; to cutt the protestants throats ; to fire cities , burn navies , &c. and all this in the midst of a well peopled protestant countrey ; would ever stick to commit the like , or worse barbarisms , in a place where the king , the people , the law , and the government , were wholy on their side . in a word our domestick plots much advanced the credit of foreign fables ; and our irish witnesses proved no small friends to french beggars . nor is it a wonder , diverse well-meaning persons should peradventure be a little transported beyond the due measures of impartiality , in passing their censure upon popish guilt , both at home , and abroad ; the very name of popery is so obnoxious to prejudice , that many without throughly examining that is bad enough of it , and nothing probable that is said in its defence . yet verily i am apt to believe , the protestant interest may often suffer damage , by this precipitant way of proceeding . men though in some things evil , may nevertheless in others , be falsly ▪ accused ; and methinks we should be cautions , not to give the papists an occasion to say that the reformed religion hath its chief support , from imposture and calumny ; and that by frightful storys , and fictions of popish cruelties , we only seek to incite the mobile to outrage ; to encourage bloody perjuries ; to foment sedition ; to abet violence ; and drive on the destruction of innocent persons . for my part , as i was always perswaded , a good cause needed not any sinister machine or artifice to promote its interest ; so was i resolv'd to give even the devil his due : and seeing i could neither search into the hearts of the papists ; nor dive into the secret thoughts of dr. oats , mr. dugdale , mr. prance &c. where alone the bottom of the english plott can certainly be found : i determined to make inquirie into the french pretended cruelties , which consisting of overt , publique acts , the certainty as to the truth or falshood of them , might easily be known . and herein i promised my self a kind of satisfaction , that the right knowledge of these cruelties might bring me , as it were indirectly , to a right knowledge also of the plot ; and that a circumstantial conjecture might rationally be made , of the one , by the other . for if the malice , and impudence of many seemingly honest men , could possibly be such , as to concur in devising , telling ▪ printing , and publishing downright lies and fables of racks , tortures and outrages , supposed to be openly acted ( and by consequence not to be denyed ) by french papists , in the face of the whole world. it might well be , that the strange and monstrous stories alledged against english papists [ of vast armies , huge magazines ( the lord knows where , or from whence ) numberless patents , letters , bulls , & briefs , bloody massacres , execrable treasons recommended as secrets , yet daily imparted to thousands of both sexes , of all sorts , and conditions , for divers years together ; not any the least appearance or footsteps of all which ever came to light ; attested only by a few , and those profligate ▪ wretches , of lost consciences , and desperate fortunes , allured by gain , and encouraged by indempnities , contradicting themselves , and perjuring each others , in their evidence ] are nothing else then groundless , ( though fatal ) forgeries , for this reason i made a most sedulous , and exact scrutiny , into the french persecution . i sent letters to several friends in france , who i knew both could , and would give me true information . i discoursed with several persons of unquestionable credit , who had been upon the very place where these tragedies were said to be acted . besides , i was really ashamed of the kings evidence ( as they call them ) against the papists , the infamy of their lives , the exorbitance , the nonsence , the inconsistency of their oaths , the severities vsed on their sole testimony , the reflections hereupon made by other nations ; gave me some trouble ; and i almost wished for the vindication of my native country , to find a solid proof of any thing done by the papists , in other places , might seem to counterpoize our late transactions , and look like the sad catastrophes practised by us , against them here ; but i laboured in vain ; the more i sought , the less i found of truth in these pretended dismal french cruelties ; nothing appeared to me , ( abating the forementioned efforts ) could give the least vmbrage of ground for such rueful stories . yet i would not ( though well i might ) rest here ; i heard there had been a general assembly of the clergy of france , convened at paris . i knew very well the said clergy lay under no restraint , which could hinder them from venting their malice , ( if they had any ) against protestants ; on the contrary , the rigours and cruelties which they should express , might seem the only means to ingratiate them into the favour of the king and pope ( according to the vsual idea , and character we have of both . ) they had now a fit opportunity , ( if their principles led them to it ) to establish , or promote sanguinary laws , and retaliate the wrongs done ( as they conceive ) to their fellow members the roman-catholicks of england . wherefore now , ( thought i ) now , if ever , is the time for me to find out the springhead and original of these french persecutions . so then , i immediately sent to paris for all the resolves made , and directions given , by that assembly in matters relating to protestants . and in this i succeeded very fortunately ; for just as my letters arrived , there were printed , and published by the express authority , and command of the king and clergy , the acts of the said general assembly , concerning religion . these acts therefore coming to my hands , i not only read them for my own satisfaction , but have here rendered them into english , for the use of others , who not understanding the latine and french tongues , might yet have the same thoughts , and curiosity with me . if to the more literate , the original 〈◊〉 , by this translation , to have lost much of its lustre , and eloquence in point of stile . it must be imputed , partly to my acknowledged inability of doing better ; and partly also to the precise exactness , and even nicety i observed , in keeping close , not only to the substance , but to the very words , and manner of expression , as near as i could bring our english to the propriety of these languages . thus much for a preface ; now to the work . to all the bishops in france the assembly of the gallican-church congregated at paris by authority royal greeting . what was long since by the fathers in the first council of arles , well and wisely ordained , and accomplished ; that the business , for the performing of which they chiefly convened , being compleated , they should then apply their minds to other things which they might understand to be advantagious to the good of the christian republick . the same also we , in the name of the gallican-church , and and by authority royal congregated at paris , have determined to practice , and in this to adhere to the footsteps of our ancestors . wherefore the affairs for which we judged it necessary to meet , being constituted , and transacted , we thought good that those things should be next procured , which might seem beneficial to the encrease and defence of the christian name . and because in these three heads , as solid foundations , are wholy contained the peace , and strength of the church . faith , manners , discipline ; and in establishing of them , the father 's of the council of arles placed their endeavors ; we therefore to the same end , have bent all our study , that we might contribute our care and sollicitude in illustrating of faith , regulating of manners , and corroborating the force of sacred discipline in france ; least by any contrivance hereafter , that triple cord , by the firm and wonderful context of which the catholick verity is consistent , may , by any one , be weakned or dissolved . and seing amongst these : faith is the chief ; and nothing brings a greater help to the defence of it , then if by the light of truth , heresies , and by the ardor of charity , schisms , be overcome ; we esteemed it worthy our labour presently to set upon calvin's heresy , and to impugn it , as the main , and strongest fortress of schism . in this truly , the charity of christ inclined , and vrged us . for when we beheld , not without a most sharp sense of grief , there was of one church of christ by the schismaticks made two , contrary to what christ himself taught by his example , who of two had made one ; we begun wholy to burn with desire of vnity ; especially seeing every one of us was daily more and more enflamed with these voices of christ . other sheep i have which are not of this fold , and them must i bring ; and there shall be made one fold , and one shepherd . moreover , the life and manners of innocent the 11th . bishop of rome excited us , which are so composed to the form of the antient , and more austere discipline , that the adversaries of our faith , ought not to refuse to agree with him in judgment , whose deeds they confess , if they will speak true , they must wish to imitate . lastly , lewis the great man his daily merits towards the church , yea rather his wonders of royal fortitude , and christian piety hath stirred up , and augumented our courage , who as many heretical cities as within the limits of france , he hath reduced to the antient faith of our forefathers , so many unbloody victories hath he purchased to his mother church , a son , as well in birth , as virtue , the greatest , his brethren after a long divorse being partly by entreaty , partly by good deeds , reconciled to the common parent of all . moved by these examples , and only not conscious to our selves of negligence , in performing our pastoral charge , we have at length applyed our selves to the impugning of heresie . but seing we understood this warr to be such , as ought to be waged with the weapons of charity ; to be managed in the sole peace of christ our lord ; we determined not to use threats ; not to cast terrors ; not to strive with contumelies , but by exhortations , wishes , prayers , to invite our adversaries , and bring them to concord . for although we are not ignorant , it hath sometimes happened that those who had refused to be drawn by the lenity of mercy , were compelled , as it were , by the wholesome rigour of charity ; yet we thought it both more proper , and agreeable to the christian society which is amongst us ; and to the affection of our catholick mother , that those who have fled from the bosome of apostolical peace , should by paternal admonitions be recalled . and truly hitherto the unwilling , and above what what can be expressed , sorrowful church of christ by a severe , but yet legitimate judgment had * dissinherited , exauthorized , proscribed , voluntary exiles , as degenerate sons , renegade soldiers , rebellious citizens ; but now at last by our voice it speaks to the dissinherited , the exauthorized , the proscribed ; and lovingly sollicits them who have already too long sustained the punishment of a bitter * exile ; and with a maternal affection and desire treats with them of correction , of return , of concord , which if they would have retained , then when they departed from us , she , for her common piety to all her children , would never have broken . wherefore we admonish and exhort , with all the weight of charity inclining to the reconciliation of peace , that they return to us . we ask again and again , why they have departed ? why they have forsaken catholick vnity ? we give them to understand how easie it will be , the wound of schism once healed , to cure the rest , which shall seem to want a medicine . and we farther promise , if they will seriously grow wise again , they shall be received by us , even with some , as it were , inconvenience to our mother the church . and least peradventure they may take an occasion of flattering themselves , and their adherents , with a vain hope of future dissunion amongst us , for that there have lately risen some differences between the roman and gallican church , we thought fit to advertise them ; first , that it is not about the doctrine of faith , which ever was one , and the same in both places ; nor about the institutions of manners , which both churches in each place will have most pure and refined ; but about some matters of discipline , alterable by time , concerning which we contend with the ministers of the chief bishop , the peace of fraternal charity still remaining . besides , things may be disputed by catholicks against catholicks without danger of harm , so it be done after a christian way , and manner , within the bowels of the church , and not renting her womb. and lastly this very dispute which we have undertaken , ought to be a motive ●o them , of flying schism , by our example , and to us , of inveighing against the same . for by how much the more moderate and amicable our contest shall be , with so much the more confidence may we reprove schismaticks , and denounce them guilty of breaking unity , throughout the whole church ; because seing we are often , though unwillingly , brought to that exigence , that we must act , sometimes in making complaints to the roman bishop , sometimes in vindicating the rights of the kingdom , or priviledges of our church ; we have hitherto comported our selves with that moderation , reverence , religion , in debating , and deciding any matter ; that we have not caused even the least suspicion of infringing charity ; much less have we afforded a place for deceit , or given occasion for divorce . and this is the whole model of our design for recalling of schismaticks to concord , and the same drawn according to the pattern of the affrican church : for as those fathers received from our ancestors the means whereby they more easily overthrew the hersies of old , growing up amongst them ; so we by their example , at this time reassume the means whereby we may defend our sanctions against the hereticks of these days ; which that it may be perfected , according to our , as well as your desire , we again and again beseech you , and for that ardor of charity wherewith , together with us , you are enflamed towards the church of christ , we expect you will , as soon as you shall receive these letters , and a copy of this admonition to schismaticks , take care immediately to have it notified to all and singular the consistories of calvins sect , which are any where in your diocesses ; and publick fasts , almesdeeds , supplications , being appointed , you will furthermore ordain catechyzings , sermons , exhortations , pacifick discourses , and other things of this sort , proper for uniting the differences of minds . and thus we hope it will be effected , that god by his infinite goodness assisting our counsels for the peace and reconciliation of the whole christian world , there may at length be made , as formerly , one fold , and one shepherd . given at paris in the general assembly of the gallican clergy the first of july 1682. franciscus archiepiscopus parisiensis praeses . by the command of the most illustrious and most reverend arch-bishops , bishops , and whole ecclesiastical synod in the general assembly of the gallican clergy congregated at paris . courcier theol. eccl. paris àsecretis . mancroix canonicus rhemensis àsecretis the gallican-church by the kings authority congregated at paris . to the brethren of calvins departure , wisheth correction , return , concord . the universal church of christ , ( brethren , ) doth continually lament , and with most intense grief , a parent full of holy , and sincere piety , beholds you by a voluntary divorse abstracted from her womb , from her breasts , from her bosome , and still wandring in a wilderness . for can a mother forget the children of her womb , or the church not remember her charity towards you , unmindful though you are , yet still her children , whom the contagion of error , from catholick verity , and the tempest of calvins defection , hath drawn from the sanctity of the antient faith , and torn from the head of christian unity . hence it is brethren , that she groaneth , and as well most heavily , as lovingly , complaineth of her divided bowels : she seeketh her lost children : she calleth as a partridge ; she is busie to gather as an hen ; she provoketh to fly as an eagle ; and anxious with maternal pangs , she labours , o little children , to bring you forth again , till truly , and catholickly , christ may be reformed in you . we then the whole gallican clergy whom the holy-ghost hath placed to govern the church , in which you were born , and who , by an uninterrupted inheritance , hold the same faith , and the same chair which the holy bishops held , who brought the christian religion into france , do summon you , and in virtue of the embassage which for christ we exercise , as god exhorting by us , ) we enquire of you , why you have made a schism ? for verily as your affairs stand , whether you will or no , you are our brethren , whom formerly one father of us all , who is heaven had received into the adoption of sons , and whom one mother the church , had brought up unto the hope of an eternal heritage . yea even he himself who first bewitched you not to obey the gospel of truth ; the ringleader of your profession , did he not formerly live with us a brother of one mind ? did he not converse in the same house ? did he not eat the same spiritual meat ? did he not practise the mutual offices of christian fraternity with us ; excuse if you can , to your father , to your mother , to your brethren , the infamy of so flagitious , so abrupt , and precipitate a flight . the dividing of christ the rescinding the sacraments of christ , the impious war against the members of christ , the criminating the spouse of christ , the denying the promises of christ , excuse , wash off if you can ; and because you are not able , confess your selves condemned by the oracle of the scripture . the evil son calleth himself just , but his departure he doth not wash off . why therefore brethren , have you not , with the whole world , remained in the stock ? why have you , together with the altars , violated the vows , and desires of the faithful ? why have you cutt off the way to mediation ; there was the * ascert to god ; why have you laboured to take away , and by a sacrilegious hand , to withdraw the ladder from the stone , least after the accustomed manner prayer might be made to god ? the other sectarys hitherto had attempted , not to subvert the altar of christ , but to erect their own ( such as it was ) against the same altar . you , that there might be no more a christian sacrifice , have dared , by a wickedness unheard off , till these times , to pull down the altars of the lord of hosts , wherein christ the sparrow had chosen himself a dwelling-place , and the turtle the church a nest to herself , where she might place her young ones . but these last , and whatever afterwards ensued , either of outrage against the church , or of errour against the antient belief , was an effect of schismatical fury . we desire it may be attributed , not so much to your will , as to the genious of schism . this one thing we particularly expostulate with you ; this we incessantly demand of you ; why have youmade a schism ? unless you shall answer to this , whatsoever you say , or write in other things , your talk is superfluous . nor do we doubt but against these things , you will use that old , and wonted plea of all schismaticks ; having learnt by experience , it is no wise possible to shake the doctrine of our faith , you make it your business to carp at the manners of all those amongst us , with whom pious men , and lovers of exact discipline , have esteemed it neither consonant to fame , nor safe in conscience , to converse . are these then the things , brethren , for which the unity of christ is rent asunder by you ? fraternal inheritance slandered ? the virtue , and truth of the sacraments of the church divided ? see how much you have erred from the gospel . these things which you object , and which were by much , either fewer , and less important , or peradventure unkown , or indeed not all ; had they been true , and manifest , and worse , yet christians ought to spare cockle of this sort , for the wheat 's sake ; to witt , because the vices of evil men are to be tolerated for the society of the good . moses endured so many thousands of men murmuriug against god. samuel endured the sons of hely , and his own , wickedly acting ; christ our lord himself , endured judas , and the devil , and the thief , and him that sold him . the apostles endured false brethren , false apostles , who resisted them and their doctrine ; lastly paul not seeking his own , but the things of jesus christ , conversed with an exceeding patience amongst men that sought their own , and not the things of jesus christ . yet you , beloved brethren , not only have not endured the church your mother , the spouse of christ , but have rent , but have torn , but have violated her unity . and that you might rend , that yon might tear , that you might violate , you have laid the blemishes of private men , to the charge of her , whom christ washed by the laver of water in the word of life , that he might present her to himself , glorious , not having spot or wrinckle or any such thing . what remains now brethren but that for your sakes we obey the council of the holy-ghost . blessed are the peace-makers , for they shall be called the sons of god. and that by the bowels of mercy which you have hitherto rent ; by the womb of your mother the church , which you have torn ; by the charity of brother-hood , which you have so often violated ; by the sacraments of god which you have contemned ; by the altars of god which you have demolished ; by whatever holy , and divine , is worshipped either in heaven , or in earth ; we exhort you with fraternal minds , to correction , to return , to concord . yea verily , what now remains , but that forgetful of schism , and mindful of plenty , you return home , where so many hired servants abound with bread , whilst now wandring in an arid and desert land , you gather not , so much as crums even to sustain your spiritual famine ? why do you demurr ? why do you resist ? what then ! do you blush at the name of sons , amongst whom the first born lewis daily erects new trophys to the church , the best mother ? lewis in this thing alone through your obstinacy , not happy enough . that although he daily establish many things religiously and piously for defence of the christian name , yet he see 's some of his own subjects , who have wilfully faln from theit countreys worship , and apostatized to strange rites , renegadoes of religion , and deserters of the antient warfair , still persisting in their contracted error . this most christian prince , who in our hearing , lately said , he desired with so much earnestness , the dispersed and faln parts , might be recalled to the unity of the church , that he should esteem it glorious to deserve the same , even with the effusion of his royal blood , and the very loss of that most redoubted arm wherewith he hath happily accomplished so many wars . will you then brethren ; to a prince most august , to your king , to the vanquisher of many , and most potent enemies , to the conquerer of most strong cittys , to the subduer of mighty provinces , to one renowned in all kind of triumphs , envy that palm which he prefers before all the rest . but , brethren , whilst we thus speak to you , and exhort to thoughts of peace , do not say ; seek us not . for this , iniquity suggests , by which we are divided , not charity by which we are christians . remember we are so commanded by the prophet from the spirit of truth , and peace , that we do not desist to tell them who deny they are our brethren , you are our brethren . now what time more opportune , can be offered unto us , of recalling you to the roman communion , then when innocent the bishop govern's the roman church whose life , and manners regulated according to the form of antient , and exact discipline ; exhibit a perfect patern of sanctity to the christian world ? that to adjoyne your selves to him so worthy a professor of all virtue , will be in you a grand work of virtue , redounding as well to safety , as glory . wherefore you , who need a physitian , the members , and truly noble members of christ , redeemed with the same price , but by the wicked fraud of the common enemy of us all , divorced from the head and body of the church , suffer your selves for the immortal god's sake , to be healed ; admit the address of our admonition , yea , we may confidently say ( such is our benignity and compassion towards you ) of our supplication , and at length brotherly accept this occasion offered by us , with fraternal charity ; that so at last , by the help of our lord , the darkness of dull error being dissipated , the light of divine truth , may farther daily shine out . do not commit , that for suspitions rashly entertained by you against our faith , the weak , and ignorant part of christ's flock , most miserably perish . think it not unseemly to lay open your disease to the phisitian : give way to pennance and remedy . finally , account it a chief and only glorious thing , especially for christian men to be suppliants to god. which if , we exhorting , you refuse with a pertinaceous mind to perform ; if you will neither be won by prayers , nor softened by charity ; nor drawn by admonitions to concord ; the angels of peace will indeed bitterly weep ; yet we shall notforthwith ( as justly might be done towards too obstinate persons ) leave you to your selves ; but through hedges and bryers we will not cease to seek the sheep of christ ; and when we have done all for which your minds ought to be reconciled unto us , at length our peace , you rejecting it ( so lovingly , so sincerely offered ) will return to us ; nor will god farther require your souls at our hands ; and as this your last ▪ error will be worse than the former , so shall your last punishments be also worse . but we hope , brethren , better things and more agreeable to salvation . given at paris in the general assembly of the gallican clergy . cal. july an. 1682. signed by 8. arch-bishops , 26. bishops , and other prelates and divines convened in the same assembly . memoires containing the different methods which may very profitably be vs'd for the conversion of those who profess the pretended reformed religion . the first method is that which cardinal richlieu made use of to reduce by way of dispute , or conference those of the pretended reformed religion , and to oblige them to reunite themselves to the church . this method is to regain them by their own decree of the synod of chareaton — 1631. by which they received to their communion those of the confession of ausbourg , who hold the real presence of christs body in the eucharist , and many other articles , much different from the confession of faith of the pretended reformed : whereupon the minister daillie saith , in his apology , that if the church of rome held no other error , than this , they should have no sufficient subject of seperating from it . but it is certain that all the other points of our belief which are in controversie , are not more important , nor more hard to believe than this , which hath always been esteemed by themselves one of the principal grounds of their seperation , and that at which the people take greatest offence . for that which daille , to elude the force of this instance , saith , that the lutherans admit not the adoration of jesus christ in the eucharist , is altogether unreasonable , since calvin himself herein reprehendeth the lutherans , and is obliged to acknowledge , that adoration is a necessary sequel of the real presence ; what is more strange , saith he , then to place him in bread ; and yet not to adore him there ? and if jesus christ be in the bread , 't is then vnder the bread he ought to be adored . seing then according to the calvinists in that synod , the fundamentals of salvation are not destroyed in believing the real presence , and other points of their confession of faith which are in dispute with them . this cardinal would convince them , that it is unjust , they should seperate themselves from the communion of the roman church , in which according to their own principles they may be sav'd . by a like suitable reasoning it is , that the fathers of affrick convinc'd the donatists , and primianists , that they most unjustly seperated from the catholick church which communicated with cecilian , seing they had made a decree of union with the maximianists , whom they had formerly condemned . it was at the council of carthage held under anastasius ; that the fathers us'd this way of arguing in regard of those hereticks : and the 36. canon made it appear to them , if they would but never so little have opend their eyes to the divine light , that they as unjustly divorc'd themselves from the unity of the church , as the maxiamanists according to them , seperated from their communion . 2. the second method is to suggest to them , what the light of nature dictate's , and what they themselves allow , that in matters whereon depends salvation , which is the only thing necessary ; we ought always to take the safest course ; but it is evident by the decree of the synod of charenton , that , according to them , it is indifferent to believe , or not believe the real presence : according to us it is necessary to believe it ; therefore it is safest to believe it ; and in case they would divest themselves of their prejudices , they would follow this course . and so also in all the other articles controverted . for according to the minister mestrezat , in his treatise of the scripture ; points necessary to salvation are only those ; which are so clear in scripture , that none can doubt of them , as are the articles of the creed . if there be any thing obscure ( saith he ) i maintain that it is not within the degree of necessity , and that without it one may be a very good christian and have faith , hope , and charity . but it is evident that the articles in question , which they maintain against us , are not so clearly expres'd in scripture , as that none can doubt of them , seing we have good grounds to maintain they are not there at all . one may therefore according to themselves , disbelieve the said articles without incurring the hazard of salvation ; we say it is necessary under pain of damnation to believe those articles which are opposite to them . they must then submit herein , if they will take the safest course . the third method is amicably to confer with them● in shewing them our articles out of scripture , and tradition , as the fathers of the primitive times , understood the one , and the other ; without recourse to arguments , and consequences drawn by syllogisms , as did cardinal bellermin and du perron , gretser , and other controvertists ; a thing which ordinarily begets disputes which will never have an end . this was the method by which they proceeded in general councels , and which st. austin observed against julian to prove original sin : to the end ( saith he ) i may subvert thy machines and artifices , by the sentiments of those bishops who with so much renown have interpreted the scriptures . after which he citeth passages of scripture , as they were understood by st. ambrose , st. cyprian , st. gregory nazianzen , and others . the fourth method is , to evince , that the ministers can never do this same , nor shew in the scripture any of their articles controverted : and this is most true , for example , they will never produce any one formal text which saith that original sin , as to the guilt , remains still after baptism : that we receive the body of jesus christ only by faith ; that after consecration it is still bread : that there is no purgatory ; that we merit nothing by our good works : and it may be added , that of all the passages which they set down in the margent of their confession of faith ; there is not so much as one , which avers either in express or equivalent terms , or in the same sense , the thing which they would have believed . this is the method of monsieur veron , which he took from st. austin , who saith to the maniches , shew me that this is in the scripture : and in another place , let them shew me that this is to be found in the holy scripture . we may therefore confidently assert , that , they can neither prove any of their articles contested , nor oppugn any of ours , by scripture , either in express terms , or by consequences sufficient to make their doctrin be received as of faith , and ours rejected as an error . the fifth is a method pacifick , and without dispute , grounded on the synod of dort , which all the pretended reformed churches of france , have received , and which hath defined by the holy scipture , that , when their is a contest concerning any atricle controverted between two parties , who are of the true church , they ought to refer themselves to the judgment of it , under penalty to him , who therein refuseth submission , of being guilty of schism , and heresie . but now recurring to the time when the dispute about some article ; for example concerning the real presence , first begun , the two contesting parties who were the ancestors of those of the pretended reformed religion , and of us , were both of the same church , which was the true , because it was the only one , before the separation , which was not as yet made ; their ancestors therefore who would not submit to its judgment , and who did not seperate from it but because it condemned their tenents , were schismaticks and hereticks ; and so by consequence are these also , because they follow their sentiments : to which they can answer nothing , but what might have been answered by all hereticks who have been condemned in all ages . this method is made good , as to all its parts , in the small treatise composed for that end. the sixth method , is to shew them , that the roman church , or that which throughout the earth acknowledgeth the pope or bishop of rome , successor of st. peter for head , is the true church , because there is none but that which hath the unquestionable mark of it ( viz. ) a visible continuance without interruption from christs time , to this present day . this is a method common to all catholicks , and is very well and briefly explain'd in the little treatise of the true church , annexed to that of the pacifick method . t is the same which st. austin frequently make's use of against the donatists , and chiefly in his book of the unity of the church , and in his epistles , whereof the prime passages , relating to this subject are alledged by monsieur arch-bishop of roan , in the first book of his apology de l'evangile where he excellently treats of this matter . to this method may be added the maximes of which tertallian , serveth himself in his treatise of prescriptions against hereticks and vincentius lyrinensis in his advertisements . it may suffice here to advertise , that those two treatises are enough to any one , that will read them without prejudice , rightly to discern the true church of jesus christ , from all societies which would usurp that name . the seventh method is to let them see , that those who first pretended to reform the church in which they were with us , had not , nor could have , any mission , neither ordinary , nor extraordinary , to convey to us another doctrin , than what was there taught , and by consequence none was obliged to believe them , seing they had not any authority to preach as they did . how shall they preach unless they be sent ? this is the usual method which puts the ministers on a necessity to prove their mission . a thing they will never be able to do . this cuts of all disputes , and is also one of the methods of monsieur the cardinal de richelieu . the eighth method is to tell them ; you do not know , that such , and such a book of scripture , is the word of god , otherwise than by the church , wherein you were before your schism : you cannot then likewise know which is the true sense of controverted passages , otherwise then by the same church which delivers it to us . this is the method of st. austin in many places : in his book de vtilit . credendi throughout ; and in his book contra epistolam fundamenti , where he saith , i would not believe the ghospel , unless the authority of the church obliged me to it , this method is handsomely laid open in the treatise of the true word of god , annexed to the pacifick method . the ninth method is to shew them , that the church , wherein they were before their seperation from it , being the true one , because it was the only one , they could not reform it , in its doctrine , so as to frame another ; for then it must have fallen into error , and consequently the gates of hell must have prevail'd against it ; which is directly opposite to the promise of jesus christ which cannot fail : the gates of hell shall never prevail against it . the tenth method is that of monsieur the bishop of meaux formerly bishop of condom , in his book entitled , an exposition of the doctrin of the catholick church : whereby distinguishing in every article that which is precisely of faith , from that which is not so ; he makes it appear , there is nothing in our belief which may stagger a rational judgment , unless by taking for our belief the abuse of some particulars , which we condemn , or some errors , which they most falsly impute to us , or the explications of some doctors which are neither received , nor authorized by the church . this method is drawn from st. hillary in his book of synods : let us ( saith he ) joyntly condemn vitious interpretations , but let us not destroy the certainty of faith : the word consubstantial may be ill understood , let us determine how it may be well understood : we may settle amongst our selves the true state of faith , yet so , as what hath been well establish'd may not be abolished ; and false conceptions may be retrenched . the eleventh method is taken from general arguments , which divines call motives of credibility . it is of tertullian , in his book of prescriptions , and of st. austin , who reckens up the motives which kept him in the catholick church , the twelfth method most brief , and most easie , is to press them with this dilemma . before wicleff , luther , and calvin , and as much may be said of the waldenses who were in the twelfth century : the church of those of the pretended reformed religion was in a small number of the faithful , or it was not at all . if it was not at all , then is it a false one , because it was not perpetual as the true church ought to be , according to the promise of jesus christ . the forces of hell shall not prevail against it ; i am with you even to th' end of the world. if their church was ; it must , according to themselves , have been corrupted , and impious ; seing they cannot point out to us , this small number of their pretended faithful , who before their reformers , had condemned , as they do now , the assemblys of the papacy as that from whence all superstitions and idolatrys gained vogue . they comported themselves at least outwardly as others ; so then , their church made up of this little unkown flock , was not holy , nor consequently the true church . the thirteenth method is drawn from the quality of schism , which ought never to be made , for any reasons whatever can be alledg'd : for according to the ministers themselves , nothing else can be produced but errors , which they pretend to be crept into the church , from which they separated themselves by schism ; but those who were there , as well as they , before their seperation , did firmly maintain , as we do still maintain , to this day , that those , are not errors , but verity's ; and it is certain that of these so different sentiments , the one is true doctrin , the other error , and falshood : consequently the one good grain , the other tares : but it belongs not to particular persons , to root up by their private authority , what they pretend to be tares . there is none but god , who is the true father of the family , who hath this authority , and who can communicate it to others . it is he who appoints his reapers , namely the pope and bishops who are represented by the angels , to seperate the darnel from the good grain ; and to root up the one , without touching the other , at the time of harvest , that is to say , in a council , or by common consent of the whole church : and in that case there is no need of a council : wilt thou that we go and pluck them up ? do not so , for fear least you root up the wheat together with the cockle ; suffer both the one , and the other to grow till the harvest ; we ought therefore never to seperate our selves under what pretence soever it may be , but must tolerare that which we believe to be an abuse and error , and expect till the church pluch up the tares . this also is one of st. austins methods , in his treatise against the donatists , where he sheweth , by th' examples of moses , aaron , samuel , david , isaiah , jeremy ; and of st. paul who himself tolerated the false apostles , that none should ever seperate from their brethren before a solemn condemnation of the church . thereupon he saith that the donatists were intolerably wicked , for having made a schism ; for having erested altar against altar ; for their having seperated themselves from the heritage of jesus christ spread throughout the whole earth , according to the promise which he made unto it . he adds , that if they think this a small matter they need only see what the scripture teacheth us herein by the examples there shewn of the punishment of so great a crime ; for saith he , they who made the idol of the golden calf were punish'd only by the sword ; but they who made the schism were swallowed up by the earth ; by this diversity of chastisements , one may know that schism is a greater crime than idolatry . see hereupon the epistle — 171. where in the person of the church he exhorts the donatists to renounce their unhappy schism ; amongst other things there he hath these elegant sayings : why will you tear the garments of our lord ? and why will you not , with the rest of the world , leave entire , this coat of charity , which is but of one sole texture , and which his very persecutors would not rend ? and a little after . you feign before the time of harvest to eschew the cockle which is mingled ( by what you say ) with you ; because it is your selves that are this cockle . for if you were the good grain , you would suffer the being mixt with tares and would not seperate your seves from the wheat of jesus christ . there needs here no more than to change the word donatists into that of calvinists , a thing which shews how far the church hath always been , and always ought to be , acknowledg'd for infallible , seing we must give place to its decisions , and that the fathers have so firmly asserted , we ought never to depart from her bosome , and that we are so much the more oblidg'd to remain united to her , for that she never refuseth to give ear to the complaints of her children . to confirm the precedent method with a fourteenth ; we may demand of the calvinists , as to all our articles , what st. austin demanded of the donatists ; when the church reconcil'd penitent hereticks without rebaptising them . for example , it may be demanded of them ; when jesus christ was adored in the holy eucharist before the schism , was the church then the true church , or was it no longer so ? if it was ; then none ought to have seperated from it , for a practice which it authorized . if it was no longer so ; from whence departed calvin ? what soyl put forth this sprig ? what sea cast him on our coast ? from what heaven did he fall upon earth ? from whence came these reformers ? of whom received they their doctrin , and authority to preach ? let those who have followed them look well , where they are , seing they can arise no higher then to these people , to find their original : as for us , we are secure in the communion of that church , in which is now practis'd vuiversally throughout , that which also was every where done , before agrippinus and cyprian . then he adds these elegant words , which are decisive . in the mean while neither agrippinus , nor cyprian , nor those who followed them , though they were of an opinion contrary to that of others , did seperate from them , but remained with their dissenters in the communion , and vnity of the same church . that is to say , expecting till she decided their differences . afterwards repeating in few words , what he had said , he conclude's . if then the church perish'd , for having taught that the baptism of hereticks was good , they could not shew the original of their communion ; but if the true church subsisted they could not justify their seperation , and schism which they made . as much may be said against the waldenses , the lutherans , the calvinists , and other hereticks , who can derive themselves no higher , than from waldo , luther , calvin and their other ringleaders . this method of st. austin is excellent . if our pretended reform'd brethren will defend themselves , saying , as in effect , they do in all their books , that it is not they , that have made the seperation , but rather , it came from us , and that it is we who , have cutt them off from our communion ; we must answer , that there are two sorts of seperation , the one which is criminal , the other which is lawful : in the first , one seperates himself from his pastor , by a manifest dissobedience . in the second the pastor seperateth from the flock , him who making a band apart , refuseth to submit himself to the orders of the church ; the one is a fault , the other a punishment : the one is a voluntary departure the other an abstision by sentence ; so the judge pronounceth condemnation against him , who hath taken away from himself , his own life . the proof of these two different seperations may be seen in the thirty eighth letter of st. cyprian , where he speaks of one called augendus , who had betaken himself to the party of felicissimus the deacon ; and it appeared that this great saint had suspended , and excommunicated him , for having subtracted himself from his obedience , and engaged others in the same seperation ; let him who shall follow his opinions , and faction , learn , that he shall have no more communication with us , for his having voluntarily seperated himself from the church . he saith the same thing of novatian in his seventy sixth epistle , and of those who had followed him in his revolt ; for that rending the church by their rebellion , and breaking the peace , and vnity of jesus christ , they were forced to authorize their particular doctrin ; to be independent ; and to usurp a power of baptizing , and of offering the sacrifice . this distinction is clearly expressed in the fourth article of the council of calcedon , where those two ancient canons of the council of antioch , taken out of the canons of the apostles , are rehearsed , the first concerning those who were seperated , the second concerning those who voluntarily seperated themselves ; the greek expresseth it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is believed , it would be to the purpose here to transcribe these two canons , which are , as it were the fundamental laws of the practice of the church in regard to hereticks , and schismaticks , whom she casts out of her bosom , and who seperate themselves from her . these canons are the fourth and fifth of the council of antioch , and the twenty seventh and thirtyeth of the appostolick canon . and our pretended reformed , cannot reject their authority , seeing they keep amongst them the same discipline , when any particular persons , either ministers , or others of their communion , will not submit to the decisions of their synods . these two canons were read and reported in the fourth act of the council of calcedon in the case of two monks , carozius , and dorotheus , who made a schism , and adhereing to eutyches , seperated themselves from the church , as luther , and calvin and those that have followed them , are seperated from it , in these later times . to all these precedent methods , may be added a fifteenth in making known to our pretended reformed , that in their confession of faith , in their catechisms , in their articles of discipline , in the resolutions of their synods , and in the books of their chief ministers , who have writ upon controversy's , are found several articles from whence arguments may be drawn , to prove against them , by their own confession , the truth of our belief . for example their discipline allows the communion vnder one sole kind to those who cannot drink wine ; from whence it may be concluded , that communion under both kinds is not a necessary article , and that they are to blame , to alledg it , as a lawful ground of their seperation . the minister daille , and many others confess that at the time of st. gregory nazianzen , of st. chrysostom , and of st. jerome , the invocation of saints was in use in the church , as also the veneration which we render to reliques . john forbese adds , that tradition is vniform in the church concerning prayer for the dead : and being he denys that the books of the maccabe's are canonical , he saith , that the scripture speaks nothing of it . but without entring into that difficulty which regards the books of the maccabees ( wherein they have no more reason than in the rest ) it is easy to conclude from their own principles , that it was no wise allowable for them to seperate on account of points which are established , according to themselves , by so considerable an authority , and by so constant an accord of all ages . finally , whe may solidly impugn these novellists , by the contradiction of their tenents of faith ; in shewing the changes which they have made from the confession of ausburg , as also by all the different professions of faith , which they have received , and authoriz'd since that time ; a thing which maketh appear , that their faith being doubtful , and wavering , it could not have the character of a divine revelation , which ought to be certain , and constant . there is nothing but faith , which will suffer no reformation . tertullian served himself of this argument in most of his books ; and st. hillary , most excellently applyed it against the emperor constance on the occasion of the new creeds which the arrians publish'd every day , changing continually their faith , whilst the catholick church remained firm , in that of nice . we may yet make use of one method more which consists in shewing the conformity of the roman church with the greek church , in the chief articles of faith debated between us , and the pretending reformed ; and also with those societys which are seperated from the church by errors which our pretended reformed condemn with her , as are the nestorians and the eutychians . to these methods we must add particular conferences , solid writings , sermons , and missions ; and apply all these means in the spirit of charity , without sharpness , andabove all , without injuries , being mindful of that lovely saying of st. austin , i do not abuse those against whom i dispute thereby to get an advantage over them : i only seek to convince them , and save them . and of the canon of the concil of africa , which requires . that although the donatists were cutt off from the church of our lord by their schism , nevertheless they should be sweetly treated withal , to the end that correcting them with mildness , as the apostle saith ; god may grant them the grace of repentance to know the truth , and to withdraw themselves from the snares of the devil , of whom they are captives . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26314-e1510 2 cor. v. 14 ephes . 2. v. 14 john 10. v. 16 * ( viz. ) by spiritual excommunications ecclesiastical censures , &c. * through schism . 1 cor. 12 v. 25 as in the next page . notes for div a26314-e2840 isa . 49. v. 15. lam. 2. v. 11. math , 23. v. 37. dout. 32. v. 11. gall. 3. v. 1 , psal . 55. v. 13. &c. apul 5. august : lib 1. contr . crescon : cap. 66. * the sacrifice of mass . gen. 28. v. 12. psal . 84. v. 3. 1 cor. 1. v. 10 exod. 16. v. 7. &c. 1 sam. 3. &c. 2 cor. 11. v. 13. 2 cor. 12. v. 14. phil. 2. v. 21. ephes . 5. v. 26. math. 5. v. 9. luke 15. v. 17. &c. isa . 65. v. 2. 2 cor. 4. v. 6● isa . 33. v. 7. luke . 13. v. 23 math. 10. v. 13 ezec 3. v. 19. notes for div a26314-e5110 1 , method . calvin de vera participatione corporis christi ▪ in caena . con. carth. sub anast . can 36. juxta collellionem can. concilii vulge di●●i affricani & 69. in grec . cod. affrican . can. 2. method . mesirerat . ● the 3d. method . lib. 2. cont . julian cap. 1. the 4th . method . contra epist fundamenti lib de vnit. ecclesiae cap. 13. the 5th . method . the 6th . method . from 151 to 174. the 7th . method . rom. 10. 15. the 8th . method . cap. 5. the 9th . method . math. 16. v. 18 the 10th method . page 394 and 396. the 11th . method . cont ep fund cap 4. and 5. the 12th . method . math. 16 v. 18 chap 28. v. 30 the 31 article of their confession of faith. the. 13th . method . math. 13. v. 25. verse 28. verse 41. verse 29. epis . 162. ibidem . the 14th . method . austin lib. 3. de bapt. cont don. cap. 2. ibidem . con. calced . actione 4. 10. can. 83. si quis episcopus à synodo depositus , aut ▪ presbiter , aut : diaconus aut omninò qui est ▪ sub regulâ aproprio episcopo , ausus fucrit ampliùs aliquid sacri ▪ ministerii gerere , five episcopus juxta superiorem , consuetudinem , five presbiter , five diaconus ; postea non liceat ei , ne in alter â quidem synodo spem restitutionis , nec desensionis locum habere : sed & omnes qui ei communicant ejioiantur ex ecclesiâ ; et maximè si postquam cognoveruut sententiam in praedictos latam , ils communicare ausi fuerint . can. 84. de ils qui scipsos seperant . si quis presbiter aut diaconus contempto propri● episcopo , se ab ecclesiâ segregaverit , ac scorfim congregationem habucrit , & altare constituerit ; si commonen●e episcopo non acqueverit , nec consentire , vel obedire voluerit , semel & iterùm , ac tertiùm , vocanti , is omninò deponatur ; nec vltra remedium consequi , nec proprium honorem recipere possit . quod si perseveraverit tumultuari , & ecclesiam perturbare , per potestatem externam tanquam seditios●● corrigatur . the 15th . method . regulâ quidem fides v●● omninò est sola immobil● ; & irreformabilis catera jam disciplina , & conversationis , admittuus novitatem correctionis . tertullde virgi●ib . vel and. c. 1. advers . mare . l. 1. c. 21. lib. 3. contr. litt. peul . cap. 1. 1 cor. 4. v. 21. a declaration of the commissioners for visitation of universities and for placing and displacing of ministers in scotland, against praying or preaching for the pretended king of scotland with some reasons given by some of the ministers of edinburgh why they cannot in conscience omit to pray for him : together with an ansvver to the said reasons ... / by a friend to the commonwealth. scotland. commissioners for visitation of universities and for placing and displacing of ministers. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a70973 of text r14453 in the english short title catalog (wing s1001). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 40 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a70973 wing s1001 estc r14453 12004778 ocm 12004778 52282 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70973) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52282) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 63:8 or 1294:3) a declaration of the commissioners for visitation of universities and for placing and displacing of ministers in scotland, against praying or preaching for the pretended king of scotland with some reasons given by some of the ministers of edinburgh why they cannot in conscience omit to pray for him : together with an ansvver to the said reasons ... / by a friend to the commonwealth. scotland. commissioners for visitation of universities and for placing and displacing of ministers. friend of the commonwealth. answer to a paper intituled some reasons why the ministers of christ in scotland ought not to be troubled for praying for the king. 16 p. [s.n.], printed at leith : 1653. caption title (p. 4): some reasons why the ministers of christ in scotland ought not to be troubled for praying for the king, and wherefore we cannot in conscience omit that duty. this item is identified as wing d652 at reel 63:8 and as wing s973 variant at reel 1294:3. both numbers are cancelled in wing (cd-rom, 1996). the item is now assigned to wing (cd-rom, 1996) s1001. reproduction of originals in union theological seminary library, new york and harvard university library. eng church and state -scotland. a70973 r14453 (wing s1001). civilwar no a declaration of the commissioners for visitation of universities, and for placing and displacing of ministers in scotland; against praying, scotland. commissioners for visitation of universities and for placing and displacing of ministers 1653 7464 12 5 0 0 0 0 23 c the rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the commissioners for visitation of universities , and for placing and displacing of ministers in scotland ; against praying , or preaching for the pretended king of scotland : with some reasons given by some of the ministers of edinburgh , why they cannot in conscience omit to pray for him : together with an ansvver to the said reasons , wherein the unwarrantablenesse of that practice is proved from the word of god . and the equity and necessity of the present proceedings of the commissioners in order to the publick peace , is cleared and justified to the consciences of rationall and peaceable men . by a friend to the commonwealth . printed at leith , in the year 1653. by the commissioners for visiting universities in scotland , and placing and displacing ministers . by vertue of an order to us directed from the right honourable the councell of state , impowering us to punish all such in the ministery or universities , as shall be found reviling the present government , or shall endeavour to debauch or keep the people dis-affected , by praying for the pretended king of scots , or his late fathers family , or by praying or preaching for a monarchicall government , by which they labour to weaken the just interest of the commonwealth of england in this nation , and to affix and fasten the common-people in their late enmity and oppositions ; ( who are caused to erre by following such sowers of sedition ) all which being contrary to the aforesaid order , and also expressely forbidden by the word of god , which injoyns a peaceable subjection to civill powers , and much more to those that the lord hath now appointed over this nation , to the justice of whose cause , his hand hath given a divine and immediate testimony in most memorable and many signal consequences . wherein not onely not to see and acknowledge the finger of god ; but on the contrary , maliciously to oppose the wayes of his providence , must needs argue a very high degree of ignorance or wilfulnesse : therefore in conscience of our duty to god , as also in reference to a faithfull discharge of that trust and authority committed to us , and for preventing the great inconveniences by such enormous practices in ministers , and others for the future , we do by these presents declare to all persons whom these shall or may concern , that whosoever shall be duely convicted to offend in any of the aforesaid particulars after publication of this our declaration , shall be severely punished and proceeded against , as an enemy to , and a disturber of the peace of the commonwealth ; and to the intent that due notice may be given , we do order that these presents be printed , and publickly proclaimed at the mercat cross at edinburgh , and also that copies thereof be sent to the severall sheriffs in the respective counties and shires in this nation ▪ to be by their appointment proclaimed in the chief mercat towns or burghs within their jurisdictions , and to be affixed on the mercat crosses , or most publick places , whereby full obedience may be given to the abovementioned orders , and none concerned may pretend ignorance . at edinburgh , the second day of august , 1653. some reasons , why the ministers of christ in scotland , ought not to be troubled for praying for the king ; and wherefore we cannot in conscience omit that duty . having seriously pondered , as in his sight , whose servants we are , the practise of this duty now prohibited ; we find , that we may not omit publick prayer for our king , notwithstanding of the said prohibition : and least our practice be misconstrued , as flowing from ignorance or wilfulnes . we shall first offer to wipe away that aspersion of pertinacy , and next shew the grounds which do fix us to this necessary duty . as for the first . our witness is in heaven , and our record on high , that it is not out of any carnal design , or stubborness of spirit , that we continue performing this d●ty . it were extream folly needlesly to provoke the power under whose hand the almighty hath put us . if we durst advise with flesh and blood [ spare thy self ] would sound loud in our ears , and quickly present overtures of yeelding ; but the terrour of the almighty , and his oat● lying on our consciences , hold us on to this duty . 2. we conceive that our peaceable and quiet deportment in our respective charges , doth vindicate us from the imputation of stubborness and sedition in this our practice . we have been no hinderance to people under our charge , to hear the burthens in quietness , that are laid upon them ; neither have we anywise stirred them up to tumults and commotions . 3. the way wherein we have formerly walked , speaks herein for us ; unless constancy in conscientious principles be misconstructed , and nicknamed pertinacy . 4. the point is also manifest to every one who will soberly be pleased to consider the petition , or petitions which we present to god for him ; which usually are for a sanctified use of the sad afflictions that lie on him , and preservation from snares ; his condition calling for this much at our hands . shall others in distress , captivity , and exile be remembred to god in our publick prayers , and this be accounted a commendable duty : and ought it to be accounted pertinacy , not to cast out from the prayers of gods church and people , the distressed king , compassed with so great difficulties ? 5. when we call to mind our publick prayers for our late king in the midst of his hostility against us , we marvel , if any who profess respect to tender consciences , will offer to put the messengers of christ to trouble for a duty bound on their consciences ▪ and so little hurtful to any . finally , they who do , or forbear doing out of pertinacy and stubborness of spirit , can shew no just and weighty grounds of their acting or forbearance . but we offer these ensuing grounds and warrants of conscience , whereupon we walk in this practice . first , we look upon this performance as a duty , not only enjoyned in the word of god , and established by the law of the land , in the directory for worship , confirmed by acts of parliament ; but also as bound upon our consciences with our own consent , both in the national , and solemn league and covenant , wherein he also hath entred with us ; and therein , not only our own consciences , but also the whole world are called on to witness with god ( to whom the oath is made ) to our reallity , sincerity , and constancy in performing our duty . secondly this obligation hath a new tie on our consciences to this individual person , by the oath sworn by the representative of the land , in our names , when the civil securities unto religion , and the interests of christ in his ordinances , were likewise confirmed unto us , by his oath , aswel as by law . thirdly , as it is a great sin in any , to countermand that which god hath commanded , and to give order that a precept , which god hath appointed to oblige us alwaies ( though not to all times ) shall never oblige , and that we shall never give obedience thereto ; so when such a command is given out , it is then casus confessionis : then to adhere to the authority of divine precepts , is a necessary testimony to the truth , and doth oblige them more than ever , unless we would obey men rather than god . fourthly , ministers of the gospel are the ambassadors and servants of jesus christ , from whom they have their commission which may not be l●mited nor altered by any power on earth : for if in one duty , earthly powers can alter or limit , they may aswel do it in moe : and if they may prohibit a duty , they may also command that which is no duty , and so render us the servants of men , in matters of god . an answer to a paper , intituled , some reasons why the ministers of christ in scotland ought not to be troubled for praying for the king , and wherefore we cannot in conscience omit that duty . that concession in the beginning of your paper , that the almighty hath put you under the hand of another power , is remarkable : but how well this acknowledgment doth accord with that practice of adhering to the power which the same almighty hand hath removed , is not apparent . the question is not , whether you may pray concerning him , either for or against him in a christian way , as that god would shew mercy to his soul , and give him pardon of sin , and repentance under that stupendious guilt of innocent blood which lyes both upon him , and upon his fathers house , ( and that in the judgment of your very selves ) and that god would humble him under those dreadfull appearances of god against him , in rejecting him from reigning over his people : but whether you may pray for him as king of scotland , and put up those favourable requests on his behalf , which tend to preserve a precious and religious remembrance and observance of him in the peoples minds . this is the manifest scope and sense of the declaration , which he that runs may read . now for this you say , we shall first offer to wipe away that aspersion of pertinacy , and next shew the grounds which do fix us to this necessary duty . for answer whereto , we shal first remove the grounds whereby you labour to prove that this is your duty , and then leave you to wipe off that aspersion of pertinacy , if any lay it on you , as well as you can . for if the course be warrantable ; to persist therein is constancy : but if it be not warrantable , it must needs be called by some other name . now for the grounds and warrants of conscience , whereupon you walk in this practice , you offer four : whereof indeed only the two first are arguments to prove the conclusion , that you ought to pray for the man , whom you call king : but the two last seem rather to be inferences from it , if they be any thing . the two first are these , which we joyn together , because the same answer fits them both . 1. we look upon this performance as a duty , not onely injoyned in the word of god , and established by the law of the land in the directory for worship , confirmed by acts of parliament ; but also as bound upon our own consciences , with our own consent both in the nationall and solemn league and covenant , wherein he also hath entred with us , and therein not onely our own consciences , but also the whole world are called on to witnesse with god to whom the oath is made , to our reality , sincerity and constancy in performing our duty . 2. this obligation hath a new tie on our consciences to this individual person , by the oath sworn by the representative of the land in our name , when the civil securities unto religion , and the interests of christ in his ordinances , were confirmed to us by his oath as well as by law . to these in four words . 1. whereas you alledge the word of god , we are most intirely willing to submit this whole controversie to the alone determination thereof , judging it most unmeet , that things of mans making should stand cheek by jowl with the word of god . but because you point us to no place thereof , we wil point you to one or two , wherein that word commandeth subjection to , and prayers for the powers that are in being . rom. 13 1. let every soul be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god . 1. tim. 2. 2. let prayers be made for kings , and for all that are in authority . wherein he seems directly to obviate & prevent any scruple that might arise about the justnesse of their titie , by pointing them so plainly to the actuall existence of powers . for they all knew that the power which then ruled the world , was set up by a world of blood , and nero the present emperour , as wicked a tyrant as ever lived , but yet to submit to him , and to pray for him , being under his power , was not in the apostles judgement any justification of the unwarrantable acquisition of his power . and the jewes are commanded to pray for the peace of babylon , when they were in the hand of the babylonians . jer. 29 7. but you are in the hand , and under the power of the parliament , and therefore you ought to pray for them , for in their peace , you shall have peace . but he whom you call king , is not king . he never exercised any kingly power on this side the water , and now he exerciseth none in the other part of scotland , therefore he is not king . if it be said , that by the word of god he ought to be king , let it be shewed where the word of god hath intayled the kingdom of england or scotland upon the family of the stuarts . 2. for the law of the land , and acts of parliament for him ; we wonder you should speak of these , having been long since annulled by the authority of the commonwealth . and how an act of any authority can bind and be in force , when there is no authority that wil maintain it , is to us a riddle . your countreyman mr. knox , who was as zealous against tyrants as you are for them , and did help the grandmothers head to the same block upon which the late king lost his : he tels queen elizabeth , that she had no warrant of conscience to rule the nation of england , neither from her birth , nor from any consuetude laws and ordinances of men ; and that if she stood upon that , the almighty would cut her off , but from the providence of god , calling her to that place of power , who ruleth in the kingdoms of the earth , and giveth them to whomsoever he will . 3. for your oaths and covenants ( to him or to his fathers house , for there is the same reason of both ) they were either absolute , that he should be king whether god would continue him or no ; or else conditionall , that you would submit to him , unlesse and untill the over-ruling wisdom of god should pul him down , and set up another power in his place . if they were conditionall , the obligation is void , because the providence of god hath actually dispossessed him . but if they were absolute , what warrant is there in the word of god for such covenants ? can you promise that any man shall have power whether god will or no ? all your oaths and covenants were conditionall . for such covenants for the maintaining of any power upon earth , wherein there is no condition neither exprest nor understood , concerning giving way to the all-disposing power and providence of god , are no better then confederacies against god , and therefore horrible snares , and not to be defended , but repented of , lest you be found fighters against , and resisters of the mighty hand of god . suppose a quarrell arise between me and my neighbor , which of us shal be master , and he saith and swears that i shall never be his master , and i say that he shall never be mine . if hereupon we fight , till that i have laid him f●at upon his back , and bound him hand and foot ; if now when my sword is upon his brest , and his life is at my mercy , if i shall ask him , whether he will yeeld now , and he shall refuse , is it not an unparaleld piece of pride and stubborness ? but suppose he shal say , that his conscience is so tender that he cannot yeeld to me because of his oath , will not every one say , that his oath binds no longer but whilst he was in a capacity to resist , but by my prevailing over him , the obligation ceaseth . for now god puts him under me , & so determins the case on my side . therefore , though you have made a covenant , and bound it with an oath , for your king and against the commonwealth , yet now god hath cut that knot in pieces , by putting you in another capacity from what you were then . and you may remember what solemn appeals were made to heaven , both by you and us , when we came first amongst you , for our most just and necessary defence , wherein the lord hath been pleased to give a gracious and favourable testimony to the sincerity of the desires of his poor servants ; and will you not rest in his arbitriment to whom you have so often referred the cause ? to whose determination both you and we did with joynt consent refer it . and the lord , that righteous judge hath been pleased to judge between us . though much may be argued against the works of god , when considered singly and alone , yet when the works of god are superadded testimonies to the truths revealed in his word , and when they are answers of the prayers and appeals of all his people on both sides , and favourable smiles upon the actings of some of them following him in untroden paths of difficulty and danger , the same dispensations being also distinguishing rebukes and frowns upon others , under these and the like circumstances , they will argue very much . and though it is hard for man , and it may be too hard for us to manage this argument , to the compleat conviction of opposers and gainsayers , and to improve it to the utmost in all the conclusions which it will reach unto ▪ yet to those who observe the name of god in his works , & are not byassed with the guilt of former actings to this or that interest , it will reach to conclude the present question , and abundantly praeponderate to the purposes and resolutions of men , if laid in the ballance with them . 4. whereas you are pleased to mention the securities which the king gave you for the interest of christ and religion , it will be hard to demonstrate to any rationall understanding , how there could be any reall safety to religion , in receiving him to reigne with his former principles , and with his unchanged heart amongst you . the world took notice in your treaties with him at the hague , & here too ▪ how litle trust you had in him , and how you held him off at first , but how you could afterwards , ( unless a mouthful or two of court air wil make wise men mad ) dispense with your consciences to soder with him when you saw no reall change of heart and self-abhorrence in him for his former wicked ways , & how the emitting of a feigned , forced declaration , upon minatory importunities , could be just incouragement for the admitting of a blood-thirsty and blood-guilty man ( for so in that declaration you have made him to confesse ) to reign over you , you will find a time to consider all these things . your 3. ground is this : as it is a great sin to countermand that which god hath commanded , and to give order , that a precept of god shall not oblige , so when such a command is given out , it is then casus confessionis , then to adhere to the authority of divine precepts , is a necessary restimony to the truth . but if ever these words afford a ground and warrant of conscience to walk in that practice of praying for the king , your assumption which you seem to understand and beg , must be proved , viz. that god hath given you such a command to pray for him , which the declaration countermands : but till then , this proposition will not reach the conclusion aimed at : if you be confessors , what truth of christ do you suffer for ? name it . is it not this , that charles stuart ought to be king ? and will you indeed stop your own mouths from preaching the blessed gospel of christ , rather then be silent about that mans interest ? wil you not preach christ , unless you may preach up charles stuart also ? now the lord lay not this sin to your charge . you wil suffer upon the lowest and most uncomfortable account that ever men did . for you suffer clearly upon the royall interest ; not for the testimony of jesus , not for any truth of religion , but as witnesses to the kings interest . your 4. ground is this : that ministers of the gospel receive their commission from jesus christ , which earthly powers cannot alter nor limit . for if in one duty , then in more ; and if they may prohibite a duty , they may command that which is no duty . and here still you take it for granted , that it is a duty to pray for that titular king ; but you should have proved , that when you were made ministers , christ did put this into your commission , and then you had said somthing . surely a popish exemption of the clergy from under the arm of the secular power , is not that which you drive at . for then you would never have alledged statutes and acts of parliament as oblieging you in conscience to the king . but this is certain , that that which formerly was , or which now is a duty , may cease to be a duty , not through any humane prohibition , but through a providentiall alteration of the state of things . the woman ( saith the apostle ) is bound by the law to her husband so long as he liveth , but if her husband be dead , she is freed from that law , rom. 7. 2 ▪ 3. and therfore your selves also upon this account of the revolutions of providence , do find a present freedom of conscience to desist from some former actings , to which you thought your selves formerly obliged by the covenant . and this may suffice for the removall of the grounds and pillars of this your practice of praying for the king , whereby you offer to prove that it is your duty . which being not yet done , we will put you into a way for the future , by cutting out your work for you , and laying open the true state of the controversie before you in a very few words . if ever you wil prove ( therefore ) that it is your duty to pray for the king , and no duty to pray for the commonwealth , you must prove these two things : 1. that every subject ought not only to look at the visible existence , but to be satisfied in his conscience about the title of the magistrates that rule over him , before he pray for them , or yeeld subjection to them . but contrary to this , it hath been already proved from the word of god , that it is warrant enough to any mans conscience to pray for authority , and quietly to submit himself thereto , if that he hath sensible assurance of his being in the hand thereof . the apostles word is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which signifies , the powers that are in being . but secondly , when you have done this , which in this paper you do not once attempt , which was a strange oversight , you must also prove , 2. that the king hath a just title to authority here , and that the parliament hath no just title . now for this , there are four allegations usuall . 1. his birth-right . 2. acts of parliament for him . 3. the pretended injustice of the war against him . 4. the solemn league and covenant . these are the most usuall weapons of defence in this cause . but each of these must be maintained and made good by that un-erring rule of the written word of god , before they will overcome the understandings , and convince the consciences of conscientious men . therefore if you have any thing to offer from the word of god for the maintaining of them , produce your cause , saith the lord , bring forth your strong reasons , saith the king of jacob . the lord now calls you to bring it forth ; which till it be done , we conceive , 1. that birth gives no title to magistracy . that every beggars brat in the high-way , upon that single consideration of his birth , hath as much title to the kingdom of scotland , as the children of charles stuart . this conceit of a birth-right unto magistracy ( unless that god confer a title upon such or such a family , as he did upon david's ) is one of the blind principles of tyranny , nourisht in mens consciences , through popish darkness , and now that god is discovering the mystery of antichrist , and unravelling that whole web of iniquity , which is woven and made up of two threeds twisted together , viz. civil and spirituall slavery : he hath begun to discover this also . if some families in the world had the faculty of begetting wise children , and fit for government , there were some colour of reason , why their birth should give them a right , viz. because it gives them a fitnesse to govern . but we see that wise men beget fools . but you will say , parliaments may intail the crown , and give a title to such or such a family , though god by immediate designation do not . but then you must prove this . and then we add , 2. that it may be proved both from the scriptures , and from common sense , that it is both unlawful and impossible for any parliament to make such an act as shall bind the hands of their successors . and the reason is this , because that no humane wisdom is able to foresee all the future inconveniences that may arise ; and therfore no humane constitution can be , or ought to be unalterable . the next power may disannul it . therefore the king hath no title upon this accompt : for the commonwealth hath repealed those acts. but if you say , the commonwealth doth not lawfully succeed your parliaments ; then 3. you fall upon the business of the war ; which if you will undertake , you have many difficult things to prove , and that under the heavy disadvantage of a contrary testimony from heaven ; whereof one is this , that that man had some rights in england . for this was part of the quarrell , whereas we know that he had no rights there , neither by the word of god , nor by the laws of our land . and therefore the war was just . for the english army did not march a step against you , though there were other just provocations , till your commissioners had patcht up the businesse with him at the hague , asserting i know not what pretended rights of his in england . but 4. if you will needs be tryed by the solemn league and covenant , a weapon at which you seem to be very expert , we must then cut you out some more work , viz. 1. to prove that your sense is the true sense of it . 2. if you prove that , then you must prove that the covenant it self was a lawfull thing ; when you have justified your disobedience to authority , by the covenant , you must then justifie the covenant it self by the word of god . we perceive , that many who talk much of the covenant , understand it no better than those highlanders , who having summoned a castle , and being asked in whose name they summoned it : they answered , in the name of the solemn league and covenant . and truly they seem to us to understand it little better , who say , we are tied by the covenant to resist the power that ruleth over us , to inforce your presbyterian way upon the whole nation of england , to preserve from justice that grand delinquent , who slew with the edge of the sword so many thousand innocent persons . for he shed innocent blood very much , till he had filled the streets of jerusalem from one end to another , and the whole land therewith in all the cities and coasts thereof , besides his sin in building up again the high places , & in rearing up altars for baalim but by this time you see your work , and what you must prove , if every you will justifie your present wayes before god or men . and yet we must tell you once more , that when you have proved all the rest , you have proved nothing , if you leave out the first , as you have done in this your paper . and now to proceed to the rest of it . that one passage only seems worthy of most particular animadversion where you think fit to mention your peaceable and quiet deportment , and that you have in no wise stirred up the people to tumults and seditions ; which , if it be a true and sincere profession , fame hath done you very much wrong . but are not prayers for the king , under that name and notion of king , under such designations of him , and in such expressions and petitions for him , as may insinuate your respect towards him , to the people , ( for else , why did you alleadge your oaths and covenants , which you say , bind you to him as your king , if you put up only such modest and innocent petitions for him as may suit any wicked man in affliction ? ) and are not complaints of a strange power in your prayers to god , and preachings to the people , are these no wayes nor means of disquieting and stirring up the people ? we commend unto you that of david : lord , lead me in a way of plainness , because of them that observe me . psa. 27. 11. and the primitive church , in acts 2. 46. walked in simplicity and singleness of heart . but if your future deportment shall attest and make good the truth of this your profession , that which is past will be forgotten and forgiven . but for men of reputation to relinquish and abandon that interest , we are apprehensive how much it may reflect upon their honor and wisdom in tampering with it so long , in complying with it , and cleaving to it at the first ; and we have seen conscience pretended , when such an interest hath layn at the bottom , which is hypocrisie . from which , as also from pertinacy in your way , there is no better way to purge your selves , that it may not seem to cleave to you , as naaman's leprosie to gehezi for ever , than by submission to the powers that are , and supplications for the city wherein you live : in the peace whereof you shall have peace . for the present let us briefly commend to your most serious thoughts these four considerations in reference to the matter in hand . 1. what a fruitless and sad mistake of the nature of your work it is , to pray and preach up particular interests among your people , when you should preach the saving truths of the gospel to their souls . alas ! what profits it to the business of faith and repentance and spiritual union and communion with the lord jesus , to cry-up the king , or to cry-down the common-wealth ? will you cease to preach the gospel rather than cease to preach up charles stuart ? we mourn for you before the lord in this thing , and the lord jesus help you in it . would the spirit of god thus forsake you , and leave you to such a sinful and dreadful mistake , were there not something wherein you have first forsaken him ? now the lord help you to look into your hearts , and to consider your wayes , and to make diligent search . sure we are , that you are sadly and strangely below and beside the business , the great business of divinity in these impertinent strifs about civil interests . and this is the first consideration . 2. that the same obligation lies upon our consciences , to preserve the peace of the commonwealth , which , you say , doth upon yours to hold up the interest of the king : and with this advantage , that we are subservient therein to him , whose almighty hand hath actually placed this power over you , and hath not yet born witness to the contrary interest . for we will remember the name of our god , and his wonderfull works : we will often make mention of the loving kindness of the lord , and the praises of the lord , according to all that the lord hath bestowed on us and done for us , according to his mercies , and according to the multitude of his loving kindnesses . and indeed , it is a matter of conscience with us , not to betray , nor to wrong , or weaken that cause through over much indulgence , to which god himself hath born witness . we do beleeve that the present cause of the commonwealth , hath much of the interest of christ wrapt up with it . and , though to tender consciences , dissenting from us , we shew much favour and forbearance ; yet conscience , you know , is not the rule , but the word of god . and though we hope better things of you , yet there be two sorts of consciences , which we conceive are not usually very tender , viz. heretical consciences , and seditious consciences . 3. consider how long a time of tenderness and forbearance you have had , ever since the english power first prevailed here , and how long god and man hath waited on you ; which we think will not be easily parallel'd in the histories of former ages . we have carried our selves towards you , ( to the praise of his grace we speak it , because you call us , & compel us to it ) not as victors to conquered enemies , but as brethren , to brethren , for so indeed we desire to look on you ▪ and no otherwise . and whatever there is in our power , wherein we may further encourage you and strengthen your hands in the work of the ministery , we hope we shall rejoyce to do it , for his sake whom you ought to serve in the gospel of his son . if the lord would encline your hearts to know and to do his work ; it is our hearts desire and prayer to god , that his good pleasure may prosper with you . wherein , we hope , we shall one day praise him ▪ when the envy of ephraim shall depart . you may be as good , as holy as you will , you may enjoy all the ordinances of christ in the liberty and purity of the gospel , according to your hearts desire , in your own way , and according to your own consciences . which is more than you would have allowed to us . we know nothing but the carkass of church discipline without the life and power of it , yea , a mungrel discipline made up of civil aswel as spiritual power , and so no better than a gospel monster that hath been taken from you : which warming in its bowels a fatal engine of disobedience to that civil government which the hand of the almighty hath set over you , and which doth plenarily possess and protect you , it could not with any colour of conscience or reason be any longer suffered in that exorbitancy : but if your discipline which hath been wont to be a check to your parliaments , will hereafter learn to keep within its own channel , you may still practice it , as sundry godly persons of the presbyterian judgment do at this day in england . therefore , why are the dissentions of brethren like the bars of a palace ? what shall be done for you ? you speak of burdens : we know not what you mean , unless it be the monthly assessment , for there is no other burden laid on you , ( but some we are sure are taken off ) which yet is no more for all scotland , than for that one county of vlster in ireland , viz. about 8000 l. a month . and you say , you have been no hinderance to the people to bear the burdens in quietness that are laid upon them : for indeed , why should you ? are not you the very men that lay these burdens on them ? the assessment is for the pay of the army ( though it goes but a little way towards it . ) the army is continued , because the people are unquiet and disaffected . but who is it that feeds these malignant humors , and keeps up this disaffection of the people ? who is it ? and what will they answer for it in the great day of accompt ? let us reason with you before the lord a little . this power which god hath set over you for your good , and which the lord knows hath been favorable and tender over you : what have returns been ? protection requires allegeance by the rule of com ▪ mutative justice . but have you not made unworthy , unchristian returns upon them for that protection , for that love and tenderness whereby they have sought to win you , by being their enemies in heaven & earth ? endeavoring to alienate the hearts of the lords people from them , and denying them that remembrance in your prayers , which they have often begg'd , and which , you know , they would prize far more than that wicked man doth , for whom you cry , even to the lord do you cry , but be answers you not . and are there two greater unkindnesses in the world than these ? and yet the lord hath enabled them to forgive , or at least to forbear you hitherto . but take heed , if you persist in your course , having had dreadful meetings with god therein , lest you bring the matter to this passe , that god will not forgive though we would . for thy violence against thy brother jacob , thou shalt be cut off for ever , obad. 10. now it may be ingenuity may work in you ; but if nothing will break your hearts , you will find to our grief , and to your trouble , that the patience of mortal men is finite . 4. consider sadly , how little benefit and advantage ariseth to the interest of jesus christ in scotland , yea , what real dis-service you do to him , by your adhering to that man , whom the lord by a mighty hand hath taken from you , and by dis-accepting his kindness therein , and in casting forth the branches of that bloody house , which hath been a plague to this nation from the dayes of your forefathers . if you accept not the instruments who did it , or approve not the manner of their proceedings therein , yet why do you not rejoyce for the thing it self ? all the world knows that you were innocent enough about it . we know not any magistracy at this day appearing upon the earth , to whom the lord hath given a more abundant and immediate testimony , and for whose establishment he hath more gloriously revealed & made bare his own arm from heaven , and who have further engaged in protecting and promoting the interest of jesus christ in the world , then this which you resist , and whose hands you labour to weaken . but will you be the men of al others , who hinder the kingdom of god from coming ? god forbid . as for this man , heaven and earth are witnesses , that you have don your duty to him , ( if so you cal it ) even to the utmost ; both day and night have seen it . you have wept over his grave long enough . therefore we leave with you , beseeching him to set it home upon your hearts , that which the lord said to samuel , ( 1 sam. 16 ) how long wile thou mourn for saul , whom i have rejected from reigning over israel . finis . the case of protestants in england under a popish prince if any shall happen to wear the imperial crown. clarkson, david, 1622-1686. 1681 approx. 81 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33356 wing c4569 estc r1246 11781146 ocm 11781146 49064 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33356) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49064) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 811:16) the case of protestants in england under a popish prince if any shall happen to wear the imperial crown. clarkson, david, 1622-1686. 34 p. printed for richard janeway ..., london : 1681. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. attributed to david clarkson by wing. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature. church of england. church and state -great britain. protestants -england. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case of protestants in england under a popish prince , if any shall happen to wear the imperial crown . london : printed for richard janeway in queens-head-alleyin pater-noster-row , 1681. the case of protestants in england , &c. a prince putting himself and his dominions under the popes authority , and admitting ( as he must unavoidably ) the laws and decrees of the romish church ; all his protestant subjects , being by the judgment and sentence of that church hereticks , do forthwith lye under the penalties which those laws and constitutions will have inflicted upon hereticks . and these are the severest penalties , being proportioned to the crime which that church judgeth most hainous ; for heresie is treason with them , and the highest degree of high treason , for it is ( say they ) crimen laesae majestatis divinae , treason against the divine majesty , and so , much worse than treason against any prince on earth ; and upon this ground they commonly justifie all severities decreed against hereticks . not to mention particular doctors , innocent a the third thus argues in a special instance , this punishment is justly inflicted upon hereticks , because it is so in case of civil treason , which is a smaller fault than treason against the divine majesty . and there is an edict of b frederick confirmed and made a church-constitution by several popes , particularly by innocent 4th , wherein what is enacted against traytors , is declared to fall upon hereticks multo fortiùs justinsque , with much more force and justice . so that the papal authority being introduced among protestants , they are forthwith traytors by law , and stand in no better terms , than the worst of traytors , and are exposed to the penalties which the highest treason is judged worthy of . let me instance in two or three particulars briefly ; for i must but point at the miseries of protestants in such a state , not give a full prospect of them . infamy is one of them ( that i may begin with the least ) . hereticks are infamous by law c it is certain ( saith d suarez ) that hereticks both by common and civil law are infamous , for which he alledged several texts of the popes law , and extends it to the favourers of hereticks , if they repent not within a year ; and to their children for some generations , if their parents dyed pertinacious . it is many penalties in one , including several things grievous and intolerable to all sorts e ; for upon this account , those whom they count hereticks , are deprived of all nobility , jurisdiction , and dignity ; and debarr'd from all offices , benefices , and publick councils ; they are uncapable of chusing , or of being chosen to them , ( so that it reacheth all sorts ) , clergy , laity , noble and ignoble , ( as the same author tells us ) . and they fall under all this immediately , ipso facto , as soon as they are hereticks , before any sentence declaratory of their crime ; so in a manner all the f doctors conclude , in quo authores ferè conveniunt , proving it from the very words of the law aforementioned . let me mention some of the particulars comprized in this legal insamy : protestants are hereby excluded from all publick councils , and so from parliaments ; being uncapable of either chusing , or being chosen thereto . this is the decree of a general g council , besides several constitutions for it in the canon-law . so that all the lords and commons in england would be by law ( while they are protestants ) debarred from having any place in parliament ; and all the freeholders from chusing any ; and that by a law paramount to any civil law , or national constitution : and this alone would be enough to ruine and enslave this , or any people whose liberty depends upon parliaments . they are excluded from all dignities , this is essential to the penalty ; for it is a h rule in their law , infamibus portae non pateant dignitati ; particularly noblemen are degraded from their nobility , and deprived of all honours i , this by the same law : and it is extended to their children by many of their k authors , who say expresly , that the issue of traytors , civil or spiritual , lose their nobility , both that which they had by priviledge , and that which comes by descent from their ancestors . they are deprived not only of all ecclesiastical benefices , but of all secular offices , which is expressed in the law forequoted ; particularly it is decreed l that hereticks be not admitted into any publick office , or benefice ; but if they be , it is null and void . nor can they exercise any jurisdiction , either spiritual or civil , as their m authors commonly determine : and upon this account they conclude all our judges , justices and magistrates , that are protestants , to be incompetent , such as have no more jurisdiction than the bench they sit on , and think not themselves at all obliged to answer them ; or if they condescend to give them an answer , yet not to speak the truth before them , although they be sworn to it . in short , all that owe any duty to hereticks are discharged from the obligation , and exempted from paying any . in their canon law it is decreed n that all who are bound to hereticks by any obligation , whether of oath , or fealty , or service , or any other agreement , or promise , are freed there from . subjects owe no allegiance to their prince , nay they may lawfully kill them , as their authors commonly conclude . servants owe masters no faithfulness , no service ; though they be slaves , and purchased with their money , yet they are discharged ; and if they discover their master's heresie , and so seek to take away his life , though they be not christians , it 's reason ( they hold ) that they have absolute freedom when none but christian slaves may have it , save upon such a treacherous o account . parents lose authority over their children , so their law p will have it : and children owe no duty to such parents , only they are bound under mortal sin to denounce them , that is , to discover their heresie ; which is the way to deprive their parents of their lives . and they give this reason for it , because it is lawful for a child to kill his father , if he be an enemy to the common-wealth ; and therefore he may much more lawfully in this case deal thus with his father , that is , betray him to death . this is an act worthy of honour and praise , as is proved by the constitutions of several popes , and so many other q writers , that it may pass for their common doctrine ; nor can they be secured from suffering for their parents heresie , without detecting them , as * innocent 4th decrees . we see a little to what condition the admission of the papal authority would reduce us ; it would expel nature and humanity , and make the dearest relatives unnatural and barbarous to one another ; it would leave no protestant either dignity or authority , either safety or liberty ; by these law ( which must then be ours ) our nobles are sentenced to be peasants , and peasants must be no better than slaves . secondly , another penalty to which hereticks are condemned by their laws , is confiscation of all their estates or goods . and this they incur , ipso jure , & ipso facto , that is immediately , as soon as they shew themselves hereticks , before the sentence of any judg. there is an express decree r for this in the canon law , bona haereticorum ipso jure decernimus confiscata , we decree that the goods of hereticks are confiscated by sentence of law. in this the gloss , and all the doctors who write of s hereticks do agree ; and upon this reason among others , because humane laws punish treason against men , and sometimes lesser crimes , with confiscation of goods ; therefore much more must treason against the divine majesty , which is committed by heresie , be thus punished . and this reason is assigned not only in the text of the canon law now mentioned , but also in other texts , particularly innocent t the third thereby proves , that hereticks goods are confiscated , because this is decreed against civil treason , which is much less than that against the divine majesty . by vertue of this confiscation , hereticks , as soon as ever they discover it , are deprived of all propriety and title to their estates , before any sentence passed against them . suarez u saith , this is the common doctrine . sanchez x musters up multitudes of doctors for it : and * corduba tells us , that all their doctors in a manner , both canonists and divines maintain it . but though they generally agree that protestants by law have lost all propriety , and have no title at all to any estate ; yet there is some difference among them about the possession of what is thus confiscated . for many of them hold , that hereticks before any sentence , are bound in conscience to quit the possession of all they have , and sin damnably if they do not ; especially if their heresie be publick and notorious , as it is in all professed protestants : and their reasons are good enough , if the principles upon which they proceed were so . for the sentence which some count pre-requisite , is not pretended to be damnatory , to condemn to the punishment , for that is already done by law ; but only ( as all agree ) declarative of the crime , that the crime may be evident , and who are guilty of it ; which is needless when it is evident and notorious before . others of them teach that hereticks may keep possession , and are ●ot to be deprived of it , before the sentence declarative of the crime . but though this latter seem more favourable , yet it is of little or no advantage to protestants , since those that have a mind to their forfeited estates , may soon procure such a sentence ; for an ordinary bishop , or other ecclesiastical person may pass it , as the law it y self declares . for example : corker the benedictine , lately arraigned , was ordered by the pope to be bishop of london ; if their plot had so far succeeded , that the popes orders had taken place , he might in his spiritual court have declared all the known protestants in london , and his whole diocess to be hereticks ; which done , all the nobles , citizens and others in his diocess , might have been turned immediately out of possession , and stript of all they had ; and this by law. the effects of this confiscation , wherein they all agree , make the severity of the law apparent ; and the forbearance of seizure before sentence of little consideration , if they thought themselves obliged not to seize such estates before . first , all the profits made of the estate from the first day of their guilt are to be refunded , if they be extant and found among their z goods , formally , or but so much as equivalently ; nay , some a will have them responsible for the mean profits , though they be consumed or spent , if so be they knew themselves to be obnoxious , when they spent them : or being spent , if the estate be any thing better on that account , they are still looked on as being extant , and the estate still lyable : and it is counted better , if the party be b richer , if he therewith bought any thing else , or made use thereof to pay his debts , or bought but necessaries to live on , and thereby spared his other revenues . secondly , all alienations by gift , sale , or otherwise , before sentence , are null and void ; and all contracts for that purpose rescinded ; in this , suarez saith , all their writers agree c unanimously ; and the exchequer of the pope or popish prince will recover all that hath been so disposed of by the hereticks to others where ever they be , or in whole possession soever they be found , or through how many hands soever they have passed ; this is the doctrine vniversally embraced by all their doctors of law , and all their divines , so understanding the text of their law , as d sanchez tells us . nay it is a sin e for him to fell any part of his goods or estate , without discovering to the purchaser his hazard , in buying what is by law confiscated . and in this case the purchase will be forced from him without restoring the price he paid for it , unless it be found among the hereticks goods , for which the same jesuit alledgeth above thirty f doctors . nor are those to whom the estate is escheated any way obliged , to pay any of the hereticks debts g , which were contracted since his heresie , and so his creditors ( not excepting roman catholicks ) may be lawfully ruined , as well as himself . thirdly , the children and heirs of hereticks are deprived of their portions . and though this seem hard in their own apprehensions , that they should be ruined and reduced to poverty for their parents fault ; yet what they suffer is not to be considered , because the child is not here punished by or in himself , but by accident , and in another . and this is all the satisfaction the best of them give in this pitiful case , suarez ibid. nor will their law admit that any commiseration of the innocent should be any impediment to the severity of the execution ; but provides against it in these words , neither shall this severe censure , for the disinheriting of orthodox children be any way hindred , by the pretence of compassion ; since in many cases by divine judgment , the children are temporally punished for their fathers ; and according to canonical sanctions , vengeance may be sometimes taken , not only upon the authors of wickedness , but their posterity , cap. vergentis , tit. de haereticis . but what if the children to whom the estate is left , be roman catholicks , are they to be thrust from an estate left them by their heretical parents ? this seems impolitick , since hereby no hopes are left to any for securing their estates by turning papists ; and not only so , but they confess it seems to be against piety , and in the 4 th synod of toledo there is a limitation for the security of such innocents ; but by the canon law in after-times that limitation was exploded , and the catholick descendents of hereticks excluded from having any advantage h by their confiscated estates . this is expressed in the text of their law , and more fully in an original epistle of pope innocent the third . suarez . ibid. pag. 775. but suppose the posterity of a protestant or his children , being still papists , have continued in the possession of the estates so left them for many years together ( forty or an hundred years ) , will not this create them a title ? since prescription may do it where there is no other right , and is allowed so to do both by civil and canon law ; and an hundred years is confessed to be sufficient for prescription i against the roman church in other cases ? no , an hundred years will not suffice in this case , if the possessors , or their fathers knew that he who left them the estate was an heretick , and if he was at any time suspected to be so while he lived ; or if he was reputed a catholick all his days ; yet if any time within 40 years after his decease , it appears he was an heretick , there is no place left for prescription : but then they will have the estate seised , in whose hands soever it be sound , and the k possessors thrust out , though they be roman catholicks . hereby it appears , that as soon as the papacy is admitted , all title and property is lost and extinct among us by the law which will then be in force , unless in those few families who never had a protestant proprietor ; nor are they secure as to any part of their estate , which ever belonged to hereticks : and therefore we must not think his holiness acted extravagantly , when he declared all his majesties territories to be his own as forfeited to the holy see for the heresie of prince and people : for herein he proceeded regularly , and according to that which they esteem the best law in the world. not only abbey lands are in danger , who ever possess them , but all estates are forfeited to his exchequer , and legally confiscated : all is his own which protestants in these three nations have , or ever had , if he can but meet with a prince so wise , as to help him to catch it . thus we see the process of their law against protestants must not end with their lives , but follow them many years beyond death and the grave ; and ruine their children , and childrens children , when they are gone : and when they have left a heretick nothing of his own to subsist on , it is provided also that he shall have no relief from others : for this is part of his penalty l that none shall receive him into their houses , nor afford him any help , nor shew him any favour , nor give him any counsel . we in england are zealous for property , and all the reason in the world we should be ; but we must bid adieu to this when we once come under the popes authority ; for as soon as this is admitted , all the protestants in these nations are beggars by law , by the laws of that church ( which will then be ours ) , divesting us of all propriety and title to what ever we count our own . thirdly , the last penalty i shall insist on , which their law will have inflicted on hereticks , is death . this is the sentence of the canon law. hereticks m are to be delivered to the secular power to undergo due punishment , and that is death , as appear by many papal bulls approving and receiving the civil laws , which have adjudged hereticks to death : for though those laws were originally intended , against such only which were hereticks indeed : yet since the roman church will have all protestants to be hereticks , they must suffer death by vertue thereof , how far soever they be from heresie . and the canon law further determines , that secular judges cannot remit the penalty , as appears by the text , cap. ut officium , and is more fully explained in the bull of vrban the 4th , and in another of innocent 4th . hereupon n zanardus takes it for granted , that all laws will have every heretick put to death ; and their angelical doctor o is positive , that hereticks , though they do not pervert others , may be justly killed by secular judges , and bereaved of all they have , rather than such as are guilty of high-treason . if there were need to cite particular doctors , suarez assures us , that it is the judgment of all their doctors , ita docent omnes doctores . but there is a constitution of paul p 4th , which may serve instead of all ; where to shew how impartial their decrees are in this case , having declared that with the unanimous consent of the cardinals , all poenal acts , canons , constitutions against hereticks , made by any popes , councils , or others , are by apostolical authority renewed and inforced ; he specifies persons of greatest eminency in church and state , viz. earls , barons , marquesses , dukes , kings , emperors , &c. and will have all these punishment inflicted on them , if they are , or shall hereafter be hereticks . particularly it is decreed , that they are therefore deprived wholly and perpetually of their baronies , marquesats , dukedoms , kingdoms , empires , and rendered uncapable hereof , so as they shall never be restored . and to make sure work , all of them , kings and emperours among the rest , shall be put to death q only if they recant , the holy see may shew them this clemency , as to thrust them into some monastery , there to do penance all their days with bread and water . this punishment they extend very far r for death is to be insticted , not only on the teachers of what they call heresie ; but on all who belive any doctrines opposite to what the romanists receive as matters of faith , though they draw none else thereto ; yea on all that believe any one point of such doctrine , though they reuounce all the rest ; for they agree , that one errour makes a heretick , though all besides that one be abjured . and on those also who abjure them all , if they do not likewise discover their complices ; and so betray all the protestants they know , to death . for such , though they do profess themselves to be papists , and conform to them in all things ; yet if they discover not others , and expose them to death , they are judged to be but s counterfeit catholicks , and not worthy to live . the death they will have us suffer , is burning alive ; no death more tolerable , or of less exquisite torture will satisfie the mercy of that church . for though they find no rule for this in the body of the civil law , yet they alledge some latter constitutions for it , and particularly that of frederick ( which the popes have made their own law ) in these words t decernimus ut vivi in conspectu hominum comburantur , we decree that they shall be burned alive in the sight of the world. the holy canons it is presumed are for it : the first statute of henry 4th in england , for the buring of hereticks , was enacted according to the holy canons . and if they had no other law for it , yet the use and custom of their church hath the sorce of a law ; and makes it as lawful and necessary for them to burn i rotestants , as it is to burn faggots when they are cold ; and that it is the custom of the church , they have the testimony of all nations round about us . we need go no further than our native countrey , where in the days of the last popish successor it is proved by near 300 witnesses , that their laws will have all sorts of us burnt alive , without regard of age , sex , or quality . and if we will not be satisfied that they may lawfully burn us , man , woman and child , unless we have scripture for it , they have it ready , john 15. 6. if any one abide not in me , men gather them , and cast them into the fire , and they are burned . alledged by divers of their prime u authors for this purpose ; which proves as plainly and infallibly that protestants must be burned , as — feed my sheep proves that the pope hath power to kill both king and people . the process against hereticks in the inquisition is remarkably merciful , for there a protestant shall not have the favour to be burnt at first x , and dye once ; but must suffer many deaths before , by enduring divers tortures more grievous than death , before he be brought to the fire . one that hath the spirit of a christian , and reads the account of the tortures there in use , would scarce think that any but the devils could be either the inventors or executioners of them . but pope paul the 4th would better inform him , who ascribes the setling of the inquisition in spain , to the inspiration of the holy ghost ; and there is no doubt but his successors would attribute it to the same inspiration , if they could get it setled in england . and they are highly concerned to endeavour it , if they believe the words of a dying pope . for y paul the 4th in a speech before his death ( and so before his infallibility expired ) declared to the cardinals , that the authority of the roman church depends only upon the office of the inquisition . and indeed it is very fit , that such an authority should have such a foundation . nor can any question that it is necessary and pious to exercise all the cruelties of the inquisition upon us , without shaking the whole foundation of the roman church , and all the authority of it . hereupon how are we concerned to look about us ? we ought to remember ( for they are not like to forget it ) , that as soon as ever the papal authority is admitted among us , all the protestants in these nations are dead men in law ; being under a law that hath sentenced us already to be burned alive , and under a power that hath declared it necessary that no one of us escape with life . but they are not yet quite ready for burning us , though they are impatient till they be so ; and shew what design they have upon our persons , by turning our houses and goods into flames . for this course they think not fit to take , how just and pious soever they est●em it , meerly because they cannot , or dare not till they have the law in their hands , and power to murder us by a judicial process . where protestants are numerous and potent , the way they then take for discharging the obligation that is upon them to destroy us , is by treacherous massacres , or open wars or assassinations . they hold it lawful to make war upon hereticks for their heresie . so z bonacina , diana , castro , molanus , and others : but cardinal allen a our countreyman may suffice , who asserts it to be not only lawful , but necessary to take arms against his prince and people , being hereticks . it is clear ( saith he ) that what people and persons soever , be declared to be opposite to gods church , with what obligation soever , either of kindred , friendship , loyalty , or subjection , i be bound unto them ; i may or rather must take arms against them . and then must we take them for far hereticks , when our lawful popes adjudge them so to be . not only soveraign princes and the pope , but a bishop may raise war for the faith , against those that are excommunicate , if they submit not : so hostiensis , and others b after him . they count it a more necessary and holy war which is levied for the destroying of hereticks , than the war against the turks . hence cardinal c pool in his address to charles the fifth , importunes him to turn his arms against the protestants , being more concerned to ruin them than the turks . they think the destroying of protestants by massacres , sometimes more advisable , for avoiding the hazards of a war ; and these how bloody and treacherous soever , will be both lawful and meritorious , being for the rooting out of a pestilent heresie , and the promoting of the roman interest . the barbarous irish never thought their hands and weapons better imployed than in butchering the protestants : and this not more from the savageness of their nature , than from the laws and doctrine wherein they have so much encouragement for such bloodiness . the least they could expect for it , was full pardon of all sin , such as is promised to those who make war against the turks , and for the recovery of the holy land. for several popes had thus rewarded the irish , for less bloody feats than these ; and thereby testified how meritorious it is , to shed the blood of english protestants d . charles the ninth , with the french papists , never acted any thing with more satisfaction to his holiness , than that tragedy in paris , and other cities , where so many thousand hugonots were most treacherously and inhumanely slaughtered . the pope would not have so great delight as he took therein to be transient , but that it might afford him a continued entertainment , would have it painted in his palace . and for this , triumphs were made by the papists almost every where , as a most glorious action . and that there might be a concurrence of the greatest impiety , with the greatest inhumanity , publick thanks must be returned to god , in france and italy , for the stabbing drowning , pistolling , and cutting the throats of so many thousands ; inticed thither by the solemnity of a marriage , with all the security that the promise and oath of a king could give them : but nothing is unlawful that will ruine the protestant religion . only in one thing these fell short ; for though near three hundred thousand were thus murdered in both nations , yet they kill'd not all ; whereas if they had not suffered one protestant in france or ireland to escape with life , the catholick design had been there perfectly accomplished , and the bloody actors had more highly merited ; for that merits most , which most promotes the catholick interest , which is most promoted when heresie and hereticks are quite extirpated ; and so to kill all hereticks , is most meritorious . this was it that our conspirators aimed at , they intended to leave no protestants alive ; those that escaped the massacre , should have been cut off by their army e and coleman saith , their design prospered so well , that he doubted not but in a little time , their business would be managed to the utter ruin of the protestant party , in his letter f to the internuncio . the effecting of this , with the consequence of it , was a thing so desirable , so meritorious , that if he had a sea g of blood , and a hundred lives , he would lose them all to carry on the design ; and if to effect this , it were necessary to destroy an hunderd heretical kings , he would do it . we must not imagine that it was a sin , with this man , to destroy an hundred kings , and an hundred kingdoms too , in such a cause ; a cause , no doubt , most glorious , and of transcendent merit in their account ; when one man might without profuseness , be at the expence of an hundred lives , and a sea of blood , to promone it . it is true by his expressions , he seems to be in some transport , and no wonder when he had so fair a prospect of the utter ruin of protestants by their present bloody design ; and speaks of their ruine as a thing certain , and not to be doubted of . sure this was a sight so fair , so transporting , as must needs ravish a good roman catholick out of his senses . but then how sensless must they be , who will not believe our utter ruine was designed , when such as best knew it , make no doubt , but it would in a little time , be certainly effected ? however we cannot think that they who make so little of killing an hundred kings , when they stand in the way of their catholick design , will stick at assassinating any particular subjects . when we hear papists say ( as divers such sayings have been of late observed ) that they would make no more to kill a protestant man , or child , than to kill a dog h we look upon them as wild expressions , which proceed rather from the wickedness of the persons than of their principles ; whereas indeed they have ground enough from the writings of their chief authors . one of their greatest divines proving that they may justly kill us , being hereticks , makes use of this argument among others , christ calls hereticks thieves and robbers ; but sure thieves and robbers are worthy of death ; also he calls them ravenous wolves , matth. 7. luke . 20 but wolves are not only to be driven from the flock , but also to be kill'd , if it be possible . so suarez i argues , and his argument seems less toletarable , than the other villanous expression , for it seems more meritorious to kill a wolf than a dog. cardinal * baronius tells the pope ( though his holiness might know so evident a truth before ) that peter had a double ministry , to feed , and to kill ; according to that text , feed my sheep : and according to that too , kill and eat : for , saith he , when the pope hath to do with refractory opposers , then peter is commanded to kill , and slay , and devour . much according to this cardinals doctrine is the saying of singlcton k the priest , that he would make no more to stah forty parliament men , than to eat his dinner . and who can discern b●t the priest ; expression is as agreeable to the cardinals comment , as that is to his text ? girald and kelly , the two priest ; that were chief in the murder of sir edmondbury godfrey , that they might draw mr. prance into that barbarous action , told him , l that it was no murder , no sin ( and girald said , nothing was to be made of killing twenty hereticks in such a case , ) that it was an act of charity , and a meritorious work . we may easily conceive , how they will have it to be an act of justice ; for they are taught , that the killing of hereticks justa est quia vindicativa ; and so withal , how it may be meritorious ; every act of vertue being so , by their doctrine : but how it can be an act of charity , is not so easie to discern . we shall hardly be perswaded , that to kill us , is an act of charity ; but if they will have it so , so it must be . and then who can deny but that papists are the most charitable persons under the cope of heaven , since they will not stick to murder millions of protestants ( all in these nations ) out of meer catholick charity ? vvhat need they more to stop the mouths of any , that will dare hereafter to accuse their church as uncharitable ? they may have two hundred thousand arguments from one topick , the massacre in ireland , to prove that none ever out of hell , were more emiuent for this vertue , no not the assassins themselves . the gunpowder-traytors were as much for the meritoriousness of murdering hereticks . john grant one of the principal conspirators , the day he was executed , being advised by a grave and learned person , to repent of that wicked enterprize ; he answered , that he was so far from counting it a sin ; that on the contrary he was confident , that noble design had so much of merit in it , as would be abundantly enough to make satisfaction for all the sins of his whole life , as m casaubon assures from good evidence . o the dreadful power of the spirit of delusion , which can perswade a man even when he is dying , that the most horrid and barbarous design that ever the devils helped any of their instrumants to contrive , is so transcendently both meritorious and satisfactory ! yet this is not a private spirit , but that by which the roman church seems generally inspired . this was but a more compendious way , of executing the laws of their church against protestants . and roman catholicks are left to devise what expedient they can , for the execution of them ; when they are not in a capacity of proceeding the ordinary way , by burning us . and that invention will have most of merit , which is most quick and extensive , and makes an end of most at once . the society is particularly under the conduct of that spirit ; for the provincial garnet , tesmond , gerard , and other jesuits did teach the conspirators this catholick doctrine n that the king , nobility , clergy and whole commonalty of the realm of england ( papists excepted ) were hereticks , and that all hereticks were accursed and excommunicate , and that no heretick could be a king ; but that it was lawful and meritorious to kill the king , and all other hereticks within this realm of england ; for the advancing and enlargement of the authority and jurisdiction of the bishop of rome , and for the restoring of the romish religion . what ? is it meritorious to kill all in the realm ? yes , the more the better , the greater the sacrifice , the greater will the value and merit of it be : they will prove it unanswerably by an argument from the less to the greater . if it be meritorious to kill one heretick , it will be as much more meritorious to kill all in a kingdom ; as all in a whole kingdom are more than one single person . thus the greater any wickedness is , the more powerful motive their church hath for its encouragement ; the more prodigiously bloody and inhumane it is , the more will the catholick merit of it advance . and the ground of this is observable , they will have it meritorious to murder this whole nation , king and people , because they were hereticks , and all hereticks are accursed and excommunicated . now king james and the people of these kingdoms were not at this time excommunicate expresly , nor so denounced , nor any such sentence against them published , as the jesuits acknowledged ; only they were included in the general excommunication , which is denounced by the pope against all hereticks every year the week before easter . so that all who are in their account hereticks , but one year , or but one day before m●undy thursday , are sufficiently accursed and excommunicated , to make them liable to be justly killed ; and to render any papist capable of meriting , by doing execution upon them . all the protestants in these nations may be meritoriously slaughtered , as soon as ever the papists have opportunity to do it , without expecting a warrant from any other sentence , or excommunication , than what we are continually under . this was the doctrine of our english jesuits , of garnet their superiour particularly , whom the papists here honoured as a pope , and paid him the veneration due to his holiness , by kissing his feet , and reverenced his judgment as an oracle ; and since his death he hath the honours of a martyr . and if he and his associates be counted martyrs , for but designing to destroy the protestants of these realms , though they miscarried ; what would their successors be thought worthy of , if they could attempt it successfully , and do effectual execution ? garnet further declared it to be his judgment , that it was so necessary to have protestants destroyed ; that it would be meritorious to attempt it , even in such a way , as would ruine many catholicks with them . catesby ( with respect to the powder-plot , whereby many roman catholicks , and some of considerable quality , were like to be blown up together with the protestants ) inquires of their oracle , * whether it was lawful to ruine the guilty and the innocent together ? garnet first answers in a private house , that it is lawful , if so much advantage can be gained by it , as will countervail the destruction of the innocent . afterwards he tells them in the fields , that they may lawfully extinguish the good and bad together , and that it would be an act of great merit , if it would much promote the catholick interest . upon this account we see how it might be meritorious to burn london , though the houses and goods of many papists were consumed in the flames ; yea , and how the most desperate villains amongst them might merit heaven , and expiate all the crimes of a most flagitious life , if he could but fire the whole kingdom : provided so many protestants were thereby ruined , as would countervail the loss of such catholicks , who could not escape the common flames . whereby we see their principles and actings , both of them are grounded upon their church-laws , sentencing hereticks to death and ruine . the executing of these laws is the exercise of a principal vertue , an act of justice , and is upon this and other accounts esteemed meritorious . execution must be done one way or other in order to it ; they must and will do , what our present circumstances leave feasible . they cannot now in a bishops court try and condemn us , and then deliver us to the secular power to be burnt at a stake ; but they can stab , or pistol , or poyson us , or blow us up ; and these are acts of justice upon malefactors , which their laws condemn to death , no less vertuous and meritorious than the other ; perhaps heroical in their account , as being of more then an ordinary strain . it is true , they want some formalities of law , yet are never the worse for the want of that , which they cannot possibly have . but men once they have secured the throne , we may expect they will proceed against us with more observance of a judicial process , and burn us and our children with all punctilio's of law , as they did under the last popish successor . but it is not probable that under such a successor these laws may not be executed . if there were any probability , that for a while they might not be throughly executed , yet our condition in the interim would scarce be tolerable to an english-man ; to be devested of all security by law , for liberty , estate and life ; and to hold these without , nay against law , only at the will and known mercy of papists ; even when they must count it a cruelty to themselves to spare us , seeing both their salvation and ( which seems generally more minded ) their interest is concerned in the execution of these laws . it seems highly probable to me that all endeavours will be used to have them fully executed ; for the design of these laws is to destroy protestants . and those romanists that understand their concerns , do make account , that their main interest lyes in this ; for neither can they recover their former flourish and greatness , nor can they indeed think themselves safe , till this be done , accordingly we may observe , that in all countreys round about us , who have been under popish princes , all attempts have been made , and their utmost endeavours used utterly to root out protestants . and it is meer folly to expect that we should fare better in like circumstances . even in france the only instance alledged , to give any hopes that protestants may subsist under such a power , the design of these laws was vigorously pursued , in all methods of pretended justice , and plain violence , in the reigns of five kings successively ; by confiscations and plunderings , by fire and sword , by assassinations , treacherous massacres , and open war. so that some hundred thousands of them were destroyed , and in all reason none of them had escaped , nor any more hugonots had been left in france , than there are in spain and italy ; if they had not stood upon their defence , which yet proved a lamentable expedient ; for if we will believe father parsons o two millions on both sides were slain within the compass of ten years in the reign of one of those five kings . those who would have us reduced to such a condition , wherein we cannot otherwise be secured than the french protestants were , would either have us prostitute our religion , and all that is dear to us to the will of the papists , or else expose the nation to desolation and ruine . our conspirators have declared that they had the very same design which those gracious laws engage them in , viz. the utter extirpation of protestants and their religion , and were resolved and prepared to pursue it with fire and sword. of the former they have given us a real demonstration by the flames we have already seen ; and of the latter by their army to be commanded by officers of the popes appointment . they were to begin with assassinations , and our soveraign was to fall with the first . in this all that have given any evidence , exactly agree , and all see , but those that will be blind , and would have his majesty for company perish with his eyes shut . when they had dispatched the king , a massacre was to follow , as is positively sworn again and again by unexceptionable p witness , and this signified to be the method advised , by the conspirators both in france , flanders , and england ; then to make clear work , those protestants that escaped the massacre , were to be destroyed by their army . coleman at his tryal would have us believe , that nothing was intended but the advance of popery , by the innocent way of toleration ; that is no wonder , for he was then concerned , if ever , to disguise their design . but when he hath to do with those who were conscious to the plot , and with pleasure could see the bottom of it ; then the mask is off , then it is in plain terms the subduing of a pestilent heresie ( for so is the true christian religion in the roman stile now-a-days ) and the utter ruine of the protestant party . to accomplish such a glorious design , there must be no sticking ( as was observed before ) to kill an hundred heretical kings , ( alas ! one single king was nothing to the dagger of such a hero ) or to shed a sea of blood ( their own he means . ) how many seas of protestant blood do we think might have satisfied such harmless catholicks ? not an hundred we may be sure , if all the protestants in the world could have bled more . but this they were bound in conscience to execute the popes laws , they were at all points ready to do it , they wanted nothing but only a catholick prince in the throne . o but the temper , or at least the interest of such a prince would oblige him to forbid or restrain such violent executions in england . i , but what if his tempter be such as to comply with such violent proceedings ; or his temper being better , what if it be over-ruled ? what if he be perswaded as other catholicks are , that he must in conscience proceed thus ? what if he cannot do otherwise , without apparent hazard of his crown or life ? the contrivement is such , that execution shall be done before he hath got the reins of government into his hand ; and when he hath them , he is not to hold them alone , he will not be allowed to be much more than the popes postillion , and must look to be dismounted if he drive not according to order . let these things be weighed , that we may see before it be too late into what circumstances we are running . if the prince be zealous and resolute , a bigot in their way ; if his heat in embracing religion at first , or promoting it afterward , transport him beyond the sense of his interest ; if it make him contemn such reason , or decline that consideration that should have withheld him from it , or might moderate him in it ; if he make it his design , and count it his glory , to subdue this religion as a pestilent heresie ; if he give up himself to the counsels and conduct of such , whose words and practices make it evident , that they intend extremities ; then there is a violent presumption , that he will not study any abatement of the rigour of these ruining laws , after once he thinks himself firmly setled . but if ( as i had rather suppose ) his inclination should lead him to some indulgence and forbearance , yet that must be controuled by conscience , and conscience must dictate what they suggest , who have the conduct of it ; and it will be readily suggested , that it is a deadly crime to favour hereticks to the prejudice of the catholick interest , which can never be more effectually advanced than by their ruine . besides , the law q it self assures us , that it is not in the power of any civil magistrate to remit the penalty , or abate the rigour thereof ; and this also is declared by the bulls r of several popes . nay if the prince should solemnly engage his faith , and give as much security as papists can give by oath , that he would not suffer sanguinary laws to be executed upon his dissenting subjects , this would signify nothing : for they would soon let him understand , that contracts made against the canon i aware invalid , though confirmed by oath , as p. a st. l joseph . and that he is not bound to stand to his promise , for the liberty of religion , though he hath sworn to it , as bonacina ; ſ and that faith is no more to be kept with hereticks , than the general council of constance would have it . so that protestants are to be burnt , as john hus and jerom of prague were by that council ; though a prince hath given his faith and oath for their safety . the best that is pleaded in defence of that general council so openly canonizing perfidiousness , leaves protestants as much exposed , after all the security the prince can give , as if none at all were given them the emperours engagement , say they , secured them against secular process , but not against the process of the church . so that the church may burn us , when the prince hath engaged all his faith for our safety . and to this purpose it is observable what becanus u an eminent jesuit delivers when he is endeavouring to vindicate their council . the council of constance , saith he , decreed these two things : first , that the secular power can no way hinder the ecclesiastical power from its legal exercise , and therefore if any secular prince do give safe conduct to any heretick , this ought not to hinder the ecclesiastical judg from exercising his office , that is from trying an heretick , and proceeding against him according to evidence . the reason is , because when there are two princes who have distinct judicatures and tribunals , one of which is greater and superiour to the other ; the inferiour may not hinder the superiour , from executing his jurisdictions . and therefore the security which he promiseth to any , extends not to the tribunal of the superiour prince , because the superiour is not bound by the laws and agreement of the inferiour , ( caput , cum inferior extra . ) but now the secular and ecclesiastical prince have distinct tribunals ( as is well known , ) and the ecclesiastical is superiour ( cap. solita : ) therefore the secular , when he gives safe conduct to any , he cannot extend it to the ecclesiastical tribunal ; nor by the security given , can hinder the jurisidiction of the ecclesiastical judg , &c. molgnus x also , who undertakes to excuse this council , saith , it is a general rule with the romanists , that faith is either never to be given , or never to be kept with hereticks , for the exercise of their religion . simanca y by the authority of the council , maintains this worthy principle , that faith engaged to hereticks , though confirmed by oath , is in no wise to be performed . he would prove it by reason : for ( saith he ) if faith be not to be kept with tyrants , and pirates and other robbers , who kill the body ; much less is it to be kept with hereticks , who kill souls ; he confirms it with the testimonies of salomonius , and menochius , placa , &c. and of their z angelical doctor , the oracle of their schools , who saith , an unteachable heretick is to be betrayed to justice , notwithstanding faith and oath . becanus a to vindicate the doctrine of simanca , tells us , that they all say as much as he hath said . simanca teaches the same that we teach , viz. that faith is to be kept with hereticks in what is lawful and honest : but in no case otherwise , and so never in case of heresie . so that the faith of any prince however engaged , is so far from giving an heretick any security ; as heresie is far from being a thing lawful and honest . upon these principles ( by which it appears that rome hath changed faith with carthage , that being now worse than fides punica ; and is when she would be counted christian , far more faithless than when pagan ) their doctors , jesuits , and others , have instigated kings to endeavour seriously the rooting out of hereticks ; asserting , that an oath in favour of hereticks , is but vinculum iniquitatis . in fine , this is the sense of their best authors , and we must believe it to be so , unless we will be deluded . by their laws and principles they are always under an obligation utterly to exterminate protestants ; yet sometimes they are concerned in point of interest , to forbear and dissemble ; pretending to engage their faith when they do it not in the sense of those who relye on it , as the council of constance deluded jerome of prague , that they might ( as they did ) burn him : or engaging their faith when they intend not to keep it , as our queen mary , charles the 9th of france , and other popish princes , abused the protestants to make them secure , that they might have the better advantage to ruine them ; and then that they may seem real , they may promise or swear that they will not proceed against us ; yet notwithstanding when they have an opportunity to destroy us , though they were bound by ten thousand oaths not to attempt it ; yet they sin damnably if they endeavour it not to the utmost . but if there were neither law nor conscience to hinder , yet in point of interest , he must not shew favour to hereticks , nor grant any indulgence for their religion , he cannot do it without apparent hazard both of crown and life . for by shewing such favour , he in their account deposeth himself , and immediately loseth title to his kingdoms . an emperour or a king , saith parsons b , if he shew favour to an heretick , for that he loseth his kingdom . the jesuits have sufficient grounds for this doctrine , how extravagant soever it seems . for the council of lateran , which bellarmine calls their greatest and most famous council , decreeth c , that if a prince upon a years warning , doth not exterminate hereticks ; his subjects are discharged from allegiance , and his dominions are to be seized on by other catholicks : he thereby draws upon himself the curse and excommunication of the church , he is excommunicate by law , that council hath passed sentence already , and he is de facto anathematized yearly by the bull of the supper ; the former is excommunicatio juris , by the law : and this is excommunicatio hominis , by the judg , as several of their d doctors will have it . so that it takes effect presently , ipso facto , and is of no less force than if the person concerned were excommunicated particularly , and by name , though the terms be general . the pope every year doth solemnly excommunicate and curse , not only all hereticks , but every favourer and defender of them , and from this sentence , none can absolve any but the pope himself , for it is a reserved case ; and they generally declare him to be a favourer of hereticks , who hinders the execution of the laws made against them . conformably hereto their doctors teach , that kings and princes when they are negligent , in rooting out hereticks ; they are to be excommunicated , and deposed by the pope . so becamus e . another as i find him f cited , sets it out more elegantly in a metaphor , making princes to be the popes , their shepherds dogs ( as they are wont to do out of great reverence ) and expresseth himself significantly to this purpose . if a prince be a dull cur , and fly not upon hereticks , he is to be beaten out , and a keener dog must be got in his stead . others g tell us , he incurrs more grievous penalties than excommunication , as appears by the breves of several popes ; though to be deprived of kingdom and life , to which this sentence makes a prince lyable , one would think sufficiently grievous . but there is no need to cite particular doctors , seeing by the decrees h of that church the fautors of hereticks , are lyable to the penalties which are to be inflicted on hereticks themselves : and their church-law i determines again and again , that they are to be taken for fautors of hereticks , wh● omit what they ought to do , for the punishing of hereticks , that they may cease from their errour : and in this they all agree , ita docent omnes , saith suarez k . sure he must have more love for protestants , than any true papist can have , who will run such hazards , to shew them favour . he must expect also to be burdened with the hatred of zealous chatholicks , and the effects thereof . they detest such a prince , and damn that political prudence , which forbears the severe execution of the laws against hereticks ; as being the way not only to ruine the church , but subvert a kingdom l they count none worthy the crown , who will not go through stitch with their design , for extirpating hereticks , and promoting the roman interest with fire and sword . nay they count such , though they be papists , as bad as hereticks , worse than turks , and unworthy to live ; they will have a price set on their heads , and assassinates hired to rid the world of them . so doctor stapleton , m counted one of their greatest and most sober divines . and these are not only points for speculation , they have been reduced to practice among those who have the repute of the most moderate papists in europe . henry 3d. and 4th two kings of france were assassinated on this account . a suspicion that they favoured protestants , was the great inducement to zealous catholicks to get them stab'd . the two kings since indeed have escaped better ; no wonder , for they never provoked the catholick assassinating spirit : they have given sufficient demonstration that they hate the protestants ; for though they kill them not out-right , yet have they reduced them to such circumstances , that their mortal enemies may to their satisfaction , see them dye a lingering death . and which more concernsus , the conspirators in all places having declared expresly , that if ro. h. do not answer their expectation , for rooting out of the protestant religion , and extirpating those that profess it : their design n is to destroy him after they have killed his brother . so that whatsoever respect they have for him on the account of his religion , yet after they have served their turn on him a while ; he must expect nothing but death , unless he will give assurance that he will ruine the protestants of these nations . hereby we may judge , what favour we may in reason promise our selves , from the temper or interest of a popish successor . but may not parliaments secure us by laws and provisions restraining the powers which endanger us ? there is nothing of this tendency can in reason be expected from parliaments , without securing the throne . for if the conspirators once gain that , it may be they will have no parliaments ; a government more arbitrary and violent is more agreeable to their principles and designs . it is apparent that popery , as it hath been by many occasions sublimated since the reformation , hath in a manner quite stifled the english spirit in english papists . they are for another government , in which the pope must be supreme , and to which our kings must be subjected or kill'd . and in civils , they are for an vniversal monarchy , by which this and others must be swallowed up ; and so they are still ready to devote themselves to that prince who bids fairest for it . so they did to the spaniard in queen elizabeths time , and now upon that account are wheeled off to the french : they have been forward upon all occasions , to sacrifice the honour of the king , and the liberty of the subject to the roman moloch ; they are much more his subjects than the kings ; and they are no more to be trusted as to the true english interest , than the italians or spaniards . they pass for natives indeed , being born among us ; but are plainly foreigners as to government , principle , interest , affection and design . we may well believe on these accounts they are no friends to parliaments , if they did not otherwise openly declare it . but if the necessity of their affairs should require a parliament , there is no great question but they may get such a one as will serve their turn : for so hath every of our former princes in all the changes of religion that have been amongst us . so did henry the 8th , both when he was for popery ; and when he was against it , and when he was partly both for it , and against it . so did edward the 6th . when he was wholly protestant . so did queen mary , when she was for burning them alive . so did queen elizabeth , when she run counter to her sister . there are english-papists enough already to furnish both houses ; and there will be more , if popery were once enthron'd . the strongest arguments which divers have for their religion , are drawn from the throne . the indifferency which is visible in too many , signifies that they will be determined by their interest , and their estates are like to out-weigh their religion . the warping of divers upon advancement , and acting counter to themselves when lower ; shews , there is something higher in their hearts , then that which should be supreme . the little concern they shew for religion , who in regard of their station in the church , should have the greatest zeal for it , disappointing and astonishing those who esteemed them protestants , and great supports of that profession . the little sense of any danger ( when our religion was never in such extreme hazard , since we and our fathers were born , ) the obstructing in one or both houses , of all that is offered to secure us , or hath the most probable tendency to it , by those from whom it was least expected . those greater heats against true protestants ( differing from us in some small things , ) than against papists ; when represented by this horrid plot in their own colours ; shews , that popery is no such formidable thing to many , now under another profession ; as it is , and will be to hearty protestants , and such as have effectually received the love of the truth . however by the laws which will be in force , when the throne is papal ; all protestants must be excluded from both houses . for all these must then pass under the notion of hereticks , and as such , not only by the constitutions of several popes , but by the decree o of a general council , received as obliging in popish countreys ; they are made uncapable of being admitted to any publick counsels , or of chusing any to sit there . this is but a branch , of one of the last penalties we must then lye under ; and thus all hopes of any relief by parliaments , under such a successor , are quite blasted . as for laws such as are , or may be made before-hand for restraining popery , and securing our religion under a popish soveraignty ; they will then be judged nullities , for they are no laws which are against the common good ; but these will be counted mischievous acts , of a pernicious nature and tendency ; being for the support of heresie , against their catholick interest . they will be null and void also , without any formal repeal , upon another account , viz. because enacted by an incompetent authority : for our parliaments are now , and have been long constituted of such as they count hereticks ; and these by the decrees and principles of their church have no p jurisdiction at all , much less that which is soveraign and legislative . they have no right to proceed in judgment upon laws duly made , so far are they from all just power to make any . and whereas no laws can be made in these realms without the concurrence of every of the three states in parliaments , they will not own any of them to be in a capacity to concur therein . the king being an heretick , is with them no king , he is devested of all prerogatives and royalties ; hath no power to call parliaments , or pass any bills there tendred ; he is no better with them then a private person , nay in a worse capacity than a good subject ; for by their principles he may lawfully be killed by a private hand . the nobles being hereticks , their blood is tainted by the highest treason , the attainder good in law , ( that law which will then be of most soveraign obligation ; ) they have lost all priviledge of peers , they have no titles to baronies , no rights to be summoned by writ , if there were any that had right to summon them . they have forfeited what they had by descent , though from popish ancestors ; and what they had by patent , is null and void . since our princes were protestants , they are no more lords , in the sense of the romish laws , nor have more right to sit as peers in making laws , than laws of jack straws creating . this is manifest by the first penaltie forementioned , and awarded against hereticks by the laws of the roman church ; which takes effect from the first day of their supposed heresie , before sentence of any judge . the commons being hereticks are no proprietors , and so have no power , no priviledge doe to the commons of england , they are born to no estates , if they be the issue of protestants ; the estates of their fathers being confiscated before they were born , and so is all they have acquired since by purchase , or otherwise . so that they have no right to be chosen , nor have protestants any right to chuse them , being no freeholders , nor having title to any goods or lands , by any tenure whatsoever . in short , by the judgment and sentence of their church , all ranks among us are in a state of vsurpation , we have no right to estate or life ( as we are like to find when they have power ; ) much less any authority to make laws : what our parliaments have enacted , or may do , for the securing of our religion , or restraint of catholicks ; is no more valid , no more obliging with them , than the acts or ordinances of meer usurpers , nor do they owe , nor will they pay them more observance ( when time serves ) than to the constitutions of so many thieves and robbers . but suppose our laws were valid , and enacted by a competent authority , yet being against the laws of the church , the soveraign authority of these will supersede the other : for so they determine , that when the canon and the civil laws clash , one requiring what the other allows not ; the church-law must have observance , and that of the state be neglected . their law q provides for its preeminence , in these words , constitutions against the canons and decreet of the roman bishops are of no moment . their best authors r are positive in it , and our own countrey affords us instances of it . the statutes of provisoes , and others of like nature , made in the reigns of edward the first , edward the third , richard the second , and henry the fourth , for the relief of the nation against papal incroachments : they were defeated by the popes authority , and in effect repealed , there being no effectual execution of them till henry the eighth's time . and if the pope ( the throne being once at his devotion ) should appear against any statutes or provisions made for our security , as pope martin s the fifth did against the statutes of edward the third , and edward the second , that would be enough to null them as to the consciences of roman catholicks ; or to lay them asleep , and render them ineffectual to the purposes they are designed for . we may see hereby what laws made now , for our security will signifie , when such a successor is in possession . upon the whole , our danger as to all our concerns , civil and religious , is very apparent , and looks upon us with such a terrible aspect , as scarce any true protestant can fully view it without horrour and trembling . our estates , lives , and souls are in extreme hazard , and what have we more ? that which will not secure us is discernable by the premises ; what expedient may be effectual to rescue us and our postery , who with us and all that is dear to both , are now in the very jaws of destruction , is humbly lest to the wisdom of the nation in parliament . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33356-e90 a caput , vergentis , de hareticu . by the law of their church , sic omnes apostolicae sedis sanctiones accipiendae sunt tanquam ipsius divini petri voce sirmatae sint , distinct . 19. cap. 2. all the constitutions of the roman see must be received , as if they were made firm by st. peters own mouth . and it is enacted by a general doeree ( generali decreto constitutmus ) , that whatsoever king , bishop , or noble-man , shall believe that the decrees of the roman bishops may be , or shall suffer them to be violated in any thing , be accursed , ( execrandum anathema fit ) and shall for ever remain guilty before god , as a betrayer of the catholick faith. gans , 25. q. 1. cap. 11. b 7 decretal . lib. 5. tit. 3. de hareticis . c caput infames 6. q. 1. cap. alieni . 2. q. 7. cap. excommunicamus 1. sect. credentes . de haereticis . cap. statum de baret . in 6. d de fide. disp . 21. sect. 5. n. 3. e suarez ibid. diana . sum. v. baeret . n. 9. pet. st. joseph in 1. deca●● p. 39. tho. sanchez . op . moral . lib. 2. n. 12. f suarez . ibid. num. 〈◊〉 g con. lateran . sub innocent . 3. in crab . tom. 2. concil . p. 948. h regul . juris 87. in 6. i de haereticis cap. ut commiss . in 6. k faber teraquillus , cantera , otalora in sanchez . ibid. l. 2. c. 29. n. 1. l cap. 2. sect. haeretic . de baereticis in 6. m aquinas , soto , castor , azor , simanca , & suarez , ibid. disp 21. sect . 5. num . 12. by the constitution of gregory 9 , an heretick is deprived of all jurisdiction , whether natural , civil , or politick . simanca instit . tit . 46. sect . 74. juxta constitutiones gregorii 9 , &c. n cap. final . de haretecis . o azon . instit . moral . tom. 1. l. 8. c. 12. q 7. penna , molina & sanchez . ibid c 24. m , 10. 11. p cap. 2. sed . final . de haereticis in 6. q bonacina de obligatione denunciandi , disp , 4. p. 2. n. 3. it a farinacius , azorius & alii ferè communiter . idex aliis sum. pontisicum constitutionibus probat penna . ibid. * 7 decret . de heretic . c. 3. r cap. cum secundum leges , de har●ticis in 6. s suarez . ibid. disp . 22. sed. 1. n. 2. t cap. vergentes , vers . cum enim . de haercticis . cum longè sit gravius , aeternum quàm temporalem laedere majestatem . u ibid. sect . 3. n. 1. x ibid. cap. 22. n. 2. * quast . theol. lib. 1. q. 36. p. 290. y de haereticis . cap. cum secundum legis . in 6. z suarez , de fide. disp . 22. sect . 4 n. 11. sanchez ubi supra , c. 21. n. ult . a simancha , vasquez in suarez , ibid. n 11 , 12. b idem ibid. sect . 4. n. 9. c ibid. sect . 1. num . 5. in hoc offectu concors est sententia omnium scribentium . d ibid. lib. 22. num. 33. e idem . ibid. n. 61. f ibid. n. 68. g ibid. n. 76. h cap. vergentis . de haereticis . i menochius & alii in diana . sum. v. praescrip . n. 2. k sanchez . l. 2. c. 22. n. 41. l zanardus , director . pars 2. p. pag. 126. m cap. ad abolendum . de haereticis . vide suarez ubi supra . disp . 23. sect . 2. n. 1. & 3. n direct . pars 2da . pag. 754. o 2. 2dae . q. 10. art. 8 corp. p 7 decretal . l. 5. tit . 3. cap. 9. q saecularis relinquantur arbitrio potesatis , animadversione debita puniendi . which expression they thus explain , debita nimirum secundum jura civilia quae est paena mortis . so suarez ibid. disp . 23. sect. 2. n. 3. r idem ibid. sect. 2. n. 5. 6. s quia est occulator hareticorum — & ideo meritò judicatur fistè co●●ersus . ibid. sect , 6. t de hereticis . 7 decretal . sect. inconsutilem . u jac. de grass . decis . l. 2. cap. 9. n. 2. suarez ubi supra . n. 4. x zanardus , director . 2 da pars . pag. 755. y onufrius , vita pauli 4. z de restitut . disp . 2. q. ult . sect . 2. n. 7. sum. v. bellum . n. 5. theol. pract. tr. 2. c. 13. n. 3. a admonition to nobility and people , p. 41. b vid. silvest . v. bellum . c lib. de unione ecclesiastica ad sinem . and this was he who made it his business in so many courts to form a league against england ( having renounced the popes supremacy ) ; perswading the popish princes , that it was more necessary and meritorious than a war against the turks . d see the brieves of greg. 13. anno 1580. and clement 8. 1600 , e dugdales deposition at the tryal of the five jesuits , p. 25. f in colemans tryal , p. 78. g ibid. pag. 43 77. h bradshaw in prances narrative , page 23. giffard in hist . plot. pag. 213. i de fide. disp . 23. se●l . 1. n. 3. zanard . ibid. cap. 7. pag. 119. * epil . contra venetas . k prances narrative , pag. 4. l ibid page 10. m epist . fron. duc . page 189. n gunpowder . treason . pag. 74. * ●●●●●bon ibid. p. 184. o mitigati●● , page 130. p 〈…〉 of the five jesuits , page 25. q cap. ut officium . r 〈…〉 l de primo praecepto . p. 94. ſ 〈…〉 praecept . di● . 3. q. 2. pu●●l 8. prop. 3. n. 159. u manual . l. cap. 15. n. 15 , 16. x de fide . l. 3. c. 27. y cathol . instit . tit. 46. n. 52. z sum. 2 da 2 dae , q. 70. art. 1. a manual . l. 5. c. 15. n. 25. b philopat . p. 109. c cap. excommunicamus , de haereticis sect. moneantur . d graff . decis . l. 4. c. 11. n. 6. becanus de fide. c. 15. q. 8. n. 6. soto 4. distinct . 25. q. 1. art. 1. citing two texts of their law for it . cap. sicut de haereticis , & cap. siquis forte . 24. q. 1. e controvers . anglican . p. 131 , 132. f in foulis . pag. 60. g zanard . direct . pars. 2. pag. 61. h cap. excommunicamus , de haereticis . i cap. error 83. distinct . & . cap. qui alius , de haereticis . k de fide. disp , 24. sect. 1. n. 6. l ribadeneira de principe , l. 1. cap 15. m orat. contra politicos , p. 15. & 24. in hospin . histor . jesuit . l. 4. c. 11 sect . 2. n dr. oats narrative , pag. 4. n. 5. p. 3. n. 4. p. 8. n. 13 p. 10. n. 16. p. 15. n. 13. p. 10. n. 29. p. 39. p. 64. n. 6. o cap. excommunicamus sect. credentes . tit. de haereti●i● . p jurta constitutiones greg. 9. haereticus privatur omni dominio naturali , civili , politico . simanca instit . cathol . tit. 46. n. 74. q 〈…〉 r victoria relect . pag. navar. manual . c. 7. n. 1. fumus v. lex . n. 7. b●nacina . tom. 2. disp . 1. q. 1. punet . 4. n. 17. diana . sum. v. in puisitor . n. 10. after barbosa and others . s barnet hist . reformation , page 110. die mercurii 8⁰ septemb. 1641 whereas divers innovations in or about the worship of god,... proceedings. 1641-09-08 england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83871 of text r209692 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[14]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83871 wing e2776a thomason 669.f.3[14] estc r209692 99897367 99897367 135421 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83871) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 135421) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2499:17) die mercurii 8⁰ septemb. 1641 whereas divers innovations in or about the worship of god,... proceedings. 1641-09-08 england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. steele notation: headpiece have take cities,. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library. eng anti-catholicism -england -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london a83871 r209692 (thomason 669.f.3[14]). civilwar no die mercurii 8⁰ septemb. 1641. whereas divers innovations in or about the worship of god,... england and wales. parliament. house of commons 1641 588 1 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ die mercurii 8o septemb. 1641. whereas divers innovations in or about the worship of god , have been lately practized in this kingdom , by injoyning some things , and prohibiting others without warrant of law , to the great grievance and discontent of his majesties subjects . for the suppression of such innovations , and for preservation of the publike peace , it is this day ordered by the commons in parliament assembled , that the church-wardens of every parish church and chappell respectively , do forthwith remove the communion table from the east end of the church , chappell , or chancell , into some other convenient place , and that they take away the railes , and levell the chancels , as heretofore they were , before the late innovations . that all crucifixes , scandalous pictures of any one or more persons of the trinitie , and all images of the virgin mary shall be taken away and abolished , and that all tapers , candlesticks , and basins , be removed from the communion table . that all corporall bowing at the name ( jesus ) or towards the east end of the church , chappell , or chancell , or towards the communion table , be henceforth forborn : that the orders aforesaid be observed in all the severall cathedrall churches of this kingdom , and 〈…〉 churches or chappels in the two vniversities , or any other part of the kingdom , and in the temple church , and the chappels of the other innes of court , by the deans of the said cathedrall churches , by the vice chancellour of the said vniversities , and by the heads and governours of the severall colledges and halls aforesaid , and by the benchers and readers in the said innes of court respectively . that the lords day shall be duly observed and sanctified : all dancing , or other sports , either before or after divine service be forborn and restrained ; and that the preaching of gods word be permitted in the afternoon in the severall churches and chappels of this kingdom , and that ministers and preachers be incouraged thereunto . that the vice-chancellors of the vniversities , heads and governours of colledges , all parsons , vicars , and church-wardens , do make certificates of the performance of these orders : and if the same shall not be observed in any the places aforementioned , upon complaint thereof made to the two next iustices of peace , major , or head officers of cities or towns corporate , it is ordered that the said iustices , major , or other head officer respectively , shall examine the trueth of all such complaints , and certifie by whose default the same are committed , all which certificates are to be delivered in parliament before the thirtieth of october next . resolved upon the question . that this order now read shall be an order of it self without any addition for the present , and that it shall be printed and published . it is further ordered , that the knights , citizens , and burgesses of every shire , citie , and borough , do take care to publish this order in their severall counties , cities , and boroughs . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. a letter from a clergy-man in the country, to a minister in the city, concerning ministers intermedling with state-affairs in their sermons & discourse clergy-man in the country. 1689 approx. 34 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47973 wing l1368 estc r9509 13111163 ocm 13111163 97645 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47973) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97645) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 744:24) a letter from a clergy-man in the country, to a minister in the city, concerning ministers intermedling with state-affairs in their sermons & discourse clergy-man in the country. [2], 18 p. [s.n.], london : 1689. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from a clergy-man in the country , to a minister in the city , concerning ministers intermedling with state-affairs in their sermons & discovrse . london : printed in the year 1689. a letter from a clergy-man in the country , to a minister in the city . sir , you have desired to know of me the reasons why i make it a scruple of conscience to do as others on all sides have done , and still continue to do , viz. to intermeddle with matters of state in my sermons and discourse . i shall briefly let you know the grounds of my scruple concerning this matter , and leaving them to your serious consideration , suggest some impartial thoughts , which perhaps may ease you of the scruples which you have on the other hand ; for which you think it either unlawful for you , or unexpedient for your auditory , to leave intermedling in those matters . let us first agree what we mean by matters of state. as for my self , i conceive state-matters to be all manner of councels , designes , endeavours and actings which are undertaken or prosecuted by those that manage with power and authority , publick affairs , relating to the outward possessions , rights , freedoms , priviledges , prerogatives , and persons of men , as they are members of an outward commonwealth or worldly kingdom . concerning which matters , i think it not at all lawful for me to interpose my iudgment in the pulpit , or to intermeddle towards the people , farther than the apostle hath commanded , rom. 13. ver . 1. to the 8 , and 1 tim. 2. 2. and tit. 3. 1. and the reasons why i conceive it not lawful so to do , are these : first , i know no law either of god or man , obliging me to meddle with such matters , by interposing my judgment concerning them in the pulpit : and if no law either expresly commanding , or by a good inference warranting this intermedling can be shewed , i understand not how it can be counted lawful for us so to do . secondly , i find a law both of god and man forbidding me to judge of matters which belong not unto me , or which particularly concern other men . the law of god is this : be not busie in other mens affairs , 1 pet. 4. 15. and what have i to do to judge them that are without ? 1 cor. 5. 12. and who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? to his own master he standeth or falleth , rom. 14. 4. and judge not , that ye be not judged , mat. 7. 1. now when i reflect upon my self in reference unto these laws , my conscience doth tell me , that i am not called to manage the affairs of state , but that they belong to other men ; and therefore that i ought not to be busie in them , and trouble my self about them . and if i judge the magistrates employment ( as a civil magistrate ) to be without the church , i have scarce so much , ( sure i am ) no more right than st. paul had to judge of them , now he tells us , that he had no-nothing to do to judge them , but that the judgment of those that are without the church , god hath reserved unto himself , 1 cor. 5. 13. therefore it doth not appertain to me to meddle with them . but if as a christian magistrate , i take him to be within the church , yet his employment , quatenus a magistrate , is not mine , nor is he therein my servant , but christ's ; and then the other rule doth take place , who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? now the magistrate is undoubtedly gods servant , rom. 13. 4. therefore i must let him stand or fall to his own master , in matters of outward government , which god hath intrusted him , and not me withal . and in case i do look upon him as a brother , and his actions or designs as the affairs of a private man , then still the former rules do hold ; and christ doth forbid me to judge him in publick , or to lay his faults open to any , till i have dealt with him in private , and by degrees brought him to the judicature of those who are his competent judges , mat. 18. 15. &c. it is not lawful therefore for me , in my private way to condemn him , whether i look upon him as a brother , or not ; and far less is it lawful to judge him in publick , and make my self an informer against him towards the multitude , who are not his competent judges . moreover , the law of god in the fifth commandment is , honour thy father and mother , that thy days may be long in the land , which the lord thy god giveth thee . all divines have understood this , as well of the respect due unto the civil magistrate , as to natural parents . now to take upon us to judge and censure their actions , or to blast and blame their proceedings in publick before the multitude , directly or indirectly , is manifestly to dishonour them ; and if this is unlawful in a son to deal so with his parents , it is also unlawful in a subject to deal so with his magistrates . as for the laws of men in this matter , i shall not need to mention any , for it is evident in all nations , that to controul the actions of the civil magistrate , and to traduce him in his proceedings , is a crime punishable in subjects by those that have power and are in authority over them , with death , imprisonment , fines or banishment , according to the nature of the fact , and as the supream authority doth judge fit . thirdly , the nature of the gospel whereunto i am appointed a minister by christ , is inconsistent with the care of those things wherewith i must intermeddle , if i should take upon me to judge of them . for the gospel is the testimony of jesus , to reveal him to the world , and to invite all men from the cares and lusts of the world , to enter into his kingdom and rest ; which is a kingdom of truth , and not of this world , whereof the kingdoms are but lyes and restless vanities . if then i account my self appointed to this employment by christ , to mind the mysteries of his truth ; and that wisdom which is of god , which none of the princes of this world know , or as princes of this world care for ; i ought not to apply my self to intermeddle in their affairs : and if i ought not to do this , i conceive it is not lawful for me to judge of their affairs in publick , either to commend or condemn them in the pulpit . for christ being intreated to employ his authority , to cause one brother to divide the inheritance with the other , did refuse to do it , upon this ground , because god had not appointed him a judge , or a divider over men in temporal matters : the disciple is not above the master ; and if the master had no right to meddle in small matters between man and man , what right have i to meddle in the greatest between state and state , or rulers and subjects ? when christ called one of his disciples to follow him , and he desired leave , first to go and bury his father , christ bid him , let the dead bury their dead ; but go thou ( saith he ) and preach the kingdom of god. if then those that are called to preach the kingdom of god , ought to free their minds from the cares which through natural affection , and a kind of civil duty , so neerly concern themselves and their kindred ; how much more ought they to be disinteressed in matters of state , which at all do not concern them ? the cares of a quite contrary nature cannot be at once rightly entertained in the same mind , they are like two opposite masters whom none can serve at the same time acceptably , nor at different times faithfully ; therefore he that will be christ's servant , and a faithful soldier in his warfare , must not be intangled in the affairs of this life ; otherwise he will not be able to please him , who hath chosen him to be a soldier , 2 tim. 2. 4. now all the affairs of state concern only this life , and nothing else directly and principally . fourthly , the intermedling with state-matters in sermons , is contrary to the rule of preaching , and to the true aim which ought to be maintained in the performance of that duty . the rule of preaching is , if any man speak , let him speak as the oracles of god , 1 pet. 4. 11. we are warranted to speak nothing , ( if we speak in god's name ) but that which is undeniably his word ; nothing can beget faith , and build up the soul unto godliness , but the truth of god : if we speak other matters which the wisdom of earthly men , or our own imagination or passions dictate , we profane the ordinance of god , and destroy the faith of the hearers . what is the chaff to the wheat , saith the lord ? by the prophet jeremiah . our own words and dreams about temporal concernments , are less worth than chaff ; and the faith of professors cannot stand in the wisdom of men , but in the power of god. and because jesus christ is the wisdom of god , and the power of god , therefore in our preaching , we should determine to know nothing amongst our hearers , but jesus christ and him crucified . the aim to be maintained in preaching , is to perswade god only and not men ; and not to please men , or become their servants , but god's alone , gal. 1. 10. for he that intendeth to please men , is no more the servant of christ. now when men set themselves to speak of state-matters in the pulpit , their aim is either to please the magistrates by commending them to the people , or to shew their dislike against their proceedings by reproving the same , which doth tend to make the people displeased with their magistrates : now whether the design be the one or the other , it is altogether unworthy of the minister of the gospel ; and a man cannot possibly mention the affairs of state in publick , but it must be either way , and therefore he ought neither way to do it . and whatsoever a mans aim may be in medling thus with state matters , as he doth no service to god in it , so he perverts the minds of the hearers from the integrety and simplicity of the gospel , to reflect upon and affect ( with reference to worldly wisdom ) the ways of a party : for all state-matters are continually carried by some plots in the hands of one party or other ; and whosoever doth meddle with them , either to commend or discommend the proceedings , must be the servant of a party , and so forsakes the spiritual liberty and unpartiality wherein he ought to stand , and whereunto he ought to bring the minds of his hearers , that they may be willing to serve all men in love , for their spiritual edification , without prejudice for christ's sake . the interest of states-men and matters , change according to circumstances by which those that manage publick affairs find their advantages ; if the minister of the gospel will oblige himself to meddle with these matters , he will be constrained either to say and un-say the same things , if he follow state principles ( which is to discredit the truth of the gospel , for when men are sway'd with carnal considerations , they must needs make the same thing in their preaching , yea , yea , and nay , nay , ( as we have found many do of late ) or if he will be inflexible and not change his note with the times , he will be engaged into occasions of strife and controversies with others for worldly matters as oft as they change , which how inconvenient it is for a minister of the gospel to do , and how prejudicial it is unto his profession , i leave you to judge . the scandals which are given against the gospel to those that are discerning , and perceive mens drifts in preaching for interests , are very hanious and hurful to the truth , and to the ministry thereof to discredit it : for by this means natural men become atheists , for thereupon they count all religion nothing else but a cloke of hypocrisie : these practises stagger the weak also who are led with blind zeal to be engaged into faction against their brethren , and to maintain divisions , which overthrow the churches peace and unity , and thereby subtil states-men take advantages to lay snares before unwary ministers who have more zeale then prudence , to entrap them , and make use of them for their own ends , and then when they have made them their hackneys , and serv'd their turns with them , they turn them away with neglect and contempt at the journeys end , because they deserve no better . now i knowing these things to be the natural consequents of ministers intermedling with state-matters , cannot think it lawful for me to come within the reach of these snares , and therefore must avoid the occasions thereof , and am willing to warn you of the same , whereof we see many examples before our eyes . these are the chief heads of reasons which have made me abstain from that way of preaching which some have followed , and , as i conceive , these grounds which justifie my way to be unanswerable , so i never could find any solidity in those pretences which are alledged for the contrary practice . for that which is pretended from ezech. 3. 17 to the 22 , and 33. ver . 7. that ministers are made watchmen , to give warning to the wicked , to warn them from their wicked way ; and to the righteous also , that they turn not from their righteousness , is not otherwise to be understood but in cleer cases , wherein gods commandment is manifestly transgressed , and to be directed immediately towards the persons themselves , who are transgressors , to make them sensible of the guilt and danger under which they stand . but in doubtful cases , wherein there is no clear word from gods mouth , wherein the magistrates actions may be mis-interpreted ; wherein he pretends to walk by a just rule ; wherein his secret aim and intension , by a jealousie of state , is rather condemn'd than his fact , and wherein he is not expresly dealt withal himself to convict his conscience concerning the iniquity of his proceedings to rectifie it , but is cryed out upon before others , and censured before the multitude , who are not his competent judges , ( which is the practice of those that in the pulpits have medled and do meddle with state-matters ) : i say in such cases , and in such a way of proceeding , no colour can be taken from the watch-office of ezechiel , to warrant it : for look upon the charge which he doth receive , and the way how he is to discharge it , and you will see that your practice is nothing like it . the charge is , that the watch-man should hear the word at gods mouth , and give the house of israel warning from god , ver . 17. this imports an express commandment , and a clear transgression of the commandment , in those that are to be warned , and a peculiar mission from god to give the warning : the way how this warning is to be given to the wicked and to the righteous , is by a particular address , which the watch-man was to make as from god unto themselves immediately . if the ministers that meddle with state-matters will observe these rules , far be it from me to condemn them ; but if their arguing against the proceedings of those that are in places of authority , hath nothing in it approaching unto this way , then i must be dispensed from following it ; and i think it my duty to discover the irregularity of it , by testifying against it . if men will make themselves , through state-jealousies and evil surmises against those that manage publick affairs , watchmen over their rulers , when they are divided among themselves for state-interests , for the advantage of one party , to blast and discredit another , and then pretend that they discharge the watch-office which is committed unto them , i shall leave them to answer it to the chief shepherd of the flock ; for it becometh not me to judge another mans servants , farther than by putting them in mind of the commands of their master , which are undeniably his known will. but from the contemplation of the watch-mans office over the souls of the flock , and their obligation to give an account thereof unto god , there is an objection and doubt which may be raised , thus : but what if i see my flock like to be led away ( by the example of those that are in authority , or the instigation of those that have power ) unto wicked and unjust courses , which are destructive to the true religion , and the safety of the state ; shall i not warn them of the danger in this case ? i answer , yes , you are bound to forewarn them of the danger which you think they are like to fall into , if the thing be evident and clearly a transgression of god's will ; i say , you are bound to forewarn as well those that by their authority and power led others out of the way , as those that are led by them . thus in cases of idolatry and oppression , the prophets did address themselves directly to the rulers of the people ? they shewed them the undoubted commandment of god , and their undeniable practice opposite unto it , and in a case which evidently doth pervert the truth of religion , and endanger the safety of the state ; the fact it self , and the unrighteousness thereof , is to be laid open before all , from the word of god , and all are to be warned of the dangerous consequences thereof , which may be done in thesi , leaving the hpothesis and particular application to every mans judgment , to discharge his conscience towards god therein ; but now we have seen men that accuse those whom they would discredit before the multitude , not to meddle with the matter in thesi , but with the hypothesis of their own coyning , upon conjectural appearances , charging faults suspiciously , and by way of insinuation , whereupon a strict examination none were to be found . he that insists upon the hypothesis of a matter , to charge some body with the guilt thereof , doth evidently shew that his aim is is not so much to rectifie the fault , as to make him odious , whom he chargeth with it ; but he that handleth the thesis of a matter , doth it to instruct and warn all men of their duty , that they may look to their ways . they that were used to preach of late at court , for the generality calculate their sermons for the humour of the prince , and lie digging for texts in holy writ , on purpose to uphold some state-interest ; which , it may be certainly alledged , the sacred author never had so much as in his thoughts : and all this meerly for church-preferment . and such a one was that parson , who to please the humour of the times , undertaking to prove the excellency of monarchy , took his text out of judges 17. vers . 6. in those days there was no king in israel . and by this means they make themselves ridiculous : for there is always such an unlucky fate attends that sort of people which are called busie-bodies , and medlers with other concerns than their own , that they are despicable even in common conversation , much more in the pulpit . there is another pretence taken to colour this practice , from the commandments which the apostle doth give to timothy and titus : them that sin , rebuke before all , 1 tim. 5. 20. be instant in season , out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort , &c. 2 tim. 4. 2. and , rebuke them sharply , &c. titus 1. 13. and such-like . but , i conceive , that all these directions are given to pastors , only in reference to those that are immediately under the pastoral charge in clear cases , wherein they are to deal with the parties themselves immediately : it is therefore a great mistake , to apply them unto other persons who are not under their pastoral charge , and in eases which are mysteries of state , and not obvious to the cognizance of every one , and which are handled , not before the parties themselves , but before others who are not capable to judge thereof , as the common people are . if we look to that which christ did in this way of reproof towards the scribes and pharisees , mat. 23. we shall see how these reproofs ought to be managed . first , it may be observed , that christ came not to this sharpness with them till towards the latter end of his ministry , after that he had in all probability dealt many times with them in a milder way , to make them sensible of their duty : for it is said of him , that he did not break the bruised reed , nor quench the smoaking flax , that he did not strive , nor caused his voice to be heard in the streets , mat. 12. 19 , 20. whence we must conclude , that he never at first dealt with any man sharply , but gently always , but when he found these scribes and pharisees incorrigible , then lest the people might be seduced by their practiees , he doth give them a necessary warning to preserve them from being perverted by the example of their leaders , and reproves the open faults of their leaders , in clear cases convincingly before them . secondly , he doth it in such a way which is without all exception . for he doth not intend to discredit them in their places , or blast their authority towards the people , but establisheth it , commanding the people to hearken to them as they sit in moses seat , ver . 2 , 3. then he reproves them not behind their back to the people , but to their faces in the presence of the people . and lastly , he insists upon particular matters of fact , which were undeniable , wherein he not only discovers their hypocrisie , to convince them of it , but shews them the duty which ought to be done ; and warns them of the judgment which is to come upon them if they neglect it . now if the ministers that meddle with state-affairs in the pulpit would observe this way and method ; their practice would be free from all exceptions ; for if they can deal with those that manage publick affairs , to rectifie that which they find opposite to christianity , and amiss in them , first , by way of counsel in private ; and if afterward finding that private admonitions profit not , but that they persevere in a course of state-hypocrisie , to endanger the salvation of others , whom they may seduce by their example from the sincerity of the holy profession : if ( i say ) in such a case without prejudice to their just authority , they can deal roundly and openly with them , to convince of the perversness of their way , and to reclaim them from the errours thereof , this would not only be warrantable , but commendable : but how far this is intended by any , i leave to you to judge ; and to the conscience of those that handle state-matters in their sermons to determine between god and themselves . as for that which some say , that men must not be luke-warm neutralists , but zealous in the cause of god and for the publick good . i answer it is so ; but we must also take heed , that we mistake not the cause of god , and that we make not our own partial aims and private interests , that which we call god's cause : let god's cause be stated as it relates to the gospel of christ , let it be handled in thesi & antithesi , as it reflects upon the conscience of all men by the manifestation of the truth ; and let no personal reproches , insinuations , reflexions , and particular worldly matters , to asperse any body , be mixed with it ; and let it be held forth with all spiritual fervency from the word ; and so let it be recommended to gods blessing upon the hearts of the hearers ; but let us not call our own contrivements gods cause , nor humane passions raised upon jealousies or discontents , zeal . do we not see evidently that no party doth count any thing a publick good , but that which is for its own way : and that all its zeal and strength is spent , nor so much to advance the interest , as to set up it self over the adverse party and to cast down every thing which is not for its own interest : this is evidently all the zeal of these times , viz. to strive for power over others ; and then to act by meer will according to power , against all that are found or suspected to be opposites . and if not to be active in this way of partiality , or puft up for the interest of one against another , to have the rule , be counted to be a luke-warm neutralist , i shall confess my self to be one of these , and yet i hope i shall never be found a neutralist before god in his cause , nor luke-warm toward the way of truth and peace , which is without partiality and without hypocrisie . and as it ill becomes the ministry to talk like polititians and states-men in their pulpits , so is it a thing altogether as undecent , to see so many preachers of the gospel haunting and crowding the parliament-lobbies , and anti-chambers of publick lay-assemblies , whispering here , and buzzing there , and as busie as bees . as if the publick affairs of the nation could not be managed , without their having an oar in the boat. and yet no rational man can give any good reason , why those ecclesiasticks should be so busie and active in such places as those , unless it be to side with , or make parties , and to bespeak friends for the carrying on such or such an interest : which how ill it becomes them , they themselves well know , only they follow the deteriora . it would be a piece of ill manners , for them to believe that the lords and gentlemen now convened together , will not be as careful of the protestant religion , as they can be : nor can they be thought to want their directions . but if they hover and brood over their own worldly interests and advantages , 't is an unseasonable piece of double diligence ; as if they could not confide in the wisdom of those persons whom the nation has made choice of in this exigence of affairs , without their intermedling and disturbing their debates . the clergy of england cannot but be deeply sensible , how wide a gash the protestant religion lately received in this kingdom , and how that both houses of parliament are now met to soader up the wound ; what will the world then think , when they shall be the first that give the interruption to so good a work ? the church-of england-men had most reason of all others , to be sensible of the invasions made upon their priviledges and properties , by their being turn'd out of their colledges , while popery began to sit triumphant in the very universities of the nation ; and they themselves commanded to read a declaration , to the violation of their consciences . and is it fair for them to be the first that quarrel , who are the first who receive the benefit of the application ? or are they willing to undergo the same severities again , till at length they are outed out of all ? the clergy have the greatest advantage in this particular , that if they happen to be disgusted at any thing , they presently get up into their pulpits , and in a state-sermon ring the bells backward , and then their party come in . but at such an unseasonable time as this , when ireland lies a bleeding , when there was never more need of union , when the last efforts of a strugling enemy require our utmost opposition , it looks as if they had no sence of the danger ; that they from whom it was least expected , should be the first obstructors of all that is offered to secure both them and us : or at least , that popery and slavery are no such formidable things to some , who are now under another profession , as it is and ever will be to such protestants as are endued with a perfect love of truth . certain it is , that the gentlemen of the church of england are not so bigotted to their passive obedience , but that they can lay it aside , in a concern that touches their own copyhold , as they did by their refusal to read the declaration for liberty of conscience ; which makes it the less consistent with any reason , why they should be so squeamish in the grand affair of the kingdom . for where the religion of a nation lies at stake , it will be transmitted to posterity as a very unkind contention , to trouble the progress of national settlement with disputes about the significations of words . good authority has laid this down for a maxim , that princes , from the time that they begin to break the laws , and those ancient manners and customs , under which the people have been long govern'd , begin to lose their soveraignty . strada speaking of the revolt of the low countries from the king of spain , it is not to be questioned , says he , but that same liberty to which the people has been for a long time accustomed , if there be any attempt to alter or diminish it , occasions fatal commotions . and sir thomas smith tells us , that it is the parliament which gives form of succession to the crown . besides , that the words of henry the forth , king of france , in thuanus , were these : legis non regis esse de regni successione decernere . these therefore being the maxims of secular politicks , conformable to the laws and statutes of the land , and the concessions of great princes themselves , and such things wherein the clergy have nothing to do to meddle , it is so much the more to be wondered at , that any contest among them should be set on foot to interrupt the intended provisions for the future security of the nation . true it is , that it was a general refreshment , and universally revived the drooping spirits of the nation , to see the constant firmness of the church of england gentlemen in their refusal to read the king's declaration , and their stedfast adhering to the archbishop of canterbury , and the rest of those worthy suffragans , who led them the way , and confirmed them by their noble example . never were persons in their eminent station , so generally bewayl'd upon their commitment , nor ever caressed with louder acclamations , or a more universal joy for their acquittal . story will immortalize the glory of that action to all posterity . for indeed they may be said to have given the first check to the insulting power of popery at white-hall . of these honours it cannot be said , but that the rest of the ministry that mov'd in a lower orb , had gain'd a great share ; and it was hoped that they would have continu'd under the same conduct that inspir'd them with their first resolutions . but it was not without the sorrow and perplexity of many , to observe that harmony of temper , and agreement of resolution , tending so much to the good of the nation , disturb'd by the moody discontent of some men that seem'd to study more the interest of the common enemy , than the publick welfare . there is no question to be made , but that the enemies of our religion and liberties , would be the most joyful people in the world , to see that there were among our selves any people so much their kind friends , as to kindle divisions among those worthy patriots who are now consulting the settlement of the nation upon the lasting foundations of peace and safety . but it would ill become those who have acted hitherto so much to the satisfaction of the kingdom , to be the first that should save our enemies the labour , and blow up those flames that should put us into new conflagrations , and disturb that great work which is now carrying on to restore this nation to its ancient luster and grandeur . all men know that relapses are worse than the diseases themselves . but for those that should be the samaritans that should pour balsam into our wounds , to fester the mending scars with new corrosives , is so far from savouring of christianity , that morality would be ashamed of it . besides , that it would be a presumption in acting as it were against heaven , by going about to disturb what providence has hitherto so fairly brought about ; which certainly could never happen from the ministry , if they were kept within the bounds of their function , and not deviate from the precepts of their lord and master . finis . a proclamation, superceding the monthly fast after september, 1693. scotland. privy council. 1693 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05737 wing s1990 estc r183593 52529321 ocm 52529321 179115 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05737) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179115) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2777:8) a proclamation, superceding the monthly fast after september, 1693. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : anno dom. 1693. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the seventh day of september, and of our reign the fifth year, 1693. signed: gilb. eliot. cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fasts and feasts -church of scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , superceding the monthly fast after september , 1693. william and mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to macers of our privy council , or messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch as , by the first act of the last session of this our current parliament , a day of solemn fasting and humiliation was appointed to be observed by all persons within this kingdom , upon the third thursday of every month , until intimation of forbearance should be made by the lords of our privy council : and we considering the season of the year being far spent , it may be convenient to supercede the observing the said fast day , after this month of september : therefore we , with advice of our privy council , do hereby certifie and give intimation to all our liedges , that the said fast and humiliation is only to be observed upon the third thursday of this current month of september , and to be superceded and forborn for afterward . and to the effect our pleasure in the premisses may be known , our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and whole other mercat-crosses of the head burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom , and there by open proclamation make publication of the premisses , that none pretend ignorance ; and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the seventh day of september , and of our reign the fifth year , 1693 . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . in supplementum signeti . gilb . eliot . cls. sti . concilii . god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anno dom. 1693. the ancient liberty of the britannick church, and the legitimate exemption thereof from the roman patriarchate discoursed on four positions, and asserted / by isaac basier ... ; three chapters concerning the priviledges of the britannick church, &c., selected out of a latin manuscript, entituled, catholico-romanus pacificus, written by f.i. barnes ... ; translated, and published for vulgar instruction, by ri. watson. de antiqua ecclesiae britannicae libertate. english basier, isaac, 1607-1676. 1661 approx. 82 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26737 wing b1029 estc r9065 11985427 ocm 11985427 51928 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26737) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51928) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 52:13) the ancient liberty of the britannick church, and the legitimate exemption thereof from the roman patriarchate discoursed on four positions, and asserted / by isaac basier ... ; three chapters concerning the priviledges of the britannick church, &c., selected out of a latin manuscript, entituled, catholico-romanus pacificus, written by f.i. barnes ... ; translated, and published for vulgar instruction, by ri. watson. de antiqua ecclesiae britannicae libertate. english basier, isaac, 1607-1676. barnes, john, d. 1661. catholico-romanus pacificus. english. selections. watson, richard, 1612-1685. [24], 55, [6], p., [12], 48, [12] p. printed for john mileson, to bee [sic] sold by elisha wallis ..., london : 1661. first ed. of this translation of: de antiqua ecclesiae britannicae libertate. reproduction of original in british library. imperfect: first ([24], 55, [6]) pages only appear on the film. "select discourses" by f.i. barnes and "a letter written by the reverend dr. basier to the honourable sir richard brown" are lacking. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. popes -temporal power. divine right of kings. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the ancient liberty of the britannick church , and the legitimate exemption thereof from the roman patriarchate , discoursed on four positions , and asserted by isaac basier , d.d. and chaplain in ordinary to his late majesty of great britain , charls the first . three chapters concerning the priviledges of the britannick church , &c. selected out of a latin manuscript , entituled , catholico-romanus pacificus , written by f. i. barnes , of the order of st. benedict , yet living [ as is said ] in the roman inquisition . translated , and published , for vulgar instruction , by ri. watson . london , printed for iohn mileson , to bee sold by elisha wallis , at the horse-shooe in the great old-bayley , 1661. to my worthy good friend mr. richard watson , &c. at caen. sir , the cause why the abundant satisfaction i inwardly conceived , at the receipt of your most obliging letter , and reading of that excellent diatribe of doctor basiers , which accompanied it ( by mr. coventrie's favour ) according to your direction , hath no sooner thus dilated it self on paper , hath been that ingenious young gentlemans absence these holy-daies , as hee himself will ( i doubt not ) for my further justification , testifie ; i do therefore , sir , with all gratitude , acknowledge both dr. basier's , and your ample favours , in this whole design , no less relating to what is already so worthily performed , than to what is also so meritoriously projected and intended , as that i should do my self great wrong to refuse the annex of my name ; where it should rather be my ambition to have it appear ; but , on the other side , give mee leave , sir , to suggest one caution , that you take heed ( since you intend it should pass currant in england ) the stamp of my name do not , in regard of my relation to my royal master , ( i will not say , adulterate the coin , or abate the intrinseck value , but ) make it less welcome to praeoccupated and misperswaded readers . the doctor 's english letter , to mee , i hold not only fit for the press , as a testimony of the authors eminent industry and merit , but also as it is useful to the publick , indeed , such a one , written with so apostolical a spirit , as that i have been often heard to say , that i could never read it , but as a kinde of nine-and-twentieth of the acts ; use therefore i beseech you , sir , my name with all freedome , as you think good , you cannot entitle mee to any thing of this kind , which doth not add , as to my honour , so to my obligation to you ; whose prone , and undeserved , favour herein i shall , upon all occasions , ambitiously endeavour to requite by some more solid acknowledgement , than this bare signing my self , most worthy sir , paris , this first day of the year , 1658. which i heartily wish you most happy . your most humble and obliged servant richard brown. to the honourable , sir richard brown , clerk of the right honourable privy-council to his majesty of great britain , &c. sir , though i took the liberty , some years since , to publish the latin diatribe of the worthy doctor , which i found in my * lords cabinet , after his decease ; yet i could not so well presume to address it , as , i am confident , intended by the learned author , unto your noble self ; by my adventure in the translation i have somewhat improv'd my title , to a degree of propriety , and can so far justifie yours , at least to what is mine , if you please to own a patronage of the work , under so much disadvantage , as the change of language puts upon it . your approbation of it in the design gives mee no full assurance of your satisfaction at sight and reading ; but your ability to judge the difficulty of englishing such matters , in such a stile as they require , and your incouragement of all that aims at the publick good , yeeld mee hopes of your acceptance , and dispensation with whatsoever unavoidable defects ; that it was presented to you no sooner , you in part know the reason ; until of late it hath been as hard to finde a press for any treatise that vindicated our church , as for a dedicatory epistle to any resident of our king : but my long frustrated attendance for a supplement from mr. justell was the first dilatory it had , and very lately , i think , it hath been discountenanced by an aversion , if no more , of some private inquisitours , where you are , from all that hangs the church of england on this hinge of primitive antiquity , or the authority of ancient councils . it waits on you now , accompanied with somewhat i communicated not before , obtained by the friendly industry of that * ingenious gentleman , who sent mee f. barnes's manuscript , whence i selected what ( and more than what ) the doctor directs us to , though hee survives not to entertain the duplicate of my thanks , nor to take pleasure in the effect of his own pains , or mine , and to actuate further the most commendable quality , which happily discoverd it self very early in him , a singular complacency in accommodating a private friend , and a generous promptitude to advance any thing wherein publick interest was concerned . i must needs , in gratitude , do him the honour of laying this leaf of lawrel on his hearse , which hath passed through several hands of our reverend clergy , and gentry , * where hee died , recommended , sir , with your own serious condolence unto mine , that he acquired the character of a prudent exemplary young gentleman in his life , and a very pious christian in the self-discerned approaches to his death . sir , for printing the doctors letter , i should apologize ( unto him ) if you lent mee not yours to countenance it ; as your permitting it before to be read and copied , had signified your inclination to have some such right done to our church , and him , which could not better be than in company with another work of his own , and what his approves . the advertisement you further gave mee , that his additional relations were addressed to sir george radcliffe , came too late for mee to recover them , by the means i used , out of his papers ; as the notice of his death did for some other letters that had passed , to my knowledge , between my lord , and sir george , upon theological points of controversie , wherein they differed , and which they discussed with some little earnestness , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; if the former be not irrecoverably disposed of , sir , you have now a fair opportunity to secure them ; though , if the good doctor himself be living , the late misfortune befallen the country learned * travellers , not to exercise their function where the duty of praying for the king should be prohibited ; and a signal instance it was of christian courage in our reverend author , when an exile , to refuse the offer of a plentiful support , where that would not be allowed ; yet it had been worth his journey to smyrna , to convert the consul , who now , i hope , hath more than the merchants argument ( which many times is more prevalent with men of business , than the divines ) i mean , that of interest , to convince him . sir , the benediction the doctor gives to you and yours , in allusion to that which issued from the ark to obed edoms house , i have a very particular obligation to suffrage in , though so long after the date of his ; it was testimonium dei faventis , saith grotius ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith philo , of the propitiatory , or cover to it , a testimony or symbole of gods favourable and powerfull mercy to the good man ; not so restrained to the presence , but , even after its removal to the city of david , no doubt , he and his family were blessed by it . sir , the publick exercise of our liturgy , is the antitype we reflect upon , which , by gods singular indulgence to you , hath , when chased out of the temple , took refuge in your house , so that we have been forced many times to argue from your oratory for a visibility of our church ; your easie admission of mee to officiate in it for some months , and your endeavours to have such an establishment made for mee , as whereby , in the most difficult of times , i might have had a comfortable subsistence , and a safe protection under your sacred roof , beside the other graces and civilities i had from you , exact this open retribution of my thanks ; as the character of my holy order , impressed on mee in your chapel , may have consigned mee , somewhat peculiarly , to be your priest , when any emergent may require the canonical performance of my ministery within your walls ; however , sir , i shall not offer the holy sacrifice at any of gods altars ( which are now again erecting by a most miraculous mercy to his king and people ) but i shall commemorate , in your behalf , the little emblem you preserved of them , when they lay in their dust and ruines ; nor shall the cloud of sacred incense ascend in the sanctuary without the mixture of my breath , while i have it , to ask a return from heaven , in showers of blessings to you , and your posterity , whose name , & memory , must be ever venerable to the english clergy , as your person hath been most obliging to many of us , among whom , though the unworthiest of them , i pray assist and honour with the continuance of your patronage , noble sir , your most grateful , and very humble servant , ri. watson . caen , aug. 12. 1660. positions . i position . the rights of patriarchates . custome introduced ; councils confirmed ; emperours established . ii position . the britannick church , as being alwaies placed without the suburbicaries of the italick diaecese , in the time of the nicene council , was in no case subject to the roman patriarchate , but enjoyed a patriarchate of its own ( as to the substance of the thing ) so as did the other churches placed in the rest of the free diaeceses . iii position . the britannick church was , with very good right , restored by her soveraign , to her ancient ecclesiastical liberty , and that according to the rule of the ancient catholick canons , by which the word ) the metropolitick rights custome hath introduced , appears from the very words in the sixth canon of the first great nicen council , wherein the confines of the three chief patriarchs are determined , and the origin of the roman metropolitan , as also the alexandrian , antiochian , and those of other provinces ( which at that time did alike enjoy , each its own . ) i say , the origin of every one of these , is referred by the council ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to custome ; and moreover the synod doth decree a religious observation of that custome in these solemn words , which the church truly catholick did perpetually reverence as an oracle , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let ancient customes be in force ; commanding likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that churches should have their priviledges preserved . the same is clearly evident from the words in the second canon of the first constantinopolitan council , which most expresly commands each church in every diocess to be governed according to that custome of the fathers which had prevailed , the priviledges being preserved which by the nicen canons have been granted to the churches . the second part of the position ( viz. that councils have confirmed the rights of patriarchates ) is manifest both by the former paragraph , and principally by that illustrious canon , which is the last save one of the oecumenick council at chalcedon ( that is the 206 canon of the universal church ) a neither the truth nor validity whereof hath any one questioned , unlesse carried away violently with an affection to the roman partie . the words of the said canon are most emphatical . behold the very marrow and vigour of it express'd . first , the catholick ancients do assert , that they in this decree , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and every where follow the definitions of the holy fathers . secondly , that the priviledges of the elder rome , they say not ( are founded by christ , or by peter , or by paul , but ) are indulged by the fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , they adjust the reason of this prerogative , and that not divine , nor indeed so much as ecclesiastical , but meerly secular , to wit ( as wee shall demonstrate in the third paragraph ) the imperial authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because that city was emperesse of the rest . fourthly , the fathers , moved by the same consideration , declare , that they ( as much as lyes in them ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will communicate equal priviledges to the most holy throne of new rome . rightly judging ( they are the words of the very canon ) that constantinople , which they call new rome , being honoured both with empire and senate , may enjoy equal priviledges with the elder rome ; and in ecclesiastical affairs , no less than she , be extolled and magnified , as her second , or next unto her : hitherto the canon , second , to wit , in order , but no way obnoxious in jurisdiction to rome , as is plain by her equality with rome , every way asserted in the canon , and will afterward more clearly appear both out of the 8th . canon of the first ephesine council , as also the ninth canon of the council of chalcedon ; both which canons are cited and illustrated in the following position . the third part of the position , viz. the rights of patriarchates emperours have established , is confirmed both by reason and by practice ; and that first general , then special likewise . the general reason , being as it were the foundation of this whole discourse deeper laid , is farther to be reached . first , therefore wee say , that fathers of families were at first both princes and priests . moreover , as the supplicate of the whole gallick people , to * king philip the faire , almost four hundred years since , very rightly observeth against pope boniface , melchisedec is expresly said to be king before priest , and consequently the king taketh not from the priest , nor ought to acknowledge that hee owes unto the priest his crown , or the rights thereof ( such as the external regiment of the church is proved to be afterward . ) secondly , wee say , that by propagation of families , and their amplification into cities , and communities , the oeconomick authority in process of time , became politick . thirdly , wee assert , that in the first institution of the priesthood , moses took away no part of the supream jurisdiction from the politick authority ; therefore the royal power remained the same it was before , both legislative and iudiciary , as well in sacred as civil affairs . for moses , as * king in iesurun , was constituted by god himself , the keeper as well of † both trumpets , as tables ; now what pertained to moses as king , is every kings due . this very comparative argument , as rightly consequent from moses to constantine the great , after the revolutions of so many ages , eusebius five or six times applies to establish the imperial authority about the convocation and confirmation of the first nicene council . fourthly , as moses , not aaron , delivered the ceremonial law : so , long after moses , king david instituted the courses of the priest , and solomon thrust out abiathar the high priest. fifthly , when christ inaugurated his apostles , hee furnished them with great powers of his own , such as are the administration of sacraments , and power of the keyes ; but all that christ bestowed on his apostles cumulatively , nought at all privatively : for indeed our lord christ would neither by the evangelical priesthood , nor his whole first advent , have any thing detracted from the jurisdiction or authority of the civil powers ; nor that kings , because christians , should have their prerogative abated . sixthly , wee say , that kings , as kings , ought to be the liturgick officers of christ ; and so far kings in their degree may , yea ought to be ministers of the church , and , as it were , external bishops of the ecclesiastick government , ( as s constantine the great said wisely of himself ) that same the magnificent title of christ himself , prince of the kings of the earth , seems to erect for all kings of right , although in fact most of kings are not , yet by vertue of this title they are obliged all to bee christians . seventhly , we say , that there are very many things pertaining to the external polity of the church , which although they belong properly and primarily to the king alone , yet in case of necessity , as they say , and secondarily are out of course devolved upon the clergy . for instance , to call synods ; ordain fasts or festivals ; distinguish parishes into diocesses , or provinces ; to fix and ratifie the hierarchical degrees of bishops , so as this man is a bishop , that a primate , the third a metropolitane ; that this bishop should be under the jurisdiction of that metropolitane , and contrarily , upon some weighty or lawful either occasion , necessity , or publick commodity of the church , that this should be exempt from the other under whom hee was before . these , and very many of like sort , according to the various state of the church , pertain both to the king and priest. for those two most different times of the church's condition ought not to be confounded , i mean of persecution , and peace . because in time of persecution under infidel kings , so long as princes are altogether and every way dis-joyned from the church , and the church from princes , the divine order ceaseth , and the royal succession suffer's necessarily interruption ( i say interruption , not abolition ) for so long the case is plainly extraordinary , and , while so , the woman is in the desart , and the church supplies this defect of princes as she can . as when the husband is absent or sick , the matron governs the family . but the divine positive order re-entring , the ordinary state of the church returneth also ; so soon as kings resume the christian religion , the partition-wall presently falls down , and then by due right kings take again their exteriour power over the christian church . otherwise we should say , that in order to the government of the church , there ought to be no difference between pharaoh and moses , between nero and constantine ; nor , as to dominion in sacred affairs and the right use thereof , that this emperour communicates any more with the church , than the other ; which would be dissonant , not onely from right reason , but also from holy scripture . therefore the emperour , so soon as hee becomes christian , ought to obtain his restitution intire . and this in this argument is the matter of right , or general reason , which wee lay down as the base of that right which belongs to the emperour in establishing the external limits of the ecclesiastical government . as to the matter of fact , or practice , that is both general or catholick , and also special . the general practice ( beside the assumption of the second argument which was proved before ) consists in an induction of councils , as well general as provincial , all which as they supplicate from the emperour himself the very convocation of councils : so do they submit to the same emperour every one of their decrees , even those in matters of faith , which although , as to their intrinsec authority , they depend onely on the word of god , and truth it self ; yet , as to their extrinsec authority , they depend on the imperial sentence : but if those of faith , how much more those which are onely of the bare regiment of the church , such as is the establishment of patriarchates , lye all under the imperial decrees ? to wit , in this sense , that the canon of the church may have the force of a law , that wholly proceeds from the authority of the prince . thence is it , that every one of the ancient councils , all the ancient catholick bishops ( even the bishop of rome himself ) present them alwaies to the emperour to be supplied , amended , perfected ; and so humbly petition from the emperour , not a naked protection , or late execution ; but an intire ratification and confirmation of every council , without which , as to the external effect , they are to become unattired , void , and plainly of no force . concerning this truth , i appeal not onely to the councils of cavalion , mentz and toures , with the rest of the less sort ; but i produce the very four general councils , concerning the first of which , viz. that of nice , eusebius expresly relates , that the emperour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , confirming the decrees of the synod , did fortifie them , as it were with his seal . i appeal also to the first council of constantinople , and the very epistle of the council to the emperour theodosius , wherein all the holy fathers petition the emperour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. to have the suffrage of the synod confirmed . yea , i appeal to leo himself pope of rome , ( whom i beleeve not to have been of the most abject spirit among those in that pontificate ) who in every one of his † letters to three emperours , humbly petitions ( not commands , much less decrees ▪ but ) beseecheth , supplicates , that the emperour would command , &c. but it may suffice to have declared these things , though somewhat at large , yet but by the way , to the evincing ( by a general rule from the whole to the part ) that the rights of patriarchates introduced by custome ▪ confirmed by councils , were established by emperours , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was the last lemme of our position . the same will appear more evidently in the special practice of the catholick emperours . for by what authority iustinian the emperour erected iustiniana prima to a new patriarchate , and indulged unto the same ( they are the words of his eleventh novel ) the highest priesthood , the highest authority , and ordained that that should have the place ( not onely vicegerency , but place ) of the apostolical see , so as it should be , saith nicephorus , a free church , and head unto it self , with full power , &c. ( what could be said more amply , what more magnificently of rome her self ? ) so likewise by the same imperial authority , the very same emperour iustinian , novel . 131. ch . 1. restored the african diocess to its ancient patriarchal prerogative ( which the invasion of the vandals had interrupted ) and so by his imperial writ did hee constitute the bishop of carthage absolute primate of whole africk . lastly , this is the very thing which in the last age the emperour of britain king henry the eighth by the like right imitated in his diocess , viz. not by erecting it anew ( which yet in the case of iustiniana prima iustinian did ) but onely restoring the same britannick diocess unto the ancient liberty it enjoyed in the primitive times of the ancient oecumenick councils , viz. the * nicene , constantinopolitane , and ephesine ( concerning which more hereafter ) and thus much more than needs , of our first position , because that is , as it were , the foundation laid for the rest that follow . the second position . 1 the britannick church 2 as being alway placed without the suburbicaries of the italick diocess , 3 in the time of the nicene council , was in no case subject to the romane patriarchate , but enjoyed a patriarchate of its own ( as to the substance of the thing ) so as did the other churches , placed in the rest of the free diocesses . the structure , or proof . to the first wee must observe , that the britannick diocess was one of the thirteen , into which , according to the computation of some , the whole roman empire , but the very praefecture of rome it self , was anciently a distributed . we must also observe that the britannick diocess had been one of the six diocesses of the western empire , among which it appears to have excelled out of tacitus , spartian , and the other more famous roman historians . to the second , wee must mark , that by the nicene council every province had its metropolitick bounds set . certain it is , i say , that therein were fixed the ecclesiastick limits to the three chief metropolitanes , that is , to the roman , alexandrian , and antiochian , the right alwaies of the other provinces being preserved , which were no way subject to these metropolitanes . b it matters not whether wee call them patriarchs , or primates ( the origin of which terms , as the amplitude of their office , wee owe rather to the following ages ) whether wee call them exarchs , as the council of chalcedon , can. 9. or arch-bishops , as iustinian promiscuously , or metropolitans , or onely bishops , as this very nicen council , all is one , so long as it effectually appears , that by patriarchs , wee understand them to whose both ordination and jurisdiction the provinces of intire dioceses were attributed , and who had the hearing and judging of all ecclesiastick causes in the last reference , so that , according to e iustinian the emperour , yea according to the very oecumenick council of chalcedon from the patriarchal sentence out of council was allowed no regular appeal . wee call , with the lawyers , those suburbicary provinces , which were concluded in one diocese , the law term , because of the manifest coextension of both , being translated from the republick to the church . thirdly , let us grant ( which yet is undetermined ) that the roman patriarch had obtained an extraordinary or patriarchal jurisdiction over all the provinces of the italick diocese , as his suburbicaries , and that they were those ten in number , viz. the three islands of sicilie , corsica , and sardinia , and the seven other placed on the continent . which ten provinces some do assign to the same diocese , induced by that ancient observation , from which it appears , that the ecclesiastick jurisdiction of the dioceses , both for the beauty and benefit of order and unity , as also to insinuate a mutual harmony ( which ought , as much as may be , to be cherished between the church and republick ) in a certain accurate imitation , was so coextended with , and adjusted to , the temporal regiment of the secular vicars , that the ecclesiastick patriarchates or primacies were not enlarged farther than the temporal jurisdiction of the vicars , that is , to the limits of those dioceses , the cities whereof , in which resided the vicars , were metropolies , where was fixed the praetory it self , which was the highest tribunal of all causes , and all appeals likewise in the provinces subject thereunto . the very same government of the church was retained for the conservation of ecclesiastick unity , unto which was had special regard by that singular and excellent subordination of the lesser clerks to their bishops in every city ; of the bishops unto their metropolitanes in every province ; and of the metropolitanes to their patriarchs in every diocese . but in case either of heresie or schism , the church was succoured by councils , either provincial , which were rightly called by the metropolitane , or patriarchal , which by the patriarch , or lastly general , which by the emperour himself . now as this premised general coextension of the ecclesiastick jurisdiction with the civil government appears by comparing the second canon of the constantinopolitan council with the very code of the provinces : so that particular definition of the italick diocese may bee fetcht out of ruffinus d the best interpreter of that very sixth nicene canon , who expresly mentions the suburbicaries in that place , where he professedly interprets the said canon ; who being both an italian , and near the age of the nicene council , was able clearly to distinguish the proper limits ( as then fixed ) of the italick patriarchate . howsoever it is evident to any man , that even in this sense , from the jurisdiction of all those ten italick provinces , as — penitus loto divisos orbe britannos . from the whole world the britains were divided . to the fourth , viz. that in the time of the nicene council the britannick diocese was subject neither to the roman patriarchate ( as some of yesterday , grosly suppose ) nor yet to any forein jurisdiction ; shall presently appear , when wee shall shew , that the britannick churches enjoyed their own primate or patriarch . that being all matter of fact , is to be fetched out of the britannick history it self , which is written by venerable bede , the chief historiographer of the said britain , and a catholick priest too . in him therefore wee may read the huge difference of the britannick church ( howsoever e most catholick in other things ) from ( that i say , not with the same bede , contrariety to ) the roman church , both in the different observation of easter , wherein the britains following the use of anatolius the constantinopolitane patriarch , and not that of the bishop of rome , conformed themselves to the eastern , not western churches , as also in the different administration of holy baptism , and in many other things ( witness augustin himself , who was legate of gregory the roman bishop ) the same also appears out of the constancy of the britains in their rejection of the said augustin , whom although sent express by the roman pontifie , that hee might preside over the britains ; yet , saith bede , all the britain bishops refused to acknowledge him for their arch-bishop , as who had an arch-bishop of their own ; whosoever hee then was , whom it would not bee hard to know from the prerogatives of his metropoly , and priviledge of his seat in councils . as for the state of the britannick churches , and their partition , it will bee worth our pains to search it in the undoubted records of the british antiquity . from the very time therefore of constantine the great , and so of the nicene council , all britany was in times past canton'd into three onely provinces , * over which were , after the romane manner , in temporal affairs , three romane proconsuls or praesidents ; as likewise in spiritual there praesided as many arch-bishops commonly called metropolitans from their metropolies , or principal cities wherein were resident both the secular and sacred provost , or metropolitane . the first of these three provinces was called maxima caesariensis , the greatest caesarian [ or inverted if either way to be englished ] the metropolitan whereof was the bishop of york . the second was called britannia primo , the first britain , the metropolitane , of which was the bishop of london . the third was britannia secunda , the second britain , called the legionary metropoly , and thereof the is●ane bishop , or bishop of ca●ruske in the tract or county of monmouth . that was the state of this metropoly from lucius unto king arthur , in whose time the metropolitical dignity was transferred to the bishop of st. davids , to whom were subject , as suffragans , the welch bishops , until in the time of henry the first , or as some will have it , henry the third , the same metropolitane was reduced under the obedience of the arch-bishop of canterbury . now whatsoever either in the provinces themselves , or churches , was afterward irregularly parjeted from abroad , that cannot prejudice the imperial authority , to which belongs , as we have before shewed , both to dispense the external government of the church , and to establish the jurisdictions which it limits . much less can a usurpation , advanced by force or fraud , derogate from the oecumenick decrees of the ancient fathers , or frustrate so many most grave canons , venerable for their age , published thereupon , such as is the premised 6th canon of the nicene council for the ancient prerogatives , and the second canon of the constantinopolitan , by which is charged , that no bishop approach any churches situate without his bounds ( which most grave canon i wish the bishop of rome had religiously observed , the peace of the church had been better assured ) the council goes on , commanding , that all bee kept according to what was defined at nice . and that these may not seem too remote from our britain , the canon concludes in a general sanction , that all things ought to be done according to that custome of the fathers in force . but that such had been the custome of the britains , as to have all weighty affairs synodically disputed within themselves , appears out of bede . † moreover , to have been in use , that the bishops of that nation were consecrated by one bishop , baronius himself somewhere observes . at that time truly so beautiful was the state of affairs in britain , until some ages after the council of nice , augustin the monk was sent by gregory , who , what hee could not by right , first by fraud , then by the armed assistance of ethelbert , and his new-converted anglo-saxons , indeavoured to force the catholick bishops of britain to acknowledge and receive him for their arch-bishop ; but they couragiously replied , that they could not abandon their ancient priviledges , and subject themselves to the mandates of strangers . f that any other custome had been in the sacred government of the british church , no man can ever evince out of genuine antiquity . and so much concerning the second position . the third position bearing proportion to the second . the britannick church was 1 with very good right 2 restored by her soveraign to her ancient ecclesiastical liberty , 3 and that according to the rule of the ancient catholick canons , by which was confirmed for the future the intire liberty of the churches . to the first , whatsoever the rebels at this day on either side falsely alledge to the contrary , it appears out of very many histories , and the authentick chronicles , that the kingdome of england hath been an empire , and so accounted in the world , which was governed by one supream head , or king , both in spirituals and temporals , and that wholly independent of any forein prince or supremacy whatsoever on earth . this is the very marrow expressed from the formal words of a statute at large set out to this purpose by the assembly of parliament , that is , of the whole kingdome in the 24th . year of king henry the eighth , chap. 12. at which time the three estates of england , to wit , the clergy , nobility and commons , willing to recall the ancient rights of the kingdome , taken away rather by force and power , than any rule of the canons , decreed to have controversies ended within the bounds of the kingdome , without any appeal to foreiners ( which indeed is one principal prerogative of a patriarchal jurisdiction . ) but upon this whole britannick affair , the thing most worthy our observation is , that this decree , for the liberty of the britannick churches was not introductive of a new law , as in spight to the kings of britain new upstarts calumniate , who are either ignorant of , or opposite to , the britannick priviledge : but the said decree was onely declarative of an ancient custome , which had constantly prevailed in england , eight hundred years since , and so many ages before : yea and was intirely renewed as often as occasion required . concerning this most g just assertion , wee attest the ample margin filled with a long train of the ancient britannick statutes , which the ingenuous reader may be pleased at leisure to view and consider . whence by induction of parts will appear , that this was no new enterprize , nor a single irregular act of henry the eighth alone ; but that long before the time of henry the eighth , this had been the ancient supremacy of all the kings of england , over all persons , and in all causes whatsoever , so well ecclesiastick as temporal . wee proceed to the second , and prove the ancient state of the church to have been such , out of the undoubted monuments of the britannick church ; where first wee may collect out of the fore-cited * venerable bede , as also † henry of huntington no less than the rest , that augustine the monk stirred up ethelbert king of kent against the bishops of the britains , because they in behalf of the ancient britannick liberty denied to subject themselves and their churches unto the roman legate . yet further , huntington adds , that neither the britains nor scots ( that is the irish ) would therefore communicate with the english , and h augustine their bishop , more than with pagans ; the reason was , because augustine did seem to deal uncanonically with them , by constraining them to receive him for their arch-bishop , and subject themselves to the mandates of strangers ; when as the ancient manners of the britannick church required , that all things should be synodically transacted within themselves . hence is it , that the britains did alwaies celebrate their ordinations within themselves , and this is also another honorary priviledge of the patriarchal jurisdiction , and concerning this wee again appeal unto * bede in his history of aidan the bishop ; yea to baronius himself , where quoted before , who relates , out of lanfranke , the custome of the kingdome to have been , that the bishops thereof were consecrated by one single bishop ; but that these ancient customes of britain were abrogated by the force rather , and power of the anglo-saxons , than by any synodical consent . the said † bede testifieth the same , where hee relates that colman the bishop ( finanus's successour in the pontificate of the northymbrians ) with his fellows , chose rather to desert episcopate and monastery , than their ancient manners . which fact of bishop colman is worth observation , lest , what some falsely pretend , onely the monks of bangor may seem to have rejected augustin , against whom , charged upon them , this was the legitimate defence of the ancient britains , these being their very words out of * beda before , that they could not abandon their ancient manners , without the consent and license of their own bishops . and truly this answer of the britains was grounded on very irrefragable , very catholick reason , and that because this unwonted subjection had contradicted the sixth oecumenick canon of the council of nice , which expresly commands the ancient manners to bee kept . this had also destroyed the eighth canon of the first ephesine council , by which first such usurpation , to wit , in the case of the cyprian church , is called in hypothesis , a thing innovated beside ecclesiastick constitutions and canons of the holy fathers , which , as common diseases , therefore needs a greater remedy , because the dammage is greater which it brings . secondly , therefore the holy synod ( in thesi , as they say , or in general ) commands , that that should be observed in all dioceses and provinces wheresoever ( behold the authentick charter of the britannick liberty . ) thirdly , that no bishop ( the roman not excepted ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should invade any other province , which from the beginning hath not been under his , or his predecessours jurisdiction ( as , for instance , did augustin the monk. ) fourthly , the oecumenick canon goes on , and a hundred and fifty years , more or less , before augustins invasion of the britannick church , as it were fore-seeing it , by provision declares it to be void , in these most weighty words . that if any one shall invade it , and make it his own by force , hee shall restore it . fifthly , yet further ( for the following words are most emphatical , and which , as by and by shall appear , seem chiefly to regard the roman bishop himself . ) the holy synod warneth , that the canons of the holy fathers be not passed by , nor that the pride of secular power creep in under the specious pretence of administring sacred affairs , and by little and little unawares wee lose that liberty which our lord iesus christ , the deliverer of all men , hath purchased for us by his blood . yea the holy oecumenical synod , for the greater enforcement , yet again repeats the decree . it hath therefore pleased the holy and universal synod [ to decree ] that to every province be preserved pure , and inviolate , the rights which it had from the very beginning , according to ancient custome , every metropolitane ( and so the britannick ) having liberty to take copies of the act for his security . yet the holy synod concludes according to its oecumenical authority : if any one shall bring any sanction ( every word is most general ) repugnant to those which now are defined , it hath pleased intirely the holy and universal synod , that it bee void . hitherto for the liberty of the churches [ extends ] the most express canon of the catholick church , which after the matter of fact first declared , completes the matter of right in favour as well of the britannick , as cyprian church . for since , as out of the praemises appears , the britannick church in the west enjoyed the same priviledge wherewith the cyprian church was honoured in the east , why may not shee lawfully resume what is her own , in time of peace , which was taken from her , by tumult and force , in a turbulent time of the wars ? the sum of the whole most inculent canon is this ; the ancient and truly catholick church would have the rights of every church preserved , not taken away , and if they be taken away by force or fraud , what patriarch soever doth it , his fact is declared void , and moreover hee is commanded to restore that province which he hath made his own . now that this canon was establisht in a tacite opposition to the roman bishop himself , is , not obscurely , to bee collected out of the * acts of that council ; for it is evident from them , that the canon prevailed , notwithstanding the epistle of innocent the first to alexander , wherein the roman bishop declared , that the cyprians were not wise according to faith , if they subjected not themselves to the patriarch of antioch , when as , notwithstanding , wee see the decree of the universal synod plainly contrary to the papal sentence , wherein namely it was judged that this was attempted by the antiochian , beside the canons , and that therefore all the letters brought by him against the cyprians were of no effect . hitherto the third position . the last followeth . the fourth and last position . the britannick church persevering in its primitive exemption from the roman patriarchate , so far is it from that it ought , or can be therefore called schismatical , that rather in the very same respect ( before truly catholick iudges ) that church appears both to have been , and yet really to bee , by so much the more every way catholick , by how much that church , more than others , is an assertour of the whole ancient catholick liberty , which by so many sacred canons of four general councils , the nicene , constantinopolitan , ephesine and chalcedonian , the catholick fathers have decreed , and antecedently declared to remain ratified for ever against all future usurpations . since the time that the ancient liberty of the britannick church , was by right resumed ( as before ) with the solemn consent of the whole kingdome , the i britannick church ( now truly catholick in the rest ) can by a like right retain the same without the loss of her catholicism , without any brand of schism , much less of heresie . we do willingly owe the proof of this assertion to barns , a most learned and peaceable man , at the same time [ when hee writ it ] a roman priest ; a monk in the order of the benedictins , a britain , and therefore no unfit arbiter of this britannick cause . first , therefore , whether the causes of our withdrawing were sufficient , is no way a matter of faith , but wholly matter of fact , whereto the roman bishop himself ( that i may speak the truth as gently as may be ) was at least accessory , and therefore can be no competent judge of the cause , but rather , if the business would bear a controversie , it were to be presented to a truly oecumenical or general free council , rightly and legitimately called . now so far is it from that the britannick church even refused to present her self , or her cause , before the tribunal of such a council , that the britannick church rather holds a general council to be above any patriarch ( even the roman himself ) according to that pair of councils held at basil , and constance . this the britannick holds together with the gallican church , a renewing of the ancient concord with which church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so far as conscience permits , were even at this time much to be wished , it being k manifest that above a thousand years since , much friendship passed between the gallican and the britannick church , even at that time when the britannick church did not communicate with the roman : and certainly if both parties would mutually understand one the other , without prejudice , and that of the two , which is in the extream , would remit of its rigour , that consent of the britannick church with the gallican would not be so improbable as it seems at the first aspect to them that are ignorant of both , or either . but this onely by the way . to our purpose again . wee say the britannick church doth so reverence the general councils , that she hath provided by a special statute , that not any one endued with spiritual jurisdiction , shall declare or administer his ecclesiastical censures , or adjudge any matter or cause to be heresie , but onely such as before had been determined , ordered , or adjudged to be heresie by the authority of the canonical scriptures , or by the first four general councils , or any of them , or by any other general council . this was in the reign of queen elizabeth the very catholick sense of the britannick church , and her due esteem of general councils , which the old parliament openly testified in the solemn assembly of that whole kingdome , for we disdain to make mention in this place of the cabals or conventicles now adayes , which reign in the turbulent rebellious state of that church and republick : for those swarms of sects are onely the cancers and impostemes of that lately famous church , which no more belong to the sacred body of the britannick church , than a wenn doth to the body natural : and truly if heretofore the great mother of us all , the catholick church seemed almost universally to be utterly swallowed by a sudden deluge of l arrianism , what wonder is it if the britannick church , but one of her daughters , lye under the same fate for a time ? this for the first point . concerning the second , it is to be very much observed , that the britannick church , at the time of her withdrawing , was not truly in fact , much less by right , subject to the bishop of rome , having been — years before her reformation under edward 6. altogether exempt from the roman patriarchate , to wit , by the imperial authority , and by that of prince henry the eighth , whom to have been impowred to do it by right appears before in the first position . but what occasion soever of the withdrawing at that time shall bee pretended , it cannot prejudice the royal right , or any way derogate from the ancient custome of the britannick church . nay , the british nation could not have opposed either of the two , without being hainously guilty both of rebellion and schism , especially since that whole business of the church's restitution was transacted with the express consent of the britannick clergy ( then romane ) a provincial council of which alone , in defect of a general ▪ was at that time the supream meerly ecclesiastick tribunal of the britannick nation , whereunto , onely , the britannick church ought to be , or indeed could be subject , because in that article of time , no council , truly general , sate . as for that of trent , which afterward followed , it was at highest onely patriarchal , to which consequently the britannick church , before exempt by lawful authority from the romane patriarchate , was no way subject . whereas therefore the britannick church can be said to have opposed it self to no lawful ecclesiastick authority at all , which notwithstanding inseparably is of the essence of schism , certain it is , that church is no way schismatical , but , on the contrary side , the britannick church , according to the singular moderation and christian love she perpetually sheweth toward all christians , as she keeps off from her external communion no christian of what ever communion he be ( so that he hold the foundation intire ) but ( unless a most just excommunication put a bar ) opens her catholick bosome , and draws forth her holy breasts to any genuine nursling of the catholick church ; so as well in faith , as the internal communion of charity , as likewise in the external communion of the catholick hierarchy and liturgy , yea and ceremonies also , she yet cherisheth and professeth an undivided peace and consent with the catholick church , from which the britannick church never did , nor ever will separate her self , as being alwaies most tenacious of the whole truly catholick foundation . for one thing it is ( on the hinge of which just distinction is the whole state of this great controversie turned ) one thing , i say , it is , to separate her self from the catholick or universal church , and to form to her self a congregation or religion apart different from the catholick church , as in times past the donatists did ; another , not to communicate in all with some one particular church ( as for instance , the latine ) or rather to abstain from the external worship which is used by some persons , in some places , under an express protestation ( for thence is sprung the modest and innocent title of protestants ) under protestation , i say , so soon as the occasion of scandal should be taken away , of reconciliation , and under a vow ( not so much out of any absolute necessity , as for publick peace , and catholick unity's sake ) of returning to the communion of that particular church , from which that the protestants were estranged , yea in the latter age violently driven away by thunder , and sword , and fire , is better known out of history , than to want any proof , or further amplification . it appears therefore out of the premises , that the britannick church constituted in this , as i may say , her passive state of separation from the communion of the bishop of rome , is wholly free from all blemish of schism , by reason that the m bishop of rome himself first of all interrupted christian communion with the britannick church , and yet further inderdicteth the britannick church his communion , and in that again the pope extolleth himself above a general council lawfully called ( unto which the britannick church hath ever attributed the decisive judgement ) while in his n bull of the lords supper , he forbids an appeal from himself to a general council . to all these add ( what in conclusion is principally necessary ) to wit , that the britannick church , after the very sacred canon of the scriptures ( such as is defined in the † † conc. laodic . can. ult . ancient councils ) adheres closely unto tradition truly universal , as well ecclesiastick as apostolical , both which lean on the testimony or authority of the truly catholick church , according to that in vincentius of lirinum , his fam'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or essay of ancient catholicism , quod ubique , quod semper , quod ab omnibus , &c. that which every where , which alwaies , which by all , &c. it appeareth that the britannick church bears upon these two catholick principles , to wit , holy scripture , before and above all ; and then universal tradition ; not onely because the general council of nice , wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ancient customes are underset and established ; but also the britannick church , in a * * the first synod . after her articles of religion were fixed . an. 13. regin . elizab. provincial council of her own , hath most expresly ordained by a special canon . wee conclude therefore , that the britannick church , such as shee was lately under episcopacy rightly constituted , was no way schismatical , neither materially , nor formally , since that she neither erected unto her self chair against chair , which is the foul brand of schismaticks , in st. cyprian ; nor did that church cut her self off from episcopacy , or made a congregation at any time unto her self against her canonical bishops ( which ever is the formal character of schismaticks , by the definition of the o o concil . constantinop . 1. can. 6. vel . 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. woe call them hereticks which rend themselves from , and set up synagogues , or conventicles against , our canonical bishops , &c. constantinopolitan council ) much less did she shake off her bishops , and with the continued succession of bishops , by consequence , the succession of her priests , not interrupted ( as i may say ) from the very cradle of her christianism . and as for lawful ordination ( as well in the material part , the imposition of hands , as in the formal , wherein signally , by a set form of words , both praerogative of ordination , and also jurisdiction is conferred on the bishops ) this her ordination , i say , rightly and canonically performed by the catholick bishops , shee proves out of the very records or monuments of consecrations : so that no man can by deserved right charge upon the britannick churches , that ancient reproach of schismaticks in p p matthew parler , a godly and learned man , &c. who was chaplain to henry the eighth , &c. being duly elected to the arch-bishoprick of canterbury , after a sermon preached , the holy spirit invoked , and the eucharist celebrated , by the imposition of hands of three bishops in former times , william barloe of bathe , iohn scory of chichester , miles coverdale of exceter , and iohn suffragan of bedford , was consecrated at lambeth ; hee afterward consecrated edmund grindal , an excellent divine , to bee bishop of london , &c. see camdens annals of the affairs of england , part . 1. ad an . 1559. tertullian , vos ex vobis nati est is ; you are new upstarts , born yesterday of your selves . nay so tenacious are the genuine britains of the ancient religion , and by consequence of her catholick discipline , that for the intire restitution of their bishops , their most gracious king himself charls , emperour of great britain , chuseth rather to suffer so many , and so most undeserved injuries ( even which is horrid to be spoken , to death it self , which in dishonour and contempt of all q q in good earnest , this hainous fact so strikes at all monarchs through the side of one king of great britain , that unless it incense all kings and princes whatsoever , as to a most just indignation , so to a serious revenge ▪ it may be feared that the contagion of such a damnable example , will diffuse its infection into neighbour-kingdomes , it so threatneth and menaceth the destruction and ruine of monarchy it self ; since that in the most seditious epilogue of the perfidious covenant , in most express words , they exhort and animate other christian churches , as they love to speak , which either groan under the yoak of antichristian tyranny , or that onely are in danger of it , that they would joyn in the same , or like association , and covenant , with them , forsooth , to the enlargement of the kingdome of iesus christ , &c. you hear the words , yee christian princes , yea , and you see their deeds . it is the affair of you all that is acted , but of such among you especially , whom particularly they will seem to have marked out with that black character of antichristianism , which in the sense of these traitours , is not so common to every meridian , but that it seems to threaten some region before other , with its malignity . god avert all of that nature portended by it . christian monarchs , those most desperate rebels threaten to their king , and not long since potent monarch ) then abolish episcopacy , as mindful of that r r at the coronation of the king of england , the arch-bishop consecrating , in the name of the whole clergy , twice adjures the king in these words . ss . 1. † † this is translated out of the latin copy . my liege , will you grant , conserve , and by your oath confirm the laws , customes , and liberties , given unto your clergy by the glorious king , st. edward your predecessor ? the king answers , i do grant , and take upon mee to keep them . also . ss . 5. the arch-bishop advertiseth the king in these words . my lord , the king , wee beseech you , that you will conserve to us and the churches committed to our trust , all canonical priviledges — and that you will protect and defend us , so as every good king ought to be a protector and defender of bishops , and churches put under his government . the king , almost in the same words promiseth , that hee , to the uttermost of his power , god helping him , will keep the canonical priviledges of the churches , and that hee will defend the bishops themselves . afterward the king being lead to the altar , there touching with his hand the holy bible , solemnly swears , that hee will perform all these things , adding moreover this imprecation to be trembled at . so help mee god , and the contents of this holy book . i thought fit to insert here this form of the kings oath , taken out of the royal records themselves , that it may bee made manifest to the whole christian world , that his majesties magnanimity and constancy hitherto , is to be imputed not to pertinacy , but religion , whatsoever otherwise is said by such as blaspheme , or reproach him with their 〈◊〉 language . oath , to be trembled at , whereby hee religiously bound himself to god and the church at his coronation . the clergy , and likewise better part of the nobility , as also the britannick people , dispersed here and there ( rivals with their king in this part of his religion ) refuse not to undergo the loss of all their estates , persecutions , banishments , yea are ready to indure all kindes of extremity , to their very last breath , rather than consent to the schismaticks , in the extermination of catholick episcopacy , which under a most false pretence of religion , stubborn traiterous persons , sworn enemies of the whole catholick church , of religion it self , and christian truth , as also of all empire and monarchy , attempt by force of arms , abandoning the whole royal authority : whom , the best and greatest god , the severe assertour of catholick unity , vouchsafe to disperse in his own time , and recollect at length the britannick church , heretofore a very illustrious part of the christian world , yea , the whole christian universe it self , as one flock under one shepheard . amen . s. d. g. can. vi. concil . nicaen . i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a letter to the right honourable , the lord hopton , importing the occasion of writing the fore-going treatise . to the right honourable , the lord hopton , baron of straton , &c. my lord , the inclosed from dr. basier was left with mee when he took his journey toward italy ; hee acquainted mee with part of the contents , which may put your lordship in present expectation of two manuscripts , one of which is intended to sir george radcliffe ; i shall avoid all occasions , i can , of detaining them , being loath to deprive your lordship , for an hour , of the benefit which may be assuredly reaped by two tracts , so good in their several natures ; but the doctors commands , imposed upon another gentleman and my self , to search , & secure , divers quotations in his own , and the liberty hee granted of the other to be communicated for a time , necessitate mee to crave your lordships pardon , and forbearance a little while , one of the books cited by him , being not yet to be met with , and the transcription not to be done in haste . the occasion of the doctors setting pen to paper , was taken from a work which mr. chr. iustell ( he who put out the greek and latine councils your lordship hath ) is about , which he means to entitle geographia sacro-politica , making clear the distinctions of several dioceses , &c. and asserting the priviledges of some churches , exempted from the supremacy of the roman . the doctor hath importuned him to enlarge somewhat about our church , and i think ( in my hearing ) prevailed with him for a promise . this diatribe hath prepared the way a little for him , & given him a sight of what he did not so particularly understand , in reference to us . the main businesse is , the parallel of our , with the cyprian priviledge , which i wish they may sufficiently prove , to the satisfaction of the world. i shall be very glad to hear your lordships approbation of what the learned doctor hath done toward it , in the reading whose book , if any scruple retard you , i may chance to remove it , knowing the authors meaning by the daily conversation and conference i had with him . if i thought your lordship had not the lord montrosse's history , and sr. balthazar iarbiers vindication of the king ( as hee pretends ) already dispatched to you by another hand , i would use all diligence to procure , and send you them , by the first , being very ready , wherein i may , to express my self , my lord your lordships very faithful , and most obsequious servant , ri. watson . paris , march 17. 1648. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26737-e450 * lord hopton . * mr. thomas coventry . * paris . * dr. basier dr. duncon notes for div a26737-e1210 a this very 28th . canon appears in all greek copies , and although controverted by pope leo , whom it seemed to concern , yet we have seen , and read the very same canon likewise in an excellent latine copy , the quadrate characters whereof , and other marks of antiquity , argue the book to bee about one thousand years old . this copy is in the rich library of the famous ●ustell , who heretofore gave mee the liberty of seeing it . there is also another ancient latine copy in the famous library of the noble th●●●nus , wherein yet the same canon is to bee read ; so that wee may justly question the fidelity of the later roman copies , which have it expunged . * acta inter philip . pulch. & bonifac . 8. * deuter. 3● . 5 . † numb . 10.1 . rom. 13.6 . s you are bishops as to the interiour , i , as to the exteriour . isa. 49.23 . † lett. 23 , 24 , 25. achrida , now ochrida . novel . 131. c. 3. * nicene can. 6. constantinop . can . 2. ephesin . can . ult . hierocl . notit . provinciar . occidental . in append. geogr. sacr. carol. à s. paul. edit . paris . 1641. a the ordinary jurisdiction of the praefecture over the city was concluded within the hundredth mile from the city . b this difference seems to be between patriarchs and primates ; they [ that is , the patriarchs ] had ever the preference and precedence in councils , when as out of the councils was little other than an identity of their offices . there are they who , in a strict way of speaking , will haw rather the rights of metropolitans fixed in the council of nice ; but those of the patriarchs after the dioceses designed in the following councils , and namely in the council of chalcedon . however that be , it nothing retards our opinion concerning the ancient exemtion of the britannick , whether metropolitane , or patriarch . e the exarchs of dioceses are patriarchs , to whom intire dioceses were attributed . that zonaras testifies upon this canon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , the definition of this canon , concerning the order of judgements iustinian confirms . l. 46. c. de episc. et cler. et l. 2. c. de episc. audi et novel . 123. cap. 22. these things chr. iustell ; the most famous searcher of ecclesiastick antiquities , learnedly observes , ad can. 187. concil . chalcedon . d an ancient translation of these canons hath mentioned those suburbicaries expresly in a latine copy about eight hundred years old , which is also extant in the library of the famous iustell . the words of the translation are , ut episcopus romanus suburbicaria loca gubernet . e that the british nation had been converted to christian religion many ages before augustin the monk was sent into britain by gregory the great , appears out of the holy fathers , as well greek , as latine , the chief of whom are athanasius in secunda epist. contra arian . tertul. advers . iudaeos , num . 43. apud pamel . it appears likewise out of the ancient gildas de exidio britanniae ; for hee refers the birth of christianism in britain to the highest time of tiberius , that is , about the year 135. according to the computation of baronius , who confesseth that britain was nine years elder than rome , in her christianism , vid. euseb. pamphil. in chronico . moreover augustin the monk himself acknowledgeth the bishops of the britains for truly catholick , notwithstanding their difference in rites from the romans , yea , and that when they refused to subject themselves to the roman bishop . beda lib. secundo hist. cap. secundo . * beda antiq. britan . p. 11. & passim . † bed. hist. l. 2. c. 2. f there are not wanting very ancient historians , who impute the slaughter of the britains to augustine , by whose instigation they say ethelbert slew one thousand two hundred of them , because they would not obey augustine in the council . essebicus . monach. in merlin . comment . nicolaus trivet . citat . a do ▪ henr. spelman . concil . p. 111. galfrid . monumet . g 1. the king is a mixt person with the priest , because hee hath as well ecclesiastical as temporal jurisdiction statut. anno decimo h. 7. fol. 8. 2. anno christi 755. king kenulphus exempteth the abbot of abbington from episcopal jurisdiction ; and the fact of the kings was judged for legitimate . 1. h. 7. fol. 23 , 25. 3. among the laws of edward the confessor , chap ▪ 19 it is said , that the king is constituted chief vicar , that hee may rule the kingdome and people of the lord , and , above all , the holy church . 4. in the time of edward the first , one had brought a bull , derogatory to this right of the crown , for which he was condemned to exile , and it was judged , that his crime had the nature of treason . 5. 4 ed 1. the king in parliament ( as they speak ) himself expounded the canon made at the council of lions , de bigamis . 6. 16. ed. 3. the excommunication of the arch-bishop of canterbury was judged valid , notwithstanding the contrary sentence of the roman pontifie . 7. 17. ed. 3.23 . the king by his supremacy ex-exempts the archdeacon of richmond from episcopal jurisdiction , as also all ecclesiastick colledges , and even monasteries , which the king founded , were exempt by the same right . 8. 27. ed. 3.84 . the king and supream ordinary present by lapse . 9. 33. ed. 3. aide du roy. 103. kings anointed with sacred oyl are capable of spiritual jurisdiction . 10. 11. h. 4 37. the pope cannot change the laws of england . 11. 12. ed. 4.16 . a legate , coming into england , ought to take an oath , that hee will attempt nothing in derogation to the rights of king and crown . 12. 2. rich. 3.22 . the excommunications and judgements of the roman pontifie are of no force in england . 13. 1. h. 7.20 . the pope cannot erect the prviledge of a sanctuary in england . 14. 25. ed. 3. it is determined , that the pope hath no right in england of conferring archbishopricks or bishopricks . 15. 27. ed. 3. whosoever , by summons or sute , shall trouble any of the subjects of the king of england , without the realm of england , shall incur the loss of all his goods ( which the law of england calls praemunire . ) 16. 16. rich. 2. cap. 5. it is provided by law , that because the king of england holdeth his crown immediately from god , therefore if any one shall pursue in the court of rome any translation whatsoever of process or excommunication , &c. hee shall incur the same forfeiture of his goods , being beside put out of the kings protection . 17. 2. h. 4. it is decreed , that the popes collectours , by vertue of his bulls , have no authority nor jurisdiction in england ; but that the archbishops and bishops of england are the kings spiritual judges . 18. 11. h. 4.69.76 . the commission of judges pronounceth with one mouth , that the premised statutes are onely affirmative of the common custome of england , but not introductive of a new law. it were an easie thing to accumulate six hundred more of this sort , but these will bee enough for the reader nor prejudicate , yet hitherto perchance ignorant of these statutes . * hist. eccl. l. 1. c. 27. et 2. c. 4. ad annum 883. † hist. l. 36. h hence is that sad complaint [ apud bed. l. 1. c. 27. ] of gregory himself in his epistle to augustin . in anglia , inqut , tu solus episcopus , &c. in england , saith hee , thou art the only bishop . how the onely ? since out of the historical context [ bed l. 2. c. 2. ] it appears clearer than the mid-day light , that there were at that time other bishops in britain beside augustin ; but yet in very deed augustin was alone , because neither the britains , nor the scots , would communicate with augustin , as who accounted him a notorious violatour of the ancient ecclesiastick liberties of the britannick island . * bed. histor. eccl. l. 3. c. 3. † lib. 3. c. 36. * lib. 2. c. 2. * tom. 2. ephesin . synod . append . 1. cap. 4. ep. 18. i let the reader see if hee can get barnes's manuscript , the title whereof is , catholico-romanus pacificus chap. 3. de insulae magnae brittanniae privilegiis ; for which his sober work that good irenaeus , although hee were of an unblameable life , and entire fame , yet some years since was , as they say , carried out of the midst of paris by force , devested of his habit , and like a four-footed brute , in a barbarous manner , tied to the horse , and so violently hurried away , first into flanders , afterward to rome , where being first thrust into a dungeon of the inquisition , and then into the prison for madmen , * hee died . yet those fierce people not content with his death , have indeavoured to extinguish his fame , boldly publishing , that hee died distracted . this chapter is one of the three translated out of the said manuscript , and herewith published . * some of his own order suppose him to be still living . notes for div a26737-e8520 k hence is it , that wini being ordained by the gallick bishops , is received by the britains , even then when they rejected augustin the roman bishop . witness bede . lib. 3. c. 7. l so that g. nazianzens church was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 noah's ark ; and st. hierom breaks out into these horrid words ; ingemuit orbis , & se arrianum factum esse miratus est . the world groaned , and wondred , that shee was become arrian . m for full ten years after the reformation , under queen elizabeth , the roman-catholicks , without scruple , communicated with the protestants , until pius the sixth by his interdictory bull disturbed all . n how well this new interdiction agreeth with the ancient oath of the pope , the reader may judge , when ( as cardinal deus-dedit very well notes in his collection of the canons ) the ancient form of the popes oath , which is yet extant , canon . sanct. dist. xvi . quia papa jurabat , se 4. concilia servaturum usque ad unum apicem , was that wherein the pope sweared , hee would observe the four councils to a title . whence the most learned laschasserius very wittily infers , in consult . venet. thus , non potest igitur pontifex romanus jure contendere , &c. the roman pontifie cannot therefore by right contend that hee is superiour to those canons of the councils , unless hee will arrogate a power unto himself over the four evangels . to this oath of the pope agrees the ancient profession of pope zozimus , can. conc. statut. 5. q. 5. to decree , or change any thing contrary to the statutes of the fathers , is not in the power or authority of this see. see more at large concerning this subject * barnes's manuscript , quo supra , paralipomen . ad ss . 2. de conciliis , papa , schismate . * that chapter is likewise herewith printed . the humble petition of many thousands, gentlemen, free-holders, and others, of the county of worcester, to the parliament of the common-wealth of england. in behalf of the able, faithful, godly ministry of this nation. delivered by colonel jeff bridges, and mr. thomas foly, december 22. 1652. vvith the parliaments answer thereunto. baxter, richard, 1615-1691. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a76181 of text r15906 in the english short title catalog (thomason e684_13). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a76181 wing b1285 thomason e684_13 estc r15906 99859942 99859942 112046 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a76181) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 112046) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 105:e684[13]) the humble petition of many thousands, gentlemen, free-holders, and others, of the county of worcester, to the parliament of the common-wealth of england. in behalf of the able, faithful, godly ministry of this nation. delivered by colonel jeff bridges, and mr. thomas foly, december 22. 1652. vvith the parliaments answer thereunto. baxter, richard, 1615-1691. bridges, john, colonel. foley, thomas, 1617-1677. england and wales. parliament. 8 p. printed by robert white, for francis tyton, and thomas underhill, and are to be sold at their shops, the three daggers in fleetstreet, and the bible and anchor in pauls church-yard, london, : 1652. attributed to richard baxter. annotation on thomason copy: "decemb. 28.". reproduction of the original the british library. eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. a76181 r15906 (thomason e684_13). civilwar no the humble petition of many thousands, gentlemen, free-holders, and others, of the county of worcester, to the parliament of the common-weal baxter, richard 1652 2867 2 0 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble petition of many thousands , gentlemen , free-holders , and others , of the county of worcester , to the parliament of the common-wealth of england . in behalf of the able , faithful , godly ministry of this nation . delivered by colonel john bridges , and mr. thomas foly , december 22. 1652. vvith the parliaments answer thereunto . london , printed by robert white , for francis tyton , and thomas vnderhill , and are to be sold at their shops , the three daggers in fleetstreet , and the bible and anchor in pauls church-yard . 1652. to the honourable the parliament of the common-wealth of england . the humble petition of us gentlemen , free-holders , and others inhabiting the county of worcester . shevveth , that your petitioners having with grief observed both the language of many pamphlets and persons of late times , against the ministers of christ among us , and petitions preferred to you against their present maintenance , without any regard to the substitution of a fitter : and these pretending to the relief of the impoverished nation , as if they were the very sense and language of the body of this commonwealth : we cannot but suspect , yea discern that there is a party that desire and endeavour the subversion of the ministrie ; yet have we hitherto remained silent , partly in hopes that they were so few and inconsiderable , as not to deserve to be publikely taken notice of , and mentioned , to the dishonour of our nation : partly that we might not interrupt your weighty consultations , but chiefly lest we should be mis-interpreted to suspect your fidelitie to the ministrie , and consequently to christianity and christ himself : which we know you must needs resent as an uncharitable censoriousness , considering how evident you have seen , and how often acknowledged with greatest solemnity , the lord jesus in your preservations ; and how deeply you are engaged to him above most men on earth , and how sensibly you vindicated a persecuted ministrie in the very beginning of this parliament , and how strongly you have obliged your selves , not only to preserve the reformed religion in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government ; but also to promote in all these a further reformation where it is wanting ; as also considering what a tender respect to a faithful ministrie you have all along to this day professed , and are still consulting for the propagation of the gospel , and have done justice on some opposers so near you ; besides the augmentations you have allowed to many places where means was wanting . we disclaim therefore all such ungrateful censoriousness , and thankfully acknowledge all your favors to the ministrie and gospel of the lord jesus , who is easily able to reward you , and see that you be no losers by him and his cause . but yet least our continued silence should seem to signifie our consent to those that would undo us , under pretence of releiving us ; and lest they be thought to speak our sense , lest their audaciousness encrease while none contradict them : and lest we dishonour our nation in the eyes of the christian world , whilest they think that the voice of these few is the common voice ; and lest your own hearts should be overwhelmed with grief , not only to see such a degenerated people living under your government ; but also that so few gain say them , as if the nation had lost their love to the gospel : and that after such light , profession and engagements ; and consequently you may think they will prove an ungrateful people to you , who prove so ungrateful to the lord their saviour ; we have therefore adventured on this bold enterpellation , and crave your patience , while we do with more then ordinary importunity bespeak you , seeing it is in the zeal of the lord , for his glory , his church , his gospel , and the souls of our selves and posterity . we know it was by ministers of the gospel , that the lord jesus did set up his kingdom on earth , and hath subdued so much of the world to himself , destroying the kingdom of darkness , paganism , idolatry , and wickedness : we know he granted their commission upon the reception of his plenipotencie , and upon his ascending he gave them for the perfecting of the saints , and the edifying of his body , till they come to his fulness , and that as a means to preserve them from seducers , and being tossed and carryed about as children with every wind of doctrine , eph. 49. to 15. and hath promised to be with them to the end of the world : which promise he hath hitherto eminently accomplished . it is the ministrie by which christ hath continued his church to this day : nor do we know , or have heard of that place on earth where christianity was ever maintained in splendor and vigor ( if at all continued ) without a ministrie . it was the ministers by whom christ did waken the superstitious world , and discover to them the romish delusions ; and by whom he begun and carryed on the work of reformation , by them exciting a zealous magistracie ; and after all their labours , multitudes of them did sacrifice their lives in the flames . it is the writings of a learned able ministrie which yet stand up in the face of heathenish , mahometan , and romish adversaries , to their vexation and confusion , which they may sooner reproach or burn , then answer : by which after-ages are , and still may be stablished in the truth , against all the subtill endeavours of seducers . it is a learned , able , faithful ministrie , which yet is the daunting and discouragement of the jesuits and other deceivers , who well know , if these were but taken out of their way , how boldly they might dare us , how insultingly they might challenge us to dispute for our religion , and how easily they might silence and shame us , and thereby carry away the multitude after them . for who should strengthen the peoples hearts and defend the cause of the lord against them , if such a ministry were down ? it was a faithfull ministry who revealed gods mercy , and the precious truths of the gospel to our own souls , and whom god by the cooperation of his spirit hath blessed to be the means of converting , or confirming , or both , the souls of all those of us who have attained to any saving knowledge of himself . when we remember how often and how happily our souls have been revived and refreshed by their ministry , we are ashamed of the remisness of our zeal in this cause ; when we think that they are our fathers , and confirmers in christ , and how they must present us to him at his appearing as their joy and crown , phil. 2. 19 , 20. and that when we have escaped the flames of hell , and meet them in glory , we must acknowledge them instruments of so unvaluable a blessing ; we had rather there were no tongues in our mouths , then that ever we should joyn with their reproachers , and had rather suffer greater wants then ever we yet suffered , then ungratefully deny them their necessary maintenance , seeing our lord himself said , when he set them upon his work , the labourer is worthy of his hire ; and the holy ghost saith , who goeth to warfare at his own charge ? they that minister about holy things , live of the things of the temple ; even so hath the lord ordained , that they which preach the gospel , should live of the gospel , 1 cor. 9. 7. to 15. considering also that they are not forreigners , but englishmen , our own brethren , and sons that receive it from us , even that which by law is not ours but theirs ; and considering also how much more liberal papists are to their mass-priests and seducing jesuits then we are to a faithfull ministry of christ . and when we consider , that if england do excell other nations in the light of knowledge , and power of godliness , it is the ministry that are herein our glory , and the means of what the people do enjoy , we cannot be so ungratefull to them as to starve them , and cast them off ; nor yet such enemies to englands happiness and honour : yea when we consider how the dreadfull , omnipotent king of saints doth call them his co-workers , and hath sent them in subserviency to his own blood shed , and spirit , and said , he that despiseth you , despiseth me ; we had rather endure any corporal calamities , then stand charged with such a sin at the bar of our lord : yea ▪ and when we consider how he hath owned and stood by them , and rebuked kings for their sakes and his churches , charging them to do his prophets no harm ; and how well those rulers have sped , that have most obeyed , and encouraged them in the work of the lord ; and how god hath broken those powers that have disobeyed and abused them , 2 chron. 36. 15 , 16 , 17. and how severely he hath dealt in england before our eyes with that generation of men that silenced , reproached , and persecuted them ; we tremble at gods judgements , and dare not venter into the same consuming fire , whose flames are yet so fresh in our memory . your petitioners having as in the presence of the lord made this necessary and solemn profession of their judgements , affections , and resolutions , to acquaint you how far they are from approving or consenting to any opposers or underminers of the ministry and gospel of the lord jesus , do humbly address themselves , with these earnest requests , to this honourable assembly . first , that you will be pleased , not only to continue your owning of , and tenderest care for the upholding or an able , godly , faithfull ministry ( of which we dare not doubt ) but also that you will so far countenance and encourage them in the lords work , and discountenance all that oppose them directly or indirectly , that all the world , and especially the people of this common-wealth , may still see , and acknowledge your open and resolved adhering to the reformed christian religion , and interest of the lord jesus : and seeing all the ungodly ( besides misguided distempered christians ) are ever discouragers of them , god having sent them on a work so unpleasing to flesh and blood , you will the more sedulously encourage them , as nursing fathers of the church . secondly , that you will be pleased to this end , to take special care of their competent maintenance , that we may not have an ignorant ministry , while they are forced to be labouring for food and raiment , while they should be in their studies , or watching over their flocks ; and that through disability or unpreparedness , they disgrace not the work of christ , nor make it and their office contemptible , thereby rejoycing the enemy , and hindring the saving of souls ; specially seeing it is expected that they credit their doctrine with works of charity : and seeing that a dependant and beggarly ministry will lose so much of their authority with the souls that most need them , and themselves will be laid open to the sore temptation of man-pleasing ; besides the probability of the suffering of their children , when they are dead : and if the ministers of this age be never so resolved to continue their work through all necessities , yet in the next age the church is like to be destitute and desolate , because men will set their sons to other studies and imployments : we therefore humbly crave , that this honorable assembly will not take down the present maintenance by tythes ( though we have as much reason to be sensible of those inconveniences that it is charged with , as others ) or at least , not till they , instead of it , establish as sure , and full , and fit a maintenance . thirdly , that you will be pleased to take into your compassionate thoughts , both the dark places in england and wales which want able godly teachers ; and the state of great cities , and populous towns , where through the exceeding number of souls , one minister hath more work then can possibly be done by many : whereby while they are confined to the publike work alone , all private ministerial instruction , admonition , and other oversight , must needs be neglected : that therefore to such very numerous congregations , you would allow a maintenance , if not to ministers proportionable to the number of souls , and greatness of the work ; yet at least more then in smaller places : we offer but the same request to you , in your places , which christ hath commanded us to offer to god himself , that where the harvest is great , and the labourers are few , more labourers may be sent into the harvest . fourthly , that you will be pleased to continue your care of the universities , and schools of learning , and tenderly preserve their maintenance and necessary priviledges , that there may be a meet supply of labourers for the continuation of the gospel , and the glory of england to our posterity . fifthly , and because our sad divisions in matter of religion , especially about church-government , have been such a hinderance to the propagation of the gospel , that you will be pleased speedily to imploy your utmost wisdom and power for the healing of them : and to that end would call together some of the most godly , prudent , peaceable divines of each party , that differs in points of church-government , and lay upon them your commands and adjuration , that they cease not amicable consulting and seeking god ▪ till they have found out a meet way for accommodation and unity , and acquainted you therewith : and if through gods heavy displeasure against us he shall suffer the spirit of division and prejudice so far to prevail , as to frustrate their consultations ( the contrary whereto we should strongly hope ) that you would be pleased to advise with those divines that are most judicious and peaceable , and least addicted to parties ; and thereupon to recommend at least to the people , so much of church-order and government , as you finde to be clearly required by jesus christ , and vouchsafe it your publique countenance and encouragement , though you scruple an enforcement . these things we humbly and earnestly request of this honorable assembly , in the behalf of jesus christ ( to whom we doubt not but you are daily petitioners ) and of this commonwealth , and the souls of men : beseeching you to let the interest of the gospel have the most speedy and resolute dispatch in your consultations , and at least to equal it with our most necessary defence , whereby you will the more engage christ to defend both you and us , whom you have so often found to be the surest defence : so shall you be called the repairers of our breaches ; and shall oblige us to pray , &c. [ subscribed by above six thousand . ] col : iohn bridges , and mr. thomas foly being called in to the house , master speaker told them , the house had read and considered the petition brought up out of the county of worcester , and the house had commanded him to give them thanks on the behalf of those of the county of worcester that sent it , for their good affections expressed therein : and accordingly he did give them the thanks of the house , and that they would take their petition into serious consideration in due time . finis . a king and his subjects unhappily fallen out, and happily reconciled being the substance of a sermon with very little alteration fitted for the present time : preached in the sermon-house belonging to the cathedral of christ-church canterbury jan. 15, 1643, upon hos. 3,4,5 / by meric casaubon ... casaubon, meric, 1599-1671. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a35558 of text r9398 in the english short title catalog (wing c804). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 39 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a35558 wing c804 estc r9398 13280558 ocm 13280558 98739 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35558) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98739) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 449:1) a king and his subjects unhappily fallen out, and happily reconciled being the substance of a sermon with very little alteration fitted for the present time : preached in the sermon-house belonging to the cathedral of christ-church canterbury jan. 15, 1643, upon hos. 3,4,5 / by meric casaubon ... casaubon, meric, 1599-1671. [2], 18 p. [s.n.], london : 1660. reproduction of original in british library. eng bible. -o.t. -hosea iii-v -sermons. church and state -england -sermons. a35558 r9398 (wing c804). civilwar no a king and his subjects unhappily fallen out, and happily reconciled. being the substance of a sermon, with very little alteration fitted fo casaubon, meric 1660 7254 7 20 0 0 0 0 37 d the rate of 37 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-08 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a king and his subjects unhappily fallen out , and happily reconciled . being the substance of a sermon , with very little alteration fitted for the present time . preached in the sermon-house belonging to the cathedral of christ-church canterbury . jan. 15. 1643. upon hos. 3. 4 , 5. by meric . casaubon , d. d. and one of the then prebends of the said church . london , printed in the year , 1660. hosea 3. 4 , 5. for the children of israel , shall abide many dayes without a king , and without a prince , and without a sacrifice , and without an image , and without an ephod , and without a teraphim . afterwards shall the children of israel returne , and seek the lord their god , and david their king ; and shall fear the lord , and his goodness , in the latter dayes . i shall make no other division of the words , then such as i finde made to my hand , and any body that hears , may anticipate : in the first verse , a sad desolation ( or subversion both of church and state ) threatned : in the second , a blessed restitution or restoration of both promised . for the children of israel , &c. a sad desolation . afterwards shall the children of israel returne , &c. a blessed and glorious restitution . the words , immediately were spoken of , and to the children of israel : that is the ten tribes of israel , separated from the two tribes , the tribe of judah and benjamin : which adhered unto the posterity of david . the children of israel ? a glorious title for such rebels , and idolators , who at one time had shaken off the yoake , both of their god and of their king . but titles and things , do not alwayes agree : we know that by the experience of all ages . so we may call them catholicks , who damn all men that are not of their communion ; not for any want of charity either in their judgments , or to their persons , that they can justly charge them with ; but because they think themselves bound to professe against ; and their conscience will not give them leave to joyn with them in their errours . so may we call them saints : but i will forbear further censure : it is but upon the by ; a touch is enough . well , but how doth it appear , that by that goodly title , or denomination ; those rebellious idolatrous tribes are immediately spoken of , or to ? first , because most part of this prophesie doth belong unto them : ephraim , often here in most chapters repeated : and that is as much as the children of israel : or ten tribes . but more especially , because those words of the text ( david their king ) manifestly allude , or relate , to that breach or division of davids kingdom under the reign of roboam salomons son : when the ten tribes fell off , and constituted another kingdome , under the government of jeroboam , the son of nebat , an ephrathite of zereda , salomons servant . ( 1 kings 11. 26. ) these be the chiefest reasons that are given by interpreters . though somewhat might be objected , yet i am content it should be so ; i will not contend about the word , immediately : so it be granted , that the substance of the prophesie , doth extend to all jewes , in generall . some talk of the gentiles too ; but we need not stretch it so farr . but in very truth , it being very uncertain what became of those ten tribes after their captivity : and whether any part of the jewes , in christs time ; or even at this day : we should be very much put to it , when we come to the accomplishment of the prophesie , here promised , in the latter dayes : if we do not extend those words the house of israel ( as frequently in the scripture ) to the jewes in generall . to this purpose you may observe , that in the first chapter of this prophesie , though the tenth verse mention only the house of israel ; yet in the eleventh verse , wheer the same matter is prosecuted , both the house of judah , and the house of israel are distinctly named . then shall the children of judah , and the children of israel be gathered together , and appoint themselves one head , and they shall come out of the land , for great shall be the day of jezreel . the next thing we will take into consideration , which will give more light to the whole prophesie , and main drift of it , is the time , either of the desolation threatned ; or restitution promised . in the latter dayes ; saith my text , in the last words . it is the opinion of many , that this desolation begun from the captivity of each people , by the assyrians ; of the ten tribes , under hosea ( or hoshea as some write it ) the son of ela , the last king of israel ▪ of the two tribes , under zedekia : the last of juda : and that their restitution , the beginning of it , is to be accounted from their returne of the said captivity , by the ordinance and appointment of cyrus , king of persia , as is more particularly related in esrah and nehemiah . it cannot be denyed indeed , that at the return of the jewes from the babylonish captivity , they were restored to a government of their own , under some princes , first ; and then priests ; enjoyed their first fundamentall lawes ▪ and that at the same time , the worship of god also was restored . but here is a great difficulty , a main circumstance of the text , or prophesie wanting : a king , and that king , david by name . somewhat is said of zerobabel : he was of the royal seed ; that is somewhat , but not enough to verifie , the accomplishment of this glorious promise of a king : of the best , and best beloved of kings , king david . yet i do not deny , but that the words of this prophesie , might have some reference to that returne , and restoration also . it is the nature of prophesies sometimes , to comprehend different times and events , some more immediately ; some more remotely : if they agree in some one , or two main circumstances , though they do not in all , it may become a prophesie well enough . all things well weighed and considerd , ( not to trouble you with many doubts , and variety of opinions ) we must conclude , that both in regard of the desolation threatned , and the restitution promised ; being taken together , as they are here joyned together : the most genuine , full and satisfactory sence will be , to begin the threatned desolation : ( or subversion of state , both civil and ecclesiastical ) from the last great calamities of the jews by vespasian the roman emperor , when the city was taken and destroyed , the temple burnt , millions of jews perished : now full 1500. years ago . so that the most warrantable exposition ( and which we shall pitch upon ) of the words will be this : the children of israel : that is , the jews in generall ; according to the ordinarie scripture phrase , not of the old , but new testament also , as luke 1. 16. acts 5. 21. and elsewhere . shall abide many dayes : many dayes , god knowes , they have now continued a distinct people , from all other nations , though dispersed among , almost , all nations of the world . without a king , and without a prince : a thing not little to be wondred at , that being so many and so potent , in some places , as they are reported to be ; they should in so many ages of the world , get no king , no prince , of their own , in any place . as they have no king or prince ; so no sacrifice , nor any of those other particulars , mentioned here in the text , which i forbear here to mention , untill we have better enquired into the true meaning of the words . aftewards shall the children of israel returne and seek after the lord their god , and david there king : that is , they shall turn unto god , repent of their incredulity , and seek after christ the messias , stiled in the scripture , not the son of david , only ; but also david , absolutely : as by jeremie , and ezechiel , in divers places . him , whom when he came first , and sought unto them , they would not receive : in the latter dayes , that is , at the end of the world : they shall seek and become christians : as st. paul also doth assure us : for i would not brethren , that you should be ignorant of this mystery — that blindness in part is hapned unto israel , untill the fulness of the gentiles be come in . and so all israel shall be saved , rom. 11. 2 , 5 , 6. and shall fear the lord and his goodness : that is , they shall worship god for his goodness , according to that of the psalmist , there is mercy with thee , that thou mayest be feared , ps. 130. 4. that is , worshipped , because fear is a principall part , and first original , as it were , of gods worship . that is the right sense ; but i may not at this time insist upon it . so you have the most genuine and warrantable sense of the words . before we proceed to that use , in several observations upon the words i aim at ; we will consider of some expositors , or rather opinions of expositors , upon the same words : as also of some particular words of the text , which have bred some difficulty . i told you it is the opinion of some interpreters , that the promised restitution of the children of israel : is to be reckned from their return out of the captivity of babylon , and this to be the most literall interpretation of the words . what might be objected , i tould you likewise . this king david , so eminently , so emphatically here promised , must certainly be some body else , besides zerobabel . yet i will not deny , but that even in zerobabel , this prophecy might have some accomplishment : i find most interpreters of that opinion , and that is enough to perswade me . wherein ( by the way ( the infinite wisdom of almighty god , is much observable , so to forecast events from all eternity , that the same words of his prophets , might both fit the times and occurrences of the gospel , so long after : and yet fit the present occasions and occurrences of those times , and events under the law . here i cannot but take notice of an objection , made , by ribera the jesuite ( a very learned jesuite , as most of that order ) against this literal interpretation . for , saith he , jehojakim , k. of juda , lived a long time during the captivity : of whom we reade : ( 2 kings , last chapter , last verses : ) that evilmerodach , king of babylon , in the first year of his reign , did lift up his head out of prison , and spake kindly to him , and set his throne above the thrones of all other ( captive , or tributary ) kings that were with him in babylon . and changed his prison garments : and that he did eat bread continually before him all the dayes of his life . what an objection is this ? what shall we make of it ? i expected ribera would have told us , that evilmerodach had restored unto jehojakim king of juda , his royall power and soveraignty : that he had restored him to his subjects , and his subjects unto him : then indeed he had said somewhat . but because jehojakim had a bare title , and an empty throne ; yea and an allowance for his daily expences ( for that also is expressed in the scripture ) vouchsafed unto him , by him that had taken away all his power , and authority : hence to inferr , that therefore the children of israel , were not without a king , during the captivity ; whether more strange , from such a one as ribera ; or more ridiculous in it self , i know not . yet let me say ? such an objection might become well enough a jesuite ; that is , a perfect enemy to the power and authority of kings . i do not deny , but evilmerodach , was great enough , to make a true king . that honourable senator of rome , pompeius magnus [ when rome was mistresse of the then known world , but little excepted : ] made many that were true kings , and had the power and authority of kings , where they did reign , and where constituted by him . but a meer titular king , that hath the pompe and garbe only , or ●ay , the allowance , but not the substance , that is the power and soveraignty ; is a sad sight . not a king according to the scripture , i am sure , whom we may call , the breath of our nostrils : of whom we may say ; under the shadow of his wings shall we live among our enemies , lament . 4. 20. such a king is none of those comely things that wise salomon did admire . a lyon which is strongest among beasts : that is the first : a king against whom there is no rising up : is his concluding instance ; the last in order , but the first , and chiefest in his intention , as may be gathered by other examples of the same nature . but we have done with this jesuitical king ; as we may call him : not so much because ribera a jesuite doth make this objection ; and not any but he , that i know of : but because it is the proper character of a jesuite , to be an enemy to the power and authority of kings . as to the sense of the words in generall , i have said as much as needs : but there is yet in the words , if more particularly examined , that wants cleering . for the children of israel ( saith my text ) shall abide many dayes without a prince : and without a sacrifice , and without an image ; and without an ephod , and without teraphims . we made the meaning of the words in generall to be , that the israelites during the time of their desolation , shall be without any publick worship of god ; such worship as was established and commanded by the law of god ; the leviticall and ceremoniall law : as particularly , sacrifices , and an ephod : which was a sacred garment : sufficiently known , both , to them that are not unacquainted with the law of moses . but how come images , here ; and teraphims ; that is , idols : as particulars of gods worship ? here interpreters are put to it . they say ( the best shift they can make ) the intention of the words is this : that the israelites shall be without any publick exercise of religion , or divine worship ; whether true , set out by sacrifices , and the ephod , ordained by the law : or false and idolatrous , set out by images and teraphims : that is : idolls . though this be said by many , ( because they know not what else to say : ) yet it is strange , and somewhat unlikely to me , that the prophet should mix true , and false worship , in this manner : god , and mammon : light and darkness : in one verse without any need . and i doubt , whether it can be made good by history , that the israelites in generall , who many times were notorious idolaters , in the holy land ; continued alwaies true worshippers in the land of idolaters . i could say more , but i will contract my self , because i reserve my self for somewhat else . but what if this idolatrie be but a conceit of interpreters , some interpreters : and upon better examination , prove no such matter ? first , for the word image , it is granted that the original word matseba , may as well be translated , an altar , [ and so indeed it is by the old latin and greek interp . ] or pillar , intended for a sacred memorial : as gen. 28. 18. es. 19. 19. where altar and pillar , seem to stand for one thing : both dedicated to the true god : and is it not much more probable , that sacrifices and an altar , should be joyned ; then sacrifices and images ? so here is no idolatry in these words . there is more difficulty about the teraphims : because we have not [ as is objected ] a president in scripture , where teraphim is taken in good sense , for any part of gods service or any thing that was then lawful , and in use . if it were granted : yet we doe not want exemples in scripture , of other words ; which are taken in some one place or other , in a different sence , from their usual signification . i could instance in many such words , if i thought either time or place seasonable . in some places , it is translated idol ; as gen. 31. in some idolatry : as 1 sam 15. 23 , in some images : as 1 sam. 19. more then once . where best interpreters by images understand an ordinary statue or mans picture : not any thing that was unlawfull , or idolatrous . and why not here also , teraphim being joyned with other good words , in a good sence ? but what use of pictures or images in gods service ? or to religious use ? st. jerome will tell us : both for his antiquity and exquifite knowledg of the originall hebrew one that deserves credit , as much as any . his words are , teraphim , proprie {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , id est figurae & simulacra , quae nos possumus in praesenti duntaxat loco , cherubim , & seraphim , sive alia quae in templi ornamenta fieri jussasunt , dicere . that is , theraphim , properly certain images , shapes , or figures , by which in this place , we may understand cherubins and seraphims , and other such things , that were commanded to be made , for an ornament to the temple . but to put all out of doubt ( and i wonder so many expositors should take no notice of it : ) let us interpret scripture by scipture , which is generally acknowledged the best and safest way . what is here more largely and fully set out , that is by more particulars : 2 chron. 15. 3. is thus comprised : but here , by the praeterit , historically : in my text , by the future , as a prophesie : of the same people , but not of the same men . for the children of israel shall abide many dayes , saith my text . there ; now for a long time israel hath been : what ? without the true god , and without a teaching priest , and without a law ; their desolation . the restitution follows , in the next verse . but when they in their troubles did turne unto the lord god of israel , &c. the difference is great , as to the matter of the words in the second verse ; no messias , no king david here ; but only a restitution in general . but in the first verse , there is no question but the same thing in effect was intended in both places ; here more concisely , ( as i said before : ) in my text , more fully set out , to wit , that the israelites had been , in chronicles : should be in the prophet , without any publick worship of the true god . so now the text is clear , and the words acquitted of all superstition and idolatry . an easie mistake . though in the true nature , or formalis ratio , of true religion and idolatry ; there is a vast difference : yet in outward appearance , they may come so neer sometimes , that a man had need much circumspection , to give a right judgment . and indeed this is the method that gods word hath prescribed unto us , in the tryall of idolatry , before we pass any judgment . deut. 13. 12 , 13 , 14. then shalt thou enquire , and make search : and ask diligently : and behold if it be truth : and the thing certain : then shalt thou , &c. then , and not till then . and why so much caution i pray ? i told you before ; it is an easie matter to mistake ; there is so much affinity sometimes ( externally ) between true and false worship . the jewes once mistook their brethren the reubenites ; and they had like to have made a foul work : much innocent blood was like to have been shed , and a whole tribe of the house of israel destroyed . fierce zelots would have had it so , you may be sure . but the sober part carried it . they went according to gods rule : they first inquired diligently : and upon diligent inquisition , they pronounced them innocent , and acknowledged them brethren , whom but a little before , they were in a readiness to destroy , as unworthy to live , as abominable idolaters . you have the story , josua , 22. the jewes themselves ( in general ) for doing no more then what they were commanded by god , observing new moons ; and the like : ( as by some very learned is observed ) were accounted idolaters , worshippers of sun and moon , by some other nations that were really guilty of it . i said before , that it is any easy mistake : but alas ! that is not the worst . a bare mistake where there is no other engagement ; upon better information may easily be redressed . but where interest and worldly ends oblige , if not to believe ( for belief is not so easily wrought ) yet to criminate : information will not avail . say what you will , bring reason , bring authority : in despight of truth , though never so manifest ; in despight of all conscience , an altar or sacred pillar shall be a prophane image , and teraphims must be , shall be found idols . it is expedient it should be so , reason must yield to profit , and conscience to gain . o this imaginary idolatry ! how really profitable and advantagious hath it proved in all ages to wordly wise men ? yet st. paul had warned us long before ; rom. 2. 22. thou that abhorrest idols , doest thou commit sacriledge ? a man might think , that he had prophesied this of the latter dayes . noe : long before his time , there were some known atheists ; despisers , by their life , of all deity and religion ; who nevertheless under colour of piety , robbed churches , ( temples rather ) and committed sacriledg , with all licentiousness . it is hard to be judged , whether idolatry ( the most provoking sin , out of all question , and most inconsistent with true religion ) have done more hurt in the world ; or a pretended zeal against idolatry . i am confident , that the idolatrous worship of images ( for there it begun , and continued a good while , before it came to these western parts ) hath been a main thing that brought the curse , and judgments of god upon those famous eastern churches , where once christian religion was in so great splendour and purity . and as certain it is , that arabs and mahometans both prevailed at the first , not a little ; and to this day uphold themselves very much , in their abominable apostacy from christ , by their pretended zeal against images , and idolatry . those miscreants , that think it great idolatry , to see the image of a king stamped upon a peece of money , which christ saw and allowed of : think it no idolatry , to prefer mahomet , before christ ; a meer man , before the eternall son of god ; an impostor , a cheater of men ; before the saviour , and redeemer of mankind . and what think you of the idolatry of cathedralls , and other goodly churches ; erected to the honour of almighty god , and endowed , for the maintenance of piety and learning ; of the idolatry of a publick liturgy , whithout which was never any christian church in any part of the world heard of , that ever i could hear , till of late years : but to be short ; what of the idolatry of a surplice ; church-musick , bishops , and the like ? have not men got , some brave estates of lands , by this pretended idolatry ; some good benefices : nay some built themselves stately houses with the very stones which they have bereaved god of ? some write of one of the popes of rome , that he should applaud himself with his mates , and cardinalls , how much they had gained by this fabula christi . they indeed ( if it be true ) very blasphemously , calling that a fable , which we believe , and know a truth , attested by god , with all possible evidences , and demonstrations of sound reason . but much more reason have these men ( as it is likely , where they may freely ) hug themselves , and make their brags , that they have thrived so well , by this subtle device of pretended idolatry . be sure of this , there shall never be want of idolatry , whilst there is any thing to be got , let but time and opportunity serve them : tythes , colledges , libraries , hospitalls , corporations : nay rather than fail , the very prayer of the lord , that holy prayer , ( the use of it , i mean , according to christs institution ) shall be made idolatry : their goods , if not their lives , shall be in danger that have used it : it will be found such horrible idolatry . we have done with our first observation , upon the supposed idolatry of the words : and all that we have more to do , is but to make some further use , by way of observation , upon the rest . the second then , shall be this : that the name and title of a king , according to the scripture , is both honourable with god ( there is no incongruity in the words : god saith he will honour them , that honour him : ) and is proposed , by the scriptures , as an object of joy and happiness among men , in times of greatest distress . no king : no prince : in the threatned desolation : they shall return to the lord their god , and david their king ; in the promised restitution . it may be some body will say , this king : this david here promised , is no other then the messias : or christ himself : the son of god , no earthly mortall king . let it be granted . is it not a great honour to kings , and to their office , that christ the messias , the expectation of all people , the redeemer of the world , is here promised under the tipe , and person of a king ? that he was really and literally , of the royall seed , and linage , and did not despise the very name of a king , king david ? this observation might have been spared , had not the impiety and impertinency of other men , made it seasonable , and necessary . do not we know how much some men have endeavoured , to discredit that sacred name and function : to perswade men , that a curse lay upon it , rather then a blessing ? o how have the pulpits rung with , tophet is prepared for the king : and , he shall bind ▪ their kings in chains , and the like ? blessed scripture , how hast thou been wrested and racked , by corrupt , illiterate teachers ; to serve their ungodly private ends ? we will not argue the case , from broken loose pieces of scripture ; as the manner of these men is : there be cleer proofs and testimonies enough , both from matter of fact ; and from positive doctrine ; as of the old ; so of the new testament , to assert this sacred authority : but i will content my self here with what i have said , by way of observation upon the text . the third , ( or next ) shall be : that a king may be at variance with his subjects , and his subjects with him so , that it may proceed to a direct separation : ( nay , which is more 〈…〉 this may happen between a good king , and good subjects for the generality : as in davids case , here named , when part of his subjects were drawen from him , upon pretence of evill government by his son absolom , and he forced to fly : ) but proceed i say , to a direct separation , and yet afterwards reconciled , to the great joy and satisfaction , both of king and people . there is no nation so wise , or so well governed , but is lyable to discord and division . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith our savious . it must needs , that offences come . why ? nothing is impossible to god . no : but consider the nature of man , in generall ; and the nature of the world ; this sublunary world , which we cannot expect with reason that god will alter , till the time of its generall alteration come : so it is impossible , that there should not be offences : and where men are , stri●e and contention at times should not arise . it is a high speculation , but which hath much of truth in it , that this world ( this sublunary world , i mean still , ) doth subsist by contraries , that is , by continual strivings : and those philosophers had some reason too , if rightly understood , that made {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is strife and contention , one of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or originall principles of the world . yea such is the nature of man , though he be most happy by peace , and in peace : yet he becomes insensible of his happiness , he loatheth it , if he do not want it sometimes , and recover himself to a right sense and judgment , by the contrary effects , of strife and contention . this made a wise heathen say , with some admiration ; quae magna gaudia , nisi ex malis ? that all great joyes were the products of great sufferings , or sorrows . well , a king and his subjects may fall out , and be separated . david and his subjects , were our instance . so for this also , that they may be reconciled . the history is known , in absaloms case . david was happy , and his subjects happy , that their division did hold no longer . yet it is very possible that where the breach hath been longer , and the want of a king longer ; if it once come to a perfect and cordial reconciliation , if not the joy greater , yet the sense of it may be longer . the prophet intended a very great joy ; as great as he could make it , the greatest of the world : the long expected messias : and this joy he sets out by the joy of a king and people , who after many dayes ( so he saith ) many dayes divorce , are again re-united . behold how good and how pleasant it is ( saith the psalmist ) for brethren to dwell together in unity . unity indeed , should alwaies be our wish , and our aim : and they that are the causes of division , deserve the curse both of god and man . it is not allwaies true , that amantium irae amoris redintegratio est . sometimes a little sparkle doth kindle a great fire , not to be quenched untill it hath made an end of all . but where god is so mercifull , as after a long breach and gasping condition , to grant a perfect re-union and reconciliation : a man had need of the tongue of angels , to express the greatness of that joy , not here in earth and among men only ; but , i am confident , even in heaven , in the presence of the angels of god ; and all the hoast of heaven . hear i pray how pathetically the words of my text doe run : afterwards ( after that sad desolation , or separation of many dayes , ) shall the children of israel returne , and seek the lord their god , and david their king : and shall fear the lord and his goodness in the latter dayes . and here offers it self our last observation upon the words : viz. the method of this returne , or reconciliation . first , they seek the lord their god : and after , their king . there may be a returne , or reconciliation for meer politick ends , on both sides : it may be they finde , they cannot subsist asunder ; and that the continuance of their division , will be the ruine of both . such an occasion will cause a returne , if they be not infatuated to their own destruction . and god doth use sometimes such outward means and inducement to bring us to himself , and to work us by degrees to a perfect conversion , or reconciliation . however , the truest and surest foundation is to begin with god , acording to the method of my text . it is god that maketh men to be of one mind in a house , ps. 68. 16. according to some translations : in a house , much more in a kingdom . i form the light , and create darkness , i make peace , and create evil , so god of himself , esay 45. 7. god then is first to be sought according to the right method , upon a sure foundation . but what if men will pretend to seek god , and to return unto god : but resolve to go no further . it is very ordinary for worldly politick men , to put that cheat upon themselves , or rather , upon others ; credulous , ignorant people . they will affoord us fasting and praying enough , in their kind : and god shall be in their mouths , and christ jesus ; nothing more . by these fair pretences , they drive on their designes , and thrive by the miseries and sufferings of the publick . to these men , or to them rather that are gulled by them , i shall commend the advice of an interpreter of great fame : john calvin is the man . non frustra ( saith he ) hoseas in resipiscentia populi , &c. in english , thus : it is not without great cause , that the prophet in setting out the repentance of the people , doth also particularly remember ( or , relate ) their return to david their king . for otherwise the people could not truely and really seek god , except at the same time it did submit to the lawfull government ; to which it was obliged , ( or , subjected ) not by man , or by chance , but by the appointment of god himself . the last words require a candide interpretation , lest he should be thought to say , that ordinary kings , that have not such immediate calling as david had , are by chance , or by men only : which is so contrary to scripture , and to sound doctrine , that the very jesuits would exclaim as much wronged , if laid to their charge : though many of them say little less in effect , and act accordingly , as it is well known . but the counsel well understood , is very good : i need not to add any thing to it . so we have done with the text ; the exposition of it , and such observations , as i apprehended not impertinent to it . these times , and the common talk of all people , might seem to prompt some application . but this is lubricus locus , such a subject wherein a man that will be meddling , may soon go beyond his bounds , and sooner do hurt then good . though kings are by god , and we warranted , nay obliged by scripture , to preach subjection for conscience sake : to declare against rebellion , in generall : much more against all killing , or murthering of kings ( o horrible ! : ) under pretence of law ; yet since the power and praerogative of particular kings , is limited and constituted , by the fundamentall laws of every kingdome , approved and confirmed by the assent and consent of successive kings : in this case , what a king may do lawfully , what he may not , according to law : what opposition in case he attempt , or do any thing against the fundamentall law , may be made according to the same law : by whom , and how farr : these things , as they are out of our spheare , and scanning , as we are preachers of the gospel ; so must it be high presumption , in any of our profession , to pass judgments , or indeed , to intermeddle . so , if the business of union , or reconciliation be in hand , after many dayes separation and division : i know 〈◊〉 what a loyall israelite is bound to wish , what to pray , in generall ; but many cautions , and considerations of state , may belong to such a business , to bring it to a good and well grounded issue . they that can judge what is most agreeable to the proper constitution , and fundamentalls of a realm ( lawyers and sages of the land , as i take it . ) they that know what the present condition , inclination , ability , necessities of the people of the land is : what may be done ; what must be borne to prevent further evils , and effusion of blood , ( a parliament as i take it : ) i think it belongs unto them , and is their proper work : let them look to it , as they are accountable to god , and their country . if they ( to whom it belongs ) shall enact any thing , to which i cannot yield obedience with a good conscience , that is without disobeying god : i may resolve , with gods assistance , to suffer , i may not to oppose . yea though it were in my power to do some what , and to disturbe ; yet my conscience tells me , it is not lawfull . this is all the application i shall make : god give us all grace , to apply our selves unto him , in simplicity and syncerity of heart ▪ to depend of him in all things : to seek his glory , and his favour above all things : to whom all honour , glory , power , and majesty : finis . their highness the prince & princess of orange's opinion about a general liberty of conscience, &c. being a collection of four select papers. correspondence. selections fagel, gaspar, 1634-1688. 1689 approx. 91 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70113 wing f93 wing b5930 estc r3295 11789062 ocm 11789062 49157 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70113) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49157) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 175:2, 491:29) their highness the prince & princess of orange's opinion about a general liberty of conscience, &c. being a collection of four select papers. correspondence. selections fagel, gaspar, 1634-1688. stewart, james, sir, 1635-1713. correspondence. selections. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. [2], 36 p. printed and are to be sold by richard janeway, london : 1689. reproduction of original in cambridge university library and huntington library. papers originally edited or translated by gilbert burnet. i. mijn heer fagel's first letter to mr. stewart -ii. reflexions on monsieur fagel's letter -iii. fagel's second letter to mr. stewart -iv. some extracts, out of mr. stewart's letters, which were communicated to mijn heer fagel, together with some references to mr. stewart's printed letter. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng william -iii, -king of england, 1650-1702. mary -ii, -queen of england, 1662-1694. fagel, gaspar, 1634-1688. liberty of conscience -early works to 1800. freedom of religion -england -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion their highness the prince & princess of orange's opinion about a general liberty of conscience , &c. being a collection of four select papers , viz. i. mijn heer fagel ' s first letter to mr. stewart . ii. reflexions on monsieur fagel's letter . iii. fagel's second letter to mr. stewart . iv. some extracts , out of mr. stewart's letters , which were communicated to mijn heer fagel . together with some references to mr. stewart's printed letter . london , printed , and are to be sold by richard janeway , in queens-head-alley in pater-noster-row . 1689. a letter , writ by mijn heer fagel , pensioner of holland , to mr. james stewart , advocate ; giving an account of the prince and princess of orange's thoughts concerning the repeal of the test , and the penal laws . sir , i am extream sorry , that my ill health hath so long hindred me from answering those letters , in which you so earnestly desired to know of me , what their highnesses thoughts are , concerning the repeal of the penal laws , and more particularly of that concerning the test : i beg you to assure your self , that i will deal very plainly with you in this matter , and without reserve , since you say that your letters was writ by the king's knowledge and allowance . i must then first of all assure you very positively , that their highnesses have often declared , as they did more particularly to the marquis of albeville , his majesties envoy extraordinary to the states , that it is their opinion , that no christian ought to be persecuted for his conscience , or be ill used because he differs from the publick and and established religion : and therefore , they can consent , that the papists in england , scotland and ireland be suffered to continue in their religion , with as much liberty as is allowed them by the states in these provinces ; in which it cannot be denied , that they en●●y a full liberty of conscience . and as for the dissenters , their highnesses do not only consent , but do heartily approve of their having an entire liberty , for the full exercise of their religion , without any trouble or hindrance ; so that none may be able to give them the least disturbance upon that account . and their highnesses are very ready , in case his majesty shall think fit to desire it , to declare their willingness to concur in the settling , and confirming this liberty , and as far as it lies in them , they will protect and defend it , and according to the language of treaties , they will confirm it with their guarranty , of which you made mention in yours . and if his majesty shall think fit fuether to desire their concurrence in the repealing of the penal laws , they are ready to give it ; provided always that those laws remain still in their full vigour , by which the r. catholicks are shut out of both houses of parliament , and out of all publick employments , ecclesiastical , civil and military ; as likewise all those other laws , which confirm the protestant religion , and which secures it against all the attempts of the roman catholicks . but their highnesses cannot agree to the repeal of the test , or of those other penal laws last mentioned , that tend to the security of the protestant religion ; since the r. catholicks receive no other prejudice from these , than the being excluded from parliaments , or from publick employments . and that by them the protestant religion is covered from all the designs of the r. catholicks against it , or against the publick safety ; and neither the test nor these other laws can be said to carry in them any severity against the roman catholicks upon account of their consciences : they are only provisions qualifying men to be members of parliament , or to be capable of bearing office ; by which they must declare before god and men , that they are for the protestant religion . so that indeed , all this amounts to no more than a securing the protestant religion from any prejudices that it may receive from the r. catholicks . their highnesses have thought and do still think , that more than this ought not to be askt , or expected from them : since by this means , the r. catholicks and their posterity will be for ever secured from all trouble in their persons or estates , or in the exercise of their religion ; and that the roman catholicks ought to be satisfied with this , and not to disquiet the kingdom because they cannot be admitted to sit in parliament , or to be in employments ; or because those laws , in which the security of the protestant religion does chiefly consist , are not repealed , by which they may be put in a condition to overturn it . their highnesses do also believe , that the dissenters will be fully satisfied when they shall be for ever covered from all danger of being disturbed , or punished for the free exercise of their religion , upon any sort of pretence whatsoever . their highnesses having declared themselves so positively in these matters , it seems very plain to me , that they are far from being any hindrance to the freeing the dissenters from the severity of the penal laws ; since they are ready to use their utmost endeavours for the establishing of it ; nor do they at all press the denying to the roman catholicks the exercise of their religion , provided it be managed modestly , and without pomp or ostentation . as for my own part , i ever was and still am very much against all those , who would persecute any christian because he differs from the publick and established religion : and i hope by the grace of god to continue still in the same mind ; for since that light , with which religion illuminates our mind , is according to my sense of things , purely an effect of the mercy of god to us , we ought then , as i think , to render to god all possible thanks for his goodness to us : and to have pity for those who are still shut up in error , even as god has pitied us , and to put up most earnest prayers to god , for bringing those into the way of truth , who stray from it , and to use all gentle and friendly methods for reducing them to it . but i confess , i could never comprehend how any that profess themselves christians , and that may enjoy their religion freely and without any disturbance , can judge it lawful for them to go about to disturb the quiet of any kingdom or state , or to overturn constitutions , that so they themselves may be admitted to employments , and that those laws in which the security and quiet of the established religion consists , should be shaken . it is plain , that the reformed religion is by the grace of god and by the laws of the land , enacted by both king and parliament , the publick and established religion both in england , scotland and ireland and that it is provided by those laws , that none can be admitted either to a place in parliament , or to any publick employment except those that do openly declare , that they are of the protestant religion , and not roman catholicks ; and it is also provided by those laws , that the protestant religion shall be in all time coming secured from the designs of the roman catholicks against it ; in all which i do not see , that these laws contain any severity , either against the persons or estates of those who cannot take those tests , that are contrary to the roman catholick religion ; all the inconveniences that can redound to them from thence , is , that their persons , their estates , and even the exercise of their religion being assured to them , only they can have no share in the government , nor in offices of ●rust , as long as their consciences do not allow them to take these tests : and they are not suffered to do any thing that is to the prejudice of the reformed religion . since , as i have already told you , their highnesses are ready to concur with his majesty for the repeal of those penal laws , by which men are made liable to fines or other punishments . so i see there remains no difficulty concerning the repealing the penal laws , but only this , that some would have the roman catholicks , render'd capable of all publick trusts and employments , and that by consequence , all those should be repealed that have secured the protestane religion against the designs of the r. catholicks , where others at the same time are not less earnest to have those laws maintained in their full and due vigour ; and think , that the chief security of the established religion consists in the preserving of them sacred and unshaken . it is certain , that there is no kingdom , commonwealth , or any constituted body or assembly whatsoever , in which there are not laws made for the safety thereof ; and that provide against all attempts whatsoever , that disturb their peace , and that prescribe the conditions and qualities that they judge necessary for all that shall bear employments in that kingdom , state or corporation : and no man can pretend , that there is any injury done him , that he is not admitted to imployments when he doth not satisfie the conditions and qualities required . nor can it be denied , that there is a great difference to be observed in the conduct of those of the reformed religion , and of the roman catholicks towards one another : the roma catholicks not being satisfied to exclude the reformed from all places of profit or of trust , they do absolutely suppress the whole exercise of that religion , and severely persecute all that profess it ; and this they do in all those places where it is safe and without danger , to carry on that rigour . and i am sorry that we have at this present so many deplorable instances of this severity before our eyes , that is at the same time put in practice in so many different places . i would therefore gladly see one single good reason to move a protestant that fears god , and that is concerned for his religion , to consent to the repealing of those laws that have been enacted by the authority of king and parliament , which have no other tendency but to the security of the reformed religion , and to the restraining of the roman catholicks from a capacity of overturning it ; these laws inflict neither fines nor punishments , and do only exclude the roman catholicks from a share in the government , who by being in employments must needs study to increase their party , and to gain to it more credit and power , which by what we see every day , we must conclude , will be extreamly dangerous to the reformed religion , and must turn to its great prejudice : since in all places , those that are in publick employments , do naturally favour that religion of which they are , either more or less . and who would go about to perswade me or any man else to endeavour to move their highnesses , whom god hath honoured so far as to make them the protectors of his church , to approve of , or to consent to things so hurtful , both to the reformed religion and to the publick safety . nor can i , sir , with your good leave , in any way grant what you apprehend , that no prejudice will thereby redound to the reformed religion . i know it is commonly said the number of the roman catholicks in england and scotland is very inconsiderable ; and that they are possessed only of a very small number of the places of trust : tho even as to this , the case is quite different in ireland : yet this you must of necessity grant me , that if their numbers are small , then it is not reasonable that the publick peace should be disturbed on the account of so few persons , especially when so great a favour may be offered to them ; such as the free exercise of their religion would be : and if their numbers are greater , then there is so much the more reason to be affraid of them ; i do indeed believe that roman catholicks , as things at present stand , will not be very desirous to be in publick offices and imployments , nor that they will make any attempts upon the reformed religion , both because this contrary to law , and because of the great inconveniences that this may bring at some other time both on their persons , and their estates : yet if the restraints of the law were once taken off , you would see them brought into the government , and the chief offices and places of trust would be put in thnir hands ; no will it be easy to his majesty to resist them in this , how stedfast soever he may be ; for they will certainly press him hard in it , and they will represent this to the king , as a matter in which his conscience will be concerned ; and when they are possessed of the publick offices , what will be left for the protestants to do , who will find no more the support of the law , and can expect little encouragement from such magistrates ? and on the other hand , the advantages that the r. catholicks would find in being thus set loose from all restraints , are so plain , that it were a loss of time to go about the proving it . i neither can or will doubt of the sincerity of his majesties intentions , and that he has no other design before him in this matter , but that all his subjects may enjoy in all things the same rights and freedoms . but plain reason , as well as the experience of all ages , the present as well as the past shews , that it will be impossible for r. catholicks and protestants , when they are mixed together in places of trust and publick employments , to live together peaceably , or to maintain a good correspondence together . they will be certainly always jealous of one another ; for the principles and the maxims of both religions are so opposite to one another , that in my opinion i do not see how it will be in the power of any prince or king whatsoever , to keep down those suspitions and animosities , which will be apt to arise upon all occasions . as for that which you apprehend , that the dissenters shall not be delivered from the penal laws that are made against them , unless at the same time the test be likewise repealed : this will be indeed a great unhappiness to them ; but the roman catholicks are only to blame for it , who will rather be content that they and their posterity should lie still under the weight of the penal laws , and exposed to the hatred of the whole nation , than be still restrained from a capacity of attempting any thing against the peace and the security of the protestans religion , and be deprived of that small advantage ( if it is at all to be reckoned one ) of having a share in the government and publick employments ; since in all places of the world his has been always the priviledge of the religion that is established by law ; and indeed these attempts of the roman catholicks ought to be so much the more suspected and guarded against by protestants , in that they see that roman catholicks , even when liable to the severity of penal laws , do yet endeavour to perswade his majesty , to make the protestants , whether they will or not , dissolve that security which they have for their religion : and to clear a way for bringing in the roman catholicks to the government , and to publick employments : in which case there would remain no relief for them but what were to be expected from a roman catholick government . such then will be very unjust to their highnesses , who shall blame them for any inconveniency that may arise from thence ; since they have declared themselves so freely on this subject , and that so much to the advantage even of the roman catholicks . and since the settlement of matters sticks at this single point , that their highnesses cannot be brought to consent to things that are so contrary to laws already in being , and that are so dangerous and so hurtful to the protestant religion , as the admitting of roman catholicks to a share in the government , and to places of trust , and the repealing of those laws , that can have no other effect but the securing of the protestant religion from all the attempts of the roman catholicks against it would be . you write , that the roman catholicks in these provinces are not shut out from the employments and places of trust ; but in this you are much mistaken . for our laws are express , excluding them by name from all share in the government , and from all employments either of the policy or justice of our country . it is true , i do not know of any express law , that shuts them out of military employments ; that had indeed been hard , since in the first formation of our state they joyned with us in defending our publick liberty , and did us eminent service during the wars ; therefore they were not shut out from those military employments ; for the publick safety was no way endanger'd by this , both because their numbers that served in our troops were not great , and because the states could easily prevent any inconvenience that might arise out of that ; which could not have been done so easily , if the roman catholicks had been admitted to a share in the government , and in the policy or justice of our state i am very certain of this , of which i could give very good proofs , that there is nothing which their highnesses desire so much , as that his majesty may reign happily , and in an entire confidence with his subjects ; and that his subjects being perswaded of his majesties fatherly affection to them , may be ready to make him all the returns of duty that are in th●●● power . but their highnesses are convinced in their consciences , that both the protestant religion , and the safety of the nation , will be exposed to most certain dangers , if either the test , or those other penal laws , of which i have made frequent mention , should be repealed ; therefore they cannot consent to this , nor concur with his majesty's will ; for they believe , they should have much to answer for to god , if the consideration of any present advantages should carry them to consent and concur in things which they believe would be not only dangerous , but mischievous to the protestant religion . their highnesses have ever pay'd a most profound duty to his majesty whcih they will always continue to do ; for they consider themselves bound to it , both by the laws of god , and of nature : but since the matter that is now in hand , relates not to the making of new laws , but to the total repealing of those already made both by king and parliament : they do not see how it can be expected of them , that they should consent to such a repeal , to which they have so just an aversion , as being a thing that is contrary to the laws and customs of all christian states , whether protestants or papists , who receive ●one to a share in the government , or to publick employments , but those who profess the publick and established religion , and that take care to secure it against all attempts whatsoever . i do not think it necessary to demonstrate to you how much their highnesses are devoted to his majesty , of which they have given such real evidences as are beyond all verbal ones ; and they are resolved still to continue in the same duty and affection ; or rather to encrease it , if that is possible . i am , sir , yours , &c. novemb. 4. 1687. amsterdam , printed in the year 168● reflexions on monsieur fagel's letter . sir , i shall endeavour to answer yours as fully and briefly as possible . 1. you desire to know whether the letter i sent you be truly monsieur fagel's or not . 2. whether their highnesses gave him commission to write it . 3. how far the dissenters may relie on their highnesses word . 4. what effects it has on all sorts of people . sir , roman catholicks may be pardoned if they endeavour to make that letter pass for an imposture , it is their interest so to do , and they are seldom wanting to promote that , let the methods be never so indirect which they are forced to make use of : it does indeed spoil many hopeful projects of theirs . but how any protestant among us can really doubt the truth of it , is strange to me . some things carry their own evidence along with them : i take this letter to be one of that kind . i do not desire you to believe me upon my bare affirmation that i know it to be genuine , ( tho this be most true ) but shall offer my reasons to convince you that it cannot be otherways . first , the letter is like its author , the matter is weighty , the reasoning solid , the stile grave , full and clear , like that of a lawyer : it has an air all over , which as well shews the religion and temper of its writer , as the matter and method of it do his capacity and judgment . now all these qualities make up the character of monsieur fagel . secondly , there are the same grounds to believe this letter to be m. fagel's , as there are to believe any thing you have not seen , viz. the constant asseverations of persons of undoubted credit that come from holland , who all agree in it , and assure us of it . m. fagel own'd it to several english gentlemen , and many both here and in holland knew two months ago that such a letter was written ; a forgery would before this time have been detected , esecially such a one as ruines the designs of the triumphing party . thirdly , it was written by m. fagel in answer to letters from mr. stewart , sent by his majesties special orders , and mr. stewart hath both an english and latin copy sent him : therefore the english copy is not called a translation , but it is a sort of original ; for you are not to doubt but the matter was ordered so , that her royal highness might peruse it as well as his majesty . in the next place you would know whether their highnesses gave order to monsieur fagel to write it . i wish sir , you would take the pains to read the letter over again , and consider who this monsieur fagel is ; he is pensionary of holland , and first ministor of state , raised to that dignity by the prince's favour , he answers letters written to him , which are ordered by his majesty to be communicated to their highnesses . in his answer , he gives an aceount of their highnesses opinions about the repeal of the penal laws and test ; matters of a national concern , and of the greatest importance . now you must have a strange opinion of monsieur fagel , if you think him capable of so great an indiscretion ( or rather imposture ) as to write such a letter of his own head. the letter it self demonstrates , that whoever writ it is no fool , and the circumstances i have marked show that he is no knave . and indeed the substance of it is not new , it only repeats to his maiesty the same answer which the prince and princess had formerly given to his majesties envoy there . in short , you may leave the whole matter to this plain issue : if this letter be a false one it will be disown'd , if a true one it will be owned . their highnesses love not to do things that will not bear the light. it is evident , they did not intend the matter of it should be a secret , having told it to monsieur d'albeville , as often as he ( in his discreet way ) necessitated them to do it . but how it came to be printed , i cannot inform you justly ; however you shall have my conjecture . i remember as soon as it was noised about town , that mr. stewart had received a letter of such a nature from monsieur fagel , care was taken that the writer of the common news letters which are dispersed over the kingdom , should insert in them that their highnesses had declared , themselves for the repeal of the test . this pias fraus might , i suppose , give occasion to the printing of the letter , as the wisdom and policy of our states-men ( in putting mr. stewart on writing such letters ) had procured it : i say letters , for monsieur fagel had five or six on that subject before he answered , so unwilling were they in holland to return an answer , since they could not give one that was pleasing , or do any thing that look'd like meddling . the third thing you desired to be satisfied in , is , whether the dissenters may rely on their highnesses word . i am as apt to mistrust princes promises as you are . but shall now give you my reasons , why i think the dissenters may safely do it . and at the same time , because of the affinity of the matter , i will tell you why i think we may all rely on their highnesses for our civil liberties , as well as the dissenters may do for liberty of conscience . much of what i have to say is equally applicable to them both , yet because i know you have had an account of her royal highness , better than i can give you , i shall for the most part , speak only of the prince . my first reason is the certainest of all reasons , that it will be his highnesses interest to settle matters at home , which only can be done by a legal toleration or comprehension in matters of religion ; and by restoring the civil liberties of the nation , so much invaded of late . that this will be his interest is evident , if his designs lye abroad , as it 's certain they do . designs at home and abroad at the same time are so inconsistent , that we see his majesty , though raised above his fears at home by his late victory ; and invited abroad , by all that can excite his appetite for glory , cannot reconcile them : the truth is , one that would undertake it , is in the same condition with officers that beat their men , to make them fight , they have enemies before and behind . but you may happily object , that princes do not always follow their true interests , of which it is not difficult in this age to give several fatal instances . i answer , that it is to be presumed that princes , as well as other men , will follow their interests till the contrary appear ; and if they be of an age to have taken their fold , and have till such age kept firm to their interests , the presumption grows strong ; but if their inclinations , the maxims of their families , the impressions of their education , and all their other circumstances do side with their interest , and lead them the same way , it is hardly credible they should ever quit it . now this being the present case , we have all the certainty that can be had in such matters . the prince of orange has above these 15 years given so great proofs of his firmness and resolution , as well as of his capacity and conduct in opposing the grand ravisher ( i may add the betrayers too ) of liberty and religion , that he is deservedly ( by all impartial men ) own'd to be the head of the protestant interest : a headship , which no princes but the kings of england should have , and none but they would be without it . now one may rationally conclude , that when the prince shall joyn to his present possession of this headship , a more natural title , by being in a greater capacity to act , he will not degrade himself , nor lay aside designs and interests which ought to be the glory of england , as they are indeed the glory of his family , acquired and derived to him by the blood of his ancestors , and carried on and maintained by himself with so much honour and reputation . i might add here , that the prince is a man of a sedate even temper , full of thoughts and reflection : one that precipitates neither in thinking , speaking , nor acting ; is cautious in resolving and promising , but firm to his resolutions and exact in observing his word : inform your self , and you 'll find this a part of his character , and conclude from hence what may be presumed from his inclinations . now as to the maxims of his family , let us compare them a little where it may be decently done . the french king broke his faith to his protestant subjects , upon this single point of vain glory , that he might shew the world he was greater than most of his predecessors , who though they had the same inclinations , were not potent enough to pursue them effectually , as he has done , to the everlasting infamy of his name and reign . the maxims of the french kings have been to outvie each other , in robbing their neighbours , and oppressing their subjects by perfidiousness and cruelty . but those of the family of orange on the contrary , have been to rescue europe from its oppressors , and maintain the protestant interest , by vertue , truth , honour and resolution ; knowing that such methods are as necessary to make protestant princes and states flourish , as vice and oppression are to maintain popish government . no popish prince in europe can pretend to have kept his word to his protestant subjects , as the princes of orange have always done to their popish subjects at orange , and elsewhere ; and the papists have often broke their word to that family , and have been , and are its declared enemies ; and though the princes two great grand-fathers , admiral coligni , and prince william , were assassinated by the authority , and with the approbation of that whole party , yet it cannot be made appear , that ever the princes of that family failed in keeping their word , even to such enemies , or used their own popish subjects the worse for it , in making distinction between them and their other subjects , or influenc'd the states to use theirs so : i say the states , who allow their r. c. subjects all the priviledges of their other subjects , only they are kept by a test from having any share in the government , which is truly a kindness done them , considering that ill-natured humour of destroying all those that differ from them , which is apt to break out when that religion is in power . now the church of england may justly expect all sort of protection and countenance from the successors , when it 's their turn to give it , they have a legal right to it , and impartial dissenters must acknowledge , that of late they have deserved it . but as for the protestant dissenters , i think no honest man amongst them will apprehend , that their highnesses who keep their word to their popish enemies , will break it to protestant subject , tho differing from the publick establishment . the next thing i am to make good , is , that his highnesses education must have infused such principles as side with his interest : there must be a fatal infection in the english crown , if matters miscarry in his highnesses hands , his veins are full of the best protestant blood in the world : the reformation in france grew up under the conduct and influence of coligni . prince william founded the government of the united netherlands on the basis of property and liberty of conscience . his highness was bred and lives in that state which subsists and flourishes by adhering steadily to the maxims of its founder . he himself , both in his publick and private concerns , as well in the government of his family , and of such principalities as belong to him , as in that of the army , and in the dispensing of that great power which the states have given him , has as great regard to justice , vertue and true religion , as may compleat the character of a prince , qualified to make those he governs happy . it does not indeed appear , that their highnesses have any share of that devouring zeal which hath so long set the world on fire , and tempted thinking men to have a notion of religion it self , like that we have of the ancient paradice , as if it had never been more than an intended blessing , but all who have the honour to know their highnesses and their inclinations in matters of religion , are fully satisfied they have a truly christian zeal , and as much as is consistent with knowledge and charity . as to his highnesses circumstances , they will be such when his stars make way for him , as may convince our scepticks , that certain persons , times and things , are prepared for one another . i know not why we may not hope , that as his predecessors broke the yoke of the house of austria from off the neck of europe ; the honour of breakin● that of the house of bourbon is reserved for him . i am confident the nation will heartily joyn with him in his just resentments . resentments which they have with so much impatience long'd to find , and have miss'd with the greatest indignation in the hearts of their monarchs . his highness has at present , a greater influence on the councils of the most part of the princes of christendom , than possibly any king of england ever had . and this acquired by the weight of his own personal merit , which will no doubt grow up to a glorious authority when it is cloath'd with soveraign power . may i here mention ( to ●ay the jealousies of the most unreasonable of your friends ) that his highness will have only a borrowed title , which he may suppose will make him more catious in having designs at home , and his wanting children ( to our great misfortune ) will make him less solicitous to have such designs . but after all , it must be acknowledged , that in matters of this nature , the premises may seem very strong , and yet the conclusion not follow . humane infirmities are great , temptations to arbitrariness are strong , and often both the spirit and flesh weak . such fatal mistakes have been made of late , that the successors themselves may justly pardon mens jealousies , a widow that has had a bad husband , will cry on her wedding-day , though she would be married with all her heart . but i am confident you will grant to me , that in the case of the present successors , the possibilities are as remote , and the jealousies as ill grounded , and that there is as much to ballance them , as ever there was to be found in the prospect of any successors to the crown of england . now may i add , to conclude the reasons that i have given you , why we may depend on their highnesses , that i know considerable men , who after great enquiry and observation , do hope that their highesses ( being every way so well qualified for such an end ) are predestinated ( if i may speak so ) to make us happy in putting an end to our differences , and in fixing the prerogative , and in recovering the glory of the nation , which is so much sunk , and which now ( when we were big with expectations ) we find sacrific'd to unhappy partialities in matters of religion . the last thing you desire to know , is , what effects this letter has had . but it is not yet old enough for me to judge of that , i can better tell you what effects it ought to have . i find the moderate wise men of all perswasions are much pleased with it . i know roman catholicks that wish to god matters were settled on the model given in it ; they see the great difficulty of getting the test repealed : and withal , they doubt whether it is their interest that it should be repealed or not : they fear needy violent men might get into employments who would put his majesty on doing things that might ruine them and their posterity . they are certainly in the right of it . it is good to provide for the worst . a revolution will come with a witness ; and it 's like it may come before the prince of wales be of age to manage an unruly spirit , that i fear will accompany it . humane nature can hardly digest what it is already necessitated to swallow , such provocations even alters mens judgments . i find that men who otherways hate severity , begin to be of opinion that queen elizabeths lenity to the r. c's proves now cruelty to the protestants . the whole body of protestants in the nation was lately afraid of a popish successor , and when they reflected on queen maries reign , thought we had already sufficient experience of the spirit of that religion ; and took self-preservation to be a good argument , for preventing a second tryal . but now a handful of roman catholicks , perhaps reflecting on queen elizabeths reign , are not it seems afraid of protestant successors . but if some protestants at that time from an aversion to the remedy , hoped that the disease was not so dangerous as it proves , i am confident at present , all protestants are agreed , that henceforward the nation must be saved , not by faith. and therefore i would advise the r. c's to consider that protestants are still men , that late experiences at home , and the cruelties of popish princes abroad , has given us a very terrible idea of their religion . that opportunity is precious and very slippery , and if they let the present occasion pass by , they can hardly ever hope that it will be possible for them to recover it . that their fathers and grandfathers would have thought themselves in heaven to have had such an offer as this is , in any of the four last reigns , and therefore , that they had better be contented with half a loaf , than no bread. i mean it will be their wisdom to embrace this golden occasion of putting themselves on a level with all other english-men ; at least as to their private capacity ; and to disarm once for all , the severity of those laws ; which if ever they should come to be in good earnest executed by a protestant suceessor , will make england too hot for them : and therefore i should particularly advise those among them , who have the honour to approach his majesty , to use their credit , to prevail with him to make this so necessary a step in favour of the nation ; since the successors have advanc'd two thirds of the way for effecting so good and pious a work . then , and not till then , the r. c's may think themselves secured , and his majesty may hope to be great by translating fear and anger from the breasts of his subjects , to the hearts of his own and the nations enemies . but if an evil genius ( which seems to have hovered over us now a long time ) will have it otherwise ; if i were a r. c. i would meddle no more , but live quiet at home , and caress my protestant neighbours ; and in so doing , i should think my self better secured against the resentments of the nation , than by all the forces , forts , leagues , garranties , and even men children that his majesty may hope to leave behind him . as for the protestant dissenters , i am confident the body of them will continue to behave themselves like men , who to their great honour have ever preferred the love of their country and religion to all dangers and favours whatsoever , but there are both weak and interested men among all great numbers ; i would have them consider how much the state of things is altred , upon the coming out of this letter , for if hitherto they have been too forward in giving ear to proposals on this mistake , that they could never have such a favourable juncture for getting the laws against them repealed ; i hope now they are undeceived , since the successors have pawn'd their faith and honour for it , which i take to be a better security ( as matters go at present ) than the so much talk'd of magna charta for liberty of conscience would be , though got in a legal way ; for our judges have declared , that princes can dispence with the obligation of laws , but they have not yet given their opinion , that they can dispence with the honour of their word ; nor have their highnesses any confessor to supply such an omission . however it is not to be charg'd on their highnesses , if such a magna charta be not at present given them , provided the test be let alone ; but i fear the roman catholicks zeal will have all or nothing ; and the test too must be repealed , by wheedling the dissenters to joyn with willing sheriffs in violating the rights of elections , which are the root of the liberties of england ; a prudent way of recommending their religion to all true english-men . but if any of the dissenters be so destitute of sense and honesty , as to prefer a magna charta , so obtained , void and null in it self , to their own honour and conscience , to the love and liberties of their countrey , to the present kindness of all good men , and their countenance at another time , and above all , to the favour and word of the successors , who have now so generously declared themselves for them ; we may pronounce , that they are men abandoned to a reprobate sense , who will justly deserve infamy , and the hatred of the nation at present , and its resentments hereafter . is it possible , that any dissenter , who either deserves or loves the reputation of an honest man , can be prevailed with by any pretences of insinuations how plausible soever , to make so odious and pernicious a bargain , as that of buying a precarious pretended liberty of conscience , at the price of the civil liberties of the country , and at the price of removing that which under god is the most effectual bar to keep us from the dominion of a religion , that wouldas soon as it could , force us to abandon our own , or reduce us to the miserable condition of those of our neighbours , who are glad to forsake all they have in the world , that they may have their souls and lives for prey . as for the church of england , their clergy have of late oppos'd themselves to popery , with so much learning , vigour , danger and success , that i think all honest dissenters will lay down their resentments against them , and look on that church , as the present bulwark and honour of the protestant religion . i wish those high men among them , who have so long appropriated to themselves , the name and authority of the church of england , and have been made instruments to bring about designs , of which their present behaviour convinces me , they were ignorant , as i suppose many of the dissenters are , whose turn it is now to be the tools . i say , i wish such men would consider , to what a pass they have brought matters by their violences , or rather the violences of these whose property they were , and at length be wise ; they cannot but be sensible of the advantages they receive by this letter . i suppose they apprehend ( i am sure they ought to do it ) that the ruine of their church is resolv'd on : but if the dissenters upon this letter withdraw themselves , the r. c's have neither hearts to keep firm to such a resolution , nor hands to execute it . since therefore , they themselves , have unhappily brought their church into such pre●pices by provoking the dissenters , it is in a particular manner their duty , as well as their laterest , to endeavour to soften them , by assisting the letter , and promoting the design of it . but if the old leaven still remain , they continue to argue as formerly , if the surplice be parted with , the church of england is lost ; if the penal laws be repealed , the test will follow : and comfort themselves with this most christian reflection , that the r. c. will not accept of what is offered them ; such men deserve all the misery that is preparing for them , and will perish without pity , and give thinking men occasion to remember the proverb , beat a fool ( or a zealot ) in a morter , yet his foolishness will not depart from him . but the dissenters ought not to be much concerned at this , they have their own bigots , and the church of england theirs ; there will be tools whilst there are workmen . this a time for wisdom to be justified of her children , when honest men ought to leave off minding the lesser interests of this or that particular church , and joyn in securing the common interest of the protestant religion . and to conclude , i would particularly beg of the dissenters to make use of their best judgment on this so critical an occasion , which they will do in my opinion , in keeping close to the contents of this letter , by endeavouring to obtain in a fair and legal way such a liberty to all perswasions , as is the natural right of freemen , and as our protestant successors declare themselves willing to joyn in ; and if those who have an equal , nay a greater interest than themselves , will not agree to such a liberty , because they will be masters or nothing ; the dissenters will have the comfort of having discharged their own consciences , as prudent men and good christians ought to do , and may safely trust god with the event . sir , i thought i had made an end , but looking your letter over again , i find i have forgot to answer a reason or two you give , why you doubt whether the letter be truly m. fagels : you are informed ( you say ) that such and such great men doubted of it ; but some might as well pretend to doubt of the truth of that letter , ( tho they knew it to be true ) as believe her majesty to be with child , almost before she knew it her self ; and that she was quick , when the embryo , as anatomists say , is not much above an inch long ; i don't think that popish successors , like certain weeds , grow faster than others : the persons you name may trim , and presume on their merit , least they might be thought capable of resentment . a dangerous reflection . i say their merit ; you have seen a long relation of the great services some ( when they were in power ) did their highnesses ; it is bound up with a relation of the true causes of their sufferings for their ( or rather their highnesses ) religion . you know even how one of them the last summer payed them his reverence with all the respect and humility of a due distance , and with the same caution with which the invincible monarch fights out of cannon shot . but , sir , though the character of a trimmer be ordinarily the character of a prudent man , there are times and seasons when it is not the character of an honest man. i acknowledge that since their highnesses marriage , nothing has hapned so much for the good of the protestant interest as this letter of m. fagels , and if i had been either the writer or adviser of it , i should be very proud of it , and think the nation much in my debt . but sir , that was not a very good reason to make you doubt of it ; for a good cause will have its time , tho not so often as a bad one , which hath ordinarily the majority on its side . i am confident at present we have all the reason in the world to expect it , for my own part , though i am neither young nor strong , i hope to live to see a day of jubilee in england for all that deserve it ; when honest men shall have the same pleasure in thinking on these times , that a woman happily delivered hath in reflecting on the pain and danger she was in . but knaves shall remember them , as i am told the damned do their sins , cursing both them and themselves . sir , i am yours . january 12 , 1688. a letter writ by mijn heer fagel , pensioner to the great and mighty lords , the states of holland and westfriesland . writ in french on the 9th of april , n. stile 1688. to the marquiss of albeville , envoy extraordinary of his majesty of great britain , to the high and mighty the states general of the vnited provinces . to which is prefixt an account in dutch of the letter writ by mijn heer fagel , on the 4th of november , in the year 1687. to mr. stewart , written by the said pensioner , and published by his order . printed at the hague by james scheltus , printer to the states of holland and westfriesland . translated out of the french and dutch into english . reader , i gaspar fagel , having the honour to serve the great and mighty states of holland and westfriesland , in the quality of their pensioner , cannot any longer delay the giving the publick this account , that in the month of july last 1687. i was very earnestly desired by mr. james stewart advocate , to write to him what were the prince and princess of orange's thoughts concerning the repealing the test and the penal laws : but i was not easily brought to put pen to paper on this subject , because i knew that their highnesses thoughts did not agree with his majesties ; so that the writing in such matters was extream tender : therefore i delayed it till i was more earnestly pressed to it : and it was intimated to me , that those pressing desires were made by his majesties knowledge and allowance : at last i did according to the mind of their highnesses , draw the letter which i writ to mr. stewart on the 4th of november : i transmitted the draught of my letter to their highnesses , and received upon it their order to send it , after that their highnesses had read and examined the draught in dutch , together with the translation of it into english : upon all this i sent my letter to mr. stewart in the beginning of november ; and received an answer from him , by which he signified , that he had shewed my letter , both to the earl of melfort and to the earl of sunderland , and that it was also shewed to the king himself ; nor did he in the least intimate to me that it was desired that i should make any great secret of it ; or take care that it should not become publick : that letter , was afterwards about the middle of january , printed in england ; and upon its coming over into this country , it has occasioned a great deal of noise ; yet i have not hitherto concerned my self in all those discourses , or in all that has been writ and printed upon it , but have let all people reason or write concerning it as they pleased : but i have lately seen an english book , entitled , parliamentum pacificum , printed in london , in this present year , by vertue of a licence signed by the earl of sunderland ; in which that letter writ by me , is not only called a pretended piece , but it is said , that which i had set forth in my letter , concerning the prince and princesses thoughts , relating to the repeal of the test and the penal laws was advanced by me without the knowledge of their highnesses , at least of her royal highness : and by this the reader may be perhaps wrought on to believe either that my letter was a pretended piece , and forgery , or that i writ it without order from their highnesses ; since it may indeed seem scarce probable , that the author could have obtained a license for the printing of a paper that contains such falshoods in it , which the court and in particular the earl of sunderland could not but know to be such : for they know well both that the letter was writ by me , and that i was ordered to write it by their highnesses : therefore i could not delay any longer to undeceive the world. thus i am obliged to publish this account of the matter . i have still in my possession , those letters by which i was earnestly pressed to write the fore-mentioned letter , in which it is expresly said , that they were writ by his majesties knowledge and allowance : i have also that letter in which notice is given that my letter had come to hand , and that it was shewed not only to the earls of melf●rt and sunderland , but to his majesty himself , so that they know well that it is no pretended piece . i have also by me the letter , by which his highneses desired me to send ●●●●●ter to mr. stewart , together with the english translation of it : all which i will print , if i find it necessary . so that it is a gross abuse put on the world , to say that my letter is a forgery , since as it was truly writ by me , so it has been avowed by me ever since it first appeared : and it is a base calumny and slander , to say , that i writ that account of their highnesses thoughts concerning the repeal of the test and the penal laws without their knowledge : which appears so much the more evident , since it cannot be imagined , that their highnesses would not have expressed their just resentments , at so high and extravagant a presumption as i should have committed , if i had written any account of their thoughts , without their knowledg : all this has obliged me for my own vindication to write the following letter , to the marquess of albeville , his majesties envoy to the states : because i have had much discourse with him concerning the writing of that letter , long before this book called parliamentum pacificum was published : but i will not engage my self any further to examine the reasonings of the author of that phmphlet : for i know well , that in those matters the world is divided into very different sentiments , and that men are apt to approve or censure such things , according to their preconceived opinions : of all this i thought it necessary to advertise my reader , and to order this account of my letter to be printed by a known printer , from a copy signed by my hand . at the hague the 10th . of april , 1688. gaspar fagel . a copy of the letter writ by mijn heer fagel , to the marquis of albeville , bearing date the 9th . of april , 1688. sir , there has appeared here an english book , printed at london this year , entitled parliamentum pacificum with an im●rimatur before it signed by the earl of sunderland : ●f which i cannot but complain to you how averse soever i am 〈◊〉 things of that kind . it is affirmed in that book , that the letter which i writ to mr. stewart the 4th . of november last year , concerning the test and the penal laws is a pretended piece , or at least that i writ it without order ; and without the consent of their highnesses , and more particularly of her royal highness the princess of orange : i will not engage my self to examin and refute the particulars that are in that book , for that were as unsuteable to the character i bear , as it is to my own inclinations ; which do both concur in making it unfit for me to enter upon a publick dispute in things of this nature : but you cannot think it strange , if i desire you to call to mind , that it was not of my own head that i was engaged to write that letter which is now called in question : it was far from that . i was pressed by earnest and often repeated instances for the space of four months , that were made to me in his majesties name , to write upon that subject ; which at last prevailed with me ; yet i went about it with all the caution that a matter of such importance required ; and i took care not to write one single period in that whole letter , that i apprehended might give his majesty the least offence : yet after all i see this letter is treated as an imposture , in a book published by authority : tho both his majesty and the whole court know the truth of this matter ; which sir , i have in particular owned to your self , as being the kings minister here : as i have also owned it to all that have spoke to me upon the subject . but that which troubles more is , that i am accused for having made use of their highnesses name , and in particular of her royal highnesses without their order , as if i were capable of so infamous a forgery , and of an imposture so unworthy of any man of honour , and that chiefly in a matter of so great consequence . sir , you must not think it strange , if in this i appeal to your self , to that which you know , and which you have often owned to me your self : that their highnesses , and particularly her royal highness have often expre●sed to you their thoughts concerning the test and the penal laws , conform to that which i writ in their names : which you owned to me , that you had writ to the court of england , long before i writ that letter , and that therefore you could not imagin upon what reason the court could press me so much as they did to write to mr. stewart . i do assure you , i find my self very little concerned in what is said in this late book , or in any other of that kind : i foresaw well enough from the beginning that i should be attackt upon the account of my letter : in which it was indifferent to me what any man thought of it . but this book being published by the authoaity of a licence granted by the earl of sunderland , president of his majesties privy council and secretary of state , i find my honour is so touched in it , that i am obliged to undeceive the world , of the false accusation with which i am charged in it . and i thought sir , that i could not do this better , than by writing to you , that are his majestys minister , and who know perfectly the truth of the matter that is now called in question : and therefore i desire you will write concerning it , to the earl of sunderland : i believe he has not seen or at least that he has not considered the passages of that book that do concern me . for i am sure if he had done that , he would never have licensed it : for my lord sunderland knows , as well as any man alive does , that my letter to mr. stewart is no pretended piece : he himself saw the letter , or at least the english translation of it that i sent along with it : and he could not but know likewise , both by your letters , and by what you told by word of mouth , that their highnesses , and in particular her royal highness , have often owned to you , their sense of the test and the penal laws , conform to that which i writ in their name to mr. stewart . so i do persuade my self , that my lord sunderland will have the justice and goodness to recall this licence , which has been obtained of him by a surprise : and that the author of so manifest and so injurious a calumny , shall be punished as he deserveth . i will not likewise conceal from you , the design i have of publishing an account of all that has passed in this matter , as well as of this letter , which i take the liberty now to write to you , in which my design is not to enter into any dispute concerning the matter it self , much less to offend any person whatsoever , but only to cover my honour which is struck at by this attrocious calumny . i am sir your most humble and most obedient servant gaspar fagel . to all which this attestation of the printer is added . i the under subscribing james scheltus printer in ordinary to the great and mighty lords the states of holland and westfriesland , dwelling in the hague , do declare and attest by these presents , that the writing here published , together with the copy of the letter writ in french to the marquis of albeville , envoy extraordinary of his majesty of great brittain to the states , were delivered into my hands in order to their being printed , by mijn heer gasper fagel , pesioner to the above named lords and states of holland and westfriesland , and that i have printed them by his express order . at the hague the 10th of april 1688. j. scheltus . some extracts , out of mr. james stewart's letters , which were communicated to mijn heer fagel , the states pensionary of the province of holland . together with some references to mr. stewart's printed letter . mr. stewart staid about seven months , after he had received the pensionary's letter , before he thought fit to write any answer to it : and then instead of sending one in writing to the pensioner , or in a language understood by him , he has thought fit , by a civility peculiar to himself , to print an answer in english , and to send it abroad into the world , before the pensioner had so much as seen it . the many and great affairs that press had upon that eminent minister , together with a sad want of health , by which he has been long afflicted , have made that he had not the leisure to procure mr. stewart's letter to be translated to him , and to compare the matters of fact related to in it , with the letters that were writ the last year by mr. stwatr , which are in his possession ; nor did he think it necessary , to make too much haste : and therefore if he has let as many weeks pass , without ordering an answer to be prepared , as the other had done months , he thought that even this slowness , might look like one that despised this indecent attempt upon his honour , that mr. stewart has made in giving so unjust a representation of the matter of fact. he hopes he is too well known to the world , to apprehend that any persons would entertain the hard thoughts of him , which mr. stewart's late print may have offered to them ; and therefore he has proceeded in this matter , with the slowness that he thought became his integrity , since a greater haste might have look'd like one that was uneasy , because he knew himself to be in fault . as for the reasoning part of mr. stewart's paper , he has already expressed himself in his letter to mr. d' albeville , that he will not enter into any arguing upon those points , but will leave the matter to the judgement of every reader ; therefore he has given order only to examine those matters of fact , that are set forth in the beginning of mr. stewart's letters , that that so the world may have a true account of the motives that induced him to write his letter to mr. stewart , from the words of mr. stewart's own letters : and then he will leave it to the judgment of every reader , whether mr. stewart has given the matter of fact fairly or not . it is true , the pensioner has not thought fit to print all mr. stewart's letters , at their full length ; there are many particulars in them for which he is not willing to expose him : and in this he has shewed a greater regard to mr. stewart , than the usage that he has met with from him deserves : if mr. stewart has kept copies of his own letters , he must see that the pensioners reservedness is rather grounded on what he thought became himself , than on what mr. stewart has deserved of him . but if mr. stewart , or any in his name , will take advantages from this , that the letters themselves are not published , and that here there are only extracts of them offered to the world , then the pensioner will be excused , if he prints them all to a tittle : the truth is , it is scarce conceivable how mr. stewart could assume the confidence that appears in his printed letter , if he have kept copies of the letters that he writ last-year : and if he engaged himself in affairs of such importance without keeping . copies of what he writ , it was somewhat extraordinary : and yet this censure is that which falls the softest on him : but i will avoid every thing that looks like a sharpness of expression ; for the pensioner expects , that he who is to give this account to the english nation , should rather consider the dignity of the post in which he is , than the advantages that mr. stewart may have given for replying sharply on him . and in this whole matter the pensioner's chief concern is , to offer to the world such a relation of the occasions that drew his letter to mr. stewart from him , as may justify him against the false insinuations that are given : he owed this likewise as an expression of his respect and duty to their highnesses , in whose name he wrote his letter , and at whom all those false representations are levelled , though they fall first and immediately upon himself . the sum of the matter of fact , as it is represented by mr. stewart , amounts to this , that he was so surprised to see in january last , the pensioner's letter to him in print , that he was inclined to disbelieve his own eyes , considering the remoteness of the occasion that was given for that letter : that he had never writ to the pensioner , but was expresly cautioned against it : but that seeing the sincerity of the king's intentions , he was desirous to contribute his small endeavours for the advancing so good a work , and for that end he obtained leave to write to a private friend , who , he judged might have opportunity to represent any thing he could say to the best advantage : but that of the letters which he writ to his friend , there were only two intended for communication , in which he studied to evince the equity and expediency , of repealing the tests and the penal laws : and that with a peculiar regard , to the prince and princess orange's interest ; and he desired that this might be imparted to friends , but chiefly to those at the hague . and that this was the substance of all that he writ on that occasion . but finding that the prince had already declared himself in those matters , he resolved to insist no further : yet his f●ind insinuating , that he had still hopes to get a more distinct and satisfying answer , from a better hand , tho without naming the person , he attended the issue ; and about the beginning of november , almost three months after his first writing , he received the pensioners letter , though he had not writ to him ( which is repeated again and again ) and in it an account of the prince and princess of orange's thoughts about the repeal of the tests and penal laws ( which he had not desired ) upon which he took some care to prevent the publishing of it : put when he saw it in print , he clearly perceived that it was printed in holland ; and so wonders how the pensioner could say , that it was printed in england , which he found in his printed letter to mr. d' albeville ; he knows not upon what provocation the pensioner writ that letter ; but in it he finds that he writ , that he was desired by himself to give him an account of the prince and princess of orange ' s thoughts , and that these pressing desires were made to him by his majesties knowledge and allowance ; this being so different from the letters he had writ , of which he is sure that the account he has given is true in every point , he was forced to vindicate the the king's honour and his own duty . he writ not out of any curiosity to know their highnesses though 's , which were already known , they having been signified to the marquis of albeville , and therefore he had no orders from the king for writing on that subject , but only a permission to use his little endeavours for the advancing of his service ; but it was never moved to him to write , either in the king's name or in the name of any of his secretaries . this is mr. stewart's account in the first nince pages of his letter , and is set down in his own words . now in opposition to all this , it will appear from the following extracts , that mr. stewart writ to his friend , as the most proper interpreter for addressing himself to the pensioner ; that he repeated his proposition frequently , finding his friend unwilling to engage in so critical a matter . he gives great ●●surances of his majesty's resolutions never to al●●r the succession ( which is plainly the language of a treaty ) he presses over and over again to know the prince's mind , whose concurrence in the matter would be the best guarentee of the●●iberty . he by name desires his letters may be shewed to the prince and princess of orange ( though he says , he only ●rder●d ●hem to be shewed to friends at the hague : so it seems he has the modesty to reckon them among the number of his friends ; but it is a question whether their highnesses do so or not . ) he says in one leteer , that what he writ was from his majesty himself , and enlarges more fully on this in two other letters ; and he desires , that the prince's answers , with his reasons , might be understood ; which very probably gave the occasion to all the reasoning part of the pensioner's letter . and it appears by that letter , that the return to all this was expected by the king , and in almost every letter he presses for a return . and in conclusion , upon his receiving the pensioner's letter , he expresses likewise a great sense of the honour done him in it ; that he had so far complied with his insignificant endeavours , he mentions his acquainting both the king and the earls of sunderland and melfort with it ; and in another letter , after new thanks for the pensioner's letter , he laments that it was so long delay'd . but all these things will appear more evident to the reader from the passages drawn out of mr. stewart's own letters , which follow . mr. stewart seems not to know upon what provocation the pensioner writ to mr. d' albeville , and yet the ponsioner had set that forth in the letter it self ; for the pamphlet entituled parliamentum pacificum , that was licensed by the earl of sunderland , contained such reflections on his letter to mr. stewart , either as a forgery , or as a thing done without the princess of orange ' s knowledge , that the pensioner judged himself bound in honour to do himself right . as for mr. stewart's criticalness , in knowing that the pensioner's letter was first printed in holland , and his reflection on the pensioner for insinuating that the letter was first printed in england ; it is very like that mr. stewart , after so long a practise in libels , knows how to distinguish between the prints of the several nations better than the pensioner , whose course of life has raised him above all such practices . but it is certain , that wheresoever it was first printed , the pensioner writ sincerely , and believed really it was first printed in england . this is all that seemed necessary to be said for an introduction to the following extracts . july 12. 1687. and i assure you by all i can find here , the establishment of this equal liberty is his majesty's utmost design — i wish your people at the hague do not mistake too far both his majesty and the dissenters ; for as i have already told you his majesty's utmost design , and have ground to believe , that his majesty will preserve and observe the true right of succession , as a thing most sacred ; so i must entreat you to remark , that the offence that some of the church of england men take at addressing , seems to me unaccountable , and is apprehended by the dissenters to proceed so certainly from their former and wonted spirit , that they begin to think themselves in large more hazard from the church of england's re-exaltation than all the papists their advantages . and next , that the prince is thought to be abused by some there to a too great mislike of that which can never wrong him , but will in probability in the event be wholly in his own power — i hope you will consider and make your best use of these things — i expect an account of this per first , i mean , an answer to this letter , and pray improve it to the best advantage . the second letter , without a date . that it is a thing most certain , that his majesty is resolved to observe the succession to the crown as a thing most sacred , and is far from all thoughts of altering the same ; and that his majesty is very desirous to have the prince and princess of orange to consent to and concur with him in establishing this liberty — so that upon the whole it may be feared , that if the prince continue obstinate in refusing his majesty , he may fall under suspicions of the greatest part of england and of all scotland , to be too great a favourer of the church of england , and consequently a person whom they have reason to dread — and many think that this compliance in the prince , might be further a wise part , both as to the conciliating of his majesty's greater favour , and the begetting of an understanding betwixt the king and the states ; and the parliament will consent to the liberty so much the rather , that they have a protestant successor in prospect — i cannot on these things make any conclusion , but simply leave them to your reflection , and the best use you please to make of them — i will expect your answer per first . vvindsor , july . 18. 1687. the hints that i gave you in my two former letters i shall now explain more fully in this — and therefore i heartily wish , that the prince and princess may understand all that you think needful on this subject . it troubles his majesty to find them so averse from approving this liebrty , and concurring for its establishment — so that in truth i cannot see why their highnesses should not embrace cheerfully so fair an opportunity to gratify both his majesty and the far greater and better part of the nation — now upon the whole ; i expect that you will make all i have written fully known at the hague , especially with the prince — but the main thing i expect from you , is to have your mind , whether or not his highness may be so disposed , as that a well chosen informer sent to himself might perfect the work. and this answer i will expect per first ; where ever the prince be , you know who are to be spoken and how — i again entreat your care and dispatch in this , with your return . london , july 29. 1687. mine of the 19 july , with my last of the 26th july , v. st. will i am sure satisfy you fully ; for therein i have indeed answered all can be objected , and have given you such an account of the confirmation of all i have writ from his majesty himself , that i must think it a fatality if your people remain obstinate . — and i again assure you , if your people be obstinate , it will be fatal to the poor dissenters , and i fear productive of ills yet unheard of ; and therefore pray consider my letters , and let me know if there be any place to receive information by a good hand — but however , let us endeavour good all we can , and i assure you i have my warrant . — haste your answer . windsor , aug. 5. 1687. and in a word , believe me , if the prince will do what is desired , it is the best service to the protestants , the highest obligation on his majesty , and the greatest advancement of his own interest that he can think on ; but if not , then all is contrary — but pray haste an answer . windsor , aug. 12. 1687. i have yours of the 15. instant , long looked for ; you remark , that you have received mine of the 26 of july , but say nothing of that of the 19. which was my fullest , and which i assure you was writ , not only with permission , but according to his majesties mind sufficiently expressed ; our religion ought certainly to be dearer to us than all earthly concerns . it is very true what you say , that mistakes about its concerns ( especially in such a time ) may be of the greatest importance , which no doubt should perswade to a very scrupulous caution : but yet i am satisfied , that the simple representing of what was wrote to you ( which was all i required ) was no such difficult task — but to be plain with you , as my friend , your return was not only long delayed , but i observe such a coldness in it , different from the strain of your former , that i think i mistake not when i understand by your letter more than you express — i wish the p. may see or hear this from end to end . london , aug. 22. 1687. i have yours of the 16th instant ; when i said your last was more cool , i meant not as your affection , but as to your diligence in that affair — for i am perswaded , that the establishing of this liberty by law , is not only the interest of protestant dissenters above all others , but that his highness s consenting to it , would be its secure guarantee both against changes and abuses — as you love the quiet of good men and me , leave off complements and ceremonies , and discourse his highness of all i have written — i am now hastening to scotland — but may return shortly ; for the kings is most desirous to gain the prince and he will be undoubtedly the best guarantee to us of this liberty , and also to hinder all your fears about popery . newwark , aug. 26. 1687. but now i must tell you , that though — i know — to be my very good friend , yet he hath not answered my expectation ; for you see that to seven of mine , he gave me not one word of answer ; although i told him , that the substance of them was writ by the king's allowance , and a return expected by him — besides , the answers he makes are either generals or complements , whereas my desire was , that the prince should know things , and that his answer with his reasons might be understood , — but my friend has delayed and scruffed things . from scotland , septemb. 24. 1687. i have yours of the 30th of aug. but have delayed so long to answer , because i had written other letters to you whereof i yet expect the return — my most humble duty to my friend at the hague . edinburg , octob. 28. 1687. as for that more important affair , wherewith i have long troubled you , i need add no more ; my conscience bears me witness , i have dealt sincerely for the freedom of the gospel — i had certainly long e're now written to the pensioner fagel , were it not that i judged you were a better interpreter of any thing i could say : i know his real concern for the protestant religion ; and shall never forget his undeserved respect to me ; but alas ! that providences should be so ill understood . london , novemb. 8. 1687. i have yours of the 1st of november — the enclosed from the l. pensionary surprize me with a testimony of his favour and friendship , and also of his sincere love to the truth , and fair and candid reasoning upon the present subject of liberty , beyond what i can express ; he hath seriously done too much for me ; but the more be hath done in complience with my insignificant endeavours , the more i judge and esteem his noble and zealous concern for religion and peace , which i am certain could only in this matter be his just motive : i hope you will testify to him my deep sense of his favour and most serious profession of duty with all diligence , until i be in 〈◊〉 to make his l. a direct return . i showed the letter to my l●rd melfort , who was satisfied with it . london , novemb. 6. 1687. which it seems is by a mistake of the date . i have your last , but have been so harassed and toiled , that i have not had time to write to you , much less to my l. pensionary ; yet since my last , i acquainted the earl of sunderland with his answer , as the king ordered me ; but i see all hope from your side is given quite over , and men are become as cold in it here as you are positive there . london , novemb. 19. 1687. by my last of the 8th . instant , i gave you notice of the receipt of my lord pensionary ' s letter , and what was and is my sence of his extraordinary kindness and concern in that affair . since that time i have had the oppertunity to shew them to the king , and at his command did read to him distinctly out of the english copy all the account given of her highnesses mind touching the penal statutes and the test ; and withall , signified the sum of what was subjoyned , especially the respect and difference therein expressed to his majesty ' s person and government ; but to my own regret , i find that this answer hath been too long delayed , and that now the king is quite over that matter , being no ways-satisfied with the distinction made of the tests from the penal laws ; and no less positive , that his highness is neither to be prevailed upon , nor so much as to be further treated with in this matter . the conclusion . and thus all that relates to the occasion that drew the pensioners letter from him , appears in its true light . if this discovery is uneasie to mr. stewart , he has none to blame for it but himself . it is very likely the first article of his merit , for the defacing of all that was past , was the pains he took to work on their highnesses , by the pensioners means : but that having failed him , the abusive letter that he has published upon it may come in for a second article : and now the reproaches to which this discovery must needs expose him , must compleat his merit . if upon all this he is not highly rewarded , he has ill luck , and small encouragement will be given to others to serve the court as he has done . but if he has great rewards , it must be acknowledged that he has paid dear for them ; the printing and distributing 15000 copies of his letter , is only the publishing his shame to 15000 persons , though it is to be doubted if so many could be found in the nation who would give themselves the trouble to read so ill a paper . finis . the loyal protestants vindication, fairly offered to all those sober minds who have the art of using reason, and the power of suppressing passion by a queen elizabeth protestant. queen elizabeth protestant. 1680 approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49360 wing l3360 estc r5421 12986386 ocm 12986386 96197 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49360) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96197) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 719:23) the loyal protestants vindication, fairly offered to all those sober minds who have the art of using reason, and the power of suppressing passion by a queen elizabeth protestant. queen elizabeth protestant. defoe, daniel, 1661?-1731. [2], 6 p. printed for walter kettilby ..., london : 1680. attributed to defoe in the wrenn catalogue. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. protestants -england. 2002-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the loyal protestants vindication , fairly offered to all those sober minds who have the art of using reason , and the power of suppressing passion . by a queen elizabeth protestant . london , printed for walter kettilby , at the sign of the bishops-head , in s. paul's church-yard , 1680. the loyal protestants vindication . fellow natives and brother protestants . for by birth and charity we are bound so to call you . and we hope , that ( upon the ebbs of your heat and humour ) you will out of humility think it fit at last to call us so too . it cannot de denied , but that ( ever since the blessed reformation ) protestanism is the common cause and interest of england . and that he only is to be reputed our enemy , who shall and doth by plots and designs endeavour , either to subvert or alter our government , as it now stands by law established both in church and state. now for the blasting and defeating of all wicked conspiracies against our established government , both at present and for the future , i can assure you , that you have our heads , our hands and our hearts . nor can you be more zealous for the overthrow of the late discovered damnable and hellish popish plot , and the suppressing the growth of popery , than the true honest-minded church of england men are . pardon them only in this ; that they love a zeal regulated with prudence , and softned with moderation . you all very well know , that it hath been of late the great artifice of the jesuited party to intrude ( if possible ) their damnable plot upon that classis of protestants call'd presbyterians . who i am perswaded have learn'd from their former miscarriages , that it is both theirs and all protestants interest , not to disturb our national government , or disoblige their prince . and i could heartily wish that the papists might never have had any colourable pretence for fathering their brat of rebellion upon any sort of protestants amongst us. and this they would never have had , if the years between 1640. and 60. could be raz'd out of the book of time , and the memory of this age. but whatever things the papists may revive to serve their cause , we are willing to forget them , so it may heal our breaches , and cement us together in a brotherly assistance of each other , for the saving both of you and us , and our protestant religion . and for the effectual promoting of so considerable and publick a concern , i think all judicious and thoughtful men will allow that there is nothing so essential and necessary as our union . and though it 's not reasonable to expect , that all the sorts of protestants in england should in a moment concentre in one mind , in one judgment and opinion : yet what should hinder , but that they may have a reciprocal kindness and love one for another , and one and the same loyalty to their prince ? unless the protestant parties in england are like the princes in germany , wherein every one is so much wedded to his own interest , that he had rather see the emperor dethron'd , and the whole empire lost , than lose one little regalia of his own to save it . never were the papists so full of plots , and so big with hopes as now . and never was the wicked one so busie in sowing the seeds of discord and contention as within this moneth or two last past . for to an observing eye the print of the cloven foot hath been easily seen in all the roads , cities , towns and corporations of england within that time . and whatever sentiments some over-zealous and misguided men may have of linking and listing themselves and names , under the form of a petition ; yet certainly none but the jesuite , ( who alone hath the art of out doing the devil in malice and mischief ) could have invented a more proper and effectual way of setting protestants in england at a greater variance and distance than ever they were before . the old weather-beaten course which the jesuits used to make us protestants hateful to , and hating one of another , was to cast upon some the name and character of calvinists , upon some arminians , upon some socinians , upon some pelagians , upon some cavaliers and malignants , upon some covenanters and round-heads after the old style ; but now church-men and fanaticks , or court and countrey party , after the style of the newest fashions . but now since the jesuit perceives that we protestants begin to smell the device of these nick-names , and that we are growing so skilful as to discern that these are only bones thrown in amongst us , merely to make us snarl , and bite , and devour one another ; therefore the jesuits ( to perpetuate and continue the protestant fray and scuffle , which is the only advantage to their cause ) have now at this time ( if not invented ) yet at least set on foot a form and mode of petitioning , which must inevitably run us into fearful broyles , if not timely prevented . for pray observe , with what heat and earnestness did some press the subscription of it upon others their fellow subjects ? with what reluctancy and stubbornness did others deny and refuse it ? how passionately and bitterly did many in coffee-houses and other places debate and argue the lawfulness and unlawfulness of it ? and it 's to be wisht , that in some towns , parishes , and neighbourhoods it be not the standing cause of irreconcileable feuds and quarrels among the people . for such hath been the imprudence of some hot-headed men that carried this petition about for subscriptions , that they told the un-thinking vulgar , it was the shibboleth to discern between the protestants and papists in england . and hence many of them ( poor souls ! ) out of fear and ignorance set their hands , but more their marks to it : when as they , and those that prest it upon them , can give no just positive account , whether this petition , and the solemn league and covenant , were invented and fram'd either by a papist or a protestant . and now is not this a pretty piece of sport to our common enemy the papist , to see a leaf of paper set all england in a flame , and create most desperate animosities amongst its protestant natives ? could there be any project or device ( next to the killing of our gracious soveraign whom god long preserve ) so essential and proper for the ruine of us , and our protestant religion as this ? what need have the papists of collections from their friends ? or moneys from the holy chamber ? or of armyes from foreign popish princes ? when as our divisions , which they have set up amongst us , will with good looking after most certainly and inevitably do this work to their hands , without any such cost or trouble . serious and frequent have been our addresses to you for a brotherly correspondence and reconciliation , and your joyning with us in the defence and preservation of the protestant religion . nay we have made it our humble requests to you , that you would do us that right and justice , as to own and allow us to be protestants as well as your selves . and yet such hath been the hard fate and misfortune of our gentleness and meekness towards you , that like the grace of god to proud and wanton sinners , they have been scorn'd and rejected . for instead of any civilities to us for this our humble demeanour , you have imperiously ascended the seat of judgment , and the chair of the scorner : loading us with scoffs and reproaches , and condemning us for hereticks and papists . nay , so mightily sowr'd are you in your opinions and judgments of an english church-man , that you nauseate him , as you pretend to do a papist , and shun his converse and sight as much as a man of curdled bloud doth cheese . but whatever treatments you are pleased to give us , or whatever liveries you think fit to clothe us withal ; yet ( begging your leave ) we shall desire this freedom as to cleanse our garments from those foul aspersions thrown upon them from pulpits in conventicles , libels from the press , and those scurrilous reproaches vented by republican tools and tantivy's . and therefore let him that hath eyes and learning to read , consider the loyal protestants vindication , in these following particulars , first , we do own and love all protestants of whatever sort , title and name , that do really abominate the superstitious fooleries and heretical doctrines of the church of rome . secondly , we do approve and delight in all persons , which assert and vindicate the king's supremacy over all persons and in all causes both in church and state. thirdly , we countenance and commend all such , who mind their own business and study to be quiet , and who out of duty as well as modesty have so good and just opinion of their present soveraign's art and judgment in governing , that they will not presume to prescribe him rules and methods of managing the people which god hath committed to his care and charge . for such hath been his education , and so much experience hath he learnt in foreign courts and countreys , during his exile , that we can positively say , he is the wisest king in christendom , and the best statesman in all his whole kingdom . fourthly , we are for giving all men their just dues according to their dignities , places , and qualities , and do abominate all those harsh and rough methods , which irritate our superiors anger and displeasure . for certainly of all persons , governours chiefly are to be oblig'd and not forc't . fifthly , we do verily believe , that according to the contents of our new testament , no man ought to affront and vilifie his princes person and authority either in words or deeds . and that if he cannot conform to the government of his prince , yet he is bound in conscience , not to be openly , publickly , and actually disobedient , especially where the prince is christian and protestant too . and where the ground of subjects obedience and disobedience is purely about things indifferent , which is a thing that wholly excludes all doubts and scruples of conscience . sixthly , we do abominate , and as seasonably and prudentially as we can , rebuke and suppress all sorts of vices and immoralities without respect had to persons . and should be heartily glad to see whoredom , adultery , drunkenness , swearing and pride , to grow out of fashion in the kingdom ; as we wish , malice , spight , backbiting , censuring , slandering , railing and bitterness of spirit may decay amongst you . seventhly , we heartily love , and highly applaud all plain-hearted and publick-spirited men , who aim and endeavour at things for the kings honour and greatness , and the real good of the whole kingdom . but we do detest and abhor all self-ended and self-seeking men , especially those who engage a whole kingdom for a particular disgust ; and study revenge for a private defeat they have received , or who design to make themselves popular , great and rich under the pretence of serving the publick . eighthly , we heartily pray , and use all the interest we have , that this late damnable hellish popish plot , ( which god in mercy to us all hath brought to light ) may be daily more and more detected and brought to a final period . and we joyn with you in our souls , that the parliament may sit for the tryal of those great conspirators , who cannot be otherwise tryed but by parliament . but as for the time , when this parliament should sit about this weighty affair , we humbly leave it to his majesties prudence , who , of all men hath the sole right , and is best able to chuse the seasonableness of doing it . ninthly , we do firmly believe , that the present actings and designs of our enemies the papists are so wicked and evil , and our cause so good and just , that we dare ( with the use of lawful and justifiable means ) in an humble confidence refer the whole matter into the hands of providence , not doubting but that god will so rule the heart of our king , and direct his councils , that we and our religion will at last have as memorable a deliverance , as any of those which have been in the days of our ancestors . tenthly , we do affirm , and can justifie it : that the men of the church of england are the true , right , and only protestants . and for this we dare appeal to the known laws of the land , to the hugonots of france , and all the calvinistical and lutheran churches abroad ; for whenever they write or speak of the church of england , they mean that which is established by law in our nation . and because the memory of queen elizabeth is always so fresh and fragrant in your minds , that you keep her anniversary coronation-day above all other protestant kings of england , with the solemnities of bonefires and ringing of bells . we therefore take the opportunity to declare to you ; that it 's not you , but we are the men , who are not only the legal , but the true queen elizabeth protestants . and i would advise you , the next time you observe that day , ( which i shall observe with you ) that you would enquire into your selves , whether you are the protestants of that mould and stamp , which she loved , and her laws protected in her reign . eleventhly , though you take a pride or pleasure , or both , to represent us to the vulgar under those filthy characters of mungrel protestants , half protestants , protestants in masquerade , and church papists . yet under our patient bearing of your reproaches : we beg your pardon to make this declaration : that we do abhor and detest those black and odious titles . and had you but a spark of modesty , or a grain of reason , or the least insight into our laws , you would have long since forborn to persecute us with this slanderous accusation . what was queen elizabeth a good protestant , and now must the queen elizabeth protestants be counted no protestants , or call'd half protestants , and protestants in masquerade ? what doth the jesuit and papists hate us , and plot to destroy us , because he finds us the best and truest protestants ? and must you to revile us and seek to root us out : because we are not protestants according to your standard ? certainly had you but any wit or reason about you , you might plainly see ; that whatever you think of us , the papists take us only to be the truest protestants , and their greatest enemies . for it 's against us that all these malicious plots are levell'd . and they have only set you up as tools and instruments to compleat their design . for alas , there is hardly one amongst all your parties hath writ so judiciously and rationally against the church of rome , as to deserve either a learned papists reading or answer . and now must our bishops , doctors and divines be the only champions for the protestant religion against the romanists . and yet must their hearers and followers be branded with the ignominious names of half protestants , church papists , and protestants in masquerade ? for shame forbear these unchristian slanders ; or else all foreign protestants will say , that you want both manners and modesty , or which is worse , brains and reason . go on , if you please , with your trade of calumniating : but thus plain we will be with you , to acquaint you , that our eyes are so open , as to see you use one way , and the papists use another way , to destroy and ruine the church of england , with its protestant professors . and we declare , that from our knowledge of you both , we expect no quarter or mercy from either of you . for the church of england men have already endured two persecutions , the one of fire in the reign of queen mary , the other of the sword in our late unnatural wars , when men of your own kidney plundered , sequestred , imprisoned , hanged and beheaded many thousands , for no other crime , but that they were loyal subjects , and queen elizabeth protestants . and now we are expecting to fall under a third persecution : but whether it will come from the papists , or you , we cannot as yet so easily discern . lastly , because you so arrogantly call your selves the protestants , and the true protestants ; and so scoffingly call us the half protestants , and church papists , and protestants in masquerade : we therefore send you this challenge . go if you dare with us into westminster-hall , to the assizes and quarter-sessions before the judges and justices of the peace ; and there ( if you dare ) take with us the oaths of allegiance and supremacy . renounce with us the doctrine of transubstantiation , and the solemn league and covenant . subscribe with us the declaration of the unlawfulness of taking up arms against the king. and bring with us your certificates of receiving the sacrament according to the church of england . this , this is the test and shiboleth to distinguish protestants from papists , and not your form of petition which lately went in procession ; and should your boasted multitudes of subscribers be brought to this touchstone , we know that three parts of five would run a great danger of being convicted for recusants by law ; for many of you who proudly call your selves the true protestants , will as stifly deny the doing of these things as the rankest papist in england . in love therefore i desire you to refrain from the villifying us with the filthy characters of protestants in masquerade , and church papists , since that we have been so kind to you for many years , as not to put you upon this tryal , which we know would be as ungrateful and prejudicial to you as any papists . and if you cannot out of modesty and charity , yet out of interest learn to be more sober and moderate to your fellow natives and protestant brethren ; and do not calumniate the honest church-men of england who pray for you , and love you better than you do your selves , and would be glad to have you to joyn with them in all lawful and justifiable ways , for the overthrow of all popish plots , and the preservation of that protestant religion which is established by law. and now let all the world judge , whether we or you , are half-protestants , and protestants in masquerade ; since that we will abide by those legal tryals and touch-stones , which are the national discriminations between protestants and papists : and you , or the major-part of you , refuse these tests as well as the papists ; and as long as you stand in the refusal of them , you are but papists in a protestant disguise . finis . an apology for the church of england, with relation to the spirit of persecution for which she is accused burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 1688 approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30325 wing b5762 estc r204526 11630652 ocm 11630652 47931 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30325) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47931) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 484:28) an apology for the church of england, with relation to the spirit of persecution for which she is accused burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 8 p. ; 20 cm. s.n., [amsterdam? : 1688?] caption title. attributed to gilbert burnet, bishop of salisbury. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng freedom of religion -england. church and state -church of england. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-12 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an apology for the church of england , with relation to the spirit of persecution : for which she is accused . i. one should think , that the behaviour of the english cl●rgy for some years past , and the present circumstances in which they are , should set them beyond slander , and by consequence above apologies ; yet since the malice of her enemies work against her with so much spight , and since there is no insinuation that carries so much malice in it , and that seems to have such colours of truth on it , as this of their having set on a s●vere persecution against the dissenters , of being still sowr'd with that leven , and of carrying the same implacable hatred to them , which the present reputation that they have gained , may put them in a further capacity of executing , if another revolution of affairs should again give them authority to set about it ; it seems necessary to examine it , and ●hat the rather , because some aggravate this so far , as if nothing were now to be so much dreaded as the church of england's getting out of her present distress . ii. if these imputations were charged on us only by those of the church of rome , we should not much wonder at it , for tho it argues a good degree of confidence , for any of that communion to declaim against the severities that have been put in practice among us , ●ince their little finger must be heavier than ever our loins were , and to whose scorpions our rods ought not to be compared ; yet after all , we are so much accustomed to their methods , that nothing from them can surprise us . to hear papists declare against persecution , and iesuits cry up liberty of conscienc● , are , we confess , unusual things : yet there are some degrees of shame , over which when people are once passed , all things become so familiar to them , that they can no more be put out of countenance . but it seems very strange to us , that so●e , who if they are to be believed , are strict to the severest forms and sub-divisions of the reformed religion , and that who some years ago were jealous of the smallest steps that the cour● made , when the danger was more remo●e ; and who cried out popery and persecution , when the design was so ma●●t that some well-meaning men could no● miss being deceived by the promises that were made , and the disguises that were put on ; that , i say , these very persons who were formerly so distrustful , should now when the mask is laid off , and the design is avowed , of a sudden grow to be so believing , as to throw off all distrust , and be so gulled as to betray all ; and expose us to the rage of those ▪ who must needs give some good words , till they have gone the round , and tried how effectually they can divide and deceive us , that ●o they may destroy us the more easily ; this is indeed somewhat extraordinary . they are not so ignorant as not to know , that popery cannot change its nature , and that cruelty and breach of faith to hereticks , a●e as necessary parts of that religion , as transubstantiation and the popes supremacy are ▪ if papists were not fools , they must give good words and fair promises , till by these they have so far deluded the poor credulous hereticks , that they may put themselves in a posture to execute the decrees of their church against them : and tho we accuse that religion as guilty both of cruelty and treachery , yet we do not think 'em fools : so till their party is stronger than god be thanked it is at present , they can take no other method than that they take . the church of england was the word among them some y●ars ago , liberty of conscience is the word at present ; and we have all possible reason to assure u● , that the promises for maintaining the one , will be as religiously kept as we see those are which were lately made with so great profusion of protestations , and shews of friendship for the supporting of the other . iii. it were great injustice to charge all the dissenters with the impertinencies that have appeared in many addresses of late , or ●o take our measures of them , from the impudent strains of an alsop or a care ▪ or from the more important and now more visible steps that some among them , of a higher form , are every day making ; and yet after all this , it cannot be denied but the several bodies of the dissenters have behaved themselves of late like men that understand too well the true interest of the protestant religion , and of the english government , to sacrifice the whole and themselves in conclusion to their private resentments : i hope the same justice will be allowed me in stating the matter relating to the so much decried persecution , set on by the ch. of eng. and that i may be suffered to distinguish the heats of some angry and deluded men , from the doctrine of the church ▪ and the practices that have been authorised in it ; that so i may shew , that there is no reason to infer from past errors , that we are incurable ; or that new opportunities inviting us again into the same severities , are like to prevail over us to commit the same follies over again . i will first state what i● past , with the sincerity that becomes one that would not lye for god ; that is , not afraid nor ashamed to confess faults , that will neither agrravate nor extenuate them beyond what is just ; and that yet will avoid the saying any thing that may give any cause of offence to any party in the nation . iv. i am sorry that i must confess , that all the parties among us , have shewed , that as their turn came to be uppermost , they have forgot the same principles of moderation and liberty which they all claimed when they were oppressed . if it sho●ld shew too much ill nature to examine what the presbytery did in scotland when the covenant was in dominion , or what the indepedents have done in new-england , why may not i claim the same priviledge with relation to the church of england , if severities have been committed by her while she bore rule ? yet it were as easie as it would be invidious to shew , th●t both presbyterians and independents have carried the principle of rigour in the point of conscience much higher , and have acted more implacably upon it than ever the church of england has done , even in its angriest fits ; so that none of them can much reproach another for their excesses in those matters . and as of all the religions in the world the church of rome the most persecuting , and the most bound by her principles to be unalterably cruel ; so the church of england is the least persecuting in her principles , and the least obliged to repeat any errors to which the intrigues of courts or the passions incident to all parties may have engaged her , of any national church in europe . it cannot be said to be any part of our doctrine ▪ when we came out of one of the blackest persecutions that is in history , i mean q maryes , we shewed how little we retained o● the cruelty of that church , which had provoked us so severely ; when not only no enquirie● were made into the illegal acts of fury , that were committed in that pe●secuting reign , but even the persecutors themselves lived among us at ease and in peace ; and no penal law was made ex●ept against publick exercise of that religion , till a great ma●y rebelions and treasons extorted them from us for our own preservation . this is an instance of the clemency of our church , that perhaps cannot be matched in history ▪ and why should it not be supposed , that if god should again put us in the state in which we were of late , that we should rather imitate so noble a patte●n , than return to those mistakes of which we are now ashamed ? v. it is to be considered , that upon the late kings restauration , the remembrance of the former war , the ill usage that our clergy had met with in their sequestrations , the angry resentments of the cavalier-party , who were ruined by the war , the interest of the court to have all those principle● condemned , that had occasioned it , the heat th●t all parties that have been ill used are apt to fall into upon a revolution ; but above all , the practices of those who have still blown the coals , and set us one against another , that so they might not only have a divided force to deal with , but might by turns make the divisins among us serve their ends : all these , i say , concurred to make us lose the happy opportunity that was offer'd in the year 1660. to have healed all our divisions , and to have triumphed over all the dissenters ; not by ruining them , but by overcoming them with a spirit of love and gentleness ; which is the only vict●ry that a generous and christian temper can desi●e . in short , unhappy councils were followed , and several laws were made . but after all , it was the court-party that carried it for rougher methods : some considerble accidents , not necessary to be here mentioned , as they stopped the mouths of some that had formed a wiser project , so they gave a fatal advantage to angry and crafty men , that to our misfortune , had too great a stroak in th● conduct of our affairs at that time . this spirit of severity was heightned by the practices of the papists , who engaged the late king in december , 1662. to give a declaration for liber●y of conscience . those who knew the secret of his religion , as they saw that it aimed at the introduction to popery , so they thought there was no way so effectual , for the keeping out of popery , as the maintaining the vniformity , and the suppressing of all designs for a toleration . but while those who managed this , used a due reserve , in not discovering the secret motive that led them to it , and others flew into seve●ity , as the principle in vogue : and thus all the slacknings of the rigour of the laws , during the first dutch war , that were set on upon the pretence of quieting the nation , and of encouraging trade , were resi●ted by the instruments of an honest minister of state , who knew as well then , as we do now , what lay still at bottom , when liberty of conscience was pretended . vi. upon that ministers disgrace , some that saw but the half of the s●cret , perceiving in the court a great inclination ●o toleration , and being willing to take measures quite different from those of the former ministry , they entred into a treaty for a comprehension of some dissenters , and the tolerating of others , and some bishops and clergymen , that were inferiour to none of the age in which they lived , for true worth and a right judgment of things , engaged so far , and with so much success into thi● project , that the matter seemed done , all thing● being concerted among some of the most considerable men of the differen● parties . but the dislike of that ministry , and the jealousie of the ill designs of the court , gave so stro●g a prejudice against this , that the proposi●ion could not be so much as hearkned unto by the house of commons : and then it appeared how much the whole popish party was alarm'd at the project : it is well known with how much detestation they speak of it to this day : tho we are now so fully satisfied of their intention● to destroy us , that the zeal which they pretended for us , in opposing that design , can no more pass upon us . vii . at last , in the year 1672. the design for popery discovering it self , the end that the court had in favouring a toleration became more visible : and when the parliament met , that condemned the declaration for liberty of conscie●ce , the member● of the house of commons , that either were dissent●rs , or that favoured them , behaved themselves so worthily in concurring with the church of england , for stifling that toleration ▪ choosing rather to lose the benefit of it , th●n to open a breach at which pope●y should come in , that many of the members that were for ●he church of england , promised to procure them a bill o● ease for protestant dissenters . but the session was not long enough for bringing that to perfection ; and all the session● of that parliament af●er tha● , were spent in such a continual struggle between the court and countrey party , that there was never room given for calm and wise consultations : yet tho the party of the church of england did not pe●form what had been promised by some leading men to the dissenters , there was little or nothing done against them , after that , till the year 1681. so that for about nine years together they had their meetings almost as publickly and as regularly as the church of englan● had their churches , and in all that time , whatsoever particular hardships any of them might have met with in some corners of england , it cannot be denied b●t they had the free exercise of their religion , at least in most parts . viii . in the year 1678. things began to change their face : it is known , that upon the breaking out of the popish plot , the clergy d●d universally express a great desire for c●ming to some temper in the points of confo●mity : all so●ts and ran●s of the clergy seemed to be so well disposed towards it , that if it had met with a sutable entertainment , matters might probably have been in a greater measure composed . but the jealousie that those who managed the civil concerns of the nation in the house of commons , took off all that was done at court , or proposed by it , occasioned a fatal breach in our publick councils : in which division the clergy by their principles , and interests , and their disposition to believe well of the court were determined to be of the kings side . they thought it was a sin to mist●ust the late king● word , who assured them of his steadiness to the protestant religion so often , that they firmly depended on it : and his present majes●y gave them so many assurances of his maintaining ●till the church of england , that they believed him likewise : and so thought that the exclusion of him from the crown , was a degree of rigour to which they in conscience could not consent : upon which they were generally cried out on , as the betrayers of the nation , and of the protestant religion : those who demanded the exclusion , and some other securities , to which the bishops would not consent in parliament , looked on them a● the chief hindrance that was in their way : and the license of the press at that time was such , that many libels and some severe discourses were published against them . nor can it be denied , that many churchmen , who unde●stood not the principles of humane society , and the rules of our government , so well as other points of divinity , writ several t●eatises concerning the measures of submission , that were then as much censured , as their per●ormances since against popery have ●een deservedly admired . all this gave such a jealousie of them to the nation , that it m●st be confessed , that the spirit which was then in fermentation went very high against the church of england , as a con●ederate , at least , to popery and tyranny . nor were several of the nonconformists wanting to inflame this disli●e ; all sec●et propositions for accommodating our differences were so co●dly entertained , that they were scarce hearkned unto . the propositions which an eminent divine made even in his books writ against separation , shewed that while we maintained the war in the way of dispute , yet we were still willing to treat : ●or th● g●eat man made not those ●dv●●●es towa●ds t●em without consulting with his s●●eriours . yet we were then ●a●●lly gi●en up to a spirit of dis●ention : and t●o the parliament in 1680. entred upon a project for healing ou● differences , in which great steps were made to the removing of all the occasions of our contest● ; the leaders of the dissenters , to the ama●ement of all pe●sons , made no account of this : and even seemed uneasie at it , of which the earl of nottingham and sir thomas clarges , that set on that bill with much zeal , can give a more particular account : all these things concurred to make those of the church of ●ngland conclude , a little too rashly , that the●r ruin was resolved on ; and then it was no wonder if the spirit of a party , the remembrance of the last war , the present prospect of danger , and above all , the great favour that was shewed them at court , threw them fatally into some angry and violent counsels ; self-preservation is very natural ▪ and it is plain , that many of them took that to be the case , so that truly spaeking , it was not so much at first a spirit of persecution , as a desire of disabling those who they believed intended to ruin them from eff●cting their designs , that set them on to all those unhappy things that followed . they were animated to all they did by the continued ear●estness of the king and duke , and of their m●nisters . that reproach of iustice , and of the p●ofession of the law , who is now so ●i●h , was singled out for no other end , but 〈◊〉 the●r common hangman over england ; o● whom the late k●ng gave t●is true character , that he had neither wit , law ▪ nor common sen●e ; b●t that he had the impud●nce of ten carted w●ores in him . another buffo●n , 〈…〉 to pl●gue the nation with three or four p●pers a week , whi●h to the reproach o● t●e age in which we live , had but too g●eat and too general an effect , for poysoning the spirits of the clergy . but those who knew how all this was managed , saw that it was not only set on , but still kept up by the court. if any of the clergy had but preached a word for moderation , he had a chiding sent him presently f●om the court , and he was from that day marked out as a disa●fected person : and when the clergy of london did very worthily refuse to give informations against their parishioner● that had not always conforme● , the design having been form'd , upon that to bring them into the spiritual courts , and excommunicate them , and make them lose their right of voting , that so the charter of london might have been delivered up when so many citizens were by such means shut out of the common-council ; we remember well how severely they were censured for this , by some that are now dead , and others that are yet alive . i will not go further into this matter : i will not deny but many o● the dissenters were put to great hardship● , in many parts of england . i cannot deny it , and i am sure i will never justifie i● . but this i will positively say , having observed it all narrowly , that he must have the brow of a iesuite , that can cast this wholly on the church of england , and free the court of it . the beginnings and the progress of it came from the court , and from the popish party : and tho perhaps every one does not ●now all the secrets of this matter , that others may have found out , yet no man was so ignorant as not to see what was the chief spring of all those irregular motions that some of us made at that time : so upon the whole matter , all that can be made out of this , is , that the pa●sions and infirmities of some of the church of england , being unhappily stirred up by the dissenters , they were fatally conducted by the popish party , to be the instruments in doing a great deal of mischief . ix . it is not to be doubted , but though some wea●er men of the clergy may perhaps still retain their little peevish animosities against the dissenters , yet the wiser and more serious heads of that great and worthy body , see now their error : they see who drove them on in it , till they hoped to have ruined them by it . and as they have appeared against popery , with as great a strength of learing , annd of firm steadiness as perhaps can be met with in all church-history , so it cannot be doubted , but their reflections on the dangers into which our divisions have thrown us , have given them truer notions with relation to a rigorous conformity : and that th● just detestation which they have expressed of the corruption● of the church of rome has led them to consider and a●hor one of the worst things in it , i mean their severity towards hereticks . and the ill ●se that they see the court ha● made of their zeal ●or supporting the crown , to justifie the subversion of our government that is now set on from some of their large and unwary expressions , will certainly make them hereafter more cautious in medling with poli●icks : the bishops have undo● their hands both disowned that wide extent of the pr●rogative , to the overturning of the law , and declared their disposition to come to a temper in the matters of conformity ; and there seems to be no doubt left of the sincerity of their intentions in that matter . their piety and vertue , and the prospect that they now have of suffering themselves , put us beyond all doubt as to their sincerity , and if ever god in his providence brings us again into a setled state , out of the storm into which our passions and folly , as well as the treach●ry of others has brought us , it cannot be imagined , that the bishops will go off from those moderate resolutions , which they have now declared ▪ and they continuing fir● to them , the weak and indiscreet pa●sions of any of the inferiour clergy , must needs vanish , when they are under the conduct of wise and worthy leaders . and i will boldly say this , that if ●he church of england , after she has got out of this storm , will return to hearken to the peevishness of some sour men , she will be abandoned bo●h of god and man , and will set both heaven and earth against her the nation sees too visibly , how dear the dispute about conformity has co●t us , to stand any more upon such punctilio's : and those in whom our deliverance is wrapt up , understand this matter too well , and judge too right of it , to imagin that ever they will be priestridden in this point ▪ so that all considerations con●ur to make us conclude , that the●e is no danger of our splitting a second time upon the same rock : and indeed , if any argument we●● wanting to complea● the certainty of this point ▪ tha wise and generous behaviour of the main body of the dissenters , in thi● present juncture , has given them so just a title to our friendship , that we must resolve to set all the world against us , if we can ever forget it ; and if we do not make them all the returns of ease and favour , when it is in our power to do it . x. it is to be hoped , that when this is laid together , it will have that effect on all sober and true protestants , as to make them forget the little angry heats that have been among us , and even to forget the injuries that have been done us : all that we do now one against another , is to shorten the work of our enemies , by destroying one another , which must in conclusion turn to all our ruin. it is a madmans revenge to des●roy our friends that we may do a pleasure to our enemies , upon their giving us some good words ; and if the diss●nters can trust to papists , after the usage that the church of england ha● met with at their hands , all the comfort that they can promise themselves , when popery begins to act it● natural part among us , and to set smithfield again in a fire , is that which befel some quakers at rome , who were first put into the inquisition , but were afterwards removed to bedlam : so tho those false brethren among the dissenters , who de●eive them at present , are certainly no changlings , but know vvell vvhat they are doing ; yet those vvho can be chated by them , may vvell claim the priviledge of a b●dlam , vvhen their folly has left them no other ret●eat . xi . i vvill not digress too far from my present pu●pose ; nor enter into a discussion of the dispensing power , vvhich vvas so effectually overthrown the other day at the kings-bench-bar , that i am sure all the authority of the b●nch it self is no more able to support it : yet some late papers in favour of it , give me occasion to add a litt●e relating to that point . it is ●rue , the assertor of the dis●ensing power , who has lately appeared wi●h allowance , pretends , that it can only be applyed to the test for publick employments ▪ for he owns , that the test for both houses of parliament is left e●tire , as not within the compass of this extent of the prerogative : but another writer , whom by his sense we must conclude an irish man , by his brow a iesuit , and by the bare designation in the title page , of iames stewarts letter , a quaker , goes a strain higher , and thinks the king is so ●bsolutely the soveraign as to the legislative part of our government , that he may dissolve even the parliament test ▪ so nimbly has he leapt from being a secretary to a rebellion , to be an advocate for tyranny . he fancies , that because no parliament can bind up another , therefore they cannot limit the preliminaries to a subsequent parliament . but upon what i● it then , that counties have but two knights , and burroughs as many ▪ that men below such a value have no vote , that sheriffs only receive writs and return elections , besides many more necessary requisites to the making a legal parliament . in short , if laws do not regulate the election and constitution of a parliament , all these things may be overthrown , and the king may cast the whole government in a new mould , as well as dissolve the obligation that is on the members of parliament for taking the test. it is true , that as soon as a parliament is legally met and constituted , it is tyed by no laws , so far as not to repeal th●m : but t●e preliminaries to a parliament are still sacred , as long as the law stands that setled them : for the members are still in the quality of ordinary subjects , and not entred upo● their share in the legislative power , till they are constituted in a parliament legally chosen and lawfully assembled , that i● , having observed all the requisites of the law. but i le●ve that impudent letter to return to the most apology that has been yet writ for the dispensing power . it yields that the king cannot abrogate laws , and pretends only that he can dispense with them : and the distinction it puts between abrogation and dispensation , is , that the one is a total repeal of the law , and that the other is only a slackning of its obligatory fo●ce , with relation to a particular man or to any body of men ; so that according to him , a simple abrogation , or a total repeal , is beyond the compass of the prerogative . i desire then that this doctrine may be applyed to the following words of the declaration ; from which the reader may infer whether these do import a simple abrogation , or no● , and by consequence , if the declaration is not illegal ; we do hereby further declare , that it is our royal will and pleasure that the oaths commonly called the oaths of supremacy and allegeance , and also the several tests and declarations — shall not at any time hereafter , be required to be taken , declared , or subscribed by any person or persons whatsoever , who is or shall be imployed in any office or place of trust , either civil or military , under us or in our government , this is plain english , and needs no commentary . that paper offers likewise an expedient for securing liberty of conscience , by which it will be set beyond even the dispensing power ; and that is , that by act of parliament all persecution may be declared to be a thing evil in it self , and then the prerogative canno● reach it . but unless this author fancies , that a parliament is that which those of the church of rome believe a general council to be , i mean infallible , i do not see that such an act would signify any thing at all . an act of parliament cannot change the nature of things which are sullen , and will not alter , because a hard wor● is clapt on th●m in an act of parliament ; nor can that m●ke that which is not evil of it self become evil of it self : for can any act of parliament make the clipping of money , or the not burying in wo●llen evil of it self ? such an act were in●eed null of it self , and would sink with its own weight ▪ even without the burden of the prerogative to press it down : and yet upon such a sandy foundation would these men have us build all our hopes and our securi●ies . another topick like this , is , that we ought to trust to the truth of our religion , and the providence and protection of god , and not to lean so much to laws and tests . all this were very pertinent , if god had not already given us human● assurances against the rage of our enemies , which we are now desired to abandon , that so we may fall an easie and cheap sacrifice to those who wait for the favourable moment to destroy us : by the same reason they may perswade us to take off all our doors , or at least all our locks and bol●s , and to sleep in this exposed condition , trusting to gods protection : the simily may appear a little too high , tho it is really short of the matter ; for we had better trust our selves to all the thieves and robbers of the town , who would be perhaps contented with a part of our goods , than to those whose designs are equally against both soul and body , and all that is dear to us . xii . i will only add another reflexion upon the renewing of the declara●ion this year , which has occasioned the present ●●orm upon the clergy . it is repeated to 〈◊〉 that so we may see ●hat the king continues firm to the promises he made la●t year . yet when men of honour have once given their word , they take it ill if any do not trust to that , but must needs have it repeated to them : in the ordinary commerce of the world , the repeating of promises over and over again , is ●ather a ground of suspition than of confidence , and if w● judge of the accompli●hment of all t●e other parts of the d●●laration , from th●t o●e ▪ which relates to ●he m●intaining of the church of england ▪ as b● law established , the proceedings again●t the fellows of magdalen colledge , gives us no reason to conclude , that this will be like the laws of the medes and persians , which alter not : all the talk of the new magna charta cannot lay us asleep ▪ when we see so little regard had to the old one . as for the security which is offe●ed us in this repeating of the kings promise● , we must crave leave to remember , that the king of france , even after he had resolved to break the edict of nantes , yet repeated in above an hundred edicts , that were real and visible violations of that edict , a clause con●irmatory of the edict of nantes , declaring that he would never violate it : and in that we may see what account is to be had of all promises made to hereticks , in matter● of religion , by any prince of the roman commu●ion , but more particularly by a prince who has put the conduct of his consciince in the hands of a iesuite . finis . charles, by the grace of god, king of scotland, england, france and ireland, defender of the faith. to our lovits [blank] heraulds messengers, our sheriffs in that part, conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting. forsameikle as wee are not ignorant of the great disorders ... proclamations. 1638-06-28 scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1638 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11706 stc 21996 estc s122280 99857432 99857432 23170 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11706) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 23170) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1610:3) charles, by the grace of god, king of scotland, england, france and ireland, defender of the faith. to our lovits [blank] heraulds messengers, our sheriffs in that part, conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting. forsameikle as wee are not ignorant of the great disorders ... proclamations. 1638-06-28 scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by robert young, [edinburgh : 1638] concerning canons, the service book, etc. dated at end: greenwich the twenty eighth day of june .. 1638. imprint from stc. arms 221; steele notation: the so twenty. reproduction of the original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms charles by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith. to our lovits heraulds messengers , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . forsameikle as wee are not ignorant of the great disorders , which have happened of late within this our ancient kingdome of scotland , occasioned , as is pretended , upon the introduction of the service book , book of canons , and high commission , thereby fearing innovation of religion and laws . for satisfaction of which fears , we well hoped , that the two proclamations of the eleventh of december , and nineteenth of februarie , had been abundantly sufficient : neverthelesse , finding that disorders have daily so increased , that a powerfull rather then perswasive way , might have been justly expected from us : yet we out of our innative indulgence to our people , grieving to see them run themselves so headlong into ruine , are graciously pleased to try , if by a faire way we can reclaime them from their faults , rather then to let them perish in the same . and therefore once for all we have thought fit to declare , and hereby to assure all our good people , that we neither were , are , nor by the grace of god ever shall be stained with popish superstition : but by the contrarie , are resolved to maintain the true protestant christian religion already profest within this our ancient kingdome . and for farther clearing of scruples , we do hereby assure all men , that we will neither now nor hereafter presse the practice of the foresaid canons and service book , nor any thing of that nature , but in such a fair and legall way , as shall satisfie all our loving subjects , that we neither intend innovation in religion or laws . and to this effect have given order to discharge all acts of counsell made thereanent . and for the high commission , we shall so rectifie it with the help of advice of our privie counsell , that it shall never impugne the laws , nor be a just grievance to our loyall subjects . and what is farder fitting to be agitat in generall assemblies and parliament , for the good and peace of the kirk , and peaceable government of the same , in establishing of the religion presently profest , shall likewaies be taken into our royall consideration , in a free assembly and parliament , which shall be indicted and called with our best conveniencie . and we hereby take god to witnesse , that our true meaning and intention is , not to admit of any innovations either in religion or laws , but carefully to maintain the puritie of religion already profest and established , and no wayes to suffer our laws to be infringed . and although we cannot be ignorant , that there may be some dis-affected persons who will strive to possesse the hearts of our good subjects , that this our gracious declaration is not to be regarded : yet we do expect that the behaviour of all our good and loyall subjects will be such , as may give testimonie of their obedience , and how sensible they are of our grace and favour , that thus passeth over their misdemeanors , and by their future carriage make appeare , that it was only fear of innovation , that hath caused the disorders which have happened of late within this our ancient kingdome . and are confident , that they will not suffer themselves to be seduced and mis-led , to misconstrue us or our actions , but rest heartily satisfied with our pious and reall intentions , for maintenance of the true religion and laws of this kingdome . vvherefore we require and heartily wish all our good people carefully to advert to these dangerous suggestions , and not to permit themselves , blindely under pretext of religion , to be led in disobedience , and draw on infinitely to our grief their own ruine , which we have , and still shall strive to save them from , so long as vve see not royall authoritie shaken off . and most unwillingly shall make use of that power which god hath endued us with , for reclaiming of disobedient people . our vvill is herefore , and vve charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , you passe to the market crosse of our burgh of edinburgh , and all other places needfull , and there by open proclamation make publication hereof to all and sundry our good subjects , where through none pretend ignorance of the same . the which to do , vve commit to you conjunctly and severally our full power , by these our letters , delivering the same by you duely execute and indorsed again to the bearer . given at our court of greenwich the twenty eighth day of june , and of our reigne the thirteenth year . 1638. per regem . state-divinity, or, a supplement to the relaps'd apostate wherein is prosecuted the discovery of the present design against the king, the parliament, and the publick peace, in notes upon some late presbyterian pamphlets / by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1661 approx. 97 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47922 wing l1310 estc r21743 12683979 ocm 12683979 65718 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47922) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65718) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 360:15) state-divinity, or, a supplement to the relaps'd apostate wherein is prosecuted the discovery of the present design against the king, the parliament, and the publick peace, in notes upon some late presbyterian pamphlets / by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. relaps'd apostate. [9], 61, [2], 7 p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1661. dedication has separate t.p. and paging. reproduction of original in rutgers university library. "to the right honorable edvvard earl of clarendon ... the humble apology of roger l'estrange" ([2], 7 p. at end) is lacking on film. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism. church and state -england. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion state-divinity ; or a supplement to the relaps'd apostate . wherein is prosecuted the discovery of the present design against the king , the parliament , and the publick peace : in notes upon some late presbyterian pamphlets , by roger l'estrange . mon eant vos utriusque fortunae documenta , nè contumaciam cum pernicie , quam obsequium cum securitate malitis ; tacit. hist. lib. 4. london , printed for henry brome , at the gun in ivy-lane . m. dc . lxi . preface . he that troubles himself , because he cannot please others , doubtlesse wants either brains , or business : he shall live miserable , and dye with an apology betwixt his teeth . i think i am here upon my duty ; and till the king says hold , i 'll follow it , ( to whose authority , i ow my breath , as well as my obedience . ) the presbyterian faction ( under the notion of the commission'd divines ) have of late scattered several libels , reflecting dishonourably upon his sacred majesty , — the church , — parliamentary power , — this parliament in being ; — and in fine , arguing from the justice of the late war , the lawfulness of another . to the first of four , i return'd an answer , under the title of the relaps'd apostate : this supplement , was particularly occasion'd by one of the other three , entitled two papers of proposals to his majesty , wherein their designs upon the publick peace are more avow'd , and open , then in the rest. should these seditious papers pass un-controul'd , 't would make either their party ; or their arguments seem more considerable then they are . i will not foul my paper , with the extravagancies of their rage against me ; but in their intervals , ( that is , when they are as sober , as other people are when they are mad. ) thus they object against my pamphlet ; there 's too much fooling in 't : and too much railing , ( they do well to vilifie what they cannot answer . ) they are to know , that my design was to expose their practices , and arguments to the people ; toward whom , whoever sauces not his earnest with a tang of fooling , misses his marque ; fot 't is not less necessary to make a faction ridiculous , then hateful ; their power is then gone too ; and then they are lost ; whereas they 'd make a shift without the peoples love. for rayling ; i confess i was never taught in the presbyterian-school ; — where they call foul things by fine names . sometimes perhaps i call their combination , ( as the law christen'd it ) treason : — spilling of innocent bloud ; — murther . taking away an honest mans estate , robbery . rifling of churches , sacrilege , &c. — they have indeed a cleanlier idiome for these matters . a treacherous confederacy they call a holy covenant . murther forsooth , is justice upon delinquents . notorious robbery , passes for sequestration . rifling of churches , is but demolishing of the high-places . was the murther of the late king ever the less execrable , because the scaffold was hung with black ? the bloudy reformation ever the less impious , because 't was dress'd up with texts , and covenants ? or judas the less treacherous for doing his business with a kiss ? whether is the greater shame : for them to act these crimes , or for us , to name them ? let no converted , honest presbyterian take this to himself , which is intended only to the guilty . decemb. 4. 1661. state-divinity : or a supplement to the relaps'd apostate . he that disputes the presbyterian claim , does the question more honour then he does himself : yet for their simple sakes that believe iustice goes always with the cry , and measure reason by the bulk ; the holy discipline has received many a fair confutation . silenc'd it is not ; for though the brethren have nothing to say , they talk on still , and truly to make iohn calvin speak in his grave , were not much harder then to make any of his disciples hold their tongues while they are alive . a man sleeps over their arguments , they are so flat , and spiritlesse ; and i 'm scarce well awake yet , since my last answer to them , so that till i hear something back again , i hold my self discharg'd even upon that account , from any further search into the controversie . in truth , as the case stands , to controvert their government , were to begin at the wrong end ; we 'll take a nearer cut , and challenge them , first , as criminals against the state : when they have avoided that charge , we 'll deal with them again upon the point of conscience . their charge shall be plain and short. they invade the kings authority : — the setled law : — and the power of parliaments . they affront the parliament now sitting : — threaten the publique peace : iustifie the rebellion of 1 6 4 1. and provoke another . — here 't is , in brief , and we 'll run it over in as good order as we can . first , they invade the kings authority . they indict fasts ; — disclaim the soveraign power in things indifferent ; and without warrant or pretence , they vilifie , and cast out the establish'd form of the church , and make another : but this they 'll tell ye is the language of the sons of scandal : we 'll strike it off the score then ; and try the babes of grace by a iury of the holy tribe . they can but ask to be both parties and iudges , and that we 'll grant them . the able teachers shall sit upon the faithful pastors : — r. shall try b. — e. c. — t. m. — w. i. hear now the words of the reformed and reforming crew , to his sacred majesty . [ a ] whether the covenant were lawfully imposed or not . [ b ] we are assured from the nature of a vow to god , and from the case of saul , zedekiah , and others , that it would be a terrible thing of us to violate it on that pretence . [ c ] though we are far from thinking that it obligeth us to any evil , or to go beyond our places and callings to do good , much less to resist authority ( to which it doth oblige us ) yet doth it undoubtedly bind us to forbear our own consent to those luxuriances of church-government which we there renounced , and for which no divine institution can be pretended . [ d ] not presuming to meddle with the consciences of those many of the nobility and gentry , and others , that adhered to his late majesty in the late unhappy wars , who at their composition took this vow and covenant . we only crave your majesties clemency to our selves and others , who believe themselves to be under its obligations . and god forbid that we that are the ministers of the word of truth should do any thing to encourage your majesties subjects to cast off the conscience of an oath . [ e ] till the covenant was decried as an almanack out of date , and its obligation taken to be null , that odious fact could never have been perpetrated against your royal father , nor your majesty have been so long expulsed from your dominions . and the obligation of the covenant upon the consciences of the nation , was not the weakest instrument of your return . [ f ] we therefore humbly beseech your majesty ( with greater importunity than we think we should do for our lives ) that you would have mercy on the souls and consciences of your people , and will not suffer us to be tempted to the violation of such solemn vows , and this for nothing , when an expedient is before you that will avoid it , without any detriment to the church ; nay , to its honour and advancement . the very ink , is but the soul of presbytery , distill'd : and tinctur'd with the spirit of fraud , and disobedience . we 'll taste it , drop , by drop . [ a ] vvhether the covenant were lawfully imposed , or not , &c. note i. a doubtful point indeed : — a very pretty , and a pleasant question left unresolv'd , when by an act of this sitting parliament the institution's damn'd , and the final decision of the case committed to the common hangman . well : forward . [ b ] vve are assur'd from the nature of a vow to god ; and from the case of saul , zedekiah , and others , that it would be a terrible thing to us to violate it on that pretence . ] note ii. marque now the miserable shift these people make ; how ignorant they are even in their own trade : for , art there is in dawbing . they must not violate the covenant , upon protence of vnlawful institution . ] the question is not here ; the lawfulness , or vnlawfulness of the power imposing ; but the liberty of the party swearing , as to the drift , and subject of the oath . suppose the enforcers of the covenant , had press'd a general oath upon the nation obliging every man only to wash his hands before he went to dinner . the imposition had been vnlawful : — as the act of an vsurping power . the taking of it had been unlawful likewise , as , in some measure , an allowance of that usurpation : — yet having sworn to do a thing , at my own choyce to do , or let alone , till i had bound my self to do it , that oath 's obliging ; yet not so binding , but by a subsequent command from the supreme , and legal magistrate that obligation may be cancell'd . the reason's this. i cannot dispose of anothers right ; of my own i may . my oath cannot operate beyond my power , and freedom ; so far as i am free , it binds me , but where my superiour thinks fit to determine that freedom , the bond ceases . parentes ( says amesius ) mariti , domini , principes , irrita pronunciare possunt , vel iuramenta , vel vota , à filiis , vxoribus , servis , subditis facta , sine ipsorum consensu , in iis rebus , quae ipsorum potestati subiiciuntur . ] fathers , husbands , masters , and princes , may disengage their children , wives , servants , and subjects , from what oaths or vowes-soever contracted without their consent , touching matters subjected to their authority . now to their cases of saul , and zedekiah : the former whereof is of so wilde an application , i know not what they drive at in it ; the other i confess is a little more perspicuously beside the purpose . in our case , the people enter into a covenant , without , and against the king ; what passage in the story of saul our reformers intend for a match to this , i cannot imagine . saul binds the people by an oath to fast till evening ; ( 1 sam. 14. 24. ) ionathan knowing nothing of the oath tasts a little hony ( v. 27. ) saul for this resolves to put ionathan to death ; ( v. 44. ) and the people rescue him . what 's this to us ? wee 'll try again . ionathan and david made a covenant : 1 sam. 18. 3. ( no scotch covenant i hope ) the business was this ; david had newly kill'd the philistim , and ionathan transported with the bravery of the person , and the action , strikes a league of friendship with him . davids victory being celebrated in a popular and triumphal song , that [ saul had slain his thousand , and david his ten thousand ] from that day forward ( says the text ) saul had an eye upon david . 1 sam. 18. 9. ] ionathan acquaints david with his fathers evil purpose , david minds ionathan of his covenant of friendship . ( 1 sam. 20. 8. ) and in the 42. verse of the same chapter , the covenant is explayn'd . [ ionathan said to david , go in peace : that which we have sworn both of us in the name of the lord , ( saying , the lord be between thee and me , and between thy seed , and my seed ; ) lot it stand for ever . ] thus far , there 's no proportion ; the one is a personal covenant , extending onely to matter of kindness ; the other is a publique league , of opposition , and of violence . since this is nothing to our business , it must be that which follows , or nothing at all : now see the sequele ; which , if any thing , makes the case worse . david flees ( chap. 22. ) and a malecontented party gathers to him . saul hunts him ; ionathan finds him in the wood , and comforts him , saying fear not , for the hand of saul my father shall not find thee . ( here 's no resistance . ) so they twain made a covenant before the lord &c. ] during the league betwixt this pair of noble friends , david asks counsel of the lord in all his publique actions ; [ shall i go and smite the philistins ? ] ( chapt. 23. verse 2. ) and the lord answer'd david , go and smite the philistines , and save keilah . ] david discomfits the philistines , and saves keilah : saul marches towards him , david again applies himself to god to know if the men of keilah would deliver him up or no ? it was returned , they would . so david fled , and afterward had saul twice at his mercy , whom as the lords anointed , he still feared to touch . i have here trac'd the story at length , and now let the reformers chuse what use they 'll make of it . this part of scripture has been often tortur'd in favour of the late rebellion , but for the covenant , they might as well have quoted an indenture ; so that either the reformers business is to justifie the quarrel , or to abuse the bible . concerning the case of zedekiah , take it in short . ierusalem was taken by the king of babel , and zedekiah carried away prisoner , his eyes being first put out by nebuchadnezzar . zedekiah rebelled ( says the text ) against the king of babel , ( 2 kings 24. 29. ) who made him king in the stead of iehojakim , his vncle , who was carried away in captivity from jerusalem , to babel . the provocations to that iudgement are found at large in the prophet ieremiah , to be these ; idolatry , rebellion , and breach of covenant : but breach of covenant is the question , and zedekiah's the case . agreed . 13. thus saith the lord , the god of israel , i made a covenant with your fathers in the day that i brought them forth out of the land of aegypt , out of the house of bondmen , saying ; 14. at the end of seven years , let ye go every man his brother , an hebrew , which hath been sold unto thee ; and when he hath served thee six years , thou shalt let him go free from thee : but your fathers harkened not unto me , neither inclined their ear . 15. and ye were now turned , and had done right in my sight , in proclaiming liberty every man to his neighbour , and ye had made a covenant before me in the house which is called by my name . 16. but ye turned and polluted my name , and caused every man his servant , and every man his handmaid , whom ye had set at liberty at their pleasure , to return , and brought them into subjection , to be unto you for servants , and for handmaids . 17. therefore thus saith the lord , ye have not harkened unto me , in proclaiming liberty every one to his brother , &c. — 21. and zedekiah king of judah , and his princes will i give into the hand of their enemies , and into the hand of them that seek their life , and into the hand of the king of babylons army . now here 's the case : god having made a covenant with the israelites , king zedekiah makes a covenant with the people , for the performance of that covenant . breach of faith was the sin that drew on their grievous punishment . can our covenanters now shew us a text for the scottish discipline ? or that the late king entred into covenant with the people to observe it ? can our iudaising brethren shew us but a levitical law yet for our money ? or dare they but pretend , that the iurors understood what they swore to do ? in short , here 's the difference , they covenanted to observe a levitical constitution , and ours covenanted to destroy the fifth commandement . there is another covenant mention'd in the prophet ezekiel , which is much fitter for their case : the covenant of the rebellious house , that after oath and covenant of allegiance to the king of babel , rebelled , and sent embassadors into aegypt , ( scotland i had like to have said ) that they might give him ( zedekiah ) horses , and much people , &c. ] that blessed combination , and our covenant are of a family . i have been large upon these precedents ; to shew how grosly they abuse the very word of god : and truly 't is no wonder , for those people to discover antichrist in a ceremony , that can draw arguments for rebellion out of the bible . they proceed . [ c ] though we are far from thinking that it obligeth us to any evil , or to go beyond our places and callings to do good , much less to resist authority ( to which it doth oblige us ) yet doth it undoubtedly bind us to forbear our own consent to those luxuriances of church-government , which we there renounced , and for which no divine institution can be pretended . ] note . iii. these words would have look'd better from a pagan oracle , then from a gospel-ministry . let any man either say what they can mean , but mischief ; or name that mischief which ( for ought we know ) they may not intend . what was that covenant which these people so much reverence , even in the infamous ashes , but an oath of anti-canonical obedience , and of anti-monarchical allegiance ? a religious abjuration of the king and the church . — a perjury , consecrated in the pulpit ; — a league asserted by bloudy hands , and fire and sword were their best arguments . in summe ; what that covenant produc'd . these men intend : they own as much , and 't were ill manners to contradict them . nay they adore the very reliques of the martyr'd idol . they will not go beyond their places , and callings . ] so said the solemn fopp it self : and under that pretext , pray'ye how far went they ? for they profess so far they 'll go again . a thorough reformation is their business then . that is to say , could they but pack a presbyterian house of commons ( which the sovereign people should call a parliament ) to reform the state , they 'd undertake the ordering of the church themselves , and there 's the thorough-reformation . if this be not a justification of the last rebellion , and a fair step toward another , i understand not english. they say the covenant does not oblige them to any evil . ] but in the covenant-sense that 's good , which in a legal , and common sense is evil . make them the judges once again , and they shall think another war as lawful , as they did the former . they will not resist authority neither . ] ( they say ) so they told us of old , but they misplac'd it shrewdly . 't is but taking his majesties authority into the faction , and throwing his person into a prison again , and that flaw is made up too . now if a man had lilly's devil ; — for none but a presbyterian familiar is able to help us out . — much less to resist authority , ( to which it doth oblige us , &c. ) the question here , is how to understand the parenthesis : whether they mean that the covenant obliges them to authority , or to resist it , i am a traytor if i comprehend them . we come now , to the binding part of the covenant . they must not consent ( say they ) to those luxuriances of church-government which they there , renounc'd , &c. ] if they must not consent , may they not let them alone ? no , no , they 'll tell us , 't is their calling to reform them . i demand , will they consent to the civil government , then ? if they do that ; the law provides a punishment for such medling reformers , and 't is in vain to think of setling presbytery , before they have ( effectually ) destroy'd monarchy . but these gentlemen know the way to confusion , without a guide . by their [ luxuriances ] they understand , prelates , and all appendents to the hierarchy . these they have renounc'd , they say , and by their covenant they are still obliged to make good their disclaim . this boldness requires rather the severity of the law , then dint of argument : 'to preferr a schismatical league to an act of parliament : — the skumm of the people to the supreme authority of the nation . let the gravest of their galloping lecturers answer me onely to this one question , where lies the last appeal ; according to the constitution of england ? if in the king ; ( as what honest man doubts it ) they are iudg'd already , let them be quiet . if in the parliament , they are over-rul'd there too ; — the covenant's gone . if in the people , why do they contradict themselves , and petition his majesty ? if in the presbyterian pastors ; why do they supplicate the bishops ? as to the point of divine institution , 't is worn thrid-bare . but where 's the divine institution of a white-cap under a black ! of a cloak in a pulpit ? of reviling bishops ? and speaking evil of dignities : of the heart-breaking humm's and haws , and the doleful tunes they teach in ? their next period is a bobb to the cavaliers : let the brethren make their best on 't . [ d ] not presuming to meddle with the consciences of those many of the nobility , and gentry , and others , that adhered to his late majesty in the late unhappy wars : who at their camposition took the vow and covenant . we only crave your majesties clemency to our selves and others , who believe themselves to be under its obligations . and god forbid that we that are the ministers of the word of truth should do any thing to encourage your majesties subjects to cast off the conscience of an oath . ] note . iv. marque the transcendent confidence , and weakness of these people . they will not meddle with the cavaliers consciences , that took the covenant . ] did they not meddle with them neither to make them take it ? they put them to this choyce , either to swear , or sterve ; and in that desperate extremity , divers submited to their accursed covenant . 't is true they did , and they are bound to a repentance for 't . but what 's the portion then of those impenitents that were the barbarous enforcers of it ? were lucifer himself incarnate , and a subject , would he not blush to treat his sovereign with their arguments ? observe . they mind the king how bloodily they used his friends by the obligation of that covenant , by which they likewise ruin'd his royal father : and in the same breath , they desire his majesty to believe that all was matter of conscience : they plead , the covenant's not discharg'd ; and in effect they fairly tell their gracious sovereign , that they are oblig'd to do now as they did before . now see the weakness of these people ; while they begg this , they stir the strongest provocation , and most unanswerable reason to deny it . they labour to involve all in an equal guilt , and to confound the lewdest villenies in nature , with common frailties . but here , a word to all sorts of people that ever took their covenant . some knew not what they did , and were to blame to swear they knew not what . let those of that from ask themselves , if ever they intended by that vow , to raise a war against the king , and overturn the church . they are now free , and pardon'd , and if they are not mad , they 'll say their prayers , and be quiet . such as engag'd through faction , malice , or ambition ; i have little to say to their consciences . methinks , if the kings mercy cannot make them honest , experience should make them wise : but they are dangerous people to deal with , we 'll to the next . a third sort there is , that to save their stakes , sate still , and look'd on . those cannot but abhor the very thought of repeating what they did , and suffered : especially in agreement with these persons , that now declare the covenant against the late king , to be binding against this . ( for that 's the logique on 't . ) there are a fourth sort , that having engaged their lives and estates in the king's service , sank by the fortune of the warre , and being left a naked prey to an insulting and merciless enemy , were forc'd to sad conditions for their bread , and families . now in requital for the plagues they have brought upon us already ; they are soliciting for leave to make us yet more miserable , and to have us declared for villains by an allowance of their treasons : a thing impossible for so generous a prince , to grant , but wondrous easie for so imperious a faction to demand . and who are the petitioners all this while , but most of them the old stagers ? a man would think 't were time now , for their reverences to give over their jugling divinity ; — their quailpiping in a pulpit to catch silly women ; — and fall at last to their prayers in earnest . but god forbid ( they cry ) that the ministers of the word of truth , should do any thing to encourage his majesties subjects to cast off the conscience of an oath . ] let the heads that are gone blush for those they have left behind them . the conscience of an oath , do they say ? let the three nations rise against them ; and tell how many hundred thousand persons these hypocrites have forc't to swear against their profess'd consciences . but drive it homer yet . this is to say , that all that acted in the late war according to the covenant , are bound to do the same things over again . there is a huge deal of folly in this assertion , and as it seems to me , a spice of treason . does it not encourage the people to adhore to a rebellious princple ? there is ( says the lord st. albans ) a thing in an indictment , called an inuvendo , you must take head how you becken , or make signs upon the king in a dangerous sense . ] this is a shrew'd beacken as i take it , to excite a tumult to justifie a rebellious vow , and oppose a pedantique libell to an act of parliament . [ e ] till the covenant was decryed as an almanack out of date , and its obligation taken to be null , that odious fact could never have been perpetrated against your royal father , nor your majesty have been so long expulsed from your dominions . and the obligation of the covenant upon the consciences of the nation , was not the weakest instrument of your return . ] note . v. that odious fact they speak of , was the kings murther ; which they that shot at him , were not less guilty of , then that monster , that sever'd his sacred head from his body . 't is the consent that makes the sin ; hitting or missing does not one jote after the quality of the action . but has any man the face to mention loyalty , and the covenant , in the same day ? the marquis of montross was murther'd , expresly for his loyalty to the king as a desertour of the covenant , and by a publique ordinance 't was made death for any man to serve his majesty having first taken the covenant . they that first voted war against the king , were every whit as criminal , as that mock-court of iustice that condemn'd him . in fine , the independents murther'd charles stuart but the presbyterians kill'd the king . what is a prince without his negative voice ? the power of life and death , and the militia ? that is , what is a king , without the essentials of royalty ; but a mere name , and property ? but till the covenant was decry'd , as an old almanack , and the obligation taken for null , we are to take for granted , all went well ; and so far our reformers plead the covenant binding still . was not the last king persecuted , dethron'd , robb'd , &c. — according to the covenant ? so by the consequence of the reformers doctrine , may this king be treated likewise . nor had his majesty been so long expulsed , they say . ] go to then ; let these gentlemen produce ( from first to last of the quarrel ) any proposals from the presbyterian party ( in power ) either to his majesty , or his late blessed father , that are not worse then banishment . and for the covenants bringing in the king : — they hung it up , and ●●ew'd his name in 't , to gull the people with it , as they had done before . did they not after this , exclude both from the next convention , and the militia , all the kings actual adherents , and their sons , to get the power once more into the hands of their own faction ? but the next choyce prov'd other then they expected , and when they saw they could not hinder his majesty , they seem'd to help him . these are distastful stories , but 't is the pleasure of the reforming faction to move the dispute ; and by a needess challenge , and appeal , to affront the law , the king , and all that serv'd him , in opposition to their covenant . if they are in the right , ( as they proclaim they are ) then consequently wee are traytors , and our gracious master is no king. i do but take up the defensive , and i hope a cavalier may say hee 's honest yet , though some will have it dangerous to say hee 's poor : reserving still a true respect , and kindness for all such presbyterians as love his majesty , whom i consider as select persons , and distinguished from the notion of the party . it were a good deed now to give the world a tast of a covenanting spirit : and truly i 'll venture at it . he is a rabbi too i assure ye ; one that gives bishops , ceremonies , and common-prayer no quarter ; no , nor his majesty neither , but that he has the grace ( as sir francis bacon says ) to speak seditious matter in parables , or by tropes , or examples . ] in fine , the gentleman is a reformer , of the first rank . upon sept. 24. 1656. he preached before the parliament , ( as they call'd it ) upon this text : [ kiss the son , left he be angry ] pag. 23. you may find these words , if you can find him , and if you cannot , i can . worthy patriots , you that are our rulers in this parliament , 't is often said , we live in times wherein we may be as good as we please : wherein we enjoy in purity and plenty the ordinances of iesus christ. praysed be god for this , even that god who hath delivered us from the imposition of prelatical innovations , altar-genuflections and cringings , with crossings , and all that popish trash and trumpery . and truly ( i speak no more then what i have often thought & said ) the removal of those insupportable burdens countervails for the blood and treasure shed and spent in these late distractions . ( nor did i as yet ever hear of any godly men that desired , were it possible , to purchase their friends or money again , at so dear a rate , as with the return of these , to have those soul-burdning , antichristian yokes re-imposed upon us : and if any such there be , i am sure that desire is no part of their godliness , and i professe my self in that to be none of the number . the odious fact ( they talk of ) was already perpetrated , yet does this gentleman professe , that to redeem the life of our martyr'd sovereign , and gather up again all the christian bloud had been spilt , ( if it were possible ) he would not do it , to have prelates , and ceremonies where they were again . here 's covenant-divinity for you : the gospel of our new evangelists : and this divine is now one of the eminent sticklers against bishops . if any man say 't was conscience , i could tell him a tale of a certain petition : but wee 'll scatter no words . while my hand 's in , take one more ; a publique preacher now in the town too , and a troubler of the church-government . upon novemb. 29. 1648. he preach'd before the commons , and press'd the murther of his sacred majest in these words . think not to save your selves by an unrighteous saving of them ; who are the lords and the peoples known enemies . you may not imagine to obtain the favour of those against whom you will not do iustice ; for certainly , if ye act not like gods in this particular , against men truly obnoxious to iustice , they will be like devils against you . observe that place , 1 kings 22. 31. compared with chap. 20. it is said in chap. 20. that the king of syria came against israel , and by the mighty power of god , he and his army were overthrown , and the king was taken prisoner . now the mind of god was ( which he then discovered onely by that present providence ) that justice should have been executed upon him , but it was not ; whereupon , the prophet comes with ashes upon his face , and waited for the king of israel in the way where he should return ; and as the king passed by , he cryed unto him , thus saith the lord , because thou hast let go a man whom i appointed for destruction , therefore thy life shall go for his life . now see how the king of syria , after this , answers ahab's love : about three years after israel and syria engage in a new war , and the king of syria , gives command unto his souldiers , that they should fight neither against small nor great , but against the king of israel . benhadads life was once in ahabs hand , and he ventured gods displeasure to let him go : but see how benhadad rewards him for it , fight neither against small nor great , but against the king of israel . honourable and worthy , if god do not lead you to do iustice upon those that have been the great actors in shedding innocent bloud , never think to gain their love by sparing of them ; for they will , if opportunity be ever offered , return again upon you ; and then they will not fight against the poor and mean ones , but against those that have been the fountain of that authority and power whih have been improved against them . it is no wonder to find rebellion in a nation where murther and treason are the dictates of the pulpit : — where surplices are scandals , and such discourses , none ; and where the kings murtherers passe for gods ministers . i know how close this freedom sticks to some that have a power to do me mischief ; and i forecast the worst that can befall me for it : wherefore , whatever it be , i 'm not surpriz'd , for i expect it . but to proceed . [ f ] we therefore humbly beseech your majesty ( with greater importunity then we think we should do for our lives ) that you would have mercy on the souls and consciences of your people , and will not suffer us to be tempted to the violation of such solemn vows , and this for nothing , when an expedient is before you that will avoid it , without any detriment to the church ; nay , to its honour and advancement . note . vi. observe here 2. or 3. bold , and bloudy intimations . first ; that the souls and consciences of the people lye at stake . next ; that the king's denial were great cruelty : especially considering the smalness of the thing they ask ; the honour and advantage of what they offer . thirdly ; the obligation of their solemn vow . to the first ; we have elsewhere difcussed the point of conscience , but we are here to note how this suggestion tends to tumult and sedition . the sense it bears to the people , is this : stick to your covenant , or , be damned : but in the sense of conscience , law , and reason ; it sounds the contrary : — stick to your covenant , and be damned . by what law were the people freed from their allegiance , and made the iudges , and reformers of the government ? well ; but they have sworn to do it , and they must keep their oath . ] put case they had sworn to fire the city . at this rate 't is but swearing first , and then pretend a conscience of the oath , to carry any thing . the second intimation subjects the piety , and good nature of his majesty to a question ; as who should say ; what ? will the king destroy so many thousand souls of his poor people for a matter of nothing ? marque now their matter of nothing . it cost the late kings life ; the best bloud in the nation ; the ruine of church and state : a long rebellion ; — and treasure not to be compted . ( this they make nothing of ) and for the honour they propose to the church ; 't is but a back-look , and we find it . now to the obligation of their covenant . that which the law makes treason , they make conscience ; and in effect they urge , that they are bound to a rebellion : for 't is no lesse to attempt what they have sworn to do : which is to repeat what they have already done . but what they are bound to by the covenant , will from the letter of the covenant best appear . where , in the second branch , they swear , without respect of persons , to endeavour the extirpation of popery , prelacy , superstition , &c. so that the king himself is not excepted , if standing in the way betwixt those matters which they call luxuriances of church-government , and their pretended reformation . to make it yet more evident , that their design is factious ; they ask — that the youth of the nation may have just liberty as well as the elder . if they be engaged in the universities , and their liberties there cut off in their beginning , they cannot afterwards be free , &c. note vii . to see the providence of these good mens consciences ! their care extends as well to those that never took the covenant , and looks still forward , to the scruples of the yet unborn . what work this motly would soon make in the universities , let any sober man imagine : when every stubborn , and vntutor'd boy shall have the freedome to controul , and over-rule the orders of his mother . the streams must needs be foul that flow from a corrupted fountain . just such another project was that of the long house of commons ; — i mean their offer of freedome to all prentices that would leave their trades , and serve the ( pretended ) parliament . that liberty may start a faction , but hardly settle a religion . what publick peace can be expected ; when the schools of vnity and order are become a nurcery of schisme ? but these are men will take no nay ; for if his majesty denies them , marque the end on 't . should we lose the opportunity of our desired reconciliation and union , it astonisheth us to foresee what doleful effects our divisions would produce , which we will not so much as mention in particular , lest our words should be misunderstood . and seeing all this may be safely and easily prevented , we humbly beseech the lord in mercy to vouchsafe to your majesty , an heart to discern aright of time and iudgement . ] note . viii . blesse us from a gun ! should we lose the opportunity ? and then their prayer at last ; that his majesty may [ discern aright of time , &c. ] certainly these folks would have said to the king — [ while it is called to day harden not your heart ] but that 't is common-prayer . or do they dream themselves at work again with the poor cavaliers ? and mean , that if his majesty come not in by such a time , he is not to be admitted to his composition ? are these the men of reverence that must teach us maners toward god almighty , and are yet to learn it themselves towards his vicegerent ? he that makes any thing form the collation , of [ opportunity , ] and [ time , ] but a cautionary menace ; — let him lend me his spectacles . but the coherence cleers it , should we lose ( say they ) the opportunity of our desired reconciliation , and union . ] must it be now , or never then ? and their own way , or none ? is it not reconciliation , if they return to the church ? and vnity if they agree with it ? a child runs from his mother , and cries they are fall'n out . they cannot comply with ceremonies : — nor the church with schisme . well ; but put the case they lose this opportunity , then forsooth [ it astonishes us ( they say ) to foresee what doleful effects our divisions would produce . ] just so did peters foresee the death of the late king : — iudas ; the betraying of our saviour ; and so did i my self foresee the printing of this paper , just as these gentlemen foresee confusion ; or as men commonly foresee eating when they are hungry . if the foresight ( indeed ) astonishes them ; the prospect cannot but be dreadful : for onely hell transcends those horrours which these bold men have beheld with pleasure ; and in good truth , that may be it : for he that has murther , and rebellion at his back , does commonly phansy fire and brimstone before him . these holy , and fastidious scrupulists ; — these same spiritual surgeons , that live by dressing wounds of their own making ; — must understand , we have some skill in probing of a conscience , too . if they are mortify'd throughout , that 's not our fault ; but if they have any feeling left , wee 'll quicken it . now leaving them to their astonishments , wee 'll to the foreseen product of our divisions , [ doleful effects , ] they say . they prophet ionas his [ yes within forty days — ] had scarce a sadder sound . it may be any thing : — war , another covenant ; famine , sequestration ; truce-breaking , decimation : in fine , any thing , and now at last we are left in the dark to grope it out . doleful effects ; ( they say ) which we will not so much as mention in particular , lest our words should be misunderstood . these good men are wonderfully put to 't for want of expression ; the thing would imply mutiny , and they are afraid it should be taken for treason . no honest apprehension could in their case be dangerous . what hazzard of mis-construction were it , to mention any trouble of mind imaginable ? but if it tends to mischief of action , that may prove perilous indeed . more gunning , beyond controversie , and their sagacities smell the pouder . the people will rebell they think ; that 's english , and the truth they are loth to speak . to lay their souls as naked now as their bodies came into the world , i shall here prove , ( or i deceive my self ) that these people are the betrayers of the publique peace : aud of the office of their ministry . if they fore-see any seditious consequence likely to arise from his majesties refusal : why do they not rather in private supplicate the king to grant , and in publique , charme the people to submit ; then so to plead , and iustifie the disagreement to the king , that their arguments , and importunities may be overheard by the people ? they first and openly avow the popular cause , and shake the head then at the danger of it : giving a double encouragement to the multitude , as well from the equity of the matter , as from the strength of the party . upon the whole , what are their libellous , and creeping night-works , but poysonous calumnies against the king ; and mean , incensing flatteries toward the people ? or in a word , sneaking complaints , as if his sacred majesty would not grant , what with conseience , honour , and safety he cannot deny ? whereas the sun 's not clearer , then the pure contrary . for ; the king denies them nothing , but what with conscience , honour , and safety , he cannot grant . they demand presbytery , that is ; the confused exercise of it , and liberty to the minister of praying at pleasure : which being admitted , makes divine service but a spiritual scuffle ; the one half of the congregation praying for that which the other curses . against this proposition , his majesty stands engaged by oath , honour , and iudgement : being perswaded in his reason , and obliged by the other two. they pretend next , the continuing virtue of their covenant ; ( which never had any ) wherein his majesty can hardly gratify them , without blasting the glory of his blessed fathers memory : the iustice of his cause , and without shaking the foundation of his imperial title . their reasons , i have un-reason'd already , and when the nameless divines of the church invisible , shall vouchsafe their answer , i shall dispose my self to receive it . but nothing can be pleasanter then to hear them talk of their cousins the people . ( by britannicus his leave ) alas ! their sowrness of discipline , and the peoples freedome of constitution are fire and water . the people may endure to hear them talk of liberty , but the exercise of their tyranny is intolerable . to have every parish haunted with a phantome ; — every church turned into a house of correction ; — and one man excommunicated for a walk upon the lords-day , while another is canoniz'd for a murther . i do not plead for impunity of sinners , but for a pious differencing of matters disputable from crying sins : for impartiality in the pulpit , and charity to all men : — for preaching damnation to those that resist , as well as caution to those that are to obey . the expedient to prevent these mischiefs , is a synodical government ; wherein they beseech the lord in mercy to vouchsafe to his majesty an heart to discern aright of time , and judgement . ] this is , in plainer termes ; to tell the king , that 't is his best course to make use of a seasonable offer . let this suffice for their proposals . some three or four days after the publishing of these above-mention'd proposals , out comes a single sheet , in form of a petition to his majesty , from the commissioned ministers . 't is likely that this was drawn from them by a general rumour then current , of a severe declaration already in the press against their other pamphlets : for having so notoriously overshot themselves in the rest , they mend the matter in this , by giving the same thing a fairer dress . [ a ] if we should sin against god ( say they ) because wee are commanded , who shall answer for us , or save us from his iustice ? and we humbly crave , that it may be no just gravamen of our dissent , that thereby we suppose superiours may erre , seeing it is but supposing them to be men not yet in heaven . ] and again , [ b ] we know that conscientious men will not consent to the practice of things in their iudgement vnlawful , &c. ] note ix . [ a ] saint augustine resolves this point exceeding well ; reum regem facit ( says he ) iniquitas imperandi , innocentem subditum ordo serviendi ] let the governour accompt for an unjust command , but the order of obedience saves the subject harmless . this must be understood of matters not simply wicked . where we doubt , on the one hand , and are sure on the other , beyond question , the surest side is best . we are sure that we are to obey , if the thing be not vnlawful , and we are not sure that the thing is unlawful . i must but touch upon this ; if the government offend some particular persons , 't is hard they cannot agree , but let those particulars march off : for they offend the government ▪ and it is better , that some suffer by an imposition , then all by a rebellion . they offer to dispute ; and then they pass for mighty men with the people . but what 's the question ? onely forsooth , whether i think this , or that lawful : and if i say , i do , it is so ; and no matter what the law says to the contrary . what i believe , binds me ; and every man being free to pretend what belief he pleases , every man's private humour becomes a law. they argue , thar superiours may erre . they may so ; but theit errours are no forfeiture of their superiority . cannot inferiours erre too ? so that their own claim brings the issue of this strife but to a drawn battle . when subjects question the proceedings of their governours ; they do not so much tax their mistakes , as vsurp their authority ; and for some slip perhaps in the exercise of government destroy the order of it . [ b ] we know that conscientious men will not consent , &c. ] they borrow here , the apostles rhetorique . [ king agrippa believest thou the prophets ? i know that thou believest . ] they seem to take for granted , what they are now endeavouring to perswade them to . these are but hints to the common-people , to say their consciences cannot submit to the law , and then there 's a party made against the king. soon after the publishing of their petition for peace , came forth a pretended accompt of all the proceedings betwixt the commissioned divines concerning the liturgy . not to insist upon the weakness of their reasoning , i shall onely produce one mistake of memory , ( i had like to have given it a worse name . ) the bishops urge , that [ while the liturgy was duly observ'd , we liv'd in peace , since that was laid aside ] — the contrary . now bless the modesty of the replicants . but really hath liberty to forbear , produced such divisions as you mention ? the licence , or connivence that was granted to haeretiques , apostates , and foul-mouth'd raylers against the scripture , ministry , and all god's ordinances indeed bred confusions in the land. note x. vvould not this scandalous recltal of their old forgeries against the government : — this re-charge of our late gratious soveraign : and imputation of the late war to the king's party , ( for there their malice fixes it ) make a man lay the very roots of the rebellion naked ; and trace the project up to the very dore of the reforming conclave ? nota magis nulli domus est sua , quam mihi , &c. do not we know the scotch cabale , and the confederate english ; the pack that hunted the earl of strafford ? yes , and the beagles too , that bayted the arch-bishop . [ but really , hath liberty to forbear produced such divisions ? &c. ] goodly , goodly ! your reverences are gamesome : yes , really it has . are not knaves and fools the greater part of the world ? and in the state of freedome , they require , those are the men we make our governours . without this liberty of freedome , where had been their separate assemblies ? their seditious conventicles ; their anti-episcopal lectures , and without these , their desolating reformation ? were we not in the high-way to vnity , when churches were turn'd into stables , and houses of infamy supplyed the place of churches ? when peters was fooling in one pulpit , marshall denouncing in another : and when the now-pastor of brainford threw the very fire-brand of the rebellion into the kings coach ; that execrable pamphlet , [ to your tents o israe 〈…〉 but the reformers assign our breaches to another cause . [ the licence or connivence that was granted to haeretiques , apostates &c. — ] when will these mens mouths be sweet again , after so foul a calumny ? nay more ; the very crimes they charge upon the government , in a high measure , they themselves were guilty of . liberty of conscience was their first clamour , a notion which included all sects and heresies imaginable , whereof , great use was made against the king. but notwithstanding the prodigious , and blasphemous opinions , then rise , and crying , both in their conventieles and pulpits ; all passed for gospel in the godly party : for unity in the war was their business , not vnity in religion : and it was safer to deny the trinity , then to refuse the covenant . the bare rehearsal of their monstrous tenents would make a man tremble . there were among them that deny'd the authority of the scriptures , — the use of the old testament , — the immortality of the soul , — the trinity in vnity . that affirmed the soul to be of the essence of god , &c. — and a world of other impious positions they held , such as either the devil , or distemper suggested to them . the presbyterians were pleas'd to 〈◊〉 these phanatiques , at first more needful to their design , then scandalous to their profession ; preferring at any time an ordinance of the two houses , to the obligation of the two tables . and so they scap'd , not onely with impunity , but encouragement ; till the declining of the royal party , and the encrease of these wild libertines , put the kirk-faction upon other thoughts : which were , having now master'd the kings forces , how to cast off the independent party , by whose assistance they had done the work . they began now to open their eyes , and to perceive , that what they call'd gospel-profession while they needed them , was become gross haeresie , when they had done with them : and that gods people in the beginning , were schismatiques in the conclusion . what is become now of the liberty of conscience these faithless creatures promised to all that sided with them ? see the ministers letter from sion-house to the assembly in 1645. toleration of independents , as unseasonable so unreasonable . first , not establish'd in any christian state by the civil magistrate . secondly , it consists not with presbytery . thirdly , if that ; then all sectaries must be tolerated . ] again ; such a toleration is utterly repugnant , and inconsistent with the solemn league and covenant for reformation . ] see bayly's disswasive from the errours of the times in his dedicatory . printed in 1646. liberty of conscience , and toleration of all or any religion , is so prodigious an impiety , that this religious parliament cannot but abhor the very naming of it . the whole faction sing the same song , of liberty , when they are rising , and non-toleration when they are vp : and they are now upon their first concern ; they plead in pretence for all the adversaries of our church-order , but they propose to set up onely for themselves . this is a point worthy a strict enquiry , and wee 'll sift it throughly , in that which follows . bvt it is to us matter of admiration to observe ( clean contrary to your intimation ) how little discord there was in prayer , and other parts of worship , among all the churches throughout the three nations , that agreed in doctrine , and forbore the liturgy . it is wonderful to us in the review to consider , with what love , and peace , and concord , they all spake the same things , that were tyed to no from of words , even those that differed in some points of discipline , even to a withdrawing from local communion with us , yet strangely agreed with us in worship . ] note . xi . acutely , and unanswerably argued ; those churches that agreed , did agree , wherein they agreed . the bishops inferr the expedience of restoring the common-prayer , from the divisions which have ensu'd upon forsaking it . nay rather ; ( reply the presbyterians ) the licence given to apostates , haeretiques , and the like , caused those divisions , &c. whereas those that forbore the liturgy , and agreed in doctrine , were unamimous to a miracle . where lies the wonder , if those that agreed in doctrine , differ'd not much in other matters , when there was nothing else for them to differ upon ? or what answer is it to an objection that there were great and many divisions , to say that there were some agreements ? and those agreements were no other neither then a conspiracy . the question is , what was the effect of that popular defection from the practice of the church ? was it not haeresie , and rebellion ? nor is it possible it should be other ; for a general freedome is but a licentious combination against a regulating and limiting order . but the wonderful love , peace , and concord that was among those that were tied to no form of words ! ] — inter so convenit vrsis ] they did in truth agree , to catch the prey , but not to share it : — they lov'd the independency , but they hated the independent : or with doctor donn ; the one was con●ent the other should be damn'd , but loth he should govern . since these gentlemen are pleas'd to boast the vnity of that party that forbore the liturgy ; wee 'll confer notes with their great friend mr. edwards upon the question ; and first wee 'll see what pretious instruments these tender-conscienc'd men made use of , as the conjunct promoters of a reformation . wee 'll then enquire , upon their subdivision , how they agreed among themselves . certain opinions frequent among the godly party ( falsly so called . ) that the scriptures are insufficient , and uncertain . that god is the author of sin : not of the action onely , but of the sinfulness it self . that the magistrate ought not to punish any man for denying of a god : if his conscience be so perswaded . that every creature is god : an efflux only from god , and shall return to him . that there is but one person in the divine nature . that christ came onely to witness and declare the love of god , not to procure it . that the least truth is of more worth then iesus christ himself . that the doctrine of repentance is a soul destroying doctrine . that 't is as possible for christ himself to sin , as for a child of god to sin . that the moral law is of no use at all to beleevers . that peters trouble after the denial of his master , issued onely from the weakness of his faith. that infants rise not again . the same author tells us in the second part of gangraena , of a sectary pleading for a toleration of witches , which he follows , with a recital of instances in several kinds , the foulest , and the most impious , imaginable . let these suffice out of that rabble of infamous collections , to shew the blessed effects of the presbyterian reformation . if it be objected , that these opinions no way concern the presbyterian party . they are not charg'd with the belief of these heresies , but with the encouragement and protection of them , for they grew up and spread under their government . [ all of them being vented and broached within these four years last pact , yea most of them within these two last years and less ; ] ( this was in 1646. and more especally ( says the same author in the page following ) in london , and the counties adjacent , in the parliaments quarters , in their armies , and garison towns , not maintained by persons at oxford , &c. for then it had not been so much to us ; ] — but [ in thee london , in thee associate counties , in thee armies , and that after a solemn covenant to extirpate heresies , and schismes , are found such and such errours , blasphemous opinions , strange practices , &c. — ] nor were the sectaries onely let alone , and suffered , but highly respected , preferred , &c. — ] nay , says our author ; the independents were but few ; and other sectaries a small number , in the first and second year of this parliament , some half a score or dozen ministers , three or four hundred people , the presbyterians gave them the right hand of fellowship , admitted them to their meetings , opened their pulpit dores unto them , shewed all brotherly respect of love and kindness to them , even more then to must of their own way , condescending to such a motion , as to forbear praying , and printing against their opinions and way ; making them ( who were so small and inconsiderable a party ) as it were an equal party , putting them into the ballance with themselves ; they appeared not to hinder their being chosen to be general lecturers for this city , in several great churches ; and as at first , so all along , they have been tender and respectful of them , in assembly , city , and in all cases suffering them to grow up to thousands , &c. ] these are the words of a profest champion of the cause ; a bitter adversary he was to independents , and to say no worse ; he was a presbyterian to bishops . as he hath stated the case , it was the presbyterians , not the bishops , that licensed heretiques , apostates , and foulmouth'd raylers against the scripture , ministry , and all gods ordinances ; — ] and the forbearance of the liturgy , was the first step toward this horrible confusion . qui non prohibet , cum potest , iubet . he that permits , commands ; when he might fairly hinder . the sectaries were but few , he says , at the beginning of the war , till they were nurs'd , and cherish'd by the presbyterians ; so that it seem's , 't was their indulgence wrought our mischief , and not episcopal connivance . in truth that thing they called the cause , was but the sink of the whole nation : — the common receptacle of lewd , factious , and foul humours . the government was their grand aversion ; and next to king and church , they hated one another . the divines , preach'd , and printed up the quarrel ; the brutish multitude maintain'd it : which kind of combination is rarely phansi'd by sir francis bacon , in these words . libels against bishops , and ecclesiastical dignities , calling in the people to their aid , are a kind of intelligence betwixt incendiaries , and robbers ; the one to fire the house , the other to rifle it . ] we come now to the wonderful love , peace , and concord , of those people that were tyed to no form of words , &c. ] and first the kindness of the presbyterians to their colleagues the independents . the sectaries agree with iulian the apostate , gangrene , p. 54. the sectaries are libertines and atheists , p. 185. ] unclean , incestuous , p. 187. ] drunkards , p. 190. ] sabbath-breakers , deceivers , p. 191. ] guilty of gross lying , slandering , iugling , falsifying their words and promises : guilty of excessive pride and boasting , pag. 192 ] — of insufferable insolencies , horrible affronts to authority , and of strange outrages , pag. 194. ] there never was a more hypocritical , false dissembling , cunning generation in england , then many of the grandees of our sectaries . — they incourage , protect , and cry up for saints , sons of belial , and the vilest of men , p. 240. ] gangraena 2d part , 1646. these imputations being attended with publique , and notorious proofs : and this subject being at that time the common theme of the presbyterian party ; enough is said to shew their kindness to the sectaries ; wee 'll now to the other side , and manifest that there was no love lost betwixt them . an anabaptist said that he hoped to see heaven and earth on fire before presbytery should be settled . ] another sectary , that he hoped to see the presbytery as much troden under foot as the bishops are . gangr . p. 73. ] the national covenant is a double fac'd covenant , the greatest make-bate and snare , that ever the devil , and the clergy his agents , cast in among honest men in england in our age . gangraena , 2d . part , pag. 220. the presbyterian government is antichristian , a limb of antichrist , tyrannical , lordly , cruel , a worse bondage then under the prelates , a bondage under task-masters as the israelites in egypt , ibid. 221. the assembly is antichristian , romish , bloudy , the plagues and pestes of the kingdome , baals priests , diviners , southsayers , ibid. p. 230. the seed of god in this nation , has had two capital enemies , the romish-papacy , and the scotch-presbytery . sterry , englands deliverance , p. 7. behold the harmony of the non-conformists : the wonderful agreement of the with-drawers from local communion with us . ] but the reformers argue learnedly , that if we tell them of those that differ from them in doctrine , and are not of them , it is as impertinent to the point of their own agreement in worship , as to tell them of the papists . ] marque the insipid flatness of this evasion . if they differ , they do not agree ; and if they agree , they do not differ . have not the independent schismatiques the same pretence , as well as the presbyterian ? we urge that all the factions were of a party , not all of an opinion ; and that the independent heresies were hatch'd under the kirk-schismatiques wing . this we have prov'd , and now , to a conclusion . wheresoever the two factions close , there 's a design upon the civil power ; for their principles are inconciliable , save by the stronger malice they bear to the government , then to each other . how great a madness is it then for those people to unite against the publique ? when they are sure either to fall in the attempt , or at the most , not to stand firm long after it ! for whensoever they break , ( and break they must ) 't is but a little patience till they are i● , and the third party gives the law to both , turning the scale at pleasure . but what a vayles it to offer light to those that shut their eyes , or reason to a man that dares not hearken to it ? 't is with notorious sinners as with men much in debt , they had rather break then come to an account : — rather run headlong the direct rote to hell , then pass the purgatory of a repentance . it is a remarkable saying of sir francis bacon , that the great atheists indeed are hypocrites , which are ever handling holy things , but without feeling . ] such are the people we have to deal with . witness their seditious zeal ; — their wrested allegations ; — their neglected vows , and d●ring scruples . no wonder then at their incorrigible hardness and impenitence . david , ( we find ) repented his adultery and murther ; manasseh , his idolatry ; saint peter , the denial of his master ; saint paul , the persecution of the church , &c. — but not one precedent in the whole bible of a repentant and converted hypocrite . lord , i am not as other men are , says the pharisee : the congregation is holy , every one of them , and the lord is among them , ( cry the sons of korah . ) oh that i were made iudge it the land , ( says absolom ) that i might do every man justice ! ] but what became of these people ? he in the parable was not justified ; — the earth opened her mouth upon the korites ; — and the smooth advocate for the peoples liberties was hang'd upon an oak . wherefore beware of the leaven of the pharisees , which is hypocrisie . nor is this crime more fatal to the person than to the publick ; those that are tainted with it , being not one jot better citizens or subjects , than they are christians : two or three are enough to infect a parish , and half a dozen popular hypocrites will make a shift to embroyle a nation . it is not credible , how greedily the heedless vulgar swallow down any hook baited with forms of godliness , especially when they themselves are taken in fo● sharers in the work , and made the iudges of the controversie . then they begin to talk of the righteous scepter , and of subjecting the nations to the rule of the holy ordinance , abundantly supplying with revelation their want of common reason . they ( forsooth ) must be conferr'd with about church-government , and delinquents , baals priests , and the high places , which way to carry on the cause of the lamb ; against the kingdomes of this world , and the powers of darkness . when once the poyson of this canker'd zeal comes to diffuse it self , and seize the mass and humour of the people ; who can express in words , or without horror think upon the blasphemies , treasons , murthers , heart-burnings , and consusions that ensue upon it : we shall not need to ransack forreign stories , or past ages , for sad and dismal instances ; this little spot of england and our own memories will furnish us . those that are struck with this distemper , take fancy for inspiration , their very dreams for divine advertisements , and the impulse of a besotted melancholy for the direction of the holy spirit . they fashion to themselves strange uncouth notions of the diety , entring into a familiarity with heaven ; and in this elevation of spiritual pride and dotage , having , as they imagine , the almighty on their side , and the eternal wisdome for their counsellour ; they accompt ▪ human reason a ridiculous thing , and laugh at the authority and power of princes . so many of them as agree to oppose the right , are called the saints ; the earth is their inheritance , and that which we stile theft or plunder , is but with them taking possession of their birth-right . in order to their ends they reckon no violence unlawful . princes are murthered for the glory of god , and the most barbarous mischiefs that fire and sword can bring upon a people , they term a reformation . their combinations against law and order are ( in the language of the consistory ) a holy covenanting with their god ; and all their actings ( tho' never so irreverend and impetuous ) onely the gentle motions of the spirit . these are the pious arts that take and lead the multitude — the simple and the factious , together with such male-contents as are by guilt , disgrace , or poverty , prepared for lewdness . and this hath been the constant method of our devout patriots , who with gods glory and christian liberty still in their mouths , laid the foundation of our ruine in hypocrisie . the word belongs to the stage , and in that sense , to some of our reformers ; a great part of whose pulpit-work it is , by feigned , and forc'd passions in themselves , to stir up true affections in their hearers ; making the auditory feel the griefs the speaker does but counterfeit . do we not see familiarly , that a sad tale upon the stage , makes the people cry in the pit ? and yet we know , that he that plays cesar murther'd in the senate , is but some droll comoedian behind the hanging . i thought to have ended here , but one note more shall do my business , and theirs too , or i mightily mistake my self . the church judgeth not of things undiscovered : non esse & non apparere , are all one as to our judgement , we conclude not peremptorily , because we pretend not here to infallibility . as we are not sure that any man is truly penitent , that we give the sacrament to , so we are not sure that any man dyeth impenitently . but we must use those as penitent , that seem so to reason , judging by ordinary means , and so must we judge those as impenitent that have declared their sin , and never declared their repentance . ] note . xii . this point will be the death of the [ invaletudinary ] ministers , ( as our ciceronians ) and they might ten times better have indured ( by reading the office of burial , at the grave ) to expose their tender bodies to the excessively refrigerating air : ( another elegance ) which imposition they do not understand to be a sign of the right and ingenuine spirit of religion ) sure it rains soloecismes : three in the third part of a page . now to the churches faculty , and power of iudgement , according to the strictnesse of their own rule . not to appear , and not to bee , are the same thing , as to the iudgement of the church — and those are to be judged impenitents , that have declared their sin , and never declared their repentance . and that , in words onely , will not suffice neither ; for ( say our reformers ) it must be practice first , that must make words credible , when the person by perfidiousness hath forfeited his credit . ] they press further likewise , that according to his majesties declaration of octob. 25. 1660. scandalous offenders are not to be admitted to the holy communion till they have openly declared themselves to have truly repented , and amended their former naughty lives , &c. ] now try the self-condemners by their own law. where 's their repentance for putting gods name , to the devil's commission ? under the form of a religious vow , couching an execrable league of violence , against their prince , the law , their country . where 's their repentance , for the souls they have damn'd by their seditious doctrine ? the bloud they have made the people spill , by their incentives to the war ? — those schismes and heresies , which they have given us in exchange for an apostolical order , and evangelical truths ; under the colour of a gospel-reformation . where is the practice ( they prescribe ) of their obedience ? their open retractations and amendments ? their sins as publique as the day ; but where 's their penitence ? these gentlemen must justifie the war ; or by the method of their own discipline , be excluded the communion of the church . but they 're so far from that , they claim a right of government . acts of parliament must submit to their authority : they put a bar to the kings power in matters indifferent ; and just as the last war began , are they now tampering to procure another . i had some thoughts of a reply upon their exceptions against the liturgy : but truly for the common-people sake , rather then for their own ; for i think them much more capable of a confutation then worthy of it . at present , i am given to understand , that there is more honour meant them , then they deserve ; and i shall wait the issue of it from a better hand . my frequency of writing may perswade some , that i 'me in love with scribbling : but what i now do , is no more then what i have ever done , when i believ'd my duty call'd me to it . and having done the same thing formerly , and oftener , at a time when rationally i could not expect any other reward then a halter : i think there are some people that believe i write for a halter , still , and have amind to save my longing . i know how i am misrepresented ; which , if i had any thing to lose , but what i 'me weary of , perhaps would trouble me . but soberly , ( since so it is ) here i declare , i do not ask the abatement of the strictest rigour of any law , either humane , or divine , in what concerns his majesty . but betwixt some , perchance from whom i have not deserv'd ill , and others , from whom i have no great ambition , to receive much kindness , my doings i perceive are commented upon , and much mistaken . to these discourtisies , i shall onely oppose this word . let the world renounce me , when they find me either less innocent , then i say i am ; or less dutiful , then i have been . mala opinio benè parta delectat . sen. ep. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47922-e1290 the reformers charge . they invade the kings authority . proposals pag. 12. pag. 12. pag. 12. a miserable shift . the covenant not binding . amesius . de consc. lib. 4. q. 11. sauls case examined . the case of zedekiah . jerem. 34. god made the covenant . the covenant it self . zedekiahs covenant . and revolt . for the breach he is punish'd . the case does not hold . the very case . ezek. 17. ezek. 17. 15. a presbyterian oracle . the covenant an abjuring oath . a thorough reformation . in their places and callings . quere . an affront to the parliament . the reformers tenderness touching oathes . the boldness of the faction . their weakness . ☜ loyalty made death , accordi●● to the c●venant w. i. a tast of the reforming spirit . the kings murder justified . ☞ g. c. ☜ vers . 12. of chap. 20. chap. 2. v. 31. the application . pag 12. the covenant reviv'd . sedition . a matter of nothing . the sense of the covenant . proposals pag. 24. proposals pag. 12. a menace . the reformers foresight . ☞ the faction laid open . seditious . calumnious . presbytery will never down with the people . page 4. page 5. the safe way is best . the divines account p. ● . liberty of conscience . the divines account p. 8. edward's gangraena , p. 18. pag. 19. pag. 20. pag. 21. ibid. pag. 22. pag. 23. pag. 25. ibid. ibid. pag. 26. pag. 27. pag. 18● ▪ gangraena , pag. 1. heresies the spawn of presbytery . gangr . pag. 179. ☜ the presbyterians nourished the sectaries at first . the presbyterians love to the independ . the sectaries love to the presbyterians . divines account pag. 8. conveniant in tertio . hypocr . impenitent . luk. 18. 11. num. 16. 3. 2 sam. 15. 4. luk. 12. 1. hypocr . dangerous to the publick . phanaticisme . the divines account p. 12. the elegancies of the learned . publique worship pag. 67. exceptions , p. 8. self-condemners . the minister of richmond's reasons for refusing to subscribe the association but under the following sense with reflections thereupon / by a minister of the church of england in a letter to his friend. borfet, abiel, 1633?-1710. 1696 approx. 21 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28824 wing b3763 estc r35775 15560351 ocm 15560351 103739 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28824) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103739) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1586:3) the minister of richmond's reasons for refusing to subscribe the association but under the following sense with reflections thereupon / by a minister of the church of england in a letter to his friend. borfet, abiel, 1633?-1710. [7] p. printed for john harris ..., london : 1696. imprint from colophon. attributed to borfet by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the minister of richmond's reasons , for refusing to subscribe the association , but under the following sense , with reflections thereupon : by a minister of the church of england . in a letter to his friend . richmond april 3. 1696. my answer to the second asking my name to the association , to mr. singer , bodicoate , and smithyes who made the first demand , i know not who they all are , that i am asked to associate with : but if they be , 1. as many of the vniversal mobb , as are willing to joyn their names with mine , whose bells and bonsires have never failed hitherto to argue and dispute pro and con with equal blaze and noise ; — or , if they be ii. the kirke of scotland , who sold their royal refugee k. charles the i. into his enemies hands ; or if they be , iii. voluntary addressers , with lives and fortunes both of them hitherto never touch'd or ventur'd , first to charles the i. in the protestation , and in the solemn league and covenant ; then to the rump parliament , then to the two cromwells , then to the rump again , then to the committee of safety ; afterwards to charles and james the ii. into whose association i thank god i never entred before ; or if they be , iv. any of the circumcision , who will be sure to forsake king william when their expected massias appears . i fear that by puting my name to the association now a foot , in such company as aforesaid , i shall bind my self in the sense of an honest man to such uncertain creatures , as will not be firmly bound to me , but will leave me in the lurch , as they have left others their associates heretofore ; and incase they shall hereafter break and divide into two contrary and hostile parts , or factions ; that both sides will with equal reason expect i should joyn with them , by virtue of my having entred into an association with them . for which cause ( before i do it ) it were wisdom to take as much time as the law allows me , for enquiring more perfectly who my associates are , and in the mean time to continue king william's most faithful ▪ subject as my oath of allegiance obliges me to be , which hitherto has been exactly observed . but hearing that some of you were at my house again to day for a more speedy answer , and finding also , that several of my best beloved and most honoured parishioners , have done the same without demur , and by consequence can put such a tolerable sense upon the words as i have found it hard to do . for these reasons being willing to suffer in so worthy company , by the foreseen knavery and falshood of other our fellow associates , i have taken the more pains to hunt out for some good sense that the words may be capable of . and therefore in that sense i am ready to put my name to the association whensoever you shall ask it ; which sense is as here follows , in three articles . i. by these words ( true and i awful king ) i mean while he shall continue to be owned for such by the three estates of this realm , freely and fully assembled in parliament , for i have no other skill of such rights and titles . ii. by the king's enemies , which i promise to be revenged of , if it lies in my power , i do not mean all those whom some of my fellow associates may think , or call his enemies , ( for so they have called me their fellow avenger for one , ) but whom my self not only suspect or believe , but know and can prove to be his enemies . iii. by promising to be revenged on them to my power , i do not mean ( tho it were in my power ) to kill or hurt one of them , because all religions teach revenge to be a sin in a private person , according to that precept of st. paul , revenge not your selves , but only that if i be commissioned by the publick magistrate , whom the same apostle calls an avenger to execute wrath , to bring the king's enemies to a legal tryal , that so justice may be done them ; i will discharge my office in such deligated revenge . witness my hand . reflections one the minister of richmond's reasons , &c. may 1. 1696. i had yours last post , wherein you desire my thoughts of the minister of richmond's paper delivered at your quarter sessions . but i must tell you , that i look upon my self to be as unfit to reflect on it , as 't was for him to write it . 1. because of my great distance , and unacquaintance with the man , and his history and principles , conversation and communication , which to understand , might furnish a reflector with great advantages ; whereas i know no more , ( nor ever heard any more ) of him , than that he is the minister of richmond , who , you say , wrote such a paper : and so whether i may use him too sharply , or too gently , i cannot so well judge . 2. because the matters of state , which are his subject , are the farthest from my studies : and for such things i submit my self to the information of those , whose profession and talent it is ; not so much as pretending my self to any accuracy therein . for you know , i lye low here in the country obscurity , seldom looking out of my little parish , or so much as seeing any accounts of the publick news , but what you now and then transmit . and 3. because at this time i am taken up with business , that sets my thoughts on working quite another way : so that i am more than ordinary indisposed for the undertaking wherein you would engage me . yet when it is to comply with the request of a friend , and also to shew my forwardness to do any thing that i am able for the service of my dear , as well as dread soveraign king william , to whom ( as i am a protestant subject , ) i cannot but own my self more obliged than to any person in the world ; and for whom i lately entr'd the association , as formerly i took the oath of allegiance , without the least hesitation ; i will adventure to say somewhat , which ( tho mean and dilute , my pass between you and me , as well as some answers and reflections , which i see , even in print ; ( particularly what you last sent me ) that run at a low ebb ; and do not say half that might be said , nor with that acumen and quickness , which an ingenious man would wish . 'till the thing then be better done , ( which i doubt not but we shall shortly see , from some of the town pens ) i will make a little bold with my reverend brother , tho he seems to be a man of accomplishments above my level , and too nimble for me at disputation , yet i do not fear the honest defence of a good cause , against any one , let him be never so much to big for me in other respects . nor do i think i ought to spare one of my own sacred calling , when that calling gives him the sad advantage of poysoning the more people with such wild tenents , as are distructive to all government . as you and i , and the world too well know , what service to their countrey , too many of our clergymen have thus done of late years . in the first place , my thoughts are , that it would have made as much for the credit of this minister , if he had refused to sign the association , as to do it with such glosses and sarcastical reflections upon his own action ; in which he seems not to shew so much loyalty to his soveraign , as deference to his best beloved and most honoured parishioners : who ( after all his hunting out for some good sense which the words of the association might be capable of ) were his best casuists , ( by their practice ) to instruct him , how tolerable it was to do that , which for some parochial considerations ) he might have found intolerable to omit . i am apt to conjecture by his writing , that he is a de facto-man , that was for declaring such senses of his swearing , as now he does of his associating . however he tells the world , that he is a captious man : for as he begins with a cavil , so methinks he discovers more of a contradictous , than of a conscientious spirit through out . his great quarrel is at the company , with which he is to associate ; most of which , ( in my opinion ) his modesty should have thought good enough for the minister of richmond : when he has all the lords and commons in parliament ( but an inconsiderable handful ) and all his spiritual fathers ( but one , whom few think fit to be called a father ) and the most and best of the nobility , gentry , clergy , and commonalty throwout the land , for his associates . yet it 's a mortification to him , to joyn with the mobb . i know not if ever that frightful beast gave him a kick , to leave a prejudice there : but under that name of disgrace , i doubt not but he may find as honest , as in any jacobite assembly . nor need he count it any disparagement to go with the multitude , when it is not to evil : yea when the multitude run not by themselves , but after such another multitude , worthier than themselves as i have nam'd . and after he has better considered it , i hope he will conclude it more eligible , to follow them into the assassination , than to follow sir john friends tutors , that would lead him into the association ; whither that doctrine lately preached at tyburn , carries the party , without remorse . but this bellua multorum capitum , ( which he could so hardly condescend to shake hands with ) often gives us the truest sense of the nation ) as one man. nor is their blaze and noise so equal , but they could make a vast difference between king james's declaration and king william's association , being dull and all a-mort at the one ; but full of transport , and all life and briskness at the other . what his traiterous scots did for their royal refugee king charles , i fear we have as traiterous english ready to do for their royal refugee king william . and tho there 's no hold of some mens oaths or associations ; yet i have more charity , than to call all pretenders hypocrites , and am willing to hope my partners honest , till i catch 'em playing the knave . and 't is my consolation , that now i joyn with a vast body of honest men , that are hearty williamites , tho here and there a parcel of rotten sticks cleave to the same tree . i leave such as have wheel'd about all the points of the compass , to make their own defences , but i cannot be ignorant , that there are more weathercocks belonging to our churches than what are on the steeples . and such as will do what they count hardly tolerable to be done for the keeping of their posts , ought not to complain of others for sh●fting from king to rump , then to the cromwells , then to the rump again , then to the committee of safety , afterwards to king charles and james . i would sooner lose all , for being a professed jacobite , than hold the truth in unrighteousness , to hold my benefice , and swear to king william , while i hold in with his worst enemies . o my soul , come not thou into the secrets of such men : vnto their assembly mine honour be not thou united : for in their anger they would have slain a man : ( even the man of god●s right hand , whom he has made strong for himself . ) and in their self-will , would they have digged down a wall , even the wall of our government , that saves us from ruine rushing in upon us , i wonder not at all , that the addressers with lives and fortunes , call'd voluntary , should fail king james in his need ; when i remember , with what mean base artifices , those addresses were gather'd ; and how notorious they were , to be a labour'd contrivance , for the serving of a turn , and none of the nations act and deed. now for his circumcision-men , ( who are brought in here , i know not how , unless to stur the association . ) he need not trouble his head with frights of their deserting him , if they do but keep their faith with king william , till such time as their expected messias appears . and should any of the rest leave him in the lurch , by deserting the king , whom they acknowledged for their rightful prince : this minister may yet be secure , in spight of 'em , if himself follow not after 'em ; because he will have better and stronger than they on his side . however , i hope he will not think , ( with such traitors ) that they have equal reason as the other to expect his joyning with 'em , by virtue of that association , which obliges both him and them to stick to their soveraign king william , against all his opposers . and should the knavery and falshood which he foresees , throw him upon suffering , he would not have only the worthy company of his best beloved and most honoured parishioners , but of all his protestant country-men and associates , that are upright and faithful in the land. and to adventure in the same bottom with such , i know not what good man would scruple . his 3 articles of explanation , he might have spar'd : for who , that hand not a mind to be troublesome , would stumble at such straws ? but now he has given them , they need themselves a little to be explained . for ( 1. ) tho he professes to learn all his skill of rights and titles , from the 3 estates of this realm assembled in parliament , ( wherein i commend his choice , for going to so good a school for that instruction . ) yet there may be equivocation in the terms , [ freely and fully ] for i know not but somebody may question , whether their election were free , or whether their acts be valid , should any of the members be wanting there , or should there be some in the house , that do not consent with the rest , to own the king as rightful . but i have another consideration upon this article , which will affect him more than any thing i have yet said , if what i think herein shall be confirm'd by the learned in the law , unto whom ( concerning this point ) i must refer you . for i am really of the opinion that 't is no less than treasonable to say , i will own the king for my soveraign , no longer than the three estates of this realm freely and fully assembled in parliament shall own him for true and lawful . tho i cannot entertain so hard and wicked a thought of the parliament , that the majority of 'em will ever turn such renegades to his majesty , yet ( when this writer urges me to put the case ) suppose they should ? sure they would only render themselves responsible for the treason ; but not at all divest the king of his royal authority . still he is never the less king , for their deserting and renouncing him ; as long as he does not desert them , nor abdicate the government ; nor can they ( at their pleasure ) call back the trust which they have lodged in him , or the allegiance that they have given up to him . even they that made him king , have not such power to unmake him . tho he can when he will , make them no parliament , they cannot when they will make him no king : till by his own act , he forfeits his right , and dissolves the contract . ( 2. ) tho this minister be not oblig'd to take vengeance on all that any may call the king's enemies , or whom he only suspects for such : ( nay i will add , that tho he should be conscious himself is one of 'em , and that they who call him so , really do him no wrong : he is not therefore bound to accuse himself . ) yet i see not where 's the difficulty or hardship put upon him or any , to prove who are the king's enemies meant in the association ; when the honourable house of commons has there given such intimations , that are as a marke in their fore-heads , by which they do notoriously prove themselves enemies , in their horrid attempts against his sacred majesty , his crown or life , by plots and treasons , by insurrections and rebellions , or aiding and assisting , abetting or encourageing the same . certainly , if i have not on a very thick pair of jacobite spectacles , i cannot but see and know all these to be the king's enemies . ( 3. ) for the vengeance to be taken upon 'em , ( which is the tender point , so much stuck at by some , whose consciences yet seem not so to startle at the murder of the king. ) what true lover of his king and country will think that word too hard for so black a villany ? and tho this minister is not suddenly ( upon such a nefandous fact ) to turn executioner , nor to get a bagonet to his girdle , or go to work with his fists or his cudgell , to knock down the kings enemies : yet sure if he have such a sense of the guilt and wickedness as he ought , he will not stay till he has got a commission from the publick magistrate to bring them to justice and condign punishment . for as he is a man fearing god , a faithful subject , and an honest associate , he ought not to connive at 'em ; but ( whereever he is aware of them ) to detect 'em , and what he understands , and can witness against 'em , to complain and make known to the magistrate , and shew his concern , and use his endeavours , that the impious bloody criminals may have their due deserts , and what the law allots them ; that such heavy heanious guilt allow'd , and tolerated may not lye upon the land. but god grant that neither he nor i nor you , may ever have the occasion to put us upon that office. sir , this is all in great hast , to give you the suden thoughts of yours finis . advertisement . ☞ a defence of the arch-bishop's sermon on the death of her late majesty of blessed memory : and of the sermons of the late archbishop , bp. of lichfield and coventry , bp. of ely , bp. of salisbury ; dr. sherlock , dr. wake , mr. fleetwood , &c. preach'd upon that , and several other solemn occasions . being a vidication of the late queen , his present majesty , and the government , from the malicious aspersions cast upon them in two late pamphlets ; one entituled , remarks on some late sermons , &c. the other , a letter to the author of a sermon preach'd at the funeral of her late majesty queen mary . london printed for j. harris at the harrow , in little-brittain . price 6d . ☞ a letter to the three absolvers , mr. cook , mr. collier and mr. snatt . being reflections on the papers delivered by sir john friend and sir william parkins , to the sheriffs of london and middlesex , at tyburn , the place of execution , april 3. 1696. which said papers are printed at length , and answered paragraph by paragraph . price . 6d . 1696. ☞ an answer to mr colliers defence of his absolution of sir william parkins at the place of execution . which defence is printed at length , and considered paragraph by pargraph . price 2d . both sold by richard baldwin in warwick-lane . london , printed for john harris at harrow in little-brittain . 1696. price 2d . to the rulers and to such as are in authority a true and faithful testimony concerning religion, and the establishment thereof, and how it may be established in persons and in nations / by edward burrough. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a30552 of text r36305 in the english short title catalog (wing b6040a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a30552 wing b6040a estc r36305 15643032 ocm 15643032 104278 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30552) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104278) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1182:6) to the rulers and to such as are in authority a true and faithful testimony concerning religion, and the establishment thereof, and how it may be established in persons and in nations / by edward burrough. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. 12 p. printed for thomas simmons ..., london : 1659. reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng society of friends -apologetic works. church and state -england. freedom of religion -england. a30552 r36305 (wing b6040a). civilwar no to the rulers and to such as are in authority a true and faithful testimony concerning religion, and the establishment thereof, and how it m burrough, edward 1659 4617 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 b the rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the rulers and to such as are in authority a true and faithful testimony concerning religion , and the establishment thereof , and how it may be established in persons and in nations . by edward bvrrovgh . london , printed for thomas simmons at the bull and mouth near aldersgate , 1659. there hath been a great cry of late years among the priests and many others , for the settlement of religion , and this they have sought after from the powers of the earth , and the cry hath been to parliaments and rulers by the priests and professors for many years , settle us religion , settle us religion . now to this i answer , all this cry and this desire hath been by these priests and professors to have parliaments to make lawes , to establish one sect , and throw down and limit all others , that is the chief thing that hath been eyed in the request , and not simply to have true religion established ; if we come to shew what true religion is in it self . but people of divers sects have been requiring and desireing every one to have their own sect established and set up , and all others thrown down , and not to have a place nor to be tolerated , so that their cry hath not risen from the ground of true love to true religion , but their desire hath chiefly risen and sprung from selfe love to their own sect , and from malice and envy against others that were not of their way , and this hath been the end of their craving the settlement of religion , and not simply for true religions sake . now religion in it selfe is this , the fulfilling of the law and the prophets , loving god with all their hearts and the neighbour as selfe , and doing to all men as they would have men to doe to them , and not otherwise doing or speaking towards any , then they would that others should speak of or doe to them , and a walking towards god in all things , as they have received of his grace , answering to the lord in all things , as his spirit leads them and moves them , this is true religion towards god and towards man , and to have the conscience alwaies kept void of offence , & that no offence lie upon it in the sight of god , nor in the sight of man , and this is true religion in it selfe , in short declared , to wit , the leading of the spirit of god into all truth , to doe the truth , and speak the truth in all things , and this religion is accepted in the sight of god , and to be kept unspotted in the world , from all its pollutions . but now tell me , can this religion be setled , or any nation or people or any person in it , by any external power or outward authority of men ? or can the laws of kings or parliaments settle such religion , or make people truly religious , or establish a nation or people , in this religion ? i say no , nor any thing , save only the teaching and leading of the holy spirit of god being received from the father , it s that onely that makes men religious , and settles a people and nation therein . oh ye fools and blind priests and professors , that are doting on setling religion among unconverted people by out ward lawes and earthly powers of men ; i say no , this must not be , for the lawes of men can but settle a sect , or some sects , and limit other sects ; but true religion can never be setled by that meanes ; for before any be setled in religion they must first be changed and created a new in christ jesus , and borne againe of the seed incorruptable , and they must first be changed from death to life , and from statans power to god ; this must first be witnessed before a man or a nation can be religious , & setled in true religion , he must put off the body of sin , and be circumcised in heart ; and he must have a new nature planted in him , and he planted into christ a new and living vine , before he can love god with all his heart and his neighbour as himselfe , and before he can have his conscience kept void of offence , and be without stain towards god and towards man , and it is onely the word of god and his power in the heart that works this , it is only the operation of gods spirit in and upon a creature that works him unto this , it is not the lawes made by man that doth it , nor externall powers of the earth that can work it , & therefore true religion cannot be setled thereby , nor a nation or a people in it ; but only that which changes him , and makes him religious , that is it onely that must settle religion and nations , and peoples therein ; and as every one is turned to that of god in him , and thereby to feel the power and word and spirit that doth change him , and renew him as i have said , by this means cometh a man and nations to be religious , and to be setled therein , and by no other waies nor meanes , and this is done through the preaching of the everlasting gospell , and through the ministry of christ , which turneth the mindes of people from darknesse to light , and from satans power to god , whereby they are changed and made religious , and also setled therein , and established thereby , and it is not by outward lawes , and powers as i have said . but what are peoples , and the nations yet to settle in religion ? and is religion unsetled yet , that you are craving lawes made by men to settle religion ? what have you preached for this many years ? what , have your preaching been all in vaine ? and have you done no good this many years by your preaching , that religion is yet to settle ? oh blind and ignorant men ! this is a shame unto you , how manie thousands of thousand pounds have the priests had out of this nation for teaching religion , & preaching to people , & yet the nation remains unsetled in religion and they are beging to the powers of the earth , to constrain & compel a settlement of religion , and this shames them , and shews that they are they that paul speakes of , and that the people of this nation are them that are ever learning and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth , though you have been long learning , you are unsetled , and are not come to the knowledge of the truth : but had these priests been such that were sent of the lord , through their ministry would the nations long since have been setled in religion , for they have been teachers long enough , and put the nation to charge great enough , that people might have known ere this day the holy annointing to dwell in them , and to teach them , and to settle them in religion , but it is manifest that they have ran and not been sent , but left peoples and nations unsetled as the waters , notwithstanding , all their preaching , and ministry for so many years , yet it seemes there wants still a settlement in religion , and seeing their preaching hath had no effect to doe it , but their ministry hath been all in vain , and people are not learned in religion , nor yet established therein , whereby their ministry is proved not to be christs ministry ( for the apostles did setle people , and the churches in religion , which theirs hath done no such thing ) & therefore it is that the powers of the earth are called to , that they may force by violence and by violent laws , that by that means a worship and religion may be setled as they say ; and their ministry hath not drawn people by love , and therefore would they have people forced and compelled to be of such or such religion but this is not christs way , nor the way that his apostles and true churches were in ; for the spirit of the father led each one of them , to be religious , and that same spirit setled and established them in it , and not external laws nor powers of the earth , but that was antichrists way , and the beasts and the false prophets way , for when they had killed the saints , and slain true religion , then the beast and false prophets they established a religion or worship by outward lawes ; and it s written , that he caused and compelled all , both small and great , bond and free , to worship the beast and his image ; and here was a setled people in a religion and worship by an outward compelling power . and thus it was then and is now the same , false churches and false religions are setled by an outward authority ; and it was nebuchadnezzar and his wicked princes that setled a religion or worship by an outward power & by an earthly authority , but that was not the worship of true religion , but was the worship of antichrist , and so it hath been for ages ; that worship that is setled , and that religion which is established by an outward external power and the lawes of men , is but the worship of antichrist , and not the true religion , nor the worship of the living god , which is in spirit and in truth , but it must all be overthrown and brought to nought , both that religion and worship that is out of the spirit , and that power that upholds it , and now the lord god is risen to confound the thoughts of mens hearts , and he alone will setle and establish religion by his own power and by his own law , and through his own ministry , and as people comes to that of god in them , to feel the spirit and power of the lord god to change them ; hereby will every one particularly be setled in religion , and by no other way nor means ; and this i know from the lord . but how should people be setled in religion ? for peoples and nations have been and are as waters , which hath been driven with the winds , this way or the other way , and the great whore sits upon the waters , and the beast hath carried her and born her up , ( false worships and churches and an outward power ) and she hath ruled and made all nations drunk with her cup of fornication , and the true religion hath been lost for many ages , and the sects and false churches hath been set up and established upon the waters ; and as for true religion , it cannot be established while nations are waters under the whores dominion , and so the many sects which hath been the many horns upon the beast , and one hath risen after another , and one diverse from another , and they have been striving one with another , and persecuting one another , and one subduing one another , and each one of them hath cryed for help from the beast , and from the powers of the earth , to be defended from the power and malice one of another , least one should prevail against another , and get the better one of another ; and so that sect that could get authority from the powers of the earth , and have them of its side , that sect hath thriven , and hath been setled more then another which hath not gotten the powers of the earth to defend it ; and so as the powers of the earth hath been changeable , so hath religion been changeable ; and what sect the rulers hath been on , that have they highest tollerated , and most defended against all other ; but all this hath not been the true establishment of true religon . but now some may suppose and query , whither i speak this as if i would have religion not at all setled , and as if i were against the establishing of religion , and so thereby may be accused , as if i were an enemy to all religion , and would not have religion established , &c. to all this i answer , i am a friend to true religion , and seekes the establishing of it in the right way , and by the ministery of righteousness , by turning peoples minds to the spirit , and to receive the anointing that they may be all taught of god , and true worshippers of him in spirit and truth , and may be setled in the true religion ; and this true religion would i have established in the world , and in the nations and would have all people therein established by the ministry of righteousness thereunto ordained . but i am against the establishing of sects , and the setling of one sect above another , by the powers of the earth , and i would not have one set up and another thrown down by the laws of men , for that brings forth nothing but tyranny , and oppression , and strife , and wickedness in a nation , and among people ; though thus it hath been for many ages , false sects and false churches hath been established by the powers of the earth and external laws , and that sect which the king or queen , or ruler hath been of , that hath been set up and tollerated above the rest , and the rest despised , and persecuted and set at nought ; for when and where a prince or a ruler is of the papists religion , then that religion is the most established and setled in that goverment ; and if at any time a ruler change to be of the protestant sect , or one come to govern that is of that religion , then that sect was the most established and upheld , thus it is through nations , and in england particularly within these late years , when king henry the eighth turned from the papists to be a protestant , then that sect was established , and all other thrown down and persecuted ; and when queen mary rose to govern , which was a papist , then she established that sect and false church , by laws , and the rest were limited and thrown down ; then when the next queen arose being a protestant , she established that sect again by outward laws , and cast all others down , and thus it hath been for many ages throughout all nations , of what sect and religion the governor and ruler hath been , that sect was onely established and all the rest persecuted as i have said , and so the saying is fulfilled , nations hath been waters , and peoples and multitudes waters ; and as a king and governour hath changed his religion and of what sect as he hath been , so hath the religion of the whole nation or country changed , and such a sect onely established against all others ; but this i cannot call the setlement of true religion , nor are the nations and peoples hereby established in true religion , but onely false sects and false religions hath risen and been established by the beasts power , who hath carried the whore , yea and though many other sects , hath risen , and many other horns appeared divers one from another , out of the many heads of the beast ; for his heads hath been many , and his horns devided , and divers one from another , and each head exalting his self above another , and each horn pushing one at another , and each sect and horn crying to the beast for power to be established , and to have others thrown down and limited , through the powers of the earth , and thus hath it been for generations , and in this nation in particular , and many sects hath risen besides the papists and the protestants and all these sects hath risen one out of another , & appeared divers one from another , and each one of them hath sought to the powers of the earth for setlement and defence , & that the other that were contrary to them and of another appearance might be stopt and limited , and this hath been done by these teachers and professors under the account of the establishment of religion , and they have begged to parliaments and to rulers for the establishment of religion , and for the stopping of heresie , that is to say , for tollerating and defending of their own sect which they call religion , and for the stopping and subduing of all others which they call heresie , but confusion hath come upon all this , and will upon the like for ever , and true religion never gets established by it , but as every new sect hath appeared , that only hath sought establishment against all the rest . but yet i say , i am not against establishing of true religion , though thus i speak , but would have true religion setled and established , but doth not seek to the powers of the earth , to have true religion established by earthly lawes ; for that cannot establish true religion , neither is it at all committed of the lord to the powers of the earth , or to outward authorities to establish religion , or to make men religious ; for that belongs to the lord to rule over , and in mens consciences , & to exercise them in the true religion : no ruler by any law whatsoever ought to exercise lordship over the consciences of any people , either to exalt or throw down any sect , or worship of religion ; for they are with their lawes but to rule the outward man , to settle their persons and estates in security , from the wrong and unrighteous dealing of wicked men , and to limit all evill men and evil doers from wronging and doing violence to mens persons and estates ; this is the work , and the place of kings and rulers of the earth , their power is onely committed to them of the lord to extend over the outward man , to defend and preserve that , and be a praise to all that do well and lives righteously , and to be a terror , and limit , and punishers of the unrighteous evil and violent doers , this is the magistrates place , and the length and breadth & height of his authority , whether it reside in king , queen or any other person or persons . but for the exercise of conscience , that is out of their power , and over and beyond it , it is not committed of the lord to them to compel and cause people from , or to such a worship and religion , it is not the magistrates worke , but the ministers work , that are sent of christ to teach religion ; but let all sects have their course , and every religion its liberty in a nation or country ( so that they doe no violence to one anothers persons and estates ) and if they do , then they fall under the magistrates power , and then let them be punished , and let every sect strive to exalt it selfe , and to overthrow others , by what authority it hath in doctrine and forceable arguments , and let them use what spiritual weapons they have , and defend themselves thereby , and let them that have the spirit of god overcome , and let them alone to be established , and let all the rest be subdued before that , and let that alone be setled onely by the power and authority of the spirit of god , which overcomes all the contrary ; and let all men , and all of mans power and authority be silent and quiet , and have no hand in this matter , and this is the way to establish religion in a nation ; and a kingdome , let the spirit of the lord have its liberty , and let no man whatsoever limit it in them in whom it dwels , but let it have its course and its operation , and its full authority by them in whom it dwels , in whomsoever it be ; and let all sects whatsoever have their liberty — in their arguments , and their practices , and their worship , and then let it be manifest , who it is that overcomes , and who it is that is overcome ; and such as overcometh by the same spirit & power that gives them victory , by that alone let true religion be established , and the rest of all sects bow under that true religion that overcometh all others by the power and authority of the spirit of god , and is established thereby ; all other under that shall bow , and whilst this is in tryal and debate , let the powers of the earth , and the rulers of the world be all quiet , and looke on in patience , and let their authority herein be exercised , not to limit one , or tollerate one more then an other , onely let them keep mens persons and estates in peace and defence from the injury and malice and wrong dealing one of another , as i have said , and here is the way , the true and perfect way , for the establishing of religion in a nation among people , and if this were brought to passe , and had been in generations past , then would not the papists have been prevailed against by the protestants , they being at the first discenting from the church and sect of the papist , more sincere towards god , and more upright to him , and in some things more true in doctrine and worship , then the other which they discented from , though still in the main but a false sect , and of a false religion , though they hated the whore in some things , and they would have prevailed against her through that sincericy towards god , that was in them , but they gave their power to the beast ; and would not many other sects have prevailed against them , which hath risen out of this , and discented from her , who was more in the sincerity and uprightnesse towards god , than she ? for god blessed that and loved that , in what measure so ever and wheresoever it be ; i say , would not many sects ere this day have prevailed one against another , had not the powers of the earth stopped , and limited whom they would , and given liberty to set up whom they would ? but now the light of the day is arisen , and hath appeared , and the lord is making a way to establish his own religion by his own power , and he is gathering his seed , who shall wax stronger and stronger , and shall prevail through all opposition , through all false sects and false worships of the earth , and they shall wax weaker and weaker , and shall never be established in righteousnesse , but they and the power that upholds them shall be broken together , and this will the lord bring to passe in his day ; and thus i have shewed you what true religion is , and how it cann●● be established , and how it may be , & what the authority of earthly rulers is , and how far it extends , and doth shew that true religion cannot be setled thereby , but by the lord alone it must , and that it is the worke of christs ministery , and not of earthly power by violent lawes to establish religion . and this is a testimony from the lord god of heaven and earth to ye rulers , and parliaments that makes laws and ministers laws ; meddle not with religion , to establish one sect or sects , and to limit and throw down others ; but feare the lord god , and wait for his wisdome , and remember that that hath been a rock , whereupon many before you have been split , and brought into confusion ; even when they have gone about to limit or stop or establish religion , how have they been confounded , and never had successe from the lord to such indeavours , for the lord hath never shewed countenance for many generations to such as have attempted to make men religious by outward laws , and to settle nations therein by outward lawes . wherefore now be wise ye rulers and kisse the son , for the wrath of the lord is already kindled , and he will break in pieces and dash babylons children against the stones , and confound the great whore , ( the false church ) and all false sects , her daughters who hath been brought forth , and set up in nations ever since the woman , ( the true church ) hath been fled into the wildernesse , and the beast hath carryed the whore , born her , and upheld her , and she hath journeyed through nations upon the beast , and the beast hath defended her ; if any man hath an eare let him heare ; and this is a visitation to ye rulers , and to all that make lawes , and ministers laws , by a friend to righteous men , edward burrough . the end . an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament. for the selling of the lands of all the bishops in the kingdome of england, and dominion of wales, for the service of the common-wealth. : with the instructions and names of all the contractors and trustees for the speedy execution of the same. : corrected according to the originall. / die lunæ, novemb. 16. 1646. ordered by the lords assembled in parliament that this ordinance with the instructions be forthwith printed and published. ; john brown, cler. parliamentorum. laws, etc. england and wales. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83261 of text r228512 in the english short title catalog (wing e2038aa). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 58 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83261 wing e2038aa estc r228512 45097718 ocm 45097718 171313 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83261) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171313) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:27) an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament. for the selling of the lands of all the bishops in the kingdome of england, and dominion of wales, for the service of the common-wealth. : with the instructions and names of all the contractors and trustees for the speedy execution of the same. : corrected according to the originall. / die lunæ, novemb. 16. 1646. ordered by the lords assembled in parliament that this ordinance with the instructions be forthwith printed and published. ; john brown, cler. parliamentorum. laws, etc. england and wales. browne, john, ca. 1608-1691. england and wales. parliament. [2], 26 p. printed for john wright at the kings-head in the old baily., london, : novemb. 18. 1646. p. 23-24 printed as 22-23 imperfect: stained. reproduction of original in the newberry library. eng church lands -great britain. church and state -england. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a83261 r228512 (wing e2038aa). civilwar no an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament. for the selling of the lands of all the bishops in the kingdome of england, a england and wales. parliament 1646 10376 13 0 0 0 0 0 13 c the rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament . for the selling of the lands of all the bishops in the kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , for the service of the common-wealth . with the instructions and names of all the contractors and trustees for the speedy execution of the same . corrected according to the originall . die lunae , novemb. 16. 1646. ordered by the lords assembled in parliament that this ordinance with the instructions be forthwith printed and published . john brown , cler. parliamentorum . london , printed for john wright at the kings-head in the old baily . novemb. 18. 1646. die lunae , novemb. 16. 1646. an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , for appointing the sale of the bishops lands for the use of the common-wealth . whereas by an ordinance of the lords and commons made the ninth of october one thousand six hundred forty six , the name , title , stile , and dignity of archbishop of canterbury , archbishop of yorke , bishop of winchester , bishop of duresme , and of all other bishops of any bishopricks within the kingdome of england and dominion of wales , from the fifth of september one thousand six hundred forty six is wholy abolished and taken away , and all and every person and persons are disabled to hold the place , function , or stile of archbishop or bishop of any church , see , or diocesse within the kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , by any authority whatsoever ; and all counties palatine , honours , mannors , lands , tenements , and hereditaments , and other the premises in the said ordinance mentioned , were and are vested , and setled , adjudged & deemed to be in the reall and actuall possession and seisin of thomas adams alderman , then lord major of the city of london , sir john wollastone knight , sir george clerke knight , john langham alderman , john fowke alderman , james bunce alderman , william gibs alderman , samuel avery alderman , thomas noell , christopher packe , john bellamy , edward hooker , thomas arnold , richard glyde , william hobson , francis ashe , john babington , laurence brumfield , alexander jones , john jones , richard venner , stephen estwicke , robert mead , and james story , their heires and assignes , upon trust and confidence that the said persons before named , their heires and assignes should have and hold the premisses , and every of them , subject to such trust and confidence as both houses of parliament should appoint , declare , and dispose of the same , and the rents and profits thereof , as the said houses should order and appoint . and whereas the said lords and commons the thirteenth of october one thousand six hundred forty six have declared they intending to raise the sum of two hundred thousand pounds for the present service of the state , that for the encouragement of such who should advance any summe , for , and towards the same , and to the intent they might have notice thereof ; that every person who hath advanced any money , plate , or horses , with their furniture , and arms , upon the publique faith , may for every summe of money he shall further lend for the advancement of the said summe , be secured a like summe more out of the receipt of the grand excise in course , and the sale of the bishops lands , ( except advousons and impropriations ) which shall first happen , together with all the interest after the rate of eight pounds per cent . per annum , to be paid every six moneths out of the receipts of the excise , till principall and interest be fully discharged ; as for example , if there be owing to any person a hundred pounds principall , which with interest due thereupon for three yeeres past will make a hundred twenty foure pounds , he adventuring a hundred twenty foure pounds more , may be secured for the whole two hundred forty eight pounds , as aforesaid , and so proportionably for a greater or lesser summe , and according to the interest due thereupon : and for the more speedy reimbursing of the said money secured and lent , for the purpose aforesaid , that the said lands of the bishops ( except before excepted ) are estated and made over to such feoffees for the speedy sale thereof , and such treasurers for the receipt of the moneys , as may give satisfaction to the lenders . and have thereby further declared , that it shall and may be lawfull for any person or persons to assigne his right and interest in any summe or sums of money owing to him upon the publique faith as aforesaid , to any person or persons that shall advance the like sum in manner as is before expressed . and therefore for and towards the satisfying of the said two hundred thousand pounds to be raised , or so much thereof as shall be raised , and of such money as according to the said declaration the said lenders are to be repaid for money , plate , horses with their furniture and armes , advanced upon the publique faith , with interest for the same , after the rate aforesaid , the said lords and commons have declared and ordained , and doe hereby declare and ordaine , that the said thomas adams and other the persons before named , and the survivors , and survivor of them , and the heires of the survivor of them shall stand and be seized of all and singular the said premisses so vested and setled in them , their heires and assignes ( except parsonages appropriate , tithes , tithes appropriate , oblations , obventions , portions of tithe , parsonages , viccariages , churches , chappels , advowsons , donatives , nominations , rights of patronage and presentation ) and shall take all the rents , revenues , issues and profits , which were due and payable after the first of november , one thousand six hundred forty six , notwithstanding any sequestration of the same , & all other the rents , revenues , issues and profits , that shall at any time hereafter become due and payable for the said premisses or any part of them , untill sale shall be made of the same to the uses , intents , and purposes herein and hereafter declared : and be it ordained that the said trustees , or the major part of them , shall have power and authority , and are hereby authorised , to take into their assistance such counsell learned , and to appoint such stewards of mannors , and all other officers and persons , as they or the major part of them should hold fit and necessary for the putting of this ordinance in execution , and to give such fees , and make such allowance to the said councell , stewards of mannors , officers and persons as they shall hold fit and necessary . and to make warrants to the treasurers for the payment of the same , who are hereby required to pay the same accordingly , untill sale shall be made of the premisses , to the uses , intents , and purposes herein , and hereafter declared as aforesaid ; that is to say , that out of the money raised by the sale of the said premisses , or any part of them that shall be sold , and out of the said rents , revenues , issues , and profits of the said premisses or any part of them , there shall be paid and satisfied the severall summes of money , with interest at the rate aforesaid , that by this present ordinance are , or are intended to be paid and satisfied , together with all charges to be paid or borne , for or by reason of the execution of the trust in them reposed ; and after the full and due payment of the same , that they , their heires , executors , and administrators respectively , shall stand seized and possessed of such of the said counties palatine , honnors , mannors , lands and premisses remaining unsold . and of the moneys raised by sale of the premisses or of any part of them remaining undisposed , for the use and benefit of the common-wealth , as shall be limited and appointed by both howses of parliament : and be it also ordered and ordained by the authority aforesaid , that iohn blackwell senior of moreclacke in the county of surrey esquire , sir william roberts of wisden , in the county of middlesex knight , alderman vyner , colonell richard turner , iames russell , william methold , thomas ayres of london esquire , william prinne of lincolnes inne esquire , robert fenwicke of london esquire , timothy middleton of standsteed in the county of essex esquire , edward cresset of london esquire , shall have full power and authority , and hereby have full power and authority to treat , contract , and agree with any person or persons , for the sale of the said premisses , or any of them in such manner as is hereafter limited . and that the said iohn blackwell , and other the said persons last before named , shall receive of the tresurers herein named , two pence in the pound for every summe that shall be paid to the said tresurers , upon all and every such contract and contracts , for the sale of the premisses or any part thereof , and that the said trustees or any five of them shall have full power , and are hereby required to convey the premisses or any part thereof , by bargaine and sale inrolled according to the statute , or otherwise by any good & sufficient conveyance and assureance in the law , to any person or persons whatsoever , according to such contract or contracts as shall be made by the said contractors , or any six , or more of them , and entred and certified to the said trustees as aforesaid by the register herein , or hereafter to be named by both houses of parliament : and the money that shall be raised by the sale thereof , to be imployed according to the trusts and directions herein declared . and that all bargaines of sale , conveyances , and assurances made of any estate , or estates in fee-simple , according to such contracts as shall be agreed upon between the purchasors and the said contractors before named , shall be good and effectuall in law . and be it likewise ordained , that none of the said trustees shall be contractors , nor none of the contractors , nor any of them , nor any other to their or either of their use , or uses , or in trust for them , or any of them , directly or indirectly shall or doe purchase the said lands or any part of them ; and if any contractors or any in trust for them , or any of them shall buy any lands contrary to this ordiance , he or they shall forfeit the estate and money paid so for it . and every purchasor of any part of the premisses , his heires and assignes , shall have , hold , and enjoy the premisses that shall be by him purchased , discharged of all trusts & accompts , whereunto the said trustees are , or may be lyable by vertue of this present or the said recited ordinance . and of all suites and questions that may arise or be moved upon pretence of sale at under values , or upon pretence that the sums by this ordinance intended to be payed , were satisfied before such sale made , and all other claimes and demands whatsoever , saving the rents and interests saved by the said recited ordinance , and of all incumbrances made by the said trustees , or by any clayming under them , or any of them ; and for the discharge of the trustees and contractors , it is further declared and ordained by the authority aforesaid , that all and every the said trustees , and contractors shall be , and are hereby discharged and saved harmelesse for whatsoever they or any one or more of them shall doe in pursuance of this ordinance ; and that if any action shall be brought against them or any of them , for any act done by them or any of them in execution of this ordinance or instructions herein mentioned , then they are hereby inabled to plead the generall issue , and to give this ordinance in evidence , and if a judgement passe for them , they shall recover double costs ; and it is further ordained and declared that the said lordships , mannors , lands , tenements and hereditaments vested in the said trustees by the said ordinance of parliament , intituled ( an ordinance of parliament for the abolishing of archbishops , and bishops within the kingdome of england and dominion of wales , and for setling of their lands and possessions upon trustees , for the use of the common-wealth ) shall not be lyable unto but stand and shall bee free and discharged of and from all and all manner of statutes , judgements , recognizances , dowers , joyntures , and other acts and incumbrances whatsoever had , made , done or suffered , or to be had , made , done , or suffered by from or under the said trustees , other then such conveyances and assurances as shall be by them had , made , done , or suffered in performance , or pursuance of the sales , and contracts by them to be respectively made according to the intent of this present ordinance , and saving unto all and every person and persons , bodies politique and corporate , their heires , successors , executors and administrators , all such right , title , and interest as by the said ordinance intituled ( an ordinance of parliament for the abolishing of archbishops , and bishops , within the kingdome of england and dominion of wales , and for setling of their lands , and possessions upon trustees for the use of the common-wealth ) is or are thereby saved . provided , and it is further declared and ordained , that whereas the late bishop of durham and other his predecessors bishops of durham have hitherto exercised , and enjoyed as count palatines sundry great franchises , liberties , and jurisdictions , commonly esteemed and called jura regalia , that this ordinance nor any thing therein contained , extend not , nor be construed to extend , to give power , or authority to the persons herein named or any of them , to sell , dispose or any way to contract for the said jura regalia belonging unto the said bishop , or his predecessors as counts palatine , or any of them , but that the same shall remaine in the said trustees , named in a late ordinance intituled an ordinance for the abolishing of archbishops and bishops within the kingdome of england ▪ and dominion of wales , and for setling their lands , and possessions upon trustees for the use of the common-wealth , to be disposed of as both houses of parliament shall thinke fit and appoint , any thing in this present ordinance to the contrary thereof contained in any wise notwithstanding . provided alwayes , and it is further declared , and ordained , that whereas the late bishop of ely , and other his predecessors bishops of ely have hitherto exercised and enjoyed sundry great franchises , liberties and jurisdictions commony called jura regalia , that this ordinance nor any thing therein contained , extend not , nor be construed to extend to give power or authority to the persons herein named or any of them to sell , dispose , or any way to contract for the said jura regalia belonging to the said bishop or his predecessors or any of them , but that the same shall remaine in in the said trustees named in a late ordinance intituled ( an ordinance for the abolishing of archbishops , and bishops within the kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , and for setling their lands , and possessions upon trustees for the use of the common-wealth ) to bee disposed of as both houses shall think fit ▪ and appoint any thing in this ordinance to the contrary thereof contained in any wise notwithstanding . provided also , that the buildings , fabrick , or scite of any cathedrall church or churches , or any chappels belonging to such cathedrall church or chappels , or any other churches , churchyards , or places used for buriall shall not be sold or disposed of by vertue of this ordinance , any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding . provided alwayes , that the trustees and the treasurers for the time being , by vertue of this ordinance , shall pay , or cause to be paid unto the assembly of divines their constant pay and allowance allowed unto them by former orders of parliament , with all their arrears , out of the rents , revenues , and profits belonging to the late archbishoprick of canterbury , untill such time as the lands and revenues aforesaid shall happen to be sold away by vertue of this ordinance . and it is further ordained ▪ that if any person or persons , body politique , or corporate who shall be purchasers of any part of the premises , shall hereafter be evicted out of any part of the premises by vertue of any eigne right , title , or interest in , or unto the same ; that in such case the said purchaser and purchasers so evicted , shall have full and due satisfaction , recompence , and allowance made to him , and them for the monies paid or advanced for the said purchase , and that in such manner as both houses of parliament shall think fit : and if it be required by the purchaser or purchasers , or any of them , their , or any of their heirs , or assignes , one or more acts of parliament , or letters patents under the great seal of england by authority of parliament , shall hereafter passe , or be made for the further assuring of the premises , or any part of them unto such purchaser or purchasers , their heirs or assigns requiring the same . and be it further ordained , that all rents , revenues , issues , and profits , and all summe and summes of mony that shall be due or payable , by vertue of this present ordinance for sale of any of the premises , shall be received by the said william gibbs , alderman , thomas noell , and francis ash , who are hereby constituted , authorized , and appointed to be treasurers for the receiving , issuing and paying out the same at goldsmiths hall , or any other place where the trustees , or the major part of them shall from time to time think fit , within the city of london , and are hereby authorized and appointed to take and receive the subscriptions of every person or persons , bodies politique , or corporate , that shall subscribe any summe or summes of mony for , and towards the raising of the said two hundred thousand pounds intended to be lent . and it is hereby ordained , that the said treasurers , or any two of them , shall be , and are hereby authorized , upon the receipts or certificates given by the former treasurers , receivers , or collectors to any person or persons , of what was formerly advanced by them in mony , plate , horse , furniture , or arms , upon the publique faith , or hath or shall bee assigned unto them by any others , upon producing of the same to the said treasurers , or any two of them , to ascertain their principall , and interest , and to give them receipts for the same : as also for the new mony subscribed and payed by vertue of this present ordinance , in the name of the parties to whom the same is owing , or so assigned ; which receipts given by the said treasurers ▪ shall be a good and sufficient ground to such persons to whom the same shall be so given , their executors , administrators , successors , and assignes , to require the summe , and summes of mony therein mentioned : and further , that it shall , and may be lawfull for every person and persons , bodies politique , or corporate , who shall have any monies due to him or them by vertue of this present ordinance , to grant and assign the same unto any person or persons whatsoever , and the same grant or assignment shall bee good and effectuall to all intents and purposes whatsoever , and allowed of by all person and persons whatsoever , to whom it shall appertain to make any allowance thereof , as if he or they had lent the same themselves . and if any person or persons , shall wittingly or willingly produce any false or forged acquittance or certificate to the said treasurers , thereby to defraud the common-wealth ; the person or persons so offending , shall lose and forfeit his money lent , towards the raising of the two hundred thousand pounds , or any way due to him for readie-money , plate , horses , furniture , and arms , lent , or sent in by him upon the publick faith , or assigned unto him as aforesaid , the benefit whereof shall be for the use and benefit of the common-wealth . and be it further ordered and ordained by the authority aforesaid , that every person or persons who shall subscribe , as aforesaid , and not bring in the money so by him or them subscribed , within eight dayes after such subscription unto the treasurers appointed by this present ordinance for the receipt of the same , shall lose and forfeit the money that shall be due unto him upon the publick-faith ; unlesse he shall shew unto the said trustees , or the major part of them , some reasonable cause to be by them allowed . and be it further ordained , that the said treasurers hereby constituted and appointed for the receiving and issuing out of the said monie , shall not issue or pay out any of the said summe of two hundred thousand pounds , to be borrowed for the use of the common-wealth , as aforesaid , but by ordinance of both houses of parliament : which ordinance , with the receipt of the party , or parties , to whom the monie is appointed to be payed , shall be a good and sufficient discharge to the said treasurers , their heirs , executors , and administrators : and the said treasurers shall not dispose , disburse , or pay any other summe , or summes of monie that shall come to their treasury ; or be paid unto them out of the profits , or by sale of any of the premises , but by warrant of the said other trustees , or the major part of them ; who are hereby required to give no warrant for the disposing , issuing , or paying out of any summe or summes of monie , that shall be received by vertue of this ordinance , but for the purposes in this ordinance contained . and if any warrant shall be made for any other purpose , the same shall be void . and be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid , that as the said treasurers shall receive ready monies by sale of the premises , or by receipt of the rents and profits of the same , deducting charges and allowances : they shall pay and divide the same to the lenders , one fourth part of their whole debt that shall be owing to them in course , as they did pay their monie , with the interest then due ; and so from time to time , till the whole be payed . provided alwayes , and it is hereby declared ; that it shall and may be lawfull for every lender or lenders , who shall become a purchaser of any part of the said premises , to defalk or retain any monie that shall be due unto him by vertue of this present ordinance , upon every purchase that he or they shall make , if the summe by him lent shall not exceed the value of the purchase , or so much thereof as the same shall amount unto . and the said treasurers shall allow the same accordingly . and be it further ordained , that the said treasurers shall keep true and perfect books of accounts of all their receipts , disbursments , and payments ; and shall give their accounts to the committee for taking the accounts of the whole kingdome for the time being ; who are hereby required to take the same every six moneths , and thereupon to give just discharges to the said treasurers . and after such discharges , the said treasurers , their heirs , executors , and administrators , shall not be further questioned for , or concerning any of the matters for which they have had , and received such discharges . and further , the said treasurers shall have deducted and paid unto them , the summe of one penny in the pound , for all monies by them to be received and paid . and to the intent that according to the true meaning of the said first recited ordinance , the true contents and value of all and singular the premises may be known , and the best benefit and advantage of them may be made for the use and benefit of the commonwealth : be it ordained by the authority aforesaid , that hen. elsynge esq clerk of the house of commons , shall be register and keeper of , and shall have the custody and keeping of all records , charters , evidences , court-rolls , leiger-books , writings , books of survey , rentals , certificates , and other things of or concerning the lands and possessions of the late archbishops and bishops , or concerning any the counties-palatine , honours , manours , castles , lands , tenements , hereditaments , or other the premises in the above recited ordinance , and herein mentioned . and that all and every the surveyors of the premises shall make their returns of all and every their respective surveyes by them taken from time to time , to the said henry elsynge , who shall make entry of all such surveyes , certificates , and other proceedings , as shall from time to time be returned or certified by the said surveyor or surveyors of the premises ; and shall also make forth , rate , and signe all and every particular and particulars of the premises , or any part thereof , whereupon any contract or contracts for sale or otherwise shall , or is to be had , or made . and all and every the said contractors shall certifie all contracts so by them , or any of them made , to the said henry elsynge accordingly , who shall make entry of all and every such contract and contracts , and other proceedings thereupon : every which said particular and particulars of the premises so to be made forth under the hand of the said henry elsynge , shall be from time to time a good and sufficient authority to and for the said contractors , or any six or more of them , to contract , agree , or proceed thereupon ; to have , hold , execute and enjoy the said office or place of register and keeper , by himself , or his sufficient deputy , together with the yearly fee of one hundred pounds per annum , payable out of the receipts , rents and revenues arising out of the premises , by the hands of the treasurers herein before mentioned ; on the five and twentieth day of march , the foure and twentieth day of iune , the nine and twentieth day of september , and the five and twentieth day of december , quarterly , by equal portions ; and other reasonable fees for writing , rating , and signing of the said particulars , and otherwise in the execution and discharge of the said place , provided that the said register and keeper shall have but three pence the sheet , of all things that are to be copied , and to write fifteen lines in each sheet . which said yearly fee of one hundred pounds , the said treasurers are hereby required and authorised to pay accordingly , and that the acquittance of the said henry elsynge shall be a good discharge to the said treasurers and every of them , for the payment thereof , as aforesaid . and it is hereby further ordered and ordained by the authority aforesaid , that the said trustees , or the major part of them ; the survivors of them , or the major part of them , their survivors , and the heires of the said survivors , shall and may from time to time nominate and appoint under their hands and seals respectively , so many persons as they shall think fit , to be surveyors for the putting of this ordinance in execution touching the surveying of the premises ; who shall have power to go into all and every the counties , cities , and places within the kingdom of england , and dominion of wales , or into so many of them as shall be thought fit . and it is further ordained by the authority aforesaid , that the said surveyors , or other persons to be authorized , as aforesaid , or any three , or more of them , shall have full power and authority to enter into , and survey all , or any of the premises , or any part thereof ; and they , or any three , or more of them , shall also have full power and authority , as well by the oaths ' of good and lawfull men , as by all other good and lawfull waies and meanes , to inquire and finde out what county palatine , honours , manours , lordships , granges , messuages , lands , tenements , medows , leasaws , pastures , woods , rents , reversions , services , parks , annuities , and other possessions , priviledges , liberties , immunities and hereditaments whatsoever , of what nature or quality soever the● be , lying , or being within every such county , or city , as aforesaid , did at any time belong , or appertain unto all , every , or any such archbishops , or bishops , in right of archbishopricks , bishopricks , dignities , or places respectively , or to any other person or persons in trust for them , or any of them , as aforesaid , in right of the said archbishopricks , and bishopricks , and what , and how much of the same is in possession , and the true yearely value thereof , and what , and how much thereof is in lease ▪ and for what estate , and when , and how determinable ; when such leases or estate was made , and whether antidated , and what rents , services , and other duties are reserved and payable during such estate , or issuing out of the same : as also what rents , pensions , charges , or other summes of mony are issuing , due , or payable out of the premises , or any part thereof : and what lands or premises are subject , or chargeable to , and with any good , pious , and charitable use , or uses , and the certainty of the same ; and to make one , or more exact and particular survey , or surveyes , and certificates of their proceedings , which certificate and surveyes shall be recorded , and all charters , evidences , court-rolls , and other writings belonging to all , or any the archbishops , bishops , archbishopricks , or bishopricks , or concerning any of the counties palatine , honours , manours , castles , lands , tenements , hereditaments , or any other the premises before mentioned , shall be kept in such place in london or westminster , as the said trustees , or the major part of them shall think fit and appoint . and that the said surveyours , or any three , or more of them , shall have power and authority , so often as they shall be thereunto appointed , by the said trustees , or the major part of them , to keep courts of survey within any of the counties-palatine , honours , mannors , and premises . and to call before them any of the tenants , or other persons whom they shall conceive to have any interest in any of the premises , to shew their writings and evidences , and discover what right , title , or interest , they o● any of them have or may claim , of , into , or out of the same , or any part thereof . and also to examine by oath or otherwise , any person or persons ( other then such as have or claim to have interest or title therein ) for , or concerning the discovery of the contents , metes , bounds , extents , titles , rents , improvements , valuations , and jurisdictions , of all , or any of the premises : and for the discovering of any records , evidences , writings , or memorandums , concerning the same : and that as well the said trustees , or any three of them , as the said severall surveyours so authorized , or any three or more of them as aforesaid , are hereby authorized to administer an oath concerning the premises to any person or persons ( other then such as have or claime to have interest or title concerning such the premises as shall be in question ) and also to commit to prison any person or persons ( other then such as have , or claim to have any interest or title as aforesaid ) that shall refuse to take such an oath , or discover his knowledge concerning the estate , title , or evidences , of any the lands hereby intended to bee sold and disposed of , or refuse to deliver such evidences and writings concerning the same , which are in his custody or power , and doe not concerne the maintenance or defence of his interest , or such rents or profits as hee had title unto . and all justices of peace , sheriffs mayors , bayliffs , and other persons , are hereby required to be aiding and assisting to the said surveyours , or any of them , in the executing of this ordinance , provided that it shall not extend to the imprisoning of any peere of this realme . and be it further ordered and ordained by the authority aforesaid , that the commissioners of excise and new impost for the time being are hereby charged and required upon the certificate of the said treasurers , certifying what summe or summes of money are due and payable to any person or persons , bodies politick or corporate , by vertue of this present ordinance to pay interest after the rate of eight pounds in the hundred for the same to every such person or persons , bodies politicke and corporate , their executors , administrators , successors or assignes at the end of every six moneths during the time that the said summe and summes of money , or any part thereof shall remaine unpaid ; which certificate the said treasurers are hereby authorized and required to make accordingly . and in case the whole two hundred thousand pounds , or so much thereof as shall be lent , and the interest thereof , and such other summe and summes as are payable by this present ordinance for money , plate , horses , with furniture and armes formerly advanced with the interest thereof , shall not be satisfied by the treasurers aforesaid , before all summes of money charged upon the said excise or new impost , by vertue of any ordinance of both houses of parliament , made before the twentieth day of september last ( except the two ordinances of parliament for ten thousand pounds , and foure hundred pounds for the widowes ) shall be by the said commissioners of excise payed and satisfied ; that then the said commissioners of excise upon the like certificate from the said treasurers as aforesaid , shall be , and are hereby charged , and chargeable to pay the same with interest as aforesaid , or so much thereof as shall be then due and unpaid , and shall begin to pay the same when they have in ready money one fourth part of the whole debt that shall be owing to the lenders in course , as they did pay their money , with the interest then due , and so continue untill the whole money hereby secured to be paid and then unpaid shall be fully payed and satisfied , in such manner as the treasurers before mentioned were appointed to pay the same ; and the said certificates of the said treasurers , with the receipt of the respective lenders shall be a good discharge to the said commissioners of excise and every of them , for their payment of any summe or summes of money by vertue of this present ordinance . and to the end a just and true accompt , and registry may be made , and kept of all and singular the debts and monies owing by the parliament , to such person and persons as shall advance , or lend any summe or summes of money upon the secu●ity of the bishops lands , and the grand receipt of the excise in course , or which of them shall first be enabled to furnish monies for the repayment thereof , as also of all payments and disbursements which shall be made , or issue out of the same . be it ordained by the authority aforesaid ; that , for and during the pleasure of both houses of parliament there be , and shall be one register accomptant , who shall keepe a true and plaine accompt , or accompts of all and every debt and debts due , or owing by the parliament for plate , money , horse , or their furniture , to any person or persons , which shall have advanced or lent monies as aforesaid ; and also of all such interest as is , or shall be due upon or for the same ; which said register accomptant shall have full power , and is hereby authorized to view , peruse , and take copies of all and every bookes , writings , and entries , in whose hands or custody soever they or any of them are or shall be , wherein are or ought to be registred or entred any monies , plate , or horses , with their furniture which have been lent , or set forth for the service of the parliament , to the end he may be the better enabled to discover , and finde out whether according to the notes , entries , and accompts as shall be brought in upon the foresaid advance , the plate , monies , horses , and furniture mentioned therein , were at the daies and times therein contained truly and really lent , & set forth for the service of the parliament or not ; and upon due examination made thereof , the said register accomptant shall make true certificate of all such debts which he shall finde to be justly charged , together with the interest due for the same unto the treasurer or treasurers for the time being , appointed by both houses of parliament for the receiving of the monies which shall be advanced upon the foresaid security ; upon whose approbation or allowance the said register accomptant shall give due credit for the same upon accompt , that so it may plainly appeare how much , and to whom the parliament is indebted ; and when any monies are paid or issued forth , he shall also make the parties receiving the same debitor upon the same accompt , and performe all other requisite services appertaining to the said place . and the said lords and commons taking into their considerations the faithfull and good service of colonell robert manwairing , doe hereby constitute and appoint him the said colonell robert manwairing to be register accomptant of all and singular the accompts and registries , which shall be kept of or concerning the premisses ; to hold , execute , and injoy the same office of register accomptant , together with the yearely fee of two hundred pounds per annum , payable out of the rents and proceede of the bishops lands , by the hands of the treasurers thereof for the time being , on the five and twentieth day of march , and the twenty ninth day of september , halfe yearely by equall portions . and for such clerkes or under officers as shal be imployed in and about the premisses , the same shall be approved of by the said treasurers , and receive such reasonable salary for their service as the said treasurers shall from time to time thinke fit to allow . and it is further ordained , that john fowke , alderman of the city of london , shall be comptroller of all entries , receipts , and payments , which shall be made to or by the said treasurers , and shall have power and authority by himselfe , or his sufficient deputies , to keepe accompt of all entries , receipts , payments , and discompts whatsoever , which shall be made unto or by the said treasurers ; and the said comptroller and his deputies shall execute the said place of comptroller in the premisses , according to the instructions hereafter mentioned , and such other instructions as the said comptroller shall from time to time receive from both houses of parliament . and it is further hereby ordained , that the said john fowke shall have for his salary the yeerly summe of two hundred pounds to be paid him quarterly by the said treasurers , who are hereby authorized and appointed to pay the same , for which this present ordinance with his receipt , shall be their sufficient discharge . and for the better securing of the principall moneyes and the interest herein mentioned , bee it ordered and ordained , that the excize and new impost upon commodities , mentioned in the ordinance of the eleventh of september , one thousand sixe hundred forty and three , or any ordinance or ordinances of this present parliament , made in explanation and continuance thereof , shall be continued , taken and put in due execution , untill such time as all summes of money payable by vertue of this present ordinance shall be paid and satisfied ; and the payment of the said moneyes to be due and payable by vertue of this ordinance , shall not be debarred , put by , or deferred from being paid out of the said excize , as aforesaid , by any order or orders , ordinance or ordinances , of one or both houses of parliament , or otherwise by the payment of any other or further summe or summes of money , then the same was and is charged with upon the said twentieth of september last past ( except as is before excepted . ) and the commissioners of the said excise and new impost for the time being , are hereby charged and required , not to dispose or pay any moneyes that they shall receive for the new impost or excise , after the same shall be charged in course as aforesaid , with the payment of any of the principall money in this ordinance contained , untill such time as the same , together with the interest and every part thereof then behind and unpaid , shall be payed unto the person or persons , bodies politique or corporate , their executors , administrators , successors , or assignes , to whom , upon the certificate of the said treasurers as aforesaid , the same shall be found due for any summe of money that shall be lent for and towards the raising of the said two hundred thousand pound now to be raised , and of the said summe of money heretofore lent upon the publique faith , which with the interest as aforesaid , is to be payed by vertue of this present ordinance . and be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid , that the said first recited ordinance , and this present ordinance , and every article , clause , and thing therein contained , shall be pleadable , and may be given in evidence in any of his majesties courts of justice or other courts , and the judges of all the said courts , are required to allow and admit the same . and it is also ordered and ordained , by the authority aforesaid , that if the trustees , or any of them , shall require it on the behalfe of themselves , or the lenders , one or more act or acts of parliament , or letters , patents , under the great seale of england , shall be passed for their , or any of their further security . and it is lastly ordained , that this present ordinance , and the former recited ordinances , shall be printed and published in all counties , and other cities , townes corporate , parishes , townes , hamlets , and other places where the said trustees , or the major part of them shall think fit . and that the care of the true printing thereof is hereby referred to the said trustees , or the major part of them . provided alwaies , and be it ordained by the said lords and commons , that neither this ordinance , nor any branch , clause , article , or thing therein contained , shall extend to the great capitall messuage , with the appurtenances scituate in chancery-lane london , commonly called or knowne by the name of serjeants inne in chancery-lane , wherein the judges and serjeants of the law , have for a long time lodged and resided , and still doe lodge and reside , nor to any part of lincolnes inne in chancery-lane ; nor shall in any wise be prejudiciall or any disturbance to the quiet possession of the said judges or serjeants that now are , or shall at any time hereafter reside and lodge in the said messuage , or to any of the society of lincolnes-inne within lincolnes-inne aforesaid , any thing in this present ordinance contained to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding ; but that the said messuage and lincolnes-inne aforesaid , with the appurtenances , shall continue and be houses of lodging and residence to and for the said judges and sergeants , and others of lincolnes-inne aforesaid , and for their use and benefit , in such manner as they have been used and accustomed at and under the yeerly rents usually paid for the same , for the time that the said rents are to continue by any leases now in being . and that the said trustees appointed by order of parliament for the bishops lands , and the surviver and survivers of them , their heires and assignes , shall dispose of the said messuage , with the appurtenances , from time to time , as by the said judges and serjeants for the time being shall be directed and appointed , saving to all and every person and persons , other then the said bishops and their successors , all such right , title , and interest as they or any of them have or ought to have to , and in the premises . provided further , and be it ordained , that the said serjeants inne shall be in the disposing of both houses of parliament , after the expiration of any lease now in being , saving to all and every person and persons other then the said bishops and their successors , all such right , title , and interest , as they or any of them have or ought to have , to , and in the premises provided alwaies that this ordinance shall not extend to the puting out of any stewards of any liberties or courts formerly appointed and made by vertue of any ordinance of parliament , but that they shall continue and be , during such time as the said liberties and courts shall remaine and be in the hands of the aforesaid trustees , and that they shall have and receive all such fees , profits , and allowances , as formerly were allowed , them , this ordinance or any other ordinance , act , or thing to the contrary notwithstanding . instructions for a comptroll upon the accompts of all moneyes to be received and payed by or to the treasurers appointed by this present ordinance . i. that the comptroller by himselfe , or his sufficient deputies , attend daily according to the usuall times , and be present at all receipts and payments , made within the said treasurers office , and make duplicates or entries of the same in fitting bookes , to be provided and kept for that purpose . ii. that every tenant of the premisses , or any part thereof , and every purchasor of the premisses , or any part thereof , upon every payment of any summe of moneyes that he shall make to the treasurer , shall enter his acquittance with the comptroller , which the comptroller shall enter without fee . iii. that the said treasurers , or their clerke to the cash , shall weekly upon every monday morning deliver the comptroller or his deputy , a copy of all receipts , payments , and disbursements , and to whom , during the preceding weeke ; which the comptroller is hereby required to enter in a booke to be kept for that purpose ; and that no payment to be made by the said treasurers , shall be allowed upon their accompt , unlesse an accompt thereof be weekly given as aforesaid . iiii. that the register shall weekly from time to time make certificate to the comptroller of all rents , and of all rates of particulars , and of all moneyes payable upon any such particulars , contracts , or bargaines , made by vertue of this ordinance , which shall be forborne upon security , and how , and by whom the same is secured , and at what time payable ; which certificate the comptroller shall enter in a booke , to be by him kept for that purpose . instructions for contractors for the sale of the late archbishops and bishops lands . that the contractors shall be sworne before the trustees , or any three of them , according to their best skill and knowledge faithfully to discharge the trust committed to them , and that they shall not for favour , affection , reward , or hope of reward , breake the same trust ; which said trustees , or any three of them are hereby authorized to administer the said oath accordingly . that the demesne lands of the late arch-bishops and bishops in possession , shall not be sold under ten yeares purchase , of the full values they were at in the yeare 1641. the same rule to be observed proportionably in the sale of reversions , expectant upon estates for lives or yeares . that the due respect to be had by the contractors , to the immediate tenants , of any of the late arch-bishops or bishops , shall be in admitting them to the pre-emption of those mannours , lands , tenements , and hereditaments wherein they have any interest , so as the said tenants doe come within thirty daies after the returne of the certificates by the surveyors , and agree to purchase the same ; and in case they doe not agree within the said thirty daies , that then the contractors doe sell the same to any other person or persons that shall desire to purchase them , so as such sale be made at a higher rate then was offered by the said tenants . that upon the sealing of the assurance , the purchasor shall pay halfe his purchase money downe , and the other halfe within six moneths ; and for the last payment the contractors shall take care , that they take good security either by the land it selfe , or else by personall security . the same security to be given to the treasurers . that in all cases where any person or persons , that have lent any monies upon this ordinance shall be purchasors , their monies so lent shall be esteemed as so much paid towards their purchase , if it exceed not the moiety of the purchase money ; and for what exceeds the moiety , that every such purchasor shall be allowed interest for it untill the end of six moneths , wherein the remainder or totall of the purchase money is to be paid . instructions for the surveyors of the late arch-bishops and bishops lands , which are to be surveyed . that the trustees as aforesaid shall have power to nominate one , two , three , or more surveyors to survey the premisses , or any part of them as they shall thinke fit , and that the surveyes and returnes made by any such one , two , three , or more surveyors , shall be good and effectuall to be proceeded upon , notwithstanding any clause in any ordinance of parliament to the contrary . that the surveyor or surveyors appointed , or to be appointed by the trustees , shall survey , and inquire what timber buildings , open quarries , or mines are upon any of the premisses , and certifie the condition and values thereof . that no surveyor , or any his childe or children , or any in trust for him or them , shall be admitted to be a purchaser of any part of the lands surveyed , or to be surveyed by himselfe , upon paine of losing his or their purchase money , and the purchase to be void . provided , that nothing in the instructions , oath , or in this present ordinance , shall be construed to compell the surveyors to make any admeasurement of the land ▪ or any particular survey , of the number of acres , unlesse they i● their discretion shall thinke fit ; the intention of the houses being , that the said surveyors should make a speedy returne of their severall surveyes , to the end that a speedy sale may be made thereupon . instructions to be observed by the register . i. that he do receive all surveyes , and certificates to be returned by the surveyors , and immediately after the receipt thereof , fairely enter and register the same in books , to be kept by him for that purpose , and in an orderly manner fyle , bundle up , and safely lay up , and keepe the originals . ii. that he do weekly or oftner certifie unto the contractours , what surveyes and certificates are returned to him , and of what manours , or otherwise as the case shall require . iii. that upon warrant and direction from the contractors , he do make forth , and fairely ingrosse in parchment , particulars of all such manours , lands , tenements , and hereditaments , buldings , woods , or other things surveyed and certified into his office , by the surveyors , whereupon the contractors are to proceed , or intend to make any sale , and that he do examine and signe the same particulars , and deliver them to the contractors . iiii. that upon contract or agreement made by the contractors , for any manours , lands , tenements , hereditaments , buildings , woods , or other thing contained in any particular made forth , signed and delivered unto them by the register , the said particular be returned to the register , together with the order of agreement or contract made with the purchasor thereupon . that upon returne thereof , he do forthwith rate the particular , and ascertaine the purchase money , how much it comes to , at how many yeares purchase the parliculars contracted for are sold , and enter the same upon the said particular , together with such other proceedings as shall be required by the contract . that he do returne the particular thus rated and ascertained to the contractors , who are to signe the same , to attest the agreement , and thereupon to desire and give warrant to the trustees to draw up and seale conveyances thereof to the purchasors accordingly . that all particulars thus finished , together with all proceedings thereupon , be fairely entred or registred by the register , and be safely kept by him as records , and that after such entring and registring thereof , the register do deliver the said particulars unto the trustees to perfect the sale as aforesaid . and to the end this service may be performed in such manner as the register may be able from time to time to give an accompt of all proceedings ( if he shall be required ) to the parliament , himselfe , or one 〈…〉 , are to attend upon , and enter all orders and proceedings before the contractors . that he do weekly make certificate to the treasurers , comptroller , and register , accomptant of all rents , and all rates of particulars , and of all moneyes payable upon any contract upon any particular , how much thereof is to be paid in hand , and how much to be forborne , and for what time , and how , and in what manner the sum or sums to be forborne are to be secured . that he do methodize and put in good order all charters , evidences , and writings , belonging to the late archbishops , and bishops , and all books of survey , and other things to be delivered to his care and custody , to be kept by him as records , and make catalogues of them ▪ and fit them in such manner , as the subject may readily see ▪ and have copies ( if he desire it ) of whatsoever shall be brought into the registers office , and be under his charge and custody . 17. november . 1646. ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that there be an additionall allowance of three hundred pounds per annum , allowed and paid unto master alderman fowke , for his salary , for his execution of the place of comptroller of the receipts of monies mentioned in the ordinance , for the appointing the sale of the late bishops lands , over and above the two hundred pounds per annum , appointed by the said ordinance . joh. brown cler. parliamentorum . finis . a proclamation, appointing a national thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. 1694 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05535 wing s1696 estc r183410 52528943 ocm 52528943 179003 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05535) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179003) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2775:74) a proclamation, appointing a national thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : anno dom. 1694. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the fifteenth day of november. and of our reign the sixth year, 1694. signed: gilb: eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , appointing a national thanksgiving . william and mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france , and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to macers of privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch as , great and publick blessings conferred upon us and our people , by the almighty god , of his infinit goodness , do justly call for publick acknowledgments , and solemn thanksgiving ; so it is our duty , and the duty of all our good subjects , at this time , by a day solemnly set apart , to return praise and glory to his blessed name , who in answer to the servent prayers , humbly and devotly offered up , and poured forth before him , at the solemn national fast , observed and keeped through this our antient kingdom , during our last campaign in flanders ; hath been pleased to preserve our person , from the many and great dangers of the war , in our late expedition there , and to bring back our royal person to our kingdoms ; and at home to-protect and defend the protestant religion , and our government against the designs and attempts of their open and secret enemies ; and for which also , the ministers mett together at edinburgh , in the commission of the general assembly of the kirk of this our antient kingdom , have made address to the lords of our privy council , that a solemn day of publick thanksgiving may be set apart , to be religiously observed throughout this our antient kingdom . therefore we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , do appoint and command , that the twenty two day of november currant , for the town and shire of edinburgh : and the sixth day of december next to come , for all the rest of this our antient kingdom , be religiously and devotly observed , as a solemn day of publick thanksgiving , by all persons within this kingdom , both in churches and meeting-houses , for returning most hearty and humble thanks and acknowledgment to the divine goodness , for his signal blessings and deliverances already bestowed upon us and our people , and to implore the continuance thereof in the mercy of our god ; and that a spirit of council and wisdom may assist us in our consultations and undertakings , at home and abroad in time coming . and to the effect our pleasure in the premisses may be known ; our will is , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat-crosses of the whole head burghs of the several shires within this kingdom , and of the stewartries of kirkcudbright , annandale , and orknay , and there , in our name and authority , make publication hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains our solicitor to cause send printed copies hereof to the sheriffs of the several shires , and stewarts of the stewartries foresaids , whom we ordain to see the same published , and appoints them to send doubles hereof to all the ministers , both in churches and meeting-houses , within their respective jurisdictions , that upon the lords day immediatly preceeding the saids twenty two day of november instant , and sixth of december next , the same may be intimat and read in every parish church and meeting-house ; certifying all such who shall contemn or neglect so religious and important a duty , as the thanksgiving hereby appointed is , they shall be proceeded against , and punished as contemners of our authority , and as highly disaffected to our persons and government . and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the fifteenth day of november . and of our reign the sixth year , 1694. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb : eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anno dom. 1694. corda angliæ, or, the generall expressions of the land moving xxv. particulars to the honourable assembly in the high court of parliament : that the church of england may become a glorious church of god. walker, henry, ironmonger. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67176 of text r1805 in the english short title catalog (wing w372). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 30 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67176 wing w372 estc r1805 12369155 ocm 12369155 60507 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67176) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60507) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:45) corda angliæ, or, the generall expressions of the land moving xxv. particulars to the honourable assembly in the high court of parliament : that the church of england may become a glorious church of god. walker, henry, ironmonger. [4], 19 p. s.n.], [london : 1641. reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to henry walker. cf. nuc pre-1956. epistle signed: hen. walker eng church of england. church and state -great britain. a67176 r1805 (wing w372). civilwar no corda angliæ: or, the generall expressions of the land: moving xxv. particulars to the honourable assembly in the high court of parliament. [no entry] 1641 5610 19 0 0 0 0 0 34 c the rate of 34 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2009-01 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion corda angliae : or , the generall expressions of the land : moving xxv . particulars to the honourable assembly in the high court of parliament . that the chvrch of england may become a glorious church of god . printed in the yeare 1641. to the high and honourable assembly in the upper and lower house of parliament . most noble senatours : whereas many petitions are daily presented before your honours , some in the behalf of their friends , others also for themselves , and all for succour and releefe ; their causes are heard in your honourable assembly , treated on , and according to the truth of the cause so is it releeved . amongst the rest , may it please your high and honourable court to deeme a favourable eye on my petition also , put up , not in the behalfe of my owne particular , nor of one or two friends alone , but in the behalfe of the whole church : and whatsoever in it your honourable assembly conceives not fit to grant , let it be abortive . vouchsafe it , most noble senators , but an eye in her behalfe , and as your honours finde that she hath beene abused , so releeve her . but because from the highest cedars to the lowest lilie in the church of christ , all are confident in your proceedings , rejoycing in your high and honourable assembly , before whom i tender my cause , and with the whole church depend on god and you for a tryall : till when , we pray for heavenly wisedome to direct you ; and now , and then , and ever , the grace , peace , love , and comfort of the trinitie to abide with you . your poore petitioner in the behalfe of a distressed church , hen : walker : corda angliae : or , the generall expressions of the land , moving 25. particulars to the honourable assembly in the high court of parliament , &c. i. that the glory of the lord may shine forth , and be expressed in that fulnesse which he is pleased to discover among us , that the talent of the lord in our churches may everywhere be expressed according to that measure of ability which the lord vouchsafeth us . saint austin against permenias . li . 2. c. 8. cyril of right faith . s. austin of free will . lib. 3. s. ambrose on rom. 1. erasmus . preacher . ier. 4.2 . mica 2.9 . luke 17.18 . rom. 3.7 . 2 cor. 1.20 . eph. 1.6 . iam. 4.1 . ii. that the kings majesty may have a cleare , quiet , peaceable , and happy government , over a glorious church , and a flourishing kingdome . and that such good order be taken herein , that all conspirators and treacherous persons whatsoever , whether open or secret , forraigne or domesticke , against his royall majesty , or against our noble queene , prince , or any the progeny of that royall stemme , or against the church , or state , &c. that such evill persons so affected , be in no wise suffered and passed by , but be utterly rooted out and expelled . and that his majesty may have all the honour , and humble obedience from his subjects , as is meet to so excellent and worthy a king . saint ambrose of con . of aquilies . tertullian to scab . st. austins epistle to donatus , 116. ep. counc. of trent , pag. 394. s. austin de civ. dei , lib. 5. cap. 24. 2 sam. 16.16 . 1 king. 1. 2 king. 12. 1 chro. 26.30 . ezra 10. psal. 2.6 & 149.2 . matth. 5.35 1 pet. 2.13 . rev. 6. 2 tim. 2.2 . thus as it is . sozom. lib. 2. c. 2 ▪ as salomon and as constantine were settled in peace and glory , in church and state , so did they enjoy happy governments in both . iii. that the government of the church be no more wholly left to bishops impious government , to bring such scandall as it hath done to religion ; but that there may be lay elders , according to the primitive churches ; or some other government under the kings majesty ( as the honourable assembly shall thinke meet ) to assist the clergy in ecclesiasticall matters , that so the clergy bee not taken off from their pulpits , as they have been , to the great misery of many congregations under them . and that all pastors may therefore hereafter perform their office of preaching , as they ought to doe , to the peoples edification , and comfort , feeding the flock of christ . cyril to theodosius epist ▪ 17. tom. 5. socrates lib. 1. cap. 9. of constantine b. iewels epistle on the councel of trent . polid● . on richard 2. councell of london under hen. 1. exod. 24.1 . matt. 21.23 acts 4.5 . 1 tim. 5.17 1 pet. 5.1 . 1 tim. 6.1 . 1 tim. 4.14 . iohn 3. verse last . iv. that the bishops bee henceforth preaching ministers , and not any more lifted up to such lordly hierarchy as they have beene heretofore : that they may bee wholly taken off from temporall matters , and reduced onely to the ministery of the word , the sacraments , and prayer , and such like offices of the ministeriall function , as are warrantable , and according to the word of god . authen titul. 133. counc. of trent lib. 2. pag. 249. hil on mat. 25. canon . gregory lib. 4 epist. 38. eusebius of preparation lib. 7. corn . bittonto in the chap. of trident. councell of trent , lib. 8. pag. 735. 2 pet. 3.6 . matth. 10.24 . matth. 17.18 . 1 pet. 5.3 . matth. 11.1 . marke 3.8 . & 14. acts 10.42 . rom. 15.20 . gal. 1.16 . v. that every congregation in the kingdome of england may bee furnished with an orthodox preaching minister , that may preach constantly and truly , the doctrine of the lord iesus christ : and that moreover no minister have the charge of more then one parish under him ; and that no congregation may bee compelled to entertaine an unable or ungodly minister against their wills ; and that no pastor being set over any congregation , bee suffered to live idlely , but may be compelled to expresse his paines in the ministery constantly , as a faithfull pastor of iesus christ ▪ can. apost. ch. 5. sim on the church pag. 264. hist. magd. cent . 3. ch. 10. comen . func . in chron. lib. 6. ierom catal scrip . eccl theod. lib. 4. c● . 22. councell trent . pag. 250. psal. 5.16 . pro. 27.1 . pro. 24.18 . isay 42.10 ezekiel 13.18 . hosea 4.6 . mal. 2.7 . mach. 5.15 . luke 10.2 . acts 20.28 . 1 pet. 5.2 . s. hierom saith in his 84. epistle to eustochius , that there are some proud priests , who are made deacons and ministers for no other end , but that they may have liberty to shew themselves pleasant before women : and such mens care is all upon their apparell , that it may be trim , and sweet , that their shooes sit spruce to their feet , that the haires of their head be finely wrinckled , and curled , and that their fingers may glister with gold rings . such men ( saith the father ) when you see them , you may rather judge them bridegroomes , or wooers , then priests , or men of the clergy . vi . that no minister whatsoever , may bee suffered to teach or preach any doctrine grounded onely upon the bare opinions of men , except he can also prove it so to be apparently evident by the word of god . and that neither the minister nor people may be oppressed with the observance of such traditions of men , which are repugnant to the word of god . socrat. eccl hist. lib. 2. cap. 38. ioseph . ant. lib. 20. cap. 2. euseb. lib. 5 cap. 11. platin . in vita lucii . euseb. lib. 2. cap. 11. irenaeus contra val. lib. 5. deut. 5.32 . 1 sam. 15.22 . levit. 10.1 . ier. 5.31 . hosea 9.15 . matth. 15.3 . marke 7.8 . col. 13.8 . 1 pet 4.11 . 2 iohn 16. vii . that there be no such disorderly and interrupted kinde of praying , as is used in the church liturgy , but that the pastor or minister only pray aloud in a decent and orderly manner to the peoples capacity , as the mouth of the congregation , not being interrupted , the people silently joyning with him , that so they may pray in spirit and in truth together , and that thereby their affections may be the more elevated , assenting thereto with the word amen , or the like expression , without disturbance , as the custome is , when the minister prayes one thing , the people they interrupt him , and pray for something else , who should rather give their assent to that which the pastor or minister prayeth for , with amen , or the like expression . councell of towers , canon 37. and 38. basil on 38. psalm ▪ cyprian on the lords prayer . councell of arles . coūcel of trent pag. 574. ambrose on 1 cor. 1.14 . aug. in christian doctrine , lib. 4. ca. 10 1 king. 13.6 . 2 chron. 11.26 . 1 cor. 14.16 acts 14.21 neh. 1.6 . rom. 14.13 . num. 11.2 . 2 king. 6.17 . ezr. 10.1 . act. 20.36 . and 21.5 . iam. 5.18 . 1 chron. 16.36 . ne● . 5.13 . neh. 8.6 . psal. 41.13 . viii . that the ministers of christ may not be compelled to supertitious bowings , or to wearing of the surplesse , tippet , &c. or to observe any other superstitious ceremony , which iesus christ never imposed upon them . and that there be no courts allowed to have power to binde mens consciences to the observance of such things as are not onely not manifest in gods word , but contrary to the same , which hath beene a great burden to the church of god . councell of trent . origen 3. hom. on ieremia . ioseph . antiq lib. 8 cap. 11 ruff. lib. 2. ca. 9. theod. lib. 5. cap. 8. origen on matth. 25. hom. cypr : treatise of the simplicity of prelates . ambr. on 1 cor. 7. hosea 9.15 . psal. 31.6 . matth. 23.4 . acts 15.10 . col. 12.8 . tit. 1.13 . 1 pet. 4.11 . mach. 25. the prelates which are so in love with ceremonies , may thinke upon that story of the devill , in iosephus , who came amongst the bishops with his fine sleeves , rochet , and every thing as compleat as any amongst them , to the wonder and astonishment of the beholders . ix . that the faithfull and painfull ministers of the word of god may bee reverently respected , and that the people doe diligently heare and attend them , and bee not suffered in any wise to scandalize them , nor have power to depose them , or put them out , whom before they made choice of by a free consent , except upon just cause , and such proofe as shall apparently manifest that they are such as ought to bee deprived by the word of god , but otherwise to respect them as such who have the charge , and are the overseers of their soules . councell of trent , pag. 265. councel of arles . ignatius in his epistle to ierome , calvin on rom. 12. beza on rom. 12. eph. 4.11 . 1 tim. 5.17 1 pet. 5.1 . acts 46.47 . mal. 3.16 . heb. 13.4 . acts 4. ephes. 4. galat. 3.5 . x. that the oath ex officio be so overthrown that it may never rise againe to exact , as it hath done , in the prelates courts , extorting upon mens concealed thoughts , molesting innocent causes , by secret suggestions : and that all courts shall henceforth proceed against onely such crimes as are evident to be sins by the word of god , and made manifest either by the confession of the party himselfe without an oath , or the witnesse of honest and sufficient testimony by an oath : and that every person accused , shall bee heard without partiality , or injustice , to speake freely what hee can for himselfe , in any matter or cause , whatsoever shall bee objected against him . councell of calon , can. 13. speed chron. pag. 88. euseb. cap. 6. lib. 9. theod. lib. 1. cap. 29. socrates lib. 1. cap. 24. sim. on the church , pa. 282. his magd. cent ▪ 4. chap. 10. ambrose hom de basilic . tradent simson on the church , pag. 564. councell of arles , 26. article . 2 cor. 12.21 . psal. 89.32 . mat. 5.45 ▪ 1 cor. 15.33 . iohn 6.16 . 2 cor. 10 8. gal. 6.1 . titus 3.10 . matth. 13.29 . iohn 12.6 . 1 cor. 15.33 . isay 59.2 . rom 8.35 . matth. 16.18 . iohn 9.22 . 2 cor. 2.8 . how necessary this reformation is , let all men judge , who know the proceedings and censures of master burton , master prinne , and doctor bastwicke , &c. xi . that no ecclesiasticall officer may proceed to penance , or excommunicate any offender for his crime , after he shall freely acknowledge the same , by professing hearty repentance if the crime be private , or a publike acknowledgement and confession , with protestation of penitency , if the offence bee notorious , it being the office of the civill magistrate to doe the rest . yet if such offenders be obstinate , and will not be perswaded to penitency , he who shall so continue an heretick , may be excommunicated , yet not without the consent of the whole congregation , in the publike assembly , and then to leave them to god , and the further punishment of the civill magistrate : yet to labour in the tender bowels of mercy , to bring them into the church againe by repentance , and not to suffer ( if it be possible ) the weake brethren to perish . imp. hist. 99. iustin ▪ apol. 2. theodoret. lib. 2. cap. 4. bernard . de cons. lib. 25. cyprian . epist. 1● . & 9. lib. 2. peter martyr com . places , part . 4. cap. 5. counsell of trent , pag. 813. peter mar. com . plac . p. 57. deut. 13.5 . gen. 3.23 . eph. 5.11 . 2 ioh. verse 10. rom. 9.3 . matth. 18.17 . ier. 51.16 . eph. 5.11 . rom. 16.17 . gal. 1.8 . acts 20 28. acts 1.15 . gal. 6.1 . titus 3.10 . rom. 16 , 17. acts 20.28 . iohn 12.6 . xii . that all ecclesiasticall officers , of what order or degree soever they be in the church , may be liable to the punishment of temporall magistrates , as well as the lay people , and that not only for whoredome , drunkennesse , swearing , and the like crimes , but that it may be lawfull also for the temporall magistrate to punish them for abuses in their ecclesiasticall offices . socrates lib. 2. cap. 7. sozom. lib. 3. cap. 7. ambros. hom de bazilic . traden . councell of trent , lib. 2. pag. 161. & 167. councell of arles artic. 22. rom. 13.1 . & 3. 1 pet. 2.14 . gen. 9.16 . iohn 19.10 , 11. the 39. canon of the councell of towers , doth exhibit all consistories and iudgement seats , and secular matters , not onely out of the church , but so far commits them to the civill magistrate , that they suffered them not in the very porch of the church . xiii . that no part of the apocrypha bee appointed to be read in the church liturgy , as it useth to be , notwithstanding many chapters in the canonicall scriptures which are never read : that therefore onely the canonicall scriptures may be reade in churches . and moreover that it be so ordered , that the whole canonical scriptures may be appointed to bee read through once every yeare , if not expounded also . in the third councell of carthag. canon . 47. in the councell of chālons , canon 47. saint chrysostome on 2 cor. hom 3. s. austin of the trinity lib. 3. cap. 11. ambrose on the incarnation of our lord , chap. 3. psal. 119.105 . hosea 6.7 . luke 16.20 . marke 10 acts 10.4 . rom. 9.12 . xiv . that the people may not bee constrained in the sacrament to any particular gesture , that the people may not bee constrained in the sacrament to any particular gesture , or outward ceremony , nor meet with such disturbance as some have done at that very time , about outward superstition , and vaine trifles . that all such who being in the church , come to the sacrament prepared , may be admitted without disturbance . and that the ministers may bee restrained from that vaine adoration of the sacrament , by bowing , which many use , to the great dishonour of almighty god , making an idoll of the bread and wine , given to us for a sacrament ordained by christ , not to be adored as a god , or idoll , but used as a sacrament . and that the communion table may never any more be altered , or called an altar , or set up otherwise , but stand as a table in the church , according to christs institution . and that the crosse in baptisme be no more tyed to the church , nor any such like popish ceremonies or circumstances , as the childe promising and answering in the godfathers and godmothers , in it selfe as it were , as if the ghost of the childe had at that time being in them . that all such popish rites and superstitions may be reformed ▪ councell of trent lib. 7 pag. 669. tertull. against marcion lib. 4. basil of the holy ghost . saint cyprian of christs baptisme . ruffin lib. 1. ca. 14. ambrose of sacram . lib. 1. austin on iohn , treatise 80. hag. 2.12 , matth. 3.11 iohn 3.5 . rom. 4 9. 1 cor. 10. 1 eph. 5.25 . 2 pet. 3.21 . rom. 4.11 1 cor. 10.16 . tit. 3.5 . saint austin in his epistle to bonifacius , 23. ep. we say , saith he , on easter day , this day christ rose from death , death , whereas we know that it was many hundred yeares since that he arose from death , yet wee doe not herein speake lyes when wee so speake , because every one knowes that we call the day so , by a similitude to the day wherein the thing was done , which by the course of the yeare is a like day : so wee say such things were done this day , or that day , for the celebration of the sacraments , when as we know both the day and the thing it selfe was long since . was christ offered any more but once , and he offered himselfe , so that the outward things in the sacrament are not very christ , but the sacrament or similitude of his death , &c. xv . that all crucifixes , candles , tapers , and images bee removed out of our churches , and all idolatry , and such like vaine worship , that so the church of england may become so glorious a church , when she shall be void of all popish shadowes and ceremonies , using no other expressions or jestures of the body , save onely such whereby the body expresseth that which is in the minde . sozom. lib. 7 cap. 23. ruffin . lib. 1. ca. 8. socrates lib. 1. cap. 17. theod. lib. 1. cap. 18 ambr. de obit . theodor . magd. hist. cent . 8. cap. 9. exo. 20.4 . psal. 115.4 . isay ▪ 42.8 . 1 cor. 5.11 . 2 cor. 6.6 . it is lamentable to consider the lying fables and tales which the iesuites make the simple people beleeve of crucifixes , and candles , &c. amongst the rest , how abominable is that fable which they declare and tell the people , of a wicked fellow who never did any good deeed in all his life , save onely once he offered a candle to the virgin mary , for which , as their lying fable saith , when he was in hell afterwards , hee cryed to the virgin mary to helpe him , and she hearing of him , returned him his candle againe , with the which he fought with the devils , and drove them all away , and rid himselfe of them . &c. xvi . that such who are studious in divinity , and have not received ( as yet ) the orders of the ministery , ( holding no heresie , nor schismaticall doctrine , but such as is sound and orthodox , and have a good report ) may be suffered to preach before a congregation , for the tryall and exercise of their abilities , to the great satisfaction and proofe on either part : albeit they exercise or meddle not with any other part of action of the ministeriall function , save onely praying and preaching , untill such time they shall bee received into orders . councell of toledo , canon 52. iren. saint augustine on the prophet hagg. luke 10.2 . matth. 25. 1 tim. 3.1 . isay 58.4 . isay 56.10 . hosea 4.6 . rom. 10.15 . this would be a meanes to keepe many unable schollers ( who are very unfit for the ministery ) out , that such as bee received into orders , may be knowne to bee able to divide the word aright . xvii . that every allowed pastor and minister of gods word may have sufficient maintenance setled upon them , in such a forme as none can deprive them of it , neither in part , nor in whole , or at any time force them to sue for it , and so bee interrupted from their studies and pulpits to follow the law , but that they may have it so setled upon them , that they may receive it without trouble ; and that all such of them who dying shall leave behinde them wife or children of honest and good report , may ( in case they should want ) be provided for . councell of arles 4. councell of toledo 37. canon . austin in 42. sermons to the brethren in the wildernesse hierom on levit. distinct . 36. 1 cor. 9.14 luke 10.7 . 1 tim. 5.18 iames 5.4 . pro. 16.26 . col. 4.12 . amos 8.13 . in the councell of rheme the ministers quiet pay was ordered to be precisely done , can. 38. xviii . that none be admitted into the order of the ministery , but onely such who are able to preach & expound the scriptures , whereby they may discharge the office of a minister , to the carefull overseeing and feeding of the flocke . councell of arles 10. article . evag . lib. 3. cap. 9. ruff. lib. 2. cap. 21 chrys. hom on matth. hosea 4.6 . ezek. 34.2 . luke 12.42 . one observes well : he that will be a minister ( saith haymo on timoth ▪ 5. chapter ) must have three things in him : first , that he be of a good religion : secondly , that he be of a good life and conversation : thirdly , that he be able to exhort with wholesome doctrine , and to reprove the gainsayers thereof . xix . that some course be taken for the poore , other then that hath been , whereby in many places and parishes the churchwardens have by sacriledge spent that upon themselves , which did belong to the poore of the church , and converted it to great benefit for themselves , whilest the poore have had very little of it , or benefit by it ; they have made themselves richer , by making the church-treasury poorer . that therefore order may be taken , that they may often render an account what they have received , and how such treasure is disposed on in every particular . councell of toledo the . 6. and 5 : canon . councell of arles , 14. article . councell of toledo 9. and can. 1 ▪ rom. 2.22 . acts 2 ▪ 4. 2 cor. 8.3 . the 37. canon of the councell of rhemes is utterly against those deceitfull withdrawing and converting of the church treasury to their owne benefit . xx . that no water-man may row on the sabbath day , as many doe make a practice of it , no carrier travell on that day , no taverne or alehouse may entertaine any company on that day , to drinke or revell , but onely such strangers and travellers as they have entertained , and to them onely as diet and lodging , not to drinke and carouse , nor receive any company who come of purpose for jollity , drinking-matches , merriment , and the like , whereby the holy sabbath hath beene much polluted : that no applemonger , chandler , barber , semster , shoomaker , tailor , or any other trade or occupation whatsoever , may be admitted to trade , or to have any imployment in or about their vocation on the sabbath day , save onely such offices who belong to the church , to the poore , to the sicke , or the like , which for piety ought not , or for charity could not bee done before , or after the sabbath , to prevent the doing of it then : but that no sports or pastimes , no common trading for unconstrained uses , nor courts of judicature , nor any unnecessitated temporall employments and practices , be permitted , or suffered on that day to be done , nor in any part or houre thereof , neither before , in , or after the time of the generall duties in the assembly of the church . councell of chalons 50 canon . austin epist. 162. & 166 councell of arles 16 ▪ article . austin concil. epist. 86. councell of ments canon 37. 2 chro. 2.4 . lam. 1.7 . ezekiel 20. isa 56.4 . ezek. 22 8. hosea 2.11 . the councell of arles permits neither markets , justice courts , nor trading , nor labouring on the sabbath day , as it is in the 16. article of the said councell . infinite are those examples which might bee alledged of gods judgments which have fallen upon families , townes , cities , and whole kingdomes , for neglect herein , as is manifest in the theatre of gods judgements , the practice of piety , eusebius , with divers chronicles , and bookes besides . xxi . that what company or assembly soever are tolerated in the kingdome , yet that all his majesties subjects in the kingdome , who are able , and may , doe come to the assembly and congregation in the church on the sabbath day , both morning and evening , and there joyne with the assembly during all the time of the exercises of the church , that so the whole congregation may all partake of those glorious ordinances which shall bee used in the church , to the glory of god , and the comfort of their owne soules . sozom. lib. 2. cap. 2. socrat. lib. 1. cap. 18. euseb. de vita constantin . lib. 4. levit. 4 15. num. 14.1 . 1 kin. 8.14 . ezra 2.14 neh. 7.66 . iob 30.28 . neh. 5.13 . psal. 82.1 . acts 13.43 . mach. 2.5 . levit. 5.10 . 1 cor. 1.2 . revel. 2.3 . revel. 12.1 . phil. 2. matth. 18.17 . 1 cor. 14.34 . xxii . that popery , and all the reliques thereof may bee utterly rooted out of our churches , and pure religion setled & established . saint ambrose of virgins , lib. 4. austin of relig. tom . 1 chap. last . deut. 5 9. 1 cor. 10.5 . gal. 5.20 . 1 iohn 5.21 . deut. 4.15 ezod. 32.8 . father latimer saith in his second sermon before king edward , ( speaking how the romish bishop stood out so stiffely to bring in popery , and settle it ●n the church of england ) the bishop of rome ( saith he ) sent him a cardinalls hat for his labour , but ( saith hee ) he should have had a tiburne tippet , a halfepeny halter , and all such proud prelates . these romish trumpery ( saith he ) never brought good into england . xxiii . that all popish bookes , hereticall , and schismaticall bookes , all unjust and scandalous pamphlets , which by due examination are found so to be ; all vaine and ungodly bookes , ballads , love-songs , and lascivious bookes , and vaine pamphlets , may be called in , and no more such may be ever tolerated hereafter , or dispersed either in print , or in manuscript ; which vaine bookes , ballads , and pamphlets , have taken deeper impression upon the hearts of many thousands , to draw them to love and delight in those actions of sin , into which they have beene seduced by reading of them . councell of towers 11 canon , and 16. canon . 1 tim. 3.5 . 3 iohn 6. acts 19.37 2 cor. 11.28 . menander was a man so delighted with wanton bookes , that he writ himselfe 80. bookes of love , and in the end grew outragious in the love of women . xxiv . that the revenues of cathedralls be employed to better purposes , and not wasted upon pipers , dancing-masters , drunken and deboist fellowes , and such as are no way beneficiall or advantagious to the church of christ , to the state , nor to the bodies or souls of any members of the church or state ; but that it may bee employed on such , and in such a manner , whereby the church of god may be bettered thereby . councell of towers the 11. canon , and 16. canon . councel of trent pag 574. 1 tim. 3.5 . 3 iohn 6. act. 14.37 . 2 cor. 11.28 . is it not a miserable thing that such men who are very ignorant in the scriptures , and in the worship of god , whose whole life is spent in idle songs , in tavernes , and wanton company , who understand very little or no divinity at all , who are neither able to preach nor to expound the scriptures , shall be entertained into the church , whilst honest and sound ministers are in want . xxv . that in all things all care possible may be taken , that the church of england may become a glorious church . theodor●tus lib. 5. ca. 20. socrates lib. 1. cap. 1. & lib 3 cap. 18. heliopolus iudea . ruff lib. 2. cap 30. sozom. lib. 2. cap. 2. ier. 9.24 . 1 cor. 1.31 . 2 cor. 10.17 . exod. 33.18 . ioh. 1.14 , & 2.11 . 2 kin. 8.11 . finis . news from france in a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome : to which is added the popes brief to the assembly of the clergy, and the protestation made by them in latin : together with an english translation of them. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 1682 approx. 70 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30395 wing b5839 estc r21875 12739754 ocm 12739754 93095 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30395) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93095) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 376:13) news from france in a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome : to which is added the popes brief to the assembly of the clergy, and the protestation made by them in latin : together with an english translation of them. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. innocent xi, pope, 1611-1689. ad archiepiscopos, episcopos, totumque clerum in regno galliae. english & latin. fall, james, 1646 or 7-1711. catholic church. assemblée générale du clergé de france. cleri gallicani de ecclesiastica potestate declaratio. english & latin. [2], 38 p. printed for richard chiswel ..., london : 1682. probably a revision of a letter from james fall. cf. clarke, t.e.s. a life of gilbert burnet, 1907, p. 529. written by gilbert burnet. cf. bm. errata: p. 38. advertisements: p. 38. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -france. church and state -france. regalia -france. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-12 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion news from france : in a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome . to which is added , the popes brief to the assembly of the clergy , and the protestation made by them in latin , together with an english translation of them . london , printed for richard chiswel , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard . m dc lxxxii . news from france : in a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome . sir , in obedience to your commands , i send you herewith a copy both of the pope's last brief to the clergy , and of the protestation made by them . but i know these will not fully answer your expectation , nor satisfie your curiosity , unless accompanied with a more particular account of the state of that affair , such as a stranger who is not yet so happy , as to be let in to much of the conversation of this place , could pick up in so short a time . it is true , the french are apt to talk , and upon this occasion , it is no hard thing to engage them into much discourse , especially when their fears do not check the freedom of speech that is so natural to the nation : for being now safe under the protection of the kings authority , and secured under the covert of edicts and an assembly of the clergy , they are ready enough to speak out what they formerly disguised , or trusted only to a few confiding persons . as for the generality of the inferiour people here , and the women , they appear to be more addicted to the see of rome than could have been imagined . the popes infallibility passes among them for an article of faith ; so they are much scandalized at the reports which are secretly set about by the monks and fryars , as if the king were like to be abused by the arch-bishop of paris , and engaged in a schism from the chair of st. peter ; and it is said , that that prelate hopes by these means , to be made patriarch of france , and so to become very little inferiour to the pope himself ; and in time , if the design of the universal monarchy goes on , which is the common discourse of this court , then as the patriarch of the french empire , he may pretend at least , to be made in all things equal to the bishops of rome , as well as the bishops of constantinople were anciently ▪ when that city was made the seat of the empire . it is true , the precedence was then granted to the bishops of rome , because it was the chief city , and the empire ▪ carrying its name from rome , no wonder if the bishop of the capital city had the right-hand still reserved to him . but if paris becomes the metropolis of this fifth monarchy , then i do not see , but it may so fall out , that the bishop of paris may even dispute precedence with his holiness at rome ; that city having now retained little more of its ancient greatness , than the name : and it is not like to be ever esteemed the metropolis of the new empire , which is now so much talked of here . in a word , the people here that are most zealous against heresie , have been so managed by the jesuites and the begging fryars in confessions , that they almost universally look on the pope as infallible : and every one remembers , that about twenty year ago there was scarce any other doctrine to be heard , but that which extolled the popes infallibility , not only in points of faith , but also in matters of fact : and the falling from the submission due to st. peter's chair , was called the root and source of all heresie , which was aggravated with all that could be invented to make the iansenists the more odious , who were then looked on as ill affected to that see. this is so fresh in all peoples remembrance , and is now so often repeated by those who bear no good will to that order , that if they were not a sort of men very incapable of the impressions which modesty and shame make on most people , they would scarce know how to lift up their heads . it is not unpleasant to hear how those that rally them , make apologies for them from their own principles : some tell us , that the intention according to their casuistical divinity , justifies the means used to accomplish a good end ; and since the promoting the honour of the society , is the end they aim at , it is said , that when the complementing the see of rome may promote , that it is lawful to do it : but if the depressing that , and extolling the regal power becomes more necessary for the interests of the society , the good intention will secure all still : and there is no reason to doubt , but they seriously intend the good of their order , and as little to question , that this is a good thing . so here the doctrine of intention serves them to very good purpose . their other celebrated maxim of probability , is no less useful to them , that in a probable opinion a man may with a good conscience follow either side , and that any approved doctor 's being of any side , makes that opinion probable . from which , those that divert themselves with them , say in their defence , that approved doctors having been of both sides in the point of the pope's infallibility , a man may with a safe conscience chuse either side , as he finds it is most convenient for him . thus the two doctrines of intention and probability joyned together , make a very substantial apology for them ; and indeed it is all i hear said to vindicate them in this particular : for to tell you truth , it is very hard to get any of them to talk of this matter : those that are meer scholars , are still for the pope ; but they are so restrained by the political fathers , that they will not enter upon this discourse : and for those that play their game at court , you may as soon make those of whetstones-park among you blush , as put them out of countenance . they do now value themselves upon their zeal for the king , and upon his zeal for the catholick religion against heresie : and one can draw nothing from them on this subject , but high elogies of their king , as , that he who has given peace to all europe , will never raise a war in the church ; and who can think , that a prince who employes all his authority for the extirpation of heresie , will ever turn it against the church ? upon this occasion i could tell you a great deal of mr. maimbourg's eloquence , who is so full of raptures when he engages in this discourse , that if he thinks what he sayes will be reported either in the kings hearing , or before any of his ministers , he grows almost ecstatical on that head . these things are not said only by the canaille , but by those of the highest condition ; and even the queen and dauphiness , as we hear , grow apprehensive that a rupture may happen between those two great luminaries the pope and the king : but i assure you , whatever the popes presumption might be in former ages , in comparing himself to the sun , and the temporal princes to the moon , that would now pass here for a piece of high presumption : for this glorious monarch would think it a strange degradation , if he , to whom so many of the glories of the sun have been ascribed by hungry flatterers , were now to be compared to the moon . it is reported , that these two illustrious princesses have expressed their zeal on this occasion , and have told the arch bishop of paris , that they were informed , he and some others of the clergy intended to break with the pope : they might do what they pleased , but for their parts , they were resolved to continue to be good roman catholicks . others say , the king is a good catholick , the most christian king , and the eldest son of the church , full of zeal for it , but he sees by other mens eyes : and as the common style in england of those who are displeased with the government , is only an arraigning of the ministers , the king himself being treated with the respect of civil words , even by those who study most to expose his government ; so here the zealots take the freedom to speak very liberally of the clergy . indeed the arch-bishop of paris carries the heaviest load ; the former parts of his life have been such , that he is not proof against censure : and upon all such occasions , if there has been just grounds given for some ill reports , malice and envy improves these with great industry , even to a pitch that is scarce credible : but i love not to dwell much on so unfavoury a subject . i shall therefore say no more of him , but that as he is certainly a man of great and polite thoughts , and a very dexterous courtier ; so there is nothing to be imagined neither for impiety nor lewdness with which he is not openly charged here , not only in discourses , but in prints , of which the authors are known , and some that are in the bastile for them , offer to justifie all that they have aspersed him with . for the rest of the clergy , i understand they may be reduced to three ranks or classes . the first and greatest , is of those who have neither learning nor piety , nor common morality : some of the greatest of them where they think they may use freedom , speak of religion with all the insolence of blasphemous scorn possible : they are men of quality who have taken orders meerly for the dignity and wealth that they aspired to ; and do scarce observe the common decencies of their profession . in short , the king is all the god they serve , and so they are ready to advance any thing that will recommend them to his favour , or contribute to their promotion . the second class is of the cartesian philosophers , who approve of the morals of the christian religion , but for miracles or mysteries , they believe very little ; and consider the several institutions of religion , only as they do laws and received customs , which are not to be rashly changed for fear of the convulsions that may follow ; but as to their own perswasions of things , all opinions and practices in the ritual part of religion seem indifferent to them . so that when some gross things are objected to them , they are ingenuous enough to confess , there is a great deal of reason in the objection ; but after all , they will comply with their interests , and this not so much out of an atheistical temper , as because they consider all the institutions of religion , only as matters of policy and law. a third class , which as it is much the best , so it is much the least , is of those who are both learned and good men , and are fully convinced of many errors in their church , which they think need reformation : but what by a weakness of temper , what by some principles which they have carried too far against every thing that seems to lead to schism , they have not spirit enough to own the freedom of their thoughts , and say they hope that god will forgive their temporizing , since they know not how to emancipate themselves : nor do they see a party to which they can turn . they have great prejudice against the hugonots , both as to the first constitution of their churches , and several other things that are among them : but i am confident if they were in england , they would be more inclined to come over to the church there : and indeed i hear only two exceptions to the church of england among them ; the one is the positive definition against the corporal presence in the sacrament , which they wish were left in general terms without positive definitions either one way or another ; the other is , that there is not such a spirit of devotion and mortification and exemplary piety among the church-men , as ought to be . they speak of pluralities and non-residence and of the aspiring and pomp of church men with horror : and it is certain that this church could not have subsisted so long , if the gross scandals that are given by the bishops and abbots of the court were not counterballanced by the shining examples of some of their prelates , which i must confess , is far beyond any thing i ever saw . you may wonder , that in this enumeration i do not reckon up the bigots ; but really there are so few of those among the superiour clergy , that they scarce make a classis . i have not heard of one of them that believes the pope infallible , or is perswaded of transubstantiation . i heard one pleasantly declaim against the folly of the messieurs of charenton , for writing such learned volumes in confutation of these things , which , said he , none of the catholicks believed any more than they did , so they might well spare the pains . but he reckoned the revenues of the ecclesiasticks in their communion were fifty millions a year ; in that , said he , is the strength of our cause : let mr. claude answer that , and then mr. arnauld will be a feeble party to him . among the monks and fryars there is something very like bigotry , though there is so little sincerity among them , that it is very hard to know when they may be believed . i confess , one thing i heard put to one of them that seemed unanswerable , and it pressed them hard in this point of the popes infallibility . the great topick they use , and that is in every bodies mouth against the hereticks , is , that men must not trust to their own opinions , but submit all to the church : and that truth could not be preserved , if there were not a living infallible judge on earth ; and by this great numbers of well meaning hugonots are drawn over . it has an appearance that is apt to work on an humble and well disposed mind . now the people alwayes thought that this was to be understood of the pope , to whom all the bishops were to make their application for the resolution of such controversies as might arise ; and so the argument had still some effect : but now that the councils of constance are declared for , that lodged this infallibility in a general council , the church has lost her great advantage against hereticks : for there is no such council in being , there has been none that pretended to that title now almost one hundred and twenty years ; and it is not probable there shall ever be another , so there is no living infallible judge . the fryar said so little in answer to this , that i clearly perceived , he looked on the belief of the popes infallibility as the basis or the center of the church . but they are so much afraid of the arch-bishop of paris his spies , and of the rigour of the court of parliament , that they speak of this matter only in dark figures or riddles . one of them would say no more , but that it was safest to stick to the root of the tree : another said , all things will return to their center . the truth is , the regulars are much concerned in the maintaining of the popes authority , for all their exemptions depend upon it . and there is no heresie of which they are so apprehensive , as that of losing their priviledges , and being brought under the jurisdiction of their bishops : and this the bishops do all so openly pretend to , that it would be the first step that would be made after a rupture with rome , to bring them in all points , within the care , and under the authority of their diocesans . this present assembly of the clergy had this matter under their consideration , and by this time it is probable they would have made some progress in it , if the king had not ordered them to adjourn for some time . so you need not doubt , but that they are very careful to possess all people in such secret methods as they dare venture on , with very tragical apprehensions of the issue of the present contest with rome . and if the severity against the protestants were not interposed , as a signal evidence of the kings zeal for the faith , it is probable this meeting with the other things that raise so much discontent in this kingdom , might have produced more considerable effects than have yet appeared . that this may be alwayes in the peoples eye , new edicts come out every day , which shew , that the king is resolved to make his hugonot subjects grow weary either of their lives , or of their religion . two came out the other day : the one was , that no protestant may have the relief of an evocation ( or appeal ) from any court of justice where he finds himself aggrieved . the other is , that no sea-man nor tradesman shall offer to go out of the kingdom without leave , under the pain of being sent to the gallies . so that it is resolved , that all who profess that religion , shall be miserable , if they stay in the kingdom ; and much more so , if they offer to fly out of it . these things give the people some comfort , who cannot be easily made to doubt of their kings firmness to their religion , as long as he continues true to one main branch of it , which is persecuting those of other perswasions . but upon the whole matter , it is not probable , that all this business , on which the world has now lookt so attentively for some time , will produce any great effect . the king does not meddle in matters of speculation himself , and there is little reason to expect much from a man of the arch bishop of paris his temper . so that we begin generally to think , that some expedient will be found . the king has declared , that he is resolved , not to break with the pope , and he has lately received a brief from him , writ in a more obliging strain , than those formerly sent . i have not yet seen a copy of it , so i cannot send it ; only the first words are much talkt of , for it begins thus , my son give me thy heart . it seems it has made some impression on the king , and that he is in hopes of bringing the whole matter to an amicable conclusion ; and therefore he takes cares that there be no new provocation given the pope , and so he has ordered the assembly of the clergy to adjourn for some time , which they did on the 30th of may last , and many think they will hardly meet again except it be for forms sake . some begin also to talk of a legate to be sent into france , for concluding this affair ; and azolini is the man most talked of , who is a very fit person for such an employment , for he has the reputation of a very prudent and devout man. last winter he retired from all business , and gave himself wholly to devotion and meditatitiom : so whether he will leave his retirement to do so great a service to his church or not , we do not yet know . it is true i found at rome , last winter his character much lessened among the italians , who look upon such retirements , as either the effects of melancholy or affectation : for indeed few there understand either the philosophy , or the piety that should work such a change in a man dignified with the purple . but the pope has a much better sense of such things , as appeared in this last promotion of cardinals , which i found all at rome , confess was the best that ever was made . this is the state of the affair of the regale , which has set both france and rome in such a fermentation : but for the last edict , touching the popes authority over princes , his infallibility and the superiority of general councils over him , it is a harder chapter : for as at rome it is not to be imagined they can ever comply with it or endure it ; so it is not likely this court will ever suffer it to be altered or recalled . the temper that will be perhaps found , will be this the edict will be still left upon record ; but there will be secret directions given not to execute it . the pope has by his brief annulled all that the assembly has done , and so he will look upon it as condemned by his authority ; and perhaps will be satisfied with this , without proceeding to a more express condemnation . on the other hand a secret intimation from the court not to proceed any further in the execution of it , will be perhaps easily obtained ; and so this which is the greatest difficulty may be so made up , that at present this difference will be carried no further . the court of parliament will think it enough that the edict is past , and will advise the keeping it as a perpetual terrour for the court of rome . so that hereafter , upon every disgust offered to this crown by that court , this edict will be made use of ; and by the shaking this rod it may be thought the popes will be kept to their good behaviour . somewhat of this will appear within a few days , for many of the doctors of the sorbon have complained highly of the proceedings of the parliament , and in particular of the making a declaration on such points , and the requiring them to register it , without ever asking their opinion about them : they have not yet obeyed the edict nor registred it ; yesterday they were cited to appear before the court of parliament , and were required for the second time to call an extraordinary assembly within ten days , and without further delay to put the edict in their registers . so whether they will give obedience , or whether the thing will be let fall , or at least delay'd , is not yet certain and therefore you must have a little patience till the progress of this affair give you a better view of it , than can be done by such conjectures as are made here . in the mean while it seems the iansenists expect a storm both because the arch-bishop of paris is their declared and enraged enemy , and looks on them as the authors of all those libels that fly about paris against him ; and also because in this matter they do openly espouse the popes interests . and this is represented to the king as an effect of their factious and restless tempers , and of the hatred they bear to his government . in this there is too much reason to justifie that imputation ; for it seems as odd a thing to see them turn champions for the popes authority , as it is to see the iesuites declare against it : and it shews but too evidently that interests and resentments govern both parties in their opinions as well as in their practices . the iansenists are now mightily run down here , and beside the old imputations of their being too favourable to the hereticks , this is now added to it , that they are too great friends to the liberty of the people ; that they do not love the kings arbitrary government , and , that they will be of any side that is against the king. it seems they expect nothing but severity ; and therefore they animate their party to prepare for it , and to bear it patiently : for the famous mr. arnauld , though he has retired out of the world , so that it is not known where he lives , has of late published a continuation of his defence of the translation of the new testament , printed at mons ; which he concludes with a bold and pathetick discourse concerning the sufferings of that party , in which he rejoyces , and calls them the tryals of their faith and patience , and a portion which the church militant must of necessity look for . and on this he enlarges with all the strains and figures of that masculine eloquence that is so natural to him . but that for which he is much blamed , is that he makes so bold with the king ; he laments that he sees with other mens eyes , and that his reign must be reckoned among the reigns of persecution . in short , it is such a discourse , as would make a very pertinent conclusion to the sermon of a hugonot minister , on a fast-day , if he intended to spend the rest of his days in the bastile . iansenism is a thing now disowned almost by every body , and yet it spreads so universally among the learned and good men in this church , that upon the first favourable conjuncture , it will appear how considerable it is : though those that now receive it , use almost as much precaution in owning it , as they would do in speaking of treason . but though they dare not speak out in the condemned points concerning grace ; yet by many other things as so many shibboleths , it is not hard to know them , as by their excessive commendations of st. austin among the ancients ; and cardinal borromee among the moderns : by their lamenting over the present corruptions in the church , chiefly in the conduct of penitents , and by their sharpness against the iesuites : by these things they are generally known , and a mark is set on them , so that none of them are at any time raised to any eminent promotion . the king considers them as men that love liberty , and so thinks them bad subjects : and the lewd court-bishops look upon them as their worst enemies , and do hate them much more than the hereticks ; and consider all that is said of a reformation , as intended on purpose to expose them ; for guilt makes men very tender and jealous . i shall end this long letter , with a passage that has fallen out here of late , that will perhaps give you some diversion , and make you more easie to forgive the tedious length to which this letter has run out . a woman that lives in tours , and was melancholy and full of vapours , desired to receive the sacrament every day , in which she said she found most wonderful consolation . the priest has the reputation of a very worthy man , and being a judicious person , he clearly saw through the poor womans weakness and superstitition , and was willing enough to do what he thought an innocent fraud , that might both give the distempered person some ease , and yet not tend to a profanation of holy things ; so instead of the sacrament , he gave her unconsecrated wafers which she received with her ordinary devotion , and they had their ordinary effects on her : but as frenchmen are too apt to tell their own secrets ; the curate made himself merry with some of his friends upon this occasion , and told how he had deceived the hypochondriacal woman : so the thing got wind , and was lookt on as a great impiety in the priest to suffer one to commit such idolatry to a piece of bread , to which no doubt she offered the same adoration , that was due , if it had been consecrated ; so the curate was cited before the arch-bishop of tours , where he had met with a severe censure , if the esteem he is justly in , had not preserved him : he excused himself that he had not failed out of malice , but out of ignorance , and that he thought it best to comply with the weakness of a woman , abused by melancholy , and since it would have encreased her distemper to have denyed her the sacrament , and yet her condition was not such that it was fit for her to receive every day : he thought he took that course in which there was the least danger ; but he was condemned to six months imprisonment , yet it is thought the sentence will be mitigated , and upon his submitting to some severe penances , he will be set at liberty ere long . i leave it to you , and your most learned friend when you meet , to consider , if this is acknowledged to be idolatry in the melancholy woman , to worship a piece of bread , which she verily believed was the body of christ ; then whether it will not certainly follow that the whole church of rome is guilty of idolatry , if christ is not corporally present in the host , and that their adoring him as present , will not excuse them from idolatry , if he is not really present . but i must not enter upon points of controversie with you , much less will i encrease the trouble i have given you , by offering you a great many apologies for what i have written ; i know your curiosity in this affair of the regale makes you more than ordinary concerned to know the true state of it ; and i was willing to enlarge much more copiously , than was perhaps necessary , for one that knows so much of the transactions of this kingdom : but as i demonstrate to you my readiness to obey your commands , so i am not unwilling so far to expose my self to you , as to let you see the use i make of my travels , which will at least give you occasion to correct what you find amiss ; and i shall be a great gainer by the exchange , if instead of a long scrible of news i have a return from you , that shall contain such reflections of yours , as may be able to direct me to observe matters more exactly , and to judge more maturely of them . i shall afflict you no more , but shall only add that i am , with great sincerity , sir , your most humble and most obliged servant . paris the 6th june s. n. the popes brief to the assembly of the clergy of france , annulling all that they have done . venerabilibus fratribus , archiepiscopis , episcopis , &c. paternae charitati quâ carissimum in christo filium nostrum ludovicum regem christianissimum , ecclesias vestras , vosipsos & universum istud regnum amplectimur , permolestum accidit ac planè acerbum cognoscere ex vestris literis tertio februarii ad nos datis , episcopos plerumque galliae qui corona olim & gaudium erant amplissimae sedis , ità se erga illam in praesens gerere ut cogamur multis cum lachrymis usurpare propheticum illud , filii matris meae pugnaverunt adversus me ; quanquam adversus vosipsos potius pugnatis , cùm nobis in ea causâ resistitis , in qua vestrarum ecclesiarum salus ac felicitas agitur , & in qua pro juribus ac dignitate episcopali in isto regno tuendis , ab aliquibus ordinis vestri piis ac fidelibus viris appellati absque morâ insurreximus , & jampridem in gradu stamus nullas privatas nostras rationes secuti , ut debitae omnibus solicitudini , ac intimo amori erga vos nostro satisfaciamus . nihil sanè laetum ac vestris nominibus dignum eas literas continere , in ipso earum limine intelleximus ; nam praeter ea quae de normâ in conciliis convocandis , peragendisque servata ferebantur , animadvertimus eas ordiri à metu vestro , quo suasore nunquam sacerdotes dei esse solent in ardua & excelsa pro religione & ecclesiae suae libertate vel aggrediundo fortes , vel perficiendo constantes . quem quidem metum falsò judicavistis posse vos in sinum nostrum effundere , in sinu enim nostro hospitari perpetuò debet caritas christi , quae for as mittit & longè arcet timorem , qua caritate erga vos regnúmque galliae paternum cor nostrum slagrare multis jam ac magnis experimentis cognosci potuit , quae hîc referre non est necesse ; si quid est autem in quo benè merita de vobis caritas nostra sit , esse imprimis putamus illud ipsum regaliae negotium , ex quo , si seriò res perpendatur , omnis vestri ordinis dignitas atque auctoritas pendet . timuistis igitur ubi non erat timor , id unum timendum vobis erat nè apud deum hominésque jure redargui possitis , loco atque honori vestro & pastoralis officii debito defuisse . memoriâ vobis repetenda erant , quae antiqui illi sanctissimi praesules , quos plurimi postea qualibet aetate sunt imitati , episcopalis constantiae & fortitudinis exempla in bujusmodi casibus in vestram eruditionem ediderunt . intuendae imagines praedecessorum vestrorum , non solùm quae patrum , sed quae nostra quoque memoria sloruerunt . ivonis carnotensis dicta notatis , facta etiam cùm res posceret , imitari debuistis . nostis qui is fuerit , quaeque passus sit in turbulenta illa & periculosa contentione inter urbanum pontisicem & philipum regem , muneris sui arbitratus , contra regiam indignationem stare , bonis spoliari , carceres & exilia perferre . deserentibus aliis meliorem causam , officii vestri erat sedis apostolicae auctoritati studia vestra adjungere , & pastorali pectore ac humilitate sacerdotali causam ecclesiarum vestrarum apud regem agere , ejusque conscientiam de tota re instruere , etiam cum periculo regium in vos animum irritandi , ut possetis in posterum sine rubore ex quotidiana psalmodia deum alloquentes , davidica verba proferre , loquebar de testimoniis tuis in conspectu regum & non confundebar ; quanto magis id vobis faciendum fuit jam perspecta atque explorata optimi principis justitiâ & pietate , quem singulari benignitate episcopos audire & episcopalem potestatem intemeratam velle vos ipsi scribitis , & nos magna cum voluptate legimus in literis vestris . non dubitamus pro causae tam justae defensione , neque defutura vobis quae loqueremini , neque regi cor docile , quo vestris annueret postulatis ; nunc cùm muneris vestri & regiae aequitatis quodammodo obliti in tanti momenti negotio silentium tenueritis , non videmus quo probabili fundamento significetis vos ad ita agendum adductos . quod in controversià victi sitis , quod causâ cecideritis , quomodo cecidit qui non stetit ? quomodo victus est qui non pugnavit ? quis vestrum tam gravem , tam justam , tam sacrosanctam causam apud regem oravit , cùm tamen praedecessores vestri in simili periculo constitutam , non semel apud superiores galliae reges , immo apud hunc ipsum liberâ voce defenderint , victorésque à regio conspectu decesserint , relatis etiam ab aequissimo rege praemiis pastoralis officii strenuè impleti . quis vestrum in arenam descendit ut opponeret murum pro domo israel ? quis ausus est invidiae se offerre ? quis vel vocem unam emisit memor pristinae libertatis ; clamarunt interim , sicuti scribitis , & quidem in mala causa pro regio jure clamârunt regii administri cùm vos in optima pro christi & ecclesiae honore sileretis , neque illa solidiora quod reddituri nobis rationem , seu verius excusationem allaturi rerum in ejusmodi comitiis per vos actarum exaggeretis periculum nè sacerdotium & imperium collidantur , & mala quae exinde in ecclesiam & rempublicam consequi possent , proinde existimasse vos ad officium vestrum pertinere inire rationem tollendi è medio gliscentis dissidii , nullam verò commodiorem apparuisse quam remedia à patribus ecclesiae indicata , utili condescentione canonis temperandi , pro temporum necessitate , ubi neque fidei veritas neque morum honestas periclitentur ; deberi ab ordine vestro , deberi â gallicana , imo ab universa ecclesia , plurimum regi tam praeclare de catholica religione merito , & 〈◊〉 magis mereri cupienti ; propterea vos juri vestro decedentes illud in regem 〈◊〉 . omittimus hîc commemorare quae significatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à vobis seculari magistratu a quo victi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enim ejus facti memoriam aboleri , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vos verba ex literis vestris expungere , nè in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gallicani resideant ad dedecus nominis vestri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quae de innocentio 3. benedicto 12. & 〈◊〉 8. in vestram defensionem adducitis , non defuerunt qui doctis lucubrationibus ostenderint quàm frivola & extranea sint huic causae , & magis notum est quàm ut opus sit commemorari quo zelo , quâ constantiâ eximii illi pontifices ecclesiae libertatem defenderunt adversus seculares potestates , tantùm abest ut eorum exempla possint errori vestro suffragari : caeterum ultro admittimus & laudamus consilium relaxandi canonum disciplinam pro temporum necessitate , ubi fieri id possit sine fidei & morum dispendio . immo addimus cum augustino , toleranda aliquando pro bono unitatis quae odio hadenda sint pro ratione aequitatis , neque eradicanda zizania ubi periculum sit nè simul etiam triticum eradicetur : sed ità tantùm accipi oportet ut in aliquo tantùm peculiari casu , & ad tempus , & ubi necessitas urget , licitum sit . factum est ab ecclcsiâ cùm arianos & donatistas ejurato errore , ecclesiis suis restituit , ut populos qui secuti eos fuerunt in officio contineret . aliud est ubi disciplina ecclesiae per universum amplissimi regni ambitum sine temporis termino & cum manifesto periculo nè exemplum latius manet , labefactatur , immo evertitur ipsius disciplinae & hierarchiae ecclesiasticae fundamentum , sicuti evenire necesse est , si quae à rege christianissimo in negotio regaliae nuper acta sint , una etiam consentientibus vobis contra sacrorum canonum , & praesertim generalis concilii lugdunensis authoritatem , contra notam jam pridem vobis in ea re mentem nostram , & contra ipsam jurisjurandi religionem , qua vos deo , romanae , vestrisque ecclesiis obligastis , cum episcopali charactere imbuti eramini , haec exsecutiom mandari & malum invalescere diutius differendo permittamus , ac non nos pro datâ divinitus humilitati nostra suprema in universam ecclesiam potestate praedecessorum nostrorum vestigiis inhaerentes improbaremus : cum praesertim per abusum regaliae non solum everti disciplinam galliae res ipsa doceat , sed etiam fidei ipsius integritatem in discrimen vocari facilè intelligatis ex ipsis regiorum decretorum verbis quae jus conferendi beneficia regi vendicant , non tanquam profluens ex aliqua ecclesiae concessione , sed tanquam ingenitum & coaevum regiae coronae . illam vero partem literarum vestrarum non sine animi horrore legere potuimus , in quâ dicitis vos juri vestro decedentes illud in regem contulisse quasi ecclesiarum quae curae vestrae creditae fuére , essetis arbitri , non custodes , & quasi ecclesiae ipsae & spiritualia ipsaram jura possent sub potestatis secularis jugum mitti ab episcopis qui se pro illarum libertate in servitutem dare deberent . vos sanè ipsi hanc veritatem agnovistis & confessi estis , dum alibi pronunciâstis jus regaliae servitutem quandam esse quae in eo praesertim quod spectat beneficiorum collationem imponi non potest , nisi ecclesiâ concedente , vel saltem consentiente . quo jure ergo vos illud in regem contulistis ? cúmque sacri canones distrahi vetant jura ecclesiarum , quomodo ea vos distrahere in animum induxistis quasi eorundem canonum authoritati liceat vobis derogare ? revocate in memoriam quae inclytus ille clarevallensis abbas non gallicanae modo sed etiam ecclesiae universalis lumen à vobis merito nuncupatus eugenium pontificem officii sui admonens praeclarè scripta reliquit , meminisse , esse cui claves traditae , cui oves traditae sunt , esse quidem & alios coeli ianitores & gregum pastores ; sed cum habeant illi assignatos greges singuli singulos , ipsi universos creditos , uni unum , nec modo ovium sed & pastorum eugenium esse pastorem . ideóque juxta canonum statuta alios episcopos vocatos fuisse in partem solicitudinis , ipsum in plenitudinem potestatis . quantum vos admoneri par est , de obedientiâ & obsequio quod debetis huic sanctae sedi , cui nos , deo authore , quanquam immeriti , praesidemus ; tantum pastoralis nostra solicitudo excitat nos ad inchoandam tandem aliquando in hoc negotio , quàm nimia fortasse longanimitate nostrâ dum poenitentiae locum damus , hactenus distulit apostolici muneris executionem . quamobrem per praesentes literas , tradita nobis ab omnipotente deo authoritate , improbamus , rescindimus , & cassamus quae in istis vestris comitiis acta sunt in negotio regaliae , cum omnibus inde secutis , & quae in posterum attentari continget , eáque perpetuò irrita & inania declaramus : quamvis cùm sint ipsa per se & manifestè nulla , cassatione aut declaratione hujusmodi non egerent . speramus tamen vos quoque ipsos re melius considerata celeri retractatione consulturos conscientiae vestrae & cleri gallicani existimationi , ex quo clero sicuti huc usque non defuere , ita in futurum non defuturos confidimus , qui boni pastoris exemplo libenter animam suam parati sint pro ovibus suis & pro testamento patrum suorum dare . nos quidem pro officii nostri debito parati sumus , dei adjutrice gratiâ , sacrificare sacrificium justitiae , ecclesias dei , jura , libertatem , & hujus sanctae sedis authoritatem dignitatémque defendere ; nihil de nobis , sed omnia de deo praesumenda sunt qui nos consortat , & operatur in nobis , & qui jussit petrum super aquis ad se venire : praeterit enim sigura hujus mundi , & dies domini appropinquat . sic ergo agamus , venerabiles fratres & dilecti filii , ut cùm summus paterfamilias , & cùm princeps pastorum rationem ponere voluerit cum servis suis ; sanguinem pessundatae & laceratae ecclesiae quam suo acquisivit , de suis ipsorum manibus non requirat . vobis iterum omnibus apostolicam benedictionem , cui coelestem accedere optamus , intimo amoris affectu impertimur . dat. romae 11. aprilis 1682. the translation of the former brief , directed to his venerable brethren the arch-bishops , and bishops , &c. assembled at paris , bearing date the eleventh of april 1682. it was very uneasie and bitter to us , by reason of the fatherly affection which we bear to our dearest son in christ lewis the most christian king , and to your churches and persons , and that whole kingdom , to perceive by your letters , directed to us on the third of february , that a great many of the bishops of france ( who were anciently a crown and rejoycing to this most eminent see ) should now behave themselves so toward it , that we are sorced with many tears to make use of these words of the prophet , my mothers children have fought against me : though in truth you rather fight against your selves , when you set your selves in opposition to us , in a cause , in which the welfare and freedom of your churches is so much concerned ; and for which some pious and resolute men of your order having appealed to us , we did without delay stand up for defence of the episcopal rights and dignity in that kingdom , which now for a great while we have maintained , having in that sought no private ends of our own ; being set on to it meerly by that care that we owe to all the churches , and the love that we bear to you , which is so deeply rooted in our hearts . we perceived from the very beginning of your letter , that there was nothing in it that could be either welcome to us , or worthy of that name you bear in the world : for not to insist on what you said of the rule that was observed in the calling and managing of councils , we observed that your letter began from your fears , and that is a motive , by which gods priests are never animated to undertake any difficult or weighty cause , that concerns either religion , or the liberty of the church , with that courage that becomes them at first , or to persevere in it with that constancy , which they ought to hold to the last . and you were much mistaken when you thought you might pour out your fears into our breast ; for the love of christ ought always to dwell in our breast , which casts out fear , and keeps it at a great distance : we have already demonstrated in many and signal instances , that fatherly love that is kindled in our hearts towards you and the kingdom of france , which we need not here reckon up . and if there is any thing in which our affection has deserved well at your hands , we think it has chiefly appeared in this business of the regale , upon which if the matter is well considered , it will appear that the whole dignity and authority of your order doth depend . you were therefore in fear where no fear was : whereas this only was that of which you ought to have been afraid , lest you might have been justly accused before god and men , for having been wanting to your station and honour , and the duty of your pastoral charge . and you ought to have remembred the examples of episcopal constancy and courage : which in the like cases , the ancient and most holy bishops have set before you , for your instruction ; and which have been imitated by many bishops in every age , from their days . you ought also to have reflected on your own predecessors , not only those who flourished in the times of our forefathers , but in our own days . you cite the words of ivon of chartres , but you ought also to follow his actions , when there is occasion for it : you know what he both did and suffered in those troublesome & dangerous contests , that were between pope urban and king philip. he thought it became his function , to endure the kings displeasure , to bear the spoiling of his goods , and to suffer both imprisonment and banishment . it became your function , even when others were forsaking the better cause , to have joyned your endeavours to the authority of the apostolick see , and to have pleaded the cause of your churches before the king ; joyning the resolution that became pastors , with the humility of priests ; and to have informed his conscience of the whole matter , even though you had apprehended the danger of drawing his displeasure upon you : that so for the time to come , you might without blushing , use the words of david , when you address your selves to god in the daily psalmody , i did speak of thy testimonies before kings , and was not confounded : but how much more ought you to have done this , when you had so well known , and so often tryed the justice and piety of your excellent prince , of whom you your selves write , that he hears the bishops with a singular gentleness , and that he is resolved to maintain the episcopal authority without suffering it to be entrenched upon ; which we read in your letter with great joy . we do not doubt , that in the defence of so just a cause you could either want arguments fit to be used ; or the king a heart tractable , and inclined to grant your desires . but now since you seem to have forgot both your own duty , and the kings justice , and that you have been silent in a matter of so great consequence , we do not see upon what probable ground you can found that which you represent to us , that you have been induced to do what you have done , because you have been overcome in this dispute , and have lost your cause . but how could he lose it that never stood to it ? and how could he be overcome that never struggled ? who of you all did plead this weighty , this just , and this most sacred cause , before the king ? whereas your predecessors , even in the like danger , did defend it oftner than once with all freedom , both before the former kings of france , and even before this king himself : and having carried their cause , they were dismist by their most just king , with rewards for having so manfully performed the duty of the pastoral charge . but who of you have ingaged in this contest , that he might raise a wall for the house of israel ? who has had the boldness to expose himself to envy ? who has uttered so much as one word , that savoured of the freedom of former times ? the kings officers have indeed cryed aloud as you write , they have cryed aloud in an ill cause , for the rights of the crown ; whereas you in the best cause , that was both for the honour of christ and the church , have been silent : nor is there any more weight in what you say , when you render us an account , or indeed rather offer us an excuse , for the things that have been done by you in this assembly . you aggravate the danger of a breach between the priesthood and the civil power , and the ill effects that may follow from thence , both in church and state : and inferr that therefore you thought it became you to find out a mean for removing the difference that was encreasing , and that no mean appeared more convenient than those remedies proposed by the fathers of the church for tempering the canons by a prudent condescention according to the necessity of the times , in such things as might no way endanger either the truth of religion , or the rules of morality : and that you thought your order and the whole gallicane and indeed the universal church owed so much to a king that had merited so eminently of the catholick religion , and who was daily desiring to merit further of it , and that therefore you passed from your rights , and resigned them to the king. we forbear to mention what you represent to us of the appeal you made to the secular magistrate , by whom this cause was judged against you ; for we wish the remembrance of that might be buried in oblivion , and would gladly have you dash out those words out of your letters , so that they might not remain upon the records of the gallicane church to your eternal reproach . as for what you bring for your own defence , concerning innocent the third , benedict the twelfth and boniface the eighth , there have not been wanting some who have by learned treatises demonstrated how frivolous and foreign they are to this matter : and it is so notoriously known , that it is needless to mention it , with what zeal and constancy those great popes defended the liberty of the church against the secular powers : so little reason have you to maintain your error by those precedents . we do readily allow of and commend the resolution of relaxing the discipline of the canons according to the necessity of the times , where that may be done without any prejudice either to religion or a good life : and we add with st. austin , that things are to be sometimes endured for the good of unity , which ought to be abhorred , if considered according to equity : nor are the tares to be rooted out , if there is danger of plucking up the wheat likewise with them . but all this is so to be understood that it may be done only in some particular case , and for a time , and upon an urgent necessity as was done by the church when she restored the arrians and donatists to their churches , upon their abjuring their errors , that so the people that had followed them might be the more easily governed . but the case is very different from this , when the discipline of the church is weakned , and the foundation of the whole ecclesiastical discipline and hierarchy is indeed overthrown through the whole extent of so great a kingdom without any limitation of time , and with the manifest danger of establishing a precedent which may spread much further . these consequences must certainly follow , if we should suffer the things to be put in execution , which have been lately done by the most christian king , even with your consent , in the affair of the regale ( against the authority of the holy canons , and chiefly against the general council of lions , and against our mind that has been long ago signified to you in that affair , and contrary to that sacred tye of your oaths by which when you received the episcopal character , you bound your selves to god , to the roman church , and to your own particular churches ) and if we by delaying longer , should suffer this evil to become more inveterate ; and should not , in imitation of the examples of our predecessors , and according to that supream authority over the whole church which is given by god to our meanness , condemn it : and that the rather , that by the abuse of the regale the discipline of the church is not only overthrown , as is notoriously evident , but even the purity of the faith is brought in danger : which you may easily gather from the very words of the kings edicts , by which the right of conferring benefices is ascribed to the king , not as flowing from any concession of the church ; but as a right innate and coaeval to the crown : nor could we read that part of your letter without horror , in which you say , you have departed from your rights , and have transferred them on the king ; as if you were the masters , and not the guardians of these churches that are trusted to your care ; and as if the churches themselves and the spiritual rights belonging to them could be brought under the yoke of the secular power , by the bishops , who indeed rather ought to become slaves themselves for setting them at liberty . you your selves did acknowledge and confess this truth , when upon another occasion you declared , that the right of the regale , especially in that branch of it that belongs to the collation of benefices , was a servitude that could not be brought upon the church , but by her concession , at least by her consent . by what right then have you conferred that on the king ? and since the holy canons forbid the alienating the rights of the church , how could it enter into your minds to alienate these rights ? as if you could derogate from the authority of the canons . call to mind what that renowned abbot of clarevall writ excellently to this purpose , whom you justly call the light not only of the gallican , but of the universal church , when he was putting pope eugenius in mind of his duty , he bids him remember that the keys of the church were delivered to him , but not the sheep themselves : there were others that kept the gates of heaven , and were the pastors of the flock ; but whereas every one of these have their several flocks assigned them , to him were the whole trusted : one flock under one shepherd : and that eugenius was not only the shepherd of the sheep , but of the shepherds themselves : and therefore according to the appointment of the canons the other bishops were called to a portion of the care , but he to the fulness of the power . but as it is expedient to give you warning of the obedience and submission that you owe this holy see , which we , though unworthy , do now by the divine appointment govern ; so our pastoral care doth stir us up , now at last , to set about the discharge of our apostolical office , which we have hitherto delayed , perhaps by an excessive long suffering , being willing to give time to repentance . therefore we through the authority of almighty god committed to us , do by these present letters condemn , rescind and annul what has been done in this your assembly in the affair of the regale ; together with every thing that has followed thereupon , or that may happen to be attempted for the future ; and we declare them to be for ever null and void : though these things being of themselves manifestly null , it was not necessary to interpose any declaration for annulling them : yet we hope that you your selves having considered better of this matter , will by a speedy retractation consult the good of your own consciences , and the honour of the gallicane clergy : of which clergy , as hitherto some have not been wanting , so we hope that for the time to come , others will not be wanting , who following the example of the good shepherd , shall be ready to lay down their lives willingly for their sheep , and for maintaining the inheritance conveyed down to them from their fathers . as for our part , we are ready according to the duty of our function , and by the assistance of divine grace , to offer up the sacrifice of righteousness , and to maintain the rights and liberties of the church of god , and the authority and dignity of this holy see : not trusting in our selves , but depending for all things on god , who comforts and strengthens us , and who commanded peter to come unto him , walking on the waters : for the fashion of this world passeth away , and the day of the lord approacheth . let us therefore , venerable brethren and beloved children , so behave our selves that when the great master of the family , and the prince of pastors shall make his accounts with his servants , he may not require at their hands the blood of a broken and torn church , which he redeemed with his own blood . we do again give you all our apostolical blessing with much sincere and cordial affection , and pray that the divine blessing may be added to it . given at rome , april 11. 1682. the protestation made by the assembly of the clergy against the popes proceedings before the former brief was read by them . ecclesia gallicana suis se regit legibus , propriasque consuetudines inviolate custodit , quibus gallicani pontifices , majoresque nostri , nulla definitione , nullaque authoritate derogatum esse voluerunt , & quas ipsi summi pontifices agnoscere & laudare dignati sunt . prope tamen est ut perfringantur leges justae quas prisca galliarum religio reverendáque vetustas , inconcussas fecerunt . ecce etenim , quod sine acerbissimo animi sensu dici non potest , hisce annis superioribus , per provincias galliarum & civitates literae apostolicae seminatae sunt , quibus antiqua gallicanae ecclesiae jura & patria instituta aperte violantur . ex his scilicet intelligimus de regni ecclesiarumque nostrarum negotiis contra mores nostros usurpatam esse cognitionem . inauditis partibus pronunciata judicia , jurisdictionem episcoporum conculcatam , denique contra canonem ecclesiasticum & contra consuetudines illustrissimae gallicanae ecclesiae , metropolitae gladium excommunicationis intentatum esse . dolet clerus gallicanus , queriturque ex his & aliis quae exinde facta sunt , oppressas libertates ecclesiarum ; perturbatam ecclesiae formam , illatum dedecus pontificali ordini , terminósque perruptos quos patres nostri constitueraent : et nè officium & causam suam deserere aut praevaricari suae dignitati , ecclesiarumque suarum commodis videatur , publica contestatione obloqui , & inertis silentii à se movere culpam , decrevit : ut exemplo patrum suorum in posterum provisum sit , nè quid nocere possit juribus & libertatibus ecclesiae gallicanae ; eóque magis inclinat in eam sententiam quod summus pontifex innocentius xi . morum antiquorum & canonicae disciplinae severus assertor non patietur fieri injuriam decretis suorum praedecessorum , est canonibus promulgatis qui rescindebant quicquid subreptum erat contra privata provinciarum jura . nolebant siquidem ecclesiarum privilegia , quae semper conservanda sunt , confundi . propterea clerus idem gallicanus professus antea omnem reverentiam , obedientiámque quam semper exhibuit , perpetuóque exhibiturus est , cathedrae petri , in qua potentiorem agnoscit principatum , coram clarissimo domino joanne baptista lauro , protonotario apostolico , & nunciaturae apostolicae galliarum auditore , protestari constituit , sicut de facto protestatur per praesentes , nè literis pontificiis datis ad episcopum apamiensem die secundo octobris 1680. ad ecclesiae apamiensis capitulum eodem die octobris , ad episcopum tholozanum die primo januarii 1681. ad moniales seu canonissas regulares congregationis beatae mariae virginis monasterii de charonne die septimo august . & 15. octob. 1680. vel aliis exinde & illarum virtute actis & secutis quibuscunque ; damnum aliquod seu praejudicium juribus ecclesiae gallicanae fieri possit , neve quis in aliis locis & temporibus hoc in exemplum & in authoritatem trahat , ut antiquos ecclesiae canones , avitas regni consuetudines , receptosque mores ecclesiae gallicanae oppugnare audeat , aut propter ea quidquam sibi licere existimet ; immò vero nemo nesciat hoc nihil obstare , quo minus canones , consuetudines , jura & libertates ejusdem ecclesiae pristinam vim & integram authoritatem retineant & custodiant . hoc , clerus gallicanus sibi suisque privilegiis cautum consultúmque voluit , & omnibus notum esse , nè quis ignorantiae causam praetexet . datum in comitiis generalibus cleri gallicani lutetiae habitis , may 6. 1682. the translation of the former protestation . the gallicane church governs her self by her own laws , and does inviolably observe her own customs , from which the bishops of france and our ancestors have thought that no decision , and no authority could derogate ; and the popes themselves have thought fit both to acknowledge and to commend them : but now those just laws , which the ancient piety of france , and venerable antiquity have esteemed such as that they were never to be shaken , are almost enervated . for we have seen ( which cannot be mentioned without a most bitter and sensible affliction to us ) that of late years , letters from the apostolick see , have been disseminated through the provinces and cities of france , in which the ancient rights of the gallicane church and the appointments of our forefathers are manifestly violated . by these we understand that an inspection into the affairs of this kingdom and of our churches , has been assumed against our customs ; that judgements have been given without hearing the parties ; that the episcopal jurisdiction has been trodden under foot , and that the sentence of excommunication has been threatned against a metropolitan , contrary to the ecclesiastical canons , and the customs of the most illustrious gallicane church . the gallicane clergy is grieved and complains , that by these things , and by what has been since done pursuant to them , the liberties of their churches have been oppressed , and the order of the church has been disturbed ; that the episcopal office has been disgraced , and the land-marks have been broke through , which our fathers had fixed : and therefore that they may avoid the imputation of having abandoned their duty and station , or betrayed their own dignity and the interests of their churches , they have resolved to oppose these things by a publick protestation , and so to free themselves from the guilt of a neglectful silence ; that so according to the examples set them by their forefathers , they may take care , that these things may not for the future prejudice the rights and liberties of the gallicane church . to this they are the more inclined because the present pope innocent the eleventh ( so eminent for excellent vertues and a strict observance of the discipline established by the canons ) will not suffer any thing to be done that shall be injurious to the decrees of his predecessors , and the canons already promulgated ; by which every thing is rescinded that hath been surreptitiously obtained , contrary to the proper rights of provinces ; nor would they suffer the priviledges of churches to be confounded , which ought to be constantly preserved . therefore the said gallicane clergy having first made profession of all reverence and obedience , which she ever has expressed and ever will express to the chair of st. peter , in which she acknowledges a more powerful * principality , has resolved to protest before the most renowned iohn baptist lauri , protonotary apostolick , and auditor of the apostolick nunciature in france , as in fact she does by these presents protest that the popes letters to the bishop of pamiers , bearing date the 2 of october 1680. and to the chapter of pamiers of the same date , and to the bishop of tholouse , bearing date the 1 of ianuary 1681. and the letters to the nuns , or regular canonesses of the blessed virgin of the nunnery of charron , bearing date the 7 of august and the 15. of october 1680. or any other that have followed since that time , or any thing that has been acted or done by vertue of those , shall be no wayes hurtful or prejudicial to the rights of the gallicane church , and shall turn to no precedent or warrant for doing the like in any other time or place ; and that none may thereupon presume to oppose the ancient canons of the church , or the established customs of this kingdom , or the received practices of the gallicane church , or think that he may lawfully do any thing , pursuant thereunto ; and let none be ignorant , that these things notwithstanding the canons , customs , rights , and liberties of the said church , shall still remain and preserve their ancient force and authority entire : hereby the gallicane clergy have thought fit to secure and preserve themselves and their priviledges , and this this they will have known to all persons , that so none may pretend ignorance . past in the assembly general of the clergy of france , the sixth of may 1682. a letter from paris of the 20th of iune new-stile , containing a further account of the contests between the pope and the french king. by my last , which i sent by one that went from hence a fortnight ago , i gave you a large account of our affairs here , which i hope has come to your hands before this time ; but the great change of the present prospect we have of that matter , from that which appeared when i wrote last , needs not surprize you : for the secrets of state are not known here , so quick as with you , and they lie in so few hands , and those are so true to the kings service , that the greatest persons here can penetrate no further into the councils than as they are pleased to lay them open . you will not therefore wonder , if i now tell you that instead of the adjusting of that affair , of which all people here seemed so assured that it was universally spoken of as a thing done , yet it appears now to be more desperate than ever . we now know the true cause of the sudden adjourning the assembly of the clergy , and that it flowed not from any disposition to compose this difference , but that it was done to prevent a stroke , that might have put it past reconciling : the true reason was this , the old resolute pope sent a courier to france to the internuntio with a bull of excommunication , which he required him to carry into the assembly , and there to fulminate in his name against all the assembly . this came to the knowledge of cardinal d' estree , who , to prevent the ill effects of so hardy a step , sent presently a courier with a strict charge to use all possible hast to get before the popes courier , that so the king might have timely notice of what the other was bringing ; and this is now known to be the true reason of that sudden adjournment . so by this you see this matter is further from being composed than ever . as for the affair of the sorbonne , of which i gave you an account in my last , it has had another effect than was expected . on monday last the faculty met , where there was great opposition made to the registring the kings edict , insomuch that they could not bring the affair to any issue at that time ; but adjourned the debate till next day , yet it was visible enough that those for the negative were the stronger party ; so at night the arch-bishop of paris , the marquiss of segnelay , the first president , and the attorney general met , and it seems resolved on that which was put in execution next day ; for when the sorbonne was again assembled and engaged in the debate , about eleven a clock an officer was sent from the court of parliament , requiring them to suspend their debates , and to send them 12 of their number , who were named in the order , together with their clerk and their register ; the persons were not left to their choice , lest they might have sent some that might have spoken too freely to the parliament . when the persons thus called for , appeared , the first president made a most terrible harangue to them ; he accused the sorbonne of ingratitude and presumption , that they who were but a faculty , that had no authority , and had their meeting only by the kings connivence , should have arrogated an authority to themselves , to have examined the matter of an edict that was made by the assembly of the whole clergy of france , and was confirmed by the king , and verified by the parliament . he therefore commanded their clerk to insert it in their register , and charged them not to assemble any more , but as they should be required and authorised to it by orders from the court : and told them that by the first of july , the kings pleasure should be signified to them . thus you see how firm the sorbonne is in this matter , for the proceedings of the court of parliament are an open confession that the majority of the sorbonne would have refused to receive the edict . i add no more but that i am intirely yours . paris , june 20. s. n. 1682. finis . errata . pag. 8. l. 33. after constance , r. and basil : p. 18. l. 22. r. nostis quae is fecerit : p. 25. l. 8. for from r. with . there are lately published the abridgement of the history of the reformation of the church of england . the history of the rights of princes in the disposing of ecclesiastical benefices and church-lands . both written by gilbert burnet d. d. and printed for richard chiswell . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a30395-e190 * or dignity . proclamation for a solemn national thanksgiving and publick prayers. scotland. privy council. 1699 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05616 wing s1803 estc r216670 52529283 ocm 52529283 179051 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05616) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179051) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:40) proclamation for a solemn national thanksgiving and publick prayers. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno domini, 1699. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh the eight day of november, and of our reign the eleventh year, 1699. signed: gilb. elliot cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion proclamation for a solemn national thanksgiving and publick prayers . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith ; to macers of our privy council messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting ; forasmuch as it hath pleased god in his infinite goodness , graciously to visite this our antient kingdom , in the time of its great need and extremity , with a plentiful harvest ; as also , to return us in safety to our kingdoms to the great satisfaction and joy of all our good subjects : it is our duty by a day set apart for that effect , to pay our solemn acknowledgments , and return praise and thanks to god for so great blessings : for which also , the ministers met at edinburgh in the commission of the late general assembly , have addressed the lords of our privy council , that a solemn day may be set apart , to be religiously observed throughout this our antient kingdom , for the ends , and in manner above and aftermentioned : therefore we with advice of the lords of our privy council , do appoint and command that the thirty day of november instant be religiously observed , as a solemn day of publick worship , by all persons within this kingdom ; for returning our most humble and hearty thanks to god , for the foresaids blessings bestowed upon us and our people . and because , that notwithstanding of these , and many other mercies ; yet it hath pleased the same holy lord god , most justly for our sins , to affect both city and countrey with fore sickness , and frequent deaths , and by several other judgments , specially by frustrating the indeavours that have been made for advancing the trade of this nation , to testifie his displeasure against us. therefore , we further with advice sorefaid , require and ordain , that on the same day , solemn and fervent prayers be made to god , that he may mercifully look upon us , and that all ranks and degrees of people , may search and try their ways , and turn unto the lord , by true and unseigned repentance , that he may remove our sins the procuring cause of all affictions , and may heal this land , and take off diseases from it , and may make us more fruitful under the gospel and means of grace ; and may bless unto us what measure of plenty he hath been pleased to afford us , by the late prosperous harvest ; and we may no more abuse this his goodness into wantonness and forgetfulness , that he may be gracious unto us , and preserve our person , and may guide and direct our counsells and actings , for his glory , and the good of this our ancient kingdom , in all the concerns thereof ; and that it may please god yet to countenance and bless indeavours , for advancing the trade of the nation ; and that he may graciously preserve , protect ard direct thes ; e who are imployed therein , to a happy issue : and that he may remember in mercy , our distressed brethren , in other reformed churches and put a period to their persecutions ; and that he may in the mean time powerfully fortifie them by his grace , that they may persevere in the prosession of his truth , to the end . which day of solemn worship for thanksgiving and prayers , for the causes and ends foresaids . we hereby peremptorly require and enjoyn to be observed with all religious exercises suitable to such an occasion , by all our good subjects , ministers and others , as they will be answerable at their highest perill . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that incontinent thir our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat-crosses of the hail head burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom ; and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make intimation hereof , that none pretend ignorance ; and ordains our solicitor to cause transmit copies hereof to the sheriffs of the several shires and stewarts of stewartries or their deputs and clerks , to be by them published at the mercat-crosses of their head burghs , upon receipt thereof ; and immediatly sent to the several ministers , to the effect , the same may be intimat and bead in their several paroch churches , upon the lords day immediatly preceeding the said thirtie day of november instant , and ordains thir presents to be printed and published . given under our signet at edinburgh the eight day of november , and of our reign the eleventh year , 1699. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . elliot cls. sti concilii . god save the king . edinburgh printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , anno domini , 1699. iames by the prouidence of god, bishop of bath and wels, to all and singular arch-deacons, officials, parsons ... & al other eccelsiastical officers ... greeting whereas his maiesty, for the seasoning of all youth in their due alleageance, hath caused a booke to bee compiled and imprinted, containing the sum of the oath of alleageance, intituled, god and the king ... church of england. diocese of bath and wells. bishop (1608-1616 : montagu) 1616 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a07856 stc 18228.5 estc s3823 33151042 ocm 33151042 28882 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a07856) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28882) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:18) iames by the prouidence of god, bishop of bath and wels, to all and singular arch-deacons, officials, parsons ... & al other eccelsiastical officers ... greeting whereas his maiesty, for the seasoning of all youth in their due alleageance, hath caused a booke to bee compiled and imprinted, containing the sum of the oath of alleageance, intituled, god and the king ... church of england. diocese of bath and wells. bishop (1608-1616 : montagu) montagu, james, 1568?-1618. 1 sheet ([1] p.). [s.n.], imprinted at london : 1616. requiring the oath of allegiance to be taught in all schools. reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng oath of allegiance, 1606. church and state -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -james i, 1603-1625. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion iames , by the prouidence of god , bishop of bath & wels. to all and singular arch-deacons , officials , parsons , vicars , curates , church-wardens , side-men , & al other ecclesiasticall officers , and to all teachers whatsoeuer within our said diocesse , greeeting . where is his maiesty , for the seasoning of all youth in their due alleageance , hath caused a booke to bee compiled and imprinted , containing the sum of the oath of alleageance , intituled god and the king : or a dialogue , shewing that our soueraigne lord king iames being immediate vnder god , within his dominions , doth rightfully clayme what-soeuer is required by the oath of alleageance . and to the end that the same may bee duely read and exercised within his said kingdome , hath by his highnesse letters patents , bearing date on the thirteenth day of march last past , commanded all arch-bishops , bishops , arch-deacons , officials , and all other ecclesiasticall officers and ministers whatsoeuer : that by publique act , edict , order , or such other waies and meanes as they shall thinke fit , they make knowne his maiesties royall pleasure to be : and further to take order that euery teacher , aswell men as women , teaching eyther in the english or latine tongues , within their seuerall diocesse within the said kingdome , eyther publikely or priuately , shall take care that euery scholler ( according to their capacity ) shall and may be taught the saide booke eyther in english or latine . and that all such teachers whatsoeuer , as shall refuse so to doe , shall by the bishop of the diocesse where the said teacher teacheth , be disabled and prohibited from teaching of schollers , vntill such time as they shall conforme themselues thereunto : and further shall incurre his highnesse displeasure , besides such other punishment , as by the lawes of this realme may be inflicted vpon them , for their said contempt of his highnesse royall commandement . and further by his highnes said letters patents , hath commanded all and euery arch-bishops , bishops , maiors , bayliffes , shiriffes , iustices of peace , officials , parsons , vicars , curates , constables , and all other the magistrates , officers and ministers , and all other his subiects of his said kingdome : that they and euery of them , at all times within their seuerall iurisdictions and places , doe further the vniuersall reading and exercise of the said booke . and that euery parson , vicar , and curate , respectiuely within their saide parishes , doe take care , and see that euery childe ( taught publikely or priuately ) be taught the same eyther in the latine or english tongue , as they may best sort with the capacitie of such children . aud that they and euery of them , be ayding , helping & assisting , in the due performance and execution hereof , with effect , as they tender his maiesties royall pleasure and commandement herein . these are therefore in his maiesties name , straightly to require all masters of families , and euery teacher , or teachers , men or women , priuate or publique , teaching eyther in the english or latine tongues : that they take such a speciall care , that all , and euery their youth , schollers , seuerally and respectiuely , may forthwith within the space of tenne daies next after monition giuen vnto them , by such as shall be authorised for that purpose , haue , read , exercise , and learne , and bee taught the saide booke ( order being already taken that there shall be a sufficient number of the said bookes in readinesse , in places conuenient for the buyer . ) and that the said bookes bee sold by such persons , or their deputies onely , as his maiesty hath thereunto authorised . and that they , nor any of the said deputies shall presume to take aboue the rate of sixe pence the booke , neither in latine nor english , the same being in octauo , within the said diocesse . and further that all persons , vicars , curates , church-wardens and side-men , doe at their ordinary day of appearance in any ecclesiasticall court within our said diocesse , quarterly present a true note of all their teachers , men or women within their seueral parishes , with the true number of schollers as euery such teacher teacheth , that their schollers may be furnished with bookes accordingly , together with the names of all such as shal refuse to conforme themselues thereunto . and also that all and euery the said parsons , vicars and curates , church-wardens and side-men , bee truely and faithfully ayding , helping and assisting , for the vniuersall dispersing and teaching of all youth whatsoeuer in the said booke , being vnder the age of xxi . according to his maiesties royall pleasure , and late proclamation , dated at theobals , the viii . of nouember last . commanding all his highnesse louing subiects , to obey such directions , and order , as by my lords grace of canterbury , my lords grace of yorke , and other the bishops of this realme shall be taken therein for the better accomplishment , and due execution hereof , according to his highnesse will and commandement . iames bath : & well : imprinted at london . 1616. the confession of faith of the kirk of scotland; with the bond or covenant subscribed unto by the whole kingdome. scottish confession of faith (1580) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79710 of text r205450 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.4[2]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79710 wing c4202c thomason 669.f.4[2] estc r205450 99864827 99864827 160624 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79710) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160624) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f4[2]) the confession of faith of the kirk of scotland; with the bond or covenant subscribed unto by the whole kingdome. scottish confession of faith (1580) church of scotland. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], london[ : printed in the yeare 1641. the confession of 1581. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of scotland -creeds -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -history -17th century -sources. a79710 r205450 (thomason 669.f.4[2]). civilwar no the confession of faith of the kirk of scotland; vvith the bond or covenant subscribed unto by the whole kingdome. church of scotland. 1641 2808 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2008-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the confession of faith of the kirk of scotland ; with the bond or covenant subscribed unto by the whole kingdome . the confession of faith , subscribed at first by the kings majesty , and his houshold , in the yeare of god 1580. thereafter , by persons of all ranks , in the yeare 1581 , by ordinance of the lords of the secret councell , and acts of the generall assembly . subscribed againe by all sorts of persons , in the yeare 1590 , by a new ordinance of councell , at the desire of the generall assembly : with a generall bond for maintainance of the true religion , and the kings person : and now subscribed in the yeare 1638 by us , noblemen , barons , gentlemen , burgesses , ministers , and commons under subscribing , together with our resolution and promises for the causes after specified , to maintaine the said true religion , and the kings majesty , according to the confession aforesaid , and acts of parliament : the tenor wherof here followeth . we all , and every one of us underwritten , protest that after long and due examination of our own consciences in matters of true , and false religion , are now throughly resolved of the truth by the word & spirit of god ; & therfore we beleeve with our hearts , confesse with our mouths , subscribe with our hands , and constantly affirme before god , and the whole world : that this only is the true christian faith , and religion , pleasing god , and bringing salvation to man , which now is by the mercy of god revealed to the world , by the preaching of the blessed evangel : and received , beleived , and defended by many and sundry notable kirks and realmes ; but chiefely by the kirk of scotland , the kings majesty , and our estates of this realme , as gods eternall truth , and only ground of our salvation ; as more particularly is expressed in the confession of our faith , stablished and confirmed by many acts of paliaments , and now of a long time hath been openly professed by the kings majesty , and whole body of this realm , both in burgh and land . to the which confession and forme of religion we willingly agree in our consciences , in all points as unto gods undoubted truth and verity , grounded only upon his written word : and therefore we abhorre and detest all contrary religion and doctrine : but chiefely all kinde of papistry , in generall and particular heads , even as they are now damned and confuted by the word of god , and kirk of scotland : but in especiall , we detest and refuse the usurped authority of that romane antichrist , upon the scriptures of god , upon the kirk , the civill magistrate , and consciences of men , all his tyrannous lawes made upon indifferent things against our christian liberty ; his erroneous doctrine against the sufficiency of the written word , and the perfection of the law , the office of christ & his blessed evangel . his corrupted doctrine concerning originall sinne , our naturall inability and rebellion to gods law , our justification by faith only , our imperfect sanctification and obedience to the law , the nature , number , and use of the holy sacraments . his five baftard sacraments , with all his rites , ceremonies , and false doctrine added to the ministration of the true sacraments , without the word of god . his cruell judgement against infants departing without the sacrament , his absolute necessity of baptisme , his blasphemous opinion of transubstantiation , or reall presence of christs body in the elements , and receiving of the same by the wicked , or bodies of men ; his dispensations with solemne oathes , perjuries , and degrees of marriage forbidden in the word , his cruelty against the innocent divorced , his devellish masse , his blasphemous priesthood , his prophane sacrifices for the sinnes of the dead & the quick , his canonization of men calling upon angels or saints departed worshipping of imagerie relicts , and crosses , dedicating of kirkes , altars , dayes , vowes to creatures , his purgatory , prayers for the dead , praying , or speaking in a strange language , with his processions , and blasphemous lettany , and multitude of advocates , or mediatours , his manifold orders , auricular confession , his desperate and uncertaine repentance , his generall , and doubtsome faith , his satisfaction of men for their sinnes , his justifications by works , opus operatum , workes of supererogation , merits , pardons , peregrinations and stations , his holy water baptizing of bells , conjuring of spirits , crossing , saning , anointing , conjuring , hallowing of gods good creatures , with the superstitious opinion , joyned there with his wordly monarchy , and wicked hierarchy , his three solemne vowes , with all his shavelings of sundry sorts , his erronious and bloody decrees made at trent , with all the subscribers , and approvers of that cruell and bloody band conjured against the kirk of god : and finally we detest all his vaine allegories , rites , signes , and traditions , brought in the kirk , without or against the word of god , and doctrine of this true reformed kirk ; to the which we joyne our selves willingly in doctrine , faith , religion , discipline and use of the holy sacraments , as lively members of the same in christ our head , promising and swearing by the great name of god our lord , that we shall continue in the obedience of the doctrine and discipline of this kirk , and shall defend the same according to our vocation , and power , all the dayes of our lives , under the paines contained in the law , and danger both of body and soule in the day of gods fearefull iudgements . and seeing that many are stirred up by sathan , and that roman antichrist , to promise , sweare , subscribe and for a time use the holy sacraments in the kirk , deceitfully against their owne consciences , minding thereby , first under the externall cloak of religion , to corrupt and subvert secretly gods true religion , within the kirk ; and afterward when time may serve to become open enimies and persecutours of the same , under vain hope of the popes dispensation , devised against the word of god to his greater confusion , and their double condemnation in the day of the lord iesus christ . we therefore willing to take away all suspition of hypocrisie , and of such double dealing with god and his kirk , protest , and call the scearcher of all hearts for witnesse , that our mindes and hearts do fully agree with this our confession , promise , oath , and subscription ; so that we are not moved for any worldly respect ; but are perswaded only in our consciences through the knowledge and love of gods true religion printed in our hearts by the holy spirit , as we shall answer to him , in the day when the secrets of all hearts shall bee disclosed : and because we perceive that the quietnesse and stability of our religion and kirk , doth depend upon the safety and good behaviour of the kings majesty , as upon a comfortable instrument of gods mercy granted to this countrey , for the maintaining of his kirk , and ministration of justice amongst us ; we protest and promise with our hearts under the same oath , handwrit , and paines , that we shall defend his royall person and authority , with our goods , bodies , and lives , in the defence of christ his evangel , liberties of our countrey , ministration of justice , and punishment of iniquity , against all enimies within this realme or without , as we desire our god to be a strong and mercifull defender to us in the day of our death , and comming of our lord jesus christ , to whom with the father and the holy spirit be all honour and glory eternally . in obedience to the commandement of god , conforme to the practice of the godly in former times , and according to the laudable example of our worthy and religious progenitors , and of many yet living amongst us , which was warranted also by act of councell , commanding a generall bond to be made and subscribed , by his majestis subjects of all ranks , for two causes ; one was for defending the true religion as it was then reformed , and is expressed in the confession of faith above written , and a former large confession established by sundry acts of lawfull generall assemblies , and of parliaments , unto which it hath relation , set downe in publick chatechismes , and which had been for many years , with a blessing from heaven , preached and professed in this kirk and kingdome , as gods undoubted truth , grounded only upon this written word : the other cause was , for maintaining the kings majesties person and estate ; the true worship of god , and the kings authority being so straightly joyned , as that they had the same friends and common enimies , and did stand , and fall together : and finally being convinced in our mindes , and confessing with our mouthes , that the present and succeeding generations in this land , are bound to keep the aforesaid nationall oath and subscription inviolable . wee noblemen , barons , gentlemen , burgesses , ministers , and commons under subscribing , considering divers times before , and especially at this time the danger of the true reformed religion , of the kings honour , and of the publick peace of the kingdome by the manifold innovations and evills generally conteined and particularly mentioned in our late supplications , complaints , and protestations , doe hereby professe , and before god , his angels , and the world , solemnly declare , that with our whole hearts we agree and resolve , all the dayes of our life constantly to adhere unto , and to defend the aforesaid true religion , and forbearing the practice of all novations , already introduced in the matters of the worship of god , or approbation of the corruptions of the publick government of the kirk , or civill places and power of kirk-men , till they be tryed and allowed in free assemblies , and in parliaments , to labour by all meanes lawfull to recover the purity and liberty of the gospel , as it was established and professed before the aforesaid novations : and because after due examination we plainly perceive , and undoubtedly beleive that the innovations and evils conteined in our supplications , complaints , and protestations have no warrant of the word of god , are contrary to the articles of the aforesaid confessions , to the intention and meaning of the blessed reformers of religion in this land , to the above written acts of parliament , and doe sensibly tend to the re-establishing of the popish religion and tyranny , and to the subversion and ruine of the true reformed religion , and of our liberties , lawes , and estates . we also declare that the aforesaid confessions are to be interpreted , and ought to be understood of the aforesaid novations and evils , no lesse than if every one of them had beene expressed in the aforesaid confessions , and that we are obliged to detest and abhorre them , amongst other particular heads of papistry abjured therein ; and therefore from the knowledge and conscience of our duty to god , to our king and countrey , without any worldly respect or inducement , so farre as humane infirmity will suffer , wishing a further measure of the grace of god for this effect ; we promise & sweare by the great name of the lord our god , to continue in the profession and obedience of the aforesaid religion : that we shall defend the same , & resist all these contrary errours and corruptions , according to our vocation , and to the uttermost of that power that god hath put in our hands , all the dayes of our life : and in like manner with the same heart we declare before god and men , that we have no intention nor desire to attempt any thing , that may turne to the dishonour of god , or to the diminution of the kings greatnesse and authority : but on the contrary , we promise and sweare that we shall to the uttermost of our power , with our meanes and lives , stand to the defence of our dread soveraigne , the kings majesties person and authority , in the defence and preservation of the aforesaid true religion , liberties and lawes of the kingdome : as also to the mutuall defence and assistance every one of us of another , in the same cause of maintaining the true religion , and his majesties authority with our best counsell , our bodies , meanes , and whole power against all sorts of persons whatsoever ; so that whatsoever shall be done to the least of us for that cause shall be taken as done to us all in generall , and to every one of us in particular : and that wee shall neither directly nor indirectly suffer our selves to be divided or with-drawne , by whatsoever suggestion or allurement , or terror from this blessed and loyall conjunction , nor shall cast in any let or impediment , that may stay or hinder any such resolution , as by common consent shall be found to conduce for so good ends : but on the contrary , shall by all lawfull meanes labour to further and promote the same ; and if any such dangerous and divisive motion bee made to us by word , or writ ; we and every one of us shall either suppresse it , or if need be , shall incontinent make the same knowne , that it may be timously obviated : neither doe we feare the foule aspersions of rebellion , combination , or what else our adversaries from their craft and malice would put upon us , seeing what we doe is so well warranted , and ariseth from an unfeigned desire to maintaine the true worship of god , the majesty of our king , and peace of the kingdome , for the common happinesse of our selves , and the posterity . and because we cannot look for a blessing from god upon our proceedings , except with our profession and subscription we joyne such a life and conversation , as beseemeth christians , who have renewed their covenant with god ; we therefore faithfully promise for our selves , our followers , and all others under us , both in publick in our particular families , and personall carriage to endeavour to keep our selves within the bounds of christian liberties , and to be good examples to others of all godlinesse , sobernesse and righteousnesse , and of every duty we owe to god and man . and that this our union and conjunction may be observed without violation , we call the living god the searcher of our hearts to witnesse , who knoweth this to be our sincere desire and unfeigned resolution , as we shall answer to jesus christ in the great day , and under the paine of gods everlasting wrath , and of infamy and losse of all honour and respect in this world , most humbly beseeching the lord to strengthen us by his holy spirit for this end , and to blesse our desires and proceedings with a happy successe , that religion and righteousnesse may flourish in the land , to the glory of god , and honour of the king , and the peace and comfort of us all , in witnesse whereof we have subscribed with our hands all the premises , &c. london , printed in the yeare 1641. a letter written to dr. burnet, giving an account of cardinal pool's secret powers from which it appears, that it was never intended to confirm the alienation that was made of abbeylands : to which are added, two breves that card. pool brought over, and some other of his letters, that were never before printed. coventry, william, sir, 1628?-1686. 1685 approx. 64 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34790 wing c6631 estc r17149 11736136 ocm 11736136 48462 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34790) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48462) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 487:12) a letter written to dr. burnet, giving an account of cardinal pool's secret powers from which it appears, that it was never intended to confirm the alienation that was made of abbeylands : to which are added, two breves that card. pool brought over, and some other of his letters, that were never before printed. coventry, william, sir, 1628?-1686. pole, reginald, 1500-1558. 40 p. printed for richard baldwin, london : 1685. page 19 signed: w.c. (i.e. william coventry) reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng pole, reginald, 1500-1558. church and state -england. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter written to dr. burnet , giving an account of cardinal pool's secret powers : from which it appears , that it was never intended to confirm the alienation that was made of the abbey-lands . to which are added , two breves that card. pool brought over , and some other of his letters , that were never before printed . london , printed for richard baldwin , in the old-baily-corner on ludgate-hill . 1685. a letter to dr. burnet , giving an account of cardinal pool's secret powers . sir , i have fallen on a register of cardinal pool's letters , which carries in it all the characters of sincerity possible . the hand and the abbreviatures shew that it was written at that time . it contains not only the two breves that i send along with this , but two other breves , besides several letters that past between card. pool and the bishop of arras , that was afterwards the famous cardinal granvell ; and others that past between pool , and the cardinal de monte , and cardinal morone , and soto the emperor's confessor . there are also in it some of pool's letters to the pope , and to philip then king of england ; and of these i have sent you two , the one is to the pope , and the other is to philip : but with these i shall give you a large account of some reflections that i have made on these papers , since i hear that you desire i would suggest to you all that occurs to me upon this occasion . you have given the world a very particular account , in your history of the reformation , of the difficulties that were made concerning the church-lands , in the beginning of queen mary's reign ; and of the act of parliament that past in her reign , confirming the alienation of them , that was made by king henry the eighth ; and of the ratification of it made by cardinal pool , who was the pope's legate , and was believed to have full powers for all he did . you have observed , there were two clauses in that very act of parliament , that shew there was then a design form'd to recover all the abbey-lands : the one is , a charge given by pool , to all people that had the goods of the church in their hands , to consider , the judgments of god that fell on belshazzar , for profaning the holy vessels , even tho they had not been taken away by himself , but by his father : which set the matter heavy upon the consciences of those that enjoyed these lands . the other was , the repeal of the statute of mortmain for twenty years ; for since that statute was a restraint upon the profuse endowments of churches , the suspending it for so long a time , gave the monks scope and elbow-room ; and it is not unlike , that within the time limited of twenty years , the greatest part of the work would have been done : for superstition works violently , especially upon dying men , when they can hold their lands no longer themselves ; and so it is most likely , that if a priest came to tell them frightful stories of purgatory , and did aggravate the heinousness of sacrilege , they would easily be wrought upon to take care of themselves in the next world , and leave their children to their shifts in this . but i go now to give you some account of the papers that accompany this letter . the first is the breve that contains the powers that were given to cardinal pool , besides those general powers or bulls that were given him as legate . this bears date the 8th of march , 1554 , and so probably it was an enlargement of the powers that were , as it is likely , granted him at his first dispatch from rome ; and therefore these carry in them , very probably , more grace and favour than was intended or allowed of at first : for pool had left rome the november before this , and no doubt he carried some powers with him ; but upon the remonstrances that were made by the emperor , as well as from england , it seems those were procured that i now send you . the most uneasy part of this whole matter , was that which related to the church-lands ; for it is delivered in the canon-law , that the pope cannot alienate lands belonging to the church , in any manner , or for any necessity whatsoever . and by that same canon which was decreed by pope symmachus , and a roman synod , about the year 500 ; the giver and seller of church-lands , as well as the possessor , is to be degraded and anathematized ; and any church-man whatsoever may oppose such alienations , and these notwithstanding may recover the lands so alienated . the pope according to this decree could not confirm the alienations that had been made by king henry ; and if he did confirm them , the act must be null in law , and could be no prejudice to the present incumbent , or his successor , to claim his right . therefore pursuant to this , the powers given to pool , authorize him only to indemnify and discharge the possessors of the church-lands , for the goods that they had embezelled , and for the rents that they had received ; for it runs in these words , ( which i have mark'd in the breve it self , that you may readily turn to it ) and to agree and transact with the possessors of the goods of the church , for the rents which they have unlawfully received , and for the moveable goods which they have consumed ; and for freeing and discharging them for them , they restoring first ( if that shall seem expedient to you ) the lands themselves , that are unduly detained by them . by these powers it is plain , that the pope only forgave what was past , but stood to the right of the church , as to the restitution of the lands themselves : and that clause ( if that shall seem to you expedient ) belongs only to the order and point of time , so that the discharging what was past , might have been done by cardinal pool , before or after restitution , as he pleased : but restitution was still to be made ; and he had by these powers no authority to confirm the alienations that had been made by king henry the 8 th for the time to come . but these limitations were so distasteful , both in england and at the emperor's court , that pool found it necessary to send his secretary ormanet to rome , for new instructions and fuller powers : he addressed him to cardinal de monte for procuring them . ormanet was dispatch'd from rome in the end of june , 1554 , and came to pool in the end of july , as appears by the date of pool's letters to the cardinal de monte , which is the 29 th of july , upon the receipt of the two breves that ormanet brought him , bearing date the 26 th and 28 th of june . the first of these is only matter of form , empowering him to act as a legate , either about the emperor or the king of france , in as ample manner as former legates had done . the second relates almost wholly to the business of abbey-lands ; in it the pope sets forth , that whereas he had formerly empowered him to transact with the possessors of church-lands , and to discharge them for the rents unjustly received , or the moveable goods that were consumed by them ; yet since the perfecting of the reduction of england would become so much the easier , as the pope gave the greater hopes of gentleness and favour in that matter , he therefore not being willing to let any worldly respects lie in the way of so great a work , as was the recovery of so many souls , and in imitation of the tender-hearted father , that went out to meet the prodigal child , empowers the cardinal , according to the trust and confidence that he had in him , to transact and agree with such of the possessors of them , by the pope's authority , for whom the queen should intercede , and to dispense with them for enjoying them in all time coming . but the salvo that comes in the end , seems to take all this off ; for he reserves all to the pope's confirmation and good pleasure , in all those things that were of such importance , that the holy see ought first to be consulted by pool . by these powers , all that pool could do was only provisional , and could not bind the pope ; so that he might disclaim and disown him when he pleased : and the agreements that he made afterwards with the parliament , were of no force , till they were confirmed by the pope . and as the pope that succeeded julius the third , who granted these breves , ( but died before the execution of them was brought to him for his confirmation ) would never confirm them ; so this whole transaction was a publick cheat put on the nation , or at least on the possessors of the abbey-lands ; nor did it grant them either a good title in law , ( i mean the canon-law ) or give any security to their consciences , in enjoying that which according to the doctrine of the church of rome , is plain sacrilege . and therefore i cannot imagine how those of that church can quiet their consciences in the possession of those lands . it is plain by the progress of this matter , that the court of rome never intended to confirm the abbey-lands ; for all that was done by pool , was only an artifice to still mens fears , and to lay the clamour , which the apprehension of the return of popery was raising , that so it might once enter with the less opposition ; and then it could be easy to carry all lesser matters , when the great point was once gained , as the saddle goes into the bargain for the horse . and indeed tho a poor heretick may hope for mercy , notwithstanding his abbey-lands , because it may be supposed to be a sin of ignorance in him , so that he possesses them with a good conscience , and is that which the law calls bonae fidei possessor ; yet i see no remedy for such as go over to the church of rome : for if there is a sin in the world that is condemned by that church , it is sacrilege ; so that they must be malae fidei possessores , that continue in it , after the enlightning which that church offers them . a man may as well be a papist , and not believe transubstantiation , nor worship the host ; as be one , and still enjoy his church-lands . nor can any confessor , that understands the principles of his own religion , give absolution to such as are involved in that guilt , without restitution : so that it is a vain thing to talk of securing men in the possession of those lands , if popery should ever prevail : for tho the court of rome would , to facilitate our reconciliation , offer some deceitful confirmation , as was done by cardinal pool ; yet no man , after he went over to that church , could suffer himself to enjoy them : every fit of sickness , or cross accident , would , by the priests rhetorick , look like the beginning of the curse that fell on ananias and saphira . the terrible imprecations that are in the endowments of monasteries , would be always tinging in his ears ; and if absolution were denied , especially in the hour of death , what haste would the poor man make to get rid of that weight which must sink him into hell : for as he must not hope for such good quarters as purgatory , so if he happened to go thither , he would be so scurvily used by the poor souls , which have been kept frying there for want of the masses which would have been said for them in the abbey-church , if he had not with held the rents , that he would find so little difference between that and hell , that even there he might be tempted to turn protestant again , and believe that purgatory was no better than hell. if any will object , that at least cardinal pool's . settlement secures them till it is annulled at rome : to this , as these papers will offer an answer , since his settlement was to have no force , till it was confirmed by the apostolick see , which was never yet done : so if our english papists go into the opinion that is now generally received and asserted in france , that the pope's power is limited by the canons , and subject to the church ; then the confirmation given by cardinal pool , is null of it self , tho it had been granted exactly according to the letter of his instructions : since there has been in several ages of the church , so vast a number of canons , made against the alienations of church-lands , that if they were all laid together , they would make a big book : for in the ages of superstition , as the church-men were mightily set on enriching the church ; so they made sure work , and took special care that nothing should be torn from it , that was once consecrated . but i return from this digression , to give you some account of the other letters that are in my register . there is a letter of cardinal morone's to pool , of the 13 th of july , sent also by ormanet in which he tells him , that tho the emperor had writ very extravagantly of him to the pope , yet the pope said , he was sure there was no just occasion given for it : and whereas the emperor prest that pool might be recalled , the pope continued firm in his resolution , not to consent to so dishonourable a thing . he adds , that the pope was not yet determined in the business of the church-lands , but had spoken very often very variously concerning that matter . after this there follows another breve of the 10 th of july , by which the pope , upon the consideration of the prince of spain's being married to the queen of england , enlarges pool's powers , and authorizes him , as his legate , to treat with him : but this is meerly a point of form. pool sent ormanet , with an account of this dispatch that he had received from rome , to the bishop of arras , to be presented by him to the emperor : all the answer that he could procure , as appears by ormanet's letter , was , that the emperor had no news from england since his son's marriage : but that he would send an express thither , to know the state of affairs there ; which he thought must be done first , before the legate could go over . and of this the bishop of arras writ to pool , three days after ormanet came to him , his letter bears date from bouchain , the 3 d of august , 1554. by ormanet's letter is appears , that these last powers gave the emperor full satisfaction , and were not at all excepted against ; only granvell made some difficulty in one point , * whether the settlement of the church-lands should be granted as a grace of the pope's , by the cardinal's hands , immediately to the possessors ? or should be granted to philip and mary , and by their means to the possessors ? for it seems it was thought a surer way to engage the crown to maintain what was done , if the pope were engaged for it to the crown , with which he would not venture so easily to break , as he might perhaps do with the possessors themselves . but ormanet gave him full satisfaction in that matter ; for the manner of setling it being referred wholly to the cardinal by his powers , he promised that he would order it in the way that should give the nation most content . the emperor's delays became very uneasy to cardinal pool , upon which he wrote to soto , that was the emperor's confessor , the 12 th of august , and desired to speak with him . by the place from whence the cardinal dates most of these letters , it appears he was then in a monastery called diligam , near brussels . i will not determine whether it may not be a mistake that passes so generally , that no wonder you have gone into it , that he was stopt at dilling , a town upon the danube , by the emperor's orders , which might have been founded on his being lodged in this monastery ; for as he dates some of his letters from diligam , and others from brussels , so he dates one from diligam-abbey , near brussels : but this is not of any great importance . after some letters of no great consequence , there comes a long one writ by pool to the pope , bearing date from brussels , octob. 13. 1554. which i send you . in it pool gives him an account of the first conference that he had with the emperor on this subject . he told the emperor , that tho as to matters of faith the pope could slacken nothing , nor shew any manner of indulgence ; yet in the matter of the church-lands , in which the pope was more at liberty , he was resolved to be gentle and indulgent : and as to all the pains and censures that the possessors had incurred , and the rents that they enjoyed , which were points of great importance , he was resolved to use all sort of indulgence towards them , and to forgive all : nor had he any design of applying any part of these goods , either to himself , or to the apostolick see , of which some were afraid ; tho he might pretend good reason for it , considering the losses that that see had sustained by reason of the schism ; but he would give up all that to the service of god , and the good of the kingdom . and such regard had the pope to the king and queen of england , that he was resolved to grant upon their intercession , whatsoever should be thought convenient , to such persons as they should think worth gratifying , or were capable to assist in the design of petling the religion . to all this the emperor answered with a new delay : he was expecting to hear very suddenly from england ; and it was necessary to have that difficulty concerning the church-lands first cleared , which by his own experience in germany he concluded to be the chief obstacle : for as to the doctrine , he did not believe they stuck at that ; and he thought that they believed neither the one nor the other persuasion , and therefore they would not be much concerned in such points : yet since these goods were dedicated to god , it was not fit to grant every thing to those that held them ; and therefore the pool had told him how far his powers extended , yet it was not fit that it should be generally known . but as the emperor was putting in new delays , pool prest him vehemently , that the matter might at last be brought to a conclusion . the emperor told him , that great regard must be had to the ill dispositions of the parties concerned , since the aversion that the english nation had to the very name of obedience to the church , or to a red hat , or a religious habit , was so universal , that his son had been advised to make the friers that came over from spain with him , change their habits : but tho he had done it , yet the danger of tumults deserved to be well considered . pool replied , that if he must stay till all impediments were removed , he must never go . those that were concerned in the abby-lands , would still endeavour to obstruct his coming , since by that means , they still continued in possession of all that they had got . in conclusion , it was resolved that pool should stay for the return of the messenger , that the emperor had sent to england . two things appear from this letter ; one is , that cardinal pool intended only to grant a general discharge to all the possessors of the abby-lands , for what was past ; but resolved to give no grants of them for the future , except only to such as should merit it , and for whom the queen should intercede , and whose zeal in the matter of religion might deserve such a favour ; and it seems that even the emperor intended no more and that he thought that this should be kept a great secret. the other is , that the aversion of the nation to popery was at that time very high , so that tumults were much apprehended : yet the whole work was brought to a final conclusion within two months , without any opposition , or the least tumult : so inconsiderable are popular discontents , in opposition to a government well established , and supported by strong alliances . pool being wearied out with these continued delays , of which he saw no end , writ a long and high-flown , or according to the stile of this age , a canting letter to philip , then king of england : i send it likewise to you , because you may perhaps desire to see every thing of pool's writing , for whose memory you have expressed a very particular esteem : he tells the king that he had been knocking at the gates of that court now a year , tho he was banished his country , because he would not consent , that she who now dwelt in it should be shut out of it ; but in his person it was s. peter's successor , or rather s. peter himself , that knock'd ; and so he runs out in a long and laboured allegory , taken from s. peter's being delivered out of prison , in the herodian persecution ; and coming to mary's gate , where after his voice was known , yet he was held long knocking ; tho mary was not sure that it was he himself , &c. upon all which he runs division , like a man that had practised eloquence long , and had allowed himself to fly high with forced rhetorick . and to say the truth , this way of enlarging upon an allegory from some part of scripture-story , had been so long used , and was so early practised , that i do not wonder much to see him dress this out with such pomp , and so many words . i shall be very glad if these papers give you any considerable light in those matters ; in which you have laboured so successfully : i am very sincerely , sir , your most humble servant , w. c. cardinal pool's general powers for reconciling england to the church of rome . julius papa iii. dilecte fili noster , salutem & apostolicam benedictionem : dudum , cum carissima in christo filia nostra maria , angliae tunc princeps regina declarata fuisser , & speraretur regnum angliae , quod saeva regnum tyrannide ab unione sanctae ecclesiae catholicae separatum fuerat , ad ovile gregis domini & ejusdem ecclesiae unionem , ipsa maria primum regnante , redire posse . nos te , praestanti virtute , singulari pietate , ac multa doctrina insignem , ad eandem mariam reginam & universum angliae regnum , de fratrum nostrorum consilio & unanimi consensu nostrum & apostolicae sedis legatum de latere destinavimus : tibique inter caetera , omnes & singulos utriusque sexus , tam laicas quam ecclesiasticas , seculares & quorumvis ordinum reglares , personas , in quibusvis etiam sacris ordinibus constitutas , cujuscunque status , gradus , conditionis & qualitatis existerint ac quacunque ecclesiastica , etiam episcopali , archiepiscopali , & patriarchali : aut mundana , etiam marchionali , ducali ; aut regia dignitate prefulgerent , etiamsi capitulum , collegium , universitas , seu communitas forent , quarumcunque heresium , aut novarum sectarum , professores , aut in eis culpabiles , vel suspectas , ac credentes , receptatores , & fautores eorum , etiamsi relapsae fuissent , eorum errorem cognoscentes , & de illis dolentes , ac ad orthodoxam fidem recipi humiliter postulantes , cognita in eis , vera & non ficta , aut simulata , penitentia , ab omnibus & fingulis per eos perpetratis , ( haereses , & ab eadem fide apostasias , blasphemias , & alios quoscunque errores , etiam sub generali sermone non venientes sapientibus ) peccatis , criminibus , excessibus , & delictis , nec non excommunicationum , suspensionum , interdictorum , & aliis ecclesiasticis , ac temporalibus etiam corporis afflictivis , & capitalibus sententiis , censuris & paenis in eos premissorum occasione , a jure vel ab homine latis , vel promulgatis , etiam si in iis viginti , & plus annis insorduissent , & eorum absolutio nobis & divinae sedi , & per literas in die caenae domini legi consuetas , reservata existeret , in utroque , conscientiae videlicet , & contentioso foro , plenare absolvendi , & liberandi , ac aliorum christi fidelium consortio aggregandi : nec non cum eis super irregularitate per eos premissorum occasione , etiam quia sic ligati , missas & alia divina officia , etiam contra ritus & ceremonias ab ecclesia eatenus probatas , & usitatas , celebrassent , aut illis alias se miscuissent , contracta ; nec non bigama per eosdem ecclesiasticos , seculares , vel regulares , vere aut ficte , seu alias qualitercunque incursa , ( etiamsi ex eo quod clerici in sacris constituti , cum viduis vel aliis corruptis , matrimonum contraxissent pretenderetur ) rejectis & expulsis tamen prius uxoribus , sic de facto copulatis : quodque bigamia & irregularitate ac aliis premissis non obstantibus , in eorum ordinibus , dummodo ante eorum lapsum in heresin hujusmodi , rite & legitime promoti vel ordinati fuissent , etiam in altaris ministerio ministrare , ac quaecunque & qualitercunque etiam curata beneficia , secularia vel regularia ut prius , dummodo super eis alteri jus quaesitum non existeret , retinere : & non promoti , ad omnes etiam sacros & presbyteratus ordines , ab eorum ordinariis , si digni & idonei reperti fuissent , promoveri , ac beneficia ecclesiastica , si iis alias canonice conferentur , recipere & retinere valerent , dispensandi & indulgendi : ac omnem infamiae & inhabilitatis maculam sive notam , ex premissis quomodolibet insurgentem , penitus & omnino abolendi ; nec non ad pristinos honores , dignitates , famam , & patriam , & bona etiam confiscata , in pristinumque , & eum , in quo ante premissa quomodolibet erant , statum restituendi , reponendi , & reintegrandi : ac eis , dummodo corde contriti , eorum errata & excessus alicui per eos eligendo catholico confessori , sacramentaliter consiterentur , ac penitentiam salutarem , eis per ipsum confessorem propterea injungendam omnino adimplerent , omnem publicam confessionem , abjurationem , renunciationem , & penitentiam jure debitam , arbitrio suo moderandi vel in totum remittendi . nec non communitates & universitates , ac singulares personas quascunque , a quibusvis illicitis pactionibus & conventionibus , per eos cum dominis aberrantibus , seu in eorum favorem , quomodolibet initis , & iis praestitis juramentis , & homagiis , illorumque omnium observatione , & si quem eatenus occasione eorum incurrissent perjurii reatum , in etiam absolvendi , & juramenta ipsa relaxandi . ac quoscunque regulares & religiosos , etiam in haeresin hujusmodi ut prefertur lapsos , extra eorum regularia loca absque dictae sedis licentia vagantes , ab apostasiae reatu , & excommunicationis aliisque censuris ac paenis ecclesiasticis , per eos propterea etiam juxta suorum ordinum instituta incursis , pariter absolvendi : ac cum eis ut alicui beneficio ecclesiastico curato , de illud obtinentis consensu , etiam in habitu clerici secularis , habitum snum regularem sub honesta toga presbyteri secularis deferendo , deservire , & extra eadem regularia loca remanere libere & licite possint dispensandi . nec non quibusvis personis , etiam ecclesiasticis , ut quadragesimalibus & aliis anni temporibus & diebus , quibus usus ovorum & carnium est de jure prohibitus , butiro & caseo & aliis lacticiniis , ac dictis ovis & carnibus , de utriusque seu alterius , spiritualis , qui catholicus existeret , medici consilio , aut si locorum & personarum qualitate inspecta , ex defectu piscium aut olei , vel indispositione personarum earundem , seu alia causa legitima id tibi saclendum videretur , ut tuo arbitrio uti & vesci possint , indulgendi & concedendi . nec non per te in praeteritis duntaxat casibus , aliquos clericos seculares , tantum presbyteros , diaconos , aut subdiaconos , qui matrimonium cum aliquibus virginibus , vel corruptis secularibus , etiam mulieribus , de facto eatenus contraxissent , considerata aliqua ipsorum singulari qualitate , & cognita eorum vera ad christi fidem conversione , ac aliis circumstantiis , ac modificationibus tuo tantum arbitrio adhibendis , ex quibus aliis praesertim clericis in sacris ordinibus hujusmodi constitutis , quibus non licet uxores habere , scandalum omnino non generetur , citra tamen altaris ac alia sacerdotum ministeria , & titulos beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum , ac omni ipforum ordinum exercitio sublato , ab excommunicationis sententia , & aliis reatibus proteria incursis , injuncta inde eis etiam tuo arbitrio penitentia salutari , absolvendi ac cum eis dummodo alter eorum superstes remaneret , de caetero sine spe congugii , quod inter se matrimonium legitime contrahere , & in eo postquam contractum foret , licite romanere possent , prolem exinde legitimam decernendo , miserecorditer dispensandi : ac quaecunque beneficia ecclesiastica , tam secularia quam regularia , & quae per rectores catholicos possidebantur , de ipsorum tamen rectorum catholicorum consensu , seu absque eorum prejudicio , cuicunque alteri beneficio ecclesiastico ob ejus fructuus tenuitatem , aut hospitali jam erecto vel erigendo , seu studio universali vel scholis literariis , uniendi , annectendi , & incorporandi , aut fructus , reditus , & proventus , seu bonorundem beneficiorum dividendi , separandi , & dismembrandi , ac eorum sic divisorum , separatorum & dismembratorum partem aliis beneficis seu hospitalibus , vel studiis aut scholis , seu piis usibus similiter arbitrio tuo perpetuo applicandi & appropriandi . ac cum posterioribus bonorum ecclesiasticorum ( restitutis , prius si tibi expedire videretur , immobilibus per eos indebite detentis ) super fructibus male perceptis , ac bonis mobilibus consumptis , concordandi , & transigendi , ac eos desuper liberandi & quietandi : ac quicquid concordiis & transactionibus hujusmodi proveniret , in ecclesia cujus essent bona , vel in studiorum universalium , aut scholarum hujusmodi , seu alios pios usus convertendi , omniaque & singula alia , in quae in premissis & circa ea quomodolibet necessaria & opportuna esse cognosceres , faciendi , dicendi , gerendi , & exercendi : nec non catholicos locorum ordinarios , aut alias personas deum timentes , fide insignes , & literarum scientia praeditas , ac gravitate morum conspicuas , & aetate veneranda , de quarum probitate & circumspectione ac charitatis zelo plena fiducia conspici posset , ad premissa omnia , cum simili vel limitata potestate ( absolutione & dispensatione clericorum circa connubia , ac unione beneficiorum , seu eorum fructuum & bonorum separatione , & applicatione , ac concordia cum possessoribus bonorum ecclesiasticorum & eorum liberatorum , duntaxat exceptis ) substituendi & subdelegandi : ac diversas alias facultates per diversas alias nostras tam sub plumbo quam in forma brevis confectas literas , concessimus , prout in illis plenius continetur . verum cum tu ad partes flandriae ex quibus brevissima ad regnum transfretatio existit , te contuleris , ac ex certis rationalibus nobis notis causis inibi aliquandiu subsistere habeas , ac a nonnullis , nimium forsan scrupulosis , hesitetur , an tu in partibus hujusmodi subsistens , predictis ac aliis tibi concessis facultatibus uti ac in eodem regno locorum ordinarios , aut alias personas ut premittitur qualificatas , quae facultatibus per te juxta dictarum literarum continentiam pro tempore concessis utantur , alias juxta earundem literarum tenorem substituere & delegare possis : nos causam tuae subsistentiae in eisdem partibus approbantes , & singularum literarum praedictarum tenores , praesentibus pro sufficienter expressis , ac de verbo ad verbum insertis , habentes , circumspectioni tuae quod quamdiu in eisdem partibus de licentia nostra morum traxeris , legatione tua praedicta durante , etiam extra ipsum regnum existens , omnibus & singulis praedictis & quibusvis aliis tibi concessis & quae per praesentes tibi conceduntur , facultatibus , etiam erga quoscunque , archiepiscopos , episcopos , ac abbates , aliosque , ecclesiarum tam secularium quam quorumvis ordinum regularium , nec non monasteriorum & aliorum regularium locorum prelatos , non secus ac erga alios inferiores clericos , uti possis , necnon erga alias personas in singulis literis praedictis quovis modo nominatas , ad te pro tempore recurrentes vel mittentes , etiam circa ordines , quos nunquam aut male susceperunt , & munus consecrationis quod iis ob aliis episcopis vel archiepiscopis etiam haereticis & schismaticis , aut alias minus rite & non servata forma ecclesiae consueta impensum fuit , etiam si ordines & munus hujusmodi etiam circa altaris ministerium temere executi sint , per te ipsum vel alios , ad id a te pro tempore deputatos , libere uti , ac in eodem regno tot quot tibi videbuntur locorum ordinarios vel alias personas , ut premittitur qualificatas , quae facultatibus per te , eis pro tempore concessis , ( citra tamen eas quae solum tibi ut praefertur concessae existunt ) etiam te in partibus flandriae hujusmodi subsistente , libere utantur ; & eas exerceant & exequantur alias , juxta ipsarum literarum continentiam ac tenorem substituere & subdelegare . nec non de personis quorumcunque episcoporum vel archiepiscoporum , qui metropolitanam aut alias cathedrales ecclesias de manu laicorum etiam schismaticorum , & presertim qui de henrici regis & edvardi ejus nati receperunt , & eorum regimini & administratione se ingesserunt , & eorum fructus reditus & proventus etiam longissimo tempore , tanquam veri archiepiscopi aut episcopi temere & de facto usurpando , etiamsi in haeresin ut prefertur , inciderint , seu antea haeretici fuerint , postquam per te unitati sanctae matris ecclesiae restituti exstiterint , tuque eos rehabilitandos esse censueris , si tibi alias digni & idonei videbuntur , eisdem metropolitanis & aliis cathedralibus ecclesiis denuo , nec non quibusvis aliis cathedralibus etiam metropolitanis ecclesiis per obitum vel privationem illarum praesulum , seu alias quovis modo pro tempore vacantibus , de personis idoneis pro quibus ipsa maria regina juxta consuetudines ipsius regni , tibi supplicaverit authoritate nostra providere ipsasque personas eisdem ecclesiis in episcopos aut archiepiscopos praeficere : ac cum iis qui ecclesias cathedrales & metropolitanas , de manu laicorum etiam schismaticorum ut prefertur , receperunt , quod eisdem seu aliis ad quas eas alias rite transferri contigerit , cathedralibus etiam metropolitanis ecclesiis , in episcopos vel archiepiscopos praeesse ipsasque ecclesias in spiritualibus & temporalibus regere & gubernare , ac munere consecrationis eis hactenus impenso uti , vel si illud eis nondum impensum extiterit , ab episcopis vel archiepiscopis catholicis per te nominandis suscipere libere & licite possint . nec non cum quibusvis per te ut praemittitur pro tempore absolutis & rehabilitatis , ut eorum erroribus & excessibus preteritis non obstantibus , quibusvis cathedralibus , etiam metropolitanis ecclesiis in episcopos & archiepiscopos prefici & praeesse , illasque in eisdem spiritualibus & temporalibus regere & gubernare : ac ad quoscunque etiam sacros & presbyteratos ordines promovere , & in illis aut per eos jam licet minus rite susceptis ordinibus etiam in altaris ministerio ministrare nec non munus consecrationis suscipere , & illo uti libere & licite valeant ; dispensare etiam libere & licite possis , plenam & liberam apostolicam autoritatem per presentes concedimus facultatem & potestatem : non obstantibus constitutionibus & ordinationibus apostolicis , ac omnibus illis quae in singulis literis praeteritis voluimus non obstare , caeterisque contrariis quibuscunque . datum romae apud sanctum petrum , sub annulo piscatoris , die 8. martii 1554. pontificatus nostri anno quinto . a second breve containg more special powers relating to the abby-lands . julius pp . iii. dilecte fili noster salutem & apostolicam benedictionem . superioribus mensibus oblata nobis spe per dei misericordiam , & charissimae in christo filiae nostrae mariae angliae reginae , summam religionem , & pietatem , nobilissimi illius angliae regni , quod jamdiu quorundem impietate , a reliquo catholicae ecclesiae corpore avulsum fuit , ad ejusdem catholicae & universalis ecclesiae unionem , extra quam nemini salus esse potest , reducendi ; te ad praefatam mariam reginam , atque universum illud regnum , nostrum & apostolicae sedis legatum de latere , tanquam pacis & concordiae angelum , de venerabilum fratrum nostrorum , sanctae romanae ecclesiae cardinalum consilio atque unanimi assensu , destinavimus , illisque facultatibus omnibus munivimus , quas ad tanti negotii confectionem necessarias putavimus esse , seu quommodolibet opportunas . atque inter alia circumspectioni tuae , ut cum bonorum ecclesiasticorum possessoribus , super fructibus male perceptis , & bonis mobilibus consumptis concordare & transigere , ac eos desuper liberare , & quietare , ubi expedire posset , autoritatem concessimus & facultatem , prout in nostris desuper confectis literis plenius continetur : cum autem ex iis principiis , quae ejusdem mariae sedulitate & diligentia , rectaque & constante in deum mente , tuo & in ea re cooperante studio atque consilio praefatum reductionis opus in praedicto regno usque ad hanc diem habet ejusdemque praeclari operis perfectio indies magis speretur ; eoque faciliores progressus habitura res esse dignoscatur , quo nos majorem in bonorum ecclesiasticorum possessionibus in illa superiorum temporum confusione , per illius provinciae homines occupatis , apostolicae benignitatis & indulgentiae spem ostenderimus . nos nolentes tantam dilectissimae nobis in christo nationis recuperationem , & tot animarum pretioso jesu christi domini nostri sanguini redempt●rum , salutem , ullis terrenarum rerum respectibus impediri , more pii patris , in nostrorum & sanctae catholicae ecclesiae filiorum , post longum periculosae peregrinationis tempus , ad nos respectantium & redeuntium , peroptatum complexum occurrentes ; tibi de cujus praestanti virtute , singulari pietate , doctrina , sapientia ac in rebus gerendis prudentia , & dexteritate , plenam in domino fiduciam habemus , cum quibuscunque bonorum ecclesiasticorum , tam mobilium , quam immobilium , in praefato regno possessoribus , seu detentoribus , pro quibus ipsa serenissima regina maria intercesserit , de bonis per eos indebite detentis , arbitrio tuo , autoritate nostra , tractandi , concordandi , t●ansigendi , componendi , & cum eis ut praefata bona sine ullo scrupulo in posterum retinere possint , dispensandi , omniaque & singula alia , quae in his , & circa ea quommodolibet necessaria & opportuna fuerint , concludendi & faciendi : salvo tamen in his , in quibus propter rerum magnitudinem & gravitatem , haec sancta sedes merito tibi videretur consulenda , nostro & praefatae sedis beneplacito & confirmatione , plenam & liberam apostolicam autoritate tenore praesentium & ex certa scientia concedimus facultatem . non obstantibus literis , felicis recordationis pauli p p. ii. praedecessoris nostri , de non alienandis bonis ecclesiasticis , nisi certa forma servata , & aliis quibusvis apostolicis ac in provincialibus & synodalibus conciliis edictis generalibus vel specialibus constitutionibus , & ordinationibus : nec non quarumvis ecclesiarum & monasteriorum ac aliorum regularium , & piorum locorum , juramento , confirmatione apostolica , vel quavis alia firmitate roboratis , fundationibus , statutis & consuetudinibus , illorum tenores pro sufficienter expressis habentes contrariis quibuscunque . datum romae apud s. petrum , sub annulo piscatoris die xxviii junii 1554. pontificatus nostri anno quinto . a letter of cardinal pool's to the pope , giving an account of a conference that he had with charles the 5th , concerning the church-lands . beatissime pater , emolto tempo che non havendo cosa d'importanza non ho scritto a v. santita per non molestarla facendole col mezo del mio agente intendere tutto quello che occurreva ; e benche hora io non habbia da dirle quanto desiderarei , nondimeno mi e parso conveniente siriverle , e darle conto del raggiamento prima havuta con monsieur d'arras & poi di quel che ho negotiato con sua majesta . mons . d'arras alli ix che fu il giorno istesso che sua majesta torno , essendomi venuto a visitare , trovandosi all hora meco mons. il nuncio , mi disse , che sua majesta havea ueduta la lettera che io mandai ultimamente per l'auditor mio , e che ella era benissimo disposta verso questo negocio della religione in inghilterra come si conveniva , e si poteva credere per la sua pietate , & anche per l'interesse , che ne segueria de quel regno & de questi paesi per la congiunctione che e tra loro . si che quanto a questa parte di disponer sua majesta non accader far altro . ma che era ben necessario , che io venissi a particolari , & a trattar de gli impedimenti , e della via di rimoverli : sopra che sua maesta mi udiria molto volentieri , jo risposi che veramente non era da dubitare del buono e pronto animo di sua maesta , e che io ni era stato sempre persuassissimo . ma che quanto pertineva all officio mio per esser io stato mandato da v. santita per far intender l'ottima sua mente verto la salute di quello regno , e la prontezza di porgere tutti quei remedii che dall'autorita sua potesser venire ; a me non toccava far altro , che procurar d'haver l'adito : e che ad esse principi , quali sono sul fatto , & hanno il governo in mano , le apparteneva , far intendere gli impedimenti , che fussero in contario : e tornando pur esso monsieur d'arras che bisognava che io descendessi alii particulari , io replicai che in questa causa non conveniva in modo alcuno che si procedesse come si era fatto inquella della pace nella quale ciascuna delle parti stava sopra di se non volendosi scoprire , ma solo cercando di scoprirne , l'altra , per rispetto de gli interesse particulari ; percio che questa e una causa commune e nella quale v. santita e sua maesta cesarea , & quei principi hanno il medesimo fine , & noi ancora come ministri . confermo cio esser vero quanto al tratar della pace , con dire in effetto in tratar del negocio della pace io mi armo tutto . ma pur tuttavia tornava a dire , che io douessi pensare e raggionar in particolare , con sua maesta di quest impedimenti . e mons. il nuncio al hora voltatosi a me disse , che in effetto era bisogno venire a questi particolari : e cosi al sine restammo che ogniuno ci penssasse sopra . alli xi poi nell andar da s. maesta monsieur d'arras torna a replicarmi il medesimo ; nell audientia di s. maesta nella quale si trovo presente mons. il nuncio , e monsieur d'arras , poiche mi fui ralegrato con sua maesta che havendo liberato questi suoi paesi dalle molestie delle guerre , doppo tanti travagli , e d'animo e di corpo fusse tornato piu gagliarda e meglio disposita che quando si parti , in che si videva che il signior iddio haveva preservata & preservava a maggior cose in honor di s. divina maesta a beneficio commune . sua maesta confermo sentersi assai bene , e disse dele indispositione che haveva havuta in arras e altre cose in simil proposito : entrai poi a dire della lettera che io haveva scritta a s. maesta della resposta che monsieur d'arras mi haveva fatta , che era stata di rimetersi al breve . retorno di sua maesta qui , e dissi che se havessi a trattar , questo negocio con altro principe , della pieta del quale non fussi tanto persuaso , quanto io sono certo di quella di sua maesta , dimostrata da lei con tanto segni , e nella vita sua privata e nell attioni publiche , cercaci de essortarlo per tante vie quante si potria ad abbracciar e favorir questa cosi sancta causa : ma che non essendo bisogno fare questo con s. maesta , e tanto piu per esser in questa causa non honore d'iddio , congionto anco il beneficio di s. maesta et del serinissimo re suo figlivolo , solo aspettava da lei ogni ajuto per remover gli impedimenti , che fussero in questo negocio , i quali per quanto io poteva considerere sono di duo sorti : uno pertinente alla doctrina catollica , nella quale non poteva esser in alcun modo indulgente , per esser cosa pertinente alla fide ne poteva sanaraltrimente questo male , che con introdure de nuovo la buona doctrina . l'altro impedimento essendo de i beni , gli usurpatori di quali , sapendo la severita delle leggi ecclesiastiche , temevano per questa causa di ritornar all obedienza della chiesa , dissi che in questa parte v. santita poteva , et era disposta ad usur la sua benignita et indulgenza : e primo quanto alle censure e pene incorse et alla restitutione de frutti percetti , che era di grand ' importanza , v. santita haveva animo nell una nell altra di questo due cose d'usar ogni indulgenza , rimittendo liberamente il tutto : ne pensava d'applicar parte alcuna de detti beni a se , ne alla sede apostolica , come multi temevano : benche di raggione lo potesse fare , per le ingiurie et damni recevuti : ma che voleva convertir il tutto in sevitio d'iddio et a beneficio del regno seuza haver pur una minima consideratione del suo privato interesse : et confindandosi nella pieta di quei principi , voleva far loro quest honore di far per mezo del suo legato , quelle gratie che pareffero convenienti secondo la proposta et intercessione delle loro maesta , a quelle persone che esse giudicassero degne d'essere gratificate , et atte ad ajutar la causa della religione . sua maesta respondendo ringratio prima molto v. santita mostrando di conofcere la sua bona mente , et con dire , che ella in vero haveva fatto assai : poi disse che per gli impedimenti et occupationi della guerra , non haveva potuto attendere a questo negocio come saria stato il suo desiderio : ma che hora gli attenderia : et che haveva gia scritto e mandato in inghilterra , per intender meglio in questa parte il stato delle cosa , et aspettava in breve risposta : et che bisognava ben considerare findoue si potesse andare nel rimover questo impedimento d'beni ; il quali esso per lesperienza che haveva havuto in germania , conosceva esser il principale . perchioche quarto alla doctrina , disse , che poco se ne curavano questo tali , non credendo ne all'una ne all altra via : disse anche che essendo stati questi beni dedicati a dio , non era da concedere cosi ogni cosa , a quelli che li tenevano : e che se bene a lei io dicessi findove s'estendesse la mia faculta , non pero si haveva da far intendere il tutto ad altri : e che sara bisogno veder il breve della faculta per ampliarle dove fusse necessario : alche io risposi haverlo gia fatto vedere a monsieur d'arras , il quale non disse altra : e dubitando io che questa non fusse via di maggior dilatione dissi a s. maesta , che devendosi come io intendeva e come s. maesta doveva saper meglio , fare in breve il parlamento , era d'avertire grandimente , che non si facesse senza conclusione nella causa dell obedienza della chiesa : che quando altrimente si facesse , sarebbe d'un grandissimo scandalo a tutto il mondo , e danno alla detta causa : e che se bene la regina a fare un cossi grande atto , haveva giudicato haver bisogno della congiuntione del re suo marito , come che non esse bonam mulierem esse solam , se hora che iddio ha prosperato e condotto al fine questa santa congiuntione , si differisse piu l'essecutione di questo effetto , che deve essar il principio et il fundamento di tutte le loro regie attioni , non restarebbe via di satisfar a dio , ne a gli huomini : e dicendo s. maesta che bisognava anco haver grand respetto alla mala dispositione de gli interessati , e quanto universalmente sia abborito questo nome d'obedienza della chiesa , e questo cappel rosso , e l'habito ancora dei religiosi , voltatosi all hora a mons. nuncio e in tel proposito parlando de frati condotti di spagnia dal re suo figlivolo che fu consegliato far loro mutar l'habito , se bene cio non si feci , ne si conveniva fare : condire anco di quanto importanza fusse il tumulto del popolo , et in tal proposito toccando anche de i mali officii che non cessavano di fare per ogni via i nemici esterni . io risposi che volendo aspettare che tutti da se si disponessero , e che cessasse ogni impedimento , saria un non venir mai a fine , perchioche , gli interessati massimamente , altro non vorriano se non che si continuasse nel presente stato , con tenere et godere esse , tutto quello che hanno . in fine fu concluso che si aspettasse la riposta d'inghilterra , col ritorno del secretario eras , che saria fra pochi di , e che in questo mezzo io penssassi e conferissi di quelle cose con monsieur d'arras . v. beatitudine puo con la sua prudenza vedere in che stato si trovi questa causa ; e come sara necessario , che qui si trattino le difficulta sopra questa beni ; e per non tediarla con maggior lunghezza quel di piu che mi occurreria dirle v. santita si degnira intendere dall agente mio , alla quale con la debita reverenza bacio i santissimi piedi preguando il sig. iddio che la conservi longamente a servitio della sua chiessa . di bruxelles alli 13 d'october 1554. reginaldus card. polus . a letter of cardinal pool's to philip the 2d , complaining of the delays that had been made , and desiring a speedy admittance into england . serenissime rex , jam annus est cum istius regiae domus fores pulsare caepi , nedum quisquam eas mihi apperuit . tu vero , rex , si quaeras , ut solent qui suas fores pulsare audiunt , quisnam pulset ? atque ego hoc tantum respondeam me esse qui ne meo assensu regia ista domus ei clauderetur , quae tecum simul eam nunc tenet , passus sum me domo & patria expelli , & exilium viginti annorum hac de causa pertuli . an si hoc dicam non vel uno hoc nomine dignus videar cui & in patriam reditus & ad vos aditus detur ? at ego nec meo nomine nec privatam personam gerens pulso , aut quidquam postulo , sed ejus nomine ejusque personam referens , qui summi regis & pastoris hominum in terris vicem gerit . hic est petri successor : atque adeo ut non minus vere dicam , ipse petrus , cujus authoritas & potestas cum antea in isto regno maxime vigeret ac floreret , postquam non passa est jus regiae domus ei adimi , quae nunc eam possidet , ex eo per summam injuriam est ejecta . is regias per me fores jampridem pulsat , & tamen quae reliquis omnibus patent ei uni nondum aperiuntur . quid ita ejus ne pulsantis sonum an vocantis vocem non audierunt , qui intus sunt ? audierunt sane , & quidem non minore cum admiratione divinae potentiae & benignitatis erga ecclesiam , quam olim maria illa affecta fuerit , cum ut est in actis apostolorum , rhode ancilla ei nunciasset petrum quem rex in vincula conjecerat , ut mox necaret , & pro quo ecclesia assidue precabatur , e carcere liberatum ante ostium pulsantem stare . ut enim hoc ei ceterisque qui cum illa erant magnam attulit admirationem , ita nunc qui norunt eos qui petri authoritatem potestatemque in isto regno retinendam esse contendebant , in vincula herodiano imperio conjectos , & crudelissime interfectos fuisse , quin etiam successorum petri nomina e libris omnibus sublata in quibus precationes ecclesiae pro eorum incolumitate ac salute continebantur , qui inquam haec norunt , facta ad omnem memoriam petri autoritatis a christo traditae penitus ex animis hominum delendam , qui fieri potest ut non maxime admirentur hoc divinae benignitatis & potentiae pignus ac testimonium , petrum nunc quasi iterum e carcere herodis liberatum , ad regiae domus fores unde haec omnia iniquissima in eum edicta emanarunt , pulsantem stare , & cum hoc maxime mirandum est , tum illud non minus mirum , a maria regina domum hanc teneri : sed cur illa tamdiu foras a perire distulit . de ancilla quidem illud mariae scriptum est , eam petri voce audita praenimio gaudio suae quasi oblitam , de aperendo non cogitasse : rem prius , ut mariae aliisque qui cum ea erant nunciaret , accurrisse , qui cum primo an ita esset dubitassent , mox cum petrus pulsare pergeret aperierunt , neque illum domo recipere sunt veriti , etsi maximam timendi causam habebant , herode ipso vivo & regnante . hic vero quid dicam de maria regina , gaudeo ne eam an timore esse prohibitam quominus aperuerit ; presertim cum ipsa petri vocem audierit , cum certo sciat eum ad domus suae januam jamdiu pulsantem stare : cum admirabilem dei in hac re potentiam agnoscat , qui non per angelum , ut tunc petrum e carcere herodis , sed sua manu eduxit , dejecta porta ferrea quae viam ad regiam ejus domum intercludebat : scio equidem illam gaudere , scio etiam vero timere ; neque enim nisi timeret tam diu distulisset . verum si petri liberatione gaudet , si rei miraculum agnoscit , quid impedimento fuit quo minus ei ad januam laetabunda occurrerit , eumque meritas deo gratias agens , introduxerit , herode presertim mortuo , omnique ejus imperio ad eam delato ? an fortassis divina providentia quae te dilectum petri filium & ei virum destinarat , illam timore aliquo tantisper affici permisit , dum venisses , ut utriusque ad rem tam praeclaram & salutarem agendam , opera atque officium conjungeretur : equidem sic antea hunc mariae reginae conjugis tuae timorem , quod etiam ad eam scripsi fum interpretatus : ac propterea ad te nunc , virum ejus , principem religiosissimum , scribo , & abs te ipsius petri christi vicarii nomine postulo , ut illi omnes timoris causas prorsus excutias : habes vero expeditissimam excutiendi rationem , si consideres eique proponas , quam indignum sit si dum te illa corporis sui sponsum accerserit , cum non deessent quae timenda viderentur , tamen omnem timorem sola vicerit , nunc te tanto principi illi conjuncto , timore prohiberi quominus aditum ad se aperiat sponsae animae suae , mecum una & cum petro tamdiu ad fores expectanti ; qui presertim tot & tam miris modis custodem ejus se , defensoremque esse declaraverit . noli enim , rex , putare , me , aut solum ad vestram regiam domum , aut uno tantum petro comitatum venisse ; cujus rei hoc quidem tibi certum argumentum esse potest , quod tamdiu persevero pulsans : nam sive ego solus venissem , solus jampridem abiissem , querens & expostulans quae aliis omnibus pateant , mihi uni occlusas esse fores ; sive una mecum solus petrus , jampridem is quoque discessisset , meque secum abduxisset , pulvere pedum excusso , quod ei preceptum fuit a domino ut faceret quotiefcunque ejus nomine aliquo accedens non admitteretur . cum vero nihil ego , quod ad me quidem attinet conquerens , perseverem , cum petrus pulsare non defistat , utrunque scito ab ipso christo retineri , ut sibi sponso animae utriusque vestrum aditus ad vos patefiat . neque enim unquam verebor dicere , christum in hac legatione , qua pro ejus vicario fungor , mecum adesse : quamdiu quidem mihi conscius ero me nihil meum , me non vestra , sed vos ipsos toto animo omnique studio quaerere . tu vero , princeps catholice , cui nunc divina providentia & benignitate additum est alterum hoc praeclarum fidei defensoris cognomen , quo reges angliae apostolica petri autoritate sunt aucti atque ornati , tecum nunc considera quam id tuae pietati conveniat , cum omnibus omnium principum ad te legatis aditus patuerit , ut tibi de hoc ipso cognomine adepto gratularentur , solum successoris petri qui hoc dedit , legatum , qui propterea missus est ut te in solio regni divina summi omnium regis quam affert pace & gratia , confirmet , non admitti ? an si quidquam hic ad timorem proponitur , quominus eum admittis non multo magis christi hac in re metuenda esset offensio , quod ejus legatus qui omnium primus audiri debuit , tamdiu fores expectet , cum caeteri homines qui multo post venerunt , nulla interposita mora , introducti auditique sint & honorifice dimissi . at hic conqueri incipio ; conqueror quidem , sed idcirco conqueror , ne justam tuae majestati causam de me conquerendi praebeam , quam sane praeberem , si cum periculi , quod ex hac cunctatione admittendi legati a christo vicario missi , nobis vestroque regno impendet , reginam saepe admonuerim , nihil de ea re ad majestatem tuam scriberem ; quod officium cum tibi a me pro eo quo fungor munere maxime debeatur , id me satis persoluturum esse arbitror , si his literis ostendero quantum periculi ei immineat , cui illud vere dici potest , distulisti christum tuum . is autem christum differt , qui legatum missum ab ejus vicario , ad requirendam obedientiam ecclesiae , ipsi christo debitam , ex quo nostra omnium pendet salus , non statim admittit . differs vero , tu princeps , si cum accersitus fueris , ut pro munere regio viam ad hanc divinam obedientiam in tuo isto regno restituendam munias , ipse alia agas . finis . errata . page 25. line 4. for fructuus , read fructus . l. 7. f. bonorundem , r. bonorum . l. 11. f. posterioribus , r. possessoribus . p. 26. l. 29. f. ob , r. ab . p. 29. l. 1. r. containing . p. 31. l. 21. f. siriverle , r. scriverle . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a34790-e120 caus . 12. q. 2. cap. 20. non liceat papae praedium ecclesiae alienare aliquo modo , pro aliqua necessitate , nec in usum fructum rura dare , nisi tantummodo domus quae in quibuslibet urbibus , non modica impensa sustentantur : qua lege omnes custodes astringuntur , ut donatur , aecensator , venditor , honorem perdat ; & qui subscripserit anathema sit , cum eo qui dedit , vel recepit , nisi restituatur . liceat etiam quibuslibet ecclesiasticis personis contradicere , & cum fructibus alienata reposcere , quod non modo in apostolica servandum est ecclesia , verum etiam universis ecclesis per provincias quidem dicitur convenire . termini cofi estravaganti , com ▪ auco non si resolveva nella materia , delli beni ecclesiastici supra laqual sua santita ha parlate molte volte variamente . * esso gindi cava necessario , che si fosse venuto piu all particolare , circa due cose : la forma delle faculta di intorno questi beni : che gran differenza sarebbe se fosse stata commessa la cosa all sig. cardinale , o alli serenissimi princip . acts 12. notes for div a34790-e2090 ☜ notes for div a34790-e2190 ☞ the act of parliament against religious meetings, proved to be the bishops act, or, a letter of the arch-bishop of canterbury to his fellow-bishops, to promote the persecution intended by it printed, to save the trouble of copying it out : with some animadversions thereupon. 1670 approx. 20 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59624 wing s3067 estc r17672 12256315 ocm 12256315 57547 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59624) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57547) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 877:42) the act of parliament against religious meetings, proved to be the bishops act, or, a letter of the arch-bishop of canterbury to his fellow-bishops, to promote the persecution intended by it printed, to save the trouble of copying it out : with some animadversions thereupon. sheldon, gilbert, 1598-1677. 8 p. s.n.], [london? : 1670. reproduction of original in huntington library. letter, p. 2-4, signed and dated: "gilbert cant' may the 7th, 1670" [i.e. gilbert sheldon] created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -government. church and state -great britain. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the act of parliament against religious meetings , proved to be the bishops act : or , a letter of the arch-bishop of canterbury to his fellow-bishops , to promote the persecution intended by it . printed , to save the trouble of copying it out . with some animadversions thereupon . anno dom. 1670. for the right reverend father in god , my very good lord and brother , the lord bishop of — right reverend and my very good lord , it hath pleased his majesty and the two houses of parliament , out of their pious care for the welfare of this church and kingdom , by making and publishing the late act for the preventing and suppressing conventicles , to lay a hopeful way for the peace and settlement of the church , and the uniformity of gods service in the same ; it becomes vs the bishops [ as more particularly sensible of the good providence of god ] to endeavour as much as in us lies , the promoting so blessed a work ▪ and therefore , having well considered what will be fit for me to do in my particular diocess , i thought fit to recommend the same counsel and method ( which i intend , god willing , to pursue my self ) to your lordship , and the rest of my brethren the bishops of my province , being thereunto encouraged by his majesties approbation and express direction in this affair . in the first place therefore i advise and require you , that you call before you not only your chancellors , archdeacons , commissaries , officials , registers , and other your ecclesiastical officers , but that also by such means , and at such places as you shall judge most convenient , you assemble before you , or some grave and discreet person or persons , your commissioner or commissioners , the several parsons , vicars and curats of your diocess and iurisdictions , within their several deanaries ; and that you impart to them respectively , as they shall come before you or your commissioners , the tenure of these my letters , requiring them and every of them , as well in mine as in your own name , that in their several capacities and stations they all perform their duty towards god , the king , and the church , by an exemplary conformity in their own persons and practice , to his majesty's laws , and the rules of the church in this behalf . i advise that you admonish and recommend to all and every of the parsons , vicars and curates within your diocess and iurisdiction , strictness and sobriety of life and conversation , checking and punishing such astransgress , and encouraging such as live orderly ; that so they by their vertuous and religious deportment may shew themselves patterns of good living to the people under their charge . and next , that you require of them , as they will answer the contrary , that in their own persons in their churches , they do decently and solemnly perform the divine service , by reading the prayers of the church , as they are appointed and ordered in and by the book of common prayer , without addition to or diminishing from the same , or varying either in substance or ceremony from the order & method which by the said book is set down ; wherein i hear and am afraid too many do offend ; and that in the time of such their officiating they ever make use of and wear their priestly habit , the surplice and hood , that so by their due and reverend performance of so holy a worship they may give honour to god , and by their own example instruct the people of their parishes what they ought to teach them in their doctrine . having thus counselled the ecclesiastical iudges and officers & the clergie of your diocess in their own particular duties , your lordship is further desired to recommend unto them the care of the people under their respective iurisdictions and charges , that in their several places they do their best to perswade and win all nonconformists and dissenters to obedience to his majesties laws , and unity with the church ; and such as shall be refractory , to endeavour to reduce by the censures of the church , or such other good means as shall be most conducing thereunto : to which end i advise , that all and every of the said ecclesiastical iudges and officers , and every of the clergie of your diocess , and the churchwardens of every parish , by their respective ministers , be desired in their respective stations and places , that they take notice of all nonconformists , holders , frequenters , maintainers , abetters of conventicles and unlawful assemblies , under pretence of religious worship , especially of the preachers and teachers in them , and of the places wherein the same are held , ever keeping a more watchful eye over the cities and greater towns , from whence the mischief is for the most part derived unto the lesser villages and hamlets : and wheresoever they find such wilfull offenders , that then with a hearty affection to the worship of god , the honour of the king and his laws , and the peace of the church and kingdom , they do address themselves to the civil magistrate , iustices and others concerned , imploring their help and assistance for preventing and suppressing of the same , according to the late said act in that behalf made and set forth . and because there may be within the limits of your diocess some peculiar or exempt iurisdictions , belonging either to your dean , dean and chapter , archdeacons , or to some ecclesiastical or other persons : i do therefore desire that by such wayes and means as your lordship shall conceive most proper , you do communicate this my letter unto them , delivering unto every of them copies of the same for their better instruction ; and that you require them in my name , that within their several iurisdictions they also pursue the advices and directions before set down , as if the same had been given by a particular letter unto them under my own hand . lastly ; that for the better direction to all those who shall be concerned in the advices given by this letter , i advise you will give out amongst the ecclesiastical officers and your clergie , as many copies of the same as your lordship shall think conducible to the end for which it is designed . and now , my lord , what the success will be we must leave to god almighty ; yet ( my lord ) i have this confidence under god , that if we do our parts now at first seriously , by gods help , and the assistance of the civil power , [ considering the abundant care and provision the act contains for our advantage ] we shall within a few monthes see so great an alteration in the destractions of these times , as that the seduced people returning from their seditious and self-seeking teachers , to the unity of the church , and uniformity of god's worship , it will be to the glory of god , the welfare of the church the praise of his majesty and government , the happiness of the whole kingdom . and so i bid your lordship heartily farewell , and am , my lord , your lordships most affectionate friend and brother , gilbert cant ' lambeth-house , may the 7th . 1670 . a copy of a letter from the archdeacon of lincoln , to the several parishes within his iurisdiction . sir , i have received a command from my lord bishop of lincoln , to disperse copies of the preceding letter , to the several parishes within the jurisdiction of the arch-deaconry of lincoln . in pursuance therefore of his lordships order , i send this to you ; earnestly desiring you to take especial regard to perform whatsoever is therein required of you , either in your own person , or relating to your parishioners . and how you shall discharge your duty therein , i shall expect an account at the next visitation . i am your very loving friend and brother , i. cawley , archidiac . lincoln . iune 7. 1670. some animadversions upon the foregoing letter . it hath been some matter of wonder , to many sober and impartial men , to see that gospel liberty , which out lord christ hath purchased for all his followers , and which in this nation , by many remarkable providences , and sad rebukes , god hath been working ( as it were out of the fire ) on the behalf of his innocent and mistaken people , and which for some years they have been in a peaceable and undisturbed possession of ( to the universal satisfaction of all , that without prejudice have observed their carriage ) should now lately of a sudden , and without any provocation given , be ravished from them ; and an act of violence contrived and executed against them , in so precipitate and furious a manner , that ( together with their undoubted liberty as christians ) their known common rights as english-men and free-born , are forcibly taken away ; and they , in their persons and estates , are exposed to the utmost rapine and malice of all that are willing to destroy and devour them ; as if meer difference of opinion had made them the vilest of malefactors , and , for that , they were utterly to be excluded , from the relief of pity as well as of protection . after many conjectures about the rise and projection of this mischievous device , it hath pleased god ( who will not suffer the authors of iniquity to lie long concealed ) to bring it now to light : and in this letter ( reader ) thou seest who they are that are called upon to rejoyce ▪ as more particularly sensible of the good providence of god therein , and who are earnestly desired , to execute it with utmost rigor , considering the abundant care and provisions that act contains for their advantage : and these are no less persons , than , the right reverend fathers in god , our very good lords , the lord bishops : persons whose names and titles , as they are in this letter given to them , the scripture is utterly unaquainted with ; and yet they daily boast of their pedigree , and cry out , as the jews did of old , the church ▪ the church ! but by no means will they be prevailed with to tell us , what they mean by the church , or who is their father : only we are sure , that god is not ; since they have so little resemblance to the humility , patience , condescention and meekness of the lord christ ▪ his son. though these may be accounted harsh words , yet we desire they may be weighed ; for we are sure we need go no further than this letter , to justifie our selves in using them ; behold here the chief of the bishop's order , an arch-bishop ; one who is in name a christian , in profession a protestant , yet so wholly unconcerned , in either of these , that throughout his whole letter , in matters of the greatest concernment , he makes no mention at all of the name of christ , ( as if he knew he had nothing at all to do with him ; but were wholly , as indeed he is , an apocryphal officer . ) and likewise , altogether passing by the papists ( as if no law had ever been made against them , or they had left off to be dangerous ) . he only fixes a character of odium upon his protestant brethren ; to persecute and oppose these , he calls a pious and blessed work , and is so far from bewailing the calamity that is likely to be brought upon them , and upon the whole nation for the injuries done to them , that he stirs up all to help it forward , and to joyn with him in this odious and for ever to be abhorred imployment . all which , though we might ascribe to gilbert shelden , and make it his personal miscarriage , ( of whom we can say , and are ready to prove , that his too little learning hath made him thus mad ) yet we will fix this violence rather , upon ( according to his own stile ) gilbert cant. or , ( to speak out his title in words at length ) gilbert archbishop of canterbury ; who being ( as such and in that capacity ) not a creature of god's making , nor any part of a divine ordinance , must answer the darkness of his original , since the same evil spirit which begets pride in any , doth likewise instil and direct unto civility , by which that pride may be maintained and upheld . concerning this prelates pride , besides his intolerable title ( which is no small part of that name of blasphemy , which is more fully and at large written upon his father , the pope's forehead ) what need w●● any other argument to prove it by , than the base and contemptible stile he useth to those , whom ( what ever we think of them ) yet he owneth as ministers of christ ? the apostle peter calls those he writes to , elders , and himself their fellow-elder , 1 pet. 5.1 . but this archbishop being in a higher elevation , and transcendent in his priviledges to any apostle , looks down with scorn upon his brethren , the teachers of the nation , and parsons ▪ vicars , curates is the best language he can afford them . we wish those poor despised men ( many of whom we hope are only mistaken in their way ) would a little consider what unworthy bondage they are under , and what vile drudgery is exacted from them ; instead of being gospel-preachers , they must now turn state-informers , and set up an inquisition to rack and torture their innocent neighbours , whom it should be their business to convert and save : it is indeed pritty ( but too thin a covering at this time of day ) to command them to be careful of their lives , [ pope paulus did it to prevent luther's reformation ] and now it is meerly in other words , to desire them to put on sheeps cloathing for a time , that they may play the wolves with the better pretence and greater advantage . we may indeed be excused if we seem to wonder , that he did not ( at least for forms-sake ) desire his curates to preach somewhat more frequently ; but we think it prudently forborn : for why should those who are so professedly the servants of men , be exhorted so much to contradict themselves , as to preach christ the lord ? or upon what pretence of reason , could this arch-bishop require , that from others , which he hath so little care or skill to do himself ? passing by this over-sight therefore ( wherein he is rightly episcopal ) as carrying a good decorum with it , give us leave ( christian reader ) to observe only that we find him in open terms , without any figure , to call the surplice and hood a priestly habit , enjoyning all to wear them in the time of officiating at divine service , that so by their ordered performance of so holy a work , they may give honour to god , and by their own example instruct the people of their parishes , as they ought to teach them in their doctrine . we hope he is serious , and if so , and these things he would indeed have thus highly esteemed ; we need no more to justifie us in our continued refusal , and utter abhorrance of them : for , to call any kind of garments a priestly habit ; to command the wearing of them , as conducing to the honour of god in his worship ; and by these to think to instruct the people ( which is to make them not only significant , but teaching ceremonies ) this is to introduce the old antiquated iewish rites and habits , which were to be disused with their worship : it is to fill the church of christ with as many inventions , under pretence of decency , as vain men are pleased to devise , and wilful men have power to impose ; and lastly , it is to render all qualifications requisite unto the ministry , wholly useless : for , the reading clerk of every parish , or the publick cryers , may do all that our arch. requires , as well as the ablest and most learned minister . it will be necessary , before we conclude , to wipe off that slander wherewith he reproacheth those that joyn with the nonconformists , calling them seduced people ; and their teachers ▪ seditious , and self-seeking . in just indignation against which base and unworthy calumny , we have this to say , that we stand amazed that one , who enjoys for his own single share , more than would well maintain an hundred able preachers with their families ; and yet never did , nor can do any thing in the church of christ to deserve the hundredth part of it ▪ should venture to charge any with self-seeking : but we know that those , who persecute the poor through the pride of their countenance , will never seek nor make any inquiry into their own actions , ps ▪ 10.2 , 4. and indeed , how can these preachers be either seditious , or self-seeking , who having often declared , that men for their consciences are not to be imposed upon ; and being under the conviction of that principle , have quietly suffered the loss of all things , rather than they would deny or forgo it : whereas this unrighteous man , not content with the full enjoyment of his own corruption rather than conscience , will not let his brethren alone ; but first procures a law against them , which he knew before-hand they could not obey , and then seeks to destroy them for not obeying ; in which lot we have reason to rejoyce , being used no otherwise than daniel was by those , that for his integrity and faithfulness envied him : whose faith , and the gracious dealing of the lord with him , as it is on record for our encouragement ; so the unprosperous end of those malitious and crafty contrivers , we heartily wish might seriously be reflected upon by this their grand imitator . as for the peoples being seduced , it is a cavil not worth the answering : for we appeal to the reason of all unprejudic'd men , whether those , who are commanded to follow the laws of the king , and of the church , with an implicit faith and blind obedience ( as this blind guide would have them ) are not in much more certain danger of being seduced , than those who are daily exhorted by their teachers , to search the scripture , and by that unerring rule to order their whole conversation : which all that ever heard the nonconformists preach , know to be the sum of their doctrine . and now , having thus briefly made our defence , we must ( as this bishop saith he doth ) commit the success to god almighty , believing ( which we fear he doth not ) that our lord christ ▪ hath committed to him from the father the government of the world , as well as of his church in it , for whose soveraignty and supremacy ( according as the apostle paul hath stated it rom. 14.9 , 10. ) we are now contending . therefore whilst our adversaries are directed to seek unto men for help against us , and rely upon an arm of flesh ; our confidence is in the name of the lord , who will in due time bring forth our righteousness to light ; and then perhaps this very man , who now so proudly exalts himself , shall see it , and be ashamed at all his envy . mich. 7.9 , 10. isa. 26.11 . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59624-e90 par. 1. par. 2. par. 3. par. 4 par. 5. preface . par. 5. preface . par. 3. par. 3. par. 5. par. 5. some remarks upon a speech made to the grand jury for the county of middlesex concerning the execution of penalties upon the churches of christ, which worship god in meeting-houses, for their so doing : and may serve for an answer to part of the order of the justices, jan. 13 to the same purpose : in a letter to sir w.s. their speaker. j. w. 1682 approx. 36 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67481 wing w69 estc r3500 12630871 ocm 12630871 64762 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67481) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64762) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 678:8) some remarks upon a speech made to the grand jury for the county of middlesex concerning the execution of penalties upon the churches of christ, which worship god in meeting-houses, for their so doing : and may serve for an answer to part of the order of the justices, jan. 13 to the same purpose : in a letter to sir w.s. their speaker. j. w. smith, william, sir, 1616 or 17-1696. 14, [1] p. printed for elea. harris, london : 1682. signed: j.w. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. dissenters, religious -england. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some remarks upon a speech made to the grand jury for the county of middlesex , concerning the execution of penalties upon the churches of christ , which worship god in meeting-houses , for their so doing . and may serve for an answer to part of the order of the justices , jan. 13. to the same purpose . in a letter to sir w. s. their speaker . for all the law is fulfilled in one word , in this , thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . but if ye bite and devour one another , take heed that you be not consumed one of another , gal. 5.14 , 15. but it is evident by the sad experience of twelve years , that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses , [ many and frequent ways of coertion . ] kings declaration , march 15. 1672. london , printed for elea. harris . 1682. sir , since your speech made at the session of the peace , to the grand jury there , is by your , and the rest of the justices order printed and published , i hope you will not take it ill , that a private person gives his opinion concerning it , especially considering , that your modesty has premised , you should discover that weakness which by your silence might have been concealed . sir , as for that worthy character you give of your self , your generosity and publick spirit abstracted from all private considerations whatsoever , your proof and protestation of it , i have this to say , that you are to me much a stranger . i am unwilling to make enquiry into your life and actions , and therefore shall give as much credit to what you say , as one can reasonably give to him that praiseth himself — but could not vindicate himself in the eyes of the commons of england in parliament : otherwise i should have wondred that a gentleman ( who had approv'd himself to his country , by the experience of so great a number of years , and in two parliaments of such different qualifications ( wherein every member was tryed oftner and more severely than the purest gold ) of such excellent integrity , parts and vertues , should be neglected in the three late parliaments . the country is not wont in these cases to cast of those that have done them eminent services ; sure i am there was a very great number of the same persons in all these parliaments , and in the greatest honour and esteem by those that elected them , and by others also . in the next paragraph , you tell us , this kingdom is at present under very sad circumstances ; and upon enquiry into the cause , you say ( and i think boldly enough ) we have lost the jewel of government . i perceive sir w.s. may say what he pleases ; but i doubt it would have been dangerous for a grand inquest to have writ . billa vera upon such a presentment . what! his majesty upon the throne in peace , and yet the government lost ! it is dreadful , like belshazzar's hand writing upon the wall. mene mene , god hath numbred thy kingdom and finished it . i hope sir , you are no skilful state physician : god forbid you should in this diagnostick . you may if you please see more to this matter in the courant of dec. 23. i expected next the proof of your assertion , but you defer that , and tell us of our princes mercy in the act of oblivion . i suppose there 's no man in england , that understands things to any purpose , that is not sensible of his majesties grace in the act of oblivion , wherein he had the councel of his parliament ; but there are a sort of men that labour much to turn the act of oblivion into an act of remembrance ; there 's no act that ever the king pass'd , more grievous to them than that ; and the reason is not , because the king has pardoned his enemies , but because they cannot by his power wreck their malice upon their hated neighbours . i am perswaded sir , when you consider the sad state of the kingdom better , you will find that mens envy at their neighbours liberty and enjoyments , and a strange ill will they foster against them , is the great cause of our sad divisions . it is not because the government is lost , but because it is not lost , that men rage as they do . there are not a few who long for nothing more than the confusion of the government ; for they reckon that the only way to effect their revenge , than which nothing would more rejoice their hearts . nay , they could well be content to undergo the hazards of a combustion in prospect of the satisfaction they hope for in conclusion , by the ruine of their maligned neighbours and countrymen . and the true reason why they believe so little of the popish plot , is because the discovery of it justifies the fears of those they have so long scorn'd upon that account . i must acknowledge the papists and their dissembling agents have wrought strongly upon these passions , and have at length rais'd them to such a height , that , in my opinion , they cannot be allayed without a parliament , which i take to be a part of the government . but if a popish successor come first , ( which god of his great mercy prevent ) i cannot think that those enraged people , who have already made use of subornations and perjuries to shed bloud by , will stick at a parisian bartholomew feast , if they can find no readier way of destroying those they hate . you go on in setting forth the goodness of his majesties government ( which is an odd way of shewing the government to be lost . ) he takes nothing from any man , doth not oppress the meanest of his subjects , nor interposeth his authority to obstruct justice . we joyfully grant all this , and more concerning the king ; but we cannot excuse his ministers ; your last long parliament found cause to complain of divers publick grievances , to provide laws against some , and to charge one great man with high treason in many particulars . next you tell us , the mischief of the loss of the government , but all your instances , instead of proving we have no government , prove the quite contrary , that we have a good government . for no man can take a pair of shoes or any thing else out of a shop , without payment , but he is punisht for it , if he can be found out , and no government can punish those that are conceal'd , bene vixit , qui bene latuit . nor can any man pass through lombard street , and supply his pockets without good consideration . indeed we have heard of some that took a great many hundred thousand pounds out of lombard street upon good consideration , which was afterwards made invalid ; but his majesty was graciously pleased to grant an equivalent ; but i read in some publick prints , of obstructions in the issuing of that equivalent , which yet i am far from imputing to the king , but know not how to defend all his ministers . in the beginning of your next period you tell us , that god almighty knew this [ the calamities of being without government ] when he created man , and therefore gave him a law by which he should live and govern himself and printed it in his heart called the law of nature , &c. this is a surprising way of discourse ; for the natural import of it is this , viz. that to prevent the mischief of being without government , god had made every man his own governor ; so that he has no need of any other government . again , it proceeds somewhat incoherently : god knew when he created man what evils he would incur notwithstanding the law of nature in his heart , if there was not also an outward government ; therefore he gave him the law of nature , and printed it in his heart . i suppose sir , you spake extemporary , but i then wonder you should be against extemporary prayers and extemporary sermons , and use an extemporary speech upon such a solemn occasion . you proceed , if man had attended to this law , there would have been no contentions or quarrels , no nor fears and jealousies , which are the devils engines to batter down the peace of the world ; but the devil made man forget his god — and grow to such wickedness , that god swept them away by an universal deluge , &c. here is a special remark upon fears and jealousies in the old world : but i find no such mentioned in the holy history ; it was past that , the mighty men executed according to their lusts , so that the earth was filled with violence effectually , and if they feared it before it came upon them , they had cause enough , and those fears were not in vain . it seems it was in your mind to expose the phrase of fears and jealousies , and therefore you must needs bring it in here by head and shoulders . but if you please to call to mind some of the addresses of your loyal long parliament , you will find they did not abhor from such like expressions . in their address against the duke of york's marriage , they pray his majesty to relieve his good subjects from those fears and apprehensions which they ly under , from the progress had been made in the treaty . and they further say , we greatly fear , &c. that for another age at the least , this kingdom will be under continual apprehensions of the growth of popery , and the danger of the protestant religion . in their address of march 1677 / 8 they advise his majesty , that for the satisfying the minds of his good subjects , who are much disquieted with the apprehensions of the dangers arising to this kingdom from the growth and power of the french king , &c. i could cite you more of this kind , but my resolved brevity hinders . thus sir , you were a member of that loyal house of parliament , which had the presumption to tell his majesty of the fears and jealousies of his good subjects : but what is the matter now , after a horrid popish plot against his majesty , and a great many plots against his good subjects , that now it must be a breach of the peace to talk of fears and jealousies ? i fear sir , you have taken it ill you were not chosen in these late parliaments , and that you are fallen out both with parliament and people upon that score . you go on : this rebellion [ of corah ] you may observe as all other rebellions almost that i have heard of , began upon the pretence of religion and liberty . here you have a mind to expose the terms of religion and liberty , as before you did fears and jealousies , and you pick out the rebellion of corah , as a singular instance of the prevalence of the devil in that tract of time between noah and our blessed saviour : one would have thought that the kings of egypt keeping in bondage , and evil entreating the children of israel four hundred years together , who at last commanded the male infants to be killed , and upon their demand in the name of the lord god , and upon their petition to him for liberty of religion , encreased their affliction and bondage , forcing them to make bricks without straw , and still exacting the same tale of bricks as before , beating them if they performed it not ; and the king said , ye are idle , ye are idle , therefore ye say , let us go and do sacrifice to the lord. and pharaoh hardened his heart to such a degree , that god raised him up or made him stand to shew his power , and that his name might be declared throughout all the earth . one would have thought i say , that this example af wickedness against the law of nature , and gods stupendious vengeance that pursued the egyptians to almost their utter destruction for the same , should have been as ready to your mind as the rebellion of corah ; i hope you do not think that moses and the people of israel , being subjects to pharaoh , were therefore rebels for being of another religion , and craving-liberty upon that account . but now i think on 't , this of corah was brought in as an instance of great sin after the law of nature was written in two tables ; but he must be wonderfully sagacious , that can find in the law of nature or ten commandments , that the priesthood was to be entailed to the sons of aaron , and none else of levi's family , of which corah was . under favour , i think this was a rebellion against a special revelation as saul's aso was , when he destroyed not king agag and the cattle with the amalekites , 1 sam. 15. a proper example is this of corah , to be urged by the pope against those princes and others that rebel against him as high priest upon earth of all gods people . but religion and rebellion must be made to depend one upon another : a neat way of making atheists ; and when all 's done , i reckon it a very false notion , that all rebellions almost you have heard of , began upon pretence of religion and liberty ; for take we but a view of the wars and rebellions that have been in england since william the first , and how few of them have began upon pretence of religion and liberty , in comparison with them that have been commenc'd upon pretence of title to the crown ? the bloudy contest between the houses of york and lancaster alone lasted about a hundred years . and the wars of our english kings in france , which dured long , and brought great desolation upon that country , had the same ground ; perhaps you will not call these rebellions except religion had been pretended ; but that were to beg the question . and if you respect the wars occasion'd and fomented by the pope , he will fairly tell you that all his wars are of a priestly sovereign against rebels and hereticks . but that which lies coucht in these two passages is , that to fear the coming in of popery by a popish successor to the subverting our religion ; and to be jealous of our liberty from a series of treasonous actions in great men against the government , is a breach of the peace , and at least bordering upon rebellion . next you are pleas'd to make merry with appeals to the people [ excellent arbiters in matters relating to government ] methinks sir , you come too near the declaration against the two last parliaments , and manifold addresses of the justices and some grand juries and a great many burroughs , that were easily taken with it . you seem sir , to be a little out in your divinity , whilst you introduce god almighty in creation , giving man a law , and printing it on his heart , and by our lord christ restoring that law , by instruction , and the sending of bishops to govern the church by ceremonies , and liturgies , which have the sanction of a parliament , whereas gods giving his laws into mens minds , and writing them in their hearts , is made both by the prophet jeremy and the divine author to the hebrews , the special promise and priviledge of the new covenant , whereof christ is mediator . and if christ has not written his laws in mens hearts by the gospel , sir wm's argument doth equally justifie all the papists of spain , italy , france , &c. as the protestants of the church of england , and equally condemn the protestants in those countrys , as the dissenters here in england ; for they have their bishops by a continued succession as well as we , and they have their ceremonies and liturgy ( called the mass ) as well as we ; and these have the sanction of their parliaments ; the agreement both of kings and people , as well as ours . thus sir , you have made popery as much the religion of christ as protestantism , and justifie all persecutions of christians , that are made by bishops and laws . the french king is beholding to you for vindicating him in his present persecution of the poor protestants , to whom yet ( thanks be to god and the king ) we give entertainment . but when you seriously think of , this establishment by bishops , and the agreement in parliament , it raiseth your admiration how any man can think himself hardly dealt with , when he is required to comply with that which he hath before agreed . pray sir , were you never on the negative side in any law that was pass'd in those parliaments wherein you sate ? if you were , then you did not agree to that law , now suppose that that law had been the law of conformity to the mass , as it was in queen maries days , would you have thought your self obliged to have yielded obedience to it , because you were over voted ? sir , sanctions of king and parliament cannot make a thing good , which in its nature is not so : neither can it make an indifferent thing lawful to me , if i in my conscience think it otherwise , for whatsoever is not of faith is sin . christ has not given bishops to be lords over his heritage , which they will be , if you give them power to make laws and enforce them against the conscience of believers , in things not necessary to be determin'd , and much less in things already otherwise determin'd in the doctrine of christ. you admire again , that any should think it reasonable that publick conventicles should be permitted in opposition to the said established government . i have said something before that is applicable to this , to allay this admiration . i add , that many conventiclers do think their pastors to be bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or overseers ( as your self note ) which they are as much obliged to obey , as if there were an humane law for it . again , some are greatly offended at the rancour and bitterness they perceive in many high-flown men of the church , against those that dissent from them , who would have those severe laws executed against them , whilst in the mean time , they are not more certain of any thing , than that they heartily desire their own salvation , and endeavour honestly to find out , and to walk in the right way to it ; and hence they are most certain it is contrary to the mind of christ , any of his followers should punish them for their meeting together in his name , in pursuance of those ends ; and consequently that church that does so , offends against a fundamental point of christian practice , for they have the like perswasion concerning the integrity of others that differ from them , as they have of themselves , and are therefore sure , that if they be so , they can no more execute penalties upon them , than they upon others . they ought to have the same love and respect for them , as they have for conformists ; and to do unto them as they would have them do unto themselves , if they be otherwise minded , they offend both against the law of nature and the law of christ. if either they or the dissenters offend against the necessary principles and laws of government , though it be never so much their consciences so to do , they deny not the magistrates right to punish them : but they are certain this is none of those cases . it is an excellent passage of the late lord chief justice , sir matthew hale p. 1308. bserved in his life , relating to the quakers ; he considered marriage and succession as a right of nature ( there is the same reason of other rights of nature ) from which none ought to be barred , what mistake soever they might be under in the points of revealed religion . surely the publick meeting together to worship god is a natural right ; which therefore men ought not to be deprived of , though they mistake in the circumstances of their so meeting and worshiping but i will leave the defence of publick meetings to publick prints , specially i refer you to the conformists plea for the nonconformists , the first and second parts ; for that in reason should be read by you with less prejudice , than those things they say in their own behalf . you cannot understand , but that the conventiclers allow their teachers both infallibility and supremacy : what sir , more then you allow to your bishops ? you would not have said this , but that you had a mind to make an odious parallel between papists and dissenters . but who knows not , that dissenters do all maintain this as the great principle of protestantism , viz. that every man ought to be satisfied in his own judgment concerning his religion , and not to pin his faith upon any man , or number of men , further than they are perswaded from the infallible word of god. and this is the chief reason why they frequent gathered churches , and not parish churches ; and sometimes go from one congregation to another , as they find it more conducing to the great end of their eternal salvation . you say , the romish church is an united body , and not to be withstood but by another united body , and if the people were united and reconciled to this true protestant church of england , it was not possible that popery should prevail here . first sir , the people are so far united to this church , that they have the same faith , and the same doctrine for substance ; and they worship god in no other manner than is allowed by the practice of the church of england ; so that i would fain be informed what better capacity the church of england would be in , if all come to the parish-church , than she is now . if there was not one protestant dissenter in england , how would that hinder a popish successor from bringing in popery ? we see that under our present protestant prince ( to whom god grant a long and happy r●ign ) we can scarce keep our selves from being over-run and destroyed by assassinations , sham-plots , and suborned witnesses , with other engines of mischiefs , to which the parish church men , as well as others , are equally subject : we see that even in the church it self , they have raised a strong enmity , one against another , according as they are either more fierce against protestants , and more moderate against papists , or on the contrary more moderate to protestants , and more zealous against papists ; what then would be done under a popish successor ? should all dissenters be reconciled to the church , would that extinguish the animosities among the bishops and other clergy and laity ( as they call 'um ) of the church it self ? i pray consider it . our divisions , you say , give boldness to the common enemy to make attempts upon us ; you say very true , for whilst he sees a party that pretends to the church , so desperately mad against those ( whether in the church or out of it ) that being deeply concerned for their religion , king and government , are zealous against the papists and their fautors , it cannot but incourage the papists to go on in their devilish plots and machinations against us . is 't not wonderful , that since the discovery of a most horrid popish plot against all protestants , some of that name that were gentle before , should now be violent in the prosecution of their brethren ? as if the dissenting protestants were to be punished for the popish plot . o unhappy titus ! hadst thou suffered the popish plot to proceed to effect , thou mightest have reap't a great share in the profits of their success : but now thou hast discovered their treachery and saved thy king and country , thou art scorned , and reproached ; thou art in jeopardy of thy life every hour , either by assassination or false accusation ! and thy wretched country is in worse circumstances to withstand the popish and malicious enemies of its religion and government than before . the luxury and security of asia — gave alexander the great hopes of conquest , ergo , our worshipping of god , some in churches , some in meetings , encourages the french king : a natural consequence ; did the french carry on their war the worse , because they permitted protestants , though at the same time they made war against protestants ? but he 's afraid of it for the future ; and must we needs tread in his steps , and act by his policies : surely he that prosecutes protestants with penalties for being so , does the pope and french king's work ; for what can they desire more at present ? and i heartily wish that the ill consequences , which may easily be foreseen to arise therefrom , to use your words , may prevail with men that pretend to love their king and country , and religion , not to be guilty of any thing that will bring ruin upon them : for when they have ruined the dissenters , they will next fall upon those of the church that favour them , and when they are ruin'd , it will be easie for a popish successor either to turn them to popery , or ruine the remainder . as for the diberty you say they have — according to law , of exercising religion in their own houses . first , that is denied where protestants are prosecuted to confiscation of their estates , as popish recusants for not going to church . and secondly , the same passions and councils that now endeavour to suppress their meetings , would then prosecute them as rioters for meeting above three besides the family , to do an unlawful action , as i have known it done by some of your bench. it is easily said by you , rather humor than conscience , when they will yet offend against the law , by these publick conventicles , [ but they would be very glad to find it such an humor , as they could correct with satisfaction to conscience ; it would be a great ease to their minds , besides the advantage to their outward concerns ] which are so destructive to the peace and safety of the kingdom . there was a time when his majesty was pleas'd to declare , that it was evident by the sad experience of twelve years , that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses [ many and frequent ways of coertion ] and therefore ( saith he ) we do now issue this our declaration , as well for the quieting , of the minds of our good subjects in th●se points , for inviting strangers , in this conjuncture , to come and live under us , and for the better encouragement of all to a chearful following of their trades and callings , from whence we hope , by the blessing of god , to have many good and happy advantages to our government : as also for preventing for the future , the danger that might otherwise arise from private meetings and seditious conventicles . his majesty you see sir w. was not then of your mind , after twelve years experience and observation , that publick conventicles were so destructive to the peace and safety of the kingdom , but the very contrary . what tho his majesty was graciously pleased to cancel that declaration , at the humble request of his loyal long parliament , because it did not ground it self upon a legal authority ; yet i hope his majesties reason and judgment exprest in it , may be of weight to the justices of middlesex and london too ; especially when the opinion of the commons of england in parliament concurs with it ; [ besides who knows that if there be any favourite at court , who designes against the people ( as there seldom wants such as cannot endure the breath of a parliament ) he or she has the recommendation of justices , which therefore being their creatures , must serve their ill purposes ? and how easie it is for one or two such justices to get the approbation of the bench to their nomination of jury-men , and then wo be to the people ] for they declare in their vote of luna 10. januar 1680. that it is the opinion of this house , that the presecution of protestant dissenters upon the penal laws , is at this time grievous to the subject , a weakning of the protestant interest , an encouragement to popery , and dangerovs to the peace of the kingdom . now i am clearly of opinion , that the king and commons of england together , their judgment is rather to be taken in this matter than sir w. s's . and all the bench of justices assenting . you will say perhaps , that the popish plot , since the time of his majesties declaration , discover'd , has render'd them unworthy of that toleration ; i grant it , but what have the dissenters done to confute the king's judgment in this point ; i hope that toleration was not given for the sake of the papists alone ; so that because they cannot have benefit by his majesties reasoning , no body else shall ; that were a hard thing to impute to our sovereign : however it was , i presume sir w. and his fellow justices did not then put in execution the penal statutes against dissenters , neither for some years afterward ; such deference did they give to his majesties reason , tho his authority was with-drawn ! publick conventicles were not then thought so destructive to the peace and safety of the kingdom ; and i know nothing the dissenters are guilty of , but a strong desire and earnest endeavour to keep out popery , which they think cannot be done , if a popish successor be let in ; and in this they follow the judgment of three several houses of commons in parliament . and now i am speaking of the declaration for indulgence , i pray sir , what shall hinder a popish successor from setting forth such another edict with more ample graces to the roman catholicks , whereby they shall not only have the liberty of publick meetings ; but also access to parish churches , and all this by virtue of that supream power in ecclesiastical matters , which is not only inherent in him , but hath been declar'd and recogniz'd to be so by several statutes and acts of parliament ; as in the said declaration ; what tho his present majesty was graciously pleas'd to recal his declaration , do you think the popish successor would do so ? and if he should command such an indulgence , i am perswaded never a justice of middlesex , would dare ( as sir james hales in queen maries days ) to put the laws in execution against them . poor sir james , who had merited highly of the queen , yet suffer'd deeply for his legal zeal , and i doubt is too sad an example to be followed , however zealous men are now against protestants . it follows in your speech , [ these publick conventicles ] are not suffer'd in any country or kingdoms as i know of ▪ i have no measure of your knowledge , but there was not long since publisht in english a piece , entituled : the religion of the dutch , the author pretends himself a protestant : what credit is to be given him i know not , but i know that in many things he gives a very exact and true account : he says p. 14. there is an express prohibition of allowing any other religion then the reformed in the provinces , and yet ( saith he ) we there find the publick exercise of another religions [ so he is pleas'd to call different meetings of those that differ in some opinions ] besides the reformed ; there are roman catholicks , lutherans , brownists , independants , arminians , anabaptists , socinians , arrians , enthusiasts , quakers , borelists , armenians , muscovites , libertins and others ; i suppose you will scarce find so many sorts of publick meetings here in england . having thus shewed the weakness of these reasons , upon which you built your discourse , there appears no cause why you should so patheticaly adjure men for gods sake , and their own to lay aside these publick conventicles &c. neither that you should say , they are one cause and a great one of our present troubles ; or that you should invite the bench and grand jury kindly to agree together in the remedy of this evil : moreover , if according to the 9th article of the church of england , these conventicles or some of them be congregations of faithful men , in which the pure word of god is preached , and the sacraments duly administred , according to christs ordinance , in all those things that of necessity are requisite to the same ; then are they , visible churches of christ , and they that punish them for so doing , do unkindly agree in persecuting the churches of christ , which christians ought to be very wary of . take heed sir , you are not infallible . the next thing you recommend , is the consideration of juries , and the statute of 3. hen. viii . an act of reformation of impannels for the king , touching which i shall leave you to the consideration of a paper , set out some moneths ago in an answer to a speech of yours also printed upon this subject . the subtility and mighty endeavours of the papists , to divert people from the prosecution of themselves , have rais'd a great enmity in a party or faction against the body of the people , represented in 3 parliaments ; the city of london which hath the choice of sheriffs for london and middlesex are careful to chuse such sheriffs as they can trust , and that are not of that party : whereas the justices of middlesex or some of them by their abhorring , addressing and the like actions appear to be too favourable to that faction ; and therefore the citizens had rather by much the choice of juries should be in the sheriffs than in the partial justices , especially at this time , when their liberties , lives and religion are in such eminent danger from sham-plots , subornations and perjuries , the preservation of all which concerns we owe under god and his majesty to our honest sheriffs . it looks strangely that out of about 50 persons of the pannel , ( against one man of which the justices cannot object any thing that may argue untrue demeanor in the sheriff in his return ) the justices should not find 13 to make a grand jury , without putting in other of their own nomination . i appeal to the next parliament , whether the security and liberty of the people of england be not at this time more in danger by the justices , than by the sheriffs . i might observe upon other parts of your speech : but i presume i have done enough already to shew the weakness of your reasoning . i hope you will please to consider things over again , and to pardon the freedom , taken by one that has due respects for you , and has learn'd to pass by the errors of men , being conscious of his own fallibility , but would gladly have malice and ill will rooted out . sir , your very humble servant j. w. postscript . all considering people will now see that conventiclers are not punished and ruin'd for holding conventicles , but for being zealous for the protestant religion and government by advice of parliament , against popery and clandestine arbitrary councels . their prosecutors know it to be so . i fear there are some justices of the peace and others who either by their ill management , or otherwise in the late unhappy warrs suffer'd themselves and party to fall into the hands of their enemies , which would now under colour of law and after oblivion take revenge upon those few of them that survive , by ruining the whole party of non-conformists . they , like haman , think it below them to crush mordecai alone , except they involve the whole people of the jews in that destruction . but let them remember there is a god that judgeth the earth : his kingdom ruleth over all in spight of them . he can deliver , and if he will not , they suffer in a very good cause , for a good conscience toward god , and for what has been declared to be reasonable by the king , and by the commons of england in parliament . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67481-e200 octo. 31. 1673. witness doctor fowler , & gregory prebends of gloucester . tempora mutantur . but you would have call'd it hypocrisie in a presbiterian to alter his voice thus , the reasons remaining the same . considerations of present use, concerning the danger resulting from the change of our church-government hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1682 approx. 34 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45405 wing h528 estc r11941 11998200 ocm 11998200 52150 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45405) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52150) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 564:17) considerations of present use, concerning the danger resulting from the change of our church-government hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 20 p. printed by t.m. for fin. gardiner ..., london : 1682. attributed to henry hammond. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -government. church and state -church of england. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion considerations of present use , concerning the danger resulting from the change of our church-government . london , printed by t. m. for fin. gardiner , at the three roses in ludgate-street . 1682. considerations of present use , concerning the danger resulting from the change of our church-government . to him that being satisfied in judgment of the lawfulness of episcopal government , doth yet conceive that the parting with it is no change of religion , and consequently , that the standing for it at this time , when it is opposed , is but the preferring the interests of some inconsiderable men before the conveniences and common wishes of all , i earnestly desire ( in the bowels of compassion to my bleeding country , and from a sincere passionate wish that the cure of this dangerous wound may not be an imperfect cure ) to present some few sad considerations , which i shall cast under two heads ( proportionable to the two parts of the former ungrounded suggestion ) the one , that parting with the present government is no change of religion ; the other , that standing for it at this time , is the preferring the interests of some before the common wish of all , the peace of this nation . concerning the former , i offer to consideration , first , whether the government of the church be not a considerable part of religion ? that it is so , i shall make appear by these reasons . 1. that government is as necessary to the preservation of the church as preaching the gospel was to the plantation of it , and that therefore it was always the apostles practice , as soon as ever they had converted a city or province , or any considerable number of men in it , to leave it in the hands of some faithful persons , to dress , tend , and water , what they had thus planted ; and therefore though it were possible for a christian to be deprived of this benefit , and yet to remain christian ( as to want some limbs , or to abound to monstrosity in others , is yet reconcileable with life and being of a man ) to retain the doctrine of christianity without any government , to be a christian in the wall or in the wilderness , a stylita or anachorite christian ( in which case there is no doubt the use of the very sacraments , instituted by christ himself , would not be necessary to christianity ) yet would it be little less than fury for any to design or hope the prosperity or duration of a church , or visible society of such christians , without this grand necessary ( though not of single being , yet ) of mutual preservation , this principle not of essence but of continuance , without which ( it is the learned breerewood's observation from st. augustine ) that the preservation of a church was once by experience found to be an impossible thing , no other engine being able to repair the want or supply the place of that . a second reason may be drawn from the concurring pleas of all the most distant pretenders for the several forms of government in the church , as well those that have espoused the papal , the presbyterial , the independent , as those which are for the present english form by the king and his bishops , &c. all vehemently contending for the necessity of that government , which they affect in the church , and none so calm or modest in their claims , as the assertors of the english prelacy ; which moderation or want of heat , is sure one reason that so many sons of this church are now tempted to think government so unconsiderable a thing , and so extrinsecal to christianity ; though this thought thus grounded , be a double injustice , 1. in suspecting that truth , for want of asserting , which is therefore not so vehemently asserted , because it is supposed truth , 2. in encouraging heat and violence of disputes ( the greatest plague in a church ) by shewing them that the eagerest pretenders shall be most heeded , and that meekness shall not inherit the earth , though both david and christ promised it should . a third argument may be had from the judgment of our state , which hath thought fit to make the government of the church matter of one of the articles of our religion , and so to joyn in honour the care of it with the care of the doctrine , and to require as strict a subscription to the establish't government , as to the rest of the 39. heads of doctrine , by which you may evidently see , that to change the government is to change the doctrine , and where doctrine and government both are changed , can we possibly think the religion to be the same ? i shall add no more proofs of this , because i conceive them unnecessary ; the contrary misapprehension being , as i suppose , not grounded by arguments , but of its own accord arising from an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an experiment , which many men , especially persons of quality , think they have made , that in their whole lives they never reaped any benefit from government , never received any accession or encrease to their spiritual weal from that , as from the doctrine and liturgy of the church , they acknowledg to have done . to this ground of misprision , as being perhaps the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the cause of the whole mistake , it will not be amiss to make some answer . 1. that many benefits we receive from government , which we do not visibly discern , and that therefore , when we discern our selves to have received some growth , and cannot but know that it was wrought by means , we should rather confess our want of sense or gratitude to the true means , than imagine those not to have been the means , only because we have not that sense of them . 2. that those means which have been more visible to us , the dispensation of the word and sacraments , have been reacht out to us by the hand of government , to which therefore we owe our acknowledgments in the second place for our preservation and growth , as to the hand of supreme previdence for our being or life spiritual . 3. that if the benefits of government have not been really very discernable and notable to all , that is not yet in any justice to be imputed to any defect that way in government it self , to any barrennes in the nature or particular temper of it , but to some default ( which will deserve observing and reforming ) in the persons , either of the rulers , or of those which are under rule , or of a third sort whose dutie it is to be the rulers perspectives and otacousticks , to present to their knowledg , the wants of inferiours , which till they are known , are not likely to be repaired . the defaults in each of these severals are , or may be so many , and so obnoxious to common observation , that it will be much more reasonable for each to resolve to amend his part for the future , and so make it a business of reformation , than to charge the defaults of persons to the defaming of government , and so to undervalue and scorn what our sins first , then our phansies have defamed . the comfort is , that it hath been the clemency as well as the sloth or cowardice of governours , which have deprived men of the great fruits of government ; and if it may be agreed that it is very expedient , and will be taken in good part , that governours hereafter be more severe , as well as more diligent , more couragious , as well as more laborious , in using the weapons of their warfare , to cut off or to cure , without any respect of persons , wheresoever there is need of them ; i shall hope this objection will then be throughly answered , if as yet it be not . a second consideration apportioned to the former head will be this , whether ( supposing government of the church to be a considerable part of religion ) the change of it from established episcopacy to any other ( namely to that of prebytery by many , without any superiour over them , or as that is opposite to episcopacy ) be not a sin against religion ? that it is , or will be so , i shall endeavour to convince the gainsayer by these steps or degrees of proof , which though perhaps not each single , yet all being put together will , i believe , where prejudice doth not hinder , be sufficient to doe it . 1. because this government by bishops , superiour to presbyters , is of apostolical institution . but this being an affirmation , as demonstrable by ecclesiastical records , as any thing can be , or as the canon of scripture which we receive , is demonstrated to be the canon of scripture ; and in regard it hath by others been sufficiently proved , i shall therefore wholly spare the repeating of that trouble , and add unto it . 2. that it hath the example , though not the distinct precept of christ , who with his twelve apostles , and the many other disciples in time of his residence upon earth , superiour one to the other , are the copy , of which the bishops , presbyters and deacons in the following age , were a transcript , who are therefore by st. ignatius , s. johns contemporary , allowed to receive honour , the bishops as christ , the presbyters as the apostles , the deacons as the seventy . 3. that as far as concerns superiority of one order to the other ( which is sufficient to eject the presbytery which supposes an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equality of all ) it is authorized by sacred scripture-practise , where it appears , that when judas fell from his orbe of motion , the dignity of being one of the twelve , is by the direction of the spirit , and by lot bestowed upon matthias , who , though before a disciple of christ , was not till then assumed to that dignity . fourthly , that supposing it to be in this manner apostolical , there is little colour of reason to doubt , but that the preserving of it is of as great moment as many doctrines of christianity , not only because many doctrines were not so explicitely delivered by christ , but that they needed farther explicating by the apostles , ( and are therefore by the church grounded not in any words of the gospel , but in the epistles of the apostles ) but also because it was in gods providence thought fit , that government should be setled not by christ personally , but by the apostles , that is mediately by christ ; as doctrine was by christ immediately . christ in his life time gives them the ground of a church , divine truth , the word of his father , the acknowledgment of which is the rock on which his church is built , on this the apostles are to build , and gather members , and to settle the whole edifice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ordinately , and that they may not err in that work , the holy ghost is promised to descend upon them , and christ by that power of his to be with them in eminent manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the end of the world . and government being necessary to the setling , was undoubtedly thus referred and left to them by christ , and so their authority in instituting that which they instituted , as evidently deduced from christ , as their power of preaching what they preached , or baptising whom they baptised . and having gone thus far , i cannot but resume my consideration thus far made more considerable , and appeal to any sober conscience , whether it be not some irreligion thus to displace or remove that which the apostles ( to whom only by christ it was intrusted ) according to christs own samplar and scripture-grounds , thought fit to settle in the church , supposing it to be a matter of religion which is spoken of , as before we proved ; nay , whether if an angel from heaven were to be anathematized for teaching any other doctrine than what one apostle had taught , it would not be matter of just terrour to any that should have any part in the guilt of instituting any other government than that which the appostles had instituted , especially when the acts of councels tell us , that what s. paul denounces against the heterodox angel , the church did practise against aerius , anathematized him for impugning this government , which now we speak of . and if still the authority of all this be blemisht by this one exception , that this institution af the appostles is not affirmed in scripture , or there commanded to posterity to continue , and retain for ever . to this i answer , by saying that which may be a fourth argument to prove the irreligiousness of such change , that there is as much or more to be said ( in both those respects , both for mention of this institution in scripture , and for apostolical precept for continuing of it ) for this government , as for some other things whose chang would be acknowledged very irreligious . i will only instance in one , the institution of the lords day , of which there is nothing can be said to the setting up the authority and immutability of it , which will not be said of episcopacy . a ground of it there was in nature , some time to be set a part to the special publick service of god ; and the like ground there is in nature for this , that some persons should be designed to , and rewarded for the special publick service of god. a pattern of that there was among the jews , one day in the seven designed for gods quotum or portion ; the like pattern there is among the jews for this ; a government by high-priests , and levites . that was an institution not of christ in his life time immediately , but of his apostles , after his departure invested with such power ; the like institution there is of this by the same apostles after christs ascension , directed and assisted by the holy ghost . the occasion of pitching on the first day of the week was a solemn action of christ his resurrection on that day ; the occasion of this , the several distinct orders in the church in christs time , christs apostles , disciples , and the manifest superiority of him before all of them ( who affirms himself their lord , even when he speaks of his office ministerial , his coming to minister to them ) and of the apostles before the disciples , as even now was shewed . the mention of that was found once in the revelation distinctly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lords day , and twice or thrice in equipollent terms , the first day of the week ; and the mention of episcopacy is as clear , the angel of the church of ephesus , &c. in the revelation ( which hath been cleared by irrefragable evidence to belong to this matter ) and the ruling elder in s. paul , that must have double honour , and titus left in crete to set in order the things that were wanting , and to ordain elders in every church ; and many other more clear mentions of the serveral titles and officies of bishop , preshyter , and deacon , than there is of the name and duties of the lords day . the obscure mentions of that in scripture were explained in the writings and stories of the first age of the church , particularly in the epistiles of ignatius , and the obscurities of the sacred texts concerning episcopacy , are as clearly explicated and unfolded by the same ignatius even in every one of those epistles of his which vedelius ( as great an enemy of this order as geneva hath produced any ) after his fiery tryal of that author hath acknowledged to be his . the use of that continued from the apostles time ( though not universally till the jewish sabbath was fairly laid a sleep ) till these days in the universal church , and all perticular churches , that we read of ; and the like use and practise of this continued universall without any exception from the apostles time , till this day in the universal church , as that signifies the eastern and the western church , and in each particular church , till about this last century , and in this of ours from the plantation of the gospel till this day . these are paralless enough to even the ballance ( and i profess to know no one more which might weigh it down on that side ) and to make it now seasonable to demand , whether it would not be thought an act contrary to religion ( whether that signifies christian piety , or meekness , or awe , to all that is sacred ) for any particular national church or part thereof , without any more warrant then is now offered for this present change , to remove the service of god from the lords day to any other day in the week , ( which sure is as small a differnce , as that betwixt presbyterial and episcopal government can by any be conceived to be ) or instead of our first day of the week to set apart either an eight , or a sixt day , and so to change that apostolical institution . if that seem strange , or be startled at , as unfit to be ventured on , or yielded to , i shall desire the same plea may be entred for this , and that conscience may be secured , that either both are lawfull , or that the difference is clear , and the advantage on the lords days side , or that it may be resolved that this is unlawfull as well as that . a fift argument will be this , that the making ( or yielding to ) this change , will be a scandal ( very worthy to be considered ) in them that so yield , toward those which oppose this government as unlawful ; for this yielding will be an appearing acknowledgement , that their contrary pretentions are true , and so a confirming them in their errour ( which is no light one , but the same for which aerius was , and any other apposer would certainly have been anathematized , and turned out of the catholick church for an heretick , ) which is one special kind of scandalizing or occasioning the fall of our brethren , and withall a nourishing them in their uncharitable opinion not only of us , but of the ancient fathers of the church , ( who were all antichristian if this be so ) which is another causing my brother to offend : nay a kind of countenancing that unchristian ( am sure unprotestant ) doctrine , of the lawfulness of taking up arms , against lawfull superiours and establisht lawes , and propagating our opinions in religion by that means , which perchance some may be betrayed to by this example , others brought to believe consentaneous to protestant doctrine , if they which are thus guilty be thus gratified ; which as it were a change in our doctrine , if it were really acknowledged , so is it , in this respect , another act of scandall , if it thus aprear to be acknowledged , and that which would make any heathen prince unwilling to embrace our religion , if this disloyal perswasion were conceived to be a part of it . a sixt argument ( which to me is of no small force ) i will yet but name , and refer it to others to consider of , that no man is a priest , or lawfully ordained minister of any christian church , but he that is called and sent by god ; that there is now no way in this kingdome , to have that calling or mission duly but from bishops , who are the only persons who have their power of ordaining others , given to them in their assumption to that order by those who had it before , and can drive it from the apostles , who had it immediatly from heaven : and whatsoever other power a priest or preshyter may be thought or said to have common with a bishop , it is yet the constant judgment of the universal church for 1500 , years , that this of ordination is not competible to one or more bare presbyters without a bishop , and it will be easie to satisfie any reasonable man in whatsoever may be produced of sound , or probability to the contrary : and therefore if any office , or order , or ministry in the church be considerable , this which is the standing well-head and spring of all the other , must be thought so also . having premised these arguments of so much weight , sufficient to support the burthen designed to them , i shall add , ex abundante some inferior ones ( though they amount not so far , as alone of themselves to conclude it direct irreligion , yet to add to the former heap some aggravations . as , 1. that to yield to this change , is to disclaim those blessed means of gods providence which brought us to our baptisme , to all our spiritual life and growth that we have attained to , and that is a great ingratitude to that government . 2. it is an act of pride and insolency , to prefer any scheme of humane and modern invention before that which the apostles , the primitive , and ( for so many years ) the vniversal church had authorized , and therefore i could almost adventure to believe , that the framers of the covenant had obliged themselves secretly to maintain episcopacy by putting in those words , [ the best reformed churches ] that i might escape thinking them so insolent as to prefer any churches before those , which they cannot but know have used episcopacy . 3. it ia a great tempting of gods providence , in not being contented with that form which hath prospered so happily with us , and the whole christian world , ( though subject ( as all that is humane , or mixt with flesh , is even the very grace of god in us ) to be abused ) any putting it to the adventure , whatsoever inconveniences the next may be subject to . of the inconveniences that presbytery doth infallibly bring along with it , and the unreconcilableness of them with monarchical government in the state , sufficient evidences have been given ; and if there were no other but this , that the endeavouring to bring it in at this time hath brought this tempest and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon this kingdom , and that this hath been but the general consequent of that government , wheresoever it hath but begun to heave , casting out peace , and obedience to lawful authority together , it would well deserve to have this mark of reprobation or non-election set upon it , if it were but for this , that the prosperity of such attempts should not encourage others to the like . this and the like inconveniences are of such weight , that for men to be willing to exchange the certain benefits of the one , for the uncertain advantages and strongly probable calamities of the other is a sin , that may provoke and tempt god to punish them yet further with greater and unexpected curses , and therefore may deserve in ' its place to be considered . 4. it is an act of infidelity and practical atheisme for those especially who being convinced with the former reasons to acknowledg any irreligion or sin in such change ) to sacrifice any thing to our own present conveniences , to make any change in sacred matters meerly out of intuition of our own secular advantages ; atheisme , in thinking that god cannot as easily blast that convenience so acquired , as those many which came more directly to our hands ; and infidelity , or distrust , in thinking that god will not in his time give those conveniences and advantages ( if they be such indeed ) by means perfectly lawful , which now we covet by unlawful . to which might be added the wants and omissions of those duties of confession of christ , in not defending and standing to those truths which we are convinced to be such , in time of their being oppugned and persecuted ; self-denial , in not depositing our own carnal secular aims and interests , and of taking up the cross , in not suffering willingly and cheerfully when it lies in our way to the preforming of any act of obedence to christ . but i would not inlarge to these , but ●nly conclude this proof with a fift difficulty of separating sin from changes , when they are great , and in matters of weight : it is the wise mans advice that occasioned this observation , my son , fear thou the lord and the king , and meddle not with them which are given to changes : the changes are sure changes in government , and those are named indefinitely , without any restraint , and the very medling with them that are inclined to such , is opposed both to piety and loyalty , fearing of god and the king. i have done with the considerations proportioned to the first part of the suggestion . i proceed to the view of the second part of it , and there the consideration shall be only this , whether , the change of this government , be not a common interest of all , as well as of those who are now clergy-men . that it is so , may appear probable , because the revenue or honours which belong to them in government are not the sole , or main part of govenrment ; there is a weight and office , which our forefathers thought worthy to be encouraged and rewarded with those payments , and if any man shall think them ill proportioned , i shall not doubt to tell him s. chrisostomes judgment , that the burthen of a bishop was formidable , even to an angell to undergo , and if the corruptions of latter times be affirmed to have changed that state of things , i answer : that the restoring episcopacy to its due burthen as well as reputation , were a care worthy of reformers , and it is so far from my desire that any such care should be spared , that it is now my publick solemn petition both to god and man , that the power of the keys , and the exercise of that power , the due use of confirmation , and ( previous to that ) examination , and tryall of youth , a strict search into the manners and tempers , and sufficiencies of those that are to be admitted into holy orders , and to be licentiate for publick preachers , the visitation of each parish in each diocess , and the exercise of church-discipline upon all offenders ; together with painfull , mature and sober preaching and catechizing , studies of all kinds , and parts of theological learning , languages , controversies , writings of the schools and casuists , &c. be so far taken into consideration by our law-makers and so far considered in the collating of church-preferments and dignities , so much of duty required of clergie-men , and so little left arbitrary or at large , that every church preferment in this kingdom may have such a due burthen annexed to it , that no ignorant person should be able , no lazy or luxurious person willing or forward to undergoe it . and if this might be thus designed , i should then resolve , that the direct contrary to the fore-mentioned suggestions would be truth , that the setling and continuing of this present government would prove the common interest of all , and only the burthen of those few that have those painfull offices assigned them ; and least any may think this word a boast ( which i can safely venture with the world at this time , and not have reason to fear a surprisal , or being taken at my word ) i shall venture another offer in the name of my brethern of the clergy ? ( not that i have took their particular votes , but that i perswade my self so far of their piety . ) that rather than the glory should thus depart from israel , by the philistines taking the ark of the lord , laying wast this flourishing church of ours , or transforming it into a new guise , every one single of us , that have any possessions or titles worthy any mans envy or rapine , and so are thought now by our own interests to have been bribed or fee'd advocates in this cause , may forthwith be deprived of all that part of the revenues of the church wherein we are legally invested ; and he that shall not cheerfully resigne his part in the present prosperity of the church , on the meer contemplation and intuition of the benefit that may now , and after his life redound to others , let him have the guilt of achans wedge laid on him , and the charge of being disturber of the state. i hope we have learnt to want as well as to abound and to trust god ( that can feed the young ravens when the old have exposed them ) for the feeding of us , and our families , though all our present means of doing it were taken from us . if this may serve turne to satisfie the thirst of those that gape , and the suspicions of those that look unkindly on us , we offer to free you from all blame of sacriledg , or oppression , or injustice ( from one of which , no other means imaginable can free a change of government by our own voluntary cession or resignation , as far as our personal interests reach : and shall think the peace of this state , and continued prosperity of this church , a most glorious purchase , most cheaply bought , if it be had upon such terms as these . and if the function it self , with the necessary adjuncts to it , be not swept a way in the calamity , we shall be perfectly pleased whatsoever befall our persons , and desire , that tryall may be made of the ingenuity of clergy-men , whether we have not thus far profited under gods rod , as to be willing to yield to any possible proposition ( which will bring no guilt of sin upon our consciences ) towards the averting the judgments of heaven , which are now ( i wish i might say for our sins only ) most sadly multiplyed upon this land. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45405-e90 acts 1. a letter from a jesuit at paris, to his correspondent in london; shewing the most effectual way to ruine the government and protestant religion. nalson, john, 1638?-1686. 1679 approx. 20 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52301 wing n110a estc r214292 99826489 99826489 30892 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52301) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30892) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1765:22) a letter from a jesuit at paris, to his correspondent in london; shewing the most effectual way to ruine the government and protestant religion. nalson, john, 1638?-1686. d. p. 8 p. s.n.], [dublin : reprinted m. dc. lxxix. [1679] by john nalson. signed: d.p. place of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the st. john's college (cambridge, england) library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from a jesuit at paris , to his correspondent in london , shewing the most effectual way to ruine the government and protestant religion . reprinted m. dc . lxxix . a letter from a jesuit at paris , to his correspondent in london , &c. honoured dear sir , post varios casus , post tot discrimina — after many fears and frights , i thank our blessed lady , i am safe got out of the mouth of the lion , and have got the sea between me and danger . it would be troublesome to repeat to you the hazards i have run ; how often i was upon the brink of being discovered and taken by the hereticks , who had laid all the sea-ports , to arrest all such as should attempt to pass over the seas ; but in regard i have something of more moment and concern for the catholick cause to impart to you , i will not stuff out this pacquet with those relations , with the remembrance of which , i hope hereafter to laugh away some pleasant hours with you . i give you thanks for the account of affairs which i have now before me ; and you are desired still to continue it in , regard you may do it with great security , both by reason of the way by which it comes , and the character to which it is committed , which i think no person living besides your self has a key of : and how ingenious soever some in haereticopolis may be in expounding cyphers , this will cost them some time to understand . i understand by the enclosed proclamation , that the immortal parliament , as 't was believed , is at last dissolved ; and immediately upon the receipt of yours , i communicated it to their reverences , the fathers , l. c. d. f , and p. the next day they summoned together such as we put confidence in , to enter upon an immediate consult upon this traverse of our affairs . their reverences were under as great disappointments , and as many disturbances as you can well imagine ; this short turn having utterly broken all the measures they had so wisely taken : and for sometime they were unresolved what course to steer , being uncertain of what complexion , and temper a new parliament might prove . true it is , the late parliament were in reality , as we had reason to believe , mostly in their judgment enemies enough to catholicks ; but we had so well managed our affairs , as to possess some of the most active and hot-spirited among them , the bellweathers of the house , who lead the whole ●…ock . that there was an absolute necessity , first to run down some great ones , who interposed , as we perswaded the world , in favour of us ; and that unless they were taken out of the way , there could be nothing done to purpose , either to discover the bottom of the design , or to punish the persons principally accused for the plot , as they call it . this was a method which it was judged would take them off from the violent chase and pursuit of poor catholicks , who were now upon the dreadful brink of a most terrible persecution ; and to divert the storm , nothing could be more conducive , than to dash these black clouds one against another , and discharge their thunders mutually upon themselves : for if we could this or any other way engage the hereticks deep enough in a quarrel among themselves , by the industry of our party among them , we could not tell how far these discords and oppositions might transport them , nor what would be the consequences or events of a fire-ball in the h. c. we have had no contemptible success with such engines in other occasions ; and it was hoped it might at last put the nation , and especially the city , into a general mutiny upon the disappointment of their expectations ; there being nothing so unanimously desired , or so passionately longed for , as to see all private heats laid aside , to prosecute the main business of the plot. and should it have come to a popular tumult , we should not have been wanting to have made considerable advantages of it ; and under the colour of being popishly affected , and obstructing the prosecution of the plot , few of our enemies should have survived the fury of the tumult ; and it may be we might have made the hereticks themselves help to reduce their new babylon to cinders a second time , and in that confusion have done some executions which i will not name . however , if that should not happen , we were hereby assured , that we should for some time divert the imminent danger which threatned catholicks in general , and those noble lords in particular ; and no man knows what the very gaining a little time may produce in favour of us ; multa cadunt inter poculum , supremaque labra . this course we knew was very pleasing to many , who , as our worthy friend , the much lamented mr. c. had judiciously observed , to revenge their private piques , had of a long time set themselves to oppose the ministers of state , and to whom such a promising opportunity was muscadine and eggs , and besides , it was infinitely taking and popular to all the discontented and factious , who , i am perswaded , would joyn with the catholicks , the french , or the great turk , rather than lose the pleasure of seeing some great persons take the sommerset from the battlements of honour , especially such as they are made believe are enemies to their liberties and religion , which are but one thing with two names . however , we were sure of this advantage , that by degrees we should perswade people , that there never was any such thing as any design among the catholicks against the king and government , there being no more evident demonstration , that the h. c. did not believe there was any real plot , than both , their violent proceeding upon disbanding the army , even when 't was said and sworn before them , that there were 20000. men in a readiness to attend the fatal blow ; and that the king of france with his whole power was ready to strike in with the catholicks ; as also their running so furiously upon the ministers of state , in stead of the catholick lords , as being the more dangerous conspirators . and , it may be , we have lost no ground by this artifice , and thereby confirming what we did at first , and have all along given out and spread abroad , that it was in reality a plot of the presbyterians against his majesty and the government ; and that under the pretence of a plot of the papists , all such as were friends to the church or crown should be accused to be popishly affected ; and thus by ruining the supporters , the crown must fall of course ; this was the way in which they , by our assistance , so successfully proceeded in 41. and nothing could make it more plain , than that the same party was playing their old lessons over again . and as we did then in a great measure happily effect our designs , and manage the heats , till they burnt down all , so we were not without hopes to do the same , and like flints , by striking them one against another , to dash them in pieces , and fire the several factions ; and when they were of all sides sufficiently weaken'd , under pretence of supporting the weaker party , to bring in the power of the most christian king , to make them friends by subduing both ; which was an advantage we might reasonably hope for now , but could not expect in the former revolutions , while his most christian majesty was a minor , and france it self engaged in domestick troubles . but this parliament and our hopes of it being both at an end , we are to consider , how we may manage the next , and succeeding parliaments , so as nothing may be done to our prejudice , and by consequence , that they may become advantageous to our pious design of extirpating heresie , and propagating the catholick faith in england again . upon our serious consult , it has been here , after mature deliberation , agreed upon , to send you these following resolutions of their reverences , who have done me the honour to assign me the province , of taking care to transmit their resolves to you , and receive your answers , and an account of the movement of our affairs . you are therefore with all speed and secresie , to take care of the dispatch of these instructions to all such persons as we may confide in , and you shall judge qualifi'd for an employ of so great trust and concern , that i may say , the whole catholick interest and hopes in england depend upon the success of this negotiation . and first , as a thing previous to the elections which shall be made , let the emissaries in all counties and corporations , especially such as have burgesses , be vigilant to enquire who are to be the candidates for the succeeding elections . secondly , use all endeavours among the dissenters , according to your interest , to get in as many of the late members as you can ; especially p. c. b. m. &c. our excellent friend m. has assured his illustriousness the n. that he will not fail to be in again , nor to do us the best service he can , now , as well as in the last . thirdly , if that cannot be done , but that new ones are set up , if they be persons firm in their loyalty , and such as have any the remotest dependence or expectance upon the court or army ; then give out among the people , though en passent only , as you bait at your inns , that to your certain knowledge such gentlemen are great courtiers , and are of that party who design to reduce the nation to the model of framce , by the arbitrary power of a standing army , thereby to introduce and establish popery among us ; which you must be sure to make most vehement and bitter declamations against . if they are persons strongly inclined to the church of england , then give out confidently that they are papists in heart , and that you know where they have declared themselves such , and that it is most visible by their being so much for ceremonis . this all the dissenters will not only easily credit , but will be very helpful to us in spreading and justifying the reports ; these things spoken with confidence , and a pretence of some intimate knowledge of them , and that you now divulge these secrets out of sincere affection to the nation , ready to to be betray'd to popery and arbitrary government , will fly like wild-fire among the ordinary people , who will snowball it from hand to hand , and father it upon persons of repute , not knowing the original hand from whence it first came ; and the repeated eccho of their fears will both redouble and confirm it . by this means you shall , with the assistance of the dissenters , who greedily lay hold of this occasion which they have so long wish't for and expected , be sure to promote the election of such burgesses , as are disaffected both to the king and church ; and though possibly in many counties the loyalty and interest of the gentry will carry it against us in the knights ; yet the greatest number consisting of the corporation representatives , there we shall be too hard for them . and then mark what will follow upon this , they will meet with an invincible prejudice against the king and establisht government , both civil and ecclesiastical ; they will fall violently upon the church as well as the papist ; they will be so taken up with their own affairs and the embroilments our friends will engage them in , that ours will sleep ; and being so hot and disorderly , they will in probability oblige the king to send them home again , and seek for another . by this means the city and country will be under the greatest disappointment and dissatisfaction imaginable , the army which is undisbanded will be thought necessary to be kept up , but there being no money to pay them , they will be burdensom and exasperate the country , and augment the jealousie of a standing army ; a fleet must also be put to sea , because of the alarms of the french , and when they come home , the seamen must be turned adrift for their pay too ; it may be a new parliament may not be called in some time , but such ways may be taken to raise money for the publick necessity as may render the government odious , and dispose people to a general insurrection , and then the day 's our own , then my noble lords , will save their heads , for they must be tried by a parliament , and if our affairs jump luckily , they shall out-live methusalem , if they live to see a parliament so loyal as to give the king money or indeavour to settle the peace of the nation . but in the second place , if the parliament shall sit , and there appears any danger to us by there being unanimous , and so like to continue , and to bring the lords to their trial : all indeavours must be used by such as can be got to be of our party , first to run them again upon the ministers of state , as being popishly affected , and designing to subvert parliaments , and introduce arbitrary government . i need not speak much of this , you are sufficiently instructed how to mange it , and cannot want a crie to set it up . secondly , obstruct as much as possible the raising of money , and yet cry out of the imminent danger and fears of the french ; it may be you will have reason and truth in that particular ; however delay the money by asking such unreasonable things in recompence of it , that the mony bill upon such terms may be rejected , and be sure it may not be near enough for the present necessity ; urge the mispending of the great revenue of the crown , but lay all the blame upon the ministers , you cannot miss the king if you hit the other . this will put the king out of all hopes of this parliament , and may possibly occasion either a long prorogation , or a dissolution , and we shall be better provided against a new parliament than we could be now , being so much surprized in the dissolution of the last . and besides of this parliament upon which the factious have built such hopes , be either prorogued or dissolved , it will still exasperate the nation , and they will be apt to receive the impressions of their own fears and jealousies , as well as those we must now sow thick among the discontented ; if it continues , we must still play the same game , and with grievances , smart votes , and ingrateful addresses keep up and increase the misunderstandings , and widen the differences between the k. and the h. c. thirdly , asperse all that are not of our party , as court-pensioners or popishly affected , this will secure ours from being discovered , and will render the other odious to the people ; and hinder their being elected into a future parliament , if this should happen to be hastily dissolved . fourthly , let our party bring in a bill for comprehension or toleration , if it does no other good , it will occasion great heats and altercations , long debates and will be an excellent remora to all other affairs , it will make them highly the favourites of the separatists who will be most active against the crown and government , and if that can be passed , it is no matter how severely it excludes all catholicks from the benefit of indulgence ; it will certainly ruin the church , and we shall be well enough able to do our business , and to prepare the people for a rebellion under the shelter of the several sects who hate both the king and church sufficiently already , and will in a little time become so numerous and confident , that by their help we may be able to effect our design . this politick janus of a toleration has also another face , for it will alienate the affections of those who are zealous for the church , from the crown , when they see that give them up as a prey to their enemies ; and if it does not yet , it will disable them from doing it the service they would in case of necessity ; so that if it comes to a rebellion , the k. will be destitute of assistance of all sides , and must seek for aid among the catholicks and from foreign power , and which way soever the game goes , we shall be sure not only to save our stakes , but to win by the hand . dear sir , be diligent and vigorous in the prosecution of these instructions , and be assured that nothing shall be wanting on the part of their reverences to forward the design , neither mony for the present , nor power for the future if occasion offers . his most christian majestie is now at intire liberty in case of necessity , either to interpose for us , or assist us with his invincible arms , and to promote so pious and religious a cause . doubt nothiug , but be of good courage in the discharge of this high trust reposed in you , and assure your self of success and proportionate rewards on earth , eternal fame , and eternal glory in the heavenly paradise . the fathers send you theirs and the apostolical benediction ; have me recommended to all our friends . our blessed lady and all saints pray for you , and succed your indeavours . fail not to advertise us , how the wheel of affairs moves , that so we may be able to advise and direct accordingly , farwell . d. p. paris feb. 12. n. st. 1678. the anarchie or the blest reformation since 1640. being a new song, wherein the people expresse their thankes and pray for the reformers. to be said or sung of all the well affected of the kingdome of england, and dominion of wales, before the breaking up of this unhappy parliament. to a rare new tune. jordan, thomas, 1612?-1685? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87355 of text r211108 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[60]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87355 wing j1019b thomason 669.f.13[60] estc r211108 99869845 99869845 162956 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87355) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162956) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[60]) the anarchie or the blest reformation since 1640. being a new song, wherein the people expresse their thankes and pray for the reformers. to be said or sung of all the well affected of the kingdome of england, and dominion of wales, before the breaking up of this unhappy parliament. to a rare new tune. jordan, thomas, 1612?-1685? 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] attributed to thomas jordan. imprint from wing. satiric verse "now that thankes to the powers below,". the words "or .. 1640." and "being .. reformers." are bracketed together in title. annotation on thomason copy: "dec 24 1648". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng political ballads and songs -great britain -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -17th century -humor -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -humor -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -humor -early works to 1800. a87355 r211108 (thomason 669.f.13[60]). civilwar no the anarchie, or the blest reformation since 1640. being a new song, wherein the people expresse their thankes and pray for the reformers. t jordan, thomas 1648 992 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the anarchie , or the blest reformation since 1640. being a new song , wherein the people expresse their thankes and pray for the reformers . to be said or sung of all the well affected of the kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , before the breaking up of this unhappy parliament . to a rare new tune . now that thankes to the powers below , we have e'ne done out our doe , the miter is downe , and so is the crowne and with them the coronet too ; come clownes and come boyes , come hober de hoyes , come females of each degree , stretch your throats , bring in your votes , and make good the anarchy . and thus it shall goe sayes alice , nay thus it shall goe sayes amy ; nay thus it shall goe sayes taffie i trow , nay thus it shall goe sayes iamy . ah but the truth good people all , the truth is such a thing , for it wou'd undoe , both church and state too , and cut the throat of our king ; yet not the spirit , nor the new light , can make this point so cleare , but thou must bring out , thou deified rout what thing this truth is and where . speak abraham , speak kester , speak iudith , speak hester ; speak tag and rag , short coat and long , truth 's the spell made us rebell , and murther and plunder ding dong . sure i have the truth sayes numph , nay i ha' the truth sayes clemme ; nay i ha' the truth sayes reverend ruth , nay i ha' the truth sayes nem. well let the truth be where it will , we 're sure all else is ours , yet these divisions in our religions , may chance abate our powers ; then let 's agree on some one way , it skills not much how true , take pryn and his clubs , or say and his tubs , or any sect old or new ; the devils i th' pack , if choyce you can lack , we 're fourescore religions strong , take your choyce , the major voyce shall carry it right or wrong : then wee le be of this sayes megg , nay wee le be of that sayes tibb , nay wee le be of all sayes pitifull paul , nay wee le be of none sayes gibb . neighbours and friends pray one word more , there 's something yet behinde , and wise though you be , you doe not well see in which doore sits the winde ; as for religion to speake right , and in the houses sence , the matter 's all one to have any or none , if 't were not for the pretence ; but herein doth lurke the key of the worke , even to dispose of the crowne , dexteriously and as may be for your behoofe in our owne . then le ts ha' king charles sayes george , nay le ts have his son sayes hugh , nay then le ts have none sayes jabbering ione , nay le ts be all kings sayes prue . oh we shall have ( if we go on in plunder , excise , and blood ) but few folke and poore to domineere ore , and that will not be so good : then le ts resolve on some new way , some new and happy course , the countrys growne sad , the city horne mad , and both houses are worse . the synod hath writ , the generall hath — and both to like purpose too , religion , lawes , the truth , the cause are talk't of , but nothing we doe . come come shal's ha' peace sayes nell , no no but we won't sayes madge , but i say we will sayes firy fac'd phill , we will and we won't sayes hodge . thus from the rout who can expect ought but division ; since unity doth with monarchy , begin and end in one ; if then when all is thought their owne , and lyes at their behest , these popular pates reap nought but debates from that many round-headed beast . come royalists then , doe you play the men , and cavaliers give the word , now le ts see at what you would be , and whether you can accord ; a health to king charles sayes tom , up with it sayes ralph like a man , god blesse him sayes doll , and raise him sayes moll , and send him his owne sayes nan . now for these prudent things that fit without end , and to none , and their committees that townes and cities fill with confusion ; for the bold troopes of sectaries , the scots and their partakers ; our new brittish states , col burges and his mates , the covenant and its makers , for all these wee le pray , and in such a way , as if it might granted be , iack and gill , mat and will , and all the world would agree . a pox take them all sayes besse , and a plague too sayes margery , the devill sayes dick , and his dam too sayes nick , amen and amen say i. it is desired that the knights and burgesses would take especiall care to send downe full numbers hereof , to their respective counties and burroughs , for which they have served apprentiship , that all the people may rejoyce as one man for their freedom . 〈…〉 : 24 1648 finis . diotrephes catechised, or, sixteen important questions touching the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and censures (contradistinct to civill) now eagerly pretended to and challenged by a divine right, by some over-rigid presbyterians and independents propounded to both these dissenting parties for the further discovery of truth, the preservation of the civil christian magistrates interest, and speedier comprimising [sic] of our present unhappy controversies touching church-government ... / proposed, published by w. prynne ... prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56155 of text r31935 in the english short title catalog (wing p3945). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 56 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56155 wing p3945 estc r31935 12276974 ocm 12276974 58471 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56155) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58471) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1512:14) diotrephes catechised, or, sixteen important questions touching the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and censures (contradistinct to civill) now eagerly pretended to and challenged by a divine right, by some over-rigid presbyterians and independents propounded to both these dissenting parties for the further discovery of truth, the preservation of the civil christian magistrates interest, and speedier comprimising [sic] of our present unhappy controversies touching church-government ... / proposed, published by w. prynne ... prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56155 of text r31935 in the english short title catalog (wing p3945). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread 16 p. printed for michael sparkes, london : 1646. running title: sixteen important questions, touching, ecclesiasticall iusisdiction and censures. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng church and state -england. church and state -presbyterian church. church polity. a56155 r31935 (wing p3945). civilwar no diotrephes catechised: or sixteen important questions touching the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and censures (contradistinct to civill) now e prynne, william 1646 9881 84 0 0 0 0 0 85 d the rate of 85 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-05 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diotrephes catechised : or sixteen important questions touching the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and censures ( contradistinct to civill ) now eagerly pretended to and challenged by a divine right , by some over-rigid presbyterians , and independents . propounded to both these dissenting parties , for the further discovery of truth ; the preservation of the civill christian magistrates interest , and speedier comprimising of our present unhappy controversies touching church-government : on which many now so over-dote , as to place the whole kingdome of christ and substance of religion therein ; to repute all our former reformation , a meere nothing ; the church of christ undone , and the exercise of their ministry , not onely fruitlesse but unlawfull , so as they cannot with good conscience continue , but threaten to relinquish it , in case they cannot obtain their demands of such an exorbitant power , by divine institution , which christ and his apostles never claimed , exercised , nor themselves , nor predecessors , ever formerly enioyed , petitioned for , or pretended to in any age , but this . proposed ; published by w. prynne a well-wisher to verity and vnity . the second edition with some enlargements . lu. 22 24. 25. 26. math. 20. 25. 26. 27. and there was a strife among them , which of them should be accounted the greatest . but iesus called them unto him and said ; ye know , that the princes of the gentiles exercise lordship ( or dominion ) over them , and they that are great exercise authority upon them ; but it shall not be so among you ; but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your servant ; even as the sonne of man came , not to be ministred unto , but to minister . 1 pet. 5. 2 , 3 , 5. feed the flock of god which is among you , taking the oversight , ( or care ) thereof , not by constraint , but willingly ; not for filthy luchre , but of a ready mind , neither as over-ruling , ( or being lords over ) gods heritage , but being ensamples to the flock : yea all of you , be ye subject one to another , and be cloathed with humility ; for god resisteth the proud , and giveth grace to the humble . london printed for michael sparkes . anno dom. 1646. sixteene important questions touching the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction and censures , contradistinct to civill , now challenged by a divine right . the serious consideration of the importunate claimes of a new kinde of ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , by a pretended divine right , by those very men who of late so eagerly declaymed against the old , as antichristian and papall , when challenged by our prelats upon the selfe-same grounds and title , hath induced me to propound these few important questions to the over-●…asger prosecutors of this supposed divine authority , at leastwise to moderate , if not extomgio●… those unseasonable deplorable late kindled flames of contention , which if not timely prevented may prove more fatall to our churches kingdomes , then all the former dissentions , and break forth into a new civill warre , betweene our selves , when we have totally vanquished the common enemy . the prelates deserting of their undoubted jus hum inum , and unadvised challenge of a ius divinum to advance , perpetuate their iurisdictions , and sweating men to this their title by a new , &c. oath , was the immediate forerunner , yea principall meanes of the utter subversion both of their hierarchy and authority . and wee have cause to feare that some over-ridged presbyterians in considerate zeale , in waving the presbyteriall authority vested in them by an unquestionable ordinance of parliament ( to their full contents as most men deemed ; ) and resorting to a more dubious disputable ( pretended ) ius divinum ( formerly laid aside by both houses of parliament and the assembly , though now resumed , revived , ) the more highly to advance and firmely settle it in ou●… churches , may produce the like contrary unexpected effects : and either revive the old exploded luciferian episcopacy , or introduce that more feared anarchicall hydra or bable of independenc y , which they most endeavour to suppresse ; or at leastwise revolve the censorius or corrective power of all scandalous sinnes and sinners into the civill majestrates hands , the farre safest of the three : on whose be●…e , i shall with the spirit of peace and meeknesse propose these following queries , both to my presbyterian and independent brethren ; desiring their acquiescens in or serious answers to them after sound deliberation , laying aside all private interests and designes , whatsoever , which may misguide their judgements ) for the sifting out of that one golden medium of sacred truth , which can only reconcile and ●…ordially re-unite us in the bonds of love . 1. whether all scandalous sins and offences now pretended by presbyteri●…s or 〈◊〉 to be of eccle●…sticall cognisance , be not by gods own institution and command [ as well before , as undet the law , and through out the old testament , ] inquirable , examinable , and to be determined , in ged only by the temporall majestrates , or civil powers , and punished only with temporall or corporall punishments , not by any ecclesiasticall persons , officers , or church-censures only , distinct from civill ; since , we read , that the severall scandalous sinnes of (a) idolatry , (b) cursing , blaspheming , (c) sabbath-breaking , (d) disobedience to parents natural or civill , (e) whoredome , adultery (f) incest , rape , sodomy , buggery , (g) murther , (h) witchcraft , sorcery , with sundry other sinnes , were by gods owne precept , to be inquired after , censured , punished by the temporall majestra'e , civill congregation , powers people and only , with civill punishments alone , as putting or stoning to death , burning , [ i ] hanging (k) fines , stripes and the like , but never enjoyned to be examined , censured by ecclesiasticall persons , officers or to be punished by them with church-censures , as excommunication , suspention from the passeover , circumcision , sacrifices , festivalls , or any publike ordinances then in use , or exclusion from the temple or synagogues , as the marginall texts demonstrat . and more especially ezra . 7. 25. 26. where king artaxerxes sending ezra the priest ( descended linially from the high-priests before him , as is evident by v. 1. to 6 ) up to ierusalem , with a speciall commission to repaire the city , temple , restore the service of god therein , and settle the government of that place according to the law of god , gives him this command : and thou ezra , after the wisdome of thy god , that is in thine hand , set majestrates and iudges that may judge all the people that are beyond the river , all such as know the la●… of thy god , and teach yee them that know them not : and whosoever will not do the law of thy god , and the law of the king ; let iudgement be executed speedily against him , ( not by ezra the priest , or any ecclesiasticall consistory or presbytery of priests , with meere ecclesiasticall censures of excommunication or suspention from the temple , or publike ordinances of god , no such church-officers punishments being then known , or instituted by gods law ; but by the majestrates and judges appointed , who were to punish them only with temporall censures as the following words thus resolve ) whether it be unto death , or to banishment , or to confiscation of goods or to imprisonment : the only punishments , censures then inflicted on delinquents against gods law , as well as against the kings : yea had there bin any other censures ecclefiasticall distinct from these temporall , which ought by any divine right or institution to have bin then inflicted upon notorious scandalous offendors against gods law , by the high priest , or any other church officers or iudicatory , no doubt this devcut king upon this occasion would have expresly commanded ezra the priest himselfe , or those church-officers or judicatories to have duly executed the same , when he gave him this large commission , and extended so much extraordinary favour to him , that he cryes out in the very next ensuing words . v. 27. blessed be the lord god of our fathers , who hath put such a thing as this into the kings heart , &c. which as it expresly determines , that this commission , and forecited direction was inspired into the kings heart by god himselfe , and so most consonant to his written word and law : so it insinuates , that by the law of god in those dayes , all scandalous offenders against gods law were to be punished only by the civill majestrates and judges with civill punishments , not by any ecclesiasticall officers , or iudicatory , with any church-censures whatsoever . this may be further evidenced by the priests , prophets , peoples , and princes proceedings against ieremiah , & vriah , who for preaching and prophecying falsly , ( as was supposed ) were punished by the king , and princes , upon the priests , prophets , & peoples malicious accusation only by * imprisonment & death alone , not by church-cen●res , church iudicatories : yea deuter. 13. 5. false prophets are expresly enjoyned to be put to death by the civill majest●●●s , not punished by the ecclesiasticall powers with excommunications or suspentions . and it is most cleare and undeniable by the 1 king 22. 26. 27. 2 chron. 16. 10. c : 18. 25. 26. math. 14. 3. 4. 5. luk. 22. 23. acts 5. 18. 19. c. 8. 3. c. 12. 2. 3. 4. c. 16. 23. 24. c. 22 19. 20 to 30. c. 24 & 25 , & 26 2 cor. 6 , 5 , hebr. 11 , 36 , 37. that both in the old and new testament false prophets , teachers and broachers of erronious doctrins ; ( or such who were so reputed though true ) yea the apostls & saints of christ , for preaching , professing the gospell and truth of god , amongest the jewes and others who reputed it * heresie , scisme , or false doctrine , contrary to what they had formerly received , were usually convented before the civill majestrates , and punished with imprisonment , stripes , putting or stoning to death , and the like , but not with excommunication , or any ecclesiasticall censures of divine institution though now made matters of meere ecclesiasticall cognisance . and if so ; whether the temporall christian majestrates and civill powers , as such , have not now the selfesame divine authority to punish such sinnes and sinners under the gospell , only with temporall punishments , without the interposition , examination or censures of any church-officers or presbyteries , as the godly temporall majestrates & civill powers had then under the law ? if not , how the contrary can be evidenced by cleare scriptures , and by what texts in particular ? 2. whether the texts of deut. 17. 8. to 14. & 2. chron. 19. 8. to the end , do warrant any ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , congregationall or classicall in causes meerely ecclesiasticall , or any meere church censures , distinct from the civill majestracy , and temporall censures , as some now pretend ? whether the genuine scope and sence of these texts , hold forth any more or other jurisdiction and power in the priests , levites , or high priest himselfe , then this : that they joyntly with the temporall iudges , and chiefe of the fathers of israel [ not alone by themselves ] should resolve ( not ordinary plaine , or undisputable , but only ] all such doubtfull , civill cases , or controversies which the ordinary iudges or majestrats in their cities held dubious , or too hard for them to determine aright , between [ not scandall and scandall , ●or who should be excommunicated , suspended from the ordinances as scandalous , ignorant or unfit , and who not ] but , between blood and blood , plea and plea , stroke and stroke , ( being matters of civill controversie ) in their gates ; and between law and commandement , statutes and iudgments , [ to wit the judiciall written law of god ] upon whose exposition any civill doubts , or controversies should arise which the people themselves could not resolve , ] whose superior resolutions they should submit to , and proceed accordingly to execution ; and he that would presumptuously disobey and not submit to their sentence , was not to bee excommunicated or suspended , * but put to death ; ( a meere civill censure ) to terrify others . and if this only be the ful sence and meaning of these texts , whether any episcopal , presbyteriall , classical or congregational iurisdiction to correct scandalls with meer ecclesiasticall censures can be deduced from them ? whether that speech of iehoshaphat 2. chron. 19. 11. and behold amariah the chiefe priest is over you in all matters of the lord ( not scandalous sinnes and ecclesiasticall offences committed by the priests or people , no matters of the lord , but sins of men , detested by the lord ; ] imply or necessarily enforce , that he had any ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in point of judicature , to censure , punish all or any sort of scandalous sinners with church censures [ of which there is not one sillable in the text ] vested in him by any divine authority ? and if so , whether it makes not more for papall and archiepiscopall , then presbyteriall , classicall , or congregationall authority ? this power or superintendent iurisdiction over all matters of the lord , being vested in this high priest alone , and no other . or rather , whether it be not clearly meant , that as king josiah himselfe did by his own regal authority appoint iudges in the land and in jerusalem , in the preceeding 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. & 10. verses , to determin all controversies & punish all offences whatsoever , according to the lawes of god and that kingdom ; so he did by the selfesame regall authority appoint amariah , then chief priest , over the priests & levites only , [ implyed in the word you , not over the people of the land ] in all matters of the lord , that is to order , direct the priests and levites under him in their several courses , and all matters what soever concerning the worship , service oblations , and sacrifices of the lord , to be performed by them in the temple at ierusalem : in the selfesame manner , as he set zebadiah the ruler of the house of judah , over all the kings matters ; in the very next ensuing words ? that is , ( as all consent , ) not over the people and kingdome for to judge and governe them for that the iudges forementioned were to do : but over his househould , lands , revenews as his lord treasurer , or lord high steward of the revenewes of the crowne , as the comparing of it with ●● chron. 26. 30. 33. ( and of the hibronises , hashabiah and his brethren , men of valour a thousand and seven hundred were officers among them of israel on this side jordan westward in all bvsinesses of the lord , & in the service of the king , &c. and his brethren , men of vallour were two thousand seven hundred chiefe fathers , whom king david made rulers over the rubenites , gadites , and the halfe tribe of manasseth , for every matter pertaining vnto god and officers of the king ; joyntly : ( therefore church officers made only by the king , and alterable at his pleasure , not by any divine institution of god himselfe ; ) and the paralelling it with these explanatory texts , 1 chron. 9. 10. to 35. c. 23. & 24. & 25. & 26. 2 chron. 5. 7. to 14. c. 8. 14. 15. c. 13. 9. 10. 11. 12. c. 26. 16. to 21. c. 29. 3. to 35. c. 30. 16. c. 31. 2. 3. 11. to 20. c. 35. 2. 12. ezra . 6. 17. 18. neh. 12. 40. to 47. compared with heb. 5. 1. 2. for every high priest taken from among men , is ordained for men in things pertaining to god , that he may offer both gifts and sacrifices for sinnes , &c. insallibly demonstrate ? and if so , then what divine warrant is there from hence for any such ecclesiasticall jurisdiction distinct from the temporall as many now contend for , from these two noted texts ? or for any priests , ministers of the gospell , or church officers distinct from the temporall majestracy , to examine , correct any scandalous ostences by a meere ecclesiasticall power , or to punish them with church censures , disterent from civill punishments ? 3. whether the priests iurisdiction to judge of (l) all causes of leprosie ( no scandalous sin nor offence , but a meer naturall infirmity , ) and that only among the jewes , yea as well in houses , garments , vessells , [ no subjects of ecclesiasticall censures ] as persons : or their proceedings in the case of (m) jelousie , by vertue of expresse speciall leviticall or judiciall lawes ( the only cases wherein the priests were appointed to be as judges in the old testament , whose proper office was , (n) to offer sacrifices and make attonement for sinnes , not to censure or punish them ; ] bee any infallible proofe of the aaronicall priests or presbyteries ecclesiasticall iudicature or jurisdiction to censure all spirituall leprosies of the soule with church censures ? or of the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of presbyteries or independent congregations to judge or censure all causes of spirituall leprosie , or scandalous offences under the gospell ? and whither wee may not as soundly argue from the writ , * de leproso amovendo ; and the statute of 1 iac. chap. 31. as they from these texts ; majors , bayliffes of townes , justices of peace , constables and other officers may lawfully remove lepers , and shut up persons infected with the plague of pestilence , ergo , they may excommunicate and suspend from the sacrament all such as are scandalously or notoriously infected with the leprosie and plague of sin ? 4. whither , deut. 13. 12 , 13 , 14 , josh. 22. 10. to 34. iudg. 20. 1. to 18. 2 chron. 19. 9. to 11. ezra 10. 16 , 17. [ where we read of temporall officers , princes sent and imployed commissioners , as well as priests , to inquire after idolaters , idolatry , rapes , mariages with heathenish wives , and other ecclesiasticall crimes ] compared together , hee not a stronger scripture evidence for proofe of the parliaments , and lay. commissioners authority , to enquire after , yea punish idolaters and scandalous sinners ; then any texts that can bee produced by the presbyterians or independents out of the old testament for probat of a divine right , either in their classes , presbyteries or independent congregations to censure scandalous sins and sinners with ecclesiasticall censures ? and whither the statutes of 26. hen. 8. cap. 1. 31. hen. 8. c. 10. [ appointing a lay vicegerent in all ecclesiasticall matters ] 37 h. 8. c. 17. 1 e. 6. c. 2. 1. eliz. c. 1. do not justifie such commissioners to be legall as well as these texts , warrant them to be in some sort divine ? 5ly . whether there bee any precept or president in all the old testament directly or punctually determining , that there was by divine institution an unquestionable ecclesiasticall jurisdiction vested by god himselfe in priests , levites , or any jewish officers , to examine witnesses upon oath , convent or censure any scandalous sinners by excommunication , or suspention of them from the tabernacle , temple , publike assemblies , synagougs , sacrifices , solemne publike festivalls , or other sacred ordinances for any scandalous fin whatsoever ? if so , then what are these precepts , presidents , and scandalous sins in particular ? and whether it be probable they had any direct authority given them by god ●…imselfe , to suspend or put backe any from the sacraments of circumcision , or the passeover ( which baptisme and the lords supper now succeed ) since both of them originally were ordered to be performed in private , by the (o) parents or masters of the family , not priests or levites ; and executed or eaten by them in their (p) severall private houses , where the priests and levites had no ecclesiasticall jurisdiction that we read of , and were not present at these sacred actions unlesse onely at some few solemne generall passeovers at ierusalem , where they were but ministeriall , to (q) helpe kill the passeover , and sprinkle the bloud , not magisteriall , to keep any backe from eating thereof , by any pretext of ecclesiasticall authority ? 6ly . whether ministers or presbyteries under the gospell , have any other or greater ecclesiasticall jurisdiction then the jewish high priest , priests , and levites had under the law ? and whither christian kings , magistrates have not as large an ecclesiasticall power and authority under the gospell , as any godly kings or magistrates exercised under the law ? if you answer negatively to the first , and affirmatively to the latter of these demands ; then how can that ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of presbyteries or congregations , and their power of church-censures , distinct from the civill magistracy , be any way justified or maintained by the scripture ? if affirmatively in the first , and negatively in the latter , then shew us direct scripture authorities to convince our judgements of what you thus assert , or else give over your pretence of ius divinum ? it is confessed both by the presbyterians , or independents , and cleare by sundry * expresse texts , that christian majestrates are jure divin●… , and have an undoubted divine authority , yea command to punish and cut off all scandalous sinners , psal. 100 5 , 7 , 8. rom. 13. 1. to 8. pro. 20. 26. whether presbyteries , or independent congregations , have any divine ecclesiasticall right to punish them with church censures , is very disputable and denyed by many . therefore it is the safest , readiest way to unity and reformation , to remit the punishment of all scandalous offences to the civill magistrate , rather than to the pretended disputable questioned a●…hority of presbyteries , classes , or indedependent congregations . 7ly , whether there be any expresse texts in all the new testament , and what in particular , which infallibly evince an ecclesiasticall jurisdiction by divine right to be setled by christ in all christian ministers . presbyteries , or congregations , & in which of them in particular , to continue unalterably in all churches of christ to the end of the world , for the excommunication or suspention of all kinds of scandalous persons from the sacrament , though they externally pretend and professe their sincere repentance in generall ? or any certaine rules prescribed them in the gospell , and in what particular texts fo●… the due execution of this jurisdiction in * all cases or scandalls that may happen ? if not , whether it can probably bee imagined that christ in his wisdome would erect , institute and vest an ecclesiasticall government in church officers , without prescribing them any certain rules wherby to manage it in all particulars , and leave them to proceed in an arbitrary way , according to their mee●… pleasur●… contrary to mat. 28 19. 20. if yea , then produce these texts to us for our satisfaction . 8ly . what rules or presidents are there in scripture to relieve parties grieved by unjust . ecclesiasticall censures either by appeales or other wayes and to what superior tribunals ? if no such rules or presidents appea●…e therin ; ( admitting presbyteries , or congregations ecclesiasticall jurisdictions , censures to be jure divino ] then 〈◊〉 by go●…s own law wch pro●…ides them no re●…iefe , the parties injured must not remain remediles when most injuriously sentenced by any private presbitery , classis , congregation without any help or benefit of appeale to provinciall , nationall synods , parliaments , or the civill magistràte ? and if so : whether this wil not introduce as many absolute tyrannies , and arbitrary tribunals , ( against which we have so much contested of late ) as there are presbyteries , or congregations : especially if we grant them a generall power of all things they themselves shall judge to be scandals , without confining them to particulars , or establish their jurisdictions by a divine right , which no meer humane power or i●…stitution can controll ? ninthly , whither if christ hath instituted or left any exact ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , discipline or power of censures to his church distinct from the civill magistracy and censures , this pretended jurisdiction , discipline or power be so absolute and sufficient of it self alone , as to be fully able to correct , redresse , reforme all abuses , scandalls , corruptions , and suppresse all heresies , schismes , errors , vices , arising in every church ? if ●…ot , then we may justly suspect , it is no reall jurisdiction nor discipline instituted by christ , who would (r) institute and bequeath no incompleate , nor imperfect jurisdiction , judicatory , or discipline to his best-beloved spouse the church : if yea , whither is that jurisdiction now contended for by presoyterians or independents , such ? if so , then it is compleate , and every way selfe-sufficient without the concurrence or assistance of the christian magistrate or any temporall authority to assist , maintaine it , or supply its defects : but this none can truly assert nor affirme . for first , no pres●…ytery , classis , or independent congregation hath yet challenged , nor can claim by divine right , any coercive power by way of attachment , imprisonment , or fine , to bring any party or witnes sommoned so much as to appeare before them , in case of wilfull neglect or refusall to appeare , or bee examined , to prepare any cause ●…or sentence . secondly , in case any ecclesiasticall censure of excommunication or suspention be inflicted by them upon scandalous persons after full hearing , if they absolutely contemne the same or refuse to conforme themselves , or by open violence intrude into the congregation , church or force the minister to give the sacrament to them though excommunicated or suspended . thirdly , in case any hereticke , schismaticke , or prophane person shall wilsu'ly separate from our congregations , ( as thousands now doe ) refufing to communicate with us in any ordinances , proclaming us to bee no churches , and passe a schismaticall sentence of non-communion with us , by reason of some unjust exceptions or pretences against our orthodox doctrine , di●…cipline , or forme of government ; and thereupon refuse to appeare before our presbyteries , congregations , or to submit unto their jurisdictions or censures ; in all these and such like cases , the pretended divine ecclesiasticall power , censures of presbyteries , classes , or independent congregations are at a nonplus , & so defective , invalid of themselves 〈◊〉 enforce obedience to such contumatious , or reduce , reclaime such here●…icall , schismaticall , or prophane persons from their obstinacy , heresies , schismes and neglect of publike ordinances , that they are enforced to pray in ayde from the civill magistrate by capias excommunicatums , imprisonments , fines , or other such civill compulsory means ( the only effectuall course by way of censure used in all ages to suppresse , reform (*) heresies , schismes , and the only way to suppresse , redresse them now ) without which all their ecclesiasticall censures , are both contemptible , ineffectuall , and altogether insufficient to reforme abuses : so that if the magistrates be infidels , hereticks , or schismaticks , who will not ; or prophane , negligent , timorous or licentious persons , who care not or dare not to assist the presoyteries , classes , or congregations , in forcing submission to their church processes , censures , they are so defective and ineffectuall of themselves , that none can justly call , or infallibly prove them to be the kingdome , scepter , government , descip●…ine and censures of christ , whereby his church must onely bee governed , purged , reformed , as some now pretend them to be . 10ly . whither matth. 18. 15. 16 , 17. ( if meant of christian presbyteries or church-officers , as is pretended , not of the civill magistracy or jewish sanhedrim ; ) gives any authority to them to proceed ex officio against notorious scandalous sinnes [ as idolatry , blasphemy , swearing , drunkennesse , &c. ) since it speakes not of any publike scandalous offences against god and the church , but only of private personall * trespasses between man and man , to bee proceeded against only upon the voluntary complaint of the party offended , after previous private admonitions , and then reproofes before witnesses , yea , of such offences , which upon private satisfaction we are to forgive 77. times , without any publike complaint , or censure , luke 17. 3. 4. therefore not meant of meer publike scandalls , which no private man can remit , nor no church or presbyterie will grant that they ought to bee 77. times remitted one after another , without the least suspension or excommunication , upon meer externall shewes of repentance : and whether , thou hast gained thy brother , in this text , be meant properly of gaining him to god by true repentance , or only unto him who gaines him , by way of reconciliation , and renewing friendship , as the phrase it selfe , compared with prov. 18. 19. intimates . 11ly . whether , acts 15. 1. to 36. where a synod of apostles , elders , and brethren met together at jerusalem , to debate and resolve a dubious point of doctrine onely about circumcision , without exercising any act of discipline or ecclesiasticall censure on any scandalous per●…son , be a sound divine authority , to evidence to any mans conscience , the divine right of presbyteries , classes , or independent congregations , to inflict ecclesiasticall censures upon scandalous delinquents , or to examine witnesses upon oath against them , of which there is not one sillable in that text ? 12ly . whether the precept of paul , 1 cor. 5. 13. for putting away from among them the incestuous person , written to this particular church in this one case of incest onely , against which heinous scandalous sinne , being then under heathen magistrates , they could not safely complaine to them of it without great scandall , nor go to law before them for ordinary just civil things without great offence , as appeares by the very next words , 1 cor. 6. 1. to 9. when as by the law of god , had the magistrates there beene jewes or christians , this sinne of incest was to bee punished by them , not with excommunication or suspention from the church , but death it selfe , leviticus 18. 8. c. 20. 11. 12. be any satisfactory or infallible argument for the continuance and exercise of excommunication , or suspention from the sacrament in all churches of christ in all succeeding ages in all other cases of sin or scandal , though the magistrates in them be christian , and may , yea ought to punish those sinnes with death or other temporall censures , if complained of ? vvhether those that presse this text , may not as well conclude from the very next words 1 cor. 6. 1. to 9. that it is unlawfull for christians to go to law before any christian iudges now , and that they must sue only before presbiteries or congregations for meer temporall matters , because paul then commanded the corinthians , not to goe to law before heathen iudges to prevent scandall , but only in the church before the saints , or such iudges as the church should appoint them ? as inferre , that all scandalous persons must be excommunicated and suspended from the sacrament by classes presbyteryes , and censured only by them now , not by the christian majestrate , because the incestuous corinthian was then ordered to be put away and pun●…hed by the church and saints of corinth , for want of a christian majestrate to punish him with death , or corporall censures ? yea whether they may not as logically and theologically argue from the very next chapter . 1 cor. 7. 27. where paul writes thus : i suppose therefore that this is good for the present distresse ( or necessity ) for a man not to touch a woman , or marry ; ergo , it is lawfull , yea necessary for christian men or women in all ages , churches of christ to vow perpetuall virginity , and not to mary at all , as the papists thence inferre in defence of their monks , nons , and u●…married clergy . as reason from this text , that paul in regard of the corinthians present distresse and necessity for want of christian majestrates to punish this incestuous , person with death and civill censures adviseth the church of corinth , to put away from among themselves that wicked person ; [ or thing as some read it : ] ergo all ministers presbyteries , and particular congregations of christ have a divine inherent ecclesiasticall right and power in them to punish not only incestuous persons , but all other scandalous sinners with excommunication , suspention from the sacrament , & other church-censures , even when & where there is no such necessity nor defect of christian magistrates , but sufficient s●…ore of them both able and willing to punish such with civill punishments answerable to their crimes and scandalls ? this is all that can be extracted from this text , whereon they most realy ; which must needs bee a grosse inconsequent , because no apostolicall advice to any one particular church upon a private extraordinary occasion and necessity onely , can or ought to bee a generall binding law or institution of christ to oblige all other . churches whatsoever in the like , or any other cases , where there is no such extraordinary occasion or necessity ; as is cleare by one pregnant evidence in the 16. chap. of this very epistle , c. 1. 2. concerning the collection then advised to be made for the saints , by the corinthians every first day of the weeke , or weekely ; which being but a particular advice and direction to this church for tha●… one collection ; is * no binding law or rule to all other churches of christ strictly to imitate in all their ensuing collections , as is evident by acts 13. 28 , 29 , 30. 2 cor. 8. 1. to 21. c. 9. 1. to 15. r●…m . 13. 25 26. phil. 4. 14. to 20. else no church could since appoint any publike monethly collections on weeke dayes , but onely weekely collections on the lords-day , under paine of transgressing the institustitution of christ and this apostle ; which none dare averre : however , since the apostle writes not here to any classis , presbytery , or presbyt●…r , but to the whole church at corinth ; to put away from among themselves , that wicked person : [ that is , to seclude him wholly from their congregation , church , company , and not so much as to eat with him at their tables or keepe any company with him at all , as is evident by ver. 7. 9. 11. ) not to suspend him onely from the lords supper of which there is not one syllable in this chap. nor of any such suspention in the 10. & 11 chap. where he purposely treates of this sacrament ; we may very well question , whether it makes not more against presbyteries and classes divine power of excommunication , and a bare suspention , of scandalous persons from the lords supper only , without secluding them from all other ordinances and church assemblies as well as it , then for them ; it being contrary to the very difinition & practise of excommunication hitherto knowne and used in the church , to excommunicate a notorious scandalous person from the lord supper only once a moneth , a quarter , a yeare , for feare of infecting others , and yet to admit him daily or weekly to joy ne with the church in all other ordinances but it alone : when all [ a ] schoolmen (b) canonists resolve , t●…at excommunication [ especially that they call major excommunication ] excludes men , not only from the sacrament , but likewise from entring into the church , the society of men , prayers of the faithfull ; and those who wittingly keepe company , buy or sell with such , are to be ipso facto excommunicated . whereas many now pretend it should seclude men from the lords supper only , but not from any other ordinance , contrary to thi●… , to [ c ] other texts and all sound antiquity . 13ly . whether there be any ground or example at all in scripture to enjoyne the civill christian majestrate , in cases of obstinacy , contumacy against church censures , inflicted by presbyteries or congregations to become a meere servant and executioner to presbyteries , congregations or church-officers , ( as the pope and prelates anciently made them . ) to enforce obedience to their censures by imprisonment or other coercive meanes , without any particular examination of the merits of the cause , or justice of the procedings ? whether such ministeriall executions of their censures , if admitted , do not necessarily subject the people to a double jurisdiction , vexation , for one & the selfesame scandalous crime , which may prove more intollerably oppressive to them then the most exo●…bitant country committees , or prelats consistories , if not exactly bounded & subordinat the majestracy to the ministery , presbytery and particular congregations , in point of authority ? which if obliged by any divine law to see church censures executed and enforce obedience to them then certainly christian majestrates as such , must either be church offic●…rs as well as ministers , or lay-elders ; the rather because all precepts given to majestrates themselves in scripture , are given only to such * ] godly or christian majestrates who beleive , embrace the scriptures , and are members of a visible church or christian state , as such ; not to any infidells or heathen majestrates , as heathenish , or meere majestrates out of the church ( as some grosly mistake , ) else they were not obliged by gods law to see church censures executed , obeyed , submitted too , if no church officers . 14ly . whether it be not more agreeable to the word of god , the rules of justice and more conducing to the churches peace for the civill m●…jestrate juditially to examine , punish , all pretended scandalous persons with temporall cen●…ures and then if they still continue impenitent to certifie the proofs taken before him to the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 or congregation , upon their request , ●…or their conviction t●…ere to ground an ●…xcommunication or suspention upon , if there b●…e cause : then to ●…ive them immediatpower to examine all scandalls themselves upon oath , without first acquainting the civill majest●…ate with it , or desiring his 〈◊〉 examination of the scandalls , of purpose to subject them to church censures ? since wee read of no such examinations upon oath practised by presbyteries , church-officers , or particular congregations among the jewes or christians in scripture : which if taken in writing and recorded ( as they ought to be , that so they may be produced , scanned upon appeales ) there must then be a particular examiner , or register at least appointed in every presbyterie , classis , and provinciall synod to record them ; for which they will expect a constant fee from the church or state , or an answerable recompence from the parties accusing or accused ; which cannot be setled without act or ordinauce of parliament ( being new fees and offices ) and so it will draw a very great unnecessary charge ( farre greater then that of bishops and their officialls ) upon the people , which they wil very unwillingly beare . in which regard it is fitest the civill majestrates or justices of peace should only take the examinations , of scandalls as they do in cases of felony and other crimes , and certify them to the presbyteries , or classis , as there shall be need . 15ly . whether it be not both unjust and unreasonable to presse the parliament to settle any kinde of church-government as prescribed iure divino , before it be clearely demonstrated or manifested to their iudgements consciences to be so , by perspicuous undenyable proofes from scripture ? or to importune them to grant any unlimited arbitrary power to classes , presbiteries , or congregations , to judge of unknowne contingent scandals , ( never yet thus censured from adams or christs dayes til now ] before they can so much as conjecture what they are , or where ever they will bee perpetrated in our churches ? since offences always use to h preceed laws made to punish them ; and , ex malis moribus optimae oriuntur leges , as all polititians have resolved ? whether the demanding of such an unlimited power to be now established , be not as bad yea more unreasonable then the late prelates , &c. oath ( most justly damned declaimed against , ) and savors not more of wilfullnes then conscience , of the spirit of i diotrephes , then of christ , of whose kingdome some pretend it to bee a most necessary and inseperable branch ? and whether any prophet , apostle , godly presbyter , privat congregation or classis , in the primitive church , ever sollicited their princes or parliaments for such an exorbitant unlimited power ? 16. whether christian princes and majestrates k indulging of over-much power , honour , and ecclesiasticall authority in point of iurisdiction , church censures , and excommunication in former ages to the clergy , under this apprehention , perswasion , that they were most pious , conscientious , holy , moderat , just and humble persons who would exercise it for gods glory only , and the churches good ; hath not beene the true originall cause of all that antichristian tyranny , persecution , exorbitances , of popish prelates , and clergymen , which have over-spred , corrupted , infested the church and people of god ? and whether former examples of this kinde may not justly lesson us to beware of the like error for the present ; though our ministers who claime this ecclesiasticall iurisdiction now contested for by a divine right be never so godly , upright , discreet , humble , conscientious , since we know not what many of our ministers , elders , who must exercise it in the country are for the present ; or what the best of them all or their successors at least may prove for the l future , m ( ambition being mans first sinne and most pleasing to our corrupt natures ; as we see by the example of [u] christs owne apostles , and daily experiences every where ) especially when they have engrossed more ecclesiasticall power into their hands by pretext of a divine right , then ever the expresse law of god , or christ himselfe in his gospell hath delegated to them . it is very observable , that while the ( o ) popes claimed their papacy and superiority over other churches by grants and donations from the christian emperors of rome , they were very humble , loyall , and obsequious to them . but after the long enjoyment of their transcendent jurisdiction by imperiall donations had so far puffed them up with pride , as by degrees to desert their true ancient claime , and challenge both their papacy and supremacy by a divine right from christ himselfe , by wresting divers scriptures to their purpose , ( and some of those among others which our divines now principally insist upon , ) they presently cast off both their subjection & loyalty to the emperours at once ; & so prosecuted them with excommunications , interdicts suspentions , rebellions , force of armes , and parties raysed against them in their owne empires ; that at last they quite trampled them under their feete , disposing of their crownes at pleasure , making them sweare solemne homage to them as their vassalls , and to hold their imperiall crownes from them alone , who formetly did homage to , and held their bishoprickes , with all the papall jurisdiction they enjoyed onely from them : yea if our presbyteries , classes or independent congregations shall be admitted to hold and enjoy all the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction they now pretend to , by a divine right ; and the parliament their power , authority , only by a meet humane institution , and not by as cleare a divine right as theirs ; the next consequence i feare will be ( and we see it already maintained in some (x) presbyterians , and more (y) independents printed bookes ; ) that our parliaments , kings , and temporall majestrates must have nothing at all to do with church officers or church government by way of direction , correction , or appeale , but meerly as their subordinate ministers , to ratifie their determinations , and enforce obedience to their censures ; which if they neglect or refuse to doe , or stop their proceedings by any prohibitions , or legall course , for ought i know , when their divine pretended authority is setled to their mindes , the next thing they shall heare of will bee ; that which our kings , iudges , and officers did heretofore from our clergy in archbishop * boniface his time , when they opposed their extravagances , even a serious admonition to obey their dictates , and after that an interdiction of all their lands , castles , townes , with a suspention of them from the sacrament , or excommunication from or non-communion with their congregations for this contumacy : and then lord have mercy upon us miserable sinners , we may sooner bewayle then remove that spiritual yoak of bondage which we thus suffer voluntarily to be imposed both on our owne and others neckes . it being a very difficult taske and work of many ages to moderate , abate , regulate or suppresse any ecclesiastical jurisdiction , though never so exorbitant , especially if once legally setled , or but incroached by coulor of a divine right , as we see by the papacy , and our late exploded prelacy . i shall therefore close up all with the apostles seasonable advice , gal. 5. 1. stand fast therfore in the liberty wherwith christ hath made us f●ee and he not againe intangled with any yoake of bondage , which christ himself hath not imposed on us by a cleare and evident institution in his word : christs * yoake is easie , and his burthen light , to which all people must with cheerefulnesse submit : if the presbyterians yoake , in suspending men from the sacrament for all kind of supposed scandalls , though they professe unfained penitence for al their sins , & earnestly desire to receive it ; or the independents yoak , in non-admitting or secluding those from their congregations whom they judge not reall saints , or will not subscribe to their private church covenants , ( without any expresse precept or president in scripture , to warrant these their practises , proceedings ) bee not such , we may justly suspect and reject them too , as none of christs . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a56155e-650 (a) levit. 20. 〈◊〉 to 8. d●…ut . 13. 4. to 18. c. 17. 2. to 8. io●… 22. 10. to 34 2 chron. 23. 17 15. 13. iudg. 6. 30. 31. 1 king 18. 40. 2. king 10. 20. to 29. c. 11. 18. (b) exod. 21. 17. levit. 20. 9. c. 24. 10. to 17. 1 kings 24. 10 to 16. dan. 3. 29. mat. 26. 65. (c) exod. 21. 14. numb. 15. 32 , to 37 (d) exod. 21. 15 , 17. levit. 20. 9. d●…r . 22 18. 19 , 20. iosh 1. 18. 1. sa. 11 , 12. ezr. 7. 25. 26. (e) gen. 26. 11 c. 38 , 24 , 25 , levit. 20. 10 , 15 , 17 , 18. deutt . 22. 22 to 25 levit. 18. 6. to 30. c. 21. 9 john 8 , 4 , 5 , (f) levit. 18. 22 , to 30. c. 20 , 11 , to 22. exod. 22. 19. indg. 20 , 1. to 15 (g) ●…en . 9. 5. 6 exod. 21. 12 , 13 , 14. levit. 24 , 17. num. 35. 15 , to 34. 1 king. 2. 32 to 35 (h) levit. 20 27. deutr. 18. 11. 1 sam. 28. 9. i deu. 31 22 (k) deut. 22. 28 19. 29 , c. 25 2 , 3 2 cor. 11 , 23. 24. c. 6. 5. deu. 12. 47 , 48 acts 16. 22. 23 * jer. 16 throughout c. 29 , 26 , c. 31. 33 , c. 37 , 18 , 19. c : 38 , & 39 * acts 14 , 14. c. 28. 22 * deutr : 17 , 12 13 (l) lev. c. 13. & 14. (m) numb. 5. 12. to 31. (n) exod. 30. 10. leu. 4. and 5. c. 6. 7. c. 7. 7. 8. . num. 8. 19 21. c. 15. 25 , & c hebr. 5. 1 , 2. 3. * regist. f. 267. f●…t . nat. bre. f. 234. (o) gen. 17. 10. to 28. c. 21 4. c. 24. 22. 23 24 exod. 12. 48. e. 4. 24. 25. 26. luk. 2. 2●… . iohn . 7. 22. josh. 10. 2. 3. 7. acts 7. 8. (p) exod. 12. 〈◊〉 . 4 , 15. 21 , 40. ●…0 46. mat. 26 17. to . 26. m●…r . 14. 12. to 19. (q) 2 chro. 30 13. to 21. c. 35 1. to 20 , ezra . 6. 18. to 22. 1. cor. 10. 1. to 8. compared ●…ogether . * see question 1. in the margin . * i am 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hu●…dreds of cases in summa 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 co●…se us , th●… . ze●…la ; and other canonists tit , ex com 〈◊〉 : ●…nd others , ●…ch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 in ou●… presbyteries concerning excommunications and suspentions , for the deciding whereof , there is no one rule nor text in scripture : then how can their proceedings 〈◊〉 be jure divin●… ? (r) deut. 22 〈◊〉 2 sam. 22. 31. psal. 19. 7. 2 tim. 3. 1●… (*) i am assured a speciall ( much desired ) active committee to examine and punish the broachers of new blasphemous , hereticall anabaptisticall errors , and gatherers of schismaticall conventicles , would more suppresse them in one month , then all ecclesiasticall judicatories in an age . see iusti●…ian : cod. l. 1. tit. 4. 6. 8. & codex . theod : ●…ib . 16. where we find obstinate hereticks and schis●…naticks , by temporall lawes thus punished and suppressed : 1. they were disabled to inherit by discent , or to purchase any lands ; to buy , sell , make any contract , will , or take any legacy : to sue , or to be witnesses in any court of justice : to beare any office , civill , or military ; to bee present at any councels or elections , or to list themselves souldiers in the army , whence they were cashiered when detected to bee such . 2ly . their goods were all confiscated , or went to their next heires that were orthodox : their persons banished , and in some cases imprisoned and put to death . 3ly . their hereticall ●…ooks were prohibited and burnt , the houses where they kept their diurnall or nocturnall conventicles confiscated , if kept there , with the owners privity or consent : if by the tenants privity without the land-lords , if the tenant were poor ; then he was publikely bastanadoed or whipt , if rich then fined ; and their conventicles both ●…n churches and private places prohibited , suppressed , under severe penalties by these meanes and censures alone heretickes , heresies , scismaticks , have alwayes bin suppressed , restrained in former ●…ges ; but never by church censures , which they both derided and contemned . see frid : lindebrogus codex legum antiqu : leges wisigothor , lib. 13. tit. 2. lex . 2. neap. 1. tit. 1. 2. capital : karoli & lud. l. 5. tit. 183. pauli geschimij , constit : carolinae , rubr. 3. 4 , 5. with our own statutes against recusants , and hereticks ; and these wil be the only meanes to suppresse them now . * so this word trespas is used here , and in , mat. 6. 14 , 15 : luk. 17. 3 , 4. gen. 31. 36. cap. 50 , 17. 1. sam. 25 , 28. though some falsly aver it is never used in scripture but for a trespasse or sin against god . * see 〈◊〉 ●…riumphing over falshoo●… p. 155. 156. al●…xa . a ensis●…um . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. q●… . 21. 22. ●…otus in 4. 〈◊〉 . 23 thomas , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , darandus , in 4. sent . dist. 18. p. 〈◊〉 enchired th●…oli pars 5. c 1. (b) gr●…tian caus. 11. qu , 3. summa angelica , & rosella . tit. excommunicati●…hostiensis sum. i. 5 : tit. de sentent . excom. ani●…nius 〈◊〉 tit. excom. bochelius , decret. eccles. gal. l. 2. tit. 14. c 2 thes. 3. 14. 2 iohn 10 11 2 tim 3. 1. tit 3. 10. 11. 3 c. 〈◊〉 iohn 10 rom 16. 17 iohn 9. 22. 32. 33 cap. 12. 42. c. 16. 2. numb. 5. 2. 3. 4. c.. 21 14. 15 deut. 23. 1. 2. 3 * see deutr. 17 , 14 , to 21 2 sam 7 , 8 , c. 32. 1 , 3 , 1 kings 17. 9. 2 chron. 9. 8 c. 19. 5. to 11. i. to 13. isay 49. 23. h levit. 24. 10 ●● 27. num. 15. 32. 37. i 3 john 3. 9. 10. 11. k see institu cod. l 1. tit. 7. de episcopali audientia capit caroli et ludovic jup. i. 6. cap. 301. 313. 314. 322. 323 326. 330. lib. 1 throughout . leges wisigoth i. 2. c. 29. 30. l gen. 3. 5. 6. 3. iohn 9. 10. m mat. 20. 20. to 29. luke 22 24 to 31. a acts 20. 29. 31. 2 king 8. 12. eccles. 2. 19. .8 . [u] see philip de morney his mistery of iniquity , carolus molinaeus , commentar : in edict : henrici secundi , &c. contra parvas datas , &c. abbas uspergensis platina & balaeus de vitis pentificum romanorum : grimstosn imperiall history . (x) mr. rutherford . (y) mr. iohn goodwin . master henry burton . mr. saltmarsh . mr. robinson . * lindwade , provinc . l. 5. tit. de paenis f. 226. &c. 10 , de aton const. f. 138. to 142. * math 11. 30 the true primitive state of civill and ecclesiasticall government discussed and cleared also a vvay briefly propounded to reconcile the saints, by what names (now) soever distinguished, in unity of doctrine and discipline, according to our covenant in a government neerest to the word of god. d. p. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a54249 of text r35085 in the english short title catalog (wing p14). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 69 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a54249 wing p14 estc r35085 14988781 ocm 14988781 103027 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54249) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103027) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1576:11) the true primitive state of civill and ecclesiasticall government discussed and cleared also a vvay briefly propounded to reconcile the saints, by what names (now) soever distinguished, in unity of doctrine and discipline, according to our covenant in a government neerest to the word of god. d. p. [8], 20, [3] p. printed by robert ibbitson ..., london : 1649. "the epistle dedicatory" and "to the reader" signed: d.p. "march 12. 1648. imprimatur henry whaley, advocate." imperfect: stained and faded, with some loss of print. errata: p. [8] reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng church and state -england. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a54249 r35085 (wing p14). civilwar no the true primitive state of civill and ecclesiasticall government discussed and cleared, also a vvay briefly propounded to reconcile the sai d. p 1649 12360 17 0 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2007-08 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true primitive state of civill and ecclesiasticall government discussed and cleared , also a vvay briefly propounded to reconcile the saints , by what names ( now ) soever distinguished . in unity of doctrine and discipline , according to our covenant in a government neerest to the word of god . with all lowlinesse and meeknesse , with long suffering , forbearing one another in love . endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , ephes. 4. 2 , 3. for by one spirit are we all baptized into one body , whether we be jews or gentiles , whether wee bee bond , or free : and have been all made to drink into one spirit . 1 cor. 12. 13. imprimatur march 12. 1648. henry whaley , advocate london printed by robert ibbitson in smithfield near the queens head tavern , 1649. to the right honourable the great councell in parliament now assembled , and the councell of state . right trusty , and right honourable senators . i and not i only , but many farre more considerable , have been spectators of those intricate mazes , and indefatigable troubles , which you as our worthies , have for above these six years past undergone , not to be paralelled to any time , save that of israels deliverance from pharaoh out of the house of bondage , which you as so many noble instruments , by the strength of the arme of the mighty god of jacob , have performed to the present accomplishment for us , ( as great a deliverance . ) for the which blessed be the god most high , as also for that after so great winnowing , there yet remains so considerable a number of you found faithfull to your trust , and though this may be esteemed by you honourable worthies , a boldnesse in the presenter ( neer unto presumption ) to mention your honours names in this epistle , for which i have nothing to plead for in excuse , but this , namely , that your honours are neerly and greatly concerned in the subject matter of this ensuing discourse , which if he , that is the head of all principallities and powers , the mighty counsellour , by whom princes decree just things , shall strengthen and guide you to follow : i , and not i onely , but all conscientious men , and true christians , shall therein have their desires , and you their prayers : so resteth your most humble and devoted servant , not worthy to be named , as considerable : d. p. to the reader . i had a great dispute in my spirit in this very nick of time , whether ▪ i should speak or keep silence , & that not only because in these evill dayes vanity and troth , not truth , is either through prejudice or willfullnesse approved and extolled amongst men ; but also through a sence of my stammering imb●cility , at being unlearned in humane sciences , i was afraid to shew in publick this my opinion : for i sayd in my thoughts , that dayes should speake , and multitude of yeares should teach wisedome ; but since i understood that it is the inspiration of the almighty that gives understanding ; i durst not smother that little light under a bushell , which he hath as a talent given me to improve for his glory and the common good : upon this ground then i have adventured to cast my mite into the publique treasury , presenting these ensuing lines to thy serious perusall ; the principall theame and substance of which is to shew how this our tottering fabrick both in church and state , may againe be re-setled upon the sure basis of a true primitive institution : and here if in this transaction i have not so managed it , as a businesse of so great importance doth require ; i hope my former acknowledged weakenesse will plead for me a favourable excuse , if not acceptance : and lest a string of reproofe by any over-winded expressions in this my booke may sound harshly in the eares of some , so as to hinder the melodious harmony of an intended union by me held forth ; i shall endeavour againe to loose it by an ingenuous acknowledgment . for i professe as in the presence of god , i am no enemy to any mans person , being sorry to see , much more to use either the name of a leveller , or presbyter , ( having in both very loving friends ) if i could by any other names distinguish them to a vulgar understanding , which yet are justly to be blamed and withstood , because they go not the right way to a civill or ecclesiasticall pe●ce . there is onely one word that hath escaped me , that probably may give occasion to some to take off●nce ; and that is in the 15. page , towards the end , where quoting the prophet hosea , it is said , that god hath justly given up these men , that is to say , some of our conceived wise diviners , and pretended prophets to folly , and a dog raging madnes rather then a rationall or christian spirit . and heere i could wish i might not say so of some which bite and snarl at their brethren , not shewing yet any true reason wherefore : but god forbid i should say so of all ; and truely because of offence , if it could have beene timely prevented , i would have said so of none : yet is this a terme the holy spirit hath used in way of reproof of some of the same function , though in another case , when he calleth them both dumbe and greedy dogges ▪ and againe for feare of mistake , because i have desired there might be no imparity of persons in the ministry in reference to humane learning , that therefore i should be thought an enemy to learning ; no certainly , i could wish the universities might bee kept up and maintained in their former luster , that so as god shall bring forth by the hand of providence , we may by such a common and comendable gift still finde instruments that in some cases might bee more usefull then others either in church or state . and lastly , though i have highly commended the excellency of this outward forme , which indeede ought to be observed ; yet i hope none is so ignorant as to thinke that the true glory and beauty of christs church is not more principally within ; but since both are concerned in reference to the outward and inward man ; therefore it was that israels deliverance out of aegypt was a deliverance in an outward way of worshippe for both ; upon which ground it is not to be doubted that through the great power of our redeemer , wee shall at this time not onely have a deliverance in the inward , but also a freedome of the outward man , else should wee have nothing wherewith voluntarily to tender as a worshippe to god : for these reasons , as also for some occasionall faults in the printing , i have contrary to my intended purpose presented thee with this epistle , wishing a favourable construction of the whole at least , or of my good intention herein : and so i shall ever rest , thine to command in the lord . d. p. errata . page 1. line 28. for counties read countries . p. 3. l. 14 : for surplace surface . p. 20. l. last leave out thirdly . page the last , line the 25. r. secta●●●s truly so called . the true state and forme of government , civil & ecclesiastical discussed & cleared . not long since there was in publicke , a little book intitled , a shrill cry , for the resolve of 13 queries , in which , with many other things touching the covenant &c. very considerable , there was inserted , the primitive institution and supreame end , of a civill and ecclesiasticall government , in a more full pursuance then of what was there so briefly presented , i shall indeavour in this insuing discourse , to hold forth these 3 particulars , as very necessary further to be discussed and cleared in these times . first wherin each particular government , with their distinct and peculiar interest doth a part consist . 2. in what particulars they may harmoniously accord . 3. some probable meanes propounded tending to settle each in their primitive glory . to begin then with that government which is called civil . first acted upon the theater of this world , yet in force , which as touching the forme since , hath been very contingent & uncertaine . god sometimes deputing one as supream to give out lawes , and rule the nations . sometimes permitting others by right of conquest to impose laws , upon the subdued multitude , some were elected kings , to whose lawes the people voluntarily submitted . others by their representatives proposing laws to these elected kings , by which they would bee governed . and lastly some few have been elected in severall counties to governe and transact for the good and benefit of the whole . these and such like , are usually distinguished by the names of monarchy , aristocrasie , democrasie , &c. the reason of which variety , hath been the universall corruption of humaine flesh . governours being drawne aside by their own concupiscence , through ambition , and self-interest , and other causes , to pursue ends destructive to common-safety . but from the beginning it was not so , for if man had stood , the most pure and primitive had been that of monarchy . adam being intrusted under christ to weild the supream scepter of this terrestriall diademe , which probably might have continued to all succeeding generations . the subject matter for which government , would have been his owne off-spring and fellow creatures . the forme most excellent , each minister under him in their proper place , orderly and sweetly dispencing an equall distribution , to god , and each particular being . the rules and bounds for which , was the law of nature , reason , & morallity . the disciplin was by instruction , exhortation , example , and such like , to draw forth and exercise daily the intellect of all intelligible creatures in the things before recited . so as from non-age , to ful-age , each particular according to their measure and proper place , might become serviceable to the universall and publicke good . there being yet this difference in the state of innocency ( though continued ) between adam and his progeny , that as he was created a perfect man , his internall faculties was acted readily from himselfe as several objects and relations were presented in their time and place , whereas his posterity stood in need of a continual inculcation of instruction from others , before they could act their inward principle , dexteriously , and habitually in a way of nature and reason , to which , other parts of discipline before expressed in this state of corruption , is necessarily to be added , sharpe reproofes and severe corrections . the next and last particular appertaining to this government , is the supream end : namely the preservation of each mans propriety in name , goods , and other things of this life . and herein the particular and intire interest of this and all other civil sanctions doth consist . a first testament and covenant once in the power of man to keepe most perfectly , which since through weakenesse of the flesh , fruits and effects of the fall , is now impossible , precisely to be performed : all men in nature thereupon by a just sentence , as under the first breach of this law , becomming children of the curse , wrath , and death : wee need not wonder then at the revolutions and changes of government , since every thing else now is restlesse , untill it returne to its primitive and supreme center , from whence there was suddainely so great an apostacy , that the whole earth was filled with violence , insomuch , immediately after , mans commecall scheane of terestiall glory , became dissolved into a watery tragedy , a few inconsiderate persons for number , only excepted , preserved from being overwhelmed in that universall deluge , which no sooner by multiplying had againe filled the surplase of the earth , but the like universall corruption appeared : all fixed principles for pure nature , reason , and morallity , was by it eaten out , and became obliterate ; which doubtlesse was the cause why god in the next age did againe minde the same through the figure of circumcision , as also , not long after in that terrible manner upon mount synaia in iudea , the hemispheare of nations , give out his law , to shew man once more , not onely from whence he was fallen , but to stirre him up thereby to his former duty , the matter whereof was engraven in tables of stone , evidently to be seene and read of all men . and although heere againe , the forme of this government then was monarchicall ; yet was it not therein an indisputable president and patterne for other nations or succeeding times , for though it should be admitted that this was most primitive , and in gods esteeme most excellent , either in adam , and those other anoynted kings , to whom extraordinary assistance and abilities was given for performance of such a trust , as particular types of christ : yet experience tells us through changes ; and reason and providence dictates no lesse ; that where this immediate divine assistance is wanting , to guide any single supreme in evill times of defection , that government proves dangerous , and those governours probably most safest for that people , which shall through providence be admitted to rule , after a sensible feeling , and late deliverance with them from under a yoke of tiranny : it not to me seeming likely , that such who have seene justice done upon others , themselves in it being instrumentall , should through tiranny by any law , make heavy yokes for their brethren , and in it their owne posterity ( which if ) they would be most inexcusable , because they of all other , in this latter age of the world have seene most examples and presidents of the good , and evill of government : thus much then of the first particular , in which is briefely shewed the ministers , matter , forme , lawes , discipline , end , and intire interest of all civill government , both at first and since , which because it was held excellently forth in the common-wealth of the jewes : it was called a sanctuary a yet worldly and fleshly , far different from that , which concernes the inward and spirituall man , which though the ministration of it be in the flesh ; yet it is not after , nor for the present , little appertaining thereunto : it being untill the day of our bodily redemption , b under the discipline of the first testament ; for corrupt flesh , as all now is , must as grasse and the flower of the field , first wither , become dead , & vanish away in the judgement of those , which are to be fit matter for the second and new testament , for the body c must be dead because of sinne , when the spirit is to live for a better righteousnesse sake . and so i come to the second particular , the government ecclesiasticall , which imediately receded the other in the infancy thereof . the instruments and formes whereof , hath also beene various before the time of christs fleshly presence ; the reason of which was , the good pleasure of the fathers will , the divine mystery of his grace , since revealed to us in the fullnesse of time , for the most part hid in d him , whose dispensations & works alwayes appeare most perfect in the end . during the infancy and minority , of the mysticall body of christ the church then begun ; it seemed good to him here and there to enlighten , and by a secret and inward call , to seperate and segregate from the common masse of mankinde , such as should hold forth according to the measure of faith then dispenced , the word of life : that in divers wayes , manners , e and formes of discipline , were made instrumentall in their generations , to congregate as time and place afforded , the children of truth . gradually first preparing , and then through union of affection couching them in their due place , as so many pollished stones , upon that precious corner , and first foundation stone of the spirituall temple christ jesus : i purpose not here for brevity sake , to write severally of the particular formes in those ages past ; but rather with the * authour of that forenamed pamphlet , i shall fall in with his method in that forme since , as a government for us more practically imitable : it was evident then according to scripture , when the full time appoynted of the father , for the spirituall liberty and age of the church was come : he sent forth his sonne into the world , cloathing him with humane flesh , and in the substance and shape of man put him under the law : that in his pure flesh , in mans stead , and for his benefit , he might actively and passively performe , what god or man , by any law could possibly require ; and though he knew no sinne , neither was a transgressor of any law ; yet he being instrumentall in the creation of man , the first , and supreme * head of man , by relation a * brother to man , and by a peculiar right had an interest in man ; it was both just and reasonable , that he onely as the fittest person should principally transact the affaires of man , and for that end , he was by god in the behalfe of all fallen man , imputed a sinner , numbred amongst transgressors , made a curse by suffering upon the crosse , as a thiefe and murtherer , that so thorough this , gods peculiar ordinance and acceptance , he might no more remember or punish eternally the transgressions committed against the first testament ; as also to give a sure ground of future hope , that the bodies of the faithfull one day , shall be perfectly redeemed from the power of sinne , death , and the devill , unto which by a righteous sentence , they became with others most miserably captivated , with all to give good assurance to all such , by the death and sealing bloodshed of this sonne of god , which was appoynted to be both the testator and mediator of the new covenant t eternally stablished upon sure promises , their spirits once cleansed from the filth and guilt of the old : may now by a new and living way thorough the vaile of his flesh , have a free passage into the most holy sanctuary and presence of our heavenly father , in the glorious liberty of the sonnes of god ; and for that end this our great high priest and apostle of that faith , which wee should professe during the time of his abode upon earth , he made it his own ; because the fathers worke , to dispence light according to his will in matters of this nature , that so by it , he might publiquely gather unto himselfe all those children of god that were capable subjects for an audible administration ; and for that cause he was pleased to elect , not onely twelve principall , but many others , to whom he did impart those mysteries , that they might afterwards as good disciples and scribes before instructed , communicate the same . upon whom after his ascention he poured out his spirit , in the dispensation of extraordinary gifts ; that so by them the foundation begunne , and forme prescribed for such a sprituall structure might successively be carried on in all succeeding times , untill the very top stone should be layed , and grace , grace , cryed thereunto : it s easily conceived then by that 's past , who were the mr. workemen , and what was the matter for this building ; but for evincing a double mistake in our pretended mr. builders : it s necessary the matter of it be a little further considered : it being affirmed by some on the one hand , that all persons in a nation ; yea infants are fit materialls for this caelestiall fabricke : the folly of which opinion appeareth , in that it is not onely contrary to the practice and direct precept ; but also the true nature and end of this institution by christ : besides , what benefit can acrew to infants , and others almost as uncapable to be made members by any initiating ordinance , since they are in no capacity ( through naturall weakenesse ) visibly to doe or receive any good , neither hath god at any time , or anywhere ( as is falsly by them premised , engaged through an unwarrantable use of baptisme , to wash away originall sinne , regenerate , visibly unite to himselfe , and save infants ; for why then doth not answerable effects follow : time quickly shewing that many thousands so baptized , become abhominable and reprobate to every good worke : strange therefore it is to see how these men have been pusled to evade the cleare light of this scripture ; go discipline and baptise , and that other scripture , he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved ; but to these persons it seemeth fulfilled , if they injoyne others to professe faith for them , which visibly have none ; as if one mans bare profession , which is not probably reall , were with god meritoriously saving for others , in like manner are they pusled about circumcision , which they say baptisme cometh in the roome of , when its clear to them which wil understand , that circumcision was no initiating ordinance for a church , and gospel fellowship ? it being but a signe of an externall covenant and stipulation made with abraham and his seed , for a revive of the first testament , touching a civill and unblameable conversation in the flesh : for sayth god , my covenant shall be in your g flesh : so that all israel after the flesh , by the law gendering to bondage , were not israel after the spirit , borne of the free woman , gendering to a spirituall liberty : and this i am induced verily to believe , for these reasons , viz. first , because all those that partook of circumcision , by scripture proof were rigedly bound to a personall and perpetuall performance of the morall law , in reference to the outward man h which our saviour yet testifieth , none of them did * keepe , nor indeed could , as they might the ceremoniall and other lawes . secondly , from the nature of the law it selfe , which in scripture , is compared to fire , hammer , sword , &c. whereof circumcision was a figurative signe , shewing it to be no lesse then a keen cutting instrument , through the penalty , which by a secret insition was to seperate that caule , skin or film spread over the spirit , eye , & judgement of reason , at first occasionally entering in by the sences , & now through custome being so habitually contracted in mans nature , as it proves to some many times an incureable disease . i necessary it was then , that from the eight day of the wombe , at the first budding of the sences they should bee gradually and regularly disciplined accordingly . and as for time , so for place , this signe was very significant , it being done there , from whence instrumentally was to bee acted , the strongest and most burning lust of humane and naturall concupiscence , the difficulty in suppressing which , and the danger of neglecting , was secretly hinted by the paine , sorrow and bloodshed in this ceremonial transaction , neither is the persons lesse observable , god shewing by such an administration , that it was the male , not the female that was first intrusted , from whom as the head and stronger vessel , he cheifly of him required performance , or else his blood must go , or some others for him must doe and suffer , what in gods account is a satisfaction equivolent . thirdly , when circumcision and the law , was most in force , and highly exalted , and through a sence thereby of mans weaknesse , though it became instrumentall to beget as upon hagars knees faithfull children unto abraham : yet gospell and evangelical righteousnesse , as a spring and river of life , sweetly , yet secretly was then running under allegories , tipes and ceremonies , in a ministration distinctly differing from the former , for they all dranke of the same spirituall rocke that followed them , and that rocke was christ , and they all were baptized as wel as circumcised , though mistically under a cloud and in the sea , where water and not blood , was the materiall substance of this ordanicall sacrament . fourthly , from the nature and end of baptisme it selfe , which is not to bee paraleld so , as to come in the roome of circumcision . the matter and manner of which holy institution , presenteth to our view and serious consideration , these severall things following . first , that it is neither circumcision , nor any other ceremoniall reparation , but an absolute sacramentall dissolution of our bodily elements , into their first principles , as best suiting with a visible gospell administration , from which secondly , was lively represented to the eye of faith , not sence , by the death of the body , a spirituall freedome from the imputation of sin , * power of the law , curse , death and the devill . the ground of which , is this , in that god at first gave this law principally to be binding to the sensitive and weaker part , the inward man from it being destinct , although united , makes but one person l upon which the outward , being first in the transgression , and by occasion an inlet of sin to the other . it pleased god , to impute that sin , and charge the punishment upon it , when yet by a decreed union . if faith in an unexpected promise had not intervened , the inward had also been in the same predicament , from the neernesse of which union of these two destinct natures , there is a communion of operations and proprieties , so that what may be affirmed of one and the same person , at one and the same time , in referrence to one nature , may be denyed of the other , so that by one he may be said to be earthly , dead under the law , &c. and by the other , he may be said to be yet heavenly , not living under that law , holy , blessed , and under the protection of god for ever . and yet again , where faith in a promise is not , there a person in both natures is perpetually miserable , but where it is , that person in both natures , is eternally happie . yet in order , first the one and then the other , this then asserted is cleared , if we observe that when god came to execute judgement , he progressively past sentence upon that which was the first occasion of sin , beginning with the serpent , then the woman , and last of all , with the earthly man , making good his former threatning , that in the day it did eat , it should die , for earth it was , and to earth it should return , which was the substance of the outward , not the inward m man . thus then this exact compounded elementarie substance , at first a fit instrument for the celestiall spirit , to transact a terrestial service , being under the sentence of death , it became not only unserviceable through a declining weaknesse , but it caused also a spirituall death , dulling the edge and quenching the sparklings in the intellect of the divine off-spring , for the cheering and reviving again of which , he was pleased by a promise in a blessed seed of the same substance , to give hope to the one , by dying , of a better resurrection , and through the quickning spirit , for the present to give the other deliverance from a sinful captivity . now a figure of this death of the body was lively held forth by the bodies & blood of beasts , which were to be offered up in sacrifice , as a present attonement for the reprieve of all sublimary created things of the same elementary substance , until the substance of that which was chiefly tipified and intended , namely the body of christ ; in which as a spiritual publike person , all the bodies of the saints was included , in the offering up of which , the wil of god being done , he hath consecrated for ever ( through that will ) those which by faith in his blood were sanctified . thirdly , baptisme was also ordained , that it might be not only a similitude of that union and communion of the body of christ with the faithfull , but also that it might hold forth by this union to a visible part in the behalf of the rest of the members of the invisible body , a community of the same spirit , vertue , life , resurrection and glory , of the head . and this we find excellently set forth to us ; worthy our serious perusall , in the sixt and seventh chapters to the romans , the apostle in the seventh shewing , that now the first husband the body , to whom the spirit by union was marryed , it was dead to the law in the body of christ ; so that now the spirit without being counted an adulteresse , might make choice for a husband him that is raised from the dead : that by such a union it might bring forth fruit unto god , for faith he , when we were in the flesh , the affections of sin which were by the law , had force in our members to bring forth fruit unto death , but now we are delivered from the law , he being dead , that is to say , the body , in whom we were holden , that we should serve him in newness of spirit , and not in the oldnesse of the letter . fourthly and lastly , by the water in baptisme , covering the earth of mans body , it being plunged therein , was further signified , the sanctifying and renewing again of the body through that spirit , which by a first moving on the surface of the waters , gave being in the creation to all things of the same elementary substance , which should be as certainly performed , as mans body came forth of the waters ; a sure testimony of which was evident in the head , and others the first fruits of the same : by this then as i conceive , hath been confuted the first error , shewing that infants and many others , upon these grounds , are not fit matter for a visible church or congregation , and though i have in this exceeded an intended brevity , yet in things so greatly important ; it will i trust be excusable , for this seriously considered will put an end to those bitter long disputes , and voluminous treatises about the law , and gospel . gods seeing , or not seeing sinne , in reference to the one , or the other covenant , &c. the error on the other hand is , in some that conceive them only fit , which for knowledg and practise are seemingly more eminent , whereas at first a gospel conviction , and need of a christ , and a voluntarie submission to his government , for a further instruction through doctrine and discipline was a good ground of admission . for christs kingdom in the church , is a kingdom of grace , long-sufferance , and meeknes . the subjects whereof at first are very rough hewed , not polished stones , weak in knowledge , and many times more in practice . those ministers and strong christians then intrusted , ought to bear the infirmities of the more feeble , carrying these lambs in the bosome of love , leading gently , and guiding these younglings in grace , like good pastors , so truly knowing the state of their flock , as to distinguish them by their names , natures , and manners , that so he might accordingly feed them with knowledge and understanding ; not in civill contentions , but evangelicall conclusions , but how rare are such at this present , & what plenty of those shepherds that god so * passionately and pathetically reproves in ezekiels time , that he said , eat the fat , and clothed themselves with the fleece of the sheep , but did not care to feed ▪ so as to strengthen the weak , heal the sick , binde up the broken , bring again that which is driven away , neither sought that which was lost , but with cruelty and rigour did they rule them . the lord himselfe then the great and living shepheard , there promiseth to supply their place , and doe that for his sheep which was neglected by those evill shepherds , that is to say , to lead them into green gospel pastures , refreshing them with the sweet and pleasant springs of salvation , strengthening the weak , healing the sick , &c. as it followeth excellently in the same chapter . the next thing then to the matter , is the form of this government , which was first , those ministeriall officers , as to be ordinary and perpetual , were pastors , to instruct and teach . deacons , to collect , keep , and disburse the publike stock . elders , among themselves to over-rule and end all civill and occasionall differences ; seers , to watch over each particular member , which was to present , as need required , the true state of things to the church ; there was also a forme of sacraments , one of baptisme , of which is already spoken . one other and main end of which was to distinguish all visible members within , from them without , putting such into a visible capacity thereby of those benefits before exprest , to which then was added the sacrament of the lords supper , through which , those before baptized were made to drinke into that one spirit , which spiritually quickned it by faith in the blood of christ , running through the veins of the whole body , typically represented by way of communion in the element of wine , to the very senses of the faithfull , all those benefits of christs death and resurrection , which upon frequent meeting they were publikely to hold forth in remembrance of the same . after these , next in order was the forme of doctrine , that is to say , first , to acknowledge god even that father of whom originally and effentially were all things either temporall or spirituall , according to whose supream will , all the distinct families in heaven and earth was both ordered and named ; as also that jesus christ his first begotten son , was that person by whom all things was made , is now preserved , redeemed , and shall again , what belongs to him , be restored ; for which cause he descended , suffered , ascended according to the scripture , sitting now at the right hand of god , untill all enemies are made his footstool , which once performed , he shall then deliver up the kingdome to god the father , which then shall be all in all to the whole body , filling every part according to their measure with his owne fullnes ; as he now doth the head , for the effecting of all which glorious promises , in the behalf of the holy visible , invisible , militant , and at last triumphant church . that there is one infinite , invisible , incomprehensible , most omnipotent spirit , which is that of the fathers , communicated to the son and from him , as head , to the whole body . the fift was the form of discipline , which was this , every officer in their proper place , through meeknes and love , by exhortation , instruction , reproof , and if need require , with consent of the church , through excommunication , to use their utmost endeavour to present such , who have voluntarily submitted unto their government , blamelesse in the day of christ ; and then the last of all is the supream end , namely , the preservation of each saints propriety in their spirituall names , priviledges and benefits of an eternall life , so as each member in their proper place , may according to the effectuall working and power , which is in the measure of every part , receive the increase of the body unto the edifying it selfe in love , untill we all meet together in the unity of faith , and that acknowledging of the son of god , unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the age of the fulnesse of christ . thus as briefly as i could , hath been shewed also the governours , government , matter , forme , of doctrine and discipline , with the distinct and supream end , of this ecclesiasticall government of christ . the third thing promised to be considered was this , in what respect these two governments , so diametrically opposite , as heaven and earth , may yet agree and dwell together in a nation , city , family or person . first , they may agree in this , that the son of god is constituted , and by publicke inauguration , is crowned and anoynted king and head of both these principallities and powers , with their severall instruments , and weapons , whither carnall or spirituall . secondly they may accord in this , that the spirituall deserves the right hand of fellowship , since all sublimary things had a being with the externall , for ends subservient to this , which when it shall perfectly be accomplished in the nations . this exterior government shall be dissolved and cease . the kings and rulers of the gentiles rejoycing to bring their glory to it ; casting their crownes at the feet thereof , as a due hommage to this eternall excellency . * thirdly , they may sweetly ecco in this , to pray for , rejoye in , and wishing well , to the prosperity and peace of each other . and fourthly , they may be unanimous in this , namely to assist and preserve each other , in their distinct sphere and equipage , so that god as supream may have his due , and man as subordinate his . fiftly and lastly , that they may and ought to assent in this , that each person in respect of his outward man , is under the command , approbation , and punishment of a civill state , as it shall act publickly for the good , or to the apparent prejudice of the same , when at the same time the inward , in matters of faith , as they concerne another life , is under the command , approbation , or punishment of the church , whereof he is a member , as it shal publickly act for the good or the apparent prejudice thereof . thus having past the second , i come to the third . well then , as for the lawfull authority of those governours , that through the over ruling hand of the most high , we are at this present under , i dispute not . of which , those that are doubtfull and desire to be informed , may do well to read that forementioned * sheet or two , which perfectly speaks my judgement therein . this premised , i proceed to the third and last generall head of this discourse , namely first to present by way of proposal to our honourable worthies , some probable meanes whereby their government may be comfortable to themselves , and prosperous to the people . and here with the beloved disciple john , i shall minde them of that which was from the beginning , according to that which hath already been in part , shewed , that is to say , first , that they would aime at the same end , in all transactions , which god did in the primitive institution of a civil government , which briefly was this , that they would be ten commandement magistrates , giving god and man his due , after the two tables , according to nature and reason . secondly , for pursuing of which , because not ubiquitarie , jethroes counsel might be taken , to chuse out in the nation men fearing god , hating covetousnesse , which in their places may judge and determine lesser matters . thirdly that accordingly as at first , there may be a government , not onely magisticall , but sympatheticall , and impartiall . that so it be not endangered to split upon the rock either of a just calumny , or a pusillanimious contempt . fourthly , that for the protection and praise of them that doe well , they would take notice of evill doers , disturbers of publick peace , to make them exemplary for the same , which principally now are the * irreverent impatient restlesse levellers * , or pretended reverend ministerial * presbyters . the first of which , upon what male contented ground , or tumor i know not , indeavour machevile and jesuite like , to divide and distract , and as much as in them lyes to confound the councells of our experienced grave and honourable sennators , out of a pretended jealousie before tryall made , after all their winnowing , may probably betray their trust , which to me , certainly neither the law of nature , god or nations , ever gave private persons such a power , to anticipate and prejudge , the transactions in dubious matters of their supreame governour , which doubtlesse must needs have more knowledge ( through experience ) in the affairs of state then the most extraordinary private spirit amongst the giddy multitud . and as for those other , which pretend to be sacred , calling themselves ambassadors of christ , which if they were indeed : they would never speak reproachfully evil of the rulers of the people , as they do in pulpits , and did in their late letter to the general and officers of the army , a paper , in it selfe most salfe and scandalous , since those that they asperse are publicke persons ; and themselves ( though presumed publick ) are in civill things private , which if no more were said , it was a sufficient answer to their letter . againe , if it should be admitted , that the supream governours , and those under them intrusted * now in being , were an usurped power , and not agreeing with the law of the land , as they falsly insert , yet gods bare permission of such a power , were ground enough not only of submission , but their prayers also . if the precept of the apostle paul be by them thought imitably practicall . but these men presume ( doubtlesse of a more extraordinary spirit ) like the prophets of old , taking upon them to reprove magistrates , which they by visions , many times confirmed by miracles , they had an immediate mission . those being the gods , to whom peculiarly the word of god then was sent . which if they can prove such a calling , they shall be no more private but publicke persons , to whom not only magistrates , but all others in doubtfull exigences should repaire as to the divine oracles of god . but seeing they cannot , it is not a groundlesse , or doubtfull title of an ambassador , or gospel-minister , that in case of a publicke civill breach of conscience towards men , that should free them from punishment , when yet liberty of conscience , in doubtfull matters of faith towards god , remaine still as a rock unmoveable ? therefore i verily thinke , the day of gods just visitation , spoken of in hosea , is come upon these men , in that hee hath given up these deviners and spirituall persons , to a dog-raging * madnes , each pretended prophet , like fools , not knowing the seasons & interchangeable workings of the almighty . but i spare them , as objects for our pitty and prayers , rather then envie , since through their words already , which every where frets like a gangreen , this their madness is in a manner seen and known of all men . fiftly and lastly , the way to promote a blessed settlement in the civill state ▪ is for our honourable rulers not as magistrates , by any coercive power to settle an ecclesiastical * government , but as christians eminent in their places , through a prudent and godly example to improve their utmost abilities , to restore the church to her former beauty , and then shall they be indeed the repairers of the antichristian breach , and restorers of the ancient paths for saints to walke in ; so shall god blesse their government with potiphar for a josephs sake , and as he did the house of obed edom for the arks sake . but it will be demanded , what is the government neerest to the word of god , since one saith , here it is , others there , and some that there is none at all ? i have already shewed that god in all ages hath had a visible church , and that cannot be without a goverement , although it hath not been alike alwaies in forme , nor visibility , but as for that visibility of a nationall church , it having neither matter nor form according to the primitive institution ; it s a government more in name then in reallity , the times of the apostles being then our pattern . i shall therefore in this last series of my discourse , as a second branch of the last particular , first , sum up all that hath been said touching this primitive ecclesiasticall constitution of government , in a compendious form , as it was then held forth . and then secondly , the grounds and reasons of the first defection and apostacle from the same . and lastly , propound some means to re-estate the same in its former pureness . as for the first , i thinke i cannot doe better then only word for word to circumscribe what that author hath set down touching the same , in the shrill cry , where after he had shewed that the covenant did not require conformity to a nationall church , because the word of god acknowledgeth no other , but that one visible catholike church , which is in all nations dispersed into congregations and families , that congregation then , saith he , or family wheresoever it is , that in matter , form , doctrine , or disciplin , shal conform to theprimitive institution , that must needs be the purest church , which we are bound by covenant to hold forth in these nations , and that is conceived to be this : when at the first , by the preaching the sincere word of the gospel , so many as heard it that were convinced of their lost estate , by reason of sin , were incited therby publickly to professe repentance from dead works , and faith towards god through the lord jesus , desiring thereupon to bee baptized into the visible church , and under his government , to obey both in doctrine and discipline , what they shall clearly be perswaded to bee his will , and for that end frequently to meete in their severall assemblies , and there orderly and decently exercise each others gifts , for the edification one of another , in their most holy faith , that so upon very good experience had upon such gifts , they might out of themselves , and for themselves successively choose , as they stood in need , pastors and other officers as they conceived necessary to the well-being and governing those who had voluntarily submitted themselves therunto , so that then doubtles this constitution , would have continued as a patterne to all succeeding congregations those extraordinary messengers only excepted , that by their miracles shewed their authority from god , to lay this foundation , and prescribe the forme for this spirituall building , thus far the shrill cry . but for the second , touching the first grounds of apostacy , its evident , that from those very times this defection began , the apostle john testifying , that there was then many antichrists , which by their carriages , doctrines , and cunning practices , did deny the comming of christ in the flesh , which was in truth no lesse then to deny both the father and the son , for he that doth deny the end of christs comming , which was to redeem , inlighten , fanctifie , rule and governe his church after his own mind : doth in effect deny his very comming , as also both father and son , and is a very antichrist . to this also the apostle paul gives testimony , that then this mistery of iniquity began to worke , which first appeared in the defection and apostacy of some of those instruments , that were first intrusted , and furnished with ability to preach the word , which afterward through a satanicall pride , and corruption in judgement began to fall off from the true apostles , usurping authority , not onely over them , but to reigne as kings over the consciences of the brethren , whom then they did in the next place , secondly seduce from the sincerity of the gospell , pretending yet to be the apostles of christ , which paul calls notwithstanding , false apostles , ministers of sathan , transformed into the appearance of angels of light , because indeed they had a zeale for god , after the righteousnesse of the law , but not according to knowledge , in that they could not distinguish between that active and passive righteousnesse of the law and gospell , the one requiring and exacting obedience , when it gives no power to performe , the other freely giving a power to performe more than it at all times requires an exact performance to . besides from the womb of this error proceeded many more , for as in the law so in the gospell , there is such a concatination of gospel truths , that an error in one foundation truth causeth the like in others . so that by falling off to the law though they did professe faith in christ . they had no benefit thereby , through the neglect of the gospel , either of an effectuall vocation , justification , true sanctification , or glorificaon , which was only in this as gods way to be found . the apostle to the gallatians testifying , that notwithstanding their profession of faith in christ , in that they preferred mans righteousnesse before gods , they were yet in their sins , christs death was in vaine to them . and that all his benefits should profit them nothing , which is as was said , all one to them as if they had denyed christs comming in the flesh . and then thirdly having lost the purity of the gospell , they fell also from the forme and discipline of the same , preferring circumcision , before baptisme , not assembling themselves as formerly , refusing communion and fellowship , with those purer churches , dispising and contemning those sacraments , which presented the benefits of christs body and blood , insomuch as the apostle said in way of reproofe , that if a temporall death followed the breach of one of moses laws , how much shall he bee guilty of a sorer punishement , which by the neglect of gospell truths , and ordinances , trample under foot the blood of the sonne of god . finally , after this , corruption in doctrine , there was so great a departure from the faith , that ther followed as universal a corruption in manners , and then the man of sinne , the antichrist not long after came indeed to be revealed ) whose onely worke was , to set himself against and above christ , in all his gospell-ministrations , confounding all primitive order , and forme both of doctrine and discipline , admitting none but himselfe and his corrupt clergy to be sole judges in matters of faith , which did assume to themselves onely the name of the holy church , that so he might the better sit in the consciences of those hee calls the laiety , as if it belonged not to them , either to know or receive any benefit by christ , through a faith of their own , over which he did so lord it , that he compelled them contrary to their owne light implicitly to beleeve and obey , many times those things that were both contrary to nature , law , and gospel . which together with many more horrid abominations , that for brevity sake is here remitted . so then by this , such a thick , and close darknes covered the eyes of the people , that very few had in those dayes any true understanding in the mistery of the gospell ; the gospell then being turned into the law , and other humane traditions , and when that darkenesse began a little to be expeld about luthers time , yet by and by after , there was againe such a confused mixture , of the law and gospell , that it was hard to say which was either : which * luther indeed prophetically foretold should come to passe , through the ignorance of ministers after his time , which since by woefull experience wee have found too true , that covering cherub of antichristian darknesse , still in a great part remaining . thus having shewed in the second place , the rise , groweth , and cause , of continuance of this first defection , it remains now that some meanes bee propounded , according to the third particular , for the re-instating the same unto its primitive purenesse , which now might more generally and easily be effected , if god shall be pleased to give first to our magistrates and then more generally to others , a heart to follow the councel of our lord and head christ jesus , given to the church of ephesus in another case , which consisteth in three things . first to remember from whence we are fallen , that is to say , from the primitive constitution . secondly to repent of all contrary wayes and abominable apostacies . thirdly , to doe our first workes that is , to conforme in all things to the mind of christ , which was from the beginning , for we ought in this ecclesiasticall government , as in the other , to make gods aime and end , in such a spirituall constitution our own , which if we would doe , we must subscribe to his wisdome , accounting it ours , to follow his direction in the same . we read that moses in building the tabernacle , a figure of the jewish church he should doe all things according to the patterne . even so now , if we would build this spirituall tabernacle that is fallen down , so as that the residue of men might seek after god , it must be according to the plat-forme laid down by christ , and his apostles , who was faithfull in all things as a sonne , over his owne house : and truely it were well , if after the same manner , and way of defection and apostacy we so hastily declined downwards , we might now more liesurely step by step ascend up again into this holy mountaine . and here then is first to be considered according to that which hath been formerly hinted , that is to say , the foundation being laid and confirmed by miracles , there was afterwards no need of a succession of extraordinary messengers or miracles , which was at first to confirme the truth of the gospell among heathens and infidels , that then , which was to continne to posterity , unto which if we will conforme it is necessary . first , that all distinctions brought in by antichrist , of persons , in reference to humane learning , so as to make an imparity touching the office of the ministery , be laid aside , renounced , and repented of . as also that custome of laying on of hands , for the formall constitution of any gospel minister , as if he were therby better inabled to preach the truth , be also omited , since the apostles in their laying on of hands did convey not ordinary , but extraordinary gifts . secondly , that in regard of our late confusion there might be appointed a certaine number , that for their abilities in the knowledge of the mystery of the gospell , as also reputed to be of an holy and unblamable conversation , every way quallified according to the rule of the apostle thirdly that these with the assistance of godly magistrates and other christians might make choice in all parts , without respect of persons , so many as they have good experience of their abilities , agreeing not only in doctrine and discipline , but with boldnesse and other parts for an intelligible utterance , that they might be sent forth into all places where there is need , to preach the sincere word of the gospel , and to perform other offices of the ministery without the intermedling with the civill government . fourthly , that all christians which shall live within the compasse of their ministery , being convinced of the truth of baptisme , might by initiation , be first congregated into a church fellowship . and then that all others , as the ministery of the gospel shall be made effectuall , might after profession of repentance , &c. be still added to each particular visible congregation , according to the severall divisions , either of parishes or places equally devided by authority of magistracy , all others , without such a profession and way of admittance , to be accounted as without . fiftly that besides the publike directory for worship , and ordinance of publike preaching for converting of men , some other day might be permitted , or weekly allowed , answerable to the first practice for the meeting of the saints in the participation of ordinances , as also for an orderly and decent exercise of each others gifts , that so by frequent custome their wits through exercise might discern things that differ , that so upon very good experience had of the manifold wisedom of god seen in the saints , they might not hastily ( as they doe now in some churches otherwise commendable ) choose out their officers , especially the pastors , publikely to preach , which might successively supply the place of those that should decease , or otherwise be imployed . sixtly , that all doubtful points about the trinity or others , might by fair and meek disputes especially writing be endeavoured to be cleared to vulgar understandings , as things not to be i●posed without a clear conviction , for writing is more advantagious in that many times for want of boldnesse , quickness of wit , strength of memory , distempered passions , or present assistance , the truth hath been suspended , and the contrary error retained , when by writing such defaults in nature by deliberation may be prevented , and as for inforcing , it ought not to be for these reasons , in that all intelects are not created of one size , all have not one and the same outward means , not the same exercise , not the same impediments to hinder , not the same internall divine assistance , not alike in darknesse through negligence , prejudice , willfulnesse . lastly , all are not by reason therof given up to ajudiciary * blindnesse . seventhly , that such ministers that are imployed for the publication of the gospel , out of some publike stock , might have an equall and considerable allowance , that so they may give themselves wholly to the work of t●e ministry . these and other things seriously pondred and put in practice , it would i beleeve suddenly put an end to all our differences , whether civill or ecclesiasticall , it being according to our covenant , a government indeed the neerest to the word of god , and the best reformed churches , wherein all the faithfull by what nicknames soever distinguished , ought thereunto unanimously to accord ; and as for all those persons that hold tenents destructive to known principles , or a common profession of faith , that in every thing should be cleer not doubtful , are not at first ( in any congregation to be admitted ) or if corrupted after by excommunication cast out ▪ where they remain til manifestation of repentance , ( as heathens and publicans ) which yet still had a propriety in what was theirs in outward things , but if any such persons shal yet pertinaciously maintain such opinions , contrary to the light of nature , reason , and the plaine letter of the scripture , to the disturbance of the publike peace , they are under the power of the magistrate to punish . but to conclude , these things being of so great importance , although for brevity sake , i can but touch each particular here inserted . let us every one now in our severall places and callings lay aside all envie and bitterness , superfluity of naughtiness , that so through meekness and love , we may promote the good of church and state , so shall god be our king and dwell amongst us , and blesse us , so that we need not to fear if the whole earth were gathered together against us , since he is an all-sufficient refuge to his people , as by good experience we have already found , but if we still go on perversly , and oppose him in making factions to carry on private interests , against his peculiar interest , which is the good and wellfare of this church and state , in the behalf of his saints , he will certainly break us to peeces , so as we shall be a scorn and by word to nations . o then that our governours would act their part herein , for who knowes but they might bee distinguished and separated thus unexpectedly from their brethren , and exalted to the high place of judicature for such a time , and season , and work as this , which if they shall not now as wise and godly men improve , they and their houses shall certainly perish : when yet deliverance shall come to gods people some other way . secondly , i wish also that all royallists which hath seen the hand of god lifted up against them and their king , not withstanding all faire glosses on foule matters , would now sit downe and consider these are the dayes of christs exaltation in his saints , to whom belongeth , not only the kingdome , but the greatnesse of the kingdome , for ever and ever . thirdly , i desire that all levellers , which in most of their requests hath been already satisfyed , that they would not now goe about to destroy , what formerly they have indeavoured to * build ; but rather quietly sit down and see what gradually god will doe amongst us . fourthly , that all presbyters that are so violent for a government , as indeed one there ought to bee , would comply in this , which is conceived to be nearest to the word of god , which in many particulars agreeth with that by them held forth . and then fifthly , by this , i suppose , our brethren of scotland , that cry up the covenant , as a thing not in any humane power to dissolve , will be satisfyed , since sectaries , by them so spoken against , are in the right way suppressed , yet is that wch they cal through ignorance , heresie , the true way of worshiping the god of our fathers , but i wish they had alike performed the convenant with us , the letter of which is either conditionall in referrence to the king or other delinquents , or with restrictions , touching reformation in the church , &c. besides , why not in man to dissolve ? since that which is not in his lawfull power to do : namely rashly to mix sacred things with prophane , must needs be in his power upon more serious thoughts to undo , neither is there any condition to make this covenant perpetuall as i read in the fame . but surely scotland will no : through their sence of the covenant pick a quarrel , and ungratefully invade their brethren in england , which if , the lord who hath showed himselfe on our side , will againe i doubt nor decide the controversie . lastly , by such government the civill state will bee settled , antichrist destroyed , prophane converted , the gentiles fulnesse accomplished , the jewes through emulation thereat restored , and so then christs second comming will bee hastened . even so come lord jesus , come quickly . finis notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a54249e-480 a heb. 9. v. 1. b rom. 3. v. 23. c rom. 8. v. 10. d 1 cor. 2. v. 6 , 7. e heb. i. v. 1. * shrill cry . * heb. 2. 6. 7. 8. * ver. 13. 14 , t heb. 9. 15. g gen. 17. ver. 13. h gal. 5. 2. * ioh. 4. 19. 23. i colos. 2. v. 11. 12. 13. a good note for a timely instruction of children . isay 42. ver. 22 , * rom. 6. v. 9 , 10 , 11. l for want of a true distinguishing of these natures lit●le of the scriptures and heavenly mistery of the gospel is understood . m for if god had intended to passe a sentence of an eternall death on this breach , since it was pronounced peremptorily without any condition of faith in a promise , which if god had been true of his word ( a thing not to be disputed ) man necessarily then had in both natures eternally perished . it was the earthly part then that lay under that temporall sentence , which before one thousand yeers , gods day , it perfectly expired , from which first sentence it was hourely declining , besides this also appeareth in that the satisfaction was made in the flesh of christ , which through the union was not without extream anguish of spirit , rom. 8. hebr. 10. and elsewhere . * after the manner of men . ezek. 34. zach. 11. chapters worthy to be observed of all such as are intrusted with the care of souls . * isay 60 to the end . * shrill cry . * despise●s of authority . * not considerable . * more considerable in respect of place . * the general . hosea 9. more like then a ra●ionall or christian spirit * a thing hateful to god as derogatory ro his word and spirit , he standing in no need at all of man , much lesse a forced obedience especially in spirituall matters . * in com. on gal. pag. 201. and elsewhere . ● tim. 3. 1. &c. * in reference to humane learning . * and now if yet baptisme shall not be thought fit to bee an initia●ion into the church , which doubtlebe is the ordinance of christ , of which no christian ought to be ashamed , for if he had commanded a greater thing , should it not have been obeyed , much more then wash and be clean , however let such as are convinced be permitted their liberty , and let a publike profession at least of repentance from dead works &c. be a note of distinction from the multitude , that so there being an agreement iu all things else ▪ there may be an harmonious communion in this nation , in all the churches of the saints . * upon which ground it were to be wished the civill state first secured , liberty of conscience in matters of faith may be no more bought and sold either in england or ireland . this i speake not out of love to popery , hatefull to god and good men , but out of love to this truth that gives christ this honor to destroy the man of sin , by the word of his mouth , and brightnesse of his glory , it is permission then not a toleration is desired , as the best way also to a civill peace . * that is to say the councel of state , and the parliament , which if dissolved before security of a new election , may be dangerous . noah's dove with her olive-branch, or, the happy tidings of the abatement of the flood of england's civil discords as it was delivered in a sermon preached at preston in the county-palatine of lancaster on the 24th of may, 1660, being the publick day of thanksgiving for the restoring of his sacred and most excellent majesty, charles the second / by william cole ... cole, william. 1661 approx. 96 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33727 wing c5037 estc r40846 19506517 ocm 19506517 108910 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33727) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108910) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1684:1) noah's dove with her olive-branch, or, the happy tidings of the abatement of the flood of england's civil discords as it was delivered in a sermon preached at preston in the county-palatine of lancaster on the 24th of may, 1660, being the publick day of thanksgiving for the restoring of his sacred and most excellent majesty, charles the second / by william cole ... cole, william. [8], 36, p. printed by james cottrel, for nathanael webb ..., london : 1661. imperfect: stained, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -o.t. -isiah i, 25-26 -sermons. church and state -england -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion noah's dove with her olive-branch : or , the happy tidings of the abatement of the flood of england's civil discords . as it was delivered in a sermon preached at preston in the county palatine of lancaster , on the 24th of may , 1660. being the publick day of thanksgiving for the restoring of his sacred and most excellent majesty , charles the second . by william cole , batchelor of divinity , and minister of the gospel there . imaginem caesaris caesari redde quae in nummo est , imaginem dei deo quae in in homine est . tertul. de idololatr . london : printed by iames cottrel , for nathanael webb , at the kings head in st. paul's church-yard . 1661. to the right faithful , and truly honourable , patriot of his country , lover of his prince , and servant of his god , sir george booth , baronet . most worthy sir , it was the expression of varius geminus concerning caesar , that whosoever durst speak to him , ejus videatur ignorare , magnitudinem ; he that durst not , singularem ejus nesciat humanitatem . upon this consideration , as to your self , there hath been some suspense whether i should adventure these unpolished meditations upon your perusall and protection , whilst on the one hand that exemplary humility and humanity with which god hath brightned the rest of your perfections , hath invited me to ; on the other hand , the greatness and elevation of your state discouraged me from that enterprize . yet so fixed and prevailing , at the last , do the considerations of your nobleness , ingenuity , and candor prove , that here they lie at your feet ; if not to challenge approbation from you , yet at least , to pay the devotion of the author to your honourable name and person . had i sought the vain applause of men , i should not have communicated to the world my own imperfections , of which this tract cannot but be a discovery unto all : nor yet , had i sought my own advantage , should i have suffered these conceptions to have had a birth so late and unseasonable , as being indeed born out of due time ; being that a more early publication of those principles herein contained , might have been , perhaps , as effectual to prevent the losses , disappointments , and pre-occupate the credit of whispering reproaches , which i have since undergone , as the supposal and surmise thereof , have been in former years , to procure unto me h● small adversity from those present powers . but of the thing it self , and the exhibition of it now to publick censure and view , these are the grounds and reasons . since the preaching hereof , i have , with no little sadness of spirit , observed the impetuous torrent of most unmerciful reproaches , pouring out it self upon many pretious servants of iesus christ within this county , and indeed upon the whole body of them who labour under continued travels of soul , after necessary reformation in the house of our god. and according to the platform used by the churches enemies in the primitive ages of christianity , so also now the evil will of some persons endeavours to fasten upon us , the black imputations of disaffection , and disloyalty , and dissatisfaction with his majesties supremacie according to the law. of what consequences such disguises by uncharitable brethren , put upon us without our desert , may be , to the deprivation of us of our ministerial function , the dispossessing of us from any interest in the royal breast of his most excellent majesty , and the pre-possessing of the spirit of authority with prejudice against our humble expectations and prayers for such a settlement in the church as may comport in point of righteousness , with that establishment which now is in our state , your own apprehensions will readily suggest unto you . i must confess , i could hardly have believed that a clergy of so famous a fidelity to their allegiance , as that of this county hath been , in the worst of times , ever since any observation was possible to them of a designed invasion upon monarchical interest , that have so notoriously disavowed the titles and triumphs of usurpation , and so deeply suffered upon that account , should indeed and in earnest be thus misunderstood by any sort of men ; but that my self have so lately experienced the revival of that charge and calumny , and been prosecuted thereupon , with so much unseasonable and unreasonable fervour , as must necessarily arise either from a real perswasion , or a most inordinate passion . sir , it hath been and is my great honour and satisfaction , that i have some considerable acquaintance with those many orthodox , godly , and learned men , whom god hath set up as glorious lights and stars in this northern hemisphere : and i am bold to say , that what is in this paper , as to the sacred interest of our lawful present power , is the language , spirit , principle , and conscientious iudgement of them all , and dropt from the same spirit that ruleth in the hearts of these precious dispensers of the gospel . since these fatal circumvolutions , many stars of the greatest magnitude have finished their course ; such as herle , hollinworth , gee , and others ; and for the rest of us , i can say with knowledge , as tertullian speaks of the christians in his time , ad coelum suspicientes expansis manibus precamur pro imperatoribus vitam prolixam , imperium securam , domum tutam , exercitus fortes , senatum fidelem , populum probum , orbem quietum , quaecunque hominis & caesaris vota sunt . and if , by misconception , subordinate authorities shall yet please to frown upon us , we shall say with him , hoc agite , boni praesides , extorquete animam supplicantem pro imperatore . sir , let me adde , they are not few , nor small afflictions and losses which my self , and some others , have undergone now very lately , upon the account of our objected non-conformity , and our real desires to wait the royal pleasure of his sacred majesty in point of publique worship ; as also our willingness not to anticipate or pre-occupate the publique resolutions of state , by our own private determination of that controversie in our particular practise . we are under good hopes that the determination of those things ( which in their present posture may so easily be made the advantage of serving the particular spleens and passions of men , against many godly , and orthodox , and peaceable in the land ) will produce such a reformation and moderation as will issue in mutual satisfaction to all of indifferent perswasions . for my own part , although i do profess my self zealously affected to a common uniformity , provided it be bottom'd upon such foundations as do not carry in them just cause of dissent or discontent : yet i cannot but remember what tertullian speaks , when men do adimere libertatem religionis , & interdicere optionem divinitatis ; which he there calls elogium non religionis sed irreligiositatis . i know nothing , in our ecclesiastical affairs , but may with comfort and consent draw in the whole body into a common mediocrity , if the sober ventilation of controverted things might have place , and the passion , prejudice and opportunities of divided interests might be exploded . sir , you may be a blessed instrument for this happy composure . but hower it shall be , after all such passages , i publish this , that all men may see , that it was not the confidence of conformity with our principles , that was the foundation of our asserting of the royal interest ; that we bottom not our allegiance upon the comporting of authority with our iudgements ; that subjection is owned to be our duty , although we should fall under the most diametral opposition of civil laws and sanctions to our principles in the things of god ; that we will give submission to lawful powers , though we should suffer the deepest affliction by lawful powers , which yet we hope we shall never see . subjection to authority , and subjection to iesus christ , are not things of inconsistencie , but where christian profession is made up more of the dross of self-interest , then of the refined gold of the sanctuary . sir , i humbly beg your honours pardon for this accompt ; you are one of the healers of our breaches . you are able to take off the disguise is put upon us , by your own knowledge of our fidelity , when the work of the lord had little else to support it but prayers and tears ; you may stand as a mediator in the behalf of the church , for peace , and reformation , and moderation . that god that honours them that honour him , fill your heart more and more with his blessed grace & spirit , your soul with peace , your family with prosperity , your life with comfort , and your death with blessedness ; your memorial with the richest perfumes ; your example with a crowd of followers , who treading in your steps , may know how to confederate those two sacred interests of caesar and god. preston , octob. 31. 1660. your honours most humble , and most affectionate servant , w. c. noah's dove with her olive-branch . isaiah 1. 25 , 26. and i will turn my hand upon thee , and purely purge away thy dross , and take away all thy tinne . and i will restore thy iudges , as at the first ; and thy counsellors , as at the beginning . afterwards thou shalt be called , the city of righteousness , the faithful city . in the midst of those threats which are given forth from god by the prophet against israel , for the sin thereof , these words do interweave a promise of mercie . it 's calvin's observation on the text , that this is a constant method of god , in the prophecies of judgement to interlineate some comfortable promise , to give some lucida intervalla ; and that , ne de ecclesi● pror sus actum esse putent , ne terroribus fracti animos despondeant ; left his people should think he hath cast them off , ( a thing which he so much abhors the very apprehension of , rom. 11. 1. ) lest their hearts should faint under the hopelesness of deliverance . and indeed , however both the threats against , and present seizures of wrath upon a people , be lightly esteemed by the sons of ●elial , the seated sinners of this generation , whose brow hath brass , and whose heart hath steel enough toward off , and rebound from themselves any the most piercing arrow that is shot from the prophets , if not pointed and sharpened by that penetrating spirit of the almighty : yet upon them who tremble at the word of the lord , it works a necessity of some intermixed cordials . and my text is one . that mercy , that signal and capital deliverance which is promised here , and promised to be as the pregnant womb of many subordinate blessings , which were to have their birth upon the restauration of this , of it , the verses i have read give us to observe , 1. the manner of its production ; how it is brought to pass . and 1 ▪ therein is remarkable , god would bring it about at such a time ; and that time was the worst of times ; a time when rational conjecture would have said , neither shall people nor prince be any more . he that shall consider the resolution of the lord , heightned with some vehemencie of passion ( if i may so speak of that impassible blessed deity ) expressed vers . 24. and part of this , cannot but admire at the connexion of that with this ; i will ease me of my adversaries , i will turn my hand upon thee ; and i will restore , &c. yet thus it is the way of god to disappoint the fears of his people , when they are fed with the deepest discouragements ; to bring out the greatest hopes , when good and restoring , is in the greatest hazard : though we cannot make such a coherence and connexion to be sense , yet god can make it to be reason and experience , doth so in the text , and hath done it at this day . at the same time when he is irat●●s peccatis , he is propitius peccatoribus , as á lapide comments on the text. when one would think they had been smitten by god with an incurable blow , that they were even dropping into the pit , and the grave shutting its mouth upon all their glory for ever ▪ yet then , saith god , even then , when hope is lost , and expectation hath groan'd out its last , then i will restore thy iudges as at the first , and thy , &c. 2. god would bring this about by such means , in such a way , and by the influence of such things : and this is further remarkable in the text. these means are either 1. more remote ; he would do it by a sore and deep affliction . god his easing of himself , is the loading of the people with a burden that shall break their hearts , and cause the strongest axletrees of government to crush in pieces under it ; the little finger of his displeasure is heavier then the loyns of humane revenge ; and yet he will lay his hand , his whole hand upon them , and yet he will do it again and again : for so the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports , reducam & reversabo manum : and the whole is brought in with this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from god. ita fissores lignorum gravem daturi ictum , cum gemitu & suspirio eum eliciunt ; the blow shall be so grievous , that he himself shall as it were gather up all his spirits to set it home with the greatest violence ; so grievous , that when he doth but mention it , he cries out , alas , alas ! and wo unto the people when it falls . and yet by this deadly breach , the lord would binde them up : a strange course ! that that providence which tends in it self to their utter subversion , should be appointed to issue in their happy establishment ; that god should order that to contribute to their weal , which they could expect onely to contribute to their wo. but this is both usual and easie for that god , who can bring from evil , good ; from darkness , light ; from the eater , meat ; and glorious beings , from nothing , or from the most indisposed matter . he oftentimes saves a soul through the operation of affliction and unsettlement , as petrus de valdo ( from whom the waldenses ) was converted by a sudden judgement upon one of his company ; and therefore no wonder , if by it also , he can save a state. and indeed , where the happiness of people is wrapped up in their legal magistracie , and yet magistracie it self hath by violence or usu●pation been intercepted to a present fixing in some anticipating power , and this is that stroak with which god hath afflicted any people , in such a case , motion and unsettlement , is most probable to prove the means of restitution , authority having a natural tendency to its proper centre , and moving by instinct towards its legal fixation , when those inter capedixes juris , those stops and obstructions are withdrawn . but yet in the state of israel , distress and trouble after the revolt of the tribes under ieroboam , did not help but hinder deliverance , did not save but sacrifice the people to be the victims of divine revenge , till the assyrian had swallowed up both the usurping princes , and people too . and therefore in my text , 2. the more near and approximate medium of this mercie is affliction , not considered simply , and in its effects natural , but in its effects supernatural , and in its sanctification by god , vers . 25. i will thereby purely purge away thy dross , and take away thy tinne . the affliction of israel , as to its causual relation to , and influence upon this promised happy settlement , is not considered in the text , otherwise then as blessed by god to be the means of refining the people , and purging out the dross and tinne of corruption from their hearts . afflictions that make the object holy , make it happy ; where they work good in them , they work good for them ; where their fruit and issue is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there it is also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. 12. 11. the peaceable fruit of righteousness . otherwise they are but as physick , which through want of working rather hasteneth then hindereth death , rather kills then cures . should i have prophesied the issues of our sad calamities , by the observation of their effects upon the hearts of this people , finding what is observable in the growth of popery and profaneness , errour and unrighteousness to any common eye , what word of peace could any prophet have had from god , but that there have been some few , though the most despised and rejected of men , who have come out from great tribulations , and have washed their robes in the blood of the lamb , who have come out from our corrections , as gold from the fire , and as silver purified from the furnace ? and although the glory of the churches deliverance be no wayes impartable or divi●ble betwixt man and god ; yet let not those persons think they have any share or part in being the reason of this our present mercie , whose lives have not been bettered by their losses ; who have carried their wickedness , their lusts , their continued course of atheism and irreligion , their evil spirits along with them , through these evil times : that happiness of the nation . which perished by such mens sins , is not now reviving out of its ashes for such mens sakes . that effect which this displeasure of the lord hath had upon some , to humble , inform , convert , and draw their hearts to himself ; this hath been the way , and this onely can be the way , by which the shatterings of nations prosper to , and issue in their blessed settlement . it is usual for men who are really the greatest blocks in the passage of mercie , yet to challenge the greatest share in the honor of procuring it ; when yet it is sent by god in answer to the repentance and prayers of his people . so they usurp not upon the glory which is due to god himself , let me say , as mephibosheth to david , 2 ▪ sam. 19. 30. let them take all , for as much as my lord the king is come again to his own house . yet this i would have marked , that indeed the sanctified ones are those ten in sodom , for whose sakes the lord will not pour out his wrath , if found in it ; and that blessing in the vine , the new wine in the cluster , for whose sake , and for whose sake onely ( except for his own names sake ) isa. 65. 8. he will say , destroy it not . 3. god would so accomplish this , as that his own hand and power should be perspicuous and plain to have been the fountain of its accomplishment . i will restore thy iudges , vers . 24. thus saith the lord , i will restore . true it is , there is no effect falls out in the world , but what doth owe its origination and production to the concourse of providence , separating the action , as to its physical being , from the moral obliquity and irrectitude thereof , which is to be fastened upon its next and most approximate agent and principle : yet there are some things which are the more immediate refulgencies of the wisdom , power , and glory of the deity , the very finger of god himself . and such a work is this : if any shall ask , as amos 7. 2. by whom shall iacob arise ? for he is small : who shall repair the broken staff of government ? the text answers him in a voice from god , i will restore thy iudges , as at the first . the restitution of a kingdom to the rightful establishment of its state & government , is no smal , no easie work , is a work can be done by none but god. where usurpation hath possessed the throne , and by continuance hath grown up to a face of legal interest ; where the powers and strengths of interested parties , lies as an unmoveable block in the way of righteousness ; where the spirits of them that are cordially zealous to its restoring , yet lie at such distance each from other , by reason of controversies that are excentrical at least to common peace , and maintain such implacability , and unreconcile ableness , although bottom'd onely upon passions and mis-conceptions ; where the power of conscientious principles in christian loyalty , is to overcome the disobliging height , and heat , and animosity ( to say no worse ) of discontented persons ; where christians discharged of their duty to their natural prince , may run their comforts in gospel-things to a possibility of more or less diminution and eclipse : but especially , where magistracie , naked and unarmed of assistance , is to adventure its scepter upon the fidelity of forces too sadly vertiginous and given to change ; i say , here in such a case , yet to have such a deliverance brought to pass , this is the lords doing , and it is marvelous in our eyes . and thus much for the manner of the effecting of this deliverance . ii. the next thing in the text , is , the mercie it self ; and this for more perspicuity , i shall divide into three branches . 1. i will restore iudges and counsellors : there may be some variation and variety in the sense of these words . you may consider them three ways . 1. as importing some particular form and sort of government . the scripture sometimes distinguisheth betwixt the administration of government in the times of the judges , and in the times of the kings of israel , ruth 1. 1. 2 king. 23. 22. till saul and david's time , the children of israel were ruled by judges , and had no king over them . at that time the government was mixed of monarchy and aristocracie ; the principality was elective by the people and their parliament , i mean by the grand sanhedrim , the assembly of seventy elders , which may be understood in the text by the word counsellours , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the septuagint renders it ; it was not hereditary , but transmitted from families and tribes , as god raised up persons of singular activity and fitness , and as the people chose ; though sometimes ( as it usually falls out in all , but most of all in such kinde of states ) as ambition came to have confidence , power and opportunity , as you may read in iothams parable , in iudg. 9. nor was their power so great as that of the succeeding kings , but compared by menochius to the dukedom of venice . and thus this prophecie or promise seems to have had its accomplishment at the return from the babylonish captivity ; when the government ( till the roman invasion ) was some what like this in the hands of ezra , nehemiah , ioshua the sonne of iosedec , zerubbabel , and others . for though the scepter was departed from iudah , yet he had a law-give● ( though a magistracy of a baser metal ) betwixt his feet till shiloh came . i conceive this cannot be the sense of the text ; and my reason is , because , 1. there is no necessity to interpret the words judges and counsellors , as importing such a form . the fullest power of monarchical government being often expressed by this word , psal. 75. 7. god is the judge : and when absalom desires to be king in the room of his father , 2 sam. 15. 4. he speaks thus , oh! that i were judge : to omit other places , the word counsellors also may well be applied to the supreme authority and legislative power ; it being common in scripture for those commands of god which have the highest authority to enforce them , and his own decrees , to be expressed by this word , as may be seen in isa. 14. 27. isa. 23. 9. and counsellors may be as this sanhedrim afterwards was assistant to monarchy , besides others particularly chosen to it , as 1 chron. 27. 33. 2. and this sense would too much intrench upon that which was the authority settled by god in the family of david , and promised to continue in iudahs posterity until shiloh come . 3. nor was there ever any restoring thereof after the captivity in the exactness of that form by which it was contradistinguished from regal power formerly ; as might be instanced in divers particulars . 2. further then , the words may import government in its full administration and execution . you shall not only have authority supreme , but you shall have it fully executed . when iehoshaphat provided for the good of his people , he set up judges in all the cities , as 2 chron. 19. 8. and these were persons who for the ease and conveniency of the kingdom , were to be ready to see to the dispensation of right at the appointment of the soveraign power . the apostle peter makes a distinction betwixt those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , supreme authorities , and such as are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , magistrates sent and deputed by him : and thus counsellors may be understood as i mention'd before , either of the standing assembly of the seventy elders , or such persons as princes chose , out of a design to bottom their laws and government upon the deepest reason , most mature deliberation and sound advice . thus then the promise should be ; that as thou shalt have magistracy restored , so thy princes shall act by advice , and the law shall have its full administration in the hands of his deputies and subordinate judges . but this is not full to the purpose of this prophecie ; for the breach of israel was not the losse of these , but the losse of the supreme authority ; the kingdom was made base , and they had no strong rod to be a scepter to bear rule : this was their lamentation , ezek. 19. therefore lastly , 2. the words do import the restitution of government and magistracy it self ; not to lay any stress upon any particular form ; for though it is true that after the babylonish captivity the tribe of iudah and family of david recovered not the fullness of monarchical power and splendor , yet then the people had their legal , although not their regal magistracy . this saith god , i will restore , a lawful , righteous , fixed , settled authority ; i will set you free from the babylonish usurpations of the heathen , wherein you were vassels to a strange king , and servants to a people of a strange god . what the state of the people of the jews was during the seventy years captivity , as to this total abolition of their rightful princes , i need not open . but now , saith god , i will restore . and indeed such is the misery of anarchy , confusion , and want of government , that any form is better then none at all ; and a scepter , though in an unproper hand , is better then the sword , wars , and desolations : i say , better then none ; which may well apolog●ze for the submission to ( though dissatisfaction with ) usurped powers which hath been yeilded by good men in the time of the violent dispossession and disseisure of our rightful sacred principality . but , saith the lord , i will restore authority ; the rightfulness and legality thereof is more properly couched under the particle , thy , thy judges , and thy counsellors ; and this is the next . 2. a second branch of the promise , i will restore thy ] iudges , and thy ] counsellor● : this is no small part , though it be not the main and principal priviledge of the promise . take up the importance of it in these particulars . first , i will restore thee such princes as are thine , as being of thy own people ; the scripture speaks of it as a judgment upon a people from god , to be vassaliz'd to the power of foraign princes of a strange language , and of a strange god . the command of god in the law of the kingdom was , deut. 17. 15. that the king should be one from amongst their brethren ; they might in no wise set a stranger over them , which was not their brother : and 't is promised as a blessing , ier. 30. 21. their nobles shall be of themselves , and their governour shall proceed from the midst of them ; which though applicable to christ , yet is by others understood of the restoring of government after the captivity . this is a further discovery of this promised mercy , thou shalt lie under the power and be judged by the laws of the babylonish monarchs no more , but then i will restore the princes that are and ought to be of thy own religion , nation , language , people . secondly , i will restore thee princes such are thine , as being chosen , accepted , embraced , approved , rightfully established over thee , and sworn allegiance unto by thee ; thy rightful , lawful powers , such whose authority is thy birthright , comfort , satisfaction . the power and prevailing of persons over a people may produce a government : but it is not properly [ theirs ] unless it be that , and in the hands of such persons with which and with whom both right and law , justice and the indispensable free obligations and oaths of people are fully satisfied . what a people may do if free , and as the apostle speaks of a woman loosed from the law of her husband , rom. 7. by his death ( which properly cannot be said of the supreme magistracy , however under a present force ) is another case ; but in the interim the intrusion of the greatest persons into that sacred bed , is but the ravishment of the people ; and of such it may be said , as in that of christ to the woman , this which thou hast is not thy ] husband . how much the most powerful and fixed sword of usurpation , may under all the terrours it keepeth a people under , yet lie under the secret disownings , nauseatings and disgusts thereof by them , i need not open to you , whose hearts have been for many years exercised under that affliction , and whose many days of prayer and fasting for deliverance , have shewn the reality of such dislikes in your own experiences . and yet i do not think that the propriety and title of kings is dependent on the approbation , oathes and covenants of their people , the title of authority being as it was with israel , as it is with us . god hath not left a people liberty to carve out the model of their own authority , and take it up , or cast it off as their own reason or passion shall dictate to them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as plutarch speaks , meddle not with them ; the duty of allegiance to supreme powers is not that which hangs upon the unfixed and wavering principles of humane choice : for so there should be as many sorts of kings , as israel had of gods , and as many sorts of governments , as distemper'd brains could fancie to themselves . the title of ieroboam was not the better for the unanimous consent of the ten tribes in that revolt . you inherit as much reason to preserve your princes , as you do by descent to possess your patrimonies . and therefore , thirdly , i will restore thee princes such as are thine by designation from god ; whether accepted or not accepted by thee , yet if they come with a mission and unction from god in the active and approbative influx of his will , this is a mercy for thee ; not he whom the people shall chuse ( for the people chose absalom , and outed david ; chose ieroboam , and rejected the son of solomon ) but he whom god shall chuse . and lastly , i will restore thee princes that shall be thine , as being such as seek not thine but thee , such as do possess that honour , splendor , power and greatness not for themselves but for thee : such as seek thy good and not their own greatness , thy profit and not their own praise . and surely this is a blessing to purpose ; and then indeed thy princes may be called thine , when their magistratical interest is wholly for peoples benefit and advantage . 3. the last branch of the mercy , i will restore thy judges as at the first , and thy magistracy as at the beginning . this is the upshot of all . the question is , to what time the prophet relates in those expressions , at the first , and at the beginning . it may refer either to that time when israel began to be a distinct people from the rest of the nations , and grown up to be a considerable body , having overgrown the notion of a family , or a colony only ; and that was when god fetched them out of egypt , and set them under the government of moses and ioshua after him ; or when israel began to be a distinct kingdom , in the time of david and solomon . it is not much material which of these ways you understand it : because i conceive the design of the words herein is not so much to point out some exact platform of the kind and sort of magistracy , as it is to hold forth , 1. the qualification of the persons that god doth promise shall weild the scepter of authority : they shall be such as moses and ioshua , and david , and solomon . 2. the right of such persons to possess the crown ; having a respect to that captivity in which the people for seventy years shoul lie under the tyranny of usurped powers . and so the whole of this promise is , when i have by afflicting thee purged away the dross of thy sin , then i will restore the settlement of authority in its rightful hands , to whom by the institution and appointment of god it appertains ; and thy princes shall be such as was moses and ioshua , and my servant david . and then this promise had its full accomplishment in the government of ezra , ioshua , zerubbabel , and others , though not in that fullnesse of outward pomp and glory as before . and so much for the second part of the text. 3. lastly , the words set before you that influence of this mercy upon the people , upon the account whereof it is a mercy of so great and precious value . afterwards thou shalt be called a city of righteousness , the faithful city . in these last words is considerable : first , what shall be the effect of that government so restored by god. it shall have this influence upon the people , that , 1. they shall become a city of righteousness and faithfulnesse : a city or people in which dwells righteousnesse , justice , to men , holinesse to god , truth and faithfulnesse ; the very face and countenance of such a government shall cause errour , wickednesse , prophanesse , falsenesse and deceitfulness to wither away , what rooting soever it have got in this interregna , in this time of the destruction or usurpation of authority . and 2. they shall not only so become , but so be called , they shall be taken notice of as a people eminent and famous , and remarkable for justice , truth and holinesse , and all this by the influence of such a restored magistracy . and then secondly , the words import , this to be as the effect and ●ssue of this deliverance ( as appears in that expression afterwarde , when this comes to passe ) so also the crown and glory , and perfection of it ; this is that in which thou shalt receive the greatest good by 〈…〉 of thy lawful princes , that their authority shall be influential and successful to make thee become , and be called , the city of righteousnesse . the whole of these words being thus opened , i shall set before you out of that abundance which the text affords , onely three considerations p●●tinent and proper to the occasion of this thanksgiving , and such as will comprehend in them the main importance of the text. it is a choice and singular mercy to any kingdom , nation or people , when ( especially after a breach made upon it ) god doth restore to them such a government and authority as was that of moses , ioshua , david and solomon to his people israel . the work of this day is to triumph in the lord and his goodness upon this very reason ; god his restoring our judges as at the first , and our counsellors as at the beginning . and therefore i shall but cast in these considerations as to the truth of this observation , each of which carries light enough to evidence the point , but all together do shine with such beams of demonstration , as may not only convince the judgment , but even sets the heart in flames of affection , transported with an holy joy ; when blessed by god with such a deliverance , and at such a time . consider therefore , 1. if god do restore to a people such a government as was that of moses , ioshua , david and solomon , then they have [ a government ] and authority settled over them . they do not lie common each to other , to become the arbitrary preys of power and violence . i know this consideration comes not fully up to what may be expected to be spoken ; yet it 's a blessing of no small concernment for a people to have a government fixed over them . what the apostle paul speaks of the gospel , however in the ministry of evil principled or unduly officed men , phil. 1. 18. however christ is preached ; the same i may translate to this case : however the undue administration or fixation of civil powers may sadden the hearts of the people of god , yet in that condition it is some allay , that however magistracy is kept up , and the reins are not left in the neck of the unruly multitude . when the author of the book of iudges ( whom some would suppose to be samuel , other hezekiah , and other ezra , &c. ) would set forth the sad estate of israel , the expression is considerable , iudg 21. 25. in those days there was no king in israel . i do not suppose that text or the other in that book , where the same thing is expressed , to point at the want of a regal form of magistracy , ( for neither in those days nor in any former days till after , had there been any such constitution with that people ) but to signifie those intervals and interregna that fell out betwixt the times of their judges , when there was no magistracy at all . and in those days , when there was no king , there was no peace , there was no justice , there was no religion in a sort , but every man did what was right in his own eyes . consul● but a little the cases therein expressed , to which your marginal notes and quotations upon that text have reference . judg. 17. 5. in those days there was no king in israel : and what then ? the man micah had an house of gods , and made an ephod , and consecrated one of his sons to be his priest ; people set up their worship as pleased the liberty of a perverted judgment and erronious conscience . judg. 18. 1. there was no king in israel ; and what then ? the danites take the boldness to make rapes upon their brethren , and to cut out an inheritance by the length of their swords . judg. 19. 1. there was no king in israel ; and what followed ? the men of gibeah do force the levites concubine , and most shamefully abuse her even unto death , and justifie the action , with the concurrence of all the tribe of benjamin in the defence of that horrid wickedness . these are fruits , but not the tenth part of the fruits of anarchy and confusion ; when god threatens the pouring out of his wrath upon israel , he tells them in hos. 3. 4. they shall abide many days without a king , and without a priest , and without an ephod ; which some apply to the time of the captivity , others to the days of antiochus , and some to this present state of that people since the time of christ. it is indeed observed by tertullian as the misery of that people , dispersi palabundi , coeli & soli qui exterres vagantur per orbem , sine homine sine deo rege , without either god or man to be their king. and however rabbi benjamin in his itinerary lately have attempted to publish their places of abode and formes of government ; yet the world knows , that the scepter is departed from that people , and that they live under the powers and pleasures of others , subjected to the laws to which their wandring estate upon the earth doth bring them in several states , principalities and kingdoms . seneca calls government the very vital spirits of a commonwealth , ipsa nihil per se futura nisi onus & praeda , si mens imperii subtrahatur ; she her self would be nothing else but a burden to her self , and a prey to others , if once she had expired the soul of government . and therefore the restitution hereof is a choice and singular mercy to any kingdom . but more , 2. if god do restore a kingdom to such a government as that of moses , ioshua , david and solomon , then they are restored to a legal , rightful and just government and authority . those persons were just and lawful princes , such as came to the scepter by a warrant from god. i need not stand upon the proof of that ; they were not such as mounted the throne by wickedness and force , nor compassed the crown by falshood or flattery ; they did not pawn their consciences , and stain their reputation , as tertullian speaks of some in his time , propter unius anni volaticum gaudium , for the fleeting glory of a short time ; but they were sent of god. nor shall i need to open by what ways , and upon what foundations magistracy comes to be rightfully and with justice settled in any person . he that would have satisfaction in that point , i shall desire him but to do his own understanding that right as to consult and ponder that renowned and elaborate tractate of our reverend neighbour , mr. edward gee , about usurped powers , printed and published in the worst of times , with no lesse boldnesse of his blessed soul for god and the vindication of his people , then it was pen'd with laboriousnesse , judgment and depth of solid reason . but that which i shall set before you , is the unvaluable blessings of a magistracy sent , approved , and warranted , and justified by god himself . to clear up this , let me set before you but a little of what i might say as to the evil of usurpation upon authority . first , usurpers in magistracy usually fall most foul upon god and the interest of religion , either imposing and enforcing corrupt and wicked innovations upon the people , or else supporting a wretched toleration of a boundlesse liberty . see for this the practice of ieroboam ( for i speak of such kingdoms and principalities as have the knowledge and worship of the true god , or jesus christ whom he hath sent . ) no sooner was he setled in that throne which of right belonged to the son of solomon , but the whole course of sacred worship is changed , and golden calves set up at bethel in stead of god ; and this thing became a sin to israel that was inexpiable . and indeed usurpation contracts upon its self a sort of necessity of this wickednesse . it is one of the rules and principles of machiavil , about persons that invade the regal power , in id unice intendat oportet ut sicut ipse novus princeps est , it a in suo principatu innovet omnia ; that they be sure of this , to bring an innovation of all things else , together with the mutation and change of government . what such powers and persons do observe , may tend to gratifie and please the people , or at least the most active , stirring and tumultuous part of it ( for such usually is that part which is the most corruptly principled ) or may lay the greatest foundations for their own possession of their unjust authority ; this is that pole-star by which usurpation steers its course . and therefore wo unto thee , thou sacred and blessed interest of truth and true religion , when such disseisures are made of lawful powers , who need not the assistance of such cursed contrivances , machiavilian plots , and debauched consciences to support them . and no marvel if usurpation be at least the fountain of a boundless toleration , since erronious spirits , though the most hateful enemies to a just authority , yet are the fastest friends and fittest instruments for arbitrary powers , as being principled to own or approve any authority only as it is fitted to countenance and support their way ; being not of that antient christian spirit ( of which tertullian speaks ) of fidelity to princes never so opposite to christianity . secondly , usurpation in magistracy brings a snare upon the people as to their obedience and subjection . alas ! what woful troubles , what scruples to conscience , what wracking and tentering of invention and understanding , to finde out nice and subtle distinctions and evasions , doth this produce ? for although the imposition and command of sinful and unlawful things be possible to the most approved and sacred powers , yet it is generally an inseparable adjunct of any ones violent intrusion into supremacy , as might be proved at large both in profane and sacred story , and might be demonstrated from the very interest of usurpation . upon this ground , how many both priests and people were forced either to quit their conscience , or to quit their house and home and all they had , you may read in the case of ieroboam , in 2 chron. 11. 16. and upon this ground , in the imposition of engagements , oaths , fasts and thanksgivings , some in this congregation what they have suffered know abundantly . but besides all this , there lies no small difficulty upon the people of god , as to obedience of unlawful powers in even lawful things : what conflicts of the soul betwixt the goodness and necessity of the action , on the one hand , inducing and perswading to the acting of it ; and betwixt the illegality of the power that commands it , on the other hand , and the unwillingness of any sober spirit to do even good it self to the strengthening of the hands and claim of violence ! for my part , i shall wish we may rather never have occasion to be put to experience and try , then any more to be exercised under such temptations . but such is the fate and state of usurped powers as to the case of people . thirdly , usurpation in magistracy deprives a people of the liberty and opportunity of discharging their real , and their confessed duty to their lawful prince and soveraign . surely christians , this is no small affliction . princes and legal powers when under bondage , banishment or other separation from their people , may look with a troubled eye upon them ; but alas , the people themselves do feel no less affliction and smart in that divorce then they . it is as irksome to a christian people to be forced from their lawful powers , as it is for them to be forced from their people . i know no interest that hath deeper impression upon the conscience and spirit of the people of god , under and below their devotion to god himself , and the happiness of their precious souls , then their reverence and obedience , affection and fidelity to the majesty of their prince . and however the misunderstandings or other fatal providences betwixt them and their lawful princes , may sometimes by the righteous judgment of god , as it hath lately been with us , produce the distance of each from other ; yet when the honest and rational ends of men have been abused to the injury and wrong of the supreme authority , it is not unobserved by every common understanding , how much those rapes and violences have sat upon the spirits of the godly in this land , to their deep affliction and grief , and the producing of those fervent , frequent fasts and prayers which have been answer'd from heaven , as we now see . whilest a people therefore have so much of grace , godliness and fidelity left as not to prostitute themselves to the lust of usurpation , and not to take a present suspension of their political husbands power and presence for a dissolution of their matrimonial bond , and liberty to admit invaders into that virgin undefiled bed ( which is a more gross adultery then that of a wife from her husband , unless endured by force and ravishment ) i say , whilst this is so , what can we imagine of such a people , in such dismal violent separations , but that they sit solitary as a widow that hath none to comfort her ? when it shall be treason , death , destruction , what not ? so much as to preach or pray for their natural lords , nay , to mention their very names with any mark of honour , respect or reverence . fourthly , usurpation in magistracy commonly proves the extirpation of the ministry , in christian states and kingdoms , amongst a people that worship the true god. this is visible enough under the tyranny of ieroboam , 2 chron. 11. 14. wherein the levites either left their possessions or lost their integrity , and flock'd in such numbers to ierusalem from all their cities . i know it is possible for the ministers of christ to lie under deep affliction , even under lawful powers ; and although we are active and laborious to promote the resettlement of his sacred majesty , a thing of so indisputable an obligation upon us all , yet we are not without the pre-conception and foresight of the evil use which evil men may make of this deliverance , to vassallize and persecute the dearest of the truths , ordinances and interests , and ministers of jesus christ. yet in usurped powers there lies a kind of fatal necessity of persecution against such . for besides that obligation which lies upon usurped powers to serve the satisfactions of such a clergy as have been the stirr●p to help them to mount the saddle of authority ; the very truth of god , which is and ought to be in the mouth of his faithful prophets , that ( be sure ) never speaks good of or to either wicked or usurping princes , is a continual torture and vexation to their spirits , a continual dissettlement and disquiet to their power . i know the intermeddling of us with matters of state hath been mightily cried against , as a thing out of the commission of the ministers of the gospel ; as if we were not as well to preach against the sins of great as small , of powers as of the people under them . when ieroboam had set up his idols , the prophet ( and he was sent of god ) cried out to his face against his idols and idolatry , oh altar , altar , 1 king. 13. although it was the grief of ahab , yet it was the grace of elijah in a right sense , that he was the man that troubled israel , that set his face and sharpned his ministry against the wickedness of that idolatrous usurper . when the prophet amos speaks the truth of god against the house of ieroboam , the land cannot bear his words ; and if he will prophecie any more , he must flee to the land of iudah , where his lawful and natural prince was , but no more in bethel , for it was the chappel , house and kingdom of the usurper , amos 7. 10 , 12. the truth is , if the ministers of the gospel do as they ought to do , publish freely the mind of god against the horrid encroachments are made upon magistracy by force and violence , or if they have not a freedom to take all such engagements , oaths and promises as are imposed upon them to the renouncing of the just authority of their legal princes , the very interest of usurpation is bound up and concerned in the extirpation of such ; and of this my self and many others have had too sad and ample experience . certainly never did nation know more fearful vexations , more scornful contempts , more treasonable charges against , more horrid abuses , more universal dislocations of the most godly ministers , and more magisterial lordings over them in the work of their callings , then we have done , since the fatal blow was given in 164● to our sacred and supreme authority . i know these are unwelcome and unpleasing things to insist upon ; and therefore i shall trouble you with no more then this : lastly , usurpation shall not prosper ; kingdoms and principalities bottom'd upon bloud , rapine and injustice shall shortly expire themselves , and have the hand of vengeance against them , be they never so strong , potent and magnificent . it was not long before every man that pissed against the wall was cut off from the race of ieroboam , 1 king. 14. 10. 1 king. 15. 29. baasha left not any of his house that breathed ; nor had baasha's posterity any long possession of the crown , 1 king. 16. 10. for zimri a captain of his army smote and slew him . and had zimri peace who slew his master ? 2 king. 9. 31. or had the family of iehu any durable possession of that crown which they unjustly as to themselves , although justly as to god took off from the head of ahab ? no , usurpers have ever this fate attending their principality , that by their own justification of force upon their lawful soveraigns , they have left that example of liberty to men , that in no long time proves the cut-throat and destruction of their own authority ; and that principle and power which dispossessed the rightful , proves as effectual to dispossess the wrongful and invading magistracy . how fully hath this been evidenced in our times , and days , may be fully seen by the practices and declarations of some persons whom i forbear . you may say , the non-prospering of usurpation is good : better so by much , then to have it fix and settle . true , and so say i also , as i marked before . such fleeting of the scepter when placed illegally , is the most hopeful way of its fixation in its natural basis ; and therefore i would advise discomposed states to keep on foot such a variation of authority as to forme , or persons , as the best way of issuing the dissettlement in a retrogradation to the peoples common interest and satisfaction . but yet such grand mutations are not without their sad and severe impressions upon the peoples good , peace and quietness . and therefore when god shall restore to a people their rightful power and authority , and free them from these inseparable evils of usu●pation , this is a mercy of no small obligation and advantage . 3. if god do restore to a people such a government as that of moses , ioshua , david , and solomon , then they have government vested in the hands of them who are good and holy , and such as the lord delighteth in . such persons , and princes of such blessed tempers , may well be ( as was said of titus ) deliciae humani generis , the darlings and delights of all the people . i shall not largely run over the story of those authorities ; but shall set before you some remarkable things of them . 1. they were such as ruled in righteousness . david would not have the floor of araunah , no , not to build an altar on to the lord. unless he might pay him the value of it , 2 sam. 24. 24. of the children of israel did solomon make no bondmen , 1 king. 9. 22. but preserved them in the possession of those rights which god had given them , lev. 25. 39. and such was the administration of his power , that the whole earth sought unto him to hear his wisdom , 1 king. 10. 24. to enumerate the particular acts of righteousness in these princes , would be too long , the sacred story affords you abundant satisfaction . true it is , the best of saints have a spot in their chronicle , and the best of kings are liable to have their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some rash and inconsiderate actions , to let them and those that dei●ie them know they are but men . such were those two acts of david about urijah , and the other about mephibosheth , in an evil advised , misconceiving of his loyalty , because he went not with him in his departing from ierusalem , although he had more affection to his king then ziba that wretchedly misreported him to get his estate . but the general administration of their powers was such , that the rights of people had a sweet encrease , and peaceable growth under the shadow of their wings , and the blessed influences of their authorities . 2. they were such as ruled in mercy . medean●ur morbis non indigenentur ●grotis , saith masius in his observations upon ioshua's speech to achan : and tacitus tells us , a good prince non poenâ semper , sed saepius poenitentia contentus esse debet , should take more satisfaction in the penitency then the punishment of transgressors ; and with antoninus pius , conclude it more his honour to save one citizen then to destroy a thousand enemies . it is the saying of seneca , principi non minus turpia multa supplicia , quam medi eo multa funera : and besides the natural beauty of clemency and mercy in supreme authorities , all politicks inform us it is no less the pleasure of the people , then it is the preservation of the prince . non sic excutiae nec circumstantia tela quam tutatur amor . what a remarkable president of this was that blessed david , 2 sam. 19. 22. when he looked upon the sons of zerviah as his enemies for counselling him to destroy that shimei who had cursed him in the day of his flight ? and raised up amasa who was general of the host of absalom his rebellious son , to be captain of his own army continually in the room of ioab , 2 sam. 19. 13. by which carriages he bowed the heart of all the men of iudah to him as one man , so that they sent word to the king , return thou and all thy servants . this is a president worth the deepest consideration of such kings who have been forced from their throne as david was . ignoscere pulchrum est jam misero poenaeque satis vidisse precantem : and so it comes to pass as is the observation of bias , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fear not more their prince , then they are solicitous for his good , and afraid of evil to befal him . 3. they were such as preferred the peoples good above their own , their subjects were more dear unto them then their scepter , their kingdom then their crown . when ioshua divided the land for the inheritance of the people , it is remarkable he kept not a foot of it for himself , nor had he any but what the children of israel gave him , ioshua 19. 49. and when they put him , as masius judges , by the advice of eleazar the high priest to ask for himself , he fixed upon a very mean and contemptible place , so mean that st. hierom speaks in his epitaph of parlea , that she was amazed when she came to the tomb of joshua , quod ipse possessionum omnium distributor montana sibi & aspera loca delegisset , had ask'd for himself such a mountainous and mean possession in comparison of that of others . no less remarkable is that of david , 2 sam. 24. 17. let thy hand be against me and against the house of my fathers ; but as for these sheep , what have they done ? and moses , exod. 32. 32. who would rather wish to be blotted out of the book of god , then that his wrath should break out against the people . such princes are indeed not princeps but patres , the fathers of their countries , and do exercise as seneca calls it , potestatem patriam . but further , 4. they were such as were zealous for god and godliness , set and sharpned the edge of their royal sword against sin and wickedness . how passionately zealous in the cause of god was moses , when he sees the idolatry of the people ? how earnest in his adjuring and exhorting the people to stick fast to their religion before he went up to neb● to dye there ? ioshua could not 〈…〉 till first he had engaged the people to god in a sole●● covenant . josh. 24. david he fetched up the ark of the lord to ierusalem , and bought a place for the future temple of it , and solomon he built it an house . quis mente sobrius regibus dicat , saith st. aug. nolite curare in regno vestro à quo tueatur vel oppugnetur ecclesia domini vestri ? quis velit esse religiosus vel sacrilegus ? this is the glory and excellency of princes , that as they are gods , and gods vicegerents upon earth ; so nothing should be more sacred to them then the interest of truth , and power of godliness ; and what mercy greater can befal a people then such a magistracy ? for if the delirium regis , the miscarriage of the prince do cause such punishments on the whole body ; if the excellency and glory of any government lie in the serviceableness thereof to promote and honour truth and godliness , to discountenance and discourage errour and prophaness ; if ( as generally it is ) an holy prince makes an happy people : how great then is this mercy , when god shall restore thee such judges as at the first , and such counsellors as at the beginning ? but to conclude , 5. they were such , as what they were , the same they continued to be till the end of their race , till death it self made their sacred heads to stoop to its impartial stroke . indeed in the latter days of solomon , there arose some cloud upon the splendor of his former government , occasion'd by the influence of his idolatrous wives upon him , so hazardous a thing it is for kings to marry the daughters of a strange god ; but yet he recovered himself from that declination , and rose up to as great an altitude of holiness and zeal for god as ever formerly , when his own experience had enabled him to pen the book of ecclesiastes . moses , and ioshua , and david , their care of their people lived till they died ; and what they were at first , they were till the very last in their personal graces and profitable government . it is usual for kings to begin their dominion with more acceptance then to continue it ; mitissima sors est regnorum sub rege novo . that , quinque unium neronis , is famous in that story of the roman caesars ; for so long , none so good ; for ever after , none so vile and wicked . true it is , that greatness is a sad temptation to put the best of men upon exorbitances ; aeneas sylvius in the council at basil contended stifly against the pope ; when he got that chair himself , he was no more aeneas sylvius . i shall not need to lay open the disadvantages of vertue that fall upon princes when peaceably setled in the throne : the lord i hope will give us to see the piety and integrity , the moderation and clemency , the unalterable zeal to the protestant cause , the fixed detestation of debauchery and prophaness , the right understanding and apprehension of the principles and deportments of honest men ( however now aspersed ) all these , and more then these precious pearls in the imperial crown of his sacred majesty , shall yet keep their orient lustre and unspotted brightness , notwithstanding what attempts may be made by temptation to eclipse them , or shadow off their vital influence from the people . such princes were these , who were the older , better ; the longer they lived , the more deeply did they love their people , and the more dearly were they loved by them , and went to their graves with common lamentation . 4. i might add , if god do restore to a people such a government , then their government is vested in the hands of such as have parts and abilities from god for the fitting of them to manage their authority . god had put of the spirit of government upon moses and ioshua , and david , and the whole earth came to hear the wisdom of solomon . he himself that had had the experience of what was necessary for the ruler of such a people , cries out , eccles. 10. 16. wo unto thee , o land , when thy king is a child , viz. for wisdom , soberness , judgment and understanding ; and to the same purpose is isa. 3. 4 , 5. but i shall conclude this with this observation : as the giving to a people of such a government is a blessing , so the restoring of it is much more ; for so the text speaks , i will restore , or i will cause to return , as the word imports , thy judges as at the first , &c. i have touched at some inconveniences of the force that may fall out upon legal , gracious , rightful authorities ; and what woful effects do attend such violences and usurpations ; and therefore shall add no more . but in such a day as this , when god doth not only give , but restore , and cause to return , a separated husband to the bosom of his disconsolate wife , a banished father to the arms of his long-lamenting children : but , i say , in such a day , and such a day is this , oh! how obliging is that deliverance ; how full and fat , and fruitful a mercy is this ? i will restore thy judges as at the first , &c. and so much shall serve for that observation . the excellency and the choicest chiefest blessing of authority is , when it hath an influence upon such persons as live under it , to make them eminent for righteousness and holiness . this is that which the text sets down , as the chiefest ornament of the imperial diadem , the crown and glory of princes , and that which procureth the greatest good and benefit of the people . afterwards thou shalt be called , the city of righteousness , the faithful city . i shall hasten to a conclusion , and therefore shall set before you onely these three demonstrations of this principle . i know upon what foundations the most of men do build up their joys , in the restitution of authority ; some upon the outward pomp and grandeur of such kingdoms , some upon the hopes of raising themselves and their estates and fortunes by them , some upon the perswasion of the harmony is betwixt their princes and them in matters of judgment , and the advantage thereby to promote and impose their principles about religion and the things of god ; too many whose triumphing is bottom'd not so much upon the righteous establishment of the throne , as upon their own bewitching dreams and pleasant fancies of revenge , and of opportunities thereby to pour out their wrath upon the people of their hatred ( such injury dare wickedness do to sacred powers , as thus to imagine it to furnish their lusts with strength and opportunity ; such an horrid aspersion dare men , some unhappy men , cast upon the glorious scepter of majesty . ) and they are not few who this day are therefore blessing god because the iron-rod of usurpation is shiver'd to pieces , and the scepter is restored to its rightful tribe ; whatever shall be the issue , yet thus it should be , thus the lord would have it be . yet christians , let me add that this , this is that topmost branch of the glory of princes , when they are instrumental to make their people a city that is eminent for righteousness , truth and holiness . that i may shut up your understandings under the conviction of this truth , take but these demonstrations of it . 1. that is the glory and crown of magistracy , which in the attainment of it , is the principal end of its institution by god. the suitableness of things to the cause and reason of their beings , and when they are effectual to the production of the work , for which and for nothing else they were created , appointed or raised up by god , this is the glory , this the beauty of them . the institution of the ministry of the gospel , is in order to the begetting of faith , rom. 10. is for the perfecting of the saints , and the building up of christs body , ephes. 4. and therefore the apostle concludes that the influence of his apostleship upon the thessalonians suitable to this reason for which he was sent by god , this was his glory and his crown of joy , 1 thes. 2. 20. true it is that the choicest instruments are not always bless'd with the real production of that which is the end of their ordination and appointment ; the prophet isaiah complains , that he had laboured in vain , and spent his strength for nought : but where there is a disposition , frame and spirit in such persons suitable to the end of their institution , a labouring and wrastling for the effecting thereof , so that the frustration ariseth not from the carelesness , unsuitableness , indisposition of the persons imployed in such an office , but from the wilfulness , unflexibleness , hardness of the object , there and in such a case , though israel be not gather'd , yet such persons in the eyes of god are glorious , isa. 49. 5. as thus it is in the case of ecclesiastical , so also in that of civil powers and ordinances . while men are so taken up in the consideration of magistracy , i would wish them to ponder , for what end and reason it was that ever such an ordinance or thing was appointed by god. and let me freely speak it , this in the text was the end thereof , that the societies of men might have truth and justice , righteousness and holiness running down as a mighty stream in the midst of them . when god raised up moses , what was his work but this ? numb . 11. 12. carry my people , this people of the lord in thy bosom , as the father doth the sucking-child . rom. 13. he is the minister of god to thee for good , to be a terrour to evil doers , but a praise to them that do well . isa. 49. 22. thy kings sometimes shall be , and ever should be thy nursing-fathers , and queens thy nursing-mothers . this was the glory of constantine in lactantius , thou art he , saith he , qui prim●● romanorum principum repudiatis erroribus majestatem dei veri & singularis & cognovisti & honor●sti . princes are not raised up to serve themselves , or live in the pomp and pleasure of this life , much less to serve the lusts of their people , and patronize the atheism and irreligion or false religions of their subjects . it is a most cursed reflection upon the honour of our soveraign , that the practice of so many men takes now the liberty to break out in such a violent stream and torrent of prophaness , that men begin to be daring and bold in their oaths , and drunkenness , their may-pole horrid and heathenish idolatries , their prophanation of sabbaths and contempt of ordinances ; that popery and the grandest factors for that interest do lift up their heads with so much imperiousness , as if the restoring of our government to its proper chanel would be the justification or allowance of these or any of these impieties . alas , christians , curse not the king , no not in your thoughts ; do not apprehend things so injurious and reflecting upon his sacred crown and dignity . the end of his royal power is the punishing , suppressing , restraining of all such cursers , swearers , drunkards , sabbath-breakes , the lifting up of the happiness and peace of the holy and righteous , and peaceable in the land , whom you despise , scorn , reproach and trample under your feet . and therefore the lord forgive those of you that talk most of your affection to his sacred majesty , and yet do thus conceive and represent him by your practise , to the blackest staining of that princely honour and esteem , which should be sacred amongst all people . to propagate , preserve and prosper righteousness truth and holiness in their dominions , this is the end of magistracy , this is the beauty , the most orient perfection in the imperial diadem : and upon this foundation it is that the glory of constantine , iustinian , and other christian princes hath been raised up to such a lasting fabrick , as stands still to this day undefaced in their sacred monuments . when iob a person and prince of great authority gives an account of the right administration of his power , iob 29. he tells us , he delivered the poor that cryed , the fatherless and him that had no helper ; the blessing of him that was ready to perish came upon him , and he caused the widows heart to sing for joy ; he was eyes to the blind and feet to the lame ; he brake th● jaws of the wicked , and pluck'd the prey out of his teeth . and thus , and by this means his glory was fresh upon him . how blessed a thing is it thus , when it may be truly spoken of our supreme authority , as it is by pontius diaconus concerning cyprian in the management of his ecclesiastical power , nulla vidua reversa est sinu vacuo , nullus indigens lumine non illo comite directus est , nullus nudus auxilio de potentioris manu non illo tutore protectus est ! for to this end hath god raised them up , and set them as the sun in their respective worlds , to communicate to truth and holiness , justice , and whatsoever hath a moral or theological excellency and goodness in it ; the whole emanations of their light and influences . the author of the records of the life of st. cyprian , tells us that he that at that time was to be bishop of carthage , had need to be such an one , qui doceret poenitentiam lapsos , veritatem haereticos , unitatem schismaticos ; and therefore concludes upon the fixing of him in that imployment , benè , benè tunc & verè spiritualiter contigit quod vir tam necessarius tam bonis rebus ● martyrio delatus est : happy was that providence that saved such an hopeful person , fitted for such a necessary , holy work . i may truly say , that that sacred person whom god hath re-invested in the throne of these kingdoms , had need be such an one , and more then such , as having not onely a collapsed , and disjoynted , and disordered church , but divided and disparted state to set in order ; and therefore need to be such an one as cyprian was , ingenii spiritualiter temperati qui inter resultantes collidentium fluctus iter medium librato limite gubernaret . i remember iustinian the emperour in one of his letters to mennas patriarch of constantinople , tells him that the end of his office as imperator was this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to keep the faith of christ from being perverted , and the friends of christ ( for in those elder times the name of the church was not appropriated to the clergy ) from being persecuted ; and he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made it our principal care , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for which cause onely we are satisfied , we are both put and prospered in the possession of this throne . this then being the end , the pursuit hereof is the excellency of all power and principality . 2. that is the glory and crown of magistracy , which is , and tendeth to the greatest happiness of the people that live under their government and authority . he is the minister of god to thee for good , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . rom. 13. 4. it is not unsuitable for christian ears that saying of metellus numidicus a roman censor ; dii immortales plurimum possunt , sed non plus velle nobis debent quam parentes ; the gods may do more , but they should not desire more good and profit to their people then their princes should . and it was no small part of the reason of the deifications of many of the heathens gods , that they had contributed some remarkable benefit to their people . the jews themselves will mourn if a ruler dye or be afflicted that loved their nation , and built them a synagogue . the sun it self is more glorious , not so much by that light it hath , but gives , and communicates to this dark be-nighted globe in which we live . it is no unusual thing for the fondest people to deal with their magistrates as the frogs in the fable with their king , when they prove or by prejudicate vulgar opinion come to be mistaken , as unprofitable , or destructive to common benefit . i would not have the people to be the censors of the manners or deportment of their princes , so as to suck in the apprehensions of the discharge of their allegiance upon the supposed inconsistency of their authority with common good : but however it hence is manifest that the glory of their motion in that orb of supremacy in which they are fixed by god , depends upon their beneficial communications to the real welfare and happiness of those that are concerned in the fatal effects of their conjunctions , aspects or eclipses . let me add then , that your greatest benefit you can reap by any authority over you , is this in the text , when by the influence of that power you become a city of righteousness , holiness and truth , having thereby the free distribution of justice amongst all , and the full establishment of truth in doctrine , purity in worship , and an encouraged justified holiness in all that profess the name of god. alas ! the good that you should have by magistracy , doth not lie in the enjoyment of liberty to serve your lusts , and the profane principles of a graceless spirit , to set up the idols and errours of your own hearts , and to enforce your will-worship or superstition upon the consciences of others ; but it lies in the enforcing of duty , holiness , righteousness and reformation , and the perpetual discouragement of whatsoever intrencheth upon the interest and propagation of grace and truth , as it is in jesus christ. he doth you most good , that makes you most good ; most holy , orthodox , sincere , living up to the fulness of your light ; and putting a soul into your worship and profession by the spirit and power of godliness . i am not unsensible upon what foundations many thousands of persons do bottom their joy in the deliverance of this day . i wish their joy were grea●●●● ; but their grounds were better ; and that as their gladness is bottom'd on the expectations and hopes of some future good , so that that good were somewhat of more divine extraction and real excellency then what is in the eye of most of men . oh! what if we shall have a king , and yet fear not the lord ? what then should a king do to us ? what if we shall have no more wars with men , and yet still have the most fatal wars with god ? what if we shall lie under less of suffering , and yet live under more of sin ? what if we shall have better laws , but worser lives ? what if our liberties . and estates , and we shall meet again , and yet christ and our souls shall part for ever and never meet more ? what if we shall have plenty , but no piety ? a lawful , merciful , gracious king to rule the outward man , but a bloud-thirsty implacable tyrant the devil to hurry the souls of men to destruction ? oh! christians think of it . there are too many who scandalize our government , and cast dirt upon the royal scepter , in promising to themselves , i know not what , licentiousness without a curb , revenge without a law , destruction of others without distinction , popery without a penalty , and what they please to impose upon the worship and worshippers of jesus christ without a scripture . should it be so ( which god forbid the thoughts of should enter into my heart ) yet were this a good for thee ? and that good which god hath raised up his anointed ones to accomplish for thee ? oh! let it not enter into your thoughts , lest the very birds of the air do tell the matter . thus poyson were better for the body then suitable nourishment , and liberty safer then restraint to him who through phrenzies or other strong distemper hunts after nothing more then opportunity to destroy himself . i know indeed there are many blessed fruits which these kingdoms may joyfully , and warrantably , and with much confidence expect to be the product of this blessed restitution of his sacred majesty . such as are the vindication of this church and kingdoms honour , the wiping off the aspersion , and rouling away the reproach of disloyalty from too many upon whom it is too familiary but most unjustly cast , the settlement of our peace , and the prosperous future state of all : but let me say of this , if god shall ( as we hope and pray he will ) by the influence of the kings authority sentence the reproachers of his ways and people into everlasting silence , muzzle the mouth of blasphemous swearers , rout the societies of abominable drunkards into corners that they dare not see the sun , clear the streets , and empty the houses from the provoking crew of sabbath-breakers , and set up with encouragement the worship of the gospel , the practise of holiness in all orders of men , pray let me say of this , as david of goliahs sword , there is none like that ; other things do well , but this excels them all . for however distastful these things may be , and cross to the grain of many , too many with us , yet this would be the greatest mercy to your souls , your eternal precious souls , ten thousand to one to be shipwrack'd and lost if left to the boundless liberty of your own hearts ; and this would be the greatest mercy even to your outward estate . for what hopes of any blessing from above , where settlement and prosperity is abused ? where that deliverance which should be the grave , is made but the womb and birth of that wickedness , idolatry and unreformedness , that doth and will keep up the controversie with god without composure . hence it hath so often come to pass , that people who have not become holy by being made externally happy in such eminent ways of deliverance as this , have so often seen the speedy eclipse of the brightest sun of their own prosperity . certainly if the toleration of prophaness and heresie and idolatry in the church , be crudelis misericordia , a thing that carries in it more of cruelty then of charity to the souls of men ; and if the drawing of the sword of ecclesiastical power in the hands of the ministers of the gospel against the growing corruptions of their flock , be an act of the greatest mercy , as appears 1 cor. 5. the same will hold in its proportion in civil powers ; of whom let me shut up this , and say , they are then the farthest off from doing unjusty , when they make us the furthest off from doing wickedly ; they have then been truly fathers of their country , when they have made their people at least professedly children of their god ; they have then done their subjects the greatest good , when they have put a stop to sin which is their greatest evil ; they are then most like gods , when by their power the people are less like devils : they may save souls by the loss of sensuality , save life by the loss of unbounded liberty , save the truth by the casting over-board the sinking weight of humane innovations , save the church by the necessary allay into some common mediocrity of inconsistent parties and principles , and entail happiness upon the throne by setting up holiness and truth in all their people . what cyprian writes to the confessors , shall close up this , for us in our lower , or princes in their greater elevations , ea concedere quae in perniciem populi vertant est decipere ; nec erigitur sic lapsus sed per offensam dei magis impellitur ad ruinam . 3. lastly , that is the excellency and glory of magistracy which tends most to their own eternal blessedness and acceptation with god. we should judge that to be the crown of princes here , which shall be their crown at the great day of the appearing of jesus christ. the eminent grace of the thessalonians , their purity and constancy in the faith , the apostle calls 1 thes. 2. 19. his hope and the crown of his triumphing before the face of jesus christ at the day of his coming : and even an heathen himself could say , consulere patriae , parcere afflictis , for â caede abstinere , dare orbis quietem , sacule pacem suo , hac summa virtus , petitur hâc coelum viâ ; this is the way to everlasting rest , for royalty . oh! what account could ieroboam give of his idolatry , ahab of his cruelty , gallio of his indifferency , the arrian emperours of their heresie , nero of his inhumanity , iulian of his apostacy , when they stand before the judgment-seat of god , the king of princes ? how would then those things which lactantius observes made the corrupt and sinful world to repute them as gods , then confine them for ever to the society of devils ? give me that which god will own , which the king of kings delights to honour , when the secrets of all hearts shall be made manifest , and according to the real goodness of their ways every man shall have praise of god. those things cannot be the desirable things of government which prove to be the damning and defiling things of governours at that day ; nor can that be other then the perfection of it now , which then proves to be the approbation of it with god. judge you therefore within your selves wherein the choicest beauty and greatest blessing of authority lies , whether in suffering their dominions to be an habitation of devils , a cage of every unclean bird , to be magna latrocinia , the stages of prophaness and impiety , the nurseries of heresie , superstition and popery , the grief of saints , and the provocation of god ; or in causing them so far as the influence of their sacred power can extend , to become the cities of righteousness , truth and holiness . this , this is that which shall have its euge at the last , and be crowned with the royal approbation of god himself , when all other their works shall be burnt up as dross , hay , straw and stubble . i have done with that , and shall have done all when i have spoke a word of this last observation , viz. to have our judges restored as at the first , and our counsellors as at the beginning , our authority such as shall be 〈◊〉 to make us a city of faithfulness , truth and righteousness , 〈◊〉 are mercies which it is the method of god to give a 〈◊〉 , when by his p●●ging away the dross of their iniq●●●y 〈◊〉 are prepared and fitted for it . i will purely purge away thy dross , and take away thy tin ; and then i will restore thy judges as at the first . i shall not further insist upon this , but ●hut up all with a few words of application of these things . 1. oh! bless then the lord , for the hopes of such a 〈◊〉 restored to us this day , as was that of moses , i iosh●● , 〈◊〉 and david ; authority vested and re-estated in ●he hands of its rightful subject ; usurpation which for these twelve year● past without dispute hath invaded the throne , broken and ●hiver'd into pieces in a moment , and the 〈◊〉 head of him l●●●●d up by god , whose known ●eportment under his de●pest ●●yals , and whose 〈…〉 report and fa●● 〈◊〉 him to us as another titus , d●●icia humani generi● ▪ another c●sar , of whom cicero said , oblivis●i nihil solet nisi injur● ▪ and as another 〈◊〉 , whose zeal for the truth , and strenuous interposings of his authority for the peace and settlement of the discompo●●d church ma●e 〈◊〉 the mir●our of monarch● , the pat●●n 〈…〉 the glory of christian princes to this day . such ●n one report and relation tells us he is , religion teacheth us to believe and pray that he may be to this people ; however , 〈…〉 those pregnant presages of future good to all that are de●●●●●le enough from divers things , 〈◊〉 not now enumerate , yet we have the unquestionable ●oundation of his rightful title to these dominions ▪ that may raise up our triumphings to the greatest pitch , and wind up our hearts i● thanksgivings to the highest elevation . bless thou the lord , oh! my soul , and all that is within ●hee bl●●● his holy name ▪ i ●● not unsensible how many 〈…〉 others , whose lot it was in 〈…〉 of the●● distr●ctions to judge it their duty to 〈…〉 parliament , as if this desired blessed day were the 〈…〉 hearts , and 〈…〉 with their principles . 〈…〉 , the lord comes with ●en thousand of ●is 〈…〉 judgment upon them that are ungodly . but if the constant profession of their judgment in point of allegiance even in the saddest times , their sufferings and sequestrations for non-compliance with those anti-monarchical engagements which overspread so great a part of the nation pretending to greater loyalty , if their volleys of prayers and flouds of tears for the settlement of the kingdoms upon their own basis , if their unwearied activity till the nation were ( as now it is ) purged from the guilt and freed from the yoke of usurpation ; nay , if the bloud of divers of them spilt in the justification of that part of their covenant which relates to the interest of his sacred majesty : i say , if all these may evidence the reality of their joy at this deliverance , i know not what can be defective ; and a more assured testimony of their cordial joy , then all those practices of debauchery in which too many have the hard fate to be involved . but i forbear to harp any more upon that string ; the lord in his mercy bury those distinctions and animosities among the people , which in their continuation have too ominous an aspect upon the settlement and tranquillity of the kingdom . but christians , do you bless the lord in and for the mercy of this day . bless him that god hath restored us such a magistracy whose endowments and qualifications for the regal office and imployment carry such a bright and glorious beam of hope to all ; such a prince as by his publick declaration hath held forth such unalterable resolutions of preserving and supporting the protestant cause , of burying the exorbirancies of our times in everlasting oblivion , and of satisfactory care to the consciences of good men that they be not tyrannized over by unscriptural impositions ▪ and however god shall issue the results of this mutation , yet bless the lord , that authority is returned to its natural centre , the scandals upon covenanters wiped off , and the most necessary part of righteousness done to the breath of our nostrils , who is worth ten thousand of us , in that restauration of him which the saints pray'd for , the world expected , the very angels themselves approve , and the god of gods with many pier●ing c●ies and calls required from us . i hope there is no sufficient reason to suspect any diminution to come hereby to the interest of the protestant cause , and the saving truths of the gospel ; we are not without much ground to hope that the intended and coven●nted reformation of the church , shall hereby attain some ●●●ther advance to its full accomplishment ; and that so it may , we shall with all subjection supplicate at his royal feet . if in other things of temporal importance this mutation shall bring any impairing or loss , yet i shall say , as mephibosheth when abused by ziba , no matter , forasmuch as my lord the king is returned home in peace to his own house . 2. be exhorted to pray for your superior powers ; that forasmuch as their glory lies in the grace and goodness of their people , god would bless them with being effectually instrumental that this nation may become a city of righteousness , a faithful people . this is the flower of their crown , and you may be useful to the adorning of the imperial diadem with it ; not only by your practice , that it may be said and observed by all , that since his royal majesty sat upon his throne , iniquity and sin wither'd and perished , blush'd and was ashamed in all his people , and that the prophaness of your spirits could not breath and live in the purer air of his pious princely government ; but also by your prayers , that god would under the impressions of his soveraignty keep his saints from being persecuted , his sabbaths from being prophaned , his ministers from being despised or impoverished , men now pretending to be ministers , but such whose right eye is utterly darkned , of desperate life and despicable knowledge , from being advanced , his worship from being corrupted , his ordinances from being defiled , his sacraments from being disorderly administred , his name from being blasphemed , the antichristian state and apostacy from being encouraged , profession from being scorned , and the liberty of communion with god and his people from being abridged or invaded ; and in stead thereof , that god would lay up his precious truths , ordinances and people in the most intimate shades of the love and protection , advancement and encouragement of his royal majesty ; and so shall this and after-generations call him blessed . 3. lastly , as we expect the full accumulation of these blessings upon us , oh! let your dross be purely purged ; cease not till the way to these royal priviledges be fully prepared by the purging away of that filth from the daughter of zion , which as hitherto it hath debarr'd us from that mercy we now enjoy , so if still not purged thoroughly , may render even this blessing , but as the shell and shadow of a deliverance , destitute of that which is the soul , and marrow , and fatness of it . i might tell you 〈◊〉 dross is yet unpurged , what rust lies upon the face of 〈◊〉 church and kingdom ; but i conclude , oh! as you have a ●●spect to the future honour and excellency of your pri●●● and to the happinesse of this whole body , purge away 〈◊〉 dross of wickedness from your lives , of atheism and irrelig●●● from your own persons and practices ; purge away the dross 〈◊〉 erroniousness , instability and pyrrhenian fluctuations from yo●● heads ; purge away the dross of violence , extortion , ●apine a●● injustice from your hands ; purge away the dross of will worship , innovations , superstitions and traditions of men , which 〈◊〉 not of god , from your assemblies ; purge away the dross 〈◊〉 your places too ) of blind , and ignorant , and prophane administrators of holy things , that they may neither creep in , no● ke●● in , to the defilement of the sacred ministerial office ; purg●●● way the dross and dregs of that bitter cup of animosities , 〈◊〉 rences & hatred , of which the nation hath drunk so deeply , 〈◊〉 all your spirits , expressions , deportments ; purge away the dro●● of an empty profession of god , and zeal to the trifles and fring●● of external forms and worship without the power and life 〈◊〉 godliness ; and lastly , purge away the dross of any root of 〈◊〉 terness against or contradiction to the sacred interest of law 〈◊〉 princes , which spirit hath eaten as a gangrene to the reproa●● of our religion , and advantage of the popish cause : in 〈◊〉 oh! let every national , personal sin , every sin and crook●● path in church or state be discovered and discarded . and 〈◊〉 when these things , which are the wall of separation betwi●● people , and the refreshing beneficial beams of their supre●● authority , are withdrawn , we may with confidence hope 〈◊〉 as our judges are restored , so they shall be as at the first , 〈◊〉 our counsellors as at the beginning , and afterwards we shall 〈◊〉 called , a city of righteousness , a faithful city . which god , of his dear love wherewith he hath love● 〈◊〉 out of the bowels of his mercy , grant unto this 〈◊〉 serving generation . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33727-e620 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 corn●l . à lapi●● . guido perigran in flor● , chro●●c . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. facit ut moriatur , v. g. petrus impurus , ●brius , incestus , superbus , & resurg at p●rus , sobrius castus , humilis . a lap . in loc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , theoph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ sept. vide abulensem menoch . 9 de rep . hebr. menochius de rep . hebrae●rum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 70. civita● veritatis , urbs fideles ▪ chald. observ. 1. vide sixt. senens . lib. de poenit. since the preaching of this he is fallen asleep in iesus , and gone to his rest ; a person of the sad impression upon all good men ; of whose loss , i shall only say as august of cyprian's , quos asflixerat sollicitudo certaminis , hos consol●ta est corona victoris . mach. disput . cap. 26. claudian , ad honor. non ante rebus suis privatis consultum eupivit , quam publicarum procurationem prorsus absolisset . mas. luc. malorum blandientium virus est occultum , & arridentis nequitiae facies quidem laet● , sed calamitatis abstrusae illecebrosa fallacia . cypr. observ. 2. exercitus ducere , aliena vastare , urbes delere , oppida excidere , liberos populos aut trucidare aut subjicere servituri . lact. lib. 1. de falsà relig . observ ▪ 3● ▪ bishop goodman his proposition in discharge of his own dutie and conscience both to god and man. goodman, godfrey, 1583-1656. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85375 of text r177532 in the english short title catalog (wing g1099e). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85375 wing g1099e estc r177532 45789329 ocm 45789329 172639 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85375) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 172639) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2642:4) bishop goodman his proposition in discharge of his own dutie and conscience both to god and man. goodman, godfrey, 1583-1656. [16] p. s.n., [london : ca. 1650] caption title. date and place of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in: llyfrgell genedlaethol cymru/national library of wales. eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. a85375 r177532 (wing g1099e). civilwar no bishop goodman his proposition: in discharge of his own dutie and conscience both to god and man. goodman, godfrey 1650 6588 6 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion bishop good man his proposition : in discharge of his own dutie and conscience both to god and man . private interests , as they work the deepest impressions , so are they usually the first motives and occasions of great publick designes ; though i am not altogether ignorant of some secrecies , and close carriage of business in these times ; yet here , i will onely take notice of such things as did manifestly appear to the publick view . the beginning of our late troubles and wars , was upon this occasion : k. charles sent down the common-prayer book to be used in the scottish church ; and as the l. archbishop of s. andrews , then chancellour of scotland , did very well observe , if it had been recommended to an assembly of divines there to have been discussed ; or if it had been sent to the parliament there to have been confirmed , it is thought it might have taken good effect . i doe therefore much commend the practice of former times . that k. james began his reigne with the conference at hampton court , which did much settle and pacisie the controversies then in the church of england . q. elizabeth began her reigne with a solemne disputation between the bishops , and those other divines , who had fled for religion beyond seas . so in q. maries time , there were severall disputations concerning religion , as appears in mr. fox his acts and monuments . in k. edward the 6. time , came some divines out of germany , as bucer , mārtir , fabius , who were sent to both the universities , there to dispute and determine controversies in religion . henry the 8. did his best endeavour to procure philip melanchthon to come over ; and though he fayled therein , yet agents came from the severall princes of germany , who together with the kings commissioners might ●rea● for the setling of religion : i have seen the originalls as they were copied out by the clerks ; the english commissioners did acquaint the forain agents , that k. henry had assumed the title , to be head of his church , and for support of that great honour , he had first fruits , tenths , subsidies , and other payments from the clergy ; he had likewise the disposing of church preferments , whereby he was absolute in the government both of church and state , and none of his subjects had any forain dependance , or could appeal to the church of rome . these relations did little please the forain agents , for they did consider , that if the king should be the supreme head of his church ; then it would follow , that the emperour should be the supreme head of the church of germany , whom they hated ten times more then the pope ; and therefore , their resolution was , that as scripture was the onely judge of controversies in religion , to determine them ; so scripture should be the head of their church , they would be wholly govesned by scriptures , they would obey none but scriptures , and acknowledge no other head : it should seem their wisedom proceeded not so far , as to demand who should interpret scriptures , or who should judge of the exposition of scriptures ? in default , and for want of such conference to settle religion , henry the 8. made no other change in religion , but onely took upon himself the government , and in right thereof , he disposed of the revenewes ; and to this church government did belong matrimoniall causes , and thereby he had power to divorce himself from his wives as often as he thought fit , ( for the law was in himself : ) and probable it is , that he had an intent by his spirituall power , to proceed against his own wife , anne of cleeves in point of heresie , and so to have burnt her in stead of a divorce , had she not very wisely ( though falsly ) accused her self to have been formerly precontracted , whereby the delegates ( such as had their power from the king ) adjudged the marriage to be void , and both parties to be at liberty to match where they pleased ; and that principall chaplain , who was so much imployed in the divorce , was now as much imployed to find out arguments for the lawfulnesse of polygamie , so to satisfie his masters appetite with variety , and to give him greater hopes of issue : and had it not been that the king was now grown in years , and his body exhausted and tyred out with his own lust , it is not unlike but he might have consented thereunto ; and then being an approved doctrine by the head of the church , it might have past for very sound and orthodox . not to dwell altogether at home , if we look abroad , we shall find that very lately the synod at dort did settle the differences of religion in the low-countries , which together with the sacrificing of old barnevelt , did procure their peace ; and not onely in protestant churches , but in the church of rome , the councell of trent did much settle the controversies in that church , insomuch , that i could never have beleeved such plotting and practising against that councell , had i not seen with mine own eyes , the originall of those secret practices subscribed by the actors themselves , and other great witnesses beyond all exception : and thus , if through all ages , we shall come to that councell in the acts of the apostles , we shall ever find , that synods and councells have been used as the ordinary means for composing differences in the church . now i speak it to my great sorrow and grief , i know no nation so much distracted with sects and schismes as we are ; and fit it is some course should be taken to give satisfaction to weak consciences : the church of england at this time is in so sad and mean a condition , that we are scarce capable of a synod ; for i am confident , that the greatest number ( if not all ) of the most learned , judicious , orthodox divines are so dejected in mind , as that they are not fit for a synod , nor will be admitted to have a free election in the choice of their clerks ; and they are so utterly plundered and undon , as that they are not able to bear the charge of a synod , and fayling herein , let us find out some other course ; suppose a disputation , where every man might give an account of his faith ; but this were to expose the truth to great inconveniences choler and passion doe therein usually prevail , there would be a needlesse multiplying of words ; and somtimes in a hot pursuit ( the hare would he lost ) we might lose the state of the question : and commonly , men contend not so much for truth , as for victory . if then , in discharge of mine own duty both to god and man , i should propose a course , i hope it could not be offensive . for i see as mean men as my self in the city , who have their private congregations , their set times of meetings on the week dayes ; they have their conferences , private fasts , and thanksgivings ; and even in churches they have lectures set up without any licence , or publick authority ; then why should i be afraid to set up an exercise to satisfie mens doubts and scruples in religion ? no man is bound to beleeve , but wholly left to god and his own conscience , that when he finds better reasons to perswade him , he may alter and change his opinion : thus as there are temporall courts to determine controversies concerning the right of inheritance , and other differences between men ; so there may be a little power left in the spirituall court , onely to satisfie the doubts and seruples made in religion ; and such a course ( god willing ) i doe propose to my self , to undertake towards the end of may ; i give long warning before-hand , that if i should be forbidden , i might desist . the order which i shall observe is this , that he who presents the doubts , must present them in writing , and the writing not to exceed half a sheet of paper writen on both sides ; he must present them in modesty , giving every man that due respect and honour which belongs to his place and calling ; he must subscribe his name , his age , the condition and course of his life , the place of his dwelling ; and it were to be wished , that some others would testifie their knowledge of him . his doubts shall then be publikely read , and in due time they shall be answered . i doe not herein presume on mine own weakness , but upon gods great mercy and goodnesse , who never will be wanting in his own cause , and in defence of the truth ; neither will i neglect the means under god , but i will advise and hold correspondency with the best learned men in england , and i doubt not but god will assist . i am now past the age of man , and consequently past as the joyes and hopes of this world , so past the fears and terrours of this world ; and so let god be mercifull unto my soul at the last day , as i shall deliver nothing , but what i conceive to be gods truth ; the world hath been now long deluded and abused with controversies of religion , in so much , that there is little religion left amongst us : i hope to discover some secrefies , and to make it appear who are and were the great impostere ; and here i doe make this profer and challenge , let any man bring me the body or system of his religion , together with all the severall members and branches thereof , and if i shall not make it plainly appear , that his religion is a self-homicide destroying it selfe ; ( i. ) admits contradictories in it self , i will be of that religion . 2. if any man shall bring me a religion which shall subsist with humane learning , ( which in effect is onely reason improved ) i will be of that religion . how wonderfully are we bound unto god , for that great certainty of our religion , which is not onely grounded upon the divine testimony revealed , confirmed by miracles , and wonders , far above all naturall power , written in our hearts by gods sanctifying spirit ; together with the infusion of grace , whereby we beleeve misteries above our naturall capacity ; but likewise that our faith and religion should have those speciall properties of truth , that it should cohaerere sibi , agree with it self , like a well governed city , or a well compacted body , paeem habens ad invicem : and as it agrees with it self , so it should subsist with all humane learning , which serves onely to adorn religion . now for the method which i shall observe in giving satisfaction to all doubts and scruples proposed , though i doe much commend the school method , which is first to make the strongest objections ; then laying open the naked truth , and fortifying it with sound demonstrations and reasons ; those former objections which at first did seem invincible , alasse they fall of themselves , and come to nothing and so are soon routed & easily dissolved ; and this course , i conceive , doth best represent nature ; as in digging for mines , the earth , stones , and scurfe we dig up and lay aside , and so at length we come to the pure oare , this we refine , and use the earth and scurfe to scour it . though i commend this method , yet i will forbear to use it , as being not so fitted to every mans capacity : i will therefore use mine now method , which is a little more easie : first , i will use two or three quotations out of scripture , and no more . 2. i will shew the analogy , or correspondency which it with other texts of scriptute , and other articles of our faith . 3. i will shew how it was implyed in the state of nature before the giving of the law . 4. how it was shadowed forth in the types , figures , and ceremonies of the mosaicall law . 5 , how it received ripeness and perfection in the state of the gospel . 6. how it hath been continued in the church in the primitive age , and in all succeeding times ; and this to appear especially by the ancient liturgies , not by stragling words taken out of fathers , which being spoken upon severall occasions , might be variously interpreted . 7. the great inconveniences and absurdities which would undoubtedly follow , if any other doctrine should be admitted . i doe the rather acquaint you with this my method , that such as shall have any doubts or arguments to propose , they may doe it according to this method , if they please . when i have answered objections , then i will reduce all to the church of england , as it is setled by the fundamentall laws , by the statute laws , by many acts of state , and generally , by publick authority ; to this end , i have read all the statutes , all the parliament rolls , many acts of state , articles , injuctions ; yea , i made a hard shift ( i cannot now doe the like ) to understand some of their reports in law , onely such as did concern religion . i never did regard any particular opinions ; for all my time the professors in cambridge did differ in their opinions ; the first difference began between dr. whitaker and dr. barow ; then in their successors , dr. overall and dr. playford ; and then in dr. richardson and dr. davenant . heretofore i took some pains to know how far the imperiall and civill laws , together with the roman histories , did give testimony to christian religion , even before such time as the emperors became christians ; and how far they did touch upon some controversies now agitated in the church : since , i took the like pains in our common laws , but my notes are burnt and plundered , and with sorrow and grief , my wits and memory are likewise plundered , and my age gives me assurance that i shall recover neither the one nor the other ; yet still i have a will to doe good , though i doe foresee that this my project will fayl and come to nothing ; yet my honest intents will appear , and that i have done my uttermost indeavour : and if any one shall blame me for indiscretion , truely it hath ever bin my course and practice to desire god in all my actions so to direct me , that i might rather seem to the world to want wit and discretion , then to neglect my duty to god , and my charity and conscience to man : and my fault easily deserves pardon , because i am now come to those great years which may claim a priviledge to doat . tying my self to religion as it is setled by laws , under favour be it spoken , i doe not think the temporall judges of our common-laws so fit to interpret them ; but rather the spirituall judges , the church men themselves , especially such who were the law-makers , and knew their own intents best , and as it may be supposed , had a speciall influence in those laws , while the temporall judges were onely assistants , and not permitted to speak but when they were demanded ; besides the honour of priest-hood , which is not to be incroached upon within the compasse of his own sphere ; thus i shall reduce all opions to the church of england , as it is settled by laws . for the name of protestant religion , that i may confess my own weakness , i never yet understood what was meant by it ; yet i have read sleydon and florimond both very wise and excellent authors , though different in their opinions , factions , and in all their wayes and courses ; yet they agree in the name of protestant ; for 1529. there was a diet held in germany , where many princes , free states , and others , did enter a solemn protestation : 1. against the pope and his power . 2. against the emperour , and the power which he claimed . 3. for an absolute liberty and freedom of conscience , that every man might profess what religion he pleased , and none to be molested therein . there were then at least 14. severall religions which did enter this one protestation : and if the jews , the turks , and the heathen had bin present , no doubt but they would have joyned in the protestation , and so become protestants , and yet not converted from their own religion , much lesse made christians ; how this word protestant should signifie and point out any one proper religion , it is beyond my understanding ; the roman catholicks protest against all religions but their own , and therein they become protestants . the laws of england , and the acts of state finding this inconvenience , doe usually add this one word , and call it the true protestant religion , which doth very much qualifie the business . now when i say that i will reduce all to the church of england as it is setled by laws ; i must here crave leave to take some further advice concerning the ordinances of parliament , which were made without the kings consent , while the kings power was acknowledged , how far they doe oblige out of parliament , and how far they differ from acts of parliament , for herein i am not yet so fully satisfied . now that the church hath lost all her temporalties , the revenues are gone , the jurisdiction is gone , the honour and esteem is gone , and nothing left for further or future sacriledge ; it may please god to use this as a means that our eyes may be opened , and without any temporall obstacles , we may discern the naked truth , and so agree in one faith , while the controversie-moungers who were the incendiaries in the nature of buffoones , most contemptible in themselves , they must find out some other trade to thrive by ; for their patrones and supporters have now their own ends , and swallowed up their morsell , and have no further use of them ; and now they must fall to sedition and matters of state between the presbyterian and independent ; ( men whose wit , learning , honesty , and religion , carry an even and equall proportion ) while all of them running themselves out of breath , and finding how one error hath begotten an other , they will at length return home and seek shelter under the apron of their mother church ; and by gods assistance i will doe my best endeavour to hasten their return . i cannot ferve god in any other kind , for my strength will not serve me to preach ; and though no man doth honour preaching more then my self ; yet i doe not think it alwayes a like necessary ; where religion is once planted , and that men are sufficiently satisfied in the truth of religion , that there they should be still learning , and that the practice of religion should onely consist in the precept ; this i doe not commend ; multiloquium parit contemptum ; there may be satietas in sacris ; it is not frequent and long preaching , but painfull and profitable preaching which works upon the minds and affections of men . it cannot be denied but many sects and sectaries have risen from rash and unadvised preaching ; men must fill up the houre somtimes with impertinencies , somtimes with seditious discourses ; but alwayes with needless repetitions as the directory commends extemporary prayer : so following that example , ( for the reason is alike in both ; ) some men will preach ex tempore , and while they sweat in the pulpit , and fill up the houre with weak stuff , the judicious hearer presently concludes , that this man breaks the fourth commandement , six dayes shalt thou labour and take pains , and the seventh day thou shalt rest : but here he hath bin idle , and not followed his studies the whole week , and now he labours and sweats on the sabbath , and truely to little purpose ; for as it is in husbandry , according to the pains of the husbandman , together with gods mercy , the earth brings forth her increase : so according to the pains of the preacher , he must expect that the people shall edifie : for if he be careless and negligent , and regard not his own preaching , he cannot in justice expect that others should greatly regard it . thus far the judicious hearer , but the sermon consisting of weak stuff , the weak hearer , suppose tradesmen , artificers , if they have but a volubility of speech , they will adventure to make such a sermon . thus you have preachers of all trades and professions : thus some ministers desiring to be reputed zealous and painfull in their calling , with their tedious and frequent preaching , they have prostituted the very honour of preaching , and made it contemptible . some preachers there are whom of all others i doe most commend : i confess i received more benefit from them , then from others ; and these are silenced , sequestred , plundered , and utterly supprest ; for it is an errour to think that all preaching should come from the pulpit . men preach in their lives , in their actions , in their examples ; the heavens declare the glory of god ; and the firmament sheweth his handy work : one day telleth another , and one night certifieth another : here is excellent preaching indeed , not an impertinent word : thus the church in all her orders and ceremonies did preach ; the building of great cathedralls , set forth the majesty and magnificency of god , and that he was to be served like a god . thus we consider solomons temple , where the very snuffers were of beaten go'd ; they did likewise assure us , that god had his dwelling and habitation amongst men , which was an argument that god was once incarnate , and visibly conversant with men : and whereás the jews expect a temporall messias , i doe acknowledge that in all the old testament there is not one word to the contrary ; and therefore i beleeve , that christ was not onely a spirituall , but likewise a temporall messias ; for what emperour or king of the world ever had or possibly could have so many temples , so many religious houses , so many servants , archbishops , and prelats to be served in such rich vestments and copes , such continuall singing prayses and hymnes , such excellent musick , while all the christian emperours and kings did bow and obey him , offering up their crownes , and submitting themselves to his laws , to testifie that the whole world was onely created for his service , that as he was the beginning of all , so he might be the end of all . god cannot bereave or divest himself of that honour , but all must tend and end in his glory . such as have pulled down these temples , and committed sacriledge , they doe but second the devill in his courses ; for the devill intended to possess himself of gods throne in heaven , and fayling in that attempt , being justly cast down ; yet still he continues in his malice and obstinacy towards god , and hath so far prevailed with his imps , the wicked of this world , that as he could not possess gods throne in heaven , so neither should god have any throne upon earth ; they would exile god from the earth , as the devill was cast down from heaven , to be revenged of god , while god for a time permits it . truely sacriledge is the renouncing of god , and of his service , and the greatest of all sins ; and while they destroy temples , they make it known whose sons they are , and against whom they fight ; while they take gods inheritance here into their own possession , they renounce their inheritance in heaven ; while they adhere to the world , ceasing upon church means , spending them in all luxury and riot , they doe thereby shorten their own lives , and hasten to their own homes . but of all preachers i doe most commend the orders and ceremonies of the church , for they were all significant , and had some speciall use : as to instance in the observation of times ; the ecclesiasticall year begins with advent , wherein we are first awakened with the fears and terrors of gods last generall judgement ; per setam introducimus linum , the needle first enters and brings the silk after : then we consider the nenessity of a saviour ; and here the prophesie of esay is read , which of all other prophesies doth most punctually set forth the comming of christ : here we express our hopes and expectations in the antiphonies of the church , rorate coeli desuper & nubes pluant justum , aperiatur terra & germinet salvatorem , attollite portas principes vestras , & introibit rex gloriae , &c. then we consider the types and figures of christ in the law : so we end our advent with john baptist the immediate fore-runner of christ . then we come to the nativitie of christ , where we consider all the miracles and wonders which then passed the song of the angels , the stars appearing to conduct the gentiles to the place of his birth : here we express out excessive joy for his comming , with all kind of mirth , with hospitality to entertain the members of christ : this time lasts to the purification , which is the time of the lying in of our lady ; and according to our own custome and fashion , while wives are in child bearing , there are banquets and feastings for joy that a child is born , and that the mother is safely delivered : how much more should our joy be , that god is born in our flesh , to the salvation of mankind ? after the purification , we consider the infancy of christ , and what then happened ; his flight into egypt ; the murther of innocents ; his return from egypt ; his manner of going to jerusalem at the great feasts of the year ; how he disputed with the doctors at twelve years of age , when he was lost in jerusalem ; then we come to his baptisme ; and his first miracle of turning water into wine . but seeing our sins are the great hinderance to gods mercy , in septuagesima we consider our sins , and how they have drawn gods punishments upon us : here genesis is read , where it appears , that man was created in happiness , but fell for his sin ; and the punishment of his sin , was no lesse then death ; as an earnest thereof , we see the murther of abel , that god would not spare the most righteous ; so that if the sonne of god took up mans nature , he cannot be dispenced withall , but he must dye ; statutum est , there is a statute past , and none can be exempted : this generally appears in the deluge , where in effect all mankind perished , and that there are other punishments after death , it is inmated unto us in the burning of sodom and gomorrah with fire and brimstone . then to shew the generall afflictions which befall man ; it is manifest how esan did persecute jacob ; how the famine drove the israelites into egypt , where they lived in bondage : all this appears in that one book of genesis . for preventing gods further anger , and appeasing gods wrath for sin ; there must be a time for repentance , with all humility and mortification , to testifie our inward sorrow ; thus we begin lent with ashwednesday , and perform that ceremony , pulvis es , & in pulverem reverteris : then we keep our forty dayes fast , according to the imitation of christ ; this continues , and ends with the death and passion of christ , whereby we express our grief , that we should be so wicked , that needs the sonne of god must dye for our sins . thus , with repentance , we prepare our selves to celebrate the resurrection of christ , that we might rise together with him , and in assurance thereof be regenerated in him : here we sing our hallelujah , with the greatest expression of joy and comfort ; for at this time christ is supposed to be on the earth as a conquerour , having finished his labours and passion . thus we continue to the ascension of christ , before which we have a rogation-week , that so our prayers , and we our selves in heart and affection , may together ascend with christ : and though we are left here behind , yet still we comfort our selves , that , according to his promise , we doe undoubtedly expect the comming down of his spirit , which we celebrate at pentacost . now in regard the three persons have thus revealed themselves , we therefore keep the next lords day , in memory of that high mystery , the trinitie in vnitie , the vnitie in trinitie ; and from hence all the rest of the sundayes have their denomination ; according to their distance . and because these mysteries are all implied in the blessed and holy eucharist , therefore we keep corpus christi day , for the honour of the institution of that great sacrament ; and for the rest of the dayes , they have proper collects , epistles , and gospels , fitted for the times . ( e. g. ) we have twice that gospel of feeding so many thousands with so few loaves . first in lent , to comfort us in our fasting , that god is able to feed us with a little , as well as with much : then is it used in harvest , to put us in mind that we should not ascribe all to naturall causes , but still acknowledge that the same omnipotent god who hath now multiplyed the seed , and sent a plentifull harvest , he is able , and did likewise multiply the loaves , to the feeding of many thousands without the labour of the husbandman , or the help and use of the sun in the firmament . thus every moneth hath holy-dayes , to put us in mind of the communion of saints , and that following their example , we shall have our part and portion with them : and therefore in the last place , we keep all saints day , in memory of that holy communion with them : and because all dyed not saints , therefore we keep the next day in memory of all soules , to put us in mind that we must follow them , and that god will accomplish the number of his elect , and that we shall be all gathered together , and all to appear at his last and generall judgement . thus the whole year runs in a circle of devotion , though we cannot with the angels be alwayes praysing god ; yet , according to our weakness , we doe by degrees and accession our best endeavour to follow the example of their holiness . from the year , we come to the quarters , and moneths , gods providence hath so disposed it , that the comming of his own son should be at the return of the corporeall sun in the heavens ; when the dayes begin to lengthen , then christ came into the world , as a day-star to enlighten our darkness . so the resurrection of christ by a speciall providence of god , falls out in the spring time , which is in effect , the resurrection of the naturall year ; for then every plant begins to rise out of the earth with a new body ; and so in every quarter , we have our ember weeks for our mortification and devotion , as in every moneth we have holy-dayes for our imitation . from the quarters , and the moneths , we come to the dayes of the week , and in them with our hymnes and prayers we commemorate the work of every dayes creation , and how wonderfully gods mercy and goodness appears in the variety of his creatures , together with that excellent order observed in the creation , how fitting and agreeable to the nature of every thing in particular . from the week , we come to the houres of the day ; at mid-night we celebrate the birth of christ , his descent into hell , together with his last and unexpected comming in judgement ; at three of the clock we commemorate the song of the angels in the birth of christ ; as on the contrary , at the same time , we remember the apprehending of christ in the garden by the jews : at six we celebrate the comming of the gentiles , and they received by christ ; then we remember the carrying of christ before pilate , there to be condemned : at nine we celebrate the comming down of the holy ghost and then we remember the crying out of the jews , crucifie , crucifie : at twelve we remember the sending of the apostles into all nations to preach christ crucified , which was then done at the very same houre of the day : at three we remember christ giving up the ghost upon the cross , and at the same instant we consider the declining of the day , and our own hastning to death to follow christ : at six christ was taken down from the cross by joseph of arimathea , and nicodemus , men scarce mentioned in scripture before , who durst not openly profess christ , to give us an assurance that christ died for sinners , and is able in an instant to convert them : at nine we commemorate the buriall of christ , and then the nine a clock bell rings , to put us in mind of all those who have departed in christ . certainly no man can dislike this course of devotion , if he hath any spark of religion in him . a short ejaculation , or a comfortable meditation , when grief and sorrow doth oppress us , which i doe recommend to all church-men , who are in my case . qvare tristis es anima mea ? & quare conturbas me ? spera in deo , quoniam adhuc confitebor illi , salutare vultus mei & deus meus . crede videre bona domini in terra viventium , expecta dominum , viriliter age , confortetur cor tuum , & sustine dominum : ego pauper & mendicus sum , dominus sollicitus est mihi ; nudus egressus , nudus revertar . dominus dedit , dominus abstulit , sicut domino placuit sic factum est : sit nomen domini benedictum ; si bona suscepimus de manu domini , mala quare non sustiniamus ? non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam quae revelabitur in nobis , nulla mihi nocebit adversitas , si nulla dominetur iniquitas . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a85375e-30 k. charles . k. james . q. elizabeth . q. mary . edward 6. henry 8 , head of the church scripture head of the church . 〈◊〉 divor●● polygamie , synod of dort , c. trent . schisms 〈…〉 the resolving doubtt in religion . modesty in presenting the doubts . achallenge . the method 〈◊〉 be observed . religion settled by lavves . the civil lawes . our common lawes . the 〈…〉 judges . protestant religion . ●…ces of parliament . the controversiemoungers . preaching when necessary . the abuse of preaching . christ was a temporal messias . the natura and first beginning of sacriledge . the church did preach in her ceremonies . what we learn by the observation of time , septuagesima . the punishment of god for sin . a time of repentance . our ioy with halleluiah . the collects and gospels fitted for the time . all saints and all soule● . the nativity . the resurrection . the canonicall houres . the memorials of christ for our devotion . the common-wealtsh's [sic] remembrancer for discovery of the disturbers of her peace with a loving reproof to such offendors and a caveat to others to beware of them / by a friend to peace with truth and true liberty, r.h. hubberthorn, richard, 1628-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a44838 of text r6707 in the english short title catalog (wing h3222a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 78 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a44838 wing h3222a estc r6707 13506286 ocm 13506286 99807 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44838) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99807) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 791:22) the common-wealtsh's [sic] remembrancer for discovery of the disturbers of her peace with a loving reproof to such offendors and a caveat to others to beware of them / by a friend to peace with truth and true liberty, r.h. hubberthorn, richard, 1628-1662. [2], 33 p. printed for g. calvert ..., london : 1659. written by richard hubberthorn. cf. wing. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng solemn league and covenant (1643) church and state -england -early works to 1800. church and state -early works to 1800. a44838 r6707 (wing h3222a). civilwar no the common-wealtsh's [sic] remembrancer for discovery of the disturbers of her peace. with a loving reproof to such offendors. and a caveat hubberthorn, richard 1659 15315 46 0 0 0 0 0 30 c the rate of 30 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-01 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the common-wealth's remembrancer for discovery of the disturbers of her peace . with a loving reproof to such offendors . and a caveat to others to beware of them . by a friend to peace , with truth , and true liberty , r. h. london printed for g. calvert , and are to be sold at the black-spread-eagle , near the west end of pauls , 1659. the common-wealth's remembrancer , for discovery of the disturbers of her peace . friends and people , you have divers years been under the rod , chastised by the almighty for amendment , and many of you seen his great and marvellous works done amongst you , even in the view of some that remain as brands pluckt out of the fire , and have need of monitors to remember them of their leader therein , and there-thorow , least matters of less moment cause him to slip out of their minds . but i am here chiefly ( by way of queries ) to put you in remembrance how to consider of , and find out the enemies of your peace , rights , and true liberties , with their end● therein , ( as manifested by their actions ) yet onely so , as if it concerned some other persons , ( and not your selves ) least you should be misguided thereby , and not rightly discern between persons and things that differ , nor the designs of such as lye in wait to deceive ; wherein all plainness is ( in love and a publike way ) used for their reproof , repentance , and amendment , and your care and caution to prevent the like for the future , when truly sensible of what is but in part past ; and herein also take heed of being hasty to censure , least you miss of the authors meaning , and the benefit hereby intended you , and take offence before you know by whom the offence cometh , and what that is in you that is so offended ; for offences do come , and the wo is to them by whom they come , not to him that in love mentions them for amendment and , caution to others therein concerned . are not such to be considered who spend a great part of the yearly encrease of your lands , stock and labours , ( in riotous living ) as they can contrive to get it from you , either by force or fraud , to uphold themselves in authority over your souls , bodies and estates , so as not to suffer you to come or go , buy or sell , dwell or abide in peace , unless you give them what they ask , fall own and worship before them , and ( at their pleasures ) bea● , 〈…〉 e forth of your meetings , stone , impris●● , 〈◊〉 otherwise abuse persons that ( for conscience sake towards god ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but declare against them as evil doers , the great enemies of peace , christs righteousness , and your souls , former●y called p●●sons , v●c 〈…〉 s , ●urates , priests , clarks , &c. 〈…〉 themselves ministers , or presbyters ; but how like ministers ( 〈◊〉 , servants ) divers of them have behaved themselves ( towards god or man ) in former times , histories shew ; and in ●atter times , your own memories ( even woful experience ) may be to you a true testimony ; assuming to themselves the sa●d title of presbyter , with authority to 〈◊〉 and ordain others by laying their fleshly hands upon such other persons heads ; and saying some invented forms or words over them , all by a carnal commandment at 〈…〉 head of their church cut off , the root extirpate● because bad and bitter ? and are the branches sweet , and the fruit good food for nourishment ? who can bring a clean thing out of an unclean ? now let all such as feel themselves truly touched and pinched by that of god in their consciences , 〈◊〉 in their minds , and wait diligently on him that the●e smiteth them and sheweth them their deeds of what sort they a●e , and would cleanse them from all unrighteousness ; but if such harden their hearts , and endeavour to excuse themselves by accusing others , then own rod vv●ll be their ruine . the ensuing queries ( i suppose ) concern not all alike , but some more , some less ; some in many , and some but in few of the ensuing particulars , and so to be remembred and soberly considered , the great contrivances having alwayes been by a few leading priests , and then afterwards carryed on by a more general consent , concurrance and activity of others , with some contradict●on amongst themselves , and that being p●st , soon ( like herod and pilate ) they became friends to p 〈…〉 e ●●e the righteous seed and son of god in his innocent and beloved lambs , their main business being to supp●ess the power of godliness , and every thing of conscience contrary to their humane inventions and constitutions , thereby to keep you in darksome ignorance , and a superstitious , awful reverence of persons , places and things , ever to take advantage against you , and put chains and fetters upon those that have the true zeal of god in some things above others , striving by all means to break that zeal , and bring under that spirit in the lords servants ( what ever it cost them ) least they should ( by that ) be discovered and made manifest , and therefore ever seeking to keep under and out of authority all such persons and men of sober , serious , and publike spirits , strict lives and manners , and to get preferred into authority others of servile spirits , that have a mixture of ambition and vain glory , with other vices fit to serve and support them and their authority over men of tender consciences , and cause the faithful upright , and just , to be derided , scorned , abused and vilified , as in former and latter times is most manifest to all persons whose minds are not dark , troubled , and blinded by their deceivable inventions . 1. whether the said men are taught by , and come to you in the wisdom , will , power and authority of god , or of man ? and what rule have they to walk by , save onely interpretations , inventions , meanings , and conclusions , raised and composed ( by themselves and others ) as out of , and from the scriptures , to justifie their doctrines , precepts , practices , and conversations ? and do they agree with the servants of christ , or one with another , ( all speaking the same things ? ) or are they not therein contrary , and one contrary to another , and different , according to the times , occasions , and respective governments , one while praying , preaching , and contending for a religion , way or t●in● , and at other times , otherwise , or against the same , frequently intermedling with affairs of civil government , and other mens private concernments and conditions , thereby occasioning strife and debate amongst you . who , or what was it that confounded your understandings , disquieted your minds , and exasperated your spirits ( so exceedingly ) one against another in the beginning and continuance of these late wars and troubles , ( the sad effects whereof you yet in part feel ) as to begin with those sports and pastimes whereof they had books , which they generally read and published in their meeting-houses , ( called churches ) about the latter part of king james's his reign , for encouragement of minstrels , dancings , revellings , may-games , stage-plays , morris-dancers , and such like exercises to be frequently performed on the first days of the week , ( called sabbath days ) to the high dishonor of god , ( whom they those days also would seem especially to worship and serve ) and grief of the persons then scornfully called puritans , and others the sober minded amongst you , which then were by that means cruelly mocked , contemned , scorned , despitefully used and abused , because they ran not with others into the same excess of riot ; and ( those of you that remembers these things ) consider who the prophane , the then irreligious and vicious persons did applaud and rejoice in , for publishing , encouraging , and joining with the said exercises they then called lawful sports and pastimes . 2. from whence , and by whose ordination , concurrence and agreement ( in the late kings reign ) were the then altars ? and by whose practice , example , and commands , the frequent bowings thereto , and at such distinct distances and differnt manners , with other the inventions and actions then and there performed with so great zeal for their new high places , rails , garments , and other innovations ? and who were they that in those performances , and in visiting crosses , wells , and other places , in preambulations , singing the letany , &c. were adorned with canonical coats , girdles , surplices , rockets , tippits , hoods , and the like , besides the great reverence said to be due to their persons , office and ministry , which ( their followers ) were directed to manifest by distinct bowings , standings up , and kneelings down before them , when , and as they pleased to teach , order , and command to be performed in their meeting-houses and elsewhere ? 4. who were they that ( as the aforesaid services were increased ) flockt to london , westminster , and lambeth , to have their wages also increased to ten groats ▪ or at least eight groats out of each pound of every mans lands , stock , and labours , and a part of poor servants wages , not then esteeming tythes , g●ebe-land , and other their offerings , incombs , and several plurallities , a competent or sufficient maintenance ; but they ( being over hasty therein , and the time not judged seasonable ) failed in that particular , and then what frequent counsels and consultations held those men in the several count●es and corners of the land ( under colour of lectures , em●er-week-●asts , and otherwise ) to consider of , consult , and find out s●nse other way for augmentation to their authority and maintenance ? 4. who were they that began and continued such , and so many vexations suits in law with their patrons , parishioners , and others , wherewith the courts at westminster , the great assizes in counties , and other inferior courts were even pestered ( as records may manifest ) besides their frequent suits and summons before , and in the then bishope courts , sometimes for small tythes , working upon some popish holy days , ( though but in repairing a fence to save corn , and preserve peace amongst neighbours ) for not g●ving them timely notice when tythes were to be set forth to them ; for going from some of them to hear in other parishes ; for meetings ( by them called conventicles ) or for not allowing servants to join in the before mentioned sports and pastimes , and oft times obtaining excommunications therefore , and speedily turning them into writs , and thereby causing mens bodies to be attached and imprisoned , whereby many consciencious persons were ( in a manner necessitated to leave their dwellings , and this land , to seek peaceable habitations elsewhere , which divers of the said active persons made use of as an encouragement to their then design , some boasting thereof , and that they hoped to have another authority before it were long , wherein their labours have not been lacking , neither at their then high commission court , nor other places , as hath notably appeared to all that have been willing to see it . who served , assisted , and encouraged the late bishops in making the cannons , liturgy , and service-book , ( little differing from the mass-book ) to be imposed upon scotland , and preached against the scots , ( when that book was refused by them , endeavouring to make them , their religion and practise seem odious , & their own ( new-invented ) altar worships , forms and bown● , acceptable services to god , thereby then obtaining a declaration against the scots , whereby ( with great zeal ) they proclaimed them rebels ; and after that a form of prayer against them , which divers of the said men as zealously read and seemed to pray in their said meeting-houses . and who ( after that ) preached up an army of londoners and others , to enforce the said book upou the scots ; and for the maintenance of those forces , did the like to have ship-mony paid by you ; as also concerning grants to pattentees , and pleading for such and other monopolies and arbitrary inventions , all oppressive to tender consciences ? besides the many articles ( the bishops and they ) then set forth , so numerous and contradictory that they could not be performed by the church-wardens ( so called ) whom they caused ( or rather forced ) to swear to present men by ; nor could others find how to escape the snares thereby laid for them . 6. who , or what sort of men continued the convocation-house ut westminster about the year 1640. ( after the then parliament was dissolved ) by a commission obtained of the then king , ( under the name or title of a synod ) and thereat made new constitutions , canons , &c. armed with censures , deprivations , and excommunications , whereat was the then new oath made for establishing their usurpations , and to justifie their altar-worships , inventions and innovations ? and who of them there imposed that great tax upon themselves in general , and on divers others , for the raising of more forces ( as an additional-army ) to go against the scots , and procured divers of their creatures to go , and send forth men horses and arms , to carry on that their design , all contrary to law , and your rights and liberries , and ( for the raising of those differences ) so far prevailed , as to obtain the discountenancing and putting out of favour , trust and office in the common-wealth , divers of the most consciencious , sober , discreet , and fit persons for those services , and thereupon procuring others ( that they knew would comply with them ) to be setled in such offices and imployments , thereby uniting a sort of the nobility and gentry to themselves , as also the generality of the prophane , ignorant & negligent professors ; but these then call'd puritans they found themselves unable to seduce . have i need to remember you , or ask you concerning the charge of those forces , what , or how many hundred thousand pounds was paid the said scots afterwards , or who paid it ; or of those other matters of dangerous consequence , ( by the said convocation or synod contrived ) whereof all other sorts of persons ( besides themselves ) have sufficiently tasted ? or how they so continued acting until the next parliament call'd them to account , and punished some few of them , but the generallity escaped , and ever since have stood in the way of , and endeavoured to prevent all just proceedings tending to your rights and liberties ? was not your fire hereby kindled , unto which the authors have ever since been adding fuel of one kind or other , to this very day ? were they not of this sort of men that made libels against the parliament in the year 1642. imputing it as a crime that the king was not then believed , and those with him trusted , several ways charging them , and provoking the people to disobey that authority , supposing to carry on their design by interrupting and preventing the parliaments proceedings in order to your rights and liberties . 7. who were they that seeing they could not be advanced by means of the bishops , preached against , railed on , and earnestly endeavoured to have them supprest , ( whom but little before they prayed for , as their right reverend fathers ) saying , the bishops did them wrong by taking upon them as they did ; that as presbyters they ( the said men ) ought to have been authorized and called for to join in the choice and ordination of ministers ? did it not thereupon generally ring in their sermons , that presbytery is the true clergy , and the church of scotland a true church ; then contending for the scots and scottish religion ( which but a little before they cryed outagainst , and also proclaimed the scots rebels , and prayed against them ) because that then seemed their hopeful way of rising into the like authority as the bishops had , each to be at least a master , bishop , or presbyter in his parish , and the chief men there , his lay-elders ; and yet herein they did not then very well agree amongst themselves . 8. what sort of men , and who were they that divided themselves ( as nncertain whether by the help of rome or scoeland , might be their readiest way of rising into authority and estates ) into several parties , and by writing , praying , preaching , and pressing arguments , perswading you to go forth from your dwellings , some to fight ●or the king , some for the parliament , others taking all advantages in their parish-meetings , and elsewhere , to stir up discontents and enmity in your spirits one against another , thereby hasting you into a bloody and desperate war one party against another ? and what was this for , but the obtaining of their ends by the first way of rome , or the other of scotland ? either of which ( it seemed ) would have served their turns to maintain them ( their wives and children in ease , pride and idleness ) with authority to punish all such as should presume to contradict them , or deny what they would have by way of tythes or otherwise , or impose any publike charges on them : thus prevailing with you to enlist your selves into two great bodyes or armyes one against another , and by several inventions and execrations against those that were afraid or unfree to go forth in arms to shed the blood of their neighbours , brethren , fathers , &c. one party of the said men crying , come forth , fight for god and your king , the lords annointed , and the protestant religion ; come forth willingly , you fear not god unless you serve and honor your king . the fearful shall have their portion in the lake , &c. ( said another party . ) come forth , fight for christ , your religion , laws , and liberties , &c. and a third party so on both sides by preaching , praying and writing , as they stood affected , and as either army came near their beings : i say , was not this the means used ? and who were those men that then took this way to beget and encrease your enmity and hatred one against another , so between nearest relations as is scarce to be found or named amongst sober men , ( such as some call heathens , that have but natural affections ) to the end that through these storms they might find out an easie way to their desired haven , wherein to sport themselves , and rant it over other persons souls , bodies , and estates , and this all under colour and vizard of religion , duty to god , and your good ; so must the king ( by some of these men ) be perswaded to take oaths and protestations , and set forth declarations that all he did was for the protestant religion and your liberties , thereby to strengthen his party , and perswade you to believe it ; and also perswaded him to seem to comply in several treaties with the parliament , even to the very last at the isle of wight , &c. shall i need to ask , or remember you how active some of these men were in plundering on each side , and encouraging officers & souldiers thereto , under pretence of weakning that party they set themselves against ? or of the contrivances , means and friends , many of them made use of to get into each others livings or benefices ( if greater then they had before ) of some , thereby so entering into two or three such benefices ? or how divers of these men strove to give content to both armies , to pray for , preach for , and sometimes give thanks on either side , as they come near the places of such mens residence , and either had prevailed in any storm or victory , or did but say so : were not some then so forward as to commend any killing of english men on the one side or other , for exrellent service , and thereupon rejoice and give thanks ( as they call'd it ) in somuch that sometimes there hath been such thanksgivings and rejoicings on both sides for one and the same victory ? or shall i need to remember you of their railings , revilings , and evil● speakings against those they call'd antinomians , anabaptists , arminians , sectaries , schismaticks , hereticks , &c. or some of these mens petitioning against such sundry times , blowing the coles on both sides the fire , as they got room , and still adding fuel thereto , for their design sake , when a fit opportunity might serve , the particulars whereof ( when collected ) may swell to a very great volume ; which work ( its like ) may be by some other more diligent observer thereof , their ways and deeds of darkness being not easily discerned , and therefore i mention some most obvious , least they should think them altogether buryed in oblivion , and continue impenitent , and you in security . let me here add this also , ( not to be forgotten ) that the parliament were necessitated for your , and their own safeties , rights , and liberties , to call upon you to enlist and maintain each other in a defensive way , when the late king had set up his standard , and proclaimed a war in his own land , amongst , and against his own subjects , was not this the real difference between his case , and their endeavours for you ; but how far that will justifie any the aforesaid mens designs , i leave to you to consider of , and them to the light of christ in the conscience , &c. which of these parties of this sort of men are your ministers of christ ? or did he or his ministers at any time so seek to destroy mens lives ? 9. when many of the aforesaid sort of men saw they were not like to obtain their desires by the king in the way of rome , what art , industry , and diligence did they use in their next design to have the help of their said brethren of scotland , which they saw could not be plausibly carried on and established to their wills without some consultations about it , and therefore would needs have it by an assembly of themselves , which they called a synod or assembly of divines , scarce taking rest until they were so owned , ( though called together upon their entreaties , only to offer their humble advice to the parliament ) and how authoritatively did they then act , ( as if they had been again in convocation as , and with bishops ) and as if no man were to doubt of their determinations , or question their contrivances , some writing , and others speaking as in acts 15. that it might be said of their proceedings , it hath seemed good to the holy ghost , and to them , to order , direct , &c. so that every man should receive rules from them in all things pertaining to the worship and service of god : but he that sits in heaven laughs them to scorn . it is ( also ) like many of you may remember what great hast they then made to have their decrees established accordingly , and bow they took their opportunities for it , when divers members of parliament were imployed in the countrey and army , their favourites ( for the most part ) being then in the house , thereby to settle themselves so , as to be able ( with assistance of their lay-elders they would chuse ) sufficiently to master , and deal with all sectaries and other persons that should prove refractory , or any way disobedient to them or their decrees , either by their parochial ; classical , provincial , or national inquisition , or high commission courts . 10. is it here requisite to be remembred what charge that synod was to you at 4. s. per . diem each man , and large benefices , besides the allowances given to some of them by the committee they obtained , called , the committee for plundered mi●isters , when few of them were plundered ; and in case some one of many did lose that way , he must be speedily and sufficiently repaired out of your moneys , or else that would serve for a railing theme , to fill up divers of their hour-sermons . are not these persons the now great plunderers in all parts of the common-wealth , forcibly taking ( and causing to be taken ) away mens corn , cattel , and other goods , what , and when they please , under colour of their office and ministry , and nevertheless now prevailed to have their said committee revived as for plundered ministers , whiles thousands of poor , ( whereof divers have been plundered , and remain without any relief ) not onely vvant bread , but imployments vvhereby to labour for the relieving of themselves , wives and children . but what at last did the said assembly or synod bring forth but a national covenant , a chatechize , and a dead directory for the living god to be worshipped by , with their establishing themselves as rightly ordained before by the bishops , and a new way , method , and manner of ordaining others , wherein their brother calamy led them to begin with seven young men in his meeting-house at aldermanbury in london , for an introduction into that new devised way and worship , ( wherein the lord god is not so mock'd , however they deceive themselves and others : ) but as for any benefit , commodity , or advantage unto you concerning your souls or bodies , that seemed not their business ; neither would they willingly then ( nor since ) suffer other persons to do their duties therein , and deal plainly with you concerning your souls , ( when they could or can prevent it ) lest they should thereby lose their praise with men , their fame , & fat benefices ; for they wel know that when you shall withdraw your breath from them , they presently wither , dye , and become as empty idols , so that all men will then see whereof they are made ; but while you put into their mouths , ( what they would have ) fit your selves in gay and gaudy apparel , and so fall down and worship before them , own them ( because of their book-learning ) to be the onely persons to speak to you from god , and to god for you , give your honors , wisdoms , wealth and strength ( that the lord god hath given you for his service ) to them for the service of their lusts , ( and excessive pride of their wives and children ) and pay all military taxes and other-like charges for them ; and they have the gleab-lands , tythes , stocks , estates and incombs ( they get from you ) altogether free to maintain them in ease and idleness , ( without working with their hands ( the thing that is good ) and eating their own bread ) when many of the poor amongst you ( labouring and toiling hard ) must pay contributions and taxes over and above what may , or can be well spared from the thin backs , and hungery bellies of their wives and children ; i say , while you thus do , no wonder if you continue in blindness , errors , and ignorance , without the knowledge of god ( to your shame ) and neither see , nor desire to be free from these afflictions they bring upon you , which on you are just that so uphold and maintain the enemies of christ , of your own souls , and the nations peace . need i yet further remember you how some of them have strugled for , and got augmentations to their former benefices ? how divers also have got fifty pounds each man to carry them for ireland , and when there 100. l. or 200. l. by the year , and some more for preaching , or rather deceiving that people with their lying inventions , and causing punishments to be inflicted upon those that shall therein contradict them , whereby it is evident that whosoever hath gained by these times of trouble , they have not lost theereby , nor their favourites failed them therein , though it is , or may be clearly seen , that far greater things have been expected by them . 11. you may not forget the said solemn league and covenant , nor need i further tel you who brought forth that birth , and gave it that name , as also sometimes calling it the oath of god , and national covenant , ( as their brethren of scotland had ) but so cunningly contrived of ambiguous words and terms , to answer all the authors ends , as no antinomian , independen , anabaptist , seeker , or other sectary ( by them so called ) or person ( in any kind or sort differing from them ) might find a way to escape out of their net , with full confidence also that they ( the said authors ) should be the onely interpretors thereof , whereby they might turn the sence and meaning , any way at any time , or on any occasion to serve their turns , and teach their younger brethren to doe the like , assuring themselves that none they call'd lay persons ought or would presume to interpret or give the meaning of any part of so excellent a piece of their workmanship ; and then how highly did they extoll that new idol ( their covenant ) and preach'd it up , as a thing so absolutely necessary that none ought to refuse it , remaining as restless untill they had prevailed with most of the members of parliament to lift up their hands to it , and subscribe it , and therewith got the stamp of authority upon it , that all men in the nation should be called , to lift up their hands to the most high god , before that covenant , and swear &c , and then how was the sound of that solemn league and covenant in every mans ears ( of cities , town , countrey and army ) by the makers thereof , and their younger brethren riding and running from place to place , from one part of the army to another , in all hast to surprise men thereby , eagerly pressing , and earnestly perswading men speedily to take that solemn oath ; and many that could not be so brought under their yoke must be enforced thereto , some by losse of estates or liberty , others by losse of their places , offices and imployments , and all refusers thereof stiled malignants and enemies to the common wealth ( though many such refusers were then with their swords and lives as in their hands for the parliament and your liberties ) whereby divers of your friends and faithfull servants were displaced and rejected as offenders , and then under this cloak and mask ( of naming the most high god and that covenant ) all other their inventions must be sheltered , ushered in , and carried on , and the greatest part of their sermons be of the excellency of your so entering into covenant ( as they said ) with god , and of the benefits thereby accruing to them that so did , and the danger of refusing such an opportunity so to do ; and this being thus carried on to the height , in the next place they could tell you how the oath of god was upon you , how you had lifted up your hands to god , and of the great danger of breaking covenant with him , with their then new sense and meaning thereof ( according to the then occasion ) to be observed upon the highest penalties , although it may be boldly asserted , and let that of god in every mans conscience answer him , whether themselves that made it ( taking them severally and jointly ) or any other persons ( that took it ) then did , or yet do understand it , so as to say positively , this and no other is the meaning of any one of the six branches thereof , the interpretations thereupon may be , and are so particularly various : neither is it to be supposed that the contrivers thereof ever intended it should be understood by any man , but that all should admire it , and be satisfied with their respective meanings thereupon , however differing therein , not onely one from another at one and the same time , but on all occasions using the same as a ladder to climb up into authority over your souls , bodies and estates , ( more generally and tyrannically then the later bishops exercised ) could they have gotten up to their intended height . and were not some of these the men that stirred up discontents in the citizens of london against divers faithfull men there intrusted with the militia , perswading that none were fit to have to do with the militia in that city , that were then of the parliaments army ( they call'd sectaries ) or disaffected to the ends of their said covenant , holding forth this covenant to make way for them in all their designs , new canons , constitutions , directorie , &c. whereby their congregationall , classicall , provinciall and nationall courts were to take their rise , and be established to enslave and vex you with continuall suits and attendance from one of their said courts to another , and all under the specious pretence of religion , rules and ordinances for the worship and service of god , and good of his church ? 12. when the faithfull servants of the common-wealth ( in the army and elsewhere ) were discouraged , and divers of them displaced ( as aforesaid ) where , or what sort of men procured also the bringing into these places many loose , prophane , and disorderly persons that could complie , take oaths and covenants as directed ? and were not the parliaments then three armies thereby speedily brought into a kind of confusion amongst themselves , and rendred unfit for your service , and on the other hand the king not onely became master of the considerable garrisons , but also of the field it selfe and was it not ( even then ) many of these mens great cry : that god was against the armies ▪ and they prospered not , because their covenant was not generally taken , and strictly observed , and that the government of the church was not established ( as they advised and directed ) whereupon the parliament was necessitated to take notice of the approaching danger to themselves & ( you the lord in mercy directing ) then drew forth of those three armies one intire army , and therein again imployed these faithfull and valiant men ( that before were so put forth ) and others like faithfull persons were therewith joined , and united hearts and hands together , under their then truly noble , faithfull and self denying generall , their lieutenant generall , and major generall , and other like officers , and obedient valiant soldiers , to the great and generall dissatisfaction of those covenant makers ; yet still they presse to have their covenant enforced upon that army also , as knowing no other way to break it , and that at such time when ( under god ) the very safety and externall welfare of this common-wealth lay at the stake upon that armies proceedings , and here none else to stand in the gap , &c. and when some of the said covenant-makers ( and others of that sort ) had by their endeavours ( as was then said ) prevailed with the scots officers and other old souldiers to withdraw themselves from , and leave that army , as designed for destruction , ( whereof the lord of hosts was pleased to make another manner of use contrary to their expectations ) and when that design took not , how shamelesly did divers of those men rail against , revile and asperse that army , labouring by all means to bring an odium upon it , by false reports and slanders ; and who were they that then prevailed with the said scottish officers and others to wait in london and westminster untill they should see the destruction of that army they call'd the inconsiderable number of rawheads new noddle , &c. whom ( said some ) the kings party will soon make an end of , and then the said officers would be sought to , might make their own conditions , & be imploy'd according to their desires . what should i say more of the railing accusations then brought against that army they called sectaries , prophesying the ruine of the whole , &c. in case these men were continued in arms , thereby to weaken all hands in the time of the parliaments greatest weakness , how many of these troubles , did manifest their grief and sorow of heart when they understood the king prevailed not against that army ( they called sectaries ) at naseby fight ; ( much taken notice of , in , and about the said cities at that time , ) whereby it is evident that these ( of that sort of men ) with the king , and others from him , were then indifferently agreed any way to do their own business , as hath appeared since , to your sorrow , sad sufferings , and loss . 13. who were they that held correspondence one with another , and employed spyes in all parts of the land under colour of getting intelligence of errours and heresies , held ( as they said ) by some officers and others of that army , which one called dr. edwards ( a priest then in london did especially manage ; and what strange things had they thereby invented to charge that army with , and which were then put into print in severall books ( one after another ) by the said edwards , called his gangreens , stuft with mistakes , forged inventions , and filthy lies , stil pressing their covenant to prevent errours and heresies , as they said , and labouring with the parliament for an ordinance to inhibit privat meetings , ( they called conventicles , as the late bishops had done ) which they had oft before sought for , when the former armies were at a distance from london and they supposed the time seasonable , but as oft prevented by some considerable losses in the army or forces , when in any measure the parliament incline to such persons therein . and who ( about the same time ) stirred up those called the clubmen in many parts of the land ( and some priests with them ) under colour of defending themselves , and estates from plunderers , even when this sort of men saw the parliament like to prevail , and their ends not accomplished ? 14. whose designe was it to have the late king carried to the scots , when the whole nation was even brought ( almost ) into obedience of the parliament , and great hopes of a speedy settlement ( as supposing themselves sure that way to make their own market by and with him ? ) and who were they that so earnestly perswaded to have the said army speedily disbanded , ( when the king was bought and brought , back againe from the scots , and nothing else seemed to stand in their way ) perswading there was then noe need of that army , and noe way would serve to disband it , but by troops & companies , apart one from another , before due satisfaction given them , or any satisfaction of them in what they had done , or any the rights and liberties , ( for which so much blood had been spilt , and treasure spent ) so much as ascertained , much lesse setled and established , unto you and them , arguing that the great taxes might then be much abated , bloody ireland relieved by these that should after be enlisted under other commanders for that service ; some souldiers goe back to their former imployments , and others ( of their chusing ) be imployed here by this meanes to have broken all in pieces , and set one party against another , rather then to fail of their intendments , further pleading how dangerous it was to continue that army , or to send them together for ireland under their own officers , how soon they would so conquer ireland , and fill that land with sectaries , and then how should they be dealt with here at that armies return , when their doctrine should likewise further spread over england ; some saying ( though they could not but confess that god had manifestly appeared in , and by them , and they had done great services ) they were not to be continued , and therfore nothing could satisfie but such a disbanding as might disperse , & discourage them &c. whereupon some officers of the said army , and souldiers , having notice of the design , the designers prevalency , and evil consequences thereof to the whole nation , advised together how to draw up a petition to their then general for satisfaction in a few particulars , whereof some of the said persons got intelligence , and without any certaine knowledge what the said officers intended to petition for , first had an order got to suppress the said petition , and thereupon a theme to preach of , and cry out of dangerous principles in the army , and designs to oppose the covenant , labouring to have the petitioners censured as enemies to the state ; and how then , and by whom did the slanderous libels and pamphlets fly abroad , divers officers of the army imprisoned , and after released without being told the cause of their commitment ; and when ( in much mercie to this nation ) they were prevented therein , how did some prevaile with divers londoners to prepare a remonstrance against the army , and then stirred up refarmado officers and others , to enlist men , and there got up another army , and prevaild so far as to have the militia there taken out of the hands of faithful men , and put into other hands to carry on their designe by heading forces against the army , and set on foot a new war which might have proved more bloody , and terrible , then that before ; but the lord of all the earth pleased to turn their counsels ( like that of achitophels ) into foolishness , and direct the army ( in obedience to the parliament ) to do their duties soberly , so as that ( in a mild way of prevention ) things were brought back into their former condition of peace , and the said militia againe into safe hands . 15. who in the next place procured the said reformado officers , ( whereof some had been disbanded , some cashiered , and some served the king , ) with divers londoners to force the parliament to pass several votes , &c. which was so great a breach upon the priviledges of parliament , as that the speakers and members of both the then houses were necessitated to repaire to their said army for safety , and when returned ( at their then next free sitting to recal these votes so by these pastwhile under that force , and also dispersed these offisers ( so made use of to put that force upon them ) but the many contrivers & abettors escaped , though much then spoken of , because of the state of affairs at that time ; but rested they here ? or did they not rather wait for other oppertunities wherein the lord by his wise providence prevented them sundry times ? yet for all this they were not willing to see his hand stretched out against them , and turn to him , neither do they yet seem willing : now all you that in any measure are turned into the light , brought into the fear of the lord , and did see his mercy and marvelous works in these times , forget not all his benefits , his deliverances ( in your low estates ) from intended deaths , when that army was so despised and railed on ( by scorners that oft sought their lives to take them away ) low and weak in their own esteem , then did the lord strengthen and put courage into his servants that truly trusted in him , and believed his salvation , cleaving unto him , and one to another with all their hearts ; yea truly then blessed were they , while many others before mentioned were exercised in cursing them , and sorrowing at their safeties , and successes , and when the lord enabled ten to chase hundred , and a hundred to put a 1000. to flight , for that was the lords doing , & marvelous in the eyes of many beholders , being in order to the great war ( manifestly begun ) between michael and his angels , and the dragon and his angels , in this day of god almighty , to the terror and amazemen of all enemies that would not christ should reign over them , but stand in the enmity , equally fearing , and hating the goodniss , wisdome , and mighty power pf god in his sons and daughters . 16. who , and what men were they that in the heat and height of these military affaires , and taxes upon you , were so restless , until they obtained an ordinance for tythes , ( with trebble damages , or value for non-payment ) fo far prevailing , that those who had not wherewith to pay should be imprisoned &c. he that remembers these things need not be farther advertised of that sort of mens practices , or prevalency that could obtaine such an ordinance ( never before heard of ) at such a time , in such a manner , and only upon their bare words , that tithes are due to them , that they are the ministers of christ , or that tithes are ordained by him for their maintenance , &c. being a task they never could , nor now ( by scriptures ) dare take upon them to prove , but they can tell you one while that they are due to them by divine right , another while by some authority of man ( though noe act of man makes them due ; but supposing them due did order the setting forth thereof ) that their predecessors received tythes of their parishoners for many generations ; that tythes are not now to be questioned ; that several parliaments have judged them due , & ordered payment accordingly ; that the israelites paid tythes by special command from god , and would you ( now under the gospel ) pay less to christs ministers ? that gleab lands and tythes are their free-holds &c. while all is but deceit and covetousness ; for they have no colour to demand any thing , but as officers or servants for performing service , and that from the persons they serve , and during such respective times as allowed , and therein continued ; but as for christs work or wages , they neither know the one , nor will be contented with the other . 17. who were they that encouraged the raising of forces in london , and the adjacent counties , as also in wales , and other parts , and that then took and caused oaths to be taken ( with him they call'd lord capel , and other officers for the king ) and gave their assistance therewith against the parliament accordingly , and about the same time held correspondency with them of the kirk , or clergy of scotland , whereupon an army of scots were raised and came ( under command of duke hambleton ) to join with others here , and invade this land , hasting so far● towards london , as stafford-shire , before the parliaments forces could meet with them by the then directions given therein ; and what , or who occasioned the long dispute between the nobility and said kirk of scotland , whether should appoint a commander in chief of that army , some of that sort of men here being not ashamed to say , that duke hambleton died a martyr ? ( it is is like they meant for that intended service ) and who were they that deluded the late king by their sermons , and otherwise seem to accomplish , but not to consent to severall things proposed to him by the parliament ; some telling him it stood not with his honor as a king , so to yield to his parliament ; asking him whether he would make himself a subject , &c. and at other times so craftily acting and advising between both ( for their own ends ) untill he was thereby brought to his last gasp ? and who in like manner lull'd asleep , and misled the parliament severall times , untill , & c ? and who since have prevailed with , and misled their late great benefactor and protector , and those with him , untill he also fell ? and so shall all such builders of babylon , and upholders of her merchants , even they that help , and they that are holpen , shall speedily fall together . 18. who were they that preached up the aforesaid covenant in opposition to the engagement , to be true and faithfull to the common-wealth , as established , without a king or house of lords ) both in the year 1648. and 1649. & c ? who sent letters and books into the english army ( when going against the scots ) to discourage and divide them , and thereby to disable that army and prevent their proceedings , and all whose charge , pains , and diligence was that correspondency held between the presbyters in england , and sco●land , in and about the yea 1650 & 1651 , and who so generally then preach'd up the scots religion , church-government , worship and discipline , here in england , and likewise in ireland , and all the time the kirk of scotland were carrying on their design with ●harls stuart , whom they afterwards crowned there , and ( then with all their might ) hasted to bring him into his late fathers throne ( by way of conquest ) with that potent army of scots , and others here prepared to assist therein ; and how sad and unquiet were this sort of men ( in all the three nations ) upon the defeating and routing of the said army at worcester ? and who were here the chief actors therein , that sent intelligence and timely notice of the fittest season and way of that armies so coming for which some ( of the most notorious ) were called to account , and ( its like ) one or two suffered , but the generality of them remain the same to this day , as they can find out opport●nities in like manner to act for their own ends , whether by such correspondency with any like men in holland , or else where ? and who caused the turkish alcaron to be printed in english after the parliament inhibited the so printing thereof and to what end , and who are the men subject to changes , and alter and change those they call religions ( in all ages ) when , and as they see it may be most pleasing to kings , queens , or rulers , and profitable to themselves , and augment their authority over the bodies and estates of others , and ( upon such changes ) preach that for the word of god , and true gospel , which seems to lead to their preferments , by taking best with such authority ; and in authorities greatest weakness , and distempers to take advantages over and against it , as who is able to make mention of the many factious sermons in the times of your late troubles preached before authority , for which ( they were so cunning therein ) they rendred thanks , seldom reproofs ; but have they not often thereby hindered businesse of importance , because not suitable to their intentions ? 19 who were they of the presbiters kirk of scotland that acted and contrived their intendments so mysteriously during all the time of englands troubles , bookingin all interests with their like brethren here , as also in ireland , hell and hagu● , and other parts for the carrying on of their designs ; their railing accusations and slanders , so oft raised against the english army while here ; as also , when at glascoe , or other parts of scotland , their occasioning the poor people there to hide their goods in the earth , and their bodies also , by perswading them that the english army of sectaries would kill them , and take what they had ; the said sort of men exalting themselves against the civil authority there in matters of the greatest moment : their raising of forces , giving comm●ssions in the name of the kirk and kingdome , their inviting young charls stuart to them , putting him to take their covenant upon his own constructions , and then crowning him to strengthen their party and cause : their disagreements amongst themselves about him and his , and otherwise their seeking assistance from france ; their treacherery against the english army by their kirk army at dunbar , and other parts , &c. yet could they not have much harmed or troubled you ( what ever they intended ) had not many of their said like brethren here fomented differences and assisted them for the more easie accomplishment of their kirk-design in a generall way . 20. to passe by the popish clergy ( so called ) in ireland , with the cruel murthers , and bloody massacres by their instigations committed in that land , during that late , horrid rebellion , call to mind and remember who they were , that ( about the tenth year of the late king before the said rebellion brake forth ) assembled in dublin , composed an instrument , and thereby raised a subsidy , called a free subsidy of four shillings out of each pound of all their promotions and spirituall livings ( so called ) in order to a war , that had such an inordinate desire to bear rule , and exercise authority , thereby to maintain and support their new sound altar-worships , bowings and other their then then inventions , their frequent disturbances by medling with matters of civil government , so by writing , preaching , and otherwise , of what they liked or disliked in magistrates or others , the severall inventions and designings in the time of the said rebellion , the solemn oath many took and preached up , and which many of the people there did take in the latter end of the year 1648. to be true and faithfull to him they called their young king charls the second , how they would fight for him , assist him , &c. who were they that before and about that time , preached for , extolled and encouraged , those they called their excellent and right honourable lords ( ormond and inchequin ) to make leagues and cessations , and joyn in amity with the said popish priests , and irish rebels , and that about the same time in 1648. composed and set forth in print certain prayers ( so call'd ) for their said young king , and therein such execrations and expressions against the said parliament and their armies , as i find not freedome here to name , then and in these times frequently read in their congregations ; and yet since how forward and prevalent have some been in preferring their friends and favourites ( severall that assessed them in those their former actings ) into imployments of publick trust , by having divers faithfull servants of the common-wealth , put out of such imployments to make room for them , and because of not complying to do such unfit things , as some of that sort of men desired , whereby justice hath been turned into wormwood and gall , and of such persons ( so brought into authority ) have they severall times prevailed ( by letters , preaching , and otherwise ) to have men chosen as members to serve in parliaments , there also to carry on their designs . not to say much how the said sort of men have been enabled to do such things by their large salaries , or how frequently divers of them have caused the publick peace to be broken by the rude people , in and near their meeting-houses , in beating , stoning , and abusing sober persons that did but tell ( or offer to tell ) them plainly of their deceits and lying inventions ( in love and for amendment ) that the people might cease from these that so beguile unstable souls ; the time being come that christ jesus will have all spirits to bow and bend to his spirit , which is , if they were acquainted with , they would not onely favourably resent , but lovingly entertain such discoveries and counsels as tend to their own , and the peoples knowledge of him , of whom many have as yet got but a sound of words , not knowing whereof they affirm . 1. ob. but divers of the before mentioned men would not have so taught , encouraged , or done the things they did in the bishops dayes , but that they were then under the bishops commands , and liable to their censures , so that they durst not disobey them , lest they should be silenced and lose their benefices , whereby themselves , wives , and children might have come to want , and they ought to provide for their families ; he denies the faith , and is worse then an infidel , which doth not that , and the like may be said in the beginning and time of the wars , some of them dwelling under the kings power , and others where the parliament had power , and likewise where both armies came upon occasions ; and further , that their affections led them , some to encourage and assist the one side and the other as they could have opportunities , &c. which i take to be their strongest reasons ; for i suppose none of them will now say , their altar-worships were done for conscience sake , much lesse will they say , they so laboured to set men to kill one another for conscience sake , or thereby to exalt themselves into greater authority and estates , and therefore briefly answer . an. it was christs meat and drink to do the will of his father , ( who came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them ) and his love in all his ministers constrains them to be obedient to him , and labour even so to walk as he walked , in all things seeking the good of others that they might be saved , but never did , taught , or allowed the doing of such things as these in any nation , or amongst any people upon any accouunt whatsoever , much lesse for a worldly maintenance , wives , children , or like affections to any man or thing ; and they that are such lovers of their own selves , fear outward wants , or so please men , cannot be the servants of christ , his ministers were never such , and therefore let no man deceive you so any more with vain words — besides this , who , or what enforced any such men so to preach or incite men to wars on the one side , or on the other ? or who occasioned such sidings , making parties , and causing enmity in each against other ? surely this parliament did it not , for that it was begun some years before they sate ; besides they were necessitated to make use of all means and helps they had or could conveniently have for their own and your safeties , and preservations , when the then king would not be perswaded to peace , but raised a war ( by means of many of these men ) in his own land , with and against his own subjects ; and yet where , or when did the parliament so much as imprison any of these men , because they would not preach in their names for wars , provided they sate quiet , and medled not against them . 2. ob. but the priests or ministers are not to be blamed in such cases , because what they do , is for the good of the peoples souls , to have them of an uniform religion , whereby to prevent sects , schismes , heresies , and all sorts of divisions amongst ●hem , wherein the magistratate is to take the said mens advice , and they to assist and help the magistrate therein , they being so usefull in government for support of authority , that all would fall into confusion without them , it being their duties to satisfie mens consciences , that all governments are of god , and to direct their minds to obedience and subjection to every ordinance of man in every change of government , and governours , and to help therein by inciting to wars or otherwise , as they shall see occasion . an. instead of doing good to your souls or bodies , have they not done the contrary on all occasions , pretending to be christs ministers , to preach the gospel of peace , when they stirred up strife , and prepared for war , and in stead of assisting in government ; been the disquieters of mens minds , disturbers of publick peace , hinderers of rulers in the making and due execution of righteous laws ; have not this sort of men been the causers of sects , schismes , heresies and divisions , and the means whereby governours and governments have been changed , ( with great hazard , charge and trouble to you ) when not suitable to their dispositions and intentions ? and is not this their compliance with , and pretending to assist magistrates , and do good to peoples souls , their great engine of deceit , whereby they invent and contrive your troubles , and carry on their subtil and crafty designs , under specious pretences , solemn formalities and ceremonies without spirit or life ? now let the wise in heart judge who in authority or otherwise have received any good by them or their counsels ; and whence else should your troubles have had their rise , the king have so raised his army , or came by his fall as he did , and ( others in ) somewhat a different manner ) before and since ? and contrarily , what peace and concord was in the parliaments faithfull and unanimous army ( in scorn called new noddle ) when this sort of men had least to do therein , & most imployed themselves in railings thereat ? doth the lord god change ? or do changes in governours or governments alter his mind , or the way of his worship and service ? or is his fear truly taught by the precepts of men , or are his ministers subject to changes , as governments change ? from popery to prelacy , from prelacy again to popery , to protestanisme , presbytery , independency , &c. hurrying people ( as it were ) headlong , sometimes one way , and sometimes another , thereby driving all as into confusion , and causing such to become sad sufferers that follow them not therein . consider whether these will be sufficient arguments to justifie before the lord jesus christ at his appearing in his glory and pure power to render to every man according to his deeds ; it is most manifest , that christs ministers would have rather suffered , ( and do willingly suffer at this day ) the spoiling of their goods , imprisonments , and bodily death , rather then yield to any such vile affections in themselves or others . consider also who enforced any of this sort of men , or what necessitated them to become such violent persecutors of consciencious men by the names of puritans , precisians , separatists non-conformists , brownists , anabaptists , seekers , quakers , &c. to commence and prosecute such and so many vexatious suits against their patrons , parishioners , and others , to hast so earnestly into each others livings , and turning wives and children forth of doors , to get augmentations unto their former benefices , to run from a lesse , to a greater benefice , to seek and take pluralities , to intrap men by oaths and covenants ; to revile and speak evil of persons in authority , to force mens goods from them without consideration , or such contract made with them , or such mens owning them in their deceitfull practices , to cause such and so many disturbances in the nations , or to become so nabal-like , that a man may not speak to them ; what rules or directions , are to be found in scriptures ( which they say is their rule ) for these things , & c ? the restraining of this sort of men , from making disturbances by medling with state matters , or otherwise ; from a forcible taking of mens goods ( that for conscience sake ) disapprove of their practises , and leaving the said men in equal condition with others , to prove their doctrines by their deeds , according-to the scriptures , as also clearly ascertaining your other rights and liberties , and securing you therein , might be a safe , speedy , and honourable way of proceeding in the cure of the yet unhealed wounds , ruptures and distempers of this common-wealth . and now to your omen herein ( about others ) concerned , consider soberly of your respective wayes and workings to accomplish your own ends , what your aims are , and how evilly you have required the lord god and this people of these nations for all the good things done for you , your wives , and children ; for i deal plainly with you in love to your souls and bodies , and desire to manifest that i have no hatred to any mans person , nor can be free to let sin lie upon your souls , but put you and others in mind of your former miscarriages , and reprove you soberly , as the onely lord god ( the righteous judge of all the earth ) hath commanded me , who is now shaking , not the earth onely , but the heavens also , that the things which cannot be shaken , may remain ; wherefore deal plainly , truly and faithfully with him and your souls , be willing at last to hearken to the voice of christ in his true light in your consciences ; bring all your deeds to that light , which never did , doth , or can deceive you in any thing , but ( as diligent heed is taken thereto ) will shew you plainly all your deeds ( done in your mortall bodies ) of what sort they have been , and are , with all your most secret thoughts thereupon , and intentions therein , with what you should do , and what you ought not to do ; for that would bring you to true repentance not to be repented of , teach you to walk honestly , as in the day , to put on the lord jesus christ , and make no provision for the flesh , to fulfill the lusts thereof , &c. hearken to that voice of the wel-beloved son , and wait for his appearance , that he may hearken unto you , and receive you graciously , before the doore of mercy be shut against you , sorrow , shame , and sadnesse overtake you , and so seise upon you , that you find no place for repentance , though you may seek it diligently with tears ; for there is such a day of black and thick darknesse hasting upon many evil doers that harden their hearts against christ , and would not he should reign over them , though that of him in all consciences shews how to come to him , and learn of him who was lowly , and meek , holy , and harmlesse , which is your duties in an especiall manner , lest ( after so many his warnings ) he leaves you to your hardnesse and hearts lusts , and say , why should they be smitten any more ; they are turned to idols , let them alone ; and then you justifie your selves , and act yet greater and greater abomination , in fighting against god , stirring up strife amongst the people , and belying the lords servants , his truth and true church , that is , without spot , blemish , wrinckle , or any such thing ; and what will you do in the end thereof ? there hath been a time of ignorance which the lord god hath seemed to wink at , but now calls upon all men every where to repent and believe in his onely begotten sonne , whose gospel never came in word onely , but in plain demonstration of his spirit and of power ; nor doth the faith of gods elect stand ( at all ) in the wisdome of man , but in the pure power of god ; as abraham believed god , and followed him , not knowing whither he went , so do they that are of the same faith , ( children of abraham ) at this day , being led by his spirit , and fitted with wisdome and great power for his spirituall work in this his notable day , wherein his angels appear spirits , and his true ministers a flame of fire in all lands , thereby reproving the world of sin , righteousness and judgement , gathering the wheat into his garner , and burning the chaffe with unquenchable fire ; even his day wherein the armies of heaven follow him , crushing down , and breaking in pieces every high thought , lofty look , and deceitfull thing , that exalteth it self against the kingdome of christ , and cannot worship you , nor any idols that you set up ( be they never so fair or well-favoured ) but ( as christs sheep ) should greatly rejoice to hear his voice in any of you ; but your strange voice they may not hear , nor can own your pharisaicall holinesse , your mock-fasts for strife and debate ; your railing accusations , cursing those that came in the name of the lord , or other abominable practices , which you exercise your selves in ( without any respect or reverence to truth ) because contrary to what is strained through your muddy brains , wherewith you have so defiled the nations , that the workers of iniquity have no more knowledge , but to run violently ( at your becks ) upon the lords people , to devour them as a man would eat bread , to condemn and kill the just that resist not , even the able ministers of the new testament , not of the letter , but of the spirit ( though some otherwise unlearned men ) whereby they approve themselves to every mans conscience in the sight of god , in afflictions , tumults , stripes , imprisonments , labours , &c. do not your hearts smart within you in thinking on the dolefull and deadly kne●s you have rung , and caused others to ring over this common-wealth , and yet do , ever seeking to put the people upon acts of violence one against another , thereby taking peace from the earth , under colour of advising some to take heed of being deceived by others ? when that of god in your consciences will tell you that it is by your inventions they are deceived , that you do or say therein , being not for very love to god and their souls , but for other ends then his service ; and how instead of being a sweet savour to god , as also in them that believe , and to them that perish you are become an evil savour , and stinch upon the face of the earth , in so much that it is sore burthened with you ; and can you be so blind , as not to see it , or not to think it high time for you to live quietly , as sober minded men , work with your hands , and eat your own bread , and permit others to do so likewise , or the magistrate to prevent such acts of violence , as many of you have , and yet do occasion , that those who have not yielded obedience to the light and law within , are to be governed by a law without , and they that observe the royall law , and live of the gospel , freely ( in all places ) to preach the gospel . would you have all people to believe , that as you buy learning , languages and arts for money at schools , that so ( therewith also ) you receive the gift of the holy ghost , and after that ( having laid your hands one upon another , and are placed in parishes ) what you have , or shall find out , invent and compose , as from books , and so take mony to tell of , or teach others , is the word of god to them for salvation of their souls ? or would you have it believed that you have any rule for what you do and teach , save onely your own , or other mens meanings and interpretations of the words and writings of the prophets , christ , and his disciples , as recorded in the scriptures , which you make use of as the chief instrument of your trade or craft , to get mony by , therewith beguiling unstable souls , that cannot cease from sinne ; i pray you consider what else doth it avail you to read , hear , study , invent , compose , and contend about words , while you abide in the enmity against god , and wrathfulnesse of the earthly nature , will and wisdome , even of that spirit which led gain to slay his brother ( because his own deeds were evil , and his brothers good ) the jews to crucifie christ , and stone stephen , and all the bloody persecutors ( in the antichristian state ) to torment ? slay , burn and massacre the bodies of all the martyrs , and that onely for the word of god , the testimony of jesus ; and those persecutors not being able to resist the wisdome of the holy spirit by which they spake , it being the very same spirit in you that hath occasioned some of you to cause such and so many vile things to be done , as would make a mans ears even tingle to hear tell of , which is the cause why you are generally in so great confusion , so ignorant of your duties to god and man , and of the people that are the worlds scorn , that bear the vessels and name of the lord at this day ; and why you conclude your selves and others are to continue in your sins , be of an erroneous and fallible spirit , while in these bodies of flesh , &c. must you indeed contiuue in sinne , remain sinners of the gentiles , or worse , for ( as it is written ) he that commits sinne is of the devil ; whhile so , what ground , rule or reason have you to suppose people should believe you , or hearken to your talk , or methodicall forms of words , more then unto others ? can that be good and pleasing to god that is mixt with sin , and performed by sinners , that take part with the evil one , gods enemy . doth any unclean thing come near his dwelling ? or did not christ jesus come to destroy the works of the devil , and bring in an eversasting rrighteousnesse ? be not alwayes slow of heart to believe what is written ; these your inventions shall certainly and speedily come to an end ; babylon shall fall and never rise again ; and therefore come out of her , make hast , tarry not , nor say within your selves , shall we confesse our ignorance of what we have so long laboured about , preached and contendded for , as the gospel of christ , and for which we have received so great yearly incomes from the people ? shall we bring so great a shame upon our selves , our office and ministry , as to say , we have been so long deceived , and deluded and deceived so many peoples souls that trusted to us and ou doctrine ; and thereby occasion every one to sleight , contemn , and despise us . must we lose all , part with all , or not be christs disciples ? learn to labour , and live like other men ; this is an hard saying , who can bear it ? &c. now at your perils be it , whether you hear or forbear , you have been plainly dealt with ; and if for all this , you remain obstinate , not willing to become fools for christs sake , that you may become wise unto him ; not willing to set aside all your ornaments of learning , arts , and naturall part , and stand single unto him , that he may know what to do to you for your good , but will indeed have your portions in this present evil world , you shall not onely have leannesse in your souls , but these things ( wherein you take delight , and which your hearts lust after ) shall be dead comforts , but living torments to you , and your blood be upon your own heads ; when christ shall say , depart from me , i knew you not , ye are workers of iniquity : go to the gods that you have served , and to the men and things that you have trusted in , &c. and now , all you people , i say again , hearken to the voice of christ in your consciences , wait , and watch there , that you may come to see how far you have been guilty against god , and occasioners of your own troubles , and sufferings , as evil-doers ; for it is written , that god moved david to number the people , because he had a purpose to destroy them , even so were the able men amongst you numbred before the late wars ; and when so , god will find out instruments , though such may be imployed by the evil one to their own ruine . these things before mentioned , were not all done in a corner , nor you remembred thereof to disquiet your minds , or to raise displeasure in you against any person , but as afore is said for their admonition , and your satisfaction , and future caution , wherein take diligent heed at all times , and stand clear of these men ; for you may be like to meet with tentations , such as you are not yet aware of ; here is the true cause of your troubles and trialls , for you to make the right use of , and as any of you become diligent observers of your duty , to god , you will discern things rightly , savour the things god , and fee them as they are , and use them as you ought , and then shall no man need to say to such , depart from the tents and ware-houses of such wicked men , or enter not into the idols temples , lest you defile the temple of god ; for if any man defile the temple of god , him will god destroy . there is now no serving two masters , no partaking of the table of the lord , and the table of devils : stand therefore in the daily crosse unto that , and in that , which is contrary to mans own will , desires , affections , reasonings , and words of wisdome , and so abide faithfull unto him that hath so called , who will also do it , &c. but then look to be made a by-word amongst others , a derision to them that are round about you , and it is also like the devil may cast some of you into prison , and tribulation you may have , which ( according to the integrity of your hearts , and cleannesse of your hand● ) shall be to your spirituall advantages , whereby to become wiser then your enemies , as continually refreshed and strengthened in the inner man , by the ever-springing fountain of life and love that runs through the earth , to accomplish that for which it is sent , which many of you yet see not , because your eyes are shut ; christ jesus came to open the blind eyes , and right blessed are their eyes that see , and receive the inheritance amongst them that are sanctified through faith in him , though derided , falsely accused , and set at naught ( as the good way of the lord , his service and servants have been and are ) cruelly persecuted & said to be troubles ( as elijah was ) even by many of those men that oft have , and yet do strive to trouble and overtop the whole common-wealth , as others ( of that sort of men ) before them , though in somewhat a different manner , &c. have not some such men done more mischief in a few weeks or dayes , then could be amended in much longer time ( besides your sad sufferings thereby ) by causing ( as it were ) the foundations of the earth to be turned out of course , occasioning changes in governments and governours ? and is it not evident , that they who can so far prevail , as to have set up again , and pulled down ? ( at their pleasures ) can also throw the same down again ( by like means ) when that serves not their ends , whereof not onely histories , but your own experience , do ( in part ) make manifest and discover ? by whom , and in what way confusions of mens minds and manners , changes of religion , laws , and states , as also was , spilling the blood of the saints , and other miseries to mankind , have come in all ages of antichrist . some speaking in your cases , will say that the late bishops were an inconsiderable number of men , had not many more assisted , and led on others also , as the multitude , to act and carry on their designs ; and as for the late king , he was but one person , and therefore his evil councel and assistants were all along chiefly charged rather then he ; and will also say , that you ( the people ) desired peace ( rather then war ) and a quiet living , untill incited , stirred up and provoked to strife , and intestine wars , one part against another ; and therefore certainly there be yet some men justly to be esteemed great offenders therein , the guiltiness of whose cause and consciences cannot be separated , and yet have so ( fox like ) lurked in their dens vnder the shelter of one authority after another , as that they have escaped the hand of justice , and not been dealt with , if discovered , although at some times crying out against authority , and at other times to authority to help them and defend them from but being soberly spoken to : it is not here said , what such men deserved , or do deserve for all these their sundry sorts of services ( when particularly discovered with their respective deeds ) nor what is become of the magistrates , that hitherto have taken such for their counsellours , and patronized them . these are things that the righteous judge of all the earth will yet further call to account , who hath looked down from the habitation of his holiness and glory , and taken his peoples cause into his own hands , and appears therein , with affection to them , ( as being afflicted in all their afflictions ) and indignation against his enemies , who ( if they so continue but a little while shall become like bell and the dragon , empty idols , ( seem they now never so great in this world ) so that all others sh 〈…〉 see whereof they are made ; for the lord god of glory will speedily ●read down sathan under the feet of his saints that art dear and precious in his sight , what ever others deem of them . the fourth mo●●h . 1659. the end . to the king and his both houses of parliament this is the word of the lord. bishop, george, d. 1668. 1662 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28243 wing b3009 estc r24657 08401493 ocm 08401493 41270 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28243) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41270) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1247:4) to the king and his both houses of parliament this is the word of the lord. bishop, george, d. 1668. 1 broadside. [s.n.], bristol : 1662. caption title. signed: george bishop. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the king and his both houses of parliament ; this is the word of the lord . friends , ye stand in a slippery place , whilest ye take upon ye to meddle with his dominion who lives for ever ; for the conscience he hath placed in man as his particular witness , and his seat throughout all generations , who hath given the earth unto the children of men. so see what you do in this particular ; for , if you set free that which onely can be bound by him , and not make men to suffer for their freedom of conscience ; you are upon a foot which wil preserve you for ever , a●● perpetuate your station to all generations ; for herein the lord will be with you , and preserve your station whilest you stand with him ; ●nd he being with you , who can be against you ? for , his presence makes the earth to tremble , and the isles to be afraid , the mountains to leap , and the little hills to skip , and the sea to be driven back , whilest he makes a way for his ransomed to pass over . therefore fear and tremble before the lord god of hosts , who divideth the sea and it is driven back , who maketh the waters to stand as upon heaps , who declareth to man his thought ; the lord of hosts is his name : and let his dread be upon you , so you will be kept , and his particular rule will be in your conscience , and his dominion set up , who is lord of all , and so ye will be preserved from entrenching upon his soveraignty , when he as soveraign rules in you ; and encroaching on his prerogative , when it is your prerogative to rule with the lord ; and from being at a stand what is his will , when in you his will rules ; and the blessing of god will be upon you whilest you rule with god , and your rule is his will. for , here hath been the undoing of men in all generations , and that which hath ruined kingdomes and nations : another thing than the will of god hath been their rule , which god being against , and that thing against god , a war hath been , and god being the stronger they have come to nought . for , who would set the bryars and thorns against me in battail ? ( saith the lord ) i would go thorow them , i would burn them together . so then , the interest of kings and nations , of governments and rulers , of kingdoms and people , and their peace and prosperity is the will of god , and to do that which is well-pleasing to him ; that so it may be well with them , and their posterity after them , and the earth may give forth its encrease , and god even our god may bless us , and give us every good thing . and so your prosperity i wish , who am moved of the lord thus to write unto you , and whose word it is . george bishope . bristol , 14th . 12th . month , 1662. a declaration of the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this present parliament of ireland assembled, concerning ecclesiastical government and the book of common-prayer ireland. parliament. 1661 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46024 wing i383 estc r36828 16140427 ocm 16140427 104812 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46024) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104812) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:28) a declaration of the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this present parliament of ireland assembled, concerning ecclesiastical government and the book of common-prayer ireland. parliament. 1 broadside. imprinted at dublin by william bladen, by special order ..., [dublin] : 1661. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of ireland. church and state -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit moni soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ a declaration of the lords spiritual , and temporal , and the commons in this present parliament of ireland assembled , concerning ecclesiastical government , and the book of common-prayer . we the lords spiritual , and temporal , and commons assembled in parliament , observing that although the government of the church by arch-bishops and bishops , and the book of common-prayer , are both setled and established by the laws of the land ; yet divers fanaticks , and other persons given to change , doe take the boldness not onely to deprave the one , and to speak irreverently of the other : but doe obstinately refuse to submit to that government , and to use that form of prayer , in high contempt , and derogation of those laws , ( which because in some it may proceed from ignorance of the law , for which there is some pretence , by reason of the long intermission of iustice , occasioned by the late confusions . ) we doe therefore publish and declare , that those laws are still in force , and that we are fully resolved , by all fair and lawful ways and means to countenance and support the same ; and in order thereunto , we do hereby require all persons whatsoever , to give due obedience to the said ecclesiastical government , and to conform themselves to the said book of common-prayer , and to the practise thereof , as the onely publique form of serving god , established and allowed to be in this realm ; and we do further require all magistrates ecclesiastical and civil , and all other officers and ministers of iustice to proceed with all just severity against the contemners of the said government or common-prayer book , either by disobedience , by reproachful words , or otherwise , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . may the 17. 1661. ordered that the several ministers in and about this city , do read the said declaration , the next sunday after its coming from the press , publiquely in their congregations before sermon ; and that all ministers throughout this kingdom , do read the same the next sunday after its comming into their hands , in their respective congregations ; and that the several reverend bishops of this house do take care that there be a convenient number of the said declarations sent into their several diocesses , and that it be duely put in execution in their said diocesses . john keating , cler. parl. god save the king . imprinted at dublin by william bladen , by special order , anno dom. 1661. a word to the wavering, or, an answer to the enquiry into the present state of affairs whether we owe allegiance to the king in these circumstances? &c. : with a postscript of subjection to the higher powers / by g.b. hickes, george, 1642-1715. 1689 approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70226 wing h1878a estc r11270 09501963 ocm 09501963 43334 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70226) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43334) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 496:35 or 1326:16) a word to the wavering, or, an answer to the enquiry into the present state of affairs whether we owe allegiance to the king in these circumstances? &c. : with a postscript of subjection to the higher powers / by g.b. hickes, george, 1642-1715. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. [2], 10 p. [s.n.], london : 1689. attributed by the nuc pre-1956 imprints to george hickes and to gilbert burnet by wing. this item is identified as wing b5941 at reel 1326:16 and as wing h1878a at reel 496:35. wing number b5941 cancelled in wing (cd-rom). reproduction of originals in the cambridge university library and the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng government, resistance to -biblical teaching. church and state -church of england. great britain -history -revolution of 1688. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 angela berkley sampled and proofread 2007-05 angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a word to the wavering : or an answer to the enquiry into the present state of affairs : whether we owe allegiance to the king in these circumstances ? &c. vvith a postscript of subjection to the higher powers ; by dr. g. b — london , printed in the year , mdclxxxix . a word to the wavering , &c. 't is said , ( page 3. ) — wheresoever protection fails wholly , allegiance falls with it . the whole nation almost did not think so when they own'd king charles the second in his exile , when his protection failed them ; and yet they , very dutifully and religiously , as well as loyally and unanimously , brought him in in 1660. and did what they could possibly for him by their pens , and purses , in his absence . and the whole people of israel and judah , did not think their allegiance cancell'd , because king david's protection over them was disabled , but strove who should be the forwardest to bring him back , 2 sam. 19. 42. and all the men of judah answered the men of israel , because the king is near of kin to us : wherefore then be you angry for this matter ? have we eaten at all of the king's cost ? or hath he given us any gift ? ( nay , to accommodate the case to the objection , — was he so much as able to protect us ? ) yet the men of israel answered the men of judah ( ver. 43. ) we have ten parts in the king , and we have also more right in david than ye : why then did ye despise us , that our advice should not be first had in bringing back our king ? what more evident , then that their allegiance did not fall with david's ability to protect them , seeing they profess no self-interest in the case , no gift , &c. but only the allegation of birth , family , and kindred , or the like . again , ( pag. 3. ) — service and obedience are without doubt absolved , when a father ceases to be a father , by becoming an enemy . that the father of our country is not become an enemy , shall be made out hereafter — but if a father , or a prince , becomes an enemy , yet service , and obedience , are still due to them ; in as much as the vices of the fathers cannot affect the duty of the children . c ham got a curse for discovering his father's nakedness , while shem and japheth got a blessing by covering it . why should cham be cursed , if noah's drunkenness had cancell'd his son's respect and duty ? and , i believe , his majesty's children abhor the thoughts of but supposing their duty to their natural parent and soveraign at present waved , or extinguished ; lest upon the breach of the fifth commandment , of not honouring their father , &c. their days should not be long in the land ; besides the considerations of eternity . ( pag. 4. ) the first 7 verses of the 13th . chapter to the romans are set down ; in which the duty of the magistrate , as well as the obedience of the subject , are set forth , and so mixt together , as that our author thence concludes — upon the total failing of the one , the other does likewise cease . but first , does this hold on both sides ? then , if rebels and traytors have totally failed their duty of allegiance , the magistrate is not to do his ; not to try , judg , nor condemn , nor see them executed . is that it , which you would be at ? why then do you blame the king for going away , from that his duty ? but thus much only to shew the weakness of your reasoning . as to the text , st. paul meant it primarily , and literally , of nero , the worst of men and princes ; who was so very far from doing his duty , or protecting our religion , that he was a grievous tyrant , and a mighty terror to good works ; and yet the apostle commands all , without exception , to be subject to him , not because he was a good governour ( for that he was not ) but because he was one of the higher powers ; and because he had received that power , not from any mutual compact of the people , but only from god , whose vicegerent he was ( though never so bad ; ) since there is no argument ever yet able to shake that assertion , that there is no power but of god , and the powers that be are ordained of him : whosoever therefore resisteth ( not the vice and wickedness of the man , but ) the power and ordinance of god , lodged in that man , shall receive to themselves damnation ; from which , good lord , deliver us all . as nero was the worst , so saul was none of the best of princes ; and yet david stiles him , 1 sam. 24. 8. my lord the king ; and owns him his soveraign , because he was the lord's anointed , ver. 10. and this not out of flattery and courtship , but loyalty and duty ; for he had been far from a saint after god's own heart , if ( even upon any occasion ) he had let himself loose to speak evil of dignities . to nero , and saul , i will add a third , and that is pilate , whose power christ owned to have been from above , joh. 19. 11. and therefore submitted to it even to the death , though there was no law of the romans by which he could be put to death , joh. 18. 31 , 38. and when he suffered , he threatned not , but committed himself ( not to arms and revenge ) but to him that judgeth righteously , thereby leaving us an example that we should follow his steps : and accordingly all the primitive and succeeding christians fought the battles of all their pagan emperors and tyranical persecutors , without resistance , or ever aiding the armies of the rebels . tertullian glories , that when possenius nigar in syria , and clodius albinus in france and britany , rebelled against septimius severus , that bloody and cruel emperor , and pretended piety , and publick good , yet that none of the christians joyned with either . and the noble thebaean legion , in the 18. of dioclesian , are most eminently famous for laying down 6666 lives at the command of the emperor maximinian , when they could easily have saved them ; if they could have imagined , that the protection of the magistrate failing , it was lawful for the subject to withdraw his obedience . this is visible throughout all ages and places of the christian church , and has been ever most eminently the constant doctrine and practice of this church of england , in her articles , constitutions , and behaviours ; however some that have been willing to rejoyce in iniquity have imagined some occasion of triumph , in respect of some persons , and things , which perhaps they do not fully understand : but there is too much behind . ( pag. 4. ) the king's zeal for his religion never pushed him beyond the measures of a pious and just prince : if he attempted any thing that has appeared since illegal , it was against his will , having had the judgment and decision of all ( or most of ) the judges , and many other protestant counsellors learned in the law , upon their oaths , and consciences , that what they put him upon , was so far from subverting the establishment of our religion and laws , that he thought he did no more than his royal predecessors had done ; and particularly queen elizabeth , and king james , by their legal , and acknowledged prerogative , which is law , as well as those priviledges which concern the subject , according to statute , as well as common , and natural law. ( pag. 5. ) seeing you grant , that if the king was in eminent danger , he was then driven away : i shall only say , that as long as the king did rationally believe it , and all his friends , you and i ought to believe it too , or at least acquiesce so far in it , as that his majesty hath not thereby forfeited his crown , and right : it is more mannerly to suppress the diminishing conditions of ( what you call ) a treaty , than insist upon the hardness , or unacceptableness of any of them ; as for the seals they may be brought again , by the same hand that took them away , at a convenient season . ( pag. 6. ) allegiance stands in its full force , make you what consequence you please ; neither is it under any suspension , for none but god can suspend it , or legally put the regency into other hands : neither is there any incapacity , by being affected , and culpable ; for nothing is supposed to be culpable in the person of a lawful king , in respect of his subjects , who are no competent judges of what are supposed his faults . ( pag. 8. ) as for the terms of security , the best way is to leave them to him , who is the only ruler of princes , by whom alone kings reign , and princes decree judgment ; and that without the expectation of miracles , to preserve us under our again restored sovereign ; forasmuch as he sees those rocks upon which he dash'd before , and doubless will avoid them , as becomes so great , so wise , and so experienced a prince : neither need we now fear any jesuits in the council , no , nor so much as any papist in the government ; seeing they now expect and desire no more priviledge than they have in holland , nor so much neither , unless the king and parliament shall vouchsafe it them ; no danger therefore of throwing our selves back into any miserable condition upon the king's return . ( pag. 10. ) oaths are binding , although those in behalf of whom they are taken do not perform their part . the breach of one man's duty , will not legitimate an others . the matrimonial oath is not absolutely made for term of life , but god himself has put in an exception in the case of adultery , which he has not done in the case of loyalty ; wherefore the oath of allegiance binds semper , & ad semper , and admits of no intermission , or interception . the king never ceases to be a king till he ceases to be a man ; and it is a contradiction in terminis , that the next heir , should be at the same time king : for if he be actually king , he is no heir ; and while he is an heir , he is no king. ( pag. 11. ) for all your new fangled interpretation of that maxim — the king can do no wrong ; it is to be understood of the king's person , not his power , in your sense ; for his power , even in his minsters , may possibly do amiss ; but this is not to be imputed to , or exacted of his person , but his instruments , whose fault it is , if he be not better advised . ( pag. 12. ) as for the presidents of edward ii. and richard ii. 't is too long to examine their histories : but , let me offer in general , that never any king of england was judged in parliament for their male administration , in quiet and sedate times , but always soon after some great commotions or rebellions . and would you bring the acts of the rump , or those at the latter end of king charles i. reign , for presidents of law , especially against a king ? for the judgments of edward ii. and richard ii. whether they were ever revoked or not , by the succeeding kings , is a question ; but this is certain , that some of the conspirators against edward ii. were in the 4th . of edward iii. adjudged and attainted in parliament , although the king was but a child . and as to that against richard ii. it was given in the first parliament of henry iv. whose son , and son's son , reigned after him , and was the foundation of their usurping titles , and so could not be for their honour or interest to have them set aside . and besides , edward iv. who succeded that line , claimed from edward iii. and not from richard ii. he leaving no issue , whose business it might have been , more properly , to have seen the judgments against his father abrogated . besides , notwithstanding that , richard ii. was murthered so inhumanly , yet he was several times set up , by the people , against henry iv. which shews what opinion they had of that scandalous judgment . but for that against charles i. which was much of the same nature , all the proceedings against that unfortunate prince were , by act of parliament , ordered to be taken off the file , eraced , and ( if i am not mistaken ) ordered to be burnt by the common hang-man ; and the persons concerned , by parliament , attainted , and most of them executed . besides , considering the distance of time between richard ii. and edward iv. which was 60 yeras probably erasing them would not quit cost , nor be tanti , in comparison of the smoak and puther those agitations might raise , between king and people ; to prevent which , the wisdom of those latter definitions ( you speak of ) is conspicuous , and has been successfull to the peace and welfare of the kingdom . but our author in this matter , ( as well as to the right of a husband , who marries the heiress of the kingdom of england , ) shews his little reading in the laws and statutes of this kingdom : for if he had any , he would have remembered what the parliament , by an established law has declared , after giving a history of the proceedings against king charles i. that by the undoubted and fundamental laws of this kingdom , neither the peers of this realm , nor the commons , nor both together , in parliament or out of parliament , or the people collectively or representatively , nor any other person whatever , ever had , have , hath , or ought to have , any coercive power over the persons of the kings of this realm , which is , i hope , a full abrogation or declaration of the illegality of those judgments of edward ii. and richard ii. with a witness . the convention , which you call the representative of the kingdom , having such an honour and deference to the prince , it is to be hoped , they will concur with his highness , in laying the blame on the evil counsellors rather than on the sacred person ( which you acknowledge so ) of the king , his father , and uncle , and great obliger . as to the calling his majesty's honour in question , he has born a great deal of that already . in gods name ; if another mother , father , nurse , midwife , servants , will come in , and confess all , with due credible circumstances , ( outweighing the depositions upon oath , of so many protestants , and others ) let them come forth and be heard ; and that with all safety , till the truth be out . let us try all things , and hold fast that which is good ; and let truth never fear the frowns of any imposture , how great and powerfull soever . this , i conceive , is the cardo controversiae ; and , i hope , we may wish his majesty's affairs , and all his royal family , may thrive and prosper according to the merit of that great cause . ( pag. 13. ) the 10th . paragraph is wholly spent in throwing down the imaginary treaty with the king ; and the arguments are so strong against any indecent proposal that i cannot answer them ; neither is it the interest of the cause , if i could . ( pag. 14. parag. 11. ) there my author contends , that this nation is a protestant kingdom incompatable with popery , or a popish king , witness the exclusioners — you know it was compatable before the reformation ; and you ought to know , that dominion is not founded in grace : neither do the temporal rights of princes depend upon religion , whether true or false . the power of the magistrate is never the more from god , because he is a good man ; and never the less from god , because he is a bad man : to this purpose is that of st. augustine , in his fifth book de civitate dei , — qui augusto ipse & neromi , &c. qui constantino christiano , ipse apostatae juliano , &c. he that gave the soveraign power to augustus , gave it likewise to nero ; and he that conferred it upon constantine a christian , bestowed it in like manner upon julian an apostate . ( pag. 15. ) as for the king's friends , i dare say you , sir , are none of them ; and they know how to construe his absence from them , without your invidious suggestion of his abandoning them . true friendship , much less steady loyalty , will never think ill of a prince in such circumstances ; who has done so much good , and so little deserved any ill usage from his subjects . as for the disbanding the army ; what danger was there of their turning banditti , when there was such a potent and successful prince , and power to suppress them ? and the event shews this suggestion to have been meer malice . upon all this , is it natural ? i say it is unnatural to declare the throne void , which the law looks upon as impossible ; no , not upon the death of a king , who in law never dies ; insomuch that it never admits of an interregnum , much less vacancy for another candidate . that the king therefore has fallen from all right to the throne , is a chimaera , and figment of this authors brain , proceeding from a vacuum , or vacancy , never known , or understood , or read of before . as to the king's return from feversham . — doubtless had he thought himself in safe and honorable circumstances , he had stay'd ; and , then there would have been no want of the seals , or a parliament , or any other concession , that was fit for a good king to grant , to make his people happy ; which they can never be , without rendering to caesar the things that are caesars ; and acknowledging the lords anointed , to be their only lawful sovereign during his life . ( pag. 16. line 3. errata . ) instead of unbounded , read legal , or scriptural , or primitive loyalty ; which is as much as the king , or our clergy call for . to conclude , your flurts and dawbing , can never alter the steady principles of the reverend and learned clergy , who have declared themselves abundantly , ever since the reformation , in behalf of the crown , and in favour of entire loyalty : and it is not nature ( as you say ) they must conquer , but scripture and reason , primitive and establish'd authority , their own great learning , and their well regulated consciences ; if they ever depart from the glory of the church of englands loyalty , which they have so nobly , so faithfully , and so dutifully asserted and propagated , as a most evident and fundamental truth . postscript . since i wrot this i heard some ask at a bookseller's shop for dr. burnet's enquiry after allegiance , &c. and therefore to do the doctor right , i have added some of his own words transcribed out of two of his sermons . pag. 30. ] — david , his going out with the armies of the philistins , and professing a great desire to fight against the enemies of achish , who were no other but saul his natural liege . lord , and the armies of israel , ( wherein he acted a very unsincere part , or did really resolve to have ingaged against them ) are things so manifestly contrary to the laws of god , that they give a strong presumption , that the whole business of his taking arms , was contrary to law , and religion . pag. 33. ] may not one be said to kill the king , that robbed him of his revenue , power , and authority , and every thing that was necessary for the maintenance of the royal dignity ? pag. 17. ] there is a tribunal set up by god for the magistrate in all our breasts , which will pass sentence severely , and will not be put off by the tricks of law , &c. pag. 20. ] the higher powers being deputed by god must indeed render him a severe account , but not to others ; we are therefore to obey them for the lord's sake . 1 pet. 2. 13. pag. 26. ] christ did in the plainest style was possible condemn all practising's against government upon pretence of religion , by saying , my kingdom is not of this world , &c. joh. 18. 36. this does so expresly discharge all busling and fighting on the pretence of religion , that we must either set up another gospel , or utterly reject what is so formally condemned by the author of this we profess to believe . pag. 31. ] though after that the emperors turned christian , and established the faith by law ; yet neither did the subtil attempts of julian the apostate , nor the open persecutions of some arrian emperors , who did with great violence prosecute the orthodox , occasion any seditious combinations against authority . pag. 34 ] they are without more ceremony of words . traytors , who subject our sovereign's rights which he derives from god only , to a foreign superior power , &c. pag. 36. ] the dr. taxes also those who pretend a great heat against rome , and value themselves on their abhorring all the doctrines and practices of that church , and yet have carried along with them , one of their most pestiferous opinions , pretending reformation , when they would bring all under confusion ; and vouching the cause and work of god , when they were destroying that authority he had set up , and opposing those impowred by him . and the more piety and devotion such daring pretenders put on , it still brings the greater stain and imputation on religion , as if it gave a patrociny to those practices , it so plainly condemns . this is judas-like to kiss our master when we betray him ; and to own a zeal for religion , when we engage in courses that disgrace and destroy it . but blessed be god , our church hates , and condemns this doctrine , from what hand soever it come ; and hath establish'd the rights and authority of princes , on sure and unalterable foundations , enjoyning an entire obedience to all the lawful commands of authority , and an absolute submission to that supreme power god hath put into our sovereign's hands . this doctrine we justly glory in ; and if any that had their baptism and education in our church , have turned renegades from this , they proved no less enemies to the church her self , than to the civil authority : so that their apostacy leaves no blame on our church , &c. this is enough to clear the doctors reputation , and moreover to entitle it — dr. burnet ' s answer to the enquiry about allegiance . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70226-e90 12 car. 2. cap. 30. notes for div a70226-e1590 dr. g. burn. sermon on 2 sam. 2. 12. preached jan. 30. 1674-75 . dr. burn. sermon on rom. 13. 5 1674. act asserting his majesties supremacy over all persons and in all causes ecclesiastical at edinburgh, the 16th of november, 1669. the estates of parliament having seriously considered, how necessar [sic] it is for the good and peace of the church and state; that his majesties power and authority, in relation to matters and persons ecclesiastical, be more clearly asserted by an act of parliament;... acts. 1669 scotland. parliament. committee of estates. 1669 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a92479 wing s1059 estc r231896 99897086 99897086 137278 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92479) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 137278) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2467:11) act asserting his majesties supremacy over all persons and in all causes ecclesiastical at edinburgh, the 16th of november, 1669. the estates of parliament having seriously considered, how necessar [sic] it is for the good and peace of the church and state; that his majesties power and authority, in relation to matters and persons ecclesiastical, be more clearly asserted by an act of parliament;... acts. 1669 scotland. parliament. committee of estates. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1669. all ecclesiastical customs, &c. inconsistent with his majesty's supremacy are void and null--steele. arms 223; steele notation: necessar his declares. reproduction of original in the bodleian library, oxford, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. royal supremacy (church of england) -early works to 1800. scotland -politics and government -1660-1688 -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion act asserting his majesties supremacy over all persons and in all causes ecclesiastical . at edinburgh , the 16. of november , 1669. c r honi soit wui mal y pense the estates of parliament having seriously considered , how necessar it is for the good and peace of the church and state , that his majesties power and authority , in relation to matters and persons ecclesiastical , be more clearly asserted by an act of parliament ; have therefore thought fit it be enacted , asserted and declared , likeas , his majesty , with advice and consent of his estates of parliament , doth hereby enact , assert and declare , that his majesty hath the supreme authority and supremacy over all persons and in all causes ecclesiastical within this his kingdom ; and that by vertue thereof , the ordering and disposal of the external government and policy of the church doth properly belong to his majesty and his successors , as an inherent right of the crown : and that his majesty and his successors may settle , enact and emit such constitutions , acts and orders , concerning the administration of the external government of the church , and the persons imployed in the same , and concerning all ecclesiastical meetings , and matters to be proposed and determined therein , as they in their royal wisdom shall think fi● . which acts , orders and constitutions , being recorded in the books of council and duly published , are to be observed and obeyed by all his majesties subjects , any law , act or custom to the contrary notwithstanding . likeas , his majesty , with advice an● consent foresaid , doth rescind and annull all laws acts and clauses thereof , and all customs and constitutions , civil or ecclesiastick , which are contrary to , or inconsistent with , his majesties supremacy as it is hereby asserted , and declares the same void and null in all time coming . edinbvrgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , 1669. a third letter from a gentleman in the country, to his friends in london, upon the subject of the penal laws and tests penn, william, 1644-1718. 1687 approx. 36 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54229 wing p1381 estc r5099 12187547 ocm 12187547 55852 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54229) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55852) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 615:12) a third letter from a gentleman in the country, to his friends in london, upon the subject of the penal laws and tests penn, william, 1644-1718. 19 p. printed for j.h. and t.s. ..., london : 1687. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -england. church and state -england. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a third letter from a gentleman in the country , to his friends in london , upon the subject of the penal laws and tests . licensed , may the 16th 1687. london , printed , for j. h. and t. s. and to be had of most booksellers in london and westminster , 1687. my honoured friends , since my last letter was so happy as to please more of the party than my first offended , and that even those are somewhat softened by it , i prevail'd with my self , once more , to give you my thoughts upon the same subject : and though i think the objections you have sent me , are come too far for an answer , yet i will give you mine , with all the plainness , brevity and temper i can ; for they that seek the publick good , are not to be nice in their endeavours for it ; and such who go upon principles , have the advantage of being secured by their sincerity , even where their mistakes cannot be defended . but as i think i am not in the wrong , so i sincerely profess , if i knew i were , no temporal consideration should engage me against my opinion ; for though i am for the liberty of persuing ones own judgment , i abhor the latitude of dissembling it . but to the point before us . you tell me , that the generality of the soberest and wisest of those , that would be esteemed members of the church of england , of your acquaintance , do declare , they have no aversion for liberty of conscience , and that they always liked an indulgence to dissenters , but they are angry at the present manner of it , and with the addresses of thanks the dissenters have made to the king for it. to say nothing then of who they were that made the penal laws , or by whom they were executed , or upon what motives ; and less , what prejudices thereby have followed to the persons and estates of thousands of the kings subjects ( because that history might look harsh , and i resolve to be as healing as i can ) let me ask , why these gentlemen should be offended at the way of the ease the king has graciously given ? 't is certain , that some of them reproach'd the severe conduct he has chang'd , and thought it ill in the government to expose so many useful men in their persons and estates to a pack of lewd informers , that yet now quarrel the stop he has given to those severities . they will , i hope , pardon me if i say ; christ's answer to the pharisees about the breach of the sabboth came in my mind upon reading their objection , what man among you that should have a sheep fall into a pit on the sabboth day , will , not lay hold on it and lift it out ? he excused david and the priests in a case of the like nature , and thought a good deed was to be done at any time , when he healed the poor man. this was he that preferred mercy before sacrifice , and exalted the good nature of the samaritan above the strict priest and levite , that with all their reverence to the law , left the rifled and wounded unregarded . but to turn the stile of the discourse : why should any of the church of england be offended , when it is a less power than has been publickly maintained by the most venerable of their own clergy , in all times since the reformation ? you will find arch-bishop whitgift , in his letter to q. elizabeth , asserting her power in ecclesiastical matters to rest wholly and absolutely in the queen , & that he advises her , by no means to allow the parliament to have the fingering of those things ; and that what cannons were made by the clergy in convocation , by her majesties authority , might be observed or altered at her pleasure . and in another letter to the lords of the council , he tells them , that the queen her own self , had in express words , immediately committed causes ecclesiastical to him , as to one , who was to make answer to god and her majesty in that behalf , and not to their lordships , wherein , as he supposed , he had no judge but her self . arch-bishop laud , and bishop sanderson , dr heylin , dr hicks and several other dignified divines of the church of england , all grave and learned authors , follow the same sentiments touching regal power , in a more extended manner , as you may shortly see by an ingenious hand , who hath exactly transcribed their own writings in this great point . but in general , it is resolved by dr starky , in his assise sermon at st edmonds-bury , concerning the divine obgation of human ordinances , printed by john field , printer to the university of cambridge , 1668. that constitutions , as they had their original and establishment from the reason of the supream magistrate , consulting for the conveniency and good of the society , so the condition of things and state altering , upon their burthen and inconvenience , may , by the authority that established them , be altered , suspended , abrogated , and taken quite away . thus a divine of the church of england ; but to proceed on that lesson , argumentum ad hominem . for what greater injury ( saith he ) canst thou put upon thy careful governour , then when his contrivances and determinations are published for publick good , that his directions should be contemned , and by thy rebellion that thou shouldst suggest to others ( what our disorderly nature is too ready to suspect ) that their rules are the results of erronious and corrupt men , which ought to be lookt upon as the determinations of sacred authority derived from a most wise and just god. but if this were not so , is it the same thing to dispence with a temporary , as a fundamental law ? with that which says , thou shalt not go to a conventicle , as with that which says , thou shalt not kill or steal ? are there not some laws that are of that moral and enduring nature , no time or accident of state can dispense with ? and such laws as are so specially accommodated , that the reason of them may not live three years to an end ? the penal laws about religion were made for fear that divers opinions in one country might endanger the government , & time shows us that nothing hazards it more then their execution . t is plain it puts us in a state of force , and that therefore people fly the kingdom , and trade dwindles to nothing : and since all countrys are greater by their people and forraign commerce , than by their soyle and domestick labour and consumption , whatever lessens them , impoverishes and weakens the kingdom . who will trade where his gettings are none of his own ? or live , where he is not sure of his principle ? which is the case of dissenters in a country using coertion for religion . and when all this is said , the king is pleased to refer the matter to the concurrence of a parliament , and such power for the good of the publick , was never denied by any man of sence , any where , to the wisdom and necessity of government , and it must ever rest with that part of it , which is by the constitution always in the way , which , we all know , our parliaments are not . this declaration seems to me no more than a royal bill without doors , informing the kingdom of his majesties mind , and preparing both houses to make it the subject of their next session : and i don't think i shall ever see a parliament in england break with a king of his justice and valour , upon so reasonable and popular a point . but to be free , it looks ill in any of the sons of the church of england , to scandal this ease with the irregularity of the way of it , when nothing is more evident than that they cannot do it without flying in the face of that loyalty , which made that church so famous in 41. for as then the distinction of the natural and political capacity of the king , was the great doctrine of the parliament against several acts of state , which in part , gave rise to the misunderstandings and wars that followed . so 't is certain , that the generality of the church of england opposed it as a pernitious principle to the monarchy , and rather than suffer so plebean a notion to take place in the government , drew their swords for the soveraignty of the crown ; and we all know what endeavours have been used , and by whom , since the late kings restoration , to damn that distinction as the very seed of rebellion . this reflection makes me beseech the dissatisfied sons of the church to consider , how much wiser it were to approach the king with all possible candour and decency , and by assuring him , that their concern looks no further , than such a legal and uncoercive security for themselves , as at the same time that others are safe from them , by the repeal of the penal laws , the church may be secure that no one of those interests shall invade her rights and possessions , he may be induced to imbrace the mediums that in such an occasion it were the easiest thing in the world to find , as well as that they might be the most agreeable and honorable in themselves for all our happinesses . let her then betake her self to think of some happy expedients , and rebuke those members of her communion , that run up and down with the falsest , as well as angriest aggravations ; that we may all yet meet in some general and national principle to adjust our several interests upon . for can she take it ill of the king , that he receives the dissenters as near him for his interest , as 't is plain she would take them to her for her security ? the objection she makes against their former disloyalty , vanisheth with their present adherence and her dissent ; for it both shows they are for the government when that is for them , and that even she her self is for it no longer ; nay , it will be said by some , nor so long ; for she is ( say they ) not satisfied to be safe , nor yet to keep the chair , nor will she thank the king for that , unless others may be confounded that cannot offer at her altar ; who , as bad as they are , for this gracious reprieve , think him not only worthy of their thanks , but of their estates and lives when he wants them on so glorious an occasion : and it is not the foolishest thought that may come in her head , that having once lost the king to the side against which she could not maintain his father , her case must be desperate upon the contest , which god forbid . i confess , when i consider the idea we have been taught to have of a popish king , and what persecuting , massacring murdering work was necessarily to attend his raign , i cannot but say , i think the church of england securer , in this raign , upon the kings declaration , than any other worldly support she can flatter her self with ; and not to thank him , for an assurance she desir'd , and that is so generously given for a king of his circumstances , from whom , we were told worse things would have followed , and then too , when too many of her children would indiscreetly have provok'd other resolutions , shows her less christian and civil then i believe she desires to be thought , and i hope , upon the main , she deserves . but you tell me , that this liberty is by divers persons rendered dangerous to the monarchy , in that it strengthens the hands of those people that have always been for a common-wealth : this looks very kind and dutiful to the royal family : but tho no body more affectionately wishes the preservation and just succession of it than my self , i can't forbear to charge the objection wit extream weakness , for it is remov'd with a word ; the king has an army , is that the way to set it up ? and what he leaves , his children will finde . is the love of power first objected , and then a design to make a common-wealth with it ? but they will say , tho it ben't his design , it is consequent upon his measures . but i must tell them , no story shows us , that ever any government was changed , making the people of it easie ; but often t'other way : nor is it to be thought , that folks will plot to loose , what they might be driven to plot to get . let the church think as hardly of dissenters as she will ; they cannot be any longer in pain when they are made easie . besides , what have they further to seek , or which way can they possibly agree it ? while their conscience and property are safe , they have no more to ask , and no body was ever against that , which is for them ; nor any government indanger'd by the people it seeks to preserve . the king has begun to show his inclinations to make us all easie & safe , and it will be her fault if we are not so , quickly and intirely . this is the way to prevent the mischiefs she fears ; and what she would have done in their case , to have prov'd her self a better christian or a better subject i can't tell . but 't is certain that the church , by the power of the monarchy , endeavour'd their ruin : that they fell in with that side that favoured their releif , is as true : were it not better that 't were out of the power of both to do the same thing over again ? one to engage the crown , and t'other to oppose it , for t'other worlds matters ? doubtless it were , and this liberty must be the way . those times , i am sure , have a double instruction to the present church of england ; one , that she be not too stiff against a reasonable accomodation ; the other , that to support her self in it , she falls not into the inconveniencies she has objected against the dissenters , whilest under far less provocation , if any at all . let her remember , 't was her cause that first engaged the kings father , and by consequence , banisht his brother , and nothing else but this kings tenderness , least he should be too early with her in declaring for liberty of conscience , when he came to the crown , gave opportunity for the late western rebellion : for as he hath well observed in his speech to the council , how much the want of it went to promote our civil wars , so 't is certain , that had he declared for liberty of conscience , when he told us of his religion , there had been no rebellion in the west : but the mis-guided duke of monmouth might have had his share at buda , and the unhappy people of his train been alive at their vocations . and if this delay was not for want of an opinion that liberty of conscience was a just , necessary and popular thing , but his regard to the church of england , that had serv'd him well , and might not presently take it the right way , or be prepared to fall in with him upon that interest , 't is certainly the highest proof how greatly he valued her concurrance , and desir'd to rely upon her duty , service and friendship , and consequently , how much she is obliged to his goodness , and those of her sons are in the wrong , that carry a present distance and coldness to his administration . and when all is done , the king in this very point has but persued the sense of a parliament very freely chosen ; for in that last westminster parliament , when the house of commons apprehended their dissolution , and that the black rod was near the door to that purpose , they came to several dying votes , as a legacy of their aversion to the court , and their court to the king , dom , among which , this was not the least . resolv'd , that it is the opinion of this house , that the prosecution of protestant dissenters , upon the penal laws , is at this time grievous to the subject , a weaking of the protestant interest , an encouragement to popery , and dangerous to the peace of the kingdom . if the heat of those times could have left those two angry words out , it had carried the general liberty now desired , and nothing would have hindred it in a time like this , with such a parliament as that . for in the raign of a king of a popish religion , that we laboured so much to disappoint , to desire no more at our hands , after our fears of so much more than a meer liberty of conscience , indifferently fixed to all dissenters , is such a cure of our fears , and an assurance of all we can wish , that , we must be wanting to our selves in wit , as well as to the king in gratitude , if we reject the motion . let her therefore be confident nothing excluded the papists then , but our apprehentions that they strove for all at our cost ; and if we are offer'd to be secur'd against such jealousies , a parliament so chosen , would naturally comprise them . but you tell me , that two things stick yet with divers persons of that church : one , that it is not reasonable the dissenters should expect that they should pluck the thorn out of their foot to put it in their own . the other , that in case the penal laws and tests were removed by this church-parliament , another might be packt that might turn both laws and test upon th● present church . in the first place , t is granted then , that the laws are a thorn in the foot of the dissenters . is it not as just to think it ought to be pluck't out , and if the church of england will do nothing towards it , are they not excusable that endeavour it themselves ? tho when one enquires , first , who put the thorn in , and next , that there is no necessity that she must put it into her own foot , because she plucks it out of theirs ; it should not be so hard to perswade her to pluck it out , and in my opinion , it should be as easie to fling it away , that it may trouble no body else for the future . but that perhaps she thinks is not possible to be done , and that impossibility is given for the reason , why she chuses to leave it where it is ; which naturally introduces my answer to the second objection viz. that if the penal laws and tests were remov'd by this church parliament , another might be packt which might turn both laws and tests upon the present church . in my last letter , said something , that ought in my opinion , to satisfie the most jealous in this particular : for first , all agree it is impossible to repeal the laws and tests without a parliament . secondly , 't is not to be thought that the present parliament will do it , without such a provision as will secure us in the point feared . to say there is none , is ridiculous ; for who can tell , what they may think upon , or from other heads , what may occur to them ? if they won't repeal them , let us suppose an other parliament , as freely chosen at least ; can we imagin that such a representative will be less careful to secure us against our fears , tho they were more inclinable to abolish those laws ? if then both are like to go together , be it by the present , or another parliament , i see no insecurity that is like to follow , either to the church of england , or her protestant dissenters , who in that respect , are equally concerned , with her self . and for packing of a parliament , if that were the business and design at last ; why is it not attempted at first ? certainly it is so easie to be done , that if the king did not seek a more agreeable , and lasting security to his friends , to wit , a national one , there are men enough of no religion to be packt to morrow , that would first conform to the laws and tests , and then mercenarily take them away . i know there are silly people of all parties , for whom no body can answer ; but , t is astonishing , that such a jealousie should have so much room with men of any share of sense , that if this parliament should repeal the laws and tests , the papists in the next , would come into parliament , and then make their religion national at our charges . for , first , it supposes no other expedient , which is easie to be found and obtain'd , or let the other remain . secondly , it supposes that roman catholicks will be chosen , or return'd , tho they are not chosen ; the one 't is certain we don't fear , and methinks they only should be afraid of the other ; for since they cannot be their own security , and this they declare , by seeking a national one ; if the first would do , why don't they begin upon it , and pack a parliament presently , and repeal the laws and tests without any more to do ? and if they don't do this , not because they can't think upon it , but because they don't think it worth trying , why should they attempt by such a way an harder thing ? for no body would take it so ill of them to repeal the laws that vex them by an indirect way , as they would if they went about to make their religion national by it , and if they think it not assuring enough for the lesser , can they be tempted to imbrace it for effecting of the greater point . some of them have read the histories of their own country , and can't but remember , that in times , even of their own religion , parliaments ill chosen came to ill ends. that the twenty first of richard the second repeal'd the acts of the parliament of the eleven of the same king ; and that the first of henry the fourth , repealed the twenty first of richard the second : and that the thirty ninth of henry the sixth , repealed the laws of the 38th of the same king , & damn'd that parliament , because vnduly elected ; which is the packing meant in the objection : so that 't is not worth while to attempt it . if such a parliament could be immortal , or were able to charm successive raigns , or were not a violation of the constitution of parliaments , and of one of the tenderest points in our government , or did not break faith with mankind , when most obliged to make a straight step , and by all this , treasure up wrath against the day of wrath upon the whole party , which must dawn at the setting of our present king , it were something : but when all this will follow , as certain as the night does the day , to break all bounds of law , and go by open force , were an honest and wise thing to such a wooden invention of law , as this would be to all men living of common sence , and to the ages that shall follow us , who of right , will have the censuring of our actions . what then is left us , but to embrace this gracious tender , and all parties to meet the king in those methods , that are most likely to establish it with the greatest , satisfaction and certainty ? if no other security can be had , i say then , let this that is , remain , if there may be such a thing , why should we not imbrace it ? the church of england disclaims severity and partiality , then let her part with those instruments of both , and not suspect the shaking of the laws of property , for stopping the execution of the laws that undermine it . i leave one consideration with her , and so shall leave you at this time ▪ let nothing that is vnfair , or indirect lie at her door , i beg her , for gods sake . ought she to differ thus with any body ? and less with such a king , upon a point she cannot maintain , and that is better left then kept , take the question , either as to right or prudence ? i will not be very particular , but enough to make way for a fuller discourse on the subject . the tests , the chief , if not the only thing in debate , have they any foundation in our constitution ? should a mans being of any religion , hinder him from serving the country of his birth ? does his going to a conventicle naturally unqualifie him for a constables staff ? or believing transubstantiation , render him uncapable of being a good clark ? it were as reasonable to say , that 't is impossible for a phanatick to be a good shoomaker , or a papist a good tayler . the very notion is comical , and that must ever be the consequence of going out of the way , and serving the publick with such a byass to a party , for that is the softest way of speaking of the error . but when we consider the test in relation to the parliament , where the objection lies strongest against the repeal , it appears not one jot less unreasonable to continue it : for an opinion of religion is made to deprive a peer of the highest right of his peerage : true , he is not totally destroyed , but he 's gelt of his chiefest priviledge . for tho he looses not his title , he has little else left him , can the peers of england to serve a turn , so mutely suffer a president to continue , that shakes their hereditary share in the government , and so essential a part of our ancient & celebrate constitution , and by which 't is made impossible to have an unconcerned house in judgment ? let us but look back to seventy five , and see what was done then , by divers lords , in a case of this nature ; i will but repeat the test and their protest . i a. b. do declare , that it is not lawfull , upon any pretence whatsoever , to take up armes against the king , and that i do abhor that trayterous position of taking arms by his authority against his person , or against those that are commission'd by him in pursuance of such commission ; and i do swear that i will not at any time endeavour the alteration of the government , either in church or state , so help me god. the debate lasted five several days before it was committed to a committee of the whole house , which hardly ever happened to any bill before : the debates , were managed chiefly by the lords , whole names you will find to the following protestation . we whose names are under written being peers of this realm , do according to our rights and the ancient vsage of parliaments , declare that the question having been put , whether the bill ( entituled an act to prevent the danger which may arise from persons disafftected to the government ) doth so far intrench upon the priviledges of this house ; that it ought therefore to be cast out . it being resolved in the negative , we do humbly conceive that any bill which imposeth an oath upon the peers with a penalty , as this doth that upon the refusal of that oath , they shall be made uncapable of sitting and voting in this house , as it is a thing unpresidented in former times , so is it , in our . humble opinion , the highest invasion of the liberties and priviledges of the peerage , that possibly may be , and most destructive of the freedom , which they ought to enjoy as members of parliament , because the priviledge of sitting and voting in parliament , is an honor they have by birth , and a right so inherant in them , and inseparable from them , as that nothing can take it away , but what by the law of the land , must withal , take away their lives , and corrupt their blood ; upon which ground we do here enter our dissent from that vote , and our protestation against it . buckingham bridgwater winchester salisbury bedford dorset aylisbury bristol denbigh pagitt holles peter howard e. of berks mohun stamford hallifax delamer eure shaftsbury clarendon grey roll. say & seal wharton to say nothing here of the matter of the test , 't is plain from the extent of their argument , they were against all tests that depriv'd peers of this fundamental right of peerage , and that nothing could , in their opinion , do it , but such crimes as tainted their blood and took away their lives . i know not if those living are still of that minde , but the honour i have for their understanding and integrity forbid me to doubt it . now pray suffer me to turn the tables , and ask our church-men one question in the language of their fears ; can the king makes lords , and pack an house of commons , that shall first take , and then abolish the test ? why then , it is not so great a security as they imagin ; and it is hardly worth while to be so stiff to support it . but by the same reason that they can repeal this , they may enact another , and if so , may not the house of peers be quickly another set of men ? for that fire that rosts a goose can rost a gander . what tides are these in government ? and what state is safe , or happy , whose foundations float upon such movable measures ? besides , the lords intended to be made the example of our power in this affair , were generally observed to be some of the steadiest and best voters upon all questions that concern'd our publick right . i have done with this . t'other part of my consideration is the other part of our parliament , the house of commons i mean. and here we are taught to believe , the peoples choice is the representatives authority ; and if that be true , it is somewhat hard to imagine which way they can hinder a man from session that the people have freely chosen . i grant , that where competitors have made an election disputable , the final judgment is in the representative body ; but i cannot comprehend how that house can ever make void an undisputed election , and such is a free choice of the people , of any county or borrough ; and yet that is the very business of the test of seventy eight . for if i believe the doctrine of transubstantiation , i cannot possibly fit in parliament , let my election , ability , integrity be what they will. in this matter , let us lay aside prejudice , and look beyond transubstantiation , like english-men , jealous of our rights ; for here seems to be the snake in the grass ; what ! shall opinion give rule to our properties , and ( like daniels king ) change times and laws at pleasure ? there is nothing more miserable in government then that it must alter with religious opinion , which yet we are not assur'd men shall not change , and that often in an age. i say , this does not rest at transubstantiation ( tho if it did , and it were not just , 't were no argument to a good man ) the same power that is assumed in that case , may make a test of what it pleases , and a mans dissent , a reason of exclusion from session in parliament , let not this be . we usually say , no stream rises higher then its fountain , and whether this sort of testing be not an inversion of the natural current of power , may not be amiss for english-men to deliberate : nay , if it be not a breach of that part of the constitution of the government : for if those whom the people chuse , the representatives may reject , for a reason of their own , that in the nature of civil government can be none , the electors and elected must needs be divided , in that the one makes void the power of the other , tho it be that by which the first house of commons sat , and is the natural authority of every house of commons in this kingdom . nothing , in my opinion , can cure this mischief better than a due consideration of the true nature of things : what properly falls under our cognizance , and what not ; and then to adapt proper and sutable means to the just ends we aim at : for if the major vote in things not to be voted , could give any weight or sanction , 't is to be feared the jews were too much in the right , when they cryed , we have a law , and by our law he ought to dye , however , upon these principles , nothing is plainer than that every martyr was felo de se , and dyed a malefactor instead of a saint . let us then be deliver'd of all tests that run not on the side of the old government of england ; and if we must have a test , i shall pray that it may be translated from transubstantiation to persecution . that is to say , that no man shall propose or consent to any thing in government within this kingdom , that may infringe the conscience or property of any man in it ; for upon that ancient policy our government began ; and let the excommunication and anathama of the government pass upon that offender , to his perpetual civil damnation . i shall say no more to you now , what ever i may do at another time , but that you use the utmost of your endeavours , to promote piety and charity : and as on the one hand , with all imaginable softness , you strive to oblige the members of the church of england to an impartial consideration of these things , so on the other hand , you advise all dissenters to govern themselves towards those gentlemen , in the use of this liberty , with a decent and friendly behaviour : who knows , but that conduct , with a little time , may give them that sight of their interest , and dispose them to those compliances , which may end this present mis-understanding in the happiest civil union , that any king and kingdom were ever blest with . god of his infinite mercy grant us this great blessing , and his grace to use it , amen . once more , yours , with all my heart , finis . a proclamation for a solemn national thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. 1692 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05613 wing s1800 estc r183479 52529281 ocm 52529281 179049 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05613) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179049) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:38) a proclamation for a solemn national thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : a1692 caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the second day of june, and of our reign, the fourth year, 1692. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion monogram for wm diev et mon droit honi soit qui mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , for a solemn national thanksgiving . william and mary , by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france , and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , macers of our privy council . pursevants , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : we considering the great blessings of almighty god , on our sacred persons , government and people , in shewing himself so signally , by delivering us from many great and eminent dangers in our religion , liberties , properties , and all that can be dear to us , as especially at this time by the late success , given to our arms , against the powerful and bloody designs of france , and of many of our unnatural and rebellious subjects ; especially the barbarous irish , who had combined to invade our kingdoms , with all the fierceness and inhumanity which fury could suggest , and at a time when we were obliged to be absent , for the necessary defence of christendom , from the tyrrannous attempts of the french king ; and our armies put at a distance upon so good and important grounds : yet it hath pleased our gracious and almighty god , to defeat their chief attempt and to overthrow the best of the strength of our adversaries , by the late great and happy victory gain'd by our fleet on that of france , to the confusion of our enemies , and well grounded encouragement of our friends ; and as this signal blessing is conferred on us by the god of hosts , whose cause we owne , and on whose assistance , we wholly rely ; so it is our duty , and the duty of all our good subjects , to return praise and glory to his blessed name : therefore we , with advice and consent of our privy council , do appoint the seventh of june instant , to be set aside for rendering publick thanks to our merciful god , by whose blessing we have this , and all good things enjoyed by us , to be solemnly observed , a day set a-part for devote returns of praise to our almighty deliverer , and that for the town of edinburgh ; and the fourteenth day of the said moneth of june current , for all besouth the river of spey ; and the twenty first day of the same moneth , for all benorth that river ; and ordains publick thanksgiving to be given on the saids days , in the saids places respective in all churches and meeting houses within this our antient kingdom , and that due obedience be given to this our will , by all our subjects , as they will be answerable on their peril : and we do hereby ordain our sollicitor to send coppies hereof to the sheriffs of the several shires within this kingdom , and the stewarts of the stewartries of kirkcudbright , annandale , and orknay , and appoints them to send doubles thereof to all the ministers both in churches and meeting houses , wthin their respective jurisdictions , that upon the lords day immediatly preceeding the saids respective dyets , they may read and intimat at this our royal proclamation from the pulpit in every paroch church , and meeting-house , and exhort all our subjects to a serious and devote performance of the saids prayers , praises and thanksgiving , as they tender the favour of almighty god , the preservation of tbe protestant religion , and the safety and preservation of our royal persons and government certifying such who shall contemn and neglect this so religious and important a duty , they shall be proceeded against , and punished as contemners of our authority , and as highly disaffected to our person and government . and we ordain these presents to be printed , and published at the mercat-crefs of edinburgh , and other places needful , that none pretend ignorance . given under our signet at edinburgh , the second day of june , and of our reign , the fourth year , 1692 . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . in supplementum signeti . da. moncreiff , cls. secreti concilii . god save king william and queen mary . 〈…〉 , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , 1698. by the king. a proclamation for obedience to the lawes ordained for establishing of the true religion in this kingdom of england. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78994 of text r209714 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[24]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78994 wing c2588 thomason 669.f.3[24] estc r209714 99868581 99868581 160582 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78994) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160582) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[24]) by the king. a proclamation for obedience to the lawes ordained for establishing of the true religion in this kingdom of england. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. "given at his majesties palace of vvhite-hall, the tenth day of december, in the seventeenth yeer of his majesties reign". with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -proclamations -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a78994 r209714 (thomason 669.f.3[24]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for obedience to the lawes ordained for establishing of the true religion in this kingdom of england. england and wales. sovereign 1641 449 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation for obedience to the lawes ordained for establishing of the true religion in this kingdom of england . his majestie considering that it is a dutie most beseeming , and that most obligeth soveraign authoritie in a christian king , to be carefull ( above all other things ) of preserving and advancing the honour and service of almightie god , and the peace and tranquillitie of the church , to which end his majestie with his parliament hath it under consideration , how all just scruples might be removed . and being in the mean time sensible that the present division , separation and disorder about the worship and service of god , as it is established by the laws and statutes of this kingdom , in the church of england , tendeth to great distraction and confusion , and may endanger the subversion of the very essence and substance of true religion ; hath resolved for the preservation of vnitie and peace ( which is most necessary at this time for the church of england ) to require obedience to the lawes and statutes ordained for establishing of the true religion in this kingdom , whereby the honour of god may be advanced to the great comfort and happinesse both of his majestie and his good subjects . his majestie doth therefore charge and command , that divine service be performed in this his kingdom of england , and dominion of wales , as is appointed by the laws , and statutes established in this realm , and that obedience be given by all his subjects ecclesiasticall , and temporall to the said laws , and statutes concerning the same . and that all iudges , officers , and ministers ecclesiasticall , and temporall according to iustice , and their respective duties do put the said acts of parliament in due execution against all wilfull contemners , and disturbers of divine service , contrary to the said laws , and statutes . his majestie doth further command , that no parsons , vicars , or curates in their severall parishes shall presume to introduce any rite , or ceremonies other then those which are established by the laws , and statutes of the land . given at his majesties palace of vvhite-hall , the tenth day of december , in the seventeenth yeer of his majesties reign . god save the king . imprinted at london by robert barker printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. three letters tending to demonstrate how the security of this nation against al future persecution for religion lys in the abolishment of the present penal laws and tests, and in the establishment of a new law for universal liberty of conscience penn, william, 1644-1718. 1688 approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54230 wing p1383 estc r40056 18675015 ocm 18675015 108150 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54230) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108150) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1659:7) three letters tending to demonstrate how the security of this nation against al future persecution for religion lys in the abolishment of the present penal laws and tests, and in the establishment of a new law for universal liberty of conscience penn, william, 1644-1718. 27 p. printed, and sold, by andrew sowle ..., london : 1688. attributed to penn by wing and nuc pre 1956 imprints. "with allowance." reproduction of original in the harvard law school library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience. dissenters, religious -england. church and state -england. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion three letters tending to demostrate how the security of this nation against al future persecution for religion , lys in the abolishment of the present penal laws and tests , and in the establishment of a new law for universal liberty of conscience : with allowance . london , printed , and sold , by andrew sowle , at the three keys , in nags-head-court , in grace-church-street , over-against the conduit , 1688. three letters , &c. the first letter . sir , upon the receipt of your last letter , i was , at first , a little troubled to perceiv the censorious judgment you pass upon my politics , in reference to the grand business of liberty of conscience . but after a little consideration i comforted my self . for i not onely remembred your constant favorable regard towards those of different perswasions from yours , but i observed also , even in that very letter , that you agree with me in this fundamental principle , that no man ought to be persecuted for matters of meer religion . and this agreement in so great a principle made me hope that , notwithstanding our present difference , it would be no hard matter for you and me to agree in our particular conclusions , and consequently in our conduct . to procure that agreement there is nothing requisite but honesty and sense . let us but examin thorowly whither that principle leads , and let us be tru to the result of our own examinations , and the work wil be don . but perhaps so strict a subjection as this to the consequences of that principle , however just and reasonable in it self , may seem unto you a little unseasonable in this conjuncture ▪ nay , i must acknowledg to you ▪ that i my self also am not so much master of my passions , as to let reason have always that absolute dominion that belongs to it . the fear of being deceived , by a party of men who plead for liberty , makes me somtimes doubtful in determining upon the practice of what i acknowledg to be a duty . i am convinced that the interest of this nation , as wel as the laws of christianity , requires an absolute , vniversal , equal , and inviolable liberty of conscience . nothing that dos not tend to the ruin of the government , or to the prejudice of the people , which is but one and the same thing , should be made the occasion of laying any restraint upon any man. but where i see ground to fear that the granting of this liberty should serv onely to put a power into their hands that now demand it , wherby they may be able hereafter to take it away from others , truly in that case i am apt to hesitate upon the point ; or to say better , i confess that i hesitate not at al. for i would by no means that a specious hope of christian liberty should betray the nation into a new unchristian slavery . thus far i am sure i agree with you . we would have liberty with security of its continuance : not otherwise . now i intreat you to examin whether or no , in the rest , you agree with me . i ask then , if so be it can be demonstrated that the penal laws , and tests too , may be taken away without exposing the nation to any hazard of persecution by the roman catholics ; nay , if a far better security may be provided against that persecution than those present laws and tests do afford us ; wil it not be an act of equity and wisdom , as wel as christianity , in that case , to abolish them ? this security being supposed , nothing can hinder us from complying with that design , but such considerations as arise from the covetousness and ambition of ingrossing al honorable and profitable imployments unto our selvs , and those of our own perswasion . but wil any considerations of that nature , when they interfere with a public interest and an avowed duty , be justifiable , or even excusable , either before god or man ? i cannot doubt but your determination in that point wil be the same with mine . those considerations are too sordid to be of any weight with an honest mind . your objection , i know , in reading these questions , wil arise from a diffidence that any new security of this nature , either wil or can be granted us . there indeed perhaps you and i may differ in our opinions . but however , to com as near as we can , i wil at present suspend my own hopes , and concurring with your doubts , consider onely what is our duty , and the duty of al honest men , even in this supposed doubtful conjuncture . an example in the like case , not many years ago , when the nation was in as great a ferment as it is now , may direct us . those that supposed there could be no other real security , against the fears that possest them , than that odious bil of exclusion which they promoted in parliament , professed nevertheless their constant willingness to listen unto any expedients that should be offered for that purpose . if they did not then comply with any of those expedients , it was the heat of faction that hindred them ; and they have since on al occasions acknowledged their error . let us therfor profit by their example . let us imitate them in that reasonable disposition which they profest , and be careful to avoid those heats which caused their actual miscarriage . in a word , let us , at least , put the thing to a trial. let it be referred to the wisdom of a parliament to weigh the expedients that may be invented or offered for our security . let moderate men be chosen into that parliament ; and not such as ar ingaged , by along habit of persecuting , to keep up the present penal laws , as tools already fitted for their hands . til we be called to that election-work , let us each of us endeavor to dispose our selvs , dispose one another , and as occasion offers dispose our friends , to that spirit of wisdom and moderation which is now so necessary . and til this business have been weighed in parliament , let us a little suspend our judgment upon it , and have always a great care that we obstruct not the good we desire by heighting any doubtful jealousys to an irreconcilable extremity . these ar the rules of my politics , which i hope you wil now look upon a little more favorably then you seemed to do in your last letter . at present i wil trouble you no further . but if what i have now said prove acceptable , i shal be very ready , upon your desire , to explain further my inmost thoughts upon any the nicest circumstances of this great affair . i am &c : the second letter . sir , i am heartily glad that my last letter has given you any measure of satisfaction . but i perceiv by your new quaerys , that i have ingaged my self , in the close of that letter , to a greater task than i was aware of . it is not enough to have satisfy'd you so far as i have gon , but i must either continu to answer your new difficultys , or else joyn with you in owning them to be unanswerable . i must either shew you the very expedients that may be contrived for securing us against any future persecution by the roman catholics , or else acknowledg that no such thing either can or wil be don . that is a little hard . the thing may be felzable , tho i should not be able to demonstrate it . others may know more than i can . nay , indeed the truth is that i know so little , and others have already said so much upon this subject , that , as i cannot pretend to make any new discoverys in it , so neither am i willing to repeat just the same things that you have read els-where : and between those two difficulties i am somthing straitned in complying with what you desire . nevertheless since i am ingaged , i wil rather hazard to repeat what may have been hinted at already by others , than refuse to explain unto you my own conceptions . the security we demand must be considered either as it lys naturally in the thing it self ; i mean in the repeal of al old penal laws and tests , and in the sanction of a new great charter for liberty of conscience ; or else as it may be fortify'd by such expedients as the wisdom of a parliament may think sit to propound , and his majestys goodness may vouchsafe to grant . but this last consideration belongs not to my province . it becoms not private persons to anticipate . parliamentary deliberations , much less to prescribe rules unto his majestys conduct . it suffices me , in that respect , to know that his majesty has been pleased , by often reiterated promises , to assure us that he wil concur with his parliament , in any thing that may be reasonably offered for the establishment of such a law of christian liberty as may never be broken . i am not curious to pry further into those matters , until his majesty shal think fit in his wisdom to disclose unto the nation the treasures of his goodness . and to speak freely to you , as a friend , i am yet the less curious about it at this time , nor any ways impatient to know more , until a parliament may be ready to deliberate thereupon ; because i know already , that there ar a sort of men in the nation who watch upon every occasion , with al the arts that malice can invent , to blast any thing that shal be offered for the advancement of this christian design . leaving therfore the consideration of this accessional security that we look for , i wil now apply my self to consider onely what prospect of security the thing it self dos in its own nature afford us . when we discourse about this security , i suppose we both of us understand it onely with relation to the hazard that may arise from taking away the tests . for as to the penal laws , singly considered , i think al men that have souls large enough ( as i am sure you have ) to prefer the general good of their country before the narrow advantages of a party , wil agree that it is no less the interest of this nation to abolish them , than the duty of al mankind to forbear persecution . there is no hazard in the abolishment of those penal laws . now what the hazard may be in abolishing the tests , wil be best perceived by considering the effect of their imposition . the effect , in which the protestant interest consists , is that the roman catholics ar thereby excluded from al places of public trust , either civil or military . this , i should have said , is the intent of them . but how far the real effect fals short of that intent , and how far it must needs fal short therof in the reign of a catholic prince , is too evident to need any demonstration . nevertheless , supposing that the roman catholics were indeed therby debard from entring into any public imployments , what is the advantage that protestants , or that the nation in general , pretend to receiv by their exclusion ? i know you wil tel me that we have therby our security against that principle of persecution which we think inseparably joyned to their religion . they wil not be able to impose their religion upon us , nor persecute us for not receiving it . that is the tru end , and we wil suppose it to be real effect , of the tests . you do not pretend sure that the exclusion of the roman catholics from such imployments is any security to our civil rights , or to the fundamental constitution of our government . they ar english men as wel as we . the civil rights of english men ought to be no less dear to them than to us . and if any malicious surmizer should presume to imagin that his majesty had a design to raise his own prerogative upon the ruin of the peoples libertys , we have reason to believ , by many past instances , that men of another religion , much more numerous and powerful than the roman catholics , would be found no less ready instruments , but far more proper ones , for the effecting of that work . the best defence that i know against those imaginary fears , and the most becoming dutiful subjects , is to comply chearfully with his majesty in al things reasonable ; that so an unreasonable refusal may not force him upon new methods , and make us feel in the end what we ar perhaps too slow to conceiv , that omnia dat qui justa negat . but i return to the consideration of our being secured against persecution by the exclusion of the roman catholics from public imployments . in very good time , that the church of england ▪ now looks for such a security ! i am sure others have not been secured against it , by the public administration of her members . however , let us consider how it is that the tests secure us , or how it is that they hinder them from entering into those imployments . it is not as a wal or barricado that confines them to a certain inclosure , out of which they cannot move ; nor is it as a charm or spel that , by any magic vertu , hinders them from acting . it is onely as a law , which , by the penalty annexed to it , aws their minds , and makes them fearful to transgress it . they dar not enter into public offices , lest they should be punished for the breach of that law which forbids them to do it . but , pray , who is it that should punish them for that offence ? they know very wel that in this reign they ar in no danger . that law is now dispensed with . the onely bridle therfore that restrains them from transgressing it , is evidently the fear of its being revived in the reign for the next successor ; because it is a law whose penalty they wil be always liable unto , whensoever the government shal think fit to exact it . now if this be the only ground of their exclusion from public offices , and consequenly of our pretended security ; i say if it be onely the force of a law that works that effect ; pray let us consider if another law might not be contrived , to secure us much more effectually against persecution , that this exclusion of them either dos or can do . let us therfore have a law enacted , which , in abolishing al those penal ones , and al the tests too that ar now complained of , shal establish a vniversal and equal liberty of conscience , as a magna charta of religion , with al the ingaging circumstances that the wit of man can invent to make it inviolable . let that liberty be declared to be the natural right of al men , and any violation therof be therfore accounted criminal . let not onely every actual infringment of that law , but every motion , proposition , or contrivance , exprest either in word or deed , tending any way to the invalidating of it , be esteemed and declared an vndermining of the fundamental constitution of our government , and accordingly to be punishable with the utmost severitys , even as felony or treason . let the extent of this law reach al conditions and al degrees of men , ecclesiastical , civil and military , from the highest lord to the meanest beggar . let not future parliaments themselvs be exempted from the danger of infringing it ; but let any proposition tending therunto , tho even in either house of parliament , be not onely reputed a transgression therof , but expresly declared to be the highest and worst of al transgressions ; and let no parliamentary , or other priviledg whatsoever extempt any such offender from the severest punishment , no more than they can do it now from that of treason . and after al this , and what more the wisest heads may invent , let the king himself be humbly beseeched to suffer in it a clause , by which , reserving al other rights of his prerogative inviolated , he may solemnly renounce the onely right of dispensing with this law , or of pardoning any transgressor of it in any case whatsoever . supposing now that such a law as this should be enacted , i beseech you to consider if it do not answer the end of securing us against persecution , infinitely better than the present tests that exclude the roman catholics from public imployments . it wil secure , in the first place , al the dissenting protestants from the present penal laws , which the tests do not : and it wil indeed secure al partys against al persecution , in every respect far better than they do . it wil do it in a direct manner : wheras they work onely by a weak and strained consequence . it wil do it upon the solid grounds of religion , truth and equity : wheras they ar built onely upon precarious , partial and unjust principles . it wil be declared to be in its own nature indispensable : wheras they are every day dispensed with . it wil be established by a more solemn sanction : and it wil be inforced by more awful and terifying penaltys . these advantages , as you see , do al appear in the simplest prospect that we can take of the thing it self , in its own nature ; in the meer abolishment , i mean , of the laws of persecution , and the establishment of a law of liberty ; without the help of any further expedients . that is the onely thing that i proposed to my self to explain . and i cannot but now hope that even this explanation , how imperfect soever it be , wil convince you that it is not so dangerous a work to abolish the tests , nor so difficult to establish a lasting security against persecution , when those tests shal be abolished , as som people industriously endeavor to perswade us . but i perceiv that i have been already too tedious upon this argument . wherfore without further application or improvement thereof , i now refer what i have said to your examination , and submit to your judgment , resting always &c. the third letter . sir , since i have had the good fortune to please you the second time , i am resolved to try it a third . i have endeavored , as you have seen , to make it appear that it is not impossible to contrive a more equitable and vnexceptionable law than the tests , which wil secure us also infinitely better than they do , against the danger of being persecuted by the roman catholics . now you answer me that this law , tho it should be consented to , would be less security to us against the roman catholics than the tests : because by it they would be admitted into the legislative , as wel as executive , parts of our government ; wheras by the other they ar wholly excluded from both . and an exclusion , say you , especially from the legislative power , is a far better security than any regulation whatsoever that can be made about their conduct in it : because , when once admitted into that capacity , there wil be stil reason to apprehend lest they should break thro the rules prescribed for their conduct , and change even the laws themselves at their pleasure . this is indeed very specious . but i intreat you to consider , in the first place , that the exclusion we talk of by the tests is onely imaginary , not real . we please our selves with a notion , while we ar frustrated of the thing . a dispensation dissipates al that bulwark into dust and aire : while on the contrary the regulation i have propounded is to be declared and made absolutely indispensable . which is no inconsiderable advantage on the side that i incline to . but this is not al. your objection prompts me to a further defence of my proposition . nothing wil serve your turn but an absolute exclusion of those that may have a minde to hurt us , from al manner of share , either legislative or executive , in our government . be it so . i am very wel pleased to join issu with you upon that point . the hurt we fear , and desire to fence against , is persecution . let us therfore , in god's name , exclude al persecuting papists , and protestants too , from those imployments . but let al those that have a spirit of moderation and charity , joyned with other necessary qualifications , be promiscuously admitted into them , whatsoever be their profession of religion . it is not the notion of transubstantiation that hurts us . why should we therfore make that the ground of an exclusion ? let us go to the tru ground of the matter , and do our work at once , effectually . in a word : let this act it self , that we are projecting , be the fundamental test for the admission of al persons into al manner of public imployments , or for their exclusion from them . let every member of both houses of parliament , before they ar admitted to sit there , be obliged to subscribe a declaration , importing that they solemnly profess , and , in the presence of god , sincerely acknowledg the natural equity of this great law ; and that they in like manner promis never to infringe it , nor either directly or indirectly to promote any design of undermining or invalidating it in any manner whatsoever . let al those that shal presume to sit in either house , without having first subscribed that declaration , be liable to the severest penaltys that shal be annexed to the foresaid law. and let al future acts ( if any such there should be ) passed by a parliament not so qualified as by this law shal be required , be declared illegal and nul . nay further , if it may be thought any strengthning to our security , let also al other public officers , as wel as the members of parliament , be obliged , upon their entrance into those offices , to subscribe the same solemn declaration , upon the hazard of the same penalties , and of the illegality and nullity of al their proceedings . let al that govern , or teach , or any way officiate in ecclesiastical affaires , either in church or conventicle ; al judges , justices , juries , magistrates , military commanders both by sea and land , with al the inferior and subordinate officers depending upon any of them , from the highest to the lowest , be al subject to the same rule . this is the test against persecution that we have been long since advised to , by one of the earliest and strongest writers upon this subject ; but which the nation seems not yet to have enough reflected upon . if this be not judged a sufficient security , i wish those that perceiv the defects of it would propound unto us any thing better . i shal be always for chusing the best . but however , in the mean while , i think al men must agree that , if it be indeed persecution that we desire to fence against , this is infinitely a better security in that respect than the present penal laws and tests ar . and therfore , provided this may be granted , i cannot but yet hope that there wil appear to be among us men wise enough , and honest enough , and those too , numerous enough , to sway the nation to consent to their abolishing . i have said already that , upon the supposition of this security there can be nothing but private ambition or avarice capable to raise an opposition against this generous design of universal liberly . but surely no private interest wil be capable to bear up long against the general interest of the nation . now it has been often asserted by many , and demonstrated with great evidence , that those whose interest it is to desire liberty ar far more numerous than those that oppose it . but if in that there should at present be any mistake , i am sure , when once this liberty shal be established , it wil then be visibly and indisputably the interest of al partys to maintain it . al the several interests of the nation wil be then drawn up into one circle , and the extremitys wil touch each other . the church of england and protestant dissenters , how opposite soever in other respects , wil therby becom inseparably cimented into one common caus. and , tho we should suspect the roman catholics to have contrary inclinations , yet the strength of the others union wil oblige them , for their own safety , to concur in promoting the general good. yet for al this , i wil not stick to acknowledg that such a suspicion of an inclination to persecute , in any that may be uppermost , is not altogether unreasonable . the examples of persecutions rais'd at one time or other , by al partys that have had the power to do it , authorize those fears . but for that very reason , i say , that this is the fittest time that ever we can expect , to settle this liberty in england : because the power is now in the hands of the weakest party , which is therfore least able to strain it . and if once that settlement be made , the united interest of al partys in the advantages it brings along with it , wil in human appearance secure it against the possibility of ever being shaken hereafter . these considerations , you see , afford a second prospect of our security in the establishment of a law of liberty ; in that it wil be the interest of al partys to maintain it : and they afford also an incitement to set about that work ; becaus of the seasonableness of the opportunity : which things deserv exceedingly to be attended unto . but after so palpable a demonstration , as i think i have given , of that security , in the frame of the law it self , i have no mind now to intertain you with any thing that may appear more speculative , tho in effect it be no less solid . my meaning in this is , that i have shown onely the possibility of this security . but whether or no it wil be just granted in the manner that i conceiv it , is what i cannot answer for . i rather hope it wil be made much better . but however , after this plain appearance of the possibility of the thing , i think i may resume what i said in my first letter , as an advice of som weight ; that , in this conjuncture , it is both the duty and the interest of the nation to put this business to a tryal , in a grave and moderate parliament ; and not by any means to make that impossible , by faction , jealousy , or despair , which seems easily obtainable by a prudent conduct . let this be our constant aim , to have liberty setled by a law. that is the mark that ▪ i shoot at ▪ and i would be very loath that other peoples errors , or humors , should make me miss it . we ought al to be singly ▪ intent upon our own duty ; and if we keep so , we cannot fail to know it . which way soever we turn our reflections , in these matters of politics , they wil always bring us back to the same center . the general good is the rule and touch-stone , by which al must be tryed and measured . that general good can never be attended unto , much less procured , without the general satisfaction of al partys ; nor that satisfaction without this equal and general liberty which i have been pleading for . now therfore that every one may the more easily discern their own duty , while we ar in this evident possibility of obtaining such an equal and secure liberty ; i would have the church of england , in the first place , consider with how much justice the odium of a self-interessed and sordid partiality , wil be cast upon her by al men , in case she stil continu to obstruct it . let her consider that , and be ashamed . in the next place , if the protestant dissenters should suffer themselvs to be fooled out of this liberty , by the cunning of their old adversarys ; i would have them consider how obnoxious they yet ly , even at this very hour , to the redoubled lashes of the same laws under which they have so long groaned . let them consider that , and tremble . and if the roman catholics should ever attempt to overstrain the advantages they may receiv by this liberty , when it shal be established ; i would have them consider that in gaping for the shadow , they wil be in danger to lose the substance . let them consider that , and be wise . i have now don . lonely again beg of you to pardon the tediousness of al these considerations , and to believ me to be most sincerely and affectionately yours , &c. finis . a letter to the earl of shaftsbury this 9th of july, 1680 from tom tell-troth, a downright englishman. tel-troth, tom. 1680 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48232 wing l1734 estc r21945 12408817 ocm 12408817 61454 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48232) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61454) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 282:4) a letter to the earl of shaftsbury this 9th of july, 1680 from tom tell-troth, a downright englishman. tel-troth, tom. shaftesbury, anthony ashley cooper, earl of, 1621-1683. 4 p. s.n., [london : 1680] "... to lay before you the great mischiefs that both the monarchy and protestant religion do suffer in respect of the present designs of papist and commonwealths-man ..."--p. 1. caption title. place and date of publication from bm. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. dissenters, religious -england. 2005-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter to the earl of shaftsbury this 9th . of july , 1680. from tom tell-troth a downright englishman . my lord , i have lived to see your lordship great as well as popular , and a stout assertor of the protestant religion and interest . wherefore to your lordship have i thought fit , in this time of danger to our native countrey , to lay before you the great mischiefs that both the monarchy and protestant religion do suffer , in respect of the present designs of papist and commonwealths-man : and when i have discover'd to your lordship their intrigues , as far as my strict scrutiny and search into them ( besides sufficient testimonies from others truely informed ) have satisfied me , i hope we shall take such adequate measures from them , to satisfie both your lordship and this kingdom , that ruine and desolation will come swift on us , confusion and every evil work , if some speedy remedy be not instantly proposed by the wisdom of the great councel of this nation . and first , my lord , your lordship will please to give me leave to make a parallel , between the past actions of the designing men before and after 1641. to the happy restoration of the king , by it i shall be able to satisfie your lordship , that what was then designed and effected upon the person of the late king , church of england , and government , were the results of such pernicious counsels and designs , as are now hatching by these sons of belial , to the present disturbance , if not ruine of our flourishing church and kingdoms . now 't is obvious to all that have had any knowledge of the late transactions before 1640. and after , that the papist seeing our church so well guarded with purity of doctrine and faith , with innocent ceremonies , to defend her from the invasion of slovenly and dishonourable worshipping of the great god ; as well also to avoid the superstition and foppery of the worship of the church of rome . behold what emissaries were there sent out , and with what cloathing to deceive ; the puritan must be drawn in to make an outcry against canons , ceremonies , and whatever was enjoyned by law in the worship of god must be antichristian , at least it must be said unlawfully imposed on their tender consciences . from sowing these doctrines , the poor and the ignorant were taught to believe bishops to be the very limbs of antichrist , and superstition and idolatry brought by them into the church ; and many worthy patriots , such as pryn , bastwick , and burton , &c. would smell popery and superstition in gown , surplice , cross in baptism , worshipping god towards the east , ( a primitive custom in the church of god ) &c. then publish to the world the great care they had to bring things to a due reformation both in church and state. but behold the consequence of this undertaking ; they had no sooner gone about to undermine the church of england , but then 't was fit time to call in question too the miscarriages of state , and to be sure archbishop laud , who was the most eminent assertor of the rights of the church , and as true a protestant as ever lived , must be the first man cryed down by the teachers and the rabble , for being popishly inclined , or rather for being a papist , and must be butcher'd too for that supposition ; by his death ended the tranquillity of the once flourishing church of england : thus far had papist hand in hand with fanatick rage and zeal triumphed over us . but after this , 't was not enough to bring our church low , but we must yet go higher — well ! what encouragement has the king given to papists of late , by preferring them to places of great consequence in the government , such as were strafford , &c. — these persons , ay those , must be removed for evil counsellors , or we shall have no peace in our israel ; accordingly our zealous teachers sent their disciples abroad in all avenues of the city , to cry down evil counsellors , for that their design was to bring in popery , and destroy liberty , ay the liberty of the subject . and then forsooth ship-money , ( a huge burden to what we have felt since ) was ( against magna harta ) indeed every thing in the government found fault with , as either popishly or arbitraily inclin'd , then cry out for reformation , reformation . and when for peace-sake , our good king had granted many of their unreasonable demands , and had deliver'd to their fury innocent bloud , to prevent , as he thought , the shedding much more , yet would not their rage stop here , but at last king , church , and all brought to destruction , by the most horrid rebellion and villany , as can scarce be paralell'd in any kingdom in the world in all its circumstances . and now , my lord , one would think , that this pretended glorious reformation , should have produced some settlement by this time to the tottering kingdom : no truly ; we found nothing but sect springing out of sect , and they that once prayed and fought together against the peace of the kingdom in one body , and as it were , under one denomination , are presently dwindled into many little parties and saintships , and every one crying to his neighbour , i am holyer than thou art ; so that from papist sprung puritan , from puritan presbyterian , from presbyterian independent , from thence anabaptists , antinomians , fifth-monarchists , sweet singers in israel , quakers , muggletonians , and the lord knows what , till by and through the inconstancy of their persons and judgements , and the various frekes of the several humours , all was reduced to a chaos ; so that neither a single usurper , nor a parliament without a king , nor committee of safety , nor keepers of the liberties , or councels of officers , and strength of arms , could produce any quiet , till god wonderfully restored him , whose undoubted right it was to sway the sceptre of these kingdoms . and thus , my lord , i have in short given your lordship an account of what has been acted in those times : let me now crave leave further to make the parallel with the present times ; and therein if i reflect on some of the busie and designing men , i hope i shall not break the laws of decorum , because things are brought to that crisis , that if an honest english heart will not now speak home to the purpose , ( for ought i can see ) he may evermore hold his peace . well then , my lord , do we not now perceive as clear as the sun at noon day , that the same men , or men of the same principles are again hard at work to undermine , and destroy both our church and state too ? what divided interests and factions have there been for seven years last past , and more , to bring the king and governours into disgrace , by frequent clubs at coffee-houses and taverns , on purpose to break the bonds of unity among us . from these places , and sinks of sedition and rebellion , have there not been many of a higher form , who through discontent , or love of faction , and change of government , or for not being continued or preferr'd to the highest and most honourable places therein , have endeavoured all they can to breed differences between the two houses of parliament , by throwing in some little matter with a ball of contention at the end on 't , purposely to hinder the prosecution of what should tend to the advancement of the publick weal ; and what can be more plain , than that such designs were like those of 1641. since , because the bishops would not herd with common-wealth-mens interests , ( yet my lord , i do believe the bishops are as prudent men , and can as well tell the nature of an oath , together with the design as well as the consequence thereof , ) as any states-man i know of in the kingdom , let them pretend to what they will ; and besides , i am sure their interest is so interwoven in the monarchy of england , that neither popery , nor any other interest besides that of their own church as established by law , can any ways preserve them , unless they will all as one man fall down and worship the great image , and be all things to all men , that they may be sure to get something , as many ( my lord ) pretended famous statesmen have done in the several changes of government in these kingdoms ; ( but that is not to be supposed of them , ) since they would not , or did ever joyn with any such interest as oppos'd church or state ; and thus how did both city and country , clubs , and coffee-houses ring , that the bishops were the only opposers of the true interest of the kingdom , and the great occasion why justice could not be done on capital and notorious offenders . this , my lord , is a true spice of old 1641. and your lordship cannot but observe , that it hath brought the bishops into suspition with the vulgar sort , that they are driving on the popish design , and that there is not above two protestant bishops amongst them all , as they give out . well , but this will not do yet ; 't is not so long since laud was murder'd , and strafford : people sufficiently smarted under covenanting reformers , and army-saints , and 't is not easy to play the same game over again the same way ; and this the designing men see , and so are said to have other artifices to rend the government in pieces , and reduce it to its former chaos or designed commonwealth ; so that if neither disquieting or dividing parliaments , nor secret combining clubs against great ministers of state , nor a seeming weariness of the monarchy of england , nor disgracing the governours of the church , nor suspition of popery , and the introducing thereof , will do the business to exasperate the people , as in 1641. why truly then comes forth a plot full of treason and popery ; then forsooth the d. must needs be the foundation of this damnable plot , and the discoverers ( who no doubt have been blessed instruments to save us at this time from the paw of antichrist , ) must be revered as demy-gods among the vulgar , but more especially among the precious independant and anabaptist faction ; but not to reflect on the kings evidence , for no doubt deservedly did those suffer who were condemned by the justice of our laws , and many more deservedly may that have had a hand in that pernicious and bloody design against his majesties sacred person and government . in this hurly burly what a confusion did it bring the kingdom into ? how did it necessitate the king to prorogue and adjourn , yea , and dissolve parliaments from time to time ? when he could not but so do for the preservation of the peace of the kingdom , and defeating the designs both of popish and self-designing men who sought to disturb it ; and so apparent this was , that no loyal heart but trembled at it . then again forsooth all miscarriages of this nature must be attributed to the d. and his party , and given out by the designing men , that no parliaments should ever sit again , but all would be arbitrary , and accordingly guards must be doubled to defend us from jesuits , and popery , and this bugbear of arbitrary government . now in the name of machiavel where are we going next ? oh! cries the first and deepest among the designers , let us but keep off the king from parliaments till his revenue will not answer the charge of the crown , and put him into the condition his father of blessed memory was , that he will be necessitated to call one , then he shall be obliged to redress all the grievances , hang all plotters , ( provided they be none but such as are popishly inclin'd , ) punish church offenders , and saint persecutors ; then shall he be obliged to hearken to every thing we shall propose about the succession ; then we shall be able to make our own terms with him , either we will have m. or we will know why ; we will have one black box or other found wherein the writing is that will prove what we would have legitimate , and successor to the crown , in opposition to royal word , and whatever demonstrations shall be to the contrary , provided it effectually hinders , and deprives the known , true and lawful successor that 's popishly affected ; and we will never leave clubbing nor meeting , till we have effected this , maugre all former designs by popish councels , or protestants whatsoever . indeed my lord , it were to be wisht for the quiet and welfare of the nation , that these , and such like designs were laid aside , and every one study to do his own business , to obey wholsom laws , then to trust again to new law-makers : for my part , my lord , i wonder what it is these men would have , if they think that ever popery or arbitrary government can govern in this kingdom , then they have reason to be thus concern'd : but my lord , though i am a plain old english-man , i can see as far it may be as one that sees less ; and i protest , my lord , that after having read over abundance of such ware as little andrew marvel's unhoopable wit and polity , and the independent comment amongst it , together with the growth of popery , &c. as also the naked truth , treatises about french interests , and the succession of the crown , and all this bustle they have made amongst us . to say the truth , my lord , i am tom tell troth , and between your lordship and i , i do not believe there 's any need of such books , or any such jealousies ; for in gods name , what can preserve us , but being zealous for our religion , and obedient to our superiors ? and what can preserve them , but the love of their subjects , and governing according to the laws they have made , and are oblig'd to maintain ? and for my part , i don't see any invasion of liberty & property as they term it ; i see indeed a sort of men , will be always restless and buzzing the vulgar ear with strange fears and jealousies , which tends to nothing but destruction both of prince and people . truly , my lord , ( your lordship being a person of such eminent parts , and having known most of the publick humours of this land and people this 40 years ) i think your lordship would do well to find out some of these underminers of the publick peace of the kingdom , that meet in taverns , and other publick houses , and by your strong arguments convince them , that this is not the way to bring about their designs , whatsoever mixture of councels they may have ; and since your lordship lives in that great city wherein these persons are said to reside , your lordship would send them such unquestionable rules to walk by , as may tend to the securing of the peace of the kingdom , rooting out all jealousies and fears of popery and arbitrary government , as also to endeavour to fix them to the old ways of loyalty and obdedience , which are the only paths of peace to dwell in : then shall we see that 't will be our interests ( whatever we imagine liberty and property to be , ) to promote the honour of god , and the religion of this kingdom as established by law , to honour and obey the king according to the laws , to love one another as men and christians , and to lay all our heads , hearts and hands together to support the same . my lord , i shall now conclude this long epistle without any other complement , than that i am , your lordships most humble servant , tom tell-troth . wilts . the 9th . of july 1680. a speech delivered in the castle-chamber at dublin, the xxii. of november, anno 1622 at the censuring of certaine officers, who refused to take the oath of supremacie. by iames bishop of meath. ussher, james, 1581-1656. 1631 approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14241 stc 24555 estc s118952 99854159 99854159 19567 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14241) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19567) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1368:7) a speech delivered in the castle-chamber at dublin, the xxii. of november, anno 1622 at the censuring of certaine officers, who refused to take the oath of supremacie. by iames bishop of meath. ussher, james, 1581-1656. [2], 12, [2] p. printed by r[obert] y[oung] for the partners of the irish stocke, london : 1631. printer's name from stc. running title reads: a speech in the castle-chamber concerning the oath of supremacie. the last leaf contains a commendation from king james to the author. usually found as part 5 of stc 24544 or 24544.5. reproduction of the original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -great britain -early works to 1800. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a speech delivered in the castle-chamber at dvblin , the xxii . of november , anno 1622. at the censvring of certaine officers , who refused to take the oath of supremacie . by iames bishop of meath . london , printed by r. y. for the partners of the irish stocke . 1631. a speech delivered in the castle-chamber concerning the oath of supremacie . what the danger of the law is , for refusing this oath , hath beene sufficiently opened by my lords the iudges ; and the qualitie and quantitie of that offence hath been aggravated to the full by those that have spoken after them . the part which is most proper for me to deale in , is the information of the conscience , touching the truth and equitie of the matters contained in the oath : which i also have made choice the rather to insist upon , because both the forme of the oath it selfe requireth herein a full resolution of the conscience ( as appeareth by those words in the very beginning thereof ; i doe utterly testifie and declare in my conscience , &c. ) and the persons that stand here to be censured for refusing the same , have alledged nothing in their owne defence but only the simple plea of ignorance . that this point therefore may bee cleared , and all needlesse scruples removed out of mens minds : two maine branches there bee of this oath , which require speciall consideration . the one positive : acknowledging the supremacy of the governement of these realmes , in all causes whatsoever , to rest in the kings highnesse onely . the other negative : renouncing all iurisdictions and authorities of any forreine prince or prelate within his maiesties dominions . for the better understanding of the former , we are in the first place to call unto our remembrance that exhortation of st. peter . a submit your selves unto every ordinance of man for the lords sake : whether it bee unto the king , as having the preheminence ; or unto governours , as unto them that are sent by him , for the punishment of evill doers , and for the praise of them that doe well . by this we are taught to respect the king , not as the only governour of his dominions simply ( for wee see there bee other governours placed under him ) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as him that excelleth , and hath the preeminence over the rest , that is to say , ( according to the tenure of the oath ) as him that is the onely supreme governour of his realmes . vpon which ground we may safely build this conclusion ; that whatsoever power is incident unto the king by vertue of his place , must be acknowledged to be in him supreme : there being nothing so contrary to the nature of soveraigntie , as to have another superiour power to over-rule it . qui rex est , regem ( maxime ) non habeat . in the second place wee are to consider , that god for the better settling of piety and honesty among men , and the repressing of prophanenesse and other vices , hath established two distinct powers upon earth : the one of the keyes , committed to the church ; the other of the sword , committed to the civill magistrate . that of the keyes is ordained to worke upon the inner man ; having immediate relation to the b remitting or retaining of sins . that of the sword is appointed to work upon the outward man ; yeelding protection to the obedient , and inflicting externall punishment upon the rebellious and disobedient . by the former , the spirituall officers of the church of christ are inabled to c governe well , to d speak and exhort and rebuke with all authoritie , to e loose such as are penitent , to commit others unto the lords prison , untill their amendment , or to binde them over unto the iudgment of the great day , if they shal persist in their wilfulnesse and obstinacie . by the other , princes have an imperious power assigned by god unto them , for the defence of such as doe well , and executing f revenge and wrath upon such as doe evill ; whether g by death , or banishment , or confiscation of goods , or imprisonment , according to the qualitie of the offence . when st. peter , that had the keyes committed unto him , made bold to draw the sword ; he was commanded to h put it up , as a weapon that he had no authoritie to meddle withall . and on the other side , when vzziah the king would venture upon the execution of the priests office , it was said unto him ; i it pertaineth not unto thee , uzziah , to burn incense unto the lord , but to the priests the sons of aaron , that are consecrated to burne incense . let this therefore be our second conclusion : that the power of the sword and of the keyes are two distinct ordinances of god ; and that the prince hath no more authoritie to enter upon the execution of any part of the priests function , than the priest hath to intrude upon any part of the office of the prince . in the third place we are to observe , that the power of the civill sword , ( the supreme managing wherof belongeth to the king alone ) is not to bee restrained unto temporall causes only ; but is by gods ordinance to be extended likewise unto all spirituall or ecclesiasticall things and causes . that as the spirituall rulers of the church doe exercise their kinde of governement , in bringing men unto obedience , not of the duties of the first table alone ( which concerneth piety and the religious service which man is bound to performe unto his creator ) but also of the second ( which respecteth morall honesty , and the offices that man doth owe unto man : ) so the civill magistrate is to use his authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first table , aswell as against the second , that is to say , aswell in punishing of an heretick , or an idolater , or a blasphemer , as of a thiefe , or a murtherer , or a traytor ; and in providing by all good meanes , that such as live under his government k may leade a quiet and peaceable life in all piety and honesty . and howsoever by this meanes we make both prince and priest to bee in their severall places custodes utriusque tabulae , keepers of both gods tables : yet do we not hereby any way confound both of their offices together . for though the matter wherein their government is exercised may be the same ; yet is the forme and manner of governing therein alwaies different . the one reaching to the outward man onely , the other to the inward : the one binding or loosing the soule , the other laying hold on the body and the things belonging thereunto : the one having speciall reference to the iudgement of the world to come , the other respecting the present retaining or loosing of some of the comforts of this life . that there is such a * civill government as this in causes spirituall or ecclesiasticall , no man of iudgement can deny . for must not heresie ( for example ) bee acknowledged to be a cause meerly spirituall or ecclesiasticall ? and yet by what power is an hereticke put to death ? the officers of the church have no authority to take away the life of any man : it must be done therefore per brachium seculare ; and consequently it must bee yeelded without contradiction , that the temporall magistrate doth exercise therein a part of his civill government , in punishing a crime that is of it owne nature spirituall or ecclesiasticall . but here it will be said . the words of the oath being generall ; that the king is the only supreme governour of this realme and of all other his highnesse dominions and countries : how may it appeare that the power of the civill sword only is meant by that government , and that the power of the keyes is not comprehended therein ? i answere : first , that where a civill magistrate is affirmed to bee the governour of his owne dominions and countryes ; by common intendement this must needs be understood of a civill governement , and may in no reason be extended to that which is meerely of another kinde . secondly i say , that where an ambiguitie is conceived to bee in any part of an oath ; it ought to bee taken according to the understanding of him for whose satisfaction the oath was ministred . now in this case it hath been sufficiently declared by publick authority , that no other thing is meant by the governement here mentioned ; but that of the civill sword onely . for in the booke of articles agreed upon by the archbishops & bishops & the whole clergie in the convocation holden at london anno 1562. thus we read . where we attribute to the queenes majesty the chiefe government , ( by which titles wee understand the minds of some slanderous folkes to be offended : ) we give not to our princes the ministring either of gods word or of the sacraments ( the which thing the injunctions also lately set forth by elizabeth our queene doth most plainly testifie : ) but that onely prerogative which we see to have beene given alwaies to all godly princes in holy scriptures by god himselfe , that is , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by god , whether they be ecclesiasticall or temporall , and restraine with the civill sword the stubborne and evill doers . if it be here objected that the authority of the convocation is not a sufficient ground for the expositiō of that which was enacted in parliament : i answer , that these articles stand confirmed not onely by the royall assent of the prince , ( for the establishing of whose supremacy the oath was framed ) but also by a speciall act of parliament ; which is to be found among the statutes in the thirteenth yeare of queene elizabeth , chap. 12. seeing therfore the makers of the law have full authority to expound the law ; and they have sufficiently manifested , that by the supreme government given to the prince they understand that kind of government only which is exercised with the civill sword : i conclude , that nothing can be more plaine than this ; that without all scruple of conscience , the kings majesty may be acknowledged in this sense to bee the only supreme governour of all his highnesse dominions and countries , as well in all spirituall or ecclesiasticall things or causes as temporall . and so have i cleered the first maine branch of the oath . i come now unto the second ; which is propounded negatively : that no forrein prince , person , prelate , state or potentate , hath or ought to have any jurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence or authority , ecclesiasticall or spirituall within this realme . the forreiner that challengeth this ecclesiasticall or spirituall jurisdiction over us , is the bishop of rome : and the title whereby he claimeth this power over us , is the same whereby he claimeth it over the whole world ; because he is s. peters successor , forsooth . and indeed , if s. peter himselfe had beene now alive , i should freely confesse , that hee ought to have spirituall authoritie and superioritie within this kingdome . but so would i say also , if s. andrew , s. bartholmew , s. thomas , or any of the other apostles had beene alive . for i know that their commission was verie large ; to l goe into all the world , and to preach the gospel unto every creature . so that in what part of the world soever they lived , they could not bee said to be out of their charge ; their apostleship being a kind of an universall bishoprick . if therefore the bishop of rome can prove himselfe to bee one of this ranke : the oath must be amended ; and wee must acknowledge that hee hath ecclesiasticall authoritie within this realme . true it is , that our lawyers in their year-bookes by the name of the apostle do usually designe the pope . but if they had examined his title to that apostleship , as they would try an ordinary mans title to a piece of land : they might easily have found a number of flawes and maine defects therein . for first it would be enquired , whether the apostleship was not ordained by our saviour christ as a speciall commission ; which being personall onely , was to determine with the death of the first apostles . for howsoever at their first entry into the execution of this commission , we finde that m matthias was admitted to the apostleship in the roome of iudas : yet afterwards when iames the brother of iohn was slaine by herod , wee doe not reade that any other was substituted in his place . nay we know that the apostles generally left no successors in this kinde : neither did any of the bishops ( he of rome only excepted ) that sate in those famous churches , wherein the apostles exercised their ministery , challenge an apostleship or an universall bishoprick , by vertue of that succession . it would secondly therefore bee inquired , what sound evidence they can produce , to shew that one of the company was to hold the apostleshipp as it were in fee , for him and his successors for ever ; and that the other eleven should hold the same for terme of life only . thirdly , if this state of perperuity was to be cast upon one : how came it to fall upon s. peter , rather than upon s. iohn ; who outlived all the rest of his fellowes , and so as a surviving feoffee had the fairest right to retaine the same in himself & his successors for ever ? fourthly , if that state were wholly settled upon s. peter : seeing the romanists themselves acknowledge that he was bishop of antioch before he was bishop of rome ; we require them to shew , why so great an inheritance as this , should descend unto the yonger brother ( as it were by burrough-english ) rather than to the elder , ( according to the ordinary manner of descents . ) especially seeing rome hath little else to alledge for this preferment , but only that s. peter was crucified in it : which was a very slender reason to move the apostle so to respect it . seeing therfore the grounds of this great claime of the bishop of rome appeare to be so vaine and frivolous : i may safely conclude , that he ought to have no ecclesiasticall or spirituall authority within this realme ; which is the principall point contained in the second part of the oath . finis . iames rex . right reverend father in god , and right trusty and welbeloved counsellor , wee greet you well . you have not deceived our expectation , nor the gracious opinion we ever conceived both of your abilities in learning , and of your faithfullnesse to us and our service . whereof as we have received sundry testimonies both from our precedent deputies , as likewise from our right trusty & welbeloved cousin & counsellor the viscount falkland our present deputy of that realm ; so have we now of late in one particular had a further evidence of your duty and affection well expressed by your late carriage in our castle-chamber there , at the censure of those disobedient magistrates , who refused to take the oath of supremacy . wherein your zeale to the maintenance of our just and lawfull power , defended with so much learning and reason , deserves our princely and gracious thankes ; which we doe by this our letter unto you , and so bid you farewell . given under our signet at our court at white-hall the eleventh of ianuary , 1622. in the 20. yeare of our raigne of great brittaigne , france and ireland . to the right reverend father in god , and our right trusty and welbeloved counsellor , the bishop of meath . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a14241-e70 a 1 per. 2. 13 , 14. b iohn 20. 23. c ● . tim. 5. 17. d tit. 2. 15. e matth. 16. 19. & 18. 18. f rom. 13. 4. g ezra 7. 26. h matt. 26. 52. i 2. chr. 26. 18. k 1 tim. 2. 2. * as on the other side , that a spirituall or ecc●esiasticall government is exercised in causes civill or temporall . for is not excommunication a maine part of ecclesiasticall government , and forest lawes a speciall branch of causes temporall ? yet we see in sententiâ latâ super chartas , anno 12. r. h. ; that the bishops of england pronounce a solemne sentence of excommunication against the infringers of the liberties contained in chartâ de forestâ . l mark. 16. 15. m acts 1. 25 , 26. vox populi, expressed in xxxv motions to the present parliament being the generall voyce and the humble and earnest request of the people of god in england to that most honorable and religious assembly, for reforming the present corrupt state of the church / published by irenæus philadelphus. du moulin, lewis, 1606-1680. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a36846 of text r14281 in the english short title catalog (wing d2555). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a36846 wing d2555 estc r14281 13142403 ocm 13142403 97982 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36846) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97982) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 415:5) vox populi, expressed in xxxv motions to the present parliament being the generall voyce and the humble and earnest request of the people of god in england to that most honorable and religious assembly, for reforming the present corrupt state of the church / published by irenæus philadelphus. du moulin, lewis, 1606-1680. [2], 12 p. s.n.], [london : 1641. attributed to lewis du moulin. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. eng church of england -history -17th century. church and state -england. a36846 r14281 (wing d2555). civilwar no vox populi, expressed in xxxv. motions to this present parliament. being the generall voyce and the humble and earnest request of the people du moulin, lewis 1641 3127 2 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vox populi , expressed in xxxv . motions to this present parliament . being the generall voyce and the humble and earnest request of the people of god in england to that most honorable and religious assembly . for reforming the present corrupt state of the church . published by irenaeus philadelphus . printed in the yeere , 1641. motions for reforming the chvrch of england . i. that since the first reformation in king edwards dayes , was rather of the doctrine , then of the discipline , and of the rites that were palpably grosse , which yet were retained , with a purpose they should be removed afterwards , and for to unloose by degrees , the fast holds to the romish church : now since every protestant is well informed of the change made in religion , that whatsoever in religion is popish , or tending to the disturbing of the peace of the church , and maintaining of hereticall doctrines , be redressed . ii. that in that great worke of reformation which is of moment and consequence , far beyond the setling of civill affaires , there be appointed by both the houses , a committee or convocation and meeting of 40. or 50. english divines , men that were not of , and did no way favour the late convocation , and such as be unpartiall , learned , and uncorrupt in their lives and doctrine , such as dr. vsher arch. b. of armach , dr. prideaux , dr. twisse , and the like , with 10. scots divines , to which be called 8. forrain divines of the most learned and famous ; such as rivetus , primrose , diodati , moulin , and the like , who may treat and agree upon a setled platforme of church-government , sutable to the monarchy of great britain which ought to be ratified , and enacted by parliament . iii. that since our neighbour churches have enjoyed more peace and safety under their discipline , our discipline bee framed upon the patron of theirs , which hitherto hath not beene subject to the inconveniences that ours is ; such are : to be rent with schismes , & poysoned with heresies : to have the whole people of the land and the greatest part of the ministers liable without any redresse , to the unjust usurpations , vexations , and censure of some few bishoppes : to have in great many parochiall churches , a want of a profitable minister : to have in some of them either seldome or no preaching at all : in others , little or no maintenance : and in most a disproportionable maintenance : besides the manifold altercations and quarrells about trifles and toyes , that our discipline is attended with : it was never heard that any man living under our neighbour churches discipline was ever so braine-sicke as to moove questions , whether of the table , pulpit , and font , deserves more reverence and bowing at ; or that their synods or consistories made canons and constitutions about placing and rayling the communion table : about hoods and surplisses , and such needlesse orders , which bring rather striving then edifying . since then our neighbour churches discipline is obnoxious to lesse disorders , that a discipline be established in england , that be approaching unto theirs , yet a sensible difference kept betweene theirs and ours . iiii. that the churches discipline being established , a nationall synod be convocated , that may frame a confession of faith , to which may be called a competent number of forraine divines . however , since so many have beene so earnest of late , to be in charity with the roman church , that they have beene uncharitable to the reformed churches : let canons be made in the synode , and an act of parliament for union with other protestant churches in matter of doctrine : and all the fire-brands of these late innovations in the church , that have made us a laughpng stocke to the neighbour churches , be sharrcly censured , if not cut off as banes of the church , especially the first raisers of altars , such as heylin , pocklington , and the like . v that in that synod , if the english liturgie bee retained , to the end it be received all over england without exceptions , it be reformed and repurged from many corruptions , and from a great deale of drosse among the gold , and the good matters that are therein contained , as it appeareth ; first , in the vaine repetitions of the same thing . secondly , in the uncouth expressions , as the name of epistle when it is prophesie , and misaplying peeces of scripture to the daies for which they are appointed . thirdly , in the reading of the ridiculous stories and fables of the apocripha bookes , such are the stories of tobit and his dogge and the like . fourthly , in the unsutablenesse of many collects and prayers to the matter and intent they are prayed for : such are the collect before the ten commandements , and the prayer for the ministers of the gospel , o god almighty that workest great marvels : which , if the words bishops and curates be taken out , may be applyed to any purpose : and last of all , in the unsound doctrines ; as that sacraments are absolutely , necessary to salvation , and that infants have faith in the person of their godfathers and godmothers , which is as much as to beleeve by a proxie or by an atturney . vi . that in that synod it be determined what popery is , and canons made where those errours whereof the people is with good reason affraid , be named and condemned . vii . that above all the holy doctrine of iustification by faith only , which is the maine hinge of salvation , bee strongly established by an especial canon according to the tenets of all protestant churches , which canon be sworne and subscribed unto , by all that have taken , and hereafter shall take orders or ecclesiasticall promotions . this being the greatest plague of the church of england , that many men dignified in the church , and masters of colledges , fellowes and schollers in the universitie , defend openly the justification by workes , which is flat popery , and the ready way to bring in iudulgences , auricular confession , purgatory , and the tyranny of the clergie over the consciences . viii . that likewise the doctrine of the necessitie and effecacy of the sacraments , especially of baptisme bee mainely and distinctly established and explained according to the tenets of all the other reformed churches ; since it hath beene of late verie usuall among our timeservers , and those ministers that are as much taken with conformitie as they love non-residencie and pluralitie of livings , to be enamoured with all the popish and arminians opinions , and to hold and teach baptisme of water to be of absolute necessity to be saved ; that it doth blot out sinnes , and regenerate , ex opere operato and vi nudam actionis by the bare strength of washing ; and workes necessarily in the baptized partie , faith and the habit of true sanctification ; and have grounded their poysonous tenets upon some passages of the liturgie that were not dasht out , nor explained by the reformers of the roman breviarie in king edwards daies ; as be the words in the catechisme , the children baptised have all things necesary to salvation , and are undoubtedly saved . and in the prayer after baptisme , where thankes is given to god for regenerating the jusant with his holy spirit . since then such places have beene a stumbling blocke to weake ones , and have given faire opportunity of erring to malicious spirits , that in the task expected of reforming the english liturgie , they be corrected and amended . ix . that bowing before of the communion table , or toward the east , bee forbidden under the punishment of deprivation of benificed men and expulsion of schollers out of the colleges , and the communion table be kept in the vestery and removed from the eyes of the people but in the time of the communion , to avoid the creeping idolatry . x. that the crucifixe in a peece of hanging and other superstious figures which sometimes in the yeare are set over the communion table of many churches and chappells , bee removed and abolished ; and that the authors or renewers of that superstition be severely punished . xi . that the authors of popish and arminian bookes bee called in question , and that the pleasure of our late soveraigne king james of blessed memory , be executed , who sent his divines to the synode of dort , that the church of england afterwards should be bound by the decisions made there , and that canons be made conformable to the determination of our divines in that synod . xii . that if bishops are thought fit to be retained , there be no more such distance betweene a bishop and an ordinary minister ; and that bishops be no more called lords , and that they be enjoyned to preach diligently , as is the duty of their place and office . xiii . that if some of them sit in parliament , it bee upon wool-sacks , and have no more priviledges by their office and places then the iudges , the lord keeper and treasurer : and that a certaine number of deputies from the nationall synod , whether bishops or other , bee assisting both in the higher house and lower house , for delivering their advices upon any clauses of acts , that may entrench upon the churches priviledges , or are contrary to doctrine or good manners . xv . that the principall defect of our discipline , and the spring of all errours in doctrine and practice , which is the want of synods , bee mended , & hereafter all visitations of bishops be synods , as by right they ought to bee , and according to the ancient constitution , as it appeareth by the synodalls which ministers pay in every visitation , and that at synods all parish ministers be sitting and covered , & have their voyce in the discussing of the affaires of the diocesse , and making orders which may not afterwards be altered by the bishops , but onely by the nationall or metropolitical synod , which for the publike union , is to bee kept once every two yeares , neither was ever the church of late without synods , but but in england . xvi . that besides nationall synods there be provinciall synode convocated in each diocesse once a yeare ; and that every moneth there bee a meeting of ministers within the precinct of sixe or seven neighbour parishes through the whole diocesse ; to which the first citations , complaints and processes within that precinct be carried , and in which the incident controversies without further delay be composed , and that what soever is judged within that precinct bee censurable againe by the provinciall synode of the diocesse , and that onely causes of high moment , as deciding controvesies of faith , and matters which doth concerne the whole nation bee removed from the the provinciall synod to the nationall . xvii . that the election of presidents , assessors , and other members of the nationall synode , be in the power of the deputies , whether bishops or others , appointed for that purpose by each respective provinciall synod : and that in provinciall synods the election of them , bee in the power of the presbyterie within each diocesse . xviii . that the presentment of causes and persons to the nationall synod bee made by the bishop of the diocesse ▪ xix . that in every presbyteriall meeting within the precinct of neighbour parish●s the bishop shall have power to assist in his owne person or by a commissioner of his , and have his voyce as others . xx . that the citations and presentments from these presbyteriall meetings to the provinciall synod beenot made without the knowledge of the parish minister , who ought to present the delinquent , and have his voyce in the censure . xxi . that the bishop be censurable by the synod , whether it be provinciall or nationall , and that it bee no more in the power of bishops to impose what they please upon the clergie with such rigorous penaltie as they have lately used for the oath of the sixth canon . xxii . that the power of ordination bee not stronger in bishoppes then in other ministers . xxiii . that no scholler shall enter into the holy ministrie without a certificate from the vniversitie , and from the parish wherein he hath beene commorant of his life and doctrine , and without further triall and examination of his gifts and learning and soundnesse in doctrine by sixe ministers , or at least fiue , and that none shall be ordained ministers except presently upon he is to be invested with a cure of soules . xxiiii . that minister bee ordained at least foure times in the yeare , and that a record bee kept of the parishes void of ministrie , that in the time of ordination they may be supplyed accordingly . xxv . that it be lawfull for students in divinity and having good report , to preach , but not to exercise any other part of ministeriall function , to the end they may exercise their parts , and give a tast of their abilities to the flocke . xxvi . that afore they be permitted to preach in publique , they be exercised in private by way of sermons to handle and expound the word of god before the neighbour ministers where they are cōmorant , or before the heads of the colledge where they are members ; and that their sermon ended , the matter and manner of their handling the word be censured and examined by those ministers that are present . xxvii . that another course bee taken for maintaining ministers and bishops , then that of tyths , which are the cause of endlesse suits betweene the minister and the parishioners , the patron and incumbent , keepe the minister from his church , while he followes suites in london , and bring the holy ministry into obloquy & contempt . but an honorable competent proportion bee appointed for the maintenance of each parish ministers by the parishioners , and rated by the parliament or synod , and that the distinctions of deane , arch-deacon , person , curat , vicar , and reader bee taken away , but let them be coequalls , and more or lesse in number in one parish , according to the greatnesse or wealth of the parish . xxviii . that as bishops in height of iurisdiction and place , by act are to bee shortned , so an act be made that from henceforth , all ordinary ministers , which are too much vilified , shall have more respect and honour then heretofore was given unto them , and that of well deserving schollers , the ministers sonnes bee preferred to the fellowships of colledges . xxix . that the power of ecclesiasticall keyes , such as belongs to bishops and ministers , be restored unto them , according to the ancient constitutions of the primitive churches : and that there bee no censure past upon the clergie or people from synod , bishop or presbyterie , but such as is spirituall , and that the usuall penalties of imprisonment and fine be rendred againe to the right owner , viz. to the civill magistrate , and the commutations of bodily penance into pecuniarie , and the abuse of excommunication , and the oath ex officio abolished . xxx . that the clergie of the diocesse ; shall choose their owne bishop , or present to the kings majestie two , who may choose of them whom he pleaseth : and that every parish be patron of its parish , and have the presentation of as many ministers , as the flocke requireth , to the synod or bishop . xxviii . that bishops be more in number and their diocesses of lesse extent then hitherto it hath beene . xxxi . that in stead of chancellors , officers , apparitours , registers , and such like grashoppers , there bee some lay-elders , that may sit in provinciall synods , and have their voyce in matters of discipline and church goverment , and that in nationall synods , there be some laymen likewise appointed by the parliament . xxxii . that a better course be taken for providing for the poore , and that both ministers and chiefe of the parish bee overseeing , how church-wardens doe dispose of the church-treasury , and that they bee not permitted under crime of sacrilege to spend it upon themselves , and that every moneth they give an account of whatsoever is received and laid out . xxxiii . that the griping of church duties and buriall-costs , exacted oftner more rigorously of the poore then the rich , be restrained , and that the minister bee contented with his yearely salary , performing all the branches of his calling , as baptizing , burying , visiting the sicke without any further recompence , but such as is tendered to him . xxiiii . that the fountains of learning , cambridge and oxford , be purged from superstitious rites and popish doctrines , and orthodoxe readers be provided . xxxv . that no publique vniversitie readers be admitted , but such as are either allowed or named by the nationall synod , or such as out of the convocation of the natioall synod are presented to the kings majestie by the heads of the university and afterwards approved by the next insuing nationall synod . finis . three considerations proposed to mr. william pen concerning the validity and security of his new magna charta for liberty of conscience by a baptist ; which may be worthy the consideration of all the quakers and of all my dissenting brethren also that have votes in the choice of parliament-men. comber, thomas, 1645-1699. 1688 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34089 wing c5496 estc r29651 11184984 ocm 11184984 46615 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34089) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 46615) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1438:20) three considerations proposed to mr. william pen concerning the validity and security of his new magna charta for liberty of conscience by a baptist ; which may be worthy the consideration of all the quakers and of all my dissenting brethren also that have votes in the choice of parliament-men. comber, thomas, 1645-1699. [4] p. s.n., [london : 1688?] reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng penn, william, 1644-1718. -excellent priviledge of liberty and property. liberty of conscience -england. church and state -england. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion three considerations proposed to mr. william pen , concerning the validity and security of his new magna charta for liberty of conscience , by a. baptist ; which may be worthy the consideration of all the quakers , and of all my dissenting brethren also that have votes in the choice of parliament-men . i desire you m. pen , and all my dissenting brethren to consider , and then answer this : first , what validity or security can any pretended or designed future new law or charter have , when we see so many of the present laws we already have may be , and are by the dispensing power dispensed with ? have we , or can we have any higher power here in england , than king , lords and commons in parliament assembled ? the laws that are now dispensed with and rendred useless , were they not made by that power ? pray tell me , can your new charter [ if you had it ] be made by any higher or other power ? and m. pen , let your brethren , and us know your mind honestly . do you think there is any temporal or spiritual-power here in england above the dispencing power ? and can you make it appear to us ? shall your new charter have a penalty inserted to be inflicted on the infringers or breakers of it or no ? if not , what will your new charter signifie ? not three skips of a louse ; and if it have a penalty , cannot any king by his prerogative and authority royal , dispence with the penalty ? and what will it signifie then ? that you need not doubt at all , but may be certain of this ; you shall hear what roman catholicks have already told us , and judg'd is the law in this matter ; nay , and such a right so inherent and so inseparable from the crown , that a king cannot divest himself of it if he would , nor is bound by his word or any declaration he makes , no not in or by parliament . take it in m. r. langhorns own words in his book , touching the kings right in dispensing with penal laws , p. 3 , 4. that this trust , and this power of dispencing with penal laws , are inseparably united unto the royal person of the king , that he cannot transfer , give away or separate the same from himself ; consequently it is inherent in his royal person , that is , in his crown . coke lib. 7. fol. 36. that the king cannot by his grant , nor yet by act of parliament , bar 〈…〉 lf of any that is inherent in and inseparably annexed into his royal person , for that in so doing he should cease to be king , and consequently change and subvert the government , which our law allows not . that ( therefore ) when ever the king to gratifie a parliament , doth consent in parliament to any law , by which he seems to strip himself of , or depart from , any prerogative , or right , which in truth is inseparable from him as king ; or when the king in parliament or otherwise by any declaratory words or speeches , seems to relinquish such right : such consent to such law is no more than an agreement on his part not to use that right ordinarily ; but only in extraordinary occasions , when in his princely wisdom he shall find it necessary , and for publick good . but this bars him not to use this right again , when he sees just cause so to do , nor can any declaratory words spoken by the king , or his assent incerted into an act of parliament , estop the king in any cause of this nature . so far he . now where 's the assurance then of will. pen's new charter for liberty ? who can tell what king we may have after our present sovereign , whether so merciful or so just ? or what sheriffs the next king may chuse , and what returns of parliament-men they may make ; for you know the forfeiture on the sheriffs making a false return is no great matter , and cannot a king pardon it by his dispensing power or authority royal ? what will , nay what can your new charter then signifie , when it either is or may be ( according to your own doctrine ) either invalidated , disanulled , or anihilated in an instant ? secondly , pray m. pen , consider what your new charter can signifie , so long as there is a high commission court , or a high commission for ecclesiastical affairs set up ? cannot those commissioners take any of your and our preachers , teachers , or ministers to task when they please ? cannot they when they have a mind to it , suspend mr. pen , or george whitehead , m. alsop , mr. lobb , or mr. mead , or mr. bowyer , as well as the bishop of london , d. sharp , or d. doughty ? notwithstanding your new charter ? cannot the court when they will , or shall think fit , or be commanded , suspend , silence , or forbid any or all the dissenting ministers to preach any longer in their meetings , if they will not read any declaration or order whatever , that the king shall set forth and require them to read ? remember the magdalen colledge-men , remember also that sawce for a goose is or may be sawce for a gander . this consideration is further grounded on the words in their late order set forth in the gazette , for contempt of his majesties authority royal ; now let us see before we leap , whether that will run no farther than just m. pen will have it . can he stop the current of it when he pleases ? if he could we are not sure he would , for formerly he had no great kindness ( we know ) for us baptists and other dissenters and if he could and would , we are not sure of his life how long . therefore it will be the greatest piece of weakness and folly in the world for us to dance after his and the jesuits pipe alone , contrary both to all common sense and reason , and our own general interest . thirdly , and above all consider what security or validity this new charter can be of , when there is a standing army kept on foot ? do guns hear reason , or regard laws ? will dragoons mind charters , or arguments do you think ? pray m. pen tell us whether they have done or do now so in france ? we need not go far off for an instance , it is so near us as fifty or sixty miles , which one would think is nigh enough to open our eye-sight , if we are not strangely infatuated and given up by the almighty to ruin and destruction , which the good lord 〈…〉 . m. pen , how have the dragoons minded our properties ( in these early days ) in divers places here in england already ? what think you of their carriage and quartering , will it agree with your new charter for liberty ? the inkeepers and victuallers beside many other can give you an account , now if you were truly a friend for liberty for liberties sake , as you publish and pretend to the world , you would mind and inform us , and your brethren of these and the like things , and not mincingly pass them over , and both delude and deceive us and them . many perticulars more might be inlarged here , but a word to the wise is enough . i desire m● pen only to weigh seriously , and give an honest , clear and satisfactory answer to these three points ; in the mean time it appears to be highly the duty of all men , as well dissenters as others who have votes in chusing parliament men ; above all to chuse such faithful patriots as will take care of these things already hin●ed , and others that may be brought before them ; that our liberties , our laws , and our lives may be preserved from ill designing men , add from future quowariauto's ; and all the high violaters and infringers thereof called to an account , and justly punished . this will well become them and secure us , more than any titular charter whatever . liberty is indeed a fine word , but remember ( brethren ) what the apostle peter hath told us , that some there were that while they promise them liberty , they themselves are the servants of corruption , and observe what follows , for of whom a man is overcome , of the same is he brought in bondage : how do you , how will you like that word ? the name of liberty signifies nothing without the substance , and the continuance , certainty and security of it . let us endeavor to secure our substantial liberties , our english liberties we have and ought to have , rather than to get the name of new ones , which may fatally bring us into greater bondage in the end . did you never hear of a certain act or bill for the repealing of a penal law , that was lost ( when the late king was to have sign'd it ) betwixt the house of commons , and house of lords , by a strange trick of an honest clerk of the parliament . do not part with a goose , for the sticking down a feather . children know , and can tell us , a bird in the hand , is worth two in the bush . finally brethren , let us be of one mind in our great concerns , though we may differ in some circumstances , and small trivial things . let us not in revenge ( though it be sweet ) put out both our own eyes , to put out one of our brothers . let us not be so silly , to destroy our selves , to hurt others . but let all protestants unite in mutual condescension , affection , and interest ; it is high time : remember our saviour hath told us , a house divided against it self cannot stand . nothing will save us but union . let brotherly love and charity continue . farwell and be wise whilst you may , lest you repent where 't is too late . and your repentance will do you no good . a proclamation for the security of ministers. at edinburgh, the thirteenth day of june, one thousand six hundred and sixty seven. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1667 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05703 wing s1937a estc r183561 52612443 ocm 52612443 179638 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05703) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179638) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2794:32) a proclamation for the security of ministers. at edinburgh, the thirteenth day of june, one thousand six hundred and sixty seven. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. printed in black letter. intentional blank spaces in text. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -clergy -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , for the security of ministers . at edinburgh , the thirteenth day of june , one thousand six hundred and sixty seven . charles , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith : to our lovits , _____ messengers , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . forasmuch as we , by divers acts of parliaments and proclamations , have expressed and declared our royal care and resolution , to protect the orthodox and well-affected clergy and ministers : and to that effect and purpose , a proclamation was issued by us upon the fifth of march last , commanding all heretors and parochioners within the western shires therein mentioned , to protect and defend the persons , families and goods of their respective ministers within their several paroches , from all affronts and injuries to be committed by insolent and dis-affected persons to the present government , in manner , with , and under the certifications and pains therein contained . and nevertheless , the malice and rage of such persons is so implacable against loyal ministers , upon no other account , but that they are faithful and obedient to our laws and authority , that of late , since the said proclamation , divers outrages have been committed within the saids western and other shires , by invading and wounding the persons of several ministers , assaulting them in their houses , and plundering and robbing their goods , to the great scandal of religion , contempt of our authority , and discouragement of the preachers of the gospel , and is a great incouragement to such sacraligious and wicked persons , that within the paroches where such insolencies are committed and done to ministers , there is no wanting persons of the same temper and principles , who do secretly favour and comply with them ; and they do presume , that the actors with-drawing , the parochioners will not be questioned , and that they will not think themselves concerned to prevent or repair the wrongs done to the ministers . therefore we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , command and charge all heretors , life-renters and others , having any real interest and rent within the several paroches of the kingdom , whither they reside within the same or not , their bailies , chamberlains and others having trust under them , and all other parochioners , to protect , defend , and secure the persons , families and goods of their ministers , not only in the exercise of their ministerial function , but in their dwelling-houses , or being elsewhere within the paroch , from all injuries , affronts and prejudices which they may incur in their persons and goods , from the violence and invasion of any phanatick or dis-affected person : and that upon the notice of any attempt of such , they immediately repair to any place where they shall beat such injuries are offered , and seize upon the persons of the committers ; and in case that they flye out of the saids bounds , that they give notice to the sheriff or any garrison or forces that shall be nearest to these places , that they may pursue them till they be apprehended and brought to tryal : with certification , that if any such outrages shall be committed , the actors , and all persons who shall have any accession to the same , and shall aid , assist , or any way comply with , or shall willingly resset and conceal the delinquents , shall be proceeded against and punished with all severity , as equally guilty with the invadors . and farther , if they be not apprehended and brought to tryal by the means and diligence of the parochioners , letters shall be directed at the instance of our advocat , to cite the parochioners to appear before the lords of our privy council , at the least to send three or four of their number specially authorized for that effect , to hear and see the parochioners decerned to pay to the minister for reparation , damage and interest , such a sum and fine as our council shall think fit to determine , ( special consideration being alwayes had of well-affected heretors and parochioners , who constantly attend the publick ordinances , and as they are required by the ministers , concur with them in the exercise of church-discipline , who are to be relieved of the half of the fine to be imposed , which is to be payed by the dis-affected , who are to be tryed to be such by the justices of peace , or other judge-ordinar ) and a citation of parochioners in general , at the mercat-cross of the shire , being intimate at the paroch-church upon a sunday before-noon after divine service , we declare to be sufficient ; and the said sum so to be modified , shall be divided amongst the heretors and life-renters and others , according to their respective valuations , and is to be advanced and payed by them to the sheriffs , stewarts , or bailies of regalities and baileries , who are hereby ordained by themselves or their deputes , to uplift the same for the use of the minister , and to use all lawful execution for that effect : and for relief of the saids heretors , life-renters and others foresaids , their several tennents are hereby ordained to pay the third part of the several proportions payable by their masters ; and where any person has more tennents then one , the third part payable for relief of their master is to be divided and proportioned betwixt their tennents proportionally , and according to the duty they pay respective : and if any question arise thereanent , either amongst the tennents themselves , or the tennents and their masters , the same is to be determined by the iustices of peace or sheriff of the shires , or other iudges ordinar in whose jurisdiction they reside , in the option of the complainers . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published at the mercat-cross of the head burghs of this kingdom , and read at all paroch-churches upon a sunday before-noon , after divine service , that none pretend ignorance . edinburgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , 1667. the character of a church-trimmer by heraclitus his ghost. heraclitus his ghost. 1683 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a31684 wing c1966 estc r26588 09506237 ocm 09506237 43352 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31684) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43352) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:3) the character of a church-trimmer by heraclitus his ghost. heraclitus his ghost. 1 sheet. printed for w.a., london : 1683. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -controversial literature. church and state -church of england. great britain -history -restoration, 1660-1688 -pamphlets. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the character of a church trimmer . by heraclitus his ghost . ad populum phaleras — a church-trimmer is the beelzebub or prince of trimmers , the devil of a saint , and the monster of a man , into the bargain ; for he is two-fold all over : he hath not only ( janus-like ) two contrary faces to put on as the weather serves , but all things else proportionable : he hath two several tongues ready tuned both ways , a double mind , a pair of consciences , one with a belly as big as the trojan horse , to swallow camels with ; the other so very strait-laced , that it must strain hard to get down a gnat or little punctilio of a ceremony ; and two pair of hands and feet to be all your humble servants , to address and make legs to all parties , all points of the compass , as well to flatter monarchs , as to court the mobile or commons of england , as times will bear , and trump turns up . it were below his character to say , he is a mear volpone in a sheep-skin doublet , a formal hypocrite , holy cheat , or modern pharisee ; for he is not only more rotten and debauched in his principles than they all , but worse than any jew or jesuit for morals also . he is a church-politico , a conforming non-conformist , a spiritual jugler , a mountebank divine , and loves a croud as well as any cut-purse , for reasons best known to his own pocket and pride , ( and who but he to give them measures for their huzzahs , and their one-and-alls , as occasion offers ) for as he hates popery with one of his hearts , so he dotes upon peter-pence and popularity with the other . he is a true protestant erastian in point of government , accounting the longest sword the strongest argument , and surest title : he is as true as steel to the higher powers , ( be they what they will ) so long as they continue such , and are able to protect themselves and him ; which , when they cease to be , they are no longer higher powers for his money ; you cannot blame him if he shift for himself ; when the wind turns he must steer a quite contrary course , by force as well as choice . he pretends to be of the religion of his country for peace-sake , but is really a sceptick in point of faith ; for though he is ready to do all things that he is commanded , yet all this while he believes nothing ; or if he do , it is not as the church , but as the state believes . he is a professed doctor of the law of nature , who will scarce allow a dram of grace to any one under a duke ; his councils are the common sentiments of all mankind in parliament assembled in his upper room ; his fathers , seneca , antoninus , epictetus , tully , and other ancient heroes ; his school-men , curcellaeus , episcopius , socinus , crellius , and the rest of that gang of heathenish divines ; his dearly beloved fundamental darling is self-preservation ; for whose sake he hath an universal tenderness for all sects and factions , christian or infidel ; among the whigs he is a zealous whig , with the tories a moderate tory ; and hugs himself in the fancy that he is the very picture of the old doctor of the gentiles , because he becomes all things to all men , that so he may be all means save one . would ye know what he was or did in those days when there was no king in israel ? malice it self could not suspect him to have a king in his heart in all that time , as became a man of temper , prudence , and good nature . he was true and faithful to all the several new faces and fresh broaches of government ( as that female hector swore she had been to her seventeen gallants ) though without king , house of lords , or commons either ; ( none but fools and sots will suffer and starve , be the weather never so cold , or times bad . ) the man of salamanca can hardly swear what orders he was then in , but he was a mighty busie pulpiteer ; he had the gift ( or rather the art , or cant ) of praying by the spirit ; he prayed aloud for all the several powers which providence successively set over us , though all perjured rebels ; ( for he was never against the succession , unless it were in the right line . ) he preached in a black cloak and white gloves , and inveighed bitterly all along against the roman missal , and the english mass-book , with all their superstitious forms and rites ; against popery and prelacy alike ; for next to kings , he loved bishops worst at that time of the day . his fingers itched to have a share in the government then , that he might shew his cowardly prowess in trampling upon a poor church when it was down ; and persecuting a loyal clergy-man that durst presume to read common-prayer under his sanctified nose ; for these and such-like glorious ends and to shew how heartily he espoused the cause , no doubt he used all laudable means , though i will not say positively that he listed himself chaplain to some major general , or other man of might , or committed matrimony with a cast abigail , or genuine off-spring of old holofernes his own flesh and blood. but the last game of this church-sophister , is his master-piece , and worth all the rest ; for so soon as ever the clock struck 1660. and the word was dieu & mon droit , and all the bells and pulpits rang , i will overturn , overturn , overturn , till he shall come whose right it is ; his trimmership ( in a great fright ) turn'd old cavalier in a moment , like the man that grew gray in one night : he put on the face of loyalty , began to assert monarchy strenuously , took all oaths and tests to bind him to his good behaviour for the future ; subscribed the articles of religion ( as articles of peace indeed , but not of faith ) and fell so desperately in love with the church all of a sudden , as if it had been really his new mistriss ; but this was only a copy of his countenance ; however , finding a new talent put into his hand , and the old ferment of ambition working still in his brain , he resolves to be somebody ( and not vicar of bray still ) to make a greater figure in the church , that he may be the more able to serve her a dog-trick , and betray her into the philistines hands , when time shall serve . it was not long before he began to set up a new church within the old , to cry up comprehension or toleration for all sects , lest he at last should be found intolerable : he insinuated into the great ministers of church and state , and presumed to make lists too , of worthy men and men worthy ; to blacken and defame all loyal clericks , and recommend those of his own stamp as the only men of merit ; to cry down the one as men of hot heads , and popishly inclined , and magnifie the other as great masters of prudence , conduct and moderation ; so that the most useful , honest , and able church-man that will not lick up his spittle , must stay for his reward till the great day . he esteems all our church-usages indifferent little trifles , not to be contended for ; prefers one pipe in the vestry , before a whole organ-full at the bellfry : he seldom reads the publick prayers , but preaches world without end : he hates a cross in his heart , and values not the sign thereof in baptism at a brass farthing ; two guineys will purchase him to leave it out : he allows no more of a real presence in the sacrament , than at his own table , when ( by chance ) he eats at home ; his sermons are wisely composed , to treat men of all religions , only they seem to be more particularly calculated for turks and pagans , than professed christians . in one word , he is the king 's humble servant in the intervals of parliament , when he can rule his own roast without the disturbance of popular votes ; but if he chance to want money , or hands or heads to assist him in extremities , when factions grow high and insolent against him ; and threaten the second part to the same tune of 1641. this true protestant trimming antichrist fairly denies his master , saying , the king is but one man , but the people of england are very numerous ; and what wise man will disoblige and provoke a multitude ? no , i will rather venture and trust his majesties wonted clemency , than their known fury ; i have read matchiavel , and am well aware , that honesty is not the best policy , though it be the fools motto , i was never of the losing side , and will save my stake still if i can . here 's your trimmer for you with a vengeance ! you that would know more of his principles and ways , must repair to the reconciling-office near peg trantams , being the half-way house between heaven and hell , where he is to be spoken with once every week ; and you are desired to tell him that he must not give characters of others , if he love them not himself , but that he must expect , some time or other , to meet with a rowland for his oliver . london , printed for w. a. in the year 1683. proclamation for a solemn national monthly fast scotland. privy council. 1692 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05612 wing s1799 estc r183478 53299283 ocm 53299283 180015 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05612) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 180015) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2810:40) proclamation for a solemn national monthly fast scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh : anno dom. 1692. caption title. initial letter. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. fasts and feasts -church of scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion letterhead with royal emblems a proclamation , for a solemn national monthly fast . william and mary , by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , macers of our privy council , pursevants , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch , as several synods , and others of this church , have applyed to the lords of our privy council , that they would interpose their authority , for indicting and keeping a solemn national fast and humiliation , in all the kirks and meeting-houses of this our antient kingdom , to implore the blessing of the lord upon us in our counsels and undertakings , in defense of the true reformed religion , and of these lands , and relief of the oppressed abroad ; and especially , that god would countenance us in the present war , preserving our royal person , and giving success to our arms by sea and land , and preserve and establish the protestant religion at home and abroad . therefore we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , do hereby command and enjoyn , that the said solemn fast and humiliation , for the ends above set down , be religiously observed by all persons within this kingdom , both in churches and meeting-houses , upon the twenty fifth day of may next , being the last wednesday of that month , and thereafter monthly , upon the last wednesday of each month untill the last wednesday of september next inclusive : and ordains all ministers , either in kirks or meeting-houses , to read these presents publickly from the pulpit , a sunday or two before the first day appointed for keeping the said fast and humiliation , and upon a sunday before each last wednesday , during the space foresaid . and to the effect that this so necessary and religious a duty , may be publickly performed ; and punctually observed , and our pleasure in the premisses known : our will is , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent , these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom , and in our name and authority , make publication of the premisses , that none may pretend ignorance . and we ordain our sollicitor to dispatch copies hereof , to the sheriffs of the several shires and stewarts of the stewartries , and , their deputes or clerks , to be by them published at the mercat-crosses of the head-burghs , upon receipt thereof , and immediatly sent to the several ministers , both in kirks and meeting-houses , to the effect they may read , and intimat the same from their pulpits , and may seriously exhort all persons to a sincere and devote observance thereof , as they will be answerable at their peril . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published in manner foresaid . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twenty first day of april . and of our reign , the fourth year , 1692 . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . in supplimentum signeti . da , moncreif , cls. sti. concilli . god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anne dom : 1692. a preamble with the protestation made by the whole house of commons the 3. of may, 1641 and assented vnto by the lords of the vpper house the 4. of may. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83803 of text r209666 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[2]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83803 wing e2682c wing p3199 thomason 669.f.3[2] estc r209666 99868531 99868531 160560 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83803) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160560) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[2]) a preamble with the protestation made by the whole house of commons the 3. of may, 1641 and assented vnto by the lords of the vpper house the 4. of may. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john aston, [london] : anno dom. 1641. place of publication from wing. identified as both wing e2682c and as wing p3199. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a83803 r209666 (thomason 669.f.3[2]). civilwar no a preamble with the protestation made by the whole house of commons the 3. of may, 1641: and assented vnto by the lords of the vpper house t england and wales. parliament. 1641 597 4 0 0 0 0 0 67 d the rate of 67 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a preamble with the protestation made by the whole house of commons the 3 , of may , 1641 ▪ and assented vnto by the lords of the vpper house the 4 ▪ of may . wee the knights , citizens , and burgesses , of the commons house in parliament , finding to the griefe of our hearts , that the designes of the priests and jesuites , and other adherents to the sea of rome have of late more boldly , and frequently put in practice , then formerly , to the undermining and d●nger of the ruine of the true reformed religion , in his majesties dominions established , and finding also , that there hath beene , and having cause to suspect there still are , even during the sitting in parliament , endeavours to subvert the fundamentall lawes of england , and ireland , and to introduce the exercise of an arbitrary , and tyrannicall government ; by most pernicious and wicked counsells , practises , plots , and conspiracies , and that the long intermission , and unhappier breach of parliaments , hath occasioned many illegall taxations , whereupon the subjects have beene prosecuted and grieved , and that divers innovations and superstitions have beene brought into the church , multitudes driven out of his majesties dominions , jealousies raised and fomented , betweene the king and his people , a popish army leavyed in ireland , and two armies brought into the bowels of this kingdome , to the hazard of his majesties royall person , the consumption of the revenue of the crowne , and the treasure of this realme . and lastly , finding the great causes of jealousie , endeavours have beene and are used , to bring the english army into misunderstanding of this parliament ; thereby to encline that army by force , to bring to passe , those wicked counsels ; have therefore thought good to joyne our selves in a declaration of our united affections , and resolutions , and to make this ensuing protestation . the protestation . i a. b. doe in the presence of almighty god , promise , vow , and potest , to maintaine and defend , as farre as lawfully i may , with my life , power , and estate , the true reformed protestant religion , expressed in the doctrine of the church of england , against all popery , and popish innovations within this realme , contrary to the same , and to the duty of allegiance to his majesties royall person , honour , and estate . as also the power of priviledge of parliament , the lawfull rights and liberties of the subjects . and every person that maketh this protestation in whatsoever he shall doe in the lawfull pursuance of the same , and to my power as farre as lawfully i may oppose , i will and by all good wayes and meanes endeavour to bring to condigne punishment all such as shall by force , practice , counsell , plots , conspiracies , or otherwise doe any thing to the contrary in this present protestation contained , and further i shall in all just , and honourable waies , endeavour to preserve the union and peace betwixt the three kingdomes of england , scotland , and ireland . and neither for hope , feare , nor other respects shall relinquish this promise , vow , and protestation . finis . printed ▪ for john aston , anno dom. 1641. a vindication of the divines of the church of england who have sworn allegiance to k. william & q. mary, from the imputations of apostasy and perjury, which are cast upon them upon that account, in the now publish'd history of passive obedience / by one of those divines. fowler, edward, 1632-1714. 1689 approx. 21 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a40101 wing f1728 estc r2186 12185341 ocm 12185341 55746 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40101) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55746) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 890:7) a vindication of the divines of the church of england who have sworn allegiance to k. william & q. mary, from the imputations of apostasy and perjury, which are cast upon them upon that account, in the now publish'd history of passive obedience / by one of those divines. fowler, edward, 1632-1714. 15 p. printed for brabazon aylmer ..., london : 1689. reproduction of original in huntington library. a reply to abednigo seller's the history of passive obedience since the reformation. attributed to edward fowler. cf. nuc pre-1956. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng seller, abednego, 1646?-1705. -history of passive obedience since the reformation. government, resistance to -great britain. church and state -great britain. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of the divines of the church of england , who have sworn allegiance to k. william & q. mary , from the imputations of apostasy and periury , which are cast upon them upon that account , in the now publish'd history of passive obedience . by one of those divines . it is impossible but that offences will come , but woe unto him through whom they come , &c. luke , 17. 1. licens'd august 27th . 1689. i. fraser . london , printed for brabazon aylmer at the three pidgeons over against the royal exchange , cornhill , 1689. a vindication of the divines of the church of england , &c. i should hardly have thought it much worth any ones while , to concern himself about the now publish'd book , intituled , the history of passive obedience , were it not to prevent atheistical and debauched persons making use of it , to the scandalizing of weak and inconsiderative people against religion ; and the more hardening themselves in their contempt thereof , by seeing so great a body of the ministers of this church , so exposed to the world for apostates and perjured wretches , as they are in this book . but it seems to me to be absolutely necessary , for this reason , to take , at least , the design of this book into consideration , which is all i intend to do . and the apparent design of it is , as i now intimated , to make the world believe , that the generality of the divines of the church of england are fallen under the guilt of most shameful apostasy , and consequently , of perjury too , in the oaths they have taken to king william , and queen mary . had this history come abroad some considerable time before the first of august , i confess i should not have pass'd such a censure upon it , but had been obliged to hope , that 't was piously and charitably intended to prevent our clergy's scandalizing their people , and violating their own consciences : but since it comes thus late , the exposing of those who have taken these oaths , 't is most evident , is at least the principal design of it . and how well such work as this does become christians , and protestants , and members of our church , who , to justifie their refusal of these oaths , and to commend themselves to the world as stanch-men , and steady to their principles , are content to sacrifice to their own reputation , the good-names of all but a very inconsiderable number of their brethren , i leave to their own consciences and serious thoughts ; if ever they are at leisure to think seriously , or are capable of making sedate reflexions . all those of the clergy that have taken these oaths , are as expresly as can be , without running the most apparent danger of the law , blackned with apostasy from the doctrine of the church of england subscribed by them ; and very many of the most eminent of them by name , with basely deserting that principle , which they have heretofore publisht to the world in print , and been zealous maintainers and avowers of , viz. that of passive-obedience , or non-resistance of the higher powers , upon any pretence whatsoever . but i can scarcely desire a more easy task , than to shew that these new oaths are no whit repugnant to the asserting of the most absolute passive-obedience ; and that those who have skrewed up this point to the very highest peg ( as i ever thought some have done it much too high , thro' their non-attendance to the constitution under which we live ) may lawfully take these oaths , without recanting any thing they have preached or printed upon this argument : and own william and mary , without fear of contradicting what they have held about this matter , as not only de facto , but de iure too , their king and queen : for , first , can a prince who is justly provoked by another prince , to whom he oweth no allegiance , gain a more unquestionable title to his crown than that of conquest , when reasonable satisfaction hath been first denied him ? and will the highest asserters of passive-obedience , affirm it to be due from those , who are under no obligation of allegiance ? now this was the case of the prince of orange : for , 1. he was no subject to king iames. 2. king iames had given him very just provocations . surely his making so great advances towards the setting up of popery in his kingdoms , and the bringing in of a foreign power consequently , and the overthrowing of the laws , and quite changing the government , must needs appear to all impartial persons to be just provocations , since he was so very nearly concerned in these actings , by reason of his princess's and his own right of succession , to the government of these kingdoms . but what more sensible provocations could the prince receive , than was king iames his giving him so great reason to believe , that 't was his design to deprive his princess of her title of next successor to the crown , and for ever to exclude the immediate line ? 3. the prince having demanded in his declaration , satisfaction from king iames , and promis'd to referr his cause intirely under god , to a free parliament ; and that he would make no worse use of his army in the mean time , than for his own necessary security , he would by no means yield to any thing of compliance ; but betook himself to the most vigorous opposition of him , he could possibly make . and when he found himself forsaken of the best part of his army , and that the prince grew much too strong to be encountered by him , instead of yielding to his demand of a parliament , he revoked that summons of one , which before the princes landing , he was perswaded to send forth ; and leaving those who had to the last adhered to him to shift for themselves , as well as they could ; away he fled , both a first , and a second time fled , flung away the seals , and leaving no representative behind him , left the nation without government : not to mention here his putting himself wholly into the hands of the greatest and most formidable enemy , his three kingdoms , and all protestant nations , have in the world. now , what was this but a plain conquest ? 't was such a conquest in all its circumstances , as hath ever been acknowledged to give an unquestionably just title as far as concerns the conquered prince . i give this limitation , because i am aware 't will be objected , that though king iames was conquered , the nation was not , they not liking his cause so well as to side with him ; but generally received the prince of orange , as a glorious instrument , which they hoped god almighty had raised up , to bring them deliverance from the evils they suffered , and the much greater they saw very near approaching them . and those that now refuse to swear allegiance to him , were observed to be as forward as others , in expressing their affection to him ; at least many of them . in answer hereto , it must be acknowledged that the nation was not conquered : but all that follows from hence , is , that the prince would not have acquired a right to the crown against the nations consent . he had a very justifiable plea against king iames , but not against his subjects , had he gone about to make himself their king , whether they would or no ; since , having had no contest with them , he could notbe said to have made a conquest of them . and , as he never claimed the crown by the right of conquest ( which he could not have done prudently , nor justly neither , in regard of the engagement he was under from his declaration , as well as because he had no occasion given him of conquering the nation ) so their consent he had , if an assembly of the three estates may be call'd the nation : and i need not say , that he had more than their bare consent too . and as to the collective body of the nation , if it be divided into fourty parts , i believe i shall be thought sufficiently modest should i say , that he had the consent of no fewer than thirty nine of them . and as king iames had no wrong done him , since he must altogether blame himself , for being disabled to hold his crown , and for ought that appears to us , for leaving the nation without government ; so the princess of orange being crowned with the prince , and she giving her consent to his being crowned with her , suffered no wrong neither ; and she lost nothing of the honour , and nothing but the trouble of a crowned head. nor did her royal sister receive any injury , or met with the least unrighteous dealing , since her being put one remove farther from the crown , was first consented to by her self , for his sake to whom ( under god ) she was obliged for her being in a capacity ( a moral capacity i mean ) of ever wearing it . now whether the lords spiritual and temporal , with the freely elected commons of england , did light upon the very best method , for the settling of the government , and satisfaction of all parties , as it is not material to enquire ; so i doubt 't is impossible for us that are in an inferiour station , to determin : but i dare affirm , that the much greater part of the nation , and of the members of the church of england too , do think they did , from the general great satisfaction that hath been in all places expressed therewith . but as for those who do not approve of this method as the most desirable , if they cannot make evident proof of its being unjust , i am sure their refusing to acqui●ss in it , would be a notorious contradiction to the doctrine of passive-obedience ; since 't was pitched upon by those whose business alone it was to adjust this affair ; and to whom also they intirely referred it , in their voting for persons to be their representatives in the convention , which was summoned for no other purpose . and nothing is more evident , than that 't is inconsistent with all government , for private persons not to rest satisfied with the decisions of those , whose office it is to judge in the disputable and difficult points that relate to it . if the compilers of this goodly history will object to us , that king iames his subjects , ought to have stood by him against the prince of orange ; and therefore since it was through their default that he was conquered by him , they ought not to fetch an argument from thence , for their owning the prince as their rightful king. i reply , first , why then did not themselves stand by king iames ? why did themselves so silently look on , and see him conquered ? why did they not at least mind their people of their duty , and on pain of damnation excite them to it ? suppose there were hazard in the case , ought that to discourage the ministers of jesus christ from the performance of a necessary duty ? nay , how came it to pass , that so many of their party , did seem no less than others , highly to approve of the prince's enterprize , and to wish him success ? if they will ingeniously acknowledge , that these were inexcusable faults in them , why don't they make their repentance as publick as these faults were ? and believe it , very hainous ones they are , if they are faults . secondly , do they think that our not siding with king iames , which hath brought upon us these new oaths , is a contradiction to our doctrine of passive-obedience ? i have ever thought , that this doctrine makes it a duty to suffer , not to act ; and should we think that we are bound to stand by our king in wrong doing , and an unrighteous cause ( as we must verily believe his was , since we believe the prince's was very righteous ) we must be asserters of as unlimited an active-obedience to our kings , as these gentlemen are of a passive : and when we do so , we will give them leave to call us apostates with a witness : apostates from christianity it self , as well as from that one doctrine of passive-obedience : and to accuse us of bidding adieu to our baptismal vow , as well as of breaking an oath of allegiance . of which more anon . secondly , another argument for our owning william and mary , as our rightful king and queen against king iames , shall be taken from the circumstances he is brought into ; or rather into which he hath cast himself : which circumstances are such as make it absolutely necessary to the preservation of our religion , liberty and property , to the saving us from utter ruine , and from a deluge of all manner of miseries , zealously to stand by the present settlement . we know upon whom king iames hath cast himself , and in whose power he hath been , ever since he left this kingdom . we know that all the hopes he can now comfort himself with , of re-gaining his kingdoms , if by this time he despair not of it , are from the assistance of the most iesuited prince in the world but one , and the most barbarously cruel tyrant , and who hath not his match for horrible perfidiousness , that we know of , under the cope of heaven . we know that , if by his help he should at last have success , the protestants of the kingdom of france , as fearfully deplorable a state as he hath brought them into , cannot be more miserable , than will be these three protestant kingdoms . nay , we know too , that then this monster must be our king , and that king iames can scarce reasonably hope for so great an honour , as to be his vice-roy . these things i say , that humanly speaking , we know there is no avoiding ; and that without miracles from heaven , no means can save us from being the greatest objects of compassion , in all the world. and what shall we call those , who having so scaring a prospect of things before their eyes , shall refuse the only humane means for their preservation , in hope of miracles ? which only means no man can be so blind as not to see , is faithfully adhering to king william and queen mary . i need not add , that we know too , by sad experience , the strange wilfulness ▪ of king iames his temper , and that the iesuits have gotten him so perfectly under their own power , as to be the sole masters of his judgment and conscience ; that he hath been all along acted by such an implicite faith in their counsels , that his continual experience of the foolishness of them , could never make the least abatement of his confidence in them . and therefore , what wise man can hope , from the greatest security he can possibly give us , that our condition may be so much as tollerable under him , should he return to sway the scepter in these kingdoms , though the king of france had no hand in it ? those that so insist still on the perpetuity of the obligation of their oath to king iames , are inconsiderative to amazement , of the prior ▪ obliligation they are under , to their ▪ religion , and to the community of which they are members : which no after obligation can by any ▪ means cancel . and 't is the absurdest thing imaginable to suppose , that that for the sake of which principally , we are obliged to swear allegiance to our kings , viz. the safety and wellfare of the community over which they are placed , ought upon the account of this oath to be dis-regarded . as it is not a less profane thing , to think our selves bound to give them assistance , in such a cause , as their success wherein 't is morally impossible should not end in the utter ruine of our religion . those that propogate the contrary doctrine , i will not stick to say , make idols of their kings ; and they are the people to whom the world is chiefly beholden for arbitrary and tyrannical ones . and for my part , i must needs profess , that i could not with a safe conscience swear allegiance to the best king that ever held a scepter , while i thought my self obliged by that oath , to preferr his personal interest before his political , before the apparent interest of religion , or of the community . i can be sure of nothing , if i am out in this notion , that no oath can bind any longer , than the obligation thereof is consistent and reconcilable with the salus populi ; the well fare ( the spiritual and temporal well-fare ) of the people ; which is the sole end of all government . by salus populi i cannot be thought to mean the well-fare of any party ; i mean the well-fare of the whole , or of the generality of the community . and every private subject , who is capable of making a true judgment in any case , is easily able to make a judgment , when the safety of the community is in eminent danger . and though i know that maxim ▪ salus populi est suprema lex : the well-fare of the people , is the highest law ; may be liable to be abused to most villanous purposes , and likewise that it hath been very greatly abused in our own nation , yet 't is therefore never the less true ; but as evident a principle as any in nature . nor is it capable of being abused to worse purposes , than hath been the gospel of the grace of god , or the apostles doctrine of christian liberty . those that will mis-understand and abuse this maxim of government , shall dearly pay for it either in this world , or in that to come ▪ if not in both ; but wise men will not sooner part with it , because it may , or hath been the occasion of great mischiefs , than our good protestants will throw away their english bibles , in regard of the mischief which the papists tell them hath been done by them . and i could adventure to appeal to any unbyassed person , that competently understands the nature of government , in general , whether this great and unrepealable law alone , would not , in our present circumstances , devest king iames of his title to the governing of these kingdoms ; would not perfectly dissolve our obligation to him , and transfer the right to those who now reign over us . and methinks , though providence alone , be a very fallible topick to argue from , yet the very many amazing providences , by which these princes have been brought to the throne , and have carryed them through many extreme difficulties here , and are now a displaying in scotland , but especially in ireland , should add strength enough to other arguments to convince our greatest unbelievers of their right to be our sovereigns ; and that they have the broad seal of heaven for it . and i wish , that those , on whom such astonishing appearances of the hand of god can have no influence , would consider those words of the prophet isaiah , ch. 26. 11. lord when thine hand is lifted up , they will not see ; but they shall see and be ashamed , &c. and thus have i kept to my resolution when i first set pen to paper , to write no more lines than needs must , upon this argument . and the little that hath been said , as i am verily perswaded , is a sufficient vindication , even of their taking the new oaths , whom i cannot vindicate from having gone too far in their doctrine of passive obedience . nor shall i have the least controversy with these my brethren , though they should never change their minds about that point ; since having transferred their allegiance , they must needs also transfer their passive obedience to those , of whom we are mighty secure , they 'll make no such advantage of their making it so absolute , as king iames was preparing himself to do . finis . a just and lawful tryal of the teachers and professed ministers of his age and generation by a perfect proceeding against them, and hereby they are righteously examined ... : whereunto is added, a short description of the true ministry of christ ... justified by the people of god called quakers, in england / by ... edward burrough. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a30530 of text r14657 in the english short title catalog (wing b6010). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 74 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a30530 wing b6010 estc r14657 12034720 ocm 12034720 52864 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30530) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52864) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 861:16) a just and lawful tryal of the teachers and professed ministers of his age and generation by a perfect proceeding against them, and hereby they are righteously examined ... : whereunto is added, a short description of the true ministry of christ ... justified by the people of god called quakers, in england / by ... edward burrough. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. [2], 22 p. printed for thomas simmons ..., london : 1660. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng society of friends -doctrines. church and state -england. a30530 r14657 (wing b6010). civilwar no a just and lawful tryal of the teachers and professed ministers of this age and generation· by a perfect proceeding against them. and hereby burrough, edward 1660 14952 34 0 0 0 0 0 23 c the rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a just and lawful tryal of the teachers and professed ministers of this age and generation . by a perfect proceeding against them . and hereby they are righteously examined , & justly weighed , and truly measured , and condemned out of their own mouths , and judged by their own professed rule , viz. the scriptures , and thereby are proved to disagree , and be contrary to all the ministers of christ in former ages ; and to agree and concur with all the false prophets and deceivers in their call , in their maintenance , and in their doctrines , and conversation , and practice . and being brought to the bar of justice , these things are truly charged against them , and legally proved upon them , and their own professed rule ( the scripture ) have judged them guilty . whereunto is added , a short description of the true ministry of christ ; and of his lawful and just maintenance , according to the apostles examples , and now again justified , by the people of god called quakers , in england . by a friend to england's common wealth , for whose sake this is written and sent abroad . edward burrough . london , printed for thomas simmons at the bull and mouth neer aldersgate . 1660 a just and lawfull tryal . the time of tryal is come , wherein the lord is trying the hearts of all men ; and now it is manifest what lodgeth in the hearts of all man kinde , and by the fruit every tree shall be judged . the lord hath beheld the wickedness of this generation , and it is very great , and comes not short , but rather abounds all other generations that have gone before : wickednesse is grown high among teachers and people , and the measure of iniquity is fulfilling daily . come let us reason together ; what think you ? was there ever such a generation of teachers as this is ? have they any example that ever went before for their wickedness ? to whom may they be compared ? or with whom shall we parallel them ? and because they say the scripture is their rule , therefore will we try them by it , and their own mouths shall condemn them ; and such they shall be concluded to be , whose example they do follow , be it ministers of christ , or be it deceivers ; unto the apostles and ministers of christ they are compared , but are found quite contrary in many things , and their practise fitly sutes and agrees with all the false prophets & deceivers : and thus i shall prove them according to scripture , wherein these men that are teachers do disagree to the apostles & ministers of christ which he sent forth in former generations ; and wherein they do agree with the deceivers , and antichrists and false prophets , that have run , and not been sent . 1. and first of all , the apostles and ministers of christ were made ministers of christ by the gift of the holy ghost , and by power from on high onely , and what they ministered unto others , they had freely received from christ , and had handled , felt and tasted of the word of life : but the teachers of this generation doth not agree with them in this , for they are made ministers by natural learning and education , and the knowledge of arts , and by the ordination of men , and by powers of this world , ( and not by the gift of the holy ghost ) and they spake that which they have heard out of books , and studied for by arts , and which they have received from man , and not that which they have received only from the lord . 2 the ministers of christ they were approved of god , and called by his spirit into the work of the ministry , and were not of man ; neither by man , but many of these are approved of man , and not of god , and called by man , and maintained by men in their ministry ; and herein they do differ and disagree ; for ( as i said ) the ministers of christ were made minister ▪ by the holy ghost , and not by natural learning , but these are made ministers by natural learning , or otherwise , and not by the gift of the holy ghost . 3. again , herein do they disagree , the ministers of jesus christ went up and down through the world , declaring the word of the lord freely at any time , in the market-places , and in the synagogues , and in the streets , and went from countrey to countrey , and were strangers upon earth , not having any certain dwelling place , or any great parsonages . but these settle themselves in a certain place , for so much money by the year , and spend their time in ease and pleasure , and lust of the flesh , selling to the people for money what they preach , and herein they disagree ; the ministers of christ preached freely as they had received freely ; but the ministers of this age sells for money what they preach to the people : and thus they differ in their call to the ministry , and in their practice in the ministry , and in their maintenance also , as is made manifest to many . 4. again , the ministers of christ preached to bring people into fellowship with god by preaching of the gospel through converting sinners unto the knowledge of the truth , and by no other way did they make christians , nor counted any so but such as had repented and were changed by the spirit . but the teachers of this age do make christians , by sprinkling them while they are infants , before they preach the gospel to them , or before they repent of their sins ; and they bring them into fellowship , by traditions and a vain shew of baptism , and not by the spirit of god ; and herein also they disagree , the one counted none christians but such as were converted by the spirit of god , and knew the operation of gods spirit ; and the other counts all christians that are sprinkled when they are infants , while they are without the operation of the spirit of god , and converts them not unto god by their preaching , but tells them they are christians before they preach to them . 5 , again , they differ in doctrine ; for the ministers of christ preached christ the light of the world , and said , he lighted every man that cometh into the world : but the teachers of this age contend against that , and saith every man is not enlightned by him , but some have no light from christ : and the ministers of christ they turned people to the light , from the darkness , and from satans power to the power of god ; but the teachers of this age doth not turn people to the light of christ within , but to the saints words without , or to some other thing , and are divided among themselves , and so in effect cryes , lo here , and lo there is christ in this from , or that form ; but the ministers of christ said , he was within people , or else they were reprobates . 6. again , the ministers of christ said , christ was the word , and the scripture was a declaration of what they believed . but the teachers of this age saith , the letter and the scripture is the word , and saith it is the instrument wherby god saves souls , & saith it is both the writings and the things signified ; and saith it is the foundation of foundations , but thus the ministers of christ never spoke of the letter : and thus herein they differ and disagree , the one preacheth christ to be the word , the other preacheth the letter and the scripture to be the word . the ministers of christ said , christ was the foundation ; but these say the scripture is the foundation , and herein they are contrary , and sheweth by their doctrine another spirit then was in the apostles . 7. again , the ministers of christ said they spoke wisdom among them that were perfect , and said . as many of us as are perfect be thus minded ; and said , that the end of their ministery was to present every man perfect in christ . but the teachers of this age denies persection , and say , none must be perfect in this life ; and if any preach up perfection , that it is to be attained , they say it is error , and damnable doctrine : nay , they say none shall ever be free from sin , or ever have victory over their sin , nor overcome the body of sin while he be upon earth : but the ministers of christ witnessed they were more then conquerers , and that they had put off the body of death , and were free from sin , and were the servants of righteousnesse . and herein also they differ , and are not of one spirit ; and we know that the ministers of christ were guided by the spirit of god , which held forth these doctines ; and we know the teachers of this age , that their spirit must needs be of the devil , because it holds forth and practiseth what the ministers of christ did not , but the contrary . 8. again , the ministers of christ were persecuted and suffered cruel and grievous things for righteousnesse sake , as you may read in the acts , and did not render evil for evil to any man , for they suffered patiently . but the teachers of this age are not persecuted , but are persecutor● and causeth men to be put into prison , and to be banished out of towns ; and sues people at the law , and seeks occasions against the people of god ; and herein they disagree , and are not of the same spirit as they were which were ministers of christ , but sheweth a spirit contrary . 9. again , the ministers and apostles of christ were not chargeable to any , but made the gospel without charge , and free , and laboured with their own hands , and did not live idely , but were often in cold , hunger , and nakedness , and perils , and tryals : but the teachers of this age live in pride , and covetousnesse , and fulness , and doth not work with their own hands , but makes the gospel of christ chargeable , for many hundred thousand pounds in a year doth but maintain them , which they have out of poor mens labours ; and so these differ and disagree from the ministers of christ , and shews they are not of that spirit that they were guided by , but are guided by a contrary spirit , because they are contrary in their call , and in their doctrine , and practise , and maintenance . 10. again , the ministers of christ preached by the splrit , according as the spirit gave them utterance , and somtime continued preaching till midnight : but the teachers of this age are limited by a glasse , and preacheth by a glass , and when the hour is out , their time of peaching is ended , and that which they have studyed for before-hand , that they preach , and not that which they have received immediately from the spirit of god : and herein do they disagree , and in many things more , which after may be declared . 11. again , the ministers of christ said , ye may all prophesie one by one , that all might be edified ; and as every one had received the gift of christ , so they might minister to others , and desired that all the lords people were prophets , and sons and daughters did prophesie : but the teachers of this age will not suffer all to prophesie one by one , neither will allow any to preach as they have received from christ , without such qualifications , and learned arts , and ordinations of men , and they will not allow a woman to prophesie or speak among them , and all might speak the word of the lord faithfully that had it , and all might minister as they had received it ; this was order in the apostles dayes among them , but this is now counted confusion by the teachers of this age ; and if any speak to them or any among them , many such are made to suffer cruelty , or imprisonment , or such like , by their means ; and herein they disagree , and shew that they are guided by another spirit than the ministers of christ were guided by , and so are not his ministers , but deceivers . 12 again , the ministers of christ declared what they had heard , and seen and felt , and tasted of the word of life ; and none of them did boast in another mans line , but what they all had received of the lord , that they declared , and not their own inventions , and commended themselves to every mans conscience in the sight of god ; and they did not provide themselves studies full of books to gather out of in a weeks time what to preach on the first dayes , as the teachers of this age do , who by vain study , and humane learning , frames up , and notes it in a book , an hour , or two hours discourse to the people . and herein they disagree , and sh●ws that they are guided by a spirit contrary to the ministers of christ . 13. again , the apostles and ministers of christ were called from their herds , and from nets , from their receit of custom● , and from their callings ; and by receiving the holy ghost were made ministers of christ , and did not seek peoples money to themselves , but sought the people to god , and went through aruel sufferings and persecutions many times , that they might hold forth the way of life and truth to all people . but the teachers of this age , they are trained up from their child-hood in arts and sciences , rising by degrees from one vanity to another , till at last they arrive to the function of a minister of christ , as they call it and few or none of them hath been called from their ordinary calling to preach the gospel , for such a one is hardly allowed of to preach among people ; and they seek peoples mony to themselves , and not the people to god . and herein they disagree , and shews another spirit then was in the apostles . 14. again , the ministers of christ were led and guided by the spirit of christ , and did not fulfill their own wills , nor the wills of men ; and they brought people to the feeling of the spirit of christ in them to teach them , and after they had begotten people to god , they said they needed no man to teach them , but as the anointing within them taught them . but the teachers of theis age follows their own spirits , and are subject to the wills of men ; if men admits them to teach , they do ; but if men deny them , then they do not preach ; but the apostles did not thus , for when men forbid them to teach , they did not cease to preach , but went on boldly , declaring the name of the lord : and these teachers do not bring people to know the spirit of christ in them , neither can any through their preaching receive the anointing to dwell in them , that so they do not need any man to reach them ; but people are ever learning as long as they live , and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth , & people are not profited at all ; and in this thing they disagree , and shews another spirit then the apostles were guided by , even the spirit of antichrist . 15. again , the ministers of christ were low , poor , meek , sober , humble men , such as did not exalt themselves , nor maintain themselves in pride , and fulness , by receiving of poor peoples labours . but the teachers of this age are proud , and heady , high-minded , selfe-willed , and exalted spirits , living in idleness , pride and fulness , and receives of the labours of poor people ; and herein they disagree ; for the apostles were often in cold , and hunger , and great sufferings and perplexities ; but these are as fed horses , the proudest of all people , and the most covetous of any men , and all men must bow to them , and call them masters , which is quite contrary to christs command . and thus they shew another spirit then what the ministers of christ were guided by ; and if another spirit , it must needs be the spirit of the devil ; for either the spirit of christ leads men , or the spirit of the devil . and now seeing that the teachers of this age brings forth fruits contrary to the ministers of christ , it shews that they are not guided by the spirit of christ , because in their calling , in their ministery , in their maintenance , in their life and conversation , and in their doctrine they are not the same , but quite contrary to the apostles and ministers of christ ; what can we conclude of them ? we have concluded already that such are deceivers , whose works are of another nature , and who are guided by another spirit than the ministers of christ were , for christ saith , every tree is known by its fruits ; and this is sufficient what i have said , and if need require it may further be made to appear in the sight of the whole world and sufficiently proved , that they differ in all these things mentioned , and in many more , and are not one with the apostles , neither in call , nor practice , nor maintenance , nor in doctrine , nor in conversation , nor in any other thing , but doth disagree , and is quite contrary ; so as it is concluded these are not the ministers of christ , though they profess themselves to be so , because they bring forth fruits quite contrary to the spirit of jesus , which the spirit of jesus did and doth reprove : and seeing they are not guided by the spirit of jesus , because their fruits are contrary to it , then must they needs be guided by the spirit of antichrist , and so are the ministers of antichrist , and doth his works by his spirit ; and further , i shall shew wherein they do agree with the false prophets and false apostles , and wherein they are like unto them in their ministry and practise and doctrine , and conversation ; and if the marks of deceivers fall upon them in the sight of all people , why should they not hear it ? and if the same works be proved to be acted by them , which , the false prophets and deceivers acted , then why should it be thought a thing incredible among men that these are deceivers ? 1. first , the false prophets ●un and were not sent ; and they did not profit the people at all , for they stood not in the counsel of god , and so they turned not any from their iniquity , but rather strengthened the hands of the evil-deer , so that none could turn from their wickedness ; and they spoke a vision of their own heart , and not from the mouth of the lord ; and they said still to the wicked . the lord hath said , ye shall have peace ; and to every one that walked after the imaginations of their own heart , they cryed , no evil shall come upon him , and the priests and the prophets were prophane , as you may read ier. 23. and this is a fit parallel for the teachers of this generation , they can shew no call from god , nor by his spirit , neither is people profited by them , as exp●rience doth shew and teach through this nation ; & they do cry peace to the wicked , and count all christians and followers of christ that are but sprinkled when they are infants , though they live in wickedness ; and from them , as from the prophets of israel , is prophaness gone forth into many nations , and a wicked example of evil these give to all nations , neither do these speak from the mouth of the lord , but a vision of their own heart , and what old authors say , and at the best but what the saints of the lord said before them , and this is no more , as done by them , then stealing the prophets words , or the word from their neighbour ; again , you may read how the false prophets used their tongues , and said , the lord saith it , when god had never spoken to them , but onely what they had stole from others , who were the prophets of the lord ; and this is a fit example to the teachers of this age , and a true parallel between them ; for these dare not own that ever they heard the voyce of the lord imediately , nor that they spoke from the month of the lord immediately , but useth their tongues , and saith the lord said so by such a prophet , when as themselves have not received the word from the lord ; and the lord was against such who prophesied lies , as did the false prophets of israel , as the teachers of this age do , as it is manifest , and the lord is against them ; and herein do they agree , and concur with the false prophets in their call , and are in concord with the deceivers of old . 2. again , the false prophets , and blind watchmen of israel , they were ignorant , and they were greedy dumb dogs that never cold have enough , and they look to their own way , and every one sought for his gain from their quarters , and they were drinkers of wine , and strong drink , and boasted that to morrow should be as this day , isay 56. and this is a fit parallel with the teachers of this age , for they are blind watchmen , and doth not discover to people the wickedness of their waies , and no less can be said of them , than that they are greedy dumb dogs , for they all look to their own way , and every one of them hath a quarter ( a town or a parish ) from which they seek their gain , and some of them are lovers of wine , and strong drink , as daily experiences witness ; and herein the teachers of this generation are proved to succeed the false prophets in the same works , and sheweth they are guided by the same spirit , because they so fitly agree and concur in their works , and this is plain to all men that are but reasonable , much more to men that are spiritual . 3. again the deceivers such as were false prophets , preached for hire , and divined for mony , and yet leaned upon the lord , and said , is not the lord among us ? and the teachers of this age they have hire for preaching , and great sums of mony , and they say they lean upon the lord ; of these things their needs no proof , they are so plain , in every town , and countrie where the priests preacheth for hire , and the prophets divine for mony ; and herein they fitlie agree , and concur with the deceivers of old , and follows them as an example , shewing that they walke by the very same spirit . 4. again the false shepherds of israel were like foxes in the desert , for they followed their own spirits , and had seen nothing but lying divinations , saying the lord said , when the lord had not sent them ; and they seduced the people , saying peace , when there was no peace to them from god , and one builded a wall , and aother daubed it with untempred morter , and with lies ; the heart of the righteous they made sad , whom the lord had not made sad , and strengthened the hands of the wicked that he should not return from his wicked way , by promising him life ; and this is a fit paralel to the teachers of this age , for they follow their own spirits , because they do things contrary to the spirit of jesus ; and they have seen nothing but lying vanities , and divinations , whereby they do seduce the people , by telling them they are christians , and that they are baptised into the saith of christ , and that they have the seal of the remission of sins , by being sprinkled with water when they were infants ; and these are lying divinations by which they seduce people , and saith they shall have peace while they still continue in sin ; and thus they build a wall , and daubs it with untempered morter , and makes a christian of their own , and feeds him with false hopes , and with such lies as these , and many other which they declare for doctrine ; the heart of the righteous is made sad at this day , and the hands of the wicked are strengthened , that he cannot turn from his wicked way , for life is promised to him , though he be wicked & ungodly , living in all unrighteousness , for they tell him that christ is his righteousness to justifie him , & then he thinks he need not turn from his sin , and so their hands are strengthened that they cannot turn from their sins ; and herein the teachers of this age , and the false prophets do fully agree , and are so like the one to the other , as children of one father , and their works are so like as crafts-men of one science ; and thus they are one in union , and follows the same spirit . 5. again the shepherds of is●del , idle pastors , and deceivers , they eat the fat , and they cloath themselves with the wool , and they killed them that were fed , but they feed not the flock , the diseased they did not strengthen , neither healed they the sick , neither bound they up the broken , neither brought they again that which was driven away , neither did they seek again that which was lost , but with force , and cruelty , they ruled the flock , and was scattered , and become meat to all the beasts of the field , and the sheep wandred throughout all the mountains ; and the flock was scattered , and none of the shepheards did search or seek after them ; and they eat and drank up the good of the pasture , and trod down the residue with their feet ; and they thrust with side and with shoulder , and they pushed all the diseased with their horn , till they scattered them abooad ; now this is a fit comparison with the practice of the teachers of this age ; for they eat the fat , and lives in pleasures , and fuln●ss most of any , and they cloath with the wool , for they claim the tenth part of every mans wool ; and if any be fed by the true shepheard , they seek to kill them , and to devour their lives by causing them to be imprisoned , and cruelty done unto them ; and they feed not the flock , neither do they strengthen the diseased , nor healeth the sick , neither bind they up the broken ; for if any be wounded and cries out because of the burden of sinne , and be sick , and broken , and trembles at the word of the lord ; such they cry out is deceived and mocketh at them ; and the image of god which hath been driven away and lost , they have not sought in people , but with cruelty have they ruled among people , by running to magistrates , and causing such to be put into prison that would not help to maintain them , and thus with cruelty do they rule among people , as it is witnessed by many testimonies in england ; and the people are scattered , and wandered into many sects , and false judgements , and false opinions , and they are not sought after by the teachers of this age to regain them to the truth by sound doctrine , but they persecute them ; and the shepherds feed themselves , and feeds not the flock , and even eats up the good pasture , and treads down the residue ; and drinks of the deep waters , and fouls the residue with their feet , so that none that follows them can drink of the pure waters , nor eat of the bread of life ; and they thrust with side , and with shoulder , and push all the diseased which are wounded , because of their sin , who is ready to die for want of the bread of life , which denies , & are weary of their abominations ; these they push at with their horns , and causeth to be persecuted : and thus they fitly agree with the false shepherds of israel , and are no whit wanting in any thing wherein they were guilty , but rather abounding ; which sheweth that they follow the same spirit , and are of the same stock , and seed , and the lord is against these , as he was against them in old time , and no more are these ministers of christ that acts these things , then they were which acted the same things by the same spirit ; and this is plain to all that shuts not their eye and stops not their ear . 6. again , the false prophets and deceivers , they made the people erre , and did bite with their teeth , and cryed peace , but they that put not into their mouths , they prepared war against them , as you may read micha 3. now the teachers of this age brings forth the very same ; for they cry peace unto all that puts into their mouths , though people be never so ungodly , if they will maintain them , they cry peace to them , but if people put not into their mouths , they prepare war against them , by suing them at the law , and casting them into prison if any deny to pay them tithes , or mony , though they have no due to it by the law of christ , such do prepare open war against them by distraining their goods , and taking treble dammages , and casting their bodies into bonds ; and herein the teachers of this age agrees with the false prophets of israel , can any man be so blind that doth not see it ? doth any man stop their ear , so as that they cannot hear this to be true ? they shew themselves in all things to be one with the false prophets of israel , when justly they are tryed by their own rule , as they say , and so let them bear this judgement , which their own professed rule judgeth with . 7. again the priests , and false prophets of israel , thus it is said of them that as troops of robbers waits for a man , so the company of priests murders in the way with consent , for they commit lewdnesse , hos. 6. 9. and what less may be spoken of the teachers of this age , spiritual men shall judge ; for if any man do but cease from their abominable worship , their deceitful worship and idolatry , and come to the knowledge of god , they even seek to murder in the way , & cries out against them for being deluded , and deceived , & such like ; so that like as troops of robbers wait for a man , so it may be said of the teachers of this age ; for they take away the key of knowledge , & will not enter in themselves to the knowledg of the truth , nor suffer them that would ; and indeed whatsoever abomination the teachers and prophets of israel were found guilty of , the teachers of this age doth not come short but rather abound ( let search be made thr●ugh the scriptures , & see whether there was any evil committed by them ) i mean the false prophets of israel , that is not committed by the teachers of this age ; what were they guilty of , that these can free themselves from ? if any man hath a word to say , let us hear it , and come out with your arguments you wise men , and let us hear your plea ; and they doing the same works which the false prophets of israel did , must needs be concluded to be followers of the same spirit , and that they are no less than they were whose examples they follow , which are followers of the false prophets , and not of the ministers of christ . 8. again christ in his warning , to beware of the leaven of the pharisees , who gives the description what they were , and what their practices were , and he saith , they , ( meaning the pharisees ) did bind heavy burdens , grievous to be born , and they laid them on mens shoulders , but themselves would not move them with one of their fingers ; and their works they do to be seen of men , and loves the uppermost rooms at feasts , and their chiefest seats in synagogues , and greetings in the markets , and to be called of men masters : now the teachers of this generation are like unto these , they do succeed the pharisees in bringing sorth the same fruits ; for do not these build heavy burdens grievous to be born , and laying them oft mens shoulders , making them suffer grievous things through their cruelty , as imprisonment , and spoiling their goods , these are grievous burdens which they lay upon men , but they will not touch them with one of their fingers , and their works are done to be seen of men , for they think to be heard for their much babling , and we know they love the uppermost rooms at feasts , and hath it often , and the chief place of the synagogue , they love that and have it ; and to be called of men master , which christ forbids his ministers to be , they love that , and they have it ; and herein they do agree with the pharisees , and in other things , if we should duely examine the scriptures , shewing that they are of the same spirit which the pharisees were of which crucified christ . 9. again , the pharisees and deceivers were persecutors , such as complained to the magistrates , as you may read through all the new testament and the book of the acts , and elsewhere ; how the chief priests caused the saints to be persecuted by lying informations , and grievous complaints to the elders and rulers ; they sought to take christ by subtilty , and kill him , and they persecuted the apostles to prison , and some to death , and others to bonds , and cruel sufferings ; and this was done chiefly by or through the complaint of the priests ; it was amaziah the kings priest that complained to jeroboam , and informed against the poor prophet amos ; and it was shimshia the scribe that complained to the king against the building of the city of god ; and it was the sonne of the priest that persecuted ieremiah ; and herein also the teachers of this generation doth agree and concord with the chief priests , with , and in persecuting the innocent , shewing that they are of the same spirit , for now they complain and inform against the people of god , and through their information evil is done against them ; and it is they through their lying and false accusation to the magistrates by whom the saints do suffer , and in all these things they do fully agree , and concur with the deceivers of old . 10. again , the false apostles , they were such as went for filthy lucre , and through covetousnesse , with seigned words , made merchandize of souls , and denyed the lord that bought them , and brought in damnable heresies , and they walked after the flesh , in the lusts and uncleannesse , and despised government , and were presumptuous and self willed , and sported themselves with their own deceiving , and they could not cease from sin , but beguiled unstable souls , and an heart they had exercised in covetous practices , and they went astray , loving the way of balaam , loving the wages of unrighteousnesse , and they were wells without water , and were clouds that are carried with a tempest ; they spake great swelling words of vanity , and allured through the lusts of the flesh , through much wantonness those who were escaped from them , who lived in errour , and they promised others liberty , and themselves were the servants of corruption . now the teachers of this age are sound guilty of , and in all these things they agree , which the false apostles were guilty of ; for they through covetousnesse , with seigned words , do make merchandize of the people , if any will give them more mony at the next town , they will sell the people where they are , and go where there is more money , and seeing they are out of the doctrine of christ , it is no lesse then denying the lord that bought them . and that they hold damnable errors , this i can prove , for one † of them said in my hearing , that the scripture was the foundation of foundations . and † another said , that the scripture was both the writings and the thing signified , and these are as damnable errors as ever the false apostles brought in . and these they walk after the lust of the flesh , in pride and fulness thereof , and despise the government of christ and are presumptuous , self-willed , lofty , high-spirited men ; and as the false apostles did , so do these speak evil of things they know not , of things they understand not ; and no lesse can be said of these , but that they spo●t themselves with their own deceivings , and they cannot cease from sin themselves ; for it is a principal doctrine among them , that none must be free from sin while they be upon earth , and they deceive unstable souls , who thinks them to be ministers of christ , when as they were never sent of christ , and it is evident that their hearts are exercised with coverous practises , who sues poor people at law , some for 12 pence ; which they are more able to give to , then they whom they sue to receive from ; and they follow the error of balaam , and run after him greedily who went for gifts and rewards , as doth these , and hath unrighteous wages , causeth people to pay them mony , for whom they do not work , and this is unrighteous wages ; these are wells without water , and clouds without rain : they make a shew of godlinesse and righreousnesse , whenas they are prophane and unrighteous . and they speak great swelling words of vanity , professing themselves to be orthodox divines , and such like , which are no more but words of vanitie , without truth , and they seek to allure all people to follow them in their way of idol-worships , and so they are deceived and deceiving : and while they promise liberty to others by christ from sin when they are dead , themselves are the servants of corruption , and live in sin to this day , and in all things which the false apostles were guilty of , these comes not behind , but these doth shew by their works , that they are guided by the same spirit which was in the deceivers of old , and so they agree and concur one with another in unrighteousnesse . again , the false prophets and deceivers , which were come and coming in the dayes of iohn , they were of the world , and they spake of the world , and the world heard them : and they were them which christ prophesied of should come into the world , which should deceive many , and such were they which the apostle saw coming in , 2 tim. 3. and he said , after his dayes grievous wolves should come in , which should not spare the slock such which were departed from the faith , and spake lyes in hypocrisie , having their consciences seared with a hot iron ; and such were they , covetous , boasters , proud , blasphemers , unthankful , unholy , without natural affection , truce-breakers , false accusers , incontinent , fierce , despisers fos those things which were good , traitors , heady , high-minded , l●vers o pleasures more then lovers of god : they have the forme of godliness but dney the power thereof : and people by them were ever learning , but never able to come to the knowledge of the truth : of this sort the apo●●le saw was coming , and would come more fully , and such are the teachers of this age , for they are of the world , living in pride and the wickedness of i● ; and the world hears them , such as themselves , proud and wicked people ; for they that fears god , and walks in his wayes , are departed from many of them , and they shew that they have no saith , but are departed from it ; for faith keeps from evil , from the wayes of sin and death , which they live in , and lies in ; abundance they speak , and in hypocrisie ; and their consciences are seared , that is plain , else they could not do as many of them doth , who causeth innocent people to be put in prison , and makes havock of their goods , who will not pay them tithes , or maintain them ; and they are the proudest of men , and as covetous as any , and unthankful and unholy they shew themselves to be , and they are false accusers and truce-breakers , for they hardly make any conscience of belying the people of god in the pulpits , or to the magistrates : and they are heady and high-minded , and if some of them be not treacherous , judge ye , who hath turned divers wayes in their judgements , according to the times ; and they have a form of godlinesse , but not the power ; prayes and sing● in a form , and preacheth in a form and method , & people are ever learnning by them , sixty years , or more or less , and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth , but dies in ignorance and blindnesse , without knowledge under them : and herein do they agree also with the false pro and antichrist which iohn saw to be come in , and such as the apostle saw , which were then coming in ; and they shew the very same spirit by the same works , and the same fruits which appears from them ; men of understanding may compare them , in all these things they do agree , and appears to be of that very stock and generation which the apostle prophesied of , for they were grievous wolves which should not spare the flock , which the apostle saw ; and these do not spare the flock , but even devours them , and no less then grievous wolves can they be said to be , for if a poor woman have but ten eggs in all the world , they will have one , in many parts of this nation , or but ten chickens they will have one , or but a fire in their house , they will have a penny for the smoke , and such like wolvish destroying wayes ; and if these be not grievous wolves , let all the world judge . and here is their treachery made manifest , while they say they preach the gospel in love to souls , yet its manifest they preach for love of money , for few or none of them preaches where there is no money ; and people are absolute blind that do not see them , for in all things they agree with the deceivers and false prophets of old , and shews that they be of the very same spirit ; and thus you see their own rule condemns them , and because they say the scripture is their rule , therefore i have thought good to lay them to it , and measure them by their own line , & all people may see wherin they are quite contrary to the ministers of christ , and wherein they wholly agree with the deceivers . let them hide themselves from this ●low if they can , & let them bring their arguments against this sentence , and let all their friends appear for them , and see if they can reverse this judgement which their own line hath judged them by , let them bring in'their plea and defend themselves for this , if it be possible , for in those things which i have named , and many other , it is manifest , that they fully agree with the deceivers , and disagree with the minister o christ , and by their fruits they are perfectly made manifest . again , christ spake in his daies , and the apostles in their dayes , that false prophets and deceivers should come into the world , and after them , and they gave discriptions what such they should be , and what fruit they should bring forth , as i have before mentioned in that 1 iohn 2. and it is plain that these deceivers & false prophets did come in , according as was prophesied ; for iohn said , by this we know it is the last times , for now are they come , which was many hundred years ago : i say , the deceiver and false prophets which christ prophesied of to come , mat. 24. came into the world many hundred years ago , as you may read , 1 iohn 2. and with this i shall conclude this particular , the teachers of this age by their fruits are proved already to be of that stock , and succeeders in the same works , by the same spirit of them which christ said should come , and which the apostle saw was then come , and so they did deceive many , as these do deceive many in the same way as them that went before them ; and so let it not be a thing incredible to the people of these nations , that many of these teachers which are called ministers , are deceivers generally ; but if there be any one that fears god among them , or loves truth and sincerity , it will be made manifest , and such i spare , and they shall be spared in the day of the lord ; but it i say , generally , and the main part of them , even they that bring forth these fruits before mentioned , which the false prophets brought forth , are not the ministers of christ , but deceivers , the scripture , their own professed rule doth prove them so ; for it must needs be that they must be the same men that they were , whose spirit they walk by , and whose fruits they bring forth ; and this cannot be avoided , they are the same trees that bring forth the same fruits ; and let no man blame me for saying such are deceivers , that preacheth for hire , and divines for mony , and goes for gifts and reward ; and that are called of men master , and have the chief place in the assemblies , and are covetous , and high-minded , and seeks for their gain from their quarter , with those things which i have mentioned , which are the same things wch the false prophets acted in ages past ; i say , i am not now to be blamed for saying these are deceivers , who are acting such things now in this age , as they acted then that were deceivers ; but if you blame any , begin with isaiah , and micah , and ezekiel , and christ and his apostles , and the rest of the holy men of god , for they are my examples in this , who did declare against them that brought forth such works as these do that i have declared against , and i have done the teachers of this age no wrong for judging them by their own line , and laying them to their own professed rule ; therefore do not rage at me , nor do not be offended at this ; for i have but compared them with the ministers of christ , and with the ministers of antichrist , and shewed wherein they do agree to the one , and disagree to the other ; and all people may see , and the light in all conciences may judge of what i have said , so that as i said at the first , i may again say , what think you ? was there ever such a generation of teachers ? i now answer , yea ; there was in the days of the true prophets ; and in the days of the apostles there were such as these are , which were deceivers ; and is the times of christ , there were such a generation as these are , who acted the same things by the same spirit , as these do at this day ; let them teply to this that will , my question is sober , and my answer is just and right , and i have dealt faithfully ; and you may read the scriptures that i have quoted for your own satisfaction ; for though they falsly say , the scripture is their rule , and accuseth us falsly that we deny the scripture , yet the scripture shall be judge between us in this matter ; and what i have done is not in envy to any mans person , neither in upbraiding them i● their wickedness , but i do it rather to shew them all their iniquities tha● they may repent , and this i have done in perfect love to all people , for the day is come that hath brought hidden things to light , and deceit and hypocrisie which hath layen hid , is now fully made manifest as a● noon day . but again secondly i answer , in some respects i do believe there were never such a generation of teachers as these are , for we do not read in a●l the scriptures concerning the false prophets , that they were so extreamly covetous and greedy of gain as these are , or that ever they took such desperate , wicked unlawful courses to get their maintenance , and compel people to pay them , as these teachers do , a very shame to rehearse it , and to their shame i do rehearse it , many a poor man in this nation hath been sued by them at the law , and put in prison by their means , and had their goods spoiled in a woful manner , for to maintain them , and to uphold them ; yea some hundreds of poor people in this nation , hath been dealt cruelly by , and unjustly with , because for conscience sake they have denyed to maintain them , to pay them tithes , or such like , this may be proved , that for five shillings unjustly claimed by them , they have taken goods by distraint to the value of five times so much , as cumberland and westmorland can witnesse , and many at this very day lies in holes and prisons by the means of the priests , who teareth the people as wolves doth the sheep ; it is even woful to be considered , what havock is made of some mens persons , and some mens goods , and all to maintain the teachers ; the like never was in any generation , as is brought forth in this generation in this particular ; and again their exceeding covetousnesse and greedinesse of lucre doth appear in that they claim wages of people , and do compel people to pay them wages after this manner as i have said , for which people they do no work , neither do these people receive any work done by them with whom they thus deal ; what thing can be more unjust under heaven , that they should compel people by a law to pay them , and thus punishes them if they will not , who set them not on work , and for whom they do no work ; neither doth the people like their work or love it , but knows it to be deceitful , and yet are compelled by a law to pay them ; they have such a way to get money , that no trades-man besides themselves like it , for they cause people , and compel people to buy their wares , and they compel people to pay for their commoditie , which hath none of it , nor loves it ; and this is more unjust then may be spoken , are they like ministers of christ ? or do they follow their example in these practices ? what do you judge ? all people bring in your verdict : or are they not like deceivers herein , even exceeding all that everwent before ; it is true they which preach the gospel should live on the gospel ; this argument we do own , but let these men be tryed , and see if by their preaching their gospel they have gained so much love in people as to maintain them without the law , and without compelling of maintenance and livelihood from them by a law ; let but the law cease to compel tithes , and other things , from people to maintain them , and see whether their gospel will maintain them or not , let but the magistrates hold their hands from causing people to pay them tythes by their orders and writs , & i 'le undertake , as i do believe they must either beg , or work , or a worse thing for a livelihood , or else perish , so little love is there in their own people towards them , so little love have they gained in the hearts of many people toward them these many years that they have preached ; & herein again i do believe that they do exceed all the false prophets : & all the deceivers that ever went before them in this respect , none ever had the magistrates to act for them as these have , and as it appears , the rulers some of them are at the wils of the teachers , to do for them what they desire , either to take peoples goods , or to send them to prison ; shewing that these teachers have not a spiritual weapon to defend themselves , but that the magistrates with their law are their chiefest armour , for if they can but get favour of a magistrate , they have allowance to preach at such a place , and if they can get the favour of the magistrate they can do well enough to be maintained , by causing such to be sent to prison , or taking treble dammages upon their goods if they wil not help to maintain them : and if they have the favour of the magistrate , if any do reprove them for these things , and for other of their wickednesse , and if any do but tell them of it , they can have such sent to prison , as in revenge , for speaking and reproving them for their wickednesse , hath some hundreds of innocent people suffered cruel imprisonments , and other cruel things in these nations , so that iniquity is upheld as it were by force and power : so that it is not their gospel that maintains them and gets them favour with the people , nor doth it defend them , but it is the command and warrant of the magistrate which doth all this : so when the magistrates ceaseth to approve them , to maintain them , and defend them , they must utterly fall into misery , and can neither be approved , maintained or defended any other way ▪ for because of this their wickednesse , god hath left them , and all honest true hearted people hath left them , therefore what a condition are the teachers in , who deserves not the love of men because they are so cruel-hearted towards them , and they deserve not the love of god , because they are so wicked against him ; and i might yet more fully describe & declare , wherein they do exceed the deceivers and false prophets of old ; but of this according as the lord moves and leadeth : and this may suffice to shew what they are by their works , and by the spirit that leads them , which appears not to be the spirit of god , but the spirit of antichrist . furthermore and besides all this that i have said , herein they do exceed the deceivers that are gone before ; for upon account the sum of their maintenance yearly in these nations being reckoned maybe about † fifteen hundred thousand pounds a year : oh wonderful ! is not this almost incredible , that the teachers should put the nation to such a charge as this , and yet people receives nothing answerable to it ? but all this money is spent for that which is not bread , and their labour wasted , and they have no profit thereby : this money might be made better use of , then to give it for deceiving the people : and if any doubt of this account , and shall think this is not like to be true , upon an even reckoning it may be proved and made appear considering how many parishes there is , and reckon what belongs to every priests parish , with what is given to the priests in ireland , which is abundance : these things are a shame to the ministry of christ , though the impudent teachers of these nations are void of shame herein . a reply to the priests plea , and an answer to their objections . vvhereas many of the priests of england , to hide themselves from the charge of being hirelings , they alledge these scriptures , the laborer is worthy of his hire , and the workman is worthy of his meat : but these scriptures will not serve to cover their shame in what is charged against them ; for this hire which christ allowes to the labourers , is but to remain in the same house in which they enter , eating and drinking such things as they give them ; with such who were worthy they were to remain , and to eat that which was set before them , and they laboured truly , and travelled up and down , and were truly worthy of meat for their work , and of this hire for their labor ; but this makes nothing for the lawfulness of so many pounds a year at a certain place , this is more then eating at a house which is worthy , to bargain with people for so much a year , and compelling people to pay by a law that do deny ; christ never instituted such a practice , neither can it be truly said that these called ministers do labor as the ministers of christ did ; and so this scripture is but wrested by them , when they bring it for proof of their practice for their hundred pounds a year , compelling some of it from the people , doth exceed eating and drinking to suffice nature , with such who are worthy ; so this scripture makes not for their turn , nor doth it justifie their practices . again , they object against and charge the words of paul , who said , he that preacheth the gospel shall live on the gospel , and that it was a small matter to reap carnal things from them unto whom they sowed spiritual things ; but this scripture makes not for them ; for as i have said , it s not the preaching of the gospel that , maintains them , but the magistrates with their law that compels maintenance from the people , & this is not to live on the gospel , for we allow as paul did , that they which preach the gospel should live on the gospel ; therefore let the magistrates cease with their power to cause people to pay them , and let all the world see if their gospel will maintain them , and let them reap their carnal things from them where they sow spiritual ; but they must reap as a free gift too , and not by compulsion , for so the apostle signifies , it is a small matter for any to reap carnal things where they sow spiritual things ; yet what is this to prove the lawfulnesse of bargaining with people for so much by the year , as these teachers of england do many of them , & will not preach except they have so much promised them before ; for it is right to reap after sowing , but it is a transgression to bargain to reap before they sow ; & these scriptures will not hide them nor defend them in their practice ; for if the magistrates did not compel from people maintenance by a law , the priests of this age would reap but little from anything that they sow , for there 's little love in the hearts of people towards them . also they object , he that plants a vineyard , may eat of the fruit thereof , and he that keeps a flock , may eat of the milk of the flock , this paul said though he would not make use of his power herein , but wrought with his hands , that the gospel might not be chargeable ; but what vineyards have the teachers . of england planted ? or what flocks do they keep ? their vinyards proves not tender grapes , but wild sowr grapes , wild vines , and not vines to bring forth acceptable fruits ; and their flocks proves not flocks of sheep , but wild rude people who are in the nature of wolves , and lyons , and if the magistrates law were not , their vineyard nor the flock would hardly yield them any maintenance ; the apostles planted first a vineyard , and gathered the sheep , before they reaped or eat any of the fruits , but the teachers of england differ from them in this , for they know what they must have before they plant , or before they seed their flock , and differs from the apostles practice who first planted a vineyard , and gathered a flock before they could receive any crop ; and they would not then use their power , but kept the gospel of christ without charge ; so that this scripture will not prove the priests actions lawful , in preaching for sums of mony : and some other scriptures they bring to prove the lawfulnesse of their preaching for hire , which may all be answered as these are , and whatsoever they can ob●ect wil not justifie them for their reaping carnal things , and their hire , and their eating of the milk of the flock , is quite of another nature , as is proved , then the apostles practices were ; and were the people wise they would see and understand these things , and not be deluded through perverting of scriptures , and through wresting of them to other ends the● wherefore they were given forth ; and this is written to answer some of their objections , whereby they would defend themselves ; for what though paul took of other churches to supply his necessities , as sometimes he did , yet this wil not prove the lawfulness of their hundreds of pounds by the year , most of which they spend in pride and idlenesse ; so that still this judgment is true upon them which i have given , all objections being answered , and all defences being made void ; and hereof they are guilty as i have charged them , and proved it out of the scripture ; they disagree to the ministers of christ , and agrees with the deceivers , and in some particulars exceeds them ; for i believe all the false prophets in israel did not destroy any whit near a million and a half of money in a year , considering all things it must come to little lesse , their funeral sermons , their great tythes , and small tythes , and marriages , and sprinkling of infants , and churching of women , with other such penuries claimed by the priests of england , with what is given to them out of the nations treasure , which is many hundred pounds a year ; also considering how much in a year is spent and consumed at two or three colledges in this nation , in r●lation to the ministry ; as in bringing some up to the attainment of the ministry ( as they call it ) and upon the educators of such , with a very great abundance of such like charges ; consumed out of the nations treasure , which is wasted , as in relation to this ministry spoken of : i do not speak against good education and learning , which is in its place a vertue , ( as for travellers and many others ) neither do i account such money vainly wasted and spent ; but only as to the ministry of christ , natural learning is not there admitted to make ministers , or to enable them thereunto ; but that money which is thereupon spent , is wasted and consumed ; and how much is spent in this way , and for such an end onely , i leave wise men to judge , which will make up a large sum in the whole : considering all things i say , their yearly maintenance may amount to fifteen hundred thousand pounds a year , which is a thousand thousands , and half a thousand thousand pound ; men of weak understandings can hardly reach , to know how much it is , and that makes me thus plainly expound it . a description of the true ministers of christ , and its maintenance . the day hath appeared that makes all things manifest , and the light is arisen , that gives to discern between tru●h & error , between the true and every false way , and between the worship of god , which is spiritual and every false worship of the world , which is idolatry ; and the true ministry of christ is known from the false ministry , by their several fruits and signs for hidden things are brought to light , and secret things are revealed , but now the people of the world , both the wise and the foolish thus they object , and say , seeing that you do so much condemn our ministry and ministers in their ca●l , in their practices , in their conversation , and in their maintenance ; what ministry do you own ? and what ministers do you allow of ? and whether would you have any ministry at all , seeing you throw down and declares against such as the law of the land sets up , and such as we have looked upon to be able ministers ? and after this manner the people of this generation begun to reason among themselves , saying , what would the people do if they had power ? what ministers would they approve of ? and what maintenance would they allow them ? to all this i do answer and say , the true ministers and ministry of christ we do allow of , and we would have set up and established , and we wait patiently till it be brought to passe , even such as are ordained by power from on high , and who have received the gift of the holy ghost ; who are called of god into the work of the ministry , such we do approve of to be ministers of christ , in whom he is revealed , and who have received him , and are changed by him from death to life , and out of darkness into the kingdom of the son of god , and who are born of the spirit , and are led and guided by it into all truth , and are called by it to follow the lamb whithersoever he goeth , & who are taught by it in all their practices of religion , and in the whole worship of god , such we own as have felt the operation of the spirit in themselves , and who have tasted , handled , seen , and felt of the word of life , which abides for ever , and such who goeth in the name of the lord to minister and declare freely what they have freely received of god by his spirit , and who preacheth christ freely , as the onely way and means of life and salvation unto all people , even such as ministreth him the way , the truth , and the life , the onely justifier and sanctifier , and deliverer of ●hem that believe , and the condemner of them that believe not ; and such as ministreth christ onely the teacher and leader of his people , and nothing else besides him ; and such we allow as onely seeketh and laboreth in the wisdome of god to bring people out of the wayes of sin and death , unto the knowledg of god , & to the things that belong unto their peace ; such who have no respect to large places , or great benefits , to seek after that , who will not have hire for preaching , nor be hired by great sums of money from one country to another ; such as makes the gospel of christ free , and without charge , who will not be burthensome to any , but walks in all wisdom , as examples of righteousnesse to all people ; whose conversati●ns are in heaven , and holdeth forth in life and practice , unto all men , what they professe in words , and by doctrine and conversation holding forth the light of the glorious gospel , which they have received from god , being patterns of all holinesse , of peace and long-suffering , of meeknesse and patience unto their flocks ; even such who walks in christ , and shews ●o●●h good works , and the fruits of his spirit , causing his light to shine forth among men , in humility , and sobernesse , and in all the fruits of peace and truth , and such are approved of god , and of the saints , even they that preach christ freely to all people , and holds forth the light of the world , which lighteth every one in the world , the free gift of god to all mankind , that all may believe and come to the knowledge of the truth , and be saved ; and 〈◊〉 ministers respects not the persons of any man for advantage , neither respects dayes , nor places , nor things , but worships god in spirit and in truth , and teacheth that worship unto all people , and they gather people into the new covenant , where christ is the high priest , and our bodies the temples of god , and the circumcision in the heart , and in the spirit , for such are ministers of the spirit and not of the letter , and they divided the word of god a right ; they feed the hungry , and the rich are sent empty away , they cry not peace to the wicked , neither doth justifie the unconverted ; neither do they condemn the righteous , nor such as are of an upright heart ; but christ they preach , to justifie all that do believe , and are obedient to him , and to condemn all that believe not , but are disobedient ; and such ministers hath the word of reconciliation , & their ministry is made effectual , to accomplish the work of god ; sinners are converted and brought to god thereby , and to be taught of him alone , and the saints through that ministry , may obtain to the holy ghost , and to need no man to teach them , but as the annointing within teacheth them , which they receive through the ministry , whose labour is , and the end of it , to present every man perfect in christ ; and this ministry , and such ministers we approve of , and they are approved of christ , and we would have them established , and who are such will not take care for an outward maintenance , neither what to eat , or what to put on ; neither will they petition to magistrates for tithes & augmentations , but are without care , as for a livelyhood in this world , they will not remove from one town to another , for a better parsonage or place ; for such as do so , are not the lawful called ministers of christ , but have run , & were never sent ; for christs ministers takes no thought for any outward maintenance , but approveth themselves in patience in all conditions , and sometimes are in want , and cold , and hunger , and nakednesse , and in persecutions , and tryals , and afflictions , and suffereth all things for the name of christ , and yet we do believe and know , that such have power to eat , and to drink , & may receive carnal things where they sow spiritual things , but as a free gift , and not by compulsion or force ; we do allow that the ministers of christ may eat of the milk of the stock , which they keep and feed , and they may eat of the fruit of the vineyard which they have planted , and which they labour in , and they may supply their necessities from them whom they have begotten in the faith , and whom they labour among in life and doctrine , who are sheep of the fold , and plants of the vineyard of christ jesus ; but i say as a free gift may they receive the fruits of their labours , and not as a debt , or any title claimed thereto by the law of the nation ; neither may they receive it by force or compulsion ; but who are the truly called ministers of christ are so far from this , or forcing maintenance from any , that they will not make use of their power , in taking what may be freely given them , for they will not make the gospel burthensome by any means , and this is the maintenance we do allow the ministers of christ ; they may eat such things as are set before them in any house which they enter into , which is worthy ; and they may supply their necessities in food and raiment , as a free gift from them whom the ministers are made stewards , to watch over them & to exhort them , to instruct them , and to edifie them ; but not from the world who continues in unbelief and disobedience to the gospel , may they receive any outward maintenance by compulsion , or by a free gift , neither may they receive great sums of mony by the year , or tithes , or other offerings to maintain themselves and their families in pride and idlenesse , and lust and excess , and superfluity in meats and apparel ; such a maintenance is by free gift , much lesse by force that is not allowed by christ and his saints , but is the maintenance of antichristian teachers , which never were sent of christ , and such cannot be content with his allowance and wages , but lives in pride and pleasures of this world , and in vanity ; and maintained they say they must be , and if they be so , they care not from whence it come , nor by what means ; and that is the reason wherefore so many hundreds of honest people are so spoiled in their persons and estates , the bodies of some being cast into prison and many others having their goods taken from them by force and distraint ; and all this is to maintain antichrists ministers , who neither cares how they have it , nor from whom , or to what evil use they improve it ; and this plainly appears in this nation , by many evidences , but the ministers of christ doth deny such a maintenance , and such practises , and are come to that life which judgeth all these things . and as concerning compelling of maintenance , and forcing of it from people , this is utterly against the law of christ , and condemned by him and denyed by the saints ; for it is unreasonable and no equality in it , that people should be compelled to maintain a ministry , especially such a one as they know is not the ministry of christ , neither is profitable to them , and which they receive no fruits from , for the ministers of christ doth not desire maintenance from the people of the world , neither can receive any from them , neither in justice and equity should the ministers of the world receive or compel maintenance from the saints by force and cruelty : but this we would , and this is reason and equitie , let all ministers be maintained by such as approves them , and hears them , and partakes of their labours , and so the saints will maintain their ministers , and the world may maintain theirs , and every sort of people may maintain such ministers as labours for them , and none to be forced to maintain such as they do not approve of , nor none hindred from maintaining of such , as they do approve of , be they true , or false ministers ; and this is reason and a good conscience , that every man be left free in such cases , to maintain whom he will , and to give as he will , and what he will ; and this is reason and equity , that no man be compelled to give , or hindred from giving to whom he pleaseth , and what he pleaseth , and so let people make choice of their ministers , whom they will approve and whom they will hear , and of whose labours they will receive , & then let them maintain them , and if any be compelled , let them be compelled to pay their own servants , who ministers to them and not anothers , for whom the● do no work ; and this is just and right both for ministers and people , that every minister be paid by them to whom he doth minister , and who receives him as a minister , and for whom he doth work ; and this great injustice and oppression in england will cease , if this law of equity and righteousnesse were established , and all people left free to hear and approve of whom they will , and then to pay them & maintain them ; and this would try the ministers , and who converted the most to god , and gained the love of most people , and if they wrought well they may receive a maintenance accordingly , by the free gift of the people ; and the ministers that are not content with this law , are out of pure reason and equitie , and sheweth that they dare not trust the lord , nor the fruits of their labors , but would be maintained in idleness , by unlawful means , by compelling maintenance from them to whom they do no work ; and such shews great covetousness , who desires more then the milk of their own flock , and the fruits of their own vineyard ; but in equity and justice let every minister be maintained by the fruits of his own labour , from the people for whom he doth labour , and this will content most part of the people ; and till this be established in the earth , truth , justice and judgment will be wanting in this particular ; and this is according to truth , and to a righteous law ; and by this all people may understand what ministers and ministry we do allow and approved , and how ministers ought to be maintained ; and if any go forth to a place and country , and among the people that are not converted , then the church ought to take care to maintain such in their work , till they may reap of their own labour , and eat of the fruit of their own vineyard , b●● all this ought to be without compelling or forcing by the minister ; for every minister of christ doth chiefly take care of the work unto which he i● called , and is without care for outward maintenance . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a30530e-210 act. 1. 8. 4. 31. mat 10. 8. 1 joh. 1. 1. gal. ● . 1. acts 16. 4. 7. 11. 12. acts 17. 17. 1 cor. 4 11 1. joh. 1. 31. john . 1. 9 ▪ acts. 26. 18. 2 cor. 13. rev. 19. 13. luke 1. 1. eph 2 20. 1 cor. 2. 6. phil. 3. col. 1 28. rom. 8 , 37. rom , 6. 22. 1 thess. 5. 15. 2 thess. 3. 8. 1 cor. 11. 26. 22. acts 2. 4. acts 20 , 7. 1 cor. 14. 31. 1 pet. 4. 10. acts 21. 9. ier. 23. 28. 1 joh. 1. 1. 2 cor. 10. 16. 2. cor. 4 , 2. mat. 4. 19. 20. 21 mat. 9. 9. 2 cor. 12. 14. rom. 8. 14. 1 joh 2. acts 4. 17. 18. 19. heb. 11 , 37. 38. ier 23 , chap. mic. 3. chap. ezek. 13. ezek. 33 : chap. act 24. 1 , 2 , 4 6. mat. 26. 3. 4. amos 7. 10. jer. 20. 19. tit 1. 11. 2 pet. 2. chap. † 〈…〉 † at ware . 1 joh. 4. 5. mat. 24 , acts 20. 29. 1 tim. 4. 2 tim. 3. 2. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. † one million & five hundred thousand pounds per annum . luke 10. 7 , 8. the difference between the power of magistrates and church-pastors and the roman kingdom & magistracy under the name of a church & church-government usurped by the pope, or liberally given him by popish princes opened by richard baxter. baxter, richard, 1615-1691. 1671 approx. 136 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26914 wing b1241 estc r3264 12310081 ocm 12310081 59351 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26914) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59351) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 200:17) the difference between the power of magistrates and church-pastors and the roman kingdom & magistracy under the name of a church & church-government usurped by the pope, or liberally given him by popish princes opened by richard baxter. baxter, richard, 1615-1691. [4], 59 p. printed for nevil simmons ..., london : 1671. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature. church and state -early works to 1800. 2004-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the difference between the power of magistrates and church-pastors , and the roman kingdom & magistracy under the name of a church & church-government usurped by the pope , or liberally given him by popish princes : opened by richard baxter . to the learned and sincere ludovicus molinaeus dr of physick , and author of jugulum causae , papa ultrajectinus , and other books on this subject . for the vindication of the true pastoral discipline , exercised by the ancient churches , and claimed , but alas , too little exercised , by the churches called protestant and reformed . and to acquaint posterity what we hold in this , that false accusations misinform them not . london , printed for nevil simmons , at the sign of the three crowns , near holborn conduit . 1671. reader the first epistle is now written upon the sight of jugulum causae : the other with the propositions was written about a year and half ago , upon the sight of papa ultrajectinus , &c. and the paraenesis contra aedificatores imperii in imperio : and the design of all is , to shew how little or nothing at all the sober moderate protestants , called episcopal , presbyterian , independent , and political or erastian are disagreed in all this business , whilst i name you near a hundred propositions in which they commonly consent : that princes and all magistrates may see , that they have no cause to be offended at the christian and protestant doctrine , or to judge the true religion of any of these parties , as such , to be contrary to their interest ; when in very truth they are in that all one : but that among all sects and parties , there will be still some injudicious , intemperate and unpeaceable men ; especially those whose interest in the world is great , and cannot be upheld , without encroaching on the rights of others : as great trees must have much room , and suffer nothing to prosper under them , but weeds and bryars . and it is to tell politicians , that the true pastoral power ( being a power to labour and suffer in patient self-denyal for the church of christ and the souls of men ) is past all doubt of christs appointment : and to diminish that power , is but to diminish our obligation to labour and suffer , and to gratifie our sloth and fleshly interest . but to diminish that secular church-power which clergie men claim as of divine right , is but for princes to be princes , whether the clergie will or no. and as to the learned author , dr. lud. molinaeus , my meaning is to second him in awakening magistrates to reassume their proper power , and to leave it in no clergie mens hands , of what party soever : but as to his reflections on the protestants discipline , lovingly to chide him for making the difference seem wider than it is , and to reconcile the four parties , while i distinctly open the common doctrine of them all , excepting the rigid opinions of some interessed or intemperate individuals . my learned , sincere and worthy friend , when i had hastily set down my judgement of the cause which i found handled in your papa ultrajectinus and other writings which you sent me , i cast by that script ( which i intended at the writing of it , for your view ) that i might surely keep it from the notice of others , in this age wherein the prevalency of interest , faction , passion and injudiciousness , doth make it so great a difficulty , to say any thing for the cure of any mens errors , enormities or impieties , which shall not be charged with the same crime ( or greater ) which it would cure , and be taken for a disturber of the church and peace , which it would save or heal . but now seeing that you renew your endeavours in the same cause , and finding your jugulum causae directed to so many hands , by seventy particular epistles , and that you have honoured me with a place among those great and worthy persons , i take my self obliged to render you some account of my judgement of your writings , and especially of the whole cause , by bringing into the open light , those hundred propositions which i had purposed to conceal : and withal to tell you , 1. that ( though you have much overvalued me in your recitation of their report , who would have joyned me with so great , so wise and good a man as a bishop usher , and that in so great a work ; and experience may tell you , that other men have other thoughts of me , as one unmeet to preach the gospel in the land of my nativity , much more unmeet to be a decider of the churches controversies ) yet you have truly described my judgement of your self and your undertaking . i confess i hope not that ever you should make the roman usurpation , more palpable , than the falshood of their doctrine of transubstantiation ; where they maintain ( not only the corporal presence , which is not it that i now mean , but ) that bread is not bread , and wine is not wine , when all men see , taste , smell and feel them : and if the princes , doctors , and great men of the world , can thus obstinately deny ( or take on them to deny ) the judgement which is made of sensible objects , by all mens senses , you may gather what fruit you may expect of your labours , or of any cause how plain soever , where prejudice and seeming interest are against you ? can all the writings or reasonings in the world , bring any thing to a more clear and sure decision , than that of all the senses of all men in the world , about the proper objects of sense ? if flesh so far conquer flesh it self , and the interest of sensuality can cause such men , and such multitudes to renounce the apprehension of all their senses , what have we to do more for the cure of mankind ? you have made it plain enough , that it is really a part of the secular government of kings and states , which is now commonly called ecclesiastical among the papists , and as such is challenged and usurped by the pope , and that princes that subject their kingdoms to his usurpation , do take in a joint ruler with them , and divide their kingdoms or power between themselves and him . but so they have done , and so they will do , till the time of the churches fuller reformation , and of the coalition of the christian world is come . i know you may think that as interest blindeth them , so this great detection of the invasion of their interest is the way to bring them to the truth . for who will have a co-partner with him in his kingdom , that may choose ? who had not rather rule alone , than divide his kingdom with the pope ? undoubtedly they give away more of their own interest hereby , than you have opened ? when they deliver part of their power to one , who by an approved general council of their own , which is the religion of their party , later . sub innoc. 3. can. 2. 3. may depose temporal lords , ( though no protestants themselves ) that will not exterminate those that deny transubstantiation out of their dominions , and may absolve their subjects from their fidelity , and may give their countryes unto others . when their most learned , renowned , applauded doctors teach , that the pope may excommunicate kings , and that an excommunicated king is no king , and he that killeth him , killeth not a king. when the roman council under greg. 7. decreeth , that the pope may depose emperours : and the same greg. 7. li. 4. ep. 7. conspireth in the like doctrine . the oration of card. peron is well known : if so great a kingdom as france , that glorieth of its church-liberties , can bear so much , what will not those bear , that are less able to deliver themselves ? the words of this great and pretendedly moderate cardinal in a moderate kingdom , in a publick writing against a protestant learned king ( king james ) pag. 453. ( as cited by a. bishop usher of babylon , pag. 163. is fit to be written on the doors of all princes , and of the pope himself , in capital letters ; viz. [ by this article ( that kings may not be deposed by the pope ) we are cast headlong into a manifest heresie , as binding us to confess , that for many ages past the catholick church hath been banished out of the whole world : for if the champions of the doctrine contrary to this article do hold an impious and detestable opinion contrary to gods word , then doubtless the pope for so many hundred years expired , hath not been the head of the church , but a heretick and the antichrist . ] what would you have more to satisfie kings , than their own profession that , either the pope may depose kings , or 〈◊〉 he is not the head of the church , but an heretick and antich●i●t , and hath been so for many hundred years . can you sh●w their interest plainlier than all this ? and lest any say , that this is but the doctrine of the jesuits , remember that perron was another kind of man , and the famous perverter of king henry the fourth . and i will cite here the words of one more of a multitude , even one that wrote so long ago , as to be numbred with the fathers in biblioth . patr. to. 4 p. 913. and a roman cardinal bertrard card. & epis. eduens . de orig. & usu jurisd . qu. 4. [ respondeo & dico quod potestas spiritualis debet dominari omni humanae creaturae per rationes hostiensis — item quia jesus christus silius dei dum fuit in hoc mundo , & etiam ab aetern● naturalis dominus fuit , & de jure naturali in imperatores & quoseunque alios depositionis sententias ferre potuisset , & damnationis , & quaseunque alias : utpote in personas quas creaverat , & donis naturalibus & gratuito donaverat , & etiam conservabat . et eadem ratione etiam ejus vicarius potest . nam non videtur discretus dominus fuisse ( ut cum reverentia ejus loquar ) nisi unicum post se talem vicarium reliquisset , qui haec omnia posset . fuit autem iste vicarius ejus petrus apud mattheum : et idem dicendum est de successoribus petri , cum eadem absurditas sequeretur , si post mortem petri humanam naturam a se creatam sine regimine unius personae reliquisset . ] i will english it lest the unlearned believe not what fathers , what a biblioth . patrum , what cardinals , and what doctrines the roman clergy obtrude upon the christian world . [ i answer and say , that the spiritual power ought to have domination over every humane creature , by hostiensis reasons — also because jesus christ the son of god while he was in this world , and also from eternity , was the natural lord : and by natural right , could pass the sentence of deposition and of damnation , and any other , upon emperours and upon any others ; as being persons that he had created and endowed with natural gifts , and freely , and also preserved : and by the same reason his vicar can do it : for the lord seemeth not to have been discreet ( that i may speak with reverence to him ) unless he had left behind him one such vicar , who could do all these things . and in matthew this his vicar was peter : and the same must be said of the successors of peter , seeing the same absurdity would follow , if after the death of peter he had left humane nature created by himself , without the regiment of one person . ] do you think this is not plain dealing enough , if men are willing to understand ? i know that there were emperours and princes that strugled hard , before they suffered themselves to be thus subjected ; and these emperours had lawyers , statesmen and divines that took their parts ; as all the treatises in goldastus his three volumes de monarch . and his imp. constit. shew . but still those that sided with the pope spake contrary , as the argumentations of those books besides the authors whom they oppose , do shew . and , alas , occham , and marsilius patavinus , and widdrington and barclay came all too late . for all that secular power which was cloaked with the name of ecclesiastical and spiritual , was before so deeply rooted in the papacy , that they durst plead for no more , than that princes are not subject to the pope in temporals : but as you truly note , abundance of temporals , and of the magistrates proper work about things ecclesiastical , was still vailed under the name of spiritual : and at last , even the temporal power again claimed more subtilly , and indirectly , as in ordine ad spiritualia . but you 'l say , that all men are naturally so regardful of their own interest , and especially princes , that it is not possible they should be so servile , tame and self-abasing , as to give away so great a part of their kingdoms to a forreigner , yea , to one that claimeth all , ( by himself , or by his most famous writers ) and by his councils claimeth a power to depose them ; they that with their own nobles and other subjects , are so jealous of their prerogatives , would never so far depose themselves , if they did but know what they do : and therefore when popish princes understand the matter , they will shake off the yoke , and re●ssume their right . answ. it 's true , that protestant princes and states have done so ; and the true meaning of our oath of supremacy is the same with your main design : and though some have stumbled at those words , that the king is supream governour in all causes ecclesiastical , the meaning is only ( as hath been oft publickly declared ) that he is the supream civil or coactive governour by the sword , in all causes ecclesiastical , so far as they fall under that coactive or coercive government . and hereby the king doth but reassume the royal power over the clergy and the affairs of religion , which the pope had usurped under the name of ecclesiastical . for it s well known what was called ecclesiastical power in england in the times of popery : so that this much of the vail is removed long ago among all protestants . and if you peruse but bishop bilsons excellent tract of christian subjection , and bishop andrews his tortura torti ( to pass by all others ) you will see that this case is better opened , than i for my part am able to open it . and it is seldom heard of ( for all the industry and subtilty of rome ) that any prince or state doth voluntarily turn papist , that is once delivered from the yoke , and that ever again parteth with his power when he hath recovered it . but yet that even this argument from notorious interest , doth not recover the liberty of countreys subject to the pope , you will the less wonder , if you consider these three things . 1. that the papal interest hath got such rooting in their subjects minds , that it is not in their power to reassume their right . the clergy are so numerous , subtile , ubiquitary and potent , and the people so commonly deceived , and so tenacious of ancient customs , that to make this change , might cast all into a flame : and they think it better to lose part , than all . and no doubt but the examples of henry the third , and henry the fourth of france , maked some think , that if they displease the pope and his consederates , they have not sufficient security for their lives . 2. and princes stand usually on such terms of danger or jealousie from one another , that they are fain to keep such a peace at home , lest they expose themselves to a greater mischief from abroad . and they are broken by the papal subtilty , especially in germany and italy , into such fractions , and petty principalities , that few of them are strong enough to defend themselves against the confederates of the pope ( when potent emperours heretofore could not do it . ) and many of them , especially the house of austria , do take this copartnership of the pope , to be a great part of their strength : and as anciently many emperours were forced to choose their caesars and copartners , when the defence of the empire was too hard for themselves alone ; so divers princes are glad to make use of the papal interest and power for their own security ; though upon terms that else would never be submitted to . and in some countreys the rebellious disposition of the subjects driveth them to accept of this dear remedy ; and they choose rather to strengthen themselves by a copartner , than to stoop to the wills of their inferiours . for here you must take notice , that the pretence of a jus divinum and of spirituality , and the interest of christ , and of the safety of their souls , doth make this kind of servitude much less dishonourable , than it is to be overtopt by a neighbour prince , or to be curbed by their subjects . for what dishonour is it for a man to be subject to his maker and redeemer ? nay , what greater honour can there be ? and the roman clergy have used themselves to canonize those princes that have been most zealous for their grandure , and to raise the fame and praises of such , as have raised that which they call the church , that the very ambition of the clergies praises , doth do much to tempt some to a tame acceptance of a copartner , who pretendeth to be the vicar of christ : when this servitude goeth for sanctity , and carrieth not with it the reproach of other sorts of servitude . 3. and it greatly furthereth their success , that the popes agents are commonly bred up in learning , and so are made able to over-wit the laity ; and that it is their great design , to gratifie the lusts of princes , by indulging their voluptuous sensual lives , that so they may spend their dayes in such things , as will never advance their understandings to an ability to discern the cheats of their copartners : and they detestably cherish the ignorance of the common laity , that they may be the fitter to be led and mastered by them ; even as men keep women from learning and great attainments , lest they should be the more uncapable of subjection . and thus as satan leadeth men to hell , so the papal usurper bringeth the laity into their power , by their own consent , by such pleasing baits , as make their servitude easie to them . and it is not your telling them of their interest , that will prevail against all these temptations . they that will lose heaven , and their salvation by such cheats , may lose half of their earthly dominions by them , as long as the other half sufficeth to satisfie their concupiscence , and to maintain their honour and pleasure in the world . the roman usurpation consisteth of two parts . 1. the usurpation of such a pastoral power as they have no right to . 2. the usurpation of a great part of the magistrates power , sometime directly , and sometimes indirectly in ordine ad spiritualia ; and constantly by the cheat of the false name of church power , put upon the magistrates part of church government , as if it were the clergies part . i. the usurpation of a pastoral power which belongeth not to them , is the chief part of their iniquity . and it consisteth in these , among other particulars . 1. in the impious , and arrogant claim of an universal pastorship over all the world . the roman prelate must be the teacher of all the world , the high priest of all the world , and the spiritual ruler of all the world ; which because he cannot do by himself , he must do by others , as far as he can to uphold his usurpation . he must be the law-giver and the judge of all the world , even at the antipodes , and where he hath no acquaintance nor access . 2. by this he undertaketh to be a bishop in other mens diocesses , and to rule in all matters , where he hath no more power , than any pastor hath in another pastoral charge . 3. and by this he undertaketh to be the spiritual father and governour of all the kings and rulers of the christian world , and so to have the power of excommunicating them when he thinketh there is cause , and to brand them as uncapable of christian communion with their own subjects ; or with any other christians . 4. by this he usurpeth authority of imposing what pastors he please ( even such as will carry on his interest ) upon all the churches in the world , and depriving both princes and people of their just liberty of choice . 5. by this also he usurpeth the power of deposing what bishops or pastors he please , and depriving the people of their necessary helps , and faithfullest teachers . yea , of putting whole nations under interdicts of serving and honouring god in church-assemblies ; commanding all pastors to shut up the church doors , and forbidding them to perfom their office , and to preach christs gospel , or administer his holy sacraments . 6. by this he sendeth forth his missionaries ▪ and setteth up societies of jesuits and fryers to do his work , and commandeth all princes and people to receive and countenance them . 7. by this he layeth claim to a right of maintenance for himself and his missionaries in all parts of the world , in the name of christ , who hath said , that the labourer is worthy of his hire . 8. by this he granteth dispensations , pardons , indulgences , commandeth praying to saints and angels , and praying for the dead , as being in purgatory , and by this he setteth up his whole new frame of self-devised worship and religion . now i call not all this an usurpation of magistracy , so far as he useth no corporal force , and threatneth no penalty but excommunication and damnation . for every true pastor with his own flock hath the power of guiding them by delivering christs doctrine and precepts , and commanding obedience as his servant or embassadour in his name , and of denouncing his judgements , and of judging obligingly who are fit to be taken in to the church by baptism , and who to be cast out as impenitent by excommunication in his own particular charge or society . and if the pope usurp a power of doing all this and more , as an universal pastor only , this is an usurpation of a church power , and not of a magistracy . and indeed if you will acquit him from the guilt of the mysterie of iniquity any further than he invadeth magistracy it self , you will do him a great deal of wrong : for he is the vicarius christi , and the vice-christ more notably by his spiritual usurpation of a power proper to christ himself , or at least of a power that christ never gave him . ii. his setting up a kingdom , and invading the magistracy is done i. directly , ii. indirectly and consequentially . i. directly ; 1. by holding a secular jurisdiction , as the king of rome , where he exerciseth the supream civil power , acknowledging no superiour civil governour ; either as to the legislation or execution , in all the parts of his own dominions . 2. by his laying claim to many kingdoms as his own ( among which england is one , as pretended to be delivered to him by king john ) and supposing that the kings do hold them as under him , and by his grant. 3. by laying claim to the temporal or corporal government of all the world ( say some ) or of all the christian world ( say others ) : of which you may see a multitude of volumes written in the defence of his pretensions : in particular all those aforesaid were of this subject , which all goldastus his collected treatises , for the right of princes do confute . i gave you cardinal bertrands words before . and though some of their clergy who live under princes that are not willing to resign their crowns , do disclaim the popes direct title to the universal civil soveraignty , yet he himself disclaimeth it not , nor condemneth the books as such , that have been written to defend it . in the jesuits morals the last chapter hath this title [ that the jesuits teach , that the church cannot command spiritual and internal actions ; that its laws and guidance are humane , and that it is it self only a political body ] where the jansenist chargeth them with destroying the church from its foundation , and making it altogether external , humane and politick ; and that which needeth only politick vertues for its government , and the exercise of its principal offices , and that they make its laws but humane and politick , which oblige only to things external : and chargeth them as cyprian did the novatians , quod ecclesiam humanam faciunt ] so that if he accuse them justly , here is no room for any subterfuge : it is not the spiritual and temporal power that he makes them claim , but the temporal or external only : but what ! doth the jansenist himself therefore disclaim all temporal power in the church , or is he just to kings ? judge but by pag. 388. where he boasteth of laymans confession of the truth , that [ ecclesiastick power is instituted immediately from god , and the civil power comes immediately from men : and that civil power regards properly and directly wealth and peace temporal only : ] and he adds [ for the civil power regards the outward order and civil tranquility alone ; and prescribes none but outward and humane means to attain this end . ] which is all false , and most injurious to kings ; whom this moderate jansenist would hereby set as far below every priest ; in real dignity and amiableness to the subjects as a humane creature is below a divine , and the interest of the body is below that of the soul. whereas indeed god is the immediate original of civil and church power , though in both the persons are designed by the means of men . and both have god himself for their ultimate end , and the common good of the society for their common end ; which ever consisteth most in spiritual felicity , referring to eternal . though the magistrates weapon be the sword , and the pastors only the word , by which all this is brought to pass . indeed it is not possible that the papacy in its present state can be defended by any man how moderate soever , without injury to princes and states , whose power the pope hath so notoriously invaded and usurped : for how can they defend him , that usurpeth the power of kings , or usurpeth a false power over kings , and not be injurious to them that the usurper injureth ? but it is most wonderful to me , that when w. barclay defendeth the right of monarchs in such a kingdom as france that hath power and will to hold fast its own , he should complain as if he undertook a cause which most were against him in , and in which he expected to be wondered at for his singularity . 4. by their inquisition , and by their decreeing corporal penalties in their councils , and decreeing the deposition of princes , and the giving away their dominions to others , as in the two fore-cited councils , roman . su● . greg. 7. & lateran . sub innoc. 3. in a word , by all that they do in their usurped legislation , judgement and execution , by the sword , or a forcing power as in themselves . ii. but the more successful usurpation of the power and rights of princes is indirectly , and as bellarmin defendeth it , in ordine ad spiritualia ; by using their ecclesiastical usurped power upon mens consciences , in such a way as shall overtop the magistrates power of the sword : when they decree that all are hereticks that believe their senses , and deny transubstantiation , and that all such hereticks shall be banished or burnt ; the clergy is not to do this themselves , but to deliver them over to the secular power : the pope and clergy do but charge it on their consciences in the name of christ. and if princes obey them not , or temporal lords will not burn or banish all such hereticks for believing sense , the pope is not to touch their bodies , but to excommunicate them . and if they will not yet obey the pope , when they are excommunicate , the pope , good man , will not draw a sword against them , but only use the spiritual sword , by giving their dominions to others , which is but by word of mouth ; he doth but declare such a temporal lord to be dispossest of his title , and require another to take his lands , and let his great divines publish that an excommunicate king is no king , and that to kill him , is not to kill a king : and if princes will defend themselves by arms , the pope will not send his clergy in arms against them , but only by the spiritual sword , or word , command other princes , states and people to arm themselves against their emperours , kings and governours , and to defend those to whom he hath given their dominions . how oft these games have been seriously acted , the german histories lamentably tell us : and guicciardine● italian , and the english , french and others are not wholly silent . so if the clergy be exempt from paying taxes , from secular judgements , if their lands and estates be not under the power of kings , if they set up courts of judicature with offices like a civil court , if they assume to themselves the sole judgement of hereticks , and schismaticks , and apostates , and also of testaments of the dead , and of causes of adultery and fornication , of lawful or unlawful degrees of marriage , and of divorce , if the pope lay taxes on the clergy that are subjects in all princes dominions , if he dispose of buildings , tythes , glebes , monasteries , lands , almshouses , colledges , and abundance such like ; all this is not by the sword , but by perswading kings and states that they are bound in conscience to promote all this , and obey the pope as their ghostly father herein : and that if they be stricken with the thunderbolt of excommunication , they are in a state of damnation , and if they so dye , are undone for ever : and by perswading other princes and people , that the arms taken up against such princes at the popes command ( according to the foresaid councils ) are meritorious , and shall procure their salvation . and if princes and people will believe all this , and will be deceived , and will voluntarily subject themselves to such an usurper , who can help it ? though it excuse not the pope , yet they have little reason to complain , that they lose that power which they voluntarily give away , and that the pope shall exercise that power which they give him . and so much to your cause against the papacy . ii. but in your epistle to mr. areskin and several others , you lay much of the like charge upon the reformed churches , and you take our great reforming divines , to have kept up the mysterie of iniquity in their discipline . concerning which give me leave to deal freely with you , and to tell you , that i am perswaded that your meaning is sincere and good , and that it is an usurpation or devised imitation of secular government by the clergy which you condemn ; and that too great a part of the protestant clergy have given you some occasion for these complaints : but that really you deal not accurately in the controversie , and accurateness is the thing you want . you do not here exactly describe the true difference between the several powers where you seem to describe them ; you leave out much that should be said . it is a more distinct way of handling this point , that must decide the controversie . to which end i have laid you down an hundred propositions , on occasion of your former writings sent me . and as you say in epist. ad d. russellum , p. 248. that in this you would believe one physicion , one coxe , goddard ; lower , ridgley , &c. ( though i have reason to think that the first and last of these are more of my mind about church government than of yours ) before a thousand augustines , hieroms , gregories , yea , jewells , davenant , ushers , dallees ; so my opinion is , that usually all men are wisest in their own profession . and though i am naturally somewhat unapt to take more than needs i must upon trust from any ( since i have had great experience of humane ignorance and vanity ) yet i had rather take a physicions judgement in physick , and a lawyers in points of law , and a souldiers in military matters , and a divines in theology , than any of their judgements about the matters of an aliene profession . not but that now and then a man may arise , that shall know more on the by , than others that make it the study of their lives : but that is not usual . and that one man would have been yet wiser , in those things if he had been of that profession . for surely caeteris paribus , he that bestoweth twenty years , or thirty , or forty , or threescore in the study of divinity alone , with its subservient helps , is liker to understand it , than he that alloweth it , but now and then a spare hour , in the midst of other diverting studies . for my part , if i follow not one thing only when i am upon it , but divide my thoughts among things heterogeneal , i cannot pierce deep into any great difficulties , nor make any thing of distracted studies ; neque quicquam recte fit , quod fit praeoccupato animo . god doth not use to give wisdom now by the way of miracles ; but they that seek most , are likest to find . and therefore pardon me for telling you , that though i am deservedly a great honourer of the physicions you name , yet i set more by the judgement of one usher , one davenant , one jewell , one dallaeus , one blondel , one camero , one le blank , one petrus molinaeus in matters of theology , than of abundance of lawyers and physicions . and of one lawyer and physicion in matters of their profession , than of many divines . being still of pembles mind , that one clear eye can see further than a council of purblind ones . and as to the matter of partiality of which you suspect divines , it is not without cause as to all that party who seek for riches , ease and honours , or domination and preferments and preheminency in the world : but such as that st. martin whom you mention out of severus , who so vehemently opposed the ithacian violence , * and maximus his using the sword against the priscillianists are as impartial as you . certainly if christianity be what we all profess to take it for , it will make that man best who is most a christian : and he that is best will be most impartially and self denyingly faithful to christ , and will prefer christs honour incomparably before his own . and he is like to be most a christian , who doth sincerely give up himself to the closest study of it all his dayes . deny this , and your suspicions will fall upon christianity it self . but yet i will allow you to be moderately suspicious where you see that there is any great bait of carnal interest to tempt men : a popedome , a cardinalship , ( i must name no more ) may make the roman heathen say , i will turn christian , if you will make me bishop of rome , &c. but will you suspect that a good man , yea , and all such good men , should be partial where they put themselves on the greatest self-denyal ? where they have no profit , no preterment , no man-pleasing , no worldly honour to invite them ? yea , where it is like to diminish their gain , to hinder them from preferment , to make them hated by most on whom their discipline is exercised ? if a few out of a pang of factious or phanatick zeal , may cast themselves on such a self-denying life , it is not like that this will be the ordinary case , of learned , sober , godly men . if it be , with whom shall the ignorant trust the conduct of their souls , that will not make merchandize of them ? would you be partial and false to the truth of christ your self , if you were the pastor of a church ? is the office so malignant to infect all that undertake it ? if it be , how can our religion be good ? if not , why should you think that others will not be as just and impartial as you would be ? do you consider what excellent persons in all respects for wisdom , and piety , and integrity , were melanchthon , bucholtzer , sohnius , kimedontius , olevian , ursinus , zanchius , paraeus , and those english men you named , and many hundreds more ; who more unlikely through ignorance or partiality to betray the truth ? but they say , that interest will not lye . do you not know that an able preacher , may better by many degrees consult his own ease , his profit , and his worldly honours by preaching only , than by this troublesome ungrateful work of discipline ? i am confident that you and i do take one another for true plain dealing honest men , and therefore can believe each other . and if you will believe me , i did , in my pastoral charge ( in those times when i was thought tolerable in the sacred office ) for about ten years ( of the twenty that i had leave to preach ) exercise some discipline upon some particular offendors , according to the common judgement of protestant divines ; and it was so much to my labour , to my expence of time , to the grievous displeasure of those that fell under it , and required so much self-denyal , that when i consulted with flesh and blood , if i might but have forborn it , and only preached , and given the sacraments to all that came , i should have thought my self so greatly disburdened , as would have made my life to be sensually pleasant : so that , though i had not any maintenance of my own , i think i could gladly have given up all that i received for my ministry , and made what other shift i could for food and rayment , so i might but have been freed from the trouble of this particular discipline : i speak only what it was to flesh and blood , and not what it was to faith , which saith god cannot be served too dearly . till i speak this to one that hath tryed the thing i talk of , i shall take it for granted , that my words are not half understood . if you say , why then did you not forbear a work so ungrateful ? i now only answer , why doth not the judge and sheriff forbear hanging murderers and thieves : the rest of my answer you shall have anon . though my following propositions seem full enough in opening the difference between the two powers ; yet i will here also briefly tell you , 1. somewhat of the nature of church power : 2. somewhat of the certain truth that jesus christ did institute it : 3. somewhat of the necessity of it sub ratione m●dii ad finem . i. for the first , take these few things together , and you may clearly see what power we claim . 1. our office for the original of it , is as immediately from christ as that of magistrates , and is not made by kings or any monarchs . therefore we hold it as immediately from christ. 2. for the matter of it , it is only to expound and apply the word of god , both commonly in sermons , and particularly to each mans several ▪ case , as physicions look to the cure of individuals : and also to exercise the keys of the church or kingdom of christ ; that is , 1. to be the ordinary judges who is to be taken in by baptism ; 2. and also who is to be publickly admonished as scandalous , in our particular charge : 3. and also who is to be absolved as penitent : 4. and who is to be declared unmeet for church-communion , as obstinately impenitent , and to be forbidden communion with the church , and the church with him , and consequently denyed the priviledges of the church , and signs of communion in the lords supper , which it belongeth to the pastor to deliver only to the capable , and by the peoples familiarity and brotherly society , which they are obliged to deny them . and this sentence of the pastor , if it should proceed on mistake , doth not make the mans case the worse before god ; but yet ( till the church have ●ought its due remedy against mistaking pastors ) it remaineth so far valid , as that none against it may obtrude himself on the communion of that church . for , i pray you tell me , if plato , or zen● mistake in their judgement of a disciple whom they refuse , or any free schoolmaster in judging of the incapacity of a scholar , shall others so misjudged intrude into their schools , and make themselves their scholars against their wills ? or shall he whom by mis-information you refuse or reject from your family or service , become your houshold servant in despight of you ? 3. and as to the instruments and manner of exercising our office , we professedly disclaim all pretensions to any power of the sword , or of corporal penalty , that is coactive or coercive . you confess this once your self . we claim no power but by the word , either generally preached , or particularly applyed to the case of those that are of our charge . no other power of excommunication do we claim : if men will despise our ministerial instructions , reproofs and censures , we have done with them . shall they force themselves into our familiarity or communion in spight of us ? your epist. 54. ad mettagerium openeth the matter so fairly , that we little differ from it . if you say that presbyterians and episcopal set up courts , judicatories , with officers like civil courts : i answer , 1. the more pomp and likeness to the magistrates coercive way , the worse i like it . 2. but how shall men be heard , if they be not cited ? how shall such things be justly and regularly , transacted , if there be not a known time and place , and if accusers and witnesses be not summoned ? are not such regular proceedings necessary even in cases of meer arbitration ? if this be all , here is no more sword , no more force , than in a pulpit . and how doth excommunication ( that is , declaring an impenitent person unfit for church communion by christs laws , and binding him over to the great day ) i say how doth this touch mens bodies or estates , or work any otherwise than a pulpit-sermon on the consciencious volunteers ? 3. and if horning , or writs de excommunicato capiendo , or imprisonment , or burning men as hereticks follow this , all this is the magistrates own doing ? if it be well , praise him for it . if it be ill , blame him for it . if rulers will make such laws , and if they will so far be executioners of the clergies decrees , who can hinder them ? if it be against their right , it is their own act , who give so much of their right away . if you say , that clergy men are too blame that urge them to it ; you shall not easily think worse of their so doing , than i do : it is greatly against our wills that the sword so closely followeth excommunication . i think it is the effect of carnal clergy mens base conceit of their own sacred office , as if it were a leaden unpowerful sword which christ hath put into their hands , and excommunication were invalid , when the sword forceth not the impenitent to dissemble repentance and submission . when great worldly baits have enticed worldly men into the sacred office , as to a worldly preferment and trade , they will judge accordingly and manage it like themselves ( which is and hath been the churches pest ) we would beg on our knees of kings and magistrates , if it would prevail , to leave church censures to our lords intended use ; and valeant quantum valere possunt ; and to keep their sword out of church-mens hands , and to punish men in their own courts for every crime that deserveth it ; but not quatenus excommunicate , or meerly because the clergy hath judged them unmeet for church communion . he that taketh excommunication alone for no punishment , is not fit to be in the communion of the church , and therefore should not be driven for fear of a prison to that which he hath no right to . so that you must not charge the acts of princes , nor of ambitious cardinals , &c. neither on calvin , beza , or any such as them . and as to lay-elders , or lay-chancellors , i am no more for them than you are ; that is , as the magistrates officers , or as the churches sub-officers circa sacra & non in sacris : but sure those of them who are introduced on a mistaken conceit of divine right , and do no more than the pastors do , are no usurpers of coercive power . you see by the late acts of king and parliament in scotland , that all external church power is declared to be in the king : and what would you have more ? no doubt the meaning is not , all power about external things : for the sacraments of baptism and the lords supper , and the persons baptized , &c. are external objects : nor can it be all power that is exercised by the external parts of the body . for the tongue of the preacher , and the hand of the baptizer , as well as the ear of the hearer is an external part . but in these two senses it is true , and commonly consented to , by all that i remember of my acquaintance that are christians . 1. that all the power of the sword , or of forcing by mulcts or bodily punishments , as distinct from the power of the word , that worketh directly upon the soul alone ( by the senses ) is in the king , and not in any of the clergy , though it be about the matters of religion . 2. and that all power in church matters and religion . extrinsecal to the pastoral office as instituted by christ , is of right the kings , and his inferiour magistrates . and what would you or any man have more ? 4. and as to the exercise of our office , we all confess ( except the papists ) that we are responsible to the king and magistrates , for our faults , yea for our injurious mal-administration . and that though the king be not the chief pastor , nor hath the power of the keys which christ gave to his ministers , yet he is the ruler of all churches and pastors by the sword , as well as of all physicions . and is not all this enough to satisfie you , that we claim no part of the magistrates office ? as you say , our power is but perswasive . it is 〈◊〉 . by the word ; it is but on the conscience ; it is under the magistrates coercive government : and so it is like a physicions or a tutors in a colledge . but that i pray you leave not out 1. that it is not under the magistrates , as to the derivation of the office or power , that is , it is no office which the magistrate made or may unmake : 2. that it is as immediately of divine institution as the magistrates . and therefore in your similitude you must suppose your physicion and tutor to have a commission from god. 3. that god hath described our office , and limited the magistrates office , so that he hath no power from god to hinder the ministry . 4. but if he do it injuriously we must not resist , but patiently suffer for obeying god. so much of the nature of the office . ii. now that it is certain that god hath committed to pastors , such a government of his church by the word , as to stated commissioned officers , because i have past by the proofs in my following propositions , i will add some here . supposing what dr. hammond hath said of the power of the keyes , and that no man with common sense can take the power of the keyes , for any thing less than a power of church government , or authoritative guidance , and so a power of receiving in and putting out as there is cause ; it is plain in that christ first reciteth his own commission and power , matth. 28. 18 , 19 , 20. and thence dateth the commission of his apostles , as it was to endure to the end of the age or world . see isa 22. 22. & rev. 3. 7. & 1. 18. compared with matth. 16. 19. & john 20. 23. the word presbyter and bishop can signifie no less : as acts 4. 8 , &c. compared with acts 14. 23. & 15. 2 , 4 , 6 , 22 , 23. & 16. 4. & 20. 17 , 28. titus 1. 5. james 5. 14. 1 pet. 5. 1. rev. 4. 4 , &c. and nothing less can be meant by 1 tim. 5. 17. the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour , &c. heb. 13. 17. 24. obey them that have the rule over you , for they watch , &c. 1 thess. 5. 12 , 13. know them that labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you , 1 tim. 3. 1 , 4 , 5. if a man desire the office of a bishop , he desireth a good work — one that ruleth well his own house , having his children in subjection . — for if a man know not how to rule his own house , how shall he take care of the church of god. so tit. 1. 7 , &c. 1 pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. many other i pass by . and for the act of excommunication , or excluding unmeet persons from christian church communion , it would be tedious to stand to vindicate all those plain texts from any mens exceptions , 1 cor. 5. per totum . titus 3. 10. 2 john 10 , 11. 2 thess. 3. 6 , 14. rev. 2. 14 , 15 , 20. but while i am writing this , i remember that i have long ago written a small book called universal concord , in which i have described all the pastoral office and work : if you can prove it less than i have there named in any one point , you will so far ease us , and take nothing from us at all that gratifieth our flesh : if you can deny none of that , we are agreed . and in the preface to the same book i have given you twelve reasons of the great use of church discipline ; which shall save me the labour of the third point which i intended next to speak to ; save only that i will briefly ask you , iii. would you have any difference made between the christian church and the pagan and infidel world ? if not — if you would , it must be such a difference as christ hath appointed us to make ? and doth our baptismal covenant contain no promise and profession of godliness and obedience , as well as of belief ; and so of repentance and a better life ? 2. who would you have to be judge in this matter ? shall every one be judge himself ? then all pagans , murderers , blasphemers may come in and turn religion and the church into a scorn . if any must judge , you would not sure set the magistrates or people such a task ( on pain of damnation ) to leave their calling , to try and judge of the qualifications of expectants or church-members . 3. whom do you think christ committed this business to ? who were the judges of the capacity of persons to be baptized , or the desert of persons to be rejected ? diotrophes could not have rejected christians injuriously , if he had not then had some governing power . 4. hath not all christs church exercised such a discipline as i have described since the apostles days till now ? ( saving the corruption of it by ill additions , or carnal neglects ) and hath all this church been from the beginning under a false government in the main ? or is not reformation a righter way than extirpation , of discipline as well as of doctrine and worship ? 5. is it not the wickedness of christians that is the chief hardening of turks and other infidels against christianity ? and would they not encrease this pollution that would have the most vicious to be equally received with the best ? 6. is not faith for holiness , and did not christ come to purifie a peculiar people , and restore us to the image of god ? and if for want of discipline saints and swine be equally church-members , and partakers of holy things , is that agreeable to this design of our redeemer ? 7. if oeconomical government and school government and colledge government be no wrong to kings , neither is the church government which christ hath instituted . i do not say all this to intimate that you say the contrary . but because your charge on luther , calvin and other protestants sheweth that you do sure mistake them : and to tell you that i joyn with you in disowning the kingdom and magistracy of the mock-church of rome ; and of all that will imitate them ; but that i take the enmity to and grosse neglect of true church-discipline , to be one of satans principal services that is done him upon earth , against true godliness . the churches and the magistrates power stated in matters of religion ; in an hundred propositions , which almost all sober protestant teachers are agreed in . a reconciliation of the sober episcopal , presbyterians , independents and erastians . to my very learned , sincere and worthy friend ludovicus molinaeus dr. of physick ( the author of many treatises on this subject . ) dear sir , upon the perusal of your writings which you sent me , the love of the church , and of truth and peace and you , doth command me to tell you as followeth ; 1. that i make no question , but that the pride of the clergy ( with their covetousness ) hath for above twelve hundred years been a greater plague to the churches throughout the christian world , than all the cruelties of the laity : and that the sensless forgetting the matter and manner of christs decision of his apostles controversie , which of them should be the greatest , hath divided the east and west , and corrupted and kept down religion ; whilest that the lives of the prelates have perswaded the observers , that they still took it for a more important question , which of them should be the greatest ? than , whether they or their people should be saved . and it hath ever been a matter of easie remarque , that there have been seldom any dangerous schisms on one side , or any cruel persecutions on the other side , which the clergy have not been the principal causes of : and that the laity would be more quiet , if the clergy did not delude them , or exasperate them ; and that even the more mistaken and violent sort of magistrates , would have some moderation in their persecutions , if the clergy did not make them believe , that a burning killing zeal is the mark of a good christian , and is the same that in tit. 2. 14. is called a zeal of good works ; and that to destroy the bodies of men truly fearing god , is the way to save their own souls , or their dominions at least ; when indeed , the zeal of christs commanding , is a zealous love to one another , and a zealous doing good to others , and the devilish zeal ( as st. james distinguisheth it , james 2. 15 , 16 , 17. ) is an envious , hating , hurting zeal . 2. that in all this the laity are not innocent , but must thank themselves for the evil that befalleth them ; and that on two notable accounts : 1. because they have ordinarily the choosing of the dignified and beneficed churchmen , and they have but such as they choose themselves : they think it is their wisdom as well as piety , to make the honour and profit so great , as shall be a very strong bait to pride and covetousness : and when they have so done , the proudest and most covetous will certainly be the seekers ; and that with as much craft and diligence , as an ambitious mind can use their parts to : and he that seeketh ( by himself and friends ) is likest to find : and the more humble and heavenly any one is , and consequently most honest , and fit to be a pastor of the church , the further he will be from the seekers way ! so that except it be where the world hath rulers so wise and strangely pious , as to seek out the worthy who seek not for themselves , its easie to prognosticate what kind of pastors the church will have : and verily they that choose them , are the unfittest to complain of them . whereas if the churches maintenance were such , as might but prevent the discouragements of such as seek the ministry for the works sake and for the love of souls , that so students might not make it a trade for wealth , but a self-denying dedication of themselves to god , the churches would be accordingly provided ; and they that intend the saving of souls , would be the candidates , ( by their own and their parents dedication ) as now they that intend a trade to live and serve the flesh by ( in an honourable way ) are too great a part of them . or men might be further rewarded ex post facto for their merits , without being tempted to study principally for that reward . and if we will needs have carnal men , let us not wonder if they live carnally . and if the carnal mind be enmity to god , and neither is nor can be subject to his law , rom. 8. 6 , 7. we may easily prognosticate how christs enemies will do his work , and guide his church , and whether their wills and wayes will be such as the conscionable can conform to . 3. and the laity are unexcusable , because it is they ( in all those countreys where popery and church-tyranny prevaileth ) who put their sword into the clergies hands , and give away their own authority , and set up men to vie with them , and to overtop them : of which more anon . 3. i grant you also , that in all such countreys as aforesaid ( where popery and church-tyranny prevaileth ) the name of ecclesiastical courts and discipline , is applyed to that mungrel power , which is neither fish nor flesh ; and that the true spiritual power set up by christ , is corrupted and turned into a secular thing , or by confusion , a third sort arisen out of both . and that popish princes are wofully abused by this deceit : while that the reverence of the name of the church and church-government , doth perswade them to ruine the church indeed , and to set up their subjects to be the governours of themselves , and to give away their own power to their servants , and then to stoop to the power which they have given . 4. and i grant you , that all this mischief would much be cured , if magistrates would keep the sword to themselves , and use it only according to the judgement of their proper courts ; and would leave the power of the church keyes to the pastors , & valeant quantum valere possunt ; and let it be thought penalty enough for an excommunicate person qua talis to be excommunicate : and not to take him to be a penitent , or worthy of the communion of the church , that had rather be there than in a gaol . there be wiser wayes of bringing men to repentance and to the communion of the church , than by saying [ choose this or the goal : you are worthy to be in the church , if you had but rather be in it than in a prison . ] christ said , [ forsake all , or ye cannot be my disciples ; ] and some say , [ be christs disciples , or forsake all : the church will receive you , if you will but accept her communion rather than imprisonment or beggary . ] a kind church indeed ! of which more anon . 5. but notwithstanding all these concessions , i must further tell you , that it is the pastors of the churches that must keep up the interest of christianity in the world ; and that as the bad ones are the greatest plagues , so the good ones are the greatest blessings of the earth ; even the salt and lights of the world : and none but the enemies of christ are their enemies , ( as such . ) and as the ministry hath grown better or worse , so hath christianity either risen or fallen , in all times and places of the church on earth . ( of which see two sheets which i have written for the ministery , against the seekers and malignants long ago . ) 6. and though the carnal clergy afore described , deserve all the invectives in your books , and their usurpations , and turning church discipline into a secular thing , do call aloud for a just detection and rebuke , and it would be the happiness of the world , if the eyes of all christian princes and rulers , were opened in this point ; yet i must tell you , that i believe most sober , pious protestant divines are really agreed in the main things that you desire and intend ; and that both you and some of your adversaries both do amiss , to make the difference seem wider than indeed it is : and that making verbal differences seem real , and small ones seem great , is an ill employment ; when a few distinctions and clearer explications , would make both sides see , that they are almost of one mind . therefore all that i shall do in this business is , to lay down my own judgement , and i think the judgement of all the pious and sober part , of the episcopal , presbyterian , independents and erastians ( or politicians ) in certain brief propositions , which shall carry their own evidence past all contradiction of learned and considerate christians . prop. 1. the work of the gospel-ministry is not a work of meer charity and liberty , but an office-work : authority , reason and love , are its principles , matth. 28. 19 , 20. titus 1. 5. acts 14. 23. 2. this office is instituted by christ himself , and by the holy ghost , ibid. acts 20. 28 , &c. 3 ▪ it was instituted for great and necessary ends , that the ministry might be christs agents , messengers , s●eward● , &c. for the furthering the affairs of his spiritu●l kingdom , and mens salvation in the world , 1 cor. 4. 1 , 2. 1 tim. 3. 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. acts 20. 28. 1 thess. 5. 12 , 13. ●●b . 13. 17. 4. it was first put into the hands of apostles ch●s●n by christ himself ; who were to be the gatherers , edifiers ●nd guides of his church , and to be its foundation built on christ , and the transmitters of the gospel , and a stated ministry to the following ages . 5. though the extraordinary part of their work ceased with them , the ordinary part continueth after them , with a ministry which is to continue to the end of the world eph. 4. 11 , &c. 6. this office was in time before a christian magistrate , and must be the same where there is any such , and where there is none , matth. 28. 20. eph. 4. 12 , 14 , 16 , &c. 7. it consisteth in an authority conjunct with an obligation to do their proper work . 8. this ministerial office is subordinate to christ in the three parts of his office , prophetical , priestly , kingly ( as they are commonly distinguished ) or , in teaching , worshipping god , and governing his flocks , john 20. 21. matth. 28. 19 , 20. 1 cor. 4. 1 , 2. 1 tim. 3. 2 , 3 , &c. & 5. 17. acts 6. 4. 9. it is essential to the office to have all these in divine authority , but not in exercise , nor in the civil liberty of exercising them ( which may be hindered ) acts 5. 18 , &c. 10. the office is to be judged of by gods institution , and not by the ordainers wills intention , or contrary expressions ; if the essence of the office be delivered in general words . 11. christ made these officers the key-bearers of his churches , that is , the rulers or guides , who have authority under him over church communion , to judge what members shall be taken in , and who shall be put out , mat. 16. 19. heb. 13. 17 , 24. 1 thess. 5. 12 , 13. 12. the first and great act of this key-bearing power ( never denyed them from christs time to this day ) is the power of baptizing and of judging who shall be admitted by baptism into the church or number of visible christians , mat. 28. 19 , 20. acts 2. 41. & 8. 12 , 13 , 38. 13. this power is not arbitrary but ministerial , regulated by christs universal laws ; which describeth every mans title to admittance ; which is [ his own ( or parents if an infants ) understanding , voluntary , serious profession of consent to the baptismal covenant . ] acts 2. 38. & 8. 12. & 10. 47 , 48. m●r. 16. 16. matth. 28. 20. 14. if one minister refuse such consenters , others must admit him : and if many should agree utterly to tyrannize , both magistrates by just laws may correct them , and the people desert them , for better guides : 1 kings 2. 27. 2 john 10 , 11. mat. 7. 15. & 16. 6. 15. the churches communion and sacraments are not to be common to all the world . otherwise the church were no church , as consisting of heathens , infidels and all , that would come even purposely to pollute and scorn the holy mysteries , 1 cor. 10. 16. 2 cor. 6. 14. acts 2. 47 , &c. 16. it is necessary therefore that some men be the judges who are fit , and who shall be admitted . else there can be no difference . of this see my treatise of confirmation . 17. every man is not to be the sole publick judge for himself : for then there would be still no difference , nor the mysteries kept from common scorns . 18. the magistrate is not made the first and proper judge : for then he must make a calling of it , and attend upon this very thing , to try the baptized and the admitted ▪ which is no small work . for he that judgeth , must first try the case , and that with the diligence which the weight of it requireth , acts 8. 37. 19. the people are not to be the ordinary judges : for else they must all leave their callings to attend baptizings , and such works as th●se ; and must do that which most of them are unfit to do : and christ hath put all out of doubt , by putting the keys into the pastors hands , and commanding their study and attending to this work , and calling them the rulers , guides , pastors , fathers , stewards , overseers &c. and commanding the people to obey them with submission ; and telling ( not the people or magistrates ) but the pastors of the great and dreadful account that they must give , heb. 13. 17. matth. 24. 45 , 46 , 47. 1 cor. 4. 1 , 2. 2 tim. 4. 1 , 2. & 1 tim. 4. 15 , 16. 20. he that will lay this work upon people or magistrates , is their cruel enemy ; and brings on them a most heavy burden , and consequently makes it their duty to prepare and study for it , and to avoid all other business that hindereth it , and would lay them under the terrors of a most tremendous reckoning unto god. 21. seeing it is a trust that must be committed to some or other , common reason tells us , that it is better in their hands that christ hath put it in by office , and who spend their lives in preparation for it , than in theirs that neither have the preparations nor the office , 1 cor. 9. 16. & 2 cor. 5. 19 , 20. 1 cor. 4. 1 , 2. 22. it is the great end of christs coming into the world to destroy the works of the devil , and to purifie to himself a peculiar people zealous of good works , and to save his people from their sins , and to vindicate the holiness of god : and the world is so apt to judge of christs doctrine by his followers , that the holiness and concord of christians is one of christs great appointed means , for his own and his fathers glory in the world : that as gods greatness shineth forth in the frame of nature , so might his holiness in the church : and the enemies of holiness and condemned by their creed , when they profess to believe the holy catholick church , and the communion of saints . and rome it self doth own the name and pretence of holiness . 23. travellers well know , that the great hinderance of the conversion of infidels and heathens , turks , persians , indians , tartarians , &c. is the wicked lives of the professed christians that are next them ; when they see that christians are more false , and cruel , and drunken , and beastly , and divided , &c. than themselves . 24. those therefore that would have the church lye common ( without christs discipline ) to all the most prophane and wicked that will come in , and have communion with it , are indeed antichristian , even open enemies to the church , to holiness , and to the saving of the infidel and heathen world , 1 cor. 5. 6 , 11 , 12 , 13. 1 pet. 2. 9. tit. 2. 14. 25. the devil hath fought in all ages as subtilly and diligently against the holy discipline of christ , as against the christian doctrine . 26. true discipline doth so wonderfully displease the guilty , and lose mens love , and especially the richer sort , and all mens carnal interest and nature inclineth them so much to man-pleasing and flattery , that ministers have abundance more need to be driven to the exercise of discipline , than restrained from it ; except it be the corrupt and carnal discipline which the popish and tyrannizing clergy do exercise , where the magistrate himself upholdeth them in grandure , and lendeth them his sword. let discipline be but such as christ appointed , and stand of it self , and then it is but few that will have any more cause , to be restrained from it , than from too much preaching : though still i yield , that there must be limits for the wilful and the indiscr●et , 1 cor. 5. 3 john 9. 27. the true discipline of christ hath been acknowledged to be his ordinance , in all the churches almost in the world , since the apostles dayes till now ; save that ( as you open it ) since constantines time it hath been much corrupted by the mixture of the secular force , and the emperours lending his church-power to the bishops and councils . 28. government hath two parts : antecedent to mens facts , which is legislation ; and consequent , which is judgement and execution . christ is the only lawgiver of universal laws to the universal church ; and the author of his own doctrine , and the substantials of his worship : but yet there are many undetermined circumstances , which may and must be antecedently determined , some by each pastor ; some by a consent of pastors , and some by magistrates ( if they please ) . i will name you twenty lately named elsewhere ; 1. what day ( besides the lords day ) and what hour , the church shall meet . 2. how long the prayers , reading and sermons shall be . 3. when and how often publick fasts and thanksgivings be . 4. what place the church shall meet in . 5. of the form , ornaments , seats , &c. of the temples . 6. the place and form of the pulpit . 7. the subject of the present sermon , and the chapter to be read . 8. the method of the sermon . 9. the words of sermons and prayers . 10. of using or not using books and sermon notes for memory . 11. what translation of scripture to use . 12. and what version and meeter of the psalms . 13. and what tune to sing in . 14. what form of catechism to use . 15. of decent habits , especially in publick worship . 16. by what professing sign to testifie our consent to the churches confession of faith : whether by speaking , or lifting up the hand , or standing up . 17. of decent gestures in the acts of publick worship . 18. of font , table , cups , cloathes , and other utensils . 19. making new officers for these actions circa sacra , as door-keepers , clarks , churchwardens , &c. 20. judging when any private man shall speak in the church , and when he shall be silent , and such other orders necessary to peace and edification , 1 cor. 14. 28 , 29. 33. 26 , 40. 29. most of these should be left to every pastors judgement ; some may be determined by the magistrate ; but yet some are fittest for the concordant determination of consociated churches , in a synod , or by consent . but none of them by any neighbour pastor ( that like the pope ) usurpeth authority over other churches . nor should any standing laws at all , be made of such things where there is no need ; especially where the case is mutable , and it belongeth to the pastors function to determine it , as occasion serveth . 2 tim. 2. 15. mat. 24. 45. 30. whether these antecedent determinations of concordant pastors in a synod , shall be called laws , or canons , or decrees , is but lis de nomine : and also whether this power be called legislative , or jurisdiction . and who will trouble the church unnecessarily about words and names ? but yet i think they may be best called canons or agreements : and i wish that high titles be laid aside , lest it encourage the usurping spirit , that aspireth after too high things . 31. grotius de imperi● summarum potestatum circa sacra hath said so much and so well of all this controversie , that it is a shame to us all that we need any more , and a shame to me to trouble the world after him , with writings on that subject , so far less useful ; and to any one , to cloud that which he hath clearly and judiciously stated ; were it not that renewed occasions require it . 32. pastors have not only the charge of right ordering the assemblies , but also of helping and overseeing all the individuals of their charge ; and to help them in the personal application of the scriptures to themselves , and to resolve their particular doubts and cases of conscience ; and to reprove , admonish and comfort the individuals as there is need . as a physicion is not only to read a physick lecture to his hospital , but to govern each patient in order to his cure. 33. ordination is & rei & ordinis gratia an act of office , by which the ministerial office and power is ministerially delivered by way of investiture and solemnization , as a house is delivered by a key , and a parcel of land by a turf and twig , by the hand of a servant appointed thereunto . or as our church state is delivered to us by baptism by the like investiture . though yet it is god directly , who giveth the power , and that secondarily by his servant thus investeth us in it ; though not without the previous call which is necessary thereunto . 34. ordination is not an idle ceremony which the ordainer must perform upon the judgement of others ( prince or people ) without his own cognizance of the person , or against his conscience : but he that must ordain , must first judge the person fit to be ordained ; and therefore must also try his fitness , 1 tim. 5. 22. 35. so much of the antecedent power of the ministry ▪ in which it is to be noted , that ordination and baptism are efficient acts , like generation in nature , under god the first efficient , as ex quo omnia , and as they are ordinis gratia , are the beginning of government also . and government is an ordering act , as under god the supream governour , ut per quem omnia . and sacramental entertainment with christs body and blood in church communion , is actus am●ris , a final act , of friendship , under god as the final cause , ad quem omnia . 36. the subsequent part of the pastoral government , is by using the members of the church in the exercise of the pastoral office , according to their several deserts : which is by a general , and particular application of the word of god to their consciences , and guiding them in circumstances , and judging of actions and persons according to that word , in order to the good of souls , and the preservation of the church and truth , acts 20. 28. heb. 13. 17. 37. when the whole church falleth into notorious sin , the pastors must reprove them , and call them to repentance : and if they apostatize forsake them , as ceasing to be a church . 38. when a single member falleth into notorious scandal , the pastor must admonish him , and call him to repentance : and if he remain impenit●nt and obstinate after due admonition , and publick exhortation and patience , he must [ as christs steward of his word and family , pronounce him a person unfit for church communion , and require or command him in the name of christ to forbear it , and the church to forbear his communion , declaring him also unpardoned by christ till he rep●nt , and binding him over to his judgement . ] so that excommunication is a sentence of the person as uncapable of church communion according to christs laws , and a fore-judging him as unpardoned and condemnable by christs judgement , unless he repent , and a command to the sinner to forbear the communion and priviledges of the church , and to the church to avoid him , 1 cor. 5. titus 3. 10 , &c. 39. if the sinner repent , the pastor is christs officer , in his name to pronounce him pardoned , if his repentance be sincere ; and the guide of the church to require them to receive him again into their communion , 2 cor. 2. 7 , 10 , 11. gal. 6 1 , 2 , 3. 40. because magistrates and people ( as aforesaid ) cannot attend so great a work as this , without the neglect of their particular callings , and are not to be supposed so ●it as the pastor , and because god hath made it the work of his office , the people are to rest in his judgement about the fitness and title of those that have the publick church communion with them , ( though they are the judges and choosers of their domestick and private familiars : ) and they must not separate from them that are thus regularly admitted . 41. yet when the pastors by mal-administration , give them just cause , the flock may seek their due remedy : of which more anon . 42. this power is essentially in the ministerial office ; and therefore is in every single pastor , and not only in some few , or in the abler sort , or only in a synod , mat. 16. 19. 43. when a church hath but one pastor he must exercise it alone ( with due consideration and advice . ) but when a church hath many pastors , they must exercise it ( and all church guidance ) in a way of concord , and avoid all dissentions among themselves , ephes. 4. 3 , 4 , 5. 1 cor. 1. 10. john 17. 21 , 22. 44. therefore in such a case a particular pastor may be obliged oft to suspend some such acts , because the major vote of his syn-presbyters are against it ; not that they are his governours for the majority of vote , but because the laws of concord require the minor part to submit to the major . 45. the same is the reason why in elections , consents and other acts belonging to the flock , the major vote should carry it in things lawful ; not because the people have any true church government ; but because they are obliged to unity and concord ; and in that case , the law of nature calleth the minor part to submit to the major , lest there never should be any concord had . 46. and the same is the reason why in synods and councils , the major vote of the bishops must prevail , in lawful things not forbidden of god. 47. if any pastor in the world pragmatically thrust himself into another mans charge , and pretend himself to be the ruler of his neighbour churches and pastors , and attempt to exercise authority over them , he is to be slighted as an usurper , and a disturber of the order and peace of the churches of christ , 3 john 9 , 10. 48. yet every pastor is an officer and minister of christ ( as to the unconverted world to call them , so ) to the universal church to exercise his office in it where ever he hath an orderly call ! and if he teach , or administer sacraments or discipline , upon such a particular call , in a neighbour church pro tempore , he doth it as an officer of christ ( and their pastor pro tempore ) and not as a lay-man : as a licensed physicion medicateth another physicion , or anothers hospital , when called to it , not only as a neighbour that is unlicensed , but as a licensed physicion . so timothy , ap●llo , silas , and others did . 49. therefore neighbour pastors must have so much care of other churches as to admonish them against the infection of any heresie or scandal , which they see them in apparent danger of ; whether by heretical wicked pastors , or others . 50 all neighbour churches capable of correspondence , are bound to hold a special concord among themselves , for the advantage of the gospel by their unity , or for the conversion of the infidel world , and for the preservation of the several churches from danger , by heresie or discord , acts 15. john 17. 21 , 22. eph. 4. 3 , 6. 51. he that is excommunicated justly in one church should not be received by the rest till he repent : therefore the neighbour churches may do well , to acquaint each other whom they have excommunicated , when there is cause . 52. this correspondence is to be kept by messengers , letters , or synods . 53. whether such synods be stated , or occasional , and whether the president shall be still the same or changed , with such other circumstances , are things not determined in scripture , but left to the determination of humane prudence , as the case shall require , for the end intended . 54. though the major part in these synods , be not the proper governours of the minor , yet the pastors there assembled are still the governours of the flocks , and they are also bound to concord in things lawful among themselves . therefore their decrees about such things , are obligatory to the people ratione authoritatis , and they are obligatory to one another ( i mean the pastors ) ratione concordiae : and this is the true state of the binding power of synods . 55. though the usual phrase of [ binding the conscience ] be unapt , ( conscience being an act of science ; and it is not to know that by the obligation now in question we are bound to primarily ) yet as to the sense intended , it is certain , that the commands of parents , magistrates and pastors , in their proper places , do all truly bind the soul , or will , or man , or as they say , the conscience ; but it is only by a secondary obligation , from a derived power ; as god bindeth it by a primary obligation by the primitive power . he that hath no power of obliging , hath no power of governing . and he that obligeth not the soul and will , obligeth not the man at all , by any moral obligation : the body alone or immediately is bound by cords and chains , but not by commands and laws : he that may not bind the soul by a command , hath no commanding authority , col. 3. 20 , 22. eph. 6. 1. tit. 3. 1. heb. 13 17 , 24. & 11. 8. 56. therefore the distinction of internal and external government , and of the forum interius & exterius , needeth better explication , than is used by most ; or else it will be worse than useless . the true difference of the government civil and ecclesiastical is to be fetcht , ab objecto , & fine proximo & modo regendi . but as it meaneth that which is in●rinsecal or extrinsecal to the pastoral office , it is of great use . and as it differenceth government by the sword , from that which worketh only on the mind . 57. the same god who instituted the office of the magistrate , did also immediately institute the office of the ministry : and therefore as to the foundation they are co-ordinate , and neither of them derived from the possessors of the other . 58 as to the work and end , the magistrates work and the ministers have each a preheminency in their own kinds . 59. magistrates , ministers and parents may all command the same thing , and all their commands be obligatory ; as to learn a cat●chisme , to observe the lords day , &c. 60. it is not lawful for pastors to excommunicate either kings , or their chief magistrates , or their own parents ( unless perhaps in some rare case ) by any publick formal or dishonouring excommunication . because the great command in nature [ honour thy father and mother ; honour the king ] lyeth lower than the positive command of excommunication ; and is antecedent to it : and as affirmatives bind not semper & ad semper , so also they give place to natural laws , and not naturals ( ordinarily to them . and the rulers honour is of more publick use and necessity , than excommunication in that particular act is . but an usurping tyrant , who may be deposed , and dishonoured , may be excommunicated . 61. much less may a strange pastor , to whom the magistrate never committed the care of his soul , presume to excommunicate him who is none of his charge : and therefore the pope and his prelates excommunicating kings and rulers , seemeth to me , to be nothing but a proclaiming open hostility against them . 62. pastors have no power over any but consenters : nor can they use the sword , or have any coactive power at all ; that is , any power to touch a mans body or estate : but only to work upon his conscience , and his church-reputation . the forcing power belongeth only to parents , and magistrates , and not to ministers as such at all , luke ●● . 25 , 26 , 27. 1 pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 2 cor. 10. 4. 63. the similitude of a physicions power , ( if you will but suppose him to have a hospital of volunteers , and his office to be of divine institution ) ; or of a philosophers or tutors ( on the like supposition ) over adult disciples , may much explicate the church power . no wise physicion will take any into his hospital and cure , upon unsafe destructive terms , which the patient or magistrate shall impose ; but will say , [ it is my function to rule you , as to medicine for your cure ; take what i give you , and use your self upon it as i advise you , or else take your course ; you are no patient for me ; nor shall be in my hospital : i will not strike you , nor fine and imprison you ; but i will be none of your physicion , ( or saith the tutor , i will be none of your teacher ) nor shall you be any part of my hospital , ( school ) or charge . ] only still remember here the divine institution of the ministry and discipline , and the regulation of it by gods laws , that it be not arbitrarily used . 64. the undoing of the church of christ ( in those countreys where popery and church-tyranny prevail ) hath long been by the magistrates annexing their executions to the sentence of the church ( as it is called ) and becoming the meer executioners of the judgement of other men . no magistrate should be debased , so as to be made the churches executioner . if the magistrate will punish a man , it must not be meerly quatenus excommunicate , that is , as punished already ; but for the fault for which he was excommunicate . and if so , then he must try and judge him for that fault at his own barr , and not punish him unheard , because the church hath sentenced him : and if rulers would more leave the church to the exercise of its proper power , and let excommunication do what it can of it self , ( unless the nature of the crime require a distinct secular judgement and punishment ) it would do much to heal all the divisions and perturbations in the christian world . for which course i have these reasons following to urge . 1. it is a great contempt and reproach to christs institution of discipline , to tell the world , that it is a powerless uneffectual thing of it self , unless the secular sword do enforce it . such pastors vilifie their own power also , which is so useless . 2. it is a corrupting of christs discipline , and destroying the use of it : for it cannot be known now , what the keyes do of themselves , when the sword goeth with them : no man knoweth when repentance professed is credibly real and moved by divine motives ; and when it is dissembled for avoiding of the secular punishment . 3. it must leave the pastors conscience unsatisfied in his administrations ; and bind him to abuse christ ; when he must say to men , [ if you had but rather say that you repent , than lye in a gaol , i absolve you , and give you the sacraments , and pronounce you pardoned by christ. ] who can administer on these terms ? 4. it is a dangerous deluding of the sinners soul , that seemeth intimated by this way . 5. it is a wilful corrupting and confounding of the church ; when men shall be forced to be its members , though they be infidels , heathens , or most impious , if they had but rather say they are christians than lye in gaol . and by this means it is , that no man can know , who are really of the church of rome , or of any tyrannical church , but only who had rather say they are of the church , than be undone : which any infidel and atheist will soon do . therefore let not rome boast of the number of her members which are unknown . 6. it is a changing of christs terms of covenant , christianity , communion and absolution : when christ saith , [ he that from his heart believeth and repenteth , and forsaketh the flesh and the world for me , shall be my disciple and be pardoned ; and he that credibly professeth thus much , shall be taken into the church ( which are truly christs terms ) now cometh the church-tyrant and saith [ he that will say , that he believeth and repenteth rather than he will forsake the flesh and the world , and will choose the church before a gaol , shall be pardoned , and have communion with the church , or at least have the seals of pardon to delude him . 7. by this means the church is mostly constituted , in such countreys , of the grossest wicked hypocrites : and it is made a scorn to infidels and heathens , and their conversion hindered thereby , when they see that christians are worse than they . 8. and by this means these hypocrites ruine the church it self ( as an enemies souldiers in an army ) : and nominal christians and pastors , that are heartily enemies to christ , do him more wrong , and cause more divisions and ruines in the church , than they could have done , if they had staid without . 9. it destroyeth most of the hopes or the success of those pastors , as to the converting and saving of mens souls : because when the magistrate is made but their executioner , the people take all their sufferings as from them : and they will bear that from a magistrate , which they will not bear from a minister , whose office is to rule them by reason and by love : and so such pastors are usually feared and hated by the people , whereby they are disabled to do them that saving good , which can be done on none against his will , 1 cor. 8. 13. & 9. 22. 1 tim. 4. 16. 10. and hereby a church-tyranny is set and kept up in the world , by which persecutions and divisions have been maintained for many hundred years ; and the ministers of christ have been forbidden to preach his gospel , to the unspeakable injury of souls ; and the lives of many hundred thousands , have been a sacrifice , to the pride , and avarice , and cruelty of the clergy ; to the great dishonour of the christian name . 11. and hereby princes have had a power set over them , to the diminution of their proper power , and part of their dominion subjugated to others , under the false name of ecclesiastical authority ; yea , and their own standing made troublesome and unsafe , and multitudes dethroned , and wars raised against them by the clergies pretended power , or instigation ; of which all the wars between the ●erman emperours and the papalines are full proof , recorded in all the histories collected by freherus , ruberus , and pistorius , in sabbellicus , nauclerus , and multitudes of other historians ; and our english histories , by ingulphus , matthew paris , hoveden , &c. and the italian by guicciardine and many others : nay , what countrey is there , where the papal and tyrannical clergy have not overtopt or troubled the state. 12. and when all this is done , they would deceive the princes themselves into a consent , and so into the guilt of their own disturbance , and their peoples misery : and cast all the odium upon them , and say , we do but deliver you into the hands of the secular power , it is they that do the execution on you : when yet a general council ( the rule of their religion ) later . sub innoc. 3. can. 2 , 3. deposeth such temporal lords that will not do such execution . 65. he that desireth the communion of the church , doth take it for a grievous punishment to be cast out of it . and he that doth not desire it , is unfit for it . therefore he that cannot feel the penalty of an excommunication alone ( but only of a mulct or prison ) may be fit enough for further punishment , but is unfit for the communion of the church . 66. yet is the magistrate the protector of the church , a keeper of her peace and priviledges and of both tables ; and must use his power to promote religion . 67. to which end he may prudently by moderate means constrain some that neglect their own salvation to hear gods word , and confer with such as can instruct them , and use those means , which god hath made universally necessary , to bring the ignorant to knowledge ; and may restrain them from actual open sin , and from scorn and opposition of the means that should convert them , and from hindering others from the means of salvation , and from open seducing them from god , or christianity , or from a godly , righteous , or sober life : in all this , moderate penalties may be used ; and men may be thus far constrained , and restrained : but not constrained to profess that which they do not believe , nor to take the priviledges which god forbiddeth them to take . so that there are fitter means left , for the magistrate to help the church by . 68. the king and magistrates have curam animarum , though not in the same sense as the pastors have : they have the charge of government , not only in order to the corporal case , and peace and prosperity of their subjects , but also in order to mens holy , sober and righteous living , and to the saving of mens souls . and their calling must be sanctified , by doing all in it to these high and holy ends , rev. 11. 15. rom. 13. 3 , 4 , 5. isa. 49. 23 , &c. 69. they are gods subordinate officers , and have their power from him , and therefore for him , who is the beginning and the end of all , rom. 13. 2 , 4 , 5 , 6. 70. because their power is from him and for him , they have none against him . 71. yet have they a power which we must submit to as from god , even when it is used by accident against him , in some points of his will and interest ; so be it that we obey it not in doing any sin our selves . 72. they that make kings and magistrates to have no charge of religion , ( but only as the clergies judgement leads them , ) but only to preserve mens bodily power ; and say that the church hath the care of mens souls and religion , and the king only of the body and our outward wealth , do debase the magistrate as far below the minister , as the body is below the soul ; and teach the people to esteem , love and honour the minister as much above the magistrate , as the soul and heaven are better than the flesh and earth : and they make the difference so great , as that the holier any of the people are , the more they must prefer their minister before their king : which is a popish and most unsufferable debasing of the highest officers of god. 73. the same points of religion , the same sin and duties , come under the judgement of the magistrate and the pastors ; though to several ends . the magistrate is the judge of heresie , and the pastors are the judges of heresie : the magistrate is the judge of murder , adultery and theft , and so is the pastor : that is , the magistrate is judge , who is to be corporally punished for heresie and murder , and adultery , &c. and the pastors are judges , who is to be excommunicated as impenitent in such guilt , 1 cor. 5. 3 , 4 , 5 , &c. 74. yet there are some faults , and some sorts of inquisition into faults , which the magistrates may prudently restrain the pastors from medling with , for the safety of the publick peace : especially when they would indirectly make themselves judges of mens titles and estates ; or in controverted cases , where the magistrate must first decide , and the pastors only follow , if the pastors will be the first deciders , and prevent the magistrate and assume his work , or otherwise wrong the publick peace , or private right , they are to be restrained . 75. the magistrate hath all the coactive government , over ministers as well as over any others of his subjects : and to exempt the clergy from his subjection without his consent , as traiterous . ( and if he will consent , he may thank himself . ) 76. magistrates may ( by moderate penalties ) drive on negligent pastors to their duty , and restrain them from mischieving the church , and punish them for notorious pernicious mal-administration : as solomon deposed abiather , &c. 77. but they must not on this pretence invade any part of the pastors office ; as to ordain , degrade , baptize , excommunicate ecclesiastically , nor impose on the pastors any of the circumstantials , which it is their own office to determine of . 78. pastors must obey the magistrates in all lawful things , which belong to his office to command . 79. many things are sinfully commanded ( because without necessity or cause , or because to ill ends , or with ill circumstances in the commander ) which yet it is the subjects duty to obey in : because one law may be for a ruler , and another for a subject , and their duties various . 80. where it is not lawful to obey , it is yet unlawful for subjects to resist the higher powers , as being the authorized officers of god , for our good , rom. 〈…〉 2 , 3 , 5 , 6. 81. though usually it is very unfit that pastors be also magistrates ( both because of some dissonancy in their necessary deportment and work , and because one of the offices alone is enough for any man faithfully to perform ) yet if the king make magistrates of pastors , as magistrates their coactive power must be obeyed . 82. magistrates may make laws for the church in circumstancials circa sacra , which belong to their proper determination : and also to enforce obedience to the commands of god , as far as prudence shall justly direct them : of this see grotius de imp. sum . pot . 83. magistrates may call synods and councils : and the pastors may also voluntarily assemble , for mutual advice , either in cases of great necessity for the safety of the church , or in lesser cases , when the magistrate forbiddeth it not . 84. in a time when blasphemy , or heresie , or sedition prevaileth , the magistrate may name certain blasphemies , heresies , &c. which he may forbid his subjects to preach up . 85. and he may restrain all utterly unable persons , or heretical false teachers , or any that notoriously do more harm than good , from the liberty of preaching in his dominions , till they are proved fitter ; that is , from abusing the gospel and mens souls . 86. but if on this pretence he should forbid christs faithful able ministers , to preach the christian faith , and call men to repentance , and save mens souls , ( when there are not enow more , especially to do that work , as proportioned to the number and necessity of souls ) it would be a sin so heinous against christ , and against the souls of men , as i think it not meet now to aggravate or express , 1 thes. 2. 15 , 16. 87. if faithful ministers break good laws , they must be punished as other subjects , in purse , or body , or name , so as may least hinder them in the work of christ. 88. they that silence faithful able pastors , for such faults as may be otherwise punished , do grievously punish the faultless people ( even in their souls ) for the fault of another . as if a man that hath a family of an hundred persons , were forbidden to give them bread to save their lives , because he was drunk , or swore an oath , which might be punished on himself alone . 89. the magistrate may excommunicate in his way , as well as the pastors do in theirs . that is , the magistrate may as a penalty for a crime , lay subjects under a note of infamy , and outlaw them , and command all men to avoid familiarity with them ; ( and this as bad subjects , whether they be church-members or not . ) and he may as a keeper of the churches priviledges and peace ( till forfeited ) restrain all excommunicate persons from forcing themselves into the communion of the church which did excommunicate them . 90. so contentious are pastors oft times , and so necessary is the magistrates office to the publick peace , that every church should be under the eye of some justices of the peace , or censors appointed by force to silence intruding bawlers and railers , and to restrain ministers from making it their publick work , unpeaceably to traduce and revile their brethren , and represent dissenters as odious to the flock . and if such magistrates had kept the churches order and peace according to their office , it had prevented abundance of the papal usurpations , which were the fruit of magistrates neglects . 91. lay chancellors exercising the spiritual power of the keyes ( though they should pro forma use the stale of an ordinaries pronunciation ) is such a sort of church government , as i will never swear that in my place and calling i will not at any time endeavour to alter by lawful means . 92. the parents are put in the fourth commandment , rather than the magistrate or pastor , because their authority is the most plenary image of the divine authority in these respects . 1. their authority is not by contract , but by nature . 2. it is the primary radical power . 3. it is most universally necessary to mankind . 4. and it representeth gods government . 1. in that it is founded in generation , as gods in creation . 2. because thence ariseth 1. the fullest image of his dominion , in the parents fullest propriety in his child . 2. of his sapiential rule , in the parents government ( as in presence ) 3. of his love which parents are allowed to exceed all other rulers in : therefore god calls himself our father . 93. q. what if the magistrate , minister , and parents have opposite commands ? which of them is to be obeyed ? e. g. the magistrate bids you meet in one place for publick worship ; the bishop in another , and the parent in a third ? the magistrate bids you learn one catechism and no other ; the bishop another , and not that , and the parents a third . the magistrate bids you stand , the pastor bids you kneel , the parents bid you sit . the magistrate bids you pray by one form , the bishop by another , and the parents by a third or none . the magistrate commandeth one translation of the scripture , and the bishop another . the bishop commandeth you to use a ceremony , or to keep a holy day , and your parents forbid it you ? in such cases which must you conform to and obey ? answ. when i am desired , and promised by those concerned in it , that it will be well taken , i will answer such kind of questions as these . but till then i will hold my tongue , that i may hold my peace . 94. no contrary commands of church-men ( as they are called ) ; nor any of our own vows or covenants , can excuse us from obedience to the higher powers , in lawful things , which god hath authorized them to command ; that is , which are belonging to their place of government to regulate . though if the question be but , e. g. what medicine and dose shall be given to a patient , or by what medium a philosopher shall demonstrate ; or what subject and what method and words a pastor shall use for the present edification of his flock ; or how a surgeon shall open a vein , or a pilot guide his ship , &c. the artist may be obeyed before an emperour , ( by him that careth for his life , or his understanding ) . but yet as all these are under the government of the king , so he may give them general laws , especially to restrain them from notorious hurtfulness . sir , if all these propositions be enow for the concord of sober christians in these matters , i hope neither you , nor i , nor any lover of the church and peace , shall need to use much sharpness against the opinions of such dissenters . but if they be not , i know not when we shall have concord . and yet that you may see that i am not over sollicitous of my peace , i will make up the number with these less pleasing propositions . 95. because corruptio optimi , est pessima , magistrates and ministers are of all men ( usually ) either the greatest blessings or the greatest burdens of mankind on earth . saith campanella , ( metaph. ) potentiae corruptio , est tyrannis maxima mundi mala . sapientiae corruptio , est haeresis maxima mundi mala . amoris corruptio , est hypocrisis maxima mundi mala . ( though indeed he might as well have named more . ) as tyranny is in the greatest part of the whole world , ( which is heathen , infidel and popish ) the principal sin , which hindereth the gospel and kingdom of christ , forbiddeth the preaching of the word of life for mens salvation ( and therefore a sin which no christian magistrate or preacher , should think of , but with great abhorrence , and none by any palliation should befriend it ) ; so prudent and good princes are under god the pillars of the world ; for they are the chief officers of god , to shew forth his power , wisdom and goodness , truth and holiness , justice and mercy , in their government ; and by their laws to promote the obedience of his laws ; and to encourage the preachers and practicers of godliness , sobriety and righteousness ; and to defend them against the malignity of those that would silence , oppress and persecute them on earth ; and by their examples and punishments , to bring all ungodliness , intemperance and injustice unto shame . none therefore that possess so great a mercy , should undervalue it , or be unthankful . 96. wise rulers will watch the plots of such enemies , as would use them as the devil would have used christ , who carried him to the pinnacle of the temple , in hope to have seen his fall the greater : who would have them with herod arrogate the praise of god unto themselves , or with pharaoh or nebuchadnezzar to disdain to be under the soveraignty of their maker ? and ascribe to them the divine prerogatives ; and would make it seem their honour to have power to do the greatest mischief ; that the pretence and claim may make them odious , and so may debilitate and undermine them . that like a draught of cold water to one in a pleurisie , they may kill them by pleasing them . 97. it is an unchristian carnal craft for the protestant clergy of several opinions , to lay false charges on one another , as being enemies to the civil government , when really their principles therein are all the same ; or to make the differences of statesmen and lawyers , to be taken for differences in religion : purposely to make one another ( and their religion ) odious , and to strengthen themselves by the errors and passions of princes ; till at last they have tempted the world to think as bad of all and of religion it self , as they have said of one another , and by undermining others fall themselves . 98. but yet that party who really make a religion of the doctrine of rebellion , are to be disowned by all that will be true to god and to his officers : in my sermon to the parliament the day before they voted the restoration of the king , i said somewhat of the difference of the protestant and popish religion , in this point . and a papist gentleman first wrote an invective against me , as if i had given no proof of what i said ; and several persons of unknown names wrote letters to me to urge and challenge me to prove it : blindly or wilfully overlooking the undeniable proof which i had there laid down , from one of their general councils , viz. the decrees of approved general councils are the papists religion : the decrees of approved general councils are for the popes deposing temporal lords , if they exterminate not such as deny transubstantiation , and giving their dominions to others : ergo , the popish religion is for the popes deposing temporal lords in that case , and giving their dominions to others . the major is not questioned . the minor , ( besides the concil . rom. sub greg. 7. which determineth that the pope may depose emperours ) i there proved from the express words of concil . lateran . sub innoc. 3. can. 3. which uttereth it at large . and if any protestant do ( with dr. tailor , dr. gunning , and dr. pierson ) doubt of the authority of those canons , that 's nothing to the papists who justifie it as an approved council , and vindicate it , as you may find with copiousness and confidence , in the printed answer to the last named doctors . what impudency then is it in these men to challenge me to prove , and yet overlook my proof ? 99. christianity according to the scripture and primitive simplicity , in doctrine , worship , government and life , doth constitute a christian , and a christian church . the making of humane additions and mutable adjuncts to seem things necessary , doth constitute a sect . ( and alas how small a part of the christian world , is not entangled in some such sect. ) to be united to all christians , in the bond of christianity , is to be a catholick : to trouble the churches peace by striving to set up one sect or faction , and suppress the rest , is to be a schismatick and sectary . so then if some will by a superstitious unscriptural rigour of discipline , make every pastors power arbitrary ( or the peoples , which is worse ) in judging of mens inward holiness , and will lay by the scripture title , which is ( a sober profession of the baptismal covenant ) and think by this strictness to advance the honour of their party , as to purity , they will but endlesly run into divisions : and by setting themselves at a greater distance , from common christians , than god alloweth them , provoke him to cast on them some greater shame . and if any others will make their unnecessary forms of synods , and other adjuncts , to seem so necessary , as to enter into leagues and covenants to make them the terms of the churches unity , god will not own such terms nor ways , nor will they be durable , while the ground is mutable . and if in the countreys where popery and church-tyranny prevail , any other more lofty faction , shall perswade the people that there must be no king any longer than their domination is upheld ; and shall seek to twist the corruptions , grandure or mutable adjuncts of their function , by oaths , into the very constitution of the state ; like the trent oath , swearing the subjects to obey the church , yea , putting the church before the state , and swearing them , not at any time ( though commanded by the king ) to endeavour any alteration in that church-government ; no nor to consent to any ; that so the subjects may be as fast bound to them , as they are by the oath of fidelity to their kings ; it is time in such a case to pray [ god save the king ] and to write on our doors [ lord have mercy on us . ] and a true subject in such cases , when it comes to swearing , must learn seneca's lesson , [ no man more esteemeth vertue , than he that for the love of it can let go the reputation of it ; ] and must be content to be called disloyal , disobedient , factious , that he may not be so , nor betray his soul , his prince , and his posterity . 100. but to put my self out of the reach of any rational suspicion , besides what is said , i profess , that i ascribe all that power to kings , which is given them by any text of scripture , or acknowledged by any council general or provincial , or by any publick authentick confession of any christian church , either protestant , greek or popish , that ever i yet saw . and if this be not enough as to matter of religion , ( leaving the cases of law to lawyers ) i can give you no more . object . eccles. 1. 18. in much wisdom is much grief , and he that increaseth knowledge , increaseth sorrow . 7. 16. be not righteous over much ; neither make thy self over wise : why shouldst thou destroy thy self ? 9. 2. as is the good , so is the sinner : he that sweareth , as he that feareth an oath . isa. 59. 15. truth faileth ; and he that departeth from evil , maketh himself a prey . 1 kings 22. 13. let thy word , i pray thee , be like the word of one of them , and speak good . — answ. v. 14. as the lord liveth , what the lord saith unto me , that i will speak . luke 12. 4. i say to you my friends , be not afraid of them that kill the body , and after that have no more that they can do . but , &c. 1 thess. 2. 15 , 16. they please not god , and are contrary to all men ; forbidding us to speak to the gentiles , that they might be saved , to fill up their sins alwayes , for the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . acts 20. 24. but none of these things move me , neither count i my life dear unto my self , so that i might finish my course with joy , and the ministry which i have received , &c. 1 cor. 4. 17 , 18. for our light affliction which is but for a moment , worketh for us a far more exceeding eternal weight of glory : while we look not at the things which are seen , but at the things which are not seen : for the things which are seen are temporal ; but the things which are not seen , are eternal . sept. 21. 1669. addition : of the power of kings and bishops out of bishop bilson and andrews . lest you should wrong the sober episcopal divines , so as to think that they claim as jure divino , and as pastoral , any coercive forcing power , but only an authoritative perswading power , and that of the keyes of the church , i will transcribe some of the words of that learned , judicious bishop bilson in his tract . of christian subjection ; by which you will see , that all forcing power claimed by them , is only magistratical , as they are the kings officers , and not from christ. note also that constantly he distinguisheth the magistrates power from the pastors , by the [ sword ] as the instrument of execution , which even about ecclesiastical matters is proper to the magistrate ; as the power of the word and sacraments , or keyes of the church , is the pastors : and these are the shortest , plainest , and least ambiguous terms ; and more clear than [ internal , ecclesiastical and civil ] which have all much obscurity and ambiguity . pag. 238. princes only be governours in things and causes ecclesiastical , that is , with the sword — bishops be no governours in those things with the sword. ] pag. 240. we confess princes to be supream governours , — supream bearers of the sword — we give princes no power to devise or invent new religions , to alter or change sacraments , to decide or debate doubts of faith , to disturb or infringe the canons of the church . but of these two last i must tell you , what we puritans ( as they call us ) hold 1. that the king may and must decide doubts of faith , in order to execution by the sword ( as , who shall be banished or imprisoned as a teacher of heresie ) 2. and that canons circa sacra not takeing the pastors proper work out of his hand may be made by the magistrate even if he please without the prelates ▪ and if pastors make canons , the● are but in order to their proper way of execution . pag. 252. and if princes shall not bear the sword , in things and causes ecclesiastical , you must tell us who shall — since by gods law the priest may not meddle with the sword , the consequent is inevitable , that princes alone are gods ministers , bearing the sword , to reward and revenge good and evil in all things and causes , be they temporal , spiritual or ecclesiastical : unless you think that disorders and abuses ecclesiastical should be freely permitted — page 256. this then is the supream power of princes , which we teach — that they be gods ministers in their own dominions , bearing the sword , freely to permit and publickly defend that which god commandeth — so may they with just force remove whatsoever is erroneous , vicious , and superstitious within their lands , and with external losses and corporal pains repress the broachers and abetters of heresies and all impieties — from which subjection to princes , no man within their realms , monk , priest , preacher or prelate is exempted : and without their realms no mortal man hath any power from christ judicially to depose them ; much less to invade them in open field , least of all to warrant their subjects to rebell against them . these be the things which we contend for ; and not whether princes be christs masters , or the functions to preach , baptize , impose hands , and forgive sins , must be derived from the princes power and laws ; or the apostles might enter to convert countreys , without caesars delegations ; these be jests and shifts of yours . page 261. to bishops speaking the word of god ; princes as well as others must yield obedience : but if bishops pass their commission , and speak besides the word of god , what they list , both prince and people may despise them . page 258. his word is truth : and therefore your bishops cannot be judges of the word of christ , but they must be judges of christ himself that speaketh by his word , which is no small presumption . — my sheep hear my voice — they be no judges of his voice . — page 259. if you take judging for discerning , — the people must be discerners and judges of that which is taught — page 271. ph. if general councils might err , the church might err — th. as though none were of or in the church , but only bishops ! or all the bishops of christendome without exception , were ever present at any council ? or the greater part of those that are present might not strike the stroke without the rest — see pag. 350 , 351 , 352. et seq . that only magistrates may touch body or goods . page 358. the watchmen and shepheards that serve christ in his church , have their kind of regiments distinct from the temporal power and state : but that regiment of theirs is by counsel and perswasion , not by terror or compulsion ; and reacheth neither to the goods , nor to the bodies of any men — page 366. as for your episcopal power over princes , if that be it you seek for , and not to take their kingdoms from them , i told you , if they break the law of god , you may reprove them : if they hear you not , you may leave them in their sins , and shut heaven against them . if they fall to open heresie or wilful impiety , you may refuse to communicate with them in prayers and other divine duties ; yea , you must rather yield your lives with submission into their hands , than deliver them the word and sacraments , otherwise than god hath appointed . ] ( say you so ; i promise you sir , if kings must be dealt so strictly with , though it cost you your lives , i will be a non-conformist a little longer , though it cost me my livelihood , rather than give baptism , the lords supper , absolution , and the justifying assertions at burials , as commonly as i must do , if i conform . ) p. 525. pastors have their kind of correction even over princes : but such as by gods law , may stand with the pastors vocation ; and tend to the princes salvation : and that exceedeth not the word and sacraments : other correction over any private man pastors have none ; much less over princes — princes may force their subjects by the temporal sword. — bishops may not force their flock with any corporal or external violence . pag. 526. chrysostom saith — for of all men christian ( bishops ) may least correct the faults of men by force : judges that are without the church — may compell — but here ( in the church ) we may not offer any violence , but only perswade . we have not so great authority given us by the laws as to repress offenders : and if it were lawful for us so to do , we have no use of any such violent power ; for that christ crowneth them which abstain from sin , not of a forced , but of a willing mind — hilary teacheth the same lesson ; if this violence were used for the true faith , the doctrine of bishops would be against it . god needeth no forced service : he requireth no constrained confession : i cannot receive any man but him that is willing ☜ i cannot give ear , but to him that intreateth . i cannot sign , ( that is , baptize any but him that ( gladly ) professeth . — so origen — for all the crimes which god would have revenged , he would have them revenged not by the bishops and rulers of the church , but by the judges of the world — bishops by vertue of their callings cannot command others , or authorize violence or arms . — pag. 541. parliaments have been kept by the king and his barons , the clergy wholly excluded ; and yet their acts and statutes good . and when the bishops were present , their voices from the conquest to this day , were never negative . by gods law you have nothing to do with making laws for kingdoms and commonwealths : you may teach , you may not command . perswasion is your part : compulsion is the princes . page 245. far better st. ambrose saith [ if the emperour ask for tribute , we deny it not : the lands of the church pay tribute : if he affect the lands themselves , he hath power to take them : no man among us is any let to him . the alms of the people is enough for the poor . let them never procure us envy for our lands : let them take them if they please : i do not give them to the emperour , but i do not deny them . so far bilson . all this we allow : and if all this be the concurrent judgement of all sorts of sober protestants , called episcopal or presbyterians , what reason hath any erastian upon the account of the magistrates interest to quarrel with them . if any practise not according to these principles , let them hear of it . indeed in point of convenience we greatly differ from some men : that is , 1. whether it be convenient for the king to make church-men magistrates , or not ? 2. and whether it be convenient immediately to back their excommunications , with the sword ; and for the magistrate to be the clergies executioner , or to imprison men eo nomine , because excommunicate and not repenting . 3. and whether it be convenient to make the same court called ecclesiastical , so mixt of pastoral and secular power united , in one chancellor ( who is no pastor , but a lay man ) or in a bishop , as that in and by it , the magistrates , and the spiritual government shall be either confounded , or so twisted as to be undiscernable , or become one tertium . but for this , as we love not to be too forward in teaching magistrates what is convenient , ( though many of the ancient fathers have done it plainly , and spoken against the magistracy of priests ; and cy●il of alexandria is branded by socrates and others with some infamy , as the first bishop that used coercive power ) ; so you have more cause to say what you have to say in this , to the magistrate himself , than to the bishops or presbyteries : for if the magistrate will needs-make priests his officers , and put his sword into such hands , as have enough to do in their proper work , or if he will punish men with the sword , because they are punished already by excommunication , or because they repent not , lest excommunication alone should prove uneffectual ; quarrel not for his actions with other men : it is his own doing ; and it is himself that you blame , when you blame these things : say not that prelates or presbyteries take the magistrates power from him ; but say the truth , that the magistrate giveth it them , and will have it so to be . ( though i excuse none that urge him to it , or voluntarily assume his power . ) bishop andrews also saith tortur torti p. 383. [ cohibeat regem diaconus , si cum indignus sit , idque palam constet , accedat tamen ad sacramentum : cohibeat & medicus , si ad noxium quid vel insalubre manum admoveat : cohibeat & equiso , si inter equitandum adigat equum per l●cum praeruptum , vel salebrosum , cui subsit periculum . etiamre medico ? etiamne equisoni suo subjectus rex ? sed de majori potestate loquitur : sed ea ad rem noxiam procul arcendam : qua in re charitatis semper potestas est maxima . here you see what church government is in bishop andrews sense , and how far the bishops hold the king himself to be restrainable even by a deacon ; and yet but ( i think ) according to your own sense , i pray you judge then whether the bishops and you differ as far as you imagine ; and whether the courts and church power which offendeth you , be not set up by kings themselves , who make the bishops their officers therein . to which add what bilson proveth that patriarchs , metropolitans and archbishops dignities are the gift of princes , and not the institution of christ , and then you will see more , that it is the princes own doing . i add to the like purpose more out of bilson pag. 313. [ we grant , they must rather hazard their lives , than baptize princes which believe not , or distribute the lords mysteries to them that repent not , but give wilful and open signification of iniquity , &c. ] this is church government , which none can contradict . this is it that chrysostom so often professeth also , as that he would rather let his own blood be shed , than give the blood of christ to the unworthy . and beda hist. eccles. l. 2. cap. 5. telleth us , that melitus bishop of london ( with justus ) was banished by the heirs of king sabareth , because he would not give them the sacrament of the lords supper , which they would needs have before they were baptized . ( and by the way , if bishops say that kings must be used thus , the non-conformists are not such intolerable schismaticks , as some now represent them , for desiring , that every presbyter may not be compelled against his conscience to give the sacrament to the basest of the people that are ignorant what christ or christianity is , and to them that are not willing to receive it , but are forced to take it against their wills for fear of a prison ; nor to baptize the children of such parents as know not what baptism is , or as are professed infidels , having not so much as christian adopters , but only ceremonious persons called god-fathers and god-mothers . ) papirius massonus in vita leonis 1. reciteth his words of the magistrates banishing the manichees , and addeth [ ex hac rei gestae narratione perspicuum est romanos episcopas relegare tunc non potuisse , nec in exilium reos mittere , utì hodie faciunt ; sed eos tantum censura coercere , & poen● ecclesiastica mulctar● . i add no more , supposing that almost all sober episcopal , presbyterians , independents and erastians are agreed in all the first ninety four propositions , ( if not all ) that are here asserted ; and that all those may suffice to signifie their concord , and promote their reconciliation , if interest ( mistaken ) and passion ( mis-guided ) did not much more than difference of judgement in these matters , to cause their alienation . and as i have written this to vindicate both the power of kings , and the office of pastors from any mens unjust suspicions or accusations , who look only on one side ; and to shew that these offices are no more contrary than head and heart , than light and heat : so i do require the reader to put no sense upon any thing here written , which is injurious to the government of magistrates or pastors , or contrary to the laws : for all such senses i do hereby disclaim . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26914-e310 read the declaration against the oath of allegiance by h. i. for the popes deposing kings , pa. 16 , 17 , 27 43. read hottomans franco-gal . cap. 7. and his brutum ●●lmen , pag. 87 , 97 , 98. read withriagton and barclay against bellarmia in goldastus tom. 3. de mon. and bellarmia against barclay c. 9. vid. sua ez . ● . advers . sect . a●glic . li 6. cap. 4. sect . 14. & cap. 6. sect . 22. 24. azor. ●rs . mor. par . 1. l. 8 c. 13. dom. bannes in thom. 22. q. 12. art . 2. august . triump . de potest . eccl. q 46. art . 2. there is no doubt ( saith he ) but the pope may depose all kings when there is reasonable cause for it . ] see the jesui●s morals , and mystery of jesuitism , and myster . patrum jesuitarum . ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ see bellarm. de pontif. ro. li. 5. c. 1. & 6. & 7. & 8. he saith , it is the common judgement of all catholick divines , that the pope ratione spiritualis hath at least indirectly a certain power , and that the highest in temporals . which c. 6. he saith , is just such over princes , as the soul hath over the body ; or sensitive appetite : and that thus he may change kingdoms , and take them from one , and give to another , as the chief spiritual prince , if it be but necessary to the safety of souls . yea , he saith , that it is not lawful for christians to tolerate an infidel or heretical king , if he endeavour to draw his subjects to his heresie or unbelief . but to judge whether a king do draw to heresie or not , belongeth to the pope , to whom the care of religion is committed . therefore it belong●th to the pope to judge a king to be deposed , &c. * you are mistaken when you twi●● call maximus imperator ethnicus , who but for his ●●●patio● , ha● been a christia● saint . a fvll reply to certaine briefe observations and anti-queries on master prynnes twelve questions about church-government wherein the frivolousnesse, falseness, and grosse mistakes of this anonymous answerer (ashamed of his name) and his weak grounds for independency, and separation, are modestly discovered, reselled : together with certaine briefe animadversions on mr. iohn goodwins theomachia, in justification of independency examined, and of the ecclesisticall jurisdiction and rights of parliament, which he fights against / by william prynne ... prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56167 of text r3868 in the english short title catalog (wing p3967). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 103 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56167 wing p3967 estc r3868 11953745 ocm 11953745 51482 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56167) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51482) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 820:28) a fvll reply to certaine briefe observations and anti-queries on master prynnes twelve questions about church-government wherein the frivolousnesse, falseness, and grosse mistakes of this anonymous answerer (ashamed of his name) and his weak grounds for independency, and separation, are modestly discovered, reselled : together with certaine briefe animadversions on mr. iohn goodwins theomachia, in justification of independency examined, and of the ecclesisticall jurisdiction and rights of parliament, which he fights against / by william prynne ... prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56167 of text r3868 in the english short title catalog (wing p3967). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread 24 p. printed by f.l. for michael sparke, senior : and are to be sold at the blew-bible in green-arbour, london : 1644. reproduction of original in huntington library. "certaine briefe animadversions on mr. john goodwins theomachia, in justification of some passages in my independency, examined, unmasked, &c." : p. 17-24. eng goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. -certaine briefe observations and antiquaeries on master prin his twelve questions about church-governement. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. -theomachia. church and state -great britain. church polity. great britain -history -puritan revolution, 1642-1660. a56167 r3868 (wing p3967). civilwar no a full reply to certaine briefe observations and anti-queries on master prynnes twelve questions about church-government: vvherein the frivo prynne, william 1644 19270 90 5 0 0 0 0 49 d the rate of 49 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 john latta sampled and proofread 2002-07 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a fvll reply to certaine briefe observations and anti-queries on master prynnes twelve questions , about church-government : wherein the frivolousnesse , falsenesse , and grosse mistakes of this anonymous answerer ( ashamed of his name ) and his weak grounds for independency , and separation , are modestly discovered , refelled . together with certaine briefe animadversions on mr. iohn goodwins theomachia , in justification of independency examined , and of the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and rights of parliament , which he fights against . by william prynne of lincolnes inne , esquire . socrates scholasticus eccles. hist. l. 5. c. 20. ecclesia cum semel esset divisa , non una divisione acquievit , sed homines ab se mutuò aversi , alter ab altero denuò scesserunt ; atque adeò exigvam levicvlamqve occasionem nacti , mutuae communionis consociationisque vincula disruperunt . have salt in your selves , and have peace one with another . mark 2. 50. to this end was i born , and for this cause come i into the world , that i should beare witnesse unto the truth . ioh. 18 , 37. am i therefore become your enemy , because i tell you the truth ? gal. 4. 16. imprimatur . october 14. 1644 iohn white . the second edition some what inlarged , with materiall additions . london , printed by f. l. for michael sparke senior , and are to be sold at the blew-bible in green-arbour . 1644. of all the vanities and vexations of spirit , enumerated by the royall preacher , this is one of the principall , [ a ] that for all travell , and every right works , a man is envied ( yea , many times hated , oppugned ) by his neighbour . this hath been alwayes my condition heretofore and now ; my best actions and publike services for the common good , have been misconstrued , traduced , nay censured in an high degree , as ●…vill , by many ; though ( blessed be god ) approved , yea gratefully accepted by the best-affected to the church and state . the importunity of some reverend friends , lamenting the deplorable distractions of our church , which threaten disunion , and so ruine to us , in these unhappy times of intestine warres , prevailed so farre as to induce me to compile and publish twelve considerable serious questions touching church-government ; out of a córdial desire ( as much as in me lay ) to close up , not widen our divisions . which though they have given ample satisfaction to many truely religious , of all ranks and qualities , who have returned me speciall thanks ; yet they have found very harsh entertainment from others , who of friends b are become my professed antagonists ( if not enemies ) in print , because i have told them the truth : to whom i should have returned no reply but silence ( there being nought in these observations worthy answer ) but only to rectisie some mistakes therin and shew the opposite party those common errours wherby they deceive themselves and others . the first thing this namelesse respondent quarrels with , is c for my writing by way of quere ; to which i answer , that i had both presidents and reasons for it . presidents , from our saviour himselfe , who both instructed , refuted , convinced his opposites and auditors by demanding * questions only . presidents from philosophers , fathers , school-men , and all sorts of writers , ancient , modern , over-tedious to recite . reasons : 1. i conceived the questions touching church-government were not rightly stated by most ; and that the right stating of them by way of question , would be the best and speediest meanes to decide them . 2. the independent party had neither then , nor since ( to my knowledg ) dogmatically resolved or discovered in print , what that church-government is they so eagerly contend for , and pretend to be so plainly set downe in the word of god ( being not y●…t all agreed what they hold , or should desire , except it be this , to be left at free libertie to doe what they please ) and therefore i conjectured such queries to be the only means to discover and refute their concealed platform . 3. the controversies concerning church-government , were then and now in agitation in the synod and high court of parliament , the properest iudges of them ; therefore i thought it better became me in point of modesty and good manners , to expresse my opinion of them by way of question , then decision . finally , i found all independents guilty of petitio principii , in their writings , sermons , discourses , peremptorily concluding their form of church-government , to d be the onely government instituted by christ , the onely way of god , which hath more of god and christ in it then any other ; the kingdom , scepter , and throne of christ himself , and no other way beside it ; e that by the beauty and perfect consonancy of this government with the word of god , it may very reasonably ( yea and upon higher terms then of reason ) be thought , that in time it cannot but overthrow all 〈◊〉 of ecclesiasticall government ( and i fear civill too by the self-same reason , & stand up it self in their stead , which they closeup with a faxit deus & festinet●… : and , that writi●…g or disputing against this government , or opposing it in any kind , yea in thought , is no lesse then f a fighting against god , which will bring certain ruine on our realme in generall , and all private , open opposers of it : yet not one of them ( nor this respondent ) hath hitherto fully discovered to us , what this way or government is ; nor produced any one scripture or reason to warrant these superlative encomiums of it , but we must take all they say as gospel , upon their own bare words , without examination or dispute : and therefore i proposed these , with 12 other subsequent questions to them , to induce them to make good these transcendent ( that i say not arrogant ) positions touching their way ; since i seriously professe before god , angels , and men , that i could never yet discover the least footsteps of it in scripture , or antiquity , nor descry this their patern in the mount , which no age till ours had ever the happiness to behold , if it be worth the viewing , when unvailed by them to us . having thus given this respondent the true grounds of my writing by way of question , i shall briefly answer all his materiall observations and anti-queries upon my twelve questions , pretermitting his impertinencies . 1. to the first question the respondent gives no answer at all to the things demanded , but only misrecites the question , without my limitations ; and then seemes to refute , what himselfe propounds , not i : he should have demonstrated by direct scriptures , that christ hath prescribed one set immutable forme of government to all christian nations , churches in the world , from which none must vary in the least degree , without sinne , schisme , or being no true churches of christ , with whom good christians may with safe conscience communicat ; and that nothing herein is , or can be left free to humane prudence , ( though themselves most stifly plead , that christ hath prescribed no * set form of praying or preaching to ministers , people , but left all men free to use their liberty and severall gifts in both ; on which grounds they condemne all set forms of publike ( if not private ) prayers , ( and some of them the use of the lords owne prayer ) together with there ading of set homilies ; upon which very grounds they must also deny all set formes of church-government , as well as of prayer and preaching : ) and then have positively delineated , exactly proved the modell of this pretended government , discipline , in every particle thereof , by gospel-texts , so far as to satisfie mens erronious judgments , consciences herein , that so they might either submit thereto without dispute , or propound their objections against the same . but in this maine point ( whereon the hinge of the controversie turnes ) the respondent is wholly silent , and i shall expect his answer ad graecas calendas . only lest he might seem to say nothing , he endevours to prove , that there is a set forme of church-government prescribed by christ in the gospel , not by direct texts , but from pretended absurdities of his owne fancying , ( for which he can produce no text nor reason ) wherein he hath prevaricated , and shewes himselfe absurd . first , ( writes he ) if this were granted ( that there is no such set form of church-government prescribed to all ) the gospell would be * straiter then the law , christ more unfaithfull then moses . if we deny these absurd consequences , you shall have these sound proofes of both subjoined ; god set a patterne to * moses of a carnal temple , ( you mistake good sir , it was a tabernacle , and that not carnall ) which he charged him not to vary from in a tittle : ( well , i grant it , because you produce * two full scriptures for it ) ergo , he hath prescribed a set pattern of church-government and discipline to all christian nations , churches in the new testament , from which they must not vary in one tittle . if he ( or any other ) can shew me such a pattern as he contends for , so clearly delineated to us in the new testament , as that pattern of the tabernacle god shewed moses was in the old , and then produce as direct precepts enjoyning all christians , republikes , churches , not to vary from it in one tittle , as moses had not to vary from his , i shall beleeve his sequell ; till then i shall deeme it a true independent argument , and as grosse a non-sequitur as this , which necessarily followes upon the concession of it . god shewed and prescribed to moses the expresse pattern or fashion of aarons and his sons garments , ornaments , under the law , exod. 28. ergo he hath likewise shewed and prescribed the expresse pattern , fashion , and colour , of all bishops , presbyters , ministers garments , ornaments under the gospel , ( most likely in the roman ceremoniall and pontificall . ) if the one consequence be ridiculous , the other must needs be so . but to quell this your principall argument , first , the patterne in the mount was meant onely of the materials , forme , vessels and utensils of the tabernacle , not of the government and discipline of the iewish church ; therfore very impe●…tinent to prove a setled church-government , discipline , under the gospel . secondly , it was shewed only to moses , the temporall magistrate and chief ruler of the israelites ; not to aaron , or any private independent priest or synagogue of the iewes ; yea moses ( not they ) was to make , or s●…e all things † made according to the pattern in the mount ; ergo ( if there be any consequence from this patterne ) not the independent minister or congregation , but kings , chief temporall magistrates , and parliaments ( the supreme civill powers , councels , ●…e likewise ( under the gospell ) to prescribe and set up such a church-government as is agreeable to gods word : as moses , joshua , david , solomon , hezekiah , joshiah , nehemiah , and other godly princes , governours , with their parliaments or generall assemblies did under the law : and then what becomes of your independent ministers , congregations claimes to this soveraigne temporall jurisdiction , ( a part of christs kingly office , delegated onely to kings , and highest temporall powers ) which was never conferred on them ? in fine , if there be any such expresse unalterable divine patterne of church-government under the gospel , i pray informe me , why it was not as punctually , as particularly described in the new testament , as the forme of the tabernacle , of its materialls with all the services , ornaments , appurtenances of it , and of the temple were under the law ? nay , why was the tabernacle altered into a * temple , different from it ? and why did the second * temple vary from the first , and that in the self same church and nation ? if these were patterns of the church-government under the gospel , and yet varied , altered successively in this manner ; then by consequence the government , discipline under the gospel is variable , alterable too , and so not fixed , nor immutable . his second argument . that christ should neither be faithfull as a husband , head , nor king of his church , if he should give others power to order it as they pleased to their owne civill government not setting downe his owne lawes for them to walke by , is both a fallacy & absurdity . there is no man doubts but that christ in the scriptures ( which some of you refuse to heare read in our churches , though * publike reading of them be gods owne ordinance ) hath prescribed to us all necessary rules lawes both for our faith lives either in a general or special manner which a●…l must pursue . but that he hath punctually or particularly set down any exact unalterable form of church-government , for all christian nations , churches to follow , under pain of being unfaithfull in all the former respects ; and that the independens modell alone is that very patterne ( the onely point in question ) remains on your part to make good . a man may be a faithfull husband , king , master , father , though he prescribe not distinct particular lawes , to regulate each particular action of his wife , subjects , servants , children : * let all things be done decently and in order , ( a generall rule for church-government ) is sufficient to excuse christ from these your presumptuous reproaches , and regulate all particulars , though left indefinite , as well as this generall rule for our christian conversation , phil. 1. 27. let your conversation be as becommeth the gospel of christ : and this other for our speech , eph. 4. 29. let no corrupt communication come out of your mo●… , but that which is good to the use of edifying . you may as well charge christ with unfaithfulnesse , for not prescribing to us a generall liturgy , or every particular action we should doe , every word we should speak , or ministers preach upon any occasion , as for not prescribing a particular forme of church-government . his third argument , that rev. 11. 1 , 2. we read of a † measuring of the temple ; and rev. 21. 1 , 2. of the new jerusalem comming downe from god out of heaven prepared as a bride adorned for her husband ; ergo there is a setled divine church-government universally prescribed to all christians in the new testament ; is no better a proofe of this assertion , then the angel of the church of ephesus , is of our prelats lordly hierarchy jure divino . he might as well , yea more properly have concluded thence , that the altar was measured as well as the temple , rev. 11. 1. ( referring only to the * jewish not christian church , which hath no * temple nor altar : ) ergo we ought to have an altar , yea one divine set form of altars in all christian churches under the gospel : which i hope you dare not aver . after these three independent arguments , he pretends my third quere contradicts the first , because i suppose a church-government may be consonant to gods word in the generall , which is not particularly prescribed in it : a pretty fancy ! as if nothing could be consonant to gods word , which is not particularized or verbally enjoyned in it : are not our materiall churches , garments , temporall magistrates , majors , corporations , parliaments , courts of justice , laws of all sorts , yea festivals , covenants , monthly fasts , &c. agreeable to gods word , because not literally prescribed in it ? are your private church-covenants , unmixt communions ( as you phrase them , ) erections of independent congregations without the licence of temporall magistrates , not consonant to the word in your owne opinions , though no where extant in it ? if not , then all your divine pretences for them vanish , and you yeeld your cause : if yea , you must then recant this pretence of a contradiction , till you are able to prove 〈◊〉 better then yet you have done . having played the logicians and contradictors part so well , he next betakes himself to his anti-queries to prove a set church-modell : which are three . 1. if no prescript forme ( of church-government ) in the word , why not episcopacy ( especially regulated and moderated ) as well as presbytery ? i answere , if you meane it of lordly episcopacy , there are abundant pregnant texts against it , to prove it opposite to gods word . if of moderated or regulated episcopacy , the same with presbytery : if the parliament by the synod●… advice unanimously establish it , as most consonant to the scriptures , and most agreeable to the civill government , i shall readily submit unto it without opposition , and why not you and all others ? 2. if church-government be suited to states , whether politicians are not more fit to consult about establishing it ? why is an assembly of divines called to search the word about it ? i answer , that my position is , that every church-government ought to be suitable to gods word , as likewise to the civill state ; therefore politicians and states-men are fit to be consulted with , to suit it best to the civill state ; and an assembly of divines , to square it likewise by and to the word : the true reason why in this our realme , and all other christian states ( as i can abundantly manifest if need be ) ecclesiasticall lawe●… and formes of government have ever been setled by parliaments , with the advice of synods , councells , wherein states-men and church-men have jointly concurred in their deliberations and votes , using both the bible and the law to settle it , and not throwing either of them aside , as incompatible , as ignorant or lawlesse persons deeme them , but joyning both together : true civill or ecclesiasticall policy , skill in government , arts , wholsome lawes , boing † gods gift , as well as spirituall graces . to his third anti-quere i answer , that it is more reasonable the * state should be subject to christs rule , then christ to its direction : but this quere is quite besides the question , till you prove infallibly , that christ hath prescribed a set unalterable divine government , to which all churches , nations , states , must necessarily conform ; and clearly manifest what this government is in all its particulars . till this be done the sole question is , whether christian princes , parliaments , states , synods , under the gospel , have not a lawfull power to prescribe ecclesiasticall lawes and forms of government , not repugnant to the word , not ( to christ himself , as you pretend , who is † king of kings , and lord of lords , above the reach or command of humane power ) but to all particular christian churches , congregations , subjects under their respective jurisdictions ? and whether the whole representative church and state of england in parliament , have not sufficient authority by gods law to over-rule and bind all , or any particular members or congregatious of it , as well as the major part of an independent congregation , power to * over-vote and rule the lesser part , and to order , yea bind any of their particular members ? a truth so clear , that no rationall man , good christian or subject can deny it : your prime argument then , wherewith you deceive poore silly people , that kings , parliaments , cannot prescribe lawes and canons to christ himselfe , the soveraigne lord and king of his church ; ergo , they cannot prescrib them to their christian subjects and churches , who by christs owne ordinance are subject to their lawfull soveraigne authority , is pure independent non-sence ; much like this ; a master , father , cannot prescribe laws , rules to the king or parliament , who are paramount him : ergo not to his servants , children , who are subject to him . as for the latter part of this querie , that the saints thinke christ is king alone over his churches , and hath not left them to substitutes , and the politicke considerations of men to bee governed by ; if hee meanes it onely of matters of faith , or of meere internall government over the soules of men , it may passe as tolerable ; but if hee intends it of externall ecclesiasticall government , discipline , or order in the church , or state as christian , hee must renounce his oath of allegeance , his late protestation , nationall vow and covenant , and make rom. 13. 1 , to 6. 1. pet. 2. 13 , 14. tit. 3. 1. 1 tim. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. to be apocryphall ; the confessions of all protestant churches heterodox ; and deny christian kings , magistrates , highest civill powers , to be christs substitutes , vicars , in point of government , ( to whom christ hath delegated his * kingly power ) as truely as ministers are his deputies in point of instruction , admonition , to whom he hath bequeathed his propheticall office . 2. in his answer to my second quere , he first wilfully misrecites it , then infers † a blind obedience from it to all superiours commands , be they never so unjust or contrary to gods word ; whereas my question speaks onely of lawfull decrees , &c. consonant to gods word , and to the civill lawes , government , and manners of the people ; to which every christian in point of conscience is bound to submit , ( without any danger of blinde obedience ) by the expresse resolution of rom. 13. 1 , to 6. 1 pet. 2. 14 , 15. tit. 3. 1. ezra 7. 26. josh. 1. 16 , 17 , 18. heb. 13. 17. if any man deny this verity , he must renounce not onely his christianity , but his allegeance and humanity too . but suppose ( saith he ) the whole parliament and synode should erre in commanding a government that is erronious or untrue , must we then submit unto it ? i answer , first , such an oversight is not to be presumed before it be actually committed ; and it is neither * christian , charitable , nor any way of christ , thus to prejudge their resolutions . secondly , if the decrees or government they establish be not directly against gods word , nor pernicious to our soules , though not altogether such as we could wish , yet we ought contentedly to submit unto it without opposition : if contrary to the word , we must then 〈◊〉 submit thereto for the present , and expect a redresse in gods due time . but if it be such a government and discipline under which we may freely enjoy the sincere and powerfull preaching of the word , the due administration of the sacraments , and all other ordinances of god necessary for our salvation and edification , ( as we may doubtlesse do under a presbytery , and that government our pious parliament intends to settle ) we ought cordially and cheerfully to submit thereto ; yea thankfully to embrace and blesse god for it , and can neither waiwardly oppugne nor refuse submission to it , without arrogancy , contumacy , and apparent schisme . as for his question concerning my owne and follow-brethrens sufferings , ( which we deeme our honour , not our shame ) i answer , that none of us suffered for opposing , writing , or speaking against the bishops legall authority , or any ceremonies established in our church by act of parliament ; but onely against their pretended divine right to their episcopall lordly power , diametrally contrary to scripture , fathers , councels , the best protestant and popish authors , the * statutes of our realm ; and against their innovations in doctrine , discipline , ceremonies , canons , &c. contrary to the lawes of the land , articles , and homilies of our church ( as the parliament hath resolved them ) as all our books demonstrate , and dr bastwicke in direct termes , in the preface of his flagellum : and therefore it could be neither pride , arrogance , nor schisme , but meer conscience and duty in us , to oppose them in these their usurpations and innovations only contrary to the laws of god and the realme : if he and his would containe themselves within these our bounds , our church should enjoy more peace , their persons more honour , then now they are likely to gaine , by opposing prejudicating both the parliaments and synods proceedings , though never so pious , consciencious , religious . 3. his pretended contradiction of the third quere to the first is formerly answered ; i shall onely adde , that things may be consonant to the * generall rules of gods word , though not precisely , prescribed in it : all independent ladies gentlewomen , ( and you i hope ) will grant , that their different fashions , habits , colours , attires , are all agreeable to gods word , ( if modest ) and warranted by this generall precept 1 tim. 2. 9. let women adorn themselves in modest apparel , though not particularized in the text : so may a church-government or dresse be consonant to scripture , though not precisely delineated or enjoyned by it . 4. to the fourth he gives no answer at all , but bids me prove it ; which i have done already in my independency examined , till it be disproved . 5. to the fifth , he grants that independency will overthrow all nationall churches and synods ; and the two independent brethren assure us in their reply to a. s p. 111 that in time it cannot but overthrow all other sorts of ecclesiasticall governments : is it not then a turbulent , dangerous , schismaticall , unquiet ( that i say not insufferable ) government , by your owne confessions , which will admit no equall nor corrivall ; nor yet any nationall church , synod , parliament , prince , or temporall magistrate , to exercise any ecclesiasticall , legislative , or magisteriall authority over any of their conventicles , members , persons , liberties , estates , much lesse over their consciences , as they are christians ? will any parliament , state , or nation , ( think you ) suffer such a government to take root among them , which will un-king , un-parliament , un-church , un-nation them altogether , and make each severall congregation an absolute monarchy , church , republick , nation , within it selfe , depending on , subordinate wholly to it selfe , as if it and they were no part or members of the publike ? the lord preserve us from such a dividing and overturning government . as for his invectives against the formality , tyranny , and enslaving of mens judgments in the presbyteriall way , as inconsistent with spirituall liberty and state priviledges ; they are meere groundlesse calumnies , to draw an odium on it , ( some of your male-contented party professing they would rather set up lordly episcopacy , which they have abjured , then it ) whereas these aspersions suit better with your independent modell , which is more rigid , uncharitable , unsociable , papall , tyrannicall , anti-monarchicall , anti-synodicall , yea anti-parliamentall , ( as i have elsewhere manifested ) then any other church-government whatsoever . for my pretended bitter expressions , they are so suitable to the effects and reall consequences of this new way , ( as you stile it ) that i could not expresse my self in other language , without injury to the truth : and if any of my best friends , who stood by me in my sufferings , deem themselves injured or reproached by them , ( as you pretend , though none of them have yet complained to me ) it is ( i hope ) onely scandalum acceptum , non datum ; and i presume my friends are so ingenuous , as not to be offended with me for * reproving only their errors with ingenuous freedom , in which i manifest my self their greatest friend , because i neither spare nor flatter them in their mistakes : however , though i really honour all my christian friends , as well independent as presbyteriall ( whom you most scandalously traduce as episcopall and time-servers heretofore ) yet i preferre the * truth of god , the peace and safety of my native , bleeding , dying church and countrey , ( now much endangered by our unhappy divisions ) before all friends or earthly comforts whatsoever . as for your pretended unsubjection of presbyterian synods and churches to the parliament in setling ecclesiasticall matters , i neither know nor plead for any such ; and our present assembly being both appointed , directed by , and submitting all their determinations wholly to the parliament , ( as they are obliged both by orders , protestation , covenant , and professe they ought to doe ) armes me sufficiently against any such improbable untrue surmise . 6. to the sixth quere he returnes no answer , but plainly yeelds , that there was never any independent church in any age or nation whatsoever , totally converted to the christian faith , till this present ; nor any one author that maintained it , till mr ainsworth ( a separarist ) from whom the apologists professe their dissent in some things . as for any reverend godly persons , who now contend for this new modell ( whose piety , eminecy make their errors not lesse false but farre more dangerous , & infectious ) though i reverence their persons , yea judgments : too in other things , yet i cannot subscrib to them in this new dangerous bypath , wch is not yet so beaten as to deserve the name of christs road-way . for the new supposed light , discovered in these dayes , touching church-government , if you meane it onely of your independency , ( which you borrowed from the brownists , or low-countrey anabaptists , the first inventors of this government ) i doubt when brought out to the light , and examined by the word of light , it will for the most part prove but twilight , * if not darknesse : if you meane it of any other light , that is truely such , we blesse god for it , and desire to walke brotherly and unanimously in it . in the seventh he grants , that the law of nature , which instructs men to unite themselves into one nationall state , or civill government , doth likewise teach them to joine themselves into , subject themselves unto one nationall church , and to nationall synods , parliaments , in point of church-government ; in which every particular man hath his vote though not in proper person ( which hee objects is necessarie , but i deny , since all cannot possibly assemble ) yet in their deputies , knights , burgesses , or selected commissioners : and though it bee t●ue , that christ hath not given magistrates such absolute authority over mens consciences as bodies , ( as you object ) yet hee hath enjoyned us to bee * subject to the higher powers , and to every lawfull ordinance of man ( not repugnant to his word ) even for conscience sake , and the lords sake too . for my passage , that there is no example of gathering independent congregations , not of infidels but of men already converted to , and setled in the christian faith , unlesse derived from the private conventicles of arrians , novatians , donatists , and other hereticks , who yet w●re not independent among themselves ; it is not a bitter speech , ( as you phrase it ) but a true one and onely bitter to you because undeniable : for as it was the * common practice of those seducing hereticks , sectaries to gather private conventicles of their own , and labour to draw other orthodox christians from their proper ministers to incorporate themselves into their private separated congregations , as historians informe us : so no such practice of alluring and stealing away other pastors sheep from their proper shepheard who first coverted them to , and edified them in the faith and grace of christ can be produced , but only in these hereticks and sectaries whose practice your independents imitate . as for those private conventicles ( as he phraseth them ) for which he saith i may blesse god , that i was remembred in them with tears , when others durst not name me ; as i do really blesse god for them and those who remembred me effectually in them , so i dare not stile them conventicles in an ill sense , since not † such by law , being only lawfull assemblies of private christians to seek unto god by prayer & fasting upon extraordinary occasions , which all good christians cannot but approve : but all these meetings were farre from being then stiled , reputed independent churches , or having any affinity with them ; so as they make nothing for his cause . 8. to the eighth quere he gives a negative answer , first in generall next in particular to some instances . first he grants , that there was a nationall church ( yea nationall assemblies , parliaments , determining church-affaires ) of the jewes , but these ( saith he ) cannot be a pattern for us now , because the covenant of the gospell is not made with any one particular nation , as with the jewes , but to all nations that embrace the gospel , and beleeve in christ ; you have no promise nor prophesie of any nation to be holy to god but the jewes nation , when they shall bee called againe . to which i reply , first , that independents have not the least precept or example for any solemne covenant made betwixt god and men , to walke in the wayes of god , &c. but onely * in the old testament , and church of the israelites , and that no private congregationall , but publ●…ke nationall covenant , prescribed by the supreme temporall magistrate and assembly , not by the priests or private synagogues ; yea the principall precepts , presidents for publike or private fasts , sanctifying the sabbath , &c. you likewise derive from the old testament and that church ; why then should not their nationall church be a pattern for us , and you to imitate , as well as their nationall covenant , fasting , sabbath-keeping ; the church of god being all one , ( as it is a church ) both under the old teastament and new ; and the pattern of it under the law a better pesident for the church under the gospel , ( of which it was a type and fore-runner ) then the pattern of the tabernacle shewed in the mount ( so frequent in your lips and books ) a president for your independent modell , to which it hath no analogy . 2. this reason is most absurd and false , the covenant of the gospel extending not onely to particular persons , but to * all nations and people whatsoever , who are both prophesied and promised to become christs own inheritance , possession , people , spouse , church and to be an holy nation , a pecvliar people &c. to the lord , in infinite texts both of the old and new testament , which i wonder the respondent should either not see , or forget , being ten thousand fold more cleare and visible then his independent platforme , which few or none can yet espy in scripture , history , or politiques . 2. he addes , that i cannot sh●…w any nation , every member whereof is qualified sufficiently to make up a church , which is christs body , unlesse i will take in drunkards , whore-masters &c. to be members of a church , whereas the word saith , they must be visible saints , and this cannot be avoided in a nationall church . i answer , that i dare not be wiser then my master christ , who informes me , that there will , and must be alwayes in the visible church on earth ( be it nationall , parochiall , presbyteriall , or congregationall ) * goats among the sheep , chaffe among the wheat ( which must grow together ●…ill the harvest , at the end of the world , to wit the day of judgment ; & good fish mixed with the bad in the churches net . 2. i finde a a judas , a devill , among the apostles , many b grosse sinners , idolaters , and corruptions in the jewish church ; many abuses , epicures , drunkards , wh●…re-masters , l bertines , unclean●… persons , and false teachers , in the churches of galatla , ephesus , colosse , pergamus , smyrna , thyatira and laodicea ; yet the scripture expresly stiles them c the body and churches of christ , and reputes such , members ( though corrupt ones ) of those churches ; who doe not actually cease to be members when excommunicated or suspended for a season , after they are baptized , and professe the christian faith : nor did any separate from these churches , though they had some corruptions and evill members . for you therefore to separate from , and unchurch such nationall or parochial churches , which have some such members in them , is to unchurch all churches both in the old , the new testament , and world it self , yea your own churches too . 3. the scripture is expresse , d that many are called , but few chosen and saved ; that all must be compelled to come into the church , though they want the wedding-garment : there never was , nor shall be here on earth , any one visible church compacted wholly of reall elected saints , without any mixture of reprobates , ; such a church we shall meet with onely in heaven , i am sure you can gather none such on earth . 4. are there no corrupt or drunken members in your independent churches , but onely reall visible saints ? are there no usurers , oppressors , corrupt dealers , covetous , proud , malicious , uncharitable , censorious persons ; no apparent hypocrites or dissemblers ? yea , are there not many sinnes and corruptions in the best , the choicest of all your members ; ( who cannot depart away , or quite separate themselves from their * own bosome corruptions , ) as there is and will be in the best of men during their mortality ? if your independent congregations consist of such members as these , of men subject to like passions , sinnes , infirmities as others in presbyteriall churches , what then is become of this your reason and principall ground of independency , or rather , separation , or brownism , its ancient proper title ? you may lay it up in lavander for another world , but can make no use of it in this , where you cannot so much as dream of a church of reall saints , without any mixture of corruption : and therefore rather then separate , or leave us in a p●…lt , because you cannot have your wills in all things , you should with blessed paul ( as tender-conscienced no doubt as any of you , and a lawfull pattern for your imitation , * to the iew become as iewes that you might gain the iewes , to them that are under the law , as under the law , that you might gaine them that are under the law : to them that are without law , as being not without law to god , but under the law to christ , that you might gaine them who are without law . to the weake you should become as weake , that you might gain the weak : yea be made all things to all men , that you might by all meanes gaine some . which how farre you in your new way are from , let all men judge . 3. for his answers to that of acts 15. all ages , churches , till this present , have held it both an expresse warrant and president for the lawfulnesse , usefulness of nationall and provinciall synods to determine differences in religion , ( which particular churches , persons cannot decide ) and making necessary canons for church-affaires ; neither can all his shifts elude it : to his first and second reasons or rather evasions i answer , it is clear by act. 15. 2. that the church of antioch it selfe could not decide the question , nor paul nor barnabas satisfactorily determine it , so farre as to quiet all parties ; and therefore they sent delegates to the apostles and elders at hierusalem , there to decide it : none is so ignorant but knowes , that there are many controversies now on foot concerning doctrine , discipline , and church-government , which no particular congregations , ( nay hardly an whole synod and parliament together ) are sufficient to settle and determine ; therefore there is a kinde of necessity of nationall synods as well as of parliaments , whence all ages , churches , have used them . to his third reason i reply , that it is evident by expresse words vers. 2. 5. 6. 7. 10. 19. 20. 24. that the principall end why the apostles went up to hierusalem , and why this synod ass●…mbled , was not to prove the false apostles lyars , ( as he affirmeth ) but to debate and consider this qvestion and matter , wheth●…r ●…he gen●…les ought ●…o bec●…rcumci s●…d ? to his fourth , i say , that though this meeting was occasional , yet it i●… a sufficient warrant for generall meetings , which are usua●…ly called , only upon speciall occasions of moment : in it there was a generall assembling of all the apostles , elders , and brethren at hierusalem , ( where there were then divers particular congregations , as our assembly long since resolved from acts 2. 6. 41 , 42 46 , 47. c. 4. 4. c. 5. 14 15 , 16 , 42. c. 6. 1. to 9. c. 8. 2 , 3 , 4. c. 11. 1 , 2. c. 12. 12 , 13. c. 21. 17 , 18 23 , 22. which if independents deny , then they must prove , that all the apostles and elders at hierusalem were pastors but of oneand the self-same individuall congregation ; and then what becomes of their independent churches ; which have no apostle , and onely one pastor , but scarce any elders in them ) who upon this speciall and some other publike occasions met all together , and that not to advise onely but determine and resolve , as is evident by vers . 6. to 32. c. 16. 4. c. 21. 25. which compared with the texts of the old testament in the margin of my quere , , where we finde frequent nationall generall assemblies , synods , or parliaments ( if i may so stile them ) among the israelites ( prescribed , appointed by god , and no wayes contradicted , revoked under the gospel ) determining † all ecclesiasticall controversies setling , ordering all church-affaires , matters concerning the arke , temple , sacrifices , passeover , priests , nationall covenants , fasting-dayes , festivalls , suppressions of idolatry , false-worship , reliques of idolatry , and the like ; are an impregnable evidence of the lawfulnesse of nationall synods , parliaments , assemblies , in all christian kingdomes , republikes , upon the like occasions , and that they are endued with equivalent authority ; there being no one text in the old or new testament , nor any shadow of reason , ( but mee●… shifts or obs●…inacy of spirit against publike govetment , order , and authority ) to controll it . if any pretend they doe it onely out of consci●…nce , if they will but seriously gage their owne deceitfull hearts , i feare their conscience will prove but wilfulnesse , having neithe●… precept pre●…dent , nor right reason to direct it : so as i may truely 〈◊〉 his own calumny against me on him and his , that his and their own name , will , or opinion , is their onely argument against this shining truth , which all ages , churches , have acknowledged , ratified , practised , without the least dispute . 9. to my ninth quere , and arguments in it he returnes nothing worthy reply , but upon this petitio principii , or begging of the thing disputed ; that the scripture and apostles have prescribed a set forme of government in all after ●…ges for the churches of christ , which he neither can , nor endevours to prove ; and that churches in the apostles dayes were independent though doubtlesse all churches were then subject to the apostles lawes orde●…s , edicts , decisions , though no immediate ministers or pastors of them . ( as appeares by their epistles to them ) therefore not independent : so as my arguments hold firme , and his answers weak . as for his retorted argument : that the scriptures were writ in the infancy of the church : therefore wiser and better scriptures may be writ now ; it is a blasphemous and absurd conclusion they being all writ by the spirit and inspiration of god himselfe the very * a●…cient of dayes , who hath neither infancy nor imperfection , as the church hath . to his second objection that i would needs mak a nationall church , state , more perfect , understanding , and wise , then a congregationall : i f●…are are not to averre it●… since warranted by * direct scriptu●…e and since your selves must grant , that the church under the law was more perfect then that before it ; the church under the gospell more perfect then under the law ; and the churches under the gospel , at the end of the apostles dayes , when furnished with more divine knowledge , scriptures , gospels , officers , and rules of faith , manners , discipline , more compleat and perfect then at their beginning to pre●… : no man doubts , that though a * new-born infant and christian have all the parts and members of a man and saint , yet they have not so much perfection , understanding , knowledg , judgment , strength of grace , or spirituall wisdome , as grown men and christians . an aged , experienced , growne minister , christian , is more compleat and perfect then a new converted † novice , or babe in grace ; ergo a growne and nationall church , then one but in the embryo . your independent churches , in their primitive infancy , when they had but two or three members onely in them , and wanted both elders , deacons , and other necessary church-officers ( as mr sympsons church first did ) i am certain in your own opinion were not so complete and mature as you intended to make them afterwards by degrees : a village is not so complete a republike or corporation as a city , nor a city as a † kingdom , not a family as a county , not a consistory as a synod , nor a cou●…t of aldermen as a common-cou●…cell , not that as a parliament : therefore an independent singular congregation not so complete as a nationall church , being oft enforced to pray in the aid of other churches for advice , assistance &c. ( as your selves confesse ) which an whole nationall church need not to doe . in 〈◊〉 himselfe confesseth , that the apostles made new rules for government and discipline as occasion served ; and that as god fitted occasions , so he made knowne new rules successively by degrees , not at once ; and added new officers , as evangelicall b●…shops , elders , deacons , widowes , evangelists , doctors , pastors , teachers ( which some distinguish from presbyters , and d●…fine to be severall offices : ) therefore the infant church in the apostles dayes was not so compleat , perfect in all parts as the multiplied and growne churches afterwards . 10. my tenth q●…re he wil●…ully misrecites as he doth the rest , else he had not the least shadow of exception against it , a●… propounded it , and then 〈◊〉 an answer by way of dilemma to it : to which i reply , that if the parliament and synod shall by publike consent establish a presbyteriall church-government , as most consonant to gods word , the lawes and reiglement of this kingdome , independents and all others are bound in conscience to submit unto it under paine of obstinacy , singularity , &c. in case they cannot really prove it diametrally contrary to the scriptures , and simply unlawfull in point of conscience , not by fancies , or remote inconsequences , but by direct texts and precepts ( which they can never doe ; ) and that because it is thus commanded ; established by the higher powers , to which in all lawfull or indifferent things wee are bound to render all ●…eatfull obedience , without resistance , even for conscience sake , by expresse gospel texts , rom. 13. 1 , to 7. tit. 3. 1. 1 pet. 2 14 , 15. which i wish you would p●…actise better , and make make more conscience of then now you doe . as for his crosse interrogatories , i answer , 1. that if the popes councels command lawfull things to those who a●…e subject to their power , they are as well to be obeyed as the commands of * heathen emperours , magistrates , parents , husbands , by christian subjects , wives , servants , living under them , are . 2. that there is a great difference between matters of opinion onely , and of practise ; that his instanced points , whether lo●… episcopacy be jure divino ; or their making out processe under their owne names and seales be agreeable to the law of the land are matters onely of opinion simply in themselves ; and if a synod and parliament should have determined the first , and the iudges resolved the last , affirmatively , their resolutions could not binde my judgement absolutely , so farre as to subscribe their opinions as undoubted truths , unlesse they could satisfie my arguments and authorities to the contrary ; but yet they should & ought to bind me for the present so far as to submit to their authority & processe in their own names in things within their legall cognisance : so if the parliament and assembly shall establish any church-government , as most agreeable to the scriptures and our lawes , though this binds not all independents to be simply of their opinion , unlesse the reasons and arguments produced for it be sufficient to convince their judgments , yet it binds them in point of practise and obedience , outwardly to submit thereto , and not to separate from it , under pain of arrogancy , faction , schisme , unlesse they can clearly manifest it to be absolutely unlawfull and repugnant to the scripture . as for my own objected challenge to the bishops & iudges , about the jus divinum of lordly prelacy and bishops processein their own names ; when i made it , i was certain i had both † scripture , fathers , councels , acts of parliament , the suffrages of all forraigne reformed churches , writers , and our owne learnedest bishops , authors in all times against the first ; and direct acts , resolutions of parliament , patents , unanswerable law-authorities , and reasons against the latter : therefore a few lordly prelates opinions in their owne case , or the subitane , forced , extra judiciall resolution of the iudges ( not then published ) could no more conclude my judgment , nor make me guilty of arrogancy , obstinacy , or schism then , than their forced judgments for the lawfulnesse of loanes and ship-money , against expresse acts and judgments of parliament , oblige me or others , then or now , not to deeme that taxe illegall : and when you can produce as many good authorities , reasons from scripture , antiquity , acts of parliament , writers of all sorts , against the lawfulnesse of presbytery , as i have done against lordly episcopacy by divine right , bishops making out processe under their own names , seals , and † ship-mony , neither of which were ever setled by any former parliament , and have all bin expresly voted against in this ; i shall then excuse you from arrogancy and schisme , but till this be done , ( as i presume it will never be ) the guilt of both these wil stick fast upon you , if you readily conforme not in outward practice to that government the parliament shall establish . if they should settle independency , i am certaine you would then write and preach for universall obedience to it , ( which you now publikely call for so eagerly without authority or proof of its divinity ) because thus setled , without dispute : therefore by like reason you ought to submit to a presbytery , or such other government as shall be resolved on by those intrusted with this care ; notwithstanding any thing you have said , or this new independent sencelesse argument of * mr i. g. which some of your partie much rely on : the saints shall judg the world ( at the day of judgment ) 1 cor. 6. 2. ergo , the parliament ( chosen by the rifraffe of the world ) and the synod , may not make any lawes in matters of discipline , worship , or government , to regulate or oblige saints now : they might better have concluded , ergo the parliament , or any secular magistrate , cannot judge them now for any secular matter ; since the apostle useth this expression onely to blame them for going to law before heathen ( not christian ) iudges , for secular matters , vers. 1. 6 , 7. such independent arguments will but ill support your independent fabrick . 11 to my 11. quere he gives only a negative answer , and then declaims against presbytery without ground or reason : but because i have proved the truth of what he denies in my independency examined , and in some following pages , i shal not trouble you with any further proof , except these two particulars : 1. that independency is in reality meer separation and brownism , lately christened with this new title , to take off its odium : and if so , i doubt not but it is a nursery of schisms , sectaries , &c. 2. that we finde by wofull experience , what bloudy divisions , warres schisms , the toleration but of one religion and sect in our realms contrary to that established , ( to wit popery and papists ) hath produced in all our dominions , to their imminent danger , and almost utter ruine ; what then will the free permission of many independent different forms of churches , sectaries do ? will it not produce many more troubles , dangers , wars , schisms , then we have hitherto felt ? yea , if every man ought to have freedom of conscience , to vent what opinions , & set up what governments he deems most conformable to the word in his own private fancie , you must indulge papists this liberty as well as others : and then how soone will they over-run us for the future , how justly can we take up armes to suppresse them for the present ? consider seriously of these and other publike mischiefes of your way , and that liberty of conscience you so much contest for , ( which in truth is nothing but meere lawlesnesse , or licentiousnesse , to do * what seemes good in your owne eyes , as if there was no king in israel , without respect to the publike peace , weale , or glory of god ) and then happily you may in time discerne , recant your errour . 12 to my twelfth quere he onely answers , that i fall a jeering of my brethren , ( a palpable untruth ) and that i put a nick-name on them , to make them odious ; to wit , the title of independents , which they disclaime ; not answering one syllable to the substance of the question . to which i reply : first , that the title of independency ( of which you are now ashamed ) was at first assumed , approved by your selves , and many of your party doe still owne , though some disclaim it , of purpose to evade the titles of separatists and brownists , with whom you really concurre in practice : besides , you very well know that this title was imposed on , and owned by you long before i writ ; therefore i could not father this brat upon you : but if you be offended with this name , i desire you in your next pamphlet to discover to us your owne christian name , with the true title of your party , and the government you plead for as the only way of christs institution , ( all which you have hitherto concealed ) and then ( god willing ) i shall give you a further answer to this cavill , or retract this title ; till then , i must informe you , that it most proper for your party , who will have every one of your owne private congregations , a complete absolute corporation , exempred from , unsubjected to , independent on any other , be it a nationall , synodall , provinciall , parochiall assembly , parliament or kings themselves in any church-affaires : you must therefore still retaine this title , whiles you maintaine such paradoxes both in opinion , practice , ( and that by meere independent inferences ) as justly appropriated to you ; conveniunt rebus nomina saepe suis , being never more exactly verified then in this your suitable name . but you object , first , that you are accountable for your actions to every neighbour church , that shall in the name of christ require it . secondly , that you stand not independent from , but hold communion with all other churches , both in the ordinances , and in asking counsell and advice mutually . to the first i answer , 1. that if you are accountable for your actions to every particular neighbour church , t●…n why not much more to a synod or parliament , whose ecclesiasticall jurisdiction over you or your churches is denied by you ? secondly , if you are thus accountable to every neighbour church , doe you intend it of parochiall . episcopall , or presbyteriall churches , as well as independent ; or of independent onely ? if of independent onely , as i suppose you doe , then you appeale onely to churches of your owne partie , frame , judgment , and make one of them subordinate , accountable to another , but not to any other church ; which is an apparent schisme , separation from all other churches , and contradicts your second objection : if of all other sorts of churches as well as independent , you must either grant them true churches of christ , and then you have no ground to sever from them ; or if false , or no true churches of christ , ( as you in truth repute them ) then by your own principles they are no competent iudges of ecclesiasticall affaires , nor you accountable to them . thirdly , how ( i pray ) doe you hold your selves accountable to every neighbour church ? by way of subordination , correction or just appeal ? that i am certain you will deny : or only by way of voluntary information and satisfaction , when required , which i conceive you mean ? if so only , then this is properly no account at all , or but arbitrary at most , which you may deny if you please ; and if you erre , or prove faulty , or refractory , this neighbour church can but admonish , not enforce you to correct your errours or injustice : and so this will prove but a meere mockery in stead of an account . to the second i answer , that if you stand not independent from other churches , but hold communion with them in ordinances , and in mutuall counsell and advice , then 1. why doe you separate from them as no true churches , and oppose their way of government with so much bitternesse ? secondly , why doe you refuse to administer baptisme and the lords supper to those who are their members , in your churches , unlesse they be professed members of some independent congregation ? thirdly , why do you not follow their advice counsell , or the parliaments synods admonition , and submit therto ; who now earnestly perswade you from your way of separation , division , in these distracted times ? the end of demanding good counsell and advice being but to follow , not reject it , where there is humility , ingenuity , or sincerity in those who ask it . you must therefore either disclaime these objected concessions , or become more tractable for the future . 4. you tell us in the next succeeding lines , that neither i ; nor synods , nor this synod , are infallible , but as subject to errours as others ; and that never † more dangerous errours have been confirmed then by synods : and therfore men are not bound in conscience to their decrees upon penaltie of sinne , arrogancy , &c. but pray sir may not you and your independent ministers , churches erre as well as others ? is infallibility annexed onely to your private chaires , conventicles ? if not , then why may not your new-minted way be a meere erronious by-path , and no way of christ as well as other waies , and you erre herein as well as synods in other things ? why will you have the major vote in your congregationall decisions to over-rule and bind the rest to obedience , ( as your practice and opinions intimate ) since the major part may possibly be mistaken , as well as the lesse dissenting ? shall nothing binde in any churches , but what is unanimously voted nemine contradicente ? or shall one or two dissenting voices over-rule the rest or not be bound by the most ? or where all consent , may not all yet be in an errour , and not discerne it , through selfe-love to their owne wayes and opinions , till others of contrary judgements discover and convince them of their errour ? away then with this fond argument and evasion ; synods and parliaments may erre in some things , ergo they must binde us in no thing : is this good logicke or divinity ? good ministers may and doe erre sometimes in some points of divinitie , ergo wee will beleeve them in none , no not in those things in which they doe not erre . will you throw away all the apple because one part of it only is rotten ? or reject communion with the best of men because they have some infirmities ? deal then with the ecclesiasticall decrees of synods and parliaments as in wisdome , in conscience you are bound to doe : where they are just , equall , not opposite to the word , embrace , submit unto them ; when erronious or contrariant to the expresse word ( not to your own sa●…s , inferences or opinions ) you may differ from them in judgment , but you must patiently suffer under them in point of practise & obedience ( if meerly practicall ) till a further season , and not disturb the churches peace by opposition or schism : which is as good , as seasonable christian advice , as that you conclude with unto me , which i heartily wish your selfe had first followed , who have more defamed the ways of christ and used more personall unchristian bitternesse then i am guilty of . you wish indeed , o that a spirit of love wore maintained among those that are brethren : though they differ in judgment , must they needs differ in affection ? i say the same . but o then why seperate you from us , yea passe uncharitable censures on us as if we were not your brethren ? one kingdom , one city , house , doth now , on●… heaven shall heareafter contain us both : why not then one church , government , one church militant , as well as one triumphant ? if you deem not your * selves more holy then your brethren , or be not swelled up with spirituall pride ( as your stiling your selves † men of rich anoynting from god , the most religiously affected , and best conscienced people of the land , the most precious men , &c. with your separation from us , and harsh censures of us , make most men suspect ) then why refuse you to close with us now , as you have done heretofore ? could our ministers , churches , when more corrupt , convert , regenerate , edifie , save you , and yet not now so much as hold you , when more refined and reformed ? if yea , then let us both shake hands without any more encounters ; if nay , then fairely chalke out your yet concealed independent way and platforme in all its severall lineaments , and beautifull native colours ; produce your severall punctuall scriptures , arguments , to maintain it , ( there being none of them extant in these your observations for ought i can find ) that so i may see the frame and grounds of this new fabricke , in as large or narrow a modell as you please : and then doubt not but an answer shall be given to what ever you modestly set forth , ( if worthy answer ) in case it be not satisfactorie ; or else a friendly embrace thereof , if agreeable to the spirit and word of truth , by him who hath learned pauls peremptorie resolution , 2 cor. 13. 8. we can do nothing against the truth , but for the truth ; in which resolution ( god assisting ) i resolve to live and die . certaine briefe animadversions on mr john goodwins theomachia , in iusti●…ion of some passages in my independency , examined , unmasked &c. and of the parliaments ecclesiasticall power . it is not my intention to repeate or refute all the unseasonable offensive passages in the epistle or body of this treatise , which tacitly reflect upon the present religious parliament and assembly , raising needlesse feares and jealousies of them both ( in matters of religion and church-government ) as if they really intended * to increase our misery and bondage , by rejecting and oppressing truth ; to conjure all mens gifts , parts industrie into a synodicall circle ; and that there is almost as little hope of gathering grapes from thornes , or figges of thistles , as of having the joy of our faith holpen , or encreased , or any decrease , but rather increase of evills by them ; the resolutions of councells , and synods themselves upon the matter and just account , being but the fruits , or puttings forth of the learning and judgment of a very few men , not alwayes of the most consciencious &c. i shall only select some few particulars worthy consideration ; to fill up my vacant pages . first , it may be justly questioned , whether the maine doctrine prosecuted in it b that it is the greatest imprudence under heaven , for any man or ranke of men whatsoever to appeare , or so much as to lift up an hand , or thought , against any way , doctrine or practise whatsoever clayming origination or descent from god , till we have securitie upon securitie , evidence upon evidence , yea all the securitie that men in an ordinary way are capable of , and foundations as cleare as the noone day , that such wayes , doctrines and practises , only pretend unto god as the author of them and that in truth they are not at all from him , but either from men , or from baser parentage ; that they are but counterfeits and pretenders only , and stand in no relation at all , but that of emnitie and opposition unto god ; and tha●… we are not to act the value of one haire of our head against them , untill we see their condemnation written with a beame of the sunne , by the finger of god himselfe ; untill he hath disclaimed or renounced it from heaven , either by giving such wisedome unto men , whereby to detest the vanitie of it , or else hath quite rased it out of the flesh and tables of the hearts of his servants , &c. be orthodox or tolerable ? for these ensuing reasons . 1. first , because it opens a wide gate to the reviving of all old , the spreading and propagating of all new heresies . errors , schismes , sects and opinions whatsoever , without the least timely opposition or prevention , to the endangering of infinite soules , and disturbance of the churches , kingdoms peace . for there is * no hereticke , schismaticke , or sectary whatsoever ( though never so pernicious , grosse or detestable ) but pretends his way , doctrine , practise , opinions to be the way and truth of christ , clayming their origination and descent from god , yea , * producing perverting the scripture it selfe to justifie them , as the * devill cited and wrested scripture to tempt christ : yea , our saviour and the scripture informe us , that many false teachers shall arise , and doe great miracles , signes and wonders , insomuch that they shall deceive many , yea the greatest part of the world , and if it were possible the very elect ; * that satan and his ministers also transforme themselves into angels of light : that false teachers usually come to seduce men in sheeps clothing , with all deceiveablenes and craftines , whereby they lye in waite to deceive ; and advise us frequently to beware of such , and not admit them into our houses , &c. and must we therefore not speedly oppose , resist , avoyd , suppresse them or any of them now , because they thus pretend they are of and from god himselfe ; but stay ●…ll we see their condemnation written with a beam of the sun by the finger of god himselfe , and till he hath disclaimed , renounced them from heaven , by some visible judgment or destruction ? if a●…rianisme , 〈◊〉 , socinianism , anabaptisme , or any anciently exploded heresies , or schismes should revive and sprout up among us ( as some have lately done ) should wee use such indulgence as this towards them , because they pretend their origination and descent from heaven ; and their opinions not disputable only , but warranted by the scripture ? alas what confusion , what inundation of heresies , schismes , and monstrous opinions would this presently introduce into our church to its destruction , ruine , if such a paradox were once admitted ? 2 secondly , because it is contrary to these expresse precepts and presidents both of the old and new testament , which you may peruse at leasure , deut. 13. 1. to 18. levit. 19. 17. joshua . 22. 9. to 24. psalme . 119. 104. 128. 2 kings . 22. 8. to 27. ier. 4. 30. 31. ( a pregnant place ) c. 14. 14. to 18. cap. 23. 13. to 23. cap 27. 15. to 19. c. 29. 8 , 9. ezra . 13. throughout matthew 7. 15. cap. 24. 11. 23. 24. 25. 26. mark . 13. 5 , 6. 22 , 23 , 24. acts 13. 6. to 14. cap 15. 1. to 33. cap. 17. 11. rom. 16. 17. 18. 2 cor. 11. 13. 14 , 15. galath. 1. 6. 7 , 8 , 9 10. c. 2. 4. to 18. ( a noted place ) c. 3. 1 , 2. 3. ephes. 4. 14 , 15. phil. 3. 1. 2. 3. coloss. 2. 8. 18. to the end , 1 thes. 5. 21. 2 thes. 2. 1. to 16. c. 3. 6. 7. 1 tim. 4. 1. to 7. chap. 1. 20. chap 5. 20 21 , 22. 2 tim. 2. 16. 17 , 18. 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. c. 4. 1. to 6. titus . 1. 9. to 15. chapter 3. 9. 10 , 11. 2 pet. 2. 1. 2 , 3. c. 3. 17. 18. 1 ioh. 4. 2. 3. 2 john 10. 11. jude 3. 4. &c. revel. 2. 14. 15. 20 , 21. compared together . f paul would not give way to false apostles no not for an houre , that the truth of the gospell might continue among the galatians , and resisted peter to his face , as soone as ever hee walked disorderly , and gave the least countenance to false teachers , though a chiefe apostle ; and did not demur upon the matter ; yea the churches * of pergamus , and thyatyra , are sharply blamed for suffering some among them to hold the doctrine of balaam , and the nicolaitans ; and to suffer jesabell the prophetesse to teach and seduce : and shall we permit them , now , without restraint ? 3 thirdly , because it is contrary to these received unquestionable maximes of divinitie , policie , and morality . principijs obstare : venienti occurrere morbo , to withstand the very beginnings of errors , heresies , mischiefes ; schismes : to crush these cockatrices in the shell ; rather to keep then cast them out , turpius ejicitur quàm non admittitur hostis . all wise men hold preventing physicke best for their bodies , states , and why not for their souls and churches ? since , sero medicina paratur , cum mala per longas invaluére moras . 4 fourthly , because contrary to the h policy , practise of most godly magistrates , princes , ministers , churches in all ages , nations , which never indulged such liberty to opinions , new wayes , practises , especially to new church-governments , schismes , and conventicles , ( which he here pleads for ) set up only by private spirits in opposition to the publick established church-regelment . indeed in some matters mearly of opinion which are not dangerous or schismaticall , some latitude may and must be left to men ; but matters of government are such tender things , as differences & varieties therin cannot be tollerated in one and the selfe same church and state without infinite inconveniencies and disturbances , especially where every church shall be independent , subject to no other canons , rules , but its own peculiar arbitrary dictates . 2 it may be questioned , whether the independent way he there so earnestly pleads for , be the way of christ , or not ? since he neither discovers to us what it is , nor produceth any one text to prove it christs own way , nor one example to warrant it in any age : but gives us good grounds to suspect it none of his without much scrutiny . 1 for first , he confesseth , i that this way is every where spoken against , even by some that would be thought prime men and pillars in the temple of god ; and insinuates ; that the parliament , assembly and generality of the k ministers and people of the realm , are bent against it ; therefore being a new way , never yet heard off in the world in any age , or church of christ , and thus generally opposed by our whole church and state even in these times of reformation ; we may l justly suspect it is no way of christ , till we see its approbation written in a beam of the sun with the finger of god himself , and till he hath justified and owned it as his , from heaven . 2 he tacitly acknowledgeth , it a m government set up by a few private men , not only without but against the authority & commands of the parliament and supream temporall magistrates : yea , which not only denyes but oppugnes the temporall magistrates , parliaments , synods directions or coercive power in ecclesiasticall affairs ; directly contrary to the scriptures , as i have largely proved by many texts , in my ( o ) independency examined . only i shall adde , that not only the kings and temporall magistrates of the israelites ; but even heathen p kings and princes ( as cyrus , artaxerxes , darius , nebuchadnezzar , the king & nobles of nineve &c. ) enacted good and wholsom laws , for the worship , honor and service of the true god , and to further his people in the building of his temple ; who thereupon were enjoyned to * pray for their prosperity , as the marginall scriptures evidence . yea , r paul himselfe even in matters of religion pleaded his cause before festus , felix , king agrippa , and at last appealed unto caesar an heathen emperor , herein ; yea he enjoyns all christians s to pray even for heathen kings . magistrates , and to submit to all their lawfull commands for conscience sake , to whose judicature and tribunals , t christ himself and his apostels willingly submitted themselves upon all occasions when brought before them , without demurring to their jurisdictions . therfore christian princes & magistrates who were long since predicted to become nursing fathers to the church under the gospel , have much more power and jurisdiction in church-government and affairs within their own dominions . 3 for that it appears to be away that will breed infinite confusions , disorders , by confounding v the bounds of parishes , renting congregations , families , and most relations assunder ; & giving way to every sect to chuse ministers , erect churches of their own without controle , in point of position ( though their practise be quite contrary where they have power , they admitting no other kind of government but independency in new-england , and excommunicating , or banishing those who will not submit unto it : ) a government inconsistent with royalty , and the civill government ; and so none of christs , who never erected any church-gouernment to clash with or controle the civill . 4 whereas he pretends , that x persons of one family or parish may be members of severall churches , without any inconvenience , schisme , or distraction ; as well as members of severall companies and trades ; and therefore independency is no occasion of divisions . i answer , 1. that y two cannot walke peaceably and lovingly together unlesse they are agreed , especially in matters of religion ; and those who in point of conscience cannot communicate or agree together in one church , will never questionlesse accord well together in one family , bed , parish , kingdom , as experience manifests . 2. there is a great difference between severall trades and halls in one city , parish , kingdome , and severall formes of church-government , in these particulars which occasion unity in the one , but schismes in the others 1. all trades societies hold one another lawfull , usefull , necessary , agreeable to the lawes of god and the realme without dispute ; & so they breed no contrariety of opinions or disaffection : but each different church deems the other unlawful , & in no way of christ , so as they cannot with safe conscience joyn or communicate together : and therupon they sever one from another . 2. every several trade and society , even in their very trade is subject to the general government , laws of the city & realm wherin they are , to which they appeale and have recourse upon all occasions of difference , none craving an exemption or independency from the whole corporation , parliament or supream magistrate in matters which concern their government , but deriving their corporations , charters , laws and priviledges from them : which subordination keeps them all in peace and unity . but independent churches deny any subordination , subjection to the ecclesiasticall lawes and edicts of parlements , of temporall magistrates or synods , and will be regulated , obliged onely by their own peculiar edicts : which must needs occasion infinite schismes , and disorders : therefore the cases are far different from one the other . thirdly , christians , as christians , are all of one and the self-same society and profession , as those of one trade or calling are ; therefore they should have all but one common church and government , as these trades have : to set then the comparison upright , we must state it thus ; if some of one fraternity in london ( suppose the merchant-taylers , sadlers , mercers , or the like ) should fall out among themselves , and one would have one forme of government , another another , and thereupon divide themselves into severall conventicles and petty meetings in corners , not at their common hall , and one chuse one government , master , or warden , another another , and so sever the company , and continue independent ; this ( no doubt ) would prove an apparent schisme , and seminary of infinite divisions , to the distraction , destruction of the whole company and fraternity . this is the true state of your independency ; yea mr goodwins present case in his own parish , miserably divided , disordered by his independent way : which hath induced him to refuse to administer the lords supper , ( yea baptisme to some children of parishioners ) for a yeares space or more , though they offer to be examined by him ; esteeming them none of his flocke , ( preaching but seldome to them , though he receive their tithes : ) and instead thereof to gather an independent congregation to himselfe , out of divers parishes and his owne , to whom hee prescribes a covenant ere they be admitted members of it ; preaching , praying , administring the sacrament to them alone in private conventicles , neglecting his parishioners : which hath engendred such discontents and rents in his parish , even among the well-affected and truely religious , that he must either desert it or his independent way . what schismes and discords this new way hath raised in other parishes , is so well knowne to the world , that i need no other evidence to prove it a schismaticall by-path , and so no way of christ the * prince of peace , who prescribes nought else but precepts of peace and unity to his churches , and is most offended with their schismes . finallie , i cannot thinke this way a way of christ , because i finde it a pioner and underminer of parliamentary authority , devesting parliaments of all manner of jurisdiction in matters of religion and church-government ; witnesse the passage of the two independent brethren recited in my independency examined p. 3. ( which certainly weares a maske as yet , since she never appeared bare-faced to the world , not one of her patrons hitherto presenting us with her in her native colours , or lineaments ) whose guilt this author by his explanation , to make it good , rather aggravates then extenuates . he writes , that the brethren in the mentioned period and expressions , reflected onely upon the generalitie of the land , who according to the lawes , yea according to the principles of all reason and equitie have the right of nominating persons unto parliamentarie trust and power , but have no avthority or power from christ ●…o nominate or appoint who shall be the men that shall order the affaires of christs kingdome , or institvte the government of his chvrches : these are that secular root , out of which the brethren conceive an impossibility that a spirituall extraction should be made ; that is , that a legitimate ecclesiastick power shovld according to the mind of christ , or any precept or president of scriptvre , bee by them conferred vpon any man . and this impossibility conceived by them they onelie illustrate and declare by that parallel expression in job , who can bring a cleane thing out of an uncleane ? &c. but to hold , that the persons so elected as hath been said , have a power by vertue of such nomination or election to enact lawes and statutes in matters of religion , and to order under mulcts and penalties how men shall worship and serve god , as it is a meanes to awaken the eye of jealousie upon them , and so is seven times more destructive unto , and undermining not onlie of their power , but of their honour , peace , and safetie also , then any thing that is found in the way so ill intreated ; so it is a setling of a power upon the electors of such persons , i meane the promiscuous multitude of the land , yea of a greater power then ever iesus christ himselfe had , at least then ever he exercised ; for as dare r●…gem , argues a greater power then esse r●…gem ; as hee that buildeth an house hath more honour then the house , hebr. 3. 3. so to nominate and appoint who shall have power to umpire in matters of conscience and of god , * to determine what shall be preached , and what not ; what shall be beleeved , and what not , is a branch of a greater root of power , then the exercise of the power that is committed to others in this behalfe . now though iesus christ had a power , and was authorized by god to be a law-giver himselfe unto his churches and saints in their spirituall republike , yet it is hard to prove , that he ever he invested any other with such a power : his apostles themselves were no lords over the faith of the saints , nor had they anie power or authoritie to impose any thing upon men , as † necessarie either to be beleeved or practised , but what they had in expresse commission and charge from jesus christ himselfe to impose upon such termes , &c. the summe of this large passage is , that there is not onelie an improbabilitie , but absolute impossibilitie , that the parliament should have any power at all to enact lawes and statutes in matters of religion , church-government , gods worship or service , because the people who elect them have no such power , and so an impossibilitie of deriving any such authoritie to them ; and to affirme the contrarie , is not onely to awake the eyes of jealousie upon them , but exceedingly destructive to , and undermining of not onely their power , but honour , peace , and safetie also . whether this be not directly to undermine the authority of parliaments and temporal magistrates in all church-affairs and matters of religion , contrarie to your late covenant and protestation , and that in the most ; transcendent maner that ever any have hitherto attempted in print , let all wise men judg : i am sory such ill passages should fall from so good a pen . but to give a short answer to this extravagant discourse : first , this objection might be made against the generall assemblies , parliament : kings of the israelites , who a were chosen by the people , yet they made lawes and statutes concerning religion , and gods worship , with his approbation , without any such exception , as i have elsewhere proved . secondly , god himself ( as i formerly ●…uched ) used the ministry , assistance of cyrus , artaxerxes , durius , with other heathen princes and magistrates , for the building of his temple , and advancement of his worship , for which they made decrees , statutes ; notwithstanding this objected reason reflects more upon them and their electors , then on such who are christians by externall profession . thirdly , most christian kings and magistrates in the world , ( even those who claime to be hereditary , as the yet continued formes of their coronations and instalments manifest ) come in by the peoples election , as well as such members of parliament who are eligible , yet you cannot without disloialty and absurdity , deny them authoritie in matters of religion and church-government . fourthly , your selfe doe not onely grant , but argue , b that every private man hath , yea ought to have power to elect and constitute his own minister : and no doubt you will grant , that private men have power likewise to set up independent congregations , which have authority to prescribe such covenants , lawes and rules of government , discipline , worship , as themselves think most agreeable to the word : if then they may derive such an ecclesiasticall authority to independent ministers and churches , why not as well to parliaments and synods likewise by the self-same reason ? fi●…hly , it is cleare by sundry instances in scripture , and your owne text , that god doth oft times make use of unsanctified persons , and the rude multitude , ( whom you so much under-value ) to advance his glory , propagate his gospel , promote his worship , vindicate his truth , and edifie his church : he can poure a spirit of prophesie upon c a baalam , a saul , a gamaliel , a persecuting high-priest ; he can make a d judas an apostle , yea send him to preach and build his church , as well as a peter : wee read in the evangelists , that none were so forward as the vulgar e multitule to beleeve , follow , professe christ , and embrace the gospel , though many of them did it out of sinister ends . therefore they may well have power to chuse such persons who shall and may make lawes to promote the gospel , and government of the church of christ . sixthly , those who have no skill at all in law , physick , or architecture , have yet judgment and reason enough to make choice of the best lawyers , physitians , architects , when they need their help . those who are unfit , or unable to be members of parliament themselves , ( as most of the electors are ) have yet had wisdom enough in all ages , and especially at this present , to elect the most eminent & ablest men for such a service : those who are unmeet to be kings , magistrates , commanders , or ministers , have yet skill enough to chuse able persons for such offices , & power to delegate to them such parliamentary , royall , magisteriall , pastorall authority , as is necessary for their severall offices , which those who elected them never had actually , but onely originally or virtually in them , not to use , but derive them unto others : why then may not our free-holders , who have voices in electing the members of our parliaments , and the commonalty of the land , ( whom you scandalously terme , the vilest and most unworthy of men , though there be a degree of vulgar people viler and unworthier then they in all respects , who have no votes in such elections ) have sufficient authority in them to elect and nominate such fitte persons , who by virtue of such nomination or election shall have right and power to enact lawes , statutes , in matters of religion , worship , and church-government , not dissonant from gods word , to which themselves and others by gods owne ordinance must submit ? if the common people , who neither are nor can be parliaments , * emperors , kings , judges , magistrates , ministers have yet a lawful power to make others such by their bare election , & to give them such authority and power as themselves never actually were or can be possessors of , then why by the self-same reason may they not likewise delegate a lawfull ecclesiasticall legislative authority in church-affairs , to their elected parliamentary and synodall members , which was never actually in themselves , as well as mr * goodwin delegate the power of determining who should be fit persons to receive the sacrament , and to become members of his independent congregation , to eight select substitutes , which was never actually vested in himselfe , nor transferrible thus to others by any law of god or man ? why may not a man bring an ecclesiastical or spiritual extraction out of a secular root , ( contrary to your paradox ) as * well as a r●…gall , magisteriall , parliamentall , ministeriall extraction , out of a meere popular or servile root ? or the best strong waters out of the vilest lees ; the richest minerals out of the coursest earth ? the most orient pearles out of the basest oisters ? in one word , the very choice these your vilest and most unworthy of men have made this parliament , may for ever refute this childish reason , the corner-stone of your independent fabricke , fastned together with independent crochets , unable to abide the test . therefore notwithstanding this your reason , our present parliament may and ought in point of right & duty , to make binding laws for regulating church-government , restraining heresies , schismes , innovations , erronious doctrines , unlawfull conventicles , and for setling the purity of gods worship and religion , notwithstanding this objection ; and with as much reason , justice , raise , and establish a new church-government , suitable to gods word and the civill state , as reforme or repeale the old , ( which grew to burdensome and offensive ) till independents can shew us better grounds against it then any yet produced : and informe us , why our whole representative church and state should not o●…right enjoy and exercise as great o●… greater ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , over all particular persons and churches who are members of our church and realme , as any independent minister or congregation challenge or usurp unto themselves , over their owne members ( this being the true state of the question , and not whether one particular church , or parish , hath superiority or iurisdiction over another ? as some mist●… it ) without , yea against both law & gospel for ought they yet have made appeare ? i shall say no more in so clear a case , but refer the author to the high court of parliament , ( whose undoubled priviledges he hath presumptuously undermined by the very roots ) to crave their pardon , or undergo their justice for this and other his anti-parliamentary passages , diametrally contrary to his , o●… , their late nationall vow and covenant , which they cannot without highest perjury permit any wilfully thus to violate in the most publike manner . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a56167e-360 eccles. 4. 4. b gal. 4. 16. c page 1. 2. * luk. 2. 46 , 47. mat. 11. 1 to 20. c. 12. 3 : to 13. 26 , 27 , 29. c. 21. 23 , to 43. c. 22. 18 , to 23. c. 16. 26. d the apologeticall narration , mr. sympson . a reply of two of the brethren , with others . e a reply of two of the brethren to 〈◊〉 , s. p. 111. f master iohn goodwins {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * it seemes to me a kinde of contradiction , to assert one unalterable set-forme of church-government , and yet to condemne all set formes of common prayer or preaching : prayer and preaching being more essentiall to a church , then meere government or discipline . * he should say freer , where the government is left arbitrary . * exod. 25. 40 heb , 8 5. † i hope you wil●… not argue , carpenters , masons , goldsmiths , and other artificers , not priests or ministers , under the law built the tabernacle and material temple , ergo , the●… onely , not ●…nisters , ought now und●…r the gospell to build the church and spirituall temple : this would be but had logick , and worse divinity . * 2 chron. c. 8. to 2. * exod 24. 7. deut. 31. 11. ●…osh . 8. 34. 2 kings 23. 2. 2 chro. 34. 30 neh. 8 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , &c c. 〈◊〉 . 3. c. 13. 1. 〈◊〉 . 36. 6. to 24 luke 4. 16. act. 13. 15 , 27 c. 15. 21 , 31. col. 4. 16 1 thes : 5. 27. † ezra 3. 10. 12. hag. 2. 3. to 10. * 1 cor. 14. 40 † belike the reed by which he measured . it was independency . * ezech. 40. & 41. * rev. 21. 22. 1 cor. 9. 13 , 14. heb. 7. 13. † 2 chron. 1. 10 , 11 , 12 * 1 kin. 3 5. to 15 exod. 35 : 30 to 35. c. 36. 1 , to 5. c. 31. 3 , to 7. deut. 1. 17 c. 2. 21 , 22 , 23. but very unreasonable that christ , the church , state , synod , parliament , should be subject to your dictates , not you to theirs . † 1 tim. 6. 15 rev. 17. 14 c. 19. 16. * this rule holds firm in all church-assemblies , synods , parliaments , elections by suffrages whatsoever . see 3. h. 8. c. 27. * 2 chro. 9 8 2 sam. 23. 3 deut. 1. 17 2 sam. 5. 2 rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 4 , 6. † your party are most guilty of it , who without discovery or proof of your newway , will have us blindly to submit unto it as the onely way of christ . 2. * 1 cor. 13. 5 , 7. * 37 h. s. c. 17 1 e. 6. c. 1. 1 eliz c. 1. see my breviate against bishops encroachments , &c. the vnbishoping of timothy and titus . the catalogue of authors in all ages concerning the parity and identity of bishops and presbyters . the antipathy of the english lordly prelacy . the q●…nchcoale , &c. * phil. 4 8. 1 thes. 5. 2●… , 22 nota. * lev. 19. 17 gal. 4. 16. c. 2. 11. 14. tit. 1. 13 , 14. rev. 3. 13. will justifie me herein . * pro. 23. 23. maximè amic● veritas . * if therefore the light that is in you be darkenesse , how great is that darkeness mat. 6. 23. * rom. 13. 5. 1 pet. 2. 14. * iustinian codicis . l. 1. ti . 8. socrates scholast. . eccl. hist. l 7. c. 5. l. 5 c. 4 , 5 , 15 , 20 , 21 23. l. 4. c. 12 , 13. l. 2. c. 33. * sec 35. eliz c. 1. † see 35. eliz. c. 1. none are conventicler but hereticks or schismatickes , who wholy seperate themselves from our publique assemblies established by law . justin codicis l. 1. tit. 8. * 2 chro. 15. 8 , to 16. c. 34. 29 , to 33. 8. 29 ●…10 . ezra 10. 3. neh. 9. 38. c. 10. 1. &c. * psal. 2. 8 , 9. psal. 72. 8 , to 18. ps. 82. 8. ps 86. 9 ps. 65 2. ps. 67. 〈◊〉 , 3. 4 5. ●…a 2 , 3. 〈◊〉 . 9. ●…2 , 23. c. 11. 9 , to 16. c. 54. 1 , 2 , 3. c. 60. 3. to 22. mich. 4. 1. to 5 mal. 1 11. zach. 8. 22. act. 13. 46 , 47 48. matth. 28. 19 , 20. mar. 14. 15. rom. 10. 18 , 20 c. 11. 4. isa. 62. to the end . 1 pet. 2. 9. 18. * matth. 3. 12 c. 13. 24. to 52 c. 25. 32 33. a joh. 6. 70 , 71 b see iudges , samuel , kings chronicles , nehemiah , ezra , and all the prophets . c see pauls . and johns , yea christs epistles to them , rev. 2 , & 3. i. cor. 11. 13 〈◊〉 34. c. 12 , 〈◊〉 27. d mat. 24. 14. 15. c. 26. 16. luk. 14. 23 , &c. c. 13. 23 , 24. * rom. 7. 15. to 25. jam. 3. 2. act. 14. 15 * 1 cor : 19 to 24 † 1 chro. 13. 1 , to 14. c. 28 , & 29. 2 chro. 5. 2 , &c. c. 6 , & 7. c. 15. 9 , to 29 c. 17. 7 , 8 , &c. c. 20. 3 , 4. 5. c. 24. 4 , to 16. c. 29. 3 , to 36. c. 30. v. 31. c. 34. 29 , to the end . c. 35. 1 , 〈◊〉 19. ezra & neh. throughout . 〈◊〉 . 9. 17. to 32. * da. 7 9. 13. * ephes. 4. 11. 12. 13. 2 cor 13. 9. heb. 6. 1. pet 5. 10. phil. 3. 12 15 heb. 13. 21. james 1. 4. * 1 cor. 13 , 11 , 12. c. 14. 20. c. 3. 1. 1 pet. 2. 2. heb. 5. 12 , 13 , 14. 1 ioh. 2. 11. to 15. ephes. 4. 15. 16 † 1 tim. 3 6. † ezek. 16. 13. * rom. 13. 1 , to 7. 1 tim 2 1 , 2 , 3. tit 3. 1 1 pet. 1. 2. to 24 c. 3. 1. 1 cor. 7. 1 , to 18. eph. 5. 22 23. c. 6. 1. to 10. col. 3. 18 , to 25. † see my catalogue , &c. the unbishoping of timothy and titus . a breviate and antipathy of the english lordly prelacy . † see my humble remonstrance against ship-money . * in his sermon on feb. 25 * deut. 12. 8. judges 〈◊〉 . 6. r. 21. 25. † yea , never more dangerous errours ref●…ted , suppressed , then in the 4. first general councels , and some synods since , as that of dort , and other protestant synods see the harmony of confession●…s : where therefore they determine rightly , you must submit unto them ; where they confirm apparent dangerous errours , there you may vary from them when proved such . * these are the true grounds of all s●…rations . esa 65. 5. luk. 18. 10 , to 16. lude 18. 19. witnesses the novatians , dunatists , of old : the severall orders of monks , nuns , erem●…s , anchorites , in the church of rome , and their new order of jesuits , each of them pre●…nding more sanctity and strictnesse then another , and so severing in their different orders , habits , mon●… , rules , covenants , one from another . † mr goodwins theomachia p 24 , 25. the reply of two of the brethren pas●… . notes for div a56167e-5420 * epistle to the reader , & p g. 11. 33. 44. to 52. b page 18. 22. 52. and else . gamaliell himselfe no apostle , nor christian , from whose words you yet take your text is gospell , was not altogether of this opinion . 1. * sec epiphanius , basil , augustine , and all the bookes of or against any hereticks and sectaries . * matth. 4 6. * mat. 24. 11. 23. to 27. c. 7. 15. 2 cor. 11 13 , 14 , 15. ephes. 4. 14. 2 thes. 2. 9. 10 rev. 13. 2. to ●…8 . 2 ioh. 10. 〈◊〉 . f gal. 2. 4. to 18 * rom. 19. 15 16 , 26. h see iustinian cod. l. 〈◊〉 . tit. 8. 1. eliz. c. 2. 35. eliz. c. 1. 2. 2 i page 21. k see the london ministers petition against it . 1 l see 1 cor. 11. 16. c 10. 32. 33. m see p. 30. to 52. 2 ( n ) p. 3 , 4. 11. 12. p ezra i. 1. to the end . c. 4 17. to 24. c. 6. 2. to 17. c. 7. 12. to 28. neh 2. 1. to 27. 2 chron. 36. 22 , 23. isay 44. 28. dan. 3. 29. c. 6. 25 , 26 , 27. ionah 3. 5 , 6 , 7. r acts 24 , & 5. & 26 , & 27 , 28. 2 tim. 4. 10. 17. s 1 tim. 2. 1 , 2. 3. rom. 13. 1. to 7. tit 3. 1 t matt. 10. 17 , 18. 21. c. 26 , 27. amos 13. 9. c. 15. acts 4. 1. to 24. c. 5. 17. to 4. c. 6. 12 , 13. c. 9. 1 , 2. 3. c. 11. 2 , 3 , 4. c. 16. 10. to 40. c. 18. 12. ( q ) tim. 2. 1 , ier. 29. 7. v page 38. 10 40. x pag. 30. 31 y amos 3. 3. * esa. 9. 6. see my twelve questions p. 7 , 8. * pag. 48 , 49 , 50. this he more fully expressed in a sermon in february last . note . gamaliell & your text never taught you any such anti-parliamentary doctrine . note . * the people having power to elect princes , magistrates , ministers , parliaments , synods have likewise authority ●…o nominate such who by the rule of gods word may limit these particulars , though not by their owne bare authority , without or against the word . † every magistrate , parliament , and synod , have power to declare and en jo●…n what is necessary to be beleeved , practised , by or according to gods word , not without or contrary to it . a see my appendix to the soveraigne power of parliaments and kingdomes p. 122. to 131. † twelve considerable queries p. 4 , 5. independency examined p. 2 , 11 , 12. b page 25 , 26. c num. 22. 35 c. 23 , & 24. 1 sam. 10. act. 5. 34. to 40. joh. 11. 49 , to 53. d ioh. 6. 70 , 71 mar. 6. 7. to 14. e matth. 5. 1. c. 13. 1 , 2. c. 8. 18. c. 9. 36. c. 14 14 ; 19 : c. 11. 32 , 33. c. 21 8 , 9 , 10. luk. 6. 17 , 19. c. 8. 44 , 45. joh. 6. 2 , 5. mar. 12. 12 , 37. luk. 13 17. c. 18. 43. c. 21. 38. c. 22. 1. joh. 7 40. 43. &c. c. 8. 2. act. 2. 47. * this he confessed , and it appeared by a writing before the committee of plundered ministers . * or as well ashimselfe extracts many spirituall doctrines out of gamaliels secular speech in these very sermons . * therefore your principall argument ; that the seven particular churches in asia had no iurisdiction one over another , ( being under different civil dominions , and not members of the selfe-same christian republike , ) ●…rgo the whol parliament and church of england have no iurisdiction over particular parish churches or independent congregations in england ; is a meere independency . from the commissioners of scotland, 24 february, 1640. scotland. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a92445 of text r6419 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[4]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a92445 wing s1001d thomason 669.f.3[4] estc r6419 99868533 99868533 160562 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92445) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160562) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[4]) from the commissioners of scotland, 24 february, 1640. scotland. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [s.l. : 1641] imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "a declaration" at head of title. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -scotland -17th century -early works to 1800. a92445 r6419 (thomason 669.f.3[4]). civilwar no from the commissioners of scotland, 24 february, 1640. scotland. parliament 1641 761 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion from the commissioners of scotland , 24 february , 1640. as our declarations and remonstrances before our comming into england , were necessary for manifesting the truth against the lyes , and calumnies of our enemies , so did wee conceive , that afterward they should not be needfull . our deportments , and carriage in this great cause , which are no other in secret , then they are openly , being reall demonstrations of the constant integrity of our intentions , and proceedings , in all our ways . malice , notwithstanding , is so impudent , and indefatigable , that although she hath printed on her face the black characters of many grosse lyes , which are visible to all , and cannot be washed of , and although by the force of truth , the daughter of time , shee hath received many wounds and dashes , which shall never be cured , yet dare she open her mouth again , and wearieth not to keepe her owne straine , but in a contrary course : for now beginneth she to suggest , that after we have in a good part obtained our own ends : we have lessened our care of our neighbours , and that our love towards them is become luke-warm , that we are become remisse in our zeal against prelacie , the cause of all our broyls , and in the pursuit of these two firebrands , which had wasted all , if god in his mercy had not prevented so great a mischiefe . we marvell not at malice , nor do we desire to be reconciled to her , for that were to lose our selves , and the cause of god , and therefore we think it not strange that shee is the same , which shee hath beene , and must be to the end : but that by her suggestions , and practices , tending , by raising of jealousies and suspitions , to divide the two kingdomes , the two houses of parliament , and either house in it selfe , shee should so far prevaile with any , who have not laid aside both wisdome and charity , as that the smallest jealousie or suspition of us should enter in their heart ( for them to live and lodge , we will not permit . ) this is it which hath caused this paper . what just cause of indignation we had against these two incendiaries is known by our accusations , which ( as wee understand ) are now published to the world , and by these also , beside our detestation expressed in all our words , writs , and actions ; our judgment and intentions concerning episcopacy both in scotland and england , are in some measure expressed . wee confesse it were levity , to be found building that which wee have beene pulling downe , or to plant that which wee have been plucking up . it were impiety to spare much more to plead for guilty agag , and cursed babell , which god in his justice hath destinate to destruction : and it were folly for us , and a denying of our owne experience , to imagine that both they , and the kingdomes can have peace ; but all these three imputations might be justly tripled upon us , if now after we have seen their works , and bitter fruits in england , wee should not remember the maxime never to be forgotten , the safety of the people is the soveraigne law , and that mercy to the bad is cruelty against the good . and therefore , we desire that your lordships would be pleased to represent so much from us to the parliament , and with all , that for the present , according to the commission given to us , wee doe long to see iustice done upon the lievtenant of ireland , earnestly craving according to the famous and laudable custome of that grave and honorable counsell , he may beare the punishment , which the atrocity of his crimes doe deserve , which should be much for his majesties honour , and for the peace of all his majesties good subjects , who will be out of hope of the redresse of their grievances , if the wicked , who have caused all their woes , be either justified , or spared . better that one perish then vnity . a brief essay concerning the independency of church-power collier, jeremy, 1650-1726. 1692 approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33899 wing c5244 estc r16602 12394247 ocm 12394247 61081 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33899) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61081) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 958:17) a brief essay concerning the independency of church-power collier, jeremy, 1650-1726. 15 p. s.n.], [s.l. : 1692. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. caption title. imprint date taken from colophon. attributed to collier, jeremy. cf. wing. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief essay concerning the independency of church-power . that the non-complying bishops and clergy were at the revolution duly authorized in their respective charges , is by none denyed ; that they have not as yet been deprived by a synod of bishops , or had any ecclesiastical censure passed agâinst them , is equally evident . for tho' there were some bishops in the upper house , when the act of deprivation passed against their brethren ; yet their votes ( supposing them legal ) were foreign to their character ; and given in virtue of a meerly civil capacity ; they voted not as bishops , but as lords of parliament : and since the right by which they sit is a lay-privilege , the acts which they do , in consequence of such a privilege , must be of the same secular nature ; the case standing thus , the question is , whether an act of parliament , supposing it legally constituted ; can void an ecclesiastical authority , and unmake the governors of the church ? i shall briefly undertake to maintain the negative , by shewing the churches power to be distinct from , and independent of the state. but , to prevent mis-construction , i desire to be understood , that by church power , i mean only that which is purely spiritual : and that ecclesiastics , as such , can make no direct or indirect claim to any other , and therefore , first , they are no less the subjects of princes than the laity . secondly , their meerly secular estates , their civil privileges and jurisdictions , are all under the cognizance of the state ; of which they may be legally ( though not always equitably ) disseized , whenever the legislative authority of a kingdom shall think fit to do it : having premised this , i shall endeavour to prove their independency in things purely relating to their function . 1. from the original of ecclesiastical authority . 2. from the end and design of it . 3. from the practice of the primitive church . 1. from the original of ecclesiastical authority . the power of governing the church , and performing the offices of religion , is neither any gift of the people , nor held by commission from kings and princes ; it springs from a greater original , and derives no lower than heaven it self . our blessed saviour , who redeemed the church , was pleased to settle the administration of it by his own appointment : from him the apostles received authority to teach and govern such as were converted by them ; the words of their commission are plain , and expressed with all imaginable advantage . as my father hath sent me , even so send i you ; whosoever sins ye remit , they are remitted , &c. st. john 20. 21 ▪ 23. upon this account the apostles are called the ambassadors and ministers of christ , 1 cor. 4. 1. and the people are commanded to obey and submit themselves to those who have this spiritual authority , heb. 13. 17. neither was this power to expire with the apostles , but be conveyed by succession through all ages of the world ; there being the same cause for its continuance , as for its first institution : and accordingly we find from st. paul , that one reason of his giving titus the super-intendency of crete , was to ordain elders in every city , tit. 1. 5. thus clemens romanus ( 1. ep. ad cor. ) tells us , the apostles in their travels used to ordain bishops , &c. for the advantage of such as were only christians in prospect , as well as for those who were already converted . and thus the sacred order has been continued without interruption for near 1700 years : now our saviour , we know , was no temporal prince . he refused to interpose in a case of property ; and declared expresly , that his kingdom was not of this world , st. luke 12. 14. st. john 18. 36. from whence 't is plain , that the authority which our saviour gave the church , can have no dependance upon the state , because it was never derived from thence . 't is true , all power , both sacred and civil , came originally from god ; yet under the jewish , and especially under the christian institution , the crown and mitre have been divided : and tho' the same persons are capable of both ; yet the claim must be made upon a different account , and conveyed by titles perfectly distinct . and since the ecclesiastical authority doth not hold of the civil magistrate , it cannot be forfeited to him : as the state cannot consecrate bishops and priests , so neither can they recal their character , or restrain them in the exercise of their function ; there being no reason a privilege should be either extinguished , or limited by those who were never masters of the grant : for what a man has no power to give , he can have no right to take away . this will further appear , if we consider the means by which the advantages of christianity are conveyed to us . now that the sacraments are necessary for this purpose is evident from scripture : for concerning baptism 't is said , that except a man be born of water , and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of god , st. john 3. 5. and the lord's supper is stiled by st. paul ( 1 cor. 10. 6. ) the communion of the body and blood of christ ; that is the means by which the benefits of christ's death are applyed to us . so that without being partakers of the sacraments , we can have no pretence to the covenant of grace , no title to the assistance of god's spirit ; nor any assurance of a blessed immortality . now , i suppose , none of the laity will pretend to an authority to administer the sacraments : they will not challenge a right to seal covenants in god's name ; or to represent him in acts of solemn blessing and absolution . no man , ( as the apostle argues ) ought to take this honour to himself , but he that is called of god as was aaron , heb. 5. 4. the fate of corah and uzziah , ( numb . 16. 2. chron. 26. ) are sufficient to deter all secular persons from an encroachment of this nature ; which if made , god would both punish the usurpation , and null the act : as a prince would be obliged to do in point of government , if any person should forge a commission in his name . now since the sacraments , which are both necessary to make us members of the church , and to convey the advantages of christianity to us ; are by our saviours special appointment entrusted with the clergy , and the administration of them is lodged in their hands ; from hence it follows , that those who have the sole right of admitting into a society , or excluding from it ; and of dispensing the rewards and punishments , are the proper and only governors of that society ; and can have no dependance upon any other . secondly , the independency of ecclesiastical authority may be proved from the end and design of it . i suppose i need not prove that the christian religion , as contained in the new testament , is the last revelation which god intends to make to the world. now this being granted , we must suppose that our blessed saviour founded his church upon such laws , and gave it such lasting principles of government , as should best maintain its continuance , and secure those important truths he had entrusted it with . least of all can we imagine he would build it upon a sandy foundation , and make it depend upon the arbitrary power of its enemies . our saviour foresaw that all the princes of the world would disbelieve , and many of them persecute his doctrine for several ages together ; and therefore would be very improper persons to have been trusted with the sovereign administration of ecclesiastical affairs . had the government of the church been derived from them , or depended upon their allowance ; christianity had been a very short liv'd religion , and never out-grown its infancy . in this case , the publick assemblies , ordinations , sacraments , and discipline , must have lain at the mercy of unbelievers ; and the clergy ought not to have executed their function , nor taken care of their flock , unless the civil magistrate would have given them leave . for if the spiritual supremacy were the right of princes , tho' they might possibly abuse the management of this prerogative ; yet it ought to lie absolutely at their disposal , and under their regulation : and for any person to meddle in ecclesiastical matters without a commission from them , but especially against their commands , would be an open violation of their right ; which no man ought to be guilty of , tho' for the support of the best religion ; because we ought not to do ill that good may come of it . and since no society can subsist without government and discipline ; if the bishops could exercise no spiritual authority without a lay-permission , it would be in the civil magistrates power to make the perpetuity of the church impracticable ; and the christian religion would depend upon the pleasure of the prince . but besides the absurdity of this way of reasoning , we have in the third place , the practice of the apostles , and of the whole primitive church , to prove , that the ecclesiastical authority was perfectly sui juris , and never under the controul of the secular magistrate . thus when the sanhedrim of the jews , who acted by the authority of the romans , and had the assistance of the captain of the temple ; when they imprisoned the apostles , and commanded them not to speak at all , nor teach in the name of iesus , act. 4. 19. to this their answer is plain and positive ; whether it be right in the sight of god to hearken unto you more than unto god , judge ye , verse 20. that is to say , they had a commission from heaven to preach the gospel , which they were bound to execure ; and which no temporal jurisdiction had any authority to revoke . whereas had the church been under the check of the state in matters purely spiritual , st. peter and st. john were much to blame for ●efusing to obey their superiors ; they ought to have acquie●ced in the sanhedrims prohibition , and not to have pur●ued their function after they were so solemnly silenc'd ; and tha● by those whom themselves owned to be rulers of the people , act. 4. 8. either therefore the church must be constituted independent of the state ; or the apostles can never be cleared of the charge of sedition . the same imputation will , upon the modern principles , affect the bishops of the universal church for the first 300 years ; who held publick assemblies , governed their clergy , and their people , and perform'd all parts of their office , not only without any authority from their respective princes , but often contrary to their express commands ; which matter of fact is so well known , that it would be superfluous to enlarge upon the proof of it . if it be said , that these were heathen princes , but when the emperors became part of the church , the case was otherwise . to this i answer , that the change of the emperor's religion could not gain them any such new jurisdiction as is pretended . for as magistracy in general does not imply a right to spiritual authority ; so neither does the denomination of christian give it any such advantage . for , i suppose , spiritual dominion is no more founded in grace , than temporal . in short , if princes receive any such authority by virtue of their christianity , it must be conveyed either by revelation , or implied in the notion of baptism . as to the point of revelation ; the scripture no where teaches us , that princes , upon their turning christian , should have their commission enlarged with the addition of episcopal , or priestly power . i grant , it was foretold , that kings should be nursing fathers to the church , isa. 49. 23. but then it is added , that they shall bow down to her with their faces towards the earth ; and elsewhere , that they shall minister to her , or serve her , isa. 60. 10. we see therefore , we must not strain upon the letter in these expressions ; nor press the metaphor too far , unless we will conclude contradictions : therefore the character of their being nursing fathers , is sufficiently fulfilled by their affording christians protection and encouragement under their government , and by finishing the contempt of religion . but that the magistrates conversion should alter the seat of ecclesiastical government , put a period to the apostolical succession , and dissolve the church into the state , is not so much as the least hinted . and as for baptism , there is no authority of any kind implied in the receiving that sacrament ; if there were , every christian would have an equal share in this privilege ; which would make the constitution of the church monstrous , in which all its members would be governors , and so none under an obligation of being governed . if it is objected , that the oxford greek manuscript , published the last year , has proved by a collection of several instances , that bishops , though unjustly deprived , have for the sake of peace , laid down their function , and not contested their right with their successors , provided they were not hereticks : and that the people made no scruple to communicate with the new bishops . to this it may be returned , that this manuscript has been lately undertaken , and shewn to be altogether unserviceable to the publisher's design . ( vid. a vindication of the deprived bishops , &c. ) where the learned vindicator has proved . first , that though the instances alledged in the manuscript were applicable to the present dispute , they would fall far short of gaining the cause . i shall just mention some of his reasons . he hath shewn the author of the manuscript to be defective in point of antiquity , and little more than 400 years old ; and that none of the instances rise higher than the fourth century ; that they are not universal in respect of place , all of them being confin'd to the greek church ; and most to the single see of constantinople . farther , the learned vindicator observes , that the precedents cited by the manuscript are nakedly represented , without shewing , whether the people , who deserted the deprived bishops , believed them unjustly deprived . if they did not , 't is no wonder they withdrew their obedience : neither do his instances prove , that the people thought them tried by an incompetent authority , as well as unjustly deprived . now this ought to have been proved , to have made the manuscript serviceable to the publishers purpose . for , though an unjust sentence ought to be submitted to , when pronounced by a proper iudge ; yet when the cause does not lie within the cognizance of the court , all the proceedings are null and void . it should have been made out , that the bishops insisted on their right , and challenged submission from their people ; for if they acquiesced , the case does not come up to the matter in hand . but here the manuscript fails , as it does also in clearing , whether the behaviour of the bishops and people was founded upon principles at that time owned . for , if want of due information , or fear , or interest made them act as they did ; we have no reason to be governed by their examples . the vindicator p●●●eeds to give in counter-evidence , and proves from st. cyprian , who disputes the case of sehism at large , and lived in an age very valuable for antiquity and integrity ; that the catholick church maintained the right of canonical bishops , both against secular magistrates , and schismatical intruders . as appear'd in the case of cornelius bishop of rome , who was owned by the whole church ; notwithstanding the opposition made by decius the emperor , and novarian the anti-bishop . and martian bishop of arles was refused the communion of his brethren , for owning that of schismaticks . he observes , that the principles insisted on by st. cyprian , were not peculiar to his own age , but maintained likewise by st. augustin , and optatus , in their disputes against the donatists . the vindicator pursues the argument , and proves , the anti-bishops and their adherents guilty of heresy ; for the avoiding of which , the author of the manuscript himself allows separation to be justifiable and necessary : this charge he presseth upon them , not only because they defend their novelties by principles , but by such principles , as strike at the root of ecclesiastical government . for , their being bishops supposes all spiritual , as well as civil authority derived from the state ; which doctrines make it impossible for the church to subsist in a time of persecution . and since no society , whether spiritual or secular , can stand without an intrinsick power of government ; and the advantages of society cannot be had any longer than the society whence they arise continues . from hence it follows , that those opinions which destroy any society , must destroy all those advantages , which were design'd in the constitution , and guarded by it . such tenents , when they relate to the church , may , with propriety enough be called fundamental errors ; which brings them under the modern , and received notion of heresy . the learned vindicator , in the second part of his book , goes on , and shows , that though the oxford manuscript ( how favourable soever ) would have been a very slender defence for the anti-bishops , and their party ; yet they have not so much as the countenance of this record ; the instances produced being foreign to the present controversy . for in all the cases mentioned in this manuscript ( excepting that of callinicus , which is dubious , and not to their purpose ; ) either the deprivations were passed in an ecclesiastical synod ; or were grounded upon resignation ; or heresy ; or else the deprived bishops insisted upon their right ; and with their people formed distinct communions from their intruders . and thus in the course of 900 years , which is the length of the manuscript ; they have not one instance to prove , that a lay-deprivation had any force against the spiritual authority of the church . so singular , as well as destructive are the principles our adversaries establish themselves upon . lastly , the learned vindicator subjoins a collection of canons drawn from those called the apostles , from the council of gangra , antioch , carthage , and constantinople , which in all rational conjecture were added by the author of the manuscript , though omitted by the publisher . in these canons 't is solemnly decreed , that if any deacon , or priest , should despise their bishop , and hold separate meetings from him , unless he were deprived by a synod , they were to be degraded : this fault in the laity was punished with excommunication . and if a bishop withdrew communion from his metropolitan ( unless synodically deprived ) he was to be deposed . by all which we may understand , how far these councils were from supposing that the civil magistrate had any power to deprive ecclesiasticks of their spiritual authority . these are some of the heads upon which the learned vindicator proceeds ; and which he maintains with admi●able strength of reason and authority . if the reader is inclin'd to see the argument pursu'd at length , and with its just advantages , he may please to consult his excellent discourse . from the independency of the church thus proved , these conclusions naturally follow . first , that it is no more in the power of the state to deprive the church governors of their purely spiritual authority , than it is in the power of the church to remove the magistracy , or disincorporate the state. for all punishment and censure supposes jurisdiction in the person who inflicts it . but this supposition is inconsistent with the notion of independency : those who are independent being in this sense equal , so far as their independency reaches ; and have no privileges to command , or duties to obey on either side . from whence it follows , secondly , that the bishops , notwithstanding the lay-deprivation , have the same spiritual authority they formerly had ; and their people the same obligation to remain in their communion . the consequence of which is , thirdly , that the anti-bishops who are possessed of their sees , have no authority to govern. these the people are bound to avoid upon the score of intrusion and schism . i say , upon the score of schism . for since they have subjected the power of the keys to the civil supremacy ; given up , as much as in them lies , the fundamental rights of the church , and made the being of religion precarious , and dependent on the pleasure of the magistrate : since they have either usurped the authority of lawful and canonical bishops , or own'd those who are guilty of such invasions ; the charge of schism and separation must lie at their own doors . such dangerous innovations as these , as long as they are maintained , must cut off all religious correspondence , and make communion impracticable . insomuch that those who joyn with the intruders , will justly fall under the same imputation of schism , for revolting from their lawful bishops , and making themselves one with those who are divided from the church . fourthly , this privilege of independency , in matters purely spiritual , will reach the inferior clergy . for their authority being derived from the bishops , and of the same nature with theirs , it can be subordinate , or related , to no other head of jurisdiction : and therefore these can be no more discharged the exercise of their function by a lay power than the bishops . thus we see communion with the pretended church of england must be unlawful , even supposing the law-authority unexceptionable , and that the church-service remain unaltered . however , let us put the case ( for we may suppose any thing , ) that the depriving authority was it self defective , and illegal , and no less a breach of the constitution , than an encroachment upon the church : suppose farther , that the publick prayers are stuffed with immoral petitions ; that god is made a party to injustice ; and invoked to prosper that which he hath threatned to punish : such singular mixtures as these must give the service a very ill complexion , and make devotion look like a solemn iniquity . to say , we dont joyn in the exceptionable petitions is no answer . first , because the notion of communion , the prayers in their form and rubrick , suppose the contrary . secondly , if we may joyn in communion where some part of the worship is sinful ; then , by parity of reason , we may communicate with all sorts of christians ; and not only so , but with jews and mahometans ; because all these divisions of religion acknowledge the same god , and have many things which are pious and commendable in their worship . but this part of the argument , having receiv'd satisfaction from a good hand already , needs not be pursued any farther . i shall therefore make two or three remarks , and so conclude . first , this spiritual independency of the church can give no just grounds of jealousie to the state. princes need not to be awaken'd into any suspicions of being disturbed in their administrations , or having any part of their prerogative wrested from them ; this privilege pretends to no temporal jurisdiction , but leaves all the branches of justice and property to the civil magistrate . it never offers to support it self by violence , but gives up seditious church-men to the correction of the state , as well as others : it allows no liberty to dethrone princes for misfortunes of belief ; it teaches no man to be false and treacherous for the sake of religion , nor founds any merit upon ingratitude and rebellion . in short , this authority relates only to conscience : and tho' it may challenge obedience within a proper compass ; and the contempt of it will be deeply reveng'd hereafter ; yet since there is no force claim'd for the execution of its censures , it must be perfectly inoffensive here . secondly , since even the inferior clergy are , with respect to their spiritual authority , independent of princes ; certainly private persons , tho' never so considerable , should allow them the same advantage . church-men , we see , have their authority from god ; and are therefore his ministers , not the peoples ; the branches of their office , such as instruction , absolution , and blessing , imply super-intendency , and power , and ought not to come under a servile character . for , as on the one side , 't is a fault to grow vain upon their relation , to neglect the meanest christian , or , as the apostle speaks , to be have themselves as lords over god's heritage , 1 s. pet. 5. 3. so 't is no less on the other , to prostitute their function to greatness ; and make themselves servants to ceremony and state. and without doubt they may find other ways of paying a due regard to persons , without making themselves and religion ridiculous . neither will the consideration of mony , or entertainment degrade their character , and make them belong to those of whom they receive it . for money is given to parents , to princes , and to god himself ; and therefore does not always suppose subjection in the receiver . when micah contracted with the levite to perform the offices of religion in his family ; he was far from thinking he entertain'd a servant ; as we may see , judges 17. 10. dwell with me , and be unto me a father , and a priest , and i will give thee ten shekels of silver , &c. and as for the obligation , st. paul thought there was a fair equivalent returned ; as we may perceive by his question . if we have sow● unto you spiritual things , is it a great thing , if we shall reap your carnal things ? 1 cor. 9. 11. indeed the notion of a priest supposes a peculiar , and incommunicable relation to god almighty : and in this sense , natural , as well as revealed religion has understood it ; the roman emperors , tho' they were vain enough , yet never pretended to have priests belong to them till they were dead , and deified . and if any are so extravagant as to exceed the pride of a heathen emperor , tho' in charity we ought to pray for them ; yet i am afraid 't is to little purpose to pray with them . thirdly , the clergy ought to form assemblies for the service of god : since our late brethren have dispossessed us of our own churches , and made it impracticable to come to theirs . since violence has removed us from the one , and schism from the other : since we are banished the holy ground , and driven from the place where god's honour used to dwell . since we cannot perform his worship with those circumstances of advantage , with that magnificence and solemnity which were to be wished ; let us carry the opportunity as far as it will reach ; and do our duty in the best manner we can . god , as the scripture speaks , is not confined to temples made with hands . in a state of hardship , necessity and devotion may consecrate ; and the primitive upper-room will not be unacceptable . above all things , let us take care not to neglect the service of god ; least we grow indifferent to all religion , and by avoiding schism , sink into profaneness ; 't is not the danger of suffering will excuse us : for it was in a time of persecution , when the apostle charged the hebrews , not to forsake the assembling themselves together , heb. 10. 25. many are the advantages of publick worship above that which is performed in private . by the former we pay a more solemn homage to god , and make a more open acknowledgement of our dependency . in our joint and uniform petitions we declare the harmony of our judgments , and the extent of our charity ; and that we are willing to assist each other at the throne of grace . besides , the occasion of coming , and the example of those that come , are not without their advantage . these circumstances are apt to keep up attention , and improve good dispositions , and make us more affected with the impressions of religion . farther , by our united prayers , we may hope for a greater support from heaven , than from single and solitary devotions . it was upon assemblies that the miraculous gifts of the holy ghost were bestowed , as we may learn from several places of scripture , acts 2. 2. 4. 31. 10. 44. and though , since our religion has been fully confirm'd , these extraordinary assistances have been withdrawn : yet when we meet in obedience to god's command , when we serve him with the greatest reverence and resolution , we may reasonably expect a proportionable blessing . and as the publick services are more beneficial , so the use of them can never be more necessary , than when the church lies under disorder and distress . when atheism grows upon us ; when virtue seems ready to expire , and the faithful fall from among the children of men ; when temptations have the greatest weight , and perseverance is pressed , and we cannot maintain our innocency without more than ordinary difficulty ; then is the proper time to call in all the aids of religion , and to put our devotions in the b●st posture of advantage . upon such a melancholy occasion , we have need , if ever , to unite our prayers , and frequent the sacrament , and fortify our minds with all the supports of mutual and supernatural assistance . to stand off from danger , and confine our selves to the numbers of security ; and be frighted from publick communion ; looks like the conduct of an army that disbands at the approach of an enemy . the honour of god , and the good of the church , are ( without doubt ) best promoted by an open profession , by resolution , and religious bravery . those who thus distinguish themselves carry light and heat in their examples . they awaken inquiry , and encourage imitation , and transfuse a spirit of g●eatness into others . now the interest of another world , all christians grant to be incomparably the greatest , and where there is no proportion in the value , one would think there should be no difficulty in the choice . let nothing therefore discourage us in our duty ; for whatever wordly inconveniences may happen , we may be assured of the divine protection : and , besides the future rewards of constancy and patience , we shall have the present satisfaction of suffering for the best cause , and the best communion . printed in the year , 1692. a proclamation indicting a general assembly. scotland. privy council. 1693 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05710 wing s1946 estc r183567 52529317 ocm 52529317 179105 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05710) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179105) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:94) a proclamation indicting a general assembly. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his their excellent majesties, edinburgh : anno dom. 1693. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twenty seventh day of september, and of our reign the fifth year, 1693. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland. -general assembly -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion monogram of 'w' (william) superimposed on' m' (mary) diev et mon droit honi soit qui mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , indicting a general assembly . william and mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds macers of our privy council , pursevants , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuchas , the real good of our people , both in their religious and civil concerns , is , and ever shall be very dear unto us ; and that we are hopeful the meeting of a general assembly of the church , of this our antient kingdom may contribute thereto : therefore we with advice of our privy council , do appoint and ordain , a general assembly of the church of this our antient kingdom , to meet and conveen at edinburgh , the sixth day of december next to come ; and require and command , all elections usual and necessar for the said general assembly , to be duely and timeously made , and all persons concerned to attend the said meeting , day and place foresaid , as they will be answerable . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and whole remanent mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this our realm , and there by open proclamation , make publication of the premisses , that none may pretend ignorance ; and ordains thir presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twenty seventh day of september , and of our reign the fifth year , 1693. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . in supplementum signeti . d a. moncrieff . cls. sti. concilii . god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anno dom. 1693. a proclamation prorogating the acts of parliament against conventicles, and separation from the publick meetings of divine worship. scotland. privy council. 1675 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05721 wing s1969a estc r183578 52612444 ocm 52612444 179641 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05721) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179641) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2794:35) a proclamation prorogating the acts of parliament against conventicles, and separation from the publick meetings of divine worship. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by andrew anderson, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno 1675. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated at end: given under our signet at edinburgh, the sixth day of august, one thousand six hundred seventy and five years and of our reigne, the twenty seventh year. signed: th. hay, cl. sti concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -legal status, laws, etc. -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-10 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation prorogating the acts of parliament against conventicles . and separation from the publick meetings of divine worship . charles , by the grace of god , king of great brittain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , to our lovits _____ macers , or messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting ; forasmuch as , the fifth act of the second session of our second parliament , intituled , act against conventicles , and the seventh act of that same session of parliament , intituled , act against separation and withdrawing from the publick meetings of divine vvorship , were appointed to endure only for the space of three years , unless vve should think fit to continue them longer . and having considered a posterior act of parliament , past upon the fourth day of september , one thousand six hundred seventy and two years , whereby the saids two acts of parliament were appointed to endure for the space of other three years after the expiring of the first three , and longer as vve should be pleased to appoint . and finding it now necessary for our service , that the saids acts be continued for three years further ; and that the same remain in force ay and while vve declare our further pleasure thereanent ; therefore vve , with advice of the lords of our privy councill , do prorogate and continue the saids acts of parliament for other three years and further , during our pleasure ; and do ordain the same to continue in full force ay and while we declare our further pleasure ; thereanent . our will is herefore , and vve charge you , that incontinently thir our letters seen ye pass , to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and other places needfull ; and thereat in our name and authority make open publication of our royal pleasure in the premisses that none may pretend ignorance thereof . the which to do vve commit to you conjunctly and severally , our full power by these our letters , delivering them by you duely execute and indorsed again to the bearer . given under our signet at edinburgh , the sixth day of august one thousand six hundred seventy and five years , and of our reigne , the twenty seventh year . th. hay , cl. s ti concilii . god save the king. edinburgh , printed by andrew anderson , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty . anno 1675. proclamation anent production of the tacks of the teinds of the bishopricks scotland. privy council. 1694 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05746 wing s2013ba estc r183609 53299303 ocm 53299303 180032 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05746) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 180032) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2810:57) proclamation anent production of the tacks of the teinds of the bishopricks scotland. privy council. eliot, gilbert, sir, 1651-1718. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh, : 1694. caption title. initial letter. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tax collection -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. taxation -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal emblems proclamation , anent production of the tacks of the teinds of the bishopricks . forasmuch as his sacred majesty , by his letter of the date the 24 day of april last , did signifie to the lords commissioners of his thesaury , that it was his royal pleasure they should farm the bishops rents by way of roup , and that to one or more persons , as might be most for his majesties advantage : and did also declare his gracious inclination for the ease of his people , that a sum should be agreed upon , to be payed at the renewing of the tacks of teinds of the said bishopricks , and that the first offer thereof should be made to the heretors . and seing that before the roup go on , it is necessary to know if the tacks thereof formerly set by the bishops be expired or not . therefore the saids lords commissioners of their majesties thesaury with advice and consent of the lords of exchequer , have thought fit to delay the same , until the first day of november next to come ; to the effect that all heretors and others , who have tacks of teinds from the saids bishops , may produce them to the clerks of exchequer , betwixt and the first day of october ensuing , and whereunto they are hereby required . certifying such as shall failzie therein , that the collectors or tacksmen of the bishoprick rents , will proceed to uplift the saids persons their teiths ipsa corpora , or pursue for the value thereof . and that none may pretend ignorance , ordains these presents to be printed and published at the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and the other head-burghs of the respective shires of this kingdom . given at edinburgh the third day of august , 1694 . extractum de libris scaccarii , per me tho. moncreiff . god save king vvilliam and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , 1694. a nevv quære at this time seasonably to be considered as we tender the advancement of trvth & peace : viz. whether it be fit, according to the principles of true religion, and state, to settle any church-government over the kingdome hastily, or not : and with the power commonly desired, in the hands of the ministers / by iohn saltmarsh ... saltmarsh, john, d. 1647. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a61083 of text r2317 in the english short title catalog (wing s492). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a61083 wing s492 estc r2317 13832082 ocm 13832082 102005 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61083) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102005) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1046:17) a nevv quære at this time seasonably to be considered as we tender the advancement of trvth & peace : viz. whether it be fit, according to the principles of true religion, and state, to settle any church-government over the kingdome hastily, or not : and with the power commonly desired, in the hands of the ministers / by iohn saltmarsh ... saltmarsh, john, d. 1647. [2], 4 p. printed for giles calvert ..., london : 1646. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. eng church and state -church of england. church and state -great britain. a61083 r2317 (wing s492). civilwar no some drops of the viall, povvred out in a season, when it is neither night nor day: or, some discoveries of iesus christ his glory in severa saltmarsh, john 1646 2026 4 0 0 0 0 0 20 c the rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-10 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new quaere , at this time seasonably to be considered , as we tender the advancement of trvth & peace ; viz. whether it be fit , according to the principles of true religion , and state , to settle any church-government over the kingdome hastily , or not ; and with the power commonly desired , in the hands of the ministers . by iohn saltmarsh , preacher of the word at brasteed in kent . 2 cor. 10. 8. our authority ( which the lord hath given for instruction , and not for destruction . ) london , printed for giles calvert , at the signe of the black spread-eagle , at the west-end of s. pauls . 1646. a quaere : whether it be fit , according to the principles of true religion , and state , to settle any church-government over the kingdom hastily , or not ; and with the power commonly desired , in the hands of the ministers , 1. the rules laid down in the word for practicall obedience , are these in part ; let every one be fully perswaded in his own mind , rom. 14. 5. ver. 23. and whatsoever is not of faith , is sin . now the setling of any government upon a people who are yet generally untaught in the nature and grounds of it , is to put upon the people the practice of that wherein it is impossible they can be fully perswaded in their minds , and so either on a necessity of sin or misery . 2 , there is great danger of bringing people under a popish implicite obedience , by forcing on a practice of that which they scarce know , or know but in part : and this is against the nationall covenant , to side with any principles of popery : and we know it by experience , that the people have been ever devoted to any thing the state sets up ; all the disputes or conscience of the common people usually ending in this , whether it be established by law or no ; and going usually no higher nor further then a statute or act of state for their religion . 3. christ iesus himselfe could as easily have setled his gospell-government by miracle , as any can now by a civill power , if there had been such a primary or moral necessity of establishing it so soon upon a people scarce enlightned for any part of it : but we see the contrary , first in himselfe , he taught long , and iohn before him , and so the disciples ; and the g 〈…〉 for government were not given till he ascended , and the modell for government not brought forth but by degrees , and as people fell in and were capable of the yoake , and would mould more easily to the commandements of christs ; and whether then or no , is yet a question which some who have sit out the debates too , though not with me , who am fully assured of a power of order which the apostle rejoyced to behold ; though a power with as little dominion in government as tradition in worship . 4. we never read in the new testament of a gospell-government setled upon any that were not brought first under gospell-obedience by the power of the word and spirit , which thousands of congregations in this kingdom are not : for as in materiall buildings stone and timber are not to be clapt together without h●w●●g and squaring , so nor in the spirituall : and whereas in the temple there should neither be axe nor hammer heard , because things were fitted before hand , and so laid together : i question how this could be in our congregations now : i beleeve there would be now more of the axe and the hammer heard , then of the building seen . 5. we have found by experience , that the speedy setling of government upon the nation , hath made reformation take little root , save in the out ward man , or formall obedience ; and the reason was , because they received not reformation first in the power of the word , but of the state , which went not so deep into their consciences , but they could part with it at any time upon a law : oh then , why do not daies speake , and multitude of yeares teach knowledge ? 6. it is against the nature of christs description of himselfe , and against that sutablenesse which he presses for , amongst all such as should submit to his commandements ; he shall not strive , nor cry , neither shall any man heare his voyce in the streets , matth. 11. 19. my yoke is easie , and my burden light , matth. 11. 29. his commandements are not grievous , 1 joh. 5. 3. neither do men put new wine into old bottles . all which cannot be fulfilled in the parochiall congregations . 7. the more time for trying the spirits , and proving all things , there is lesse danger to that state of errings in things received and authorized , and of involving it selfe into the designes of ecclesiasticall power , then which nothing hath sooner broken the civill power , as may be seen in popish kingdoms , and our late prelaticall . there can be no great danger in the not sudden incorporating the two powers : since moses is not alive to bring down the just paterne of the tabernacle , there may a new star arise , which was not seen at first ; which , if we shut up our selves too soone while the smoake is the temple , cannot appeare . 8. we have not yet any experiment of our new clergie , who are many of them branches of the old stock , and so may weild the government too much of the episcopall faction , as the samaritans did with the iewish government , because they were not naturall iews . it is not safe trusting a power too far into those hands . our brethren of scotland have been more used to the way of presbytery , and may better trust one another upon mutuall experience , then we can yet . 9. we experience in part some remainders of prelacy working in many , which shewes a constitution not so cleare nor pure as the disciples of christ should have ; then whether it be safe committing the power too suddenly : for though i question not but some may be like the ten , yet there are others like the two brethren who strove which should be greatest , till the lord ended the difference , it shall not be so amongst you . we find the hottest controversie is now moved about church-government ; and there hath been most written and spoken this way , and in most violence : now when the contention for power is so much , and the controversie streames most in government , we may soon discerne dispositions . well , is it good parting with the stakes yet while there is such quarrelling for them , & when one party cannot but take it for an injury , if wholly given to the other ? it is to be feared , there is too much of man , because the bias runs most in these times towards this one truth of government , & many other are wholly set by , which might well be lookt upon with it ; which if there were not a principle in man more fitted for a truth of this kind then any other , would not be : but every truth hath its age and season . this only for caution . 10. there is no religion established by state , but there is some proportion in the two powers , and some compliancy betwixt the civill and ecclesiasticall ; so as the establishing the one , will draw with it some motions in the other : and we all see how hazardous it is to disinteresse any in the civill part , even in kingdomes that are more firme , as france , where the protestants are partly allowed their religion in pay for their civill engagements ; and so in other states . and sure i am , that state is most free , where the conscience is least straitned , where the tares and the wheat grow together till the harvest . 11. our parties or dissenting brethren being now together , and clasped by interest against the common enemy , this foundation of common unity is such as may draw in both affections and judgements ▪ if not too suddenly determined into hereticks and schismaticks : it is possible , while a controversie is long suspended , and time given for conclusion of things , opinions may be sooner at peace : a fire let alone , may dye out under that wood which stirred in would kindle it . the contentions of brethren are like the strong bars of a castle ; and a brother that is offended is harder to be won then a strong city , prov. 18. 19. obiections . i. bvt the temple was builded with all speed in nehemiahs time ; and therefore , &c. and haggai cals to the building , is it time ? hag. 1. 4. answ . yea , but the matteriall patterne was more clearly left and known then the gospell-patternes : the other were more in the letter , and these more in the spirit . now there must be a proving all things , else there may be more hast then good speed ; and the temple may be built by a false paterne as well as a true , and then better no building , then no right cedar to build with . and there were prophets then , who knew the periods of times , and could prophesie , as haggai and zechariah ; but none so exactly now ; and these knew both the fashion and the time for building . yet who ought not to hasten the temple , if the timber be ready , and if the apostles and prophets be there for a foundation , and iesus christ for chiefe corner-ston ? ephes. 2. object . ii. but vice , heresies and schisms will grow too fast . answ . so they might have done from iohns first sermon to pauls epistles ▪ and the sending of the spirit ; but yet you see there was no government , till after , setled upon the people of god . and if heresies stir up their patrons against the state , the magistrate beares not the sword in vaine ? and if morall transgressions , let the magistrate be set on in every place to quicken the statutes ; and preachers every where sent forth to publish the gospell . and what if the prince of persia withstand for a while ? truth is otherwise armed from heaven : though satan be in the wildernesse with christ , yet christ shall conquer . it is the papists and the prelates jealousies , to keep up their supposed truths , by suspecting every thing that appeares for an enemy . the gospell dares walk abroad with boldnesse and simplicity , when traditions of men , like melancholy people , feare every thing they meet will kill them : for the angell that comes down from heaven hath great power , and the earth is lightned with his glory , rev 18. 1. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61083e-150 see in m. colemans sermon . a reporte of a discourse concerning supreme power in affaires of religion manifesting that this power is a right of regalitie, inseparably annexed to the soueraigntie of euery state: and that it is a thing both extreamely dangerous, and contrarie to the vse of all auncient empires and commonwealths, to acknowledge the same in a forraine prince. hayward, john, sir, 1564?-1627. 1606 approx. 123 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02862 stc 13001 estc s116592 99851808 99851808 17100 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02862) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 17100) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1105:11) a reporte of a discourse concerning supreme power in affaires of religion manifesting that this power is a right of regalitie, inseparably annexed to the soueraigntie of euery state: and that it is a thing both extreamely dangerous, and contrarie to the vse of all auncient empires and commonwealths, to acknowledge the same in a forraine prince. hayward, john, sir, 1564?-1627. [6], 52, [2] p. imprinted by f[elix] k[ingston] for iohn hardie, and are to be sold by iohn flasket, dwelling at the signe of the black beare in paules church yeard, at london : 1606. by sir john hayward. printer's name from stc. cf. folger catalogue, which gives signatures: a-g⁴ h² . vertical chain lines. the first leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in yale university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -early works to 1800. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a reporte of a discovrse concerning svpreme power in affaires of religion . manifesting that this power is a right of regalitie , inseparably annexed to the soueraigntie of euery state : and that it is a thing both extreamely dangerous , and contrarie to the vse of all auncient empires and commonwealths , to acknowledge the same in a forraine prince . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at london imprinted by f. k. for iohn hardie , and are to be sold by iohn flasket , dwelling at the signe of the blacke beare in paules church yeard . 1606. the svmmarie . 1 the occasion of this discourse . 2 the proposition : that supreme power in ecclesiasticall affaires is a right of soueraigntie . 3 soueraigne or maiesticall power must be perpetuall . 4 soueraigne power must also be absolute . 5 affaires of greatest importance are annexed to the soueraigne maiestie . 6 nothing in a state of so great importance as is religion . 7 affaires of religion are to be managed by those who beare the soueraigntie . 8 it is dangerous for others to be depended vpon in regard of religion . 9 two policies aunciently obserued for auoyding these dangers : to exclude externall ceremonies ; and to commit the ordering of matters in religion , to the soueraigne authoritie within the state. 10 instance of the first . 11 the second practised by the iewes . 12 by the aegyptians . 13 by diuers other people . 14 in the empire of assyria . 15 in the empire of persia. 16 in the empire and principall states of greece . 17 in the empire of rome vnder the gouernement of kings . 18 in the popular state of the romane empire . 19 in the romane empire vnder heathen emperours . 20 in the romane empire , vnder the first christian emperours . 21 matters of externall or accidentall forme in the church , depended altogether vpon the first christian emperours . 22 many lawes of the first christian emperours attributed vnto popes . 23 matters of faith or of essentiall forme , ordered by direction and authoritie of the first christian emperours . 24 the eight generall councels called and confirmed by emperours . 25 a strife betweene the bishops of rome and constantinople , whether should be greatest . 26 diuers emperours fauoured the bishops of constantinople . 27 by giuing this prerogatiue to the bishops of rome , the east empire was dismembred . 28 the absolute power of the bishops of rome in ecclesiasticall affaires , reduced the west empire not only to a feeble state ; but to be held in vassalage to the sea of rome . 29 by the same power the bishops of rome claimed soueraignty also , ouer diuers principall kingdomes in europe , and generally ouer all states in the world . 30 diuers distresses by this meanes occasioned . 31 the conclusion . 32 certaine questions propounded . to his honorable friend sir i. p. knight . sir , holding my selfe beholding vnto you , for many kind courtesies , i cannot but oftentimes bend and busie my deuise , to thinke how ( in some sort ) to thanke you for the same ; and if not fully to discharge , yet freely to acknowledge and professe my debt : to satisfie ( i say ) in desire , when in deed i am not able . but , howsoeuer in other performances i shall be weake , yet i will not faile to leaue a large memorie of your true habit of honestie and vertue : and in the meane season not omit to visit you with such exercises of penne , as the streightnes of other occasions shall permit me leisure to contriue . for this present i haue made choyce to present vnto you , a small enlargement of certaine passages of speech , lately raised at the table of n. which , being much frequented by persons of most principall note , hath commonly the great varietie of dishes , answered with like varietie of discourse . the first part of the dinner was passed ouer in a sad and sober silence , our tongues seeming to giue place to the office of our teeth ; and euery man commending the goodnesse of our fare , by close feeding vpon the same . at the last silence was broken , and some speeches spent in matters of conceit . in which veine one of the companie tooke often occasion to speake of a terrible blow ; alluding to the same words in that letter , whereby the late practise against his maiestie and the whole body of the state , was beaten out and brought into light . hereupon n. did breake forth into a liberall commendation of the lord mounteagle , to whom the letter was directed : affirming , that hee was a personage of true honour and merit , for that by his felicitie and faith , not onely the liues of many thousand particular persons , and whatsoeuer else was deerest vnto them , but the life also of this empire was at that time preserued ; that his high nobilitie , enobled and made pretious both with curtesie and magnanimitie , had now iustly placed him in the formost ranke of same . he proceeded to declare , the fashion of that hot and hatefull attempt : what faire opportunitie was thereby opened to secure our selues , from the fierie furie of those homebred enemies , who , rather than wee should not bee destroyed , would ouerwhelme vs in the ruines of the state : that seueritie could not hereupon be interpreted crueltie ; that hereupon nothing could be interpreted to be done in regard of religion , but onely for the necessarie defence of our safetie . this speech was diuersly taken , according as affections were diuersely disposed ; some did liuelie , some faintly , and ( as it was coniectured ) fainedly approue it ; none did openly oppose against it . from this , they fell to talke of the bill propounded in parliament against recusants ; and of the oath of supremacie , which was appointed generally to be taken . of the first they did but sparingly speake , as being a matter then handled in highest place of deliberation : vpon the second they maintained a longer stay . n. repeated many conueniences for which this oath ought generally to bee taken . whereto a certaine knight replied , not directly contradicting him , but inuoluing his intents in such soft and nice distinctions , that hee seemed rather to declare that he would not haue the oath imposed at all , then in what fashion he would haue it imposed . these obscure speeches hauing bred some incertaintie , whilest euery man rather coniectured then assured what should be ment : and controuersies of conu●niencie being not alwaies easie to bee determined by way of discourse , because all men are apt to attribute much to their owne conceits ; i drew the question to a higher degree . affirming , that it seemed not onely conuenient , but necessarie also in all grounds and reasons of state , that a king who acknowledgeth no superiour vnder god , should be acknowledged to haue supreame authoritie vnder god in ecclesiasticall affaires : that this is a principall point of regalitie , and therefore necessarily annexed to the soueraigne maiestie of euery state : that it is a hard matter if not impossible , for any nation , either to grow or long time to continue very great , wherein a foraine power doth hold the regiment in religion : that in all ancient empires and common wealthes it hath been vsed , that ; i could not finish that which i was about to speak , being interrupted by a confused clamour of three or foure at the table , who esteemed that which i had said , not for a paradoxe , but for an adoxe , or flat absurditie : seeing many christian countries , both lately and at this present , haue admitted forain gouernment in matters of religion . by this time the basons and ewers were set vpon the table , and all of vs were attentiue to the giuing of thankes . after wee had washed , and the cloath was taken away . n. in this sort renewed speech . what hath been the vse of auncient empires and common-wealths , concerning supreame gouernment in matters pertaining to religion , i haue not ( i doe confesse ) obserued : but it seemeth indeed , that the politicall gouernment in ecclesiasticall affaires should be a point of regalitie ; and that it is a hard matter , if not impossible , for any state either to grow or long time to continue very great , wherein a forraine power doth hold the regiment in religion . at the least , either to grow or continue any greater , then that forraine power shall thinke expedient . that which from me was openly reiected , being allowed by n. and in the very same words by him repeated , found good acceptance among the rest . whereupon i tooke occasion to say , that speech ( i perceiued ) was oftentimes like vnto coine , which passed for currant , not in regard of the mettall onely , but chiefely in regard of the stampe that was set vpon it . nay , said n. beautifying his speech with a courteous smile , we will also bring your mettall to the touch . there is but one truth in religion , which is not subiect to any humane power : but the discipline thereof , or matters of circumstance and externall forme , are held by our church to depend vpon the power of the prince . if question be made touching matter of substance , the same also may be determined within the realme , by the clergie thereof , assembled together by authoritie of the prince . or if the clergie of any other countrie should be taken to assistance or aduice , they come as equals , and not as superiours . for so eusebius a reporteth , that cyprian bishop of carthage did aduise with the bishop of rome , concerning the affaires of the church : and that dyonise of alexandria b aduised in like sort with cornelius , stephen and sixtus bishops of rome , without attributing vnto them either title or qualitie , otherwise then as men of their owne order and ranke . now , i haue read many controuersies in diuinitie concerning this question , whereof the multitude doth rather cloy then content ; and therefore i will not embarke you in that disputation . if you can make proofe out of other writers , that this authoritie in matters of religion , is a right of regalitie , it will follow ( i suppose ) that it cannot without apparant danger depend vpon a foraine power . if also you do manifest , that in all principall empires and common-wealths , this authoritie hath bin exercised by the chiefe in state , you may probably conclude that it is a regalitie . for these rights doe little varie , but remaine in a manner the very same in all states , of what kind soeuer they are . and although true religion is reuealed vnto vs by god , yet religion in the generall proceedeth from nature ; in regard whereof , there is some coherence and communitie in all sorts of religions ; as to acknowledge that there is a god ; to worship him ; to worship him by oblation and sacrifice &c. for although all nations doe not acknowledge and worship the true god , yet there is no nation ( as cicero c saith ) which doth not both acknowledge and adore some . these generall points which naturally , or by consent of nations are common in religion , may well bee considered without contending which religion in particular is true . for this will hardly by all parties be agreed : because euery man ( as philo saith d ) either by vse or by instruction iudgeth his owne religion best . so e chrysostome affirmeth , that in all differencies of religion , euery man will say , i say true f . but this argument which you haue propounded being new ; this point being not pointed at by any whom i haue seene , i would gladly here you fortifie the same . the argument being new ( answered i ) and now newly raysed into question , you must not engage your expectation too farre ; i shall doe much , if i minister some matter for better iudgements to work into forme . the rights of soueraignty or of maiesty , so termed by cicero ; and by liuie , the rights of empire , and of imperiall maiestie ; by tacitus , sacraregni ; by aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; by the lawyers , sacra sacrorum ; sacra indiuidua ; iura sublimia ; by the feudistes , iura regalia ; are nothing else , but an absolute and perpetuall power , to exercise the highest actions and affaires in some cretaine state . these are the proper qualities of soueraigne or maiesticall power ; that it be both absolute and also perpetuall . if it be absolute but not perpetuall , th●n is it not soueraigne ; for such power hath been oftentimes committed , by the romanes to their dictators , by the lacedemonians to their harmostes ; by many kings to their regents , viceroyes or lieutenants . but because they haue no proprietie of power inherent in them , but only an execution or exercise thereof committed to their charge , vnder limitation of time ; because also it may vpon iust cause bee reuoked within that time ; they are not accounted to haue the same in soueraignetie . and this holdeth true , although such power bee committed for a very long time ; as the athenians did to their great archos for tenne yeres : although it bee committed also in a most ample manner , which the auncient latines called optima lege , without controlement or account ; such as had the pontifices in rome ; or as the cuidians euery yeere chose 60. of their citizens whom for this cause they called amimones ; that is , men without imputation or account . and lastly , although it be without certaine limitation of time ; as sometimes had the regents of france , created for the infancie , furie or absence of their king ; who before the law of charles the fifth , dispatched matters in their proper name . againe , if it be perpetuall but not absolute , as either depending vpon some other , or else giuen either vpon charge , or with exception and restraint , then is it not soueraigne . for such power was giuen by decree of charles the fifth emperor to the senate of milan ; to confirme the constitutions of the prince , as also to infirme and abrogate the same ; to dispence contrarie to the statutes ; to make enablements , giue prerogatiues , graunt restitutions &c. that no appeale should be made from the senate &c. and whatsoeuer they should doe , should haue like force as if it were done or decreed by the prince . g yet might they not graunt pardon for offences , or giue letters of safe conduct vnto parties conuicted . so likewise in the ancient forme of inaugurating the kings of arragon , the great magistrate or iustice said thus vnto him : wee who are in vertue not inferiour , and in power greater then thy selfe , create thee king ; yet with this condition , that one amongst vs shal haue more power and command then thy selfe . i will not particularly rehearse what actions are proper vnto soueraigne power : generally it may be said , that those affaires of state , which are of greatest importance and weight , are annexed vnto the soueraigne maiestie , and cannot be separated from the same . for , because some matters are of so high nature , that vpon the ordring of them dependeth , not onely the honour and dignitie , but the safetie also and libertie of the people ; not the florishing constitution only , but the very life and being of the common-wealth ; it hath been thought fit by generall consent of nations , that they cannot bee managed by any other authoritie , than that wherein the soueraignetie is setled ; whether it be in one man , as in a monarchie ; or in a few , as in an aristocrace ; or in all , as in a popular or democraticall gouernment . they cannot bee vsurped , they cannot be h prescribed they cannot bee distracted or aliened from the same , they cannot be absolutely exercised by any other , than by them who beare the supreame maiestie . they to whose trust a common-weale is committed , must order the chiefest affaires of the same : they who are appointed for the very head of a societie , must giue both direction and motion to the principall actions of the whole bodie . and therfore they are termed sacra sacrorum i , as hath been said ; and also , iura indiuidua k because they are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the firme foundation and groundworke of a state , and can no waies be separated from the soueraigntie thereof . but there is nothing in a common-wealth of so high nature , nothing of so important weight , as is religion ; for this conserueth families , as euripides l testifieth , and is a most excellent ornament in a citie m : yea , lactantius affirmeth it the onely meanes to knit and conserue men in mutuall societie n : and that without religion the life of man would be filled with all foolishnes , madnesse and mischiefe . so likewise plutarch o calleth religion , the band which containeth all societies , and the very foundation of iustice and lawes p . for as a building cannot be either faire or firme , if the foundation be not fairely and firmely laid ; so if there bee defect in this part of gouernment , the whole frame of state will be neither seemly nor yet sure . sinesius saith q ; first let pietie be setled , the base and piller whereupon this statue of a kingdome shall firmely stand r . plutareh s was of opinion , that a citie might more easily be built and not vpon the ground , than a common-wealth either constituted or conserued , if you take away religion t . and therefore numa in liuie u did first of all establish religion as a most effectuall thing to settle the vnskilfull multitude x . afterwards also valerius y witnesseth , that the citie of rome made lesse estimation of all things than of religion z . for this cause likewise aristotle a affirmeth , that the principall care in a common wealth must be concerning matters of religion b . first , for that it setleth obe●tence and quiet within the state ; being a bridle to retaine men in order and in awe : for so cyrus reasoneth in xenophon c : if all men should be religiously affected they would beare themselues more iust and vpright in cariage , both among themselues and towards him . secondly , for that it is an assured defence ; for so trismegast●s saith d ; pietie is a custodie and defence . thirdly , for that it aduanceth victories abroad : for so cicero e aduoweth , that , not by policie , not by power , but by pietie and religion , the romanes vanquished all other nations . and so valerius hath written : f empires haue not thought much to submit themselues to sacred seruice , supp●sing to obtaine the rule of humane affaires , if they were we and constantly seruiceable in diuine . also the poets ; g dis te minorem quod geris , imperas . generally , for that in all affaires whether publike or priuate , it draweth our endeuours to a prosperous euent , for the most part better found in the end , than it can be coni●ctured by the meanes . for so aristotle did acknowledge h , that god is more fauourable and inclinable to those by whō he is most honoured . on the contrarie , it is impossible for that state to stand , much lesse to florish and thriue , where those two extreames of religion are highly in strength , whereto plutarch i saith , the weakenes of man is exceeding prone ; k the one is vaine superstition ; l the other is cold carelesnesse and proud contempt . the first plutarch m doth appropriate to barbarous people ; seneca n termeth it a mad error : cicero o saith that it stirreth the minds of men and maketh them vnquiet . and that it breaketh the courage and heart , lucretius doth in these words affirme : faciunt animos humiles formidine diuûm depressosque premunt ad terram . the second is called by hermes , p a great disease and sicknes of the soule , making it inclinable to all actions that are euill . from hence ariseth discord and disturbance in the state : from hence cicero q saith , great calamities are cast vpon it : which is also confirmed by that of horace : di multa neglecti dederunt , hesperiae mala luctuosae . for these causes cicero r obserued , that the common-wealth of the romans was most enlarged vnder the command of them , who had religion in regard . after him constantine the emperour left written , s that a common-wealth is contained in order , more by religion then by trauaile of body . and iustinian also professed , t that he was the more carefull about the gouernment of the church , because , if that be kept in good fashion and forme , the other parts of gouernment shall thereby be redressed u . hereupon also it is necessarilie expedient , that they who beare the soueraigntie of state , should alwaies manage the affaires of religion ; either by themselues , or by some at their appointment within the same state ; and neuer receiue direction and rule from a foraine power . for the church ( saith optatus ) is a part of the state : and ( as another said ) x religion must bee in a common-wealth , and not the contrarie . vpon which ground diotogenes in stoboeus said ; a perfect king must of necessitie bee a good commander , and iudge , and priest y and againe : the best must bee held in honour by the best , and that which ruleth by him that beareth rule z . but aristotle in this point is most expresse , ( for i must often cite these authors to giue satisfaction vnto those , who regard more by whom a thing is spoken , then what is said . ) a the king ( saith hee ) is ruler and directer of those things that pertaine vnto the gods. whereunto somewhat agreeth that of iustine ; b he is accounted next vnto god by whom the maiestie of god is maintained . for , how should he be esteemed a soueraigne , who , in the greatest actions and affaires of the state , acknowledgeth the iurisdiction of another greater then himselfe ? what maiestie should he be adiudged to beare , who is vnder the authority of another man ? to reuerse his iudgements , to correct his lawes , to restraine or constraine him at pleasure and with case ? religion is seated within the soule and conscience of man , and is a most potent ruler of the same . the life ( saith plinie c ) consisteth in religion . if then the consciences of a people be commanded by a stranger , if their soules be subiect to a forraine power , if their liues be at the seruice of an external prince ; it is but a weake , but a dead dominion , which the naturall prince shall hold ouer their bodies . that prince whose subiects soules are in subiection to a stranger for matters of religion , shall neither preuaile more against his enemies , nor beare greater authoritie amongst his owne people , then that stranger shall limit him leaue . all men of themselues are moued with religion d , but when they are also thrust on by those , who make it their purchase ( as liuie speaketh e ) to possesse soules with superstition , then doe they not inconsideratly only , but in a wild furie runne and rush vpon most desperate aduentures . the multitude ( saith curtius f ) being weake , fierce and mutable , when it is once possessed with vaine religion , is more obedient to their priests , then to their commander or prince . diodorus siculus g hath a memorable historie concerning this point , of the priests of iupiter , in the iland meroe , enuironed with the riuer niliu ; who held the people of aethiopia in so superstitious dependancie vpon them , that they would send to them at pleasure , and giue in charge the slaughter of their kings ; no man making offer either to deny or to delay their cruell command . vntill ergamenes , a king of aethiopia suddenly surprised and slew them all , whereby both their office and authority did surcease . florus h writeth that eunus a slaue counterfeiting a fanaticall furie , and pretending some diuine inspiration , was able to see 60. thousand armed men in the face of the romans , euen in the principal time of their policie and strength ; being then hardlie able to deliuer sicilia frō his subiection . iosephus reporteth i of an aegyptian in the time of the emperour claudius , who bearing himselfe to be a prophet , vnder that pretext adioined 30. thousand men vnto him , in the country of iudea ; with whom he maintained head against the forces of the romans . tacitus k writeth the like of maricus , who giuing forth that he was the god and deliuerer of gallia , drew 8. thousand men vnto him , with whom he attempted against the romane garrisons . one of our late writers l reporteth , that because in one chapter of the alcoron , all the musulman princes are forbidden to call themselues lords , except their caliph or great vicar of their prophet muhamed , by colour thereof , the mahometan bishops vsurped absolute soueraignety , aboue all their princes ; disposing of principalities at their pleasure , vnder the name and title of gouernments . at last the muselman princes supposing that chapter not to haue been inserted by mahamed their law-giuer , but by their caliphes , for aduancing their owne authoritie , at such time when of diuers corrupt alcorons they composed one , long time after the death of muhamed ; they tooke aduantage of a diuision among their great bishops , when three of them did take vpon them the title of great caliph together , and thereupon the princes of persia , the curdes , the turkes , the tartars , the sultans of aegypt , the kings of marrocco , of fez , of telensin , of tanes , of bugia , the people of zenetes , and of luntune quitted themselues of their obeysance to the caliphes , and maintained soueraigntie within their states . elmahel in africa m , hauing gained a great opinion of sanctitie among the people of marocco , raised them against abraham their king , and dispoyled him both of his empire and life . n with like industrie and art an other impostor called chemin mennal stirred the people against the king of fesse , and constrained him by armes to yeeld vnto him the kingdome of temesna . o schacoculis being of the sect of the persians , by pretence of piety gathered such strength , that he tooke many cities in asia , ouerthrew the turkes forces in three great battailes , and brought his whole empire to a dangerous distresse . how iohn of leiden , a taylor by his trade , set all germany in vproare and in armes , by bearing himselfe to be a principall man in religion , it scarce exceedeth the memory of this present age . and what practises in this kind , haue been either atchieued or attempted in other christian countries , i shall haue occasiō hereafter to touch . but for auoiding of these and the like dangers , i find that two policies were aunciently obserued . one consisted in excluding all externall ceremonies and rites : the other was , in comm●ting the gouernment for matters of religion , to the soueraigne power and authoritie in the state. in regard of the first , the iewes would not conuerse or accompanie a man who was not of their owne religion . among the grecians , socrates and protagoras were condemned , anaxagoras and aristotle were accused for holding opinions contrarie to their receiued religion . iosephus writeth p , that the athenians had a seuere law against any man who should speake a word in religion , against that which was established by law . the scythians put anacharsis to death , for performing the tites of bacchus after the manner of the grecians . liuie writeth that among the romanes , the aediles receiued in part of their charge , q that no externall religion or ceremony should be brought in . and to the same purpose m. aemilius recited a decree ; r that no man should sacrifice in a publike or sacred place , after a new or externall rite . how often ( saith the same liuie s ) haue our fathers and ancestors giuen charge to the magistrates , that externall ceremonies should bee forbidden ? maecenas in dio t gaue this exhortation and aduice to augustus ; u obserue religion after the fashion of your country , and compell others to do the like : but those who bring in strange and foraine rites , hate and correct ; because they perswade many to worke alterations , from whence conspiracies , and seditions are oftentimes occasioned . concerning the second point , iustine x reporteth that it was a custome among the iewes , to haue the same men both princes and priests . this was at sometimes true in the gouernment of the iewes . at other times the kings gaue order in matters of religion , and appointed not only inferiour priests and officers ( as did iosias y ) but also high priests ( as did king salomon z ) to execute the same . for this cause moses left in charge a , that the king should reade in the booke of the law all the daies of his life ; that he might learne to feare the lord his god , and to keepe all the words of that law , and those ordinances for to dee them . for this cause also they were sacred with oyle , to declare ( saith eusebius b ) both their dutie and authoritie in matters of religion . from hence it proceeded , that as the kings prooued good or euill , so the true religion was either obserued or neglected . from hence also tacitus c hath written : the honor of priesthood is a great assurance of power to the iewes . the scriptures doe further testifie , that melchisedeen was both king and priest ; and that balak king of moab offered sacrifice together with balaam . the aegyptians from amongst whom the iewes were extracted , and with whom they communicated in many ceremonies , are reported likewise by some , to haue annexed the royall and priestly dignitie together . marcilius ficinus affirmeth e out of plato , and seuerus in stob●●us f that their custome was to elect priests out of their philosophers : and out of their priests , whom diodorus g placeth next in dignitie to the king ( as strabo h writeth of the priests of the albanes ) to make choice of the best approued for their king. wherupon mercurius the grand-child of that mercurie , who was sonne to iupiter and maia , being called by the aegyptians tenot , by the grecians was named trismegistus , which signifieth thrice greatest , because he was the greatest philosopher ( for so is he also termed by tertullian i ) the greatest priest and the greatest king ; although suidas coniectureth that name to be giuen him , because he did expressely write of the trinitie . strabo saith k , that in aritia hee was a king who was priest of diana ; the same is confirmed by suetonius l , and mentioned by diuers poets , namely ouid m . ecce suburbanae templum nemorale dianae , partaque per gladios regna nocente mann . and lucane n ; qua sublime nemus scythicae qua templa diana . and valer. flaccus o ; — etsol● non mitis aritia regt . and la●tly by martial p ; qua tri●ne nemerosa petit , dum regna viator octauum demina marmor ab vrbe legit . the like doth hartius q report to be obserued in the temple of be●ona , in cappadocia . the like also doth virgil r write of anins : ●● rex idem hominum phoebique , facerdos . diodorus siculus s affirmeth , that the priests of pantheon were both leaders in the field , and also iudges and arbitratours in controuersies of right . strabo testifieth t that in zela , the priest had supreme both dignitie and authoritie in all things . iustine writeth , that mida , sonne of gordius king of phrygia , being by orpheus entred into the orders of the sacred and solemne mysteries of those times , filled all phrygia with religion : wherewith he more assured himselfe , then hee did by armes . tacitus u reporteth that among the germanes , it was permitted to no man to beate or bind or otherwise to punish , but only to the priests . strabo saith x that in cuma of pontus the priest did weare a diadem twise in the yeere , which is the ensigne of a king. vitru●i●s y declareth that among the trallians , the principall priest had a princely palace appointed for his aboad . diodorous siculus z orosius a and pausanias b doe write , that the priest of hercules in tyre was apparrelled in purpure , and did weare a diadem vpon his head . herodiane c writeth , that the priest of the sunne among the phoenicians , was attired in a long garment , consisting onely of purpure and gold ; and did weare a crowne of gold set with precious stones ; and that heliogabalus , being emperour of rome did exercise that priesthood . ferd. lopex d affirmeth , that the kings of malabar in east india are priests or bramenes , and must die in their sacred place , as men consecrated vnto god. and in china there is an auncient law , that no religion bee brought in , without allowance of the king and of his councell : he that violateth this law is punished by death . in the first great empire , berosus hath left written , that ninus first dedicated temples to iupiter belus and iuno his parents , and caused them to bee honoured as gods. zamies ninias his sonne exceedingly both amplified and adorned these temples . belochus with the rule of his empire exercised also the office of the high priest of the same iupiter belus ; and for that cause the name belochus was giuen vnto him . the kings of persia , vnder whose gouernment the second great empire was founded , are acknowledged by all writers to haue been inaugurated to be the princes of their sacred ceremonies n . in athens and lacedaemonia , the two eyes of greece , as leptines e and iustine f doe rightly tearme them ; the ceremonies of their religion were ordered by their kings . the athenians had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or king , as demosthenes testifieth g , who was president and chiefe directer in all their sacred ceremonies . xenophon saith h , that the kings of the spartanes or laced ●monians , so soone as they were assumed to that state of dignitie , did discharge also the office of chiefe priest , to the celestiall and lacaedemonian iupiter . alexander the great monarch of greece did oftentimes offer sacrifice , giue order for their kinde of religious obseruations ; and at the last commaunded diuine honours to bee done vnto i himselfe . among the romanes this was one of their ancient royall lawes : sacrorum omnium potestas sub regibus est● : let all sacred matters bee vnder the power of kings . which law was stablished by their first king romulus , but seemeth also to haue been more anciently in vse : insomuch as seruius k noteth , that virgil alwaies bringeth in aeineas as president both in action and drection in all offices of their religion . whereof ouid l also seemeth to make mention in these words . vtque ea nunc certaest , ita rex placare numina lanigerae coniuge debet ouis . after romulus , numa pōpilius performed al those sacrifices and rites m , which afterward were committed to y● diall flamen . dyonisius halicarnassaeus n and plutarch o doe affirme , that he did beare the office of pontifex : liuie p writeth , that hee committed the same to one of the chiefe senators named marcius . of these two kings cicero q saith : romulus auspicijs , numa sacris constitutis fundamenta ieccrunt romanae ciuitatis . the kings succeeding performed the most high and sacred rites of their religion ; with whom as liuie r writeth , the priests tooke often aduice , concerning sacrifices and al sorts of ceremonies : whereupon dionysius halicarnassaeus affirmeth s , that they had the principalitie or chiefest rule of sacred matters , and of sacrifices , and that all things pertaining to diuine worship were ordered by them . after that the kings were cast out of state , that the chiefest in power had authoritie to giue order in religion , it may appeare by the two decrees of senate before cited out of liuie , for excluding the vse of foraine ceremonies and rites : but more plainely it appeareth in that it was decreed ; t that no bacchanalls should be kept either at rome or within italie : if any man should esteeme such sacred solomnitie to be necessarie , and that hee could not omit it without offence and violation of religion , he should declare the same to the citie praetor , the praetor should consult with the senate . if it should be permitted him when a hundred ( and no fewer ) should be assembled in senate , that solemnitie might be performed , so that no more than fiue should be present at the sacrifice . and although the name of king at that time was hatefull to the romanes , yet they created a king whom they called rex sacrificulus u , or rex sacrificus x , to performe those offices of their religion , which in former times were proper to their kings y . his office was not annuall but perpetuall z ; which ioyned to his high title , lest it should draw him to dangerous attempts , they stripped him of all ciuill authoritie . he might not beare either charge in the armie a , or magistracie in the common wealth . b he might not make any oration to the people , nor deale with them about publike affayres . his authoritie was restrained only to religion ; to offer sacrifices , and to determine doubts , if any did arise . his person was sacred as seruius noteth c , so that neither violence notr despight might be offered vnto him : and yet the greatest pontifex was preferred before him d ; insomuch as in their festiuall solemnities hee was placed next to their greatest pontifex , aboue all the flaminos e . his daughters might not be compelled to become vestals f . his wise was called regina sacrorum g ; who euery calendes did offer sacrifice to h iuno , her head circled with a white wand of a pomegranate tree , called inarculum ; to whom the vestals resorted vpon a certaine day in the yeere , to admonish her not to neglect the solemne rites committed to her charge . they erected also a colledge of pontifices i , first consisting of foure , afterwards encreased to eight , lastly by sylla enlarged to fifteene k . their office was both to preserue and interpret all solemnities pertaining to their religion ; to keepe a true record and remembrance of them : to bee carefull that no roman ceremonie were neglected , and no externall obseruation brought in : to determine what things were sacred , and what prophane : to appoint what sacrifices were to be offred , vpon what daies , in what temples , in what manner , and whence the charge should bee supplied l ; to decide doubtes concerning funerall obsequies , performancies of vowes and oathes , obseruation of festiuall times and such like . if in any matter they did differ in iudgement , that was obserued wherein the greatest part , being three at least , did fully agree . they had also the interpretation of the ciuill lawe m , which for many yeeres was reputed sacred among the romanes . they kept the annales ( as cicero saith n ) of most memorable accidents , and atchieuments euery yeere , which were termed annales maximi , as macrobius o doth write ; and did set them forth in a white table called album pontificium , out of which it was free for any man to write them . it was also a part of their charge to repaire the bridges p , which vntil the time that aemilius was questor were made of timber q , and not fastned together with any iron or brasse r . these were esteemed sacred by the romanes , and if they were in any part decayed , they might not be repaired but with sacrifices & other ceremonious obseruancies . from hence it is commonly supposed that they were called pontifices ; but scaeuola ( as varro s saith ) did more properly deriue that name from posse and facere , not only in regard of their eminent authoritie , but because the word facere in ancient latine did signifie to sacrifice , as vigil speaketh : cum facer em vitula . the principal of this colledge was called pontifex maximus ; who , as iestus pompeius t and valerius maximus u do write , was the greatest iudge in their religion . and although other priests could not beare empire in the armie , or office in the state x , or be carried vpon horse y , or be three nights absent from the citie z ; yet the same man might be consul or censor , or praetor , or magister equitum , ( the greatest offices of that common wealth ) and also greatest pontifex : as liuie writeth of p. liciunius crassus a , and m. marcellus b and of diuers others . this pontifex maximus was so highly honoured in the populare state of rome , that hee was reputed to approach neere vnto the degree of dignitie which the kinges held in former times c , insomuch as l. florus reporteth d , that a fine was imposed vpon c● . tremelius tribune of the people , for vsing vnciuill speeches against m. aemilius lepidus , the greatest pontifex . a sergeant was appointed to goe before him e , he was carried in a coach-chaire , called curules sella f , which was reputed a royall ensigne , because romulus vsed the like by example of the hetruscanes g . his doores were adorned with greene lawrell h ; if he vndertooke any office or charge , he was not lyable ( as were other men ) either to controulement or account i , whether to the senate or common people . his proper ornament was a hat k , in token of his loftie estate . if any offender did slie vnto him , that day hee was protected from punishment l . hee was married after a speciall manner , called confarreatio m . his wife must be of singuler example , and he might not iterat marriage the second time n ; he might not behold a dead bodie o ; hee might not foyle his hands with blood p ; and neither giue nor assist sentence of death . hee was chiefe not onely of the college of pontifices q , but also of him that was rex sacrorum ; the augures ; flamines and vestale virgins ; vpon whom hee might impose either fine or other punishment , as the qualitie of their offences did require . all their sacred matters whether publike or priuate did principally depend vpon his direction . and yet this authoritie was often borne ( as hath been said ) by the highest ciuill officers of that common wealth : the election of him pertained to the people r : and prouocation or appeale did lie also from him to the people . for so linie s writeth that a contention did arise , betwixt c. seruilius the greatest pontifex , and l. cornelius dolabesta , du●muir , because the pontifex commaunded him to abdicate his office , that he might be inaugurated rex sacrificus , in place of cornelius dol●bella . this when the d●umuir refused to doe , the pontifex set a fine vpon him ; for which cause hee appealed and brought the matter before the people . many tribes being assembled & the difference debated on both sides , they commanded the du●muir to bee obedient to the pontifex ▪ and yet they remitted his fine , in case hee should abandon his office . in the meane time the heauens were couered with darke and thicke clowdes , which brake forth into a terrible tēpest . this being taken for ominous , the assemblie dissolued , and the authority to inaugurate was taken from the pontifex . the common-wealth of y● romans being changed againe to the gouernment of one , the chiefest authoritie in all affaires depended vpon the emperours : for so t tertullian acknowledgeth the heathen emperours to be u second and inferiour only to god before all , and aboue all . againe he saith , x wee worship the emperour as a man next vnto god , and inferiour only to god. so did y eleutherius in those times bishop of rome , write vnto lucius king of britaine z ; you are gods vicar within your owne realme , according to the prophet dauid . augustus annexed the greatest pontificate to the imperiall dignitie , to whom the people by the law of royalty transferred all their power as well in religious as in ciuill affaires . suetonius writeth a , that c. caesar was at one time greatest pontifex , and also augur . seruius b testifieth , that c. caesar being pontifex , m. terrentius varro did write vnto him a booke , concerning their sacred and religious rites . againe , suetonius c affirmeth , that galba did beare three priest-hoods . the same suetonius d saith , that claudius caesar had the priest-hood in such honorable estimation that he neuer made choise or nomination of 〈◊〉 , vntill he had been sworne . in regard of this connexion of the empire and pontificate , d tacitus did write : nunc deum munere summum pontificem su●●●um hominum esse . the greatest pontificate was also borne by vespasian , traiane , and diuers other romane emperors : the maiestie of which emperors was esteemed most sacred , in so much as diuine both titles & adorations were giuen vnto them . their statues and images were sacred and adored , as e tacitus and f vegetius do report ; it was treason for any man either to pul away , or to violate those who did flie vnto them ; to melt them also , and also to fell them g . tacitus writeth h that l. ennius was accused of treason , for melting the image of the prince : which accusation although tiberius did forbid to proceed , yet suetonius affirmeth i , that he commanded one to be arraigned , for taking the head from the statue of augustus , and setting another vpon the same . this kind of accusation grew to that degree , that it was capitall for a man , to beare the image of the prince stamped in money , or engrauen in a ring , to any vncleane or vnseemely place . yea , seneca , saith k , that vnder the empire of tiberius , a certaine noble man was accused of treason , for mouing his hand to his p●iuie parts , in making vrin , when he did weare a ring vpon 〈◊〉 finger , whereon was ingrauen the image of the prince : so great was the reuerence borne vnto them . vpon this generall both authoritie and vse , for princes to manage diuine affaires , st. hierom l hath said , m the priuiledge to offer sacrifice was due to the first borne , but most of all vnto kings . and yet in these times , the emperours reserred many matters pertaining to their religion , to be determined by the senate ; partly for expedition and ease , partly for that they would not draw all authoritie from the senate at once . so tacitus n writeth of a decree of the senate , for expelling of the ceremonies of the aegyptians & of the iewes o . likewise vnder claudius a decree of the senate was made , that the pontifex should consider what ceremony of the aruspices should be reteined p . so tiberius referred to the senate whether christ should be receiued among the romane gods , which in no case they would consent to decree ; because he had been worshipped for god , without the publike authority of the empire . the like is reported to haue bin both purposed and propounded by hadrian ; who commanded also that temples should be built in euerie citie , without any idols . the like purpose in alexander seuerus is affirmed by lampridius q to haue been crossed , vpon assurance made vnto him , from those who gaue answere by inspection of entrailes , that if christ should be receiued for god , all men would become christians , and the other temples should be forsaken . but , when he that would not be worshipped with other gods , was both admitted and adored for god alone ; when the christian faith was publikely embraced in the romane state ; religion was both aduanced and ordered by imperiall authoritie . for so socrates r testifieth in these words : from that time when the emperours began to be christians s , the affaires of the church depended vpon them ; in so much as the greatest councels were alwaies assembled by their appointment . so chrysostome t calleth the emperour , u the height and head of all men in the world : and one that hath no equall vpon earth x . and so did leo the first write to the emperour leo , y that royall power was giuen him , not only for gouernment of the world , but especially for the safegard of the church . and so likewise gregorie bishop of rome affirmed z , that power is giuen to princes from heauen , not only ouer souldiers but ouer priests . optatus saith a : there is no man aboue the emperour but only god who made the emperour . but this is most euidently declared , in the answere of demetrius chomatenus b in these words : c the emperour being both in common estimation , and in very truth a skilfull gouernour , is president and giueth strength to synod all sentences ; he setteth ecclesiasticall orders in forme , he giueth law for the life and ciuil cariage of those who serue at the altar . and againe : d to speake in one word , the office of sacrificing only excepted , the emperour representeth the other priuiledges of a bishop . and therefore st. augustine e enu●ighed against the heresie of the donatists ; in that they affirmed , that the church ought not to vse either lawes or any assistance from princes . and that speech of donatus f was iustly condemned . quid est imperatoricum ecclesia ? what hath the emperour to do with the church ? two parts in the church may separatly be considered , the externall forme , which consisteth in the politicall gouernment thereof ; and the essentiall forme , consisting in the true substance and foundation of faith . concerning the first , we may find many things aunciently ordered in the church by christian emperours . for so constantine g the great , anastatius h and iustinian i the first established order , for expence and forme of funerals . the emperours gratian , valentinian the second , and theodosius the great k , prohibited that any corpes should be interred within the seates of the apostles or martyrs . honorius and theodosius ordeined , how many deacons should be in the church of constantinople l ; and what immunities euery church should enioy m . leo and anthemius forbad alienation of lands pertaining to the church n . valentinian , theodosius , and arcadius did prohibite o that any should be receiued for a diaconisse , who was not aged aboue fiftie yeeres ; which was afterwards confirmed by iustinian p . honorius and arcadius forbad q , that clerkes should haue any thing to do with publike actions or pleas . iustinian added r , that they should absteine from play , and from all open spectacles and shewes . leo and anthemius s enioyned monkes and religious persons , not to depart out of their monasteries , and to liue in that modesty and sincerity wherto the imperiall lawes did bind them : and that no clergio man should be ordained by way of corruption t : or conuented in iudgment , in a place farre distant from his abode u . iustinian ordained x , that vpon a certaine day in the weeke bishops should go and visite the prisons , to enquire for what cause euery prisoner is detained , and to admonish the magistrates , to execute iustice . in another constitution y he ordeined , what manner of clerkes should be ordained in the church ; that clerkes should not remoue themselues from a lesse church , to a greater ; and that the rents of the church should be expended to godly vses and acts . hee appointed also z the time for monasticall profession , and the rules which monkes should leade . he established his ordinance a for the election , life and behauiour of bishops , and other ecclesiasticall persons ; that they reside vpon their charge ; that they resort not to the court , except they be expressely called ; that they celebrate not diuine offices in any place which is not consecrated to the seruice of god. b he declared what causes should be lawfull for diuorce and separation of mariage c ; as theodosius the yonger , and valent. the third had done before him d . he ordained also that the holy scriptures should be read in the vulgar tongue , and appointed what translations should be in vse e . it would bee both tedious and vnnecessarie to make long stay vpon rehersall of those imperiall lawes , which haue bin both receiued and reuerenced for gouernment of the church . for iustinian professed f , that by authoritie of the lawes , both diuine and humane affaires were well ordered ; and againe , g there is nothing but may be examined by authoritie of the emperour ; for hee receiueth from god a generall principallitie and gouernment ouer all men . the same is acknowledge by pope gregorie , in his epistle to mauritius h : to this end is power ouer all persons giuen from heauen vnto my lord , for assistance of good men , and enlargement of the way to heauen . whereupon espencaeus saith i ; that gregorie the great did ingeniouslie acknowledge a soueraignetie in emperours ouer priests . so balsamon k hath said , that the emperours had power to appoint patriarchall seas , according to the power giuen them from aboue . whereto doth that of isodore agree l ; princes of the world haue their authoritie and power in the church , that the ecclesiasticall discipline should bee held in strength ; that they who will not obserue it by admonition of the priest , should be constrained by force of the magistrate . yea , diuers of the papall decrees , for ordering of ecclesiasticall affaires , were lawes made by christian emperours ; of which lawes many are yet extant in the codex of theodosius . the canon iudicantem m , expressing the office of a iudge in cognisance of causes , attributed by gratian to pope eleutherius , was made by the emperor constantine n . the canon , si quis iratus o , attributed to pope fabian , against accusers , is a law of the same emperour constantine , in the codex of theodosius . the canons which goe vnder the names of the same fabian p , of sixtus q , and of hadrian r , concerning the same subiect , are found to bee made by gratian the sonne of valentinian the first . the decrees of pope caius s , and of pope iohn t , for restitution of church goods , taken from bishops , when they were forced from their sea , are the edictes of the same emperour gratian. the canon qui ratione u attributed to pope damasus , for order in accusations , is comprised in theodosius code , vnder the name of the same emperour . the canon nullus x , vnder the name of pelagius was made by the emperours honorius and arcadius . the canon quisquis y , vnder the name of eutychian , was promulged by the emperours honorius and theodosius . the canon consanguineos z , for separation of marriage contracted within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity , is a constitution of the emperour constantine the great . the canon priuiligia a , for confirmation of the priuiledges of the church , vnder the name of anacletus , is a constitution of the emperours theodosius and valentinian . in a word , the volume of decrees is filled with diuers constitutions of christian emperours , either assumed by popes , or attributed vnto them , without expressing either the name or authoritie of the emperours . and touching the rest , pope honorius b acknowledged , that it was by decree of the emperour iustinian c , that the canons of th● fathers should haue the force of lawes . now , when any difference did arise in matters of faith ; when any great schisme or disturbance was maintained in the church ; the emperours did vse to assemble their bishops in common councell , and those things that were by them decreed , were afterwards confirmed by imperiall constitution . so nicephorus d and eusebius e doe write , that constantine the great , hauing imployed hosius bishop of corduba , for composing the difference betwixt alexander bishop of alexandria , and arrius ; wherewith the church was exceedingly disturbed ; and perceiuing his good purpose thereby nothing aduanced ; assembled by his authority the councel of nice in bithynia , which he honored with his presence , and defrayed the charge of 308. bishops that were called to that councell . of whom eustachius bishop of antioch , or rather ( as the canon law affirmeth f ) constantine himselfe was president g . the forme of faith agreed vpon in this councell , was presently confirmed by constantine , and both imparted and imposed vpon others , who had not bin present ; and charge giuen vnder paine of death , that none should secretly preserue any of the bookes of arrius from the fire h . afterwards the same faith was both declared and confirmed by constitution of the emperours gratian , valentinian and theodosius i . the generall councel of constantinople was assembled against the heresie of macedonius , by theodosius k the great . the bishops assembled in this councel wrote thus in humble maner vnto the emperour theodosius ; l we beseech your maiestie , that as you haue honored the church , by your letters , wherewith you haue called vs together , so it may please you to confirme the finall conclusion of our decrees with your sentence , and with your seale . the generall councell of ephesus was assembled by authoritie of theodosius the yonger m against the heresie of nestorius . the decrees of this councell , together with the decrees of the councell of nice , containing the profession of christian faith , was confirmed by a constitution of theodosius and valentinian n , whereby also the writings of nestorius are condemned to the fire . the fourth generall councell was appointed by authoritie of the emperour martian o , first to be held at nice , afterwards vpon certaine occasions it was assembled at chalcedon . in this councel , euagrius p writeth , that both the bishops and temporall iudges did oftentimes suspend their decrees in this sort ; vnto vs it seemeth right q , if it shall also like our most vertuous and godly lord the emperour . and in the end it is thus concluded ; r all our doings being referred to the emperours maiestie . lastly , the decrees of this councell touching christian faith , were confirmed by a publike constitution of the same emperour martian s . the fifth oecumenicall councell was assembled by iustinian the first t ; and the sixth by constantine the third ; both of them in the citie of constantinople . the last of these councels constantine subscribed , after that he had commaunded that ten bishops of the east , and ten of the west should repaire to his court , and open to him the decrees of the councell : u that he might consider ( saith sozomenus ) whether they were agreed according to the scriptures , and that he might further determine and conclude what were best to be done . in briefe , cardinall cusanus x doth acknowledge that he did euermore find y , that the emperours and their iudges , with the senate , had the primacie , and office of presidence in the eight generall councels . in regard whereof odoacer z did in this sort expostulate with pope symachus , and the clergie of rome . a we marueile that any thing hath been attempted without vs ; for without vs nothing should haue been done , our priest being aliue . in like manner nicephorus b did write to the emperour emanuel paleologus ; c you are the captaine of the profession of our faith , you haue reformed the temple of god from marchants and exchangers of the heauenly doctrine , and from heretickes , by the word of god. during this time , a stiffe strife did arise betwixt the bishops of rome , and the bishops of constantinople ( as did once among the disciples of christ d ) whether of them should be greatest . in the councell of nice it had been decreed e , that the first place should be giuen to the sea of rome , the second to alexandria , and the third to antioch : for the citie of constantinople at that time was not built , neither was hierusalem then a patriarchall sea. but after that constantinople was aduanced to be the head of the empire , the bishop thereof did claime prerogatiue before all the rest ; affirming , as platina , f and out of him g sabellicus doe write , that where the head of the empire was , there also should be the principall sea. the bishop of rome answered , that the citie of rome , from whence a colonie was brought to constantinople , was in right to be esteemed the head of the empire : for the graecians did vse to stile their prince 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , emperour of the romans : and they themselues were also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 romans . in this contention platina h affirmeth ; that diuers emperours fauoured the bishops of constantinople . in the councell of chalcedon l it was decreed , that the church of constantinople should stand in one degree of dignitie , and enioy equall priuiledge with the church of rome . the same equalitie was also decreed in the second councell of constantinople k , and confirmed by constitution of honorius and theodosius l . by a constitution of leo and athemius m , the bishop of constantinople is declared to haue precedence of place n before all others : which law was alleadged by photius o to confirme the primacie of the patriarch of constantinople p . iustinian declareth q that the church of constanti●nople was the head of all other churches . which constitution is omitted in some editions of iustinians code . mauritius r admonished gregorie the first , to beare obedience to iohn bishop of constantinople . afterwards , pope gregorie the third , with much adoe ( as platina writeth ) obtained of phocas ▪ emperour , or rather ( as zonoras and p. diaconus s do discribe him ) the wilde , drunken , bloodie , adulterous tyrant of constantinople , that the sea of rome should be the chiefe of all other churches . but this was an errour in the emperours of constantinople ; first , to settle so great dignitie and prerogatiue in a place , far distant from the principal seat and strength of the empire . secondly , to permit affaires of so high nature to depend vpon direction of any one within their empire . for , by this meanes the bishops of rome did steale into such strength with the common people , that by their interdictions only , they were of power to withdraw them from paying tribute , and bearing alleagance to the emperours of constantinople : vpon occasion , that leo surnamed iconomachus , had caused the images of saints to be taken downe . finally , they pulled the west-part of the empire from their subiection , and left the residue , with that mortall maime , to be a pray to the barbarous infidels . the west empire flourished for a time , first in france , and afterwards in germanie ; and the most apparant cause whereby it was broken and beaten downe , was the absolute & vnlimited power , which the bishops of rome challenged , principally in ecclesiasticall affaires , and consequently in all . for , by entitling themselues the vicars of iesus christ ; the spouse of the church ; the soueraigne bishop , and prince of all others ; the maisters and lords of all the world ; ( for these are the titles which innocent the third , boniface the eight , clement the fifth and diuers others haue assumed ) by exempting also both the persons and goods of all the clergie , frō secular subiection ; and by binding all men to their obedience , in matters which concerne the soule ; they haue alwaies been able to stirre vp , not onlie weightie warres against the emperours , but also most stiffe and vnnatural rebellions . which disordered demeanour carion accounteth the only cause , that brought the empire to a feeble state . so iohn the third combined with berengar the third , aud adalbar his sonne , who pretended themselues to be kings of italy , to make head against the emperour otho the great . pope iohn the eighteenth made league with crescentius , and mutined the people against the emperour otho the third . benedict . 9. to stay henrie the blacke from entering into italy , stirred peter king of hungarie to beare himselfe for emperour ; to whom he sent a crowne with this inscription . petra dedit romam petro , tibi papa coronam . gregorie the seuenth , who was the first that enterprised to cause himselfe to be elected and consecrated , without the consent and against the pleasure of the emperour ; and who set forth a decree , whereby he excommunicated all those who should affirme , that either the consent or knowledge of the emperour was herein necessarie ; opposed against the emperour henrie the fourth , first rodulph duke of suauie , giuing charge to the archbishops of men●s and of collen to consecrate him emperour : to whom also he sent a crowne with this inscription . petra dedit petro , petrus diadema rudolpho . afterwards , weary of nothing so much as of quiet , he stirred ecbert marquis of saxonie against the same emperour . galasius the twelfth raised against henrie the fifth emperour , the most part of his subiects , and especially the archbishop of ments ; whom he so strongly seconded with the normanes that were in sicilie , that the emperour was constrained to quit his quarrell , and to yeeld the collation of bishoprickes to the pope . innocent the second raised against lothaire the twelfth , roger the norman , whom he inuested in the duchie of pouille , which the emperour claimed to be a fiffe of the empire . at the last the contention was composed by mediation of s. bernard , who then liued , and was with the emperour ; wherein the pope sped so well , that he was ioyned with the emperour in holding bauier . the same innocent the second raised guelphus duke of bauier against conrade the third , whom hee aided with monie and all other conuenient meanes . this warre was so villanouslie cruell , that it giue beginning to the two factions of the guelphes , who tooke their name from this duke of bauier ; and of the gibelins , so called of wi●bling , which was the place where the emperour conrade had bin brought vp . against fredericke bar●arossa , who succeeded conrade , hadrian the fourth raised them of milan , and the other lumbards ; alexander the third stirred the dukes of saxon and of austrich , aiding them with all his power to intertaine disquiet in almaine . pope celestine the third excōmunicated henrie the sixth emperour , the successour and sonne of fredericke barbarossa ; and depriued him of all his dignities : making this the meanes to auoide him out of italie into almaine . against philip , brother vnto henerie the sixth , pope innocent the third caused otho duke of saxonie to be elected emperour ; whereby the empire was embroiled with a bloodie warre . against fredericke the second , pope honorins the third raised the lumbards in rebellion , adioyning the sic●ians to the side , and the greatest part of the other italians . all these troubles were so tempestuous , that the emperour radulph of haspurge could neuer be perswaded to passe the alpes for his coronation ; affirming , that italie was the denne of the lion , whereof the entrance was faire , but the issue fearefull . clement the fifth armed and opposed rebert king of sicilie against the emperour henrie the seuenth ; because hee would not doe homage and sweare faith to the sea of rome : and in the end caused him to bee empoisoned by a iacob●e , in giuing him the sacred host . what troubles had lewes of bauier against frederick of austrich , who was elected emperour at the same time with him , by the faction of pope iohn the 22 ? the same troubles were continued by pope clement the sixth , who caused charles the fourth king of boheme , to be elected emperour ; and yet he could not enioy the empire vntill after the decease of lewes . this charles was a weake prine , both in counsaile and courage ; who in fauour of the popes did extreamely both enfeeble and abase the empire of rome . nauclerus writeth , that he entred the citie of rome on foote , in derision whereof a certaine senatour began a speech which he made to the people with these words : ecce rex tuus venit tibi mansuetus ; petrarch , who liued at that time , did also write betweene scorne and disdaine of this deiection of the imperiall ma●estie . i omit the tragedies which eugenius the fourth raised against the emperour sigismond , principally to impeach the councell of basil. i omit that which paul the second did to chase frederick the third out of italie . generally they alwaies endeauoured to endomage the emperors ; not onely as hating them , ( for so gu●cc●ardine a saith y● it grew into a proue●b ; it is proper to the church to hate the caesars ) but as fearing to be endomaged by them . in the end , partly by opposing enemies , and partly by raysing rebellions against the emperours , the popes haue bin able to expell their gouernment out of italy . whereof our countrie man sanderi b in this sort hath written : it is a thing more admirable then can be vtte●ed , and able to make a man astonished , that when the most puissant emperours did for many ages display all their forces to no purpose , for driuing the roman bishops from the citie of rome ; now to the contrarie , the roman bishops without any power , haue remoued the roman emperours from the tower of the empire , and made themselues lords of the palaces of caesars , and turned the whole citie into their proper power . this is true ( master sanders ) which you haue said ; but neither is it worthie of any wonder , neither i● it all that which the popes haue done . what maruaile is it that most puissant emperours could never preuaile against the bishops of rome , when their owne subiects were persuaded , that they drew their swordes against heauen , and made offer ( like those giants of whom the poets write ) to scale the skies , and to pull god out of his throne ? where subiects haue bin of other opiniō , there princes haue preuailed against many popes . againe , what necessity had the popes to vse force of armes , when the consciences of men were vnder their commaund ? whilest this rule held good , cloisters and colledges were in stead of castles vnto them ; and religious persons were in steed of many armies . these were their garrisons , these their soldiers ; these quelled the courage of all their enemies , by thundring forth threats against those who disobeyed them ; not of death , which might be peraduenture either contemned or else auoyded ; but of damnation , which as it is most terrible , so was it held for this cause vnauoydable . for so boniface the eight decreed , that vpon necessitie of saluation all men must be subiect to the bishop of rome . these forces were plāted within euery state , and by these might any state be supplanted : by these meanes the bishops of rome were easily able , not onelie to driue the romane emperours from the chiefe tower and seate of the empire , but also , making one wrong the cause of another , to reduce them to a very low degree , both of power and of authoritie within almaine ; and to hold them as no better then vassalls to their sea. * for , after that eight emperours had been excōmunicate by popes ; namely , frederick the first , frederick the second . philip , conrade , othe the fourth , lawes of bauaria , henri● the fourth , and henri● the fifth , ( which was occasion enough for their subiects to reuolt , and for other princes to inuade ) the succeding emperours , partly vnwilling , but principally vnable to sustaine so sad and heauie blowes , submitted themselues to the papall power ; renounced the right , which by long custome they claimed , in election of the pope and of other bishops . and to the contrarie , the emperour charles the fourth , acknowledged by his letters patents , * that although he was elected emperour by the princes , yet hee was to bee confirmed by the pope , and to receiue the imperial crowne from him . whereupon pope pius the fifth , did sharpely rebuke the emperour ferdinand by his legat , for neglecting to receiue of him the imperial crowne ; neither would he admit the emperours excuse , but had proceeded by excommunication to compel him , had he not by entreaty of the french king , and of king philip of spaine the emperours kinseman , been otherwise appeased . in the forme of the coronation of the emperours , which was approued by the emperour charles the fourth , and is kept in the vaticane at rome , many seruile ceremonies are contained . as , that the emperour supplieth the office of a subdeacon , in ministring to the pope when he saith masse ; and that after diume seruice he holdeth the stirtop , whilest the pope mounteth to horse ; and for a certaine space leadeth his horse by the bridle . adde heereto the kissing of the popes feete , as charles the fifth did , at bononia , at rome , and last of all at marsielles in prouence , in the presence of diuers other great princes : adde their humb●e subscriptions to the pope ; i kisse the hands and feete of your holinesse : adde that they must seeke the pope for receiuing the imperiall crowne , whereforuer he shall be ; and follow him if he chance to remoue : with diuers like tokens and testimonies of de●ection of the maiesty of that state , and subiection thereof to the sea of rome . for further declaration whereof , during the life of the emperour , the popes challenge to be his iudge ; and the emperiall feate being void , they claime the exercise of imperiall power , and haue giuen inuestitures and receiued fealtie , of those who held of the empire ; as of iohn and luchi● , vicounts of milane . * for which cause the canonists also ( who set vp these strings to the highest strame ) doe maintaine opinion , that the emperour cannot resigne his imperiall dignitie to any other then the pope : and that it is a streine of heresie * , not to beleeue that the emperor is subiect to the pope : and that the emperour is but the popes minister * , to vse his sword only at his becke . lastlie , pope clement the fifth , expressely declared by decree * , that the oath which the emperour maketh to the pope , is no other then an oath of fealtie . neither hath it been against the empire only , that the popes haue had this power to preuaile , but against diuers other christian countries ; in so much as they haue claimed to hold , either as feudataries or as trubutaties to their sea , the kingdomes of naples , sicilie , hierusalem , sardinia , corsica , arragon , portugale , nauarre , ireland , england , scotland , poland , hungarie . to which cuiacius t adioyneth the kingdome of france , which pope boniface the eight , declared to be deuolued to the church , for the contempt and disobedience of king philip the faire . and pope alexander the sixt in diuiding the late discouered parts of the world , betweene the kings of castile and portugale , expressely reserued to his sea , the iurisdiction and soueraignety of them , by consent of both kings ; who from that time became his vassals , of all the purchases and conquests which before they had atchieued , or intended to enterprise in times to ensue . generally , they do challenge temporall soueraigntie in all countries u ; habitually at the least ; which at pleasure they may produce into act x , whereby the subiects of any state may haue recourse vnto them y ; to some complaint or suite against their prince z ; to be relieued or protected by them , and to receiue priuiledges and immunities at their hands a . whereby also they may iudge the actions of princes ; and vpon such cause as they shal thinke meet , punish , excommunicate , de priue them , denounce publike warre against them b : free their subiects from subiection vnto them . as pope pius the first , not only absolued the subiects of england from their alleagance to the late queene elizabeth , but commanded them also to turn● traytours , and take armes against her . after which bull few yeeres passed without some notable attempt , either against her person , or against the state. it would be very redious to giue but a light touch ; to all the desperate distresses that hereupon haue bin occasioned , in diuers foraine countries ; which out of their annal ; may be furnished with ease . and the sequell now sheweth , that the chiefe encrease and establishment of the turkish empire , hath proceeded from the outragious warres , which by this meanes haue been occasioned among the christians ; which made europe on all sides to bath her limmes in the blood of her children . against our owne state we cannot be ignorant , what heretofore hath bin acted ; especially vnder the raigne of king iohn . what hath been lately , what freshly , what is daily attempted , it cannot possiblie escape the memorie of those that liue in this present age : and for helpe of those who are to succeed , report there of shall be made at large , in a historie intended for the times lately passed , and now presently running . the accumulating of these examples in this place , would be a matter of some labour , for cleering that which hath litle doubt . thus much in substance , but somwhat more briefly deliuered : it seemed that there was not any man in that presence , who , either in replie or in supplie , had not somewhat to say . that only was a hinderāce to the discharging of their minds , which is pleasantly said to haue dissolued the parliament of women ; because they could not agree to speake one at once . many shewed themselues so impatient of silence ; and they who vpon aduisement could haue said least , were vpon the suddaine most franke and forward in words . at the last , that which was the cause that no man could haue free libertie of speech , did driue them all into a dumbe dumpe : which opportunity was forthwith apprehended by a thick theologian , whose formall attire , countenance and cariage , was a good supplie to other defects . and so , hauing composed himselfe to al complements of grauitie and grace , he began his speech after the set and solemne manner of those disputers , who , contenting themselues with commendation of memorie , doe more diligently endeuour to repeate then to reply . you haue declared vnto vs ( said he ) that the proper qualities of the rights of maiestie are , to be both perpetuall , and also absolute ; as neither depending vpon any other , nor yet held either vpon charge , or with exception and restraint . that these rights cōsist in managing affaires of highest nature , which cannot be separated from the soueraigne power ; because vpon the guiding of them , all the fortunes of a state do follow . that nothing is of so high nature in a state , as is religion : and that therefore the ordering thereof is annexed , as a right of maiestie , to the soueraigne power ; whether it be setled in a king , or in the nobilitie , or in the people● for , seeing religion commandeth the conscience , and holdeth the soule in subiection , if supremac●● therin be acknowledged to be in a forren prince , the sinewes of domesticall soueraigntie are cut in s●nder . you haue brought certaine examples of dangerous consequence , when either strangers or subiects haue bin followed for religion . you shewed y● for auoiding the like dangers , two policies were anciently obserued ; one consisted in excluding external ceremonies & rites ; the other , in setling the gouernment for matters in religion , in the supreame power and authority in the state. that this last was practised among the iewes , aegyptians & in diuers other countries . in the foure great monarchies also , of assyria , of persia , of graecia , and of rome . of rome ( you say ) first , vnder the gouernment of kings ; secondly , in the popular state ; thirdly , vnder heathen emperours ; and lastly , ( for a good space ) vnder christian emperors ; who in matters of circumstance and of external forme in religion , both vsed , and were acknowledged to haue supreame authoritie : of whose lawes , diuers were afterwards either assumed by popes , or attributed vnto them . concerning matters of substance , and of internall forme , they assembled generall councels ; wherein they held the primacie ; and confirmed the acts of them by imperiall decree . you declared also , that when constantinople was aduanced to be the head of the empire , a stiffe strife did arise betwixt the bishops of constantinople and of rome , whether should be greatest ; that diuers emperours fauoured the church of constantinople ; but at the last , pope boniface obtained of the emperour phocas , that the sea of rome should be the chiefe of all other churches . this you account an errour in gouernment ; to settle a power of so high qualitie , in a place farre distant from the principall strength of the empire . for hereby the bishops of rome did grow to such greatnesse , that they drew the west part of the emp●●e to reuolt ; and left the residue for a pray to the ba●barous infidels . lastly you haue shewed , that the bishops of rome , aduancing their authoritie by degrees , haue been of power , to reduce the west empire to a feeble state ; and to hold , not the emperour alone , but all the chiefe kings in europe , either as vassals or as tributaries to their sea. generally , that they haue challenged soueraigne iurisdiction ouer all kingdomes and common-wealthes in the world : whereby they haue cast diuers countries , and among others this realme of england into desperate distresses . now , before answere should be offred to all these seuerall points , i would think it fit , ( vnder the leaue of better iudgements ) to take some reasonable respite to aduise vpon them ; because questions of this high nature , are not alwaies the same which sodainly they seeme : and he bewrayeth too great opinion of his owne sufficiencie , who presently will vndertake a controuersie of this weight . but , if christ hath committed supreame power in religion to the sea of rome , then is no place left to these rules and reasons of state . nay ( answered n. ) i haue protested before , that we haue neither leasure nor lust to engulphe our selues in such an ocean . if christ hath committed to the sea of rome ! this is a large supposall indeed ; and that which will neuer settle in the opinion of many , who are otherwise firmely affected to the doctrine of the church of rome . yea , i am assuredly perswaded , that the violence of ambition hath pulled many bishops of rome from their owne iudgement , in making cla●me to that authoritie which they neuer had either title to hold , or abilitie to rule . for diuers of them being sodainely borne out of a low retired state ; namely , from some cloister or heremitage , into an vnknowne sea of absolute authoritie , they were ouerswayed therewith , like a small boate with too large a saile : and being men for the most part , spent in age , vntrained in experience , and neither by nature nor by education of abilitie , to conceiue the bounds and degrees of great affaires , they tooke to themselues a licentious libertie ; supposing it reasonable , yea altogether necessarie , that all the kings and princes of the earth , who hold their estate immediately from heauen , who receiue their power from the hand of god , should be subiect to the pleasure , the passions , the fierie furie ; the ignorance , the errors , the malice , of one haughtie and humerous man , whose weaknes is subiect ( as it hath bin plainelie declared by their liues ) to all immoderate motions of humanitie . and al this vpon no other ground but because christ said to s. peter ; thou art peter , and vpon this rock will i build my church &c. but what is this to supremacie ? what is this to the bishop of rome ? diuers questions must be cleered before this will serue the one or the other . for , first it is but weakely assured , that s. peter euer was at rome . many reasons are alleaged against it ; and many authorities are brought for it . but it often happeneth that the common consent of writers is like vnto a flocke of fowles ; as one flieth all doe follow . secondly , it is lesse assured that euer he was bishop of rome . for , being an apostle , his charge was generall ; goe teach all nations ; and therefore not to be , as a bishop , either limited or settled in any one particular place . or if we wil say , that either by appointment or by choise , some part of this generall charge was apportioned to s. peter ; then this seemeth , or rather is most assured to haue been iudea , by that which s. paul hath written : that , the gospell of circumcision was committed vnto peter , as the gospell of the vncircumcision was vnto him . and therefore we find in scripture , that s. paul was expressely sent to rome ; but that s. peter was euer at rome , we hold it by tradition . this is further confirmed by the long aboade which s. peter made in iudea , and by the short stay which is possible he could haue made at rome , euen by computation of them who best fauoured the dignitie of that sea. with that he called for onuphrius , and out of him read vnto vs , that s. peter liued after the death of christ 34. yeeres , 3. monethes and odde daies ; that the first nine yeeres he remained in iudea ; that in the tenth yeere after christs passion , in the end of the second yeere of the empire of claudius , he departed from iudea for feare of agrippa , from whose imprisonment hee had been deliuered by an angell ; that after he had trauailed preaching through many coūtries , he came to rome , and there contended with simon magus : that after foure yeeres , agrippa being dead , for feare of whom he ●orsooke iudaea , he returned to ierusalem , and was there present at the councell of the apostles , wherein circumcision was abrogated : that after this he remained seuen yeeres at antioch ; that in the beginning of the empire , of nero he returned to rome , and from thence trauailed almost thorough all the parts of europe : that comming againe to rome in the last yeere of nero , s. paul and he were there martyred . to this agreeth that which ireneus saith ; the blessed apostles peter and paul , laying the foundation of the church of rome , committed to linus the bishopricke , or charge of administration of that church . now , said he , the third question is , whether by these words , thou art peter , &c. christ gaue vnto s. peter any speciall power or iurisdiction , either spirituall or secular , more then vnto the residue of the apostles ; where he did exercise ; when make claime to any such power ; by which of the apostles it was acknowledged ; by what ancient father of the church aduowed . for diuers testimonies of s. paul do beare against it : s. augustine , s. cyprian and others of principall authoritie in the church doe expressely denie it . whereas the scripture giueth so large and plaine testimonie , both for the title and authoritie of kings , as it seemeth no greater can be added thereunto . the fourth question may bee , whether any power was giuen vnto s. peter , as bishop of rome : ( which before the ascension of christ hee could not bee ) otherwise , how falleth it , that the same should bee rather fixed in the church of rome , then in any of those churches , where it is manifest by the scriptures that he remained many yeeres , imploying himselfe in the exercise of his charge ? fiftly , what assurance can we haue , that the power which is said to be committed to s. peter , was to be transmitted entirely to any of his successors in place , who are so farre from being mentioned , as it is nothing probable that euer they were ment . for , as matthias was not the worse for succeeding vnto iudas in place ; so is not any man the better , onely for his locall succession to s. peter . lastly , seeing the promises of god are with exception ; if we continue in obedience to his wil : and therefore , although all the land of canaan was expresly promised to abraham and to his seede for an euerlasting possession , yet was the posteritie of abraham , for their disobedience , first cast out of the greatest part thereof , and afterwards dispossessed of all . and although the kingdome of israel was expresly promised to dauid and to his seede for euer , yet the succession was broken off , by reason of their sinnes . againe , seeing the church of ephesus , although furnished with many excellent vertues , was threatned notwithstanding , that the candlesticke should bee remoued out of his place , onely for that their first loue was abated . if wee should suppose ( supposall is free ) that expresse promise was made to s. peter , and to his successours the bishops of rome , that they should represent the authoritie of christ vpon earth ; it will be a hard piece to perswade men , who haue not abandoned their owne iudgement , that this power was not long since either expired or reuoked , by reasō of the dissolute disorders , the irregular outrages and impieties , which haue bin ordinarie in that sea. marc●lline sacrificed vnto idols ; liberius was an a●ian ; another a nestorian ; anastasius the second embraced the errour of acatius . sabinian was a man of base behauiour , and altogether opposite to the vertues of s. gregorie ▪ constantine the second procured himselfe to be elected by corruption and force . ioan the eighth , was a woman and a harlot . romanus , theodorus , iohn the tenth , and christopher , were infamous for seditions , symonie , lust , and other base abuses in life . iohn 11. the bastard of pope sergius , was elected by fauour of theodora his mistrisse . iohn the 13. was accused of many vile villanies before the emperour otho the great . boniface the 7. attained his place by corruption , and maintained it by sacrilege . siluester the second , was a magician , and came to his dignitie by couenanting with the diuell . benedict the 10. was compelled to quit his place , because of his symony . boniface the 8. was aduanced like a foxe , reigned like a lion , and died like a dogge . what ? shall we say , that all these were the oracles of heauen ? the heads of the church ? the guides and grounds of religion ? the successors of s. peter ? the vica●s generall of iesus christ ? wil worldly princes endure such , who are not only vnseruiceable vnto them , but dishonorable , but rebellious , for their liefetenants ? and seeing good life is a sruite of faith , seeing faith is expressed by actions of life , shall we say that these men who liued in this sort , could neither erre nor faile in faith ? alas , how then would they haue liued , if they could haue erred or failed in faith ? i will not digge deep into this dunghill ; i will not speak of the heresies of iohn the 23. of the scandalous deportments of eugenius the 4. of the incests , sorceries , poysonings , & cutthroat cruelties of alexander the 6. of the couetousnes , the cruelties , the periuries , the blasphemies , the adulteries , the sodometries , the disdainfull pride , the cunning dissimulatiō , and other infamous behauior of diuers other bishops of rome . i will not speake of the two monsters lately hatched within that sea , to the broad blemish of religion , to the vtter ouerthrow of ciuill societie : the one aequiuocation ; the other par●icide of princes , & raising rebellions for the cause of religion . in one word to the point of our purpose , as christ denied the iewes to be the children of abraham , because they did not the workes of abraham ; and as s. paul said , that the children , not of the flesh , but of the faith of abraham , were to bee accounted his seede : in regard whereof , s. iohn also said , that many affirmed themselues to be iewes , who were not : so we may safely defend , that the true succession of s. peter , and of the other apostles consisteth , not in comming after thē in place , but in holding their doctrine , and imitating their godlines in life . this ( saith gregorie nazianzene ) ( and not succession in place ) is in proper sense to bee taken for succession . for to expresse the same iudgement and mind , is to possesse the very same chaire ; the difference of sea , is the difference in opinion , for doctrine and for life . this is a succession in truth and indeed ; that is only a succession in name . strato●les published in the citie of athens , that whatsoeuer the tyrant demetrius should ordaine , the same was to be esteemed holy before god , and iust before men . when cambyses was desirous to espouse his sister , the fact was iustified by this law of the persians ; the king may do what soeuer he please . doubtlesse , ( said he ) many bishops of rome in claiming hyperbolicall power , to beare through diabolicall dristes , haue bin rather successors to these men , then vnto any of the apostles . to conclude , with answere vnto those who can find a difference betweene the pope and the pope ; betweene the pope as being a man , and the pope as being bishop of rome ; betweene the pope in his consistory , and the pope in his palace , or among his souldiers in the field ; betweene the imperiall and pontificall pope ; i will tell you what fulgosius , he that was throwen out of state in liguria , reported of a certaine archbish●p of colen . as this archbishop being also duke of colen , passed through a small village in germanie , with so great a trame of armed men ( according to the fashion of that people ) that it neerly approched the greatnes of an armie ; a certain countrie fellow brake forth into a loude laughter against him . and being therefore presented before the archbishop , hee boldly said , that hee could not refraine both to laugh and to admire , considering the great pouertie , the great humilitie , wherein the apostles passed the trauailes of this life , that they who carrie themselues for the apostles successours , should thus plunge themselues both in plentie and in pride . simple fellow , said the archbishop , i doe now beare the state and presence of a duke ; i represent an archbishop when i am within the church . at this speech , the fellow did ●ise into a more broad and bolde laughter . and being demaunded the cause thereof , i pray you , said hee , whilest this duke ruineth the church , both by action and example , how is the bishop in the meane time busied ; and when this duke for this cause shall goe to the diuell , what shall then become of the bishop ? there was not any amongs vs , who did not countenance this conceit with a smile . and this had put a period to our discourse , had not one maintained it with further speech ; that he would gladly heare these questions so fullie followed , as then hee saw them fairely laid . assirming , that thereby he supposed it would appeate , that it is impossible to find a worke of so great waight , as is the supremacie of the bishop of rome , vpon so weake and feeble a foundation . but this will require ( said hee ) both the leasure and labour of some excellent diuine . true ( answered n. ) and yet many of these questions haue a mixture of humanitie : a mixture also both of the ciuill and canon law . and i haue often maruailed ( with that he cast a side countenance vpon me ) by what meanes it falleth , when in other countries the professers of these lawes are most accomplished schollers , and fittest for matters of mixt professions ; that in england only , either they are not so , or are not so ( at leastwise ) reputed . i was forward to haue answered . but it appeared that the intent of n. was , by crossing into this question to cut off the other . for , refer●ing this point to a more priuate conference between him and me , he fell into varietie of other talke . so , the time being well spent , after some ceremonies of curtesie , all of vs withdrew , whither our particular occasions did leade . finis . errata . pag. 9. lin . 5. reade synesius . pag. 10. in marg . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ p. 11. in marg . ● . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 16. l. 30. read dianae . p. 17. lin . 21. read diodorus . p. 21. lin . 10. read virgil. ibid. lin . 13. read festus . p. 25. lin . 15. read ceremonies . p. 31. in marg . ● . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 33. lin . 10. read constantinople . ● pag. 38. in marg . reade c. tibi domin● . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02862-e470 a euseb. lib. 6. cap. 34. b euseb. lib. 6. cap. 46. & lib. 7. cap. 5. & 9. c de nat. deo . lib. 1. d phil. de leg●● . e chrysost. in act. homil . 33. f singuli dicunt , ego verum dico . g non tamen possit delictorum veniam tributre , aut litteras saluiconductus reis criminū dare . h alex. in l. filiae qua de lib. & post . card. flor. & ias. in prooem . s●●● . mart. l aud . in c. 1. qui feud . da. imola . in rub. ae ●e●b . obl●g . i baid . in prooem . seud . k cyn. in l. si viua . c. de bo mat . bald in auth . hoc amplius . c. de side● com . ang. bald. in l. om●es c. de praescript . plat. in l. si quis decurto . feli. in rub de praese 10. and● in cap. vlt. de praeb . lib. 6. alex. cons. 141. lib. 1. no. 2. l in bacchis : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m eu●●p . 〈◊〉 supplic . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n trast . de ●ra . cap. 12. re●●gto & ●imor deisolus est qui custodit hominam inter sesoctetatc● . o plut. contra colot . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q orat. de regno . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s plut. contra colot . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u ●●u lib. 1. x omntum primum rem ad multitudinem imperitam efficacissima , deorum metum inveiend● ratus . y valcr . lib. 1. cap. 1. z om●ia post religi●●en ponenda ciuita● nostra duxit . a arist. 7. p●l●t . cap. 8. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c xenoph. p●d . lib. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d a●ud la●tantium 11. inst cap. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e cic orat de 〈◊〉 . rest on non call●ditate ●word ●robo●c sed pie●a●e ac relligione omnes gentes nation 〈◊〉 super au●sse . f va 〈◊〉 lib. 1. cap. 1. non dubitauerunt sacris imperia seraire : it s sererum humanarum futura regimen existimantia , si diuinae po●●●●●ae bene atque constaater essent samelata . g h●rat . h arist. rhet. ad alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i plut. in camillo . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m plut. in sertorio . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n senec. epist. 124. superstitio error insanus est , am●dos colit , quos colit violat . o cic. 1. de siuib . superstitione qui est imbutus , quietus esse non potest . p herm. cap. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q cic. 5. in ver. omnia prospera eueniunt colentibus d●os , aduersa speraeatibus . r de nat . deo li. 2. eorum imperus remp . amplificatam qui religio●●●s paruissent . s l. 16. in qualibet . de episc. & cle . c. theod. t nouel . 42. circa fi . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x afer episc . religio debet esse in rep . non contra . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a arist. polit. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b iustin. lib. 8. iure ille à dijs proximus habetur , per quem deorum maiestas vindicatur . c lib. 14. nat . hist. religione vitae constat . d cic. in 5. in verrem . omnes religione mouentur . e tiu lib. 4. quibus quaestui sunt capti superstitione animi . f curt. lib. 4. vbi vana religione capta est , melius vatibus quam ducibus suis paret . g lib. 6. cap. 10 h flo. 3. cap. 16. i ioseph . 2. bel . iud. cap. 12. k tac. 2. hist. l bodin . lib. 1. m leo. lib. 2. n leo. lib. 3. o annal. turc . p ioseph . lib. 2. co●it . sp●●● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q ne qui ●isi romani dij , neue alto more quam patrio colerc●tur . r liu. lib. 15. ne quis in publico sacroue loco , nouo au● externo ritu sacrificaret . s lib. 39. quoties patrum auorumque aetate negotiu magisti , atibus datum est , vt sacra externa sicri vitarent . t dio lib. 52. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 x iustin lib. 36. mos est apud iudaeos , vt cosdem reges & sacerdotes hab rent . y 2. chron. 35. 2. z 1. reg. 2. 25. a deut. 17. 19. b lib. 1. ecclesihist . c lib. 3. hist. iudaeis sacerabtij hon●s firmamentum potentiae erat . e in praef . lib. trismeg . f serm 41. g lib. 2. cap. 3. h strab. lib. 11. i aduers . valent . k stra. lib. 5. l in calig c. 35 m de arte amand . lib. 1. n lib 3. o argonant . lib. 2 p epigram . 64. lib. 9. q i● bel . alexand . r aeneid . 3. s lib. 6. cap. 10 t lib. 12. iust. lib. 11. u de mor , ger. x lib. 12. y lib. 2. cap. 8. z lib. 17. cap. 4. a oros. lib. 4. cap. 6. b paus. in baeot. siue lib. 9. c herodian . lib. 5. d lib. 1. hist. ind. cap. 14. n cic. de diuinat . e apud arist. rhet. 3. cap. 10. f iust. lib. 5. g contra neaeram . h de repub. laced . i q curt. k lib. 10. aeneid . super illud virgilij . vigilas ne deū gens ? aenaea ? vigila . l fast. m liu. lib. 1. n hali. lib. 2. o plut. in numa . p liu. lib 1. dec. 1. q cic. lib 2. de nat . deo. r lau. 1. decad. lib. 2. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t nequa bacchamalia romae neue in italia essent , si quis tale sacrum solenne ac necessarium duceret , nec sine religione ac piaculo se id omit . lere posse , apud pr●torem vrbanum profiteretur , partor senatum consuleret : si ei permissum esset cum in senatu centum , non minus essent , ita id sacrum fieret , dum ne plus quinque sacrificio interessent . u liu. lib. 2. x gell. lib. 10. cap. 15. y festus pompeius lib 17. z dio● . halic . lib. 4. a dionys. vbi 5. b plut. probl. cap. 63. c ae●eid . 8. super illud virgilij . nec no tarquinnium ciectum porsenna iubebat accipere . d li● . 1. dec. lib. 2. d on●s . lib. 5. feuestel . de sacer● . c. 1● e gell. lib. 10. cap. 15. f fea●stel . de sacred rom. g festus pomp. lib. 9. h macrob. & ouid. de ●ast . i lin 1. dec. lib. 10. k app●an . plut. plin. secundus de vir . illust . cap. 75. l liu. lib. 1. m cic. de legib . lib. 2. n cic. de orat . lib. 2. o lib. 3. saturn . ca. 2. p varr. lib. 1. de ling. lat . plut. in numa . q marlianus in topographia vet rom. r halicar . lib. 3 & 5. plin lib. 36. cap. 11. s deling . lat . t lib. 11. u lib. 1. cap. 1. x plut. prebl . cap. 113. y plut. probl. cap. 39. gellius lib 10. cap. 15. festus pompeius lib. 5. z plut. d. ca. 39. a lau. 3. decad. lib. 8. b ●●u . 4. decad. lib. 3. c plut. probl. ca. 13. d florus epist. lib. 47. e plut. prebl . cap. 113. f liu. decad. 3. lib. 5. g liu. decad. 1. lib. 1. h plia . lib. 15. cap. 30. i halicar . lib. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k apul. apol . 1. l plut. probl. cap. 111. m boet. in top . ciccr. lib. 2. n tertul. de exhor cast . & ad vxorem l. 1 . & in praescript . o ioseph . antiq . 3. cap. 10. p liu. 3. decad. lib. 10. q liu 4. decad. lib. 10. r cicer. in orat . del . agraria . & in lib. de amic ti● . halicar lib. 2. pater c. lib. 2. su●t . in n●rcn● . ●a . 2 s liu. 4. decad. lib. 10. t tertul. in apolog . u a deo setuxdi , post cum primi , ante omnes & super omnes . x tert●ad scapulam . colimus imperatorem vt hominem à dio secundū , solo deo minorem . y epist. elutherij citat . inter ll . e. 1. z vos es●is vicarius dei in regno , iuxta prophetam regium . a in c. caesare . ca. 13. b ad 1. 3. & 6. aencid . c in galba . c. 8 d in claudio . cap. 22. d tacit. annal. 〈◊〉 . 3. e tacit. lib. 14 f veg. lib. 2. c. 5 & 6. g l. qui statuas . l. non contra . bit . d. ad iud. maiest . h tacit. lib. 3. i in tiberio . cap. 58. k de benefic . lib. 3. l in iob. cap. 1. m priuilegium offe●endi primogenitis , vel maxime regibus debebatur . n tacit. 2. annal . o desacris ludaicis aegyptijsque pellendis . p viderent pontifices quae retinenda firmandaque aruspicum essent . q in seuero . r in proaem . lib. 5. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 t ad pop. antioch . hom . 2. u summitatem & caput . x parem vllum super terram non habet . y debes imperator incunctanter aduertere , regiam potestatem tibi , non solum ad mundi regimen , sed maxime ad ecclesiae praesidium esse collatam . z epist. lib. 3. ca. 100. & 103 a contra parmen . lib. 13. super imperatorem non est nisi solus deus qui fecit imperatorem . b in respons . o●●ent . c imperator , vt communis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●istens & nominatus . synodalibus praeest sententijs , & robur tribuit : ecclesiasticos ordines componit , & legem dat vitae politi●que corum qui altari seruiunt . d vt vno verbo dica , solo sacrificand● 〈◊〉 ininisterio , reliqua pontificalia priuilegia imperator representat . e cont coe●●on . & epist. 48. & epist. 50. f donat. mel●uit . l. 2. g nouel . 43. & 49. in princ . h l. 18. c. de sacros . eccles . i d nouel . 43. & 49. k l. 2. c. de sacros . eccles . l l. 4. c. co . m l. 5. c. co . n l. 14 c. co . o l. 9. c. de episc . & cler . p nouel . 6. ca 6. q l. 17. c. de episc . & cler . r nouel . 123. ca. 10. s l. 29. c. de episc . & cler . t l. 30. c. co . u l. 31. c. co . x l. 22. c. de episc . audien . y nouell . 3. z nouell . 5. a nouell . 6. b nouell . 58. c nouell . 117. d l. 8. c. de repud . e nouel . 146. f l. 1. c. de vet . iur . enuc legu authoritas & diuinas & humanas res bene disponit . g nouel 133. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . h lib. 2. epist. 100 ad hoc potestas super omnes homines dominorū meorū pictati coesitus data est , &c. i espenc . com . in tit. 3. digres . 10. gregorius magnus agno se●bat , imperatoribus conc●ssum esse dominari sacerdotibus . k bals. in concil chalced. cap. 12. l c. principes 23. q. 5. m 13. q. 5. n l. 1. c. de iudic . in c. theod. o 2. q. 3. de poe . di . 1. p 3. q. 6. c. 1. q 3. q. 6. c. 16. & 17. & 2. q. 8. c. 4. r 2. q. 3. c. 3. s c. episcopis . 3. q. 5. t c. reintegranda . q. e. u 3. q. 9. x 2. q. 7. y 2. q. 8. z 35. q. 6. a 25. q. 2. b c. 1. ext . de iu●am calum . c imperator iustinianus decreuit , vt canones patrū vim legum habere oporteat . d niceph. lib 8. cap. 14. e euseb. lib. 2. de vita constantini . f c. futuram . 12. q. 1. g constantinus praesid●●s sa●ctae synodo , quae apud 〈◊〉 congregata est . h socrat. lib. 1. cap. 6. i l. 2. c. de sum . trin . k niceph. lib. 12 ca. 10. l obsecramus clementiam tuam , vt , quemadmodum literis h●norasti ecclesiam , quibus nos con●ocasti , ita sinalem conclusionem nostrorum decretorii corrobores sententia tua & sigillo . m niceph. lib. 14. ca. 34. n l. 3. c. desum . trin . o euagr. lib. 1. ca. 2. p lib. 2. cap. 4. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r vid. d. conc . chalc. s l. 4. c. de sum . trin . t 3. vol concil . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x cus. de conc . l. 3. ca. 16. y sciendum est quod in vniuersalibus octo concilus semper inuen●o imperatores , & iudices suos , cum senatu primatum hab●isse . z conc. ro. 3. a miramur quicquam tentatum fuisse sine nobis ; nam viuente nostro presbytero sine nobis nihil tentari oportuit . b niceph. in praesat . ad emanuel . c tu es dux professionis fidei nostrae &c. d marc. 9. 35. luc. 9. 46. e can. 8. f plat●n vita 〈◊〉 3. g sabel . aencid . 8. lib. 6. h in vita bonifacij 3. l can. 28. k in trip . hist. lib. 9. cap. 13. l l. 6. c. de sacros . eccles . ●vnic . c. de priuil . vrb . const. lib. 11. m l. decernimus c. de sacros . eccles . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o nomoca . tit . 1. cap. 5. p l. constantino ▪ p●litana 24 c. de sacros . eccl . q constantinopolitana ecclesia omniū aliarum est caput . r platin. in vita gregor●● 1. s in vit . pho●● . car. lib. 4. sceleribus pontificum hoc imperium languesactum est . luit prand . lib. 6. ca. 6. cuspinian & theodo . de nihem . in vita otho 3. bart. in tract . de gaelph . & gib . gen. 46. a guice . in comment . polit . b sand. lib. 4. de clau . dauid . stupenda res , & supra quam dici potest admiranda , vt cum pot●utissi●i qu● que imp● . 〈◊〉 per al●quot saecula ownem suam vim in exterminandis ex vrbe roma ponti●icibus romanis , frustra explicuissent ; nun● è contrari● , pontifices romani abs● vlia vi , romanos imperatores ex ar●● imperij semou●runt ; palat●s caesarum alque ad●o tota vrbe in su●● potestatem conuersa . in extrauag . vnam sanctam . porto subesse rom pont ▪ omnem humanam creaturam declaramus , dicimus , diffiaimus & pronuntiamus omnino esse de necessitate salutis . * tibi d●mina . 63 dist . c. ●enerab●lem . de elect . 〈◊〉 . in c licet . n. 8. de so . comp . * incip . post pedum oscula . pan. c. causam . qui fil . fi . le . &c. solita . de ma. & ob . c nou●● . de 〈◊〉 . &c. 〈◊〉 . n. 8. des● comp . & in c. ● . n. 2. 3. 4. depro bat . * anno 1341. * feli. in c. firmissime , n. 1. de haeret . * molina . tract . 2. de iust. disput . 29. * cle. romani de iurc●●● . t cuia● c. 7. de imp. u pan. in c. fi . de baptism . x pan. in c. 1. de so . comp . & in c. 1. de probat . y pan. in c. si duobus de appell . z pan. in c. 1. de prob . n. 2. & 3. & n. 6. a pan. in c. per vencrabilem . n. 1. qui fil su●t legitti . b pan. in d. c. per vencrabilem . & in c sicut . n. 12. de iureiur . & in c. & sinecesse . de do . inter vir . & vx . pius 5. in bulla . matth. 16. matth. 28. galath . 2. 7. act. 23. 11. act. 12. iren. de bares . lib. 3. cap. 5. fundātes beati apostoli petrus & paulus romanam ecclesiam , adminish and●● ecclesiae ●p●sc●patum tradidcrunt l●no . aug●tract . 50. ad cap. 12 lo. cypr. in tract . de simpli●cler . gen. 17. 8. 2. sam. 7. 16. psal. 89. 36. apoc. 2. ioh. 8. 39. rom. 4. 16. & 9. 7. galat. 3. 7. reuel . 2. 9. de laudibus athanas● , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fulg. collectan . lib. 6. the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion vindicated the extent of his power determined in a sermon preached before the first parliament on a monthly fast day / by ... mr. stephen marshall ... / published by g. firmin ... with notes upon the sermon. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a52048 of text r31209 in the english short title catalog (wing m769). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 112 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a52048 wing m769 estc r31209 11790866 ocm 11790866 49197 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52048) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49197) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1487:24) the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion vindicated the extent of his power determined in a sermon preached before the first parliament on a monthly fast day / by ... mr. stephen marshall ... / published by g. firmin ... with notes upon the sermon. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. firmin, giles, 1614-1697. [6], 45 p. printed for nathaniel webb and william grantham ..., london : 1657. running title reads: the civil magistrates power in matters of religion, vindicated. reproduction of original in the union theological serminary library, new york. eng church and state -church of england. sermons, english -17th century. a52048 r31209 (wing m769). civilwar no the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion vindicated. the extent of his power determined. in a sermon preached before the fir marshall, stephen 1657 20902 63 35 0 0 0 0 47 d the rate of 47 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-01 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion , vindicated . the extent of his power determined . in a sermon preached before the first parliament on a monthly fast day . by the late faithfull and laborious servant of christ , mr. stephen marshall , b. d. and minister of the gospel for many yeers in finchenfield , but the two last yeers of his life in ipswich . published by g. firmin minister in shalford , with notes upon the sermon . isa. 49.23 . and kings shall be thy nursing fathers , and their queens thy nursing mothers , &c : isa : 60 : 12 : for the nation and kingdom that will not serve thee shall perish , &c. london , printed for nathaniel webb , and william grantham , at the sign of the black bear in st. pauls church-yard , neer the little north door . 1657. to the worshipful john meade esquire , dwelling in finchingfield in essex . sir , the exceeding love you bare to this author [ your dear friend and faithful pastour ] together with that respect which your love unto me hath commanded from me , have caused the dedication of what was his , and what is mine unto you . the subject [ though it may be not so profitable to you ] is of great concernment in our dayes , wherein the old serpent to the end he might have free passage for the doctrines of divels , hath by the mouths and pens of men cryed downe the civil magistrates power in matters of religion ; which stratagem of his may it prevail [ and i wish it had not prevailed too much ] then as mr. cotton saith , rejoyce ye hereticks , idolaters , seducers , go on and make havock of the sheep of christ like ravenous wolves ; you may now doe it [ impunè ] without fear or danger . it had been well if this author could have been prevailed with , to have published his many spirituall and practicall sermons upon prov. 4.23 . in which worke and preaching of christ he tooke most content . i know boah your selfe and others urged him to it , and could he have wrought with his hand ( by writing ) as he could with his head and lungs , we had enjoyed them . a labourer he might well be called , few such labourers hath he left behind him : we say men cannot worke that doe not eate , but he could worke when for many weekes ( yea monthes ) he could not eate , his worke was meate to him . a christian was his profession , and christianity was his practice ; bookes , he told me never taught him to preach christ , but yet how well acquainted was he with christ , his sermons declared , and that excellent sentence of his when we were discoursing with him about his death at your house . i cannot say as he , i have not so lived that i should now be afraid to dye : but this i can say , i have so learned christ that i am not afraid to dye . faith he preached , by faith he lived , by faith he died ; he answered the apostles exhortation to timothy , 1 epist. cap· 4.12 . be thou an example of the believers in faith , &c. amongst all his other graces , this gemme did shine most gloriously : what you have lost by the removal of such a friend you know best : i know he was an instrument by whom the lord conveyed much comfort unto you in your pilgrimage : yet this is some comfort , that while you had him , the lord gave you a heart to improve him , and so improved him , that i doubt not what is said of abel in another case , he being dead yet speaketh ; it may be said of mr. marshal , though he be dead , he yet speaketh to you . it will not be long , but the people of god shall be freed also from this evil [ which our honoured friend was wont to say , was one of the greatest outward evils ] the loss of friends : you are hastening , and in a good way [ i doubt not ] to that place , where you shall meet with your dear and christian friend again , and with many others gone before you ; the lord hath kept you hitherto steady , sound , unshaken , in these times , holding fast to the old truths , [ which i esteem an honour in these daies ] hold there still [ good sir ] for they must stand in stead when we come to dye . i shall add no more , but crave your acceptation of what i have presented , subscribing my selfe your servant , giles firmin . to the reader . i have heard it reported since this reverend author died , that upon his death-bed he charged his executors that none of his notes should be printed : if any then should say to me , why doe you publish these ? i answer : first , these notes i had from himselfe , and i know as perfect as any he hath left behind him . secondly , i told him while he was living , if he would not publish his sermon , i would publish what notes i had : the reason why he would not publish his sermon , was this , because in some things [ especially in his 4th argument to prove the magistrates power ] he differed from some other divines , which might occasion some to write against him , and for him to reply [ writing being to him a most tedious work in his health , much more in his sickness ] he would not doe it ▪ but that reason being now taken away , i have taken this liberty to publish his notes . though they are but short , yet they containe the substance of the doctrinal part of his sermon , which was preached in the parliament house on one of the last monthly fast dayes , and gave great content to the soundest part , professing they never heard so much before . for the application of his doctrine , i did not desire it , the doctrinal part [ upon such a subject as this ] being the maine . for the other notes which i have added , i hope the reader will not judge them either impertinent or uselesse , considering our times : i took counsel of such , whom i know to be godly , judicious , and learned , before i would publish them , and they wishing me to it , i have presented them to your view , and committed them to the lord for his blessing . the civil magistrates power in matters of religion proved . 1 tim. 2.2 . that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty . the observation is this . when civil magistrates themselves are brought to the knowledge of the truth , they will make it their great care , that the people of god under them may live a peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty . it is the end why the apostle exhorts the saints to pray for them , and it is to be believed that god would not direct his people to beg for that in order to their office , which doth not belong unto their office . objection . true , if any will be godly , the magistrate must provide that they may live peaceably and quietly , as if men be married , learned , &c. the magistrate must provide , that such may live quietly : this is the meaning and no more . answer . will any say the same of the second , viz. honesty , that if men will be honest , the magistrate must provide they may live peaceably ? is it not true [ who dare deny it ] that the magistrate is bound to provide that men live honestly in matters of the second table ? to make lawes about it and see to the execution of them : why then must he not provide for godlinesse , under the first table ; the holy ghost hath joyned them both together in the text . caution . i mean not when magistrates are godly then they must begin to doe this as if it were not their duty , or they had not power before [ dommum non sundatur in gratia ] but he is not qualified to cause this before . the married man converted , is bound to endeavour the conversion of his wife and children , he will now seek it ; being converted he is qualified for it , but it was his duty to seek the spiritual good of his wife and children before . so here in the doctrine , are three parts of the magistrates duty . first , publike peace , 2. that the people live in honesty . 3. godly . the two first there are none have doubted of , but the third is the question of our times . to make way to it , i shall lay down this conclusion as the foundation of what shall follow . that , civil magistracy is a divine institution : therefore , first , god hath appointed some to rule , and some to obey . secondly , he hath given them rules about their laws , that they be conformable to his mind . thirdly , in the execution of them the magistrate is gods vice-gerent . fourthly , he is accountable to god for his office . this foundation being layed , two questions will here arise . 1. q. whither the lord hath committed to these magistrates the care of religion ? 2. q. if so , what he hath committed to them in this behalfe ? to the first i answer affirmatively , and thus i prove it . first out of my text : he must take care that is people live in all godliness . to whom the end is committed , to him the media are committed ; none can deny this : if godliness the end , then all the means to this end he must take care for . secondly , from all the examples in the old testament ; why magistrates under the old testament should be types more of christ in matters of religion [ belonging to the first table ] then in matters of justice [ belonging to the second table ] i know not . [ non distinguendum est ubi scriptura non distinguit ] what ever colour they turn for the kings of israel , david , &c. who in some things were types of christ ; yet this cannot be said of the heathen kings , cyrus , artaxerxes , for whose care in this matter the church blessed god , ezra 7.27 . though we infer not that magistrates under the new testament , are bound to doe in every particular as they did ; yet as they did set up the worship of god , and all means tending to godliness under the old testament , so must ours now set up the worship of god and the means tending to godliness under the new testament . thirdly , i prove it from gospel-promises under the old testament of magistrates what they should be under the new testament , isa. 49.23 . and kings shall be thy nursing fathers , &c. so isa. 60.10 . and their kings shall minister unto thee . now if god promise that magistrates shall be such nursing fathers , then they ought to endeavour to be such . to which may be added the exhortation to kings , psalm 2. and psalm 24. as kings , they must open the gates to christ . also the threats against such as will not serve the church , isaiah 60.12 . for the nation and kingdome that will not serve thee , shall perish ; yea those nations shall be utterly wasted . fourthly , because jesus christ as mediator , hath the kingdom and the power ; he is head and ruler over all for the churches good , eph. 1.22 . therefore all being under him , must be subservient to him and his ends , prov. 8.15 , 16. by me kings reign , &c. which is meant of christ , v. 23. i was set up from everlasting . the hebrew word is the same with psalm 2.6 . i have set [ anointed ] my king . vnctus , regno inauguratus sum , princeps constitutus sum . fifthly , from the fourth commandement ; thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter , &c. nor the stranger . every one that hath others under him must see that they keep the sabbath . and therefore the magistrate ( as did nehemiah ) if the time for the worship belongs to the magistrate to take care of , then likewise he must take care for the worship it self . sixthly , if the flourishing of religion be the safety of the commonwealth [ as may be abundantly proved from scripture & experience ] then magistrates must take care of matters of religion . the heathens care about their religion will prove this ; and the scriptures show how idolatry hath broken all empires . if all other professions , physitians , lawyers , &c. must come under the magistrates power and care , because of the interest of the commonwealth , then much more matters of religion ; because miscarriages in those , reach but some particulars ; but miscarriages in matters of religion reach all , and are of a more dangerous consequence . seventhly , if magistrates must not meddle in matters of religion , then the ordinances & acts made by parliaments about the sabbath , for propagation of the gospel , with acts and committees for like businesses , your fasts , thanksgivings , are all unjustifiable proceedings if not horrid usurpations ; yea the professed desire of this present parliament held forth to all the world in the late declaratioin of july , 12. 1653. is a vain and empty thing [ to say no worse of it ] the words are these , page 6 , that in all we may be fitted and used as instruments in the hand of god , for more full and clear revealing of the lord jesus , and for the right promulgation of his blessed gospel , and for the true interest of his kingdome and advance thereof in the hearts of men , by reall true goodness , righteousness , peace and joy in the holy ghost . now if you were right you would doe as theodosius , you would hoc agere . the second question : what care hath god committed to the magistrate in the matters of religion ? this is a harder question : two extreams we commonly find . first , some give too much , all must be ad nutum magistratus . secondly , some give too little ; as if no care at all did belong to the magistrate , but he must give liberty to all . woful experience teacheth when magistrates doe meddle with religion , they either meddle with what they should not , or neglect what is enjoyned them by god . but i will bring my discourse to two heads ; shewing , first , what the magistrate must not do . secondly , what he must do . what the magistrate must not doe . first , magistrates must not doe what is good in their own eyes : your wisedome , reason , and will , must not be the rule of your proceedings herein , but the revealed will of christ , by which you are to be guided , deut. 17.18 . when the king sitteth upon the throne of his kingdome , he shall write him a copie of this law in a book , &c. nor may magistrates prefer reasons of state [ as they are called ] before reasons of religion held forth in gods word . your wisdome and reason in matters of the common-wealth is regula regulans , but in matters of religion , regula regulata : every pin of the tabernacle was appointed . secondly , nor are they to give themselves up to follow the dictates of other men whatsoever , till the word show it to be their duty : they are to inform themselves from the word , deut. 17.18 . [ this head was improved against the popish clergy , who binde the civil power to execute what they determine . ] thirdly , nor do i find a warrant for magistrates to compel any to the profession of truth , psal. 110. his people a willing people . to order what men shall believe , is to exercise dominion over mens consciences : it is one thing to cause the people to attend the means , and another to make them believe the truth , the first they must doe , but not the second : faith is gods gift . it is one thing to hinder idolatry , and blasphemy spreading , another thing to make people renounce an opinion , and embrace the truth . sed nec religionis est cogere religionem , quae spontè suscipi debeat , non vi . tertul. ad scap. nova & inaudita est ista praedicatio , quae verberibus exigit fidem , greg. fourthly , neither may magistrates deprive the lords people of any one of the priviledges he hath bought with his blood : in civils , when reason require , they may ; but not in religion . what he hath left indifferent , they must leave indifferent ; as if the lord should appoint his servants such cloths , colours , dayes , &c. and the steward hinders , the steward is now a lord , not a fellow servant . fifthly , nor must the magistrate deny that indulgence , toleration , to all the lords people , in their weaknesses , whither of iudgement or conversation ; which christ would have his saints exercise one towards another . now i come to the second question , positively , what must they doe ? answ. i will lay down two general rules ; then i will come to some particular rules . the general rules are these , first , as all men in their callings must order their businesse so , as the way to heaven may be most promoted in themselves and those which relate unto them : so the magistrates in ordering and regulating the peace , trade , and all interests of the commonwealth , are to doe it so , that all be subservient to christs great interest , that his people may be promoted in their way to eternal life . this is like to christ : eph. 1.22 . who is head over all things to the church . secondly , to take care that all the lords institutions be observed ; what he hath appointed to be done , they must see it done . the heathen king hit it right , ezra 7.23 . whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven let it be diligently done . they are to look to the preservation and restauration of religion : as the physitian either aimes at the preservation , or restauration of health . and in subserviency to these , to come to particular rules . first , they are to doe as jehoshaphat , 2 chron. 17. and hezekiah 2 chron. 29. that sent forth according to gods order , approved , faithful ministers ; by whom truth of religion , puritie of worship , wayes of holiness , may be published , inculcated , and whatsoever is contrary to sound and wholesome doctrine , and godlinesse , may be discovered , confuted , reproved : and with the same hezekiah 2 chron. 30. they are to speak comfortably to those who teach the good knowledge of the lord . secondly , in order to this , they are to erect , maintaine , schooles , and universities , and to allow unto the ministers , honourable maintenance it being gods expresse ordinance , 1 cor. 9 . ●4 ▪ that they which preach the gospel should live of the g●spel . they are nursing fathers , then they must provide bread . q. whence or how shall this maintenance rise , and be provided shall they who may not compell men to the faith , compell them to maintain ministers to preach the faith ? answ. the publique provisions by glebes , tythes , and such publike stipendia already setled by law , whereof the magistrates are the publike feoffees , and which are not the peoples [ and for which going and issuing out of their lands and labours , consideration is had , and abatement made in all purchases and letting of lands , as for a rent charge , or rates for the poor , and therefore no more to be counted burdensome or oppressing , nor contention to be made about them , then any the forementioned charges . ] these if good order were taken to see them paid , would go very far to help , and what is lacking the magistrates cannot want means to maintain the ministers of the gospel , more then the ministers of state , if there be a will to it : we see you can doe it to whom you please . thirdly , they may command and order the people to come and attend upon the ministry of the word , as the means instituted by christ for their instruction to salvation . it is one thing to order them what they shall believe , another thing to order them to wait upon the means . all grant the civil magistrates may call publike assemblies , to hear their proclamations , and statutes , &c. read : if they may call a whole town to hear a law , then much more may they call them and order them to hear gods laws . fourthly , when people have declared themselves to be a willing people , and professe to embrace the lord and his waies , then may the magistrates engage them by covenants , stirring them up in a moral way : thus did the godly kings of judah , though they compelled none to become proselytes , yet when they were become such , they engaged them as well as other israelites , by oaths , covenants , curse , to walke worthy of the lord : and this you doe now ( in effect ) in commanding fasts to be kept , wherein the covenant is renewed ▪ &c. fifthly , it belongs to the magistrates , to reject corrupt and unworthy ministers ; for it cannot stand with the faithfulness of nursing-fathers to commit their nurse-children to such as will starve , or poison them , ezek. 34. by corrupt ministers , i doe not mean such as labour under any infirmities , for who is sufficient then ? but i mean ignorant , erroneous , scandalous , unsavoury salt ; thus samuel visited from bethel to gilgal , &c. sixthly , they ought to prevent , and pull down idolatry , superstition , being spiritual adultery , and esteemed by god as the defiling of the marriage bed : this was so charged upon magistrates , and so practised in the old testament , that the uprightnesse of their hearts was judged by it : and in the new testament it is foretold , that as the ten kings come into the lord christ , they shall hate the whore , make her desolate , eat her flesh , burn her with fire , revel. 17. seventhly , on the same account , they ought to doe the like by blasphemies and other damnable doctrines : the spreaders whereof are termed dogs , evil workers , wolves , and are not to be tolerated by faithful shepherds , i. e. magistrates ; the office of a nursing father ties him as well to prevent his childrens poison , as to provide them bread . these first , are workes of the flesh , gal. 5. and can challenge no other toleration then such works amongst which they are ranked . secondly , these are called a leprosie , a gangrene . thirdly , these cause the way of truth to be blasphemed , make religion a vain thing . there is a heavy charge against the church of thyatira for tolerating of jezabel , rev. 2. and it will not be a light one against the magistrates , if they shall tolerate , &c. which way to punish these is not so easie a question : [ as to simple heresy ] but if men will spread them , then the question is not so hard . as if a physitian should hold such druggs are fit for mens bodies , which yet are poysonful , the magistrate would not punish him for this ; but if this physitian will administer and use those druggs in his practise , then the magistrate may non-licentiate him . so here if magistrates would conscienciously and really discountenance such men , it would go far , both for preventing , and suppressing them : for commonly they take up such opinions , to serve their own bellies , ambition , to serve men and factions ; and if they were made infamous , they would as fast lay down . objection . but will not this expose gods people to persecution , there are so few magistrates good , and if their consciences be misinformed , what then ? answer . first , this objection was full as strong in the old testament , yet then it was their duty , none question . secondly , it holds as much against the authority of parents in educating of their children , or masters their servants , because many may be supposed , and are wicked , yet it is still a duty incumbent on them , and praise-worthy in them , the godly . thirdly , the inconvenience under jeroboam , &c. was foreseen by the lord before he made his laws , yet it did not hinder him from giving them , nor the godly kings of judah from walking by them . fourthly , the magistrates conscience is not the rule for him to go by , but let the magistrate looke to have his conscience rightly informed from the word of god , which is his rule ; then his ●aw to c●●se men to wal● orderly , cannot be called persecution . thus far mr. marshal● ; for the application of his point , he gave it not to me , nor did i desire it : these heads of his sermon being but short [ yet clear enough to an intelligent head ] i shall desire to add some notes upon these heads , tending to clear them , and i trust not unprofitable to the reader . whither the civil magistrates power reacheth to matters of religion , is not a question first started in these troublesome times . vtenbogardus [ and his followers ] from deut. 17.18 . and other scriptures which he thinks make to his purpose , together with the examples of moses , joshua , &c. thinks the civil magistrate is so much concerned in matters of religion , that he affirmeth the care of religion is chi●fly and in the highest degree , committed to him immediately from god , but not to the ministers immediately , but in the name and under the magistrate ; so that the magistrate doth teach the people by the ministers of the church , and the ministers doe their acts à & sub magistra●y . it was supposed that the putting in of those words into the title of our kings , next and immediately under christ supreame head and governour , did lean this way , and gave offence to the orthodox abroad . calvin calls them inconsiderate men who did it , and s●ith they were blasphemous when they called him the supream head of the church under christ ; hoc semper me graviter vulneravit , saith he : but dr. reynolds and nowell took off that offence afterward . the papists on the other side that they may hold up the authority of their pope , and keep the magistracy from medling with their clergy , together with some hereticks who would have liberty to hold and vent their wicked conceptions , these have shut the magistrates quite out , they must have nothing to doe in the matters of religion : onely the papists will give them so much honour as to be the executioners of the decrees of their church . the orthodox look on both these as unsound , proving and that with strength enough , that the ministers of the church receive their power immediately from christ , not from the magistrate : yet withall they strongly prove both against papists and hereticks , that he is not excluded from having power about matters of religion . our author hath given seven reasons to prove the latter , and i doubt not but they will appeare to be reasons to rational men : some scruple there may be about the fourth , which was the cause why he would not print his sermon as i have hinted in my epistle to the reader . but yet to clear our author , this i will say for him ; he did not intend to side with mr. coleman and mr. hussey , in their judgement about the civil magistrate , v●z . that , jesus christ as mediator hath substituted and given commission to the christian magistrate to govern the church in subordination to him : or that he is a governour in the church vice christi . these mr. gallespy oppose . i never heard him publikely , nor privately own any such thing , that text in ephes. 1.22 . which he quotes , lead him [ with other texts ] to what he hath said . that text he handled largely in the countrey upon the lecture daies , and while i viewed over some notes i took from him , i saw enough to convince me he was far from their judgement . i will give the reader a taste . for his analisis . there is a double dominion christ hath by sitting at the right hand of his father , ver. 20. 1. a dominion over all creatures . 2. over his church : the first is laid down in three expressions . 1. he hath lifted him up above all , &c. 2. put all under his feet . 3. gave him to be head over all . the second is laid down in two expressions . first , that he hath a headship over this as his body : a political head he is to all , but they are not his body as his church , to which he is , q. d. a natural head . secondly , it is his fulnesse . again , these two dominions are laid down under a double consideration . first , what they are simply in themselves . secondly , what they are in relation one to another , what is it to the church that christ is head of the world ? and what to the world that he is head over the church , what are they better or worse ? he hath given him to be head over all things to the church . the same relation then that there is between medium and finis : the church hath not onely more of his heart and love , but all subservient to his church ; were it not for his church , he would not foule his fingers with the world . then drew up a generall doctrine . doctrine . christ having fini●hed the work of our redemption , hath now committed to him the dominion and lordship over all creatures . one distinction i must premise . a double title christ hath to this lordship . first , natural , as the second person of the trinity , this is his essential right , and not meant here . secondly , delegated , as mediator , given as a reward of his sufferings : this is a power immediately to execute , the soveraign authority over the creature . this power because some question , i will prove : rom. 14.9 . mat. 28.18 . phil. 2.6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. verses , psal. 8.4 . compared with heb , 2.6 , 7 , 8. besides prophetical predictions , &c. then he opened , wherein this dominion stood : his third head was this . there are constituted by christ , powers , gifts , authorities ; omnes species magistratus : and all governments , what power soever they have , is from him . his church-officers doe not belong to this . thus much he . whence , if the magistrate and the church-officer come under different dominions of christ as mediator , then though he doth maintain the magistrate to be under christ as mediator , receive his power from him , &c. yet it will not follow that he governs the church vice christi , for the church-officer comes under another dominion . when greg. naz. would asswage the anger of the president , and told him , that he did not rule with christ , govern the commonwealth with christ , that he received his sword from christ , &c. i know not but he meant christ as emanuel our mediator , but yet greg. did not think the president ruled the church under christ . yet hence will follow what our author doth infer , that since the magistrate is thus under christ , that it is his duty to take care of christ his church , and doe what in him lye that his master christ be set up in his dominions , for the church is that he minds more then commonwealths , and these for the sake of that . give me leave to enlarge upon that which our author in the sixth reason hath onely named : the heathens care about religion . it is great shame to those who have the light of scriptures , to deny that to be the magistrates duty which those who had but the light of nature could see to be their duty : who knows any thing of the persian , grecian , and roman magistrates , and knows not the care they took about their religion : shall the turke take more care for his mahomet , then a christian magistrate for his christ ? when aristotle would reckon up the requisites for a commonwealth without which it could not be , he numbers six . food , arts , arms , money , and ( that saith the philosopher which i should have named first ) care of divine things [ which they call the priesthood ] justice : and so summes them up in the end of the chapter , husband men , artificers , military men , rich men , priests , judges . when god would unravel the commonwealth of israel , isa. 3.1 , 2 , 3. how many of these which aristotle hath mentioned he doth threaten to remove . these persons had need goe to school to plato , aristotle , and tully , to know their duty . objection . christians are not to learn their duty from the light of nature , but the light of scripture . answer . in the matters of faith , things which we know onely by divine revelation , as about mans redemption , the trinity , &c. there indeed we cleave onely to the scripture , natures light can shew us nothing here . but if we come to other moral duties , certainly they doe not understand what natures light is that make so little of it : [ though scripture light doth not crosse natures light in this , for the scriptures also are clear to prove the magistrates care , &c. ] rom. 2.14 . the gentiles that had not the law did by nature the things contained in the law . there was a law of nature that did teach them many things of the law of god written . the law of nature , is but that divine law implanted by the author of nature in the nature of all men . take the moral law strictly , and lay by the fourth commandement , what doth it differ from the law of nature ? a moral law say some of our divines , is such a law which is therefore commanded because it is g●od , and is not therefore good m●erly because it is commanded [ as the ceremonial law . ] the goodness in a moral law for which it is therefore commanded is , that comely su●able●●ss and meetness in the thing commanded unto humane nature as rational , or unto man as rational . by rational , understanding , right reason neither blinded nor corrupted , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . clem. alex. l. 1. c 13. pae l. according to this rule exam●ne our question , and see if the magistrate be not bound , &c. the christian magistrate knows god to be the true god , and jesus christ the redeemer ; he believes in this god and christ , and knows he rules under this god , must give account to him of his actions as a magistrate ; doth it now sute or not with right reason that this magistrate takes care that this god and christ whom he knows and believes in , be also made known and as much as in him lieth be believed in ? doth right reason judge that this mastistrate hath performed his duty to god and christ , and may give a comforable account to him though he neglects this ? this magistrate having the highest power [ under christ ] over the people whom he rules , a power of life and death [ regularly ] and so by his power may doe very much for the setting up of the honour of god and christ amongst his people , [ commonly following the example of their chief rulers ] doth right reason say this magistrate should not take care for the things of god and christ ? again this magistrate knows that in the knowing and believing in this god and christ consists his own good , and the good of all men ; doth then right reason say that this magistrate , who is a minister of god for the good of his people , rom. 13.4 . doth take care for the good of his people , who takes not care that all the people under him doe come to know and believe in this god and christ , that they also may be happy with him ? let any man who hath right reason left in him then see , whither that magistrate be not a great sinner again●t the moral law of god , who doth not the utmost that in him lieth to promote the interest of god and christ , amongst those over whom he ruleth , there being the same ground for this duty that is for any other . some lawyers reckon religion amongst those things which pertain to the law of n●tions , because by natures guidance we learn there is a god , and that this god ought to be worshipped : shall then christians who have both the light of nature and of scripture and both agreeing in the magistrates duty about religion , deny it ? shall i draw another reason to prove the magistrates duty , &c. the best way for the magistrate to procure honesty amongst his people , yea and a good way to estalish his own power , is to endeavour , that his people may live in godliness . for honesty it is clear , for who shew more honesty in their conversations , then those who have most godliness in their hearts . if men be right in the first table , they will be in the second : the magistrates are not much troubled with these . for the second thing , experience hath proved it , that the magistrate hath had need of the ministers pen to maintaine his power in the consciences of people , as well as the ministers have had need of his sword to defend them against unconscionable people . how many pages have the ministers pen filled in defence of the magistracy against the anabaptists ? whence it was truly said by one of our ablest lawyers in his charge at the alizes , were it but for our own selves [ i. e. the upholding of the magistracy ] we had need uphold the ministery . for that deut. 17 ▪ 18. a text commonly brought to prove that the magistrate is keeper of both tables ▪ and vtenbogardus [ whom i named before ] draws it to uphold his opinion , others wave it , thinking it related only to the kings own person . but the kings actions and the verdict of the scripture concerning those actions , best interpret it : we see they did meddle and that much in matters of religion , and they are commended for so doing : 2 kin. 18.6 . the text had spoken before of hezekiahs carriage toward god , v. 5. and the matters of religion in v. 4. and this text saith , he kept the commandements which the lord commanded moses . then it seems hezekiah took himself to be commanded to do what he did . for those who would yield it to these because they were types , &c. our author hath answered before : i add onely , right reason saith there is as much need of such acts of the magistrate now as then ; for mens hearts are as vile now as then , as apt to corrupt the worship of god now as then , and the text saith plainly , there will be damnable heresies , and shall not a christian magistrate regard damnable heresies ? besides , christs kingly power reacheth honesty i hope as well as godliness , if therefore they being types or christ his kingly office , ours must now cease meddling with religion , by the same reason also with honesty , and commit all to the king christ . this were excellent divinity ! i have heard of some who have been numbred amongst our grandees that would yield , that the magistrate was bound to pull down antichrist , but not to set up christ . this is a new and i conceive a vain distinction . pull down antichrist ? what then ? let mahutanisme , heathenisme , judaisme , spread and over run the nation , christ must shift for himself it seems ! but doe they think the magistrate is bound , then surely by a command : if so , doth the command bind onely to the negative , and not the affirmative part ? this is strang● : asa did not think so , 2 chron. 13. ver. 3. he answers the negative part , verse 4. the affirmative . but i doubt this distinction was taken up to serve some other designes . antichrist they must pull down ▪ how else pull down all the hierarchy , and all the ministers ordained by them ; how shall we get such and such things into our fingers that are of great worth , but set antichrist upon the head of these men and things , the● down go all these black-coats , and the profits are ours . but leaving these , our state hath declared that the magistrate is concerned in matters of religion ; for we find laws made in reference to every command of the first table . indeed we could wi●h there were more , and that there were not some things granted , which do under-mine those which are made . yea the supreme power have called the people of this nation together , to humble themselves in solemn daies of fasting and prayer , and amongst other causes , because of heresies , men growing weary of preaching of the gospel , and of the ordinances of christ , this showes that the magistrate is concerned : these things i conceive to be true . first , though every sin in its own nature deserve humbling , yet to have a nation called together solemnly thus , it hath not been for sins of a small size , they are sins commonly in folio ; as for those infirmities of judgement or practise which christians are bound to bear with each other in , surely these are not the causes of such solemn daies , must i bear with that , which i must keep a solemn day of fasting and prayer to seek god against ? i conceive not . secondly , if the magistrate finds such evils as to call the nation thus , then surely he hath some power , and is bound to put forth that power to help to remedy those evils so far as he can : if they be evils from god upon us , plague , famine , warr , &c. yet if it lye in his compasse to doe any thing for the good of the nation , he will and must doe it : then as well if they be evils of sin from a people against god , he is to doe what he can , or else such fasts are not rightly kept nor can the magistrae have peace . i never heard of a magistrate that did otherwise , if right . true ezra was a priest , he fasted , but i find not that he commanded or called the whole nation in such a solemn manner ; but as he fasts and prayes because of a sin , so he put forth power to remedy that in , chap. 10.4 , &c. why then does it not as well belong to the civil magistrate ? &c. our author having proved that god hath committed to the magistrate the care of religion , now ●hews us what it is god hath committed , and for clearnesse sake shewes first what he hath not committed . for his first and fourth , had the supreme power of england heretofore observed those rules , english ground had not sucked in so much blood as not it hath . for his second , as he hath laied it down , there is no doubt of it ; something i might move here , but i will bring it in afterwards . for his third ; all men speak not as our author : i will not inquire what the papists say to this , i heard enough of their inquisition when i was in spaine , to know the romish judgement : i find our own divines affirming that the magistrate may compel men to embrace the true faith , and religion . altingus , perkins , bucanus , &c. they are many that are of this judgement , and quote luke 14.23 . compel , &c. but this sure will never prove it . jansenius a popish author , opening the text , comes at last to the magistrate , with prisons , death , &c. to compel , but yet acknowledgeth that since the parable speaks of those who were without the church , therefore , church excommunications , and magistrates compulsion is not here [ chiefly , no nor at all ] meant . stella , another of those authors , opens the text without mentioning any thing of the magistrate ; he shews two waies how god compels men , and that is excellent compulsion indeed . 1. ostendendo voluntari nostrae tantum bonum , ut non possit non appetere illud . 2. removendo & abscondendo omne m●lum , & cum objectum voluntatis sit bonum , tantum bonum potest voluntati repraesentare , ut non possit non amare illud quod videt bonum , &c. who would not be thus compelled ? but for our divines , i see when they come to answer the arguments that are brought against this position , they say no more in effect then our author hath said . means must be used ▪ i. e. compel them to come to ur assemblies , to hear the word , and to learne the grounds of our religion so mr. perkins , dominari fidei , est praescribere quid sit credendum : cogere autem non est adigere mentem ad fidem ejusque assensum , sed cogere loco motivam , ut audiat veram doctrinam , caveat blasphemias , & scandula . sic alting . to the same purpose speaks buchanus , non potest cogere mentem sed loco motivam , ut audiat veram doctrinam , & media quibus excitatur fides , &c. this is no more then our author affirmes . objection . the magistrate may compel in matters of honesty , why not as well in matters of faith and religion . answer . first , he may and ought to compel to the means whereby faith is bred . secondly , the duties of the second table being the sinews of commonwealths , are more manifest to natures light then those of the first ; to be sure much more then those things which we believe and know onely by divine revelation . thirdly , the magistrate punisheth the breaches of the second table , and forceth men that they shall not doe so or so ; men shall not steal , commit adultery , &c. now those vertues and vices being immediately contrary , he who is not , or doth not the vice , he appears to have the vertue . thus far the magistrate as our author , and so our divines grant , compels men they shall not blaspheme , they shall not vent nor spread their heresies ; but to force them to believe a truth is another thing . his fifth head hath more difficulty in it , the indulgence and toleration which the magistrate must give . when he saith christ will have his saints exercise the same one towards another , i suppose he means christ would have his saints to love each other , and not have unity broken , but communion afforded , [ as he hath expressed his mind in his sermon for the vnity of the saints , &c. ] though there be weaknesses in judgement and conversation ; and if saints must doe so , then the magistrate must indulge and tolerate such also . first , it is certain there are and may be such weaknesses both in judgement and practise in people , to whom love and communion ought to be continued , unless we will have none to be saints , but those who have the infallible spirit , and perfection of grace , according to the quakers dreams . those who are strong have that duty laid upon them to bear the infirmities of the weak : but gladly would i read that book where it were cleared how far i must go in affording communion to men weak in judgement and conversation : to say these weaknesses i must tolerate , christ will have me exercise indulgence thus far , and no further . some errors in practise we must bear , why not then some errors in judgement ? the head is imperfect as well as the heart . yet we find it a harder matter to keep unitie when men differ in judgement . whither , first , because we are sensible of weaknesses in our own conversations , we are passionate , &c. well then may i bear with others who are so ; but for our judgements we conceive we are right . secondly , men doe not use to defend themselves in such weaknesses , but doe more pray against them , and they are their burden if saints ; but they will defend their errors . thirdly , for errors in practise . saints do value the grace which is contrary to their corruption , and those men who have attained beyond them , they commend . but in errors of judgement , men set high prices on their errors , and condemn all those who are contrary to their judgements . more causes i could give , but we find it hard to bear . secondly , as the saints must bear , so no doubt there are such weaknesses which the magistrate ought to tolerate . but whither the magistrate must or will tolerate , what ever a church must , i question very much . i know our author had large principles this way , and i doubt not but he took them up from the love he bare to christs image , which might be where yet were too many errors . if the error were not in the fundamental points [ alas that some body would once tell us what those are , for i took those to be fundamental , which our times now deny ] i know he would bear much . but suppose then churches be overspread with this error , that christians must not swear though lawfully called , and matters of great moment depend upon an oath ? suppose men deny war [ upon never so just grounds ] to be lawful : suppose , deny all magistracy , [ as we know the old anabaptists did all these , and how many amongst us now ] with divers more such things , which will not i suppose come under the fundamentals : i say these errors spread abundantly , what will or what must the magistrate doe , indulge all these ? what shall become of the nation , and courts of judgement ? something 's we may gather from our author which the magistrate must not tolerate . first , not idolatry , superstition , &c. secondly , not heresie , this can claim no more toleration then other works of the flesh , gal. 5. but if the braines of christians had been as much troubled when the apostles writ to them about heresies as ours are now , they had need have writ again to the apostles to explain what they meant by heresies , for they could not tell . thirdly , not the contemners of the ordinances of christ . for he hath laid it down as one of the things that god hath committed to the magistrate , to take care that all the lords institutions be executed : also that he must command and order the people to come and attend the ministry of the word . but if the magistrate tolerate those who cast off the institutions of christ , to what purpose doth he take care to see them executed ? how can it be his duty to doe this , and yet his duty to tolerate those who throw them off ? more i could gather : but let me speak a few words about toleration . it is true what learned mr. norton saith , to tolerate all things , and tolerate nothing , are both intolerable . acts of toleration are but mercurial medicines to recover a sick state , but if the preparations of such medicines be not exquisite , mercurius vitae [ as the chymists call it ] proves often mercurius mortis . states had need look about them what they doe when they make acts for toleration in matters of religion , unless they think they must give no account for such acts . first , toleration , is , malorum of things that are evil , they are so reputed in the judgement of those who doe tolerate : we do not tolerate good , but evill things . true , toleration doth not infer approbation [ though most will think so ] yet being they are evill , he that is minister of good , must needs desire to tolerate as few of them as may be : there will be evils , errors , in the churches doe he and the churches what they can , but when there is an act of toleration for them , who takes care to heale them ? secondly , when states will make acts for toleration in matters of religion , they had need have another act go first , i. e. to declare what they will not tolerate : they had need make good fences about the vitals of religion , or else we shall have errors arise that will threaten them also : have we not experince of it now ? thirdly , rules for toleration must not be taken from persons that appear to be godly ; that is , because such persons are looked upon as godly , therefore what opinions they hold shall be tolerated . because david a godly man falls into adultery , therefore tolerate that sin ? may not a man that is godly [ at least seems to be so , ] fall into such an errour of judgement , as neither church nor state must tolerate ? i know no such warrant to secure us , but when professors grow wanton god may leave them to such errors in judgement , as he hath left to errors in practise . also may not godly men be true and blamable causes of great schisme ? but yet because godly , they must not be indulged . fourthly , if because arguments can be brought to prove an opinion , therefore such an opinion must be tolerated , then what heresie must not be tolerated ? if a man will listen to his own atheistical heart and carnal reason , there are those who could bring arguments very strong against the scriptures , christs divinity , his satisfaction , such things as we call fundamentals , ( if there be any ) ; i doubt not but there may be stronger arguments brought against these , then there are for some things wherein men cry for indulgence , though they break the peace of the churches , and have brought us into this confusion . but if therefore those heresies should be tolerated , then let churches and religion go whither they will . fifthly , such doctrines and practises as the churches of christ since the apostles daies have constantly condemned ; churches , where soundness of doctrine , and holinesse in conversation have met together , having also libertie to search the mind of god , and to reform : what these have constantly condemned , i humbly conceive , that a state had need be cautious in making acts to tolerate such doctrines and practises : and i am sure there are too many such now tolerated . sixthly , it had been much better for the churches , to have yielded each to other so far as they might , and studied an accommodation , rather then put the civil power to make an act for toleration , which wanton spirits look at but as an invitation , to vent their own frothy and erroneous conceptions , being they have a law to back them . i am not to this day satisfied , what sufficient reasons can be given , why the congregational and classical brethren might not have joyned together , and strengthned each other , but that through their division the nation should be as it is at this day . if the letting of a godly minister enjoy his own people , without taking them from him , would have healed the breach , what an easie medicine had this been for so great a wound ? the text which our author hath pitched upon saith , in all godliness . a good magistrate will look that this people may live in all honesty : one part wil not serve the turn , and if he could cause them to live in all godlinesse also , it would be well for that people . seventhly , to displease thousands of godly and sound christians , for the sake of pleasing a few christians in doctrines and practises corrupt , i conceive is no safe policie : whose spirits have shown themselves more turbulent , then those for whom toleration hath been pleaded ? we have now had experience what it is to live under episcopal persecutions , and an armies toleration , which of these two have proved the most destructive to the power of godlinesse i need not say . this onely i would say , [ and that not without some sense of grief on my spirit ] it is sad that those who lay claim to new-england principles , should so act their part that men should not say , and our posterity hereafter believe it , that independency ruined the church of england . then our author , comes to his positive rules ; and his second general rule is , that the magistrate takes care that all the lords institutions be observed . the word in the original which we translate godliness , signifieth firstly , the worship of god . a godly man {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a good worshipper , qui probè c●lit & veneratur deum : godly kings did show their godlinesse in this point very much , putting down false worship , and setting up the true worship of god : while the ordinances of god are maintained as they ought to be , god is known in the world : and much godliness is shown in a due worshipping of god . if we look back to the beginnings of our troubles , and recall what it was the professors of england would have had , let them speak : when you were fain to get into houses privately to keep fasts together , afraid that any should see you , lest the bishops should know it , why did you fast , why did you utter such sad complaints to god , why did your tears drop so , what was your burden ? oh this hierarchy , did so tyrannize over gods faithful ministers , suspending , imprisoning , &c. they did so mix their humane inventions with gods institutions , that we could not have the worship of god according to the pattern , but must wound our consciences if pertake of the ordinances ; what do you desire of god ? why , that he would root up these persecuting bishops , and all the rabble that belongs to them , that we may have none but christs own officers , & ordinances pure without this mixture , no railes , surplice , crosse , &c. this was the businesse why men thus prayed , and fasted ; and for these things the old solid puritan prayed many yeers since , though died before these times ; well , what those deceased christians prayed for , and these living , god hath given this generation , surely now those ordinances and officers shall be highly prized , &c. but what are more despised ? the officers are but anti-christian blackcoats ; any gifted brother is as good as these priests ; and for the ordinances , church-discipline , singing of psalms , infant-baptisme , these are none of christs institutions ; and for elder persons water-baptisme , is a needless thing if have the inward ; so the supper , if have the thing signified , &c. that thus all are thrown off : would any man have believed such horrid apostasie should ever have been heard of , principally from those things , where their prayers , fasts , and tears , together with the old christians went so strongly ? what , in these points apostatize ? what do these things presage ? all christs institutions saith our author , the magistrate must take care for . so indeed said the persian emperour , ezra 7.23 . whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven , let it be diligently done , &c. but it seems the lord hath no institutions now , they are all disputed out . church-discipline , hath gone unquestionably for an institution of christ grounded on good scripture , till erastus had a mind to quarrel with it , but it seems god did befool the man , that whilst he falls out with the ordinance , his pen must write down seven sorts of persons , which ought not to be esteemed as members of the church , and if there be any such , they ought to be cast out . and mr. prynne after his great stir , yet acknowledgeth , that 1 cor. 5. ult. proveth excommunication , * yea and more texts besides that . that which was once a church-ordinance , remained ever so , unless god himself removed it ; but where men will prove the translation of this ordinance from the church to the civil bench in case the magistrate prove christian , i cannot tell , one of our magistrates did attempt to prove such a thing once to me by way of argument ; because there is no thing which falls under the churches cognizance as being an object for church-discipline , but falls under the magistrates also . but i thought christian magistrates would first have brought a word of scripture from christs mouth to have proved the removing of an institution , but i heard none : then surely there is no great fear of the loss of the ordinance , if it must be lost by scripture . 2. to the argument i answer , by denying the consequence , that though the same things do fall under the magistrates cognizance that do under the churches , yet it doth not prove that church-discipline is removed , &c. 1. i doubt not but in the primitive churches there might fall out such sins that the heathens courts might take hold of , [ for there was government then among the heathen in matters of honesty , wherein yet some church-members might be tardy ] but that did not take off the churches discipline . 2ly . but the end is very different : the church in her discipline makes repentance her end ; if the delinquent be brought to that , the church desires no more , nor can require no more . but doth the magistrate require no more ? is repentance his end he directly and firstly aymes at ? i think not ; but he aimeth at the satisfaction of a law made against such offenders , to be a terror to others . 3ly . if persons come not to repentance , the church doth not proceed by mul●●s , death , prisons , bridewels , &c. which the magistrate doth , yea though the person repents . if repentance would save from death , abundance should not dye by the magistrate . the church labours to bring to repentance [ which the magistrate quâ sic doth not , as not being his businesse ] and if not , proceeds to excommunication , the person cast out of the visible kingdome of christ , and now reckoned in satans kingdome : this the magistrate doth not , nor can doe . obstinacy in a sin and offence , is that the church looks at , as much and [ most what ] more then the sin it selfe ; but so doth not the magistrate ; for it is the act , the law broken , not obstinacy , [ which is but an adjunct to the act ] which the law punisheth . 4ly . the magistrate deals not with the offender , by applying the law of god to him immediately , but such a law made in such or such a kings time , or such an act of parliament , &c. but the church meddles with no such things , but applyes the word and law of god only to the offender . 5ly . the church have a rule to proceed by degrees ; if offences be private , to take one or two , goe and deale , &c. if can attain the end , repentance , go not to the church : but this doth not belong to magistrates courts . 6ly . the church upon repentance receives a man into fellowship , 2 cor. 2. the members confirm their love , &c. doth the magistrate thus ? 3. again i answer , by denying the antecedent , namely , that nothing falls under the churches cognizance , but comes under the magistrates also . there is nothing comes under the magistrates cognizance , but that the state hath made a law against : but i have not known of any laws made against lying , filthy speeches , totall neglect of religious worship in families , wicked carriages of children to parents , with many more which might be mentioned , as covetousness , when evident notes of that sin reigning have appeared [ which because mr. prynne scoffs at the churches for , i could name to him a person that was cast out of a church ; and that was one of the chief causes , his covetousness , as the members told me . ] now the magistrate meddles , not with these , but i think no church that is as it ought to be , but will call persons guilty of these , to account ; and proceed , upon obstinacy . this ordinance then stands as an institution of christ , and surely the magistrate is to look tha● this be observed ; and if a christian magistrate would doe service to christ his church at such a time as this is , next to the bridling of the rage o● furious , irrational , erroneous , blasphemous men , this would be a worthy work , to stablish this ordinance and that great ordinance of cathechizing , for want of which we see the wofull condition our churches are fallen into . obj. the magistrate gives you leave to doe these , why do not the churches do them ? what need of him ? the churches have done these when the magistrate was a heathen . answ. in those times when christian , jew , and heathen , divided the whole world , then the churches could do more then now we can : the churches then would admit none to baptism [ if adult ] but first they were well catechized : we have such , as [ set by the name christian , ] are as ignorant as heathens , and take themselves to be church members , but scorn to be catechized . 2. there is difference to be put between times , when the ordinances and worship of christ were had in high esteem , and feared , according to their worth : and these times when wanton corrupt men and apostates , have learned to despise the ordinances of christ , and grown fearless ; our apostates will jeer at that which then the churches feared : cast them out of a church , they can fin a knot of corrupt sectaries to receive them , and hold communion with them , and what care they for excommunication ? [ we see they can despise all ordinances ] but it was not thus in the primitive churches . 3. surely a bare permission is not sufficient to discharge the magistrate , that he suffers the ordinances to be set up ; our author saith he must take care , &c. which is more then a permission . the persian emperour did more then permit . fourthly , it is true the churches did observe these ordinances , when the magistrate was a heathen , but then he did not his duty : shall the church and ordinances have no advantage by a magistrate being christian ? obj. but what shall the magistrate doe , when there are such disputes about church-government ? one saith it is episcopal , another presbyterial ; another congregational ; and the magistrate cannot be satisfied himself which it is ; how then shall he take care that this or that be set up ? answ. is the magistrate indeed unsatisfied that he knows not which it is ? i doubt it . for the episcopal government , i suppose there needs no words about that , the magistracy hath sufficiently declared against that . the bishops before allowed the ministers power to suspend from the lords supper , which is excommunicatio minor in the esteem of many . that the bishop would monopolize the power of excommunication , as if presbyters might not doe such an act , is more then any bishop dare undertake to prove . hierom could tell us in his time , when corruptions had overgrown the church , excepting ordination what doth a bishop that a presbyter doth not ? it seems then presbyters did excommunicate . i thought to have added something more ; but reading of anselm the archbishop of canterbury upon the first chap. of titus , he giveth such strong grounds to convince me that such bishops were never of divine institution , that i trouble my selfe no further . for the other two , if any suppose the congregationall government not to be presbyterial , they mistake . it should be so i am sure , or else there must be no government at all : to find government , where there are not governors and governed , will be very hard : but who are governed , if the people be governors ? let learned mr. norton , one of the strongest congregational divines be heard ; he speaks to the purpose : i appeal to any competently judicious and sober-minded man , if the denial of rule in the presbytery , of a decisive voice in the synod , and of the power of the magistrate in matters of religion , doth not in this point translate the papal power unto the brotherhood of every congregation ? thou that abhorrest episcopacy , dost thou commit popery ? alas , alas , is there no medium between boniface and morellius , between papacy and anarchy ? if there be a mystery of iniquity in the one , is there not an university of iniquity in the other ? the historians indignation that the east was overcome by a drunken commander with a drunken army , is now become a matter of astonishment , when so drunken a tenet , in an age of such learning , piety , action , suffering , and successe , should threaten the hopes of so glorious a reformation , come unto the very birth . by this you may see the judgement of this solid divine and his fears ; and what sober man doth not fear the like ? the businesse then is not whether the government be presbyterial , we all agree in that : but whether classical , &c. that which troubleth us here , is , that the churches mentioned in the scripture were in cities and populous places , where there were many elders , and so there is no question about them : but how they carried on their government in small villages [ we read not of any in such places to my remembrance ] such as ours are , we have no example . yet let us see how much we differ as now we stand : the congregational divines , though they deny a pastour to have authoritative power over any church but his own , yet in matters of weight , and so in excommunication they judge that a council of elders ought to be called , which they look upon as an ordinance of god : thus in n. e. one church going about to excommunicate a person , a neighbour-minister sent word , he conceived the church ought not to doe it ; some of the church came to him to know his reasons ; he bad them call a council , and in the council he would give his reasons , but not else ; the church would not hearken to him , but cast the person out . this bred division . thus most of the miscarriages have come from this , when people have been head-strong , and would not call councils . but now there the most learned , wise , and solid divines doe call for councils in all weighty acts . i see here amongst us , our congregational brethren doe the like . the case is judged and determined by the council , but it is executed by the officer of the congregation . let us keep close to this , and many miscarriages will be prevented . come to the classical government , though these divines suppose they have authoritative power over other churches ; yet this i suppose , look where the fact is committed , there the case is to be heard . this was the old practice : when the classis have determined what ought to be done [ as suppose a person is to be excommunicated ] yet if the classis allow that the officer or officers of the church where the fact is committed shall execute the sentence with the consent of the church ; then though there be difference in our judgements , yet none appears in our practices . if we ask further concerning the power of synods , what they may doe to heretical congregations ? the congregational men say , a synod is a solemn ordinance of christ ; that the synod doth admonish men or churches in the name of christ authoritatively , as there shall be cause ; the synod declares men or churches to be subverters of the faith , or otherwise according to the nature of the offence to shame them before all the churches ; in the name of christ refuse communion with them ; also declare in the name of christ that these erring people or churches , are not to be received into fellowship with any the churches of christ , nor to have communion one with another in the ordinances of christ : and thus they practice , keeping such from communion : what is this but excommunication in effect ? the classical adde one step more , a formal , and juridical delivering such to satan ; but that produceth no more effects . look into the congregational churches , you see the same and as many effects , as in the classical , upon their formal delivering , &c. here is but a poor difference , no man can see any difference ; whence i wonder that there is such complaints against the ministers for differing about forms . for other power of synods , see mr. cotton , keys , &c. p. 25 , 53 , 54 our divines in their preface to his book , say , they have a ministerial power and authority , to determine , declare , and enjoyn such things , as may tend to reduce such congregations to right order and peace . the summe is this , the congregational men goe so far , that men who have any conscience will fear to oppose and crosse them ; and for those who have no conscience , they will little regard the synods formal delivering to satan ; but then we hope the magistrate will not tolerate such as have no conscience , nor suffer such heretical persons to vent their heresies when the synod hath proceeded to excommunion , or non-communion , [ our author saith he must not doe so ] then he helps both , the classical and congregational churches . yet a few more words to see if i can make things plain . 1. every pastour of a church hath the power of government , he is a ruler in the church , he depends on no man for this , he hath it from christ immediately annexed to his office inseparably . as soon deny a magistrate to have power of ruling in a commonwealth , as a pastor in the church : the title implies as much , with divers others in scripture . they are ministers ; true , so is the magistrate , rom. 13.4 . minister of god . and these are called ministers of god , 2 cor. 6.4 . and of christ , chap. 11.23 . their being ministers , deny not their ruling power . 2ly . all persons who professe themselves to be christians , and church-members , are to be subject to these in the lord . this is necessarily inferred from the former ; even as truly as the members of a commonwealth are subject to the civil ruler . i doe not say that the pastors rule , as doe the civil magistrate , if you respect the modus , but rule they doe . 3ly . though every pastor hath the power , yet some pastors question whether they alone may put forth this power [ especially in the highest acts ] with the consent of the church-members , but rather think it must be as they are united with more pastors in a classis . others conceive they can with the consent of the members without any such conjunction ; yet that they might act more safely from errour , when they do apply the power , and that the church might be kept from division , when the church shall hear the counsel and judgement of many other pastours , going along with their own pastour , and to make the ordinance more solemn , these call in a council of elders . 4ly . according to the judgement of these pastours , so are the members of the churches perswaded , over whom they watch and have the care in the lord . now let us see what should hinder the magistrate from assisting the church in executing of this ordinance of christ . 1. not his qustioning of the subject of this power , for that is clear enough ; if i be a pastour , this power i receive from christ , as before : we doe not ask the magistrate to put power into our hands , as if we had none , but only to assist in the putting forth of that which is ours before by a divine institution ; as when the ministry preach and print in defence of the power of the civil magistrate , the ministry doth not give him a power which was not his before , but what god hath given him , the ministry assist the magistrates , by stablishing that power in the consciences of people : so the ministers desire the magistrate would assist them , that they may apply , and in applying their power to the corrupt practices of their people . if he object , many of these ministers are weak , not fit for it . we could say the same of many magistrates , they are weak enough . but then suppose this , the classical minister hath his classis which helps him , the congregational his council which helps him . if he saith the ministers are nought , many , &c. then let him doe his part to remove such : to which end , if church-government were setled there would be a meanes serving better then now there is . secondly , neither need he be troubled at the difference between these two ; for the difference is so small we see , that there are no different effects appear : he who is cast out of one church is cast out of all , at least till the case be heard there is no communion : so it was in the old time though a person were excommunicated wrongfully . besides he assists the ministers where the power lieth without question , [ with the consent of the people ] he doth not consider them as classical or congregational , but as pastours . thirdly , neither need he fear the compelling of the peoples consciences , for that the people ought to be subject in the lord , there is no mans conscience [ unless it be a wretched one ] doth question it , if he ownes a pastour : and as for the classical or congregational subjection , the people are perswaded before , [ upon what grounds i leave ] so that if compulsion be , it is but to make people walk according to what in their consciences they think to be right . but what shall he do with the episcopal mans conscience for he is against both these , shall he compell him ? no , no body shall compel him , let him keep his conscience : suppose i have two or three episcopal men in my parish , these making every parsh to be a church , must needs acknowledge themselves to be members of that church ; if i be minister to that church i suppose they will acknowledge me to be their minister ; if they come to require the sacraments of me , then be sure they doe acknowledge me , according to their own principles . if they own me , i will not aske them whither i have power or no over them ; they know it , and i know it ; let these walk regularly , there is no body troubles them they enjoy their judgment as to episcopacy , but if they prove heretical , or scandalous , and will not be reclaimed , i will not trouble my self about their judgements , but be ● classical or congregational , will cast them out of the church ; and let them keep their judgements as to episcopacy when excommunicated . the same i would doe with an erastian . i have enlarged upon this institution , because there is such want of it , and is so much called for . for singing of psalms , i have spoken to that in another book , but i think that will ere long be owned again for an ordinance of god , the quakers proving such songsters . for infant-baptism , the congregational differ not from the classical in this , that the children of such parents as visibly appear to be penitent believers , ought to be baptized : they agree in the rule , but in the application of this rule to persons , there is some difference . some apply it larger , some more streightly . because they agree not in this , what is required to a visible believer : it is likely that if church-government were erected , that they may come neerer , when the classical brethren shall have that power they desire to have to reforme their churches . yet since we agree in the subject of the ordinance , and the rule , differing onely in the latitude of the application of the rule , one would think here might be a forbearance ; i suppose the classical brethren will lay down the same rules for admission to the lords supper , yet when they come to apply those rules to particular subjects , some will go larger , some narrow●r ; but what then ? will they not bear each with other ? so in church-discipline . but there comes in another company and tells us , that infant-baptism [ let the parents be never so godly ] is no institution of christs . my intention is not to meddle with the controversie , divers of our divines have done it most strongly : this i can say . first , i am sure it was once a divine institution , that abraham● seed should be reckoned members of the church with abraham himself . secondly , i am sure it was also a divine institution , that his seed should have that ordinance which was a sign and seal of the righteousnesse of faith . thirdly , i am as sure that all the anabaptists who have yet put pen to paper , have not brought one text that proves the repealing of the institutions . when god makes a law to debarr his people from eating swines flesh , &c. levit. 11.7 . if that law must be repealed , what care god takes once and twice , acts 10. the sheet let down , &c. rom. 14.10 . is god so careful in repealing a law about a hog , and will he now have all the posterity of abraham cast out of the church , and reckoned amongst the unclean , without giving us a word as clear for repealing the institution as he hath done for that law against a hog ? for my part i will never believe it . i wonder that such an opinion that hath been constantly condemned by all the churches , where truth and holiness have flourished since the apostles times ; and an opinion which hath been accompanied with other heresies , arianisme , pelagianisme , socinianisme , &c. should now be swallowed down so readily amongst some whom otherwise we would esteem to be godly . it being an opinion that hath been searched into , studied , when churches have had their liberty ; i remember in n. england an officer of a church was arguing with one of his members who was snared in this errour , and asked the man what comfort he could have of his babe , if god should take it away in the infancy , more then george sagamore [ an indian ] could have of his ? the man [ being an honest plain man ] answered , yes , he had more then the indian ; the covenant of god with him and his seed . it seems abrahams children are solicitous about their seed , and though some doe in their practise ranck them among the indians , yet they would fain have something to lay hold upon , as this poor man , and so confuted his practise , for if the seed be in covenant , then give it the signe and seal . though i do not passe that censure upon all these anabaptists which i hear mr. sidrach simpson did , yet surely it is an errour of more consequence then men doe esteem of , and grounded upon such principles , that will necessarily infer more errours then this . certainly such had need give strong testimony by their whole conversation that they are very consciencious men [ if they do plead conscience in this ] & if they can find so much toleration as to have communion with churches [ being indeed consciencious men ] to live peaceably in a nation , upon this condition that they divulge not their errours , it is as much as can fairly be yielded by churches or state , unlesse all the scripture grounds which are brought to prove the interest of abrahams seed in the church , with the constant practise of all churches orthodox and holy since the apostles times , are of no more worth then to be thrown at mens heels . so much for our authors general rule : for his particular rules . if the first be true [ as i am sure it is ] then who shall answer for all those ignorant , erroneous , scripture-abusing [ i will not say preachers but ] praters that have gone forth into wales , the northern and other parts of england , sowing such seeds of errors , as will not be plucked up in hast , occasioning so many to turn papists , making the pretended reformation to be so much despised , and the english ministery to become a scorn . these are far from those qualifications which our author hath set down , and from the example of jehoshaphat , he did not take up taylors , shoomakers , and such kind of fellows , and send them to preach , but priests and levits , orderly called to the work , brought up to it : if you say , he sent princes also ; this is well answered by mr. rutherford : but if it were so as some understand , such were in more likelihood fit for the work and more honour to the work , then jeroboams practise was . do these answer the apostles description in his epistles to titus and timothy ? now it is , who is not sufficient for these things ? besides our author faith , it must be according to gods order . but is this the order of christ , to send out ministers without ordination ? these fellows had no election from the people , nor no ordination : what is all order thrown down ? ordination hath been looked at as an institution of christ , till the socinians and some others objected : but the orthodox have constantly maintained it , both episcopal , classical , and congregational ; and if scripture authority be worth any thing , no doubt but we can bring good warrant still to prove it . there is more ground to bring in bishops to ordain , then to leave out ordination . 2. for his second rule : if schools and universities be needful , then our author must needs condemn those against whom i spake before . julian knew what he did , when he forbad the children of christians the use of schools : the christians also knew what he did , with very sad hearts ; and i know they doe but act what julian intended , who ever looks at schools and universities as uselesse , and so are hinderances to them . i have heard it reported [ though i can scarce believe it ] that one of the masters of our colledges , should in his sermon declare that he thought universities were good to train up youth to civilitie , but not to divinitie . if this should be a true report , i wish he would read over zanchy his oration concerning the necessity of schools in the church : and tell us how a man can open the scriptures , without the knowledge of the original tongues , the three general arts , and history . besides other special arts , and as for the other oriental tongues what helps they are to understanding of scripture , those who are a little versed in them know already . but the man might have another end in this , to satisfie country ministers why they have stood sweating so many years in the commencement house , but could never hear him either opponent or respondent . those who must be so able to convince others , had need be trained up in the way to it . what cause have the church to bless god for those brave lights which have shined in our universities ? 3. our authors reason is strong to prove the magistrate may cause his people to attend upon the ministry of the word , onely provided the ministers be such as in his first he described . if this course had been taken it would have prevented much of that evil that is now come by separation from the publike ministery . as for the objection they make , they cannot believe these ministers be true ministers : neither doth the magistrate compel them to believe so , he compels them to attend upon those which he looks at as true , being sound , qualified , orderly sent forth , but he troubles not the people with this , that they must believe the standing [ as they call it ] of the ministers to be right , let them attend to the doctrine . obj. but they are unsound . answ. 1. so will the heretick say of the soundest minister that is . 2. it lieth upon the magistrate to look to that . 3 if you can prove their doctrine to be unsound , you have libertie to reject their doctrine : what the evill is for want of the magistrates performing this part of his duty , england knowes at this day . why by the same rule the magistrate may not compel the people to be catechized i know not : to be sure catechizing was an ordinance great in use in the primitive times , and woful experience hath taught us , how people may set under good preaching forty yeers , and yet for want of catechizing , be more ignorant then many children are . the churches of england cry aloud to the magistrate , that if he will doe any thing for them ▪ then strengthen the hands of the ministers who would set up catechizing , and discipline . 4 if the magistrate may engage the people by oaths , and covenants , as saith our author , [ to whom also gerhard inclines . ] then there would arise a question , whither the magistrate have not more power over these in case they apostatize from what they have covenanted then over others who have not so covenanted ? i shall desire to add but two things more to what our author hath set down , which i conceive also the magistrate is concerned in . first , the calling of synods . in the primitive times they used to have synods twice in a yeer . * that the christian magistrate did use to call them also [ when the church came to have such magistrates ] is well known ; the story of constantinus surnamed pogonatus * when the monothelytes troubled the church , is worth the reading : the centurists in their preface to the seventh century have set it down : how he called the synod , and carried himself in the synod ; a pattern indeed for all christian magistrates . the reading of the story put me in mind of our magistrates in n. england , when the first synod there was called , who carried themselves according to that prince . 1. synods are a solemn ordinance of christ for the helping the church against errors , schisms , scandals , saith mr. burroughs iren. p. 43.44 . mr. cotton * hath spoken sufficiently for them . the synod of n. e. an. 1649. call synods assembled and proceeding according to the pattern , act. 15. an ordinance of christ . and in the third section of the same chap. say , the magistrate hath power to call a synod ; the classical divines be sure differ not : now if it be an ordinance so much concerning the well-being of the church , then the magistrate must look to such an ordinance . 2. synods are necessary in regard of the magistrate himself : for as our author saith , the magistrates conscience is not the rule , but he must looke to have his conscience rightly informed from the word , then what more likely way for the magistrate to have his conscience informed in things concerning the church which he must look to , then to have a company of holy & learned men gathered together in the name of christ , debating of matters which concern the church ; the magistrate being present as to keep civil order , so also to propound what may trouble him , that so he may be informed . q. but what shall the magistrate do ? give himself up to the synod ? our author saith he must not give himself up to the dictates of men . answ. first , no more he doth , for while he heareth the debates , the reasons given on both sides , propounds his own scruples , he doth not give himself up to the dictates of men . secondly , mr. cotton saith , and that truly , that the synod binds not onely materially , but also formally , from the authority of the synod ; which being an ordinance of christ bindeth the more for the synods sake . if there be no respect due to synods to what purpose are they called ? if a synod may pronounce a church to be heretical , renounce communion with a church , and declare such a church ought not to have communion with any church [ which is in effect excommunication ] as our congregational men say : then certainly synods have authority from christ , and a magistrate that is godly will not lightly esteem their determinations . 2ly , the second thing which i conceive the magistrate is to look to , is , to prevent schisme what may be , and to heal it where it is . schisme never riseth but from bad causes , and the effect as bad . were it but in respect to civil policie , the magistrate had need take care of this , for where schisme is , there unitie is broken , and that people will not live peaceably , which our authors text mentions . rents in the church will cause rents in the state , if opportunity be given , experience hath proved it : but if we look to the church , there the magistrate if he takes himself to be a minister for the good of it , shall find cause enough why he should step in here . our author in his sermon about vnitie , &c. tending to heal our rents ; saith truly , that the sin of schisme according to the sense of the scripture is a most hainous sin , though many make no account of it , whether they be charged justly or unjustly with it . he opens the evill of it both in the nature and effects of it . now however our author doth show he hath larger principles then many other men have , yet let the professors of england be tryed by his rules , and then see who be the schismaticks . i never yet heard that any godly classical divine hath so much as debarred an anabaptist [ who was otherwise godly , and desired forbearance ] from any communion in the lords supper , or other ordinances , but to be sure the anabaptists , the separatists , &c. have denied communion with them and cast them off with highest scorn : where errors are not in the fundamentals and persons be otherwise unblameable there we ought to hold communion . be it so , let us yield it for the present : is ordination by bishops an errour in the foundation , is the owning of abrahams seed as members of the church and baptizing them being yet infants , an errour in the foundation ? so i may number more . let all the separatists and anabaptists with other sectaries whatever in england charge the classical churches with an error in the foundation . if they cannot , why do they cast off communion with them ? it is commonly said to us , though we differ in judgement let us not differ in affection . well , be it so , but this generation differ not onely in judgement , but affection , which they manifest openly in throwing off communion with all but their own sect , and yet they call to us we must not differ in affection , though they doe ; for schisme is properly against christian love ; but to be sure they are the schismaticks by our authors rules . the meaning is this , though we differ in judgement from you , and break our vnion with you manifesting it openly by casting off communion with you , yet you must be united to us . though we call you priests , black-coats , antichristians , and so your churches , yet you must not differ in affection . though churches can tolerate some errors in persons when they carry themselves otherwise humbly and conscienciously , and not divulge them nor labour to draw away others , yet this schismatical spirit in such a high way also , is intolerable . as for that question , what way simple error or heresie should be punished ? this our author [ and that truly ] calls a hard question : yet the difficulty lieth not so much in this , whether the magistrate may inflict any punishment but capital punishment ? as for the papists , we need not ask their judgements : their books , their practises , smithfield and many other places in england , where our glorious martyrs have suffered , declare sufficiently what their judgement is . for the calvinists , gerhard a learned lutheran gives them a nip as if they varied their judgements , according to the variety of conditions they were under . calvinianos quod attinet , ille pro rerum ac fortunae diversitate , diversas proferunt sententias . if things go ill on their side , if they be under the popish power , then they use these rules ; no man must be compelled to believe : it is antichristian tyranny to rule over mens consciences , &c. but if things go well on their side , that they have the civil power with them , erumpunt in sanguinariam illam vocem , haereticos esse occidendos . yet gerhard was not of that mind , that the magistrate should let hereticks alone , he was far from this opinion . he distinguisheth between seducers and the seduced , [ so do we ] between errors fundamental , and not fundamental ; i wish he had set these down that we might know them . but though he hath not done it here , i find amongst other lutherans where he is quoted , that he takes some doctrines for fundamental errors , which others will not believe to be errors at all ; thus calovius in his answer to that question num lutherani cum reformatis & socinianis in unam coire possint ecclesiam ? he excludes not only the anabaptists and other sectaries , but even the calvinists , giving his reasons , though he doth us wrong in some of those doctrines he names , especially as he laies them down . he distinguisheth between the times of the old testament and the n. t. under the old t. the magistrate might put hereticks to death , not under the n. t. saith he : but i believe he will get nothing by this distinction . he distingisheth between simple hereticks , and hereticks that are seditious and vomit out plain blasphemies against god . these he denies not but the magistrate must put to death . with whom agrees dr. ames , grounding his sentence upon levit. 24.15 , 16. also mr. cotton * : if the idolater or heretick grow obstinate , wax worse and worse , deceiving himself and others to the destroying , corrupting , and disturbing of others , now the magistrate maketh use not of stocks and whips [ for these doe not remove , but exasperate the malady ] but of death or banishment , &c. that speech of the heathen king artaxerxes ezra 7.26 . seems to look this way , and whosoever will not doe the law of thy god , and the law of the king [ which law , i conceive , was this law of his concerning the house and worship of god ] let judgement be executed speedily upon him , whither it be unto death , or to banishment , or to confiscation of goods ●or to imprisonment . also nebuchadnezzars decree dan. 3.29 . though the athenians erred in the misapplication of that principle , when they condemned socrates , yet that act showes , that magistrates are taught even by the light of nature , to take care of religion , and of their god , so far as to punish severely , blasphemers of god and corrupters of religion . but to let that knotty question alone , herein i am sure our author with all other sober men [ both lutherans , and calvinists , classical and congregational divines ] agree , viz. first , that magistrates ought not to countenance , but discountenance , and repress hereticks . gerhard who is so stiff against the punishing of simple heresy with death , yet makes this the magistrates duty , to enquire after these seducing hereticks : that they may catch these foxes , who first convey their poison more secretly before they come to appear openly . blessed burroughs , a man moderate enough , yet saith , we were in a most miserable condition , if we had no external civil power to restrain from ●ny kinds of blasphemies and seducements : the condition of the jews , ô how happy was it in comparison of ours : when those who are mad with damnable heresies run from place to place , seeking to draw all they can from the truth , if we have no means of help but arguments , it is all with us . dr. ames [ in his answer to that question , whither heretics should be punished by the civil magistrate ? ] laies down an undeniable truth . that hereticks ought to be repressed of all godly men according to that calling and power which they have received from god , is clear enough ex natura rei : because all godly men are called to the christian warfare , that every one in his station should oppose himself to the kingdome of darkness . now to what kingdom doe errors and heresies belong ? i am sure not to the kingdome of light . the ministers in their station oppose these by scripture , arguments , reproofs , exhortations , admonitions , excommunications : private christians oppose them in their station either privately by arguing , &c. or more publikely as they consent to their officers in church censures . now how doth a christian magistrate in his station oppose these , [ as a magistrate ] if he puts not forth his coercive power also , to repress them . how shall he answer this text , that his people under him may live in all godlin●ss ? if he lets his people run into heresies , and gallio-like regards not these things ; how is he a minister for good , rom. 13.4 . to tie up this good to the second table , is to streighten where the word doth not ; i hope godliness is good , and he is to be a minister for that , according to our authors text ; and that belongs to the first table . but heresie and error are no parts of godliness . what our author saith concerning corrupt opinions and practises , that men take them up to serve factions and times , to please men , to serve their own bellies ; this is true of many if not most of the sectaries in our times . as a man may discern here , as also by what i have learaed by good intelligence out of ireland : and it is as true what our author saith , had these been conscienciously and really discountenanced by the magistrate , many had not taken these up , and many had laied these down . secondly , this i find is agreed upon by our divines , who question the putting to death of hereticks ; that seducing hereticks , obstinate , that will not be reclaimed , they should be banished or some other way restrained by the magistrate , to the end they may not infect others with their poison . thus the leyden professors : aut deponendos , aut relegandos , aut alt● modo constringendos , &c. so gerhard : expellendi sunt , &c. as for the plea of conscience ; it is true , conscience is a tender thing , and those who carry themselves as consciencious men indeed , ought to be dealt very tenderly with : but for these we find them to be very rare amongst those who have drunk in the errors of our times : and as mr. burroughs saith well , the divell must not be let alone though he be got into mens consciences , god hath appointed no city of refuge for him : if he flies to mens consciences as joab to the horns of the altar he must be fetched from thence , or fallen upon there . as for the clamour of persecution , when the magistrate puts forth his power to repress heresies , our author hath given a full answer to it : he may as well be charged with persecution for punishing and labouring to represse drunkennesse , uncleannesse , &c. which are works of the flesh , and so is heresy , gal. 5.20 . postscript . it pleased the lord in whose hands are our times , whilest this book was in the presse to call home to himselfe this godly gentleman mr. meade , to whom this book is dedicated : the man was a sincere lover of christ , a great lover and companion of all those who loved christ , a diligent waiter upon all his ordinonces , a high esteemer of and great friend to all his faithful ministers , a man who loved not to eat his morsels alone [ nor did . ] such a succession of strangers [ especially of ministers ] there was to his house that none need fear an unaired bed that lay there ; considering his estate , we need not say , he was the second liberal gentleman in essex : he was deeply affected with the apprehensions of the dark and miserable daies comming upon england ; but as he lived not to read over this book , so the lord would not let him live to see those daies , he is gone to his fathers in peace . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52048e-260 answ. to bloody tenet c. 33. heb. 11.4 . notes for div a52048e-680 observation . objection . answer . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ●chro . 15.3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , general rules . particular ruler . here he tooke hold of something which mr. williams [ though an enemy to the ministry ] had granted in one of his books . phil. 3.2 . acts 20.29 . notes for div a52048e-2780 vide in 7 amo. 13. aaro . rod . p. 209. orat. 18. p●l . l. 2. c. 8. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i wil not meddle with that great question whither any thing be justuin & bonum anteced●nter ad divin●m vol●ntatem . patres & scholastici● d●ceat , deum non velle res quia bonae sunt , sedeas esse bona● quia à deo sunt volit● . yet say our divines nulla est lex justitiae in actionibus divinis priusquam voluntas acceptaverit : nihil est justum nisi quia volitum , quamvis non sit justum quâ volitum , sed potiu● quatenus à sapientia divina dictatum . twis . vind. gra. p. 228. rhaet . apol. 345. bradward . 231.233 594. see calvins epistle to k. edward the 6. ( before his commentary upon the catholick epistles ) toward the latter c●d . see him also in his epistle to the same king , before his commentary on isaiah ; out of which prophesie he gathereth divers things and applies them to the king . 2 pet. 2.1 . deum posse objectum libertati ita proponere non negamus sed actum voluntatis tunc esse liberum negamus . rhaet . apol. p. 10.11 . vol. 2. p. 412. loc. com. 10.2.166 . loc. c●m . p. 865. ep. to the court in ● . e. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} probus dei cultus . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . veneror , colo . * mr. prynne , i● his vindication of four serious questions , pag. 57. [ to which book , and his suspension suspended , he often referrs his reader in his late book , called a legal resolution of two important quaeries , &c. tending to the casting out of many hundreds of godly presbyterians , as well as others ; but he never referrs his reader to mr. gillespies aarens rod , &c. nor ever undertooke an answer to him , that i can learn ] disswades from that strong desire many ministers have expressed to have church discipline erected , and defended by the magistrate , upon this ground , because the practical power of godlinesse is generally more evidently visible in our english congregations , where there hath been powerful preaching without the practise of excommunication or suspension from the sacrament , then in the reformed churches of france , germany , denmark , or scotland . therefore the best way to reform us , is , for ministers not to dr●w out the sword of excommunication which will doe little good : but the sword of the spirit , the powerful preaching of gods word , and the sword of the civil magistrate , which are onely able to effect this work . but first , the question is , whither church discipline be an institution of christ or not ; if it be , as mr. prynne himself cannot deny , then the ministers may well seek for it : and whence had learned mr. prynne that divinity to say an institution of christ will doe little good . secondly , it is true , powerful preaching the lord hath blessed in england , but yet i know those powerful and converting preachers did suspend scandalous persons from the lords supper . i believe they had fewer unworthy persons at that ordinance , then any of the churches he mentions ; neither did they depend upon mr. prynnes chaire to know what make men scandalous , however he is pleased to call the ministers , ●●eevish , ignorant , wilful , &c. thirdly , if church-discipline be joyned with powerful preaching , i hope one ordinance will not hinder another . fourthly , i grant that male-administration , and the ignorance of people how to carry themselves towards excommunicated persons , may hinder the efficacy of the ordinance ; but let these be avoided , and the ordinance is fitted to do good . there have been such who have been excommunicated , who have blessed god that ever they knew the ordinance ; and more experiences i could tell concerning this ordinance , what effects it hath wrought in the hearts of people . fifthly , no more can be expected from this ordinance then from others ; god doth not blesse other ordinances to the good of all those who come under them . sixthly , why doth mr. prynne add which are onely able to effect this work ? if these two swords be onely able to doe the work ; then the sacraments are not converting ordinances , nor will the giving the lords supper to all advance our reformation for which he so much contends . if god speaks , nature will teach , it is now the creatures duty to hear : nature also teaches it is my duty to pray to my creator . but that water in one ordinance , bread and wine in another ordinance should signifie , seal , be instruments to convey such things as they doe , nature is silent here ; whence i must say with the assembly of divines , the believer is the subject of these last ; and it will not hold true that an excommunicated person must be debarred from all ordinances , as saith mr prynne . hearing of the word preached , and prayer , belong to natural worship , but the sacraments to instituted worship . calvin in 7 amo. 13. complains , that the princes in germany , & so in the countries about him were grown so spiritual , that they would be chief judges in matter of doctrine , & null church-discipline . he cals it sacriledge . epist. ad euag● epist. to the gen. court ▪ in n. e. cypr. ep. 55. burro . iren. c. 7. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. concil sard. can. 17. first rule . due right presb. p. 282. second rule . to . 7. p. 415. third rule . fourth rule . loc. com. de mag . p●l . p. 618. * can. apos. 38. concil. antio. can. 20. * why so called , see forbes . inst. hist. theol. p. 223. * keys , cap. 6. plat. chu . ● c. 16. key . c. 6. p. 25 22.1 edit. loc. com. de ▪ mag . pol. p. 775 ▪ p. 744. socinis , proffig . p. 942. de consc. l. 4. c. 4. s. 15. * ans. to bloody tenet p. 95. p. 599. iren. p. 23.24 . synops. disp. 50. s. 56. de magis . pol. p. 600. iren. a treatise, vvritten by m. doctor carier, vvherein hee layeth downe sundry learned and pithy considerations by which he was moued, to forsake the protestant congregation, and to betake himselfe to the catholke apostolike roman church. agreeing verbatim with the written copye, addressed by the sayd doctor to the king his most excellent maiestie. carier, benjamin, 1566-1614. 1614 approx. 97 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a17962 stc 4623.5 estc s115898 99851115 99851115 16372 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a17962) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16372) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1683:11) a treatise, vvritten by m. doctor carier, vvherein hee layeth downe sundry learned and pithy considerations by which he was moued, to forsake the protestant congregation, and to betake himselfe to the catholke apostolike roman church. agreeing verbatim with the written copye, addressed by the sayd doctor to the king his most excellent maiestie. carier, benjamin, 1566-1614. [6], 47, [1] p. english secret press], [england : 1614. another edition of stc 4623. printer and place of publication from stc. text followed by three p. of ms. notes. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james -i, -king of england, 1566-1625. church and state -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -religion -17th century. 2002-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise , vvritten by m. doctor carier , vvherein hee layeth downe sundry learned and pithy considerations , by which he was moued , to forsake the protestant congregation , and to betake himselfe to the catholike apostolike roman church . agreeing verbatim with the written copye , addressed by the sayd doctor to the king his most excellent maiestie . psalm . 44. mine heart will vtter forth a good matter : i will entreat in my workes of the king. 1614. the preface to the reader . hauing exactly pervsed , ( good reader ) this treatise , here presented to thy view , and finding it both in stuffe and stile to be learnedly , and eloquently contriued ; i tooke my selfe , in some sort , obliged in christian duety , to divulge it in print to the world : vnwittingly , i confesse to the author : howbeit encroching vpon his charitable consent ; who , i am well assured , is most forward to defray his talent , in ought , wherein the catholike roman religion may be aduanced . of this full and firme resolution he hath made effectiue proofe , not only in wordes , but also in workes . the author , as it is notoriously knowne , hath gained name and fame among the protestants : hauing beene a teacher in their colleges , a preacher in their pulpits , a doctor in their schooles , a canon in their churches , chapplain to the king his most excellent maiestie , flowing in wealth , supported with the credit of the court , most likely , in short time , to aspire to higher ecclesiasticall preferments , had he persisted in the course of his former profession : yet notwithstanding all these worldly allurements , which are , in good sooth , wonderous intycing baites , to hooke and to hold an vnstayed soule : m. doctor carier , hauing from his greener yeares , wallowed himselfe in the choicest writings of the most learned protestants , and confronting in his mature age , their wauering opinions with the vniforme and setled consent of the auncient fathers , found the new so opposite to the old , that at length receiuing gracious light from the father of lights , did teare at a trice all these forementioned earthly snares , resoluing not to wander any longer like a lost sheep , but to come to the fold of the catholike roman church , and conscquently choosing , like a zealous moyses , to be afflicted with the people of god , then to haue the pleasure of temporall sinne : these and the like pregnant points are sufficiently debated in this treatise ; which i wish thee gentle reader , to pervse with heedfull attention , whereby the authour his paines may turne to thy profit , if happily thou be altenated from the catholike roman religion : alwayes presenting thy prayers to our lord , sweet iesus , that he vouchsafe , to illuminate thy minde in the passage of thy eternall salvation , that thou mayest prefer light before darknesse , truth before falshood , catholike religion before particular opinions , as m. doctor carier hath done , vpon such sound and grounded reasons as he hath opned in this treatise . and this wishing that good to thy soule , which i wish to mine owne , i betake thee , good reader , to the direction and protection of the author and giuer of grace and glory . most excellent and renowned soveraigne . it is not vnknowne to all that know me in england , that for these many yeares i had my health very ill . and therefore hauing from time to time vsed all the meanes and medicines that england could afford . last of all , by the aduice of my physitions , i made it my humble sute vnto your maiestie , that i might tranell vnto the spaw for the vse of those waters , purposing with my self , that if i could be well , i would goe from thence to heydelberg , and spend this winter there . but when i was gone from the spaw , to aquisgrane , and so to colin , i found my self rather worse then better then i was before . and therefore i resolued with my selfe , that it was high time for me to settle my thoughts vpon another world . and seeing i was out of hope to enioy the health of my body , at the least to looke to the health of my soule , from whence both art and experience teacheth me , that all my bodily infirmities haue their beginning , for if i could by any studie haue proued catholike religion to be false , or by any meanes haue professed it to be true in england , i doubt not but the contentment of my soule would haue much helped the health of my body . but the more i studied the scriptures and most ancient fathers to confute it the more i was compelled to see the truth thereof . and the more i laboured to reconcile the religion of england thereunto , the more i was disliked , suspected , and condemned as a common enemie . and if i would haue beene either ignorant or silent , i might , perhaps , with the pleasures and commodities of my preferments , haue in time cast off the care of religiō . but seeing my study forced me to know , and my place compelled me to preach , i had no way to auoid my griefe , nor no means to endure it . i haue therefore apprehended the oportunitie of my licence to trauell , that i may withdraw my selfe for a while from the sight and offence of those in england which hate catholik religion , and freely and fully enioy the presence of our blessed sauiour , in the vnitie of his catholike church , wherein i will neuer forget at the daily oblation of his most blessed bodie and bloud , to lift vp my heart vnto him , and to pray for the admission of your maiesty therevnto . and in the meane time i haue thought it my dutie to write this short treatise with mine owne hand , wherein , before i publish my selfe vnto the world , i desire to shew to your maiestie these two things : 1. the meanes of my conuersion vnto catholike religion . 2. the hopes i have to doe your maiestie no ill seruice therein . i humbly craue your maiesties pardon , and will rest euer your maiesties faithfull and truely denoted seruant , b. carier . liege decemb. 12. 1613. chap. i. the meanes of my conuersion to catholike religion . i must confesse to gods honor , and my owne shame , that if it had bin in my power to choose , i would neuer haue bin a catholike . i was borne and brought vp in schisme , and was taught to abhorre a papist , as much as any puritane in england doth . i had euer a great desire to iustifie the religion of the state , and had great hope to aduance my selfe thereby . neither was my hope euer so great , as by your maiesties fauour it was at the very instant of my resolution for catholike religion , and the preferment , i had together with the honor of your maiesties seruice , was greater by much ; then without your maiesties fauour , i looke for in this world . but although i was as ambitious of your maiesties fauour , and as desirous of the honors and pleasures of my countrey , as any man that is therein : yet seeing that i was not like any long while to enioy them , and if i should for my priuate commodity speake or write , or doe any thing against the honour of christ his church , and against the euidence of mine owne conscience , i must shortly appeare before the same christ , in the presence of the same his church , to giue an account thereof . therefore i neither durst any further to pursue my owne desire of honor , nor to hazard my soule any farther in the iustification of that religion , which i saw was impossible to be iustified , by any such reason , as at the day of iudgement would goe for payment , and that it may appeare , that i haue not respected any thing so much in this world , as my dutie to your maiestie , and my loue to my friends and country . i humbly beseech you giue me leaue as briefely as i can to recount vnto you the whole course of my studies , and endeuours in this kinde , euen from the beginning of my life vntill this ptesent . 2 i was borne in the yeare 1566. being the sonne of anty . carier , a learned and deuout man , who although he were a protestant and a preacher , yet he did so season me with the principles of pietie and deuotion , as i could not chuse but euer since be very zealous in matters of religion . of him i learned that all false religions in the world , were but policies inuented of men for the temporall seruice of princes and states , and therefore that they were diuers and alwayes changeable , according to the diuers reasons and occasions of state. but true christian religion was a truth reuealed of god , for the eternall saluation of soules , and therefore was like to god , alwayes one and the same , so that all the princes and states in the world , neuer haue beene , nor shall be able to ouerthrow that religion . this to mee seemed an excellent ground , for the finding out of that religion , wherein a man might finde rest vnto his soule , which cannot be satisfied with any thing but eternall truth . 3 my next care then was , after i came to yeares of discretion , by all the best means i could to informe my selfe , whether the religion of england were indeed the very same , which being prefigured and prophecied in the old testament , was perfected by our blessed sauiour , and deliuerd to his apostles and disciples , to continue by perpetuall succession in his visible church , vntill his comming againe : or whether it were a new one for priuate purposes of statesmen inuented , and by humane lawes established . of this i could not chuse but make some doubt , because i heard men talke much of those dayes of the change of religion , which was then lately made in the beginning of queene elizabeths raigne . 4 i was sorie to heare of change , and of a new religion , seeing , me thought , in reason , if true religion were eternall , then new religion could not be true . but yet i hoped that the religion of england was not a change or new religion , but a restitution of the olde , and that the change was in the church of rome , which in processe of time might , perhaps , grow to be superstitious and idolatrous ; and therefore that england had done well to leaue the church of rome , and to reforme it selfe , and for this purpose , i did at my leasure and best oportunitie , as i came to more iudgement read ouer the chronicles of england , and obserued all the alterations of religion that i could find therein : but when i found there that the present religion of england was a plaine change , and change vpon change , and that there was no cause of the change at all of the first , but only that king henry the eight was desirous to change his old bed-fellow , that he might leaue some heires male behind him , for belike hee feared that females would not be able to withstand the title of scotland ; and that the change was continued and increased by the posterity of his latter wiues . i could not choose but suspect something , but yet the loue of the world , and hope of preferment would not suffer me to beleeue , but that all was well , and as it ought to be . 5 this i satisfied my selfe at schoole , and studied the artes and philosophie , and other humane learning , vntill being master of artes , and fellow of corpus christi colledge in cambridge , i was at the last by the statutes of that house , called to the studie of diuinitie , and bound to take vpon me the order of priest-hood , then i thought it my duty , for the better satisfaction of mine owne soule , and the sauing of other mens , to looke as farre into the matter as possibly i could that i might find out the truth . and hauing the oportunity of a very good library in that colledge , i resolued with my selfe to studie hard and s●tting aside all respect of men then aliue or of writers that had moued or maintained controuersies ( further then to vnderstand the question which was betwixt them ) i fell to my praiers , and betooke my selfe wholy to the reading of the church historie , and of the ancient fathers , which had no interest in either side , and especially i made choise of saint avgvstine , because i hoped to finde most comfort in him for the confirming of our religion , and the confuting of the church of rome . 6 in this sort i spent my time continually for many yeares , and noted downe whatsoeuer i could gather , or rather snatch , either from the scriptures or the fathers to serue my turne . but when after all my paines and desire to serue my selfe , of antiquitie , i found the doctrine of the church of rome to be euery where confirmed , and by most profound demonstrations out of holy scripture , made most agreeable to the truth of christs gospell , and most conformable to all christian soules , and saw the current opinions of our great preachers to bee euery where confuted , either in plaine termes , or by most vnanswerable consequence , although my vnderstanding was thereby greatly edified ( for which i had great cause to render immortall thankes to our blessed sauiour , who by these meanes had vouchsafed to shew himselfe vnto me ) yet my heart was much grieued , that i must be faine either not to preach at all , or else to crosse and varie from the doctrine which i saw was commonly receiued . 7 being thus perplexed with my selfe , what course i were best to take i reflected back again vpon the church of england , and because the most of those preachers , which drew the people after them in those dayes , were puritans , and had grounded their diuinitie vpon calvins institutions , i thought , peraduenture , that they hauing gotten the multitude on their side , might wrong the church of england in her doctrine , as well as they desired to doe in her discipline , which indeed vpon due search i found to be most true , for i found the common-prayer-booke , and the catechisme therein contained , to hold no point of doctrine expressely contrarie to antiquitie , but only that it was very defectiue , and contained not enough . and that for the doctrine of predestination , sacraments , grace , free-will , sinne , &c. the new catechismes and sermons of those preachers , did run wholly against the common-prayer book and catechismes therin , and did make as little account of the doctrine established by law , as they did of discipline , but in the one they found opposition by those that had priuate interest ; in the other they said what they list , because no man thought himselfe hurt . 8 this truely was a great increase of my griefe , for knowing diuers of those preachers to be very honest men , and such as i did loue with all my heart , i was very loth to discent from them in priuate , much more loth to oppose them in publike . and yet seeing i must needs preach , i was lothest of all to oppugne mine owne conscience , together with the faith wherein i was baptized , and the soules of those to whom i preached . neuerthelesse hauing gotten this ground to worke vpon , i began to comfort my selfe with hope to proue , that the religion established by law in england , was the same , at the least in part , which now was , and euer had beene held in the catholike church , the defects whereof might be supplied , whensoeuer it should please god to moue your maiesty thereunto , without abrogating of that which was already by law established , which i still pray for , and am not altogether out of hope to see : and therfore i thought it my duty , as farre as i durst , rather by charitable constru ctions reconcile things that seemed different , that so our soules might for euer be saued in vnitie , then by malicious calumniations to maintaine quarrells , that so mens turnes might for a time be serued in dissention . 9 in this course , although i did neuer proceed any farther then law would giue me leaue , yet i euer found the puritans and caluinists , and all the creatures of schisme , to be my vtter enemies , who were also like the sonnes of zerviach , too strong for david himselfe , but i wel perceiued that all temperat and vnderstanding men , who had no interest in the schisme , were glad to heare the truth honestly and plainly preached vnto them . and my hope was by patience and continuance , i should in the end vnmaske hypocrisie , and gaine credit vnto the comfortable doctrine of antiquity , euen amongst those also , who out of misinformation and preiudice did as yet most dislike it . and considering with my selfe , that your right to the crowne came only by catholikes , and was ancienter then the schisme , which would very faine haue vtterly extinguished it , and that both your disposition by nature , your amity with catholike princes , your speeches , and your proclamations did at the beginning all tend to peace and vnitie , i hoped that this endeuour of mine , to enforce catholike religion , at the least as farre as the common-prayer booke and catechisme would giue me leaue , should be well accepted of your maiestie , and be as an introduction vnto farther peace and vnitie with the church of rome . 10 but when after my long hope , i at the last did plainly perceiue , that god for our sinnes had suffered the diuell , the author of dissention , so farre to preuaile , as partly by the furious practise of some desperate catholikes , and partly by the fiery suggestions of all violent puritans , he had quite diuerted that peaceable and temperat course , which was hoped for , and that i must now either alter my iudgement , which was impossible , or preach against my conscience , which was vntollerable : lord , what anxietie and distraction of soule did i suffer day and night , what strife betwixt my iudgement ; which was wholly for the peace and vnitie of the church , and my affection , which was wholly to enioy the fauour of your maiestie , and the loue of my friends and country . this griefe of soule growing now desperate , did still more and more increase the infirmities of my bodie , and yet i was so loth to become a ptofessed catholike , with the displeasure of your maiesty , and of all my honourable and louing friends , as i rather desired to silence my iudgement with the profits and pleasures of the world which was before me , then to satisfie it with reconciling my selfe vnto the catholike church . but it was gods will that euer as i was about to forget the care of religion , and to settle my selfe to the world among my neighbours , i met with such humors , as i saw by their violence against catholikes , and catholike religion , were like to waken my soule by torture , rather then bring it a sleepe by temper . and therefore i was driuen to recoile to god , and to his church , that i might finde rest vnto my soule . 11 and yet because i had heard often that the practize of the church of rome , was contrary to her doctrine , i thought good to make one triall more before i resolued , and therefore hauing the aduise of diuers learned phisitions to goe to the spaw , for the health of my body , i thought good to make a vertue of necessity , and to get leaue to goe , the rather for the satisfaction of my soule , hoping to finde some greater offence in the seruice of the church of rome , then i had done in her books , that so i might returne better contented , to persecute and abhorre the catholikes at home , after i should find them so wicked and idolatrous abroad , as they were in euery pulpit in england affirmed to be . for this purpose , before i would frequent their churches , i talked with such learned men as i could meet withall , and did of purpose dispute against them , and with all the wit and learning i had , both iustifie the doctrine of england established by law , and obiect the superstition and idolatry , which i thought they might commit , either with the images in the church , or with the sacrament of the altar . 12 their common answer was , that which by experience i now find to be true , vz. that they doe abhor all idolatry and superstition , and doe diligently admonish the people to take heed thereof . and that they vse images for no other purpose , but only for a deuout memory , and representation of the church triumphant , which is most fit to be made in the time and place of prayer , where after a more speciall manner we should with all reuerence haue our conuersation amongst the saints in heauen . and for the b. sacrament , they doe not worship the accidents , which they see , but the substance , which they belieue ; and surely , if christ be there truly and really present ( as your maiesty seemeth to grant he is ) he is as much to be worshipped , as if we saw him with our bodily eyes ; neither is there any more idolatrie in the one then in the other . if our blessed sauiour himselfe should visibly appeare in person as he was vpon the earth , iewes and infidels would hold it for idolatrie to worship him , and would crucifie him againe , and so would all heretikes also , who refuse to worship him in the sacrament , where he is really present . 13 after diuers other obiections which i made , not so much because i was not , as because i desired not to be satisfied , i came to the popes supposed pride and tyranny ouer kings and princes , and told them of the most horrible treason intended & practised by catholikes against your maiestie , which hath not yet bin iudicially condemned by the church of rome . they all seemed to abhorre the fact as much as the best subiects in the world , and much more to fauour , and defend the authoritie of their kings and princes , then the heretikes doe . and they said , that althoug your maiestie were out of the church , yet they doubted not but if complaint were made in a iudicial proceeding , that fact should be iudicially condemned . in the meane time it was sufficient that all catholike writers did condemne it , and that the pope by his breue had condemned it , exhorting the catholikes of england to all christian patience and obedience . as for any other authority or superiority of the pope , then such as is spirituall and necessary , for the vnitie of the church , i haue met with none that doe stand vpon it . 14 so that whereas my hope was , that by finding out the corruptions of the church of rome , i should grow farther in loue with the church of england , and ioyfully returne home , and by inueighing against the papists , both enioy my present preferments , and obtaine more and more , i saw the matter was like to fall out cleane contrary . it is true indeed that there are many corruptions in all states . god hath no wheat-field in this world , wherein the diuell hath no tares growing , and there are no tares more ranck , then those that grow among the wheat . for optimi corruptio pessima , and where grace aboundeth , if it be cōtemned , there sin aboundeth much more . but seeing both my reading & experience hath now taught me that the truth of christian religion , taught and practised at this day in the church of rome , and all the obedient members thereof ; is the very same in substance , which was prefigured and prophesied from the beginning of the world , perfected by christ himselfe , deliuered to his apostles , and by them and their successors perpetually and vniuersally in one vniformity practized vntill this day , without any substantiall alteration . and that the new religion of england , wherin it doth differ , hath no ground , but either the pleasure of the prince and parliament , or the common cry and voice of the people , nor no constancy or agreement with it selfe , what should i now doe ? it is not in my power , not to know that which i doe know , nor to doubt of that which i haue spent so much time , and taken so much paines , and bestowed so much cost , and made so many trials to find . and yet i know if i should yeeld to be reconciled to the church , i should be for this world in all likelihood , vtterly vndone ; and that which grieued me more , i should be reiected of your maiesty my most redoubted lord and master , and despised by all my deare friends and louers in england . 15 these were my thoughts at the spaw , which did so vex and afflict my soule , as that the waters could doe my bodie no good at all , but rather much hurt . neuerthelesse i auoided the company of catholikes , abstained from the church , and did both dispute & write against the church of rome , as occasion was offred . i still hoped that time would giue me better counsell , and therefore resolued to goe from the spaw to heidelberg , to doe my duty there . in the mean time i thought with my selfe , it may be god hath moued his maiesties heart to think of peace and reconciliation . i know his disposition was so in the beginning , and i remember master cavsabon tould me , when i brought him out of france , that his errand was nothing else , but to mediate peace betweene the church of rome , and the church of england . therefore i thought , before i would submit my selfe to the church of rome , i would write vnto master cavsabon such a letter as he might shew vnto your maiestie , containing such conditions as i thought might satisfie your maiesty , if they were performed by the church of rome . the copy of which letter is too long heere to set downe . but when master cavsabon answered me , that he knew your maiesty was resolued to haue no society with the church of rome vpon any condition whatsoeuer , and that it would be my vndoing , if those my letters should come to your maiesties hands , or of those that bare the sway , i began to despaire of my returne into england , vnlesse i would ouerthrow both the health of my body , and the quiet of my minde , and either vtterly damne mine owne soule , or greatly endanger not only my liuing and credit , but my life it selfe also , by reason of your maiesties displeasure , and the seueritie of the statutes made , and in force against catholikes , and catholike religion . 16 there is a statute in england made by king henry the eight , to make him supreame head of the church in spirituall and ecclesiasticall causes , which statute enioynes all the subiects of england , on paine of death to beleeue , and to sweare they do beleeue that it is true . and yet all the world knowes , if king henry the eight could haue gotten the pope to diuorce queene katherine , that he might marry anne boleine , that statute had neuer beene made by him , and if that title had not enabled the king to pull downe abbeyes , and religious houses , and giue them to lay-men : the lords and commons of that time would neuer haue suffered such a statute to be made . this statute was continued by queene elizabeth , to serue her owne turne , and it is confirmed by your maiesty to satisfie other men . and yet your maiesty yeeldeth the church of rome to be the mother church , and the bishop of rome to be the chiefe bishop or primate of all the westerne churches , which i doe also verily beleeue ; and therefore i doe verily thinke he hath , or ought to haue some spirituall iurisdiction in in england . and although in my yonger dayes , the fashion of the world made me sweare as other men did ( for which i pray god forgiue me ) yet i euer doubted , and am now resolued that no christian man can take that oath with a safe conscience , neither will i euer take it , to gaine the greatest preferment in the world . 17 there is another statute in england , made by queene elizabeth , and confirmed by your maiesty , that it is death for any english man to be in england , being made a priest by authoritie deriued , or pretended to be deriued from the bishop of rome ; i cannot beleeue that i am a priest at all , vnlesse i be deriued by authority from gregory the great , from whence all the bishops in england haue their being , if they haue any being at all . 18 there is another statute in like manner made and confirmed , that it is death to be reconciled by a catholike priest , to the church of rome : i am perswaded that the church of rome is our mother church , and that no man in england can be saued , that continues wilfully out of the visible vnitie of that church , and therefore i cannot choose but perswade the people to be reconciled thereunto , if possibly they can . 19 there is another statute in like manner , made and confirmed , that it is death to exhort the people of england to catholike roman religion , i am perswaded that the religion prescribed , and practised by the church of rome , is the true catholike religion , which i will particularly iustisie and make plaine from point to point , if god giue time and oportunitie , and therefore i cannot choose but perswade the people thereunto . it may be these are not all seuerall statutes , some of them may be members of the same , ( for i haue not my books about me to search ) but i am sure all of them doe make such felonies and treasons , as were the greatest vertues of the primitiue church , and such as i must needs confesse my-selfe , i cannot choose if i liue in england , but endeauour to be guilty of , and then it were easie to finde puritans enough to make a iury against me , and there would not want a iustice of peace to giue a sentence , and when they had done , that which is worse then the persecution it selfe , they would all sweare solemnely that doctor carier was not put to death for catholike religion , but for felony and treason . i haue no hope of protection against the crueltie of those lawes , if your maiestie be resolued vpon no conditions whatsoeuer , to haue no society at all , nor no communion at all with the church of rome . and therfore whilest the case so stands , i dare not returne home againe . but i cannot be altogether out of hope of better newes before i die , as long as i doe beleeue that the saints in heauen doe reioyce at the conuersion of a sinner to christ , and doe know that your maiesty by your birth , hath so great an interest in the saints of heauen , as you shall neuer cease to haue , vntill you cease to be the sonne of such a mother , as would reioyce more then all the rest for your conuersion . and therefore i assure my selfe , that she with all the rest doe pray that your maiestie before you die may be militant in the communion of that church wherein they are triumphant . and in this hope i am gone before to ioyne my prayers with theirs in the vnity of the catholike church . and doe humbly pray your maiesty to pardon me , for doing that which was not in my power to auoide : and to giue mee leaue to liue , where i hope shortly to die , vnlesse i may hope to doe your maiesty seruice , and without the preiudice of any honest man in england , to see some vnity betwixt the church of england , and her mother , the church of rome . and now hauing declared the meanes of my conuersion to catholike religion . i will briefely also shew vnto you the hopes i haue to do your maiesty no ill seruice therein . chap. ii. the hopes i haue to doe your maiestie no ill seruice in being catholike . my first hope , that your maiesty will accept of that for the best seruice i can doe you , which doth most further the glorie of our blessed sauiour , and my owne saluation . indeed there are kingdomes in the world , where the chiefe care of the gouernour is , non quam bonis prosme , sed qua subditis , such were the heathen kingdomes which s. avgvstine describes in his 2. de ciuit . dei. cap. 20. in such common-wealths , the way to be good subiects is not to be a good man , but to serue the times and the turnes of them that beare the fway , whatsoeuer they are . but if it be true , that as some holy and learned fathers teacheth , that in a well ordered gouernment there is , eadem faealicitas vnius hominis ac totius ciuit atis , then i am sure that it must follow , that in a cōmon wealth truly christian , there is , eadem virtus boni viri , ac boni ciuis . and therefore being a minister and preacher of england , if i wil rather serue your maiesty then my selfe , and rather procure the good of your kingdom then my owne preferment , i am bound in duty to respect and seeke for those things aboue all other , that may aduance the honour of god , and the saluation of my owne soule , and the soules of those which doe any way belong to my charge ; and being sufficiētly resolued , that nothing can more aduance the honor of our sauiour and the common saluation , then to be in the vnitie of his church , i haue done you the best seruice i could at home , by preaching peace and reconciliation , and being not able for the malice of the times to stand any longer in the breach at home , i thinke it safest in this last cast to looke to mine owne game , and by my daily prayers , and dying , to doe your maiesty the same seruice in the vnity of the church , which by my daily preaching and liuing i did endeauour to doe in the midst of the schisme . 2 and although it be sufficient for a man of my profession to respect only matters of heauen , and of another world , yet because this world was made for that other , i haue not regarded mine owne estate , that i might respect your maiesties therein , and after long and serious meditation , which religion , might most honor your maiesty euen in this world , i haue conceiued vndoubted hope , that there is no other religion that can procure true honor and securitie to your maiesty , and your posteritie in this world : but the true catholike roman religion , which was the very same , whereby all your glorious predecessors haue beene aduanced , and protected on earth , and are euerlastingly blessed in heauen . 3 the first reason of my hope , is the promise of god himselfe , to blesse and honor those , that blesse his church and honor him ; and to curse and confound those that curse his church and dishonor him , which he hath made good in all ages . there was neuer any man , or citie , or state , or empire so preserued , and aduanced , as they that haue preserued the vnitie , and aduanced the prosperitie of the church of christ. nor euer any beene made more miserable and inglorious , then they that haue dishonored christ , and made hauoke of his church by schisme and heresie . 4 if i had leasure and bookes , it were easie for me to enlarge this point with a long enumeration of particulars . but i thinke it needlesse , because i cannot call to minde any example to the contrarie , except it bee the state of queene elizabeth , or some one or two other , lately fallen from the vnity of the catholike church , or the state of the great turke , that doth stil persecute the church of christ , and yet continues in great glory in this world . but when i consider of queene elizabeth ; i find in her many singularities , she was a woman , and a maiden queen , which gaue her many advantages of admiration , she was the last of her race , and needed not care what became of the world after her owne dayes were ended . she came vpon the remainders of deuotion and catholike religion , which like a bowle in his course , or an arrow in his flight , would goe on for a while by the force of the first mouer , and she had a practize of maintayning warres among her neighbours ( which became a woman well ) that she might be quier at home . and whatsoeuer prosperity or honour there was in her dayes , or is yet remayning in england , i cannot but ascribe it to the church of rome , and to catholike religion , which was for many hundred yeares togither , the first moouer of that gouernment , and it is still in euery setled kingdome , and hath yet left the steps , and shadow thereof behind it , which in all likelihood cannot continue many yeares without a new supply from the fountaine . 5 as for the honour and greatnesse of the tvrke and other infidells , as it reacheth no farther then this life , so it hath no beginning from aboue this world , and if we may belieue saint ambrose , in lvc. 4. et alibi . those honours are conferred rather by gods permission , then by his donation , being indeed ordayned , and ordered by his prouidence , but for the sinnes of the people , conferred by the prince that rules in the ayre . it is true that the turkish empire , hath now continued a long time , but they haue other principles of state to stand vpon . the continuall guard of an hundred thousand souldiers , whereof most of them know no parents , but the emperour . the tenure of all his subiects who hold all in capite ad voluntatem domini , by the seruice of the sword , their enioyned silence , and reuerence in matters of religion , and their facility in admitting other religions , as well as their owne , to the hope of saluation , and to tolerate them , so that they be good subiects . these and such like are principles of great importance to encrease an empire , and to maintaine a temporall state. but there is no state in christendome that may endure these principles , vnlesse they meane to turne turkes also , which although some be willing to doe , yet they will neither hould in capite , nor hould their peace in religion , nor suffer their king to haue such a guard about him , nor admit of catholike religion so much as the turke doth . 6 it is most true , which i gladly write , and am so out with all the honor i can of your maiestie , to speake that i thinke , there was neuer any catholike king in england , that did in his time more embrace and fauor the true body of the church of england , then your maiesty doth that shadow thereof , which is yet left ; and my firme hope is , that this your desire to honor our blessed sauiour in the shadow of the church of england , will moue him to honor your maiesty so much , as not to suffer you to die out of the bodie of his true catholike church : and in the meane time to let you vnderstand , that all honor that is intended to him by schisme and heresie , doth redound to his great dishonor , both in respect of his reall , and of his mysticall body . 7 for his real body , it is not as the vbiquitaries would haue it , euery where , as well without the church as within , but only where himselfe would haue it , and hath ordained that it should be , and that is only amongst his apostles and disciples , and their successors in the catholike church , to whom he deliuered his sacraments , & promised to continue with them vntil the worlds end : so that although christ be present in that schisme by the power of his deity ( for so he is present in hell also ) yet by the grace of his humanitie , by participation of which grace only there is hope of saluation , he is not present there at all , except it be in corners , and prisons , and places of persecution . and therefore whatsoeuer honor is pretended to be done to christ in schisme and heresie , is not done to him , but to his vtter enemies . 8 and for his mysticall body , which is his church and kingdome , there can be no greater dishonour done to christ , then to maintaine schisme and dissention therein . what would your maiesty think of any subiects of yours , that should goe about to raise ciuill dissention , or warres in your kingdome , and of those that should foster , and adhere vnto such men ? it is the fashion of all rebels when they are in armes , to pretend the safety of the king , and the good of the countrey ; but pretend what they will , you cannot account such men any better then traytors . and shall we beleeue that our blessed sauiour , the king of kings doth sit in heauen , and either not see the practises of those , that vnder colour of seruing him with reformation , doe nothing else but serue their owne turnes , and distract his church that is his kingdome on earth , with sedition ? or shall we thinke that he will not in time reuenge this wrong ? verily he seeth it , and doth regard it , and will in time reuenge it . 9 but i hope and pray that he may not reuenge it vpon you , nor yours ; but rather that he will shew , that your desire to honor him , is accepted of him , and therefore will moue you to honor your selfe , and your posteritie , with bestowing the same your fauour vpon his church , in the vnitie thereof , which you doe now bestow in the schisme , and that he will reward both you and yours for the same , according to his promise , not only with euerlasting glory in heauen , but also with long continued temporall honor and securitie in this world . and this is the first reason of my hope , grounded vpon the promise of god. the second reason of my hope , that catholike religion may be a great meanes of honour and security , to your maiesties posteritie , is taken from the consideration of your neighbours , the kings and princes of christendome ; among whom there is no state ancient , and truly honorable , but only those that are catholike . the reason whereof i take to be , because the rules of catholike religion are eternall , vniuersall and constant vnto themselues , and withall so consonant vnto maiestie and greatnesse , as they haue made and preserued the catholike church most reuerent and venerable through out the world , for these thousand and six hundred yeares , and those temporall states that haue been conformable therevnto , haue been alwaies most honorable , and so are like to continue , vntill they hearken vnto schisme . and as for those that haue reiected and opposed the rules of catholike religion , they haue been driuen in short time to degenerate , and become either tyrannicall , or popular , your maiesty , i know , doth abhorre tyrannie , but if schisme and heresie might haue their full swing ouer the seas , the very shadow and rehques of maiesty in england , should be vtterly defaced and quickly turned into heluetian , or belgian popularitie , for they that make no conscience to prophane the maiesty of god & his saints , in the church , will after they feele their strength , make no bones to violate the maiesty of the king , and his children , in the common wealth . 11 i know well that the puritans of england , the hugenots of france , and the geuses of germanie , togither with the rest of the caluinists of all sorts , are a great faction of christendom , and they are glad to haue the pretence of so great a maiesty to be their chiefe , and of your posterity to be their hope , but i cannot be perswaded , that they euer will , or can ioyne togither , to aduance your maiesty , or your children , farther then they may make a present gaine by you . they are not agreed of their owne religion , nor of the principles of vniuersall and eternall truth , and how can they be constant in the rules of particular , and transitory honor , where there is nullum principium ordinis , there can be nullum principium honoris , such is their case , there is a voice of confusion among them , as well in matters of state , as of religion . their power is great , but not to edification . they ioyne together only against good order , which they call the common enemy , and if they can destroy that , they will in all likelihood turne their fury against themselues , and like diuells torment , like serpents deuour one another . in the meane time , if they can make their bourgers princes , and turne old kingdomes into new states , it is like enough they will do it , but that they will euer agree together , to make any one prince , king , or emperour ouer them all , and yeeld due obedience vnto him , further then either their gaine shall allure them , or his sword shall compell them ; that i cannot perswade my selfe to beleeue . and therefore i cannot hope that your maiesty , or your posterity can expect the like honor or security from them , which you might doe from catholike princes , if you were ioyned firmely to them in the vnity of religion . 12 the third reason of my hope , that catholike religion should be most auailable for the honor and security of your maiesty , and your children , is taken from the consideration of your subiects , which can be kept in obedience to god , and to their king by no other religion , and least of all by the caluinists , for if their principles be receiued once , and well drunke in , and digested by your subiects , they will openly maintaine , that god hath as well predestinated men to be traitors , as to be kings , and he hath as well predestinated men to be theeues , as to be iudges , and he hath as well predestinated that men should sinne , as that christ should die for sinne : which kinde of disputations i know by my experience in the country , that they are ordinary among your country caluinists , that take themselues to be learned in the scriptures , especially when they are met in the ale-house , and haue found a weaker brother , whom they thinke fit to be instructed in these profound mysteries . and howsoeuer they be not yet all so impudent , as to hold all these conclusions in plaine termes , yet it is certaine they all hold these principles of doctrine , from whence working heads of greater liberty , doe at their pleasures draw these consequences , in their liues and practises . and is this a religion fit to keepe subiects in obedience to their soueraignes ? 13 heere i know the great masters of schisme , will neuer leaue obiecting the horrible treason of certaine catholikes against your maiesty , which if the diuell had not wrote to their hands , they had had little to say against catholike religion before this day . but i humbly intreat that the fact of some few men , may not be for euer obiected against the truth of a generall rule . it is not the question which religion will make all your subiects true , but which religion is most like to make all true . it is certaine there be traytors against god and man , of all religions , and catholikes , as they are the best subiects , so when they fall to it , they are the worst traytors . but if we will looke vpon examples , or consider of reasons . the catholike is the only religion , which as it doth duely subordinate kings vnto god , so doth it effectually binde subiects to performe all lawfull obedience vnto their kings . i will not repeate examples , because the ancient are tedious , and the present are odious . but if there can be but one king named in all the world , that did euer receiue honor from caluinists , farther then to be their champion , or protector , vntill their turne were serued : then i may be content to beleeue that your maiesty , and your family shall receiue perpetuity from them . but if your caluinists doe professe to honor you , and all other caluinists doe ouerthrow their kings and princes , wheresoeuer they can preuaile . i can hardly beleeue that yours doe meane any more good earnest then the rest . there is certainly some other matter , that they are contented for a time to honor your maiesty , it cannot be their religion that tyes them to it , for it doth not tye them to it selfe . there is no principle of any religion , nor no article of any faith , which a caluinist will not call in question , and either altogether deny , or expound after his owne fancie , and if he be restrained , he cries out by and by , that he cannot haue the liberty of his conscience . and what bond of obedience can there be in such religion ? 14 it is commonly obiected by statesmen , that it is no matter what opinions men hold in matters of religion , so that they be kept in awe by iustice , and by the sword : indeed for this world it were no matter at all for religion , if it were possible without it to doe iustice , and to keepe men in awe by the sword . in military estates whilest the sword is in the hand , there is the lesse need of religion , and yet the greatest and most martiall states that euer were , haue beene willing to vse the conscience and reuerence of some religion or other , to prepare the subiects to obedience . but in a peaceable gouernment , such as all christian kingdomes doe professe to be ; if the reines of religion be let loose , the sword commonly is too weake , and comes too late , and will be like enough to giue the day to the rebell , and seeing the last and strongest bond of iustice is an oath , which is a principall act of religion , and were but a mockry , if it were not for the punishment of hell , and the reward of heauen ; it is vnpossible to execute iustice without the helpe of religion . and therefore the neglect and contempt of religion hath euer been , and euer shall be the fore-runner of destruction in all setled states whatsoeuer . 15 the diuell that intendeth the destruction as well of bodies , as of soules , and of whole states , as of particular men , doth not commonly beginne with mens bodies , and with matters of state ; but being himselfe a spirit , and the father of lyes , he doth first insinuat himselfe into mens vnderstandings , by false principles of religion , whereinto he hath the more easie entrance , because he hath perswaded their gouernours to beleeue that it is no great matter what opinions men hold in matters of religion , so that they looke well into their actions , and keep them in obedience , which perswasion is all one , as if the enemy that besiegeth a citie , should perswade the garrison that they might surrender the castle vnto him well enough , and keepe the base towne to themselues . but when the diuell hath preuailed so farre , as by false opinions in matters of the first truth , that is , of religion , to get the vnderstanding in possession , which is the castle , as it were , & watch-tower of both the soule , and body , and state , and all : he will peraduenture dissemble his purpose for a while , and by slandering of the truth , and pleasing them with the trifles of the world ( which by gods permission are in his power ) make men beleeue , that the world is amended , for nemorepentè fit pessimus , but shortly after , when he seeth his time , he will out of his arsenale of false apprehensions in vnderstanding , send forth such distorted engines of life and actions , as will easily subdue both body and goods , and states , and all to his deuotion . 16 the caluinisticall preacher , when he hath gotten his honest abused , and misguided flock about him , will cry out against me for this popish collection , and cal god and them to witnes , that he doth daily in his sermons exhort men to good workes , and to obedience vnto the kings maiesty , and am not i and my brethren , saith he , and our flocks , as honest , and as ciuill men , as any papist of them all ? for mine owne part , i will not accuse any caluinist , though i could , neither can i excuse all papists , though i would . iliacos inter muros peccator & extra ! but i must neuer forget that most true and wise obseruation , which the noble and learned sir francis bacon , maketh in one of his first essayes , vz. that all schismatikes vtterly failing in the precepts of the first table , concerning the religion and worship of god , haue necessity in policie to make a good shew of the second table , by their ciuill and demure conuersation towards men . for otherwise they should at the first appeare to be , as afterwards they shew themselues to be altogether out of their ten commandements , and so men would be as much ashamed to follow them at the first , as they are at the last . it is a sure rule of policie , that in euery mutation of state , the authors of the change will for a while shew themselues honest , rather of spite then of conscience , that they may disgrace those , whom they haue suppressed , but it doth neuer hold in the next generation . you shall scarce heare of a puritan father , but his sonne proues either a catholike or an atheist . mutinous souldiers , whilest the enemy is in the field , will be orderly , not for loue of their generall , but for feare of the enemie : but if they be not held in the ancient discipline of warres , they will vpon the least truce or cessation , quickly shew themselues . 17 and as for their exhortations to obedience to your maiesty , when they haue first infected the vnderstanding of your subiects , with such principles of rebellion , as haue disturbed and ouerthrowne all other states , where they had their will : it is a ridiculous thing to thinke vpon such exhortations , and all one , as if a phantasticall fellow , finding a herd of yong cattell in a close , should first breake downe the hedges , and then cry alowd to the cattell , they do not venture to go out , nor to seeke any fatter pasture , for feare they be put into the pound ; and if they chance to feed where they are , because they haue no experience of other , and to tary in the close for an houre or two , then the vnhappy fellow should runne to the owner of the cattell , and tell him what great seruice he had done him , and how he had kept his cattell in the close , by his goodly charmes and exhortations . let them say what they list of their owne honesty , and of their exhortations to obedience , as long as they do freely infect the peoples soules , with such false opinions in religion , they do certainly sow the seeds of disobedience , and rebellion in mens vnderstandings , which if they be not preuented by your maiesties giuing way to catholike religion , will in all likelihood spring vp in the next generation to the great preiudice and molestation of your maiesty , and your posterity . so that whether i do respect heauen , or earth , mine owne soule , or the seruice of your maiesty , god , or your neighbours , or your subiects , my assured hope is , that by ioyning my selfe to the catholike church , i neither haue done , nor euer shall do any ill duty or seruice , vnto your maiesty . 18 but perhaps there is such opposition , both in matter of doctrine , and in matter of state , as it is impossible that euer there should be any reconciliation in at all betwixt the church of england , and the church of rome ; of which i humbly pray your maiesty to giue me leaue to shew to you what i haue obserued . 19 it is true , the breach hath continued now these many years , and it is much increased by so long continuance , so that it was neuer greater , then it seems to be at this day , nor neuer more dangerous to deale withall ; for if a man do but go about to stop it , there ariseth presently a great and fearfull noise , and roaring of the waters against him ; but yet neuerthelesse , the greatnes of the noise ought not to discourage vs , but rather to giue vs hope , that although it be wide , yet it is but shallow , and not far from the bottome , as proceeding from affection , which is sudden and violent , and not from iudgement , which is quiet , constant , and alwayes like it selfe ; for if a man aske in cold bloud , whether a roman catholike may be saued , the most learned church-man will not deny it . and if a man aske whether a roman catholike may be a good subiect , the most wise statesman will easily grant it ; may we be both saued , then we are not diuided in god ? may we be both good subiects , then we are not diuided in the king ? what reason is there then , that we should be thus hotly and vnplacably diuided ? 20 truely there is no reason at all , but only the violence of affection , which being in a course , cannot without some force be stayed . the multitude doth seldome or neuer iudge according vnto truth , but according vnto customes . and therefore hauing been bred and brought vp in the hatred of spaniards , and papists , cannot choose but thinke they are bound to hate them still , and that whosoeuer speaketh a word in fauour of the church of rome , or of catholike religion , is their vtter enemy . and the puritanicall preacher , who can haue no being in charity , doth neuer cease by falsifications , and slanders , to blow the coales , that he may burne them , and warme himselfe . but if your maiesty shall euer be pleased to command those make-bates to hold their peace a while , and to say nothing , but that they are able to proue by sufficient authority , before those that are able to iudge ; and in the meane time , to admit a conference of learned and moderate men on either side ; the people who are now abused , and with the light of the gospell held in extreame ignorance , are not yet so vncapable , but they will be glad to heare of the truth , when it shall be simply and euidently deliuered by honest men : and then they will plainly see , that their light of the gospell , which they so much talke of , is but a counterfeit light in a theeues lanterne , whereby honest mens eyes is dazeled , and their purses robbed . and it will also appeare , that there is not indeed any such irreconciliable opposition betwixt the church of england , and the church of rome , as they that liue by the schisine , doe make the world beleeue there is , neither in matter of doctrine , nor matter of state. 21 for matter of doctrine , there is no reason that your maiesty or the kingdome should be molested , or burthened for the maintenance of caluinisme , which is as much against the religion of england , as it is against the religion of rome , and will by necessary consequence ouerthrow , not only the catholike church , the communion of saints , and the forgiuenes of sins , but also all the articles of the creed , sauing only so much as the turke himselfe will be content to beleeue , which will be easie to proue vpon better leasure . the doctrine of england is that which is contained in the common-prayer booke and church catechisme , confirmed by act of parliament , and by your maiesties edict , wherein all english-men are baptised , and ought to be confirmed , and therefore there is some reason that this should be stood vpon . but this doctrine in most of the maine points thereof , as hath bin touched before , and requireth a iust treatise to set downe in particular , doth much differ from the current opinions and catechismes of caluinisme , or doth very neere agree with , or at least not contradict the church of rome , if we list with patience to heare one another . and those points of doctrine , wherm we are made to be at warres with the church of rome , whether we will or not , do rather argue the corruptions of that state , from whēce they come , then are argued by the grounds of that religion whereupon they stand ; and the contradiction of doctrine hath followed the alteration of state , and not the alteration of state bin grounded vpon any truth of doctrine . 22 for when the breach was resolued vpon , for the personall and palticular ease of king henry the eight , and the children of his latter wiues , it was necessary to giue euery part of the common-wealth contentment , for which they might hold out in the heat of affection , and studie to maintayne the breach , otherwise it was likely that in the clearnesse of iudgement it would quickly haue growne together againe , & then the authors therof must haue been excluded , and giuen account of their practise . 23 therefore to the lords and fauorites of the court were giuen the lands and inheritance of the abbeyes , and religious houses , that hauing once , as it were , washed their hands in the bowels and bloud of the church , both they and their posteritie might be at vtter defiance therewith . and so hauing ouerthrowne and prophaned the good workes of the saints , it was necessarie for them to get them chaplains , that might both dispute , preach , and write against the merits of good works , the invocation of saints , the sacrifice of the altar , praier for the dead , and all such points of catholike doctrine , as were the grounds of those churches and religious houses , which they had ouerthrowne and prophaned . and it was not hard for those chaplains , by some shew of scripture , to proue that which their lords , and their followers , were so willing to beleeue . 24 to the commons was giuen great hope of reliefe for their poucrtie , ease of subsidies , and of the burden of so great a clergie , and many other goodly gay nothings . and for the present , they should haue libertie , and the benefit of common law , that is leaue , to liue by such lawes as themselues list to make , and to contemne the authority of the church , which although it were for their benefit euery way , yet because it crossed their affections ; like way ward children , they could neuer abide it . and was not this reason enough for them to hold out the breach , and to studie scripture themselues , that they might be able to confute confession , satisfaction , penance , and to declaim against all that . tyrannie of the church of rome , whereby themselues , and their forefathers , had beene kept in awe and obedience vnto god , and their kings ? 25 to the clergy men , that would turn with the times , besides the possibilitie of present preferment by the alteration , was giuen shortly after leaue to marrie , and to purchase , and to enioy the profit and pleasure of the world , as well as the laitie . and what carnall minded monke , or priest , would not with might and maine keepe open the breach , after he was once plunged in it , rather then be in danger to forgoe so pleasing a commoditie : hence did arise a necessitie of speaking and writing against vowes , virginitie , pouertie , fasting , praying , watching , obedience , and all that austeritie of life , which is by the lawes of the church required in a monasticall , and priestly conuersation . 26 vpon these conditions , the lords , the commons , and the clergie , were content to beleeue that the king was supreme head of the church of england , not that they did thinke so indeede , or that they desired to augment his authoritie , but that they might be protected by him , and freely enioy those commodities , which they thought schisme had brought vnto them , and feared the vnitie of the church might againe take from them . hence did arise a necessitie of inveighing against the pope , and the church of rome , as against antichrist and babilon , and the greatest enemies of the state of england . in so much that that clergie man was most acceptable to them , and in their opinion most worthie of prefermēts , that could most confidently preach , and write , the most foule , and monstruous assertions of the pope , and the church of rome , though they were neuer so false . these and such like are those temporall respects , which would faine seeme the daughters of those doctrines , which them selues haue brought forth , and to bee diuided from the catholike church by doctrine , when they themselues haue caused the doctrine of diuision . 27 in all these and all other doctrine of diuision , men haue receiued great countenance , & encouragement from geneua . for although m. iohn calvin , were neuer any good subiect or friend , to bishop , duke , or king , yet he did so fit the common people with new doctrine , that no gospell can be so pleasing to them , nor so lightsome as his . for finding geneua to be fallen out , both with their bishop , who was their ancient prince , and their duke , to whom they pretended against their bishop , and to be all in a combustion among themselues , for want of gouernment , although he were then a stranger and a very yong man of some six and twenty or seuen and twenty yeares old at the most : yet he thought good , vpon the oportunity to giue the venture , and to step in himselfe , to be the founder of a new church , and state amongst them , and for that purpose , he found them out such a catechisme , as they might easily contemne all ancient learning and authority , and saue themselues by a strong fancy , which he called faith . and this pleased the bourgers of geneua so well , that they called a meeting , and caused all the citizens to sweare , that , that catechisme was true , and that all popery was false , as may appeare in calvins life , written by beza himselfe , and prefixed to his epistles . and although the ministeriall presbytery of geneua , haue lost much of master calvins greatnes , yet the city hath had the fortune euer since , by the helpe of their neighbours , to hold out against their bishop , and their duke , and all their ancient gouernours . 28 now it is the nature of all common-people , especially of ilanders , not only still to affect more and more nouelty and liberty , and to be weary of their old clergie , but also to admire any thing that comes from beyond the seas , and to cherish , and comfort one another , with reporting the good successe , which schismatikes and rebels happen to haue against their lawfull prelats , and ancient gouernours , and to impute all their good fortune vnto their new religion . hence it is come to passe , that that doctrine , which is indeed the lawfull doctrine of the church of england , is neglected , and contemned as a relike , or a ragge of popery , and calvins institutions being come from geneua , and fairely bound vp with the preface of the gospell , is dispersed throughout all schooles , cities and villages of england , and hath so infected both priest and people , as although it be against law , yet it is cried vp by voyces to be the only current diuinity in court and country . in hope , belike , that it may one day serue the turne in england , as well as it hath done in geneua , and in other places , where it hath preuailed . 29 these reasons , or rather corruptions of state , haue so confounded the doctrine of the church of england , and so slandred the doctrine of the church of rome , as it hath turned mens braines , and made the multitude on both sides like two fooles , who being set back to back , do thinke they are as far asunder as the horizons are , which they looke vpon . but if it might please your maiesty to command them to turne but each of them a quarter about , and looke both one way to the seruice of god , and your maiesty , and to the saluation of soules , they should presently see themselues to be a great deale more neere together in matters of doctrine , then the puritanicall preachers on both sides do make them beleeue they are . i cannot in the breuity of this discourse descend into particulars . but if it please your maiesty , to command me , or any other honest man , that hath taken pains , to vnderstand , and obserue all sides freely , and plainly to set down the difference betwixt caluinisme , and the doctrine of england established by law , and then to shew locos concessos , and locos controuersos , betwixt the church of england , and the church of rome ; i doubt not , but the distance , that will be left betwixt , for matter of doctrine , may by your maiesty be easily compounded . 30 but perhaps there is so great oppositions in matter of state , that although the doctrine might be compounded , yet it is impossible to heare of agreement . and if there be the same reason of state , which there was in the beginning , & continued all queene elizabeths daies , there is as little hope now that your maiesty should hearken vnto reconciliation , as there was that king henry the eight , or queene elizabeth would . but when i doe , with the greatest respect i can , consider the state of your maiestie , your lords , your commons , and your clergie , i doe finde as little cause of holding out in reason of state , as i doe in truth of doctrine . 31 king henry the eight , although he had written that booke against the schisme of lvther , in the defence of the see apostolike , for which he deserued the title of defensor fidei ; yet when he gaue way to the lust of anne boleine , and the flattery of his fauorites , and saw he could not otherwise haue his will , he excluded the pope , & made himself supreame head of the church , that so he might not only dispence with himselfe for his lust , but also supply his excesse with the spoile of the church , which was then very rich . but when he saw god blessed him not , neither in his wiuing , nor in his thriuing , he was weary of his supremacie before he died , & wished himselfe in the church againe , but hee died in the curse of his father , whose foundations he ouerthrew , and hath neither childe to honor him , nor so much as a tombe vpon his graue to remember him , which some men take to be a token of the curse of god. 32 queene elizabeth , although shee were the daughter of schisme , yet at her first comming to the crowne , shee would haue the common-prayer booke and catechisme so set downe , that shee might both by english seruice satisfie the commons , who were greedy of alteration , and by catholike opinions gaue hope to her neighbour princes that she would her selfe continue catholike . and all her life long shee carried her selfe so betwixt the catholikes , and the caluinists , as shee kept them both still in hope . but yet being the daughter of the breach-maker , and hauinig both her crowne , and her life from the schisme , it was both dishonorable , and dangerous for her to hearken to reconcilement . and therefore after shee was provoked by the excommunication of pivs qvintvs , she did suffer such lawes to be made by her parliaments , as might crie quittance with the pope , and the church of rome . and this course seemed in policie necessarie for her , who was the daughter of king henry the eight by anne boleine , borne with the contempt of rome , the disgrace of spaine , & the preiucice of scotland . 33 but now that your maiesty is by the consent of all sides come to the crowne , and your vndoubted title setled with long possession , the case is very much altered , for your maiestie hath no need of dispensations , nor no will to pull downe churches , nor no dependance at all on henry the eight : and if this schisme could haue preuented your title , with the diuorce of one wife , and the marrying of fiue more , neither your mother , nor your selfe , should euer haue made queen elizabeth afraid with your right to the crowne of england . and therefore , although it were necessary in reason of state to continue the doctrine of diuision , as long as the fruit of that doctrine did continue : yet now the fruit of schisme is all spent , and that parenthesis of state , is at an end ; there is no reason , but that the old sentence may returne againe , and be continued in that sence , as if the parenthesis had beene cleane left out ; and that god had of purpose crossed the fleshly pretence of schisme , and raised your maiestie to restore it , as your most wise , and catholike progenitor , king henry the seuenth , did leaue it . 34 but perhaps the schisme , though it serue you to no other vse at all for your title , yet it doth much encrease your authoritie , and your wealth , and therefore it cannot stand with your honor to further the vnitie of the church of christ. truely those your most famous and renowned ancestors , that did part with their authority & their wealth , to bestow them vpon the church of christ , and did curse and execrate those , that should diminish and take them away againe , did not thinke so , nor finde it so , and i would to god your maiestie were so powerfull , and so rich , as some of those kings weré , that were most bountifull that way . you are our soueraigne lord , all our bodies and our goods are at your command : but our soules , as they belong not to your charge , but as by way of protection in catholike religion , so they cannot encrease your honor or authoritie , but in a due subordination vnto christ , and to those that supply his place in ijs quae sunt iuris diuini . it was essentiall to heathen emperors to be pontifices , as well as reges , because they were themselues authors of their owne religion . but among christians , where religion comes from christ , who was no worldly emperour ( though aboue them all ) the spirituall and temporall authoritie haue two beginnings , and therefore two supreames , who if they be subordinate , doe vphold and increase one another . but if the temporall authoritie doe oppose the spirituall , it destroyeth it selfe , and dishonoreth him from whom the spirituall authority is deriued . heresy doth naturally spread it selfe , like a canker , and needs little help to put it forward , so that it is an easie matter for a mean prince to be a great man amongst heretikes , but it is an hard matter for a great king to gouerne them . when i haue sometimes obserued , how hardly your maiestie could effect your most reasonable desires amongst those that stand most vpon your supremacie , i haue beene bold to be angrie , but durst say nothing , only i did with my selfe resolue for certaine , that the keyes were wont to doe the crowne more seruice , when they were in the armes of the miter , then they can doe , now they are tyed together with the scepter , and that your title in spirituall affaires , doth but serue other mens turnes , and not your owne . 35 as for your wealth , it is true , that the crowne hath more pence payed vnto it now , then in catholike times it had , but it hath neuer the more wealth . it is but the gaine of the tellers to haue more money , true wealth is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he is the richest prince , that hath meanes to maintaine the greatest armie , and to doe most magnificent workes both in warre and in peace , wherein the facts of catholike ancestors doe appeare vpon good record , your maiesties are but yet hoped for : and if euer you haue the helpe of catholike religion to assist you , i hope you shall excell them all ; otherwise i assure my selfe , the schisme will do what it can to make you poore , and then complaine , that you are not rich. it was indeed one of the maine pretenses in the statutes of henry the eight , that the schisme might enrich the king , and maintaine his warres ; but god did not blesse it : for notwithstanding all the church-lands , and goods , and tenths , and fruits , and premuniries : king henry the eight was faine to abase his coyne more then once , and yet he died not so rich as his catholike father left him . and since his time what is become of the court of augmentation ? what benefit you receiue of all the church-lands , more then your progenitors did when they were in the hands of the clergie ? what ease your subiects haue of subsidies thereby ; or in briefe , how much your coffers are enriched : you may be pleased to be informed by those that haue to doe with those offices , and can readily giue you an account ; for mine owne part i haue diligently read ouer all the statutes , made by henry the eight , and doe finde that the euent are so cleane contrary to the prefaces and pretences of them , as if god of purpose would laugh them to scorne . 36 there is yet another obiection or two in reason of state , concerning your maiestie , which seeme to be harder to answere , then all the rest , whereof the one is that your maiestie hath vndertaken the cause in writing , and set out a booke in print , and it must needs be great dishonor to you to recall it . this indeed is that which i haue heard the caluinists of england often wish for , before it was done , and much boast of , after it was by means effected , that your maiestie should be no longer able to shew your selfe indifferent , as you did at the first , but were now engaged vpon your honor , to maintaine their partie , and to oppugne the catholikes , and altogether to suppresse them . but there is nothing in that booke why your maiestie may not , when you please , admit the popes supremacie in spiritualls . and you are partly engaged thereby to admit the triall of the first generall councels , and the most ancient fathers . and as for the question of antichrist , it is but an hypotheticall proposition , and so reserued , as you may recall your selfe when you will. and howsoeuer that booke came forth either of your owne disposition , or by the daily instigation of some others , that did abuse your clemencie , and seeke to send you of their owne errand ; it cannot serue their turnes , nor hinder your maiestie from hearkening to an end of contention . for if king henry the eight in the iudgement of protestants , might saue his honor , and contradict his booke from very good to starke naught ; they must not deny , but that your maiestie may encrease your honor by altering your booke from lesse good to much better . 37 the other , and the greatest obiection , that howsoeuer your maiestie before your comming to the crowne , and in the beginning of your raigne , were in different , yet after the gunpowder-treason , you were so angred , and auerted , as now you are resolued neuer to be friends . and therefore he is no good subiect , that will either himselfe be reconciled to the church of rome , or perswade any of your subiects thereunto . it is true , i confesse , your maiestie had great cause to be throughly angrie , and so had all good men , whether catholikes or protestants , but if your maiestie will hearken to those , that worke their owne purposes out of your anger , you shall be driuen to liue and die out of charitie , which although it be not so horrible to the bodie , yet is it more harmefull to the soule , then violent or sodaine death . it is hard , i confesse , for a priuate man to asswage his anger on the sodaine ; and there is as much difference betwixt the anger of a priuate man , and the indignations of a prince , as betwixt a blast vpon the riuer , which is soone downe , and a storme vpon the sea , which hauing raised the billowes to the height , is nourished by the motion thereof , and cannot settle againe in a long time . but there is a time for all things . and seuen yeares is a long time , when a man is in the middest of his anger , it pleaseth him not to be entreated by his neighbours , much lesse by his seruants , but when a man hath chidden , and punished vntill he is wearie , he will be content to heare his seruant speake reason . and though he be not the wisest , yet hee is the louingest seruant that will venter to speake to his master in such a case . god himselfe is exorable , and it pleaseth him to be intreated by his seruants for his enemies . i am perswaded there is no good catholike in the world , that can be your maiesties enemie . and therefore i doe assure my selfe , that god will be pleased with you to heare them speake , and not angrie with mee for mouing you thereunto . and if your maiestie doe but vouchsafe so much patience as to giue equall hearing , i doubt not but you shall receiue such satisfaction , as will giue you great quiet and contentment , and disquiet none of your subiects , but those onely , that doe for their aduantage misinforme your maiestie , and mislead your people . and if your maiestie haue no such vse of the schisme , as king henry the eight , and queene elizabeth had , and that it doth neither encrease your authoritie , nor your wealth , nor your honor , but rather hinder them all , and depriue you of that blessing , which otherwise you might expect from christ and his church , from your catholike neighbour princes , and subiects , and from the saints in heauen , in whose communion is the greatest comfort of euery christian both in life and death , then whatsoeuer some great statesman may say to the contrarie , i doe verily beleeue they doe but speake for themselues , and that there is no true reason , that may concerne your maiestie to hinder you from admitting a toleration of catholikes , and catholike religion , that those who cannot command their vnderstanding to thinke otherwise , may finde the comfort they doe , with so great zeale pursue in the vnitie of the catholike church , amongst whom i confesse my selfe to be one , that would thinke my selfe the happiest man in the world , if i might vnderstand that your maiestie were content that i should be so . 38 but although your maiestie sit at the sterne , and command all , yet you are caried in the same ship , and it is not possible to weild so great a vessell against winde and tide . and therefore , although it doe not concerne your maiestie in your owne estate ; yet if your lords , and your commons , and your clergie doe reape any great benefit by the schisme : it will be very hard for your maiestie to effect vnitie . but if vpon due examination there be no such matter , then it is but the crie of the passengers , who for want of experience , are afraid where there is no danger , and that can be no hindrance to any course your maiestie shall thinke to be best , for the attaining of the hauen . 39 for mine owne part , for the discharge of my dutie , and conscience , i haue considered of all their states , and can resolue my selfe , that i haue not preiudiced the state of any good subiect of yours , but mine owne , in comming to the catholike church . and first for your lords and nobles : it is true that many of their ancestors were allowed a very good share in the diuision of the church , when the schisme began , and therefore it concerned them in reason of their state to maintaine the doctrine of diuision . but i thinke there are very few in england , either lords , or other now possest of abbey lands , which haue not paid well for them , and might not aswell possesse them in the vnitie of the church , as in the schisme . and there was a declaration made by the pope , to that purpose , in queene maries dayes , so that there is now no need at all to preach against the merits of good workes , nor the vertue of the sacraments , nor the inuocation of saints , nor the rest of popery , that built churches , vnlesse it be to helpe the hugonots of france to pull them downe . 40 but perhaps the commons of england doe gaine so much by the schisme , as they cannot abide to heare of vnitie . indeed , when the puritan preacher hath called his flocke about him , and described the church of rome , to be so ignorant , so idolatrous , and so wicked , as hee hath made himselfe beleeue she is , then is he wont to congratulat his poore deceiued audience , that they by the means of such good men as himselfe is , are deliuered from the darkenesse , and idolatrie , and wickednes of poperie , and there is no man dare say a word , or once mutter to the contrarie . but the people haue heard these lyes so long , as most of them beginne to bee wearie , and the wisest of them cannot but wonder , how these puritan preachers should become more learned , and more honest , then all the rest that liued in ancient times , or that liue still in catholike countries , or then those in england , whom th●se men are wont to condemne for papists . neuerthelesse , i confesse , there bee many honest men and women amongst them , that being caried away with preiudice & pretext of scriptures , doe follow these preachers more of zeale and deuotion to the truth , as my selfe did , vntill i knew it was but counterfeit . and these good people , if they might be so happy as to heare catholikes answere for themselues , and tell them the truth , would be the most deuout catholikes of all other . but the most of the people were neuer led by sermons , if they were , the catholike church is both able , and willing to supply them farre better then the schisme . but it was an opinion of wealth and libertie , which made them breake at the first , and if they doe duely consider of it , they are neuer the better for either of both , but much the worse . 41 for wealth the puritan vnthrift , that lookes for the ouerthrow of bishops , and churches cathedrall , hopes to haue his share in them , if rhey would fall once ; and therefore he cannot choose , but desire to encrease the schisme , that he may gaine by it : but the honest protestant that can endure the state of the church of england as it is , could be content it were as it was , for he should receiue more benefit by it euery way . the poore gentleman and yeoman , that are burthened with many children , may remember that in catholike times , the church would haue receiued and prouided for many of their sonnes and daughters , so as themselues might haue liued and died in the seruice of god without posteritie , and haue helped to maintaine the rest of their families , which was so great a benefit to the common-wealth , both for the exoneration , and prouision thereof , as no humane policie can procure the like . the farmer and husband-man who laboureth hard , to discharge his payments , and hath little or nothing left at the yeares end to lay vp for his children , that encrease and grow vpon him , may remember that in catholike times there were better peny-worthes to be had , when the clergie had a great part of the land in their hands , who had no need to rayse their rents themselues , and did what they might to make other lords let at a reasonable rate , which was also an inestimable benefit to the commons . so that whereas ignorant men caried with enuie against the clergie , are wont to obiect the multitude of them ; and the greatnesse of their prouisions , they speake therein as much against themselues as is possible . for the greater , the number is of such men as are mundo mortus , the more is the exoneration of the commons , and the more the lands is of such as can haue no proprietie in them , the better is the prouision of the commons . for themselues can haue no more but their food , and regular apparell , all the rest either remaines in the hands of the tenants , or returnes in hospitalitie , and reliefe to their neighbours , or kept as in a liuing exchequer for the seruice of the prince and countrie in time of necessitie . so that the commons doth gaine no wealth at all , but rather doe lose much by the schisme . 42 and as for libertie , they are indeed freed from the possibilitie of going to shrift , that is , of confessing their sinnes to god in the care of a catholie priest , and receiuing comfort and counsel against their sinnes , from god ; by the mouth of the same priest , which duetie is required of catholike people , but only once in the yeare , but performed by them with great comfort and edification , very often , so that a man may see , and wonder to see many hundred at one altar to communicate euery sunday with great deuotion , and lightly no day passe , but diuers doe confesse , are absolued , and receiue the blessed sacrament . the poore commons of england are freed from this comfort , neither is it possible , vnlesse their ministers had the seat of secresie for them to vse it . and what is the libertie that they haue in stead thereof ? surely the seruants haue great libertie against their masters by this meanes , and the children , against their parents , and the people against their prelats , and the subiects against their ring , and all against the church of christ , that is , against their owne good , and the common saluation , for without the vse of this sacrament , neither can inferiours bee kept in awe , but by the gallowes , which will not saue them from hell , nor superiours be euer told of their errors , but by rebellion , which will not bring them to heauen . these and such like bee the liberties , that both prince and people doe enioy by the want of confession , and of catholike religion . 43 as for the libertie of making lawes in church matters , the common lawyer may perhaps make an advantage of it , and therefore greatly stand vpon it , but to the common people it is no pleasure at all , but rather a great burthen . for the great multitude of statutes , which haue beene made since the schisme ( which are more then fiue times so many that euer were made before , since the name of parliament was in england ) hath caused also an infinite number of lawyers , all which must liue by the commons , and raise new families , which cannot be done without the decay of the old . and if the canons of the church , and the courts of confession were in request , the lawyers market , would soone be marred . and therefore , most of your lawyers , in this point , are puritans , and doe still furnish the parliament with grieuances against the clergie , as knowing very well , that their owne glory came at the first from the court infidel , and therefore cannot stand with the authoritie of the church , which came at the first from the court christian. i speake not against the ancient lawes of england , which since king ethelberts time were all catholike , nor against the honest lawyers of england , i know many , and honor all good men among them ; and doe for better times by the learning , wisedome , and moderation of the chiefest . but i am verily perswaded that the pretended liberties of the commons , to make lawes in matter of religion , doth burthen the common-wealth , and both trouble and preiudice your maiestie , and pleasure none at all , but the puritan , and petty-fogging lawyer , that would faine fetch the antiquitie of his common law from the saxons , that were before king ethelbert . so that whether we respect the spirituall instruction and comfort , or the temporall wealth and libertie of the commons of england , if the puritan preacher , and puritan lawyer , who both doe seeke the ouerthrow of the church , and deceiue and consume the people , would let them alone , there would quickly appeare no reason of their state at all , why they should hate the catholike church , that is so comfortable and beneficiall vnto them ; or maintaine the schisme , that with sugred speeches , and counterfeit faces doth so much abuse them . 44 i am therefore in very assured hope , that by my comming to the catholike church besides the satisfying and sauing of mine owne soule , i shall doe no ill seruice to your maiestie , neither in respect of your selfe , nor your children , nor in respect of your lords , and commons , and that there is no reason concerning the state , if any of these , that is sufficient to disswade vnitie . there is onely the clergie left , which if caluinisme may goe on , and preuaile as it doth , shall not in the next age be left to be satisfied . and there is little reason , that any man that loues the clergie , should desire to satisfie such clergie men , as doe vnderhand fauour caluinists , and maintaine such points of doctrine , as if your maiesties fauour were not , would out of hand ouerthrow the clergie , and in stead of them set vp a few stipendarie preachers . 45 there neuer was , is , nor shall be any well setled state in the world , either christian or heathen ; but the clergie and priest-hood was , is , and must be a principall part of the gouernment , depending vpon none , but him only , whom they suppose to be their god. but where caluinisme preuaileth , three or foure stipendarie ministers , that must preach as it shall please master maior , and his brethren , may serue for a whole citie . and indeed , if their opinions be true , it is but a folly for any state to maintaine any moe . for if god hath predestinated a certaine number to be saued , without any condition at all of their being in the visible church by faith , or their perseuering theroin by good workes ; if god hath reprobated the greatest part of the world , without any respect at all of their infi delitie , heresie , or wicked life ; if the faith of christ benothing else but the assured perswasion of a mans owne predestination to glory by him ; if the sacraments of the church be nothing but signes , and badges of that grace , which a man hath before by the carnall couenant of his parents faith ; if priest-hood can do nothing but preach the word ( as they call it ) which lay-men must iudge of , and may preach to ; if they will , where occasion serues ; if the studie and knowledge of antiquity ; vniuersalitie , and consent be not necessarie , but euery man may expound scripture , as his owne spirit shall moue him ; if , i say , these and such like opinions , be as true , as they are among the caluinists in the world common , and in england too much fauoured and maintained , there will certainly appeare no reason at all vnto your parliament , whensoeuer your maiestie or your successor shall please to aske them , why they should be at so great a charge as they are , to maintaine so needlesse a partie , as these opinions doe make the clergie to be : they can haue a great many more sermons , a great deale better cheape ; and in the opinion of caluinisme , the clergie doe no other seruice . they that doe in england fauour , and maintaine those opinions , and suppresse , and disgrace those that doe confute them ; they , although themselues can be content to be lords , and to goe in rochets , are indeed the greatest enemies of the clergie . and it were no great matter for the clergie , they might easily turne lay , and liue as well as they doe , for the most part . but it is a thing full of compassion , and commiseration to see , that by these false and wicked opinions , the diuell , the father of these and all other lies , doth daily take possession of the soules of your subiects , both of clergie and laytie . these kinde of clergie men , i confesse , i doe not desire to satisfie any other way , then as i haue alwaies done , that is , by the most friendly and plaine confutation of their errors , to shew them the truth . as for other clergie men , that are conformable to the religion established by law , as well for their doctrine , as for their discipline , if they be good schollers , and temperate men , ( as i know many of them are ) they cannot but in their iudgements approue the truth of catholike religion , and if it were not for feare of losse , or disgrace to their wiues and children , they would be as glad as my selfe , that a more temperate course might be held , and more libertie afforded vnto catholikes , and catholike religion in england . these clergie men , i am , and euer shall be desirous to satisfie , not only in respect of themselues , but also in respect of their wiues and children , whom i am so far from condemning and misliking , as that i do account my selfe one of them ; and i desire nothing more in this world , then in the toleration of catholike religion , to liue and die among them . and therefore i haue had so great care in this point , as before i did submit my selfe to the catholike church , i receiued assurance from some of the greatest , that if your maiestie would admit the ancient subordination of the church of canterburie , vnto that mother church , by whose authoritie all other churches in england at the first were , and still are subordinate vnto canterburie , and the first free vse of that sacrament , for which especially all the churches in christendome were first founded . the pope for his part would confirme the interest of all these , that haue present possession in any ecclesiasticall liuing in england . and would also permit the free vse of the common-prayer book in english , for morning and euening prayer , with very little or no alteration . and for the contentment and securitie of your maiestie , he would giue you not only any satisfaction , but all the honor that with the vnitie of the church , and the safetie of catholike religion may be required : which seemed to me so reasonable , as being before satisfied for the truth of catholike religion , i could aske no more . so that i am verily perswaded , that by yeelding to that truth , which i could not deny , i haue neither neglected my duetie and seruice to your maiestie , and your children , nor my respect and honor to your lords and commons , nor my loue and kindnesse to my honest friends , and brethren of the clergie ; but rather that my example and my prayers shall doe good vnto all . 46 but that which i must trust to , when all the rest will faile me , is the seruice of god , and the sauing of my soule in the vnitie of that church , which was founded by christ himselfe , and shall continue vntill his comming againe , wherein all the saints of god haue serued him on earth , and doe enioy him in heauen : without which catholike church , there is no communion of saints , no forgiuenesse of sinnes , no hope of resurrection vnto life euerlasting . i beseech your maiestie let not calvins , ecclesia predestinatorus deceiue you , it may serue a turke as well as a christian , it hath no faith , but opinion no hope , but presumption , no charitie , but lust , no faith , but a fancie , no god , but an idoll . for deus est omnibus religionibus commune nomen , aug. ep. all religions in the world , beginne their creede , with i beleeue in god. but homini extra ecclesiani , relligio sua est culius phantasmatum suorum , and error suus est deus suus , as s. avgvstine affirmeth . 48 i haue more things to write , but the hast of answering your maiesties commandement , signified to mee by sir thomas lake his letters , haue made mee commit many faults in writing this very sodainly , for which i craue pardon , and cut off the rest . but for my returning into england , i can answere no otherwise but thus , i haue sent you my sovle in this treatise , and if it may finde entertainment , and passage , my bodie shall most gladly follow after . and if not , i pray god i send my soule to heauen , and my bodie to the graue , assoone as may be . in the meane time , i will reioyce in nothing , but only in the crosse of christ , which is the glorie of your crowne . and therefore i will triumph therein , not as being gone from you to your aduetsarie , but as being gone before you to your mother , where i desire and hope for euer to continue . your maiesties true seruant and beadsman . b. carier . liege decemb. 12. an. 1613. psal. 119. vers . 5. 6. multum incola fuit anima mea . cum bis , qui oderunt pacem , eram pacificus : cùm loquebar illis impugnabant me gratis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a17962-e90 pac. 17. 19. luc. 15. 4. heb 15. 25 psa. 83. 12. a letter from a freeholder, to the rest of the freeholders of england, and all others, who have votes in the choice of parliament-men johnson, samuel, 1649-1703. 1680 approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46956 wing j834 estc r2105 12576729 ocm 12576729 63608 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46956) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63608) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 962:26) a letter from a freeholder, to the rest of the freeholders of england, and all others, who have votes in the choice of parliament-men johnson, samuel, 1649-1703. 8 p. s.n., [london? : 1689?] reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to samuel johnson. cf. nuc pre-1956. caption title. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -great britain. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-01 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-01 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from a freeholder , to the rest of the freeholders of england , and all others , who have votes in the choice of parliament-men . the power of parliaments , when they are duly elected , and rightly convened , is so very great , that every man , who has any share in the choice of them , has the weight of his whole country lying upon him : for it is possible for my single vote to determine the election of that parliament-man , whose single vote in the parliament-house , may either save or sink the nation . and therefore it behoves men , who thus dispose both of themselves and their posterity , and of their whole country at once , to see that they put all these into safe hands , and to be as well advis'd , as much in earnest , when they chuse persons to serve in parliament , as they usually are when they make their last will and testament . and if this is to be done at all times , certainly a much greater proportion of care is to be taken at this time , when endeavours have been used , not only to forestal the freedom of elections , but even the freedom of voting in the parliament-house : and when the counties of england have been practised upon , to be made repealers , both within doors and without : they have been catechised , whether , if they were parliament-men , they would repeal the penal laws and tests ; or , if they were not chosen themselves , whether they would chuse such as would . and as for the boroughs , they have been all of them sifted to the very bran : nay , some persons have been wrought upon to enter into engagements before-hand , in their addresses : but , i suppose , those that have been so very forward to promise themselves to serve a turn , will never be thought worthy to serve in parliament . and at the same time others have made it their business , to render these laws very odious to the people , and to hoot them out of the world ; they have been arraign'd and condemn'd as draconicks , as bloudy and canibal laws , as vngodly laws , and contrary to the divine principle of liberty of conscience , without the common justice of ever being heard : for the preambles of these laws , which shew the justice and equity of them , and the reasonableness both of their birth and continuance , have been industriously suppressed . this indeed has been a very bold adventure , for i am apt to think there is much truth in my lord chief justice coke's observation , that never any subject wrestled a fall with the laws of england , but they always broke his neck : and therefore , according to the courtesie of england , i shall wish friend william pen , and his fellow-gamesters , a good deliverance . but while they have taken the liberty to say their pleasure of these laws , which are now in as full force as the day they were made , i shall take leave , according to the duty of a loyal subject , ( with whom the laws of the land are a principle , and who must always own the majesty and authority of them , till such time as they are lawfully repealed ) to offer a few words in their behalf , which shall be dictated by nothing but law , truth , and justice ; and if every word that i say , do not appear to be such , i am content to have this whole paper go for nothing , and be as if it had never been written . and to proceed the more clearly and distinctly , i shall ( 1st ) consider the penal laws ( as they are called ) against the papists , and the two tests : and ( 2dly ) the penal laws against the dissenters . in the statute 3 o iacobi c. 1. which is read every fifth of november , in our churches , the laws made against the papists in queen elizabeth's time , and the confirmation of them 1 o iacobi ( against which the great out-cry is now made , and for the sake of which , they then attempted to blow up both the king and parliament ) are called necessary and religious laws : and if i prove them to be undoubtedly such , i hope the good people of england will look upon them an hundred times , before they part with them once . first , the laws against the papists are religious laws ; they are laws made for the high honour of god , as well as for the common profit of the realm , which is the old title of all our laws , and is the right end to which all laws ought to be directed . but why are they called penal laws , for have not all laws a penalty annexed to them ? perhaps they mean , that these are laws which interpose in matters indifferent , such as is the eating of flesh on fridays . but is not popery malum in se ? is idolatry an evil only by chance , and by happening to be prohibited ? is not the worship of a wafer god , an onion god , or a red-cloth god , an unspeakable dishonour to the god of heaven , in all places , in every season of the year , every day of the week , and all hours of the day ? is it not eternally evil ? the laws of the land found idolatry prohibited to their hands , by the written law of god , and even antecedently to that , it was prohibited by the law of nature ; and no municipal laws in the world need desire a better warrant : and therefore to repeal the laws made against the idol of the mass , agnus dei's , blocks almighty , and the infinite idolatry which is interwoven with popery , is neither more nor less , than to undertake to repeal the laws of god. 2dly , the laws made against the seminary priests and romish missioners , are religious laws , because they are made in pursuance of st. iohn's precept , 2 epist. 10. 11. if there come any unto you , and bring not this doctrine , receive him not into your house , neither bid him god-speed : for he that biddeth him god-speed , is partaker of his evil deeds . but do the seminaries come and bring us the true doctrine of christ ? do they not bring us another gospel ? as dr. sherlock has unanswerably proved upon them , in the second part of his preservative against popery . and therefore as every private man is bound to shut his doors against these deceivers and seducers , by the same reason every community is bound to expel and drive them out of the nation . and i think there never were such errant cheats and impostors as these are : for they , by their masses , can fetch souls out of purgatory , of their own putting in ; they can forgive sins , in the sacrament of confession ; they can drive away the devil , with crosses and holy water ; and they can make their god , in the sacrament . they make a god! they make a pudding ! again , 2ly , the laws against the papists , are called necessary laws , and so they were to the very being of the kingdom . in the first of elizabeth , the oath of supremacy was absolutely necessary to throw off the romish yoke , and that intollerable usurpation and tyranny of the pope , under which both the crown and kingdom were perfect slaves : and af●●●wards , was it not time to look after the pope's chaplains , when they had raised a rebellion in the north , and he himself had sent a bull to depose the queen , and to absolve her subjects from their allegiance ? i do not mention the continual minings of the queen of scots , in which the popish party always joyned with her , and besides , had drawn in several deluded protestants ; which made a great jest to the papists , that protestants should be so infatuated , as to assist the queen of scots to their own destruction : as is to be seen in sir francis walsingham's letter , written from paris , still extant in the cabala of letters . in short , it appears by the preambles of all those statutes in that reign , that the kingdom made every one of them in their own defence , and to preserve themselves from popish attempts , and that the nation had utterly perished without them . and then in kings iames's time , did not the papists digg under the very pillars of the kingdom , and make them shake , when they laid so many barrels of gunpowder under the parliament-house ? and was it not high time to tye their hands by the acts which followed ; by more closely confining them to their houses , by banishing them ten miles from london , by disabling them not only from all offices , but from being in any publick employment , and by thorowly disarming them , so much as from wearing a sword. and was it not time , in the late king's reign , to put new life into the disabling acts , by the addition of a test , when several papists had gotten the greatest offices of the kingdom into their hands ? and then as for the parliament-test , that the papists may not be our law-givers , besides the perpetual necessity of such a law , the occasion of it is still upon record both in mens minds , and very largely in the iournal of the house of lords , and in other inferiour courts of record . and if these were all of them necessary laws when they were made , they are become ten times more necessary since : for now popery has beset us , and and hemmed us in on every side . we have an army of priests and jesuites , the true fore-runners of antichrist , in the bowels of the kingdom ; nay , the pope himself , who by several laws is declared to be the publick enemy of the kingdom , has arrived some time since in his nuncio , and is now compassing the land in his four apostolick uicars . and therefore to talk of repealing laws , when we want the strictest execution of them , is talk only fit for bedlam : and that nation which repeals necessary laws , when it has the greatest necessity for them , must be concluded to be weary of its own life , and is felo de se ! secondly , i come now to the penal laws against the dissenters , concerning which , i shall say the less , because god's time for the repealing of those laws is not yet come ; for if they cannot be repealed in this juncture of time , unless the dissenters put forth their hands to the setting up of idolatry , then they cannot be repealed : and therefore what cannot be now done without manifest impiety , must even be let alone till it can be done with a good conscience . as for the good disposition which is in the conformists , to repeal those laws , with the first opportunity , that is always to be measured by actions rather than words , and therefore i shall give them an instance of it in the bill for repealing the 25th of elizabeth , which passed both houses , of a church of england parliament , thô the dissenters lost the benefit of that pledge , and earnest of their good will , and are not ignorant which way it was lost . but in the mean time , if our dissenting brethren should endeavour to get these laws repealed , by parting on their side with the laws against popery , then i begg of them to minde the plain english of such conditions . it is as if the dissenters should say thus to the papist : do you help us to set up meeting-houses , and we will do as much for your mass-houses : let but the pure worship of god be established without ceremonies , and we are content , that idolatry itself shall go share and share like , in the same establishment : to make a magna charta which shall be equal , let christ have his part in it , and antichrist shall be sure to have his : our business is to receive the sacrament without kneeling ; and upon that condition , we will joyn in the making of laws , which shall authorize the deifying a bit of bread , the worshipping of it for a god , the praying to it , idolatry , blasphemy , any thing in the world for them that like it . now is not this a very fair speech , and does it not well become the mouths of protestants ! i would fain press this home upon the consciences , both of those dissenters who are hired , and of those who are not hired , to labour the repeal of our laws : do you fear the informers more than god ? will you , for the sake of your little conveniencies , do the greatest evils , which you know to be such ? you know in your very hearts , that the worship of images , crosses , and of a wafer , is abominable idolatry ; that the half communion is sacriledge ; and that many other points of popery are blasphemous fables : and will you set up this for one of your religions , as by law established ? will you do all that hands can do , to entail idolatry upon the nation , not only removendo prohibens , as divines destinguish , by pulling down the laws which hinder it , but also promovendo adjuvans , and by making a perpetual magna charta for it ? the laws and constitution of a country do denominate that country ; if atheism were here authorized by law , this would be an atheistical nation ; and if idolatry be set up by law , it is an idolatrous nation ; and all that have any hand in it , make it the sin of the nation , as well as their own . think therefore of these things in time , before you have involved both yourselves and your country in a miserable estate ; and remember poor francis spira who went against light. but , 2ly , there is just as much prudence as conscience in these proceedings ; for by repealing the laws against popery , you reverse the outlawry , and take off those legal disabilities which the papists now lie under , and which have hitherto tied their hands from destroying hereticks . when papists shall be right justices and sheriffs , and not counterfeits , when they shall be probi & legales homines , and pass muster in law , when they shall be both our legal judges and our lawful juries , and when protestants come to be tryed by their country , that is to say , by their twelve popish godfathers , they may easily know what sort of blessing they are to expect . the papists want nothing but these advantages , to make a fair riddance of all protestants ; for we see by several of their late pamphlets , that if any thing be said against popery , they have a great dexterity in laying it treason . now this is a civil way of answering arguments , for which we are bound to thank them , because it so plainly discovers what they would be at , if it were in their power . but how comes it to be treason to speak against a religion which is itself high treason , and is proscribed by so many laws ? why , their medium is this , that popery is the king's religion , and therefore , by an innuendo , what is said against that , is meant against him . but is there any law of england , that popery shall be the king's religion ? or is it declared by any law , that popery either is , or can be his religion ? on the other hand , we are enabled by an act in this very reign , to pronounce popery to be a false religion , and to assert the religion which is now professed in the church of england , and established by the laws of this realm , to be the true christian religion . act for building st. anne's church , p. 133. but these gentlemen it seems are for hanging men without law , or against law , or any how ; and therefore we thank them again , for being thus plain with us before-hand . now if they be thus insolent , when they are so very obnoxious themselves , and have halters about their own necks , with what a rod of iron will they rule us , when they are our masters ! what havock will they then make of the nation , when we already see magdalen-colledge , which was lately a flourishing society of protestants , now made a den of iesuites ; and that done too in such a way , as shakes all the property in england ? or who can be safe , after our laws are repealed , when endeavours have been lately used , to extract sedition even out of prayers and tears , and the bishops humble petition was threatned to be made a treasonable libel ? but here the dissenters have a plausible excuse for themselves : for say they , we have now an opportunity of getting the laws which are against us repealed , which is clear gain ; and as for our refusing to repeal the laws against popery , there is nothing gotten by that , either to us or to any body else ; for they are already as good as repealed by the dispensing power : and therefore such discourse as this , only advises us to stand in our own light , without doing any good to the nation at all ; for there will be popish justices , sheriffs , judges , and juries , whether we will or no , for whatsoever we refuse to do , the dispensing power will supply . to which i answer , do you keep your hands off from repealing the laws , let who will contravene or transgress them , for then you are free from the bloud of all men ; you have no share in the guilt of those mischiefs which befal your country , which would , sooner or later , be a heavy burden , and a dead weight upon the conscience of any protestant . but besides , let the laws alone , and they will defend both themselves and us too : for if the law says , that a papist shall not , nor cannot have an office , then he shall not nor cannot ; for who can speak louder than the laws ! as for a dispensing power , inherent in the king , which can set aside as many of the laws of the land as he pleases , and suspend the force and obligation of them , ( which has been lately held forth by many false and unlawful pamphlets ) the dissenters know very well that there is no such thing ; but that no body may pretend ignorance , i shall here prove , in very few words , that by the established laws of the land , the king cannot have such a dispensing power ; unless dispensing with the laws , and executing the laws be the same thing ; and unless both keeping the laws himself , and causing them to be kept by all others , be the english of dispensing with them : for in the statute of provisors , 25th edw. 3. c. 25. we have this laid down for law , that the king is bound to execute those statutes which are unrepealed , and to cause them to be kept as the law of the realm : the words are these , speaking of a statute made in the time of edward the first , which statute holdeth always his force , and was never defeated or annulled in any point , and by somuch our soveraign lord the king is bound by his oath to do , the same to be kept as the law of this realm , although by sufferance and negligence it hath since been attempted to the contrary . so that the coronation oath , and the dispensing power , are here by king edward the third , and his parliament , declared to be utterly inconsistent . now the coronation oath is a fundamental law of this kingdom , for it is antecedent to the oath of allegiance . accordingly if you look upon the coronation oath in the parliament rowl , 1st hen. 4th , you shall there find , that in the third branch of it , the king grants and promises upon his oath , that the laws shall be kept and protected by him , secundum vires suas , to the utmost of his power ; and therefore he has no power left him to dispense withal . by which it appears , that those men are the wretched enemies both of the king and kingdom , who would fain perswade the king that he has this dispensing power ; because therein they endeavour to perswade him , that perjury is his prerogative . heretofore , in tresilian's time , some of the oracles of the law were consulted , whether it could stand with the law of the kingdom , that the king might obviate and withstand the ordinances concerning the king and the kingdom , which were made in the last parliament , by the peers and commons of the realm , with the king's assent , though ( as the courtiers said ) forced in that behalf ? and they made answer , that the king might annul such ordinances , and change them at his pleasure , into a better fashion , because he was above the laws , knyghton col. 2693. now this was very false law , as those judges found afterwards to their cost ; and it was grounded on the worst reason that could be : for they must needs know from all their books , and from the mirror in particular , p. 282. that the first and soveraign abusion of the law ( that is , the chief contrariety and repugnancy to it ) is for the king to be above the law , whereas he ought to be subject to it , as is contained in his oath . neither could they be ignorant of that argument which the peers used , to shew the absurdity of such a supposition ; it is recorded in the annals of barton , set forth , as i take it , by mr. obadiah walker . si rex est supra legem , tunc est extra legem ; num rex angliae est exlex ? if the king be above the law , then he is without the law. what! is the king of england an outlaw ? and as for the words of bracton , they were too plain either to need a comment or translation , rex habet superiorem deum , item legem per quam factus est rex , item curiam suam , scil . comites & barones . as likewise those other words of his , ubi voluntas imperat & non lex , ibi non est rex : where he makes it the very essence of our king , to govern according to law. having therefore shewn , that the laws are always in full force till they are revoked by the same authority which made them , and that all persons whatsoever are bound to the laws , and that the laws themselves were never in bondage to any man ; we know from thence , what we are to conclude , concerning those papists , who pretend to be in office , in defiance to the laws . we had once a mischievous distinction of sheriffs de iure , and sheriffs de facto ; but those , who pretend to be in office without taking the test , are no officers either in right or in fact : for the 25 car. 2. says , that their offices are ipso facto , void , and then those officers are ipso facto , no officers , and can do us no more hurt than if they were under ground ; and therefore we need not trouble our heads about them , though they may in all likelihood fall under the care and consideration of a parliament . after all , some persons may possibly be so far deluded , as to think there is somewhat of equity in the toleration of papists , and that it is the christian rule of doing as one would be done by . now for any papist to plead this rule of equity himself , or any body else in his behalf , is just as if a high-way-man should thus urge it upon his judge ; my lord , if you hang me , you break the golden rule ; for i am sure you are not willing to be so served yourself , nor to hang with me . now the equity of the judge in this case does not lye , either in forbearing to punish the offender , or in hanging with him for company , but in being content to submit to the same law , if he himself should commit the same crime and so are we willing to lye under all the penal laws , whenever we turn papists : and therefore no body can tax us with want of equity ; because we do no otherways to the papists , than we are willing to be done by , in the same case . but it may be said , that our conscience does not serve us to be papists , though theirs does . neither does the judge's conscience serve him to rob , though it seems the high-way-man's did ; and therefore take heed of liberty of conscience . still it may be further replied , that this is properly a judicial cau●● , because robbery is a breach of the peace and of property , and therefore ought to b●●●●●shed : whereas the worship and service of god according to a mans conscience , 〈◊〉 it be amiss , yet it ought not to be punished by humane laws , but is to be reserved to the ●●●●●ment of god alone , who is lord of conscience . now this is the new doctrine which i shall prove to be false , by positive and ex●●●ss scripture . for iob says , chap. 31. v. 28. that if his heart had been secretly perswaded , and he had thereupon kissed his hand to the sun or moon , this were an iniquity to be punished by the iudge , because he had therein lyed against the god above . so that though a mans heart and conscience lead him to idolatry , yet iob tells us , this is inditable ; it is avon pelili , a judicial crime , and as punishable by human laws , as adultery with another mans wife is ; as you have it in the same phrase in the 11th verse of the same chapter . the second instance of a punishable conscience in the service of god , is that which our saviour gives us , 16 iohn 2. yea the time cometh , that whosoever killeth you , will think he doth god service . now i would fain 〈◊〉 whether such a conscience as this ought not to be restrained and punished : and whether it be sacriledge for human laws to controle conscience , i mean such a one 〈◊〉 kills and murders for god's sake ? and i ask again , whether there be no consciences of this stamp now in the world : and whether there has not been an holy inquisition , religious crusadoes , and meritorious massacres to extirpate hereticks , and abundance of this divine service in the church of rome ? whether they have not offered up whole hecatombs of these sacrifices in most countries ? and whether a neighbouring prince has not been highly extolled , and had all his most christian titles double gilt , with the flatteries of his clergy , for the late merit of his religious service in this kind ? and therefore if men will do things in order , let them first send for a breed of irish wolves , and give them english liberties ; let them dig down their walls , and let in the sea ; let them begin with some of these preliminaries , before they think of repealing the laws against popery , and of letting loose such consciences as these upon us . to conclude therefore , it highly concerns you , in the choice of parliament-men , to decline all those men , who are willing to consent to so great and so fatal a revolution , as the repeal of so many laws at once ; which would plainly expose the protestant religion to be swallowed up . you want men like their ancestors , who had the courage and resolution to declare in parliament , nolumus leges angliae mutari ; we will not have the laws of england altered . chuse such as will not betray the great trust you repose in them . the writ for elections says , that you impower your representatives ; tell them therefore for what you impower them ; for the maintenance and preservation of the protestant religion , and of our good laws , and not for their destruction . and when you have done this , and taken all the care you can , you have done your duties : and i have nothing more to add , but , god speed your elections . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a46956-e10 11. r. ● . indulgence and toleration considered in a letter unto a person of honour. owen, john, 1616-1683. 1667 approx. 67 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53703 wing o763 estc r18063 13165407 ocm 13165407 98229 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53703) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98229) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 431:16) indulgence and toleration considered in a letter unto a person of honour. owen, john, 1616-1683. 31 p. [s.n.], london : 1667. presumably an answer to: a proposition for the safety and happiness of the king and kingdome / david jenkins. 1667. written by john owen. cf. bm. errata on p. 31. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jenkins, david, 1582-1663. -proposition for the safety and happiness of the king and kingdom. church and state -england. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion indvlgence and toleration considered : in a letter unto a person of honour . london , printed in the year 1667. sir , i have considered the discourses sent me , published lately about indulgence and toleration . at their first view , i confess i was not a little surprized with their number , as not understanding the reason of their multiplication at this time , nor what it was that had made them swarm so unseasonably . upon their perusal , i quickly perceived a defect in them all , which could no other ways be supplied ; whether it be so by this means or no , impartial men will judge . the design seems to have been ; that what is wanting in them singly in reason , may joyntly be made up in noise ; and their respective defects in argument , be supplied by their communion in suffrage . it will doubtless be the wisdom of those who are concerned in what they oppose , to stand out of their way , at least until the storm is over . — omnis campis diffugit arator omni & agricola , — dum pluit in terris , ut possint sole reducto excercere diem . — their reason will be better attended to , when this earnestness hath a littl● spent it self . for men who have attained more than perhaps they ever aimed at , at least than they had just reason to expect , have commonly for a while strong desires to secure their possessions , which time and a due consideration of their title and interest , may somewhat calm and allay . in the mean time , because you expect it , i shall give you a brief account of my thoughts concerning the matter treated of by them ; and if that do not too long detain me , of the reasonings also which they make use of . some things i do much commend their ingenuity in ; for whereas two things were proposed to them , a compliance with some by way of condescention , and a forbearance of others by way of moderation , they equally declare against them both . they will neither admit others to them , but upon their own terms to the utmost punctilio ; nor bear with any in their dissent from them in the least different observances ; but all must be alike pursued by law and force , to their ruine . whether this seem not to be the frame of mens spirits , whose fortune and power ( as one of them speaks ) tempts them to an insolency , sober and dis-interested persons will judge . the minds i confess of fortunate men are for the most part equal unto their successes : and what befalls them , they count their due . nothing else could perswade these men that they alone were to be esteemed english , men , and that not onely as unto all priviledges and advantages attending that title ; but so far also , as to desire that all who differ from them , should be exterminated from their native soyl. it were well if we could see more of their endeavours to merit so high a favour , more of that usefulness , and advantage which they bring to the kingdom , that might countenance them in pleading that they alone ought to be in it . for my part , i can see little consistency with christianity , humanity , or prudence , in these resolutions . for certainly if that be christian religion which we are taught in the gospel , it inclines men , especially those who are teachers of it , ( such as the authors of these discourses , at least most of them , seem to be ) unto a greater condescention than that expressed , upon the causes , and for the ends of its being desired . the request of some for a condescention , seems to be no more , but that the rulers of the church would forbear the prescription and imposition of such things on the consciences and practise of men , ( for it is vain to pretend that conscience is not concerned in practise in the worship of god ) as there is not one word about , nor any thing inclining , leading , or directing towards , in the whole bible , that were never thought of , mentioned or commanded by jesus christ , or his apostles , or any apostolical men ; that if they had not unhappily fallen upon the minds of some men to invent , none knows who , nor where , nor when , would have had no concernment in christian religion . they indeed who impose them , say they are things indifferent . but the differences that have been almost this hundred years about these things indifferent , is enough to frighten and discourage unbiass'd men from having any thing to do with them . and what wise man , methinks would not at length be contented , that these differences and indifferent things may be parted withal together ? besides , they on whom they are imposed , account them not so : they look upon them as unlawful for them to use and practise ( all circumstances considered ) at least most of them do so . and they plead by the important argument of their sufferings , that it is meerly on the account of conscience that they do not conform unto them . others think that it is not so ; but i am sure it is possible that it may be so ; and if it be so , they cannot use them without endangering the eternal ruine of their own souls ; though others may speed otherwise in their observances , who have other thoughts and apprehensions of their nature and use. and yet on the other side , if those that impose these things , can make it appear with any probability , ( i had almost said if they would but pretend ) that they were obliged in conscience to impose them , by my consent there should be an end of this strife . but whilst there is this left-handed contest , real will and pretended prudence , fighting against conscience and duty , it is like to be untoward and troublesome . and for what end is it that some desire that there might be at least some relaxation as to the present severe impositions of some of the things which are thus contended about ? they say it is meerly that they might serve god in the gospel to the good of others , without sinning against him , to the ruine of themselves . they speak particularly unto men who profess it to be their calling , their work , their design to promote the blessed ends of the gospel towards the souls of men : they desire of them that they may have leave to come and help them in reference unto this end . nor can it be pretended , that they themselves are sufficient for the work , and that they have no need of the assistance of others : god and man know that this cannot be reasonably pleaded . and this is a business , which certainly by such men as profess themselves to be guides and rulers of the church , can hardly be justified unto him who is the great lord of it . when the disciples found some casting out of devils in his name , they rebuked them because they followed not with them ; a worse and greater non-conformity than that which some are now charged withal ; and yet the rebuke of others , procured only one to themselves . he said well of old , concerning those who contended to promote common good ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this is a good strife for mortal men : so is that which is for promoting of the good of the souls of men by the preaching of the gospel ; and shall it be forbid for such things , — quae dicere nolo , of so little importance are they in this matter , which hath an influence into eternity . what is answered unto this request ? stories are told of things past and gone ; scattered interests , dissolved intrigues , buried miscarriages , such as never can have any aspect on the present posture of affairs , and minds of men in this nation , are gathered together , and raked out of their graves , to compose mormoes for the affrightment of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a regard to the ways of peace and moderation : this they enlarge upon with much rhetorick , and some little sophistry ; like him of old , of whom it was said , that being charged with other things , — crimina rasis librat in antithetis ; doctas posuisse figuras landatur . — many inconveniencies are preterded , as like to ensue upon such a condescention : but in the mean time men die , and some it may be perish for want of that help and instruction in the things of eternity , which there are many ready to give them , whilst it is altogether uncertain , whether any one of the pretended inconveniencies will ensue or no : i fear whilst men are so engaged in their thoughts about what is good and convenient for them at the present , they do scarce sufficiently ponder , what account of their actions they must make hereafter . but neither is this all that these authors contend for : men are not only denied by them an admission into their societies to preach the gospel , unless it be on such terms as they cannot in conscience admit of , and which others are no way obliged in conscience to imposs upon them ; but all forbearance of , or indulgence unto them who cannot conform unto the present establishment , is decried , and pleaded against : what though men are peaceable , and useful in the common-wealth ? what though they are every way sound in the faith , and cordialy imbrace all the doctrine taught formerly in the church of england ? what though those in this condition are many , and such as in whose peace and industry , the welfare of the nation is exceedingly concerned ? what if they offer to be instructed by any who will take that work upon them , in the things about which their differences are ? what if they plead conscience towards god , and that alone , in their dissent ; it being evidently against their whole temporal interest ? what if they have given evidence of their readiness in the ways of christ and the gospel , to oppose every errour that is either pernicious to the souls of men , or any way of an evil aspect to publique peace and tranquility ? all is one , they are neither severally , nor joyntly , no one of them , nor all of them , in the judgment of these gentlemen , to be forborn , or to have any indulgence exercised toward them ; but laws are to be made and put in execution against them to their ruine , extirpation and destruction . it may be it will be said , that these things are unduly imposed on them , seeing they press for a prosecution of men by laws and rigour , not for dissenting from what is established , or not practising what is prescribed in the publick worship of god , but for practising what is of their own choice therein , in meetings and assemblies of their own ; otherwise they may keep their consciences unto themselves without molestation . but it doth not appear , that this can be justly pleaded in their defence : for as the prohibition of men under severe and distructive penalties , from that exercise of the worship of god , which is suitable to their light , and which they are convinced that he requires of them , so that in nothing it interfere with the fundamentals of christian religion , or publick tranquility , is as destitute of all foundation in scripture and reason at all times , and as things may be circumstantiated in prudence or policy ; as the inforcing of them to a practical compliance with any mode or way of worship against their light and conscience ; so the practice in this latter case hath been more severe amongst us , than in the former . for a testimony hereof , we have those great multitudes which at this day are excommunicated by the courts ecclesiastical , meerly for their not attending the publique assemblies of the nation in their administrations : and as they are by this means , as things now stand , cast , as they say , into the condition of men out-lawed and deprived of all priviledges of their birth-right as english-men ( of which sort there are forty times more , than have been proceeded against unto the same issue in all his majesties courts of justice in england for many years ) so in the pursuite of that sentence , many are cast into prisons , where they lye perishing ( sundry being dead in that state already ) whilst their families are starved or reduced to the utmost extremity of poverty , for want of those supplies which their industry formerly furnished them with all : and what influence this will have into the state of this nation ; time will manifest , if men are not as yet at leasure to consider . the hands that by this means are taken off from labour , the stocks from imployment , the minds from contrivances of industry in their own concerns , the poverty that is brought on families , in all which the common good hath no small interest , are not i fear sufficiently considered by persons whose fullness and plenty either diverts their thoughts from taking notice of them , or keeps off any impressions on their minds and judgments from what is represented concerning them . others begin to feel the evil , whose morning they saw not , gathering up towards them , in the decay of their revenues , and intanglements of their estates , which without timely remedy , will increase upon them , untill the breach grow too great for an ordinary healing . and i am perswaded that none who have been active in these proceedings , will take upon themselves the trouble of confirming this kind of church discipline out of the scriptures , or examples of the primitive churches , for some hundreds of years . this therefore , is that which by these men is pleaded for ; namely that all the protestants in england who so dissent from the established forms and modes of worship , as either to absent themselves from their observances , or to attend unto any other way of worship , which being suitable to the principles of that religion which they profess , ( namely protestantism ) they are perswaded is according to the mind of god , and which he requires of them , be proceeded against , not onely with ecclesiastical censures , but also with outward , pecuniary , and corporal punishments , to the depriving of them in the progress , of their whole liberty , freedom , and benefit of the laws of the land , and in some cases unto death it self ; and that no dispensation or relaxation of this severity , be countenanced or granted . and herein i confess , whatever pretences be used , whatever fears and jealousies of events upon a contrary course , or the granting of an indulgence be pleaded , i am not of their minds ; nor do i think that any countenance can be given to this severe principle and opinion , either from the scriptures of the old or new testament , or from the example of any who ever endeavoured a conformity unto the rules of them . this is the state of the controversie , as by these authors formed and handled ; nor may any thing else be pretended , when such multitudes are ready to give evidence unto it , by what they have suffered and undergone . do but open the prisons for the relief of those peaceable , honest , industrious , diligent men , who some of them have lain several years in durance , meerly in the pursuit of excommunication , and there will be testimony enough given to this state of the controversie . this being so , pray give me leave to present you with my hasty thoughts , both as to the reasonableness , conscience , and principles of pursuing that course of severity towards dissenters , which i find so many concerned persons to plead for : and also of the way of their arguings and pleas. and first as unto reason and conscience , i think men had need look well unto the grounds of their actings , in things wherein they proceed against the common consent of mankind , expressed in all instances of the like occasion , that have occurred in the world ; which is as great an evidence of the light and law of nature , as any can be obtained . for what all men generally consent in , is from the common nature of all . we are not indeed much concerned to inquire after the practise of the heathen in this matter , because as the apostle testifies , their idolatrous confusion in religion was directly and manifestly against the light of nature ; and where the foundation was laid in a transgression of that law , it is no wonder if the proceeding upon it be so also . there was a law amongst the romans , reported by the orator to be one of those of the twelve tables , forbidding any to have private gods of their own : but this regarded the gods themselves , the object of their worship , and not the way of worshipping them , which was peculiar and separate to many families and tribes amongst them , and so observed . scarce any family or tribe of note , that had not its special and separate sacra . besides , they seemed to have little need of any new authorized gods , seeing as varro observed , they had of them they owned , no less than thirty thousand . and i have often thought that law was imposed on them by the craft and projection of satan , to keep them off from the knowledge of the true god : for notwithstanding this law , they admitted into their superstition all sorts of idols even the folly of egyptians themselves , as having temples in rome unto isis and scrapis . onely this law was pleaded to keep off the knowledge of the true god , act. 18. 13. and of him they had the highest contempt , calling the place of his worship , the land — dei incerti . — and the custome among the athenians not to admit any strange objects of worship , any unwarranted devotion , was never made use of , but to oppose the gospel , unless it were when they destroyed the wisest and best man that ever the city bred , for giving some intimation of the true god , and not consenting with the city in opinion about their established devotions : other use of these laws there was none . it is true , when any sacra or superstitious observances were actually used to induce men and women to sin and wickedness , contrary to the light of nature , the very being of civil societies , the romans severely animadverted upon them : otherwise this law was not made use of , but onely against the jews first , and the christians afterwards ; whereby it was consecrated to the use of idolatry , and rendred unmeet for the churches service or reception . the jews were those who were first intrusted with the truth of religion and the worship of god. and it is known what was their law , their custom , their practice in this matter . whoever would dwell amongst them , if they owned their fundamentals , they afforded them the blessing and peace of the land. all that they required of such persons , was but the observation of the seven noachical precepts , containing the principles of the light of nature , as to the worship of one god , and moral honesty amongst men ; whoever would live amongst them of the gentiles , and took upon themselves the observation of these fundamentals , although they subjected themselves to no instituted ordinances , they called proselytes of the gate , and gave them all liberty and peace . and in those who submitted unto the law of moses , who knows not what different sects and opinions , and modes of worship there were amongst them , which they never once supposed that they had any rule to proceed against by external force and coercion . the case is yet more evidently expressed in the judgement and actings of the first christians . it will be utterly superfluous to shew how that for three hundred years , there was not any amongst them who entertained thoughts of outward force against those who differed from the most , in the things of christian religion . it hath been done i perceive of late by others , and yet in that space of time , with that principle , the power of religion subdued the world , and brake the force of that law whereby the romans through the instigation of satan , endeavoured with force and cruelty to suppress it . when the empire became christian , the same principle bare sway . for though there were mutual violences offered by those who differed in great and weighty fundamental truths , as the homousians and arians ; as to those who agreeing in the important doctrines of the gospel , took upon themselves a peculiar and separate way of worship and discipline of their own , whereby they were exempt from the common course and discipline of the church , then in use , never any thoughts entered into men , to give unto them the least disturbance . the kingdom of aegypt alone had at the same time above forty thousand persons , men and women , living in their private and separate way of worship , without the least controul from the governours of church or state ; yea , with their approbation and incouragement . so was it all the world over , not to mention the many different observances that were in and amongst the churches themselves , which occasioned not division , much less persecution of one another . and so prevalent is this principle , that notwithstanding all their design for a forcing unto an uniformity , as their peculiar interest , yet it hath taken place in the church of rome it self , and doth so to this day . it is known to all , that there is no nation wherein that religion is inthroned , but that there are thousands in it that are allowed their particular ways of worship , and are exempt from the common ordinary jurisdiction of the church . it seems therefore , that we are some of the first who ever any where in the world , from the foundation of it , thought of ruining and destroying persons of the same religion with our selves , meerly upon the choice of some peculiar ways of worship in that religion . and it 's but reasonable , as was observed , for men to look well to the grounds of what they do , when they act contrary to the principles of the law of nature , exprest in so many instances by the consent of mankind . and i fear all men do not aright consider , what a secret influence into the enervating of political societies such intrenchments on the principles of natural light , will assuredly have . for those things which spring up in the minds of men without arguing or consideration from without , will insensibly prevail in them against all law and constitution to the contrary . it is in vain to turn nature out of doors , it will return . and whence shall we learn what natureinclines unto , unless from the common practise of mankind in all instances , where an evident demonstration may not be given , of the prevalent influence of the interest of some men unto the contrary ? which is . — pessimus diuturnitatis custos . it will not always prevail , nor ever at any time without great regreet and commotion in the minds of men , who have no concern in that interest . consider also the thing it self , of forcing the consciences of man , in manner before expressed ; and you will find it so uncouth ; as i am perswaded you will not know well what to make of it . learned divines tell us , that conscience is the judgement that a man maketh of himself and his actions , with reference to the future judgement of god ; or to that purpose . now let others do what they will , conscience will still make this judgment , nor can it do otherwise . whatever men can alter in the outward actings of mens lives , they can alter nothing in the inward constitution of the nature given it by god in its creation , which refers to its future end. how can this be forced ? it is said therefore , let men take this liberty unto themselves : who forbids them to judge of themselves and of their actions , what they please ? none goes about to take this liberty from them . but is this all ? conscience doth not judge of men and their actions , but with respect unto what in the name of god it requires them to be , and to do . it first requires several things of them in the name of god , and then judges upon their performance , with reference unto the judgement of god : and this is the soveraign dictate of it , worship god according to that light and understanding which you have , of what is that worship which is acceptable with him , in matter and manner , and no otherwise . if this command be not obeyed , conscience will judge with reference unto the judgement to come . let conscience then have its liberty for this work , and this difference is at an end . but it will be said , if conscience must be free as to it first act of directing and commanding , as well as unto its self-judging , it may lead men to all abominations , wickedness , murthers , sedition and filthiness ; and so a liberty unto them also must be granted . so i have heard men speak , but i have wondered also that any man that hath a conscience of his own , or knows what conscience is , should give entertainment to so fond an immagination : i would ask any man whether ever he found any such direction in his own conscience , or any inclination that way ? nay , if he have not constantly sound a severe interdiction given in by his conscience against all such things ? and how can he then conceive it possible that the conscience of any man should be of such a make , and constitution ; seeing naturally it is abselutely the same in all . besides , as was said , it is a mans judgment of himself in reference to the future judgment of god. and this intimation supposeth , that a man may judge that god at the last day will approve of adaltery , murders , seditions and the like evils ! which is to suppose all common inbred notions of god to be blotted out of the mind : nay it is utterly impossible , as implying a contradiction , that any man should consider god as a iudge , as conscience doth always , and suppose his approbation of the evils specified , or of any of the like nature and importance : but men will yet say that conscience hath been pretended for these things . i answer , never by any in their witts . and what any brain-sick , or enthusiastick person may say or doe in his paroxisms , is not to have any place in considerations of what becomes a guidance of the actions of man-kind one towards another . it is true ; that somethings as they have been circumstantiated , have been debated , even in conscience , whether they have been lawful or no ; that is whether god would approve of them , or condemn them at the last day . but what is evil in it self , and against the light of nature , there is no direction unto it , no approbation of it from conscience in the least . to take away this liberty of conscience in things of its proper cognizance and duty , seems to me , to be as much as to say , men shall not judge themselves with referrence to the judgment of god to come ; which is to put gods great vicegerent out of his place and throne . let us now apply this notion of conscience unto the present occasion . there is prescribed a way of divine worship , with ceremonies , forms of prayer , and orders for the administration of sacraments , all things that concern the joynt and publique worship of god. what is the work or duty of conscience in reference hereunto ? is it not , in the first place , to apply the mind and understanding to consider of what sort it is , in referrence unto the future judgment of god ? this cannot be denied ; the first actings of a man who makes any conscience of what hedoes , must be of this sort . if then it apprehend it to be such as god will approve of the practice , and observation of it at the last day , conscience is satisfied , and reflects no self-condemning thoughts upon its observance . but suppose a man doth not understand it so to be ; he cannot conceive it to be appointed so by christ , nor that any men have warrant , authority , or commission to impose on the practice of others what is not so appointed by him . how shall he do to be otherwise minded ? can he force himself to assent unto that , whereunto in truth he doth not assent ? is it in his power so to do : ask any man who hath an understanding , whether he can apply it to what he will ; that is to assent , or not assent unto what is proposed unto him : all men will assuredly say , that their assent necessarily followeth the evidence that they have of the truth of any thing , and that otherwise it is not to be obtained . the mind despiseth all violence , or coaction from the will : yea , it implys a contradiction that a man should cause himself to assent unto that unto which he doth not assent . can then other men compell this assent ? it is so far otherwise that god himself will not ; yea , be it spoken with reverence of his holiness , cannot force such an assent , seeing it implies a contradiction ; namely , that a man should assent and not assent to the same proposition at the same time : neither can a man himself force himself , neither can all the men in the world force him , to understand more than he doth understand , or can do so . men do not seem to have exercised many reflect acts of considertaion on themselves , who suppose that any can command their understandings to apprehend what they please , or to assent unto things at their will. these things follow conviction and evidence ; and so god himself procures the assent of men unto what he revealeth ; and otherwise the understanding is absolutly free from all imposition . if a man then cannot understand these things to be approved of god , and accepted with him ; suppose they are so , yet if a man cannot apprehend them so to be , what is the next work that conscience will apply it self unto ? is it not to declare in the soul , that if it practise these things , god will judge it the last day , and pronounce sentence against him ? for conscience , as was said , is a mans judgement of himself and his moral actions , with respect unto the future judgement of god. and i am perswaded that this is the condition of thousands , in reference to the present impositions . their apprehensions and judgements of themselves in this matter , are to them unavoidable and insuperable . it is not in their power to think otherwise than they do , nor to judge otherwise of themselves in reference unto the the practise of the things imposed on them , than they do . neither can all the men in the world force them to think or judge otherwise . if ever light , and evidence unto their conviction of the contrary , is imparted to them , or do befall them , they will think and judge according to it ; in the mean time , they crave that they may not be forced to act against their light and consciences , and so unavoidably cast themselves into destruction . all then that some desire of others , is , that they would but give them leave to endeavour to please god ; seeing they know it is a fearful thing to fall into his hands as an avenger of sin. god deals not thus with men ; for although he requires them to believe whatever he reveals , and proposes as an object of faith , and to obey whatever he commands , yet he gives them sufficient evidence for the one , and warranty of his authority in the other ; and himself alone is judge of what evidence is so sufficient . but men can do neither of these : they can neither give evidence to their propositions , nor warrant to their authority in their impositions in spiritual things , and yet they exact more than doth god himself : but so it is , when once his throne is invaded , his holiness , wisdom , and clemency are not proposed to be imitated , but a fond abuse of soveraignity alone , is aimed at . to impose penaltics then infercing men to a compliance and acting in the worship of god , contrary unto what they are convinced in their consciences to be his mind and will , is to endeavour the inforcing of them to reject all respects unto the future judgments of god ; which as it is the highest wickedness in them to do , so hath not god authorized any of the sons of men , by any means to endeavour their compulsion unto it . for the former of these , that men may act in the things of god , contrary unto what they are perswaded he requires of them ; i suppose none will ever attempt to perswade themselves or others . atheisme will be the end of such an endeavour . the sole question is , whether god hath authorized , and doth warrant any man , of what sort soever , to compell others to worship and serve him , contrary to the way and manner that they are in their consciences perswaded that he doth accept and approve . god indeed where men are in errours and mistakes about his will and worship would have them taught , and instructed , and sendeth out his own light and truth to guide them , as seemeth good unto him . but to affirm that he hath authorized men to proceed in the way before mentioned , is to say , that he hath set up an authority against himself , and that which may give controule to his. these things being so , seeing men are bound indispensibly not to worship god so as they are convinced and perswaded , that he will not be worshiped ; and to worship him as he hath appointed and commanded , upon the penalty of answering their neglect and contempt her●of with their everlasting condition at the last day ; and seeing god hath not warranted or authorized any man to inforce them to act contrary to their light , and that perswasion of his mind and will which he hath given them in their own consciences ; nor to punish them for yeilding obedience in spiritual things unto the command of god as his mind is by them apprehended , if the things themselves , though mistaken , are such as no way interfere with the common light of nature or reason of man-kind , the fundamental articles of christian religion , moral honesty , civil society , and publike tranquility : especially if in the things wherein men acting , as is supposed , according to their own light and conscience in difference from others , are of small importance , and such as they probably plead are unduly and ungroundedly imposed on their practice , or prohibited unto them , it remains to be considered whether the grounds and ends proposed in exercise of the severity pleaded for , be agreeable to common rules of prudence , or the state and condition of things in this nation . the ground which men proceed upon in their resolutions for severity , seemes to be , that the church and common-wealth may stand upon the same bottome and foundation ; that their interest may be every way the same , of the same breadth and length , and to be mutually narrowed or widened by each other . the interest of the kingdome they would have to stand upon the bottome of uniformity : so that the government of it should , as to the beneficial ends of government , comprehend them only , whom the church compriseth in its uniformity ; and so the kingdoms peace , should be extended only unto them , unto whom the churches peace is extended . thus they say , that the kingdom and the church , or its present order and establishment , are to be like hypocrates twins , not only to be born together , and to die together , but to cry and laugh together , and to be equally affected with their mutual concerns : but these things are evident mistakes in policy , and such as multiplied experience have evidenced so to be . the comparison of monarchie or the fundamental constitution of the policy and government of this nation , with the present church-order , and state , established on a right , mutable and changeable laws ; and which have received many alterations , and may at any time when it seems good to the king and parliament , receive more ; is expressive of a principle of so evil an aspect towards the solid foundation of the policy of this nation , as undoubtedly those who are principally concerned in it , are obliged not to admit an avowance of . for whereas it is not the gospel in general , nor christian religion , or religion considered as it best corresponds with the gospel , or the mind of christ therein , but the present church-order , rule and policy , that is intended ; all men know that it is founded in , and stands solely amongst us , on such laws , as is usual with parliaments to enact in one session , and to repeale in another ; or at least to enact in one age , and to repeale in another , according as use and experience manifests them to be conducing , or obstructing unto publick good. and whereas the constitution of the civil government of the nation , is built upon no such alterable or changable laws , but hath quite another foundation , obnoxious to nothing , but to the all-over-ruling providence of the most high , it is a great shaking and weakning unto its fixation and interest in the minds of men , to have it compared with things every day alterable at pleasure . and the attempt to plant the kingdomes peace , on the foundation of the churches uniformity , which may on a thousand occasions wherein the peace of the kingdom of it self is not in the least concerned , be narrowed unto a scantling wholy unproportionate unto such a superstruction , is without doubt as great a mistake in government as any persons can fall into . all the world knows , how full at this day it is of various opinions and practises in things concerning religion ; and how unsuccessful the attempts of all sorts have been for their extinguishment . it is no less known , as hath in part already been discoursed , how unavoidable unto men , considering the various alotments of their condition in divine providence , their different apprehensions and perswasions about these things are . he therefore that will build the interest of a nation , on an uniformity of sentiment and practices in these things , had need well fix this floating delos , if he intend not to have his government continually tossed up and down . the true civil interest of this nation , in the 〈◊〉 government , and laws thereof , with the benefits and advantages of them , and the obedience that is due unto them , every english-man is born unto ; he falls into it from the womb ; it grows up with him ; he is indispensably engaged into it , and holds all his temporal concernments by it : he is able also by natural reason to understand it , so far as in point of duty he is concerned , and is not at liberty to dissent from the community . but as for religion , it is the choice of men ; and he that chuseth not his religion , hath none : for although it is not of necessity , that a man formally chooses a religion , or one way in religion in an opposition unto , and with the rejection of another ; yet it is so that he so chooses in opposition to no religion , and with judgement about it , and approbation of that which he doth embrace , which hath the nature of a voluntary choice . this being the liberty , this the duty of every man , which is , always hath been , and probably always will be issued in great variety of perswasions , and different apprehensions , to confine the peace and interest of civil societies unto any one of them , seems scarce suitable unto that prudence which is requisite for the steerage of the present state or things in the vvorld . for my part , i can see no reason the civil state hath to expose its peace unto all those uncertain events which this principle will lead unto . and it seems very strange , and i am perswaded that on due consideration it will seem strange that any should continue in desire of confining the bottom of the nations interest in its rule and peace , unto that uniformity in religion , which as to a firm foundation in the minds and consciences of men , hath discovered it self to be no more diffused amongst the body of the people , than at present it is , and from which such multitudes do , upon grounds to themselves unconquerable , dissent ; resolving to continue so doing , whatever they suffer for it ; who yet otherwise unanimously acquiesce in the civil government , and are willing to contribute to the utmost of their endeavours , in their several places , unto its peace and prosperity . whatever therefore be the resolution as to a present procedure , i heartily wish that the principle it self might for the future be cast out of the minds of men ; that the state and rule of the nation , might not by plausible and specious pretences , suited to the interest of some few men be rendred obnoxious unto impression from the variety of opinions about things religious , which as far as i see , is like to be continued in the vvorld . especially ought this consideration , if i mistake not , be applied unto those differences about which alone this discourse is intended ; namely , those which are amongst men of the same religion in all the substantials of it , and which having been of long continuance deduced from one age to another , are greatly diffused , and deeply rooted in the minds of men ; being such also , as no countenance can be given to act severely towards them , from any thing in the scriptures , or practise of the first churches in the vvorld . and i hope it will never more amongst sober and dis-engaged persons be said or thought , that the interest of england , or of its rule and government , is in any thing confined unto a precise determination of the differences in the minds and consciences of men , so that those who are of one mind in them , and would impose the apprehension and practise of their perswasion upon others , should be alone comprehended therein . but let the ground of this severity in proceeding against dissenters be never so weak or infirm , yet if the end proposed in it be accomplished , the counsel will appear at last to have been adviseable . what then is the end of these things , of this severity so earnestly pressed after , to be engaged into ? suppose the best appearing success that in this case can be supposed , and all that seems to be desired ; namely that by external force and compulsion , men be brought unto an outward conformity in , and unto the things that are imposed on them . this is the utmost of what seems to be desired or aimed at . for no man surely is so vain as to imagine that compulsion and penalties are a means suited to perswade or convince the minds of men. nay , commonly it is known , that they have a contrary effect , and do exceedingly confirm men in their own perswasions , and into an alienation from the things they are compelled unto . suppose then this end to be obtained : is there better peace or establishment assured to the present church . order thereby , than what it may enjoy whilst men have their liberty to profess their dissent ? both reason and experience do testifie the contrary . nor will the church find any more dangerous opponents , upon any emergent occasion , that those who have been compelled to uniformity against their conviction . for bearing their condition always as their burthen , they will not be wanting unto an opportunity to ease themselves of it . and it may be sundry persons now vested with ecclesiastical power , if they would recollect their former thoughts and expressions , might remember that they both conceived and declared their mind to this purpose ; that former severities in the like kind , were unduly and disadvantagiously pursued against that strong inclination in so many unto an indulgence , and freedom from their impositions , which surely they cannot think to be now lessened or weakned . but present power is apt to change the minds of men , and make them neither remember what were their former apprehensions , nor foresee what would be their thoughts upon a disappointment in their present undertakings . but neither yet can this rationally be supposed ; nor is it probable in the least , that the outward conformity intended , will ever be obtained by rigor ; especially where the reasons of it are so remote from influencing the consciences of men. for whatever arguments may be used for a restraint to be put upon conscience , in things concerning faith and the worship of god , which must be taken from the nature of the things themselves , are utterly superseded and made useless , by the nature of the differences that are in contest between the imposers , and those that deprecate their impositions . for as very little hath been done , especially of late , to prove the lawfulness of the things imposed , nothing at all to assert their necessity ; so the nature of the things themselves , about which the difference is ; quite casts them out of the compass and reach of those arguments which are pleaded in the case of coercion and penalties in the things of religion or the worship of god. for if men should be able to prove that heresies and idolatries are to be punished in the persons of them that do assert them : no conclusion will or can be thence made , as i suppose , for their punishment and ruine , who by the confession of them that would punish them , are neither hereticks nor idolaters . force must stand alone in this case ; and what small influence it is like to have on the practices of men , when it hath no pretence of reason nor judgment , wherein conscience is concerned to give its countenance , is not uneasie to determine . nay experience hath sufficiently in most places baffled this attempt : violence hath been used in matters of religion to the shame and stain of christanity ; and yet never succeeded any where , to extinguish that perswasion and opinion which it was designed to extirpate . it may be ; for a while indeed and sometimes it may obtain such succese , as to seem to have effected the end amed at . but still within a short space , mostly in the compass of the same age , it hath been manifest , that it hath but laid in provision for future troubles , oppositions , and animofities . let the prelates , or rulers therefore of the church advise , press unto , and exercise this severity whilst they please ; they may as evidently see the issue of it , as if it were already accomplished . some may be ruined , multitudes provoked , the trade of the nation obstructed , some few be inforced unto an hypocritical compliance with what is against the light of their consciences , compassion be stirred up in the residue of the people for innocent sufferers , and by all indignation against themselves and their ways encreased ; considering what are the things about which these differences are , how deeply rooted a dissent from the present establishment is in the minds of multitudes : for how long a season that perswasion hath been delivered down unto them , evenever since the first reformation , gradualy encreasing in its suffrage to this day ; the advantages that it hath had for its growth and improvement , with successes evidently suitable unto them ; and resolution that mens spirits are raised unto , to suffer and forgo the utmost of their earthly concernments , rather than to live and die in an open rebellion to the commanding light of god in their consciences : it is the utmost vanity to have other expectations of the end of such a course of rigor and prosecution . in the mean time , i am sure whoever gets by persecution , the king looseth by it . for what if some officers of ecclesiastical courts have been inriched by the booty they have got from dissenters ? what advantage is it all this while to the kingdom ? when so many families are impoverished , so many ruined , as are by excommunications and imprisonments ensuing thereon , so many more discouraged from the exercise of their faculties , or improvment of their stocks , so many driven beyond the seas ; and yet all this nothing , unto what in the same kind , must and will ensue , if the course sometimes begun should be pursued . to me it seems that an attempt for the pretended conformity , ( for attained it will never be ) is scarce a due compensation for his majesties loss in the diminishing of his subiects and their wealth , wherewith it is and will be certainly attended . besides , to ruine men in all their substantials of body and life , for ceremonies , and those our own country-men and neighbours , seems to carry with it somewhat of that severity which english-men after the subsiding of the impetuous impressions of provocations , do naturally abhor , and will not long by any means give countenance unto . on the consideration of these things , and other doubtless of more deep investigation , his majesty hath often declared , not only his resolution to grant the indulgence intimated in his gracious declaration to that purpose , but also the exceeding suitableness of those intentions unto his own inclination and clemency . the advantages which have already ensued unto the nation , in the expectation of indulgence , have been also remembred , and repeated by him with an uncontrouleable manifestation of its conducibleness for the future , unto the peace and prosperity of the kingdom . and it seems very strange , that so noble and royal dispositions , such thoughts and counsels of wisdom and authority such protections of care and solicitude for the kingdoms good , should be all sacrificed to the interest of any one party of men whatsoever . i cannot but hope , that his majesty will re-assume those blessed counsels of peace : especially considering that the spirits of men are singularly disposed to receive and put a due valuation upon the execution of them . for all those who desiring an indulgence , though differing amongst themselves in some things , do joyntly cast their expectations and desires into a dependance on his maiesty , with advice of his parliament . and as notwithstanding their mutual differences , they are united in this expectation , so may they be made partakers of it : although in other things their differences continue , they cannot but agree in loyalty and gratitude : when the denyal of it unto them , although they still differ in other things , will reconcile their mindes in regreet against the impositions they ioyntly undergo . and , whereas men have by the fears , dangers , and sufferings which they have passed through , evidenced to all the world , that the liberty and freedome of their consciences is of more consideration with them , than all other things whatever ; and have learned themselves also how to esteem and value that liberty , without which they are sensible how miserable their condition is , and is like to be , it is impossible that any stronger obligation unto peaceableness loyalty , and thankfulness , can be put upon the subiects of any nation , then a grant of the indulgence desired would put upon multitudes in this . this would set their minds at liberty fom fears and contrivances for the avoidance of impendent dangers ; incourage them to engage the utmost of their endeavours and abilities in the businesses of peace and security , leaving them no fears , but only of any disturbance of the state of things , which hath secured unto them all their principal interests in the world. and how foolish , senceless , and unbecoming of men , would any other thoughts be ? to think , that men who have given this evidence at least , that they are such as exercise a good conscience towards god and others , in that they have suffered for it , and are ready yet farther so to do , should not despise and contemn all suggestions of unpeaceable dispositions , or should suppose that they have any community of interest with such as being not concerned in conscience with them ; at least not so far as to evidence it to be their chief and principal interest , as theirs it is ; or to have any inclination to the disturbance of the publique tranquility , wherein all their desires and aims are secured ; is to judge by such imaginations of folly , madness and wickedness , as those who use these pretences , would be loth to be judged by ; although they have not given that testimony of their respects unto conscience , which the others have done . and hereby , whereas the parliament have been necessitated through the exigence of the publique affairs , to engage the nation in payments not passed through without difficulty , they will , as was said , put a real and effectual obligation upon great multitudes of men , without the least semblance of disadvantage unto any others . neither is this a matter of any expence , but only of generous clemency in themselves , and the deposition of wrath , envy , and revenge in some few others ; things that may be parted withal , without the least detriment unto humane society . and , as it is in the matter alone of indulgence , and conscience , wherein the people are capable of a sensible obligation , others not concerned therein , being apt to think that all which is done for them , is but their due , and less sometimes then is so ; those partakers of it , by an avowment of the favour received , will be in their own minds indispensably bound to promote the common interest of publique good. it is true indeed , that the parliament have thought meet some years past , to direct unto another course of proceedure ? but dies diem docet . and wise men are never wont pertinaciously to adheer unto the pursuite of conjectures and projections about future events ; such as former laws were suited unto , against experience , and those second thoughts which a new consideration of things may suggest unto them : besides the alterations of affairs in many concernments , may fully justifie the alteration in resolutions pleaded for ; which is not such neither , as to be contradictory unto any thing already established , but what may be brought into compliance with it , and subordination to it : they may say of what is past , as was by one said of old : res durae & regni novitas me talia cogunt . the present assurance of publique peace and tranquility , admitts of counsels impartially tending to the good of all , uninfluenced by a mixture of fears and jealousies . but suppose the peace and prosperity of the nation to be much secured and advantaged by an indulgence , as undoubtedly under the protection and blessing of god , it will be ; yet i have heard some say , and it is commonly pleaded , that the church will not be able to keep its station , or to retain it members in compliance ; but they will many , if not most of them , make use of the liberty desired ; especially if it be for and unto protestants , which must be prevented . now this i confess seems strange to me , that any such events should be feared or expected . those who make this objection , suppose the church to be really possessed of truth and order in the matters that are in difference ; they express every day not only the great sence they have of the learning , ability and piety of the clergy , but are ready also on all occasions , to contemn their adversaries , as men unlearned , weak , and inconsiderate . it is also granted that all outward priviledges , incouragements , advantages , promotions , preferments , dignities , publick conveniencies , legal maintainance , are still to be confined unto the church , and its conformists ; as also that those who desire the benefit of indulgence , must together with an exemption from all these , pay all dues required by the law to them ; and if they will joyn themselves unto others , besides a deprivation of the great conveniencies of their usual places of assemblies , and their legal interest in them , and the inconveniencies of reparing unto other assemblies , it may be far remote from then habitations , contribute also to the maintainance of their teachers where it is indispensably needed . if i say , all these and the like considerations , with a reputation of publick favour , and regard with authority , be not sufficient to preserve and secure the church in its station , and its members in the communion of it , it is evident that they are things which have no foundation in the consciencies or minds of men , but stand meerly on the props of law and power . which if true , is yet a secret which ought not to be divulged . i confess chief justice hubbart , in his reports , in the case of colt , and the bishop of coventry and litchfield , says , that though it be de jure divino , that christian people be provided of christian officers and duties , as of teaching , administration of the sacraments , and the like ; and of pastors for that purpose ; and therefore to devar them wholly of it , were expresly against the law of god ; yet all other things , as he there shews , are not so : for ( saith he ) we know well that the primitive church in her greatest purity , were but uoluntary congregations of believers , submitting themselves to the apostles and after to other pastors , to whom they did minister of their temporals , as god did move them . a liberty for which state is pleaded for , the thing it self being owned to be according to the pattern of the primitive church in her greatest purity . and if it be so as he speaks , all other orders and observances in the church , must be built onely on law and custom . but yet such is their force also on the minds of men , that as attended with the advantages and conveniences before mentioned , and fenced by the inconveniences and disadvantages which attend dissenters ; the differences also contended about , being of no more weight than they are ; there is no doubt but the most of men , at least to the full as many as without force to conscience , will do so under the severest penalties to the contrary , will continue their adherence to the present church-rate , although the liberty of the dissent desired , should be indulged . it may be this suggestion of peace and moderation , may not have an equal rellish unto all pallats , nor find a like reception in the minds of all . the interest of some , and the prejudices of others , are so important with them , as that they cannot attend unto impartial reason in this matter . i am perswaded that some have scarce any better or more forcible argument , to satisfie their own minds that they are in the right in religion , than the inclination they find in themselves to hate and persecute them whom they suppose to be in the wrong ; or at least that they can no longer believe that to be truth which they profess , than whilst they are willing and ready to destroy with violence that which is contrary unto it . for what is forborn , they suppose must needs be approved ; all which are so palpable misapprehensions , as there needs no endeavour to lay them open . it is far enough from being an evidence of truth in any , that they are ready to destroy them that are otherwise minded . it is errour and superstition , which being conscious of their own weakness , are impatient until their contraries are ruined . and never are there such mutual violences in matters of religion , as where the several opposite parties are all of them most grosly erroneous and superstitious . the egyptians were of old the scorn and sport of the world for their devotions in general : oxen , apes , crocodiles , garlick , and onions , being some of the best of their deities : and yet about these they had amongst themselves such endless animosities , and mutual persecutions of one another , as can scarce be parallell'd . so he tells us : immortale odium & nunquam sanabile bellum , ardet adbuc ombos & tentyra ; summus utrinque inde furor vulgo , quod numina vicinorum odit uterque locus . and what was the ground and occasion of the quarrel ? — crocodilon odorat pars haec , illa pavet saturam serpentibus ibin . their controversie was about the worship of a crocodile on the one hand , and of a fowl that devoured serpents , on the other . neither is the difference of much more importance , or managed with much more moderation , which is at this day between the turks and persians , about the true successor ; of mahomet . so little reason have men to please themselves with a surmize of being possessed of the truth , by the inclination that they find in themselves to persecute the contrary : seeing such an inclination is an inseparable companion of error and superstition , and is generally heightened to cruelty and revenge , according as men by them are drenched in folly and blindness . it is yet pretended by some , that such a toleration as will satisfie them that desire it , and secure the publique tranquility , however it may please in the notion of it , will yet be sound unpracticable when it comes to be examined and instanced . but it is evident that these pretences must be countenanced by some peculiar consideration of this nation , and government thereof ; seeing the utmost of what is here desired , is both established and practised in other nations . the whole of it is plainly exercised in the kingdom of france , where the protestants paying all duties to the church , sustaining all burthens and offices in the commonwealth , equal with others , are freed from ecclesiastical courts , censures , and offices , and all penalties for their dissent , with an allowance for the worship of god in their own assemblies , provided by themselves , and known to the magistrates under whose jurisdiction they are ; which is the sum of all that is here desired . the like liberty , if i mistake not , is granted to the french and dutch churches here in england . the united provinces of the netherlands have continued in the same practise ever since the reformation . so also hath the kingdom of poland , where the dissenters are both numerous , and divided among themselves . lutherans are tolerated in the dominions of the pauls-grave , elector of brandenburg , and landtgrave of hassia : so are calvinists in many free cities of the empire ; in some places of the kingdom of denmark : and both lutherans and calvinists in sundry principalities in germany , whose magistrates are of the roman religion . in the hereditary dominions of the emperour , where-ever difference in religion once made an entrance , either a forbearance and toleration is granted and continued , as in hungary ; or the countries themselves have been made utterly waste and desolate , as bohemia and moravia , and yet in a great measure continue so to be . the attempts of the duke of savoy against it , have been condemned , detested and abhorred , by all princes of the same religion with himself , and yet have ended in some tollerable forbearance . it is also known , that the kings of england have by vertue of their power in things ecclesiastical , in all ages as occasion required , and as they saw meet , exempted persons and societies from the common and ordinary course and way of church-discipline and inspection . certainly therefore the unpracticableness of such an indulgence lies in the desires of them , whose interest , as they apprehend , is opposite unto it ; although it is more probable , that their moderation known and declared in this matter , would give them a greater interest in publique esteem and veneration , then by any other ways they are like to obtain . neither is this at all by wise men to be despised , who are able to foresee the probable events of continued exasperation . why then should men pretend , that that cannot be done , which hath been done , and is done at this day in so many kingdoms and nations , with the wished-for success by peace and happiness ? and as it may be very few instances can be given of such severity against dissenters , who come up to so full an agreemment in all material things with them from whom they dissent , as that of late practised , and still pressed for in england ; so it will be found , that whether we respect the nature and temper of the people of this land , or the admission of the principles of dissent , with the grounds of them , in multitudes ; or the resolution to undergo all difficulties and sufferings , rather than to transgress against the light of their consciences ; or their valuation of forbearance above all secular things whatever : there is no nation under heaven , wherein such an indulgence or toleration as is desired , would be more welcome , useful , acceptable , or more subservient to tranquility , trade , wealth and peace . finis . errata . page 3. line 22. for omni read omnis . a proclamation ... whereas by our royal proclamation of the date the 12 day of february 1686/7 james r. england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) 1687 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46515 wing j252 estc r20566 12117407 ocm 12117407 54354 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46515) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54354) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 869:17) a proclamation ... whereas by our royal proclamation of the date the 12 day of february 1686/7 james r. england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) james ii, king of england, 1633-1701. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh : 1687. reproduction of original in huntington library. broadside. at head of title: by the king a proclamation. at end of text: given at our court at windsor the 28 day of june, 1687. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -church of england. freedom of religion -great britain. broadsides 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion i 7 r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king a proclamation . james r. iames the seventh by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all and sundry our good subject whom these presents do or may concern , greeting . whereas by our royal proclamation of the date the 12 day of february 1686 / 7 we were graciously pleased for the causes , and on the terms therein mentioned , to grant our royal tolleration to the professors of the christian religion therein named ; with and under certain restrictions and limitations ; all which are in the said proclamation more at length expressed : we now taking into our royal consideration the sinistruous interpretations , which either have , or may be made of some restrictions , therein mentioned . have thought fit by this our royal proclamation , further to declare , that we will protect our arch-bishops , and bishops , and all our subjects of the protestant religion , in the free exercise of their protestant religion , as it is by law established , and in the quiet and full injoyment of all their possessions , without any molestation or disturbance whatsoever . and we do likewise by our soveraign authority , prerogative-royal , and absolute power , suspend , stop and disable , all penal and sanguinary laws , made against any for non-conformity to the religion established by law , in that our ancient kingdom , or for exercising their respective worships , religions , rites and ceremonies ; all which laws are hereby stopt , suspended and disabled to all intents and purposes . and to the end that by the liberty thereby granted , the peace and security of our government in the practice thereof , may not be endangered , we have thought fit , and do hereby straitly charge and command all our loving subjects , that as we do give them leave to meet and serve god after their own way and manner , be it in privat houses , chappels , or places purposely hired or built for that use , so that they take care that nothing be preached or taught among them which may any ways tend to alienat the hearts of our people from us , or our government , and that their meetings be peaceable , openly and publickly held , and all persons freely admitted to them , and that they do signifie and make known to some one or more of the next privy counsellors , sheriffs , stewards , baillies , justices of the peace , or magistrats of burghs-royal , what place or places they set a part for these uses , with the names of the preachers . and that all our subjects may enjoy such their religious assemblies with greater assurance and protection , we have thought fit , and do hereby command , that no disturbance of any kind be made or given unto them , under pain of our royal displeasure , and to be further proceeded against with the outmost severity ; provided always , that their meetings be in houses , or places provided for the purpose , and not in the open fields , for which now after this our royal grace and favour shown ( which surpasses the hopes , and equals the very wishes of the most zealously concerned ) there is not the least shadow of excuse left ; which meetings in fields we do hereby strictly prohibite and forbid , against all which we do leave our laws and acts of parliament in full force and vigour , notwithstanding the premisses ; and do further command all our judges , magistrats , and officers of our forces , to prosecute such as shall be guilty of the saids field-conventicles or assemblies with the outmost rigour , as they would avoid our highest displeasure ; for we are confident none will , after these liberties and freedoms we have given to all , without reserve , to serve god in their own way , presume to meet in these assemblies , except such as make a pretence of religion , to cover their treasonable designs against our royal person , and the peace of our government . and lastly , to the end all our good subjects may have notice of this our royal will and pleasure , we do hereby command our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , macers , pursevants , and messengers at arms , to make timeous proclamation thereof at the mercat-cross of edinburgh : and besides the printing and publishing of this our royal proclamation , it is our express will and pleasure , that the same be past under our great seal of that our kingdom per saltum , without passing any other seal or register . in order whereunto , these shall be to the directors of our chancellary and their deputs , for writing the same , and to our chancellor , for causing our great seal aforesaid to be appended thereunto , a sufficient warrand . given at our court at windsor the 28 day of june , 1687. and of our reign the third year . by his majesties command , melfort . edinburgh , july 5. 1687. present in council . james earl of perth lord high chancellor . john lord archbishop of glasgow . the lord marquess of athol privy seal . duke of hamilton . duke of gordon . earl of arran . earl of linlithgow . earl of dumfermling . earl of strathmore . earl of landerdale . earl of southesk . earl of airly . lo. viscount tarbat . lo. viscount strathallan . lo. livingston . lo. president of session . lo. advocat . lo. justice-clerk . lo. castlehill . general leivtenent dowglas . niddrie . the above-written proclamation from his most sacred majesty , being read in his privy council of scotland , was in pursuance of his majesties royal commands ordered to be published with all due solemnities . extracted forth of the records of his majesties council by me sir william paterson clerk to his majesties most honourable privy council . will. paterson . god save the king . edinbvrgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. 1687. the judgment and doctrine of the church of england concerning one special branch of the king's prerogative, viz. in dispencing with the penall laws / asserted by the most reverend father in god, the lords arch-bishops bancroft, laud and usher, the right reverend fathers in god, the lords bishops sanderson and cartwright, the reverend doctors, sir thomas ridley l.l.d., dr. hevlin, dr. barrow, dr. sherlock master of the temple, dr. hicks, dr. nalson and dr. puller ; and by the anonymus, author of the harmony of divinity and law : together with the concurring resolutions of our reverend judges, as most consonant and agreeable thereunto ; in a letter from a gentleman of oxford, to his friend at london. gentleman of oxford. 1687 approx. 57 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46343 wing j1172 estc r1415 12368658 ocm 12368658 60488 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46343) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60488) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 920:13) the judgment and doctrine of the church of england concerning one special branch of the king's prerogative, viz. in dispencing with the penall laws / asserted by the most reverend father in god, the lords arch-bishops bancroft, laud and usher, the right reverend fathers in god, the lords bishops sanderson and cartwright, the reverend doctors, sir thomas ridley l.l.d., dr. hevlin, dr. barrow, dr. sherlock master of the temple, dr. hicks, dr. nalson and dr. puller ; and by the anonymus, author of the harmony of divinity and law : together with the concurring resolutions of our reverend judges, as most consonant and agreeable thereunto ; in a letter from a gentleman of oxford, to his friend at london. gentleman of oxford. 46 p. printed for j.h. and t.s. ..., london : 1687. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bancroft, richard, 1544-1610. prerogative, royal -great britain. church and state -great britain. religious tolerance -church of england. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the judgment and doctrine of the clergy of the church of england , concerning one special branch of the king's prerogative , viz. in dispencing with the penall laws , asserted by the most reverend fathers in god , the lords arch-bishops bancroft , laud and vsher . the right reverend fathers in god , the lords bishops sanderson and cartwright . the reverend doctors , sir thomas ridley l. l. d. dr heylin , dr barrow , dr sherlock master of the temple , dr hicks , dr nalson and dr puller . and by the anonymvs , author of the harmony of divinity and law. together with the concurring resolutions of our reverend judges , as most consonant and agreeable thereunto . in a letter from a gentleman of oxford , to his friend at london . licenced the 2d . of may 1687. upon whomsoever god is understood to bestow the soveraign authority , he must also be understood to bestow upon him all the jura majestatis ; or essential rights of soveraignty , according to that maxim , qui dat esse , dat & omnia pertinentia ad esse ; he that gives the essence , gives also the properties belonging to the essence . jovian , or an answer to julian the apostate , chap. 11. london , printed for j. h. and t. s. and are to be had at most book-sellers , in london and westminster . sir , in one of the late conferences you were pleased to have with me , you seemed to be somewhat disatisfied upon the subject we were discoursing of , which was , whither the king had by law such a supream power inherent in , and inseparably annexed to his crown , as to dispence with penal laws . i remember i then told you , we could not resolve our selves of this great point , but by these two wayes . 1. to see , how far the judgment of our church-men , appearing in their doctrines ( which are for our edification ) doth warrant this prerogative to be in the king. ii. to see how far the judges resolutions ( in declaring their sence of the law of the land in this doubtful question , ) do agree with such their judgments and doctrines . and as for the first , sir , i doubt not but to make it clear , past all peradventure , that our reverend clergy of the church of england have unanimously concurred in this point of doctrine , that it doth inseparably belong to the kingly office to dispence with penal laws , when ever such a supremacy of power shall be thought necessary to be exerted for the safety of the king , and the good and ease of his people in general . and if i can prove this undeniably to you ; i hope then that this nice scruple of yours ( which by the way , i suppose , you will allow me to call your tender conscience ) will easily be removed ; and consequently then it may be presumed , i shall have less difficulty to satisfie you in the other point , that this sence of the law of the land in the point in question , is no other , than what is exactly correspondent with the judgment and doctrine of the clergy of the church of england . to begin then , the reverend dean of worcester , in his so deservedly applauded answer to julian the apostate , declares , that the english realm is a perfect soveraignty , or empire , and that the king of england by the imperial laws of it , is a compleat , imperial , and independant soveraign . and he quotes coke in cawdrye's case , who saith , that by the antient laws of this realm , england is an absolute empire , and monarchy ; and that the king is furnished with plenary and entire power , prerogative , and jurisdiction , and is supream governour over all persons within this realm . now it would be a contradiction to call this an imperial crown ; to acknowledge the king for supream over all persons , — and that he is furnished with plenary and entire power , unless he have all those rights , which are involved in the very notion of his imperial soveraignty . by the rights of soveraign , saith he , i understand those prerogatives , and preeminences of power and greatness , which are involved in the formal conception of soveraignty , and are inseparably annexed to the soveraign . — he hath no sharers or co-partners in the soveraignty ; none co-ordinate with him in government ; no equal , nor superiour , but only god , to whom alone he is subject , — all power and jurisdiction spiritual and temporal is derived and deducted from him , as supream head of these churches , and realms . there are some essential rights of the crown , which the subjects cannot obtain from their soveraign by any grant or prescription , without destroying the essential and individual rights of monarchy . these rights , called the flowers of the crown , are regalia suprema , or summa jura imperij , regno tuendo servientia , inherent to his royal function , and politick capacity , and serve for the strength and support thereof — such are the rights of making war and peace , of having the last appeal unto him , or his great council and supream court ; and of making leagues , and of dispensing with penal laws , granting pardons , and such like . now if the king hath a perfection and fulness of imperial power in him , as dr hicks hath clearly made out , and this power of dispensing with penal laws be ( as it must be , or nothing ) one of those prerogatives and pre-eminencies of power and greatness , which are involved in the formal conception of soveraignty ; then certainly it is very plain , that this is an essential right inseparably annexed to our imperial soveraign : and to go about to deprive him of such an inherent right , it would tend to the disinherison of the king and his crown . this phrase , he saith , of the disinherison of the king and the crown in other * acts of parliament is called , the destruction of the king's soveraignty , his crown , his regality , and things that tend thereunto , things that are openly against the king's crown in derogation of this regality . and , sir to convince you , that the king hath this perfection and fulness of power , more especially in matters of religion , in his sacred person , you may please to be informed , that that great metropolitan of all england , arch-bishop bancroft , when question was made of what matters the ecclesiastical judges have cognisance , either upon the exposition of the statutes concerning tythes , or any other thing ecclesiastical , or upon the statute 1 eliz. concerning the high commission , or in any other case in which there is not express authority in law , declared , that the king himself may decide it in his royal person ; and that the judges are but the delegates of the king , and that the king may take what causes he shall please to determine , from the determination of the judges , and may determine them himself . and the archbishop said , that this was clear in divinity , that such authority belongs to the king by the word of god in the scripture . so that eminent prelate . for , as it is well observed by that learned knight , and doctor in the civil law , sir thomas ridley . his majesty , by communicating his authority to the judges to expound his laws , doth not thereby abdicate the same from himself , but that he may assume it again to him , when , and as often as he pleaseth , whose interpretation in that is to be preferred before theirs . for , as he saith in another place , he is both by the ordinance of god and man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as the apostle terms him ) among them , that is , one who is supream soveraign above the rest , and whom they ought in all things to obey , so it be not against the law of god , and common justice ; for himself is insteed of the whole law , yea , he is the law it self , and the only interpreter thereof , as in whose breast is the whole knowledg of the same . now , sir , what answer can you give to all this ? if it be clear in divinity , that such authority belongs to the king by the word of god in the scripture , with what colour of reason can you deny the king 's imperial soveraignty in dispensing with penal laws ? but to proceed more clearly to the point in question , the most reverend , renowned and religious prelate and patriot , dr w. laud , archbishop of canterbury , a man of such eminent vertue , ( as the author of his life writes of him ) such an exemplary piety towards god , such an unwearied fidelity to his gracious soveraign , and of such a publick soul towards church and state , that he lived the honour , and dyed a martyr of both . i say , this great , but at last unfortunate prelate , thus delivers his considerate opinion , that the supream magistrate in the estate civil , may not abrogate the laws made in parliament , though he may dispence with the sanction or penalty of the law , quoad hic & nunc , as the lawyers speak . the next i shall give you , is , that learned and moderate primate and metropolitan of all ireland , dr. james vsher , late lord arch-bishop of armagh , who in his book entituled , the power communicated by god to the prince , and the obedience required of the subject , composed purposely for the rights both of princes and subjects , and for the comfirmation of staggering loyalty , assures us , that positive laws , being ( as other works of men are ) imperfect and not free from many discommodities , if the strict observation thereof should be pursued in every particular ; it is fit the supream governour should not himself only be exempted from subjection thereunto , but also be so far lord over them , that where he feeth cause he may abate , or totally remit the penalty incurred by the breach of them , dispence with others for the not observing of them at all ; yea , and generally suspend the execution of them , when by experience he shall find the inconveniences to be greater then the profit that was expected should redound thereby unto the common-wealth . plutarch setteth this down as a chief point of that natural skill which philopoemen had in government , that he did not only rule according to the laws , but over-ruled the laws themselves , when he found it conducing to the weal-publick . and he saith a little before , by the law of the king , i understand such ordinances as are meerly civil and positive ; the coactive power whereof being derived from him who is the supream law-giver under god on earth , he himself cannot properly be said to be tyed thereby . for as with the grammarians , the imperative mood hath no first person , so with the civilians , a no man can command or forbid himself ; at least wise , no b man can impose such a law upon himself , but that he may recede from it when he pleaseth . and with the schoolmen ▪ a law hath power to direct such acts as belong to those who are subject to the government of c another ; whereupon no man , if we speak properly , doth impose a law upon his own acts. as no man therefore is superior to himself , so no man hath jurisdiction over himself ; because none can oblige a man against his will , but only his superiour , and the jurisdiction over a man's self may be dissolved at pleasure . kings therefore , as he affirms in another place , are said to be above the laws whereby they govern their people , partly in respect of themselves , partly in respect of others : of others , in asmuch as they have power to judge a according to their own conscience , and not according to the letter of the law ; as also to dispence in some cases with the very obedience , in some with the punishment required by the law . for , he quotes aeneas silvius a little after saying , equity is that which is just beyond the written law : now if the law doth command one thing , and equity perswade another , it is fit the emperor should temper the rigour of the law with the bridle of equity , as he who alone may and ought to look unto that interpretation which lieth interposed between law and equity . especially seeing no decree of the law , although weighed with never so considerate councel , can sufficiently answer the varieties and unthought on plottings of mans nature . and seeing the condition of human law is such , that it runneth always without stint , and there is nothing in it which can be at a perpetual stand ; it is manifest , that in tract of time the laws which before were just , prove afterwards to be unjust , and become now unprofitable , now harsh , now unrighteous : for the moderating whereof there is need of the prince , who is lord of the laws . for if it fall out , that any thing hath been more obscurely delivered therein , it is fit the emperor should clear it , and amend that harshness of the laws , which he shall find to be contrary and disagreeable to his humanity . for where it is said , that a law , although it be hard , should yet be observed ; that respecteth the inferiour judges , and not the emperour ; in whom is that power of moderating the laws which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or equity , which is so annexed to the supremacy of the prince , that by no decrees of man it can be pulled from it . thus far aeneas silvius out of him . in regard of themselves kings are said to be exempted from subjection to the laws , both because they are not tyed ( otherwise than for conveniency and good example's sake ) to the observance of such as are meer positive and temporary laws ; and because they are not liable to the civil punishments set down for the breach of any law , as having no superiour upon earth that may exercise any such power over them . and again , saith this great prelate , while the laws do stand in force , a it is fit that somtimes the king's clemency should be mingled with the severity of them ; especially when by that means the subjects may be freed from much detriment and dammage : b the condition of the magistrates , whose sentence is held corrupt , if it be milder than the laws , being one thing ; the power of princes , whom it becometh to qualifie the sharpness of them , a far different matter . to this eminently reverend and judicious primate , i shall next subjoyn the c humble , patient and learned dr robert sanderson , late lord bishop of lincoln , that you may see what his opinion is in this matter . but before i give you his words , let me beg your favour to hear what the modest and holy writer of his life , dr isaac walton says of that book from whence i produce them . how much the learned world stands obliged to him for his lectures de conscientia , i shall not attempt to declare , as being very sensible , that the best pens must needs fall short in the commendation of them : so that i shall only add , that they continue unto this day , and will do for ever , as a compleat standard for the resolution of the most material doubts in casuistical divinity . and now sir , pray observe what the bishop says . vpon a doubt , how may that be understood which so commonly is spoken , salus populi est suprema lex , the safety of the people is the supream law ; he , among other things , thus declares , there is no sober man will deny , that the safety of the people , that is , of the whole commonalty , as that word comprehends the king , together with the subjects , is the supream law ; but that the safety of the people , that is , of the subjects , the king being excluded , is the supream law , there is no man will affirm it , unless he be a fool , or an imposter ; a fool , if he doth believe what he himself saith , and an imposter , if he doth not believe it . but if any man will seriously look into the original of this aphorism , i do believe he will more easily grant , that it ought more precisely to be understood of the safety of the prince , than of the safety of the subjects . this saying , so tossed up and down in the mouthes of all men , came to us from the romans , and was then used by them when their republick did flourish most of all under a popular state : and there is no great reason that any man should wonder , that the people's safety was the supream law with them , with whom the people themselves were the supream power ; in the judgment therefore of those wise antients , who were the first authors of this aphorism , the safety of the supream power was the supream law , of the people indeed in a democracy , but of a king in monarchy . but i say , it being admitted , but not granted , that this aphorism is properly understood of the safety of the people , that is , of the subjects , it is nevertheless perversly wrested to the prejudice of regal dignity , which even so doth render its power more ample and illustrious in this sence . a king that gives laws and statutes to his people will not be so bound up by his laws , that it shall not be lawful for him , the safety of the common-wealth being in an apparent danger , to provide for the safety of kingdom and people committed to him by god , even against the words of the law ; not that it is lawful for subjects under the pretence of the defence of their liberty to break all the bonds of laws and fidelity , and by an intollerable presumption to trample on the authority of their king , but that it is lawful for the prince , in the preservation of his own and his subjects safety , to lay aside for a while all strict observance of the laws , and to make use a little of an arbitrary right , least by too unseasonable and superstitious reverence of the laws , he may suffer both his own person , and his people that are subject to him , and even the laws themselves , to fall into the power of his enemies . i will close up this christian doctrine of our bishops with one authority more , and that is of our present right reverend father in god , thomas lord bishop of chester , in his sermon on the 6th of feb. 1685 / 6 ; . in the collegiate church of rippon , where you will find him thus to inform you , and all other good subjects ; so that the king may , it seems , make use of his prerogative , as god does of his omnipotence , upon some extraordinary occasions : for as my lord hobart well observes , the statute laws are made to ease him of his labour , not to deprive him of his power , and that he may make a grant with a non-obstante to them : and indeed the power of dispensing with particular laws , in some emergencies , is such a lex coronae , such a prerogative , without which no kingdom can be well governed , but justice will be turned into wormwood . for there never was yet , nor ever will be , any human law , framed with such exact skill and policy , that it might not , on some occasion or other , be burthensome to the subject , and obstructive to the publick good of the common-wealth : there being particular cases and exigencies , so infinitely various , that 't is impossible for the wit of man to foresee or prevent them . and therefore in all government there must be a power paramount to the written law ; and we have good reason to bless god , that this is lodged but in one , and in him whom he hath set over us , to be his vice-gerent ; by whose authority , they who break the letter of the law , in pure zeal and loyalty , to serve the ends of government , and to uphold the crown on the right head , that does and ought to wear it , may be relieved , and pardoned , and rewarded too . thus sir , have i given you in short the sence and judgment of our spiritual guides , the great fathers of the church of england in the point in question between us ; i will now discend to men of less degree in the church , but they shall be men of great and eminent learning , sober understandings , and of examplary piety and gravity , and you shall hear how they all concur in the same judgment as concerning this point of regal soveraignty . the first shall be the reverend dr peter heylin . whose knowledge was extensive as the earth , and who had a parfect familiarity with the present state of all the countries in the world , ( as the ingenious author of his life informs us ) and one who is honoured by all true sons of the church of england , with a due veneration for his learned and elabourate works . and he speaks thus . he ( viz. the king ) hath authority by his prerogative royal to dispence with the rigor of the laws , and sometimes to pass by a statute with a non-obstante . the learned and judicious dr isaac barrow , late master of trinity colledge in cambridge , in his treatise concerning the popes supremacy affirms thus — it is indeed a proper indowment of an absolute soveraignty , immediately and immutably constituted by god , with no terms or rules limitting it , that its will declared in way of precept , proclamations concerning the sanction of laws , the abrogation of them , the dispensation with them , should be observed . and says he a few leaves futher , the power of enacting and dispencing with ecclesiastical laws touching exteriour discipline did of old belong to the emperor . and it was reasonable that it should ; because old lawss might not conveniently sute with the present state of things , and the publick welfare ; because new laws might conduce to the good of church and state , the care of which is incombent on him ; because the prince is bound to use his power and authority to promote gods service , the best way of doing which may be by framing orders conducible thereunto . and in another place he declares that it is a priviledge of soveraigns to grant priviledges , exemptions , dispensations . thus sayes the reverend dr sherlock , master of the temple , in a positive manner , it does not become any man , who can think three consequences off , to talk of the authority of laws , in derogation to that authority of the soveraign power . the soveraign power made the laws , and can repeal them , and dispence with them , and make new laws : the only power and authority of the laws is in the power which can make and execute laws . soveraign power is inseperable from the person of a soveraign prince . i shall in the next place give you the words of the ingenious , and most painful searcher into truths , john nalson , dr. of laws , whose indefatigable industry hath sufficiently appeared in those volumes of historical collections he lived to see published to the world , his words are these . in the kings power it is to remit the severities of the penal laws , whereby he may manifest his goodness and clemency as well as his greatness and justice , by graciously pardoning the smaller breaches of his laws , and the more capital offences which he might most justly punnish . and who in the world can dispute this ? when , as dr. hick's in his jovian tells us for certain , that upon whomsoever god is understood to bestow the soveraign authority , he must also be understood to bestow upon him all the jura majestatis , or essential rights of soveraignty , according to that maxime , qui dat esse , dat et omnia pertinentia ad esse ; he that gives the essence , gives also the properties belonging to the essence . and doth not all mankind consent in this , that the king is the fountain of mercy as well as of justice ? surely then the penal laws , especially those made meerly for diversity of opinions in religion , which ( not to call them unchristian ; since our saviour never offered any external force and compulsion to make men obey his laws , as the learned master of the temple assures us , but however ) are in themselves by experience proved very unreasonable , ought at least to be subject to the goodness and mercy of the prince , to dispence with them , when he in his wisdom shall judge it most necessary for the good of his people in generall . for as the aegyptian hieroglyphick for government was an eye in a scepter : so the chief magistrate is like a watchman upon a tower , who is to look down and view the general state of his people , and to conduct himself accordingly . the reverend dr puller , in his most extraordinary book concerning the moderation os the church of england , saith , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , moderation , as it is now generally used , is a word borrowed from the law , and is used by the masters thereof , to denote such a gentle and benign temper , as disposeth those who have the administration of the laws ( which , you see , is the imperial soveraign , who hath the supream jurisdiction over all others , and jurisdiction is defined by the civilians to be , potestatem juris dicendi , a power of giving laws to others ) to remit of their rigour , where either ( first ) they press too hard upon particular persons ; or else ( secondly ) to supply the defects of the said laws , where they provide not sufficiently for particular cases ; in order thereunto , squaring their determination by the natural rules of justice and goodness , rather than by the letter of the law. and a little further , the same doctor goes on , saying , moderation , in the forensick sence wherein we take it , is defined by aristotle to be the correction of the laws wherein because of their vniversality they are deficient . from whence , as it must be supposed , to be confined to those to whom the administration of the laws is committed , who alone can have the power of correcting them : so nothing therefore will be further requisite to shew , than that it disposeth them ; where the laws press too hard upon particular persons , to relax the rigour of them ; as on the other side , where they do not sufficiently provide for them , to supply their defect . all laws , we know , are for the punishment of evil doers , or for the praise of them that do well : but it being impossible so to provide for the punishment of evil doers , as not sometimes to bring even the innocent within the compass of it ; because what , generally considered , ought to be lookt upon and censured as evil , may yet upon sundry considerations and circumstances have nothing of evil in it , or at least be worthy of pardon ; either the innocent must suffer together with the nocent , ( which so benign a vertue as that we treat of cannot allow ) or it must dispose those to whom the administration of the laws is committed to remit of their rigour in such particulars , and exempt them from the undergoing of it : it being in like manner impossible for laws so to provide for the incouragement of those who deserve well , as that sometime such may not be past over or neglected ; partly because all cases cannot be foreseen by the law-giver ; and partly by reason of the shortness of his expressions ; either some who may deserve incouragement may be excluded from partaking of it , ( which so benign a vertue as we speak of cannot casily permit ) or it must dispose those to whom the administration of the laws is committed to ampliate their favours ; and to take such within the compass of them . once again , equity and moderation , saith he in the next page , is the publick honesty of the laws ; without which , justice often would be turned into wormwood : it contains the excellent spirit ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the mind and reason of the law , and is the most sacred and venerable part of it : as it is the honour and perfection of the laws , so it is the sanctuary of such as happen to be oppressed by the rigour of the letter . i will now , sir , trouble you with but one instance more upon this subject , ( though i could multiply , i am confident , authorities of this kind even beyond your patience ) and that is of one , that will needs be anonymus , and therefore so he shall pass for me , but his words are these . it is the prerogative of the king , to dispence with many acts of parliament by a * non-obstante , or clause of notwithstanding , especially such , as bind him from any prerogative , that is solely , and inseparably annexed to his sacred person , and royal power . and even to the asterick * there is this marginal note , viz. 44. eliz. in the house of commons sir george moor said ; we know the power of her majesty cannot be restrained by any act. why therefore should we thus talk ? admit we should make the statute with a non-obstante , yet the queen may grant a patent with a non-obstante to cross this non-obstante . i have done , sir , now with our reverend prelates and doctors of the church of england as to this particular , and hope , i have sufficiently proved to you , that their judgment and doctrine doth clearly warrant this great prerogative of dispencing with penal laws , to be in the king. let us see in the next place what were the reasons that induced the reverend judges in westminster hall , ( who ( the law sayes ) are the expositors of acts of parliament , and are likewise custodes jurati ss . praerogativae regiae , ) so openly and solemnly , after mature deliberation , to declare their resolutions in this point for the king. the reasons that perswaded them were these that follow , viz. i. that the kings of england are soveraign princes . ii. that the laws of england are the king's laws . iii. that therefore it is an incident inseparable prerogative in the kings of england ; as in all other soveraign princes to dispence with penal laws in particular cases , and upon particular necessary reasons . iv. that of these reasons , and these necessities , the king himself is the sole judge . and then which is consequent upon all . v. that this is not a trust invested in , or granted to the king by the people , but is the antient remain of the soveraign power , and prerogative of the kings of england , which never yet was taken from them , nor can be . now , sir , if such hath been the doctrine of our most eminent clergy of the church of england , ( and in it they have delivered to us nothing but the words of truth in righteousness ) that the king by his imperial soveraignty , when he shall see the necessity of the state to require it , ( of which he is the only judge , ) may dispence with penal laws ; how can you , or any man , who is a sincere lover of the church of england , be dissatisfied with the resolution of our reverend judges in this matter , seeing the reasons they went upon were only such as were exactly correspondent with the avowed doctrines before recited ; and that by this declaration of theirs , the law of the kingdom of england concerning this soveraign power in the crown , is no more , than what was before publickly asserted to be the divinity of the kingdom . besides , lex vigilat pro rege , saith the law , and the judges are sworn to maintain all the kings prerogatives ; which are part of the law of england , and comprehended within the same ; therefore it is said , that imperij majestas est tutelae salus , the dignity of the prince is the peoples security . the kings prerogative and priviledges , are incident to his crown , and he need not prescribe in any prerogative , for it is as ancient as his crown is , and is not only the law of the exchequer , but the law of the land , as that which is his by the ancient laws of the land. wherefore the judges of the courts of westminster are to judge in matters of prerogative by this rule , that whatsoever may be for the benefit and profit of the king , shall be taken most largely for him , & whatever may be against him , and for his disprofit shall be taken strictly : and it is the duty of every judge of all courts , high and low , to take great care to preserve the kings right , and for that purpose to take every thing at the best for him . and , sir , unto the judges the people are bound lastly and finally to submit themselves for matter of law , according to the opinion of the learned author of the royallists defence . but i remember likewise you seemed to startle at the thoughts of this power ; and were afraid , if at any time the king should think it necessary and convenient to exert it , and to grant a general liberty of conscience , that the church of england would be extreamly shaken in her security . what strange jealousies and suspitions some weak men may have , i suppose it will not be here worth while to consider ; but certainly our great supporters of the ark of god can never allow themselves in so feminine a passion . they know they have an infinitely wise god , and a most gracious king to trust to : this hath been their doctrine , and ought we not to practice it ? they say , 1. they have the care and providence of god for their security , who is king of kings , lord of lords , and the only ruler of princes ; and that the hearts of kings are in his rule and governance , and he doth dispose and turn them as seemeth best to his godly wisdom : according to what solomon said , and perhaps upon his own experience , that the kings heart is in the hand of the lord , as the rivers of water , he turneth it whithersoever he will. so that they have all the security that any people in the world ever had , have , or ought to have . besides , 2. they have a most gracious king to trust to . for , 1. they have his royal word , that he will protect and maintain the church of england , in the free exercise of her religion , as by law established ; and can she ever be trusted in safer hands than his ? he hath done more than ever any of us durst ever venture to look for , to give us confidence in him ; enough to puzzle our understandings , as well as our gratitude : and how can he give us better security than he has done ? shall we suspect him without cause ? or remain dissatisfied when he hath given us the best security that our cause admits of ? to suspect our prince , where we cannot help our selves , is of all fears the most unreasonable . 2. again , we have the conscience of the prince for our security , who hath all the moral obligations , and the fear of god , to keep him from oppressing us , so long as we keep our selves within the conscience of the duty which we owe unto him . the common principles of humanity , justice and equity , are engraven by the finger of god upon the minds of kings , as well as upon other mens ; and they cannot do wrong upon any particular person , much less to great numbers of their subjects , without undergoing the same uneasie remorse that other men do , when they injure one another . this hath been found by sad experience in pagan princes . — and if conscience be a restraining principle in heathen princes , if they cannot without such soul torments pervert justice , and violate their oathes , and the laws , it must needs much more be a powerful principle of restraint to christian kings , who are taught to know that they are gods ministers , and that he will call them to a severe account for oppressing his people over whom he set them : and shall not the fear of god's anger and judgments keep the soveraign from injuring of them ? 3. but further still , as the church of england hath the prince's conscience , for her security , so she hath his honour too . for princes ( like other men ) are tender of their honour , and good name , and are powerfully restrained by shame from doing evil to their subjects . — though they may be desirous for their honour to have the times computed from their conquests , yet the same principle of honour will ordinarily make them ashamed to have them computed from their massacres , and persecutions , which will but get them the surname of the bloudy , or the tyrant , unto the end of the world. honour , as moralists observe , is a secondary , or civil conscience . and as for our prince , who was ever so exceeding tender of his honour as he ? so just to all , and hath he not promised to uphold and maintain this church , and her legitimate children ? — he knows , that ours is a religion that hath alwayes asserted the rights of the crown , with life and fortune : and how chearfully the members of it have spent their blood and treasure in his own , his late majestie 's , and his father's service , and how they stand affected to his prerogative . and he is very well content , we should be as faithful to god , as we are to him ; as true to our religion , as to our king : god preserve and prosper him for it . now since our own religion ( as to the free exercise of it ) is thus secured to us , and seeing that by his majesties gracious declaration he is willing that no man should be forced to his religion , or drove against his conscience from the religion he professeth ; and seeing it is manifestly necessary , that , as sails , so laws , are to be turned , and as occasion , time and circumstance , and reason of state shall direct , either to be altered , or revoked : and if acts of parliament formerly made to try what good effects they could work in the state , do apparently prove mischievous and ineffectual by their too great rigour and violence , and by the great numbers of those that are of dissenting judgments ? what dishonour can it be for the king to lay them asleep for a while to stay those passionate heats , and fierce oppositions of such as seem adversaries to his grace , or for any parliament to repeal them , for the same reasons , non coercet sed provocat violentia , for too heavy a hand upon those whom the law casts down , shews the will rather to oppress the offender , then to cure the offence ? 't is the greatest honour to kings , that their mercy , like that of the almighty , is more eminent than their justice , and that their benches , and courts , can witness more compassion than severity ; for he that sets open the prison doors in so wise and gracious a manner , meaneth not to conquer the hearts and consciences of his people by torment , but to winn them by mercy and sweetness . clemency is a virtue sometimes of as great policy as piety , because it begets love , and love breeds loyalty , commands the very soul , and lays the body at the feet of the obliger : mercy kindles fire and zeal in the hearts of subjects . liberty of conscience is a natural right , and therefore our saviour compelled none to receive his doctrine , but est dominus non cogens , he is not a constraining lord , but committing his liberty to the will , said publickly to all , if any man will come after me ; and to his apostles , will ye also go away ? and his disciples were not commanders , but instructors and teachers , which was their commission . compulsion and terrene penalties are out of his jurisdiction , whose kingdom was not of this world , which he acknowledgeth not only in speech , but in practise : for when the disciples would have commanded fire from heaven to have consumed the samaritans , he rebuked them ; and when he was apprehended by the chief priests and elders , he could have commanded legions of angels , but would not . it is irreligion to take away the liberty of religion ; so tertullian , ad irreligiosiatis elogium concurrit , this concurreth to the commendation of irreligion , to take away the liberty of religion , &c. and therefore , saith the apostle , we have not dominion over your faith. sir , i cannot tell how well to shut up this discourse without the words of that learned and most reverend dr. gerard langbaine , who was provost of queen's colledge in oxford , so well known to all , not only at home , but abroad , that the famous rhetorician , longinus , could scarce speak any thing beyond the merit of so excellent a person : this doctor in his judicious refutation of the damnable league & covenant , ( which was then so furiously contended for ) to be imposed upon the consciences of those who expressed their zeal to his majesties righteous cause , in which , without all peradventure , he spoke the inward sentiments of all the loyal suffering clergy of england , doth there most admirably instruct us , what a sandy foundation that is , which supports persecution for conscience sake . his words follow . persecution in matters of meer religion is a course against the nature of religion it self , for faith , the soul of religion , is an inward act of the soul , which all the tyranny in the world , that the malice of the devil can invent , or the wit of man can exercise , can neither plant where it is not , nor extirpate where it is . it is the gift of god , freely begotten in the hearts of men , not by threats and terrors , not by tortures and massacres , but by the quiet still voice of the word preached , suadenda , non cogenda . and therefore st. paul , though a lawful governour in the church , flatly disclaims any domineering power over the conscience . as for the outward profession of religion , neither is that subject to force and violence : a man may confefs christ , and his faith in him , as freely in bonds , as at liberty ; as gloriously upon the cross , as upon the throne . fear indeed may incline a weak conscience to dissemble his opinion , but cannot constrain him to alter it : fire and faggot are strong arguments of a weak cause , undeniable evidences of cruelty in those that use them , but slender , motives of credibility to beget faith in those that suffer by them . lastly , for the external , free , and publick practise of religious duties , that i grant may be restrained by the outward violence of man , but when it is so , it is not required by god , who never expects to reap what he did not fow . in another place , he says , the most antient apologists for the christian faith , use this as an argument to prove the religion of their persecutors to be false , and their own true , that stood in need of humane force to maintain it , but theirs stood by the sole power of god. it is against ( sayes he a little further ) the innate principle of the law of nature , quod tibi fieri non vis , alteri ne feceris . those , who plead most for extirpation of hereticks , when it comes to be their own turn to be under the cross , stand for liberty of conscience , and declaim against persecution for religion , as a thing utterly unlawful ; and surely if we will not suffer it from others , we may not use it our selves . therefore , as dr puller rightly sayes , if ever the practice of moderation , as well as any discourse thereof , were seasonable ; it may be supposed now , when , for ought we know , the lasting happiness of the kingdom and church , may depend immediately upon this rare and desirable temper , acknowledged of all most excellent . i will conclude all with that admirable sentence of dr barrow in his forementioned treatise , that relief of the oppressed , or clemency to the distressed , are noble flowers in every soveraign crown . thus , sir , you see how ready i am , as far as my abilities will extend , to contribute to the satisfaction of your judgment . i shall be as zealous still to go on in so pious a duty , if there be any remaining doubts and scruples you will make known to , sir , your humble servant , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a46343-e460 dr hick's jovian . chap. 10. sir robert pointz knight of the bath , his vindication of monarchy . chap. 8. dr. hicks ut . sup. 4. inst . p 14. suprema jurisdictio & potestas regia , et si princeps velit , se seperari non possunt , sunt enim ipsa forma , et substantialis essentia majestatis , ergo manente rege ab eo abdicari non possunt . cavedo , pract. observ . p. 2. decis . 40. n. 8. * stat. of praemunire , 16. r. 2. cap. 5. dr. richard bancroft made lord arch-bishop of cant. 1604. 12. co. fo . 64. 5. jac. ridley's view of the civil and ecclesiastical law , dedicated to king james 1. 3d edition , part 4. chap. 1. sect. 1. id. part 2. ch . 1. sect . 7. 1 pet. 2. 13. cyprianus anglicus , by dr heylin , d. d. and chaplain to charles the 1st and charles the 2d , 2 part . epist . dedicat. arch-bishop laud against fisher , printed 1673. vid epis . dedicat . to king charles 2. by james tyrr●●l esq plutarch , in comparat . flaminij et philopoemen . a marcian in l. si de re sua , de recept , arbit , vid. et vlpian in l. ille a quo , sect. tempestivum , d. ad senat . trebel . et in l. quod autem , sec. vxori quis d. de donat inter , viz. b hermog , in l. si quis sect. 1. d. deleg 3. c thom. 112. quest . 93. artic . 5. a cynus in l. rescript , cod. de precib . imper . offerend . thom. in 1. 2. quest . 96. artic . 5. ad 3. aeneas silvius de ortu & authoribus imperii , cap. 20. 21. a justin junior , imp. in praefatione conseit 3. b symmach , l. 10. ep. ult . c in his preface and life by dr isaac walton . bishop sanderson's cases of conscience , translated by robert codrington , master of arts , printed 1660. ninth lecture . sermon preached upon the aniversary solemnity of the happy inauguration of our dread soveraign lord king james 2. by thomas cartwright , d. d. dean of rippon , and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty . colt and glover against the bishop of litchfield . in the account of dr heylin's life . dr sherelock's case of resistance , chap. 6. dr nalson's common interest of king & people , chap. 6. case of resistance . de jure uniformitatis ecclesiasticae : by hugh davis , l. l. b. lib. 3. chap. 15. chap. 1. davia's ut sup . lib. 2. chap. 6. dr puller's moderation of the church of england , chap. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . eth. l. 5. chap. 14. est scriptum legis angustum inter pretatio diffusa . senec. l. 4. controv . 27. the harmony of divinity and law , in a discourse about not resisting of soveraign princes . townsend's collect. pag. 234. co. 2 inst . f. 496. 1. inst . 64. b. lane. 26. n. bendl. 117. sheph. tit . prerog . 2 ro. rep . 508. royallists defence chap. 5. pag. 49. jovian chap. 12. his majesties most gratious declaration , &c. bishop of chesters sermon ut sup . jovian ut sup . bishop . of chesters serm. ut sup . grotius . luke 9. 54. math. 26. 53. chap. de act. imp. f. 139. 2 cor. 1. 24. langbain's review of the covenant , printed 1661. puller's moderation . to the reader . die mercurii: 5⁰ maii. 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament, that the preamble, together with the protestation, which the members of this house made the third of may, shall be forthwith printed, and the copies printed brought to the clark of the said house, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83735 of text r209673 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[5]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83735 wing e2609 thomason 669.f.3[5] estc r209673 99868539 99868539 160563 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83735) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160563) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[5]) die mercurii: 5⁰ maii. 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament, that the preamble, together with the protestation, which the members of this house made the third of may, shall be forthwith printed, and the copies printed brought to the clark of the said house, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. this edition has 3 paragraphs. with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a83735 r209673 (thomason 669.f.3[5]). civilwar no die mercurii: 5⁰ maii. 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament, that the preamble, together with th england and wales. parliament. 1641 760 1 0 0 0 0 0 13 c the rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2007-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ die mercurii : 5o maii. 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament , that the preamble , together with the protestation , which the members of this house made the third of may , shall be forthwith printed ▪ and the copies printed brought to the clark of the said house , to attest under his hand , to the end that the knights , citizens , and burgesses may send them down to the sheriffs and justices of peace of the severall shires , and to the citizens and burgesses of the severall cities , boroughs , and cinque ports , respectively . and the knights , citizens , and burgesses , are to intimate unto the shires , cities , boroughs , and cinque ports , with what willingnesse all the members of this house made this protestation : and further to signifie , that as they justifie the taking of it in themselves , so they cannot but approve it in all such as shall take it . we the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the commons house in parliament , finding , to the great grief of our hearts , that the designes of the priests and iesuites , and other adherents to the see of rome , have of late been more boldly and frequently put in practice then formerly , to the undermining and danger of the ruine of the true reformed protestant religion in his majesties dominions established : and finding also that there have been , and having just cause to suspect that there still are , even during this sitting in parliament , indeavours to subvert the fundamentall lawes of england and ireland , and to introduce the exercise of an arbitrary and tyrannicall government , by most pernicious and wicked councels , practices , plots , and conspiracies : and that the long intermission , and unhappy breach of parliaments , hath occasioned many illegall taxations , whereupon the subject hath been prosecuted and grieved : and that divers innovations and superstitions have been brought into the church ; multitudes driven out of his majesties dominions , iealousies raised and fomented betwixt the king and his people , a popish army leavied in ireland , and two armies brought into the bowels of this kingdom , to the hazard of his majesties royall person , the consumption of the revenues of the crown , and treasure of this kingdom : and lastly , finding great cause of iealousie , that indeavours have been , and are used to bring the english army into a misunderstanding of this parliament , thereby to incline that army , with force to bring to passe those wicked councels , have therefore thought good to joyn our selves in a declaration of our united affections and resolutions , and to make this ensuing protestation . i a. b. do in the presence of almighty god , promise , vow , and protest , to maintain and defend , as far as lawfully i may , with my life , power , and estate , the true reformed protestant religion , expressed in the doctrine of the church of england , against all popery and popish innovations within this realm , contrary to the same doctrine , and according to the duty of my allegiance , his majesties royall person , honour , and estate ; as also the power and priviledges of parliament ; the lawfull rights and liberties of the subject , and every person that maketh this protestation , in whatsoever he shall do in the lawfull pursuance of the same . and to my power , and as far as lawfully i may , i will oppose , and by all good wayes and means indeavour to bring to condigne punishment , all such as shall either by force , practise , councels , plots , conspiracies or otherwise , do any thing to the contrary of any thing in this present protestation contained . and further , that i shall in all just and honourable wayes indeavour to preserve the union and peace between the three kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland ; and neither for hope , fear , nor other respect , shall relinquish this promise , vow , and protestation . ❧ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. a proclamation, appointing a solemn and publick thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. 1692 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05536 wing s1699 estc r183411 52529260 ocm 52529260 179004 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05536) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179004) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2775:75) a proclamation, appointing a solemn and publick thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : 1692. caption title. initial letter. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the third day of november, and of our reign the fourth year, 1692. signed: gilb. eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , appointing a solemn and publick thanksgiving . william and mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith , to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting ; forasmuch , as great and publick blessings , conferred upon us and our people by the almighty god , of his infinite goodness , do justly call for publick acknowledgments and solemn thanksgiving ; so it is our duty , and the duty of all our good subjects , at this time , by a day solemnly set apart , to return praise and glory to his blessed name , who in answer to the frequent and fervent prayers , humbly and devoutly offered up , and poured forth before him at the several solemn fasts observed and kept thorow this our antient kingdom , during our last campaign in flanders , hath been pleased to preserve our person from the many and great dangers of the war in our late expedition there , and to disappoint , and defeat the barbarous and horrid conspiracy for taking away our life by assasination , and to bring back our royal person to our kingdoms ; and at home to protect and defend the protestant religion and our government , against the designs and attempts of their open and secret enemies : and for which causes also , the ministers assembled in the synod of lothian and tweeddale , with such as correspond with them from several other synods , have made address to the lords of our privy council , that a solemn day of publick thanksgiving may be set apart , to be religiously observed thorowout this our antient kingdom . therefore , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , do appoint and command , that the tenth day of november current for the town of edinburgh and suburbs , comprehending leith , cannongate and west-kirk , and the twenty fourth of the said month of november for all the rest of this our antient kingdom , be religiously and devoutly observed , as a solemn day of publick thanksgiving , by all persons within this kingdom , both in churches and meeting-houses , for returning most hearty and humble thanks and acknowledgment to the divine goodness , for his signal blessings and deliverances already bestowed upon us and our people , and to implore the continuance thereof in the mercy of our god , and that a spirit of council and wisdom may assist us in our consultations and undertakings at home and abroad in time coming . and to the effect our will in the premisses may be known , our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat-crosses of the whole head burghs of the several shires within this kingdom , and of the stewartries of kirkcudbright , annandale , and orknay , and there in our name and authority , make publication hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains our solicitor to cause make intimation hereof to the ministers within the town of edinburgh and suburbs , comprehending as above-said , by sending copies to them , or any other way he thinks fit , and to cause send printed copies hereof to the sheriffs of the several shires , and stewards of the stewartries foresaids , whom we ordain to see the same published , and appoints them to send doubles thereof to all the ministers both in churches and meeting-houses within their respective jurisdictions , that upon the lords-day immediatly preceeding the saids tenth and twenty fourth days of november current , the same may be intimat and read in every paroch-church and meeting-house . certifying all such who shall contemn or neglect so religious and important a duty , as the thanksgiving hereby appointed is , they shall be proceeded against , and punished as contemners of our authority , and as highly disaffected to our persons and government . and ordains these presens to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the third day of november , and of our reign the fourth year , 1692. per actum dominorum secreti concilii , et in supplementum signeti . gilb . eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , 1692. the speech of the prince of orange, to some principle gentlemen of somersetshire and dorsetshire on their coming to joyn his highness at exeter the 15th of nov., 1688. william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1688 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66221 wing w2480 estc r99 12623891 ocm 12623891 64607 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66221) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64607) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 969:25) the speech of the prince of orange, to some principle gentlemen of somersetshire and dorsetshire on their coming to joyn his highness at exeter the 15th of nov., 1688. william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.9 printed by j.b., extern : 1688. reproduction of original in bristol public library, bristol, england. broadside. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestantism -political aspects. church and state -england -early works to 1800. broadsides 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the speech of the prince of orange , to some principle gentlemen of somersetshire and dorsetshire , on their coming to joyn his highness at exeter the 15th of nov. 1688. tho' we know not all your persons , yet we have a catalogue of your names , and remember the character of your worth and interest in your country . you see we are come according to your invitation and our promise . our duty to god obliges us to protect the protestant religion , and our love to mankind , your liberties and properties . we expected you that dwelt so near the place of our landing , would have join'd us sooner , not that it is now too late , nor that we want you military assistance so much as your countenance , and presence , to justifie our declar'd pretentions ; rather than accomplish our good and gracious designs . tho' we have brought both a good fleet , and a good army , to render these kingdoms happy , by rescuing all protestants from popery , slavery , and arbitrary power ; by restoring them to their rights and properties established by law , and by promoting of peace and trade , which is the soul of government , and the very life-blood of a nation ; yet we rely more on the goodness of god and the justice of our cause , than on any humane force and power whatever . yet since god is pleased we shall make use of humane means , and not expect miracles , for our preservation and happiness : let us not neglect making use of this gracious opportunity , but with prudence and courage , put in execution our so honourable purposes . therefore gentlemen , friends and fellow-protestants , we bid you and all your followers most heartily wellcome to our court and camp. let the whole world now judge , if out pretentions are not just , generous , sincere , and above price ; since we might have , even a bridge of gold , to return back ; but it is our principle and resolution rather to dye in a good cause , than live in a bad one , well knowing that vertue and true honour is its own reward , and the happiness of mankind our great and only design . finis . exeter , printed by j. b. 1688. compulsion of conscience condemned wherein is plainly demonstrated how inconsistent it is with scripture, the fundamental laws of england, and common equity &c. / by tho. de-laune ... de laune, thomas, d. 1685. 1683 approx. 116 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a37480 wing d890 estc r8872 13326620 ocm 13326620 99083 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37480) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99083) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1548:16) compulsion of conscience condemned wherein is plainly demonstrated how inconsistent it is with scripture, the fundamental laws of england, and common equity &c. / by tho. de-laune ... de laune, thomas, d. 1685. [2], 45 p. printed by john how ... and tho. knowles ..., london : 1683. imperfect: pages stained, with print show-through and loss of print. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience. church and state -england. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion compulsion of conscience condemned . wherein , is plainly demonstrated how inconsistent it is with scripture , the fundamental laws of england , and common equity , &c. matth. 7. 12. whatsoever ye would , that men should do to you , do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the prophets . quid tibi non vis , alteri ne feceris . by tho. de-laune , gent. london , printed , for john how next door to the blew-bore without bishopsgate , and tho. knowles at the corner of great and little tower-street . 1683 , compulsion of conscience condemned , &c. there are a sort of fierce and ill natur'd pasquillers , that keep a bawling at all works of this nature , though the design be never so innocent ; the dread of those , shan't terrifie me from presenting these few sheets to the publick , premising the true state of the case by me asserted , viz. that the mind and conscience of man , with respect to divine truths , ought not to be compell'd by outward violence , and therefore that it is unreasonable and unseasonable to prosecute so many of his majesties protestant-subjects , meerly for their nonconformity , to jayls , fines , banishment , and to the spoiling and taking away their goods , &c. the demonstration of which shall be clearly and briefly offered with all humillity . it is no small addition to the grief of the afflicted , that when they propose their humble complaints , and produce their modest reasons against these kind of severities , they are presently assaulted with a new kind of persecution , by a parcel of cruel and unmerciful pamphleters , who make it no less then an arraignment of the state , and a murmuring against the government : in return to which uncharitable calumny i offer a few considerations . 1. 't is an easy thing for those masters of the faculty to bugbear the government with aggravated hyperboles , and overstretch'd paraphrases ; 't is the very nature of misery to complain , and i never knew that the person complained to ( if of a noble and heroick mind , ) interpreted the petitioners request at this rate . the poor beggars crying for relief , is no arraignment of the donors charity . the subjects complaint of grievance is no impeachment of his princes justice . our most importunate prayers to almighty god , are no arraignment of infinite meroy ; no more are the dissenters applications to a prince of such clemency as his majesty is , justly to be so represented , neither does he in his royal judgment so esteem it . 2. it is universally known that our gracious king ( whom god long preserve ) is a prince of such natural clemency , and of so merciful a disposition , that he is much more apt to pardon the delinquent , then oppress the innocent , and therefore his protestant subjects are very well satisfied in his royal expressions in a proclamation dated april 8. 1681 , viz. we will both in and out of parliament use our utmost endeavour to extirpate popery , and to redress all the grievances of our good subjects , and in all things govern according to the laws of the kingdom . the pious temper of our most illustrious soveraign is remarkable , in a speech to both houses , monday feb. 10. 1667. where he says , one thing more i hold my self obliged to recommend unto you at this present ; which is , that you would seriously think of some course to beget a better vnion and composure in the minds of my protestant subjects in matters of religion , whereby they may be induced , not only to submit quietly to the government , but also chearfully give their assistance to the support of it . this evidently demonstrates that his majesty considers that christianity is full of mercy , and that christ the glorious author of it , is a reconciler and mediator , and therefore would have his subjects disputed , or preach'd into church , not worry'd , jayl'd , plunder'd , and church curs'd into conformity . i cannot leave this royal-text , till i have noted , that whereas his majesty expresses the ends of this composure and union , viz. 1. a quiet submission to the government , and 2. a chearful assistance to support it ; no subjects of equal quality have out-done the dissenters in either of these . for , 1. as to matter of fact , no treasons , rebellions , or insurrections , ( no not a shaddow of any such things ) can be justly chargeable upon them , since his majesties happy restauration . all the spys and eagle-ey'd observators that have been imploy'd to watch them , can't produce so much as a probable circumstance of any conspiracy amongst them against the government , and to be sure , had there been any such thing , the nation e're this would have ring'd of it . some few half-penny scriblers rant at 'um , and in spight of the act of oblivion , revive what the supream authority commands to be forgotten ; but of that and the single freak of venner , more hereafter . 2. as to the probability of the thing , viz. that any such conspiracy should be contrived by dissenting-protestants , the persons that so think , must suppose them meer . fools and mad-men : for as things stand , they must first forfeit their reason , before they can abandon their allegiance . they are not so silly , whatsoever others think of them , but that they very well understand they hold their lives , as well as their religion by no other tenure then his majesties life . and therefore it is their great concern , as they tender all that 's dear and near to them , to preserve his person and government , and defend both with their lives and fortunes . and i am confident that the whole party of the dissenters , ( though in some little things differing from each other ) would universally and uniformly agree , to sacrafice their all in his majesties service , against any power whatsoever that should oppose him . the universal experience of unbyass'd mankind can witness the truth of what is here said . yet i know very well , what objections have been and will be made from that dismal topick of the nations late unhappy convulsions . but that must be refered to a distinct head . in the second place , it is certain that ( these protestant-subjects his majesty intends , namely ) the dissenters have chearfully given their assistance to the support of the government . it is well known that they are an industrious trading people , that willingly pay whatsoever taxes the law requires . and it is remarkable , that no people ever exprest a greater zeal to oppose the various attaques of a forreign ( anti-spiritual power ) then these dissenters : and could i know any one of them that would shrink from his princes service , when his royal person and government are menaced , i would esteem him not only a fool , but a traytor to boot . to evidence ( further ) the lenity of his majesty , i shall quote a memorable passage in his declaration from breda , dated april 14. 1660. we do declare a liberty to tender consciences ; and that no man shall be disquieted or called in question for differences of opinion in matters of religion , which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom ; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an act of parliament , as upon mature deliberation shall be offered to us for the full granting that indulgence . what can be more pious and consonant to the rules of the gospel , then what this great monarch here declares ? no person is excepted from his royal-indulgence , but such as disturb the peace of the kingdom . now if there be any such among the dissenters , let them be severely punished : but if there be none , i cannot but wonder at the cruelty and undutifulness of such as prosecute their peaceable and innocent fellow-subjects against the mind of their soveraign . his majesty has not only declared this ( so favourable ) indulgence , but also by his own experience declares the unfruitfulness of compulsion , march 15th . 1671. in these words , our care and endeavours for the preservation of the rights and interests of the church , have been sufficiently manifested to the world , by the whole course of our government , since our happy restauration , and by the many frequent ways of coercion that we have used for the reducing all erring or dissenting persons , and for composing the unhappy differences in matters of religion which we found among our subjects upon our return : but it being evident by the sad experience of twelve years , that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses , we think our self obliged to make use of that supream power in ecclesiastical matters , which is not only inherent in us , but hath been declared and recognized to be so by several statutes and acts of parliament , &c. that august part of the legislative power , the house of commons , resolved janu. 10. 1680 , that it is the opinion of this house , that the prosecution of protestant dissenters upon the penal-laws , is at this time grievous to the subject , a weakening the protestant interest , an incouragement to popery , and dangerous to the peace of the kingdom . besides this , there was a bill past both houses at the last parliament in westminster , for the repeal of the 35 of elizabeth , but through some unhappy neglect it was not presented to his majesty , who doubtless would have past it . nevertheless by that and what 's mentioned before , we may clearly infer that the king and parliament , judge that compulsion of conscience ( of peaceable protestant dissenters ) is both unseasonable and unprofitable . and if i have the whole legislative authority on my side , viz. king , lords , and commons , ( that is all england ) i may modestly presume , that no protestant will be angry at this essay , nor censure it of arrogance ; it being so conformable to the sentiments of the most illustrious in the nation : i must confess that there are laws in force against the dissenters which we shall a little discourse of hereafter , and evidence plainly that the intention of the legislators was to punish such as they supposed would be seditious or dangerous to the government , and they that stretch these laws to destroy so many innocent peaceable members of the common-wealth , do but fight against god , and pervert the meaning of the lawgivers ; and can ( at long run ) expect no other fruit of their officiousness , then what is reap'd by such as are unmerciful ( to say no more ) at the great and general tribunal . here you see those very laws repealed , in voto , by them that made it , and though that dots not disanull them , yet let me tell you , that for some particular justices of the peace , meerly upon the information of a sort of creatures called informers , ( whose character in a few words i 'le give you e're long ) to execute the utmost , yea , more then the utmost severity of the laws , against dissenters , in defiance of the sense of the law-makers , who did undoubtedly know what was best for us , is no less then to oppose a private opinion to a publick deliberation , and a private spirit against a publick . but i 'le proceed to my main business ; and refer the opinion ( with a respect to this matter ▪ of as great . statesmen as england ever knew to another place . sect . ii. he that will seriously consider how tenderly the lord jesus recommends the precepts of mutual love , to all that profess his name , making it the very character of his followers , luk ▪ 13. 35. by this shall all men know that you are my disciples , if ye have love one to another ; and how highly the apostle paul exalts the same duty , reduceing the whole duty of a christian to a single precept , gal. 5. 14. for all the law is fulfilled in one word , even in this , thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . see levit. 19. 18. mat. 22. 39. cannot but sufficiently wonder , to see such as profess the christian religion quarrel one with another , upon the account of special and doubtful circumstances , respecting divine worship ! it is lamentable to see how much the present age differs from primitive christianity ! the servants of the living god in those times , would rather have given their own lives to perswade their enemies to piety , then seek to undo their brethren , to force them to hypocrisie . those maximes that interfere with the sacred rules of the gospel , and threaten desolation to men for what they cannot help , are undoubtedly to be laid aside in a christian common-wealth . and i question not but that our gracious king , when he thinks fit to meet his people in parliament , will order a regulation of these proceedings , suitable to his beneign and merciful temper before expressed . in the mean time i humby crave leave to offer a few general reasons against the present prosecutions , which my zeal for truth and the management of church-wars ( like christians indeed ) extort from me . it is notorious by universal experience that it is the perverse nature of man , niti in vetitum , to long ( like eve ) for what is forbidden ; a malady derived by an uninterpreted succession from our first parents . hence grew a necessity of establishing laws and civil sanctions , the end of which are , to restrain and punish transgressors , who by the intemperate sallys of private or publich ambition , revenge , lust or other vice , attempt or actually perpetrate any thing injurious to their fellow-creatures . these laws are calculated for the respective meridians of several nations and governments , and levell'd against the prevailing vice of the place , ex malis moribus bonae leges natae sunt : the pravity of mans nature , caused a necessity of laws , as distempers do of physick . and as the office of the later , is to preserve the health , and cure the diseases of the body ; so the office of the former is to preserve the body politick . neither of these are so limited , but that the private or publick physick may be altered according as the symptoms of the disease direct the application . and so we see that parliaments ( without any disparagement to their wisdoms ) repeal laws proper to the times they were enacted in , and make new , as the vicissitudes of the publick pulse stands in need of . the wisest men have changed counsels and resolves upon second thoughts : the very popes themselves , and general councels have done it , though the former arrogate to themselves an infallibility . no meer man is so sharp sighted as certainly to foresee what the events and revolutions of things to come may be , without divine inspiration . therefore it is rather to be esteemed a prudential skill , then an arraignment of the acts of our predecessors , when what was suitable to them , and improper for us , are repealed , and a more seasonable remedy applied , when the inconveniences of the former are discovered . i am certain that the best way to convince protestant dissenters , ( and most agreeable to the dictates of christianity , ) is to win them by fair and charitable methods ; and that those penalties the law inflicts , should at least be relaxt , for reasons hereafter to be produced . every considering man must needs know that the biass of interest and education are strong shackles to the judgment , which fetter it from yeilding to demonstrated truth . that of education is very hard to be over-master'd . we have had deplorable experiments , that opinion meerly got by education , is sometimes as hard to be removed , ( yea harder ) then the body from the soul. it so wheels and intoxicates the brain , that even amongst the turks , we read of some wise and moderate persons , who would die to maintain their ridiculous alcaron . custome is grown such a tyrant , that some would rather starve then eat bread bak'd in a pan ( as a reverend prelate said ) because he used to eat bread bak'd in an oven . religion in many is really their humour , and a darling fancy passes with such for reason ; and fashion is more prevailing then the best arguments . o the deplorable estate of christianity : men will now reject the most sacred of truths , if they can but find a pique at the messenger , as if the raving patient would spill the best of cordials , because not presented in a golden spoon ! the design of what is said , is to make way for what follows , viz. sect . iii. demonstrative reasons against compulsion of conscience . no humane authority , no not the very popes ( those infallible tooles ) can deny but that the word of god is the rule of faith , to which all that profess the name of christ ought to conform . and as all the children of god have an equal interest in the testament of their father , so no one amongst them , has any prerogative to impose a force upon the judgment of his brother . one holds this , the other that , a third denys both , they examine scripture , consult the originals , examine the opinions of antiquity ; they sincerely pray for illumination : what then ? why pray what course will you take with your dissenting brother ? all that you can say , can't remove him from his former perswasion : the best way is to pray for him , if any rigorous course be taken in such a case , and if the fire brings no light with it to demonstrate the truth of it , i profess i cannot but suspect that the coals are fetcht from below . he that reflects upon the difficulties that encounter us in the way to truth , for strait is the gate , and narrow is the way , and with all considers how short sighted the best of men be , for here we see but in part , and understand but in part , will soon find that there is infinitely more reason for christians mutually to endeavour the support and assistance , rather then study the ruine and destruction of each other . since all have neither an equal depth of natural judgment , nor the same measure of supernatural illumination , but the spirit bloweth how , and where it pleaseth , we ought not to despise or persecute our brother , for his innocent and blameless mistakes , least we be found to fight against god , who is the free disposer of his gifts ; we know the way of man is not in himself , jer. 10. 23. but his goings ( or steps ) are of the lord , pro. 20. 24 ▪ and therefore , did we bear a due respect to god , we would be content to wait his leasure , who has ingaged himself by his apostle , phil. 3. 15. if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveal even this unto you . let us therefore entertain such a one , ( who proceeds in the simplicity of his heart , ) with milk , till he grow stronger to digest strong-meat . i am much mistaken , if compulsion of conscience borders not upon the very skirts of the implicite faith of the papists . for , whatsoever a man is constrained to swear , or profess , more then he is convinced of , proceeds from as blind an assent , as can be match'd in the grossest popery , and of such a convert no profession has any great cause to boast . for common reason tells us , that such as are proselyted by violence , will continue such no longer then the force lasts . force is meer punishment , and consequently not just , unless the offence be voluntary : but he that believes according to the evidence of his own reason , is necessitated to that belief , and to compel him from it , is to drive him to renounce the essential part of man , his reason . i can't imagine why we should be commanded to try the spirits , 1. john 4. 1. and to prove all things . 1 thes . 5. 21. if there be not a faculty in the soul to judge for it self . 't is a strange injunction when we are commanded to hold fast that which we find to be best ; if after our most serious and deliberate election , we shall be whipt out of our conscience by penaltys . to what purpose do we preach poor souls into just so much liberty of scripture , as may beget their torture , and not permit them to rest where they find satisfaction ? either prohibit to search at all , or leave us sensible of some benefit by teaching . to believe what seems untrue , seems to me impossible ; to profess what we believe untrue , i am sure is damnable . as 't is certain , that whosoever swerves from the dictates of his own conscience , commits a grievous sin , rom. 14. so without question they that endeavour by force or artifice to draw any man to profess or act contrary to what his soul believes , are as deeply guilty of the same crime , as the apostle says , when ye wound the weak consciences of your brethren , ye sin against christ . 1. cor. 8. 12. how dangerously then do they expose themselves to the just indignation of god who drive others , ( and fall themselves ) into this evil ? &c. how wilfully do they attempt to extinguish the light of nature , which indispensably obliges all men to deal with others , as they would be dealt with themselves ? this light is placed by god in clear and candid souls to shine and guide them , but in black ones to condemn and burn them . i could heartily wish that all men would take the advice of the apostle , rom. 14. 13. let us not therefore judge one another any more : but judge this rather , that no man put a stumbling-block , or an occasion to fall , in his brothers way . if this blessed counsel were but followed , what a happy nation might ours be ? nothing hath caused more mischief in the church then the establishing new ( and many ) articles of faith , and the incumbrance of gods worship by ceremonys , which all acknowledge to be more for ornament , then any essential necessity . and had these stumbling-blocks been removed , 't is certain that our too too deplorable divisions would in a great measure vanish , but since there are , and must be divisions , let us pray to the physitian of souls to heal them . to love one another is a command of the almighty , which never was , nor never will be repealed . and o! how disagreeable to that sacred precept is it , to vex and trouble each other ! how rare is it to see the very brutes prey upon their kind ! yet we see mankind destroy mankind , not only devesting themselves of humanity , but with a more then brutish cruelty , rage against their very brethren . to break so evident a commandement , to establish that which is ( more then ) doubtful , is certainly contrary to gospel-laws . a thing may be clear to one man that would fain impose it , but it may be doubtful to him on whom it is imposed , which no body can help . must the doubtful person be knockt o' the head therefore , or must we pick out the eyes of all that cannot see as well as our selves . suppose the point be clear in scripture ; why then say i , there is no necessity to make a new law to impose it ; much less a new article of faith. if it be but deduc'd or infer'd ; 't is certain that what one thinks clearly deduced , another as learned and able as he , may think not to be so . mens understandings are as various as their speech or faces : and is it just for one man to quarrel with another , because different from him in either of these ? or put him upon a rack to stretch him to his own dimension , if not so tall as he ? he that thinks all dissenters either malieiously or wilfully blind is ( in my judgment ) defective in charity . if these people dissent out of humour or hypocrisie , every thinking man will pronounce them absolute fools . for they that play the hypocrites ; do it either for worldly ends , or vain glory . now these men , who are under the lash of every informer , and suffer so unmercifully ; cannot be charg'd with dissenting for worldly ends , because they may secure themselves by conformity , and by necessary consequence their nonconformity is out of pure conscience . else ( as was said ▪ ) they are stark ▪ i deots , and if so , the state has no need to fear them , and it would be a great disparagement to so wise and illustrious a government to seem to fear such a company of supposed simpletons . but then on the other hand , if their dissent be really from the strong and convinced perswasions of their minds , i would in all humility beseech all , that have power to execute the laws against them , to consider , that they are christians , their bretheren and countrymen , and that they would treat them as such , in agreement to what our merciful prince declared , as before , viz. to punish only such as are disturbers of the government . for my pen shall never be an advocate for any person of that character . if any should think that these men dissent out of vain glory , he must still suppose them worse fools then before ; for who but a mad-man would purchase the applause of a few persons ( an idle airey thing that will neither feed nor cloath him ) at the dear rate of 20 l. a month , 20 l. a sermon , &c. or a prison with all its tormenting apurtenances ? is this a comfortable bargain ? well then , supposing them weak brethren , what shall we do with them ? why the apostle readily answers this question , rom. 14. 1. him that is weak in the faith receive ye , but not to doubtful disputations . here is not one word of sending him to prison ; or fining of him ; no , no , they us'd to perswade and convince ; not compel men to conformity . neither did the strong christian persecute , but cherish and instruct his weak brother . for , they very well knew that no man can be forced to believe , he may ( 't is true ) be compelled to say this or that , but not to believe it ; the dominion over the external part has no rule over the soul. and though a man may be compell'd to dissemble his thoughts , it is impossible that any outward force can change the opinion . the soul of man is a thing so generous , that it is rather perswaded by mildness , then won upon by figorous and coercive methods . and the nature of christianity , is really adapted for such procedures . if compulsion of conscience had been thought by the almighty , to be the best way of reducing mankind , our lord jesus would have used it . he that had the command of the whole heavenly militia , ( one of which in a night slew 185000 of the assyrian host ) could with as much ease subdue the great augustus caesar , as command a fish to bring him the tribute money . he that has good eyes , and has been taught to read , will read you a clear printed book , but if he be blind , or having eyes wants light , or never learnt to read , or if the print be blind , you may sooner dash out his brains with a club , then make him perform an action he cannot . faith is not to be driven like a nail into the head , or heart , with a hammer : for a man cannot believe if he would , till the gift be bestowed upon him . and the scripture is plain , when it tells us , that faith is the gift of god. arguments are good inducements , but force has no countenance in the gospel , much less a command . pray peruse these texts , john 20. 31. 5. 39. 42 tim. 3. 15. deut. 12. 32. 't is an easy thing to pick out ones eyes , but all the art of man cannot restore those eyes again , or make eyes for one born without them . even so compulsion can make a man a hypocrite , but all the severity in the world cannot make him a true convert . if reason understands not what is declared , how can we by way of deduction , or the best framed syllogisms yield to what we apprehend not to be demonstrative ? all discourse and ratiocination ought to be of things intelligible ; the object of faith is purely and essentially divine , and the soul cannot arrive at that ( best of ) learning , till the spirit of god becomes the tutor . before i leave this ( by way of digression ) i cannot but borrow a few excellent notions of an eminent prelate now living . there is no giving way to rational deduction and human argumentations against scripture , for then a cunning sophister may lead men into many errors . to go about to prove by reason such things as are above reason , is wonderful : and to discourse of what we understand not , is a spice of madness . the conclusions drawn from such discourses are dangerous , yea , a meer ignis fatuus that misguides men , 2 tim. 1. 13. divine mysteries drest up in the attire of meer humane oratory , is like a chast and vertuous matron , trickt up in the habit of a curtezan . the divine substance is not expressible by human rhetorick , nor the most delicate flourishes of an artificial pencil . that which men call school-divinity , has been perverted at such a rate , that it has prov'd a meer plague to christianity . there you have new questions , nice distinctions , and intemperate conclusions tost up and down like tennis balls . and from thence proceed cruel bickerings , and theological wars . the first divinity-school was set up at alexandria by pantaenus , and from thence sprung the arrian-heresie , which like an ill weed soon over ran all christendom . in the subtilty of these schools heresie grew refined , and with their school tricks of distinctions and evasions , almost bassled the plain and simple professors of the gospel . the primitive doctors , converted from heathenism , and well skil'd in philosophy , antiquity , history , and logick or sophistry , translated these sciences ( falsly so called ) into christianity , to illustrate by their indiscreet zeal , and imbellish christian knowledge , by artificial forms and figures , but rather indeed defaced it . col. 2. 8. he that seriously and without prepossession considers the nature of christian doctrine , will conclude , that it must be taught by the demonstration of the spirit and power , and not by the school harangues of sophistical syllogisms and enthymoms . considering men are wary , ( and so they had need ) of the subtilties of such as would pervert or deceive them , in so important a matter as religion is : because heresies appear not first in their own natural shape , but they complement you in disguise , masqueraded with specious pretences ; the author of these heresies will press into their service , this and that obscure place of scripture capable of various interpretations . but ( mark i pray ) when they have once got footing , by degrees they lay a side their vizards , and march on brazen fac'd , ( i mean bare-fac'd . ) well , but as to compulsion of conscience , since the affront is only to the divine majesty , supposing the dissenter errs , methinks we should leave god to vindicate his own cause : for what can be a greater disparagement or more derogatory to the honour of the godhead , then to think he wants the help of man to defend him . mark how peter was rebuked by our saviour for cutting off malchus his ear. besides , do but consider the methods used by the redeemer of the world , in conquering his enemies , and you will find it was by preaching and suffering , and if his disciples wont follow so illustrious an example , they deserve not to be called by his name , nor be dignified with the title of christians . in all well order'd governments the magistrate may and ought to punish evil doers , but not evil believers , for god reserves that to himself , it is his divine perogative , for he only is the heart searcher ; and man cannot possibly have a right cognizance of the concealed or evil thoughts of another ; because , for any thing he knows , the greatest professor may be the greatest atheist . i do not remember that christians ever took up arms against their governours in the primitive times for propagating their profession , or to preserve themselves from persecution ; and he that will do so , meerly upon that account , is either a fool or an atheist : a fool , because he rejects the opportunity of gaining the reward promised , matth. 5. 12. blessed are ye when men revile you and persecute you , &c. or an atheist , because he wont believe that god will be as good as his word . but to return where i left , i may reckon that common saying among shallow fancys , viz. that a pigmy on a gyants shoulders sees more then the gyant . the question is not of seeing more , but clear discerning . if both these see a beast at a miles distance , and contend whether it be a horse or an oxe , the pigmy on the gyants shoulder , is never the nearer discerning what it is , because it depends more upon the sharpness of sight , then the height of his shoulders : so we have no possible assurance that the doctrine delivered to us by man ( if not revealed in scripture ) is absolutely true , because we are certainly assured that 't is possible for him , or any man to erre , yea in this very doctrine . the great augustine ( the wonder of his time for sharpness of understanding , and great modesty withal , ) believed it absolutely necessary that infants should receive the lords-supper , and termed it a down-right heresie to affirm that there were any antipodes . so lanctantius a notable wit , and a great scholar . the most eminent of the evangelical doctors grant that even general councels have erred , and if anyman should deny it , the thing may be easily demonstrated . our church historys declare how often they have thwarted one another , in things ( point blank ) contradictory . at which we need not wonder , for they have no promise of infallibility ; you 'l say they are the churches representative : what then ? i know no promise in the whole bible , that the representative should be infallible . 't is true the gates of hell shall not prevail against the church , but what 's that to a general councel which ( by a modest calculation ) cannot amount to one part in 10000 of the universal church . but i need say no more , then that these ( so called ) general councels have been ex diametro against each other , as before hinted . parents are accountable to god for their commands , as well as the children are for their obedience , natural parents are by meer nature prompted to seek the love of their children : so ought spiritual parents who are stiled ministers of god ( who is love ) to demean themselves towards their spiritual children . and consequently is it not more suitable to this excellent grace , and parental tenderness to lead the people into the house of god , rather then to whip them in by fear ? and to put on such a habbit as will invite them in , rather then fright them out ? what wise and loving father would put on a winding sheet to fright his weak and simple child ? man ( says a reverend pen ) is a very ticklish animal to govern ; he will not always be guided by reason and authority . he has a will as well as reason , and will have his own will in many things ; even among the very godly themselves ( which is to be lamented ) but few are so intirely pious , as wholly to deny themselves . this is so high and sharp a point of religion , that you may break the heart strings of many in winding them up so high ; and so you may crack all their religion . i cannot in conscience when i treat upon so serious a theam , but remark , that the carriage of some preachers has created a great dislike of that sacred work , as 't is managed by not a few , and so are themselves the causers of that dissent , which they exclaim against : too many preach not christ but themselves ; they take here and there a sentence of scripture , the shorter and more abstruse the better . then to shew their skill and invention , they divide and subdivide it into generals and particulars . here you have the quid , the quale , the quantum , and such like quack-salving forms , which the people understand no more then they do greek or latine . then they look into this or that quaint author and pick out a sentence of a philosopher or father , some nice speculation or other , and labour to couch all in elegant language . but what 's the end of this ? why certainly 't is meerly to shew their wit , reading , or whatsoever else is excellent in them . but , pray mark , how such practises are charactered , 1 cor. 2. the whole chapter is worth reading ; and plainly demonstrates that this kind of preaching is not apostolick , that is , that they preach not in the demonstration of the spirit , but in the demonstration of their learning . many of the ancient fathers ( especially the greeks ) have been ever fond of nicetys . these , when converted to christianity , transplanted their beloved rhetorical flowers of humane learning into christian gardens , which prov'd indeed weeds . common experience will be my advocate , when i say that humane nature is apter to give nourishment and vigour to humane principles then to such as are divine . pray when did ever any learned , witty , rhetorical harangue , or cunning syllogistical discourse convert the tenth part of st. peters or st. pauls foolish preaching , as he terms it ? ( tho 't is indeed the wisdom of god to them that are perfect . ) how widely different is the manner of preaching in the apostles time from philosophical arguing , and rhetorical declaiming ? the preaching then , was either catechistical instructions , or pious admonitions , not tying themselves to any form ; but past from one matter to another , as the condition of the hearers required , and not as the preachers fancy and reading prompted him . 't is reported of the emperour caligula , that he judged , condemned or acquitted delinquents as best agreed with the current of his oration ; so some now a days shape their discourse more to the applause , then edification of the hearers . such sermons may be better termed banquets for full wantons , then instructions for such as are almost starved for want of spiritual food . it may nourish an auditory of camelions that live by air , but can never make sound and solid christians . the schoolmen , and such as greedily suck their unexamined dictates , have set up an opinion , that none are fit to preach but such as have been students in the university ; where if he hath learnt a little to chop logick , and produce some nice speculations from aristotle , plato , &c. or some theological distinctions from aquinas , peter lombard , or the rest of the distinctionmakers , or a little gingling from the poets and orators , then , o! then , ( but you must suppose him documented by the guide to the inferiour clergy ) he sets up for a spiritual pastor ! the weightiest office in the world , because mens souls , ( their better part ) is concern'd ! 't is very strange that such qualifications ( common to graceless as well as gracious schollars ) should render him capable of rightly dividing the word of truth : for if you seriously examine the whole new-testament , you will not find one tittle of those sciences in the gospel ; but you will see they are rather severely arraigned , as enemys to it ; because they tend to vain jangling , strife , and contention , not tending to that ( which is the end of preaching ) the conversion and edification of souls , eph. 6. 12. 2. cor. 10. 4. the apostle paul in his epistles to timothy and titus ( two primitive bishops , ) tells you the qualifications of bishops and deacons , viz. gravity , sobriety , meekness , diligence , &c. not mathematicks , logick , physick , &c. not the study of aristotle , plato , cicero , euclid , scotus , aquinas , &c. and why ? why there is very good reason : for 't is most evident that the greatest part of academical learning is as useless to a spiritual pastor , as the art of navigation is to a physitian : the apostle telling us in plain terms , that he desired to know nothing but jesus christ , and him crucified . there 's the qualification with which whosoever is qualified , may say with david , come i will shew thee what the lord hath done for my soul. but without it all the arts in the world can't make a preacher , as the old verse says . qui christum discit , satis est , si caetera nescit . qui christum nescit , nihil est , si caetera discit . christ may be better preach'd by a grave , conscientious man , well versed in the scriptures , and the mysterys of faith , tho never bred in any university , nor skill'd in any language but his mother-tongue , then by the students of aristotle , scotus , aquinas , &c. ( quat ales ) with all their knacks of quidditys and qualitys , syllogisms , and euthymemes , distinctions , and subsumptions , &c. it is remarkable , that no greek , italian , or french of a thousand understood any language besides his mother-tongue , when the gospel first was planted . and 't is worth noteing , that the apostles received the gift of tongues , because they were to preach to all nations , but we find no infusion of school-learning by the holy-ghost , nor any more gift of tongues , when the gospel was once spread over the world. this is further very remarkable that no man can produce an example of any nation that was ever converted to christianity by philosophical or rhetorical preaching . i hope the digression will be excused , if i note the mischief of excursions ; for if such be countenanced , we shall never have an end : because the itch men have to shew their learning , will continue this vain and unedifying practice . possibly the preacher sits in his study all the week long , picking from this and that and 'tother quaint-authour , a few beautiful flowers ; well , what then ? then he comes on the preaching day ( commonly called sunday ) with his nosegay in his hand ( viz. his notes pinn'd up in his bible ) to entertain ladys and courtiers . but what have you to say to that ? i 'le say nothing , but refer the reader to the new-testament ▪ and when he has seriously perused it , let him act and believe ( with respect to the premises , ) as that sacred book plainly teaches him ▪ for if that won't do , nothing but a miracle will do it . before i proceed , give me leave ( good reader ) to tell you , that by what i have here written , ( partly from persons eminent in our church of england , and partly from my own experience and observation ) i would not be understood to cry down humane learning , as a thing of no use ; nor throw the least disparagement upon our famous and reverend divines , for i honour them from my heart , and know that amongst the ciergy of the church of england , ( as established by law , ) there are as eminent men , conspicuous to all , not only for their learning , but also for their piety and gracious conversations , and their painful and industrious labours in the service of our god , as any in the world : no , no , 't is the abuse only i write against , and 't is that alone i heartily wish were reformed . the knowledge of the original languages in which the scriptures were pennd is of very great necessity , that we might converse with that sacred book in its own emphatical and native idiom , and that we may not be imposed upon by wrong translations . but withal let me add ( which no learned man i am sure will blame me for , if unbyass'd ) that we are to consider the bounds of phylosophy and humane literature : these are to be exercised in the things that may be known by the light of natural reason ; but when they travel beyond that road , and must needs be defining things beyond their sphear , they become extravagant and saucy . this was the judgment of that excellent and learned lord picus earl of mirandula , in his epistle to aldus manutius , a sharp schollar : accinge te ad philosophiam , sed hac lege , ut meminer is nullam esse philosophiam quae a mysteriorum veritate nos abducat : philosophia veritatem quaerit , theologia invenit , religio possidet . that is , address your self so to the study of phylosophy ; that no phylosophy should seduce you from the truth of the mysterys . ( of christian religion ) phylosophy seeks truth , divinity finds it , ( but ) religion possesses it . every ▪ thing is good and proper in its place , as for example , fire is useful in the chimney , but it is mischievous in the house-top . there , that which before would warm you , or be serviceable to dress your meat , will burn you and your meat too , unless you can quench it , or run away from it . so learning is good as an hand-maid , hagar-like , but if it must needs be mistress , and usurp-authority in the family , if like scoffing ishmael genesis 21. 9. gallat . 4. 30. it will mock at the spirit , and the simplicity of the gospel , let it be cast out : for nothing supream will endure to be rival'd in his authority . perogative , especially in divine matters , is as tender as the apple of ones eye . there is no sober and impartial divine , but will grant , that it is the work of faith , by the aid of divine revelation , to be imployed in the mysterys of religion . from which concession it is evident , that when any man undertakes to teach us divinity , by the meer guidance of nature , ( call it natural phylosophy , university learning ; or what you will , ) but shews himself by such an attempt as absurd and nonsensical , as if the eye should incroach upon the ear , and would pretend to distinguish the various gradations of musical notes , or the quavers of a pleasant instrument , which it cannot so much imitate , as the dullest brute can imitate the warblings of the nightingale . if the example and practice of the lord jesus christ be worth imitating , you will find that he made choice of such as were despised and unlearned . why ? because his grace might so much the more be magnyfied , and that the honour due to his soveraign converting power might not be attributed to any humane faculty of rhetorical perswasion . he made fishermen , a tent-maker , and other tradesmen , messengers of the everlasting gospel , and ( as it were ) embassadors extraordinary of heaven . they were not sent to learn the facultys of aristotle , cicero , or aquinas : no no ; his holy spirit was the only schoolmaster . he could with as much ease imploy the whole university of athens , as those poor men ; but he did not , and why such as are called by his name should despise his grace when appearing in persons of that quality he chose , is a meer disconcurrence with the sanctions of this ever-blessed law-giver . i do not represent these things to introduce a promiscuous liberty for all persons to turn preachers that are christians , but to reason people ( if i could ) our of extreams . for as on the one hand i believe that meer learning does not qualifie a man to be a preacher , so on the other side i am satisfied , that grace without the gift of vtterance and a sound judgment accompanied with an ability to divide the word of truth , suitable to the necessity of the hearers , does not qualifie any man for a publick preacher . of both these i take the church to be judge , and am satisfied that without the approbation of a christian assembly , such as presume to take that office upon them , where such an approbation may be had , are none of christs messengers but their own , because we shall so have no order , but confusion , which must not be introduced into the church of christ , unless you will change the best of governments , into the worst of anarchys . let every man abide in the calling whereunto he is called ▪ says the evangelical unrepealable statute . it has been ( and will be till reform'd ) the reproach of christianity , that preachers have err'd on both extreams , some talk nonsense , some talk above common-sense . i have ( saies one of our prelates ) seen some learned men call children together , and ask them a few questions ; and then to begin a profound lecture , shaped according to his own large dimensions , at whom boys and men gaze at , as a prodigious monster of learning : some saying as festus to paul , much learning hath made him mad. sure he knows not where he is , why , he is not in a university school of divinity , but in an assembly of weak and silly youth , who understand his english , no more than hebrew . he adds , if men would mark the form and phrase of the gospel , and what kind of matter and language the divine oracle used in preaching , even to the learned scribes and pharisees , and read 1 cor. 1. and the beginning of the second , it would inform them what language that is , that 's cloathed in such meretricious attire , &c. haec ille . the scope and intention of this digression , is to shew how this sacred office of preaching is abused , and of what influence that abuse is to scare people away , who love to understand , and profit by what they hear ; and so i shall conclude this section in imitation of a late ingenious author ( tho' not in his very words ) that if there be not such a parcel of things as call themselves preachers that act thus ; then no body is concern'd in this character ; but if there be , the abuse is worth looking after , in order to reformation , if not punishment , of so great a spiritual grievance . sect . v. express scripture against compulsion of conscience . these excellent and important truths mentioned , are not only built upon the firm foundation of solid and unanswerable reason , but also upon the infallible authority of the law , and word of god. to convince you of which , pray be pleased to consider the following texts . hear what the apostle paul saies , 2 tim. 2. 24. ( mark that this epistle is written to a bishop ) and the servant of the lord must not strive , but be gentle unto all men ; apt to teach , patient , ( or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bearing . ) ver . 25. in weakness instructing those that oppose themselves , if god peradventure will give them repentance , to the acknowledging of the truth . ver . 26. and that they may recover themselves out of the snare of the devil , who are taken captive by him at his will. from this passage it is evident , that the apostle forbids all rigorous courses , even towards infidels ; and that he expresly sets down the right christian course of convincing and converting them , viz. by charity and meekness : and if christians will make use of church curses , and humane laws , enacted only against seditious persons , and disturbers of the government , to force innocent christians that agree with themselves , in the essential articles of christianity , to disputable modes of circumstantial ceremonies , confess'd by all to be of humane original ; in my opinion , they disagree with this blessed man , who after he teaches the bishop his duty , advises him to leave the success to god ; but not a syllable of jayling , imprisoning , or fining them . another apostle forbids us to condemn one another ▪ james 4. 12. there is one law-giver ( saies he ) who is able to save and to destroy : who art thou that judgest another ? suitable to which ( mark i pray ) what the former apostle saies , rom. 14. 4. who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? to his own master he standeth or falleth ; yea , he shall be holden up , for god is able to make him stand . ver . 5. one man esteemeth one day above another : another esteemeth every day a like . let every man be fully perswaded in his own mind . ver . 22. hast thou faith ? have it to thy self before god. happy is he that condemneth not himself in that which he allowloweth . that is , whose conscience accuseth not his outward profession . this most zealous preacher of the gospel , returns so condescending and moderate an answer to a case of a far harder sound than is here maintained , which argues that he took his gentle pen from the soft wing of the dove . 1 cor. 7. 12. &c. if any brother hath a wife that believeth not , and she be pleased to dwell with him , let him not put her away . ver . 13. and the woman which hath a husband that believeth not , and if he be pleased to dwell with her , let her not leave him . ver . 14. for the unbelieving husband is sanctifyed to the believing wife ( viz. in a matrimonial correspondence . ) and the unbelieving wife is sanctifyed to the husband , &c. ver . 15. but if the unbelieving depart , let him depart ; a brother or a sister is not in bondage in such cases : but god hath called us to peace . ver . 16. for what knowest thou o wife , whether thou shalt save thy husband ? or how knowest thou o man , whether thou shalt save thy wife ? ver . 17. but as god distributed to every man , as the lord hath called every one , so let him walk , and so ordain i in all churches . pray mark , good reader , what can be said more efficaciously to oblige christians to christian forbearance , than so plain an injunction to live peaceably with meer heathens . you may see moreover , that 2 cor. 1. 24. he denies that even the apostles themselves have any soveraignty over the conscience , but only commissions to assist the conscientious . — not for that we have dominion ( saies he to the corinthians ) over your faith , but are helpers of your joy : for by faith you stand . in this he exactly observes the orders which christ gave to his apostles , go and teach , ( not compel ) math. 28. 19. and whosoever shall not receive you , nor hear your words , when ye depart out of that house or city , shake off the dust of your feet , as we find practised , act , 13. 51. mark , they are not commanded to trample upon them as dust under their feet ; the planters of christian religion had never any such commission . if the people would not believe , they did e'en let them alone , with only that harmless testimony that they had done their duty , and left them to god ▪ — o how widely different is this little dust-shaking , which neither kill'd not jayl'd any body , from the thunder-claps of popish bulls , interdicts , smithfield flames , imprisonments , fines ? &c. consonant to this principle of meekness , our saviour himself instructs his disciples . matth. 23. 10. be not call'd rabbi , ( that is , imposers in spiritual matters , or lords over the conscience ) for one is your master , even christ ; and all ye are brethren . from these texts reader , infer what you can rationally , — for it were but to light a candle to the sun , for me to go about to illustrate them . i wonder what the patient forbearing of the tares means , and letting them grow together till the time of harvest , ay , and along with the wheat too , til the spiritual reaper comes , — unless it be a christian tolleration . i cannot fix any other sense upon that scripture parable , but that we ought not to pluck up each other by the roots , because we are not alike , — for it may happen that some of the very wheat may be destroyed by corn-weeders . therefore 't is certainly the safest and soberest way to be quiet , and leave the management of the spiritual corn-fields to the lord of the harvest , till he orders the contrary . that admirable president of mildness towards the samaritans , a surly inhospitable sort of people , ( that would not receive even christ himself ) is very notable . the disciples james and john , would have fire immediately commanded down from heaven to consume them , as in the days of elias ; but our merciful god rebuked their zeal with this sweet and tender reply , luk. 9. 55 , 56. ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of : for the son of man is not come to destroy mens , lives , but to save them . this one example abundantly satisfies all objections drawn from the practice of elias , jehu , the sons of levi , &c. in the old-testament ; for as they had an express command from ▪ god to warrant their zeal , we have an express warrant from christ to command meekness . if any one shall shuffle in a suspition that this moderate temper was meant only for the times of persecution , when the christians had no temporal power ; let him first confess that these were the best and purest times , and then shew a warrant dormant under our saviour's hand ( that is in his gospel ) to commissionate his disciples , as soon as they should get the sword into their hands , to use the severity of penal laws against all disobeyers , and i submit . but if they can cite no such authority , let them consider whether compulsion of conscience is consistent with the just liberties and priviledges of a christian . the church of england approves not of donatism , nor that romish arrogance which pronounces all dissenters ddmn'd . no , no ; 't is evident both by publick declarations , and the writings and preachings of many of the most eminent church-men , that salvation is not tyed up here , to a meer conformity to what the english-church differs in , from others ; of this we have a fresh and famous instance in the charitable and christian-like entertainment given to the french protestants that came hither for sanctuary , from the present persecution in their native country . this clearly manifests that our church quarrels not with the dissenting-protestants ; for it would be a very strange riddle , to entertain protestants of the very same perswasion with so much tenderness and hospitality , and at the very same instant , exact the utmost mite , that the penal laws require , from their protestant country-men , who disagree in nothing from these forreign brethren , but only in language ( i mean with respect to articles of religion ) so that lie that will charge the present prosecutions upon the church of england , does charge her at one and the same time , with severity to our own natives , and charity to strangers of the same profession . now , since it is not to be presumed that the church of england would act with such partiality and condradiction , may we not rationally conclude , that this unseasonable prosecution , ( when popery is watching all opportunities to ruine conformists , as well as nonconformists ) is to be charged only on some particular self-seeking persons , or such as do not calmly consider what the circumstances of things are ? the judgment of his majesty , and the resolves of our last parliaments , ( all true patriots and church-men , that have given security to the government , by taking such tests and oaths as the law requires , ) are convincing demonstrations , that 't is not the church and state , but some certain persons that care not how the world goes , ( so their present ends be acccomplished , ) are authors of the severeties some feel , from the execution of such laws , as stand lookt upon , rather to be forborn by publick votes , as aforesaid ; and which ( 't is hop'd ) that august assembly ( king , lords , and commons ) when his majesty will be pleased to call a parliament , will mitigate , to the great joy of many innocent subjects , that mind only their own particular concerns , and quietly submit to the establish'd government . sect . vi. at the writing of this , there came to my hands a paper newly published , with this title , a second argument for a more full and firm vnion amongst all good protestants , wherein the nonconformists taking the sacrament after the manner of the church of england , is justifyed , &c. in a letter to a friend . because the scope of it is not only to magnifie the church of england , ( which i do not in the least reflect upon ) but also to fix an odium upon dissenters , and render them more intollerable in the eye of the government , than the charity of many pious and learned conformists either desire , or think seasonable ; i have thought it agreeable to the nature of my subject , to leave a few modest remarks upon it . and , 1. if the conversion of such dissenters , as are mentioned p. 1. be really the effect of conviction of mind , without any sinister ends , i shall not blame them for walking according to their light , for that were to contradict the design of these few sheets , viz. the exercise of a charitable meekness towards our weak brethren . but if it be meerly for fear of the penal prosecution there likewise mentioned , it is probable that the advocates of such a practice , ( viz. ) to conform to such things as they before cry'd down as not evangelical , or at best think still to be doubtful , ) will hardly prove martyrs . temporizing is diametrically opposite to the nature of christianity ; and such as are for selfish worldly ends , list themselves among the purest professors of evangelical truths , are justly branded with the ignominious name of hypocrites . but whether these men do it out of conscience , or for any by-ends , the lord only knows , for he is the searcher of hearts ; and there we leave it . the expressions p. 2. are so perplext and unintelligible , that i cannot well pick out the meaning of it . if by sons of leviathan ( bating the unusualness of the phrase ) be meant , the romish clergy ; the paper then supposes such , to be instructors among the dissenters , and of great influence overthem : but that isno less than a malicious and groundless slander . and i challenge this author to justifie the surmise by any demonstrative instances . or , 2. if it means the teachers of the dissenters , ( for one of these it must be ) who are represented as frighting the people from conformity , and scaring them out of church by calling it , and its ministers , antichristian ; let the author produce the words or writings of any eminent nonconformist preacher or preachers , that have branded the church of england with that odious epithete , and i will joyn with him to abhor the calumniators . all sober dissenters universally agree , that the romish hierarchy is the antichrist spoken of in the scripture ; and it was lately well proved in a treatise intituled , schematologia , by a dissenting preacher . and for them to make the church of england another antichrist , is not only disconsonant to their publick and avowed principles , but the highest violation of that charity , and divine principle of love which they owe to their christian conforming brethren , that agree with them in all the substantial parts of the faith , and differ only in circumstances confessedly indifferent by the very imposers . i am surprized to find such a scheme of divinity in this paper , p. 3. as i never yet saw or heard from a protestant writer . all things necessary to salvation are peremptorily laid down by this author , in these four particulars ; upon which take a few notes . 1. the learning of a good catechism , to aid and conduct their faith. 2. a good and well composed form of prayer to discharge their devotion . 3. to hear learned and good men preach to revive and quicken them to duty . 4. to square and regulate their lives by moral precepts ( or the law of nature . ) here 's the sum total of what 's necessary to salvation in this authors opinion . — but he is not content dogmatically to make so diminutive a reduction of christianity , but will also ensure your soul for you , in these words , — the which [ meaning the said particulars ] whosoever shall humbly and carefully observe , constantly and conscientiously perform , we [ that we is himself , as if he had been the representative of the church of england ] will assure them salvation , and undertake to answer to god for them , and be content to stand chargeable with their blood , if they do miscarry , &c. 1. as to the first , 't is confessed that catechistical instructions were used in the primitive times , and since ; and that if rightly managed , it is a necessary expedient to inform the judgments of the ignorant . but i never yet knew that it was made to lead the van of such articles , as are necessary to salvation , before . it is a means indeed , which ( as the spirit of god influences ) may be instrumentally subservient to convert the unconverted . but 't is meer popery to attribute any such virtue to it , as if the meer learning of a bare form of catechistical questions and answers , were a thing necessary to salvation ; and this i take to be the papers meaning . the way of catechising in the primitive ages of christianity , was for some of the church elders to call the youth and other ignorant persons together , at some certain times , and examine them concerning the faith , alwaies explaining what was obscure to their weak understandings , nottying themselves to any form , but administring their questions , and shaping their instructions as the capacity of the catechumeni required , like divine school-masters teaching their spiritual pupils , and with servent prayers recommending the success to god , the converter of souls . so that catechising is no more than a christian endeavour , or expedient for the begetting of faith , — not an aid and conduct of faith ( as the paper words it ) because the persons catechis'd , were supposed to be yet unconverted . besides , to make formal catechising a positive means of salvation , is to damn all that have not the opportunity to learn it by heart , and yet that there are many such in the world , that are nevertheless saved , is undoubtedly known to this author , who seems to make christianity consist in external forms , and a moral deportment , or conversation . 2. as to the second , viz. a good and well composed form of prayer to discharge their devotion . it sounds so different from praying with the spirit and vnderstanding , that i cannot but marvel at it . i do not at all blame such as use forms of prayer , for they may , for ought i know , pray with the spirit likewise , considering the form prescribed by our lord jesus himself , matth. 6. but this is as clear as the sun , that neither in all the new testament , nor the first three hundred years , there ) can be produced any record of known credit , that any stinted forms were imposed ; and good reason , for all the children of god , can represent their grievances to their heavenly father ▪ and though their petitions are expressed in lisping notes , or by the unutterable groans of the spirit ; yet they are not for all that rejected any more than a loving father would deny his hungry child a piece of bread , because he cannot speak plain , or uses not a formal address for it . but for this author to make a form of prayer necessary to salvation , is to damn such as will not , or do not , make their applications to the mercy seat , in the stinted and composed conceptions of others , which possibly may not reach their case , or ( as he calls it ) discharge their devotion . 3. as to the third thing necessary to salvation , viz. to hear learned and good men preach , to revive and quicken to duty . i say , that to attend the sacred dispensations of the word of truth , in order to growth in grace , and spiritual edification , is a christian duty . — and that the preacher ought to be learned in the scriptures , and a good man , that is of such goodness as the utmost pressing after it , can arrive at . if the author means by learning and goodness , what may be meerly attainable by school faculties , and that which the philosophers call morality , abstracted from the influences of converting and evangelical grace , i must dissent from him till he proves , that christianity and morality are one and the same thing ; or that , morality is that grace by which we are saved through faith. if he proves that , it will follow that the coming of christ to plant an evangelical religion in the world , and by his death to save mankind was unnecessary , because salvation might have been attain'd by the philosophy of plato , and the rest of the heathen moralists . this authors divinity seems to look this way : for his fourth thing necessary to salvation , is for men to square and regulate their lives by moral precepts ( or the law of nature . ) to which i say , that christians ought to do not only this , but more too , so that christian duty terminates not here ; it is not confined to practical or speculative morality , which is only a branch or species of christianity , and is as much in degree below that faith and spiritual grace that saves the soul through the efficacy of the blood of christ , as the body is below the soul. the one is exercised in principles of common equity betwixt man and man , — comprehended in that saying , do as ye would be done unto : the other is exercised in a spiritual commerce with the divinity by faith , prayer , and other gospel graces , which natural philosophy ( meerly consider'd as such ) can no more perform , than a man stark blind can judge of colours , or lazarus could get out of his grave before the all quickning power of the mediator rais'd him . the gospel represents such as were naturally alive , to be spiritually dead . and philosophy without grace is character'd by the apostle to be a vain , seducing thing . before i touch upon the reasons of this authon , in justification of nonconformists taking the sacrament after the manner of the church of england , give me leave to put in this caution ; that i do not in what i write directly or indirectly , dispute against the lawfulness of the administration of this ordinance , as us'd in the said church ; but my scope and intention is , to shew how unreasonable it is , for this author to represent the nonconformists as such silly sectaries , because they hant so wide a throat as he , to swallow what they cannot digest ; and consequently , that such of them as dissent out of pure conscience , though they suffer such penalties , as this gentleman it seems does not care to be concern'd in , are to be born withal , whilst they behave themselves peaceably and dutifully towards the civil government . and to give him a hint , that if he be one of those wellineaning dissenters , that has conversed well near 30 years amongst them ( as he says ) p. 1. then either he saw their folly and groundless scrupulosity ( as he angerly calls it ) before the present juncture , or not : if he saw it before , and would not make discovery of it in order to his full and firm vnion , as he baptizes his pamphlet , how can he clear himself of vnfaithfulness , if not hipocrisie , in not beginning this blessed atchievement sooner , that he might prevent the jealousie of the government , and the sufferings of so many poor families as he talks of . but if he be but a new proselite to the church of england , and is converted on a suddain , as on the one hand people will be apt to suspect him , because he chuses a time of suffering to forsake his old brethren , and think him a temporizer : so on the other hand , he will be lookt upon as a novice in reformation , and old experienc'd men , will hardly be perswaded to learn their religion from the little pedantick subtilties of such variable dissenters , who move with the state compass . these things i speak not from any prejudice against the author , ( whoever he be ) but to put him in mind , in a spirit of meakness , that it would better become him rather to exercise charity towards his forsaken brethren , ( if he has been a dissenter ) and since he has freed himself from the lash of suffering , that he would not add to their burthen , at so licentious a rate as he does in this pamphlet . if they are in an error , let him leave them to god , as they are willing to leave him quietly to the happiness of the secure station he has chosen . in p. 4. he begins his proofs , which the judicious and conscientious nonconformist will look upon more subtil then solid . all that i shall remark as to that , will be this , because my work is not to disapprove the communion of the church of england , but to intreat the prosecutors to shew christian compassion to peaceable dissenting protestants ; that this author would if he writes a third argument , resolve me a few plain quaeries . 1. whether the positive rules set down by the soveraign legislator ( with respect to his ordinances ) are not to be observed by christians exactly , without any addition or substraction , as near as can be ? 2. whether it be not an impeachment of the divine wisdom , to suppose his laws imperfect ? or that he stands in need of spiritual privy council , to regulate and establish the circumstances of his lordship ? 3. whether , if the said divine laws be perfect , and unalterable , ( as they certainly are ) any quiet , and conscientious dissenter , ought to be punished for non observance of such ceremonies as are confess'd to be of a meer humane original ? 4. whether it be an argument of piety , for such as have got on the warm side of the hedge , to pelt dirt at those that cannot stride so largely , or jump over so nimbly as they do ? for my part i thought , and still think , that the things necessary to salvation , may be comprehended under this short sentance , viz. to love god with all our hearts , and our neighbours as our selves ; which is the epitome of christian religion , and a compendium of the first and second table . faith in christ jesus , the saviour of the world , who is god , co-equal and co-essential with the father , and , a life and conversation suitable to the sacred rules of the scriptures of truth , which comprehends morality and duties purely divine too , do constitute a christian : and if this mans scheme of religion mentioned before , be true , which as far as i can see , reaches no further then to what the law of nature teaches , — then he may throw away that superfluous thing called the bible , and study seneca , and hobs his leviathan , &c. certainly this author has but a despicable opinion of faith , though the scripture says , that 't is impossible to please god without it ; when he cannot afford it a little room among his things necessary to salvation , — only supposes men to have it , by which i have ground to suspect , that the faith he means , is nothing but some kind of moral perswasion , or other , that being suitable to the rest of his discourse . his little pedantick dilemma's , to justifie the communion of the church of england , p. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. are meerly frivolous ; because no sober , nor wise dissenter ( as far as i can see ) condemns that communion . 't is only some things respecting the circumstances of administration , that they disallow , as being not so exactly quodrate with the rule . therefore let this author , ( if he will do any thing to the purpose ) leave beating the air , and draw a parellel between the communion he justifies , and what is written of it in scripture , — 1. respecting the persons administring . 2. the persons receiving 3. the manner how . 4 ly . the time when . and 5 ly . to what end . and if he makes them agree , then he will convert all the dissenters in that great point , for which they suffer . but if they do not agree , then let this dilema-maker give us some reasons for the disparity , and by what authority the alteration was made : or else in good earnest let him e'en appear bare-fac'd , and blunder it out in plain english , that the laws of god are subservient to the institutions that humane policy thinks fit to superadd . i would withal , intreat the author to bless the world with a like parallel about infant-baptism , that he may reduce those dissenters that have no good opinion of it . but now comes the mortal wound ( as he thinks ) have a care poor phanaticks ! — here the greatest number of them are affirm'd to hold principles dangerously heretical , and most abominably abusive of the most holy and blessed god , — yea , they ungod him . this is most sad indeed , — but wherein i pray ? by making him the greatest author of mischief , — folly , &c. by their idle dreams about his peremptory and eternal decrees . oh! there'sthe business ; this is the excellent and stupendious folly [ fine rhetorick . ] which he admires at . here you see how he brands the poor dissenters for the most abominable of hereticks ; and how does he prove it ? why he fathers an opinion upon them , which none but a mad-man will own , and then pours you out a long winded rhapsody of such devilish consequences , as are able to scare abody out of all charity with the dissenters . for my part , if i had thought it had been such a damn'd thing to believe , that god fore-ordain'd whatsoever should come to pass , — i would never have done it . well , but the author is pelting soundly at his man of straw , and the odium is thrown upon the greatest part of the dissenters . what i shall say in reply , is this , 1. if there be any body guilty of this heresie , viz. that god is the author of sin , i heartily leave him at this authors mercy , for i look upon that opinion to be no better then he represents it . but , 2. he is too uncharitable to charge the greatest number of the dissenters with it , who for any thing , i find discourse only of the decrees of god , as predestination , election , &c. as the scripture represents and as the greatest part of the church of england holds . 3. i could wish that men were temperate , and modest in writing and discoursing of these great secrets of gods decrees , and forbear to extort consequences with such violence from doubtful and obscure places . men have got such an itch to espouse some darling opinion or other , that no reason can remove them from it , though christianity languishes in the very vitals of it , by these brawls and animosities . i have known too many that won't trouble their heads with the most certain and most important duties of the gospel , that instead of reading the commandments , and the plain practical parts of scripture , will needs be making comments upon the obscurest allegories of the prophets , and the revelation of st. john. pray what necessity have we to confound poor simple christians with those school tricks , which much idle and licentious wits , pester the church of christ ? it was enough for the apostle to know nothing but jesus christ , and him crucified , ( as was said ) and 't is most assuredly true , that whatsoever is necessary to salvation , is so plainly laid down in the scripture , that the meanest capacity may ( by the aid of divine grace ) understand it . 't is therefore a dangerous piece of wantonness to be peeping into the secret cabinets of the almighty , and i am sure , such fooleries have done much mischief in the world. for , 1. 't is enough for us to know that the lord god hath chosen a people for himself , viz. such as believe in him , and obey his laws , and that he will eternally save them . and , 2. that such as reject his grace and mercy , and disobey his gospel , will fall under his eternal wrath. with this belief i content my self , and firmly hold , that god is not , nor cannot be the author of any evil , but on the contrary that he is the author of all good. i believe that mans damnation is purely and originally from his own wickedness , and that his eternal destruction is not from any decree of god ; which whosoever saies , does at the same time affirm , that god does damn him for what he cannot possibly avoid . on the other side i beleive , that no man can save himself , but that the lord jesus christ is the only and sole author and cause of salvation , and that he alone purifies the corrupt wills and hearts of men , adapting and preparing them to receive his grace and saving truths , through the power and influence of the holy spirit . this is my creed , in this point , and here i rest , not proposing it by way of imposition on others , but to shew that this moderate middle path , which in my judgment is sound and orthodox , and would lead us to the desireable mansions of peace , out of which our pulpit-wars have a long time kept us . i doubt some intemperate zealots , that would as soon part with their eyes , as their notions , will be grumbling at what i say , as too favourable to one side or other . but as i regard not unjust censure , so i challenge them to mend it . methinks if these general truths , and some such like , be enough for the people to know they do the church no good service , that instead of preaching practical duties , will needs be frightening the auditory with hidden decrees , absolute reprobation , and some such new made thunder-bolts , able to scare 'em into despair . god commanded his gospel to be preach'd to all the world , that such as would receive it should be saved . but these men have got you a hidden decree , which damns the greatest part of mankind , yet without the hand of any heavenly notary to testifie it . and pray tell me , what is it more or less , than to mock the poor people , to invite them to believe , &c. when 't is impossible for them savingly to do it , if their names be registred in that black and irreversible muster roll. i do not design to reflect upon any , nor do i list my self with those who follow arminius , or calvin ; i am sorry to find extreams on both hands . i would only beseech dissenters to preach necessary truths , and let the hidden decrees of god alone , with other unnecessary notions ; which practice will undoubtedly be of great and useful consequenc , and will preventthe bawling of such authors as this is , who i believe will not quarrel with what i here write , nor charge his horrible consequences upon it ; and yet i am sure , all sober dissenters are of this mind ; for i never yet met any of them , but upon a sober debate , as occasion offered it , were obliged by fair argument to own it . and he that believes this , believes enough , as to this point , and more will but distract and confound the plain and honest christian . i have been the longer about this , tolet this author know that his charge of heresie is stretcht unreasonably wide , and i hope i have gain'd thus much by taking notice of this pamphlet , that upon a serious and unbyass'd perusal of this few remarks , any reader of common capacity will see a necessity of better arguments then he uses . and 't is hop'd that our church will use that way of reducing dissenters , viz. mild christian debates and conferences , sober brotherly perswasions , with hearty prayers for each other ; which were the church weapons of the primitive christians , not such whirlwind and thunder ▪ as some certain renegado's yonder at algier , or thereabouts , would conjure up , against a little scatter'd fleet of their quondam friends . i profess i cannot but wonder at the unparallel'd confidence of this pamphlet , that blushes not to charge the greatest part of the sectaries , ( as its young zeal words it ) meaning protestant dissenters ) with making god the author of wickedness , in such terms as quoted before ; which is no less then to charge them with the blackest of blasphemies . now the laws of our land have provided condign punishment for that ( most ) monstrous of treasons , against the king of kings . and the author cannot acquit himself of misprision , if he gives not a catalogue of such horrible delinquents , that the law may punish them , and that all christians may shun them as the worst of hereticks . let him produce that , together with legal evidence , and then fiat justitia , let new tyburns be erected for them , if the legislative authory thinks fit . reader , i have almost done with this pamphlet , which i believe will proselite only such as are under the influence of something i shall not name . only give me leave to add a few lines by way of observation , upon the specimen , the author gives of the wit and policy of these giddy sectaries , ( as he calls them . ) would they have ( saies he ) p. 12. ) arch-bishops , — bishops , — the best clergy , — all the best clergy of england , — tythes , — vniversities , — parish levy's , — down ? this he answers with a parcel of gingling , yes , yes , yesses . then to fill up the vacuities , he insinuates that these same sectaries would elect tinkers , taylors , watermen , shoomakers , coffee-men , hat-dressers , &c. concluding with a pious irony , that the christian world must be acquainted with this honourable — reformation ! in the first place the slander is venemous , and the deportment of the grave and reverend nonconformist preachers since his majesties happy restauration , confutes this wild calumny . let him name those giddy fools , and let them be exposed for their silliness ; else let him avoid the charge of turning a false accuser of the brethren , if he can . all that protestant dissenters desire , is but a liberty to serve their god , according to their light , in cottages , or any where , quietly , without any combination against the government ; nor do they begrudge the governours of the church their dignities or revenues . when they do otherwise , let them be stigmatiz'd with a witness for me ; for then they cease from being the disciples of christ , whose kingdom is not of this world. secondly , if he has been a benefic'd holder-forth amongst these sectaries , he might have nam'd his own trade with the rest ; and should have demonstrated which of those mechanicks , have aspired to such high church dignities ; without that , the tale signifies nothing . there were mechanick preachers in the primitive times , i am sure ; 't is well they escape this gentlemans lash ; he deserves thanks for that civility , however . well but ( says the pamphlet , p. 13. ) for forty years they have made no bank , built no free-schools , purchas'd no church-lands , — pay no tythes , — wont consent to have all things common , — their preachers go a begging , — &c. this i must confess is a frightful charge , and able to scare their preachers away from them , if they only gape for a benefice . but the author did not consider that this is a good argument against his insinuations of their ambition , for if this be true , then the government needs not fear them , and the prosecution of penal laws may be spar'd , when the sectaries make no provision for their ministers , nor do incorporate themselves into a formidable faction . besides , since the case is thus ( or the pamphlet tells a whisker ) either the dissenting preachers , ( as formerly hinted ) are fools to go a begging , when they may be welcome to our church , and provided for , or else their dissent is from pure conscience , and so , christian charity would rather pitty then persecute them . to conclude this section , if the author of this paper thinks fit to go on , let him produce arguments of weight and solidity , and wave the language of reproach , and he will either convince us , or be answered soberly . sect . vii . after this tedious parenthesis , which unlookt for , fell in my way , i will re-assume my discourse , and in all humility offer some reasons , that the intention of the law-makers , was for suppressing sedition , and conspiracies against the government , and not meerly to punish quiet and peaceable dissenters . and will in order thereunto , give you an abstract of the words of an ingenious author , lately published . the laws against dissenters are of two different natures . 1. some statutes are wholly designed against papists , and ought only to be executed against them , tho' some would have them put in execution against dissenting protestants , for not coming to church , and receiving the sacraments , &c. 2. the laws indeed that were made against puritan sectaries ( as they call them ) or dissenting protestants . the statutes of the first sort , are in number five , viz. the 1. elizabeth , ca. 2. the 23. elizabeth , ca. 1. the 29. elizabeth , ca. 6. the 1. jac. ca. 4. and 3. jac. ca. 4. here good reader , i thought to have enlarged , but upon second thoughts ( having resolv'd to be as brief as may be ) i judge it more to your satisfaction to refer you to a late treatise intituled , english liberties , where from p. 171. to p. 200. you have this subject handled with much judgment , candor , and clearness ; the book is to be had at any booksellers , and is well worth every english-mans perusal . the author plainly demonstrates that these statutes intend only the prosecution of papists , and therefore all the reason and equity in the world will disallow their being put in execution against peaceable protestant subjects , who are no way concern'd in them ; which was the opinion of the house of commons , who were more likely to interpret a doubtful law , then such particular justices and others , as are now so busie to execute them against the mind of the law-makers . sabbati , sexto die nov. 1680. resolved nemine contradicente , that it is the opinion of this house , that the acts of parliament made in the reigns of queen elizabeth , and king james , against popish recusants , ought not to be extended against protestant dissenters . that the 35 th . of eliz. is not now in force , the same author evidences by such solid and convincing demonstrations , that they are in my judgment unanswerable , p. 181. &c. and the sum is , that there are now no laws in being to punish the conventicles , and the non-conformist ministers , who did not conform to the act of vniformity , made in the reign of his present majesty ; but the act commonly called the five mile , or oxford act , and the conventicle act , made the 22 th . of our present soveraign . these you have also judiciously handled , ibid. he that will seriously peruse these several statutes , and lay aside prejudice , must needs conclude that it is not the meer dissent which our law-makers intend to punish , for the conventicle act allows any family to worship god in their own way , provided there be no more then four persons besides the domesticks . nor does it punish meerly for the number neither , unless them be sedition , or a conspiracy of the parties meeting to disturb the peace , or contrive insurrections , or traytorous designs against the government . if there be any such meetings to be found , that instead of a pious and peaceable worshipping of god , will be meditating rebellion , let the utmost severity of the law be put in execution against them , for then they cease from being christians , when they become traytors , and such only , viz. disturbers of the peace , the just laws of england design to suppress . but if there be no such wicked practices or conspiracies , but on the contrary a peaceable deportment , and quiet , harmless behaviour to be found , in the meetings of these dissenters ▪ with what conscience can those laws be put in execution against the innocent , which were meant only to suppress sedition , and secure the government against such as actually disturb it ? that that was the intention of the legislators , viz. to punish only the guilty , is evident , and for any one to stretch those statutes beyond the ends for which they were designed , is no less , then to shew himself undutiful to his soveraign , unnaturally cruel to his poor country-men , an oppressor of his brethren , and obnoxious to a severe reckoning , in the great day of accounts . i have demonstrated before that , compulsion of conscience is diametrically opposite to the law and word of god , yea , that it is morally impossible to make a man believe against his reason ; and consequently that the effects of compulsion is only to force men to hypocrisie , since no external force can convert the soul. now i shall annex some quotations from the fundamental laws of england , which express such a tenderness of the law of god , that it tells you in down-right terms , that no act of parliament , or law , refugnant to the law of god , is of any force , finch . p. 3. and that no man of what estate , degree , or condition whatsoever , hath power to dispense with gods law , as all the clergy of the realm , and most of the vniversities of christendom , and we also affirm , 28. h. 8. and that against scripture , law , prescription , statute , nor custom may avail ; and if any be brought in against it , they be void , and against justice . doctor , and student , &c. now , besides what hath been said before of the law of god , ( which the law of the land positively declares — indispensible , ) take here a brief specimen of it . 1. all men are commanded to hear , learn , and keep it , and ought to be in their respective stations , according to divine rules , ready to communicate such gifts as christ bestows upon them , in order to edify others . mistake me not ( reader ) i do not plead for any promiscuous or irregular liberty , for any person to step beyond the bounds prescribed by the soveraign legislator , but to shew you that where a talent is given , it should be improved . we find in scripture , that there were preaching kings , princes , judges , levites , psal . 40. 9. eccl. 1. 1. and 12. 13. 2 chron. 17. 7 , 8 , 9. yea , preaching mechanicks , tradesmen , tent-makers , fishermen , &c. mark 6. 3. amos 1. 1. mark 1. 16 , 17. act. 18. 2. 1 cor. 14. 1 , 2 , 31. 2. god's law pronounces a wo to his preachers , if they preach not his gospel , 1 cor. 9. 16. 3. rewards and promises are promised to preachers , matth. 10. 41. and 25. 21. and 5. 19. james 5. 20. 4. god's law allows preaching in houses , streets , fields , &c. yea , to great multitudes , with promised mercies to the owners so receiving them , act. 20. 20. and 28. 31. luk 13. 26. matth 3. 1. and 10. 40 , 41 , 42. 5. god's law denounces wrath to such as abuse his preachers , and beat their fellow servants , 1 thess . 2. 16. matth. 24. 48 , 49 , 50. 6. god's law injoyns men to assemble together in order to his worship , heb. 10. 25. and 3. 13. act. 2. 42. mal. 3. 14. 16. yea , thousands at a time , john 6. 10. act. 44. and 2. 41. &c. much more to the same purpose may be quoted . now , i appeal to all sober christians , whether any law that contradicts this divine law , or by coercive means , and riged penalties , keeps christians from these duties , ought not to be relaxt , and forborn to be put in execution , because all humane laws , are to give place to the law of god , as our very national laws assert ? and whether the dissent of a peaceable consciencious people , from meer ceremonies not enjoyned by the statute law of heaven , deserves so rigorous a treatment as a great many have felt , and still feel ? &c. sect . viii . besides the law of god , and the law of the land , which sweetly harmonize together , ( when the latter is not stretched beyond its meaning , by some whose charity appearsonly in the ruine of their poor honest neighbours , ) i would urge that great magna charta of nature , a law so just and comprehensive , that no man can deny it , unless at the same time he devests himself of humanity , and assumes the shape of a barbarous , and more then bruitish cruelty . it is this ( in few words ) do as you would be done unto . this golden text reverenc'd amongst the very heathens ( whose precept it was , quod tibi non vis , alteri ne feceris ) might administer a copious theme , but i shall be brief ; and content my self to ask two questions of those gentlemen , that are so busie in putting these penal laws in execution ; but still letme repeat the caveat i have so often mentioned , — that i plead not the cause of seditious meetings , or such as contrive or design any evil against the state , but only such as dissent purely out of conscience , and manage their separation with piety towards god , and loyalty to the king , together with a christian becoming deportment towards their neighbours . 1. whether they , ( that is such as prosecute the protestant dissenters , ) would be so dealt withal themselves ? viz. to be imprison'd , fin'd , depriv'd of their goods , banisht from their dearest relations , wives , children , &c. forc'd from their trades and callings , ( when they live by the labour of their their hands , or the faculties they were brought up to , ) have their families beg or starve , and in a word , utterly ruin'd , as to this world , and that meerly because they cannot conform to what they are not convinc'd of , to be of divine institution ? or , being men of conscience , will not be led by any implicite faith ? if not , methinks they should use the same tenderness to others , or else they violate this law , ( made sacred matth. 7. 12. ) 2. whether , if it had been their lot to live in a country where popery , or presbyterianism , is the publick religion , would they look upon it to be just and fair dealing , meerly for their conscientious dissent to be forc'd to a hypocritical compliance , or be ruin'd in their estates , if not lives ? sect . ix . the grand topick which the little mercenary pasquillers use to justifie their invectives against dissenters , is the late dismal rebellion , and the horrid murther of his majesties royal father , &c. this is a subject which i would not touch upon , but that i am forc'd by the dayly clamours of these pamphletters to speak a few words to it . and , 1. if i know my own heart , i can truly say , that i do from my very soul abhor and detest all principles that tend to rebellion , or disturbance of the publick or private peace , and all such wicked persons as imbrue their hands in the blood of any man , woman , or child , much more any such traytors as practice against the sacred life or person of the lord 's annointed , for such persons are so far from deserving any favour or protection from the government , that they ought to be rooted from off the face of the earth , as the most execrable of misereants . and therefore let the authors of our late calamities , and the unparallel'd murther of that great and most excellent prince , be branded with everlasting infamy for me . 't is not for traytors , but for my innocent fellow-christians , that i beg the favour and pitty of such as are intrusted with the execution of penal laws for religion . 2. how far the papists did influence those fatal convulsions , and whether the nation ows not all its calamity to their black and mystical stratagems , the judicious unbyass'd reader will soon determine , if he peruses mr. care 's history of the plot , reprinted 1681. from p. 42. to 71. i have not room to transcribe it , and therefore would advise ( any that doubts it ) to peruse it there intire , 't is worth his while . 4. 't is diametrically opposite to justice , to punish the innocent for the crimes of the guilty . — and admitting that a great many under the vizard of religion , had a main hand in these lamentable ( and too too deplorable ) mischiefs before mentioned ; there is no equity in the world , that their villanies shall be chargeable upon ( and their punishment extend to ) such as were never concern'd in them . the best religion in the world cannot secure it self from hypocrites , that disguise themselves till they have an opportunity to serve some devilish turn , or other . that arch-traytor and informer judus , got in among the very apostles , and many false brethren crept in among the primitive saints ; — the devil himself will sometimes come masqueraded as an angel of light. why is the christian religion ever the worse for this ? no , no , divine truths are still such , though the sacred profession of it is prophan'd and abus'd by such hypocritical wretches , to their own damnation . what i aim at , is this , viz. that we are to examine the principles of such as profess christianity under any form , declared in their publick confessions of faith , and the writings of such as are own'd , and approv'd by them , and if we find them pernicious to the government , or tending any waies to the disturbance of the publick peace ; such are without dispute to be suppress'd and punisht as enemies to the state. but if their principles be in all articles of religion suitable to the word of god , and ( in fundamentals ) to the establisht religion ; it will unavoidably follow , that the miscarriages , or wickedness of some that creep in amongst them , are not to be charged upon their christian profession , ( which allows no such thing ) but upon the delinquents themselves . from hence i infer , that the murther of his late majesty , those rebellions , bloodsheds , and overturnings of state , &c. then noted , are to be chargeable only upon such as were personally and actually guilty , — for i never heard , ( and i dare boldly say that no man ever did hear ) that any of our dissenting protestants in their confessions of faith , have ever had so much traytorous impudence , as to justifie the least tittle of such horrid things , but the quite contrary , as may be shown in time . if there be any now alive , who have had any hand in those dreadful commotious , &c. if they have received his majesties pardon , they are thereby reinstated into equal priviledges with the innocent , unless by new treasons they forfeit that royal grace ▪ but if there be any of them excluded from the benefit of the act of oblivion , let them be punish'd , fiat justitia . i insist the longer upon this , to shew how unreasonable it is , for such a parcel of hackney scriblers to be perpetually bawling of 41 , 41 , and making the crimes of such as are dead , or were executed for their treasons , not only survive them , but persecute their poor innocent fellow subjects with them ; i could wish with all my heart , that all those half-penny pasquillers on both sides , who meerly for their bellies , pester city and country , inventing names of reproach , as whigg , tory , trimmer , &c. and begetting feuds and animosities betwixt his majesties liege people , were severely punisht as disturbers of the publick peace ; i am sure they deserve it more then the dissenters , who are a peaceable trading people , and usefull members of the state , who pay his majesty all his taxes and revenues , to the utmost of what the law requires ▪ ( which is not inconsiderable . ) how untollerable is it then , for free born subjects , loyal to the king , and helpful in supporting the charge of the government to be dayly and weekly libel'd , and abus'd by those rascally leeches of the press , that to serve their own little craving necessities , care not if they set the people together by the ears ? his majesty out of his royal clemency was pleas'd to pass an act of oblivion , yea , so impatient was he , that he prest the parliament with much earnestness , to make it ready for his royal assent ▪ what then ? why here you have his goodness ▪ and princely lenity reviled , and contradicted , ( almost dayly ) by a certain incendiary , who conjurest up the memory of those fatal times , and keeps the nation old wounds a bleeding , in defiance of that act , which was design'd to heal , and make them forgotten . the conclvsion . i intended upon this subject to have given you a parallel between the doctrine of the church of england , and the dissenters , but that i find it already well done by mr. henry care , in his book intituled , vltrum horum , &c. printed 1682. to which i refer you , as also to the truly pious treatises of that worthy author ( whoever he be ) of the conformists plea for the nonconformists , &c. 2. i purposed likewise to lay down some demonstrative reasons , why the profession of popery is intollerable in a protestant kingdom , ( whom they account hereticks ) because their principles are pernicious , and their practices have been dangerous , &c. 3. to shew the mischiefs , and sad consequences of prosecuting quiet and peaceable dissenters upon the penal laws , as having a direct tendency to weaken the protestant interest , for whose ruine that common enemy greedily gapes , ( 2. ) how much it destroys trade , and ruines thousands of families , ( 3. ) what a scandal it is to the protestant reformation , when we quarrel and persecute each other , ( 4. ) what a disparagement it is to the actors , &c. 4. to shew the quality of informers , and the quality of such as they prosecute ; with the ravenous and illegal proceedings of the former . 5. produce illustrious testimonies of the worth of the dissenters , and how serviceable they have been to the crown , as also the witness of as eminent church-men and states-men , as ever were in england , who gave them great encomiums , and own'd them as brethren . 6. propose a modest essay for vnion amongst all protestants , with demonstrative reasons , that it is not only practicable , but absolutely necessary ; together with the blessed effects of such an accomodation . but having already exceeded my intended limits , i must leave it to another opportunity , and my poor endeavours to the blessing of the god of peace . finis . some considerations about union among protestants, and the preservation of the interest of the protestant religion in this nation owen, john, 1616-1683. 1680 approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53728 wing o807a estc r20887 12610788 ocm 12610788 64364 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53728) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64364) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 771:1) some considerations about union among protestants, and the preservation of the interest of the protestant religion in this nation owen, john, 1616-1683. [2], 13 p. printed by t.s., london : 1680. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -england. church and state -england. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some considerations about union among protestants , and the preservation of the interest of the protestant religion in this nation . london , printed by t.s. an. dom. 1680. some considerations about union among protestants , &c. 1. the prostestant religion , introduced into this nation , by the apostolical way and means of the holiness and laborious preaching of its professors , confirmed with the martyrdom of multitudes of all sorts , being now throughly fixed in the minds of the body of the people , and confirmed unto them by laws and oaths , is become the principal interest of the nation , which cannot be shaken or overthrown , without the ruine of the government , and destruction of the people . nothing therefore less being included in the attempts of the papists , with all their interest in europe , for the reintroducing of their religion amongst us , the nation hath been constantly filled for an hundred years with fears , jealousies , and apprehensions of dangers , to the great disturbance of the government , and disquietment of the subjects ; nor can it be otherwise whil'st they know that there is a pregnant design for their total subversion , together with the ruine of the protestant religion in other places , which would have ensued thereon . but , 2. this religion so received and approved by the people , as the only true way to salvation , ( accompanied with an abhorrency of the superstition , idolatry and heresies of the church of rome , partly on the general account of their own nature , and partly on particular reasons and provocations from the attempts of those that belong unto that church , for the ruine of them and their religion ) and joyntly professed in the same confession of faith , hath been preserved by the means of a faithful laborious ministry , under the care , protection and outward government of the supreme power , as the greatest bullwark of the protestant religion in europe . 3. the only weakness in it , as the interest of the nation , ( before it was infested with novel opinions ) was the differences that have been amongst many of the professors of it , from the very first beginning of the reformation , and which are continued unto this day . 4. these differences though consisting now in many particulars of less moment , arose originally , solely from the constitution of an authoritative national church state. for some would have it to be of one sort namely , episcopal , some of another , namely , presbyterian ; some would have it of a divine original , others of an humane , which must be the judgment of the king and parliament , who know it to be what they have made it , and nothing else ; and some judge it a meer usurpation on the power of the civil government , and the liberties of the people . 5. it is therefore acknowledged that the body of christian people in this nation professing the protestant religion , with a detestation of popery ; having the gospel preached unto them , and the sacraments duely administred , under the rule of the king , are the church of england . but as unto an authoritative national church , consisting solely in the power and interest of the clergy , wherein the people , either as christians , protestants or subjects of the kingdom are not concerned ; such as is at present established , farther enquiry may be made about it . 6. there is a threefold form of such a church , at present contended for . the first is papal , the second episcopal , and the third presbyterian . 7. the first form of an authoritative national church-state amongst us , as in other places , was papal : and the sole use of it here in england , was to embroyl , our kings in their government , to oppress the people in their souls , bodies , and estates , and to fell us all , as branded slaves , unto rome . these things have been sufficiently manifested . but in other places especially in germany , whil'st otherwise they were all of one religion , in doctrine and worship , all conform to the church of rome ; yet in bloody contests meerly about this authoritative church state , many emperours were ruined , and an hundred set battels fought in the field . 8. at the reformation this church state , was accommodated , ( as was supposed ) unto the interest of the nation , to obviate the evils suffered from it , under the other form , and render it of use unto the religion established . yet experience manifests that , partly from its constitution , partly from the inclinations of them by whom it is managed , other evils have accompanied or followed it , which until they are removed , the weakness of the protestant interest through mutual divisions , will remain among us . and among others , they are these . 1. an encroachment on the civil rights and government of the nation , in the courts and jurisdictions pretended to belong or to be annexed unto this church state over the persons , goods , and liberties of the subiects , ( yea in some cases their lives . ) it is the undoubted right and liberty of the people of this nation , that no actual jurisdiction should be exercised over their persons , estates , or liberties , in a way collateral unto , and independent on the publicks administration of justice unto all , derived from the sovereign power , and executed by known officers , rules and orders , according unto the laws of the realm . if this be taken from them , all other pretences of securing the liberty and property of the subjects , are of no advantage unto them . for whil'st they have justice in legal publick courts , duely administred unto them , they may be oppressed and ruined ( as many are so every day ) by this pretended collateral irregular power and jurisdiction over their persons , good and liberties ; from which it seems to be the duty of the parliament to deliver them . and it is the right of the kings of this nation , that no external power over the subjects be exercised but in their name , by vertue of their commission , to be granted and executed according unto the laws of the land. this right of kings , and this liberty of subjects also , are so sacred , as that they ought not to be entrenched on by any pretence of church or religion . for what is of god's own appointment will touch neither of them . but the administration of this jurisdiction as it is exercised with a side wind power , distinct , different from and in some things contrary unto the publick justice of the nation , ( wherein all the subjects have an equal interest ) and by the rules of a law forraign unto that of the kingdom , is a great cause of the continuation of divisions among protestants , unto the weakning of the interest of religion itself . 2 it is accompanied with the prosecution and troubling of peaceable subjects , in their liberties and estates ; not for any error in the christian faith , not for any declension from the protestant religion or compliance with popery , not for any immoralities , but meerly and solely for their non-compliance with , and submission unto those things which are supposed necessary for the preservation of their church state , which is of itself altogether unnecessary . for the whole complex of the imposed conformity in canonical obedience , ceremonies , rites and modes of worship , hath no other end but the sustentation and preservation thereof ; being things otherwise , that belong not to christian religion . this began , this will perpetuate our divisions , which will not be healed whil'st it is continued . and whil'st the two parties of papists and protestants , are at this day contending as it were for life , soul , and being , ( the long continued design of the former , under various pretences , and by great variety of attempts , being come unto its fatal tryal , as unto its issue : ) it will not be thought meet by wise men , whose entire interest in religion and the liberties of the nation are concerned , in this contest to continue the body of protestants in divisions , with mutual animosities , and the distrust of multitudes , on such unnecessary occasions . 3. whereas by vertue of this state and constitution , sundry persons are interested in honours , dignities , power and wealth , in all which they have an immediate , ( and not meerly legal ) dependance on the king , since their separation from the pope ; they have constantly made it their business to promote absolute monarchical power , without respect unto the true constitution of the government of this nation , which in sundry instances hath been disadvantageous to kings themselves , as well as an incumbrance to the people in parliament . for although their constitution doth really entrench upon the kings legal power , in the administration of their jurisdiction , yet to secure their own interests , and to make a seeming compensation for that encroachment , many of them have contended for that absolute power in the king , which he never owned , nor assumed unto himself . 9. the evils and inconveniencies of this constitution , of an authoritative national church state , have been greatly encreased and propagated in this nation , as unto the heightening of divisions among protestants , by the endeavours that have been to confirm and continue this state in an extraordinary way ; such were the oath called , &c. and the late oath at oxford , whereon many ●ober peaceable protestant ministers have been troubled , and some utterly ruined ; which hath much provoked the indignation of the people , against those who occasioned that law , and for whose sake it was enacted ; and encreased the suspition that those who manage these things , would have men believe , that their state and rule , is as sacred as the crown , or religion itself , unto the great disparagement of them both ; which things are effectual engines to expell all peace and union among protestants . 10 ▪ those who are for the presbyterian form of an authoritative national church state , do indeed cut off , and cast away most of those things which are the matter of contest between the present dissenting parties , and so make a nearer approach towards a firm union among all protestants than the other do ; yet such an authoritative church state in that form , is neither proper for , nor possible unto this nation , nor consistent with that preheminence of the crown , that liberty of the subjects , and freedom of the consciences of christians , which are their due . but this being not much among us pretended unto , it need not further be spoken of . 11. it is evident therefore that whil'st the evils enumerated , are not separated from the present authoritative national church constitution , but the powers of it are put in execution , and the ends of it pursued , it is altogether vain to expect peace and union among protestants in england ; it neither hath been so , nor ever will be so , fire and faggot will not be able to effect it . who shall reconcile the endless differences that are , and have been about the power , courts , and jurisdictions of this church state , whether they be agreeable unto the laws of the land , and liberty of the subjects . the fixed judgement of many that they have no legal authority at present , nor any power given them by the law of the land , whereon they dare not submit unto them , is no less chargeable , dangerous and pernicious unto them , than are their uncouth vexations and illegal proceedings unto them who are unwillingly forced to submit unto them . and whatever may be expected , the people of this nation will never be contented that their persons , goods , or liberties , shall be made subject unto any law , but the publick royal law of the kingdom administred in legal courts of justice . who shall undertake that all christians or protestants in this nation shall ever submit their consciences and practices , to a multitude of impositions no way warranted in the scriptures ? or how any of the other evils that are the causes of all our divisions shall be removed , cannot easily be declared . 12. if it shall be said that if this authoritative national church state should be removed , and no other of another form , set up in the room of it ; or be divested of the powers claimed at present by it , it will be impossible to preserve the protestant religion amongst us , to keep uniformity in the profession of it , and agreement amongst its professors ; it is answered , ( 1 ) nothing ought to be removed but what is a real cause , or unnecessary occasion at least , of all the difformity and disorder that is amongst us , and is likely so to continue ▪ ( 2 ) that whil'st we have a protestant king , and a protestant parliament , protestant magistrates and protestant ministers , with the due care of the nation that they may so continue , and a protestant confession of faith duely adhered unto , i shall not , under the blessing of the holy providence , fear the preservation of the protestant religion and interest in england , without any recourse unto such a church power , as fills all with divisions . this i say is that church of england which is the principal bullwark of the protestant religion and interest in europe ; namely , a protestant king , a protestant parliament , protestant magistrates , protestant ministers , a protestant confession of faith established by law , with the cordial agreement of the body of the people in all these things ; esteeming the protestant religion and its profession their chief interest in this world . to suppose that a few men , having obtained honours , dignities , and revenues unto themselves , exercising a power and authority ( highly questionable whether legal or no ) unto their own advantage , oppressive unto the people , and by all means perpetuating differences among protestants , are that church of england , which is justly esteemed the bullwark of the protestant religion , is an high and palpable mistake . the church of england as unto its national interest in the preservation of the protestant religion , is not only separable from it , but weakned by it . yea , if there be such a national constitution , as in its own nature , and by the secular advantages which it supplies men withal , enclines them to prefer their own interest above that of the protestant religion in general , it will always endanger that religion in any nation . for hereon they will judge when they are pressed , on any occasion or circumstance of affairs , that it is better to preserve their own interest , by vertue of some dispensations securing unto them their power and secular advantages , than to venture all by a rigid contest for the protestant religion . nor is it morally possible that ever popery should return into this , or any other nation , but under the conduct of such a church constitution ; without this it hath no prevalent engine , but meer force , war and oppression . but if the interest of popery can possess this church-state , either by the inclinations of them or the greater number of them , who have the management of it , or by their dependance , as unto their interest , on the supream authority , if that happen in any age to give countenance thereunto , the whole nation will quickly be insensibly influenced , and betrayed into popery as it were , they know not how . hence have been such national conversions to and fro in england , as have been in no other places or countries in the world. for the care of the publicks preservation of religion , being , as it is supposed , entrusted in this church-state and the managers of it , if by any means it be possessed by popery , or influenced by a popish prince , the religion of the whole nation will be lost immediately . for as unto all other ministers who have the immediate guidance of the people they will suppose that they can do nothing of themselves in this mattter . but are only obliged unto the conduct of the church-state itself . and having their station therein alone , and depending thereon , they may easily be either seduced by their interest , or excluded from their duty by the power of that church state whereunto they are subject . by this means the whole interest of the protestant religion in this nation as unto its preservation ▪ depends on such a state as being the concernment of a few , and those such as have an especial interest of their own , distinct from that of the protestant religion in general , may be easily possessed by popery , and probably would be so , if they should have a popish prince to influence them . but whereas the people are now possessed and fully persuaded of the truth of protestant religion , if there be no publick machine or engines insensibly to turn about the whole body of them , but they must be dealt withal individually or parochially , it will , as was said , be morally impossible , that ever popery should become the religion of this nation , any other way , but by the destruction or killing of the present inhabitants . allow that the church-state supposed , may in those who have the trust , and power of it , be seduced , corrupted , or any way induced or disposed unto the interest of popery , as it may be ; it is possible some individual persons may be found , that for the sake of truth , will expose their lives to the stake or otherwise . so did many in the days of queen mary , though now esteemed by not a few , foolish zealots for their pains . but the body of the people through their various legal relations unto this church-state , deserting the care of their own preservation , by their trust in the conduct thereof , whereunto they are unavoidably compelled , will quickly be inveagled so as not to be able to extricate themselves . but set them at liberty , so as that every parliament , every magistrate , every minister , every good christian , may judge that that the preservation of their religion is their own duty in all their capacities , and popery with all its arts will know neither how to begin , nor how to proceed with them . if then there were no such church state as being in the management of a few , is seduceable , and not difficult to be possessed by the interest of popery , whereby the whole nation would be at once betrayed ; the protestant religion is now so firmly seated in the minds of the people , so countenanced by law , so esteemed by all to be the principal interest of the nation , that the wit of all the jesuits of the world , knows not how to attaque it , much less endanger it ; which if there be need , shall be further demonstrated . 13. nor is it a matter of art or difficulty to declare a way for the security of the protestant religion , with the rights of the government , and liberties of the subjects , with the due freedom of conscience , without any such church-state ; but it is what the principles of religion , common prudence , and the honest interest of the nation do direct unto ; as to instance in the things that are most material unto that end . 1. let a solemn renunciation of popery , suited unto the general principles of the protestant religion , be established by law , to be made publickly by every person , that is to partake of the rights and priviledges already confirmed unto that religion , or which afterwards shall be so ; to be renewed as occasion shall require . 2. let there be one solemn stated confession of the christian protestant faith , such as is the doctrine of the articles of the church of england , especially as explained in the publick authorized writings of the church in the days of queen elizabeth and king james , before the inroad of novel opinions among us ; to be subscribed by all enjoying a publick ministry 3. let the magistrate assume unto himself the exercise of his just power , in the preservation of the publick peace in all instances ; in the encouragement and protection of the professors of the protestant religion ; in securing unto all men their legal rights , already granted unto them , in their several places and stations , in the punishment of all crimes cognoscible by humane judgement ; in deposing of men from their enjoyments or priviledges , which they hold on any condition , as suppose their orthodox profession of the protestant religion , if they fail in , or fall from the performance of it ; leaving only things purely spiritual and evangelical to the care and power of the churches , and all litigious causes of what sort soever , with the infliction of all outward penalties , unto the determination of the laws , of the land , and a great progress will be made towards order and peace amongst us . 4. yea these few things in general are only needful thereunto ; ( 1 ) let the king and parliament secure the protestant religion as it is the publick interest of the nation against all attempts of the papacy for its destruction , with proper laws , and their due execution . ( 2 ) let the wisdom and power of the nation in the supream and subordinate magistrates be exerted , in the rule of all persons and causes , civil and criminal , by one and the same law of the land , in a complyance wherewith the allegiance of the subject unto the king doth consist ; without which , government will never be well fixed on its proper and immoveable basis. ( 3 ) that provision be made for the sedulous preaching of the gospel in all parts and places of the land , or all parochial churches , the care whereof is incumbent on the magistrates . ( 4 ) let the church be protected in the exercise of its spiritual power , by spiritual means only , as preaching of the word , administration of the sacraments , and the like ; whatever is farther pretended , as necessary unto any of the ends of true religion or its preservation in the nation , is but a cover for the negligence , idleness , and insufficiency of some of the clergy , who would have a● outward apearance of effecting that by external force , which themselves by diligent prayer , sedulous preaching of the word , and an exemplary conversation , ought to labour for in the hearts of men. 5. it is evident that hereon all causes of jealousies , animosities and strifes among the protestants would be taken away ; all complaints of oppression by courts and jurisdictions , not owned by the people , be prevented ; all encroachments on the consciences of men , ( which are and will be an endless and irreconcileable cause of difference among us ) be obviated ; all ability to controul or disturb the power and priviledge of kings in their persons or rule ; and all temptations to exalt their power in absoluteness above the law , will be removed ; so as that by the blessing of god , peace and love may be preserved among all true protestants . and if there do ensue hereon some variety in outward rites and observations , as there was in all the primitive churches , who pleaded that the unity of faith was commended and not at all impeached by such varieties ; yet whil'st the same doctrine of truth is preached in all places , the same sacraments only administred , wherein every protestant subject of the nation , will be at liberty to joyn in protestant christian worship , and to partake of all church ordinances , in the outward way and according unto the outward rites of his own choosing , without the authoritative examination or prohibition of any pretended church power , but what in his own judgement he doth embrace , no inconvenience will follow hereon , unless it be judged such , that the protestant roligion , the liberty of the subjects , and the due freedom of the consciences of men sober and peaceable , will be all preserved . finis . the good old cause briefly demonstrated with advertisements to authority concerning it, to the end, all persons may see the cause of their bondage, and way of deliverance. hubberthorn, richard, 1628-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a44840 of text r14167 in the english short title catalog (wing h3223a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a44840 wing h3223a estc r14167 12206382 ocm 12206382 56183 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44840) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 56183) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 764:7) the good old cause briefly demonstrated with advertisements to authority concerning it, to the end, all persons may see the cause of their bondage, and way of deliverance. hubberthorn, richard, 1628-1662. 16 p. printed for thomas simmons ..., [london : 1659] caption title. signed at end: r.h. [richard hubberthorn. cf. bm.] reproduction of original in huntington library. eng church and state -england. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660. a44840 r14167 (wing h3223a). civilwar no the good old cause briefly demonstrated. with advertisements to authority concerning it; to the end, all persons may see the cause of their hubberthorn, richard 1659 6443 3 0 0 0 0 0 5 b the rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-05 simon charles sampled and proofread 2005-05 simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the good old cause briefly demonstrated . with advertisements to authority concerning it ; to the end , all persons may see the cause of their bondage , and way of deliverance . a cause in this common-wealth hath been much pleaded and contended about by words and weapons . some have called it liberty of conscience ; but the light in the conscience ( the light of christ , the lords true witness in the soul ) can no man reach ; for by it ( as obedience is yeilded thereto ) is received the greater and more marvelous light of life , as being of it , and one with it , even grace for grace , the ingrafted word , able to save the soul ; which increaseth with the increasing of god , and so is changed from glory to glory by the spirit of the lord , whereby he subdueth all things unto himself ; and therefore ( failing herein ) many men have run violently upon the bodies and estates of others , whereby divers persons have suffered imprisonments and cruel deaths , some banishments , some left their native countreys and outward relations , and sought ( where peaceably ) to inhabit and serve the lord in other lands , while the generality of the people have been kept in blindness and bondage , ignorance and errors , by following dumb idols , even as they were led . by others the said cause hath been , and is called , the cause of god and religion , and so hath been much contended for by a material sword , wherein likewise have been mistakes , some seeming to be for one religion , opinion , or thing , and some for another ; the one pure and undefiled religion remaining still the same that ever it was , but not so contended for by those that are exercised therein ; for that is the work of god in the light of christ in the conscience , in the soul , a spiritual hearing the voice of the beloved son of god , the true teacher , the one high-priest , ( set over the houshold of god ) who leads from such acts of violence , ( upon that account ) to suffer freely for his name , and so be made perfect in him , to worship him , walk with him , and be one with him , and obey him in all his commands , and not yeild to his enemy in any thing , or do to another that he would not be done unto ; this only can please god : and this religion and spiritual worship is not of man , nor taught by man , but by the revelation of jesus christ , with the mighty power of god , and can neither be set up , nor pulled down by any material sword , or outward force ; for in this , man's wisdom , power , strength , or righteousness , hath no place , but is so contrary to it , that whensoever any man takes upon him herein to command , order , direct , or defend , he mars all that ever he meddles with , as said the apostle , who hath known the mind of the lord , that he should instruct him ? the saints have ( indeed ) the mind of christ , and every one gives account of himself to god the heavenly father , that hath committed all judgement to the son , and all power in heaven and earth , whereby to subdue all his enemies under his feet ; and when all things are become subject unto him , then shall the son also be subject to him that did put all things under him , that god may be all in all . this cause hath of late been stiled , the good old cause , ( it is like ) for that it hath met with outward interruptions ; the revival of which ( in an especial manner ) concerns you ( much entrusted therewith , and interested therein ) in the parliament and army , because that by your orders and actings much blood hath been spilt , and treasure spent about it , which ( as you hearken to , and keep in the light of christ , single-hearted , calm , quiet , flexible and pliable , to do the will of god ) will be seen and felt with what that calls to you for . consider , that the sword civil and military ( in your hands unexpectedly at such a time as this ) is not to be born in vain , much less to be turned against the innocent ; neither ought you to fall out about it , but to use it soberly in the fear of the lord , for the punishment of evil-doers , and praise of them that do well , ( not to justifie the wicked , nor condemn the just ) to take off the heavy burthens , to quiet mens spirits , and thereby prevent their inclinations to seek outward help any other way ; for so is the will of god , whose justice you are to see ( or cause ) duly executed , ( that the earth continue not always filled with violence , fraud and unquietness ) whose will you seem to desire and pray , may be done in earth as it is in heaven ; if therein you be in earnest , you will manifest it in actions of true love to him , with all your hearts , souls , minds and strengths , and to us ( your neighbours ) as to your selves , that you may be blessed in your deed ; for you may see that god will not be alwayes mocked with words , give to him all your honors , wisdoms , power and strength , that he may become your fear , dread and counsellor , and renew you therein day by day , ( on all occasions ) as the redeemed of the lord , the repairers of the breaches of many generations ; a people sought out , and not forsaken , such as he may delight to honor in his service . in the next place give me leave to say , that the occasion of the kingdoms ( or nations ) quarrel with the late king and his party , ( when they took up arms against us ) was ( in a defensive way ) for our rights and liberties ( also called the priviledges of parliaments , and liberties of the subjects ) then so exprest , and so understood ( which the king alwayes opposed by his negative voice ) in order whereunto the militia was desired ( or demanded ) from him ( thereby to have prevented the shedding of blood , with the charges and consequences of war ) and we ( the people ) invited to enlist and maintain each other in arms ; upon which account , and for which cause we freely brought in our moneys , plate , horses , arms , and other habilliments of war ; and many choice spirited-men as freely adventured their lives , with all that was ( outwardly ) near and dear to them , ( liberty of conscience ( so called ) and religion seeming therein included ; ) and you ( now again brought together ) are of them that first ( eminently ) appeared for that cause , laid the foundation of it , and brought us into the way of a common-wealth in order to it , and have seen much of the lords presence and power owning it in the hearts and hands of his servants , so that ( though it hath been outwardly obstructed ) men have not prevailed against it , ( by fraud nor force ) but split themselves upon that rock . wherefore take you diligent heed to that light which would lead you into , and keep you , and guide you in the way of the lords clearness , that you may follow him fully ( as you have said ) to lay the top-stone upon that foundation , and the people then cry , grace , grace to it , and never more repent of their charge , or loss for it , when they shall truly and indeed be setled , and surely defended in their rights and liberties , in persons and estates , so as that the lamb and the lyon may lye down together , and none make each other afraid ; that all persons in all places may quietly and freely do their duties to god , and each to other in true love , sincerity and soberness , as he by his spirit shall respectively direct and command , to his praise , and the spiritual and temporal benefit and comfort one of another . said god to pharoah ( by moses ) let my people go , that they may serve me ; and if thou wilt not let them go , i will shew my power and wonders upon thee ; i will pour out my plagues upon thee and thy people . was not this typical ? and hath not this ( of late ) been the case in these nations ? consider it . it hath been sufficiently known and felt , that such men have of late gotten into authority , that would not hear tell of our rights and liberties ( what-ever smooth words they gave us ) but made laws to punish us for soberly using them ; and yet ( even then ) some would seem to say , why have you not your liberties , your civil and spiritual concernments setled and continued unto you ? may not you be as good , as religious as you will ? are you not well ? when alas we felt the distempers pinch us in all our parts and members ; bonds and imprisonments attending us every where , spoiling of our goods , and what not , and none that pittyed us could relieve us , nor tell us how long . be not you so led aside by the deceitfulness of satan's wiles , and devices of evil men . in love , and for loves sake i beseech you be watchful , be faithful , be diligent in the discharge of your respective duties to god and man , and while you have time , p●ise it ; ( the night cometh in which no man can work ) improve all opportunities to the right end , least that which is lame and halteth be turned out of the way , and then you spend your times in disputing , contradicting and opposing each other , until the simplicity be betrayed by the inventions and subtil craftiness of such as lye in wait to deceive , that have mens persons in admiration for advantage ; the strange woman that flattereth with her lip● speaking lyes through hypocrisie , to betray both you and us of our rights and liberties , which to you would be very sad , and your fall more remarkable then others before y●● but as for those that fear the lord , and wait at all times upon him , they are sure of deliverance , and therefore do their duties quietly , casting all care upon him that careth for them . if any deceiver shall come ( with his new inventions ) and tell you , that though you are not to meddle with other mens consciences , yet you must be sure to satisfie your own consciences by taking care of the peoples souls , setling and establishing religion and church-government as your chiefest business , your greatest work , and first to be done ; thereby to prevent and suppress heresies , sects , schisms , and factions in the church , and that the defferring of it so long , hath been the cause of such and so many errors and divisions amongst the people ; and thus run on as fast as his tongue can belye his heart ; ( for did not sects , schisms , errors and heresies begin with such false teachers ? yea , and with them shall they end . ) then do you seriously consider , that the vain mind of man is forward and hasty to set out it self to work for god ( as cain and king saul offered sacrifice in their own wills ) but without god , and therefore against him ; man being ignorant of god's righteousness , and going about to establish his own righteousness , submits not to the righteousness of god , but turns the truth of god into a lye , worshipping and serving the creature , and forsaking the creator , who is god over all , blessed for ever , and rich unto all that call upon him the lord led his israel of old by a cloud , and by a pillar of fire , and so they moved or stood still as they were led . and afterwards he gave them laws , statutes , and ordinances whereby to worship him . the lord god never yet said to any people , go make your selves a church-worship , discipline , or government , or settle for your selves a way whereby to worship me . the poor impotent people also waited at the pool of bethesda for the moving of the water : and christ jesus ( his peoples lord and law-giver , faithful in all his house as a son ) promised and hath sent his holy spirit the comforter , to lead into all truth , to take of his , and give unto us ; to this one law-giver ( able to save and to destroy ) are his servants onely obedient , and he their pattern in all patience and long-suffering , even with joyfulness . also consider , that the conscience and soul of man is a place for the living god to dwel and walk in , where no magistrate ( as such ) hath any business . the souls of men is a charge too great , too high , too weighty for you to undertake or meddlewith , and ( like the former builders of babel ) wil be confounded in it , if you so touch it ; the wickedness of the wicked therein shall come to an end ; and the lord wil establish the just . do you onely settle us in our external rights and liberties , establish them to us , and defend us therein from fraud and violence of such as yet know not what spirits they are of , but are disobedient , ignorant of the law of the spirit of life in christ , that makes free from that of sin and death ; secure us in this particular , and restrain all persons from abusing themselves and the creatures in riotous living , by authority , in the hands of such men as hate covetousness and vain glory , that know this spiritual law , fear god , and eschew evil . this is your business and our right , both by birth , and dear purchase ; suffer it not to be with-held from us by stopping your ears at the cryes of the oppressed . hearken unto us , that god may hearken unto you when you shall most need his help ; and trust the lord jesus christ with his own work in our souls and consciences ; for they that dare take the charge of other mens souls upon them , neither know their own souls , nor yet their duties to god or man ; it 's out of your sphere , beyond your reach , a work which neither god nor man hath committed to your trusts ; not found in all your records ( of the most antichristian idolatrous ages ) onely you have several constitutions and corrupted forms concerning church-governments , worship and discipline , which , ( in the long and dark night of apostacy ) have been ushered in by popish prelates and priests , and so craftily twisted and interwoven together with , rooted in , and depending upon the civil authority , and the civil authority in , with , and upon them , that many wise men think it a kind of sacriledge , or rather madness to sever them each from other , and that the doing thereof may break both , and drive all into confusion ; and be sure that sort of men ( most concerned therein ) will not fail to tell you so , and withall tell you , that you are to maintain a gospel-ministry ; that otherwise the people will become heathens ; that they are the men to be so maintained ; that you must defend them from being reproved in the presence of their hearers , whatsoever they say there ; and much more of that kind , if you hearken to them , and have but such a faith ( as stands in their wisdom ) to believe them , while it is evident to the children of light , and other unbyassed men , that hereby was the rise , and this the root and foundation of all antichristian tyranny ; and that when man by his wisdom and authority meddles , ( in like manner ) he onely builds babel higher and higher , until it fall about his ears as ( hath been seen ; ) the depths of satans pollicies , and deceits herein , are such as few men are yet aware of , but run on , and are punished ; onely the children of light see him in his transformings and likenesses , though adorn'd with never so curious a dress . the church of christ never had , desired , nor wanted such helps from man to support her . it 's the mother of harlots and abominations , the strumpet , the strange woman , jezebel , that deceives the people with her fornications , the worldly teachers , state-ministers , antichrists ministers , that want such authority for a worldly maintenance ; they that receive or seek for such maintenance , ( by tythes or otherwise ) are the hirelings , the deceivers , and none of christs ministers ; for christ eever provided for his ministers ( daylie bread ) wherewith they were contented , and freely went and preached the everlasting gospel , without help by mans authority , or taking careful thought what to eat or drink , or wherewith to be clothed ; and thus he imploys many of his servants in this day of his almighty power , that his great work is so upon the wheel , that man is not able to stop it , though he should fight never so fiercely against it : he is inseperably in , and with his tremblers , by his everlasting covenant , and they with him ( in spirit and truth ) worship the father , and live the 1ife of the almighty , and are an heavenly host with him ; his righteousness is before them , and the glory of the lord their rereward ; they cannot be idle as others that sport themselves in the day-time , nor silent , but speak the things they have heard and seen with their father ; and though they be persecuted , afflicted , and tormented as sheep for the slaughter , ( by the wilfulness of some , and ignorance of others ) yet is their love increased towards all men , as knowing that he is worthy for whom they suffer such things , who nevertheless wil avenge his own elect that cry day and night unto him ; tribulation to them that so trouble his servants , and to them rest and peace with him , which is their life . what sober-minded man will say we ( the people ) have our rights and liberties , ( which many of us have far adventured for ) while the aforesaid antichristian yoke of bondage is upon our necks ? we have not our liberties in our persons or estates , nor are we in any better condition then slaves , bond-men , and bond-women ; our bodies , and what else , we hold , and labour for at the wills of other men . divers of our bodies haled to prisons , and there kept for a year , or years , more or less , as others please . a great part of the increase of our lands , stock , and labours ( arbitrarily ) forced from us time after time , and no law to protect us from such violence ; have not divers of us been ( outwardly and frequently ) vexed and disquieted by long and tedious suits in law , our goods and cattel violently taken from us out of the houses we live in , and from the plough , to the wasting of many mens estates , hinderance of tillage and trades , poverty and want , of wives and children not for any thing we owe to any man , but onely concerning the worship of our god , ( whom we serve in our spirits , in the gospel of his son ) and ( for conscience-sake towards him ) dare not assist and maintain the antichristian tyranny over us , or others . so likewise when any of the servants of christ go forth ( in obedience to him ) to declare against sin and wickedness , are they not beaten , stoned , stocked , imprisoned , cruelly whipt , and shamefully abused ? and have not some been stifled in cribs , nasty dungeons , and dirty holes of the earth , friends not permitted to come into some prisons to relieve or comfort them . not to say much of the prevalency of the aforesaid sort of men , what acts and ordinances they have obtained to support themselves over us by tythes , or otherwise ; how they do , or may take peace from us , and alter mens conditions when , and as they please ; of their preaching up and down what they like or dislike in magistrates , parliaments , army and people ; their prevalency in removing faithful officers ( civil and military ) out of their places of trust , & bringing into those places such persons as they know will serve their interests against our liberties , whereby justice hath been turned backward : or how ( upon the same account ) many persons are unduly elected to serve in parliaments : or of their striving now to hook in all interests against the peoples rights and liberties : i say not but it may concern them so to do , now the head of their church ( with his negative voice ) and their fathers the bishops are fallen before them ; even so shall babylon fall and never rise again ; lamentations and woes will be to such as pitty her . nor shall i say much touching our rights and liberties in other particulars , as how many men have been ( as it were ) torn from their fathers and mothers , wives , and children , ( their own flesh ) to serve in forreign wars , at the wills of others , ( and yet liable so to be ) without true knowledge of the occasion thereof , their consciences satisfied therein , or their wives and children provided for , but rather left to beg or starve in the streets . how divers faithful members of the army have been put out of their imployments , because ( for conscience-sake ) they could not go with their arms to stand by , approve of , and justifie the parish-teachers in their way ; and others put out as illegally at the wills of other men ; how uncertain and delatory proceedings at law are : the peoples ignorance of the laws under which they live , because of the multiplicity thereof , and contradictions therein . of some statutes , part repeal'd , and others , part continued ; some before repealed , again revived , or part revived ; some limited to time , some otherwise . laws in force to take away mens lives for theft , wherein no person hath been put in fear or danger of death . courts so divers and different in their manner of proceeding and tryals . exactions and oppressive tolls and by-laws in corporations , & peculiar jurisdictions , ingrossing of trades and trading therein ; corporations not permitting such as have served the common-wealth in their wars , to exercise their trades freely there . persons of other nations ingrossing or taking up trades , wherein many of the poorer sort have usually been imployed , and comfortably maintained their wives and children , slavish tenures of land held at the will of the lord , ( so called ) oaths , or swearing , contrary to the command of christ ; and several other things , ( too many here to mention ) contrary to our rights and liberties , though nothing so grievous as those which more especially concerns our liberties and freedoms in the worship of our god , and obedience to him at all times , and in all places . now if there be some persons that are so in love with slavery as to desire to continue in the said bondage , and account it their liberty so to remain as natural to them , because so kept from their youths up , and their fathers before them ; be pleased to permit such to have that their liberty ( under antichrist ) until they shall be willing to be otherwise free ; but let it be by their own act and deed , ( otherwise that would be to them bondage ) let such hire and maintain their own ministers out of their own purses , ( as they please or can agree ) provided always that they ( to be hired ) be such as are not profess'd enemies to the publike peace , and that they meddle not at all with matters of civil government , thereby to make others unquiet ; then may you permit every man freely to enjoy the fruits of his own land , stock , and daily labours , without trouble concerning that tedious and vexatious tax , called tythes , ( so great a scruple in many mens consciences ) and thereupon finde the generality of us ( the people ) freely willing to part with moneys for redeeming impropriations , payment of souldiers arrears , and other publike debts ; and then most freely may you charge money on us for the payment thereof , upon so just and valuable considerations . it is like there are some other persons that are weary of this bondage , and would be released , but dare not yet say so , because they see not the way , wanting faith in those things which speedily are to be accomplished . and it 's also like here be many wise men ( after the flesh ) that will not easily be perswaded that this is the way to peace and our liberties . now to such i say , remember what you read that christ said , whatsoever you would that men should do unto you , so do you unto them , &c. be you willing to put this into practice , that it may appear you would learn of christ ; for it is not he that saith lord , lord , but he that doth the will of the heavenly father . is there any thing more equal and just then that all men should hire & pay their own ministers ( alias servants ? ) would you not have that liberty , and be so done unto ? and were this way speedily put in practice , ( though but for a time ) you would see this work so great a change in mens minds and manners , as divers will not yet believe though it be told them , or never so plainly demonstrated to them , but rather take offence because of some self-interests ; and herein i beseech you to take diligent heed , lest any of you should be exalted in your selves , and think this a kind of arrogancy in me , or disparagement to your wisdoms , or that you have not need of monitors in these times when so great things have been done and suffered upon this very account of liberty , and when the lord jesus christ ( with thousands of his saints ) rides on gloriously , conquering , and to conquer , treading down all rule , and all authority ( contrary to him ) under his feet , that which many wise men and kings have desired to see , and yet have not seen it ; which the martyrs in the marian dayes , ( under the bloody prelates and priests ) lifted up their hearts and hands to god for , with strong cryes ( as we have cause to believe ) frying in the fire ; and many others in some of your dayes have freely also parted with their mortal lives for , dyed in faith , but enjoyed not these promises , god ( in mercy ) having provided better things for us in these times ; times i say , wherein the worst of men are made manifest , wherein the blade springs up , and the tares appear ; times wherein the lord gives people for his people , even nations for their lives , that christ jesus may rule and reign in righteousness , and bring forth his people with joy , his chosen with gladness . there hath been times when some of you ( at least ) have sought him , and would have owned him in any appearance ; refuse him not now in his embraces and tenders of love in those that have embraced him , though he doth appear in a despised people ; ( where none of the wise men of this world looked for him ) to whom he is become a son and a shield , their righteousness , strength , and exceeding great reward ; — let it appear if your delight be in the saints that are on the earth , in such as excel in vertue . in the apostles dayes , and some years since , it is evident that the one , onely true , pure , and undefiled religion , was a plain thing , ( though a great mysterie of godliness ) and well understood and known ( by the professors thereof ) to come down from the father of lights , with whom is no variableness nor shadow of changing , who of his own will begets sons and daughters with the word of truth , &c. which is his work in the conscience , in the soul , wherein the saints obeyed him with diligence & delight . but since men have invented forms of words in their own wills , they have departed from the light , and lost the substance and power of godliness , and become strangers to the life of god , through the ignorance in them , because of the blindness of their minds , the great things of his law seeming to them a strange thing ; the true light of christ in the conscience , in the soul , that whereby ( being ascended up on high ) he draws all men unto him , is despised and evil spoken of by such as satisfie themselves with reports , and a sound of words without life ; as for instance , let every man consider seriously in that called baptism , it hath been oft said and repeated , that therein you make a solemn vow , promise , and profession , that you will forsake the devil and all his works , the vain pomps and glory of the world , with all covetous desires of the same , and the carnal desires of the flesh , that you will not follow nor be led by them ; and that you will not be ashamed to confess the faith of christ crucified ; but manfully fight under his banner against sin , the world , and the devil , and so continue christs faithful souldiers and servants , to your lives end , dying unto sin , and living unto righteousness , daily mortifying all evil and corrupt affections , following the example of christ , to be made like unto him , &c. and yet how most live in their lusts , pride , filth , and all manner of abominations , ( like the fool that said in his heart , there is no god ) using the true words of christ , that unless a man be born again , he cannot enter into the kingdom of god ; praying also , that god would grant that which by nature you cannot have , &c. when will you deal truly with god and your own souls , that your own and your teachers hypocrisie may be ( by you ) clearly seen , and the great , athiests of this age made manifest , that can , or dare so to handle holy things without feeling ? and lastly , take this for a maxim , that wheresoever any earthly king , prince , monarch , potentate , power or authority ( be he , or they never so wise , learned , or religious ) shall establish any religion , ( so called ) worship , or discipline , or be extolled , stiled , deemed , esteemed , or taken to be head of the church , defender of the faith ; or shall take upon him , or them , to give commands or directions concerning the worship and service of god , ( according to his , or their best wit , skil and cunning ) that is an usurpation upon the prerogative and authority of christ jesus , the head of his body the church , king of saints , and the one law-giver , able to save and to destroy ; and such religion and faith ( thereby acquired ) stands in the wisdom and authority of man , and not in the power of god , being antichristian , deceitful , and vain , whereby the people become vicious and wickedly hypocritical , and that religion and church-government ( with the commands , doctrines , and opinions so established ) serve for political ends , silenceth the voice of christ in peoples souls and consciences , and causeth them to become formal , frequent and unruly talkers of god , christ , and the saints conditions ; ( as they have read , or heard say ) contenders about words and questions , boasting themselves in things they never saw , &c. and is dangerous to civil society and government , the occasion of so great strife , contention , and bloodshed in all nations and ages of antichrist , and no certain assurance of peace or safety can be there either to magistrate or people ; but confusion of minds , and each in continual fear of other ; this hath caused so great distances between men , so much wicked state-policy on the one hand , and treachery against men in authority on the other hand , distractions and heart-burning one against another , as also such deceit , that men ( for outward peace sake are even necessitated to teach their tongues to flatter , lye , and dissemble each with other ; and it opens a door unto any person that gets into authority ( by means of the teachers of such a religion ) to put the people into discontents against others , and exalt himself to rule alone by his own will in a tyrannical way over them , or to set the people ( one party against another ) to shed each others blood by wars about such religion or religions , when that may serve to usher in some like design , upon which account of design ( for the most part ) is the impressing of men for forreign wars . what else makes the persons called papists , dangerous in a common-wealth , and to dwell among ? is it not their established religion , church-government , and discipline , whereby they esteem , extol , and ( by all means ) uphold the pope as head of their church , defender of their faith , & c ? and slight , scorn , contemn , hate , and seek to take away the lives of others ( differing from them therein ) as hereticks ? and have not the prelates and priests practices here , been of the same , or like kind , and presbyters also out of the same root , of a muzled , formal , and antichristians religion , made , supported , and maintained by man , and mans authority , differing from popery in some opinions , observations , and external performances . r. h. the third month 1655. the end . london , printed for thomas simmons , at the bull and mouth near aldersgate , 1659. advice to freeholders and other electors of members to serve in parliament in relation to the penal laws and the tests : in a letter to a friend in the conntry [sic]. penn, william, 1644-1718. 1687 approx. 36 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54101 wing p1250 estc r21615 12361511 ocm 12361511 60242 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54101) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60242) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 645:8) advice to freeholders and other electors of members to serve in parliament in relation to the penal laws and the tests : in a letter to a friend in the conntry [sic]. penn, william, 1644-1718. 12 p. printed, and sold, by andrew sowle ..., [london : 1687] caption title. imprint from colophon. attributed to william penn by wing. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng freedom of religion. dissenters, religious -legal status, laws, etc. -england. church and state -england. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion advice to freeholders and other electors of members to serve in parliament ▪ in relation to the penal laws and the tests . in a letter to a friend in the country . with allowance . sir . it having pleased the king , to emit a gracious declaration for liberty of conscience , and it being more than probable , that the matter thereof , may be the subject of the next parliament ; i do here present you ( my old friend ) with some of the motives , inclining me to exert my self to my ability , when called to it ( whatsoever opposition or censure , may therein attend me ) for the election of such members as may concur with his majesty , in giving sanction to this indulgence ( it being what we have long wanted , and wished for ) and in securing it to after ages , which is as undoubtedly the king 's royal purpose , as it is our common interest ; my reasons are . 1. that herein i shall be found to act in consistency with my constant principle , for i always esteemed it , to be a glorious work , to set conscience free from church-tyranny , and to extricate the nation from the intolerable burden of destructive penal laws . 2. that in the present undertaking ; i see my security , we have in this happy juncture , the advantage of promoting what we highly prize , and that with his majestie 's royal recommendation ; so we are safe ( whosoever snarles ) in conforming , to so great , so good , and so wise a resolution , as the king has propitiously taken . and moreover , 3. gratitude to his majesty for this declaration , and for his gracious proclamation of pardon of the 10th , of march 1685 , engages and spurs me ( as i hope it will do multitudes ) to promote with my utmost might , this present work , as it is a thing acceptable to the king. to add no more , these reasons are prevalent with me , and if they may dispose you to contribute to the making proper elections , so that his majestie 's gracious purpose , for the relief and tranquility of his people , may not be frustrated , by unreasonable malecontents , it will be most grateful to me ; for i know you to be very capable , of contributing significantly to this publick good. i perceive that some of your neighbours are beating their brains for arguments , to justify the upholding the persecuting laws , and the discriminating , and most unreasonable tests : with me it is out of question , that those men , are very narrow soul'd , and their maxims ill grounded ; pray therefore bear with me , that i present you with my thoughts , of the great point now agitated , liberty of conscience , or toleration . i am well satisfied , of the truth , and stability of the following positions , and he that is so , must cease to love persecution . 1. liberty of conscience is consonant to the gospel which no where countenances force and compulsion . 2. to grant this liberty , is the true interest both of prince and people , to evince the truth of these , let it be considered as to the first : that liberty of conscience is consonant to the gospel . it is a gospel of peace , and not of force and fury : if so , it is most unbeseeming this gospel , to do things rashly and violently , for its advancement , it is not to be so propagated : its language is , he that believes shall be saved . and our blessed lord , and his apostles ( who had the command of all power ) to bring men to this faith , used instruction , perswasion , and reasoning , but never went about to deal with mens consciences , by violence ; they used no sword but that of the spirit , and left every man to his own light. error , as well as truth , is seated in the mind of man , and we are without one instance since the creation , where compulsion ever wrought a change in any ones principles , tho it hath wrought on many , to deny or conceal their opinions . the soul of man is out of the reach of the magistrates sword , and therefore 't is as vain to pretend to direct what i shall believe , and to force in me a faith of any thing , as 't is to attempt to bring the angels under an outward secular power . compulsion undoubtedly will dispose a man to hate whatsoever is so proposed , and not better evinced . to proceed , 2. that liberty of conscience is the interest both of the king and his people , this is well proved , by the invincible reasons in his majesties gratious declaration , which are these . 1. the glory of the king. 2. the peoples peace . 3. union between the king and his people . 4. the unreasonableness of constraining conscience , and forceing people in matters of meer religion . 5. the mischiefs of compulsion by spoiling trade , depopulating countries , and discouraging strangers . and lastly , the ill success which force has had in religious matters , which shews the invincible difficulties which attend those methods . 1. the glory of the king. will any member of the church of england ( so fam'd for loyalty ) repine at his majesties being truly glorious ? surely no ; and hath not this his act of tenderness , added highly to his glory ? it undoubtedly hath : it secures not only common homage of obedience , and subjection to his majesty ; but with it , that more noble , of the hearts and affections , of a very great multitude of his people , who are sober , serious , industrious , and also wealthy ; these by persecution have been made heartless in themselves , and useless in a very great measure , to the king , and kingdom : i say this indulgence hath secured to the king the hearts of his dissenting subjects , who are brought to depend upon him , and they will love him , who favours and protects them , and hath put them into a posture , than which they can never hope for a better ; and seeing the church of england cannot but love him , and be loyal , he is without controversy become the most glorious , because the greatest , and most beloved prince , that ever yet swayed the english scepter . 2. the peoples peace . do not we know by sad experience , how greatly coercion in things relating to god and conscience , has disturbed the peace of mankind , and created terrible concussions in these kingdoms ? what lamentable divisions and animosities , have we beheld to spring from the execution of the penal laws , and how dismally sad have been their effects ? it is not reasonable to imagine that persecution should not disgust those who suffer ; and by-slanders ( tho otherwise perswaded as to religion ) are dissatisfied , to behold their peaceable honest dealing neighbours , torn to pieces for conscience sake , such are disposed to pity the sufferers , and to dislike the severities wherewith they are exercised . 3. union between the king and his people . it is most evident that the disaffection , which not long since had overspread our horizon , did spring from the severities of the laws , and of their execution . the happy union between prince and people has been ( if not broken ) to a very great degree weakened , by a mistaken maxim , that but one part of his majesties subjects ( and that a much lesser part , than some are willing they should be thought ) deserved to live , and to be protected : this too predominant opinion , did manifestly narrow the interest of the king , by confining it to one party ; but blessed be god , and the king , that we have out lived that fond conceit , and that we see , that liberty of conscience hath united the dissenters to his majesty , and that he becomes the common father of all his people . 4. the unreasonableness of constraining conscience , and forcing people in matters of meer religion . conscience is god's peculiar , and so out of man's jurisdiction : is it not then most unreasonable , to have it floating about at the will of humane powers , and to oblige christians to suffer or to fall in with all changes of religion ? it is unreasonable , because impossible , to compel a man to the belief of any thing , out of the compass of his knowledg ; our lord left neither precept nor president for such a practice : men under the gospel are first to be enlightned , and then to practice in conformity thereto : the way of dealing with men by violence , was in all ages unsuccessful , therefore 't is more than time to explode it ; & ad hominem , to give one irrefragible argument to our church of england ( which at this day , is , or would be the persecutor of her brethren ; ) is it not unreasonable , nay absur'd , that that church which in its doctrin allows judicium discretionis , a liberty of judging for our selves , and pretends not to infallibility ; should require me to change my opinion , and to be of hers , when i conceive my self to be in the right , and she hath no infallible assurance that she is not in the wrong ? 5. the mischiefs of compulsion , in spoiling trade , depopulating the country , and discouraging strangers , amongst the many mischievous events which we have seen , from the denyal of liberty of conscience , that upon trade is not the least , nor to be last mentioned : imposition in religion damps mens undertakings , and hath drove multitudes into forreign parts , and not a few to a retirement from their trades , and vocations , who would otherwise have been very useful to the common-wealth ▪ conscientious men have a very sow esteem of all things , compared with their religious liberty ; who will lay out his estate and trade freely , where the bare exercising his religion , gives vile informers a power to dispoil him of his substance ? toleration in the united netherlands , hath brought them from all parts of europe , a confluence of people , and by consequence of treasure , and trade ; wherefore their policy , has heretofore , as much approved our pressing a uniformity here , as they now seem disturbed at our liberty of conscience , it being that , which with so great advantage they have long monopolized . and lastly , the ill success which force in religious matters has always been attended with : compulsion never attained the intended end , it may , and hath too often made hypocrites , never sincere converts . the earnest desire of liberty when refused , creates discontents , which boile in the breasts of men , and have too often broken out , to the endangering governments ; for persons of differing sentiments in religion will unite in an opposition to the force about religious things , which renders every dissenting party uneasy , so that the danger seems to lye in persecution for conscience sake , and not in the having under one government several perswasions and parties in religion . i shall now proceed to the objections made against this liberty of conscience , and the repeal of the penal laws , by some very warm clergy men ( for the church is not a little divided in this point , and the best , possibly the greatest part thereof , will be found not to approve persecution . ) 1. they say , their opposition arises from a dread of popery . to answer these gentlemen , and dissipate their fears . 1. can the church of england ( circumstances considered ) possibly invent a better security than she hath by his majesties declaration ? that first of all declares , that the king will protect and maintain her , in the free exercise of her religion , as , by law established , and in the quiet and full enjoyment of all her possessions without any molestation or disturbance whatsoever . what would she further have ? will she call into question the sincerity of his majesties promise ? the king intends the concurrence of a parliament for the establishing the indulgence , and the abolishing the tests and penal laws : it will be then seasonable , for the church of england to ask her further security , if she will pretend to stand in need thereof . 2. let the church consider that the king only takes from her the power of doing mischief . she will not pretend to deny his majesty liberty of conscience ; if she doth not , can she expect by his permission and authority to cudgel her fellow subjects into a communion which he doth not approve , and that after he hath so solemnly declared his royal judgment to be against all persecution for conscience sake ? he intends not to deprive the church of england of such laws as are defensive of her religion and possessions , but only to abrogate such statutes , as the iniquity or short-sightedness of past ages hath armed her with to annoy and offend her neighbours ; laws wicked in themselves , and which she hath too long , very wickedly executed , and therefore very fit to be yielded up . the objectors fear of popery , by the repeal of the penal statutes , is not easily to be comprehended ; let the papists , with all other the kings subjects , be restored to what ought to be theirs , by the laws of god , and let them have their birth-rights , and we have them in the common interest of the nation . such who are in love with persecution , may not think to make the romanists uneasy , in the reign of the present king ; let us then weigh it , whether it be not the best discretion , to secure them of ease in the next reign . another objection brought for keeping up the penal laws is , that they for whom liberty is desired , are factious , and that it will strengthen those who have always been for a common-wealth . of what force this objection is , will be seen , if it be considered . that persecution foments faction , but liberty wins over the malecontent , if not , it lays him open , and will make every body ready to be his executioner . violence may have forced many to factious practises , who were not , nor would not chuse be factious , oppression making the wise man mad : give men security in their worshipping god , and you may soon distinguish between conscience and faction . it hath been well observed , that no government is endangered by the people it seeks to preserve : did not the church , by rigour and severity in time past , drive many dissenters from their native country , and force those who remained , to shelter themselves under the enemies of the crown ? i justify not the practice , nor can the fact be denyed : the king is at this day , by his transcendent grace & tenderness to consciences become master of the hearts , and by consequence of the lives and estates of his dissenting subjects . i shall in the next place take the liberty of offering some things to the consideration of all our country-men , both of such as are members of the church of england , and of dissenters . 1. the gentlemen of the established church may please to remember , that their church , when brought under , pleaded for liberty , and thankfully accepted it from the late usurpers ; surely then , they will , or ought to deport themselves decently in this juncture , to their lawful soveraign ( differing from them in religion ) and not censure , or repine at his resolution to make all his people easy , when that same clemency of the kings , secures them in their religion , with the comfortable addition of their large possessions . let them consider their antient loyalty ( interwoven with their religion ) and approve themselves ( against those , who begin to accuse them of turning upon the government ) what they have always boasted , unalterably loyal . shall the fanaticks with alacrity come into the king's interest , and will the church of england appear sullen , soure and averse thereto ? i am confident she will not : to clear up my meaning herein , let me tell you , i take not the clergy to constitute the church of england : no , not in conjunction with some cloudy , morose & ambitious great men , who seem at this day to abet their discontents , but the people who joyn in her communion , will be found to be the best , & by far the greatest part of that church . the ecclesiasticks and some of their designing adherents , are indeed angry , and why ? because his majesty resolves they shall not confound their neighbours : but did you ever observe a violent persecuting minister , to enjoy the hearts of the people who lent him their ears ? you may remember , that in our late highly contested elections of parliament men , we saw in many parts of the kingdom the rigid , siery parson abandoned his by flock , and galloping to give his single voice , which was all that he and his horse could bring in ; the parish certainly falling in with the side which he opposed , and why ? because detesting his spirit and principles , they could not be disposed to esteem him a good man for whom their minister voted . may this go for some sort of measure of the churches interest ? i think we cannot readily have a better , than that of the freedom of voting in elections , how miserably then will that interest be found to dwindle , when the clergy shall come stript of the advantage of compelling men into it , by making use of the kings name ( to that they were formerly owing their success where they found it , and not to the esteem they had with their own members . ) i have heard some compute , that not above one 5th or 6th . part of the known world is christian : it will be found that his majesties interest in his people , vastly excels that of the clergies , and that the church of england in the point now discussed , liberty of conscience , will not be found to comprehend such a part of the nation , as the christians make of the world. would our militant church-men but put on temper , and sequester so much time , as to weigh with calmness and deliberation , the opinions of the most eminent divines of their church , in the point of imposition , they would be found no friends to persecution . reverend dr. taylor , late bishop of downe , thus expressed himself for liberty of conscience , viz , i do earnestly contend , that another mans opinion shall be no rule to mine , and that my opinion shall be no snare or prejudice to my self . in another place that learned man proceeds thus ; it is a part of christian religion , that the liberty of mens consciences should be preserved in all things , where god hath not set a limit . and further — the same meekess and charity should be preserved in propagating christianity , which was in its first publication . the reverend and learned dr. stillingfleet did once apprehend the mischief of imposition , when he declared his opinion to be , that non-conformity to any suspected practise , required by any church governor , as the condition of her communion , was lawful , if the thing so required , was judged unwarrantable by a man 's own conscience . i have been told and doubt not the truth thereof , that a late reverend prelate , dr. brownrig ( who lived to see the restoration of his late majesty , and of the church of england secured , tho' not actually accomplished ) did upon his death-bed lament the imposing presecuting spirit , which he foresaw would return with the church : and i think i have good ground to say , that at a late conference between a bishop ( whose health is drank throughout the kingdom ) and some of his clergy of great note , a dignified doctor of eminent learning , and candor of spirit , did very freely declare , that he thought the church was under gods displeasure for her severity to dissenters , and that thereupon the bishop lamented that he ever had his hand in that work , and declared , that should he be restored to power , he would use it better than he had done : i wish all the clergymen then present and throughout the kingdom , were so resolved , and would shew themselves for peace , by throwing away their weapons of war. 2. i propose to the consideration of dissenters , and that of every denomination , that as when a town is on fire every man ( without any great regard to what intimacy or distance hath been amongst neighbours ) doth his best to extinguish the devouring flames , so that they would with unanimity joyn in this common cause , of removing , and that for ever , the undistinguishing instruments of mischief , the penal statutes : they do equally extend to all , and may by turns reach every dissenter . hath not the church of england persisted to exercise her severities upon all dissenters within her reach , even in the present reign ? are the roman catholicks ( tho sheltered by the kings religion ) willing to deliver other dissenters with themselves from those destroying laws , and to secure them , from what hath been of so terrifying an aspect in popery , persecution ? and will they refuse to be unshakled ? i cannot imagine they should , especially when i observe amongst them such a universal serenity since his majesties declaration . they owe their ease to the kings princely clemency , he invites them out of slavery ; if they will , their liberty may be established ; his majesty is resolved to do that which the church never would when she had power , nor can we think she would now , if it be true that she accosts the king with heat against it : let then all dissenters see their common interest , to approach the king with duty and affection , and to evidence their affection , by closing with the happy opportunity which now offers , of setting themselves free by law , seeing his majesty calls them to it : but , the fanaticks are told by church-men , that it is not now either seasonable or safe ( i doubt in their opinion it never will ) and they promise that they will do the work. affliction is the best school , and i do hope the fanaticks have learn'd therein better , than to be tampered withal , and decoy'd into an opposition to his majesties so gracious disposition : they know the king never broke his word , that the church hath , and that with them in this very point of indulgence . i appeal herein to the memories of some men of note now living , who were of so clear credit , and so great reputation in the house of commons ( tho dissenters ) that without their concurrence , an address had not been obtained for the recalling the late king's declaration of indulgence , which for the time made the kingdom happy ; it must be acknowledged by these honest well meaning gentlemen , that they were wheedled and cheated of that indulgence , by the fair promises and caeresses of some , who are now also living , and attempting to play that game over again : i conclude therefore , with difference to their qualities , that they are not to be again trusted . to provoke dissenters to avoid the rock , and gain a safe harbour , i shall remind them ( tho' i would not have it remembered for vengeance , but for prevention sake ) what and how they have suffered by the penal laws , which some so highly struggle to keep up . how many families have we seen ruined , by the vexation of citations , and what quickly followed , excommunications , in the courts ecclesiastick : the lawyers say that excommunication is a disability to sue for debts , and many honest men have found that wicked advantage made thereof ; i know the name of a clergy-man , who to supply his occasions , borrowed money of a neighbour , a dissenter , and to defraud him of the money ( instead of payment ) pleaded that his creditor stood excommunicate : a more severe step of those courts was , the burying the dissenter alive in a goal by a writ de excommunicato capiendo , from which there was no redemption , but at the price of his conscience . indeed where men had money , and would farm their liberty ( not of conscience but ) from prison , i have seen the tender hearted gentlemen of doctors commons ( since the death of his late majesty ) for fifteen or twenty pound paid , half yearly , to respit the claping up of an industrious man , and they have permitted him , till the next rent day , to work for his family . that the dissenters have been tenants to under sheriffs , clerks of the peace , town clerks , apparitors , bailiffs , &c. is too well known throughout the kingdom , the first came but twice a year , the others quarterly or monthly . if these devourers left any thing , the informer followed , and very often swept all , and sometimes stock'd a justices house or farm with beds , horses , cowes , or what else the gentleman wanted , and that at very reasonable rates . are there not also , to make the dissenter compleatly miserable , imprisoning , banishing , murdering laws ? to them , what can the invention of cruelty it self add ? have we not , with regret beheld the execution of these laws ? it may possibly be said that none have been hanged for nonconformity , if so , we may say , thanks to the kings mercy , for restraining the churches foolish rage , but 't is not a small number both of ministers and others , whose lives have been destroyed by lingering pining deaths in noisom goals and dungeons . nay the rigorous execution of these too rigid laws , did not suffice , we have known many informers swear by guess , and very fasly , and the perjured protected and rewarded , of which take an instance : an informer ( by trade a tinker ) having manifestly perjured himself in swearing against an honest gentleman upon the conventicle act , and being indicted for the perjury , the prosecutor was hurried by the procurement of the informers patron , into no less prison than the tower of london , and there closely detain'd : the villain was rewarded with a place worth twenty pound per annum , and still enjoys it . but why should i argue with dissenters from particular instances , to make them out of love with their shackles , when 't is evident the whole kingdom groans under , and would gladly throw off the burthen of these oppressive bloody laws . i shall therefore take my leave of the dissenters with the story of the jews in good nehemiah's time . he being informed of the very deplorable case , of those who were left of the captivity , made an address to the king , representing the sad state of jerusalem , and petitioned for leave to rebuild it : the king ( who was the great artaxerxes ) gave a gracious answer , and not only permitted it , but contributed to the work ; and nehemiah ( to the grief of courtiers ) went cheerfully about it . sanballat and tobiah , ( men of great power under the king ) appeared grieved that there was come a man to seek the welfare of israel ; however nehemiah invited the jews to build the wall , and they came unanimously and cheerfully into the work. sanballat and tobiah having drawn into their faction , geshem an arabian , laughed the jews to scorn , and termed the work rebellion against the king. nehemiah , knowing that god would prosper him , ( mangre opposition ) proceeded to build , and all the people assisted , but the nobles contributed not to the worke of the lord , but held correspondance with the enemy tobiah , and betrayed to him nehemiah's counsels . sanballat and tobiah , that they might obstruct the work , resolved to fight the jews : in this great distress god fought for them , and brought the enemies counsel to nought , and the jews made up the breaches in the wall : then sanballat and his confederates , betook themselves to flattery and dissimulation , and invited nehemiah again and again to a conference , but he declines the invitation , answering , that he was doing a great work , and would not leave it . thereupon sanballat ( still pretending friendship ) informed nehemiah by letter , that the heathen reported , and geshem said it , that he and the jews thought to rebel , and to make nehemiah king , and that this would be told the king , and therefore sanballat offered to counsel him how to obviate this heinous charge . but nehemiah ( seeing the snake in the grass ) refused to take counsel of him , and answered sanballat , that no such things were doing , and that he feigned the accusation out of his own heart : then these men of mischief , hire false prophets to prophesy nehemiah's death , in case he did not withdraw : this plot also failed ; nehemiah saying , should such a man as i flee : so persisting , the wall was finished , to the enemies confusion , who perceived at length , that the work was of god. i have made the history too long , the application shall be shorter . has god put it into the king's heart to pitty them , who are left of the captivity , such whom penal laws have not destroyed ? let us return due thanks to god and the king. are there sanballats , tobiah's , and geshem's , who vex themselves that there is come a man to seek the welfare of all his israel ? do they in confederacy with the arabians , and false prophets , and with tobiah's correspondents undermine and discourage the great work of delivering conscience from the pernicious penal laws ? let us with heart and hand unite therein , and not be seduced by flattery or threats , to leave this glorious work half done : do the heathen report , and gesham say , or doth false sanballat so pretend , that we are overturning the government , and introducing a common-wealth ? let us deport our selves with such duty and affection to the king , that his majesty , and his successors also , may tell sanballat , that no such things , as he suggested , were doing by the kings peaceable dissenting subjects , but that the accusation was a fiction of his own wicked brain ; and when this blessed work shall be finished , may the enemies thereof be cast down in their own eyes , perceiving that this work was wrought of our god ; i am , what i always was , and therefore most certainly , yours posts●●ipt . i would beseech the church of e●●land to yield to christ , his own throne in the kingdom of god , and to magistrates their thrones in the kingdoms of the world ; the whole inward man is under christ's power , and the whole outward man is under the magistrates ; if so , the inward and outward man being disposed of before , what room is there left for ecclesiastical power ? the clergy indeed have long pretended to lift up the magistrate to the throne of christ over conscience , not that they would have him sit there , but place them upon it , and we have seen the power ecclesiastick , interweaving it self with the power of princes , that their power which was not of god ; might be supported by the power which was of god : but it may be worth consideration whether they do not exalt themselves in christ's stead in the church , and set under their feet the magistrates power in the world ; and whether they are friends to magistracy , further than it is serviceable to their ends , who is it that discerns them not at this day , venting their discontents against the king in pamphlets and discourses , and in spreading very false news ( in which , with too great boldness they take their full swing ) and why ? because he will not do all that they would have him do , and restrains their power in religious things . and when they mind his majesty of the services they have done him , do they not do it , in such a manner , as hints what they can do against him , as well as for him , if he will not serve their designs ? but these gentlemen demand , would you have no laws : yes , but no other in god's kingdom , but his own laws , those only being proper , and adequate , and therefore a thousand times better than all the laws of men , which never acquired any other sort of proselytes , than such as the young man in the story in frithe's answer to the bishop of rochester ; which is this ; a young man having beheld his fathers martyrdom ; the officers ( laying hold of him , and of that opportunity to work his conversion ) examined him of his faith ; the youth dismay'd , and fearing his father's fate , answered , gentlemen , i believe even as it pleaseth you . our church hath of late years ( by breathing out threatnings , punishments , imprisonments , &c. ) made too many such converts . once more adieu . london , printed , and sold , by andrew sowle , at the crooked-billet in holloway-lane in shoreditch , and at the three keys , in nags head court , in grace-church-street , overagainst the conduit , 1687. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a54101-e10 ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ the great question to be considered by the king and this approaching parliament, briefly proposed, and modestly discussed, (to wit); how far religion is concerned in policy or civil government and policy in religion? ... / by one who desires to give unto cæsar the things that are gods. penn, william, 1644-1718. 1679 approx. 44 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54150 wing p1300 estc r7032 12193395 ocm 12193395 55932 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54150) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55932) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 872:42) the great question to be considered by the king and this approaching parliament, briefly proposed, and modestly discussed, (to wit); how far religion is concerned in policy or civil government and policy in religion? ... / by one who desires to give unto cæsar the things that are gods. penn, william, 1644-1718. 8 p. s.n., [london : 1679] reproduction of original in huntington library. caption title. attributed to william penn. cf. nuc pre-1956. signed: philo-britannicus. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -great britain. sovereignty -great britain. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the great question to be considered by the king , and this approaching parliament , briefly proposed , and modestly discussed : ( to wit ) how far religion is concerned in policy or civil government , and policy in religion ? with an essay rightly to distinguish these great interests , upon the disquisition of which a sufficient basis is proposed for the firm settlement of these nations , to the most probable satisfaction of the several interests and parties therein . by one who desires to give unto caesar the things that are caesars , and to god the things that are gods. that this nation , and the nations of scotland and ireland concerned with it , are at present in such a posture , and under such circumstances , as give just reason both of fear and care more then ordinary both to rulers and people , is so without doubt , that it needs no proof ; and that we are in a dangerous feaver ▪ in regard both to our civil and religious interest , all in their wits must know : which disease , albeit it be now in the opinion of most come to a crisis , yet few can determine whether it will end in a natural cool , or prove a distemper yet more dangerous and deadly . and truly , at this time we are so far happy , that though the evil be great which threatneth , us , yet the cause thereof is very manifest , so that we are not put to the disadvantage of an uncertain search in that matter . we see all this trouble proceeds from a pretence of religion , and opinion that men have drank in , that for and because of religion , they ought to concern themselves in the civil government of the nations , yea so far as to overturn it , if otherwise the advancement of their religion cannot be procured . how much this opinion , albeit managed by men vastly differing as to the religion they would advance , has wrought to the shaking of these nations , few can be ignorant ; so that it seems high time , and no season more opportune then now , that this question were fully decided , what is the interest of religion in policy or civil government ; and again , of policy and civil government in religion ? and how far men upon the account of religion may and ought to meddle in the government , or with the governours ; and again , how far the civil magistrate , as such , ought to concern himself in the consciences of the people ? that if possible , such principles may be pitched upon , agreeable to the nature of christianity , and to the soundest principles of government , by which men may be possessed with a faith , that christianity doth not oblige them to meddle in government , and reciprocally that they may be the more quieted in that belief , that the magistrate is not to concern himself in their consciences : so that in this mutual assurance , the magistrate may rule securely , and administer justice to all equally , without fearing hurt from the religion of any of his people ; and the people may fear god , and follow piety , according to the best of their knowledge , without fearing prejudice from the magistrate therefore . and truly it cannot but be acknowledged , that it would be a happy nation where this were fully fixed ; and the establishing of such principles seems the less difficult , that in the purest times of christianity , ( so reputed by all ) the true christian religion was not at all hurtful nor dangerous to the magistrate , though differing from it ; nor did the christians judge it any part of their religion , to seek to disturb him in his government , or screw themselves into it : and though again they acknowledged his authority in civils to be just and lawful , yet they claimed an exemption from being imposed upon by him in the exercise of their consciences ; so that a re-establishing of those principles and practices which were believed and followed , by those who on all hands are affirmed to have been the purest christians , and also good and faithful subjects , will do the business . but for the more clear understanding of this matter , it will be fit to take it a little higher , and enquire how those two great interests of religion , and civil government , came to be interlaced and mixed together . cain was the first that disturbed civil society because of religion ; and the scripture , from which alone we may expect it , gives no account of any thing like the mixing of these interests before the floud ; and after the floud , the whole tract of the hebrew history from heber to moses , ( for of the particular state of the jews i shall speak anon ) 〈◊〉 shew , that the matter of religion was wholly distinct from the outward policy and government then used in the world. jacob lived in laban's family , though differing from them ; and joseph among the egyptians , with which superstitious nation we cannot suppose he joyned in worship , and yet was both a faithful friend to pharoah , and considerable ruler over the people . moreover , if the true ground and rise of government be considered , this will more appear ; for all lawyers and states ▪ men derive the first grounds of government , from the posterity of noah's sons after the floud , and do show how through necessity , reason and the law of nature led them thereunto ; for the law of nature giving to every man a natural and paternal jurisdiction over his own family , when as the increase of mankind , and necessity of commerce , gave occasion for several families to be concerned together , and that these concernments begot controversies needful to be determined , and that every family stood upon equal foot as to authority , and to decide by force would prove destructive , and not necessarily be just , and that it was unfit every man should be judge in his own cause ; therefore reason led them to chuse men of approved justice and honesty , to whom all differences were remitted , and whose decisions served as laws , and were readily submitted to , the parties resting in the assurance of their equity : and this all lawyers generally acknowledge ▪ was the first foundation of civil government , in the joynt agreement of several families ; from whence arose the institution of cities , and from their interest in the country about the division of provinces and kingdoms . now as in the first part of government in families , the authority stood in one ▪ viz. in the father of the family ; so they usually chose one for the government of joynt families , who thence were called kings ; and this was the original of monarchy : whom the opinion of honesty , knowledge and justice , most readily and without fear of emulation advanced to that dignity , whose judgment and w●ll answering to the cause of their advancement , was a law to the people . afterwards when the respect put upon these rulers or kings , and the advantage thence accruing increased , men began to be ambitious of the imployment , and from thence to use their influence to obtain it ; from which followed faction , and often bloudshed , which made men fall upon the expedient of letting the government rest upon the children of those who formerly had possessed it , the veneration of their fathers , and the supposition and expectation they might inherit their fathers virtues greatly contributing thereto ; which laid the foundation of hereditary monarchy . but when the primitive simplicity and integrity of those first ages began to wear out , and that those kings did extend and advance the authority they derived from their predecessors , but lost their equity and justice ; and since the ancient and entire confidence put in the first rulers , had made their government , and consequently their successors , unlimited , it depending upon will , and not qualified by any laws , whereof there were not written at that time ▪ thus monarchy degenerated into tyranny , as appeared in nimrod , and his successors , the kings of assyria , which gave a rise , as many judge , to the ●●●●itution of commonwealths amongst the grecians and others . now during these times , although the number of those that truly feared god , and retained any 〈◊〉 of pure religion , were very few and for most part ( at least ▪ so far as is conveyed to us in the family and success●●● of abraham ; yet that inward and universal testimony of a deity , implanted in the hearts of all men , ( as all sorts of christians acknowledge ) did so far influence men , as to set their thoughts about religion ; for as cicero says nulla gens tam barbara quae deum aliquem non agnoscat ▪ since it is most certain , that justice will gain a testimony in the hearts of the most barbarous , the ancient veneration and esteem to the great justice and equity of those primitive rulers , being fixed in 〈…〉 and heighned by the depravation of their successors ; and this compared with daily ▪ 〈◊〉 afforded to men in the course of providence , begot a belief that these things were the gifts of these good kings 〈◊〉 in heaven , from whence they came to be prayed unto , and reputed gods 〈◊〉 and thus those things th●t did seem immediately to convey those 〈…〉 the sun , moon , and stars , came 〈◊〉 to be adored , from whence sprung the religion or divers ▪ nations ▪ and thus 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 came to receive power and domination over others , 〈…〉 became more universally to be received . now whereas religion among the gentiles had its rise so 〈…〉 hence , so every nation had their p●rticular 〈…〉 , among this roman● 〈…〉 , which they were devoted to ▪ the 〈…〉 of religion with 〈…〉 insensibly , since all the gentiles generally esteemed it a duty to worship the gods of that place and country they came to , as judging they had a sort of distinct and peculiar jurisdiction there ; so there was little occasion of observing here a distinct interest ; because there was no man to claim the liberty of exercising it : so far had blindness and idolatry overgrown the world. in which state things continued for many ages , until daniel and the three children , after the carrying a way of the jews by nebuchadnezzar , gave a rise rightly to distinguish and clear the marches b●twixt religion and policy , and claim the liberty of the one , without prejudice to the other ; for this making religion necessary to policy , took its strength from the unlimited tyranny of the assyrian monarchy , and was the fruits of an arbitrary power , standing and exercised in the superlative degree ; ( and it 's observable , that where there is most of that sort of government , there this , to this day , most prevails ; this being most suitable to meer tyranny , and contrary to a solid and well-ballanced government : ) for such being the state of the assyrian monarchy , as all well read therein know , the flatterers of these kings possessed them with a belief , that the authority of no power even in matters of religion , was to be acknowledged , nor even the counsel of any deity sought to , above or besides that of the king ; for they did not build the reason of obedience , upon the intrinsical verity of the thing commanded by the king , as those that press the same thing now would seem to do , or for shame pretend to do ; but meerly upon the will and command of the prince , whom they think ought not to be disobeyed , whatever he commanded , whose will they would have to be the only rule of mens actions in all things : hence came the fury of nebuchadnezzar against the three children , for not obeying him , dan 3. in falling down before his golden image ; and against daniel , for praying with the windows open towards jerusalem ; for neither of them are charged for doing any thing prejudicial to the state , and except in this , were found faithful servants to the king in other things wherein they were imployed . and as none will readily justifie the assyrian king in his doings , whereof himself greatly repented , so the imployments he bestowed upon those and other jews , and wherein they proved useful and faithful to him , doth sufficiently shew , that the distinct interests of religion and policy under one prince , may well be found without prejudice either to prince or people . the like may be observed in the case of ahasuerus , who was influenced by haman to give out an edict for the destruction of the jews ; the reason whereof urged by haman was , that they had laws different from the kings laws , and therefore it was not for the kings profit to suffer them . i need not bestow pains to refute haman's reason , since most men will condemn it . the same thing took place for the same cause in nero , and the rest of the emperors who persecuted the christians ; for the piety and ancient equity and sobriety of the romans wearing out , and the corruption ▪ degeneracy and effeminacy of the eastern nations prevailing , so as the emperors would be reputed and adored as gods , thence came their endeavouring to oblige men to acknowledge no god but their will and pleasure , and no religion but what depended thereon ; thence they made religion a necessary part of government . and thus i have briefly traced things until such time as christianity came to be established by law , and christians came to be magistrates . after that christianity came to be received in the courts of princes , and that the emperors became christians , their honest zeal was soon abused by the corruption and covetousness of the clergy , who for their own ends first possess'd them with a belief that they ought to seek to settle and establish christian religion by their force and power , and that it did much contribute to their spiritual advantage to bestow large revenues upon the clergy , and that as supreme magistrate he had a care and superintendency over the church ; in meddling with which the emperor constantine found himself quickly not a little embarassed , when he could not find a way to satisfie the clergy , when they came to quarrel among themselves ; and so each party afterwards in the differences of these times ▪ as they could draw the emperor to their side , made use of this power of the magistrate in matters of religion , for the destroying each other : until at last by the growing of superstition and other great shakings which hapned to the roman empire , the pope instead of being subject to the emperor ▪ and appointed by him ( which he was for several centuries ) made a shift to turn him by degrees out of italy , establish to himself a temporal jurisdiction in rome , as being forsooth peters patrimony , and at last not only to be independant from the emperor , but superiour to him , as by the tract even of their own historians is manifest , and known to all those who have read the story of hildebrand and others . and thus by the like means several bishops in germany , and other places , abusing the zeal and ignorance of the people , came into the possession of great temporal jurisdictions ; and not only so , but in all nations of europe they obtained a place in the government , and became a distinct state ; by means of which , having an immediate dependance upon the pope , he came to exercise an universal monarchy in the christian world : and thus religion came to be a part of civil government among christians . and it is greatly to be regretted , that in the reformation this was not rooted out , but in a great measure retained not only by the lutherans , but even by the calvinists : so that although those who follow the geneva discipline , do pretend to abstract the clergy from meddling in state , yet their method of proceeding proves at last the same ; for while they lay an obligation upon the magistrate , under pretence of taking care for the cause and church of christ , to establish one sort of form of religion , and ruine all others ; wherein he must steer by the clergies compass , or otherwise have the people blown up unto a sedition from the pulpit : so that experience hath proved , that under the government of presbytery , ( especially as it was improved in scotland , where it came to its height ) the insolency and imperiousness of the clergy became no less troublesome and unsupportable to the magistrates , then that of bishops , whether papal or protestant ; so that it is manifest , the altering from one form to another , hath not cured these nations of the mischiefs that therethrough has attended them , so long as that fundamental error is entertained , of making religion a part of the civil government . now this brief historical hint doth abundantly shew , how these interests are distinct , and ought not be jumbled together : to which i shall add these brief considerations . first , because religion and policy , or christianity and magistracy , are two distinct things , have two different ends , and may be fully prosecuted without respect one to the other ; the one is for the purifying and cleansing the soul , and fitting it for a future state ; the other is for the maintenance and preserving of civil society , in order to the outward conveniency and accommodation of men in this world. a magistrate is a true and real magistrate , though not a christian ; as well as a man is a true and real christian , without being a magistrate . christianity , far less this or that form of it , doth not belong to the being of magistracy ; else the apostles and primitive christians could not have acknowledged the heathens to have been their lawful magistrates and superiors , as they did , and taught their disciples so to do , as appeared in the practice of the primitive christians beforementioned . secondly , christ says expresly , his kingdom is not of this world ; the thing he came for is a business distinct from the external government of the world , and hath no necessary connexion thereto ; and therefore there doth not appear any one saying of his or his followers , to warrant magistrates as such to meddle in religion , or to warrant his disciples and followers as such to meddle with the outward government of the nations : and truly the dismal effects this has produced , both to the ruine of christianity and civil government , may convince those that are not byassed by particular interest , ( as all clergy-men , both pope , prelate and presbyter generally are ) and love the good and advancement either of christianity or civil government , that it is high time to avoid this snare . to this the state of the jews is usually objected , whose religion and government was mixed together : but that saying of christ abovementioned is thereunto a sufficient answer , for they had an outward kingdom , which christ came not to establish , neither for himself nor followers ; and theirs related to a particular race or family , which is not the case now : besides that their outward policy was by revelation expresly given them of god , who gave them rulers , judges , kings , oftentimes by the particular appointment of his prophets , without respect either to hereditary right , or the choice of the people ; and unless we would plead for the like thing now , which none i know of do , i mean of those that strive for the government , there can be nothing rationally urged from the state of the jews in this matter . but some may be apt to say , that there is a necessity that religion and policy be interlaced , because those things are a part of religion , which are of absolute necessity to government ; such as the suppressing of murther , adultery , theft , perjury , which surely belongs to the magistrates to punish . to this i answer , it is true it belongs to the magistrate to punish such like crimes ; but as these things are contrary to the law of god , and such as religion strikes against , so they are injurious to civil society , and tend to destroy it ▪ and therefore come under the magistrates cognizance in this respect , or under this reduplication , and not upon the meer religious account ; for whatever is destructive or injurious to civil society , comes to be punished by the magistrate upon that score , without respect to its concern in christianity : as we see these things were punishable by the magistrates in all well-regulated kingdoms and commonwealths among the heathens ; where they could not be considered as any part of the christian religion . not that i deny , where both magistrate and people are christian , and agreed in the acknowledgment that such things are not only hurtful to civil society , but destructive to their immortal souls , he may improve that reason to deterr the people from these evils ▪ as also to bear home to them the justice of the punishment : but this he does not simply as a magistrate , but as a christian , even as such magistrates among the heathens as were philosophers sometimes used to do . to this i suppose it may be also readily objected ; that according to this principle both papists , presbyters , anabaptists , yea such as were john of l●yden and his complices , may and ought to be tolerated , if the magistrate has nothing to do with the consciences of his subjects : and again , if the magistrate should become any of these , the people ought quietly to bear it . to this i answer , and indeed herein the excellency of this fundamental principle both in religion and government will appear , that popery hath two parts , the one is that which is meerly religious , that is , which relates properly to religion or conscience , and are peculiar to them , such as the believing transubstantiation , purgatory , adoration of saints and images , yea and the superiority of the bishop of rome over other church-men , as they call them ; all which , and those of this kind , may be believed and professed without prejudice to civil society , and as being matters meerly relating to conscience , come not properly under the magistrates cognizance . the other part is the opinion of the pope's power over princes and states , his absolving the people from their obedience , his giving them dispensations to kill and destroy them ; and allowing them not to keep faith to hereticks , and such like ; which as they are destructive to government , are truly no part of religion , but a politick contrivance long hatched by the bishop of rome and his dependants , for establishing to himself a firm monarchy in the world , and therefore ought to be guarded against and punished by the magistrate , not as errors in religion , but as destructive to the government . if it be said , all papists believe and profess , and are ready to practise these things : to that i say , then in so far they are lyable and ought to be punished , and not tolerated . but let the reason of our procedure & sentence against them be , not their opinion in things meerly religious , but their destructiveness to civil government : thus if we go upon this sound principle , we shall preserve the honour of the truly christian & protestant cause , and take away from them all occasion of glorying in their sufferings , or of strengthning themselves against protestants in popish countries , who live peaceably , and hold no such principles as oblige them to make any disturbance in the government . the like may be said of all others called sectaries , whom the magistrate is to restrain only in so far as they hold principles , or bring forth practices that are destructive to the government . as to the second part of the objection , relating to the magistrate , i answer , such are either elective , or hereditary ; if elective , there is no place for the objection , because the electors have access to chuse men of such principles as they like best ; if hereditary , it is either absolute , or limited ; if there be any such exyress limitation , as excludes men of such and such principles , then the case is solved ; if not , the former distinction will hold : let the magistrate entertain such principles as best likes him , in matters that are purely religious ; but if he will entertain such as are destructive to the government , by which he infringes the priviledges of the people , and will rob them of their lives , liberties and estates , meerly upon the account of religion , certainly they have great reason to beware how they come under such a yoak ; which they can do without any blemish , and with full justification in the face of the nations , since they deny not the magistrate the exercise of his religion for himself : and herein the people also may be sufficiently secured , whatever be the m●gistrates religion , if thus bounded , as in the application to the state of things here in england , and scotland also , will appear , to which i now proceed . it is to be considered , that these nations having been long involved in a civil war , through which a new people ( not formerly , or but little known ) have grown up , who as men have or ought to have an interest in the same immunities , freedoms and priviledges with the rest ; as to civil things at least ; for else in england the papist might plead magna charta , that all but they ought to be extruded the nation , or be lyable to such troubles as might make it too hot for them to stay in ; and so in scotland and ireland , if not by the same , yet by other mediums : so that as to the spiritual constitution , or the civil government of these nations as to spiritual things the laws have not been as those of the medes and persians , but have received alterations according to the necessity and conveniency of times ; that those who have given the law , and in and for whose favour , for whose protection the laws were expresly made , had them turned against them , and for the protection of those against whom the laws were made . since the coming in of the king that now is , ( after a long civil intestine war , as hath been said ) that which hath been set up paramount over and above all , hath been that of bishops , or episcopacy , to the utter suppression of all others ; with all strenuous endeavours to strengthen and propagate that profession , and drive on an uniformity , which how ineffectual it hath hitherto been , all may see , as may appear by the kings declaration in the year 1672. and though a considerable time hath since intervened , it may still be seen there was good reason for the import of that declaration , whereby the ship of these nations hath been tossed and lyable to great hazards , through the tumultuating humours , surmises , discontents of the severals concerned , in being lyable to be out of the protection of the law ; so that upon these accounts , and the concurring circumstances that either have been , or might have bern artificially managed to blow the coal ; i say , considering the combustible matter , it is to me matter of acknowledgment and admiration , that things have not run unto confusion long ere now : and truly my hope is , that god almighty intends better things for these nations , then that one size or sort of people should be set up in matters of religion , to the utter ruinating and undoing of all others ; or that thereby through the impatience of man , ( to whom it is hard to bear to have his spiritual and civil liberties snapt away at once ) or through the artifice of them who upon other grounds of discontent , may make use of this to blow these nations into a flame , which god forbid , my hope and desire is rather , that those in authority may consider as christians and prudent men , how to land the ship in a safe harbour . first , how as christians they are not concerned to meddle in this matter ; that is , that christianity lays no obligation upon the magistrate to establish any form of the christian religion by law , is above shewn : so that such do say nothing to the purpose , who land this debate ( as most of the clergy do ) in recurring to the laws in force , saying , so it stands by law , so it is settled by law , for the law was no less strong in q. maries days for popery , then now for that which is set up . next , if it stand upon a meer prudent prudential politick foot , and so be settled by the laws of these nations , i apply my self in the second place to consider , how far it is truly suitable to prudence , how far it is prudential for the magistrates of these nations , how far it is good policy in them to own , assert , lay claim to such a power , as things are circumstantiated especially ; that is to say , to set up by law any form of christian religion , and by the civil power and authority to stand by the professors of it , to the depressing , exterminating , discountenancing , crushing and discouraging of all others : i say , this seems to me not only to be antichristian , but antiprudential , antipolitical , and a thing of a wonderful dangerous consequence , and impracticable for any long continuance , without the hazarding of all , for these reasons . it is not prudential for magistrates to keep alive seeds of discord , emulation , strife , among the people over whom they rule , for this but narrows his or their power , instead of enlarging it ; for as this engages those who are countenanced , so it alienates more or less all those who are discountenanced or is lyable to do so . besides all the several other dissenting judgments in these nations , there are three sorts that lay claim to the magistrates espousing them and their way , as that which he is obliged to do in a national way ; and all these three lay claim for the limits of their church to be as broad and long at least as the nation , to wit , the popish , prelatical , and presbyterian ; all these pretend to be diametrically opposite to each other , and each of them have had the advantage to get the magistrate on their side , and to be settled by law ; publick places and publick maintenance have belonged to them : thus even the democratical government of presbytery , could cry out on all meddlers with church-lands , but especially tithes , as sacrilegious persons . now this hath been especially the bone of contention among these three ; it was not , nor is not meerly that any of them should be owned to be the church and ministry of christ only , or before all others , but that they should be set above all others , so as to have the maintenance and respective priviledges due to holy church . now were it prudential to set up any of these three , as the present condition and complexion of the nations are ? i say , nay ; as for the papists , they are a diminutive sect to the rest of the nation respectively , though upon all other accounts they stood upon an equal foot with the rest differing from them , as i have shewn before they do not : as to those of the episcopal way , such as truly are engaged in their judgments to that way , are not much more considerable then they , so that they will be found but a diminutive sect also ▪ so that to establish them , and drive a conformity to them , hath been hitherto but to go against wind and tide , because the sence of the people ( though upon differing accounts ) hath been and is against them : as to the presbyterians , it is to be confessed they are more considerable then both the other for number , though not of one judgment among themselves , albeit all agreeing that they ought to be set up , owned and countenanced by the magistrate , and he to be subservient to them , not to be the head of the church , that is lodged in the general assembly : yet in prudence it is not ●●t , nor a foot large enough for the magistrate to rest upon , so as to crush down all others ; for they , taken as all of one judgment , will be found but a diminutive sect , put in the ballance with all others , to wit , the other two beforementioned , and the rest of the dissenters in the nation . and as they are a people positive and peremptory , and lyable to fall in differences among themselves , as was manifest in scotland about the year 1650. it will be no less hard to satisfie them ; then they to satisfie one another ; however this will be the minimum quod sic , that all others must be crushed and born down , so as it will be found hard to please them , for they will be found to grow in their encroachments and demands , and it will not be found so easie a matter , whatever cause or occasion should be found for it , to limit or stop them once being set up as they that are less considerable : neither do i see it prudential for the magistrate to countenance any of these , so as to give them the sole countenance of publick authority , as to church-power , as it hath been called and accounted the national church , & so these to have publick authority and maintenance , and priviledge accord●ng to law ▪ & the rest only to be tolerated and connived at , for this is only to keep up the bone of contention , that as opportunity serves they in the saddle may be unhorsed , and they that are stronger get into their room : for it is never to be reckoned of , that the papists though they had their liberty by way of toleration or connivance , as the rest of dissenters , will be satisfied so long as they see law countenance them that separated from them , and those in the possession of their mass-houses and maintenance , that were originally settled upon and consecrated by their church , and which as to its original had its rise from their church ? or is it to be reckoned upon that the presbyters , whatever countenance or toleration were granted them , though settled by law , would be satisfied while excluded from the publick places and maintenance ? and they being the stronger , and a growing interest , would still be lying at catch to be in again ; were it not then good christianity in the magistrates , who profess themselves to be christians , to deny themselves in giving to christ jesus that which is his due only , that is , to be head in and over his church , and leave the government to him , and get their hands out of this thorny matter , that hath produced nothing to themselves but trouble , without which these nations can never be firmly settled : i am bold to say , and were it not good prudence so to do . what hath been the fama clamosa for many years of old , and of late before the war , and since the coming in of the king , and is so at this day ? popery ! arbitrary government ! there hath a jealousie entred the minds of people concerning these things ; could a better way be found out to pluck up these surmises by the roots , then if all concern'd would shew a willingness and ready compliance , and contribute to it in their respective places and stations , that it might be fundamentally settled and established as a basis never to be shaken , that all christian men should be left to the government of the law of jesus , to worship him and serve him , as they shall find themselves by him obliged ; the magistrate not at all to meddle or intermeddle therein , further then to see that this be kept among all , so that no man nor men may be imposed upon in the matters of religion , within the bounds of his jurisdiction , by any outward force or violence ; nor his authority be made use of to confirm any spiritual sentence more or less , but as every one hath been or may be perswaded to joyn themselves to any sorts of people , upon a spiritual or christian account , they may be left so to do in matters meerly and only relating to conscience , and that all laws to the contrary may be utterly and totally abolished ; and as to all other things , every one from the least to the greatest to be subject to the civil laws of the nation , and that order and good government among men may be established , and that none under whatsoever pretence may plead immunity from subjection to the laws , in such things that come properly and unquestionably under the civil magistrates cognizance ; so that he may be an encouragment to those that do well , and a terror to evil doers , that good and wholesom laws may be made by those to whom it is proper so to do , for establishing the rights and properties of men as men , and for encouraging sobriety ; and this is proper for the magistrate . but what will become of holy church , will some say ? she will be where she was , for the magistrate withdrawing his hand , leaving every profession and way to stand upon its own legs , unchurches neither papists , episcopalians , nor presbyterians , they are a church still , if they were so before . but saith the bishops and hierarchy , what shall become of us ? if the magistrate withdraw his hand , where shall we have maintenance ? where shall we have a place to preach in ? ye shall have no less advantage or ground to stand in then those that relate to other people , that account themselves to have ministers , and to be churches ; yea this advantage you have above all them , that you have had 18 or 19 years places and benefices , so you may the better hear the want , till you try the benevolence of your people , which is all the rest will have as well as you , so you will all stand on an equal foot ; and it 's fit they should ▪ for the publick preaching places , and the publick maintenance hath been the bone of contention in these nations , and will be found to stand upon the same foot with abbeys and nunneries , and church-lands : the intent originally was honest and good , and from ●●al . as the one 〈◊〉 time of reformation ; and for publick necessity and conveniency , was removed and utterly abolished ; as to the use they were first intended for ; so may these , and so must these , if ever the nation see a firm and thorough settlement ; the church-lands ( a suitable case given to the tenants ) applied to the revenue of the crown , and annexed thereto for ever inviolably ; i mean bishop , chapte● , and dean-lands , and such as have been accounted in the right and possession of the present churches respectively . the tithes have been a great oppression upon the people of these nations ▪ and would be absolutely extinguish'd both as to name and thing , so as there may be no footsteps of them ; and that no man whatsoever that is a proprietor in land , may be lyable to have another to have an interest in his tithe , which hath been a great bondage and servitude ; and had its interest upon the account that they belong'd to holy church , and was their patrimony . now things being settled upon another foundation and turned quite in another channel , by the prudence and care of those to whom it be●●●gs properly so to do , with a suitable regard every way , that the c●nscientiously tender christian , ●ho ha●● suffered daily upon this account , and the rights of men , as men , may be answered , and 〈◊〉 way and expedient found out to give some competent satisfaction , suitable to the rights and possessions of impropriators , so as henceforward the stock and tithe may b● so confounded and involved , that whoever hath the property of possession of lands , may never be lyable to any such bondage more or less , by these accessions of the bishops ; and other church-lands not already disposed o● into the possession of the laity , so called , there shall be a considerable addition of revenue to the crown , and hereby the body of ●●e people of those nations will be gratified , in removing the great oppression and servitude of tithes , the cause of contention will be removed , and every sort and size of people will stand upon their own legs ; all unreasonable expectations of setting up one sort of men , and throwing down all the rest , will be out ; all fears and jealousies , and animosities upon this account will cease , and hereby that which hath been a standing fear and jealousie upon the people of these nations , will be plucked up by the roots . if it be said , what shall become of the magistrate or magistrates , things being thus settled ? where were the hazard ? for were it not unreasonable that the magistrate or magistrates should be in worse case then the people ? who are to be left to their absolute liberty as to the matter of religion , without being lyable to any civil inconveniency , or abridg'd of any priviledge upon the account of this or that form of religion , meerly as such ; then why not the magistrate ? it being fundamentally settled , as it would be , and is needful it should be , that except in his or their family as chap●ain , and that in a temporary way , it should not be in the power of the magistrate or magistrates , to make any standing maintenance , or settlement upon any sort of men in orders , or to set them up or countenance them , further then by his or their being of their perswasion , or allowing them on such account entertainment as chaplain● ; and that for clearing the people of these nations of the aforementioned seeds of jealousie , it be fundamentally settled as a magna charta for ever , that whosoever in the magistracy , or any other from the least to the greatest , shall be found to alter or innovate this fundamental settlement , shall be lyable to be judged by this law , as guilty of tre●son against the fundamentals of the government , for the law only is , and is to be declared supreme ; and that whoever either separately or in conjunction , shall go against this basis or fundamental settlement , were it a single person , or the parliament , shall ceas● to be magistrate or a parliament , and their decrees become void and null : for the ●●ndame●tals are never to be altered , viz. that the magistrate , as magistrate , is to be wholly ▪ shu● but , as to all meddling in matters of religion , but every man as to the magistrates interposition 〈◊〉 ▪ be left free ; and that all men , as men born freemen , not having fo●f●i●ed their liberty by doing those things which makes them obnoxious , shall be secure in their persons and ●●dates from all . arbitrary proceedings ; which will truly be for the ho●●ur and greatn●ss of the magistrate or magistrates , and safety of the people . these things being writ by one that hates to be dogmatical , are therefore only modestly proposed and humbly submitted to those of more mature judgment and greater experience , especially to the new appro●ching parliament , by him who in truth can subscribe himself , philo-britannicus . the humble petition of many thousands, gentlemen, free-holders, and others, of the county of worcester to the parliament of the common-wealth of england, in behalf of the able, faithful, godly ministry of this nation / delivered by colonel jeff bridges, and m. thomas foly, december 22, 1652 ; with the parliaments answers thereunto. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a29382 of text r15906 in the english short title catalog (wing b4477). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a29382 wing b4477 estc r15906 12100098 ocm 12100098 54088 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29382) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54088) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 885:8) the humble petition of many thousands, gentlemen, free-holders, and others, of the county of worcester to the parliament of the common-wealth of england, in behalf of the able, faithful, godly ministry of this nation / delivered by colonel jeff bridges, and m. thomas foly, december 22, 1652 ; with the parliaments answers thereunto. england and wales. parliament. bridges, john, colonel. baxter, richard, 1615-1691. foley, thomas, 1617-1677. 8 p. printed by robert white, for francis tyton, and thomas underhill and are to be sold at their shops ..., london : 1652. reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to john bridges and richard baxter. cf. wing. eng church and state -england. a29382 r15906 (wing b4477). civilwar no the humble petition of many thousands, gentlemen, free-holders, and others, of the county of worcester, to the parliament of the common-weal baxter, richard 1652 2864 6 0 0 0 0 0 21 c the rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble petition of many thousands , gentlemen , free-holders , and others , of the county of worcester , to the parliament of the common-wealth of england . in behalf of the able , faithful , godly ministry of this nation . delivered by colonel john bridges , and mr. thomas foly , december 22. 1652. vvith the parliaments answer thereunto . london , printed by robert white , for francis tyton , and thomas underhill , and are to be sold at their shops , the three daggers in fleet street , and the bible 〈…〉 to the honourable the parliament of the common-wealth of england . the humble petition of us gentlemen , free-holders , and others inhabiting the county of worcester . shevveth , that your petitioners having with grief observed both the language of many pamphlets and persons of late times , against the ministers of christ among us , and petitions preferred to you against their present maintenance , without any regard to the substitution of a fitter : and these pretending to the relief of the impoverished nation , as if they were the very sense and language of the body of this commonwealth : we cannot but suspect , yea discern that there is a party that desire and endeavour the subversion of the ministrie ; yet have we hitherto remained silent , partly in hopes that they were so few and inconsiderable , as not to deserve to be publikely taken notice of , and mentioned , to the dishonour of our nation : partly that we might not interrupt your weighty consultations , but chiefly lest we should be mis-interpreted to suspect your fidelitie to the ministrie , and consequently to christianity and christ himself : which we know you must needs resent as an uncharitable censoriousness , considering how evident you have seen , and how often acknowledged with greatest solemnity , the lord jesus in your preservations ; and how deeply you are engaged to him above most men on earth , and how sensibly you vindicated a persecuted ministrie in the very beginning of this parliament , and how strongly you have obliged your selves , not only to preserve the reformed religion in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government ; but also to promote in all these a further reformation where it is wanting ; as also considering what a tender respect to a faithful ministrie you have all along to this day professed , and are still consulting for the propagation of the gospel , and have done justice on some opposers so near you ; besides the augmentations you have allowed to many places where means was wanting . we disclaim therefore all such ungrateful censoriousness , and thankfully acknowledge all your favors to the ministrie and gospel of the lord jesus , who is easily able to reward you , and see that you be no losers by him and his cause . but yet least our continued silence should seem to signifie our consent to those that would undo us , under pretence of releiving us ; and lest they be thought to speak our sense , lest their audaciousness encrease while none contradict them : and lest we dishonour our nation in the eyes of the christian world , whilest they think that the voice of these few is the common voice : and lest your own hearts should be overwhelmed with grief , not only to see such a degenerated people living under your government ; but also that so few gain ▪ say them , as if the nation had lost their love to the gospel : and that after such light , profession and engagements ; and consequently you may think they will prove an ungrateful people to you , who prove so ungrateful to the lord their saviour ; we have therefore adventured on this bold enterpellation , and crave your patience , while we do with more then ordinary importunity bespeak you , seeing it is in the zeal of the lord , for his glory , his church , his gospel , and the souls of our selves and posterity . we know it was by ministers of the gospel , that the lord jesus did set up his kingdom on earth , and hath subdued so much of the world to himself , destroying the kingdom of darkness , paganism , idolatry , and wickedness : we know he granted their commission upon the reception of his plenipotencie , and upon his ascending he gave them for the perfecting of the saints , and the edifying of his body , till they come to his fulness , and that as a means to preserve them from seducers , and being tossed and carryed about as children with every wind of doctrine , eph. 4 9. to 15. and hath promised to be with them to the end of the world : which promise he hath hitherto eminently accomplished . it is the ministrie by which christ hath continued his church to this day : nor do we know , or have heard of that place on earth where christianity was ever maintained in splendor and vigor ( if at all continued ) without a ministrie . it was the ministers by whom christ did waken the superstitious world , and discover to them the romish delusions ; and by whom he begun and carryed on the work of reformation , by them exciting a zealous magistracie ; and after all their labours , multitudes of them did sacrifice their lives in the flames . it is the writings of a learned able ministrie which yet stand up in the face of heathenish , mahometan , and romish adversaries , to their vexation and confusion , which they may sooner reproach or burn , then answer : by which after-ages are , and still may be stablished in the truth , against all the subtill endeavours of seducers . it is a learned , able , faithful ministrie , which yet is the daunting and discouragement of the jesuits and other deceivers , who well know , if these were but taken out of their way , how boldly they might dare us , how insultingly they might challenge us to dispute for our religion , and how easily they might silence and shame us , and thereby carry away the multitude after them . for who should strengthen the peoples hearts , and defend the cause of the lord against them , if such a ministry were down ? it was a faithfull ministry who revealed gods mercy , and the precious truths of the gospel to our own souls , and whom god by the cooperation of his spirit hath blessed to be the means of converting , or confirming , or both , the souls of all those of us who have attained to any saving knowledge of himself . when we remember how often , and how happily our souls have been revived and refreshed by their ministry , we are ashamed of the remisness of our zeal in this cause ; when we think that they are our fathers , and confirmers in christ , and how they must present us to him at his appearing as their joy and crown , phil. 2. 19 , 20. and that when we have escaped the flames of hell , and meet them in glory , we must acknowledge them instruments of so unvaluable a blessing ; we had rather there were no tongues in our mouths , then that ever we should joyn with their reproachers , and had rather suffer greater wants then ever we yet suffered , then ungratefully deny them their necessary maintenance , seeing our lord himself said , when he set them upon his work , the labourer is worthy of his hire ; and the holy ghost saith , who goeth to warfare at his own charge ? they that minister about holy things , live of the things of the temple ; even so hath the lord ordained , that they which preach the gospel , should live of the gospel , 1 cor. 9. 7. to 15. considering also that they are not forreigners , but englishmen , our own brethren , and sons that receive it from us , even that which by law is not ours but theirs ; and considering also how much more liberal papists are to their mass-priests and seducing jesuits then we are to a faithfull ministry of christ . and when we consider , that if england do excell other nations in the light of knowledge , and power of godliness , it is the ministry that are herein our glory , and the means of what the people do enjoy , we cannot be so ungratefull to them as to starve them and cast them off ; nor yet such enemies to englands happiness and honour● yea ▪ when we consider how the dreadfull , omnipotent king of saints doth call them his co-workers , and hath sent them in subserviency to his own blood-shed , and spirit , and said , he that despiseth you , despiseth me ; we had rather endure any corporal calamities , then stand charged with such a sin at the bar of our lord : yea ▪ and when we consider how he hath owned and stood by them , and rebuked kings for their sakes and his churches , charging them to do his prophets no harm ; and how well those rulers have sped , that have most obeyed , and encouraged them in the work of the lord ; and how god hath broken those powers that have disobeyed and abused them , 2 chron. 36. 15 , 16 , 17. and how severely he hath dealt in england before our eyes with that generation of men that silenced , reproached , and persecuted them ; we tremble at gods judgements , and dare not venter into the same consuming fire , whose flames are yet so fresh in our memory . your petitioners having as in the presence of the lord made this necessary and solemn profession of their judgements , affections , and resolutions , to acquaint you how far they are from approving or consenting to any opposers or underminers of the ministry and gospel of the lord jesus , do humbly address themselves , with these earnest requests , to this honourable assembly . first , that you will be pleased , not only to continue your owning of , and tenderest care for the upholding or an able , godly , faithfull ministry ( of which we dare not doubt ) but also that you will so far countenance and encourage them in the lords work , and discountenance all that oppose them , directly or indirectly that all the world , and especially the people of this common-wealth , may still see , and acknowledge your open and resolved adhering to the reformed christian religion , and interest of the lord jesus : and seeing all the ungodly ( besides misguided distempered christians ) are ever discouragers of them , god having sent them on a work so unpleasing to flesh and blood , you will the more sedulously encourage them , as nursing fathers of the church . secondly , that you will be pleased to this end , to take special care of their competent maintenance , that we may not have an ignorant ministry , while they are forced to be labouring for food and raiment , while they should be in their studies , or watching over their flocks ; and that through disability or unpreparedness , they disgrace not the work of christ , nor make it and their office contemptible , thereby rejoycing the enemy , and hindring the saving of souls ; specially seeing it is expected that they credit their doctrine with works of charity : and seeing that a dependant and beggarly ministry will lose so much of their authority with the souls that most need them , and themselves will be laid open to the sore temptation of man-pleasing ; besides the probability of the suffering of their children , when they are dead : and if the ministers of this age be never so resolved to continue their work through all necessities , yet in the next age the church is like to be destitute and desolate , because men will set their sons to other studies and imployments : we therefore humbly crave , that this honorable assembly will not take down the present maintenance by tythes ( though we have ●s much reason to be sensible of those inconveniences that it is charged with , as others ) or at least , not till they , instead of it , establish as sure , and full , and fit a maintenance . thirdly , that you will be pleased to take into your compassionate thoughts , both the dark places in england and wales which want able godly teachers ; and the state of great cities , and populous towns , where through the exceeding number of souls , one minister hath more work then can possibly be done by many : whereby while they are confined to the publike work alone , all private ministerial instruction , admonition , and other oversight , must needs be neglected : that therefore to such very numerous congregations , you would allow a maintenance , if not to ministers proportionable to the number of souls , and greatness of the work ; yet at least more then in smaller places : we offer but the same request to you , in your places , which christ hath commanded us to offer to god himself . that where the harvest is great , and the labourers are few , more labourers may be sent into the harvest . fourthly , that you will be pleased to continue your care of the universities , and schools of learning , and tenderly preserve their maintenance and necessary priviledges , that there may be a meet supply of labourers for the continuation of the gospel , and the glory of england to our posterity . fifthly , and because our sad divisions in matter of religion , especially about church-government , have been such a hinderance to the propagation of the gospel , that you will be pleased speedily to imploy your utmost wisdom and power for the healing of them : and to that end would call together some of the most godly , prudent , peaceable divines of each party , that differs in points of church-government , and lay upon them your commands and adjuration , that they cease not amicable consulting and seeking god , till they have found out a meet way for accommodation and unity , and acquainted you therewith : and if through gods heavy displeasure against us , he shall suffer the spirit of division and prejudice so far to prevail , as to frustrate their consultations ( the contrary whereto we should strongly hope ) that you would be pleased to advise with those divines that are most judicious and peaceable , and least addicted to parties ; and thereupon to recommend at least to the people , so much of church-order and government , as you finde to be clearly required by jesus christ , and vouchsafe it your publique countenance and encouragement , though you scruple an enforcement . these things we humbly and earnestly request of this honorable assembly , in the behalf of jesus christ ( to whom we doubt not but you are daily petitioners ) and of this commonwealth , and the souls of men : beseeching you to let the interest of the gospel have the most speedy and resolute dispatch in your consultations , and at least to equal it with our most necessary defence , whereby you will the more engage christ to defend both you and us , whom you have so often found to be the surest defence : so shall you be called the repairers of our breaches ; and shall oblige us to pray , &c. [ subscribed by above six thousand . ] col : iohn bridges , and mr. thomas foly being called in to the house , master speaker told them , the house had read and considered the petition brought up out of the county of worcester , and the house had commanded him to give them thanks on the behalf of those of the county of worcester that sent it , for their good affections expressed therein : and accordingly he did give them the thanks of the house , and that they would take their petition into serious consideration in due time . finis . a proclamation for a solemn day of humiliation. scotland. privy council. 1696 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05604 wing s1790 estc r226072 52529279 ocm 52529279 179042 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05604) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179042) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:31) a proclamation for a solemn day of humiliation. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1696. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh the tenth day of march, and of our reign the seventh year 1696. signed: gilb. eliot. cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation for a solemn day of humiliation . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly & severally , specially , constitute , greeting : for as much as we and our people have just reason to apprehend the severest judgments of almighty god , whose clemency and goodness we have abused to his dishonour ; which consideration hath also moved the commission of the late general assembly to address the lords of our privy council ; that a day of humiliation may be appointed and keeped for these causes ; therefore we with advice of the lords of our privy council command and appoint a day of solemn humiliation and prayer to be observed throughout the whole kingdom upon the days following , viz. within the town of edinburgh , leith , cannongate , and the paroch of west kirk upon the lords day next , the fifteenth day of march current ; and in all the rest of the paroch-churches upon this side of tay upon the lords day the twenty second day of the said month of march ; and in all the other paroch-churches within this kingdom upon the lords day being the twenty ninth day of the said month of march. upon which days of solemn humiliation and prayer respective forsaids , we and our people are to express our deep sense of our ingratitude for our former deliverances , and our grateful acknowledgements of the signal providence of god , in discovering and defeating the treacherous attempts on our royal person ; and to deprecat the wrath of god , and implore his assistance against all forraign invasion , and intestine commotions , which days respective foresaids , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , require and command to be religiously and seriously observed by all ranks and degrees of people , by preaching and other acts of devotion to be done and performed in all the churches of this kingdom , upon the occasion and for the causes foresaids . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent , thir our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat-crosses of the haill head burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom , and there in our name and authority make intimation hereof , that none pretend ignorance : and appoints our soliciter to transmit printed copies hereof to the sheriff and stewart clerks of the haill sheriffdoms and stewartries within this kingdom with coppies to be transmitted by the said sheriff and stewart clerks to the ministers of the several paroches within their bounds ; and ordains this proclamation to be intimat in the paroch churches of edinburgh , cannongate , leith , and west-kirk upon thursday next ; and ordains the magistrats of edinburgh , cannongate , leith , and west-port to make intimation of the same within their respective bounds , by beating of drums in these places upon fryday next ; and ordains the sheriff and stewart clerks of all other places within this kingdom to cause publish this proclamation at the respective mercat-crosses within their bounds , and the ministers to cause read the same at their paroch-churches upon the lords day immediatly preceeding the days above-appointed ; and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh the tenth day of march , and of our reign the seventh year 1696. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot . cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty . 1696. persecutio undecima, or, the churches eleventh persecution being a brief of the fanatick persecution of the protestant clergy of the church of england, more particularly within the city of london : begun in parliament, anno dom. 1641, and printed in the year 1648. chestlin. 1681 approx. 183 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32788 wing c3786 estc r23249 12756412 ocm 12756412 93437 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32788) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93437) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 377:2) persecutio undecima, or, the churches eleventh persecution being a brief of the fanatick persecution of the protestant clergy of the church of england, more particularly within the city of london : begun in parliament, anno dom. 1641, and printed in the year 1648. chestlin. [3], 36 p. re-printed in the year 1681, and are to be sold by walter davis ..., [london] : [1681] bm gives note: [by chestlin?]. place of publication from nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. "a general bill of the mortality of the clergy of london ... ministers ... who have been imprisoned, plundered ... and deprived of all livelihood ... for their constancy in the protestant religion ... and their loyalty to their soveraign": p. 23-26. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -clergy. church and state -england. great britain -church history -17th century. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the contents . chap. i. a view of the fanatick faction of england ; as also the ends and reasons of publishing these papers in these times . pag. 1. chap. ii. a brief of the divers ends in desiring to have this parliament called of the true cause of the contempt and hatred of the clergy among the people , and what makes the churches differences irreconcileable . p. 3. chap. iii. what use the fanaticks have made of parliaments , and the ways whereby that faction in this parliament and kingdom have endeavoured to make the clergy contemptible and odious to the people . p. 8. chap. iv. the fanaticks arts of framing accusations to the parliament against the clergy , and their manner of proving their charges . p. 12. chap. v. a view of the new judges of the thus accused clergy ; their condition , and their judging of doctrines in their committees for religion , de facto & de jure . p. 17. chap. vi. the censures of these judges against the clergy , and the true reason thereof . p. 21. chap. vii . of parliamentary changes in religion . of the policy and ways for the destruction of religion by this parliament , wrought by the long conspiracy and combination of the fanaticks of england , here laid open . p. 26. chap. viii . a concluding parallel between the popish persecution in q. mary's time , and this fanatical persecution . p. 35. persecvtio vndecima : or , the churches eleventh persecution . being a brief of the fanatick persecution of the protestant clergy of the church of england : more particularly within the city of london . begun in parliament , anno dom. 1641. and printed in the year , 1648. but they mocked the messengers of god , and misused his prophets , till the wrath of god arose against his people , and there was no remedy . ii. chron. chap. 36. vers . 16. re-printed in the year , 1681. and are to be sold by walter davis in amen-corner near pater-noster-row . chap. i. a view of the fanatick faction of england ; as also the end and reasons of publishing these papers in these times . what miseries the fanatick faction ( so long lying like the canaanites , as thorns in the sides of our israel ) would bring upon this nation , england wanted not ezechiels watchmen to foretel ? and the story of these times hath proved their prophesies wanted no truth ; but , quos perdere vult jupiter , eos dementat prius : otherwise it were strange to think , that of two factions , viz. papists and fanaticks , mortally hating each other , distinctly incorporated from the church of england , and both of them destructive to it ; the one like cunning pick-pockets , should set the eyes of the people so busily to look after the religion of the other , and in the mean time rob them of their own ; and by the same principles ( like firebrands in the tails of sampsons foxes , looking divers ways ) alike endanger the established religion . the one faction was made most odious to the people , the other seemed most religious ; and the due execution of penal laws against popish recusants hath been accounted zeal and justice : but any legal penalties inflicted on fanatick recusants , was cryed down for cruelty and tyranny , and made the judges reproach ; nor would the people endure to hear the name of fanatick dissenters mentioned in a pulpit ; which now to drown , together with their own folly in countenancing or non-conceiving the fanaticks designs , the more loyal party have invented the new name of round-head ) the nobility , gentry , and generally all sorts of people accounting the fanatick faction a simple inconsiderate party , well meaning people , tender conscienced christians , such as deserved pity rather than punishment ; little remembring our saviours caveat against wolves in sheeps clothing : which in demosthenes fable , laying all the breach of publick peace between them and the sheep , upon the dogs which were set to watch the sheep-folds ; till the seduced sheep ( for quietness sake ) delivering up their keepers for a sacrifice to the wolves , too late found their own folds exposed to such danger as wisdom might have easilier prevented , than it could afterward remedy . what else have the causeless clamours of the fanaticks meant for this many years against the bishops and the clergy of england ? who in our saviours phrase of pasce oves , watched over the flock of christ ; but to smite the shepherd , that so the sheep might be scattered : like that of tully , civium perditorum scelere pulsus à delubris is qui illa servarat , religionum jura polluta , & in larium sedibus edificatum est templum licentiae . and what havock hath been made among the sheep , since the city-fanatick-tumults cryed out , no bishops , and armed fury hath forced thousands of the clergy from their flocks ; the almost ruines of the church , and of three kingdoms sufficiently witnesses ; a just judgement of god upon a people long contending with their priests , and mocking , and mis-using the prophets and messengers of god , till like the jews , the wrath of god fell upon them , and there was no remedy : and all this vengeance executed by a generation of vipers , eating out the bowels of their mother church and country , wherein they have long lurked ; stiling themselves ( for above twenty years last past , i can witness ) the only people of god , the meek of the earth , christs little flock , weak brethren ; crying out against bloud-thirsty papists for taking up arms against kings and princes ; and who but those fanaticks , the devout observers of the fifth of november ( their only holy-day ) in hatred of the gunpowder treason ? ( though that gunpowder was never carried in bandaliers , and fired in the face of the king , for the safety of his person ) and their daily sermons were against persecution ; yet now themselves ( weak christians till so well arm'd ) are become the only and most bloody persecutors , having slain more thousands of protestants in england , under colour for fighting for the protestant religion , than queen mary condemned scores within the like compass of years . the truth is , the fanaticks of england have long conceited themselves to be the only people of god , like the jews , ( and a man might swear by their actions they are jews indeed , and not christians ) and all other men not of their tribe , to be the wicked of the world , and gods enemies , egyptians and amalekites : that so whatever favour was done to any of their faction , they thought themselves nothing beholden to any man for it ; but they would say god decreed them to do it , so that they could do no otherwise ; and what ever justice was done to any of their tribe , was accounted cruelty and persecution of gods people . but whatever injustice or cruelty they acted upon their neighbours , ( better christians in good sooth than themselves ) they called it justice and zeal for gods glory , fulfilling gods decree ; and can in their canting language ( the language of canaan , as they stiled their abusing of scripture phrase ) flatter themselves , that they must wash their feet in the blood of the ungodly , and binding kings in chains and their nobles with links of iron , sit smiting their fellow servants and fellow subjects against the law , while they pretended to judge according to the law : ( this being the old character of a fanatick , a strangers angel , a neighbours plague , a saint abroad , a devil at home ) but his children ye are ( saith our saviour ) whose works ye do : the devil was a lyar from the beginning , and the accuser of the brethren ; and who have done the works of such a father you may here know , by a taste of the first fruits ( sower grapes of their long promised canaan , a glimpse of their clergy-hating , the foundation of fanatick-babel-reformation : and what an harvest of misery to this nation hath followed such beginnings ( when judgement begins at gods house ) may be gathered into volumes by better pens . it 's enough from a private hand ( in such times as these ) if any short copy can be set forth for others to follow ; and to shew the fanaticks that all men do not sleep , but some stand watching still to give the world warning of such hypocrites ; especially considering that is no records of the particulars of the tyranny of these times hath been extant to the world , though all honest protestants have much desired it ; time indeed not bearing truth from a protestant hand . as also considering the multitude of scandalous pamphlets , parliament speeches , centuries , declarations published all and faced with authority of parliament , the supreme court of justice in england ; title enough to charm the world , especially posterity , into a belief of such authentick records ; should no particular counter-work of truth be left to oppose such slanders . for as yet there is none ; and probably if either an act of oblivion should happen , or time waste away the present clergy ( who by reason of the fury of this age , dare not write their own sufferings , nor by reason of their being so scatter'd can bring them to a general collection ) never any may come forth : whereby the fanatick lyes , and shameful slanders of the clergy of this generation would pass for currant truths ; when as the faction themselves know , and cannot but acknowledge ( as i have heard some of them say ) that they could never have taken a worse time against the bishops of england , whose personal honest lives , learning , and piety was so eminent , that indeed it made clamours against them the more violent ( like that against our saviour , away with him , away with him , when the question was asked , what evil hath he done ? ) that so they might remove them by tumults , against whom they could not work their designs by law. and for the persecuted clergy of the church of england , i am confident it is their hearty desire , and i dare in their names make this solemn appeal to posterity , ( if ever god send times for justice in england ) that ( after so cruel and barbarous sufferings by banishments , and manifold imprisonments , some in noysome and foreign jayles among thieves and * felons : some in ships under decks neer * smothered : some starved and dead in ‖ prison ; others murdered in † prison . all of them sequestered , spoiled of their goods , and estates , and houses , to the ruine of their wives and children also ) that they might obtain a legal tryal , to know what evil they have done ; that it may appear whether scandalous accusers , and scandalous judges have not made a scandalous clergy , and not found them such . this being left them their only comfort in their miseries , that they suffer as christians , not as evil doers , but for righteousness sake , as god and their own consciences bear them witness , and these ensuing lines ( though rude , yet true ) may not a little prove to any impartial reader , to the satisfying also of that newly started objection by the house of commons against a personal treaty with the king , viz. the bringing in again of scandalous ministers . chap. ii. a brief of the divers ends in desiring to have this parliament called . of the true cause of the contempt and hatred of the clergy among the people , and what makes the church differences irreconcileable . private interests and advantages are ever the grounds of usurped power , and why lay-men in this parliament have presumed to intermeddle with matters of religion , and to monopolize all executive and judiciary power in doctrine and discipline of the church ( which god knoweth they never understood ) under pretence of reformation of religion , mr. hampden ( one of the prime grandees of the fanatick faction ) hath satisfied the world , in his answer to a private friend , asking him why they so much pretended religion , when indeed liberty and property , and temporal matters were by them chiefly intended ? should we not ( said he ) use the pretence of religion , the people would not be drawn to assist us . and truly it were pity that posterity should be left without some memento of the private interests and designs of all sorts of people in this kingdom , in themselves different , yet all concentring in this one word reformation , to build the babel of this generation : not much unlike the hatching of the belglek troubles , nobilitas cum plebe conspirant , & rem suam curant , dum publicam curare videntur . such desires in calling the council of trent have been translated into an english madness and superstition in longing for this parliament , which all men fansied such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 medicamentum to each private malady , that not any humour in the body politick , or itch in the breech of the kingdom , but was kept clawed by mr. speakers thanks , and large promises of redress of their grievances : even the london porters petition received much thanks from the parliament , and proffers of easing them of their burdens . a fair opportunity had the great ones to work their ends over other mens shoulders . 1. the court emulation ( for even the kings house and his council were poysoned with fanaticism ) thought by a parliament to remove the favourites , that so upon their ruines , themselves ( next in place ) might be advanced . what also was the sin of the archbishop and the earl of strafford ? ( against whom this parliament was set on fire with heat of envy ) but they being greatly loved of their king for their faithful service to his majesty , the church and their country . 2. the country nobility long discontented with their court-banishment , ( as it were ) hoped by a parliament to new model the court , and exchange places . to this end the propositions continually clamour , that all the privie council , and all officers of state may be in the disposal of parliament , that is , of lord say and his faction . 3. the gentry of england by a parliament ( into which the gentry used to be called , till of late ) besides their private preferment and revenge , thought ( as did the free-holders and all sorts of people ) to be eased of monopolies & taxes ( never remembring that they paid no subsidies ) and especially of an intended tyranny , which the fanatick faction , with continual alarums , so drummed into the peoples ears , even to a frensie of ridiculous fears and jealousies . 4. the lecturing house-creeping-ministers , prayed zealously for a parliament ; thereby hoping to set up their new-fangled doctrines and disciples : indeed , to divide the church-lands amongst their tribe ( as the pretence was of taking away the bishops lands , to maintain preaching ministers ) and to invade other mens livings , and to have the sole government of the church in their hands , ( this is that which they call setting up of jesus christ in his throne ) the world now see what their aim was at first in calling this the parliament of their prayers . 5. all sorts of sectaries in england , were earnest for this parliament , because they had conspired to pack it for their designs against the king and the church ▪ as hereafter will be shown . 6. the common lawyers pleaded for a parliament , that themselves might snatch an ecclesiastical jurisdiction into their courts , to advance their law above the gospel ( as they have done ) crying up their idol-law to be above the king ( a creature above his creator : ) then what are the lawyers , who have the law in their own hands , the breast of the judge , or the breast of the court ( as they phrase it ) is the supreme power ? and truly for these many years last past , have the lawyers enslaved both king and people by the charm of law , law. 7. the country people generally fancied , that a parliament would free them from paying of tythes , which produced several petitions to that purpose , from several counties . 8. all sorts of trades and companies in london , hoped for iome encrease of their trading , if a parliament were called , and yet who more crying out against monopolies and patents , than these citizens ? who are the greatest monopolilizers in this kingdom , and scarce any incorporation in london , but had some petition ready for this parliament , with confidence that nothing must be denied for the advance of trade . and all sorts of people dreamed of an vtopia , and infinite liberty , especially in matters of religion ; nay , scarce any man but had some design of private interest , excep the ancient , orthodox clergy , who foresaw what a misery the heighth of a faction would bring on the church , by a parliament . and yet after 5 years sitting in this so idolized parliament , no sorts of men but have missed their ends ; their ministers especially verifying that prophesie of dr. bancroft : for all the outcries that church-livings might be employed to the maintenance of eldership , well may they procure in some other age , the further impoverishing of the church ; but they shall be sure to be little the better for it : and generally instead of being eased of their grievances , they have been plagued by this parliament , as by the flagellum dei , a rod of their own making , to scourge this land for their murmuring against moses and aaron , their contempt of the king and the priest ; into which crying sin , an hypocritical faction hath been long drawing this people , by wounding the king through the sides of the church , as knowing well , that if they could destroy monarchy in the church ( episcopal government in england , being indeed the king 's spiritual militia , and that most povverful , as commanding the consciences of subjects ) by planting in rebellion for religion , they should soon vveaken the povver of the king 's temporal militia , as vvoful experience hath taught us ; this made the masters of the faction alvvays set up the church as the butt , and the bishops sleeves as the white , chiefly aimed at by all sorts of people , to shoot their bolts against , that to have the bovv ready bent , and the quiver full of sharp arrovvs , even bitter vvords against the church , grevv to be the only wisdom and religion in fashion : o ye scandalous clergy , and o ye bringers in of popery ! was the belching of every open mouth , when the greater sort had deeply swallowed other manner of gall , for which they took up the common cry against the clergy , only to colour their deadly spleen , bred upon temporal distempers , which the world takes no publick notice of as yet ; but were the true causes of the contempt and hatred of the clergy among this generation , whereby the fanatick faction very inconsiderable for number , drew multitudes ( who hated their by-ways in religion ) to their assistance . the first and main engine buzzed into the people long before this parliament was , that the bishops and the clergy were the instruments for the kings intended tyranny , the common saying in terminis was , that the clergy are all for the king , that is , the clergy seeing your fanatick spirit of darkness , working in the children of disobedience , would by their preaching to fear god and the king , according to the scriptures , have prevented the ruines , which they foresaw this faction would , and now have brought upon this kingdom ; to this purpose what a fiery pair of multiplying spectacles , did the faction put on the noses of the people , furiously looking on dr. manwarings sermon , till the face of the body politick began to fire , in a former parliament , not quenched even to the beginning of this , but continually kindled against him , and some others ( not above three more divines ) who preached the kings prerogative like divines , if scripture ( which they so cry up , for their own ends ) in 1 sam. 8. or the practice of the kings of judah may be judge , more than the supremacy of the lawyers would brook , or the jealous worshippers of meum and tuum in england , could endure should be true . this was the kindle-coal that the faction bellowsed to that flame , that must consume not only those particular men , but even the whole clergy , root and branch ; as in scotland , the feud of some discontented lords , against some particular bishops , vowed revenge on the whole church : this fire of malice , was the fire from heaven , which confirmed their covenant , and made it the pattern in the mount , for englishmen to follow . this added to the name baals priests , and such other reproaches of the clergy among the fanaticks , the new scoff of cesans friends . this made the popular earl of essex say in this parliament , that he never knew but one bishop in parliament , stand up for the good of the commonwealth , the old phrase of rebellion ; and when nat. fiennes made speeches in parliament , and printed them , with the title of unparallel'd reasons , to shew that episcopacy was an enemy to monarchy , the lord say his father , ( and godfather to the fanatick faction ) printed a speech , that the bishops were too much for the king , and therefore were to be thrown out of the parliament ; the most applauded speech amongst the commonvvealth party , vvhose sense it spoke out to the full , and vvas the core of the canker bred in them against the church ; and unto this score do the clergy ovve their eight years persecution , and their continued banishment from their livings , for fear they should preach the people ( novv undeceived ) into obedience to their king. a second cause vvas the sacrilegious thirsting after the church-lands , by some in this land , vvhose grandfathers having svvallovved long leases , or perhaps some forged deeds of church-lands ; the wax sticks still on the childrens stomachs , that no vvonder if they cannot be vvell , till like the vine-dressers in the gospel , they hate and mis-use the lords servants ; nay desire to kill the heir , that the inheritance may be theirs , vvhose blasted posterity hath no little hopes of recruiting their scattered estates out of the old reserve of the church . publick hatred being the ready vvay to make the church-lands their private prey : for this purpose have the lay-brethren continued the practice of their faction in q. elizabeth's days , in clapping silenced ministers , and non-conformists , and lecturers on the back , and follovving their sermons , setting them at the upper end of the tables , and seeking by all means , to prvcure them credit and favor vvith the people ; not that they cared for them , or for religion , or for christ himself ; but hoping , that by the violent course vvhich they savv these men run into , the bishops , and the rest of the clergy vvould grovv so odious , that it vvould in time be a small matter to dispossess them of all their livings , vvhereof some portion might come to their shares : which publick hatred of the clergy was not a little increased upon a jealousie , occasioned by the activeness of some bishops , and others of the clergy , in seeking by law to recover some church-revenue out of the usurpers clutches , ( otherwise mentioned in this book ) that they began to argue , if the clergy should advance in the favour of the king , and the people their preaching against sacriledge , may prevail to the touching of their copyholds ; and it 's the unhappiness of the clergy , that most of their lands are occupied by men , grown too great by their leases , to be accounted farmers , and as much regreating the name of tenants to such landlords , whom they think they may command : and this bred the like hatred in london , and other incorporations , and nests of the faction against the city-clergy , upon their suit for increase of tithes in city-livings ( which are generally of very small value , and depend upon peoples benevolence , a thing of dangerous consequence in a kingdom ) upon the statute of hen. 8. allowing two shilling nine pence per pound of the rent of houses ( which statute to evade , the lawyers and scriveners have invented a plain cheat , by a lease and a lease , that houses of 50 l. rent per annum , shall scarce pay 5 or 10 s. tithe per annum ) which so netled the purse-proud londoners , accounting tithes but as gift , or alms , that they would rather spend at law , or give a lecturer of their own choice twice as much as their full tithe came to , than pay their dues to the parson ( a word made their scoff ) that two shillings nine pence was an usual nick name for any divine , as he walked through the streets , though the clergy in their moderate rates demanded not above twelve pence per pound , and this seeking by law to recover their due , was call'd ( by the covetous world ) t●● covetousness of the clergy . 3. there was another sin of the clergy as much talked of , that was , forsooth , the pride of the clergy , what was that ? why ! time having spent the old stock of sir john's , planted into churches in the hurly-burly days of queen elizabeth , * illiterate mechanicks , and such who could but write and read , and gather in tithes for the patron 's use , with curchees for some wages for their journey-work , hereby † villifying the sacred function , as in these our times , and men of worth and learning sprung into their places ; peace of the church bringing religion into request and credit , so that some noblemen , gentlemen , and men of estates , began to spend on their children as much as would make them rich in another calling , only to fit them for the priesthood ( besides lands of inheritance , or money left as their portions . ) these were not like to betray the honour of the church , and of the sacred function , to become the continual servants of men , who ( especially in london ) thought stipends of 40 l. per annum , enough for any clergy-man , though he had wife and children . sir n. r. a rich alderman being desired to encrease his contribution to a minister , because he was a man of much merit ; answered , if the minister were an angel from heaven , he should have of him but ten shillings per quarter . and that any of the clergy should be made justice of the peace , or officer of state ( as indeed , who so fit to keep love and peace among neighbours ? and i have heard the officers , and retainers to the treasury confess , that they were never so well used , as when a bishop was lard treasurer ) was made such an eye-sore in the peoples sight , by the faction , especially the swarm of lawyers , not taken notice of , though put into commissions ; men of a meer mercinary profession , raising great fortunes upon the sins and ruines of their country , unlike to prove justices of peace , who live by ●●aking contention and strife among neighbours ; and from that small ( happy ) number of lawyers in england , anno domini 1555. which john stow mentioned , but two men of law at the kings bench bar , and at the common pleas but one serjeant ; yet had they nothing to do all that michaelmas term , and yet no tempus belli , have increased into an incorporation of many thousands of rich and potent leading men in all corners of the kingdom ; many advanced in the esteem of the people , by their opposing the king's prerogative , under pretence of law , that not the king , but their law kept every man in his right , though since the king hath been eclipsed these seven years , whom hath their law kept in their right ? therefore when judge cook told king james , that the law kept the crown upon his head , the king well replied , thou lyest traytor , it is i that maintain the law. and as malicious enemies have too many lawyers been to the church , knowing well , that if the clergy should grow into esteem and power , to be justices of the peace , they would plant in charity , and so spoil the trade of lawyers , whose private gain hath been stiled the flourishing of the law ; that not a lawyer in a parish , but commonly was the parson's busie enemy ; and it is still in the lawyers hearts and mouths , that the archbishop would have hindered their law : did not such interests facilitate belief , he that had seen the habit of the clergy in our days , would wonder wherein lay the pride of the clergy ; for who wore plainest garments were most maligned ; but i forget the pride of the wives of the clergy in their apparrel : those that were guilty i excuse not , yet i must profess , i knew very few thus justly taxed ; but such was the pride of english women ( especially the gentry ) that with much scorn and envy , they would look at a clergy-man's wife , if cloathed as well as themselves , though their birth and portions , and their husband 's temporal estate were known able to maintain it , sometimes better than the other ; and in london , every woman , whose husband perhaps paid but twelve pence tyth per quarter , thought the minister's wife proud , if clad better than her self ; and as for habit , so for place and precedency , every gossip could prattle , that a ministers wife had no place , though the law is , that all wives shall take place according to their husbands . these petticoat quarrels bred much envy to the clergy , but majorcum superbia with far greater pride : and besides that , laici clericis oppido sunt infesti . 4. so generally peevish and fanaticiz'd were the people , that not any particular discontent , or personal quarrel with any private clergy-man , but these bishops ! these parsons ! ( the whole coat ) began their furious threats of revenge ; and for these many years , hath the opposing the bishops , or regular clergy , been made the sign of a babe of grace , and a professor of pure religion , and ( since this parliament ) been the ready way to preferment , as the sure character of a fast friend to the parliament , that divers have not only been afraid to show their wonted neighbourhood to their parsons , but have grown active against them , only to secure themselves from suspicion of malignancy , by being known to converse with a malignant , or sequestred minister . these , and such like matters have thickened the mists of scandalous clergy● and bringing in popery , cast before the peoples eyes , to widen the breach into an impossibility of reconciliation : these seven years sad experience persuading me , that the great controversies of christendome ( as of latter days ) so in elder ages about the arrian heresie under constantius , synod against synod , to revoke the nicene decrees , and that other division about the celebration of easter under commodus , were but some state stalking-horses , or at least maintained with such vehemency , for politick ends , whereof church history hath taken no cognizance ; like the two golden calves of presbytery and independency , set up in our days , to cover jeroboams policy for a new government ; presbytery being thought at first a cloak large enough to serve all turns , till new designs started up independency , both equally destructive to the old way , which though woful experience hath proved the best way , and most men at the bottom desire ; yet because it consisteth not with their rash temporal ingagements they furiously oppose : could we else think , that christians and countrymen should engage in a bloody civil war , to demolish a cross , or put down an innocent ceremony , to deshoy a bishop of a diocess , and set a pope in every parish ? a meer book-man of this generation can find little difference above-board , all sides professing they fight for the same things , which surely made dury and dr. mosely , and dr. gibbons take so much pains and travel , to seek reconcilement in religion ; but alas ! g. cassander , h. grotius , may write votum pro pace ecclesiastica : romish priests may hazard their lives to reconcile protestants , and protestants hope to convert papists ; church men may fast , and pray , and write , and preach for peace , but all to no purpose : can they reconcile the king and the pope's supremacy in causes ecclesiastical ? can they secure a rebell against a king in power ? can they make agreement between publick-faith debts , and bishops lands , and delinquents estates ? take away temporal differences , and church controversies among christians might soon be ended ; for what have the engaged men of this generation long whispered , and now speak out to the citizens desirous of a treaty for peace , while the pretence is religion , should the king be restored to his throne ; what security can they ( traytors ) have for their necks and estates ? what shall become of their ordinance-law ? should bishops come in again , what shall become of our moneys for the purchase of their land ? the city publick-faith-mongers tremble to think that their debts will be desperate ; souldiers say , if peace come , their triumphs will be spoiled ; should the kingdom be setled , and every man enjoy his own , the fanatick ministers cry out , what shall they do , who have intruded into other mens livings ? these thoughts fright the presbyterian lecturers , and the assembly of divines ( who these twelve months have been preaching against this army ) into a zealous union with this independent army , yea , with turks or jews , or any religion in the world ( consisting with their usurped possessions ) would they joyn , rather than suffer the old religion to be restored . these , these are the true reasons that continue the differences of our church to such a difficulty , if not impossibility of reconcilement , and when for such ends men have employed conscience , no wonder in presecution thereof , what cruelty , injustice and tyranny is used as mediums , for obtaining such wicked purposes , whereof you have a small view in this following discourse . chap. iii. what use the fanaticks have made of parliaments , and the ways whereby that faction in this parliament and kingdom have endeavoured to make the clergy contemptible and odious to the people . how old the fanatick grudge is against the church of england , the discourse of the troubles of frankford can tell the world ; and truly since sacriledge hath been cryed up for reformation , hath that same spirit of darkness been tampering in parliaments , to make them their engine for the work of destroying the church , under colour of reformation , that archbishop whitgift ( that holy meek man ) in queen elizabeth's days , lying very sick , and being told of a parliament called , ( out of his pious care for the church ) prayed god , that he might not live to see that parliament , as near as it was , and god heard his prayer ; and although ( as lord verulam confesseth ) the parliament of england oweth some satisfaction for the many injuries , and unjust oppressions formerly done by them to the church ; yet since the first breach ( so thirsty were the members after the remnant of the church lands ) few parliaments , but have rather sought to increase that debt , till the church be quite undone ; to this purpose , how have the fanaticks ( who for these many years have had the vogue of the people , opening their mouths wide after any game , to which one of their beagles should lead the trace ) superstitiously longed for parliaments , because their plots and hopes were to pack them for their design against the king and church , as now they have done , which made the presbyterian sectaries , and all other sorts of fanaticks , so idolize this parliament , calling it the perliament of their prayers , and a frequent pulpit title for the house of commons was , the house of gods , and the house of mortal gods , and truly they were an house of gods , like the heathenish roman 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an house of gods of all countries , the images of english sectaries ; for they do but represent , and it 's but fitting that new gods should have new priests , heaping up to themselves teachers after their own hearts lusts ; no marvel then if the ministers of christ grow out of request , and all the malice , and slanders , and cruelty of these new gods be racked on those , who would teach the people to serve the true god , rather than men : but god forbid , but that the vvorld should knovv , vvhat arts of lying , and slandering , and false accusing , to make the king and the faithful clergy of england odious to the people , has been raised as the scaffolds to build this second babel , vvhich though no longer looked upon , than vvhile in present use , yet ( if faithfully recorded ) vvill be as precious monuments in the eyes of vvise men , vvhen they shall see ( if god hath not given up this nation to make lyes their religion ) truth triumphing in the ruines of such ill founded structures : hovv this fanatick faction blasphemed their king , i leave to better pens , though they used the same means therein , as their experience had found serviceable for their vvicked ends against the church , vvhich devices i have collected out of their printed papers , or mine ovvn observations at committees , and elsevvhere . the foundation of the fanatick babel being laid , by packing their agents into this their forced parliament ( as shall be hereafter declared ) and their long preparing of the people for their work , by setting the people a madding after this parliament , the whole kingdom 's ruine , as i heard a london divine , in june , 1642. accused at a full committee , to have prophesied ( as since it hath appeared ) that the counties had chosen a company of hot-headed men into the house of commons , who would prove the ruine of this kingdom : the foundation being thus laid , the first scaffold to the building was made by railing speeches , within the houses ( by priviledge of liberty of speech to abuse any persons , their king have not they spared ) by some particular members , stuffed full of malicious and bloody eloquence ( let the sword reach from the north to the south , quoth sir edward deering ) rather than his phantastical new church-government should be hindered , reviling the established form of god's service , under which they were bred and born , blasting the sacred function of the ministry of christ , by which they were made christians , and publishing those speeches in print , on purpose to infect the people , and fire their minds , ready enough to catch any such sparks ; and this railing against the clergy , was the only way to be made a chairman of a committee , or to be designed for some great preferment , and to be the worshipful golden calves of the people , the only ambition of those popular speech-makers , who little dreaming of the fanatick plots ( as wise statesmen as they pretended to be ) to which themselves opened the gap , kindled the fire which others of meaner condition ( but of different intentions ) blew up to such flames , as since hath burned the kindler's own nests . the lord digby proclaimed traytor , banished , and made the publick hatred of the fanaticks : the lord faulkland killed at newberry fight : mr. nathaniel fiennes condemned to die by martial law , for the good service he had done the parliament his masters : sir edward deering , who made this motion in the house of commons with great applause , to burn the late canons , ( made in the convocation , and stamped with the king's authority ) by the canon-makers own hands ; not long after had those same his speeches burned by the publick hangman , himself expelled the house , and forced to flie the fury of the people under a priest's coat , and read prayers in a church for a disguise , and became an earnest suitor for a deanery , viz. of canterbury , when he had so railed against deans and chapters , upon no other ground but report ( as himself confessed : ) but missing this preferment , turned apostate from the king ( to whom he had fled ) to those whom himself had called rebells and traytors ; yet rejected by them also for his labor ; and soon ended his days with grief and scorn . mr. pym , and john white , the libelling centurist , who died distracted , crying out , how many clergy-men , their wives , and children he had undone ; and others have been cut off in the midst of their rage against god's ministers : fair warnings to other such like rabshekahs , who yet have time to repent . but these speeches so applauded , and other men imitating them , made a fair way for a second story of the same scaffolding for this new building , by remonstrances and declarations published in the name of the house of commons , which usually ranked the papists and the clergy together , as enemies to the kingdom , and in that mid-night remonstrance , in the name of the house of commons assembled in parliament , was it in terminis laid down , that none of the clergy were preferred , but those who preached wickedness and profaneness ; yet was no particular person named , nor truly could be named guilty of so heavy a charge ; but audacter calumniari , haerebit aliquid was their plot , and all the miseries and grivances of the kingdom were laid on the bishops and the prelatical party ( as the new phrase was ) when the authors of that black remonstrance knew that the clergy of the church of england had not , nor could have any vote or hand in those matters , they being such of which the clergy did equally complain ; which ( besides the house of commons voting the clergy in convocation ) guilty of a praemunire , accusing also twelve bishops of high treason , committed to the tower , on purpose only to stop their mouths from claiming their priviledges , which as part of the parliament belong unto them ) was enough to have raised hatred to a second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , considering the religious faith the people then had of the reports of their new gods , as pulpits call'd the house of commons , which so far possessed a gentlewoman used to their lectures , that she durst not in conscience take phystek-without an order of parliament from the house of commons ; such a brother we read of in dodona's grove , who would not believe his creed , because there was no act of parliament for it : and at the beginning of this blessed parliament , did the fanatick faction in the house of commons , print and publish a foisted order , ( carefully dispersing the copies throughout the kingdom ) in the name of the house of commons assembled in parliament , to stir up , indeed to invite all active men , ( as they phrased the men of their tribe ) to accuse ministers , making this one crime and scandal to be complained of , that a clergy-man had two livings , though according to the laws of the land : which order ( though disclaimed within the walls of the house of commons , yet not countermanded by any publick act of the house , so willing were all sorts of men in the house to see the clergy abused , notwithstanding that high affront and dishonour of their house ) so wrought abroad in all parts of the kingdom , that not any knave or fool in a parish whom reproof for sins had made the ministers enemy , but now thought himself commanded ( yes , and bound in conscience to obey ) to fly in the face of gods minister , and his spiritual father , that within a short space above two thousand petitions were brought in against the clergy ( so readily had they pack'd their business ) two or three of the fanatick avowed instruments in a parish presenting petitions constantly , styled the petition of the whole parish , though the major part of the parish ; yea , ( i have known it ) three parts of four in a parish have never seen any such petition , but disclaimed it under their hands : and the basest mechanicks hand to a petition , how false soever , so it were against a clergy-man , was received with favour , and with mr. speakers thanks for their love to the parliament , and could bring upon any minister of christ more chargeable and vexatious summons and attendance on the parliament or committees , and oftentimes longer imprisonment , than the report or testimonials of all the other better parishioners could free him from ; nor were there any honest orthodox clergy ( for all else were accounted the parliaments friends ) who groaned not under the insolency of this proud domineering faction , daily threatning them with petitioning against them in parliament , which was then thought a most dreadful business , though the people had never so long known their parsons learning and honesty ; but as mr. selden ( a member of the house ) then told a person of honour , learning and honesty were sins enough in a clergy-man in these days . 3. having thus sent into countrys for ugly shapes and skins of beasts to dress the clergy in for the peoples sight , no marvel if ( as the heathens served the christians ) they now set dogs to bait them , countenancing all those who opposed the established worship of god , and suspending the due administration of the same , by an imperious order of the house of commons only , in defiance to the kings proclamation then set forth for the due celebration thereof , and also of an order of the house of peers for the same purpose ; and in many churches have some members of their private authority forbid the priests to read divine service , others in contempt thereof , put on their hats during the reading of prayers , which gave such encouragement to the rabble-rout of that faction in the city , that in divers churches unheard of violences were offered to ministers officiating in full congregations by a few sectaries , yet scarce durst any man either rescue the minister , or defend their own religion ; and it 's too well known how a few ( called zealous ) young fellows with their wenches rushing into any church in london could have set up a psalm , and thereby sing a whole parish out of their relegion , ( a trick they had from the dutch rebels and anabaptists ) into such a lukewarmness vvere most men grovvn towards gods service ; but as this vvas made the shiboleth to try the fanatick friends , so vvas the contemning of the established religion a ready vvay to make all the constant professors of that religion contemnned also , and who should be constant in religion if not the clergy . 4. a fourth way to make the clergy odious to tht people , was their abetting all outrages and affronts done to the persons and functions of the clergy , insomuch , that upon their sending for burton , and pryn , and bastwick , ( three champions , or fanatick beautifews ) and the audacious riots and tumults , attendin their return to london without controul , the faction took such encouragement ( having found their strength in the house of commons ) in their contempt of the priest , that a divine in his habit , could not walk the streets of london , without being reproached in every corner , by the name of baal's priest , popish priest , caesar's friend , and the like scoffings ; nor durst parishoners shew their wonted love toward their spiritual father ; nay , scarce durst they come to hear him preach , without hazard of being accounted a malignant , if he were so conscientious as not to change his religion ( as these sectaries would have him , ) and now new england so vomited up her factious spirits , that merchants in london began to complain , that all commodities in new england were fallen to half their former price , and each damm and sink of religion pumped into our wholesome streams , those who ( as witches do their baptism ) had renounced their former sacred calling to the priesthood , yet now returned the only admired church-men , and were by orders of the house of commons , either forced into other mens churches , as lecturers , or thrust into sequestred parsonages ( their fellow subjects free-hold ) which before themselves had cried down for antichristian . 5. a fair introduction to the reproachful usage of the clergy at committees , in the face of their own parishioners ; for having found the forwardness of the people ( by their first foisted order aforesaid ) to serve them in their designs , the faction in the house procured a large committee for religion ( as they called it ) the fanaticks main engine against the church , dividing it into many sub-committees , as mr. white 's committee , mr. corbet's committee , sir robert harlows committee , sir edward deering's committee , and divers others , upon pretence of hearing the multitudes of petitions daily brought in against scandalous ministers ( as the term was ) which committees were made as several stages for continual clergy-baitings ; mine ears still tingle at the loud clamors and shoutings there made ( especially at the committee which sate at the court of wards ) in derision of grave and reverend divines , by that rabble of sectaries which daily flocked thither , to see this new pastime , where the committee-members , out of their vast priviledge to abuse any man ( though their betters , some members of the convocation , whose priviledges are , and by law , ought to be as large as those of the house of commons ) without controul , have been pleased to call the ministers of christ brought before them , ( by jaylors and pursevants , and placed like hainous malefactors , without their bar ( bare-headed forsooth ) sausie jacks , base fellows , brazen fac'd fellows , and in great scorn , hath the cap of a known orthodox doctor been called to be pulled off , to see if he were not a shaven popish priest ; and upon a parson's evidence for one of his parishoners , that he was no papist , ( whose evidence in such cases , is , and ought to be authentical ) it was replied by a committee , have you no witness but a base priest ? and to some eminent doctors in divinity of the city of london , viz. dr. baker , dr. brough , dr. walton , giving testimony in a cause then before them , it was said by a citizen , member of that committee , isaac pennington , what shall we believe these doctors for ? and sir robert harlow going to his committee-chair ( the chair of the scorner ) bragged to his friend how he would bait the dean of christ-church ; and after such like usage , with chargeable and long attendance , de die in diem , on these committees , as many clergy-men as were brought to the stake to be voted ( right or wrong ) were sure to be outed of their livings , else their good and godly people were not pleased ; that the souls of many honest and faithful ministers of christ , were so filled with the scorn of the proud , who thus had them in derision , that they died for very grief , as did dr. halsy , and dr. clarke , and divers others . chap. iv. the fanaticks arts of framing accusations to the parliament against the clergy , and their manner of proving their charges . the reports of these new spanish-english inquisitions being spread abroad in city and country , so fleshed these hounds in their parson-hunting ( as their own phrase was ) and so terrified the rest of the clergy , that by this success , the masters of the game began to heighten on their designs of planting in a new ministry , not only as foisted lecturers , but as endowed church-men , the more strongly to make them servants for their work , especially in london , ( whose clergy bore the heat of the day in this persecution ; for not six parsons or vicars in all that city , but abhorred these ungodly courses ) that two or three reformers in a parish , usually demanded no smaller matter of their parson , than that he should resign up his whole livelyhood at once , viz. his living , otherwise they would threaten to fetch him up to the parliament ; which threats so far prevailed with many of blameless lives and conversation , that to avoid the trouble and charges , and the infinite scorn and vexation at committees , and the shame ( as then it was accounted ) of being ranked among scandalous ministers , gave up their churches , viz. mr. mason , dr. howel , mr. ward , dr. pierce , dr. hill , mr. paggit , mr. hanslow , &c. and all others sought to change their livings for some more quiet place : and i have heard some of these malicious londoners , not ashamed openly in the face of a committee , to profess , ( and without controul ) that they would never give over vexing their parson , till they had worried him out of his living . and so much have these factions prevailed , that scarce any parsons or vicars in that city are left unsequestred ; what justice can any expect from such committees , who have taken upon them to be judges of the clergy , against whom they have so openly declared themselves parties and adversaries : for scarce any of the persecuted clergy , but can name some particular members of this faction in the house of commons , and so by consequence of these committees also , who have been active , not only as representatives , but as chief promoters and authors of their troubles , some by giving instructions , what to lay in petitions against them , others have drawn up articles and petitions , and have sent them to parishes to be subscribed , and to seek out witnesses ( if they could ) to prove them ; nor scarce durst any parishoner deny his hand , though he knew nothing of the charge , for fear of being accounted a malignant ; and to some parishoners refusing to subscribe , because they could prove nothing of the accusations , it hath been replied , set you your hands , leave us to prove the charge ; till two or three presidents in this kind , from these new legislative hands , had made a case for some lawyers table-book , that the known way of petitioning against a clergy-man , was to go to such a lawyer , or such a solicitor , who for his fee could furnish any clyent with accusations against any clergy-man whatsoever ; but perhaps some will say , those articles were not true against their minister , they could not prove them . that is no matter , the lawyers can warrant those clyents harmless ; for , say they , the parliament , ( that is the house of commons ) put not men to their oaths , not allow any costs or dammages upon default of proof , though their accusation or charge against their minister be never so foul , never so false , and the ministers charges never so great : to name but one instance in this kind , dr. cousins the reverend dean of peterborough , and master of peter house in cambridge , upon a motion made in the house of commons by the lord fairfax , that the doctor had enticed a young scholar to popery , vvas committed to the sergeant at arms to attend daily till the house should call him to a hearing ; after fifty days imprisonment , and charges of twenty shillings per diem , ( besides being exposed to the scorn and houtings of the city sectaries , vvho daily flocked to the doors of the parliament , to shew their readiness to serve them ) upon hearing , the said doctor made it appear ( some members also bearing him vvitness ) that the doctor being then vice-chancellor of the vniversity , had most severely punished the † party ( whom upon examination he had found guilty ) by recantation , and by expelling him the university , yet no cost or dammage by way of reparation was allowed to the doctor by the house of commons . this is the justice of the supreme court of judicature in england ; and a great shew of justice had these accusations , if ( like a chancery bill ) any one particular laid were proved , though it vvere but malignancy against the parliament ; a crime never heard of till the fanatick faction in parliament voted , that to obey the king was high treason : this new priviledge of parliament so agreeable to gods lavv , ( thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour ) advised some parishioners to put in some odious crimes against their parson amongst the smaller matters they had laid ; othervvise ( said he ) the house will not regard your petition , no matter whether ye can prove them or not , and vvhen some of the honester party ( not then crowded from the house of commons ) upon often experience of such slanders uncontrolled , moved that according to reason and common justice , vvhosoever brought a false accusation against any man should lege talionis , be punished as the accused should have been , if guilty ; the faction in the house rejected that just motion , pretending that such an order would discourage petitioners : and a chair-man being told by dr. sterne , master of jesus colledge in cambridge upon the like occasion , that the committee vvere bound by gods lavv not to countenance a false witness according to the ninth commandment , replyed to the doctor , that he should not teach them whot to do : yet every week as soon as some wicked design ripeneth , for a colour do these men vote and ordain mightily for keeping the sabbath-day , when lying and false witnessing will no longer advance their cause , they will vote it may be as much for this commandment also ; nay , in stead of reproving false witness , the faction in committees have found out shifts to help out a reforming lyar , or else to salve up the business with further proof to be produced hereafter , or making consequences and inferences upon a false or doubtful testimony , lest their good people ( as they called their agents ) should be discouraged ; but for sureness sake orders were often pasted on the doors of the committee , forbidding entrance to any but those of their own faction , witness the committee in the exchequer chamber about the smectymnuan libel , or the grand petition against episcopacy , where all other divines were turned out for spies , as their phrase was ; but some stayed long enough to hear heavy charges weakly proved , viz. that episcopacy was an enemy to parliaments , and to the laws of the land : how proved think you ? why a single witness is produced , saying , that he heard a doctor in divinity of sussex speak some words against the parliament , ergo , and the latter part was proved , because a bishop said that he would hinder mr. burton's prohibition , ( but did not hinder it , as burton there confessed ) these were the only proofs of such high charges there alledged to make episcopacy and the bishops odious ; and as if all these ways were not ●now to make the clergy of england stink in the nostrils of a seduced people ; let the world consider what scandalous libels have been written by the fanaticks against the clergy , and those authorized by the parliament : among multitudes to name but one though in that hundred , i mean the first century , written by mr. john white a lawyer , and a great chair-man for religion , with an epistle canting in scripture phrase , applying the words of the holy ghost to the proper works of the devil , who is called the envious man , and the accuser of the brethren : hear this john white generally charging the clergy of england to be dumb dogs , men swallowed up with wine and strong drink , whose tables are full of vomit , whoremongers , adulterers , buggerers , that change the natural use into that which is against nature , priests of ball , bacchus , priapus , &c. horrid crimes , or horrid slanders ! did ever any popish jesuite so revile the clergy of england ? i need not pray the lord rebuke him , for god hath long since cut him off in the midst of his rage against the church , such ungodly practices raving rnd condemning himself at his dying hour , for his undoing so many guiltless ministers : and let any man judge if that first and only example of buggery prove not john white and his abettors , the true sons of the father of lyes , who was a lyar from the beginning ; for either the party was found not guilty , why then sequestred ? or guilty , why then not punished by death according to law. it is not to be imagined that the fanaticks would conceal the shame of any clergy-man , when they so raked each dunghill and corner to discover it ; but that such an instance ( if proved ) should have been triumphantly stretched , to further their glorious reformation ; and whether the party so accused , was not some years before this parliament , cleared by the justices of the peace for sussex , who sifted out that fanatick plot against him ( as one of those justices told me ) i refer the reader to the then justices of that county ; but for a general answer to that scandalous libel , this truth without question may be said , that not any one person in that century , hath had any legal tryal at all ; but condemnati quoniam accusati ; and the justice of these times is , satis est accusare , otherwise what man in his wits could believe , that adulteries , fornications , and such deeds of darkness could be proved ( as this john white affirmeth in the margin of his epistle ) by seldom less than six or seven witnesses ? unless so many saw what this vvorthy member did with his neighbours wife in white fryars , which made his ovvn wife so jealous of this mr. white her husband : but why suspition of incontinency only from looks , as in that century example 49. or from leading vvomen into dark places , as example 18. by one vvhose house standeth in a dark alley in london , or vvhy to be seen in company vvith papists ( vvhich the lavv requires of clergy-men ) as in example 75. and 88. should be such charges and crimes as to ruine a man and his vvhole family , or used as an argument to make the whole clergy odious , let any christian judge . i have been present , vvhen a grave and learned divine hath been accused at a committee for an adulterer and a drunkard , the proof of the former was only kissing a woman in the presence of company , and the other , was the drinking of only one half pint of wine ; and so unchristian a scrutiny hath been made for accusations , and pretended proofs of crimes against the persons of the clergy , that ( besides accusers , and those known schismaticks , and adversaries allow'd to be both parties , and judges , and witnesses also . ) agents in parishes have baen employed in going from house to house with parliament warrants , summoning and terrifying all men and women , nay servants , ( i have knovvn it ) vvhom they could hear vvere acquainted vvith such ministers ; and at committees the neighbours and familiar friends so summoned , have been urged ex officio , to speak not only to articles laid in petitions , but also have had their consciences sifted , to make them confess some crime or report , or suspition of a crime . if the parish afforded no evidence , nor their old acquaintance , down they sent ( in some mens causes ) to the university to hunt out some scandal , in the time of their ministers abode there : nor have some clergy mens lives and conversation from their cradle been left unsearched ( i could name particulars ) to get something , vvhereof to accuse a clergy-man at the parliament : so that any report of a crime committed tvventy years before this parliament , ( as in that century example 58. ) or before taking of holy orders , or being possessed of a church , or any crime which justice had long since taken cognizance of , and censured , as example 72. or any rash vvords never so privately spoken , have been novv reaped up to make a ministers scandal , and the whole ministery scandalous . another trick of false accusing accounted a just way of charging clergy-men , vvas a fallacious vvresting of words , quite contrary to the sense of the preacher : a reverend doctor ( whom i could name ) vvas accused in parliament , that he had preached about fourteen years before this parliament , that the bishops when they took away the mass , took away all religion ; upon hearing , the doctor produced the sermon , and made it appear , that he preached at that time , ( it being the publick assizes at york ) that men must not think that the bishops , when they took away the mass took away all religion . another divine was accused of popery , viz. that he had preached , that the intention of the priest , was of the essence of the sacrament ; when he preached it only historicè , and confuted the opinion at the same time . but if no proofs could be found of crimes and vitious conversation in a clergy man , then came in the politick counsel of the heathenish presidents against daniel , we shall not find any occasion against this daniel , except we find it against him concerning the law of his god , under the ( made odious ) crimes of innovations , superstition , popery , a sin ( not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) without transgression of any law , statute , act of parliament , order , or ordinance of both , or either houses ; nor would the faction publish any rule , to measure what should be accounted innovations , superstition or popery , and what not ; but with these false traces , they cunningly kept up the loud cries of their people against the clergy , making thereby so large a snare , that not the most zealous protestant divines , who had been all their life times preaching against popery and superstition , could possibly escape , if but accused : good god! can posterity ( if they may be suffered to be christian ) have so much faith as to believe , that in the face of a christian nation ( nay , nay a pure reforming religious christian parliament ) the ministers of jesus christ should be doomed to ruine , for saying in effect , christianus suum : see here a catalogue of crimes charged upon the clergy , collected out of the first century , authorized to be published in print by the parliament . bowing at the name of jesus , examples , 33. 43. setting up the name jesus in the church , ex. 72. 83. preaching against sacriledge , ex. 22. bowing the body in gods house , ex. 7. assisting the king , and exhorting subjects so to do , ex. 33. 43. reading the kings proclamation in churches , according to the kings command , ex. — 28. 34. 52. appointing the 43. psalm to be sung , ex. 29. preaching against not coming to their own parish church , ex. 21. 35. 38. reading , and having popish books , ex. 88. 55. seen in company with papists , ex. 88. it were endless to reckon particulars in this kind of accusations , as wearing the surplice , using ceremonies , praying for bishops , all now cryed down for superstition and popery : but in every petiton , malignancy against the parliament , was the burden of the song ( this indeed made any doctrines to be censured superstition and popery ) a crime would puzzle all the divines and lawyers in christendom to expound , were they strangers to the proceedings of this faction ; this malignancy being nothing else but for subjects to be suspected of being constant in religion towards god , and loyalty towards their king , this is the unquestionable definition of malignancy against the parliament and what christian ( much more a clergy-man ) would plead not guilty to these objected crimes , or be ashamed of these condemned popish doctrines ? and when by these tricks , they had cruelly committed many of the clergy into noysome prisons , forcing others to fly the like cruelty , by forsaking their habitations and estates , their wives and children , they sequestred them for non residence , first force them to fly , and then to punish them for flying : it 's pity to omit their pretty fashion of sequesting mr. freeman of london ; it is this day ordered by the committee for plundered ministers , that all the profit of james garlick-hithe , be sequstred into the hands of , &c. from mr. freeman , the present incumbent , till cause be shewn to the contrary . o the excellent justiceof the new saints ! of the reforming people of god! executed by club-law , and by the sword of war , which these weak christians , by the help of a mis-guided commonwealth-party , have raised to empower themselves to force the consciences of all men ( now themselves are grown so strong ) to a new covenant , the fanaticks last engine to ruine the church , and to destroy the clergy , root and branch : a solemn league and covenant , the fanatick , antichristian idol , set up in the temple of god , hung up in all the churches of london ; a covenant , like that in isaiah , with death , and an agreement with hell : a covenant made by the fanaticks of two nations , in defiance to god and the king , to the destruction of the religion of their own mother church , and of all loyalty to their king , the father of their country : a scandalous covenant , maliciously studied , and laid for a meer snare , and rock of offence to the estates and consciences of the clergy , and people of god , that scandal in the abstract , scandalum datum , praebens proximo occasionem ruinae , the proper work of the devil , insomuch , that at a general summons of the gentry , and remnant of the clergy of the county of surrey , for the taking this covenant , some chief actors of the faction , when they saw , that with several salvo's , and liberty to take it in any sence , with mental reservations , and considerations , that it was but a forced oath ( and such like mincings ) many men ( and some of the clergy , loving this present world , took the same ) said , they were sorry to see some take it , whose estates they hoped to have caught by this hook : and although the authors of the covenant , knew the clergies greater obligations than other men , by oaths of allegiance and supremacy to the king , and by oaths of canonical obedience , and by several subscriptions upon record to the present church , and by their stricter tie of conscience , and greater knowledge of the function of episcopacy ( from whence themselves received their own holy order ) which from our saviours , and the apostles days , was without interruption for 1500 years , and still is continued in all christian churches , where rebellion started not the scruple , and the sword ever since maintains the heresie ; yet none were so much pressed , and urged to take this covenant , in terminis , to destroy bishops , as were the clergy , and the refusal thereof was ipso facto , loss of any clergy-man's livings and livelyhood ; nay , so barbarous were this faction , that their committee for composition at goldsmiths hall , would not admit the lord bishop of winchester , lately deceased , to compound for his sequestred temporal estate ( for no compounding for spirituals is allowed : but sequestration is indeed deprivation with these men ) unless he would take the covenant , and swear to destroy himself , and his own sacred function ; yet these were the men , who have so cried out against oaths ex officio , and against forcing the consciences of men , and give this reason , why the liturgy must be taken away , because it gave offence to some mens consciences ; and these are the men who cried down the clergy for innovations , and now punish them because they will not move ; but as these fanaticks have rigidly practised all those things , which themselves so much abhorred , teaching the world a new art , how to commit any villany securely , by first railing against that sin which they intend to commit ; so may they be a warning to all christian princes , how they suffer the church or state-goverment to be spoken against , be the pretence never so pious , or seemingly religious . chap. v. a view of the new judges of the thus accused clergy ; their condition and their judging of doctrines in their committees for religion , de facto & de jure . having given the world a short view ( by which the rest may be guessed ) of the fanaticks arts and tricks of making the clergy their adversaries , and inventing accusations against them , whom as hainous malefactors , they have taken upon them to judge ( as they pretend ) by law , and by the justice and wisdom of the high court of parliament , for reformation of religion ; it 's not unseasonable to shew the world a true character of these great judges in their personal relations , as well as their political capacity of judging de facto , & de jure . and surely men ( who were strangers to the designs of this faction ) would think ( by the high strains of publick acts pretending reformation of religion ) there were some oecumenical counsel now sitting , or at least some great convocation of grave and learned bishops and clergy of england ( who were wont to have the judiciary power in church-matters , long before any parliaments were in england ) famous for their honest lives , and by their great knowledge able to judge , not vote religion up or down : but o tempora ! o mores ! the grave bishops of the church are by tumults driven from the parliament ; the convocation by subtelty of a pretended praemunire , and by fury are cryed down ; hereby all the clergy of england are silenced at one ; not any one church-man admitted to consult , or act in matters ecclesiastical ; the keys are snatched by violence from the apostles hands ( to whom christ gave them ) and are hung at the girdles of meer lay-men ; most of them illiterate men assembled in parliament , a mixed multitude of all professions , wherein as sir robert naunton hath observed in king james's raign , since the fanaticks began their plot , were 40 , who never saw twenty years of age , and many such were chosen into the house of commons ; yet upon any one of these votes ( as votes go now adays ) the peace and religion of a nation may depend . but to give a just account , casting out the most of the nobility , and about two hundred of the house of commons ( men of greatest estates , therefore more like to seek the welfare of their countrey , than their own private interests , which were driven from the house , where they sate but as cyphers ) and counting the multitudes of tradesmen , and merchants of london and other incorporations packed into this parliament to carry a vote ; besides the many lawyers , mercenary men , and most of them recorders , and so servants to incorporations ( making laws for themselves to get money by ) together with a few engaged knights and gentlemen , famous for hauking and for hunting after lectures and whore-houses , ( many of them having sold off their houses in the countrey , and took others at london , to follow the fanatical plot more diligently ) and the sum of these make up the fanatical faction in the parliament , stiling themselves the parliament of england . and now the souldiers by a counterfeit seal have recruited the house with no small number of colonels and officers ; when indeed they have turned the parliament out of doors , and turned themselves apostates in religion , and have shared the lands of the church to make themselves a fortune ; not to mention their vicious lives , which might make up truer centuries ; nor their hypocrisie , lyes , and breaking of oaths of allegiance and supremacy ; yet these are the men usurping all power both of church and state ; who are become the supream heads of the church , and of all church-matters , which none of them ever understood , yet these ( also parties ) have made themselves judges of the religion , doctrine , function , and estates of all the clergy of england . miles corbet the recorder of yarmouth , who indicted a man for a conjurer , and was urgent upon the jury to condemn the party upon no proof but a book of circles found in his study , which miles said was a book of conjuring , had not a learned clergy-man told the jury , that the book was but an old almanack . i have been present at a committee for religion , consisting of five or six tradesmen and merchants of london , and an ignorant lawyer in the chair ; yet these have judged doctrines by whole sale , executing ecclesiastical jurisdiction in an high act , viz. absolving ecclesiastical persons ( suspended by their diocesan bishop ) as it were in a parenthesis , with an o yes ! ye that will have these three ministers of wales ( i confess i have forgot their names ) to have liberty and licence to preach , say i ! ye that will not , say no! which being thrice repeated , and answered i ! i ! these three suspended ministers were by this vote perfectly absolved no doubt ! in the mean time , at this worshipful , ( nay honourable ) bar , was a heavy complaint against a grave * divine of blasphemy , which he had preached , viz. that the virgin mary was the mother of god ; and at a day appointed for voting , had not a divine whispered some of these committee-men , had this doctrine been voted blasphemy ; so easily might the sacred ephesine counsel have been condemned by this learned committee for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and condemning nestorius for heresie ; and elizabeth in the first of st. luke , should have been as guilty of blasphemy , for calling the blessed virgin the mother of her lord. and when a reverend doctor , and master of jesus colledge in cambridge , who was charged with blasphemy at sir robert harlows committee , for writing honour god with thy substance , on the bason for alms ; made answer , by asking whether it was not rather blasphemy in them to call a sentence of scripture blasphemy ? it was replyed by a boy-member of that committee , will ye suffer him ( meaning the doctor ) to answer by questions ? at another time i heard one of these committees cry out , what a miserable condition these people were in , who lived under such a minister , who ( as the article was ) had preached , that original sin was washed away in baptism ? which was there derided at as popery . in brief , to never so true doctrines , the * chair-man saith , they sit not there to dispute . up started captain ven , ( a tradesman of london ) and asked a * divine ( justifying at their bar his doctrine to be true and orthodox ) did you preach these doctrines ? answer i or no! whether they be true or false , leave that to us to judge . so the case standeth with the divines of england ; let any ignorant hearer ( suppose an apprentice boy , i have known it ) accuse any clergy-man ( the gravest doctor in divinity ) of preaching doctrines which the boy thinks are false , or popish doctrines , to the house of commons , or committees , shall the divine be sent for , perhaps by a pursivant : justifie his doctrine he must not , though never so true , the house supposeth it to be false , erroneous , popish , or scandalous , because complained of ; answer he must , did he preach it , i , or no ? whether it be true or false , they will not dispute , hit or miss , they will vote , and that 's enough to make any doctrine true or false , popish or scandalous , and thereby to imprison the person of christs minister , and to seize on his estate , to out him of all his freehold and livelihood , and to spoil him of his goods : o si tanta potestas sit stultorum sententiis , ac jussis , ut eorum suffragiis rerum natura vertatur , cur non sanciunt , ut quae mala sunt pro bonis habeantur ? yea so senslesly conceited have this lay parliament ( parliamentum indoctorum ) been of themselves , that some of them have said , since they had read the scriptures ( in english ) why should they not be able to judge of divinity , as well as the best doctors ? and to have desired , that doctrines complained of in petitions to these lay-committees , might be referred to the judgment of learned divines about london , would have been taken for an high contempt of their committee for religion , and of the power of parliament ; ( as a * member of that committee told one , who made the motion in private to him ) where such are become judges of divinity . when lawyers perk into a chair for religion , and coblers preach ( both alike lawful ) no marvail if religion be voted illegal , and the priests be thought to go so awry ; and in these times , to the lawyer must the divine go , if he will preach without fear of being made a scandalous minister , or imprisoned for every sermon . i have known some twenty shillings fees given to a lawyer to plead at the committee for religion , in the behalf of some doctrines preached in a sermon , for which the preacher never got twenty pence , no defence being left for the priests doctrine , or officiating in sacris , unless allowed by an act of parliament , or some common law-trick ; insomuch , that a learned doctor of divinity being accused of popery , for calling the communion-table an altar , alledging the scripture in the hebrews , habemus altare , we have an altar , of which they may not eat , meant of the christian eucharist , could not hereby be acquitted of the popery ; but producing the words of an act of parliament of edward the sixth , yet unrepealed , calling the eucharist the sacrament of the altar , the committee for religion were fully answered . and several actions at common law of assault and battery were brought against a * divine in essex , who out of zeal to gods house , ( as the priests did with vzziah ) thrust some people out of his church , who sending for cakes and ale from an ale-house , were prophanely carousing on the lords table in the church ; yet could not this crime be admitted a lawful plea in the common law , to save the minister harmless from being overthrown in the action ; but consulting with a lawyer , he was advised to plead his institution and induction into the said church , where the fact was done , and so by a rule in the law , that any man may thrust another out of his house , if he behave himself uncivilly therein , the minister was secured from the actions of assault and battery ; so that would our saviour now beat out the buyers and sellers from the temple , the lawyers would afford an action against him of assault and battery . and not long before this parliament , did the lawyers find out ways of indicting clergy-men at the publick assizes , for standing up at the creed ; or for denying to give the sacrament to people obstinately refusing to kneel at the receiving thereof , and to come up to the rails about the holy table ; that i have known some sectaries in london , command their servants to go to the sacrament , and to sit in the lower places of the church , to try whether the minister would bring the sacrament to them in their seats , that so they might have an action of law against the minister , or else complain against him to the parliament : nor will it be too long a digression to remember a former vent of the fanaticks malice in a parliament at the beginning of king charles his reign ; urging strongly , a motion of making adultery death in a clergy-man , but not in any other person , purposely to throw scorn on that profession ; and how safe any clergy mans life should have been , may the conspiracy of the lady laurence witness against a grave divine , which the justice of the star-chamber found out , and censured : righteous judgment no doubt is to be expected , when such a malitious faction shall get power to make themselves judges of the clergy , as now they have done . good god! have our preachers been these eighty years confuting the superstition of the papists , to be made the stalking horses to a sacrilegious , superstitious , and rebellious faction ? by whom themselves are at last crowed down for papists , under the same pretence of reformation , having been taught to hate popery without discretion ; no marvail if such people now question their teachers , and think they have forfeited their power and knowledge to them , whom they have taught no better ; and what use these men have made of this pretended power , let their own actions testifie . but that they may seem to be no usurpers of any power , at first they derided at episcopacy ( or monarchy , but that is not the subject of this discourse ) to be jure divino , though never so plain , in the 10. of st. luke , by christs election of 12 apostles , and 72 disciples of an inferiour order , out of which mathias was in the first of the acts preferred to be numbred with the 11 in the room of judas ; and were there any scruple , who more fitting to resolve the doubt , than those who lived in the apostles time ? as did ignatius , whose works , as also the continued succession of bishops in all christian churches for 1500 years together , were argument enough to those who have not denyed their faith , forgetting their creed , i believe the holy catholick church : and against such men a christian ought not to dispute : but now began new principles of divinity to be broached , by the new state-chaplains , vid. that the law of nature bade the parliament ( that is , the house of commons , the peoples representatives ) to reassume all power into their hands , it being so universally complained of , that the king and the bishops had abused their trust , intending to ruine the kingdom , and destroy religion ( the two great bugbears wherewith the fanatical faction ( who felt the pulses of the people beating strongly after property , or religion ) kept the people continually affrighted ; and it being as generally believed , ( for qua volumus facile credimus ) that all power in church and common-wealth was derived from the people , and their representatives , and not from god immediately : aristotles politicks is made scripture for this new divinity ; and surely an excellent religion will nature teach christians , to justifie what they have , or shall do so manifestly against the law of god and man. if this argument be not strong enough , their lecturers , who were wont in former parliaments also to attend the house of commons door , making legs to the members in transitu , praying their worships to remember the gospel , by which they meant their presbytery : these preach to them , that their power to reform religion , is jure divino , why ? forsooth because the people called them thereunto ; and vox populi est vox dei , was their beloved unquestionable oracle ; indeed vox populi cried up rebellious absalom against his king and father ! vox populi cryed against our saviour , crucifie him , crucifie him ! vox populi called for the golden calf ! from whence to the silver-smiths of diana , scripture may teach us that argumentum pessimi turba , and that in religion vox populi is rather vox diaboli than dei. yet this vox populi must choose our religion , and religion-makers : but who gave the people power to choose ? the kings writ for elections ; then all power is not in the people , nor can any electors invest their elected with the jus tertii , for nemo potest plus juris transferre in alium , quam ipse habet ; the power of the kings , and of the church , being not in the peoples power to commit to their trustees ; laws having made the distinction between the kings prerogative , and the subjects propriety , between church and common-wealth ; as well as between meum & tuum , among fellow-subjects : and were the kingdom elective ( as england was never ) yet well might that roman emperours speech be applyed , vestrûm quidem erat eligere , pòst autem meum est imperare , vestrum est obedire : but that all power of the church in doctrine and discipline should be originally in the people ( that is , the rude multitude ) is a new opinion framed by affection , and made religion by politick engagements , only to serve the present designs ; for now the fanatical lecturers ( having obtained their ends against the bishops by vox populi , their own doctrine ) dispute the power with their lay-masters in parliament ; who by their help getting the sword , ( and by that the strongest power ) are not like to forego the same upon vox populi : but did not violence so crowd up this lay-parliament , and committee for religion , that in their chairs no room is left for gods word to take place , they might know that the priests lips shall preserve knowledge , and not the peoples lips , and that by tying up the lips of the priests . gods law saith , deut. 17. v. 8. that man which shall do presumptiously , and not hearken to the priest , shall dye : nor did the people teach the apostles , but surely the apostles taught the people , and ruled over the people in word and doctrine ; since to them christ gave the keys , christus dedit , non populus : otherways st. pauls rod was a meer brag , and so was his jurisdiction , the rest will i set in order when i come ; which also he commended to timothy and titus , and the other bishops and deacons for governing the church , whereof the first synod at jerusalem consisted ; and to prevent the mistake of lay-elders in that synod , it 's said afterwards of judas and silas , that they also were prophets ; and of the clergy were all general counsels of christendome made up , to whom constantine said , judiciary power ( especially in doctrines ) did belong : and this was the established law of the christian world ; the benefit whereof st. ambrose pleaded against auxentius : and it 's known , upon such grounds luther refused the judgment of the emperours court , appealing to a counsel concerning his doctrine . the word presbyter almost englishing itself priest , as was the ecclesiastical sense of the word , both in the new testament , and ancient writers , both christian and heathen , which amianus marcellinus , a meer historian , describeth christiani ritus presbyter , never englished in the grammatical sense , till design translated it so in our english testament ; and by those translators never intended to be wrested to lay-elders , as the non-doctors of this generation will have it to signifie . but i forget my self , that i dispute against a sword , and such adversaries who told their king , they sate not to be ruled by presidents , but to make presidents to the world ; and truly they have been as good as their word : but i hope they will regard the judgment of a protestant martyr in this case , ( for the shedding of whose blood the parliament made an ordinance for repentance : ) when the papists in queen maries raign urged mr. john rogers , that the parliament had established the romish religion ; of what force ( said this godly martyr ) may we think these parliaments are , which establish contrary laws , to condemn that for evil , which before they had decreed for good ? it's better to obey god , rather than man ; making religion , which like tullies lex naturae , nec tolli , nec abrogari potest , become leges seiae , & apuleiae , quae unico senatus versiculo puncto temporis sublatae sint . and should the house of commons assume this power in religion , religion , like englishmens clothes , would ever be cutting into some new fashion , as any faction ariseth in the kingdom ; but that this faction in parliament may blind the eyes of the world , ( indeed to strengthen and support themselves , till they should become absolute masters of england ) when they had been long tampering with religion , at last they found ( policy necessitating them ) some need of using clergy-men ; yet in such a monstrous way , as the christian world never heard the like , by a new thing called an assembly of divines , not summoned by the kings writ and authority , ( expresly against the statute of hen. 1. ) nor chosen by the clergy , but plucked out of each members pocket , and by vertue of hocus pocus , jugled into a conventicle-synod , on purpose ( for all forced synods have ever more of private interest , than the publick good of the church ) to help out with some new religion , as their masters ( which hired them with 4 s. per diem ) shall appoint : yet lest these divines ( such as they be , new-englanders , amsterdamians , pedants , and trencher chaplains ; ( to whom were some ten learned clergy-mens names joyned as seals , who never came there in person ) should take any authority to themselves , the faction in parliament have jusled in thirty of their lay-members ( another vote can make them thirty more ) as members of this linsy-woolsie synod , to help up a side ; but to make all sure , their parliament masters have ordered , that this assembly ( yoaked like an oxe and an ass to till the holy-land ) must meddle only with what shall be propounded to them from the houses of parliament ; and when all is done , their conclusions shall not bind , till the parliament give leave and consent ; and saith the ordinance ( not law ) whereby this learned synod is created and bridled , these divines must tell them what is most agreeable to gods word ; and when the parliament is thus certified what gods law is , the house of commons will vote whether it shall be obeyed or no : such an omnipotency over gods law , over the church and the king , hath this faction usurped since this parliament , to plant in christs kingdom , and the power of religion and reformation as their specious pretences at first were , turning the spanish cloak of religion into the english proverb , of playing the devil for gods sake . chap. vi. the censures of these judges against the clergy , and the true reason thereof . these are the grapes of this long-promised fanatical canaan , gathered from such pretended holy-thistles ; at whose growth while some labourers in gods harvest ( too late repenting ) connived , doubting that they were some weak and tender vine-branches , and others of more discerning spirits seeking to weed them out , pricked their own fingers ; they grew like jothams bramble ; such kings over the trees , that they have banished the vine , and the olive , peace and plenty ; and to plant in the stinking elder , have burned up the goodly cedars of the church , root and branch ; and the field of christs wheat choaked with the tares which the envious man hath been long sowing in this land , now grown to their harvest , to whose sheaf ( like josephs dream ) must every sheaf make obeisance , else the upstart bramble-king sends fire to devour them , as it hath already torn the whole coat of the clergy , as many thousands of them can witness ; the sad conclusion of the woful premises of this book : yet this tyranny and persecution of the clergy is stiled the justice of parliament , and the power of reformation of religion ; whereof the reader may here see a pattern , in the cruel sufferings of the clergy of london , presented in a general bill of mortality , to which these papers may serve for a short commentary , till god send better days of enlarging the story by a more full collection ; the very naming of the persons in that bill ( being generally men of known honest lives , and constant painful preaching ( that the earl of northumberland discoursing with mr. calamy ( for so have the engaged nobility prostituted their honour to the courting of each fanatical lecturer and pedant , of whom indeed they stand in awe ) about the supplying of above fifty churches in london void of ministers , told mr. calamy , that they must restore some of the sequestred clergy of london ; to which mr. calamy replying , god forbid ; the earl said , unless they did so , the parliament could not find men of abilities to preach in london : ) the naming ( i say ) of those men were enough to shame the father of lyes , and his fanatical sons ( were not both past shame ) and to vindicate the rest of the abused clergy of england , ( as well sure as the personal faults of some few ( and those very few ) be made the scandal of the whole function ) and yet who so cruelly persecuted as these london-divines ? will ye know the reason thereof ? the fanatical design growing high , pitched upon three main engines to compleat their work , vid. the setting up the militia , the seising of the navy , and the planting in of lecturers , and it 's hard to say which of these three have done their new masters best service ; this last being the ready way to obtain the two former ; whereunto much conduced the feigned fears and jealousies raised by the faction in the city ; as also by several votes and declarations of parliament of forreign invasions from abroad , and secret dangers at home , no sooner bruited abroad than believed , by a people deceiving and willing to be deceived ; whereby the faction in parliament desiring a guard , refused the trained bands of middlesex ( profer'd by the king to satisfie their fears ) confiding rather in the citizens of london , purposely to engage that city to maintain them in whatsoever wickedness they should act ; their chiefest care being to make sure of london , ( the head and fountain of this proud and cruel blood-thirsty faction : ) therefore to keep and encrease this power in the city , they knew jeroboams calf-policy in altering religion , and the priesthood , would be necessary for their plot of a new government : to which purpose they at first invented these tricks and formalities of justice against the clergy , till having got the power , their sword should make good the sequestring and removal of those ( especially in london ) who were not like to apostatize from religion and loyalty , in ceasing to preach to the people to fear god and the king , according to the scriptures ; hereby making way to plant in their own creatures , and ministers to deifie the calves of their own setting up ; this made the faction in the house of commons never to transmit any bills against any particular accused clergy-man to the house of peers ( where indeed lay judiciary power ) to a legal hearing ; but knowing well such foggy charges would soon vanish at the face of justice , these evil spirits kept on their course of casting mists before the peoples eyes , to make them think that the lights of the church burned so dimme , that it was necessary to snuff them , or quite put them out : this is the true reason of their cruelty towards the london-clergy , and indeed to the whole clergy of england ; and this wicked policy drew on this sad story following . a general bill of the mortality of the clergy of london : or , a brief martyrology and catalogue of the learned , grave , religious , and painful ministers of the city of london , who have been imprisoned , plundered , barbarously used , and deprived of all livelihood for themselves and their families in these last years , for their constancy in the protestant religion establisht in this kingdom , and their loyalty to their soveraign . the cathedral church of saint pauls , the dean , residentiaries , and other members of that church , sequestered , plundered , and turned out . alhallows woodstreet , dr. wats , sequestred , plundred ; his wife and children turned out of doors , himself forced to fly . alhallows barkin , dr. lafield pursuivanted , imprisoned in ely-house , and the ships , sequestred , and plundred , afterwards forced to fly . alhallows breadstreet . alhallows great . alhallows hony-lane . alhallows less . alhallows lumbardstreet , mr. weston sequestered . alhallows staining . alhallows the wall. alphage , dr. halsie shamefully abused , his cap pulled off , to see if he were not a shaven priest ; voted out , and dead with grief . andrew hubbard , dr. chambers sequestered . andrew undershaft ; 1. mr. mason through vexation forced to resigne . 2. mr. prichard after that sequestered . andrew wardrobe , dr. isaacson sequestered . anne aldersgate , dr. clewet sequestered . anne black-friars . antholins parish . austins parish , mr. udal sequestred , his bed-rid wife turned out of doors and left in the streets . bartholmew exchange , dr. grant sequestered . bennet fynck , mr. warfield sequestered . bennet grace-church , mr. quelch sequestered . bennet pauls-wharfe , mr. adams sequestered . bennet sheerhog , mr. morgan dead with grief . botolph billingsgate , mr. king sequestered and forced to fly . christ-church , mr. 〈◊〉 turned out , and dead . christophers , mr. hanslowe forced to resigne . clement east-cheap , mr. stone shamefully abused , sequestred , sent prisoner to plymouth , and plundered . dionys back-church , mr. humes sequestered , and abused . dunstans east , dr. childerley reviled , abused , and dead . edmonds lumberstreet , mr. paget molested , silenced , and dead . ethelborough , mr. clark sequestered , imprisoned . faiths , dr. browne sequestered , and dead . fosters , mr. batty sequestered , plundered , forced to fly , and dead . gabriel fench-church , mr. cooke sequestered . geo. botolf-l . dr. stiles forct to resign . greg. by st. p. dr. stiles forct to resign . hellens , mr. miller turned out , and dead . james dukes place , mr. 〈◊〉 sequestered . james garlick-hythe , 1. mr. freeman plundered , and sequestered . 2. mr. anthony his curate turned out . john baptist , mr. weemsly sequestered . john evangelist . john zachary , mr. edlyn sequestered , forced to fly , and plundered . katherine coleman . 1. dr. hill forced to resigne . 2. mr. kibbuts sequestered . katherine cree-church , mr. rush turned out . laurence jury , mr. crane sequestered . laurence pountney . leonard eastcheap , mr. calfe forced to give up to mr. roborow , scribe to the assembly . leonard foster-lane , mr. ward forced to fly , plundered , sequestered , and dead for want of necessaries . margaret lothbury , mr. tabor plundered , imprisoned in the kings-bench ; his wife and children turned out of doors at midnight , and he sequestered . margaret moses . margaret new fishstreet , mr. pory forced to fly , plundered , and sequestered . margaret pattons , mr. meggs plundered , imprisoned in ely-house , and sequestered . mary abchurch , mr. stone plundered , sent prisoner by sea to plymouth , and sequestered . mary aldermanbury . mary aldermary , mr. browne forced to forsake it . mary le bow , mr. leech sequestered , and dead with grief . mary bothaw , mr. proctour forced to fly , and sequestered . mary cole-church . mary-hill , 1. dr. baker sequestred , pursuivanted , and imprisoned . 2. mr. woodcock turned out , and forced to fly . mary mounthaw , mr. thrall sequestered , and shamefully abused . mary somerset , mr. cooke sequestered . mary stainings . mary woolchurch , mr. tireman forct to forsake it . mary woolnoth , mr. shute molested , and vext to death , and denied a funeral-sermon to be preached by dr. holdsworth , as he desired . martins ironmonger-lane , mr. sparke sequestered and plundered . martins ludgate , dr. jermin sequestered . martins orgars , dr. walton assaulted , sequestered , plundered , forced to fly . mr. mosse , his curate , turned out . martins outwitch , dr. pierce sequestered , and dead . martins vintry , dr. rives , sequestered , plundered , and forced to fly . matthew friday-street , mr. chestlin violently assaulted in his house ; imprisoned in the compter , thence sent to col chester goale in essex , sequestered and plundered . maudlins milkstreet , mr. jones sequestered . maudlins old-fishstreet , dr. griffith sequestered , plundered , imprisoned in newgate ; when being let out , he was forced to fly ; and since imprisoned again in peter-house . michael bassishaw , dr. gifford sequestered . michael cornhil , 1. dr. brough sequestered , plundered , wife and children turned out of doors , his wife dead with grief . 2. mr. weld his curate assaulted , beaten in the church , and turned out . michael crooked-lane . michael queenhithe , mr. hill sequestered . michael querne , mr. launce sequestered . michael royal , mr. proctour sequestered , and forced to fly . michael woodstreet . mildred breadstreet , mr. bradshaw sequestered . mildred poultry , mr. maden sequestered , and gone beyond-sea . nicholas acons , mr. bennet sequestered . nicholas cole-abby , mr. chibbald sequestered . nicholas olaves , dr. cheshire molested , and forced to resigne . olaves hart-street , mr. haines sequestered . olaves jewry , mr. tuke sequestered , plundered , and imprisoned . olaves silverstreet , dr. boosie abused , and dead with grief . pancras soper-lane , mr. eccop sequestered , plundered , forced to fly ; wife and children turned out of doors . peters cheap , mr. vochier sequestered , and dead with grief . peters cornhil , dr. fairfax sequestered , plundered , imprisoned in ely-house and the ships ; his wife and children turned out of doors . peters pauls-wharf , mr. marbury sequestered . peters poor , dr. holdsworth sequestered , plundered , imprisoned in ely-house , then in the tower. stephens colemanstreet . stephens walbrook , dr. howel through vexation forced to forsake it , sequestered of all , and fled . divers since turned out . swithings , mr. owen sequestered . thomas apostle , mr. cooper sequestered , plundered , sent prisoner to leeds castle in kent , dead with grief . trinity parish , mr. harrison . in the 97 parishes within the walls , besides st. pauls , outed 85. dead 16. parishes without the walls . andrew holborn , dr. hacket sequestred . bartholmews great , dr. westfield abused in the streets , sequestred , forced to fly , and dead . bartholomew less . brides parish , mr. palmer sequestred . bridwel precinct , mr. brown turned out . botolph aldersgate , mr. booth sequestred and plundred . botolph algate , dr. swadlin sequestred , plundred , imprisoned at gresham-colledge , and newgate ; his wife and children turned out of doors . botolph bishops-gate , mr. rogers sequestred . dunstans west , dr. marsh sequestred , and dead in remote parts . george southwark , mr. rogers sequestred . giles cripplegate , 1. dr. fuller sequestred , plundred , imprisoned at ely-house . 2. mr. hutton his curate assaulted in the church , and imprisoned . olaves southwark , dr. turner sequestred , plundred , fetcht up prisoner with a troop of souldiers , and after forced to fly . saviours southwark . sepulchres parish , mr. pigot the lecturer turned out . thomas southwark , mr. spencer sequestred , and imprisoned . trinity minories . in the 16 parishes without the walls , outed 14. dead 1. in the 10 out-parishes . clement danes , dr. dukeson sequestred , plundred , and forced to fly . covent garden , mr. hall sequestred , and forced to fly . giles in the fields , dr. heywood sequestred , imprisoned in the compter , ely-house , and the ships , forced to fly , his wife and children turned out of doors . james clarkenwel . katherine tower. leonard shoreditch , mr. squire sequestred , imprisoned in gresham-colledge , newgate , and the king-bench , his wife and children plundred , and turned out of doors . martins in the fields , dr. bray sequestred , imprisoned , plundred , forced to fly , and dead in remote parts . mary whitechappel , dr. johnson sequestred . magdalen bermondsey , d. paske sequestred . savoy , 1. dr. balcanquel sequestred , plundred , forced to fly , and dead in remote parts . 2. mr. fuller forced to fly . in the 10 out-parishes , outed 9. dead 2. in the adjacent towns. the dean , and all the prebends of the abbey-church westminster , ( but only mr. lambert osbaston ) sequestered . margarets westminster , dr. wimberly sequestred . lambeth , dr. featly sequestred , plundred , imprisoned , and dead a prisoner . newington , mr. heath sequestred . hackney , mr. moore sequestred . reddriffe . islington , divers ministers turned out . stepney , dr. stampe sequestred , plundred , and forced to fly . in the adjacent towns , besides those of the abbey-church , and islington , outed 7. dead 1. the total of the ministers of london within the bills of mortality , ( besides pauls and westminster ) turned out of their livings by sequestration , and otherwise . 115. whereof doctors in divinity , above — 40. and the most of them plundered of their goods , and their wives and children turned out of doors . imprisoned in london , and in the sips , and in the several goals and castles in the countrey . 20. fled to prevent imprisonment , — 25. dead in remote parts , and in prisons , and with grief , — 22. about 40 churches vold , having no constant minister in them . vsque quo , domine ? rev. 6. 10. chap. vii . of parliamentary changes in religion . of the policy and ways for the destruction of religion by this parliament , wrought by the long conspiracy and combination of the puritans of england , here laid open . but what safety can be to england , when lay-parliaments shall presume to meddle in religion ; hanging reformation of religion as a curtain to the parliament-windows , making it the stalking-horse to their temporal ends and by respects , the ruines of three kingdoms in our days , can sufficiently witness ; changes of religion being ever the laities punishment , as well as the clergies affliction ; as might be proved by the english story , ever since parliaments have been but instrumental or active thereunto . henry the 8th begat the policy , to whose lust and tyranny how soon did the parliament turn pander ? covering many a foul fact under the fair face of reformation ; burning papist and protestant both at one stake , by bill in parliament without any tryal . edward the 6th ( of nine years old ) his parliaments twice altered religion , according to the two grandees sommerset and dudley . in the first of queen mary the parliament punished the same religion by fire , which themselves had so lately established . upon coming in of queen elizabeth the parliament changed religion again ; and , within few years , made it death for a priest to reconcile any man to that religion ; which parliaments had so zealously restored , that in the space of twelve years , four changes of religion were made by parliaments in englond , more than ever were made by any christians throughout the world in 1500 years before . but what policy in the laity drew on those contrary changes , and what miseries this nation felt thereby , may afford more truth , than these times can bear , and therefore is omitted . yet in all these parliaments was the stamp of just , that is , royal authority , ( though how justly executed i say not ) and therefore ought to be obeyed active or passive ; nor in any of these parliaments ( or ever since , till this parliament ) were the clergy ( one of the three estates of the realm , the best conservators of religion ) quite excluded with convocations of the clergy , though legally chosen by the kings writ , ( not forced up out of a renegado house-creeping ministry by lay-votes ) who had the judiciary cognizance of matters of doctrines , as one hath observed in a discourse to answer the popish slander cast upon our religion , that it is a meer parliamentary religion : though it cannot be denied but that fury against the present clergy , because they would not comply with the prevailing party , to extol the present change , and in later parliaments , the puritan-policy having influence even upon court-counsels , have too much bound up the power of the keys , and left the clergy little liberty , but to grant subsidies : but never did the laity in parliaments grasp at the power of the keys , till the puritans getting strength in the house of the commons , nibled at the church-power , under the name of a lay-committee for religion , which king james connived at , little thinking whereto that ill example would grow in his son's days , hanging st. peters keys at lay-mens girdles , thereby ( as we now see ) locking up the priests lips , and shutting up church-doors to the sequestring of almighty god from his holy habitations ; and by an army of subjects in rebellion against their king , taking away the daily sacrifice out of the temple , for the reformation of religion , the old pretence to colour politick designes , thereby to take away the shame of whatever cruelty shall be acted to advance the same ; never remembring that of st. paul , we must not do evil that good may come of it . what fit judges of religion parliaments have been , and are like to be , let us hear again mr. rogers , that famous protestant martyr , when it was objected to him that he ought to be a catholick , because the parliament had established the popish religion : of what force ( saith he ) are parliaments , which establish contrary decrees , condemning that for evil , which before they had established as good ? and the parliaments of later times have been ruled by the fancy of a few . henry the 8th established what he pleased by parliaments . in edward the 6th , the dukes of somerset and northumberland bore all the stroke , and did not all things sincerely . and for the parliaments of queen elizabeth , what by her politick moulding of the parliament , and her infinite popularity , and her armies , who durst vote against her pleasure ? besides ( as one observeth ) her parliaments consisting of grave men did do the queens work , and in that , the kingdomes business ; no thoughts of opposing prerogative under pretence of property , or distinguishing between the service of the crown , and of the commonwealth , as two divers ( yea contrary ) things , till the fanaticks began to make parliaments as cock-pits , and pitched fields for fighting against the king and the church , under the notion of standing up for the subjects liberty ; which made king james say that he could never find any joy in his parliaments , calling them in scorn and anger , five hundred kings : and the wise earl of arundel ( lately deceased ) then prophesied , that posterity would have cause to curse those fanaticks in former parliaments , who upon such undutifulness caused their breach ; of which , as also of the parliaments of king charles , sir robert naunton hath observed , that half a dozen of popular discontented persons , such as ( with the fellow that burned the temple of diana ) would be talked of , have swayed all the parliaments , as lord say , mr. pym , hambden , stroud , and other parliament-drivers , as the army declarations stiled the xi . presbyterian impeached members , who have lived to sit in this parliament , to see the flames of their own kindling almost consume the church , and these three kingdoms , by their reviving nadab and abihu's strange fire , by their presumption in medling with matters of the church , to the subversion of religion , under pretence of reformation ; which how politickly wrought by the long combination of an hypocritical faction , we come now to speak of , more particularly . the former examples of alteration of religion , and of compassing secular ends and designes , by pretence of reforming religion , having beaten out a ready way for any change ; no sooner began the fanatical faction to appear , and by their furious pretence of loyalty , and hatred of popery , under queen elizabeths policy , ( to ballance the popish party , then not weakned enough in the kingdom for her security ) suffered to take head , but presently they began to libel the bishops and the church of england , and to poison the people in most corners of the land , but chiefly in london , with geneva doctrines , and pamphlets . † supplications are made to the queen , and to the privy-council , but especially to the parliament ; petions pretended to be subscribed by 100000 hands put up against bishops . remonstrances and admonitions are directed to the parliament to advance the presbytery , as the holy discipline ; but finding little countenance to such a phrensie , they fell into such libelling and menacing the queen , the council , and the parliament , that in their heat the fire of sedition began to appear ; so that to quench it in the spark , the queen made severe laws against them , and by hanging penry , condemned with vdall and barow , ( who were pardoned ) brake the neck of their plots , and turned their brags into preaching of preces & lachrymae , as the onely arms for christian subjects , and into doctrines of humble obedience and patience , till indeed they could pack an house of commons for their purpose , as some * pamphlets of those days advised the brethren ; their party in parliament being then inconsiderable , or at least not able to carry on their work by their own strength : and probably those laws had for ever purged this kingdom of this new plague , had not an old sore unexpectedly broke out in the gunpowder treason , so apparently plotted by papists , ( though the actors intended to have laid the saddle on the fanatical horse ; but little sooner than they deserved , as we now see ) that to permit the other , was counted the best way to cure this ; and as it sever hapneth , the common hatred of any faction , gives great advantage to its contrary : so now the fanaticks , full glad of such an occasion , began busily to revive their suspended hopes of their reformation , strengthned also by their united brethren of scotland , as that in all parliaments since , through king james's too much love of peace , and archbishop abbots affected popularity , upon some court-disfavour , and by other courtiers emulation , by the subtelty and hypocrisie of the faction ; they have gained ground , till they have driven the church and the king out of three kingdoms , by the engine and name of parliament , to cover their fanatical combination and conspiracy , which they have been so long contriving , to raise to its height by these means following : by incorporating themselves into a church as distinct from the church of england , as the papists have been ; they have set up an upstart ministery of lecturers ; they made publick collections of monies for their silenced ministers , under pretence of poor ministers ; they have had their feoffees intrusted with great sums of monies , raised among themselves for furtherance of their designs ; witness the plot of buying out of impropriations , to plant in men of their own tribe ; to whom st. antholins in london was the nursery : they had their mutual intelligence throughout the whole kingdom , and ingrossed almost all the inland trade to men of their faction ; they took up a canting language to themselves , which they called the language of canaan , abusing phrase of scripture , thereby to understand one another , to colour their seditious practises ; they had their emissaries ( whereof simple robin the bible-carrier was one ) or scouts to give notice where men of their tribe preached ; so that not any one of their ministers could come to london from the farthest parts of england , but found entertainment in the city ; for whose randevouz a widow ( whom alderman pennington marryed ) kept an ordinary in white-friars , where many of them lodged in doctor prestons days ; and when any of these preached in any place in london , or thereabouts , they wanted not a crowd of followers . and as these were busie in the church , so their close committe-masters in those days were not idle in the state ; much correspondency held with the brethren of scotland ; and before any wars began in either nation , mr. hamden went yearly into scotland , as i have heard some of his neighbours in buckinghamshire say ; they had their counsel tables , sitting in several parts of the kingdom , [ knightly's house in northamptonshire , lord sayes house , wherein was a room and passage , which his servants were prohibited to come near , where great noises and talkings have been heard , to the admiration of some who lived in the house , yet could never discern their lords companions ] that in king james's days a great mistriss of the faction ( who afterwards changed her house to come to black-fryars to live under the gospel , as they called their lecturing parishes , whose house was much frequented by lord say , and the earl of warwick , mr. pym , &c. ) could say , that their party was then strong enough to pull the kings crown from his head , but the gospel would not suffer them ; but not long after the gospel was put into a posture of war , when so many military yards in london , westminster , and southwarke , and other places , about sixteen years since grew into much request , [ whither lord brooke much resorted , whom i have seen entertained there with whole vollies of muskets , that fanatical goliah armed cap à pe , yet shot in the eye , which himself bragg'd should see the millenary fools paradise begin in his life-time ] and all sectaries in london on a suddain entred themselves , and drew on others to be listed in those artillery-gardens , to exercise feates of arms ( for pastime , as some were drawn in ) against a time of need , was the reason given by some brethren of those days , which it should seem onely themselves foresaw better than other men ; and as their designes ripened , captain forster , a vintner behind the exchange , was employed by the city-faction , to send over sea for skippon , a confiding brother to the cause , to be captain of the london artillery garden ( who was since this parliament made major general of the city rebels ) flamming the rest of the londoners , that a stranger was sent for , to prevent emulation among the city-captains , upon an election ; a fair preparatory for the invasion of the scots , to force the king to call a parliament , which all men were made so much to long for , because the faction had plotted to pack it for their designs . this made the earl of warwick write from york , to his friends in essex , about the election of knights and burgesses for this parliament , alledging , that the game was well begun ; mr. pym rode a circuit into divers counties , to promote elections of men of the faction ; and sectaries went from place to place , to cry down the nomination of any who belonged to the kings service , and to give votes for men of the new religion , and notorious opposers of the king , or the clergy ; whose names the faction had privately before listed , whereby divers citizers and lawyers were chosen for burgesses in parliament , by those incorporations which they never had any relation to , nor knowledge of , but by some rebellious opposing moses and aaaron , the king or the priest ; witness mr. bagshaw , and mr. white , two lawyers chosen for southwarke , the one a feoffeeman , censured in the star-chamber ; the other , a seditious law-reader against bishops not long before ; like the four burgesses of london , chosen upon four such grounds , alderman soame for his imprisonment in denying of ship-money ; vassall for his obstinacy against customs ; craddock for the cause of new-england ; alderman pennington for his known zeal by his keeping a fasting sabboth throughout his shrivalty . lecturers also came thrusting into elections of the clergy ( wherein they had nothing to do , as having not whence to pay subsidies ) for men into the convocation , with whom came some citizens to christ-church in london , to hear how the plot took in the election ; but having no hopes to pack up a convocation , they made a rendevouz of many scandalous and schismatical lecturers , and such as doctor burgesse , whom guilt made parliament-converts and vassals , at mr. calamies house in aldermanbury , ( till strengthned into a new assembly at westminster ) as a counter convocation , or conventicle , from whence the faction in parliament received informations concerning religion , and hereby did they communicate their intelligence and designs , with directions how these their ministers might by degrees prepare the people for their work ; that i have heard their auditors say , that by the sundays sermon , or a lecture , they could learn , not onely what was done the week before , but also what was to be done in parliament the week following ; besides the information which their pulpits gave the people ; for coming in tumults to the house for justice , from a juncto of these ministers came that insolent order of directions , thrown into church-wardens houses by unknown hands , how to take the first protestation ; from one of these clubs came the s●nectymnuan libels , which got the authors round sums of money to make their religion shine in the world , ut ipse marciont evangelico aliquando credidit , cum pecuniam in primo calore fidei contulit : reformers in luthers time did not so , if scoperus the emperors secretary said true at a diet at ausburgh . nor may we forget how the faction in london packed up a new common-councel , removing ancient grave men , to foist in young and mean fellows , but zealous for the cause ; not an office in the city , though chargeable and troublesome ; yet how ambitious were the faction of those places , even to a constableship ? and for a * churchwardenship i have known motions made at the kings-bench-bar , for a prohibition of a legal and usual choice , when the faction found themselves not strong enough in votes in their parish : and above a year before any face of war appeared , or any vote to raise arms was heard of , it 's well known scarce a sectary in london but had stored himself with arms , to furnish each boy in his house ; and many porters loaded with muskets , have been seen carried in the evenings , into the houses of men notoriously disaffected in religion , who conveyed arms and traiterous libels , and observations , printed at a publick charge , to their countrey chapmen ; nor durst the lord mayor make inquisition , for fear of being accounted an enemy to the peace of the kingdom , then full of fears of papists trained under ground , and other ( god knoweth what ) enemies ; and before the bloody votes to kill and slay , they sent scouts into all parts of the kingdom , to sound the people how they stood affected to begin a war ; one brumidge a brasier in gracious-street in london , and a cook his neighbour , were sent into gloucestershire and worcestershire , to muster their forces , discovering how each village stood affected or disaffected ; members also of the faction came to the elders of the dutch church in london , to know of the state and government of their church , telling them that they would follow their pattern , though some of those elders counselled them , not to pull down their house , till they knew where else to lye dry ; adding also , that the english people were not like the dutch , nor would ever endure their government . these , and many other practices in the like kind , may shew the world , what a free parliament this was from the beginning , and how god had infatuated this nation , that they would not see this jugling , nor believe the clergy , who foretold the miseries this faction would bring to this church and state ; but to suffer a small number ( the little flock of christ , they were wont to call themselves ) to ride the whole kingdom to destruction : for notwithstanding all this shuffling and packing , when this parliament first met , the fanaricks for number made not above the third part of the house of commons ; and i am confident , that in the city their faction was not a fifth part , and those of the younger and meaner sort , but infinitely busie at an election of a common-councel-man in langborne-ward , wherein are above three hundred housholders ( and from such meetings none of the faction would be absent ) yet could they not make up sixty in all that ward : some years after , above 14000 house-keepers in london , were listed in the design of tompkins and challoner , though they wanted ways to communicate their strength one to another . and therefore to gain the vote of parliament to themselves , they tryed the fox skin to cover for a while their lyons claw , seeking pretences plausible to the patriotical party also , to purge the house of commons ( as the phrase was ) of all undue elections upon court-letters , or of men engaged in the late monopolies ; whereby they wormed out of the house those whom they suspected of loyalty , but kept in old sir henry vane , and sir henry mildmay , and others ( greater monopolists ) whom they knew to be of their faction ; and to supply those vacancies , mr. pyms , or mr. speakers under-hand letters , were enough to make mr. pyms son , scarce out of his nonage , be chosen for a parliament-man : but if it chanced that such private letters miscarried in their desires , the new elected members have been sounded how they stood affected to bishops , and so accordingly never admitted , or presently received . but this trick made the faction not yet absolute masters of the vote in the house of commons ; which put their members to wonderful pains and trouble , by continual attendance , sitting in the house till midnight to watch to carry a vote , when other members wearied out , were departed the house , that so they might compass by diligence , what they could not obtain by their numbers of their persons : [ the first remonstrance of the house of commons against the king , voted in the house at midnight , ] this made divers of them let out their houses in their countries , ( which upon the act of continuance they afterwards sold ) and take ( sequestred ) houses in london and westminster , that they might be near their work , having their emissaries constantly attending the door of the house of commons , to call in members of this faction to vote what they pleased , to advance their design , upon notice of a small appearance in the house ; but if any appointed business caused a fuller house , their daily sitting had made them expert in discerning the face of the house , to know their own strength , how the vote would be at that time ; the faction having made mr. speaker ( a lawyer ) sure their own [ by a fee of 6000 l. voted to him , and made master of the rolls ] would either by some pretended forreign letters , made by themselves in london , or by some new discovery of a plot against the parliament , or else by long speech-makings , defer the business of the day , till the absence of the rest of the members ; some following their pleasures , others their private necessary affairs , little dreaming of making a trade by sitting in parliaments , as in their shops or counting-houses ( whereas parliaments like physick purge , if seldom used , but destroy , when continued as food ) should make way for this vigilant faction to carry the vote , by the major part present ; having embodied themselves in the parliament and kingdom for their work , and especially in london , by daily tavern-clubs in each ward , communicating intelligence to and from their table-juncto's , or sub-committees sitting in divers private houses in london , [ brownes house a grocer neer cheapside cross ; also a drapers house in watling-street ; as now the saracens head in friday-street , &c. ] to prepare results of each days passages in the city , to report to mr. pym and his close committee ; when they came from the parliament to be feasted at night in confiding citizens houses ; amongst whom mr. pym was so idolized , that mine eyes saw a gentleman violently assaulted in the streets , and dragged to the poultry-compter , as a sanctuary against the tumults , onely for speaking a neglectful word of this mr. pym ; a forerunner of that furious rising in arms of the whole city to defend mr. pym and the five members from a legal . tryal for high-treason , of which the king had impeached them . by these and many other advantages , it 's easie to conceive how a combined faction may overcome a far greater number , when single and hood-wink'd from perceiving plots of destroying religion and the king , by those who by votes , and declarations , and protestations , pretended to make the king a glorious king ; and counted it a great scandal to them , that it should be reported they intended to take away the liturgy , which they desired onely in some things should be reformed , employing some bishops and others of the clergy , to consider of what things might be altered for satisfying tender consciences , that many of the clergy also , as well as other subjects well-willers to the king , were so possessed , that though they saw arms raised against the king , and all his forts , ships , and revenues seized on in defiance of his majesty , yet would they not believe that the parliament intended the king any hurt or evil at all ; yea , divers were not dispossessed of this fond credulity , till the votes of imprisoning and of no further addressing to the king were published : and now when they can neither help themselves , nor their king , cry out upon hypocrites , and say , they will never believe parliaments any more ; though it 's not safe for them to say so , or whatere more they think , such is now the liberty of the subject ; and indeed so willing were the major part of the house of commons to be lulled asleep into a pleasing dream of reformation , by clipping the wings of prerogative , and paring the bishops nails , and taking down the pride of the clergy ( as the fanatick buzzed pretences were ) to which all parties were marvelously ready ( like the horse in the fable , yielding his back to the saddle to be rid of the deer , that he might have all the pasture ) and by extolling the honour and authority of that house , whereof themselves were also members , till the faction by planting in their instruments for chair-men of committees , and into all places of action , so rid the more moderate party of the house beyond their own stay ; who now grown weary , and feeling the spur in their own sides , began too late to take heed , and to think to shake off their hot-spur-riders ; but indeed threw themselves out of their so-longed-for parliament : for upon any speech or motion contrary to the sence of the faction , the parties moving were called presently to the bar , or committed to the tower , or expelled the house ; and others were terrified hereby , or by the tumults out of the city , led up by dr. burges and capt. ven to the parliament-doors , to see that the godly party ( for so their faction was called ) in the house might not be out-voted . [ dr. burges said at the parliament-doors , of the multitudes and tumults of the city-rabble , these are my band-dogs ; i can set them on , and i can take them off again . oh brave cornelius ! ] that by these means above two hundred shortly after were forced out of the house , to leave the faction absolute masters of the vote in the house of commons , and house of peers also ; little thinking that the clergies persecution ( which themselves sate so long winking at ) would prove their own just punishment , by suffring a faction to grow so powerful , without so much as protesting against their injustice and oppression . but rather assisting the faction , to imprison in the tower twelve bishops upon a false charge of high-treason , onely because they did their duty , to their eternal honour , like christian bishops , and lovers of their countries welfare , in solemnly protesting ( as pares regni ) against such violence and wickedness , though with apparent hazard of their persons and estates . nay , when these driven members of lords and commons again assembled at oxford by the kings proclamation ( upon the second invasion of the scots ) for number in both houses exceeding those who were left at westminster ( almost 200 commons before they had sitten five weeks ) besides the royal presence of the king , very probably might have recovered this kingdom by calling themselves a parliament , as the eyes of the kingdom upon them did expect , ( which drew over some members from westminster , and more would have followed to have joyned with them in parliament ) and as in all reason they might have , as well as they did demand and take upon them all priviledges of parliament . but the fanatick spirit ( brought thither in mr. bagshawes lawyers pouch , or maintained there before at the brethrens charge ) was busie there also in fomenting fears and jealousies , that they must not set the king a precedent to break laws , vid. the forced act of continuance of this parliament in it self void , for fear they should make the king too great : and such courses they took in imitation of the faction at westminster , that they complained to the king of a divine who in a sermon historicè related the story of charles martel his inventing rebellion , sacriledge , and parliaments ; and secretary windebank , lately come from france to the king , was forced suddenly to return into france , to prevent the odium which might have fallen on the king by protecting him whom they also intended to have questioned ; that well might his majesty call them his mungrel-parliament , whose negligence and wilful blindness hath twice undone the kingdom . but to return to the members at westminster , whom we left conquerors of the vote in the house of commons , whose agents were set on work throughout the kingdom ( especially in london ) to muster up their forces , without which they could neither long keep the vote so gotten , nor could make their votes of any power or authority ( the house of commons being of it self no court of judicature , having no power to give an oath , nor to imprison any of the kings subjects , except their own members ; but to consult and transmit their proposals to the house of peers , to whose joynt results the kings royal signature puts life and makes it law , or an act of parliament . ) the next work therefore ( to which success heightned them ) was to try their strength in the house of peers , for concurrence to their designes ; to which lord say had long tutored his pulpit-lords , and other discontented popular lords , were hoped easily to be drawn , seeing the people so extol the proceedings of this faction in the house of commons , though they intended to go on with their work without the lords concurrence , if they could not have brought them to their bow , as indeed they have made no other use of the house of peers , than to cover and countenance the fanatical practices with the name and title of both houses of parliament , and of lords and commons assembled in parliament , setting the lords in the first place , like cyphers in arithmetick , to advance the following numbers : for what meant the new phrase in pulpits and pamphlets , of the house of gods , and of the worthies of the land , but onely the house of commons ? and what more frequently buzzed into peoples heads , than that the lords sate but for themselves ; the commons sate for the good of all the people , and were therefore more to be regarded and maintained ? but for a formality and shew of legal proceedings in a parliamentary way , mr. pym is sent into the city to make speeches against obstructions in the body politick , that reformation could not go on till they were removed ; which soon raised the city-tumults to petition the parliament , that the bishops and popish lords might be thrown out of the house of peers , as the onely hinderers of reformation of religion , thereby indeed to lessen the numbers of votes likeliest to oppose the fanatick faction . these tumults daily increasing ( upon the countenance they found from the parliament , where they were bid to come like men , that is , with swords ) by the rabble of porters and apprentises daily sent by their masters , but chiefly by their mistresses , with clubs and swords , to cry for reformation at the parliament-doors : the faction in london having also combined to shut up their shops for many days together , and perswaded others to do the like , upon some pretended fears ; but the truth was , to make the poor people in and about the city a pretence to mutiny for want of work , so heightned the faction in the house of commons , that they sent up mr. hollis to the house of peers to demand the names of the dissenting lords , that so they might expose them to the peoples fury ( as they posted the dissenting members of the house of commons in the case of the earl of strafford . ) the ring-leaders still to the rout , were dr. burges , the onely scandal to his profession in all london , ( as his parishioners of watford can tell , and the spiritual courts of london-diocess also ; ) capt. ven , who sent tickets by porters and emissaries to raise these myrmidons ; and sir richard wiseman , who with this confused army assaulting the bishop of lincoln's house in westminster , had his brains dashed out with a stone from the wall , and was buried at the collected charges among the apprentises . the house of peers thus daily assaulted without , and wanting no false brethren within , was not like to hold out any long siege , the very doors , and lobby , and entries , being so crowded with the tumults , that none can pass in or out , without a kind of leave from the assailants ; who upon the word given of the approach of any popish or disaffected lord ( as the phrase was ) would in derision cry out rome ! rome ! but when any whom they accounted well-affected was to pass by , they would cry , make way ! make way ! ( a free parliament all this while ) insomuch , that some lords had their cloaks torn from their backs at the parliament-doors : nor could the bishops ( one of the three estates in parliament ) or popish lords , as they called them , come to the house without apparent hazard of their persons : which made the bishops ( as pares regni ) solemnly to protest against all acts done in their absence , till the parliament should be restored to liberty ( as mr. speaker hath lately done ; and the members who lately fled to the army , upon their return have nullified all votes , orders , ordinances , made since their forced absence , by like city-tumults in the year 1647. ) hereupon the faction in the house of commons furiously impeach the protesting bishops of high-treason , and twelve bishops were at once committed to the tower , to gag their mouths that they might be easilier robbed of their votes and purses , as afterwards they were , the treason not yet proved . the bishops and popish lords thus thrown out of the parliament , and the rest of the royal nobility terrified , were forced to withdraw themselves from the parliament , leaving the vote of the house of peers to the faction galloping in its fury : yet for all those affronts done by the city-tumults at the parliament-doors ( to shew how truely it hath been ever said of the fanatick , that he will not swear , but he will lie ) as also the assaulting of that loyal lord-mayor's house , by the same tumults in the midst of the city ; and notwithstanding their furious marching through the city , in return from the parliament-house ( whose guard they called themselves , and bragged how they were thanked by the members for their love to the parliament ) with links and loud clamours , timely alarming the goldsmiths of cheapside to shut up their shops ; and notwithstanding the nightly tumults about pulling down cheapside-cross , and the trained-bands marching day and night about the city to keep the peace , [ a coopers apprentice on breadstreet-hill , pulling off the legs of our saviour's picture on the east-end of the cross , in the act fell on the iron-bars ; but told his master that some of the watchmen hurt him with an halbert , concealing the truth , till after ten days torture , seeing no hope of life , with horrour he confessed his fact , lamenting gods judgment upon him , and died of the wound ; whose death so terrified the tumults from that action , that they never attempted the cross any more , upon my own knowledge . and in the first of king charles , when the same cross was beautified , a fanatick , who broke the neck of the babe in the lap of the blessed virgin , within three nights after had his neck broke , and left dead in the streets near the cross , no man knowing how it came to pass . at tukesbury in gloucestershire , i have seen the grave of a reforming zealot , who demolished the cross , and made the cross-stone ( wherein was our saviour's picture ) an hog-trough : all the piggs and the sow which drank therein , died the first night , and the man drowned himself in a well , over an hog-trough , which stood by the well , as the spiritual court of gloucester can witness , and many yet living in tukesbury can justifie this story . ] yet did the faction in parliament tell the king ( and the world in print ) in answer to the kings complaining of those tumults , that they saw no tumults , but that the concourse in westminster-hall used to be as great in term-time . by these means the fanatical faction in the parliament having conquered the vote of both houses , and forced the king to fly , began soon to declare their legislative power , in publishing their imperative vote , that the subjects of england were bound to obey the ordinances of both houses of parliament as a law , in case the king should deny his royal assent . but knowing such votes were not like to find universal obedience , as their designes required , the next and last thing they entred upon , was power to execute those votes , which their success ( by the late tumults ready for a war ) heightned them to demand , under pretence of putting the militia of the kingdom into such hands as the parliament , that is , the fanatical faction , should think fit ; which to obtain , one would think it might spend the faith of a christian to believe , what ridiculous fears and jealousies of invasions from abroad , and secret dangers at home , were suddainly bruited by the faction up and down the kingdom ; [ fears of invasions by the danes , by the french , by the irish ; fears of papists in london , when the faction knew they had scarce left one in the city but in prisons : mr. pym's plague-plaister ; the discovering of a plot by a taylor in a ditch ; fears of blowing up the thames with gun-powder to drown the city and parliament ; the house of commons fired by papists ; an army of papists at black-heath in kent ; an army of papists in lancashire ; horses trained under ground at ragland ; the midnight alarm in london , and parts adjacent , that the king was coming against the city with an army of horse , when his majesty was lately forced to fly for the safety of his person : the votes of lord digby raising an army at kingston upon thames , when he had onely his coach and six horses : the votes that the king had raised an army at york , when some chief actors said in my hearing , at that time the houses of parliament knew that the king was not able to raise one hundred men : the earl of warwick and sir thomas barrington sent into essex to raise the country , told the people in publick meetings , that the queen was landed with an army of 13000 papists . it were endless to reckon up the multitudes of such lyes and ridiculous fears ] as also to think how ready people were to frame themselves to a belief thereof , as given up to believe lies even with greediness , when indeed the designe onely was for this faction , hereby to raise an army , to execute whatsoever themselves should conceive would advance their plots of subverting religion and government of this church and state , under the specious colour of reformation of all grievances whatsoever , whereby they drew in to their assistance the patriotical party also , who were the far greater number throughout the kingdom ; whose pulse beating wholly after property ( desiring destruction neither of king , nor bishop , but onely reformation of conceived excess of power ) was kept continually affrighted by alarms from the faction , that the king would make his subjects all slaves ; which to prevent , they thought themselves necessitated to uphold this parliament in any thing which they should act , though never so abominable and unjust , for fear if this parliament should be dissolved , they should never have any more parliaments ; and these men once unhappily engaged , especially the londoners , by vast sums of money , which the parliament had politickly drawn them to lend , were bound to follow the fanaticks madness , onely to secure themselves and their publick-faith debts ; insomuch , that upon the burning down the excise-house in smithfield in the year 1647 , by the rude multitudes in the city , about the time of the king 's coming to holdenby , it 's strange to think , how these moderate men ( formerly desirous to have the king come to london ) were suddainly so affrighted with fears , that if the king came nearer london , surely the people would pay no excise nor taxes , then how should their publick faith-debts be paid ? and gave advantage to the faction , in the name of the city , to petition the parliament , that his majesty might not come nearer london , upon some pretences laid in that petition ; but money was the bottom of the business ; hoping by delay to make some surer bargain with their king : but now too late they see their folly . thus by hypocrisie , fraud , and violence , misguiding the patriotical party , the fanaticks of england grew so powerful , raising an army , which of themselves they could never have done , now commanded by most confiding sectaries , which the citizens at first thought so inconsiderable ; supposing , though they let them run on to do the work , ( which they also desired , in reforming state-distempers ) they could quell them at pleasure ; perswaded also that the war should last but one moneth , ( as mr. hamden told some citizens ) but now they have lived to see the banners six years displayed , to plant in what religion soever the strongest party of sectaries with their sword shall make good , ( upon hopes of gain , or fear of loss , not likely by citizens to be opposed ) and all other men in prosecution of their own ( different ) ends , are forced to serve for stales and blindes for the fanatical masters to destroy the king and the church , by the loss of the liberty and property of the subject , on which all parties so doted : and no sooner had the faction their desires of an army raised for their service , but presently they began to execute their long dormient votes of scquestring the clergy from their livings ; and by an insolent thing , called an ordinance of parliament , ( repealing five acts of parliament , made in several kings raigns ) utterly abolished the sacred liturgy , the whole service of god out of the church , planting in room of it , a new nothing , a senseless rubrical directory , that will serve all sorts of religion , but the true religion , which to destroy this new engine was purposely invented ; meerly upon this wicked policy ( though other frivolous pretences are alleadged in the preface to that new-fangled directory . ) first , because in the liturgy were more prayers for the king than would consist with their traiterous ends . secondly , the abolishing of the liturgy took away the daily service of god in cathedrals , and made them of no use ; a fair way to take away the land of deans and chapters . thirdly , the scots called in for their assistance in time of need , as also to engage all sorts of sectaries to their aid against the king. fourthly , their new-erected ministery , and assembly of divines and non-divines at westminster , by abolishing the liturgy thought to extol their own fame and estimation , to the leading captive the people into ignorance , the mother of blind obedience to , whatsoever burden they should lay upon them , from jesus christs throne of their divine presbytery . thus ( as the state-affairs ) in the church came this change , or rather destruction of christian religion in england ; like the great beast in daniel , to whom an army was given , by reason of transgression , whereby it took away the daily sacrifice , and threw the truth to the ground , and it practised and prospered ; but what miseries have followed such policy , not onely the persecution of the clergy , but the ruine of the laity of our times can sufficiently witness , groaning under all sorts of calamities , that war and rapine , and tyranny can bring upon a nation , when like the israelites , there was no king in england , but a mysterious gunpowder-clouded king and parliament , viz. the fanatical faction and conspirators fighting against god and the king , under colour of king and parliament , the riddle of this generation ; three times altering ( they call it purging ) the house of commons of monopolists , malignants , and presbyterians , to obtain the vote , and by a post-vote justifying three notorious symptomes of a wicked faction , viz. the publishing an order of inviting accusations against the clergy , in the name of the house of commons , which the house had not cognizance of ; the keeping the king out of hull by sir john hotham , which the house knew not of ; and the imprisoning the king in the isle of wight by hammond , for which he had no public korder , but the sense of this faction , or some private directions from the army . chap. viii . a concluding parallel between the popish persecution in queen maries time , and this fanatical persecution . thus hath this faction filled up the measure of their iniquity , fulfilling the prophesies and predictions of wise wen , who gave england warning of the mischiefs which they foresaw the fanaticks would in time bring upon this nation ; to name but two particulars : dr. bancroft wrote in the days of queen elizabeth ; certain hypocritical brethren of the laity , have clapped the presbyterian or puritan ministers on the back , followed their sermons , set them at the upper end of their tables , and sought by all means to procure them credit and favour with the people , not that they cared for them , or for religion , or for christ himself , but hoping that by the violent course which they saw these men run into , the bishops and the clergy would grow so odious , that it would be in time a small matter to dispossess them of all their livings , whereof some portion might come to their shares . another as true i find written , anno dom. 1603. all wise men ( even among protestants ) see that no sect in the world can be more prejudicial and pernicious to another than the puritan sect is , and would be to the protestant , if they could get the upper hand : yet these are the men who so fiercely have cryed out against persecution , and against the cruelty of papists , making an ordinance for repentance , for the blood spilt in the days of queen mary ( never remembring the persecution of the church in the raign of henry the eighth , which how this generation have made their own sin , i say not ) intitling their faction onely to those martyrs merits , as their undoubted heirs ; indeed cunningly to colour their pretence of fighting for the protestant religion , and to enrage the people to a revenge on the kings party , whom they laboured to make the world believe , were the guilty off-spring of those popish persecutors ; whereas like the jews , while they build the sepulchres of the prophets , they shew themselves to be the sons of those who persecuted the prophets : and were those martyrs now alive , they would be the greatest malignants and delinquents of our days , fit to be plundered , sequestred , banished , imprisoned , or slain by bloody votes , because they would not obey the parliament in changing religion ; as is plain in the story of mr. john rogers ; and crime enough it is in these days to be constant to the book of common-prayer , which those martyrs in queen mary's time sealed with their blood , and hath ever since been continued in the church of england , till wholly abolished by an ordinance of this parliament ; whose cruelty as it hath slain more thousands of english subjects , than queen mary condemned scores , so hath it far less shew of justice , or legal proceedings , all being now done coram non judice , by upstart committees , and new-erected judicatories , never heard of in england before ; as also sine lege , by meer arbitrary votes , and fancies of malitious adversaries , and judges in their own cause : nor were any in queen maries raign condemned but by known laws of the land , and legal tryal , with disputations and perswasions used to reclaim them from their supposed errours ; but the fauatick persecution is to hunt after matters of accusation , not to reform errours , but to torment the persons of men , & condemnati quoniam accusati is their justice . and when the faction had thus plundred and sequestred the clergy of all their estates for some years , another fit of persecution was raised against divers of them from goldsmiths-hall and habberdashers-hall , upon composition of their temporal estate , where the clergy were ever most spitefully used by those cruel committees ; the laity compounding for two years value , but the clergy seldom came off without four or five years : purchase of their own lands and estate . and because i intend not to swell into too big a volume , i 'll give you but one instance of the proceedings of habberdashers-hall-committee towards a clergy-man , to whom a ticket was sent for 240 l. as the twentieth part of his estate ; he coming within the ten days limited in their tickets to the committee for mitigation , proffering his oath that all his estate real and personal was not worth 200 l. could not be admitted to his protestation , but was referred to the committee of lords and commons for advance of moneys ; whither applying himself , the door-keeper told him , that he must not enter in till he was called . thus attending de die in diem , the ten days were expired , without his being called , or his obtaining leave to pass the first or second doors , which were duly locked by their officers : hereupon , according to the great justice of committee-orders , and parliament-ordinances , he fell by course into their messengers hands as their prisoner ( though at large ) for not making an end within the ten days . after some weeks dancing attendance , and feeing a lawyer , his petition was read ; to which was annexed an affidavit , that his whole estate was not worth 100 l. the answer of the committee was , that until he should bring in the one moity of his assessment , viz. 120 l. according to the custom of that committee , he should not be heard ; which he not able to perform , was sent for by their pursuyvants , and upon his petition was ordered to bring in 50 l. and then to be further heard . after some delay , he moved again , and was ordered to give present security to bring in 20 l. the next committeeday , or else to prison he must go presently ; which to prevent , he was forced to borrow 20 l. and accordingly deposited it , petitioning to be admitted to his protestation : but the committee told him , they must observe rules , and ordered him to give security for the other 30 l. to be brought the next sitting , or else he must go to prison , telling him , that if he were not worth so much , when he came to hearing the money should be returned to him again : whereupon he was again forced to borrow 30 l. more , which he brought in accordingly ; but upon hearing was told , that though the ordinance did admit all men , yet the custom of that committee did not admit of malignants to their protestation : and so took all the borrowed 50 l. as the twentieth part of his estate , which he by affidavit gave in to them , was not worth 100 l. having been long sequestered , and plundered of his goods , and by imprisonments and egyptian years of famine , forced to spend his long-provided store . and just such a cheat doth the committee for plundered ministers put upon the afflicted wives and children of the sequestered clergy , in their suing for the fifth part of their husbands living , which an ordinance of parliament pretended to allow them : if their husband or father hath two livings , their first trick is to tell them , that they will allow them the fifth part of but one of them : the next is , that though the ordinance run generally without any limitation , yet they have secret instructions whereby they grant orders for a fifth part , with this proviso , that if the sequestrator ( or cutpurse ) shew not good cause to the contrary . this draweth on much travel , and charges on lawyers , and sollicitors , and committee-officers ; and the parliament-minister upon hearing , pretending that the living is of value little enough to maintain him , or any frivolous plea , breeds a demur ; and although they grant order after order , yet all is to no purpose : for , say the committee , we must not displease our friends ; they mean their masters , who under pretence of long prayers , can devour whole houses , and starve other mens wives and children , by invading their possessions kept from the right owners by club-law . and truely their ordinance for the fifth part doth generally prove but a meer mockery to the wives and children of the clergy in the midst of their heavy persecution , and a snare to draw them into expence of their last groat , in hopes to get their so-fairly-promised morsel ; that as i have known very few obtain it effectually , so have many of them after some years of chargeable and vexatious attendance been wearied out , buying at too dear a rate their repentance of believing of hoping for any justice or mercy from the fanatical faction : from whom may all gods people pray , good lord deliver us . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a32788-e450 de legib. lib. 2 hosea 4. 4. 2 chron. 36. 16. * mr. stone of saint clements eastcheap sent prisoner to plymouth by shipping . mr. chislen of st. mathews friday-street sent prisoner to colchester castle . doctor griffith committed to newgate : and divers others . * dr. martin and dr. stern , masters of colledges in cambridge . doctor fairfax of st. peters cornhil . ‖ divers starved to death in winchester-house . † dr. raughleigh dean of wells , murdered by his jaylor . dr. antil wounded , and died of his wounds in taunton castle . the sury of these times have forced the concealing of some persons and circumstances , for theirs , and the authors security . strada de bello belg. hist . of the council of trent . survey ch . 20. arch-bishop laud's speech in the star chamber . bishop ross's scottish declaration , 1648. unparallel'd reasons by nat. fiens . lord say's second speech . survey of discipline . cap. 11. * bishop jewel in his sermon to the queen . † bancrofts survey of discipline . socr. schol . lib. 2. euseb . lib. 5. cap. 21. mr. calamy . dr. temple . ● tim : 4. 3. in lyme-street , in london . sir h. s. st. michael cornhil . st. giles cripplegate . vide vitam jacobi andre● . dr. halsy . dr. fell. miles corbet chairman against mr. brooks . sir henry mildway , and mr. ash , against dr. walton . dr. john cousins . † mr. nicols . mr. edwards against dr. w. before the fanaticks had driven out the more moderate party from the house of commons . dr. d. in the margin of that epistle , quorum esse & videre est esse & bibere . jer. 5. rom. 26. isaiah 28. 7. daniel 6. 5. preface to the directory . * mr. brookes of yarmouth . dr. sterne . * mr. rous. * mr. cheslen of st. matthew friday-street . cicero delegibus , lib. 1. * mr. vaughan . dr. cosin . * mr. adams . in durham . the observator . seneca de vitâ beat . 2. malachi 7. deut. 17. 8. 1 cor. 11. acts 15. fox 3. pag. 127. old edition . lord sayes laws . judges 9. r. barns . t. gerrard . s. jeronimus . martin mar-prelate . † admonition to parliament , answered by dr. whitgift . vorax written by stub : a lawyer , brother-in-law to t. cartwright . * dr. chap. to field . 1587. everights horse , whom they had borrowed for faux . er tull . adversus marcion . lib. 4. history of the counsel of trent . * old jury . kings declaration , 12 aug. oxford mungrel-parliament jan. 1641. sir rich. gurny . the policy in abolishing liturgy . survey of discipl . cap. 21. n. d. or 3 conversions of england . 3 part . pag. 149. fox acts and non. to dr. martin they sent a ticket in prison at ely-house , who desired them to take the twentieth part , so that they would promise to send him the remaining nineteen parts of that estate which they supposed him to have . the wife of dr. p. hath been 3 years , to the expence of almost 100 l. to obtain her fifth part , but could not prevail a censure upon certaine passages contained in the history of the royal society as being destructive to the established religion and church of england stubbe, henry, 1632-1676. 1670 approx. 155 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61870 wing s6033 estc r32736 12752510 ocm 12752510 93330 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61870) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93330) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1537:22) a censure upon certaine passages contained in the history of the royal society as being destructive to the established religion and church of england stubbe, henry, 1632-1676. [4], 64 p. printed for ric. davis, oxford : a.d. 1670. imperfect: pages cropped and stained with slight loss of print. dedication signed: henry stubbe. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -controversial literature. church and state -england. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a censvre upon certaine passages contained in the history of the royal society , as being destructive to the established religion and church of england . parque novum fortuna videt concurrere , bellum atque virum . — oxford , printed for ric. davis , a. d. 1670. to the reverend dr iohn fell , d. d. dean of christ-church . sir , i offer these papers unto you , not to implore your patronage , but to acknowledge your favours : had my leasure , or abilities , qualified me for a greater performance , it had been tendered unto you with the same readiness : this veneration i bear not to the ranke you hold in the church , or university , but to your merit ; and in you , i at once honour a learning above this age , and a piety becoming the best : permit me to be just to so real worth , and grateful for your constant civilities to me , and i shall no way interest your person in this quarrel : 't is enough , that i defend truth , and the church of england ; and that whatever else i have atchieved , i intermedled with nothing but what 't was necessary to be undertook by some body : this none can dispute who understands the politicks of our nation , & upon what foundations the publick tranquillity is suspended : let them that will , question the prudence of this action , i am satisfied in the profession of a wisdome that is first pure , and then peaceable . i am perfectly your humble servant , henry stubbe . warwick , feb. 16. 1669. a censure on certain passages in the history of the royall society . it is naturall to mens minds , when they perceive others to arrogate more to themselves , then is their share ; to deny them even that which else they would confesse to be their right . and of the truth of this , we have an instance of farre greater concernment , then that which is before us . and that is in religion it selfe . for while the bishops of rome did assume an infallibility , and a sovereigne dominion over our faith ; the reformed churches did not only justly refuse to grant them that , but some of them thought themselves obliged to forbear all communion with them , and would not give them that respect which possibly might belong to so ancient , and so famous a church ; and which might still have been allowed it , without any danger of superstition . before i come to resolve and parcell out this impious and pernicious paragraph into severall propositions , it is requisite that i premise two observations : the first is , that by communion here is not meant civill commerce , and the performance of those mutuall offices by which societies in generall , or trading is carried on , or humanity alone is relieved : no reformed church ever denyed this to the romanists : but the communion here treated of is ecclesiasticall , and consists not only in the acknowledging of such as are communicated with , to be members of the universall church of christ , built upon a right foundation , and holding either no errours , or such as do not overthrow the fundamentals ; but in resorting to the same church assemblies , and celebrating devoutly the same offices , or prayers , ceremonies , and sacraments : and this is to be done interchangeably , so that each ( upon occasion ) resort unto the churches of the other , & joyn in the celebration of the same liturgies or publike prayers , & participatiō of the same sacrament of the lords supper , which is more particularly termed the cōmunion , & was alwaies accounted the tessera or mark of church-fellowship . the truth of this observation appeares from that notion which all ages have had of church-communion , which is agreeable hereunto : to owne any number or association of men to be a part of the church catholique , and yet not to resort to the same religious offices , amounts not to church-communion : since all excommunication cuts not off from the body of christ , but from outward or exteriour communion with a visible church : thus when chrysostome separated himselfe from the followers of meletius , and of paulinus , though he did acknowledge both churches to be orthodox , yet is it said that he communicated with neither . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . neither doth it amount to an ecclesiasticall communion if a man be present at the religious assemblies and offices of another church , if so be he do it not upon a religious account , nor devoutly joyne therewith : thus when elijah was present at the sacrifice and worship of baal , he did not communicate with those idolaters , 1 kings 18.26 , 27. thus lyranus , cajetanus , and other casuists excuse naaman for bowing ( upon a civill account ) in the house of rimmon ; and allow the case of a christian slave which waited on her mistresse to the sarracen worship , and bore up her traine , but did not joyne in the mahometan service : thus the protestant divines , ( as sleidan , and the history of the council of trent informe us ) resolved that it was lawfull for the protestant princes to pay a civill attendance on the german emperour even at masse in the royall chappell . these things therefore amount not unto church-communion : but the joyning religiously in the same church-worship , and particularly in celebrating the lords supper together : and this is to be done interchangeably ; for otherwise onely the one side can be said to communicate with the other : not vice versâ : thus when the papists did resort to our churches in the beginning of the reigne of qu. elizabeth , and joyned in the same prayers , and participation of sacraments with the church of england , it might justly be said , that they did hold communion with us ; but since the lawes then in force did prohibit the protestants to be present at , or joyne in any publique service ( or administration of sacraments ) where other ceremonies then what were inacted by the church of england , should be used : it is manifest that the church of england did not communicate with the papists . the second observation is , that our historian in this paragraph doth make use of the words communion and respect as equipollent and synonymous : otherwise there is no apodosis , no sense in the saying — some of them thought themselves obliged to forbear all communion with them , and would not give them that respect , which possibly might belong to so ancient & so famous a church . if respect be a terme of a lesser import then communion , then might those reformed churches decline all exteriour communion with the church of rome , justly and without blame , and yet retain a respect and kindnesse such as christians may and ought to beare to the excommunicate , to the heathens , and publicans ; and in which there is no danger of superstition , ; though in this exteriour communion there be evident perill not only of superstition , but idolatry . 1. these things being premised , my first animadversion shall be , that the comparison betwixt men denying to such as usurp too much even their due rights , and those that separate in case of religious usurpations , is so carryed on by the historian , that to forbeare all communion with the church , and bishops of rome , is represented as an extreame opinion , and consequently as culpable , schismaticall , and damnable . 2. secondly , that he represents the case so , as if some of the reformed churches onely did forbeare all communion with them . 3. thirdly , that the grand occasion of the differences betwixt those of the reformed religion , and the papists , was that the bishops of rome did assume an infallibility , and a soveraigne dominion over our faith. 4. fourthly , that notwithstanding this usurped infallibility of the bishops of rome , & their assuming a soveraigne dominion over our faith ; yet we may give them that respect which possibly might belong to so ancient and famous a church : and to decline this , is to run into an extreame . 5. fifthly , that the church of rome according to its present establishment , and under that constitution wherein the first reformers found it , may be denominated a church , ancient , famous ; and that upon those accounts ( for none other are mentioned ) possibly there doth belong a respect unto it , or an obligation to communicate therewith . 6. sixtly , that such a respect or exterior communion may be entertained with rome , and yet we incurre no danger of superstition . the first proposition is impious , blasphemous , and offensive to all protestant eares : it condemnes the reformation carryed on by the evangeliques abroad , and in the church of england , as culpable , guilty of an extreame ; and there is so much of schisme justly charged on us , as there is of extremity in our procedure . it subverts all those laws which are now in force , whereby all communion with popish offices and sacraments ( celebrated in a different way from that of the church of england ) is prohibited to us upon penalty of being imprisoned six months without bayl for the first offense ; for the second , twelve months ; and for the third , during life : upon 5 and 6 edw. 6. cap. 1. & 3. the second proposition is notoriously false : there being no reformed church , no not of the lutherans , but hath constantly held themselves obliged to forbear all communion with the modern bishops and church of rome . besides , it carries a most dangerous insinuation in it , as if the reformed churches were divided upon this point , ( the contrary whereof is manifest out of the harmony of confessions ) so that such as abet this popish compliance want not their assertors , even to the repute of most of the reformed churches : and such as disclaim it , are the lesse considerable for number and authority , having onely the concurrence of some of the reformed churches . how pernicious an intimation this is amongst ignorant persons , and such as are unacquainted with the state of religion ( a study much out of fashion now ) let any man judg , and withall remember , that the church of england is of the number of those reflected upon here . who are they that pretend to forsake the churches corruptions , and not her external communion ? some there be that say they have not left the church , but onely her corcorruptions : some that they have not left the communion , but the corruptions of it , meaning the internal communion of it , and conjunction with it by faith and obedience : which disagree from the former onely in the manner of speaking ; for he that is in the church , is in this kind of communion with it ; and he that is not in this internal communion , is not in the church . some perhaps , that they left not your external communion in all things ; meaning , that they left it not voluntarily , being not fugitivi sed fugati , as being willing to joyn with you in any act of piety , but were by you necessitated and constrained to do so , because you would not suffer them to do well with you , except they would do ill with you : now to do ill that you may do well , is against the will of god , which to every good man is an high degree of necessity . but for such protestants as pretend that de facto they forsook your corruptions , and not your external communion , that is , such as pretend to communicate with you in your confessions , and liturgies , and participation of sacraments , i cannot but doubt very much , that neither you , nor i , have ever met with any of this condition . postremò addit rex , magnum se quidem crimen judicare , defectionem ab ecclesia : sed huic crimini affinem se esse , aut ecclesiam suam , penitus pernegat . non enim fugimus , aiebat ejus majestas , sed fugamur . scit verò tua illustris dignitas , ut qui optimè , quàm multi , quàm praestantes pietate ac doctrinâ viri , ab annis minimùm quingentis , reformationem ecclesiae in capite & membris optârint . quàm graves bonorum regum ac principum quaerelae sint saepe auditae , statum ecclesiae suis temporibus lamentantium ? quid profuit ? ●ihil enim eorum ad hanc diem videmus esse emendatum , quae correctionis egere cum primis censebantur . quare non veretur ecclesia anglicana , nè candidis aestimatoribus , in hac separatione , donatistis simile quid fecisse videatur . illi gratis & sine ullâ causâ ecclesiam catholicam , gentium cunctarum assensu comprobatam , cujus neque fidem , neque disciplinam culpare poterant , deseruerunt . angli ab ea ecclesia , necessitate dira cogente , secessionem fecerunt , quam innumeri populi christiani veram , catholicam & universalem esse non concedunt , ut modestissimè dicam : quámque in dogmatis fidei & disciplinae formâ multùm variâsle ab antiquâ , multa assuisse nova vetustis , mala bonis , etiam è vestris scriptores quàm plurimi ingenuè dudum sunt confessi : & verò notius jam est universo mundo , quàm ut possit quisquam vel negare , vel etiam ignorare . adde quod jugum romanae servitutis ita durum per aliquot retro secula erat experta ecclesia anglicana , novis subinde vexationibus , & inauditis angariis atque exactionibus supra hominum fidem cruciata , ut vel illa sola causa apud judices non iniquos à schismatis suspicione , & ut loquitur augustinus de donatistis , iniquae discissionis , posse videatur ipsam liberare . non enim pro●ectò angli à charitate fraternâ animi causâ dissilierunt , ut donatistae ; neque ut decem tribus populi iudaici , metu impendentis mali , quod nondum premebat ; sed post plurium seculorum patientiam , post exantlatas inenarrabiles aerumnas , onus intolerabile , cui ferendo pares ampliùs non erant , neque permittebat conscientia , subductis cervicibus tandem excuslerunt . — from hence , as also from our laws , our thirty nine articles , and homilies , t is manifest that the church of england is in the number of those that separate from the communion of the church and bishops of rome , and that for such important reasons as justifie the action from being causelesse , or culpable : though amongst all the reasons alledged by k. iames in that letter of causabon's , or in our laws , or other controvertists , i do not find that reckoned for any motive of that great rupture , much lesse for the principal or sole one , which is represented as such by our historian . the third proposition therefore carries something of prevarication in it . so those advocates which would betray the causes of their clients , propose a wrong state of the case , the vanity whereof being once discovered , renders the plaintiff contemptible in the sight of all men , and reduces him to a necessity of complying with the injured defendant . there is a great deal of ignorance and intricateness ( the consequent thereof ) in the proposition of our author , as it is by him worded : for infallibility , and a sovereign dominion over our faith , are not equipollent termes , nor termes indifferently used . no papist did ever ascribe unto the bishop of rome ( except some parasitical canonist , whose credit is little in that church ) a sovereign dominion over our faith. he that is sovereign , knows not any superior ; nor any coercive law , but his will ; the objects about which his power is conversant , are liable to what alterations he pleaseth , and he rules by the lex regia : but what divine did ever ascribe such a power to the pope in matter of faith ? place the chair where , and how you will , none of that church ever assumed so much , nor did that church ever attribute so much to the bishop of rome . there have been those that have taught , that if ( by way of supposal ) it could be imagined , that all the pastors of the church catholick should erre in a decree of faith , the laiety were bound to submit thereunto : but such a sovereignty in matters of faith , none ( except some iesuits and parasites ) ascribe unto the pope's person ; his briefs , and decretals have not that credit amongst the romanists as to authenticate such assertions , nor is the belief thereof a necessary condition to communicate with that church upon . if we look upon the contests in germany that introduced protestancy at first , we find the erroneous doctrine about indulgences to be the primary occasion there : in switzerland , and in france , and holland , abuses , and idolatrous practises , or false doctrines , are the first subjects of disputes , and occasion the reformation there : transubstantiation , communion in one kind , the propitiatory sacrifice of the masse , image-worship , praying to saints , and such like controversies , are the first , and most fiercely debated : in england , under henry the viii , the pope's supremacy in ecclesiastical causes , and appeals to rome &c. give the the first occasions of discontent , and that change , which was afterwards carried on to a total reformation of the doctrine and discipline of the church of england : then came in question the power of the bishop of rome , the nature of his primacy , the authority and fallibility of general councels , the power of national and provincial churches to reforme themselves during the interval of councels , or without dependance thereon : whether the scripture were the sole rule of faith , how obligatory were traditions : the interest and influence of the civil magistrate in ruling ecclesiastical affairs , these came next into agitation . the usurpation of infallibility , and a pretended sovereignty in matters of faith to be lodged in the pope , was neither the occasion of the protestant separation , nor a material part of the first controversies : though perhaps some italianated persons and canonists might assert some such thing ; and since the growth of the iesuites , tenets of that nature have been much advanced , thereby to justifie their vow of blind obedience to the papal commands . the memory of the councils of basil , and constance , was fresh in the minds of men , and the superiority of a council above the pope a common and authorized tenet in that church . the personal infallibility , and the supremacy of the bishops of rome had of old received too great a check in the cases of vigilius and honorius , and in the declared sentences of the councils of pisa , constance , basil , and of the universities of paris , loven , colen , vienna , and cracovia , ( not to mention particular writers ) to be the occasion of that rupture . the sorbone to this day continues its former judgment : and even the present king of france hath asserted the liberties of the gallick church in that point . see arrest de la cour de parliament portant que les propositions contenues en la declaration de la faculte de theologie de paris &c. da. 30. may. 1663. and declaration du roy pour l' enregistrement des six propositions de la faculte de sorbonne &c. a paris 4. d' aoust . 1663. what the popish church now holds and requires , amounts not to any such authority as our author asserts , if you will believe cardinal perron before our virtuoso . — scribis de romano pontifice nolle te verba facere : quum vel mediocriter in historiâ ecclesiasticâ versatis compertum sit , primorum seculorum patres , concilia , & imperatores christianos , primas illi semper detulisse , & praecellentis dignitatis praerogativam , in omnibus negotiis , ad religionem aut ecclesiam spectantibus : atque hoc solum exigere ecclesiam vestram pro articulo fidei credendum ab iis , qui communioni suae se adjungunt . — if this cardinal understand any thing , the romish church demands no more of her members then that they own the pope's primacy , not supremacy , or infallibility : nor have the the books of such as derogate from the excessive greatnesse of the papal power been ever called in , or censured in that church , or communion denied to the assertors of the infallibility of oral tradition , or of general councils , in opposition to the personal infallibility of the bishop of rome . it was , and is still a common opinion amongst the papists , that the pope may be an heretick : i learn'd it from franciscus victoria in his relections ; haereticus potest esse non solum presbiter , sed pontifex etiam summus ; ergo caput ecclesiae . and bellarmine himself doth not assert the infallibility of the pope , no not though he be assisted with a provincial council . in libr. 2. de concil . c. 5. fatetur hanc propositionem , scilicet , concilia particularia , à summo pontifice confirmata , in fide & moribus errare possunt , non esse fide catholicâ tenendam : ejus tamen contradictoriam temerariam & erroneam pronunciat . nay the same writer in his solemn lectures at rome teacheth , that a it is true , the pope maybe an heretick : b but it is probable and godly to be thought , that he cannot be an heretick . in the conference betwixt dr. raynolds and hart , i find this passage . raynolds . the pope may not onely erre in doctrine , but also be an heretick ; which ( i hope ) you will not say that peter might . hart. neither by my good will that the pope may . raynolds . but you must : no remedy . it is a ruled case . your schoolmen and canonists , a ockam , b hostiensis , c turrecremata , d zabarella , e cusanus , f antoninus , g alphonsus , h canus , i sanders , k bellarmine , and l others , yea the m canon law it self , yea a council , a n roman council , confirm'd by the pope , do grant it . hart. they grant that the pope may be an heretick perhaps by a supposal : as many things may be , which never were , nor are , nor shall be . for you cannot prove that any pope ever was an heretick actually , though possibly they may be , whereof i will not strive . this point of the fallibility of the pope , and his subjection to a council , is so notorious with every man , that is acquainted with the more ancient and modern writers ; so known to any one that hath either read the determinations of bishop davenant ( qu. 5. ) or the defense of the dissuasive of bishop taylour ( pag. 40. ) or the review of the council of trent ( written by a french catholick , from whom the disswader borrowed his allegations ) or that hath so much as read over the history of the council of trent , that i need not insist on it any longer . notwithstanding the earnestnesse of the iesuits under laynez in the council of trent , yet neither was the pope's superiority over a council , nor the infallibility of the bishops of rome , defined there directly , as appears out of the review of that council , lib. 4. c. 1. and out of the english history pag. 721 , 722. neither is there to this day amongst the papists any thing enacted or determined in that church , which obligeth a man under pain of excommunication to hold any such thing as the personal infallibility of the bishops of rome , the contrary being daily maintained there by more than the iansenists ; much lesse is there any sovereignty in matters of faith ascribed unto them at this day . all books of the papists are subjected to the judgment of the church , not to the arbitrement of the pope . the fides carbonaria , or colliers faith , so famed amongst the papists , was not established upon the infallibility or sovereignty of the bishops of rome ; no , he told the devil , that he believed as the church believed , and the church as he. and how necessary soever they make the communion with the particular church of rome , how great influence soever they ascribe to the pope over councils , yet the decrees of the council of trent run in the name of the holy synod , not pope , and there it is determined sess . 4. that none dare interpret holy scripturs against the sense which our holy mother the church hath held , or does hold . if you enquire in-the doctrines of m r white , d r holden , serenus cressy , and such others as endeavour at present ( and that with great shew of wit and artifices ) to seduce the english to that apostaticall church , there is not one of them that i knowe of who attributes any infallibility to the pope , or submitteth his faith to the sovereigne decisions of the bishop of rome . as for serenus cressy , he very judiciously deserts the school-terme of infallibility for that of the churches authority , and saith that the exceptions and advantages which the protestants have against the roman church , proceed only from their mis-understanding of her necessary doctrines , or at most , that all the efficacy they have is onely against particular opinions & inferences made by particular catholique writers . he shews that d r stapleton asserts that the infallible voyce and determination of the church is included in the decree of the church speaking in a generall council representatively . in which the church is infallible with this restriction , viz : in delivering the substance of faith , in publique doctrines , and things necessary to salvation . other catholiques , and namely panormitan teach that the decrees of generall council are not absolutely and necessarily to be acknowledged infallible , till they be received by all particular catholique churches : because till then they cannot properly be called the faith of the universall church , or of the body of all faithfull christians , to which body the promise of infallibility is made . and this was the doctrine of thomas waldensis , and some other scholmen , &c. an opinion this is which though not commonly received , yet i do not ( saith s. c. ) find it deeply censured by any : yea the gallican churches reckoned this among their chiefest priviledges and liberties , that they were not obliged to the decisions of a generall council , till the whole body of the gallican clergy had by a speciall agreement consented to them , and so proposed them to the severall churches there . and to this last opinion doth s. c. incline ; and his book was approved at paris as consonant to the catholique faith : he guides himselfe by the authority of received councils : he acknowledges that to be onely necessarily accounted an article of catholique faith , which is actually acknowledged and received by catholiques ; and since contradictions cannot be actually assented unto , it will follow that whatsoever decisions of councils may seem to oppose such articles , are not necessarily to be accounted catholique doctrines ; and by consequence , not obligatory . — he denies that generall councils can make new articles of faith : they are witnesses of what hath been delivered , not sovereigns to determine of new truths , either by way of addition to the former , or in opposition thereunto . their infallibility is limited to tradition , and spiritually assisted in the faithfull reporting of what hath been delivered : what ever reports or decrees they make of another nature , they are to be received with a different assent from what is catholique faith . there is a double obligation from decisions of generall councils : the first an obligation of christian beliefe in respect of doctrines delivered by generall councils as of universall tradition : the second onely of canonicall obedience to orders and constitutions for practice , by which men are not bound to believe those are inforced as from divine authority , but onely to submit unto them as acts of a lawfull ecclesiasticall power , however not to censure them as unjust , much lesse to oppose and contradict them . much more doth the same author adde which give little countenance to that state of the controversie which our author forms unto us : no soveraigne dominion over our faith is by him ascribed to the bishop of rome , or nationall , or generall coun●ills : and as to infailibility , which mr chillingworth had impugned , he thus acquits himselfe . i may in generall say of all his objections , that since they proceed only against the word infallibility , and that word extended to the utmost heighth and latitude that it possibly can beare , catholiques , as such , are not at all concerned in them , seeing neither is that expression to be found in any received council , nor did ever the church enlarge her authority to so vast a widenesse as mr chillingworth either conceived , or at least , for his particular advantage against his adversary , thought good to make show as if he conceived so . — as to the subject wherein infallibility or authority is to be placed ; since catholiques vary as to that point , he sayes 't is evident thereby that they are not obliged to any one part of the question : only they are to agree in this tridentine decision ▪ ecclesiae est judicare de vero sensu sacrae scripturae . it belongs to the church to judge of the true sense of holy scripture . dr holdens booke is licensed and highly commended by the french divines , and he himselfe a doctor of the sorbonne ; and he thus delivers himselfe . statuendum est , quod quicquid à theologis catholicis in utramque partem , etiam cum maximâ acerbitate , disseritur ac disputatur , dum vel propriis suis adhaerent nimis sacrarum scripturarum interpretationibus , vel patronorum suorum opinionibus , vel tandem consecutionibus deductis ex fidei principiis , certissimum est neutrum contentionis seu concertationis extremum , posse divinae & catholicae fidei rationem habere . quo sequ●tur summum pontificem nullatenus posse in suâ solâ personâ disceptatas hujusmodi quaestiones ita decernere , ut vi solius sui decreti pars definita sit fidei divinae & catholicae articulus . disputant siquidem theologi , an si quando summi pontifices hujus●emodi argumenta , in scholis utrinque agitata , definiverint , sintne eorum decreta ex institutione christi ab omni errere libera . imò an decretum aliquod à solo pontifice summo emanans , sit ex hoc tantùm capite divinitùs infallibile . haec inquam , in utramque partem ventilata videmus à piissimis quamplurimis & doctissimus catholicis autoribus tam antiquioribus quàm recentioribus , quorum neutram partem audivimus unquam fuisse censuris aliquibus authenticis prohibitam , aut improbatam . quapropter evidentissimè constat catholicum neminem astringi aut huic aut alteri part adhaerere tanquam fidei catholicae & divinae articulo : tametsi summorum pontificum definitionibus debitum obsequium sit praestandum . — out of all this precedent discourse 't is manifest that infallibility , and sovereigne dominion over our faith , usurped by the bishops of rome , neither was , nor could be upon catholique principles , and amongst men of common understanding , the cause of separation betwixt the reformed churches , and the romanists : since neither the one , nor other branch of that assertion is defined in that church , or so censured as not to be held upon paine of excommunication . the fourth proposition as it is conjunctive or copulative ( to which it is necessary that both parts be true ) must admit of a distinction before it be censured . to assert that we may hold cōmunion with any one , that is , account him of the same church in generall with us , and joyne with him in the celebration of the same church worship , and participation of sacraments , 't is necessary that we consider what it is he professeth , and what it is wherein he and we communicate , and what relation we stand in , in relation to the actings of our superiour governours , that may have influence upon the case . as for example ▪ if the king by an act of parliament shall forbid us exteriour communion with the pope , whatever charitable opinion i might be induced to have otherwise of him , yet i should not thinke fitting to do it , or that such my procedure were schismaticall . thus obadiah , and the seven thousand incorrupt iewes , together with elijah and elisha , did not resort to the temple-worship at ierusalem , by reason of the prohibition by ieroboam , 1 kings 12. thus the english papists complyed in england with the actions of h. 8. now 't is notorious that by our laws the english are forbid in england to be present at any other rites or communion , then what are authorised by the church of this nation , and that upon penalties very great : upon 5. and 6. edward . 6. and 23. eliz. 1. so that in reference to this particular , the assertion of our virtuoso is contrary to the lawes of our land , charges them with injustice , & tends to seduce the kings subjects from their obedience . if we abstract frō this consideration , and reflect upon the persons to be communicated with , and the things wherein the communion is held : i say it is a difficult thing to determine what those tenets are which cut a man off from the generall communion of christians , provided that the matters wherein the communion consists be innocent , and blamelesse . i finde the apostles to communicate with the iewes in the temple-worship , and in their synagogue-worship . i finde the communion not interrupted by the assertions , that the observation of the leviticall law was necessary to a christian , act. 21.20 . thus though s. paul found very enormous errours ( and such as would now be called fundamentall , & a ground for anathema's ) in the churches of corinth , galatia , and colossi , yet did he speake honourably of them , calls them churches , communicates with them , but not with their errours and heresies . i finde the arians and the orthodox to communicate together at first in the same worship , scarce to be distinguished one from another , till the gloria patri , came to be said : and after the determinations of nice , when the arians had gained the advantage at ariminum , though there were some catholiques so scrupulous that they would have no communion with such as received the council of ariminum , yet s. hilary thought it best to converse with them , and to call them to such councils as were frequently held in france upon such occasions . and where this sort of communion is to be carried on , and when to be interrupted , i am not learned enough to understand out of antiquity . it appeares to mee that the bare pretense of an infallibility is not enough to cut off communion , if the infallibility be restrained to some limitations and explications : for as the naturall man may say he is sometimes infallibly assured of sensible objects , and consequently be so farre infallible : so the spirituall man may be in many things infallibly assord certitudine fidei , cūi non potest subesse falsum ▪ by the grace of god , and the special assistance of the holy ghost , so as that he is so farre infallible . rom. 8.16 . 1 iohn 5.13 . iohn 14 20. 2 cor. 13.5 1 cor. 2.11 , 12. and this circumstantiate limited infallibility , if it extend it selfe to some things past , whether of a morall or spirituall nature , is not alwaies blame worthy , much lesse a sufficient ground for to rescind exterior communion . it remaines then that we inquire into the nature of the pretended infallibility , what it proceeds upon , and what it interferes with . for any man to assume to himselfe an absolute , and essentiall , and unconditionate infallibility , is blasphemy , if not madnesse in an humane creature ; and undoubtedly rescinds all communion , if it do not rather entitle to bedlam . for any man to assert that he is by the particular favour , and promise of god infallible , either in omnibus quaestionibus tam facti quam juris ( which some iesuites avow of the pope ) or in matters of faith only ( however that tenet be explicated ) either in relation to the determining of what hath been taught by the church of christ ; or as to additionall decisions ; that the profession of such infallibility ( provided it do not extend to the preaching of any knowne fundamentall errour ) nor impose on the communicants the beliefe of , and assent unto the reality of such infallibility , perhaps it is not enough to breake off an exterior communion . but if such infallibility be made use of to the establishing of , or introducing impious , blaspemous , and idolatrous practises , if it frustrate the tenure of the gospel , and render the word of god ( as suspended upon that authority ) of none effect as to being the rule of our faith , and the finall iudge of controversies ; i do thinke , that although the errours , and idolatries were no part of the church service , nor imposed on the communicants to hold , yet were all communion exteriour to be avoided with such a person and his adherents , so that none ought to resort to their assemblies after sufficient & due detection of that antichristian monster : but agreeably to the practice of the church of england ( our indulgent mother ) i do think that the resort of such men to our church-worship & communion ought to be allowed , & not scrupled at . thus our lawes enacted in parliament ( which with the assent of convocation ) is the supreme judge here on earth of heresies , & consequently of legal non-cōmunion , punish recusants for not cōmunicating with us in the church-service ; yet enjoynes them not to relinquish their opinions . but in case such infallibility in matters of faith be pretended to by any , or owned , as introduceth blaspemy , idolatry , errour , and superstition into the publique offices of divine service , a protestant cannot lawfully , and with any good conscience joyne with him , or them in such worship : viz : no protestant can out of devotion ( which is requisite to prayer ) joyne with the papists in the blaspemies , and idolatries of the masse , as any man knowes that hath but lightly inspected their missall , or receive the sacrament in one kind , ( contrary to the divine institution ) as an expiatory sacrifice availing the quick and the dead ( which is repugnant to the primary intention of christ ) and this paying a religious veneration to the grosse elements , and breaden god . this judgement i am much confirmed in by mr chillingworth , where he sayes , that the causes of our separation from rome are ( as we pretend , and are ready to justifie ) because we will not be partakers with her in superstition , idolatry , impiety , and most cruell tyranny , both upon the bodies and soules of men . — you mistake in thinking that protestants hold themselves obliged not to communicate with you , only , or principally for your errours and corruptions : for the true reason is not so much because you maintaine errours and corruptions ; as because you impose them ; and will allow your communion to none but such as will hold them with you : and have so ordered your communion , that either we must communicate with you in these things , or nothing . thus much may suffice for that part of the proposition , that notwithstanding the usurped infallibilitie of the bishop of rome , yet ought we to hold exteriour communion with that ancient and famous church . for supposing the case to be as i ( agreeably to the church of england ) have stated it , the antiquity , grandeur , and fame of the church of rome are too extrinsecall and weake arguments to sway us into an impious communion . nor is the imputation of schisme so horrid , nor exteriour communion so amiable and inviting , that to pursue that we should either abandon , or endanger the truth . so king iames in his reply , neque ignorat rex multa saepè veteris ecclesiae patres 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fecisse , pro bono pacis , ut loquebantur , id est , studio conservandae unitatis , ac mutuae communionis abrumpendae metu . quorum exemplum se quoque paratum esse profitetur aemulari , & sectantium pacem vestigia persequi ad aras usque ; hoc est , quantum in hodierno statu ecclesiae per conscientiae integritatem licet . nemini enim se mortalium cedere , aut in dolore quem capit gravissimum é membrorum ecclesiae distractione , quam pii patres tantoperè sunt abominati : aut in cupiditate qua tenetur , communicationem habendi cum omnibus , si possit fieri , qui membra sunt mystici corporis domini nostri jesu christi . haec , quum ita sint , existimat nihiloseciùs rex , justissimam habere se causam , cur ab iis dissentiat , qui simpliciter sine ulla penitus distinctione , aut exceptione , hanc communionem sine fine urgent . inter proprias ecclesiae notas hanc fatetur esse cum primis necessariam : non esse tamen autumat veram ipsam ecclesiae formam , & quod philosophus appellat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . didicit rex é lectione sacrae scripturae ( neque aliter patres olim sentiebant ad unum omnes ) veram & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ecclesiae formam esse , ut audiant oves christi vocem sui pastoris , & ut sacramenta administrentur ritè & legitimè , quomodo videlicet apostoli praeiverunt , & qui illos proximè secuti sunt . quae hac ratione sunt institutae ecclesiae , necesse est ipsas multiplici communione inter sese esse devinctas . uniuntur in capite suo christo , qui est fons vitae , in quo vivunt omnes quos pater elegit pretioso sanguine ipsius redimendos , & vitâ aeternâ gratis donandos . uniuntur unitate fidei & doctrinae , in iis utique capitibus quae sunt ad salutem necessaria : unica enim salutaris doctrina , unica in coelos via . vniuntur conjunctione animorum & verâ charitate , charitatisque officiis , maximè autem precum mutuarum . uniuntur denique spei ejusdem communione , & promissae haereditatis expectatione ; gnari se ante jacta mundi fundamenta praedestinatos esse , ( de electis loquor ) ut sint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod divinitus ait apostolus . sed addit rex , eandem tamen ecclesiam , si aliquod ejus membrum discedat à regula fidei , pluris facturam amorem veritatis , quàm amorem unitatis . scit supremam legem esse in domo dei , doctrinae coelestis sinceritatem ; quam si quis relinquat , christum relinquit , qui est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ecclesiam relinquit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : atque eo ipso ad corpus christi desinit pertinere . cum hujusmodi desertoribus nec vult , nec potest verè catholicus communicare . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; fugiet igitur horum communionem ecclesia , & dicet cum gregorio nazianzeno , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nec dubitabit cum eodem beato patre , si opus fuerit , pronuntiare , esse quendam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quod autem in ecclesia futura esset aliquando necessaria hujusmodi separatio , cùm aliis sacrae paginae locis clarè docemur ; tum illa apertè declarat spiritus sancti admonitio , non temerè profectò ecclesiae facta , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inquientis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quaenam sit illa babylon , unde exire ▪ populus dei jubetur , non quaerit hoc loco rex , neque super eo quidquam pronunciat . hoc quidem res ipsa manifestissimè ostendit , sive privata quaedam ecclesia eò loci intelligitur appellatione babylonis , sive universae pars major : eam priùs fuisse legitimam ecclesiam , cum qua pii piè communicarent ; postea verò quàm longiùs processit ejus depravatio , jubentur pii exire , & communionem abrum pere : ut facile fit vobis intelligere , non omnem communionem cum iis qui de nomine christi appellantur , fidelibus esse expetendam ; sed illam demum quae sit salvâ doctrinae coelitus revelatae integritate . out of which words ( and they seem to be the words not of casaubon , or k. iames , but the church of england ) if i am able to deduce any consequence , i am sure this is one , that it is not at any time lawful to hold with any church a communion with her ènown defaults and impieties : and that how desireable soever unity be , yet the regard thereto ought never to transport us so far , as to mix the service of god with that of belial ; that some circumstances do legitimate an holy war , and that a bad agreement is not to be chosen before a contest and separation in the behalf of real godlinesse . i am sure i am by the tenor of that letter justified , if i dare not joyn with a church service , wherein transubstantiation , and the sacrifice of the masse , and prayers for the dead , and to the saints ( not to mention the mutilation of the communion , and image-worships must be owned , or hypocritically complyed with , to the dishonour of god , 1 cor. 10.20 , 21 , 22. the detriment and offense of the weak christians , 1 cor. 8.10 , 11 , 12. and the strengthning of the party communicated with in those errors and blasphemies . how far further i am warranted by that letter , and the practice of the primitive fathers to rescind a communion ( not otherwise erroneous or faulty ) upon the account of errors , idolatry , or conceived blasphemy in the practice or speculative tenets of a church , or person , what private men , what a particular bishop , or national church may do , i shall not entermeddle with ; as having alledged enough in opposition to what our virtuoso layes down . i should proceed now to enquire whether that we may hold communion with the bishops of rome , supposing that they challenge a sovereign dominion over our faith ? but since there was no such thing pressed upon the english church to occasion the first rupture , the generality of christendome being then , and at the first calling of the council of trent inclined to the contrary tenet , of the pope's being inferiour to a council general , denying his sovereignty and dominion over the faith of the church ; and his personal infallibility being an opinion scarcely to be mentioned , or insisted on , much lesse authenticated in those dayes : and since that now , neither the one or other tenet can justly be charged upon that church , nor is a condition of their communion at present : since the controversie would be large , and intrigued with distinctions , i leave the debating thereof as inutile , and content my self with having sufficiently refuted our virtuoso already , in what hath been alledged , though seemingly to another purpose . undoubtedly there is no conniving or complying with such a person , for one that is to avoid the appearance of evill . it is a dethroning of christ whom god hath appointed to be the head of the church , and by him all the body furnished and knit together by joints and bands , increaseth with the increasing of god. it is the introducing of another corner-stone , and another foundation ; the creating of another fabrick then what is built upon christ , and the apostles , and prophets ; at least it is a compliance with all such unchristian monstrosities , a silence , that is equivalent to an assent in such high cases : i have learn'd it from dr. raynolds . seeing that to exercise this rule and dominion , is a prerogative royal , and proper to the king of kings ; to give it either in whole , or in part , cannot be a lesser offense than high treason . fifthly , that the church of rome , according to its present establishment , and under that constitution wherein the first reformers found it , may be denominated a church , ancient and famous ; and that upon these accounts ( for none other are mentioned ) possibly there doth belong a respect unto it , or an obligation to communicate therewith . the first part of the proposition is false , and notoriously contradicts the doctrine of the thirty-nine articles , and homilies of the church of england . for although it be granted that even those articles , the homilies , and our writers ( and i my self ) do bestow vulgarly the appellation of a church , yet is that an impropriety of speech , and not to be justified otherwise then by professing , that when the name of church is attributed to rome , and england , the predication is equivocal ; since that the definition of a true christian church , which makes up the ninteenth article , cannot be accommodated to the romanists : viz the visible church of christ is a congregation of faithful men , in the which the pure word of god is preached , and the sacraments be duely ministred , according to christ's ordinance , in all those things that of necessity are requisite to the same . this definition is asserted and enlarged upon in the second homily for whitsunday , in these words . the true church is an universal congregation or fellowship of god's faithful and elect people , built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets , jesus christ being the head-corner stone . and it hath alwaies three notes or marks , by which it is known . pure and sound doctrine : the sacraments ministred according to christ's holy institution : and the right use of ecclesiastical discipline . this description of the church is agreeable both to the scriptures of god , and also to the doctrine of the ancient fathers , so that none may justly find fault with it . now if you will compare this with the church of rome , not as it was in the beginning , but as it is presently , and hath been for the space of nine hundred years and odde , you shall well perceive the state thereof to be so far wide from the nature of the true church , that nothing can be more . for neither are they built upon the foundation of the apostles , retaining the sound and pure doctrine of jesus christ ; neither yet do they order the sacraments , or else the ecclesiastical keyes , in such sort as he did first institute and ordain them ; but have so intermingled their own traditions and inventions by chopping and changing , by adding and plucking away , that now they may seem converted in a new guise . christ commanded to his church a sacrament of his body and bloud : they have changed it into a sacrifice for the quick and the dead . christ did minister to his apostles , and the apostles to other men indifferently under both kinds : they have robbed the lay-people of the cup , saying that for them one kind is sufficient . christ ordained no other element to be used in baptisme , but onely water , whereunto when the word is joyned , it is made ( as s. augustine saith ) a full and perfect sacrament : they being wiser in their own conceit than christ , think it not well , nor orderly done , unlesse they use conjuration , unlesse they hallow the water , unlesse there be oyl , salt , spittle , tapers , and such other dumb ceremonies , serving to no use , contrary to the plain rule of st. paul , who willeth all things to be done in the church to edification . christ ordained the authority of the keyes to excommunicate notorious sinners , and to absolve them which are truly penitent ; they abuse this power at pleasure , as well in cursing the godly with bell , book , and candle , as also absolving the reprobate , which are known to be unworthy of any christian society : whereof they that lust to see examples , le them search their lifes . to be short , look what our saviour christ pronounced of the scribes and pharisees in the gospel , the same may be boldly and with a safe conscience pronounced of the bishops of rome , namely they have forsaken and daily do forsake the commandements of god , to erect and set up their own constitutions . which thing being true , as all they which have any light of god's word , must needs confess , we may well conclude according to the rule of st. augustine , that the bishops of rome , and their adherents , are not the true church of christ ; much lesse to be taken as chief heads and rulers of the same . whosoever , saith he , do dissent from the scriptures concerning the head , although they be found in all places where the church hath appointed , yet are they not in the church . a plain place concluding directly against the church of rome . these homilies are of such authority with us , that the clergy must subscribe unto them . that they are a part of the liturgy , the rubrique in the common prayer , and the preface to them shews : and the preface saith , they were set forth for the expelling of erroneous and poysonous doctrines . more fully t is said in the orders of k. iames , ann. dom. 1622. the homilies are set forth by authority in the church of england , not onely for the help of non-preaching , but withall as it were a pattern for preaching ministers . neither is bishop iewel , in his apology for the english church , any more favourable to the pope and his adherents . nam nos quidem discessimus ab illâ ecclesiâ , in qua nec verbum dei purè audiri potuit , nec sacramenta administrari , nec dei nomen , ut oportuit , invocari ; quam ipsi fatentur multis in rebus esse vitiosam : in qua nihil erat quod quenquam posset prudentem hominem , & de sua salute cogitantem retinere . postremò ab ecclesia eâ discessimus quae nunc est , non quae olim fuit : atque ita discessimus , ut daniel è cavea leonum , ut tres illi pueri ex incendio : nec tam discessimus , quàm ab istis diris & devotionibus ejecti sumus . and in the conclusion that pious bishop thus delivers himself again . diximus nos ab illâ ecclesiâ , quam isti speluncam latronum fecerant , & in qua nihil integrum , aut ecclesiae simile reliquerant , quámque ipsi fatebantur multis in rebus erravisse , ut lothum olim è sodoma , aut abrahamum è chaldaeâ , non contentionis studio , sed dei ipsius admonitu discessisle , & ex sacris libris , quos scimus non posse fallere , certam quandam religionis formam quaesivisse , & ad veterum patrum , atque apostolorum primitivam ecclesiam , hoc est , ad primordia atque initia , tanquam ad fontes rediisse . i might prosecute this point with an infinity of citations out of such divines as were eminent writers and actors in the beginning and throughout the reign of qu. elizabeth , when the church of england ( even in the judgment of dr. heylyn ) received her establishment , and when her sentiments were best known : but i shall content my self with dr. whitaker alone . romanam ecclesiam catholicam quae nunc est , quaeque recentioribus hisce temporibus floruit , eam nos non solam ecclesiam catholicam , sed ne omnino quidem catholicam esse dicimus ; nec tantùm non catholicam , id est vniversalem , sed nè veram quidem ecclesiam christi particularem esse contendimus . quare deserendam esse dicimus ab omninibus , qui servati volunt tanquam antichristi & satanae synagogam — nullam in ea salutem sperandam esse , imò damnandam illam dicimus tanquam barathrum haereseos & erroris — si quando ex animo de ecclesia illa loquamur , eam semper romanam , papisticam , antichristianam , apostaticam ecclesiam vocamus . other elogies then these no true son of the church of england did afford unto the romish church at first : and they who afterwards began to speak more mildly of her ( in which number were bishop hall , and dr. potter ) they allowed her the name of a church , but with those termini minuentes ( the additiō whereof renders all simple predications to be false ) those restrictions of a schismatical , heretical , idolatrous , and superstitious church . they compar'd her to a man mortally wounded : nothing can be argued from their writings to condemn the protestant separation of schisme : they make her so a church , as to interdict all communion , and all peace with her. and if it be thus difficult to procure from any man , that regulates his judgment according to the established doctrine of our church , any manner of grant that the romanists are a church ; i am sure it is impossible to extort from any such person a confession that the church of rome , in that condition wherein our reformers found it , and wherein it still continues , is either antient or famous . the homily aforerecited allowes it no greater antiquity than of about one thousand years : and t is an avowed truth , that whatever is not primitive and apostolick , is an innovation . the transactions betwixt the emperour phocas and the first of the universal bishops are too recent , and too infamous to give unto the present romanists any repute . it hath alwaies been the profession of the church of england , and of all protestants , that they deserted the church of rome , because she was apostatised from what was truely ancient ; and the church of england is really , what the papists pretend to be : this iewell declares in his apology more than once : nostra doctrina , quam rectiùs possumus christi catholicam doctrinam appellare , — nova nemini videri potest , nisi sicui aut prophetarum fides , aut evangelium , aut christus ipse videatur novus . the passage i mention'd formerly , shews that we reformed our selves from their errours and impieties , to conforme with the genuine antiquity . the homily against peril of idolatry , allowes scarce of any antiquity but within the first three hundred years . others extend a fair respect as far as the dayes of the emperour marcianus , in whose time the council of chalcedon was held . rex & ecclesia anglicana , quatuor prima concilia oecumenica quam ad mittant , eo ipso satis declarant , verae as legitimae ecclesiae tempus non includere se uno aut altero demum seculo , verùm multò longiùs producere , & marciani imperatoris , sub quo chalcedonense concilium est celebratum , tempus complecti . if our historian can shew , that the present church of rome , and the tridentine model is so ancient as to come within this period , i shall admire him , and the congregatio de propaganda fide multiply their acknowledgments unto him beyond what his present performances deserve : yet really he merits very much from the romanists , in charging all the schisme upon the protestants who made a causlesse separation : and whilst he condemnes the pope onely for usurping an infallibility , and sovereign dominion over our faith , without so much as imputing unto him any abuse of that pretended power and infallibility , without fixing on him any error , superstition , idolatry , or other temporal retrenchments upon our monarchy , which alone would have justified a separation from the papal church . but to resume my former discourse , i shall adde this passage out of k. iames , thereby to manifest how much more knowing our virtuoso must be , than all the prelates of the church of england were then , if he can assert this fame and antiquity of the romish church . fatetur rex , ecclesiam suam à capitibus non paucis ejus fidei & disciplinae , quam hodie romanus pontifex probat , & omnibus tuetur viribus , discessionem secisse ; verùm eam rex & ecclesia anglicana non defectionem à fide veteris catholicae interpretantur , sed potiùs ad fidem catholicam pristinam , quae in romana novis inventis fuerat multipliciter mirè deformata , reversionem , & ad christum , unicum ecclesiae suae magistrum , conversionem . quare siquis doctrinâ hujus observationis fretus , inferre ex illa velit anglicanam ecclesiam , quia romanae placita nonnulla rejicit , à veteri catholicâ discessisse ; non hoc illi prius rex largietur , quam solidis rationibus probaverit , omnia quae à romanis docentur ( illa praecipuè quae volunt ipsi ut necessaria ad salutem credi ab omnibus ) antiquae catholicae à principio probata fuisse & sancita : hoc verò neminem posse facere , aut unquam facturum ; neminem certè hactenus fecisse , tam liquidò regi constat , & ecclesiae anglicanae antistitibus , quàm solem meridie lucere . but , to gratifie our historian , to yeild up the utmost of antiquity to the church of rome , to ascribe all that renown which so charmes our virtuoso , and which is not to be found in the narrative of that papacy , which contains nothing almost but what is ignominious , base , and detestable ; to do all this , signifies nothing to communion , unless i also grant that the romanists are a true church , and that there is not any thing in the constitution of that church which may give a pious christian just occasion to avoid or rescind ecclesiastical communion therewith . imagine them as ancient as the manichees , gnosticks , and simon magus , or even the old serpent : as flourishing and renowned as ever were the arrians , or saracens : all this concernes not the little flock , them whose portion and kingdom is not of this world , whose calling is of another nature . there was a time when christianity it self must have been slighted justly , and the scribes and pharisees were in the right , if to make one orthodox he must be fortunate , and that antiquity and outward splendor must be the characteristical discoveries of truth : t is better to be master of the treasures in the castle of s. angelo , than to be endowed with the holy ghost , if peter must also say , gold and silver have i none . the laws of the iews were thought novell by haman : what s. paul preached at athens was not endeared with the most material circumstances of antiquity , and fame . et celsus cùm ex professo scriberet adversùs christum , ut ejus evangelium novitatis nomine per contemptum eluderet , an , inquit , post tot secula nunc tandem subiit deum tam sera recordatio ? eusebius etiam author est , christianam religionem ab inition contumeliae causâ dictam fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hoc est , peregrinam & novam . but i shall silence my self , and pursue this controversie no longer , it having a thousand times been handled succesfully in opposition to the papists by protestant writers of our nation , and others beyond the seas , who have treated de signis ecclesiae . it is evident that the romanists are not ancient , nor famous , nor a true church , according to the doctrine of the church of england : or if in any limited sense it may be called a chur●h , ancient and famous , none of these attributes can give it such a repute that any obedient and true son of our church can say , that such respect is due thereunto , as infers any ecclesiastical exteriour communion : much lesse can i , or any else assent to the subsequent proposition . 6. that such a respect , or exteriour communion , may be entertain'd with rome , and yet we incur no danger of superstition . to censure this proposition , it is necessary that we consider it in a twofold sense : either as it relates to that original mistake of our historian about the infallibility and sovereign dominion over our faith assumed by the pope : or as it relates unto the real condition and constitution of the romish church in its offices , and religious doctrines . upon the first consideration ariseth this question ; whether a protestant of the church of england can entertain communion with the church of rome , ( supposing no material errours in the worship wherein the communion is maintained , ) the bishop thereof assuming , and the church allowing of an infallibility in him , and a sovereign dominion over our faith , and not onely over theirs ; and this without danger of superstition ? upon the second consideration ariseth this question ; whether it be possible for any protestant of the church of england to hold communion with the present church of rome , in its ecclesiastical offices and doctrines , without danger of superstiton ? the first question is easily decided against our virtuoso , from that those churches who have held communion with the pope when those pretensions were on foot , have been involved in superstitious and idolatrous practices : which is notorious out of all church history , and the exorbitancies of the pope in that kind ( when the canonists and other abettours ascribed unto him a sovereignty over the christian faith ) have introduced all the superstitions of the gregorian missal , and blasphemies , and idolatries : nor doth it appear that any thing ever contributed so much to the advancement of all those superstitious , and idolatrous practices and tenets as some unwary expressions and respects of communion , which have been indulged to the pope by the fathers , and others of succeeding ages : which is notorious to any man that considers the pretences upon which the dominion of the pope , and his supremacy is founded , by the roman courtiers . for though neither did the french church , nor other bishops ever intend to submit unto several superstitious and destructive tenets that the papacy and canonists urge , yet into what dangers some are fallen and ensnared , and others are threatned to be involved , is manifest ; and all this from too great tendernesse in point of ecclesiastical communion . it is manifest from the mutability and frailty of humane nature , and the usual effect thereof upon temptations , that where such a power or sovereignty is lodged , it may be applied to the introducing of superstitious and idolatrous practices . thus ieroboam the son of nebat made israel to sin : they perhaps innocently complied with that sovereignty , when orthodox ; and he misimploying it , diverted them from the true worship of god. so nebuchadnezar one day erects an idol , and appoints all upon pain of death to worship it ; by and by commands all to worship the god of the three children . thus darius makes a decree , that none shall put up any prayer or petition to god , but onely to the king for thirty dayes ; the transgressor being to be cast into the lyon's denne . how many , think we , by holding communion with a prince owning such a power , were by those caprichio's ingaged not into the peril of , but actual superstition and idolatry . nor are the papal pretenses lesse , the canonists and decretals ascribing unto him a power even to alter the christian faith , and not onely to enlarge it ; that he and christ have but one tribunal , that he is god ; that if he vary from the scripture and christianity , t is to be presumed that god almighty hath changed his mind : with such expression heretofore the papal letters and canonists were stuffed ; and what danger there is from our historian's communion of superstition and idolatry , appears from the determinations that have been made about transubstantiation , and the consequent worship and superstitions about that breaden god. in fine ( for i will not insist upon so notorious a point ) since the councill of constance could determine , and involve others in a superstitious and impious compliance , that non obstante , notwithstanding any thing in the scripture to the contrary , the communion in one kind should be celebrated : t is strange for any man to say , that there is no danger in communicating with one pretending to such a power , ( though not yet abusing it ) there being so evident instances of fact to the contrary . if there were no other argument for the continuance and advancing of the study of philology , and all ancient learning and church history , the horror of this assertion of our virtuoso is such , that no protestant of the church of england can otherwise but assent thereunto now . any man that understands the controversies betwixt the papists and protestants , and contests about image worship , and several other papal superstitions and idolatries , which have hapned in greece , germany , france , spain , and england , of old and later dayes , betwixt those of the roman . catholick communion , will never assent to our author's opinion , or free him from the imputation of grosse and intolerable ignorance . the second question , whether it be possible for any protestant of the church of england to communitate with the present church of rome in her tenets and ecclesiastical offices , without danger of superstition ? is easily determin'd , by considering the nature of ecclesiastical communion , which i explained in the beginning , and the nature and grounds of our separation from rome , and reforming our selves . no man can hold such an assertion , but he must desert the thirty nine articles , wherein the invocation of saints , and image worship , prayers in an unknown tongue , the five additional sacraments , communion under one k●nd , transubstantiation , worshipping of the hoste , are all condemned . nay the last additional rubrique declares it to be express idolatry to worship the bread. now the actual acknowledging of all these superstitions and errours , the actual complying with such as relate to practice , is so required of all such as hold communion with the church of rome , that none can remain therein without being sensible thereof : so that either our virtuoso understood not what it was to communicate with the romanists , or was ignorant what superstition and idolatry are , when he writ this passage . but so much hath been said by me in the foregoing passages , in vindication of our church for departing from the romish communion ; and our laws , together with other ecclesiastical constitutions are so positive and severe against all such communion , that i need not insist hereon further : but leave it to the consideration of my superiours , and of those that are skilled in the laws of the land , how consonant this passage of our historian is thereunto , how pernicious towards the subversion of the established religion , and how far punishable ; it being a notorious endeavour to withdraw the king's majesties subjects from the religion established to the romish religion . histor. r. s. pag. 349. he [ the natural and experimental philosopher ] will be led to admire the wonderful contrivance of the creation , and so to apply and direct his praises aright : which no doubt , when they are offer'd up to heaven from the mouth of one that hath well studied what he commends , will be more suitable to the divine nature , than the blind applauses of the ignorant . this was the first service that adam perform'd to his creator , when he obeyed him in mustering , and naming , and looking into the nature of all creatures . this had been the onely religion , if men had continued innocent in paradise , and had not wanted a redemption . the former part of this passage is contrary to the analogy of faith and scripture , in that it makes the acceptablenes of mens prayers to depend more or less on the study of natural philosophy . whereas the apostle suspends the acceptablenes of all prayers unto god , in being made unto him in the name , and for the mediation of christ iesus , applied by faith : hebr. 10.19 , 20 , 21 , 22. having therefore , brethren , boldnesse to enter into the holiest by the bloud of iesus , by a new and living way , which he hath consecrated for us , through the vaile , that is to say his flesh ; and having an high priest over the house of god , let us draw neer with a true heart , in full assurance of faith , having our hearts sprinkled from an evill conscience , and our bodies washed with pure water . here is not any mention how that experimental philosophie doth render any prayers more suitable to god , than those of the lesse curious : this knowledg is no where in the new or old testament so far recommended unto us , as that without this qualification the saints should be said to offer up the blind applauses of ignorant persons . particularly , i do not find this circumstance endeared unto us by that of the apostle , 1 cor. 13.2 . though i have the gift of prophesy , and understand all mysteries , and all knowledg ; and though i have all faith , so that i could remove mountains , and have no charirity , i am nothing . certainly no prayers were ever more suitable to the mind of god , than those which the first christians poured out , when it was true to say , yee see your calling brethren , how that not many wise men after the flesh , not many noble are called . but god hath chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise . 1 cor. 1.26 , 27. it was not intended of the virtuosi : except ye become like one of these , ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven . it may not be perhaps amisse to insert here the article of our church concerning works before iustification , this new way of rendring our praises ( i do not perceive that our experimentator is ever likely to say any prayers ) more acceptable to god being not mentioned in the doctrine of the church of england . works done before the grace of christ , and the inspiration of his spirit , are not pleasant to god , for as much as they spring not of faith in jesus christ : neither do they make men meet to receive grace ( or as the school-authors say ) deserve a grace of congruity : yea rather for that they are not done as god hath willed and commanded them to be done , we doubt not but they have the nature of sin . thus , for ought i can find by our church , and the scripture , though our experimental philosopher study the creation never so much , and never so well , and so , that is from those contemplations , form his hymnes and panegyriques , he will not come to be more acceptable to god , than another , who with humility and reverence studies well the scripture , and seeks to be accepted in and through the merits of christ iesus , who of god is made unto us wisdom , and righteousnesse , and sanctification , and redemption . 1 cor. 1.30 . who thinks that though the heavens declare the handiworks of god , and that rains and fruitful seasons may witnesse for him : yet that the divine nature will be still incomprehensible , all humane language , and thoughts , beneath his majesty ; that the word of god is that whither christ sends us to search ; that god best speaks concerning himself ; that a psalm of david , the te deum , or magnificat , in a blind and ignorant , but devout christian , will be better accepted than a cartesian anthymne . in the latter part , t is something more than is revealed in scripture , to say , that the first service adam perform'd to his creator , consisted in naming ( for it is contrary to the text that adam mustered them together , the lord god formed every beast of the field , and every fowl of the ayr , and brought them unto adam , to see what he would call them , gen. 2.19 . ) and looking into the nature of all creatures . t is very probable , that there passed some other acts of worshipping and glorifying his creator before , upon his first original ; and when he received that positive commandement relating to the forbidden fruit : nay t is unimaginable that it should be otherwise . the subsequent clause , if it relate onely to the study of the nature of all creatures ( as it seems to do ) is an assertion such , as never fell from any divine . no man ever taught , that adam's fall ( which was a breach of his religious duty towards god ) was a deficiency from the study of experimental philosophie : or that he was not ejected paradise for the breach of a positive command , but for not minding the cultivation of the garden , and natural curiosities . i never heard that this was that sin for which death passed upon all men , nor this the transgression wherein eve was the first . i would willingly have constrained my self so as to carry on the relation of these words beyond those immediately preceding them : but i find it too far a fetch . it is true , our author doth acknowledg elsewhere , that there are principles of natural religion , which consists in the acknowledgment and worship of a deity : and also , that the study of nature will teach an experimentator to worship that wisdom , by which all things are so easily sustained . but these passages are too remote from this place to have any influence upon the text ; and the words that follow next argue for me herein . viz. this was the first service that adam perform'd to his creator , when he obey'd him in mustering , and naming , and looking into the nature of all creatures . this had been the onely religion , if men had continued innocent in paradise , and had not wanted a redemption . of this the scripture makes so much use , that if any devout man shall reject all natural philosophie , he may blot genesis , and job , and the psalms , and some other books out of the canon of the bible . from whence it seems manifest , that our virtuoso so represents the matter , as if natural and experimental philosophie , not natural theology , had been the religion of paradise : nor doth he mention any thing of the obligation adam had to fulfill the moral law , or obey the positive occasional precepts , or to believe the incident revelations with which his creator might acquaint him . histor. r. s. pag. 355. religion ought not to be the subject of disputations : it should not stand in need of any devises of reason . it should in this be like the temporal laws of all countreys , towards the obeying of which there is no need of syllogismes , or distinctions ; nothing else is necessary but a bare promulgation , a common apprehension , and sense enough to understand the grammatical meaning of ordinary words . nor ought philosophers to regret this divorce , seeing they have almost destroyed themselves , by keeping christianity so long under their guard : by fetching religion out of the church , and carrying it captive into the schools , they have made it suffer banishment from its proper place , and they have withall very much corrupted the substance of their own knowledg . they have done as the philistins by seising of the ark , who by the same action , deprived the people of god of their religion , and also brought a plague amongst themselves . this paragraph is a congeries of grosse untruths , tending to the dishonour of god , and the destruction of the protestant religion , as introducing of a popish implicit faith , or something which is in effect the same , but attended with more ridiculous circumstances . for our historian would oblige us to receive our religion upon trust , or bare promulgation , but neither tels us what promulgation is , nor what opinion we are to have of the promulgator . i have met with disputes amongst polemical divines about the proposal of things to be believed , when that is sufficiently done , and so as to oblige the party concern'd unto assent and belief : but promulgation , bare promulgation , is a new term , and such as never was heard of in the divinity-schools . it is a law-terme , and very dubious : sometimes acts are legally promulgated , when passed in parlament , and recorded there . sometimes they are also printed , sent to the sheriffs , and posted up in the market-places . sometimes they are read in the churches by the ministers . there are many circumstances required by canonists , and casuists , and lawyers to determine of promulgation , which no man ever applied to scripture , ( which is the formal object of our faith ) and to the particular doctrines which compose our religion . if bare promulgation , a common apprehension , and sense enough to understand the grammatical meaning of ordinary words , were sufficient requisites to make a religion accepted , what religion almost could be false ? or how was not arianisme of old , how is not the council of trent now true ? if grammatical meaning in our history be equipollent to literal , and opposed to figurative , how then is not transubstantiation ( not to mention other tenets ) how is not it credible ? if a common apprehension , and sense enough to understand the grammatical meaning of ordinary words be the standard by which faith is to be regulated , or measured , is not the natural man capable hereof , though incapable of the things appertaining to god ? 1 cor. 2.14 . in a synod holden in a council before constantine & helena , where it was disputed whether the iewish law or the christian should be preferred , craton the philosopher , who would not possess any worldly goods , & zenosimus , who never received present from any one in the time of his consulship , were appointed for judges . with which doth accord that saying of gerson , the learned chancellour of paris , there was a time , when without any rashness or prejudice to faith , the controversies of faith were referred to the judgment of pagan philosophers , who presupposing the faith of christ to be such as it was confessed to be , however they did not believe it , yet they knew what would follow by evident and necessary consequence from it . thus it was in the council of nice , as is left unto us upon record . so likewise eutropius , a pagan philosopher , was chosen judge betwixt origen and the marcionites , who were condemned by him . is it not recorded , that the devils believe and tremble : iam. 2.19 . they are qualified with all our virtuoso requires to be religious , yet sure he will not say they are so . where is that exceeding great , and hyperbolical grace of god , by which true converts are induced unto , and fixed in the christian religion ? what needed the apostle to pray for the ephesians thus , that the god of our lord iesus christ , the father of glory , might give unto them the spirit of wisdom and revelation , in the knowledg of him , the eyes of their understanding being enlightned , that they might know what is the hope of his calling , and what the riches of the glory of his inheritance in the saints ▪ and what is the exceeding greatness of his power to us ward , who believe according to the working of his mighty power . why did he pray of god for any more , then that he would make them good grammar-scholars , and give them a common apprehension ? in what language must this promulgation be made ? in the vulgar latine ? if none but ordinary words must be the ingredients of our religion and symbols , what must become of the words essentia , persona , hypostasis , the first , second , and fifth articles of our church , and the athanasian creed ? what of justification , mediator , imputed righteousness , grace , new birth , and regeneration , and many such words , that have a place in our confession ? must we all turn nicodemus's ? who must be the judge of words ordinary ; some words being ordinary with the learned , which are not so to the ignorant and illiterate ? where is the authority of the church in controversies of faith , ( avowed by our church artic. 20. ) if a common apprehension be that according to which controversies of faith must be decided ? should a man demand of our virtuoso , according to what is here laid down , what is the formal object of his faith , or why he believes the protestant religion here in england established ? i doubt the answer would not be satisfactory , nor agreeable to the church of this nation , which should be shaped thereupon . if religion must not be the subject of disputations , we must receive it implicitely , we must not try any thing , nor in order to our holding it fast , consider and dispute what is good , but what promulgated : such an assent is the reasonable sacrifice which we must offer up , and this that reason of our faith which we must be ready to give to all that ask us . oh foolish , and not more generous beraeans , that durst controvert this religion , and searched the scriptures daily , to see whether those things were so , which the first missionaries promulgated , and therefore believed , because they found the truth of the doctrine confirmed by the holy writers . act. 17.12 , 13. why did christ dispute with the doctors in the temple , both hearing them , and asking questions ? why did he argue with the sadduces about the resurrection ? why did paul dispute at athens with the iews and devout persons , and sometimes in the school of tyrannus ? what mean those argumentations in the word of god , by which the principal points of our religion are evinced ? besides , if faith be not a blind assent ; if we must hear and understand , math. 15.10 . if we must search the scriptures , john 5.39 . if an understanding ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) be requisite , that we may know him that is true , 1 iohn 5.20 . if we must take heed how we hear , luc. 8.18 . if we must prove all things , 1 thes. 5.21 . and try the spirits whether they be of god , 1 ioh. 4.1 . if the very nature of faith be such , that it cease to be what it is if it be not discursive , it not being an adherence to principles self-evident , but an assent grounded upon divine revelation , so that it necessarily involves in it this syllogisme , whatsoever god revealeth is true ; but god hat revealed this , or that , ergo. if this be true , how can it be said , that religion ought not to be the subject of disputations , but by one who thinks the owning thereof to be needless , and that faith is but empty talk ? if it be certain , christiani non nascuntur , sed fiunt , if there be any such thing as conscience , ( which is a syllogism , and defined applicatio generalis notitiae ad particulares actus ) if there be any such thing as those practical argumentations , by which believers apply unto themselves particularly the general promises of the gospel : it is manifest that there must be disputes . whereas he sayes , that religion should not stand in need of disputes ; me thinks it is a reflection upon the divine providence , which so ordered the condition of mankind , that disputes are unavoidable , as heresies are : who introduced faith amongst the intellectual habits , and made it an assent , firme , certain , but destitute of scientifical evidence : who made us but to know in part , and to see even that but as it were in a glasse ; the consequent of which mixture of light and shade , knowledg and ignorance , is disputatiou and fallibility . alphonso king of portugal professed , that if he had assisted god almighty at the creation , he could have amended the fabrick of the world : our historian in this passage insinuates almost as much ; had he been amongst the first promulgators of christianity . i cannot also conceive , but that he condemnes all sermons , expositions , homilies , ceremonies , and all those rational contrivances by which the church hath endeavoured gently to gain upon the affections and opinions of men : in that he asserts , that religion should not stand in need of any devises of men . religion should in this be like the temporal laws of all countries , towards the obeying of which there is no need of syllogismes , or distinctions ; nothing else is necessary but a bare promulgation , a common apprehension , and sense enough to understand the grammatical meaning of ordinary words . that there may be , & have been in some countries temporal laws ; to the obeying which there is no need of syllogismes or distinctions , i am ready to grant : but to say it hath been so in all countries , is such an assertion as becomes not an english-man , nor one that understands the civil law , or that even of the iews . no lawes in a government not despotick ever were so contrived to all circumstances , that to the obeying of them there would not need any syllogismes or distinctions . in our nation t is notorious ; nor is it so facile a thing to determine what is included in the extent of a law , what influence the preamble and title have upon the subsequent act ; a common apprehension , and sense enough to understand the grammatical meaning of ordinary words will not carry a man through without cowel's dictionary , spelman's glossary , and many other law books , so as to understand the meaning of our lawes : and as to their being in force , how many arguments are there about that ? when the obligation of the law ceaseth ? whether discontinuance , or the ceasing of those motives which give being to a statute , or the introducing of a contrary law without repealing the former expresly , do abrogate any statute ? an infinite of controversies daily arising , shew that syllogismes and distinctions are necessary to our temporal laws being understood and executed . but perhaps our virtuoso may propose a new regulation of law , and gospell too : but till that be effected , i am sure his assertion is false . but if the case in temporal laws were such as t is represented , ( as it is not , but in seignoral monarchies ) yet were there great reason for men to be more solicitous about their religion , or spiritual lawes , than about the civil and municipal . that scripture which subjects us to the civil magistrate for conscience sake . rom. 13.5 . bids us first to seek the kingdom of god and his righteousnesse : math. 6.33 . and rather to fear him that can kill the body and soul , than him that can onely kill the body . matth. 10.28 . luc. 12.4 , 5. if the person whose majesty is offended be greater , if the penalties be more horrid upon the violation of the true religion , than upon transgression of the civil and municipal laws ; men are to be excused for being more solicitous , inquisitive , and disputatively searching into the will of god , to see what enterferes with , and what is conformable to the will of the magistrate : where their commands are repugnant , it is better to obey god than man. act. 4.19 . as much as god is above any ordinance of man , and an essential underived majesty above secondary and communicated power ( 1 pet. 2.13 . ) as much as the soul and its welfare is above the body , so different ought to be our concernes about these two obligations . for what is a man profited if he shall gain the whole world , and loose his own soul ? or what shall a man give in exchange for his soul ? matth. 16.26 . he that a sinner hath to do with , is a jealous god , and a consuming fire : it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living god ; heb. 10.31 . he must be worshipped in spirit and in truth : john. 4.23 , 24. therefore a christian must ( with syllogismes distinctions , humility , and prayer ) soberly search into his heart , and examine that he erre not in the object of his religion , or the manner of his worship and obedience , or in the frame of spirit which is requisite to them that worship the true god. he must be satisfied about the lawfulnes of each action : a bare imperial command , though promulgated , will not ingender in him a pious plerophory , who knows that such edicts have no direct and immediate influence upon the conscience , that they are not in themselves a sufficient rule of action ( for then the command of an earthly sovereign were alwaies to be obeyed actively : and a disobedience to the decrees of ieroboam , manasseh , and nebuchadnezzar , were criminal ) though we do submit our selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be to king as supreme , or unto inferiour governours . 1 peter 2.13 . whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god : and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . but this hinders not a christian from disputing piously the commands of his superiour , and paying him an obedience meerly passive , where he cannot act without sinning against god. no christian was ever obliged to think every decree of his iudg to be just , or every penalty inflicted righteously : but since a christian's concern is not much in this world , either as to life or goods , since his stay on earth is but a deprival of greater and more stable happiness ; since whatever any humane law can bereave him of , a thousand casualties may take from him ; since he is forbid to set his heart on things below , to turn the other cheek being buffeted on the one , and to give up his coat after his cloak is taken away from him ; he is very indifferent in the transactions of this world , neque cassianus , neque nigrianus , he is of a passive temper , his eye is alwayes fixed on his lord , that compliance which he permits and enjoyns he readily payes , and in other cases patiently submits : but still considers , still acts , or suffers out of a principle of faith and holynesse , without which it is impossible to please god , without which every performance is sinful . hebr. 11.6 . rom. 14.23 . true religion is not onely directed to god and the father , but seeks an interest in christ iesus , who pronounceth , i am the way , the truth , and the life : no man commeth unto the father but by me . iohn 14.6 . through him we have accesse by one spirit unto the father . ephes. 2.18 . a general knowledg of a deity will not satisfie god , where a man is not sollicitous about further discoveries , or where accessional improvements may be attained : we ought not to acquiesce in the first rudiments , not alwayes to be babes , and pursue milk in stead of stronger meat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . meditate upon these things , give thy self wholly to them , that thy profiting may appear to all . 1 tim. 4.15 . no more will a general intention to serve god content him , if his worship be not celebrated in a right manner : since the gospell , t is impiety to serve him according to the law , galat. 4.9 , 10 , 11. or to worship the true god by way of images . rom. 1.21 , 22 , 23. amidst such nice , difficult , and perillous considerations who can wonder , if men be more scrupulous about divine than humane laws , and the active complyance therewith ? who can blame the sober disputers , who work out their salvation with fear and trembling , who cannot rest in a bare promulgation , who fear least sometimes the grammatical meaning of ordinary words may not alwayes be the mind of god , who may use greek words hellenistically , or as hebraisms ; and use the language of one countrey with relation to the idioms , customs , sentiments of another ? who can conceive that the course of our historian will produce in a christian that faith which must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; or that t is fitting for us to neglect and slight all those means , which our divines have alwayes ( agreeably to s. austin ) inculcated for the discovery of the will of god in holy scripture , the knowledge whereof joyned with obedience constitutes the religion of a christian. but further : it is observable that our virtuoso passeth in this paragraph ab hypothesi ad thesin , and having spoken before of christianity , he here speaks indefinitely , as if no religion were to be the subject of disputations : which condemnes the original of the gospel , and the propagation of it where a different religion is setled : it justifies the turks & paynims ( as well as forreign papists ) in their sentiments , though they be without christ , aliens from the commonwealth of israel , and strangers from the covenant of promise , having no hope , without god in the world . ephes. 2.12 . to conclude the censure upon this place , i desire our historian not to introduce law-termes , & yet to be scrupulous about the scholastick and transcendental notions , [ pag. 354. ] nor to think christianity injured by being carried into the schools of our divines any more then of old into the schools of the prophets : the church and schools are not opposite , though distinct amongst us : a divine may be , and is found in holy places , without doing unseemly , much less apostatising : 't is his duty to be able to convince gainsayers , and the schools do but qualifie him for that work : shew us how the divines of the church of england have carryed religion captive , from the church , into the schools : is not the word of god there the rule , and formal object of faith ? are the scriptures so immured up there , that they are banished from their proper place ? however this objection might be made against the papists , who deprive the layity of the scriptures , & binde their church to the latine version , yet 't is a calumny to impute this to the church of england ; and yet that seems touched in this insinuation , if not only aimed at : for all that discourse of our vertuoso , is to shew that the constitution of the r. s. will not prejudice the established religion and church of england . shew me the defaults of our liturgy , articles , homilies , canons , whereby it should appear that our divines have very much corrupted the substance of their own knowledge : as yet i as little believe it , as i do that the israelites lost their religion with the arke unto the philistines , and that samuel and others , not idolaters , had lost all piety as long as that discontinued . i read how a woman said , that the glory of israel was departed , 1 sam. 4.21 . but i never heard that all their religion was lost at that time , before now : nor do i understand what connexion there was betwixt the arke and the religion of the israelites , so as that the absence of the former , should extinguish the later . they were religious before the arke was made ; and there is not any ground in the text to imagine that samuel lost all sense of religion during that interval , but rather to the contrary : the generality of the israelites had been wicked and idolatrous , serving baalim and ashtaroth after the decease of joshuah , judg. 2.11 . 1 sam. 7.3 , 4. but that they did rather amend , than grow worse during their overthrow , and the seven months absence of the arke , appears by the history . besides , the prophets and other israelites that were not idolaters in samaria , were deprived of the arke , yet 't is manifest they did not loose their religion , 1 kings 19.18 . i shall conclude this animadversion with one note , that the arians long ago , to overthrow the council of nice , and the catholick faith , made use of this pretext which our virtuoso pursues here , and elsewhere more than once in the history . they desired that the uncouth words of homousios , hypostasis , &c. might be forborn , as not to be found in scripture , nor to be understood : evitant homusion atque homoeusion , quia nusquam scriptum sit . and because the answer of s. hilary will justifie the church of england in her articles , in her liturgy , and in her scholastick controversies , i shall set that down . oro vos ne ubi pax conscientiae est , ibi pugna sit suspicionum . inane est calumniam verbi pertimescere : ubi res ipsa , cujus verbum est , non habeat difficultatem . displicet unquam in synodo nicena homusion esse susceptum ? hoc si cui displicet necesse est placeat quod ab arianis est negatum . — si propter negantium impietatem pia tum fuit intelligentia confitentium : quaero cur hodie convellatur , quod tum piè susceptum est , quia impiè negabatur ? si piè susceptum est , cur venit constitutio pietatis in crimen , quae impietatem piè per ea ipsa quibus impiabatur extinxit ? — under the emperour constantius , there was a decree made , that the word homusios , and such other terms as fill the athanasian creed , should be laid aside and disused , as which with their novelty and difficulty , did very much distract and puzzle the church : this the arians gained , and it proved an infinite advantage to the growth of that heresie ; & the restoring of those transcendental notions , & scholastick terms , did resettle that peace in the church , which could not be effected by the prohibiting of them , and acquiescing in the grammatical meaning of plain words . nolo verba quae non scripta sunt dici . hoc tandem rogo quis episcopis jubeat ? & quis apostolicae praedicationis vetet formam ? dic prius si rectè dici putas : nolo adversum nova venena , novas medicamentorū comparationes , nolo adversum novos hostes nova bella , nolo adversum novas insidias consilia recentia . si enim ariani haeretici ideò idcirco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hodie evitant , quia priùs negaverunt : nonne tu hodie idcircò refugis , ut hi nunc quoque denegent ? novitates vocum , sed prophanas devitari jubet apostolus . tu cur pias excludis ? it is but too apparent , that those in our dayes , who joyn with the arians in decrying new words , and such as are not in scripture , who think that christianity ought not to be confined to any methodical creeds or articles , but be left in that latitude of phrase wherein the scriptures have delivered it ; 't is manifest that they look with indifferency on the things signified by those words and forms ; 't is manifest that they make way for growing atheisme and socinianisme ; 't is manifest that they overthrow the constitutions of the church of england , whose articles make use of those significant terms , transmitted from the fathers to our schools ; and subvert the basis of our religion , as it is represented in our laws , to consist of an owning of three creeds and four councils , besides the holy scripture . thus primo elizabethae cap. 1. the four general councils are mentioned after the scripture canonical , and that is to be adjudged heresie , which hath been adjudged , ordered , and determined , to be heresie by the authority of the canonical scripture , or by the first four general councils . the same is averr'd by king james in his letter . — rex & ecclesia anglicana , quatuor prima concilia oecumenica quum admittant . — and that king challengeth the title of catholick as due to him , qui tria ecclesiae symbola , concilia quatuor oecumenica prima agnosceret . this is evident to all that know any thing of our church : and 't is as manifest , and whosoever writes otherwise , repugnes to our laws , and whatever he subscribes unto , or professeth , is no true son of the church established in england . histor. r. s. pag. 362. the grounds whereon the church of england proceeds , are different from those of the separists , and also of the church of rome : and they are no other but the rights of the civil power ; the imitation of the first uncorrupt churches , and the scriptures expounded by reason . this last clause is so far from being true , that 't is directly contrary to the constitutions of our church , and better becomes a socinian from poland or amsterdam , then a divine of our church : not that i say , that our church did ever expound the scripture against reason , but that our church did never relie upon reason , as it is opposed to authority of the ancient fathers in the determining of the will of god revealed in scripture . if the historian meant nothing else but that the actions of men are alwayes rational , and that the assent we yield to any thing , is never so blind and implicite as to be destitute of all motives and inducements thereunto : so that we resign our selves up to authority upon the score of reason : if he meant no more then this , why doth he speak in the language rather of a socinian than a protestant ? this expression is dangerous as it is worded , because the socinians may derive advantage from it , and the orthodox may think and find themselves injured ( especially in these times , when the socinians multiply upon us ) by it amongst the unwary : as if there were no use of the fathers , but that we were ( without researching of antiquity ) to consult the grounds of reason , such as are commonly found in men , and bred in them either naturally , or from the contemplation of the ordinary course of things physical and moral in this world. whence what confusion will arise , when all holy sobriety is cast of , any man knows who hath but inquired into the controversies of these last centuries , when the scripture hath not been made by men the rule of faith , or formal object thereof , but only accommodated to the phansies and imaginations of prejudicate & prepossessed men . upon this account the church of england hath by her canon , in which she follows the council in trullo , tied her doctors as much as the council of trent does , to expound scriptures according to the sense of the ancient fathers : this bishop taylor avows in the introduction to his second dissuasive : this doctor heylyn in his cyprianus anglicus ( pag. 52. ) doth aver : and i shall here set down the canon of our church . concilium trullanum ( sive synodus quinisexta , canon . 19. edit . per francisc. ioverium parisiis , a. d. 1555. quod oportet eos , qui praesunt ecclesiis , in omnibus quidem diebus , sed praecipuè dominicis , omnem clerum & populum docere pietatis ac rectae religionis eloquia , ex divinâ scripturâ colligentes intelligentias , & judicia veritatis , & non transgredientes jam positos terminos , vel divinorum patrum traditionem . sed & si ad scripturam pertinens controversia aliqua excitata fuerit , ne eam aliter interpretentur , quàm quomodò ecclesiae luminaria & doctores ex suis scriptis exposuerunt : & majorem ex iis laudem assequantur , quàm si quae à se dicuntur componant . liber canonum quorundam londini 1571. concionatores . inprimis verò videbunt , nequid unquam doceant pro concione , quod à populo religiosè teneri , & credi velint , nisi quod consentaneum sit doctrinae veteris aut novi testamenti , quodque ex illâ ipsâ doctrinâ catholici patres , & veteres episcopi collegerint . thus k. charles i. in his third paper to mr. henderson . if the practice of the primitive church , and the universal consent of the fathers , be not a convincing argument , when the interpretation of scripture is doubtful , i know nothing : for if this be not , then of necessity the interpretation of private spirits must be admitted , the which contradicts s. peter , ( 2 pet. 1.20 . ) is the mother of all sects , and will ( if not prevented ) bring these kingdoms into confusions . histor. r. s. pag. 414 , 415. the wit that may be borrowed from the bible is magnificent , and as all other treasures of knowledge it contains , inexhaustible . this may be used and allowed without any danger of profaneness . the ancient heathens did the same ; they made their divine ceremonies , the chief subject of their phansies : by that means their religions had a more awfull impression , became more popular , and lasted longer in force than else they would have done . and why may not christianity admit the same thing , if it be practised with sobriety and reverence ? what irreligion can there be in applying some scripture-expressions to naturall things ? why are not the one rather exalted and purified , then the other defiled by such applications ? the very enthusiasts themselves , who are wont to start at such wit as atheistical , are more guilty of its excesses then any other sort of men : for whatever they alledge out of the historical , prophetical , or evangelical writings , and apply it to themselves , their enemies , or their country , though they call it the mind of god , yet it is nothing else but scripture-comparison and similitude . it is to be observed that this passage is inserted into a discourse concerning wit , as it discovers it selfe in the ordinary conversation and writings of the railleurs , and is founded on certaine images ( as our historian phraseth it ) which are generally known , and are able to bring a strong and a sensible impression on the mind . it is an humour that hath generally possessed the gallantilloes of this age , whereby they endeavour to recommend themselves as agreeable company to the empty or lesse serious part of mankind upon all occasions : 't is no other humour then the romans put upon their slaves , when the graver persons had a mind at banquets , and other divertisements , to relaxe & entertain themselves with pantomimes : 't is the buffone of ben. johnson turned into a gentleman ; and thus what these men cannot make out in solid or learned discourses , they supply with comical wit , and prove or refute every thing by similitudes , and turn the most serious and pious things into ridicule . commonly such entertainments are composed of what is irreligious , and atheistical , or obscene ; but though our historian design not the encouragement of that humour , yet it seems too much for a divine to give any countenance to those at best but idle words , especially where the sacred word of god is the subject to be alluded unto . a greater veneration would become a minister of gods word , and one who is concluded by what is expedient , what is of good report , for the honour of god , and without scandal or offense , not only of the stronger christians , but sometimes of the weaker sort , and not onely by what is in its selfe lawful . the papists in the council of trent , as little as that party regard sometimes the scripture , antecedently unto that decree , did make a severe canon against that irreverent use of holy language : not are the jews less severe in their sentiments ( though they frequently practise the contrary ) as the learned and reverend dr. pocock informs me . i profess , to wonder why a man should apprehend the indignation of god , when his name is taken in vain , and yet can think he should be guiltlesse , when his word is vainly made use of , or prophaned . i find not this qualification of a sober and reverent railleur , amongst the requisites of a churchman in saint pauls instructions to timothy : and this magnificent , this inexhaustible treasure of wit is no part of those useful discoveries wherewith the apostle acquaints his disciple . from a child thou hast known the holy scriptures , which are able to make thee wise unto salvation through faith which is in jesus christ. all scripture is given by inspiration of god , and is profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness ; that the man of god may be perfect , throughly furnished unto all good works , 2 tim. 3. 15 , 16 , 17. but this is a post-nate discovery , not practised in the primitive times , however our virtuoso say that this delightful wit hath in all time been raised from the bible , as well as other subjects . it is true that there were by the holy writers and fathers frequent uses made of the tropological & anagogical sense of the sacred scripture , in their pious advertisements and sermons : of this nature are those allusions or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in s. matthew , viz. out of egypt have i called my son , and in ramah was a voice heard , rachel weeping for her children , &c. both which ( as many other passages ) were rather accommodated unto christ in this manner , then intended at first of him , as heinsius observes . in imitation of those primitive authors , and the fathers all along , many since may have used sometimes , by way of illustration , the scripture in the like senses , but always where at least their general intendments were to serve god , or advance piety , by instruction , reproof , &c. which procedure , if discreetly done , and in order to edification , is not to be condemned , or termed holy raillery , or the like , by a son of the church of england : ( though the way be not argumentative , 't is pious ) and where a parity of reason justifieth the application of threats or promises made to one sort of men , unto others in resembling circumstances , whether it be out of historical , prophetical , or evangelical writings , t is something more ( if i understand any thing ) then scripture-comparison and similitude . as for the ancient heathens , what they did is not very material to this purpose , because they had no sacred writ , penned by divine inspiration , at least not what they reverenced equally to what the jews and christians do ( or ought to do ) the bible : if they had had it , 't is probable they would not have applyed it to jeasting , or allowed the use of it in their fescennines , & fabulae atellanae , or the like : 't is well known how they kept the sibylline oracles , and with what veneration they consulted them . and though some of their pontisical words are used by their poets , and other writers , though the ceremonies of their religion , and their gods , have been the subjects sometimes of their phansies , yet how disadvantageous this proved to their religion , ( introducing it into contempt amongst themselves ) and what advantages the first christians drew therefrom to inodiate or vilify it , appears from the writings of clemens alexandrinus , tertullian , lactantius , arnobius , &c. and how cautious they were against these exorbitant railleurs , we may learne from these instances . sam. petitus in leges atticas , pag. 33. siquis arcanae mysteria cereris sacra vulgâsset , lege morti addicebatur . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . qui mysteria vulgârit , capite luat . meminit hujus legis sopater in divisione quaestionis , nosque ex eo descripsimus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aliunde namque constat nobis capitale athenis fuisse vulgare haec initia : eâ quippe de causâ proscriptus fuit ab atheniensibus diagoras melius , ac propositum talentum unum ei , qui diagoram interfeciss●t , duo , qui vivum adduxiss●t . interpres comici ad aves , & ex eo suidas . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . etiam aeschylus in vitae discrimen veni● , cùm in tragaediis nonnulla , quae haec initia spectabant , e●ulgâsse cre 〈◊〉 c●emens alexa●d●inus stromat . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ●wordthius in cap. 1. lib. 3. ethic. nicomach . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . itaque siquod judicium de rebus quae ad haec mysteria referrentur esset reddendum , cancellis fori arcebantur , ne judicio interessent , qui non essent epoptae . it may not be amiss , as to the papists , in this place to shew how tender they are in this case of applying the holy scripture unto raillery , and accommodating the expressions thereof to flattery , jeasting , &c. by relating this decree of the first provincial council in milaine under cardinal borromeo in 1565. de abutentibus sacra scriptura . nefaria est eorum temeritas , qui sacrae scripturae verbis vel sententiis ad jocum , ostentationem , contumeliam , superstitionem , impietatem , aut ad quos vis profanos sensus abutuntur . quamobrem episcopi in hos qui in hoc genere deliquerint , ex sacrorum canonum , & tridentini concilii decretis graviter animadvertant . et ut detestabilis haec licentia prorsus tollatur , fidelem populum per concionatores , parochos , confessores de hujus peccati gravitate frequenter admonendum curabunt . concil . trident. sess. 4. sacrosancta synodus temeritatem illam reprimere volens , qua ad prophana quaeque convertantur & torquentur verba & sententiae sacrae scripturae , ad scurrilia scilicet , fabulosa , vana , adulationes , detractiones , superstitiones impias , & diabolicas incantationes , divinationes , sortes , libellos etiam famosos , mandat & praecipit ad tollendam hujusmodi irreverentiam & contemptum , ne de caetero quisquam quomodolibet verba sacrae scripturae ad haec aut similia audeat usurpare , ut omnes ejus generis homines , temeratores & violatores verbi dei , juris & arbitrii paenis per episcopos coerceantur . what there is amongst the ancient canons , what in the fathers prohibiting this usage , i do not now remember after so great a discontinuance of those studies ; but that dionysius areopagita ( or whosoever writ those works ) is as severe in some places , as if he had continued the court amongst christians , and that the mystery of christian godliness were as much to be reverenced as the eleusinia sacra , this i am sure of . whether there be any prohibition amongst the rules of our church , i know not : perhaps it may be in this case the church of england is silent , and with as much of prudence as that state was , which made no law against parricides ; being not willing to think any humane creature capable of such barbarity , or by inhibition , to put them in mind of such an horrid fact . but since the railleurs have met at last with an advocate , who teacheth them that they may boldly take the sacred word of god into their mouths , though they hate to be reformed ; and that they may innocently apply it to their civil entertainments & discourses , though it be notorious that it is a vain talking , neither for the glory of god , nor edification , nor decency , nor without great scandal ( and yet the precaution of the latter ; and a constant regard to the former , is an indispensable command , and at all times obligatory ) though it be manifest , that whosoever useth the utmost extent of his liberty , approacheth very near to a vitiousness of acting ; that this holy raillery hath given occasion to most prophane burlesque , and that 't is the subject matter , not words which hallow a conversation . ( oh! that any divine should be ignorant of this ! or expect a contrary issue ! ) it is time that publick authority interpose , and that our church concern her self ; seeing that our concern for the sacredness of scripture ought to be much greater in point of prudence , then that of the papists , with whom the canonical books are but a part of sacred tradition , and no further a rule of faith and authenticate , then their church delivereth and expoundeth them , ( so that if the repute thereof were extinguished , yet would not their church fall ) we have no foundation but the apostles and prophets ; upon this we are built , this is our hope , in this we doubt not to find eternal life . and how this foundation will be sapped and undermined by the project of our virtuoso , i do submit unto the serious consideration of the church of england . if any one would understand , what is particularly meant by this application of sacred writ , to vulgar discourse , and the manner of this holy raillery deduced from scripture : let him read mr. cowley's poems , especially his mistresse ; such as this , where he detests long life without enjoying his mistress . th' old patriarchs age , and not their hapiness too , why does hard fate to us restore ? why does love's fire thus to mankind renew , what the flood wash'd away before ? resolv'd to be beloved . thou shalt my canaan be , the fatal soyle , that ends my wandrings and my toyle : i 'le settle there , and happy grow , the country does with milk and hony flow . the welcome . go , let the fatted calf be kill'd ; my prodigal's come home at last ; with noble resolutions fill'd , and fill'd with sorrow for the past . no more will burn with love or wine ; but quite has left his women and his swine . my fate . me , mine example let the stoicks use , their sad and cruel doctrine to maintain , let all praedestinators me produce , who struggle with eternal bonds in vain . this fire i 'm born to , but 't is she must tell , whether 't be the beams of heaven , or flames of hell. these and such like instances , as they frequently occurre in those poems , so they are to be allowed by our virtuoso for a treasury of magnificent & sober innocent wit : for when mr. cowly died , he desired him to revise his works , and to blot out whatever might seem the least offence to religion or good manners . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61870-e590 hist. of the r. s. p. 47. socrates histor. eccles. l. 6. c. 3. m. fr. wendelin chr. theolog . system . mai. l. 1. c. 24. council of trent . l. 1. pag. 52. communio inter fideles , in publicis maximè pietatis exercitiis est posita : atque hoc est optatae bonis unionis vel praecipuum coagulū . casaubon . resp . ad card. per●on . 5. & 6. edw. 6. c. 1. & 3. as also the act of qu. eliz. for uniformity . see also the act for uniformity premised to the english liturgy . chillingworth ch . 5. §. 45. causabon ' . resp . ad card. perron . i grant that papal infallibility ( were there such a thing ) would oblige us to an assent , but not inforce us : sovereignty im●lies power ; but infallibility doth not so . let a man but inquire into the papal power , to nature and management in cajetan , victor a , panormitan , tur●ecremata , gerson , and others , that write about the power of the pope's briefs in france or spain , &c. and he will find that the papacy is no sovereignty either in matters of faith , or of lesser importance . it is true that long before the reformation , when the guelphs and gibellines contested , there were some , especially canonists , that did attribute to the pope , and some popes challenged a sovereignty over the christian faith , to make new creeds and articles of faith , even such as might contradict the old : but these were not agitated at the reformation , and are no more to be imputed indefinitely to the bishops of rome , then the extravagant claims of some princes are to the monarchies they hold . see the conference betwixt raynolds and hart. c. 9. divis ▪ 4. pag. 582. where you will find , that before the reformation , the consent of the doctors and pastors throughout all christendom ( except the italian faction ) had condemned the usurped monarchy of the pope . the lateran council never gave it him ; and whatever for his supremacy ( not infallibility ) were defined or acted at trent , yet it was opposed there ; and the authority of that council ( together with the tenet ) rejected in france at this day without a schisme . casaubon . resp . ad cardin. perron . fr : victoria relect . 5. de pot . eccles. sect . 1. §. 6. davenant . de judice & norma fidei . cap. 21. a opinio verae est , posse esse haereticum . b probabile est , & piè credi potest , haereticum esse non posse . see the conference ch . 7. divis . 2. pag. 236. a in dialogo part . 1. lib. 6. cap. 1. b in summa lib. 5. tit . de haereticis . c summ : de eccles. l. 2. c. 93. & 112. d de schismate pontificum . e de concord . catholicâ . l. 2. c. 17. f summ : part . 3. tit . 22. c. 7. g adv : haereses l. 1. c. 2 , & 4. h locor . theolog . l. 6. c. 8. i de visibili monarch . l. 7. k controv . 4. part . 2. q. 1. l canonistae in dist . 40 c. si papa . archid : & ioann● andr. c. in fidei . de haereticis . in sext. cajetan . de authoritate papae & concilii c. 20 , & 23. m distinct. 40. c. si papa . n synodus romana quint. sub symmach● . s. cresseyes exomolog . c. 51. edit . 1. ibid. c. 52. ibid. ibid. ibid. c. 59. dr holden de resolut . fidei . l. 1. c. 9. i am very irresolute in this opinion of mine ; because i often finde the ancient fathers , & councels , upon the account of errour & heresie to excommunicate , and forbid all resort to heretical synagogues , and other acts of church communion , though i do not finde that they varyed from the catholiques in their liturgies : and there be some texts of scripture that may render the case doubtfull , as 2 john 7 , 8 , 9 ▪ 10 , 11 , 12. 1 cor. 8.10 . & 1 cor. 10.20 ▪ 21 , 22. tit. ● ▪ 10. yet may th 〈◊〉 cogency of these and other texts be eluded by contrary practises , determinations , and texts , as 1 co● 3 12. ephes. 4 , 5 , 6. 1 eliz. c. 1. ● calybute do●ning , of the sta● ecclesiasticall● here , conclus . 2 ▪ p. 41. mr chillingworth ch . 5. § 11. ibid. § 40. causabon . resp . ad cardin. perron . ioan. 10.3 . ephes. 3.6 . 1 tim. 3.15 . 2 cor. 6.15 . de pace orat . 1. in orat. habita in concil . constantin . vide praef . ad d. tho. edmundū . neque nos consensionem & pacem fugimus : sed pacis humanae causâ , cum deo belligerari nolumus . dulci quidem , inquit hilarius , est nomen pacis : sed aliud est , inquit , pax , aliud servitus . nam ut , quod isti quaerunt , christus tacere jubeatur , ut prodatur veritas evangelii , ut errores nefarii dissimulentur , ut christianorum oculis imponatur , ut in deum apertè conspiretur non ea pax est , sed iniquissima pactio servitutis . est quadam , inquit nazianvenus , pax inutilis , est quoddam utile ▪ dissidium . nam paci cum exceptione studendum est , quantum fas est , quantumque liceat . alioqui christus ipse non pacem in mundum attulit , sed gladium . quare si nos papa secum in gratiam redire velit , ipse priùs in gratiam redire debet cum deo. juellus apolog . eccles. anglic. pag. 194.195 . edit . latin . londin . 1591. ephes. 1.22 . coloss. 2.19 . raynolds conf . with hart. c. 1. divis ▪ 2. pag. 6. ephes. 2. 1 cor. 14. see h. l'e-strange about the liturgy . iuell . apolog. latin. pag. 139 ▪ 140. edit . londini . 1591 ibid. pag. 191 marke this , tha● the great apologist ( who lived and acted in th● transaction ) no● onely professeth that there was no resemblance of a church in rome , but als● that the separation was made not out of a violent heat and transport , as our historian sayes , but in obedience to the precept of god. whitaker controv . 2. qu. 6. c. 1 ▪ dr. potter pag. 81. saith , although we confesse the church of rome , in some sense , to be a true church , and her errors ( to some men ) not damnable ; yet to us who are convinced in conscience that she erres in many things , a necessity lies upon us , even upon pain of damnation , to forsake her in those errors ; — that is , whosoever is convinc'd in conscience that the church of rome erres , cannot with a good conscience but forsake her in the profession and practice of those errors : and the reason is manifest , for otherwise he must professe what he believes not , and practice what he approves not . chillingworth ch . 5 §. 104. iuell . apol . pag. 117. hom. against idol ▪ part . 3. casaubon : ep . ad perron . when the devil ( who wanted not the pretence of antiquity ) tempted our saviour , by proposing ( and pressing ) unto him the kingdoms of this world , and all their glory ; he would not worship or communicate with him , but dismist him with an apage satana : and must we kisse the pope's pantafles , and give him the right hand of fellowship , or bid god speed him , upon no grater motives , if so great . juell . apolog. pag. 115. ar●ic . 13. see the article about original sin . pag. 346. pag. 349. pontificii per fidem implicitam intellig●nt eam fidem qua laici ignota & nondum intellecta ●idei dogmata eredunt implicite in illo generali , quod vera sin● omnia quae romana ecclesia credit , & p●o veris amplectitur ▪ ●●uae ●ides non est divina , sed humana , id est , non ●ilitur dei , sed hominum tes●imo●●o ; non est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed levis & ●aliax conjectura , quae non dei verbo , sed hominum judicio per se parùm firmo , atque adeò fragili admodum & ruinoso fundamento nititur . rob. baronius exercit . 3. de fide & scient . art. 5.83 . review of the council of trent , l. 1. c. 8. §. 5. ephes. 1.17 , 18 19. robert. baronius exercit . 3. de fide sc●eliâ , & opin . artic. 16. raynolds against hart. ch . 2. divis . 2. pag. 45 , 46. hilarius de synodis adv . arianos id . ibid. malo aliquid novum commemorâsse , quàm impiè respuisse . id . ibid. hilarius contra constantium jam vitâ defunctum . casaubon . respons . ad card. perron . in the fifth paper his majesty says also , that the vnanimous consent of the fathers , and the universal practise of the primitive church , is the best and most authentical interpreter of gods word . pag. 413. pag. 314. dan. heinsii exerc. sacr. in matth. c. 2. if i have in the preface against glanvil , said , that the canon was ancient in this case , 't is a mistake i think . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but speak thou the things that become sound doctrine tit. 2.1 . a proclamation, for a solemn and publick thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. 1690 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05603 wing s1787 estc r183469 52528963 ocm 52528963 179041 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05603) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179041) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:30) a proclamation, for a solemn and publick thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majestys, edinburgh : 1690. caption title. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet, at holy-rood-house, the seventeenth day of september, one thousand six hundred and ninety, and of our reign the second year. signed: da. moncreif, cls. secreti concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation for a solemn and publick thanksgiving . william and mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to our lovits macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting ; whereas , we have thought fit , to appoint a solemn and publick day of thanksgiving , to be kept , for giving thanks to almighty god , for the great success of our arms in our expedition into our kingdom of ireland , against the enemies of the protestant religion , and our government , and for our safe return . therefore , we with advice and consent of the lords of our privy council , do hereby indict , and appoint a day of solemn and publick thanksgiving , to be religiously observed and kept in all the churches & meeting-houses within the city of edinburgh , & in the shires of edinburgh , haddingtoun & linlithgow upon sunday next , the twentie one day of september current ; and in all the churches and meeting-houses of the other shires and burghs of this kingdom , upon sunday , the fifth day of october next : and ordains the ministers in the saids other shires , to cause read , and make intimation hereof upon the sunday preceeding , and that all persons give punctual obedience hereunto , as they will be answerable at their highest perril . and vve require our solicitor , in the most convenient vvay and method to dispatch , and send printed coppies of this our proclamation , to the sheriffs of the several shires , and the stewarts of the stwartries , and their deputs , and clerks , whom vve ordain to cause publish , and immediatly transmit the famine to the ministers in all the churches and meeting-houses within their respective jurisdictions . and ordains thir presents to be printed , & published at the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and at the mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the several shires , and stewartries within this kingdom , that none may pretend ignorance . given under our signet , at holy-rood-house , the seventeenth day of september , one thousand six hundred and ninety , and of our reign the second year . per actum dominorum sti. concilii . gilb. eliot . cls. sti. concilii . god save king vvilliam and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majestys , 1690. a petition delivered in to the lords sprituall and temporall, by sir thomas aston, baronet, from the county palatine of chester concerning episcopacy to the high and honourable court of parliament. / the nobilitie, knights, gentry, ministers, freeholders, and inhabitants of the county palatine of chester, whose names are subscribed in the severall schedules hereunto annexed. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74212 of text in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.4[66]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74212 thomason 669.f.4[66] 50811814 ocm 50811814 160688 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74212) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160688) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f4[66]) a petition delivered in to the lords sprituall and temporall, by sir thomas aston, baronet, from the county palatine of chester concerning episcopacy to the high and honourable court of parliament. / the nobilitie, knights, gentry, ministers, freeholders, and inhabitants of the county palatine of chester, whose names are subscribed in the severall schedules hereunto annexed. aston, thomas, sir, 1600-1645. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john aston, [s.l.] : 1641 [i.e., 1642] "subscribed to this petition, foure noblemen. knight baronets, knights and esquires, fourscore and odde. divines, threescore and ten. gentlemen, three hundred and odde. free-holders and other inhabitants above six thousand, all of the same county." reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. chester (england) -history -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a74212 (thomason 669.f.4[66]). civilwar no a petition delivered in to the lords sprituall and temporall, by sir thomas aston, baronet, from the county palatine of chester concerning e aston, thomas, sir 1642 1092 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a petition delivered in to the lords spiritvall and temporall , by sir thomas aston , baronet , from the covnty palatine of chester concerning episcopacy ; to the high and honourable court of parliament . the nobilitie , knights , gentry , ministers , freeholders , and inhabitants of the county palatine of chester , whose names are subscribed in the severall schedules hereunto annexed . humbly shew ; that whereas divers petitions have lately beene carryed about this countie , against the present forme of church government , ( and the hands of many persons of ordinary quality sollicited to the same , with pretence to be presented to this honourable assembly ) which wee conceiving not so much to ayme at reformation as absolute innovation of government , and such as must give a great advantage to the adversaries of our religion , wee held it our dutie to disavow them all . and humbly pray , that wee incurre no miscensure , if any such clamours have ( without our privitie ) assum'd the name of the county . wee , as others , are sensible of the common grievances of the kingdome , and have just cause to rejoyce at , and acknowledge with thankfulnesse , the pious care which is already taken for the suppressing of the growth of popery , the better supply of able ministers , and the remooving of all innovation ; and wee doubt not but in your great wisdomes , you will regulate the rigour of ecclefiasticall courts , to suit with the temper of our lawes , and the nature of free-men . yet when we consider , that bishops were instituted in the time of the apostles ; that they were the great lights of the church in all the first generall counsells ; that so many of them sowed the seeds of religion in their bloods , and rescued christianitie from utter extirpation in the primitive heathen persecutions ; that to them we owe the redemption of the puritie of the gospell wee now professe from romish corruption ; that many of them for the propagation of the truth , became such glorious martyrs ; that divers of them ( lately and ) yet living with us , have beene so great assertors of our religion against its common enemy of rome ; and that their government hath been so long approved , so oft established by the common and statute-lawes of this kingdome ; and as yet nothing in their doctrine ( generally taught ) dissonant from the word of god , or the articles ratified by law . in this case to call their gouernment a perpetuall vassalage , an intolerable bondage ; and ( prima facie & inaudita alter a parte ) to pray the present removall of them , or ( as in some of their petitions ) to seeke the utter dissolution and ruine of their offices ( as antichristian ) wee cannot conceive to relish of justice or charitie , nor can wee joyne with them . but on the contrary , when wee consider the tenor of such writings , as in the name of petitions , are spread amongst the common people ; the tenents preached publiquely in pulpits , and the contents of many printed pamphlers , swarming amongst us ; all of them dangerously exciting a disobedience to the established forme of government , and their severall intimations of the desire of the power of the keyes , and that their congregations may execute ecclesiasticall censures within themselves , wee cannot but expresse our just feares , that their desire is to introduce an absolute innovation of presbyterall government , whereby wee who are now governed by the canon and civill lawes , dispensed by twenty-six ordinaries ( easily responsall to parliaments for any deviation from the rule of law ) conceive wee should become exposed to the meere arbitrary government of a numerous presbytery , who together with their ruling elders , will arise to neere forty thousand church governours , and with their adherents , must needs beare so great a sway in the common-wealth , that if future inconvenience shall be found in that government , wee humbly offer to consideration , how these shall be reducible by parliaments , how consistent with a monarchy , and how dangerously conducible to an anarchy , which wee have just cause to pray against , as fearing the consequences would prove the utter losse of learning and lawes , which must necessarily produce an extirmination of nobilitie , gentry , and order , if not of religion . with what vehemency of spirit , these things are prosecuted , and how plausibly such popular infusions spread as incline to a paritie , wee held it our dutie to represent to this honourable assembly ; and humbly pray , that some such present course be taken , as in your wisdomes shall be thought fit to suppresse the future dispersing of such dangerous discontents amongst the common people . wee having great cause to feare , that of all the distempers that at present threaten the wellfare of this state , there is none more worthy the mature and grave consideration of this honourable assembly , then to stop the torrent of such spirits before they swell beyond the bounds of government : then wee doubt not but his majesty persevering in his gracious inclination to heare the complaints , and relieve the grievances of his subjects in frequent parliaments , it will so unite the head and the body , so indissolubly cement the affections of his people to our royall soyeraigne , that without any other change of government , he can never want revenue nor wee justice . wee have presumed to annex a coppy of a petition ( or libell ) dispersed , and certaine positions preacht in this county , which wee conceive imply matter of dangerous consequence to the peace both of church and state . all which wee humbly submit to your great judgements , praying they may be read . and shall ever pray , &c. subscribed to this petition , foure noblemen . knight baronets , knights and esquires , fourescore and odde . divines , threescore and ten . gentlemen , three hundred and odde . free-holders and other inhabitants above six thousand . all of the same county . printed for john aston . 1641 : proclamation for a solemn fast and humiliation scotland. privy council. 1696 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05605 wing s1791 estc r183471 53299282 ocm 53299282 180014 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05605) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 180014) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2810:39) proclamation for a solemn fast and humiliation scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, edinburgh, : 1696. intentional blank spaces in text. caption title. title vignette: royal seal; initial letter. imperfect: torn, with slight loss of text. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. fasts and feasts -church of scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms proclamation , for a solemn fast and humiliation ▪ william by the grace of god , king of great britain france and ireland , defender of the faith ; to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . forasmuch , as , by reason of many abounding heinous sins and provocations ; the displeasure and wrath of almighty god is very visible against us , and our people , not only in the sad calamity , under which the kingdom labours , by reason of the disappointment , and failing of the cropt and fruits of the ground , for the year by past , whereupon such scarcity and dearth did ensue ; that the poor of the land have generally been reduced to the greatest extremity ; but also , by the continuance of such bad vveather , and so unnatural a season , as doth sadly threaten the mil-giving , and blasting of the present cropt , and fruits of the ground , to the increase of that distress , whereby the kingdom is already afflicted , and in hazard to be ruined , ( if god in his mercy prevent not ) which certainly calls for our deepest humiliation and most earnest and fervent supplications to our gracious god to avert it : vvhich consideration , hath also moved the commission of the late general assembly , to adress the lords of our privy council , that a day of humiliation may be appointed , and keeped throughout this kingdom ; vvherefore , vve with advice of the lords of our privy council , appoint and command a day of solemn humiliation and prayer to be observed through this whole kingdom , that all may put up fervent prayers to god , 〈…〉 and forgivenness . and that he would turn away his wrath , and keep off deserved judgement , and yet graciously bless 〈…〉 people with seasonable vveather , for in bringing the fruits of the ground . and also , that above all things , he would bestow on us and them , his spiritual and heavenly blessings , by the continuing and prospering of his gospel , and the fruits thereof amongst us . and we , with advice foresaid , require and command the said solemn fast , and day of humiliation , to be religiously observed and keeped , by all ranks and degrees of people , upon the days following , viz. in all the planted churches on this side the river of tay , upon the twenty fifth day of august instant , and in all the planted churches of the rest of this kingdom , upon the eight day of september next to come : and in such churches , as are vacant , upon such days , as shall be appointed by the presbytery of the bounds . certifying such who shall contemn or neglect the dutiful observing and keeping of the said day of humiliation ; they shall be proceeded against , as contemners of our authorty , and neglecters of such a necessary duty : and seing , that on such an occasion , and for such causes . god doth more especially require the exercise of christian charity and compassion towards the poor and indigent , whose pinching straits and vvants , do at present lay them under the deepest distress and cry aloud to all for their help and relieff , as they expect , and would wish that god should be gracious to them in the like case ; therefore , vve do further , with advice foresaid , seriously recommend to all our good subjects , to draw forth and extend their christian charity , and compassion towards the poor and indigent , by a cheerful , and liberal and bountiful contribution , upon the said day of humiliation and lords day thereafter , as the best and most acceptable expressions of their sincerity and earnestness in the foresaid duty and vve peremptory require and command , that not only the money to be contribute and collected upon the dayes foresaid ; but likewise , ( if it shall be found needfull , ) that all other money formerly collected , and still lying in church-boxes , or in the hands of kirk sessions , or lent out upon interest , by bonds taken for the product of such collections , be instantly uplifted , imployed and wared out for buying of victual , and other necessars for relief of the poor , within the bounds of the paroches to which the saids collections and bonds do belong . and that at the fight of the ministers and elders , with concourse of such heretors as shall joyn with them , within the saids respective paroches , by these already intrusted , or who shall be intrusted by the saids ministers and elders , and heretors with the over sight of the poor in the saids bounds , to the effect the said victual , and other necessars , for the relief of the poor , may be orderly , and proportionally distribut among them , effeiring to their severall indigencies . and we again , require and command , all ministers of the gospel , and others foresaid , to applye themselves diligently to the foresaid pious vvork , for the supplye and relief of the poor , as they will be answerable to god , and us thereanent our vvill is herefore , and vve charge you strictly , and command , that in continent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and to the remanent mercat crosses of the head burghs of the several shires , and steuarties within this kingdom , and in our name and authority , make publication hereof , that none pretend ignorance . an vve ordain our solicitor to dispatch copies hereof , to the sheriffs of the several shires , and steuarts of steuartries , and their deputs , or clerks to be by them published at the mercat-crosses of the head burghs , upon receipt thereof , and immediately sent to the several ministers to the effect they may read and intimate the same , from their pulpits upon the lords day immediately preceeding the dayes above appointed , and ordains these presents to be printed , and published in manner foresaid . given under our signet at edinburgh , the seventh day of august , and of our reign the eighth year , 1696. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gil . eliot cls. sti concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson printer to his most excellent majesty , 1696 his majesties gracious letter, directed to the presbytery of edinburgh and by them to be communicated to the rest of the presbyteries of this kirk. received the third of september, 1660. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79213 of text r231317 in the english short title catalog (wing c3017). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79213 wing c3017 estc r231317 99897020 99897020 136981 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79213) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 136981) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2457:15) his majesties gracious letter, directed to the presbytery of edinburgh and by them to be communicated to the rest of the presbyteries of this kirk. received the third of september, 1660. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. lauderdale, john maitland, duke of, 1616-1682. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by christopher higgins, in [harts] close, over against the trone church, edinburgh : 1660. signed "lauderdail" (i.e. john maitland, duke of lauderdale) and dated at end: whitehall, the 10. of august, 1660. arms 223; steele notation: this from farewell. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c. eng church of scotland -government -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london a79213 r231317 (wing c3017). civilwar no his majesties gracious letter, directed to the presbytery of edinburgh, and by them to be communicated to the rest of the presbyteries of th scotland. sovereign 1660 691 1 0 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms his majesties gracious letter , directed to the presbytery of edinburgh . and by them to be communicated to the rest of the presbyteries of this kirk . received the third of september , 1660. charles r. trusty and well beloved , vve greet you well : by the letter you sent to us , with this bearer , mr. james sharp , and by the account he gave of the state of our church there , vve have received full information of your sense of our sufferings , and of your constant affection and loyalty to our person and authority . and therefore we will detain him here no longer , ( of whose good services we are very sensible ) nor will we delay to let you know by him our gracious acceptance of your address , and how well we are satisfied with your carriages , and with the generality of the ministers of scotland , in this time of triall , whilest some , under specious pretences , swerved from that duty and allegiance they owe to us . and because such , who , by the countenance of usurpers , have disturbed the peace of that our church , may also labour to create jealousies in the mindes of well meaning people ; vve have thought fit by this , to assure you , that , by the grace of god , vve do resolve to discountenance profanity , and all contemners and opposers of the ordinances of the gospel . vve do also resolve to protect and preserve the government of the church of scotland , as it is settled by law , without violation ; and to countenance , in the due exercise of their functions , all such ministers who shall behave themselves dutifully and peaceably , as becomes men of their calling . vve will also take care , that the authority and acts of the generall assembly at st. andrews and dundee , in the year , 1651. be owned and stand in force , untill vve shall call another generall assembly ( which vve purpose to do assoon as our affairs will permit ) and vve do intend to send for mr. robert dowglasse , and some other ministers , that vve may speak with them in what may further concern the affairs of that church . and as vve are very well satisfied with your resolution not to meddle without your sphere ; so vve do expect , that church-judicatories in scotland , and ministers there , will keep within the compasse of their station , meddling only with matters ecclesiastick , and promoting our authority and interest with our subjects against all opposers ; and that they will take speciall notice of all such , who , by preaching 〈◊〉 private conventicles , or any other way , transgresse the limits of their calling , by endeavouring to corrupt the people , or sow seeds of disaffection to us , or our government . this you shall make known to the severall presbyteries within that our kingdom : and as we do give assurance of our favour and encouragment ●o you , and to all honest deserving ministers there ; so we earnestly recommend it to you all , that you be earnes in your prayers , publick and privat , to almighty god , who is our rock and our deliverer , both for us and for our government , that we may have fresh and constant supplies of his grace , and the right improvement of all his mercies and deliverances , to the honour of his great name , and the peace , safety and benefit of all our kingdoms . and so we bid you heartily farewell . given at our court at whitehall , the 10. of august , 1660. and of our reign the twelfth year . by his majesties command , lavderdail . edinburgh , printed by christopher higgins , in 〈◊〉 close , over against the trone church , 1660. ten seasonable queries proposed by a protestant that is for liberty of conscience to all perswasions. protestant that is for liberty of conscience to all perswasions. 1688 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64342 wing t674 estc r9756 13768267 ocm 13768267 101729 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64342) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101729) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 852:36) ten seasonable queries proposed by a protestant that is for liberty of conscience to all perswasions. protestant that is for liberty of conscience to all perswasions. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london? : 1688?] probable date and place of publication from steele. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1714 broadsides -england -london -17th century 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ten seasonable queries , proposed by a protestant that is for liberty of conscience to all perswasions . i. whether any real and zealous papist was ever for liberty of conscience ? it being a fundamental principle of their religion , that all christians that do not believe as they do , are hereticks , and ought to be destroyed . ii. whether the king be a real and zealous papist ? if he be ; whether he can be truly for liberty of conscience ? iii. whether this king in his brother's reign did not cause the persecution against dissenters to be more violent than otherwife it would have been ? iv. whether he doth not now make use of the dissenters to pull down the church of england , as he did of the church of england to ruin the dissenters , that the papists may be the better enabled , in a short time , to destroy them both ? v. whether any ought to believe he will be for liberty any longer than it serves his turn ? and whether his great eagerness to have the penal laws and test repealed be onely in order to the easie establishing of popery ? vi. whether if these penal laws and test were repealed , there would not many turn papists that now dare not ? vii . whether the forcing of all that are in offices of profit or trust in the nation , to lose their places , or declare they will be for repealing the penal laws and test , be not violating his own declaration for liberty of conscience , and a new test upon the people ? viii . whether the suspending the bishop of london , the dispossessing of the fellows of magdalen colledge of their freeholds , the imprisoning and prosecuting the seven bishops for reasoning according to law , are not sufficient instances how well the king intends to repeal his declaration for liberty of conscience , wherein he promiseth to protect and maintain all his bishops and clergy , and all other his subjects of the church of england in quiet and full enjoyment of all their possessions , without any molestation or disturbance whatsoever ? ix . whether the usage of the protestants in france and savoy , for these three years past , be not a sufficient warning not to trust to the declaration , promises or oaths in matters of religion of any papist whatsoever ? x. whether any equivalent whatsoever under a popish king , that hath a standing army , and pretends to a dispensing power , can be as equal security as the penal laws and test , as affairs now stand in england ? if any think fit to answer these queries , they are desired to do it as plainly and fairly as they are here put . proclamation for a solemn national fast. scotland. privy council. 1699 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05609 wing s1796 estc r183475 52529280 ocm 52529280 179046 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05609) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179046) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:35) proclamation for a solemn national fast. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno. caption title. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh the seventh day of february, and of our reign the tenth year, 1699. signed: gilb. eliot. cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. fasts and feasts -church of scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion proclamation for a solemn national fast. william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith ; to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting ; forasmuchas , it hath pleased the holy and righteous god , for the many great and hainous sins and provocations of this kingdom , to afflict the same with the lamentable stroke of dearth and scarcity , ( which if not in his mercy prevented ) doth threaten a dreadful famine ; as likeways that the reformed churches abroad , are through his holy and soveraign displeasure , partly under grievous persecution , and partly under great and imminent hazards , which justly call for our humbleing of our selves for our own sins , and for a tender simpathie towards our said afflicted brethren : likeas the general assembly of this church lately conveened , have therefore addressed the lords of our privy council , that a day of humiliation may be appointed and kept for the causes foresaids , more fully mentioned in their act thereanent . therefore we with advice of the lords of our privy council , command and appoint a day of solemn humiliation and prayer and fasting , to be observed throughout the whole kingdom , upon the ninth day of march next to come , to the effect that all our good subjects may on that day , make earnest prayer and supplication to god for the pardon of our sins , and for turning away and averting his wrath from this , and other reformed churches , and that he may command deliverance for his afflicted people , under persecution , bless and preserve us and our government , for the continuance of that peace and tranquillity , and liberty of gospel ordinances with purity and freedom that we at present injoy , and that he may bless his gospel with success , and grant a seasonable seed-time , and bless the seed with increase for the relief of the poor , and of the present distress of the kingdom : which day , we with advice foresaid , do require and command to be religiously and most seriously observed by all ranks and degrees of people , by solemn prayer and preaching , and other acts of devotion to be performed for the causes and ends foresaids , both in publick and privat throughout the whole kingdom . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent these our lettersseen , ye psss to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat-crosses of the haill head-burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom , and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make publication hereof that none pretend ignorance ; and we ordain our solicitor to cause print thir presents , as also the act of the general assembly thereto annexed , and to transmit the same , or copies thereof to the sheriffs of the several shires , and stewarts of stewartries , or their deputs and clerks , to be by them published at the mercat-crosses of their head-burghs upon receipt thereof , and immediatly sent to the several ministers , to the effect the same may be intimat and read in their several paroch-churches , upon the lords day immediatly preceeding the day above-appointed . given under our signet at edinburgh the seventh day of february , and of our reign the tenth year , 1699. per actum dominorum secreti concilii gilb . eliot . cls. sti. concilii . god save the king edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , anno dom. 1699. a letter formerly sent to dr. tillotson, and for want of an answer made publick, and now reprinted with the said doctor's letter to the lord russel a little before his execution. 1690 approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47971 wing l1362 estc r41462 31355392 ocm 31355392 110439 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47971) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110439) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1744:19) a letter formerly sent to dr. tillotson, and for want of an answer made publick, and now reprinted with the said doctor's letter to the lord russel a little before his execution. tillotson, john, 1630-1694. 8 p. s.n., [london? : 169-?] caption title. place and date of publication sugggested by wing (2nd ed.) reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tillotson, john, 1630-1694. church and state -england. great britain -history -revolution of 1688. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter formerly sent to dr. tillotson , and for want of an answer made publick and now reprinted ; with the said doctor 's letter to the lord russel a little before his execution . to the reader . the author of the following letter sent the original to mrs. tillotson for her husband , and a copy of it to my lady derby , for the princess of orange , several months ago ; and when he writ it , he hoped the members of parliament would have been , against the sessions , awakened by their disappointments and taxes , to consider aright , what is the present state of this miserable nation , and how much worse is our future prospect ; and had he found them in that temper , and acting steddily for their countrey , he had thoughts to have presented with his own hands , his reasons , why he thinks they have wronged king james , over-rated their disease , and mistaken their cure ; and he would also have given in proposals , how the king may be restored , without hazard , either to our religion or property ; and this the author would have done , because he thinks , that if either reason or religion would prevail , such an offer must have had some weight ; but whilst the whigs as much sacrifice their understandings to support this change , as the tories did their consciences to make it , a man would be reckoned mad that attempted in such a manner to reclaim such a sett of men , as have no more publick spirit , than what lies in wrangling for their particular parties ; or common sense , than what is p●oper to get into pensions , and places , that , at the witty sir charles sidley once said in the house , they may charge in armor . how wild a project too , would it be to offer reason to men that so little know their own minds , that are so inconstant , as that what they pass unanimously one sessions , they throw out the next , as they have done the judges bill ? the author would venture himself against great odds , if it was but an even wager , that england might reap good by so bold an undertaking ; for he sees slavery coming on so fast , that he thinks life will be a burden to an honest and free spirit ; yet nothing that cato ( were he here ) could do , or suffer , would repair our broken constitution , unless god teaches our senators more wisdom , or is pleased to teach the people that a house of commons may as scandalously abuse the trust they repose in them , as some of his ministers did king james ; which that he may , is the hearty prayer of the author , both for the sake of the english liberties , and protestant religion ; for the sake of the very being of the one , and the honour of the other . the letter . sir , i shall preface what i am about to say , with an assurance , that i have formerly had the greatest veneration for you , as well for your piety as good sense and learning ; that my notions of government are so large , that the first thing that i ever doubtfully examin'd , that had your name affix'd to it , was the letter to my lord russel : but your actions since do less quadrate with that opinion i had of your sincerity , and seriously make me address my self to you , to know how you reconcile your present actings to the principles either of natural or revealed religion ; especially , how you reconcile them to the positions and intentions of that letter ; and consequently , whether you have a belief of god , and a world to come . sir , i think it a very extravagant maxim in government , to affirm all insurrections which are only levell'd at reformation , and designed to correct mal-administration , and the authors of them , and thereby ( when the common methods are at a loss ) to let the king know , what are the measures of his government , the voice and interest of his people , that so justice and mercy may prevail against illegal courses and his flattering minions , and that the rights of his crown a●d the privileges of his people may be adiusted and preserved . i say , i think it an extravagant position , to affirm ▪ that what may be so conducive to publick peace , and the maintenance of a constitution , and the general ends of all government , is illegal : yet i have often thought , that the oath that expects a man should swear it unlawful , upon any pretence whatsoever , to rise in arms against the king , or any commissioned by him , intended to establish this wild civil article ; and i thought your lordship writ upon so solemn an occasion , designing to justifie the purport and doctrin of that oath ; which was carrying loyalty to a higher pitch than i ever thought necessary to make a good man , or a good christian. but , sir , to lay your letter aside at present , give me leave to examin this revolution with the most impartial desire of being informed ; for i solemnly invoke god almighty to attest , that my non-compliance with k. william and q. mary's title and administration , is founded upon scruples of conscience , to which i yet want satisfactory answers . i am a protestant of that size , that i hope god would enable me to undergo all the persecution that the malice of men and devils can invent , rather than one moment prostitute my conscience so far as to give any reasonable umbrage for protestants to suspect , or papists to hope , i could be made a convert to the church of rome . i love my country better than my wife and children ; and certainly therefore so much , that i would for no interest in the world disquiet the present settlement , if i thought it was fit for an honest man to comply with it . i have no personal obligations to king james ; and i thank god i have an obstinate honesty , that will scarce allow me to be acceptable to any king. whatever i have done , or shall do , for the exil'd prince , is upon meer motives of conscience . i have no reason to believe my self uncapable of being forgiven , or perhaps employed , under the present government ; my r●lations and frie●ds are many of them violent , and almost all at least for it . but let us begin with the revolution : i acknowledge king james's ministers gave great provocations ; i could have joined with any but a foreigner to have rescu'd our liberties ; and yet i must as freely declare , i saw nothing done that would have been too hard for a parliamentary redress , or at least for the intrinsick power of this island , the natural weight of those who are sensible of their religion and property : but i cannot tell how any provocations tha● were given the people of england , can justifie the invasion of a nephew and a son-in-law . i cannot tell by what distinctions in morality the dutch could salve their denial , by their ambassador , that those forces were designed for england ; i cannot imagin what dispensation gave them and the subjects of england liberty to tell so many things that were notoriously untrue , that they knew then to be untrue , and that have been much more apparently proved so by the sequel of things . sure the morality of the decalogue is not abolished : let us see how many of the commandments are broken ; has not mammon been made a god , and a crown an idol , to which the p. of orange and his adherents have sacrific'd the lives of many thousands of men , as well as the reputation of our religion , besides a vast treasure ▪ tho' it is not fit to be named after the other two immolations ? have they not taken god's name in , when they consecrated to the preservation of religion the injuries and violations of it , of which they have been guilty ? i do not know whether you are a strict sabbatarian ; i believe not , and will acknowlege i am none : but i think the nation grosly perverts the ends of humiliations and fastings , and appointed days for god's worship , whilst they pray to god to prosper any immoral enterprize . for god's sake , and the sake of your soul , and the sake of your queen's soul , study the fifth commandment , tho' the performance of it has the promise of length of d●ys in this life , the breach of it ( if any religion be true ) will plunge her into miseries of a longer duration ; she has partaken with thieves and liars against her own father ; she is a receiver of what has been by them from him wrongfully taken away , unless it can be proved that the crown of england is elective , the kings of it punishable and deposable . if this is right , you know , sir , all our law-books are in the wrong , for they say , the king can do none ; that he is not accountable to the people , collectively or representatively ; and that the monarchy of england is hereditary . this is all in the original contract of our statute-books and law cases . sir , you know these things , you cannot plead ignorance , nor can you believe abdication : you know the treatment the king had from the p. of orange and his own subjects , and cannot believe he voluntarily resigned . are not then our judges , our juries , our fleets , and our armies , guilty of murther , in opposing king james 's return ? don't your queen list so many assassins , whilst she commissions them for that pu●p●se ? is it not as unlawful to steal a crown as a trifle ? and till they have recanted all the false accusations which were countenanced by the prince of orange and his princess , and were instrumental towards the getting of these crowns , do they not violate the ninth commandment , as well as covet their neighbours ( their fathers ) goods ? the civil and natural obligations the prince and princess of orange have to king james aggravate their crime ; and , if it were not almost levity to say so here , i would add as another aggravation , their having coveted too many of king james's servants . the king of england does every thing by his officers ; they are impeachable , they are punishable : the king ( who we always said was not so ) is dethron'd , whilst those are imploy'd in this government , who were the disgraces and instruments of the last . but i don't intend a libel , and therefore will not enter into an account of such matters ; i will neither give the present ministers their characters , nor shew how little , as meer men and subjects , we are the better for the change. but i fear , whoever reflects without heat or byass upon what i have said , will find we have lost at least nine of the ten commandments , which is exceeding popery in our index expurgatorius with a witness . but , to come to your more particular case , i beseech you to publish some discourse ( if you can clear things ) to demonstrate either your repentance of what you writ to my lord russel , or the reasons that make that , and what you now do , consistent ; and that you , with the usual solidity with which you treat upon other subjects , justifie the proce●dings , and explain the title of k. william . i know no body has a stronger and clearer head , and if you have truth on your side , you can write unanswerable . god's glory , the reputation of the protestant religion is at stake ; your own good name calls for it ; and more especially because you have accepted a most reverend and devout man's archbishoprick ; a man that has given testimony how unalterably he is a protestant ! a sufferer formerly for the laws and church of england ; a sufferer for those very principles upon which that letter to my lord russel was writ ; for those very principles which you disputed for ( when he was about to communicate ) when he had so short a time to live , nay , you remembred him of even upon the scaffold , with the dreadful commination of eternal wo. really , sir , if there be any truth , if there be any virtue , if there be any religion , what shall we say to these things ? what will you say to them ? you must be at the pains to clear this matter , that we may not believe the boundaries of right and wrong , the measures of violence and justice quite taken away , that we may not be tempted to speculative , and from thence to practical atheism . this change has made many sober men sceptical , and gon farth●r towards eradicating all the notions of a deity , than all the labours of hobbs and epicurus ; and your part in it has , i must confess , more stagger'd me than any one thing else : i have been ready to suspect that religion it self was a cheat , and that it was a defect in my understanding , that i could not see through it ; for , i think , if i can know my right hand from my left , our prese●t government stands upon foundations that contradict all those discourses which you , as well as others , have lent to passive obedience . the excessive value i have for you , for your knowledge , your judgment , y●ur largeness of spirit , your moderation , and many other great qualities that ●ave signaliz●d your name , once made you one of the greatest ornaments of the christian church , one of the greatest exemplars of sound morality , and all that philosophers call virtue , make what seems to me an apostacy from what you preached and writ , pretended to believe , and would have others to belive , shake me so violently in the first credenda of religion , that i beseech you , if you think it necessary upon no other account , that you will publish such a discourse , at least , for the satisfaction of mine , and the consciences of many others , who i can assure you of my own knowledge , lie under the same scruples with my self , have the same scruples in relation to the government , and the same temptations to question religion it self upon your account : it is the interest of the government to satisfie such men ; and if you think that we ought particularly and privately to apply our selves to you , our number is so great that it would be too constant a trouble for any one man to undergo ; nor can we safely debate a point of this nature ; nor can you expect men should trust themselves under the protection of your honour , whilst they think you have in the face of the world , so grosly prevaricated both from that and what ought to be a principle of a higher nature , the dictates of your own conscience . we would as soon deliver our reasons at the door of a house of commons , and i am not sure that the same spirit of integrity , which has hindred me from succumbing under what we think an usurpation , will not the next time there is an assembly there carry me that length , ( if i don 't in the mean time publickly hear from you . ) i beg of god almighty ( in whose being i bless his name i yet believe ) to lay a happy constraint upon me , to do what may be most for his glory , and the good of these nations ; and i earnestly supplicate him , that he will enable me to suffer what-ever may be necessary for those great ends , and that he will incline you either to publish y●ur reasons or repentance . to his blessed guidance and protection i heartily recommend you . advertisement . ⁂ since dr. burnet's pastoral letter is burned by the common hangman , according to the order of the house of commons ; it 's therefore now far more necessary that you or he should explain king william's title , and what you have now to say against the following letter to my lord russel . dr. tillotson's letter to the lord russel . my lord , i was heartily glad to see your lordship this morning in that calm and devout temper at receiving the blessed sacrament ; but peace of mind , unless it be well grounded , will avail little : and because transient discourse many times hath little effect for want of time to weigh and consider it ; therefore in tender compassion of your lordship's case , and from all the good will that one man can bear to another , i do humbly offer to your lordships deliberate thoughts these following considerations concerning the points of resistance , if our religion and rights should be invaded , as your lordship puts the case ; concerning which i understood by dr. burnet , that your lordship had once received satisfaction , and am sorry to find a change. first , that the christian religion doth plainly forbid the resistance of authority . secondly , that though our religion be established by law , ( which your lordship urges as a difference between our case , and that of the primitive christians , ) yet in the same law , which establishes our religion , it is declared , that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take up arms , &c. besides that , there is a particular law declaring the power of the militia to be solely in the king. and that ties the hands of the subjects , though the law of nature and the general rules of scripture had left us at liberty ; which , i believe , they do not , because the government and peace of humane society could not well subsist upon these terms . thirdly , your lordships opinion is contrary to the declared doctrine of all protestant churches ; and though some particular persons have taught otherwise , yet they have been contradicted herein , and condemned for it by the generality of protestants : and i beg your lordship to consider how it will agree with an avow'd asserting of the protestant religion , to go contrary to the general doctrine of protestants . my end in this is to convince your lordship , that you are in a very great and dangerous mistake ; and being so convinced , that which before was a sin of ignorance , will appear of a much more heinous nature , as in truth it is , and call for a very particular and deep repentance ; which if your lordship sincerely exercise upon the sight of your error , by a penitent acknowledgment of it to god and men , you will not only obtain forgiveness of god , but prevent a mighty scandal to the reformed religion . i am very loth to give your lordship any disquiet in the distress you are in , which i commiserate from my heart ; but am m●ch more concerned , that you do not leave the world in a delusion and false peace , to the hindrance of your eternal happiness . i heartily pray for you , and beseech your lordship to believe that i am with the greatest sincerity and compassion in the world , my lord , your lordships most faithful and afflicted servant , john tillotson , dr. tillotson's last prayer at the execution of the unfortunate lord russel . o almighty and merciful god , with whom alone live the spirits of just men made perfect , after they are delivered from these earthly prisons ; we humbly commend the soul of this our dear brother into thy hands , as into the hands of a faithful creator , and most merciful saviour ; humbly beseeching thee , that it may be precious in thy sight : wash it , o lord , from all its guilt in the blood of the immaculate lamb that was slain to take away the sins of the world ; that whatsoever defilements it may have contracted in the midst of this wicked world , by the lusts of the flesh , or the wiles of satan , being purged and done away by a sincere and unfeigned repentance , through thy infinite mercy and goodness in our lord jesus christ , it may be presented pure and holy , and without spot , before thee . o lord , we humbly beseech thee to support thy servant , and stand by him in this last and great contest ; deliver him from the pains of eternal death , and save him , o lord , for thy mercies sake ; and grant that all we who survive , by this and other instances of thy providence , may learn our duty to god and the king ; and that by this , and other like spectacles of our mortality , we may see how frail and uncertain our condition is in this world , that it is all but vanity ; and teach us so to number our days , that we may seriously apply our hearts to that holy and heavenly wisdom while we live , which may bring us to life everlasting , through jesus christ our lord : in whose holy name and words we conclude our prayers . our father , &c. it being credibly and confidently reported , that you , sir , immediately after the execution , went to visit that excellent lady my lady russel , and assur'd her , amongst other expressions to comfort her , that you wish'd your soul might go to the same place whither my lord 's was gone : i beseech you to make mankind understand that expression , or vindicate your self from the imputation wherewith this story charges you . finis . a brief examination and consideration of the unsound princples upon which the armies plea (lately committed to publick view) is grounded wherein the repentance of those army-men and the conversion of all other persons from the error of their ways who have (in what capacity so-ever) acted by the said principles is most earnestly desired and specially aimed at / by a friend to the truth. friend to the truth. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a29451 of text r23811 in the english short title catalog (wing b4590). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 67 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a29451 wing b4590 estc r23811 07911873 ocm 07911873 40365 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29451) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40365) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1198:11) a brief examination and consideration of the unsound princples upon which the armies plea (lately committed to publick view) is grounded wherein the repentance of those army-men and the conversion of all other persons from the error of their ways who have (in what capacity so-ever) acted by the said principles is most earnestly desired and specially aimed at / by a friend to the truth. friend to the truth. 34 p. printed for humphery tuckey, london : 1660. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. eng church and state. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. a29451 r23811 (wing b4590). civilwar no a brief examination and consideration of the unsound principles upon which the armies plea (lately committed to publick view,) is grounded. friend to the truth 1660 12096 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-01 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief examination and consideration of the unsound principles upon which the armies plea ( lately committed to publick view , ) is grounded . wherein the repentance of those army-men , and the conversion of all other persons from the error of their ways , who have ( in what capacity soever ) acted by the said principles , is most earnestly desired and specially aimed at . by a friend to the truth . london , printed for humphery tuckey at the black-spread-eagle in fleetstreet , near saint dunstans-church . 1660. a brief consideration of some principles upon which the armies late plea is grounded . that the principal end of publick government ( next unto the glory of god ) is the protection and preservation of all good men , in their peaceable and quiet living in all godliness and honesty . if the end of government be so limited , only to the protection of good men , ( who are known only to god ) and of such only as live in all godliness and honesty , ( which very many do not ) this government notwithstanding , all ungodly , dishonest and evil men may commit what outrages they will upon one another . and whereas they that really and truly good , may be had in abomination among men , as that which is highly esteemed among men , is abomination in the sight of god ; by this government thus limited , the good people of god , whose life is hid with christ in god , may be liable to all the injuries and mischiefs which they that saint themselves , and ( contrary to the apostles rule ) esteem themselves better than others , and act their hypocrisie in the fairest colours of zeal and sanctimonie , can put upon them . that the magistrates duty in all forms of government whatsoever , is to defend all good men from all injuries while they so live . this limitation also exposeth all good men , that are really and truly such , to the greatest insecurity ; it being impossible for them to be assured that they shall be deemed such . and it also opens a wide gate to injuries , in some case ; to wit , in case they to whom they are done , do not so live . but surely , no good government will permit injuries to be done to any person or persons whatsoever . that the belief and perswasion of the former principle , is a light that hath shined into the minds and judgments of many sober and discreet men . yet perhaps , even in this , darknesse is put for light , and light for darknesse . for , it is too probable , that such a principal end of government as shall serve only some mens turnes , may exclude from protection by it , even some of those discreet and sober men themselves , and give them cause to confesse the darknesse of that light . otherwise , he that is but deemed and taken , or but suspected to be no good man , or an evil doer in any kind , may be torn in pieces by hypocritical zealots , or turned out of his whole estate , without any legal trial , or due processe of law against him . that the peoples safety is the chief soveraignty . salus populi est suprema lex , the peoples safety is the supreme law , is a good rule , in a right sense : that is , when by [ the people ] is meant the whole nation , not a party only , professing themselves to be good men . and the meaning of it may be , that all laws in every nation should be such as may serve to that end , the general safety of that whole nation ; in which universal , the prince and peers are especially comprehended . but if there be any law already enacted in this nation that is not more disproportionable to that end , than those most ancient laws and customes are , upon which the true government thereof is founded , ( under which that supreme end hath been time out of mind obtained much more fully than since that was interrupted , ) is such a law , ( if also back'd with promises , protestations commands and oaths ) by meer force to be run down , before it be duly repeated by all that authority that made it . if this be asserted , what assurance can the people of the land ever have , of life , estate , or liberty , by any ancient , present , or future law or laws , by what authority soever established ? and whether the law be convenient to that end or not , who shall judge ? what , they that have nothing to do with the legislative authority ? that kings , and all that are in authority , are gods ministers for his peoples good . very good ! therefore kings , and all that have like authority in every nation , must needs have their civil power from god , and that directly and immediatly ; there being no intermediate power between his which is the principal , and the ministerial , which is the kings : as there is no natural power between that of the principal cause , and that of the instrumental , in any work of nature . what then can any persons whatsoever have to do , to question , or controul that supreme person , whom god hath thought fit to use as his own minister ? what if such a soveraign prince be as ill a governour as nero was ? he , was once such a minister of god ; to whom , as bad as he was , the apostle commands every soul , that is , all , but such as have no souls ( nor consciences neither , ) to be subject to ; and that , even for conscience sake . ) but , the christian kings of this nation have ever been nursing fathers to the church , not persecutors of it , as that tyrant was ; and are therefore ( upon that account ) much more true , proper and immediate ministers to him that is the only supreme head of the church , than that heathen was . there is not therefore lesse obedience due to these , but more : howsoever , since they are the ministers of god , and as his ministers , entrusted of him , they must needs have full power and authority from god to pursue that trust : therefore , as the whole nation cannot acquit the supreme lawful magistrate of the trust , nor vacate the act of god , ( in committing to his trust a part of his own universal government of the world , ) no more can they lawfully resist or endeavour to suppresse , or lessen that just and rightful power , upon which the pursuance and effectual performance of the same trust dependeth . it is therefore a false and groundlesse insinuation , that because kings are gods ministers for his peoples good ; ergo the people of god , that is , the independents , anabaptists , and the quakers , may lawfully turn him out of that office , and out of the world too , if they ( though private persons all ) do judge it conducing to publick ( that is , to their own ) safety , ( being conscious to themselves of their unrighteous practises , ) so to do . that governours were made for the people , and not the people for them . what then ? ergo , the people may cast off their governours , and all known law , and the only lawful government also at their pleasure . non sequitur . christ as man , was made for the people , ergo , the people had a just power to deal by him as they did . this collection is more horrid , but the other as false as this . that they ( to wit , kings and governours ) have no power and authority , but what ( under god ) they have from the people , and for their use . that which is from the people , and only under god , is not of god , or from him . and what is this but expressely contradictory to the words of the apostle ? there is no power , or the power is not but from god . there are two great kingdoms , the kingdom of heaven , and the kingdom of the world , and god is immediately by himself the king , as well of the latter as of the former ; ( the lord is our king , isa. 33. 22. king of nations , jer. 10. 7. the kingdom is the lords , and he is the governour among the nations , psal. 22. 28. ) therefore the apostle exhorting the christians to be subject to the civil government , gives this reason of his exhortation , for the power ( though meerly civil ) is of god . and lest men should think it is of god , but as the universal cause of all other things , and not as the sole and immediate author and dispenser of it , he expresly denies it to be of any other : the power ( saith he ) is not but from god . for , let it be considered , if it be not against all understanding , to think the apostle would exhort christians to obey the civil power , only upon this general account , that it is from god as all things else are , and not otherwise . for , upon that account the exhortation must needs also carry them to obey a thief , and that for conscience sake ; for even a thiefs power by which he is able to rob and do mischief , is ( in this sense ) as much from god as the most lawful power that is . the apostles meaning therfore must necessarily be ( and in that the difference lies , ) that the civil power which the magistrate as the minister of god is endued with , is the special donative and gift of god , which the other is not ; yet they both agree in this , that they are both ( as all things else are ) immediately from god : as indeed whatsoever he doth , he doth by himself immediately , not mediately , ( as is falsly fancied . ) for how can he that is immediately present every where , and in every thing , stand off at a distance in any work of his ? how then , in the collating of the civil power ? if it be his authority and power that is in his minister , the supreme magistrate , it is manifestly against all truth and sense , to imagine that he gives it not immediately by himself , who must do every thing by himself immediately that is done by him . and if it were not gods own authority which is in the supreme civil magistrate , who only in himself without commission from any earthly power , beareth the sword ; since god alone in the lord of life , and every man is created in his image , it were absolutely impossible that it should be just and lawful for the magistrate to take away the life of a man in any case imaginable . and as for the whole people , not having the power of magistracie personally committed to them of god , they have no more power of the life of any man , than any one private person hath . if then the power of all soveraignty or supreme authority , by which the life of man , in any case , may lawfully be taken away , be only gods own peculiar , and not mans , it is impossible that the whole people , or all the men in the world , should give that which is none of theirs to give . he therefore that hath a publick , known , certain , and unquestionable right to govern as supreme magistrate , either by ancient inheritance ( which is the best and clearest right that can be had of any thing , ) or by any other just and lawful means , the same hath all civil power and authority to govern only and immediately from god , whose peculiar it is . in as much then as the right and just authority to govern , is solely and immediately from god , where that right and power is once fixed , ( by what means soever it first came so to be , ) it is there fixed by god ; and can never lawfully ( without a special command from god ) be refixed or disannulled by man . if this may not be deemed , as it really is , a clear demonstration ; let it be duly and impartially considered , whether there be any at all , or the like evidence for the opposite opinion , which is here laid as a principle , without any proof ; and as a main foundation , upon which a very great weight relies . yet , without doubt , the solidnesse of this principle is the more to be suspected , because none but heathens and meere polititians have ever held it , till it came to be professed by some in this nation , a few years since . and those first authors fell into it , meerly upon the account of infidelity ; to wit , in that they either knew nothing of , or did not believe that the only true god is the worlds creator , and ( by that special right ) the sole governour thereof ; and consequently , that all power of government is solely and precisely his ; which ( then , ) it is impossible that any should have a right to give but he. seeing then , that salus populi , the peoples eternal safety is ( indeed ) the only supreme end in immediate subordination to gods glory , it would be well considered by them all , and especially by them that must answer for them all , and for themselves too , whether it be not the only safe way to that supreme safety , ( yea and to their temporal safety too , ) to do that wherein they cannot do amisse : to restore an ancient right : for , to do this , is no more nor lesse but what natural righteousnesse it self requires , as the proper and inseparable act and duty of it . and , besides that , the whole torrent of the scriptures are for it , and not one sillable ( so much as seemingly ) against it . it may be considered also that the said opposite opinion and principle hath no foundation at all in scripture , ( nor in the reason of a christian : ) for , therein , there is no mention of the peoples giving civil authority , or making a king , but where that king was made before of god , without the peoples consent , or notice of such a thing . neither is there in scripture any example of a peoples casting off finally their allegiance , but of the ten tribes : and yet that was by a special appointment of god ; but this was more than they then knew ; and therefore , to them , it was as their own act ; and being so , god punish'd them for it with perpetual and final dereliction to idolatry . there are no safe untrodden paths in the way to heaven . that uncontrolable power and absolute authority do become none but only him , whose nature is perfect , and can do no wrong . power is absolute and uncontroulable two wayes ; first , by being so in it self intrinsecally ; secondly , by being so in relation to men ; that is , though it be controulable by god the immediate author of it , yet by men it is not . this uncontroulable authority in relation to men , must be found , and is ; in all supreme magistracie : for if supreme or chief magistracie be controulable in them that justly possesse it by any other men , ( of what quality , or in what capacity soever they be , ) those controulers themselves either have uncontroulable power , or they have not : if they have not , then may they also be controuled by others , and those again by others , and so onward , to an endlesse and indeterminable confusion ; if they have , then there is some uncontroulable power beneath that which is in god : and if so , then certainly it can only be where god , from whom all power is , hath plac'd it ; that is , where it hath ever visibly resided , and practically appeared , by divine permission , approbation , and special ordination , time out of minde . if it hath so resided and appeared time out of minde in those that think they may controul it in the supreme magistrate , then let them for ever have it : but if on the contrary , it hath been publickly and experimentally known to have resided ever in the supreme magistrate ( whose supremacie hath been recognized even by national oaths , ) it is only his right , maugre all that can ( with sense ) be said to the contrary . that though supreme magistrates be above every individual , yet are they beneath , and inferior unto the whole . certainly , the too much boldnesse , or the too little brains of such as being but a handful in comparison of the whole will yet pretend the authority of the whole for their lawlesse practises , may justly be wondred at . there never was a schisme in the church , but the parties to it immediately took upon them the name and title of the church , as if there were no church , nor any true christians beside themselves , the unworthiest indeed of all other to be so accounted . and exactly so it is in the civil state : any number of persons once combined and formed into a faction , ( especially having gained power enough , as they think , to prevail over the rest , ) will immediately bestow upon themselves very liberally the name and title of the nation , the whole people , and the common-wealth ; and will certainly call their own security in their unrighteous wayes , the publick safety , and the common good ; and all other men , that justly hate their grosse unrighteousnesse , the common enemy . and here , a party not very considerable in comparison of the whole , takes upon them to talk of the whole , as if there were no people in england , or none of any note beside themselves . or , if they speak , as in behalf of the whole , ( whose mind and will they either know not , or know to be justly opposite to theirs , ) they should remember , that when the whole should appear and shew themselves in their universal capacity , in choosing freely their full and equal representative , they were to have the base bondage put upon them , to be so limited therein , as to be made the instruments of their own destruction . have any of the kings or queens of england so tyrannically encroached upon the peoples right , as to limit them in their choise , beyond or beside the limit of known law and custome ? but the whole people ( after too palpable experiment of the losse of their ancient liberty , ) will never be flatter'd into eternal bondage to any party or faction by being told of a new discovery of an unknown right , by those men that have deprived them of their old ; nor will they ever be made believe , that their lawful supreme magistrate , whom ( they very well know ) god hath set over them , is inferiour to them . but , how little truth there is in the fore-recited principle , [ that supreme magistrates are inferiour to the whole , though about every individual , ] it evidently appears , in that it plainly signifies little lesse than a contradiction : for , what is it but every individual in any number whatsoever , that makes up the whole ? or if it be meant not of every , but of any one , severally taken , it signifies nothing ; unlesse it be , that the supreme magistrate is superiour only to thomas , and william , and james and john , to wit , severally , but not joyntly : and , if this were true , it would indeed be a brave encouragement to any powerful party that should oppose the publick weale , and seek the subversion of the fundamental laws , customes , and constitution of the whole civil body of the kingdome . and how soon such a party , well armed , will call themselves the whole , experience enough hath taught all men to know : and then all the rest of the whole nation is at their mercy , and that without remedy : for the supreme magistrate hath no authority over them as they are a combined pack of rebels conjoyned in a close conspiracy , whatsoever authority he may have over every individual , in severalty from the rest , now call'd the whole . who sees not that this doctrine is meerly anabaptistical , striking at the root of all magistracy properly so called ? for whatsoever power can be pretended or imagined to be in the whole people , ( which is indeed the whole , ) it is no such thing as magistracy . and if there be any such power that can justly nullifie or check all magistracie , the most rigid anabaptists will require no more , to warrant any enterprize for the utter subversion of it . but , that there should indeed be any power in a nation , ( beside the natural vigour that is in them , ) but only the civil power of magistracy , is a meer chimaera . all the individuals , and every one put together ( the magistrate excepted ) are but private persons , endur'd with no more civil authority than any one of them is by himself alone : consequently , the supreme magistrate must needs be above and superiour to the whole number of them all . there is a sure way of arguing in logick , which they call induction ; by which , out of a full enumeration of every individual , an universal is undoubtedly concluded : and universal is that whole that is made up of nothing else but of every particular or individual contain'd under it . that the supreme magistrate therefore is supreme to every individual ( without exception , ) ( which are meer private persons all ) but inferiour to the universal or whole , ( for all that ) is too much a nicety ( at best ) for the whole weight of mens salvation to rely upon ; it being no lesse than damnation that god hath already denounc'd against them that practically er in this particular . besides , it may be here considered , that that which in every nation makes the several individuals to become one whole , is that whereby they are incorporated as members of the civil body of a kingdom or common-wealth ; and that is , the anciently received , accustomed fundamental constitution of it : this therefore dissolved , either in all , or in any of the essentials of it , the whole compages and joynting together of this body is utterly dissolved with it . if therefore the supreme magistrate , ( who , in every ancient kingdom can be no other but the king , ) being the sole head of the civil body of such , be taken away , suppressed and banished , and the kingdom ( by consequence ) cease to be what it was and hath ever been , the people are no more one whole ( however held together by constraint ) than a heap of stones ; and the only foundation of true justice , and of all civil administration that can be just , is taken away and , to prevent this fatal mischief , and for no other cause , it hath ever been a maine and fundamental maxim in the law of england , that the king can never dye . it can never therefore be possible in this or in any other kingdom , for the whole body to destroy the head , but that body must be felo de se , and utterly cease to be any body at all . this whole therefore can never in law , or right reason , or common justice have any superiority above the supreme magistrate , to any such effect . that the essential end of all kings , rulers , lawes and governments is the common peace , justice , and safety of the people . this principle may be true , but can be nothing to those mens purpose that seek to justifie the utter dissolution of the whole civil government thereby . there is not a government in any nation in the world , but in some usages , customes , offices , officers , lawes or administrations may be apparently obnoxious to some obliquities and deviations from the true end of government : shall therfore the government it self be blamed ? shall it wholly be dissolved ? shall private persons do it ? or shall it be lawful for those ( in what capacity soever ) to seek the subversion of it that have sworn to maintain it ? any violent change in a government brings more and greater evils with it , than can ever be removed by it ; and perhaps , the same that were complained of in a far greater measure , and with lesse hope of remedy . the total dissolution of a government ( that not reserved that is most essential to it , ) infers an universal parity , leaving none in more just authority than other . and it must needs be so . for , ( the only known legal government once dissolved , ) what should such just authority in any over others be grounded on ? what then have any to do in setting up a new government more than others ? and why have not others a better right to re-enforce the old , than any can ever have to erect a new ? nothing can here make a difference , but meer force and violence ; than which , nothing in the world is more directly opposite to what is truly just . and , it would be remembred , that , violence is never of any long continuance ; but turnings , and overturnings will have their certain revolutions , till force shall cease , and justice come in place , whose inseparable act it is , to restore to every one his right . if the common peace , justice , and the safety of the people be the end of government , then is government the means to that end ; which no government can ever be , if it be not just : and no new government ever can be such . and the change of an ancient government in any original and fundamental part , is the erecting of a new one . and for this cause it is , that the wisdom of god in solomon commands us to fear the lord and the king , and forbids to meddle with them that are given to change : to wit , because the change of a settled and ancient government ( especially , without an universal consent , as well of the governours , as of the governed , ) is necessarily unjust : ( besides the most unjust subversion of the great end , the common peace , and safety of the people , in the effecting of it . ) for , though other forms of government be just in themselves , yet none can be just in this or any other nation , but that which is established upon the only proper foundations of justice in it : and what are those , but the fundamental lawes , rights , customes and possessions that have ever inviolably and immutably continued in it , ( which have no other foundation beside or beyond themselves , and which all particular lawes and sanctions are established upon ; ) for , if these be not the unquestionable rules and measures of justice in this nation , it can never come to be agreed on what justice is , or what is just . hence it is , that , since the violent casting down of these foundations , ( that is , de facto , ) people talke of justice at all aventure ; making no law divine or humane , but their own self will or fansie the only measure of what they call just . that no governours or governments are to be continued and tolerated which are directly and plainly destructive unto the chief end of their original appointment , viz. common good . let this be the major ; and then the minor must be this ; but , all the governours , and the whole government of this nation ( under which the people have long flourished in wealth and peace , ) was , all on the sudden , become directly and plainly destructive to common good . ergo , the government of this nation , or any of the governours thereof are not to be continued and tolerated . what if this conclusion were true ? may such governours or governments as are not to be continued and tolerated , be taken away and destroyed by private hands ? when saul was such a governour , and not to be continued , did david ( though already in sauls roome anoynted , ) seeks to destroy him ? no ; but , as the lord liveth ( said he ) the lord shall smite him , or his day shall come to dye , or he shall descend into battel and perish . else , what security could there ever be to the best governours or governments in the world ? how easie a thing is it for any private person , transported with prejudice or passion , to discerne ( as he thinks ) the magistrate ( how good soever he be ) to be directly and plainly destructive to common good ? there can no seditious party arise but must needs be of that perswasion : shall this then legitimate an insurrection ? or , shall it be lawful for any one among them to do as raviliac , or as felton did ? and , against the only ancient and legal government it self , ( upon which all the authority in the whole nation necessarily depends ) all persons whatsoever are but private men . but , the conclusion must needs be false , because both the premises are so : and first , the major which is the principle . for there can be no government , ( if it be but that ) which can be destructive ( as is supposed ) to the chief end of its own appointment . the general good of government must needs be competible to every lawful kinde of government , under what corruption soever . therefore every government , which is the only lawful government of any nation , must be continued and tolerated , to avoid as well unlawful usurpation as lawlesse anarchy , ( one of which must otherwise inevitably ensue , ) and only the corruption be taken away , ( if any be found in it . ) the minor proposition ( which , to make that principle applyable to the present practice , must needs be added , ) is matter of fact ; to wit , that all the governours and the whole government of this nation were directly and plainly destructive to the chief end of their appointment . to be destructive to the chief end of government , is apparently inconsistent with any lawful kinde of government , that is really such , as monarchy ( for certain ) is : nor is any such government capable ( as long as it remaineth such , ) of any possible corruption that can destroy that end , viz. common good ; which , nothing but the evil of anarchy can ( directly and plainly ) be destructive of . it is as unlawful therefore to destroy a lawful government of any kinde , ( justifiable against all other by the prescription of all time past , ) as it is to introduce the opposite to the inseparable end of it ; to wit , universal mischief , the inseparable effect of anarchy ; or , universal injustice , the unseparable adjunct of usurpation . the end of all government , ( which is that common good , by which the common evil of anarchy and of unjust usurpation is taken away , ) being inseparable from it , the supposition of this principle , that governours and governments can be destructive to common good , is a contradiction in adjecto . that the power and disposition of the publick militia , and of the publick treasury , were never vested by the people in their supreme governours , but for their use , peace , and safety . if these were never known in any former age to be in any other hands , but have ever been in the actual possession of the supreme magistrate time out of minde , and beyond the mention of any certain history , who is able to say they were ever by the people vested in them ? if the supreme magistrate be entrusted of god , whose peculiar all government is , and not of man , or men , whose it is not ; as the power of government , so the sinews of that power , ( the treasuries and the militia ) must needs also be invested in him , not of the people , or any other , but of god alone . all along it may be observed , how the polititians of these times have raked hell for their policy . plato and aristotle , and other heathens , who thought the world was from eternity , and never knew the only true god , much lesse that he was the maker and creator of it , did not understand , that the whole government of the world , and of the nations of it , was , in right of creation and conservation , his peculiar ; and so , ( not so much as owning the true god , ) could not imagin whence civil power should arise , if not from the people . but that ( even under the profession of christianity ) this old heathenisme should obtain a resurrection in the policy of a christian nation , is a very sad presage . since god , as the worlds creator and conservator , is , of his own right , the only governour thereof , none can ever justly govern , but by communion therein with him , in whom it ever must inseparably remain . for , all dominion , and power , and glory are so properly his , that the property of them can never be made over absolutely to any other . whosoever therefore hath a just right to govern , hath it only by communion therein with god , as his minister in the administration of it , and not from men . hence it was , that the israelites ( of old ) when they desired to have a king as other nations had , went and made their addresse directly and immediately to god . for , till then , god had kept the administration it self over that people in his own hand ; which is an evident indication where and in whom all civil power is properly recideing ; and this plainly shews that from him alone it can be communicated to them that are his ministers in the formal dispensation of it . in as much then as the civil power cannot be dispensed without the publick militia and the publick treasury , these also as well as the power it self are entrusted by god into the hands of his supreme minister and vicegerent , and not by the people . more especially , the militia , being the more publick sword of justice , can never justly be in any hand , but his , to whom god himself , the only lord of life , delivers it . that whatsoever laws , usage , or customs are against the laws of true religion , reason , nature and grace , are irreligious , unreasonable , unnatural and gracelesse ; and therefore nul and void in their very making , and cannot oblige . but , such were , and are , all the known laws , usages and customes of england , by which the true , and only lawful government by king , lords , and commons assembled in parliament , have been originally constituted , and have hitherto continued . ergo , all those laws , usages and customes are null and void , and were so in their very making , and cannot oblige . that must be the assumption , and this the conclusion ; or else , the principle is nothing but so many empty words , which signifie just nothing , as to the present practice . but the conclusion must needs be false , because the assumption is not only false , but impossible to be true ; unless it can be thought a thing possible that a true christian nation should at first commence , and for many hundreds of years uphold , maintain and continue such a government as is founded upon such laws , usages and customes as are against the laws of that true religion that is professed by them ; and not only that , but against reason , nature and grace ; and consequently , irreligious , unreasonable , unnatural and gracelesse . such a government certainly there neither is , nor ever was , in any nation , christian , mahumetan , or heathen : it being a thing impossible that any whole nation should so far cease to be men , as to erect and continue a government , and establish laws , and give way to customes that are against that reason and humane nature by which they are men , and not horses , mules , lions , tygers , beares , or wolves : or , that they should be of any religion good or bad , and make laws contrary to that religion that is professed by them . the result upon the whole matter is this ; if this impossible and most absurd assumption be not true , the present practice upon the confidence of the truth of it , is not to be justified , but to be justly condemned , and either to be repented of , or finally punished ( perhaps in this world , but certainly ) in the world to come . next to those principles , it follows thus ; these and many the like principles of common reason have been distilled into the judgments and consideration of the free people of this nation , by means whereof it will not be an easie matter for any rulers in any form of government whatsoever , to reduce them again unto their former yokes of bondage and slavery . here 's the desperation of all firme , stable and constant settlement in any forme of government whatsoever . for if these positions must be all taken for undoubted principles , and the practical application of them left to private persons , that is , indifferently to the free people of the nation , there can never be any sedition or insurrection but may be justified : for if the parties to it may themselves be judges , it were madnesse in them not to condemn subjection to the present government ( how good soever ) to be bondage and slavery . but , because it is here intimated , that the free people of this nation have been under former yokes of bondage and slavery , it would be considered , first , whether bondage and slavery was really and truly the condition of the people of this nation in former times : secondly , how much worse their condition of such former ( falsely called ) bondage and slavery was , than the ( pretended ) liberty , wherewith they have since been vexed , harrassed , impoverished and ( little lesse than ) ruined ; and under which they must expect to suffer the same horrid exactions of immense sums of money , as long as any new government shall stand ; which can no longer stand than the vaste charge of a huge army shall uphold it . this the poor enslaved and miserably depressed free people of this nation do all in general so very well understand , ( it having with heavy strokes been beaten into their heads , ) that a few sugared words , and fair promises ( from them that professe they will keep none , and have broken all they have already made , though bound with sacred and solemne oaths , ) will never be heartily beleived , or much regarded . but , if under the ancient government there was any such thing as real bondage and slavery ( beside the bondage which poor copiholders are still like to endure under those that knew how to free themselves from the court of wards ; ) it would be considered whether the fault was in the law , or in the forme of government , or in the office of governing , or in the persons in whom the publick administration resided ? the government and the forme of it , were certainly without exception : for , three simple forms of government there are that are lawful and just in themselves by the confession of all men ; and the ancient and only lawful government of this nation hath all that is good in all the three ; and is therefore in it self the best government in the world . consequently there could be no fault , unless it were in the personal administration ; and then it would again be considered , whether there was any such thing as was reputed a fault ; and whether that , that was deemed a fault , were any fault at all , since they that will despise dominion , and speak evil of dignities , will also speak evil of those things which they know not . and then whether any governours are obliged to a papal infallibility , under the penalty of having their heads taken off at their own gates ? and lastly , whether it be just to punish and persecute with the sword , and utterly to drive into eternal exile , and for ever to disseize of an ancient inheritance , him or them that have never offended ? that when those in authority shall neglect the great ends of government , and improve all opportunities and advantages by means of their power and grandure , unto their own personal and family interest ; especially when they shall wilfully , and against common and universal reason , act contrary thereunto , to the apparent danger of common safety , they determine their authority ; and having in such cases quitted their care and respects to the peoples protection and welfare , they likewise quit the people from their allegiance and obedience . if by those in authority be meant those that have no more authority than what the sundry pretenders to it have really had , since the suppressing of the known , legal and true parliament of england ; their improving all opportunities and advantages to their own personal and family interest , is no more than what in reason could be expected from them . and if they that set up such strange authorities , which england hath ever heretofore been happily unacquainted with , shall take them down again at their pleasure , there needs no special plea for such a practice . but if by those in authority be meant the full , whole , equal and free parliament of england , in its ancient and legal constitution ; that such an entyre and true parliament , consisting of the prince , the peers , and the whole people ( in their equal representative ) should all conspire together ( there being no just power in any one of those three estates to make a binding law without the other two , or in any two without the third , ) to be so grossely unrighteous as to improve all their power joyntly to their several personal and family interests , ( if it were possible ; ) or should all at once fall into so high a degre of folly or lunacy as wilfully to act against common and universal reason ; and that , to the apparent danger of common safety , wherein their own share is greater than of tentimes so many other men ; surely , to imagine such a thing first , and then to suppose it as probable , and ( more than that ) to insinuate that it hath been so done de facto , and practically to conclude from thence , that the people , ( that is , they that will be call'd the people , ) are quitted from their allegiance , and from all obedience to their only lawful governours , and the ancient fundamental and only lawful government of the nation ; what to call this , to give it a proper title , will require some time to consider . that as all lawes , statutes , acts and ordinances , so all engagements , promises , and protestations , all acknowledgements , subscriptions , vowes and oaths , all , and all manner of obligations and expressions thereof , are only binding unto the publick safety , and not at all to the persons of the governours , or formes of government , but with reference thereunto . that which is here insinuated & must be so understood , ( if all this be any thing at all to the justification of the present practice of suppressing by a lawlesse power all the fundamental laws of the land , & the whole ancient & lawful government thereof , ) is , that all the said laws , and the whole government it self are utterly inconsistent with , and certainly destructive to the publick safety : that is , all our law-givers , kings and parliaments in all former ages were either ignorant of what was conducing to that end , or maliciously bent against it ; and the whole people that have generally promised , protested , covenanted and sworn to maintain the ancient government and the known laws of the land , were either all out of their wits when they did it , or never had any , till the light , the light of these rare principles came forth , and shined upon them . and yet ( for all that , ) the publick safety ( which was never much endangered till these blessed dayes ) hath been ever hitherto effectually preserved , no man can imagine how ! but if this new doctrine may passe for current the use and end of all promises , covenants , protestations and oaths is utterly lost ; and consequently , it must be a taking of gods name in vaine to promise any thing upon oath in any case . for needs must that be in vaine that can never attain the end that is pretended for it . the only end of an oath by which a promise is confirmed , is the unquestionable assurance of the effectual performance of that which is promised : if then in this , he that promiseth may be fast or loose , as he himself shall judge the real performance conducing or not conducing to publick safety , the undoubted assurance which that oath should cause being the greatest uncertainty , the oath is absolutely taken in vain ; and consequently perjurious in the very taking of it , as well as in the ensuing contempt , if not performed : for , that god is not invoked in the oath taking to give testimony to a lye , must meerly depend upon the fallible opinion of every one that takes that oath , touching what is , or is not conducible to publick safety . and whereas it is said , that promises , protestations and oaths are only binding unto the publick safety , there can be nothing more abominably and scandalously false . for , that the special matter of the promise or the thing promised by oath , is that only thing to which the oath and the promise ( as such ) do properly oblige , is a truth too apparent to be contradicted , or doubted of . otherwise , when a witnesse hath sworn , or promised by oath , to speak the whole truth , and nothing but the truth , he may safely neglect this special matter of his oath , and speak any thing or nothing , in case he be convinced in his judgment that the discovery of such a truth is inconvenient for the publick safety . if the case be not the self-same , when men have sworn or promised by oath , to bear faith and true allegiance to the king , his heirs , and lawful successors , wherein lies the difference ? why doth not the oath in this case bind simply to the special matter of it , as well as in the former , or in any other ? if oaths be binding only to the publick safety , or to some other real or pretended end , and not at all to the persons of those men to whom the promises ( thereby confirmed , ) are made , nor to the special matter , to wit , the actual and effectual performance of what is promised , two grosse absurdities will follow ; first , that there can be no such thing as perjury , or breach of oath committed by any person in any case imaginable . for that man is mad that will ever judge that to be publick safety , wherein his own is not included ; and a mans own safety is that which every man doth naturally and necessarily desire , and most earnestly pursue ( according to his power , and the uttermost of his understanding ) in all his actions : therefore , if an oath binds only to this end , he stedfastly aiming at this , in the non-performance of his oath , is guilty of no breach of it , in what case soever it be : and so , perjury is simply impossible in any case imaginable . the second is , that all promises confirmed by oaths , are to no purpose at all , ( be the case what it will , or can ; ) for , they either have no binding force at all , or they must needs binde to the performance of them , and that to the person or persons to whom they are made : if therefore they binde to neither of these , they signifie just nothing ; and consequently , all oaths taken in confirmation of them are absolute perjuries and blasphemies . for , the oath bindes only and precisely to what the promise doth ; because the oath bindes only to make good the promise , and the promise cannot be made in the aire , but must necessarily be made to some person or persons ; if therefore the promise binde not to the persons of those men to whom it is made , nor to the performance of what is promised , no more doth the oath ; and so nothing at all comes of either , but palpable wrong to the persons abused , and deluded by them , and a blasphemous invocation of god to be witnesse to a lie . the authors of equivocations and men al reservations had not the wit to think of this new device , to elude the oaths of allegiance and supremacy : those inventions were but toyes to this . this had they happily hit on , and could in their little modesty have owned , they might have allowed the taking of those oaths as lawful , even in the plaine sense which the words do expressely signifie , though they had held the real and actual performance of them never so unlawful : for now , they and all the world are taught ( to the high scandal of the protestant profession , ) that all oaths and other obligations ( of what kinde soever ) are not at all binding either to the real and true performance of them , or to the persons of those to whom they are made , ( though both these be expressed in the plaine words of the oath ; ) but only to the publick safety , ( though this be never mentioned at all therein : ) thus might those holy fathers have eluded the obligation of those oaths , and of all other put upon them , or upon any of their party : especially , if they had considered withal , that that which was publick safety to their foes , was no publick safety to them , ( their own , being least of all included in it : ) and so the said oaths could binde them to nothing at all , if only to that which they ( in all reason ) must esteem the publick safety . psal. 15. lord , who shall dwell in thy tabernacle , &c. — he that sweareth to his own hurt , and changeth not . also , that oaths should be binding only to the publick safety , and not at all to the persons to whom they are made , nor to the real and true performance of what is promised thereby , is irrefragably confuted by the example of the oath of joshua and the princes of israel to the gibeonites . how comes the oath of allegiance ( back'd by those other , of the protestation and the covenant , ) to be lesse binding to the persons of the king and his heirs , than that was to the persons of the gibeonites ? and how is real and effectual performance lesse necessary for the avoiding of perjury now , than it was then ? let all the chaplains of old o lay their heads together to give a clear categorical answer . but this will appear to be the harder undertaking , if it be farther considered , that , by the late and present practice upon the principle aforesaid , two of those three qualifications which god * himself hath annexed to all oaths , are utterly despised and made nothing of ; to wit , truth and righteousnesse . for , first , the truth that must be found in the oath , consisteth in the full congruity of the thing promised ( in the real performance of it , ) with the words of the oath , under which the promise is made . as , in the oath of allegiance , j. a. b. do promise , that from henceforth i shall bear faith and true allegiance to the kings highness , his heirs and lawful successors : if the faith and true allegiance to the king and his heirs here promised , do and shall fully answer to the words of the oath henceforth ; then , in that congruity of the thing promised ( and effectually performed ) with the expresse words of the promise , is the truth of that oath ; but , if this truth be wilfully neglected , and the contrary thereto ( upon whatsoever pretence ) admitted , it is ( unavoidably ) the most absolute and formal perjury that men can ever possibly be guilty of . and then , if truth be wanting , the other qualification of righteousnesse must needs be so . for if the faith and true allegiance promised were not due by law ( as by all law , divine and humane , it is , ) yet the solemne and expresse promise of it , and that upon oath , must needs put the duenesse of it past all dispute . therefore the failer of truth , in the difformity between the duty promised , and the words of the promise ( which the oath includeth , ) doth necessarily infer the failer of righteousness also ; it being the special and proper act of righteousnesse , * to render to all their dues . if the righteous scarely be saved * , where shall the unrighteous ( and perjurious too ) appear ? there is another device to elude ( if god could be mocked ) the obligation of this oath : and that is , that when they took it , they then did really and truly intend to perform it , ( though they have seen cause since to be of another minde : ) and , that the truth of that their first intention , is all the truth that belongeth to the oath for ever after . how cunning some men can be , to damn their souls ! meer polititians and formal atheists must they needs be , that can with any confidence put all the little hope they have of heaven upon the validity of that , which ( upon the least consideration ) must needs appear to themselves to signifie just nothing . for , ( unlesse they took the oath with no judgment , ) they cannot but know , that their inward intention of keeping it , was not so much as mentioned therein : nor did they at all swear , to intend then the performance of it ; but , from thenceforth to perform it . therefore the truth of their intention ( if there were any , ) never was nor is any thing at all to that special truth which ought from thenceforth ( that is , in all time to come , ) to be bound in the special matter of the oath , which is only and precisely the real and effectual performance of that formal act and duty , of bearing faith and true allegiance , &c. and , as the pretended truth of intention , is nothing to the truth , or is not the formal truth of the real performance of that duty , ( which is the only thing promised by the oath ; ) so is it nothing at all conducing to the special and proper end of it : for , the end of that oath was not to discover the secrets of mens hearts , ( the knowledge whereof belongs to none but god and themselves , ) but to bind them to their external and civil duty . the failer of truth therfore as touching this , is ( without all contradiction ) that foul and grosse perjury , for which there can be no apology , nor pardon without repentance . if this nation therefore should so far forget their natural and necessary duty of allegiance to their only lawful soveraign , as to break through the strongest obligation of this most solemne publick and legal oath and divers others by which they have promised and sworn the due performance of it , such a national wickednesse committed in an open , bold , and daring manner , involving an atheistical defiance of the god of truth by whom they have sworn , would very soon draw down upon them a national and fatal judgment ; and that infallibly : and the reason hereof is , because this kind of impiety not only dishonours god obliquely , ( as all sinne doth , ) but directly darkens the glory of god in his great attribute of truth , wherein he alone excelleth all other that are falsely called so . and because the scandal of the wilful breach of this national oath can know no limit , it can be no lesse than a total eclipsing ( as much as in men lies ) of the glory of god ( which he will part with at no rate ) in the eyes of all the nations of the world . and in this kind of sin , this is singular and proper , that , for this , if wilfully committed , no man may pray , that god would remit or avert the temporal and speedy vengeance that is due unto it : because this is the only proper expedient for that necessary and indispensable vindication of gods glory in the eyes of men , being by that kind of sin caused ( as much as in men lies ) to be disreputed among all other nations to be the god of truth , or , the only true god . and the wilful breach of this oath is the more horrid , in that it is committed against the highest , cleerest , greatest and most publickly known right in all the world . 1 cor. 6. 7 , 8. — why do ye not rather take wrong ? why do ye not rather suffer your selves to be defrauded ? nay , you do wrong , and defraud , and that your brethren ; what aggravation then were this ! and that your publick father , even the greatest nursing father of the church , the truest defender of the faith , and ( under god ) the greatest patron of the purest profession of that faith in all the world , and by all other nations ( holding the same profession ) ever so accounted . but , lest they that have never in their proper persons taken that oath aforementioned , should think themselves to be little concerned in it , it is here to be farther noted , 1. that the law of god , by the intervention of the inviolable and fundamental law of the land ( without which the eighth precept as well as the fifth , of the moral and eternal law of god would have nothing in this land to take effect upon , ) doth of it self ( before and without that oath ) oblige the conscience of every one of the free people of this nation to perform the duty of bearing faith and true allegiance to the lawful and rightful king and governour thereof . 2. that the oath of allegiance and every other legal oath to the like effect , being once taken by the whole nations representative in parliament , and in the capacity of such a representative , must necessarily oblige the nation represented , no lesse than the representative it self ; and that ( according to the tenor of the oath , ) from thence forth ; that is , in all time to come . and this appears evidently by the example of the oath of the princes of israel to the gibeonites . the princes being the whole peoples representative , and for that cause , stiled the princes of the congregation , the whole people stood obliged by it , ( though not formally taken by every one , ) and that for ever after . and this appears by the heavie judgment of god upon sauls family , four hundred and thirty years after , for the breach of that national oath , though he himself had never formally taken it . for though an oath be vinculum personale , yet that is no reason why in such a case it should not binde the consciences of those persons that ( formerly ) took it not , but rather why it should ; to wit , because those persons that took it , took it not only in their own formal capacity , as so many single men , but more especially in their publick and representative capacity , as sustaining the persons of all the rest of the people ; in which case , the persons of all other represented by them are obliged by that oath ; it being even to them , at least by interpretation , a personal oath ; and they themselves personally took it : for , in this case , or any other the like , quod quis facit per alium , facit per se ; that which any one doth by another in his stead , he doth by himself . therefore as the whole people do by their freely chosen representative consent to the enacting of a law , so to the taking of this legal oath , and are therefore no lesse obliged personally by both than their representers are . all the persons therefore of the whole people that shall formally consent to the breach of this national oath , are as formally guilty before god both of that perjury and injustice as any particular persons are , in what capacity or place of authority soever they be . these are all but one , which is rather implyed , than expressed , and is to this effect , viz. that it is lawful to justifie one iniquity by another : or , that , because some persons have done such things , others may do the like . or , ( more expressely , ) that , strange and unknown practises , never done before , nor at all justifiable by any known lawes , and ( doubtlesse in respect of the letter of the law , ) very illegal actions ( and those in expresse contradiction to divers national oaths , ) may lawfully and justifiably be done ; ( and that ) by persons , that are not the whole or the greater part of the whole number of those , in whom the supreme government is ( by the ancient constitution and uninterrupted usage , and known law and custome of the nation , ) really and of right existing : and that such unknown and strange practises , ( extending to the totall dissolution of the only known legal government , ) being justifiable by no known law , divine or humane , by no former precedent , good or bad , nor by any certaine rule and just measure of civil righteousness , may yet be jusified by the pretended light of the aforesaid principles , falsely called principles of common reason , justice and equity . what s. ireneus of old said of the horrid and grosse heresies of the valentinians , that the meere discovery of them was confutation enough , may very well be said of this no lesse horrid and heretical assertion . the pretended light of the aforesaid principles , ( much like that of the quakers , is here confessedly opposed to all the known law of the land . and yet , beside the whole body of all the known laws of the land , and true customes of the nation , there is not any thing imaginable , by which the several persons of it are or can be actually united and formally constituted a civil body . and , that , where there is no civil body , there can be no civil authority , is as plain and certain , as that twice two is four , or thrice three , nine . by what authority then could or can any such strange and unknown practices be done , which ( by the actors own confession ) are not only beside , but directly contrary to all known law ? it is impossible for a stream to rise higher than the fountain out of which it flows . the known law of the land , and the fundamental customes of the nation ( and not the light of any principles of common reason , which all the nations of the world are equal partakers of , ) being the only proper and formal cause of the very constitution of the civil body as such , must needs be the only fountain of all civil authority and lawful power in it : this therefore can never rise higher , or reach farther than that law , custome , and civil constitution . therefore whatsoever hath beene done , by what persons soever , beside , or beyond , or more directly contrary to the known law , custome and civil constitution of the kingdom , hath been done by no civil authority or lawful power . and consequently , whatsoever hath so been done , ( by what person soever , or in what capiacity soever , ) must necessarily infer the guilt of that unrighteousnesse , which nothing but true repentance can remove ; and no repentance can be true , if the sin it self be wilfully persisted in . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29451e-140 principle the first . the second . the third . the fourth . the fifth . the sixth . the seventh the eighth . the ninth . the tenth . the eleventh the twelfth thh 13th . the 14th . the 15th . * jer. 4. 2. * rom. 13. 7. * 1 pet. 4. 18. 2 sam. 21. 1 , 2. the protestation of the generall assemblie of the church of scotland, and of the noblemen, barons, gentlemen, borrowes, ministers and commons; subscribers of the covenant, lately renewed, made in the high kirk, and at the mercate crosse of glasgow, the 28, and 29. of november 1638 protestation. 1638-11-29 church of scotland. general assembly. 1638 approx. 20 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11752 stc 22047 estc s116929 99852144 99852144 17451 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11752) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 17451) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1394:13) the protestation of the generall assemblie of the church of scotland, and of the noblemen, barons, gentlemen, borrowes, ministers and commons; subscribers of the covenant, lately renewed, made in the high kirk, and at the mercate crosse of glasgow, the 28, and 29. of november 1638 protestation. 1638-11-29 church of scotland. general assembly. warriston, archibald johnston, lord, 1611-1663. [16] p. by george anderson, printed at glasgow : in the yeare of grace, 1638. written for the general assembly by archibald johnston, lord warriston. a protest against the proclamation of 29 november dissolving the assembly. signatures: a-b⁴. running title reads: protestation november 29. in this state a2r has catchword "intruded"; first word on a2v is "intruded". variant: quire a wrongly printed with the outer forme of stc 22047.5; first word on a2v is "of". reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng scotland. -sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i). -proclamations. 1638-11-29 -controversial literature -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2004-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the protestation of the generall assemblie of the chvrch of scotland , and of the noblemen , barons , gentlemen , borrowes , ministers and commons ; subscribers of the covenant , lately renewed , made in the high kirk , and at the mercate crosse of glasgow , the 28 , and 29. of november 1638. printed at glasgow by george anderson , in the yeare of grace , 1638. the protestation of the generall assembly of the church of scotland , &c. wee commissioners from presbyteries , burghes , and universities , now conveened in a full and free assembly of the church of scotland , indicted by his majestie , and gathered together in the name of the lord jesus christ the only head , and monarch of his owne church ; and wee noblemen , barons , gentlemen , ministers , burgesses and commons , subscribers of the confession of faith , make it knowne that where wee his majesties loyall subjects of all degrees , considering and taking to heart the many and great innovations and corruptions lately by the prelats and their adherents intruded of this church , which had beene before in great puritie to our unspeakable comfort established amongst us , were moved to present many earnest desires and humble supplications to his sacred majestie , for granting a free generall assembly , as the only legall and readie meane to try these innovations , to purge out the corruptions , and settle the order of the church , for the good of religion , the honour of the king , and the comfort and peace of the kirk and kingdome : it pleased his gracious majestie , out of his royall bountie , to direct unto this kingdome , the noble and potent lord , james marques of hammiltoun , with commission to heare and redresse the just grievances of the good subjects , who by many petitions , and frequent conferences , being fully informed of the absolute necessitie of a free generall assemblie , as the only judicatorie which had power to remedie those evils , was pleased to undergoe the paines of a voyage to england for presenting the pitifull condition of our church to his sacred majestie ; and the said commissioner his grace returned againe in august last , with power to indict an assembly , but with the condition of such prelimitations , as did both destroy the freedome of an assemblie , and could no wayes cure the present diseases of this church : which was made so clearly apparent to his grace , that for satisfying the reasonable desire of the subjects , groaning under the wearinesse and prejudices of longsome attendance , hee was againe pleased to under-take another journey to his majestie , and promised to endeavour to obtaine a free generall assemblie , without any prelimitation , either of the constitution and members , or matters to be treated , or manner , and order of proceeding , so that if any question should arise concerning these particulars , the same should bee cognosced , judged , and determined by the assemblie , as the onely judge competent : and accordingly by warrant from our sacred soveraigne , returned to this kingdome , and in september last , caused indict a free generall assemblie , to be holden at glasgow , the 21. of november instant , to the unspeakable joy of all good subjects and christian hearts , who thereby did expect the perfect satisfaction of their long expectations ; and the finall remedie of their pressing grievances : but these hopes were soone blasted : for albeit the assemblie did meet and begin at the appointed day , and hath hitherto continued , still assisted with his graces personall presence , yet his grace hath never allowed any freedome to the assemblie , competent to it by the word of god , acts and practise of this church , and his majesties indiction , but hath laboured to restraine the same , by protesting against all the acts made therein , and against the constitution therof by such members , as by all law reason and custome of this church were ever admitted in our free assemblies , and by denying his apprebation to the things proponed and coucluded , though most cleare , customable , and uncontraverted . and now since his grace after the presenting and reading of his own commission from our sacred soveraigne , and after his seeing all our commissions from presbyteries and burghes produced and examined , and the assembly constitute of all the members by unanimous consent , doth now to our greater griefe without any just cause or occasion offered by us , unexpectedly depart and discharge any further meeting , or proceeding in this assembly , under the paine of treason ; and after seven dayes sitting , declare all acts made , or heereafter to be made in this assembly , to be of no force nor strength ; and that for such causes as are either expressed in his maiesties former proclamations , ( and so are answered in our former protestations ) or set downe in the declinatour , and protestation presented in name of the prelats , ( which are fully cleared in our answere made thereto ) or else were long since proponed by the commissioner his g. in his eleven articles or demands sent unto us , before the indiction of the assembly ( and so were satisfied by our answers , which his grace acknowledged , by promising after the recept thereof to procure a free generall assembly , with power to determine upon all questions , anent the members , manner , and matters thereof ) all which for avoyding tediousnesse wee heere repeat : or otherwise the said causes alleadged by the commissioner , were proponed by his grace , in the assemblie ; such as first , that the assemblie refused to reade the declinatour and protestation exhibited by the prelats , which neverthelesse was publicklie read and considered by the assemblie , immediatly after the election of a moderatour and constitution of the members , before the which , there was no assemblie established , to whom the same could have been read : next , that ruling elders were permitted to have voyce in the election of commissioners from presbyteries , which was knowne to his grace , before the indiction and meeting of the assembly , and is so agreeable to the acts and practise of this church , inviolably observed before the late times of corruption , that not one of the assembly doubted thereof , to whom by the indiction and promise of a free assembly , the determination of that question , anent the members constituent propertie belonged . and last , that the voyces of the six assessors , who did sit with his grace , were not asked and numbered , which we could not conceive to bee any just cause of offence , since after 39. nationall assemblies of this reformed church , where neither the kings maiestie , nor any in his name was present , at the humble and earnest desire of the assembly , his maiesty graciously vouchsafed his presence either in his owne royall person , or by a commissioner , not for voting or multiplying of voyces , but as princes and emperours of old , in a princely manner to countenance that meeting , and to preside in it for externall order ; and if wee had been honoured with his maiesties personall presence , his maiestie ( according to the practice of king james of blessed memorie ) would have only given his own iudgment in voting of matters , and would not have called others who had not been cloathed with commission from the church to carry things by pluralitie of voyces . therefore in conscience of our duetie to god and his trueth , the king and his honour , the church and her liberties , this kingdome and her peace , this assemblie and her freedome , to our selves and our safetie , to our posteritie , persons and estates , wee professe with sorrowfull and heavie , but loyall hearts . that wee cannot dissolve this assemblie , for the reasons following . 1. for the reasons alreadie printed anent the necessitie of conveening a generall assemblie , which are now more strong in this case , seeing the assemblie was alreadie indicted by his maiesties authoritie , did conveene , and is fully constitute in all the members thereof , according to the word of god , and discipline of this church , in the presence and audience of his maiesties commissioner ; who hath reallie acknowledged the same , by assisting therein seven dayes , and exhibition of his maiesties royall declaration , to bee registrate in the bookes of this assemblie , which accordingly is done . 2. for the reasons contained in the former protestations made in name of the noblemen , barons , burgesses , ministers , and commons , whereunto we doe now iudicially adhere , as also unto the confession of faith and covenant , subscribed and sworne by the body of this kingdome . 3. because as wee are obliged by the application and explication subioyned necessarily to the confession of faith subscribed by us ; so the kings maiestie , and his commissioner , and privie councell ; have urged many of this kingdome to subscribe the confession of faith made in anno 1580. and 1590 : and so to returne to the doctrine and discipline of this church , as it was then professed : but it is cleare by the doctrine and discipline of this church , contained in the booke of policie then registrate in the bookes of assemblie , and subscribed by the presbyteries of this church ; that it was most unlawfull in it self , and preiudiciall to these priviledges which christ in his word hath left to his church , to dissolve or breake up the assemblie of this church , or to stoppe and stay their proceedings in constitution of acts for the welfare of the church , or execution of discipline against offenders ; and so to make i● appeare , that religion and church-government should depend absolutely upon the pleasure of the prince . 4. because there is no ground of pretence either by act of assemblie , or parliament , or any preceeding practice , whereby the kings majestie may lawfully dissolve the generall assemblie of the church of scotland , far lesse his majesties commissioner , who by his commission hath power to indict and keep it , secundùm legem & praxim : but upon the contrary , his majesties prerogative royall , is declared by act of parliament , to be nowayes prejudiciall to the priviledges and liberties , which god hath granted to the spirituall office-bearers , and meetings of this church ; which are most frequently ratified in parliaments , and especially in the last parliament holden by his maiestie himself , which priviledges and liberties of the church , his maiesty will never diminish or infringe , being bound to maintaine the same in integritie by solemne oath given at his royall coronation in this kingdome . 5. the assemblies of this church have still inioyed this freedome of uninterrupted sitting , without or notwithstanding any contramand , as is evident by all the records thereof ; and in speciall by the generall assembly holden in anno 1582. which being charged with letters of horning by the kings maiestie his commissioner and councell , to stay their processe against master robert montgomerie , pretended bishop of glasgow , or otherwise to dissolve and rise , did notwithstanding shew their libertie and freedome , by continuing and sitting still , and without any stay , going on in that processe against the said master robert , to the finall end thereof : and thereafter by letter to his maiestie , did shew clearly , how far his majestie had been uninformed , and upon misinformation , prejudged the prerogative of jesus christ , and the liberties of this church , and did inact and ordaine , that none should procure any such warrant or charge under the pain of excommunication . 6. because now to dissolve , after so many supplications and complaints , after so many reiterated promises , after our long attendance and expectation , after so many references of processes from presbyteries , after the publick indiction of the assemblie , and the solemne fast appointed for the same , after frequent convention , formall constitution of the assemblie in all the members thereof a and seven dayes sitting , were by this act to offend god , contemne the subjects petitions , deceive many of their conceived hopes of redresse of the calamities of the church and kingdome , multiply the combustions of this church , and make every man despaire heereafter ever to see religion established , innovations removed , the subjects complaint respected , or the offenders punished with consent of authoritie , and so by casting the church loose and desolate , would abandon both to ruine . 7. it is most necessary to continue this assemblie for preveening the prejudices which may ensue upon the pretence of two covenants , whereas indeed there is but one . that first subscribed in 1500. and 1590. being a nationall covena●● , and oath to god ; which is lately renewed by ●s , with that necessary explanation , which the corruptions introduced since that time contrary to the same , inforced : which is also a knowledged by the act of councell in september last , declaring the same to bee subscribed , as it was meaned the time of the first subscription : and therefore for removing that shame , and all preiudices which may follow upon the show of two different covenants and confessions of faith in one nation , the assemblie cannot dissolve , before it trye , finde and determine , that both these covenants , are but one and the selfe same covenant : the latter renewed by us , agreeing to the true genuine sense and meaning of the first , as it was subscribed in anno 1580. for these and many other reasons , wee the members of this assemblie , in our owne name , and in the name of the kirk of scotland , whom wee represent ; and wee noblemen , barons , gentlemen , ministers , burgesses , and commons before mentioned , doe solemnely declare in the presence of the everliving god , and before all men ; and protest , 1. that our thoughts are not guiltie of any thing which is not incumbent to us , as good christians towardes god , and loyall subjects towardes our sacred soveraigne . 2. that all the protestations generall or particular , proponed or to bee proponed by the commissioner his grace , or the prelates and their adherents , may bee presentlie discussed before this generall assemblie , being the highest ecclesiasticall iudicatorie of this kingdome : and that his grace depart not till the same be done , 3. that the lord commissioner depart not , till this assemblie do fully settle the solide peace of this church , cognoscing and examining the corruptions introduced upon the doctrine and discipline thereof : and for attaining hereof , and removing all iust exceptions which may bee taken at our proceedings , we attest god the searcher of all hearts , that our intentions , and whole proceedings in this present assemblie , have beene , are , and shall be according to the word of god the lawes and constitutions of this church , the confession of faith ; our nationall oath , and that measure of light , which god the father of light shall grant us , and that in the sinceritie of our hearts , without any preoccupation or passion . 4. that if the commissioner his grace depart and leave this church and kingdome in this present disorder , and discharge this assemblie , that it is both lawfull and necessarie for us to sit still and continue in keeping this present assemblie ; indicted by his majestie , till we have tryed , judged , censured all the bygone evils , and the introductors , and provided a solide course for continueing gods trueth in this land with puritie and libertie , according to his word , our oath and confession of faith , and the lawfull constitutions of this church ; and that with the grace of god , wee and every one of us adhering hereunto , shall sit still and continue in this assemblie , till after the finall settling and conclusion of all matters , it be dissolved by common consent of all the members thereof . 5. that this assemblie is and should be esteemed and obeyed , as a most lawfull , full and free generall assemblie of this kingdome : and that all acts , sentences , constitutions , censures and proceedings of this assemblie , are in the self , and should be reputed , obeyed and observed by all the subjects of this kingdome , and members of this church , as the actions , sentences , constitutions , censures and proceedings of a full and free generall assemblie of this church of scotland , and to have all ready execution , under the ecclesiasticall paines contained , or to bee contained therein , and conforme thereto in all points . 6. that whatsoever inconvenience fall out , by impeding , molesting , or staying the free meeting , sitting , reasoning , or concluding of this present assemblie , in matters belonging to their judicatorie , by the word of god , lawes & practice of this church , and the confession of faith , or in the observing and obeying the acts , ordinances and conclusions thereof , or execution to follow thereupon : that the same be not imputed unto us , or any of us , who most ard entlie desired the concurrance of his maiesties commissioner to this lawfull assembly : but upon the contrare , that the prelats and their adherentes , who have protested and declined this present assemblie , in conscience of their own guiltinesse , not dareing to abide any legall tryall , and by their misinformation have moved the commissioner his grace to dep●rt and discharge this assembly , bee esteemed repute and holden the disturbers of the peace , and overthrowers of the liberties of the church , and guiltie of all the evils which sh●ll follow heereupon , and condignely consured ; according to the greatnesse of their fault , and acts of the church and realme : and to this end . wee againe and againe doe by these presents cite and summond them , and every one of them , to compeere before this present generall assembly , to answere to the premisses , and to give in their reasons , defences , and answeres against the complaints given in , or to bee given in against them , and to heare probation led , and sentence pronounced against them , and conforme to our former citations , and according to iustice , with certification as effeirs . like as by these presents wee summond and cite all those of his majesties councell , or any other , who have procured , consented , subscribed , or ratified this present proclamation , to bee responsable to his majestie and three estates of parliament , for their counsell given in this matter , so highly importing his majestie , and the whole realme , conforme to the 12. act , king james 4. parliament 2. and protest for remedie of law against them , and every one of them : 7. and lastly wee protest , that as wee adhere to the former protestations all and every one of them , made in the name of the noblemen , barons , gentlemen , ministers , burghes , and commons ; so seeing wee are surprised by the commissioner his graces suddaine departing , farre contrary to his majesties indiction , and our expectation , wee may extend this our protestation , and adde more reasons thereunto in greater length and number , whereby wee may fully cleare before god and man , the equitie of our intentions , and lawfulnesse of our proceedings : and upon the whole premisses , the foresaids persons for themselves , and in name aforesaid asked instruments . this was done in the high church of glasgow , in publicke audience of the assemblie , begun in presence of the commissioner his grace , who removed and refused to heare the same to the end , the twentie eight day of november : and upon the mercate crosse of glasgow , the twentie ninth day of the said moneth , the yeare of god , 1638. respectivè . finis . an answer of a minister of the church of england to a seasonable and important question, proposed to him by a ... member of the present house of commons viz. what respect ought the true sons of the church of england ... to bear to the religion of that church, whereof the king is a member? cartwright, thomas, 1634-1689. 1687 approx. 175 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35015 wing c696 estc r16020 12545054 ocm 12545054 63029 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35015) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63029) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 308:16) an answer of a minister of the church of england to a seasonable and important question, proposed to him by a ... member of the present house of commons viz. what respect ought the true sons of the church of england ... to bear to the religion of that church, whereof the king is a member? cartwright, thomas, 1634-1689. a. b. 63 p. printed for j.l. and are to be sold by most booksellers in london and westminster, london : 1687. attributed to thomas cartwright. cf. nuc pre-1956. signed: a.b. reproduction of original in huntington library. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-07 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer of a minister of the church of england , to a seasonable and important question , proposed to him by a loyal and religious member of the present house of commons : viz. what respect ought the true sons of the church of england , in point of conscience and christian prudence , to bear to the religion of that church , whereof the king is a member ? if it be possible , and as much as in you lies , live peaceably with all men. rom. xii . 18. london , printed for j. l. and are to be sold by most booksellers in london and westminster . 1687. answer of a minister of the church of england , to a seasonable and important question , propos'd to him by a loyal and religious member of the present house of commons . sir , the support and security of the government , as now by law establish'd , both in church and state , is so publick a good , that all good christians and subjects , within these kingdoms , are oblig'd to open their veins and purses for it ; and , à fortiori , to open their mouths , and put their pens to paper for it , in a time of trial. and since you are pleas'd to condescend so far , as to ask my poor private judgment , as if you meant to rely upon it , in a case of such publick importance , i will save you and my self the trouble of any apology , and trust to your candor , and my own good intentions , in setting down what i judge to be your's , and my duty in all sincerity , ( which god knows i have done ; ) and leave to him and you the pardoning of my errors ; which i hope you will at least cover from being any common nuisance to others , or any private damage to my self . you are alwaies pleas'd to allow me as much freedom in writing as in thinking ; and therefore i do the more freely pour my indigested thoughts into your bosom , as well to ease my own mind , as to understand what your's will be of the whole matter ; for i am sensible , that the commands you have laid upon me , are rather directed to try my obedience , than to supply want of information in any point , which concerns your duty to god or the king : and therefore i must rather expose my own real desects , than not endeavour to supply your imaginary ones ; who will be alwaies , as much as i can , though not so much as i ought to be , your servant . they , who least consider hazzard in the doing of their duty fare best still : mens tongues are their own ; nor is it in your power or mine , to prescribe what shall be spoken for or against us , by them who make all men papists , who are not schismaticks ; nor will they ever believe us far enough from rome , unless we will bear them company to geneva . but we have not so learned christ : we have been taught how to govern our selves , both towards papal and popular supremacy , and to give unto caesar the things which are caesar's , and to god the things that are gods. what i now speak , in this paper , is , i am sure , to a wise man ; judge you what i say . now , first , sir , give me leave to premise , that a case of conscience , and a case of prudence , are not alwaies the same case ; and therefore would require more than one resolution ; they seem to differ just as much , as what is lawful and what is expedient . terms that often meet together , may eidem competere , but are not convertible , and very often cannot de eodem affirmari . some things that are lawful may not be expedient ; and some things have of late years ( as you well remember ) been thought expedient ( as the black-bill of exclusion ) which you , and i knew to be unlawful ; and tho the calling it christian prudence do distinguish it from that , and such-like vnchristian projects of some state-politicians , and suppose it only conversant about things lawful ; yet still there is a difference between what i ought , and must , as bound in conscience to do , that i may approve my self an honest man , and a good subject ; and what i may or should do at this juncture , to prove my self a discreet and prudent man : if i do not the former , i sin both against god and the king ; if not the latter , i do not sin mortally , though i act foolishly ; which will prove the case of very many , whom it will be hard for you or me to make so wise as they should be , because they conceit themselves to be wise enough already . prudence is not only a moral but a christian vertue , and such as is necessary to the constituting of all others , nec religio ulla sine sapientia suscipienda est , nec ulla sine religione probanda sapientia : without prudence our very zeal for the church of england , would prove but a kind of pious phrenesy : for though our intentions to preserve it , were never so justifiable , or commendable ; yet if we did not prudently choose appropriate means for the attainment of that good end , we should undermine the thing , which we would have established , and defeat our own aims ; for a good intention will never alter the nature of an ill action : we must therefore have our eyes in our heads , that we be not practis'd upon , to our own , or the churches ruine ; and be sure to judge of the things in question , according to truth and charity : non ex eo quod est fallimur , sed ex eo quod non est ; we are not cheated with realities , but with disguises and appearances of things ; with those counterfeit shapes which our selves or others have given them : sapiens est , cui res sapiunt , ut sunt , he is a prudent man to whom things savour , and relish as they are . who can abstract the ill that may be , from the good that appears to be , and sever the colour from the thing . wise men cannot be content to be abus'd with vmbrages ; they will consider first , what is just and honest , and then what is sit , decent and advantageous ; they will first argue the matter , in point of conscience , what is lawful ; both for the church's interest and their own ; and then in point of prudence , what is advisable ; that so in the conclusion they may please both god and the king. and accordingly , i suppose the meaning of your inquiry to be , what respect the true sons of the church of england may , salvâ conscientiâ , ( and therefore , as things now stand , must , and ought ) in prudence to bear to the religion , of that church , whereof the king is a member ? towards the stating and resolving of which question , 't will , perhaps , not be impertinent to mention what is meant by the king's religion , and who , by the true sons of the church of england , and what sort of respect or honour it may justly challenge from them , at this time especially . for when there is any , though but little difficulty or ambiguity in the terms , it is sit they should be explained ; nor may one presume , that they are generally understood aright , because they are , by some . the roman catholick religion is capable of magis and minus ; has degrees of better and worse : there is a court , as well as churh of rome ; and 't will not be impertinent to ask , of which it is we speak in this case ? because the determining that , will very much influence the respect here inquir'd of ; and we see that the most , the best , and the truest sons of the church of england , have more kindness and respect for one sort than another . 't is fit , likewise , that the meaning of the true sons of the church of england should be adjusted ; and that the rather , because the world was very lately so shamefully impos'd on by the equivocal signification of true protestants ; and we know not , but there may be still some of that illegitimate and spurious off-spring maintain'd under the disguise of the true sons of the church of england ; of whom both the father of our country , and our mother-church have reason to be ashamed . by a true son of the church of england , i mean one , who gives his assent and consent unfeignedly to the doctrines of the church , contained in the thirty nine articles and homilies , as they were received and expounded in the time of king charles the martyr , and in the book of common-prayer ; and who is truly conformable to the worship and discipline of the same , ( as far as he is or may be concern'd , ) contained in her injunctions , canons and rubricks ; one who as strictly observes the fasts and festivals of the church , as they are solemnly bid , and the lawful commands of the ordinary . which sons of the church , may be also consider'd as clergy or lay-men ; and these again as private-men , or magistrates , and members of parliament , ( as you your self are ; ) whom though i am not sit to advise or instruct when you sit on that bench ; yet whilst you are yet at your country house , you have given me no reason to question , but that my counsel , as mean as it is , will challenge its welcome . non tantus ego sum ut vos alloquar ; veruntamen & gladiatores persectissimos , non tantum magistri , sed etiam idiotae adhortantur de longinquo , ut saepe de ipso populo dictata suggesto profuerint ; ) for according to these differences of orders and degrees , a different respect will be expected from them , in the present case of our debate . lastly , we must consider what it is , to respect and honour the king and his religion , and in what this honour consists . and this is either internal or external ; the former consists in a due esteem of the person and thing so honoured and respected ; and the latter in a suitable external behaviour towards them ; and both the one and the other are to be paid to the king ; both the internal , by maintaining an high esteem of him in our hearts ; and the external , by behaving our selves so , as may best express that i●ward esteem we have of him , and propagate it in others , with whom we converse : for our most gracious prince may justly require of us , as saul did of samuel , that we should honour him before the people ; for as kings are gods by deputation , so are they in some sense to be honoured as god ; and accordingly , as we are to honour god , whether we eat or drink or whatsoever we do , by doing all to his glory ; that is , so as to beget in others the highest esteem of him , and such as becomes his transcendent glory ; so must we honour his vicegerent , by doing all things , which we lawfully may , without intrenching upon god's honour , for the king's glory , whereby we may beget and propagate in others , such an high esteem of him , both as a christian and prince ; such a due veneration of his royalty and religion , as becomes his supreme dignity and his christian vertues . the terms of the question being thus distinguish'd and explain'd , i proceed to give a distinct answer to the same , in these following conclusions . 1 st . every man , of what rank or order soever , is bound in conscience to keep close to the religion which he verily believes to be true , which the question it self supposes . there always have been , there are , and there ever will be differences in our judgments , till there be none in the faces of men ; only let them be sincere , innocent and inoffensive ; which they will then be , when our conversations are all of a piece , and we delight to serve the will of god entirely and sincerely , and to attend upon his providence without any reluctancy or disturbance , so as to bring our wills and all our actions , ends and designs into a compliance with it , duly considering that we came into this world by god's appointment , not to do our own wills , but the will of him that sent us . when we devote our selves to the will of god , as far as he has reveal'd it to us , to serve it faithfully and entirely , and rest well satisfied with the wisdom of his proceedings , who determines all things by an eternal rule of goodness , we enroll our selves in eternity : for as gods kingdom is set up , so may the devil's kingdom be pull'd down , without the noise of axe and hammers . we may then attain to the greatest atchievements against the gates of death and hell , when we most of all possess our own souls in patience , and collect our minds into the most peaceable compos'd and united temper . the motions of true practical religion are like that of the heavens , as silent as they are swift : though the motions of grace are perpetual , yet are they soft and gentle , and it acts most powerfully in them , in whom it acts most peaceably . every person who owns any , pretends it to be the true religion , like brutus and cassius , vbicunque ipsi essent , praetexebant esse rempublicam ; they will allow none to be the true church , but that of which they are members ; and they will have the gates of heaven to be open'd to none but themselves ; and allow no wedding garment , but such as is of their own spinning : ma●unt nullam habere quam non suam , they had rather there should be no religion professed in the world , than that their own should not take place ; and therefore a man had need count doctrines and opinions as well as money after his father ; and if he do so , he will find many of these ( though never so fair without ) to be counterfeit within : and that whilst one is of paul , and another of apollo , and a third of cephas , there are but few of christ : that these distractions in religion are the destruction of it , and that the conscionable part , which is the life of all true religion , is lost in the controversies of it . when there is no mind of yielding on either side , there will be no end of disputes , but galling one another , of which the apostle justly complains , and perswades us rather to forbear , and forgive one another , as becomes the disciples of the prince of peace . why should we shew so much violence in these points , of which we can have no certain evidence ? they are not christians of a sound constitution , who labour under such fits of unnatural zeal ; nor have they their conversation in heaven : for this is not to follow peace with all men , and holiness ; without which none shall see god ; who searches the secrets of the hearts , and loves weak sincerity better than strong hypocrisy ; which is the original of all such vnchristian heats . every man , as well the prince as the subject , is bound to stand up in his own way , for the defence of that religion , which he verily believes to be true. and when the foundations of faith are shaken , either by superstition or prosaneness , he who puts not out his hand , as firmly as he can ( with justice and charity ) to support it , is too wary , and may come to be condemn'd at the last day , for his neutrality , and for having more care of himself than of the cause of christ ; and it may prove a wariness , which , in the end , will bring more danger than it shuns . we think our selves therefore oblig'd to lay aside the rule of a late philosopher of our own country ; that every prince is god's interpreter , ( and so consequently , that his religion ought to be ours : ) for except contradictions could at the same time be true , it would make god the author of all the religions in the world , of which there are many so called , which are neither pure nor vndesiled : but the enquiry is , saving our own integrity , and walking humbly and vprightly with god , who hates juggling , and playing fast and loose , concerning a sort of brotherly forbearance and good manners ; ( to which christ was never thought to be an enemy . ) let us seriously consider , what shall be done to that religion , which the king desires to honour , and which he embraces , as the best in his judgment . to which i answer , 2 dly . that the true sons of the church of england , of what quality or degree soever , ought not to have a less respect for the king , for being of another church or religion ; because , as dominion is not founded in grace , so neither is our duty grounded upon having a religion common , both to the king and his subjects . neither will it suffice to say , that though we cannot pay him the same high respect that we would , if he were of our church and faith ; yet we will still be loyal : for this high respect is a main part of the thing ; and as fast as this lessens and cools , the remainder of loyalty will proportionably grow fainter , as to its outward exercise . and if religion be once set up against loyalty , they will both be spoil'd . though the prince be of one religion , and the people of another , yet he will be gracious if they are loyal ; and they may live very quietly together , if they do their duty to god and him. the elector of brandenburgh is himself a strict calvinist , and most of his subjects lutherans ; and a late duke of zell was a papist , and his subjects of the reform'd religion ; and yet liv'd in all love and concord , as we may do , i am sure , in this kingdom , better than any people in the world , if we are not wanting to our selves . and therefore he is neither a good christian nor subject ; who does not do all things that are lawful and honest , which his sovereign expects or requires , with all alacrity and respect , without murmuring , disputing or repining : or who would limit his prince's pleasure where god hath not done it ? 't is no good religion , whose principles destroy any duty of religion , or give any disturbance to the government , or alienate the hearts of his subjects from the supreme governor . ours , i am sure , will not suffer it ; nor matters it , what religion any man is of , that is a rebel . the opinion of his sect will neither satisfie the state , nor save his soul. whatsoever is peevish , disrespectful , vnthankful , or dispising of dignities , is against the form of sound doctrine , which christ and his apostles have taught us . lex christiana neminem suo jure aut dominio privat , non eripit mortalia , qui regna dat coelestia . and our law is as clear as god's in this point ; nemo de factis suis praesumat disquirere , multò minus contra sactum suum venire , saith the learned bracton , who was lord-chief-justice twenty years under henry iii. and therefore 't is no new law of new judges , of a popish prince's putting in , but the old law of england . nullus est qui ab eo factorum aut rationes exigere possit , aut poenas . 't is not tyranny , infidelity , heresy , or apostacy , that can discharge the subject's duty to his prince ; as we are truly instructed in that excellent book , which was formerly , and ought still to be read in our publick schools , called deus & rex . neither priest nor people must lessen their respects to the king , upon these , or any other pretences whatsoever . the deportment of the saints of god towards the persons of princes , was always humble , and their behaviour respectful . nathan the prophet bow'd his face to the ground before david ; the mitre always stoop'd to the crown : and when the prince sits on his throne , the prophet himself must lie at his footstool : nay when princes were themselves vnholy , the saints of god shew'd them all respects imaginable ; not as sinners , but as sovereigns . saul was none of the best of princes to any , especially to david , ( to whom he could never afford a good word ) and yet david calls him my lord the king : and that not out of flattery and courtship , but of loyalty and duty : nor had he behav'd himself like a saint , nor a man after god's own heart , if not like a subject , and been afraid to speak evil of dignities ; the worst of which , even pharaoh himself , was of god's raising up , and ought to be to his subjects as an angel of god , in mephibosheth's judgment : nay the immortal king calls them mortal gods. i have said ye are gods ( tho devils in practice ; ) they are fountains and objects of honour ; nero as well as augustus , julian as well as constantine ; not as holy ( for dominion is not founded in grace ) but as supreme ; not for their goodness , but for their greatness ; for they are at worst more worth than ten thousand of us : they are the lord-treasurers of heaven , put in places of more trust and honour than other men ; they arc intrusted with our estates , liberties and lives , with our religion and souls ; they are the churches nursing-fathers , and god's vicegerents , his prime ministers : and who may say to them , what do'st thou ? 't is not who dares say , but who may lawfully or ought to do it , with impunity ? for so elihu interprets it . is it sit to say to a king , thou art wicked , and to princes , ye are vngodly ? it is not only unsafe , in respect of the danger , but it is an unsanctified and sinful saying ; it is damnable and next to blasphemy ; 't is a wickedness against god , and a wound to our own souls . let the powers set over us be what they will , we must suffer them , and not attempt to right our selves . and therefore tertullian boasts with confidence , that when pescenius niger in syria , and clodius albinus in france and brittany , rebell'd against septimius severus ( a bloody and cruel emperor , ) and pretended piety and publick good , yet none of the christians joyn'd with either . the thebaean legion , in the eighteenth year of dioclesian , suffered themselves to be cut in pieces every man , 6666. in number , by maximianus the emperor : no man in that great advantage of number , order and provocation , listing up their hands except it were in prayers : and the christians under julian ( tho an apostate from his religion ) had arms for him , but none against him ; though he brought the commonwealth it self , as well as the church in danger . the only diversion they gave to his damnable counsels , and deligns , was their prayers and tears ; which as it was st. paul's , faith , is still an article of the christian religion , to which great truth and duty none hath born , or ever will bear , g●●●●●● ●●st●mony than the church of england . no man of any learning or religion , in her communion , will ever say or do any thing against the honour or interest of his prince ; for it is god's power in the supreme magistrate , be it good or bad : and therefore whosoever rebels against him , rebels against the power and dispensation of god ; if he use the power for destruction , which was given him for edification , i have nothing to do , but something to suffer ; let god take care , if he please : we had better suffer inconveniencies from one , than from every one . religion without mixaures of ambition and interest , works no violent effects on the state ; and therefore , when the jewish empire was destroyed , and they were carried captive into babylon , god commanded them to seek the peace of the city , whither he had caused them to be carried captives , and to pray unto the lord forit , for in the peace thereof shall ye have peace ; i. e. they were to minister to the publick , peace as subjects and servants , by paying a chearful obedience to the commands of the king of babylon , and observing his laws , though contrary to their own . there was no law of the romans by which christ could have been put to death , and yet he suffered patiently and threatned not , leaving us an example that we should follow his steps : and accordingly the primitive christians took their lives in their hands , to fight the battles of pagan and tyrannical emperors , and patiently laid them down at last , rather than make or countenance any resistance against them ; and if ever we learn purity of doctrine or innocency of life , it must be from them , and from the councils of the church , who for twelve hundred years , taught no other doctrine . tertullian prayed for domitian , as great a tyrant as he was , that god would give him a long life , secure empire , stout armies , faithful senators , and all that his heart could wish . they were subject to their temporal lords , and honoured them for his sake , who was their eternal . and he who hath read cardamus's encomium neronis will find , that the worst of princes do much more good than harm ; and that none of them ever endeavoured the destruction of their own subjects ; and yet if they did , and the people should be vex'd into the sin of rebellion , by such a temptation bigger than their strength , it may be , god would cut him off , and yet punish the people for their rebellion too . as the prince does not get his authority over us by his vertue , so neither can he lose it by his vice ; he does not rule precariously over us , but by the gift und grace of god. god alone is the supreme lord and governor of our consciences , in all cases ; and to pretend his authority for disobeying our governors , when we have it not , is like counterfeiting the king 's broad seal to justifie a rebellion : nor is it any sign of a good conscience to censure others , especially our superiors , for a bad one . but alas we have too much reason to complain , that christian religion is fallen from this its primitive purity , and made to favour that , which it formerly look'd upon as capital , and to deserve no better wages , than death ; its sacred name is now applyed to every humour , is not to every sin , which will be a crime more unpardonable in us , than in any people under the sun ; for god hath given our king an imperial crown , and a head sit to wear it ; a sword and scepter , and an hand sit to manage them ; and which is the greatest blessing of all , a gracious heart , inclinable to do his subjects all the good they will suffer him to do ; his piety and pity are equal to his power , and his throne is established in righteonsuess : he hath been long afflicted himself , and is not now to learn how to pity his afflicted subjects ; he know what it was to bear the cross before ever he came to wear the crown ; he hath selt the smart of the rod upon his own back , and the more he hath been injured and oppressed himself , the readier is he to pardon others , and the more unwilling to punish them with severities , whom he judges to be of truly tender consciences ; and why should we like his throne the worse , for being the seat of mercy ? god , to his own glory , and our comfort hath miraculously preserv'd him from his and our enemies ; let him not complain , that he is wounded in his honour , even in the house of his friends . it will not legitimate an ill word or action , though it should happen to be spoken or committed in defence of the truth , christ would not suffer st. peter to violate the magistrate's authority , in wounding one of his officers , no not to guard him , who was truth it self ; he applauds not his zeal , but reprehends his rashness . god needs not our sins to serve his concerns . i wish those who profess themselves the churches greatest votaries , would frequent her prayers daily , and study her articles and doctrines , as much as some of your fellow members do the journals of their house , and then they would soon be satisfied , that though the king should invade our rights ( of which he hath given us no jealousie ) yet would it be no ground for us to invade his , in whom the publick happiness of these his kingdoms does consist ; let us therefore never dispense with our loyalty to serve our worldly ends ; for if honesty and integrity be the best policy , ( as all good men believe it ) our best and most christian course will be , to prefer our duty and conscience before any earthly advantage what soever , in prospect or possession . let the roman catholick religion be represented to you under any frightful circumstances whatsoever ; let me request you to consider nevertheless , that it is not impossible for a good , conscienious and well-meaning man to turn papist . men of good understanding and of great integrity , may as well be deceived as mr. chilling worth was , who once thought that our religion , of the church of england , was not a safe way to salvation , though he died of another and better judgment : and why may not others , as prudent , pious and consciencious men as he , be deceived and misled into popery , by men better skill'd and instructed in the controversies than they are ? they are christians still , though crring ones , and members of the catholick church as well as we ; and can their errors in judgment , which are injurious to none but themselves , forfeit their civil rights ? or those in practice , except they be such as are destructive of humane society ? would not the primitive christians , do you think , have been well contented that their emperors ( if they had been of the same communion of rome ) should , with all of the same communion , have injoyed an uncensur'd use of their religion , and been ready to make addresses of thanks for the peaceable enjoyment of their own ? let the same mind be in you as was in them , and that will adorn your christian profession . we cannot but bewail it as our great calamity , and a just punishment of the last age's disloyalty , which most horridly murder'd the best of kings , at noon-day , before the gates of his own royal palace , and banish'd his royal progeny , and drove them into foreign parts , to seek for that safety from others , which their own unnatural and blood-thirsty subjects would not afford them . that our gracious king was then tempted above measure , and hath since joyn'd himself to the roman church , and lives in the practice of a different worship from us . but since god , in his infinite wisdom , hath permitted it to be so , it is our duty to acquiesce therein , and behave our selves towards him so , as may be most consistent with his honour and our duty , in the present circumstances ; and that the rather , because we may be well assured , that our gracious sovereign had no design nor interest to serve in the changing of his religion , but an eternal one in the saving of his soul. to embrace a religion , when it was decry'd , and kept down by penal laws , is , in the judgment of charity , a great argument of sincerity and christian resolution ; when it was s●culi reatus , the greatest national crime of which he could have been guilty : to embrace a religion when it was every where spoken against , out of fashion , and decry'd : when a man follows christ to hierusalem in triumph , he may be an hypocrite ; but certainly if he follow him to golgotha , as he is going to the cross , you have reason to believe him a sincere disciple . our gracious sovereign's joyning himself at such a time to the church of rome , when it brought his very tule to the crown in question , and made his life insecure and uneasie , was an instance of his , gallant and great soul , and much resembled on the part of the person , the courage of the first christians , who were well aware , that in the very prosession thereof , they bid adieu to worldly interest and tranquillity . this be●ing apparently done out of no lower principle , than the glory of god , and the salvation of his own soul ; though not the deed , yet inslead of it , the sincere will is favourably accepted with god , and should be so with all good men. seeing it is an observation of lactantius and st. augustin concerning a religion infinitely worse , that almighty god was pleased to take kind notice of the honest meanings of those grosly mistaken worshippers ; for though an erroneous conscience could not bind to the act , yet if after all possible due enquiry , it act erroneously , it doth not certainly bind to punishment , god winked at the days of ignorance , especially when accompanied with that integrity of heart , of which god gives such an acquitting character in the case of king abimelech ; and if this were not so , it would go ill with the men of the highest intellectual and moral vertues , who confess themselves to be as truly short of being perfectly free from all sins of ignorance , as they are from those of frailty . when thus much hath been said , concerning his majesty's religion , it may be added , that his change proceeded , not meerly from an easie well-meaning , but from arguments , however they be less weighty to us , which had prevail'd with many wise and good men , and had an advantage , perhaps , in his case , from some early doubts , hardly to be avoided in that conversation , into which the rebels ( who had impudence enough to call themselves english protestants ) had driven him , as i before told you , against whom , and not against our gracious sovereign , should the disrespects of all the true sons of the church of england be turn'd . the king thinks us in the wrong and so pities and prays for us , that god would bring us into the right way ; and 't is a groundless and uncharitable jealousie , that he will ever hurt us , because it would neither be for his honour nor happiness , to make them miserable who have always been his best fric●ds ; such mischiefs may be fear'd by some , but will never be felt by any . let us rather depend upon god's wise and gracious providence , in the use of lawful means , and put our trust and confidence in his power and goodness , not doubting but : he ●areth for us , rather than be jealous of our king without cause ; and so far as god sees it conduce to his glory and our good , he will deliver us from all our fears : let us commit the care of our religion , lives and estates to him . and , indeed , where is our faith , if we will not trust him , with the defence of it , but seek to prop it up , and support it by base and unwarrantable arts , as if every thing were lawful that tends to keep out popery ? this will cast such a reproach and insamy upon our religion , as can never be wip'd off ; it will open the mouths and sharpen the pens of our enemies , shall we take more liberty to our selves than we will allow the king ? what safety can our sovereign expect , if he cannot be allow'd the free exercise of his own religion without his subjects repining ? what reputation can he have abroad , or what reverence at home ? is this to provide things honest in the sight of all men ? will this put to silence the ignorance of foolish men , to turn our religion into a cloak of maliciousness , to prove our selves wolves in sheeps clothing ? cannot we abhor idols , without flying into his face , who is the image of god upon earth ? is this to keep innocence , and to take heed to the thing that that is right ? is not this rather the ready course to create in him , and all the world besides , an ill opinion of us and our religion ? we may be just and dutiful to the king , without being unfaithful to god ; and if we be so , our religion will not only keep its ground , but make new conquest , and spread it self further in the world ; nor shall any policy of men or devils be able to root it out ; there will then be no tnchantment against jacob , nor divination against israel . the king thinks his own to be the true religion , and that god requires him indispensibly to believe and profess it , and to indeavour the propagation of it too , by all lawful means among his subjects , but not to make sacrifices of them that refuse it ; because the using of such cruel and unlawful means to that purpose , were apparently destructive of that salvation , which he hopes to obtain by embracing the roman catholick religion ; to which , if he can win men by arguments and perswasions , or any other allurements of his own promotions , he does that religion all the right and service he can , without wronging ours , ( to which his priests may modestly tempt him ) without any the least violation of his own sacred ingagements to us , which his innate clemency and goodness abhors in so high a degree , that he is found to be temptation proof against it : to conclude this point therefore , i say , the common lay-man , whose education , assection and practice may denominate him a true son of the church of england , as he hath learn'd in his catechism , to honour and obey the king , and all that are put in authority under him ; so he has been taught by the ministers of this church , that this is his duty , what soever religion the king be of : and though he hears his present majesty be of another communion , he thanks god and the king , for the liberty he hath to communicate with the church of england . he takes care of himself and his family , that they may serve god after this way , which some call heresie : but he is , it seems , well assured and satisfied of the truth and safety of it : he pities and prays for them that are in error , but will not revile , affront or abuse them ; nor will he assist in riots or tumults , to disturb even the publick exercise of any religion , where-ever his majesty things sit to appoint it . where the king's religion is publickly exercis'd , he has neither wit nor religion , who does not abstain from all rude and ind●cent disturbance or assronts . i am no apologist for the roman worship . but since the king is pleas'd , in some places , to protect those of his communion , in the publick excercise of it ( as he justly may ) for any private persons to disturb them , is a piece of rudeness to him , inconsistent with that honour , which upon so many accompts we are to pay him . besides that , it is a piece of prophaneness , for any , without authority , to interrupt men , whilst they are worshiping god , after that manner which they think the best : nor can his zeal against a false worship , justifie him in any such unwarrantable attempts , whilst he hath no authority to reform or correct them ; that being the work of publick power and not of private spirits . whilst therefore the king is so gracious as to protect us in our churches and offices of worship , let us not be so rude and ungrateful , as to assault or disturb those of his communion , in their private oratories , least we provoke him to deprive us of our greater privileges , for envying him and those of his communion . alass , no true son of the church of england will be guilty of this ; he will neither be so unthankful nor so unholy ; nor will he go about with lyes and frightful stories , and false news , to disquiet his neighbours or disturb the government , nor make scandalous reflections upon those that are in authority . he will leave the government of the world to god and the king , and be careful to do his duty to both , in that state of life to which he is call'd . and if more respect than this be requir'd of them , that : have more and better breeding , and are of an higher quality . i do not think that the roman catholicks themselves , will complain for want of it ; but will rather gratefully acknowledge the respect and kindness shew'd them in worse times than these , by the gentlemen of the church of england , even in the late bloody days of trial ; which has been so visible and observable , that another sort of men ( if it be not a scandal of humanity to give them the name of men ) have objected it to them as a crime ; and , for that reason , reckon'd them papists ( at least ) in masquerade ( as they were then wont to speak . ) this respect , indeed , has been , and is shew'd , rather to their persons and conditions , &c. than to their religion ; and it is a respect much becoming those , who would shew themselves true sons of the church of england : for their religion , as well as their breeding , teaches them , to maintain a civil and amicable conversation with those of the king's religion . i know no reason to be angry with any man , because he sees not with my eyes , or determines not with my judgment , and so consequently cannot be altogether of my opinion ; especially , since as they differ from us , so we differ as much from them . sure i am , our religion obliges us to a catholick charity as well as faith , and an vniversal civility to distinguish between the person and his errors or vices ; so as to love and behave our selves civilly towards him , where we cannot affectionately embrace his opinion . christianity is , doubtless , the best natur'd institution in the world. at its first appearance it taught the most barbarous nations to depose their fe●ity , and become tractable and courteous ; and where it was once heartily entertain'd , the world admir'd to see how civil and obliging those men were become , who before their conversion were morose and inhospitable pagans or jews . it was a great fault of tho jews , for which they are severely branded by juvenal and tacitus , that they were peevish and inhospitable to all that were not of their own religion , so as to refuse them the most common courtesies of telling them their way , or directing them to the refreshment of a common spring . nec monstare vias , ●adem nisi sacra colenti : we ought then to make it appear to the world , that ours is a better religion , by being better natur'd our selves ; and that we are the best catholicks , by expressing and practising a catholick charity , which of all other is the surest note of a true church . we ought to shew our selves quiet and obliging neighbours to those romanists , who dwell among us ; especially since both the honour of our religion and of our king requires it from us : incivility , upon the account of their differing from us in religion , being inconsistent with the obligations of christianity or gentility , and a rudeness to the king's majesty , of whose communion they are , and whom we are so far to honour , as to pay all the respects him , and to all such as he esteems , that our religion will indeed permit ; much more all that it so strictly injoyns . to speak next of the cergy-men , as concerned in this case , to whom indeed it is so much a case of conscience , that it leaves them less room than other men , for the exercise even of their christian prudence : for , they , who are priests , promis'd at their ordination , all faithful diligence to banish and drive away all erroneous and strange doctrines , contrary to god's word ; and the bishops at their consecration in like manner : and farther , that they will call upon and encourage others to do the same ; among which our articles have reckon'd many doctrines , now taught in the roman church , and every clergy-man licens'd to preach , has ( as the 36th . canon requires ) acknowledged , by subscription , under his own hand , that every thing contained in the 39. articles is agreeable to the word of god ; and consequently , he must acknowledge , that many romish doctrines are erroneous and strange doctrines , repugnant to the word of god , as being so declar'd in those articles ; those therefore are evidently such doctrines , as he promised at his ordination , to be ready with all faithful diligence , to banish and drive away : and is he not then bound in conscience to do this , in his publick sermons and private discourses , as he has a good occasion and opportunity ? is he not bound in conscience , at convenient seasons , to shew the error and danger of such doctrines , without so much as naming those who think more favourably of them , saving all respect due to the king , when he has not only liberty granted him , but is required and directed by his majesty himself so to do ? for in his majesty's directions for preachers ( which was sent us by his command , ) and we accept with all thankfulness , dir. 3. he bids us assert the doctrine and discipline of the church of england , from the cavils and objections of such as are adversaries to either . this resolves the case of conscience ; and as to christian prudence , his majesty hath been graciously pleased to give excellent directions as to that case too , bidding preachers thus to vindicate the church of england , when they arc occasion'd by invitation from the text they preach upon ; or that in regard of the auditory they preach to , it may seem requisite and expedient so to do . thus to preach , that the pope or church of rome is not infallible , and that the pope has no authority or jurisdiction within these realms , is expresly determined by the church of england , art. 19. — 37. and our parliaments have in all ages , as well before the reformation as since , expressed their just detestation of the pope's pretensions to it , as appears by the stat. of carlisle , and by that of provisoes made 25. edv. iii. and by many more in king henry viii's reign , who was both parliamentarily and synodically invested with the supremacy , in all canses , spiritual as well as temporal , ( not that he had power of mission or ordination , but of permission and ordering men , so sent by the church , to preach the gospel in his dominions , ) which was legally and essentially inherent in the crown before , the kings of england being supreme ordinaries , by the ancient common law of this land , of which those statutes were not introductory but declarative . and the very first canon of our church does require , that all ecclesiastical persons , preachers , &c. shall several times every year , to the utmost of their wit , knowledge and learning , sincerely , without any colour or dissimulation , teach in their sermons , &c. that no manner of obedience and subjection , within his majesty's realms and dominions , is due to any vsurp'd or foreign power ; but that the king's power , within his realms , is the highest under god , to whom all his subjects do , by god's laws , owe most loyalty and obedience , before and above all other powers and potentates on earth . now , if a preacher , whilst he is doing the duty of this canon , shall call the pope vsurper , for claiming or exercising that jurisdiction here , which belongs not to him ; and should be thought for that reason , not to bear respect enough to the king's religion , he would indeed but shew so much the more respect to his royal person , and regal just power ( as he is obliged to do by the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , ) and could be censur'd only for his fidelity and loyalty to the king , such as becomes a true son of the church of england . but in points wherein we are not determined by authority , or other obligations , but at perfect liberty to declare , or not to declare our opinions ; in these we have the sairest , if not the only opportunities for the exercise of our christian prudence : and therefore , for a preacher of the church of england to affirm positively , or go about to prove in a publick auditory or assembly , that st. peter was never at rome ; or that the pope is antichrist ; or that no man , in his right wit , can turn papist ; must necessarily , under our circumstances , be reckon'd imprudent , if not impudent . these and such like matters of private opinion , which when published , are like to give offence to our superiors , and if forborn could give no scandal to any ; christian prudence will unquestionably direct , such should now be forborn out of respect to the king , and the roman catholick religion , because 't is his : the daily decay of solid and substantial piety , is the most unhappy effect of christians foolishly fighting in a mist , and scuffling in the dark among themselves , against the interest of peace and charity ; and scrambling so eagerly and so childishly as they do , for nuts and cherry stones ; or things fit to be put into the same bag with them , as being of no value with men of judgment : and therefore a prudent man will always take care to avoid , as much as is possible , unnecessary controversies ; and in handling such as he thinks necessary , i know not how he can give better proof of his prudence , as well as obedience , than by observing his majesty's directions to preachers , which give a full resolution to the case in hand ; viz. by doing it with all modesty , gravity and candor , without bitterness , railing , j●ering , or other unnecessary and unseemly provocation ; and he who shall transgress these his royal and religious directions , will those of the new testament too . he that shsll use the liberty granted him by his majesty , for a cloak of maliciousness , and upon such occasions , or indeed any other , act the merry andrew in the pulpit , deserves not only the fools coat , but the rod too upon his back : from whence i inser in the next place ; 3 ly . that those of our communion , especially the clergy , ought neither to rail nor rally upon the religion which the king owns . religion with a man of sense and affections , is a tender point , and the affronts done it , do as doily touch him , and wound him more feelingly , than any offer'd to his dearest relations , or to his own honour , as a gentleman ; and howsoever the one part resents , and the other takes it , 't is a diseas'd heat of the mind , and not christian zeal , to make any fort of religion the sport of our wits , and the triumph of our drollery : they who are guilty of it , may have espous'd the fortune , but have not the faith of the church of england . in a good cause , the fairest language is most advantageous ; a modest and friendly stile suits best with the truth ; which like its author usually resides , not in the blustering wind , the shaking earthquake , or the rangeing fire , but in a soft and still voice . iii language is doubtless a very preposterous method of perswasion , being likely to raise such clouds of passion , as will obs●ure the clearest arguments , and render their force unperceptible to the provoked reader or hearer ; on which account i cannot but appland that saying of the jews , that we ought not to blaspheme any thing , which others venerate for a god. railing therefore against popery cannot produce any good effect , and at this time it may easily produce many bad ones ; among which none can be worse , than the contempt which it will throw upon the king himself , on whom all iii language against his religion , does ultimately redound to the debasing of him in the esteem of his subjects . when the powers of the world were heathen , the christians in their apologies , do not presume to cxpose the religion of their emperors to contempt ; but only with great modesty and deference , to vindicate their own from the unjust criminations of their adversaries , as may be seen in both the apologies of justin martyr , and of tertullian . and , as i think , it would be a comandly deserting of a very good cause , if the learned men of our church should suffer the busie romanists to charge her with schism , heresie , or other misrepresentation , without appearing in her just and necessary vindication , and cannot but applaud some of the late modest and strenuous apologies , which their provocations have extorted from the press : so i must confess , that i cannot see any present necessity of troubling our pulpits with these controversies , the mysteries of our faith would be best held in a pure conseience , which is peaceable ; and by practical discourses we may best preserve our people from those vices , which only can provoke god to give them up to strong delusions . and if we perceive any of them warping towards popery , there will be more hopes of reducing and confirming than by personal conferences , applyed to their particular scruples , than by shooting at random at so great a distance in general harangues , which tends not so much to arm the hearers against popery , as to possess them with an hatred of their sovereign for professing it . since then we are bound in duty to ab●●ain from every thing ( which without a sin may be omitted ) that tends to the dishonour and contempt of him , whom god and our religion oblige us to honour , i doubt not to conclude , that as railing against popery was never lawful ; so preaching against it farther than by the canons , and his majesty 's own gracious directions , we are obliged to do , is at this time unseasonable ; and so far as it is prejudical to the government , utterly unlawful too : we least of all fear the seduction of those members of our church , who practise strictly that excellent religion , which they and we profess : the best service then we can do to prevent the growth of popery , will be to perswade men all we . can to become better livers and better subjects ; upon which account , practical preachers will do the church more service than polemical , and the government no disservice , nor the king no dishonour . 't is below them , who think themselves in the highest form of christians , to sit down in the seat of the scornful ; they are of their father the devil , wheresoever such changelings are found . 'pray' tell me , and tell me no more nor no less , than your own consciences will tell you ; is this fooling the effect of that faith which was once deliver'd to the saints ? or is it not rather a wounding of christianity it self to the very heart ? who of this rank , if he were at constantinople , would make it his business to tell the great turk , that his prophet mahomet were an impostor ; or , as some oppressed greeks think him , antichrist ; or to ridicule the alcoran ? and why will they make more bold with a christian prince , and their lawful sovereign , than with an insided ? this certainly is a foul offence , and as much against a good conscience , as christian prudence . why are men more inrag'd against those who agree with them in most things , than with them who different from them in all ? christ will not give his spouse a bill of divorce upon every error and mistake , much less should we deny her to be our mother , because she is not of our mind , this will justly bring our christianity as well as our prudence in question . these are not the sons of the church of england , but the standard-bearers of sedition , who take no care to govern their tongues nor pens , who have no regard to the king or his ministers , to truth or charity , justice or honesty ; which whether they intend it or not , hath a derect tendency to the defaming of our yet untainted religion . they who will not offer up a peace-offering to the magistrate , are none of our communion ; and 't is to be hoped , that the fathers of our church will correct those ill nurtur'd children , who are of such surly , peevish and insolent tempers , that others may not grow immodest by their uncontrol'd extravagancies . authority must at any rate be redeemed from contempt , since the very life of government is reputation ; and if you teach the rabble to scorn the religion of the supreme magistrate , they will not continue long to reverence his person or authority . if you will prove him to be an idolater , they will soon reply , that st. john reckons such with murderers , dogs , sorcerers and whoremongers , which love and make lyes , rev. 22.15 . and st. paul ranks them with sodomites and thieves , 1 cor. 6 , 9 , 10. that they hate god , exod. 20.5 . desile the sanctuary , ezekiel 5.11 . commit adultery with stocks and stones , jer. 3.9 . isa . 16.17 . worship devils , rev. 9.20 . and that as they shall not inherit the kingdom of heaven , 1 cor 6.10 . so we are not to come among them , josh . 23.7 . but they are to be utterly destroy'd by commission from god , exod. 22 , 20. that they are sons of belial whom we are to smite with the edge of the sword till they be utterly destroy'd , deut. 13.13 , 14 , 15. what is all this , but sedition under disguise of zeal ? let the men look never so honestly , they drive on an interest against peace and charity , and though truth may be justified of her children ; so it be done with moderation and judgment , when necessity compels us , or authority calls us to it ; yet they who can find no better treatment for their auditors , than to prove all papists to be idolaters , ( as if they had no saving truths to preach them , but such as are full of disgraceful , sawcy and insolent reflections upon their prince ( which hath already cost this nation so many millions of money , and such rivers of blood , to the shame of christianity it self ) would be as ready ( if they durst ) to joyn with some of their own spirit in the prayers , which were justly made treason , anno 1. & 2. q. mar. cap. 9. that god would turn her heart from idolatry to the true faith , or else shorten her days , and take her quickly out of the way . and the act says , that never such a prayer was heard , or read to have been used by any good christian , against any prince , though he were a pagan : and therefore in abhorrence of the crime , it condemns the authors of such libellous and malicious prayers , together with the procurators and abetters of them , to be guilty of high-treason : and so they are before god , who takes every injury done to his vicegerents as done to himself ; satyrs are bad every where , but worst in the pulpit , be it in prayers or sermons ; where men are to speak the words of truth and soberness , as becomes the embassadors of christ , and not to use any petulant girding or reflections upon any , much less upon the father of their country ; nor to dress up any of his perswasion in such indecent forms , or to make them appear far worse than they are ; for this is as great a sin as to make widows more desolate : we are in conscience and prudence oblig'd calmly and modestly to inlighten the minds of our hearers , though they count us heavy men for our pains , rather than by expressing more heat than light , to thunder in their ears such dreadful apprehensions of the religion of our prince , as may claw their itching ears , and raise their humours and passions into such a violent ferment , as to transport them into the pangs of some furious zeal against him , and all of the same perswasion with him . our religion obliges us to be jealous of every thing or motion which tends to the disunion , either of subjects from their sovereign , or of the people among themselves ; which that it may be permanent . and cordial , which is the only thing that can disappoint the designs and counsels of our enemies , nothing can conduce more to our present or future safety , than the deposing of all animosities , rancor , and ill will against one another ; upon the account of differences in religion , and the going on chearfully in the narrow path that leads to eternal life , without fighting with every one that does not keep the same way , though he be also travelling to the same place ; which has such a spirit of opposition , contradiction , and pertinacy in it , as speaks men to be of distemper'd brains , turbulent passions , and corrupt hearts , rather than of tender conseiences . that there should be so many pretended admirers and profest lovers of peace , and so few followers of it in this kingdom ; so much noise of religion , and so little charity ; and especially that christianity which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a quiet and gentle institution , intended to soften mens natural asperities , should spend it self in those quarrels , which are the greatest diminution to its interest imaginable : that the holy spirit should bring the gospel down from heaven in the shape of a dove ; and that yet there should be no more stinging serpents than the professors of it one to another ; and that after more than sixteen hundred years preaching the glad tidings of peace , there should still be such distractions and wranglings in the church , such seditions and convulsions in the body politick , such sidings and divisions in every town , and such jarring and dissention as we see and lament in private families ; and that the warmest zealots should , by enormities of this kind , run farther on the score of divine vengeance , than turks and infidels do , upon the bare single security of being christians , are such prodigies in manners as may justly startle the wisest of men , and force them to conclude , that the best religion has the worst professors of it , and pretenders to it in the world. might not the pagan , turk and atheist , upon the sight of our manifold heats , violences and intemperances , which are too visible in christendom , reasonably cry out , where is now their god ? and where is their religion ? are these the men that pray for peace , or do they ever mean to purchase it ? are not their practices the great shame and confutation of their professions ? and is not the name of god blasphem'd through their miscarriages ? is christianity become an enemy to humanity , and turn'd incendiary ? is zeal grown such a cormorant as to eat up charity ? and are the elect of god , who should put on bowels of kindness , humbleness of mind , and above all , charity , which is the bond of perfectness , grown so fierce , as to fly upon every thing which custom and education hath not rendred familiar to them ? are they impatient with all who do not see with their eyes ? and will they set themselves in battle array against all who are not wise enough to be of their judgments , and damn all who are not of their opinions ? could there be such needless and endless contentions among them , if they were not carnal ? is this to sight under christ's banner , who was the prince of peace ? does not this incontinency of disputing make rents in the seamless garment , rather than reformation ? if they were as sollicitous to save their own and their peoples souls , as they are to propagate their opinions ; they would not trifle away and lavish that time and pains in needless controversies , in which they might make their peace with god and men ; nor take more pains to prove the pope to be antichrist , than they do to prove themselves to be christians , or make others so ; nor tread true piety under foot in scrambling for that which hath nothing of it , nor like it , but the name . would not their congregations be more edified by the church-catechism than a controversie ? or how many have you seen heal'd by being lead into these troubled waters , though mov'd by the best angels of the church ? no doubt but it is a truth which the mufti told his grand seignior , that where the publick exercise of religion is allow'd , 't is judg'd that a liberty is granted to defend all the distinguishing points of it , without reflecting on that of the prince , ( which would be more unpardonable in us than in any men in the world , because he is graciously pleased to act with us upon the square , and forbids his own preachers to make any tart reflections on ours . ) now the fault too common is the intemperance of most warm disputers for religion ; who if once they begin to declaim or write against any thing , think they can never make it odious enough ; and that they may defame it the more effectually , they will hale and force consequences as on a rack , to confess what the principle never meant , and to catch greedily at some violent mans over-shooting both the cause and the communion , and to lay this to the charge of the whole church , though it professes never so solemnly against that private doctor 's opinion ; whereas as great champions as they would be thought to be for the church of england , they ought not , in point of honour , to take every advantage against her enemies , nor to put every thrust so home as they do , but restore them in the spirit of meekness , nor to throw dirt in their faces to disgrace them ; ( which as the purity of our church abhors ) so the more they handle , the more it will defile them . this is not to walk in wisdom to them that are without , nor to keep the vnity of the spirit in the bond of peace . there is yet another thing worse than barely calumniating the king's religion , and that is disturbing of the solemn exercise of it , by routs and riots ; which would be so high an indecency , and so opposite to the gentleness of christian religion , that about the time of the first general council of nice , under constantine the great , it was made a canon in the council of illiberis , that if any one should , out of any immoderate transports of zeal , deface , demolish or break down idols or images , and be thereupon slain ( because it is not commanded in the gospel nor practis'd by the apostles ) that they should not be reckon'd in the number of martyrs : nor need i remind you , that the idols were of the heathens , and that christian religion was not only the private religion of the emperor , but publickly established by him throughout the empire ; and yet while the other had but a bare toleration from the emperor , and christianity had the law of the land on its side , yet the holy church discouraged her sons from injuring it by violence . the prevention of railing against the emperor's religion by the lutherans , was the wise care of the diet of ratisbone , anno dom. 1532. which was in part made up of protestants , electors , free-princes and hans-towns ; 't was their final accord , that the ausburg confession should be allow'd , so that nothing was taught or written but what was contained in that confession . as to raillery upon the religion professed by our prince ; as it is bad manners and worse religion , so it can never be good wit ; which though it be allowed its seasons , yet this is none of them , 't is as much as a man can well bear , to see it practis'd upon virgil the prince of poets . 4 ly . the church of england men ought not to grudge the privileges allowed by the king to those of his own communion ; he does not desire that they should stand upon equal terms of publick privileges and advantages of the tasting of the sweet of the church revenues , but only that they should lift up their heads above the danger of the laws , and he be able to make life of their services in the state. he neither takes away our rights , nor with-holds his favours from any men of our perswasion , who cannot pretend to deserve them without blushing . none ever found discouragement from our gracious sovereign upon the score of their religion , but have been advanc'd and esteem'd according to their several capacities and qualifications , so long as he found charity and vnity maintain'd amongst them ; and why then should our eye be evil , because he is also good to some of his own ? a christian magistrate owes something more than protection to the religion which he sincerely professes , and to them that profess it with him ; they may reasonably expect his countenance and fair quarter , if not hope to enjoy some provision under him ; for certainly he may and ought to do all that he is able and hath opportunity to do , on this side of force and injustice to help them ; a nursing-father he is to them as well as us , and oblig'd to the protection and tuition of all his children , and not to suffer them to fare the worse for their zeal , either toward god or himself : and methinks we should have more wit , honesty and charity , more modesty , equity , honour and justice , more good breeding and ingenuous education , if not more religion than to repine at it ; for this implies such a want of them all , as any ingenuous man must needs be ashamed of . is it not as fit the king should choose his ministers , as we our servants ? whatsoever a prince does , he is to be presum'd to do it with great reason ; his actions are manifest , but his thoughts secret ; and 't is our duty to tolerate the one , and not murmur against the other . the results of his councils are like the current of a great river , we see their streams but not the fountain from whence they flow ; reason of state is reason of law , though we see but the plain side of that great watch , within which all the springs and wheels are inclos'd and hid , yet we find their motions regular . the king is our law-giver , and his conscience is his ; and if it dictate these things to be necessary , though he be deceiv'd , they are become so to him , and by no means to be declin'd by him , but he must follow his own conscience ; and if he mean it for good , he has no reason to doubt but god will take it so , and all good subjects will pay him an obedience of acqutescence , if not of conformity ; we have reason to believe he will do nothing beneath his own honour , and the just interest of his people . and therefore st. augustine in his book against faustus the manichee says , that a christian souldier , fighting under an heathen prince , may lawfully pursue the war , or execute the commands of his immediate or superior officers , in the course of his service , though he be not absolutely ●assured of the justice of the one , or the the expediency of the other . and in the case in question 't is no less evident , for sovereign princes have power to change the external regiment of the church . a christian magistrate as such , is a governor in the church . the prerogatives and preheminencies of power and greatness , which are involv'd in the fundamental conception of sovereignty , are the essential rights , and inseparably annexed to the sovereign , for which he is accountable to god alone ; and all bishops are subject to the imperial power , who is to determine what doctrines are to be preached and what not , least any should be licens'd to barangue to the people in seditious libels . his power is by the law of god , and so can have no inferior power to limit it . the father of the family governs , not by the law and will of his sons or servants , but by god's and his own ; nor were the best kings of judah or israel tyed to any laws ; nor is it the municipal law of the land , but the natural law of a father , which binds him to preserve the lives and fortunes of his sons or subjects . the church is always a minor and vnder-age , and the king its guardian ; how then can she expect to be back'd or countenanc'd any longer ( as she has hitherto been , thanks be to god and the king ) by his civil authority , or enjoy the revenues and privileges she has any longer , if the king's courtesie be so soon forgotten , to deny him or his the free exercise of their own religion , whilst we are so warm in ours , under his gracious protection and royal bounty and provisions , is beyond all shame and reason ? princes have an happy time of it , to serve such humours , as if he reign'd over us by courtesie , and had no more but the name of a king. does this express our duty or gratitude to god or him ? we need not debauch the present generation , who are too bad already , by teaching them to make spightful and peevish reflections on our prince's actions . shall the privileges which he and his royal predecessors have granted us , be us'd as weapons to fight and rebel against him ? shall we deprive him of his prerogative , which the law of god , as well as of the land , has given him ? is not the church of rome a true church , both in it self and in our judgment too ? and why should you deny your own prince , who is a member of it , the same liberty which you daily see , without murmuring , granted to the embassadors of foreign princes and their followers ? is it not by his piety and juftice that we have the free exercise of our own religion , as by law establish'd , and the advantages of publick assemblies , and the encouragement of such liberal maintenance ? and have not the ministers of religion always obey'd the imperial laws , even when they liked them not , not upon prudential considerations and necessity , but by divine appointment , declaring with the sixth council of toledo , that it was impiety to call in question his power , to whom the government of all things was certainly deputed by the divine judgment , and that , as well bishops as curates , and ecclesiasticks as laicks , must be subject to them ; and that the supreme power may determine whatsoever is left undetermined by god : nay , that he can derogate by his power from an ordinary right , by changing his will , and making , the contrary law , that he has the judgment of discretion and knows best , when 't is fittest for him , to govern himself by zeal , and when by gentler counsels . is he not head of the church ? and must his members teach him how to govern it ? it is by the tyes of religion , and not of power , that he is bound to keep the churches laws , ; and the very con●●ssions and privileges made to them by him and his royal predecessors , are as revocable as their duty is alterable ; for princes are so far from being oblig'd to perpetuate such rights that themselves have indulg'd , that 't is a rul'd case among the greek fathers , that a king may recal his gift , in case the beneficiary prove ungrateful . i wish our brethren , who are now so stubbornly resolv'd not to join with their respective bishops , in an address of thanks to his majesty , for his morgaging of his honour under the broad-seal of england , in his late royal declaration , in the first place , to protect and maintain them , in the free exercise of their religion , as by law established ; and in the quiet and full enjoyment of all their possessions , without any molestation or disturbance whatsoever , would study this case a little better , than they seem to have done ; and then they would highly approve it , as some of our fathers have done , as prudently penn'd ; and such an acknowledgment of his majesty's signal favours to the church of england , and all her members , as our gratitude and duty indispensibly oblige us to pay . can you have any better precedents than those of the kings of judah ? look throughout the sacred history of the old testament , and you will every where find , that the king's religion , though often heathenish , had the privilege to be publickly us'd ; and though the high-priest and sanhedrim had a power , which moses called the judgment of god ; yet these did not think it either their duty or right to suppress the exercise of idolatry , whilst the king was contented with it , though it was so manifestly contrary to god's own law given them by moses ; and when a king , who worshipped according to moses's prescriptions , succeeded , neither the great council nor people desired the false worship to be suppressed , till the king himself self commanded it ; which is an argument , that it proceeded from his high prerogative , which the kings of judah laid equal claim to with the eastern monarchs , as the israelues desired a king , according to the nations round about them ; upon which samuel recites a large rightful power , which would belong to their sovereign . did not solomon put ab●a●her from the priesthood and put zadock in his room ; and though the high-priesthood came to be put out of its due channel of primogeniture , establish'd by moses , and was sold in our saviour's time ; ( so that sometimes the high-priest was but annual ) yet christ acknowledged caiphas to be high-priest ; and for the inferior priests , david divided them into twenty four orders ; so that the applying of the priestly power to such a time , was wholly the act of the civil government . jehosophat named a president for the sanhedrim , as well for matters of the lord as for those of the king ; and both ezra , though not the high-priest , and nehemiah , though not at all a priest , acted by a commission from artaxerxes , to execute the laws ' of god and the king ; by which authority nehemiah turned out one of the priests : so that though the priestly office was a divine institution , yet the applying and suspending that authority was a part of the civil power . christian emperors made also penal laws with relation to church-men , the pains of which were suspension or deprivation , of which there are so many instances , both in the old roman laws and in the capitulars , that it is needless to insist on the proof of it , to justifie his majesty's late proceedings by his high commissioners for ecclesiastical affairs , against an eminent prelate of our church , which proves them lawful without committing sacrilege , or incroaching on the spiritual power of the church . i need not tell you that it was declared in the convocation of the prelates and clergy of this kingdom ( which make the representative body of the church of england ) art. 37. anno dom. 1562. that whereas they have attributed to the queen's majesty , the chief government of all the estates of this realm , whether ecclesiastical or civil ; in all cases , they did not give unto their princes the ministring of either god's word or sacraments , but that only prerogative , which was known to have been given always to all godly princes , in holy scripture , by god himself ; that is to say , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by god , whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal , and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn and evil-doers . less power than this as good subjects could not give unto their kings , so more than this there has not been exercis'd ; nor , i believe , ever will be by our gracious sovereign . such power as was vouchsafed by god to the godly kings and princes in holy scripture , may serve abundantly to satisfie the unlimited desires of the greatest monarch in christendom ; and therefore how unpardonable are we to deny our king that power which is inseparably annext to his royal diadem , and without which he would be no king , but a royal slave in golden chains ; for the king 's , the church's , and our own , if not for the cause's sake , let us not grudge men of his own perswasion in religion , the free enjoyment of any favours which he is graciously pleased to afford them ; and that especially considering that the occasion upon which such privileges were formerly denied them , viz. the jealousie the government had of their sincerity and obedience , now ceases ; and this brings me to say something more particularly , 5 ly . to your self and your fellow members of this loyal parliament ( whom i find to be concern'd in this case also . ) 't would be presumption in me to offer to direct your votes , otherwise than as a divine , by reciting the advice of our blessed saviour , whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so to them , and be ye wise as serpents , but harmless as doves ; and such like general sentences , the particular application of which , i must in good manners leave to your own christian discretion ; nor can they fail of making a good application of them , who consider that our blessed saviour by these hicroglyphicks taught his disciples innocence as well as prudence , in times of greatest danger , that they may be able to say with st. paul , that they are pure from the blood of all men ; and that the church of england , by appointing the former sentence to be read at the offertory , on the 5th . of november and 30th . of january , does thereby teach us , whether we have escaped a danger or suffered affliction , not to be revengeful , but be rather ready to return good for evil. that some severe laws , which might have reason when they were made , should by common consent of all any ways interested , cease , when the reason does universally cease , was , i think , never denied by good casuists or good statesmen . now the chief reason alledged , and the only justifiable one for these severe laws against romanists , was the jealousie the government conceived of their affections , and the apprehensions that their private zeal for their catholick religion would make them cool in their services to the publick , which their imployments would oft require should be against their principles ; and that they , relying on an external power , were incapable of duty and true allegiance to their natural sovereign , and rightful monarchs : kings proclamation 12th . of fevruary , 1686 / 7 . but who now can plausibly suspect their faithfulness to the present king , or that they will be backward in his service ? and whilst the case stands thus , what need will there be of sanguinary laws for imprisonment during life , or consiscation of goods ? or for those tests which exclude the peers of the romish religion from sitting in the house of lords according to their birth-right ? especially seeing these latter were made upon a mistake of matur of fact , whereas it has since appeared to all discreet men of the most unquestionable loyalty , that the popish plot was of that perjur'd villain oates and other subtiler heads making , to serve their faction and revenge against the government : and as it is the noblest ingenuity to own any sort of mistake , so methinks it touches a man's reputation but softly , to retract what he had formerly believed and acted , upon a charitable perswasion that men would not be perjur'd , who after were legally convicted for being notoriously such ; and besides this , 't is no safe matter to alter the foundations of government , and deface the original of a right , which in the case of all privileges of peerage hath been taken to be either writt or patent ; for if these must give place in any one instance , no man knows where it will end , or whose course to turn , or be turned out of that highest court of national justice , may next come . in the parliament of 41. when the old loyal assurances were laid aside , and instead of the former , the presbyterians tested men , with their covenant , they were not aware , that they made a president against themselves for an ingagement ; and the ingag●rs did not longè prospicere neither ; they little thought that they furnished their masters of the army with a countenancing example to break them all in pieces , and to vote them all vseless . and therefore 't is a rule of wisdom as well as of justice , a point of prudence as well as consience , not to remove the ancient land-marks ; and 't is , as useful to the state as to the church , what the first general council decreed , let the old vsages prevail ; suitable to which was the establishing saying of the peers long ago , nolumnus matare leges angliae , we will not that the laws of england be changed : and certainly , pursuant to this resolution , if by any cross chance or accident a change have surpriz'd the government , a restitution to the former fettlement should soon be made , and that the rather , because we may say of those sanguinary laws , as his majesty in his royal proclamation in scotland does 12th . february 1686 / 7 of the like made in the minority of his royal grandfather , that they have been continued of course without any design of executing them or any of them , ad terrorem only ; and sure we are , that our severest laws did not proceed from ill-nature , any otherwise than the best do ex malis moribus : and 't is obvious to remark , that the true sons of the church of england , have always been better natur'd , than to press or countenance the execution of them in cases of meer religion ; and they have accordingly ( blessed be god ) been very sparingly executed , unless when the byt-blows of a powerful faction , and no true sons of the church of england , or some violent attempt of the enemies thereof , have forc'd it ; so sparingly have they been executed , that 't is an old proverb of reproach upon the legislators , that their laws were only made in terrorem , for mormoes and scare-crows : and if they will serve for that purpose , and to preserve the good seed , or hinder the enemies of our church and state from sowing rebellious and treasonable tares among us whilst we are asleep , we desire no more . the holy church , which so passionately desires the saving of mens souls , never thirsts after the destruction of their bodies . some laws indeed there are , made since our reformation from popery , which threaten death to the romish clergy , who are natives of it , if they be found in this kingdom . but though the wisdom of the nation thought fit to enact them at that time , for the security of those protestant princes , to whom the romish deposing doctrine is not propitious , yet was it treason and not heresie which those laws made capital . and since there is no question but that a prince of their communion , dare trust himself in their hands , and neither desires nor needs such security from them ; there seems now no need at all of their continuance . and as it would shew a great respect to the king to repeal them , so it would be a seasonable vindication of us from that cruelty , which the romanists have charg'd us with upon the account of them . it hath been , i am perswaded , a real grief to all tender hearted protestants , whenever the exigency of state affairs hath occasioned the execution of those sanguinary laws ; and it would be the best evidence we could bring to convince the world , that it was not the religion but treason of romish priests that we detested , if we take speedy care that their religion be no longer capital , now that it may so easily be separated from treason . perhaps some inciters to rebellion , do buz in your ears , that the king has no more business for parliaments , and intends to govern by a standing army of his own perswasion ; but you and i know the king loves and honours parliaments , as the best means for the kingdoms safety , and his own satisfaction : and i know this , of which you are a member , hath so many active and loyal subjects in it , as will oblige him by all that can be desired , for acknowledging and the establishing of his just prerogative , and for his own ease and satisfaction , and the quiet of his friends , of his religion ; and that his majesty will be as ready to secure our national religion , liberties and properties . the present parliament men , who are most of them true sons of the church of england , are so far from envying the romancatholicks , the advantages they now receive as rewards of their loyalty , that they would with a most respectful , humble and dutiful emulation , even strive with his majesty who should reward them most : he having published it to the world in his late scotch proclamation , that of his own certain knowledge and long experience , he knows the catholicks , that as it is their principle to be good christians , so it is to be dutiful subjects , hazzarding , and many of them actually losing their lives in the defence of a prince , though of another religion , ( ours he means ) and maintenance of the king's authority , against all violences and treasons . it were the highest impudence to deny but that there were a great many noble , brave , loyal spirits of the romish perswasion , who did with the greatest integrity , and without any other design than satisfying their consciences , adventure their lives in the war , and leave their bodies in the field for the king's service . there were a great many generous souls among them , whom the greatest temptations in the world could not have perverted , or made to desert their king in the height of all his and their miseries . among the rest , sr. arthur ashion , a romanist , being turned out of the king's army , with most , if not all , of that communion , to please the rebellious parliament , who charged him for having so many papists about him . this noble royalist as well as romanist , was sollicited by the parliament to take a commission for a colonel of horse , and to put in what officers he pleas'd of his own perswasion ; he accepted their commission : but to mapifest their villainous hypocrisie , as well as his own intire loyalty , he immediately went upon his knees , and delivered it up to the king ; upon which he and the rest of that religion were readmitted into the royal army . whence it is evident , that they wanted not an opportunity of joining with the rebels , to their own advantage , had not their innate principle of loyalty kept them steady in their allegiance ; so that they can have nothing laid to their charge worthy of death or bonds . why then should they not have room in his kingdoms ? security for their persons and estates , and rewards wards for their services ? why should we grudge his majesty's mercy to others , which we reckon so great a blessing to our selves ? were they not our fellow souldiers and sufferers too ? and what have they done since to incense the king or the government , or their fellow subjects against them ? you wish they were of our religion , and so do i too ; but men cannot easily wear off the prejudices of their education , and most of them have suck'd in their religion with their milk. it were very unjust and unnatural to attempt by force to reduce them to our way of serving god , who are in a co-ordination to us ; this being to assume the prerogative of the civil power ; and against justice , which must be an ingredient even into the best religion , because it would be a contradiction to build religion upon the ruins of that which founds all religion , as tertullian argues . it were unjust for us , who are co-ordinate , to impose upon others their faith or worship . our prince is not to be reduced to the rule of our consciences . into what shameless straits will this immodesty of ours reduce us ? can we have so little wit and loyalty who pretend to so much of both ? it is worse than barbarous , to attack any people meerly upon the account of religion , not repugnant to the light of nature ; for otherwise , religion , whose chief end is to preserve mankind in peace and justice , would turn the world upside down , and fill it with incessant combustions and massacres ; for it will be as reasonable that the insidels and indians should invade the christians upon that score as the christians them , and then where will depredations end ? to enforce and drag others to the true religion , who are absolutely at their own difposal , neither is , nor can seem decent nor expedient : you will find , lactant. 1.5 . c. 19 . st. ambrose in luc. 1.7 . and st. hillary and all the ancient fathers of that judgment , against compulsion in point of religion ; and what have we to do to judge them that are without , says st. paul ? julian would not suffer christians to be forc'd to his gentile altars , epist . 52. what if they are displeased for not enjoying as much of the benefit of the king's restauration as we do ? the liberty of repining , is a charitable allowance to be indulged them of course , whom providence hath denied what we enjoy . 't is an unmerciful thing not to give lofers leave to speak , and the world will talk of them and us too at their own rate . what if some few of them shew more heat than becomes them , and grasp at things not sit for their enjoyment ? is it not the same case with us too ? why should the indiscretion of a few incense us against the rest ? if they do not all of them , at all times , carry th● selves prudently , let not their allegiance be buried in oblivion . if we either love the king or the peace of the kingdom , we must behave our selves as becomes men of conscience and prudence in this tender point . bishop bramhall in his replication to the bishop of chalcedon , says , that in eight tearstime , in which he had the government of ireland , committed to him by the earl of strafford , there was not one roman catholick who suffered death or imprisonment , or so much as a pecuniary mulct of twelve pence , for his religion , upon any penal statute ; and yet he was as true a son of the church of england and as wise ; and the lord lieutenant as great a martyr for his religion and loyalty ; and both of them as sit to be our guides , in this point , as the best men now living . stay till they have offended and done things worthy of punishment , and then spare them not . men as wise and as good as we , thought we might be safe without their king in danger ; and it seems highly reasonable that their having done amiss , and not our fears and jealousus of it , that they will do so , should make them punishable . the laws made against roman catholicks , are either as rebels or papists : if as rebels , what need of particular laws for them more than others ? why not the same law to punish them and others guilty of the same treason ? if any papist be found guilty , let that law act against him which is thought sufficient , not only to punish but to prevent treason in all men of antimonarchical principles ; and therefore they cannot be made against them in that sence , viz. as rebels : nor as papists ; for then it will follow , that he is liable to most severer punishments , who acts according to his conscience , which is the rule and internal law which god obliges us to follow and observe , under pain of sin , right or wrong ; if our conscience , after a serious examination , dictates so ; therefore all hu● ane laws , which punish a sincere obedience to this internal law , viz. conference , are hard , in case ( that is ) of an invincible error . besides , we must acknowledge them to be a true church , though infected with some errors , and to have things necessary to salvation ; why then such a severe animadversion upon them ? do not turks and jews and some sectaries , who are worse than either , live quietly among us ; and why then must our brethren of rome be molested ? and why may not either church or state alter many things concerning their own constitutions , upon prudent consideration , as the reason and circumstance of thing● very , upon new and better reasons ? no law , purely humane , can be made perpetual ; and when it is made , it must be interpreted according to the mind of the lawgiver ; and when he interprets his own law he does not take off but suspends the obligation ; and he may intervene between the equity and strictness ; for the intention more than the letter of the law , is to be ragarded : and certainly , mens stiffness in keeping what they have got ( though not upon such grounds as themselves now approve of ) is rather a point of mistaken honour than of conscience ; a contention of spirit rather than a debate of truth and equity . and if this be the case , i am sure all wise and good men will censure your obstinacy and frowardness if you persist ; though the mobile , perhaps , may reproach you with levity and cowardice , if you retreat . to change our minds upon mature deliberation and better experience , and the evidence of new and better reason , is a great piece of christian generosity and such as will speak you honest , though not crafty men. and if the honour of your religion be of equal value to you with that of your personal reputation , 't were well you studied , how much that were concern'd , in the peaceable and obedient temper of such as pretend to have espous'd it , as becomes the true sons of the church of england . nothing can stain the reputation of the glorious religion we profess , more than your turbulent , stiff and ungovernable tempers , who are the chief patriots and professors of it . shall we , who have hitherto endeavoured to strengthen the hands of the magistrate , now strive to weaken them ? shall we , who pretend to inact his laws in the very consciences of his subjects , now endeavour to put other limitations and conditions upon them than god has done ; or pretend the revocation of the broad-seal of the king 's civil authority , by the privy-signet of religion ? where-ever this is done , that prince or magistrate had need be a very devout man indeed , who casts a benign aspect upon the profession of that religion , which has so malignant an influence upon his government : and all considering men will with great reason doubt , whether that religion be of god which gives such disturbance and trouble to his vicegerent ; and whether that will carry men to heaven hereafter , which makes such tumults and confusions as will be an hell upon earth . i hope 't is no 13 th . article of your creed or mine , that whatsoever a parliament does is rightly done for that were to bring rome home to our own doors , by giving them that infallibility which they give the pope : men are not bound to build their consciences upon acts of parliament . i have heard , that to dissolve a parliament in discontent , is to pick a quarrel with the whole nation ; and i am of opinion , that for them to fly in the face of the king's religion , would be the ready way to pick a quarrel with him ; and whether it be a conscientious or prudent thing so to do ; or that a design to prevent a remote and contingent inconvenience can atone for a disobedience at present , which may possibly dissolve the frame of government , i leave to you to j●dge of there may arise a pharaoh who knew not joseph , and then you may come to be whip'd with your own rods. these violent opposers of the regal prerogative , know not what spirit they are of : do they meet the same measure they would have meeted to themselves again ? is this their brotherly kindness , meekness , or good manners ? does not the prince of peace oblige his disciples , if it be possible , and as much as in them lies , to live peaceably with all men ? the wisdom which is from above , is pure and peaceable ; it consults the publick good ; and 't is a true testimony of a religious and generous mind , in his most retired thoughts , to look out of himself , and be mindful of the publick welfare of the whole in all his private meditations ; 't was this made the fabii and fabricii and other roman worthies , so renown'd in those times , that they were content to expose themselves to the greatest dangers , and to venture the losing of the good opinion of the mobile , for the prosperity and safety of the commonwealth . lord , how rare a thing is it , in out age , to find a private man , who cordially devotes himself to the good of the community , which is of so much the nearer concernment than the privete , as it is of larger extension ? consider before it be too late , that the religion you are so justly inamoured with , will rather be prejudic'd than promoted by this peevishness of her professors : hast thou the faith of the chruch of england , have it to thy self , and take the kingdome of heaven by an holy violence , but do not attempt by any wicked violence to impose it upon other ? will you neither be obedient for wrath nor yet for conscience sake ? did ever christ and his apostles , who were arm'd and instructed with a greater power , for the vinidicating of the truth , than ever any persons since , either civil or ecclesiastical , were , behave themselves so unseemly ? did not st. paul become all thing to all men , that he might by all means gain some ? and shall not we interchangably use the duties of common humanity to them of the roman religion ? not shew them the way ( but out of the land of the living ) who are going towards the land of promise , as well as we , and yet think we do god and the king good service does not st. paul command every soul to be subject to the higher powers , upon pain of damnation ? if they are in errors , you may warn them of their danger , as he did , night and day with tears ; but you must by no means draw blood of them , not tempt other to dispise them : let your moderation be known unto all men ; christ came not to destroy but save alive ; we had better be persecuted our selves than become persecutors of other ; nothing that in violent or injurious can have any thing religion in it ; and why should we tempt the romanists to combine togather ( as they will do , if they have not more religion than we shew in this stubborness ) to revenge the injuries that have been offer'd them , the wounds that have been given them in the house of their friends ? of which we are as guilty , by being the unconcern'd and silent spectators , as if we were the principal assassins ; and whosoever is afraid of being reproach'd for a papist by pleading their cause as far as justice and charity favours it ; or consults his ease and reputation more than his religion at this juncture ; when such assaults are made upon the principles of the church of england , even by them who pretend most kindness to it , deserves the punishment either of a coward in his religion , or a traytor to it . no man , who loves his king or country , can wish for more liberty or encouragement than the church of england men enjoy ; and for any of them to grudge the king immunity for them of his own religion , is such a composition of indiscretion , popularity , ingratitude and insolence , as is little deserv'd by so good and gracious a prince . peace is not the thing we pursue , but popularity , which may be the fool 's paradise , but it is the wise man's scorn : he never attempts to keep up a party against authority with a spirit of contradiction ; not to make differences more or wider than they are to please the people , who love to hear well of themselves and ill of their princes , as you cannot but have heard some degraded courtiers do , who being outed of their employments , or disappointed and defeated of their secular aims , never cease to harangue against what they have lost or miss'd , to satisfie , not their reason , but their revenge . these are the great champions for the church , whom the populacy admires . popularity makes these hectors bold as lyons now , who would fly as fast from danger as any hunted stag , if a blood-bound were at their heels , according to tertullian's observation , novi & pastores eorum in pace leones , in praelio cervos : he was a wise man that told us , that to sawn on the people , is the lowest degree of flattery , and i think he might have added , and the highest degree of folly ; for nothing can be more foolish than to esteem their good opinion , whose judgments we approve not ; for a man to stand in the king's light , on purpose to draw the rowling eyes of the crowd upon himself ; to be look'd at , and to be talk'd of , as a man that would sain be thought considerable by being trouble●ome ; this is indeed the poison of hypocrisie , which destroys many souls as well as disturbs many states ; and therefore when you hear men , so zealous in standing up for goa's glory ; take heed that they prove not chapmen for their own . popularis aurae , vilia mancipia ; that they may be town talk for opposing the king , and attempting to eat them without salt whom the king honours ; to which i am sure it is not the spirit of christi●●ity that provokes them , but a much worse principle . i hope there are but a few of these amongst your fellow members , and that most of you are sincerely resolv'd to go on in the peaceable way which you know to be right , as counting it your glory to have the testimony of your own consciences , bearing witness with you of your ingegrity . if the rest of your brethren will bear you company , in gratifying his maj●sty in his just and reasonable expectation , i know you will be the better pleas'd ; if not i doubt not , but you have courage enough to act vertuously by your self , rather than to do ill for company ; and that you will rather be singular in a loyal vote , than so●iable in the contrary . i am better acquainted with your courage and consience , than to be jealous of this ; not is it to hearten you , but other men upon this occasion , that i say so much on this subject , as becomes every man in my station , who am one of them that watch for your souls , and therefore dare not betray them by my silence , and coolness in god's or the king's cause : my crime would be as deep as my silence ; and my not proclaiming , next to my procuring , the danger you run your selves into , for want of a timely foresight ; the not discovering any net in which you may be unhappily ensnared , and not breaking it too , if we can , would be next to the spreding of it if we could . and i know full well , that cowardice in a minister is worse than in a souldier , by how much our warsare is more hono●●able than theirs ; and i reckon them the most prostigate con●●ards in the world , who are asraid of opening their mo●ths for the king , for fear the people sould open their mouths against them . the fear of offending a private brother is a thing not considerable in comparison of the duty we owe to the publick magistrate ; for this would cut the sin●ws of all authority , and bring the king and his laws into contempt , by gratifying some mens causeless scruples , and others groundless . jealousies : do not therefore so consider roman catholicks , as to forget they are englishmen and good christians ; let anabaptists or prosbyterians act . this part , rather than any true son of the church of england : her 's in which you are embarqued is not a fire-ship designed for destruction , but for edification ; she is for winning men over to her self , with mildness and the spirit of me●knes● , and not for inraging them with violen●e and bitternej● ; and therefore never seck for a loop-hole to creep out of , but stand to her principles ; trouble not your self to enquire whether the thing , which the king expcts , be expedi●nt or not , being well satisfied of its legality ; let the king answer for that● ; god will never lay it to your charge . god guides all princes actions to his own just and wise ends , who can cause the wrath of man to turn to his praise ; his providence and protection , and our prince's conscience and honour , are as good security to our church , as any we can desire ; and she has taught us to reft satisfied with it ; and told us , that religion never prosper'd by any undue practices to advance it . meekness , patience anti humility are those graces of the spirit which convince and convert . i hope time , and a right vnderstanding of our princes exemplary justice , the scredness of his royal word , and the most obliging temper of his person , will allay those dangerous democratical furies , which wheresoever they prevail or enter , possess men with principles of vsurpation , upon the fundamental prerogatives of their sovereign , and design to dives him of the loyal and sincere affections of his peoples hearts : he has done all that any prince can possibly do , to convince the world of his merciful inclinations , to make his moderation known unto all men , whom he can safely trust , as well as to his roman catholick subjects ; and how far he is from incroaching upon any man's conscience himself , or suffering others to do it ; he has made it his business night and day , ever since he sate upon the throne , to allay all heats and animosities , arising from different perswasions in religion , and to unite the hearts and affections of all his subjects to god in religion , to his vicegerent in loyalty , and to their neighbours in charity ; he longs to see us ●t peace with our selves and all the world ; besides he hates to see us forward to do such bloody offices one to another , as turks and jews would be ashamed of ; nothing is so displeasing to him , as to see fellow christians and fellow subjects reviling and libeiling one another , as once constantine did , in the council of nice , killing and treading one another under foot , as in the council of ephesus , and as in the schism of damasus and vrsicinus ; as if christ , the prince of p●●ce , were not yet come into the world , or at least not reveal'd in this part of it . if there be any incendiaries amongst us , religion does not inflame them ; if there be any such feuds religion does not kindle them ; she cannot do that upon earth which she damns to the pit of hell : that which makes grievous to our selves or others cannot be religion ; she teaches us to love our brethren as our selves , and to dwell together in vnity ; and if our practices be accordingly , our principles will easily defend themselves . now is the time for us of the church of england , to remember our doctrine of sincere obedience to the supreme power , a doctrine pleasing to almighty god , and of good report among all princes ; and let us not shew now , when we think our selves touch'd that we were only political and mercenary in our loyalty ; and that as the devil said of job's serving god , it was not for nought ; it may be said of our serving the king too , becausc we had all along the chief countenance and protection of the laws which he made ; and as the phrase there is , had a hedge , made about us , and about all that we had on every side ; but in the case under debate , if any of our communion provoke the king to anger ( who is not , nor will not be angry with us for cleaving to our religion ) let him be his own casuist , whether he pays an intire christian obedience , seeing he would conclude in lessr instances , that the first provocation begins a quarrel ; 't would now be but bantring , to endeavour to commend the king out of resentment of a repulse ; when as indeed , setting aside home reasons , he would appear less considerable in foreign negotiations for the publick good ; when foreign princes shall hear by their ministers , how small influence he can have upon his own subjects at home . 't is too well known , that in the reign of our late gracious sovereign , the like exceptions have been made abroad , upon some ●●●dutiful carriages of his people to him at home , to the dishonour and damage of these three kingdoms . i wis●● w● did all well consider that all penal laws imply a power of relaxation in the legislator , and that the king's government con●sts in imperial as well as political laws ; and therefore is not to be restrain'd upon any pretence whatsoever . constantius setled the arrian , and after him , julian the pagan religion , by their own imperial power and edicts , yet the christians did not controll them ; nor have we any more power to rise up against our king , or to disobey him because he is a catholick , than the romanists had to rebel against queen elizabeth ( besides the question of her right of succession : ) for it is not the law that makes the king , but the king that makes the law ; and though both for his own and the publick interest , which are inseparable , he ought to act according to those laws , which do the more powerfully oblige him , by being his voluntary establishment and the effects of his royal will ; yet justice is not against charity ; and both the interpretation and execution of those laws are in him . in him is acknowledg'd the sole power of raising forces , of granting commissions both by land and sea ; of calling , adjourning , proroguing ana dissolving parliaments , when and where he judges it most expedient ; and in his power it is to remit the severities of penal laws , whereby he may manifest his goodness and clemency , as well as his greatness and justice ; by graciously pardoning both the smaller breaches of his laws , and the more capital offences which he might most justly punish . from him all places of highest trust derive their authority . it is his commission they act by , when they put his commands and laws in execution ; and without , or against his will and consent nothing can be legally acted or done . his parliaments concurrence with his desires is always kind and convenient , though not always absolutely necessary . and i do , with ●●hmission offer to those of your illustrious and loyal assemby , whether in this affair , of which i am seaking , it be not consistent with your wisdoms , to follow a course used in many cases , by a court as politick as any in the world , that of r●me , who when they are advertis'd of something passing by a prince , which formerly came from them , do immediately dispatch away the grant to the same effect , to save their pretensions of right to do it . before king james the first 's time , you will hardly find , that the sovereign's proposa● were ever rejected by parliaments , and yet their petitions have oft , with good reason , been denied in queen elizabeth's time the publick bills were drawn by the privy-council , and underwent afterwards very calm , gentle and short debates in parliament . but that which may stick still with some of you , in the present case , is , your answering the king's expectation , will look like a giving away your religion : it may look so to some pur-blind people , who see but little before them , and then the reason is no better than popularity , which is now adays grown amongst persons of quality as common and great a fault as oppression was formerly . but how is our religion given away by your consent to that , which your dissent cannot hinder ? it is our interest as well as our duty , not to be wanting to them whom the king esteems and honours in any acts of friendship which are consistent with a good conscience ; and to susser our city gates to stand wide open for them , that they may go in and out at pleasure , and partake of all the benefits and privileges which we enjoy . no man ever did a good turn of friendship to another , but at one time or other he himself eat the fruits of it . let it be remembred , in what good condition the protestant religion is in many government within the german empire , by allowing privileges to those of the church of rome : how well assured the governments are of their containing entirely faithful , when these people have equal assurances with other subjects of their remaining safe . waving , many instances which that empire affords , let us look into that of brandenburg the religion of which country is lutheranism , and is so preserv'd by the elector , though he many years ago became a calvinist ; nor will this change seem small to those who are acquainted with the mutual slender amities of those two perswasions the men of ink and gall , on both sides , blackning one another , and interchangably representing the opposite opinions to be sowler than popery it self in their eyes : but yet in this electorate , such was the wisdom of his highness , that he freely gave in assurance to keep the publick rel●gion as he found it ; and such has been his faith and honour , that he has been sacred to his ingagements . on the other part , these graces have been suitably received by his subjects , that as he makes them happy , so they , and his own prince-like vertues , have rendred him the most glorious prince that ever brandenburgh enjoyed ; and , if we do our part like them , ve have no occsion to question his majesty's doing his. though he keeps many calvinist ministers about him , and make use of the laity who worship in his way ; yet the others do not repine at it ; much less ought we to grudge them he fruits of the king's favour , who were as loyal actors , in the late times of rebellion , and g●eater sufferes than we ; they who suffer'd with and for him , might modestly have expected to have been restored to their privilegs of true english subjects before now , and to have been rais'd above contempt and danger . i speak not this to teach our senators wisdom but shall pray to god who stands in the congregation of princes , and observes , not only all their ways , acting and proceedings , but even the most secret designs and intentions of the hearts of every one of them from whom alone cometh all council , wisdom and vnderstanding ; that when by the authority of our sovereign lord the king , you shall be lawfully gather'd in his name , to consder , debate and determine this , and other weighty matters , both of church and state , he would send down his heavenly wisdom from above , to direct and guide you in all your consultations : that having his fear always before your eyes , and endeavouring to lay aside , so far as humane frailty will permit , all private interests , prejudices and partial affections , the result of your councils , may tend to the glory of his blessed name , the maintenance of true religion and justice , the sa●ety , honour and happiness of the king , the publick wealth , peace and tran●uillity of this realm , and the uniting and knitting together of the hearts of all estates and persons , within the same , in true christian love and charity one towards another : which will be your greatest honour here , and the way to eternal glory hereafter . but if any in your high station should say , such i mean who sit upon the same bench with you , we are so far from grudging papists the power into which his majesty has been pleas'd to put them , that we will leave all to them , and we will be ever loyal , but we will not act in the same commission with them , either civil or military . these men , who are such ne●er-passive loyalists , may do well to consider , that this their peevish resolution is disagreeable to their allegiance at large , to their duty by law , and to the interest they espouse . their principle is wholly destructive of loyalty ; for to be loyal and not to serve the king when requir'd , is a plain contradiction ; since loyalty is not like a civil ceremony , but , an obligation laid upon us by the highest law , to obey those placed over us ; against whom he does passively rebel , who is unactive in their service . and therefore the primitive christians obey'd their emperors , though heathens , with the hazard of their lives and fortunes ; and shall we , that are the sons of the charch of england , resuse the lawful services of a most christian and gracious king ? whom we are obliged to serve without ifs and and 's , as well when he frowns upon us as when he favours us , for this is the only way to be god's favourites as well as his , and to prove our selves members of christ as well as of the commonwealth . 't is a known maxim in the civil law , that subjects ought not only to obey the government , but to be instruments of it too ; without which the government could not be carried on , and the greatest princes would have less effectual authority than a centuriom has , who says to one go and he goes , to another , come and he comes , and to a third , souldier do this , and he does it : and our common law has therefore establish'd this sudalternacy of obeying and bearing part in the government , of which sr. thoma● overbury's case and imprisonment is a pregnant instance 〈…〉 n it be justly said , that it was an over-stretching of 〈◊〉 prerogative , for the like was after practi●'d upon sr peter h●●●●n , who for behaving himself ●●ke some other muti●●●● 〈◊〉 ●ons , in one of the last parliaments of king cha●●● 〈…〉 , was sent , against his ●iking , on ●r e 〈…〉 tinate ; and though the w 〈…〉 ce in the parliament of f●ay 〈…〉 at that or any other t 〈…〉 him an illegal . no prince could 〈◊〉 a k 〈…〉 ou● this right of compel●ing his subjects to m 〈…〉 respective offices under him and as to acting in the commission of peace , the great chancellor , in the late king's time , in the case of an irish noble man seated in england , and refusing to take the oath of a justice of peace , declared , that he ought to do it , and every man else nam'd in the king's commission : and therefore they are unpardonable to dispute it now , who have already taken their oaths and acted many years accordingly . nor is it less against your interest than your duty , to withdraw your services ; for if you quick-sighted men , who sit higher than your neighbours , spy more damages and mischiefs coming on the country , than we can see , from those who are newly put into commission , you have the more reason not to desert your station . there were many gentlemen in the rebellious age before the king's restauration , who , acting under the usurper's commission , told their confiding friends , they indur'd it only in order to the serving the king and the loyal party ; how much rather should men now serve the king , and subalternately those that serve him , when they are called to do it by a lawful authority ? let them also consult their honour as gentlemen , and shew a courage besitting their quality , like that brave roman , who did not , like other mean spirits , sneak out and quit his post , but generously profest he did not despair of the commonwealth , nor would he desert its service : if they to whom this is urg'd , say , no more do we ; we acquiesce in the kin'gs pleasure , but we care not for acting ; their laying down thus , is an impeachment of their loyalty ; for hereby do they raise or increase the groundless fears and jealousies of the people , who will be over-apt to conclude , that if those leading men in the country , upon whose conduct they safely relyed , withdraw themselves , all is lost ; religion and property are vanish'd ; whereas you are the only men who can and should take them off these mistakes , by giving them to understand , that the current of the law is as clear as ever , and that the king does no more for his own religion , than every prince in the world does for his ; nor less for ours , than will suffice to make us happy , if we had but wit enough , to know when we were so . that , as to the mixture of popish and protestant justices , ireland has been long so govern'd and with good success ; and as the greatest number of our present statute laws were made by their ancestors council and consent , then of the same religion they now are of ; so we have no reason to question but they will be as forward to execute , as the others were to get them inacted . and if , after all , they confess , as all ingenuous and considering men must , that they could consent to the repealing and taking off the capital , penal , and disabling laws against the roman catholicks , but they could not answer it to their counties for which they serve ; they need not be told ( who were such apt scholars in the tender point of privileges . of parliament ) that their power is more than that of the states general of the united provinces , for they may not only consult but consent without those who sent them ; and if they dare deny it , send a serjeant at arms for them ( as you know they lately did , how legally i dispute not . ) and since those states , in the late king's time , concluded with him a point of mutual benefit , without ever sending to their principals , and were afterward thanked by them for it ; with more right and with as good success , may they concur with the king's motion , if it be consider'd , that they were not chosen by men of that antimonarchical spirit , who generally prevail'd in the three elections before this . and as to those of the opposite party , who can think their thoughts are likely to be like lycurgus his defence of his laws , that though they were not the best , they were as good as then could be made ; and seeing they surmize that some men endeavour to bring parliaments into disesteem , as stulborn and intractable , and therefore useless ; in prospect of this and what may probably ensue , it will undoubtedly be prudent , to give up many points formerly contended for , with too much eagerness and too little justice ; by which compli●●ces with the royal power and goodness , they may have fresh and larger assurances of saving the main sta●● thus have i honestly esiay'd to give you the best resol●uic● i can of the case in q●j●ion , whether the thoughts which were to my satisfaction , will prove so to your's or others more fearful and jealous in the commun●●● , of our church , i know not ; but i hope they will , and wish they 〈◊〉 not only for the king's service and satisfaction , but for their own and peace sake . he was a sound politicia● , who told us , that for the maintenance of a religion long in being , it is necessary oft times to reduce it to its first grounds ; nor do i think it would argue want of policy or piety in the sons of the church of england , to study the primitive constitutions of the same , and to re●ect upon the peaceable temper of the first reformers , and to con●●der what one of our best casuists , our church ever bred , tests us , in the case of one of our church marrying with a recusant , that in points , wherein the substance of christianity consists , the fundamental articles of the christian religion , we both agree . and that he who rightly understands those catholick truths , taught in the catechisms of both churches ; and concerning which all christendom , in a manner , are at a present accord ; and will also suffer himself farther to consider , that the church of england does not impose upon the judgments and consciences of her members , any thing to be believ'd or receiv'd as of necessity to salvation , but what is truly catholick , and confessed by her adversaries so to be ; and consequently , that the differences between her and the romish party , is wholly about those additionals or superstructures , may easily rest ; satisfied in his judgment and conscience , that the thing desir'd is not simply evil , and ●o●ogenere , unlawful , but expedient ; and as the exigencies and the conjunction of our present circumstances , and the probability of the good and evil consequences of it , prudently laid together and weigh'd one against another require , are little less than necessary . and in truth , did we live up to the rules and canons of the church , the differences between them and us would not appear so many and so great , but that we might hope under so gracious a prince , who has a kindness for both , to become at last , if not men of one judgment , yet at least of one heart . i will allow such a casuist as ferguson to repute the terms of union with rome , impossible and absurd , for so they must needs be , to such an arch-schismatick and traytor as he is : but if we consider , that there are a great many truths of so little value , that a wise and good man would part with them all for a grain of charity ; and how dangerous it is and damnable , to rend the peace of the catholick c●●●●h , we shall not be so stiff and inflexible , so tenacious and unyielding , even in matters of so small moment , as we too familiarly are to so shameful a degree of obstinacy , that we will not stir an hairs breadth to win a brother , no not to gratifie a prince : intreat , perswade or convince them ( non persuadebis , etiamsi persuaseris ) still they hold their principle , which is none of the best ; obtain all , yield nothing ; so far are they from being arm'd with epaminondas his brave heroick resolution , totius orbis ●●●itias despicere prae patriae charitate ; to despise private interests for love of the publick peace of church and state. this were such a self-dental , as would adorn a christian , and speak him truly catholick ; and if distempers in the body natural and political are reduc'd by physicians and politicians , not to what they should be , but what they can be ; then let us not strive to advance our christian liberty , above the laws of sobriety , charity and government , nor endeavour to serue any peg so high in the church as to make a discord in the state , but endeavour calmly to perswade and convince men by the scriptures and reason ; for though the ministry and service be ours , yet the dominion is his who bears the sword , and whose friends must be ours , or else we are not chrict's nor our own . we may keep our consciences tender , but not so raw as to kick and wince at all which touches us , or which we understand not . remember that of lactantius , quae , ubi , aut qualis est pietas ? n●mirum apud eos qui bella nesciunt , qui concordiam cum omnibus servant , qui omnes homines pro sratribus diligunt , qui ●ohibere iram sciunt , omnemque animi furorem tranquillâ moderatione lenire : such an evangelium armatum as some warm disputants would make our religion favour , would better become john goodwin to publish , who was better skill'd in the methods of embroiling three kingdoms , than any true sons of the church of england , whose laws are not like draco's the athenian , written in blood : her heart is not so petresied as to rejoyce in evil ; she abhors all living bonefires ; she prays for the conversion of her's and god's enemies , and delights in their reformation , but not in their ruine ; her commands are like her saviour's with the sceptre and not with the sword , unless it be of the spirit , which she never suffers to make way to mens consciences by cutting through their flesh . let my soul never come into such bloody councils at these . the greek church approves not to this day , the putting hereticks to death ; and we have great reason to bless god and the king , that our writt , de haeretico comburendo , is taken away by act of parliament ; and may all other sanguinary laws perish and be abolish'd as well as that , made in this or any christian state , against men upon the score of christian religion , if the most notorious offenders against it be punished with a civil death here , and an eternal hereafter , 't is sufficient : defendenda est religio non occidendo sed moriendo . aut hoc non est evangelium , aut nos non sumus evangelici ; fraterna necessitudine cohaeremus , quam qui non agnoscit injustus est : christianity binds us to purchase peace at interest , rather than keep up a party against it ; for there is such variety of education , interest , and custom in the world , that he who resolves to yield to no body can agree with no body . christ comply'd with the rites and customs he found in the world , and condeseended to the very humours of stubborn people , to ingratiate himself and his doctrine : and erasmus hated discord so much , that he lov'd not any truth that might occasion it , mihi sane adeo invisa est discordia , ut veritas e●iam displiceat seditiosa : nor can any desire to keep the wounds of the church or kingdom open , but such as would he better pleas'd to suck the blood of both ; and peaceable princes have a happy time of it , to serve the humours of such men , and receive such encouragements as they daily give them . there was to be no destructive beast in all god's holy mountain ; the beasts of prey came down from mount seir , and not from mount sion . if the counsels of any of the enemies of our church be of men or devils , it will come to nought ; but if it be of god , we cannot overthrow if , least happily we be sound fighters against god ; and if ever we hope upon good grounds to ride on and prosper , it must be because of our truth , and right ●ousness , and meekness , not of humour and petulancy ; for this is a time of healing , and not of troubling the waters . there is nothing wanting to make us live quietly one by another , though of several judgments , whilst we agree in the fundamentals of religion and loyalty , but the subduing of our own inordinate affections . did we take up the cross to lay it upon other mens shoulders ? or do we fellow christ : , as the jews did , to crucisie him ? this is to love christ and the king as men do one another , till they be brought to the tryal : goodness is the best note of the true church , and i hope will prove the inseparable character of ours ; for , i am sure , none are so affable to their brethren on earth , as they that have their conversation in heaven . if we will suffer it , our religion is ready to tye the gordian-knot of kindness between us , and all who deserve the name of christians ; it will breed an harmony in the affections of all the king's subjects who receive it ; it will sublimate and spiritualize their humanity , and draw it off from all the dreggs of malice and uncharitableness , and teaches us to love the king for his goodness , as well as others to fear him for his resolution . the samaritans held it an abomination to come near a man of a different religion or perswasion from them , but we have not so learned christ ; may there never any s●●i●e be heard amongst us , but who shall strive first and most to serve god and the king ; unless you loath your present manna , and long for your old aegyptian leeks and garlicks , you will not make others look like devils , that you may look the more like saints , but you will join with the church and the meanest of her children , and say a hearty amen to this prayer , domine da pacem in diebus nostris ; and spend your time in prayers to the god of peace , that you may prevail to stisle and put out those dissentions which the divel has kindled among us ; and in tears if you cannot , so shall ye be sound in peace by the prince of peace at his coming , without spot and blameless , and our hierusalem be built up as a city at unity in it self . sir , i have not martial'd my thoughts into such a method as i should and would have done , if my time and other accomplishments had born any proportion to your expectations , and the duty of such an undertaking ; but i hope i have said enough to make it plain to all the true and well-meaning sons of the church of england ; that what i have press'd you and them to do , and resolve , by god's assistance , to practise my self , is 1 st . a duty we owe to almighty god , by whom all kings reign ( who are not the peoples creatures but his vicegerents ) not intrusted with theirs , but invested with his authority . the powers that be are ordain'd of god , and as he that resists them , resists the ordinance of god ; so he that dishonours them , dishonours god's ordinance , and by consequence god himself . and as respect for the king's sake , is to be paid to all such persons as he deputes to sustain his authority and represent his person ; so much more for god's sake , is honour to be paid to the king , whom god hath commission'd to be his deputy on earth , and invested with the largest share of his authority . besides , god hath expresly commanded us to honour the king , and twice joyn'd it with a precept to fear him , to denote that none can deny the king honour , but such as have no fear of god before their eyes ; and that without disobedience to god we cannot refuse to honour the king , both as a christian and a king : and here , once for all , let it be observ'd , that when st. peter wrote his first epistle , and therein gave christians that precept of honouring the king ; he , who then govern'd them , was none of the best , but perhaps one of the worst in the world who ever wore an imperial grown ; a profest enemy , not to christianity alone , but to morality too . nero was at that time the roman emperor , who was not only an heathen , and of a different religion from them ; but also as tertullian stiles him , dictator damnationis●nostrae , the first persecutor of the christian religion , which shews him to be of none at all . and yet such a king they are commanded to honour , which may assure us , that 't is the king's authority , abstracted from his personal qualifications , which we are to honour ; be his religion what it will , be it any or none at all ; if he be our king , god requires us to consult his honour in all things ; and without disobedience to god , i hope i have sufficiently prov'd that we cannot do otherwise . every true son , therefore , of the church of england , who acknowledges his majesty's title to the imperial crown of these kingdoms to be unquestionable , must conclude it to be an indispensible duty , which he owes to almighty god , to say and do all that he lawfully may for the king's honour . 2 dly . 't is a duty which we owe to the king , and that not only because god hath by the divine law given him a right thereunto , but also because the benefits which we enjoy under his government deserve if . do we not enjoy publick peace and preferments , and the free and publick exercise of our religion , which is a blessing infinitely more valuable than any of which we can be ambitious , on this side heaven ? he hath not only indulg'd that to us , but by many most gracious , solemn and reiterated promises , engaged his honour and fidelity to protect us in it ; which we must honour for the church's magnâ chartâ , the more transcendent act of grace , because not extorted by rebellion , and a security more firm than any law , which cannot tye a king ( who is declared the supreme judge of the law and above it ) so fast as the obligations of his own royal word and honour do it . and is there nothing due for so high a favour ? are not we to be extreamly ●ender of his honour , who is so under of our happiness , as that he may justly be stiled the defender of our faith , as well by desert as by inheritance ; as not only to protect it from real dangers , but also to protect the professors of it from their own fears ? if a nero be to be honoured , much more a titus or vespasian : if a tyrant ( who was a disgrace to humanity , ) much more an indulgent father of our church and country ; one whose clemency makes him the delight of mankind , and one whole royal word gives his subjects the belt security of which they are capable . 3 dly . 't is a duty we owe to our country : the king is the light of our israel , as david is stil'd ; and the more bright and resplendant this light , the more bright , powerful and benign rays and influences will it diffuse among us . he is the breath of our nostrils ; and if our undutiful and indecent behaviour towards him do eclipse his honour , by interposing any thick body between him and his peoples hearts , or taint the nations breath with an ill savour , it would be a sad symptom of the decay of its vitals . who knows not , that the usual methods of treason and rebellion have been first to blacken the prince , and make him seem vile to the people , and then to tempt them to oppose and resist him ? first to represent him in some soul shape ( as the heathen persecutors did the primitive christians , when they cloathed them in beasts skins ) and then expose them first to be derided , and at last to be devoure'd ? and what did any nation ever get by rebellion , but expence of treasure and blood , rapine , misery and ruine ? in which point , if we are yet unsatisfied , let us lit down and cast up the accounts of ours from forty to sixty , the summa totalis of which will be found to be nothing on the balance , but the loss of our liberties , properties and religion , with the additional interest of slavery , intailed upon us and ours for so many years . can we then better consult the kingdoms good at this time , than by maintaining the kings honour , or take a better course to keep it in peace and plenty , than by keeping up a good opinion of our most gracious prince among his subjects ; or shew our selves greater patriots , or better friends of our country , than by being zealous for our prince's honour , and jealo● of all those words or actions , which may secretly undermine it ? 4 thly . lastly , this is a duty we owe to our dear mother the church of england , from whose breasts we have suck'd an untainted loyalty , and by whom we have been trained up to a most tender zeal for the honour and service of our king , without any relation had to his religion . it is well known , that no church under heaven ever taught her children more loyal principles , or more constantly than she has done ; and therefore no children on this side hell , would be more unpardonable for acting distoyally than hers . she never allow'd any pretence whatsoever to dising age us from our loyalty ; nor did she ever absolve us when we appear'd to want it , but upon sound and sincere repentance . the more inexcusable then were we , if we should disgrace our breeding and education under her most excellent instructions with any contrary practices : and the more indispensibly are we oblig'd to lay hold of those opportunities , which the providence of god does now offer us , to give the world such a convincing testimony of our loyalty , as unless the true genuine sons of the church of england shew , i question whether it will ever see . catholick loyalty i mean , not only bearing patiently , but dearly loving , and devoutly honouring our prince , though of a different religion , and not speaking ill of any thing , of which he hath himself entertain'd a sacred , or would have us have a good opinion . and thus far have i , in obedience to your commands , expressed as plainly as i could , the judgment of my own mind , about this important and seasonable duty . i am so sensible of my own unfitness for an undertaking of this nature , that nothing but your's or a greater command , could have drawn me to make such an essay ; least so good a cause should suffer more by my weakness than gain by my zeal : however , such as it is , i humbly submit it to your better judgment ; not doubting but that whatever you judge to be said amiss , will be , by your charity , as if it had never been said by me , and corrected by your christian prudence : and if any thing be said that may be capable of doing his majesty any service , you will conceal the author , least his obscurity prove an obstacle to the efficacy of his arguments . who will live and die a true son of the church of england , a loyal subject to his majesty , and your humble servant , a. b. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35015-e170 1 cor. 1.15 . la●ant . ● 10. tertul. ad ment. 1 sam. 15 30. 1 cor. 10.31 1. smith's select disc . 437. ibid. 473. ephes . 4.2 . heb. 12.14 . sedulius hymn bract. de leg & cons . l. ● . 8 . n. 5. ibid. p. ● . v. 49 , 50. & 65. ad 78. 1 kings 1.23 . 1 sam. 24.8 . 2 sam. 19.27 ps . 82.6 . 2 sam. 18.3 . eccl. 8.4 . job 34.18 . j●r . 29.7 . 1 pet. 2.19 , 20 , 21. sherlock of relig. asserts p. 144 prov. 25.13 . num. 23.23 . juvenal . joh. 13.35 . 1 kings 19.11 , 12. josephus aniq. 1.4 . 1 t●n 3. ● 1. & 2. q. mar. cap 9. col 3.12 , 14. can. 60 c. 75 . bramhall repl. 229. jer. 20.1 ductor dub . 190 , 250 ; . can. 14 bp. taylor 's case of conf. 1.3.192 . ductor dub . 1.3 . p. 238 joh. 11.51 . 1 cron. 28.3 . 2 cron. 19.11 . ezra 7 25. neh. 13.8 . samar . revis'd 54 , 55. p. 58. 1 cor. 5.12 . ductor dub . p 143. ● . 3.4●8 . r. 400. jam. 1.7 . acts 20.31 . luke 9.26 . ma●hia . vel p 33● bp. sanderson's 5. cas . p 18. fergus . inter. of reas . 593. p. 487. ifa . 29.4 . ●● 11 9. p● 8.15 . prov. 24 21. 1 pet. ● . 13 . 2 sam. 21.7 . jer. 32.3 an honorable and learned speech made by mr. waller in parliament against the prelates innovations, false doctrin and discipline, reproveing the perswation of some clergie-men to his majestie of inconveniencies : vvho themselves instead of tilling the ground are become sowers of tares : vvith a motion for the fundamentall and vitall liberties of this nation which it was wont to have. waller, edmund, 1606-1687. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67333 of text r11253 in the english short title catalog (wing w498). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67333 wing w498 estc r11253 13012989 ocm 13012989 96506 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67333) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96506) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e199, no 42) an honorable and learned speech made by mr. waller in parliament against the prelates innovations, false doctrin and discipline, reproveing the perswation of some clergie-men to his majestie of inconveniencies : vvho themselves instead of tilling the ground are become sowers of tares : vvith a motion for the fundamentall and vitall liberties of this nation which it was wont to have. waller, edmund, 1606-1687. [2], 6 p. printed for richard smithers, [london?] : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. a67333 r11253 (wing w498). civilwar no an honorable, and learned speech made by mr. waller in parliament, against the prelates innovations, false doctrin, and discipline; reprovei waller, edmund 1641 1054 2 0 0 0 0 0 19 c the rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an honorable , and learned speech made by mr. waller in parliament , against the prelates innovations , false doctrin , and discipline ; reproveing the perswation of some clergie-men to his majestie of inconveniencies : vvho themselves , instead of tilling the ground , are become sowers of tares . vvith a motion for the fundamentall , and vitall liberties of this nation , which it was wont to have ▪ printed for richard smithers , 1641. mr. waller his speech , in parliament . mr. speaker , wee shall make it appeare ; the errour of divines who would that a monarch can be absolute , and that he can doe all things ad libitum receding not only from their text , ( though that bee wandring too ) but from the way their own profession might teach them . stare super vias antiquas , and remoove not the ancient bounds and land-marks , which our fathers have set . if to be absolute , were to be restrained by no lawes ; then can no king in christendom bee so , for they all stand obleidged to the lawes christian , and we aske no more , for to this pillar , be our priviledges fixt . our kings at their coronation , having taken a sacred oath , not to infring them , i am sorry these men take no more care , for the informing of our faith of these things , which they tell us for our soules health ; whilst we know them so manifestly in the wrong way , in that which concernes the liberties and priviledges of the subjects of england . they gain preferment , and then it is no matter , though they neither beleeve themselves , nor are beleeved by others . but since they are so ready , to let loose the conscience of our kings , we are the more carefully to proceed , for our protection against this pulpit-law , by declaring , and reinforcing municipall lawes of this kingdom . it is worthy the observation , how now this opinion , or rather this way of rising is even amongst themselves . for , ( mr. speaker ) mr. hooker , who was no refractory man , as they terme it thinks that the first goverment was arbitrary , untill it was found , that to live by one mans will , becoms all mens misery ▪ these are his words , and that these were the originall of inventing lawes . and ( mr. speaker , ) if wee looke farther backe , our histories will tell us , that the prelates of this kingdom , hath often been the mediators , between the king and his subjects , to present and pray redresse of their greivances , and had reciprocally then , asmuch love and reverence from the people . but these preachers more active then their predecessors , and wiser then the lawes , have found out a better forme of government . the king must bee a more absolut monarch , then any of his predecessors , and to them he must owe it , though in the meane time , they hazard the hearts of his people , and involve him into a thousand difficulties . for suppose , this forme of government were inconvenient ; ( mr. speaker , ) this is but a supposition ; for this five hundred yeares , it hath not onely maintained us in safety , but made us victorious over other nations : but suppose , this form of government were inconvenient ; and they have another idea of one more convenient ; wee all know , how dangerous innovations are , though to the better ; and what hazard those princes runne , that enterprize the change of a long established government . now , ( mr. speaker , ) of all our kings that have gone before , and of all that are to succeed in this happy race , why should so pious , and so good a king , be exposed to this trouble and hazard ? besides , that king so diverted , can never doe any great matters abroad . but , mr. speaker , whilst these men have thus bent their witts , against the law of their country ; have they not neglected their own profession ? what tares are grown up in the field , wch they should have tilled ? i leave it to a second consideratiō , not but religion be the first thing in our purposes and desires ; but that which is first in dignity , is not alwayes to preced in order of time ; for well-being , supposes a being ; and the first impediment which men naturally , endeavour to remoove , is the want of those things , without which they cannot subsist . god first assigned unto adam , maintenance of life , and added to him a title to the rest of the creatures , before he appointed a law to observe . and let me tell you , that if our adversaries have any such designe , as there is nothing more easie , then to impose religion on a people deprived of their liberties , so there is nothing more hard , then to do the same upon free-men . and therefore ( mr. speaker ) i conclude with this motion , that there may be an order presently made , that the first thing this house goes about , shal be , the restoring of this nation in generall , to the fundamentall and vitall liberties , the prosperity of our goods , and freedome of our persons : and then we will forth-with , consider of the supply desired . and thus shall we discharge the trust reposed in us , by those that sent us hither ; and his matie shall see , that wee will make more then ordinary hast to satisfie his demands ; and we shall let all those know that seeke to hasten the matter of supply , that they will so farre delay it , as they give no interruption to the former . finis . a just and righteous plea presented unto the king of england, and his council, &c. being the true state of the present case of the people, called quakers, truly demonstrated, and justly pleaded, on their behalf : and this is laid down in six particulars ... / by ... edw. burroughs. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. 1661 approx. 100 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30531 wing b6011 estc r14916 12035063 ocm 12035063 52871 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30531) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52871) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 861:17) a just and righteous plea presented unto the king of england, and his council, &c. being the true state of the present case of the people, called quakers, truly demonstrated, and justly pleaded, on their behalf : and this is laid down in six particulars ... / by ... edw. burroughs. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. [6], 34 p. printed for robert wilson ..., london : 1661. reproduction of original in huntington library. publication information taken from colophon. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng society of friends -great britain. church and state -great britain. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a just and righteous plea , presented unto the king of england , and his council , &c. being the true state of the present case of the people , called qvakers , truly demonstrated , and justly pleaded on their behalf ; for the true information of the king and his council , that they may well understand the truth and verity of doubtful cases , and may shew just judgment and mercy . and this is laid down in six particulars . viz 1. concerning swearing at all , and particularly of the oath of allegiance . 2. concerning meeting together to worship god. 3. concerning tythes among the jewes , and among the christians , and why we refuse to pay them at this day . 4. concerning giving security by bond , to live peaceably , or , to answer accusations then and there , &c. 5. concerning government it self , and particularly of this present government . 6. concerning persecution , what it is in it self , and how great an enemy it is to the king and his government ; laid down in ten particulars . all which cases are truly stated and pleaded , and the cause of the innocent vindicated : and this for the benefit of the king and his government , that they may be just and righteous , and perfectly according to god. by a friend to just authority , edw. borroughs . the epistle to the king , and his council . oh friends ! this is your day , that god hath given you to try you , and to prove you what you will do , and whether you will rule and judge , and exercise your power for god , or against him ; and this is the hour of your tryal , and the living god that made heaven and earth beholds you , and his eye is upon you , and he waits for iustice , true iudgment , mercy , righteousness and truth , to be brought forth by you in the land , that he might blesse you and prosper you ; but and if the contrary be abounding , and brought forth and exercised thorow you , blessings shall be turned into a curse , and the iust god will deal with you after your deserts ; for the reward of the almighty is iust and equal unto all the sons of men , even according to their wayes and works ; and the iudgment of you nor of any , is determined by him , but accordingly as he is served , obeyed and feared , or the contrary . and seeing you have a day to do good , and to forsake all evil , to do iustice , mercy and truth in the earth , and to subdue the contrary ; if that you do the things you ought not , and leave undone what god requires of you to do , and trifle away your time in matters of lesse value , and spend your dayes in pleasures & vanities , and neglect mercy and iudgment in the earth , and have no regard to the cry of the poor and the oppressed , to deliver them from their cruel persecutions ; if it be thus with you in this your day , who shall stand in the gap to prevent the anger of the lord from breaking out ? or , who shall plead for you in the day of your reward , when god himself ariseth unto iust iudgment , to judge all flesh , and to deliver the innocent ? oh friends ! is this nothing to you ? is there no cause unto you of consideration in this matter ? ought you not to lay these things to heart ? why , surely you are but men , and your breath is in your nostrils , and your substance but dissolvable clay , and the god of heaven and earth can do what he will with you , and concerning you ; if ye please him , it might be well with you , but if the contrary , he can answer you doings with an equal reward , and none can prevent him . and here is a cry , and a very great cry of persecution under your authority , the prisons filled with vpright and innocent persons , to the ruine of persons , wives and families , if the great mercy of the lord did not prevent more than the iustice of men ; thousands within these few months have been cast into goals and dungeons and nasty holes ; and divers have finished their lives , and dyed in prisons ; many being taken out of their houses , and from their lawful callings ; and many taken out of meetings , where they have been waiting upon god , and cruel sufferings inflicted upon them , and all this for truth and righteousness sake , and for their profession and practice in religion ; when as no plotting or evil-dealing towards the king nor any of his subjects , could be justly charged and proved against them . and thus the innocent have been made a prey to prophane persons , and their sufferings have been woful , and all this under and by your authority ; and , are these things nothing to you ? or , do you judge this is well doing ? is this iustice and true iudgment ? is this for your happiness and prosperity ? let the god of heaven and earth judge in this matter between this people and you , for the cry of their sufferings are very loud in the ears of god , and they have been laid before you , and you ought to have relieved them , and eased their heavy burdens , and shewed iustice , pity and love , and this would have made for your happiness ; but if that you alwayes neglect to hear the cry of the poor , and of the oppressed , yet god hears , and takes notice ; and though this people should have no helper in the earth , yet he is their helper , and their cause is committed unto him. can these things stand ? and , can you be happy in these proceedings , while the innocent suffer under you ? is it in your hearts to destroy the heritage of god ? do you think to extinguish an innocent people from off the earth ? must none wait upon god , and worship him , and pray to him , but after your prescriptions and limitations ? and will you kill and destroy all such as do not ? who cannot for good conscience sake conform to every way of worship and religion imposed , but must wait upon god , and worship him and pray to him according as his spirit teacheth and guideth ; will you , i say , destroy all such ? is it in your hearts to effect it ? if it be , the god of heaven will not prosper you in such purposes ; will ye force men to forsake the way of their god , wherein they have found his presence ? will ye persecute men for their religion-sake , while yet they walk uprightly in their conversations among men ? oh friends ! it is not iustice and true iudgment thus to do , it pleaseth not god , neither doth it unite the hearts of subjects in true love and unity , but it hath contrary effects , and that you may find . indeed , according to my judgment , such proceedings are not good policy nor humane wisdom , for you to seek to establish one particular perswasion and kind of religion , and impose that by force , and persecute and seek to destroy all the rest that are otherwise minded , if they will not deny their principles and consciences , and conform : this seems , i say , no good policy among men ; for if it doth gratifie one sort of men in their desires , it discontenteth and dissatisfieth many more , and it breaketh love and unity amongst subjects ; and your safety is in the uniting of peoples hearts to you , and one to another in love and liberty , and not in the divisions and distractions of people ; surely this canot be for your safety . when as if you did give liberty to all , that were peaceable in their lives and conversations , in the exercise of their religion in faith and worship to god-wards ; this would cause all to love you , and none to be discontented with you in good reason : if one sort of people had as much liberty as others ( in the way of their religion i mean ) and none more than others , this doubtless would encrease content among subjects , and be a blessing to you and your authority ; and to proceed in that way which may keep the people in love and unity one with another , and to you-wards , this were good policy for your establishment to perpetuity ; and there seems to be no other way , than in shewing iustice , mercy , and liberty to all in all right wayes , and in the exercise of their consciences towards god. and this is my iudgment , the way for you to prosper , is , to leave the prescribing the way of worship unto god , as his spirit shall teach and perswade the conscience , and to leave the iudgment in all cases of conscience about spiritual things , unto him , and not to meddle about imposing religion , nor persecuting men for that cause , for it is not your place to do it ; but you are to rule well over the outward man , and to judge in the cases of wrong between man and man , but not at all in the cases between god and mens consciences . but you may say , who art thou , inferiour man , that seemest to advise us that are high and potent , and wise enough for our selves ? well , though it be thus , though i am so , and not much acquainted with the state-affairs , nor do i profess policy in the governments of this world , yet this i say , what soever my birth or quality be , and whether i live or dye , yet these things you must find true one day ; ( for i speak not as a politician , but as a servant of god ) that your prosperity and happiness in this world , and hereafter , standeth , in shewing and executing true iustice and iudgment , and mercy and equal liberty towards all , without respect of their title in the profession and practice of religion , and in allowing liberty of conscience in the exercise of faith and worship and duty to god-wards , to all christian people , equally in your dominions , and not to persecute or destroy any in their persons and estates , for the exercise of their religion to god-wards : this is the way of your prosperity , and the contrary is the way of your destruction , if that ye persecute men for their conscience sake , and exercise lordship and authority over mens conscience in spiritual things ; and if ye prescribe a way of worship , and seek to destroy all that cannot conform thereunto : if ye do thus , this is not good policy to establish you . well , i shall say little further , but that these things i write not as your enemy , but as your friend , who would have you saved both soul and body , and not as in any kind of harshness in my spirit towards you do i write , but in love and compassionateness to you and these kingdoms . and i have here in brief stated and pleaded the case of the innocent people , called quakers , who are at this time under great afflictions and tribulations by your authority ; and it hath been in my heart divers times to declare the substance of these things unto you , but at the last i have chosen to write my mind to present to you concerning the matters very needful for you to be informed in , and it is for your sakes as well as theirs , that i have done it , that you may not run on to act any thing against them upon suspitions and accusations of others , without hearing our defence ; and therefore it is for the avoiding and stopping of persecution in the land , for this cause have i taken in hand submissively , and not presumptuously , to state this plea before you , and i must leave it to your considerations ; and cannot impose my faith upon you , to believe as i believe , but having laid the truth before you , i shall leave it to the lord to work faith and love , and iustice , mercy , and all good things in your hearts , that you may bring them forth in the exercise of them in the world. i am a lover of justice and mercy , truth and right●●usness . ● . b. london , the10 th day of the second moneth , 1661. chap. i. the case stated and pleaded concerning swearing at all , and particularly concerning the oath of allegiance . i. vve do acknowledge our selves to be free-born people of this kingdom of england , the land of our nativity , and we do assert , that we have just and lawful right and title , as such , to possess and enjoy our lives , liberties and estates , both by the laws of god and man ; having never unto this day , since we were a people , forfeited our birth-right as men , by any rebellion , sedition , contempt , or otherwise ; but have always been and are a people exercised in the law of our god , by walking justly towards all men , and doing to others as we would be done unto , & have been and are a peaceable people under every government and authority that hath been over us since the lord raised us up ; and i do hereby declare , that we now are , and shall be faithful , innocent , and peaceable , in our several stations and conditions , under this present government of king charles the second , whom we acknowledge supream magistrate and governour over this kingdom , and for conscience sake we are obedient and submissive to him , as such , in all his commands , either by doing and performing of what he justly requireth , or by patient suffering under , whatsoever is inflicted upon us in the matters for which we cannot be obedient for conscience sake , when any thing is required of us different from the just law of god : and to this subjection , to the king and his government , we are bound by the law of righteousness , and such hath ever been our principle and practice , and is unto this day , even to be quiet , and peaceable , and patient under every authority that is set over us , and not in unrighteousness , to plot , or contrive , or rebel against any governours or government , nor to seek our own deliverance from injustice and oppression , in such a way . and we are perswaded to seek the preservation of the king's person and authority , by all just and lawful means , and not to rebel against him with carnal weapons ; and so far as his government is in iustice , mercy , and righteousness , we declare true and faithful subjection , and obedience thereunto , and wherein it is otherwise , we shall be subject by patient suffering , what is unequally imposed upon us , and yet not rebel in any turbulent way of conspiracies , and insurrections ; for our principles are not for war , but for peace with all men , so much as in us lyes ; neither may we render evil for evil to any , but are to be subject to the king and his government actively or passively , upon the conditions aforementioned . and we renounce all forreign authority , power , and iurisdiction , of the pope or any else , from having any supremacy whatsoever over the king , or any the good subjects of england : and this we declare , acknowledge , and testifie , in the fear and presence of god ( to whom we and all mankind must give an account ) and that without secret equivocation , or any deceitful mental reservation . ii but as for all oaths and swearing , we utterly deny , for conscience sake towards god , because christ jesus hath commanded us not to swear at all , mat. 5. and the apostle saith , above all things , my brethren , swear not , jam. 5. and it was the principle and practice of divers holy martyrs , even some of the protestant church , since the apostles days , in all ages , not to swear at all in any case : so for conscience sake , and according to the example of saints in former ages , we do refuse to swear , in this case of allegiance to the king , and in all other cases whatsoever , and we cannot swear at all ; though the truth and verity , of all things in all cases , so far as known to us , and as occasion requireth , we can acknowledge and testifie , with yea and nay , as in the fear and presence of god , and with true intent and meaning , to discover the truth , as is needful to be known ; and in this manner we acknowledge just allegiance to the king , and his government ; ( that we shall live peaceably , and not plot , nor rebel against him ) according to the law of god and a safe conscience ; but without any oath or swearing at all , for we may not break the command of christ , nor walk contrary to the example of the apostles and saints by swearing , though we suffer the loss of all because thereof ; and it is our known principle and practice , ever since we were a people , that in no case whatsoever , though of great dependancy oft-times to our selves , both in respect of advantage to us , and also in avoiding of sufferings , we have not taken any oath , nor sworn at all ; whereby it is manifest that our refusing chiefly to take the oath of allegiance , is not because it is that oath , but because it is an oath , and for conscience sake we cannot swear at all . iii. and thus the state of our present case about this oath of allegiance , is different from some others , from all such who can swear and take oathes in other cases , to whom taking of an oath in it self is not matter of conscience ; but as for us , we make conscience of an oath in it self , and that upon just ground , as we are able to demonstrate , and therefore our refusal of this oath of allegiance , gives no ground at all , of doubt or suspition , concerning us , as if we would not live peaceably and quietly under this government , or as if we would rebel against , or plot to destroy the king's person or authority , and so denie to take this oath , as if we would leave our selves clear to proceed in such wayes ; this judgement cannot justly be given of us , because we deny to swear at all , in all cases , which if it were not so , but that we could swear in other cases , and not in this , then we might be the more justly suspected that we had a reserve against the king's person and government , and our living peaceable , might be the more doubted of ; but being our known principle and practice always , not to swear at all in any case whatsoever , this removes all ground of iealousie , or cause of suspition of us in this case , and also we being ready to confess , all just authority and power to the king , to declare obedience thereunto solemnly and sincerely , and that we shall live peaceable and quietly under his government , and not to plot or rebel against him , and this to confirm by yea and nay : our testimony of this kind , may as justly be taken , and stand as effectual , and be as faithfully performed , as the oathes of any others ; for we make conscience to perform what we say in yea and nay , as much as any do to perform what they swear , and this is known of us in the consciences of our enemies ; so that in good conscience and just reason , and equal justice , we are excusable from all penalties and forfeitures in that behalf , of denying the oath of allegiance . iv. and the king and his government is not the less safe and secure , though we refuse to swear obedience to them , nor could they be any safer or securer , if we , contrary to our principles and consciences were forced by penalties to swear allegiance ; for by the same principle which keeps us from swearing , and by which we deny it , we must be preserved to live peaceably , and not to plot nor rebel against the king ; and if we renounce our principle and our good conscience , and be induced to swear against our consciences ; what likelyhood is there to perform such a forced oath , taken contrary to our consciences and principles ? for if we swear to the king and his government , because of the fear of men and to save our estates , &c. and this contrary to our conscience , it might well be suspected of us , that at opportunity we would break such oathes , for fear of men or some self end : on the other hand , if we had already renounced our good consciences , so that it more appears , we shall perform good obedience to the king and his government acknowledged by yea , without an oath , and in good conscience ; then by swearing forced on us , contrary to our consciences ; therefore our yea may better be accepted in this case , then swearing can be demanded of us : and also if we should change with the times , and renounce our principles and consciences , and swear , we should make our selves ridiculous and a scorn to all men , and bring our selves into a capacity not ever to be trusted in any case , if we should bow and bend to times and powers , and for terrour of men , deny our religion , as other hypocrites , and i very well believe that the king would not trust us in our albegiance any whit the better , but rather the worse , though we did swear , fawn and flatter with him , contrary to our principles ; neither could he reasonably judge himself the safer , not more happy , not that we would be truly subject the more to his authority , if we swote and conformed in things by force , contrary to our consciences and principles ; for himself knows , that oaths and engagements made and taken by force , and for fear , in straits , are seldom or never truly performed , but alwayes broken . and of the like case there are large testimonies in the kingdom , of many that have sworn , promised , and engaged , and sometimes by force and fear , to this kind of government and another ; and yet at opportunies , and for their own self-ends , have broken all oaths and engagements , and rebelled against the very persons and authority to which they have sworn and engaged fidelity and allegiance ; so that many are not the more to be trusted , though they swear allegiance : for , the proverb saith , he that will swear , will lye : and he that is forced to swear against his conscience , will hardly perform his oath : and we are no less to be trusted , though we swear not , for we never yet engaged our selves by oath , to any governours or government , and yet we never rebelled or plotted against any , but have lived peaceably , and in a patient suffering condition under all , that have sitten on the throne since we were a people : and therefore out living peaceably under the king's government cannot justly be doubted of , though we cannot engage the same by swearing : but yet if we do not live quietly and in good obedience , as peaceable people , but do rebel , plot , &c. then we refuse not to suffer the pains , penalties and forfeitures , as such that swear and do not perform their oaths ; i say , if we do not live peaceably , but plot and rebel against the king and his government , then let us suffer the same in every particular , as if we had sworn ; and not performed our oath . v. all these things rightly considered , it doth fully appear , 1. that we are not enemies , neither in present action , nor future intent , to the king's person or authority . 2. nor that we refuse to acknowledge iust authority to king charles the second , as supream magistrate over these kingdoms . 3. nor doth it appear , that we are otherwise than peaceable and quiet people under the king's government . 4. nor is it manifest , but that we are ready to acknowledge so to continue , in all good conscience and righteousness : and therefore we do appeal to the god of heaven , and to king charles , and to all people whatsoever , that our present sufferings by imprisonment , and whatsoever else we may suffer in this case , for refusing to take the oath of alleagiance , it is not for plotting against the king , nor for refusing to acknowledge iust authority to the king , nor for denying iust obedience to him and the good laws of the land , nor for denying to live peaceably in the kingdom under the king's authority ; because to all this we acknowledge solemnly in yea and nay : neither are our sufferings in this case , for any evil-doing towards god nor men ; but our sufferings are for keeping the commands of christ , which to us is matter of conscience to perform , more than to save our own lives or estates ; and our sufferings are , because we cannot swear at all , and not because we are rebellious , or that we deny iust allegiance to the king : and such our sufferings are not as evil-doers , nor justly and righteously as offenders ; because we are not guilty of evil in this case , towards god nor man , and our sufferings are cruel persecution for our tender conscience sake , and for the name of christ iesus : and we call god and just men to witnesse between us and our prosecutors , that as saints and servants of god we suffer in this case , and for our faithfulnesse and obedience to the king of heaven , and not for evil-doing or disobedience to king charles and his authority : and if any be persecuted in this case , for refusing to take the oath of allegiance , to the ruine of persons , wives and families in this world ; then we shall have cause to say , occasion is wrongfully taken against us , to destroy us , and we are proceeded against , contrary to the end of iust government , which is , to preserve the peaceable , and not to destroy them ; and contrary to the king 's former promises , who hath said , vve should not suffer for matters of our religion and conscience , living peaceably in the land ; and if we suffer , because we cannot swear at all , such our suffering is for our conscience sake , and we are therein persecuted unrighteously , as innocent people , and without just cause ; and we must commit this our cause to god , who regardeth the oppressions of his people , and will avenge their cause in his season . and for the present this is all i have to say , and present , concerning this case of swearing , and concerning the oath of allegiance . chap. ii. the case stated and pleaded , concerning our meeting together to worship god. i. vve do meet together in the name of iesus christ , and in his power and spirit ; and we do come together in the fear of god , to wait upon him , and to receive the teachings of his holy spirit , and his counsel to direct us in all our wayes , how to walk righteously towards god and men ; and in our meetings we practise our hearts and minds in godliness , and speak of the things of the kingdom of god , in preaching the word of god , and in prayer to him , according as his holy spirit guideth us , which is given us of god , to lead us into all truth , according to his promise , ioh. 16. 13. and that we may edifie one another in the wayes of holiness and truth , for the benefit of our souls : and this is according to the scriptures : for they that feared the lord met often together , and spake one to another , and edified one another : and this is our principle , that it is our duty to godwards , to meet together , and that he requires it of us , and for the exercise of our consciences to him , it hath been alwayes and is our practice , to meet together in the exercise of the worship of god , as aforesaid , and not for any other end ; as in contempt of authority , or to plot , or contrive , or to meditate evil towards the king or his government , or any of his subjects ; we have no such e●●l ( i say ) in meeting together ; but our alone , only , and absolute end in our meeting , is to worship the lord our god , and to serve him , and to wait upon him , in obedience to his will , and for good conscience sake , as our duty towards him. ii. and this our practice of meeting together , for the end and cause mentioned , if it be in publick houses , or more private in upper chambers , or in the open fields on what day soever , is lawful and just in the sight of god , and is according to the example of the primitive saints , and provable by the scriptures , as in acts 1. 13 , 14. and when the disciples and saints returned from jerusalem , they went up into an upper chamber , both men and vvomen , and waited upon the lord , and continued with one accord , in prayer and in supplication . and in acts 20. 7 , 8. the first day of the week the saints met together , and paul preached unto them , and continued his sermon till midnight ; holding forth the matters of the kingdom of god ; and they were met an an vpper . chamber , from whence eutychus fell down . and acts 28. 30 , 31. and paul remained two fall years , preaching the gospel of the kingdom of god , in his own hired house in rome ; and he exhorted the saints , not to neglect meeting together , as the manner of some was , whom he reproved , heb. 10. 25. by which testimonies , with divers others that might be given , it is manifest , that the saints of god in former ages , did meet together to worship god , and to wait upon him in prayer & preaching , as the spirit of the father taught them , that dwelt in them : and sometime they met publickly , and sometime more private ; and sometime on the day-time , and sometime in the night-season , ( and they met separate from the synagogues and wayes of publick worship of the iews ) according to the will of god , and as it was ordered among them : and thus it is manifest , that our meetings for the worship of god at this day ( though they are separate from the way of publick worship of the kingdom , and are in more private houses ) are justifiable , being after the example of the saints , and according to the scriptures of truth ; and therefore out meetings are according to the law of god , just and lawful . iii. and forasmuch as by reason of the late insurrection of some few persons in london , our lawful assembling of our selves together in the worship of god , is under present restraint and prohibition , and by proclamation forbidden , under the denomination of seditious and unlawful meetings , and our friends imprisoned and persecuted for that cause of assembling themselves to wait upon god. now in this case , this i plead unto the king , that we are no manner of way guilty of that insurrection , upon which the proclamatian of forbidding our meetings was grounded ; and therefore ought not to suffer with the guilty , being innocent from the very occasion of that proclamation ; and for the king to prohibit our meetings , for and because of the ill use that others made of theirs , this seems a condemning of the innocent with the guilty , which is no way just in the sight of god nor men , but altogether unequal that we should suffer for other ments faults ; though such did abuse their liberty , and pervert the end of their meetings into rising up with carnal weapons against the king ; so did not we , neither in intent nor action ; and therefore our meetings ought not to be prohibited , for the cause of other mens faults and miscarriages in that case ; and also we have the king's promise , divers times , that we should not suffer for our religion , while we aded nothing against the peace of the kingdom and government ; which yet we never have done , nor made any ill use of our meetings , nor of the king's promises , nor forfeited them , and therefore , according to his own promises , we ought to have our meetings , and enjoy them without restraint , because we have not farfeited the benefit of his former promises in that behalf , nor ever made use of our meetings , to plot or conspire against the government , to its harm or detriment ; and because of our innocency herein , the benefit of his former promises , are yet in force unto us , to protect our lawful meetings , and not to prohibit them ; and though upon suspition only out meetings have been restrained , and our friends imprisoned by the late proclamation ; yet we being proved innocent , and without guilt of that which occasioned it , the king and council may and ought in justice and good reason , to reverse and revoke that part of the proclamation related to us , as being innocent , that we may enjoy our lawful meetings , according to the scriptures and example of saints , and according to the king 's own former promises . iv. all these things considered and rightly understood by the king and his council , it will appear unto them , in good reason , 1. that our meetings are just and lawful in themselves , because they are for the worship of the lord god , and to wait upon him. 2. they are according to the example of the apostles , because the scriptures prove the like meetings . 3. and they are not contrary to his own promises , and toleration that he gave for six months after his coming in , because he said , vve should not suffer for our religion , if we lived peaceably ; and we were not disturbed by authority from him ( that we know of ) in our meetings , till this occasion . 4. it will appear , that we ought in iustice and equity to have our lawful meetings protected and preserved by the king's authority , and not prohibited ; because we are not guilty of that which occasioned this present restraint : but what we have suffered in this case , it hath been upon suspition , and without any just cause on our part : and for these ends and causes i plead on the behalf of the innocent , that we may enjoy peaceably our meetings for the exercise of god's worship , and not be prohibited in the king's dominions under his authority . v. but and if we are persecuted and imprisoned , and made to suffer for this cause of meeting together , to worship god and wait upon him , in conscience and duty towards him ; and for following the scriptures example , as the saints of old , as afore-mentioned ; we must only commit our cause to the god of heaven , and in patience suffer under whatsoever is unequally inflicted upon us for this matter , if men shew the height of oppression towards us ; and we must put on the spirit of long-suffering and forbearance , and leave vengeance to the lord , who will in his season redress our cause , if that we are persecuted for meeting together , and for worshipping of the lord , according as his spirit perswades our consciences ; and such our sufferings are , not for evil-doing , not as transgressors against god nor the king , but as servants of god we suffer , and for holding the testimony of jesus , and a good conscience . and thus i have brought the state of our case , as concerning our meetings , unto the kings knowledge , and must leave it to his serious view ; and happy will he be if he hath regard to the afflicted ; but if he stop his ear from the cry of the poor , and suffer them to be destroyed , who shall plead for him , or excuse him in the day of the lord , when he comes to judgement , to reward every man according to his deeds . chap. iii. the case stated and pleaded concerning tythes , as paid among the jews , and also among the christians ; and the cause why we refuse to pay them at this day . i. vve do acknowledge that tythes , as instituted , given , and received in the law of moses , amongst the iews , and according to the commandment of god , were of heavenly ordination , and were for that holy use and end , of maintaining the levitical priesthood , and the poor , the widows , and the strangers in israel : and we know that whilest that livitical priesthood of signs , and types , and figures was yet unfinished and unfulfilled by christ jesus the everlasting priest , that law that gave and received tythes was in force , and it was sinful against god , and contrary to his law , in any of israel to withhold their tythes , and not to pay them , and such as did , robbed god and the poor , and the prophet complained against them ; for then the ordination of tythes was of god , and the practise and end of them was good and blessed ; but that law and priesthood , that gave and received them , is finished and ended , with all the types and shadows of the first covenant , heb. 7. 12. and christ iesus the everlasting priest of god , is come , in whom is ended the first priesthood that took tythes , and that law that gave them , and he hath put an end to tythes , temple , priests-office , under the law among the iews , and all outward types and figures , and first covenant , and is an high priest for ever , and the everlasting substance of all shadows pertaining to the first covenant , and hath finished them , and ended them ; even that law and ordinance that gave and received tythes , and that priesthood to whom tythes pertained , so that though it was unlawful in the first covenant to withhold the payment of tythes , yet that covenant being ended , and that law and priesthood , and another covenant and priesthood established , to whom the law of god allows not the tythes of mens estates , it seems now to be unlawful to pay , receive , or demand tythes , and for good conscience sake we cannot do it . ii. we cannot now pay tythes according to the first covenant , nor uphold any part of the first priesthood , that stood in types and shadows , nor submit to that law , by any obedience to it , which one gave and received tythes ; seeing iesus christ is come in the flesh , who hath ended all that covenant , with every thing that pertained thereunto ; and we believe in iesus christ as the everlasting substance , and receive the law , by which we walk , in all things from him , and not from abraham , nor moses : for he is with us , who is greater then they , whose law and example we must follow , in the administration of the gospel , and not the law and example of abraham and moses , in the first covenant , who did but prophesie of christ , and did not witness him fully come , but died in the faith ; now if we should pay tythes according to the first covenant , and so uphold any part of that priesthood which took tythes , which was but a type of christ the everlasting priest , then we should deny iesus christ to be come in the flesh , and turn back again to the law , and to the iewes ordinances , and prove our selves unbelievers and antichristian ; for he that denies christ to be come in the flesh , is of antichrist , 1 iohn 4. 3. and we may as well turn back to circumcision , sacrifices , and burnt-offerings , as to pay tythes , being all pertaining to the first covenant , and priesthood , which whomsoever doth uphold , denieth iesus christ to be come in the flesh , and so are of antichrist ; but we believe christ is come , and we have received him , as the end and finishing of the first priesthood , and we believe in him , as the everlasting sustance , who hath put an end to tythes , temples , burnt-offerings , &c. and we confess unto him as our iudge and law-giver , and have renounced all shadowes pertaining to the first covenant , whereof one was tythes , and for conscience sake , and that we may continue in the faith of christ , the substance , and not deny him , therefore it is that we refuse , and cannot pay tythes , for we are christians and believers , and not iewes , nor children of the first covenant . iii. and there is no example by any of the apostles or saints , in all the new testament , that ever any of the christians that believed in iesus christ , gave , paid , or received tythes ; i say , there is no example at all , by either precept or practice , left us on record , that any of the ministers of the gospel , in the apostles days , did pay or receive tythes , for any ministerial office nor otherwise ; but we do believe , that none of the christians in the first nor second age after christ , since his resurrection , did institute , pay , or receive tythes as maintenance of gospel ministry ; but we believe that the ministers of christ whom he sent forth to preach the gospel after his ascention , did bear witness to the new covenant , and to iesus christ the substance , and against temple , sacrifices , tythes , and first priesthood , and the worship of the first covenant , and said , that covenant was found faulty and none could attain perfection , as pertaining to the conscience , in it , and therefore god took that covenant away , that he might establish a better , heb. 8. 6 , 7. heb. 6. 19. and also divers of the holy martyrs since the apostles days , as william thorpe , and others , did preach down tythes , and denied the payment of them , and for conscience sake to god , could neither give nor receive tythes , but fully witnessed against them , though they suffered for it in their days ; so that , 1. we have no example from the apostles nor christians in their dayes , to pay tithes , but rather the contrary ; for we have testimony from them , that the first covenant and priesthood , with all shadowes and ordinances thereunto belonging ( whereof tythes was one ) were disanulled , finished , and ended by the coming of christ ; and a new covenant established , in which nothing is signified of paying tythes : from whence it may appear to all , that tythes are ended , and not to be payed in the new covenant . 2. we have clear example from the martyrs since the apostles days , not to pay tythes ; for divers of the protestant martyrs , ( called the fathers of their church ) did witness against tythes , and refused to pay any . 3. we believe in our own consciences , that tythes , as received , and payed in these dayes , are not of any institution of god , nor exercised to any good use and end , but that they are of antichrist , and oppression , and unjust exactions , and impositions upon the poor people of these kingdoms ; and therefore we do refuse to pay tythes , and we cannot for good conscience sake ; and the exercise of our consciences herein in denying to pay tythes , is well and lawfully grounded upon the coming of christ , and upon the example of the apostles and martyrs . and thus in brief i have shewed concerning tythes , and why we refuse to pay them , and the matter of our consciences in that case . iv. as for tythes , as now demanded , paid , and received , in these kingdoms , we know they are not of heavenly institution , nor for a good use and end ordained and practised , but as they are now paid , both in these kingdoms , and through christendom , they are of popish institution , and were first ordained , paid , and received by the authority of the church of rome , and were unequally imposed upon the nations through her authority , for the use and end to maintain her priests , and clergy , and church ; and the instituiion , and payment of tythes among christians , was not till near 400 years after christ , as historians say ; and for divers ages after that , there were no lawes enjoyning and forcing the payment of them , not till about the year 786. that pope adrian the first , sent two legates into england , to make a decree , that the people of two kingdoms ( to wit ) merc-land and northumberland , should pay tythes . by these and other testimonies it is manifest , that the payment of tythes amongst christians , had their first original from the church of rome and by succession from thence , and not from the apostles are tythes paid , given , and received at this day in these kingdoms ; and the institution , payment , and use , and end of them is not according to the law of moses at all : for tythes , as then amongst the iewes , ordained , and payd , were for the happy use , to feed the poor , the widows and the fatherless in israel , that there should not be a beggar amongst them : but the use and end of the payment of them now in these dayes , is for the maintaining a company of priests , in their pride and fulness , and the poor and the strangers may starve , and lie begging up and down at the corners of the streets ; so that we cannot for conscience sake at this day pay tythes . 1. because the first institution of them among christians , was not from heaven , nor from christ iesus , nor his apostles , but from the pope and church of rome . 2. because the use and end of tythes is not according to god , nor righteousness , but for the maintaining the priests in pride , and fulness , and their families ; and in the mean time the poor want . 3. because the continued payment of them , is exaction and imposition , contrary to the gospel of liberty and peace , upon the persons , estates , and consciences , of many good people in these kingdomes . v. all these things rightly and justly considered , it is manifest , and plainly apparent to all good men , that this matter of denying to pay tythes , is a clear case of conscience with us , and that we have sufficient ground to make conscience hereof , and for good conscience sake we may justly refuse and deny to pay tythes ; and the exercise of our consciences herein , is bottomed upon a right foundation , as i have made appear , and it is not for covetousness to our selves , nor in contempt of authority , nor in willfulness to wrong any man of his iust right , nor for any other evil end , that we do refuse to pay tythes ; but it is for conscience sake , only & alone for that end , that we may keep our consciences clear in the sight of god , by our faithfulness in denying of what we are convinced of to be evil and not of god , as i have shewed , we are in this case of tythes ; and we dare not sin against god by disobedience to him , nor uphold the payment of tythes in these kingdoms , which are so evil , both in their ordination , and in their use and end , as paid in these dayes , as i have shewed ; for if we should , we might offend his spirit , and our own consciences , and bring anguish upon our souls , and be guilty of denying of christ and his coming , and of making void the new covenant ; and of walking contrary to the examples of the apostles and holy martyrs , and of upholding antichrist and his kingdom : these , with many other evils , we run our selves into , if we should pay tythes in these dayes , and after the romish institution ; and therefore it is for conscience sake that we do refuse to pay tythes ; and whatsoever we do suffer because thereof , it is persecution , and for , and because we cannot sin against our god : and it is not for evil doing , for rebellion , nor for transgression against the law of god , nor the iust laws of men ; but it is for holding the testimony of iesus and a good conscience ; and in such our sufferings , we commit our cause to the god of heaven , patiently bearing what is unequally inflicted upon us for this matter ; and our cause is iust and innocent for which we suffer , and we have more respect to keep our faith and conscience towards god , than to save our estates or liberties ; for could we transgress against god , and pay tythes , we might preserve our liberties and estates , which we have endangered and lost often , because we could not ; which may shew that it is not for covetousness nor self-ends , that we refuse to do it ; and this our case about tythes , and the reason why we cannot pay them , is in brief stated and pleaded , before the king and his council , and i leave it to their considerations in the sight of god , only to warm them , that they persecute not any for the cases of conscience , neither in this nor in any other thing , lest the effect of it be sad upon them , in a day when god visits them with judgments . chap. iv. the case stated and pleaded , concerning giving security by bond , to live peaceably , or to answer cases then and there , &c. as is often required of us . i. forasmuch as we are often demanded , to give bond of one or two hundred pounds ( or the like ) for security ( so called ) that we will live peaceably ; or , that we will appear and answer such cases objected against us , or supposed of us . now we cannot give such kind of formal engagements out of the counsel of god , to be or do , or to appear , or answer , this , or the other case , when as we are no transgressors in the things objected against us , and supposed of us ; and when we are suspected by prejudiced minds , of such and such matters , of which we are no wayes guilty in the sight of god nor men ; and then it is demanded of us , to bind our selves , to find sureties , and to answer this and the other objection and supposition , only falsly supposed and suspected against us , by men that seek occasion against us . this demand we cannot fulfill for conscience-sake ; because we are clear , and not guilty of such suspitions ; nor can we bind our selves ( out of the counsel of god ) upon penalties and forfeitures , to appear and answer such and such groundless objections ; for if we should in that manner bind and engage our selves not to do so , or answer this and the other objection against us , when we know our selves innocent of that accusation , to which we are to answer , and that it is not in our hearts to do the thing whereof we are doubted , but contrary to our faith and principles ; then this were a betraying of our own innocency in that behalf , and a rendring of us guilty to all men , when as we are clear ; and by binding our selves , as afore-mentioned , we should be reputed transgressors : for bonds and engagements by forfeitures and sums of money , are for the guilty , and not for the innocent ; and we may not betray our guiltless cause , and bring it under false reputation amongst men , by giving such binding engagements . and again , when as we are clear of any such suspitions as are made against us , if we should bind our selves , as aforesaid ; it many times doth appear , that occasion is more taken against us , in answering or appearing , and we made to be greater offenders than before ; and there again our innocency is betrayed , when as innocent of the fact supposed against us , yet made offenders in answering through formalities and tricks in the course of law practised at the time of answering ; and therefore we do in good reason and equity , deny to bind our selves in that manner , and to give such security ( so called ) lest we should betray our own innocency , and render our cause to false reputations in that behalf ; and lest we should fall into a remedy , to clear us of false suspitions , worse than the suspitions themselves , by laying our selves liable to greater suffering in answering to our accusations , falsly objected , than our suffering can be by the accusations themselves ; and evil-minded men , do often take greater occasion against us in answering false charges and groundless suppositions laid against us , than they can take by the false charges and suspitions themselves ; and so we cannot bind our selves , as aforesaid , to fulfil the wills of men , and thereby expose our selves to a far greater suffering ( to be taken in it ) for to escape a lesse . ii. but as for living peaceably in the land , and being subject in all just and good things to the king and his government ; and not to plot against them , nor to harm any person whatsoever , but to be in love with all , and in good behaviour towards all , and to answer to any thing justly required of us : this is our principle to do , and hath ever been our practice , and we are bound by the law of god to perform this in every particular ; and we can fully make confession hereof , and testifie it in yea and nay , according to the new covenant and christ's command , who hath said , let your yea be yea , , and your nay , nay , but not by an oath , nor binding our selves upon such penalties and forfeitures in engagements by sums of money , out of the counsel of god ; and our yea and nay , in this and all other cases , is more binding to us , than all the formal engagements of others ; and we make as much conscience to perform our yea and nay , as any others do their oaths or bonds ; and if we do not , but do plot and rebel , and be of evil behaviour towards any , then let us suffer the same , as if we had bound our selves in forfeitures of great sums of money , and broken such our engagements : and no man need in any case bind himself upon such pains and forfeitures , not to break the laws of the land ; when as the justice of the law will be executed upon him if he transgress it , whether he bind himself , or not , beforehand , not to break it ; and this is the thing we alwayes offer : here we are , if we bave broken any law , let us suffer according to the law ; and if at any time we are found guilty of transgressing the law , let us then suffer accordingly , whether death or bonds we crave no favour , but the execution of just law : ; and in the mean time , being we are clear of rebellion and other transgression ; who shall accuse us ? or , who can reasonably require such or such engagements of us to do , or not to do , or answer so or so ; seeing we must in justice suffer the punishment of the law when we transgress it ; which we must do , if we are at any time guilty , whether we beforehand bind our selves to the contrary or not ? and also , if we should bind our selves , by the engagements of such and such sums of money , to live quietly and not to rebel : yet we should be no better trusted because thereof , for that would not slay the principle of strife and wars in us , but rather cause us to murmur because of our bondage , and strive for liberty ; and also if we were men of dispositions to war and plot , &c. it cannot be supposed by reasonable men , that any engagement by any sum of money , would bind us from it , upon occasion , seeing we might hope in such attempts to save our sums of money , and to gain far more advantage , or else we hazarded to lose all ; and to gain a greater advantage ( if we were men of strife ) we would not doubt to attempt to lose a lesse ; and we being men not of strife , we cannot bind our selves as aforesaid , in this or any case ; neither can any in good reason desire the same of us , if they rightly consider the case . iii. these things considered , it is fully manifest , that upon good reason and a clear conscience , we do refuse and deny to give bond , and make such and such engagements by forfeitures of sums of money ; it is , i say , in good reason and conscience , and not in any wilfulness , or stubornness , or contempt of authority that we do it , nor as though we were guilty in such mater suspected , and durst not answer the law ; but we do it to keep our innocency clear , and not to betray it into real cause of doubt that we are guilty . 2. that we may not lay our selves liable to a greater suffering , by answering false suspitions and accusations , as it often happeneth in the proceedings in course of law. 3. that we may not come under men of evil prejudiced minds , that seek more occasion against us than they have ; and we may not fulfill their wills , and to give them occasion against us , when as in the accusations they have justly none . 4. that we may not expose our selves to be entrapted and ensnared into greater sufferings , to avoid a less . 5. that we may walk in the doctrine and command of christ iesus , who hath commanded to let our yea be yea , and our nay be nay ; and whatsoever oath or engagement ( out of the counsel of god ) is more , comes of the evil , which we may not do . these , with some others , are reasons and causes why we cannot for conscience sake bind our selves in such kind of formal engagements ( out of the will of god ) to do , or not to do ; to answer this false suspition or the other ; but we do deny it out of good reason and conscience . and also there is no example for it , that we know , among the saints in former ages , that any of them ever bound themselves to any kings or rulers in any such kind of engagements , neither can we at this day ; but as i said , if we transgresse the law , let us suffer by it ; if we are already , or hereafter be found guilty , we desire nothing but the just execution of just laws , and in patience we shall bear it ; but beforehand we may not bind our selves in formal engagements out of the will of god , to promise upon forfeitures and penalties what we will do or say , or what we will not do or say ; for at the will and disposure of the almighty we are , in all things and cases ; and it is our principle and belief , that we abiding in the fear and counsel of god , can be no other than peaceable , just , righteous and innocent in the land ; so that whatsoever we may or do suffer for this case , of denying to give bond , or engage our selves so and so , as aforesaid , it is for truths sake , and such our sufferings are persecution and unequal ; and we must commit our cause to god , who will plead it in his season , if that we are persecuted for the cause of groundless suspition , and because we cannot engage to answer causeless objections . and thus i have sought out this matter , and laid it before the king , and i leave it to him to consider ; and to shew iustice , equity , mercy and long-suffering , and in so doing he will be blessed ; but if the contrary be brought forth , the effect thereof will be more miserable . chap. v. the case stated and pleaded , concerning government it self , and particularly of this present authority , and our obedience to it . i. vve do acknowledge government , and rule , and magistracy to be an ordinance of god , ordained and instituted of him , to be exercised among the children of men , for to be a praise and a defence to all that do well , and to be a terrour and correction to all that do evil . and we believe there ought to be rule , and government and authority exercised and executed in every kingdom , nation , city and country , for the end aforesaid ( to wit ) that evil-doers may be made afraid and corrected , limited , restrained and subdued ; and that sin and transgression may be suppressed ; and truth and righteousness promoted ; and them that do well , praised and strengthened : and this is the very end of outward government of kings , princes , or others , amongst men upon the earth , even that the outward man may be kept in good order and subjection in his conversation in the world ; and may be limited and restrained from all wrong doing or speaking against his neighbours person or estate ; and if he do , he is punishable by such iust authority . this is the very end of outward government in the kingdoms of the world ; but it extends not over the inward man , to rule , govern , or exercise authority over the consciences of any in spiritual matters and cases between god and a mans conscience ; this dominion and authority only pertains to the inward government and rule of iesus christ by his eternal spirit , but not to any outward government of kings , princes , parliaments , or any others ; they , i say , ought only to exercise authority over the persons and estates of people in all just and lawful things and matters , but not over the consciences of any in the exercise of duty towards god , or in the cases and matters of worship and religion . ii. the exercise and execution of this iust government over the outward man , as afore described , ought to be committed into the hands of faithful , just and upright men , such as fear the lord , and hate covetousness , and every evil way , in all kingdoms of the world ; the execution of the government in all just laws , onght ( i say ) to be committed to such men , and not to drunkards , lyars , covetous or evil-minded persons , ambitious or vain-glorious persons in any nation ; such as these ought not to be entrusted with the execution of the government , and the good laws of any kingdom ; for such will not be a blessing unto the land , nor unto any people , but a curse , and the cause of provoking god to vengeance and wrath against themselves , the people and the governments , if such men , whom god chooseth not , be chosen to make laws and execute them , and to exercise government in any kingdoms of this world ; but men that fear god , and delight in iustice , mercy and truth , that are humble and meek and lowly persons , ought to be called to the place of government , and only such are fit to exercise rule and authority , and to make and execute laws in these kingdoms , and in all the kingdoms of the world ; and such would be a blessing in the earth , and the governments under such , and in the execution of their hands , would be blessed and prosperous ; and all good men would have cause to rejoyce therein , and all evil doers and transgressors would be limited and made afraid , if so be the laws be just , holy and righteous , and according to equity and the holy law of god in all things , and the due execution of such laws committed to just and righteous and meek men , that love iudgment , mercy and truth , and would execute them in the earth ; then the happy and blessed government will be exalted , and truth and righteousness would reign as judge on the throne ; and in this shall all nations and kingdoms be prosperous and blessed when in cometh to passe . iii. and as for this present authority and government now in being , under the name of king charles the second , we do believe and acknowledge , that according to the purpose and will of god , and of his bringing to passe , this present government and authority is set up , and into its present being , established ; the lord , i say , hath suffered it to be effected , for the cause , and end , and time , and purpose , known to himself , and not to mortal man : and thus this government and authority is of god , being brought in and set up , in opposition to , and for the reproof and correction of , such as went before , who had neglected mercy , truth , iudgment and righteousness in the earth , till it was time for the lord to cast them out , and reprove them , and make them a desolation before their enemies ; and this authority was judged of the lord fit for that use and end , and reserved to be brought in , as a rod of god in his hand , to correct and smite many people ; and it is right in the sight of the lord , that this authority should have this time and season to be exercised in these kingdoms , to try and prove , both it self , and all under it , if so be that truth , justice and righteousness , mercy and peace , may be brought forth in these kingdoms through it , that god may establish it for long continuance ; and it is now a trying and proving , to make it self happy and blessed , or otherwise to bring it self into contempt and dishonour ; and accordingly , as truth , iustice , mercy , iudgment and peace is brought forth by it , or the contrary brought forth by it ; so must the just and equal effects and reward of it be from the hand of god ; and it is only iust iudgment , mercy and truth , righteousness , relieving the oppressed , and the doing thereof , that can alone make the person and government of the king happy , blessed and honourable in this world , and hereafter ; and the contrary , if it be brought forth , must needs bring confusion , discontents , and all miserable iudgments ; and , to say no more of it , this is my present judgment of the king and his authority , both in respect of their coming in , and the cause thereof , and the fruits and effects that must follow , which is not otherwise determined of god , but according to desert and merit , of walking in truth , justice , and righteousness , or in walking otherwise . iv. our obedience to this authority , must be according , as before declared , in the plea of the first case concerning allegiance ( to wit ) for conscience sake to god , we are bound by his iust law in our hearts to yeeld obedience to it , in all matters and cases actively or passively ; that is to say , in all just and good commands of the king , and the good laws of the land , relating to our outward man , we must be obedient by doing , and not withhold our just obedience ; but in the cases of conscience ( to wit ) in the matters of duty to god , and of worship , faith and religion towards him , we must only be obedient to god ; for it is he that teacheth and requireth obedience in all those things : and if any thing be commanded of us by the present authority , which is not according to equity , iustice , and a good conscience towards god , to be done by us , we must in such cases , obey god only , and deny active obedience for conscience sake , and patiently suffer what is inflicted upon us for such our disobedience to men ; and we must choose obedience to god rather than man , though we suffer because thereof : and this is our principle , and hath ever been our practice , to obey authority , by doing , or suffering , not disputing whether the authority in it self be absolute of god , or not ; yet being an authority over us , we are to obey it , either by doing , or suffering , because it is an authority ; and not to plot , rebel , or rise up with carnal weapons against it : and thus must our obedience be to the king and his government . and if that in any thing of the commands of the king , we cannot be obedient for conscience sake , in the cases of conscience , and when ought is required different or contrary to the law of god , we have example hereof in the scriptures , of many of the servants of god that could not in all things , yeeld obedience to the laws of nations and commandments of kings , when they required ought to be obeyed , contrary to their pure consciences ; as in the case of the three children , dan. 3. they could not obey the law and command of the king , though it was absolute , but refused obedience , and suffered for it ; and daniel also himself disobeyed the kings law and commands , dan. 6. and the apostles the same , when they were commanded by the authority of that city and country , to preach no more in the name of iesus , act. 4. 17 , 18. they did not obey the command of the rulers in that case , but went on and preached iesus , in disobedience and contrary to the command of the rulers . and by these , and many other exumples , it is apparent , that it is justifiable in the sight of god , and that it was practised by the servants of god in former ages , even disobedience to kings and authorities , in the matters and cases commanded contrary to the law of god and a good conscience ; and their example may justifie such now in the same practice , in the same case , if they walk therein by the same principle . v. and thus it is manifest , that if we at any time be found not in full obedience by doing , in all cases and things , to the laws and authority of this kingdom ; it is not out of contempt unto , or rebellion against the kings person or government ; it is not , i say , on that account , but for good conscience sake , and because we must obey god rather than man , when and where their commands stand in opposition the one to the other ; and this is , that we may keep our consciences clear in the sight of god , from disobedience against him , which is our care and endeavour by all means : and when any thing is required of us to be done , which we cannot do with a clear conscience in the sight of god , such commands we cannot yeeld obedience unto ; and yet it is not out of wilfulness , stubornness , contempt , or rebellion against the authority ; but it is for this end and cause , that we may not sin against god , nor against our own consciences , by doing any thing which is contrary thereunto , lest we should bring the wrath of god upon our own consciences : so that all these things rightly considered , it doth appear , 1. that we acknowledge magistracy and authority to be the ordinance of god , to be exercised and executed in the kingdoms of the world among men . 2. that iust and righteous men , are the only persons fit to execute iust laws and authorities in the earth . 3. that we acknowledge this present government of king charles ; and that according to the purpose of god it is now set up . 4. that we are to be obedient by doing , or suffering in all things , to the authority of the king , as the supream authority . 5. that if in any case we are disobedient thereunto , and cannot wholly perform every command , by doing , yet it is for conscience sake to god , and that we may not sin against him , and not out of rebellion or contempt of the king or his power . and all these things truly considered , if we do suffer tribulations , afflictions and imprisonments , under and by this present authority , for and because of our profession and practice of religion , without evil or wrong doing to our neighbours persons or estates , though we do not in the things contrary to our consciences obey actively this present authority , yet we are persecuted for the name of christ ; and as so , we receive our sufferings , and not as for contempt or denyal of authority , or as rebellious against it ; but for conscience sake to god , our sufferings are , and our unjust persecution will be upon our enemies in the effect and reward thereof , with great indignation and wrath from the lord god , that rewards all according to their works . thus much about government . and now i shall shew what persecution is in it self . chap. vi. concerning persecution , what it is in it self , and how great an enemy it is to the kings person and authority . 1. persecution is , when a person , or a people , do suffer tribulation , affliction , imprisonment , bonds , or death , whether by a law or without the law , for , and because of his or their principle and practice in religion ; as when a person or a people are reproached , falsly accused , imprisoned or put to death , only for and because of their religion sake ; when as no evil-dealing in the things between man and man , can be justly , charged and proved against them , but only because they are righteous , and walk in the wayes of the lord , and cannot conform to the wayes and vanities of this world , but are separated from it in its prophaness , and in its formal profession also of religion ; and because thereof sufferings are imposed upon them , while yet they walk justly , innocently and harmlesly towards all men : this is persecution for conscience sake , and such are persecuted , if so be they suffer for and because of righteonsness sake , and because they will not deny their principles nor profession of religion , nor conform to times , nor laws , contrary to a good conscience , and yet suffer because hereof ; this is persecution . 2. persecution is , when a person or a people is afflicted , and any kind of sufferings imposed upon them , whether by any authority , or without authority , and only because they are of such a profession and practice in religion ; though yet their profession and practice in their religion is not perfectly according to god , nor by the exercise of that spirit of god ruling in their consciences in such their religion , yet if they suffer only for their religion sake , while yet they walk uprightly as men , in all outward affairs relating to the outward man , this also is persecution , and such are persecuted for their religion sake , though not wholly for righteousness sake ; and none ought to suffer as such , under the authority of any king , prince , or power ; but if such do suffer , as i have said , and that for their religion sake only so , though yet their religion is not perfectly according to god , yet they are persecuted , and this is persecution . and thus i have in short described and defined what persecution is in it self , and who it is that are persecuted , and i shall now shew how great an enemy persecution for conscience and religion sake is unto the king's person and authority . persecution for conscience sake , and for difference in matters of religion , is a great enemy to the person and government of the king ; it is , i say , a destroying and devouring enemy , and the fruits and effects thereof may work terrible destruction , yea , this enemy [ persecution ] hath often wrought overthrow in kingdoms : let the king strive to be delivered speedily from this great enemy , which is fierce and cruel , and may work woful effects in this kingdom also , and the king may be more blessed in his person and government if he remove far from him this enemy , persecution . i. it is his enemy , because its effect is , to eat out the affections of many good and sober people from the king , and may make their love and affections dye to the king's government , when they behold and consider the persecution of many good and peaceable people for righteousness and good conscience sake , when as no evil doing between man and man can justly be laid to their charge , but only for the matter of their religion and the exercise of their consciences towards god ; and if such suffer cruel imprisonment , unjust fines , and grievous vexations for such cause , it may weaken and eat out the affections of good people , and divert their love and good desires from the king and his government , in which such persecution is brought forth : and that which diverts the peoples love from the king , is his great enemy , and such is persecution . ii. persecution is the king 's great enemy ; because it may kindle heart-burnings , envyings , strifes , and murmurings among his subjects , while some are tolerated in the profession and practice of their religion , and others persecuted and imprisoned for the same cause ; and this kind of dealing exerciseth the king's subjects in harsh dealing one towards another , and gives great occasions for quarrelling , envyes , debate and malice one against another , even when some execute persecution upon others , haling them to prison , spoyling their goods , and the like ; and this kind of dealing , i say , whilst the authority of the land persecutes one sort of the king's subjects by the hands of others , it tendeth much to great division and distractions amongst the people ; and it is not for the king's safety , but for his great dishonour and disadvantage every way , to have the people divided into heart-burnings and quarrellings against one another ; and therefore persecution is the king 's great enemy , because it worketh such evil effects . iii. it is his great enemy , because it is contrary to the trust which god hath reposed in him , in promoting him to be king over these people ; for god hath not committed power to him , to judge in the cases of mens consciences , and to persecute any because of the exercise thereof , whether they be of this profession and practice in religion , or the other , yet living peaceably and uprightly as men , he ought not to persecute any , nor to suffer them to be persecuted by , nor under his authority ; but he ought to defend and preserve all mens persons and estates in their just rights , from the violence each of others , without respect to what their profession and practice of religion is ; but if the contrary be brought forth , it is contrary , and not answerable to the end of god's restoring him to these kingdoms ; and if he do not what god hath justly called him unto , but otherwise , this is his enemy ; and such is persecution for conscience sake , it is contrary to the end of just government , and wherefore god hath restored him ; and therefore this persecution is an utter enemy both to the king's person and authority . iv. it is his enemy , because it provokes the god of heaven and earth over all , to be offended with him ; for he is provoked and vexed because of the persecution of his people in this age , as ever he was in all ages ; and if the king be guilty thereof , it incurreth god's great displeasure against him : for god was ever offended with kings , rulers , and whomsoever that were persecuters , and he is the same at this day ; and whatsoever it is that provokes god to anger against the king , that is his enemy : and such is persecution of people for the profession and practice of their religion , when as no evil can be charged upon them in things between man and man : and therefore let the king beware of this woful enemy that waits to wound him ; for if the god of heaven be provoked against him , how great is that enemy which brings it to pass ? v. it is the king's enemy , because it not only provokes the lord to anger , but to iudgment ; persecution is the cause wherefore god brings grievous iudgments and vengeance upon whomsoever are guilty thereof ; and the effect of persecution is plagues and misery ; and it incenseth god to anger , and also to destroy : and therefore let the king beware of such a deadly enemy , as should cause god to destroy him : and such an enemy is persecution of gods people for conscience sake , it draweth down the wrath of god upon kings and kingdoms , upon rich and poor , upon high and low , that are guilty of it , for it is the fulfilling of all other sins , and it hastens to bring destruction upon all that are guilty ; and this effect it will work upon the king , even this his enemy persecution , if he turn not from it , and overcome it , and banish it from him ; for it is the cause of both inward and outward , of both internal and external plagues and judgments of god. vi. persecution it is an enemy to the king , because it will work to weaken the hands of iust and sober and righteous men , it will weaken their love and affections , and it makes their hearts sad ; and wo is unto them that make sad their hearts , whom god doth not make sad : and this doth persecution ; and it doth not only weaken the hearts and the hands of the righteous and sober persons , but it strengthens the hands of the rude , ungodly , and prophane through the land , and that which strengthens the wicked and the rude multitude in wantonness , scorning and prophaness , that is the king's enemy ; but such is persecution for a good conscience sake ; and because it weakens the righteous in their good and upright wayes , and strengthens the wicked in their evil wayes , therefore it is an enemy unto the king. vii . persecution is an enemy unto him , because it tends to render him dishonourable both in the sight of god , and all good men through the world ; for it will shew , that he is cruel and bitter , and perverse , and that he wants humility , meeknesse , forbearance and patience , if he be guilty ; and this is dishonorable , to have and profess evil qualities and properties , and to be without the good ; and by persecution this will be made manifest to all the world , and ever was in all ages , that the persecutors of good conscience gained unto themselves , dishonour and reproach of all good men in all ages after them : for they were men full of rage and malice and passionatness , and wanted patience and humility , and this made them dishonourable : and the case will be the same with the king , if he be a persecutor for conscience sake , and he will be dishonourable both in this present time , and in ages to come , and this by persecution , and therefore it is his enemy , that will work many mischiefs and evils upon him , if he be not wholly delivered from it . viii . persecution is an enemy to the king's person and authority , because persecution for conscience sake is of the devil , it is of his spirit , and not of the spirit of god , to persecute , imprison , kill and destroy mens persons and estates , because of their religion-sake , when as no unjust dealing , nor unrighteous conversation can be justly laid to their charge , but only for , and because of such profession and practice in religion , to persecute any , because hereof , this is of the devil ; and that which is of the devil , is the king's enemy , and an enemy to all mankind , and such is persecution ; and therefore it is a deadly mortal enemy , which wounds kings , princes and rulers that ever have had friendship with it ; and therefore let the king avoid this great enemy , lest its effects prove miserable . ix . it is the king's enemy , because it is according to the example of all the wicked kings and rulers that ever have been through ages and generations , as of pharoah , ahab , herod , nero , and many more , who were persecutors of people for conscience sake , who gained unto themselves thereby reproach , infamy and misery from god and men ; and to follow their example , is the king's enemy , and such is persecution , if he should persecute for conscience sake , and about religion and the worship of god ; then he follows the example of wicked kings , and this will be his enemy , and will work woful effects , if so be he walk in the steps of the persecutors of old , and love that which is his enemy . x. persecution is the king's enemy , because the end and effects of it is misery and destruction upon all that persecute the heritage of god : what was pharaaoh's end , and herod's end , and nero's end ? was not their end woful and miserable to god and shameful to men ? and persecution for conscience sake will bring the same effects at this day ; the end of all persecutors will be misery and shame even in the day of the lord , when he comes with iudgment and vengeance , and to reward every man according to his deeds , then will he reward persecution and persecutors with his fierce wrath , and they shall know the justice of god's judgments executed upon them : and therefore happy will the king be if he keep himself clear , and put far from him this enemy persecution . three considerations i have to present unto the king for conclusion . i. the strength , and safety and prosperity of the king and his government , stands in the union , good affection and love of his subjects , and the people of these kingdoms , one to another , and to the king ; and the more that the people of the kingdoms are in love and union and good affection , one with another and to the king , the more strong and safe , and prosperous thereby is the king and his government , and the more like for a long and happy continuance and establishment : and it is the love and union and affection of the sober and grave , and just and upright people , and of the meek of the land , that is the kings strength and safety , and will much tend to his prosperity , and to the establishment of his government and authority ; and the kings safety and strength and prosperity , doth not depend upon the affection and acclamations of the ruder sort , and of the wild multitude , though such profess great subjection , and cry up the king and his government , and drink his healths , and swear the destruction of all his enemies ; and have much love and great union for the king , and are for him to serve him , and swear fidelity , and engage themselves very highly in words and gestures for the king ; yet the king and his government is no whit the safer , nor more strong nor prosperous , because hereof , for his prosperity and establishment depends upon the love and good affection of the just and upright , and temperate and meek men of the kingdoms , and not upon the love of the rude multitude ; such cannot be a blessing to him in their vaunting and boasting , and rudeness ; nor can be stand by them , but must stand in the establishment of his government , by the love of such as fear the lord , and depart from all iniquity ; by the good affection of such , and their faithfulness and love may the king be happy and blessed : therefore let him strive to please such , and to gain their good affections to be united to him ; and this may adde to his long continuance . ii. it is the doing of justice and truth , and allowing all just and equal liberty to all people under his authority , that will gain upon the hearts of all just and good people ; and as righteousness , mercy , true judgment and truth is brought forth in the land , and all the contrary limited in the king's government ; this will gain much upon the hearts and affections of all good people , to be united in love one to another , and to the king ; and this is the way of the king's prosperity , and to make his government established , if so be that he exercise his rule and authority in love and meekness and equal iustice and mercy , and love righteousness and truth , and hate and deny all the contrary , and limit it ; then the spirits of all people in the kingdoms would be subjected and subdued under his power , and he should rule over them , and his kingdoms be established prosperously ; and this is the way of an happy government : but if so be the king put on rigour , and be fierce and cruel , and think to subdue all under him by will and force , without shewing justice and reason , to answer the consciences of his subjects in all his proceedings : this way can never be prosperous , nor establish him in his authority ; but it will work the contrary effect : for , if oppression be brought forth , and heavy yoaks laid upon the back of the poor ; then will the wrath of god and of men , be kindled against him , and murmurings , strifes and contentions will arise in the minds of men against him ; and the oppressions of the poor will reach unto heaven , and god will hear and revenge their cause : so that it is ruling and exercising authority in these kingdoms in justice , righteousness , love and good reason that must gain the hearts of people unto right subjection , to make the king and his government happy and established ; and rigour , force and cruelty will never make the king happy , but will work contrary : for the people are wise , and understanding will not long bear any degree of the yoak of slavery . iii . in as much as the people of these kingdoms are divers and divided , and contrary in judgment one to another in many things , and so are dis-united into several opinions and parties ; the king ought to rate in wisdom and love over them all , and to shew equal iustice and liberty , and to exercise righteousness towards them all alike , notwithstanding their difference in religion and judgments ; for if he shall give liberty to some , and oppress others ; if he do joyn with one way , and promote that , and the men of one judgment be tolerated , and all other wayes , and all others that are different in judgment , be persecuted and oppressed , and sought to be destroyed ; this is not the way for the king to prosper , nor to be established to perpetuity ; for there seems to be no one way so strong , or any one sort of people so many for the king to cleave to and allow , and seek to destroy all the rest ; because there is of other sorts of people that ballance that sort in opposition ; and so the king and his government seems not secure , if he take hold of any one sort of people , only to stand thereby , in opposition to all the rest , persecuting of them ; because there are many of other sects that will be discontented and murmur , if not more : so that the king's safety is , and the prosperity of his government , and the establishment of it seems to be , by giving equal liberty and iustice , and shewing love and tenderness to all of all iudgments ; and then he may stand by all , and none will oppose him , but all will be ready to defend and preserve him : for he may stand established , and be happy in his government , by engaging all sorts to him through love and righteousness , and liberty towards all ; but he cannot ( according to my judgment ) be established nor prosperous , if he choose only the men of one judgment to stand by , and cleave only to that , and persecute and seek to destroy all the rest that are different , and so only make one party his friends , and disengage all others in love and affection ; this seems , i say , not the way of prosperity . let the king consider it ; and the lord give him a right understanding . finis . london , printed for robert wilson , at the sign of the black-spread-eagle and windmill , in martins l' grand , 1661. the free-born subject, or, the englishmans birthright asserted against all tyrannical vsurpations either in church or state l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1679 approx. 83 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47854 wing l1248 estc r16045 11849799 ocm 11849799 49922 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47854) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49922) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 500:19) the free-born subject, or, the englishmans birthright asserted against all tyrannical vsurpations either in church or state l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. [2], 34 p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1679. advertisement on p. 34. reproduction of original in bristol public library, bristol, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng citizenship -england. freemen. church and state -england. political rights. great britain -politics and government. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the free-born subject : or , the englishmans birthright : asserted against all tyrannical vsvrpations either in church or state . london , printed for henry brome , at the gun in st. pauls church-yard , at the west-end , 1679. the free-born subject ; or , the englishmans birthright : asserted against all tyrannical usurpations , either in religion or state . now to take my text to pieces ; by a free-born subject , is meant a person that is born under the protection of the law ; and thereby entitled to certain known immunities and privileges , as his birthright . but then he is likewise tied up ; by the same law , to certain rules and measures of obedience to government . so that he seems to be free in one respect ; and subject in another . now how far he is enfranchised by this liberty , and how far limited by that subjection , will be the question . you shall seldom or never find this expression used , but as a kind of popular challenge ; and still in favour of the free-born , without any regard at all to the subject . whereas we should as well consider the authority of an imperial prince on the one hand ; as the privileges of a free-born people on the other . and not so far mistake , either the force or the intent of magna charta , and the petition of right ; ( by which we claim to these liberties ) as if by being discharged of our vassalage , we were also discharged of our allegiance . the englishmans birthright sounds much to the same purpose too , with the free-born subject : only there lies a stronger emphasis ( in common speech ) upon the word englishman . as when we speak of a brave man , that stands up for the honour and defence of his country ; such a one , we cry is a right englishman , a true englishman . now ▪ to the end that we may not be misled by the sound and jingle of words ; into a false , and dangerous notion of things ; let us repair to the law , which is the known , and common standard of our civil actions : that we may not either give up our own just rights on the one hand , or encroach upon his majesties , on the other . for it is the law that marques out the metes and bounds both of king and people : that shews how far we are to go , and where to stop ; and teaches us to distinguish betwixt liberty and sedition ; betwixt a true , right old englishman , and a shuffling , double-hearted moderm impostor . as we have our legal rights , so we lie under legal restrictions too : and the king likewise hath his legal prerogatives , which are also accompanied with certain legal limitations . from whence it appears , that the law serves as a common-rule and lies as a common obligation both upon prince and subject . and yet though there be a duty incumbent on both sides , there is a great difference even in point of law it selfe , betwixt the kings violation of the law , and the peoples . the king breaks his word , the people forfeit their bond. they are both of them bound alike in conscience ; but the people are over and above engaged upon a penalty . it makes a huge noise in the world , that kings are bound by the laws as well as the people . and so they are , in honour and conscience , but no further : and this arises from the very nature of government it self : for wheresoever the last appeal lies , there rests the government . and there can be no government at all , without the establishment of a final result , for otherwise the king shall iudge the people and the people rejudge the king ; and so the controversie shall run round world without end . take notice now that all appeals move from a lower court , or sentence , to a superiour ; and consider then , how ridiculous it were to appeal downward ; or from sovereign princes , to any other power , than to the king of kings , who alone is above them . but let us put the case now , that a prince mis-governs : how shall he be tried ? it must be either by the law or without it . if the former , where is the law that says , the people may call their soveraign to accompt , in case he does not govern according to law ? or if they cannot produce such a law , the assertion is treasonous . if the latter , we are at our old salus populi again : which , in one word , is no other then a direct dissolution of the law , and a prostitution of authority to the will of the multitude . having already stated the conditions , and advantages of a free-born subject , and of our english birthrights : we shall now proceed to the asserting of these our privileges , against all tyrannical usurpations , either in matter of religion or state. and first a word of tyrannical usurpations . under this head may be comprised all sorts of violence and oppression ; ( by what means , or instruments soever exercised ) contrary to law and iustice. by tyranny , we do understand an vnjust domination ; or an abuse of a lawful power , to the injury of the people : as if a prince should turn a legal government into and arbitrary . now we commonly reckon that for an vsurpation , when one man takes upon him the right of another , without any title to it at all : as our late oliver was called vsurper . and there are also mixt cases ; ( as was that before mentioned ) where tyranny and vsurpation meet both in one. according to this division we may be oppressed three several ways ; either immediately by the prince himself ; or mediately by his ministers , as by special direction and command ; or otherwise we may be simply oppressed , one subject by another . but still these oppressions are illegal every way ; and the question is now , what legal relief in the case ? for as the law entitles us to the privileges we claim , and to the enjoyment of them : so does the law likewise appoint , and chalk us out the methods of asserting and maintaining our rights , in case they be invaded . so that we must onely oppose legal remedies to illegal wrongs ; and not think to deliver our selves from one violence by another . for popular commotions are the most criminal and dangerous of all sorts of oppressions . other oppressions may lie heavy upon particular persons ; but this is an oppression of law and government it self . and it is as foolish as it is impious ; for while we phansie all things to be lawful for us , because we suffer many things against law , we incur a legal forfeiture of all our privileges , by the unlawful manner of endeavouring to preserve them . it is a maxim in law , but not in morals , that the king can do no wrong ; for he may shed innocent bloud with his own hand , which is the greatest of wrongs ; but it is not looked upon however as a wrong in law , because there is no law to question him for it . the ordinary shift upon this point is , that the king may be sued , and that consequently he stands answerable to the law. to which i say , with a distinction , that the king hath a twofold right , a right of dominion , and a right of propriety . in the former ( which is the point in question ) there lies no action of law : in the other there may , for otherwise he might take away any mans free-hold at pleasure . and were it not a wild thing to imagine otherwise , when according to the very stile of the law , all writs , trials , and forms of iustice run in the kings name ? so that admitting their supposition , the king sits iudge upon himself . when the late underminers of the government found that they could not shake the royal authority this way , ( for it was attempted ) they had recourse afterward to the phansie of a coordinate government ; making the king , lords , and commons , to be the three estates ; in stead of the lords spiritual and temporal ; and the commons represented in parliament . which mistake being swallowed by the undiscerning multitude , proved the foundation of our common ruine . this whimsie being now set on foot again , i shall bestow a word or two upon the unmasking of that pernicious and sensless pretence , and make it appear , that the position is destructive , not onely of the three estates , ( as some account them ) but of the very being of parliaments . supposing the government to be coordinate , ( as these people will have it ) any tw● parts of the three may out the third . the king lies at the mercy of the lords and commons ; the commons at the mercy of the king and the lords ; and the lords as much at the mercy of the king and commons . so that at this rate no body knows to day , what government we shall have to morrow . this is the just ratio of a coordinate state ; and then to colour the invention , they tell us that the king is singulis major , vniversis minor ; greater then the diffusive body of the people , but inferiour to the collective . which strikes at the very root of parliaments ; for if it be true , that a prince by calling of a parliament dethrones himself ; what prince would ever call a parliament ? as it is clear that sovereign power is sacred , and not to be touched ; it is no less clear on the other side , that all the executors of illegal powers and violences may be questioned ; for that the law puts no difference betwixt one subject and another , but provides for common iustice betwixt man and man , without any difference of regard to dignities or persons . and as it appoints us such a relief in such and such cases ; so does it likewise ordain and direct such and such punishments in other cases , according as the wisdom of the law-makers hath found convenient . so that he is upon his good behaviour , either for redress , or punishment . but i hear many people say , that 't is true , the law provides well enough for us ; but what if iustice be overaw'd and obstructed ? my answer is , that we are to help our selves by law , if we can ; but if the law will not relieve us , we must be patient ; especially in a case , where 't is impossible to find a remedy that is not worse then the disease . let us but look a little into the consequences of passing that line , and taking upon us to be our own carvers . first ; by transgressing the bounds of the law , we cast our selves out of the protection of it . secondly , by declining the common equity of it , we run into partialities and factions , and every man makes himself both iudge and party . thirdly , from a certain and infallible provision for the stating and determining of all controversies ; we transport our selves into an absolute impossibility of ever reconciling them , i might have said , of vnderstanding them : for fourthly ; from matter of fact , we betake our selves to questions and propositions of notion ; as the law of nature , self-preservation , &c. which signifie nothing more , then to puzzle the multitude , and confound the order of civil administration . for there can be no proof made of a thought ; but under countenance of these blinds , the ambitious , the revengeful , the necessitous , the factious , the covetous , the malicious , and the like , stalk to their vnrighteous and self-ends . and what 's the issue of all this , but that , when by coveting more then did belong to us , we have lost what we had : when by forsaking the known , and the safe ways of peace and iustice , we have wandered out our lives in pathless , dangerous , and vncomfortable errors ; without either light or guide to set us right again : when we have been led by a false shew of liberty , as by an ignis fatuus , through boggs and ditches , and all in pursuit of a sluttish vapour : when by breaking the bond of humane society , we have turned a community into a desert ; and like wild beasts , torn one another to pieces . what is the fruit at last of all our wild adventures ? but bondage , beggery , shame , and late repentance ? so that our best and surest way will be , for every man to look to his own province , without intermeddling in the jurisdiction of another . having sufficiently discoursed upon the quality of tyrannical usurpations , we come now to religion and state , as the subject matter they are to work upon : wherein we shall distinguish betwixt tyranny , as an act of the government ; and usurpation , as a claim of the people . touching the power of kings , and the possibility of tyranny , in the matter of religion ; the question falls into a very narrow compass : for conscience lies out of the reach of law ; and the powers of government are onely exercised upon ouvert , and sensible acts. but the point in hand however is this : first , what is intended by the tyranny here spoken of ? secondly , how are we to behave our selves , in case of such tyranny ? there may be tyranny , either in forcing a man , ( upon a penalty ) to renounce the right religion , or to embrace a false one : or in prohibiting to any man , the freedom of worship after his own way . and all these cases vary according to the constitution of the government , and the conscience of the governour . for the same thing may be lawful in one place , and not in another ; and to one person too , and not to another : and it may be more or less excusable also , according to these circumstances . in short ; it is a tyranny , to press a man to a false worship ; a tyranny to punish him for adhering to a true one ; a tyranny to hinder any man from worshipping god as he ought : and the tyranny it self , is yet farther aggravated , if it be done in opposition to the law of the land ; and to the conscience of the ruler , as well as to common equity . but still when i have lost liberty , estate , nay and life it self , by reason of religion ; my religion it self is preserved inviolate , even when my body lies in ashes . the prince that acts all these tyrannies , hath undoubtedly a great deal to answer for to almighty god : but what remedy is there for the subject that suffers them ? and let that be the next point . in case of such persecutions as aforesaid , i know no more then these four ways of application , for relief ; either by prayer to almighty god ; by recourse to the law , for protection ; by petition to the government , for indulgence , and compassion ; or else , to trie if we can deliver our selves by direct force . the first , is a sure expedient in all cases : for where we are not delivered from our afflictions , our afflictions are yet , by gods providence , turned into comforts . in the second place , we may make the best of the law , provided that we do not make the law felo de se , and raise inferences of equitable supposition , in contradiction to the naked and express letter of it . as for example ; by the law , we have a lawful right to such and such liberties ; and herein we have the law to friend . but if we make any attempt to compass these lawful ends by vnlawful means , the law is point : blank against us . our next resort is , by petition to the government ; which is a course , laudable and fair ; provided we keep clear of rancour and clamour ; and address to the magistrate not to the multitude : for it is not the end of those popular papers to sollicite relief , but to provoke tumults ; and under the countenance of begging compassion toward the people , to stir up sedition against the government . for lewd characters of men breed ill thoughts of them ; and evil thoughts break out into wicked actions ; and the readiest way in the world to a rebellion is , to startle the vulgar with an apprehension of tyranny . if all this will not do , there remains nothing more , but either patience or force . the former was of the primitive , and the later hath been the practice of our modern christians ; but whether they do well or ill in it , shall be now examined . it hath done a great deal of mischief in the world , the misconstruction of that text that bids us obey god rather then man. for the people are not well aware , that , first , in obeying of magistrates in all warrantable cases , they obey god also , in that civil obedience . secondly , supposing the command of the supreme magistrate to be directly opposite to the express will of god : i will not obey him in that case , but i am not yet discharged of my duty to him in other cases : for he is never the less a lawful magistrate ; ( even for not being a christian ) and i will not resist him in any : thirdly , the law of this nation makes all motions and insurrections whatsoever , without legal authority , to be riotous , seditious , or treasonous assemblies . fourthly , allowing this latitude to the people , that they may confederate , and rise , for the defence of religion ; they may as well rise for the subversion of it : for we have but their bare words , either for the one , or for the other . fifthly , it authorizes every man to set up a church by himself , in his own phansie ; and in stead of carrying his body to the doctor for a fit of the spleen , he brings his conscience , forsooth , to the government , to be cured of a revelation . and this license , in one word , sets up the crotchet of every sickly brain , in competition with christianity i● self , and the politique peace . what if i should say now , that there was never any war in the world undertaken purely upon the accompt of religion , that was not utterly vnlawful ; unless in cases of gods extraordinary and peculiar dispensations . for , first , what are the certain and necessary effects of war , but bloud , rapine , oppression ; the multiplying of so many widows and orphans ; depopulating of countries , and kingdoms ; and the violation of all rights , sacred and profane ? are these now the works of the gospel ? and what is religion the better for all this ? these are sacrifices for moloch ; and this is a religion , and an oblation , fitter for an insensible and implacable idol , then for the god of love and peace . let us but consider now , what a deluge of impiety flows in upon humane nature with this opinion . the papist falls foul upon the protestant ; the protestant upon the papist ; the christian upon the mahumetan , the mahumetan upon the christian : it sets all people , and all parties together by the ears , onely for diversity of thoughts . it makes authority ridiculous , it frustrates the very laws of nations , and lays the world again in common . now if this be so pestilent a doctrine , taken only at large ; how much more diabolical is it , for subjects , upon this vngodly pretext , to go about to embroyl a well regulated state ; and to charge their souls with perjury , schism , and rebellion , over and above the common crimes that accompany hostile invasions . as the law hath been hitherto , so it must be henceforward the rule and measure of all our proceedings . in the section of tyranny , the question was , how the subject should demean himself toward the prince , in the case of such and such oppressions in matter of religion . but now , in case of an vsurpation , the question is , how far the government should comply with a popular importunity ; or how far the people should gratifie one another . of which we have spoken so much at large elsewhere , that the less will serve in this place . the word vsurpation , implies the affecting or invading of anothers right ; which , in the point of religion , must needs be very dangerous ; because the people are so easily disposed to swallow that deadly pill . i do not reckon a bare and simple dissent from the established doctrine and discipline of the church , to be an vsurpation : for possibly there may be a real scruple , or want of due information in the case . but when that dissent comes to be practical ; when it comes to make parties , to divide into sects , to plead and to challenge the law ; it is no longer a plea of conscience , but a direct conspiracy against the government . it is a nursery of heresies , over and above ; and a liberty , utterly inconsistent with the measures of political iustice and prudence . for first , they agree among themselves in the single point onely of departing from vs ; and they are not , in conjunction , more dissatisfied with our ecclesiastical laws and decrees , then they are severally , among themselves , one sect with another : so that it is , in this respect , impossible to please them . and secondly , it is no less dangerous to offer at it , in other considerations . for first , upon the current of long and constant experience , they have been always found insatiable : never esteeming what they had , to be enough , till they had gotten all. the late king gave them still more and more ; and the more he gave , the more they craved ; and turned his bounty , at last , to his destruction . he did effectually , in favour of their importunities , strip himself , to his revenue , his crown , and his life ; and all that , they took . another danger is , that the very men that ask a toleration , are principled against it . and i see not the least shadow of a reason , why they that will not tolerate others , should be tolerated themselves . and truly as little ground for the asking of it , as for the granting of it . for first , why should the vnity of the church be broken , and the peace of it disturbed , in favour of the enemies of it ; and to the discouragement of the churches friends ? secondly , as the act of vniformity hath the full and solemn complement of a binding law ; why may they not as well demand a dispensation for rebellion , as for schism ? and quarrel any other law , nay , one after another , the whole body of the law , as well as that ? the law is the established rule of our actions ; and they will have every wandering phansie to be a rule to the law. they themselves fly from the law , and their complaint is , that the law doth not follow them . this method frustrates the very order of providence , and makes all provisions of government to be vain and vseless . they cannot pretend to charge this law with any defect , in regard either of the civil , or the ecclesiastical authority of it . here is , first , the iudgment of the church duly conven'd , touching the meetness and convenience of the rites and forms therein contained . secondly , there is the royal sanction , approving , and authorizing those rites and forms ; and requiring our exact obedience to them . thirdly , the matter of the law here in question , is our own act ; for that we our selves are concluded in the vote of our representatives . against these vsurpations we have law enough : and so we have likewise against those that follow in matter of state : which may be reduced to vsurpations upon us , in matter of life , liberty , or estate . there is an vsurpation upon the magistrate ; and there is an vsurpation upon the subject : upon the former in respect either of title , or of power ; both which cases are determinable , and relievable by the law : and so also is any oppression upon the subject : that is to say , where one subject oppresses another . when i say determinable and relievable by law , my meaning is , that the law hath competently provided for the freedom and security both of king and people : and the remedy seldom fails , where it is seasonably applied , and vigorously pursued . but when the dignity of government may be vilified gratis , the kings ministers and friends bespattered with billingsgate libels , and his professed enemies supported and encouraged : when his majesties title as well as his prerogative and reputation , shall come to be the subject of every bawling pamphlet ; and the bounds of sovereign power to be debated by porters and carmen , over pots of ale : when not onely the reverend and lawful ministers , and the apostolical order of the church , shall be derided and despised ; but religion it self pass onely for a sham , a piece of priest-craft , and be published in print , for no more in effect then a political art of getting a hank upon the people : when such outrages , i say , as these come to be daily committed over and over , in the very face of the sun , and the laws suffered to sleep , that should repress , and punish them : what can be the event of this inhumane license , but confusion , and ruine ? and if it comes to that once , it was our own fault , for not putting a timely and a legal stop to these audacious vsurpations . the positions and the methods that brought on our late troubles , are now revived and practised every day afresh : we have our quaeries , our remonstrances , and all things , to the old tune of curse ye meroz , and to your tents , o israel : most munifestly tending to the unhinging of the government ; and as certainly designing the subversion of the church and of the state. the boldness and the impunity of these libels , would be an equal wonder to me , if i were not satisfied , that the one is clearly the effect of the other : for their escaping punishment , looks as if the government were afraid of the rabble ; and then their passing without answer , gives a kind of credit to their doctrine . it is not a work for a gentleman to rake a dunghil , and to gather up the peoples vomit : but yet out of a foolish zeal and tenderness for a duty that hath onely given me misery in this world , and the hope of comfort in a better ; i cannot but endeavour to possess others with the same sense of these indignities which i have my self ; and to lay open this spirit of calumny and slander : these vncoverers of their fathers nakedness , and defilers of the honour of our common mother . my onely encouragement to this undertaking , is the title i have to be believed in it . for i am so far from being bribed into this office , either by the tie of past obligations , or by the prospect of benefits to come , that ( with infinite acknowledgments of his majesties grace and goodness to me ) i defie any man to produce another gentleman in the kings dominions , under my circumstances , that hath suffered so many illegal , arbitrary , and mean injustices , from any of the abusers of the kings bounty , as i have done . insomuch that after a sentence of death , for his majesty ; betwixt three and four years in newgate ; and a matter of seven and thirty years faithful service to the crown ; the bread hath been taken out of my mouth , and in a large proportion , shared amongst some of those very people that pursued the late king to the block : nor do i look for any more advantage for the future . this reflection ( by the way ) doth not concern any man that is now in office at court ; and i hope there is enough said already , to acquit me of any likelihood to be partial in this matter . i must not slip this occasion of bringing in a case of late date ; a case wherein all men of letters are concerned , and not impertinent in this place , and that being done , i will proceed . being desirous to inform my self very particularly concerning this late devillish plot , i got the best intelligence i could , as well by short notes upon the trials in court , as by word of mouth from credible persons that were there present . after this , upon perusal of the printed trials , i found several gross incoherences ; ( especially in the later of them ) and very material mistakes . as in that of mr. langhorn , fol. 39 , and 40. mr. lydcats name is used no less then nine times , as one of the st. omers witnesses , in stead of mr. hall , to his very great prejudice . reflecting upon these errors , together with the almost inextricable difficulty of retriving the truth , out of such a confusion of tautologies , and forms ; the collection being so bulky too , and the particulars lying so scattered , that it was next to the work of a resurrection to set every part in its right place . i betook my self to my friends , my thoughts , and my papers , and digested the whole transaction into an historical narrative . and not in dialogue neither ; nor in the words , either of the bench , the witnesses , or the prisoners ; but in my own stile and way , and just in the same fashion as i would tell the story . this book i entitled , the history of the plot , &c. made a legal assignment of my right to a bookseller . i authorised him to print it , and he imprinted it by the authority of the author : some of the pretenders to the formal trials , arrest my bookseller , as an invader of their propriety , and threaten him most wonderfully into the bargain . he puts in bail to the action , and there the squabble rests . they do not complain of any imitation of their copy , but take upon them , as if no man else were to write upon that subject . at this rate , we shall have all sermons forfeited to the kings printers , for descanting upon their bibles ; and all books whatsoever , to the company of stationers , because they are made out of the four and twenty letters ; and the abc is their copy . what a scandal is this to the commonwealth of letters ? what a cramp to learning , and industry ? that if i have a mind to compile a history , i must go to forty little fellows for leave , forsooth , to write the narrative of the proceedings upon our blessed king and martyr , the brave earl of strafford , archbishop of canterbury ; with a hundred more instances of the like nature , because some or other of them has lurched , perhaps , a copy of their trials . what if a man should write the battle of worcester , and the kings miraculous escape , after the defeat ; must he not mention the thousand pound that was set upon his majesties head , without leave of the printer that had the propriety of the proclamation that offered it ? or if a body would draw up a systeme of treason and sedition ; must he go to the publisher of bacons government , for a license ? i am the larger , because it is a publick case . and take notice , first , that the whole story is drawn into less than a sixth part of their volume . secondly , that there is not so much as one material clause omitted in it . thirdly , that it is incomparably plainer , and more intelligible then the other ; beside the many corrections in it . fourthly , that it is eleven shillings saved ; theirs being rated at thirteen and six pence , at the lowest penny , and this onely at half a crown . and so much for this . i come now to an examination of two libels ; the most audacious and virulent that have yet passed the press . the one of them entitled omnia comesta à bello ; or , bel hath devoured all . the other is called , my lord lucas's speech . but take notice that my exception lies to the supplement or appendix ; not concerning my self at all with the speech . the former of these papers is an allusion to the story of bel and the dragon : where the priests and their wives came in at a back-dore , and consume what was offered to the idol . it is printed bello in stead of belo ; and the mistake is a great deal righter then the meaning : for it was , in truth , the war that devoured all ; and the good old cause ( which was the foundation of that war ) was , in effect , no better than a christian idol . it comes forth , as an answer to the first of five pretended questions ; which he sets down at length : and we will speak of them in order , as far as shall be needful . quaery 1. whether the great cause of impoverishing the nation , ruine of trade , and general consumption of comfort , settlement , and content , which hath brought the land to a meer anatomy , be not the pomp , pride , luxury , exaction , and oppression of the prelates ? pag. 3. he concludes in the affirmative . and pag. 4. the trading stock of the nation ( he says ) is devoured in this prelatical gulph . but are we so miserable then ? and is the hierarchy the cause of all our miseries ? let us compare the times a little , when we had bishops , and when we had none : for there is no trial of the truth and reason of things , like experience . from 1558. ( when q. elizabeth came to the crown ) to 1641. we had a continued succession of a protestant ( or rather , a reformed ) prelacy . and so from 1660. to this present 1679. which is upward of a hundred years . and all this while the government stood firm upon its ancient basis. the gospel flourished , and the subject enjoyed their legal liberties , under a legal administration , both in church and state. from 1641 , to 1660. episcopacy was out of dores . do but observe , now , what havock was made in the state , both ecclesiastical and civil ; in matter of our religion , liberties , and properties , in that interval , of onely nineteen years : when an ordinance was of more force then an act of parliament : and our lives , freedoms , and estates , lay at the mercy of the tyrants of athens , in a derby-house committee . but let us yet come closer to the business . i would fain know what these men would be at , that are so desperately unsatisfied with the condition they are in . would they be in the days of queen elizabeth again ; or of king iames ; or of the late king ? if nothing of this will content them ; there is no other choice left , but that of rebellion . for whosoever traces the history of these male-contents , will find deadness of trade and persecution to have been their constant complaint , from the reformation it self , to this day . after the passing of a general sentence upon the bishops , as the authors of all our calamities , he takes the whole to pieces . treating first , of the revenues , pomp , and state , of prelates . and there he tells us of two provincial arch-bishops , with their princely retinue , domestique chaplains , officers of temporal tithes , spiritual officers , vicar general , guardian of the spiritualities , dean of the arches , with all their vnder-officers and attendants . to be as brief as possible : first , where is the crime , or the iniquity of all this pomp and state ? or why should not an ecclesiastical body have its dignities and dependences , as well as a civil community ? there is no body envies my lord maior his sword-bearer , his mace-bearer , or any other servant , or ensign of his preeminence and office. for beside that the very splendor and magnificence , creates and preserves a reverence for authority . this multiplicity and subordination of officers , is of absolute necessity also ; as subservient to order , and to the very discharge of his function . the second question is , are these officers established by law , or not ? if by law ; this clamour is an arraignment of king , lords , and commons . thirdly , it is not onely a legal establishment , but an establishment of many ages , and continued without interruption , till both church and kingdom fell together . and then , in lieu of bishops we had a motly synod of state-pensioners ; hirelings , to poison the pulpits and the people ; and to decoy the silly multitude out of their lives , fortunes , liberties , duties , and religions : men kept in pay , to preach thanksgiving sermons , and to help out at a dead lift , towards the bringing of their soveraign to the scaffold . when they had preached and prayed the kingdom into bloud and disobedience ; and held the rabble several years agog , and gaping after the blessed reformation so graciously promised them : out comes at last the false conception of their directory . ( a kind of spiritual moon-calf . ) but by this time , the king was as good as lost ; and so they fell presently to sharing of the publique revenues of church and state. they dispatch their prince , enslave the people , and there is an end of that reformation : and it is the very fellow of it , that they would have again . was it not a blessed exchange now , to be freed from the prelatical tyranny , and their retinue , and to have such gospel-ministers ? generals , majors , and lieutenant generals , plunderers , sequestrators , decimators , regicides , and sacrilegious vsurpers set up in their stead ? this cuckoo-song of forty one , forty one , forty one , over and over ; were ill-natured and ridiculous , if the other cuckoo-song of popery and tyranny , popery and tyranny , and accompanied with the former principlies , over and over , had not made it absolutely necessary . his next grievance is , the ecclesiastical courts : court of faculties , court of audience , prerogative court , delegates , 24 bishops diocesan , with their trains , domestick servants , chaplains , officers , and courts ; chancellors , registers , apparators , proctors , archdeacons , commissaries , officials , surrogates ; their lordly palaces , ecclesiastical dignities , baronies , &c. viis & modis amounting to at least four hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year : enriching themselves ( also ) by ordinations , institution , and induction ; by making rural deans , licenses to curates , school-masters , parish-clerks , physicians , midwives , marriages , by absolutions , by commutation of penance , probates of wills , letters of administration , presentment , &c. pag. 4 , 5. there is enough said already to their dignities and officers ; and so for their courts , fees , and privileges : they are all of them of ancient right and custom . if they envy the bishops their revenue , the common people may as well set up a levelling trade again ; and fall upon all estates and conditions of men that are better to live then themselves . why should such a lord , gentleman , merchant , &c. have so many hundred thousand pounds a year amongst them ; and the poor ready to sterve ? is not money drawn into a few hands here , as well as there ; and their abundance , consequently , the cause of our want ? nay , the same reason reaches the king , as well as the church . so that gods providence to some , must be rendred and injustice to others . one would think by the out-cry that all this went immediately out of the peoples pockets : whereas the patrimony of the church is setled and confirmed by the great charter , of the english liberties ; as firmly as any freehold we have . there hath been always this clamour against their courts ; but how was it with us , when they were put down ? we had our triers ( in good time ) our committees for sequestration , decimation ; money upon the propositions , the sale of irish lands ; our loans for our brethren the scots ; our committees for crown and church lands : and a hundred other inventions for the beggering and enslaving of us , contrary to law ; by way of commuting for the iurisdiction of these courts , according to law. in stead of licenses to preach , or teach school , we had sequestrations and imprisonments for preaching or teaching ; unless upon the conditions of renouncing both the king , and the church . in stead of demanding lawful oaths , we were upon pain of plunder , confiscation , and imprisonment , pressed to vnlawful ones ; as covenants , negative oaths , oaths of abjuration ; and not onely so , but in direct contradiction to the oaths of allegiance and canonical obedience ; to double-hatch the perjury , in defiance of both our implicit and explicit obligations . here is the short of that exchange . upon his computation of the value and dependences of the ecclesiastical state , he reckons some ten thousand persons , one way or other , belonging to the church : and at least 450000 l. per ann . first , in place of the ten thousand persons he speaks of , ( who in another place ( he sayes ) bring nothing to the stock ) what do ye think of an army of 40000 men , wholly exempt from the civil iurisdiction ; and onely triable by martial law ? hist. indepency , pag. 68. part. 1. or in stead of the churches spending four or five hundred thousand pound a year , of their own ; what do ye think of the vsurpers spending above forty millions , in less then seven years , of the kingdoms money . hist. indep . pag. 8. but of this hereafter . we had then no longer the eye-sore before us , of the prelats lordly palaces ; the kings palaces were likewise seized by the same hands : our churches turned into stables ; our very alters robbed and profaned . and , to go thorough stitch , he whips up the clergy for their visitations , their paschal rents and procurations ; nay , their canons , vicars , petty-canons , singing-men and boys , choristers , organists , gospellers , epistlers , and virgers too : and all this , as idly , as if he talked in his sleep . here he takes breath , and at the bottom of the 5. page , promises a catalogue of more families ruined , more persons imprisoned , and an accompt of more money spent , by the cruelty of the prelats , then by all the law-suits of england , all payments and taxes beside : except upon the late extraordinary occasion . this libel was printed , as i remember , before the great plague ▪ and now of late reprinted over and over , and dated 1679. so that his late extraordinary occasion , is onely a civiller way of expressing our late extraordinary rebellion . something shall be said to this by and by. his 6. page , and a good part of the 7. are a rhapsody of grievances . upon the kings restauration , and purchasers of church lands were forced to restore them , without any compensation . he makes it to be a hard case , the restoring of them to the right owner , but says nothing of the tyranny of taking them from him . he tells us that the rusty ecclesiastiques , that neither serve our lord jesus christ , nor their country , but their own bellies , ( this is the complement he bestows upon them ) hord up the mony that they have extorted from the subject by fines , and have brought the nation to a consumption . i wonder how church-leases , that are commonly the best penniworths should be a greater grievance to the nation , then others that are set at higher rates , which we hear no complaint of at all . and i do not see how it consists with his charge of luxury upon the prelats , that upon so great expence , there should be no circulation of the treasure . i could tell him of the turkish slaves redeemed ; their bounties to ministers widows ; their publique works , as the oxford theatre , the reparation of litchfield cathedral , and the re-edifying of such of their palaces , as the iniquity of the late times had demolished , &c. to say nothing of the common right they have to dispose of their own : or to the secret charities of many of our eminent churchmen , who have too much honour and piety , to make proclamation of it in the market place . but now comes a lamentable story . we have all our able , godly , orthodox ministers turned out , ruined , and beggered , and no manner of supply provided for the maintainance of them and their families : and in their rooms ( in many places ) a company of debauched , illiterate , superstitious , profane priests ; which blind guides must needs lead them that follow them to hell. pag. 6. let the reader observe the pharisaical and vnmannerly opposition betwixt his ejected ministers , and those that were introduced ; and then let him consider the right , and the condition , both of the one and of the other . this was the very character the schismatiques gave our learned , pious , and canonical divines , when they turned them out of their livings by hundreds , contrary to law , honesty , and humanity it self ; and the same character with the other , did they take upon themselves , that turned them out : the incumbent legally invested in the benefice ; and the other , an oppressing and injurious vsurper . and what came of it ? the shepherds were destroyed , and wolves set to look to the flock : the vnity and simplicity of evangelical truth was lost and confounded , in a compound of carnal policy and schism . we had as many religions as pulpits ; and the doctrine of rebellion delivered in them , in stead of the doctrine of salvation . he goes on , damning all the churchwardens for persecutors of the gospel , if they present according to their oaths ; and for perjury , if they do not . if a minister preach without his canonical garment : if any man goes from his own parish church to hear a sermon , &c. or work upon a romish holyday ; if he does not stand up at the creed ; nor bow at the name of jesus ; or does not keep off his hat all the while , he is presentable . well , and what of all this ? there is neither life nor limb , in the case , if a man be presented . here is for decency sake , an order ; and that order is supported by authority ; and obedience in lawful matters , deriving from a lawful authority , is an essential duty both of a subject , and a christian. he seems onely to have talked idle all this while ; but now he grows directly outragious . we have gotten ( saith he ) most of the sober trading part of the nation discouraged by citations , excommunications , writs to take them excommunicated ; imprisonments upon ecclesiastical accompts ; by this means thousands of families are already ruined , and many hundreds are ready to leave the land , and remove into some other country , where they may have liberty of conscience , and freedom from these devouring harpies . and then he tell us of our surplices , copes , tippets , cringings , out of the romish rituals , and a service collected out of the romish books , the maess breviary , &c. was not this the very stile of the petitions and admonitions to q. elizabeth ? and so down to this instant . pray what did we get by it ; when to be cased of this insupportable tyranny , the nation was at the charge of 114000 l. a moneth to an army ? hist. indep . 66. above one half of the revenue of the kingdom under sequestration : 300000 l. a year openly divided by the faction among themselves ; beside private iobs , and above 20 millions that they never accompted for . 110000 l. a year in wages to themselves ; 100000 l. a year more in gratuities . beside free quarter at pleasure : taxes innumerable ; and all vnder-hand corruptions . above a million and a half levied by compositions ; and then so cheap and despicable slaves , in our persons , that welsh prisoners were sold into plantations at 2 pence a head . for the truth of all this , i refer my self to mr. walker in his history of independency ; a knowing and a well-read person in the whole transaction , and a man of credit . as to the pamphletters liberty of conscience : he would have the world believe this vniformity and rule of discipline to be new , and singular , and the work onely of the present age , and bishops . whereas , whosoever will consult the history of our government , will find this law to be a moderation , which they call a persecution : especially at a time when the strictness is not executed . under edward the vi. the very depraving of the common prayer , or procuring the vse of any other in open prayer , was 10 l. to his majesty for the first offence ; 20 l. for the second : and a forfeiture of all goods and chattels , with imprisonment during life for the third . and in the fifth of the same king , there was authorized an ecclesiastical iurisdiction in these cases . q. mary repealed this act : and in the first of q. elizabeth , q. maries act was repealed , and the former act confirmed ; which was afterwards in the five and thirtieth of that queens reign , enforced with more rigour ; to which she was necessitated , by the turbulence of that spirit of schism which still to this day is a working . king iames handed it down to the late king , and he continued it , till by a torrent of popular violence , the king himself , and the government were both over-born : we have gotten ( saith he ) a swarm of ecclesiastical officers , which the scriptures never knew , nor reformed churches ever owned : a sort of proud prelats — and all manner of misery to soul and body . plague , fire , sword , vniversal beggery ; and , without seasonable mercy , the total ruine of the whole kingdom . i am sorry to hear that we have any officers which the reformed churches never owned : for these which we have in this government at present , we have had for several ages : and when we had these officers no longer , we had no longer any government : and then it was that all his plagues befel us . we have made but one trial of another way of government , and it cost us dear . upon a supposed question over again , concerning the rise of our miseries ; the libellers answer is , that the manifold provoking sins of the land ; as adultery , blasphemy swearing , idolatry , perjury , and contempt of god and godliness do pull hard with heaven to bring down desolating iudgments : but the nearest cause of our impoverishments , ariseth from the particulars afore mentioned . ] he should have done well to have put in rebellion too ; which hath all other sins in the belly of it . but that is a thing these people do not love to touch upon . to the rest i have spoken more then enough already : and that which follows , is onely an impertinent citation of reflections upon ill bishops , whence he would draw an inference that we are to have none at all . the second of the five quaeries before mentioned is this , [ whether since all other reformed churches in europe did upon the first reformation and departure from popery cast out all diocesan bishops , name and thing , root and branch , as an office altogether popish ; together with all their hierarchical appurtenances ; and do this day esteem them no otherwise ; why did not , or doth not england also do the like . ] so that by hook or by crook , it seems , the bishops must down , either for oppression , or for popery ; after the example of all other reformed churches . we may see by this , what kind of reformation we are to expect from those people that account the church of england to be popish . we should be presently a tearing down altars again , demolishing of churches , rifling of colleges , and murthering of iesus christ over again in essigie ; which is no way to be effected but by another rebellion . the model of the best reformed churches , was the juggle of the covenant ; and the very condition of the scots coming in the second time , was our owning of their kirk for the best reformed ; and declaring for a reformation of the english church , according to the scottish model . the reformation doubtless was a glorious work ; but there have been very ill things done under that pretext , and in the way to it : and it is no new thing for god to be in the end , and the devil in the mans. beside that , the doctrine and discipline of the church of england is so pure , and apostolical already , that there is no need of double refining it . his third quaery is a frank proposal , without any more ado , of taking all the church lands into the crown ; and very courteously he offers the poor cavaliers a snip in the booty . does he consider , that after this violence , an englishman hath nothing left him that is sure and sacred ? and that as much as in him lies , he destroys us in our liberties , consciences , and estates , all at a blow . the patrimony of the church is first , a gift to god , and appropriated to his service ; and therefore not to be touched : ( they have robbed me , saith god , in the prophet malachy . ) or if it may , no man is sure of the estate he possesses , by the same reason : for there is no better title in nature , then a deed of gift . secondly , it is setled and confirmed by magna charta ; which says , that the church of england shall be free ; and shall have all her whole rights and liberties inviolable , ( for ever . ) thirdly , the king binds himself by his coronation oath , to preserve unto the bishops , and to the churches committed to their charge , all cononical privileges , and due law and iustice ; and to protect and defend them , as every good king ought to be a protector and defender of the bishops and churches under his government . so that here is sacrilege , common right , and perjury in the case . his fourth quaery is , [ whether in those kingdoms and states where prelacy is extirpated , and a presbytery onely retained , there be not as godly , able , orthodox preachers , &c. and as good subjects , as where bishops are retained . — his last quary is onely a political prospect upon the power of france , and nothing to the point in question . ] to which i answer first , that i know no such kingdoms as he speaks of . secondly , what if under a presbyterial government , any subject of that state should move vise versâ , for an episcopal there , as he does here for a presbyterial ? how would it be taken ? if there may be as good preachers and subjects on the one side , as on the other ; why should we change the government , to be onely where we were ? fourthly , if two archbishops , and 24 bishops diocesan be so great an oppression ; what would become of us in a presbytery , when we should have 9285 popes , in stead of them ? ( one in every parish . ) fifthly , the presbyterial principles are purely iesuitical ; and that would be but the setling of popery under another name . sixthly , we have it upon experiment , that the people will never indure them , nor they the government . to come now to that libel , which bears the title of my lord lucas's speech : the name of that noble lord is onely made use of for a cover to those scandals upon the king , which , to have saved the last drop of bloud in his veins , he would not have been guilty of . it is true , that offence was taken to the liberty of the speech it self , and a censure passed upon it ; but it is not presently for every mutinous incendiary to arraign a proceeding of parliament , and to call it barbarous vsage , with other rude , and very unmannerly expressions , in the preface to the reader . he says that god hath taken him from an ungrateful generation . and he says right in that ; for undoubtedly there never was the fellow of it upon the face of the earth . the kings friends ( who are the onely people oppressed ) they sit still , in hope and patience ; while his enemies that enjoy both the advantage of the others losses , and the reward of their services ; those are the people that complain . this faction , to whom the king hath forgiven his fathers bloud and his own. ( his own , ( i say ) for they that shot at him and mist , are as guilty , as if they had struck him to the heart ; and they that advised it , as those that did the execution . ) these are the people , that in requital for their forfeited lives , liberties , and fortunes , which his majesty frankly gave them , are now laying the same train for this king , by which they ruined the last . the bold indignities of this pamphlet are such , as a loyal subject cannot honestly so much as recite : it is neither better nor worse then a formal charge upon the king in five and twenty articles , dispersed with all the malice , and industry imaginable . the scope of it is to possess the people with an opinion , that the king designs the bringing in of popery , and an arbitrary power ; with an application of several particulars , to those ends. now if these affronts pass , without either punishment , or reply , who can blame the simple multitude , that know nothing more then what they read in a pamphlet , for giving credit to them ? and when they are once tainted with that deadly iealousie , who can blame them again , for doing ill things , that know no better ? the time is almost come , when honest men shall be put to death , and the very murtherers think that they do god good service . this was the mistaken zeal of the late times ; and we are even ready for it once again . the two calumnies whereupon these people lay the greatest stress , are first , a pretended apprehension of an arbitrary power ; and secondly , of an inclination to favour popery . the imputation of any disposition , or design in his majesty that now is , in favour of either tyranny or popery , is so groundless and incredible , to any man that hath but his eyes in his head , that it would not be worth a page of paper , to shew the error of it , were it not that we are delivered up to the delusion of believing things impossible , and discerning things invisible ; and yet as blind as moles , to matters of clear and evident demonstration . with what face can any man pretend an apprehension of tyranny from this prince , whose very mercy and bounty , by the extreme abuse of it , hath created his misfortune . nay , the most spiteful of his enemies cannot but acknowledge that there doth not live any man that hath less of gall and rancour , in his nature : beside the experiment his greatest adversaries have had of his goodness in common with the rest of his subjects , upon the crists of his restauration . for when he might have made himself as absolute as he would ; when he had his foes under his feet ; and some reasons of state , perhaps , to lay a firmer foundation of his future security ; his tenderness of nature did yet so far prevail upon him , above all other considerations , that he quitted all those advantages ; he gave , and forgave all that was possible ; to shew how much he prized a dominion over the hearts of his people , above that of their bodies and estates . touching his affection to the religion of the church of england ; since it hath pleased god in his infinite wisdom to permit , that his majesty should be calumniated upon that point ; it is a singular providence , that this should happen in a iuncture , when the plain matter of fact , and the naked history of his royal proceedings , may suffice to the most prejudicate , and the most obstinate of his enemies , as an unanswerable confutation . it is every day more and more artificially insinuated and improved ; especially since the discovery of the late horrid design , and particularly in the libel last mentioned , as if his majesty were not so careful and zealous for the suppressing and preventing of popery , and for the punishing of delinquents , as is needful for the security of his government . nay , there are some so daring , as to take upon them in hint , and mystery , to intimate the very countenancing of the plot it self . if the proceeding be not altogether so quick and sanguinary as some would have it , we shall onely say this ; that those of all men , have the least colour to complain of his majesties want of rigour , that stand indebted already for their heads , and for their fortunes , unto his grace and mercy . as to his opinion of the church of rome , his majesty hath given the world so many and so ample evidences of his dislike of that communion ; that every mans conscience as well as reason , cannot but discharge him upon that point . it cannot be imagined , that in his late troubles and exile , he wanted either arguments , or solicitations , either in point of state or of religion ; and the most plausible too , that could be found out , to work upon either his conscience , or his necessities : and yet no temptations , either on the one hand , or on the other , had any farther operation upon his majesties iudgment , then by causing a stricter enquiry into the subject in debate , to confirm him still more and more in the truth of his profession . in so much , that in the lowest and most hopeless state of his distresses , he chose rather to abide all extremities , then to depart , in any tittle , from the faith of the reformed communion . now his majesty having given this earnest of his stedfastness to the religion of the church of england during his banishment ; and shewing that neither fear nor despair could shake him in his resolutions ; it were a strange thing for him now to relinquish that cause in opposition to his interest ; which when it might have turned to his temporal advantage , no persecution or flattery could ever prevail upon him to do . i might add to all this , that he hath steered the same course in all his devotions both publique and private , and that the maintainance of this church hath been undeniably the scope of all his deliberations , and councils , in all religious concernments , since his blessed return . but it is not enough , in all cases , for a prince to be tender and innocent , in the matter of religion ; witness the late pious and yet vnfortunate prince . for wheresoever this incantation takes place , the sinews of government are loosened , the sacredness of order dissolved , and all obligations cancelled , as well moral as divine . and not onely so ; but the very shadow and imagination of it , frights people into lakes and precipices , and transports them with panique terrors , into the execution of the very mischiefs they fear . so that his majesty hath two main difficulties to encounter at once : the one to master the plot it self ; the other to temper and sweeten the passions of men , zealous in the contrary extreme : that no inconvenience may arise from their misapprehension of things another way . according to these measures , his majesty hath governed his course throughout the whole tract of this affair ; leaving no means unattempted , that might probably give light to the bottom of this tragical design : he hath given all sorts of encouragement to informations , by countenance , protection , and reward : the depositions have been formally taken before his majesty , and his privy council ; and the evidences strictly weighed and examined ; and from thence afterward heartily recommended , and faithfully transmitted to the two houses of parliament ; as the most rational method , for the common satisfaction both of king and people . neither hath his majesty been wanting on his own part in a vigorous concurrence with the two houses , to do all that in him lay , toward the suppressing of popery , the seizing and securing of popish recusants ; and providing more effectually , by the best means that could be devised , for the maintainance and establishment of our religion : having issued out divers proclamations , and done several other publique acts , upon the motion and advice of his two houses of parliament , to the ends aforesaid ; even to the taking away from the popish lords their ancient right of session in the house of peers ; and disabling all papists whatsoever , to all purposes whatsoever , from any advantages in the government . and if it be not yet enough , that in this dangerous juncture , his majesty hath walked hand in hand , and kept pace with his two houses of parliament ; it may be justly affirmed , that he hath in some degree even supererogated in this matter ; and added an excess of affection to the conscientious discharge of his princely care and function . of this , we might give several instances ; but one shall serve for all , in his majesties speech to both houses of parliament , on saturday nov. 8. 1678. where he quickens the two houses themselves , in these words ; i do desire you ( saith his majesty ) to think on some ready means for conviction of popish recusants , and to expedite your counsels , that the world may see our vnanimity ; and that i may have the opportunity to let you see how ready i am to do any thing that may give satisfaction . after this demonstrative clearness on his majesties side , let us cast an impartial eye the other way , and so conclude . was not this the very charge upon the late king ? and was there ever any prince that lived more faultless ? was not the care of the protestant religion , pretended ; and was not all religion , in a manner , subverted ? was not the kings honour , and safety , the pretext of a solemn covenant ? and was he not delivered up by the same covenant , to his very executioners ? what a clamour there was about magna charta , the english liberties ; and a reformation , onely of some excrescences ( as they called them ) in the church and state ? and did not this specious flourish conclude in a total extinction of law , freedom , and government ? were not the same arguments used then as now ? are not the same artifices of libelling authority practised now , which were then ? and are not the people poisoned the same way this year , that they were the last ? in short ; is not high-gate the way to st-albans still ? so certainly are we now running the same stage over again . was there not a time when st. pauls was turned into a garrison ? when apprentices cancelled their own indentures , and had them renewed again by an ordinance ? when for fear of red-coats in the clouds , the credulous multitude brought them , like aegyptian plagues , into their very pots and dishes . oh! but do you think ( they cry ) that these godly people will ever touch the king ? how many well meaning people thought the same thing before , and yet contributed to the destroying of their soveraign ; not knowing what they did . be not deluded . immediately after the sending of what is above-written , to the press , comes out a pamphlet , entitled englands safety , or the two vnanimous votes of the last good parliament , concerning the d. of york being a papist , &c. i have so great a reverence , as well for the honour of the constitution of parliaments , as for the personal loyalty of the members of our late great representative , that i cannot but take notice of the abuse , which is first , put upon that illustrious convention it self ; and afterward , upon the people , in this libel . it makes the house of commons to be the parliament : but neither did those worthy gentlemen claim to themselves a full parliamentary power , to the exclusion of any other legal and essential concurrence : nor will they take it well to be so much mis-represented . and then , it is as great an abuse , on the other hand , to the whole nation : for if this opinion be swallowed once , the people will be apt to take ordinances again , for laws . so that the title is in a great mistake upon that point : and now that the reader may not incur almost as great a one , on the other hand , in another ; lei it be observed that the woman in whose name this pamphlet is published , is so far from being a well-willer to the kings person , or government , that from the time of his majesties restauration , it hath been her constant business to promote all spiteful and scandalous books , and papers , against both church and state. to these pretended votes , i can say nothing , whether true , or false ; but this i am sure of , that debates of that solemnity , and importance , ought not to be made publique ; that nothing can be more derogatory to the dignity of that great body ; then ( as the fashion hath been of late ) for every pedant , and mechanique , to set up the trade of teaching parliament-men their lessons . the subject of his royal highnesses's succession to the crown , is made the common theme of the press : and i do not presume to reason the matter , either pro or con , as it is a case out of my province : but still i am at liberty to assert the duty of a free-born , and of a faithful subject ; and to affirm , that i have not found any one argument in any of these libels , which in a natural consequence does not likewise reach the king : whom god preserve , and in mercy keep all his subjects in due obedience . the end . advertisement . the history of the plot : or a brief and historical account of the charge and defence of edward coleman esq : of ireland , grove , and pickering : of green , berry , and hill : of whitebread , harcourt , fenwick , gavan , and turner : of richard langhorn esq : of sir george wakeman , marshal , rumly , and corker . not omitting any one material passage in the whole proceeding . compiled by roger l'estrange : and printed for richard tonson , within grayes-inn gate , next the lane. price 2 s. 6 d. the trial, conviction and condemnation of andrew brommich and william atkins, for being romish priests, before the right honourable the lord chief justice scroggs, at summer assizes last at stafford held there for the county of stafford, where they received sentence of death accordingly together with the tryal of charles kern, at hereford assizes last for being a romish priest. bromwich, andrew, defendant. 1679 approx. 68 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a63169 wing t2176 estc r18341 12658015 ocm 12658015 65428 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63169) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65428) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 677:12) the trial, conviction and condemnation of andrew brommich and william atkins, for being romish priests, before the right honourable the lord chief justice scroggs, at summer assizes last at stafford held there for the county of stafford, where they received sentence of death accordingly together with the tryal of charles kern, at hereford assizes last for being a romish priest. bromwich, andrew, defendant. kern, charles, defendant. 20 p. printed for robert pawlett ..., london : 1679. advertisement: p. 20. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bromwich, andrew. kern, charles. catholic church -england. popish plot, 1678. trials -england. church and state -catholic church. 2006-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-05 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the trial , conviction and condemnation of andrew brommich and william atkins , for being romish priests , before the right honourable the lord chief justice scroggs , at summer assizes last at stafford held there for the county of stafford ; where they received sentence of death accordingly . together with the tryal of charles kern , at hereford assizes last for being a romish priest . london , printed for robert pawlett , at the bible in chancery-lane , 1679. i do appoint robert pawlett to print the tryals of andrew brommich , william atkins and charles kerne , and that no other person presume to print the same . william scroggs . the tryal , conviction and condemnation of andrew brommich . vpon wednesday the 13th . of august 1679. at the assizes held at stafford for the said county , andrew brommich and william atkins being both seminary priests were brought to their tryal , and convicted before the right honourable sr. william scroggs knight , lord chief justice of england and one of his majesties justices of assize there . the court being sate they proceeded to their tryal thus . the lord chief justice having the night before charged the sheriff to returne a good jury , and the court being sate , he enquired of him if he had observed his directions ; the sheriff acquainted his lordship that since he had impannelled the said jury , he had heard that one _____ allen of _____ in the said county , being then returned to serve on the said jury , had said in discourse with some of his fellows , that nothing was done against the popish priests above , and therefore he would do nothing against them here , nor find them guilty : whereupon his lordship called for the said allen , and one randal calclough one of his fellows jury men and another witness upon oath who proving the words against him , his lordship discharg'd him of the jury , and committed him to prison , till he found sureties for his good behaviour , and likewise 3 more of the jury were discharg'd upon suspicion of being popishly affected , his lordship commanding the sheriff to return good men in their places , which was accordingly done , and the jury sworn , viz. thomas higgin , john webb , edward ward , thomas marshall , john beech , randal calclough , richard trindall , james beckett , william smyth , william pinson , daniel buxton and richard cartwright . jurors . cl. of arraign . gaoler set up andrew brommich to the barr : cryer make proclamation . cryer . o yes ! if any one can inform my lords the king 's just the king's serjeant , the kings atturney or this inquest now to be taken , of any treasons , murders , felonies or other misdemeanours committed or done by the prisoner at the bar , let them come forth and they shall be heard . cl. of arr. andrew brommich hold up thy hand , these good men that were lately called and have now appeared , are those which must pass between our soveraign lord the king and you upon your life or death : if you will challenge any of them you must speak as they come to the book to be sworn , and before they be sworn . [ the prisoner challenging none , the jury was sworn , ut ante . cl. of arr. gentlemen of the jury , look upon the prisoner and hearken to his cause , you shall understand that he stands indicted by the name of andrew brommich , late of perry barr in the county of stafford gentleman , for that he being born within the kingdom of england , the thirteenth day of january in the thirtieth year of the reign of our sovereigne lord king charls the 2d . by the grace of god of england , scotland , france and ireland king , defender of the faith , &c. then being a seminary priest made , professed and ordained by the authority and jurisdiction challenged , pretended and derived from the see of rome , the said thirteenth day of january in the year aforesaid , within this kingdome of england , viz. at perry barr aforesaid , in the county aforesaid , trayterously did come , was and did remain against the form of the statute in that case made and provided , and against the peace of our soveraign lord the king , his crown and dignity . upon this indictment he hath been arraigned , and hath pleaded thereunto not guilty , and for his tryal hath put himself upon god and his country , which country you are : your charge is to inquire whether he be guilty of the high treason whereof he stands indicted , or not guilty : if you find him guilty , you are to inquire what lands , goods , or tenements he had at the time of the treason committed , or at any time since ; if you find him not guilty , you are to inquire whether he did fly for the same , and what lands , goods or tenements he had at the same time of such flight , or at any time since ; if you find him not guilty , nor that he did fly for the same , you are to say so and no more , and hear your evidence . cl. of arr. cryer , call ann robinson , who being sworn . l. ch. just . ann robinson , what can you say against andrew brommich . a. rob. my lord , i can say that i received the sacarment of him according to the church of rome in a wafer . l. ch. just . when ? how long ago ? a. rob. about christmas last . l. ch. just . what company was there ? how many were there in company ? a. rob. my lord , i cannot possitively tell how many , but i beleive there were about seven or eight . l. ch. just . did they all receive at the same time ? ann. robinson . yes , my lord they did all receive at that time . l. ch. just . are you a papist ? a. rob. no my lord. l. ch. just . how long were you a papist ? a. rob. several years . l. ch. just . who first seduc'd you ? a. rob. my lord i cannot tell his name . lord chief justice . did you ever receive the sacrament according to their way of mr. brommich before the time you speak of ? a. rob. yes . l. ch. just . how often ? a. rob. four times , my lord , twice at mr. birch's , and twice at mr. pursal's . l. ch. just . how came you to give her the sacrament ? ( to the prisoner . ) pris . my lord i never did . l. ch. just . why , she has sworn you gave it her several times , once in particular at christmas last , and 4 times more , twice at mr. birch's , and twice at mr. pursall's . pris . my lord , i cannot help it . i desire your lordship will take notice of one thing , that i have taken the oaths of allegeance and supremacy , and have not refus'd any thing which might testifie my loyalty . l. ch. just . that will not serve your turn , you priests have tricks to evade that . pris . besides my lord , i never absconded . l. ch. just . you never absconded , what is that to giving the woman the sacrament several times ? pris . my lord i desire she may prove it . l. ch. just . she does so . pris . my lord i humbly conceive it was no sacrament unless i were a priest . l. ch. just . what an argument is that ? you expect we should prove you a priest by witnesses , which saw you take orders , but we know so much of your religion , that none undertake to give the sacrament in a wafer , or say mass , but a priest : and you gave the sacrament to that woman in a wafer , therefore you are a priest . cl. arr. cryer , call another witness , swear jeoffery robinson . l. ch. just . what can you say to mr. brommich ? jeoff. rob. i can say nothing against him . l. ch. just . did you ever hear him say mass ? jeoff. rob. i cannot tell ; i have heard him say something in an unknown tongue , but i know not what it was . l. ch. just . was it latin that he said . jeoff. rob. i cannot tell , i am no scholar . l. ch. just . had he a surplice on ? jeoff. rob. yes my lord he had . l. ch. just . robinson , are you a papist ? jeoff. rob. yes my lord. l. ch. just . i thought so , it is so hard to get the truth out of you . cl. ar. cryer , swear jane robinson . l. ch. just . come what can you say ? did you ever see brommich give the sacrament ? jane rob. not to my knowledge . l. ch. just . did you ever hear him say mass ? jane rob. i never saw him doe any thing ; for i only went up and said my prayers , i took no notice of any thing . l. ch. just . did you not see brommich there ? jane rob. i cannot tell . l. ch. just . why , don't you know him ? jane rob. no my lord. l. ch. just . your husband knows him . you jeoffery robinson , do not you know mr. brommich ? jef. rob. not i , my lord. l. ch. just . that 's right like a papist , did you not but just now say you heard him say something in an unknown tongue , and saw him in a surplice , and yet now you do not know him ? you have no more conscience than what your priests allow you . but though your priests can perswade you to take false oathes , i would not have you think they can protect you from the punishment due to them here or hereafter . an. rob. my lord , they both took the sacrament with me at the same time from him . l. ch. just . look you there , was ever the like impudence seen , come friend , consider you are upon your oath , and do not bring your self into the snare of a pillory . come robinson , i ask you by the oath you have taken , did you receive the sacrament with an. robinson at the time she speaks of at mr. parsall's ? jeoff. rob. yes my lord. lord chief just . how hard is the truth to be gotten out of you . but within this country , which abounds so with priests and swarms with papists , that you get popery here like the itch ; if they but rub upon you , you ketch it . jane rob. my lord , he 's a weak man. l. ch. just . who gave it you . jef. rob. i do not know . l. ch. just . he 'l say no more then his wife and priest will give him leave . l. ch. just . look you gentlemen of the jury , here are 2 papists that are witnesses , you are to consider how far they tell the truth , and how far they conceal it , how they tell their tail so as to serve a turn : for here you see the man said at first he heard him say somewhat in an unknown tongue , and that he saw him in a surplice , after that he denies he knows him , but now you see by this woman the truth is come out , he hath confess 't and own'd he received the sacrament at pursall's with her . we cannot expect more positive evidence from such people , come read the statute . anno 27 eliz. cap. 2. whereas divers persons , called or professed iesuit , seminary priests , and other priests , which have been , and from time to time are made in the parts beyond the seas , by or according to the order and rites of the romish church , have of late comen and been sent , and daily do come and are sent into this realm of england and other the queens majesties dominions , of purpose ( as it hath appeared ) as well by sundry of their owne examinations and confessions , as divers other manifest means and proofs , not onely to withdraw her highnesses subjects from their due obedienee to her majestie , but also to stir up and move sedition , rebellion and open hostility within the same her highness realms and dominions to the great indangering of the safety of her most royal person , and to the utter ruine , desolation and overthrow of the whole realm , if the same be not the sooner by some good means foreséen and prevented . for reformac̄ whereof be it ordained , established and enacted by the quéens most excellent majestie , and the lords spirituall and temporall , and the commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same parliam̄t , that all and every iesuits , semininary priests , and other priests whatsoever , made or ordained out of the realm of england or other her highness dominions , or within any of her majesties realms or dominions , by any authority , power or iurisdiction , derived , challenged , or pretended from the see of rome since the feast of the nativity of st. john baptist , in the first year of her highness reign , shall within forty days next after the end of this present session of parliament depart out of this realm of england , and out of all other her highness realms and dominions , if the wind , weather , and passage shall serve for the same , or else so soon after the end of the said forty days as the wind , weather and passage shall so serve . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that it shall not be lawfull to , or for any iesuit , seminary priest , or other such priest , deacon , or religious , or ecclesiastical person whatsoever , being born within this realm , or any other her highness dominions , and heretofore since the said feast of the nativity of st. john baptist in the first year of her majesties reigne made , ordained or professe or hereafter to be made , ordained or professed by any authority or iurisdiction derived , challenged or pretended from the sée of rome , by , or of what name , title or degrée soever the same shall be called or known to come into , be , or remaine in any part of this realm or any other her highness dominions , after the end of the same forty days other then in such special cases , and upon such speciall occasions only , and for such time only as is expressed in this act. and if he do , that then every such offence shall be taken and adjudged to be high treason , and every person so offending shall for his offence be adjudged a traytor and shall suffer losse , and forfeit as in case of high treason . and every person which after the end of the same forty days , and after such time of departure as is before limited and appointed , shall wittingly and willingly receive , relieve , comfort , aid or maintain any such iesuit , seminary priest , or other priest , deacon or religious , or ecclesiasticall person as is aforesaid , being at liberty , or out of hold , knowing him to be a iesuit , seminary priest , or other such priest , deacon or religious , or ecclesiasticall person as is aforesaid , shall also for such offence be adjudged a felon without benefit of clergy , and suffer death , losse , and forfeit , as in case of one attainted of felony . l. ch. just . come what have you more to say ? prisoner . i desire that there may be notice taken what robinson and his said wife said upon their examinations before the justice of peace . l. ch. j. we are to take notice only of what they say here . pris . my lord , they said here they did not know me . l. ch. just . n● did not robinson say he heard you say something in an unknown tongue , that he then saw you in a surplice ? did we talk of any one but you ? come jesuit , with your learning , you shall not think to bastle us : i have of late had occasion to converse with your most learned priests , and never yet saw one that had either learning or honesty . l. ch. j. have you any witnesses ? have you any more to say ? pris . no. l. ch. j. then gentlemen of the jury , the question you are to try , is whether ●●drew brommich be a popish priest or not : to prove that he is , here is a woman , one anne robinson , that swears she received the sacrament of him in a wafer once at christmas last , and twice at mr. birch's , and twice at mr. pursals , and that he gave it to several others at the same time . there needs not much to perswade you that he who gives the sacrament is a priest , for in their church they allow no one but a priest to give the sacrament , so there is one express evidence against him : and now i must satisfie you in one thing , that you are to give a verdict not that he is a priest , but that you believe him in your conscience upon the whole evidence , to be a priest . to make you do this here is one positive evidence . the other man , when i came to examine him whether he ever heard the prisoner say mass ; he answered , that he heard him say something in an unknown tongue , and that he was in a surplice . this is as much as we could expect from one of their own religion , who dare say no more than their priests will give them leave to do . so gentlemen i must leave it to you , whether or no you will not believe the testimony of this real positive witness , and the circumstantial evidence of the other man : for you see in what dangers we are , i leave it upon your consciences whether you will let priests escape who are the very pests and dangers of church and state ; you had better be rid of one priest than three felons , so gentlemen , i leave it to you . the jury having staid some time , returned to the court to give their verdict . cl. arr. gentlemen of the jury , have you agreed on your verdict ? jury , yes . cl. arr. who shall say it for you ? jury , the foreman . cl. arr. goaler , set up andrew brommich to the bar. gentlemen , do you find andrew brommich guilty of the high treason he hath been arraigned of , or not guilty . jury ; guilty . l. ch. j. gentlemen , you have found a good verdict , and if i had been one of you , i should have found the same my self . upon wednesday the thirteenth of august , 1679. at the assizes held at stafford , for the county of stafford ; william atkins was brought to his tryal for being a seminary priest , before the right honourable sir william scroggs , knight , lord chief justice . the court proceeded to his tryal in like manner as in the former , there being the same jury . cl. arr. goaler , set up william atkins to the bar. cryer , make proclamation . cl. arr. gentlemen of the jury , look on the prisoner and hearken to his cause . you shall understand that he stands indicted by the name of william atkins late of wolverhampton in the county of stafford , gent. for that he being born within the kingdom of england , the fifth day of december , in the thirtieth year of the reign of our soveraign lord king charles the second , by the grace of god of england , scotland , france , and ireland king , defender of the faith , &c. then being a seminary priest ; made , professed , and ordained by the authority and jurisdiction challenged , pretended , and derived from the see of rome ; the said fifth day of december in the year aforesaid within this kingdom of england , viz. at wolverhampton aforesaid in the county aforesaid , traiterously did come , was , and did remain against the form of the statute in that case made and provided ; and against the peace of our soveraign lord the king , his crown and dignity . upon this indictment he hath been arraigned , and thereunto pleaded not guilty ; and for his tryal he hath put himself upon god and his country , which country you are . your charge is to enquire whether he be guilty of the high treason whereof he stands indicted or not guilty : if you find him guilty , you are to enquire what lands , goods , or tenements he had at the time of the high treason committed , or at any time since ; if you find not guilty , you are to enquire whether he did flee for the same : if you find he did flee for the same , you are to enquire what lands , goods , or tenements he had at the time of such flight , or at any time since ; if you find him not guilty nor that he did flee for the same , you are to say so and no more , and hear your evidence . cl. arr. cryer , call the witnesses ; call william jackson , francis wilden , jo. jarvis , &c. swear jackson , which was done . l. ch. j. come friend , what can you say concerning atkins the prisoner being a priest ? jack . my lord , i can say nothing at all , i was there when he was apprehended , and bound over to prosecute him . cl. arr. cryer , swear francis wilden , which was done . l. ch. j. what can you say concerning atkins being a priest ? w. my lord , i have seen him at prayers . l. ch. j. was he in a surplice then ? w. yes my lord. l. ch. j. did you ever see him say mass ? w. i cannot tell . l. ch. j. in what language were his prayers ? w. in an unknown tongue . l. ch. j. were they in latin ? w. i cannot tell , my lord , i am not a scholar good enough to know . l. ch. j. are you a papist ? w. i have been a protestant since christmas . l. ch. j. 't is the principle of a protestant to tell down right truth , and the principle of a papist is to equivocate ; come speak truth and your conscience will be lighter : did you ever see atkins deliver the sacrament in a wafer , according to the manner and way of the church of rome ? w. my lord , i never received it of him my self , but i have seen him give it to others . l. ch. j. where ? w. at mrs. stanfords , at wolverhampton . l. ch. j. to how many ? w. to seven or eight at a time . l. ch. j. was he in a surplice then ? w. yes my lord. l. ch. j. i do not know whether the prisoner can hear what the witness says , 't is fit he should know : the prisoner being told , he replied he knew not the witness . cl. arr. swear john jarvis , cryer , my lord , he refuseth to be sworn . l. ch. j. jarvis , why will you not be sworn ? jer. my lord , i was troubled with a vision the last night . l. ch. j. you mistake friend , old men dream dreams , 't is young men see visions , and you are an old man : speak the truth , and i 'll warrant you , you will not be troubled with visions any more , this is a trick of the priests . swear him cryer , which was done . l. ch. j. come jarvis , what can you say ? jar. my lord , he is a man that hath relieved me and my children oftentimes when i was in want . l. ch. j. did you ever hear him say mass ? jar. my lord , i am an ignorant man ; i cannot tell : i have heard him say somewhat in an unknown tongue . l. ch. j. did you ever confess to him ? jar. yes , my lord , i did . l. ch. j. did you ever receive the sacrament of him according to the manner of the church of rome ? jar. yes my lord i have , i must speak the truth . l. ch. j. how often ? jar. a great many times . l. ch. j. and had he not his priests habit on when he gave it you ? jar. yes my lord , he had . cl. arr. cryer , call joan wright , who was called but did not appear . call henry brown , who appeared and was sworn . l. ch. j. come mr. brown , what can you say against the prisoner ? did you ever receive the sacrament of him , or hear him say mass ? br. my lord , i was almost turned from the protestant religion to that of the church of rome ; but i never went further than confession , and that was to this man , and then i left them . l. ch. j. indeed you were the wiser . cl. arr. cryer , call tho. dudley who was sworn . l. ch. j. what can you say against the prisoner ? dud. i was a little given that way , and have been at confession with one atkins , and have seen him perform several rites of the church of rome at well head , at ham. l. ch. j. do you believe this to be the man ? dud. yes my lord i do . l. ch. j. have you any more to say ! dud. no my lord. l. ch. j. read the statute . which was done . have you witnesses atkins , or any thing to say for your self ? p. no my lord. l. ch. j. look you gentlemen of the jury , here is as full and as positive an evidence as can be against the prisoner : the two first witnesses , wilden and jarvis , are positive . wilden swears he heard him say his prayers in an unknown tongue ; and further says , that he gave the sacrament to seven or eight according to the manner of the church of rome in a wafer , at mrs. stamford's house in wolverhampton . jarvis the other witness , swears that he hath been at confession with him , and hath oftentimes received the sacrament of him . here are two other honest men , that speak very full as to circumstances ; so that in the whole you cannot have a more clear evidence : and gentlemen , i must tell you , it is to these sorts of men we owe all the troubles and hazards we are in , the fear of the kings life , the subversion of our government , and the loss of our religion . it is notorious by what they have done , that they are departed from the meekness and simplicity of christs doctrine , and would bring in a religion of blood and tyranny amongst us . as if god almighty were some omnipotent mischief , that delighted and would be served with the sacrifices of humane blood . i need not say more to you , the matter 's plain ; i think you need not stir from the bar , but do as you will. the jury having considered of the evidence some time , gave in their verdict . cl. arr. gentlemen of the jury are you agreed of your verdict ? jury , yes . cl. arr. who shall say for you ? jury , the foreman . cl. arr. goaler , set up william atkins , ( which was done . ) gentlemen of the jury look on the prisoner , what say you , is he guilty of the high treason whereof he stands indicted , or not guilty ? jury , guilty . cl. arr. what lands , goods , or tenements had he ? jury , none to our knowledge . cl. arr. look to him goaler , he is found guilty of high treason . the sentence . you the prisoners at the bar shall be conveyed from 〈◊〉 to the place from whence you came , and from thence that you be drawn to the place of execution upon hurdles , that there you be severally hanged by the neck , that you be cut down alive , that your privy members be cut off and your bowels taken out and burnt in your view ; that your heads be severed from your bodies , that your bodies be divided into quarters , and those quarters be disposed at the kings pleasure : and the god of infinite mercy be merciful to your souls . on monday the fourth day of august , at hereford ; charles kerne was brought to the bar , and being arraigned , he pleaded not guilty to the indictment : then the court ( after the usual formalities performed ) proceeded to the tryal of him , as followeth . cl. arr. gentlemen of the jury , look upon the prisoner and hearken to his cause : you shall understand that he stands indicted by the name of charles kerne , late of the parish of webly in the county of hereford , gent. for that he being born within the kingdom of england , the twenty ninth day of april in the thirty first year of the reign of our soveraign lord king charles the second , by the grace of god , of england , scotland , france , and ireland , king , defender of the faith , &c. then being a seminary priest , made , professed , and ordained by the authority and jurisdiction challenged , pretended , and derived from the see of rome , the said twenty ninth day of april in the year aforesaid , within this kingdom of england , ( viz. ) at webly aforesaid in the county aforesaid , traiterously did come , was , and did remain against the form of the statute in that case made and provided ; and against the peace of our soveraign lord the king , his crown and dignity . upon this indictment he hath been arraigned , and thereunto pleaded not guilty ; and for his tryal hath put himself upon god and his country , which country you are . your charge is to enquire whether he be guilty of the high treason whereof he stands indicted or not guilty : if you find him guilty , you are to enquire what lands , goods , or tenements he had at the time of the treason committed , or at any time since ; if you find him not guilty , you are to enquire whether he did flee for the same : if you find he did flee for the same , you are to enquire what lands , tenements , or goods , he had at the time of such flight , or at any time since ; if you find him not guilty , nor that he did flee for the same , you are to say so and no more , and hear your evidence . cl. arr. call edward biddolph , who was sworn . l. ch. j. give the jury pen , ink , and paper . l. ch. j. biddolph , do you know mr. kerne ? bid. i do not know him now : i did know such a man about six years ago , i have seen him once or twice at mr. somersets at bollingham about six years ago . l ch. j. how long is 't ago since you saw him last ? bid. about a year . l. ch. j. had you any discourse with him ? bid. no , i never had any . l. ch. j. look on the prisoner , can you say that is the man ? bid. no my lord , i cannot . l. ch. j. can you say you ever saw or knew him ? bid. i cannot . l. ch. j. set him down . call another witness . cl. arr. swear margaret edwards , which was done . l. ch. j. do you know mr. kerne ? edwards . yes , my lord , i do . l. ch. j. how long have you known him ? edwards . five or six years . l. ch. j. where did you know him ? edwards . at sarnffield , at mrs. monington's . l. ch. j. were you a servant there ? edwards . no , i went thither about business . l. ch. j. where did you first see him ? edwards . at mr. wigmore's of lucton . l. ch. j. had you any discourse with him there ? edwards . no. l. ch. j. how came you to see him at mrs. monington's ? edwards . my lord , one james harris's wife being very sick , i was desired by him to go to mrs. anne monington to seek some remedy for her : he desired me the rather , for that she being a papist , and i of the same religion ; he believed for that reason she would be the more kind to her . l. ch. j. were you a papist then ? edwards . yes my lord. l. ch. j. well , what said mrs. monington to you ? edwards . my lord , she told me she was glad that they had sent me , for that she did not care to discourse the distempers of a woman to a man. l. ch. j. well go on . edwards . my lord , after she had discoursed to me concerning the sick woman , she desired me to go with her , which i did ; and she brought me into the chappel , where i saw mr. kerne in his robes . l. ch. j. were there any more in the room besides him ? edwards . yes , my lord , four or five : he was in his robes and surplice , and was at the altar , and gave the sacrament to the rest , but i did not receive it . l. ch. j. what did you see him do ? edwards . i saw him give the sacrament . l. ch. j. what did he say ? edwards . he said corpus christi , or some such words . l. ch. j. did you see him deliver the wafers ? edwards . yes my lord. l. ch. j. to how many ? edwards . to four . l. ch. j. you swear positively to four : did they confess to him ? edwards . yes i believe they did . l. ch. j. did you ever see him since ? edwards . no my lord , i never saw him between that and this . l. ch. j. did you ever receive the sacrament before , and of whom ? edwards . yes i received several times : the first time was of mr. duffres , next of mr. kemble , then of mr. rowenhill , mr. standish , mr. morgan , mr. trindal ; i have received from mr. draycot at mr. berrington's , i have received at mr. blounts , but the last time was from mr. jennings at mr. wigmore's house . pris . my lord , i desire she may be askt whether she came to mrs. monington's of her own accord , or was sent for physick ? edw. i was sent . p. did the man send you or his wife ? edwards . the man. p. have a care what you say , harris's wife is here to trapan you . l. ch. j. give good words , you begin to triumph too soon . woman , was it harris or his wife sent you ? edwards . it was harris himself that desired me to go , because i might have more favour , being a papist . p. where did that harris live ? edwards . at lempster . p. i am satisfied , 't was a mistake , i thought it had been harris of lawton she had meant . l. ch. j. will you ask her any thing else ? p. i desire to know the time when she saw me at mrs , monington's . edwards . it was in last may was twelvemonth , the twenty ninth day to the best of my memory . l. ch. j. do you take it to be certain , or do you believe it only that it was that day ? edwards . my lord , i am certain it was that very day , for the woman died that day , and that day is writ on the gravestone . p. i desire to know of her whether she was ever askt upon her oath , whether she was ever at mrs. monington's since that time . edwards . i was not there since , nor ever askt the question to the best of my knowledge . l. ch. j. what a question is that ? p. 't is very remarkable , for she was askt by a jury-man last assizes , it was not upon the tryal , but before the grand jury , and she denied then that she was ever at mrs. monington's in her life . edwards . i have been there above twenty times . p. call roger hyet . l. ch. j. by and by your defence will be proper , in the mean time , what will you ask her more ? p. i desire to ask her what discourse she had with mary jones , the other witness , for she has been instructing her what to say ; and that they may be examined asunder , ( which was granted . ) l. ch. j. what discourse had you with the other woman ? edwards . my lord , she told me that she had never in all her life been before a judge or justice of peace , and that she was afraid of coming before one , for she did not know how to behave her self . l. ch. j. did you tell her what she shouly say ? edw. no my lord. l. ch. j. what did you say to her ? edwards . i told her that she would hear her name call'd , and then she must answer , and i bid her have a care that she spoke what she knew , and no more or less than the truth . l. ch. j. did she tell you what she could say ? edwards . she did . l. ch. j. what ? edwards . that she lived at mr. somerset's where mr. kerne usually was , and that several people used to come thither and go up stairs into the chamber ; and she went once to hearken , and she heard mr. kerne say something in latin , which she said was mass . p. here is a material question to ask this witness . i desire to know where this woman saw me first . edwards . at mr. wigmore's of lucton , as they told me it was him , for i did not know his name . p. i would know if the man she saw at mrs. monington's , was the same person she saw at lucton ? edwards . to the best of my knowledge it was . p. i never was at lucton in all my life . l. ch. j. call the other woman , you shall now see how these women agree . cl. arr. call mary jones . cryer , swear her , ( which was done . ) p. i desire they may be examin'd apart . l. ch. j. let the other woman go out . l. ch. j. when was the first time you saw margaret edwards ? jones . yesterday , and again to day . l. ch. j. did she tell you and instruct you what you should say against the prisoner ? jones . no my lord. l. ch. j. did you tell her what you could say against him ? jones . no. l. ch. j. did not you tell her that you lived at mr. somerset's , and that several people used to come thither and go up stairs into the chamber , and that once you went up to hearken , and heard mr. kerne say mass ? jones . she did say so to me , but i did not answer her any thing . l. ch. j. did she ask where you saw mr. kerne ? jones . yes . l. ch. j. where , at bollingham ? jones . i did tell her that i saw him at bollingham , and that i heard him say somewhat aloud , i think it was latin. l. ch. j. how you answer ? i askt you but just now , whether you told her that you saw mr. kerne at mr. somerset's house , and that you went up to hearken , and heard him say somewhat in latin ? and you then said you did not , and now you say you did . jones . she spoke to me first about it , and i did but answer . l. ch. j. what , did she ask you what you could say against mr. kerne ? jones . yes . l. ch. j. and what did you tell her you could say ? jones . i told her , that one sunday morning several people came to bollingham out of the town and out of the country , and went up after him , and he said somewhat aloud that i did not understand . l. ch. j. did you not tell margaret edwards that you heard him say mass ? jones . no my lord. l. ch. j. call margaret edwards again . margaret edwards , did mary jones tell you that she heard mr. kerne say mass ? edwards . yes my lord. l. ch. j. now , mary jones , what say you ? did not you tell her that you heard the prisoner say mass ? jones . no , i am sure i did not , for i never heard the word before , nor do not know what it means . l. ch. j. the one witness says she did not name mass , for she did not understand what it was ; the other says she did , so they contradict one another in that . l. ch. j. mary jones , when did you see mr. kerne ? jones . seven or eight years ago . l. ch. j. where ? jones . at mr. somerset's at bollingham , he lived there half a year . l. ch. j. what did you see him do ? jones . one sunday morning i was busie a washing the rooms , and i saw several people follow him into the chamber . j. ch. j. did you see him do any thing ? jones . no , i heard him say somewhat aloud which i did not understand . l. ch. j. how neer were you to him ? jones . there was only a wall between . l. ch. j. did you ever see him give a wafer , marry , or christen ? jonss . no my lord , there was a child christned in the house . l. ch. j. who christned it ? jones . i cannot tell . there was no one there but my master and mistriss , mr. latchet and his wife , and mr. kerne : i was in the next room , and i heard words spoken by the voice of mr. kerne . l. ch. j. what can you say more ? jones . i wash'd a surplice . l. ch. j. whose was it , the prisoners ? jones . i cannot tell , because i did not see it on his back . p. how could you know a voice ? jones . very easily , there was but a wall between . p. was there no room between ? jones . no , there was not . l. ch. j. the woman speaks sensibly , if you have done asking questions , you had best call your witnesses . pris . call mr. hyet . l. ch. j. mr. hyet , you cannot be sworn , but you must speak the truth as much as if you were : well , what can you say ? hyet . i askt margaret edwards if she had been at mrs. monington's : she said she had ; i askt her if she knew mr. kerne ? she said she did not . l. ch. j. was she upon her oath when you askt her this ? hyet . no my lord. l. ch. j. have you any more witnesses ? pris . call mr. weston's maid . l. ch. j. what can you say ? west . m. i saw those two women talking together , and that woman instructed the other what she should say . l. ch. j. what say you to this ? edw. and jones . my lord , we did not . l. ch. j. look you , they both deny it on their oaths . l. ch. j. how often between the first time and the twenty ninth of may was twelvemonth , did you see mr. kerne ? edwards . twice or thrice in weobly . l. ch. j. what can you say for your self ? pris . my lord , i am very happy that i receive my tryal before your lordship . l. ch. j. come , setting aside your apologies , tell what you have to say ; if you have any more witnesses , call them . pris . my lord , here are several witnesses who will prove that that woman was never at mrs. monington's . l. ch. j. that 's very improbable ; but call whom you will. pris . my lord , here 's mrs. monington , the person she pretends shewed her up , will swear she never saw the woman in her life ; and upon my salvation i never saw either of them before . l. ch. j. mrs. monington , the law will not allow you to be sworn , but i presume that a person of your quality will speak the truth , as much as if you were upon your oath . do you know margaret edwards ? mrs. mon. my lord , i do not . l. ch. j. woman , tell mrs. monington from whom you came . edwards . i came from james harris of lempster . l. ch. j. mrs. monington , do you know james harris of lempster ? mrs. mon. my lord , i do not . l. ch. j. do you remember that about may was twelvemonth this woman came to you for physick for a woman that was sick ? mrs. mon. a great many people come to me on that errand , so that it is impossible for me to remember any particular person . l. ch. j. did you ever take up that woman to hear mass ? mrs. mon. that i am sure i did not , for i never took up any stranger in my life . l. ch. j. did mrs. mon. know you by face or by name ? edwards . i had been at the house several times , but this time i was carried up to mrs. monington by mary lewis her maid : mrs. monington told me that she was very glad that i was sent , for she said she would not give the man so just an account because he was a man. l. ch. j. mrs. mon. do you remember this ? mrs. mon. this is frequent . edwards . then she told me that i must put a plaister of diapalma to the womans back , and give her a drink of malt with raisins , &c. mrs. mon. as for the plaister , 't is possibly i may prescribe it , but the drink is no receipt of mine . edwards . my lord , the maid when i came in , was making a cheese in the dairy , and i askt for mrs. monington , and she told me she was within , and straightway brought me up to her : mrs. monington in a little time fell into discourse with me about religion ; and understanding what i was , desired me to go into the chamber with her . l. ch. j. what kind of chappel was it ? edwards . i will give an account of it as well as i can remember : when we came up stairs , we turn'd in at a door on the right hand the altar stood just before the door ; it was richly adorn'd , the altar-cloth was white , and a fine crucisix on the altar . mrs. mon. what were the cushions of ? edwards . as i remember they were needle-work . l. ch. j. what was the chappel adorn'd with ? edwards . with abundance of pictures : i think the window was on the left hand of the altar . mrs. mon. she has fail'd in the first description , for we go not off the stairs into the chappel , as she says ; neither is it adorn'd in the manner as she says it is , nor is there any needle-work . here is a maid that i deliver all my medicines to , that perhaps can give a better account whether this woman were at my house , than i can . l. ch. j. call the maid . you wait on mrs. monington , did you ever see that woman ? maid . no. l. ch. j. i 'll shew you how you shall remember her : she came to mrs. monington on the behalf of one harris's wife , and askt if she were within , and you carried her to your mistriss . edwards . my lord , i was there several times besides this , for i carried the child mr. thomas monington thither several times . l. ch. j. do you remember this ? mrs. mon. i do not remember that she ever brought the child to me , but another . edw. my lord , i always lay with him , and tended him , and carried him abroad . l. ch. j. if you have any thing more to say , speak . what say you for your self ? pris . i hope your lordship will summ up the evidence . l. ch. j. that i will : i will tell the jury all i can remember on both sides ; i will not shed innocent blood , neither will i help the guilty ; for i , by the duty of my place , am counsel for the prisoner in all things fit and legal . pris . i desire the statute may be read . l. ch. j. let it be read . what statute do you mean , that of 27 eliz ? pris . yes my lord. then the statute was read . pris . now gentlemen , i desire you to take into consideration whether my blood shall be drawn by the evidence of a woman , that says she saw me give a wafer ; or on that evidence of the other , who says she heard me read she knows not what through a wall : my lord , it is an oppression that statutes should be construed otherwise than they are intended . i hope my lord , that the statute will not take hold of a man for saying mass , for many say masses that are not in order . l. ch. j. it is one of the greatest evidence to prove a man to be a priest that can be , for we cannot think of bringing witnesses who saw you take orders : do any say mass but priests ? is it lawful for any one but a priest to say mass ? pris . that of bread and wine they do not , but the other they do . l. ch. j. do any bury or christen but priests ? pris . yes they do in extremis ; and , my lord , i do acknowledge that tread prayers sometimes , and sometimes others did it . and i desire your lordship and the jury will take notice , that i have taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy . l. ch. j. is that all you have to say ? pris . yes , my lord. l. ch. j. then gentlemen of the jury , the matter you are to try is , whether charles kerne the prisoner at the bar , be a popish priest : an englishman i suppose he does not deny himself to be ; the question is then if he be a romish priest ? if so , he is guilty of high treason by the statute of 27 of eliz. this was a law made for the preservation of the queen , for the preservation of our religion , and for the preservation of all protestants . the witnesses are margaret edwards and mary jones : margaret says , the first time that she saw the prisoner was at mr. wigmore's , who told her it was mr. kerne ; and she says that she hath seen him several times since ; twice or thrice at weobley , and the last time was the twenty ninth of may was twelvemonth at mrs. monington's , where she saw him deliver the wafer , which is the sacrament , to four persons that were there , but she her self did not receive it ; and then she gives you an account of the reason of her coming then to mrs. monington's , which was at the request of one harris whose wife was sick , to seek some remedy from mrs. monington for the sick woman : she tells you how the maid brought her up to her mistriss , how she acquainted her with her errand , what advice mrs. monington gave her for the sick woman , and how that mrs. monington understanding what religion she was of , took her into the chappel , whereof she gives you a description . 't is very probable she may go on such an errand , and yet mrs. monington not know her ; but mrs. monington cannot positively say , but believes she was never there : mr. kerne , i suppose , will not deny but that he who gives the wafer is a priest . pris . there is blessed bread which others may give . l. ch. j. when you give such bread , do you not say accipe corpus christi ? pris . we use no such words . ( but it appeared upon his own repeating of the latin words they used upon the giving the sacrament , that those were part of the words . ) l. ch. j. the prisoner made an offer to prove some disagreement between the witnesses ; 't is true , they did differ in some small things , as the saying the word mass , but from hence can no great matter be infer'd against the evidence ; so here is one positive evidence . there must indeed be two witnesses ; now the question will be about the second womans testimony : she says she knew mr. kerne about eight years ago , when she lived at mr. somersets , and that mr. kerne lived in the house about half a year : she tells you that she hath seen several persons come thither , and amongst the rest she says , that one sunday morning several persons came thither and went up with mr. kerne , and that she was so curious as to hearken , and did hear mr. kerne say something in an unknown tongue : kerne objects that she could not know it was his voice , but for that , i think men are easily distinguished by their voices , but that i must leave to your consideration . but now the main question will be , what it was she heard him say ? mr. kerne says that in times of straitness , persons that are not priests may read prayers , and so perhaps he may be then reading the collects . but then again : she says there was a child christned in the house , and no one there but mr. somerset and his wife , mr. latchet and his wife , and mr. kerne , to do it : she did not see him christen it , and 't is true likewise what he says , that in their church they allow others , as midwives , to christen in extremis ; not that he confesses he did christen . l. ch. j. call mary jones again . mary jones , was it a sickly child ? jones . no , my lord. l. ch. j. then that is answered : so that if you believe that he did christen the child , there are two witnesses against him : i must leave it with you as a tender point on both sides ; i would not shed innocent blood , neither would i willingly let a popish priest escape : there is one positive witness , and if you believe upon the womans hearing his voice , that he did say mass , or did christen , for i must confess she says she did not see him christen , then you must find him guilty : so i leave it to you upon the whole matter . the jury return'd and were call'd over . william barret , &c. cl. arr. goaler , set up charles kerne . gentlemen , are you agreed of your verdict ? jury . yes . cl. who shall say for you ? jury . the foreman . cl. look upon the prisoner : what say you , is charles kerne guilty of the high treason whereof he stands indicted , or not guilty ? foreman , not guilty . finis . there is lately printed the lord chief justice scroggs his speech , in the king's bench , the first day of this michaelmas term , 1679. occasioned by the many libellous pamphlets which are published against law , to the scandal of the government and publick justice . together with what was declared at the same time on the same occasion , in open court , by mr. justice jones , and mr. justice dolbin . sold by robert pawlett at the bible in chancery lane. an act for securing of the protestant religion as it was passed in the parliament of scotland, on saturday, august 13, 1681. scotland. 1681 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a58564 wing s1099 estc r6422 13704194 ocm 13704194 101463 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a58564) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101463) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 848:29) an act for securing of the protestant religion as it was passed in the parliament of scotland, on saturday, august 13, 1681. scotland. scotland. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) for andrew forrester ..., printed at london : 1681. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -law and legislation. protestantism -scotland. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 scott lepisto sampled and proofread 2009-01 scott lepisto text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an act for securing of the protestant religion , as it was past in the parliament of scotland , on saturday august 13. 1681. our soveraign lord considering how necessary it is for securing the protestant religion , and that all his good subjects may be fully assured that the popish religion shall never be introduced or tolerat in this kingdom ; and that the many excéllent laws made in favours of his protestant subjects are of the protestant religion against popery , may attain the affected execution : that none but true and sencere protestants exercise any publick trust within this kingdom ; and that no iesuit , priest , nor trafiquing papist , who may withdraw or withold his subjects from the protestant religion , be suffered to be or abyd in this kingdom . and seeing the acts for excluding papists from publick trust have no special penalties adjected thereto , and that there may be a clear test to discover papists ; therefore his majesty , with advice and consent of his estates of parliament , statutes and declares , that whosoever being required by any minister of the church or magistrate of the kingdom , do not subscribe the confession of faith subjoyned to the third act of the first parliament of king james 6. shall be holden and reputed papists ; or who shall refuse to swear the oath subjoyned to the said confession , and signe the same in this form : i — or — we do declare and swear by the eternal god , whom we call to be judge and witness of our sincerity herein , that we assent to the said confession of faith according to the ordinary meaning of the word , without equivocation , mental reservation , and without accepting any dispensation , that we shall never endeavour or consent to any alteration of the foresaid confession of faith. and his majesty , with consent and advice foresaid , statutes and ordains , that all who now are in any publick trust , shall betwixt and the day of next to come , take the said test in some of the places wherein they serve , and report the same to his majesties privy council , and that all who shall hereafter at any time be admitted to any place , office , commission , or employment , ecclesiastical , civil , or military , shall at their entry thereto take the said test , and renew the same when required , under the paine of confiscation of their lands , which his majesty now as then annexes to the crown ; and shall confiscat all sums of money heretable or movable , and all movable goods , for the use under-written . like as his majesty with consent foresaid , ordains all the ministers who are or shall be in this church , to declare upon oath to their ordinary at each diocesion meeting , whom they know or suspect within their several parichons to be in orders or monastick vows of the church of rome , or other trafiquing papists whom they know or suspect to be the ressetters or hearers of them say mass or preach , and where their residence or haunts are ; and whom they know or suspect to be papists in their several paroches : and that the bishops call before them the persons so delated , and use their best endeavours to convince them of their errour , and unite them to this protestant church , and offer to them the foresaid test ; and in case of their absence and obstinacy , that they proceed to excommunication : and that they yearly send an account of their diligence to his majesties privy-council , in the moneth of november ; and that they give a list of the persons delated to all the iudges ordinary in burghs or landwards within their respective diocies ; who are hereby ordained to take all other tryal for the discovery of those in orders or monastick vows of the church of rome , and other trafiquing papists , or other papists : and that they take the oaths of all members of the kirck-session , except the minister , within the several iurisdictions , for making of the like declaration once at least every year ; and that they use all diligence to put the laws in execution against the persons discovered or delated , as afforesaid : and that they return account of their diligence to his majesties privy-council once every year in the moneth of november , beginning in november next , with certification that whosoever shall fail in their respective diligences above-written , shall omit their years benefice or stipend , and the said magistrates that years rent , in which they shall happen to fail to diligences , as afforesaid . likeas his majesty , with consent foresaid , declares , that all escheats , life-rents , and other penalties that shall befal by the execution of this statute , or any of the former statutes against papists , except the lands to which they have redeemable right , shall belong and be divided in manner following ; viz. one third part of the sums whereon infeftment have not followed , to the poor of the paroch where the party transgresses and resides , and the movable goods to the poor of the paroches when they are found ; and the sums whereupon infeftment or other affectable diligence lies followed , to the poor of the paroch where such lands lie respective , except of the life-rent of such papists who are not amongst the trafiquers before innumerat , which may be gifted as his majesty shall see fit : an● another third part of the saids confiscations , to belong to the vniversities and colledges , viz. all within the vniversity of st. andrews , to the vniversity of st. andrews ; except the diocies of esr . to the colledges of esr . and the diocies of aberdeen and morray , to the colledges of aberdeen ; and all within the province of glasgow , to the colledge of glasgow : and the other third part of the foresaids confiscationes , to belong to publick works of the several shires , to ●e applied and managed by the iudges ordinary , as iustices of peace , or commissioners of excise , when there are no iustices of the peace : and ordains all persons who are intrusted for the said societies pensions and vses , to be liable for diligence to make the same effectual . and further his majesty , with advice and consent foresaid , statutes and ordains and declares , that all kings and queens who shall succeed to the imperial crown of this kingdom in time coming , at the entry to their government , and also at their coronation , shall promise and swear in presence of the eternal god , whom they call as iudge and witness of their sincere meaning and intention , to observe , without dispensation from any creature , the oath contained in the eighth act of the first parliament of king james 6. and shall also swear , that they shall not endeavour or consent to the alteration or change of the protestant religion , nor to the abrogation or derogation of the laws made for the same : that they preserve and defend this protestant church in the just rights and priviledges thereof , as now by law established : that they shall give no grant of any trust , office , or employment within this church or kingdom , but whom they believe to be of the true protestant religion : and that they shall always allow & never hinder the standing and executing of the laws for removing of priests or others in orders or monastick vows to the church of rome , out of any office , place , or trust , or employment eclesiastick , civil , or military , within this kingdom ; and shall invincibly preserve the liberty and property of the subjects of this kingdom , as the lord and father of mercy shall be merciful to them : and ordains , that any regent , tutor , or governor , that shall be named to and king or queen in this kingdom , shall take the foresaid oath at their entry to their government ; which oaths shall be written and subscribed at the times of taking thereof above-written , and shall be registred and recorded in the books of parliament , privy-council , and sessions . and likewise his majesty , with consent foresaid , statutes and ordains , that the nearest person to himself of the royal family , shall solemnly swear that he shall never endeavour or consent to the alteration of the protestant religion in this kingdom , or to the abrogation of the laws made for the same , and shall never hinder the standing and executing of the laws made for removing out of this kingdom all priests and others in orders and monastical vows of the church of rome , and other trafiquing papists who shall endeavour to withdraw the subjects of this kingdom from the protestant religion ; or the laws made for removing from all places of trust in this kingdom in church , state , or armies , any person whatsoever that shall not subscribe the confession of faith and oath subjoyned thereto ; which is hereby declared sufficient in place of any other test for exercising and injoyning any place or office civil or military within this kingdom . and that whensoever any other who shall hereafter become nearest to the king in the blood-royal for the time being major , or attaining that age , he shall then immediately swear and subscribe the foresaid oath ; which oath shall be recorded in the books of parliament , council , and session . printed at london for andrew forrester , in kings street , westminster . 1681. a sermon preached in london by a faithfvll minister of christ, and perfected by him and now set forth to the publike view of all for the ivstification of the truth and clearing the innocencie of his long suffering for it. walker, george, 1581?-1651. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67115 of text r27052 in the english short title catalog (wing w363). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 42 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67115 wing w363 estc r27052 09626655 ocm 09626655 43858 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67115) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43858) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1345:9) a sermon preached in london by a faithfvll minister of christ, and perfected by him and now set forth to the publike view of all for the ivstification of the truth and clearing the innocencie of his long suffering for it. walker, george, 1581?-1651. 17 p. printed by margery mar-prelate, [london] : 1642. attributed by wing to george walker. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. eng church and state -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. puritans -sermons. a67115 r27052 (wing w363). civilwar no a sermon preached in london by a faithfull minister of christ. and perfected by him: and now set forth to the publike view of all, for the i walker, george 1641 7986 7 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached in london by a faithfvll minister of christ . and perfected by him : and now set forth to the pvblike view of all , for the ivstification of the truth , and clearing the innocencie of his long suffering for it , act. 5. 29. we ought to obey god rather then men . printed by margery mar-prelate . 1641. a sermon preached in london by a faithfvll minister of christ . gen . 3. 17. because thou hast hearkned to the voyce of thy wife , and hast eaten of the tree of which i commanded , saying , thou shalt not eate of it , cursed is the ground , &c. vvhen adams eating of the forbidden fruit , was so manifest by his nakednesse , shame , and feare of gods presence , that he could not hide it , nor deny it , hee had no excuse but onely this , that the woman whom god had given to be an helpe meet for him , shee gave him of the tree and he did eate , vers. 11. some perhaps will thinke that this was a sufficient excuse for adams part ; for why should not he respect her , and hearken to her voyce whom god had given him for a meet helpe ? what affection of men and women one to another can be so great as the affection of adam to his wife ? she was bone of his bone , and flesh of his flesh , chap. 2. 23. framed and made of a rib taken out of his side , in the same image of god with him , and was his second selfe , the queene and lady of the inferiour world , who had with him equall dominion and rule over all visible creatures in the earth , and in the sea ; why then should not adam be excused for his eating , seeing hee did it not of himselfe , nor by the perswasion and example of any other , but one by his wife , and out of respect and affection to her , and to her words and voice . but the text here shewes , that no such excuse could free him from the foul staine of sinne in the eyes of god the righteous iudge of all the earth . for as the eating it selfe contrary to gods commandment , so the hearkning to the voyce of his wife , and respecting her and her perswasion more then the word of god , is laid to his charge as a sin , and an heavie curse is laid on the ground for his sake , and many grievous paines and sorrowes on him and all his posterity , yea and death it selfe also , as a just punishment of his transgressions ; because thou hast hearkned ( saith god ) to the voyce of thy wife , &c. cursed is the ground for thy sake . the consideration whereof offers to us this generall doctrine . that no affection or respect to any man , no word , command , or threatning of greatest kings and potentates , no perswasion of them that are most neere and deare , no importunity of them to whom men are most obliged in love and duty for many great favours , can excuse any act which thereby they are drawne to doe against the commandement of god , from the foule staine of sinne , nor the doers of such an act , from the guilt of sinfull transgression : or to expresse it in fewer words briefly , no affection of one man to another , whether feare or dread of superiours , or reverence of benefactors , or love of them that are most neer and deare , can excuse any person from the guilt of sinne before god , when by them he is moved and drawne to doe a thing which god hath forbidden in his word and law . if any such affection or respect could excuse any unlawfull act before god , then had adams excuse been very good , for the reasons before named , ( viz. ) because hee did eate by the perswasion of his wife , who deserved more love and respect at his hand then any fraile sinfull person of all his posterity can be worthy of , or expect at the hand of any other : but this excuse was of no force with god ( as heere wee see ) that great and righteous judge , whose will is law , and the rule of justice , pronounceth him guilty and worthy of death , and of all the paines , sorrowes and punishments which are expressed in this verse , and the two next following : and this god is no respecter of persons , but most just to all without partiality to any . wherefore this doctrine holds most true , firme and sure , among all men , even all adams posterity of all ages , and in all nations of the world . for the further illustration whereof , and confirming of our hearts in the truth and stedfast beliefe of it , wee have the plaine word and testimony of god himselfe in his law , deut. 13. where hee gives a strict charge to all his people , under greatest penalties , to take heede , that neither reverence and respect of extraordinary prophets which have certainely foretold before-hand things which afterwards have come to passe , nor the love and affection of any one to his brother , the sonne of his mother , or to his wife which lyeth in his bosome , doe at any time draw them into the transgression of his law by worshipping other gods : and if a whole city be seduced by some wicked person , and drawne to serve strange gods , and the people thereof be found to commit idolatry , ( in which cases many are moved and drawne out of affection and respect , some to superiours , some to parents or masters , some to husbands , or wives , or brethren , or friends , and benefactors ) the lord declares all to bee deeply guilty , foulely stained , and worthy of death , out of what affection or respect soever they are drawne to serve false gods , and adjudgeth them all to the sword ; for he commandeth the whole nation of his people , to destroy every soule therein with the edge of the sword , and to burne all the substance thereof as a cursed thing , and to make the citie an heape , for a terrour to all others . thus wee see god in his law admits no excuse or plea for the breach of his commandement , whether men plead , that the feare and commandement of superiours , ( as judges , magistrates , parents , or masters , or love and respect of husbands , wives , brethren , benefactors , and dearest friends , or reverence of extraordinary prophets , and teachers esteemed for men of god ) did move and perswade them , they shall not be found nor judged innocent . and to this purpose are those words of god in the body of the morall law in the second precept , where he forbids making of any image , of any thing in heaven or earth , to bow downe to it , or to worship it , as being a similitude of him ▪ or a signe of his divine power and presence ; i am ( saith he ) a jealous god , and visit the sinnes of the fathers upon the children to the third and fourth generation of them that hate me . marke the words ; first , the lord saith , i am a jealous god . now jealousie is the indignātion and wrath of some person against those who with-hold and with-draw from him that love and respect which is due to him , and bestow it on others who doe not deserve it , and to whom it is not due : as for example ; when a wife bestowes the love and affection due to her husband upon other men , this provokes him to jealousie , and fills him with anger and indignation against her and her lovers . here god compares himselfe to such a person ; saying , i am a jealous god , which is all one in effect , as if hee had said , i am the lord , the creator of all things , there is no god besides me , no religious or divine worship is to be given to any but to me alone ; and therefore , whosoever gives such honour to any besides me , and doth breake any of my commandements out of feare , love , or other affection and respect to any creature whatsoever , hee provokes me to jealousie : and then , what followes ? i will ( saith he ) visit the sinnes of the fathers upon the children to the third and fourth generation of them that thus hate me . now the meaning of these words is not , that hee will punish the innocent children for the idolary of the parents , for hee is the righteous judge of all the earth , hee will not destroy the righteous and innocent with the wicked and the guilty , gen. 8. 25. he himselfe protesteth with an oath , that the father shall not dye for the child , nor the child for the father , for all soules ( saith hee ) are mine , the soule of the child as well as the soule of the father , ezek. 18. how then can this saying stand , that he will visit the sinnes of the fathers on the children to the third and fourth generation ? surely the meaning is , that because men often times live to see their children and their childrens children to the third and fourth generation , and if they be wicked idolaters , haters of the true god , they are examples of evill to their children , and by exhortations , commandements , and examples draw such children to commit the same sinnes , and their children are led by affection and respect of their evill wayes . and hence it is that the fathers sinnes becomes the sinnes of their children , and the sinnes which the children commit in imitation , and by the perswasion of their fathers , are called the sins of the fathers : and it is no excuse of the children ; that the example , and their respect of their parents did draw them to follow their wayes , but the lord in fury and jealousie will proceed against them as hatefull sinners , and will visit their sinnes upon them : and least any should thinke or imagine , that the justice of god is not so strict in this point now under the gospel , but the rigour thereof is much remitted : wee have a most cleare testimony from the mouth of the chiefest evangelicall preachers and publishers of the gospel ; the holy apostles , wherewith joynt consent and one voyce they protest , that they might not for feare of men , nor upon the commands and threatnings of the chiefe rulers in the church and state of israel transgresse the commandement of christ , and by obeying men , disobey god , acts 4. 19. and 5. 29. yea , though their preaching of the gospel publikely in the temple ( as the angel commanded them from god , acts 5. 20. ) and to all the people in all publike assemblies and their proclaiming of the lord christ ( whom pilate by instigation of the high-priests and elders had condemned , crucified , and slaine ) and their declaring of him to be the just and holy one of god , and the redeemer promised to the fathers , was no lesse then scandalum magnatum in the highest degree , for hereby they brought the bloud of christ on pilate the chiefe governour of the romans , and on them the chiefe rulers of the people , and in that respect they did out of state-policie charge them , and straightly command them , not to preach any more in the name of christ . as our saviour had commanded them , matth. 28. 19. yet peter and the rest of the apostles answered resolately , we ought to obey god rather then you ; and they appealed to themselves ( though most unjust adversaries ) to judge whether it were not right so to doe : and therefore it is as great a sinne now under the gospel , as it was under the law , to breake gods commandements , for feare , or any other affection or respect of men , or upon the commandements and threatnings of the greatest kings and potentates . if you will yet see this truth made more cleare and manifest , look into the examples of those severall persons , and also of those multitudes of people which are noted for great sinners , and were most severely punished for doing wicked acts , contrary to the law of god out of obedience to their rulers , and at the commandement of their kings who had power and authority over them ; the holy scriptures afford many examples of this kind in severall places , where they commend subjects and children for refusing to obey their superiours and parents in things which they commanded against the law of god ; and condemne others for obeying such wicked commandements out of feare , or for any other respect . when king saul commanded ionathan his sonne and all his servants that they should wait for an opportunity to slay david his innocent servant and sonne in law , and gods great and noble champion , he had a faire pretence of state-policie for it ( to wit , that david did steale away the hearts of his people , and aspired to the kingdome , and sought to depose him and to disinherit his sonnes : but because ionathan feared god , hee would not obey his father in murthering an innocent , contrary to gods law , but used all meanes that he could devise to discover his fathers wicked purposes to david , and to reserve him out of his cruell hands ; and this disobeying of the word and threatnings of the king , his father commanding him to slay an innocent , is highly commended in ionathan , and recorded for his praise and honour in the holy history , i sam. 19. so likwise we read that ionathan did ignorantly breake his fathers rash and foolish vow before he knew it , by eating honey which god unexpectedly offered to him when hee was faint and weary in his pursuit of the phihstines , whom hee and his armour bearer had rowted and put to flight , and thereby brought great deliverance to israel ; and when king saul his father for this act done out of inuicible ignorance , adjudged him to death , and swore with a great oath , that hee should dye ; the people of israel his subjects fearing god more then his anger , did not onely abhorre the act , and refuse to yeeld to his commandement , which had some shew and pretence of religion , but also did stand out and oppose themselves against it , and did save and rescue ionathan out of his hands , saying , god forbid that ionathan should dye , as the lord liveth there shall not one haire fall from his head to the ground , for hee hath wroughe with god this day , i sam. 14. 45. which speech of theirs implies , that it had been a great sinne to slay ionathan , as saul their king commanded , or to suffer him to dye for such a cause . but the most pregnant example of all is that of doeg the edomite , sauls chiefe heards-man , i sam. 22. where wee read that when king saul commanded the men of his guard ( whom hee had obliged to him by many preferments and gifts , as his upbraiding words in the seaventh verse seeme to imply , that they should slay the lords innocent preists whome he out of false and unjust suspition and jelousy supposed to conspire with david against him , they would not put forth their hands to fall upon them , as the text saith verse . 17. and doeg the edomite who at the kings commandement slue the preists and mangled and murthered their wives , and children and innocent sucklings , and like a bloudy oppressing tyrant spoyled their city and all their substance , is by the spirit of god in the mouth of david cursed with most dreadfull curses , though hee did these things in obedience to the king his lord , upon whose favour all his preferment did depend , the sentence of judgement passed upon him , psal. 52. that god would destroy him for ever , pluck him out of his dwelling , and root him out of the land of the living , doth most plainely shew , that his act was a most heinous sinne and wickednesse . in like manner when ieroboam commanded the israelites who had chosen him for their king , to worship god who brought them out of aegypt in the images of golden calves , such as aaron had before made at mount horeh , it is said in the text , that he made them to sinne , his command●ment did not excuse them , and their worship of images , neither did god spare to punish them for it , but ( as the prophet hosea testifieth , cap. 5. 11. ) ephraim , ( that is , the israelites of the ten tribes ) was oppressed and broken in judgement , because he willingly walked after the commandement ( that is ) of ieroboam , and also of baasha , and other wicked kings , who walked in the wayes of ieroboam , and made israel to sinne . and although omri , ahab , and iezabel were cruell tyrants , and by statutes , tyrannicall commands , terrours , threatnings , and slaughter of the lords prophets , teachers of gods true worship , did not onely draw ▪ but drive and force israel their people and subjects to worship baal , yet this excused not the peoples idolatry , but the lord threatens them by the prophet micha 6. 16. that because they kept the statutes of omri , and walked in the counsels and wayes of the house of ahab , therefore hee will make the land a desolation , and an hissing and reproach ; and for their forsaking of gods covenant , and worshipping of baal , idols and groves , eliah the man of god accuseth them all as great offenders deeply guilty , saying , the children of israel have forsaken thy covenant and broken downe thine altars , 1 king. 19. 14. and god in his answer to eliahs accusation exempts none from the guilt of these sinnes in all israel , but onely those seveven thousand men who had not been drawne by the terrours , threatnings , and cruell commands of ahab and iezabel to worship baal , but had kept their knees from bowing to him , and their mouthes from kissing him , as we see vers. 18 what man can plead more plausible for any disobedience to any commandement of god , then the man of god which came from iudah to bethel to prophesie against ieroboams altar , might plead for his eating bread and drinking water in that wicked idolatrous place , contrary to gods particular commandement given to him ; first , the thing forbidden , was a matter in it selfe very indifferent , there was no appearance of any evill in it , so long as he did not eate and drinke with infectious and infamous idolaters which might be a snare and scandall to him : secondly , his resolution and endeavour to keep this commandement was such that when king ieroboam thankfully invited him to eate and drinke out of kindnesse for healing his withered hand , he could not be overcome with any intreaty , nor promise of great gifts and rewards . thirdly , when he was seduced and drawne to eate and drinke in the place forbidden , it was the authority of the old prophet , and his respect to his words which he confidently affirmed to be the words of god which perswaded him to returne with him and to eate bread with him ; and yet all this could not excuse this man of god from sinne in doing contrary to gods commandement given to him , for god presently makes the old prophet which deceived him , a messenger of death to declare unto him his untimely death for his disobedience , and that his dead carkasse torne by a lyon should not come to the sepulchre of his fathers , 1 king. 13. whereby it is manifest that no power or authority of any man how fairely soever it is pretended to be from god can excuse any act done against any knowne commandement of god , though it be a commandement of a small indifferent thing , given onely to try mans obedience , but whosoever upon any respect to any creature , or by any perswasion doth transgresse any precept or word of god , he is guilty of sinne and worthy of death before gods just tribunall : sauls letters from the high-priests which gave him a commission and authority to persecute christians did not excuse him from sin though he did it in ignorance and blind zeale for he calls himselfe the greatest of sinners for that act of persecution , 1 tim. 1. 15. but i hold it needlesse to spend time in rehersing more examples to prove this doctrine , though it is of all doctrines the chiefest and most necessary to be beleeved , continually kept in mind , and observed of all adams posterity . i will onely adde one strong and invincible argument and demonstration to convince all men of the truth thereof grounded upon divers solid principles of reason and religion . first , it is a thing which none but atheists can or will deny , that when any creature stands in competition with god , and seekes to bee respected and obeyed before god , and to have his demands and commands yeelded unto , which are contrary to the will and law of god , as he in that case seekes to rob god of his due honour and glory , and to exalt himselfe above god , which is luciserian pride & rebellion ; so they who in such a case obey him , whether for feare , or love , or any respect and affection in a thing contrary to any word or commandement of god , they do undobtedly rob god of his glory and of the honour which properly belongs to him , for god as the creator of all things , and giver of being , life and breath to all creatures severally , who also upholds and preserves them all in being and well being , and sustaines them by his providence ; so he is the chiefe father of all , worthy to be respected , loved , and obeyed above all other parents and benefactors , who are but instruments of his bounty , and subordinate meanes of our being and other benefits : he also by the right both of creation , and also of redemption is the chiefe king , lord , owner and possessor of all things in heaven and earth , to whom all hearts , hands , wills , desires and affections ought to be subject and obedient in all things , and at all times . besides , if we consider god in himselfe as he is revealed in his word and workes to be the one only true jehovah , eternall , omnipotent , immortal , immutable , infinite in goodnesse , bounty , wisdome , mercy , justice , faithfulnesse and truth , most mighty wise and prudent to order , rule and governe all the world , most bountifull to reward all obedience , and most just to punish , and dreadfull and terrible in revenging all disobedience against his word and law ; wee cannot but acknowledge and confesse , that hee is the supreame lord of all lords , king of kings , and the eternally blessed and onely potentate , who is in all things to bee obeyed above all , and before all ; and all lords , kings , fathers , and benefactors are to bee obeyed onely in and under him as his substitutes , subordinate vicegerents , stewards , and messengers , whosoever doe , out of feare , love , or any affection and respect to any creature , doe any thing contrary to his kowne will , word and commandement , they rob him of his honour and glory , set up the creature above the creator , and make it their god , which must needes by all reasonable men be confessed to be a most heinous and grievous sinne worthy of gods wrath and all punishments . this is the solid argument and invincible demonstration which fully proves the doctrine , which i will briefly reduce into the strict forme of a sylogisme , thus , whosoever robs the king , and lord of lords , the blessed and onely potentate and cheife father and authour of all being goodnesse , and bounty , by taking from him the honour and glory which doth properly belong to him , and setteth up the creature and servant above his lord and creator , he is guilty of most heinous sinne and transgression . every one who out of feare , love , or any affection and respect to any creature , doth any act contrary to the revealed will , word , and commandement of god , robbeth thereby god the supream lord , king , father , and benefactor ; and setteth up the creature and servant above his lord and creator . therefore he is guilty in this of heinous sinne and transgression ; and by consequence it followeth necessarily , that ( as this doctrine teacheth ) no feare , threatning , or commandement of earthly potentates , no love , or respect of parents and benefactors can free from the foule staine of sinne in any act , which they draw men to doe contrary to the commandement of god . this doctrine is of speciall use : first , to admonish all gods people to be carefull and diligent above all to know and acknowledge god aright , and to set their hearts and affections chiefly on him as the supreme lord and father of all , and the chiefe author and fountaine of all goodnesse , and to put on a setled resolution to obey all his commandements , though all the world should perswade & command them ro the contrary . it is true that kings , rulers , and potentates of the world are set up by god to rule by him and under him , as his vice-geren●s , stewards , and messengers , and all men who are under them , especiaily christians ( gods free and willing people ) ought to give them all honour and reverence and to feare and obey them for conscience sake in and under god ; the very law of nature binds all men to love , reverence , honour and obey their parents and benefactors , who are gods instruments of their being and well being ; and not onely civility and the common law of nations bindes men to honour and respect them who are honourable in wisdome , gravity , and authority , but religion and gods word teach men to honour and affect such as are prophets , preachers , embassadours and messengers of god unto them : but yet all these are to be loved , feared honoured and respected in and under god , and with feare , love , and affection subordinate to the feare , love , and affection which they have towards god above all : wherefore let all gods people take heed and beware , and carefully looke to it , that they give not too much way to humane passions and affections by regarding and respecting secondary meanes and inferiour causes more then god the first and chiefe cause , author and bountaine of all blessings , or by accustoming themselves to esteeme too highly , or to love , feare and admire too excessively the persons of men , how great , wise , and learned , or how aimiable and honourable soever they appeare in their eyes ; if men once give way so far to the reverence , awe , feare , and dread of earthly kings , rulers and potentates , that they become more affraid of their faces , angry countenances , menacing and threatnings , then of the terrours of gods law and of his wrathfull judgements ; this is that which will draw them to disobey gods word and law , out of respect to mortall men and will bring them under the staine and guilt of unecusable sinne laid open in this text and doctrine : so likewise excessive love , carnall affection , and respect of parents and benefactors ( while men set their eyes and hearts on the things which are visible and sensible , and on the outward meanes more then on the invisible hand , power and goodnesse of god ) may easily supplant them and make them fall in like sort into heinous sinne and inexcusable transgression . but most dangerous of all is that superstitious feare , reverence and respect which men out of blind and undifereet zeale without knowledge doe shew to such as are set over them to rule and direct them in things which concerne god , religion , and godlinesse , and hold the place of prophets , messengers , bishops , wise pastors and learned teachers in gods church ; when men are so enthralled in their wills , and become slaves in their affections , that they are ready to beleeve and embrace whatsoever they hold and teach without proofe from gods word , or examination of things taught by the word or consent with the word and rule of faith , they are in the high way to horrible and dangerous errours and disobedience to the law of god , into which whosoever fall being led by immoderate affection and more then due respect to any persons whatsoever , he may here learne from gods proceeding against adam ( the common father and root of all mankinde ) that god will admit no excuse for breaking any of his commandements out of any respect , or any feare , reverence , love or affection to any persons , how great , wise , learned , honourable or aimiable soever they appeare to him . as adam by his excuse could not turne away the guilt and punishment of his disobedience , but had a curse laid on the ground , and all paines , sorrowes and death it selfe on himselfe and all his posterity : so it shall fare with all adams seed and children in the like case , for there is no respect of persons with god . secondly , this doctrine discovers unto us abundance of error in the judgements , and iniquity in the practice of many worldly-wise and learned men , especially in those state-polititions , admirers of worldly power , greatnesse and authority , who doe thinke and hold , that they may lawfully doe things commanded by such as have the rule over them , without examining whether they be allowed or forbidden in the law of god . if kings and great potentates command them under great penalties , as losse of goods , liberty , or lives , torturing , imprisoning and death to make images of god , and to bow down to images and altars of wood and stone , and to practice superstitious will-worship , or to do as proud and potent nebuchadnezar commanded all his people to worship his image under paine of burning to ashes in an hot firie furnace : or if a law and decree were made ( like that which darius made by the advice of his wicked and malicious princes ) for a snare to gods people , forbidding the true worship of god . it is the common opinion of self-conceited wordlings abundantly wise and politick in their own opinion , that there is no danger in obeying , no feare of unexcusable sin , and that they who are afraid to obey such commands , and to stirre their consciences with guilt of sin by breaking gods law , are too scrupulous , worthy of contempt ; yea that they are mad men , who in such cases wil hazard their lives , goods , or liberty . but the 3. faithfull servants of god , full of the holy spirit were of a contrary opinion and resolution , ( as dan. 3. ) though nebuchadnezar was a mighty potentate , and had highly promoted them to honour and dignity , and the thing which he commanded was only to fall downe and worship his golden image , yet they utterly refused to doe such an act forbiden in gods law , and did rather chuse to yeeld their bodies to death and to be burned in his hot fiery furnace : and so likewise daniel that holy seruant of god , so famous in his time for learning wisdome and favour with god , he regarded not the decree of the wicked princes which restrained him from the worship of his god and from praing to him for the space of thirty dayes under paine of being cast into the den of lions , but notwithstanding it was confirmed by his great lord and king darius and sealed with his seale , he would not refraine from his constant course & custom of prayer and worship of his god , wich he knew to be a duety daly and continually required by the divine law , and did chuse rather to forgoe all the honours and promotions which the king had bestowed on him , and to be cast into the den of lions , then to disobey gods commandement by obeying the kings decree : and such hath the opinion , resolution and practice of all gods noble wortheys and faithful serevants been in all ages . wherefore let me here be bold to spend some few words in arguing against , and conuincing the blind carnal wicked world , and in discovering that wisdome which is commonly callen state-policy , to be folly and enmity against god , which i wil do very breifly by answering and taking away those foolish excuses of carnal men which are as vaine and unable to shroud and defend them from the staine of sin and gods just wrath , as the fig-leaves patched together by our first parents were unfit to cover their nakednes● some when they are commanded by great potentates & cruell tyrants to worship god in images and in altars of wood and stone or the like , or are forbidden to professe the truth and true religion and to practice the holy worship of god , that under pain of death , persecution , imprisonment , spoyling of their goods , and losse of all worldly substance , they are very f●●ward and earnest to plead , that authority must be obeyed & the powers must not be resisted , and that it is no wisedome to undergoe losse of goods , liberty and life for conscience and needlesse fear of breaking gods commandements . but let me tell such pleaders , that ephraim , & the israelits of the ten tribes had as good a plea , and the same excuse for their forsaking of the covenant of the lord , & for worshipping of baal , calves , idols & groves , in the daies of ieroboam , ahab & other wicked kings , their kings did comaund them so to do for a politike reason of state even to keep them from going up to worship god at ierusalem , lest by that means they might be drawne away and revolt to the house of dauid , and reunite themselves to the kingdome of iudah : also some of their kings were cruell tyrants which persecuted the true . prophets and worshippers of god , and by feare of death and other great penalties forced and compelled men to commit idolatry , as we read in the dayes of ahab and iezabel , and as appeares by eliahs complaint unto god , 1 king. 19. and yet this was no excuse of the peoples idolatry and sinne , for ephraim was oppressed and broken in judgement because hee willingly walked after ieroboams commandement , as hosea testifieth , hos. 5. 11. and because they kept the statutes of omri , doing the workes of the house of ahab , and walking in their counsels , the lord gives this sentence against them by the prophet micha , that he will make their land a desolation , and them an hissing and reproach , micha 6. 16. our saviour in the gospel discovers to us how vaine and frivolous all such excuses will be found before his tribunall , where hee saith , that whosoever loves houses , lands , goods , or life it selfe more then him , insomuch that they will rather deny , and not confesse him before men , then indanger or lose their life , liberty , or wordly goods , they are not worthy to be counted his disciples , and hee will deny them in the presence of his father and before his holy angels ; and as they feared them who could kill the body only and were not able to kill the soule , more then god who could destroy both soule and body in hell ; so they shall lose their life which they loved more then him they shall also be excluded from life eternall , and so cast wholly both soules and bodies into hell , into the fire which never shall be quenched , and dye and perish eternally , matth. 10. 28 mark 8. 35. luk. 9. 24. secondly , whereas oathes are to be given and taken in truth , in judgement , and righteousnesse , ier. 4. 2. that is , men must not sweare any false thing but onely what is true , neither to raise up strife , nor to doe injury , or to hurt any man , but to put an end to strife by laying open in judgement things as they are , neither must they bind themselves by oath to doe any vain , unjust or wicked against christian charity , or to execute any unlawfull office . now there are and have beene in all ages divers politick worldlings and cowardly hypocrites , who when vaine or sinfull oathes are imposed on them , such as the elders and nobles of iezrael imposed on the wicked men whom they set up to sweare falsely , that naboath blasphemed god and the king ; or such as the iewes tooke to kill paul , act. 23. 12. or such as traytors take to conceale or act treasons ; or as many corrupt men take to execute unlawfull offices and unjust designes , which are hurtfull and injurious to divers others either in church or common-wealth . if these oathes be imposed by men of authority , who rule over them , or under great penalties , as trouble , vexation , imprisonment , and losse of liberty , or with hope of some preferment , profit , and gaine , which they may reape by executing an unlawfull office ; they are ready to plead for themselves that they are excusable , because they did take such oathes , and doe execute such offices by command of superiours and in obedience to authority , and that otherwise they should forgoe a profitable office and trade which doth maintaine and enrich them and their family , and should be vexed , troubled , fined , impoverished , imprisoned , and deprived of their libertie . but let mee answer such in the words of holy iob , chap. 27. 8. what is the hope of the hypocrite that he hath gained , when god taketh away his soule ? what will his gainefull office advantage him when god findeth and judgeth him guilty for profaning his holy ordinance and taking his name in vaine ? yea , our saviour fully answereth such hypocrites , and discovereth the folly of such worldly polititions in expresse words , saying , what is a man profited to gaine the whole world , and lose his owne soule ; or what shall a man give in exchange for his soule , matth. 16. 26. all the liberty and freedome from bands and imprisonment , all the worldly profits , pleasures , goods , and wealth which men purchase and procure to themselves by their obsequious observing of great ones , and obeying the authority and commandements of men in things contrary to the word and law of god , will yeeld them no comfort at all , but rather adde to their torment in that flaming fire wherein god will render vengeance to them , and punish them with everlasting destruction from his presence and the glory of his power , and shut them up with the devill and damned spirits in the prison of blacknesse and darknesse for ever world without end . lastly , whereas many who are wise in their owne conceit , and most politicke for the world and in wordly matters , when they are commanded as doeg was by saul his lawfull king to mangle , murder , and massacre the innocent servants of god , and to oppresse and spoile them of goods , lands and lives , as the nobles of naboaths city were by iezabels letters written in ahabs name and sealed with his seale , or to execute cruell and bloudy sentences given by judges of unrighteousnesse under the name and colour of the law , by haling to prison , torturing and punishing christian people men and women ; as saul did when he was a persecutor armed with commission and letters from the high priests , they perswade themselves and plead confidently , that it is no sinne in them to doe such things , though in themselves most unjust and contrary to the law of god , but that the sinne and guilt lyes wholly on their superiours , and on the judges , which by their authority and imperious commands , doe impose upon them such executions , and they the executioners shall never be called to account , nor undergoe the punishment of just revenge from god : let all such be admonished by this doctrine , that this their plea and perswasion will never excuse them before god , but as they have an hand in wicked workes , and are executioners of cruell and ungodly sentences , so they shall have their share in the just punishments of such heinous transgressions , and the righteous and supreme judge will cause just vengeance to be executed on them also : it is true that seducors and perswaders of others to sinne ; and all they who by their power and authority , feare and awe cause others to commit wickednes , as they are cheife authours there of next under the divill , the father of all iniquity , and the blood of those whome they haue seduced , compelled and caused to transgresse gods holy commandements , shall ly heavy upon them , and god will certainly require it at their hands , so shall they chiefly bear the curse and punishment : but they who are seduced and led by them through blind obedience shall not escape , but shall also fall with them into the pit of destruction ; and all they who are voluntarily instruments of cruell oppression , violence , or any wickednesse , they shall undoubtedly dye and perish in those sinnes of which they are partakers with them , who set them on worke to doe wickedly , there is no way for them to escape gods revenging curse but by godly griefe and sorrow to repentance , and by seeking and finding pardon in christ . wherefore behold your folly and wilfull madnesse yee worklly polititions who are so wise to worke your owne ruine , who by vaine excuses and subtile fallacies of fleshly reason doe blinde your owne eyes , and hardon your hearts not to repent ; alas ! what comfort will it be to you that your great lords whom you feared and obeyed , and the unrighteous judges , whose cruell sentences yee executed , doe chiefely beare the curse and punishment of that cruelty , injustice , and iniquity , which they acted by your hands ? what ease or mitigation of sorrow , paine , and griefe , will it be to you , that you see them leade the way and goe before you ? when you also follow them at the heeles , and dance after them attendance unto hell , there to remaine for ever in the lake which burnes with fire and brimstone , where the worme dyeth not , and the fire never goeth out , but burneth eternally , and is unquenchable world without end . from which wrath and eternall woe the lord deliver us for his mercies sake , and through the meritorious satisfaction of the lord jesus christ our redeemer and saviour ; to whom with the father and the blessed spirit be all glory , honour and praise now and for ever . amen . ●inis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67115e-130 doct. reason . vse 1. vse 2. a dialogue between a divine of the church of england, and a captain of horse concerning dr. sherlock's late pamphlet, entituled the case of allegiance due to sovereign powers stated, &c. parkinson, james, 1653-1722. 1690 approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a56409 wing p492a estc r8649 12589607 ocm 12589607 63850 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56409) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63850) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 967:14) a dialogue between a divine of the church of england, and a captain of horse concerning dr. sherlock's late pamphlet, entituled the case of allegiance due to sovereign powers stated, &c. parkinson, james, 1653-1722. captain of horse. 1 sheet (2 p.) printed and are to be sold by randall taylor ..., london : 1690. reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to james parkinson. cf. nuc pre-1956. broadside. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sherlock, william, 1641?-1707. -case of the allegiance due to soveraign powers. church and state -church of england -early works to 1800. allegiance -great britain -early works to 1800. broadsides 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-09 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ● dialogue between a divine of the church of england , and a captain of horse , concerning dr. sherlock's late pamphlet , entitled , the case of allegiante due to sovereign powers stated , &c. ●ivine . — 't is your opinion then , that it had been better that the doctor had never set pen to paper upon the subject . capt. much better , doubtless , with a ●●spect to his own credit , and the reputation of the cause 〈◊〉 has at length espoused . div. thus far i agree with you , that unless he could have ●●tified his own doing upon principles more honorable to 〈◊〉 methods and instruments of the late revolution , he ●●ght to have kept his thoughts within his own breast , 〈◊〉 more reasons than one . i think he should not , at this 〈◊〉 of the day , have published a book , which , whatever 〈◊〉 design of it was , can have no better effect , than to ren●●r all those who ( if i may so say ) lent an early assistance to ●●ovidence in its first motions towards the thorough settlement 〈◊〉 talks of , to be no better than a company of — one ●●rd in your ear. capt. true , however we have an act of grace , which , 〈◊〉 i remember , pardons us all to the sixteenth of may last . div. right ; and if we had not then a thorough settle●●nt , the doctor may chance to come in for a snack yet , 〈◊〉 the score of his congratulatory visit , &c. capt. no , the doctor tells ye , pag. 17. if the generality 〈◊〉 the nation submit to such a prince ( i. e. a prince , accord●●● to his supposition , wanting a legal right , ) and place 〈◊〉 on the throne , and put the whole power of the kingdom 〈◊〉 his hands ; tho it may be , we cannot yet think the provi●●●ce of god has settled him in the throne , while the dispos●●●d prince has also such a formidable power , as makes the 〈◊〉 very doubtful ; yet if we think fit to continue in the ●●●gdom , under the government and power of the new prince , 〈◊〉 are several duties , which we ought to pay him . and 〈◊〉 he proceeds to enumerate all the duties that can fall ●●thin the compass of any charge that can be made against himself upon the account of any thing he did antecedent to what he calls a thorough settlement . div. so that the doctor , i find , is very careful to save one . capt. but not to hang up the rest i hope . div. no , no , he leaves 'em to the king's mercy under a mild government . capt. but who will he have then to be the true objects of his princes bounty , i would fain know ; for it seems to me , that according to the doctor 's notions , there are but a very few . div. why , the fewer the better cheer , man. he 'll meet with the less opposition whenever he shall think fit to stand candidate for any farther preferment ; for all mankind will agree , that those that do the most that can be expected from them according to the strictest principles of loyalty and obedience , pag. 16. are preferable in that point to all others . capt. ay , and doubtless they are . div. well , and for a plain direction to subjects in all the revolutions of government , he lays down this , the most ( says he ) that can be expected from them , according to the strictest principles of loyalty and obedience , is to have no hand in such revolutions , or to oppose them as far as they can , and not to be hasty and forward in their compliances ; but when such a revolution is made , and they cannot help it , they must reverence and obey their new prince , as invested with god's authority . ibid. capt. i am not like to be a colonel then , during this reign ; for when king james had such a formidable power as made the event doubtful , i taking the king of great britain to be my lawful king , 't is well known that i assisted him all that i could at the boyn . div. and as to swearing and praying , and all that , — 't is as well known that i did what became me as early as the most forward of them all , and therefore , wo is me , i am utterly excluded , according to the doctor , from all hopes of a bishoprick . capt. don't despond , my friend , however ; for i presume an honest man may yet be allow'd to tell the doctor to his face , that our king , and his royal consort q. mary , have a right , a true and indisputable right , not only to what they possess at present , but to what they claim , and is forcibly detein'd from them by the rebels . div. what need you be so earnest tho ? let me beg of you , noble captain , to moderate your zeal for the king's honor and service a little at present , that you may the better attend to the doctor , who says again , that many of those who have writ in defence of the new oath , have supposed this , that a legal right is necessary to make allegiance due , and therefore have endeavoured to justifie the legal right of k. william and q. mary . pag. 1. capt. well , but what effect had those endeavours towards his late conversion ? div. none at all , it seems ; for in the same breath he tells us , that how well soever such disputes may be intended , they are certainly needless in this cause , and serve only to confound it , by carrying men into such dark labyrinths of law and history , &c. as very few know how to find their way out of again , ibid. & pag. 2. capt. he 's an admirable advocate the while , to betray his cause thus at the first dash , by telling the world in effect , that we have neither law nor precedent to support it . div. nay , if the doctor does not play booty , i don't understand him ; for let but the foundation-claim of legal right be once removed , and our glorious superstructure must infallibly come to the ground ; for what any one wrongfully possesses ( be it a crown or a cottage ) most men will think ought to be restored to the right owner . and what if none of those many writers he talks of , have been so happy in their endeavours to justifie the legal right of k. w. and q. m. as a body might wish , does it become him to declare so to all the world ? and over and above , to lay an embargo , as it were , upon all future attempts of that kind ? we have known how fruitless , for a long time , the endeavours of some men to prove the original contract , were rendered by the contrary endeavours of others , till time , that brings all things to light , has made it as plain and legible as now it appears . now i my self ( i speak it without vanity ) dare undertake to produce law and history enough in half an hour , not only to justifie his majesties late doings , which some men seem to take so much pleasure in censuring , but to free all the honest loyal party from that reproach they have labour'd under from the beginning of the late troubles to this day , upon the score of their duty to their king and country . capt. explain your self a little however , that i may know what king you mean , and who those are which in your esteem are the honest loyal party . div. that is such an odd question now , when the doctor tell 's us , pag. 14. ( how consistently with him self it matters not ) that we can have but one king at a time ; but to humour you for once , by king i mean a lawful king ; or if you had rather have it in latin , a king de jure , which i take our king to be ; and by honest loyal party , i mean those who have in all times , even in the worst of times , strictly adhered to such their lawful king , in opposition to all the injurious claims and pretences of oliver , the rump , monmouth , and the like . capt. i understand you now . but 't is hard to say what the doctor would be at ; for after he had led us out of the dark labyrinths of law , &c. and put us under the conduct of providence , and pag. 17. taught us to follow her step by step , in such sort as to proportion our duties of allegiance to all her events , and to take for the object of those duties any powers whatever ( tho destitute of all legal right ) so settled ( no matter by what means ) as may agree with his definition of thorough settled powers , pag. 9. after all this , i say , the doctor ( having probably found more difficulties in providence , than that one which he mentions , pag. 32. ) brings us back again into the dark labyrinths of law. — i hope he means us no harm . div. no , no , we ought to judg charitably . capt. however , let us walk warily the while . div. ay , where are we now ? capt. why the doctor says , pag. 54. that what prince we must obey , and to what particular prince we must pay our allegiance , the law of god does not tell us , but this we must learn from the laws of the land ; and so he proceeds , ibid. to state the question , whether the subjects of england ( when such a case happens ) must pay their allegiance to a king de jure , who is dispossess'd of his throne ; or to the king de facto , who is possessed of it without a legal right ? div. but to whose determination will he submit that point ? capt. he tells you in effect by a pair of other questions , ibid. is it not ( says he ) most reasonable to think that to be the sense of the law , which learned judges and lawyers have agreed is the sense of it ? and again , is it not reasonable to take that to be the sense of the law , which has been the sense of westminster-hall , and is like to be so again , if we think fit to try it . div. he had done well though to have told us , whether by his learned judges — capt. take heed how you step — there 's a what d' ye call 't , a trap or a pitfal , or something like it , just before ye . lend me your hand , div. thanks good captain — now i see my way . but as i was saying , the doctor had done well to have told us , whether by his learned judges he would have us to understand judges de facto or de jure ? for who knows but by his learned judges who have agreed , &c. he may mean bradshaw and his companions , and by his learned lawyers that cook who pleaded in quality of sollicitor before the high court of justice , so call'd , and prideaux and the rest of that tribe of mercenaries to the usurpers of those times many of whom ( it cannot be denyed ) were sufficiently learned . capt. but i think they had no honesty to spare , for 't is well known that glynn and m — d to make good subjects traytors , strain'd hard . div. the doctor you see has not made honesty a necessary qualification to authorise the judgments or determinations of his judges and lawyers : but if he had , 't is all one to him , for according to his notions those sparks were very honest fellows ; they acted by commissions from the then powers who , according to his account of the matter , were thorough setled powers , and the ordinance of god , to whom all allegiance was due , and which ought not to be resisted . now though the doctor would not be thought a friend to the usurpations of the rump parliament , the late protector , or committee of safety , &c. but in his preface , and in some other parts of his book , seems to cast them all off , yet to the objection pag. 45 , 46. that upon his principles we might submit and swear to a rump parliament , or to another protector , or to a committee of safety , &c. and that his principles arraign all the opposers of those vsurpations as the resisters of gods ordinance , &c. he gives such an answer you 'l see as effectually acknowledges them all to have been god's ordinance , which ought to have been complied with and not resisted , his answer is , that it is a great prejudice , but no argument ; for if these principles be true , ( says he ) and according to these principles they ( the loyal nobility , gentry , and clergy ) might have complied with those vsurpations ; that they did not , is no confutation of them . it is plain , i think , by this that the doctor himself found that he could not support his argument upon any other principles than would justifie those powers , and arraign the honest loyal nobility , gentry , and clergy , &c. as resisting god's ordinance by their opposition to those vsurped powers , and their attempts to restore their king to his throne . capt. well , but he can't expect to top upon many the judgments and opinions of the judges and lawyers of those times , for an authentick sense of westminster-hall . div. where will he be then ? for if he means publick judgments or opinions of any who either have sate , or do fit as judges in any of the courts at westminster by k. w's . commission , or any opinions of lawyers delivered at any of the bars of those courts before them , in favour of his doctrine in this point , he should have cited one case at least ; since most people , i presume , are strangers to any such judgment given in westminster-hall during this reign , and do think that if the doctor at any time since the new oath was appointed to be taken , could have found his way from the temple to westminster-hall , whither he is so ready now to direct others , some of the learned there might have told him another story . and if he means by his has been agreed , &c. and has been the sense of westminster-hall some judgment or sentence given in westminster-hall , antecedent to the usurpations upon king charles i. and ii. in favour of submission and obedience to any powers de facto , not having legal right , 't is probable such judgment was extant in print before the tryal of the regicides , who might then have offer'd it in their own defence , and if that they did not was owing to their ignorance of the law , it may however be reasonably supposed that some of the many honourable commissioners of oyer and terminer , learned in the law , before whom they were tryed , would have found it out , and accordingly have directed the jury to have acquitted them from the crime of high treason , of which they were indicted ; for doubtless if powers no otherwise setled than according to his account of a thorough settlement , page 9. have gods authority , are his ordinance , &c. then those by whose commission the regicides acted , being such setled powers , had gods authority too , were his ordinance , &c. ought to have been submitted to and obeyed , and consequently the actings of those regicides , &c. were warrantable and legal , though their masters were vsurpers , for want of a legal right to govern , what can he say to it ? capt. no more , i think , than what in effect he said before pag. 46. that this is a great prejudice , but no argument , for if his principles be true and according to his principles , those who sate as judges in the high court of justice , and their assistants at the tryal of king charles i. did no more than became them to do , and so ought to have been acquitted ; that they were not is no confutation of his principles : for if learned judges , and lawyers have agreed , &c. and if it has been the sense of westminster-hall , &c. and if that be the sense of the law , and is like to be so again if we think fit to try it ; that it was not sufficiently urged or insisted upon in their favour , and that they were not acquitted does not prove that it might not have been so urged and insisted upon in their favour , or that they ought not to have been acquitted . now though , i am certain the law condemns all usurpations whatever upon the regal office , yet i will not deny but it has been the constant sense of westminster-hall , under every usurpation , that all the duties of allegiance ought to be paid to the usurper , but not eo nomine , not as usurper i hope , no those who at any time , by commissions from usurpers , have sate as judges in westminster-hall , knew well enough that to admit in the least the legal right of their masters to be disputed , would be to admit their own authority to fit and determine causes there to be questioned , and therefore even that same high court of justice would have told the doctor if he had demurr'd to their authority , or ( which would have been the same thing ) to the legal right of their employers , as they told the blessed martyr king charles i. sir , i must interrupt you ; you may not be permitted : you speak of law and reason ; it is fit there should be law and reason , and there is both against you . dr. nalsons journal , pag. 44. div. the doctor himself says indeed pag. 44. that it seems to him to be unfit to dispute the right of princes ; a thing which no government ( he says ) can permit to be a question among their subjects . capt. but they might permit it , a body would think , i● ( as the doctor would persuade us ) nothing depended upo● it . but the mischief of it is , that all who take upon them to govern , &c. know that all their claims of allegiance , or of any duty of allegiance from the people , do depend upon their legal right to govern them , &c. but what d'y ' say to his divinity . div. why , i think all the texts of scripture that he brings to maintain his doctrine , will stand him in no more stead than bishop overals convocation-book , till he has proved tha● every act done , by force of any natural powers which go● almighty has given to any one , has gods approbatio● merely because by restraining those powers he could have hinder'd its execution . and i think the fellow had received better instructions than the dr. would have given him , who being ask'd who made him ? gave this answer , god made me a man , my father made me a taylor , and the devil made me a thief . capt. a fair distribution ! the man made a conscience , it seems , of giving the devil his due . div. as every one ought , i think , instead of making the good god the author of the worst villanies , committed by the instigation of the devil , as the rebels in the late times did , and as many now adays are too apt to do ; but then as to what the doctor says , is like to be the sense of westminster-hall again , if we think fit to try it . i know not , i confess , what may be the sense of westminster-hall in case his principles should universally obtain ; but the present sense of westminster-hall i believe is against him in some things ; he may try his own cause when he pleases . capt. ay , and we 'll try ours when we see our own time . but i cannot imagine , i confess , to what end he quotes dan. 4. 17. for the most high ruleth in the kingdom of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will , and setteth up over it the basest of men , page 11. not having first proved what as you say he ought to have proved . div. that you must know was to anticipate an objection which the doctor foresaw would arise upon another text of scripture which he brings in pag. 35. viz. hosea 8. 4. they have set up kings , but not by me ; they have made princes but i knew it not : but you 'll pardon me , captain , that i must take my leave of you a little abruptly , i see a worthy gentleman there that i must have a word with . capt. farewel then . divine . adieu . london : printed and are to be sold by randall taylor near stationers-hall , 1690. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a56409-e10 hudib . in ms. some thoughts on a convocation and the notion of its divine right with some occasional reflections on the defence of the vindication of the deprived bishops. hody, humphrey, 1659-1707. 1699 approx. 92 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44094 wing h2346 estc r37493 16963660 ocm 16963660 105505 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44094) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105505) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1095:4) some thoughts on a convocation and the notion of its divine right with some occasional reflections on the defence of the vindication of the deprived bishops. hody, humphrey, 1659-1707. [4], 36 p. printed for tim. childe ..., london : 1699. reproduction of original in the trinity college library, cambridge university. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -government. church of england -clergy. church and state -church of england. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-02 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some thoughts on a convocation , and the notion of its divine right . with some occasional reflections on the defence of the vindication of the deprived bishops . london : printed for tim. childe , at the white-hart , the west-end of st. paul's-charch-yard , 1699. the preface . i shall only thus far endeavour to prepossess the reader in favour of the following papers , as to assure him , that the author is not conscious to himself of having advanced any notion that is repugnant to the sense of scripture , or antiquity ; to the articles of our own church , or the opinions of its greatest divines who have treated this subject . the authority of the king over our convocations has indeed been of late disputed by some ; and a learned treatise that was writ in defence of it , has had the misfortune of meeting with a great many enemies , that are very free in thier censures upon it ; what their reasons are themselves best know : for they are so kind as not to let them appear in publick . but these papers are only designed to give as true a state and notion of the controversie as the authors enquiries could lead him into , and not for a vindication of others opinions : and if they should chance to fall in with any of those delivered in that forementioned treatise , it was no other than a sober and impartial view of the subject that occasioned it . and i can't but think that they who assent to the articles of our church , can hardly deny joyning in the same notions . it is very common with the managers of disputes of late , to fix characters of ignominy upon those who dissent from them . and some who have engaged in this controversie , for want of other arguments , have thought i suppose to carry the cause by insulting over their adversaries as latitudinarians and erastians . and therefore , least they should fix the same titles upon the author of these thoughts , he desires they would first answer these two queries . whether he who advances no other doctrin than what has always been maintained by the church of england , and is intirely agreeable to its 39 articles , can justly be charged by any member of that church , as a latitudinarian in point of doctrin ? and whether he who subscribes to the government of the same church as by law established , and maintains no other notions but what our convocations have agreed to , and are at this day the standing rules delivered to us in her ecclesiastical canons and constitutions , can by any member of the church of england be reasonably charged as an erastian in point of church-government ? and if he that guides himself by these methods is in the wrong , the church must answer for his errors , and not he for being obliged to defend her . and therefore the church must be taxt with our false principles , if they are such , or it ought to be shewn , wherein we have differed from her . it may probably be one objection against these papers , that a book of grotius's is sometimes cited in them , which lies under the censure of erastian principles . it is foreign to my present business to engage in its defence ; ger. vossius * gives it the character of a most excellent book , and offers to defend it against all opposers . but it is enough to my purpose , that there is nothing cited from him , that is disagreeable to the doctrines of our church : and it was not his authority , but the strength of his argument , that occasion'd his being introduced in the debate . but i hope the other authorities that are here made use of can have no such objections against them . tho' if these papers are condemned they can hardly escape , notwithstanding the characters they have always bore in the world ought to secure them from such treatment , since if this author is an error , 't is they who have led him into it . some thoughts on a convocation , &c. the stating the rights and authority of the clergy , must be confest to be a very nice and tender point ; and in attempts of this nature , it is almost impossible not to offend . let a man deliver his opinions with never so much sincerity and caution ; yet after all , he must expect to find that some party or other will be displeased . the asserting the privileges of the clergy , but even as far as those bounds which religion and the laws of the land have set them , and the nature of their function requires , is almost a downright affront to a sort of men , who think the whole order useless , and their office only an imposition upon the rights and liberties of the rest of mankind . and the not carrying their authority to a higher pitch , than the constitution of the state does or can admit of , or than the law of god has allowed ; or even to such immunities , as some mens mistaken zeal would challenge to belong to them , is represented as an indignity to religion , and an open violation of the rights and honours of that profession . i shall not concern my self in determining whose censure 't is most safe to fall under . but this seems very apparent , that the pretending to too unlimited a power , is as great a prejudice , and of as dangerous consequence to the clergy , as the parting with some of their just rights and privileges : either of these extreams may be fatal ; and therefore the more caution is required to avoid them . it is certainly a great weakness in any clergy , to raise themselves enemies in the state , by laying claim to an authority which is none of theirs . the intolerable usurpation of the see of rome on the rights of princes , and the revolutions occasioned by it , in a great many parts of europe , afford us instances enough of this nature . let us , in god's name , maintain the honours and privileges of the holy function , as far as of right we may ; but let us not extend them to such a power and superiority , as neither the laws of god will justifie , nor those of the land admit of ; and which the first ages of the church ( after the state was christian ) never exercised . the whole controversie about a convocation may be , i think , reduced to this . either that the time and manner of its sitting , acting or debating , is to be determined by the laws of the land , and the prudence of the supream authority ; or that the clergy have a power by divine right , independent on the state , to assemble themselves , decree and enact ecclesiastical laws , without the consent of the secular authority . if the latter of these notions be true , 't is plain , that all human laws to the contrary , can be of no force : a divine institution being unalterable by any other power . and if any other power has decreed any thing in opposition to it , 't is a sin to submit to its commands . but in cases of this nature , where such a right is pretended , it ought to be made very clear and indisputable from the express declaration of scripture ; or at least , from the practice of the first christians , where any parallel instances can be produced : though i think this latter is an argument of far less authority than the former ; and if there had been instances of convocations like ours in the apostles days , yet this would not prove their divine right , unless there could be shew'd a command of god for it ; for a great many examples have not the force of precepts , even in scripture it self , but are of an inferiour nature , and serve for no other purpose than to direct what may be most proper to be done in like cases . as the order of deaconesses and others , tho' as early as the apostles age , is now wholly laid aside . the end of its institution ceasing , which was to instruct the younger women in the faith , when there were stronger reasons for the abolishing it . prudence is to judge how far such examples are to be followed . now whether this notion of a divine right has any foundation in scripture , or can be grounded upon any examples in the primitive church or not ; it is past all controversie , that our kings have an authority devolved on them by our laws , and acknowledg'd as of right belonging to them over our convocations ; and that the clergy neither have , or can pretend to have , by our constitution , the liberty or power to meet after that manner without their assent . this is very evident from the writs , by which they are summoned to assemble . and as they cannot meet but by the king 's writ , so neither when met , can they make any canon , or constitution , without his licence and approbation . there is indeed a convocation always summoned , whenever a parliament is called , according to the ancient constitution : and hence some have thought , that they ought to claim the same right and liberty to enact laws for the good of the church , as the other for the advantage and welfare of the state. but the case is very different ; the reasons of calling the clergy anciently , every parliament , was upon a political account ; because they were then look'd upon as a member of the parliament , and could not be taxt but by their own grants : but that reason is now , in great measure , out of doors . and though they are still summoned , that they may be ready upon all occasions , to advise and counsel the king in making provisions for the security of religion , and the preservation of the church ; yet as there is not always the same necessity for their sitting and acting , as for the parliaments , so the king is made the sole arbiter of it . but this particular has lately been so fully and largely discussed by a very learned pen , that there is no need of farther addition . and indeed , if we may stand to the decision of the laws of the land , this whole controversie will soon be at an end : for it is no difficult matter to be resolved about the power the king is invested with , by being head of the church ; and what privileges are reserved for the clergy by their own suffrage and decree in convocation , and by act of parliament . the king , by his power , is to call the convocation , they are to assemble only by his writs , they are to debate upon such matters as he shall offer , and are to constitute no orders , or make any laws without his consent . this is very apparent from the act of parliament , where the king 's humble and obedient subjects , the clergy of this realm of england , have not only acknowledged according to the truth , that the convocations of the same clergy , is , always hath been , and ought to be assembled only by the king 's writ , but also submitting themselves to the king's majesty , have promised in verbo sacerdotis , that they will never from henceforth , presume to attempt , alledge , claim or put in ure , enact , promulge , or execute , any new canons , constitutions , ordinances provincial , or other , or by whatsoever other name they shall be called in the convocation , unless the king 's most royal assent and licence may to them be had , to make , promulge and execute the same ; and that his majesty do give his most royal assent and authority in that behalf . and where divers constitutions , ordinances , and canons provincial , or synodal , which heretofore have been enacted , and be thought not only to be much prejudicial to the king's prerogative royal , and repugnant to the laws and statutes of this realm , but also over-much onerous to his highness and his subjects ; the said clergy hath most humbly besought the king's highness , that the said constitutions and canons may be committed to the examination and iudgment of his highness , and of two and thirty persons of the king's subjects , whereof sixteen to be of the upper and nether house of the parliament of the temporalty , and other sixteen to be of the clergy of this realm ; and all the said two and thirty persons , to be chosen and appointed by the king's majesty . and that such of the said constitutions and canons , as shall be thought and determined by the said two and thirty , or the more part of them , shall be approved to stand with the laws of god , and consonant to the laws of this realm , shall stand in their full strength and power ; the king 's most royal assent first had and obtained to the same . be it therefore now enacted by authority of this present parliament , according to the said submission and petition of the said clergy , that they , ne any of them , from henceforth shall presume to attempt , alledge , claim , or put in ure , any constitutions or ordinances provincial , or synodal , or any other canons : nor shall enact , promulge , or execute any such canons , constitutions , or ordinances provincial , by whatsoever name or names they may be called , in their convocations in time coming ( which always shall be assembled by authority of the king 's writ ) unless the same clergy may have the king 's most royal assent and licence , to make , promulge , and execute such canons , constitutions , and ordinances provincial , or synodal , upon pain of every one of the said clergy , doing contrary to this act , and being thereof convict , to suffer imprisonment , and make fine at the king 's will. they are indeed left at liberty , to give what judgment they think fit , upon such matters as are offered to them ; and their determinations and decisions about them , are solely in their own breasts : but they cannot have the force of a law , unless he will be pleased both to approve and confirm them . and this is the nature of ecclesiastical synods , amongst us by our constitution . and as this preserves the authority of the sovereign , so does it not infringe the liberty of the clergy . no ecclesiastical canons or constitutions , can be made without them : nothing can be accounted heresie , or censured as such , but what by lawful synods has been already condemned ; decreed to be such , with the king's consent by our own convocations ; whose acts have been ratified and confirmed by parliament . thus , tho' the clergy can't , by their own power , meet in convocation , nor decree or enact any ecclesiastical laws without the sovereign authority ; yet neither can any ecclesiastical canon be made , or any new heresie be declared , without their advice and approbation . grotius is indeed of opinion , that the supream civil authority , has a right to make laws , without the consent of the clergy for the government of the church . because if it could not , it would receive some right of governing from the synod , and consequently could not be supream ; whereas the highest power being subject to god alone , has under him the sole right of governing . besides , if the supream power could not enforce the observance of that without a synod , which it might with one , then it should receive part of its right and authority to govern from thence : and by consequence some part of the government must be lodged in the synod . which it can neither challenge by human or divine right . god having no-where committed such a power to the church ; and therefore not to synods . and for these reasons , he is of opinion , that the highest power has a right to make orders for the government of the church without a synod . and to confirm it , he adds the examples of the hebrew kings , and some of the first christian emperors , that have exercised their authority about things sacred , without any such convention of the clergy . but tho' these reasons should prove such a right in general , to belong to the supream power , yet it cannot be doubted but that the same power may so far dispense with the execution of it , as to consent , that no laws shall be made relating to religion , without the counsel and approbation of the clergy . but if it may be thought reasonable to have the advice of the clergy , in all matters of such importance , it must be also absolutely necessary , that the civil power which is to enforce the observance of the injunctions , resolved on by the spiritual , should have the right of judging of its determinations ; especially , where all mens consciences , as well secular as ecclesiastical , are to be concluded by them . this is most certain , that it is a duty incumbent on the prince , whether the clergy give their opinions or not , to reform and correct abuses in the church , and he must answer for his neglect to god , if he does not do so . and if before any declaration of the judgment of the clergy , he has a right to order what is necessary in sacred affairs , 't is plain , that his power is superior to theirs ; and that it cannot be less at the meeting of a synod , than it was before it . the supream authority continues the same , whether it acts by the counsel of others , or without it . and there can be no obligation to comply with it , but that of reason and prudence . the notion of the king's supremacy , over all persons , and in all causes , as well ecclesiastical as civil , established by our laws , owned and asserted by our clergy , and very frequently vindicated with much strength and learning by the greatest men of our church , ever since the reformation , grants all that right and power to the king , over convocations that we contend for . this power , says the excellent mr. hooker , being sometime in the bishop of rome , who by sinister practices , had drawn it into his hands , was for iust considerations by publick consent , annex'd unto the king 's royal seat and crown ; from thence the authors of reformation , would translate it into their national assemblies or synods : which synods are the only helps , which they think lawful to use against such evils in the church , as particular iurisdictions are not sufficient to redress . in which cause , our laws have provided , that the king 's super-eminent authority and power shall serve : as namely , when the whole ecclesiastical state , or the principal persons therein , do need visitation and reformation ; when in any part of the church , errors , schisms , heresies , abuses , offences , contempts , enormities are grown ; which men in their several jurisdictions either do not , or cannot help . whatsoever any spiritual power and authority , ( such as legats from the see of rome , did sometime exercise ) hath done , or might heretofore have done , for the remedies of those evils in lawful sort , ( that is to say , without the violation of the laws of god , or nature in the deed done ) as much in every degree our laws have fully granted , that the king for ever may do , not only by setting ecclesiastical synods on work , that the thing may be their act , and the king the motioner unto it , for so much perhaps , the masters of the reformation will grant : but by commissions few or many , who having the king's letters patents , may in the vertue thereof , execute the premises as agents in the right , not of their own peculiar and ordinary , but of his super-eminent power . this passage , as tho' designed on purpose against the present opposers of the king's supremacy , is not only an account of the power our king has over his convocations by the law of the land , but also a vindication of that law , in investing him with such authority . and i the rather thought it deserved to be taken notice of , that i might oppose the judgment of this great and learned man to the censures of two late authors , who have taken a great deal of freedom in blackening the memory of the convocation in henry the 8th's reign , for surrendring up to the king the right and liberty of meeting without his leave . the author of the municipium ecclesiasticum , in his preface , insults over that convocation , as under the lash of a praemunire , and from thence , seeks to prejudice the authority of the convocation-act . but this is a great blunder ; for the praemunire was off at least three years before , and released by act of parliament , in the 22d of henry the 8th , the convocation-act being not till the 25th . but to let that pass , this whole eighth book of ecclesiastical polity , is designed for a vindication of the kings power in that particular , as also of our laws , and the consent of the clergy , by which it was confirmed . except therefore , we make the king's authority over the clergy , less in the greatest things , than the power of the meanest governors is in all things over those which are under them , how should we think it a matter decent , that the clergy should impose laws , the supream governors assent not asked ? but lest some sort of men should pretend , that this 8th book is not so much , and truly mr. hooker's , as those which are published by himself , which however is not questioned by the last of these authors mentioned , that quotes from it , how much to his purpose , i shall consider hereafter . i shall add a passage out of his preface . there was ( says he , speaking in reference to some who had a dislike to the constitution of the church , then established by law ) in my poor understanding , no remedy ; but to set down this as my final resolute persuasion , surely the present form of church-government , which the laws of this land have established , is such as no law of god , nor reason of man , hath hitherto been alledged of force sufficient to prove they do ill ; who , to the uttermost of their power , withstand the alteration thereof . contrariwise , the other , which instead of it , we are required to accept , is only by error and misconceit , named the ordinance of jesus christ , no one proof as yet brought forth , whereby it may clearly appear to be so in very deed . thus far i have chiefly consider'd what power the king has over the meetings of ecclesiastical synods , by our constitutions . and if , in opposition to this , any laws had been made whilst we were under the popish tyranny , and usurpation , that had exempted the clergy from any such subjection to the supream authority , as 't is certain there were none , the king 's ecclesiastical jurisdiction being always asserted against the encroachments of the pope and clergy upon it ; i think we might justly have deny'd them to be any argument in the present controversie . but all that we can urge from our laws , will prove little in the case before us , if the clergy had an antecedent right to meet in convocation by a divine commission ; or are invested with a separate authority , by the law of god , of making orders for the government of the church , whether the sovereign power be christian or not ; and of obliging all men in conscience to observe them , without any consent or licence from thence . now 't is strange , if there should be any such divine right , that the clergy not only at the reformation , but to this very time , should be so very ignorant of it , as not only by a tacit consent to submit to , but in all their writings , acknowledge and publickly defend this superior power in the prince , either to prevent their meeting , or forbid their making any canons , unless they had first obtained his order and licence . if this divine right had been plainly declared in scripture , it could not have been over look'd ; and if 't is not plainly there , it can with no tolerable shew of reason be pretended to . and that this notion of a divine right of convocations , is altogether precarious , seems evident upon these two accounts . first , that all the first synods , where the emperor was christian , were summoned and conven'd by his authority ; and secondly , that this power of the emperor's , was never disputed by the clergy as an usurpation upon their rights ; but on the contrary , was always approved of by them . for the practice of the church , in those times , is of great moment in the present controversie : for if there is such a divine right lodg'd in the clergy , of meeting , either to decide disputes , or make ecclesiastical laws without the consent of the sovereign power ; it is strange , that the clergy in those early ages of christianity , should so quietly part with their privilege ; or that an emperor , who was so mighty zealous for religion , as constantine was , should violate the rights of the church in so notorious a manner , and overthrow its constitution even contrary to a divine appointment , by summoning councils , as he did , by his own authority . if the clergy had such a right , as is now pretended , it could not so soon be forgotten , as in constantine's time ; nor could they have given it up , or the emperor have taken it from them , without sin . it must then be confess'd , to be a good argument against the divine right of any thing , where the scripture is silent , that the contrary was practised , within three or four ages after christ , even by men , who are allowed on all sides , to be of the most orthodox principles , who could not but know the rights of the church ; and who , if they did know them , would never suffer them to be violated . now that christian princes have pretended to this authority of assembling general councils and national synods ; and that the clergy have met , upon their summons , is undeniable : and 't is also evident , that the clergy , when the state was first christian , never thunder'd out any anathema's against it , for this pretended authority ; that they never censured it as an usurpation upon their unalienable privilege , but always quietly and readily submitted to the prince's summons , without disputing from whence he derived that power over them . indeed before the supream authority was christian , the clergy had a right to convene themselves , to make what orders might seem requisite for the good of the church . in this case , the church has a right like that of the state : in the vacancy of the government , the members of each may assemble , consult , and make orders , as the exigencies of the church or state may require . some , i know , have insisted upon this as an argument , to prove an independent authority in the church from that of the state ; and they are of opinion , that the same liberty which the clergy then exercised , in meeting upon affairs of the church , is still their right in equity , tho' the state be christian. for the church ought not to lose any of these rights and privileges by the conversion of princes , which it enjoyed before . but the case is widely different , and therefore the reason cannot be the same . the church and the common-wealth were then two different societies , very opposite to each other . but where they profess the same religion , are incorporated into the same society , and are under one common governour , they are both subordinate to that power , and no laws can be made to bind either , but what shall be approved of by him : as for the right which the clergy had , before the state was converted , it was only prudential , and was theirs no longer , than whilst the supream power was heathen . when the chief authority had no relation to the church , it could not be under its government , but the care of it must belong to the clergy , who were then most immediately to be concerned for it . but this power was to cease , when the chief governor became christian , who upon that account , engaged to defend and protect the church ; and the reason of the things , and the nature of government , do both require that it should be lodged there . it was the misfortune of the church , and the necessity of the clergy's taking care of it in a state of persecution , that made them do it : it was no privilege belonging to their function ; and therefore , a christian ruler coming , the power was to return to the right channel , and the clergy lost not a privilege , but were freed from the burden and care they had before . for in those things , where there is no prohibition or caution in the divine law , the church is to be subject to human government . what is commanded by god , must not be omitted by the church ; but in matters which are left purely to human prudence , the supream governour is to be obeyed , and there is a law of god for it . now , i think , the mistake about the divine right of convocations is grounded upon this , that christ having constituted spiritual governors in his church , they consequently must have the supream right over it , in all things that concern religion , either for making any new orders or offices , that may tend to the advantage of the church ; and that no humane authority , can of right interfere with , or hinder it . it can't indeed be denied , but that christ has instituted and ordained a succession of pastors of his flock , and committed certain proper functions to them , such as the preaching the word , the administration of the sacraments , the power of the keys , and the like ; and that there shall be such , no power on earth has a right to forbid , so far there is a divine institution . but that the supream governor , to whom these pastors are subject , has not a power over them in all those things , which the scripture mentions nothing of , and which are not any part of the ministerial office or function ; this we absolutely deny . all human institutions must be subject to human laws , and since convocations are such , because not appointed by any divine law , all the power they have , must be deriv'd from that authority to which they are subject . if it be said , that if the prince has this power , he may make a wrong use of it ; yet this does not prove against his right . our abuse of any thing , is not an argument that we have no rightor title to it . if indeed the prince should happen to be of a different religion , and disclaim all right to his supremacy over the church , or abuse it to the destruction of it ; i see no reason , but if the necessities of the church should require it , the clergy now may have the same privilege , as the primitive christians , and may assemble of their own accord , as they might have done , when their emperors were heathen . common prudence will direct what is proper in such cases . as right reason , and the laws of equity would advise , that the chief power over ecclesiastical affairs , should be committed to the sovereign authority , when christian ; which is supposed , upon that account , to be as much concerned for the good of the church as of the state. and indeed , where nothing is determined on either side , this must necessarily be fixt there . because there is no other that can either by divine or human right , lay claim to the like authority . there is no other possible way of determining the bounds of the supream power , but by the law of god or nature ; it s right extends over all things , but what are either commanded or forbidden by them . now then allowing mr. hooker's opinion , that as for supream power in ecclesiastical affairs , the word of god doth no-where appoint , that all kings shall have it , neither that any should not have it ; yet for this very cause it seemeth to stand altogether by human right , that unto christian kings there is such dominion given . as for the law of nature , i think it must be granted , to be no way concerned in the present controversie . grotius does indeed allow , that the original of synods , is derived from the law of nature : for man being a sociable creature , does naturally associate himself with those , who pursue the same methods and manner of life . so merchants for the improvement of traffick , so physicians and lawyers meet and consult together , for the examining the mysteries of their art , and for the advancing their profession . but then to prevent mistake , he distinguishes between an absolute law of nature , which cannot be changed , as to worship god , honour our parents , and to do no injury to the innocent ; and that which is natural , after a sort , as being most reasonable , and allowed of by nature , till human laws interpose : thus every thing by nature is common , all men are free , the nearest relation is heir ; till by human appointment and consent , propriety , and subjection were introduced , and the inheritance disposed of by will. in this latter sense , he allows it to be natural to hold synods ; but he denies it to be so in the other , because then , no bishops would ever have petitioned the emperors for leave to meet ; and st. hierom's argument to prove a synod unlawful , would be invalid ; shew me , saith he , what emperor commanded the meeting of that council . synods therefore are to be accounted in the number of those things , which being allowed of by the law of nature , are yet subject to human constitutions ; and may be assembled , or prohibited by them . and if in the reigns , even of the pagan emperors , any laws or imperial edicts had been published against holding synods , and the necessities of the church not evidently required their meeting ; but especially , had those heathen powers allowed them all the liberty of meeting for prayers , and performing other duties which christ had appointed , and were necessary to be done by them , in obedience to his commands ; i know no right the clergy could have pretended for their assembling . it is certain , that the church might subsist , and be preserved without them . and thereupon , the bishops were very careful not to offend or provoke their governors , by their synodical meeting , whatever occasions there might be for them . st. cyprian , as grotius observes , has shewn in several places , that when in times of persecution , there arose a hot contest , about receiving the lapsed into communion , and for the putting an end to it , nothing seemed more necessary , than for the clergy to meet and consult together in common ; yet the bishops deferred the meeting , till the storm was blown over ; which certainly they ought not to have done , if synods had been enjoin'd by a positive law , either divine or natural ; and could have been no more dispensed with , than the duties of worshipping god , and honouring our parents . since then there appears no authority from scripture , or from the practice of the church , after the state was christian ; or from the law of nature , to found this pretence upon , of the clergy's having a distinct right from the state of assembling themselves in convocation ; it is evident , that the laws of the land , and the suffrage of the convocation in henry the 8th's reign , and of all the convocations that have been held since ; which by common consent , have invested the king with this power , and have submitted to it , were not so rash and irreligious , as some men would insinuate . even the convocations in queen mary's reign , when that law was abrogated , yet met and acted by her authority . but it is to be observed , that the arguments which are now produced to prove the church independent on the state by a divine right , are the same which mr. hooker taxed as the errors of some in his time , who asserted the unlawfulness of the prince's exercising any authority in the affairs of the church . the causes of common received errors , in this point , seem to be especially two : one , that they who embrace true religion , living in such common-wealths as are opposite thereunto , in other publick affairs , retain civil communion with them . this was the state of the jewish church , both in egypt and babylon , the state of christian churches a long time after christ. and in this case , because the proper affairs and actions of the church , as it is the church , hath no dependence on the laws , or upon the government of the civil state , an opinion hath thereby grown , that even so it should be always . this was it which deceived allen , in the writing his apology ; the apostles ( saith he ) did govern the church in rome , when nero bare rule , even as at this day , in all the churches dominions , the church hath a spiritual regiment without dependence , and so ought she to have amongst heathens or with christians . another occasion of which mis-conceit , is , that things appertaining to religion , are both distinguished from other affairs , and have always had in the church , spiritual persons chosen to be exercised about them . by which distinction of spiritual affairs , and persons therein employed from temporal , the error of personal separation always necessary between the church and common-wealth , hath strengthned it self . these notions have been often made use of by the papists , in their disputes against the king's supremacy ; and 't is strange they should be now revived , when they have been so learnedly considered and refuted by mr. hooker , dean nowel , bishop iewell , and other great men of our church . and i may add , that some of our present adversaries opinions are much the same , with those of the scotch disciplinarians refuted by bishop bramhal . the author of the defence of the vindication of the deprived bishops , hath told us , that mr. hooker ( for whom he pretends a very great respect , tho' for what reasons i know not , since they differ in every thing ) is against him , in making the church one body with the believing state. and therefore , i suppose , he would have it taken for granted , that his reasons are more conclusive in making them distinct . indeed it was necessary for this author's purpose , that the church and state should be separate societies ; for all the weight of his arguments , depends upon it ; and if this should fail , his whole fabrick must sink of course . it was certainly time for him to call a new cause ; and , since the practice of the whole church is against him , to omit authorities , and the sense of antiquity , and to retire to downright reason . but he would have done well , to have considered and answered mr. hooker's arguments , before he had produced any others on the contrary side . for certainly , if the common-wealth be christian , if the people which are of it do publickly embrace the true religion , this very thing doth make it the church . and to make it a separate and independent society from the state , where all mens principles are the same , is a notion neither agreeable to scripture or reason . but i shall not pursue an argument , which has been already so fully and learnedly managed by mr. hooker , to whom i shall refer the reader . but i think my self obliged to do mr. hooker justice in a passage cited from him by this author , as though it made for him ; and which appears to me , to be designed to prove directly contrary . this author , it seems , would perswade us , that mr. hooker is of his opinion , that the deprivation of spiritual persons , by the civil power , is not justifiable by even our present secular laws . and to this end , he cites these words ; all men are not for all things sufficient , and therefore publick affairs being divided , such persons must be authorized iudges in each kind , as common reason may presume to be most fit . which cannot of kings and princes , ordinarily be presumed in causes meerly ecclesiastical ; so that even common sense doth rather adjudge this burthen to other men. this , indeed , looks plausibly , as it is here set down , without its connexion with what goes before and follows it . but however , all that it can prove by its self , is only , that it may be more proper for spiritual persons to judge in causes meerly ecclesiastical . but then it denies not , that if princes are so pleased , they may judge themselves ; this takes not away their right , though it may be prudence in them to appoint others to sit in their stead . but let us see the full scope and extent of mr. hooker ' s words . as , says he , the person of the king may , for just considerations , even where the cause is civil , be notwithstanding withdrawn from occupying the seat of iudgment , and others under his authority be fit , he unfit himself to judge ; so the considerations for which it were haply not convenient for kings to sit and give iudgment in spiritual courts , where causes ecclesiastical are usually debated , can be no bar to that force and efficacy , which their sovereign power hath over those very consistories : and for which we hold , without any exception , that all courts are the king 's . and then follows ; all men are not for all things sufficient , &c. and after that he goes on , we see it hereby a thing necessary , to put a difference as well between that ordinary iurisdiction which belongs unto the clergy alone ; and that commissionary wherein others are for just considerations appointed to join with them , as also between both these iurisdictions , and a third , whereby the king hath transcendent authority over both : why this may not lawfully be granted unto him , there is no reason . now take the whole together , and the argument turns on the other side ; and proves , that the judgment of the supream power is in all manner of causes to be the highest . but hower , were ecclesiastical courts alone to judge of spiritual matters , and there could be no appeals from their decisions , ( which yet the supream power has a right to receive ) yet these courts do not exercise any power that is not derived from the supremacy , either mediately or immediately . the laws by which they act , and exercise their jurisdiction , proceed from thence , and the courts are constituted by its authority . so that all that is done there , is by virtue of the king's commission . but besides , if the king had no power at all in spiritual cases , yet it does not appear , that the cause of the deprived bishops is purely spiritual ; they are as much ecclesiastical persons now , as they were before their deprivation . and though they may not exercise any part of episcopal power in the king's dominions , yet they still retain their office , and have a right to perform all the duties of it , where and whensoever the sovereign power will authorise them to it . it was the opinion of archbishop laud , that the use and exercise of his jurisdiction , in foro conscientiae , might not be but by the leave and power of the king , within his dominions . if his majesty should forbid a physician to practise within his dominions , for some crime committed by him ; 't is plain , that by this means , he is not degraded from his profession ; nor will it follow , that his majesty ought to be acquainted with that art , before he pronounces sentence against him . if his offence had been against some of the rules of his own profession , 't would be more proper for the college of physicians to judge of the nature and manner of it : but where the crime has no relation to the profession , there is required no skill in physick to judge of it . if a person be convicted of heresie , 't is just he should be tried by the spiritual power , and according to what has been judged by them so to be . but if his offence be against the king or the publick , if he refuse allegiance to his majesty , or obedience to his laws , be he a spiritual person or not , there is no doubt , but his majesty has a right to forbid him the exercise of any office or function within his territories . the king does not judge herein of his qualifications as a divine , but of his duty as a subject . and as such has a right to command his obedience , and to punish him as he thinks fit for his disloyalty . but if what the author of the defence of the vindication of the deprived bishops , urges , is of any force ; as , that the church and state , tho' christian , are two distinct societies ; and that spiritual persons , tho' defended and preserved by the sovereign power , have yet as such , no dependence upon it , and are not subject to its authority . how advantageous soever this may prove to the church , it will be very inconvenient and dangerous to the state. for if the prince has no just power over spiritual persons as such , it must follow , that in several cases , he can have no authority over them as temporal . as suppose any of that body should be guilty of a crime , which requires such a punishment , as can't be inflicted without depriving him of his ecclesiastical , as well as his civil rights ; 't is plain , according to that author's way of arguing , that in such a case , the state can have no authority to punish . and if the clergy will not pass sentence against him , he must go unpunished : for how guilty soever he may be , the king can pretend no authority , either to imprison or banish him . because , according to this author , the supream power has no right upon any account whatsoever , to prohibit him the exercise of his ecclesiastical function ; which he must do , if he punishes him either of the fore-mentioned ways . the same reasons will , i think , also forbid the civil authority , from having any right of sentencing an ecclesiastical person to death , as well as to perpetual imprisonment , be his offence of what nature soever . the consequences of such notions , are more than sufficient confutations of them . the great grotius , who could have no interest or prejudice to mis-guide his judgment , in relation to this controversie , is of opinion , that the right of removing a pastor from the cure of any certain place , ought always to remain in the highest power . so solomon deposed abiathar from being priest. the vindicator of the deprived bishops has been at some pains , to prove that abiathar was not high priest. which whether true or no , is little to his purpose ; for if he was a priest , and deprived by a lay power , it is sufficient . so the bishops of rome , were more than once deposed , by the imperial authority , as is owned by bellarmine himself . and to prove this , says grotius , is not difficult : for if the supream authority hath a right to forbid any one the city or province , he must of necessity have a right , to prohibit him the ministry of that city or province . for this is included in the other : for he who has a power over the whole , must have the same , no doubt , over the part . and he adds , that if the sovereign power had not this right , the state could not be able to provide for its own security . but what seems to me most absurd in the management of this controversie by the vindicator of the depriv'd bishops , is this , that he condemns all those of schism , who go upon different principles , or that conform with these who fill the sees of the deprived bishops . for by this means , he not only involves the christians of several centuries in the same guilt , even from constantine's time , till papal usurpations were introduced ; who submitted to bishops put into the places of others deprived by the emperors , as has been learnedly shewn in a great many instances , beyond all possibility of a reply : but he also condemns and contradicts himself . for i believe his practice has been contrary to his present opinion . since , if i mistake not , he held communion with the church of england , till the late revolution . and i believe this doctrin of the prince's authority over spiritual persons , was the same then as now . if not , what can those words signifie , that the king is over all persons and in all causes , as well ecclesiastical as civil , supream ? mr. hooker tells us , that the prince has by this , the same power over ecclesiastical persons , as the pope had usurped before the reformation . and indeed , if these words do not imply , that ecclesiastical persons as such , are subject to the king's authority , they signifie nothing . and if they carry such a sense with them , they must also denote the sufficiency of the king's authority , for depriving bishops of their sees upon a just cause . and tho' it be granted , there were no instances of this nature in the late reigns ; yet the case is much the same , if such a doctrin was then held and maintained by the church . and if 't is a sin to communicate with the bishops , who are put into the sees of them , who were deprived by the supream power , 't is a sin also not to separate from that church , which requires all its members to acknowledge and believe such a right to belong to that power . for the nature of the church is the same , whether the king exercises that authority or not ; if it be owned and allowed by the church to belong to him . but this author pretends that he has the church and the laws on his side , since queen elizabeth's time ; and that he will agree to the supremacy as then stated by her , and as it is expressed in the 37th article . if he will put the cause upon this issue , we must also submit to be determined by it . for we cannot desire to carry the supremacy farther than it was in that queen's time , and as 't is specified in that article . but then we demand , that the words may be explained according to the most easie and natural sense of them , and not understood only as this author would interpret them . the queen lays claim to the same authority over ecclesiastical affairs and persons , that was exercised by all godly princes in scripture , and which at all times belonged to the imperial crown of england : and this must include the power which was given to her predecessors henry the 8th , and edward the 6th . the 37th article allows the king all that power which we contend for , and asserts his supremacy over all sorts of persons as well spiritual as temporal in all causes . and all the limitations that either the injunctions of queen elizabeth , or that article hath set to the regal power , is , that kings have not , or do not pretend to have , any authority to minister divine service in the church , which we are not disputing for . but if this author will be concluded by queen elizabeth's notion of the supremacy , he must carry it i am afraid something farther than he is aware of . for she thought her supremacy extended to the giving commissions to lay-persons to proceed by ecclesiastical censures . and accordingly the earls of shrewsbury , derby , and others , were made visitors of ecclesiastical matters , and acted as such . this then we may be positive in asserting , that the supremacy , as it was confirmed and settled in queen elizabeth's reign , is a sufficient vindication of our principles , and directly opposite to his . upon the whole , that author's censures are either too far stretcht , or too much confin'd . every man , i think , ought to be very tender in fixing the charge of schism upon a whole church ; especially where it has the practice of all antiquity on its side . charity certainly would rather oblige a man to distrust the strength of his own arguments , where he has neither the authority of scripture , and the ancient church to support them , than pass so severe a censure from the bare result of his own thoughts and opinions . if we are in the wrong , we err with the whole catholick church for some ages together , and i believe i may add with the scriptures themselves , i am sure not against them ; and we have moreover our canons and articles for us , the judgment of some of the greatest men of the last age , who could have no other motives to mislead them , but the impartial discovery of truth , who were of the same opinion with us . indeed , i think we ought to pay a great deal of respect to men that go upon sincere principles of conscience ; but then it were to be wished , that they would not judge too rashly of other men ; but consider , that they who dissent from their notions , may not be less sincere and consciencious than themselves . it can't be supposed , that men , who believe religion , should be so fond of the little interest of a short life , as to forfeit all pretences to a better , for the sake of it . surely , men that know the present value of things , ought to think them very inconsiderate motives for the byassing a man's conscience one way or other . there are a great many who can't comply with us , whom we must , and do entertain a very high opinion of , and who deserve and command our esteem . the late service which one of them has done the church and clergy , by the vindicating them from the contempt and abuses of the stage , in his admirable and just reflections upon the immorality and profaneness of that place , ought always to be acknowledged with the highest returns of gratitude . but to return to our convocations ; if we should grant that revelation has not in express terms determined this matter , yet we may venture to lay this down for a certain principle ; that in a christian common-wealth , that order ought most to be observed , which is most subservient to its peace and unity ; and that such a method of government cannot be lawful , which will necessarily confound and destroy it . now , if the clergy should have the sole power among themselves of meeting , and establishing what laws they please , for the government of the whole church ; and of subjecting all christians to the observance of them , whether they will consent to them or no , it will probably occasion great confusion , and raise perpetual heats and jealousies in the state. the state does not challenge such a superiority over the clergy in civil affairs ; no temporal laws are made to bind them , but such as themselves have assented to : the same reasons will hold in christian discipline ; none ought to be bound to obey any constitutions , but such as are made by their own consent ; or , which is the same thing , by that of the supream authority , which represents the whole state. nor indeed , can the clergy plead such a priviledge ; their business being only to deliver their opinions , and to declare their own , and the sense of the church , concerning any point in religion , and no farther than this does their authority extend . g. vossius has proved this at large , and tells us , that the clergy are forbid by the scripture to exercise authority ; and grotius tells us , that they are called in holy writ by the titles of embassadors , messengers and teachers , to signifie , that it is their part , to declare the authority and power of another , and not to oblige men by their own . the government therefore which is committed to them , when they are said to guide , to rule , to feed , to be set over the church , ought to be interpreted of the declarative kind , or of that which consists only in persuasion : when the apostles are any where said to have commanded , it is to be understood in such a figurative sense , as they are said to remit and retain sins ; that is , to declare them remitted or retained . he farther proves , that the church can have no commanding power by divine right , because the sword , which is the instrument of power , and denotes authority , is not committed to them . there can no power naturally belong to the pastors of the church , because no such thing is included in the nature of the function . under the mosaical law , when there was neither king nor judge , the supream power in civil , as well as ecclesiastical affairs , devolved on the high priest. but during the regal dignity , the high priests jurisdiction was always under that of the king ; so aaron was under that of moses . the trust that is committed to the ministers of the church , by the law of the gospel , and which comes nearest to iurisdiction , though it is distinct from it , are those actions which were either peculiar to the first christians only , or are still continued to the pastors of the church . such was that sharpness which the apostle threatens the corinthians with , which denotes according to grotius , a certain miraculous vertue of imposing punishment . thus ananias and sapphira fell down dead ; elymas was smitten with blindness , and others were delivered to satan , which was plainly an act of miraculous power exercised by god himself ; who , at the denunciation of the apostles , commanded men to be vexed and tormented with diseases , and seized on by divels . grotius , upon this observes , that before the civil powers exercised their authority in the church , god himself supplyed by divine assistance , what was defective in human laws . but as manna ceased , after the israelites were possessed of the holy land ; so , after emperors took upon them to protect the church , their office being to punish all that any way disturbed its peace , these divine executions of justice were dis-continued . but however , all those divine punishments were the acts of god , not of men , and the whole work was his , not the apostles . as for the use of the keys which is perpetually annext to the pastoral office , that implies no iurisdiction . the denouncing the divine threats and punishments , and the enjoyning restitution of goods unjustly gotten , are only so many declarations of the divine law : excommunication is of the same kind . the denying the sacraments to notorious offenders , is not exercising any dominion over them , but is only a suspension of the pastors own act , and therefore is not any part of jurisdiction . from the whole it appears , that the authority which was committed to the clergy , does not reach to the making of laws , or to oblige any persons to be subject to their injunctions by vertue of their own power . they may do both by the consent and permission of the supream authority , but of themselves they can pretend no right . they are only allowed by the scriptures to declare and deliver their opinions about any religious matters , but the sovereign power alone can confirm them , and give them the force of laws . but however , if at any time there may seem to be absolute necessity for a convocation to meet , for the condemning errors and heresies , which may have crept into , and have disturbed the peace of the church ; though the prince in such a case will not consent to the assembling the clergy , they may notwithstanding , as many of them as think fit , give their opinions , concerning such false notions . and if their opinions have any weight in them , they may be perhaps as much regarded , by the judicious part of the world , as the judgment of a whole convocation . for when men publish their reasons concerning any opinions , every body is at liberty to discuss and examine them , to search into the strength of their arguments ; be able to discover whether their thoughts are well weighed , or whether they are not the effects of a peevish , mis-guided zeal , rather than of a serious , deliberate judgment . the world can then judge whether mens enquiries into others notions , and their censures of them , are impartial or not ; whether a man's prejudice , or perhaps his ignorance , or both , do not biass or mis-lead his apprehensions . it is not impossible that men may side with a party in a convocation , only because 't is the greatest ; may judge against men and their opinions , only because they are theirs ; but the world may be best satisfied of the reasons and motives of every man's judgment , when they are submitted to publick examination . besides , the consent of a church may be known by the unanimous writings of all the great men of that church , that have treated of such subjects . for the affairs of religion , have been more often managed this way , and the consent of the church more frequently signified by communication of letters , as grotius observes , than by synods . i would not be thought to derogate from the usefulness of convocations , and from that respect and submission which is justly due to their decisions . whenever the king shall be pleased to give them leave to sit and act , every man is obliged to be determined by their orders and decrees , as soon as ever they are legally confirmed . but there is not at all times a necessity for their meeting , and there may be often greater reasons to urge against , than for it : grotius assigns these as two of the chief ends of having synods ; one is , to counsel and direct the prince in the advancement of truth and piety ; the other , that the consent of the church may be established and made known . but a synod is not absolutely necessary upon either of these accounts : counsel is not necessary for a prince in things that are sufficiently plain by the light of nature , or supernatural revelation . who doubts , but he that denies a god , a providence , or a iudgment to come ; that calls in question the divinity of christ , or the redemption purchased by him ; who , i say , can doubt , that a man so profane may not be put out of office , or banished the common-wealth , without the advice of others ? besides , the prince has the judgment of former synods to assist and guide him in such cases , so that he need not be obliged to call a new one . he hath the perpetual consent and determinations of the most serious and learned men , who have lived in all other ages , as well as the present , so that a synod cannot be absolutely necessary for this end. as for the consent of a whole church , there may be other methods , as was already observed , of declaring that without the meeting of a convocation . if then the ends for which convocations are to be called are not indispensably necessary , certainly their right to sit cannot be divine . but however it may be , this to me seems very apparent ; that they are guilty of a very great sin against god , and their own consciences , if any such there are , that either publickly maintain , or secretly believe the divine right of convocations independent on the supream civil authority , and yet submit to be members of such a one , as has no power to sit , or act , but what depends solely upon the pleasure of the state. if they are convinced that the clergy have a divine commission to assemble themselves , and that the concessions made by the clergy in henry the eighth's time were unjust and sinful , why don't they act agreeably to themselves ? why don't they protest against the power of the prince to call them ; refuse his writs , and disobey his summons ? for the very meeting by his appointment , is an acknowledgment of his power , and an actual surrendring of those rights , which they pretend are only theirs , by vertue of the divine institution ; and consequently are in the very least degree for ever unalienable . if then there are any , ( as i would willingly believe there are not ) who plead for such a divine right , and yet submit to be called to convocation by a lay-authority ; they must grant at least , that their practice is very inconsistent with their notions . but this i leave to the consideration of the elaborately confused author of the municipium ecclesiasticum : but yet , in asserting the king's authority over convocations , we don't mean , that he may prescribe , what himself thinks good to be done in the service of god : how the word shall be taught , how the sacraments administred : that he may by judicial sentence decide questions which may arise about matters of faith and christian religion ; that kings may excommunicate ; finally , that kings may do whatsoever is incident unto the office and duty of an ecclesiastical judge . but , to give mr. hooker's words , we mean , that the king 's royal power is of so large compass , that no man commanded by him , can plead himself to be without the limits and bounds of that authority . and that kings should be in such sort supream commanders over all men , we hold it requisite , as well for the ordering of spiritual as civil affairs ; in as much as without universal authority in this kind , they should not be able when need is , to do as vertuous kings have done . as iosia and hezekiah in the old testament did , when they assembled the priests and levites to renew the house of the lord , and to celebrate the passover . the like before them did david and solomon , for removing the ark , and dedicating the temple . such authority as the iewish kings exercised over ecclesiastical affairs and persons , the like we claim to belong to our kings ; and those that deny them the same authority , are to be excommunicated , according to the doctrine of the church of england . but since there is an argument now again insisted upon from the new testament , to prove the right which belongs to the clergy to assemble , and make ecclesiastical laws without the leave of the supream authority , which in mr. hooker's time was brought for an objection against such a supremacy in the king , i shall take the freedom to set it down in his words , with his answer to it . it will be ( says that excellent author ) perhaps alledged , that a part of the unity of christian religion is to hold the power of making ecclesiastical laws a thing appropriated unto the clergy in their synods ; and whatsoever is by their only voices agreed upon , it needeth no farther appropriation to give unto it the strength of a law , as may plainly appear by the canons of that first most venerable assembly : where those things the apostles and iames had concluded , were afterwards published , and imposed upon the churches of the gentiles abroad as laws ; the records threof remaining still in the book of god for a testimony , that the power of making ecclesiastical laws , belongeth to the successors of the apostles , the bishops and prelates of the church of god. to this we answer , that the council of ierusalem is no argument for the power of the clergy to make laws ; for first , there has not been since , any council of like authority to that in ierusalem : secondly , the cause , why that was of such authority came by a special accident : thirdly , the reason why other councils being not like unto that in nature , the clergy in them should have no power to make laws by themselves alone , is in truth so forcible , that except some commandment of god , to the contrary can be shewed , it ought notwithstanding the aforesaid example to prevail . the decrees of the council of ierusalem , were not as the canons of other ecclesiastical-assemblies , humane , but very divine ordinances : for which cause the churches were far and wide , commanded every where to see them kept , no otherwise than if christ himself had personally on earth been the author of them . the cause why that council was of so great authority and credit above all others which have been since , is expressed in those words of principal observation , vnto the holy ghost , and to us it hath seemed good : which form of speech , though other councils have likewise used , yet neither could they themselves-mean , nor may we so understand them ▪ as if both were in equal sort assisted with the power of the holy ghost . wherefore , in as much as the council of ierusalem did consist of men so enlightned , it had authority greater than were meet for any other council besides to challenge , wherein such kind of persons are , as now the state of the church doth stand ; kings being not then that which now they are , and the clergy not now that which then they were . till it be proved that some special law of christ , hath for ever annexed unto the clergy alone the power to make ecclesiastical laws , we are to hold it a thing most consonant with equity and reason , that no ecclesiastical laws be made in a christian common-wealth , without consent as well of the laity as of the clergy , but least of all without consent of the highest power . the opinion of the learned grotius being more short and decisive in our present case , upon that forementioned place of the acts , i shall also give an account of it . the original of synods , says he ▪ is usually taken from that history in the 15th chap. of the acts. but whether that assembly may be properly termed a synod , as we now understand that word , may very well be questioned . there arose a controversie between paul and barnabas , and certain iews of antioch , concerning the obligations of the mosaick law : paul and barnabas are sent with some of antioch , to know the opinion of the pastors ; but were they those of all asia , syria , cilicia and judea , assembled together in one place , that were to give their iudgment ? no certainly ; but of the apostles and elders of jerusalem ; the company of the apostles , was a college , not a synod ; and the elders of one city , could not certainly be called a synod . one church therefore alone is consulted ; or more truly and properly speaking , the apostles only are consulted , and they alone give iudgment ; to whose authority the elders and brethren of jerusalem yield their consent and approbation . thus , i think there can't be the least shadow of an argument brought from scripture for a divine institution of synods . but to return once more to mr. hooker ; were it so , ( adds that judicious author ) that the clergy alone might give laws unto all the rest , is it not easie to see , how injurious this might prove to men of other conditions ? peace and justice are maintained by preserving unto every order their right , and by keeping all estates , as it were in even ballance , which thing is no way better done , than if the king their common parent , whose care is presumed to extend most indifferently over all , do bear the chiefest sway in making laws , which all must be ordered by ; wherefore of them which attribute most to the clergy , i would demand , what evidence there is , whereby it may clearly be shewed , that in ancient kingdoms christian , any canon devised alone by the clergy , in their synods , whether provincial , national or general , hath by meer force of their agreement , taken place as a law , making all men constrainable to be obedient thereunto , without any other approbation from the king , before or afterwards required in that behalf ? this was the sense of that great-man ; and the very same opinion and notions they are , and no other , ( as far i can judge , ) which are maintained by them , who at present defend the king's authority in calling convocations , and in other ecclesiastical affairs . and i can't yet apprehend , how those who so warmly and furiously oppose them , can reconcile their notions with the doctrines which have been always received in the church of england . but it may probably be urged , that though the clergy's right to assemble themselves , and make laws for the government of the church by their own power could not be proved by revelation , yet in reason it ought to be allowed to them ; because the security of religion depends upon it . for if the clergy alone may not make any new orders which may seem wanting , nor pass a general censure upon any false opinions or innovations in religion , by a judicial sentence against them in convocation , without the pleasure of the state ; the church will by this means be deprived of its liberty , and never be in a capacity of deciding any controversies which may disturb its peace and unity . and if the prince be heretical , as 't is not impossible , and will not suffer the meeting of a convocation , our religion will then very probably be corrupted by errors and heresies , and the church unable to relieve it , by being divested of the power of summoning its clergy ; by whose united opinions and decrees , a timely stop might be put to all false doctrines and divisions . to this i answer , that the case is the same wherever the power shall be lodged . let us suppose in a metropolitan . now 't is not impossible , but he also may be a heretick , and will not suffer a convocation of the clergy . for if the authority is in him , the inferior order must be as much subject to his will , as to that of the civil governor , and may as equally be deprived of their liberty of meeting , by the one as the other ; and so it may be , let the authority be placed in any other hands . but perhaps it may be thought that the civil power is not a proper judge of the necessities of the church , when its faith or discipline are in danger of being corrupted or destroyed . let it be granted , that there may be others more fit to judge of these things , tho' it may happen , that even some of the clergy themselves may be mistaken in these matters , and may be sometimes very unfit judges of the most proper times for calling a convocation : yet i hope the king is not to be precluded from all council and advice in such cases . if any of the clergy had the power , they would not , i presume , make use of it , upon their own single opinion : they would certainly ask the advice of the most wise and judicious in such matters . and why the king may not have the same priviledges and opportunities of enquiry , i can see no reason . but it is objected , that the office of the clergy is distinct from that of the civil power , and they receive no parts of it from thence , and therefore cannot be under its jurisdiction . so it was also among the jews , yet their kings had the supream power over their priests . the power and authority of the king is spiritual , though he is not invested with the spiritual office. the king indeed seems in some cases to be subject to the priestly office ; as he is to receive the sacraments , absolution , and the like from them : so also is he subject to his physician as to his health , he is to be governed by his rules and methods for preserving life . yet this does not diminish his authority over either . his right over them , as supream governor still remains the same . but 't is again objected , that the care of souls is the particular and immediate business of the clergy : and the observance of the true religion being necessary to that end , 't is undeniable that they ought to have a power of endeavouring to preserve it by such ways as may seem most effectual and proper for it . to this we may answer , that the supream governor has the same care incumbent upon him ; he is obliged to preserve and defend the true religion , to see it rightly observed , and to punish those that do evil : for which reason , g. vossius , as well as grotius , is of opinion that princes have the supream authority in sacred matters by a divine right . for if they are the ministers of god for good , they must have the supream command in religious matters , whereby to enforce obedience to them . and indeed , if the commission given by god to moses , and exercised afterwards by ioshua , and the iewish kings , and never abolished by our saviour , does give the same right and authority to christian kings now , to call ecclesiastical assemblies as they did , it can't be denied that they also act by a divine commission . and it is one great business of theirs , that divine things should be rightly ordered , and the salvation of men procured . they are the defenders and guardians of the divine law : the inspectors of the actions of all men ; and have accordingly a power to reward and punish . 't is also necessary that kings should have the chief command in religious matters , because religion is of mighty service to the civil government ; nothing more advantageous for the preserving peace and unity , love of our country , justice , equity , and all other moral duties , which 't is a princes duty to maintain : and which he has no means of effecting so well , as by his sovereign power in all sacred concerns . and therefore to deprive him of this power , is to forbid him the exercising those commands which a vertuous king is obliged to . upon the whole then , it can't be denied , that by our constitution , the king has the sole power of calling and dissolving convocations , and that they have no authority to act but what is derived from him . and whoever takes the oath of supremacy grants as much . that this power is no other , than what was exercised by the iewish kings , and afterwards by the first christian emperors ; and was never disowned and protested against by the clergy . that the practice of the christians before the conversion of the supream authority , is not concerned in the dispute ; and that the scriptures are either for us , or wholly silent in the matter . tho' i think we may fairly urge , that the examples of the iewish kings , and the general authority given to princes by god , do sufficiently prove even from scripture , that this power does belong to them . that the ends of government require , that where all profess the same religion , they should all be subject to the same common head , in spiritual as well as civil affairs . and that he , to whom the chief care of the church is committed , and to whom it principally belongs to preserve and defend the orders and constitutions of it , should also have the principality of power in approving and establishing them . but if the clergy have the sole power by a divine commission of making ecclesiastical laws , it will follow , that 't is the prince's business , to maintain and see them observed , whether he is willing to consent to them or not . he cannot refuse to obey them himself , nor to oblige others to submit to them . nay , more , if the clergy have a divine right to meet and constitute any orders without the leave of the supream power , they have a right also to decree and enact what laws they may judge beneficial to the church , how opposite soever to the constitutions of the state. they may declare what doctrines they please to be taught in the church , provided they be not repugnant to the law of god. for if their right is divine , their power is absolute and uncontroulable , where scripture has not determined the bounds and measures of it . every one sees what distractions such a power might occasion ; and therefore we can't pay too great a veneration to our laws , which have wisely provided against them : that have intrusted this power with the prince , whose interest it is as much to preserve the church , as the state. and i hope we have no reason to believe , but that he makes it as truly and sincerely his concern to vindicate the cause of religion , as any amongst us . if there are such dangers threaten the church , that nothing but a convocation can prevent , no doubt but he will think it a great obligation upon him to call one : but yet , it is not at all times necessary ; mens heats will not always suffer it . and if it should chance to fire their tempers instead of cooling them , it would be then very prejudicial . we confess indeed , with grotius and others , that synods are often times very useful to the order and government of the church ; yet we also join with them , that there may be such a time , when they are far from being convenient , much less necessary . but our greatest wonder is at the boldness of some men , who maintain , that , even when the powers take on them the protection of the church , whether they will or no , synods may lawfully and rightly be assembled . of another mind , says vossius , were all those , who have hitherto defended the cause of the protestants against the papists ; and he cites several authorities for it . as for the assertors of a divine right of synods , 't is something difficult to know their meaning ; they seem too much to distrust their cause to speak plain enough to be understood . if they mean no more by that expression , than that christ hath so constituted his church , as to leave a power of goverment with the bishops of it , for the better ordering its affairs ; who accordingly may either by consent meet themselves , or by their authority call together their clergy , and agree on such things as are necessary for the ordering of it : this is what , in states not christian , will never be deny'd by us . but if they pretend to a power from god of meeting and acting independently on the sovereign authority , tho' christian , and of making and establishing ecclesiastical laws and constitutions without his consent ; this is what we utterly deny . and i would desire to know of the author of the vindication of the depriv'd bishops , by what authority , either from the scripture or the practice of the church , he will oppose this , or with what justice he can so severely reflect on the memory of the first reformers , for being of the same opinion . but to return , supposing we should allow this jus divinum which they contend for ; yet after all , it must be left to human prudence to determine , when 't is proper for convocations to meet ; and then , who is it that must judge of the proper seasons for it ? who of the clergy have a divine commission to judge of the reasons , and fix the time for it ? or suppose the clergy should differ in their judgments , who is the supream arbiter that must decide when it is most convenient , and accordingly shall have the power of summoning all the rest ? superiority in bishops over each other is an act of human authority , since christ did not appoint a head ; and therefore any one of those can't have a power by divine right of summoning all the rest : where then must the power be placed ? for they who urge such an institution against us , ought to assign where they would have the divine power of summoning the convocation to be lodged . after all , 't is reason that must direct in these cases ; when a convocation ought to be assembled ; of what number of the clergy it ought to consist ; where their power is to be fixed and limited , and to whom the chief authority ought to belong of calling and dissolving them , and of giving their resolutions , the force and sanction of a law. this the wisdom of the nation , has entrusted with the sovereign power ; and the church of england has ever since the reformation , own'd and acknowledg'd it to be its peculiar province . as for the author of the municipium ecclesiasticum , poor man , he is rather to be pitied then censured , as to the arguing part of his book ; he writes so much backwards and forwards , for and against himself , and withal so very obscurely , that the most charitable opinion of him , is , that he knew nothing of what he writ . he is so strangly bewildred in his own notions , and so fond of ill-nature , that he is neither to be understood or convinced . all he has urged in defence of the divine right of convocations , will as much prove a divine right of constables and church-wardens , or any other officers that may be useful for punishing immorality , or for supporting or advancing the interest of the church . and for all the argument i can find in his book , he might as well have called it a criticism upon honer's iliads , as an answer to dr. wake . this author is one great instance , why i think a convocation necessary , that malice and uncharitableness may have their just reward ; that he may be convinced , that he who writes at all adventures upon every thing he least understands , must not think to carry a cause only by abusing and defaming his adversary ; which is all that i can find he pretends to , in all his prints : and lastly , that he may be satisfied that his ill-breeding , which he values himself so much upon , is but one way meritorious . i should not have digressed into this way of writing , was it not to inform this author , that there is a difference between railing and argument : that the one is rude and indecent , even when mixt with the other ; but without it , 't is insufferable . thus have i run thro' all the parts of this dispute , about a convocation , which i thought necessary to be considered and discussed ; i have endeavoured to reduce the controversie , into as narrow a compass , and to set it in as clear and true a light as i could . and as i have given my thoughts freely , so i have not been misled by any prejudice , or a desire of pleasing any party . my first designs were to get a clear view of the controversie ; and since there had been of late some heats about it , i thought it not improper to expose my enquires to publick examination . i consulted the best and most rational authors that i could find had writ upon the subject ; tho' i thought it unnecessary to fill out a volume with quotations . but i shall add what the learned vossinus as well as grotius , says upon this occasion ; namely , that besides the divines , all the writers of polity , that are worth the reading , have declared the supreme authority of princes , over ecclesiastical persons and causes , to be one of the principal parts of the imperial right . dr. wake , as well as all the other writers upon this subject , is wholly unknown to me : but i can't but think , upon an impartial enquiry into the controversie , that he has given us a very just and learned . account of it ; and that he agrees with the most judicious and eminent men , that have treated the subject before him . what a peice of daring confidence must it then be , to tax those as mercenary designing writers , that only espouse a cause , which some of the greatest and most learned men in the world , have before defended . but i shall urge nothing more , but only , that i have delivered what i judged to be right , without either hopes or fears . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a44094-e100 * epis. 23. notes for div a44094-e470 dr. wake . act. parl. an. 25. hen. viii . upon the submission of the clergy , and restraint of appeals . de imperio sum . potest . circa sacra . c. 7. see bp. taylor 's duct . dub. l. 3. c. 3. eccl. polity . l. 8. p. 462. that clause of the 1st . eli. which gave the king power to make such high commissioners in ecclesiastical causes , is now repealed . municip . eccles. preface . defence of the vind. of the depriv'd bishops , p. 104. see rast. stat. 22. h. viii . ecclesiastical polity , p. 469. preface p. 44. ed. lond. 1682. vid. stat. 16. r. 2. against purchasing bulls from rome . g. voss. ep. 23. see canon , 1640. can. 1. see bishop andrews's sermon before the king at h. c. canons 1640 can. 1. see bishop andrews sermon at hampton court. see bishop taylor 's duct . dub. l. 3. c. 3. vid. grot. de imp. sum . pot. cir . sacra c. 3. eccl. pol. p. 444. c. 7. de synodis . see the defence of the vind. of the deprived bishops . municip . eccl. p. 439. see bishop bramhal against the scotch discipline . p. 109. eccl. pol. 467. p. 440 , 441 , &c. defence of the vind. of the deprived bishops , p. 108. eccl. pol. p. 464. see the history of the troubles and tryal of arch-bp . laud , p. 309. lb. p. 309. de impersum . potest . circa sacra , chap. 10. by doctor hody . see dean nowel , against dorman . see the doctrine of the church of england , concerning the independency of the clergy on the lay-power , by the vindicator of the deprived bishops . vid. bp. burnet's hist. of the reform . vol. 2 , p. 399. see dean nowel , who was prolocut . of the convocat . when the articl were made in his books against dorman . hist. of the reform . vol. 2. p. 400. see bp. taylor 's duct . dubitant . l. 3. c. 4. ep. 23. cap. 4. vid. selden . de synedriis . see vossius , ep. 23. duct . dubitant . l. 3. c. 4. cap. 7. de synodis . cap. 7. de synodis . vid. eccle . politie . p. 461. p. 467. acts 15. chap. 7. de synodis . voss. epist . 23. cap. 1. de imperio . see bishop andrew's sermon at hampton-court . see bishop andrew's sermon at hampt . court. cap. 7. vid. bp. bramhal against the scotch discipline . vossius epist . 23. vid. bp. taylor , ductor dubitamium , archbp. bramhal against the scots discipline , &c. vos . ep. 23. de imperio sum . potest . circa sacra . a proclamation, for a solemn national fast and humiliation. scotland. privy council. 1696 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05608 wing s1794 estc r183474 52528967 ocm 52528967 179045 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05608) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179045) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:34) a proclamation, for a solemn national fast and humiliation. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1696. caption title. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twelfth day of december, and of our reign the eight year, 1696. signed: da. moncrieff. cls. sti concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. fasts and feasts -church of scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation for a solemn national fast and humiliation . william by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greetting ; forasmuch as , the displeasure & wrath of almighty god , in very visible against the land , in the judgements of great sicknesse and mortality , in most parts of the kingdoms ; as also of growing dearth , and famine threatned , with the imminent hazard of an invasion from our cruel and bloody enemies abroad , all the just deservings , and effects of our continuing and a bounding sins , and of our great security and impenitency under them : and which certainly do call for our deep humiliation , under the mighty hand of god , and our most earnest and solemn application , and prayers for his gracious pardon , and the removing and averting of the foresaid judgements , upon which consideration , the commission of the general assembly hath likeways addressed the lords of our privy council , that a day of humiliation may be appointed , and keeped for these causes , throughout the kingdom ; therefore , we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , command and appoint a day of humiliation , and prayer to be observed throughout the whole kingdom , upon the tuenty first day of january nixt to come ; upon which we are to be deeply humbled before god , for our manifold sins and provocations , that so openly abound , and in which men still continue secure and hardned , notwithstanding of gods greatmercy & deliverances wrought for us , and of ourfrequent confessions , and former fastings , which yet have produced no amendment , or reformation : and therefore to deprecat his deserved wrath , and to implore his mercy and grace , that we may be delivered from the foresaid judgements already incumbent ; and likewayes from the invasion , and other evils wherewith we are so imminently threatned ; which day of solemn humiliation and prayer , above appointed , we , with advice foresaid , require and command , to be most religiously and seriously observed by all our people , by publick prayer , preaching and all other acts of deep humiliation , and devotion suitable to the foresaid causes and occasions , our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that incontinent thir our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and to the remanent market crosses of the head burghs , of the several shyres , and stewartries within this kingdom , and in our name and authority , make publication hereof , that none pretend ignorance . and we ordain our solicitor to dispatch copies hereof , to the sheriffs of the several shyres , and stewarts of stewartries , and their deputs , or clerks , to be by them published at the mercat crosses of the head burghs , upon recept thereof , and immediately sent to the several ministers , to the effect that the same may be intimate , and read in their several paroch-churches , upon the lords day , immediately preceeding the day above-appointed , and ordains thir presents to be printed , and allowes the causes of this fast , given in to the lords of our privy council be the commission of the general assembly of this national church , to be printed herewith . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twelfth day of december , and of our reign the eight year , 1696 . per actum dominorum sti. concilii . da. moncrieff . cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty , 1696. the great and popular objection against the repeal of the penal laws & tests briefly stated and consider'd, and which may serve for answer to several late pamphlets upon that subject / by a friend to liberty for liberties sake. penn, william, 1644-1718. 1688 approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70777 wing p1298a estc r12742 12254672 ocm 12254672 57321 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70777) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57321) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 364:6 or 1510:16) the great and popular objection against the repeal of the penal laws & tests briefly stated and consider'd, and which may serve for answer to several late pamphlets upon that subject / by a friend to liberty for liberties sake. penn, william, 1644-1718. 23 p. printed and sold by andrew sowle ..., london : 1688. attributed to penn. cf. wing; nuc pre-1956. "licensed february the 4th 1687" reproduction of original in the harvard university library and university of michigan libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. anti-catholicism -england. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the great and popular objection against the repeal of the penal laws & tests briefly stated and consider'd , and which may serve for answer to several late pamphlets upon that subject . by a friend to liberty for liberties sake licensed february the 4th 1687. london , printed , and sold , by andrew sowle , at the three-keys , in nags-head-court , in grace-church-street , over-against the conduit , 1688. the great and popular objection against the repeal of the penal laws & tests , &c. if the consequences that are imagin'd to follow the repeal of the penal statutes and tests ( and which so many give for the reason of their dislike to the liberty that is sought by it ) were indeed so terrible as they are industriously represented , i should readily fall in with the common jealousie , and help to augment the number of those that are for their continuance ; but when i consider how long our government was happy without them , how much of heat and partialty prevail'd in their constitution , and how troublesome and impracticable their execution are , and that , in our present circumstances , they appear a plain barriere to our happiness , instead of a bulwark to our religion , i cannot but lament the misfortune of the publick , that those gentlemen are yet under the fatal mistake of thinking them necessary to our safety , that with more reason and charity , in my opinion , should endeavour to save us from the inconveniences of them . for the question being gain'd against coertion in religion , and the impiety & impolicy of persecution , agreed on all hands , all that is said by the most averse to the extent of the repeal desired , issues here , if the papists should happen to have power or ease , they are sure to use it to the prejudice of the rest , and therefore it is the interest of the rest to oppose all their attempts to get it . the consequence of which is this , it were better the power of persecution rested where it is , then to come into hands that would use it more rigorously . i say , all arts and rhetorical declamations set aside , this is the center and substance of all that 's said , by any body , against the repeal of the penal laws , and more especially the tests : and to this i would modestly offer what follows . i can by no means imagin there should be so much danger where there is so little trust : indeed none : and where one does not trust one cannot be deceived : now there is no trust , where there is a law that puts all parties out of the power of one another : for therefore is a law desired , that the hazard of trusting may be out of doors . and as this law may be fram'd , i humbly conceive , it will not be impossible to secure every party from the bigottry of the rest , else , i must acknowledge , nothing will save us from the mischief of relapses . and whatever may be said against a legal security now , is as strong and reasonable against the hopes of any , whoever has the chair : for ambition , we see , is but too apt to creep into all parties , and worldly dominion has been an old and powerful baite : if law cannot secure us against it , we shall ever be to seek for the assurance we desire in this world. it will yet be said , that the best law men can make , is nothing without execution , and that being in the power of those whose principles or interests may lead them to evade or perver it , the insecurity is the same ; yet with their leave that think so , it is one thing to dispence with a pe●●● law against a thing , not evil in it self , and another to violate a law of common right and safety , which is evil in it self ; for this were both to repeal and make laws without a parliament , which the judges of no raign have ever attempted to deliver for law. if the law propos'd , repeal penal laws for religion ( and surely 't is propos'd for that end ) the prince of himself cannot enact a penal law to burt any body , whatever be his religion , and we are so far safe from the mischeif of persecution , tho our security went no farther . but that we should be less safe , because the king , we so much fear , is ready to consent to a great charter for liberty of conscience , by which , it shall be declared the right of mankind to make a free and open choice and profession of faith and worship towards god , and that any constraint or interruption upon that freedom , is impiety , and an evil in it self , and that law , therefore indispenfible , is , i must confess , a notion very extraordinary . however , it is not hard to execute a law , when it is best executed by doing nothing , for letting men alone compli●● best with such an one , and the common law secures them , as well as this , from those that meddle with them . i know it is further objected , that tho this were done , it would not rest here , a parliament might quickly be packt to over-throw this establishment , and then we should be all ruin'd ; for we should not only have laws of the severest nature , but force to execute them . but as grave as the objection looks , permit me to say , there is more of art then truth or force in it : for don't we see that wagers are every where laying by the present enemies of liberty , that the king can't , even with the help of his dissenters , get a parliament that will repeal the penal laws and tests , and yet that they should pretend to fear he may get one to repeal liberty of conscience , and enact the bloodiest laws in lieu of it ( to which to be sure the dissenters will never assist ) is a contradiction , like that of magnifying the prerogative , and rayling at the declaration , crying down common wealths men , and opposing the monarchy constantly with their arguments ; fighting against the distinction of the natural and political capacity of the king , and making it every day to serve their own turn , and upon the worst terms too , persecution , i mean. but waving the humour , let us examine the fear : in my opinion 't is groundless ; for since their master-piece , the letter to a dissenter tells us , that there can be no danger of the bet , where the odds are so great as two hundred to one , we must conclude that objection is of no weight against our liberty : for number being the natural power of a kingdom , the artificial ( which is the executive part of the government ) must needs move heavily and dangerously when it works against it . but if a law be no security , because of the fear of a packt parliament , and force to back it , what security , after all , can the penal statutes and tests be ? are they any more then law ? if it be said , they caution and awe the roman catholicks . i say the uiolation of a great charter for liberty of conscience will do it much more , because the penalty may be greater , and better fixt and applyed . and since we only fear the repeal of the one by a packt parliament , as well as the other , the authority which abolishes either , is equally invalid , and therefore the caution and fear of violating the one , must needs be as great as of overthrowing the other . this would be less difficult to us to apprehend , if we made the equal reflections that become our present condition . we look on france till we frighten our selves from the best means of our worldly happiness , but will not look at home upon greater cruelties , if we consider theirs were exercised against those of another religion , but ours upon the people of our own ; tho when we observe their conduct elsewhere , it is easie to see , it must have something very particular in it . but at the same time we will take no notice of the greatest tranquility in germany and switzerland under a compleat liberty . is this any thing but the fruit of law , the agreement of princes and states , the great charter of those countries inviolably kept these forty years , the thing his majesty , with so much zeal and goodness presses to establish in his dominions ? why then may not that be done here that has been so happily acted elsewhere ? are our papists and protestants worse here then there ? or are our differences greater ? or are our numbers more dangerously unequal , that we dare not trust a law that others in our very circumstances are so happy under ? they don't only endure one anothers religion , but take their turns the same days in the same churches or places for divine worship ; and will not the same kingdom serve us ? we must then have the worst of natures , or be the worse for our religion . and tho many good reasons have been given , and may be elsewhere in evidence of this notion , i will venture to offer a few at this time that never saw light yet , that i know of , and which may happen to give some , to those that labour under the disbelief of it . i say then , a great charter for liberty of conscience , to be made and kept , is not only the true interest of the roman catholicks , but they think so , because they must think so : for if the destruction of protestancy , by a way of violence , had been their project , as much as it is our fear , they had but one way in the world to have brought it to pass , and that was , to have made the utmost use of the church of englands penal laws , which they found ready to their hands , for the destruction of the protestant dissenters , and to which she could not refuse her assistance , upon her principles of obedience , if there were no inclination left in her to that fierce and inhumane chase . by this , one party of protestants , had been easily made the means of the others extirpation , and how far pleasures , honours , offices and fear would have gone to have made an entire conquest , easie upon her , is not the hardest thing in the world to apprehend , when the bodies of her dissenters had been thus cruelly dissolved by her . and if this have any sense in it , we must conclude , that delivering one party of protestants from the rage and power of the other , cannot be a way to bring in popery . i own , it may affect the present ecclesiastical policy of the church of england , but i never took that for protestancy : on the contrary , it has evidently weaken'd the better part of the protestant interest in general , in these kingdoms , ever since the reformation . but besides this , 't is one thing to constrain a law from the prince , and another to have it offer'd by the prince : the one , to be sure , he thinks against his interest , and the other he takes to be as certainly for it . and if he thinks it is his interest to preserve such a law , we are sure of our safety by it . that which moves him to it , must oblige him to maintain it ; and if he does not heartily intend to support this liberty , his giving it , must needs increase the power and interest he would suppress : an error too gross to be made with so much preparation and art. nor is this all , in my opinion it is much more reasonable to believe that a law for liberty of conscience should preserve us against the thing we apprehend so much , viz. popery , because 't is easier to fall from one extream to another , then from a mean to an extream : and 't is certain , there are more parties concern'd to support such a law for liberty , then to maintain those of severity ; for the church of england only appears to uphold these , but all parties besides agree to maintain that . and if it was the interest of the roman catholicks to divide the dissenters from the church of england , to be sure they cannot think it safe to unite them : they have divided them by the liberty , but any attempts to take it away will infallibly joyn them . and when i consider how much more the roman catholicks will in all probability want liberty in after raigns , then the dissenters in this , i am also led to conclude , that they are not so secure in the repeal of the penal laws and tests themselves , as in their own moderation in the use of the liberty that follows : for a parliament in after raigns may easily return them , and worse , if that can be , and will certainly do it , if they use their present opportunity too eagrely and partially ; but no parliament will ever think so harsh a constitution fit to be reviv'd , when the moderation of the gentlemen against whom it was made , hath prov'd it useless , unreasonable and unsafe . this consideration is a reciprocal caution to us , not to refuse them the rights of english men , and to them , not to mis-use them . and since hitherto we seem not so angry at the liberty , as at the manner of its being granted ; if we are sincere in this , we cannot refuse the king in our own way , i mean , by law. and in my opinion , 't is a point gain'd , not to have this ease precarious from the crown , as well as that it shews the kings sincerity beyond a doubt , that he is solicitous to assure so great a good to us in our own method . let it not then be thought a crime , that he does so , or that he takes the next and plainest ways to discriminate persons for that end ; for if the consequence of his endeavours were to ruin others for a party , it might be thought packing indeed ; but when it is to open enclosures and level interests , and by law , to secure them from the ambition of one another , it seems to me to be unpacking for the good of the whole , that which hath been so long packt for the sole good of a party . and truly if we will yet scruple the sincerity of the prince , i know not an easier and better way to assure our selves , then by chusing such persons to serve in parliament , whose love and sincerity for this liberty we have the greatest confidence in ; for as that will certainly help to facilitate the work , so where two parties seem to conspire one end , nothing discovers the insincerity of one side , like the truth and integrity of the other in persuing it . let us not then dislike liberty in the kings way , and refuse it in our own , because he would make it his ; for that would justly question our truth and charity , without which , our pretence of religion or safety is vain . we have heard it said , that the persecution of the last raign came from the papists , and therefore we cannot expect they should be sincere for liberty in this ; but if that were true , ( tho it could not be the roman catholicks that forc'd the late king to cancel his declaration for liberty , or that couzn'd the dissenters of a law for it ) yet there is this use to be made of the trick , that now the roman catholicks are for liberty , the church of england cannot , with any credit , be against it . on the contrary , it shows , if they did move those storms of persecution , it was to constrain the dissenters to joyn with them in the repeal of the laws that rais'd them , that so they might be allow'd to share in the calm : people are most apt to see the necessity and benefit of liberty by the want of it . it is a misfortune to be lamented , the church of england should always be against liberty , when the court is for it , because the court , in her opinion , is not sincere ; when at the same time , she knows , it is at no time to be had without them : a way for poor dissenters , never to hope for such a thing as liberty of conscience at her hands : for without offering any violence to the rules of charity , she seems to excuse her unwillingness by their insincerity . but with her favour , they must be sincere when their interest will have them so . and tho it is imagin'd the dissenter has no other bottom for his confidence and conjunction then the roman catholicks faith and truth , 't is too mean an insinuation against his understanding , that i assure that author is yet good and jealous enough , not to depend upon either the councel of trent , or the thirty nine articles for his safety . by no means ; those spiritual mortgages , folks give of their souls , are too uncertain securities about worldly matters , unless men had , at least , a better practice . nothing , humanely speaking , fixes any man like his interest ; and tho this agreement were only hobson's choice in roman catholick and dissenter , the security is not the less : for what-ever be the morality of any party , if i am sure of them by the side of interest and necessity , i will never seek or value an ensurance by oaths and tests . interest is the choice men naturally make , and necessity compels submission from the unhappy subjects of her power . and tho some do insinuate that better terms are to be hop'd from the church of england hereafter , then now from the roman catholicks , i take leave to say , that it is an unwarrantable use of providence , for them to neglect the present certain overtures ( tho they were the effects of necessity ) out of hopes the church of england will use them better , when she has power , not to do it , and not to care : when all parties show their abuse of power in their turns , 't is reason enough to embrace the benefit of necessity from the first that offers : and nothing else , i fear , moves the church of england to promise ; and if so great a number may lie under such a necessity , a less number cannot but be under a greater , and that i take to be the roman catholicks case , and our assurance . if the church of england could secure the dissenters without that compliance she fears , 't were something , if not , they are under an equal necessity to accept what the roman catholiks are under to offer : and for this reason , i cannot but think her joyning in the liberty more reasonable , then their refusing it for her sake . if she affects an union , why should she uphold the means of division ? ought not the dissenters to suspect her integrity , in refusing a good understanding , in the very way that must save those she would gain ? and since she is sure they won't turn papists , how does she lose them in that way , in which she can only pretend to have them , viz. as protestants ; for otherwise they will as little conform to her . and if the price of her good will must be to uphold the brand of her conduct , and means of their own ruin , it is what they can never give , and she in conscience and wisdom should never ask . and what ever is suggested , it is too unwarily thought of any , that the dissenters intend only their security against the power of the church of england , 't is against the spirit of persecution in all churches , they must all seek to be safe ; that , which so ever of them happens to have the government , the rest may be secure under it ; else , 't is but shutting one door against an evil , and opening another to let it in . if she will please but to tell me what way she can secure the dissenters against her own ambition , when one of her communion ascends the throne , i will undertake to tell her , how she and the dissenters may be safe from the danger of popery in the raign of a king of that religion . for the spirit of persecution being the same every where , it must have the same remedy . she can't think we ought to trust her , that won't trust , and that makes trusting dangerous . and what-ever the gentlemen of her communion are pleas'd to suggest of the present good understanding , between the roman catholicks and dissenters , to blow their interest with the people , men must be greatly impos'd upon , to imagine the present affinity between them , can regard any thing but their common safety ; and common danger makes that every where , reasonable and necessary . if this were not the case , i should hold my self concern'd to act another part in this affair ; and if this be the case , it plainly answers all the jealousie and objection of the times : for 't is as lawful for them to joyn in this as in any society of trade , and more requisite . i say , it can be no just reflection from the church of england , when they must be ill read , that don't know , that she is the half-way house between the two dissenters , and that the protestant dissenter is a refine upon her , as she is upon the church of rome . so that tho it be true that they joyn with the papists , it is as true that it is not with popery , but for liberty , which the same author tells us , is such a contradiction to infallibility , which is his dangerous popery : tho i must tell him , i think it a greater to persecute people upon a professed fallible principle . let it satisfie that gentleman and his followers , whose main drift , is rallying dissenters for relying on romish faith for security , that tho they joyn with roman catholicks to get liberty , they will trust them , and every body else , as little as they can to keep it , and less joyn with them to take it away . on the contrary , in case of such attempts , 't is reasonable to believe they will sooner unite with the church of england to preserve , what they now so freely oppose her to obtain . but it may be said , it will then be too late , and therefore now too dangerous , to give that interest , in the mean while , so much play and progress . this were an hazard indeed , if the roman catholicks could do any thing then , that they cannot do now , or if the dissenters were to be less numerous , less sensible , or less free and able to resent it . i cannot see how the roman catholicks can be in a better cordition to hurt us , if the dissenters are not in a worse to help us . certainly their numbers must have the odds . on the other hand , the dissenters , under persecution , can do nothing , and while the liberty is precarious they dare do nothing ; so that the way to render them useful to oppose the violence fear'd , is to make their interest in the liberty legal , as well as that a legal freedom is the best way to prevent all violent attempts in the roman catholicks . for when the law supports their joynt interest , that will naturally joyn and lead them to maintain the law that defends it . i shall be heartily sorry if the church of england cannot tell how to venture her self with those under liberty , who have liv'd so well with her under her persecution : tho , as i have said before , there is no trust in the case , since , therefore , a law is desired , that we may not rely on so frail a security : and where a law puts all parties upon one bottom , i cannot help thinking all parties are oblig'd in example and interest carefully to preserve it . and if we would but reflect how much more law in all ages hath preserv'd mankind then force , we would less argue the insecurity of law ; but 't is utterly inconsistant at a time , when we plead the almightiness of present laws for our safety . in short , if she only seeks to be safe , let her not refuse the security that others are ready to take , and if she desires more , 't is an unhappy instance of her love to dominion , and they can never be safe that grant it . let her not then be fond but wise ; and remember , that the security is not destroy'd , but chang'd and enlarg'd : for from a single , it becomes more then a double bond , and they that reject such a security , cannot be thought sincere in asking of any . but , be that as it will , if we can but once see a magna charta for liberty of conscience , establish'd in these kingdoms by the wisdom of a parliament , they will be very hardy , indeed , who dare , at any time , attempt to shake it , that has the jealousie , union and resolution of so many great , serious and wealthy interests to support it. i will not say , what this charter shall be , for it does not become me , nor is it yet time ; but i dare say , that it may be , and in such terms too , as all parties shall find their account : and unless that be the reason why any will oppose it , it can neither miss to be , nor to be kept ; and if such a dissenter be to be found to this common good , his opposition makes him a common enemy . i say , nothing can oppose such a charter , but state religion , and that which can govern the rest , will hazard the rest . a national religion by law , where it is not so by number and inclination , is a national nusance ; for it will ever be matter of strife . if she seeks to be safe , but not to rule , that which preserves the rest , secures her ; if more is expected , 't is less reasonable , in my opinion , for the rest to sacrifice their safety to her authority , then only to subject her rule to their security . finis . by the councell and congregation whereas such of the roman catholiques as reside within the english quarters feare to be plundered ... confederate catholics. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46009 of text r43280 in the english short title catalog (wing i342). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46009 wing i342 estc r43280 27129600 ocm 27129600 109984 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46009) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109984) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:20) by the councell and congregation whereas such of the roman catholiques as reside within the english quarters feare to be plundered ... confederate catholics. 1 sheet ([1] p.). [s.n.], printed at kilkenny : in the yeare of our lord, 1646. other title information taken from first lines of text. dated and signed: kilkenny 28. septembr. 1646. io. bap. archiep. firman. et nuncius, emer. clogherensis, nicolaus fernensis. fr. pa. plunket, lowthe, alex. mac donnell, n. plunket, phe. o neill, piers butler. answer signed: thomas preston, owen o neale. imperfect: torn, with slight loss of text. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng church and state -ireland. ireland -history -1625-1649. a46009 r43280 (wing i342). civilwar no by the councell and congregation· whereas such of the roman catholiques as reside within the english quarters feare to be plundered, ... confederate catholics 1646 443 4 0 0 0 0 0 90 d the rate of 90 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the covncell and congregation whereas such of the roman catholiques as reside within the english quarters feare to be plundered , or be otherwise endamaged by the armies and forces of the confederate catholiques in their thoroughfare or march neere or through those their quarters : and forasmuch as our desire is , and alwayes hath beene to preserve the roman catholiques of this realme , and their goods and possessions , who beare not armes against the confederate catholiques or their adherents , wee therefore to prevent that mischiefe doe pray and require all the generalls , commanders & other officers , of the armies and forces of the confederate catholiques aforesaid , not to permit any of their forces or souldiers to pillage , plunder or take away any of the goods of the roman catholiques inhabiting within the said . english quarters or elsewhere , nor to molest or trouble them in their persons or possessions , but to take them into their protection , & defend them against such attempted suffering them quietly and peaceably to enjoy their freedome , goods & estate without their let or hinderance : and this we command and enjoyne the said generalls commanders and officers , and all others whom it to may concerne , to observe and performe upon paine of encurring our highest indignation , and such other punishment as wee shall impose , and the qualitie of that their offence shall deserve , provided alwayes that all the said catholiques be subject to such contribution for the maintenance of the said armyes ratably according their abilitie and estates , as other● of the confederate catholiques are lyable unto in like kinde , in the march of the armies . kilkenny 28. septembr . 1646. io. bap . archiep . firman . et nvncivs emer . clogherensis . nicolaus fernensis . fr. pa. plunket . l●●…the alex. mac donnells . n. plunket . phe : o neill . piers butler . we the undernamed generalls , in pursuance of the above declaration and order , doe straightly charge and command all commanders ▪ off●●●●● and souldiers , of our armies and all other , whom it may concern give due obedicnce to the said order and declaration , and to observe , fulfill and keepe the premises , duely and fully in all points , upon paine of death , and to be aiding and assisting from time to time , in the due execution of the same . thomas preston . owen o neale . printed at kilkenny in the yeare of our lord , 1646. an useful case of conscience learnedly and accuratly discussed and resolved concerning associations and confederacies with idolaters, infidels, hereticks, malignants, or any other knoun enemies of truth and godlinesse : useful for these times and therefore published for the benefit of all those who desire to know or retain the sworn to principles of the sometimes famous church of christ in scotland / by hugh binning. binning, hugh, 1627-1653. 1693 approx. 167 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28174 wing b2934 estc r24656 08401479 ocm 08401479 41269 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28174) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41269) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1247:3) an useful case of conscience learnedly and accuratly discussed and resolved concerning associations and confederacies with idolaters, infidels, hereticks, malignants, or any other knoun enemies of truth and godlinesse : useful for these times and therefore published for the benefit of all those who desire to know or retain the sworn to principles of the sometimes famous church of christ in scotland / by hugh binning. binning, hugh, 1627-1653. 51 p. s.n.], [edinburgh? : 1693. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland. church and state -scotland. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-07 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an usefull case of conscience , learnedly and accuratly discussed and resolved . concerning associations and confederacies with idolaters , infidels , hereticks , malignants , or any other knoun enemies of truth and godlinesse . by m r. hugh binning , sometime professor of philosophie in the universitie of glasgow , & thereafter minister of gods word at goven . usefull for these times : and therefore published for the benefit of all those , who desire to know or retain the sworn to principles of the sometimes famous church of christ in scotland . printed in the year m.dcxciii . that the present publick resolutions and proceedings , do import a conjunction with the malignant party in the kingdome , and of the sin , danger and scandal of that way . sect. 1. that there is a malignant party still in the kingdom . in the entry to this businesse , the importunity of not a few makes it needfull to speak somwhat to a question which unto this time hath been unquestioned , as beyond all exception , that is . whether there be yet in scotland a malignant partie ? or , whether there be at this time any partie who may and ought in reason and christian prudence be reputed and looked upon as malignants and disaffected to the covenanted cause of god ? it seems the more needfull to speak somwhat of this . first , because some ministers are become slack and silent in this point , as if now there were no need of watchfullness and warning against any such partie . 2. because the expressions of many of the people of the land run that way , that there are now no malignants in scotland , and that it is but a few factious ministers that will still keep up these names , that they may more easily with , others of their oun stamp weaken and divide the kingdome for carrying on of their oun ends . 3. because the inclinations and resolutions of the publick judicatories in reference to most of the party who carryed that name , doth clearly import that they do think they are no more to be looked upon as malignants , as appears from severall of their papers ; especially the letter written for satisfaction to the presbytery of sterling . and therfore this must be laid down as the foundation of what follows . that there is still in the land , not only a few persons ; but a party considerable for number , power and policy , who are malignant and dissaffected to the covenant and cause of god. we would joyn heartily in the desire of many , that these and other such like odious names of different parties and factions were taken away ; but we cannot joyn in the reasons of this desire which are ordinarly given . we wish the name malignant were obsolete and antiquate , if so be the thing it self , which is such a root of bitternesse , were extirpated out of the church ; yea though the thing it self remained , if men would hate it for it self , and account it more odious and hatefull than the name imports , we would be glad it were no more heard of : because we find this prejudice by all such appropriated names , that people generally looks upon that which goes under that name as the only sin : and as if there were not that root of bitterness in all which it grows out of in any ; and so conceive themselves good christians if they fall not under that hatefull appellation of malignants . but seing this bitter fruit of enmity against godliness and the godly , comes to more ripeness and maturity in many of this generation than in others , who yet are unconverted : and seing it hath been the custome of the church of god in all generations , to discriminate many more ungodly and knoun haters of godliness and his people from the common sort of naturall people , and to comprehend them under these names , of wicked , of malignant , of enemies , as may appear in the old testament , especially in the psalms . and more especially in our days , that name hath been appropriated to such who have declared themselves in their words or actions to be haters of godlinesse and the power thereof , and his people . or have arisen to the height of actuall opposition against these ; we cannot be blamed for using such a name still , for distinctions sake . we proceed to some reasons . ( 1. ) the constant and continued proceedings of the generall assembly and their commissioners for many years past unto this day . there is not almost any of their warnings , declarations or remonstrances , which doth not assert this , and warn against it , and that not only before the kings home coming and taking of the covenant ; but also since that time , as is evident by the declaration emitted by the commission in iuly last , the declaration of the assembly it self a litle after , by the declaration emitted at sterling since the defeat at dumbar , the causes of the fast upon that defeat , the remonstrance to the king at perth after his escape , together with the remonstrance given in by them to the parliament : all which doe clearly hold forth this truth . ( 2. ) take christs rule , by their fruits ye shall know them . there is a great party in the land that adhere to malignant principles , bring forth malignant fruits , and tread malignant paths . as may appear in these instances . ( 1. ) a great many of these who have been formerly engadged in such courses , and under church censures , did lately conjoyne together and rise in arms , and drew away the king from the publick counsels of the kingdom , and refused to lay down arms till they got conditions agreeable to their mind , which course of theirs was justly declared by the commission to carry upon it the stamp of malignancie in an eminent way . ( 2. ) the seeking to promove and establish an arbitrarie power in the person of the king , as it hath been still the endeavour of the malignant party , so it hath been alwayes taken by the kirk of scotland as one of their characters , and that there is a party now in scotland , who still hold that principle and drive this designe of arbitrary power is evident . first , because these same men who were lately in arms , did not only take up arms upon the kings simple warrant , and without the knowledge and contrare to the mind of the committee of estates ; but also received the act of indemnity , and laid down arms , in obedience to the kings majesty , without so much as mentioning or acknowledging the committee of estates , as it is to be seen in a paper subscrived by them , and in the remonstrance of the commission of the generall assembly dated at perth novr. 29. 1650. the words whereof are these . your lordships would likewise consider , whether it doth not encroach upon the present constitution of goverment of this kingdom , and will not involve your lordships in the guilt of these mens sin , if you shall accept upon their laying doun of arms , meerly upon the profession of obedience to the kings command , without any expression of their respect and obedience to the committee of estates , or any acknowledgment of their sin and offence : which we hope you will look upon as a most unnaturall and unseasonable rending of the kingdom , in the tyme of this heavy oppression by a common enemy , and exposing the kingdom to all misery and ruine . 2. it may be remembred that in the first modell of the aggreement which was made at bredah , that clause which doth concern the determining of civil matters in the intervall of parliament , by such as are authorized by parliament for that effect , and the kings majesty hearkening to their advice , was wholly left out . and any who are aquainted with expressions and inclinations of sundry great ones in the land , are not ignorant of their dislyke of a committee of estates , and their desire to have the administration of matters in the intervall of parliament wholly devolved upon the kings councell . and the same spirit that would draw businesse from the committee to a cabinet councell , would at last draw them from the parliament it self : because that is also , if not more crossing to private interests and designes than a committee of estates . 3 instance . there is a party in the land who as in their hearts they do envy , and in their tongues doe traduce men that have been stedfast and faithfull in the covenant and cause of god ; so do they endeavour to the utmost of their power , to bring them into disgrace and contempt , and to get them removed from power and trust ; and upon the other side study with no lesse diligence to get places of power and trust in the army and elswhere filled with such as either have been open enemies or secret underminers . 4 instance . be there not many who oppose the kingdom of jesus christ and work of reformation ? not only by holding up that old calumny of malignants , concerning the seditious and factious humor of ministers , and their stretching of themselves beyond their lyne , and by mocking all faithfull and free preaching of the word , and by bearing down the power of godlinesse , deriding and hating all the lovers and followers thereof , by being impatient of the discipline and censures of the church ; but also looking upon the government of the church with ane evil eye : and strongly enclyning , some of them , that church government be put in the hands of a few prelates ; most of them that it may be wholly devolved upon the civil government . 5. instance . there is still a party in the land that endeavour to have the state of the question altered , and to have religion left out of the same ; that it being stated upon civil interest , they may take to themselves a greater latitude in their way of carrying on business . this was holden forth to be the designe of the malignant party in the year 1648. as appears in the declaration of the commission that year in march : and there was a necessary and seasonable warning given against it by the commission in their declaration of the date july 1650. ( 3. ) reason . besides these who are excommunicated , there be yet in the land a considerable number of persons of chief note , who do still ly under censures of the church , some because of their accession to the late unlaufull engadgment , others because of their accession to the late course of rebellion about the time of the kings escape from perth ; beside many others of less note . ( 4. ) we suppose that it is most certain and unquestionable , that there was lately a malignant party and faction in the land very numerous and powerfull . how many men of blood , murderers of their brethren , as unnaturall and barbarous as the irishes they once joyned with against their countrey ? how many have watched all opportunities for troubling the peace of the kingdom , and rejoyced in the day of its calamity ? how many were the oppressors of these who called on the lords name in the time of the engadgment ? what multitudes of profane and ungodly mockers of all godlinesse and haters and persecuters of the godly , suarming every where ? if this be of truth , as it is indeed ; we may say , who hath heard such a thing ? who hath seen such a thing ? shall a nation be born at once ? and have they so soon learned to doe well , who have been so accustomed to doe evil ? when did this catholick conversion fall out ? and by what means ? hath the act of indemnity and pardon such influence , to justify these men from all their butcheries and barbarous cruelties ? the adding of three thousand to the church in one day , was miraculous in the days of miracles . but behold a greater miracle than that , in the days when miracles are ceased ! many thousands added to the church of the friends of the cause of god in one day , and that not by preaching , which is the power of god unto savation ; not by spirituall weapons which are mighty through god : but by the carnall weapon of ane act of indemnity , and the example of one man , the kings conjunction in the cause , which at the best hath not such evidence of reality as to convince any , and change their mind . sad experience , and the constant testimony of the church of scotland proves , that malignancy is a weed that hath deeper and stronger roots than to be plucked up so easily ; and that though there be some , yet they be but few in the land who have been once engadged in that way , that have really and indeed abandoned and come off the same . the point shall more appear by taking off objections that are made to the contrary . it is objected . 1. that these who were formerly esteemed malignants , did oppose the work of god because they could not be perswaded in conscience , that the covenant and cause were contrived and carryed on in a warrantable way , those who were most instrumentall in it , seeming to them not only to act without authority , but against authority . but so it is , that the king hath now joined in the covenant and added his authority to it , and therfore it needs not be feared that these men will any more oppose it ; nay it may be expected , they will no lesse zealously promove the ends thereof than they did formerly oppose the same . answer . this argument supposeth some things that are false , some things at best doubtfull , and some things dangerous . it supposeth tuo falsities . 1. that it was a ground and principle of conscience and respect to the kings authority that made these men to oppose the covenant and 〈◊〉 of reformation . if it was the conscience and conviction of the unwarrantablness of it for the want of authority , that stirred them up to oppose the covenant and cause ; then why did they subscrive it and joyn in the defence of the same against the king ? 2. it supposeth that the only ground , why they did oppose and undermine the same , was , because the king was of a contrary mind and refused to joyn in the covenant , and ratify the same by his authority , which also is false ; for there were severall other grounds and causes of so doing besides this . we shall name a few , leaving the rest to a further scrutinie . 1. the naturall enmity that is in the hearts of all men against the lord and his anointed , his work and his people , and the power of godlinesse , which doth effectually work in the children of disobedience . 2. an enmity against the power of parliament and laws . 3. an enmity against the union of the kingdoms . 4. an enmity against the power of presbyteries and the discipline of the church . to which are opposed , a sinfull desire of breaking the bonds , and casting away the cords of the lord and his anoynte ; a desire to establish an arbitrary power and unlimited monarchy ; a desire to establish a lordly prelaticall power in the persons of a few , or to have the government of the church wholly dependent on the civil power ; a desire to dissolve the union of the kingdoms , that they may be thereby weakned and less able to resist malignant designs against religion and liberties ; a desire to live loosly without bands in regard of personall reformation . 2. it supposeth somthing that is at best doubtfull , to wit , that the king hath really joyned unto the cause of god , there being small evidences of it , and many presumptions to the contrary . especially . 1. his bringing home with him into the kingdom a number of eminent , wicked and known malignants . his countenancing of , and familiar conversing with such in this nation since his coming , and correspondence with others of them abroad . his deserting of the publick counsells of the kingdome , to joyn to a partie of bloody and wicked men raised in arms with his knowledge and by his warrand . 2. his not being convinced of any guilt in his father , because of his opposition to the cause and covenant , notwithstanding of all the blood of the lords people shed by him in that opposition . for verifying wherof , we appeal to the knowledge of some noblemen and ministers who have occasion to know his mind , and to be serious with him in this thing . 3. it supposeth somthing that is of very dangerous consequence 1. that these mens zeal to the cause or against it , doth ebb and flow according to the kings being against it or for it . since they follow the cause , not for it self but for the king , will they not desert it when the king forsakes it ? can they be accounted reall friends of the cause who are knoun to favour it only ad nutum principis ? as the comaedian ait , aio , negat , nego . is it not all one to follow the cause for the king and for a mans oun interest and advantage ? both are alike extrinsick and adventitious to the cause , both are alike changable . eccebulus under constantius was a precise christian , under iulian a persecuting apostate , and then again under the next christian emperor became a christian : and it is like if he had outlived that emperour till a heathen succeeded , he should have paganized the second time . 2. that very principle that is pretended to unite them to the cause is in the self most dangerous , both to the priviledges of parliament and liberties of people , and to our religion beside . their principle of opposition was , they conceived the way followed could not be warrantable without the kings consent and warrant . that people might not vindicate their oun just rights and liberties , and their religion , without the kings concurrence , or against him. now then , the principle of their conjunction to the cause must be this , because it is now cloathed with authoritie which it had not before , and which now makes it warrantable . this principle therefore includes in the bosome of it , the establishing of illimited and absolute power in kings , the unlawfulness of defensive wars against tyrannie and oppression , the kings negative voyce , and the dependent power of parliaments upon his pleasure : all which are principles destructive of the cause and our liberties , and the very characters of our enemies from the beginning . thus they have changed their way but not their principles , and are now the more dangerous that they may not be looked upon as enemies , but as friends . seing it is manifest , that it is not the love of the cause that constrains them , and they know , it was not that principle that persuaded the king , but meer necessity , contrare to his oun inclination . may we not certainly expect , that according to their principles they will labour to set at freedom the king whom they conceive imprisoned and captivated by the power of necessity within the limits and bounds of a regulated monarchie , and to loose from him all these chains of involuntary treaties and agreements , and rigid laws and parliaments , that he may then act in freedom and honour according to his oun inclination and theirs both . and then farewell religion and liberties . objection 2. the most part of these who were formerlie malignant , have now repented of that sin , and make profession of their resolution to adhere to the covenant and cause of god , and to bestow their lives and estates in defence thereof : therefore they are not now to be esteemed malignants . answer . we would wish from our hearts that we had no answer to this argument , then should we yeeld the point in hand , and yeeld it cheerfully , that there is no malignant party now in scotland . but , alas ! that we have so much evidence convincing our consciences and persuading them to deny what is objected . we acknowledge some have indeed repented , and such we desire to embrace and receive with all tenderness & love , as godly christians , worthy to be entrusted : but yet the most part of them do still bring forth the same malignant fruits . their ungodly and wicked practises testify to their face that they have nothing to do to take his covenant in their mouth , seing they hate to be reformed . the late rising in arms , contrare to their solemne and particular engadgments ; their bearing down and reproaching the godly , and such as are of known integrity ; their studying to fill places of trust with men formerly enemies or underminers ; their continuing in their profane and loose walking . all these are more convincing evidences of their retaining their old principles , than any extorted confessions or professions , for sinister respects and ends , can be probable signs of their repentance and change . we desire these things to be remembred . that the engadgment was carryed on , not by open and professed enemies ; but such as had made publick profession of their repentance , and were therupon admitted to trust . 2. that upon consideration of the hypocrisy and instability of these men appearing in that and other particulars , the kirk and kingdom of scotland did take upon themselves strait bonds and engadgments to exclude such from trust , untill such time as they had given reall evidences of the reality of their repentance , and of abandoning their former principles and wayes ; of which this kirk was to judge impartialie as in gods sight . 3. that it hath been confessed and preached by manie godly ministers , and was given in by sundry in the time of the search of the lords controversy against the land , in novr. last at perth , and hath been bemoaned and regrated by many of the people who feared god ; that there is a great deal of sin and guilt lying on the kirk of scotland , for the sudden receiving of scandalous persons , especially malignants , to the publick profession of repentance before there was in them any reall evidence of their forsaking their former principles and wayes . objection 3. none are now to be esteemed malignants , in reference to employment and trust , but such as stand judiciallie debarred by kirk and state to be so : for certainly , men are not to ly under the burden of so great a reproach , upon the privat whisperings and common reports of others ; otherways , honest men may be wronged , and there shall be no end of confusion , or terminating this controversie , there being no certain rule to walk by in it . answer . we acknowledge that surmisings , whisperings and reports of others are not sufficient , but that a rule is needfull . all the question will be , what is that rule ? and though the judiciall debarring of judicatories be not all , but it must be ruled by another rule , yet are we willing to take it for so much : for even that will prove there is yet a malignant party in scotland : because many are standing under church censures . these involved in the late rebellion , are standing under a sentance of the commission , declaring them to be following their old malignant designes , few of them are yet admitted to profession of repentance . we desire it may be considered , that the rule holden forth by the kirk of scotland , 1648. for admitting of persons to trust , is of larger extent than judiciall sentence or censure . to wit , that they be such against whom there is no just cause of exception nor jealousy . 2. albeit a judiciall tryall or censure be indeed necessary , for inflicting punishment or censure upon men : yet it is not necessary for avoyding association with them , or debarring them from trust. 3. if none were to be accounted malignants , but they who are judicially ▪ declared to be such , what needed the kirk of scotland have frequently taken so much pains , to give characters to know them by ; there being so clear and compendious a way besyde ? hath there not been alwayes in the land secret underminers as well as open enemies ? and hath not faithfull men avoyded the one as well as the other ? 4. the generall assembly 1648. declared the taking in of these who followed iame grahame to be association with malignants , though most part of them were then released from church censures . section 2. that the present publick resolutions , expressed in the commissions answer to the parliaments quaere , and the act of the levie , doe not exclude that party . in the next place , upon supposall and proof , that there is a malignant party & faction still in the land ; it is needfull to examine , whether the exceptions contained in the answer of the commission to the parliaments quaere , and insert into the act of levie , be so comprehensive as to include all that party . the exceptions be four . first , such as are excommunicated . 2. such as are forfaulted . 3. such as are notoriously profane or flagitious . and 4. such as have been from the beginning , and continues still , or at this tyme are , obstinate enemies and opposers of the covenant and cause of god. that these are not comprehensive of the whole malignant party in the land , appears . first , the rules of the generall assembly framed for the exclusion of all such , as ought not to be employed in our armies , are far more comprehensive . the rule is for employing of such only as are of a christian and blameless conversation , which is turned over by their commissioners into a negative , all that are not notoriously profane or flagitious . another is , for entrusting only these who have been of knoun integrity and constant friends to the cause of god , from the beginning . which is also turned over into a negative ; all that have not been constant enemies . all such , by the answer , are capable of some trust and employment . the rules agreed upon by the assembly , and ratifyed by act of parliament anno 1649. and renewed upon occasion of this invasion , was , that no officer nor souldier that followed iames graham , should be permitted in the army ; nor any officer that was on the engadgment , except such as upon reall evidence of repentance , were particularly recommended by the church , nor any common souldier , but upon sufficient testimony of his repentance . now since it is proved , that the most part of all such , continues still malignants , and retains their old principles ▪ and that the bulk and bodie of the people are called forth by the publick resolution , without such exceptions as were conceived before necessary , for the exclusion of that party ; it follows clearly , that the malignant partie is not excepted in the present resolutions . 2. few of these who were in the late rebellion , and declared , not many days since , to be following a most malignant designe and course , are contained under these exceptions ; because very few of them are excommunicated or forfaulted : and though moe of them be indeed flagitious and profane ; yet very few of them will fall under the compasse of the exception , notoriously flagitious . many wicked things will be said to concurr to make up a profane man ; some acts will not serve ; a habit must be demonstrated : and though that were shewed ; yet there must be also notoriety of it , which imports a man to be famous for loosnes and profanity ; and there be none almost , if any , in the land , who have been professed enemies from the beginning , and continue so to this day . iames graham was not such . it is the matter of our sad complaint , that whilst many are enemies , they make profession and semblance of friendship . 3. these exceptions doe not comprehend any who are under censure for malignancy or profanity , except such as are under the sentance of excommunication ; and that even such may not be excluded , lest the rule be transgressed , by admitting and employing excommunicated persons . 't is withall resolved , that these persons shall be relaxed from that sentence , that so they may be immediately in the same capacity of employment with others , whatever formerly hath been their opposition or defection . some exceptions must be made , for honesty and credits sake : but the nearest and readiest way is taken to make them ineffectuall . 4. these exceptions do not only not reach these who were upon the unlawfull engadgment , and have not as yet given sufficient proof of their abandoning their malignant principles and courses ; but come not the length of comprehending these men of blood who followed iames graham , and in the most barbarous and cruell way , shed the blood of their oun brethren and gods people ; because the most part of these are not ex communicated nor forfaulted . nor notoriously flagitious and profane , nor such as have from the beginning been , and are still enemies . if any will say , that such are comprehended under these exceptions . why did the commission expresse the exceptions in such terms , as to mens common apprehension do not include many ? especially seing there are known rules , particular and distinct , without ambiguity ; and seing there is such a propension in rulers to employ all without difference , which would undoubtedly take advantage of any thing that seemed to look that way . it is likewise manifest , that the second part of the answer , relating to the capacity of acting , is loadned with the same inconvenience . 1. there is no positive determination of the qualifications of persons to be intrusted , as in former times it was agreed on by the assembly and their commissioners : but that is now referred to the discretion of the parliament ; together with such diminutive termes , as gives them great latitude to go upon . before , no trust was given to such persons ; now , it is allowed they shal have some trust : and how much is not determined , nor what degree of it is prejudiciall to the cause ; which it appears , the parliaments proceedings in nomination of officers , unquestioned by the commission , is a good commentarie to expone that they may have any trust , except to be generall officers ▪ 2. our former estalished rule was , that no persons should be entrusted , but such as are of known integritie , and have been constant friends of the cause . but how far is this diminished ? they who are such , only recommended to be espcially taken notice of . less could not be said by any , more ought to have been said by the commission . and though no such notice be taken of such by the parliament ; but on the contrare , those who have been most faithfull , and suffered in the late defeat at hamiltoun . they are used as enemies , worse than malignants in former times ; yet there is no testimony given against such things . quantum mutatus ab illo coetu qui quondam fuit ! before we enter upon the chief question , we offer these manifest and known truths to consideration . 1. the occasion of contriving and subscribing first the nationall covenant , and then the solemne league and covenant , was , the designes and practises of the popish , prelaticall and malignant partie , against religion and the work of reformation in these kingdoms . 2. since the contriving and subscriving of the same , it hath been the continual endeavour of that party , somtimes by undermining , and sometimes by open opposition , to undo the same , and to bear down all those that clave honestly thereto , and faithfully prosecute all the ends thereof . 3. that there hath been these many years past , and still is , such a party , in all the three kingdoms , considerable for number , power and policy . 4. that that party , hath always prosecuted their designe , under a colour of gzeal and respect to the kings authority and interest . 5. that that party hath always been the authors and abettors of much bloodshed , many miseries and sad calamities to these nations . 6. that the people of god in these kingdoms , have taken upon themselves a most solemne and sacred bond of ane oath and covenant to discover them , and bring them to condigne punishment . 7. that it hath been one of the predominant sins of scotland under the bond of the covenant , to comply with them . 8. that indignation and wrath from the lord , hath been following that party and their designes these years past . 9. that complyances with them hath alwayes been cursed to us of god. 10. that few of that party , doe really abandon & forsake their corrupt principles and way , and joyn cordially in the cause and covenant . 11. that many of them doe , after the profession of their repentance for their opposition to the cause and covenant of god , relapse frequently into the same sin . 12. that sudden receiving of many of them to fellowship and trust , and too great credulity in beleiving their professions , hath often cost this land very dear 13. that upon consideration of the deep treachery and hypocrisie of these men , and the sad consequents following upon sudden receiving of them , without evidence of a change , after long and renewed experience , this land renewed their obligations more strictly in the solemne engadgment . 14. that there hath been a designe driven these two years past , to get that partie again in power and trust. 15. that this designe hath been testified against , by the publick resolutions of the judicatories unto this time . 16. that as it hath been driven at very cunningly and actively , by many instruments and arguments of severall sorts ; so hath it gained ground peece and peece , untill at length many of them are brought into the court , and to the armie and judicatories in the countrey : and now , by the publick resolutions , they are generally to be employed and intrusted . thus the designe is accomplished . but 17. these men do not satisfie themselves with some degree of power ; but endeavour to ingross the whole power of the kingdome into their oun hands , and study to bring into contempt , and cull out these , who have been and do continue constant in the cause of god. 18. that having power into their hands , they must act according to their oun principles , and for estalishing their oun ends. and lastly , that these principles and ends , are destructive to the covenant and work of reformation . that the employing of , and associating with the malignant party , according as is contained in the publick resolutions , is sinfull and unlawfull . if there be in the land a malignant party of power and policy , and the exceptions contained in the act of leviae doth comprehend but few of that party ; then there needs be no more difficulty to prove , that the present publick resolutions and proceedings , do import ane association and conjunction with a malignant party , than to gather a conclusion from clear premisses . but that such a conjunction is in it self sinfull and unlawfull , and besides , a violation of our solemne oaths and engadgments ; a backslyding from our principles and professions , and a walking contrare to the whole tenure and current of our former resolutions and practises , is now to be made manifest . first , we reason from that constant , standing and perpetuall rule , which the lord gives concerning the modelling and carriage of the armies of his people in all their wars . deut. 23. 9. when the host goes forth against their enemies , then keep thee from everie wicked thing . and after . if there be among yow , any man that is unclean , by reason of uncleanness that chanceth him in the night , then shall he go abroad out of the camp , he shall not come within the camp. ( if for ceremoniall uncleanness he was to be excluded , much more for morall , as our divines reason from the old testament in the point of excommunication ; and if for uncleanness not voluntary , much more for voluntary wickednesse . ) the reason of all is given verse 14. for the lord thy god walks in the midst of the camp , to deliver thee , and to give up thine enemies before thee : therfore shall thy camp be holy , that he see no unclean thing in thee and turn away from thee . even as they would expect a blessing of the lord , so ought they to keep their camp holy , as he is holy ; he gives not such a strict rule for the competency of number , as for the qualifications of the persons , as being the principall thing . therfore the present conjunction with so many ungodly and wicked men , that have formerly declared themselves enemies to god and his people , and to this day give no evidence to the contrary , is sinfull and unlawfull . 2. the lord hath frequently in scripture declared his dislike and hatred of such associations and conjunctions . the scriptures cited in the generall assemblies declaration in the year 1648. against the engadgment , are sufficient proof of this . we shall take the argument as it is formed by the commissioners of that assembly , in their answer to the observations of the committee of estates upon the assemblies declaration . pag. 7. every engadgment in war , that is pretended to be for religion , and hath in it a confederacie & association with wicked men , enemies of true religion is sinfull and unlawfull . but the present engadgment in war , as it is held forth in the publick resolutions , is pretended to be for religion ; and yet hath in it a confederacy and conjunction with wicked men , and enemies of true religion . ergo. the second proposition is evident from the two first sections . the first proposition is proved from these scriptures forementioned , god forbade conjunctions and confederacies with the enemies of his cause and people . not only the canaanites . exod. 34. 12. 15. deut. 7. 2. and other heathens , such was asa his covenant with benhadad 2. chron. 16. to verse 10. ahaz his confederacy with the king of assyria 2 kings 16. 7 , 10. 2 chron. 18. 16. but also with wicked men of the seed of abraham , as iehoshaphats with ahab 2 chron 18. 3. and ahab king of israel said unto iehoshaphat king of iudah , with thow go with me to ramoth-gilead ? and he answered him , i am as thow art , and my people as thy people , and we will be with thee in the war. compared with chap. 19. 2. and iehu the son of hanani the seer , went out to meet him , and said to king iehoshaphat , shouldst thow help the ungodly , and love them that hate the lord ? therefore is wrath upon thee from before the lord. and with ahaziah 2 chron. 20. 35. and after this did iehosbaphat king of iudah joyn himself with abaziah king of israel , who did very wickedly . which being reproved for , he would not again joyn with ahaziah 1 kings 22. 49. then said ahaziah the son of ahab unto iehoshaphat , let my servants go with thy servants in the ships : but iehoshaphat would not . and then amaziah's association with 100000 of israel 2 chron. 25. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. but there came a man of god to him , saying , o king let not the armie of israel go with thee ; for the lord is not with israel , to wit , with all the children of ephraim . ver 8. but if thow will go , do it , be strong for the battel : god shall make thee fall before the enemy : for god hath power to help and to cast down . ver 9. and amaziah said to the man of god. but what shall we do for the hundred talents which i have given to the army of israel ? and the man of god answered . the lord is able to give thee much more than this . ver 10. then amaziah separated them , to wit , the army that was come to him out of ephraim , to go home again : wherfore their anger was greatly kindled against iudah , and they returned home in great anger . the sin and danger of such associations may further appear from isay 8. 12 , 13. say ye not , a confederacy , to all them to whom this people shall say , a confederacy ; neither fear ye their fear , nor be afraid . ver 13. sanctifie the lord of hosts himself , and let him be your fear , and let him be your dread . jer. 2. 18. and now what hast thow to do in the way of assyria to drink the waters of the river ? psal. 106. 35. but were mingled among the heathen and learned their works . hosea 5. 13. when ephraim saw his sicknesse , and iudah saw his wound , then went ephraim to the assyrian , and sent to king iareb : yet could be not heal yow , nor cure yow of your wound . and chap. 7. 8 , 11. ephraim , he hath mixed himself among the people , ephraim is a cake not turned . ver . 11. ephraim also is like a silly dove without heart , they call to egypt , they go to assyria . 2 cor. 6. 14 , 15. be ye not unequally yoked together with unbelievers : for what fellowship hath righteouness with unrighteousness ? and what communion hath light with darknesse ? ver 15. and what concord hath christ with belial ? or what part hath he that believeth with an infidel ? and if we should esteem gods enemies our enemies , and hate them with perfect hatred , how can we then joyn with them as friends ? psal. 139. 21. the committee of estates at that time endeavoured to elude the strength of these scriptures , and vindicate their engadgment from the falling within the compasse of them . but the commission of the assembly that year took the mask off their evasions . would to god we had no other party to deal with now . it was the evil and complaint of that time , that church and state was divided . but what ane evil time are we now fallen into , that the union of these in this point , is the complaint of many of the godly ? the commission , in their letter to sterling presbyterie , sets up the committees answer in a new dresse , and holds it out for satisfaction to our consciences . all that is answered may be reduced to three or four heads . 1. there is made a great difference between ane invasive and defensive war , as if in the one , choise of instruments ought to be sought : but in the case of just and necessary defence , all subjects may be imployed . to which we answer . 1. that the scriptures cited conclude most expresly against conjunctions of that kind in defensive wars . such was asa's covenant , such was ahaz his confedracie . was not the reproofs of the prophets directed particularly against the peoples seeking of help from egypt and assyria in the case of their oun just and necessary defence ? ier. 2. 18. hosea 5. 13. and 7. 8. 11. isay , 8. 12 , 13. 2 chron. 16. to ver 10. 2. the law and rule given deut. 23. is generall , regulating all their wars whether defensive or offensive ; and it is strange that any should imagine such a difference where the law makes none ; nay , when the ground of the law is morall and generall , equally respecting all wars . is there any ground of conscience , why wicked persons may not be kept in the camp when we invade others , and yet these may be employed and entrusted when we defend our selves ? if there be any reason to preferr the one to the other in this point , we conceive defensive war should have the preference : because when the lord brings upon us injust invasion , he is ordinarly pursuing a controversie against us : and therfore we ought to be most tender and circumspect , that there be no unclean thing in the camp , and put away every wicked thing from us , even the appearance of evil ; lest we add oyl to the flame of his indignation , and he seeing such ane unclean thing in us , turn yet further from us . except we say , that we need not take a care to have god in the camp with us , when we are upon just and necessary defence , seing our cause is so good . 3. there is more hazard and danger to our religion and liberties , to have a wicked malignant army at home among us , than abroad in another nation . while they are here , they have the power of the sword , and can command all : but there might be some hope and endeavour , for vindicating our oun liberties and religion while they are abroad , as it fell out in the time of the engadgment . 2. it is answered , that there is a difference between this case and the engadgment : because there was then no necessity of choosing such instruments , a competency of power might be had : but now it is not so : and therfore the scriptures mentioned do not militate against the present case . answer 1. the scriptures cited will obviate this . what made israel and iudah , run to egypt and assyria for help , but their weakness and necessitie ? their wound was incurable , and their bruise grievous , as ieremiah often laments , and particularly cap. 8. 20 , 21 , 22. and 10. 19. &c. and yet this did not excuse them for going to egypt or assyria to heal their wound hos. 5. 13. and 7. 8 , 11. the scripture holds out infidelity and distrust in god , as the ground of such associations . 2. chron. 16. 7 , 8 , 9. isay. 8. 12 , 13. which proceeds from the incompetency of means as the occasion of it . 2. suppose there were a necessitie for the calling forth the bodie of the common people , yet certainly , there is no necessity of employing any such persons of whom the question is , and putting them in places of trust : there is none can deny , but there are , besides all secluded persons , many , that might fill the places of trust and power : therfore the plea of necessity is but a pretence to cover some designe , that under its specious and plausible covering , the power of the land may be ingrossed into the hands of malignants : and so by this means all power and trust may return as the rivers to the sea or fountain ( as they judge ) the king ; that so in his person there may be established ane unlimited and arbitrary power . 3. necessity is a very plausible argument and strong plea to carnall reason for any thing ; but it cannot be a good ground , in point of conscience , for that which is sinfull in it self . now that this is sinfull in it self appears from the word of god , simply condemning such associations upon moral , and so generall and perpetuall grounds . now in such a case of necessity , we are called either to trust in god , in the use of competent means , seing in such cases we have so many promises ; or , if all help be gone , which god allows us to make use of , we must wait on him till he bring salvation with his oun arm. but because the plea of necessity is the strongest that is made use of for the present publick resolutions , we must consider it a litle more . it is aleadged , that the best part of the land is under the feet of the enemie , and so no help can be had from it ; and for other parts of the land which are yet free , there is not much choise of persons ; and the testimony of faithfull men in the state , declares , that when all that are called forth of these places , are gathered , it cannot amount to a power competent enough : and therefore in such a question of the existence of second means , the knowledge whereof immediately depends on sense and experience , these who are not aquainted , should give credit to the testimony of faithfull witnesses . and that a competency of power must be had , according to the ordinary way of providence , in relation to which we must act , except we would tempt god by requiring of him wonders . answer . suppose the enemies armie to consist of 20000 or above , are there not moe sensible persons in the shyres on the north side of forth ? believe it who please , we cannot stop our oun consciences , and put out our oun eyes . let the rolls of severall shyres be looked to , and it shall confute that testimony . nay , are there not moe persons not formerly secluded in all these shyres ? what meant the levie appointed immediately after dumbar ? was not 10000 foot and 1400 horse put upon these shyres which are not under the power of the enemy ? and yet the rules of exclusion was not abandoned . now all these , or most part of these , are yet in the countrey not levied . money was taken in stead of men , the levies obstructed ; so that there was litle addition to the strength of the forces that remained ; the forces diverted by the insurrection of the malignants in the north , at the kings command or warrand . all which hath such pregnant presumptions of a designe carryed on to necessitate the kingdom to employ that party , by the cunning polititians of the time , by obstructing the levies , raising the malignants , and then pacifying them by an act of indemnity : and at last openly and avowedly associating with them . thus the designe is accomplished which was long since on foot . 2. if satisfying courses had been studyed by the publick judicatories to carry on all the godly in the land with their resolutions , there had accrued strength from the parts of the land be-south forth , which would have compensed all that competency of power that the conjunction of the malignants makes up : and it may be would have been more blessed of god. 3. if there be no help required nor expected from these parts of the kingdom be-south forth , wherefore did the commission write to the presbyteries in these bounds that they might concur actively in their stations for the furtherance of the levies , and choose ministers to go out with them ? 3. it is answered that the confederacies reproved were unlawful , because they were either with heathens , or with idolaters , strangers and forraigners . this is answered to the case of amaziah &c. and so it seems not to make against the present case , the employing all subjects in the just and necessary defence of the kingdom . answer . 1. this answer at one blow cuts off all the strength of the generall assemblies reason against the association with malignants in that year . there might be some few persons idolaters , but there was no party and faction such ; and yet they can deny association with the english malignants from these scriptures ; yea not only with them , but with our oun countreymen that was in rebellion with iames grahame , who were neither idolaters nor forraigners . we need no other answer than the commission at that time gave to the committee of estates using that same evasion . pag. 10. 11. 2. the ground and reason whereupon such associations are condemned , is more generall and comprehensive . iehoshaphat was reproved for joyning with ahab , because he was ungodly and hated the lord , which is properly in our terms , because he was a malignant and profane man. it were a strange mocking of scripture to restrict ungodliness , in that place to the sin of idolatry . confederacie with the canaanites and other nations was forbidden on this ground , that the people be not ensnared , and learn not their works . now is not the company of , and communion with ungodly men of the same generall profession , but mockers and haters of the power thereof , as infectious and ensnaring ? nay it s more apt to ensnare because of the profession . paul would have as much distance kept with a brother walking unorderly , as a pagan : for such a one as walks contrary to their profession of the true religion , do evidence more ungodliness and wickednesse , than a ignorant and superstitious papist that walks precisely according to his profession . there is some principle of conscience stirring in the one : but it s seared in the other with an hot iron . god ranks such , who are uncircumcised in heart , with the uncircumcised in flesh . ought not his people to do so to ? 3. the rule of modelling armies and purging the camp is most comprehensive deut. 23. not only of idolaters and forraigners , but every wicked thing and unclean thing was to be removed out of the camp. now seing these examples are transgressions of this law , what reason is there to make the only ground of reproving and condemning of them to be , because idolaters were associated with , as if any other might be joyned with that is not an idolater . 4. that reason against amaziah's conjunction with israel is wrested by some , expounding it thus . god is not with them , is not understood in regard of a state of grace , as appears , nor in regard of gods prospering providence : because he was often with them in that regard : but it must be understood in regard of an idolatrous profession . but we reply , that it is true it is not understood in regard of a state of grace ; nor simply in regard of his prospering providence : but ut plurimum , the lord for the most part crossing them till they were cutt off from being a nation . but especially it is to be meant in regard of a course opposite to god , according as the lord speaks , 2 chron. 15 : 2. the lord is with you while ye be with him ; but if ye forsake him he will forsake you . if any will restrict this to idolatry , he hath no ground from scripture for such a limitation ; but being engadged in the business , he wrests the scriptures to his oun destruction . sure we are , there are many palpable forsakings of god , and gods forsaking of men , beside idolatry and false worship . 5. that which is said , that god did not command amaziah to dismisse any of his oun subjects . either it makes nor much to the present business , or els it strikes against the law of god it self , that commanded such strict purging of the camp. from whom i pray you ? certainly from wicked israelites , from wicked countrey men : therefore if there was any such among the men of iudah , he ought to have put them out of the army as well as the israelites . nay the command of dismissing the israelites , was , really and upon the matter , a command to purge his camp of all that was of the stamp of the israelites . it is strange that the civil difference of strangers and citizens should make such difference in the point of conscience . ought we not to hate the lords enemies with a perfect hatred , not as english-men , not as strangers , but as enemies . levi knew not his brother , this was his honour ; but many now for respect to their brethren , know not god. it is the moral quality that the law of god respects , without respect of persons and countreys . to be a citizen , if not qualified , doth no more plead for employment in foro conscientiae and before god , than to be a stranger and qualified doth impede trust and employment in foro conscientiae and before god. 5. it may be answered ( and it is by some ) that these scriptures plead , that there should be no conjunction with wicked men in a quarrell of religion : but seing our present business is the defence of the kingdome , all subjects , as subjects , stand in capacity of employment for that end , though in reference to the defence of religion there must be a choise . answer . 1. the commission have vindicated themselves in a letter to sterling presbytery from that imputation , that it is said , they state the quarrell and cause meerly upon civil things in the answer to the parliaments querie . but certainly there is just ground given to these that are watching for any such thing , to state the cause so : because they do contrare to all former custom and practise , mention the defence of the kingdom only , as it had been of purpose , to make the employing of all members of the body or subjects of the kingdom for its defence more plausible . but we answer to the point , the associations and conjunctions that are condemned in the cited scriptures , are some of them for civil quarrells , so far as we know ; some of them in the point of just and necessary defence of the kingdom , and yet that doth not justifie them . 2. the rule given them deut. 23. was regulating all their wars , and clearly holds forth , that all subjects as subjects , and members of the politick body , though as such there is an obligation lying on them to defend the whole ; yet they are not in actuall and nearest capacity to the performance of the duty , if they be wicked and unclean . and the reason is , because the lord would have the wars of his people his oun wars , and all that they do , to his glory ; num. 21 ▪ 14. 2. chron. 20 : 15. col. 3 : 17. more especially such solemne undertakings , there ought to be a difference between his people , acting for self-defence , and other nations . 3. although the defence of the kingdom and defence of the cause , be different in themselves , yet are they unseparable . whoever is entrusted with the defence of the kingdome really and de facto ; he is to ipso entrusted with the defence of the cause : therefore the people of god , who ought alwise to have religion first in their eye , ought , especially in raising forces for self-preservation , levell at religion , and direct the choise of instruments in relation to that mark , that they destroy not christians while they save subjects , and preserve our bodies to destroy our souls . 3. reason . that which is dissonant from and contrare unto all our former resolutions and proceedings , oaths and engadgments , confessions and humiliations , must needs be most unlawfull , or they themselves , as to that point , were unlawfull . but the present resolutions and proceedings are dissonant from , and contrare to all these . ergo. either our present or our former resolutions and practises were unlawfull ; either we were wrong before , or we are not right now . the second proposition may be made manifest from 1. the present resolutions are contrare to the solemne league and covenant in the fourth article and the sixth . to the fourth , because we put power in the hands of a malignant party , power of the sword , which is inconsistent in the oun nature of it with either actuall punishing of them , or endeavoring to bring them to punishment . unless it be intended to bring them all forth , and expose them to the slaughter for a sacrifice for the land , which may be the lords mind indeed , howbeit they know not his thoughts . and to the sixth article , because its a declyning to the contrary party , even that party against whom the covenant was at the making expresly contrived . and as the declaration of the generall assembly 1648. hath it , it s a joyning with one enemy to beat another , with a black devil to beat a white . it is most ingenuously answered , that the present resolutions are not contrare to the covenant . because such as are descrived in the covenant are not allowed to be employed , meaning , that these men are not now malignants . what needs men make such a compasse to justifie the publick resolutions , seing there is so easy and ready a way straight at hand ? this one answer might take off all the arguments made against them , that there is no malignant party now : which is the foundation that being removed , all the building must fall to the ground . but we have in the first article evinced that , which had been scandalous to have proved , if it had not been questioned . if it were indeed true , that no malignants are allowed to be employed , what needed the commission in their letter to sterling presbytery take so much pains from scripture and reason to justify the present resolutions , when the clearing of that one point had cleared all ? as for the declaration of the assembly anno 1648. it is answered , that none are to be employed , that continue natourly in the courses of malignancy , which was done that year . wheras the malignant party that was then associated with , would have engadged to be faithfull to all the ends of the covenant , many of them were such as had been in covenant , and made shew of their repentance for their defection from it : and so there is no difference in this particular . 2. the solemne acknowledgment of publick sins is so clear and peremptory in this , that it makes us tremble to think on it pag. 6 should we again break his commandments and covenant , by joyning any more in affinity with the people of these abominations , and take in our bosome these serpents , which have formerly stung us almost to death ? this , as it would argue much folly and madness , so no doubt , it would provoke the lord to consume us till there be no remnant of escaping . let the 6th . article also be considered . joyn to this the declaration of the commission , upon report of this enemies invading pag. 6. where it is declared , that malignants shall not be associated with , nay not countenanced and permitted to be in our armies . the generall assembly after this , upon the enemies entry into scotland , gives serious warning to the rulers , to take heed of snares from that partie : and that the rather , because men ordinarly are so taken with the sense of danger , as not to look back to that which is behind them &c. how often have we sentenced our selves unto wrath ▪ and consumption if we shall fall into this sin again ? all these and the like , are endeavoured to be taken off , by saying that our engadgments in this point , was conceived in a way of prosecution of the cause ; but to be no impediment of just and necessary defence which we are bound to by natures law which no humane law can infringe . but we reply . 1. it is strange , our prosecution of the cause these years past , should be contradistinguished from the defence of it and the kingdome . it was conceived that our war in england was defensive not invasive , that it was necessitated for the defence even of our kingdom , but it seems it is now questioned ; but passing what was acted abroad , certainly all our wars at home were meerly defensive , both against unjust invasion and seditious insurrections . now our solemne engadgments were conceived , in relation ▪ to our actings at home especially , and modelling our armies for the defence of our liberties and religion . we knew well enough that a just invasive war is a rare accident in the world , and that the flock of jesus christ are , for the most part , obnoxious to the violence of others , as sheep among wolves : but are not often called to prey upon others . 2. to call our solemne engadgments and declarations , grounded upon our oaths and upon the word of god , humane laws and constitutions , that must cede to natures law , it is indeed ingenuous dealing : because to justifie the present proceedings , there can be no more expedite way , than to condemne by past resolutions for the peremptoriness of them , and to make them grounded on politick considerations , which are alterable : but it imports a great change of principles . we conceive that all humane laws that are not for the matter grounded on the word of god , that oblidge not conscience but in the case of scandal , and in regard of the generall end , are alterable , and changeable , whenever they come in opposition to the law of nature , self-defence , law of god written in the word . and therefore that act of parliament mentioned by the commission , discharging all subjects to rise without the kings command , which was made use of against our first taking arms , was no wayes binding on the subjects not to rise in the defence of their religion and liberties when in hazard . and we wonder that that law should be compared to our solemne engadgments , which are grounded upon oaths and gods word , as touching the very matter and substance of them , as if our engadgments did no more bind us now , in case of defence , than that law did bind us then . royalists might be excused for preferring the kings will to gods ; but we cannot be pardoned for equalizing them . and especially while we consider that that forementioned act undoubdely hath been intended , for the establishing of ane arbitrary and absolute power in the kings hand ; that the subjects may not have liberty to save themselves , except the king will. where god hath given us liberty by the law of nature , or his word ; no king can justly ty us , and when god binds us and oblidges us by any of these , no king or parliament can loose us or unty us . 3. the declaration of the commission and assembly upon this invasion , renues the same bond of our former engadgments ; yea and speaks expresly , in the case of fewness and scarceness of instruments , against the unbelief of people that are ready in danger to choose any help . therefore that which is said in answer , that at that time there was a choise of instruments which now is not , it may indeed condemn and falsifie the declarations at that time , in the supposing of the paucitie of instruments , and in the application of that doctrine and divine truth to that time ; but it doth not speak any thing against the application of that truth therein contained to our time ; it being more manifest , that we have greater necessity and less choise of instruments : and so in greater hazard of unbelief , and overlooking what is behind us . 3. it is of all considerations the most confounding , to reflect upon our former humiliations and fasts . how often hath it been confessed to god , as the predominant publick sin of scotland , countenancing and employing the malignant partie ? but when we call particalarlie to mind the first solemne fast after the defeat at dumbar , astonishment takes hold on us , to think , that it is now defended as a duty , which , but some moneths ago , was solemnly confessed as a sin , the not purging of the army , the obstructing of that work , and great inclinations to keep in and fetch in such persons , and the repining at , and crying out against all that was done in the contrarie , was then reckoned as the great cause of gods wrath , and his sad stroak upon us . what distraction may this breed in the hearts of the people of the land , to hear that same thing complained of as great sin to day , and commended as a necessary duty to morrow ? is not all the land presently called to mourn for the kings sins , of which this is one , the designing a conjunction with the malignant party , and giving them warrand to rise in arms for the defence of the kingdome ? now , how shall they be able to reconcile these in their oun minds , at the same time to mourn for that as a sin in the king , which they hear commended as the duty of the parliament ? to fast a day for that as the kings sin , which they must go about to morrow as their oun duty ? tell it not in gath , publish it not in ashkelon : lest the daughters of the philistines rejoyce . heathens may rise in judgment against this generation . semperidem ●elle atque idem nolle haec demum sapientiae est . if any wise man be ubique & semper sibi pay & idem , what ought a godly man to be ? 3. reason . that which is an uncertain mean of preservation of the kingdom , and a more certain mean of destruction of religion , is utterly unlawfull . but the employing and entrusting of all men promiscuously , according as is holden out in the publick resolutions ; is , at best an , uncertain mean of the preservation of the kingdom , and is a more certain mean of the destruction of religion . ergo , it is utterly unlawfull . the first proposition cannot be denyed . when any less good comes in opposition with a greater good , the pesser good in that respect becomes evil . we may not endanger certainly a greater good , for the probable and incertain attainment of the lesser . the second proposition i know will be denyed , as it was denyed in the time of the engadgment by the committee of estates . they said , the danger of religion was not infallibile , that it might eventually fall out so : but not by any causality . and thus it is pleaded now . that the danger of religion is not inevitable ; that the danger of the kingdom is certain : and so these being laid in the ballance together , we ought , to eschew a certain danger of the kingdoms destruction , rather hazard on a probable danger of religion . but we shall clear this and confirm the reason . 1. the danger of the kingdom is indeed great ; but it is not so certain and inevitable in case of not employing the malignant party : because there may be some competency of power beside . now the delivery and preservation of the kingdom from this danger , by conjunction with that party , is either improbable ; because we have sentenced our selves to destruction , if ever we should do such a thing again . we are standing under a curse , whereto we have bound over ourselves ; and beside , god is in a speciall manner parsuing that generation , and hath raised up this enemy for their destruction ; so that we may with greater probability expect , to partake of their plagues , and to fall under our oun curse , than to be delivered , or be instruments of deliverance to the kingdom . or , at the best , it is uncertain : for what is more uncertain than the event of war ? the battel in this sense may be said peculiarly to belong to the lord. now on the other hand , the danger of religion is certain and inevitable , though not simply in it self , and absolutely : because the lord doth in heaven and earth what he pleases ; yet with a morall certainty and infallibility , which is often as great as physicall certainty . suppose these men ; having the power of the sword , prevail ; will they not employ it according to their principles , and for attaining their oun ends , which both are destructive to religion ? what is more certain than that men act and speak from the abundance of the heart , when there is no outward restraint ? it should be a great wonder if they who are so accustomed to doe evil , should cease to doe evil , when they have power and convenience to do it . power and greatness hath corrupted many good men , shall it convert them ? can men expect other fruits from a tree than the nature of it yeelds ? will one seek figs on thorns , or grapes on thistles ? 2. we do not see what defence it can be , for the present , to the kingdom , at least the godly and well affected in the kingdom , who will be as much troubled in their persons and estates by that party , as by the common enemy . it is known what threatnings the countrey is filled with , which vents that inveterate malice and hatred of all the well affected in the kingdom , which they have kept within their breast of a long time : and now they find opportunity of outing it . it is as clear as day light , that the most part of all the secluded persons looks upon these that opposed them in the engadgment , and shut them out of places of trust , and capacity of employment , as enemies , and as great enemies as the sectaries . and that we may know what to expect when they have full power in their hand ; they have already so lift up their head , that no godly man can promise himself security in many places , and especially the faithfull gentlmen and people of the west , who have given more proof of their faithfullnesse to the cause and kingdom against the common enemie , than any others in the land ; yet are daily suffering violence from these preservators of the kingdom , while they are sufferers under the feet of the enemy : when they have no common enemy , whom i beseech yow , will they prey upon ; seing they do it already while they have an enemy . but it is replyed . that none of the least suspition , are allowed to be in such trust and power , as may be prejudiciall to religion : and that ane oath is to be taken of all , which is to be conceived as particular , binding and strict as is possible . answer . 1. what a manifest receding is it from former principles , that it is now conceived , that all places of trust , excepting some few of eminent note , may be filled with secluded and debarred persons , without the prejudice of religion ? it is certain that most part of officers , nominated by the parliament and shyres , are not only such , of whom there is just ground of suspition ; but such as have been enemies by actuall opposition to the cause of god , or known underminers thereof . can it be said in good earnest , that none , of whom is any suspition , shall have such trust as may be prejudiciall ? sure we are , there are many just grounds of suspition and jealousie of generall persons , who have chief trust in our armies : and this the publick judicatories are not ignorant of . 2. oaths and covenants are but like green cords about samson to bind these men . would we have them yet once again perjured ; then may we tender ane oath to them . put power in their hand , and then make them swear to employ it well . it s as ridiculous as to give a mad man a sword , and then perswade him to hurt none with it . there is no more capitulation with such persons , retaining their old principles , than with the floods or winds . these whom that sacred bond of covenant hath not tyed , what oath can bind ? except yow can change their nature , do not swear them to good behaviour . can a leopard change his spots ? 5. reason . that which gives great offence and scandal , and layes a stumbling block in the way , both of the people of the land and our enemies , especially in the way of the godly : that is unlawfull . but the present association and conjunction , with all persons in the kingdom ( excepting a few if any ) is scandalous and offensive to the whole land , to the godly especially , and also to the enemy . therefore it is unlawfull . the major is beyond all exception , if we consider how peremptory christ and his apostles are in the point of offence , which yet few christians do consider . we ought not only to beware of the offence of the godly , but even of wicked men , even of our blaspheming enemies . give no offence neither to the iew nor gentile , nor to the church of god. christ would not offend and scandalize his malitious enemies . the minor is proved . 1. there is great offence given to the godly in the kingdom by the publick resolutions , concerning that conjunction with the malignant party , under the name and notion of subjects . 1. because it s known that the most part of them are tender in that point , what fellowship they act with : and this hath been remonstrate unto the commission and committee of estates , from severall synods . now the present resolution layeth that stumbling block in their way , that they cannot act in the defence of the kingdom : because there is no way left them , for the performing of that duty , but that which they in their consciences are not satisfyed with . it s a sad necessity and snare that is put upon them , that they cannot perform their bound duty , which they are most desirous of , without sin : because of the way that is taken . 2. is it not a matter of offence and stumbling to them , to be necessitated by law to that which was their affliction ? the mixture that was in our armies was their grief : and their comfort was that the judicatories were minting at their duty to purge them : but now there is no hope of attaining that : all doors is shut up by the publick resolutions . 3. it undoubtedly will weaken their hands , and make their hearts faint ; so that they cannot pray with affection and in faith , for a blessing upon such an army , the predominant and leading part whereof have been esteemed , and is really enemies to god and his people . 4. is it not a great offence that any thing should proceed from the publick judicatories , that shall lay a necessity upon many godly in the land , to suffer , because they cannot in conscience go along with it . next it scandalizeth the whole land. what may they think within themselves , to see such dissonancy and disagreement between present and former resolutions and practises ? what may they judge of the inconstancy and levity of the commission ? and be induced to give no respect and reverence to them in their resolutions . is it not , at least , a very great appearance of evil to joyn with that party , that we did declare and repute , but some few weeks since , to be wicked enemies of religion and the kingdom ? and look hencforth on them as friends without so much as any ackowledgment of their sin had from them ? shall not they be induced , to put no difference between the pretious and the vile ? not to discern between him that fears god and him that fears him not , when the publick resolutions puts no difference ? then , how will it confirm all the malignant party in their wickednesse ? may they not think our solemne vowes and engadgments , our rigid resolutions and proceedings were but all contrived and acted out of policy ; and that interest and advantage , and not conscience principled them ? have they not ane occasion given them to persecute all the godly , and vent their long harboured malice against these who have been most zealous for reformation and purging of the land ? nay , they are put in the capacity that they have desired , for acting all their resolutions , and accomplishing their designes . and last of all , the present proceedings will not onely encourage , and animate the common enemy : but confirm them in all the imputations and calumnies they have loadned our church with . may they not have ground fothink , that we are but driving on a politick design and does not singly aim at gods glory ? that it is not grounds of conscience acts us , but some wordly interest , when they look upon the inconstancy and changeableness of our way and course , which is so accommodated to occasions and times ? can they think us men of conscience , that will join with all these men of blood , before we will so much as speak with them ? it is replyed , that the scandal is taken , and not given ; which must not be stood upon , in the case of a necessary duty . but 1. we cleared , that there is no necessity of that conjunction : therefore the scandal is given ; seing its known before hand , that it will be taken . 2. there are many grounds of offence given by the present resolutions , as appears by what is said . if it were no more , it s a great appearance of evil ; it s very inductive of many evils ; a most fit occasion of all that 's spoken ; and besides , it s in it self sinfull , contrare to gods word and to our oaths . 6. reason . that which makes glad all the wicked and enemies of god in the land , and sad many , if not most part , of the godly ; hath much appearance and evidence , if not certainty , of evill , is unlawfull . but the publick resolutions and proceedings are such . ergo. or thus . that which makes glad all the wicked , and heightens the hopes and expectations of the malignant party , and makes sad none almost but the godly , and discourages their spirits ; that , proceeding from the publick judicatories , cannot be right and lawfull : but so it is , that that which proceeds from the publick judicatories , makes glad all the hearts of thewicked , and makes sad none , almost , but the godly , heightens the hopes of the malignants , and makes them say their day is coming , lo we have seen it : and discourages the godly , and makes them almost say , our hope is cut off , our glory is departed . ergo , it cannot be right , at least it hath a great and convincing appearance of evil ▪ , this argument may be thought more popular , than either philosophicall or scripturall : but such an argument the generall assembly 1648. made use of against the engadgment . it is no wayes imaginable , how the wicked and ungodly in the land , would so insult and rejoyce in this day ; if they saw not some legible characters upon it , which were agreeable to their oun principles and ends. the children of god , are , for the most part , led by the spirit of god , and taught the way they should choose . iohn . 16 : 13. psal. 25 : 12. so that readily they do not skunner at courses approven of god : but the children of the world , being , at best , led by their oun carnal minds and senses , and , for the most part , acted by a spirit of disobedience and enmity against god , they use not to rejoyce at things that do not suit with their carnall hearts , and are not engraven with the character of that which is imprinted in their spirits . we see now that the wicked walk on every side , when the vilest men are exalted . and when the wicked rise , the righteous is hidden , and when they bear rule , the people mourneth : but when righteous men are in authority , the people do rejoyce : and when the righteous rejoyceth , there is great glorie . ps. 12. ult ▪ prov. 28 : 12. and 29 : 2. 7. reason . that which is the accomplishment and perfecting of the malignant designe , that hath been driven on these years past , especially since the unlawfull engadgment ; it cannot be a course approven of god : but the present course is the accomplishment of that designe . ergo. that there hath been a designe , for a long time , driven and endeavoured , both at home and abroad , with much policy and industry , by many turnings and wyndings , and by arguments of severall kinds , as the exigence of the times did furnish : and that the designe was , to have all such persons in trust and power again , who had been secluded , that so they might compasse their oun ends , hath not been denyed hitherto : and we are perswaded , no man that fears god , and observes the times , is ignorant of it . let the publick papers of the treaty at bredah , and the publick papers of this kingdom and church at home , be consulted ; they bear witness for us . was not the foundation of it laid in holland ? many of them in both nations , brought home with the king contrare to publick resolutions , and by the prevailing influence of some in the state , kept in the kingdome , contrare to publick resolutions ? was not the work of purging judicatories and armies obstructed ? the godly discountenanced and discouraged ? great endeavours used to raise the malignants in the south and in england , and since the defeat to raise all without exception in the north ? but when that could not be obtained , by the withstanding of honest men in the state. the levies appointed , which would have been a considerable force for the defence of the kingdom , was rendred wholly ineffectuall ; partly by taking moneys for men ; partly by raising the malignant party ; and then pretending to go against them , they were pacified by an act of indemnity : the fruit and result of all which , is this present conjunction with them : and putting the power of judicatories and armies in their hand . thus the designe is compleated . 8. reason . that which will increase the lords indignation and controversie against the land , yet seven times more ; that is very unlawfull and unseasonable ; but so it is , that confederacy and association with the people of these abominations , will increase the lords indignation and controversie seven times more . ergo. the assumption was as manifest and uncontroverted as the proposition , a few moneths agoe , but it is begun now to be questioned by some , qui quod sciunt nesciumn , quia sapiunt . but we shall evince it . 1. we are standing under such a sentence , which we deliberately and sincerely past upon our selves , in the days of our vows to god , that if we did ever any more joyn with the people of these abominations , the lord would consume us till there were no remnant . and this was not done in rashnesse but in sobriety , and with a scripture president ezra . 9 : 12 , 13. 2. our experience hath made this clear to us . we never did mingle our selves among them , but the lord did pursue us with indignation , and stamped that sin , as in vive characters , upon our judgment . god hath set upon that rock , that we have so oft split upon , a remarkable beacon . therefore we doe not only in our solemne engadgments , bind our selves over to a curse , in case of relapsing , but passes the sentence of great madnesse and folly on our selves . piscator ictu sapit . experience makes fools wise , but it cannot cure madnesse . did not that mixture provoke god at dumbar ? and is this the way to appease him , to revolt more and more . 3. conjunction and confederacy with that party , doth necessarly inferr a communion in blessings and plagues , we must cast in our lot with them , and have all one purse . now it hath been confessed and declared by this church , that god hath a notable controversie with that party , that this enemy is in ane eminent way to bear them down and crush them . therefore if we joyn with them , we must resolve to partake of their plagues and have that controversie pleaded against us also . it is answered , that indignation needs not be feared simply on this accompt : because the means are lawfull and necessary ; else , if this have any force , it will conclude , that we should ly down and do nothing : because gods indignation is upon the whole land. but we reply . 1. though it be true , that this enemy is the rod of gods indignation against the whole land ; yet it is certain to us , and hath been formerly unquestioned , that they are raised up , in a speciall way , to execute gods wrath on malignants , and god doth arm them with power in a signall manner for that end . besides , the lords anger and indignation against his enemies is such , as will burn and none can quench it : it s of another nature than his wrath against his oun people , which is a hyding of his face for a moment . he corrects us in measure and judgment , but leaves us not altogether unpunished : but he makes ane end of other nations , especially these that rise up to actuall enmitie and hatred of his people , and sheding of their blood . and therefore , if any man would not meet with wrath and sore displeasure , he would stand at a distance with such , as god hath appointed for destruction ; we mean , as long as they carry in their foreheads the mark of the beast . when god hath such a remarkable controversie against a people then be that helpeth and he that is helped , shall both fall together . isay. 31 : 3 , all that is in league with them , shall fall with them by the sword . ezech. 30. 5. and 32 : 21. 2. since it is known , that the malignant party have not changed their principles , and so they cannot but in prosecuting this war establish their old quarrell and follow it , to wit , the kings arbitrary power , the interest of man , above gods or the kingdoms interest . we leave it to be judged impartially , whether or not , these that associate with them , do espouse that quarrell and interest , at least expose themselves to all that wrath and indignation , which hath hitherto followed that quarrell , seing they must have common blessings and curses ? will not that quarrell holden up by most part of the army , be a wicked thing , an achan in the camp , that will make god turn away from it and put israel to shame ? having thus established the truth . in the next place , we come to take off what objections are made to the contrarie . first , it is argued from humane authority . the uncontroverted and universall practise of all nations in all generations , is , to employ all subjects in the case of necessary just defence . it was the practise of our reformers , who took into the congregation and received all , that upon acknowledgement of their error , was willing to joyn , though they had been on the contrary faction . such an universall practise of christian nations , though it be not the ground of our faith ; yet it is apparent , that it cannot want reason for it . answer . i. this will plead as much against the exceptions added in the answer to the query and act of levy ; for seing other nations except none , in the case of necessary defence , why should we except any ? and if once we except any , upon good and convincing grounds ; upon the same ground we ought to except farr more . 2. mr. gillespy in his treatise of miscellany questions makes mention that the city of strasburg 1626. made a defensive league with zurick , berne , and basil : because they were not only neighbours , but men of the same religion . and the elector of saxonie refused to take into confederacy , these who differed from him in the point of the lords supper ; lest such sad things should befall him , as befell these in scripture who used any means of their oun defence . this rule was good in thesi though in that case misapplyed . now then , if they made conscience of choosing means of their oun defence , a confederacy with forraigners . may not the same ground lead us to a distance with our oun countreymen as unqualified , who have nothing to commend them but that they are of the same nation , which is nothing in point of conscience . 3. the practise of other nations , that are not tender in many greater points , cannot be very convincing . especially when we consider , that the lord hath made light to arise in this particular , more bright than in former times . god hath taken occasion of illustrating and commending many truths unto us in this generaration , from the darkness of error , and of making straight many rules , from the crookedness of mens practise and walking . is not the lord now performing the promise of purging out the rebels from among us and them that transgresse , god hath winked at former times of ignorance ; but now the lord having cleared his mind so to us , how great madness were it to forsake our oun mercy , and despise the counsel of god against our oun souls . as for that instance of our reformers ▪ there could not have been any thing brought more prejudiciall to that cause , and more advantageous for us . after they were twice beaten by the french in leith , and their forces scattered , and the leaders and chief men of the congregation forced to retire to sterling . john knox preaching upon the eightieth psalm , and searching the causes of gods wrath against them , he condescends upon this as the chief cause , that they had received into their counsels and forces , such men as had formerly opposed the congregation : and sayes , god never blest them since the duke had come among them . see knox chron. 2. it cannot be shewed , that ever they took in a party and faction of such men , but only some few persons ; which , though it was not altogether justifiable , yet more excusable . but now , the publick resolutions hold forth a conjunction with all the bloody murderers in the kingdom ( excepting very few ) and these without profession of repentance in many , and without evidence of the reality of it almost in any . 3. these persons were not such , as had once joyned with the congregation and relapsed , and became enemies to it ; but they turned to the protestant religion from popery : but ours is a different case . 2. it s argued from scripturec three scripture instances are brought to justify the present proceedings . first instance is from the practise of gods people in the book of judges , who , when for defection from religion they were brought under oppression , yet when any governour was raised by god for their defence , they gathered and come all out promiscuously , notwithstanding a great part of them had been in the defection ; and yet it is not found , that their governors are reproved for this ; but rather sad curses on them that came not out to the work . iudg. 5. 15 , 16 , 17 , 23. the second instance is from the story of the kings , very like the first ; when after defection , gracious reforming kings arose , and had to do against forraigne invasion , we find them not debarring any subjects , but calling them out promiscuously . neither is this laid to their charge that they called out such and such subjects , though we may perceive by the story of the prophets , that the greater part of the body of the people were wicked &c. we answer to these two instances joyntly . 1. we may by the like reason prove , that which is as yet uncontroverted ( we know not how long . ) that we ought at no time to make choise of instruments , neither in case of prosecution of the cause and the invasion of others , nor yet in the time when choise is to be had ; and so , that all our former engadgments , resolutions and proceedings , in the point of purging judicatories and armies , was superfluous and supererogatory : because we read not , that the reforming kings or judges , when ever they had an invasive war , and in the times that they had greatest plenty and multitudes of people , did ever debarr any of their subjects from that service , but called them out promiscuosly . neither is this laid to their charge ; though we may perceive , that the greater part of the people were wicked under the best kings : therefore we may lawfully employ any subjects of the kingdom in any of our wars . and we may look upon all indifferently , without any discerning of persons that fear god and them that fear him not , as in good capacity to be entrusted , even when otherwise we have choise of good instruments . certainly it follows by parity of reason : for if yow conclude , that from the calling forth all promiscuously , and no reproof given for it in the case of necessary defence ; then we may conclude from the calling forth of all promiscuously , and in the case of an invasive war , and no reproof recorded , that neither , in such a case , is it sinfull to make no difference , and that with stronger reason : because , it being more easie in such a case to choose instruments and no necessity pleading for it : if it had been sinfull , the prophets would have rather reproved it , than rebuked them for using such means in a case of necessity . 2. we may argue after that manner , that in the case of necessary just defence , there should be no exceptions made at all of any persons : because we read not that the judges or kings debarred any subjects , neither that they were rebuked for so doing . therefore the instances militate as much against the exceptions added in the answer to the query , as against us ; unless it be said , that there was no such persons among that people , which were as groundlesse rashness as to say that they gave all evidence of repentance . 3. seing the judges and the reforming kings of judah , were so accurrate and exact in cleaving to the law of god , and walking according to it in all other things ; it were more charitable and christian judgment to say , that since they are not reproved for any fault in this particular , that they were also exact to walk according to the rule deut. 23. in so great a point as this . 4. mens practise is often lame and crooked : and therefore must be examined according to the rule ; but it were not fair dealing to accommodate the rule to mens practice . seing then , we have so clear and perfect a rule deut. 23. which must judge both their practice and ours : we see not how their practice can be obtruded as a rule upon us , which it self must be examined according to a common and generall rule . if it be not according to that law , we hold it to be sinfull in it self , and so no president for us , albeit the prophets did not reprove it in express and particular terms ( as they did not reprove man-stealing &c. ) yet they rebuked it by consequence , in as farr as they rebuked the kings for association with wicked israelites , which is condemned upon grounds common to this very case in hand . 5. we see not any ground for such promiscuous calling forth of the people by the judges . baraks business , as that of iepthah and gideon , were done by no great multitudes of people , but a few choise men . 6. as the oppression was heavy and continued long ; so the repentance of the people was solemne , and their deliverance a fruit of this . 7. their case and ours is very different ; none of israel or judah , did fight against the profession of the true religion , and shed the blood of their fellow-subjects who were for the defence of the same . israel in the dayes of the iudges , and iudah in the time of the reforming kings , was not divided the one half against the other , upon opposition and defence of the true religion : and the better part , after many experiences of the treachery and enmity of the most of the worst part , solemnly engadged to god , not to admitt them to employment and trust , but upon real evidence of repentance , of which they should judge as in the sight of god. and last of all did ever israel or iudah in the days of their judges and reforming kings , admitt into their armies , a party and faction of such , as had given no reall evidence of their abandoning their former course ; and such a party , as had been long studying to get the power of armies and judicatories in their oun hands for attaining their oun ends ? but all these are in our case . the 3d instance from scripture is from 1 sam. 11. which is aleadged to be a clear practise and stamped with divine approbation : in the case of iabesh-gilead besieged by a forraigne enemie , saul commands all to come forth for defence of their brethren , under pain of a severe civil censure . now , what saul did in this business , the spirit of god is said to act him to it , and what the people did , was from the fear of god , making them obey the king : and then samuel in this acting concurrs joyntly , and makes no opposition ; and last of all , the people came forth as one man , and yet cap. 10. 27. many men of belial were among them , who malignantly opposed sauls government contrare to gods revealed will. to which we answer . 1. the stamp of divine approbation is not apparent to us , success doth not prove it ; neither the spirit coming on saul , not the fear of god falling on the people , will import a divine approbation of all was done in the manadging that war. that motion of the spirit is no sanctifying motion ; but a common , though extraordinary , impulse of sauls spirit to the present work , which , doubtless was in the king of babylon , whom god raised up , fitted and sent for the destruction of many nations . albeit that work in his hand was iniquity . that fear of god that fell upon the people , was but a fear of the king imprinted by god , and it is more peculiarly attributed to god , because the people did despise him and contemn him , which makes their reverence and fear to be a more extraordinary thing upon a sudden . then , samuel not opposing the course in hand , doth no more import his approbation of all was done in it , than his not reproving the men of bolial doth prove , that he approved of their opposition . 2. it doth not appear , that the men of belial were a great faction and party , there is somthing in the 12. ver . speaks against it , it is not like , the people would put a faction and party to death . 3. neither doth it appear , that they were in the army ; for that which is said , that all the people came out as one man , doth only import , that the body and generality of them came forth ; and that it was a wonder so many came forth so suddenly , at the command of the king who was but mean and abject in their eyes . it is certaine that all sensible persons were not present , because the whole army being numbred ver 8. was but 330000. and who will say there was no moe men in israel , when they had 600000 such , and above , before their coming into the land ? seing then , many have stayed at home ; it is most probable that these men of belial would not come , seing they despised sauls mean and low condition in their heart , and thought him unfitt to lead their armies , till he should prove what was in him . that which is said ver 12. doth not prove they were in the camp ; it might be conveniently spoken of absent persons . 4. it is not certain , that these men were wicked and scandalous in their conversation , haters of godlinesse and of their brethren ; but that they stood at distance only with saul in the point of his election ; which indeed was blame-worthy , seing god had revealed his mind in it : and therefore they are called men of belial , as peter was called satan , for opposing christs suffering . some other scriptures are alleaged by some , as davids employing of such men &c. all which are cleared in mr. gillespies treatise of miscellanie questions quest 14. 3. it is argued from reason . and. 1. that which any is oblidged to do for anothers preservation by the law of god and nature , and which he cannot ommit without the guilt of the others destruction ; that may the other lawfully require of him to do when hee needs it , and when it may be done without the undoing of a greater good ; but so it is , that every subject is oblidged by the law of nature , oath and covenants , and the law of god , to endeavour to their power , the preservation of the kingdom against unjust violence : and the safety of the kingdome stands in need of many subjects assistance who were secluded : and it may be done without undoing a greater good than is the preservation of religion . ergo. this argument hath an answer to it in the bosom of it . 1. we shortly deny the assumption , in relation to the two last branches , both that the kingdoms preservation stands in necessity of these mens help . and that their help tends not to the undoing of a greater good ; seing there is no reason given to confirm these two points , wherein the nerve of the business lyes , we referr to a reason of our denyal of them given page , 22. secondly , it is true that the obligation to such a duty lyes upon all ; but that obligation is to be brought in act and exercise in an orderly and qualifyed way , else what needed any exceptions be in the act of levie ? excommunicated persons are under the same obligation ; yet the magistrate is not actually oblidged to call such , but rather to seclude them . are not all bound to come to the sacrament who are church members ? yet many are not in a capacity to come , and so ought neither to presume to come , nor be admitted : are not all subjects oblidged to defend the cause of god , and to prosecute it ? and yet many , because of their enmity to the cause of god , are actually incapable of employment in the defence or prosecution thereof . 3. the law of nature is above all humane laws and constitutions , they must cede when ever they come in opposition to it , salus populi is suprema lex in relation to these : but in relation to the law of god it is not so ; sometimes the law of nature must yeeld to positive commands of god. abraham must sacrifice his son at gods command . the law of nature obliges us to the preservation of our selves ; but it does not oblidge to every mean that may be found expedient to that end , unless it be supposed lawfull and approven of god. therefore the lord in his written word doth determine , what means we may use for that end , and what not . but 4. we conceive that the law forbidding association and confederacy with known wicked and ungodly persons , is included in the law of nature , as well as the law that obliges us to self-preservation ; that is grounded on perpetuall reason , as well as this . nature bids me preserve my self , and nature binds me to have one friend and foe with god. the heathens had a notion of it ; they observed , that amphiaraus , a wise vertuous man was therefore swallowed up in the earth with seven men and seven horses , because he had joyned himself and associated with tydeus , capaneus and other wicked commanders marching to the seige of thebe , mr. gill , miscell . qyest . chap. 14. pag. 171. 2. the second reason is framed thus in hypothes● . such as are excluded are a great part , if not the greater part , of the remnant of the land , if rules of exclusion be extended impartially . now , they having their lives and liberties allowed them , must either in these things be ensured by the interposing of a competent power for their defence , or else they must have liberty to act for themselves . but so it is , that we cannot interpose a competent power for their protection . ergo they must have liberty to act for themselves . nam qui dat vitam , dat necessaria ad vitam . we answer . 1. it is not certain that such as are excluded are the greater part of the land ; however , it is certain , that though the rule had been kept and endeavours had been used to walk according to it , yet many whom it excludes would have been taken in . there is a great difference between endeavour of duty , and attaining its perfection . if the rule had not been quite destroyed , so great offence could not have been taken , though it had not been strictly urged in all particulars . 2. we still affirm , upon evident grounds to us , that there is a power competent in the land , beside the malignant party , which may protect the land and ensure their lives and liberties . 3. we are perswaded , many of that party who have been so deeply involved in blood-guiltinesse and barbarous cruelties , should neither have lives nor liberties secured to them : because they ought not to be permitted to live . but the not taking away so much innocent blood from the land by acts of justice , is the cause that so much innocent and pretious blood is now shed . our rulers have pardoned that blood which god would not pardon : and therefore would not pardon it to the land , because they pardoned it to the murderers . sect. 4. that it is not lawfull for the well affected subjects to concurr in such an engadgment in war , and associate with the malignant party . some convinced of the unlawfulness of the publick resolutions and proceedings , in reference to the employing of the malignant party ; yet do not find such clearness and satisfaction in their oun consciences as to forbid the subjects to concurr in this war , and associate with the army so constituted . therefore it is needfull to speak something to this point . that it is unlawfull for the subjects to associate and joyn in arms with that party , as it is for the parliament to employ them . for these reasons . 1. the scriptures before cited against associations and confederacies with wicked and ungodly men do prove this . the command prohibiting conjunction with them and conversing &c. is common both to magistrates and people : for the ground of it is common to both . the peoples ensnaring , helping of the ungodly &c. it were strange doctrine to say , that it is not lawfull for the parliament to associate in war with the malignants , lest the people be ensnared : and yet it is lawfull for the people to associate with them upon the command of the parliament , seing the ensnaring of the people , hath a more immediate connexion with the peoples conjunction with them , nor with the parliaments resolution about it . had it not been a transgression in all the people to have joyned with these men before the parliaments resolution about it ? how then can their resolution interveening , loose the people from their obligation to gods command ? shall it be no sin to me , because they sin before me ? can their going before me in the transgression , exempt me from the transgression of that same law which obliges both them and me ? 2. the people were reproved for such associations as well as rulers , though they were originated from the rulers . the prophets speak to the whole body . what hast thow to doe in the way of egypt & c. ? ier. 2 : 18. and isay. 31. wo to them that go down to egypt . psal. 106. they mingled themselves &c. the lord instructed isaiah , and in him all his oun people , all the children whom god had given him , saying , say not ye , a confederacie , to all them to whom this people shall say , a confederacy ; isay. 8 : 12. when all the people was going on in such a mean of self-defence , the lord instructed him and the disciples among whom the testimony was sealed , that they should not walk in the way of this people . when iehoshaphat was reproved for helping the ungodly , was not all his people reproved that went with him ? they were the helpers of the ungodly as well as he . if amaziah had refused to dismiss the army of israel whom god was not with , doubtless it had been the subjects duty to testifie against it , and refuse to concurr and act in such a fellowship . 3. if the association and conjunction with malignants , be only the sin of the parliament , and not the sin of the people , who doe upon their command associate with them : then we cannot see how people can be guilty of association with malignants at any time and in any case . to joyn with them in an ill cause is not lawfull indeed : but neither may we joyn with good men in an evil cause . suppose then the cause be good and necessarie ( as no war is just if it be not necessary ) in what case or circumstances shall association with them be unlawfull for the people ? if it be said , in case the magistrate command it not ; we think that strange divinitie , that the solo command of the magistrate should make that our duty , which in absence of his command is our sin ; and that not because of the absence of his command but from other perpetuall grounds . certainly , whenever association with them is a sin , it is not that which makes it a sin because the mastistrate commands it not , but because god forbids it . and it is as strange , that the unlawfull and sinfull resolution of parliament should make that lawfull to me which otherwise had been lawfull . it is known that humane laws oblidge not , but as they have connexion with gods word . now if that law , enjoyning a confluence of all subjects for the defence of the kingdom , be contrare to the word , in as far as it holds out a conjunction with malignant and bloodie men , how can it be lawfull to me , in obedience to that ordinance , to associate with these men ? if it be said to be lawfull in the case of necessity , that same necessity is as strong a plea for the magistrates employing them , as for the peoples joyning with them : and if it doe not justifie that , it cannot excuse this . if the lawfullness of the mean must be measured by the justice and necessity of the end : then certainly any mean shall be lawfull in the case of just and necessary defence ; then we may employ irish cut-throats ; then we may go to the devil for help , if expediency to compass such a necessar and just end be the rule of the lawfullness of the mean. 4. the whole land is bound by the covenant and solemne engadgment not to associate with the malignant party : ergo it is sinfull for the people to joyn with them as for the magistrate to employ them . are we not all bound by covenant , to endeavour to bring malignants to condigne punishment , and to look on them as enemies ? and is not conjunction and confederacy with them on the peoples part , as inconsistent in its oun nature with that duty , as the magistrats employing them is inconsistent with his convenanted duty ? when all the people did solemnly engadge themselves not to joyn any more with the people of these abominations , was the meaning of it , we shall not joyn untill our rulers joyn first ; or , we shall not joyn with them in an ill cause ? no indeed , but we shall not employ them in a good cause , or joyn with any party of them in it . if that engadgment be upon every one in their station , let us consider what every mans station in the work is . the rulers station and calling is to choose instruments , and levie forces for the defence thereof . the subjects station and calling is , to concurr in that work , by rising in defence of the cause and kingdome . now what did the subject then engadge unto ? certainly , unlesse we mock god , we must say , that as the magistrate engadged not to employ that ungodly generation in a good cause , so the subject engadged not to joyn with any such party even in a good cause . if this be not the meaning of our engadgments and vows , we see not how the subjects is in capacity to break them , as to that precise point of association . in sum , all the reasons that are brought to prove the unlawfullness of the publick resolutions , may with a litle variation be proportionably applyed to this present question . therefore we add no more but a word to ane objection or two . object . 1. a necessary duty , such as self-preservation is , cannot be my sin . but it is the subjects necessary duty to rise in defence of the kingdome . ergo. answer . a necessary duty cannot be a sin in it self , but it may be a sin in regard of some circumstances , in which it ceases to be a necessary duty . it is a necessar duty to defend the kingdome : but it is neither a duty nor necessary to do it in such a conjunction and fellowship , but rather a sin . if i cannot preserve my self , but by ane unlawfull mean , then self-preservation in such circumstances , is not my dutie . object . 2d . jonathan did assist saul in a war against the philistines invading the land , and no doubt many godly joyned and died in battel . now this is commended in scripture , as may be seen in davids funeral upon them ; although it was known that saul was ane hater of gods people and a perfecuter , and that god had a controversie with him , and that these 3000 that assisted him against david were also ungodly and wicked men . answer . 1. these scriptures speak nothing to commend that particular act of ionathans conjunction in war with his father . david in his epitaph speaks much to the commendation of both saul , and ionathan , as of excellent warriours ; and of ionathan as a kind and constant friend to him : but there is nothing touched of that point . if that place be pressed , it will follow with much more evidence , that saul was as good a man as ionathan , and that the people of god had great loss inhis death . but none of these must be pressed rigorously from a speech wherin he vents his affection and grief . 2. suppose the naturall bond of ionathan to saul his father , and the civil bonds of the people to saul their king , did oblidge them to joyn with him against the common enemy ; yet we think they ought not to have associated with these persecuting servants and the 3000. that pursued david ; but they ought to have pleaded for a purging of the army . 3. it is not probable that there was many godly persons imployed in that army . david complains of that time psal. 12. that the godly man ceased , and the faithfull from among the children of men : and that the wicked walked round about when the vilest men were exalted . 4. many of the laws of god have not been much taken notice of , even by godly men , untill the lord hath taken occasion to reprove them particularly and so to mind them of their duty . it is like the rule deut. 23. hath not been considered till the time of iehoshaphat and amaziah &c. scriptures shewing the sin and danger of joyning with wicked and ungodly men . isaiah 13 : 25. when the lord is punishing such a people against whom he hath a controversie and a notable controversie , every one that is found shall be thrust through : and every one joyned with them shall fall . they partake in their judgment , not only because in a common calamity all shares , as in ezech ▪ 21 : 3. but chiefly because joyned with and partakers with these whom god is pursuing . even as the strangers that joyn to the house of iacob partake of her blessings , chap. 14 : 1. to this purpose is isay. 31 : 2 , 3. and ezek. 30 : 5 , 6 , 8. the mingled people and these that are in league with egypt partakes in her plagues , and these that uphold that throne that god so visibly controverts with , their power shall come down and all its helpers shall be destroyed as it is ier. 21 : 12 , 20 , 24. and this is the great reason of these many warnings to go out of babylon . ier. 50 : 8. and 51 : 6. remember that passage 2 kings 1 : 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. the captain and messenger of the king speaks but a word in obedience to his wicked masters command , and the fifty are but with him and speak not : but their masters judgment comescon them all . consider how many testimonies the wise king in his proverbs gives against it . chap. i. from vers 10. to 19. my son if sinners entice thee , consent thow not . 11. if they say , come with us , let us lay wait for blood , let us lurk privily for the innocent without cause . 12. let us swallow them up alive as the grave , and whole as those that go down into the pit . 13. we shall find all precious substance , we shall fill our houses with spoil . 14. cast in thy lot among us , let us all have one purse . 15. my son , walk not thow in the way with them ; refrain thy foot from their path . 16. for their feet run to evil , and make bast to shed blood &c. here are the practises and designs of wicked men expressed in their oun nature : but certainly they would colour them over with fair pretences ; their purpose is to undo men , especially godly men that classed and purged them . yea it is the profession of many , and they scarce ly privily , or have so much wisdome as to conceal their designes till their fit opportunity : but before the power be confirmed in their hand , they breath out cruelty against all the innocent in the land , and promise themselves great gain by it , and are already dividing their estates among them , saying , we shall find all precious substance . ver 13. but my son , if thow fear god , though they entice thee with specious arguments of nature and necessity and countrey priviledges , yet consent not . venture not thy stock in one vessel with them , cast not in thy lot among them . walk not in the way with them , refrain thy foot from their path : for they are not come to the height of iniquitie , they are running on to it : and if thow joyn , thow wilt cast thy self in a miserable snare : for either thow must go on with them to their designed and professed evils , or be exposed to their cruelty . chap. 2. from vers 10. to the end . when wisdom entereth into thine heart , and knowledge is pleasant to thy soul. 11. discretion shall preserve thee , understanding shall keep thee . 12. to deliver thee from the way of the evil man , from the man that speaketh froward things . 13. who leave the paths of uprightnesse to walk in the ways of darknesse . &c. if thow take the word of god for a lamp to thy feet , and it enter into thy soul , and be received in love and affection : it will certainly keep thee from the evil mans way , who have already left the righteous paths to walk in the ways of darknesse , who rejoyce in nothing so much as in the sorrows and miseries of the godly , and delight in one anothers wickedness . and it will keep thee chast to thy husband christ jesus , and preserve thee from committing fornications with egypt as aholah and aholibah , and joyning so nearly with the degenerated seed of abraham , who are but as strangers : for come near their house and paths , and they will lead thee to destruction with them , or make thee a more miserable life . but these that go to them return not again quickly ; they are like fallen starrs , shall they ever be set in the firmament again ? it s safest to walk with good and righteous men : for gods blessing and promise is on them . his curse and threatning is on the wicked : therefore thow may fear wrath on that accompt , if thow joyn with them . chap. 4. ver 14. to 20. enter not into the path of the wicked , and go not in the way of evil men . 15. avoid it , pass not by it , turn from it , and pass away . 16. for they sleep not except they have done mischief : and their sleep is taken away except they cause some to fall . 17. for they eat the bread of wickedness , and drink the wine of violence . 18. but the path of the just is as the shining light , that shineth more and more unto the perfact day . 19. the way of the wicked is as darkness : and they know not at what they stumble . it was said chap. 3 : 23. that the man who keeps wisdom and the fear of god in his heart , should walk in the way and not stumble . that safty hath ease in it here , their steps are not strained , as when a man walks in steep and hazardous places , which cannot choose but it will be , if a man enter into the path of wicked men , he must either go along in their way with them , and then its broad indeed ; or , if he think to keep a good conscience in it , he will be pinched and straitned : therefore its freest for the mind and conscience for to avoid and pass by that way : for they sleep not &c. they will never be satisfied till they have done a mischief , they will live upon the ruines of the poor countrey , and how will thow joyn in that ? or how can thow eschew it if thow walk with them ? if it were no more , it s a suspected by-path , that thow never travelled into . o pass by it ; or , if thow be entered , turn out of it . if thow wilt enter upon the apprehension of some light and duty in it , know that it s but evening , sun is setting , and thow wilt be benighted ere it be long : and thow shalt stumble then and not know whereupon , even on that thow sees now and thinks to eschew and pass by . then from ver 25. to the end . keep thy heart with all diligence : for out of it are the issues of life &c. except thow keep thy heart and whole man , thow cannot escape falling in some temptation : o keep thy heart deligentlie on the knowledge and love of the truth . take heed to thy words . look not a-squint but directly to that which is good . give not a-squint look to any unlawfull course , for the necessity or utility it may be seems to attend it . but look straight on , and ponder well thy way thow walks in , that thow run to no extremity either to one party or other . that thow walk in the middle way between profanity and error , thow held these ways hitherto for extreams , ponder i beseech thee then , before thow walk in any of them ; see whether they be really come to thee , or thow to them . mark who is changed . chap. 5 : 8. to the 15. remove thy way far from her : and come not near the door of her house . 9. lest thow give thine honour unto others , and thy years unto the cruel . 10. lest strangers be filled with thy wealth , and thy labours be in the house of a stranger . 11. and thow mourn at last , when thy flesh and thy bodie are consumed . 12. and say how have i hated instruction , and my heart despised reproof ? 13. and have not obeyed the voice of my teachers nor enclined mine ear to them that instructed me ? &c. if thow would be safe from snares , remove from the way and house of the strange woman . thow must fall in aholah and aholibahs whordoms , ezek. 23. except thow come not near them . if thow keep not from that assembly and congregation , thow shall be almost in all evil . if thow joyn with them , thow cannot but partake of their sins and plagues ; and so thow shalt say after , when thow cannot well mend it , it was near gone , my steps almost gone , and all the assembly of his people shall witness to it . chap. 6 : 16 , 17 , 18 , 24 , 25. these six things doth the lord hate , yea seven are ane abomination unto him . 17. a proud look , a lying tongue , and hands that shed innocent blood : 18. an heart that deviseth wicked imaginations , feet that be swift in running to mischief . 24 ▪ to keep thee from the strange woman , from the flattery of the tongue of a strange woman . 25. lust not after her beauty in thine heart ; neither let her take thee with her eye-lids . descrives both our enemies , the malignant party and the sectarian . pride , violence , cruelty , lying , is the very character of the one . flattery , beauty of pretended religion , and false witnessing and charging of the lords people , and seeking to sow discord among these that were one in heart and work , is the character of the other , now keep thee from both these abominations : and do not think , it s in thy power not to be infected with the contagion of their fellowship . can a man take fire in his bosom and his cloaths not be burnt ? can one go on hot coals and not burn his feet ? so whoever associates and goes in friendly to either of them shall not be innocent , ver 27 , 28 , 29. chap. 7 : 14. &c. i have peace offerings with me , this day have i payed my vows , they pretend religion on both sides . and our church sayes , the malignants have satisfied them , and repented , even like the peace offerings and vows of the whore . she began with her devotion , that she might with more liberty sin more , and have that pretence to cover it ; and by means of her offerings , she got a feast of the flesh . even as they by profession of repentance are admitted to trust ; and by offering for the like sin , a new sin is covered , and vows undertaken never to be kept . therefore take heed of these snares : for she hath cast down many strong ver 26. many tall cedar hath fallen by that fellowship . it s the way to hell . vers 27. see chap. 8. 13. chap. 10. shews us the very different estate of the godly and wicked , both in regard of light and knowledge concerning duty , and of blessings promised . vers 6. blessings are upon the head of the just : but violence covereth the mouth of the wicked . 9. he that walketh uprightly , walketh surely : but he that perverteth his ways , shall be known . vers ii. the mouth of a righteous man is a well of life : but violence covereth the mouth of the wicked . ver 20. the tongue of of the iust is as choise silver : the heart of the wicked is litle worth . ver 23. it is as a sport to a fool to do mischief : but a man of understanding hath wisdom &c. ver 24 , 25 , 28 , 31 , 32. which shew us , that if the lords mind be revealed to any concerning the present courses , it must be to his poor people that wait on him , and not to all the wicked and ungodly in the land , who almost only are satisfied and clear in the course , who yet before were never satisfied . and beside , though the lord be chastising his people , yet one may ioyn with them without fear of wrath and indignation on that accompt , and with hope of partaking of their blessings , when he cannot and dare not joyn with a wicked party pursued with wrath and indignation in the same dispentation . which may be more clear from cap. 11. ver 3 , 5 , 8. the integrity of the upright shall guide them : but the perversness of transgressors shall destroy them . ver 5. the righteousness of the perfect shall direct his way : but the wicked shall fall by his own wickednesse . 8. the righteous is delivered out of trouble and the wicked cometh in his stead . and ver 10 , and 11. shews the different condition of people under wicked rulers and godly . all the wicked now rejoyce , none shouts but they , they think their day is come , the godly generally hang their head and are discountenanced . even as psal. 12. the 21. and 31 ver . shews that when godly men are chastifed and punished in the earth for their sins , much more wicked , especially when the godly were chastised for partaking with them , according to 1 pet. 4 : 17 , 18. isay. 10 : 12. and 49 : 12. chap. 12 : ver 13. they are snared by the transgression of their lips , their ordinar common speeches they drop out with , declare them and make their cause more hatefull than other pretences its covered with would permitt . yea they speak like the piercings of a sword against the godly ver 11. if our state and church had a lip of truth , they would speak alwise the same thing , they would not carry in their talk and writings , as now every common understanding perceives . we may find their writings made up of contradictions : for a lying tongue is but for a moment ver 19. it s but for a moment indeed before the judicatory , and then out of doors it contradicts it self , as in the mock repentances . but sorrow and anguish will come to these , who before they would speak of terms of peace with one enemy , would associate in war with another . but to the counsellors of peace is joy . ver 20. the present course contradicts this 26. ver . the righteous is more excellent than his neighbour : but the way of the wicked seduceth them . they think these malignants better than the west-coutrey forces ; they would condescend to any terms to get their help , though it were to ranverse the act of classes , to give them indemnity ; yea not so much as to condemne their way : but they will not so much as clear the state of the quarell , or choose a better general for all their help . their way seems good in their ouneyes ver 15. but it were wisdome to hearken to the counsel of the godly . chap. 13. 10. onely by pride cometh contention : but with the well advised is wisdom . there is nothing keepeth up our contention and wars but pride ; no party will condescend to another . we will not say , we have done wrong in bringing in the king , they will not say they have done wrong in invading : but it were wisdom to fall lower and quite these interests . ver 16. everie prudent man dealeth with knowledge : but a fool layeth open his folly . a wise man would count before the warr , if he can accomplish it : and if he cannot , then he would send messengers of peace , and cede in all things he may without sin . if it be but more honour and wealth to our king , should we destroy the kingdom to purchase that ? our rash and abrupt proceedings shews our folly . ver 20. he that walketh with wise men shall be wise : but a companion of fools shall be destroyed . a man will be , must be assimilated to his company , and then partake of their judgment or blessings . chap. 14. he that is accustomed to speak truth in private , will in his common speech be a faithfull witness in publick : but a man accustomed to lying , dissembling , swearing in private , will not stick to forswear himself , to make professions and vowes contrare to his mind in publick , ver 5. ( which is also chap 12. 17. and 6. 19. ) such men seek wisdom and make a shew of religion , but find it not ; whereas its easy to godly men to find it , to find repentance and salvation , ver . 6. go away from foolish men and break off society with ungodly men , be not privy to their counsels ; use them not as speciall friends , when thow perceives that all means are used in vain to reclaime them from their damnable way and principles , ver 7. the knowledge a godly man hath , it serves to direct his way , and is given of god for it : but all the wit and skill of such wicked men is deceit , they themselves are beguiled by it in opinion and practise and hope . and they also beguile others , ver 8. sin makes fools aggree : but among the righteous , that which is good makes aggreement ( in the old translation ) ver 9. it s only evil will unite all the wicked in the land as one man : for its a sport to them to do mischief ( chap 10. 23. ) albeit our way seem right in our eyes ; yet because its a backslyding way , and departing from unquestionably right rules , the end will be death , and we will be filled with our oun devices . o it shall be bitter in the belly of all godly men when they have eaten it ver 12. 14. and chap 1. 31. the simple believeth every word giveth credit to every vain word that is spoken . but a prudent man looketh well to mens goings , ponders and examines whether their professions and practises agree ; what weight is in their words , by the inspection of their deeds , and of their ordinar speaking ; and does not account a coined word before a judicatory sufficient to testify repentance : and as he gives not present credit to their professions , who have so often proven treacherous ; so he himself skarrs at every appearance of evil , and keeps himself from it ; whereas foolish souls rage and are confident , think any thing lawfull if they can have any pretence for it , or use of it ver 15. 16. then , what a great difference is between wicked men and godly men , both in their lot , when god is correcting both ? and in their disposition , wisdom that rests in the ones heart , is manifested ; wickedness in the others heart appears also . in the midst of such men there is no other thing ver 32. 33. chap 15. 8. the sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination to the lord : but the prayer of the upright is his delight , expresses how provocking a thing the outward professions and sacrifices of wicked men , continuing in their wickednesse , what ane abomination that commonly called publick repentance , or ecclesiasticall holiness is , when men are visibly unholy and ungodly in their conversation : and therefore he pleaded alwayes with that people , that his soul abhorred their externall ceremonies , because of the uncleanness of their hands . he pleaded that he never commanded them , though indeed he did command them ; yet those were aberrations and departings from the expresse rule and command , to accept or be pleased with these sacrifices and ceremonies , when there was no evidence of real repentance . to this purpose are chap 21. 4. 27. isay 1. 11. and 66. 3. ier. 6. 20. and 7. 22. amos 5. 22. all which shew that it s but a mocking of the lord , and perverting of his law , and profaning of his ordinances , to accept the profession of repentance in those who walk contrary thereto , and to count them ecclesiastically holy enough , who say , they repent ; though a thousand actions witness the contrary . of such the lord says , what hast thow to do to take my covenant in thy mouth ; seing thow hates to be reformed ? psal. 50. 16 , 17. they have no right to it , they should not be admitted to it : for its a taking the lords name in vain . the 16 verse tells us that it had been better to possess our oun land in quietness , than to venture what we have for the uncertain conquest of england , and restitution of the king , parallel with eccl 4. 8. chap. 16 : 7. when a mans ways please the lord , he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him . can our states way then please the lord , seing they cannot find the way of peace ? they will not walk in it ; and seeing they make the godly in the land to fall out with them , and none to be at peace but the wicked , who may thereby get opportunitie to crush the godly . ver 17. the high-way of the upright is to depart from evil . this is the high way only to depart from evil , not carnal policies , nor advantages . he thinks the stepping aside to any of these is not the high way . can then , men change their way , and go cross to it , and keep the right way in both ? no , the godly have this high way and keeps it . chap. 17. ver 11. an evil man seeketh only rebellion : therefore a cruel messenger shall be sent against him . evil men seek only rebellion , and delights in no other thing : but the king of kings shall send a cruel messenger , he arms men with wrath and power against them . ver 13. speaketh sadly to the english and to our state , that rewarded the west countrey evil for good , ver 14. and 19. tells us how we should advice before we begin a war , and leave no mean of composing difference and strife unassayed ; we did more in it than the english : but not all we might have done . ver 15. with chap. 18 : 5. it s a dreadfull sentence against the publick judicatories , that in all their resolutions , papers and practises , iustifie the wicked and ungodly as honest faithfull men , and condemne all approven faithfull men , that cannot go along in such courses , or were earnest to have them repent , as both malignants and sectaries . doe they not pronounce all malignants friends , and absolve them from the sentences and classes they stand under ? and do they not put the godly in their place ? they relax the punishment of the one , and imputes transgression to the other ; and so brings them under a law. see exod 23 : 7. prov. 24 : 24. isay. 5 : 23. and the 26. verse of this chapter . it s not good to punish godly men , who have given constant proof of their integrity , for abstaining from such a course , at least having so much appearance of evil , that many distinctions will never make the multitude to believe , that we are walking according to former principles : because their sense observes the quite contrarie practises , &c. chap. 18 : ver 2. ( a fool hath no delight in understanding , but that his heart may discover it self . ) shews , that if the present cause and course were of god , and tended so much to his glory , fools or wicked men would have no such delight in it : for they delight in nothing but what ; is agreeable to their humour , to discover themselves &c. vers 3 , gives the true reason , why our publick judicarories and armies are so base and contemptible ; why contempt and shame is powred on them ; because , when the wicked comes , then also comes contempt , and with the vile man , reproach . vers 13. he that answereth a cause before he hear it , it is folly and shame unto him . many pass peremptory sentence upon the honest party in the west , before they hear all parties , and be throughly informed , and this is a folly and shame to them . they hear the state and church and what they can say for their way ; and indeed they seem just , because they are first in with their cause with them , and they will not hear another ; but he that comes after will make inquiry , and discover these fallacies . vers 24. there is a friend that sticketh eloser than a brother . a godly neighbour , not so near in naturall bonds to us , that is a surer friend than many brethren in the flesh . these bonds of countrey and kinred , should all cede to gods interest . see chap. 17 : 17. chap. 19 : 22. a mans desire is his kindness : and a poor man is better than a lyar . the godly , that cannot concurt in the publick cause being disabled through an invincible impediment of sin lying in the way and means made use of , are better friends , and have more real good-will to the stablishment and peace of the land , than any ungodly man , let him be never so forward in the present course . vers 10 , pleasure and its attendants , are not comely for a wicked man. i. e. foolish man ; much less for a servant . i. e. men enthralled in their lusts , to rule over princes i. e. godly men , highly priviledged by god. all things that are good do ill become them ; but worst of all to have power and superiority over good men . vers 25 , joyned with chap. 21 : 11. ring-leaders of wickednesse , refractory and incorrigible persons should have been made examples to others , and this would have prevented much mischief . the scripture gives ground for putting difference between the scorner and simple , seducers and seduced . chap. 20 : 6. and chap. 21 : 2. and chap. 16 : 2. most men will proclaim every one his oun goodness : but a faithfull man who can find ? it s no great wonder that malignants say they repent ; and the state and church say they keep the same principles : for who will say any evil of himself ? vers 8. magistrates should scatter away evil men with their countenance , by denying it to them , looking down on them , how then do our rulers gather them . vers 3. shews , that war and strife should not be kept up but in extream necessity , fools will be meddling . vers 11 , shews that the best way of judging of men is by their doings and fruits , not strained words and confessions . but these who upon a bare profession , pronounce a notour malignant a friend ; having no proof of their integrity ; and will not have any judged such , but such as judicially are debarred ; yet they , contrary to all the testimony of works and fruits , judge and condemn honest men as traitors , though not judicially convicted . certainly diverse measures are an abomination to the lord as in vers 10. then vers 25 , sacriledge is described , and covered perjury , which is a snare to the soul that commits it , to devour that which is holy . i. e. employeth to common use these things god hath set apart , and commanded to be kept holy , as our profaning of repentance and absolution by casting such pearles to swine , and for our own advantage making a cloak of them to bring in wicked men , contrare to the very nature and institution of the ordinance . also our prostituting of our covenant and cause , most holy things , to mentain unholy or common interests . our committing his holy things to them that will devour them . and after vows to make enquiry , to dispute now , that we did not bind our selves in the case of necessity , not to employ wicked men ; when as the ground is perpetuall and holds in all cases . it shews either temerity in swearing , or impiety in enquiring afterward and changing , see deut. 23 : 21. then vers 26. a wise king scattereth the wicked , and bringeth the wheel over them . o that our magistrates were so wise ! is the act of levie a scattering of the wicked ? is the act of indemnity a bringing the wheel over them psal. 101. 8. 1 will early destroy &c. in chap. 21 : 10. ( the soul of the wicked desireth evil , his neighbour findeth no favour in his eyes . ) the wickeds principles can carry no where but to evil ; and to do evil to good men . vers 8. his way and life is full of horrible and tragicall chances : but a good mans work is easie and pleasant , directs to a good and peaceable end isay. 26 : 7. in vers 12. a righteous man should have his witt about him , to consider ungodly houses and families , and persons . that god hath visible controversies with , that he may not communicate with them in their judgments . vers 16. it is a sad wandring out of the way , when a man leaves the congregation of the living to abide among the dead . dead in sins and appointed to death . it s a great judgment as well as sin . vers 27. with the 4. and places before cited , shew how abominable the externall professions and pretences of wicked men are , when contradicted by their practise ; especially if they doe it but out of a wicked mind , when they intend to effect some mischief , under the colour of repentance and being reconciled to the church . as absaloms vow at hebron ; as balaam and balak and the pharisees , who under pretence of long prayers devoured widows houses ; as iezebels fast ; and as the people isay. 58 : 4. who fasted for strife and debate , and to strike with the fist of wickednesse . all men knows that the church is the ladder to step up upon to go to preferment , and repentance the door to enter to places of trust. chap. 22 : 3. ( a prudent man forseeth the evil and hideth himself : but the simple pass on and are punished . ) he is a wise man that knows the judgment of the lord , and as the stork and swallow the time of his coming , that in the consideration of sins and threatnings , and comparing things spirituall with spirituall , apprehendeth judgment coming on such a course and such a party , and hydes himself , goes aside , retires to a covert , by avoyding these evils , and the least fellowship with them that bring it on , and eschewing such a society as hath the cloud hanging directly above their head : but simple idiots and blind worldings go on head-long , and dread nothing and are punished vers 5. most grievous plagues and punishments , and all manner of unhappiness encumbreth their wicked life : therefore he that would keep himself pure and clean , 1 iohn . 5 : 18. and save his oun soul , shall be far from them ; shall keep himself far from such people . he prays with job . let their counsell be far from me iob 21 : 16 , 17. because their good is not in their hand ; their candle is oft put out &c. and resolves with jacob , my soul shall not enter into their secret , to have such intimacy with them , as joyn counsells with them gen. 49 : 6. and vers 10 , 11. cast out of thy company , family , jurisdiction , the scorner that contemns ●odly men , and mocks instruction : for such men are infectious , and able to corrupt all they converse with : but cast him out , and contention shall go out with him . it s such only that marrs the union of the godly , that stirs up strife , and foments divisions . thow shalt have more peace , and be more free from sin and shame . but sound hearted upright men , who deal faithfully , not to please but to profit ; yow should choose these to entrust and rely upon ; those should be the friends of kings . vers 14 , as a harlots allurements are like pits to catch men , so the allurements of wicked ungodly men their power , policy &c. and their fair speeches and flatteries , is a deep ditch to catch men into this spirituall whoredome and fornication spoken of ezek. 23. and he whom god is provoked with , by former wickedness , falls into it eccl. 7 : 26. vers 24 , 25. ( make not friendship with an angry man : and with a furious man thow shall not go &c. ) and is not association in arms with such , as friends against one enemie , a making friendship with them we are sworn to hold as enemies ? if we may not converse with a furious passionate man , how then with men of blood , enraged , whose inveterate malice hath now occasion to vent against all the godly ? for thow wilt learn his wayes , as we have always seen it by experience ; and thow wilt get a snare to thy soul : if thow go not in his ways yow cannot aggree , yow will fall out and quarrell ; and that is a snare to thee . vers 28 , remove not the ancient land-mark which thy fathers have set . if it be so dreadfull and accursed to remove our neighbours marks and bounds . o how much more to change and alter gods land mark , his privileges , oaths and covenants &c. and chap. 23 : 10. 11. deut. 19 : 14 : and 27 : 17 , chap. 23 : 1 , 7. ( when thow sittest to eat with a ruler , consider diligently what it before thee . vers 7. for as he thinketh in his heart so is he &c. ) consider diligently what men are , not what they pretend and seem to be . for as they think so are they , not as they pretend with their tongue and countenance , but as they think in their heart , which is better evidenced by their common ' and habituall speaking and walking , than any deliberate and resolved profession contrived of purpose . but if thow consider not this , the morsel thow hast eaten thow shalt vomit up , thow shalt dearly pay for thy credulity and loss all thy sweet words . vers 23 : buy the truth and sell it not . &c. do not we sell the truth and cause and all into the hands of the enemies of all ? whereas we ought to ransom the kingdoms libertie and religions interest , with the loss of all extrinsick interest that does but concern the accession of ones honour ; yet we sell , endanger and venture all for that . chap. 24 : 1. ( be not thow envyous against evil men neither desire thow to be with them . godly mens hearts are often tickled to be acquainted with , in league and friendship with wicked men , when they have power : that they may not be hurt by them ; but seing there is no society between light and darknesse , let not the godly desire to be with them , as in chap. 23 : 17. but rather to be in gods fear alwayes , that is good company . the reason is vers 2. their heart studies the destruction of the godly , why then should thow walk with thine enemy ? and you shall hear nothing but mischief in their lips. vers 12. it s not according to mens words but works they should be judged , and why do not we follow that rule in our judging ? do we mock god as one mocks another ? iob 34 : 11. psal. 62 : 12 , ier , 32 : 19. rom. 2 : 6. vers 21. &c. men given to change , false deceitfull men , meddle not with such if thow either fear god or respect man ; for such will be sure to no interest but their oun . their calamity shall come suddenly : therefore have nothing to doe with them : for who knows the ruine of them both , of them and all other wicked men , or of both them and the king if wicked . also to the wise and godly this belongs , it s not good to have respect of persons in judgment , whither he be king or noblman . a righteous state respects not the person of the prince and mighty saith iob. but he that says to the righteous , you are wicked sectaries , and also malignants , because ye will not approve all their resolutions ; and to the wicked , thow art righteous , to the malignants , yow are the honest men ; the blessed of the lord , who did ever to this day fall under meroz curse , should the people approve him ? no certainly , him shall they curse , and the nations abhor him or them : but a blessing on them that would reprove our sins and search them out . vers 29. the malignant party are even speaking so , as the classers and purgers did to us , even so will we doe to them . but god will render them according to their work . chap. 25. 2. ( it is the honour of kings to search out a matter . ) it s a kings glory and judges glory to search our a matter , to try dissemblers before they trust them ; gods glory is to pardon , mans glory is to administer justice impartially . ver 4 , 5. shews , what need there is of purging places of trust , especially about the king. dross cannot be melted , take what pains yow will , it will not convert into a vessel and become usefull . this mixed in , obstructs all equity , justice and piety where it is . the ruler should be the refiner to purge away this drosse , and the army or judicatory or kingdome is a vessell . you shall never get a fined vessel for use and service , till yow purge away the drosse psal. 101. 4. then vers 8. we should follow peace with all men as much as is possible , never to begin strife or draw the sluse of contention : but if we be wronged , we should not for all that goe out hastily to strife , till 1. the justice and equity of the cause appear . 2. that the matter wherabout we contend be of great moment , a ground to found a warr upon . 3. that we first use all means of peace and aggreement possible . 4. that we overmatch not our selves with these who are too strong for us , see chap. 17. 14. lest thow be brought to that extremity that thow know not what to doe . thus christ adviseth luke 14. 31. i am perswaded this would plead much in reason to yeeld security to england , so be it our wrong were repaired and no more done , verse 19 shews , what the employment of unfaithfull men , who mean nothing less than they pretend , is , they fail when most is expected , and hurts beside , as jobs friends chap. 6. 15. and verse 26 , a righteous and upright man , consenting with a wicked man in sin ; or , through fear of him , not daring to do his duty , turning to him and his way , or dallying and flattering him in his iniquity , is like a troubled fountain , is not good and profitable for edification nor correction , having troubled the purity of his soul through the mudd of carnall respects and interests : corruption within is the mire , the wickeds seducements are like the beasts trampling it with his foot ; and he is like a corrupt , infected and poisoned fountain , more ready to infect and draw others by his example . verse 27 , a man should not seek honour and preferrment , that 's base and shamefull . none of the trees longed for soveraigntie but the bramble . chap 26. 1. ( as snow in summer and as rain in harvest ; so honour is not seemly for a fool . ) it s as unseemly , prodigious and destructive a thing , to give honours , promotions and trust to wicked men , as snow and much rain in harvest ; a reproach and punishment more becomes him , than honour the reward of goodness ( as ver 3 ) a whip , rod and bridle for him , to restrain him from wrong and provoke him to goodnesse ver 6. he that commits an errand or business and entrusts a wicked man with it , is as unwise in so doing as if he did cut off the messengers feet he sent ; he deprives himself of the means to compass it ; he sends a lame man to run ane errand ; he is punished by himself as if he had cut off his oun feet , and procureth sorrow and discontent to himself , as if he were compelled to drink nothing but what is contrare to his stomack . ver 7. all good speeches halt and limp in evil mens mouths ; for there is no constancy in their mouths : within they are very rottennesse . out of the same mouth comes blessing and cursing . i am 3. 10. their very words aggree not ; the publick and extraordinary crosses the private & ordinary , and their actions have less harmony with their words . professing they know god , in works they deny him &c. ver 8 , to give a mad man a weapon , what els is it but to murder ? to bring shot to an ordinance which may do much mischief to himself and others , is to be accessory to that mischief ; so to give honour to a fool , he hath given power to them , and put them in a capacity to do evil , and set them on work again to perfect their designes against good men . verse 9 , as a drunken man , put a thorn in his hand , he can make no use of it , but to hurt himself and others ; so wicked mens good speeches and fair professions , commonly tend to some mischief , these but cover their evil designes : and yet the covering is shorter than that it can hide them . verse 10 , wicked rulers ( look the margent ) grieve and molest the subjects ; and the means to effect this is , to employ the fool and transgressor , to give offices and countenance to evil men , which may be instruments of their lust , so abimelech iudg 9. 4. so iezebel , 1 kings 21. 10. so in neh. 8. 15. vers 11 , the dog feeling his stomack surcharged , goes to the grass , as our malignants to profess repentance , and casts up that which troubles him by a fained confession : but because there is noe change in his nature , he is inwardly stirred by his old principles to lick up that vomite , to committ and practise what he professed repentance for , yea and to profess the same he pretended sorrow for : when power is confirmed in their hand they will return to their folly . vers 17 , what els is our interposing our selves in the kings quarrell concerning england , though we have interest in it to endeavour it in a peacable way , if he were fit for it ; yet in comparison of our kingdom and religions fafety , which may be ruined by warr , it s no such matter as belongeth to us : and so it falls out , we are like a man taking a dog by the ears to hold him ; we have raised up many enemies , and provocked them to byte us : we cannot hold them long from destroying him : and we provoke them more by holding them , in espousing his quarrell , as iehoshaphat joyning with ahab , we had done well to interpose our selves between the king and them to make peace , but to side to one party was not well done . ver 18 , 19. furious and bloody men take all opportunities to hurt others , especially good men : and so deceiveth these imployed : but they do it under a pretence , as a scorner reproacheth under a pretence of sport ; so they , under other pretences , of wrongs done , of the countreys defence &c. ver 20 , 24 , shews the way to prevent trouble and keep peace . as a contentious turbulent person , would enflame a whole countrey and put them by the ears ; so a person , though not contentious in his oun nature , yet having many contentious interests following him , which he will not quite or committ to gods providence , as our king was , o it is the destruction of a nation to have such a person among them : he hath broken the peace of two kingdoms . verse . 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. burning lips , hot and great words of love and friendship , and a wicked heart , revenging its enmitie , and minding nothing less than what is spoken , is like a potsneard , a drossie piece covered over with the fairding of hypocrisy ; or like a sepulchre garnished and painted , he dissembles and speaks vanity and flatters psal. 12. 3. but he laves up his wicked purposes close within him till a time of venting them : therefore when he speaks so fair and courteously , be not confident of him , trust him not too farr till thow have proof of his reality . put not thy self and thy dearest interests into his mercy . this is wisdom and not want of charity ier. 12. 6. micah . 7. 5. cain , ioab , iudas , are proof of this . it may be covered a time , but not long . naturam expellas furcâ licet usque recurrat . all the world shall be witnesse of it . psal. 125. so then vers 21. the calumniator and false accuser who openly professes his hatred and malice , and the flatterer that seems to be moved with love , both of them produce one effect , viz ruine and calamitie . chap 27. 3 , 4. ( a stone is heavy and the sand weighty : but a fools wrath is heavyer than them both &c. we see what we may expect of the enraged , exasperated malignant party , their wrath against all the godly , for their faithfull secluding and purging them out of places of trust , is weighty and unsupportable like the sand of the sea ; it will crush them under it if god support not . it s like a swelling river or a high spring-tyde , it goes over all banks , since the state and church have drawn the sluce and letten it out . but when it is joyned with envy and malice against godliness and piety it self , who can stand before that ? no means can quench that heat . verse 6 , faithfull mens reproofs , remonstrances and warnings , applyed in love and compassion , are better than an enemies kisses and flatteries , than his oyls and oyntments is : therefore we would pray against the one , and for the other ; that god would smite us with the mouth of the righteous , but keep us from the dainties of the wicked ioabs , iudases , and achitophels . verse 8. speaks sadly against ministers that withdraw from their charges so unnecessarly , as a bird that wandreth too long from her nest , the young sterve for cold or famine , or are made a prey ; so these , who having no necessary call to be els-where , especially not being members of the commission , yet stay not with their flocks , are guilty of their souls ruine . verse 10 , o how doth this speak against the present course of judicatories , they have forsaken their old faithfull friends , when they proved ever constant , and have gone in to their wicked countrey-mens house in the day of their calamity . but a neighbour in affection and piety , is nearer than a brother in flesh and near in habitation . chap 28. 1. ( the wicked slee when no man pursueth : but the righteous is bold as a lyon ) wicked men are now chosen for stoutness and courage , but they have no sure foundation for it . its buts like the rage : and temerity of a mad man or drunkard : but godly men , once satisfyed in grounds of conscience about their duty , would have been bold as lyons . a good conscience would have made them bold psal. 112. 7 , 8. levit. 26. 36. now verse 2 , behold the punishment of our sins , our governours are changed , there is almost a total alteration , and we are faces about ; which cannot but bring ruine to the land , especially when men of understanding and piety are shut out . verse 4. with chap 29. 27. it s a great point and argument of declyning and forsaking the law of god when men praise the wicked , change their names though they themselves be not changed , and leave off contending with them or declaring against them , and doe rather plead for them . but godly men that keep the law contend with , discountenance them , and oppose them ; as david , i hate them that hate thee , and earnestly contend with them : thus they are kept from partaking with other mens sins . ver 5 , it s not very likely , that all the ungodly should now understand the duty of the times and discern the right way , and that so many that fear god , understand it not , seing the lords secret is revealed to them psal. 25. 14. verse 6 , 7. a poor man , and weak means if they be of upright men , are better and stronger than manie rich and strong perverters . a companion of evil men and a keeper of the law aggree not in one person , the one is a honour , the other a shame to all that have interest in them . vers 9. their prayers and professions are abomination , no acceptation of those who turno away their ears from obedience to the law , who walks contrare to it . vers 10. these cunning and crafty men that have enticed some godly men , and led them on in the present course , shall themselves smart for it , when the godly seduced shall see good things after all this . verse 12 , when wicked men have power and trust , good men hide and retire themselves from such a congregation or assembly of the wicked . see chap. 10 : 10 , 11. should we thus choose our oun plague , tyranny , oppression , calamity and misery : and cast away our oun glorie ? then vers 13. repentance requires true and ingenuous confession , and real forsaking ; if both these joyn not , it s but a covering and hyding of sin . if a man confess and yet walk and continue in them , he is but using his confession as a covering to retain his sins : and such shall not find mercy of god , or prosper before men , vers 14 , it s not so despisable a thing to fear alway , and to be very jealous of sin as it is now made , it s counted a reproach to have any scruples at the prelent course : but happie is he that abstaineth from all appearance of evil : but he that emboldneth himself , and will not question any thing makes for advantage , falls into mischief . vers 15 , 17 , shews the lamentable condition of a people under wicked rulers , they are beasts and not men towards the people , especially towards the best . dam. 7 : 4 , 5. zep. 3 : 3. vers 17. how doth that aggree with our sparing of bloody men , of our solliciting for their impunity , of our pardoning them ? are they not , by the appointment of gods law , ordained for destruction and hast to it ? should any then stay them ? should they not then far less employ them ? and ( vers 24. ) if it be so heinous to take our fathers goods upon this pretence , because they are our oun ; how much more sacriledge is it to rob god of his interests ? and give over his money to bankrupts , and say it s no transgression to rob the land of its defence , and make them naked , as ahaz his confederacy did : certainly it is murther . vers 28. and chap. 29 : 2. and 11 : 12. and 28 : 28 are to one purpose : we have forsaken our oun mercy and wronged our oun souls : and destroyed our selves in choosing our oun judgment , and making our oun red to beat us withall . chap. 29 : 1. we being so often reproved by his word and providence for the sin of association with the wicked , and being so lately punished for it ; and having so lately reproved our selves for it in our declarations and fasts , yet to harden our necks . what can we expect but utter destruction and that without remedie , as we sentenced our selves ? ezra 9 : 13. and 14 : 13. isay. 30 : 13 , 14. shall not this iniquity be to us abreach ready to fall , even this iniquity of going down to egypt for help &c. then vers 6. there is a snare to entrap thy feet in the sins of the wicked ; if thow be joyned with them thow cannot well escape . vers 8. wicked prophane contemners of god and his people bring ruine on a city or commonalitie , they set it on fire and blows it up : but godly men pacify wrath , turn away judgments , and purge all from provocations , which is the only means to turn it away . vers 16 shews , when wicked men gather together and grow in state and power , they grow worse , and sin with greater boldness : and transgression then overflows the land tanquam ruptis repagulis . there is no obstacle , see psal. 12. and vers 24 shews , he that is partner and fellow-receiver ▪ with a thief , or conceals such offenders , endangers his oun destruction : and he that stays with and associates with wicked men , must hear cursing aed cannot bewray it ; he will see many abominations , that though he would he cannot remedie . vers 25. fear of man and of the lands danger , hath brought many into a snare , to run from the lord to an arm of flesh : but he that trusts in the lord shall be safe . vers 27. here is the deadly enmitie between the two feeds , they cannot reconcile well , see vers 10. and chap. 21 : 3. it s no wonder the godly abominate such men who are gods enemies and the lands plague . chap. 30 : 11 , 14. descrives the malignant party , who make nothing of the godly magistrates or their mother church and land , but curse , maligne , oppose as much as they could , and are oppressours , monstrous tyrants , mankind-beasts , or beastly men ; the subject of their crueltie is the godly afflicted man , they eat up all and will not leave the bones : as the propher complains , i ly among men whose teeth are as spears and arrows , and their tongue as a sharp sword . and then vers 12 , 13 , 20. descrives our enemies , the invaders , they think themselves godly and righteous , yet are not purged from their filthinesse . they are given up to strong delusions to believe lies ; and there is no lie greater than this , that they are a godly party in a godly cause and way . they wipe their mouth after all their bloodshed , and sayes , i have done no evil : they wash their hands as pilate , as if they were free of the blood of these just men , whose fouls cry under the altar . vers 21 , 22 , 23. it is a burthen to the world and a plague to mankind , when servants , unworthy men , and persons unfit for high places are set in authority , and when wicked men have their desire of plenty and honour ( chap. 19 : 10. ) and when an odious woman , or men of hatefull vitious dispositions comes to preferment and are espoused by a state. nought they were while alone , but worse now when they have crept into the bed and bosome of the state. her roots was nought before : but now she is planted in rank mould , and will shoot forth her unsavoury branches and blossoms . and when handmaids , kept in a servile estate because of their disposition and quality , get their masters ushered out , and they become heirs , at least possessors of the inheritance or trust. vers 33 shews , how necessarly war and contention follow upon unnecessary provocations by word or deed , such as we have given many to england , though indeed they have given moe . and lastly , chap. 31 : 20 , 26 , 31. shews how word and work should go together : and men should be esteemed and praised according to their works and fruit of their hands . finis . a short testimony on the behalf of truths innocency declared in plainesse and simplicity : being done at the command of the lord god that all out of the truth may see their way and proceed no further : vvith a discovery of the national ministry, whose time now is, and is no more / by one who loves truth and rightousnesse and desires the nations peace, and the good of all people, who amongst many brethren is called a quaker, but known by the name of william smith. smith, william, d. 1673. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a60651 of text r15197 in the english short title catalog (wing s4328). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a60651 wing s4328 estc r15197 13593466 ocm 13593466 100688 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a60651) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100688) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 802:14) a short testimony on the behalf of truths innocency declared in plainesse and simplicity : being done at the command of the lord god that all out of the truth may see their way and proceed no further : vvith a discovery of the national ministry, whose time now is, and is no more / by one who loves truth and rightousnesse and desires the nations peace, and the good of all people, who amongst many brethren is called a quaker, but known by the name of william smith. smith, william, d. 1673. 15, [1] p. printed for thomas simmons ..., london : 1660. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. church and state -early works to 1800. a60651 r15197 (wing s4328). civilwar no a short testimony on the behalf of truths innocency; declared in plainesse and simplicity, being done at the command of the lord god, that a smith, william 1660 6874 2 0 0 0 0 0 3 b the rate of 3 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short testimony on the behalf of truths innocency ; declared in plainnesse and simplicity , being done at the command of the lord god , that all out of the truth may see their way and proceed no further . vvith a discovery of the national ministry , whose time now is , and is no more . by one who loves truth and righteousnesse , and desires the naticns peace , and the good of all people , who amongst many brethren is called a quaker , but known by the name of william smith . london , printed for thomas simmons at the signe of the bull and mouth near aldersgate , 1660. the truth of the lord god endures for ever ; what it was in the beginning , it is the same at this day , and no man can lay another foundation ; it is pure , and the appearance of it is glorious , it doth not joyn with evil , neither hath any agreement with the works of darkness , it sheds it self abroad in the hearts of all that believe in it ; the intents of all hearts it makes manifest , and is a reprover of the workers of iniquity ; it seeks nothing of this world , neither joyns to the glory thereof ; it comes from god , and seeks the glory of god , and this is the sent of god , who is true , and no unrighteousness in him , he comes forth from the father , and comes into the world , not to destroy the world but to bear witness unto the truth , that all in the truth might believe ; he is meek and lowly , peaceable and gentle , full of mercy , goodness and compassion , he loves his enemies , and doth good to those that hate him ; there is no strife in him , but a patient suffering and forbearing ; when he is reviled he revileth not again , when he suffers he threatens not , but as a lamb he is led to the slaughter , and neither cries nor lifts up his voyce in the streets ; he is come forth in his might , and in his strength is risen , to cut the work short in righteousness , and to tread upon the high places of the earth , that man may know there is a god that ruleth in the kingdoms of the world , who is jealous of his glory , and will not give it to another , but in his right will reign , who is king of kings , and of his government there is no end ; his kingdom is an everlasting kingdom , and his dominion is glorious , and this he is establishing upon the top of all mountains , and exalting over the high places of the earth , not with sound of trumpets or the alarum of war , or the mighty host of men and horses , but with the out-stretched arm of his own power that he hath made bare in the sight of all nations ; he hath appeared in his power , and visited the poor in this day of his mercy , and hath helped the needy in their great distress ; he is come who hath been long waited for , and he is now revealed who is the salvation of god , he hath chosen a people to delight in him , and gathered a remnant to make mention of his name , and to declare his goodness from day to day ; he leads them in his power , and orders them in his wisdom ; and they are given up unto him , and are made willing to follow him ; he hath redemed them to himself , and chosen them to be a peculiar people ; they are not of the world as he is not of the world , but out of the world he hath gathered them , and over the world he hath set them , and they have no fellowship with it , but testisies against it , for which cause the world hates them , not knowing the life that is revealed in them , for they are born again of the immortal word , which mortal man doth not know , nor cannot comprehend in his earthly wisdom , therefore doth the birth after the flesh persecute the birth born of the spirit ; who knows him not in his appearance , nor cannot behold his glory who is full of grace and truth , but hath alwayes turned against him and hated his appearance , and could not believe that it was he , and so hath persecuted and reviled him , crucified and slain him , and in whom he hath made himself manifest and chosen to delight in him , they have been alwayes counted the off-scouring of the world as it is at this day ; and though we be hated of man , yet bear we no evil to any , but patiently gives our back to the smiter , and what is permitted we endure , and counts reproaches great riches , and to suffer for righteousnesse sake more joy then to live in the pleasure of sin ; and though you strive against us , yet we are preserved , for we are born of the seed which is blessed for ever , & we abide in our tents and rest in the strength of the glory of our god , and none can curse us ; therefore be at rest concerning us , for you do not know us , nor our resting-place , where we are set down and are preserved in perfect peace , and are not in fear what man can do unto us ; and though we walk among you , and in the midest of you , we are not of you , nor have no fellowship with you nor with the works that are brought forth by you , for god hath redeemed us from amongst you , & chosen us to be a holy people unto himself , that we may shew forth his praise in walking blamelesse and harmlesse in the land of uprightnesse , and in the life of innocency , and we have nothing in our hearts but love to all , pitying those that are our enemies , praying that god would give them repentance unto life , for we are followers of him who laid down his life for his enemies , and made himself of no reputation , unto the crosse humbled himself that sinners might he saved , and enemies reconciled unto god , and this is his love to you all who would not have you perish , and he hath begotten the same mind in us , and our eye is toward him who is gone before us , and he is a leader and commander unto us , and we confesse to him alone who is the lord of glory and the prince of peace , who unto peace hath called us and in peace to rest , that in peace we may conquer the nations , and in quietness overcome the people that delight in war , and this is the conquering power unto which we are subject , and this is the captain of our salvation whom we follow , and we have not used either sword or spear , or looked unto the arm of flesh to be a defence unto us , neither is it in our hearts so to strive with any , or persecute any , or destroy any people , but in peace to rest until he plead our cause , and execute judgement for us , that all may behold that we are a people saved by the lord , whom we follow in obedience to do his will , and in his power are made willing to go through good report and bad report , as deceivers and yet true , as dying and yet we live , and this day this scripture is fulfilled in your ears , and we do not speak it , because it was the condition of saints before us , but as we are witnesses of it , through the leadings of the same spirit ; for you are not ignorant how many bad reports hath been raised and spread abroad concerning us , crying , report and we will report ; and so have reports been spread in the nation of the quakers rising and cutting throats which are bad reports , yet we have gone thorow them in patience , having no guilt upon us concerning them , but stand clear before the lord our god , and in our innocency are justified in his sight ; how are we counted deceivers by the wise generation , and yet we are born into the truth , and walk in the truth , and live the life of truth , and we know the freedom that is wrought by it , and we have the seal of gods spirit , which hath revealed it in our inward parts , and this we go through in the leadings of god , in whom we have peace ▪ how often hath death been threatned to us by unreasonable men , and yet we are preserved in the power of god and live before him , and thus do we walk as a despised and an afflicted people , and yet we are led through all , and in the power of god walks upon the top of all , and stand over all those things , and heed them not , for our delight is in the lord our god , and in his righteous law we meditate day and night , that our minds may be exercised unto him , in that which is pure of him , that gives us peace with him & seals assurance of his everlasting love unto us ; so we mind not who are against us , or what is reported concerning us , or how we are counted in this world , but we mind the light of christ manifest in our consciences , and in the light our minds are exercised , and with the light all evil thoughts are judged , and we are justified before our god , & though the world be against us , taking counsel what course to take with us , and many fretting themselves about us , yet we do not frowardly strive with any man , but follow peace with all men , and in peace we are preserved when our enemies are confounded and over-turned by the arm of god . behold and see ye despisers , what a work is this , how can you believe when it is declared , that god should plead the cause of his chosen people , and make bare his arm for his innocent lambs , and by his invisible power to over-turn the mighty councels of men , when neither sword nor spear hath been on our side , nor any thing without us hath appeared for us , then hath our god been neer at hand , and a present help he hath been unto us , and with his out-stretched arm he hath from time to time delivered us from the wrath of unreasonable men ; and thus we have experienced his everlasting loving kindness , and his wonderful works we are made to declare amongst the children of men , that all may know there is no god like unto our god , unto whom alone we look , and our eye is towards him , and we cannot joyn with weapons of war , nor with any party who is striving with them , but we set all men aside in the work of our god , and cannot meddle with other mens matters , but looks unto the lord and cries unto the god of our strength , and our eye is single to him , and our expectation is from him alone , and he hath never failed us , but hath appeared to deliver us , and in the strength of his own life hath wrought our works for us , and with the arm of his salvation he hath saved us , unto whom be glory , dominion and praise for evermore . now all people see and consider what is the ground that you appear so full of enmity against a people that neither threatens you , nor appears against you , nor bears no evil will unto you ; is it because you are in fear of your persons , and that we seek to destroy you from off the earth ? then let the offence cease , and be quiet in your minds , for we stand clear before our god , and in our innocency are justified in his sight , and neither our hearts nor hands have joyned , nor can joyn with such a work ; therefore , be not afraid where no fear is , nor be not envious from groundless jealousies , but mind the light of christ in your consciences , and wait to receive the love of god in it , that you may cease from anger , wrath , malice , or bearing evil will unto a people who walks innocently before the lord and towards all men : and that which troubles you , and is a terrour to you , and brings fear upon you , it is your own consciences , for there is your trouble , terrour and fear , and it will terrifie you , and fearfulnesse will surprize you who are in the hypocrisie , for it is the same that passed through aegypt of old , and wrought mighty signes and wonders upon pharaoh and all the aegyptians who stood in their hard-heartednesse and would not obey the lord , nor let israel go , though god sent moses to lead them out of aegypt , and from under pharaohs power , yet he withstood the lord , and his heart was hardened against the mighty god , until every house was searched , and the first-born was smitten and died , and then there was a cry amongst the aegyptians , and great fear was upon the land , and then was the time come in which israel should be set free : you must read that can , for he that wrought then is working at this day to break off the yoke that the oppressed may be set free , and he will not leave a house amongst you , but he will passe through it , & smite the first-born in it , that his seed may come forth from under your cruel oppression : and this i have received of the lord , and declares it in the auth●●ity of god , that all may dread before the holy one of israel , and if your enmity arise towards us concerning the law of our god which in our hearts he hath written , and is holy , just and good , and that you cannot receive truth as it is made known unto us by the revelation of jesus christ , then be still in your mindes and wait to receive counsel from god , and be not rash nor forward in an envious spirit , but be coole and moderate that you may receive an understanding in the things of god , for we dare not deny the truth which god hath made manifest in us , whatever you can do unto us , and if truth offend you , then are we clear from the offence , for truth gives not offence , but the wicked one takes offence at truths appearance , and so the offence comes of your selves , and the wo is to you who takes offence at the truth and turns against the little ones that are borne into the life of it , and offends them by your cruelty and oppression ; therefore let it be well considered what truth is , and who they be that are come to the knowledge of it , and walks in it ; that whiles you are warring and fighting about that which you call truth , ye be not ignorant what truth is , and so set up errour in truths stead , and give judgement against christ who is the truth and life , of whom we testifie , and confesse him before men , and that with boldnesse in his power , and we are not ashamed of the gospel , but beares witnesse of it to be the power of god , and necessity is laid upon us so to do , and we cannot be silent , but as the lord gives utterance we are constrained to make mention of his name , and to declare his truth from day to day ; and we do not take thought concerning men that rise up against us , neither heed them as to what they can do unto us , therefore let not the preaching of the cross of christ offend you , neither stumble at that stone any longer , least it fall upon you and grind you to powder , for our testimony is unto the name of jesus , and that there is not salvation in any other name , and this is known in the light which is manifest from him , that lets all see the need of salvation , for this is your great want who are from the light , you want gods salvation , and so remains in your sins and in your lusts from whence wars and contentious do arise ; and this is truth unto you all people , and do not count us your enemies because we tell it you in plainnesse , and labours for you that you might come to the knowledge of it and besaved by it , and though we have born much from you , and suffer much by you , yet this is our care for you that you may be saved , and our desires to god for you that he would not lay to your charge what you do unto us , and we stand innocent before the lord in all things that have been done unto us or intended towards us , and we seek not revenge upon any man , and though truth be counted heresie by such as are yet in darknesse , yet we know the power of it , and the salvation in it , and after that way now called heresie so worship we the god of our fathers ; therefore all people behold and see what your way is , and go not on to your own destruction , but cease from evil , and let not envy and malice lodge in your hearts , nor strive not in your wills against the truth of god , for he is establishing the throne of his glory , and who art thou that contends against him ? it were better for thee to be still and quiet , and meddle not in things too wonderful for thee , but let that alone which concerns the most high : therefore all people , in time your wayes consider , and proceed no further in that which is evil , which tends to persecution and destruction , but all take warning from the lord , and all turn unto him , before the day of his fierce wrath come , for if you neglect the light of christ in your consciences you neglect your salvation , and if you turn against the appearance of god in his people , and conspire against the just , and murder the innocent , god will finde you out , and the hour of his judgement will come , and his wrath will abide upon you for ever . so all mind the light of christ within you , that is manifest from god unto you , that you may depart out of evil , and be led unto god from whence the light comes , that you may come to discern the things of god , and understand that which belongs to your peace , for all that the lord hath gathered in this day of his mercy , to make known in them his wonderful works in his mighty power they walk in gods fear , & stand in his counsel , and knows all things in their place , and what is of god they honour , & what is of man they cannot own , for god hath raised his own seed that cannot consent to any custom or fashion or tradition of the world , but testifies against them all , and we are born of the seed which hath no part in the world , and in the power of it we are redeemed out of the world , therefore we cannot conform to the world neither in custom , fashion or tradition , nor we cannot exercise our selves in any thing we are convinced of to be contrary to the truth , and this is all that you have against us , because we answer a conscience void of offence towards god and man , and walks in obedience to the teachings of god , which doth not answer your vain minds which are puffed up , so you cannot receive the pure language of truth , but rejects and scorns it and are angry , and if you be not bowed unto and spoken unto according to your customs then you are offended , and so you fret your selves in the pride of your hearts , because we cannot answer your vain minds in your customs , fashions and traditions , and this is the great offence you take at us which provokes you to anger , and fills you with wrath and indignation against us , when we walk simply in the truth of god and do not give offence to any in the truth speaking , or in not moving or bowing to any mans person to have it in respect , for such things are out of truth , and where they are practised the leading of the spirit is not known , so you that are in those things you are in the vain customs of the heathen & follows your own wills , and satisfies your vain minds in your lust , which grieves the spirit of god , and we cannot own them , nor be conformable unto them , we dare not speak any other language but thou to a single person , knowing it is the spirits language , and hath been from the beginning , and the scripture declares of no other ; we cannot put off our hats and bow unto the persons of men , knowing that he who respects persons commits sin , and is convinced of the law to be a transgressor , and we know that when our hat is on our head , it is where it ought to be , being given for a covering unto that part , so we cannot move it , or put it off in honour to any man , but as our freedom is in god , for we have denied such things in obedience to god , and we cannot return again into them to be intangled with them , but stands in the freedom of god into which we are redeemed by his mighty power , and we see all these things to be vain which are practised in the world , and are not after the spirit but after the flesh , and from the heart which is deceitful and desperately wicked , and we cannot joyn with them , nor be conformable unto them for conscience sake , for we are set free by the law of the spirit of life in christ jesus , and we know them to be works of darknesse , and so we testifie against them , and we have the answer of a good conscience therein and peace with god , and in this we rejoyce that we have not at any time suffered as evil doers , but for the testimony of a good conscience in simplicity and innocency in the sight of god who upholds us in his arm , and preserves us in his power from the wrath of unreasonable men ; so in faithfulnesse we stand approved to god , and is manifest to the measure of god in you all , and before the lord we stand innocent , neither seeking nor striving after any thing but the glory of god and the good of all people : and we do not deny any thing in the truth , therefore we are hated without cause , nor we cannot own any thing out of the truth , therefore our sufferings are not grievous to us , though we be kiled all the day long , and counted as sheep for the slaughter , and the eyes of all are upon us for evil , yet we are preserved by an invisible power , and our hearts are enlarged and our tongues are unloosed , to magnifie the god of our salvation : therefore take warning all people and do not withstand truth any longer , nor proceed no further in your enmity against an innocent people , for your folly will be made manifest if you go on in your way , and still continue the yoke and the burdens upon us , and have it in your hearts to spoil and persecute us who cannot for conscience sake submit to your customs , nor allow your practises which arises from your own inventions ; so from high to low consider , and what is past let it be sufficient , and let it not be in your hearts to proceed any further in your wills against the innocent , that god may divert his judgements which will certainly fall upon your heads if you go on in your wickednesse , and there will be no escaping the fiery wrath of the almighty . let this warning reach unto you and take place in you all ( people ) that you may dread before the lord , and he that hath done wickedly do so no more , and who doth intend any evil towards us , let it not abide within you , but cast out your evil thoughts , and entertain them no longer , and let not your tongues be so perverse , but know the bridle for them that you may not speak unadvisedly as many have done , who have called light darknesse and truth delusion , and so have reviled and scorned us who are by the light guided and in the truth walk , and let your moderation appear to all men that you may do unto others as you would have others to do unto you , for you make such measure as you would not have measured unto you again , so you are not come to the law and the prophets , therefore your way is not good nor to be proceeded in any further , but it is to be denied , and cast off and departed from ; so be stayed in time , and all mind the things that belong to your places , and let him that rules mind his place & rule with diligence , and make sweet & wholsom laws for the government of nations , that people therein may be protected from injury , violence , or any wrong , and be ordered in peace , and dwell in safty every man in his place , and that sin may be cut down which does so much abound , and all evil doers restrained from their evil wayes , and the well doers encouraged in their holy walking , that so true judgement and equity may abound in the nations , and truth and righteousnesse may run among the people as a mighty stream , and let him that serves serve with carefulnesse , and mind his place , that he run not beyond his power , and so pervert the issuing forth of wholsome laws in their right course , and turn them into a corrupted chanel ; therefore let him that serves be careful that he stretch not himself beyond his line as many in the servants place do at this day , who act both beyond law , and contrary to the law , and so neither regards god nor man ; let this be all denied , and mind your-places in singlenesse , that you may perform them with carefulnesse as unto god , that both he that rules , and he that serves may be subject to the higher power which is of god , and know that to be over all powers , that none may enter into his work or meddle with those things that are too high for you , as many have done , who have busied themselves and spent much time but never could perfect any thing , but have been over turned and over-whelmed and none could be found to uphold them , and this is the work of the lord , and the out-stretched arm of his power that does all these things , who appears to be the salvation of a people that trust in him , and to over-turn all those that conspire against them . how did he deliver daniel out of the lions den , and mordecay and the scattered jews from the wickednesse intended against them , and shedrack , mesheck and abednego out of the flames of the furnace , and from the wrath of babylons king ; and this is our god , on whom we wait and whom we serve and worship , and our eye is towards him , and our expectations from him , and his hand is not shortned towards us , neither doth he fail us , therefore our hearts are filled with joy , and our tongues with praises , and our spirits rest in hope , for god hath made his tabernacle with us , and dwels among us , and he is our god , and we are his people in truth and righteousnesse . o ye dear children of light whom god hath gathered in this day of his compassion , and counts you worthy to suffer for his name sake , rejoyce and be glad , for great is your reward ; lift up your heads in the strength of the lord , and walk in the power of his might , that you may be preserved by him in faithfulnesse to him , that the crown you may receive which no man can take from you ; o let your souls rejoyce in him , and all that is within you praise his holy name , for there is none like unto him who is over all gods , and over all kings , sitting upon his throne and judging right ; let all bow before him and be subject to his power , that in peace we may lie down together , and in rest be established by the arm of his salvation for evermore . o thou holy righteous seed , thy day is come , thy day is come , thou holy one , thou art the lamb , thy day is come , and victory thou wilt obtain , thy power is known that makes us rejoyce in thee , thou art the king of glory over all , we are subject unto thee , and with one accord we praise thy name , and our voice we lift up to thee ; thou hast redemed us , and we are thine , and in thy love we are overcome to thee ; thou art the undefiled one , and what we are , we are in thee , thou art our life , and we live in thee ; thou glorious birth we have been thy star , and we worship thee , and present unto thee a living sacrifice of holy praises , everlasting glory and endlesse dominion for ever and ever . o ye ministers of england and nations afar off , your time now is , and is no more ; you are not upright before god , but are seeking your selves , and are double-minded men ; you serve the times and not the lord , and you turn amongst the changeable things , every man after his owne way , having your time in your hand , so you can run with the times , and turn with the times , and what the times are , you are the same in shew ; this is your own time , and now it is , behold it passeth away , and is no more , for god is dividing the times , and raising his own seed in his own time , which in your time you cannot comprehend ; how have you limitted the holy one in your observing times , you have had your time so much in your own hand that you have forgotten the lord whose power is unlimited , and his time unchangeable ; and you have brought forth your own inventions in your own time , and have set them up for doctrine and worship , and you have not regarded gods time which is in his own hand , so he is not to be found amongst you , nor in your time , but hath left you and departed from you , and you are become like a barren wildernesse and a wilde forest where bryars and thorns grow ; and if any cannot observe your times , then you take hold like briars and tears them , and strikes like a thorne into their side ; and this is the spirit of presecution that reigns in you o ye national ministry , there is sufficient witnesses against you who are oppressed by you in the prisons this day , into which you have caused them to be haled , and torn with your briars , and where you prick them with your thornes ; and is not this your work at this day ? when will you be weary of it you perverse men of corrupt minds who are after earthly things acting against god and his people for filthy lucre sake ? and for this end you can be any thing in shew , and turne with all times , that your gain from your quarter may be upheld to you , but the lord is uncovering you to your shame for ever , though your time seem now to be , for the lord is against you , and his controversie is with you , and all that strive to uphold you , and you must all fall together , and there shall be none to delivery on out of his hands ; and thus you have served the times thorow all the changings and turnings , and now you have it , but it is no more ; you sigh deep , and draw your breath from far , for that which is out of time is come to reign over you , and you are now striving for your life , not being willing to die ; what a time have you , and what a life do you live ? consider it in the fear of god , and let your envie and malice cease towards those that cannot uphold the things in which your time and life is ; what is it you would doe in your time ? would you build your nests so high that the lord may not see you ? or would you inclose your selves with cedars that he may not find you out ? declare what is in your minds to the nations , that people may be satisfied concerning you ; how do you manifest your selves to be of the wicked one , who with a secret breath blows the coals until they kindle and break out into flames ; and all this hath been done in your own time , which makes you manifest to be of cains race , and in the wolves nature , for the day hath declared you , and nothing can cover you from the all-seeing eye of god , but your inward parts is opened , and an ill savour arises from you , and all your merchandize is become loathsome to the upright in heart , and they cannot buy them any more ; therefore behold where you are : and what is the place of your rest , for babylon must be destroyed , and all her merchants must be spoyled , and you must not be spared who are found in the midst of her ; for the lord god is strong that judgeth her , and he will dash all her brats against the stones , and burne her with fire , and you that favour her shall then mourn for her , and you that have taken up your rest in her lap , and partakes with her of her sins , you must partake of her plagues , and destruction will come upon you in one day , and a hiding place you will not find ; this is from the lord god unto you , that you may come out of babylon and trade no longer in her , nor drink no more of the wine of her fornication , nor do not cause others to drink of the cup of her abomination ; but all be still in your minds : and wait to know the measure of god in you , that the light of christ which doth enlighten you may be your guide , that your eyes may be opened , and all your confusion discovered unto you , that you may see your way and come to repentance ; for you are not fit to be teachers of others while envy and malice remains in your hearts , and while you are time-servers , and men-pleasers , and loves your pleasures more than god ; you are not like christs ministers who knows the love of god in christ shed abroad in their hearts , and in his love are constrained to serve him , and to deny all for him ; therefore come out of babylon , and keep not people any longer in her with your inchantments and sorceries with which you deceive , but come to the light of christ with which you are enlightened , that his power you may know to crucifie the proud nature in which you live , so will you come to a good understanding of the things that belongs to your peace , and know the lords time in his own hand , and his own arm that perfects his own work to his own praise , and do not strive against god , nor fret not your selves when he appears , but walk like sober men , and let every man stand in his freedom that he hath in god , in which he answers a good conscience unto god , and be content with such maintenance as they are free to allow you , and give over forcing and compelling , suing and imprisoning those that are not of you , nor cannot joyn with you for conscience sake , for that is not the practice of christs ministers , neither is there any scripture on your side by which you can prove your practise warrantable , but it arises from the beast and the whore which gives life to the false prophet , who must all be taken alive , and cast into the lake , where the worm never dies , nor the fire is not quenched , and their carkases shall be an abhorring to all flesh , and their time shall be no more . the end . lestrange's narrative of the plot set forth for the edification of his majesties liege-people. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1680 approx. 83 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47888 wing l1275 estc r14939 12940453 ocm 12940453 95866 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47888) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95866) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 388:11) lestrange's narrative of the plot set forth for the edification of his majesties liege-people. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. [2], 34 p. printed by j.b. for hen. brome ..., london : 1680. first ed. cf. wing. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng popish plot, 1678. church and state -england. dissenters, religious -england. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-09 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2004-09 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion lestrange's narrative of the plot . set forth for the edification of his majesties liege-people . london , printed by i. b. for hen. brome at the gun at the west-end of s. pauls , 1680. l'estrange's narrative , &c. in this age of narratives , we should do with our books , methinks , as vittlers do with their ord'naries ; every authour hang up a table at 's door , and say , here you may have a very good narrative , for three-pence , a groat , or sixpence , or h●gher if you pl●ase ●or we have 'em of all sorts and sizes : the only danger is , the popping of catt and dogs flesh upon us , for cony , and venison . for take 'em one with another , at the common rate of narratives , there 's hardly one of five that will passe must●r . but what is a narrative ? you 'l say . a narrative is a relation of something that may be seen , felt , heard , or understood : or otherwise ; it is a relation of something that cannot be either seen , felt , heard , or understood : for we have our narratives of things visible and invisible ; possible and impossible ; true and false : our narratives of fact , an● our narratives of imagination . in one word : there was ne●er any thing said , done , or thought of , since the creation ; nor so much as the fansy of any thing , tho' it was never said , done , or thought of , but it will bear a narrative . so that the only point will be , out of this infinite diversity of narratives , which is the narrative here in q●●stion . now the narrative here in question , is the narrative of the plot ; but then there will arise another question ; of what plot ? for there are as many sorts of plots as there are of narratives . there are pl●ts of passion , and plots of interest ; plots genera●l and particu●ar ; publick and private ; forreign and domest●que ; ecclesiasticall and civill : there are plots to u●dermine governments , and plots to support them ; plots simple , and counter plots ; plots to make plots ; and plots to spoil plots ; plots to give credit to sham-plots ; and plots again to baffle , and discountenance reall ones : plots jesuiticall , and phanatique ; plots great and small ; high and low ; in short , there is not any thing under the sun , that may serve us either for pleasure , or convenience , but we have a plot upon 't : and the master-plot of all , is the plot how to get the money out of one pocket into another ; as is well observ'd by one of the antients . for what is it that sets all trades and professions a work , nay and all wickednesse too ; as murther , calumny , oppression , perjury , subornation , corruption , &c. but a plot upon mony ? now to come to my point . this discourse is not a wild and rambling narrative of some indefinite plot , that no body knows what to make of , or where to find it : but it is a narrative ( by way of excellence ) of the plot : that is to say , the capitall and hellish plot which is now in agitation , for the destruction of our prince , religion and government , to the horrour and amazement of all the reformed catholiques in christendom . i call them reformed catholiques , rather then protestants , because i take the catholique to be the antienter family of the two : the denomination being used in the primitive church ; and not only to denote a generality , or universality of profession : but also to distinguish orthodox , and obedient christians , from schismatiques , and heretiques . 't is cast in my dish i know , as a reproach , that i will not own my self to be a protestant . now so far as protestant is a catholique , or as the church of england is that which they call protestant , 't is all one to me , whether i passe for a reformed catholique , a church of england-man , or a protestant . but when heresie , and schism comes to shelter it self under the cover of protestantism , ( which is but too common a case ) i have no ambition to be accounted any of those protestants . so that my crime is only that i am a church-of-england-protestant . but to return to my theme . let the reader take notice , that as these papers are only a narrative of that plot which is notoriously known , and distinguished from all other plots , by the emphasis of the plot : so it is l'estrange's narrative of that plot ; from whom no more light can reasonably be expected then what arises out of matters within the compasse of his observation . he does not pretend , either directly , or indirectly , to have been entrusted by any of the priests , or jesuits ; or to have been present at any of their bloody and desperate consults ; or privy to any of their letters , messages , or commissions : so that we can say nothing at all to the particulars that have been given in by the kings witnesses : or if we could , the doing of it would signify no more then the holding of a candle to the sun : for whoever carefully peruses their writings and depositions , compares their testimonies ; and yet doubts of the plot , is litt●● better , certainly , then seal'd up under the spirit of blindness , and delusion . let no body therefore expect from these sheets , any repetition of what the kings evidenc●s have delivered , and deposed with so much solemnity allready ; but rather repair to the memorialls that they have committed to the publique , which are many , and copious , for a full , and finall satisfaction . and in the mean time i shall apply my self to the making out of the plot here in question , my own way , ( which , in strictnesse of speaking is not so properly a plot , as an intrigue . ) the difference betwixt a plot , and an intrigue , i take to be this ; a plot may be solitary , as when a man contrives or casts about with himself how to get a dinner , ( for the purpose ) an office , a pension , &c. he brings his ends about by his own wits , as by cogging , wheedling , hectoring , swearing , lying , or the like , as best makes for his purpose ; but an intrigue is alwa●s social , and menag'd by intelligence and confederacy ; so that it seems to be a kinde of a plot with complices , and yet it is not absolutely that neither . for the critiques will have a plot to import only a general resolution , or agreement upon some common end ; and an intrigue to signifie a certain artifice , or mystery in the manner of bringing it about . of intrigues , some are direct conspiracies ; as where a designe is govern'd by the contrivance , advice , and consent ; and emproved to the common advantage and behoof of all the parties therein concern'd . of this kinde , were the late intrigues of the fanatiques against the government ; where , as they all contributed to the ruine of the pub●ique , so did they all , in some measure , partake of the quarry . there are other intrigues which are not so much a ●●rmal confederacy as a blinde co-operation of sev●ral part es , toward the gaining of such or such an end , by wo●king upon the passions and weaknesses of one anothe● , without ever concerting the matter betwixt them ▪ and this is the quality of the plot whereof i am now about to treat . we have been told abundantly of the popish plot , the booksellers ware houses are cram'd , and there stalls charg'd with the memorials of it ; all our courts of justice , and journals of state bear witness to it . it has set all tongus and pens agoing ; and all christendom rings of it ; so that since nothing can be added to what is allready delivered upon this single subject , my business will be only to take up the story where the great evidences of the truth of it have been pleased to let it fall . after a nice and particu●ar deduction of the mayn plot , they do unanimously close upon this assertion ; that it was a jesuiticall influence that ruin'd the late king , and irritated the faction : and that it is a popish ferment still at this day , that puts all the sch●sms into motion . and for p●oof thereof , doct●r oates refers us to the instance of the four jesuits , and the dominican that mingled with the fifth m●narchy men , for the burnin● of london ; ( deposition 3● . ) and to the care that ●as taken for tampering scotland into a rebellion as ap●●ars in everal other parts of his depositions . the dr. having made it out upon oath that the papists make use of the fanatiques to compass their own ends upon the government ; so soon as he has done this , he gives over the poynt . it must be my part now , to tack my own observations to the doctors ; and , by shewing , on the otherhand , what advantages the sch●smatiques make likewise of the papists , for the compassi●g of their ends , to lay open the effects of so dangerous a complication . this addition we must take for granted would have been supply'd by the dr. himself , both as a ●oyall subject to his prince , and as a true son of the establisht church , if matters of gr●ater moment had not taken him off at mid-way : so that in truth , this is rather a continuation of the drs. narrative , then a composition of my own . we are not to imagine that these interests are ty'd up by any instrument of compact , or covenant ; to joyn in a league offensive against the government ; but our mischief arises from a resemblance of their principles and not from any correspondence of understanding betwixt them . and yet while they seem to be blowing up and countermining one another , they do really destroy us ; and it is the church in the middle that suffers by the distemper of the two extremes . now though i cannot allow it upon any t●rms that they help one another by consent ; nothing can be plainer yet then that while they play , each of them their own game , the one still leads into the others hand . if popery influences sch●sm , that schism slides as naturally into popery , as motion from one place of rest tends to another . there 's the principle espoused allready , and the rest is only the changing of the name ; the very unfixing of a man is half the work done allready ; for he is so far advanc'd upon his way toward a new settlement . it is a thing worthy of note , the different manner of dealing with the church of rome , betwixt the episcopall clergy , and the non conformist ; the ●ormer proceed by dint of argument , the otoer only by opprobrious clamour , and reviling ; and ●or one fair blow at the pope , they make a hundred rude ones at the bishops ; and ( which is yet a fouler scandal ) the most eminent , and venerable champions that ever put pen to paper in the defence of the reformed communion , have been the persons which they have still singled out for the subject of their exemplary cruelty , and rigor . which shews that their ( pretended ) quarrell is to the name rather then to the opinion . i call it a pretended one : for if they quarrell in earnest with the name of popery , they fall foul upon the best friend they have in the world : for it is that single pretext that supports their cause . it is observable also on the other side ; that notwithstanding all their fierce and virulent exclamations against priests and jesuits , the church of rome does not vouchsafe them so much as one syllable in return ; and the reason is this ; the conventicles are doing the papists business to their hands ; and the enlarging of the schism is the readyest way imaginable for the bringing in of popery : so that it is but commuting a real service for a little dirty language . but is it true then , that the popish emissaryes are so busy , and bear so great a sway among our dissenters ? yes ( says dr. oates in his dedicatory to the king ) they were the first authours and contrivers of the late unnatural war ; and of his late majestyes unspeakable sufferings and barbarous usage . it was these ( says the dr. ) that brought him to his end , &c. and again , they were in most , if not all the councells that contriv'd his ruine . two jesuits ( simmons and compton ) were to pay the thousand pound promised to the discoverer of the king after the battle of worcester , and milton was a known frequenter of a popish club ; lambert a papist of above thirty years standing . what promises ( says the dr. again ) did they make to cromwell after his majestyes escape , to perswade the french king for our sovereigns banishment out of france ? and is not this now as clear an evidence as a body would wish , to prove the industry , the power , and the malice of that restlesse party ; and to shew how they were in at all destructive plots and councells ? was it not a strange zeal too , that when cromwell was master of the three kingdoms , and had so great an interest at stake ; the king might have scap'd yet for want of a price upon his head , if father simmons and compton had not engaged for the thousand pound reward that was promised to him that would deliver him up ? nay they were fain to quicken cromwell himself , to get the king banisht out of france . which shews first , that the papists trusted more to their power with cromwell , though a schismatique , then to their power with the french king , tho' a roman catholique . and secondly , that they thought the french king would do more for a schisme , then for the holy church it self : which implies a high degree of mutuall confidence betwixt their priests and our dissenters . it is a common objection in this case , that the dr. is too young to speak many of these things upon knowledge ; and that it would have been well , if he had produced some historicall authority in confirmation of the reports , that lambert was a papist , and milton a frequenter of a popish club : and so in other like cases . this is a doubt easily resolved , for the thing it self being a privacy in its own nature , it was only proper for the registries of the society , and not of a quality to be inserted into our publique annals . the dr. tells us further , pag. 29. ) that father moor and brown were sent into scotland , with instructions to carry themselves like non conformist ministers , and to preach to the disaffected scots , &c. he tells us likewise ( pag. 67. ) of seditious preachers , and catechists , set up , sent out , maintained , and directed what to preach in their own , or other private conventic●es , and field meetings , &c. now this , i am told , is no proof of the thing done ; but only of a proposition and design for the doing of it . but yet we find in the drs. reflexions upon the late times , that the thing was there really done ; and pag. 8. that blundel did actually teach treason in severall places of london . now if it be true , ( as who dares question what the d● . averrs ? ) that the papists managed the separatists in the late war ; and that all our miserie 's proceeded from the influence of their councells ; and that they are at this day , as active , and as powerfull as ever : it follows , that the d●nger is as great no● , as ever it was ; and that there is no security for ●his nation , so long as the agents for p●pery have this retreat . we should never have known that the papists had had so great a hand in our late broils ; and in the counsell , and execution of the murther of the late king ▪ if dr. oates had not discover'd it . for the late king himself knew nothing of it and all the memorialls we have of those times , even ●rom the most popular writers , are wholly silent in it , in such sort as we find it , here to be represented . there was a seditious clamo●r , i remember , against an army of papists , ( as they call'd them . ) that were on the kings side ; but not one word of a p●p●st that was to be found among the schismatiq●es , in their conventicles ▪ nor should i readily believe the story at large , as it is now reported , if any man but dr. oates had said it . i have run through the list of the re●ici●es i have had opportunities of knowing the princip●l men of the party and tracing all their committees ; and i cannot say that i found any one man upon that roll , wh●m i so much as suspected for a papist . so long as the work went smoothly on ▪ they call'd themselves ( i remember ) a covenanting , a fasting and a praying people : but so soon as ever the wind turn'd , the godly party was presently transform'd ; and those that i took before for dissenting protestants , are now made appear to have been , the greater part of them , priests , and jesuits . it seems to be somewhat unequally divided , that the schismatiques should have the benefit , and the papists support all the scandall of the rebellion ; would it not be better to let them fairly share the profit and the losse , betwixt them ? and that 's the drs. sense too ; for he does not deny but that the separatists acted their parts also : tho' only as men imposed upon , and outwitted , and under the guidance , and direction of the papists . i shall now appeal to any man : that has either seen , or diligently read the transactions of those times , whether or no he could ever have imagined that such a world of priests , and papists had worm'd themselves into the councells and congregations of that faction , as the dr. now assures us there did . and what was the business , but this ? the papists carry'd the matter so close , and lookt so like schismatiques , that it was morally impossible to discern the one from the other , now upon the admission of the same mixture , and danger , at present , and the same difficulty likewise of distinguishing a disguised papist from an outlying protestant ; we are lost unless we absolutely clear those kennells , since there is no pu●ging of them . and the means of doing it , is fair , honest , and obvious ; and i would sa● , ( if i durst open my mouth so wide ) of absolute necessity too . let but the laws be vigorously put in execution , and the great work is done . we shall not need to declaim upon the probable inconveniences that will arise from a longer sufferance of this license : but we shall in good time shew the approaches they have already made , toward the government ; and that the non-conformists make as good use of the papists , one way , as the papists do of the non-conformists , another . the encrease of the schism is the true measure of the churches detriment ; for the one looses just as much as the other gets . but the greatest mischief of all is the dissolution of order ; for it is not only the double losse and disadvantage of so many friends , degenerated into so many enemies ; but the loosening of the band makes all fly to pieces ; and turns that community into a multitude , which , ere while , was a government . and this dissolution does highly gratify our adversaryes , on both hands ; for once out of discipline , we are as bad as out of protection : and in the condition of a routed army , when twenty men in good order value a thousand fugitives ; for o●r strength , as well as our reputation leaves us with our union ; and the bulwark of the reformation is left naked , and without either honour , or defence . if this should come to be the case , what can we expect , but either to be at the mercy of a forreigner , or for want of a common enemy to become a prey to one another ? it is as natural , this , ( though we know it upon experiment too ) as it is for one grain of sand to fall from another , for want of a morter , or ciment to bind them together : or as it is for poynt blank contradictions to crosse one another . and when the day of controversy comes , what will all the fractions of dissenting protestants signify , more , then so many loos● atoms that will need a more miraculous concourse of accidents then ever the philosopher dreamt of ▪ to jumble them into a body . i will not deny but that they may so far unite as to make head against a common danger ; but they must live then like salamanders , allways in the fire ; as being by their very principles in a perpetual state of war ; impatient of one another , and consequently encapable of any political establishment . he that thinks otherwise needs only look behind him to be convinc'd ; where he will finde , that thorough all the late turns and changes of state , the prevailing party did still set up for it self , to the exclusion of all others : endeavouring to erect a new government , by order , and restraint , out of the ruines of the old one , which they had destroy'd by liberty , and confusion . how wretched now is the condition of those people who by dividing themselves , ( upon meer capricio's ) from regular societys , do in effect , cut themselves off from their claim to the ordinary comforts of providence , and nature ; turning peace it self into a curse , which to all men in their right wits is undoubtedly the greatest of blessings . after a long , and i hope not ( altogether ) an impertinent preface , i shall now draw neer to my text. the kings wittnesses have given evidence of a popish conspiracy ; and not only of a conspiracy carry'd on among themselves , but of a practice also upon the schismatiques , by casting of scruples into their heads ; by instilling dangerous positions : by preaching , in fine , & catechising among them in disguises ; to embroil the government . now let the world bear me witness that i have nothing at all to do with the original plot ; or the priests artifices of moulding , and cajolling the dissenters any further then in a resignation to truth and authority : my purpose being only to set forth the emprovements that have been made , under the cover of one plot , toward the advancing of another . i shall date this my narrative from the transmigration of the conspiracy ; and so carry it on through all the steps of its progression ; as the manner of representing matters , the probable intent , and effect of that way of proceeding ; the translating of a popular odium , from the papists , to the government , and so mounting by degrees from a zeal against popery , to a sedition against the state. it is no lessening of this execrable plot , to say that subjects ought dutyfully to acquiesce in the resolutions of their superiours : and that all clamorous appeals from the magistrate to the multitude are only so far pardonable , as the abundance of good will may help to excuse the want of moderation and discretion . so that a great part of those fierce and unmannerly transports that have been employ'd upon this unhappy occasion , and without any regard , either to quality or sex , or , in truth , to the very foundations of christian charity , might have been much better let alone ; since they serve only to enflame the vulgar , without any sort of avail to the cause in question . it is no better , then either a translating of the judicature from the king and his courts of justice to the rabble ; or else a complaint to the people brought in with a side-winde , against the government ; which are two dangerous points ; striking at his majesties sovereignty the one way , and at his reputation the other : and yet all this is tolerable , if it goes off so ; and without blowing up a passion into a designe . but we shall better understand the drift of it by the sequele . if it rests here , it is only a laudable zeal ill menag'd : for it is not the cutting strictures of a sharp tongue or a virulent pen , but the sober and impassionate sentence of law ; that by prisons , axes , and gibbets , determines these controversies . in one word , let them vent their indignation against the principles and practices of the church of rome , in what terms they please , and make popery as odious as they can , provided that they do not encourage tumults ; and that they contain their passions within the bounds of truth and justice . if they once passe those limits , knowingly , and by consent , 't is no longer zeal , but confederacy . this caution of keeping so strictly to the rules of truth , and justice , has a respect , first , to the manner of representing both persons , and things ; and secondly , to the matter of fact. now if to the intemperance of words there be added a malitious aggravation of circumstances , with fiction , and imposture over and above ; 't is to be fear'd that all is not right at the bottom . i shall be here encounter'd with a reproof , for being so tender , forsooth , of the reputation of the papists ; and yet any man that is not intoxicated with popular fumes , or led hood-winkt into a false conception of things , must necessarily see , that my great concernment is for the honour and dignity of christians ; it being our duty , to proceed according to the measures of good faith , and justice , even with the worst of infidels . but people you 'l say may be mistaken , and give credit to false reports , without either malice or designe . this is confest , and none of those errours shall be put to account . if you ask me , to what end ? or , what 's the benefit of imposing these flams upon the nation ? it is easily answer'd , first , that the plying of the multitude perpetually with allarms , and terrors , does in a manner turn their very brains , take away their judgements ; and render them fit instruments for the boldest , and most unwarrantable undertakings . so soon as they are once touch't in the crown with these conceipts : 't is but sadling their noses with a pair of state-spectacles , and you may perswade them upon new-market heath that they are tumbling down dover cliff. secondly , the very perso●s that so artificially make the people sick , are to reap the profit of the cure ; which is such an●ther kind of remedy as if a man should beat out his brains for fear of the headach . briefly , they do first make the people m●d , and then by the consent of the madmen they themselves ar● m●de governours of the bedlam . but without any m●●e des●anting upon the good or the evill the grounds or cons●quences of matters ; we shall now deliver some few instances to our present purpose . at the time when mr. powell the merchant was so long missing , what a rabble of formal relations went about then , of his being t●epann'd a shipboard , in what company ; what mony in his pocket ▪ what forebodings of his fate : and all terminating in a peremptory conclusion that he ●as murther'd by the papists ; and not so few as five and twenty or thirty pamphlets trumpetting these tidings all over the kingdom . and yet not one syllable of truth in 't at last . what a noyse was there about sir harry titchbourn's house : even to the very catalogue of the arms that were there taken : as 166. muskets , 54. case of pistols , 37. saddles , 47. daggers , 2. barrells of bullets , 3. bundles of match ; letters sent expresse to certify the truth of the story ; and copies of them dispersed presently at st. albans , and elsewhere , without any colour in the world for the report . and so for the herse full of arms that was intercepted at banbury , the hampers of fire balls that were found in the savoy , and somerset-house ; which were only certain rockets , serpents , and other artificiall fire-works which mr. choqueux had publiquely prepar'd for the entertainment os a solemn festival : and yet all these shams were blown up and down the kingdom , by news-letters and printed libells , with as much confidence as if they had been articles of faith ; and no doubt of it , but many thousands of his majesties good subjects believe them to this day , for want of being better enformed . what a bustle there was about mr. langhorns being bury'd in the temple , and what remarks upon the government for shewing that countenance to papists ? and upon the persons also that assisted at that funeral ; when all this while , there was no more in the case then only the body of a gentleman that dy'd in holburn , and was there interr'd , upon the night to the day of mr. langhorns execution . the history of bedingfields being privately convey'd out of the gate house , and a dead body left in his place , past so current , that sir william waller himself ( tho' he perhaps could smell a jesuit as far as another body ) took a long journy into the north upon 't , to catch the wrong bedingfield . the circumstances of that adventure would be too comicall for this place . we could tell you the conduct of the whole stratagem , and what names here at london went into the black book for not believing it . a man would really blesse himself to see the romances , the glosses , and the scurrilous buffoneries that were published by the ribald scriblers here about the town , upon this subject . but then , the landing of forty thousand french upon the i le of purbeck , shook the very foundations of the earth : the factions drew presently into cabals , upon the tidings of it , with horrible and contumelious reflections upon those in authority , as parties to the conspiracy . at coventry they brake up the market upon the news on 't ; and the common people immediately divided into knots , and consultations ; some of them coming very fayrly to this resolution , that there was no way but cutting the papists throats , to hinder them from joyning . but this advice was soon contradicted , and so the mischief went no farther : who knows what this invention might have produc'd , if the credit of it had continued but four and twenty hours longer ? the most formidable story of all , is the conspiracy of the prentices : and there was such work made with capt. tom , as if the grand seignior had been powring down highgate hill with a hundred and fifty thousand men at 's heels . there were so many thousands of them upon the list by tale and most of them papists too ; an account of what contributions to the charge , ( alas ! ) of a three-penny or groat-clubb ; whose throats were to be cut ; and through what constables teritoryes they were to take their march ; and this scandal upon the body of this loyal , and honourable city , exposed in ballads and libells by every rascally pamphletier . and what was all this mighty matter at last , but a parcell of good jolly ladds that had been busy at the burning of the pope , and prevail'd upon to set their hands to the petition that was then afoot ? these blades , finding that the petition had given offence , propounded the doing something on the other side too , that might shew they were neither fanatiques , nor papists ; and so they gave publique notice in thompsons intelligence of their intentions upon the anniversary of his majestys restauration to burn the rump . the first time perhaps that ever a conspiracy against the government was notified in a news-book . i shall now shew you in an instance or two , how bold they make with the kings wittnesses , as well as with the rest of his majestys subjects ; and what slurs they put upon the world ( the citizens of london especially ) under the countenance of the plot , and authority of the kings evidence . there' 's a pamphlet entitled , a narrative of unheard of popish cruelties toward protestants beyond seas : or a new account of the bloody spanish inquisition , published as a caveat to prot●stants , by mr. dugdale . printed for , &c. this new account ( as i am credibly inform'd ) is only an old thing reprinted ; the subject suited to the humour of the present season , and mr. dugdale upon the title-page exhibited as the authour of it , and ric. dugdale subscribed to the dedication . this was the second slur that past the presse under that name . the first impression went off clear with mr. richard dugdale in the title page , as the composition of mr. dugdale the witnesse ; but the booksellers finding the businesse to be smoakt , the wittnesses name being taken notice of to be stephen , and not richard , he very prudently left out the christen name in the second impression , and made it only mr. dugdale , and so it went for the witnesses again . his work being only to find out a witnesses namesake , by great good fortune he pitcht upon an alehouse-keeper in southwark of that name , to carry off his project ; and the man ( as i am told ) is a very honest man. now here are three abuses fobb'd upon us at once , first , an old book for a new one ; secondly , one that knows nothing of the matter in question , under the semblance of one of the kings wittnesses . and thirdly the counterfeit of a false authour . but the most remarkable piece of all is yet to come . it was my hap , some three or four months since , to cast my eye upon a book , entitled , a narrative and impartial discovery of the horrid popish plot : carry'd on for the burning and destroying of the cities of london and westminster , with their suburbs , &c. and dedicated to the surviving citizens of london ruin'd by fire , &c. i came to this pamphlet with expectation of some notable discovery ; especially finding a promise in the title page of depositions , and informations never before printed : but when upon the perusal , i found the narrative part of it to be taken , verbatim almost , out of two or three old seditious libells against the government , that were printed by stealth , some ten or a dozen years agoe , ( before mr. bedloes time of action ) and scatter'd up and down in most of the publique houses upon the great roads of england ▪ by half a score sometimes in a place , according to the ordinary method● of the faction in such cases ; i made a strict enquiry into the matter , and this was the business . there was a consult of three or four booksellers over a bottle of wine , what subject a man might venture upon at that time , for a selling copy : one of the company was of opinion that a book of the fires would make a smart touch ; and so they all agreed upon 't ; and propounded to get some of the kings wittnesses hands to 't ; naming first one , and then another , they came at length to a resolution ; and pitch't upon trap ad crucem , and the history of the fires ; as two books that would afford matter enough , if they could but get them put into a method , and have a certain persons hand to the owning of ●hem . hereupon they apply'd themselves to one to draw up the story ; and so it went to the press under his hand , all but what was printed copy ; and he made several alterations too in the epistle , out of his own head , after it was composed at the presse . so that here are a couple of old libells turn'd into a new narrative , and the kings magistrates , and officers defam'd afresh , and the menage of this scandal committed to the hand of a common calumniator . as to what concerns mr. bedloes evidence i have nothing to say ; nor to the papists burning the city ; nor to any one poynt in the pamphlet which mr. bedloe can pretend to speak to upon knowledge ; but this i shall say ; that there are several groundless and dangerous passages in it ; and that the most inslaming and seditious of them are only libels of ancient date , reprinted ; that it was a contrivance set afoot by booksellers for profit , drawn up according to their order and direction , and an abuse in the very original intendment : th● citizens and the kings wittnesses being only propounded as a property toward the gaining of it some reputation . it is sufficiently known , with what greediness these , and a thousand other impostures , and aggravations have been swallow'd by the common people ; and made use of as instances to illustrate and confirm the plot. but what ? you 'l say , there 's a mourneval of booksellers upon a tryal of skill in their own trade : one knave invents a story , and a thousand fools believe it . how does all this amount to the proof of a faction ? why truly ; tho' it looks very suspiciously , considering who they are that advance and encourage , and the interest that is promoted by these mistakes : considering also with what violence , and industry they are carry'd on , and that the cry too run all one way : i shall yet content my self with a probable surmise that there may be a factious-intent ; as if i should see a man riding post from barnet towards london , i would lay ten to one that this man is going for london ; and yet 't is not impossible neither but he may take up by the way : if i finde afterward that he went thorough , i should think it a hundred to one that his purpose was for london , when he first set out : this is the very case . these practices are the high way to sedition , and 't is ten to one that they 'l come up to 't at last : which if they do 't is a hundred to one that they design'd it , from the beginning . it is a very ill sign too , the fiercenesse of the abettors of these shamelesse , and ridiculous forgerys ag ainst any man that has not faith enough to believe that the moon is made of green cheese : and this they call a ridiculing of the plot ; and making sport with sentences of parliament , and judicial proceedings . i would fain see where either the king , the parliament , or any court of justice has verify'd any single poynt that i have reflected upon : and i defy the devil himself , in any of his servants , to say wherein i have not pay'd all due respects , as well to the persons of the kings witnesses , as to their evidence . what diminution is it to dr. oates his narrative , to say that the contrivances of the mercenary book-sellers , and scriblers herein mentioned are shams . what contradi ction or abatement in it to the truth , or credit of the popish plot , to shew that there is a schismatical plot afoot too ; and that one moves under the countenance of another : now to pretend a plot , where there is none , is next door to the denyal of it where it is. shall any man argue that the disparagement of a juggle , weakens a truth ? sr. edmondbury godfrey was never the less murther'd , because mr. powel escaped . shall any man infer that there were no black bills provided , because there were no arms found in sr henry titchburns house ? or because the prentices were but in jeast , that therefore the bloudy pilgrims were not in earnest : the justification of mr. choqueux's fireworks has no effect at all upon the teuxbury mustard-balls . what is my affirming that langhorn was not bury'd in the temple , to the business of valladolid , or salamanea ? the herse of arms was a flam. and what then ? must the evidence therefore of the pistol and the dagger be one too ? and i would fain know what relation bedingfields escape out of the gatehouse , ( after he was dead ) has to the consult at the white horse tavern in the strand . as to the popish plot that is sworn by the kings witnesses , i lay my faith at their feet , without any further enquiry , or dispute . but where i finde rank and palpable falshoods and contrivances imposed upon the world for certain truths , and nothing but passion and confidence to support them ; i reckon my self bound in duty ( so far as in me lyes ) to lay open the abuse . for this way of bruiting up a plot where there is none , is a design of a most dangerous consequence , and a snare to all honest men . it is a kinde of experiment upon the humour of the multitude , to try what they will bear , and whether they be yet mad enough or not , to swallow impostures without examining . if they finde the people in tune for their purpose , and charm'd into such an aw , that at the very name of a plot they shall dare like larks under the dread , even of a painted hobby ; there 's the foundation of a civill war , and an arbitrary power layd allready . they shall make what plots , and what plotters they please ; and every man that stands in their way , shall be a papist or a traytor , according as they think fit to represent him to the rabble . if this be the fruit of being given over to believe lyes , we have great reason sure to take all possible care that we be not deluded , and to distinguish betwixt the voyce of authority , and that of rumour . the common way of reply upon this topique is to break out into exclamations , and to hit a man in the teeth with the sham of the meale-tub , and twenty such fooleries ; as if there were no more in the bus'nesse then a malicious imagination ; and only a more colourable invention to discredit a real plot , under pretence of a counterfeit , and casting a mist before the peoples eyes , that they should not know one from t'other . my answer is short ; that we have the matter of fact in proof here before us : that the true plot and the counterfeit are in such manner separated , that the one is not at all in dispute , and the other is condemn'd . and we shall now shew you what use is made by a faction under the disguise of prosecuting papists , to defame , and to destroy several of his majestys loyall subjects and church of england protestants . for let a mans actions , his conversation , his religion be what they will , 't is but besmearing him with the scandal of being popishly-affected , and his work is done . there is a kinde of spell in the word popery . it transforms a man into a beast : and like the great medicine , it turns ●hatever it touches into plot. if a man will not believe it to be christmasse at midsumer , he 's in the plot ; if he loves his church , his prince , and his country , and stands for a burgesse or a common councell-man , 't is but saying that he 's popishly affected , and he becomes presently as an heathen or a publican . if he refuses to associate , or petition , he shall be markt ; and well too if he scape so ; for we have gotten a trick , when men will not do as we would have them , of laying them up for treason ; ( no matter for evidence ) and when we have put them out of reach of a habeas corpus , 't is but shewing them a payr payr of heels our selves , and leaving them to struggle with the law. as for example . on the 6th of april last , about 7. in the morning , major ovington and mr. thomas king were taken out of their beds and charged with high treason ; their boxes and papers rifled , and themselves examin'd apart ; but nothing of ill appeared against them . the magistrate began with the major ; and when he had try'd both by fair means and foul , to get him to sign such papers and informations as he himself had ready drawn ; finding that he would not be wrought upon , he left the major , and went to mr. king , telling him how sorry he was to see him drawn into such a horrid business : how that his majesty had the matter before him , and that there were 6. or 7. wittnesses that appear'd against him . mr. king , in great admiration , askt what this mighty businesse might be : but he went back to the major , without giving any reply : and after a little while return'd to mr. king. major ovington ( says he ) has dealt generously with me , and he shall fare the better for 't ; for i do not desire the destruction of any man : but still professing more kindnesse to mr. king , for his fathers sake , and looking upon him as a person only drawn in . so he prest mr. king to a confession , and told him , if he would but subscribe such a paper as he would draw up , and knew to be true , he would not commit him , and it should be the better for him . mr. king askt him what he would be at , and told him that if the major had charg'd him with any ill thing toward the king , or the government , he was an unworthy man. whereupon he went his way , and committed the major to the gate-house . the magistrate having left mr. king at his own house , came back to him immediatly , and told him , 't is well mr. king ( says he ) that you are faln into my hands ; for if i please , there 's but a step betwixt you and death ; i am loth to commit you , because i know it will be your ruine ; every thing being made out so clear against you ; mr. king still urging to know what all this meant , the magistrate went to the further end of the room , and fell to writing ; mr. king , being desirous to see what he wrote ; he held the paper in his hand and ask'd him if he did not know of a design to seize the tower , and rescue the lords ; and severall other lewd things . to which mr. king reply'd , that it was all villany . the magistrate gave mr. king a bottle of syder , and treated him with an appearance of much kindnesse . after a while , he took mr. king in his arms ; telling him he saw he was resolv'd upon his own ruine . mr. king desir'd that he might apply himself to the secretaries of state to be examined by them ; which the magistrate took ill , pretending that his majesty had left the bus'nesse to him. he was trying a long time to prevail upon mr. king to swear against major ovington ; but not succeeding , he threaten'd to lay him in irons ; and so committed him to the gate-house , with order to the keeper , that the gentlemen should not come together , nor receive any message , without having taken any examination upon oath , before his commitment ; neither after it , was there one word of treason sworn against him . he was committed betwixt twelve and one upon the 6th , and the deposition against him was taken the day after he was committed , at the rhenish-wine house in channell row , threatning also to lay the witnesse , in irons , if he would not depose what he the magistrate had drawn up . the coppy of the mittimus follows . whereas oath hath been made before me , that the person i herewith send in custody to you ( mr. thomas king ) hath treasonably contrived a rebellion , and falsly designed the accusing severall of his majesties loyal peers and subjects of the said treason . these are therefore to will and require you in his majesties name to receive and keep the body of the said thomas king in safe custody . untill he shall be discharged by due course of law. given under my hand and seal the 6 th day of april . 1680. these gentlemen being brought into the court by their habeas corpus the next term , the prosecution was lookt upon to be illegal , and ridiculous , to the highest degree ; there appearing no colour from the information , or examination , either for the matter charg'd upon them , or so much as the bare commitment ; only it was observ'd , that beside the injustice of a commitment without evidence , the crime was laid treason , on purpose that they might not be bail'd in the vacation . this i hope will not be deny'd to have been a sham-plot ; and promoted by a faction too : for it was the work of twenty libells to defend the proceeding : the persons accused are gentlemen of approved loyalty , fair and honourable conversation , and men zealously affected to the church of england . there was an attempt made by the same magistrate at the same time upon another gentleman in the same house , ( a cavalier of unquestionable loyalty and honour ) and upon a like pretence too ; but that trepan was let fall again . here' 's the fruit of taking up plots upon trust ; and running headlong from the fear , nay , from the very name of popery , into the thing it self . let any man shew me a more imperious tyranny , if he can , or a more implicite faith ; then for men to be worse then spirited away thus , contrary to the law , and without remedy ; and and run down for criminals by a popular consent , without understanding one syllable of the matter in question . these practices and excesses are the subject of my narrative ; and so far from misrepresenting the popish plot , that there is not any sort of correspondence , in this case , betwixt the one , and the other . and i defy any man to shew , whereever i let fall so much as one word of the popish plot , but with a modest and due respect to the government . neither , in effect , am i become the mark of every paultry libeller , for reflecting upon the reality of the one plot ; but for the exposing the juggle of the other . and it is time certainly for every man to look about him , when our lives , liberties , and fortunes lye all at mercy ; and every honest man expos'd to the animosities of faction , and revenge : for we are not judg'd by what we are in our selves , in our conversations , and opinions ; but by what we are said to be . what becomes of magna charta , at this rate , and the priviledges of an english mans birth right ? if men shall be hurry'd into jayls without evidence , because they will not subscribe either confessions , or accusations , touching matters which they know nothing of , and witnesses tamper'd afterward by menaces , for proofs ex post facto , to colour such illegal commitments ? we have had but too much of this allready ; and no body knows whose turn it may be next : since what was the case of these gentlemen , may be any mans . does it not behove us , now , to distinguish betwixt reason , and clamour ; betwixt truth , and calumny , betwixt the acts of authority , and the license of tumults ; betwixt the just and temperate deliberations and resolutions of government , and the violent heats and partialityes of the common-people ? how come the multitude to be judges of plots , and popery , more than of other crimes and misdemeanours ? for that 's the tribunal of the faction , where every man is to be made a traytor , or a papist , as they think meet . and it is not enough neither to be fairly acquitted upon a tryal before a court of justice ; for the bench and the jury are presently arraign'd upon 't by an appeal to the rabble . it is a great poynt gain'd , where a faction has gotten so much the command of the people , as to make them believe every thing that they say , and approve of every thing that they do . there is a plot no doubt on 't ; but that plot does not yet create another plot , where there is no plot at all . the popish plot has bounds , and limits ; the kings wittnesses tell us what it is , and where it lyes ; and we have had nothing new of that plot , now a good while . but this imaginary plot , is a plot upon a perpetual plot , and to keep the nation so long in awe of the popish plot , till the faction may execute another plot of their own. and what is that other plot of their own , but , first ▪ to break in upon the ministers and friends of the government ; and secondly , to undermine the very foundations of it . this is no more sayd , then what their practices make good ▪ and the series of the design hangs as naturally , one piece to another , as if they were but so many links of the same chain . as to what concerns the capital plot , in the proceedings upon the conspirators , and the subsequent severityes upon the papists ; all this is an act of the government . but the superfaetation of other plots , which neither the state , nor the witnesses take any notice of : plots that have no affinity or connexion with the principal ; nor , in truth , any existency in nature , other then in the forge of a phanatical , and republican brain . these plots are not so sacred , i hope , but a body may ask , whence they come , and whither they go , without any offence , either to authority or good manners . nay , what if a man should examine them , by what commission it is , that they change their stile , and render papists , in the original , into popishly affected , in the translation ? how it comes , of a down right popish-plot , to be a popishly-affected-plot ? this stretch puts the church-of-england men into a worse estate then the very papists . for there are certain known and political conditions , whereupon a papist may come off , by satisfying the law ; but popishly-affected is such a drag net , it sweeps all. in other cases , there must be probata , as well as allegata ; but here , the simple allegation does a mans bus'ness ; for how is it possible for any man to prove a negative , and a thought , which he must do , to discharge himself of being popishly-affected ? the common people take popishly affected i know , for one of the devlishest things that can be sayd of a man ; especially as it is drest up with plots , massacres , conflagrations , &c. to make it the more terrible . and therefore whensoever the faction has a minde to expose any man to the outrages of the rabble , they are pleas'd to give him the honour of this character ; which presently raises the country upon him , as if he were a woolf , or a common enemy . now this brand of popishly affected is not set upon a man for any correspondency of dangerous or erroneous principles that he has with the church of rome ; but they make use of it as a discriminating mark betwixt themselves and other men . he that will not believe all the fooleries they tell him , nor joyn in all the iniquityes that they propound to him : he that will not contribute , swear , petition , vote , associate , as they would have him , that man comes immediately to be popishly affected . he that ●peaks reverently of the dignity , or the persons of bishops ; the orthodox clergy , the ministers of state and justice ; the service-book , the rites and appointments of the church in opposition to the assemblyes-directory , with the practices of their slovenly and licentions conventioles ; that man 's popishly affected . to preach up obedience to civil magistrates ; to cry down schism ; to chuse a good fryday rather , or an ash-wednesday , for a fast , then a whitson-tuesday ; to lay more stresse upon the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , then the solemn league and covenant ; to advance the king above the two houses ; to deny the sovereignty of the people ; and to maintain that god is the god of order , and not of confusion , all this is to be popishly-affected . but let us now consider how this calumny comes to be taken up ; what 's the drift , and ( if this work goes on ) what will probably be the issue of it . it may be observed , that so long as we were upon the scent of priests and jesuits ; the plot in motion ; and that every day presented fresh game of papists , and conspiracyes : so long , i say the faction joyn'd with the government in a common care , for the peace and safety of the publique : only with this difference ; that whereas the magistrate proceeded to the necessary punishment of offenders , according to the gentle , and impartial methods of law and justice : and with humanity and compassion for their persons and errours , the faction , on the other hand , precipitated all things with violence , and clamour . not contenting themselves with the bare oblation of so much blood , for the satisfaction of publique justice , unlesse they turn'd the tragedy into a farce too , and made sport with the calamityes of the miserable . and what was all this vehemence and pudder , but to elevate the opinion of their zeal ( in proportion to the noyse they made ) above all others , and tacitly to reproach the government for their candour , and moderation . nor did they keep themselves within the bounds of inferences , and tacit implications , long neither ; but so soon as ever any man came off , whether through the insufficiency of proofs , or the incompetency of witnesses , they flew open-mouth'd in the face of the bench and jury : and in so bold a manner too , as if the tribunal were only to hear the cause , the jury to stand with their fingers in their mouths , and the pit to decide it ? what is become of the manhood , and generosity of the english nation ; that we are fal'n into this insatiate thirst of bloud ? where 's our respect to our superiours ; while we thus arraign authority ? where to our selves , in the seditious usurpation of a right that does not belong to us ; and in contradiction to the duties of allegeance , and common prudence ? where to our fellow-subjects ; in our needlesse , and unmannerly importunities , for more rigour then the very letter of the law will bear ? is this doing as we would be done by ? or is it doing either as we have been done by ? but i shall now come to the transition of the one plot into the other , and the turning of papists into popishly-affected ; wherein i must distinguish betwixt the words and intent of authority , and the unwarrantable application and construction of the faction . in all changes of state the pillars must first be remov'd , before the frame of the government can be dissolv'd . and therefore 't is discreetly done , for a faction to begin with persons , ere they broch their opinions ; for it would be a great over-sight to pick a quarrel with the administration , and at the same time to be laying of new foundations . it is also another point of skill , the running of people down ( as i find it in a coffee house authour ) without the assistance of the penal statutes , or the formality of trying men by their peers . and nothing does that exploit more effectually , then the device of popishly affected . it is a snare , that all the precaution in the world cannot avoid ; and a most insensible slip from religion , to sedition ; as we find in the progress of our present distempers . for the bus'ness of popery is now in a great measure laid aside ; and the dissenters and republicans at work as hard as they can drive ; the one to undermine the church , and the other the monarchy ; and joyntly engaged in a common endeavour and design for the ruine of both. so that the same plot , in effect , is carry'd on still , but in other names , and by other hands . the original quarrel was to the papists : this is to the popishly-affected . the church of rome was struck at in the one , and the church of england is struck at in the other : and what the jesuits began , the schismatiques are now to finish . let no man question the truth of this , unlesse he will first put out his eyes for his credit ; or bring a certificate from the colledge that he is non-compos , and does not know chalk from cheese . provided allways , that these people prove not at last to be dr. oates's jesuits in the shape of schismatiques ; as i have heard of some schismaticks too in the shape of ●esuits . i shall be told that this is only a blind to cover the popish plot ; whereas in truth that pretext is only a blind , to cover the other ; and all their shifts are but so much lime thrown in the people eyes , to blear , and confound them that they may not distinguish prelacy and popery , papists , and church-protestants , the one from the other . and another trick they have got ; which is , to run canting with their appeals to the king and parliament ; as if the very suggestion of this plot were a contradiction to the evidence of the other ; and consequently to the authority , justice , and resolution of his majesty and the three estates . are not our impost●rs come now to a prodigious degree of boldness , when they shall dare to father such shams as these upon the supreme authority of the nation . but what 's all this , to the old story of fathering murther , sacriledge , and rebellion upon god himself . 't is very true , that the king and parliament have agreed upon 't , and declar'd themselves fully fatisfy'd that there is a damnable popish plot , but not one word of a popishly-affected plot ; neither do i finde that our refiners , and improvers of mischief have any commission for the extending of the popish plot so far ; and themselves at last to be the judges of that popish affection : much lesse for the turning of that reproach upon the church of england , which was intended only against the opinions , and practices of the church of rome . it will be sayd that they do not blast the church of england , but here and there a rotten member of it , that carrys on the popish interest under that masque ? 't is very right , that , take them in the good humour , and they will yet allow two bishops of the twenty six to be protestants ; and four protestant divines in the city of london ; so that here 's no formal attaque made as yet upon the body of the church ; only dr. owen , mr. baxter , and two or three more of them ly pelting at the out-works , while the lay-brothers are employ'd , some in mining ; others in drawing here and there a principal stone , or timber out of the building ; and every man , in his place , and station ( according to the covenant ) contributing toward a total ruine : only the work is now carry'd on by other hands ; or at least under other appearances . the plot in substance seems to be much the same , saving only the exchange of popery for schisme . we shall now briefly touch upon the methods by which these ends are to be brought about . by this invention of popishly affected they can pick their men , and cast out all that are not for their turn ; the word being only made use of for a distinction betwixt the adherents to the church , and the protestant disenters . pray'e see ( says the author of englands great interest ) that you chuse sincere protestants , men that do not play the protestants in design ; and are indeed , disguised papists ; ready to pull off their masque when time serves . [ when the barefac'd papist cannot do it , ( says the instrument of association , pag. 4. ) the protestant in masquerade shall ; the stratagem of this very day : and above all to be watch'd against . ] and in an account from guild-hall , they are called protestants in masquerade , in good time to be taken notice of , and receive the reward due to their merits . [ to be marked ( says another ) as the worst of papists , and so dealt with in city and country . ] now for variety-sake they call them courtiers ; pensioners , and the like ; and the clergy are treated ( as upon the late election of knights of the shire at chelmsford in essex ( in the stile of jesuitical , dumb doggs ; dark lanthorns ; baals priests ; damned rogues ; jacks and villains ; the black guard ; the black regiment of hell , &c. and a general exception made ( by the writer of the seasonable warning ) to all men in office , preferment , salary , or court-employment . so that here 's in a manner the one half of the kingdom ( and the legal half too ) as much as in them lyes ) excluded from a share in the common interest of the nation ▪ with what a●m● and intent , let the world judge . the popish plot is sworn by all the witnesses to have been level'd at the life of his sacred majesty , the subversion of the government , and the destruction of the protestant religion . now whosoever well considers the manner of proceedings , together with the s●ile , and doctrine of the positions that are now afoot , ( though pretendedly upon another bottom ) will finde many passages that look untowardly the same way . first , as to the life of the king , and the direct subversion of the government , the faction is not advanc'd so far yet ; for that 's a villany that must be imposed upon the people , as a thing in such and such cases to be lawful , before there can be any thought of putting it in practice . and herein , our late reformers have out-done the jesuits themselves : for over and above the exposing of a prince , on the one side , for heresy , and , on the other side , for not submitting to christ on his throne ; and equally on both sides to the vtmost extremities ; we have got here the start of them , in erecting a principle that makes the s●vereign further accountable to the people , upon a point of state ; as we shall presently make appear by severall instances . now if it be once laid down for a maxim , that upon such or such conditions , the subjects may take away the life of their prince if they will ; 't is damnable odds that upon such a supposition , some reprobated wretch or other will do it if he can . i shall begin with the acute authour of the weighty considerations consider'd . i will hope ( says he ) pag. 6. there are very few in this nation so ill instructed , that do not think it in the power of the people to depose a prince who really undert●kes to alienate his kingdom , or to give it up into the hands of another sovereign power ; or that really acts the destruction , or the universal calamity of his people . the authour of the plea to the dukes answer says that when kings themselves be ill ones , god not only approves of their removal , but even himself does it . the political catechism places the government in the two houses of parliament . the late letter to a person of honour , &c. says , there may be a self-deposition of a prince actually regnant . and again , the weighty considerations consider'd , lodges the government in the major part. and almost every fresh libeller speaks to the same purpose . now do but once admit , that a king may forfeit his royal authority , and you shall never fail of those that will say , he has don 't ; so long as there are men in the world that had rather govern , then obey : and the stress does not lye upon the quality of the kings actions neither , but upon the construction that shall be made of them , by any reprobated band of conspirators , that shall presume to censure them . whatsoever the faction shall think fit to call mis-government , must be so interpreted , and reputed : and to them only must we repair , as to the oracles of law , and conscience . the safety of the king and government , our religion , laws , and freedoms , are only , according to this position , dependent upon the humour of the multitude : so that it is but their bare saying , that the king has forfeited his cronn , the church their priviledges , the nobility their session of peerage ; the commons their chara●ter of representation ; the merchants their liberty of trade ; the gentry ▪ and commonalty their lives , freedoms , and estates , and the work is done . this was the course of all our late violent changes of government ; and the positions which are now every day recommended to the nation toward the playing of the same game over again , were the groundwork of all our late miseries and confusions . now as to the church : are not the dissenting ministers at work again tooth and nayl against the act for uniformity ; and preaching up a schism , under the colour of formalizing upon scruples ? do they not first instigate the people ( in contempt of law , and order ) to a separation ; and then furnish them with the best pretences they can , for their disobedience ? what will become of the protestant religion , when the restraint of ecclesiasticall discipline and jurisdiction shall be taken away ; and men left to themselves to go their own ways , and chuse their own religions at pleasure ? if this be not an attempt upon putting the last ●ranch of the popish plot in execution by an extirpation of the protestant religion ; then the church of england , ( as it is legally establisht ) must be confest , in their opinions , not to be protestant : and consequently be call'd to an account for that supposed defect , as not being comprehended within the equity of their good will and ●rotection . i could multiply these instances without end ; but here 's enough said to give evidence of a pestilent design . but whether it be a design of a popish contrivance , tho' set a foot by the fanatiq●●s ; or purely a fanaticall design ; i shall not determine ; but leave the animadversion of it to the consideration of authority , and appeal to the most partial reader for the truth on 't ; concluding with this observation . that there is great malice as well as danger in the project : for thorough all this audacious license of libelling the king himself , the privy-councell , the judges , the jury ; &c. of tearing the church to pieces , and treasonably undermining the very foundations of the government , by the erecting of republican maxims wholly inconsistent with , and utterly destructive of this imperiall monarchy : i do not finde yet so much as one dissenters pen engag'd in the vindication of his majesty , or the support of the government , to expiate for the numberlesse pamphlets they have publish'd toward the scandal and destruction of both ; or in justification of themselves to the world , that they are as great enemies to the substance of the popish plot as they would be thought to be , and as great friends to the king and government . the end. some reflections on the oaths & declaration appointed in an act past in the first year of the reign of king william and queen mary in reference to the roman catholicks of england / by sir d.w. baronet, of the church of rome. d. w., sir. 1695 approx. 34 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65348 wing w12 estc r1216 12368308 ocm 12368308 60480 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65348) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60480) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:10) some reflections on the oaths & declaration appointed in an act past in the first year of the reign of king william and queen mary in reference to the roman catholicks of england / by sir d.w. baronet, of the church of rome. d. w., sir. 27 p. [s.n.], london : 1695. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -great britain. catholics -england -early works to 1800. oaths -england -political aspects. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some reflections on the oaths & declaration appointed in an act past in the first year of the reign of king william and queen mary , in reference to the roman catholicks of england . by sir d. w. baronet , of the church of rome . london , printed in the year mdcxcv . to my worthy good friend . sir ; it was not yet my hap to be tendered the new oaths , but supposing that at some time it may , since in the last sessions of parliament there were agitations for barring all persons from voices in elections of members for parliament , and from practice in their professions , besides the penalties of this statute , and paiment of double taxes , in case of refusing to swear , and declare , as by this act is required ; these and some other considerations ( needless to particularize ) put me on search into the quality and sense of these oaths , with the duty and lawfulness of taking or refusing them . and first i observed , that in these oaths there is no declaring or swearing to the king's supremacy , in any things or causes , nor a renunciation of the rights or titles of any other person , nor a promise of faith and allegiance to the present prince's heirs and lawful successors , nor an acknowledgment before god and the world of the king 's lawful title to this realm , nor a swearing to the plain and common sense of the words ; all which were parts of the former oaths of supremacy and allegiance , and might have raised scruples , if inserted in these , that are now frivolous . i likewise observe , that the nonjurat protestants and the catholicks are not by the same reasons induced to refuse to take these oaths , the one having sworn the former , the latter generally refusing them . on the whole i have made the reflections , which i herewith present to you , my truly dear friend . i will not affirm to you , that i am so fully satisfied in this enquiry , as that i am resolved to take these oaths , when required so to do ; nor will i conceal from you , that my private opinion is , that i may , as a sound catholick , with a safe conscience , without hazard of salvation , both take these new oaths , and subscribe the declaration now framed by parliament . the matters therein contained are entirely within the consideration of the laws of the kingdom , without any relation to the mysteries of faith ; and therefore i believe you a competent and proper iudg herein , and earnestly request you to give me your thoughts hereof . i would not that it should be said of me , incidit in scillam qui vult vitare charibdim . i resolve to be governed by your sentiments of this affair , and ever to acknowledg to the world , that i very much honour you , and am , sir , 1st may , 1695. your real and affectionate servant . because in reading these reflections there may be occasion for comparing the several oaths , i have here set them down at large . the oaths and declaration in the act of 1 will. mar. 1. i a. b. do sincerely promise and swear , that i will be faithful , and bear true allegiance to his majesty king william . so help me god , &c. 2. i a. b. do swear , that i do from my heart abhor , detest and abjure , as impious and heretical , that damnable doctrine and position , that princes excommunicated or deprived by the pope , or any authority of the see of rome , may be deposed or murdered by their subjects , or any other whatsoever . 3. and i do declare , that no foreign prince , person , prelate , state or potentate , hath , or ought to have , any iurisdiction , power , superiority , prehemmence , or authority , ecclesiastical or spiritual , w●thin this realm . so help me god , &c. the oath of supremacy , framed in the act , 1 eliz. c. 1. which oath is now abrogated . i a. b. do utterly testify , and declare in my conscience , that the king's majesty is the only supreme governour of this realm , and of all other his highness dominions and countries , as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as temporal ; and that no foreign prince , person , prelate , state or potentate , hath , or ought to have , any jurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence or authority , ecclesiastical or spiritual , within this realm . and therefore i do utterly renounce and forsake all foreign iurisdictions , powers , superiorities and authorities , and do promise , that from henceforth i shall bear faith and true allegiance to the king's highness , his heirs and lawfull successors , and to my power shall assist and defend all iurisdictions , privileges , preheminencies , and authorities , granted or belonging to the king's highness , his heirs and successors , or united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm . so help me god , and the contents of this book . the oath of allegiance in the stat. 3 iac. 1. which oath is now abrogated . i a. b. do truly and sincerely acknowledg , profess , testify and declare , in my conscience , before god and the world , that our sovereign lord king james is lawful king of this realm , and of all other his majesty's dominions and conntries ; and that the pope , neither of himself , nor by any authority of the see of rome , or by any other means with any other , hath any power or authority to depose the king , or to dispose of any of his majesty's kingdoms or dominions , or to authorize any foreign prince to invade or annoy him or his countries , or to discharge any of his subjects of their allegiance and obedience to his majesty , or to give licence or leave to any of them to bear arms , raise tumults , or to offer any violence or hurt to his majesty's royal person , state , or government , or to any of his majesty's subjects within his dominions . also i do swear from my heart , that notwithstanding any declaration or sentence of excommunication or deprivation , made or granted , or to be made or granted , by the pope or his successors , or by any authority derived or pretended to be derived from him or his see , against the said king , his heirs or successors , or any absolution of the said subjects from their obedience , i will bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty , his heirs and successors , and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power , against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever , which shall be made against his or their persons , their crown and dignity , by reason or colour of any such sentence or declaration , or otherwise , and will do my best endeavours to disclose and make known to his majesty , his heirs and successors , all treasons and traiterous conspiracies which i shall know or hear of , to be against him , or any of them . and i do further swear , that i do from my heart abhor , detest and abjure , as impious and heretical , this damnable doctrine or position , that princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the pope , may be deposed or murdered by their subjects , or any other whatsoever . and i do believe , and in conscience am resolved , that neither the pope , nor any person whatsoever , hath power to absolve me of this oath , or any part thereof , which i acknowledg , by good and full authority , to be lawfully ministred unto me , and do renounce all pardons and dispensations to the contrary . and all these things i do plainly and sincerely acknowledg and sweat , according to these express words by me spoken , and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words , without any equivocation or mental evasion , or secret reservation whatsoever . and i do make this recognition and acknowledgment , heartily , willingly and truly , upon the true faith of a christian . so help me god. reflections on the oaths & declaration lately appointed in the room of the oaths of supremacy and allegiance . since the supreme power of this nation hath , for the security of its government , enacted , that all persons should either take these oaths , or suffer severe penalties for their refusal : it seems to be an act of charity , no less than of prudence , to consider the reasons for taking or refusing them : i apply my self to catholicks . the first of these oaths is barely promissory to bear faith and true allegiance to the present prince , who , whatever his title be , hath sufficient power to rule , govern and protect us : to him , whilest we live under his government , we are subjects : as it is undeniable that he is king of this realm either de jure or de facto , or both ways , ( which , matters not now to be considered , for no sort of right is here sworn to , as was in the former oaths to our lawful kings ) so it is plain , that we are his subjects de jure or de facto , or both ways . the right of a prince and duty of a subject are correllatives , they live and expire together . thus whilest he is our king , we are his subjects ; whilest we are his subjects we owe him duty and fidelity , and ought not to scruple promising it , when thereto required ; to which we are now more strictly obliged , by the authority of the kingdom commanding it . in all countries , as well catholick as others , fidelity is required from those in subjection , unto those who have the dominion , whether it be gained by conquest , or otherways . in our own , pope gregory declared , that ( notwithstanding the censures of his predecessor pius quintus ) the subjects of england ought to perform all duty to queen elizabeth : and whatsoever might be the catholicks inward judgments concerning her title , yet after the parliament had acknowledged her a lawful queen , all civil obedience was exactly paid to her . this oath of fidelity is generally taken in ireland by the catholicks , pursuant to the articles for surrender of limerick , by approbation of the primate and clergy of that kingdom . the fathers of the society of jesus , of the english province , decree thus , let us all profess , that as much obedience and fidelity ought to be sincerely sworn and exhibited to our king from every one of us , as is wont to be sworn and exhibited to any princes whatsoever from other catholick subjects . here is no distinction made between lawful or unlawful titles of princes , but the relation between any princes whatsoever and their subjects allowed to be a ground for fidelity . the second oath is a part of the oath of allegiance , made in the reign of king james , which oath was freely taken by the chief and others of the catholick clergy here in england , and by them the nobility and gentry were advised and exhorted to do the same , declaring it to be a duty incumbent on them by the law of god. sixty of the doctors of the sorbon subscribed to the said oath , these following words , we underwritten , divines and doctors of the sacred faculty of paris , do judg the oath , as it is on the other side , ( i. e. the oath of allegiance ) may with safety of faith and conscience be taken by english catholicks , &c. but pope paul the fifth sent a breve into england , directed to the english catholicks , wherein , reciting the said oath at large , he declares , that this oath contains many things plainly repugnant to faith and salvation , and admonisheth and requireth them not to take that oath . this breve his holiness seconded by another , and both were confirmed by succeeding popes . the fathers of the society in their provincial congregation afore-mentioned , decree thus concerning that oath , that the oath ( i. e. the oath of allegiance ) as it is now sprinkled with many heterodox clauses , cannot be taken , as being condemned by many breves of popes . these things considered , i 'll suppose , that oath might not be taken by catholicks , because it contained many things contrary to faith , &c. and is sprinkled with many heterodox clauses ; and lastly , because it is condemned by many breves of popes . but then it must be granted to me , that this oath , now to be taken , is not that oath which was required not to be sworn , which was condemned : this oath is but one clause amongst many which compose that oath ; the pope doth not declare that all the things in that oath are repugnant to faith , &c. his prohibition doth not fall on any particular clause , the fathers of the society do not impeach every clause in that oath , nor distinguish those heterodox ones that are sprinkled in it : both pope and fathers allow , that some things and clauses in that oath are not liable to censure : there are many clauses in that oath , whereof those which are condemned , though called many , may be fewest in number . now if this oath be not plainly repugnant to faith and salvation , there is no ground for refusing it , because it is a part of the former oath : and that it is not plainly repugnant to faith , &c. to abhor , detest and abjure that damnable doctrine and position , ( mentioned in this oath ) the word of god , the council of constance , the subscription of the doctors of the sorbon , the decrees of the parliament of paris , and subscription of the fathers of the society to an agreement with the sorbon , are full and sufficient convincing evidences : to all or some of which every one may easily apply himself for satisfaction . the declaration annexed to these oaths is not to be sworn to , but only to be made , repeated , and subscribed to , as a matter which the declarer believes to be true , according to a rational judgment and moral certainty thereof , which yet may be consistent with an absolute possibility of the thing being otherwise : it is an assertion of the truth of a thing , as it is in his conscience or rational judgment , not as it is in it self ; and this moral certainty may secure the declarer from a lie , and justify him before god and man. the reflections i make being with reference to the catholicks in england , i will consider the duty and lawfulness of their making , or refusing to make this declaration distinctly from others . 1. and to shorten my work i will here suppose , that by foreign prince , person , prelate , &c. is meant the pope and his successors . 2. that the pope hath , and ought to have , some jurisdiction , or power , or superiority , or preheminence , or authority , in this realm . 3. that the popes formerly had , and had a right to , some jurisdictions , &c. within this realm , which now are not enjoyed by them . 4. that the jurisdictions , &c. which popes formerly had , and now have not , they ought not to have in this realm . to explain my self in my second supposition , catholicks unanimously grant , that christ gave a power purely spiritual to his apostles , throughout the whole world , and in them to their successors , to preach , to feed his sheep , to bind and loose , &c. this power being derived to the pope , as successor to st. peter , his holiness hath a right to throughout the whole world , for thus large is the commission from christ . and this power being given by god , cannot be taken away by men , nor be denied by christians , either in this realm , or any other part of the world , without breach of faith. the spiritual power could not be exercised by kings or princes , it did never belong to them , or to their crowns , nor indeed was ever claimed or pretended to in this realm : therefore i will here only conclude , that it is not probable that this declaration intends to deny the pope's power purely spiritual in this kingdom . i shall endeavour to make this more plain hereafter . my third supposition grants , that popes had a right to , and enjoyed jurisdictions , powers , &c. these were in courts and matters called ecclesiastical or spiritual , as cases of marriage , tythes , wills , &c. these jurisdictions , &c. were merely external , political or civil , and came not to the pope jure divino . our saviour declared , that his kingdom is not of this world , and therefore gave no jurisdiction , power , &c. besides that which is purely spiritual , to his apostles , or their successors . the crown of england is , and of long time hath been , an imperial crown , depending only on god , by whom princes reign . from the crown divers privileges have been at divers times , either by the piety or inadvertencies of princes , granted to popes ( in the language of those days called the church ; ) at other times usurpations have been made , when the princes were weak or unfortunate : these privileges being long used , and their origine either forgotten or concealed , have been commonly look'd on , and claimed , as the proper and inherent right of those to whom they were granted , or came . this right being charily preserved by them , and freely confess'd by others to be a good title , accompanied with a long and quiet possession , and called ecclesiastical or spiritual , came to be thought at last to be a right given them by god , whereas in truth it proceeded from men ; and as all humane things are subject to change , may , by the same power from whence it was derived , be taken away . and thus hath it fared with the pope's power in temporals , which he had and exercised in this kingdom ; sometimes they have been disputed , other times taken from him and restored to the crown , then again restored to his holiness , and about 130 years since were again taken from him and restored to the crown , and so continue at this day , which is a matter so evident to every english-man , that no one of them can find reason to believe , that the pope , at this time , hath any jurisdiction , power , &c. ( besides that which is purely spiritual ) in this realm . the fourth supposition intends , that since those ecclesiastical or spiritual jurisdictions , powers , &c. which the pope enjoyed and exercised in this realm , and which were not purely spiritual , nor derived to him from the apostles , but came to him by the grants of princes , consent of people , or by some other mere humane means , as touching appeals , annats , first-fruits , electing of bishops , dispensations in humane laws , to the prejudice of the crown , and impoverishing of the subjects , giving licences in abundance of humane cases or things , putting bishops into their bishopricks , and priests into their parishes : since i say these powers , &c. came to the popes by times , or by concordates between princes on the one side , and popes on the other , which could not be divine or supernatural powers , that is , powers derived to him , or conferred on him jure divino , are abolished as to his holiness , and restored to the crown , by several acts of parliament , as antiently belonging thereto , it is as plain that the pope ought not to have those jurisdictions , powers , &c. of which he is thus legally divested , as it is apparent that at this time he neither hath nor exerciseth them . now to enlarge somewhat on the substance of the two last suppositions , i will instance in some few remarks , what interruptions the popes have met with in the exercise of their ecclesiastical or spiritual powers , &c. in matters merely temporal in this realm . king henry the first gave the bishoprick of winchester to william gifford , and forthwith invested him into all the possessions thereto belonging , though contrary to a canon . the same king also gave the archbishoprick of canterbury to radolph bishop of london , and gave him investiture by a ring and a crosiers staff. in the same king's reign thurstan , elect archbishop of york , got leave of the king to go to a council held under pope calixtus at rhemes , giving his faith to the king that he would not receive consecration of the pope , but notwithstanding he obtained to be consecrate at the pope's hand , which , as soon as the king heard , he forbad him to come within his dominions . king edward the first prohibited the abbot of waltham , and dean of paul's , to collect a tenth of every man's goods , for a supply to the holy land , which the pope by three bulls had committed to their charge . the same king impleaded the dean of the chappel of wulverhampton , because the said dean had , against the privileges of the kingdom , given a prebend of the same chappel to one at the pope's command . king richard the second , by act of parliament , prohibited that any should procure a benefice from rome , under pain to be put out of the king's protection . thus several catholick princes , in catholick times , disputed the pope's jurisdictions , powers , &c. in several ecclesiastical or spiritual matters . king henry the eighth ( no less a catholick , and likewise in a catholick time ) by several acts of parliament , consisting of lords spiritual and temporal , and commons , all catholicks , deprived the pope of several jurisdictions , powers , &c. which were supposed to be usurped from the crown , and the exercise whereof were much to its detriment . again , queen elizabeth revives all those statutes made by her father , restores all antient jurisdictions to the crown , and abolisheth all foreign powers repugnant to the antient jurisdiction of the crown : and thus they continue to this day . from what i have collected here it may appear , that no purely spiritual power hath been by the laws of this kingdom taken from the pope ; that whatever power hath been taken from the pope , hath been restored to the crown , as its antient jurisdiction , and no other : but since the words of the declaration deny any jurisdiction , &c. to be enjoyed by , or rightfully to belong to any foreign prelate , &c. i shall consider the meaning of those words , wherein , if i can hit on the sense which this declaration by the intent of the imposers of it bears , let that determine the lawfulness or unlawfulness of making it , for no more is required of us . this declaration is verbatim a clause in the oath of supremacy , formed in an act past in the reign of queen elizabeth ; and in another act made in the fifth year of her reign , it is enacted , that the oath made in the first year of her reign , shall be taken and expounded in such form as is set forth in an admonition annexed to the queen's majesties injunctions , published in the first year of her majesty's reign , that is to say , to confess and acknowledg in her majesty , her heirs and successors , no other authority than that was challenged and lately used by the noble king henry the eighth , and king edward the sixth , as in the admonition may more plainly appear . in that admonition the queen saith as followeth : for certainly her majesty neither doth , nor ever will challenge any other authority than that which was challenged , and lately used by the noble king of famous memory , henry the eighth , and king edward the sixth , which is , and was of antient time due to the imperial crown of this realm , that is , under god to have the soveraignty and rule over all manner of persons born within these realms , dominions , and countries , of what estate ( either ecclesiastical or temporal ) soever they be , so as no other foreign power shall or ought to have any superiority over them . now to shew that king henry the eighth neither claimed nor pretended to any power purely spiritual , let us see a proviso made in an act past in his reign , provided always that this act , nor any thing therein contained , shall be hereafter interpreted or expounded , that your grace , your nobles , and subjects , intend , by the same , to decline or vary from the congregation of christ's church , in any things concerning the very articles of the catholick faith of christendom , or in any other things declared by holy scripture , and the word of god , necessary for your and their salvation . the statute containing this proviso is revived and confirmed by the statute of 1 eliz. cap. 1. and it is undeniable , that all christendom , at that time , did own the pope's spiritual power , which was derived from the apostles . further , to shew , that the queen who made this oath , intended it only for to distinguish those who denied the pope's power in temporals , from others who would not , and that therefore she doubted of their loyalty . in the act made aforesaid is enacted , that forasmuch as the queen's majesty is otherways sufficiently assured of the faith and loyalty of the temporal lords of her highness's court of parliament ; therefore this act , nor any thing therein contained , shall not extend to compel any temporal person , of or above the degree of a baron of this realm , to take or pronounce the oath abovesaid . it was notoriously known , that the lords and commons in that parliament , wherein the oath of supremacy was appointed , were mostly roman catholicks , which includes their holding and professing the pope's pastoral power . it was treason and premunire to hold or profess what by the oath was denied to the pope ; but it was neither for a lord or other person to profess himself a roman catholick , there was no disloyalty in that . thus then , i conclude , that the pope's purely ecclesiastical or spiritual power is not denied in that oath , and that this is the sense , in which this declaration is to be made , as being a part of that oath . and this i am the more inclined to believe , because in these oaths there are no doubtful expressions of swearing the jurisdictions , powers , &c. to belong to any other person ; those which are here only declared , are , that no foreign prince , &c. hath or ought to have . nor is it to be past by without notice , that the powers taken from his holiness by king henry the eighth , were never meant to be other than those that were temporal , for queen mary , by act of parliament , restores to the pope such authority , preheminence and jurisdiction , as his holiness used and exercised , or might lawfully have used and exercised , by authority of his supremacy , &c. without diminution or enlargement of the same , and no other . which demonstrates , that the jurisdictions , powers , &c. which king henry the eighth deprived the pope of , were only such as an act of parliament could restore him to , which cannot be meant of that purely spiritual power given by christ . to sum up this discourse : the pope had a purely spiritual power committed by christ to him , as successor to st. peter , to be exercised throughout the whole world , that is , to teach , to bind , and loose , &c. this power , we say , no temporal prince ever had , or claimed , or could deprive him of . the pope likewise had in this kingdom ecclesiastical or spiritual power in courts and causes , or matters , called ecclesiastical or spiritual , as in divorces , tythes , oblations , obventions , &c. this power was external , political , civil , and meerly temporal , granted by or gained from the princes of these realms , which being found to be exercised to the great detriment of the crown , and adjudged to be so by the estates of the realm , hath been by several statutes divested from the pope , and restored to the crown above 130 years past , and so still it continues . the truth of this is assured to us by acts of parliament , and other credible histories , so manifestly , that there is no room for scruple in affirming , that ( rebus sic stantibus ) no foreign prelate , &c. hath or ought to have any jurisdiction , &c. in this realm , which is not derived from christ , and which the laws of this kingdom have deprived him of . here is authority commanding us to take lawful oaths , and to declare what we may reasonably judg and be morally certain to be true , no competent authority admonishing or requiring the contrary : here are the opinions of great and learned divines for the lawfulness and duty of taking these oaths : here are the highest of evidences for the truth of that matter which we are to declare our belief of ; the catholicks in england ( generally ) never took the former oaths of supremacy and allegiance , and therefore on account of some branches in those , they are not obliged to refuse the first of these oaths : these oaths neither are in themselves , nor are intended to be distinctive signs between catholicks and protestants , for the acts lately made for amoving papists and reputed papists , &c. and for disarming papists and reputed papists , appoint the declaration , made in the reign of the late king charles , to be for the trial and discovery of them , and that declaration is not scrupled at by protestants , who yet ( some of them ) refuse the first of these oaths : and had the declaration which is annexed to these oaths been a denial of the pope's pastoral power in this realm , there needed no other test for discovery of papists , since no catholick would disown that spiritual power to be in his holiness . these things considered , i must own , that i know no reason for the roman catholicks in england to provoke the government , to fall under the reputation of being entirely in the french interest , and to undergo severe penalties for refusing these oaths . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a65348-e500 protection infers publick obedience . in the provincial congregation at ghent , 5 july , 1681. 3 jac. 1. cap. 4. this declaration is assertory of something past ; it is an act of faith , depending on the probable evidence of what is past . king james in his premonition , p. 46. let the pope be primus episcopus inter omnes episcopos , and princeps episcoporum as peter was princeps apostolorum . 24 h. 8. c. 12. 25 h. 8. c. 20. 25 h. 8. c. 19. 25 h. 8. c. 21. 28 h. 8. c. 16. 1 eliz. cap. 1. 5 eliz. cap. 1. 1 , 2 p. m. c. 8. in france the clergy published this proposition , that the pope had no power in civil or temporal affairs , and that kings are subject to no ecclesiastical powers . 1 eliz. cap. 1. 5 eliz. cap. 8. 1 eliz. cap. 1● entituled , an act to restore to the crown the antient jurisdiction over the estate ecclesiastical and spiritual , and abolishing all foreign powers repugnant to the same . 5 eliz. cap. 1. admonition to simple men deceived by malicious . if any person shall accept the same oath with this interpretation , sense or meaning , her majesty is well pleased to accept every such in that behalf as her good and obedient subjects , &c. 24 h. 8. c. 21. 5 eliz. cap. 1. ● 2 p. m. c. 8. 30 carol. 2. johnson . pax vobis, or ghospell and libertie against ancient and modern papists. by e.g. preacher of the word. dedicated to the right honble the lord halyfax griffith, evan, a.m., minister of alderly. 1679 approx. 218 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 96 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42139 wing g1990 estc r215168 99827126 99827126 31540 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42139) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31540) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1886:23) pax vobis, or ghospell and libertie against ancient and modern papists. by e.g. preacher of the word. dedicated to the right honble the lord halyfax griffith, evan, a.m., minister of alderly. [20], 166 p. s.n.], [london? : anno 1679. e.g. = evan griffith. place of publication conjecture by cataloger. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng freedom of religion -england -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. reformation -early works to 1800. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2006-06 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion pax vobis or ghospell and libertie against ancient and modern papists . by e.g. preacher of the word . dedicated to the right hon ble the lord halyfax . stand fast in the libertie , wherewith christ hath made vs free , and be not entangl'd again with the yoke of bondage ( popery ) gal. c. 5. v. 1. anno 1679. the preface to the children of the reformation . be not concern'd to know whose hand it is which holds the link , but follow the light it gives : reach your hand to receive this treatise , which marks the shore , where the ark of our reformation , shatter'd by a deluge of troubles , may rest ; which is a holy liberty to all and each person to believe or not believe ; act or not act , as he pleases with a safe conscience acording the principles of our reformation . we generally lament the convulsions which shake our church and state , through the diversity of opinions , professed by our several congregations ; som remedies have bin applied to bring vs to peace and conformity ; but all have proved ineffectual : som of our drs judge , nothing can cure our disease , but a general council or supream authority , to whose sentence we should all submit ; but this , besides that it is popish , to grant any human power for to oblige our consciences against our jugdments in matters of religion ; is but an imaginary remedy for a real evil : for , it 's not in the reformation as in popery ; in this there is a supream authority for to convene the pastors of diverse kingdoms to a general council ; in our reformation there is none : popery believes its councils and popes infallible ; and therefore they cannot but acquiesce , because an infallible sentence leaves no doubt of the truth ; but in the reformation , all councils and human authority are fallible ; and consequently their decisions may be doubted of , and we are never certain of the truth . others judge , the remedy of our disease can be no other , but pills of persecution , penal laws , acts of parliament , ordinances of synods , forcing men to conformity ; but this has proved not only destructive to the peace of the church , but has shockt the very foundation of our reformation : for if we must believe under severe penalties what the state and ecclesiastical authority will have vs believe ; then scripture must be no more our rule of faith , but the state and church , which tells me what i must believe ; and we must be deprived of the right and power of interpreting scripture and believing it in the sense we think it to be the true ; and yet our whole reformation is cemented and was first raised vpon this holy libertie ; that every one should reade scripture , interpret it , and believe whatever he thought was the true sense of it ; without any compulsion or constraint for to believe either church , state , universitie or dr. if wee did not judge by scripture his doctrin was true . if prudence had as great a share in our conduct , as passion , wee should regulat our future by the effects of our past actions ; and if wee will cast an eye back to the transactions of later years , we will find this compulsion of mens consciences has produced but confusion in our church , and fatal disturbances in our state ; contrarywise , never did our reformation enjoy more peace , shin'd with more lustre , and held its course with more happiness , than when none was molested for his profession , but euery one had libertie to believe and teach , what doctrin and sense each one thought to be the most conformable to scripture . confider the infancy of the reformation , when god raised luther to repair the ruins of the church ; how of a suddain it spred it self in germany , france , holland , poland , scotland and england , and by what means ? was it not by takeing away all constraint of mens consciences ( vsed then only in the popish church ) our blessed reformers takeing to themselves and giving to others , a holy libertie for to teach and believe what ever they judged to be the doctrin and true sense of scripture , tho it should be against the received opinion of the councils , church , universities and drs. ? look into the reign of edward the vi. then , did our reformation florish in england ; and was miraculously propagated by the liberty of martin bucer , cranmer , ochinus , peter martyr and others in teaching calvinism , lutheranism , zuinglianism by scripture as every one vnderstood it : descend to the reing of queen marie ; then , the light of the ghospel was eclypsed , because the flock was again popishly compelled to believe , not what they judged by scripture to be true ; but what the pope and church judged was such : com down a step lower to queen elizabeths time ; then , the flock recouering that holy liberty for to believe what each one thought was the doctrin of scripture ; the reformation gained ground ; our several congregations lived peaceably ; for tho protestancy was establisht the religion of the land ; others were not oppressed , nor their liberty constrained by compulsions : step down a degree lower to king james his time ; the reformation held its course as prosperoussy as in queen elizabeths time , because mens consciences were not oppressed ; all reformed brethren had full libertie to believe as they pleased ; tho protestancy was the religion of the king : look down a step lower to king charles the first 's reign ; his matie carried with a godly zeale of restraining the diversity of opinions , begot by the liberty enjoyed in his predecessors times , would by new laws and ordinances force the flock to an uniformity of doctrin , but our zealous brethren the presbyterians , impatient of any constraint in affairs of religion , and pleading for the evangelical libetty of our reformation , for to believe nothing , nor vse any rites or ceremonies but as each one judged by scripture to be convenient ; they covenanted against his majestie and bishops ; and the storm grew to that height , that both church and state were drown'd almost in the blood of our reformed brethren : lastly looke vpon our realm as it is at present , the symptom● of disatisfactions which you may read and hear in the coffie houses , in public and privat conversations ; the sparkle● of jealousies , which appear in our land ▪ the cabals against our gouernment ; the animositie of deuided parties ; the murmur and complaints of all ; what 's all this but the smoke of that hidden fire of zeale , wherwith protestants would force presbytherians by penal laws , to profess their tenets , presbyterians exclaim against protestancy as against popery ; quakers judge both to be limbs o● satan ; anabaptists look on all three , as children of perdition ; and no congregation would give libertie for to profess any tenets but its owne ; in so much that if you consider all well , each of our cōgregations , are as severe tyrants ouer our judgments and consciences , as popery was ▪ and our reformation comes to be in effect but an exchange of one italian pope , for many english ones : for as in popery , we must submit our judgments to the pope and church of rome , or be esteemed putrid rotten members ; and be shut out of heauens gates ; and suffer inquisitions , persecutions , excommunications and what not ; so among vs , you must believe scripture as interpreted by the church of england , or you are condemned by them ; you must believe scripture as interpreted by the presbyterians , or you are accursed by them ; you must believe as anabaptists do , or you are damn'd by them ; and not one congregation among vs , but would root all the others out of the world , if it could ; and wee do not feare that danger wherof s. paul gal. 5.15 . warns vs , if wee bite and devour one an other , let 's take heed , wee be not consumed one of an other ; giving vs likewise a holsom advice in the same place , how to prevent this euil ; stand fast in the libertie , wherewith christ has made vs free , and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage : the world did groan vnder this heauy yoke in popery ; wherin our rule of faith , was scripture as interpreted by the pope and church : scripture was kept from the hand of the flock : no man permitted to give or believe any interpretation or sense of it , but what the pope , church and fathers did approve : our reason , our judgments , our consciences were slaves vnder this yoke , vntill that god raised our glorious and blessed reformers luther , calvin , zuinglius , beza and others who tooke a holy libertie , and gave v● all libertie for to reade and interpre● scripture : to believe no doctrin , bu● what wee judged to be true by scripture ▪ to believe any sense of it , which wee judged to be true , tho contrary to all th● world : they tooke for their rule of fait● scripture , and nothing else but scriptur● as each one of them vnderstood it ; thi● same rule of faith they left to vs , and ● holy freedom and libertie of our judgments and consciences , that any man o● sound judgment may hold , and believ● whatever sense of it , he thinks to b● true . this therefore is the scope and end o● my following treatise ; that , wheras ou● rule of faith , as j will prove by th● vnanimous cōsent of our whole reformed church , is scripture or gods wri●ten word , as interpreted by each perso● of sound judgment ; that wheras b● the principles of our reformation , n● man is to be constrained to believe an● doctrin against his judgment and conscience : ( otherwise why were not we left in popery ) it is impious , tyran●cal , and quite against the spirit of the reformation , to force vs by acts of parliaments , decrees of synods , invectives , and persecutions of indiscreet brethren , to embrace this or that religion ; that every one ought to be permitted to believe what he please ; if you think bigamy to be the doctrin of scripture : if you think by scripture there is one nature and four persons in god ; if you think transubstantiation to be true ; if you judge by gods word ther 's neither purgatory nor hell ; finally whatever you think to be the true sense of scripture , you are bound as a true reformed child , to believe it ; that it is quite against the spirit of the reformation to censure , oppose or blame the doctrin or tenets of any congregation , or of any doctor of the reformed church ; because , that any doctrin professed by any christian congregation , whatever ( the popish excepted ) or that ever was delivered by any man of good judgment of the reformation , since the beginning of it , vntill this day , is as truly and really the doctrin of the reformation , as the figurative presence or kings supremacy is . consequently protestants are deservedly to be checkt for persecutin● quakers ; quakers , for murmuring again● presbyterians ; these , for their invectiv● against anabaptists and socinians ; a● are very good ; and you may lawfully according the principles of our reform●tion believe them , or deny them . this evangelical libertie of believin● any thing , which we judge to be the sen● of scripture , tho all the rest of the worl● should judge it to be a blasphemie , the most distinctive sign of the refo●mation from popery ; for papists are th● children of agar the slave ; they liv● in bondage and constraint to believe at doctrin , which the pope and church pr●poses to them ; and if a learned man ● vniversity should judge it to be contra● to scripture ; he must submit his judgment to that of the pope , or be co●demn'd as an heretic : in our reform●tion , wee are the children of sara t● free ; our rule of faith is scripture ● each person of sound judgment in th● church vnderstands it ; if wee do n● like the doctrin of the pope , church ● council , wee may gainsay them all , an● hold our own sense of scripture : ● enjoy the prerogative of rational cre●tures , we are lead by our own reason , which god has given vs for our conduct , and are not like beasts , constrained to follow that of others . wee follow the rule given vs by s. paul rom. 14. he who eates , let him not despise him who does not eate ; and he who does not eate , let him not despise him who does eate , for god hath received him : that 's to say , he who believes let him not check him who does not believe , as he does : and he who does not believe , let him not blame him who does believe : but let each one believe , or not believe as he thinks best in the lord : this holy libertie and freedom is the spirit of god , for , where the spirit of god is , there is libertie , 2. cor. 3. saies the great apostle : the lord inspire to our parliament that now sit● vpon a perfect and new settlement of gouvernment and religion , to follow the footsteps of our first renowned reformers : to enact that there may be no other rule of faith , but that which we received from our reformers , and which is laid down for vs in the 39 articles of the church of england : that is , scripture as each one best vnderstands it , without regarding the judgment , sense , or interpretation of any but the pure word of god , as we vnderstand it : and to enact penal laws against any so bold and vncharitable , as to censure or blame the tenets of any congregation , be it lutheranism , presbyterie , arianism , judaism or paganism : or any doctrin whatever , that any man of sound judgment thinks in his conscience to be the sense and doctrin of scripture . three things make me hope , that this treatise will be wellcom to the well inclined and pious reader of our reformed church : first , that there is not one author quoted in this booke , but our own doctors , learned and godly children of the reformation ; and this j observe , that my reader may know ther 's not a jot of any doctrin heer but what is of the reformation ; and also advertise our writers and schoole men , how much , they discredit our reformed church , by makeing so much vse of popish drs and bookes in their writings ; as if wee had not great and learned men of our own ; if wee looke into our bishops and ministers libraries ; wee shall meet but books either of confessedly papists , or strongly suspected of popery ; and you shall hardly meete in any of them , the works of lurher , calvin , beza , or any of our own authors , if you do not meet som comedies , or romances : if you reade our modern writers , you shall find their bookes to be stuft with arguments stolen from stapleton , peron , bellarmin , and other popish drs. wheras they ought to take their doctrin from luther , calvin and our other first reformers , apostles raised by gods heavenly spirit ; oracles by whose mouths and pens he delivered the pure and orthodox doctrin of the ghospel ; heavenly fontains , from which wee ought to drink the doctrin of the reformation : therefore , j have made a particular study , for the comfort of my reader , not to profane this treatise with any quotation of any popish writer , none but our own drs. secondly my reader will be pleased with this treatise , because j do not oblige him to believe the contents of it : if he mislikes any doctrin couched in this booke , let him not believe it ; if he likes it , let him believe it ; what j pretend is , to maintain his libertie for to believe or not believe what he please and that none can say black in his eye , for believing whatever he judges to be the sense of scripture ; let all others think of it what they will ; for , our rule of faith , as j will prove , being scripture as each person vnderstands it , who can be so bold as to check you for teaching and believing what you vnderstand scripture to say ? som doctrins there are in this booke delivered by luther , calvin , zuinglius , beza , and others ; which our church of england and som others do call blasphemies , and scandalous tenets ; and their irreverence and arrogance is run so farr : as to condemn those blessed men , for teaching such tenets , and say that they swerved from the truth ; and had their fraileties , in so much , that many of vs are ashamed to own those great men to have been our reformers and leaders : this is an impiety altogither insupportable , it cannot be suffered with patience , that such apostolical men , who were vndeniably our first masters of the reformation , should be so vilified and abused : therefore j do prove , that ther 's no doctrin delivered by them , but is to be esteemed and called the doctrin of the reformation : and can be according the principles of the reformed church , believed and taught by any reformed child : for what is our rule of faith in the reformation , but scripture as each person of sound judgment vndestands it ? consequently what is the doctrin of the reformation , but what any person of sound judgment vnderstands to be of scripture : whatever doctrin therefore , luther , calvin , or others judged to be of scripture : how can you deny it to be the doctrin of the reformation : or blame them for teaching and believing it ? if you do not like it : the most , you can in justice do , is not to believe it : but you cannot justly say it s not the doctrin of the reformation , because it 's scripture as vnderstood by persons of good judgment : nor can you in justice blame them , or any other for believing it , if they like it : for , must not wee believe , what wee judge in our conscience to be the doctrin of scripture ? lastly my reader will be pleased with the sincerity and plain dealing of this treatise : as much as wee are all offended by the dissimulation and double dealing of our modern writers , whose aim and scope in the bookes they give out seems to be nothing else , but to say so●what whereby they may be thought t● be no papists , and nothing is less foun● in their writings , than the pure and orthodox doctrin of the reformation● and what is to be bemoan'd , that you● hardly see in the houses or hands of th● flock the works of luther , calvin , o● our other first reformers , they are hi● from vs , to keep vs in ignorance of th● true reformed doctrin , and wee see bu● bramhal , tillinson , taylor , stillingfleet thorndik and such others , whose doctrin is neither popery , nor of the reformation , but a new compound of both they do so mangle the questions controverted with their scholastical subtilities and distinctions , as if they wer● ashamed to own openly our tenets and did endeauor to get the opinion o● moderat sober men with the papists by drawing as neer as their interest ca● permit them , to their doctrin . ask them , if we be obliged to believe the doctrin and sense of scripture delivered by a general council ? our first reformers resolved roundly that we are not : nay luther , saies expresly we are bound to gainsay , and work against the decrees of any council : but our modern doctors answer with a pretty distincction , ther 's a civil obligation , quoth one , but no obligation in conscience : ther 's an obligation in conscience , saies an other , provided you do not believe they are infallible : you may believe they are infallible objectively or terminatively , saies an other : but not subjectively : they are infallible in fundamental points , saies an other , but not in inferior truths . an other will come yet , and say they are absoluty infallible in all articles , and thus by little and little , the papists gain ground against vs , and the lustre of our reformation is clouded by the cowardliness , or insincerity , or hiprocisy of our modern teachers . 1. kings 18. how long halt ye between two opinions ? if the lord be god , follow him : but if baal , then follow him : luther , calvin , beza and our other first reformers were raised by god to teach vs the purity of the ghospel : let vs not be ashamed to follow their doctrin : to speake , preach , and believe as they did : therefore , j do propose their doctrin in this treatise in its native coulours , that if you like it , you may believe it , and if any be so bold as to say you believe fals or sca●dalous doctrin , you must answer : i● the doctrin of the reformation , b●cause its scripture as vnderstood b● persons of judgment , and the greate oracles wee had : and if you do no● like it , you may deny it , but bewa● never to blame or check any other fo● believing it : this is the holy libertie o● the ghospel and of our primitive r●formation . first dialogue . ismael . i have read your preface and principles , & me thinks you drive to establish a new religion ; for that vnlimited libertie , which you assert for to belieue or not belieue whatever we please with a safe conscience , is not allowed by any of our reformed congregatiōs ; and it were to be wisht you should rather stick to som one of the congregations now establisht , than to erect a new one for we have but too many already . isaac . the lord forbid ▪ i should think or speake otherwise then as becometh a true child of the reformation : if you will oblige me to belieue scripture as interpreted by the lutheran church ( the like i say of any other congregation ) and deny the tenets of all others , what difference betwixt me and a papist in the electi● of my religion ? for the papist's r●ligion must be no other , but script● as interpreted by the pope and cōci● my religion must be scripture as int●preted by the lutheran church , a● no other ; my judgment and conscie● therefore is as much constrained as t● of the papist ; and our separation fr● popery will com to be but an exchan● of one slavery for another ; in th● our judgments and consciences w● slaves to the pope and councils ● this , we are slaves to the luthe● church : we became a reformat● by shaking of the yoke of pop● from our judgments , and leaving th● free for to belieue scripture as w● the assistance of gods spirit , each o● best vnderstands it ; and if we ● continue a reformation , we must ● submit again our judgments to a● other , but retain that blessed liber● we recouered for to belieue the te● of any congregation . i confess this ●bertie is not allowed by any one p●ticular congregation , as you obser● but you must also grant me , that ● allowed & taken by the whole bod● of the reformation , for in this who● body , as it comprehends protestants , lutherans , presbyterians , &c. one cōgregation believes what the other denies , and in any of them a man may live with a safe conscience ( which you will not denie ; ) therefore any man has full libertie for to believe or deny with a safe conscience the tenets of any congregation : hence it follows ( and to my grief i speake it ) that no particular congregation , be it of england , france , or germanie , has the true spirit of the reformation , in doting so much vpon their particular tenets , as to thinke they cannot be as well denied , as believed ; and in looking vpon them with so passionat eys , as to censure , check and force others to believe them : you shall see by this discourse , that the true spirit of the reformation is not in any one particular congregation separatly taken from the rest ; for each particular congregation constrains as much as it can , all people to believe its own tenets : protestancy would have vs all to be protestants , and would root lutherans out of the world as well as popery ; lutherans would , if they could , draw all to their own nett ; presbytery esteems itself to be the best of all , & would crush protestancy if it could : this then i● the spirit of each particular congregation , a limiting , confining spirit to som particular tenets with an exclusion of all others ; but looke on the whole body of our reformation , a● it includes all reformed congregations distinct from popery ; there i● a holy extension of spirit and libertie for to be either lutherans , presbyteriants , protestans , and any thing but popery , and whatever any congregation may say of an other , but all vnanimously agree that the spirit of the lord is in the whole body of the reformation , since therefore that in this whole body there is a latitude & libertie for to profess divers and opposit● tenets , and that each tenet is believed by one , and denied by others ▪ we must grant that this holy libertie for to believe or deny any tenets we please , is the true spirit of our holy reformation . it 's not therefore to be wisht , as you do , that i should stick to any one particular congregation or tenets ; for such a restriction is meer popery ; and your bemoaning the multiplicity of our congregations is profane and popish : no , it s a blessing of the lord vpon our reformation , for which we shall never sufficiently thank him , that we see it divided into so many godly branches . in the house of my father , said christ , there are many mansions joan. 14.2 . ismael . by your discourse you seem to allow that we may with a safe conscience change religions as often as we please , and be to day a protestant , to morrow à lutheran , next day a presbyterian , and so run ouer all . isaac . i know you will be startl'd at my answer , for j am not ignorant that all men apprehend it to be absurd to change & run ouer so many religions ; but truth must be declared though it may seem a scandal to the iews , and a folly to the gentils : it s therefore the doctrin of the reformation that we may with a safe conscience be to day protestanrs , to morrow lutherans ▪ in france hugonots , in hungarie antitrinitarians , in poland socinians , ad in london of any religion but popery . ismael . for shame you fouly impos● vpon the reformation ; ther 's not an● congregation that teachs such à scandalous and absurd doctrin . isaac . by your favor , i loue th● reformation as the apple of my eye and will never yield to any in my zeal● for its honor and doctrin ; j am so fa● from imposing upon it , that i will evidence your error in denying this to b● its doctrin , and it will appear tha● whoever will deny it to be very lawful to change religions as time and occasion requires , must renounce the bes● and fundamental principles of our reformation , & must impiously condem● the practise of our first reformers . ismael . how will you make it ou● that this doctrin is grounded vpo● the fundamental principles of our reformation ; wheras there is not on● congregation of ours , but abhorrs it ▪ isaac sr. you may well perceive by the tenor of my discours that j am piously and charitably iealous with each particular congregation , & tha● my drift is to shew that each of them , none excepted ▪ swerves from and transgresses against the true spirit , and solid principles of the reformation , as wi●l further appear in this discours . it s v●contestedly true that the rule of faith of the reformation , is scripture as the humble of heart assisted with the spirit of the lord vnderstands it ; for lutherans will never admit their rule of faith to be scripture as interpreted by the church of england , but as interpreted by themselves ; nor will england admit scripture to be their rule of faith as it is interpreted by the presbyterians ; but as interpreted by the church of england : so that the doctrin of each congregation is but scripture , as interpreted by them , and wheras all these congregations joyntly compose the whole body of the reformation , and each congregation is truly a member of the reformation ; the doctrin of the reformation coms to be scripture , as each congregation , and person of sound judgment in the reformation ( saies the church of england in her 39. artic. ) interprets it . this being an vncōtrouled truth ; what man of euer so sound a judgment , but may read to day scripture , as interpreted by the lutheran church , and judge in his conscience that interpretation and doctrin to be true : consequently he may with a safe conscience profess that religion ; soon after he may meet calvins bookes , & charm'd with the admirable strength of his reasons and glosses vpon scripture , he may judge in his conscience , he is to be preferr'd beforre luther ▪ and so may lawfully forsake lutheranism for calvinism ; then again he hits vpon scripture as interpreted by the church of england , whose doctrin ravish's him with that decencie of ceremonies , that majesty of her lyturgie , that harmonie of her hiera●chie ; he is convinc't its better that calvinism , & embraces it : then again he reads the works of arius , and convinc't by the energie of his argument● and texts of scripture produced by him , may alter his judgment and become an arian . wherin can you say does this man transgress against the doctrin or principles of the reformation ? does he forsake the reformation because he forsakes lutheranism for calvinism ? no sure ; for calvinism is as much of the reformation as the other : is not protestancy as much the doctrin of the reformation as presbyterie ? tho he changes therefore one for the other , he still holds the doctrin of the reformation : is not the doctrin of the reformation scripture , not as protestants onely , or presbyterians onely interpret it , but as any congregation or man of sound judgment holds it ? it is therefore evident that according the doctrin and principles of the reformation , he may with a safe conscience change religions , and be to day of one , to morrow of an other vntill he runs all ouer . point me out any congregation ( the obstinat papists excepted ) who will dare say , i cannot live with a safe conscience in any other congregation but in it self ; all other congregations will laugh at it ; why then may not i lawfully forsake any congregation , and pass to an other ? and be in england a protestant , in germany a lutheran , in hungarie an antitrinitarian or socinian . ismael . it 's against the grain of mans reason to believe that we can with a safe conscience change religions , as you say : if you be a protestant , and you judge it to be the true religion ; you are bound to stick to it , & neve● to change it . isaac . if i did discourse with a papist i would not wonder he should say it against the g●ain of mans reason t● believe it lawfull ; but i admire tha● a child of the reformation , be he o● what congregation he will , should b● so ignorant of his principles , as to sa● a man cannot change religions whe● he please : nor do i vndertake to prov● against the papist , that this is lawfull but i vndertake to prove it lawfull against any reformed child , or for● him to deny the principles of the r●formation . is it against reason th● a man may read to day scripture , ● the lutherans interpretation vpon i● & like it very well ; & that he shoul● in this case embrace that religion is it against the graine of mans reaso● that this same man should next year● afterwards hit vpon calvins work● vpon scripture , and after better consideration , think his doctrin to surpass that of luther , & could not he then ( being obliged to choose the best ) forsake lutheranism and stick to calvinism ? and is it against mans reason that he in following years may meet other bookes of arians , socinians , &c. & do the like ? have not we many examples of his in our best & most renowned reformers ? did not ochinus that great light ( says b. bale ) in whose presence england was happie , reading scripture judge the reformation to be better then popery , & of a capuchin fryar became à reformed ; after som years reading scripture he judged judaism to be better than the reformation & became a jew : did not martin bacer one of our first reformers of england & composers of our lyturgie , reading scripture , judge lutheranism to be better than popery , & of a dominicā fryar became a lutheran ? soon after reading scripture , he judged zuinglianism to be better than lutheranism , & became a zuinglian ; not long after he became a lutheran again as he confesses , a & forsooke lutheranism the second time , and returned again to zuinglianism as sklusser : says . b did not cranmer one of our fir●t reformers also of england , & composers of the 39. articles , a wise and religious man profess popery i● henry the viii . time and compose ● book in defence of real presence ; the● in edward the vi. time vpon bette● consideration be professed zuinglianism and writ a book against real pr●sence ; then again in queen mary'● raign , being sentenc'd to death , he declared for popery ; but seeing his recantation could not preserve his life , he renounced popery and dyed a zuinglian . i would tyre your patience i● reading & myne in relating the number of our prime , and most renowne● as well first reformers , as learne● doctors , who without any scruple chā●ed severall times their religions ; no● in te principles of our reformatio● ought they to be blamed : for when our rule of faith is scripture as wit● the assistance of gods spirit we vnderstand it , who doubts but we may t● day judge sincerely luther's sense of i● to be true , to morrow we may rea● with more attention & judge ari●● his sense to be true ; next day that o● calvin , & so of the rest : and do no● think but that we have in england many abettors of this doctrin : alas how many bishops , deans and rich parsōs do we know & haue we known , who were zealous presbyterians and declared enemies of protestancie in our gratious soueraign's exile , and no sooner was he restored , & had bishopricks and ecclesiastical dignities to be giuen but they became stiff protestants . observe the difference betwixt the papists and vs , if of a papist you becom of any other congregation , the popish church excommunicats you ; thou art lookt vpon as an heretic , & apostat , a strayd sheep ; they will not admit you to their communion or lyturgy ; nay could they well auoid you , they would neuer admit you to their companie ; and why ? because they are fondly perswaded their own is the only true religion , and all others to be synagogues of satan ; and if any of vs will become a papist , he must first abiure his former profession : but if of a protestant you should become a presbyterian , a lutheran , quaker or of any other of our societies , you are neuer looked vpon to be a jot the worse for it ; we are not a whit scandalized at such change● which we daily see ; and it is an ● speakable blessing with what acco● vnity and charitie , you may s● at our lyturgie & communion the pr●testant , presbyterian , anabaptis● socinian and hugonot , all praysi● the lord in one congregation in o● churches , none bid out of the churc● none excommunicated , no previo● abjuration required of their form● tenets , & ther 's nothing more f●quent among vs then to go to t● protestant lyturgy in the mornin● in the euening to the presbyteri● especially if our interest or con●niēcie requires it : can there be a m● convincing proofe that we este● it all alike what religion & ten● we profess ? let a lutheran go ● france ; alas ! hee 'l neuer stick to● to the hugonots meeting and seruice let a protestant go to germany , he● go as cheerfully to the luthera● church , as in england to the pr●testant : let a hugonot or presbyteria● go to hungary or poland he is we●com to the antitrinitarians , & soc●nians ; and when any of them retur● home hee 'l be as before . ismael . but can you prove this doctrin by the testimony of any of our synods ? did any teach that we may with a safe conscience change our religion as you say ? isaac . yes i can : the synod of charenton in france held about the yeare 1634. expresly saies that for your salvation it s all alike whether you be a calvinist , lutheran or of any other congregation of the reformed , because says this venerable synod , they all agree in fundamental points , and the lutherans haue nothing of superstition or idolatrie in their manner of divin worship . change then as often as you list ; be a lutheran , be a presbyterian , be an anabaptist , by the mouth of this synod you are assured you 'l never miss to hit right . and i pray can any synod of our times haue more authoritie in point of doctrin than luther our first reformer , a man extraordinarily raised by god ( says the synod of charenton ) and replenisht with his spirit for to repaire the ruins of his church ? he teachs c the elevation of the sacrament is idolatrie , yet he did practise i● and commanded it should be practised i● the church of wittemberg to sp●te th● deuil carolstadius : giuing you t● vnderstand that for just reasons , yo● may teach now one religion , no● an other . zuinglius also whose virtu● and learning is knowen to the work says d that god inspired him to preac● what doctrin was suitable to the times which as it often changes , you ma● often change your doctrin : and consider you if it be not therefore tha● christ our lord saies his yoke is swe●● & his burden light ( that is religio● because we can withdraw our ne●● from it , as time and just reason requires . ismael . could you giue me any s●nod of the church of england whic● deliuers this doctrin , you would g● neere hand to convince me ; for , th● som particular doctors should hau● taught or practis'd it , does not prov● it to be the doctrin of the reformation . isaac . and what greater authoriti● has a synod of england for to prov● a doctrin to be of the reformation than a synod of france which i have produced ? or than luther and zuinglius our first reformers inspired by god to teach vs the puritie of the ghospel ? was it not from luther and zuinglius that england receiued the doctrin of the reformation ? and if england be so bold as to say they erred in this , what assurance can we haue , but that they erred in the rest ? but since nothing will please you but a synod of england , you shall haue not one , but many . can there be any synod in england of so great authoritie as our wise and prudent parliaments ? read our chronicles and you 'l find , that in few years time , they changed and established different religions by publick acts of parliament : in henry the 8. reigne they voted for popery , and made acts and statuts against the reformation ; in edward the 6. time they banisht popery and voted for zuinglianism ; in queen mary's they pull'd down this , and sett vp popery again ; in queen elizabeths , they decryed this , and set vp not zuinglianism , but protestancy ; in the midst of her reign , they polisht this , and added som new perfections to it ; in king james and succeeding kings times , protestancy is of a different stamp from that of queen elizabeths : heare doue in his exhort : to the english recusants an . 1603. pag. 31. henry the 8 had his lyturgie which was very good : edward the 6. condemned it , and brought in an other composed by peter martir and bucer : in elizabeths time , that was condemned , and an othe● approued , and in the middle of her reign , her lyturgy was also misliked , and ● new one introduced , we are so want●● that nothing will cōtent vs but novelties ▪ ismael . doue does not commen● this doctrin , for he calls that frequent exchange of religion wantonness and loue of noueltie . isaac . it s no great matter what he says of it ; my drift is but to convince you that this is the doctrin ▪ & practise of the best members of our reformation ; euen of england , and if you be convinc't its the doctrin of the reformation ; you cannot deny but that it is good doctrin : if doue calls it wantonness , s. paul ephes . 4.22 . coloss . 3.9 . & rom. 6.6 . commends it , and exhorts vs to put of the old man with its deeds ( that 's popery with its ceremonies ) and put on the new man ( that 's the reformation ) where ther 's neither greek nor iew , circumcision , nor incircumcision , barbarian , or scythian , bound or free , but christ is all and in all : that 's to say ; where ther 's no distinction of protestants or presbyterians , socinians , or arians ; it s all one which religion you profes● . ismael . but is there no tenet of religion which we are all indispensably obliged to hold ? isaac . yes there is , and no more but one : we are bound to have faith in iesus christ , son of god and saviour of the world . this is the substance of christian religion ; be an arian , be a presbyterian , be a socinian or what you please , be also plung'd to your ears in wickedness of life , and manners , so you have faith in jesus christ son of god and redeemer of the world and live in charitie you will be a member of the true church and be saved . do not imagin this is any new doctrin invented by me ; search the vulgar sort of our reformed brethren , you shall get thousands of this opinion in our realm ; search the books of our learned drs , you shall find it in them also . dr morton in his much applauded booke dedicated to queen elizabeth , for which he deserved a bishoprick , e says : the arian curch is to be esteemed a true church , because they hold the true substance of christian religiō , which is faith in iesus christ son of god , and redeemer of the world : and again in the same place sect . 4. whose title , is , heretics are members of the church , he says , whosoeuer believes in iesus christ tho by wickedness of life , or heresy in doctrin they should err in doctrin , they are still true members of the church . therefore our learnd f fox , g doctor field● , and illiricus say the greek church notwithstanding their error in denying the procession of the h. ghost from the son , are holy members of the true church , because they have faith in jesus christ . ismael . sure you will not say this doctrin is of the reformation or can be safely believed . isaac . i do admire how you can doubt of it , and that it may be believed : for what is the doctrin of the reformation but as we have said in our principles , scripture as interpreted by any man of sound judgement in the church ? and were not doctor morton , fox , field and illiricus men of sound judgement , eminent learning , and godlines ? if-therefore this be scripture as interpreted by them how can you deny it to be the doctrin of the reformation ? ismael . and what jesus christ are we obliged to believe in ? for jesus christ as believed by the arians socinians , luther and , calvin , is far different from jesus christ , as commonly believed by the protestans and popish church , we believe in jesus christ the son of god , of one and the same substance and nature with the father ; they believe in a jesus christ , son of god but of a distinct and different nature and substance from the father . isaac . pish ! that 's but a nicetie ; believe what you please , and what you vndestand by scripture to be true and have charitie . ismael . i confess you have puzzled , but yet not wholy convinced me ; were i but perswaded that what you have discoursed is truly the doctrin of the reformation , j would cheerfully embrace it , and j will be better informed by your self , but not tyre your patience : we will meet again and pursue our discours vpon this subject . ii. dialogue . ismael . reflecting in my solitude vpon your last discours , j find it bottom'd vpon a fals principle ; for you suppose that what euer doctrin is of luther calvin , or any of our learned , drs , synods , parliaments , or congregations , is the doctrin of the reformation and may without any more proof or scruple be believed by any reformed child ; who but sees this is ridiculous , to fasten the doctrin and absurd opinions of each particular dr , or congregation vpon the whole body : this is the vncharitable and vnreasonable art of the papists , who keep a great coyl with som exorbitāt opinions of luther and calvin , and would perswade their proselyts , they are the tenets of the reformation ; wheras the reformation disclaims those opinions as much as the pope does : and they do not , poore people , observe how many absurd and scandalous doctrins we meet in their casuists and divins , which when we reproach them with , they answer it s not the doctrin of their church , but of som particular drs ; as if we might not with as much justice as they , answer the same . isaac . your reflection is good , and my discours will fall to ground if i do not prove that principle , which will be no hard task : let vs imagin we are heere a full synod of protestants , presbyterians , hugonots , lutherans , antitrinitarians , anabaptists , quakers , and of all and each of our congregations ; our reformation is not any of these congregations with an exclusion of the rest ; but all of them ioyntly ; for whatsoeuer congregation would say it self alone is the reformation , and no other , would be hiss'd at by the rest ; and iustly ; because that our reformation imports two points essential●y : first a profession of christianitie according the rule of the word of god , and a detestation or abjuration of popish errors ; and none of these congregations but does both . ismael . i know som of these , pharisee like . despise others , and looke upon them , not as ref●rmed , but as putrid members ; but the lord forbid i should be so deuoid of charitie ; i see no just challenge any can have to the title of reformation , which all haue not . isaac . let vs ask this synod by what rule of faith does the reformation walk ? what must a man believe for to be a true reformed ? protestants will say , that scripture and apostolical tradition ; but protestants say of papists ; and presbyterians and anabaptists say of protestants ; that many human inventions are obtruded upon vs as apostolical traditions ; that we have no way to discern the one from the other , and con●●quently tradition , as being an vnknown thing vnto vs , cannot be our rule : others will say that scripture and the indubitable consequences out of it , is our rule , all will grant this : but then enters the controversie , if the consequences of lutherans be such , and if the consequences of presbyterians be indubitable out of scripture , and each congregation will say that their peculiar tenets are indubitable consequences out of scripture , and the rest must allow it to be true , or deny such a congregation to be of the reformation : others will say that scripture and the four first general councils , with the apostles and athanasius's creeds are our rule of faith ; but most of the assembly will no more admit the four first , than the subsequent councils , nor athanasius his creed more than that of trent ; nor will the quakers , socinians and others value the apostles creed . but there is none of all the assembly , who will not admit scripture that 's the pure written word of god , to be a sacred and full rule of faith , because it s replenisht with divin light and all heavenly instruction necessarie for our saluation : and such as ad , as a part of our rule of faith , the apostles or athanasius his creeds , or the four first general councils , they will confess that all they containe is expressed in gods written word , and are but a plainer , or more distinct expression or declaration of the contents of scripture . ismael . truly i must grant you this , that i have been often present at severall discourses of protestants with papists , and never yet could i heare a protestant make councils , tradition , or any thing els the test of their discours but onely scripture ; not but that i could heare them say and pretend in their discourses that apostolical tradition , and the four first councils were for them against popery ; but still their main strength and vltimat refuge was scripture ; for when ever they harp vpon that string of tradition and councils , the papists are visibly too hard for them , and then they run to scripture , than which there is no plus vltra . i have been also often at severall discourses betwixt protestans , presbyterians and our brethren of other congregations , and have observed that the protestant , for to defend his lyturgie , rites and ceremonies of the church of england , and her episcopacy against the others , could never defend himself by scripture alone , and placed his main strength against them in tradition , primitive councils , and ancient fathers , all which the others rejected and reproached the protestant with popery , for making vse of that weapon ; that if thy would stick to those principles as their rule of faith , they must admit many tenets of popery , which they disavow ; that nothing but scripture is a sufficient warrant and rule of faith : and i find by all i could ever well vnderstand , that its the general apprehension and belief of all the reformation , that scripture abundantly contains all we are obliged to believe , and is our sole and adequat rule of faith , and that our recours to tradition , councils , fathers &c. are but shifts of some of our drs. who being non plust in their particular engagements , and sophistries , patch the incoherencie of their discours with these raggs of popery . isaac : i commend your ingenuity , but not that heate which transports you to check our drs for their glosses and particular doctrins vpon scripture , which , as the manna relisht of all sorts of victuals which the eater● fancied , admits several senses according the different spirits and measure of light that god gives to the reader , and it is vndoubtedly the the spirit of the reformation to follow what sense of it he likes best , and not to check others for following this or that as they please : lutherans , protestants , presbyterians , &c. have all for their rule of faith scripture , which each of them interprets in a different sense ; luther for the real , protestants for the figurative presence ; protestants for episcopacy ; presbyterians against it ; and so of others : and tho each esteems his own sense to be the best , yet none , is so bold as to say the others may not be saved in their own sense of it , or deny them to be true children of the reformation ; nay that venerable synod of charenton , as i quoted aboue , has declared that the lutherans , tho opposit to them in their chief tenets , are their beloved brethren and have nothing idolatrous or superstitious in their manner of divin worship : the fundamental reason of all this is , that our rule of faith , is but scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it . ismael . i grant all your discourse as to this particular ; for its certain lutherans will not admit scripture as interpreted by protestants , but as interpreted by themselves ; and so of each other congregation . isaac . if you admit our rule is scripture as each vnderstands it ; then you must grant that our doctrin of the reformation is whateuer doctrin each person of sound judgment vnderstands to be of scripture ; and from this , it appears plainly that my principle wherat you bogl'd is true ; that , whateuer doctrin is professed by any of our congregations , synods ▪ parliaments , drs. or particular dr. of our reformation , is to be truly reputed and esteemed the doctrin of the reformation ; which principle being true ; my discourse of yesterday is vndeniable , that you may change religions , as often as you please , and remain still a true reformed child . ismael . but you haue said that not only the doctrin of each congregation and synod , is the doctrin of the reformation ; but also whateuer any one particular doctor teachs ; and this seems to be very absurd . isaac . it 's not so absurd , as it is true ; i 'l prove by the principles of our reformed church , by the testimonies of our most learned and best drs. and reformers , and by reason and experience that the doctrin of any particular doctor among vs , has as much right to be called and esteemed the doctrin of the reformation , as protestancy , presbytery or lutheranism ; for , what is lutheranism , but the judgment of luther a particular dr , against the whole church of rome ? what is calvinism , but what calvin a particular dr , judged to be the sense of scripture against that same church ? what is quakery , but honest naylor's godly and pious sentiments vpon scripture . it s vndeniably the principle of our reformed church , that our rule of faith is scripture as interpreted , not only by synods or congregations , but by any person of sound judgment in the church . no congregation or synod is to vs a rule of faith : because all are fallible ; but gods written word , as each one vnderstands it ; and if wee do not like the sense of it delivered by any council synod or congregation , wee may safely deny it : therefore our great calvin a saies and proues with great energy of scripture and reason , that we are not obliged to the decisions and doctrin of any council synod or congregation , if after hauing examined scripture , we do not find their interpretation and sense of it , is conformable to the word of god. let synods and congregations say what they will , if any particular doctor thinks his own privat sense of it to be better , he may stick to it against them all , and be a good true child of the reformation ; as arminius in holland did withstand the synods of dordreet and delpht ; as luther and calvin did against rome . i will be free , saies our vnparalleld proto-apostle luther , b i wil● not submit my self to the authority of councils , church , drs vniuersities or fathers , but will teach and preach whateuer i think to be true . did ever any apostle speake with more courage ? and the blessed man acted with no less ; he knew full well the whole stream of antiquity , drs , fathers and councils were against him , as he confesses himself , and dit not care a rus● for them all : lay aside , saies he , c ● arms of orthodox antiquity , of school● of diuinity , authority of fathers , councils , popes , and consent of ages we receiue nothing but scripture ; but s● that we must haue the authority of interpreting it . nor was it only luther and calvin spoke thus , but all our first blessed reformers ; and why ? because our rule of faith is scripture , not a interpreted by the church of england , ( france will not admit it ) nor as interpreted by the quakers , ( the anabaptists and independents will not heare it ) nor as interpreted by luther ▪ ( calvin rejects it ) nor as interpreted by calvin ( thorndic and bramhal will not yield to it , ) nor will stillingfleet stand to their interpretation ; nor others to that of stillingfleet . finally our rule of faith is scripture , not as interpreted by any , but as each congregation synod , particular dr , or man of sound judgment interprets it ; and consequently what ever doctrin any man of sound judgment judges to be of scripture , is to be esteemed the doctrin of the reformation ; and you may safely believe it , if you like it , and remain still as truely a reformed child , as the proudest protestant of england . ismael . can you prove that our rule of faith is scripture as any particular dr or person of sound judgment vnderstands it ? isaac . behold how convincingly ; first wee have heard luther , quoted but now , say , we receive nothing but scripture , but so as that we must have the authority for t● interpret it : hear him again ; d th● governors and pastors haver powe t● teach ; but the sheep must give thei● judgment whether they propose the voy● of christ , e or of strangers . and again : christ has taken from the bishops councils and pastors the right of judging of doctrin ; and given it to all christians i● general ; and the rule is scripture ● each one will think fit to interpret i● and consequently to this , wee hav● heard him say aboue , i will be fi● and will not submit to drs councils , ● pastors , but will teach whatever think to be true . barlow ; f the apostles have given to each particular t● right and power of interpreting a● judging by his inward spirit , what i● true ; its needless that either man ● angel , pope or council should instru● you ; the spirit working in the heart , an● scripture are to each particular person mo● assured interpreters . bilson bishop o● wincester saies the same , g the peopl● must be discerners and judges of wha● is taught . our religion has no othe● rule of faith ( saies our french reformation by the mouth of dumoulin , h drelincourt , and the holy synod of charenton ) but the written word of god , as interpreted by vs. lastly saies the church of england in the 6th . art. of their 39. we have no other rule of faith but scripture as each person of sound judgment in the church vnderstāds it , and what is proved by it : and again in the catholic doctrin of the church of england pag. 103. which is but an exposition of the 39. articles . our rule of faith is but scripture as each person of sound judgment in the church vnderstands it : authority is given to the church and to each person of sound judgment in it , to judge in controversies of faith ; and this is not the privat judgment of our church , but also of our brethren of forreign countries ismael . j confess , not only these , but many other drs abet your discourse , and the general vogue of our reformation , is for scripture as each one vnderstands it ; but alas ! you see well , that wee can never settle any religion or church by such a rule of faith . isaac . you can never settle any but rhis , that every man may without le● or hinderance believe what he please : and why should not this be a good religion ? if scripture as each one vnderstands it be not our rule of faith ; if we must be constrained to believe scripture not as wee vnderstand it ; but as it is vnderstood by this or that congregation ; wh● difference betwixt vs and papists ▪ they must believe scripture as interpreted by the pope , and council● have ever so much light from god be ever so wise and witty , you mu● depose your own judgment , a● submit to that of the pope , counci● and popish church : to this pass ● are come also ; wee must believe t● kings supremacie , episcopacy , f●gurative presence tho perhaps we d● not judge by scripture it be tr● doctrin ; wee are constrained by penal laws , and acts of parliament t● believe them , as papists by the inquisition ; and why ? because th● church of england vnderstands b● scripture , its true ; and if you , repl● you do not interpret scripture s● you 'l not be heard ; you must submi● and believe against your judgment : and what 's this but plain popish tyrany ouer mens consciences ? did luther and calvin forsake the pope and councils , for to submit their judgments to any other ? no , but to follow scripture as each one of them vnderstood it : and tho luther was a man raysed by god and replenisht with his spirit to repair the ruins of the church ; yet calvin did no more submit to him , than luther did to the pope ; nor did zuinglius submit to calvin , but followed his own sense of scripture ; nor did oecolampadius submit to zuinglius ; but every one searched the scripture , believed and taught what they thought to be true ; and thus we became a reformation of popery : if therefore we will continue a reformation , and walk by the spirit of our first blessed reformers ; wee must not be constrained to believe any mans sense of scripture : we must believe whateuer we think to be true , and have no other rule of faith but scripture as each one vnderstands it . ismael . and what then ? what do you inferr from this discourse ? isaac . this consequence , that wheras no true child of the reformation , be he of what congregation you will , can justly deny our rule of faith to be scripture as any person of sound judgment interprets it ; it follows vnauoidably that the doctrin of the reformation is , whatever any person of sound judgment interprets to be the true sense of scripture , and whatever luther , calvin , beza , or any other of sound judgment in the reformation , since its first ryse vntill this day , taught to be the true sense of scripture , is to be called and esteemed the doctrin of the reformation , tho to others of this or that congregation it may seem to be wicked and scandalous doctrin ▪ and now let me answer to an objection you made against this principle in our entrance to this discourse : you objected that many papish drs and casuists delivered scandalous and base doctrins , which the papists will not admit to be the doctrin of their church , tho deliverd by papish drs ; and thence you pretended , that the particular sentiments of privat drs of the reformation are not to be called the doctrin of our church . but be pleased to observe the difference betwixt popery and our reformation ; the rule of faith in popery is , scripture as interpreted by the pope and council , or their church ; they will admit no other ; consequently no doctrin is to be called popery but what is judged by the pope and his church or council to be the sense of scripture ; and if any dr or universitie holds any sense contrary to theirs ; it is to be called the doctrin of that particular person , and not the doctrin of the popish church ; because their rule of faith is not scripture as interpreted by any person of sound judgment ; but as interpreted by their pope and council . but wheras our rule of faith in the reformation , is scripture as each person of sound judgment interprets it ; whatever doctrin or sense is said by any man to be of scripture , is justly to be called the doctrin of the reformation : for example , melancton , a man of sound judgment , great learning , and of an vpright conscience , taught bigamy to be the doctrin of scripture ; beza taught , the lords supper might be administer'd in any kind of victuals , as well as in bread and wine : calvin taught , that christ despaired on the cross , and suffered the pains of hell after his death : why then , let all the bishops and universities of england condemn this doctrin ; let all the synods of france and germany decry it ; the doctrin will be still of the reformation ; because its scripture as interpreted by men of sound judgment . ismael . the heate of your discourse has tyred you ; and my memorie i● sufficiently loaden with what yo● have said ; let me digest it in my privat retirement , and wee will mee● again . isaac . content ; carrie with yo● these three points , which i have proved convincingly : first our rule of faith is scripture , not as interpreted by this or that , but by an● man of sound judgment ; secondly i● follows hence that the doctrin of th● reformation , must be and ought to be called whatever any man of sound judgment saies is the sense of scripture : thirdly it follows , wee may change religions as often as wee please . iii. dialogue . ismael . i remember well the summary of your last discourse , given me in three points ; and i find the second to be absurd , and repugnant to reason : you 'l neuer perswade it , tho you have pleaded for it with great energy ; what ? if a silly woman , cobler , or other tradesman reade scripture and giue their sense of it , that , forsooth , must be called the doctrin of the reformation ? and it shall be lawfull for them to believe it against the doctrin of the whole church ? isaac . do not limit gods infinit goodness , by measuring his mercies towards his creatures with your narrow apprehensions : take notice he saies , he has chosen the weake and contemptible of the world for to confound the strong ones : i confess vnto you father , that you have hid thes● things from the wise and prudent , and hast revealed them to the little ones . and therefore he choosed poore simple fishermen to be his apostles : ● know it 's the practise of papists , and from them your church of england borrows it , to despise the ministeri● of women , tradesmen , and illitera● people in preaching teaching and interpreting scripture ; but s. paul tell vs the word of god is not bound that's to say , is not entayl'd on th● learned , rich , or great ones , the wind bloweth where it listeth : o● bishops and ministers would make ● monopoly of the word of god , and have themselves to be the only retailers of it ; for to have som plausible title for to enjoy great rents and sheare the flock : but wee have seen , as well among the quakers , a● in other congregations , filly women and tradesmen replenisht with gods spirit , preach and expound the great misteries of our religion with as much of good success and edification of the auditory , as any penny-booke man in england . ismael . it seems you approue the ministerie of women and silly tradesmen for preaching and teaching the flock ; and if so , you 'l ouerthrow our hierarchy of bishops and ministers . isaac . it matters not much for you to know , what i approve or condemn ; but to know what the doctrin of the reformation is ; it 's this ; that none can teach , preach , administer sacraments , or exercise ecclesiastical functions if he be not in holy orders , bishop , minister or deacon ; for the church of england teachs it , and you may believe it if you please . you may also deny it ; and say , any woman or tradesman has as much power for to preach and administer the sacraments as the richest bishop in england : this also is the doctrin of the reformation as well as the former , because quakers ▪ presbyterians , brownists ; anabaptists , &c. believe and teach it , and they are men of as sound judgments , and as good reformeds as protestants ; nay the most learned of our reformers teach and commend the power of women for to exercise spiritual functions , and administer the sacraments : a saumaise , peter martyr , and b zuinglius expresly defend the priesthood as well of women as of men : and luther proves it efficaciously ; the first office of a priest saies he , is to preach , c this is common to all , euen women ; the second is to baptize ; which is also common to women ; the third is to consecrat the bread and wine , and this also is common to all as well as to men and in the absence of a priest , a woma● may absolve from sins as well as the pope , because the words of christ , whateu●● yee shall vntye on earth , shall be vntyed in heauen , were said to all christians . and when so eminent men ha● not said it , reason and scripture convinces it ; reason , because that our rule of faith being scripture a● each person of sound judgment vnderstands it , many women vndoubtedly are of sound judgment , and why should not their interpretation of scripture pass for the doctrin of the reformation , as well as that of our bishops and ministers : scripture , because wee reade the samaritan woman was the first who preached the messias to the cittie of sama●ia , and christ commanded mary magdalen to go to preach his resurrection to his disciples , and wee know by our cronicles that our glorious queen elizabeth of blessed memory , did not only gouern the state , but was a great apostoless in church affaires . ismael . to what purpose then , have wee bishops and ministers , who enjoy so vast reuenews , if any man or woman can preach and administer the sacraments as well as they . isaac . you may believe , bishops and ministers are very needfull for the service of the church ; for they being commonly learned witty men , and having wyves , they come to instruct their wyves so well , that the good women com in a short time to be as learned as their husbands , and as nimble and quick in the ecclesiastical ministeries as they , if they were permitted to exercise them ; as som authors of credit relate vnto vs , that a gentleman of constance , writ to his friend in a village ( about thre● leagues distant from that cittie , whose inhabitants were for the mos● part of our lutheran reformation the good pastor exhorted his floc● to prepare for easter communion and that none should presume t● come to the holy table , but shoul● first confess and receive absolutio● of his sins : easter holy dayes bein● come , such a multitude flockt to confession , that the pastor could not satisfie the devotion of so great a cro● he called his wife to help him , f● to hear confessions , and give absolutions , in wich ministerie the goo● lady did labour with great satisfaction of the penitents ; but neith● the pastor nor his virtuous conso● being able to dispatch so great a multitude , he called his maide servant who did work in the holy minister with as much expedition as her master . but for all this , the church o● scotland , france and all england ( protestants excepted ) will tell yo● that bishops and ministers are no● needfull ; nay that they are very prejudicious to the reformation and state ; to the reformation , because this hierarchy with the bishops court , surplices corner caps , and other trumperies , puts the flock in mind of popery , wherof its a perfect resemblance ; and whylst the papists see our change from them , comes to be almost no more but to substitute new priests and bishops in their own place , for to manage more conscienciously the rents and reuenews which they profanely abused ; and that those rents and revenews are still in the hands of an ecclesiastical hierarchie ; they live in hopes of recovering them som day , when our bishops and ministers will come to be as bad ●tewards of them as they were ; and ●hat the flock will be weary of them , ●nd call back the ancient possessors : ●ts therefore perhaps the emissaries ●f the pope do incessantly blow in ●ur eares ; how ill our ecclesiastical ●evenews are bestowed , for to main●ain wyves and children , pomp and ●anitie of bishops and ministers ; no ●ess than in popery . to the state , they seem to be prejudicious , whera● any but a bishop or minister , would think , it would be more advantagiou● to the common-wealth , that the king should have those revenews for to maintain his fleet and armie , and eas● thereby the subjects of subsidies an● taxes , than that a handfull of bishop and ministers should have them specially when others can preach an● teach as well as they , for nothing , b● the pleasure of being hea●d . ismael . but do not you see it woul● be a sacriledge that the king shoul● deprive the clergy of their churc● revenews . isaac . and do not you know , th● almost all our congregations do hol● our clergy to be no true clergy , b● as meer laymen as you or i ; the admit no clergy or episcopal car●cter ; but elders chosen by the co●gregation : and if they be no tr● clergy , they have no right to th● church revenews , and it s no sacr●ledge to deprive them of them . th● popish clergy in henry the vii time , had visibly a greater right ● them , than ours now have : s● neither the king himself nor any other did doubt of their right , and now most of our congregations , do absolutly deny any right in our clergy to those rents ; because they are no clergy : yet none will be so bold , as to accuse henry the viii . of sacriledge , for hauing taken the church liuings from them , for to put them to better vse . and why should wee dare say , our king would commit any , for depriving our clergy of those rents : believe he can lawfully do it ; or believe he can not , you 'l be still a good child of the reformation . believe what you please . ismael . this is a ticklish point ; let 's leaue it to the consideration of our wise and prudent parliament ; and be pleased to answer to my doubt ; how can wee live in peace and tranquillitie in religion , if our rule of faith be scripture as each one vnderstands it : i remember a discourse started in the house of lords , not many yeares agon , by his grace the duke of buckingam ; he desired to know , what was it to be a protestant ; wherin did protestancy properly consist ? the bishops , who were present looked one vpon an other , and whether , they feared the difficultie of the question , or that for modesty's sake , each expected to hear an other speake first● they stood sylent for a whyle ; at last the yce was broken by one ; others followed ; but hardly any two agreed ; and all that the duke could gather out of their several answers , was that our rule of faith , was scripture as each one vndestood it ; and protestancy nothing but scripture as interpreted by the parliament and church of england : whervpon he concluded , wee are these hundred yeares very busy for to settle religion , and for ought i perceive , wee are as vnsettled now as at the beginning : and truly he had great reason ; for , religion and faith is nothing else , but that sense of scripture , which each person of sound judgment vnderstands ; and as it 's impossible wee should all jump and agree in one sense and meaning of the text , so its impossible wee shall euer be settled and agree in religion . isaac . the reason of our vnsettlement hitherto and at present , is the violent efforts , what by persecutions , acts of parliaments , and other oppressions ; what by invectives , intrigues , and cabals of the church of england , to draw all to be protestants ; of the presbyterians , to make vs deny episcopacy ; and of each other congregation , to force vs to their respective tenets : and whylst this constraint and severity is vsed against mens consciences , it s in vain to expect peace or settlement in our reformed church : but let vs follow our rule of faith ; let cach one believe as in his conscience he best vnderstands scripture ; let vs all believe what wee please , and be permitted so to do ; and wee shall without doubt enjoy perfect peace and tranquillity : believe you figurative presence , if you will ; let the lutheran believe his real presence , if he likes it ; and let me believe no presence at all , if i judge ther 's none ; why will not you permit me to follow that rule of faith which the whole reformation , euen the church of england gives me in her 39. articles , scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it . to say , wee can neuer have settlement in religion , whylst this arbitrary interpretation of scripture is permitted , is to speake like a papist : this the pope and papists said to our first blessed reformers ; and the popish church saies this day to vs ; that wee ought to submit our judgments to the church and councils ; that wee ought not to believe what sense wee think to be true , but what the pope and councils propose vnto vs ; and if luther and our other reformers did not do ill , in follwing their own sense and interpretation of scripture against all the world , why do you blame me or any other for following their example ? ismael . when you speake of our reformation and congregations , i heare you reckon the arians , socinians , and antitrinitarians among them ; sure you do not belieue they , or such like ancient condemned hereticks , were of the reformation ; for wee protestants do believe the mystery of the trinity against them , and will never own them to be our brethren . isaac . and , do not you believe episcopacy against the presbyterians ; som canonical books against the lutherans ; supremacy against the quakers , and infants baptism against the anabaptists ; and yet you own them as your brethren and godly congregations of the reformation ; or if you will deny them , they will also scorn you , and say they are more of the reformation than you are ; and why will not you own the arians , &c. as your brethren tho you believe the trinitie against them ? you say they are old condemn'd heretiks : and does this language becom a child of the reformed church ? by whom were they condemn'd ? was it not by the popish church , which also condemns vs , and saies wee are as much hereticks as they ; and as wee ought not to be so called , and judge the pope and councils sentence against vs to be bold , vncharitable , and injust ; so wee must say of the arians , pelagians and others condemn'd by them . you saie protestants will never own them to be their brethren ; god forbid the protestant church should be so vncharitable to their fellow christians , and so injust to themselves . b. morton , ) as i cited in my first dialogue ) as learned a man a● the church of england bred , saies the arian church is a true church , and will say no less of the others : but what need wee the testimonie of any , for what reason so convincingly proves ; they who walk by one and the same rule of faith , are of one and the same religion , therefore lutherans , protestants , presbyterians and independents do esteem themselves to be of the same faith and religion , because they all have the same rule , which is scripture ● each congregation vnderstands it also notwithstanding the difference and varietie of congregations in popery ; they hold all but one faith as they say ; because they have al● but one rule of their beliefe , whic● is their infallible pope and church but it 's evident that those which yo● call , ancient condemned hereticks , have one and the same rule of faith with our reformation ; for ours is scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it ; without any obligation of holding the sense of it delivered by pope , church , councils or any other ; therefore our first blessed reformers did not care what sense of it , the church or pope did hold when they began to preach the purity of the ghospel ; but each of them interpreted it as he thought fit in the lord , and so purged the church of many errors : this is the very self same rule of faith , which arians , pelagians , nestorians , and others , peremptorily condemned by rome as hereticks , did follow and walk by : each of them read and interpreted scripture , preached and believed what sense of it they tought to be true , tho they knew it was against the doctrin of the church , looking on scripture alone as their rule of faith , without any regard of the pope , church , councils , or fathers : the church of rome proud and impatient of any opposition , condemned them as hereticks for not submitting their judgments to her ; for takeing scripture as they vnderstood it , and not as the church and councils vnderstood it , for their rule of faith ; and if this be a crime , wee are as guiltie as they ; wee are equally nocent or innocent ; wee are both hereticks , or none is ; wee are therefore concern'd in their honor and ought to defend the integrity of their procedure against the common enemy which is the pope● they were reformers of the church in their times , as wee are in ours and wheras thy have the same rul● of faith ; so they have the same religion with the reformation . ismael . then , you will say ari●nism is the doctrin of the reform●tion , and wee may lawfully believe i● isaac . i say god's unitie in nature and trinity in persons is th● doctrin of the reformation , becaus● the protestant , lutheran , and h●gonot church , judge by scripture i● is true ; and if you judge also b● scripture it s the true doctrin , yo● may believe it : i say also if yo● judge by scripture this mystery is not true , you may safely deny it according the principles of the reformation , and be still as good a member of the reformed church , as they who believe it ; for whoeuer believes what he judges by scripture to be true , is a true reformed : and , that the denyal of the trinitie is as much the doctrin of the reformation as the belief of it ; it appears not only because it was the doctrin of the arians , who as i proved are truly of the reformed church ; but because it was taught by the greatest ligths of our church : d calvin saies the text , my father is greater than i , must be vnderstood of christ , not only as he is man , but also as he is god. and that the council of nice did abuse the text : e my father and i are one , for to prove the vnity of both in nature ; wheras it only signifies their vnity by conformity of will. again he saies epist . 2. ad polon . in tract . theol. pag. 796. that prayer , holy trinity one god have mercy of vs , is barbarous , and does not please me . and ads f the son has his own substance distinct from the father . his disciple danaeus g saies , it s a foolish insipid prayer : and our great apostle luther ( who as fox witnesseth , was the chariot and conductor of israel , and a man extraordinarily raised and replenisht with gods spirit , to teach the purity of the ghospel ) caused that prayer to be blotted out of the litanies . h that word trinity , saies he , sounds coldly ; my soule hates that word homousion , and the arian did well in not admitting it . lastly ochinus that great oracle of england impugns this mysterie with a strong discourse : i wee are not obliged to believe , saies he , more than the saints of the ancient testament , otherwise our condition would be worse than theirs ; but they were not obliged to believe this mystery ; therefore we are not obliged . examin i pray the works of these eminent drs. where i quote them ; consider if they be not , not only men of sound judgment , but men extraordinarily raised by god , ( saies the synod of charenton ; the chariots and conductors of israel , saies fox : men to be reverenc'd after christ , saies our dr powel , and apostolical oracles sent to teach vs the purity of the ghospell ; and conclude , it s an vndeniable veritie that this is the doctrin of the reformation , wheras it's scripture as interpreted by such men : o! but england france and scotland believes this mysterie ; well ? and what then ? that proves that the mysterie is also the doctrin of the reformation , because whateuer any man of sound judgment thinks to be scripture , is its doctrin ; but is england or france alone the whole reformation ? are not luther , caluin , danaeus , ochinus as well of the reformation ; and men of as sound judgment as they ? since therefore they vnderstand by scripture ther 's no trinitie , it s the doctrin of the reformation also that ther 's none : believe it or deny it , which you like best , and you 'l be still of the reformed church . ismael . by the principle you run vpon , you may say any blasphemy is the doctrin of the reformation ; for ther 's hardly any so execrable , but som dr of ours has delivered and taught it . isaac . the principle i run vpon is this , scripture as each person of sound judgment interprets it , is our rule of faith : judge you , if that be not a good principle in our reformed church ; wheras this is the rule of faith given vs by the 39. articles and generally by all our drs as i proved in my first dialogue : this being our rule of faith and reformed doctrin , its evident , that whatever doctrin is judged by any person of sound judgment to be contained in scripture , is the doctrin of our reformation : som persons of sound judgement say the real presence is expressed by scripture ; this therefore is the doctrin of the reformation ; others say , only figurative presence is taught in scripture ; this also is the doctrin of the reformation ; som vnderstand by scripture , there is a mysterie of the blessed trinitie ; this therefore is the doctrin of the reformation ; others vnderstand ther 's no such mysterie ; this also is the doctrin of the reformation : so that whether you believe or deny this or any other tenet controverted , you 'l still hold the doctrin of the reformation . ismael . calvin k saies christ prai'd vnaduisedly , the eve of his passion ; that he vttered words wherof he was afterward sorry , that in his passion he was so troubled of all sides , that ouerwhelm'd with desperation , he desisted from invoking god , which was to renunce all hopes of salvation : and saies he , l if you object us absurd and scandalous to affirm christ despaired , i answer , this desperation proceeded from him as he was man , not as he was god. and this is not only the doctrin of calvin , but of brentius , m marlotus , n jacobus minister ( quoted by bilson ) and of beza ▪ will you say this is the doctrin of the reformation , or that wee can without scruple believe it ? also calvin saies , o that ch●ist's corporal death was not sufficient for to redeem vs , but that after hauing despaired on the cross , he suffered the death of his soule ; that 's to say , that his soule after his corporal death , suffered the pains of the damn'd in hell . and saies he in the same place , they are but ignorant doltish brutish men , who will deny it . luther also teachs the same doctrin : p as he suffered with exceeding pains the death of the body , so it seems he suffered afterward the death of his soule in hell : epinus q a learned lutheran saies , christ descended into hell for thee , and suffered not only corporal death , but the death and fire of hell . mr. fulk and parkins avow this is also the express doctrin of illiricus , latimer and lossius . also lurher r most impiously affirms , that not only the human nature of christ dyed for vs , but also his divin nature : see luther's words quoted at large by zuinglius , ſ and hospinian : t if you say such scandalous blasphemies may be safely believed , you will render you● christianitie suspected ; and if yo● say , that they are the doctrin of th● reformation , or that they may be believed according the principles ● the reformation ; you will make th● reformation and its principles t● be hated by any good christian . isaac . if i walk by the rule o● faith of the reformation , i 'l prove my self a true reformed child ; and if i prove my self to be a reformed child , my christianity cannot be justly suspected . what tenet have you related of all those which you call blasphemies and scandals ▪ but has been judged by those eminent drs. of our reformation to be express scripture , or conformable to scripture ; and since our rule of faith is scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it , and since the doctrin of our reformation is but whatever any such person of sound judgment , judges to be expressed in , or proved by scripture ; its evident that all those tenets are vndeniably the doctrin of the reformation : i say then , and will say without any offence to my christianity , or blemish to our reformed church ; that those tenets are the doctrin of the reformation and may be as safely believed by any child of it , as figurative presence , supremacy , or two sacraments : and let not any bigot pretend to freghten me from this doctrin by calling it blasphemy and impiety ; no , its scripture as interpreted by our renowned reformed doctors ; therefore it s no blasphemy : let any man convince me , that our rule of faith must not be scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it ; and he will convince that this cannot be justly called the doctrin of the reformation ; but whylst that principle and rule of faith stands vnshaken , nothing that is taught by any person of sound judgment to be the doctrin of scripture , but is to be called our doctrin , and may be safely believed . you say that whoeuer has any loue for christianity , will hate the reformation and its principles , if they give libertie for to believe such blasphemies : but , can any mother be more indulgent to her child than the reformation is to vs ? such as think those tenets to be blasphemies , the reformation gives them leave not to believe them ; and if any judges by scripture , that they are not blasphemies but pure doctrin ; as luther , calvin and others did , they have liberty for to believe them . he who denyes them , cannot in charity check them who believe them ; nor can they who believe them , check those who deny them , wheras each follow our rule of faith , and believe what they judge by scripture to be true . and if you or your church of england cry out blasphemy , blasphemy , against all that you judge to be fals ; why do not you cry blasphemie against presbyterians , lutherans and other congregations from whom you dissent ? and what difference betwixt you and the church of rome ? the folly of this is to call heresy and blasphemy all that is not her own doctrin : and all that your church of england mystikes , must be fanaticism , blasphemy , and impiety ? must our rule of faith be scripture as the church of england vnderstands it , and not otherwise ? presbyterians and lutherans will neuer allow it : if therefore our rule of faith be scripture as each person vnderstands it ; any person of sound judgment in the reformation , may without scrupule believe what he vnderstands to be the doctrine of scripture . iv. dialogue . ismael . you still insist vpon that principle that our rule of faith , is scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it ; and from that principle will follow many absurd consequences destructive of piety and religion . isaac . that principle is not invented by me ; it s of our holy reformation ; if j did discourse with a papist j would prove the principle to be true and gods express word ; but since j discourse with a reformed child , j suppose , and not spend my time in proving it : this principle then , being an vnquestionable truth in our reformation , no reformed child must be so irreverent and bold as to say , that any doctrin which cleerly and vnauoidably follows out of it , is blasphemous or impious , for that would be to condemn our principle by which we walk : ex vero non sequitur nisi verum : from a true principle nothing can follow but true doctrin : can you deny , but this was the rule of faith and principle of our first blessed reformers , and of the church of england mentioned in her 39. articles ? if therefore they judged , and if any other judges by that rule and principle , that those tenets which you call impious and blasphemous be true doctrin ; they cannot be blamed for believing them . ismael . i confess our first reformers did speake so , but j say such errors and impious doctrins cannot without irreverence be called the doctrin of the reformation and cannot without impiety be belieued ; because our reformation , at present condemns and detests those blasphemies , for we must grant , that our reformation in its beginning was not in its full perfection of doctrin ; god began it by luther , caluin , zuinglius and others : those great men ha their fraylties ; they did ouerlash in som things ; and what they said amiss , gods heavenly spirit inspired to the church from time to time to correct it , and has at length brought our church to that purity of doctrin , and fullness of perfection which now it enjoyes : nothing is to be called now the doctrin of the reformation , but what is now believed by our congregations , and none of them believes those execrable tenets you related . isaac . you wrong the reformation very much , in saying it had not its full perfection in the beginning , it s rather to be thought , that that polishing and refining of it in ensuing years with new perfections , and correcting the first draught of it by our first reformers , has been a corruption of it with som mixture o● popish errors and superstitions : for all religious congregations , and pretenders to piety , are at the first beginning in the height of their perfection , and in progress of years they decline and decay from their primitive spirit into errors and corruption of manners : religious congregations are not like arts and sciences , wihich by tyme and experience receive new perfefections ; but like chimnies , which grow dayly blacker by continual smoke and fire : witness the jewish church and law , in its beginning , florishing and holy , but corrupted in progress of time by traditions of men and superstitions of pharisees : witness also the law of the ghospell in those happy tymes of the apostles , holy and pure , but corrupted after som years by errors of popery : jf wee be to seek for the pure and orthodox doctrin of the primitive church ; ought not we to be said by the apostles , men raised extraordinaryly by god and replenisht with his spirit to teach vs the ghospell ? and if wee be to seek for the pure and orthodox doctrin of the reformation , ought not wee to be said rather by luther , calvin , melancton , zuinglius , beza and our other first reformers , than by a few ministers and bishops of england , who , tho they be wise and pious men , yet they are not of that stamp as the others . and if our present congregations presume to correct them , and say they ouerlasht in their doctrin ; will not the papists say ; if they have been such scandalous masters and fals teachers , why did you receive their reformation , and as they erred so grosly in such prime articles of christianity , why do not you feare and suspect , they have also erred in the rest ? secondly the papists will say , if as they reformed vs , you reform them ; then you must expect and permit that others may reform you ; and forsake your doctrin , as you forsake theirs . ismael . i wish you could make out , that the reformation was in its full perfection in its beginning ; had you read som writers of ours ; perhaps you would judge otherwise ; a musculus , a learned lutheran writes thus , thus it is with vs at present , that if any be desirous to see a great rabble of knaues turbulent spirits , deceitfull persons , coseners and debauch men , let him go to a ci●ty where the ghospel is purely preached , and he shall find them by multitudes ; for its more manifest than the day light , that never were there more vnbridled and vnruly people among the turks and other infidels than the professors of the reformed ghospel . b luther himself saies as much ; the world grows dayly worse , and men are now more covetous , revengefull , and lycentious than they were in popery . mr. stubs c sayes no less : after my travells round about all england , i found the people in most parts proud , malicious , ambitious and careless of good works : mr richard geferie in his sermon at st. pauls cross printed in : 1604. i may freely speake what i have plainly seen , that in flanders ●ever was there more drunkness , in italy more wantonnes● , in lury more hypocrisy , in turkie more impiety ; in tartary more iniquity , than is practis'd generally in england , and particularly in london . certainly our reformation at present deserues a better caracter ; never did the alehouses and taverns complain more heauily of want of trading ; which is a proof of our sobriety : the churches which we see a building in london , is a good testimony of piety ; and we are so farr from any smack of hypocrisy , that you shall not see in all london the least appearance of virtue so hiddenly its kept from mortal eyes , but what you may meet in our honests quakers . isaac . i confess our congregations as now they are , are very good both in doctrin and manners ; but i say also , that the doctrin and manners of our reformation at its first beginning was as pure , as holy , and as true as now it is , or ever it will be . nay supposing and granted , their manners and doctrin were so corrupt as those drs. mention ; i say that amidst all those vices , their life was as holy , innocent , blamless and pure as yours is now : and that you may be convinc't of this truth , know that calvin expressy teachs : d wee belieue , the sins of the faithfull ( he means of the reformation ) are but venial sins ; not but that they deserve death , but because there is no damnation for the children of grace , in as much as their sins are not imputed to them ; and again e he saies , wee can assure ourselves , wee can no more be damn'd for any sins , than iesus-christ himself . luther f is of the same opinion , as nothing but faith doth justifiy vs , so nothing but incredulity is a sin . again g no sin is so great that it can condemn a man ; such as are , damn'd are damn'd only for their incredulitie : whitaker , h no sin can hurt a man who has faith . the same is taught by wotten , fulk , tindal , and beza . it s therefore the doctrin of scripture , as interpreted by these persons of great and sound judgment , that incests , murthers , intemperance or whateuer else you call a sin ( incredulitie excepted ) either is no sin at all , or but venial sins , which do no harm , nor cannot damn the children of the reformation ; if therefore our brethren lived in the beginning of the reformation , as those authors relate ; they liued according scripture as interpreted to them by men of sound judgment , and this being our rule of faith and manners , they did not ill but very well in following it . ismael . they were men of the reformation , its true , who taught these errors , and dissolution of life and good manners ; in so much they swerued from the spirit holyness and purity of the reformation , and must not be believed nor commended : looke vpon the reformation as now it is , and you will not find any such scandalous doctrin or corruption of manners . isaac . they were not only men of the reformation ; but the greatest oracles of it , which you will not match with any of our present congregations ; and it s not pardonable in any reformed child to say , such oracles extrordinarily raised by god to teach the purity of the ghospel , should have taught either errors in doctrin , or dissolution of manners : they taught what in their conscience they vnderstood by scripture to be true ; if you will not be so irreverent as to say that they were knaves , who spoke and taught against their conscience and kno●ledge . therefore they taught the doctrin of the reformation purely and truly : the consequence is euident● for , what is the doctrin of the reformation , but what wise learned men of sound judgment think and vnderstand by scripture to be true ? why is figuratiue presence the doctrin of the reformation , tho denied by lutherans , ( who are reformed also ) but because wise learned men judge by scripture as they vnderstand it , it s the true doctrin ? or can you give me any other rule of faith , by which wee may know what doctrin is of the reformation , and what not , but scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it ? or what rule can you give for to know what is good or euil to be don , but scripture as vnderstood b● such persons : if therefore luther , calvin and the other drs. j quoted judge by scripture that doctrin , and manner of life to be true and good ; why may not wee say its the doctrin of the reformation : if you or the church of england , or scotland judge that doctrin to be false , and that manner of life to be a dissolution and corruption of manners : why ; you are men of sound judgment , you vnderstand scripture so ; that will be the doctrin also of the reformation , you may believe it : but you must not deny that luther and calvins doctrin also is of the reformation , because they were men of as sound a judgmen as you . you transgress haynously against modestie in saying those sacred organs of god swerued from the spirit and holyness of the reformation ; which hauing no other rule of faith but scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it ; it 's spirit and holyness consist in framing our life and doctrin to that rule , as our blessed reformers and reformation in its beginning did ; believing those tenets , which you call errors and blasphemy ; and liuing that life which you call dissolution and corruption of manners ; because they judge by scripture , as they vnderstood it , that doctrin and manner of life was true , innocent and good ; and if you like it as they did , you may believe , and liue as they did , and be a good child of the reformation : consider i pray all the works and doctrin of luther , ( the like i say of our other first reformers ) the three parts of his doctrin is against popery , and they say , all are heresies and blasphemies ; the rest is contrary to the church of england , and she saies , this is also errors and blasphamie , so you conspire with the papists to destroy the credit of our first and best reformer ; and betwixt you both , you vnplume him of all his feathers , and leaue him not a bit of good doctrin . but i will stand to the spirit , and principles of the reformation and congregations as now they are , since that you do so much boast of its purity and great perfections ; and i will prove that doctrin , and manner of life , may be believed and followed lawfully standing to its principles : for if the spirit of the reformation be at present among vs , wee must not be forced , as in popery to believe against our proper judgments , what others believe by scripture to be ttue and holy ; but what each one thinks in his own conscience to be such ; because even now at present , our rule of faith , is scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it , and this is the same rule which luther and the reformation in its beginning had : this holy libertie is the best iewel , the greatest perfection , and most glorious prerogative the reformation has : if therefore now at present any man judges by scripture , that he can marry ten wyves at a time ; that he can kill his owne son as abraham intended ; that he may commit incest with his own daughter , as lot did ; that there is no sin but incredulity , as luther believed ; nor any mysterie of the trinitie of persons in one nature , as calvin believed : with what justice can the church of england say a man does not believe and live as becometh a reformed child , or that his doctrin and life is scandalous ? wheras he lives and believes as he vnderstands by scripture he may or ought to do , which is the rule of faith of the reformation , even of the church of england ? the church of england saies , the lutheran doctrin of the real presence , is not the doctrin of scripture ; that the presbyterian doctrin against episcopacy , is not the doctrin of scripture ; that the anabaptist doctrin against infants baptism , is not of scripture ; and yet you permit them all to live in peace ; you confess they are true children of the reformation , tho dissenters from you ; why ? because they follow scripture as they vnderstand it , and this is our rule of faith : and why will not you say , the belief and life of that other man is also of the reformation , tho absurd it may seem to you ; since he believes and lives as he judges by scripture he may : it follows therefore plainly that this is the doctrin of the reformation . ismael . i confess our rule of faith in the reformation , is scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it : but you cannot doubt but that its needfull to moderat and curb this libertie , or it may run too farr : for if every man be lycenc't to believe and teach every thing he fancies to be according scripture ; as there is no doctrin so execrable but som ignorant reader may hit vpon a text , which , ill vnderstood , may seem to favor it ; so there will be none but may be believed , and called the doctrin of the reformation : for example beza i teaches , ( and saies its also the doctrin of calvin , saumaize and geneve , ) that the lords supper may belawfully administer'd in any kind of victuals as well as in bread , and wine ; in eges , flesh , fish , &c. where there is no bread and wine , saies he , wee may duly celebrat , if insteed of them , we vse , what wee vsually eate and drink . and again in the same place ; if there be no water at hand , and that baptism ' cannot be with edification differed i would baptize in any other liquor : isaac . and why should not it be lawfull to any reformed to believe this , wheras its scripture as interpreted by a man of so sound a judgment ? but i do not in any wise like that opinion of yours and of the church of england , that its convenient to limit and curb mens judgments least they may run too farr : this is the policy of rome ; they will not permit an arbitrary interpretation of scripture , alleadging forsooth , for inconveniencie , the multitude of absurd doctrins which the word would swarm with , if such a libertie were granted : no , no ▪ far be it from any true reformed child to mislike or blame that all people should interpret scripture , and believe what they judge by it to be true : and if what the judge to be true , should seem to you fals and scandalous ; do not you believe it , but let them believe it , and they will be of the reformation , because they follow our rule of faith . ismael . k luther , l melancton , m musculus , n ochinus , o beza and others teach the lawfullness of bigamy or multiplicity of wives , and prove it with the example of abraham , isaac and jacob : and ochinus expounding the text of s. paul ; it behoueth a bishop to be a man of one wife : the prohibition saies he , is not to be vnderstood so , that a bishop should have but one wife at a time for certainly he may have many , but s. paul's meaning is , that he ought not to have too many wyves at a time ; that 's to say ten or twentie . isaac . and will you deny this to be the doctrin of the reformation , wheras its scripture as interpreted by men of so eminent and sound a judgment ? ismael . the synod of geneve ; p and the q ecclesiastical disciplin of france printed at saumure , has decreed , that a wife whose husband is a long time absent , may have him called by the public cryer , and if within a competent time he does not appear , without any further enquiry , the minister may lycence her to marry an other , or marry her himself . isaac . j say , all honest women may practise this doctrin without scruple or shame , wheras its scripture as interpreted by that thrice holy synod : but let seamen beware how they undertake long voyages , for feare their wyves may take other husbands in their absence . ismael . luther r teachs its lawfull to a wife , if her husband does not please her , to call her man servant , or her neighbour ; which doctrin they say is come to the eares of our london sisters ; and he gives the like libertie to the husbands , if their wyves be pettish and humorsom . if the husband saies he , cannot correct the humorsomness of his wife , he may imagin she is dead , and may marry an other because it s not in the pow●r of a man to live without a woman , nor in hers to live without a man. isaac . this is scripture as interpreted by luther , and consequently must not be denied to be the doctrin of the reformation ; nor can any of our reformation be justly punisht or blam'd for practising it , if he judges by scripture it be true , ( as luther did ) for this is our rule of faith . but luther never gave this libertie , but vpon condition , that the husband or wife should first make their complaint before a magistrat , for to have a redress of their injurie and discontent : but this condition seems too combersom to the modestie of our sisters ; they do no● submit to it , but do themselves justice without any address to the magistrat . ſ i know also that not only luther , but bucer , t melancton , u ochinus , x musculus and calvin● do tea●h that a man who finds his wife in adulterie , may cast her of by divorce and marry an other ; and our french synods have ordered thi● doctrin to be put in their ecclesiastical disciplin , so that its the doctrin of scripture as interpreted by these persons of sound judgment , and consequently of the reformation : you may therefore believe and practise it ; y our sisters , particularly our ministers wyves , were much alarm'd at this doctrin , and say its à damnable heresy : believe as you please . ismael . z does not luther say it● impossible a yong man of 20 years can liue without a woman ; or a yong maide of 18 years , without a man● whereby all parents may believe their daughters of that age are defiled , if not preferr'd in due time : sure you will not say this is the doctrin of the reformation . isaac . and who doubts but tha● its the reformed doctrin ; scripture as interpreted by so sound a judgment : the contrary doctrin is also of the reformation , and you may believe it because our glorious queen elizabeth dyed a virgin ; and it s credibly reported som few fellows of oxford and cambridge liue continently . ismael . but what do you think of a child christen'd in popery by a monk or a fryar , ought he to be christen'd again in our reformation ? and what if a popish priest or fryar did becom of our reformed church , can he lawfully marry , wheras he made a vow of chastity ? isaac . as to the first quere , it s the doctrin of the reformation declared by many french synods and recorded in their ecclesiastical disciplin , that he must be christen'd again , because the first baptism was null : it s also the doctrin of the reformation declared by the church of england and many synods of france , that the first baptism is sufficient and valid : believe which you please . it 's also the doctrin of the reformation , that infants baptism is not at all needfull ( nay nor lawfull say the anabaptists ) so saies calvin a zuinglius , beza and many others , it s likewise the doctrin of our 39. articles b ; and our holy synod of london c that infants baptism is lawfull and needfull . believe which you like best ; both are of the reformation . as to the second quere , it s the doctrin of the reformation that priests and fryars are obliged to the vow of chastity which they made in popery , and cannot marry ; this is the doctrin of many of our brethren and particularly of d hooker , e marloratus , budellus and f couel ; who say the papish vows of pouertie , obedience and chastitie are commendable and ought to be kept . you may also believe this is wicked doctrin , and that they may take wyues notwithstanding their vow of chastitie , as well as benefices notwithstanding their vow of pouertie : believe which you please ; both doctrins are of the reformation ; but the best is to say they can marry ; for if marriage and benefices were denied them , no priest or fryar would euer embrace our reformed doctrin : we know our great zuinglius himself would not at all preach the ghospell vnto the suitzers , vntill that he presented a petition for himself and his companions , ( all priests and fryars ) extant yet in his 1. tom. pag. 110. and obtained the contents of it , which was to have wyves ; nor can wee doubt this to be the best doctrin , wheras luther , beza and almost all our other reformers , were priests and fryars , and the first step they gaue in the reformation was to marry : the papists and som weake brethren were much scandalized at luthers marriage , and erasmus his rallerie vpon it was much solemnised , luther yesterday a monk , to day a husband , and next day à father , because that honest cate boren , his virtuous bride , was hapily delivred of a louey boy eight daies after he married her : but the servant of god did not regret the action , which proues that he judged by scripture it was very lawfull . v. dialogue . ismael . you know i have been born and bred in our holy reformation , and a church of england man ; you tell me i may believe this or that , and whateuer i please ; i would gladly settle once for ever , and resolve what j may , and ought to believe , and not to be euery day carried away with euery wind of doctrin : let me , to that purpose propose vnto you , and hear your resolution of som doubts . what do you think , have not wee a church on earth establisht by christ , wherin wee are to live and serve him , and believe her doctrin ? isaac . j will giue you no other instruction nor answer but the pure doctrin of the reformation ; which when you have heard , you may determin as you like best , what religion to embrace ; but know this , that after you have determin'd with yourself to believe this or that ; you may with a very safe conscience alter that resolution next day after , and believe the quite contrary to what you resolved to believe , if vpon better consideration you thinke the contrary to be true ; this is the libertie of the holy reformation as j proued in my first dialogue . as to your present doubt j answer , it s the doctrine of the reformation , that it was jesus christ the son of god who establisht the church ; you may believe it therefore : it 's also the doctrin of the reformation , that it was not jesus christ the son of god who establisht the church : that this is the doctrin of our reformation its apparent ; for its scripture as interpreted by ochinus a man of sound judgment , whom all italy could not match , saies calvin ; in whose presence england was happy , and vnhappy in his absence , saies b bale : ochinus speakes thus , a considering how the church was establisht by christ and washt with his blood ; and considering again how it was vtter●y ouerthrowen by papacy ; i concluded that he who establisht it , could not be christ the son of god , because he wanted prouidence ; and vpon this reflexion he renounced christ and became a jew : and no man can say but that he acted and behaued himself like a true child of the reformation in so doing ; for he followed scripture as he vnderstood it ; and as he was a true reformed child in forsaking popery , because he vnderstood by scripture , that the reformation was better ; so since he vnderstood by reading scripture more , that judaism was better than the reformation , he acted like a good reformed , in chosing that which he vnderstood by scripture to be the best : this is the reformations rule of faith : do you , if you please , as he did , and you 'l be as good a reformed as he . and if you choose to believe that there is a church establisht on earth by christ , you must beware never to believe or perswade yourself that wee are bound to believe her docctrin , or live in her , if you do not judge by scripture that she teachs the doctrin of christ : this is the most essential point of popery ; an obligation of submitting our judgments to the church , and believing her doctrin without any more examin ; and in this the church of england is much like the popish church , which by acts of parliaments and other severities , would oblige all men to believe her doctrin rites and ceremonies : no , god has given vs scripture for our rule of faith ; as wee forsook the popish church , because wee discouered by scripture her many errors in doctrin ; so wee are not bound to believe the doctrin of any other church , but as wee find by scripture her doctrin is true . do , and speake as luther to . 1. edit . jen. in resolut . i will be free , and will not submit to the authority of councils , popes church or vniversity ; to the contrary i will confidently teach whatever i judge to be true ; whether it be catholic doctrin or hereticall ; condemned or approued . ismael . must i not believe that the doctrin of jesus christ , delivered to his apostles and the church is true doctrin ? isaac . the reformation teaches it is , and you may safely believe it : you may as safely believe it is not , in the principles of the reformation ; because it teaches that christ err'd in doctrin and manners : vere pharisaei e●ant viri valde boni , saies luther ; b & christus minime debuit eos taxare : and calvin saies , it s a folly to think he was not ignoran● in many things ; c lastly david georgius d ( a man of god and of a holy life saies osiander ) writes . if the doctrin of christ and his apostles had been true and perfect ; the church which they planted had continued , but now it is manifest that antichrist has subverted it , as it 's manifest in papacy ; therefore it was false and impe●fect . see these words quoted in the historie of david george printed by the divins of basile , at antwerp an . 1568. both doctrins are scripture as interpreted by men of sound judgment ; a child of the reformation , may believe which he will. ismael . is it not the doctrin of the reformation that the apostles were infallible in their doctrin ! much more must wee believe that jesus christ was so . isaac . yes it is ; you may believe it : and it s also the doctrin of the reformation that they were not infallible , neither in their written or vnwritten doctrin ; so , many of our most renowned drs speake ; and whatever any men of sound judgment judge to be true by scripture , is the doctrin of the reformation : zuinglius , e one of the greatest oracles of our church saies ; it 's a great ignorance to believe any infallible authority in the ghospels or epistles of the apostles ; beza not inferiour to zuinglius , blotted out of s. john the historie of the woman adulteress ▪ judging it a fable . clebitius f affirms , that luk's relation of christ's passion is not true , because it does not agree with that of mathew and mark , and more credit is to be given to two , than to one . g calvin saies , peter consented to , and added to the schism of the church , to the ouerthrow of christian liberty , and christ's grace . h whitaker sais , it 's evident that after the descent of the holy g. the whole church , even the apostles , erred ; and peter erred in doctrin and manners i luther saies peter liued and taught extra verbum dei ; and brentius k his disciple saies , that peter and barnabas , togither with the church of ierusalem erred after receiving the h. ghost . if our rule of faith be scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it , vndoubtedly this must be the doctrin of the reformation , and may be believed by any reformed , since its scripture interpreted by such renowned men . ismael . this is most wicked doctrin , i 'l never believe it . isaac jf you think by scripture its wicked , do not : follow your rule of faith , scripture as you vnderstand it : but if an other vnderstands by scripture ( as those authors did ) that the doctrin is good , give him leave to believe it ; hee 'l but follow his rule of faith ; scripture as he vnderstands it . ismael . i would gladly know which are the true canonical bookes of scripture . isaac . the reformation teachs and you may believe with the church of england that s. paul's epistle to the hebrews ; those of james and jude ; the 2. of s. peter ; the 2. and 3 of s. john , are true cononical scripture ; the reformation also teachs they are not canonical , because lutherans deny them ; believe which you like best . but if you l ' live in peace , and out of all strife with protestants , lutherans , and others , who dispute , if this or that be canonical scripture ; your rediest and speediest way will be , to say ther 's no true canonical scripture ; scripture is no more to be regarded than other pious bookes : if you say this is not the doctrin of the reformation ; reade hossius de expresso verbo dei , & lib. de haer. where he relates this to be the doctrin of the swi●feldians , as good reformeds , as the best of vs : they say , that wee are not to regard any instruction from man or book , but gods immediat inspiration , which speakes secretly to our hearts ; for which they alleadge those comfortable words of the prophet , i will hear what my lord my god speakes in me : for say they , the book which we call scripture , is a creature , and we must not seeke for light and instruction from any creature , but from god the father of lights . this is scripture as interpreted by men of sound judgment : any child of the reformation may believe it . ismael . i thought to settle my mind in my choyce of som religion , and you go the way to beate me from all ; for if you renvers the authority of scripture , what warrant shall wee haue for any religion ? god forbid the reformation should deny the true canon , or the infallible truth of scripture ; and let all the world say the contrary , i will constantly revere and believe it's gods infallible word . isaac . how can you say i beate you from all religion , when i directly perswade you to follow the rule of faith of our reformation , scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it ; let this be your religion , if you will be a true reformed ; whateuer you judge in your conscience to be true ; let the church of england , or france or any other say and believe what they will ; you are to believe but what you judge by scripture to be true , and this is the religion of the reformation . ismael . j would gladly know , if it be lawfull to chop or change the text ? isaac . it 's the doctrin of the reformation , that you cannot , because god has forbid to add to , or take away from his word : and therefore wee condemn the papists for their traditions , obtruded vpon the flock as the word of god : it 's also the doctrin of the reformation , and the practise of our best reformers , when the text does not speake cleerly enough , that for to refute popery and establish our own doctrin , wee may add or diminish a word or two ; which is not to change the word of god , but to make it speake more expresly : as when luther had a mind to preach iustification by faith alone ; finding the text said but , man is justified by faith , he added the word alone , and made the text very cleer against popery , which formerly was somwhat obscure : zuinglius being to teach the figurative presence of christ in the sacrament , found the text , this is my body , to be too pat against his doctrin ; and insteed of is , put in , this signifieth : the church of england being to preach the kings spiritual supremacy , could not convince the obstinat papist by the original text which saide 1. pet. 2 submit yourselvts vnto every human creature for the lord's sake , whether it it be the king as excelling , or to , &c. but in king edwards time they altered one word , and made the text thus , submit yourselves to every ordinance of man , whether it be to the king as being the cheef head , and the following impressions of the bible the yeare 1557. and 79. saie , to the king as supreame . and so the true ductrin is cleerly convinced out of scripture : as also the lawfullness of priests marriage● for the text before the reformation said 1. cor. 9 have not wee power to leade about a woman sister ; and now our bibles say , have not wee power to leade about a wife being our sister : hence its evident according the doctrine and practise of our reformation , that when you have a mind to establish a doctrin which you judge to be true , you may change the text and make it speake to your sense and meaning , provided you judge your sense to be true . ismael . what do you think of iustifying faith ? does faith alone justify vs ? isaac . it 's the doctrin of the reformation , that without charity it cannot , because s. paul saies 1. cor. 13. if i have faith so as to move mountains , and have no charity , i am nothing , it 's also the doctrin of the reformation , that its impious and wicked to say , faith alone without charity does not justify ; this is scripture as interpreted by luther a man of sound judgment : l who say , quoth luther , that faith alone tho perfect it be cannot , justify without charitie ; say impiously and wickedly ; because faith alone without any good works doth justify . believe which doctrin you please , both are of the reformation . ismael . luther was insolent in checking the doctrin of s. paul. isaac . probably he did not reflect that it was the doctrin of the apostle ; and if you will have it to be a check of s. paul , luther m will answer for himself be it , saies he , that the church , augusti● or other drs , also peter and paul , nay and an angel from heaven should teach otherwise than as i teach , yet my doctrin is such that it setteth forth gods glory ; i know i teach no human , but divin doctrin . it 's the doctrin of the reformation that faith alone without any good works , and notwithstanding all sins you are guiltie of , doth justify you : this is scripture as interpreted by luther , who saies , nothing can damn you but incredulity , as nothing but faith can save you ; of whitaker , wotten fulk and beza whose words i related in our precedent dialogue ; which j believe you remember , and j need not repeat . jts also the doctrin of the reformation , that good workes are meritorious of grace and glorie ; n hocker and harmonia confess : o say its the doctrin of scripture ; and what any person of sound judgment judges to be the doctrin of scripture , he may believe it ; for this is our rule of faith : it s like wise the doctrin generally of all our church , that good works are not at all meritorious : tindal ( called by fox p a man of god and a constant martyr ) judges this to be so true that in his treatise de mammona iniquitatis he saies , christ himself did not by all his good works merit the glory : and tho the scripture saies expresly he did ; calvin q affirms , that its a foolish curiosity to examin , and a rash proposition to say christ did merit . jt's the doctrin of the reformation , that tho good works be not meritorious , nor have not the least influence in our justification or salvation ; yet they are absolutly needfull for both ; in as much as that true faith cannot be without good works ; because they are the marks and signs of a living faith , by which alone wee are saved ; this is the judgment of the church of england expressed in the 11. and 12. article , of the 39. and of melancton in locis commun . de bonis operibus , and you may believe it : you may also believe , and its the doctrin of the reformation , that good works are so farr from being needfull , that they are prejudicious and hurtfull to our salvation , and the best way to be saved is to do no good work at all ; this is scripture as interpreted by jlliricus , flaccius , amsdorfius quoted in act. colloq . aldeburg . pag. 205. and 299. and luther r was so deeply perswaded of this truth , that tho christ said , if ●hou wilt enter into the kingdom of heaven , keep the commandments : luther saies , it s an obstacle to our salvation to keep them : where it is said , quoth he , that faith in christ doth indeed justify vs , but that it is necessary also to keep the commandements , there christ is denied , and faith abolisht ; because that which is proper to faith alone is attributed to the commandements . and again ſ saies he , if faith be-acompanied with good works , it s ●o true faith ; that it may justifie it must be alone without any good works . this is scripture as interpreted by such eminent and sound men ; and consequently the doctrin of the reformation ; and who doubts but that any doctrin of the reformation may be believed . hence forward , when you hear the preacher exhort you to good works , you may believe him , if you please , and have a mind to spend your monies ; because he preaches the doctrin of the reformation : or you may laugh at him , and believe not a word he saies , because he preachs against the doctrin of the reformation . ismael . these are dangerous and scandalous tenets destructive of piety and christianity ; and let luther and those authors you quoted say what they please , the reformation , nor no honest man will ever believe such abominable doctrin . isaac . j do not say that the children of the reformation are obliged to believe them : they may believe as you do , that all are wicked tenets : but if luther and the others cited , judge in their conscience these tenets to be the doctrin of scripture , and if peter , john or james like their interpretation ; i say they may according the principles of our reformation believe them , and be as truly reformed children as you : for our rule of faith is scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it , and in believing those tenets , because they judge them to be the doctrin of scripture , they stick fast to , and follow our rule of faith : why is figurative presence , and the kings supremacie the doctrin of the reformation ; tho denied by papists , lutherans and presbyterians ? but because the protestants judge its the doctrin of scripture : if therefore those great authors i quoted , and any other with them judge those tenets to be the doctrin of scripture , they can be justly called the doctrin of the reformation : must protestants be forced against their judgments to deny real presence and supremacy , because lutherans say its wicked doctrin ? and why must luther , jlliticus , flaccius and others be forced to deny those tenets , tho protestants or papists judge them to be damnable i let each one believe what he thinks to be the doctrin of scripture , and he will still be a true reformed child . ismael . does not our reformation teach that it 's possible to all men assisted with gods grace to keep the commandments ? isaac . this is the doctrin of the church of england , and consequently of the reformation : it 's also the doctrin of the reformation delivered out of scripture as interpreted by luther , calvin , willet and several others , that its impossible to any man , assisted with what grace soever to keep the commandments . none has euer yet , saies our great calvin , t and god has decreed none shall ever keep the commandments : again , u the law and commandments were giuen vs , to no other end but that we should be damn'd by them , in as much as that it is impossible for vs to do what they command . the same doctrin is taught by luther in several places of his works , by willet , x and by our brethren the gomarists of holland , and many of our french synods . believe which you please , both doctrins are of the reformation . jt's also the doctrin of luther and calvin , that god does not cast men into hell because their sins deserve it ; nor save men because they merit it ; but meerly because he will have it so : he crowns those who have not deserved it saies luther , y and he punishes those who have not deserved it : t is gods wrath and seuerity to damn the one , 't is his grace and mercy to saue the other . calvin also , z men are damn'd for no other cause but because god will have it so ; he is the cause and author of their damnation ; their damnation is decreed by god when they are in their mother's womb , because he will have it so ; this is also the belief of our gomarists in holland , of many french churchs , and of several learned calvinists : tho the church of england denies this doctrin , none will dare say it s not the doctrin of the reformation , because its scripture as interpreted by such eminent men of our church . ismael . j will neuer believe such execrable doctrins ; nor will j euer be of any congregation which believes them . isaac . j do not advise you to believe them ; but to giue others leaue to believe them , if they think them to be the doctrin of scripture ; as luther , calvin , willet , gomarists and others do : you must not , if you be a true reformed child hinder any man from believing , nor be displeased with him for believing what he judges in his conscience to be the doctrin of scripture , for this is our rule of faith : will not you be of the congregation and religion of those , who follow scripture as their rule of faith , and believe what they judge in their conscience to be the doctrin of scripture ? ismael . yes j will , and am of such a congregation , for this is the rule of faith of the reformation . isaac . why then , you must be of the same congregation with the gomarists , luther , calvin and the others , who believe those which you call execrable doctrins , because they follow scripture as they vnderstand ; and believe those doctrins , because they judge them to be of scripture : you both follow the same rule , one goes one way , and the other an other , and both are of the reformation . the church of england vnderstands by scripture that god is not the author nor cause of sin , that he does not force vs to sin ; who doubts but that this is there fore the doctrin of the reformation ? but calvin , brentius , beza and several others vndestand by scripture ; that god is the cause and author which forces our will to sin ; that man , and the deuil , are but gods instruments to commit it : that murthers , incests , blasphemies , &c are the works of god , that he makes vs commit them : and who doubts but this also is the doctrin of the reformation being scripture as interpreted by such eminent and sound judgments ? god saies calvin , a directs , moues , inclins and forces the will of man to sin ; in so much that the power and efficacy of working , is wholy in him ; man , nay and satan when he impells vs , being only gods instruments which he vses for to make vs sin . zuinglius , willet , beza teach the same . vi. dialogue . ismael j am weary of hearing such horrid blasphemies ; my heart trembles to heare you say , that such abominable tenets may be believed according our rule of faith and principles of our reformation : i beseech you let me hear no more of such stuff : j conceive very well that mens judgments and consciences are not to be constrain'd to believe or deny this or that tenet , because the pope or his infaillable , forsooth , church wil have it so ; isaac . and must they be constrain'd to deny or believe because the fallible church of england or france will have it so ? ismael . no , j do not say they must , have patience , and heare me speake a whyle : j say that scripture must be our rule of faith , and not any pope , or church , or congregation ; and that wee are no to be forced by any to believe , but what wee vnderstand to be true by scripture ; and that if wee judge by scripture any doctrin to be fals and contrary to gods word ; wee must not be forced to believe it : but wee must not abuse this liberty : that wee should have libertie for to believe or deny supremacy , figurative presence , communion in one or both kinds , and such other inferior truths controverted among christians ; and that each congregation may in such articles , believe as it vnderstands by scripture to be true , may pass ; and it s practis'd in our reformed churchs : but that wee should run so farr , as to have libertie by our rule of faith to believe or deny the fundamental and chief articles of christianity , as the trinity , incarnation , divinity of christ , &c. that libertie ought not to be giuen : our reformation very wisely and piously permits the lutherans to believe one thing , the presbyterians an other , the protestants an other , and so of the rest : and all are true reformed children , because each of them believes as they judge by scripture to be true : but the reformation has neuer giuen , not neuer will giue liberty to interpret scripture against the fundamental articles of christanity : wee must be moderat ; and keep our rambling fancies within compass , and if any should judge and interpret scripture in favor of any scandalous and abominable tenets against christianity and good manners , he must be checkt , and not commended : this moderation the church of england vses and will never permit the contrary . isaac . j percevie a greate deale of popish blood to run in your veins , and that if you and your church of england , were in p●ower at the beginning of our reformation , wee should neuer have had a luther , calvin , beza , or such other noble and renowned reformers : by what j gather from your discourse , j do not see the breth of an inchs difference betwixt the church of rome and you and your church of england ; for the church of rome will not stick to grant , that gods word alone is her rule of faith , but so that none must believe any sense of it , but as she believes it , nor interpret any text , but receive her interpretation of it : the church of england has scripture for her rule of faith , and gives vs libertie for to interpret , vnderstand , and believe som texts of it , as each one thinks best ; and so permits presbyterians to deny episcopacy , lutherans to deny figurative presence , &c. and confesses they are all her brethren of the reformation , but she will give no libertie at all for to interpret other texts , but all must vnderstand them as she does , or all must be heretiks and damn'd men : no , that text , my father and i are one , must be interpreted to signifie the unitie in nature of the father and son , as the church of england believes ; none must interpret it otherwise : so that the difference betwixt the popish church and that of england is ; the first giues vs no liberty at all : the second giues us som libertie ; the first robs vs of all ; the second but of the one half : the rule of faith in popery is scripture as interpreted by the pope and councils ; the rule of faith in england as to som articles is scripture as interpreted by the church of enggland ; and as to other articles , scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it : and thus protestants , are but half papists , and half reformed , and both these ingredients will never make a good compound . let any vnbyass'd and impartial man judge if the church of england proceeds justly in this : for if our rule of faith be scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it , as she mentions in her 39. articles ▪ and as the whole reformation believes , if wee are not to be constraind , to believe any church , council , or mans sense of scripture , if wee do not judge by the word of god its true ; by what authority rule or reason , can the church of england give me libertie to vnderstand and believe som texts as j please ; and deny me libertie for to vnderstand and believe others , as j judge by scripture they ought to be vnderstood ? j pray observe well this discourse : heer are luther , calvin , beza , zuinglius and our other first reformers ; they interpret som texts against the doctrin of rome , and others against the doctrin of the church of england : they are praised for the first , and esteemed apostolical reformers , because without any regard of what the church of rome said , they freely taught and believed what they judged by scripture to be true ; why must not they be praised and esteemed true reformers also , for not regarding what the church of england or any other saies ; but teach the impossibility of gods commandments , the sufficiency of faith alone , and all those other tenets which you so much mislike , since they judge by scripture , that to be the true doctrin : are they bound to submit their judgments to the church of england more than to that of rome ? ismael . but in those tenets they do not only contradict the church of england ; but all christian churchs and congregations ; for all will say those are wicked and scandalous doctrin . isaac . and if they judge by scripture that those tenets are not such , but sound and good doctrin , may not they believe them , tho all the world and ten worlds did gainsay them ? is not scripture our rule of faith , and are wee to regard what any church or all churchs say , further than wee find by scripture that they say well ? but being these tenets , which you call horrid blasphemies displease you i 'll change my discourse ; and because i see you are popishly inclined , j will shew you how by the principles of our reformation , you can be as good a papist as the pope ; one principle excepted , wherin you must dissent from the church of rome , if you intend to remain a true reformed child . ismael . you promise too much , and more than j desire to know ; j don't desire to have any communication with the pope , i know by the writings of our authors what kind of beast he is . isaac . by your favor , you may believe the popes are worthy , honest , and godly men ; many drs. of our reformation , and our travellers to the court of rome give this testimonie of them ? you may also believe , that popes and cardinals are knaves and atheists , who looke on scripture as a romance and deny the incarnation of christ , for calvin saies so , and would never have said it , if it had not been true : but beware not to speake so in rome , or they 'l lodge you where honest taylor the quaker was ; nor in spain , or they 'l stop your mouth with an inquisition faggot . ismael . j care not what the pope or cardinals are ; but j would gladly know , what religion and congregation you are of ; for wheras you are my immediat instructor ; it behoues me to know what religion you have . isaac as to my religion , i doubt not but that my readers will be devided in their judgments of me ; if a papist reades me , hee 'l sweare i am an atheist ; but j hope he will not pretend to be infallible as his pope : if a protestant , hee l say , i am a papist ; and that my drift is to cast dirt vpon his church : the honest quaker will say , i am a profane man ; others perhaps will say i am of no religion , but a despiser of all ; and our congregations are so vncharitable that likely none will accept of me , because i say all religions are very good : a sad thing that a man must be hated for speaking well of his neighbours ; and that each one must have all the world to be naught but himself : this then is my religion , to suffer persecution for justice and truth ; to render good for evil ; to bless those who curse me ; and speake well of all congregations , whylst they speake all evil against me : reflect well vpon what j discoursed hitherto , and you will find , j am as great a louer of the reformation as they who may think me its enemie ; and reade my following discourse and you will find i loue popery as well as the reformation : the spirit of god makes no exception of persons . ismael . you promised to proue by the principles of the reformation , that wee may believe all the tenets of popery , and remain still of the reformation : how can this be ? isaac . you remember i excepted one principle of poperie , wherin you must necessarily dissent from them : and if you deny this one principle , you may believe all their others tenets as well as the pope ; and be as ●ood a child of the reformation as luther . ismael . what principle is this , which you seem to make the only distinctive sign of a reformed , from a papist . isaac . listen a whyle : a papist is not a papist because he believes purgatory , transubstantiation , indulgences , and the rest of popish tenets , but because he believes them vpon the testimonie of the pope and church , because they assure him they are revealed truths : if a papist did say , j believe these tenets because i myself do judge by scripture that they are revealed ; and not , because the pope and church say they are ; he would be no papist : the papist believes the mystery of the trinity , the incarnation and passion of christ : the protestant believes the same mysteries ; yet the one is a papist and no protestant ; the other is a protestant and no papist . and why ? because the papist believes them vpon the testimonie of the pope and church , the protestant believes them vpon the testimony of gods written word : believe then whatever you please of popery , provided you believe it , because you judge by scripture its true , and not because the pope or the church sayes it ; you 'l never be a papist but a perfect reformed . ismael . if this discourse be solid , you may hedge in all the articles of popery into our reformation . isaac . if you peruse the works of our reformed drs you 'l hardly find any article of popery , but has been judged by many , or som of our best reformed drs , to be the true doctrin of scripture ; and wheras any doctrin which any person of sound judgment vnderstands by scripture to be true may be justly called the doctrin of the reformation ; it follows that hardly is there any article of popery , for which wee see so many persecutions againsts subjects , and such troubles in our parliaments , but is truly the doctrin of the reformation . ismael . shew me som examples of this . isaac . the veneration of relicks and saints dead bones , is generally believed by vs to be meer popery and superstition ; therefore wee made no store of luther and calvins bones , tho wee know them to be as great saints as any in the popish church : but veneration of relicks and saints bones , is the doctrin of our reformation ; for whatever is set down and commended by our common prayer book , must be vndoubtedly esteemed our reformed doctrin and practice , and our common prayer book printed since our kings happy restauration , in its kalender sets down a day to the translation of s. edward king of saxons body in the month of june ; and dedicats an other to the translation of the bodies of s. martin and swithin , in the month of july . the veneration and vse of the sign of the cross , is flat popery in the judgment of all our congregations ; yet any reformed child may laudably and piously vse it ; wheras our common prayer book in the administration of baptism , commands the minister to vse it , saying , wee sign him with the sign of the cross , in token that heerafter he shall not be ashamed , to confess the faith of christ crucified , and manfully to fight vnder his banner against sin , the world and the deuil . and in our kalender printed since his majesti's restauration , it s called the holy cross . our congregations generally believe , its popery to keep holy daies ( except the sabboth day ) and saints daies ; to fast lent , vigils , commanded , emberdays , and fridaies ; and all this is recommanded to vs in our common prayer book , and the minister is commanded , in the administration of the lords supper , to publish the holy daies of the week , and exhort vs to fast ; and surely , he is not commanded to teach , or exhort vs to any thing , but to the doctrin of the reformation : it 's true the students of our colledges of oxford and cambridge , are much troubled with scruples in this point : these pauperes de lugduno , are compelled to fast all fridays throughout the yeare ; and it s not hungar that makes them complain , but tenderness of conscience , because they feare its popery . it 's a popish error , wee say , to believe that pennance , or our penal works of fasting , almsdeeds , or corporal austerities , can auaile and helpe for the remission of our sins , and satisfying gods justice : no , we say , penal works , serue for noting ; all is don by repentance ; that 's to say , by sorrow of heart for having offended god. this is the doctrin of danaeus , willet , junius and calvin , who saies francis , dominick , bernard , antony , and the rest of popish monks and fryars , are in hell for their austerities and penal works : for all that , you may very well believe , and its the doctrin of the reformation , that pennance and penal works , do auaile for the remission of our sins , and are very profitable to the soule ; for , our common prayer booke in the commination against sinners , saies thus ; in the primitive church , there was a godly disciplin , that at the beginning of lent , such as were notorious sinners , were put to open pennance , and punisht in this world , that their soules may be saued in the day of the lord. and our common prayer booke wishes , that this disciplin were restored again ; and surely , it does not wish that popery were restored ; therefore it s no popery to say , that pennance or penal works , do satisfy for our sins in this world , and auaile to save vs in the other . ismael . i know , many of our congregations , mislike much our common prayer booke for these popish tenets ; but what do you say of the grand errors of popery , can a man be a true child of the reformation , and yet believe the popes supremacy ; deny the kings supremacy ; believe transubstantiation and communion in one kind ; are these tenets , the doctrin of the reformation , or consistent with its principles ? isaac . the kings supremacy is vndoubtedly the doctrin of the reformation ; because it s judged by the church of england to be of scripture : yet not only the quakers , presbyterians , anabaptists , and other congregations , judge it s not of scripture , but as erroneus a tenet , as that of the popes supremacy ; calvin 6. amos , saies ; they were vnaduised people and blasphemers , who raised king henry the viii . so far as to call him the head of the church ; but also that no civil magistrat can be the head of any particular church , is the doctrin of the centuriators cent . sept . pag. 11. of cartwright , viretus , kemnitius and many others ; who doubts then but that in the principles and doctrin of the reformation , you may deny the kings supremacy , tho the church of england believes it . the popes supremacy is the doctrin of popery ; who doubts it ? but it s also the doctrin of the reformation , for many of our eminent drs. haue judged it to be the doctrin of scripture ; as whitgift , a who cites calvin , and musculus for this opinion : but its needfull wee relate som of their express words , i do not deny saies luther , b but that the bishop of rome , is , has been , and ought to be the first of all ; i believe , he is aboue all other bishops , it s not lawfull to deny his supremacy : melancton c saies no less that the b. of rome is aboue all the church ; that it is his office to govern , to judge in controversies , to watch ouer the priests , to keep all nations in conformity and vnity of doctrin : somaisius , d the pope of rome has been without controversie the first metropolitan in italie , and not only in italie , nor only in the west , but in all the world , the other metropolitans have bin chief in their respective districts , but the pope of rome has bin metropolitan and primat , not only of som particular dioces , but of all . grotius e has expresly the same doctrin and proves this supremacy belongs to the pope de iure divino . j pray consider if these drs. be not men of sound judgment , and of eminent learning and credit in our reformation , and if our doctrin be scripture as such men vnderstand it , consider i say with what justice can this doctrin be called popery more than reformed doctrin . as for transubstantiation , it contains two difficulties ; first if the body of christ be really in the sacrament ; and this real presence , the lutherans defend to be the doctrin of scripture , as well as the papists ; why then should it be called popish , more than reformed doctrin ? the second is , if the substance of bread , be in the sacrament togither with christs body : lutherans say it is ; papists say it is not , but that there is a transubstantiation , or change of the whole substance of bread , into the body of christ ; but hear what luther f saies of this that wee call popish doctrin ? i give all persons libertie to believe in this point , what they please , without hazard of their salvation , either that the bread is in the sacrament of the altar , or that it is not . would luther have given this liberty , if transubstantiation had not been the doctrin of the reformation as well as any other ? calvin g also and beza h affirm , that luther's doctrin of the coexistence of christ's body and the bread , is more absurd , than the popish doctrin of the existence of the body alone ; if therefore wee be true reformed , and safely believe the doctrin of luther , which is the most absurd ; much more will we be of the reformation , by believing that of the papists , which is less . communion in one kind , is the doctrin of the reformation , no less than communion in both : for besides that luther saies , i they sin not against christ , who vse one kind onely , seeing christ has not commanded to vse both ; and again , k tho it were an excellent thing to vse both kinds in the sacrament ; and christ has commanded nothing in this , as necessary , yet it were better to follow peace and vnity , than to contest about the kinds ; but also melancton ; l who in the opinion of luther surpasses all the fathers of the church ; expresly teachs the same doctrin : and the church of england statut 1. edward vi. commands . that the sacrament be commonly administer'd in both kinds , if necessitie does not require otherwise ; mark , he saies but commonly ; and that for som necessity it may be receved in one ; lastly th● sufficiency of one kind in the sacrament , is plainly set down by our reformed church of france in her ecclesiastical disciplin printed at saumur , chap. 12. art . 7. the minister must give the bread in the supper to them , who cannot drink the cup , provided it be not for contempt . and the reason is , because there are many who cannot endure the tast of wine : wherefore it often happens among them , that som persons , do take the bread alone : and truly if som of our ministers in england , do not give better wine than they are acustomed , who very irreverently serve that holy table with naughtie trash , it s much to be feared , that our flock will also petition to be dispens'd with in the cup ; because there are som of so delicat palats , that they cannot endure the tast of bad wine . now , you may admire the injustice of the papists in condemning our reformed doctrin and doctors as hereticks , wheras those tenets are believed by many of vs , as well as by them ; and the groundless severity of our congregations in exclaiming against that doctrin ; it being the doctrin of the reformation , wheras so many eminent men of our own , judge it to be of scripture . ismael . wheras i see people persecuted by the church of england for these tenets , i can hardly be perswaded they are the doctrin of the reformation : at our next meeting wee will pursue this discourse ; the bell rings for morning prayers ; a dieu . vii . dialogue . isaac . you come from church , as i guess by the common prayer booke i see in your hands , i pray let me see the kalender of it ; if it be à la mode nouvelle , which was made by the church of england , since his majesties restauration . ismael . why ? have you met any thing in it , which shocks you ? isaac . shock me ? no doctrin or practice of any congregation , or man of sound judgment of our church can shock me ; you know , i pleade for libertie to believe and practise as each one judges by scripture to be true and good . but i observe in your kalender , you have a day consecrated to s. ann in the month of of july ; i would gladly know , what ann is this , which the church of england honors so much ? ismael . it 's ann , the mother of the virgin mary . isaac . is 't possible ? j thought it was ann bolen the mother of our virgen elizabeth : j am sure the church of england , is more obliged to her , than to the other : but as you have put heer the mother of the virgin mary , why did not you put in also elizabeth mother of the great baptist ; and the angel gabriel , as well as michael ? ismael . j know not indeed . isaac . nor do j know , if it be not , because that elizabeth and gabriel made the popish ave maria , as scripture relates ; but can you tell , as the church of england put in your kalender , s. george , s. andrew and s. david , patrons of england , scotland and wales ; why did not she put in s. patrick patron of ireland ? ismael . j can't tell ; what may be the reason , think you ? isaac . j know not , if it be not that he forfeited his place for his purgatorie ; for tho the others were as deep in popery as he , ) if wee believe the papists ; ) but the parliament pass'd an act of indemnity for england , scotland and wales after the kings return to his kingdoms ; and thereby the sin of popery was forgiven to their patrons ; and no act of indemnitie was past for jreland , whereby patrik is still guiltie ; if it be not , that the seaven champions of christendom tell us s. patrick was s. george his footman , and it was not thought good manners , to put him in the same rank with his master . ismael . for shame , if not for piety , forbeare , j cannot endure to sully sacred things with profane ralleries ; the kalender is a holy institution of the church , and ought to be reverenc'd . isaac . and so is episcopacy , surplices , bells , organs , and corner capps ; yet j hope you will give presbyterians , anabaptists , quakers , &c. leave to laugh at them : and be still as good children of the reformation as you : if you esteem them to be sacred and holy , reverence and honor them ; j commend you for it ; if others judge otherwise let them follow their humor ; each one as he fancies , saies the fellow kissing ●his cow ; this is the holy libertie of the reformation , scripture as each one vnderstands it . ismael . let vs return to our last discourse ; how is it possible , that those tenets of popery , should be the doctrin of the reformation , wheras wee see the church of england so severely persecut the professors of them ? isaac . do you think a doctrin is not of the reformation , because it s denied by the church of england ? or because she persecutes the professors of it ? do not they persecute all non conformists , as well as popery ? persecution is no proof of a doctrin to be bad ; it 's but the effect of a blind zeale armed with power : for to know certainly if a doctrin , be of the reformation , you must trye it by our test or rule of faith , which is the written word of god ; and whateuer any man of sound judgment , of a sincere and humble heart judges to be contained in scripture , or an indubitable consequence out of it ; that man , may believe that doctrin , let all others judge of it as they list ; and by so believing will be a true child of the reformation ; wherefore , since that the church of france , that of england in edward the vi. time , luther , melancton , grotius , and the other authors j quoted , do judge transubstantiation , popes supremacy , and communion in one kind to be the doctrine of sctipture : wee must call it the doctrin of the reformation ; and if you judge as they did , you may believe that doctrin , and be still of the reformation , as well as they . ismael . can you shew me any other tenet of popery , which you can call the doctrin of the reformation . isaac . alas ! you can hardly shew me any tenet of popery , but what is its doctrin ; what doctrin more popish than that of confession and absolution from sins ? yet it s as truly the doctrin of the reformation , as figurative presence : for not only a lobechius , b altamerus , c sarcerius and d melancton say , it s a sacrament : but the church of england in our common prayer booke , declares that priests have not only the power of declaring their sins to be forgiuen to the penitents , but also the power of forgiuing them : and sets down the form of absolution , which the minister is to vse ; our lord iesus christ , who left power to the church , to absolve all sinners which truly repent , of his mercie forgive thee and thine offences ; and i by his authoritie committed vnto me , do absolve thee from all they sins : the ministers of the diocess of lincoln in their survey of the book of common prayers , checkt this doctrin as popery , and petitioned to have it blotted out ; but could not prevaile ; whereby we are given to vnderstand , it s the doctrin of the reformation . it 's popery , wee say , to call extream vnction , confirmation , and holy order of priesthood , sacraments : and who can justly denie all this to be the doctrin of the reformation ? for calvin e saies , i confess , the disciples of christ did vse extream vnction as a sacrement ; i am not , saies he , of the opinion of those , who judge it was only a medecin for corporal diseases : calvin f also , and with him our common prayer book and all our divins say , a sacrament is nothing els , but a visible sign of the invisible grace wee receive by it ; and they say with g couel , h hooker and others that this definition fits exactly confirmation ; wherfore the ministers of the diocess of lincolne , checkt the common prayer book , for giving the difinition of a sacrament to confirmation . i melancton , k bilson l hooker and m calvin expresly teach , that the order of priesthood , is a sacramēt . and when men of so eminēt judgment of our reformation teach , this to be the doctrin of scripture , who doubts but that it is of the reformation . ismael . by this , you destroy the doctrin of the reformation , of two sacraments only . isaac . destroy it ? god forbid : because the church of england saies , there are but two sacraments , i say its the doctrin of the reformation , there are but two : and because so many eminent men judge by scripture there are more , j say its the doctrin of the reformation there are more , that 's to say six , baptism , confirmation , eucharist , pennance , extrem unction and holy order : and every likely our bishops and ministers , for their wyves sake , will not stick to grant that matrimony also is a sacrament . ismael . but can you say , that prayers to saints and jmages , prayers for the dead , and purgatorie , are not meer popery , and in no wise the doctrin of the reformation ? isaac . without doubt , those tenets are popery ; but all the world knows , the lutherans vse jmages in their churchs and pray before them ; and the ●oly synod of charenton has declared , as wee said in our first dialogue , that the lutherans have nothing of superstition or idolatry in their manner of divin worship ; this is also the doctrin n of jacobus andreas , o brachmanus , p kemnitius , luther and brentius quoted by beza q and why should not a doctrin judged by such eminent men to be of scripture , be called the doctrin of the reformation ? prayers for the dead and purgatorie , is popery confessedly ; but alas , it is taught expresly by urbanus , regius r bucer , ſ zuinglius , t melancton , u luther , x the common prayer book in king edwards time printed 1549. and many others of our learned drs , and what can you call more properly the doctrin of the reformation , than what such men teach to be the doctrin of scripture : and tho our brethren , quakers , anabaptists , presbyterians and protestants judge prayers to angels and saints to be nothing else but popery : yet our common prayer booke has the same collect or prayer to angels in s. michael's day , that the popish mass book has , and desires that the angels may succour and defend vs on earth : and prayers to , and intercession of saints is taught by luther , y bilneus and latimer quoted by fox z and consequently its the doctrin of the reformation . ismael . if all these popish articles , may be safely believed by the reformation , and be the doctrin of our reformed church , as well as of popery ; what difference then betwixt vs and popery : or why are we called a reformation of popery , or why did wee separat from them ? isaac j have told you already , that our difference from popery , is not , because wee must deny what they believe , for wee believe as well as they the unity and trinity of god , the jncarnation of his son , &c. but in this , that the papists believe because the pope and church saies this is true revealed doctrin : but wee believe not because any church , pope or doctor saies so , but because wee ourselves judge by scripture it is so : for if a papist did say , i do not believe this is a revealed truth , because the pope and church saies it is , but because i find by scripture it is ; he would be no papist : believe then whatever doctrin you will , either popery , iudaism , protestancy , arianism or what else you please , provided you judge by scripture it is true , and that you believe it , not because this or that church , congregation , or drs believe it , but because yourself judges it to be true ; you 'l be a true child of the reformation : and this is the reason why wee are called a reformation , and why wee separated from them , because they would haue vs take for our rule of faith scripture as interpreted by them ; and believe , not what wee judge to be the doctrin of scripture , but what they judge ; and this is also the reason why ptesbyterians are jealous with the church of england ; why anabaptists forsake presbyterians , why these are forsaken by quakers , because each one would haue the world judge as they do , and persecute and trouble one another , which is quite against the spirit of the reformation , for wher as our rule of faith is no church , congregation or man , but scripture as each one vnderstands it ; it follows that by our principles , every one must be permitted to believe whatever he pleases ; and by so doing , he will be a true child of the reformation . ismael . the church of england nor any of our congregations , will neuer believe any of those popish tenets . isaac . the time may come , that they may believe them all , and be still as good reformeds as now they are : for if the pope and his church should to morrow deny and excommunicat those tenets , which now they so stedfastly believe ( and i hope they will som day ) then it would be a pious and virtuous action in all reformed children , to believe them all , as much as now they deny them : and let vs pretend what other reason : wee please : but it s very certain that the strongest reason wee can haue to deny those articles , is because the pope and his church believes them , and consequently , if the popish church , would but deny them , wee might and ought to believe them : you will think this a paradox ; but listen to our apostolical and divin luther : a if a general council , saies he , did permit priests to marry ; it would be a singular mark of piety and sign of godlyness in that case to take concubins , rather than to marry in conformity to the decree of the council , i would in that case command priests not to marry vnder pain of damnation . and again saies he ; b if the council should decree communion in both kinds ; in contempt of the council , i would take one only kind or none . see these words of luther quoted by our learned hospinian c and jewel d and see it s not only my doctrin but of great luther , that in case the pope and council deny all the tenets , they now believe ; wee may , and it will be a pious godly action to believe them , and make as many acts of parliament for them , as now wee have against them . but what 's the matter ? me thinks you become pale som thing troubles you , speake , what i st ? ismael . it 's the horror j conceive against your discourse , my countenance cannot be in a calm , when my mind is in such a storm and confusion ; pursue no more : you said enough , that j should curse the day j haue euer seen you , or heard that , which you call holy liberty , which is but a prostitution of consciences , a profanation of all that is sacred , and an open gap to all impiety in doctrin and manners : but j hope the lord has giuen me that profound respect and attache to our holy reformation , that i shall not be beatten from it by all your engines , able to inspire a contempt and hatred of it to any weake brother : for who would liue a moment in it : if such impious tenets , such sandalous and blasphemous doctrins were of it , or were vnauoidable sequeles out of its principles : no , no , the principles of the reformed church , are sound and orthodox , and no doctrin can follow from them , but what 's pure and true . isaac . let me tell you , j have as tender a loue for the reformation , as you : and j will maintain the holy libertie j assert , cannot justly be called a prostitution of consciences ; for , you dare not deny but this is an orthodox and sound principle , that our rule of faith is scripture as ●ach person of sound judgement vnderstands it ; that it is lawfull for each person of sound judgment to reade it , to giue his judgement of the true sense of it , and to believe and hold that sense of it , which he thinks in his conscience to be true ; is there any prostitution of consciences in this doctrin ? or is it not the doctrin of our reformation ? ismael . all this in true , the prostitution of consciences leyes not there ; but in the scandalous and blasphemous tenets , which you pretend that follow out of that rule of faith . isaac . but you wrong the reformation in calling such tenets blasphemies and scandals : for since our rule of faith is scripture as each person of soud judgment vnderstands it ; if this rule of faith be good and sound ; if it be religious and holy ; any doctrin that is conformable to this rule , must be good , sound , religious and holy ; this being our rule of faith and manners , it s cleerer than day light , that all and each tenet which j rehearsed in all my former discourses , are consormable to our rule of faith ; for our rule is , scripture as each man of sound judgment vnderstands it . our doctrin therefore must be , what any person of sound judgment vnderstands to be the doctrin of scripture . this is an evident sequele out of that principle , and wheras there is not one tenet of all those which j rehearsed , whether they concern doctrin or manners ; but was judged by the doctors , which j cited for it , to be the doctrin of scripture ; it follows vnauoiably , that there is not one tenet of them , but is the doctrin of the reformation : therefore you must be forced to either of these two ; either to say that our rule of faith , by which such doctrins are warranted , is naught , wicked and scandalous , and leads to a prostitution of consciences and manners ; or that all those tenets , are good , sound , pious , and no prostitution or corruption of our consciences : for , pick and choose out the doctrin which you think to be the most wicked and scandalous of all those j rehearsed ; you cannot deny , but that it was taught by the author j quoted for it , and judged by him , to be the doctrin of scripture : and if no doctor hitherto had believed it , you or j , or som other person of sound judgment , may judge it to be the doctrin of scripture : either of both then , you must be constrained to grant : or that the doctrin of the reformation , is not what each person of sound judgment vnderstands to be the doctrin and sense of scripture , which is as much as to say , that our rule of faith must not be scripture as wee vnderstand it , but that wee must believe against our own judgment and conscience , what others say is the doctrin and sence of scripture : or you must grant that all and each of those tenets j rehearsed , is the doctrin of the reformation , tho you , or this , or that man may judge them to be blasphemies and scandals ismael . j confess our rule of faith in the reformation is scripture as each person vnderstands it ; for all our reformed churchs , with the church of england inher 39. articles do giue vs this rule of faith : i confess consequently out of this principle , that wee must not believe what doctrin or sense of scripture others judge to be true and orthodox , if wee do not ourselues judge it to be such , for wee must not be forced to believe against our judgments : lastly i confess wee may safely believe , whatsoeuer doctrin wee seriously judge to be doctrin of scripture , but prouided , that such a tenet or doctrin be not plainly against scripture , and be not plain and downright impiety and blasphemie . isaac . and in case you , or the church of england , rome , france , or germany judges a doctrin to be blasphemous and against scripture , and luther , or calvin or j , or an other , judges it is good doctrin and conformable to scripture ; to which judgment must j stand ? must j believe yours against my conscience and knowledge ▪ or must not j believe my own ? is it not the principle and practice of our reformation , that j must believe what j judge in my conscience to be scripture , and not what others judge , if they judge the contrarie ? when luther began the reformation , did not almost all christians , and the whole church believe purgatorie and prayers to saints to be the doctrin of scripture ; and did not he , very commendably , deny it against them all , because he judged by scripture it was not ? will a presbyterian believe episcopacy because the church of england saies its the doctrin of scripture ; no , but deny it because himsef judges it is not . ismael . it s true , each one may lawfully believe what himself judges to be the doctrin of scripture ; prouided he be a godly wel intentioned man , humble and meeke in spirit ; provided secondly , that what he vnderstands to be the sense and doctrin of scripture , be not absurd and impious in the judgment of all the rest of the faithfull : for , let a man be euer se learned and godly , if he gives an interpretation of scripture , which is denied by all the church , he must not be followed isaac . your first prouiso is very good , and j hope you will meet no doctor of all those j quoted for those tenets , which you call blasphemies , who was not a learned , godly humble and well intentioned man , who will be so bold as to deny it of luther , calvin , beza , zuinglius , &c. your second proviso is not just , and in it you ouerthrow the whole reformation , and our rule of faith ; for this being , as you granted , scripture as each person of sound judgment vndestands it ; whateuer interpretation or sense any man of sound judgment vnderstands to be of scripture , he may safely and piously believe it , tho all the rest of the world should judge it to be impious and blasphemous ; otherwise our rule of faith , must not be scripture as wee vnderstand it ; but as it is vnderstood by others : and wheras no tenet , of all those j rehearsed , but was judged to be the sense and doctrin of scripture by som of those eminent drs. i quoted ; it follows , they might have safely believed them ; and if you or j judge as they did , wee may also believe as they did , and be still of the reformation . ismael . it 's wicked and pernicious to say , any particular person may believe his own privat sense and interpretation of scripture , if it be judged by all others to be naught ; and therefore the church of england , prudently and wisely , puts a stop and bridle to the extravagant and rambling imaginations of particular persons ; they must conform themselves , and believe but what the church judges may be safely believed . isaac . pray sr. , since when is it cōmendable to constrain mens judgments to believe , not what each one thinks best , but what the church thinks may be safely believed ? was this commendable in the beginning of our reformation , when our blessed reformers began to teach their privat judgments against the church then establisht ? if it was ; then the church of rome is to be commended , for persecuting and excommunicating our first reformers ; and if this was not , nor is not commendable in the church of rome ; why is it commendable in the church of england ? this is a peece of popery , wherof the church of england is guiltie , and for which all our congregations are iealous of her : be it knowen to you , our other congregations , lutherans , calvinists , anabaptists , &c. are as truly and godly children of the reformation as the church of england ; and they will not submit to that popish tyranny , nor suffer any curb to their judgments , but will have our rule of faith to be but scripture , and each one to vnderstand , and believe it , as he thinks best in the lord. ismael . j confess , other congregations will admit no such curb , nor bridle to their judgments , but follow scripture as they vnderstand it ; but the church of england has a reverent regard for the sense and interpretation of it given by the primitive ages , fathers and councils ; and that wee prefer before the privat interpretations of particular persons . isaac . and just so saied the popish church to luther and our first blessed reformers ; and if that had been well d●n ; wee should have had , neither protestancy , nor any other reformation : but you confess at least , that the rule of faith in all other congregations , is but scripture as each person vnderstands it , and each person may consequently believe his own sense of it , and deny the sense of any other if he does not like it : then you must confess , that in all other congregations , except the church of england , any reformed child may believe any sense and doctrin , which any person of sound judgment judges to be scripture , if himself likes it , tho all the rest of the world may think it naught ; and wheras you cannot deny , but that all and each dr. quoted by me for those tenets , which you call blasphemies , were sound and able judgments ; you must confess , that it is a necessarie sequele out of their rule of faith , that in all other congregations they may piously and safely believe all those tenets , and be still true children of the reformation . ismael . j confess if they speake coherently and stand to their principles , they may believe them safely ; but as j hate those blasphemous tenets , i abhorr and detest also that principle and rule of faith of other congregations , from which such tenets are vnavoidable sequeles . isaac . good ismael ; you forget what you have hitherto all along avowed , and you are quite astray from the doctrin of the reformation : you have often granted me , that our rule of faith is scripture , not as this or that congregation , doctor , or church , but as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it ; and now you tell me you hate and detest that rule , because that out of it , there follow strange and blasphemous tenets ? you say , the sense and interpretation of the primitive ages , church and fathers must be prefered before the interpretation of any privat person or congregation ; and what think you of our whole reformation , and particularly of our 39. articles of the church of england , which allow no other rule of faith but scripture as each person of sound judgment vnderstands it ? what say you of luther , calvin , beza , and the rest of our first reformers , who preferred their own privat sense and interpretation of scripture , before that of the whole church ? what say you to the presbyterians , who preferr their own sense and interpretation of the bible , before that of the church of england ? what say you of all the congregations of the reformed church , each one of which , holds its sense and doctrin of scripture , different from all the rest ? i grant , there ought to be a respect for the judgment and interpretation of the text , given by the primitive church and fathers ; but if a doctor , or man of sound judgment , replenisht with gods spirit , reades scripture with an humble heart , and pure intention , and judges by it , that bygamy is lawfull ; that there is no mystery of three persons in one divin nature ; that christ despaired on the cross , &c. tho these doctrins be quite against the judgment of fathers , church , and councils , he may believe them , and be still a true reformed child , because he follows our rule of faith ; and if he must deny these articles , because others decry them ; then he must go against his own judgement and conscience , for to conform himself to them , and his rule of faith must not be scripture as each man of sound judgment vnderstands it ; but as the primitive ages , church , and councils vnderstand it ; and this is popery . ismael . prethy friend jsaac , let 's give ouer : all that your discourse drives at , by what j can perceive , is either to beate me from the reformation by shewing me the absurdity of its rule of faith ; or oblige me to believe scandalous and blasphemous tenets as necessary sequeles out of that rule : i am à child of the reformation , and never will be otherwise . isaac . the lord , who is the searcher of hearts , knows , you misconster my intentions : how can you say i intēd to beate you from the reformation ; do not j insist and persuade you to stick fast to its rule of faith , and acknowledge no other but scripture , as you vnderstand it ? how can you say , j oblige you to believe fals and scandalous tenets ? to the contrary , j advise you not to believe them , if you judge by scripture they are fals and scandalous : what my discourse drives at is , that you should not censure , blame , or call any doctrin blasphemous , scandalous , fals , or heretical ( popery excepted ) for , tho you judge by scripture it is not true ; an other will judge it to be the true sense and doctrin of the text ; and if he does , he may with a safe conscience believe it , and ought not to be blamed by you or any other for believing it ; if you do not like that doctrin , do not believe it ; but let the other believe as he judges by scripture he may , and let every tub stand on its own bottom . ismael . once more i besech you give ouer ; j will not discourse any more with you . isaac . nay deare ismael , i see you are troubled , and i will not leaue you in that perplexitie : be pleased to listen to three points i will propose vnto you , and you 'l not miss to find satisfaction in either of them . ismael . let 's heare them . isaac . will you believe scripture , as it is interpreted , and in that sense which the church , councils , and fathers propound vnto you ? ismael . j will not be obliged to that ; for i may judge by scripture that sense and interpretation of it , to be fals and erroneous ; and i will not be obliged to believe any thing against my judgment and conscience ; that is popery . isaac . that 's well , in so much you follow the footsteps of luther , calvin , and our other fist reformers , who would not believe what the church believed in their tyme , nor regarded not , what the papists alleadged out of the councils and fathers against them ; because they held themselves obliged to believe scripture as they vnderstood it , and not as it was vndestood by others : will you then believe scripture in that sense and interpretation which yourself judges to be true , tho the church , councils , and all other congregations , judge it to be fals and erroneous ; and give the like libertie to all others ? ismael . that 's dangerous ; for it would follow , that any man might believe without check or blame , the greatest blasphemies imaginable , if he judges them to be the sense of the text. isaac . why then , since that the first does not please you , for feare of constraining your judgment papist-like ; and the second displeases you , for the scope it gives for to believe any thing , or nothing ; your best way will be to lay scripture asyde , wheras christ has forgot , or neglected to appoint vs som assured means for to know , what sense of it he would have vs believe . ismael . and what religion shall j profess , if j lay scripture asyde ? isaac . the same which now you have by scripture ; that 's to say , whatever you judge to be the true worship of god : be sure to profess a reverence for scripture , and seem to believe its the word of god ; least you may scandalize weake brethren ; pretend allwaies that your sentiments are grounded vpon the text ; but betwixt you and god , believe whatever you think to be true , worship god , as you-judge he is to be worshipt , and that 's the way to liue in peace : do you think but that those noble spirits , which they call the wits of england , have a good religion ? in publick they speake reverently of the bible , but we know what they have , and do declare in their privat discourses , that it s but a romance or meer fiction : do you think but that there was a religion in england before it saw gregori's emissaries , austin and his monks ? what need therefore of a bible for to have religion ? were not the swinfeldians a religious congregation and of the reformation to , yet they cared not for scripture , but grounded their belief vpon gods inspiration and inward speech to the heart ? ismael . if i were not well acquainted with you , and had not very convincing proofes , and signal testimonies of your pietie , solid religiosity , and christianity , i would judge you by this last peece of your discourse , to be an impious atheist or pagan : and j wonder that so good a christian , as i know you to be , should speake so irrevently of the bible , and so much in commendation of paganism as you do : there was indeed a religion in england before they knew what scripture was ; but that religion was paganism , which austin and his companions happily banisht from our land. isaac . happily ? do you call an exchange of paganism for popery ( introduced by austin ) a happiness ? is it not generally believed in our reformation , and most strongly proved of late , by that incomparable wit and pen-man doctor stillingfleet , that popery has as much of idolatry , as paganism : our land therefore had in paganism , as good a religion , as it received by austin in popery : does not this our noble champion , and most of the scribes of the church of england teach , that popery is a saving religion , that we may be saued in the church of rome ? if popery ( not withstanding it be idolatrie , as they say ) be a saving religion ; how can they deny but that paganism is also a saving religion ? what need had our forefathers therefore to abandon paganism ? why was it not left in the land ? ismael . whatever may be said of popery , it cannot be denied , but that christianity is better than paganism : the expulsion therefore of paganism by austin was a happiness , because by it christianity was introduced , and establisht in our kingdom . isaac . alas ismael , if england had bin as well informed of the merit of paganism , when first christianity was preached , it had never exchanged the one for the other . ismael . what , not paganism , which adored a multitude of gods , for christianity which adores but one ? not paganism , which adored iupiter , saturn , venus , &c. who were deuils and evil spirits , or wicked men , who caused themselves to be adored , for christianity , which adores the onely true , immortal and eternal deytie ? isaac . you speake with the vulgar sort ; and believe as you have bin instructed by your ancestors : i confess , the apostles , and ancient doctors of christianity do teach , that the gods of the gentils were deuils or euil spirits ; i confess also , all the christian world since the first preaching of the ghospell , was so perswaded , grounded vpon scripture , which in several places saies , the gods of the gentils were deuds , grounded vpon the doctrin of the apostles , and their successors the fathers of the church , and the world being perswaded by the apostles , by the doctors , fathers , and preachers of christianity , that the gods which the pagans adored were but deuils , which by sorceries , and marvelous works deceiued mankind , and made themselves to be adored as gods , all men were ashamed to adore but deuils , forsooke paganism , and embraced christianity . and all was but a meer policy of popery , to cast so much dirt and calumnie vpon paganism , and make its gods but deuils , for to introduce and establish christianity ; dr. stillingfleet in his charge of idolatry against the chu●ch of rome , pag. 40. and 41. saies plainly , that the pagans are charged with more than they were guilty of ; page 7. saies that iupiter adored by the pagans , was so farr from being an arch-devil , in the opinion of s. paul , that he was the tru god , blessed for ever more : that the pagans adored but one suprem and omnipotent god , which they called jupiter , and which they did believe to be neither a devil , nor a man , but a true , and the first and chiefest of the gods ; and that the rest of the gods , which they adored , they looked vpon them , as vpon inferior deyties , and gave them no other adoration , but such as the papists give to their saints . if therefore the pagans adored the tru god under the name of jupiter , and the other gods but as inferior deyties , as the papists do their saints ; was it not injustly don by the ancient fathers and teachers of christianity , to have imposed vpon the world , and made vs believe the pagans adored but devils and evil spirits ? have not the pagans ryght and justice on their syde , for to pleade before our wyse and religious parliament , that paganism may be restored , or at least tolerated , and iupiter , with the rest of the gods , may be adored , as formerly they were ; first because paganism is no more jdolatry than popery , as dr stillinfleet , mr burnet and other reformed writers prove convincingly ; secondly , because that paganism having bin banisht out of our land vpon the fals information of our first teachers , that it was an adoration of devils , or evil spirits , and wicked debaucht men , who by counterfeited wonders , and cheate , gained the peoples adoration ; since that dr stillingfleet , mr. burnet , and other reformed writers will make it out , that the pagans adored no devils , but one , tru omnipotent , suprem god , blessed evermore , which they called iupiter , and the rest of the gods as inferior deities , as papists do their saints ; and will prove that the pagans were charged by the first ddrs of christianity , and by all our ancestors , with more than they were guilty of ; why should not paganism be restored again to the land , and heard to speake for itsselfe , and dr stillingfleet and his zealous companions be lycenc't to pleade for them , and for holy iupiter , so fouly misrepresented by antiquity , as to be believed an arch-devil , whom dr. stillingfleet will prove to have bin , a tru god blessed for ever more . ismael . the more j discourse with you , the more j am perplexed in mind ; j bid you a dieu , and do confess j carry with me from your discourse , a dislike of what i have bin hitherto , an vnsettlement in my perswasion , and a compassion of the poore pagans , so vniustly banisht from our nation , if what dr stillingfleet saies , be true : he is a learned , religious , and diligent searcher into scripture ; the ancient ddrs and fathers of the church reading scripture , judged and taught , that iupiter was a devil , as well as the rest of the gods which the gentils ad●red ; dr stillingfleet and other reformed ddrs reading scripture judge he was no devil , but the tru god , blessed for ever more ; any child of the reformation may believe either of both , and put jupiter in our litanies , as well as jesus christ , and offer sacrifice to him as formerly our ancestors did ; for whatever any man of sound judment judges to be the doctrin of scripture , may be safely believed , and is the d●ctrin of the reformation : as for my part , i see our wyse parliament sits now vpon a new settlement of gouvernment and religion , and i will not resolve vpon any religion , vntill i see what it concludes . if dr stillinfleet be so zealous , as to put in a good word for paganism before the religious assembly , he may find abettors , and as the parliament cherishes dr oates for the extirpation of popery , so it may cherish dr stillingfleet for the introduction of paganism , and the erecting of temples and altars for holy iupiter , his tru and evermore blessed god ; and if he be successfull in this vndertaking , as for exchanging presbytery for protestancy , he was promoted to the deanry of s. pole , so by changing christianity for paganism , he may expect to be his holy iupiter's heigh priest , in london capitol , and reign with him everlastingly in the other life , in case he believes there is an other . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a42139-e420 a epist . ad noremb . & in comment . in 10.6 . & 16. matt. b theol. calvin . l. 2. fol. 70. c in parva confes cerm . fol. 55. & in colloq . fol. 110. d to. ● . fol. 202. e the kingdom of isr . pag 9. f acts & mon. pag 36. lib. 3. c. 5. g catal. tes●ium pag. 976. & 978. notes for div a42139-e1630 a l. 4 ▪ instit . c. 9 b to. 1. edit . ien. in resolut . c lib. de serv . ar bit . cont . erasm . edit . 1. d in colloq . mensal . fol. 118. e to. 2. wittem . fol. 374. & 375. f in defens . art. reliq . protest . pag. 199. g in his true differ . par 2. pag 353. h bouclier de la foy ▪ notes for div a42139-e2670 matt. 12. tim. 2. io. 3. a in lib. ad corin. c. 11. b in explan . art. 17. c to. 2. de minist . eccles . inst●t fol. 369 & lib. de capt. babyl . c. de ordin . & lib. de abroganda missa . d in harm . in math. c. 26 vers . 64. & i● admonad polan . in tract . theolog. pag. 794. e comm●nt . s● . per ioanc . 10. f in act. serueti pag. 87. g l. cont . ●enebrar . h in postil . major . in e●arrat . evang. domin . trinit . i lib. 2. dial. 2. k harm . in evang. mat c. 26 vers 39. &c. 27 vers . 46. & lib. 2. instit . c. 16 sect . 10. & 1● . l in luc. par . 2. hom . 65. & in ioan. hom . 54. m in math c. 26. n in recogn . pag 376. o lib. 2. inst . c. 16. fact . 10. & seq . p to. 3. w●ttemb . in sp . 16. q in ps . 16. r in conses . majori de coena dn̄i . ſ to. 2. in respōs . ad confess . luth. fol. 458. t in histor sacram . par . ● . fol. 57. notes for div a42139-e4010 a dom 1. adventus , & libr de proph. christi . b in postill . super evangel . domi. 1. advent . & dom. 26. post trinit . c moriu●● to good works in the ep●st . dedic ▪ d lib. 3 ▪ inst c. 4. sect . 28. e lib. 4. inst . c. 7. sect . 2. f in loeis common classe 5 c. 27. g to. 2. wittem . de capt . babyl . fol. 74. h de eccl. cont . bellarm . cōf . 2. quaest 5 i epist . 2 ▪ 2. & 25. k to. 5. wittem : serm . de matrim . & in 1. ad corint . 7. l consil . theol. par . 1 pag 648. & 134. m in epist paul. ad phil. & in 1. ad tim. 3. n lib. 2● dial. 21. o lib. de repud . & divort. pag. 123. p canon . ●enerales geuuen . 1560. q chap. 13. art . 31 : r to. 5. wittem . serm . de matrim . ſ to. 5. wittemb . serm . de matrim . t in scriptis anglic de reg chr. l. 2. c. 26. & in math c. 19 u in consil . theol. par . 1 pag. 648● & 134. x dial. 200. & 204 in epist . s. paul. ad tim 3. y l. 4. inst . c. 19. sect . 37. discip . eccl c. 13. z serm de matrim . a lib. 4 inst . c. 15. sect . 20. & 21. b act. 27. c can. 29. d lib. 2. eccles . polit. pag 103. e in tim. c. 50. f in defens . hoo keri art . 8 notes for div a42139-e5240 a in praefat . dialog . b serm . de 50. artic. in summa summarum . c in harm super ●uc . c. 2. d epito● . cent. 16. par . 2. e tom. 2. cont . catabapt . fol. 10. f victoria verit . a●g . 5. g in cap. 2. ad gal. h de eccles cont . bella●m . cont. 2. q. 4. i to. 5. wittem . ●n 1554. & in epist . ad gal. c. 1. k in apol . cōf. c. de concil . l in cap. 2. ad gal. & serm . angl : pag 204. m in epist . ad gal c. 1. & 2. & tom. 5. w●ttemb . an . 1554. soi . 29. n lib. 5. de eccl. polit. sect . 72. o pag. 495. & ●73 . p acts. and mon ▪ pag. 514 q lib. 2 ▪ inst . c 17● sect . 6. r in cōment . in cap. 2. ad gal. ſ to. 1. proposit . 3. t lib. 2. instit . c. 7. sect . 5. u harm . evang. in luc. c. 10. vers . 26. x in synop . papismi pag 564. y lib. de servo . arbit cont . erasm . z lib. 3● . instit . c. 21. sect . 5. & 7 ! &c. 22. sect . 11. & cap. 23. sect . 1. a lib. 2. inst . c. 4 sec . 3 & l. 1. c. 18 sect . z & l. 3 c. z3 sec . 4. lo. 1 de deprovid . c. 6. in synops . pag. 563. in manifest . stratag . papist . notes for div a42139-e6980 l. 4. inst . c. 7. sect . 27. a in defens . &c. pag. 373.70 . and 395. b in respons t●edecem propos . c in epist . ad card. belay episo . pariens . d in tract , euchar. ad p. sermondum e in ●not . supe● nouum testam . cap 10. matth. & soepe alibi . f to. 1. edit . ie●ae . l , de capt. babyl . westph . defens 2. orthod . ●it . g admonit . 2. ad h lib. de coena domini . i lib. de capt . babyl . c. de euchar. k epist ad bohemos in declarat . euch. & in serm● de euch. l in concil . theol. ad mareh . elect. de vsu vtriusque speciei pag. 141. notes for div a42139-e8290 a in disput . theol . pag. 301. b in conciliat loc . scrip. loco . 191. c in locis cōmun . to. 1. de potest . eccl. d in apol. confes . aug. art 13. & l.b. 1. epist . pag. 234. e in cap. 5. epist . lac . v. 4. f lib. 4. i●st . c. 14. sect . 5. g in modest . exami● . h in eccl ▪ polit. l. 5. sect . 66. i in locis cōmun . tit . de numero . sacram ! k in perpet . r●gim . pag. 109. l in eccl. pol●t lib. 5. sect 77. m lib. 4. inst . c. 29. n epit. colloq . mōtisbel . o in centur . exercit . theol. pag. 270. p exam. par . 4. q in respons . ad acta colloq montisbelgar . par . 2. in praefat. r in locis cōmun c. 18. & 19. ſ ●n script . angl. pag. 450. t to. 1. in explan . art. 90. & art. 60. u in apolog . confes . aug. x to. 1● wittem . in resol . de indul. concl . 15. y epist ad spalat . z acts. and mon. pag. 46● . & 1312. a to. 2. germ ▪ fol. 214. b de formula ●issa & to. 3. germ. c in hiftor . sacram . par . 2. fol. 13. d in replica cōt . hardingum . his majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79118 of text r210843 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[48]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79118 wing c2823 thomason 669.f.12[48] estc r210843 99869598 99869598 162841 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79118) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162841) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[48]) his majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [london : printed in the yeare 1648. place of publication from wing. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. at head of title: that the mouths of all schismaticall and seditious persons may be stopped (who endeavour to bring their soveraigne into hatred with his people, by scandalizing his sacred majestie, with a purpose to alter our religion, and introduce poperie) ... annotation on thomason copy: "june 14th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a79118 r210843 (thomason 669.f.12[48]). civilwar no that the mouthes of all schismaticall and seditious persons may be stopped, (who endeavour to bring their soveraigne into hatred with his pe england and wales. sovereign 1648 651 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms that the mouthes of all schismaticall and seditious persons may be stopped , ( who endeavour to bring their soveraigne into hatred with his people , by scandalizing his sacred majestie , with a purpose to alter our religion , and introduce poperie ) here is published to the view of all the world his majesties solemne protestation ( which he made in the presence of god and the congregation , before he received the blessed sacrament ) at christs-church in oxford , 1643. which neither adversitie nor prosperitie can ever make him violate . his maiesties late protestation , before his receiving of the sacrament . his majestie being to receive the sacrament from the hands of the arch-bishop of armagh , used these publique expressions immediately before ; he rose up from his knees , and beckning to the arch-bishop for a short forbearance , made this protestation . my lord , i espie here many resolved protestants , who may declare to the world the resolution i doe now make . i have to the utmost of my power prepared my soule to become a worthy receiver : and may i so receive comfort by this holy communion , as i doe intend the establishment of the true reformed protestant religion , as it stood in its beautie , in the happie dayes of queene elizabeth . i blesse god , in the midst of the publique distractions , i have still libertie to communicate ; and may this sacrament be my damnation , if my heart doe not joyne with my lips in this protestation . a prayer for the king , to be frequently and fervently said of all loyall subjects . o most gracious and most glorious lord god , we humbly pray thee , for the merits of our lord iesus christ , to look downe ( with much pitie and compassion ) upon the sad and suffering condition of thy servant ; and our soveraigne , the king , o , let his life be right deare and precious in thy sight : lord remember him and all his trouble , how he sware unto the lord , and vowed a vow unto the almightie god of jacob : o , save and deliver him , according to thy mercy , that all the world may know that this is thy hand , and that thou , lord , hast done it : though his enemies curse , yet blesse thou ; and let them be confounded that rise up against him , but let thy servant rejoyce : o , be with him in trouble , deliver him , and bring him to honor ; satisfie him with long life , and shew hun thy salvation . remember , lord , the reproach that thy servant hath , and vow he doth beare in his bosome the rebukes of many people , wherewith thine enemies have blasphemed thee , and slandred the foot-steps of thine anointed : wherefore we beseech thee to comfort him againe now , after the time that thou hast afflicted him , and for the yeares wherein he hath suffered adversitie ; shew thy servant thy worke , and his royall children thy glory : and the glorious majestie of the lord our god be upon all those that endeavour his re-inthroning : prosper thou the work of their hands upon them , o prosper thou their handy-worke . o , satisfie us with this mercy and that soone , so shall we be glad , and rejoyce all the dayes of our life , and joyne with our gracious king , in giving prayse to thee , who livest and reignest world without end . amen . june 14th printed in the yeare 1648. a iustification of the city remonstrance and its vindication, or, an answer to a book written by mr. j.p. entituled, the city remonstrance remonstrated wherein the frequent falsifyings of the said mr. j.p. are discovered, the many charges by him laid upon the remonstrance and its vindicator, disproved, and the parity and agreement of the remonstrance ... with the propositions, declarations, remonstrances, and votes, of both or either house of parliament manifested / by john bellamie. bellamie, john, d. 1654. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a27361 of text r4476 in the english short title catalog (wing b1814). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 126 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a27361 wing b1814 estc r4476 12020759 ocm 12020759 52607 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27361) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52607) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 83:1) a iustification of the city remonstrance and its vindication, or, an answer to a book written by mr. j.p. entituled, the city remonstrance remonstrated wherein the frequent falsifyings of the said mr. j.p. are discovered, the many charges by him laid upon the remonstrance and its vindicator, disproved, and the parity and agreement of the remonstrance ... with the propositions, declarations, remonstrances, and votes, of both or either house of parliament manifested / by john bellamie. bellamie, john, d. 1654. price, john, citizen of london. city remonstrance remonstrated. [8], 48 p. printed by richard cotes, london : 1646. in defense of: to the right honourable the lords assembled in high court of parliament, the humble remonstrance and petition of the lord major, aldermen, and commons of the city of london (1646), and bellamie's a vindication of the humble remonstrance (1646); supports the presbyterian attempt to suppress the independents. errata: p. 48. reproduction of original in british library. eng church and state -england. a27361 r4476 (wing b1814). civilwar no a iustification of the city remonstrance and its vindication. or, an answer to a book written by mr. j.p. entituled, the city remonstrance r bellamie, john 1646 23907 521 0 0 0 0 0 218 f the rate of 218 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a ivstification of the city remonstrance and its vindication . or , an answer to a book written by mr. i. p. entituled , the city remonstrance remonstrated . wherein the frequent falsifyings of the said mr. i. p. are discovered , the many charges by him laid upon the remonstrance and its vindicator , disproved , and the parity and agreement of the remonstrance ( especially in those particulars so much condemned by him ) with the propositions , declarations , remonstrances , and votes , of both or either house of parliament manifested . by john bellamie . london , printed by richard cotes , 1646. to the right honorable thomas adams lord major , and to the right worshipfull the aldermen , and the rest of the common-councell of the city , london . right honourable , right worshipfull , vpon the 14 of april last , you being in court of common-councell assembled , made choice of a committee of aldermen and commoners to prepare a draught of a remonstrance and petition to both houses of parliament , and to present it in court , to be there either approved or altered , as upon debate should be judged meet . in obedience thereunto , the said committee upon the 20 of may following , presented it in common-councell , where every branch thereof was taken apart and by it self into serious consideration , and after three dayes debating in open court , it was by consent and approbation of the court finished , and upon the 26 of may , in the name of the lord major , aldermen , and common-councell presented to both houses of parliament . since which time two libells have been printed against the said remonstrance , the one call'd , a moderate reply to the city remonstrance , the other entituled , the interest of england maintained ; in one of which it is charged to carry a full complyance with his majesties wonted declarations against the parliament ; and in the other , that a great part of the main sticklers in it , are such as were alwayes backward to the parliament , and forced to pay their fifth and twentieth part ; with many other foolish , foule , and false aspersions in them both : whereupon , ( though the unmeetest , because the unablest of many others ) i adventured the vindication of it ; in answer whereof , a●d in further opposition to the said remonstrance , one mr. j. p. hath since published a book named , the city remonstrance remonstrated , calling it a hard-hearted remonstrance , and a remonstrance invective against the parliament , &c. and in page 29. charges mee● for saying s●mething ( but instances in nothing , ) concerning the king , the lords , and the power of the commons , and what my carriages have been not very long since in common-councell , &c. and doth thereby , as it were , in a tacite way , call the court to testifie against me . all which , hath occasioned me this second time to put pen t● paper , in a further justification of your remonstrance , and also of its vindication , and to a clearing of my self from those many charges of mutation and change , which ( to beget a d●sesteem of what i have written in vindication of the remonstrance ) hee hath laid against me . my intention in this my addresse unto your lordship , to the worthy aldermen , and to all the rest of the common-councell , is , neither to exasperate you against the person of my opposite , nor yet to seeke protection from you for my self or books ; for if what i have written be not co●cordable to truth and true reason , let both mee and them fall before my antagonist . but being thus publ●kely charged that i should ( not very long since ) speak something ( but what it is , hee saith not ) in common-councell , &c. as if it were crosse or contrary to some passages in the remonstrance , or to what i have written in the vindication thereof , for saith he , it makes them that heard it , and observe what your carriages are now , stand with admiration and amazement at your wheeling thus about . i ●oe therefore humbly crave leave to present this my justification of your remonstrance , and its vindication to your lordship , and to the whole court of common-councell , and doe appeal to all of you in generall , and to every one of you in particular , t●●estifie against me , if at any time since i had that undeserved honour and happinesse to be a member of this court , there ever fell any one word from me , so much as savouring of such things , as by this mr. j. p. i am charged to speak in your presence , and i shall ever remain your lordships , and this cities servant iohn bellamie . to my truly loved and honoured friend mr. iohn price . sir , i have perused your book , entituled , the city remonstrance remonstrated , or an answer to my vindication of the said remonstrance , wherin i perceive you have been very ready to receive whatever reports , either true or false have been broug●t unto you conc●rning my carriage in matters of religion , even from the day of my birth to the publishing of your book , and taking them upon trust , ( for you have not the least knowledge of any one of the particular● , and many of them relate , i think , to the time before you were born , ) without ever speaking one word to me about them , ( though wee are professed , and have been long acquainted ●ntimate friends , and to the best of my knowledge and remembrance , not any time the least offensive word ever passed between us , and now are so neare neighbors that whenever you p●eased , in lesse then one quarter of an hour you might freely have communicated to me whatever you h●d a desire to bee satisfied in ) you have , as i con●eive , to weaken my esteem , and to render what i have written to bee the more invalid , divulged them to the world . two th●ngs i desire i● love to represent unto you in this , first , if all that you have written of mee were true , the contrary wherof i shall easily prove when i come to the particulars ; yet i beseech you consider how irregular this your proceeding against me is , and contrary to the rule given by our saviour christ , for you and mee and all gods people to walke by , in mat●h . 18. 15 , 16 , 17. if thy brother trespasse against thee , goe and tell him his fault between thee and him alone , if he shall heare thee , thou hast gained thy brother , &c. and mind that of solomon , prov. 15. 18. a man that beareth false witnesse against his neighbour , is a maul , a sword , and a sharpe arrow . secondly , i pray also remember how exceedingly your selfe , and all your friends the antipresbyters , have distasted , and by word of mouth often with much dislike , blamed mr. edwards for medling with personall matters , notwithstanding his way of writing in this kind , is much different from this of yours , as being of practises and matters within these few years , since they went into that way of independency , and as hee conceives , flowing from their principles ( and not as you in this , of things raked up through the whole course of their lives ) being also professedly to discover the errors of the times ( viz here●ies , blasphemies , &c. ) and thereby to preserve the people from the evill of them . now i pray you put this question seriously to your own soul , whether the same act done in the same kind by mr. edwards against the independents , &c. be a vice and blame worthy , and y●t being done by mr. j. p. against a presbyterian or a remonstrant , be a vertue , and worthy commendation ; think seriously of it , and then receive such an answer as your owne heart shall dictate to you . you know mr. j. p. how carefull i was of your good name , when about four mone●hs since a report was brought unto mee c●ncerning some opinions of yours in matters of religion ( whether true or false i now argue not ) that presently by a godly intimate friend of yours and mine , viz. mr. james russell , i did privately , without the least divulging them abroad , make you acquainted with it : and that very morning after your book came forth against me ▪ the like report was again publikely brought unto mee in the presence of sundry witnesses ; but in s●ead of taking revenge of you ( which god ha●th forbidden me , rom. 12. 19. saying , avenge not your selves , but rather give place unto wrath , for it is written , vengeance is mine , i will rep●y saith the lord ) either by spreading them by reports , or printing them to your d●sparagement , i did p●esently , in the presence of mr. james story , who also heard them reported , tell them to you , remembring that of solomon , prov. 1. 9. he that repeateth a matter separateth very friends ; and desiring to follow our saviours counsell , matth. 7. 12. whatsoever you would that men should do to you , doe yee even so to them ; and i hope i shall ever make it a rule for me to walk by , viz. to doe as i would be done unto , and not as i am dealt with . and therefore in the examination and answering of your book , i will ( though much provoked by you , yet ) by gods grace indevour to be as free from pasiion or retaliation as possibly i can , well remembring that david , when shimei cursed and railed upon him , observed much good from god in shimei his great evill , and said , so let him curse , because the lord hath said unto him , curse david ; who shall then say , wherefore hast thou done so ? 2 sam. 16. 10. so i heartily desire , without the least reluctancy of spirit against you , as the instrument seriously to observe , and truly to bee sensible of , whatever is from god in all that you have said , and to lay my selfe in the dust in giving god the glory , both in the acknowledging of any error justly charged upon mee , and of his mercy in my recovery . and i trust that through the goodness of ▪ god i shall yet get much good out of that which perhaps you int●nded , and therefore divulged for mor● evill , setting before me as a pattern in this to walke by the practice of our lord christ , recorded for our example in 1 pet. 2. 21 , 23. who when hee was reviled , reviled not againe , but committed himselfe to him that judgeth righteously ; and with freedome of spirit i do heartily both praise the lord , and thanke you for your plaine deali●g with mee in any thing wherein as you professe , you really and singly intended my spiritua●● good , and pray the lord to give you repentance , and to pardon you in every thing wherein in this transaction you have done otherwise . thus with the reall dem●nstration of ●y true love and affection to you , i crave your leave to goe on to the answearing of your book , earnestly desiring that if yet after all wee cannot agree in judgement and opinion , we may still close together in heart and affection , which ( whatever the event shall prove ) shall alwayes bee the desire , prayer , and endeavour of your cordially loving and faithfull friend iohn bellamie . a ivstification of the city remonstrance , and its vindication . the first thing you quarrell withall , is the title of the book , a vindic●tion , &c. and this you continue to the latter end of your sixth page , and ( as in the moderate reply , so here in this ) you endeavour in generall termes to lay low the remonstrance and its vindication in the eyes of the people ; as in your first page by comparing them to a bad cause and its advocates , then to the kings declarations , r●monstrances , and their abettors , to absaloms reb●llion again●● his father david , and achitophels cunning counsell to draw the pe●ple ●fter hi● , to demetrius his plea for diana's greatnesse , and to tertullu● 〈◊〉 against st. paul . ans● . ●●e passe by the parallel● which here you make with the vindicator of the city remonstrance , and leave it wholly to the 〈…〉 ●ensure of the judicious reader , whether there be any the least par●ty in the things and cases by you compared , for i had much rather abide their test and tryall , then in this to bee a pleader of my own cause , and so i come to your application of it in these words : viz. as it was in the beginning , so it is now ; witnesse the present case , a moderate reply to the city remonstrance , in just●fication of the parliaments innocencie from the prejudice raised against them by the said remonstrance , as ( say you ) shall bee fully evidenced before we have d●ne . answ. two things i observe in this : first , that you say , ( and therein you lay a charge upon the city ) that the city remonstrance hath raiseda prejudice against the parliaments innocency : and secondly , you further say , that this shall bee fully evidenced before you have done ; the first is exprest , as usually you use to doe , onely in generals , which amount to nothing : but i pray consider with your selfe , is not mr. i. p. a freeman and citizen of london , one who lives , under god , in and by the trad● of the city , and yet so farre to forget himselfe and his duty , as thus to asperse the city and its actions with generall , and yet unjust defamations , and all this under a specious shew of a justification of the parliaments innocency , when as there are clouds of witnesses , and many of them under the parliaments own attestation , at all times ready to bee produced if required , of londons fidelity , of londons loyalty , of londons unparallel'd embowelling , and in a great measure emptying themselves , not onely of treasure , but of blood also , and all this unweariedly from time to time , since the parliament first fate , to this very day , yea alwayes , with alacrity and freedome both of heart● and hands , for the honour , the defence , the just and necessary occasions of parliament ; and hath not the honourable ho●se of lords , 〈◊〉 accepted and fully approved most of the particulars in the said remonstrance , yea , those in speciall , and by name , which you so much oppose , viz. the suppressing of all heresies and s●●ismes , &c. and promised to take the other particulars into their serious and speedy consid●ration , as by their answer to that remonstrance presented to them it doth appeare ? and hath not the honourable house of commons also received the said remonstrance , and promised to give an answer thereunto in due time , and not at any time since its receiving into their honourable house , by any p●bli●e act manifested to the world the least dislike thereof ? and yet must lon●●●s remonstrance by one of its own members be charged with raising a prejudice against the parliaments innoceney ? i pray consider whether by this you doe not first charge the house of lords for their being well satisfied with that , which yet you say , doth raise a prejudice against the parliaments innocencie . and secondly , whether you doe not prejudge the judgement of the house of commons , and therein breake the priviledge of parliament , in passing such a sentence , and laying such a charge upon that , which yet lyeth under their consideration : i onely offer these two quaeries to your after , or second consideration . but for a ● this , you say that this shall bee fully evidenced before you have done . answ. i pray remember what it is that in this you promise , and be sure that in the particulars of it you make your charge good , otherwise you must not bee offended , nor take it ill , if according to the common proverbe , you be judged to be one of them , which will undertake more in an houre , then you can performe in an age . i appeal to the reader , whether as yet , either the moderate reply , or this your remonstrance remonstrated , hath in any one instance , which either of you have given , or in all that both of you have done , done any thing which proves that the city remonstrance hath raised a prejudice against the parliaments innocency ; and t●●ly you must needs beare with me in this , that i cannot judge your bare word to be of that authority , as to beleeve it because you affirme it , especially considering the honorable house of commons hath not as yet passed any the least displeasing sentence against it ; and the honorable house of lords hath declared , that they are wel satisfied with the particulars contained in it . and both house● of parliament , since their receiving of this remonstrance , have in the propositions sent to his majesty for a safe & w●l grounded peace● even in terminis , proposed more to his maje●ty for his r●oyall ▪ assent , as unto reformation of religion , then the remonst●ant● have desired in their second , third , and fourth petitidus , so much condemned by you ; for the drift of all that they desire , is 〈◊〉 an equall conformity of all the subjects of england to the publike dis●ipline and doctrine set forth , or to bee set forth by authority of parliament , as by reference to those three petitions will clearely shew , but both houses of parliament in their great wisdome , faithfulnesse , and care for the publike safety and peace of the kingdome , have in the fifth and sixth articles of the propositions in these words thus proposed ; viz. ar●ic . 5. that reformation of religion accordin● to 〈…〉 by act of parliame●● , in such manner as both ho●ses have agreed , 〈…〉 agree upon , after consultation had with the assembly of 〈◊〉 . and article 6 it thus followeth ; for 〈◊〉 much as ●ot● kingdome● are 〈◊〉 oblig●d by the same covm●n● to indeavo●● the ●●arest ●onjunction and unif●rmity in matters of religion , that such unity and 〈◊〉 in religi●n according to the covenant as after 〈…〉 divines of b●t● kingdomes now assembled , 〈…〉 shall bee 〈◊〉 agreed ●pon 〈◊〉 houses of parliament of england , and by the ch●rch and kingdome of scotland , be 〈◊〉 by acts of parliament of both kingdomes respectively . and therefore were i thought worthy to bee of your councell , i sho●ld advise you to bee so inge●●ous , as in this to confesse your error , and not to imagine that you see more in the city remonstran●e , then either one or both houses of parliament can yet discerne ; and for after times , i wou●d perswade you to forbeare the thus unjust besm●a●ing and falsly acc●sing that city wh●reof you are a member , 〈◊〉 amongst whom under god you enjoy your livelihood . you g●e on and say , 〈…〉 reply 〈◊〉 with adversary ●pon adversary representi●● the au●hor of the said ●ooke , a lyer , because 〈◊〉 tells 〈…〉 a friend to the parliament . ans● , truly , these are fine 〈◊〉 if they were true , to beget 〈…〉 remonstrance , and to ingratiate the opposer● in the eyes of the people . but i pray what doe you 〈…〉 , i must needs say you tread in the 〈…〉 replyer 〈…〉 , and it 's very 〈…〉 the book and the page if you 〈…〉 , and tell us the truth you have told , 〈…〉 you are called a lyer , and where you are 〈…〉 you are a friend to the parliame●● 〈…〉 be taking with children 〈…〉 . the next thing you fall upon , is in your fourth page , and that is the word humble remonstrance , and upon this you descant in some similitudes , as of court complements , and cavaliers carriage , and then in plaine termes you call it , a remonstrance invective against the parliament . answ. you are full of charges , though never so false , and liberall in your expressions , though you make nothing good ; i conceive you thinke your selfe safe and secure , and perhaps you are so from ever giving an accompt of these your actions to any earthly authority : but yet methink● the words of the ninth commandement should be of some authority to you , and beare some sway with you , viz. thou shalt not beare false witnesse against thy neighbour . if not against a particular person , then sure not against a corporation , a city whereof your self are a member . then you are offended at these expressions , viz. two late libells , published by two anonymusses ; and you aske why i call them libells before i prove them so . answ. they were so in themselves before i named them so ; neither called i them libells , for any of those reasons which you would have the world beleeve i did . as first , because they are written by an antipresbyter ; nor yet because they containe in them lies , falsities , untruths , though all these in severall instances are in the vindication made good against them , nor because they are little bookes , nor yet singly , because they are written against the city , or because they are without the authors names , but for these two last reasons joyntly and together : a libell i call that which is an untrue , and therefore an unjust charge upon or against a person , a corporation , a court , without any name annexed to make good what is there charged ; and in this respect i appeale to the reader , whether i did not truly and justly call them libells . lastly , before you come to the body of the booke , you have yet another fling against the title , a vindication of the city remonstrance , that is , ( say you ) a vindication of that which is invindicable : and therefore ( say you ) better it would bee that both the city remonstrance , and the vindication thereof were written in ashes with the finger of vanitie , then in marble with the pen of a 〈◊〉 , &c. answ. for ought i yet see , it is but one 〈◊〉 opinion , and he none of the gravest neither , that the city remonstrance is invindicable , and what you have said to prove it to be so , i desire the reader to judge , for truly i cannot dis●ern it . but of this i am confident , that it is app●oved by the ch●rch of scotland , witnesse the letter now in print for all the kingdome to see , which was sent from the generall assembly 〈◊〉 the church of scotland , to the lord major , alderme● , and 〈…〉 of london , june 18. 1646. manifesting thei● approbation of it , and thankfulness for it . and sure i may say● it is app●●ved by the generality of the ablest , grave● , and 〈…〉 witnesse their petition subscribed by eight thous●●● 〈◊〉 hundred , thirty and four of their hands presented the twenty third of iune , 1646. to the court of common-councell , giving them thankes for it ; testifying their approbation of ●t , and des●●ing them to wait upon the house of co●m●ns fo● their gracio●s answer to it , which petition is by order of co●●t since printed . and me think● you should not forget that the same remonstrance for the substance of it , was not onely well accepted , but also graciously answered by the house of lords . and therefore ●urely in the judgment of all these , the city remonstrance ●s not ●udged 〈◊〉 : but perhaps you ar●e of the ●ind● of 〈…〉 6. 16. who was 〈…〉 reason . and i make as little 〈…〉 , yet it is and will be 〈◊〉 all the reformed churches in europe , not one excep●●● . 〈…〉 . q●arrells 〈…〉 is you have to say against the 〈…〉 whether in all probability the reply , and not the remonstrance hath raised those disturbances , for the subject of the remonstrance is an earnest desire of the settlement of government , by one uniforme law , for all the subjects of england to submit equally and alike unto , which i am sure must needs tend to peace and quietnesse , but the d●ift of the reply is quite contrary , and therefore without all peradventure it 's this , and its abettors , and not that and its promoters , which hath desired and occasioned these divisions both in church and state . in pag. 9 you go about to shew that the common-councell by their remonstrance , did act in a direct , evident , and obvious manner against the expresse will and word of god ; and for proofe of this in page 11 ▪ you give us some scriptures , and some passages in the remon●●rance , which you say , or at least would have the world beleeve , is in a direct , evident , and obvious manner against the expresse will and word of god ; but you never tell the reader how , or wherein they are so , but thus you deliver them . let us try then : word of god . city remonstrance . rom. 14. 5. let ●very man bee fully perswaded in his owne minde . that as we are subjects of one kingdom , so all may bee equally required ( and here to delude the reader , you insert , without making the least change of the character , these following words , as if they also were in the remonstrance ; viz. be they perswaded in their own minds , or not perswaded ) to yeeld obedience to the government set forth , or to be set forth by the parliament . now i shall wholly all along in these your parallels , leave it to the judgment of the reader to consider , whether there be such an antipathy between these scriptures , and those petitions of the remonstrance , as in the remonstrance , without your insertion , they are exprest ; and crave your leave in the same way of parallel , to set the same scriptures with some branches of the proposition● sent by both houses of parliament to the king , and other pass●ges of parliament and then desire your judgement , whether they also 〈◊〉 a direct , e●ident and obvious manner against the expresse will and word of god . word of god . propositions of both houses of parliament , article the 5th . rom. 14. 5. let every man bee fully perswaded in his owne minde . that r●formation of religion according to the coven●nt , bee setled by act of parliament , in su●h manner as both houses have agreed , or shall agree upon , after consultation had with the assembly of divines .   ●citi remonstrance . rom. 14. 13. that no man put a stumbling block or an occasion to fall , in his b● others way . that all such sectaries as conform not to the publike discipline established , or to bee established ( by parliament , saith the remonstrance , but this you leave out , ) may be fully declared against , and some effectual course setled for proceeding against such persons : here , say you , is a stumbling block● viz. a menace in a brothers way . answ. but why doe you leave out the beginning of that prayer , in the petit●on which you cite●●t tels you the meaning of the remonstrants , by the words all such sectaries , ●iz . those immediately before mentioned , as anab●ptists , brownists , heretiques , schismaticks , blasphemers ; doe you not by omitting the mentioning of these , indeavour to del●de the reader ? i pray put down that petition wholly together , and let the reader be fairly dea●t with all , and have it , as in the remonstrance it is exprest , an● then see how it is opposite to the scripture by you set against it . 〈…〉 〈…〉 i desire here also in a parallel way , to set downe the scriptu●● by you brought , and a passage or two of the parliaments , and 〈◊〉 desire your judgement , whether they also be in a direct , evident and obvious manner , against the expresse will and word of god . word of god . ●parliaments declaration upon his majesties declaration after the ba●taile at edgebill , pag. 659. rom● 14. 13. that 〈…〉 put a 〈…〉 blo●k , or an occasion to fall , in his brothers way . had not his majesty ( seduced thereunto by that popish and prelaticall faction ) denyed his conse●t to the bil for the assembly , so often by both houses presented to him , wee had long since manifested to the world by a well setled reformation , our 〈◊〉 dislike of ●* brownisme and anab●ptisme . remonstrance of the state of the kingdom , page 19. we do declare , that it is far from our purpose or d●sire , to let loose the golden reynes of † discipline and government in the church , to leave private persons , or particular congregations to take up what for me of divine service they please , for wee hold it requisite that there should be throughout the whole realme , a conf●rmity to that order which the laws enjoyne , according to the word of god . m●t. 7 12. as you would that men should doe unto you , so doe unt● them , for this is the law and the propheis . page 3. wee will not receive impression of any forced construction of the covenant : compare this with page 7. will you never leave fals●fying ? where doe you finde any such expression in the remonstrance , either in page 3 , or 7. as this is , viz. we will not receive impression of any forced construction of the covenant ? the house of commons in their late declaration of the 17 of aprill , 1646. doe say , wee expect that the people of england should not receive impressions of any forced construction of that covenant ; and in obedience thereunto , the remonstrants , doe say in page 2 and 3 of the remonstrance , that in pursuance of that noble resolution of this honourable house , for the due observation of the covenant , and their expectation of conformity of the people of england thereunto , expressed in the late declaration , we doe resolve by the grace of god not to receive impression of any forced construction thereof ; and is it now become an acting in a direct , evident and obvious manne● against the expresse will and word of god , for the common-councell to professe their resolutions to yeeld obedience to the desires and expectations of the house of commons , in their not receiving impressions of any forced constructions of the covenant ? i desire your leave here also in a parallel way to set downe the scripture by you here brought , and another branch of the propositions sent by both house of parliament to the king ; and to desire your judgement , whether that also be in a direct , evident and obvious manne against the expresse will and word of god . word of god . propositions of both houses of parliament , article the 6th . mat. 7. 12 a● you would that men should do unto you , so do unto them , for this is the law and the pro●hets . for as much as both kingdomes are mutually obliged by the same covenant , to endeavour the nearest conjunction and uniformity in matters of religion : that such unity and uniformity in religion according to the covenant , as after consultation had with the divines of both kingdoms now assembled , is , or shall bee jointly agreed upon by both houses of parliament of england , and by the church and ki●gdom of scotland , be confirmed by acts of parliament of both kingdomes respectively .   city remonstrance . mat. 7. 1● . as you would , that men should doe unto you , so doe unto them , for this is the law & the pro●hets . the 4 petition , that no person disaffected to pre●byterian government ( saith the remonstrance , s●t forth , or to be set forth by the parliament , but according to your usuall course , this to blind the reader you sti●● leav● ou● ) may be employed in any place of publike trust ; and the● you add , which is not at all in that petition , those words : viz. but some effectual course setled to proceed against such persons , as in the 3 petition , where there is not the shadow of a word tending to any such purpose . i confesse the words you● cite are in the 2d . petition , but not at all in the least manner applyed to persons onely disaffected to presbyterian government , for there is no such word in that petition , nor any thing looking that way ; neither doth the common-councell , in any part of their petitions so much as desire that persons onely disaffected to presbyterian government , should by some effectuall course ▪ setled , be proceeded against ; and therefore methinks you should have been a little more considerate , before you should thus falsly and unjustly have charged the common-councell to act in a direct , evident , and obvious manner against the expresse will and word of god . this i will grant you , that in the second petition the common-councell doth desire , that all anabaptists , brownists , he●etiques , schismaticks , blasphemers , and all such sect●ries as conforme not to the publike discipline established , or to be established by parliament , may be fully declared against , and some effectuall course setled for proceeding against such persons , but is there no difference between anabaptists , brownists , heretiques , ●chismaticks , sectaries , and persons but disaffected to presbyterian government ? i pray tell mee your minde plainly , would you have heretiques and blasphemers , 〈◊〉 . such as deny the scriptures to bee the word of god , such as professe the scriptures are writings onely probable to be beleeved as the story of king henry the eighth● such as deny the trinity of persons in the unity of essence , such as call the trinity a three headed cerberus , ●uch as deny the divinity of christ , such as deny the immortality of the soule , and such as deny that there is a god , or say , if there bee a god , the devill is a god , such as say god is the author of sin , such who hold that all men shall bee saved , yea , and the devills too , such as say that christs humane nature is defiled with originall sin as well as ours , such as hold that all r●ligions , worships , consciences , whether paganish , jewish , antichristian , &c. should bee tolerated : would you have these tolerated , or would you not have some effectuall course setled for proceeding against such persons ? or doe you thinke these to be no more dangerous , if permitted to broach these here●ies and blasphemies in the kingdom , then to permit persons otherwise every way peaceable , godly , and orthodox , because meerly disaffected to presbyterian government ? i desire here also in a parallel way to set downe the scripture by you here brought , and a vote of the house of commons of the 30 iuly , 1641. and to desire your judgement , whether that also be in a direct , evident , and obvious manner against the expresse will and word of god . word of god . vote of the house of commons , die v●neris 30 iubii , 1641. mat. 7. 12 as you would 〈◊〉 men should doe unto you , so doe unto them ; for this is the law and the prophets . resolved upon the question . that this house doth conceive that the protestation made by them , is sit to be taken by every person that is well-affected in religion , and to the good of the common-wealth : and ●herefore doth ●eclar● , that what person soever shall not take the protestation , is unfit to bear office in the church o● common-wealth . thus having given you these articles of the propositions of both houses of parliament sent to the king for a safe and well grounded peace , and the other passages of both or either house of parliament , which i have placed after your example , in a parallel way , against the scriptures by you brought , and desired your judgement whether these also do act ( as you would have the world beleeve the petitio●s in the remonstrance doth ) in a di●ect , evident , and obvious manner against the expresse will and word of god . i pray you now also seriously to consider of those petitions in the remonstrance , and compare them together , with thes● propositions for peace , and the other passages of both or either house of parliament , and then tell mee what the remonstrants in those three ( so much by you condemned ) petitions , for the substance of them , did more desire of the parliament , then both houses of parliament have now proposed to the king , or hath been formerly by them in these passages of both or either house of parliament declared to the world . the● you say , presbyteriall government is not in the covenant , there●●re a● 〈◊〉 , and this ( say you ) you inforce upon others , though you will receive no forc●d con●●ruction of the same your selves . answ. where did the remonstrants say that presbyteriall government was in the covenant ? and if they never said it , as they never did , why doe you here bring it in as if they had said it ▪ i hope that at last you will learne to forbeare falsifying . it is true , that in page 2 of the remonstrance , they speake of ordinance● for presbyteriall government ; and i thinke you will not deny but there are such , if you doe , i will produce them ; but though presbyteriall government be not nominally , and in v●●bis in the covenant , yet i hope without offence , it may be said that it is concord●ble to the covenant , as being nearest to that government which the best reformed churches doe practise , and that by our covenant we are bound to endeavour the settlement of . and that progresse which both houses of parliament have already made , in , and towards the settlement of presbyteriall government , they have done it in pursuance of the said covenant , as by their owne words in the ordinance of the 14 of march , 1645. it doth appear , viz. the lords and commons assembled in parliament being very sensible of the gr●●t duty which lyeth upon them to settle matters 〈◊〉 ●eligion and the worship of almighty god ; and having continually before their eyes the covenant , which they have so solem●ly taken : for the performance thereof , and the manifold motives and incouragements thereunto , which are given them from god himselfe by a speciall hand of providence , p●wring forth daily mercies upon them ; in discharge of their duty , and in purs●ance of the said covenant , and in thankefulnesse to god for all his mercies , have diligently applyed themselves to that work of his ho●se , by his grace and assistance they have made some progresse therein , notwithstanding the exigency of other affaires , accompanied oftenti●es with great and imminen● dangers . and notwithstanding the great difficulty of the worke it selfe in divers respects , and particularly in the right jointing of what was to be setled with the laws and govern●●nt of the kingdome , the want whereof hath ●aused much trouble i● this and other states ; yet by the mercifull assistance of god , having re●oved the booke of common-prayer , with all its unnecessary and burdensome ceremonies , and established the directory in the ●●ome thereof , and ●aving abolish●d the prelaticall hierarchy , by archbishops , bishops , and their dependants , and in stead thereof , laid the foundation of a presbyteriall government in every congregation , with sub●rdin●tion to cla●●icall , provinci●ll , and nationall assemblies , and of t●e● all to t●e parliament . why doe you also wrong the remonstrants , in saying , they force presbyteriall government upon others ? doe they any other thing then petition the parliament to settle that government which in the words of this ordinance both the lords and commons do say , that in discharge of their duty , and in p●rs●ance of the said covenant , they have laid the foundation already , viz. of a presbyteriall government . you have yet one parallel more : word of god . ●●ity remonstrance . d●ut. 19. 15. at the mouth of two or three witnesses shall every thing be established . that quarterman may be brought to some exemplary punishment for the affront done by him , &c. and then you say , though no such thing was ever proved by one witnesse or testimony , that what hee did was any aff●on● done to the priviledges and government of the city ▪ hang him , hang him , what hath ●e done ? answ. you deny not the act of quarterman presume it is not that which you say was never proved by one witnesse or testimony , for the act was done at high exchange time , within the sight and hearing of many hund●eds ; but i conceive your meaning ( for you doe not expresse it , and therefore i can but guesse at it ) is , that the act in entring the city , and making proclamation therein with sound of trumpet ; without acquainting the lord major therewith , was not proved by one witnesse or ●estimony to be any affront done to the priviledges or government of the city , there never was any the least exception taken against the order to proclaime , nor against the matter proclaimed , nor the time when , nor the place where the proclamation was made ; if according to the constant and uninterrupted course of transacting things of that nature , the lord major , who is the chiefe magistrate of the city had but been acquainted with it . now i appeale to the reader , whether such an act done in such a manner in the sight and hearing of many hundreds , without acquainting the lord major therewith , be not an affront done to the priviledges and government of the city . in page 14. you tell the reader , that i except against the replyer , for saying , the parliament hath promised in severall declarations a gratious respect to tender consciences . answ. in page 9 of my vindication , i cited out of the replyer , page 2 , these following words , viz. that it is notoriously known that the parliament did promise in severall declarations , a gracious respect to tender consciences . i did not except against him for so saying , but i told him then , and i tell you now , that i will not say that this is false , left i should fall into that sin , which i am forced so frequently to reprove you for ; but 〈…〉 bee any such promises in former declarations which i yet remember not , as i then said to him , so i now say to you , you should have done well to have expressed the date of those declarations , and the words of the promises , that so the reader might see , that at least in something you , i say you , as well as the replyer , desire to deale fairly with them , for the remonstrants they still laid a fair copy before you in the remonstrance , so to have writ after them . and now without shewing any one declaration more then the replyer did , you goe on and say , it seems you are willing to hide your eyes from such observations in the parliaments declarations , as though this were an abòminatio●● to you , that they should ●a●e any respect to ten●er consciences . answ. i never knew before , that a desire to know the dates of the parliaments severall declarations , and to see the words of the promises which they therein make , of a gracious respect to tender consciences , which the replyer saith , is so notoriously knowne , ( and which i must confesse as then , so now , i remember not , ) had been a manifestation of a mans willingnesse to hide his eyes from such observations in the parliaments declarations . and it is so farre from being an abomination to me , that the parliament should have any respect to tender consciences , that i shall much rejoice both in the beholding of any true tendernesse of conscience in any man , and at all due respect which the parliament shall shew unto them . yet can i not conceive that heretiques that deny there is a god , or that the scriptures are the word of god , and that they are no more to bee beleeved then the stories of henry the 8th ' , &c. or blasphemers , which call the trinity of persons in the unity of essence , a three headed cerberus , &c. that these , and such as these , can properly be brought in under the notion of tender consciences . but th●n you aske me if i have forgotten the l●st declaration of the 17 of aprill , 1646 , answ. you know tha● neither the remonstrants , no● yet my self have forgotten that declaration , for it is by the remonstrants in their second page , cited as a noble resolution of this honourable house for the due observation of the covenant : and their expectation of the conformity of the people of england thereunto 〈◊〉 in that declaration , and it is by 〈◊〉 in the tenth page 〈◊〉 my vindication quoted as a justification of the remonstrants ( who to answer the expectation of the house of commons manifested in that declaration in these words , viz. wee do● expect that the people of england , should not receive impressi●●s of any forced co●struction of that cov●nant ) doe professe that they doe resolve by the grace of god not to receive impressions of any forced construction thereof . but what is this one declaration to that the replyer saith , that it is notoriously known that the parliament did promise a gracious respect to tender conscience● in many severall de●larations , or what i● it to that which you doe say , viz. wer● i as well furnished with books as your selfe , doubtlesse i cou●d shew you s●verall other d●clarations , where they promise a christian respect to tender c●ns●iences . then you goe on and say , i am so●ry mr. bellamie , you sh●uld bee so apt now adayes to cast out of your memorie the praise ▪ ●orthy acts ●f the parliament . answ. i le say no more in 〈…〉 replyer or your selfe , but that i would desire you not to take it 〈◊〉 , because i remember not that which yet 〈…〉 so notoriously known , and that which you say , were i well furnished with bookes , doubtlesse i could shew 〈…〉 is whil● neither hee , nor you , can , or at 〈…〉 instance of any other 〈…〉 in●reat you at present to fo●beare your sorrow , and for aftertimes not to be so censori●us as to charge me to be so apt now a dayes 〈…〉 parliament ; 〈…〉 i shall be as ready to 〈…〉 without any ground charges mee to be so apt now a dayes to cast them out of my memory . in your 16 page you thus goe on , speaking to me , viz. in the next place you begin with an interrogation , as if you had gotten a com●ission to ins●'t ; thus ; what ? is londons care to keep the covenant ▪ now become lond●ns ruine , &c. doubtlesse these are doctrines of a new date , and neare a kin to those new lights , which so many now ad●yes d●e so much bo●st of . and th●n you say , whither now mr. bellamy ? i professe my ●eart akes , and my hand trembles , shall i write , or shall i forbeare ? i passed by your sc●ffing at new lights once b●fore at pag. 10. and tooke no notice of it ; but i meet with it againe , yea , with an additionall scoffe , doctrines of a new d●te , and new lights , &c. answ. when i resolved to indevour the vindication of the city remonstrance , i resolved with my selfe , that i should mee● with oppositions , and therefore desired so to carry on the worke● as not willingly to let a phrase fall from me , that might justly give any cause of offence , and to that end , my care was to weigh words as well as matter , well knowing that sweet and pleasing langu●ge , with solid reason and st●ong a●guments , best conduce to the carrying on of a controversie . i confesse , that as in p. 10. so here , i use the word new lights , and doct●ines of a new date , but whether in the least appearance as a scoffe or a jeere , i freely leave to the reader both to examine and censure ; for as scoffing and jeering are farre from my disposition , so i can safely say , they were as farre in this from my intention . i desire the reader to take a survey of the passages immediately preceding these expressions , as they are transcribed out of the moderate reply , and judge whether i had not just cause to speake what ever is there spoken ; the expressions are these , viz. that the remonstrants doe discourage the parliament , and that they presse them in all haste , unto a sudden enfeebling of their strength , by crushing a considerable party of as cordiall friends as ever they had since the w●rs began . and that , because they will not sweare a submission unto that church-government , whic● ( say you ) neither they , nor your selves ye● understand , and to make so ill a requitall of their winters w●rke . and then againe , shall the whole kingdome , that was almost re●dy 〈◊〉 all its quarters to congratulate with london for all its love , now throw by these thoughts , and with sad ●earts , and pale faces , t●ll their wives and children , friends , and neighbours , w●e and alasse london will ruine 〈◊〉 , london begins to decline the parliament , london begins to clos● with the king , london is fill'd with malignant language , london remonstrates to the parliaments prejudice , londons city is englands woe . now i pray consider whether these so many , so foule , and yet withall so false charges shall bee laid against london , and that for their performance of what by covenant they are sworne unto , doth not justly occasion these interrogations ; and let the reader judge whether my using of them gave you any cause to say , that i begin with them , as if i had a commission to insult , and whether from these , and my calling them doctrines of a new date , wch ▪ whether they be so or no , the reader will easily discerne . and my saying that they are neare akin to those new lights which so many now adayes doe so much boast of ; which i therefore did , because they which doe now adayes so much boast of their new lights , are the persons which doe thus calumniate london for this their remonstrance , and are the prime men which vilifie the covenant , as in sundry particular instances in my vindication i made it good . i say , pray consider , and let the reader judge whether all or any of these things gave you any just occasion thus to rake up , as you have done , reports against mee , whether true or false , and to publish them to the whole world , as in your 1617 , 18 , 19 , 20 , & 21 pages of your book , and so almost al along to the end you have thus done , leaving the argument in difference between us , and falling upon some personall things , which you say have been reported to you concerning my carriage in matters of religion : i le come to the particulars ; first , you tell the reader the place of my birth , and that i was borne a son of the church of england under episcopacy : truly , if this bee a fault or e●rour , i conceive mr. i. p. will not deny himselfe to bee guilty of the same crime . then you come to the manner of my breeding , the time of my comming to london , and my being bound an apprentice to mr. nicholas bourne , citizen and stationer of london : and you tell the reader how my carriage was for the time of my apprentiship , which you are pleased thus to expresse , exercising such strictnesse and exactnesse in keeping and preserving that rich jewell of a quiet and tender conscience , &c. answ. what is this either to the city remonstrance , or to my vindication thereof ? these are the things now in debate between you and mee ; but your thus elevating mee up in praises i● this , and some such other passages in your book , is only to cast me downe with the greater violence , so farr● as you can , to my defamation and destruction ; but i pray consider ( ●nd l●t your owne heart bee y●ur owne iudge , for i will not accuse you ) whether your dealing with me in this , be not just like the devils with our saviour christ , matth. 4 5 , 6. who tooke him up to the pinnacle of the temple , that so , if it were possible , hee might breake his neck by throwing him down to the ground . but say you , my tendernesse of conscience appeared , in that i would not personally sell such bookes ( as prayer books ) which were ordinarily sold by other stationers , and in my masters shop . ans. mr. i. p. you and the reader shall both see by this first particular , what credit either you are to give to the reports you have heard of me , for there is not any one thing that you deliver upon your knowledge , but all upon heare-say ; and you know the old proverb● , fam●est mendax , or what little regard is to bee had to what you all along in this , and in other particulars have written of mee ; for as you have delivered them , i solemnly professe , that to the best of my knowledge and remembrance there is not one of them true . i confesse that neither my selfe , nor any of my fellow servants did sell any play-books , or other books in that nature ; and our not selling these , was by my masters owne order and direction , and that upon such good grounds , as i know you neither will , nor can question . but for the particular which you instance in , viz. prayer-books , there is but one man living that i know of , that can testifie any thing upon knowledge concerning my practise in this particular , and that is my master mr. nicholas bourne , who was concerned in it , and therefore his testimony is the more considerable : i le give it you in , as an answer to what in this you have printed upon the credit of your reporters , and that in his own words written to mee in a letter upon the sight of this passage in your book ; it thus follows : this 24. of iuly , 1646. mr. bellamie , this day there came to my hands , a booke called the city remonstrance remonstrated , where in pag. 1● . i find you are accused , that when you were my s●rvant you would not sell prayer-books : to which i answer , to prove the contrary , that i know you nev●r refused to sell any prayer-books ; and that i printed a prayer-book , called the supplications of saints , of which i doe beleeve you sold some hundreds : and this i test●fie under my hand the day and year● above written . p●r me nicholas bourne . the next thing you fall upon , thinking thereby to defame me , is , that after i set up shop for my selfe , the businesse of infants b●ptisme grew into deb●te ; and ( say you ) i then fell into the opinion of the an●baptists , &c. answ. mr. i. p. i am sorry you should so easily entertain reports without ground , and so freely publish them to the world , knowing nothing of them ; hee that told you this , if hee knew what it was hee said unto you , knows , that as unto the point of time hee told you an untruth . i confesse , that many years before this , even when i was not above 17 yeares of age , i did upon some s●ruples put into me by an anabaptist , entertaine their opinion , but i blesse god , it was not above a moneths time before the lord discovered my error to mee . it is now above 30 yeares since , and must this be raked up afresh by you , and throwne in my face to blemish what you can that which i have written in defence of the remonstrance ? is this a carriage becomming a sober christian ? one ●olid argument , or good reason , if you had them to give , against the remonstrance or its vindication , would with wise men bee more regarded , then twenty such uselesse or vaine reports . then you tell the reader of my applying my self to a separate coxgregation , and of my continuance with them , and the manner of departing from them ; and all this you affirme , it seems , as upon your owne knowledge , for you doe not in all this say as in others things , it is reported so , but positively affirme the particulars to be so . ans. i am sure you know nothing more , nor lesse , of all that in this you have written , for the time you relate to , was neare twenty yeares before you and i ever saw the faces one of another , but to shew you your mistake , and to let it appeare how you are abused in receiving , and have abused mee in divulging of of th●se things , i le give you and the world , ( being as it wer● thus by you called thereunto ) a true account of them , it 's true , i did above thirty yeares since apply my self to that congregation , whereof mr. iacob was then pastor , with whom i continued in communion all the time he continued in this kingdome , and some yeares after : but that this was then as you affirme a separate congregation , i deny , and son proof of what i say , i appeale to the confession of the faith of the said congregation published in print , in anno 1616. which was a little after the time applying my self , as you call it unto them , in which it doth appeare that separation was then witnessed against by that congregation , and the judgement of that congregation then was that the pub●ique congregations in this kingdom , was the true churches of christ , the ministery thereof as received by the people , a true ministery , the ordinances there administred , both of baptisme , the lords supper , &c. the true ordinances of jesus christ , and that wee not onely might , but in some respect ought to joyn in communion with the said publique congregations in the said ordinances , and that not so to doe was our sinne . i le give it you for your present satisfaction in the very words of the printed confession of the faith of that congregation , article the eleventh , the latter end of it , thus it is . it being no evill , nor any appearance of evill , justly in us to joyne to the parish-congregation and ministery in such respect , and so far fort● on●ly 〈◊〉 is aforesaid , wee ought , ( as wee bel●eve ) sometime on w●ight● occasion so to joyne , and wee sinne if wee doe not . this printed confession of faith i have by mee , and am very ready for the cleare and full confirmation of what in all this i write , to shew to you , or to any one that desires satisfaction in the truth of what i affirm . and as it was then the judgement of that congregation , so was it also then the practice of the members thereof . and for the proofe of this , i appeale first to so many of the then members in generall of that congregation , who are now living , and knew the churches practice in this particular , and in speciall to mr. sabine staresmore , who , ( i conceive , and that upon good grounds ) hath been one maine instrument by mis-reports to have thus misled you , and therein abused mee : but if it bee so , god give him grace to see his sin , and forgive it him , or whoever it was ; i trust , my heart shall never with consent , entertaine so much as the shadow of a thought to make the like requitall ; but i will study and indeavour , and lay hold upon every opportunity which the lord shall hold forth unto mee , to doe all the good i can to him , to them , to you , for this your evill done to mee , remembring what our saviour christ hath taught mee , matth. 5. 44. love your enemies , blesse them that curse you , doe good to them that hate you , and pray for them which despitefully use you , and persecute you . but i beseech you all seriously to consider , that if this bee not persecution with the tongue , then tell mee what is . and i pray you considerately to ponder and weigh well that of the prophet ieremy 20. 10. and make such use of it to your owne soules , as god shall direct you to doe ; the words are these , i heard the defaming of many , feare on every sid , report , say they , and wee will report it , all my familiars watched for my halting , saying , peradventure 〈◊〉 will bee enti●●d , and we shall prevaile against him , and we shall take our revenge on him . but my comfort and stay in this i trust s●all be the same with the prophet , in that , manifested in the next verse , but the lord is with me as a mighty terrible one , therefore my persecutors shall stumble , and they shall not prevaile , they shall bee greatly ashamed , for they sh●ll not prosper . i fu●ther appeale for proofe of what i affirme , unto mr. henry roborough , now one of the scribes of the assembly of divines , and pastor of leonards e●st cheape london , whether hee hath not at that time observed that mr. jacob , and other knowne members of that congregation , did usually communicate in the ordin●nces of christ in the publike congregations : and whether hee hath not with his owne hands , administred the lords supper to mr. jacob , and other then knowne members of his church . and that the members of this congregation , did then not onely communicate in the publique assemblies in the sacrament of the lords supper , but also in the sacrament of baptisme , yea , that they did b●ptize their owne children in the publique assemblies ; i appeale for the truth of this , unto the testimony of so many of them as bee now living , and remember the churches practice in this particular at that time , and if there bee none now living that can remember , and will testifie this , then in particular i appeale to the register book of andrew hubbard london , whether upon the 7 of december , 1623. there was not then and there baptized , susan the daughter of robert lynell , and of susan his wife , both which was then parishioners of that parish and members of this c●ngregation , and r●bert lynell ● deacon of the church . i fu●ther appeal unto the regi●●er-book of saviours southwarke , whether upon the third of february , 1624. there was not then and there baptized , b●rshua● , the daughter of daniel ray , who then was a pa●ishioner of that parish , and a member of this congregation . i could produce many others in the like kind , but these may suffice to confirme the truth of what i affirme , neither would i have printed this , but for the witnesse of this truth , viz. that that congre●ation did then ho●d it not onely lawfull , but of nec●ssity , upon pain of sin , ●e●rding to the printed confession of faith , to c●mmunicate in the publike ministery and ordin●nces , and that both of baptisme and the lord● supper . neither do i write this in the least measure , to reflect upon the present now members of that congregation , if in their judgments and practice they now walk otherwise ; provided , that by the warrant of the word of god they can clearly justifie their present walking ; but i must crave your favor for my self stil to continue in the same judgment and practice i then was , and which is concordable to the then confession of the faith of the church , as unto communion in the parish congregations , both in the ministery and ordinances of baptisme and the lords supper , though you falsely charge me of mutation and change in so doing . and thus i hope i have shewed you your mistake in that you affirm , i applyed my self to a separate congregation . i shall also endevour to give you as ample an account of the just reason ( as i humbly conceive ) of my leaving them . mr. ia●ob leaving england , and going to virginia , the congregation was then for a time , to the best of my remembrance , left without a pastor : and then many of the members of the said congregation varying in their judgements from what was in the confession of the faith of the church formerly printed ; and being now both in judgement and practice against communion in the ordinances of christ in the publike congregations , which by the confession of the faith of the church , we were bound upon pain of sin to maintain , both in judgement and practice ; this occasioned many disputes , and some differences , a● last the point of ordination of ministers came under debate , which was the first , yea , the onely occasion that put a thought into my breast about my departing from that congregation : and at that time mr. iohn lothrop , a learned , holy , humble , and painfull preacher was the pastor , then the congregation ordered three of their members to conferre with mee about that difference , i then did , now doe , and ever will acknowledge their great love , and tender respect to mee in it , but after ●undry conferences , and wee not agreeing , i thought it my duty , to signifie my mind in writing under my hand to the whole congregation , which i then did in these words : to his dearly beloved christian friends mr. john lothrop , and all the rest of the congregation with him assembled , this publikely present . christian friends , and dearly beloved in the lord jesus christ , having by the congregations appointment had conference with three of the brethren , about a point in controversie , which wee cannot agree , i thought it my duty to signifie my minde in writing to the whole congregation , which is , that after many thoughts spent , and some paines taken in conference , and examination of scriptures , and searching the judgements of divines , both ancient and moderne , about the matter in controversie , viz. ordination , or the compleat investing of persons chosen by the free consent of the congregation into those offices ( for ministeriall imployments ) unto which they are elected , i conceive for the reasons following , this to be the truth , viz. that it ought to bee performed actually by precedent church-officers . 1. because that the apostles in acts 6. finding the church to be in want of officers , gave them direction for the performance of what was their duties , tending to the obtaining of the aforesaid wants , which was to elect persons qualified according to direction , which they , viz. the congregation did , & reserving the other of compleat stating them into their offices , unto themselves , which they , viz. the apostles effected : the texts for confirmation , which with a single eye i desire to be considered of , are , acts 6. v. 3. for the precept injoyning the duty , and v. 5 , and 6. for the duty in obedience to the precept performed , the words are , chuse you out whom we may appoint , not chuse you and appoint . 2. that which the apostles reserved in this place to themselve● in their precept to the congregation , and accordingly after practised , as in the first appeareth , so also in other congregations or churches they did the like , as acts 14. 23 , when they had 〈◊〉 them eld●rs in every church , they , that is , paul and barnabas , as appeareth v. 12 , 14. if it bee objected , that this was done by officers extraordinary , which had their calling and commission immediately from god , and therefore is not fitly brought so , as to require the like to bee done by ordinary officers : i desire for answer to it , this third reason may be con●idered . 3. that which in this kind was done by the apostles , which i grant were extraordina●ily called by god , and gifted accordingly , the same was after done by them which had their ordinatio● by ordinary officers in churches , as timothy titus , as appeareth , 1 tim. 4. 14. where timothy was ordained by the hands of the company of the eldership , and he in particular , and not the congregation in generall , is charged before god and the lord iesus christ , and the elect angels , to lay hands suddenly on no man , 1 tim. 5. 21 , 22. which scripture , with submission to better judgments , i conceive teacheth these two duties . 1. that timothy an ordained officer ought to lay on hands in ordination , and not any other but officers ordained . 2. that they that doe ordaine , ought to doe it with advisement and great deliberation , not preferring one before another partially . and as timothy , so titus , as testifieth the apostle , 1 titus v. 5. was left at creta to ordaine elders in every city : and for my part , i am ignorant of any one example in all the new testament , where ordination was performed by any but church officers ; and for the clear and distinct understanding of the quality and difference of church officers extraordinary and ordinary , that we may know which is , which , i desire that this scripture may bee considered , gal. 1. 1. paul an apostle , not of men , neither by man , but by iesus christ ; where the apostle to prove his apostolicall , or extraordinary calling , affirmeth that hee was not an apostle of men , neither by man , for then hee had been but an ordinary minister , but by jesus christ ; and so as his calling was extraordinary , his o●●ice is the like ; from whence followeth this inference , that such as is the calling , such is the office , they that had their calling immediately , was extraordinary officers , such was t●e apostles ; & such as have their calling mediately , or by means are ordinary , such was timothy , as in the fore-quoted scripture may appear , and so are all such as have their ordination by preced●nt church offi●ers . this interpretation i so give , as upon a better manifested , i shall desire to r●tract this . 4. if it had been in the power of the congregations as to elect , so lawfully and without sinne to ordaine , the apostle might have written from place to place , letters of direction according to which , congregations might have proceeded , and so of themselves effected it , and then the apostles by that might have had the more time for the publishing of the gospel of christ in other places , where yet they had not been , and not have travailed so many miles back againe from place to place to ordaine elders , which if lawfully it might have been omitted , it would have spared them much paines , and much advanced the publishing of the gospel , for wee see that when the church omitted another ordinance , viz. excommunication , the apostle went not to them , but sent to them to doe it , 1 cor. 5. 5. that which the holy ghost maketh two distinct ordinances in churches , and commands them to bee performed by persons of a twofold or distinct consideration in churches , that none ought to confound , or make them one ordinance , neither ought they to be performed by churches otherwise th●n by the persons in the said twofold or distinct considerations . but the holy ghost maketh election and ordination two distinct ordinances in churches , & commands them to be performed by persons of a twofold or distinct considerations in churches , viz. election by the members , ordination by the officers , act. 6. 3. therefore none ought to confound , or make them one o●dinance , neither ought they to bee performed by churches otherwise then by the persons in the said twofold or distinct considerations . these things thus considered , prove this conclusion , that that church or churches which hold and enjoy their church officers any otherwayes , then by the ordination of former church officers hold and enjoy them not according to the mind of c●rist , and all the administrations of such church officers , their manner of entrance into their office , not being grounded on scripture , are unlawfull , and not to bee c●mmunicated with ; and this is the ground of my withdrawing my selfe from that congregation with whom i formerly walked . if it bee objected , i formerly made question of this same particular , and yet after that walked with the congregation again . i answer , that it is true , and that i did upon this ground , as to some it 's evidently known . after some question with the congregation about it , one of the members , who formerly also had doubt●d of the same thing , at last said , hee was stayed for the present upon this consideration ; that if the ordination of the church without officers , were not of force to give a compleat being by ordination to a pastor , yet our pastor having formerly been ordained by a precedent ministery , in that respect his ministery was t●ue , and his administrations lawfull ; unto which , as willing to embrace any truth manifested , i assented , and upon that ground , and no other , i received his ministery , and partooke in , and communicated with his administrations , and this not secretly , but professedly . but after that , i being in trouble , and in probability to be questioned about my practise in this particular , i was , as some know , in mind much troubled , for having withdrawne my selfe from the publike assemblies , and yet enjoying in my own judgement , and by my owne confession , neither ministery nor administrations , but what derivatively i had from them ; and also professing both the publike congregations , and ministery , and ordinances , to be the true churches ministery , and ordinances of ●hrist , and so farre pure , as for mee to refuse communion with them , even by the publike confession of that congregation with whom i walked , was a sinne : i could not then , neither can i now tell which way , without a great deale of scandall , to take upon mee , before authority in these respects to cleare my practice , or to reconcile this at least seeming paradox , the rather considering , that in this particular i was not onely left alone by the most and best of orthodox di●ines , foraine and nationall , but even by that congregation also with whom i walked , who though it hold a necessity of communicating in the assemblies in some cases , and that as before the churches ministery and ordinances be true , yet hold not their ministery in their owne , by vertu● of ordination from a precedent ministery , but by the ordination of the congregation , unto which , neither could i then , nor can i now , for the reasons fore-specified give my assent , bu● must remaine contrary minded till the force of the reasons and argument , be taken away , or a beter ground bee manifested to mee , which at all times , i shall desire to embrace . thus desiring what truth herein is contained may be received , and what error , if any , may be shewed , that all of us by leaving the evill , and doing the good , may obey our god in whom i rest ; desiring ever to be a true friend and brother to you all , and to all others that love the lord christ . iohn bellamie . after the sending of this letter , i received an answer from the congregation , and returned them a reply , a copy of which reply i have now by me , but upon desire , i delivered back the answer to one of the members , and would now have obtained it againe , and printed it with my reply to it , but it would not bee granted me . i would not have printed these passages , but that i conceived it requisite to satisfie you and the reader the grounds of my leaving that congregation . and after this , ( what further passed in that congregation concerning my selfe ) i know not . now , if that congregation with whom i then walked , was afterwards in their judgements and practice changed or altered , from what the confession of the faith of the church then was when i joyned to them , and the practice of the members thereof then was , while i walked with them , as unto communion in the ministery and ordinances both of baptisme and the lords supper , &c. in the publike parish congregations ( for that is the expression in the confession , ) and that not thus to communicate , in such respect , and so farre forth onely as aforesaid , was our sin , even by our own confession ; then i pray you tell me ( for i will not judge ) whether is most blame worthy , they or i , and in whom is most mutation to be found . but if i may without offence speake it , methinkes you exceed the bounds of christian love and charity ( yet will i not call it , a piece of your independent justice which we must expect , as in another case you call it , a piece of presbyteriall justice , which ( say you ) wee are like to finde from you when power is in your hands , pag 4. ) in presuming that revenge against this congregation and its members , hath put me thus on worke in the city remonstrance and its vindic●tion , for the lord that searcheth the hearts of all men , knoweth my heart , and unto him i doe appeale , that from that time to this hour● , which i thinke is now near twenty years , i never had the least thought of revenge in me , either against the whole , or any particular member of that congregation , but have according to my poore ability , been alwayes ready and willing to performe all offices of christian love and respect unto any of them ; and i hope , as ●ccasion is offered , ever shall be ; and though i cannot agree with them in opinion and practice , yet i hope i shall ever love them as my own soul . in page 18. you speak of my meeting with a select company of christians in a cursory way ; where you are pleased to say more then ever i deserved , or had cause to thinke of , concerning my carriage amongst them to their comfort and content . an●w . truly , i blesse god , i have often met with sundry s●lect companies of godly christians in holy duties , and been willing , according to the best of my abilities , to doe or receive any good to , or from them , but sure i dare not think you judge this to be criminall ; but yet you say , that with much griefe of soul they assert these things . what your meaning in this is , as you expresse it not , so indeed i know it not ; i hope , as i ever have done , so i ever shall endeavour to do or to receive any spirituall goo● from any company of christians with whom either purposely or occasionally i shall converse ; and for this you have my minde and judgement , which according to that talent god hath given mee is , and ever shall be concordable to my practice ; you may read it in my vindication , page 21. it is in an answer to a querie of the replyer , viz. what the remonstrants meane by private and separate congregations ; it 's answered negatively in these words , that the remonstrants doe not mean by private and separate congregations , the private meetings of christian people for prayer , exhortation , repetition of se●rmons , or any other laudable and christian familie , or neighbourly duties amongst the saints ; as to these i am assured all the remonstrants will joyne with you in your desire , that abh●r'd h●th by god and all good men , may all requests be that shall bee made for the suppres-pressing of th●se . next , you goe about summarily to reckon up such things , as either lying fame hath told you , or your own fancy dictates to you , and for fear of failing , you repeat them in several places ; and therefore where you are pleased to lay them downe , i must undergoe the paines to take them up , they are in p●ge 19 , and page 30. where you say , i have been for bishops , and against bishops ; for separates , and against s●parates ; a sectary , and an a●ti-sectary ; a schismatick , and an anti-schismatick ; and so you goe ●urther on in many other the like expressions according to your pleasure . answ. if all these were true which here you specifie , and all the former particulars before recited , yet what are all , or any of these to the city remonstrance or its vindication ? truly , i must needs say , that it is a shrewd signe of a bad cau●e ; and i thinke the reader will bee of the same minde with mee , when in stead of arguments or reasons to confute what is affirmed , you must fall so foule upon the person , and the suppo●ed miscarriages of him whom you oppose ; it seems you had little hope that your selfe by strengtst of argument should doe any good , and therefore you call in for helpe , such as it is , in this way of combating to cast mee downe , just like the heathens against the christians in the primitive ●imes , and the papists against the protestants in these latter times ; but i pray ●emember what you say of the reply , in the 5 page of your booke , the latter end , that there may possibly be mistakes more then enough in it , for the holy scripture onely excepted , where is thirt writing without mistakes ? may not the like bee said , as of books , so of men , where is the man without his errors , without his miscariages ? as i will not accuse , so i beleeve you will not excuse mr. i. p. himselfe from these . and truly , for ●y self , i dare not to these plead my defence ; for i know more by my selfe , then you , or all your reporters can accuse me of , and earnestly & humbly i desire that god may be glorified both in my acknowledgement of them to him , and his pardoning of them to mee ; but upon what ground you should thus boldly breake in upon mee , knowing nothing of any thing that of the●e you affirme , i can but wonder : i pray be pleased to make a second inquiry amongst all your reporters , and see if they can make it out for truth unto you , that ever at any time , in any place , either by word or writing , any thing fell from mee , either for bishops , for separates , for schismaticks , or for sectaries , and if not , as confident i am nor you , nor they can , then why doe you wrong your selfe and your cause , in thus going about to wrong me , by reporting and divulging these untruths of me ? but i have tyred out my selfe , and perhaps wearied the reader too , in following you so long upon these personall things , yet must i needs crave favour to particularize one passage more , viz. in your 29 pag. in these words , viz. mr. john bellamie , what kinde of man are you ? they that observe your sayings what they have been formerly concerning the king , concerning the lords , concerning the power of the commons ▪ ( whispering your thoughts in the eares of many that now speake of it ) what your carriages have been not very long since in common-councell , or among your brethren the stationer's , the committee appointed for the keeping up and maintaining the expository lectures , and what your carriages are now , stand with admiration and amusement at your wheeling thus about . answ. i desire the reader to observe the many charges which in this you lay against mee , at the least six , yet you particularize not any one ; might i not more justly then you , take your owne words used in reference to quarterman , in your 12 page , and apply them to that which in this you spake against mee , viz. hang him , hang him , what hath he done ? and what i pray you may such as know mee not , be ready to judge of mee ? when they heare so many , and so great charges in the generall laid against mee , and seemingly confirmed by so many witnesses , as the whole common-councell , the company of stationers , the committee for expository lectures ? was there ever the like passages printed against any man by the worst of enemies that ever he had to charge him with something against the king , as if that were treason , something against the lords & commons , as if that were either treason , or at least scandalum magnatum , and this to be whispered by mee in the eares of many , that now speake of it againe , and yet to instance in nothing at all ; and then furth●r to say , what your carriages have been not very long since in common-councell , or among your brethren the stationers , the committee appointed for the keeping 〈…〉 maintaining the expository lectures . now i appeale to your own soule , whether this your dealing can have any defence m●de for it . and i do appeale also to the worst of enemies that i have alive ( as it seemes i have a great many ; for i thanke you heartily for it , you told mee privately by word of mouth upon saturday the 8 of this august , that there is a booke of the history of my life , already drawn up , and fitted for the presse , wherein are many heavie charges laid against me in the matters of my conversation : ) to make any thing good against mee in any of these generalls which here you sp●ak of , and in particular i appeal to the court of common-councell , to the company of stationers , and to the committee a●pointed for the keeping up and maintaining the expository lectures , ( for all these you seeme to bring as witnesses against me , ) whether ever i did or spake any thing at any time in any of the●e assemblies , which in any thing was any way crosse or contrary either to the city remonstrance , or to any thing in my vindication thereof ; for you say , that they observing your now carriages , stand with admiration and amasement at your wheeling thus about . mr i. p. i pray remember that scripture , which in your 1● page you set in a parallel against a passage in the remonstrance , to prove that the common-councell doth act in a direct , evident , and obvious manner against the expresse will and word of god , and bring it hither , and set it likewise in parallel against this your dealing with me , and then tell mee who doth act in a direct , evident , and obvious manner , against the expresse will and word of god ; the scripture you cite , is matth. 7. 12. as you would that men should doe unto you , so doe unto them , for this is the law and the prophets . mr. i. p. i beseech you aske your owne soule , whether you would that i , or any other man should deale thus by you , as you have dealt by me , gathering up whatever you cou●d heare against mee , whether true or false , in my carriages about matters of religion , and that for above 30 yeares together ; and though you know nothing of any one of them more or lesse , and there being not one of them true as you relate them , yet without ever speaking one word to me about them , with such boldnesse and confidence of truth to publish them to the world : and now tell me , whether you doe as you would bee done unto , and whether in this , your owne conscience being your judge , you doe not act in a direct evident , and obvious manner against the expresse will and word of god . but i must break off , yet with this resolution , that your indeavour thus to blaz on my name , and blast my repute , shall by gods grace quicken mee up to a more christian watchfulnesse over all my wayes , that i may walke more inoffensively towards men , and more pleasingly before god ; and i blesse my god , that my name is neither in the power of your tongue , nor pen , nor yet of your reporters neither , but onely in the hand & power of my good god who is able to keep that which i have committed to him ; and i blesse his name , i am not in any thing terrified by that which you or they have in this already done , in thus seeking to defame mee , nor yet , i hope , ever shall bee at that history of my life , which you say is ready for the presse to be printed against mee . next , you come in your 22 page to that question wherein resides the supreme power of the kingdome , and upon this argument you continue neare to the end of your book ; and in page 23 you begin your que●ies , and first , you aske what i meane by three estates , and yet in the same , and the foregoing pages you transcribe my very words , where i told you , that by the three estates i meant ( as all the laws and records of the kingdome expresse it , and as all men unquestionably have hitherto concluded it , and as the truth in it selfe is ) the king , the lords , and the commons . your second querie is , what i meane by fundamentall ; and then you tell the reader , that i say the king , the lords , and commons are the three estates of which the fundamentall constitution of the kingdome is made up . it 's true , i did , and doe say so still , and you say little to contradict it , onely you aske another question ( which , how wise a one it is , i desire the reader to observe , for i must not judge ) viz. are there three fundamentalls ? and you propose it , as if i had said or imply'd so much ; and then you tell the reader , you ever thought there had been but one ; and in this i agree with you , but herein is our difference which you and i must leave to the judgement of the reader to determine , i say this one fundamental constitution of the kingd●m , is the three estates of the king , lords , and commons , and this i still abide by ; but you say , this one fundamentall is the commons , and that for two reasons ; 1. bec●use the commons made the king , and the king made the lords , and so the commons are the prime ●ound●tion . 2. b●cause both the king and the lords were adv●nced for the benefit , quiet , and welfare of the commons , and not the commons made for them : and you say , if you are deceived , the common maxime of salus populi suprema lex , deceived you . answ. first , the frame of the government of this kingdome , by the admired wisdom of the architects and contrivers thereof , is so composed of these three estates , as may best preserve the whole , and keep either of those estates from any such exorbitancy as might destroy the other ; for as they are the three estates in parliament , i humbly conc●ive there is no subordination of the one to the other , but a co-ordination of them all three together , by which the princes soveraignty , and the peoples freedome and liberty are together preserved and maintained , and herein is that common maxime of salus populi suprema lex , chiefly made good . secondly , the legislative power of this kingdom is not in any one estate distinct , but in al the three estates conjunct , yea , the very root and essence of this legislative power is compounded , and as it were , mixed together in the three estates of king , lords , and commons , and these three concurrent estates producing one supreme act as con-cause , ca●not have a subordination among themselves , it not being imaginable how a power can cause the supreme effect , and yet be subordinate : thus the very being of our common and statute lawes prove this truth , for they are not composed nor enacted by any one of the three estates divisim , but they are established by the sole authority of the three estates conjunctin , every act being enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , and by the authority of the lords and c●mmons assembled in parliament . thirdly , i must needs dissent from you , in that you say , that both the king and the lords were advanced for the bene●●t , quiet , and welfare of the commons , if your meaning bee , as indeed by your words it seems to be , exclusive , excluding therein the benefit , quiet and welfare of the king and the lords , for i conceive the benefi● quiet and welfare of the whole , viz. king , lords , and comm●ns was equally and alike intended in the fundamentall constitution of the kingdom , and so the commons were as well made for the king , as the king for the commons , yea the king , and the lords , and the commons were all alike made for the benefit , quiet , and welfare each of others , and so of the whole together ; and this is that , which in my minde maketh the constitution of this kingdome in this state of a limited and mixed monarchy farre to surpasse the constitution of any other kingdome that i know ; and i think , that in a good sense it may truly bee said of the severall members of this thus constituted po●itique body of this kingdome , as the apostle , 1 cor. 12. 21. speakes of the members of the naturall body , the eye c●nnot s●y to the b●nd , i have no need of thee , nor again the ●ead to the feet , i have no need of you ; for as every member in the naturall body is by god there set and placed , not alone for its owne good , but for the welfare of the whole , and accordingly it acts , and is serviceable therein for the good of the whole , yea , such a naturall necessity there is in the body , of every member , that not any one member can be wanting , but the body is thereby defective , and so the eye cannot say to the ●and , i have no need of thee , nor againe , the head to the feet , i h●v● no need of you . so in the body politique of this common-wealth , by the ancient and excellent constitution thereof , the three estates , viz. king , lords and commons are so set and placed , that in their severall stations they should not act alone for their owne particular , but for the common and publike good and welfare of the whole ; yea , i humbly conceive , that to the upholding & continuance of this so excellent a constitution , there is such a politique necessity of every one of the three estates in this commonwealth , for the preservation of the whole , that the king cannot say to the commons , i have no need of you , nor againe the commons to the king , i have no need of thee , nor yet the king and the commons to the lords , we have no need of you : for if any one estate in this b●dy politique be cut off , the whole constitution is presently destroyed ; and when i seriously consider how by the fundamentall constitution of this kingdom , there is such care taken for the preservation of the soveraignty of the king , and yet withall such provision made for the just liberties and freedome of the people , and how the one may be justly allayed , and yet consist without impeachment of the other , i cannot but conceive it to be unparalleld for true policy in the whole world : and thus much in answer to your two first q●eries . your third querie is , whether the king , and suppose the major part of the lord , whi●h m●ke up two estates , do● agree tog●ther , suppose it be to set up absolute prerogative , and the commons will not assent hereunto , whether the majo● part of the estates must not conclude the minor , the two conclude the third , and so as for the common , will they , nill they , sl●●es they must be , and slaves they shall be . answ. to the making of a law , there must bee the concurrent consent of all the three estates , viz. king , lords , and commons ; the king and the lords , without the consent of the commons can make no law valid , and in that case the major part of the estate● doe not conclude the minor , and so the commons are thereby pre●served from slavery ; but in another case the major part of the e●states doe conclude the minor , viz. when the lords and common● doe agree upon a law for the good and safety of the kingdome , then the king is concluded in that their agreement , and ought t● set his flat thereunto : for the kings of england are bound by their oaths to grant such laws which shall bee for the good and safety of the kingdome , with the accord of their people in 〈◊〉 presented to them , as in the preamble of the statute made in the 25 yeare of ●dward the third , entituled , the statute of proviso●s of benefices , made at w●stminster , in these words it doth appeare : whereupon the said commons ha●e prayed our soveraigne lord the king , that sith the right of the crowne of england , and the law of the said realme is such , that upon the mischiefs and damm●ges which ●appen to this realme , hee ought , and is bound by his oath , with the accord of his people in his parliament thereof , to make remedy and law . and the king acknowledgeth this for a truth , and accordingly acted , as in these following words in the same statute , it appeareth : our soveraigne lord the king , seeing the mischiefes and dammages before mentione● , and having r●gard to the statute made in the time of his grandf●ther , and by so much as hee is bounden by hi● oath to cause the 〈…〉 a law of his realme , &c. by the assent of all the great men and comm●nalty of ●is said re●lme , to the honor of god , and profit of the said church of england , and of all his realm● , 〈◊〉 ord●ined and es●ablished , &c. thus farre the words of that preamble and statute , upon which the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled say thus : viz. here the lords and commons claime it directly as the right of the crowne of england , and of the law of the land , tha● the king is bound by his o●th , with the 〈◊〉 of his people in parliament , to make remedie and 〈…〉 the mischiefs and damm●g●s which happen to this realme , and the king doth not deny it , c●llect of declarations , p. 229. l●t this suffice as answer to your third querie . your fourth que●ie is this , wheth●r ●ee ( viz. the king ) be present as a distinct estate , if so , if one distinct estate may bee present in power quatenus , an estate , and absent in person , m●y not a second estat● be so present , though absent in body ; yea , a third estate s● present , and yet absent in body ; and so we shall have the estates in parliament , and not a man amongst them ; this is a riddle ind●ed mr. bellamie , i pray you unfold this also . answ. at your request ●e undertake the taske ; your owne words grant , that ●s well in parliament , as in all his inferiour courts of justice , the king is present in his power ; these are your words , viz. i know sir , hee is present in power in all his inferiour cou●ts of iustice , as well as in the parliament , 24. now in parliament there is no power but the power of the three estates , viz. king , lords , and commons ; and therefore all the acts that are en●cted by the power of parliament are enacted by the power of the three estates conjunction ; it is possible that the king may withdraw his person from the parliament , as now hee hath done , but hee can never withdraw his power , no , not his power as a distinct estate , for in the making of every act of parliam●nt , there is present in parliament the power of all the three estates , without all which conjunctim , no act can bee made . but there is an act made this parliament by the free consent of all the three estates in parliament , that this parliament shall not be dissolved , prorogued , or adjourned without the consent of both houses of parliament first had and obtained , viz. anno 17 caroli regis , entituled , an act to prevent inconveniences which may happen by the untimely adjourning , proroguing & dissolving of this present parliament . in 〈◊〉 act are these words , viz. be it declared and enacted by the king our soveraigne lord , with the assent of the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , that this present parliament now assembled , shall not bee dissolved , unlesse it be by act of parliament to bee passed for that purpose , nor shall b●e at any time or times during the continuance thereof , prorogued or adjourned , unl●sse it be by act of parliament to be likewise passed for that purpose . now then thus i argue , if at the passing of this act of parliament , there was present the power of all the three estates in parliament , viz. king , lords , and commons , and by vertue of this act of parliament , the parliament cannot be dissolved , prorogued , or adjourned , unlesse it be by act of parliament to bee passed for that purpose , then the power of all the three estates , viz. king , lords and commons must needs continue in parliament , till by act of parliament to be passed for that purpose this parliament bee dissolved , prorogued , or adjourned . but at the passing of this act of parliament , there was present the power of all the three estates in parliament , viz. king , lords and commons , ( vide the act 〈◊〉 supra ) and by vertue of this act of parliament , the parliament cannot be dissolved , prorogued , or adjourned , unlesse it be by act of parliament to be passed for that purpose , vide also the act 〈◊〉 supra . therefore the power of all the three estates in parliament , viz. king , lords and commons must needs continue in parliament till by act of parliament to bee passed for that purpose , this parliament be dissolved , prorogued , or adjourned . and thus the particular by me affirmed , is clearly proved , viz. that though the person of the king bee absent from the parliament , yet the power of the king , viz. as one of the three estates in parliament , is present with the parliament . i now come briefly to the second part of your querie , and will endeavour herein , ( as you call it ) to unfold your riddle ▪ the other two estates in parliament , viz. lords , and commons , cannot be absent from the parliament , neither in power , nor ye● in person : thus farre ●e grant you , that many of the members of either house may bee absent from either of their respective houses , and yet the two estates of parliament continue entire in parliament , for there must be at least three lords present in the house of lords to make it a house , and so an estate in parliament ; and forty commons with the speaker , in the house of commons to make it an house , and so an estate in parliament ; and therefore there cannot bee , as you affirme , three estates in parliament , and not a man amongst them ; and this i give as an answer to your fourth querie , and if you please , you may also let it passe for the unfolding of your riddle . in the ●ifth place , in page 24. you have these words , viz. the replyer observing the remonstran s●ascribing onely a share of the supreme power to the house of commons proposeth this question to them ; will not you allow so much power to the kingdome representative , in r●ference to the kingdome , as to the representative city , in reference to london ? and then you come to your fifth querie in these following words , viz. and so doe i querie , will not the commons of london yeeld or ascribe unto the commons of england , as the commons of london to themselves will ascribe ? answ. i pray ma●k the termes of your querie , for methinks it is a little defective ; you say the commons of london , not the common-councell , but as you propose your querie , i answer affirmatively , that the commons of london will yeeld and ascribe unto the commons of england , as the commons of london to themselves will ascribe ; but i say again , observe your termes , you say the commons of london , not the common-councell ; i shall pres●ntly shew you the difference , the commons of london are not the city representative , but the common-councell , ( which doth consist of the lord major , aldermen , and commons ) is the city representative . then you goe on in these words , viz. therefore mr. bellamie to make your absurdities the better appeare , in your parallel between the kingdome representative , and the city representative , i come upon you thus ; first , you grant that the common-councell is the city representative , page 2 of your vindication . answ. i grant it . secondly , you grant that the house of commons in parliament assembled , is the kingdom representative , in the same page . answ. i grant the house of commons in parliament assembled , to be the kingdome representative in that sense in which in page 2 of my vindication , i said it was , viz. as it is made up of and chosen by the kingdome collective , viz. the commons of the kingdome , whom in parliament it onely represents , and therefore onely can be the representative body of them , and accordingly in all their addresses to the house of lords , they goe in their owne names , and in the names of all the commons of england ; and desiring the concurrence of the house of lords in any act , they desire it in their owne names , and in the names of all the commons of england , of whom they onely are a representation , or whom they doe represent , and in that sense i expressed it in page 4 , where i called the kingdome collective , the body of the commons of england , not the body of the kingdom of england ; and as this representative body , viz. the house of commons , is one of the three estates in parliament , so also in that page i called it the house of commons in parliament assembled , but i called it not the parliament ; so the lords are called the house of lords in parliament assembled , but no man cals tha● house the parliament . likewise the lords and commons joyning together in any one act , as , in the last propositions sent to his majesty , it is said to be agreed by both houses of parliament , as in article 1 , 5 , 6 , 12 , &c. it appeareth , but it is not said to be agreed by parliament , for it had been so agreed , why then is the kings assent to these propositions prayed for by both hous●s of parliament , as in the proem to the said propositions in these words it doth appeare ? viz. may it please your majesty , wee the lords and commons assembled in the parliament of england , in the name , and on the behalfe of the kingdoms of england and ireland , and the commissioners of the parliament of scotland , in the name , and on the behalfe of the kingdome of scotland , doe humbly present unto your majesty , the humble desires and propositions for a safe and wel-grounded peace , agreed upon by the parliaments of both kingdomes respectively , unto which we do pray your majesties assent , and that they , and all such as shall bee tendred to your majesty in pursuance of them , or any of them , may bee established and enacted for statutes and acts of parliament by your majesties royall assent in the parliaments of both kingdoms respectively . you might also have observed in the same page , that when i come to speake of making laws , which is the worke of the parliament , and not of any particular estate alone in parliament ; i there say in expresse termes , the kingdome representative , which is the parliament . and sure no man could possibly imagine that my expression should be taken in any other consideration ; for i did all along in the 14 , 15 , 1● , 17 , 18 pages of my vindication also hold out this truth , that there was three distinct estates in parliament , viz. the king , the lords , and the commons , and doe you thinke that it was probable or possible that i should meane , that one of the thee● estates in parliament , should be a representation of all the three ? thirdly , you say , the city representative hath a power to make a law for those whom it represents . answ. i grant this too . then you thus goe on , viz. fourthly , i desire to know whether you allow the kingdom representative the same power to make a law for those whom it represents . answ. i crave your favour and patience before you goe any further to present you in this place with these two following considerations : first , that the house of commons , all the members thereof be●●ing chosen by the collective body of the kingdome , viz. the commons , are in that respect , and in that sense truly the representative body of the kingdome , viz. of the commons of the kingdome , and so have in them in this consideration , the full legislative power of the commons of england . secondly , i pray also consider , that though the house of commons have in them the full legislative power of the commons of england , yet the whole legislative power of the kingdome of england , is not concentred in the commons of england , but is , ( as hath before been fully proved ) in the three estates of the king , the lords , and the commons of england conjunctim , and therefore no one estate alone , and by its selfe can make a law ; but to the making of every law in the kingdome of england there must be the concurrent consent of all these three estates conjunctim . and this as i humbly conceive , makes a cleare way to give an answer to your querie , viz. whether you allow the kingdom representative ( viz. the house of commons ) the same power to make a law for those whom i● represents , and the answer will bee this ; it hath in it the full legislative power of the commons of england , whom in parliament it doth represent , but it hath not in it the full legislative power of the kingdome of england , it hath in it all the power of the commons of england towards the making of a law , but it must have the concurrent consent of the other two estates , viz. of the king , and of the lords to the full consummating of a law , and making it obligatory to the kingdome of england . and besides , that it is thus setled by the fundamentall constitution of the kingdome , i humbly also conceive that there is just reason for it too , and that not onely from the relation which these three estates have one to another , but also because of that interest which one estate hath in another . the king being no otherwise king of england , but with relation to the subjects of england , and so he hath an interest in them , and they are his liege , that is , his lawfull subjects , or , his subjects according to the law . and likewise the lords and commons of england , are no otherwise subjects of england , but with relation to the king , as hee is the king of england , in whom also they have the like reciprocall interest , and so he is their liege , our lawfull soveraigne , or their king according to the law , and thus runs the formes of our laws , viz. bee it enacted by the king our soveraigne lord , with the assent of the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled . but the city of london by the charter of edw. 3. in the 15 yeare of his reigne , hath a power granted to the major , and aldermen , and their successors , with the assent of the commonalty , to make lawes for the common profit of the citizens of the same city ; by vertue of which grant , the lord , major , aldermen , and commons in court of common-councell assembled , being therin as one entire court , the representative body of the city , doe to this day make laws , which are alwayes binding to the citizens of the same city . and there is no other consent required to the consummation of these laws , but the sole and onely authority of this court , and therefore all our acts of common-councell are made in the joint names of the lord major , aldermen , and commons in the court of common-councell assembled , and by the authority thereof ; and in the addition of any branch in an act of common councell it is still thus exprest , it is by this court further ordered , &c. or this court doth further order , &c. which doth fully prove that all the power of making or altering , or adding to the city lawes , rests wholly and alone in the body of that one court of common-councell , or the greater number of them , which doth alwayes consist of the lord major , aldermen , and commons , but all the power of making or repealing , or adding to the lawes of the kingdome , doth not rest wholly and alone in the house of commons , but the concurrent consent of the other two estates , viz. the king , and the lords , is necessarily required to this of the commons , for making or repealing of the laws of the kingdome . and thus i hope i have answered your first head of queries arising from that question , viz. wherein resides the supreme power of the kingdome . i shall now likewise endeavour to give a solution to your argument , and all the satisfaction i can to the second head of your queries . for a foundation to build your arguments upon , you produce an argument of mine out of my book , entit●led , a plea for the commonalty of london , thus it is , that court which hath a power to make a law , and by that law to conferre a power upon the lord major and aldermen , which as lord major and aldermen they had not before , must needs bee quoad hoe , as unto the making of a law , above the lord major and aldermen . but this court of common-councell hath , &c. ergo , this court of common-councell so farre as to the making of a law must needs bee above the lord major and aldermen . answ. i owne the argument , and for confirmation of what i t●●re affirmed concerning the power of the court of common-councell , i made it good , and proved it d● facto , by an act of common-councel made in the sixth yeare of hen. 7. upon the 15 of aprill , concerning the choice of the chamberlaine of london , and the bridge-masters of the city , as by reference to the said book appeareth , and i would willingly see what you have to say against it . but upon this in your 25 page you thus argue : that court which hath the power to make a law , and by that law , to conferre a power upon the king , and lords , which as king and lords they had not before , must needs be quoad hoc unto the making of a law , above the king and lord . but the house of c●mmon● , which say you ( speaking of mee ) is the kingdome representative , even as the common-councell is the city representative upon your suppos●tion , hath a power , &c. ergo , the house of commons , so far as unto the making of a law , must needs bee above the king and lords . but i pray you tell me , is there no difference between the court of common-councell , and the commons in common-councel ? i told you even now in page 42 that the lord major , aldermen , and commons in common-councell assembled being therein one entire court , are the representative body of the city , i never said the commons in that court were so ; and if you had been pleased to have perused that booke of mine you cite to this purpose , and out of which you take my argument , viz. the ple● for the commonalty of london , in page 10. where i instance in four severall acts of that court , viz. the removing of deputy ald●n from the court , mr. iohn wilde from being town clerk , mr. tho. wiseman from being the city remembrancer , and divers aldermens deputies from their places of deputyship , you might there have found that i thus conclude it , viz. and all this by the joint and concurrent power of the lord major , aldermen , and commons in this common-councell assembled . and what though the court of common-councell , which alwayes consisteth of the lord major , aldermen , and commons , have a power to conferre upon the lord major and aldermen that power , which as lord major and aldermen they had not before ( as i fully proved , and therefore without the least mutation am still of the same mind ) and in that respect , as unto the making of a law are above the lord m●jor and aldermen , as the whole is above a part● but will it hence follow that the commons in common-councell alone and by themselves , have either this power to conferre a power upon the lord major and aldermen , which as lord major and aldermen they had not before , or that they are above them ▪ if you will argue from my assertion , bee sure you keep my terms , and then see how it will advantage you for the confirmation of your argument . i grounded this power of making city laws from the charter of edw. 3. in the 15 yeare of his reigne . and in the same book of mine , out of which you took my argument , you might also have had my authority for it , it is in page 7 in these words , wee have granted further for us and our heires , and by this our present charter confirmed to the major and aldermen of the city aforesaid , that if any customes in the said city hitherto obtained and used , be in any part difficult or defective , or any thing in the same newly happening , where before there was no remedy ordained , and have need of amending , the same major and ald●rmen and their successors , with the assent of the commonalty of the same city , may adde and ordaine a remedy meet , faithfull , and consonant to reason , for the common profit of the citizens of the same city , as oft , and at such time as to them shall be thought expedient , which charter was confi●med by act of parliament 43 yeares after , in the 7 of rich. 2 ▪ now if you can produce the like authority granted alone to the house of commons by the parliament , that they of themselves , without the consent of the king and the lords , have power to make lawes for the kingdome , as by this charter the lord major , aldermen , and their successors , with the assent of the commons of london , haue for the city , then you hit the bu●ines a●ight indeed , but otherwise i thinke your argument is not true : and therefore for after times , let me advise you , that if you will imitate an argument in the words of it , be sure you imitate it also in the proofes of it , and let them be as full and cleare for the confirmation of what you affirme ; for it is not words , though never so smooth , that proves any thing in matters of fact , as this is : and truly , should i have laid down that argument to prove the power of the court of common-councell , as unto the making of city laws to bee above the lord major , and aldermen , and not have proved it de facto , by the acts of the court of common-councell , i should have thought it at least to have been a scandalum magnatum , against the lord major and aldermen , and very blame-worthy in my selfe to have done it . but perhaps you think the condition of the king , and the lords to bee such , as that whatever you speak or publish concerning them , tending to the annihilating of their legislative power and authority in parliament , can neither be an offence to them , nor a fault in you , or if it bee , it seemes you regard it not ; but i hope you will not take it amisse , if , as i did in that so i desire you in this , either to produce a proof d● facto , to make good that the house of commons hath by an act of that house alone conferred a power upon the king and lords as king and lords they had not before , which are the very word● of your argument , or else in plaine english to tell the reader● that though you can transcribe the words of my argument , which a childe of ten yeares old can doe as well as you , yet now upon second thoughts you must needs confesse you come very short in a parallel proofe of it , there neither now being , nor never was any act of the house of commons that doth prove that , that house alone and by it selfe did ever make a law which did confer a power upon the king and lords , which as king and lords they had not before , and without this proofe , i perswade my selfe no man will beleeve , that as unto the making of a law the house of commons is above the king and lords , though mr. i. p. affirmes it to bee so . and this i give not onely as a solution to this your argument , but also to the other arguments which follow , viz. concerning the power of the house of commons alone without the king and lords to repeale what lawes they think meet , and to make laws and rules for all the courts and people in england to bee steered and acted by , and whereunto ( say you ) the king himselfe is bound by his oath , and therefore ought in duty to cons●ut ; and likewise to that which you say will follow from my logick , viz. that the kingdome representative is inferiour in its power , in reference to the government of the kingdome , then the city representative is in reference to the government of the city , and to the other queries which you ground upon them , for they all alike hang upon this string , and if in the opinion of the reader , to whose judgement i referre it , this be ●ut asunder , i am sure they must all then needs fall to the ground , and therefore i shall not need to trouble my self any more with them . and now mr. i. p. i have endeavoured with all the candor and tendernesse i could to examine your book , and have not i hope , let one word fall from mee , that in the least measure doth reflect upon your person , for it is the matter of your book , and not any of your personall infirmities ( for , alasse the lord know● , i have work more then enough to meddle with , and to master my own ) or other your supposed errors in matters of religion that i encounter with . and if we cannot yet agree in this present difference and debate , my earnest desire is , and i trust ●y endeavour shall for ●ver be answerable thereunto , that wee may manage the matter with that sweet moderation and temper of spirit as becommeth christians , for of this i am confident , that though through weaknesse or error in judgement , perhaps mine , not yours , we cannot agree together to live in one church fellowship or communion here upon earth , yet we shall for ever mutually enjoy communion and fellowship with god the father , with christ , with the blessed spirit , three persons in one essence , and with the holy angels , and the glorified saints for ever in heaven . and therefore i beseech you while we yet live here in this vale of teares , let us remember and obey that counsell the apostle gives us , philip . 3. 15 , 16. let us therefore , as many as bee perfect bée thus minded , and if in any thing you bee otherwise minded , god shall reveale even this unto you ; neverthelesse , whereunto we have already attained let us walke by the same rule , let us mind the same thing . i shall gladly imbrace and entertaine any truth of god , which shall by you bee held forth unto mee with the warrant of his word , and as willingly leave and forsake whatever either in opinion or practice i now hold or doe that shall bee made apparent to be dissonant thereto ; for i solemnly professe unto you , that i labour not for masteries , neither desire i to give the last blow , i esteem it no shame to be conquered , when christ proves the victor , nor no losse to bee vanquished when the truth prevailes , for it's verity , not victory that shall be my comfort . a postscript . i have at this time no more to say , either to your selfe , or to your book , but in one word to let the reader know , that my desire and endevour to afford you all the faire quarter that possibly i could in this our conflict about this subject , was such , that i did upon saturday the 8 of this instant august , in the presence of mr. samuel clarke pastor of bennet fynck , london , and of mr. iames story , and mr. henry overton , two of yours , and of my owne acquaintance , shew you in writing this my justification of the city remonstrance and its vindication , before ever i tendered it either to be licensed , or printed , and desired you to peruse it , and if there was any thing in it either for matter of fact , or otherwise , that you could justly except against , i would expunge it , and it should never see the light ; and when you would not accept of that offer , i then read some passages in the epistle to you which i told you , that in my apprehension , they were the things which most nearly concerned your person ; this i did to manifest my unwillingnesse to let any thing passe from mee , that might bee either prejudiciall to the truth , or justly distastefull to your person , and if it be possible , to overcome evill with good . finis . in the absence of the author these following errata's escaped in the printing of the vindication , which i pray thus correct . page 2. line 23. for you will charge , read , you will not charge ; p. 6. l. 30. for and sectaries , ● . of sectaries ; p. 7. l. 1. for till , r. the ; p. 8. l. last , for stated , r. sacred ; p. 14. l 22 for finde in , r. finde it in ; l. 24. for these their words , r. these are their words , p. 23 l. 27. for elected , r , erected ; p. 26. l. 26. for ones poesie , r ovids poesie . a message for instruction to all the rulers, judges, and magistrates to whom the law is committed shewing what just government is, and how far the magisrates power reacheth, and what the sword of justice is to cut down, and what it is to defend ... / e.b. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a30533 of text r25317 in the english short title catalog (wing b6013). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a30533 wing b6013 estc r25317 08881986 ocm 08881986 41971 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30533) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41971) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1278:9) a message for instruction to all the rulers, judges, and magistrates to whom the law is committed shewing what just government is, and how far the magisrates power reacheth, and what the sword of justice is to cut down, and what it is to defend ... / e.b. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. 29 p. printed for thomas simmons, london : 1658. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. eng church and state -great britain. church and state -church of england. a30533 r25317 (wing b6013). civilwar no a message for instruction, to all the rulers, judges, and magistrates, to whom the law is committed, shewing what just government is, and ho burrough, edward 1658 12259 11 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-07 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a message fo● instruction , to all the rulers , judges , and magistrates , to whom the law is committed , shewing what just government is , and how far the magistrates power reacheth , and what the sword of justice is to cut down , and what it is to defend . whereby they may learne and be directed to discern betwixt the guiltless and the guilty ; and betwixt a matter of wilfull wrong by evill doers , which they are to punish , and a matter of conscience , by men that fears god , which they are to be a praise unto , and not a terror ; and in particular divers causes are discovered ; which are proved to be matters of conscience , and not of wilfull wrong ; though many therefore are unjustly persecuted and afllicted as evill doers . with an exposition of some parts of the law ; for the edification of such , as desires to judge righteously between man and man , who would discern of different causes ; and justify the righteous , and condemn the evill doers . by a friend to righteousness , and a lover of just judgement , who desireth the increase of good government . e. b. london , printed for thomas symmons at the bull and mouth neer alders-gate , 1658. a message for instruction , &c. concerning government and magistracy this i have to say ; it is an ordinance of god , ordained of him for the preserving of peace among men , for the punishing and suppressing of evill doers , and for the praise and safety of them that doe well ; that mens persons and estates may be preserved from the violence and wrong dealing of evill men ; and for this end government was ordained of god , to be set up in the earth by the institution of the lord ; that righteousness should goe free , and the wicked be bound and limited . now such as handle the law , and are executors thereof , who are ordained of god to iudg and govern the people ; ought to be iust men ; fearing god , and walking in his law , and hating and denying every false way , that people may receive examples of righteousness , and holy and lawfull walking from their conversations ; and they that are set to govern the people ought to have the spirit of true and sound iudgment to try into the root of all causes , whereby they may be able to discerne of different causes ; and to give iust iudgement in all things ; and such will iudge by equall measure for god , and not for man , but without respect of persons ; and such will be a terror to transgressors , and will strengthen and encourage them that doe well ; and then the execution of the law will answer the end wherefore it was added ; for because of transgression was the law added to slay transgression , and to bind under the transgressor , and to make him stand in awe and be afraid ; for the just law , reacheth to the just witness of god , and answereth it in every man , and he that walkes in the law of god , and hath his heart therein exercised , the law of man hath no power over him , to condemne him , but it justifies him , and defends him , and preserves him from all wrong ; but who doth not walk in the law of god , but is excercised in evill , and transgresseth the light and pure law of god in his conscience by doing evill & by wrong & unjust dealing ; then the law of man takes hold upon him , and binds him , & judges him , & condemns him ; for the evil done by him , contrary to the light in his own conscience , which answereth to the just execution of the law in condemning of him : and this is the work of the law in the hand of faithfull executors , who justly executeth the just law , in defending and preserving the iust and innocent men from wrong doing , and in condemning and iudging the ungodly and evill men , for wrong doing ; whereby the witness of god in them both may answer to the iust government in defending the one , and in condemning the other ; and this is a good savor to god where the iust lawes are iustly executed , by ius● men , but where unrighteous men are in power , and the execution of the law in their hands , that are themselves transgressors , such will not iudg for god , but the good lawes will be subverted unto wrong ends , from their proper vertue ; and the hands of the wicked will be strengthened , and the evill doers will escape unpunished , and the innocent will suffer , and iustice and true iudgment will be turned backward , for when the wicked beares rule , the people cannot rejoyce , nor iustice and true iudgment cannot be received from men , who are themselves unjust and unrighteous ; for though the lawes may be good and iust ; yet the executioners thereof being evil , and themselves transgressors , worthy of condemnation by the law ; the transgression of the law in others cannot iustly be iudged by such , who are themselves guilty of iudgment , and therefore the lawes will be subverted , and iustice and true iudgment neglected , because such as handle the law knowes not god , but are in the transgression of the righteous law , and of the iudgment thereof are themselves guilty ; soe therefore they that handle the law should be men iustified according to the law , and free from the transgression ; that they may the more iustly punish , reprove and condemn it in others ; and may minister iustice and true iudgment through the law to all people under them ; and no man ought to be respected in iudgment , but every mans cause ought to be heard , the poor as well as the rich ; and their matters diligently sought into , and all ought to receive iust iudgment from iust men by the iust law ; for the law is a defence about all the righteous , to defend and preserve them ; in peace and freedome , from all their enemies , who are to be limited by the law , as i have said : and they that are reconciled to god , whose consciences are excercised towards god in all things , they are not under the law , nor the law hath no power over them , for the law is fullfilled in them , by christ who teacheth them in all things to walk without offence towards god and all men , in truth and in righteousness , to god and all men ; and such the law of man is to defend and not to iudg them ; to iustifie them , and not to condemn them ; and to be a praise to them , and not a terror , and such setteth to seal that the law is iust and good and holy ; who walketh in iustness , in goodness and holiness ; and doth not transgress the good lawes of any nation , but walk void of offence towards all , for they walk not in the flesh , but in the spirit , and are doers of the law , and not breakers of it ; and so comes not under the guilt of condemnation , in any thing , but are iustified in all things ; for the light of christ leadeth them into all truth ; and so out of all condemnation ; their wayes are righteous and pure , and their workes are iust and equall towards god and all men ▪ and they seek not the wrong of any mans person or estate , but seekes the good of all , forgiving their enemies , and praying for them , and seekes not vengeance upon their adversaries , but they bear all things patiently , and such are the servants of god , and not transgressors of his law , nor the iust lawes of man ; and if such doe suffer by a law , that law is uniust , and so is that magistrate that executes that law ; and that suffering is not for evill doing , but for a good conscience sake , and the innocent can rejoyce in such suffering , but the executioners thereof shall howle and weep ; so that in all ages there was such suffering , which was not for evill doing , but for the exercise of a pure conscience ; and such sufferings there are at this day ; and this is because the unrighteous and the uniust beares rule which subverts the law , and turnes true iudgment backward , and oppresseth the seed of god , and rules over it in tyrany ; and this is where darkness rules in the heart , and ignorance in the mind ; and true iudgment is wanting , for light is called darkness , and darkness light ; and good is put for evill , and evill for good ; and truth is called heresy , and error is called truth ; and because of this the righteous are iudged uniustly , and falsly condemned ; and the guilty are set free , and thus is iudgment turned quite backward ; where the seed of enmity ruleth above the seed of god ; and such a government is not blessed , but made a curse unto that dominion ; where it is seated , and this is because such are set to rule and govern ; who are not ruled and governed by the lord , but are in the transgression of the iust and righteous law ; and are uniust men , and not reconciled unto god ; upon whose shoulders the government lyes , and the execution of the law in their power ; who cannot minister true iudgment , nor discerne of different causes among men . and therefore all magistrates are to weigh and be considerate in all these things , and so to act and iudge among men , as they may give a good account unto god and all men ; and when a cause is brought before them to give iudgment of , or any accused unto them ; that they should execute the law upon ; they should by the spirit of the lord first try into the ground and nature of such matters , to know whether it be a wilful and purposed wrong or injury done between man and man , or it be of ignorance or want of better knowledge , or such like : or whether it be a matter of conscience , or about religion , or the worship of god whereupon the controversy dependeth , and if it be a matter of wilfull and purposed wrong , or of ignorance , then good reason and justice will teach a magistrate to defend the innocent from wrong , or to restore his wrong by true iudgement , that his person and estate be freed from all wrong , and preserved , and that the wrong dealer be restrained and punished and iudged iustly according to his offence : but if it be a matter of conscience about religion or the worship of god , then the magistrates with their law ought not to meddle therein ; or to iudge of such matters ; for these things concerning the things that are spirituall are out of their iurisdiction , and not in their power to iudge of ; and if the controversy between man and man depend about such causes , not having reflection upon persons or estates , but onely about spirituall matters , then magistrates with their lawes ought not to iudg in these causes ; but spiritual men ought onely to give their iudgments hereof , as they have received from god ; and though men be in controversy about religion and the worship of god , yet if they be men of peace not wronging one another in their persons or estates , they ought to be both protected in a good government by the iust and righteous laws , and here the sword of iustice is laid onely upon the evill doer , to be a terror and a punishment to him , and to limite and restrain him from wrong dealing , and this is the end wherefore it was ordained of god to be among men , and not to be laid upon the conscience to oppress and afflict the tender consciences of the upright ; whose minds are exercised in the law of god , for such should have praise that doe well by the sword of iustice while it is a terror to all evill doers whatsoever , and this is the perfect and wherefore the law was added , and the practise of it herein by faithfull and iust executors , is well pleasing and acceptable to the lord . and now as concerning this one thing , which is oppression in the nation , brought forth through the uniust and false execution of the lawes , whereby many tender consciences are afflicted ; and not for any wrong or evill doing , but for the excercise of a pure conscience ; whereas many for conscience sake doth deny and cannot pay any thing , to maintain a steeple-house or place of worship , which the people of the world doe worship in , and where they commit idolatry , neither can they for conscience sake pay any thing to uphold such worship , and such a ministery and ministers , which are not of christ , nor ever were sent of him ; but of antichrist and such by which the people are led in blindness and error , as manifestly doth appear through the whole land . and yet the magistrates some of them being blind and ignorant as the people , doth compell many people by their writs and orders and iudgments to maintain a priest and steeple-house , which for conscience sake they deny to maintain , and yet by authority from the magistrates are the innocent mens goods spoyled by distress , and great oppression excercised upon many poor people , to maintain and uphold the ministry and worship of this generation , which is not of god , but against him , and many hereupon are cast into prison , and others have their goods taken from them by violence , and great havock is made in the countries about this matter , now first it may be considered that to deny , uphold , and maintain a steeple-house and place where ignorant people in tradition do meet to worship ; is not a matter of willfull or purposed wrong dealing , or the breach of any bargin or contract between man & man , but it is a matter of conscience to the people of god ; & for a good consciencie fake , they cannot do such a thing as to maintain a place of worship , which abomination is committed in by ignorant & rude people , who are without the fear of god , as daily is manifest , & it is not manifest that by denying of this they iniure any mans person or estate , in any thing which belongs unto him by lawfull bargin & contract or otherwise , neither is there any reason or equity in this matter that any should be forced & compelled by iniustice & oppression to uphold a house of worship which others worship in , and not they , and they knowing that worship to be abomination to the lord also , and not the true worship of the true god , and their is no iustice nor religion in it , that any should be caused by force to uphold a house , for other people to commit and practise idolatry in , if the house were for any good purpose or honest practise , as for poor or impotent people to dwell in , or such like , who had not houses of their own , because of their poverty , then that were a deed of charity to uphold it , and the people of god would not deny it , but could freely give their mony to such an use and end ; but because it is not to such an use , but onely a place to commit idolatry in , and to worship god ignorantly in superstitions ; therefore it is a matter of conscience unto many ; and for a good conscience sake , they rather suffer the spoyling of their goods , and afflictions upon their bodies ; then to pay their money for such an use and end , and herein the magistrates doth great injustice in the sight of god and his saints , and contrary to reason and a good conscience ; in causing innocent mens goods to be spoyled by cruelty to uphold a place of idolatrous worship , contrary to mens tender consciences , for as i have said they do no wrong to any man , but only peoples wills are offended ; and their blind zeal turned into rage and fury against the iust , who worships god in spirit and in the truth , and cannot uphold the houses of false worship ; and it is a shame unto the people and ministers themselves ; who cannot uphold their own worshiping houses , and it is a reproach upon their god and their religion who causes others to maintain their worshiping houses ; by iniustice and great oppression , and will not themselves maintain the houses where they worship their god , but people who fear god , are greatly oppressed divers wayes to uphold worshiping places for others to worship in , as in many parts of this nation is wofull testimony , which is a shame to the magistates by whose authority these things are done ; and a great reproach to the very name of christanity that people against a pure conscience , and contrary to good reason , should be compelled to uphold and maintain a worship and ministery which they doe not partake off , but their very enemies that persecute them ; whose consciences are defiled and not excercised ; and their worship and ministery , which stands not in the excercise of a pure conscience , but in vain traditions and superstitious idolatry ; are the people of god forced to maintain with maintenance , by oppression contrary to their consciences ; and the unjustness of these things cries for vengeance from heaven upon the ungodly rulers and people ; who causeth the iust and upright to groan by oppression ; and thus the law is subverted , contrary to that end wherefore it was added ; and the government is abused contrary to that purpose wherefore it was ordained of god ; for the guiltless are condemned and judged , and the guilty are set free ; the excercise of pure consciences are oppressed , and the false abominations and idoll worships are strengthened and defended ; and because of these things is the wrath of god kindled , and shall not be quenched , till it have consumed the wicked from off the face of the earth , that the just god may be feared , and his people enioy their freedome and liberty in the practise of the pure religion , and the excercise of their pure consciences ; and this will the lord bring forth in his appointed time according to his promise ; that his people may reioyce in him over all their oppressors , and cruell taskemasters which doth uniustly oppress the seed of god . and as concerning the maintaining of ministers , it is the same in nature , and as uniust and unequall as upholding of worshipping houses ; for though many out of a good conscience do deny to maintain a professed minister by paying to him so much or such a summe , yet they do not hereby wrong him wilfully , contrary to right , in breaking any contract or covenant , formerly made with him by themselves or predecessors : nor they do not withhold from him any thing which properly belongs to him as debt , or due for his labour ; by any covenant binding thereunto ; onely the most that can be said is , that such a summe , or gift was formerly given ▪ out of that estate to a man belonging to such a parish ; and therefore now it is claimed as due , by custome of many generations practise , and so ought to be done ; as the maintenance to that man because of his labour in his ministry ; now to this i answer , what though it was formerly done , such a summe paid , and such a gift freely given by our ancestors in the times of ignorance and darkness ; that practise of theirs then doth not bind any now to do the same , seing no record can appear that they bound themselves and their heirs for ever so to do ; and now hath the clear light of the gospell sprung forth , and the light of the day hath discovered all the workes of ignorance ; and though the man that claimes such a gift or hire as debt to him because of his labour , let them pay him , for whom he doth labour ; and who doth partake of his ministery and labour , and let others be free , who for conscience sake , cannot do it ; who knowes his labour not deserving of wages , but to be deceit and abomination , and deceiving of soules ; and sees himself to be a proud , covetous man , and an idle person ; who maintaines himself by the fruit of other mens labours , in the vanity of life and without the fear of the lord , and this makes the thing a matter of conscience to many , that for no better use nor to no other end , they should pay their money , ( which cannot be justly claimed as a just debt , but as a gift at most ) to the upholding of such men and such practises , which are not according but contrary to god , in labour , life , and practise , and to uphold and maintain a man as a minister of christ which is not so , but the contrary as by his fruits is made manifest , and that in ministery & worship , which is not the worship and ministery of the true god , but the contrary as doth appear , this many of the people of god cannot do for a good conscience sake , except they should transgress the light of christ and the law of god , in their own hearts and consciences , and so bring themselves into condemnation by the lord ; so let all men take notice hereof , that though the people of god do deny to pay any thing to uphold and maintain such a worship and such ministers , which are not the ministers of christ , nor the worship of the true god ; but rather gives their goods to the spoyler and their bodies to the prison ; yet this is onely for the exercise of a good and pure conscience , and not out of wilfull wrong and iniury ; and their suffering is not as they are evill doers , but as they are saints for a good conscience sake , because they cannot be subiect to the wills of uniust men in upholding and maintaining such things against their consciences ; but are willing rather to suffer then to offend the lord , and their own consciences , neither is there good reason or equity in it ; nor any part of a good conscience ; that people by iniustice should be compelled to maintain a minister whom they know is not the minister of christ by his fruits and effects and workes and practises , and so are forced against their own conscience to uphold a man in pride , in idleness , in coveteousness and in a vain and evill life , by unrighteous wages , now if their mony were to maintain a man that 's poor , or if that man had not of his own sufficiently to preserve his wife and children from want , then it were a work of charity to give something if it were every year or oftner , to maintain him and his family , and the people of god would not refuse to give something for this end , no man should compell them nor have cause to spoyl their goods for it , but as he professes himself a minister of christ , and a labourer in the gospel , but is not so , but lives in pride and the vanities of this world , upon such an account they cannot maintain him nor give him any thing at all with a safe conscience , neither is there any reason in it that they should for they receive not his ministery , neither doth hear him , neither doth own him as a minister of christ , nor doth not partake of his labours , nor doth not set him on labouring , and this is greatly uniust that any man should pay or be compelled to pay ( by force and oppression , ) wages to a man as his labourer and as his servant who doth not at all labour for him , or do him any service , neither doth the man partake of his works or labours , neither hath any benefit thereby , but rather loss and disadvantage because of his labours , which he doth for others , and not for him , nor by any order from him ; for he knowes his labouts to be nothing but vanity , and a cheat and deceiving of people , and for him to be compelled to maintain such a man , in such ill imployment against his conscience , this is uniust and unreasonable ; and what man in the world would do it or be compelled thereunto , without crying out of great oppression ; as to maintain a man with great wages , as his labourer and servant who doth not labour for him , nor serve him , but labours against him as much as is possible ; and this is the very cause , between the preists of england in their maintenance in claiming of it , and receiving of it , and the people of the lord who doth deny to maintain them ; or confess any lawful due they have to challenge any of them . and also it is a very shame to the people of this nation for whom such ministers do labour , who cannot maintain their own ministers themselves , who labours for them , and of whose labours they do partake , but others are compelled by iniustice , to maintain them , who doth not partake of any of their labours , nor set them to labour , but denies them and their labour on that account , and yet are forced to pay them wages ; and this is uniust and unreasonable , that men should be constrained by force to pay other mens servants , which works and labours for other and not for them ; and what man in the world having reason in him , would do it or be forced to do it , without complaining of heavy iniustice as to maintain another mans servant with wages , who works for others , and not for him , neither was hired by him , nor set on work nor receives any benefite by him , but another hires him and partakes of his labours , and yet he is compelled against all reason , and equity to give him his wages ; all will conclude this were uniust and not according to god but against him ; and this is the very cause between the people of god , who cannot pay to maintain false teachers and the people of the nation , who hires such teachers and receives of their labours and teaching and yet compells others to give them wages , contrary to good reason and iustice , and against the excercise of a pure conscience , and above all the magistrates blindness and ignorance , and the uniustness and wickedness of some of them doth appear , to their shame , by whose authority these things are done , reaching out their power in those things , further than they have received power from god , and abusing the law and iust government , and subverting it to another end than wherefore god hath ordained it ; for the magistrates power and authority , is not to be laid on mens consciences to oppress and imbondage the tender consciences of the lords people ; in forcing things to be done contrary to good reason and against a good conscience ; and by these things is the land filled with violence and oppression , and the innocent and iust doth deeply groan ; till the lord arise to plead their cause , and to bring deliverance unto them , through the destruction of all their enemies ; and he will break down all the bonds of cruelty and oppression , and will take away every yoak that doth burden and oppress the upright , that his people may be a free people , from all uniust men , and the people of the lord doth claime this as their priviledge , belonging to them by the iust laws of god and men , to worship god in spirit and in truth , and to uphold and maintaine that worship onely , without being compelled by force to maintaine any other whatsoever , and they claime as right unto them to maintaine what ministers , and uphold what ministry , as they know is sent of god , by which people are profited , and which they have received the knowledge of god through by his spirit , and to be free to maintaine how and as the lord leads them unto , without being forced by any law , or unequall authority , to maintaine the false prophets and hirelings , and deceivers , who lives in pride and excess , through the oppression of the poor and innocent , and such ( as ministers of the gospel of christ , ) the people of the lord cannot maintaine , but rather gives themselves to suffer heavy and cruel things by unjust and wicked men , who violates the just laws of god and man ; and the suffering is for a good conscience sake , & for righteousness sake , and not for any wrong or evill doing , and for a testimony that they are of god , and for a witness against their enemies , that they are of the devill ; who doth his works , and these makes war against the saints and the lamb , and the beast seeks to kill all that will not worship him , for he hath been great in the earth , and his seat upon nations , and who hath been able to make war against him , for many generations : againe there is another suffering great and grievous which is unjustly laid upon the people of god , which suffering is not for evill doing , but for a good conscience sake as is manifest ; as because many are moved of the lord by his spirit , to goe into the steeple-houses and meeting places , or other places to reprove sin , and among people , or to exhort them unto good , and to follow christ , and to deny the wickedness of this world , or such like , as they are moved , some are moved to reprove a hireling teacher , who deceives the people , and walks in the steps of the false prophets , and lives in pride and vanity and evill , contrary to the doctrine and practise of christ and the apostles , and this practise of the servants of the lord in reproving evill and exhorting to good , is called a disturbance of the peace , and an unlawful practise , and such like ; it is falsly judged by unjust men ▪ who knows not the spirit of the lord , nor the moving thereof , and because of this , many innocent men are caused deeply to suffer , contrary to a good conscience , and some are sent to the house of correction , there suffering cruell things from hard-hearted men , and some are put in the stocks and whipped , and others fined and cast into prison , and such like sufferings are unjustly imposed upon them , and not for evill doing , as i have said , for though they reprove sin in teachers or in people , or exhorts them to good , whether in steeple-houses , markets or other places , yet they do not hereby wrong any mans person or estate ; neither is this any matter of wilfull wrong , or to such an intent , neither doth it disturb the peace , nor is any unlawfull practise ; but onely out of a good conscience to god and man , is it done ; and it is a matter of conscience to the servants of the lord , to do so , and they cannot leave it undone least they should transgress the law of god in their own consciences ; because they are commanded of god so to do , that people may be instructed in the right way to god , and be converted out of every false way ; and this is the very end , of their work and their intent in doing it ; and they ought not in justice to suffer for it , for it is according to the law of god , and in reason and a good conscience , and the lord justifies them in it , then that law and iudgment must needs be corrupt and unjust , which condemnes the people and servants of the lord , as for evill doers , for obeying the commands of god and for the exercise of their pure consciences , and no mans person or estate being wronged or injured but onely sin and wickedness reproved and exhorted from ; and hereby thus is the law perverted , and true iudgment turned backward , and the guiltless is condemned guilty , and the guilty is set free ; and the obeying the commands of god and the excercise of a good conscience is unjustly iudged a transgression ; and this is a shame , and will be great condemnation to such , in the day of the lord by whose authority this is done ; even that the excercise of a good conscience , even reproving of sin and exhorting unto that which is good ▪ to follow that and to forsake all evill ; should be iudged and punished as a hanious transgression in a nation and common-wealth professing christianity and pure religion ; and this makes the sin much more great and unpardonable , because the practise and faithfull excercise in christianity , and in the pure and true religion , is adiudged transgression & condemned by such who professes the same thing in words , and yet persecutes and punisheth the excercise of it in others ; and this shews them uniust iudges and hypocrits ; who causes the servants of the lord to suffer ; for the practise of that which themselves profess in words , to wit religion and christianity , for i affirme against all opposers whatsoever , that it is , a practise in religion according to the scriptures , to goe into the steeple-houses , meeting places , markets , highways , or other places , and reprove sin and wickedness , and cry against evill in priests and people , and exhort to good and to forsake evill , and therefore it ought not to be prosecuted and punished , but defended and maintained , by the just government of a common-wealth , and by just laws and magistrates ; for this the lord requireth that justice and truth , and true iudgement be exalted , and the innocent and upright defended , in all their ways of a good conscience , and that evill doers and sinners and transgressors , be condemned and righteously iudged . also many of the servants of the lord doe deeply suffer , and is deeply afflicted by iniustice , for the exercise of a good conscience in other things , as because they cannot put off their hats and bow in respect to mens persons , according to the vaine customs of the heathen , and because they cannot swear upon a book , by kissing it and laying the hand upon it according to the idolatrous forme , and for such like causes , because many cannot fulfill the lusts and wills of men , that lives in pride and evill wayes , in these and other things , therefore are the people of god put to great sufferings , though they deny not the honour due to all men in the lord , without bowing the hat , nor to affirme the truth in every cause , in faithfulness without an oath ; now to keep on the hat , which is a cover for the head , to keep from cold or heat for healths sake , before any man whatsoever , though never so great or noble , is not any wrong or iniury to the mans person or estate before whom it is done , but onely the high minde and the proud nature , and that which is exalted above the fear of god , which would be lord over his fellow creatures , that same is offended and troubled , which bears not the image of god , but of the devil , as hamman was , and would be bowed to , and had in honour , and respected , because of knowledge or parts , and proud gestures or apparell , and the children of the lord cannot doe it , nor give honour to him , nor be subiect , and pleasing to that man , who is of that spirit and of that nature which is not of god , but exalted in pride , and vain-glory above the fear of god and against him , and would be worshipped , and had in honour and reverenced of his fellow-creatures , who hath not so much riches in this world as he , nor is so proud in apparell as he , and because of that he looks to be bowed unto with hat or knee , and is offended if he be not , and then in his pride he rages and is vexed , and seeks revenge against such as cannot honour him , and respect him in his pride and vaine-glory ; but as i said this is not done as a matter of wrong unto any , though the hat be not bowed or put off , but it is a matter of conscience unto the people of god , and for a good conscience sake they doe deny , and may not give obedience , and honour , and respect , out of the fear of god , to proud flesh , and to men which is not in the fear of god , which expects reverence out of the lord , and they know it is nothing else that is offended but proud flesh and an exalted mind , and a man that fears not god , neither walks in his ways ; i say it is nothing else nor any besides , that is offended or troubled , because the hat is not put off and bowed , and the people of god are not carefull to please or offend , that in men , and men as such ▪ for they know nothing of god , nor any man that truly fears god will be offended at the want of a hat bowed to him , and thus it is a matter of conscience unto many , and for a good conscience sake they doe deny to honour and subject themselves by obedience to any man , as he is a man out of the fear of god , and in the glory of the vaine world ; expecting reverence out of the fear of god , and contrary to his law , which forbids the respect to persons , and all honour which is not according to god ; for who doth fear to offend a man , as a man without the fear of god , and doth obey & honour any man , by putting off the hat before him or otherwise , and not onely in the lord ; such are servants to the wicked one , and not unto god ; who fears the wrath of the wicked , and subjects in honour to please the wicked by putting off and bowing the hat and such like ; and such knows not the excercise of a pure conscience to god ; so this is a matter of conscience to deny to honor , and to please wicked men , as such , by bowing the hat , and no man in justice ought to be made to suffer because of it , for the law of god justifies it , and that law and iudgement is corrupt , and perverted which condemns it , and likewise though many deny to swear at all ; though not to testifie the truth , yet they do not wilfully wrong hereby to any mans person or estate , but it is a matter of conscience unto them , and with a good conscience they cannot swear , but doth deny it upon all conditions , because christ hath commanded not to swear at all , and the apostle doth exhort above all things not to swear ; and therefore it is a matter of conscience unto many and not a matter of purposed wrong towards any man , and though here it may be obiected ; but for want of oath a iust man may loose his iust cause , because iudgement depends upon witness by oath ; to that i answer , that is because , the law is not according to christ , by which the iudgement comes , but is uniustly grounded upon the breach of christs command , viz. swearing , and whether ought the man to be blamed or condemned as a transgressor , who keeps christs command and cannot swear at all upon any tearms , or whether that law ought not to be corrected and regulated to be according to the law of christ , and all that which is contrary in the execution thereof to be condemned and removed ; that a just mans witness may be given and taken upon occasion without an oath ; and his just cause may goe on against his enemies by just judgment , grounded upon the naked truth in plainess testified without swearing , this is to be considered , and though it be again obiected , but many , say some makes more conscience and are more afraid to testify falsly upon oath , then upon bare words without an oath , so to have the truth known wholly , that is the end of the oath ; to this i answer , a man that truly and uprightly fears god , will be as much afraid & make as much conscience of speaking falsly , as of swearing falsly , and out of a good conscience will testifie as truly , as if he swore , and for others who fears to swear falsly , and doth not so much fear to speak falsly without oath , this is because there is a greater punishment to such , and it is accounted a greater offence among men , to swear falsly then to speak falsly , and for the correcting of that the punishment and offence should be changed , and such as testify falsly without oath , may be accounted offenders and punished , as such who swears falsly , and this will bind the wicked in a sufficient fear , and cause them to be afraid , of testifying falsly , even as much as of swearing falsly , if the testimony in causes among men , of such evill persons who cannot make conscience of lying ; nor speak the truth without swearing , it ought the rather to be had , and to be done , by binding by a law and punishing , if he testifie a lie , then by causing him to continue in the breach of christs command ; but however still i say such who out of a good and tender conscience , doe deny to swear , ought not to be persecuted and punished as great offenders ; for while this is done , the law and good government is perverted , and authority is greatly abused , to another end then wherfore it was ordained of god , & that law and authority must needs be uniust which oppresseth or punisheth the exercise of a good conscience , as for evill doing , and this shews the blindness and ignorance of men in authority to whom the law is committed who discerns not , neither makes a difference betwixt things done in the fear of god , and in the excercise of a good conscience towards him , and things done out of an evill minde to evill intents , purposely and wilfully to wrong and iniury mens persons and estates ; for all magistrates ought to learne this and to distinguish , that their power and authority may iustifie the one , and condemn the other , that true iustice and sound iudgement , may spring forth in the earth , and in the nations , that all the upright and well doers may reioyce , and live in rest and peace , and all the workers of iniquity , and such as doe evill may be afraid , and fear to offend iust men and iust laws , and thus would the name of the lord be great in the earth among men ; and such a government renowned for ever , and such magistrates would be a praise to generations after them ; and a blessed example to ages to come ; but now some may say & obiect , how shall this be known , & who can tell and discern of such causes , and who it is that doth their works , out of the excercise of a good conscience , and who doth their deeds out of an evill minde & to an evill intent , and so is wrong dealing , & worthy of punishment , this is a doubtfull cause may some say , and difficult to be known and understood ; but to this i answer and say , to all such as have the spirit of the father , and are led thereby , and in their iudgement guided therewith ; this is an easy thing to discerne , and an easy matter to know and find out , and such as cannot discerne and distinguish in such matters , hath not the spirit of god , nor the spirit of true and sound iudgement , neither is indeed ordained of god , nor fit to iudge the people , nor the honour of a ruler and iudge , belongs not to such a one who cannot find out a matter , nor know and iudge between the precious and the vile ; how to iustifie the one and how to condemn the other ; and indeed this is the reason , and cause of so much iniustice and oppression brought forth at this day ; because the spirit of sound iudgement is wanting , and such as are set to iudge hath it not , to try and discern and give iudgement by it , and therefore , light is put for darkness , and darkness for light , and good is called evill and evill good , and true iustice and iudgement is perverted and turned backward , and the guiltless is condemned guilty . but i say , if the work be done by a man , out of a good conscience , and as a matter of conscience , then he doth it in the fear of god , and in the cross to his own will , and in meekness and tenderness of heart , not seeking himself in what he doth , but is willing to suffer for the truths sake , and for what he doth , and will not resist evill , or the false iudgements of men ; but patiently and quietly bears all things ; for the lords sake , and in all what he doth or suffers , he gives the glory to the lord , who works his works in him , and gives him strength and patience willing to suffer for them ; but againe i doe answer , by men that hath the spirit of sound iudgement to rule and guide them ; this cause is easy to be discerned , and the difference may be known , betwixt a thing done out of a good conscience , and for a good conscience sake , and a thing done out of an evill mind and purpose and to an evill end , to the wrong and iniury of another , for the ground from whence the works doe proceed , are contrary , and the spirit by which the works are wrought , are contrary , and the purpose and end to which they are wrought are contrary , and the spirit of god and of sound judgement , may and doth put a difference betwixt the ground , acting , and end of all works , for it is the ground from whence all works doth spring , and the end unto which they are brought forth , that makes all mens works good or evill , to be iustified or to be condemned , and where the measure of the spirit and power of god , is the ground of , and leader , in a work , that work as i have said , is done in the fear of god , and in uprightness of heart and in love and tenderness , and meekness and patience , without seeking or exalting self , but the glory of the lord is onely sought by that man in all such his works ; but on the contrary , where an evill heart and minde , brings forth works to an evill end , and to the wrong of others such works , are maliciously and wilfully , and enviously , and peevishly done , in frowardness , and headiness , and not in the fear of god nor in uprightness of heart ; but with a double minde and in secret , or without the counsell of god , seeking himself in his works , and not the lord , and such works are wicked , and wrought by wicked men who transgresseth both the law of god and of men ; and must receive according to their deeds ; and the law that is equall must pass upon them which the light of christ in their own consciences , may answer to , when they are condemned for their ungodly works ; against which light they act , and that is the reason and cause , wherefore their works are evill , and to be condemned by the law ; for who acteth according to the light of christ , and is led thereby , fulfilleth the law , or it is fulfilled in him ; and his works are wrought in god , and are the testimony unto men that he is of a good conscience , and for a good conscience sake his works are done , and such men and works are not to be condemned but iustified ; and this is for instruction to all them that bear rule , who are magistrates and governours , and iudges of the people , that they may now be wise and learne wisdome , how to iudge righteously and iustly among the people , that they may fulfill the will of god , in what he hath called them unto , even that they may cherish and defend and strengthen such as doe well , and all whose pure consciences are purely excercised , may live in peace and rest under such a government , and all evill doers may be bound , limited and iudged , and may stand in awe and be afraid , and thus iustice and true iudgement would be advanced , and equity would run down as a mighty streame ; and the nation would be blessed , and yeeld content and satisfaction to her inhabitants ; and hereby might the rulers and iudges gain unto themselves a good report , and an honour and renown would the lord crown them with all in generations to come . wherefore all ye rulers , and all ye that are set to iudge the people , be now awakened to iust iudgement , and to a sound discerning , and put on the spirit of true iudgement , even the spirit of the lord that you may receive it , to be taught in all things , how to walk with god , that you may answer his call , and the end of your authority , in judgeing justly all sorts of men , rendring to every man according to his deeds , even condemnation and judgment to evill doers , and a praise and defence , to all that doe well , and this is written in love to you all ; shewing you how to put a difference betwixt the precious and the vile , and between the just and unjust , that you may be the more happy if this you observe , not leaving your names a reproach and a scorne to after-ages , which is the effect , which doth follow , all such as perverts iustice , and turns true iudgement backward , with misery and destruction , upon themselves and posterity , for evermore ▪ a true and faithfull exposition of some part of the laws of england . all ye magistrates , iustices of the peace , mayors , and all other ministers of the law , and all ye to whomsoever the law is committed , i doe warne you all to take heed to your selves , that ye fulfill the will of the lord in iudgeing righteously , and executing true iustice and iudgement , and let not envy , nor false suspitions , nor iealousies have any place in you , but with a single eye try all things , and with an upright heart iudge for god , and not for man ; and beware of causing the innocent to suffer , whose consciences are exercised towards god , though they be contrary to the world in their ways , & iudgments , for if you cause such to suffer , you doe not execute true iudgement , but subverts the law , and the lord will require that suffering of his people at your hands . now consider the law was not made for a righteous man , but for transgressours , such whose consciences are not exercised towards god , and such your sword is to be laid upon , to be a terrour to them , and not to the innocent ; for they should have praise that doe well ; and you must take heed , least you abuse your power to another end , then wherefore god hath ordained it ; for the law was added because of transgression to slay the transgressour , and that is the end of the law ; now you must take heed of causing any to suffer upon bare suspition or evill iealousies , when as no transgression is truly charged , nor iustly proved against them before you , and you are not to be both accusers , and iudges of any one , in any cause . you have a late act for the taking up , and punishing of idle , loose , and dissolute persons , such as are vagrants , and wandering rogues , vagabonds , and sturdy beggars ; now this law is good , if it be duly and iustly executed upon such as are truly guilty herein ; and it is right that sturdy beggars , and rogues , and idle and disorderly persons , should be taken up from wandering , and set on work in some good imployment in the creation , which may maintain themselves , and prevent them from worse things ; but now you must take heed of iudging any to be such , who are not really so ; for many of the servants of the lord now , as it was in generations past , are moved to leave their own country and dwellings , and relations , and goe abroad in the nations to preach the gospell of christ ; and to bear witness of his name in the world , to the turning of people from the ways of sin and death , to the way of righteousness and truth ; and it may be such cannot give you an account or sufficient cause of their travelling abroad ( so as to satisfie you ) for that is lawfull in the sight of god , which you may not iudge to be so ; for gods ways are not mans ways ; neither his thoughts ; as mans thoughts ; therefore i say unto you ; if you cause any such of the servants of the lord to suffer by that law ; you abuse your power ; and subverts the law ; for such are not vagabonds , nor idle dissolute persons , nor rogues , nor sturdy beggars ; no more than christ was ; who had no where to lay his head ; and the prophets and apostles were , some of which had no certain dwelling place , but left their countries and relations , and wandred up and down the world from town to town ; and from one country to another , even as the servants of the lord doth by the same spirit at this day , who can no more be truly judged for vagabonds and rogues , &c. than christ and his apostles could be , who were a perfect example to us in these things ; for it is a lawfull occasion in the sight of god , whatever you judge of it , to travell up and down ( not being burthensome , or chargeable to any ) to bear witness for the name of the lord , and against all sin and iniquity , that people may be reformed , and instructed in the right way ; therefore you must make a speciall distinction in your iudgements between such as are rogues , and idle and dissolute persons , who are hurtfull to the creation , and such as are innocent and harmeless , and not of evill behaviour , ( though you may through preiudice otherwise iudge of them ) this is to informe you herein , that your iudgements may be according to god , and not according to man , neither with respect of persons . also you have another late act for the observation of the lords day , wherein is inserted that none shall wilfully , maliciously , or of purpose disturbe , or disquiet the publick preacher , or to make any publick disturbance in the congregations ; now the law is good , and it is right that all such be punished , who doth maliciously , wilfully , or of an evill purpose disturbe , or disquiet any man or people , to the danger of breach of publick peace , and let all such be punished according to their desert ; but yet you must take heed in this cause , for many of the servants of the lord are , and may be moved by the power of the lord to come into a congregation , or an assembly of people to declare against sin and iniquity , and the ways of wickedness in people , or to aske a question soberly of the teacher , or to instruct people to edification in the way of the lord , or such like may they do , as they are moved , and yet not maliciously , nor wilfully , nor of wicked purpose ; for it was the apostles practise , and the practise of the saints to goe in the synagogues and meeting places , and to dispute with the teachers on the sabbath days , and sometimes they spoke to the people by way of exhortation , and the people bid them speak on ; and yet these were not disturbers of the assembly , neither were they malicious men , or wilfull , neither did they these things to any evil purpose , and it was the practise of the saints , that all may speak one by one in the church , when they were assembled together ; and this is the practise of the servants of the lord now , and yet they cannot justly be condemned by your law , though they come into your assembly , as they are moved of the lord , to object or reprove , or exhort , for they doe it not in malice towards any , but in love towards all , and they can no more justly be condemned than the apostles , and saints in the primitive times , who were unto us a just example in these practises , as you may read in the scripture ; and you may as justly condemn them , as us , who are guided by the same spirit in the same things ; therefore you have need to take heed of condemning the innocent by a law , least you bring innocent blood upon you ; and you must make a perfect difference between such as comes among you , wilfully and maliciously , and on evill purpose to disturbe , and molest any man , or congregation , and such who comes in the name and fear of the lord , who are moved of him contrary to their own wills , and in love to all people ; and in these causes you have need of discerning and sound judgement , least you condemn the guiltless , and abuse your power , and subvert the law , and so bring condemnation upon your selves ; and as you will answer it before the lord in his dreadfull day ; cause not any to suffer through your envy , and surmizings or false suspition , through over-reaching the words of the law to a wrong sense , and to a wrong end . also it is inserted in the same act against many evill things , as drinking in taverns , innes , ale-houses , strong-water houses , or to tipple unnecessarily , or any other house , &c ▪ and also against travelling , and walking on that day vainly and prophanely , &c. now the law is good that evill exercise be prevented , and prophaneness in every respect on that day , and on every day , and that such be punished that are found in any evill exercise whatsoever ; but yet you must take heed that none of the innocent suffer hereby ; for many of the people of god may , and doth travell on that day to meet together to worship god , and to waite upon him , to find his presence , and to receive of his refreshments to their souls , but this cannot be judged an evill practise , or prophane travelling , or breach of the sabbath ; for we read of a sabbath days iourney , acts 1. & 12. where some of the servants of the lord returned from ierusalem to mount olivet , which is a sabbath dayes iourny , so that such , who now travels to waite upon the lord on that day , though it be severall miles to , and from the place of meeting , cannot iustly be iudged to be sabbath-breakers , no more than the apostles , who travelled a sabbath days iourney in obedience to the lord to waite upon him ; so that you must take heed ▪ and make a noted distinction betwixt such who travels on a profane , and an evill exercise ▪ or about the affairs of this world , and such who travels on a good exercise to waite upon the lord and to serve him ; for the law it self excepts such from being taken up , or iudged sabbath-breakers ; so take heed that you subvert not the law , and abuse your power through false iudgement , through your own envy , and so you smite the guiltless , and brings destruction upon your selves ; for herein we own the law of god to walk by , and the apostles for an example , though we may suffer uniustly by you . also there is a late act for discovering and repressing of popish recusants , by presenting , to such as are suspected to be popish , or popishly affected , an oath , as is therein described ; to renounce the popes authority , and to deny all his doctrines , and to testifie against the authority of the church of rome , and against any licence given thereby , to bear arms or raise tumults , or by violence to hurt the chief magistrate , or government of these nations , &c. and such as denyes the taking of that oath are to be adiudged popish recusants , and to be proceeded against accordingly ; now that law is good that such , who are adherent to the pope , and by his authority would raise armies and tumults , and offer violence to the hurt of the chief magistrate , or government , or people of these nations , &c. as it is signified in the said oath , should be discovered and repressed ; but yet you must take heed , and waite for sound iudgement in the prosecution of the same : for all are not to be condemned that cannot swear or take an oath ; for many of the servants of the lord , who are followers of christ , cannot swear for conscience sake , because christ hath commanded not to swear at all , though such doth deny the pope and all his authority and doctrines , and whatsoever else is signified in that oath , who cannot iustly be suspected to be any way adherent to the pope in doctrines or practises , except through wicked envy you seek occasion against them thereby , and you abuse your power and subverts the law , if you iudge such to be popish recucusants , because they will not swear , because they cannot for conscience sake , but walks in christs doctrine , who commanded not to swear , and follows the apostles example , who said above all things my brethren swear not at all , and such cannot iustly be suspected or iudged for popish recusants ; who are followers of christ , and keeps his commands ; therefore you must be considerate , and search deep into those things that are thus weighty , least you cause the guiltless to suffer , and thereby vex the lord against your selves ; and you must make a speciall difference betwixt such as will not swear because they are guilty , and such as cannot swear for conscience sake , though they are not guilty , but clear , and free in the sight of the lord of such things , as may be falsly suspected , and charged against them by envious men , which may watch for evill , and give informations against the people of god unto you ; but let your eye be single in all these things , that you may save your selves from wrath , and condemnation , which will be a reward of all such , who subverts good laws to a wrong end , and seeks to cover themselves in their persecution of the innocent by making the law a cloak , but such coverings will not hide in the day of the lord . and my friends in the execution of these and other laws , let the fear of god guide you , and true judgement and found discerning , that you may try into the nature and ground of every thing , and may not judge onely by outward appearance , but judge righteous iudgement ; and this is a great transgression in the sight of the lord at this day , even the false execution of good laws , and the subversion of them to wrong ends and uses by some wicked men , who are in authority , to whom the law is committed : and this we know by experience ; be the law never so iust and good , yet if the executioners of the law be uniust and unrighteous , true iustice and iudgement is turned backward , and for want thereof the harmless , and innocent daily suffers , which kindleth and increaseth the fierce anger of the lord against these nations . and likewise all you that are in power and authority , you ought not to command any thing of any man , which the law gives you no power to command , for doing so , you make your selves transgressours , as for instance , you have no power by any law to command men to put off their hats , when they come before you , neither by any law can you iustly punish them , if they doe it not , neither can you iustly punish such by any law , who denies to swear because for conscience sake they cannot ; but what hath been inflicted upon some in such cases hath been by will and malice , and not by any law , and the lord doth account such thing against the wicked , who causeth such sufferings ; and of these things i have given you warning , and it is in perfect love unto you all , as to informe you truly , least you cause the innocent to suffer . i am a reall friend to the common-wealth , and a lover of justice and true judgement , and fully affected towards just government , and wisheth well to magistrates . e. b. ninth moneth , 1657. the end . the humble petition, of the peacefull, obedient, religious, and honest protestants of this kingdome presented unto the honourable house of commons, by doctor hynton, in their behalf the 7. day of january, 1641. hinton, john sir, 1603?-1682. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74207 of text in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.4[38]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74207 thomason 669.f.4[38] 50811813 ocm 50811813 160660 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74207) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160660) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f4[38]) the humble petition, of the peacefull, obedient, religious, and honest protestants of this kingdome presented unto the honourable house of commons, by doctor hynton, in their behalf the 7. day of january, 1641. hinton, john sir, 1603?-1682. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1641.] place of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a74207 (thomason 669.f.4[38]). civilwar no the humble petition, of the peacefull, obedient, religious, and honest protestants of this kingdome: presented unto the honourable house of hinton, john, sir 1641 490 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble petition , of the peacefull , obedient , religious , and honest protestants of this kingdome , presented unto the honourable house of commons , by doctor hynton , in their behalfe the 7. day of january , 1641. that you will be pleased to reflect upon the divine service of god , according to the ancient lawes of this kingdome , that thereby the poore protestants between the two extremities of zeale may not suffer a disturbance of their religion . that you will be pleased to preserve gods annointed his immediate vicegerent our true and lawful soveraigne lord the king , in his person in all his regall dignities and lawfull immunities without any impeachment of his regality in whose honour the reputation of the kingdom depends . that you will be pleased to ratifie and confirme all things both concerning his majesty and the state of this kingdome as they were in those blessed daies of queene elizabeth and king iames , that we may thereby live in these latter and turbulent times ; with as much peace to our consciences , with as much dignity to our nation , in as true love and obedience to our lawfull soveraigne , and with as much liberty and liberality of our fortunes as our forefathers heretofore have done . that you will not suffer learning to be defaced nor discountenanced by the ignorant , but rather that you will be pleased to advance it to its dignity , it being the maine supporter of lawfull obedience , of order , civility , and regularity in all states . that you will be pleased to qualifie the exorbitancies of the separatists and unworthy persons , that thereby the city of london and the suburbs may be disburdened from their continuall cares and feares , besides their losse of time , healths , and fortunes , which the traine-bands , and the double and treble watches and wards continually doe sustaine . that you will be pleased , as the state hath by election both made you members of this honourable house , and adopted you our fathers to governe our fortunes , to establish our lawes , and to regulate our actions : so we now beseech you to satisfie our consciences , to preserve our reputations , and to admit of a liberall and free debate in parliament , concerning all these particulars , without interruption that thereby the glory of god may be exalted , the dignity of our king and kingdome preserved , the immunities of the house according to the ancient custome of england continued , all precipitated tumults appeased , all discords amongst us peacefully united , the valiant and renouned acts of our predecessors revived , our tottering fortunes established , our king and kingdome united ; that so our minds and consciences may be fully satisfied . &c. second thoughts, or, the case of a limited toleration, stated according to the present exigence of affairs in church and state clarendon, edward hyde, earl of, 1609-1674. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a33237 of text r15288 in the english short title catalog (wing c4425). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a33237 wing c4425 estc r15288 12950738 ocm 12950738 95893 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33237) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95893) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 733:47) second thoughts, or, the case of a limited toleration, stated according to the present exigence of affairs in church and state clarendon, edward hyde, earl of, 1609-1674. 10 p. s.n., [london : 1660?] caption title. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng church and state -england. dissenters, religious -england. a33237 r15288 (wing c4425). civilwar no second thoughts; or the case of a limited toleration, stated according to the present exigence of affairs in church and state· clarendon, edward hyde, earl of 1641 4175 4 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-10 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2002-10 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion second thoughts ; or the case of a limited toleration , stated according to the present exigence of affairs in church and state . nihil violentum durat . since our present condition more , than ever , requires our being strong , & of a peice within our selves ; for ( besides domestique misunderstandings ) have we not powerful neighbours hovering over us , and perhaps watching the opportunities , which our weakness and divisions may give them ? and since our want of union , & intestine animositys chiefly result from our different judgements in religion , and from the several consequences thereof , i hope , i shall not mistake my duty in offering my thoughts to those , who are the proper judges , concerning that so much debated question of punishing or tolerating non-conformists . on this subject my endeavour shall be to speak plainly , like a good english man , without any byas of prejudice , or favour to the persons concern'd ; and , whereas many persons of great authority may perhaps be of a different judgement from mine , in the point , i am to handle , i beg the favour of my reader to beleive , that nothing but the interest of my country could have engaged me in a question of this nature , in opposition to so considerable ▪ a party , of whose abilitles i have a very true and just veneration . in the first place , it must be allow'd , that cold it be effected , nothing were more to be desi●ed , in order to the lasting happiness of this nation , than a conformity of all minds , under the same doctrine , and worship in religion ; that so , as our bodys , and outward actions are govern'd by the same temporal laws , our souls and our opinions ( though in matters relating to the world ) might also be united under one , and the same ecclesiasticall discipline , and were england at present under that happy condition of spiritual vnion , i should think it rational and seasonable by the rigour of law● , to preserve it in such a state of tranquillity , by suppressing all upstart innovators , & frighting the people from the dangerous affectation of novelty . but since we enjoy this universal harmony only in our wishes , ( diversity of opinions in matters of religious worship having held so long a possession in the minds of the people ) & since the cockle is so generally spred , and mingled with the corn ; that 't is impossible wholly to root up one without apparent danger of destroying the other , i think it behoves us to take our measures according to the present state , and juncture , of our affairs , and choose that expedient , which is best for us , and withal is attainable by us in the circumstance , we now are in , not that , which ( although best in its self ) is not possible for us to attain . and here ( i conceive ) lyes the root of their mistakes , who have lately with so much zeal opposed a toleration : they tell us what should be , not what may be done ; and deliver many truths concerning the beauty and expediency of a general vniformity ; but their discourse seems cut out , and made to fit an vtopian kingdom , not england in its present condition . for according to true policy & reason we ought either wholly to root out all dissenters , or else so to tolerate them , that they may live at ease and contentedness amongst us ; whereby they may become , if not of the church , at least sound members of the common wealth . let the opposers of a toleration shew us a safe and ready way to rid the nation of all non-conformists , though i confess i am no friend to force and violence , especially in matters of conscience , yet i should not obstruct any cause , that would certainly produce , so happy an effect : but , if this be impossible for them to do , and if the method by them prescrib'd , and made use of , serves only to exasperate , not to carry of the peccant humour , i must conclude , that the good of the nation is either not rightly understood , or not justly pursued by them . for what can be more pernicious to the safety of any kingdom than to have within it self so great a body , as all the dissenters in england make , continually exasperated by penaltys and invaded by a legall kind of hostility ; who , thus made enemys by the law , must by a natural consequence be still watching occasions of easing and unburthening themselves ? what is this but to nourish and foment in our bowels the seeds of a civil war , that want nothing but an opportunity ( which for mischief too frequently presents it self ) to break forth in a consuming flame ? perhaps you will say , that a wholsome violence may cure their obstinacy , and reduce them to obedience , and in time make them less numerous , and so less dangerous . i answear , that compulsion may bring many hypocrites , but no real converts into our church : for conscience is of so spiritual a nature , that outward force can have no influence , nor dominion over it : we cannot over-rule it in our selves , much less in others . at home in our own breasts interest cannot bribe it , to judge otherwise of our own proper actions , than according to that light of nature , or grace , which god has bestowed upon it : and , although it be granted in the case of non-conformists that their conscience is erroneous , yet , as such it can never be rectified by fear , and force , but only by conviction of judgment . hence it may be inferred , that nothing does more efficatiously dispose and prepare the minds of men for treason and rebellion , than by force to make them act against their conscience in matters of religion : for they who have once overcome the remorse of their god ( which is the case of all such compliers without conviction of judgment ) shall never stick at breach of faith with prince or magistrate , when ever the like motives of interest or fear shall prompt them to it : whoever therefore shall design to reduce so great a multitude of differing judgments to an uniformity of profession , by the way of rigour and infliction of paenalties , can reasonably expect no better success , than to fill the church with hypocrites , and the state with subjects , train'd up , and principled for rebellion . of this truth we have an illustrious example recorded by sozomen , ( cap. 7. hist. trip. ) constatius father to constantine the great , having many christian souldiers under his command ( himself being a gentile ) resolved to make trial of their temper , and find out amongst them , who were fit or unfit for trust , and employment : accordingly calling them together , he declared that all such as would sacrifice to his gods , should continue in his service , but that the refusers should forthwith be casheerd , and might thank his clemency , that he proceeded no farther against them . hereupon when some obeyed the general , and some their conscience ; those who prefer'd religion to their interest , he immediately took into favour , and office ; and the temporizing conformists he excluded from all employment ; presuming ( says our authour ) that such could never be loyal to man , who so lightly had forsaken their god . from what has been said , we may draw this conclusion , that where infliction of paenaltys prevails in order to an exterior conformity , in such to their errour of judgment it adds hypocrisie , whereby they become worse christians and subjects , than before ; and where it does not so prevail , it lays the foundation of a civil war , by daily exasperating so great a part of the nation , or rather begins it , by continually invading ( though under colour of law ) the liberties and goods of our fellow subjects . if it be replyed , that although ( being prosecuted by the law ) they may be irritated , and dispos'd for mischief , yet ( being tolerated ) they will encreas in strength , and by consequence encreas our danger . i answear that how great a paradox soever it may seem at first sight , yet most true it is , that ( taking the whole body together of the dissenters , who are equally concerned in the prosecution ) they are far more dangerous and powerfull to do mischief , when prosecuted than when tolerated : for when they are all in a suffering condition they are united together in one common cause and concern of easing themselves from the pressure they are under ; and ( being so different in their other principles ) this is the only point they can eenter in , and knit together into a body , and the only band that binds them up in a bundle . but when they are indulged , and left free , ( the cement of a joynt interest being taken away ) they will naturally , and necessarily fall in sunder , and remain as divided in point of faction and party , as they are in tenets and principles . of this we have a fresh and convincing example in the late revolutions , for before the war , when all sectaries and nonconformists lived under the curb and penaltys of the law , and high commission court , they were all embodyed together as fellow sufferers in the common cause , and appeared to the world but as one sect , and were generally known only by the common name of puritans : and to what power and strength they grew by this union , was too fatally known by the famous mischiefs they did . but afterwards ( having shaken off their fetters , and clapt them on their masters ) when they were at ease and prosperity , then did each sect apart begin to set up its own colours ; and the distinctions of the presbyterians , independents , and quakers , grew visible to the world by their divisions and quarrels amongst themselves . and i desire it may be observ'd that monarchy and the church were pull'd down by them at that time , when by a preceding prosecution they had been united together ; and that the church and monarchy were then again restored when by liberty and prosperity those very sects were fallen from one another and each had rankt it self in its own canton , and division . but now it remains to be considered whither these dissenters and nonconformists in religion , are any ways capable of being made loyal and faithful to the government . i think there is but one certain rule to resolve this , and all cases of a like nature : first allowing them to have common sense , it will evidently follow that if we can make it their interest to be good subjects , they will not fail of being so , whoever shall assign any security , but this , for the peoples allegiance , do ( in my opinion ) but play with the wind , and pay us with words . i know , that no bishop no king has past for a fundamental maxime with some , and that english loyalty cannot consist but in the church of england , as it is now establisht : and i suppose they go chiefly upon this ground , that true allegiance must proceed from a rectified conscience , and a rectified conscience from true religion . but i must begg their leave to dissent from them in this particular . all men i confess , should be obedient to their lawful governours for conscience sake , but all men are not as they should be . man-kind in general is constantly true to nothing , but their interest ; how much that over rules conscience in all religions , is but too visible in the world . yet i am far from denying , but that many may be found , who by the ty of conscience only are sufficiently withheld from the enormous crime of rebellion : but since no other person can tell ( all pretending to it ) who these are , and since every good security must be apparent and visible ; i think in foroexterno we ought to exclude conscience , or rather the pretense of it ( which is all we can know of it in another ) from being a sufficient warrantly of allegiance . to retourn therfore from this digression to my former proposition , let men be never so differing in matters of religion , certain it is they will all agree in this point of being constant and true to their own interest : and therefore the great art and secret of government is to make it the peoples interest to be true and faithful to their governours . now 't is apparent that if all these dissenters in religion who at present lye under the lash of the law , were so far indulged , that they might live with security of their estates and liberty of their persons amongst us , and peacably enjoy their conscience in their own way of religious worship , it would be clearly their interest to be obedient unto , and maintain that government , under which they are so protected : for none are so dull , but must understand , that when they are in a quiet enjoyment of their livelihoods , if disorders and war should come upon them , they must needs ( at least the major part of them ) be greater loosers , than gainers ; so that the publick peace will now become their private interest . and this is the only basis and foundation , on which all government can firmly be establisht . they who imagine that vnity of religion is absolutely necessary to vnity of interest , must needs fancy to themselves such an extraordinary charm , in the peoples meeting together on sundays in the church , that they cannot fall out all the week after : but we find by sad experience that persons of the same religion ( witness the wars between sweden and denmark , france , and spain ) quarrel no less fiercely , than others , who are most distant in their principles of belief : and they are strangers in the affairs of the world , who have not learnt , that interest and not religion , makes all the great enmitys , and amitys both publick and private . our neighbours of holland , who are very competent judges in matters relating to publick advantage , and self-preservation , by their practice sufficiently shew the conscistency , and expedience of tolerating different religions under the same government : france affords us the like presedent ; and i fear , till we follow their example in england too , i fear we shall not arrive to that plenty , and power , which both those states at present enjoy . for nature hath so placed this island , that whenever we are masters at sea , we are umpires of this part of the world ; so that we must always rise or fall in plenty , and power , as we encrease or decay in traffick , and navigation . now upon a just calculation t wil appear , that the sea-fareing men , and the trading part of the nation , dos in a great measure consist of non-conformists ; and that much of the wealth and stock of the kingdom , is lodged in their hands , who have no great devotion for the present liturgy , & hierachy of the church of england . wherefore we need go no farther to find out the cause of that general damp upon traffique and commerce , than the strictness of our laws upon that sort of people ; by which some of them are disabled , and others discouraged from employing their industry , and their stock for carrying on the trade of the nation . but whilst upon these motives , i plead for a toleration of non-conformists ; thereby i intend no more , than a bare exemption from penalties , with a liberty of exercising their religion under such competent restrictions , as shall be judged necessary , both to secure the publique from a riot , and sedition , and to put a difference between their conventions , and the religious assemblies of the church , established by law . moreover , i think it necessary , that they should be excluded from offices , and places of eminent trust , both civil , and ecclesiastical : because , should they be admitted to an equality of power , and authority in the kingdom , their oppression , and natural endeavour to advance their own ways in religion , might tempt them to push forwards , and struggle for the right-hand of fellowship ; so as the peace of the nation might be endangered . i should here have closed up this discourse , did i not find that many reverend members of the clergy , have been lately great opposers of a toleration ; which leads me to consider , whither the admission of it be prejudicial to the safety and interest of the church . if we call to mind by what means true religion was first planted , & propagated in the world , we shall find that force , and compulsion , had no hand in the work : both the precepts , and example of our great master , and his disciples , are directly opposite to it : for my part , i think , that humane prudence , as well as christian piety , obliges their successors to follow the same method of reclaiming dissenters by gentleness , and meek exhortations , according to the direction of st. paul . for since the chief designe and most incumbent duty of the church is to convert misbelievers , and to bring back into the fold those who have straied away ; there is nothing so necessary and conducing to this work , as to procure in the minds of dissenters a good opinion , and esteem of the charity and paternal care of those , who undertake to instruct them in the right way . this was the method of our saviour himself , who began his great business of converting mankind , by first obliging the people with temporal blessings , that so he might win them to spiritual happiness ; for this reason he miraculously fed so many thousands in the desert , and so often cured their bodily infirmitys , in order to the healing , and nourishing their souls : but the infliction of corporal punishment or pecuniary mul●ts , is so far from producing this effect of love , and esteem in their minds , whom we are to make our proselytes , that it constantly begets an aversion , and hatred in the punished against the authors and promoters of this punishment , so that churchmen must either necessarily give over the design of converting dissenters ( which is a principal part of their function ) or the practice of abetting the infliction of penalties upon them . if excommunication ( which is a seclusion from joyning with the congregation in religious worship ) be the proper , and just punishment of error in religion , according to all the primitive rules , and practice of christianity , is it not strangely preposterous , that these dissenters instead of being shut out , should be violently forc't into the church , and ( even during their non-conformity of judgment ) be compelled to a participation in divine worship with the faithful by all those sharp paenaltys , which the law inflicts upon recusancy ? instead of the gospel rule , which commands us to avoid their company ; we set up a law of our own , which injoyns our meeting together even in the house of god ; whereby the partys compelled act no less against their conscience , than the compellers against the plain letter of scripture . methinks in this case the example of our saviour ought to be our rule , who in person whipt out of the temple those , who came thither upon the score of interest , and nor of religion , but always used the most benign and gentle means imaginable to win people into the church . what can be more contrary to the honour , and dignity of true religion , than that it should appear to stand in need of force to draw men to it ? we shew a mistrust of it's verity , when we dare not leave men the liberty of their judgement and conscience in imbracing it . is not this that very thing , wherewith formerly we have so often reproacht our adversaryes ? and have we not other lawful advantages enough over all dissenters , and sects without calling in the brachium saeculare to confute our opponents , and using means much more , becoming a preaching collonel of cromwels army , than a prelate of the church of england ? have we not truth on our side , the only invincible champion of religion ? are we not establisht by the law of the land , whereas others will at most be only suffered ? are not all ecclesiastical promotions in our power , and occupation ? so that having the strongest motives on our side both temporal and spiritual , to bring men fairly to us , why should we keep up a spanish inquisition of force and violence , and so discredit and weaken our cause , whilst mistakingly we endeavour by undue means to strengthen it . let the presbyterians meet in their halls , the fanaticks in their barns , the papists in their garrets ; shall the church of england assembled in her cathedralls , fear the competition of rivals every way so inferiour to her in force of arguments , and reason , in exterior decency , and gravity , and in the credit of publick authority ? it would argue not only want of courage , but even weakness of faith , and reason too , should we be jealous , that a permission granted to those sects , of having publick meetings would diminish the number of the orthodox in our religious assemblys ; for as all contrarys are best set off , & distinguisht , when together expos'd to publick view , we may presume , that nothing would more advantageously fill our churches , and empty their conventicles , than a liberty given them to appear in a full light ; that so all eyes might judge of the difference between order , and confusion , and between the decency of our rational worship , modeld according to the best patterns of sound antiquity , and the homeliness and clownish manner of their addresses to heaven , form'd out of their own fancy by a cynicall kind of pride , which scorns the direction of their primitive guides . let us not therefore give them that only advantage they have over us , which is of suffering for their religion ; for if we look into scripture , we shall find that persecution in the sufferers , is one of the most conspicuous marks of truth , and in the inflicters of error ; as most evidently appears in the example of that great apostle saint paul , than whom before his conversion , none more zealous , and fierce in the prosecution of christians , and after his conversion , none more compassionate , and charitable , towards his dissenting brethren the iews . the end . reasons why the oaths should not be made a part of the test to protestant dissenters penn, william, 1644-1718. 1683 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54204 wing p1353 estc r31786 12256922 ocm 12256922 57564 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54204) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57564) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1510:20) reasons why the oaths should not be made a part of the test to protestant dissenters penn, william, 1644-1718. 7 p. s.n., [london : 1683] caption title. attributed to penn by wing. imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng oaths -quaker authors. church and state -england -quaker authors. society of friends -doctrines. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reasons why the oaths should not be made a part of the test to protestant dissenters . 1. we do humbly conceive , that because these oaths were antiently made upon occasion of the conspiracies of papists against the government , and are now reviv'd upon the score of the late discovery of their horrid plot ; and that since they only ought at any time to be administred in case of just jealousie or suspition had of any person or persons : we , who are no papists , but by our faith and doctrine repugnant to all popery ; and we , who have never shown the least disallegiance or vnfaithfulness , but on the contrary have been patient and peaceable under all that excess of severity , that in several parts of this nation hath been inflicted upon us , ought not to be brought under the same jealousies with the papists : it is suspecting an integrity , that was never tainted . for with submission , what is it but to say , the papists have plotted against the king , government and protestant religion ; therefore the quakers and such like dissenters that have not plotted , shall take the oaths , to try and bind them , as if they had plotted ? this makes no distinction , where really there is a great one . the oaths were not revived upon the papists till the plot was discovered ; pray why should you effect us , or question the integrity of protestant-dissenters ? let the known papists be proved and tested as papists ; but that can be no reason why the known anti-papists or protestant-dissenters should be so tested that are unconcerned in the occasion of it . ii. we are not yet preferred by the government to such charge , trust or employment , for which such security is commonly required , and since we ever liv'd a sober and peaceable life under the king and government , being neither papists , plotters nor men in power , we do not see the reason or equity , as to us , why the oaths should be made a part of the test . ☞ iii. we conceive , we need not swear to deny a supremacy or to pay an obedience , where our faith and religion teacheth us both ; which are a stronger tie upon our consciences , than all the oaths in the world. and of the truth of this we may appeal to your own knowledge of our conversations . iv. we apprehend , that the oaths answer not the reason of their imposition , and therefore useless ; for the papists we see , take them : and consequently there is no discrimination of papists from protestants by them . ●o that they serve rather to distinguish , what prote●●ant-dissenters are tender in taking these oaths , than to discover who are papists . but since the declaration is of more weight to the papists than the oaths , because that denyes their religion , whereas the oaths only deny the popes supremacy ( which is not owned by the gallican or french church , that they now mostly pretend to adhere to ) it will evidently follow , that all those protestant-dissenters , who can subscribe the declaration , are not papists , nor of the romish communion . in short ; ☞ because the papists will sooner take the oaths than subscribe the declaration ; and that the quakers and other dissenters will sooner subscribe the declaration than take the oaths : and forasmuch as the point in hand is to discriminate papists , and not such dissenters ; the adding of the oaths , when the declaration will most effectually do , may serve to ensnare the said protestant-dissenters , but not to discover the papists , or secure the government from them , which ought to be the only end of the test . object . but it is objected , that some papists will not take the oaths , and therefore they ought to be a part of the test . to which we answer , first , that the concealed papists , or those who are suspected to be such , are observ'd to swallow all , both oaths and declaration too , rather than bring themselves under notice at this time of the day . and next , it is plain fact , that the generality of the known papists also take them . so that still these oaths being made a part of the test , rather shews that papists will take the oaths , than that they discriminate who are papists : ☞ and here it may be worth your consideration , how much securer you are from those papists , that do take the oaths , than from those that refuse them . but admitting it to be a real discrimination respecting a few papists , yet we intreat you weigh , if the number of the protestant-dissenters , who may scruple taking these oaths , is not far greater , than of those papists that may refuse to take them : and if so , you will lose much more than you will get by taking the oaths into the test . v. be pleased to consider , that if you are not very careful in this matter , by exposing such protestant-dissenters to be reputed papists , because of not taking the oaths , you may be said , in a sort , to make more papists by one act , than the popes and their emissaries have done these six score years ; though they abhor popery as much as you your selves can do . we hope , the wisdom of the government will not thus suffer a great part of the industrious people of the nation to be vex'd & ruin'd for that which they are not ; and at a time too , when it is your interest to lend a hand to the weakest protestant-separatist you have , against the church of rome ; that so the numbers of that society may not be augmented , by enlarging that scandalous character to other perswasions through the prejudice , false policy or ill designs of any . vi. your making the oaths a part of the test , will be very particularly injurious to such dissenters ; ☞ for you will punish them by laws made upon occasion of popish plots , who are unconcern'd in the guilt of them . this is in shew to charge your canon against papists , but they will ( 't is to be fear'd ) be discharg'd upon protestant-dissenters , as hath already been done : which is adding another misery to them , whom you should relieve , and making them lose by the discovery of the plot , that would have been expos'd as well as your selves , if it had taken effect : so that those who would have suffer'd by the plot , must suffer as of the party of the plotters . in short , this is punishing one party for the fault of another , and extending the penalty , where there is no transgression . vii . let it be consider'd , that such dissenters will be of all people the most miserable : for being expos'd to the punishment of papists and the punishment of protestant-dissenters too , they must needs be in a worse condition , than the papists ; for they will be at this rate ground between two mill-stones . and this will rather deter papists from embracing the communion of any protestant-dissenters , then excite them to approach so near to the church , as to become protestant in any sense : because they will be expos'd to more suffering , unless absolute church-men , then now they are , as papists . for both the laws made against protestant-dissenters , and the laws made against popish recusants have been executed upon protestant-dissenters ; but the particular laws made against protestant-dissenters were never infflicted upon the papists . viii . but it is objected by some , that we are disguiz'd papists , or that papists are concealed amongst us . to which we say , the declaration will determine that ; since ( as was said ) the oaths only deny the pope's supremacy , which some of themselves pretend to disown : but our declaration denies both the pope's supremacy and their religion too . besides , those dissenters that scruple the oaths , do it not upon the same terms with the papists ; for they own no forreign supremacy , which the papists do . and to prove evidently , that it is no trick or ill design against the government , they refuse to swear in their own right , having-frequently lost their just debts , and been greatly injur'd by other mens vnjust claims , because of not taking an oath : which is not the practice of papists . ix . but there is one reason never to be answered , why we can neither be papists , nor popishly affected , as we must needs be , if we seek to conceal the papists at so much hazard to our selves ; and it is this , you have been pleased in parliament to complain of the growth of popery , of the non-executing of laws made against papists , and that some of the ministers of state were popishly affected , and that things have generally been transacted by them in favour of the papists : on the contrary we have been great sufferers , our houses broke open , our goods riffled , and our estates seized , and treble values taken away from us by laws made against papists , under their ministry . so that either we are no papists , or such state-ministers and councils , whom you have reputed popish , must not be such ; for none can think that they should exercise such severities upon people of the same inclinations , when they were so indulgent to persons notoriously of that profession ; but because you believe they were so , you must needs interpret from their being more severe to us than any other people , that they reputed us most remote from popery . what greater demonstration can we give , that we believe our selves , and are sincere in this matter , than the hazards and losses we are daily expos'd to ? x. we have always shewn a good and steady affection to the just , civil and protestant interest of this nation ; and among other things , it may evidently appear in the late election of the present parliament , having generally adhered to , and through all difficulties given our voices for those persons , that have been of the best reputation in their country for protestants and english men . and indeed , there has been no such discovery made these many years of the inclinations of all parties : ☞ which being well observ'd , it will perhaps appear , that we and the papists have as little joyn'd in the same choice of members , as some high church-men ( our great prosecutors ) have done , who would notwithstanding have us accounted papists . and we may further add , that since our giving our voices in the said late election for those persons , which are known to be hearty for the protestant religion and civil interest of the nation , we have been afresh severely persecuted in several places , and that as well by laws made against papists as protestant dissenters . lastly , we do here humbly offer a declaration , and pray , that it may be receiv'd as a testimony of our good affection to the protestant cause , and as our assurance to live a sober and peaceable life under the present government . and in case any among us shall be found false to our declaration and engagement , let such be punisht as perjured persons . these are the reasons we render , why the oaths should not be made part of the test . a protestation or declaration to distinguish protestant-dissenters from popish-recusants . i a. b. do in the presence of almighty god solemnly profess , and in good conscience declare , it is my real judgment , that the church of rome is not the church of christ , nor the pope or bishop of rome christ's vicar ; and that his or her doctrines of deposing heretical princes , and absolving their subjects of their obedience ; of purgatory and prayers for the dead ; of indulgences and worshipping of images ; of adoring and praying to the virgin mary and other saints deceased ; and of transubstantiation , or changing the elements of bread and wine into the body and blood of christ at or after the consecration thereof by any person whatsoever , are false , erroneous and contrary to the truth of god declared in the holy scriptures : and therefore the communion of the said church is superstitious and idolatrous . and i do likewise sincerely testifie and declare , that i do from the bottom of my heart detest and abhor all plots and conspiracies , that are or may be contrived against the king , parliament or people of this realm : and i do hereby faithfully promise , with god's help , to live a sober and peaceable life , as becometh a good christian and protestant to do . and all this i do acknowledge , intend , declare & subscribe without any equivocation or mental r●servation , according to the true plainness , simplicity and usual signification of the words . witness my hand . his majesties message to both houses of parliament, die lunæ 14. febr. 1641 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78891 of text r230942 in the english short title catalog (wing c2451a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78891 wing c2451a estc r230942 99896597 99896597 134623 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78891) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 134623) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2424:12) his majesties message to both houses of parliament, die lunæ 14. febr. 1641 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. proceedings. 1642. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : [1642] dates given according to lady day dating. steele notation: passed sed in. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries, london. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. royal supremacy (church of england) -early works to 1800. trade regulation -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london a78891 r230942 (wing c2451a). civilwar no his majesties message to both houses of parliament, die lunæ 14. febr. 1641. england and wales. sovereign 1642 596 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ his majesties message to both houses of parliament . die lunae 14. febr. 1641. though his majestie is assured , that his having so suddenly passed these two bills , being of so great importance , and so earnestly desired by both houses , will serve to assure his parliament , that he desires nothing more then the satisfaction of his kingdom ; yet that he may further manifest to both houses , how impatient he is till he finde out a full remedie to compose the present distempers , he is pleased to signifie : that his majestie will by proclamation require , that all statutes made concerning recusants , be with all care , diligence , and severity put in execution . that his majestie is resolved , that the seven condemned priests shall be immediately banished ( if his parliament shall consent therunto : ) and his majestie will give present order ( if it shall be held fit by both houses ) that a proclamation issue , to require all romish priests within twenty dayes to depart the kingdom ; and if any shall be apprehended after that time , his majestie assures both houses , in the word of a king , that he will grant no pardon to any such , without consent of his parliament . and because his majestie observes great and different troubles to arise in the hearts of his people , concerning the goverment and liturgie of the church , his majestie is willing to declare , that he will refer that whole consideration to the wisdom of his parliament , which he desires them to enter into speedily , that the present distraction about the same may be composed : but desires not to be pressed to any single act on his part , till the whole be so digested and setled by both houses , that his majestie may cleerly see what is fit to be left , as well as what is sit to be taken away . for ireland ( in behalf of which his majesties heart bleeds ) as his majestie hath concurred with all propositions made for that service by his parliament , so he is resolved to leave nothing undone for their relief , which shall fall within his possible power , nor will refuse to venter his owne person in that war , if his parliament shall think it convenient for the reduction of that miserable kingdome . and lastly , his majestie taking notice by severall petitions of the great and generall decay of trade in this kingdom , and more particularly of that of clothing , and new draperies ( concerning which he received lately at greenwich a modest , but earnest petition from the clothiers of suffolk ) of which decay of trade , his majestie hath a very deep sence , both in respect of the extream want and poverty it hath brought , and must bring upon many thousands of his loving subjects , and of the influence it must have in a very short time upon the very subsistence of this nation , doth earnestly recommend the consideraton of that great and weighty businesse to both houses ; promising them , that he will most readily concur in any resolution their wisdoms shall finde out , which may conduce to so necessary a work . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . an abandoning of the scottish covenant by matthew the lord bishop of ely. wren, matthew, 1585-1667. 1662 approx. 79 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67146 wing w3674 estc r11962 12930950 ocm 12930950 95660 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67146) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95660) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 995:14) an abandoning of the scottish covenant by matthew the lord bishop of ely. wren, matthew, 1585-1667. [2], liv p. printed by d. maxwell for timothy garthwait ..., london : 1662. reproduction of original in huntington library. a plea against the act of uniformity. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng solemn league and covenant (1643) church and state -england -early works to 1800. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an abandoning of the scotish covenant by matthew the lord bishop of ely . london , printed by d. maxwell for timothy garthwait at the kings head in s. pauls church-yard , 1662. a brief theological treatise , touching that unlawful scotish covenant , which was in the late ungracious times ( with fraud enough , and force , ) obtruded upon the people of england . written first , upon sundry private occasions , in prison , by matthew the lord bishop of ely , after the manner of a sermon , upon these words , psalm 44. 18. nor behave our selves frowardly in thy covenant . but now thought fit to be published by him , for the present use of his diocese : the readilyer to prepare all therein , ( divines , and others , ) for that due abrenunciation of the said covenant , which they are ( out of hand ) to make , by vertue of the act for uniformity . ju●● . 5. 31. sic pereant inimici tui , domine ; qui autem diligunt te , sint sicut sol in ortu suo . psalm . 44. 18 nor behave our selves frowardly in thy covenant . the words are the last part of that verse : the whole verse is , and though all this be come upon us , yet do we not forget thee , nor behave our selves frowardly in thy covenant . of this therefore now we are to treat . but no ; that we may be more then sure , if more may be , pray let 's look on it once again . yet do we not forget thee , nor behave our selves frowardly in thy covenant ; so goes our old translation , that 's sure . but then , yet have we not forgotten thee , neither have we dealt falsly in thy covenant , our new translation goes so ; and here is some difference in words but howsoever these differing couples , have not and do not , deal and behave our selves , frowardly and fasly ; in effect they come both to one , and so all is the same : and t is no other , i assure you , in the latine and the greek , and the hebrew . so that by the grace of god we are cock sure of the text it self , every way . and t is well we are , that we have a sufficient warrant by that ; otherwise perhaps we might be to seek , how to bring both ends together ▪ what ? as the times long have gone , to be in a covenant , and yet not to behave our selves perversly ? to have any engagement upon us , and yet not to deal falsly ? out alas , 't must be the clean contrary , as frowardly then , as you will : be it never so perversly , nay , nothing but falsly : and all the better , because of the covenant . haec est lex adami ! is it not ? god knows , 't is not to be denied ; this hath been the manner of men lately , whatsoever is to come of it now . well , if it must be so , so be it : yet 't is but hard luck though , to be brought now to an after reckoning ! but who can help that ? the tother might have been helped , when time was . but spiritus spirat , ubi , & quando vult ; and seeing gods spirit hath set it down so , all we cannot balk it , i th' end . on we must go therefore , and hear , what the holy spirit saith . and the summe of it , if i apprehend it right , will consist of three particulars , one , is presupposed ; another , is now professed ; a third , is after aymed at . that in a covenant they were , that 's it they take for granted , and that 's the first . next , that in that covenant their demeanour ever was without coven or collusion ; neither falshood , nor perverseness in the carriage of it ; of thus much they now make a solemn profession ; and that 's the second . lastly , that god in his good time will rescue and deliver them , that 's to be inferred here , and 't is exprest in the close of the psalm ; and that 's the third . now in the foremost of these will come to be considered the persons ; first , who they are that pretend to this covenant , nos , we. and then with whom this covenant is , in tuo , in thy covenant . and that 's as much as we shall need . for the knowing of these two will make the covenant it self known . so we shall not be to seek in that neither . the next part will be the harder of the two ; but yet in that we shall have two chief points to guid us . the first , matter of law , what it is to be perverse , to be false and froward in such a case : and therein , no less then the law it self , yea no other then the lawgiver , god himself , will be for our rule . so we need not fear the frauds of a bold pleader , to make a nose of wax of it : nor the flaunts of a rude hackster , to hew out his own pleasure in it . no : annuntiabunt caeli justitiam ejus ; quoniam deus judex ipse , psal. 50. 6. there 's our security , that ipse , t is god himself must be the judg in it . the tother point will be the matter of fact ; whither guilty they , or not guilty of such perversness . and the tryal therein we all know how it lies : by god and the country . an excellent way surely ! though not for some mens turns . tryal by the country , in this ? how ? upon that evidence , that all the vicenage will bring in , nay , that all the world can give of it . i warrant you , the covenant of god shall be no preface to the first psalm , shall not be at the pleasure of a councel of the ungodly , ( they have learn'd now to call it a councel of war , ) nor of the common way of sinners , ( in a paltry pack't committee : ) nor of the seat of the scornfull ( their high court of injustice : ) else , you might be sure , what would become of it : any of their own fellows should ne're be a thief , but who they would , should be a grand malignant , and hurried away to the block : and where these rule the rost , it is necessary indeed it should be so , 't would not be perverse enough , else : but you see , it will be otherwise . the second part of the tryal is , by god ; and that , at both his own barrs : for the present , first , at that of the conscience , that 's here , the common pleas ; in which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. 4. 13. all is barefaced , yea chined down the back , an you will ; that is , so layed open , so displayed , that sure we are , there can be no jugling there . and there shall be another hereafter , the great assizes , at the kings high bench , christ's own tribunal : at which all shall appear ; all persons : 2 cor. 5. 10. and all things , for all books and records shall be opened : apoc. 10. 12. and what can be more ? but that 's to come . in the mean while , the hope and assurance is , that god will at last rouze up himself . [ up lord , why sleepest thou ? ver . 23. ] ( their foes indeed made no other account , but that they had lulled him fast enough : ) and , that remembring well , what they yet suffer , why forgettest thou our misery ? ver . 24. he will set up his mercy again , and help and deliver them , ver . 26. and that 's in brief the aim of all this profession and supplication . so you have now the contents of the text. and now of these , that i may be able to speak and you to hear , to the discharge of our duties , and to the instruction of our souls , and all to the glory of almighty god , i am to beseech and require you all , to joyn with me in humble prayer to him , to the glorious and blessed trinity , god the father , son , and holy ghost , for the assistance of the holy spirit unto us , and for the gift of all divine graces upon us . and that not upon us alone , but upon his holy catholick church , &c. we have not behaved our selves frowardly in thy covenant . the persons are now the first branch of our discourse , we and thee , say they , we have not , and not in thy covenant . in the name of god then , who are these ? who are they that speak this ? and who is he to whom they speak it . we. for the speakers , whosoever they prove to be , this you shall find of them , they are the same all the psalm through . they very first word is , we have heard , vers . 1. and so it goes on , we overthrow our enemies , vers . 6. and , thou savest us , vers . 8. and , we make our boast , vers 9. and there ends the first part of the psalm : and that 's all eucharistical , an oblation of thanks and praise , for all blessings , old and new. then begins the second part of the psalm ; and that 's a solemn lamentation , humbling themselves lowly under the rod. and still it holds on in the same persons , thou makest us to be a by-word , ver . 15. and , yet we do not forget thee , ver . 18. and , thou hast covered us with the shaow of death , ver . 20. and , we are counted as sheep to be slain , ver . 22. and there comes in the last part of the psalm , a holy letany or supplication , that all of them make for favour and mercy , be not absent from us for ever , ver . 23. and why forgettest thou our misery ? ver . 24. and our soul is brought low , ver . 25. and arise and help us , ver . 26. but all the way you see , singing their praises , or making their submission , or sending up their petitions , still it is , we , and us , and our , they are all the same still . very well then . but yet , how shall we find it , who they are ? surely the psalm it self , though they be no where named there , yet has enough in it , unless i be deceived , to tell us the name of them : for will you be pleased but to mark it , that howe're the persons be still the same , yet now and then the number is changed for a touch or two , and then they fall in again , as before : t is , thou art my king o god , ver . 5. not our king , but my king , as if it were of one in the singular . and t is , i will not trust in my bow , it is not my sword that shall save me , ver . 7. these are in the thanksgiving part . and so 't is again in the humiliation part ; we , and we , and our , and us a great while , and then on a sudden , my confusion is daily before me , and the shame of my face hath covered me , ver . 16. perceive you nothing then ? oh , t is plain by this , that the church of god is the speaker in all this psalm , and so it comes to be we and i ; first we in the name of all particular persons , as so many saints and servants of god , and yet i , in the name of the whole corporation , the holy church : as one and all ; one catholick body , by the band of the holy spirit comprehending them all . and wondrous wisely dealt they in it . they knew , they should be the welcomer to god for this : in such a multitude , and yet in such an unity , ecce quam bonum ! psal. 133. to be sure god would never fail them : no , says david , for there the lord had promised his blessing , ver 4. but what talk we of promise ? though that be enough for us , yet god counts it too little for him ; the word therefore indeed is , ibi praecepit dominus ; god hath commanded his blessings , all the blessings of life and goodness , to attend i th' end upon such sacred assemblies . this for the speakers . thy covenant . there 's no stop at all then to be made neither about the t'other person , in pacto tuo , who it is , that is spoken to ; for the whole address ( we see ) is unto god ; he is named at the very first ; we have heard with our ears o god , ver . 1. and afterward he is spoken to , as god , ver 5. and , as our god , ver . 21. and , as lord , ver . 23. and had he not been named at all , yet it could be no other . for , to whom the church makes her prayers ; to whom she sends up praises ; to whom she ascribes the guidance of the world ; under whose hand she humbles her self ; upon whose mercy she relies for help and deliverance ; it can be none but god , god all in all . so now 't is the church of god that sayes this ; and 't is god to whom she saith it ; and t is the covenant of god of which she saith it , neither have we behaved our selves frowardly in thy covenant . if there be any thing then to be stood upon here , it must be but to find , which of gods covenants they mean : for god , we shall find , had more covenants then one ; in several respects , several covenants . pactum providentiae . in respect of his providence and the government of the whole world : this very natural course of day and night , god himself calls it his covenant of the day , and his covenant of the night , jerem. 33. 20 we may remember also he calls it his covenant , the saving of noah in the ark , gen. 6. 18. and that the earth should never be destroyed with a floud any more , gen. 9. 9. from these generals , come we down to these in the text , to the seed of abraham ; and very that , we shall find , is the covenant of god : first , that abraham should have such a seed ; five several times god terms it his covenant , gen. 17. 2 , 4. his everlasting covenant , ver . 7. 19 , 21. secondly , that this seed should inherit the land of canaan , that 's his covenant too , gen. 15. 18. and not to stay there , these are the covenants which he renewed with isaac , lev. 26. 45. and appointed the same to jacob for a law , and to israel for an everlasting covenant , psal. 105. 10. but now , if we weigh it well , none of all these could be the covenant of our text ; for they were not liable to the lies and distortions of perverse men : 't was not in them , in no mans power , to run counter therein , were they never so froward ; no body could set themselves against those covenants . leaving therefore his covenants of this sort , which concerned god's power alone , and his free conveyance of secular blessings upon men ; we must look at that sort of these covenants , that concerned god's worship also , and so had a respect to the duties , which god required his church should perform to him. it was possible indeed for men to be men , and to be perverse enough in these ; of these therefore they must be understood to speak , when they profess on this fashion , that they have not dealt perversly in his covenant . now i might easily here enlarge again about the particulars that were of this kind . for covenants he had bound them to , before moses received his law ; to the covenant of circumcision , gen. 17. 10. and the not observing of it was the breach of gods covenant , ver . 14. the sabbath also they had before they came at horeb , exod. 16. 29. and it alone by it self was a perpetual covenant to the children of israel , exod. 31. 16. pactum religionis . but then at sinai , when the law came , that took in all , sabbath , and circumcision , and all other duties ; and by this means that , above all , ( especially as comprehending the ten commandments , which by themselves have the title of his covenant , exod. 34. 28. ) carried away the name of the covenant of god. therefore the book of it was called the book of the covenant , exod. 24. 7. and the very bloud that moses sprinkled the book with , call'd the blood of the covenant , ver . 8. and their walking contrary to it was made the quarrel of avenging gods covenant , lev. 26. 25. what shall we need more ? i should but trouble your memories , and tire you out , if i should draw you here to the several parcels of moses law ? to shew you , that the shewbread it self bare that stile of an everlasting covenant , lev 24. 8. and the very salt of their sacrifices termed the salt of the covenant of their god , lev. 2. 13. so was the priests portion , a covenant of salt for ever before the lord , numb . 18. 19. beside the additional granted to phineas and those after him , as a perpetual covenant , numb . 25. 12. but all this may be spared ; the point we are in yet ( you know ) is but , what they took here for granted : and having proved , that it is the church of god , that sayes this , of necessity it must be granted , that they had the right worship of god among them , ( other church there was none then in the world , and nothing could make it a right church but that ; ) they had both the rule , and the exercise of the service of god , as he by his law had covenanted it with them . their protestation and in that , they had no way carried themselves perversely , that 's now the next part ; and t is the main drift of all the text aymes at , the protestation , that gods church here makes . of which this would be noted at first , they make it not to men ; men by men may be fouly deceived , but to god himself t is made , non in tuo , t is to the knower of all hearts , and to the judg of all men . as much as to say , thou o god knowest that we lye not , there hath been no falshood , no frowardness in us ; we have been true in , and to thy covenant . so , to that we come now ; yet alwayes remembring , that the sermon now is to us , and not to god : not to tell him , what he knows so well ; but to tell you from him , what he hath taught us of this matter . that so , if you find them that say it , true , by their line you may level your selves : if wrong , yet you may see by them , where and how to mend it . for us then , the prime enquiry will be , for the matter of law ; that we be not fooled with fancies in our religion , nor led by the nose with every false semblance ; but that out of the laws of god we may be truly informed , what it is to be true or false in gods covenant . matter of law. i pray therefore mark it , in gods covenant , i say onely , i do not say in any covenant : no-tis out of our quest that ; for , such as the covenant may be , the forwarder in it , the worse , and the frowarder , the better , the further from mischief . i know they have used a great while to tell you of a solemn league and covenant , as though the name of that should carry it . alas , poor souls ! the solemner the league is , the covenant's the more damnable , unless it be a right , and a lawfull covenant . 't is not the name therefore that warrants any thing ; nothing more usual then wrong names and false titles ; but they must be sure the thing it self be without exception , if they look to have the name of it without question . otherwise , do not we know , that there were covenants with devils , such as went for the gods of the heathen ! exod. 23. 32. and the prophet tells us of a covenant with death and hell. esa. 28. 15. and such covenants as these , the frowarder in them , & the further off them , happier man be his dole , ever . as 't is in some diseases , the less yielding , the better sign , and the more peevish , the more hope of life : so to fly off from such covenants with all the speed we may , is to fly from destruction ; and the sooner they are broken and quite abandoned , the sooner is our return back into gods covenant , and the safer we by so much ; the shorter our sin , and the surer our salvation . now the word that the holy spirit here hath chosen , comes of shakar , and the hebrews by that signifie all manner of lying and prevarication . our search therefore here must be , whether men in the covenant of god , that is , in their religion , or in any part of it , carry themselves thwart and contrary to it , as far as they can make a lye their refuge , or can shelter their foul carriage under any false pretence in it . let it offend no body this language , for t is not mine , but the prophets own description , in terminis , esay . 28. 15. and he has another question about it also , that would be a little thought on , is there not a lie in my right hand ? says he , esay 44. 20. a lie there ? what means he by that ? why , because it was a jewish ceremony in their covenants and oathes , to lift up the right hand , by that he expresses his mind ; and these false dealers in their religion , he saith , they had so beguiled themselves , that 't was not possible for them to free their souls . now god forbid : why not ? because they never would think with themselves , is there not a lie in my right hand ? a lie then to be sure there may be there , that 's once ; satanas ad dextram , as davids curse goes , satan at a mans right hand , psal 109. 5. the devil standing there , not onely to resist the man , ( as he stood by the high priest , till the angel took his room , zech. 3. 1. ) but to entice him , and win him to himself : and wo is me , for such poor men , so willingly bewitcht by him , as that they could ever think they did best , when that they did was but to make good a lie for him , and by making so foul a lie in their religion , to snake hands with the devil ! but i am onely now to lay the law to them : the church of the jews , that appeals here to god against perverseness in his covenant , does it for that , for a legal justification of her self from all lying , ( we must use that word which the spirit hath used ) that is , from hypocrisie and dissembling , and any false carriage in the practise of their religion . now the by-ways of that , they are many ; as many almost as men ; for several men have several devices , to cloak their maliciousness , ever , and to put a vizard of godliness upon all that they do : but we must now hold to the text onely , and not lose our selves on the by. the high road-ways , or ( as i may say ) the common church-ways , such as a whole church are likely to take for perverseness in their covenant with god , that is in their religion , are principally two : either disclaiming the old , and pretending to another : or , still pretending to the old , and yet practising another . apostacy . 't was come to that pass in the ten tribes , when after the calves had been up a while , elias for evidence of their open apostacy , charges them with these two particulars , that they had thrown down gods altars , and had destroyed his prophets : and by these he makes his proof ( 't was the law , that he laid against them , ) that they had quite forsaken the covenant of god , 1 reg. 19 14. he thought indeed , that they had destroyed not the prophets alone , but the true professors also , all but himself : till , god told him , no ; he had yet seven thousand among them , that continued stedfast in his covenant , do they what they could . but the generalty indeed was gone , carried away quite with their new devices , their new feasts , that moses ne're knew of , and their new priests , no sons of aaron , and had all covenanted like men , with the calves in bethel and dan , 1 reg. 12. 29. after this , we meet with a dismal curse also laid upon judah , esay 24. 6. and why ? because they also had broken the covenant . what covenant ? the everlasting covenant he calls it , yet meaning that of their religion , which god expected they never should have started from . but how was that ? by transgressing the laws , says he , and changing the ordinances . the ordinances indeed they had a long while preserved ; this therefore was downright now , shakar to some purpose , they of themselves to change all . but then among them of judah also , those few that were no such changelings , what became of them ? oh! he became a saviour to them ! for he bears them that witness , they were children yet that would not lie , lo ieshakar , esay . 63. 8. that is , how ere they sinned else , very grievously , yet they would not fail in the main of all , not forgoe the covenant of god ; god therefore is pleased to put his requital in the same phrase ; because he had promised it at first to david , lo ashaker , therefore , sayes he i will be true to them and never fail them , psal. 89 33. how ere i shall punish them for their sins , yet never will i break my covenant , nor change the thing that 's gone out of my lips , ver . 34. but 't is so plain a case this , that we need no more in it . hypocrisie . the tother is far the worse , as having the more danger in it ; when they carry the lye o'th at fashion ; pretend nothing but zeal for the right covenant of god , and yet practise nought but villany against it ! and that this is it he principally aymes at , the psalmist indeed shews , because withall he moves that question , if they do so , shall not god search it out ? ver . 21. yes , to be sure , he will : carry they it never so craftily , do what they can , all the great masters of this holy lie , put what colours they list upon their covenants , all 's in vain ! for yet , ther 's light enough in gods word to discover their hypocrisie , and law enough there also , unless god give them repentance , to cast them all down into the pit of hell for it . what a notable precedent for this have ye in the prophet jeremy ? god foresaw these cunning tricks in the men of judah , and to be sure to meet with them i'th'end , he begins with them in it ; he calls to the prophet to proclaim to them dibre haberith , the words of the covenant , jer. 11. 2. and to lay his curse upon them that keep it not , ver . 3. that done , he makes him proclaim it over again , ver . 6. and shew them how he had plagued their fathers for not keeping it , ver . 8. how then ? little dream't they , that god did all this , to discover their craft : therefore they presently ( very holy men ! ) put on a good face , and combine most religiously together , and now all as one man , they are for the covenant , yea mary are they ; so that the prophet himself ( a man rightly meaning ) thought , all would have been well . but then he presently tells us , god call'd again unto him , and told him , they deceived him , what ere they pretended , this of theirs was none of his covenant , 't was all but kesher , this , vers . 9. a strong conspiracy between the two houses . they had indeed now subtilly made a solemn league between those two kingdomes ; but the rebellion was the greater for that , because it carried away the poor people of god with that pretence ; and thereby his covenant , the right and true covenant of god , was the more foully broken by them , vers . 10. so that he flatly commands the prophet , ( and that not once , but twice ) not so much as once to pray for them , vers . 14. and how think you of this now ? but this is onely to shew , how such cases stand in law ; that 's our point ; and here god himself was the judge in it , the prophet makes but the report of it : but it comes home so close to us , that i doubt , all the cunning 'twixt orkney and silley will be able to make no other issue in it . for if they think to tell us , there indeed it could be other then so , not but a shameful lie , and a very damnable case , because all their conspiring then was in truth , to promote the worship of baal vers . 17. but how can that be the case now among us ? alas , how easily is this put by ? for , in competition with the covenant of god , every thing that is not it , is baal ; let them call it the covenant , as much as they will , an ingagement , or what they will nick-name it ; yet 't is an idol ; and all the worship they give it , is flat idolatry ; no better then the worshipping of baal : for why ? is it not set up against god ? does it not shoulder his covenant ? sits cheek by joll with it ? yea , 't is the thing , that 's alone and principally intended by them : so they make a very baal of it . let me tell them therefore , there are in the world more baal , then one ; an 't were but a wisp , yet when they joyn it with that which belongs unto god , and couple it with his covenant , their god they make it , 't is a baal to them . it is not for nothing therefore , that the scripture so often makes that word plural ; we are told of leaving god , and serving baalim , judg 2. 11. that is , any thing else ( that 's in divine esteem with men ) but god ; any thing by them set up with god , to them , that 's their baal , a privy idol in their budget : so , that d'off will no way help them . of all the rest not in this matter of covenanting ; for howsoever they have gone to work too now , to make a wretched people willing to be cheated by them ; let me give them this gift , the first idolatry , that the people of god ever committed with any baal , was in reference to a covenant . and how say you then ? does this suit right ? take another . the first covenant that ever gods people made ( of their own heads , without gods deputy to lead them , ) was a covenant with baal . and now i hope they will thank me , for i am come close home to them . but i will not fail to make it good ; for the word of god is express in it : when gideon was dead , they went a whoring after baalim , and made baal berith their god judg. 8. 33. baal berith a god ? now a' gods name , what 's that ? why in plain english , 't is the idol of a covenant ; so berith signifies . so that for all brave covenanters here you see , baal is their chief , the very first that e're twang'd that way , to be entertain'd by the people , and to covenant with them . and yet for the while then , who but he ? lord ! such a racket ! in all hast there must be an house made for him ( a temple forsooth , for a god ) by the wise lords of sichem , judg. 9. 4. and there he must have his exchequer , to receive what came in upon the publick faith : and then presently upon that score , brave and jolly men , they make themselves , no less then king-makers , and out of their treasury , they assign him an allowance of seventy pieces of silver for the states service . what to do ? a holy work , you may be sure : to hire vagring villains , to go and murther seventy of his fathers sons , that he onely may be their king , ver . 5. and for a few years this held on bravely ; till at last , god in vengeance upon them all , sent an evil spirit between him and his makers , his great masters : and what was the issue ? first , he destroyed them and their city , ver . 45. and at once burnt the house of their god berith , as great a god as he was , he and his covenant went to the fire , ( who but their new general against it more then any ? ) and a thousand of the chief covenanters roasted together with it , vers . 49. and within a while after , this king of theirs had his own brains beaten out , vers . 53. and yet as short a time as he had , to make it more remarkable , he murthered himself also , by making his own man to be his murtherer , vers . 54 this is the account , which the spirit of god gives you of that solemn league and covenant , the first of the kind ! the result whereof is this , that in point of law the word it self works just nothing : to talk therefore now of a covenant , and to look , that alone should do it , alas , 't is but a poor piece of sophistry ; none but s. pauls galatians will be bewitch't by the bare name of it ; for sacred it may be , and it may be abominable . do you not see , how the holy spirit used it , even when the name of god is joyned to it ? mentioning the covenant of god , he meant the true god ; but yet naming it so , the god of their covenant , he meant a filthy idol . will you any more ? is not , i pray , the same term of covenanting given in scripture to the vilest of all gods enemies ? the edomites and ismaelites , the moabites and hagarens ; gebal , and ammon , and amalek , the philistins , with them that dwell at tyre ; assur also is joyned unto them . a desperate crew ! rake all the world , and not find a worse ! and now what of them ? as we read it , it is , they have cast their heads together and are confederate against thee . psal. 83. 5. confederate ! a word very unadvisedly ( by their good leaves ) here used ; else , why was it then at the reformation , turn'd out of latin ? confederate is meerly latine . but this very berith is the word in the psalm , they have all entered into a covenant against thee . you see therefore , what a goodly race of covenanters then there was , and of what date they originally be . and this above all , baal berithans they were all , the servants of baalim , of idols and devils ; all in a solemn covenant against the true god : and therefore the spirit of god would not omit , there to set down their proper motto also , the sum of their resolution what it was , let us take to our selves the houses of god in possession , vers . 12 ▪ well then , the law proving to be this , that covenant there is none justifiable and good , with no person , no people , no nations , that is ever warrantable , unless we can truly tell god the covenant is his , that it is pactum tuum , such as is in a fair order to him , for the true drift of it , and for the chief right in it , and such , as he will surely own it , therefore , to put upon him that , that 's none of his ; or under pretence of his better worship , and purer service , to combine for ought , that 's quite contrary to his will , but onely , because they say it is his , they will force it upon others , so to be taken , and so to be done , that this is sheker in every degree of it , very froward , lying , and false dealing with god , a perverse and wicked course in all of them , opposite ( less or more ) to the true covenant of god , and that the vengeance of god will at last seize on all , that have any hand in it , the tryal will now be no long labour ; to find , for matter of fact , whether their plea here in the psalm be true or no : whither they for any froward carriage toward the covenant of their god , will be found to stand not guilty . but it will be a longer business though , then we can hope to end it , before the usual limitation of our hour be ended . for be the evidence , that will be brought , never so clear , yet they must have time to hear it all , and liberty to except , what they can against it ; they must also be heard at large , what they have to say for themselves : god forbid else . for any man to be accused , and he cannot tell by whom ; to be impeached , and he knows not of what ; condemned , and he never heard why , nor ever was heard , what he could say ; if there be any law to warrant such proceedings , it must be fetcht out of scythia ; if any religion can suit with it , 't is onely that of the sichemites god , ycleped baal berith , the lord of the new covenant . by your good leaves therefore , we will not huddle it , nor shall our defendants in the text be pinch't at all in time ; here therefore wee 'l now adjourn , till god give the next leisure . the second part . nor behaved our selves frowardly in thy covenant . here 's one thing supposed in this text ; that covenanters these men were , comprized in a covenant with him whom they treat with . and within the verge of that , there are three particulars . first , that 't is the church of the jews that are the persons now treating . secondly , that god himself is the person to whom they make this address : and lastly , that the business is to clear themselves , as to his covenant , from frowardness , perverseness , and lying in all their deportment . and all this , by the blessing of god , hath been formerly unfolded by us . we then fell upon a distinction also , as touching gods covenant . that here is not meant the providential parts thereof ; at first , provided for adam , in gods blessings of nature , by the revolution of the day and the night ; nor the second , vouchsafed to noah , for the worlds security against any new deluge ; nor yet a third , by his blessings upon abraham , to give him an holy feed , and so continued to isaac and jacob , to settle that seed in the land of promise . none of these proved to be gods covenant here in the text. but 't is the conditional part of it that they now aim at ; at the rule , that god of old had prescribed to them , for the worshipping of him as god , and at those duties , that they were by his covenant bound to , for the observing of his holy law : the general heads whereof we found to be these two , their religion , and their allegiance . so there came in their protestation ( and that 's made to god himself , ) of their integrity , that they were all true men to this covenant , ever had been , and still were forward and ready and upright in their duties , free from all untowardness and frowardness , from all perverseness , lying , and dissembling , in the whole managery of it . so , that then led us necessarily to go and argue the point a while ; and first , for matter of law , to define , what it is to be false in gods covenant . and by that we found , that the bare name of a covenant works nothing , but that the solemner a league is , the more damnable the covenant may be , and so may oblige men the straightlier to a speedy breaking of it , and to an utter abandoning of it . the matter therefore of the covenant was onely to be looked to , to see , vvhither they did not , either disclaim the old one , ( the true one ) and pretend to another ; or if not so palpably cross , yet ( which has more danger in it ; ) vvhither pretending still to the old , they did not practise another . for if so , if either of these , then by the law , that proved an abominable lie , no less then the setting up of an idol , 't was the worshipping of baal more then god. and this was at large exemplified by their baal berith , the god ( forsooth ) of their covenant ; that proved to be the first idolatry that ever gods people committed with any baal ; and so , the first covenant that the people took upon them to bring in , was a covenant with baal , which the more they termed it gods covenant , the fouler was the lie , and the fiercer it 'h end was the vengeance of god upon it . and thus far now , we went before . but then being come to the next point , the matter of fact , to examine their plea of not guilty , and finding that , a larger business by far , then the time would then admit , there we adjourned . therefore now by gods providence being brought upon it again , there we are now to set in anew , and so to proceed in it , as god shall enable us . joyn you therefore with me , i beseech you , in humble prayer to him for his blessed assistance , &c. nor behave our selves frowardly , &c. we are now to suppose the court set again , that of our conscience , first ; and now let 's but see , how the evidence comes trowling in . first , false rumours raised ; scandals divulged ; jealousies fomented ; gods anointed in his footsteps standered . then , routs approved of ; arms taken up ; vvars levied ; gods vvord rejected ; gods sword resisted . after that , mens properties invaded ; their persons destroyed ; the lords vineyard rooted up ; all rights baffled ; laws supprest ; the ordinances all changed . to go no higher yet then this ; though this be far the least part of the publick outrages rushing in with a covenant . then for a personal charge upon men. such a one ( not to name him now ; though who knows not many thousand such ones ? ) that he might share in the booty , and patch up a mean fortune in a few moneths : another , that he might save his own stake , and be out of the lash of the common scourge : a third , that he might curry but favour enough , to get a little release of the curses upon him , to comply with the times , and run along as the stream goes , [ as our psalmist elsewhere has it , with the froward to learn frowardness , psal. 18. but their guides from rome , i understand , could play the good fellows , and make a case of conscience of it , and termed it , submitting to the present authority , under whose protection they lived ; ] all this , and more , abundantly proved , and yet now in a tryal of frowardness , will it be possible for such covenant-mongers not to be found guilty ? but for a defence in their covenant , we must not but hear , what plea they would use . for they alledge , that they had good law for that they did : have they not clear precedents from gods people of old , as so many ruled cases , practised by them , and never reproved by god ? well then , christians therefore now are to do the like , for the due preserving of their religion . and somewhat of this they say , hath truth enough in it ; there are store of examples from time to time in scripture , of the covenant of god renewed among his people . but then i must tell them , such examples they are all , every one of them , as if the proceedings of our times be applied to them , there shall need no other judgment . 't will prove as vast a difference , and as vile , set them once together , as is the picture of a dog to the image of a man ; can they not relish this ? then , as is the shape of a foul fiend to the pourtraiture of a blessed angel. 1. nothing added to gods covenant . this for first , that from the first to the last , there 's nothing covenanted for in scripture , but what was ordain'd for them from the beginning ; from the beginning of their law , which god gave them in horeb , that was for his worship , and all relating thereunto ; and from the beginning of their kingdom , unto which god had after brought them , that was for the whole civil government ; but 't was one and the same covenant still ; none but the first , no new tricks , foisted in at pleasure with the very ordinance of god , upon any specious pretences whatsoever . onely there 's one story indeed ; if they mean that for their pattern , worth our looking at it . it was of the new samaritans , that were placed in the room of the captivated israelites ; the lyons had taught them to be very godly , and so they got them a priest , and of him they learned , how they should fear the lord , 2 reg. 17. 18. this was very well , was it not ? arrant assirians of a sudden to become so very holy ? and how then ? so they feared the lord , sayes that text , ver . 32. that is , they used the right worship of the true god. but how though did they it ? here comes in the point . not without tricks enough of their own , with it , first , they themselves became priest-makers : and next , 't was no matter who , the meanest among them would serve , and was set up to do the sacrifice . well : yet once again the text there strikes upon the former string , and tells ▪ us , that they worshipped the lord , ver . 33. did they so ? and what would we more ? nothing : did it not tells us withal , that there was more ; for they served their own gods too . oh , is that it ? t is plain therefore the holy ghost hath set it down this , but by way of an irony , as an holy scoffe upon them , excellent worshippers of god these , that worship him , how they list , and whom they list with him ! so for a conclusion in the verse following , the holy spirit deals plain and down right with them . they feared not the lord , ver . 34. but is not this strange ? twice afore they feared the lord , and now flatly , they feared not the lord. how must this be unriddled ? t is done to our hands ; the reason follows there . because they did it not , according to the statutes , and ordinances , and law , that god had commanded at first , but besides the right covenant , ver . 38 , they had thrust in what pleased them , into the new model of their religion . and you see how well god likes of that . and that 's the first exception here , a covenant for the religion loudly cried up , but yet sufficiently powdered with additionals , of hypocrisie , perjury , violence , treason , rebellion ; and yet still must go for the covenant of god. find they any such medlies in scripture , but of their good brethren , the samaritans ? the sway of this point therefore still lies in tuo . for tuum it cannot , it will not be , none of gods covenant , lift they their hands ne're so high , unless the contents of it be taken out of his will alone , he the onely author and dictator of it , and no compeers with him ( north , or south ) in it to mingle their good pleasures with it . the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also implies as much . other words there are that do indifferently signifie agreements , and compacts , leagues also , and conspiracies . but berith is never construed by these . to tell us , that gods covenant with us , must still be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the new testament , and the old testament bear no other name but that . and therefore it is not tuum , unless it may stand for testamentum also . 't is none of that which is rightly called gods covenant , psal. 105. 9. unless it may be added , that 't is his law , and his everlasting testament , vers . 10 that is , his own known will and testament , devised and established by himself alone , and no sprinklings in it , cogg'd by others and foisted in for his ; much less ever borrowed you wot where , and then obtruded , and forced upon him , that it shall be his , whether he will or no. 2. no covenant without gods deputy . yet there 's a second exception , worse then the first : because , but by means of the second , the first could never be . and the ground of that is this . in s. scripture , there 's not one of those covenants to which they pretend , but was of gods onely making and moving . as he had begun it in horeb , there by himself first , with his own voice from heaven , he gave them the ten commandements ; and then for all the other parts of his covenant , and of the religion , to which he bound them , he sent it all to them by his deputy , moses ; 't was he , gods vicegerent , ( and in place of king to them , deut. 33. 5. ) that ordered all their covenanting with god : and so it held on in all ●ges , no covenant then ever heard of , but what the king , who stood above them all , as in gods place , or who by reason of his absence or age , was appointed by the law of god to stand in the kings place , prescribed it unto them , or imposed it upon them . howe're the people then had a part in the covenant , because it was for them , and with them , yet it was but the obeying part , meaning the duty required of them , as one told them , vobis obsequii gloria relicta est , that was all that the people had to do with it ; upon them it was laid to see it performed ; but as for the legislative part , the authority in calling them to a covenant , and in designing , what the tenor of that covenant ( this , or that part of the law ) then should be , mandata mea mihi , was gods rule ever , all the thousands of israel had nothing to do in that part , nor were ever to meddle with it : it was holy to the lord that , and wholly appertained to the supreme under him. to hear therefore now of a covenant for religion without gods deputy to lead it ; how much more , to have it hammer'd of purpose , not onely against his leading or medling in it , but also by a hellish device ( yet because of their use , allowed to be holy , and very divine ) to frame such a blessed distinction in it , as safely thereby to commit an horrible rape in the presence of god , and by force to snatch from him his royal authority , and to arm his subjects with it against his person , and so , they to lead him to what they list , and ( at last ) to the very block , ) and yet must this be countenanced out of gods word ? and must it go for his covenant , that is so flatly against him ? gods covenant point blank against gods anointed ? blessed lord ! what logick call they this ? i must deal plainly . it can grow no where , but where this covenant it self grew ; there indeed it has ever been found , what reason soe're , and proof to the contrary , yet all the reason , when they are at a pinch , that they regard to go by , is , it is so , because it is so . and therefore they must , and will have it so , if a bible in hand , with powder , and shot will do it . but you shall not trust me alone in this point . use your own eyes , i beseech you , while i shall bestow so much time upon them , as to point a finger to all their examples . the first , i can meet with , was in moab , more then 40. years after that in horeb , when all the first breed was dead , deut. 31. 9. and then moses in stead of god ( there you have the doer of it ) he manages the business , and engages the children , as at first he had done their fathers , to the observing the law of their god. there you have the matter of it . 2. in sechem , the same was done again , much after such a distance of time , but the difference else , in the main , none . for the same law it was , and 't was joshua now that did it . josh. 24. 25. 3. after that , i do not light upon another , but what i acquainted you with , of baal berith , till the covenant made in hebron , and that seems to have been onely about the temporal government ; 't was in effect , but an oath of allegiance , taken in the presence of god , and david the king himself he takes it of them , 2 sam. 5 ▪ 4. the next was at jerusalem , and it was onely about the religion ; at which they were all to swear solemnly , to seek the lord , that was , to worship him onely , upon pain of death , as the law of old was : but asa the king he renewed it now , and put it upon them , 2 par. 15. 9. 5 another after it there was at jerusalem , and it was of both , both for the religion , for the ancient worship of god , ( for baals religion had been interloping ) and for their obedience to their true king joash ; he was but a child indeed , not seven years old , and athaliah had usurped the throne ; but yet all was now in his name , and his right , and done all by jehoiada his uncle , who was the high-priest , and the kings high protector , 2 reg. 11. 17. 6 , hezekiah's covenant followed next . and to that the king first assembles all the priests and the levites , and gives them in charge to sanctifie themselves , and to purge the temple , ( for much pollution there had been ) and to set all things right there , for the right service of god. and the reason he gives them is , for it is in my heart to make the covenant for the lord , 2 par. 29. 10. and to that purpose he calls the whole kingdome together . 2 par. 30. 1. 7. shall we need any more ? there 's one example yet , in a time none of the orderlyest , when jerusalem was beset with the army of babilon , jer. 34. 7. and what was that ? a covenant , as the present occasion then gave them , of renewing one point of their law long disused , and zedekiah the king was he that did it ver . 8. 8. and one more yet : for after the return from captivity , there 's an oath made by all israel , for performance of another particular , then most necessary : and who was the authour of that ? the people , if ever , now surely . no ; 't was ezra the priest , but as a commissioner , come into the land , with authority from artaxerxes the great king , and so he takes it in hand , when shecaniah , a prince of the blood royal , ( but , in no commission ) by moving him earnestly to it , acknowledges , that it was not lawfull for any of them , for all of them , to set upon it without him : [ arise , saith he , because this matter belongs to thee , and we are to be ordered by thee ; but be thou couragious and do it . ] ezra . 10. 3. & 4. 9. and that i may not seem to balk any , take one more yet , that has not the word of a covenant in it , but in truth it amounts to no less , an oath with a curse upon them all , if they do not the law , that god had prescribed them , nehem. 10. 29. wherein he as the tirshatha ( the supream governour in commission ) is the leader of all . ver . 1. and now , i think , i have left out none : let this covenanting generation come now , and bring out their baal berith , that idol covenant ; and say , which of these is the copy they pretend to go by , for an example in s. scripture . will they be able to shew you , they have put nothing in their covenant , but what was there of old , to be readily found in the word and will of god ? or rather , clean contrary , very much of it , such as god abhorrs , so flat against godliness , loyalty , justice , and truth ? was god also at the making of it ? which of them sate at the tables head for him : who was gods deputy in it ? what was his name , that had power to call them to it , and to require it of them ? well! let them look to their copy a little better ; for covenant of god it will never be , whose soever it proves to be , unless these two conditions , the plain will of god , and the right officer under god , both be clearly in it . 3. all honest covenants , are gods. though i do not look , such zelots as they are , should leave clamouring still for their covenant , in that i spy another starting hole they have yet . for agreements between man and man , private covenants , touching ordinary things , are in s. scripture stiled , the covenant of god. and shall not then a consent of all the people be sacred ? the resolution of whole nations much more be counted so , and without any question be set upon gods score ? and the truth is , this they say , hath not a little truth in it . for that covenant which jonathan and david entred into 1 sam. 18. 3 , david himself sayes , 't was the covenant of the lord , 1 sam. 20. 8. the ordinary contract also , which every wife made with her husband , ( who is to the wife ever in gods stead , ) 't was the covenant of her god , prov. 2. 17. nay , we will come home to them ; a league , that the men of tyre , heathen men , ( mark that ; ) had made with the jewes , god ownes it so , that he acknowledges it for a brotherly covenant , ( lo ye there ) and will avenge the breach of it , amos 2 , 9. and that oath which the king of babylon had put upon the king of judah , of fealty to him , when he revolted from it , god was so highly displeased , that he ( to make it surer ) took his oath , [ as i live , sayes the lord , my oath , which he hath despised , and my covenant which he hath broken , ( mine , and mine , all now was gods , ) will i recompence upon his own head. ] ezech. 17. 19. by the way then upon this , shall we not desire , that our godly brethren would shew us , whether he be the same god , still ? if he be , then how go they to work with this god , or what order have they taken with him , about their oathes of supremacy , and of allegiance , of canonical obedience also , and sundry other bonds they were in by local statutes upon those preferments , and offices , that he had brought them to ? i but ask them this by the way . now the reason of all this , what is it , but thus ? because every covenant , be it but private , between man and man , be it also with whom it will be ( with a jew , or a turk ; that 's all one , by all their leaves , that would perswade you otherwise , both at rome and here ; ) yet if it be broken , there lies a complaint to god about it , psal. 55. 21. for supposing the thing agreed upon to be in it self just and lawfull , ( in re licitâ , so lawfull , as that well and rightly it may be done ; how much more , if it be res debita , so due , as that of right it ought to be done ! ) 't is not onely a branch of the law of god , as a quil out of that wing , and in that relation entitles god to it ; but also , seeing the parties were agreed to call god to it , ( and call him they did at the making of it , ) both as a witness in it , and as the judge of it , and also as th' avenger for it , thus all honest covenants come to be gods ; let but the matter be justifiable and due , have truth and honesty in it ▪ and whose bargain so e're it be , or wheresoe're it be driven , be it but in a scriveners shop , nay under a hedg , ( as jonathan's and david's was little other , 1 sam. 23. 16. ) yet it binds , because of the power and presence of god. but ' o th' tother side , if the matter agreed upon be naught and illegal , carry it any iniquity folded up in it , 't is never good then from the beginning , far enough from having any interest in god , ne're hope for 't , there 's no beguiling of him , all the combining in the world cannot make god their pandar . no , all in that kind is but vinculum iniquitatis , and the more solemnity or admixture of holy forms , the worse the business ever , and the sooner must men repent , and utterly forsake it . for 't is no better then , then what 's usually to be found in stangate-hole , or on shooters hill ; no circumstances of time , or place , or persons , or manner , or any thing else , can hallow it . but then over and above all this , 't is another thing quite , when t is ordained to carry a solemnity between god , and men , ayming at any publick obligement of themselves unto god. for there , be they never so many , the people are all but one party still , there 's but one side , yet ; so all this while t is a covenant with no body , till god make himself a party ; some body therefore must be there for him , for god. and then , for the best of our brethren ( wo is me for them ; they are indeed hail fellow with god in too many things ; ) to make account , that they have him at a whistle , and can force god , to make one at it , whether he will or no , or when they would have him , if they do but hold up a finger ; by their good leaves , this falls under that of david , the fool said in his heart , non deus . psal. 14. 1. 't is to make him their drudge , and not their god ; no god , such a one , be bold on 't , but a servant , so mean and vile a servant , that an honest mans slave would be loath to change with him . make no other account therefore , but that the verdict here must needs go against them ; 't will be found frowardly and falsly , more then enough , and cast they will be ( all the sort of them ) for perverse carriage in the covenant of god. time was , i find , when the prophet would have been content , if he might , to have excused such another company of them ; but on no side could he look , that it proved not false play , every way : he is forced therefore to give it over , and to find the bill , though they swear , the lord liveth , yet to be sure , they swear falsly , sayes he , jer. 5. 2. how so ? because what they swear , much of it is that , that is false , the rest , is that they mean to make false . howbeit then , afore it come to that , here 's a step in the text , that must well be look't to . for in any matter of our duty to god and man , suppose it our allegiance , or any other due obedience , know we must , 't is a spice of frowardness , not to be forward , not toward ever , and zealously ready to perform our duty , so bent upon it , that we need not fear to appeal unto god about it . much more then savours it of extreme untowardness , to seek excuses , or delayes in it , and to be ready to take any diversions from it , or occasions against it : but then , of all the rest , to pretend hotly to it , and yet to go quite another way ; when they make a solemn covenant for it , and needs will pull god in to be a party , then to swear falsly , this the prophet calls , judgment springing up as hemlock , hos. 10. 4. and his meaning is , no venome so abominable , and gross as this , so that 't will be impossible to escape the judgment . how to be known , this . but how then ? where are we now ? will any plead ignorance in it ? will they alledge , that that they do in it , being commonly and loudly cry'd up for the covenant of god , and that , not in the streets alone by a rabble , but amidst the sages , and the common-councils ; nay , the very pulpits of those , that ever bare their heads for mighty prophets among them , sounding out nothing else continually , but the goodness of the cause , and the curse upon meroz , judg. 5. 23. damnation to them , that joyned not in such a duty , how should other men be able to judge it ? which way should one of a thousand among the people be able to tell himself , whether it were the covenant of god or no ? all this hath fully been resolved already , by those two infallible marks , first , if it have any thing else in it , that is not to be had out of the word and will of god , by a clear consequence from it . next , if it be a headless piece , and gods vicegerent , his true deputy , be not the stipulator for god , and the leader in it . and though the former of these two may be thought too deep for e'ry one to skill of , yet the second is plain enough , and he that has but half an eye may easily discover it . but what shall we need to go further then the text for it ? i pray do but mark that . the care of gods church there , is , to clear her self to god , from perversness , from all that may be called lying , and froward dealing in his covenant . well and good then ; if gods covenant be such , so pure and holy , that it may not abide any lying , upon no terms endure any frowardness of ours , or perverse behaviour in us , so much as to be mingled with it , to build upon it then , absolutely in it self , there can be no such matter , no froward dealing must there ever be , no false meaning at all in it , or else covenant it must be none of gods. put it upon that issue then , let the good people of god look but to that , and go no further ; leaving them all their sophistry and pulpit slights , examine you no more but that . say then , find you false pretending in it ? ( you have had it long enough , to know it throughly . ) is any thing said there , in that covenant , that you see is not , never was , intended ? find you any lying at all , either in the device , or in the carriage of it ? is one thing said , and quite another thing done ? go to then , this is enough . for , if so , then this is falsly and frowardly , to be sure : and by this then 't is clear , that 't is none of gods covenant . now this every man of you is able to discover , that can but tell twenty . i must be bold therefore to tell you ; he that sees it not , it is not for want of eyes , nor for want of light , ( either of these indeed would be some excuse , ) but 't is for want of will onely . as our saviour hath turned it out of the prophet , their eyes are shut , sayes he , esay 6. 9. but they themselves have shut them , sayes christ , matth. 13. 15. and why ? because the god of this world hath blinded their minds , saith s. paul , 2 cor. 4. 4. there 's the business ; and now , rather then not enjoy this world ; that god shall content them , a god he is there called , and now be the covenant what it will be , so that upon any report god be there , they will look for no other god in it , least otherwise the crosses of this world should betide them for it . but then , this also is point blank against the text. for that begins , and though all this be come upon us , yet do we not forget thee , nor behave our selves frowardly in thy covenant . no play false with god they would not , to ease themselves of any misery that was fallen upon them : much less , had they already done it , to prevent the coming of it ; least of all , onely for filthy lucres sake , to make themselves gainers and to suck advantages out of the milk of any other covenant . pactum iuum , therefore they were still able to say to god , and not pactum nostrum ? they knew no other covenant , but his. but that , they so well knew to be his , given by him alone , and not taken up by men ( no new humane , forgery shall i call it ? or rather idolatry , made , as idols use ever to be , after some resemblance of gods covenant , and coloured very like it ? ) that they would be able to give him a true account of his own , and of their upright dealings in it . yet i would now pray you , to mark that also , that in pacto tuo , is all they say : they pretend to no more ; it is no pharisaical brag of them this , as who should say , their doings were quite without sin , or , that they would justifie all their wayes before god ; far be it from them , to have any such thought ▪ no ? 't is onely intended here , as concerning the point of their allegiance , and of their worshipping of god aright . you may trace it out by this ; for nothing carries the name of god so much , and so kindly , as those two do , the worship of god , and gods vicegerent . now they presently expound themselves so ; that they had not forgotten the name of their god , ver . 21. their meaning therefore here must needs be , that to the rule of his worship , which was given them in his name , or to that authority , which bare his name , and had given the rule , they could never be brought to shew any frowardness . and from hence those three children of god , no doubt , drew their pattern . charged indeed they were upon grievous pains to forgoe the right worship of god , and to do as others did , to worship the new image , that was all of gold , dan 3. 10. but these golden pretences could not work upon them ; their answer therefore was ready , our god whom we serve is able to deliver us , and he will deliver us ; that was well , if they were sure of that part : but if not , be it known , we will not worship any new image , whatsoever come of it . an holy and a brave resolution this ! but no more then is due from all gods servants , in any such tryals , nothing must make them transgress that covenant which they were in , for their serving of god ; if god by himself , or by his second self the king , call'd for no altering , they were never to endure any , much less , to induce any . and what we say of our religion , must still be taken of our allegiance also ; they ever go together ; and alterations there may be in both , no body sayes to the contrary . but then , 't is god alone , and not man , that must alter them . it was for nothing else , that god , after he had changed the government of israel from one form to another , till at last he had brought it to kings , and in that course had once removed it too , from saul to david , yet then he set up his rest , and to tell them so , he term'd it his covenant , psalm . 89. 3. i have made it a covenant with my servant david , and his seed after him , to last for ever . and this it was , that made david's great grandchild abiah , to chalenge it by the right of god , as given to david , and to his sons by a covenant of salt , 2 par. 13. 5. that abiah was not i th' right though , and that his argument held not , it was because god himself had there made the division of the kingdoms , and had sent one prophet to foretel it , 1 reg. 11. 35. and another after to warrant it , the thing is done by me , 2 par. 11. 4. but otherwise , by man it could never else have been done rightly , nor would it ever have held ; no man , not all the men in the kingdom ( whatsoever is told you of the power of the people , by those that worship that many headed monster ) had power or authority to alter that covenant of god with david , more then they had to alter his covenant of the day and the night in their seasons , sayes god himself , if men would believe him , jerem. 33. 21. they were never to meddle with it , unless god himself gave order expresly in it . you shall find it so in the forenamed psalm , there 't is , my covenant with david , psal. 89. 3. and my covenant shall stand fast with him . ver . 29. and my covenant will i not break , ver . 34. and who dare now go contrary ? and yet at last we hear of him , thou art displeased at him , and thou hast broken the covenant of thy servant , ver . 38. yes , thou hast ! god may do it , no man denies that ; but the men that do it without order from god , howe'ere they make the success of their sin to be a sign of gods will , out alas , 't is no such matter , 't is but a lie in his covenant all they do , and the men of belial they are for it , and god will not suffer them to go unavenged , ( first or last , ) that do it : no , nor them neither ( i fear me ) that suffer it , and yield to have other men do it . and i could now shew you the like of the holy priesthood also , for god is in covenant likewise with them , and his covenant with them is by himself ( once and again ) set in the same equipage with his covenant of the kingdom , and with his covenant of the day and night , jer. 33. 22. and had it not been ever meant so , it had been but an odd farewell , that the blessed son of god ( when he had now altered the priesthood , as he had power to do ) took off his twelve apostles ; for loe i am with you alway unto the end of the world , are the last words he sayes to them , math. 28. 20. but loe , by your leave , you shall not , sir , have the brave baal berithans , your new covenanters sworn , if men will but rightly conster them : for to be with them to the end of the world , christ could not mean it , not with the apostles themselves , that was impossible , but in their successors ; and the successors of the apostles were those , whom the apostles themselves called bishops , with whom the apostles left the power of ego mitto vos , of continuing that order , or of subordaining any new. and concerning the bishops , you know what the covenanters have sworn , and in very that , have forsworn sufficiently . but i make no stay at this , though i thought it not unfit to cast it in , onely by the way , because of their word covenant , that you might have a taste of all the covenants of god , and of these mens counter-covenanting . but i have another-gates covenant now to conclude all with . full well therefore may this covenant in the text be said to concern the king , gods secular minister , and the priest , gods spiritual minister , when as christ himself , ( the son of god ; he , the king of kings , and lord of lords , the author of all our religion , our great high priest , and the bishop or our souls , the very root therefore of all episcopacy , which they shall never be able to root out , howe're they may sometimes lopp of his branches , he that is the maker of all that are his to be kings and priests unto god his father , apoc. 1. 6. ) is himself the very covenant , for all those that belong unto god. think not strange of this , i can shew you the very charter of it , and 't is worthy your looking on . it begins in a most solemn and divine form , thus saith god the lord , he that created the heavens , and stretched them out , that spreadeth forth the earth , and all that comes out of it ; that giveth breath to all people upon it , and spirit to all that walk therein ; i the lord have called thee in righteousness , and i will take thee by thy hand , and will preserve thee , and will give thee for a covenant to the people , for a light to the gentiles . esay 42. 5 , 6. and lest that should not stick with them ▪ again he is at it , in an acceptable time , and in the day of salvation , will i give thee for a covenant of the people . esay 49. 8. now we have s. pauls warrant , that time was then , when christ was given , 2 cor. 6 2. there are of the succeeding prophets also express in it . by jeremy the record of it is at large set down , under the title of a new covenant , jer : 31. 31. and that he means it all of the new covenant christ , is clear by the apostles recital of it , heb. 8. 8. then , it was a new one : but ever it was to be new , because to last eternally , never no other covenant to be after it , after christ. and so likewise ezekiel , after many heavenly amplifications of it , and exclusive all to the old covenant , ezek. 16. 61 , he reduces it all into this personal aphorisme , i will be their god , and they shall be my people , ezek 37. 27. and that this also is all meant of christ himself , the same apostle informs us , 2 cor. 6. 16. for the love of god then , i beseech you all , have some care of your souls , and be not thus fooled out of them . away with all other devices , all these baal beriths , these idol , new-fangled covenants ; avant all , but the covenant of grace in christ. and in the ministration of it , what alterations at any time are needful , doubt it not , but god is more mindful , then you ; and when he sees time , that god ( that when need was , did put it into that way , that so long you had then forgotten , into the heart of his deputy the king , and of his bishops at the reformation , to do it : ) is the same god still , the god of his church : and needs no aerian presbyters now , to lift up a lying hand ▪ because god is asleep , to waken him. no , god is awake in his holy temple , and howe're he seems to wink a while , yet they will find , that he sees through all , et palpebrae ejus interrogant , psal. 11. 5. his very eye-lids try the children of men. hold we onely therefore to this sure covenant of god , that , in it self ( we are sure ) is christ , and as to us , 't is with christ , in christ , and for christ , and christ ( to be sure ) will see well enough to it , without any of these new ( bold , and blind , ) seers . be we therefore all in all alone for christ , for our anointed lord , and for the lords anointed , taking care for nothing else , but not to behave our selves perversely in this covenant , no way to be froward and untoward to him. of all the rest , not to put such foul scorns upon him , as if he needed our lying , and could not well be god any longer , without our abominable dissembling , which was the badge that christ put upon the old pharisaisme , and is the very soul of that new scotish covenant . [ now god be merciful unto them all , that lie but within the shadow of it . amen . finis . the kings majesties most gracious letter and declaration to the bishops, deans and prebends &c. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1660 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a79262 wing c3134 thomason 669.f.25[69] estc r212560 99897915 99897915 171054 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79262) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171054) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2552:9) the kings majesties most gracious letter and declaration to the bishops, deans and prebends &c. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. church of england. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john jones, london : 1660. "the clergy must be paid sufficiently. no leases of rectories or parsonages to be signed unless the vicarages or curacies have at least £100 or £80 per annum.... prebendaries are to comply with this order, which is to be enforced by deans, bishops, and archbishops, on pain of displeasure." -steele. dated at end: 7th of august 1660. arms 11; steele notation: a maintenance afterwards. annotation on thomason copy: "aug 11". reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -clergy -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. clergy -salaries, etc. -england -early works to 1800. tithes -england -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms the kings majesties most gracious letter and declaration to the bishops , deans and prebends &c. charles r. as nothing is more in our desires then to provide that the 〈…〉 ●ngland , under our reign might be furnished with a religious , learned , sober , modest , and prudent clergy 〈◊〉 we are ready to give incouragement to their labours and study in their severall degrees and stations , that they may give check to all prophaneness and superstition , and as zealously affect to remove all scandalls , and reproach from them and their callings , conceiving therefore a competent maintanance to be a necessary encouragement : and that all other persons who have power to dispose of tythes , may be invited to cherish all learned and godly ministery . we do resolve that because where tythes have been appointed for the support of bishops , deans , and chapters collegiate churches , and colledges : and other single persons that have not taken due care to provide , and ordaine sufficient maintenance for the vicars of their respective places , or for the curates where vicarages were not endowed , to settle for the future some good addition and encrease on such vicarages and curats places . our will therefore is that forthwith provision be made for the augmentation of all such vicarages , and cures , where your tythes and profits are appropriated to you and your successors , in such manner that they who immediately attend upon the performance of ministeriall offices in every parish may have a competent portion out of every rectory impropriate to your see. and 〈◊〉 this end our further will is , that no lease he granted of any rectoryes or parsonages belonging to your see , belonging to you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●uccessors , untill you shall provide that the respective vicarages or curats places , where are no vicarages endow 〈…〉 tythes , or other emoluments , as commonly will amount to 100 or 80 l. per annum , or more 〈…〉 it will bear 〈…〉 , settle it upon them and their successors and where the rectoryes are of small value , an● cannot permit of such pr●●ortions 〈…〉 vicar and curate , our will is that one half of the prof●t of such a rectory b● reserved for the maintenance of the v●●ar or 〈◊〉 curate . and if any leases or grants of such fore-named rector●●● have been made by you since the f●rst day of june last past , & 〈◊〉 you did not ordaine competent augmentation of the vicarages or cures in their respective places , our will is , that out of the fines which you have received , or are to receive , you do add such encrease to the vicar and curate as is agreeable to the rates and proportions formerly mentioned . and our further will is , that you do employ your authority and power , which by law belongeth to you as ordinary for the augmentation of vicarages , and stipends of curates , and that you do with diligence proceed in due form of law , for the raysing and establishing convenient maintenance of those who do attend holy dutyes in parish churches ; and if any prebendary in any church ( the corps of whose prebend consists of tythes ) shall not observe these our commands , then we require you , or the deane of the church , to use all due meanes in law , where you or he hath power to compel them , or that otherwise you report to the bishop of the diocess , where the said corps doth lye , that they may interpose his authority for fulfilling this our order ; and if any dean , or dean and chapter , or any that holdeth any dignity , or prebend in the cathedral church do not observe these our commands , that you call them before you , and see this our will be obeyed ; and if you or any bishop do not your , duty , either in their own grants , or seeing others to do it then we will that upon complaint , the arch-bishop of the province see all performed according to this our declaration , will and pleasure : and whereas there are divers rurall prebends , where the vicarages are not sufficiently endowed , we require you to see those our commands be fully observed by them . and we do declare our will and pleasure in all the perticulars fore-cited to be , that if you or any of your successors , or any dean , or dean and chapter , of 〈◊〉 our cathedrial church , or any other person holding any office , benefice or prebend in the same , do or shall refuse or omit to observe these our commands , we shall judge them unworthy of our future favour , whensover any preferment ecclesiastical shall be desired by them from us . and lastly our will and command is , that you and your successors do at or before the first day of october in every year , render an account to the arch-bishop of how these our orders and commands are observed , that the arch-bishop afterwards may represent the same unto us , by his majestyes command . edward nicholas . this is a true copy of the king letter , shewed in the house of commons by sir allin brawdriff the 7th of august 1660. london , printed for john jones . 1660. two cases submitted to consideration l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1687 approx. 29 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a58674 wing s141 wing l1320a estc r23606 07840753 ocm 07840753 40152 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a58674) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40152) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1212:4, 2050:26) two cases submitted to consideration l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 2 p. printed for r. sare, and publish'd by randal taylor, london : 1687. introduction signed: r.l.s. item at 1212:4 identifed as wing s141 (entry cancelled in wing 2nd ed.) reproduction of original in the british library. 1. of the necessity and exercise of a dispensing power--2. the nullity of any act of state that clashes with the law of god. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two cases submitted to consideration . 1. of the necessity and exercise of a dispensing power . 2. the nullity of any act of state that clashes with the law of god. i publish this paper , out of a sense ( as things stand at present ) of what i owe to the king ; to my religion ; to my country ; and to my self ; and would neither mislead , nor be misled . if i have reason on my side , no good man will blame me for what i have done : if i am in an error , i shall so gladly submit to be better enformed , that no charitable man will refuse lending me his hand to put me into the way . beside , that it will be a matter of importance , for those that are of another opinion , to satisfie the world whether i am in the right , or not. i speak to the case of all governments ; i. e. of government according to the divine appointment , and institution of it , without any restriction , that is either partial , or local . i have had an unlucky hand , and so must every man expect to have , that makes so many men his enemies , as value a trimming interest before an inflexible honesty . for want of better matter , i am charged of late with contradicting my self , which i am not yet conscious of , in any act , or syllable ; either in my allegeance , or in my religion , from fifty years last past , to this very day . r. l. s. case i. of a dispensing power . if it be true , that humane laws can never come up to all the ends and cases of government . if it be true again , that where they fall short , there are certain fiduciary powers still ready at hand , in the foundations of all governments to supply the defect . and if it be true in the third place , that without such an auxiliary reserve , government falls to the ground , for want of means to support it : the inference is plain and natural , from the admittance of these three propositions , to the doctrine of a dispensing power . the laws of man are the work of frail , and fallible law-makers : or supposing them to be men of the most consummated wisdom , and integrity ; and their statutes as extensive , as civil prudence , and precaution can make them : there will be omissions yet ; change of interests ; cross and surprizing accidents ; necessities innumerable , and fresh matter every day started , to make work for new methods , and expedients . what would become of government now , under this incompetency of humane constitutions , without taking-in those fiduciary powers ( which are wrapt up in the laws of nature , equity , and right reason ) to their aid ? those subsidiary laws , or powers , are everlasting , universal , uniform , steady , iust , infallible , and all-sufficient : the authority of them is unquestionable ; the equity undeniable ; and the power irresistible ; they are no other in effect , then the instincts , and impulses of providence it self , graven in the hearts of all reasonable beings . but in short ; if it be by god , that kings . reign , and administer iudgment ; it will then follow , that all the prerogatives of power are as sacred as the ordinance it self . they are sovereign , inalienable , ever , and in all places , the same . now taking for granted , the imperfections of the one , and the ample sufficiency of the other , to all intents and purposes ; that government is of god ; and humane society the work of providence ; that god's vicegerents are answerable to their principal for the care and protection of the people committed to their charge ; that it is impossible for them to acquit themselves of their trust , duty , and commission , purely by the force of laws of man's making , without some higher power to resort to for relief ; and that it is the office , as well as the prerogative of the sovereign to interpose with his authority , for the well-beeing , and safety of the publique : taking all this for granted , i say , the bare supposal of so mortal a failure , for want of a dispensing power , would imply , either an oversight , or an injustice , in the original grant , and command : an oversight , in the disproportion of the means to the end ; or an injustice in exacting impossibilities , and requiring from governours , more then they are able to do . to keep clear now of so lewd an imagination , it must be honestly presum'd , that god has not left us without some appeal from the infirmities of mankind : so that i shall now speak a general word or two , concerning the rise , make , and obligation of humane laws ; and what affinity they have , or ought to have , with laws divine . the great dictator of rules and measures for the governing of men in society , was god himself ; and those first principles have been handed down to us , in an uninterrupted course of practice , and tradition , from their very institution to this day , by the voice of nature , and by the universal assent of all ages , to the eternal equity , and reason of them . they are of the same force at this instant , that ever they were ; and so much the standard of all political acts , that they are no further binding , then as they conform to this test. government , in short , is no more then right nature put in exercise ; general precepts distributed into particular provisions ; the secret influences of rectified reason made publique , and digested into laws . it is the law of god , in fine , that speaks in the law of man ; and this law paramount , is the sovereign guide that law-makers ought to follow. not but that governours , and legislators have a liberty of discretion , in things indifferent ; but they are nevertheless bound up not to depart from the equity of the primary fundamentals ; for no provision of state must be admitted in barr of those prerogatives . there will not be much difficulty , i presume , to yield the imperfection of humane laws ; the sufficiency of the laws of government ; the necessity of government it self , and of a dispensing power to uphold it ; nor , finally , to grant that all laws of state are to be tryed by god's laws , and that the use , and intent of those laws of prerogative is to supply , or to correct , what is wanting , or amiss in the law of the constitution . all this must be acknowledged ; for , otherwise , we shall have the law of this , or that community set up against the law of the universe . man's contrivance against god's : laws that leave us at a loss , a thousand ways , for want of power , direction , due application , and the like , against laws that provide for us in all instances whatsoever . we have spoken of the need , and use of a dispensing power ; the next point in order will be the proper receptacle of it . if the dispensing power be an essential of government ; where should it be lodg'd , but in the common repository of all the ensigns of majesty ? for it is incorporated with the first principles of government ; and so to be exerted , from time to time , at the will and pleasure of the supreme magistrate ; with a saving only , to the sacred obligations of right reason , and the indispensable privileges , and duties of the ruling office. humane laws , are , at best , but the specification of particular duties , drawn from the general lights , and precepts of nature ; and recourse must be had in all cases , to those authentick originals , for the correcting of false , or imperfect copies . what 's to be done , where the letter of the law draws one way , and the conscience of the prince , another ? he must , of necessity , dispense with one of the two laws . he is accountable to god , for the breach of trust , if he does not act , according to his iudgment , for the good of his subjects ; and the law of the land can never oblige the sovereign to do any thing contrary to the law of his authority , and commission ; which is no more , then employing the law of his prerogative for the saving of a state from the law of the land , which , ( as it may happen ) would hazard the ruine of it . but where 's the danger at last , of this same bug-bear-prerogative of a dispensing power ? the right , and practice , ( they say ) of dispensing with one law , layes all the rest at mercy . but i am of opinion rather , that the want of such a power layes government it self at mercy . and whereas it is objected , that it sets up absolute power under the cloak of a dispensation ; it does ; in truth , prevent the introducing of an anarchy for fear of tyranny : neither is it the bus'ness of a dispensation , to invalidate humane laws , but to uphold the authority of laws divine . reason of state , and equity , make all governments to be absolute , in some cases , and occasions ; and what matters it to us , whether this comes by creation , or by accident ? briefly , he that quarrels government for being in some respect , arbitrary , quarrels god's providence , for making it so ; and for finding it necessary so to be : and this exception strikes at the very foundations of power it self . if a prince cannot dispense , he cannot govern , where necessity is too strong for the law. his commission is positive , and he acts under a command , as well as under a duty . he is , upon his peril , to execute the powers that are given him , and as much obliged to assert his prerogative against all usurpations , as not to abuse his power , to violence , and oppression : or even in case of such an abuse ; a prince has a power to do many things that he has not a right to do ; and therefore the morality of acting must be distinguished from the authority of governing ; for the character stands firm , in despite of the male administration . there is another unlucky mistake too , that 's very rife . [ stay for a parliament , they cry , and let those laws be repealed , that are not fit to be continued . ] this is the best way certainly , where the time , the quality of the case , and the temper of the people will bear it . but what if the danger presses ? what if the delay be certain death ? and the disease cannot wait for a remedy ? the king's duty never sleeps ; his authority never intermits ; and he is as much accountable to almighty god , for the exercise of his function , out of parliament , as in parliament . if your own laws will not do it ( says god ) make use of mine , as you will answer the contrary . shall a prince say , lord , i must not dispense ? as if he might dispense with god's law , though not with his own. and then for the quality of the case ; the privacies of state-matters , as the manage of secret commissions , negotiations , intelligences , counsels , and intrigues ; these are affairs , so peculiar to the cabinet , that they are wholly foreign to the cognizance of a parliament ; and yet these invisible wheels are a kind of political , perpetual motion ; and of absolute necessity to the great design of government it self . there are other cases , where the ground of the suspension is only this or that particular emergency . and in these cases , it often falls out that it may be death almost , not to suspend , and yet as mortal to repeal the same law. and so the temper of the people must be allow'd to go a great way too ; when the mobile are poyson'd with ill opinions , and iealousies of their superiors ; as in the instance of that fatal parliament of forty one : and the danger of two parliaments since , at westminster and oxford , where his late majesty scap'd , very narrowly , the dear experiment of the same remedy . well! but 't is a temptation , they pretend , to the setting up of an arbitrary power , to say , that a prince may do 't , if he will ] now this is to suppose that whoever may do 't , if he will , will , do 't , if he can ; and if it holds that way , there 's nothing but oppression and tyranny upon the face of the earth . for the prince that has it not in his power to oppress , has it not in his power to govern ; for he is govern'd , where he is impotent , and the controll sets up one sovereignty against another . the republicans insist mightily upon the trust , the receptacle , and the possible abuse of it : but what now if there be no avoyding of such a trust ? what if there never was any government in the world ; or if humane society cannot subsist without it ? what if at the same time that this trust is controverted , there are a hundred other more dangerous trusts , admitted ? that is to say , as to the enabling of a prince to make slaves of his people ? what if the trust , and the power have always been in the same hands ? and in conclusion , if it be utterly impossible to secure people against a possible abuse : how wild , and how unreasonable a thing is it , to raise scruples against the eternal course of nature and iustice ! to speak to the matter as it lyes , somewhere or other there must be a trust , and that trust may be abused , whereever it is placed : so that a trust is inevitable . 2ly . if it never was otherwise , the case is universal . 3ly . there must be a trust amongst all sorts , and degrees of men , in all manner of dealings ; and in a million of common cases , where life limb , liberty , fortune , body , soul , and good name , ( perchance ) may all be concern'd . there is no place , in fine , for the offices , either publick , or private , of humane society , without it . what 's the chancery , but a court of dispensation for granting relief in equity against the letter of the law ? do we not trust divines , surgeons , physicians , lawyers , bankers ▪ relations , children , servants ? nay , and so trust them too , as in some cases , to allow them a certain latitude of abating somewhat of the rigour of their commission : and in a word , there is a law of necessity , that supersedes the obligation of all our positive laws . upon the main , we cannot live man by man , without trusting one another : and providence has made this trust so necessary , that we can have neither peace , safety , conversation , nor property , without it : and shall we make a greater difficulty to trust governours with the administration of iustice ? nay , and where god has entrusted them beforehand ; for kings are god's trustees , not the peoples . will men have no government at all , unless they may have such a government , as god never made , and which god has made impossible ever to bee ? why this would be to make every will and tom an umpire of the controversie ; where every body is no body ; and yet this very mobile , must be trusted over again , and find their vouchers too . but 4ly . why is so much more stress laid upon this single prerogative , then upon all the rest , that may do fifty times more mischief ? why are not people as much affraid of rapes , massacres , robberies , and other military violences , from the undisputed power of the sword ▪ as they are of tyranny , and oppression , from the prerogative of the dispensing power ? vvhy not of the [ mint ] [ life and death , ] [ war and peace , ] for fear of false money , protecting criminals , bringing in foreign forces ? &c. all comes to this at last , that a iust , and a gracious prince , vvill not misapply his dispensing power ; and he that would make himself wholly absolute , can do his work , in despite on 't and without it . 5ly . the power , and the trust are so inseparable , that where there 's no publique power , there 's no publique trust ; and where there 's no publique trust , there 's no publique power . what 's authority , without the right to iudge of the time , the case , the measure , & c ? as if the multitude were to iudge , and to appoint , and the sovereign only to execute ; or , in plain english ; to depose himself , in a resignation to the dictates of the people . let them once prescribe to a prince what is fit for him to do , and they shall soon put it to a vote among themselves , whether it be fit , or no , for that person to govern. but what pretence have they to govern in this prerogative more then in all the rest ? and how come they to be rulers in this case , and subjects in all others ? to close this point ; the end of law is equity ; and where the letter of the law will not reach that equity , it is to be presum'd , that the law speaks one thing , and means another : in this case it belongs to the sovereign , to explain , and execute that law according to the true intention of it ; the equity of it being the rule of government . 6ly . it cannot be imagin'd , that the possible abuse of power ( which is impossible to be cleared , or prevented , ) should be offer'd as a reasonable argument against the divine , as well as the political , and the necessary use of it ; for it puts a stand to the sun in its course ; which is all one with a stop to the orderly motions of government . it is objected once again , what if the chief ruler shall say there is a necessity where there is none ; and make that pretended necessity , the ground for his proceeding at will and pleasure ? necessities , they say , are notorious , and carry pomp , and noise along with them : in sea breaches , or conflagrations , the multitude are witnesses to the stress . to which i answer , that if a prince says there is a necessity where there is none ; the people , on the other hand , may say there is none , where there is ; and no umpire at last to end the strife ; but , right or wrong , the former is a sentence of order and authority , upon a foundanion of law , and conscience ; the other , an indeterminable license , in opposition to practice , and common sense ; and an usurpation , over and above . the people judge by their eyes , their ears , and shortly , by what they see , hear , or feel ; but the magistrate reads effects in their causes ; and it is both the prudence , and duty of his function to prevent mischiefs in the very seeds and roots , before they come to a head. to sum up the whole now ; if government ; the rules , powers , and measures of goverment , be all of god ; if those foundations be layed in right reason , and iustice , and communicated to all mankind , in the very bowels , and instincts of reasonable nature ; if humane laws fall short of the ends they were design'd for ; and no means left us to supply that failing ; the inference is , that either those original lights are given us in vain ; or that providence has made a false reck'ning , which are two points that cannot be so much as supposed , without the highest indignity to god's power , and wisdom . as to the receptacle of this sovereign prerogative , and the iudgment , where , when , how , and in what degree , it is to take place , the order of nature , and of government tells us , that it is impossible to vest it in the people , without confounding sovereignty with subjection . case ii. the nullity of any act of state , that clashes with the law of god. the two cases above , are but , effectually , the abstract of twenty or thirty observators upon the same text. i have done with the former , and as to the other now ; it is out of doubt , that all those pretended laws , are nullities , that take upon them to forbid , what god and nature commands , or to command what god and nature forbid . this single position might serve for a full , and a final resolution upon this point ▪ but having touched upon one particular under this topique in several observators , ( in the case of charles the first ) and particularly in my late answer to a letter to a dissenter , &c. i would willingly propagate the opinion , if it will hold water ; and i am as ready to relinquish it , if it will not abide the test. but however , i shall recommend it to the publique , once again , in the very same words . in the case of the proceedings , under charles the first against the papists . that excellent prince , according to all reasonable , and humane presumption , lost his crown , and his life , in complement to a void act of his own , in pretending to bar himself the use , and service of his subjects : as if an act of state could supersede a fundamental of god and nature . i have the authority of a great man ( bishop sanderson ) to back me in the casuistical stress of this instance : [ god ( says he ) hath given to his vicegerents here on earth , a right in , and a power over the persons of all their subjects , within their several respective dominions , even to the spending of their lives in their countries service ; whensoever they shall be by their authority called thereunto . five cases , p. 71. ] now if they have these privileges of right , and power , from god ; and extending to all , and whensoever , without exception , either to time , number , or distinction of persons : what earthly power shall dare to controll this commission ? and i have one word more to offer now , ( that i have formerly spoken to ) which comes a little closer yet to the point . the precept of [ honour thy father and thy mother ] is undoubtedly of divine authority ; and a command , of an immutable , and indispensable obligation : and it has catholique assent to 't , that it extends , as well to our civil , and political , as to our natural parents . by this law , all subjects are bound in conscience to attend the call , and the service of their prince ; for the precept is positive ; without any qualification , limitation , or condition whatsoever . the question will be shortly this now ; whether any king , can by any act of civil authority , divest himself of this right , over the persons of his subjects ? i do not say but he may chuse whether he will command them , or not ; but he cannot discharge his people of their duty of obedience , in case he requires their service ; that is to say ; in any case , which is not contrary to the will , and word of god ; no humane law can absolve them from that office of allegeance : so that in the conclusion , either those subjects are clear before god , that serve their prince , when by him thereunto required , notwithstanding any law of man to the contrary ; or the ten commandments may be turn'd to waste paper ; if the law of the land shall forbid upon a penalty , that which the law of god , commands upon a penalty . london , printed for r. sare ; and publish'd by randal taylor , 1687. a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes shewing that it is not lawfull for any power on earth to compell in matters of religion / the author, j.m. milton, john, 1608-1674. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a50959 of text r13133 in the english short title catalog (wing m2185). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 70 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 49 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a50959 wing m2185 estc r13133 12254766 ocm 12254766 57341 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50959) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57341) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 155:13) a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes shewing that it is not lawfull for any power on earth to compell in matters of religion / the author, j.m. milton, john, 1608-1674. [12], 83 p. printed by tho. newcomb, london : 1659. address "to the parliament of the commonwealth of england" signed: john milton. first ed. cf. nuc pre-1956. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng church and state. freedom of religion. a50959 r13133 (wing m2185). civilwar no a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes: shewing that it is not lawfull for any power on earth to compell in matters of religion. milton, john 1659 13132 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 b the rate of 1 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-09 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes shewing that it is not lawfull for any power on earth to compell in matters of religion . the author j. m. london , printed by tho. newcomb anno 1659. to the parlament of the commonwealth of england with the dominions therof . i have prepar'd supream councel , against the much expected time of your sitting , this treatise ; which , though to all christian magistrates equally belonging , and therfore to have bin written in the common language of christendom , natural dutie and affection hath confin'd , and dedicated first to my own nation : and in a season wherin the timely reading therof , to the easier accomplishment of your great work , may save you much labor and interruption : of two parts usually propos'd , civil and ecclesiastical , recommending civil only to your proper care , ecclesiastical to them only from whom it takes both that name and nature . yet not for this cause only do i require or trust to finde acceptance , but in a twofold respect besides : first as bringing cleer evidence of scripture and protestant maxims to the parlament of england , who in all thir late acts , upon occasion , have professd to assert only the true protestant christian religion , as it is containd in the holy scriptures : next , in regard that your power being but for a time , and having in your selves a christian libertie of your own , which at one time or other may be oppressd , therof truly sensible , it will concern you while you are in power , so to regard other mens consciences , as you would your own should be regarded in the power of others ; and to consider that any law against conscience is alike in force against any conscience , and so may one way or other justly redound upon your selves . one advantage i make no doubt of , that i shall write to many eminent persons of your number , alreadie perfet and resolvd in this important article of christianitie . some of whom i remember to have heard often for several years , at a councel next in autoritie to your own , so well joining religion with civil prudence , and yet so well distinguishing the different power of either , and this not only voting , but frequently reasoning why it should be so , that if any there present had bin before of an opinion contrary , he might doubtless have departed thence a convert in that point , and have confessd , that then both commonwealth and religion will at length , if ever , flourish in christendom , when either they who govern discern between civil and religious , or they only who so discern shall be admitted to govern . till then nothing but troubles , persecutions , commotions can be expected ; the inward decay of true religion among our selves , and the utter overthrow at last by a common enemy . of civil libertie i have written heretofore by the appointment , and not without the approbation of civil power : of christian liberty i write now ; which others long since having don with all freedom under heathen emperors , i should do wrong to suspect , that i now shall with less under christian governors , and such especially as profess openly thir defence of christian libertie ; although i write this not otherwise appointed or induc'd then by an inward perswasion of the christian dutie which i may usefully discharge herin to the common lord and master of us all , and the certain hope of his approbation , first and chiefest to be sought : in the hand of whose providence i remain , praying all success and good event on your publick councels to the defence of true religion and our civil rights . john milton . a treatise of civil power in ecclesiastical causes . two things there be which have bin ever found working much mischief to the church of god , and the advancement of truth ; force on the one side restraining , and hire on the other side corrupting the teachers thereof . few ages have bin since the ascension of our saviour , wherin the one of these two , or both together have not prevaild . it can be at no time therfore unseasonable to speak of these things ; since by them the church is either in continual detriment and oppression , or in continual danger . the former shall be at this time my argument ; the latter as i shall finde god disposing me , and opportunity inviting . what i argue , shall be drawn from the scripture only ; and therin from true fundamental principles of the gospel ; to all knowing christians undeniable . and if the governors of this common-wealth since the rooting out of prelats have made least use of force in religion , and most have favord christian liberty of any in this iland before them since the first preaching of the gospel , for which we are not to forget our thanks to god , and their due praise , they may , i doubt not , in this treatise finde that which not only will confirm them to defend still the christian liberty which we enjoy , but will incite them also to enlarge it , if in aught they yet straiten it . to them who perhaps herafter , less experienc'd in religion , may come to govern or give us laws , this or other such , if they please , may be a timely instruction : however to the truth it will be at all times no unneedfull testimonie ; at least some discharge of that general dutie which no christian but according to what he hath receivd , knows is requir'd of him if he have aught more conducing to the advancement of religion then what is usually endeavourd , freely to impart it . it will require no great labor of exposition to unfold what is here meant by matters of religion ; being as soon apprehended as defin'd , such things as belong chiefly to the knowledge and service of god : and are either above the reach and light of nature without revelation from above , and therfore liable to be variously understood by humane reason , or such things as are enjoind or forbidden by divine precept , which els by the light of reason would seem indifferent to be don or not don ; and so likewise must needs appeer to everie man as the precept is understood . whence i here mean by conscience or religion , that full perswasion whereby we are assur'd that our beleef and practise , as far as we are able to apprehend and probably make appeer , is according to the will of god & his holy spirit within us , which we ought to follow much rather then any law of man , as not only his word every where bids us , but the very dictate of reason tells us . act. 4.19 . whether it be right in the sight of god , to hearken to you more then to god , judge ye . that for beleef or practise in religion according to this conscientious perswasion no man ought be punishd or molested by any outward force on earth whatsoever , i distrust not , through gods implor'd assistance , to make plane by these following arguments . first it cannot be deni'd , being the main foundation of our protestant religion , that we of these ages , having no other divine rule or autoritie from without us warrantable to one another as a common ground but the holy scripture , and no other within us but the illumination of the holy spirit so interpreting that scripture as warrantable only to our selves and to such whose consciences we can so perswade , can have no other ground in matters of religion but only from the scriptures . and these being not possible to be understood without this divine illumination , which no man can know at all times to be in himself , much less to be at any time for certain in any other , it follows cleerly , that no man or body of men in these times can be the infallible judges or determiners in matters of religion to any other mens consciences but thir own . and therfore those beroeans are commended , act. 17.11 , who after the preaching even of s. paul , searchd the scriptures daily , whether those things were so . nor did they more then what god himself in many places commands us by the same apostle , to search , to try , to judge of these things our selves : and gives us reason also , gal. 6.4 , 5. let every man prove his own work , and then shall he have rejoicing in himself alone , and not in another : for every man shall bear his own burden . if then we count it so ignorant and irreligious in the papist to think himself dischargd in gods account , beleeving only as the church beleevs , how much greater condemnation will it be to the protestant his condemner , to think himself justified , beleeving only as the state beleevs ? with good cause therfore it is the general consent of all sound protestant writers , that neither traditions , councels nor canons of any visibie church , much less edicts of any magistrate or civil session , but the scripture only can be the final judge or rule in matters of religion , and that only in the conscience of every christian to himself . which protestation made by the first publick reformers of our religion against the imperial edicts of charls the fifth , imposing church-traditions without scripture , gave first beginning to the name of protestant ; and with that name hath ever bin receivd this doctrine , which preferrs the scripture before the church , and acknowledges none but the scripture sole interpreter of it self to the conscience . for if the church be not sufficient to be implicitly beleevd , as we hold it is not , what can there els be nam'd of more autoritie then the church but the conscience ; then which god only is greater , 1 ioh. 3.20 ? but if any man shall pretend , that the scripture judges to his conscience for other men , he makes himself greater not only then the church , but also then the scripture , then the consciences of other men ; a presumption too high for any mortal ; since every true christian able to give a reason of his faith , hath the word of god before him , the promisd holy spirit , and the minde of christ within him , 1 cor. 2.16 ; a much better and safer guide of conscience , which as far as concerns himself he may far more certainly know then any outward rule impos'd upon him by others whom he inwardly neither knows nor can know ; at least knows nothing of them more sure then this one thing , that they cannot be his judges in religion . 1 cor. 2.15 . the spiritual man judgeth all things , but he himself is judgd of no man . chiefly for this cause do all true protestants account the pope antichrist , for that he assumes to himself this infallibilitie over both the conscience and the scripture ; siting in the temple of god , as it were opposite to god , and exalting himself above all that is called god , or is worshipd , 2 thess. 2.4 . that is to say not only above all judges and magistrates , who though they be calld gods , are far beneath infallible , but also above god himself , by giving law both to the scripture , to the conscience , and to the spirit it self of god within us . when as we finde , iames 4.12 , there is one lawgiver , who is able to save and to destroy : who art thou that judgest another ? that christ is the only lawgiver of his church and that it is here meant in religious matters , no well grounded christian will deny . thus also s. paul , rom. 14.4 . who art thou that judgest the servant of another ? to his own lord he standeth or falleth : but he shall stand ; for god is able to make him stand . as therfore of one beyond expression bold and presumptuous , both these apostles demand , who art thou that presum'st to impose other law or judgment in religion then the only lawgiver and judge christ , who only can save and can destroy , gives to the conscience ? and the forecited place to the thessalonians by compar'd effects resolvs us , that be he or they who or wherever they be or can be , they are of far less autoritie then the church , whom in these things as protestants they receive not , and yet no less antichrist in this main point of antichristianism , no less a pope or popedom then he at rome , if not much more ; by setting up supream interpreters of scripture either those doctors whom they follow , or , which is far worse , themselves as a civil papacie assuming unaccountable supremacie to themselves not in civil only but ecclesiastical causes . seeing then that in matters of religion , as hath been prov'd , none can judge or determin here on earth , no not church-governors themselves against the consciences of other beleevers , my inference is , or rather not mine but our saviours own , that in those matters they neither can command nor use constraint ; lest they run rashly on a pernicious consequence , forewarnd in that parable mat. 13. from the 26 to the 31 verse : least while ye gather up the tares , ye root up also the wheat with them . let both grow together until the harvest : and in the time of harvest i will say to the reapers , gather ye together first the tares &c. whereby he declares that this work neither his own ministers nor any els can discerningly anough or judgingly perform without his own immediat direction , in his own fit season ; and that they ought till then not to attempt it . which is further confirmd 2 cor. 1.24 . not that we have dominion over your faith , but are helpers of your joy . if apostles had no dominion or constraining power over faith or conscience , much less have ordinary ministers . 1 pet. 5.2 , 3. feed the flock of god not by constraint &c. neither as being lords over gods heritage . but some will object , that this overthrows all church-discipline , all censure of errors , if no man can determin . my answer is , that what they hear is plane scripture ; which forbids not church-sentence or determining , but as it ends in violence upon the conscience unconvinc'd . let who so will interpret or determin , so it be according to true church-discipline ; which is exercis'd on them only who have willingly joind themselves in that covnant of union , and proceeds only to a separation from the rest , proceeds never to any corporal inforcement or forfeture of monie ; which in spiritual things are the two arms of antichrist , not of the true church ; the one being an inquisition , the other no better then a temporal indulgence of sin for monie , whether by the church exacted or by the magistrate ; both the one and the other a temporal satisfaction for what christ hath satisfied eternally ; a popish commuting of penaltie , corporal for spiritual ; a satisfaction to man especially to the magistrate , for what and to whom we owe none : these and more are the injustices of force and fining in religion , besides what i most insist on , the violation of gods express commandment in the gospel , as hath bin shewn . thus then if church-governors cannot use force in religion , though but for this reason , because they cannot infallibly determin to the conscience without convincement , much less have civil magistrates autoritie to use force where they can much less judge ; unless they mean only to be the civil executioners of them who have no civil power to give them such commission , no nor yet ecclesiastical to any force or violence in religion . to summe up all in brief , if we must beleeve as the magistrate appoints , why not rather as the church ? if not as either without convincement , how can force be lawfull ? but some are ready to cry out , what shall then be don to blasphemie ? them i would first exhort not thus to terrifie and pose the people with a greek word : but to teach them better what it is ; being a most usual and common word in that language to signifie any slander , any malitious or evil speaking , whether against god or man or any thing to good belonging : blasphemie or evil speaking against god malitiously , is far from conscience in religion ; according to that of marc 9.39 . there is none who doth a powerfull work in my name , and can likely speak evil of me . if this suffice not , i referre them to that prudent and well deliberated act august 9. 1650 ; where the parlament defines blasphemie against god , as far as it is a crime belonging to civil judicature , pleniùs ac meliùs chrysippo & crantore ; in plane english more warily , more judiciously , more orthodoxally then twice thir number of divines have don in many a prolix volume : although in all likelihood they whose whole studie and profession these things are should be most intelligent and authentic therin , as they are for the most part , yet neither they nor these unnerring always or infallible . but we shall not carrie it thus ; another greek apparition stands in our way , heresie and heretic ; in like manner also rail'd at to the people as in a tongue unknown . they should first interpret to them , that heresie , by what it signifies in that language , is no word of evil note ; meaning only the choise or following of any opinion good or bad in religion or any other learning : and thus not only in heathen authors , but in the new testament it self without censure or blame . acts 15.5 . certain of the heresie of the pharises which beleevd . and 26.5 . after the exactest heresie of our religion i livd a pharise . in which sense presbyterian or independent may without reproach be calld a heresie . where it is mentiond with blame , it seems to differ little from schism 1 cor. 11.18 , 19. i hear that there be schisms among you &c. for there must also heresies be among you though some who write of heresie after their own heads , would make it far worse then schism ; when as on the contrarie , schism signifies division , and in the worst sense ; heresie , choise only of one opinion before another , which may bee without discord . in apostolic times therfore ere the scripture was written , heresie was a doctrin maintaind against the doctrin by them deliverd : which in these times can be no otherwise defin'd then a doctrin maintaind against the light , which we now only have , of the scripture . seeing therfore that no man , no synod , no session of men , though calld the church , can judge definitively the sense of scripture to another mans conscience , which is well known to be a general maxim of the protestant religion , it follows planely , that he who holds in religion that beleef or those opinions which to his conscience and utmost understanding appeer with most evidence or probabilitie in the scripture , though to others he seem erroneous , can no more be justly censur'd for a heretic then his censurers ; who do but the same thing themselves while they censure him for so doing . for ask them , or any protestant , which hath most autoritie , the church or the scripture ? they will answer , doubtless , that the scripture : and what hath most autoritie , that no doubt but they will confess is to be followd . he then who to his best apprehension follows the scripture , though against any point of doctrine by the whole church receivd , is not the heretic ; but he who follows the church against his conscience and perswasion grounded on the scripture . to make this yet more undeniable , i shall only borrow a plane similie , the same which our own writers , when they would demonstrate planest that we rightly preferre the scripture before the church , use frequently against the papist in this manner . as the samaritans beleevd christ , first for the womans word , but next and much rather for his own , so we the scripture ; first on the churches word , but afterwards and much more for its own , as the word of god ; yea the church it self we beleeve then for the scripture . the inference of it self follows : if by the protestant doctrine we beleeve the scripture not for the churches saying , but for its own as the word of god , then ought we to beleeve what in our conscience we apprehend the scripture to say , though the visible church with all her doctors gainsay ; and being taught to beleeve them only for the scripture , they who so do are not heretics , but the best protestants : and by their opinions , whatever they be , can hurt no protestant , whose rule is not to receive them but from the scripture : which to interpret convincingly to his own conscience none is able but himself guided by the holy spirit ; and not so guided , none then he to himself can be a worse deceiver . to protestants therfore whose common rule and touchstone is the scripture , nothing can with more conscience , more equitie , nothing more protestantly can be permitted then a free and lawful debate at all times by writing , conference or disputation of what opinion soever , disputable by scripture : concluding , that no man in religion is properly a heretic at this day , but he who maintains traditions or opinions not probable by scripture ; who , for aught i know , is the papist only ; he the only heretic , who counts all heretics but himself . such as these , indeed , were capitally punishd by the law of moses , as the only true heretics , idolaters , plane and open deserters of god and his known law : but in the gospel such are punishd by excommunion only . tit. 3.10 . an heretic , after the first and second admonition , reject . but they who think not this heavie anough and understand not that dreadfull aw and spiritual efficacie which the apostle hath expressd so highly to be in church-discipline , 2 cor. 10. of which anon , and think weakly that the church of god cannot long subsist but in a bodilie fear , for want of other prooff will needs wrest that place of s. paul rom. 13. to set up civil inquisition , and give power to the magistrate both of civil judgment and punishment in causes ecclesiastical . but let us see with what strength of argument . let every soul be subject to the higher powers . first , how prove they that the apostle means other powers then such as they to whom he writes were then under ; who medld not at all in ecclesiastical causes , unless as tyrants and persecuters ; and from them , i hope , they will not derive either the right of magistrates to judge in spiritual things , or the dutie of such our obedience . how prove they next , that he intitles them here to spiritual causes , from whom he witheld , as much as in him lay , the judging of civil ; 1 cor. 6.1 , &c. if he himself appeald to cesar , it was to judge his innocence , not his religion . for rulers are not a terror to good works , but to the evil . then are they not a terror to conscience , which is the rule or judge of good works grounded on the scripture . but heresie , they say , is reck'nd among evil works gal. 5.20 : as if all evil works were to be punishd by the magistrate ; wherof this place , thir own citation , reck'ns up besides heresie a sufficient number to confute them ; uncleanness , wantonness , enmitie , strife , emulations , animosities , contentions , envyings ; all which are far more manifest to be judgd by him then heresie , as they define it ; and yet i suppose they will not subject these evil works nor many more such like to his cognisance and punishment . wilt thou then not be affraid of the power ? do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same . this shews that religious matters are not here meant ; wherin from the power here spoken of they could have no praise . for he is the minister of god to thee for good . true ; but in that office and to that end and by those means which in this place must be cleerly found , if from this place they intend to argue . and how for thy good by forcing , oppressing and insnaring thy conscience ? many are the ministers of god , and thir offices no less different then many ; none more different then state and church-government . who seeks to govern both must needs be worse then any lord prelat or church-pluralist : for he in his own facultie and profession , the other not in his own and for the most part not throughly understood makes himself supream lord or pope of the church as far as his civil jurisdiction stretches , and all the ministers of god therin , his ministers , or his curates rather in the function onely , not in the government : while he himself assumes to rule by civil power things to be rul'd only by spiritual : when as this very chapter v. 6 appointing him his peculiar office , which requires utmost attendance , forbids him this worse then church-plurality from that full and waightie charge , wherin alone he is the minister of god , attending continually on this very thing . to little purpose will they here instance moses , who did all by immediate divine direction , no nor yet asa , iehosaphat , or iosia , who both might when they pleasd receive answer from god , and had a commonwealth by him deliverd them , incorporated with a national church exercis'd more in bodily then in spiritual worship , so as that the church might be calld a commonwealth and the whole commonwealth a church : nothing of which can be said of christianitie , deliverd without the help of magistrates , yea in the midst of thir opposition ; how little then with any reference to them or mention of them , save onely of our obedience to thir civil laws , as they countnance good and deterr evil : which is the proper work of the magistrate , following in the same verse , and shews distinctly wherin he is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil . but we must first know who it is that doth evil : the heretic they say among the first . let it be known then certainly who is a heretic : and that he who holds opinions in religion professdly from tradition or his own inventions and not from scipture but rather against it , is the only heretic ; and yet though such , not alwaies punishable by the magistrate , unless he do evil against a a civil law , properly so calld , hath been already prov'd without need of repetition . but if thou do that which is evil , be affraid . to do by scripture and the gospel according to conscience is not to do evil ; if we therof ought not to be affraid , he ought not by his judging to give cause . causes therfore of religion are not here meant . for he beareth not the sword in vain . yes altogether in vain , if it smite he knows not what ; if that for heresie which not the church it self , much less he , can determine absolutely to be so ; if truth for error , being himself so often fallible , he bears the sword not in vain only , but unjustly and to evil . be subject not only for wrath , but for conscience sake : how for conscience sake against conscience ? by all these reasons it appeers planely that the apostle in this place gives no judgment or coercive power to magistrates , neither to those then nor these now in matters of religion ; and exhorts us no otherwise then he exhorted those romans . it hath now twice befaln me to assert , through gods assistance , this most wrested and vexd place of scripture ; heretofore against salmasius and regal tyranie over the state ; now against erastus and state-tyranie over the church . if from such uncertain or rather such improbable grounds as these they endue magistracie with spiritual judgment , they may as well invest him in the same spiritual kinde with power of utmost punishment , excommunication ; and then turn spiritual into corporal , as no worse authors did then chrysostom , ierom and austin , whom erasmus and others in thir notes on the new testament have cited to interpret that cutting off which s. paul wishd to them who had brought back the galatians to circumcision , no less then the amercement of thir whole virilitie ; and grotius addes that this concising punishment of circumcisers became a penal law therupon among the visigothes : a dangerous example of beginning in the spirit to end so in the flesh : wheras that cutting off much likelier seems meant a cutting off from the church , not unusually so termd in scripture , and a zealous imprecation , not a command . but i have mentiond this passage to shew how absurd they often prove who have not learnd to distinguish rightly between civil power and ecclesiastical . how many persecutions then , imprisonments , banishments , penalties and stripes ; how much bloodshed have the forcers of conscience to answer for , and protestants rather then papists ! for the papist , judging by his principles , punishes them who beleeve not as the church beleevs though against the scripture : but the protestant , teaching every one to beleeve the scripture though against the church , counts heretical and persecutes , against his own principles , them who in any particular so beleeve as he in general teaches them ; them who most honor and beleeve divine scripture , but not against it any humane interpretation though universal ; them who interpret scripture only to themselves , which by his own position none but they to themselves can interpret ; them who use the scripture no otherwise by his own doctrine to thir edification , then he himself uses it to thir punishing : and so whom his doctrine acknowledges a true beleever , his discipline persecutes as a heretic . the papist exacts our beleef as to the church due above scripture ; and by the church , which is the whole people of god , understands the pope , the general councels prelatical only and the surnam'd fathers : but the forcing protestant though he deny such beleef to any church whatsoever , yet takes it to himself and his teachers , of far less autoritie then to be calld the church and above scripture beleevd : which renders his practise both contrarie to his beleef , and far worse then that beleef which he condemns in the papist . by all which well considerd , the more he professes to be a true protestant , the more he hath to answer for his persecuting then a papist . no protestant therfore of what sect soever following scripture only , which is the common sect wherin they all agree , and the granted rule of everie mans conscience to himself , ought , by the common doctrine of protestants , to be forc'd or molested for religion . but as for poperie and idolatrie , why they also may not hence plead to be tolerated , i have much less to say . their religion the more considerd , the less can be acknowledgd a religion ; but a roman principalitie rather , endevouring to keep up her old universal dominion under a new name and meer shaddow of a catholic religion ; being indeed more rightly nam'd a catholic heresie against the scripture ; supported mainly by a civil , and , except in rome , by a forein power : justly therfore to be suspected , not tolerated by the magistrate of another countrey . besides , of an implicit faith , which they profess , the conscience also becoms implicit ; and so by voluntarie servitude to mans law , forfets her christian libertie . who then can plead for such a conscience , as being implicitly enthrald to man instead of god , almost becoms no conscience , as the will not free , becoms no will . nevertheless if they ought not to be tolerated , it is for just reason of state more then of religion ; which they who force , though professing to be protestants , deserve as little to be tolerated themselves , being no less guiltie of poperie in the most popish point . lastly , for idolatrie , who knows it not to be evidently against all scripture both of the old and new testament , and therfore a true heresie , or rather an impietie ; wherin a right conscience can have naught to do ; and the works therof so manifest , that a magistrate can hardly err in prohibiting and quite removing at least the publick and scandalous use therof . from the riddance of these objections i proceed yet to another reason why it is unlawfull for the civil magistrate to use force in matters of religion ; which is , because to judge in those things , though we should grant him able , which is prov'd he is not , yet as a civil magistrate he hath no right . christ hath a government of his own , sufficient of it self to all his ends and purposes in governing his church ; but much different from that of the civil magistrate ; and the difference in this verie thing principally consists , that it governs not by outward force , and that for two reasons . first because it deals only with the inward man and his actions , which are all spiritual and to outward force not lyable : secondly to shew us the divine excellence of his spiritual kingdom , able without worldly force to subdue all the powers and kingdoms of this world , which are upheld by outward force only . that the inward man is nothing els but the inward part of man , his understanding and his will , and that his actions thence proceeding , yet not simply thence but from the work of divine grace upon them , are the whole matter of religion under the gospel , will appeer planely by considering what that religion is ; whence we shall perceive yet more planely that it cannot be forc'd . what euangelic religion is , is told in two words , faith and charitie ; or beleef and practise . that both these flow either the one from the understanding , the other from the will , or both jointly from both , once indeed naturally free , but now only as they are regenerat and wrought on by divine grace , is . in part evident to common sense and principles unquestiond , the rest by scripture : concerning our beleef , mat. 16.17 . flesh and blood hath not reveald it unto thee , but my father which is in heaven : concerning our practise , as it is religious and not meerly civil , gal. 5.22 , 23 and other places declare it to be the fruit of the spirit only . nay our whole practical dutie in religion is containd in charitie , or the love of god and our neighbour , no way to be forc'd , yet the fulfilling of the whole law ; that is to say , our whole practise in religion . if then both our beleef and practise , which comprehend our whole religion , flow from the faculties of the inward man , free and unconstrainable of themselves by nature , and our practise not only from faculties endu'd with freedom , but from love and charitie besides , incapable of force , and all these things by transgression lost , but renewd and regenerated in us by the power and gift of god alone , how can such religion as this admit of force from man , or force be any way appli'd to such religion , especially under the free offer of grace in the gospel , but it must forthwith frustrate and make of no effect both the religion and the gospel ? and that to compell outward profession , which they will say perhaps ought to be compelld though inward religion cannot , is to compell hypocrisie not to advance religion , shall yet , though of it self cleer anough , be ere the conclusion further manifest . the other reason why christ rejects outward force in the goverment of his church , is , as i said before , to shew us the divine excellence of his spiritual kingdom , able without worldly force to subdue all the powers and kingdoms of this world , which are upheld by outward force only : by which to uphold religion otherwise then to defend the religious from outward violence , is no service to christ or his kingdom , but rather a disparagement , and degrades it from a divine and spiritual kingdom to a kingdom of this world : which he denies it to be , because it needs not force to confirm it : ioh. 18.36 . if my kingdom were of this world , then would my servants fight , that i should not be deliverd to the iewes . this proves the kingdom of christ not governd by outward force ; as being none of this world , whose kingdoms are maintaind all by force onely : and yet disproves not that a christian common-wealth may defend it self against outward force in the cause of religion as well as in any other ; though christ himself , coming purposely to dye for us , would not be so defended . 1 cor. 1.27 . god hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty . then surely he hath not chosen the force of this world to subdue conscience and conscientious men , who in this world are counted weakest ; but rather conscience , as being weakest , to subdue and regulate force , his adversarie , not his aide or instrument in governing the church . 2 cor. 10.3 , 4 , 5 , 6. for though we walk in the flesh , we do not warre after the flesh : for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal ; but mightie through god to the pulling down of strong holds ; casting down imaginations and everie high thing that exalts it self against the knowledge of god ; and bringing into captivitie everie thought to the obedience of christ : and having in a readiness to aveng all disobedience . it is evident by the first and second verses of this chapter , that the apostle here speaks of that spiritual power by which christ governs his church , how all sufficient it is , how powerful to reach the conscience and the inward man with whom it chiefly deals and whom no power els can deal with . in comparison of which as it is here thus magnificently describ'd , how uneffectual and weak is outward force with all her boistrous tooles , to the shame of those christians and especially those churchmen , who to the exercising of church discipline never cease calling on the civil magistrate to interpose his fleshlie force ; an argument that all true ministerial and spiritual power is dead within them : who think the gospel , which both began and spread over the whole world for above three hundred years under heathen and persecuting emperors , cannot stand or continue , supported by the same divine presence and protection to the worlds end , much easier under the defensive favor onely of a christian magistrate , unless it be enacted and settled , as they call it , by the state , a statute or a state-religion : and understand not that the church it self cannot , much less the state , settle or impose one tittle of religion upon our obedience implicit , but can only recommend or propound it to our free and conscientious examination : unless they mean to set the state higher then the church in religion , and with a grosse contradiction give to the state in thir settling petition that command of our implicit beleef , which they deny in thir setled confession both to the state and to the church . let them cease then to importune and interrupt the magistrate from attending to his own charge in civil and moral things , the settling of things just , things honest , the defence of things religious settled by the churches within themselves ; and the repressing of thir contraries determinable by the common light of nature ; which is not to constrain or to repress religion , probable by scripture , but the violaters and persecuters therof : of all which things he hath anough and more then anough to do , left yet undon ; for which the land groans and justice goes to wrack the while : let him also forbear force where he hath no right to judge ; for the conscience is not his province : least a worse woe arrive him , for worse offending , then was denounc'd by our saviour matt. 23.23 . against the pharises : ye have forc'd the conscience , which was not to be forc'd ; but judgment and mercy ye have not executed : this ye should have don , and the other let alone . and since it is the councel and set purpose of god in the gospel by spiritual means which are counted weak , to overcom all power which resists him ; let them not go about to do that by worldly strength which he hath decreed to do by those means which the world counts weakness , least they be again obnoxious to that saying which in another place is also written of the pharises , luke 7.30 . that they frustrated the councel of god . the main plea is , and urgd with much vehemence to thir imitation , that the kings of iuda , as i touchd before , and especially iosia both judgd and us'd force in religion . 2 chr. 34.33 . he made all that were present in israel to serve the lord thir god : an argument , if it be well weighed , worse then that us'd by the false prophet shemaia to the high priest , that in imitation of iehojada he ought to put ieremie in the stocks , ier. 29.24 , 26 , &c. for which he receivd his due denouncement from god . but to this besides i return a three-fold answer : first , that the state of religion under the gospel is far differing from what it was under the law : then was the state of rigor , childhood , bondage and works , to all which force was not unbefitting ; now is the state of grace , manhood , freedom and faith ; to all which belongs willingness and reason , not force : the law was then written on tables of stone , and to be performd according to the letter , willingly or unwillingly ; ( the gospel , our new covnant , upon the heart of every beleever , to be interpreted only by the sense of charitie and inward perswasion : the law had no distinct government or governors of church and commonwealth , but the priests and levites judg'd in all causes not ecclesiastical only but civil , deut. 17.8 , &c. which under the gospel is forbidden to all church-ministers , as a thing which christ thir master in his ministerie disclam'd luke 12.14 ; as a thing beneathe them 1 cor. 6.4 ; and by many of our statutes , as to them who have a peculiar and far differing government of thir own . if not , why different the governors ? why not church-ministers in state-affairs , as well as state-ministers in church-affairs ? if church and state shall be made one flesh again as under the law , let it be withall considerd , that god who then joind them hath now severd them ; that which , he so ordaining , was then a lawfull conjunction , to such on either side as join again what he hath severd , would be nothing now but thir own presumptuous fornication . secondly , the kings of iuda and those magistrates under the law might have recours , as i said before , to divine inspiration ; which our magistrates under the gospel have not , more then to the same spirit , which those whom they force have oft times in greater measure then themselves : and so , instead of forcing the christian , they force the holy ghost ; and , against that wise forewarning of gamaliel , fight against god . thirdly , those kings and magistrates us'd force in such things only as were undoubtedly known and forbidden in the law of moses , idolatrie and direct apostacie from that national and strict enjoind worship of god ; wherof the corporal punishment was by himself expressly set down : but magistrates under the gospel , our free , elective and rational worship , are most commonly busiest to force those things which in the gospel are either left free , nay somtimes abolishd when by them compelld , or els controverted equally by writers on both sides , and somtimes with odds on that side which is against them . by which means they either punish that which they ought to favor and protect , or that with corporal punishment and of thir own inventing , which not they but the church hath receivd command to chastise with a spiritual rod only . yet some are so eager in thir zeal of forcing , that they refuse not to descend at length to the utmost shift of that parabolical prooff luke 14.16 , &c. compell them to come in . therfore magistrates may compell in religion . as if a parable were to be straind through every word or phrase , and not expounded by the general scope therof : which is no other here then the earnest expression of gods displeasure on those recusant jewes , and his purpose to preferre the gentiles on any terms before them ; expressd here by the word compell . but how compells he ? doubtless no otherwise then he draws , without which no man can come to him , ioh. 6.44 : and that is by the inward perswasive motions of his spirit and by his ministers ; not by the outward compulsions of a magistrate or his officers . the true people of christ , as is foretold psal. 110.3 , are a willing people in the day of his power . then much more now when he rules all things by outward weakness , that both his inward power and their sinceritie may the more appeer . god loveth a chearfull giver : then certainly is not pleasd with an unchearfull worshiper ; as the verie words declare of his euangelical invitations . esa. 55.1 . ho , everie one that thirsteth , come . ioh. 7.37 . if any man thirst . rev. 3.18 . i counsel thee . and 22.17 . whosoever will , let him take the water of life freely . and in that grand commission of preaching to invite all nations marc 16.16 , as the reward of them who come , so the penaltie of them who come not is only spiritual . but they bring now some reason with thir force , which must not pass unanswerd ; that the church of thyatira was blam'd rev. 2.20 for suffering the false prophetess to teach and to seduce . i answer , that seducement is to be hinderd by fit and proper means ordaind in church-discipline ; by instant and powerfull demonstration to the contrarie ; by opposing truth to error , no unequal match ; truth the strong to error the weak though slie and shifting . force is no honest confutation ; but uneffectual , and for the most part unsuccessfull , oft times fatal to them who use it : sound doctrine diligently and duely taught , is of herself both sufficient , and of herself ( if some secret judgment of god hinder not ) alwaies prevalent against seducers . this the thyatirians had neglected , suffering , against church-discipline , that woman to teach and seduce among them : civil force they had not then in thir power ; being the christian part only of that citie , and then especially under one of those ten great persecutions , wherof this the second was raisd by domitian : force therfore in these matters could not be requir'd of them , who were then under force themselves . i have shewn that the civil power hath neither right nor can do right by forcing religious things : i will now shew the wrong it doth ; by violating the fundamental privilege of the gospel , the new-birthright of everie true beleever , christian libertie . 2 cor. 3.17 . where the spirit of the lord is , there is libertie . gal. 4.26 . ierusalem which is above , is free ; which is the mother of us all . and 31. we are not children of the bondwoman but of the free . it will be sufficient in this place to say no more of christian libertie , then that it sets us free not only from the bondage of those ceremonies , but also from the forcible imposition of those circumstances , place and time in the worship of god : which though by him commanded in the old law , yet in respect of that veritie and freedom which is euangelical , s. paul comprehends both kindes alike , that is to say , both ceremonie and circumstance , under one and the same contemtuous name of weak and beggarly rudiments , gal. 4.3.9 , 10. col. 2.8 . with 16 : conformable to what our saviour himself taught iohn 4.21 , 23. neither in this mountain nor yet at ierusalem . in spirit and in truth : for the father seeketh such to worship him . that is to say , not only sincere of heart , for such he sought ever , but also , as the words here chiefly import , not compelld to place , and by the same reason , not to any set time ; as his apostle by the same spirit hath taught us rom. 14.6 , &c. one man esteemeth one day above another , another &c. gal. 4.10 . ye observe dayes , and moonths &c. coloss. 2.16 . these and other such places of scripture the best and learnedest reformed writers have thought evident anough to instruct us in our freedom not only from ceremonies but from those circumstances also , though impos'd with a confident perswasion of moralitie in them , which they hold impossible to be in place or time . by what warrant then our opinions and practises herin are of late turnd quite against all other protestants , and that which is to them orthodoxal , to us become scandalous and punishable by statute , i wish were once again better considerd ; if we mean not to proclame a schism in this point from the best and most reformed churches abroad . they who would seem more knowing , confess that these things are indifferent , but for that very cause by the magistrate may be commanded . as if god of his special grace in the gospel had to this end freed us from his own commandments in these things , that our freedom should subject us to a more greevous yoke , the commandments of men . as well may the magistrate call that common or unclean which god hath cleansd , forbidden to s. peter acts 10.15 ; as well may he loos'n that which god hath strait'nd , or strait'n that which god hath loos'nd , as he may injoin those things in religion which god hath left free , and lay on that yoke which god hath taken off . for he hath not only given us this gift as a special privilege and excellence of the free gospel above the servile law , but strictly , also hath commanded us to keep it and enjoy it . gal. 5.13 . you are calld to libertie . 1 cor. 7.23 . be not made the servants of men . gal. 5.14 . stand fast therfore in the libertie wherwith christ hath made us free ; and be not intangl'd again with the yoke of bondage . neither is this a meer command , but for the most part in these forecited places accompanied with the verie waightiest and inmost reasons of christian religion : rom. 14.9 , 10. for to this end christ both dy'd and rose and reviv'd , that he might be lord both of the dead and living . but why dost thou judge thy brother ? &c. how presum'st thou to be his lord , to be whose only lord , at least in these things , christ both dy'd and rose and livd again ? we shall all stand before the judgment seat of christ . why then dost thou not only judge , but persecute in these things for which we are to be accountable to the tribunal of christ only , our lord and lawgiver ? 1 cor. 7.23 . ye are bought with a price ; be not made the servants of men . some trivial price belike , and for some frivolous pretences paid in their opinion , if bought and by him redeemd who is god from what was once the service of god , we shall be enthrald again and forc'd by men to what now is but the service of men . gal. 4.31 , with 5.1 . we are not children of the bondwoman &c. stand fast therfore &c. col. 2.8 . beware least any man spoil you , &c. after the rudiments of the world , and not after christ . solid reasons wherof are continu'd through the whole chapter . v. 10. ye are complete in him , which is the head of all principalitie and power . not completed therfore or made the more religious by those ordinances of civil power , from which christ thi● head hath dischargd us ; blotting out the handwriting of ordinances , that was against us , which was contrarie to us ; and took it out of the way , nailing it to his cross , v. 14 : blotting out ordinances written by god himself , much more those so boldly written over again by men . ordinances which were against us , that is , against our frailtie , much more those which are against our conscience . let no man therfore judge you in respect of &c. v. 16. gal. 4.3 , &c. even so we , when we were children , were in bondage under the rudiments of the world : but when the fullness of time was come , god sent forth his son &c. to redeem them that were under the law , that we might receive the adoption of sons &c. wherfore thou art no more a servant , but a son &c. but now &c. how turn ye again to the weak and beggarly rudiments , wherunto ye desire again to be in bondage ? ye observe dayes &c. hence it planely appeers , that if we be not free we are not sons , but still servants unadopted ; and if we turn again to those weak and beggarly rudiments , we are not free ; yea though willingly and with a misguided conscience we desire to be in bondage to them ; how much more then if unwillingly and against our conscience ? ill was our condition chang'd from legal to euangelical , and small advantage gotten by the gospel , if for the spirit of adoption to freedom , promisd us , we receive again the spirit of bondage to fear ; if our fear which was then servile towards god only , must be now servile in religion towards men : strange also and preposterous fear , if when and wherin it hath attaind by the redemption of our saviour to be filial only towards god , it must be now servile towards the magistrate . who by subjecting us to his punishment in these things , brings back into religion that law of terror and satisfaction , belonging now only to civil crimes ; and thereby in effect abolishes the gospel by establishing again the law to a far worse yoke of servitude upon us then before . it will therfore not misbecome the meanest christian to put in minde christian magistrates , and so much the more freely by how much the more they desire to be thought christian ( for they will be thereby , as they ought to be in these things , the more our brethren and the less our lords ) that they meddle not rashly with christian libertie , the birthright and outward testimonie of our adoption : least while they little think it , nay think they do god service , they themselves like the sons of that bondwoman be found persecuting them who are freeborne of the spirit ; and by a sacrilege of not the least aggravation bereaving them of that sacred libertie which our saviour with his own blood purchas'd for them . a fourth reason why the magistrate ought not to use force in religion , i bring from the consideration of all those ends which he can likely pretend to the interposing of his force therin : and those hardly can be other then first the glorie of god ; next either the spiritual good of them whom he forces , or the temporal punishment of their scandal to others . as for the promoting of gods glory , none , i think , will say that his glorie ought to be promoted in religious things by unwarrantable means , much less by means contrarie to what he hath commanded . that outward force is such , and that gods glory in the whole administration of the gospel according to his own will and councel ought to be fulfilld by weakness , at least so refuted , not by force ; or if by force , inward and spiritual , not outward and corporeal , is already prov'd at large . that outward force cannot tend to the good of him who is forc'd in religion , is unquestionable . for in religion whatever we do under the gospel , we ought to be therof perswaded without scruple ; and are justified by the faith we have , not by the work we do . rom. 14.5 . let every man be fully perswaded in his own mind . the other reason which follows necessarily , is obvious gal. 2.16 , and in many other places of st. paul , as the groundwork and foundation of the whole gospel , that we are justified by the faith of christ , and not by the works of the law . if not by the works of gods law , how then by the injunctions of mans law ? surely force cannot work perswasion , which is faith ; cannot therfore justifie nor pacifie the conscience ; and that which justifies not in the gospel , condemns ; is not only not good , but sinfull to do . rom. 14.23 . whatsoever is not of faith , is sin . it concerns the magistrate then to take heed how he forces in religion conscientious men 〈◊〉 least by compelling them to do that wherof they cannot be perswaded , that wherin they cannot finde themselves justified , but by thir own consciences condemnd , instead of aiming at thir spiritual good , he force them to do evil ; and while he thinks himself asa , iosia , nehemia , he be found ieroboam , who causd israel to sin ; and thereby draw upon his own head all those sins and shipwracks of implicit faith and conformitie , which he hath forc'd , and all the wounds given to those little ones , whom to offend he will finde worse one day then that violent drowning mentioned matt. 18.6 . lastly as a preface to force , it is the usual pretence , that although tender consciences shall be tolerated , yet scandals thereby given shall not be unpunishd , prophane and licentious men shall not be encourag'd to neglect the performance of religious and holy duties by color of any law giving libertie to tender consciences . by which contrivance the way lies ready open to them heerafter who may be so minded , to take away by little and little , that liberty which christ and his gospel , not any magistrate , hath right to give : though this kinde of his giving be but to give with one hand and take away with the other , which is a deluding not a giving . as for scandals , if any man be offended at the conscientious liberty of another , it is a taken scandal not a given . to heal one conscience we must not wound another : and men must be exhorted to beware of scandals in christian libertie , not forc'd by the magistrate ; least while he goes about to take away the scandal , which is uncertain whether given or taken , he take away our liberty , which is the certain and the sacred gift of god , neither to be touchd by him , nor to be parted with by us . none more cautious of giving scandal then st. paul . yet while he made himself servant to all , that he might gain the more , he made himself so of his own accord , was not made so by outward force , testifying at the same time that he was free from all men , 1 cor. 9.19 : and therafter exhorts us also gal. 5.13 . ye were calld to libertie &c. but by love serve one another : then not by force . as for that fear least prophane and licentious men should be encourag'd to omit the performance of religious and holy duties , how can that care belong to the civil magistrate , especially to his force ? for if prophane and licentious persons must not neglect the performance of religious and holy duties , it implies , that such duties they can perform ; which no protestant will affirm . they who mean the outward performance , may so explane it ; and it will then appeer yet more planely , that such performance of religious and holy duties especialy by prophane and licentious persons , is a dishonoring rather then a worshiping of god ; and not only by him not requir'd but detested : prov. 21.27 . the sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination : how much more when he bringeth it with a wicked minde ? to compell therfore the prophane to things holy in his prophaneness , is all one under the gospel , as to have compelld the unclean to sacrifise in his uncleanness under the law . and i adde withall , that to compell the licentious in his licentiousness , and the conscientious against his conscience , coms all to one ; tends not to the honor of god , but to the multiplying and the aggravating of sin to them both . we read not that christ ever exercis'd force but once ; and that was to drive prophane ones out of his temple , not to force them in : and if thir beeing there was an offence , we finde by many other scriptures that thir praying there was an abomination : and yet to the jewish law that nation , as a servant , was oblig'd ; but to the gospel each person is left voluntarie , calld only , as a son , by the preaching of the word ; not to be driven in by edicts and force of arms . for if by the apostle , rom. 12.1 , we are beseechd as brethren by the mercies of god to present our bodies a living sacrifice , holy , acceptable to god , which is our reasonable service or worship , then is no man to be forc'd by the compulsive laws of men to present his body a dead sacrifice , and so under the gospel most unholy and unacceptable , because it is his unreasonable service , that is to say , not only unwilling but unconscionable , but if prophane and licentious persons may not omit the performance of holy duties , why may they not partake of holy things ? why are they prohibited the lords supper ; since both the one and the other action may be outward ; and outward performance of dutie may attain at least an outward participation of benefit ? the church denying them that communion of grace and thanksgiving , as it justly doth , why doth the magistrate compell them to the union of performing that which they neither truly can , being themselves unholy , and to do seemingly is both hatefull to god , and perhaps no less dangerous to perform holie duties irreligiously then to receive holy signes or sacraments unworthily . all prophane and licentious men , so known , can be considerd but either so without the church as never yet within it , or departed thence of thir own accord , or excommunicate : if never yet within the church , whom the apostle , and so consequently the church have naught to do to judge , as he professes 1 cor. 5.12 , them by what autoritie doth the magistrate judge , or , which is worse , compell in relation to the church ? if departed of his own accord , like that lost sheep luke 15.4 , &c. the true church either with her own or any borrowd force worries him not in again , but rather in all charitable manner sends after him ; and if she finde him , layes him gently on her shoulders ; bears him , yea bears his burdens ; his errors , his infirmities any way tolerable , so fulfilling the law of christ , gal. 6.2 : if excommunicate , whom the church hath bid go out , in whose name doth the magistrate compell to go in ? the church indeed hinders none from hearing in her publick congregation , for the doors are open to all : nor excommunicates to destruction , but , as much as in her lies , to a final saving . her meaning therfore must needs bee , that as her driving out brings on no outward penaltie , so no outward force or penaltie of an improper and only a destructive power should drive in again her infectious sheep ; therfore sent out because infectious , and not driven in but with the danger not only of the whole and sound , but also of his own utter perishing . since force neither instructs in religion nor begets repentance or amendment of life , but , on the contrarie , hardness of heart , formalitie , hypocrisie , and , as i said before , everie way increase of sin ; more and more alienates the minde from a violent religion expelling out and compelling in , and reduces it to a condition like that which the britains complain of in our storie , driven to and fro between the picts and the sea . if after excommunion he be found intractable , incurable , and will not hear the church , he becoms as one never yet within her pale , a heathen or a publican , mat. 18.17 ; not further to be judgd , no not by the magistrate , unless for civil causes ; but left to the final sentence of that judge , whose coming shall be in flames of fire ; that maran athaà , 1 cor. 16.22 ; then which to him so left nothing can be more dreadful and ofttimes to him particularly nothing more speedie , that is to say , the lord cometh : in the mean while deliverd up to satan , 1 cor. 5.5 . 1 tim. 1.20 . that is , from the fould of christ and kingdom of grace to the world again which is the kingdom of satan ; and as he was receivd from darkness to light , and from the power of satan to god acts 26.18 , so now deliverd up again from light to darkness , and from god to the power of satan ; yet so as is in both places manifested , to the intent of saving him , brought sooner to contrition by spiritual then by any corporal severitie . but grant it belonging any way to the magistrate , that prophane and licentious persons omit not the performance of holy duties , which in them were odious to god even under the law , much more now under the gospel , yet ought his care both as a magistrate and a christian , to be much more that conscience be not inwardly violated , then that licence in these things be made outwardly conformable : since his part is undoubtedly as a christian , which puts him upon this office much more then as a magistrate , in all respects to have more care of the conscientious then of the prophane ; and not for their sakes to take away ( while they ptetend to give ) or to diminish the rightfull libertie of religious consciences . on these four scriptural reasons as on a firm square this truth , the right of christian and euangelic liberty , will stand immoveable against all those pretended consequences of license and confusion , which for the most part men most licentious and confus'd themselves , or such as whose severitie would be wiser then divine wisdom , are ever aptest to object against the waies of god : as if god without them when he gave us this libertie , knew not of the worst which these men in thir arrogance pretend will follow : yet knowing all their worst , he gave us this liberty as by him judgd best . as to those magistrates who think it their work to settle religion , and those ministers or others , who so oft call upon them to do so , i trust , that having well considerd what hath bin here argu'd , neither they will continue in that intention , nor these in that expectation from them : when they shall finde that the settlement of religion belongs only to each particular church by perswasive and spiritual means within it self , and that the defence only of the church belongs to the magistrate . had he once learnt not further to concern himself with church affairs , half his labor might be spar'd , and the commonwealth better tended . to which end , that which i premis'd in the beginning , and in due place treated of more at large , i desire now concluding , that they would consider seriously what religion is : and they will find it to be in summe , both our beleef and our practise depending upon god only . that there can be no place then left for the magistrate or his force in the settlement of religion , by appointing either what we shall beleeve in divine things or practise in religious ( neither of which things are in the power of man either to perform himself or to enable others ) i perswade me in the christian ingenuitie of all religious men , the more they examin seriously , the more they will finde cleerly to be true : and finde how false and deceivable that common saying is , which is so much reli'd upon , that the christian magistrate is custos utriusque tabulae , keeper of both tables ; unless is meant by keeper the defender only : neither can that maxim be maintaind by any prooff or argument which hath not in this discours first or last bin refuted . for the two tables , or ten commandements , teach our dutie to god and our neighbour from the love of both ; ( give magistrates no autoritie to force either : they seek that from the judicial law ; though on false grounds , especially in the first table , as i have shewn ; and both in first and second execute that autoritie for the most part not according to gods judicial laws but thir own . as for civil crimes and of the outward man , which all are not , no not of those against the second table , as that of coveting ; in them what power they have , they had from the beginning , long before moses or the two tables were in being . and whether they be not now as little in being to be kept by any christian as they are two legal tables , remanes yet as undecided , as it is sure they never were yet deliverd to the keeping of any christian magistrate . but of these things perhaps more some other time ; what may serve the present hath bin above discourst sufficiently out of the scriptures : and to those produc'd might be added testimonies , examples , experiences of all succeeding ages to these times asserting this doctrine : but having herin the scripture so copious and so plane , we have all that can be properly calld true strength and nerve ; the rest would be but pomp and incumbrance . pomp and ostentation of reading is admir'd among the vulgar : but doubtless in matters of religion he is learnedest who is planest . the brevitie i use , not exceeding a small manual , will not therfore , i suppose , be thought the less considerable , unless with them perhaps who think that great books only can determin great matters . i rather chose the common rule , not to make much ado where less may serve . which in controversies and those especially of religion , would make them less tedious , and by consequence read ofter , by many more , and with more benefit . the end . dualitas, or, a two-fold subject displayed and opened conducible to godliness and peace in order, i. lex loquens, the honour and dignity of magistracy with the duties thereupon depending and reverence thereunto due, ii. duorum unitas, the agreement of magistracy and ministry, at the election of the honourable magistrates of edinburgh and the opening of a diocesan synod of the reverend clergy there / by will. annand. annand, william, 1633-1689. 1674 approx. 163 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 42 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a25459 wing a3217 estc r27190 09692045 ocm 09692045 44006 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25459) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44006) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1348:6) dualitas, or, a two-fold subject displayed and opened conducible to godliness and peace in order, i. lex loquens, the honour and dignity of magistracy with the duties thereupon depending and reverence thereunto due, ii. duorum unitas, the agreement of magistracy and ministry, at the election of the honourable magistrates of edinburgh and the opening of a diocesan synod of the reverend clergy there / by will. annand. annand, william, 1633-1689. [4], 34, [2], 39 p. printed by george swintoun and james glen and are to be sold by gideon schaw, edinburgh : 1674. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng judges. church and state. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-02 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion dualitas : or a two-fold subject displayed and opened , conducible to godliness , and peace . in order , i. lex loquens , the honour and dignity of magistracy , with the duties thereupon depending , and reverence thereunto due . ii. duorum unitas , the agreement of magistracy and ministry , at the election of the honourable magistrates of edinburgh , and the opening of a diocesian synod of the reverend clergy there . by will. annand , m. a. one of the ministers of that ancient city , sometime of vnivers . coll. oxon . jerem. 31. 23. as yet they shall use this speech in the land of judah . and in the cities thereof , the lord bless thee , o habitation of justice , and mountain of holiness . h●lar . de synod . aver● . ar●a● . vestrum est in commune tract are , ac providere at que agere ut quod nunc usque inviolabili fide manetis relig●●sa conscientia , conservatis , & teneatis quod tenetis . edinburgh , printed by george swintoun and james glen ; and are to be sold by gideon schaw : anno dom. 1674. to the right honourable , james cvrrie , lord provost of the ancient city of edinbvrgh . for bailies william johnston james justice william carmichael david swintoun robert baird l. dean of gild ▪ james southerland l. thesaurer . and all other members of the council , and counsellours of that city . my lords , and honourable patriots , justice of old being painted , according to her uncorrupt nature , a beautiful virgin , embelish'd with all vertuous array , dragging and smiting a prisoner on the face , of a deformed aspect , named injuria , may cause some to represent this my adress in unfortunat colours , with a meen compelling censure ; judgement being designed for punishing misdemeanour : but such shall understand , that unless obedience be culpable , my dedication can have nothing of iniquity . my lord , i appeal unto your self , if there be not here presented , what you have so far honoured , as of old to request a copy , to which motion i could name them who adhered ; where still declaration was made , ( such was my obligation ) that satisfaction should be given ; but craved time , expecting a demurr , might procure a more beautiful opportunity then to offer it in the dark . the hoped for season ( right honourable ) is now ; and the general suffrage of authors , electing patrons ( for countenancing treatises ) for evicting gratitude in the writer , and attracting veneration from the reader , i make address with this my du alit as before the body of this populous city , in your lordships person , and venerable council , whose ingenuous behaviour in a succession of years , towards all your own called and elected ministery , and to my self in particular , forms already imaginations of candid acceptance . how empty soever it may seem to others , your honours desire after it , to me , makes it ponderous . ty●ng me withall in gratitude , to wish your bench prosperous in its worthies , and that your city , through the vigilancy of its watch-men in both employs , may continually merit its gray-hair'd and ancient epithet , being futurely known for the good town , is the request of , my lord , and right honourable , yours in all offices of love and duty , will. annand . from my study , septemb. 15. 1674. to the reader . courteous friend , the morosity of this age can hardly allow , in probability of discretion , to complement thee into a kind conceit of what is here in thy hands ; it treating of magistracy and ministry : a theme that more loudly than ordinary whisper , suggests somewhat diminishing respect ; veneration to them being a duty many called christian ( not to say , thought godly ) hath forgot : yet if there be any bowels of love to god or man , compassion to our church , or affection to our own interest , there is something here inducing to a perusal . it speaks of judgement , and pleads for justice , as the great axis , upon which the wheels of thine ow●●ffairs must successfully move : but as god , together with these , is endowed with mercy , so neither is there wanting here documents of clemency and tenderness , inflaming thee , if god-like , to affability and meekness , without sordid sullenness , or aukward surliness , to review what is offered at the request of thy well-wisher : otherwise to grant what is much better , viz. thy prayers and good wishes , to be directed by the line of verity , and led through the labyrinth of error and mistake ; and as i never yet wished thee the least evil , so shall i alwayes endeavour thy greatest good . farewel . will. annand . errata . lex loquens . page 6. line 19. r. shining . p. 23. l. 23. r. fire . dv . p. 2. l. 2. r. adapted . p : 21. l. 21. r. princes and priests . l. 22. 2 cbron. 23. 7. p ▪ 24. l. 7. r. charnel . lex loquens , or , the honour and dignity of magistracy , with the duties thereupon depending , and reverence thereunto due : preached in the high church of edinburgh , october 4. 1664. the day of electing the magistrates of that honourable city , for the ensuing year . ezrah vii . xxv . and thou , ezrah , after the wisdom of thy god , that is in thine hand , set magistrates and judges , which may judge all the people that are beyond the river , all such as know the laws of thy god , and teach ye them that know them not . and whosoever will not do the law of thy god , and the law of the king , let judgement be executed speedily upon him , whether it be unto death , or to banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment . at the first infusion of the reasonable soul into man , it was so reasonable , so pure , so full of beaming light , directing to vertuous undertakings , that his very body was not under the dominion of any , not to be brought , god himself excepted ; unto whom his soul doth willingly adhere , without so much as the shadow of desiring another authority for the rendering of that we call subjection . what was intended or was founded in that primeve soveraignty adam was to have had over eva , or both of them over their sons or daughters , sin hath eclipsed our sun-like endowments , that we are not able perfectly to discern : but evident it is , that man had at first dominion , by publick decree , only over beasts of the earth , fishes of the sea , fowls of the air , gen. 1. 28. that is , as we now understand it , over unreasonable creatures ; hinting that where reason is perfected , there is proclaimed freedom , dominion still hitting and falling upon that person with the heavier or lighter stroak , where unreasonableness is more or less in-dwelling , or any thing of the bruit further in , or faster rooted , as experience shews in children , fools , or mad-men . the fall therefore , in different degrees , bestializing man , almighty wisdom in all generations , selected the most vertuous , as senior in parts , to ●ule over those younglings , more inclined to debaur'd ; yea hath from this their office , stiled them gods , who were not eminent in that god-like quality of holiness , but fiery and tyrannical , ruling over others as their creatures , for the punishment of a people guilty of more atrocious crimes : and as men multiplied , and nations increased , so rulers , and under-rulers were propagated , to restrain and curb persons more feral , wild , and unneighbourly , from infecting by their bad behaviour , the otherwise peaceable , reduc●ng them by inst●uction , by correction , to a more goodly deportment ; and by death it self , over-awing the like unruliness , in the sad and passionat beholders . hence it was commendable in this artaxerxes , or ahasuerus , ( for ezrah's king , and esther's husband , was one man ) that god having made him emperour over an hundred and twenty and seven provinces , blessing him with a peaceable reign , and gifting him with the land of canaan , for the punishment of israels sin , to take care against the committing of more iniquity , by impowering a holy jew , a religious scribe , a serious devoto , a gospel wise-man , , one that was known in mosaick-law , who eying the star of the promised return , acted peaceably , religiously , and loyally under the conquerour , whereby conquering so the persian monarch and his seven counsellours , that from them he received a commission , 1. for building of a temple for the god of heaven in jerusalem , that the people might learn religion . 2. for setting judges and magistrates over them , that they might learn manners , ordaining the disobedient to have judgement speedily executed upon him . &c. for all which ezrah was so grateful a scribe , so godly a physician , in curing the distempers of church and state , as to bless the god of heaven , for putting such a thing as this in the kings heart , prayed for the king and his sons therefore , his devotional affections running equally as a mighty river , into the fountains of gods glory and mans good . for this last , right honourable , ( our temple through gra●e being builded ) are we met here , viz. for appointing judges and magistrates ; and because your selves have authority from our great artaxerxes , it is only my part , as one of your unworthy scribes , to mind you of what i know you have already purposed , ( i. e. ) according to the wisdom of your god , which is in your hand , to set over the people magistrates and judges , all such as know the laws of our god , and to teach them that know them not . in order to which , according to the same law , let us distinctly view , 1. the notation , sense of the word , and the end of magistracy , set thou magistrates and judges . 2. the necessity of the thing , and rule by which they are to be chosen , after the wisdom of thy god. 3. the honour and respect with which the magistrate is to be noticed , and whosoever will not do the law of thy god , and of the king , let judgement be speedily executed upon him , whether unto death , or banishment , or confiscation of goods , or imprisonment . sect . i. the notation , sense of the word , and end of magistracy . it cometh from the word magister , to have the mastery , rule , or government over others , one placed in power , and lawfully impowered to coerce , prevent , and punish disorders , in all wisdom . the sense of the word magister being magus in the persian dialect , called wise men in st. matthew , such as the greeks called philosophers , the french druides , the egyptians prophets , the english wise men , or cunning men , or canny man in this kingdom ( vulgarly ) that is one handy , and dexterous in the pursuit of those offices , unto which their eminent abilities in the eye of their superiours , as a commendamus did instate them , as here , the wisdom of god in the hand of ezrah , that is , his promptitude therein , and readiness thereat , did prefer him in the observation of artaxerxes , to this high and eminent imploy . the word shaphetin , radically signifies judging ; but that part of it , as to men , which is translated juridicos , such a judgment as judiciously giveth the sense or being of the law , called also causidicos , such as determineth or pleadeth causes betwixt men and men ; praesides , presidents , a word intimating a person invested with publick authority , for management of the affairs of a common-wealth : a judge or magistrate , the law and the people , being the three essentials , giving life and const●tution to a re-publick . of magistrates some are supream , others subordinat ; some are greater , as having a greater charge , others lesser , according to the limits of their government , some such by birth and succession ; artaxerxes was the son of zerxes , others by election , suffrage , or by vote , as ezrah here , and now with us . the first as the king , is compared to the soul , as being that spirit by which a nation is quickened , the latter to the body or members thereof , by which motion is made to curb wickedness , and encourage goodness , and that splendidly , because of which , there are who will have the word magistrate to proceed from magis-and ter , he performing a threefold office remarkably , 1. in protecting all the people . 2. in praying for the whole people . 3. in punishing disorders among the people . the roman magistrates were at first called pretors , as going before the people to espy and foresee perils ; then judges , from discerning the sense , and expressing the meaning of the law ; then consuls , from consulting the peoples welfare ; which again giveth a threefold use of magistracy . hence they ar● called , 1. rulers , from regulating the people , that they grow , or run not crooked o● uneven in their manners . 2. ancients , as being older , that is wiser then others , governing by gray-hair'd experience , by prudential advertance , their subjects who are supposed to be more young , that is , rash , tender and head-strong . 3. elders , as having both antiquity writ on their persons , and gravity on their faces , in opposition to those youthful and frisking glances , they are to banish by more severe behaviour ; from this notion cometh the word alderman , in our neighbour-kingdom , and great city , which represents but the sense of our word baily , a title lent us from our ancient allies the french , signifying puissance , command , or authority infused into him for executing the law , in his place and stead under whom they are bailies : and your ordinary additament sir , is but senior , having respect to his venerable age , years , and countenance , not that a youth may not be a magistrate , for consulatus est praemium virtutis , said the great italian in his sound politicks ; government is the reward to vertue , not of years , he being senior , he being alderman , who is old , stayed , learned , and grave in his carriage and conversation . 4. governours , a metaphor snatched from the pilots exercise , a city being as a ship , the magistrates thereof intended for safe conducting both cargo and vessel to the designed port of peace and prosperity ; therefore were the athenian judges the day of election sworn thus : i will give sentence according to the laws and decrees of the people of athens , i will not take gifts for judgement , i am not younger then thirty , i will hear both parties , the accuser and defendant alike , i will pass judgement aright in the thing prosecuted by jupiter , neptune , and all the gods . they are called also high hills , princes , leaders , powers , gods , consulting about things to come , judging about things present , governing for the time allotted , according to the known law. the prefect of rome under king romulus , had the charge of the city only , yet afterwards his dominion extended to an hundreth miles about it , exercising his prefectory prepositorship , or provostry , for so i may call it , according to the idiome of the word , as doing , as going , as speaking before the people , for example , for conduct , for caveat , that nothing should be done wickedly , undertaken rashly , or uttered indiscreetly , against the b●nefit of that body under inspection . so samuel was magist●atus , that is magnus magistratus , shinely , brightly , being truely feared , and highly approved of the people , 1 sam. 12. 3. it was said by a great man , that nothing was more difficult then to govern well ; and such as are apt but to the contemplation , how much more they that are called to the exercise of magistracy , shall find it more then ceremonious to be a ruler ? for conform to artaxerxes , the end of that call is , for , 1. judging . 2. teaching . 3. punishing of the people : of which in order . 1. judging , insinuating clearness of understanding . this word judices , or judges , is from jus dicere , speaking audibly what the law inwardly hath conceived , his eye directing , diving into the most dark recesses of a statute , for clearing up the iniquity or innocency of a cau●e , depending before his bench , or standing at his bar , not torturing , or stretching the joynts the●eof upon the rock of subtilty , but wisely to respect the meaning and ultimat scope of the appointed rule , which is never to oppress . what sinews and arteries are unto the natural body , forming for upright walking , that judgement is to the politick bulk of a society , moving for discerning betwixt the clean and the unclean , in ezekiels style , c. 44. ocularly , as it were pointing at their several natures , for imbracing the one , and spurning at the other , and to discern between good and bad in solomons wish , 1 king. 3. dogmatically by an authoritative sentence ; unto which in that critical case of the harlots , an eager and sharp prying into the law of nature , dissipated all foggy complaints , solidly discovered the true mother , by an unusual command of dividing the child , procuring a reverend fear unto his own regal person , all inferring from this acute discovery , that there was no bemisting of his unde●standing . for compleating of mans judgement , or perfecting of justice , philosophers required these three things , 1. memory , 2. intelligence . 3. observation of providence ; and if we can remember the import of these , it will much irradiat our understandings for giving judgement in any case . for 1. memory is a repository for storing up registers of former , or past actings , that as from a bank they may be provided for ex tempore assaults . or again , that justice be not perverted , when at last it may be casu●lly impeded , but executed . so gamaliel secured the lives of the apostles against the councils resolution , acts 5. from calling to mind the unprosperous insurrections of theudas and judas . so david at last executed judgement on joab and shimei , proving at length too strong for any son of belial , 1 kings 2. and cesar's not reading the letter , that discovered his own intended murther by a miscreant crew of conspirators , given him before he went to the senate , may compel a magistrate in tumults , into a sagacious inspection of any informatory epistle , given in his approach to court or council , or in earnest , in the most serene tranquility of the calmest debate . that check the oppressed , yet loyal machetas gave philip of macedon , passing ( through inadvertence ) an unjust sentence , may cause a justitiary to have both his eyes open , in deciding causes : it was this , beholding the king drowsie , and more then half asleep , while the pleaders pleaded , condemned him in a certain sum , upon which machetas with a loud voice appealed from him ; this enraged and throughly awaked the king , demanding to whom ? to your self , sir , said he , when you are perfectly awake : this made the ingenuous prince blush , who hearing the cause attentively again , gave true judgement , himself paying to the other party the debt he had unjustly ordered the appealer to discharge . the same prince in a hurry being complained unto by a poor oppressed woman , told her , he was not at leasure ; she boldly enough replyed , then be not at leasure to be king : the shamefac'd worthy , first gave her justice , and frequently after that heard all complaints himself . the remembrance of which and such other passages , how competently , as to the memory , would they qualifie a judge ? the 2. intelligence is a pondering upon , and searching as far as possible , into the nature and circumstance of things present and before them , the complainers grievance , and the plaintiffs replyes , being not alwayes writ in text hand , craft , and cousenage will dim the letters ; and to make them appear fine , they will ( it may be ) by the parties be drawn forth in small characters : to this how excellent is a quick and piercing eye , to know each comma , for keeping sense and right reading , from the breath , eye , countenance of the most audacious , arrive at the full point or period of exact sentence , and may triumph in the conquest over falshood , yea perhaps preventing perjury ? besides this , darkness , the unusualness of the case , may jumble a judge , if not more then ordinary ready to apprehend what to do . i have oft wondered at that sentence of the areopagi , before whom a lady was accused for killing her husband and son , who had dispatched a son of hers by a former husband : here there was cause to condemn , and some cause to have compassion , in securing life ; in deep meditation , they ordered the woman and her accuser to appear before them , some hundreds of years after that , declaring thereby , they would not absolve , nor could not condemn , leaving the case to the determination of the gods , the law of the true god not being known , and the poor madam , tempted to such a passion , by so treacherous a deed . magistrates are heads , and excessively fatal will it prove to the least precinct , to be moved by an eyeless , that is a headless head , success not being so betrothed to each blind man , as she was to that famous bohemian zisca , who fought several battels with one eye , and some with never a one , yet still conquered the papal armies : but also observe , his victories proceeded from the bright lamp of his beaming understanding , or rather sun of clear judgement , upon the information of the enemies array , the eye of the body being but the casement , through which the vivacious soul emits her light : and a wise man will be wise in a dark room , and see clearly what to do though his eye-lids be closed . a disjoynted pilot will not secure a vessel , and a rash , inadvertent , and inconsiderat person , nature her self hath made unapt for a judges employ . pharaoh will have men of activity set over his cattel , gen. 47. not sir dull-man , who can neither judge of the weather , nor pasture , nor condition , nor case of the beast . and finding joseph discreet and wise , he made him ruler over all his house . solomon craved wisdom to go in and out king-like , both to begin business , and industriously to end them ; yea end them so , as being prepared for a fresh sally , without transport , perplexity , or amazement . for when in symbols , we see an asses head affixed , or joyned to a humane body , by the masters of that art , we are to understand , a doltish , blocked , dull , and heavy-pated ruler . james the third of this ancient kingdom , presented himself in a medal , under a crown , as a hen brooding over her chickens , with this device , non dormit qui custodit , magistrates are not sleepy , though asleep , keeping their subjects warm , and spying dangers within their circle , contriving methods of deliverance and escapes to those under their wings , in excessive colds , or apparent hazards . this made solomon in a dream to act the wise man , beautifying his throne , grandizing his peasants , making the boot a noble-man , and the noble-man a king , himself as it were a god , by peace , wealth , and religion , all issuing from a sublimated fore-sight of , and careful plodding upon , the weight of his affairs , even in the visions of the night . a judge , as he should set himself to know wisdom and folly , beholding not only the noon-day of righteousness of a person , in full and ample declamations of his innocence ; but also the twi-light , or star-light of another in his incongruous , or incoherent defences : never failing , if better cannot be , to light the candle of his own perception , by interrogatories and demurs , making scrutiny into the darkest crevice , and blindest corner of a petulant accuser , detecting his malevolence in the pursuit , and his revenge in clamouring for a sentence . in which festus was an unjust judge , for leaving paul bound , to procure to himself the favour of malicious jews , acts 24. and whoever followeth him , affronteth the guards that attend them . a magistrate being therefore encompass'd with partizans , and halberts , that all may know he is purposed truly to discern the face of all affairs , and immediatly both ready to punish malversation , and protect the regular in their well principled behaviour . the 3. observation of providence is , when by a cluster of antecedent affairs , compared with the present , in a prudent way of arguing , conclusions are drawn touching what may afterward occur . absaloms murther being pardoned , gave life to a more unnatural rebellion , and since no man did , the unreasonable mu●e hang'd the disloyal traitor . this is not to reflect upon david , but , my lord , to mind you and your honourable assistants , that very often it is no favour to let the smallest sinner go free , from what hath been seen , a reproof , a pair of stocks , one hours uneasie lodging , or a lash with a whip , may save both the expence and shame of a halter . i am prone to think , that moses severity against dathan and abiram , had this in its eye , the people having often murmured , and apt to complain , but until then never offered to attatch the priesthood , apprehending therefore there might still be in the camp incroachments made upon the sacred office , he cursed them from the common death of all men ( if i may call it a curse ) to deter hereafter sacrilegious thoughts from the bosoms of any , how holy soever , and remove them from attempting to touch that holy ground of the lords priest-hood . upon the same bottom it may be conjectured peter founded his strictness upon sacrilegious annanias , that none after him ( upon their peril ) should presume to make offer of somewhat to the lords service with both hands willingly , yet sordidly to clinch their finger for detaining a part , he saying in that bloodless slaughter , to annanias sons , give all unto , or say you give but half unto the lords house , that is , for the use of his servants , and his temple . but sacriledge is none of my province , this is proper , that it is good to be warry , . and as upon one of your tolbooths or new-gate , there is written , justitia alit pacem , peace is daughter unto justice , so justice , this night in a small degree , may procure great peace , some years from the offender , whereas impunity rankleth to a greater disgrace , and the old proverb for a judges chair , may be a motto , foolish pity spoils a city . if these things from sacred and humane authorities were heeded every where , in courts of judicature , called christian , how universally disposed should all judges be to perform what is the next end of ezrah's installing judges for , and that is , 2. teaching , inducing a care of propagating , and countenancing of religion : this the persian king dichotomizes , branching it into two forms , or classes , 1. such as know the law of the lord ; and , 2. such as know it not . there had been before liberty given to all the priests , levits , and the people , to go up to jerusalem , it might then be supposed , in regard of the captivity , the law was either in whole , or in part forgotten , or which is more charitably judged , that the jews did know the law , whereas strangers of other nations might go with ezrah , or be in canaan , and so being heathen , or their religion being mixed with heathenism , might not be perfect in the law of the lord ; and both these he was to teach . ezrah was a ready scribe in the law of moses , having it , as we say , upon his finger ends , for which eminent endowment , is he by his now soveraign made archbishop , or if that offend , the great superintendent of the kingdom of israel , and also as a civilian hath . authority , to appoint judges , a favour shewn him by the bounty-royal of a prince , and such as ezrah not only courteously , but thankfully accepts : yet now there are some that would condemn him for neglecting his priestly office , in receiving a commission for setting up magistrates and judges ; but this is all we sh●ll say , that they that condemneth church-men for this duplicate authority , are not so ready scribes in the book of the law , as he was ; for if they were , they would with him understand both law and church , and people would be bettered by those judges he set up , or then almighty god had never in his law so joyned magistrate and minister together . nay , their necessity , nature , reason , experience , or all , moved that from tully , when he said , that if any thought that the attick re-publick can be well governed without the coucil of the areopagites , he may as well say that the world may be governed without the provide●ce of the gods , ( i. e. ) church-mens courts . the civil ●ffice being no more impeded by his judges teaching , then his spiritual office was by his ordaining judges obstructed , both priest-hood and princedom here uniting , for dignifying each other , as from the beginning hath been , and as yet it doth , and shall in christ , whose laws never divorced , what his father had in all generations joyned together . there is a twofold teach●ng , 1. regal . 2. sacerdotale . and again , 1. private . 2. publick . and again , 1. by countenancing it before others , 2. performing it in their own persons . a magistrate may , and ought to teach all these first ways , a levit , or a priest , is to teach all the last ways . and he who hath seen a quarter sessions , a publick assize , a judges condemning speech , hath heard a glowing sermon . not now to be in a crowd , let us eye magistratical teaching , and that is done . 1. regally , or authoritatively . kings have taught , and yet may , and ought to teach , by their orders , by their laws , allotting such and such a circuite to the cure of such , or such a levite , and how david , solomon , jehoshaphat , hezekiah , taught the people in statuting the courses of the levites , composing prayers and psalms for the people , instituting days of humiliation , and in benign providences , appointing times for gratulation , and how they saw their subjects , whether clergy , or laity , perform these things , is so conspicuous , that it were impertinent to prove it by particulars . 2. privatly , and conscionably ; there is indeed a time for all things , and the season doth season , that is , giveth a holy and savoury relish to things at one time , which at another hour would be culpwble and censurable , and therefore disgustfull and unpleasant . thus solomon publickly helped to consecrat the temple ; and ou● late solomon king james , gave ( shall i call them ? ) two sermons , one in hopes of a victory over the spanish fleet , in 88. then invading england , and another in thanksgiving for its overthrow . but in ordinary , david will walk in the midst of his house , and cut off the liar from from his presence , and who walketh in a perfect way shall serve him , psal. 101. and after he had blessed the people in the name of the lord of hosts , he returned to bless his own house also , 2 sam. 6. it is becoming a holy magistrate , as opportunity offers , to teach humility , modesty , charity , piety , casting out vice , and sweetly alluring inclinations for vertuous education . in a city there is some rich , they may be proud , some poor , they may be unjust , some covetous , they may oppress , some wicked , they may be envious , some idle , they may be unruly : now as these are known to one in place , a wholsome sermon for heaven , for affability , for honesty , for liberality , for clemency , for industry , may be exceeding taking . one says , that there comes to a city , i. luxury and excels . 2. superfluity and fulness , after a stuft panch cometh 3. contumely and reproach , and then to remove all cometh the 4. the adversary and ruine . another being questioned what city was strongest ? replyed , that where were maniest good men , this is added to make firm , not to weaken , to enlarge , not to diminish the judges authority ; for if man would study to be quiet , do his own business , teach all within his own circle , family , school , chamber , lodging , the magistrates shall have less to do , in genoa superba it self , and shall be paralell to that city esteemed by zeno the best governed , the citizens in it obeying the magistrates , and the magistrates obeying the law ; and a magistrates privat teaching will mightily ope●at thereunto . some such thing was intended among some ancient people , who sung their laws , to keep the people still in mind of that by which they were to be governed . shall we think cornelius did not thus teach his band ? nor boaz his family ? or the great counsellours , na●hanael and nicodemus ? if job the poor , was joabab the prince , how shall we think that that king did not teach ? and was not solomon a preacher in jerusalem ? in a regal way seeing the law purely taught , in a private way ordering his family according to the law of royalty , decently , to the admiration of that wise sheba queen , and example of all pious , godly , and future magistrates : who by having an ascent ( i may be under stood ) whereby to go up to the house of the lord , may teach their servants , their subjects , to obey the law taught therein , 1 king. 10. 2. countenancing it before others . this is the pro●uct of solomons ascent , and in this did more then patrizare : yet was david glad when some told him that it was time to go to the house of the lord , the t●umpet sounding to the sacrifice . let interest speak what it will , the example of magistrates hath sway upon others , for learning godliness , and though trade and business may be pleaded , to hinder pulpit-attendance , yet it s not to be forgot , they are to be at leasure for magistracy . i shall be bold to add this more , that sloath or negligence of those in authority , shall be requited and revenged , the dutifulness of the preacher , in supporting that devoyr awe and reverence his hearers are to pay to the honourable office of magistracy , shall not at last have p●osperous success , but somewhat contrary , where the almighty beholdeth that governour not countenance the doctrines of love and fear unto himself . to give laws against blaspheming god , to punish the pro●haner of the name of god , to imprison , to scourge , to put to death such as break the commands of god , to discharge vice with a severe eye , as contrary to the nature of god , and to look ascue with a slighting contempt upon a minister of god , is one of the most indecent , incongruous acts a magistrate can perform , it signifying carelessness how his proper work should succeed ; for therefore is magistracy and ministry appointed as powers ordained of god , and hath swords in their hand , to exhort obedience to the law of god , and to punish them that do evil , to be a terror to evil workers , and encour●ger of them do well , for this one thing , gods glory , with this one difference , that the minister is , or may be called a servant of god , the magistrate a god : now an earthly god to vilifie a servant of the god of heaven sent to earth to aid him in his domination , ●avours of folly , of envy , both which are man-like , devil-like , not god-like qualities . when israel joyned themselves to baal-peor , an idol of the moabites , whose image on an altar , shewed what shem and japhet could not look upon ; it seemeth the elders of the people so far forgot their gravity , as to conduct and guide their wards thither for devotion , therefore were their heads hung up before the lord , and before the sun , numb . 25. by other elders that had not offered up their modesty to that impure priapus : but by discountenancing idolatry , taught some of the people higher lessons of the deity , and such as kept them within compass of the law , and preserved the honour themselves had first received over them . the other favouring image-worship , destroying that respect their places gave them , and in time still will so fester , that they shall be held as base as the earth , when for their contempt of the worship of god , which is the high-way of shame , they shall be set up as beacons , for men who are called gods , to walk more respectfully towards those who are gods ambassadors . it was to teach the people piety , that the heathen sages advised their nobles , princes , judges , 1. to build temples to the gods , and 2. their own houses to be near temples , that underlings beholding the cedars of a land to love and reverence heaven , they also in their low estate might be induced to eye the firmament , that success might be the issue of their trades , and by the hands of their nobles be supplied in such things as they wanted by motions of pitty coming from above . keeping up by this polit-religious practice , both honour to their fancied gods , and popular veneration to themselves and families . th●s may be enforced from the light in belshazzars candlestick : in vilifying but the vessels of the house of the lord ( who were servants but in a low degree ) call them our communion cups , for his darling concu●ines , say they drank healths in them , yet his mene , mcne , thou art weighed in the ballance , and found light , may shew the event of such actings , as whispers , but disgrace to those ministers , who ministers but with , and by , such vessels . but what shall we say , as he was found light who did it , they are usually the lightest persons , and most wanton yet , who are most inclined to such disdaining behaviour , and their sin , when sought after , shall be found sufficiently heavy . good and great joshua , a chief magistrate indeed , commanding both sun and moon , choosed to live in the tribe of ephraim , and was buried in the mount thereof : the tribe which god had chosen , to erect his tabernacle therein ; and there also but a few miles distant , was his high priest eleazar buried : and it had been pitty , that the first prince , the first priest , and the first house god had in the holy land , should have been very far asunder . that that house , and those monuments , might teach and convince the necessity for magistracy and ministry in god , to be always near to other , that the people might indust●iously strive with god in his temple , for upholding of the same respect in either , pleading with their neighbours to prove conservators of the same union , expressing their gratitude to god for them , by obeying , and respecting both , frequenting gods house by their example . artaxerxes was surnamed longi-manus , or long-hand , and by conduct can draw in the furthest off to hear . ezrah signifies help , and by doctrine can p●rswade the most obstinat to obey . this shall he find , who is in power , if he protect the honour of gods sanctuary with his sword , that is , by his attending therein , and honouring him that serveth , for the same ends he hath sword put into his hands for . from this , sure , came that old principle , that à bono principe , &c. a city is rather prosperous by a good prince , then by good laws ; this last , without the former , being but as paper bullets , creating a noise , but doing no execution ; the first being a speaking , moving law , towards instruction and sanctity , by demonstration , whereas the other are but as mathematical lines , shewing after what manner some hath spent their time for our learning , and having no master but our selves , either we come short of skill , or arrive at it with difficulty , whereas exemplarly teaching maketh us perfect with ease and delight in the most necessary speculations of god , our neighbours and our selves . when joshua died , the people had the same laws they had in his life , but he that says they had the same manners , never understood the book of judges ; this one instance may serve for all , without opening the graves of the good and bad kings of jerusalem and samaria , to make it unquestionable what henry ● emperour , when demanded why he would wear plain and course cloath , or stuff , answered , non corporis sed animi . a magistrate was not to be finer , but much better then his subjects , and to go before them in goodness and vertue , which perswades more cheerfully to serene behaviour , especially if correction be applied to lewd and barbarous undertakings , to such , a pillory and a whipping post , is a desk for a catechism , and a pulpit for edification . but this leads us to the last end of magistracy , which is , 3. punishing . this is teaching with a witness , or as we call it , with a ce●tification , it setting home the lesson upon him that will not learn it by heart . after this sort , with briers and thorns , gideon taught the men of succoth , judges 8. that is , good manners , civil answers , and courteous hospitality . some are blind , and will not see the law , others deaf , and will not hear the law ; others lame , and will not work the law ; others are wanton , and will scoff at 〈◊〉 law : now the judges office is , to let all of these feel 〈◊〉 law. the almighty gave his statutes in mount sinai in thunder , and such who are indifferent of hearing the sound , may change their behaviour , when informed there is therein a killing or deadly bolt . if judges make judgements wanting bolts , whereby to chastise malefice , at the last may be taught , that such counterfei●ing of laws , is● but mocking of god , and his sword shall strike at him , who thus abuseth the very end of his commission , by powder squibs , and rockets . the magistrates are said to bear swords , rom. 13. and he bears it in vain , if he only prove an animat cavalier on horseback ( as the image on a half crown , ) or george a horse-back on the medal , whose sword hath neither point , nor edge , to draw blood , only lifted up , as threatning to kill the dragon , yet never so much as ruffles the hair of his skin . whereas , in vain , in the apostles sense , stands in opposition to the wickeds carelessness that he should fear , and for excitation of the judges diligence , that he should not be slack . the roman tribuns had before them carried , as by officers or serjeants , certain bundles of rods , with an axe wrapped up in them , to let all see their promptness , in s●ibbing disorders , that their city might rather have seemed a school for manners , then a city of trade , or arms. such was not laish , or cesarea philippi : for in it , there was no magistrate to put them to shame for any thing , judg. 18. there being therein nothing to be ashamed at ; wherefore god , as ashamed of them , removed them by f●re and smoak , he purposing to be revenged at last upon beast-like men , and drone-like governours . it is the motto of guild-hall , or council-house of zant ; or to come nea●er , i suppose in imitation of it , that of glasgow in this kingdom , hie locus odit , amat , punit , conservat , honorat , nequitiam , pacem , crimina , jura , probos . as if courts were designed only ( as they are not for any other thing , then ) to hate wickedness , love peace , punish faults , preserve priviledges , and to honour good men. in which sense , let not the gates of hell , that is , the wit , or craft of hell ( for judges of old sat in the gates of the city ) prevail , ( shall i now say ? ) against the gates , that is , against the magistrates of this honourable burgh ? by impunity , negligence , or over-sight . the society of the vicious being truly contagious , and as pestilential air , infecteth others , to shut them up , may adapt for a cure , making them chrip their miserere , and those that pass by , saying , amen , to their lord have mercy upon us . and now we are upon the threshold of your archives , ready to open your arcana imperii , ( i. e. ) your charter-chest : for now artaxerxes and you , are to consider how to execute judgement , how long the offender should lye in prison , how close his prison should be , how long , or how far he should be banished , whether this , or that fact be capital , or no , or fineable . how much , or what part of his goods should be confiscat , or no : but this is hercules club , and i cannot weild it ; it is apelles table , i shall marr the draught : leaving it therefore to him and you , i say only this , that our great king james had somewhat he now and then called king-craft , and this none was to learn but himself and his son : this point is magistrate-craft , i presume not to have skill in it , yet i hold it part of my craft to shew you , that when you are about this , and have determined upon it , that god would have you do it , 1. couragiously . 2. nature would have you do it mercifully . 3. the kingdom and city would have you do it legally . and 4. artaxerxes would have you do it speedily . 1. couragiously . he is gods representative : and in this particular , ought to fear no man , but with a holy audacity , say to the malefactor , as joshua to achan , god shall trouble thee this day , for troubling us . he was oft bid from god and man , be strong , ( josh. 1. ) and of a good courage . in your election , morally , let your officers proclaim at the council-door , what the officers of the jews published at joyning battel in history , what man is there that is fearful and faint-hearted ? let him go and return unto his house , deut. 20. 8. for what hath clinas , i mean the coward , in him , deserving to be chosen for wearing of a sword ? unless it be to cause melancholy retire from a beholders eye : whereas justice is so grave a thing , that it ought not to be perverted by fear and trembling . a god to be a coward , is improper , but to be might● is a due and comely decency , making path-way for the wheels of ju●tice's chariot , that she may ride , as in the chariots of amminadab , a prince of the tribe of judah , who first entered in into the red sea , after it was dryed up , not fearing the fall of the waters , with undaunted swiftness . the highest severest athenian court , was that of the areopagi , they sat on a rock , dedicated unto ( and it 's thought had the statue of ) mars their god of war ; they judged usu●lly in the dark , that they might not regard the speaker , but the thing spoken , awarding off terrour that could any way arise from any adjudged , and only fearing god. the famous moor in his utopia , cannot fancy a magistrate in his head , until he hath freed him both of haughtiness and fear ; and i● such an one be in any place chosen , who hath these , it shall be said of them what severus in herodian said of the cohortes urbanas in rome , that they were magis pompae , quam virtutis administras , rather images or pictures , then men or magistrats , fear eclip●ing reason , and blunting the edge , if it break not the point of justice sword. 2. mercifully . this is one property so eminent , so essential to god , that but for this , the world had fallen about mans ears ; neither delighteth he in a afflicting man , lam. 3. 33. it indeed carries away the palm among all gods work , yet is he also so just , that i doubt if ancus martius first found out the punishment of fetters , prisons , stocks , &c. as some writes , for keeping men in good tune , since i find a kings bench , ( i. e. ) the kings prison in the days of joseph , gen. 39. yet are there so great out-breakings in that heart which is our own , that we ought by pity , to put our selves in the prisoners place , though out of necessity he be made to grind in the prison , for his undutiful actings . it was a fine saying of that gamaliel of the church of england , reverend d. hammond , as i have heard , who in a peculiar request , being denyed by the late usurper , the doctor said , he perceived the tyrant to have guts , but no bowels . the like may be said of him who hath no sorrow , no natural feeling of his prisoners condition , it being given as a maxime , that towards god , man should have the heart of a father ; towards his neighbour , the heart of a mother ; only to himself , the heart of a judge , harsh and severe . the hebrews say , that god dwelt in his tabernacle all days , since the beginning , appointing but one day for judgement , giving all other for clemency and mercy . it is probable , that from this topick of compassion , cometh that english custom , in calling a bloodless assize a white one , or a maiden one ; and with the justices of peace , there is joy , and to my lord the judge , there are presents and gifts , mercy here and there in all , rejoycing over judgement in the high sheriff remarkably . 3. legally . a ruler is officially , lex loquens , a speaking law , not doctrinally only , but also the applicatory part thereof , applying the rule of the law to the back , to the head of the offender , which absolutely dischargeth any passing over the verge , or unraveling the hem of the law : imposing moderation , while the punishment is infl●cted , divorcing passion on si●ster , or by-accounts : for all pilats ceremonious washing , he was an unjust judge , the witnesses against our saviour ought to have been cast , they not agreeing in their testimony , mark 14. he is pater , pastor , medicus : a father , and therefore courage is fit ; a shepherd , therefore compassion is proper , especially to those that are heavy . a physician , therefore rules are necessary ; in receipts a drahm too much through inadvertence , or a double dose , in wild adventures , is disgraceful . it is true there are faults take men in a su●prize , as sudden heats and colds , others are pestilential and infectious , others , as consumptions , seem hereditary . the state mediciner is not so tyed to the rules of the law , but sometimes prudence will mitigate the same , and oft he will article with the law , not for laying down its commission , for punish●ng altogether , but will for its giving a greater or lesser censure , providing● that that little one keep the body politick in a due and calm temper ; if not , with the emperour ferdinand , our magistrates motto is , fiat justi●ia , let the law be executed , fearing the guilt of that other emperour , balbinus his device be charged upon him , bonis no●et qui malis parcit , he damnifieth good men , who indulgeth wicked men . 4. speedily . this is artaxerxes symbole , let judgement be speedily executed upon him ; the want of this foot-manship in holy writ , seemeth to be the only fault o● the unjust judge , he only appeareth ca●eless , and indifferent in the execution of what came before him , for when he sentenced , for ought we find , it was confo●m to the merit of the cause ; and so will god , whose representative governours are , avenge his own elect speedily , after , or when they have cryed day and night unto him ; luke 18. but ha●k ! this rule is not so head-strong , as to run a gallop , before the cause be searched , found , and the truth of it be searched by the law , and sealed by its signature . god came down to try sodom , before he came to execution . and speedily here stands in opposition both to rashness , and dulness ; wherefore alexander the great , was great in this , that in hearing causes , he closed still one ear , keeping that for the other party , that until both were heard , the complainer had but half his hearing . when all offices worthy of the purple , or scarlet robe are performed , and the fire of truth unquestionably falling upon the black tinder of impure actings , to delay the execution of the sentence , is to be grand-child to the unjust judge , a tedious demurr being contrary to the institution of the rule . or if there must be a delay , it is magistrate-craft , and that belongs to your selves . sect . ii. the rule by which magistrates are to be chosen . to speak of the necessity of magistrates , and enforce it with discerning arguments , were equally to lose time , as to evict at large the expediency of the suns light , and moons brightness . the custom of five days rant and liberty to debauch given in persia , at the interval of kings and rulers , riotously opened the dullest understanding , for serious resolves perpetuating the instalment of judges , for justice and judgement ; the first , for punishing the guilty , the latter , for acquitting the innocent : such now being the condition of all places , that for sin by wrath , and through unpeaceableness by lust , israel gods own land , the temple his own house , and jerusalem his own city , must have overseers under him , or it shall perish ; yea babel would be more confounded , and samaria more idolatrous , had it not a rule some way or other to order that confusion , and preserve it from destruction , to manage that idolatry , that ( as each one pleased ) it might not be his will-worship . for 300. years rome had not many , yet some laws , and those chiefly relating to martial affairs : but afterward the athenian tables were the rules of justice , and the ballance in which the due weight of affairs were pondered . therefore artaxerxes , whose name carries in it both strength and war , having obtained peace , knowing a magistrat to be atlas civitatis , the chief support of any countrey , without whom the rabble of a mercat could not avoid tumult , civiliz'd nations having aediles cereales , overseers thereof , ordained ezrah , which signifyeth assistance , or help , to cull out such by name , assigning them particular jurisdictions , as the lot , or circuite of their charge ; here one city , and there many villages : and the rule by which he was to choose them , was according to the law of his god , charitably conjecturing this to be done by him . ezrah choosed for judges , i. able men , 2. fearers of god. 3. lovers of truth . 4. haters of covetousness , exod. 18. 21. 1. men of ability . whether you descend to the gifts of the mind , in activity and strength of judgement , or if you fix upon the joynts of the body , in a nimbleness for action , or whether you lodge within the house , in a fair competent estate , and comely affluence , i care not , for such things as these are to be understood according to the port , a ruler is chosen for . the want of any one of these , diminishing from the splendor , or casting some refuse upon a judges robe . and the enjoying of all these , is adequat to that harmless pomp , ought to be viewed , by the eye-gazing● people , for ( they being much taken by sight ) if somewhat more then ordinary be not perceived , the divine institution of authority , as by some secret magical spel , shall want its due respect and veneration . thus david was of a goodly countenance , and a comely youth , ▪ saul hath been a man of a noble meen and carriage : and davi● went on and grew great , 2 sam. 5. above all things get , this day , able , that is , wise rulers , without which , all law , all reason from law , will be mank and lame . for if there be not in the officers , internal principles of active prudence , to consult , determine , discuss and dispatch affai●s , by strong apprehension , contingency of events , and experimental observation of past occurrences , both error and terror shall invade the city . 2. men fearing god. why are judges called gods ? but that the people may fear them , and for the upholding of that same fear in themselves , towards him whose name they bear . for no sooner did adam that great magistrate ( receiving homage of the creatures , they taking from him a name ) rebel from fearing the lord , but he stood in fear of himself , and of a little cold air , of a small serpent , of a fiery angel , &c. the majesty of gods word , which he is still to eye● the deformity of vice , which he is still to punish ; the preservation of the city from the judgements wickedness shall procure , the convulsions , shakings of the strongest founded bodies , which ungodliness shall cause , we presume shall plead ( the fear of god being set up in the high place of this ancient and honourable metropolis ) before your voicing , for the fearers of his name to be voted for , for retaining that old epithet of your city , and making it truly the good town . be it sound , be it fond , what interpreters of dreams pretend is foreseen in them , that a person dreaming of being a magistrate , ominats care , vexation and trouble , i shall not dispute ; this is sure , that neither the wealth , honour , nor glory solomon brought israel , could after his death secure him from the name of an oppressour . and that poor wise man , that defended his city , was basely slighted by ingrate citizens , eccles. 9. 15. avouching that the true fear of god , is the only sure card that a magistrate can expect to win either honour that is lasting , peace that is inward , or comfort that is spiritual from . edward the 6. englands josiah , gave in a medal a sphear surmounted with a crown , a right hand issuing from a cloud , holding the glob , fixed by a chain , with this symbole , nil sine deo , god is all in all ; informing , that whosoever have government , must reflect , that heaven hath the chief regiment , and if its hand support not ( which fear only keeps st●dfast ) he will suffer the kingdom or city to fall into shivers , as a broken vessel , not to be regarded , be the laws never so sharp and severe : piety in the heart only sanctifying the rod in the hand of the politick father , for amending his stubborn son , and removing guilt from the place by his due execution , gen. 20. 7. 3. men loving truth . that is , so to search and sift out the t●uth , that from a heap of dust they may seek , until they find , not accounting the inquest burdensome , one grain of solid verity being worth much incustry and sweat . the love of fire will make men seek for it from the concussions of two flints , from two opposite and strong fore-heads , and fiery contentions : an exi●t surveyer will fetch sparks of equity shall give light to a whole tribe , yea beautifie a nation . with the two harlots it was only an aye , and a no , without either witnesses , or circumstance to find a cheat , yet solomon being a lover of truth , fanned away the chaff , and found that which made all israel to fear him . to alter a little what the ancient christian hermes ( st. pauls disciple ) in his precept concerning justice said . there are two messengers , i might call them procurators before a bar , one is nuncius iniquitatis , another , aequitatis ; one bluntly or fully speaks the truth , the other audaciously and pertly gilds falshood that it may pass for truth . now what god did at sodom , the judge must endeavour to do at the bench , ( viz. ) search out the truth of sodoms cry , gen. 18. and know if that persons bawling have a true cause , if the law speak as that youngster asserteth ; on the other side , if that pretended malice be of verity the other saith his adversary hath against him , and i● that be true , that he fo●merly vowed revenge upon some disgust , is substantial for a judge that loveth the truth to be exercised in , and it shall occasion him to have infin●t more joy , because better grounded , then the egyptians had in their sacrifice to mercury , feasting upon figs and honey , and zealously singing in their own language with hearts gladness , o the truth is sweet ! this job was excel●ent at , for the cause which he knew not he searched out , being a magistrat , if not a king in his own countrey , supposed to be that jobab mentioned among the kings of edom , gen. 36. 33. and in this one point david was rash and faulty , in giving to ziba a nurcius iniquitatis , false informer , the lands of mephibosheth , before he had searched if that son of his old and dear friend and brother , jonathan , had been , ( as he was not ) in the conspiracy with absalom , 2. sam. 16. 4. men hating covetousness . it was the emperour hadrians usual proverb , non mihi sed populo , i am to enrich the people , not my self . and the famous ptolomeus had rather his subjects had store then himself , saying , their riches was his plenty . and i find in another history then scripture , that this same artaxerxes said , regius est , &c. it was more king-like to give , then to take from his people . and jethro , whose name signifies excellent , and finding out , will have this excellency , in that man appointed for bearing rule among the people . his office is to restrain prodigality from without , and rein or curb the covetous from gripping within , he is therefore to stand between them , hating the covetous so much the more , as he is further from the publick good then the other . 1. from his base keeping . 2. from his dangerous receiving , that is , of bribes , or gifts , for perverting judgement and law. both greeks , latines , and hebrews , had their aediles , cereales , overseers , shall i call them clerks of the mercat ? overseers of the corn , moderating the price thereof , that the poor might be satisfied with bread , breaking their hunger , and filling their bowels with a larger loaf than hucksters would allow them for their money . but to what purpose are these or any other laws ? if a handful of silver shall benumb their arm , not to write down , fell for so much ; or so tongue-tye them , that they cannot say , you grind the faces● of the poor , isai. 3. 15. when alexander the great had sent a richer present to the grave phocion , then to all athens besides ; because he seemed to be a just man , he refused the gift , saying , let me continue to be what i seem to be . the like answer the famous chancellor moor of england , gave a lady who had a cause depending before him in the chancery-court , upon the like occasion smiled● saying , gentle eva , i 'le have no apple . it was this made the cretians of old , or candiots now , to have the image of jupiter without ears , ho●ding it unsuitable that he who gave laws to others , should so much as hear another whisper unto him : and others painted their judges without hands , that nothing could be received , albeit baseness should make offer . yet since vertue ought to be rewarded , and gratitude loveth to be seen , an honourable pre●ent after the final sentence , may stand with this law , and whose oxe have i taken to blind mine eyes therewith , is a sufficient salv● for a suspected judge , 1 sam. 12. 3. i know a good conscience is joy enough , and reward sufficient for just decrees : but since goodness god-like is communicative , an apple upon the judges table out of the restored orchard , is an ensign displaying thankfulness to god and man , god as the cause , and the judge as the inst●ument in his hand , for recovery of unjustly detained possessions ; encouraging even justice and vertue it self , to go 〈◊〉 in a confident and upright progress . but to be too closs , and too proportionat here , is not my task either ; this only i learn , that fire shall consume the tabernacles of bribery , job 15. 34. right honourable , you must answer at the last day singularly , for this dayes choice , therefore take care that the pure scarlet be not put upon them of blemished lives , who will stain it by future impieties . david was cor , lingua , calamus primi regis , the heart , the pen , the tongue of the great king ; that sanctifying the root of magistracy , ( that saint being the corner-stone , or stock of judah's princes ) the least twig or stone thereof , might in future times be holy. chuse you such , who are like to gods own heart , that being the proper medium for admitting them into the hearts of those for whom they are chosen : but this bringeth us to the last section . sect . iii. the honour with which the magistrates is to be noticed . every soul being ordained to be subject to the higher powers , that is , to the person invested and endowed in a right way with power , pleads for fear and honour under the new testament ; but , curse not the gods , nor speak evil of the ruler , under the law , with other scriptures , rom. 13. 1. exod. 22. 28. importing high veneration and respect , speak how ezrah's judges ought to be rever'd : and the multitude of earth's inhabitants , having their happiness from under the wings of magistracy , power having respect to the curbing of the vicious , and protecting the innocent ; vertue hath infinit arguments prepared for peoples yielding to an authorized judge : the four ordinary prescribed duties , 1. of honour . 2. lov● . 3. prayer . 4. obedience . 1. honour . this the very sheath , yea shadow of the sword , the romans birc●-rods , the magistrats white stave , his long robe , constantly commands as due from all beholders . there is an honour , that is , a r●ve●ence we owe all men , but the gods of men● are doubly beaut● fied with the image of god , in governing faculties , and transformed by a politick soul of life and power , into an higher degree of manhood than ordinary commons , therefore is double honour to be told down , in ready and prompted respect , as the egyptians , and joseph's brethren , in , my lord , and bowing down the head , gen. 47. 18. tell me not this to be understood of good magistrats , malversation as to men , not destroying the prerogative of authority : for , 1. thunder-bolts are of gods appointment , to frighten and to punish men , so also are tyrannical governours designed as the harsh and untender chi●urgeons , to search the putride sores of an unholy common-wealth . 2. who are the good men ? or where are the good works ? or to come more closs to the objection , who is the wicked magistrate ? for he who watcheth the garison of his charge best , and with greatest circum●pection , and fatherly depo●tment , and he who draco-like , is most severe in punishing to death the least debaurd , for lopping off delinquency , shall be by the unruly , surnamed alike tyrant . the log from jupiter in the fable , was the worse magistrat ; and solomon in the truth , was accounted by male-contents , none of the wisest , because an oppressour . 3. saul had been forsaken of god , in the prophets certain knowledge , yet le●t the people sh●uld dishonour him , samuel ●iveth him honour in their presence , and telleth the people nothing of the divorce . do the like for a petty co●stable , in his own hundred , and for a baily in his own baily●ick , for a justice in his own county , for a ruler in his own verge , an● for a judge before the members concerned in his court : for it is his due , and thy debt , jure divino , rom. 7. yet ought those of the scarlet gown to carry such an affable meen in the face of their conversation , as to live in the affections of their people , a mean for everlasting honour , like antonius venerius , duke of venice , whose life in the history of his fellows , dignified with the ducal crown , speaks him to be of excellent abilities for the honour , being ingenio ad benevolentiam comparandam accommodato , industrious for procuring of good-will in it . morosity , surliness , sawciness , or disdainful pride , being destructive to those honourable thinkings the vertuous themselves frame upon the anvil of sound knowledge , for upholding , as nails , the curious wainscot , or ceiling of true respect , towards all wearing the furr'd long robe . 2. love. what the pilot is to the ship , what the physician is to the sick , what the father is to the children , that is the prefect , provost , or maior to a city , acting by his counsel , for the security of the vessel , for satisfying of the heart , and for providing not for the son only , but the least servant within the body politick , david , while yet a courtier , behaved himself wisely , and was accepted of all the people , 1 sam. 15. 8. he is in place of god , and that godhead he is endowed with , prohibits the least inclination to disrespect , or hatred ; but as true love without bitterness , and real love wanting hypocrisie , is duely to be offered up to god , for his own sake ; so is it also to be rendered to the magistrat for gods names sake and authority . 3. prayer . sound not the triumph at the electing of any men , so highly , as to forget with elias they are subject to the like passions with other men : they are gods , it 's true , but the gods you are this day to elect , are made up of flesh , and therefore obnoxious to those interests , by which the circle of this world , by worldlings is moved ; and if your prayers hold not up the hangings , that god may be seen , both by the eye of counsellours now , and of magistrates who are to confer about you afterward ; flesh may bemist their eyes , and judgement may be fore-stalled by a whispe●er , for preventing whereof , fix your eye upon that green carpet , that velvet cushion , in the words of the psalmist , the lord hear ( you ) in the d●y of trouble , the name of the god of jacob d●●fend you , send you help from the sanctuary , and strengthen you out of sion , psal. 20. 1. for our dayes are dangerous , and the times you know are perilous , &c. if prayers and supplications must be made for all men , for kings , and for all that are in authority , 1 tim. 2. 1. sure for our own native prince , and for them under him , whom we by authority from him , place in regiment over our selves , are we to be doubly zealous , or then , where is he , that from this dayes determination , can , or ought , to expect to lead a quiet and peaceable life , in all godliness and honesty ? it being true of governours , what in divinity is said of ministers , paul may plant , and apollos may water , but god must give the increase : it not being pauls studying , not cephas preaching , nor apollo's oratory , that can convert the soul , but the spirit of god , in making use of them for that end ; so it is not wise men , faithful men , good laws , solid counsel , sound advice , that will make your city prosperous , but the blessing of god through your prayers , upon their deliberate resolves . if a magistrat be a god , then his actings for our good , being heavenly , must god-like , be the return of our prayers , or then , &c. it is easie , it is ordinary , though it be undutiful , to be mustering , and talking of the many faults of those in publick places , whereas one way to have them few , ( viz. ) making many prayers for them , is omitted by many sons of disobedience ; and for this cause , i conjecture , plato's laws appointed youth and childhood to be trained up in the customs , laws , and principles of their imaginary gods , that a reverence might be held , not only to their religious service , but in politick , though divine manner , it might be presented to them in their court-inquisition among men , in keeping custom and law together with religion . 4. obey . this is the product of love , prayer , and honour , the final end , and ultimat scope of government , and he that writes one motto of pride upon his crown , non obedio , i scorn to yield , as a rotten branch is to be lopp'd off , by the bill or axe of authorized power , and that speedily , ( the season may require it ) whether it be to death , confiscation of goods , or imprisonment . what ever superstition ( yea robbing of god ) may be pretended to be on one side of the tribute-money we owe cesar , obedience is still to be upon the other , or then experience will hold it for counterfeit , and to be refused . it is the end of the law , that men obey , and the end of obedience is the flourishing of a city , and the end of a city is prosperity and peace . in short , my lord , and right honourable , the great alexander , being to possess the crown of his ancestors by bi●th , yet from what impulse , i know not , i care not , he called his princes and nobles together , commanding them to choose a king for themselves , and one whom they pleased , providing they would choose one who was most obedient to god , most for the publick good , most compassionat for the poor , most for the defence of the weak , &c. they after mature deliberation , choosed himself , and he thereupon sware to do all that : i add , to the other , list them , who will be most for your cities credit , wealth , godliness and honour . and your own reputes in your going off , and falling back , in the minds and tongues of your numerous inhabitants , who will immediatly be curious to behold their new mag●strates . finis . at this time there were elected for magistrates , sir andrew ramsay lord provost . bailies . william reid . james davidson john fullartoun george drummond robert sandelands l. dean of gild. john scot l. thesaurer , &c. duorum unitas or the agreement of magistracy and ministry , preached at the election of the honourable magistrats of edinburgh , october 2. 1666. and at the opening of a diocesian synod , of the reverend clergy there . psal. lxxvii . thou leddest thy people like a flock , by the hand of moses and aaron . among the diversity of gifts , which the author of every perfect donation , giveth unto man ; it is eminently seen , that government of the world hath a principal part of his wisdom and liberality : communicating to this and that other person , rich endowments , for that and this affair , employ , trade or calling , for the beautifying that corporation , he in his providence is erecting ; hence floweth that impulse in youth , yea in child-hood , for wo●k , for books , for speaking , writing , for armes , for arts , we frequently do with wonderbehold . but as all motions must have a fixed axis to move upon , and a basis virtuating the utmost point ; so still hath god elected from that mass of people , them who have in their spirits been adopted , even afar off , for regiment and rule : some from the womb being of so servile a nature , that the whole survey of their life , or actings , their highest principle , is but a token of subjection , nature having made them of so knotty timber , no education can form them to a capability of being mercurial , whether for wisdom or eloquence . whereas , others are of so pure a grain , that the beaming souls beyond their years , are discov●ring somewhat predictive of honour and grandour . r●mulus , romes first king and founder , when a poor shepherd , would sit and determine causes among his fellows ; they giving both audience and reverence to his decisions . we read that phara●h , once putting his crown upon the head of his adopted grand-son moses , when a child , his little armes pulled it away , and his feet spurned at it in scorn , ominous to that egyptian demonstration of his future not fearing the wrath of the king. his killing the egyptian , and saving the hebrew , did prognostick deliverance of the jews from bondage ; and by keeping of a flock , had thereby learned how to rule and govern men , being thereby actually fitted for that employ , unto which from the cradle he had been inclinable . yet as none is eminent in all abilities , moses was , though excellent at government , ( whereof the shepherds rod was the ensign ) yet not in elocution : of which his stammering , or slow-tongue is witness , exod. 4. 10. to help him therefore in his government , a brother eloquent and of a flourishing , because of a fluent style , is joyned to him as a collegue , that the one , profound in judgement ▪ may ponder what is to be done ; the other in charming r●etorick , may alu●e to perform what is deemed necessary in doing . and it being very usual to express the facund and smooth guiding of the tongue by a hand . oratory perswading , that is , leading her hearers to run in , and rest upon that purpose she is pressing for , or painting out . the people are said to be led by the hands of moses and aaron . hence it is , that the two princes of gods israel diversified in gifts , are united in the end , for leading israel like a flock : the great end was , for obeying god , for him did moses eye in all his meditation , and him did aaron respect in all his elocution ; that he , not they , might get the glory of their united industry and powerful atchiefments : whence it is not said , that moses and aaron , but that god led his people like a flock , by the hand of moses and aaron . his head in contrivance , his lips in utterance , both as a shepherds rod , or commanders staffe , inclining them , or beckonning towards them , to move in that path , wherein there was profit , security and honour . we call it a drove of oxen , a herd of deere , a rout of wolfes , but usually a flock of sheep , and so it is here , not that the people were alwayes pe●ceable , for they were sometimes as a sounder of u●ruly swine , but because they were governed , and cared-for as sheep ; and when straying , as by the dog of some judgement , were they again brought into a better order by the hands , that is , by the prudence , conduct , and wisedom of moses and aaron . the first being a noble prince , the other a holy prelate , sones of one womb , crowned , consecrat for this employ literally here , morally for ever , still and in perpetuum while time shal be no more . god governing his church by the hands , that is , by the industry of magistracy and ministry . i do not say the words divide themselves , ( for i fear , and hate division here , bet●ixt ●hose two ) but branch themselves forth , betwixt church and state : and let us speak with all humility of the one , and reverently of the other , beginning with the state ; for though aaron be the elder , yet moses is the greater brother : therefore it is moses and aaron . moses , the fi●st great magistrate over gods united people , and in him there is a plat-form for all people , loving union in the choice of magistrates , giving ab incunabulis , from the milk , proper doctrine for this day , right honourable , and most reverend , in that , 1. his body speaketh beauty , 2. his name sheweth duty . 3. his endowments , m●tives to pray for equality . 1. his body speaketh beauty . this heightned the parental affections his parents had for him , stirring up compassion , enliven'd by faith , exercised in care , for saving of his life ; that he was a goodly child , exod. 2. 2. concluding forcibly from faith and sense , a boy of such vigourousness , comelinesse , such infantile man-hood , was by providence never designed for food to fishes , such the hebrew word tob , senseth the goodnesse , the elegance , the shapelinesse of his f●ature : the comelinesse of his but new seen aspect , the symetry and proportion of his several parts , the exact joyning of his several limbs with the pleasure of his lovely stature , ( to speak of him as a man ) his parents foresaw he was born to command , and having its thought a particular revelation of this their son , ( a general promise being too general for them to conclude a deliverer from their family ) they laid him ( rather than cast him out ) in the arms of providence , by faith , heb. 11. 23. about the kings garden , for princely education and breeding , suteable to the harmonious content they took in beholding his divided limbs , argueing for understanding of a r●fulgent soul , when experience should hold up the hangings , or withdraw the curtains of infancy a●d childhood . suffer moses to suck the teat or pap of his mother a while or to rest in the cradel , rock'd by his sister ; behold israel now grown weary of wanting a king , god provided them a saul , a goodly person , 1. sam. 10. 23. and after him a david , a comely youth and of a good countenance 1. sam 16. 12. the lord by express law , discharged deformity from his altar , levit. 21. and in significant characters hath he prohibited monstrosity to approach the judges bench ; dwarfishnesse , crookedness , blindnesse , deafnesse , umbrageing in any person , some degree of real slighting , irreverence , and contempt , especially when the person so uneven is by choice elected , for in cases of successive government ( though we say the crooked in body is crooked also in manners ) providence is therein to be obeyed ; and even there what reverence soever be due , gratior est pulchro , &c. virtuous and graceful behavior , emerging from a comelie and court-like person , is more enamouring . a proper moses , marching before the camp of israel will be preferred , before a penitent zacheus , conducting the same number of jewes , though it were to the holy land. i find great alexander short of stature , but he was born a prince , and his fine little body was exceeding shapely , his constitution fresh and active , and this is also properness : though charles the great , is recorded to have been facie pulihrâ , of a sweet countenance , and a maj●stick eye , & through out vniversa specie augusta , of a taking presence is more propernesse , it is granted , that a saul may be dispossessed , and that absalom as the synamon tree , may have his ba●k ( i. e. ) his outside , more worth then the whole compositum . that agesilaus that famous lawyer , warriour , and oblidging commander , though a king in sparta , had forma parum probata , a crooked and lame body , yet his father archidamus was fined by the ephori , for matching with a little woman , foreseeing that a king ( such was their constitution , and government ) proportionate to his dame , would , or might prove among kings but a demy , to the diminishing that court grandeur , those stately laconians studied even in stature to preserve . the army of xerxes was vastly great , yet did he ●xcell all his troups for gate and person , being therein a king over them , by natural parts , as well as in legal properties and rights . antigonus junior was senior in this , that no painter could express the liveliness of his countenance . this therefore may be said , that in all elections , for one to go in and out , before the flock of a common-wealth , as moses was chosen , being goodly and being godly , caeteris paribus , they next to moses in comeliness , is to be exalted , not as essential to regiment , but a circumstance having great influence in the judgement of god and experience of men , for keeping magistracy in its primitive devoyr and ancient respect . the beauty of esther ▪ and her excellent feature , moved the king in a throng of beauties , to set the crown upon her head , esther 2. 17 each emulating to be queen ; her inartificial , not painted visage , made more beautiful by an upright body , courted maj●sty to accost her , and sue for favour at the barr of her ●prightly gifts . it is more then once said ▪ that samuel grew , 1 sam● 3. 9. and it was thought fit to mark that , he being designed for a judge in israel . in a city there are sons of belial , in a body p●litick , there may be mutinees and insuriections , hau●htiness and pride may lift up their horn : some are self willed , speaking evil of dignities . how forcible to cha●tise such , to amend such , to terrifie such , will be the very name , shadow , much more the apperance of ●uch a daring person , i leave unto your wiser judicatu●e to refl●ct upon , and consider ? minding you only of solom●ns four things , prov. 30. 3. which are comely in going , a lyon , a gray hound , a hee-goat , and a king , against whom there is norising up . and that the nearer we come to adam , the son of god in his perfection , and the greatest magistrat under heaven , the fitter are we for government : and by the noble ruines in decayed nature , we may guess at the first glory of the fabrick , samsons strength , achitophels head , absoloms beauty , davids complexion , sauls stature , and the nearer we choose to these , the more will authority be nobilitat , such a one , even while asleep , creats a fear in others , animating for action , more or less in the magistrats . ii. his name sheweth duty , abigal argued from nabal , the name of her churle , to excuse folly , and why not others from moses , a nowne to perswade officially unto duty , in the hebrew it is mosche , a name given him when a quarter old , and that by phara●h's daughter ( for that his mother called him joachim at his circumcision , i leave it with them reports it ) pertinently enough , she being a kings daughter , and in some sense a god-mother , to gods chief minister of state , holding him up thereby unto baptisme ; i say baptisme , for , 1. we read of no certain ; nor other name he had before this . 2. it is a name from his being preserved , and drawn forth from the water , and now shal i say to pharaohs daughter , understands thou what thou doest ? giveing him that name because of an office , he is to do on the water , and in it , because she hath preserved him by drawing forth . for ; 1. if many waters signifie many people , and , 2. if great waters seem abounding extremity ; moses is , and magistrates are designed to be drawers forth ; with this difference , that he passively was drawn o●t , and he and they afterward still to draw , 1. from stated oppression , 2. from destructive confusion . both being called , not only to higher purposes , then to be called great ; but to do and act as by the pully of pharaoh's daughters hand , that like oyle upon the other brothers head , descending to the lowest skirts of magistratick power for succouring all oppressed , and all the helplesse . 3. his endowments , motives you to pray for an equality , he was bred up , taught in , and diligently did he learn the doctrine of the egyptians their mathematical sciences , their phylosophie , their hi●roglisicks , but that he wrought his miracles by legerdemaine , or that he made his brazen serpent by the rules of talismatical tradition , ( i. e. ) a figure under such and such a planet , or star , with conjurations , or spels , &c. is not worth refutation , si●ce h● had expresse law from heaven for so doing , sufficeth us to know , 1. that he was a man of knowledge , teaching you , right honourable , to choose a man of sagacity . 2. of prudence , denoting observancy . 3. of courage , stirring for magnanimity . 4. of holiness , teaching piety , it may be profitable to preach the same things , and i am sure it is seasonable , &c. know therfore , 1. he had great knowledge : a magistrate to speak in the language of the times , ought to be a frigot of the first rate , and draw deep , i presse not the understanding of the seventy languages with the jewes , but shall induce , to avoid that reflection antistines gave some athenians , adviseing them to plow their ground no more with horses , but asses , and when told their unfitnesse , as being never taught , quid refert , said he ? it 's all one for that , since you have them magistrates that were never taught the art of government ; there being such a necessity to punish , and at the same breath , an expediency to be satisfied with repentance in men of equal condition , though it may be not of humour , knowledge , of the constitution of the sinner in the politick physician , is as necessary , as to the natural mediciner . many funerals are dishonourable to a son of hypocrates , a physician , evidencing either his mistake by inadvertance , that is of the patients disease , or ignorance of his art , in the nature of his simples or compounds ▪ a magistrat to be alwayes lashing , alwayes stocking burning , showes he hath got judgement but by rote : and is like that school-master , that knows no way to instruct his scholler , but that orbilian , or tyrannical way of scourging , which indeed is one way , but to be left as the last way , and not to be gone into , if any other way can do it . without much search , and without going to the root , fund , and bottom of a cause , without looking this way , and that way , that 's every way contrary to moses , a judge may ●ill the israelite , 2 exod. 2. 12. by killing the egyptian , striving with the hebrew , he shewed the first fruits of his commission to save and free his nation ; but beholding two hebrews to strive together , he processes the delinquent and sifts the cause ; wherefore smitest thou they fellow ? seeing him do wrong , in grave judgement differencing betwixt persons and crimes , accordingly purposing to discern to death or admonition . besides , if in place , fear and dread , for want of better knowledge be the great end of advance , when time wears out the gown , hatred and disdaine are the usual events of such promotions , love being the true bond of durable benevolence , which love to god , and justice , shal in a discerning head towards man , support ●is dignity ; or if blasted with mal-co●tents in the spring of the resurrection of the just , their honor sh●l recover , puting on never-fading flourishes of glory and renown . ii. he had great courage , he feared not the wrath of the king , having once shown publickly his commission , but brought and led israel out from among them . heb. 11. 27. so long as it was a pocket deed , he was cautious , and hid in the sand the slaine egyptian , flying to mid●an , waiting a fairer opportunity , that more affiction might advise his countrey-men to embrace his mediation for liberating them from pharaoh's thraldom : but when pronounced in the ears of the people , and pharaoh knew that god sent him , as that king richard , he became a cor ▪ de lyon : how low soever a man beareth his sail , being once called upon by the great admiral , to come up hither , and ply toward the coa●t of authority , and power for battering down forts and citad●ls , raised agai●st heavens dominon , in the tongue , heart and houses of the debauch'd , he will and ought to bear up brav●ly sitting as on mars hill , god before them , as so●e where the athenians had their godd●ss on a c●shon , cryi●g with moses even the multitude dancing about the gold●n calf , who is on the lords side , let him come unto me ▪ ex 32. 26. with the people , dulnesse is oft took for circumspection , lasi●ess for modesty , rashness for courage ; and therefore courage here is not to be understood m●rtial law , that a sm●l fault should reach to death ; draco like , punishing each triffle with extre●m rigor , but here is only pressed a heroicisme in finding out ca●ses , that the rich oppresse not , that the 〈◊〉 dash no● , that the modest lose not , and that the scorner triumph not , and that the sentenced threaten not , and all in a noble passion in●ffeasive and irreproachful boldness : then shal god say with that she-magistrat deborah , my heart is toward the governours of israel ( my heart is towards the magistrats of edinburgh ) jud. 5. 9 ▪ i shal not altogether condemn cotys a king in thrace , he might have good ground from the constitution of his subjects to ●ssert ▪ when once furious in passion , being told it was not kingly , answered● this passion of mine keepeth all my subjects c●lm f●r oft coyness & sharpaess , not to say s●verity is good . search all histories , and there is but here a battel if any but such as were fought by kings and magistrats whether in israel , greece , baby●on , or rome ; and their highest honors flowed from their eminent hazarding themselves , for their countreys honour : such a time may this be , and your scarlet g●wn may but shadow bloody services , your sword comman●ed from its velvet sheath , to lodge in the breast of a declared f●e , the safety of your city , may consist in casting over the w●ll ; the head of some traitorous sheba , there is valour to be regarded , and valiantly to be debated for , figure● in that , when any of the people sinned through ignorance in moses law , and it had come to his knowledge , he was to bring a kid of the goats , or a female without blemish , levit. 4 , 23. but when a ruler had so done , he was from the same flock , to bring without a blemish a male : a magistrat being to be of a masculine spirit , and nothing femi●●ne to 〈◊〉 noticed by him , even towards god. how much more should he shew virility even among m●n ? 3. he had great prudence , he discreetly fled , when he saw his brethren did disrespect him , as one , not designed to be a deliverer of them , where he stopped . and this is chiefly to be pondered upon , that a magistrat is closely to heed his own province , if it be ordinarily bold or furious , or by a particular malus genius , inclined to lust , intemperance , craftinesse , or theft , or silly , as the inh●bitants of silesia are said to be mostly fools , that by intuitive speculation , a malady , a rupture may be foreseen , and by abundance of caution , make his people beware of lewd attempts . in this , a wise man differing from the otherwise , that the one beholds the performance of evil in its causes , the other never believes it untill it be done : the people thinking generally no such thing was intended , which they behold frustrate ; the magistrat is to see it done in its occasion , and one word of the danger , by disappointing opportunities of mischief . there are who finds in the vulgar no reason of their doing , no spirit to discern , touching what is to be done . a magistrat must walk antipodes , to such blind bayards , and reason to discern , and dis●●rn to determine , and after determining to be resolute . what more ? the coat arm of justice with an old herauld , bea●●th azure , charged with a pair of ballances argent , the first bl●w , the other white , which is by interpretation charity , purity , chastity , with discretion and vigilancy in service , to the justitiary , in weighing out the imports of business , challenges and probations . 4. he had great holiness , in this moses was exemplar , early refusing to be called the son of pharaoh's daughter , rejoycing in the affliction of christ. if holiness consist in a right understanding of god , and in a due worshipping of god , moses life is as a myrrour , he consulting for , and desiring after , more and mo●e communion with , and knowledge of the glory of god ; an enemy he was to all idolatry , and severe in punishing any iniquity by reproving , by correcting the offender : all which wrought a two fold effect , 1. care over the people , 2. prayer for the people he led . which , the good king of france , clodoveus , had in his eye , who for a honorarium on a solemn day , gave in a medal two er●cted elbowes and hands , elevated toward heaven , supported by other two strong armes , with this superscription , tu●issimus . this giveth security , implying that f●●vent supplications , were preferable to all industry , to all armes , to all knowledge , for supposing the possession of all these , yet with moses , must the m●gistrat go to the mount to make attonement for the sins of the people , even when the malefactor is put to death , and the deluded by him put to shame , exod. 32. 30. it is now ●easonable , for we are come to prayer , t● turn , right reverend , from moses throne , to aarons altar , and behold his employ in this affair of 〈…〉 of the people as a flock ; but this would 〈◊〉 , if alone 〈◊〉 , of a dividing nature , and would speak two men , whereas our text only speaks of different hands ▪ such is the union of this moses and that ●aron , that they seem to be acted but by one soul , i mean the spirit of love , that is of god , performing one and the same office , as by a right and left hand . a left hand , not in a sinister sense , but in an inferior degree . this shal be further understood , if you consider . 1. their nearness . 2. their dearness . 1. their nearness . they were both sons of one parent , both children to amrana and jochbed , exod. 6. 20. only aaron was the first-born , being three years moses's elder , exod. 7. 7. ministry and magistracy ( for so a litle while , it must be ) since it is , aaron and moses , exod. 6. 26. ( aaron being senior , and therefore priest ) ought brotherly to behave toward each other , and we may conjure the greatest governor , the highest ruler , when contemning the priest , in the words of god to moses , is not aaron the levit thy brother ? exod 4. 14. not but that moses was a l●vit too , but aaron is said to be the levit , not only for distinctions sake , from others of that name , but futurely designing him as levit , for the root of the priest-hood for ever . and so near hath been the relation in all countreys , that they seldom parted by law , and if by violence , it was mischievous . they were united in adam , who was both king of the world , and priest of the ●ongregation , his commission for ruling is partly expressed , have thou dominion ; and partly 〈…〉 wife and children being from him ; authority for pr●●st-hood is seen in that history , ca● brought o● the f●uit of the ground , an offering unto the lord 〈…〉 firstlings of his flock ; where wh● c●n d●●bt , but the f●ther of all , was sacrificer for all , at the 〈◊〉 of the world ? as noah afterward was at the be●inn●ng of the new , his sons and their wives making up 〈◊〉 corgregation here , consisting of good and bad ; for here was a h●m : and adam's ●ons , wife and daughters , being all the congregation there , where bad and good appeared , for there was a cain . if with the historian , there were two tables of stone , upon which adam writ , ( shall i say his bible ? ) the doctrine of the creation , fall , redemption of the world , for the assembly , i know not ; but sure there was a peculiar place , the co●gregation came too , and to that place they brought their offerings , and that place , is also to be understood the presence of the lord , from which cain fled , gen. 4. 16. the time would fail me to speak of that mighty prince abraham , of isaac , and of jacob , who were holy priests , and n●ble rulers upon earth ; and if jo● was that johab , ki●g of fdom gen. 36 this holds good , that 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 are near other , for th●t king ▪ was 〈◊〉 in the 〈…〉 his daily sacrifice . of 〈◊〉 we might say many thi●gs , but let this 〈…〉 the other , yea and of the spoil gotten in war so closely , was his priest-hood eyed . heb. 7. 6. this solomon regarded so much , that his regal titles , are imperfect when sum'd up , if i the preacher was king of israel , in jerusalem , be ommitted , eccles. 1. 12. after the beginning of time , men multiplying in the world , the first born , the elder son after the father , was ex virtute , by priviledge of birthright , priest to the family , and master thereof . numb . 3. 12. hence esau was called profane for selling his birth-right , thereby regarding not his priest-hood , for which chiefly the birthright was then regarded , or at least one great cause , gen. 25. 34. at the erection ( so to speak ) of the egyptian principality and reducing it to a kingdom , it was made fundamental , at the instalment of menes the first king , to chuse alwayes , one from among the priests ; and if the kingdom by conquest happened to fall into the hands of an invader , before he could be established , he was necessitat to be consecrated priest , and then concluded lawful , when both king and priest : their nation being still upheld by kings , priests , warriours , and tradesmen . priests first in jury , and afterward kings , were both ●nointed with oyle , by moses , by samuel , by nathan , &c. that is , by prophets and seers , congruously enough , for as oyle they should hold and shine together , being appointed to be uppermost and nearest god , not mixing themselves with the watery , unsteady , and fleety multitude , of the earthling , worldly vulgar ; with which , if once incorporate , both are diminished of their glory . from this hath proceeded , that some in zeal , some in dispair , some kings , for this , and the other cause , hath laid down their crowns , and put on the mi●er , turning church-men , as still royal , how meanly soever they were attended : and some church-men have again been elected kings as still being in a holy employment , not destroying their sacred ordination ; abbacyes being governed by kings , and kingdoms , ruled by bishops , so nearly are these two related . nay the most noble order of knight-hood , wants not a bishop of its own body , he of winchester in england ●eing ex officio prelate of the ga●ter and honi soit qut mal. y● pense , it proceeds from evil , to grudge now , that the sover●ign and companions of the order should have what its first founder concluded it could not want , viz. a venerable church-man to blesse the royal corporation : for what hinders a bishop from being among knights and reckoned among th●m , since a courtier owneth elijah to be , and reckoneth him among lords . 1 king. 18. there are pre●umptions , that jethro was both priest and prince in m●dian , exod. 2. 16. serving ( as mel●hisedec at salem ) the true god , 〈◊〉 some mixture of idolatry , which by instruction being winnowed off by moses , they worshipped the true god t●g●ther , exod. 18. 11. one ground of the conj●cture , is from the double signification of the word cohen , sensing both a priest , as we read it , exod. 18. 1. and a prince , as it may be r●ad , giving occasion to observe that , what is before said , so near of kin are these two , that in the most holy tongue both a●e expressed by oneword and expr●ssion . when israel was in bondage , there was no sacrifice ▪ the egyptian● w●●shipping for gods , what was otherwise to be offered up : in which time ▪ the elder brother had the right , though not the liberty of sacrificing : but when to be brought forth , the two br●thers , aaron and moses ▪ both l●vits , and 〈…〉 , therefore near unto god in that 〈…〉 , is called to bring the people forth to hol●a f●ast in the wi●derness . in which wild place , an order is made , recalling the uncertain way of the fi●●tbo● , and establi●shing for ever the tribe of l●ve for the tabernac●e service , num 3. 12. as so many deacons , sub dea●ons 〈…〉 the uncle 〈◊〉 from the 〈◊〉 , and service , as so many q●●sters , or s●nging-men , to prophesie . on harps and organs , and all under aar●n and his sons , in all their generations●and successions for evermore . when god wanted a fixed house for the service of his name , the master thereof ; and after him the elder brother was minister to the people : and according as their abode was certain , or uncertain , so was the place of sacrifice , unsure , or determined . abraham sacrificed here and there ; so did jacob , so did no●h ; so dib job at his own house , so did moses in the wilderness command the young men , that is , the first-born , of principal families , exod. 24. 5 at which time , for a solemn farewell , there is a feast held bef●re the lord ▪ the first-born being before holy to the lord , was now promiscuously to wait upon him no more throughout their tribus : jehova here , giving in all following generations an everlasting discharge of ●hat employ , an● a ●hrea● , if they presumed upon former custom so to approach , for his glory , at the drawing of the clo●th ( s● to speak ) was like devouring fire , exod. 24. 17. the old being removing , a new model of church government is ordained by heaven , moses hath order for the tabernacles erection , where the lord will now reside , not in the clo●d , that marched formerly before the camp , exod. 25. 8. aaron and his sons must be consecrated priests for ever , to offer the dayly sacrifice with garments for glory and beauty . the dominion of the camp being left to moses . but how is this prefaced , even thus , take unto thee aaron thy brother , and his sons ●ith him , exod. 28. 1. they , that is , moses and aaron , being now to part , and to part for ever , in this affair of the sanctuary ; that the one should not grumble , the other not envy ; it is , take unto thee thy brother : well the house is builded , aaron to be short is consecrated , so moses finished the work , exod. 40. 33. a wor● which secluded himself from sacrifice , though a levit , and because a levite , is he to rejoyce that his brethren hath the honour , and not another tribe , that work , that gave his elder brother , an inheritance for ever of being the lords priest ; therefore , in brotherly affection let him be thankful , that his elder brother in this keeping his place , as to be priest , yet that he a younger brother consecrated this elder brother for that high office , the consecration making him in honour to be elder , then his eldest brother . gods wisdom by this enterchanging providence , commanding a brotherly converse betwixt a moses and an aaron , in future ages : for now it is moses and aaron , the one having the charge of the camp and tabernacle , as to give laws to both ; the other of the tab●rnacle , as to officiat therein , according to these laws ; and both brethren , for a perpetual cement of these great honours in the house of god. we read of some to have wished to have seen christ in the flesh , paul in the pulpit , &c. which many saw , and were not much affected ; but to have seen these two brothers , at the foot of the altar , moses in his robes , aaron in his garments : to have heard that parting word from the first , that commissioned the last . all the congregation drawing near , standing before the lord. i say , to have seen this gathering , and these words a●thorizing , viz. gounto the altar , &c. lev 9. 7. that is , go up to it , and offer , take infeftment of that for ever ; he ascending in his priestly garments , moses retiring or standing still ▪ having liberty now only to look up , aaron to go up : i say again , to have seen aaron make his first step , and first offering , and first blessing , the glo●y of the lord appearing ; and all the people shouting , was no doubt a ravishing sight to a native egyptian : this word , go unto the altar ; parted magistracy and ministry for eve● , which before had been together , yet parted them not in the sense before mentioned , but pleading for unity , they having shaken hands to , and again sever'd hands , for leading of the p●ople . in testimony whereof , god was consulted in moses's tent , or in some small structure without the camp. but now the glory filled the great tabernacle , which we may call moses's consulting roome , and aarons work-house , and after it the temple , the one in the midst of the camp , the other alm●st of the land , that the priest to all extrems might be equally near for counsel and advice . it may be fancied , that when gambrivius , ( a king over the germains , about the time of joseph ) invented the wearing of the crown , first , for forming and creating a more reverend and king-like awe , in the hearts , by the eyes of his subjects ; his first appearance in that diadem was no question beautiful , yet short no doubt of this high priests miter , and the glory of his appointed robes by god. this is not spoake to ecclipse the grandeur of that king , but to difference humane from divine institution : and here again is good agre●ment , the king his crown , the priest his miter , god by providence and continuance , allowing both for greater glory to , and for more servent love , between either . ii. their dearness : can it be imagined , that ever any man hated his own honour , that understood it ? was not the priest hood precious think you to king melchisedec ? and though esau lost it , yet he valu●d it so dearly , that if blood or tears could have availed , he h●d got it regained . now after aaron is established , our respects must be shown to love it , not in general to have it : for if saul attempt to sacrifice , it shal ruine him , and if david think to bring up the ark but by the levits , it shal displease the lord , 1 chron. 15. 13. and when their orderly walking pleased him ; so dear were the levit● to their king , that david , like a levit is cloathed with a linnen ephod , hereby honouring both himself and them , in being a king-like-levite in a beautiful order , which he himself had tansgressed before ; therefore the lord made a breach then , and now a covenant for peace . is not aaron the levite thy brother ? said the lord to moses , behold , he cometh forth to meet thee , and when he seeth thee , he will be glad in his heart : and when he met him , he kissed him , exod. 4. 14. and where shal love be , if not in these two titles ? thou shalt be to him in stead of god , and he shal be to thee in stead of a mouth , that is , moses shal be to aarona king , and aaron to moses , a lord chancellour , ex. 4. 16. will not god love his priest , and shall not the priest love his god ? call him lucifer among the sons of the church , that exalteth himself above , or equal to any , who are called gods ; let that minister be ashamed of his office , that sayes not in this sense , let god live , let magistracy flourish : and that god again blush at his deity , that will not have respect unto his priest , his preacher : for he having as moses an impediment in his speech , hath given him as aaron the minister for an orator , without whom his lisping , his stammering tongue , shall in the tricks , beh●viour ▪ jears and mocks of the vain , of the more serious be dismissed without state , reverence and respect . we have no certain record , how or by what accident moses had his slowness of speech , which he urged for an excuse against going to pharaoh , exod. 4. 10. but that reason seems too ridiculous , which some rabbins teach ; that pharaoh putting his crown on the child moses his head , who spurning it away , was by his magicians advised to dest●oy him ; that ominating , he should prove the overthrow of the kingdom , but his daughter pleading innocence and childishness , pharaoh for a tryal b●ought a golden apple , and one of hote iron ▪ this last , the child putting to his mouth , had the nerves of his tongue drawn in . it is certain that he had an impedim●nt 〈◊〉 his speaking , and so his want of elocution is supplied by the oratory and fluency of aaron : as moses was , so all m●gistrats are , & shal be found of no perswading u●terance , to dispat●h the almighties affairs , until as colleagues they have their preachers in their hand . so deare were these two levites , moses and aaron , that moses getting a commission from god , to go to pharaoh , and that commission sealed in cast down thy rod , &c. told the miracle , and shewed all to aaron , who as high chancellour to king moses , eloquently delivers moses mind to the people , and works the wonders before them , exod. 4. 30 , each of them endearing other so much , that both might be respected by the p●ople : who seeing this , might say , moses could not want his aaron , nor aaron his moses ▪ m●re then a man could want the power of conception ; and that conception want a tongue for expression , the one readily aiding the imperfections of the other , moses's st●pping in his spe●ch being not heeded , because he ha● the power to rule , aarons's asisting to moses , not exposing him to contempt , because he had the utterance , both for this end , of leading forth the people . in the matters concerning the lord , and also of the king ▪ they of levies tribe were overseers , 1. chron. 26. 30. the priest and the judge in matters of blood ▪ stroak and stroak , plea and plea ; god thought it uncomely not to have his priest advised with , as well as the judge , and a threatning upon him , who neglected the sentence given by the priest , deut. 17. 8. equally as that of the judge . it is not good , if david want his abiathar . and zadock will be● nay , must be at solomons ( coronation , shall i call it ? ) unction , it being proper , usual for the priest to crown the prince . when can aaron want his moses ? and again , when can moses want his aaron , that is , the king his priest ? i mean never , never ; nay , not at death : for before aaron died , moses by command stripped aaron of his garments , the badge of his priesthood , and put them upon eleazer his son. and aaron died , numb . 20. 28 : moses and eleazar ( his nephew , now his priest ) c●me down from the mount , a vacuum in the priesthood to god , to a godly moses , being even for an i●stant hated ; and mark it , such whose boldness , or who●● sloathfulness , can come down to , that is , converse with the people , to rule the tabernacle , without a son of aaron , though he should talk with god , shall have sauls event , when he attempted to ●ffer a burnt-offering , whereon his ruine fearfully was bottomed ; samuel assuring him , he had done fo●lishly : for , but for that , his kingdom had been established for ever , all other evils ●alling upon him , flowed from that attempt , made upon the priestly function , 1 sam. 13. though he pleaded a nec●ssity , and was truly in an amazing strait , 1 sam. 13. 13. samuel being absent , and the philistins present . victory over all adversaries , is not many miles distant , when the sword of the lord a●d of gideon enters the field together ; yea , this freed the kingdom from tyrrany , when jehojadah the high priest , was married to jehoshabeath , king i●h●tam● daughter , whose heir and prince ( all others being slain ) was s●cured in the ●ouse of the lord , by his uncle the p●●●st , 〈◊〉 a c●●veni●nt time , ●thalia was slain with the sword : and h●w p●e●ty a sight , and p●ognostick of future good to any but traitors wer● it , to see that ▪ which th●n was s●en viz. ) the king by a pillar of the house of the lord , and the priests round about him , and the people rejoycing to see both ? 2 king. 11. 19. this will enhance the dearne●s , when you may re●●em●er , that ordinarily the jews keeped within their t●i●es , yet here for l●ve , levi marries with the house of david and not far for d●arness again , the kings of judah had thei● palace so near the house of the lord and temple , t●at there was b●t a st●p or a court betwixt them . and how seemly was it to see th● pr●phet , the great preacher isai●h preach in the cou●t , being by the hebrews grandchild to king ●m . zia , and to have behold him advising figs , for the recovery of hezekia , who according to the same teachers , was both his king and son in law , marrying his daughter hephzib● ▪ s●mewhat is in this also , that churches , are oft in records , called basilica ( i. e. ) the palaces of kings : and the great hermes of egypt , was called trismegistus ( i. e. ) ter maximus , thrice great , being the greatest philosopher , priest , and king of his age , and spake about , if not before the time of moses & aaron , of the trinity , of a three-fold world , of a three-fold knowledge , &c. queen elizabeth in a progress rejoyced exceedingly to meet some country justices of the peace , each one having his minister with him , concluding tha● co●ntry well governed . but that of scotlands crown , by fames trumpet , should be known to all the world , that in our late rebellion , from dunnotter castle , then besiedged by the english , the wife of mr. granger , m●nister of kineffe , secured b●th it , the scepter and the sword under her husbands pulpit he and she , now and then taki●g them up to secure them from rust : and though gre●t summs by proclamation , were offered for discovery , yet was th● pulpit its sanctuary , untill again it was brought in calmer times before the throne in parliament . of which single , though national act , let the pulpit of kineffe boast : and again , let the crown glory , that no money , no sword , but a pulpit , secured that ancient , that noble , that unravished crown from the head , not only of an usurper , but of a stranger , who was not of the house , nor heir of scotland . o ● had our pulpit● of late so far reg●rded themselves , as to have remembred this their interest in the court , and to its master , the ene●y had not casten up so high a tr●nch about both , to the batt●ring , defacing , and d●stroying of both . but that god had left us a remenant , as a naile in a sure place they had become as dung , our king & our princes being ( and reckoned ) among the gentiles , lam. 29. our taberna●le took away , and our priests despised . v. 6. &c. how much better the old and sober egyptians , whose king in the morning being to repair to the temple and sacrifice , after his offering , the chief prelate told the people what vertues were in the king , what religion toward the gods ; and after other such like doctrine , all went about their affairs , and why not ? for , what could hinder prosperity and peace , when kings respected church-men , and church-men honoured kings , and both in sig●t of the people ? r. b. let me say in the words of our master , to that question about neighbour-hood ( lest we fall amongst theeves ) go and do ye likewise , luk. 10. 37. remembering that in rebellion zadok ●nd all the levites chused to follow david , both in person and in counsel , 2 sam. 15. 29. these two are not only lovely in their lives , but in their deaths , they are not divided : for , look after the monuments of judahs princes , see the sepulchres of the sons of david , and you shal see in the throng , a son of aaron , a divine , chapla●nizing in death to those dead hero's , as if these goodly worthies were not honoured sufficiently by their curious dormitories , untill the dust of a priest graced their sleep , they served the same god jehojadah did , they did much good to the kingdom , so did jehojadah , they died as he , so did he as they ; they lye in state , and lamented by the people ; so does he , and so was he , keeping the churches priviledge , always being near the king , 2 ch. 24. 16. whereas one king jehojakim , is cast forth with the burial of an ass● , for despising the lords priests , c●v●a●ing all against disrespecting of the lords house , wherein by both , honour unto both , is to be upheld , or both will be contemned . at augustine the monkes first coming to england , the king of kent , the first christian king ethelbert , gave him liberty to build o● repair houses for christian worship : in process of time , being made arch-bishop of canterbury , he and the king ; he the first christian king in the world , he the first arch-bishop of b●itain , lived so in honor and love , and plenty together , that a●ter leave given , the bishop builded a monastry , yet called augustins , for a burial-place to the kings , and for the arch-bishops of that see : let none look with an evil eye upon this n●ar●esse , but rather thank the arch-bishop : for untill his time , and untill this act , the kings themselves had no care for , nor had , that is read of , any certain burial place , but afterward had , walled about with the reverend clergy , forming a greater awe in those who presumed to tread the ground where their civil and spiritual guides lay by mutual consent : for , question not the kings pleasure therein , he giving it , as it is in the charter , d●o , in horem s. petri , aliquam partem terrae juris mei , &c. and being a royal sepulchre , a reverend channel ground , ex authoritate s●il . apostolica , & hinc ad aeternam-glor●am resuscit and a , &c. whence their bodies might arise together to that heavenly glory , whereunto they by their bishops were exhorted all this about , ann● dom. 6●0 . it is evident that god thus marshalling moses and aaron in their several offices , had c●re to protect the we●kest side , with strongest walls and barrs : for since aaron the elder brother ha● the sword took out of his h●●d●y d●cree , and in stead thereof , ge●ting a s●crifi●ing knife ; yet observe it , that knife is put into his hand by a 〈◊〉 statu●e , and to the house of aaron , wh●reas moses sword , able in a great measure , to defend it self , is left in the hand of providence to fi●d out th●s and that josu●h , th●s and that sampson , this and that sam●●l . the unce●tainty whereof , creats genuinly a reveren●e to the certain and constant priest-hood , the only great secure way , the sword hath , a moses hath , even now to keep it self long , in his , and his sons hands for its honourable bearing , as is visible all the dayes of moses , joshuah and the judges , where so●etimes in an extraordinary way , the judge is priest , but at the unction of the son of jesse , the regal p●wer being se●led in a familie , and thrones of judgeme●t ▪ set for the house of david , psal. 122. then it was , blesse the lord , o house of isra●l ; bless the lord , o house of aaron , bless the lord , o hous● of levi , psal. 139. these runing by law assunder , yet together , i mean , david and aaron near each other , smiling and j●yning hands together , both having the same enemies , the same smiles of providence , they march parallel together , untill again as at the first , they meet in the first begotten of the father , in that son of david , jesus christ , both king and priest unto his church , and by birth-right , and blood , that is in respect of his humane nature ; allieed both to moses and aaron , being a branch of the two great houses of judah and levi. the holy virgin mary , being of the house of david , and her godly cousin elizabeth , of the levitical tribe : thence it cometh , that who o despiseth one of those loyal levits , and rebelleth against any of these true princes , are proclaimed enemies to both families , united in the corner-stone of our blessed saviour . upon which account it is , that rebells and traitours , usually pretend both good to church and state to be thought good christians , and also true subjects . be wise therefore , o kings , be instructed ye judges of the earth , take not too much upon you , ye sons of levi ; 〈◊〉 judges , when ascending the judgement seat , become like melchisedet , having neither father nor mother by impartiality , and let all aarons sons , as true l●vits in the case of the golden calf , become like the sons of that priest , their grand-father ; saying to their fathers and their mothers , i have not seen them , when countenancing rebellion , deut. 33. 9. for unless your children use this speech in the land & cities of our judah , the lord bless thee , o habitation of justice , that is to you , r. h. your council-house , your session-house , and m●untain of holiness , that is , r. r. our churches and our pulpits , jer. 31. 23. peace shall be far from us . what is that mans name , and what is his sons name ? that ever defaced the church , by pulling out but one stone , and not either his eyes blinded with the dust thereof , or his arm crushed with the violence of the pluck ? where liveth he , and where was he born , that ever weighed the sacred anchor of the churches authority , and at the same time kept the ship of the state , from being driven by contrary tydes , to his own amazement , disgrace or ruine ? and again , where is that priest , or how came he to prosper , that joyned in a conspiracy against his david , and the high-way to the temple did not mourn ? for if once the guard of love and reverence be forced from the hearts of subjects , from their princes , it 's not our gowns that can give protection to our bibles : and on the other hand , zerubbabel must have , and must not want his josua , hag. 1. this , r. h. is not to compel you to respect your own ministry , your care for us , and love to us , being highly eminent and honorable : to requite which , and fit all to conformable behaviour to their magistrats , let us , r. r. eye our father aaron , and in him we have every thing adviseable . 1. his name , giving instruction . 2. his office , direction . 3. his failings , caution . 1. his name offers instruction . it was said , nabal is his name , and folly is with him , we say , aaron is his name , and learning is with him : some will have it from the hebrew , aron , to signifie an ark or chest ; such an one as he himself kept the law in , and brought it out thence to teach it to the people : some from haron , signifieing to cast or throw darts , which morally a preacher doth , pierceing both the ears and hearts of the teached , his hearers : some from har , a mountain ; it is all one . this we learn , that a son of aaron , should immoveably be fixed upon his calling , having his breast full of the law , that his peoples hearts may be touched , as pricked , while he openeth to them the scriptures . indeed the faithful shepherd will in choice consider , what pastorage to lead his flock unto , to call up dead heresies , to improve not understood texts , or dark , and seemingly to us disjoynted scriptures ; as the manner was in our late conspiracy , between ruben and corah in their rebellion ; as the shutting up of the gates of abel against king davids army , as davids flying up and down with an ●rmy from saul , ( for he never fought him ) and heating them into treason apparent , from uzzahs being opposed , and thrust from the temple , when a leper : is to make a half penny-box of their bosom , to contain some shreds , rather then a chest to contain the whole volumn of the law. magistrats are said to be heads , and the ministry , to be the eyes of the church : and if her eyes choose not the good old , and true way of obedience to higher powers , ( without which no subjection unto god ) of love to all men , they may in time be blood-shot . and i could wish , that our clergy study and pray to be free of that infirmity , it being the nefarium crimen of some that hath been before us . a son of aaron , is a steward in the palace of one greater then moses , yet under moses ; and if food wholesome be not presented , he himself shall be infected with the common , if not a worse disease ; i will not grate your ears with controversies , but it 's clearer then interest can cloud , that if abiathar prove disloyal , he may be removed from the altar . the key of the wine-cellers taken from him that offers bitter water , is such a piece of justice , as must be in a kingdom , or it shall rave upon the bed of feavers and distempers : and some more mad therein fly in the face of that unworthy trustee , making him sick by smiting . what event our late rebellious teaching had in murther , adultery , swearing , drunkenness , and all kind of ryot , what contempt of the gospel , and of gospel ministry , that is , themselves , i leave to the iniquity of their own fasts and causes of humiliation they observed ; god seeming to●take revenge upon the pulpit , for its treacherous extravagancies , in those dayes of lying , conspiracy and rebellion . but then , brethren , shall we not be ashamed , when we have respect to all gods commandments , then and not before , shall we be truely of the house of aaron , and blessed of the people . there are some things in the law , such as g●nealogies , these are wearisome , unlesse modestly and without heat they be handled , they are profitlesse too ; there are some things like law , or given out as law , such as old wives fables , minched scriptures , such things as are in no sacred ark , but purely treasured up by old fabulous tradition , such passages as are neither commended nor disaproved in holy writ . rome maketh use of ridiculous fancies of visions and miracles , and some noticed so much that doubtful act of shutting the gates of abel upon joab , that they preached therefrom , absolute field disloyalty ; neither of these we understand , yet this we do , that aaron first sacrificed for himself , then for the people , lifting up his hand the first day of his priest-hood , blessing the congregation , levit. 9. 22. this that we understand let us do , letting the f●ble lye at the old wifs door where we found it , and genealogie in gods record ( when it comes to contention ) untill he clear it and not presse the shutting up of abels gates , until it be approved . 2. his office giveth direction : he was appointed , 1. to instruct the people from god , 2. to mediat for the people with god. after abirams conspiracy , moses commanded aaron to offer incense , which he did , standing betwixt the living and the dead , and the plague was stayed , numb . 16. 48. the like yet should his sons do , saying spare thy people , o lord , and give not they heritage to spoil , and again , that the covenant with levi of life and peace , might turn away many from their iniquity , that the people seeking the law from their mouth , might not stumble out of the way mal. 2. 6. in this office observe , 1. his station , 2. his modesty . 3. his apparrel . 1. his station ; he was by birth moses elder and so his superior , but when priest , moses goeth foremost , aaron peaceably coming behind , being content to sit in any chair , high or low , armed or not , which god setteth in for him ; he is the chief church-man and is under authority , receiveth orders from moses , delivering these again to priests inferior unto himself . the method god hath established in his camp , or his church , had never been terrible as an army w●th banners : and who so is for a parity , with corah and abiram , may molest the church , but themselves shal perish inevitably , jud. ii. and those countrys , wherein imparity is setled , if it can be setled : mark it . 1. if moses be not too much slighted . 2. observe if the church be very beautiful . 3. if the manners of the people be of a taking behaviour , for walking not successively , not in that orderly march under moses and aaron , as instituted here in gods first national church . the cedars of the church were never alike high , no●h's ark was of three stories , gen. 6. 16. and david had a chief musician : yea , let 's see that church in scripture , that had a parity , and it shal be from that we have already called , a disjoynted , or not understood text , imparity being in the whole body of holy history so visible as it self : and notwithstanding of that frivolous distinction diotrophes maketh , ( angry because he hath not the preheminence ) that there was no apostle over an apostle , nor disciple over a d●sciple , nor pastor over a pastor ; yet was christ over the first , the second was over the third , the third was over a fourth , that is the deacon . at our lords ascension , the apostles indeed had none over them , nor needed they , 1. having the infallible spirit to direct them for keeping rank . 2. being to scatter , for converting of the nations and therefore superior to disciples , and pastors , and therefore the reply is eas●e since there was imparity established , there needed no imparity to be established . the romanes had of old their pontifices majores , their minor●s pontifices : so had the jews , so had the old christians , and these new rabbys of parity , were known over their ●r●thren to be greatest ad●rers of imparity , being bound by prudence , and necessity to uphold imparity , to defend their parity if not , 〈…〉 co●founded them at first , as it did at last : why 〈…〉 first it confounded the authority of their royal moses , and because of that , themselves could be in no good order . to prevent insurrection again , let moses be under god , aaron under moses , levits under aaron , or the glory of our israel shal depart by the breaking in of the plague of war to the destruction of moses , and all the princes and all our tribes , for what is aaron , that you murmur against him ? 2. his modesty is graceful , not only content with his portion , but took reproofs without passion , eloquent though he was with admirable meekness , yea to the silencing of moses to see a gospel incendiary , to hear a factious preacher raile at moses , or at his father in law to his face , is a thing we have heard of , and read of , but an action to be accursed , favouring not of that compassion , and tenderness , with which to the basest of the people , publick reproofs are to be applied . withal luther advised a minister , to forbear taking three dogs after him to the pulpit , ( viz. ) pride , avarice , and contention : let me add , they are so farr unfit to run after him to church , that they are not worthy to be suffered lick a dish in his kitchine , and therfore improper for a synod , or a chapter-house , john the baptist's reproof to herod , and nathans censuring of david , was by some james`s and john`s in their thundering spirits , made use of for upbrading kings in publick before their people , for geting the privacy of both , the parable of the one , and incest of the other . neither did micajah go forbid the army to follow achab , nor john the souldiers to be commanded by herod nor went nathan to the people proclaiming david's adultery . but pardon this digression , we are to speak of the sons of aaron , not of abiram . 3. his apparel . i shal neither here act the jew , nor the superstitious ; for as no holinesse is to be placed in apparel , so let no prophaneness be pitched upon , because of a coat . yet there is ( let ignora●ce , wilf●lness , or malice say , wh●● they will ) something in a church-mans habit . and though in the mystery , aarons habits typified christ , yet in the history it represented the high-priest to be himself . let us first see his breast-plate , and it is of judgement , ex. 28. 15. putting it one when he was to consult with god , and in it there is an order , a comely quadrat , teaching us judiciously to keep our ranks ; the four-squardness thereof , signifying the satability and firmnesse we should observe in that higher , in that lower place we are set ; pride was anciently painted with three crowns , each having a proper device , the first transcendo , i am most excellent , the next was , non obedio , i will not be commanded , the third was , perturbo , i will fight ; but the sons of aaron must remember and vail their bonn●ts , and do as the lord commanded them by the hands of moses , levit. 8. 36. this may minde us of their coats and girdles , wherewith they were girded , which the lord commanded in his service , they were to use ; the one being decency in cloathing and unity , the other signified readiness and promptnesse for action . do not imagine it to be curious , if i speak of clerical habits , fit to indicat a church-man , and such may teach us , who of late years , denyed in this sense their coat , and could hardly be known for church-men ; even when preaching , from somewhat that was seen , heard and done ; providence or guilt not giving them the heart to wear that upon their back , which they denyed in their sermons , being sons of thunder and lightning : and as touching , the girdle , it was discernable , the signification of it being fixedness & promptness , worn by aarons sons for truth , and about their loins for chastity ; and as knowledge grew by the appearance of christ , it came up higher towards the heart for love , where christ wore it himself , rev. 1. 13. i say , for the girdle , the laying of it aside , was but a presage of thrusting from them the vertue it signified , running hither and thither , never fixing upon one thing , save in pulling down , at which work in place of a girdle , they moraly wore somewhat that caused sweat , ( i might say , a bloody sweat ) contrary to law , ezek. 44. 18. i know , inconstancy is laid to the charge of some of the sons of corah , because forsooth , being once insnared by ruben's policy , to get the government , & corah's ambition , to get the priesthood , freed themselves afterward by leaving the rebels , before they were swallowed , or as soon as they could , and therefore admitted again to serve in the temple , with their coats and girdles . ●o accuse such is equally rational , as to accuse a jew paul , for becoming a jew christian , or a beguiled man , accepting a counter for a piece of true gold , afterward returneth it for a trick , or those simple hearted israelites , who for a time followed absolom , and then returned to their allegiance again . in the mean time these complainers were the greatest changers , and changelings in their age , with this difference perhaps , that whereas , some changed from good to ill , and some from indifferency to naught : their change was from good to ill , from ill to worse , and so held on untill providence made their folly to appear to such who went on in changing with them , who confessing their errour , are now by them constant in mischief , called turn-coats . let this mind you of that proverb of the three great travels , and labours in the world . 1. of a woman in a child-birth , which is great . 2. of a magistrate for a cities good , which is greater . 3. of a minister for his peoples benefit , this is the greatest , in regard it may be most opposed by hands and tongues . yet go on , r. r. and prosper , many have laboured in sword and fire , and would have others do so , to eschew the method such walked in , and let me advise you , and ( let none despise my youth ) to labour in your own vineyeard . it is a fine saying , that there are three things necessary for a preacher . 1. knowledge , noted in the book sent to ezekiel , 2 eloquence , in the hote coal that purged isaiah . 3. ●olinesse of life , in the hand sent to jeremiah wanting utterance , he is an insant ; wanting holiness , he is a devil , whose great employment is going too and froe , making division , and stirring up medlers in other mens businesse , for strife and debate , aarons linnen garment , by some moralizing , signified purity , his breeches chastity , his shoulder-pieces , strength , the purple in his robe , patience , the scarlet , love , the blew , heavens contemplation , the gold , wisdome with discretion ; the miter , devotion , and his plate , reverence to god , his bels and pomgranats , prayer and good works . now how unsuteable is such cloathing for the assisting at the making of a golden calf . how unfit is it in our saviors eye to wash his apostles feet ( a servile office ) with his upper garment ( a teachers habit ? ) let 's therefore follow our father in these his perfections , leaving our vertue an inheritance to our posterity , i mean his sons . i might urge our savior , whose name is writ upon his thigh , declaring he hath a posterity by lawful ordination , begotten by himself , whose white garments are not to be stained with the ink , or soil of beastly conversation , and whose girdle is not to be loosed by following each fond principle or nice opinion , neglecting the greater matters of the law. let therefore your priestly office , your ministerial habits , mind you of your pedigree , and endeavor sempiternally to minde your sacerdotal descent . to come to fancy : in vtopia , the prince is said to be known in the streets by nothing , but by a little sheave of corn carried before him , and the bishop by a ●aper of wax , imagination concluding , they ought to be known who are guids , and lights to the people , and this use , except in our unhappy age , we may deduce therefrom , that as in the kingdom of israel , their six cities of refuge sheltred 〈◊〉 , from all ports , yet three of them were poss●ssed by the levits , in the little spot beyond jordan , that the flo●k in the smalest items of danger , as knowing us their shepherds afar off , might run for gospel consolation , assuring themselves thereof , by venerable cloathing . there were three famous men and worthy in the congregation , moses , and he had his rod , aaron : he 〈…〉 samuel , and he had his coat : clearing an expe●ienc● of s●me extern●l thing , signifying their office and calling . but who hath believed our report ? for though in this , we lift up our voice as a trumpet , we cannot perswade some otherwise resolved to confess this irregular , that church-men should not be church-like , and yet would be angry , if the bible were bound up in the fashion of a song-book , or a pulpi made in the form of a fiddle ; yet themselves walk as ministrels ; that is , not as ministers in the streets : but to such who refuseth aaron's , i shall only wish them adam's girdle that a covering of fig-leaves may conceal their shame , that it be not exposed to the mockery of their order , and office in others , more true and faithful to their colours . for , 3. his failing● , giveth caution . it is not intended to pry into each punctilio of escape , whereof aaron might be guilty , leaving that office to him , who accuseth the brethren : and even moses , spake unadvisedly with his lips . but i shall mention such as were more sc●ndalous , and to which he was provoked , 1. by men. 2. b● woman . 1. by men. this was occasioned by moses absence , and it was a beastly mistake for fearing the people ; he melted mettal , and framed a golden calf , and gave to moses a leaden excuse for so doing ; and i said ( said he ) whosoever hath any gold , let them break it off , and they gave it me ; then i cast it into the fire , and there came out this calf , as if there had never come a graven tool upon it , but as the figured calf had come by chance , by miracle , by he knew not which way , exod. 32. 24. indeed the churches weakness in moses's absence , when the magistrat is not present , hath many dangerous symptoms of a decay , which should make both moses diligent in attending his charge ; and aaron couragious , if rebellion it self should divert a magistrat , it is never well with the temple of jerusalem , when the gates of the city are not watched ; not with the city , when the way to the temple mourns . make this question in the worst of times , whom should the priest of the moct high god please ? god or the people ? if god , why then will he make a golden calf to please them ? if the people , why do ye call your selves gods priests ? in short , not desiring to rub old fores , and being obliged to protest against future evils , we have too many calfs of the people made among us , and therefore there is cause to fear the wolves of the evening for a punishment be commissioned to devour , and destroy . i have long ago half adored that expression of a most reverend father , when cast into the furnace of popular fury , in our late war , in his own funeral sermon , before malice and the axe had cut off his head , nor shall i worship the imaginations , which the people are setting up , nor will i forsake the temple and the truth of god , to follow the bleating of jeroboam's calfs , in dan and in bethel , &c. but not to pursue the metaphore , in hardest seasons ; let 's have recourse to bethphage , a village of priests , signifying d●m●s buc●ae , trumpeting , to encourage each other , and not be made to blush by frivolous , because sensless excuses , from fear of the people . for if we please men , we shal not be the servants of christ. but the second is more base , because it was , 2. by a woman . miriam moses's sister fell quite out with moses's wife , her sister in law , and what in gods name had aaron to do , to interest himself in either , except to agree them ? yet this is somewhat honourable , that he is not the beginner of the plea ; for it is said miriam and aaron spake against moses , because of the ethiopian woman he had married ; not the ethiopia in africa , but a country , bo●dering upon the red-sea , and the same which is called midian . it was an old fault , if any , and newly riped up by miriam , who being first named , seemeth to have led on aaron in a surprize , she being punished with leprosie for persevering : aaron quickly repents , or was at first cool in the business , and therefore is not plagued . every man is free to conjecture the cause of the complaint , since it is mantled about and covered , i am prone to think the two ladys strove for place , miriam it may be was elder , and so would not lose her place though aaron the elder brother quite his ; it may be she was fairer and more stately , but indeed me thinks says miriam , i being a prophetesse , born within the covenant of god , should have place of a midianitish proselyte , &c. yet whatever was the cause , it was unluky , and neither by moses nor aaron , was the campled for seven dayes , numb . 12. 15. how closely could this to the shame of many of the holy order , and sacred function be pressed , whose base inadvertence , whose fetid , and sordid behavior , hath occasioned great bre●ches in our state and church . authority by taking part with the home spoon quarrels of the other sex ? our miriams could do little excep● scold , if aarons did not joine with them : but this is confusion , that aarons sons should stir up active , furious , superstitious , ignorant woman to speak against moses and aaron , and that in things relating to the tabernacle , pudet hac opprobria nobis , &c. and what a miserable hinderance this hath been to the camp ? how scandalous to our religion ? i leave to my elders : adding , that our preaching work is a work , angels would account themselves honoured , if authoriz'd unto ; but man , who is more masculine ; shall i say , more divine , then a daughter of evah must stay his hand ; until he fight both against moses and aaron , because of a pick some dame hath took against his brother , or his brothers wife . her name had bitterness in it , for its mara , and bitter was it here to aaron . it is 〈◊〉 star of wormwood in the firmament of our nation , and so much the more bitter , that this example with her punishment doth not edifie . do not smile , if i once more suggest , what may be the ground of this quarrel ( to pass other causes given as more unlike ) it might be mose's wife went too too fine , and miriam thinks moses should not lead the people with his hands only , but also with his wifs petti-coat : and may be aaron concluds and assents , she goeth too too light , for one of her age and place , though i will not make oath upon this , sure we are to invert the story ; that the fine cloaths of the high-priests relations , i mean , the decency of any habit in a church mans familie is an eye-sore to many prophetesses in the land : and some sons of aaron closeth to the motion , and with mock-finger , proves that a piece of good cloath ( to pass silk ) is too rich for a church-man , when the same reformer will allow it upon a trades-mans back . but mark the progress of sacriledge ; this age hath found a way to cure the prodigality of the church , there being little left her but cloaths , and that to some few ; and these also many would have made courser . but , let me assure all aarons sons , that when the coat is taken away , miriam and that other saint will weare it on their own backs . and for all the youngsters ranting , ( for confirmation of his own doctrine , of church-mens grave cloathing ) he shall walk the streets in querpo : and court them in a bare-coat , or pray without a cushon . experience of these things ought to make the priest-hood wise , and not to disturb the flock , or complain against moses for such trifling . and the shame and horror committed in such rapes upon aaron , ought to make us more warry in our carriage ; friendly in our places , charitable to our brethren , more gratefully towards god ; and more loyally towards moses ; by whose authority , the priest is yet kept from being absolutely naked , and more obediently towards aaron . the corah like resisting of whom , i mean church officers , hinders the camp more then all the amalekits or papists that are about us ; according to that proverb of our neighbour nation : tell not me of the turk & pope , it is my neig●bour does me wrong , &c. the word of god is divided in two parts . one is , the old testament ; that is , the word of promise . the other is ▪ the new testament ; that is , the word of accomplishment . these two agrees in one , and holds forth christ ; moses and aaron here leads the people . these two agrees in one , in god , who led them by their hands . and in the unity of these , the felicity of the flock consists ▪ being without these , like sheep without one shepherd , scattered by some faction , or a dicontented corah , or a miriam . therefore , charles the ninth of france , in a medal , gave his crown above two pillars ; intertwisted with this devise , pietate & justitiâ . it 's church and state upholds my crown . the motto then , or devise of the tables , this day hung forth , ought to be that of the beloved disciple ; let us love one another . i say one another , for you the people , being the flock , are not to tempt your shepherds , your wardens , your guids , your mose's , your aaron's , your magistrats and ministers , with grumbling , though ye be led through the wilderness , and want bread and water . complain not of these two : it is god , not they that hath the gift of riches , or of poverty , that can straiten and enlarge your quarters ; give you food convenient , or no food ; or , make your cup run over . yet for obtaining the best of his blessings , the favourable cloud of his presence , to keep you from the destroyer , to preserve you from the scorpion tongues of them that hate you : and after all windings , turnings , changes and vicissitudes of providence , to arrive at the promised land of future rest and glory . the securest and most effectual mean , is ●earing moses , and reverencing aaron . in that dreadful conflagration at rome , in the dayes of commodus ; when templum pacis , and the vestal fane were burned : the sacred virgins ( brought till then unseen ) through the open holy street , pal●as or their palladium into the emperors pallace : that as its divinity ( as they esteemed ) had secured majesty ; so in distress , authority might succour its divinity , that both might live or die together . say the same of the crown and pulpit , that the people may reverence both ; and each of these honor and prove thankful to the other . this double solemnity , or meeting of these two happy constellations in the orbe of your city , ( a delightful sight ) by your praying to god for them ; and communing with god about them , may be the foundation of one years journey ; which may refresh you as the flock was , when led to elim , a city of palm-trees , to the number of threescore and ten . the number of our lords disciples , and where there was twelve wells of water , the number of the tribes and of the apostles , that both by law and gospel , by justice and peace : you be much helpt forward in your way . and for your selves , look down , r. h. and say to the sons of aaron , in whose meeting you are concerned , as boaz to his r●ap●rs . the lord be with you . and you , r. r. look up , and say to moses and his elders : in whose electing , you have interest , with them again . the lord bless thee : and i say to both , to all , what the levits said in the temple , the lord that made the heavens and the earth , bless you all out of zion , psal , 134 3. finis . at this time there was elected for magistrats . sir andrew ramsay . lord provost . walter borthwick . bailies . thomas murray . robert baird . james justice . francis kinlo●h . l. dean of guild . james currie . l. treasurer . by the king. a proclamation. charles r. ... we having, with the advice and consent of our parliaments, past so many acts in favors of the protestant religion, against field-conventicles ... scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1679 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02102 wing c3208 estc r236092 52612080 ocm 52612080 179364 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02102) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179364) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2786:25) by the king. a proclamation. charles r. ... we having, with the advice and consent of our parliaments, past so many acts in favors of the protestant religion, against field-conventicles ... scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1679. title from caption and first line of text. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. dated at end: given at our court at white-hall, the 29. day of june, 1679, and of our reign the thretty one year. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -legal status, laws, etc. -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation . charles r. charles the second , by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all and sundry our good subjects whom these presents do or may concern , greeting : we having , with the advice and consent of our parliaments , past so many acts in favours of the protestant religion , against field-conventicles , whereby our subjects were withdrawn from publick ordinances , in such ways as exposed them to hear jesuits , or any other irregular preachers , and were at last debauched to meet with arms informed rebellions ; we might have expected a most hearty concurrence from all such as resolved to live to live religiously and peaceably in suppressing those disorders : in place whereof magistrates having by their negligence , and masters by their connivance , hightned those distempers into a formed rebellion , founded upon extravagancies , inconsistent with the protestant religion and our monarchy ; which , we having by the mercy of god , and the affection of our subjects , overcome s ; o totally , that our clemency cannot be lyable to any mis-construction : we have therefore thought fit , with the advice of our privy council , to recommend the vigorous execution of all our former laws and proclamations against such rendezvouzes of rebellion ; commanding hereby our judges , magistrates and officers of all ranks and degrees to apprehend , condemn and punish all such as frequent any field-conventicles , the ministers by death , and the hearers by fining , and otherways according to the prescript of our laws ; such as bear arms there , being to be demained as traitors , conform to our former proclamation , dated the 13. day of may last , and ordaining that all masters shall be lyable for presenting such of their tennants , and such live upon their ground to underly the law in our justice-airs , conform to the sixth act , par. third james the fifth . as also , we most peremptorily command all in office under us , to prosecute with all legal rigor , those inhumane and execrable murderers of the late arch-bishop of st. andrews , and all such as have had accession thereto , by concealing or ressetting the assassinates . but we , being desirous to reclaim all such in that our ancient kingdom , as have been misled by ignorance , or blind zeal ( the pretexts of disorders ) and to convince all indifferent persons , that too great severity is as far from our design , as our inclinations , have according to the power reserved to us , by the fifth act , and second session of our second parliament , suspended the execution of all laws and acts against such as frequent house-conventicles in the low countreys on the south-side of the river of tay only : excepting always the town of edinburgh , and two miles round about the same , with the lordships of musselburgh and dalkeith , the cities of st. andrews and glasgow , and stirling , and a mile about each of them ; being fully resolved , not to suffer the seat of our government , nor our universities to be pestred with any irregularities whatsoever . and for a further evidence of our protection to all who resolve to live peaceably , we hereby suspend all diligences for fines upon the account of conventicles , except such fines as are imposed by our privy council , and such fines of inferiour judicatures , as were uplifted or transacted for , prior to the 29. of may last , and all letters of intercommuning , and other executions , except in so far as concerns those who were our actual servants , or in publick trust . but to the end , that none whom we may justly suspect , shall under the colour of this favour , continue to preach rebellion , schism and heresie ; we hereby ordain all such as shall be suffered to preach , to have their names given in , and surety found to our privy council for their peaceable behaviour , only one preacher being allowed to a paroch ; and none to be allowed who have appeared against us in this late rebellion , nor none who shall be admitted by the un-conform ministers in any time hereafter : assuring all those to whom we have extended this favour , that if they or any of them , shall for the future frequent any field-conventicles , or disturb the peace of these our kingdoms , we will secure our people , and maintain our authority and laws by such effectual courses , as in ruining the authors , cannot be thought rigid , after so insufferable and unnecessary provocations . this our forberance being to continue in force only during our royal pleasure , as we shall see those dissenters deserve our favour . and to the end , all our good subjects may have notice of this our royal will and pleasure , we do hereby command our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , macers , pursevants , messengers at arms , to make proclamation hereof , at the mercat-cross of edinburgh . given at our court at white-hall , the 29. day of june , 1679. and of our reign the thretty one year . by his majesties command , lauderdale . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dous . 1679. to the parliament of the common-wealth of england who are in place of authority to do justice, and in present power to ease the oppressed nation from its bonds : councel and advice unto you / from a friend that seeks after truth and righteousness from you ... burrough, edward, 1634-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a30550 of text r36304 in the english short title catalog (wing b6039). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a30550 wing b6039 estc r36304 15643021 ocm 15643021 104277 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30550) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104277) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1182:5) to the parliament of the common-wealth of england who are in place of authority to do justice, and in present power to ease the oppressed nation from its bonds : councel and advice unto you / from a friend that seeks after truth and righteousness from you ... burrough, edward, 1634-1662. 8 p. s.n., [london? : 1659?] caption title. signed and dated at end: lon. 6 of 8 mon., 1659. edward burrough. reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng society of friends -apologetic works. church and state -england. freedom of religion -england. a30550 r36304 (wing b6039). civilwar no to the parliament of the common-wealth of england, who are in place of authority to do justice, and in present power to ease the oppressed n burrough, edward 1659 3533 5 0 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-07 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the parliament of the common-wealth of england , who are in place of authority to do justice , and in present power to ease the oppressed nation from its bonds . councel and advice unto you , from a friend that seeks after truth and righteousness from you , and alwayes faithfully desires the nations good , and that the government thereof may be established upon a just and equal and right foundation , that the lord god may possess his right , and all men their right in our land , and that men of truth and sound judgement , may be set to judge the people in outward things , and the exercise of good conscience in faith and worship left unto god , that blessings and mercies , true freedom , peace and vnity , may run down as a stream in the land of our nativity , and that all the contrary may be cast out , and removed far away from us , and for this cause , these things following do i propound unto you , that you may read and consider , to the end that righteousness alone may be established in the nation , both in the foundation and practice of government . for as much as this nation , the land of our native inheritance ( as we are members of it ) hath long been held under great bondage and captivity , and the free-born people have born the heavy yokes of tyranny and oppression , both in respect of the foundation of government , and also in respect of practice thereof ; for not onely the practice , but also the very foundation of government , and the choosing of governours also hath been out of course , and not rightly laid , nor established in righteousness , by reason of that darkness that hath been over all people , in the dayes of the reign of antichrist , whose kingdome and government hath been in dominion in all nations , ever since the falling away from the faith , once delivered to the apostles , and then came the earth to be subjected under the tyranny and oppression of that fourth beast , dan. 7. and while thus it hath been in our nation that our kings have attained to the throne of government hereditarily , and by succession of birth , and our parliaments and rulers have attained to the place of judgement over us , by such a way of traditional choise , as hath been the custom in our forefathers dayes ( that knew no better , being in the dayes of apostacy & great ignorance themselves ) and thus it hath continued for many ages , whereby the inhabitants have been alwayes suffering under , and lyable to great oppressions & vexations , being subjected under such a government , falling as aforesaid , from parents to children , after the manner of the heathen nations , and being subjected to such laws , made and executed by men , not truly called and ordained of god thereunto , insomuch that nothing hath been perceived nor intended by men of the hand of the lord , and of his good spirit in the calling of our kings , and choosing of our rulers ; but these things have com'd to pass and been after the traditions of men , and not after the order and councel of the lord god ; and our nation hath been under the bonds of slavery in this respect , even because men have governed that ought not : and while the great and rich men hath been set to rule over the poor , and while men for earthly honour , and for riches sake in birth and breeding , have claimed to be princes over us successively , and to be chosen our rulers according to custom , without respect to their vertue and goodness , and without true calling from the lord , or any certain testimony from him , and thus it hath continued for many ages ; because of which the free born people hath deeply suffered the cruel oppressions of proud and ambitious and self-seeking men , who hath long ruled for themselves , and not for the lord , and have com'd into the place of authority over us , otherwise then by appointment and right calling from the lord , as i have said ; and thus the government of our nation hath been out of course , and not as the lord requireth it , even until this day , while great darkness hath remained upon the hearts of the people , which hath so blinded them , that they have not known their own bondage , nor yet how to be redeemed into perfect liberty , while they have subjected themselves ( through ignorance ) to be ruled by such men as had no right from god to that place of rule and government . but now in as much as the lord god our deliverer hath begun to appear for the freedom of the nations , and hath shewed us the captivity and bondage which our forefathers have lived under , and we our selves been subject and lyable too , by reason of the government standing in a single person successively , and we being forced to live under the authority of such men as had no right from god thereunto , as i have said ; and now our eyes are opened to behold better things , and we are in good expectations , that the lord will suddenly so appear , as to free us from future oppressions in this respect , for we look for a new earth , as well as for a new heaven , according to the lords promise to us , which is to be fulfilled in these latter dayes ; and that we shall have judges as at the first , and councellors as at the beginning , and that all our bonds of oppression shall be broken , that have lain upon us by unjust men , who have made laws , and executed them for us , without true calling to such a work ; and the lord alone will appear to be the king and judge and law-giver over all , and will commit the giving forth and execution of good laws into the power of faithful and just men ordained of god , who will judge for him altogether , and not for man , neither will be perverted by earthly honour and riches , but will regard the cause of the poor , and the afflicted ; and these things we are waiting for , to be brought to pass in their season , and the hand of the lord will accomplish it , if not by you , then even contrary to you . wherefore i am moved in spirit , and in love to you and to this nation , to lay it before you , and to desire it of you ( in whose hands the liberties of this nation yet remaineth ) that you will so prepare and allow the foundation of government in this nation , that the lord may be the chooser of our rulers , to give and to execute righteous laws for us , and that men that fears god and hates covetousness and every evil way , that just men and righteous men , men of truth and uprightness , men of humility and soberness , men that are constant to good principles , and such whom the lord hath blessed with the spirit of sound judgement , and with understanding , who may truly discern of causes and equally judge thereof , men that are for the just freedom of all , and for the general good of all , and men that in all things will seek the glory of the lord , be they rich or poor , high or low in birth or breeding ; yet let such be rulers among us , and judge this nation , that all that do well may have praise and be justified , and all that do evil may be afraid , and punished ; and hereby shall the whole nation be refreshed and comforted with the mercies of the lord , and his name shall be the greatest among us , and truth and righteousness should run down , when justice sits in the throne ; and not men for greatness sake , in titles or birth , or otherwise , chosen in tradition , and not by appointment of god , but men for vertues sake , and not for earthly honour which perisheth , not covetous nor ambitious men , not proud and vain-glorious men , not such as seeks the honour from below , that respects vain titles & flatteries of men , not such as will seek themselves , and be perverted by gifts , not such as are persecutors for a good conscience sake , that are zealous , but not according to knowledge , not wilful and heady men , not unconstant and changeable men , not traitors that have turned for self-advantage , and will change with the times to any way of government for earthly honour , for such will judge for man and not for god , not ignorant men that wants the spirit of sound judgement , nor such as are prophane and without the fear of god ; nor such as these , be they rich or great , let not such be our governours nor judge over us , to make laws and execute them for us in our nation ; let all such men be cast out from among you , and disenabled by certain just restrictions from ever receiving trust or authority over us ; for while such men have been in power and sate in the throne , justice and true judgement have been perverted , and our land hath groaned under oppre●sions , and the inhabitants mourned for very grief of heart , because of the abounding of injustice and cruelty through their rulers ; and the lord hath been vexed with them , while ini●uity hath sate upon the throne , and wilfulness judged the people , and mercy been wanting , and just judgement neglected , and the whole land hath laid desolate because hereof ; and therefore i call unto you on the lords behalf , make way and prepare for righteousness to sit as judge , & that men alone , that fears god , and are ordained of him thereunto , of what profession or birth soever they be , men of truth and justness , that have the spirit of a good understanding , and are called of god , may have authority in our nation , to give laws and execute them for us , such being brought into a capacity by you to be chosen , for to such men appointed of god , and fitted for that end , and truly called of him , being qualified as aforesaid , do we give the authority and power in our nation , to judge and to govern in the things pertaining to this world , and over us as we are members of this nation , and over the outward man , and in the things between man and man , even to be a terrour to such as are without the fear of god , and to punish such by just laws without ; as breaks the law of god within , though to the lord god alone , we give the authority and power over us to rule us and to judge us in that relation , as we are members of his kingdom , and over our inward man , and in the things pertaining to our consciences in all things related to his worship , and service , and faith , and practices in religion . and for as much as in the late dayes of darkness , through the unjust practice of government in the hands of uncalled and ungodly men , the exercise of our consciences hath been violated , by men not ordained of god , who have not known the perfect station , nor cause and end of civil government , nor how to rule and govern over us as men , and over our outward man ( which is onely the end of outward rule and government ) but have assumed unjustly the seat and throne of christ jesus , and have ruled over our consciences , and oppressed our inward man with false judgement imposed upon us , through limitting of us from and compelling of us to such or such a way of worship and religion , even contrary to the spirit of god , taking upon them without any call from god at all , but as vsurpers , to be judges in matters of faith , and doctrines , and worships , which pertains unto the one god , and not unto men ; and unto the spirit of christ we give the exercise of our consciences in our duty to god in all things pertaining to worship and faith towards him , and not unto you nor any man upon the earth ; but i say because the civil magistrate hath judged where he ought not in matters pertaining to god onely , and not to him , and so hath abused his power , and exceeded the measure and line of his authority , hereby have we been wofully oppressed in our consciences , and for the very pure exercise thereof , have we been accounted great offenders and even righteousness hath been punished , as a haynious crime , and the most innocent as great transgressors , even while the civil magistrate hath compelled to , and limmitted from such wayes of worships and practices of religion , and so been as lord over our consciences ; we have been an oppressed people , and killed all the day long , and our oppressions because hereof , hath reached unto heaven , and entred into the ears of the lord , and hath overturned , and confounded powers and authorities , men and lawes , even because of this thing , ( to wit , oppression of good conscience ) which may be to you examples for good , who cannot give his glory to any other , neither the exercise of his peoples consciences ▪ to any , saving his own spirit , that onely leads into all truth in worship and practice ; wherefore it is upon me to lay it before you ( even you as the first asserters of , and contenders for englands liberty ) and whom the lord hath honoured in beginning to remove tyranny and oppression , and reaching after our long lost liberties ) that you will learn wisdom from the god of heaven to be ordered to his glory , and to order others in righteousness , that you may escape the pits and snares that many are fallen into , in such pathes of oppre●sing tender conscience . and particularly that you will leave unto god alone the exercise of peoples consciences in faith and worship ; and clearly devide and distinguish between rule and government over the people of this nation as they are men , and members of the nation , and as members of the kingdom of christ , and worshipers of god in spirit ; and that you will put a difference between the civil government of our nation , in the things pertaining to mens bodies and estates , and their outward carriages as men one towards another and between church government and the things related to the worship and service of god , and in faith and practices of religion towards him , in which relation , we give the government over us to christ as i have said , for he alone is true judge concerning faith and worship and religon , and men are but to judge over men in those things that pertains to this world , and over the outward man ; and therefore i lay it before you that the foundation of government in our nation may be so allowed , confirmed and established by you , as that the civil magistrate may be prescribed by you , the very length and breadth , the heigth and depth of his authority and trust ; and that the exercise and liberty of our consciences in the worship and service of god may not be intrusted with him to judge over us in matters of faith & doctrines & worships , but that he may be wholly excluded , from medling in that case , and from imposing any thing upon our consciences in that relation ; and may not have the power to limit us from , or compell us to any such or such way of worship and religion , church and ministry , but that he may be secluded from judgement over us , in all things pertaining to the kingdom of christ iesus , and that our liberties and exercises in his worship and church and ministry may not be at all intrusted with any man , nor left to the judgement of the civil magistrate ; for christ alone by his good spirit , is supream judge , over our inward man , in all things pertaining to worship , faith , church and ministry . wherefore i call unto , and do advise you on the lords behalf ; let conscience go free , and leave it to the exercise of the spirit of god onely , do not limit the lord , nor prescribe him a way , how he must be believed in and worshipped ; for that belongs unto him and not unto you nor any man ; therefore i demand of you as our perfect right that you suffer the government of our nation to be so established , as that god may have his right ( to wit ) the full government in all things pertaining to his own kingdom ; and the civil magistrate may be secluded from judgement over us , in all things concerning and appertaining to the worship of our god , and faith towards him ; and also that all unrighteous lawes and decrees , yet remaining in the ●and , founded in the dark night of apostacy , and practiced in cruelty , whereby the exercise of good conscience hath been persecuted , and the innocent made as offenders , may be speedily repealed and made void , that henceforth for ever tender conscience may be freed , and the exercise thereof given to god alone , that he may judge and rule in his own kingdom , and just men may rule and judge in the things pertaining to the outward man , and over such as transgresseth the law of god within them , and hereby should blessings and peace , and loving kindness , and tender mercies from the lord spring forth in glory amongst us , and the nation would be refreshed from all its sorrowes , and eased from all its oppressions , and all righteous men would reioyce , and give glory to god , and ages to come , should speak well of you , if that the foundation of government be so setled by you , as that every man may enjoy his right one from another , and be defended therein ; and god the creator of all may possesse his right from all , and be suffered to be the onely exerciser of his people in his worship , that he may have what is due and belongs to him from you and all people , & such a government would be blessed for ever ; and if you fulfill this my advice you may be happy , but if you do not , but wil be oppressors of conscience by unjust laws , then the lord will bring distruction upon you , and overthrow your power ; and liberty will he bring some other way to his chosen heritage , in whom his soul delighteth ; therefore take this my councel , even as you hope to prosper , for this i know from the lord , upon the rejecting or receiving hereof dependeth your standing or your fall , your renown , or perpetual reproach , even your blessing or your curse , and the time is at hand that many shall confesse the lord gave good counsel unto you , by his servant lon. 6. of 8. mon. 1659. edward bvrrovgh . the end . the bishop of london's seventh letter, of the conference with his clergy held in the year 1686, upon the king's letter, dated 1685 : and directed to the two arch-bishops, with directions concerning preachers. compton, henry, 1632-1713. 1690 approx. 27 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34188 wing c5673 estc r38823 18175474 ocm 18175474 106879 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34188) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 106879) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1122:7) the bishop of london's seventh letter, of the conference with his clergy held in the year 1686, upon the king's letter, dated 1685 : and directed to the two arch-bishops, with directions concerning preachers. compton, henry, 1632-1713. [2], 18 p. printed by benj. motte, london : 1690. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -clergy. church and state -church of england. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the bishop of london's seventh letter , of the conference with his clergy , held in the year 1686. upon the king's letter , dated 1685. and directed to the two arch-bishops , with directions concerning preachers . london : printed by benj. motte , 1690. good brother , i am sure you must now be convinced , as i make no question you was then , that nothing could be more pernicious to prince or people , than to carry the duty of submission beyond the bounds of just reason or due patience ; and that therefore the first article against meddling with matters of state , was a great inducement to me , to invite you to this conference upon the whole directions concerning preachers , which was managed to this effect . you cannot but be every day more sensible than other , how seasonable this letter of his majesty's was , and how highly it concerns us to reflect upon it . indeed there is nothing in it but what has been formerly directed by his royal predecessors after the same manner ; and yet the matter is of that weighty consequence , as not to be one jot the less necessary to be repeated at this time . the reasons his majesty urges , are from politick considerations , and so reasons of state ; but there are others , which may be taken from moral topicks , of that great consideration , that we may boldly say , the king has not more interest in them , in his royal capacity , than the ministers of the gospel have in their spiritual capacity . for disobedience is as reproachful to the religious as to the politick person ; sedition as pernicious ; and rebellion as criminal . but to come to the purpose , i will pursue the heads we went through , as near the same order , and as much to the same sense , as my memory will give me leave : we therefore considered the directions under these two general heads , as i. negative . ii. affirmative . i. the negative part is contained in the first three articles concerning , 1. matters of state. 2. notional and school-divinity . 3. controversie . first , as to matters of state , we are forbid to declare , limit or bound the constitutive laws of the realm between prince and people . every nation has its peculiar rights and customs ; the decision of which belongs ultimately to the resolutions of parliaments , as they do ordinarily to the exposition of the judges . these things depending upon ancient customs , original contracts and constitutions contained generally in the publick records , are quite besides our purpose ; they come not within the compass of our studies , but are more proper for statesmen and lawyers to meddle with ; and as they are of publick concern , so are they likewise of publick interpretation . however , should our curiosity lead us into an enquiry after them , their doctrin would by no means be a proper subject for us to descant upon ; because our business is to teach a christian behaviour upon all occasions , without entering into the merits of any cause betwixt prince and people . we have been happy above all other countries , in having kings , that out of their grace and bounty , have made ample concessions for our ease and security , by so fixing our liberties and properties , that we cannot be wronged in either , without the open violation of a solemn oath . if therefore we would speak honestly to this matter , we ought to do right to both parties ; and then think but how improper and ridiculous this would look out of a pulpit , to be stating the secular rights and privileges on both sides . but if we exalt the kings prerogative above the law , we do as good as tell the people , that notwithstanding their rights , the king may ravish their wives , spoil their goods , and cut their throats at pleasure . and thus we should pursue a method the most contrary to the mind of god , that possibly could be : for it would prove a doctrin that might do much harm , and could never do good ; either it would alarm the people with an apprehension that some design were working against their just rights , ( for which pernicious strain of courtesie , we may be sure a wise prince , as ours is , would give us small thanks , since the least mischief we could expect , would be dissatisfaction , murmuring , jealousie , and a readiness to rebel . ) or if it should operate as we intend , if we intend any thing else by it , we should hereby make a halter for our own necks , by disposing men to avow a principle that should invite their king to put a yoak upon them . so that i look upon it as a rule , that we ought in common prudence to set our selves in this affair ; to be as cautious of flattering our prince into tyranny , as of stirring up the people to sedition and tumult . for we have scope enough without a servile flattery , to do our prince right and our selves too , by preaching up a peaceable and christian temper , to wait with patience for the good effect of those ordinary remedies we have by passive obedience , westminster-hall , parliament , and what other methods may be ; which if they prevail not , will produce that in god's good time that may . secondly , the next thing we are cautioned against , is meddling with high notional points , which rather distract than edifie , and rather engender strife and envy , than procure peace and love. this is certain , that whoever preaches after this manner , either wants discretion to make choice of more proper subjects , or else , vainly puft up by his fleshly mind , prefers the magnifying himself before the edification of his hearers . it is directly against the divine rule , which says , the servant of the lord must not strive . we are particularly warned against the scholastical handling of the doctrine of election and reprobation , which are determinations appointed by the hidden wisdom of god's secret methods . for indeed it is an unpardonable presumption in dust and ashes , which cannot give a reason for the growth or colour of the least herb that grows , to handle these points , which have , and ever will be the amusement of all sects and religions under the sun , as being the abstrusest parts of god's workings towards the children of men. there are several other niceties relating to the operation of the spirit , and the work of justification ; the critical resolutions of which , some , by too much refining , have reduced to air ; and others , by endeavouring to make too familiar , have rendered contemptible . and therefore it behoved our superiors to give a check to the too bold and daring spirits of some rash men , that they might be prevailed with , if possible , to steer by a better compass than that of their own brains , and rather keep out at sea than hazard their skill too near the rocks . security and satisfaction attend the former course , but censure and great peril the latter ; the first may miscarry , but the other is next to certain of doing so . thirdly , the last negative article seems to discourage that sort of controversal preaching which directs to the distinguishing tenents of the several sects of religion , as popery , presbyterianism , independency , &c. in the managing of which , there is such a prudence and discretion requisite , as is not every man's talent . it is therefore very justly advised , not to be hasty in entering upon such undertakings , but rather avoid the invitations our own forwardness will be but too apt to draw us into . it is the ready way to draw attention , and gain a sort of applause , if we do but say sharp things and satyrical : for the more slightly the controversie is handled , the better it takes , provided the argument be heightened with earnest expressions or foolish jesting . but however this style may be pleasing at the first accost , it can make no solid impression to edification , which ought to be the end of all preaching . it will always be despised by wise men , and do fools no real good . and yet there is another sort of treating our adversaries , which is still worse , that is , foul and reviling language ; such behaviour will either prejudice our cause , or at least render us contemptible , that serve it in so dirtily . the way to avoid this in a great measure is , not to affect and force controversal points upon a text ; but rather forbear , till we are constrained to it by the drift of the subject we treat upon , or from the necessity of time and place . all things are likeliest then to proceed in the most reasonable manner , when they flow most easily and naturally from the subject of our discourse . for then we are most apt to do wisely , and speak like rational creatures . we shall then be better composed for the putting on of a christian spirit , in expressions of compassion , good will , gentleness , modesty , and whatever other virtues may best soften and steal into mens hearts . to tell a man at the first salute , that he is a heretick , and is damned , is to provoke choler rather than attention , and utterly to frustrate our own endeavours by frighting away those that we would be thought to invite to us . but as we ought to be very cautious how we enter into controversie , and very careful in the handling of it : so must we by no means be discouraged from it , when there is occasion . it may so fall out , as to be indispensibly necessary . if the plague be begun in your congregation , you must make hast with your censers . if you see it approaching or hanging over , you must prepare your people with the best antidotes you can think of . for truth , tho it never fails in it self ; yet is it very fleeting , if you are not industrious to keep it with you . it is the noblest virtue in the world , and will be treated accordingly . ii. the other general denomination of these articles is affirmative : where you are told what to do in order to the more successful discharging your ministry . and this contains four heads , 1. catechising . 2. acquainting the people with the doctrine and discipline of the church . 3. the bishops being careful not hastily to licence preachers . 4. to use all persuasion and authority to stop the licentious practice of profaning the lords day . i. the first is a direction to the teaching of such sort of divinity , as may be most edifying : and this is most justly presumed to be catechetical , so that there lies not only a duty upon you to instruct children in the catechism ; but likewise to pursue the same method in your sermons to them of riper years . by which means you will best improve the first principles laid down , during the time of childhood ; in making your superstructure more sutable and of a piece with your foundation . it is indeed that course which most tends to edifying : and that chiefly for these three reasons . 1. because it admits of the plainest and easiest style . for it is not perplexed with doubts or the improvement of refined notions and learned enquiries , as all other methods are ; but goes directly to the point , in a plain familiar way sutable to the meanest understanding . 2. it contains the fullest and most compleat body of divinity . it has all that is necessary and nothing superfluous . other ways of proposing religion , however they may be more elaborate , and make a greater boast to the world , through the contrivance of humane wit ; yet you will find their original mean at least , and sometimes base and degenerate . for either it smells of the schools , or else proceeds from arrogance , vain glory , or some such like foolish passion : i do not say this in reference to those necessary attendants of chronology , history , or the like , but to the plain doctrinal point . 3. it has this advantage , that it is more edifying , and settles men better in the most essential principles . for if you should preach to grown men in another style than that by which you had instructed them in their youth , you would make them apt to despise the foundation-work of their religion , and conceit themselves entered upon another ordinance . they would be tempted to think the common duties of christianity only incumbent upon boys : and so whilst they become speculative christians , to follow their own lusts. what swarms of sects such methods have visited the church of christ with , ecclesiastical history will tell , and the sad experience of our present age afford too many woful instances . it is therefore pressed with great justice , that ye should recommend to the people the most important virtues of a true christian behaviour , and urge them by your example , as well as doctrin , that their practicableness , as well as excellency , may the more evidently appear . ye are likewise enjoyned to warn your flock against those sins which are most prevalent in the present age. for the end of all religion is to eschew evil and do good , that we may glorifie god in our souls and in our bodies , which are the lords . it is recommended to you , to take occasion now and then in your sermons , to explain the several offices in the liturgy , that the people may the better pray with their understanding . for they are composed with that gravity and true devotion , that they could never have fallen into that contempt , they did in the late times , but that men generally were not so well possessed of the meaning and reason of them , as they ought to have been . and therefore there is another thing needful to the same purpose , and that is carefully and distinctly to read divine service . for it is a paraphrase upon the text , to read it sensibly , and with a due emphasis . ii. the next is the reading the 39 articles and the canons , yearly at least , to the people , which is an injunction as early as the canons and articles themselves . and good reason there was for it . that which distinguishes christians from other sects is the articles of our religion , the which whoever professes to believe , is a member of christ's visible church . so that it is necessary for every christian to be well informed of them . not that every article in the 39 obliges to an explicit belief : it is enough for many of them , that they are not opposed . however they are so instructive all of them , that they do in short give the people marks , by which they may judge more easily , whether or no they that preach , deliver sound doctrine : and they that preach may the better be directed how to speak in the style of the church , thereby to preserve that harmony and consent , recommended by the apostle in speaking the same things , 1 cor. 1. 10. and thus giving the same sound , people may without distraction know how to perform their duty . the outward adornment of this doctrine , is to have all things done decently and in order ; the world is constituted and governed by order , and god is the god of it . this is the discipline contained in our canons , which adds strength to our faith , and life to our charity . for where we find peace and concord , we are inclin'd to believe , that god is there , and our brotherly love is encouraged by such agreement . it directs every one to his proper post , and places all in that harmony and consent , and unites and knits them together in such close order , that they stand like a wall against their enemy in the day of tryal . ye cannot study these rules too much , since they are those by which ye ought to walk in all your outward behaviour towards your flocks . they are the directions for the peoples behaviour ; that they may avoid the mutual offence which disorder and licentiousness would cause among them . and therefore it is highly necessary they should be acquainted with them ; that they may not think the church-discipline to be a device of their immediate pastor , nor excuse their irregularity upon pretence of ignorance . iii. another injunction is concerning licences to preach : that care should be taken who are licensed , and that it be only during pleasure . it is thought requisite likewise , that none for the future but the arch-bishop or bishop of the diocess do license , as being the most proper judges . but this is a matter so highly concerns your ministry , that it requires a very serious and distinct observation , to weigh in what latitude these words are to be allowed . the preaching of the gospel is expressed severally ; but there are but two expressions that have any considerable difference : the first is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies the plain denouncing of the gospel , be it what it will : the other is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which includes the merits of what is preached , by giving it the style of good tidings . however , that consideration which must give you your measures , is carefully to distinguish the difference betwixt the preaching of the apostles , and that of their successors . the apostles laid the foundation . built upon the foundation of the apostle and prophets , eph. 2. 20. it is very true , they built on , as occasion served : but their great work was to discover the glad tidings of the gospel to all mankind . go ye into all the world , and preach the gospel to every creature . mar. 16. 15. and therefore it is that s. paul assumes to himself , as an apostle , a share in the foundation-work . i have laid the foundation , and another buildeth thereon . i cor. 3. 10. it must be acknowledged at the same time , that the apostles did upon occasion exercise the ordinary ministerial functions , but with this caution , i baptized also the houshold of stephanus : besides i know not whether i baptized any other . for christ sent me not to baptize , but to preach the gospel . i cor. 1. 16 , 17. however it is certain , whether the apostles had exercised it or no , that whoever had the supreme and extraordinary power , had likewise that which was ordinary and common to other ministers of the gospel . for most certainly whatever power remains to you , ye have it as the apostles successors . and therefore ye ought to distinguish between that authority which ended with the apostles , and that which is derived down to the ministers of the succeding generations . 1. the universal jurisdiction they had , was peculiar to them . for tho every bishop is a bishop of the universal church ; yet he is not an universal bishop . he is a bishop every where ; but has ordinary power to act only within his diocese . 2. the power of working miracles and miraclous gifts of tongues , prophecies , &c. were complete only in the apostles . in the infancy of the church others had these gifts ; but it was in part , one after this manner and another after that , till in process of time all ceased . 3. their dictates were infallible ; so as whatever they said or writ was certainly true , because they were inspired of god. this , none after them ever pretended to , except impostors . therefore we have nothing to do with these three qualifications ; which god hath judged to be more proper for foundation-work than superstructure , to constitute the church than to continue it so established . so that to us is left only the power of executing what is already settled , and the improving what we have before us to the best advantage . 1. our call is of the same nature of that with the apostles . christ sent them , they ordain'd others , from whom has been derived a succession to this day . it is true , their inward mission was much more glorious than ours , the call more clear and powerful , adorn'd with divers gifts ; but ours comes from the same fountain . for if we enter in by the door , and are true pastors , we were inwardly moved by the holy ghost to take upon us the ministry of the gospel . 2. we have a power to ordain others to succeed us , as the apostles had . 3. we have a power to preach the gospel , tho but at second hand : for we preach but what they delivered down to us , and what we add by way of explanation , or what may be agreeable to that , which has been left with us . and this not as secure from all mistake , but according to our best skill with the ordinary help of god's grace and our own sincerity . 4. the administration of the sacraments , and the performance of other religious rites are incumbent upon us , as well as they were upon the apostles . 5. and the power of the keys is delivered to us down from their hands ; whereby the discipline of the church is committed to us , for the correction of those that do ill , by excommunication ; and the comfort of those that repent , by receiving them into communion . this being the case ; we must allow the apostles an uncontrolable authority . for it was necessary from the consideration of what state the world was in . the world was in darkness , and under the shadow of death : when christ , who is the fountain of light sent his lights into the world to direct into the way of life . he gave them power accordingly to command the elements , and do miracles at will ; that the grossest opposers might by silenc'd , if not convinc'd . ye may see the conflict they had with the world by what s. paul says to the ephesians . we wrestle against principalities , against powers , against the rulers of the darkness of this world , against spiritual wickedness in high places , ch. 6. v. 12. and the bold consequence of it . our weapons are mighty through god to the pulling down of strong holds : casting down imaginations , and every high thing that exalts it self against the knowledge of god , and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of christ ; and having in a readiness to avenge all disobedience . 2 cor. 10. 4 , 5 , 6. this was the work and this the success of it . but our authority is not attended with such a miraculous and unerring power . we may be deceived , and may deceive . therefore are we under a coercive power , may be restrained from the exercise of our functions , and ought for peace and orders sake to submit to it . we have a commission , but it is subordinate ; we have power , but it is controlable . therefore is it to be no surprize to you , if ye are not left absolute judges of the executive extent of your power : but that where ye have no reason to look upon your selves as in a state of persecution , ye are bound to submit to the restraints of your superiours . i say then , 1. where i am forbid upon an account , which i think to be to the intolerable prejudice of religion in doctrine or discipline , and that no appeal can be had by reason of a general defection : there i put my self , but at the dreadful peril of being in the right , into a state of persecution , and know canonical obedience no longer . 2. if the wrong go no farther than your own persons , ye ought to bear it patiently , and seek no farther , than by appeal , if it may be had . 3. it makes a great difference in this consideration , whether ye are only under the general obligation of your orders ; or have the incumbency of a cure of souls : since ye may upon easier terms be tyed up under the first capacity , than under the second . but i say not this to quarrel with the article , which i look upon to be of great use : for it would be an affront to god's word , to let some have the handling of it . and if it be asked , why then have ye such scandalous priests ? i answer with another question , why then have ye such scandalous maintainance in many places ? besides there may happen such times , that the state may be concerned to put restraints upon preaching , to hinder trumpets of rebellion . iv. the last article is that which at all times ye ought to be concerned for : to see that the solemn day of our religious worship be observed , as becomes sincere professors . but most especially at this time it lies upon us to apply double diligence . for this indulgence which the king has granted , upon the notion of having a dispensing power in himself , has been so little considered in reference to the abuse wicked and profane men will make of it : that it has laid the lord's day open to all contempt imaginable . we have already the sad experience of it . worldly people stay at home on that day and attend their secular affairs : the loose and debauched lye at the alehouse ; and every one that fears not god , takes occasion to be an offence to those that do . as to what remedies we should use to prevent these mischiefs , as much as may be : i think we fully considered in our last conference before this , whither i refer you . all therefore that i shall add , is to remind you , of what ye were at the time of our conference so sensible : that greater care could not be taken , than what every circumstance of the present time stands in need of : we have a prince of another religion , who for that reason cannot choose but be most influenced by our adversaries : and what the mercies of that religion are , when exercised to the height , ye all very well know . what if we have his royal word never so solemnly passed ? there is no reason we should expect it farther to be made good , than we on our parts suitably behave our selves . if we be a lessening , hindrance or discredit to our own religion by disorderly walking , supine negligence , or any other fault : to be sure he will then think it just to abandon us , as a lost sort of people that deserve no pity , but have forfeited all claim to his protection . in which case to be sure he will set himself to establish that , which his affection must necessarily most incline him to . the least we can expect from one so wedded to that religion , is that he should promote it all he could . and therefore should we make any default , it is but reasonable for us to expect , that he should endeavour to rid ours out of the way . nay , should we be any ways careless or foolish at this time , it would be to play the game into our enemies hands ; who would not fail to make use of that advantage to lead or drive away our flocks , and leave us useless shepherds . and what a shameful reproach would this be to us in this world , and what a dreadful sentence would it draw upon us in the next ! therefore my daily prayer shall be , and i hope yours will be so too , that we may be couragious in this day of tryal , and behave our selves like men. your affectionate brother , dec. 10. 1686. to serve you , h. london . the seasonable case of submission to the church-government as now re-established by law, briefly stated and determined by a lover of the peace of this church and kingdom. honyman, andrew, 1619-1676. 1662 approx. 109 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44304 wing h2602 estc r4312 13469702 ocm 13469702 99668 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44304) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99668) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 790:8) the seasonable case of submission to the church-government as now re-established by law, briefly stated and determined by a lover of the peace of this church and kingdom. honyman, andrew, 1619-1676. 46 p. printed by evan tyler ..., edinburgh : 1662. written by andrew honyman. cf. wing. caption title: the case anent submission to the present curch-government re-established by law, stated and considered. "published by order." errata: p. 46. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. church and state -early works to 1800. church and state -church of england -early works to 1800. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-06 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the seasonable case of submission to the church-government , as no● re-established by law , briefly stated and determined : by a lover of the peace of this church and kingdom . 1 sam. chap. 15. 22. behold , to obey is better then sacrifice . confess . suec . cap. 14. civilibus legibus , quae cum pietate non pugnant , eò quisque christianus paret promptiùs , quò fide christi est imbutus pleniùs . published by order . edinburgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1662. the case anent submission to the present church-government , re-established by law , stated and considered . the exceeding great bitterness of the continued and increasing sad distractions amongst the people of god , to the hindrance of their edification in faith and a godly life , with charity and peace amongst themselves , should put all the ministers of christ to most serious thoughts , in considering how far they may , under the present dispensations of god , without sin , accommodate in following unquestionable duties , with , and under , the established government of the church . and although , as to a cordial allowance of the present change , they cannot yet attain , something remaining , whether of scruple or affection , which maketh it unpleasing , and their concurrence with it , to ly heavy upon their spirits ; yet , if there be found no manifest transgression in concurring under the same , in matters of unquestionable duty , they would wisely put difference between gravamen spiritus and ligamen conscientiae , something in the will that rendreth them averse , and the prevailing clear light of a well-informed conscience , ( to which , how uneasie it is to attain in this point of controversie , they can tell who have truly tryed it ) binding them up from concurrence , as a thing in it self unlawfull . men , who walk in the fear of god ▪ and are zealous of his honour , had need to be very jealous of their own zeal , that it carry them not to the rejecting of a real duty , which ( to their apprehension ) sits too near a sin : ministers , whom sober-mindedness doth greatly become , would look to it , that the censure of a grave divine upon the spirits of our countrey-men ( praefervidum scotorum ingenium ) do not too much touch them . it is their duty to advert , lest , at this time , too great animosity contribute to the laying of the foundation of a wofull division , to be entailed to the generations to come ; the evil whereof will preponder all the good that any one form of church-government can , of it self , produce , viz. the dishonour of god , the weakning of the cause of the true protestant religion , against the common adversaries thereof ; the destroying of true charity and love amongst the people of god , the hinderance of their profiting under the several ministries they live under , and the creating continual confusions and distractions in the common-wealth ( the ordinary fruit of schism in the church ) as too lamentable experience ( whereof we carry the sad marks to this day ) hath taught us . 1. that there may , and ought to be , a brotherly accommodation and concurrence in matters of practice , which are undoubted duty , ( albeit brethren be of different judgments anent the constitution of meetings , or capacity of persons that act in these duties ) grave and learned men have put it out of question . it is well known , that in the assembly of divines at london , accommodation was mainly laboured for ( and far carried on ) between presbyterians and independents , that they might concur in common actings for regulating the church , with a reserve of liberty of their own several principles . the independents thought the presbyterians had no judicial authority in these meetings . the presbyterians , though accounting this an errour , yet , were willing , in common unquestionable duties , to concur with them . also , several of the most eminent presbyterians in england , as mr. viner , mr. baxter and others , accounting of un-preaching elders , as of an humane device ( as now the office of a bishop is accounted of by many brethren ) yet , not being able to attain to the exercise of presbyterial government , without the intermixture of these ; yea , of them , double the number to preaching presbyters in each meeting , ( which gave them an overswaying power in the government ) notwithstanding they did concur with them in matters of unquestionable duty . is it not also well known , that amongst our selves in this church , brethren did ordinarily concur in synods and presbyteries , in doing their duties with these whom they charged with a sinfull schisme ? ( a thing as much against the covenant , as that which is now pretended for withdrawing from the meetings of synods and presbyteries . ) and when brethren , thus charged , did withdraw their concurrence in some duties , by several passages in that paper , entituled , a representation of the rise , progress and state of the divisions in the church of scotland , how that practice of theirs was constructed of , pag. 21. it is affirmed that they homologate with the tenet and practice of separatisme , denying the lawfulness of concurrence in a lawfull necessary duty , because of the personal sin of fellow-actors in it . and , pag. 28. speaking of their refusing to own the judicatories as lawfull , because the men whom they judged to be in a course of defection ( the commissioners of the church they meant ) were admitted to sit there , it is said by the representer , that it is a principle that draweth very deep : for , ( saith he ) by parity of reason , they must not joyn with any inferiour judicatories where they are , nor in any lawful act of religion or worship , more then in an assembly . may not much of this be applyed to the present withdrawers from concurrence in necessary duties ? mutato nomine , de te , &c. it will be said , there is a great disparity between those commissioners and the bishops , who are looked on as new unwarranted officers in the church ; and therefore , albeit there may be now reason for withdrawing from meetings where they are , there was no reason for withdrawing from assemblies where these commissioners sate . but , ( not to divert to a dispute here , whether the office of a bishop be new , or unwarrantable , or lesse warrantable then the office of these commissioners , which wise men looked upon as very like episcopal ) there is herein a parity , that as these now are judged , so the other were judged by the excepters against them , to be in a course of defection , and unlawfully officiating as members of the assembly . and yet , were these quarrellers reproved for withdrawing from the general assembly upon that account ? should not that reproof be taken home in the present case , by such as withdraw from meetings of the chruch ? why should there be divers weights , and divers measures used in such parity of cases ? again , it is asserted , ( pag. 37. ) to be a divisive principle , that men will not concur in lawfull duties , because these , with whom they joyn , will not come up to their judgment in all other things : ibid. they challenge them for refusing to joyn in an uncontroverted duty , because the direction to it flowed from the authority of an assembly , which they could not own : it were good that these former principles , were better remembred and used in the present case . further , the presbytery of edinburgh ; in their paper , printed , octob. 5. 1659. ( pag. 8. of that paper ) speak very soberly , disclaiming it as none of their principles , that no difference of opinion can be suffered by them . we are ( say they ) clear , that in many things of common practice in a church , there may be agreement by accommodation , though differences of judgment remain , &c. again , say they , we readily yield , that , as we prophesie but in part , men in a church may compose debates by putting end to contentions , though they be not all of one judgment ; and therein we judge the apostle hath set the rule before us , 1 cor. 11. 16. a golden rule indeed , the practice whereof , in its just sense , might bring us much sweet peace . but , not to insist upon the judgments of learned men concerning the case of submission to , and acting in duties , with meetings , anent the constitution whereof , or members , there may be some difference in judgment . if we will hearken to a man , greatly learn'd , and known to be no great friend to bishops , we shall hear him perswading to obedience and submission to them in things lawful . theodore beza , being written to by some ministers in england , who excepted against some customes in the discipline and order of that church ( their controversie had not then risen so high , as to strike at the office of bishops ; only some customs in discipline and ceremonies in external order , were most stood upon . ) he , ( beza epist . 12. ) though disliking these things ; yet , plainly averres to them , that these customes are not tanti momenti , as that for these they should leave their ministry , and by deserting their churches , give advantage to sathan , who seeketh occasion to bring in greater and more dangerous evils : he wisheth them there to bear what they cannot amend , to beware of all bitterness : and albeit they could not come to be of the same mind with others ; yet , with a godly concord to resist sathan , who seeketh all occasions of tumults and infinit calamities . and he doth most gravely obtest the ministers ( with tears ▪ as he saith ) vt regiae majestati ▪ & omnibus praesulibus suis ex animo obsequantur . beza pleads for hearty obedience ( in things lawful ) to the bishops , of whom he speaks honourably in that epistle ; not hinting at the unlawfulness of their office , nor offering to perswade the ministers to do against their office : sunt maximi viri ( saith he ) qui singulari dei opt. max. beneficio papisticis episcopis successere : he accounts not them nor their office popish ; but saith , by the singular mercy of the most great and good god , they have succeeded the popish bishops , or come in their place ; even as , by the singular mercy of god , protestant ministers have come in the place and room of popish priests . and how well he esteems of the office and of the men in the office ( likely abating somewhat of his peremptoriness in the heat of dispute with some , as he had cause ) may appear not only by what he saith in that epistle , exhorrescimus ut contra regiae majestatis & episcoporum voluntatem , ministri suô ministeriô fungantur : but from his epistles to grindal bishop of london , epist . 23. commending grindals christians patience and lenity , addeth , majori posthac paena digni erunt qui authoritatem iuam aspernabuntur , closing his epistle , deus te custodiat , & intan●● commisso tibi munere sancto suo spiritu regat , & magis a● magis confirmet . and in his 58. epistle , to that same bishop , he saith , dominus te istic ( at london ) speculatorem & judicem constituit . by all which , it may appear , that it would have been far from beza's mind , that ministers should give no obedience to bishops established by the laws of a kingdom , not so much as in things undoubtedly lawful , or that they should have refus'd concurrence with bishops in ordering the church , and acting in unquestionable duties . 2. the present question , concerns the case and carriage of two kind of ministers . 1. some refuse to come to synods ( although called by the kings majesties command , signified by his most honourable privie council ) where bishops do preside . they refuse also to come to presbyteries , where a moderator , pretending no more power then any of themselves , presides , being nominated by the bishop in the synod , to continue till the next meeting of the synod . such meetings they withdraw from ; albeit nothing be required of them , but to act in unquestionable duties , for regulating the church , and suppressing , according to their power , of sinful disorder ; albeit there be no imposition upon their judgments , nor subscription required , nor declaration that they allow any thing they count amiss in the constitution of these meetings , or any constituent members thereof ; yea , where it might be permitted to them ( if they intreated for this ) to case their conscience by signifying their scruples ( which they cannot overcome ) anent the constitution of these meetings , or anent the members thereof , so be they would do this with that inoffensive modesty , humility and respect to the supreme authority and the laws of the land , and to such meetings and the members thereof , that becomes ; and after that , to concur in their undoubted duties : concerning such ministers , the question is , whether they may and ought to concur with such meetings of their brethren , in carrying on their undoubted duties ? or , if it be unlawful so to do ? 2. the other rank of ministers are these , who , falling within the compasse of the act of council at glasgow , and of parliament whereto it relates , do rather choose to part with their ministry then to seek a presentation from the patron , and collation thereupon from the bishop ; yea , who will quit their ministry , rather then that they will once come in terms of treating with a bishop , to try upon what conditions they may have the liberty to enjoy their ministry , and to serve god therein for the good and salvation of his people . 3. as to the case of brethren of the former sort , several things are worthy their most serious consideration , which may render them somewhat jealous of the unwarrantableness of their present way . 1. hath not the supreme magistrate ( even according to their own principles ) an undoubted power to convocate synods when he sees it needfull ? never were there any protestant ministers ( no nor christian ministers ) before this time , who , being convocated to a synod or church-meeting by the soveraign christian magistrate , did refuse to come at his command ; nor is there any rank or degree of subjects that can , without the stain of sinful disobedience , refuse to meet upon his majesties command ; and ministers cannot plead exemption from the common duties of subjects . 2. brethren would consider , whether it would prove a sufficient ground to justifie their not-coming to the synod upon his majesties command by his council , because that command to come to the synod , is joyned with another , commanding to concur dutifully , &c. and the command to come , is only in order to the required concurrence , which they cannot give , as they say . is this rational , that where two commands of the magistrate are joyn'd , the one undoubtedly lawful to be obeyed , the other doubted of , that subjects should disobey the magistrate in that which is clearly lawfull , because they have a doubt or unclearness anent obeying him in the other command ? doth it not become subjects to go as far on in obedience to lawfull authority , as they see they may without sin against god ? then it is time to stop when any thing is put to them by vertue of the kings command , which they clearly see they cannot do without sin . had they come to the place , it would , pro tanto , have shewed their respect to authority , albeit they had humbly declared themselves bound up from acting by their doubts . and yet , it may be , they will in end find , that they might lawfully have concurred in unquestionable duty , that there was no ground to refuse this ; and that they might have sufficiently salved their conscience by a humble signification of their scruple , as was said , and yet not refused to concur in undoubted duties , for the personal fault ( as they apprehend ) of any member of the assembly . 3. what ground could they have for separation from the synod ? is it the want of liberty to choose a moderator ? or , is it that he that presides , is a bishop , and claims more power then they can allow , more then they think is due , as of a negative voice ? or , is it the want of unpreaching elders in the meeting ? as to the , 1. are they able to shew that every ecclesiastical meeting or judicatory hath , by a dvine scriptural right , a priviledge to choose their own moderator ? where is there any precept for this ? or any example of such election in scripture ? if all meetings of ecclesiastical judicatories have this priviledge , then also their sessions ( where they take upon them to be constant moderators ) have this also , which , belike , will not please them well , that any of the meeting but themselves should be chosen there to preside ; or , can they say , that every ecclesiastical meeting or judicatory , hath this priviledge by a divine natural right ? if so , no civill society or judicatory should want it ; but all claim power to choose their own presidents , which were evil doctrine under a monarchy , where power is in the prince to elect and name presidents for council , session , &c. or , are they able to demonstrate , that it is not lawful for the christian magistrate , upon whom the external ordering of all the judicatories in his his dominions depends , to nominate out of a meeting of ministers , conveen'd by him , one grave and godly minister of the number , to order the actions of the meeting , and by his authority to controll the unruly ? can it be made evident , that the ancient christian councils , general or provincial , ( though they had ecclesiastick presidents ) did alwayes formerly choose their own president ? presides ecclesiastici in vetustis conciliis , nonnunquam nominati ab imperatore , saith zepperus , eccles . pol. p. 742 , as to the second , the great exception is at the power of the presidents of the synods , they being bishops , claim in undue power as if authority solely resided in them , at least they claim a negative voice . ans . 1. were it so , and were this a fault ; yet , it were not their fault who concur : the personal fault of another cannot be any good ground for brethrens withdrawing from their necessary duty , especially it being considered what might be allowed them , for easing the scruple of their conscience , as was above said . if i be only admitted to consult in regulating the affairs of the church , in a meeting where i think i should have equal authority with any that sits there , can it be sin in me to go so far in my duty , as i am permitted to do , to testifie against sin , to give my best counsel for suppressing thereof , and for advancement of holiness ? if i be abridged and restrain'd as to that authority , which i think is due to me , it is the sin ( if there be any ) of these who do restrain me and not mine ; shall i do no part of my duty , because i cannot do all that i think i ought to do , being , as to some part of it , restrain'd by another ? but secondly , is it not granted by most judicious divines , that presbyters ( having a power in several cases to suspend the exercise of their own just authority , when the suspension of it tenderh to a publick good ) may for the peace of the church , resolve to give to one person of their number a negative voice in government , so as to do nothing without him ? baxt. church gover . pag. 18. and excellent mr. vines ( when at the isle of wight , the king could not be brought off that , that in meetings of presbyters there should be one , under the name of bishop , with a negative voice ) did counsel both presbyterians and independents to accept of the concession , as they would not have all the blood , miseries and confusions that after might ensue , laid at their door . see his considerations on the kings concessions . whatever may be said of that negative voice ; the law of the land putting bishops into a stated presidency , and yet presbyters being admitted to rule with bishops , judicious and sober men would not lay so great weight on it , as to refuse their concurrence in common and uncontroverted duties upon that account . but yet , one thing would be remembred , that brethren are at a very clear disadvantage in withdrawing from presbyterial meetings , where they know the moderator doth not , nor can claim more power then any of themselves . all the ground of their not concurring with these meetings , must be , that they do not choose the moderator in their particular presbyteries : but he is nominate by the bishop 〈◊〉 the synod ; and yet , in all reason , the authority and consent of bishop and synod , should conclude any particular presbytery . do not brethren remember , that in time of the commission of the kirks ruling , there were restraints laid upon presbyteries in matters far higher and weightier concernment then that , and little dinn about the same ? but thirdly , if the brethren refuse to concur with the synods for want of unpreaching elders there , whose office they account of divine institution , they would remember , that great divines of the presbyterian way , blondel , vines , baxter , and many others look upon these as an humane device ( and their reasons moving them , are weighty . ) but let them be as they are imagin'd by the brethren ; yet , can the removal of these , without out their fault , render it unlawful for them to concur in a synod of ministers where these are not ? can the absence , or removal of these ( supposed ) church-officers , render a synod of ministers , with their president , unlawful and not to be joyned with ? because other men are debarred from their duty ( they are supposed to have right to ) shall we run from our duty , especially this being done without our fault ? a fourth thing the brethren would consider anent their refusal to concur in synods and presbyteries , before it was hinted at , and it is this . they have , for many years , concurred in doing common duties in presbyteries and synods , with these , whom they looked upon as fixing a sinful schisme ( as the other , they charged them with apostasic from former principles ) yet , with these they concurred in common duties , so far as they could get their concurrence , and complained of their separating way when they refused . and were they not bound against schism and the makers of it , by the covenant and word of god too , as against any thing else that is now made the pretence of separation from the judicatories ? fifthly , brethren would consider , if in this their present practice , they do not fall short of the moderation and wisdom of their worthy ancestors , with whom they pretend to be of of the same judgment , who choosed rather to concur with such meetings as these ( though not satisfied with their constitution ) in governing the church , and doing unquestionable duties , then altogether to desert them , or make a schime and ruin the peace of the church . some say to this , they were but men , and erred in so doing ; but they are not angels that say so , nor without danger of erring ; they were men of conscience and learning , and more unlike to have erred in this their way , then these who say they erred and prove it not . some alledge a disparity between the case of ministers then and now , upon the account of clearer engagements against episcopacy by ministers now , then by them who lived in these times , and upon the account of the standing of synods at the time when bishops were brought in upon them , in our ancestors dayes ; whereas now they were not standing , when bishops are brought in but raised , and sit now as holding and depending upon episcopacy . it shall not be denyed there is some disparity and difference between the case of ministers now and then , simile non est idem ; but any difference that is observed , is impertinent and not material to this purpose , to make the concurrence in these synods now , to be unlawfull , which was to our ancestors lawfull ▪ for , as to the former ground of disparity , it is certain , ministers then accounted themselves as really bound against the allowance of episcopal government , both by the covenant and by the word of god , as any do judge themselves engaged against it by late bonds : whether they did mistake in this or nor , we say nothing ; but , that they did so judge , it is out of question ; and yet , they thought their practice , in concurring in all lawfull matters in synods and presbyteries , consistent enough with their judgment , touching episcopacy and their bonds against it . and as to the latter of these differences , it can be nothing material , as the rendring concurrence with synods and presbyteries now , unlawfull , which then might be lawfull : for , the meetings now and then are of the same constitution , nothing altered . nor is there any thing in these meetings to affright from concurrence in them now , more then at that time ; nor any more holding of , or dependency on bishops now , when the king's majesty hath taken off the restraint which for a time he put on , then if he had not at all restrained them , neither any more then was of these synods and presbyteries , which of old did sit when bishops were brought in upon them . neither is it likely , that ministers , who now refuse concurrence , would have given it , had their judicatories not been restrained from meeting . this seems a very bare pretext . sixthly , brethren would consider well , if in refusing to concur with their brethren in undoubted duties ( where they may salve their consciences by humble , modest expressing what they judge amiss ) they do not run themselves either upon the rock of ecclesiastical independency , in their several congregations , in administration of discipline , ( if they mind to have any discipline at all ) or , to combine in clandestine presbyteries of their own , which they may consider how either it shall be taken by the christian magistrate , or how it shall rellish of that spirit of unity and love that should be amongst christ's ministers ; and whereaway in end this principle of division from their brethren , in unquestioned duties , may lead them ; whether to divide also from their brethren in the worship of god , and to teach people so to do , ( somewhat of this is already seen ) and to endeavour the fixing of a perpetual schisme , the seeds whereof are sown with too much animosity . 4. now cometh to be considered , the case of such brethren of the ministry as choose rather to quit their ministry then once come in termes with these , upon whom the law hath settled a power , to order them in the exercise of the same . it would be most seriously thought of , whether it be right , that any ministers of christ should set their ministry , the service of god , the benefit which the lord's people might have by their good gifts , ( to say nothing of the interest of their families ) at so low a rate , as not to have used all lawfull means ( trying at least upon what termes they might enjoy their ministry ) before they had fallen upon that extremity to desert it . if any man will say , it is no lawfull mean to speak with a bishop in that matter , though it might tend to his continuance in the ministry ( and perhaps might be , in some measure , disappointed in his fears ) he had need to examine well , whether conceit or conscience ruleth most there ; and to think of it , how he can justify the deserting of his ministry , without the utmost essay to hold it . it must be confessed , that it is a new and rare case , that men will rather embrace suffering then once speak one word to persons intrusted with power , by the law of the land , ( whatever they be ) to try at them , upon what termes they might be permitted to preach the gospel . the comfort ( it is to be feared ) of suffering , upon such an account , will not run very clear . but , it will be said , the thing that is stuck at , is the canonical oath , enjoyned by law , and which the bishops will require : this , some say , they cannot take , conceiving it contradictory to the covenant and to the word of god. but , 1. such as have not so much as come in termes with the bishops , and of whom that oath , or promise , hath not been particularly required , seem to leap too soon to suffering , before it come to them : and before they had tryed , if possibly there might have been relevant grounds for dispensing with the law towards them . had they been personally put to take that oath ; and if so , there could be no dispensing with them , nor they able to digest that oath , then they had more clearness in their undergoing suffering . 2. as to contradiction to the covenant , if timorcus ( pag. 37. ) may be believed ( and he seems tender in the matter of others ) there is no contradiction between the canonical oath and the covenant ; he maintains , that the ministers , who of old took the canonical oath , did not swear the contradictory thereto when they took the covenant : whence it will follow necessarily , that they who have taken the covenant do not contradict that oath , if they should take the oath of canonical obedience : and indeed it will be hard to find out a contradiction , either in termes , or by necessary consequence . but , if the obligation of the covenant , as to that second article , shall be found to cease , ( whereof afterward ) the lawfulness of the other oath will be clearer . 3. it would be considered , that the reverened persons , intrusted by law to call for that promise from ministers , do not search into mens apprehensions concerning the grounds of their power ; all they seek , is obedience to them in things lawfull and honest , as being presently in power , being , by law , ordinary overseers of the ministry in their duties , and chief ordainers of them who enter into the ministry . but , it is said , where obedience is promised , there is an acknowledgment of the lawfulness of their power , office and authority ; because , obedience formally cannot be but to a lawfull authority : therefore , he that in his conscience thinketh a bishops office unlawfull , cannot so much as promise obedience to him in things lawfull and honest , lest , by his taking such an oath , he make himself guilty of establishing that which he accounts unlawfull . but , 1. it is not obedience under a reduplication , and as formally obedience , they call for ; if it be obedience materially , ministers doing their duties in things really lawfull , they are satisfied . 2. suppose it were so , that obedience , as formally obedience , were required ; yet , it were hard to say , it could not be promised , or that it could not be acknowledged , that they have any lawfull authority : for , waving the consideration of any ecclesiastical office , wherein they may pretend to be superiour to other ministers ; and giving ( but not granting ) that as church-ministers , their office and superiority were unlawful ; yet , looking upon them as the kings majesties commissioners in causes ecclesiastical for regulating the external order of the church in their several bounds , and impowred by the law of the land so to do ( they being also presbyters , and having power with others in ordination and jurisdiction ecclesiastical ) it will be hard to say , that their power is not lawfull , and that obedience is not due to them . the strictest presbyterians , will not find ground to disown their office in that consideration . there are three things mainly , which bear off brethren of both these sorts and ranks , from submitting to , and concurring in their duties under the present government , 1. their fears of future evils . 2. their present thoughts of the unlawfulness of the office of a bishop over presbyters in the church . 3. their former engagements by the bond of the covenant , which they conceive still binds them . as to the first , their fears ; there can be no sufficient ground in these to bear them off from that , which , for the present , is found to be their duty : if evils feared , should come , and brethren , in conscience toward god , not able to comply with them , then suffering might be the more comfortable ; but the gracious providence of god , watching over his church , the goodness and wisdom of our soveraign , and of rulers under him ( considering the temper of this nation ) may make all these fears vain , and disappoint them ; and it is not for us to be too thoughtful , or to torment our selves with fears , before the time . in the mean time , it would be well considered by brethren , that bear off from concurrence , if they do well in withdrawing their counsels from their brethren , and in doing that which tendeth to the loss of their enterest in , and respect with persons in present authority ; in regard whereof , they might be exceedingly instrumental to prevent any thing that is feared . 2. as to their thoughts of the unlawfulness of the office of a bishop , something hath been said of the lawfulness of their concurrence in unquestion'd duties ( even upon that supposition ) something also hath been said of the acknowledgment of the lawfulness of their office , looking upon them as presbyters , commissionated by the king , for external ordering of church-affairs in their severall bounds ; and of the lawfulness of obedience to them , as in that capacity . it is not the purpose of this paper , to dispute much for their church-capacity or rule over presbyters , or anent the office of bishops , as an order of church-ministers . only as to this , three things would be seriously pondred by brethren . 1. where they are able to find in all christs testament , any precept for meer presbyters , preaching and unpreaching , in a full equality of power , to rule the church of christ ; to give ordination to ministers , to judge in all controversies of religion ministerially , and do all acts of government in the church , or where they can find any example of such a presbytery , doing these acts without some superiour officer acting with them , or directing them in their actings , or where there is any inhibition ( either expresse , or by necessary consequence ) that no gospel-minister should in any case have superiority in power over others in church-affairs . 2. let it be considered , if ( descending from the scripture times ) it can be found in any writer , who lived in the first two or three ages after christ , or in any history or record relating to these times ( not to speak of after-ages ) it can be found , that there was any such church-officer as an unpreaching elder , joyned in full equality of power with preaching-elders in acts of ordination of ministers ( from which , if they be necessary parts and members of the presbytery , they cannot be excluded ) and in all other acts of jurisdiction ; or , if there be any mention of the names , or power of any such persons . or , if it can be from these writers found , that there was ever any ordination of ministers , or exercise of jurisdiction ecclesiastical by ministers , i. e. by meer preaching-presbyters , without some one , stated president over them , under the name of bishop , who was to go before them in these actions ; and without whom , nothing was to be done in these . shall not the practice of that primitive church , which followed the apostles , as it were , at the heels , be most able to shew us which way they went , and what was their practice ? it is too horrid a thing to imagine , and that which a modest christian can hardly down with , that immediately , after the apostles times , the whole church of ch●●●t , should agree to so substantial an alteration of the government of the church ( suppos'd to be ) instituted by christ and his apostles , as to exclude one s●●t of officers of his appointment , and to take in another not appointed by him : and that it should be done so early , statim post tempora apostolorum , aut eorum etiam tempore , saith molinaeus , epist . 3. ad episcop . winton . bishops were set up in the time , when some of them ( especially john ) were living , viventibus , videntibus , & non contradicentibus ; as is manifest by history in the successors of mark at alexandria and others . can it be imagin'd ▪ that such a thing as the office of a bishop , should have been set up so early in the times of the apostles , and they not contradicting it , had it been contrary to christs mind ? how unlikely is it , that in those times , when the piety and zeal of christians was so great , and knowledge too , there should have been no opposition to the office of bishops , had it been judged a wronging of christs ordinance ? how unlikely is it , that in times of such fiery persecution , christs ministers should be carryed with ambition , to seek the superiority over others in an office against his mind ? or , that people would have yielded to the ambitious courses of pastors ? how can it be thought , that the whole church in these times ( without any known exception ) should have taken up that way of government by bishops , without any co-action to it by civil power ; without any advice or direction from general assemblies and councils , which then were not in being ; if this way had not been universally judged lawfull ; yea , it may be suppos'd descending from a higher warrant then voluntary agreements of men ? we do never hear of any opposition to the office and dignity of a bishop over presbyters , till it was made by one aerius in the fourth age , ( whom epiphanius calleth a frantick man ) he being enraged , that eustathius , whom he undervalued in comparison of himself , was preferred to him , and got the bishoprick , which he ambitiously aimed at , began to talk against the dignity and order of bishops , and is therefore counted by epiphanius and augustine ( no children in knowledge ) an heretick , ( in whatever sense they mean ) and also he is justly censured and condemned by blondel , gers . bucer , molinaeus to andrews , as a disturber of a lawful order in the church , albeit they cannot come up to think , that episcopacy is a divine institution or apostolicall . now , let brethren in modesty consider , how unlike it is , that the office of a bishop should be contrary to the institution of christ in his word , that began so early , even in the apostles times without their contradiction , that was so universally submitted to by the primitive christians in their most firy tryals , that hath continued in the christian churches , ( not only these infected with the roman apostasie , but the eastern church that disclaimeth the popes supremacy ) and that for 1500. years after christ , without any contradiction , save of one man , who never had a marrow ; no not jerome ( whatever be said concerning him by some ) that is still owned by most of the reformed churches , who have rejected the pope , not only by these of the lutheran way , under the name of superintendents ( quid est episcopus nisi superintendens ? saith jerom , epist , ad euagrum ) but also by some of the calvinean way , as may be seen by zepperus , eccles . pol. and formally , that is even owned as lawfull ( being well-moderated ) by the stoutest disputers against the divine right of it . albeit men , in their passionat strains to popular auditories , sometimes cry out upon the office of a bishop as an anti-christian and popish domination ; yet , in the protestant episcopacy that is owned , there is no more of the pope then there is of a mass-priest in a minister ; or of a conclave of cardinal-presbyters in a commission of the church or a presbytery . the episcopacy that is now , is the very primitive episcopacy , which timorcus descriving ( ep. 10. sect. 25. ) affirmeth to be , that nothing in ordination or jurisdiction be done by brethren under the bishop , without him , and he alone doing nothing without them in these , and avowes the same not to be contrary to the covenant . the episcopacy that now is ▪ is that same office for substance , which ignatius had at antioch , polycarp at smyrna , ●orn●lius in rome , iraeneus at lyons in france , cyprian in carthage , and many others had in other places before the niven council ; and which chrysostome , augustine and many others had after : and it should be our desire to god , that our bishops ( as they hold the same office and place , for substance , these did ) so they may imitate their vertues and graces ; and be notable instruments for advancing god's glory in their stations . but , 3. it would be considered , that the holding of episcopacy , as a government unlawfull and contrary to the word of god , will cast too great an imputation upon this reformed church of scotland : for , ( laying aside the times of war and confusion since the year , 1638. wherein , in the midst of the noise of armes and armies , there hath been small opportunity for a serious free disquisition anent these matters ) it will be found , that before that year , episcopacy had been for a far longer time owned by this reformed church then presbytery had been : for , untill the year , 1580. episcopacy was not abolished in scotland ; the office of bishops was really used in scotland till the year , 1580. in which the general assembly at dundee declared it unlawfull : and yet , they could not get their presbyteries set up by the authority of the land , till twelve years after in the year , 1592. but , evident it is , that at the time of making that act at dundee , bishops were in the land ( for so the act it self , in the body of it , imports ) forasmuch ( say they ) as the office of bishop is now used in this realm , &c. and is clear also from their order they give to process the several bishops , if they lay not down their office. now , from the time of general reformation , from popery to the time of that act of dundee , there were full twenty years ; ( the reformation being in the year , 1560. ) during all which time , the church of scotland was governed by some , singulares personae , particular persons in several circuits in the land ; some under the name of superintendents , commissioners or visitors of countries ; some under the name of bishops ; where popish bishops embraced the reformation , they had their power continued , and commission given to them for ordaining ministers and using jurisdiction : and when the civil magistrate presented any orthodox to vacant bishopricks , they were accepted of by the assembly , edinburgh , aug. 6. 1573. where the regent , promising to the assembly that qualified persons shall be presented to vacant bishopricks , the assembly concludes , that the jurisdiction of bishops in their ecclesiastical function , shall not exceed the jurisdiction of superintendents . and the superintendent of lothian , is called by john knox , at his installing , anno , 1560. the pastor of the churches of lothian ; and these , who represent that countrey , promise to give obedience to him as becomes the sheep to their pastor . it is manifest then , that for twenty years after the reformation , bishops , whether under that name , or other names , continued in scotland : and it is remarkable , that our reformers were wiser men then to put a presbytery in their creed : for , in the confession registrated in parliament , anno , 1567. ( which before had been presented ) though they had zeal enough against all things that favoured of popery ; yet , in their confession , there is nothing against bishops , nor for a presbytery . and , act 24. the former civil priviledges of the spiritual state of the realm are ratified ; accordingly , bishops did sit in that parliament : also , in the same confession , they say , not one policy or order can be for all churches and all times . but , after the year , 1580. wherein the office of bishops was abrogated by the assembly , albeit some provincial synods were set up in the place of the outed bishops and superintendents in these provinces ; yet , was there no presbytery before the year , 1586. nor any of these judicatories legally established before , 1592. and within eighteen years after that , or twenty , bishops are set up again by the act of assembly , 1610. and ratified in parliament , 1612. and continued so the space of twenty eight years , till the assembly at glasgow , 1638. so it may be easily seen , the office of a bishop is no great stranger to this church , since the reformation of religion ; but hath been longer owned then presbytery in times of peace : and , modesty would require , we should not be ready to condemn this reformed church , as having in those times owned a government unlawfull and against the word of god , especially when the different fruits of government , by presbytery and episcopacy , have been , to our cost , sadly experienced . but now , we come to the third difficulty anent the oath of the covenant : this is popularly pleaded by such as do not penetrate into the controversie anent the office of a bishop , in point of lawfulness or unlawfulness . indeed , the bond of a lawfull covenant is so sacred a tye , that , without contempt of the holy majesty of god , it cannot be violated , nor without great sin ; no creature can absolve us from it , nor dispense with it ; nor are we to break it for any temporal advantage , terror or trouble . yet , ( supposing the covenant to be lawfull , which is not proven ) it is sure , 1. that a lawfull oath may cease to bind us , so that though we do not that which was under oath promised to be done ; yet , there is no perjury : semper perjurus est , qui non intendit quod promittit ; non semper perjurus est , qui non perficit q●od promisit sub juramento , say the casuists . 2. it is certain that a lawfull , although in the interpretation of it , it be stricti juris , and is to be understood according to the intention of the givers of it , and as the plain words bear ; yet , it bindeth not in the sense which any ignorant mind or over-scrupulous conscience may put upon it , or that some persons , upon partial designes , may put upon it , videndum est ( say casuists ) ne stricta interpretatio abeat in nimis strictam & rigidam . 3. it is certain , an unlawfull oath did never , nor doth bind any conscience to do according to it , though it bindeth to repentance for making of it , and adhering to it . in considering and applying these things : as to the first , it would be remembred , that an oath , howsoever in it self lawfull ; yet the case may be such , that by something following after it , the oath may cease to bind us to the performing of what was sworn ; yea , the case may be , that an oath , lawfully made , yet cannot be lawfully kept ; it were sin to keep it in some cases : then , and in that case , it is not we that loose our selves , but god looseth us , when an oath , lawfull at the making , cannot be kept without sin against him . amongst other cases , wherein the ceasing of an obligation of a lawfull oath may be seen , these three cases are worthy to be considered ; and seriously is it to be pondred whether they be applicable to the present question anent a discharge from the bond of the covenant , as to the second article of it , which is now under question . 1. if the matter of an oath be such , as a superiour hath it in his power to determine of it , the oath of the inferiour or subject person ceaseth to oblige him , and is loosed when the superiour consents not to what he hath sworn : this is both agreeable to reason ; because no deed of a person inferiour or subject to others , should prejudge the right of the superiour ▪ nor take from him any power allowed to him by god in any thing : and also , all sound divines do acknowledge this upon the common equity of that law , numb . 30. 4. if it be said , that the matter of the second article of the cov●nant , being not of indifferent nature , but determined by the word of god , and so not under the power of a superiour on earth to determine in it ; it would be remembred , that in all this part of the discourse , where the ceasing of the obligation of the covenant is spoken of ( as to the second article ) they are dealt with , who plead the obligation of the covenant only , and upon that account do scruple . as for the consideration of the lawfulness or unlawfulness of episcopacy in it self , a little of it was spoken to before ; and the tryall of that , is matter for longer disquisisition : and men would not be too peremptory in condemning episcopacy , if they seriously consider , that the ablest pens that ever engaged in this controversie , have found it a task too hard for them to demonstrate episcopacy to be in it self unlawfull : and if we ask the judgments of the most eminent reformed divines , we shall find very few or none learned , sober and faithfull in the point , who do judge it to be forbidden by god. but in this point , when these who alledge the bond of the covenant only for their scruple , there is a necessity to abstract from that question , whether presbytery be necessary by divine law , and episcopacy in it self unlawfull ? in this part of the discourse ( supposing the lawfulness or indifferency of it ) we only enquire , whether meerly by vertue of the covenant , we are bound to stand against it ? if by gods word it be found to be unlawfull ( which cannot be proved ) then whether there had been a covenant made against it , or not , it cannot be allowed ? if it be said again , that the consent of our superiour hath been obtained to that , to which we have determin'd our selves by our oath in the second article ; and therefore our oath , before god , is confirmed , and he hath not power to revoke his consent , according to that law , numb . 30. 14. it would be be considered , whether it was the lords mind in that ●aw , that if children or wives , having vowed , should by some means drive their parents or husbands out of the house , deprived them of all their worldly comforts ; and then , when they had put them thus undurifully under sad tentations , bargain with them either to ratifie their vows , or never to enjoy these comforts they had deprived them of ; whether it was the lords mind , that consent , so obtain'd , should be an irrevocable confirmation of their vows , who had carryed themselves so undutifully ? there is no evidence for that . and the application is easie , since it is known that the covenant was contrived and carryed on , as if the design had been laid to extirpate episcopacy whether the king would consent or not , or whatever course should be taken to force his consent , vi & armis , or by suspending him from the exercise of his royall power ; an unparallel'd way of usage from subjects to their soveraign . again it would be considered , whether this be , de jure naturali , that a consent of a superiour once given to the vow of an inferiour , he hath no power to revoke his consent upon reasonable causes , and to make void the vow , albeit , if he do it rashly and unreasonably , he sinneth . great schollers are of the mind , he may revoke his consent : lessius , tractat. de voto , dubio 13. it is thought by him and others , that the precept eà●enus is judicial , as it maketh an irrevocable confirmation of the vow once consented to . if it be further said , if the superiour , under oath , give his consent to the inferiours oath ; or , if he himself swear the same thing , then there is no power left of revoking his consent , or doing or putting his inferiours to do contra●y to the oath : this is granted , unlesse upon some other ground there be a clear loosing of the superiours oath , and a ceasing of the obligation of it . leaving these things to be applyed , let us look upon the second case , wherein the obligation and binding-power of an oath ceaseth , and the oath is loos'd ; it is this , when the matter concerning which the oath is , continueth not in the same state it was in at the making of the oath , when something in providence before the accomplishment of the oath occurreth , that maketh the performance of the oath , either sinfull , or importing some turpitude , and something against moral honesty ; or when the case comes to be that , that the plain end and expectation of the oath , upon which it was founded , appeareth frustrate : according to the language of divines , res non permanet in eôdem statu , ideò cessat juramenti obligatio : for example , if a man swear , that at such a certain time , he shall deliver to such a man his sword , if in the mean time that man turn mad , and , in probability , might kill himself or others with the sword , had he it in his hand , there lyeth no obligation upon the swearer to deliver it to him ; nay , it were a sin , and against charity , to perform what he had promised . again , if a man swear to marry such a woman at such a time , if before that time he is made certain she is with child to his own brother , it were a grievous sin of incest to to marry her ( under pretence of keeping his promise ; ) or , if she should , before the marriage day , be found with child to another man ( not so related to him ) yet , to marry her , as it could not but have something against moral common honesty in it ; so the plain end and expectation of his oath , on which it was founded , being frustrate by the womans whoredome , ( viz. the having of a loyal honest and comfortable yoke-fellow ) albeit he had made twenty oaths to her , they bind him not ; god hath loos'd the man , res non permanet in eodem statu . now , as to the present case of the covenanters , let it be considered , whether the matter abideth in that same state , i. e. whether there do not something now occur , that putteth us in that condition , that without sin we cannot perform what we did promise , in that second article of the covenant . it will be said , what is the sin ? for answer , it must be still suppos'd ( as before we admonished ) that in this part of the discourse concerning these who plead the bond of the covenant meerly , that the matter of the second article of the covenant ( about which the debate is ) is in it self indifferent ; and that episcopacy in it self , or by any law of god , is not unlawfull , or prohibited . if it were this way unlawfull there needed little question be made about the bond of the covenant , ( for , what is unlawfull , must never be allowed , be it sworn against or not ) but , supposing the indifferency and lawfulness of episcopacy in it self , i say the covenant cannot now oblige against it , there being so notable an alteration of the case and state of matters , that whoever now do think themselves bound to stand to the covenant , as to that second article ( for there are other matters in that covenant , from which we can never be disobliged or loosed , they being necessary by divine and moral law ) do think themselves bound to a perpetual disobedience to the magistrate , in a matter wherein he hath power to command them ; and this is a perpetual sin . perkins , of oaths , saith well , no oath can bind against the wholsom laws of the common-wealth : because every soul is subject to superior powers , rom. 13. neither is it material whether the laws be made before or after the oath ; both wayes the matter of the oath becomes impossible , de jure , as casuists speak : and now we are to think , the matter remaineth not in the same state , when the doing of what we did swear , imports sin . i know timor●us ( pag. 19. ) ple●deth , that even upon supposition , that it is in the power of the magistrate to set up the episcopal form of government , that yet we cannot own it , but must suffer under it : because ( faith he ) upon that supposition , that the matter of the oath , was res indifferens & libera in it self ; yet , it is no more free to us , juramentum ( saith he ) tell it libertatem : but , by his favour , albeit in indifferent things of private concernment , wherein private persons bind themselves , and wherewith the magistrate medleth not , an oath may take away our liberty ; yet , a subjects oath cannot take away the power of the magistrate , in commanding things which he seeth for publick good , and the matters not being in themselves unlawfull : neither can it take away or hinder the liberty , or rather duty of subjects , in obeying what is lawfully commanded ; otherwise , subjects , by their oaths , might find a way to plead themselves free from obedience to magistrates in all things indifferent which they should command them ; which is absurd . but , 3. it would be remembred , that when the keeping of an oath is certainly a hindrance of some greater good , ( especially if other circumstances concur , that render the oath non-obligeing ) the obligation of it , in some cases , may cease . this anent the loosing of oaths , because of the obstacle put to some greater good , which might be attained by not doing what is sworn , is indeed a very ticklish and tender question , and all had need to look to it , lest , under pretence that the keeping of an oath is an obstacle to a greater good attainable , by not keeping the oath there be a wide gap opened to all perjury ; and the popish casuists are herein too lax for laying that ground , that it is de jure naturali , that every one should do that which is best ; they conclude , that where the performance of what is sworn is like to hinder a greater good that might be attained by not keeping the oath , that in that case an oath bindeth not at all . protestant casuists , as bishop sanderson , do deny this principle without limitation thus expressed ; yet do grant , that it is true when there concurreth some other thing ( as usually there doth ) which may render the oath void , or the keeping of it unlawfull , or looseth from it , the impeditiveness of greater good there hath weight . but , we may say , albeit other things did not concur to the nulling or voiding of an oath ; yet , if the standing to it be found impeditive of a greater good , to which we are bound by a prior obligation , then the oath , being an obstacle of such a greater good , ceaseth to bind the swearer . if a man should swear never to go near such a river or water , having once been in hazard there ; yet , where he seeth at some distance from it his brother like to perish in the water , and it is probable to him , that he could be able to save his life , the prior and greater bond of char●ty , and of god's law commanding , that bindeth him to go help his brother , and looseth him from his oath . and as to our case , besides what hath been said for the clearing , upon other grounds , of the non-obligation of the covenant in that second article ( the matter thereof still supposed as indifferent , and episcopacy not forbidden by any divine law ) may we not clearly see , that there is ( by adhering to that oath as still binding ) an obstacle put to the attainment of a greater good and of greater necessity , and to the seeking after that greater good which we are pre-obliged , by former bonds , to labour after ? is not that great duty of preaching the gospel of peace , lying upon ministers , ( wo to us if we preach not ) and lying upon many ministers antecedently to the ●aking of this covenant ; and upon adhering to that covenant in the second article , proveth a hindrance to that greater duty whereto we are pre-obliged ; shall it still be thlought to bind so , that rather then we will acknowledge god's loosing us by a former obligation to a greater duty , we will , by adhering to it , put our selves in incapacity ( according to law ) to serve any longer in the ministry ? do there not also ly upon us all pre-obligations to obey the magistrate in things not against god's law , ( such as now episcopacy is supposed to be ) to procure the publick peace and good of church and state , and prevent horrid confusions , which ( as matters go ) cannot be avoided by sticking at that article in the covenant ? shall not the peace of conscience , that shall arise from tendring these great interests , be as much , and more then any peace of conscience pretended to be in keeping the oath , which ( though we should not be ready to judge any ) may perhaps , upon examination , be found rather a piece of satisfaction to the will , then peace of the conscience , god having loosed and set free conscience from that bond , in hoc rerum statu ? but , to the second thing which we observed anent oaths , or covenants , it would be remembred , that a covenant or oath , though lawfull and binding , even in the strict interpretation of it ; yet , doth not bind in the rigid interpretation , which some , either through weakness , or scruples or design , may put upon it . sometimes souls may make snares of oaths to themselves by overstretching them , and so do run themselves into the perplexities they needed not . concerning the covenant , different interpretations and senses have been given of it , according to the several interests of persons of contrary judgments , combined in it . but , as to the second article now in question , it may be doubted , if it be broken by submission to , or owning the present episcopacy established by law in scotland ; or , whether it be not an over-rigid straining of that covenant , to bend it against the present episcopacy established in scotland . for clearing of which , it would be considered , first , that at the time of the taking of that solemn league and covenant , there were no such church-offices in scotland , as are mentioned in that article ; there needed not , as to scotland , a swearing to extirpat offices that were not in it at that time ; and some offices there mentioned , never were in it . 2. it would be remembred , that an oath is to be interpreted according to the sense of the givers of it . timorcus ( pag. 16. ) giveth us assurance , that the parliament of england , intended nothing less in imposing the covenant , then the extirpation of all kinds of prelacy and bishops in the church ; and that it was resolved in parliament , with consent of the brethren of scotland , that it was only intended against episcopacy as then established in england : and ( pr●f . p. 23. ) we do not ( saith he ) think the covenant to be against the primitive episcopacy , which there he descrives to be a presidency of one minister over others , so that without him nothing is to be done in matters of ordination and jurisdiction : and when he explaineth the second article of the covenant , he saith , it is only tyrannical bishops that are covenanted against : which baxter also calls the sinfull species of prelacy , in his preface to the disputations of church-government ; which he sayes was abjured only , and not episcopacy . and in that same dispute ( pag. 4. ) he declareth , that most of the godly ministers , since the reformation , did judge episcopacy , some of them , lawfull , and some of them most fit ; and addeth , that almost all of these that are of the late ass● at westminster , and most throughout the land , did conform to episcopal government , as not contrary to the word of god ; and that he believs , that many of them are yet so far reconciliable to it , ( moderated ) that if it were only established , they would submit to it as they did : for , he heareth ( as he saith ) but of few of them who have made recantation of their former conformity ; and contrarily , hath known divers of them professing a reconciliableness , as aforesaid , as mr. gataker doth , in one of his books , profess his judgment . thus mr ▪ baxter , by whom we may see their error or folly , who think there can be no godly ministers owning episcopacy ; and also how reconciliable godly divines in the ass . were to a regulated episcopacy ; so that it seemeth , the great grievance aim'd at in the covenant to be redressed , was , the bishops claim of a sole ordination and jurisdiction ; and the multitudes of courts of lay chancellors , &c. set over ministers in matters of government , and not the office of bishops , concurring with synods of ministers and their presiding and being superiors in church-meetings . if it be said , that every one of the particular offices , mentioned under the name of prelacy in the covenant , are abjured ; and therefore bishops are abjured : mr. vines , in his considerations upon the kings concessions at the isle of wight , will ( for loosing this ) tell us of a sense of the covenant , which he inclines to , viz. that , as to that article , the covenant is not to be understood in sensu divisô , but compositô , ( which sureth to mr. baxters complex frame ) and therefore asserts , that continuing of bishops with a negative voice in ordination and ministerial meetings , might be permitted without breach of covenant . and if it be so , as this learned man and others mention'd , concede , what reason is there to bend the covenant against the present episcopacy of scotland , which is establish'd to govern the church ( not excluding , ) but with consent of presbyters , with as great moderation as any was in the primitive episcopacy . but it will be said , then we stand bound against the english prelacy , as it is explained in the covenant . ans . it will be time to dispute that , when we are called to live under that frame of prelacy : in the mean time let it be granted , that the church establishment amongst us , is not that which the covenant describeth to be renounced : neither are we rashly to judge the way of other churches , which we are not called to own ; they are to give an account of their own way to god and the king , and will allow us a discharge from meddling in their affairs ; and they are not like in hast , to give us any place or calling in modelling their church-government , to which all protestant churches ought to pay reverence . but again , it will be said , was not the form of episcopacy that was in scotland before ( from which the present is nothing different ) abjured in the national covenant , before we had any dealing with england anent change of their church-government . ans . if we will believe the ministers who reason'd with the doctors of aberdeen ( and they were the prime promoters of the covenant , and carried with them the sense of the body of the covenanters ) they who subscribed that covenant , might , with great liberty , voice in an assembly , concerning episcopacy without prejudice , notwithstanding their oath : and upon this ground , would perswade the doctors to subscribe the covenant , because in so doing they should not be taken as abjuring episcopacy ( as the doctors thought ) but , notwithstanding their oath and subscription , had their liberty remaining entire to voice for episcopacy in an assembly : see their answer to the doctors their fourth and tenth demands . and the truth is , that as in the explication added , anno . 1638. episcopacy is not mentioned as abjured ; so neither was it abjured by the national covenant as it was enjoyn'd to be subscribed , anno . 1580. it is alledged , that under the name of the popes wicked hierarchy , the office of episcopacy was abjured ; but they who say so , would consider , that the abjuring of the popes wicked hierarchy , imports not an abjuration of the office of a bishop , more then the office of a presbyter or a deacon , which are parts of that hierarchy ( so called by the council of trent , canon . sess . 7. ) as well as the office of a bishop . if the covenant do not under that expression abjure these offices , neither doth it abjure the office of a bishop , seing these are parts of that which the papists call hierarchy , as well as this . the intent of that covenant , was not to abjure the office of bishops , more then of presbyters or deacons , but to abjure the hierarchy , so far as it was the popes , ( his wicked hierarchy ) as it also abjureth his five bastard sacraments , so far as he maketh them sacraments , ( for sure , orders or ordination of ministers and marriage , which he maketh two sacraments , are not abjured in the covenant as to the matter of them , but only as to the relation of being sacraments , which the pope puts on them ) even so the popes hierarchy is abjured , counted and called wicked , not as to the matter of these offices comprehended under the ecclesiastical word hierarchy , ( for then the office of presbyters and deacons , should be also counted wicked and abjured ) but as to the dependance of all these offices on him , as the fountain and head of the church under christ , and the corruption adhereing to these offices , and flowing from him , so far as they are his , depending on him , corrupted by him , there is wickedness in them or joyn'd to them , and so they are abjured ( as in another word of that covenant , his blasphemous priest-hood is abjured , yet in that the office of presbyter is not abjured . ) but , mean time , the offices themselves , which are said to make up that hierarchy , are not abjured , nor are to be rejected , but purged from what is his , or any dependance on him , or corruption flowing from him . and so the office of a bishop , amongst protestants ( bishops now being loosed from that dependance from the sea of rome and the pope , who as head of the church claimed a plenitude of power over the whole church , and made all christian bishops and ministers but as his slaves and vassals , portioning out to them such measure of jurisdiction as he thought fit ; as their stiles in this countrey imported of old ; ego n. dei apostolicae sedis gratiâ episcopus ) i say the office of the protestant bishop is no more a part now of the popes wicked hierarchy , then is the office of a minister or deacon . but further it may appear , that under the name of the popes wicked hierarchy , the office of bishops was not abjured in the national covenant . 1. the enjoyner of that covenant to be taken by the subjects , was king james , of blessed memory ; he , having himself with his family subscribed that oath and covenant , gave charge to all commissioners and ministers within the realm to crave the same confession from their parishoners , and proceed against the refusers , as the words of the charge bear , march , 2. 1580. this was the first injunction for taking the covenant , which was mainly intended for securing the religion , and the king who favoured it and professed it , from papists , who were sound practising with forraigners against him and it , and for clearing the king and his court from aspersions . but that the king by that covenant intended the abjuration of the office of protestant episcopacy , it is most improbable , and by many things the contrary appeareth . 1. the instrument in penning that covenant at the kings command , was mr. john craig , his minister , a very learned man , who but nine years before , ( jan , 12. anno . 1571. ) had given his consent in the assembly of the church , which then did meet at leith , that commissioners might be appointed to joyn with these whom the council should appoint for settling the policy of the church : of these commissioners he himself was one , and with him dun the superintendent of angus , winrame superintendent of fyfe and others : the resolution they came to , was that there should be of the most qualified of the ministry some chosen by the chapters of the cathedral churches , to whom vacant arch-bishopricks and bishopricks might be dispon'd , and they to have power of ordination , and to exerce spiritual jurisdiction in their several diocesses ; and at the ordination of ministers to exact an oath of them for acknowledging his majesties authority , and for obedience to their ordinary in all things lawfull . and accordingly some were provided to bishopricks at that time ; neither did the church in the following assembly at st. andrews , ( march , 1571. ) take exception at these articles of agreement . it is true at perth ( august , 1572. ) they received the same , but with a protestation , it was only for an interim , &c. but this we may say , that the learned penner of the national covenant , allowed of bishops a few years before this covenant : nor is there any evidence that he changed his mind , or that he did in that draught of the confession , mean protestant bishops ( which then he approved ) by the popes wicked hierarchy which is abjured . 2. as for the king himself , that he minded no abjuration of the office of a protestant bishop by that covenant , may be evident by this , that when he and his family took that covenant , and when he enjoyn'd it to the subjects , there was no such thing known in this church as a government by presbyteries ( the whole government consisting in ordination and jurisdiction , exerced in the several parts of the land , being in the hands of some under the name of bishops , some under the name of superintendents , or under the name of commissioners of countreys , who exercis'd the same in their several precincts ) other government there was not , but by some single persons , having power in their several bounds . it is true , the assembly quarrel'd what they did amiss , but yet they were then really bishops : and it is not like the king did swear himself , or put others to swear against the church-government that was then in the countrey , and was not rejected by the church , till july , 12 , 1580. yea , it is evident , that the king and his council , minded not to swear down protestant episcopacy by that covenant : for , suppose the general assembly in that same year , 1580 , july 12. did passe an act against episcopacy ( the like whereof had not been done in this church before ) yet , the very year following , 1581. though the king and council had presented the confession to the assembly , to be subscribed by them and the people in several parishes at their order , or by their perswasion ; yet , that very same year , an act of council is made , confirming expresly that agreement , 1571. at leith concerning archbishops and bishops : and this was done six months after the sending the confession to the assembly and the councils act for subscribing ; this being in october , that in march , 1581. now is it any way probable , that the king and council ( had they intended to abjure episcopacy in the confession ) should within six moneths make an act for confirming a former agreement for establishing episcopacy ? and this act of council was no secret : for , the king openly avowed it in the business concerning montgomery , bishop of glasgow , whom the king would not suffer to be processed upon the account of his accepting a bishoprick ; because , as he said , he had so lately ratified the agreement at leith , 1571. neither did the assembly or any ministers speak of that deed of the kings and councils , as contrary to the covenant ( albeit in these dayes they had a way of using liberty enough , and more then was sitting . ) and it being plain , that the covenant ( in the intention of king and council who injoyned it first , and transmitted it to the assembly and subjects ) doth not abjure episcopacy ; why should the subjects take themselves bound as swearing down episcopacy by that oath , seing every oath is to be taken in the declared sense of the imposers , which is consistent with the words of it ? but it will be yet said , that the general assembly at glasgow , 1638. have declared , that in that national covenant , episcopacy was abjured in the year , 1580 , and they enjoyned , that all should subscribe according to the determination of that assembly ; and many have done so . ans . 1. it seemeth very strange , that any assembly , or company of men , should take upon them to declare what was the sense of the church in taking a covenant , or oath , when few or none of the men were living , who took that covenant ; or , if living , few or none of them were members of that assembly at glasgow , 1638. as juramentum est vinculum personale , ( so say the casuists ) so no man , or company of men can take upon them to define what was the sense of dead men in taking an oath or covenant while they were alive , unlesse they can produce some authentick expresse evidence , that such was their meaning in taking the oath and covenant in their life-time . now , all that the assembly of glasgow hath produced in their large act , ( sess . 16. ) declaring episcopacy to be abjured , anno , 1580. amounts to nothing more , but this , that before jul. 1580. ( at which time , some moneths after the covenant was enjoyn'd by the king to be taken by the subjects ) the church was , and had been some years labouring against bishops ( who notwithstanding continued , till after the act at dundee , 1580. ) and that after the year , 1580. there was much opposition to that office by the assemblies : but all their citations of acts , come not to this point , to prove that episcopacy was abjured by the covenant or any words in it ; nor do these ancient assemblies after , 1580. ever assert any such thing ( men being then living who knew the sense of the covenant , that it was against covenant to admit of episcopacy ; but they go upon other grounds in oppugning that office. how strange is it that assemblies of ministers , who had taken that covenant , are never heard to plead against episcopacy ( though they loved it not ) upon that ground ? and that fifty eight years after , when most , or all of these first takers of it , are worn out , a generation riseth , that will plead , that their ancestors took that covenant in that sense ( abjuring episcopacy ) whereas there is in no act of these ancient assemblies ( after the covenant was taken , or at the taking of it ) any assertion , that it was their mind in taking that covenant , to abjure episcopacy ? and that episcopacy was not ( in the intention of the takers of the national covenant of old ) abjured by the covenant ; no , nor unlawfull in it self , even in the judgment of the assembly of the church of scotland , may appear , in that within six years after that year , 1580. a general assembly at edinburgh do declare , that the name of bishop hath a special charge and function thereto annexed by the word of god ; and that it is lawful for the general assembly , to admit a bishop to a benefice preferred by the kings majesty , with power to admit , visit and deprive ministers , and to be moderators of presbyteries where they are resident and subject only to the sentence of the general assemblies . it seems within six years , the general assembly at edinburgh retracted the act of dundee , 1581. but , 3. strange it was that the company met at glasgow ( an assembly against which as much is said , and upon good grounds , as against any other in our church ) had power to bind others to their determination of the sense of the covenant . certain it is , no assembly nor company of men , can put an obligation upon persons who have taken an oath personally to accept of their sense of the oath which they put upon it . it is true , the assembly of glasgow could declare their own sense of the oath taken by themselves , but could not impose their sense upon the takers of the oath before , that sense not having been given to the takers of the oath by the imposers of the same ; and the takers of the oath not having impowered the commissioners at glasgow to declare their sense of that oath they had taken . so then , whatever was done at glasgow after the covenant was taken by the body of the land , could not oblige all the takers of it to own their declaration of the sense of the covenant ( which was not at first imposing the oath , declared to them ) and the body of the people of this land , have not indeed abjured episcopacy by that national covenant they entered in ; neither the covenant , nor added interpretation importeth any such thing : nor hath the body of the people of the land , by any after deeds , owned that assemblies sensing of the covenant ; nor was there any act in that assembly , that all should own their determination of the sense thereof . it is true , there is an act ( sess . 26. ) that these who had not already subscribed , should subscribe with an allowance of the assemblies determination concerning the sense of the covenant : but few did so . if any did so , they are to consider , whether they have not been too rashly carryed on in the current of that time without a just examination of matters , but finally , now ( that we are got out of the noise of armes and confusions of the by-past times ) it concerneth the ministers of christ , to ponder if there was any thing unlawfull in that covenant ( we speak now of the solemn league and covenant , which seemeth most expresse against prelacy , and which almost swallowed up the memory of the other . ) that there are great duties engaged to in the same , relating to true religion and an holy life , from which no power on earth can loose , and to which we are indispensably tyed , is not to be doubted . neither is it to be doubted , that many godly ministers and people , were ingaged in that covenant , who designed no evil , nor minded any injury to the soveraign ; yet , several things , as to that covenant , are worthy to be seriously examined , that we may see how they can be justified before god ; or , if they are to be confessed as faults , especially if any evil or unlawfull thing be found in the substance or mater of the covenant ; it would be remembred , malum est ex singulis defectibus . 1. the warrantableness of entring into that publick oath or bond , without the supreme authority of the land , and against the mind of the soveraign . can there be any example shewed amongst the people of god of old , either jews or christians , of carrying on a publick oath or league and bond without their soveraign powers , that were over them , going before them ; or , they not consenting or contradicting ? is it not so special a royalty of the king , to have power of imposing a publick oath on all his subjects , especially when the oath hath a direct aim for raising and taking armes , for invasion of any in forreign nations ( such was the aim of the solemn league as to us in scotland ) that if this can be done without the king , what is there that may not be done without him ? who can have a lawfull power to swear all the kings subjects to such a purpose , without his consent ? much lesse can any have power to swear them to a war against the soveraign , while he is no way injuring them , but heaping favours upon them ; the war , in that respect , not being defensive on their part , no● admitting of apologie upon that ground ( supposing that to be a good ground . ) is it not certain , that several just laws of this land , clearly inhibit all leagues of subjects under whatsoever colour or pretence , without the kings consent had and obtain'd thereto ? jam. 6. parl. 10. act. 1● . mary , parl. 9. act 75. it is well known , that when the nationall covenant was carryed on , that the people might be moved to concur in it and to take it , it was pretended , that it was not without authority ; and that the warrand it had from king james his authority , still continued ( albeit neither he nor his successor gave any authoriy to the additional explication and application ) and , at that time , it was ingenuosly professed by the promoters of that covenant , ( as may also be cleared by writings they have left to the world ) that had it been a new covenant or league , they would not , they could not have entered in it without the king's authority warranding them ; but , when the solemn league and covenant ( which had no shaddow of the king's authority ) cometh upon the stage , this doctrine was forgotten utterly ; for , it was carried on in england by a meeting of parliament , excluding one of the estates , and the king proclaiming against it in scotland by a committee of estates , which , if they had power to engage the land in a forreign war , intended in that covenant , may be doubted . now , although this could not nullifie the obligation of the covenant , were the matter of it undoubtedly lawfull and otherwise still obliging ; yet , it were well if unlawfulness , in regard of this defect and want of a lawfull authority warranding it , were acknowledged ; this were some piece of self-denyal : casuists say , that res jurata may be licita , when juramentum est illicitum . let the matter of the oath be lawfull , and suppose it also to oblige ; yet , they who appear so afraid of sin in breaking that oath , would , for proof of their sincerity , give as publick testimony against the sinfull way of entring into that bond , as they do against that sin ( as they suppose ) in breaking it ; if they say factum valet , let them consider if they have no better reason to say fieri non debuit . 2. it is most seriously to be considered , if there be not in the intrinsical frame of the covenant that with which god was not well-pleased . such a solemn oath and covenant , being a most solemn profession before god of what men did own in religion , and professedly intended for the greatest mutual assurance of men entring in it , ( one to another ) should have been fram'd in most strict , plain and specifical termes . but , this solemn league , &c. was purposely fram'd in general and homonymous termes , such as ( by the expressions ) leaveth room for all the sectaries in the isle ( if they will but profess to own the word of god ) to lurk under the lap of the covenant , to own each one their own way , and yet plead their keeping of the covenant , such is the generality of the termes of it ; that several sorts of sectaries may fight in their several factions one against another , all pretending the covenant , there being no distinct specifical termes in the covenant , whereupon some could implead others as guilty of breach ; and did not the sectarian armie , when they invaded scotland , pretend the covenant and keeping of it , and thereupon there were high appeals made to heaven ? will not all , or most of them , own the letter of the covenant , which only seems clear against popery and prelacy , and for a violent extirpation of this ? then there was no security in that covenant for preserving presbytery in scotland ; the presbytery not being once named , only the matter is wrapped up in a general , we shall preserve the reformed religion in the church of scotland in doctrine , worship , discipline and government against our common enemies ; reformed religion , and against common enemies : no independent or separatist , but might say , he would preserve the reformed religion , &c. in scotland , albeit he thought not presbytery to be any part of reformed religion or government , and although he minded to do against it himself ; only , if he would preserve it , it should be to hold off what he apprehended worser , he would preserve it against the common enemies . neither is there security in that covenant for reforming england , according to the pattern as was desired by us . was there not more policy then piety in this , to endeavour the soldering and holding fast of so many several parties united against episcopacy ? yet , sorting amongst themselves , like the iron and clay toe● of nebuchadnezar's image , and ready to break one upon another ( all under pretence of the covenant ) as it clearly came to passe and is still like to be , such is the vanity of humane policies , unsound wayes of uniting , tending to the begetting , in end , of greater distractions . and the covenant being of purpose framed in general terms , for the most part , that several parties might be fast united against prelacy owned by the king ; if it should be still owned , would prove no better then a perpetual seminary of diverse parties , all pleading their keeping of their covenant , and yet no party agreeing one with another in the specifical sense thereof and some of the wayes of these several parties , might be found much worse ( in the judgment of right discerners ) then prelacy is , or may be thought to be by some . it would be seriously pondred , whether this way of a studied indistinctness , generality and homonymie in the terms of the covenant , for strengthning a party against some one thing , was acceptable to god ? and whether the blood of our countrey-men , should have been cast away in such uncertain terms ? it will be said , the covenant is clear enough against episcopacy , let us keep it in the clear and true sense of it , whatever doubtfulness be otherwayes . but to say nothing of this that we have shewed above , how unclear it is against the episcopacy established now in scotland ( however clear it be as intended against the english frame ) were it not better to lay aside ( when now it is disclaimed by king and parliament and all persons of trust in the land ) an humane form , which , in respect of the composure of it , is apt to be , hath been , and is like to be a seminary of varieties of parties ( all pleading it ) and worse evils then prelacy is imagin'd to be , then still to own it , when as authentick exponers of the sense of it , who might reprove false pretenders to the keeping of it , cannot be had ; neither while they were in being , could agree amongst themselves anent the sense of it ; as may be seen in the parliament of englands ba●ling the scotish commissioners declaration , anno . 1647. and other papers . god hath given the children of men work enough to be exercised in his holy word , which certainly , in his intendment , hath but one true sense ( howbeit mans blindness often perceiveth it not ) it is a needless labour to be taken up with humane forms ( purposely contrived in general terms for taking in parties of known contrary sense and judgment ) which will ( if own'd ) prove apples of contention in the present and succeeding generations . but , 3. let sober and godly men consider , if it was dutifully done , to swear the preservation of the kings person and authority conditionally and with a limitation , in the preservation and defence of the true religion . mr. crofton indeed denyeth , that in that third article of the covenant , there is any limitation of our loyalty in defending the king , or that this is the sense , that we are only bound to defend him while he defends religion ; he asserts , that clause to be only a predication of their present capacity who engage to defend the king's person , to this sense , we being in defence of religion , &c. shall defend the king's person . but , ( to say nothing how strain'd-like this looketh , the words , in the sense of judicious men , looking as a clear limitation of our duty to him ; as if otherwise we owed him no duty of that sort ) belike , the general ass . of the church of scotland should understand the sense of the covenant somewhat better then mr. crofton , ( to say nothing of their stating their opposition to authority of parliament in the matter of the engagment , 1648. upon this as the main hinge , ● . our conditional duty to the king ) . they in their declaration , 1649. declare , that the king was not to be admitted to the exercise of his royal power , before satisfaction , as to the matter of religion ( they meant mainly that particular mode of church-government by presbytery ; for , that was it that went under the name of religion , the substance of the protestant religion being never under question between the king and them ) they plead for a ground the covenant , where their duty , in defending the king's person and authority , is said to be subordinate to religion ; and therefore it is concluded , that without manifest breach of covenant , they cannot admit him to reign , till in that they be satisfied : it is clear , they look'd on it as a limitation of their duty , and that his owning of presbytery , &c. was conditio sinè quà non , of his reigning amongst them , and of their paying duty to him ; and so indeed the transactions in the treaties at breda and the hague , and what followed thereupon , expounded their mind . now , was this right , that ( where our alleagiance binds us to duty in a greater latitude ) this should be held out to people as the only standard of their loyalty , and duty to the king ? was it sound doctrine to insinuat ( to the sense of intelligent men ) that we were not otherwise bound to defend him ? was it well by such a clause to giv● occasion to wicked men ( as the sectaries take it in their declaration before the late king's death ) to think they were no further obliged to him then ▪ he should defend that which , they accounted religion ▪ yea , that they were obliged by covenant to destroy hi● person , they finding ( as they say , in that declaration ) that his safety and religions are inconsistent ▪ and , was it the duty of th●se who were commissioners from this at london then , to profess in their paper , they were not in●●●s●●d to 〈…〉 in their guilt , when they knew th● 〈◊〉 would take their meaning to ●e of the king ▪ doth difference in religion , or in these inferior and lower points , about church-government , loose a people from their duty in defending his person , and obeying his authority ? how may forreign princes ( who have protestants in their dominions ) take it , if that might pass for an approved opinion amongst their protestant subjects , that their loyalty is to be limited to his beeing of their religion ; and if he be not , they may either cease to defend , him or inv●d● him ? it may be remembred , that those who owned the western remonstrance , did justifie their seditious engagments and renting proceedings ( which few of them have dis●laim'd to this day ) upon then sensing the obligation of the covenant , as is said , and that in conformity to the constant tenor of the published declarations and testimonies of church judicatories , since the taking of the covenant ▪ and if s● , sure it concerneth the ministers of this church , to vindicate the doctrine it hereof , in the point of that respect and obedience , to the civil , magistrate ( which the confessions of all protestant churches do own ) which hath been stain'd , by these corrupt principles and positions , and the undutifull practices , slowing from the same in these years past . but to say no more it would be in the fear of god considered , if in the solemn covenant , the engagers therein have bound themselves , to 〈◊〉 act unlawfull , that may render the covenant in some part of the matter of it sinfull ; the act which in the second article ( now under question ▪ ) they have engaged themselves in , is the voting out of prelacy , or the offices ▪ &c. there was no such offices in scotland at that time , so they needed not to swear extirpation of what was not there , in england their church-government being warranted by the laws of the king and land , it may be question'd if the swearing the extirpation , or endeavouring to extirpate the same , without and against the consent of the soveraign law giver of the land , was a lawfull act. the question is not now , whether episcopacy be lawfull or not , but supposing episcopacy to be unlawfull in it self , albeit in that case the law-givers were indeed bound to remove it , and to annull laws favouring it ; yet , it were unlawfull to people to bandy for forcing or frighting the law givers to an alteration of these laws , and to tye themselves to a mutual defence , with lives and fortunes for overturning what the law alloweth ( agree the soveraign or not ) which is the clear meaning of the covenant , artic. 2 , 3 , 5. if once that principle prevail , that subjects may ( when they apprehend laws unlawfull ) use forcible endeavours to obtain alteration thereof , what security can there be for the best printes in maintaining the best laws ? or what peace for people ? when an evil spirit rusheth upon people , or some sheba bloweth the trumper , they will be ready to think it is their place and calling , being souldiers and men at armes ( however called thereto ) to offer violence to magistrates and laws , even the best : it is in vain , some defenders of the covenant say , forcible endeavours are not meant ; compare second article and third , that make mention of lives and estates , and relates to the former and the fifth article . it is clearly enough seen , violent endeavours are meant , where lesse will not do . and when the cause of the covenant was managed in the field , were not people upon account of that article , hunted out either to kill or die , and terrified with the charge of covenant-breaking if they went not ? did not people conceive themselves , ( or were taught so ) that it was their place and calling to take armes without and against the consent of the soveraign law-giver ? and in that calling , they were to endeavour forcibly , consent the king or not , to carry that abolition of prelacy . let it be considered , whether engageing to such endeavours were lawfull , quoad nos ; or whether it can be a lawfull bond ; that tyes to such violent endeavours against the supreme magistrate and laws ( be what they will be ) and let it be seriously pondred , that if they who hold themselves obliged in no way to yield unto , acknowledge , obey nor act under the government , which the king and law have set over them , and by thus withdrawing their subjection , encourage and lead others to do the like after their example , thereby designing to weaken the government ( which in the fairest construction , cannot be judged to live peaceably ) if , i say , these will speak and act consequentially to former principles and practices , not yet by them disclaimed , they must also hold themselves by the same covenant oblig'd to resist and fight against the laws fencing episcopacy , if occasion were offered ; and not only to vent their animosities and discontents in their prayers and discourses in private , but also to take all occasions to revile and curse that government and their superiours , commissionated by the king , in prayers , sermons and discourses in publick ; and , in effect , to do what in them lyeth , to bring it and them under , the scandal and odium of the people , and make them the butt of their malice and revenge ; let wise men judge how far this is from the tenor of our lawfull oaths of allegiance , supremacy , yea and christianity , and what an inlet this will give to disturb the peace and rekindle that fire which had almost consumed us to ashes . to close , 1. if episcopacy be of apostolick institution ( as many learned godly men judge , and it is hard to say many swearers of the covenant had ground of clear perswasion to the contrary ) it would not be so banded against without grievous sin and scandal . 2. if episcopacy be of indifferent nature , and only by humane constitution , it would be considered , what protestants write against papists , that vows of perpetual abstinence in all cases from things in their nature indifferent , are utterly unlawfull ; and let it be thought , whether it be lawfull for any subjects to bind up themselves by oath , never to be subject to the magistrates laws in things god hath put under the determination of his power . 3. let episcopacy be unlawfull , ( which is not proven by any ) yet it shall be unlawfull for-subjects to attempt the abrogation of the laws favouring it , by any force to be us'd on the lawgiver , which is indeed the intent of the covenant , and the proceedings thereupon were answerable . the lord give us humble and peaceable spirits , to see at last , and lay to heart the sin and folly of those bonds and combinations against the kings ecclesiastical government , and his will expressed in the laws of the land , which are inconsistent with that duty and loyalty , which church-men , above other subjects , should pay to that supremacy in all causes and over all persons , declared by the law to be an inherent right to the crown : it is high time for us in this day of our tranquillity and calm which god hath wrought , to consider what belongs to our peace , and to discern the way of our duty , from which we have been too long transported by the tempestuous agitations and diverse winds of doctrines , engagements and professions in the years past : reason and scripture , divine and natural law , seem to point out as with a sun-beam , the way we should hold , namely , that for publick security , order and peace , ministers and people do acquiesce in the present establishment , and obey every ordinance of man , whether the king as supream , or those who are commissionated by him , and that not only for wrath but conscience sake . let it be far from ministers of the gospel of peace , to head and lead the people into divisions and offences , and by their carriage and way , to dispose them into disaffection and discontent with the king and his laws , as if in the account of some , ( whether of corrupt and weak minds ) he were a tyrant not a father to the church , who maketh such laws , which his conscientious subjects cannot obey for fear of sin against god ; if this way of disobedience be persisted in , it is easie to see what evils will follow , ( since it must be expected , that the king and parliament , will in honour and justice , maintain the laws ) and how the whole nation may be exposed to the reproach of a troublesome , disquiet , factious people , delighting still in sedition and turbulency ; it becomes us rather to cut off occasions of stumbling in the way of gods people , and to be patterns of love to , and zeal for the honour and tranquillity of our king and countrey , of this church and state , and to shew so much tenderness for the interest of religion , order and unity , as to put forth our selves to the utmost in our stations , to promote all these , which will prove the most effectual way of crushing that spirit of athelsm and profaneness , so much complained of by those who flee from the only remedy thereof ; ministers are not to imploy themselves so much in considering how to maintain and uphold the interest of a party or cause they have espoused , as how far they may go , what they may without sin do in the practice of what the law injoyneth . the god of peace and truth direct and stablish us in the way of peace and truth , amen . finis errata . pag. 15. line 6. for others read oaths . pag. 18. line 2. for sect read sort . the minister's reasons for his not reading the kings declaration, friendly debated by a dissenter. dissenter. 1688 approx. 78 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50967 wing m2195 estc r10242 12999294 ocm 12999294 96454 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50967) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96454) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 391:12) the minister's reasons for his not reading the kings declaration, friendly debated by a dissenter. dissenter. 24 p. printed by g. larkin ..., london : 1688. caption title. "allowed to be published this 21st day of june, 1688" imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -england. church and state -england. great britain -religion -17th century. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2007-10 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the minister's reasons for his not reading the kings ' declaration , friendly debated . by a dissenter . allowed to be published this 21st day of june 1688. sir , i am beholding to you for publishing the reasons you alledg for your refusal to read his majesties declaration in your church ; for by them i discern , that he who writ the first letter to a dissenter , wherein he told us you were convinc'd of your error , in being severe towards us , and that we had not now to do with those rigid prelates , who made it a matter of conscience to give us the least indulgence , writ this of his own head , without any authority from you ; but that he , or they who writ a treatise , which was published a little before the kings declaration , entituled , the vanity of all pretensions for toleration , ( wherein the question is put and answered , shall we give up the cause , and subscribe to a toleration ? nothing less , and that because in our circumstances , it is not only contrary to religion and civil prudence , but also to charity and compassion ) were guided in this matter by the same temper of mind , with that which is discovered in your reasonings , which are as like one to the other as face is to face in a glass ; for therein the author , who is your advocate , and without doubt had both your countenance and assistance , tells us , that the practice of punishing dissenters is contrary neither to the doctrine or practice of christ , and therefore he hopes , they that use it upon great occasion may be discharged of the odious imputation of antichrist ; and that experience hath taught us , that compulsion in matters of religion serves many times to render men more teachable , and willing to be instructed ; and besides all this , that a steady and discreet execution of the laws against dissenters , might happily have been a much more merciful conduct , even with respect to them , then that r●●nissness or connivance which tempted them to presumptuous sins . one touch he hath also at the kings prerogative , not like to your present reasoning , which calls it into question , but by way of allowance and commendation ; for he says , we owe it only to the wisdom and foresight of his late majesty , that some of the most considerable laws are now in being , i mean that of 35 q. elizabeth , which he saved by his prerogative , as well as men , when it was condemned to be abolished , and if his clemency had saved many , who the laws had justly condemmed , why should it not save a law that had done him and his ancestors no small service , and was then doom'd to an undeserved fate . i intend not to enter upon examination of this your advocate treatise , which is sufficiently refelled and rebuked by his majesties royal declaration of indulgence ; but to shew you , until you give a better evidence to the contrary , then hitherto you have done , how the dissenters are to interpret your charity , your compassion , your mercy , your clemency , and your due tenderness towards them , when you have an opportunity of shewing your inclinations without danger : but i pass from this to what i intend , and that is to make a brief enquiry into the weight of your reasons , which i suppose , you therefore make publick , that they might be well consider'd & scann'd , in order thereto i have without partiallity , or injury to their proper sence , not literally transcribed but extracted the substance of them . that which hath principally induced me to this , is , because i think you either do not your self understand the substance of the kings declaration , or else by your not reading it , and mis-representing it , you seem unwilling that it should be understood by any others : for thus you begin . i. to take away the test and penal laws at this time is but one step from the introducing of popery , and therefore to read such a declaration in our churches , though it do not immediately bring popery in , yet it sets open our church doors for it , and then it will take its own time to enter . here is a far fetch'd inference ; how would you be understood ? suppose it granted for argument sake , that to take away the test and penal laws is but one step from the introducing of popery ; is your reading the declaration a nearer step to the introducing of popery then such a repeal ? if you should read it , will that open your church doors so wide that popery may enter without any more to do , though the penal laws and test should not be taken away ? i take the true and genuine sense of the kings declaration to be a setting open your church doors that papists and dissenters , who have no mind to be there , may not be compelled by temporal penalties to come in , and abide there , whether they will or no ; for you have hitherto opened your church doors , that you may drive them in , and in force of penal laws to keep them there in spiritual bondage against their wills ; and if they have at any time , for above these hundred years , adventured to start out of your churches to free themselves from this sort of bondage , you by your excommunication prosecuted them into corporal bondage without redemption : it s accounted an ill omen to stumble at the threshold , but this you have done by calling that an opening your doors to let popery in , which is intended only to let papists and dissenters out , and to leave you with all that are of the religion established by law in the full and peaceable possession of your churches , and to enjoy them with security to perpetuity . ii. you say , should we comply with this order all good protestants would despise and hate us , and then we may be easily crush'd , & may soon fall without any pity . in reasoning thus , you are either very censorious and uncharitable toward all dissenters , or else you greatly mistake their temper ; for your reasoning herein can conclude no less , then , either that there is not one good protestant among all the dissenters , or else , if there be any such , that they would dispise and hate you for doing of that which is their interest to do themselves , and to have done by all men , and by you in particular , that the justice , reason and clemency which the king has manifested in his gracious declaration may be known and acknowledged by all : if any other good protestants should despise and hate you for it , for which they have no cause , yet you do not suppose , that they are the men that would crush you ; and for the dissenters , though you mis-represent them in the close of your letter , yet herein i would do them this right , to rid you of your groundless fears ; you may be assured that for your reading & pursuing the intent of the kings declaration which tends both to your and their security in equity and law , they will not crush you , for thereby they will expose themselves to be crush'd together with you ; so that i see no cause for your fears , either of dishonour or downsal , unless you resolve to throw your selves down , and pu 〈…〉 down the dissenters also to verisie your subsequent prognostications . iii. you say , we fall a little sooner for not reading the declaration , if our gracious prince resent this as an act of an obstinate , peevish or factious disobedience ( as our enemies will be sure to represent it to him ) we shall as certainly fall , and not long after if we do read it , and then we shall fall vnpitied and despised , and it may be with the curses of the nation , whom we have ruined by our compliance , and this is the way never to rise more . i do not reckon my self to be among the number of your enemies , and therefore , though you are somewhat peevish , i would not that you should be represented to the king as obstinate : for my hopes are , that upon better consideration you will shew your selves obedient to his commands ; but if it should prove otherwise , as your enemies will not , so your friends cannot excuse you , as being altogether free from faction , but how comes it to pass that you being a minister of the gospel should fix your eye so steadity upon the dishonour being unpitied and despised , as inseparable concomitants of a certain fall not long after you have read the kings declaration , if you comply to read it ? a settled apprehension that you shall certainly fall , whether you read or not read , is sufficient to disturb your fancy , so as to interrupt the making of a solid judgment in reference to your duty , and discharge of a good conscience towards god : there is as little need , as there is just occasion for you to surmize , as you do , that your complyance will ruin the nation , and procure their curses ; for i cannot see any such moral certainty attending your reading as ruining the nation : those other incredients might have been p●●termitted , if you have no disposition , by discovering your seeming fears , to stir up a real fear in the minds of others . i think it more nearly concerns you , setting aside all thoughts of honour and dishonour , good report or bad report , to see to it that you have the law of god on your side , to excuse your disobedience to the king ; for otherwise the ill consequences of contending with soveraign power , and inticing others to do the like after your example will lye heavy upon you . for tho you mention onely your own fall , yet you intimate plainly enough , that you are not to fall alone , and never to rise more , but that this will be the fate of all the protestant chruches also , and therefore you proceed after that manner . iv. may i suffer all that can be suffer'd in this world , rather than to contribute to the final ruin of the best church in the world. so that it seemes if you fall , the best church in the world must fall also , and that not partially , or for a season , but totally and finally . do you not attribute too much to your self in this ? are you the only pillar upon which the best church in the world is built ? and are penal laws the onely strength by which you support the church ? if those you will have in this point to be accounted , your adversaries , should prevail ( as once you know they did do , for twenty years together ) to divest you of your coercive power , your experience may dictate to you ; that a protestant church here , as well as else where has subsisted , and may subsist through divine assistance , when that coercive power is taken out of your hands : however i acknowledg no man can justifie himself for contributing to the ruin of any true church ; but in this you are not singular , as you would make your selves to be ; the dissenter may claim equally with your selves a share in such a resolution as this , and say as you do ; may i suffer still , as i have suffered all that you have inflicted upon me , or what else the providence of god allots for my portion ; rather then that i should contribute to the ruin of the best , or any church of christ in the world. v. you say , i suppose no minister of the church of england , can give his consent to the declaration , and reading the declaration in our churches , will be with great reason interpreted a consent . you might have taken caution from your own postscript to your reasons , concerning henry care , not to have made your supposition , so universally comprehensive of every minister of the church of england ; in regard you say , reading is teaching , and signifies consent to the matter read ; and you instance in four or five which did read , and i think i may more probably suppose , that if any precise disquisition should happen to be made , many of your ministers who did not read , may chuse to excuse themselves , rather by their not receiving directions from their ordnary to read , then to alledge as you do , that ●hey did refuse to do it , because they could not consent to the matter of the declaration . vi. you say , by our law , all ministerial officers are accountable for their actions , which shews , that our law does not look upon the ministers of the church to be meer machines and tools , to be managed wholly by the will of superiours , without exercising any act of judgment or reason themselves . apply this to your usual practice of publishing all such declarations in your churches , as have been commended to you by your ordnary , or his official : tell me in what case you have charged your conscience , so much as to make a private judgment , which you ought always to have done whether all the sentences of excommunication , and ecclesiastical censures and orders which you have published ; censures of church-wardens , for refusing the oath prescribed by your cannons : censures for not paying your apparitors and officers the fees they demanded . excommunications purposely contrived and improved to prevent many of their votes at elections : interdicting any divine service , to be performed in a church for burying of persons excommunicated for non-conformity in consecrated ground , till the church-wardens caused the dead corp● to be dug up again , and removed : publishing whole sheets full of orders of s 〈…〉 on s , wherein such dissenters as conformed so far as to come to church , have been reproached , as doing i● to save their money ; and therefore giving a charge to mark all such 〈…〉 not kneel at their prayers , and stand up at the gloria patri : orders that none should be relieved that fell under poverty , if they came not to church and conformed to your ceremonies , if they were able of body so to do ; and many others of like nature : have all these in your private judgment been warranted by the law of god ? do you esteem it a light thing to cast , or publish any mans being cast out of all christian society , and delivered over to sathan for such matters as are no crimes against any divine law ? i take it ( for ought that ever i saw manifested to the contrary ) that a subjection to the command of your superiours , as being onely in such things ministerial offices , has been at least your tacite plea , for not stirring up or troubling your consciences , to make a dis●retive judgment ; whether the act of your superiour which you are commanded to publish , were lawful , or unlawful , by the law either of god , or of the land ; and to tell you the truth , i do not think you are in the eye of the law such criminals as on this particular occasion you would render your selves to be , in case you should read the kings declaration in obedience to his command , though you did not approve the matter of it in your private judgment ; it not being your province , positively to determine concerning it in point of law : you might with better pretence of conscience , ( if pressed to it in your own mind , as an act necessary to avoid a sin against god ) after the reading of the declaration , have taken your exceptions to it in your particular station , then to have followed the course you have taken , as it were by common consent , one in the name of all the rest , thus openly to declaim against it , for that had been an exercising of such an act of judgment , and reason , if the cause required it , as a minister of the gospel might have done in reference to god , whatever had been the consequence of it in respect to men : and the prospect you had of this ( as you afterwards manifest ) does not excuse but rather condemn you for seeing better things , and following the worse . vii . you say , our law supposes , that what we do in obedience to superiours , we make our own act by doing it : this is the onely reason i know , why we must not obey a prince against the laws of the land , or the laws of god ; because what we do , let the authority be what it will that commandt it , becomes our own act , and we are responsible for it . if you state this as a general case of every subject , i suppose you mistake the law , for i cannot conceive how a clerk in parliament , privy council , court of justice , or convocation who writes , and afterwards reads openly what his superiours have dictated , and commanded him to read should be supposed in the eye of the law , to be his own act : if you mean by your laws , you being ministers are responsible for what you do in any other manner , then the rest of the kings subjects , or ministerial officers are , you should have done well to have shewed it , for till that be done i know not how to distinguish of your case as different from other ministerial clerks . the onely reason you alledge , why you must not obey a prince against the law of the land or the laws of god , is both complicated , and equivocal ; for if you willingly walk after any command , which is contrary to the law of god , let the authority be as you say what it will , that commands it , whether of a prince singly , or a prince in conjunction with a parliament ; i grant , that it becomes your own act , for which you are responsible to god ; but it is not so in many cases , where a prince may command to do , or forbear , what a particular statute forbids or appoints , because he may therein exercise his prerogative according to the common law. besides , if you being a minister should obey the kings , and your lawful superiours order , and read his declaration , by which some penal laws are suspended , and this act of prerogative should afterwards come to be questioned in parliament to whom are you responsible ? surely not to the king , nor to your ordnary , whom you have obeyed ; you cannot mean tha● , not to any ordinary court of justice , for no information or indi●●ment will lye against you there at the kings suit ; you must be then arraign'd for it in parliament , or no where , and if you come to be responsible for it there , i think your rubrick established by law , and our ignorance of any other law will be a sufficient plea to excuse you , for it will be a president of the first impression ; i know not of any parish minister has ever heretofore been question'd and condemn'd in parliament for obeying an order in this kind of his prince or lawful superiour . viii . ministers are bound to take care that what they publish in their churches , be neither contrary to the laws of the land , nor the good of the church . ministers of religion are not look'd upon as common cryers , but what they read , they are supposed to recommend too , though they do no more then read it , for is not reading teaching ? it may be it were no fault to consent to the declaration , but if i consent to teach my people what i do not consent to my self , i am sure that is a great one . i take it for granted that you have sufficiently demonstrated to all men , that reading and not preaching off book , is teaching , for that has been your ordinary practice for many years , and it is true , by reading you teach your people to understand what you read , but when that is done , your people are at liberty to judge , and you also in this present case being ordered to read what the king hath declared , are at liberty to pen a sermon that may be a paraphrase upon what you read before , and read that in your pulpit afterwards , so as therein you do not transgress the law of god , or of the land , and by that your people may understand whether you consent to , or dissent from what you have read , and if your are commanded by law to read what you do not consent to in your own conscience , and for the discharge of a good conscience towards god , let your people know so much ; i think you therein discharge both the office of a minister to man , and duty of a teacher to god ; and in such a case , tho you should afterwards be judged by mans law , yet you may with a quiet mind , therein commend your cause to god , who judgeth righteously . be it so , that ministers are not look'd upon as common cryers , yet give me leave to say , you being ministers are look'd upon as publick preachers , or heralds to publish the orders of your superiors , and are no more accountable to any man for the matter which you so publish , then a herald who publishes the kings proclamation to his subjects ; con●●der the consequence , if the judgment of what i● agreeable or contrary to the laws of the land , the good or hurt of the church , be left to the private determination of every parish minister , what will become of the authority of their superiours ? of what us● is the rubrick to which they have subscribed , which directs them to read what the king or their ordnary enjoyns ? for in this case , 't is all one , as i said before , whether you are enjoyned to read by an ● of state or an act of parliament ; for i think you will grant me this , that the ● of an eternal 〈…〉 t 〈…〉 t of parliament then 〈…〉 : so that in 〈…〉 , 〈…〉 no 〈…〉 f●r in your s●tion to 〈…〉 it himself of evil a 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 , but by the method before prescribed , especially i● such a case as is before us ; wherein you say , it may be no fault to consent to the declaration , for if the matter be so doubtful in it self , as that it cannot be any otherwise determined to be either good or evil , then by every mans private judgment , by such a rule as what is not of faith is sin ; you have exceeded your bounds in prescribing a general rule concerning it , as a like obligatory upon all ministers . ix . you say , i take the declaration to be a contradiction of the doctrine of our church by law fstablished . o●r reading it in our churches , must serve instead of addresses of thanks , which our clergy generally resused , tho it was onely to thank the king for his gracious promises renewed to the church of england in his declaration , which was much more innocent then to publish the declaration it self in our churches . i think my self bound in conscience not to read it , because i am bound in conscience not to approve it . it s against the constitution of the church of england which is established by law , and to which i have subscribed , and am therefore bound in conscience to teach nothing contrary to it while this obligation lasts . your terms are so general , and the s●nse of your arguments are so ambiguous ▪ that tho i labour to pick out your true meaning , i am afraid of mistaking it , if i do so , pray r 〈…〉 i●ie me candidly , and friendly , because the manner of your express 〈…〉 your self , and not any wilful error in 〈◊〉 is the cause of it . you take the declaration to be a contradiction of the doctrine of your church by law established ; in what sence shall i take your say so ? is the whole , and every part of the declaration contrary to all , and every part of your doctrine by law established ? this cannot be your meaning , because you take notice of the kings gracious promises renewed to the church of england : i can find none of the thirty-nine articles contradicted , nor any of your religious constitutions invaded by any thing in the kings declaration ; but your doctrines , your service , your ceremonies remain all the same , as they were settled , and exhibited to the late king charles the second , by the presidents , bishops , and clergy of both provinces , with the same civil sanction for the use of them , that ever they had : and besides that , they are neither contradicted nor invaded , the royal promise you mention , is to protect , and maintain his arch-bishops , bishops , and clergy , and all other his subjects of england , in the free exertise of their religion , as by law established ; and therefore if you would free your self from all suspition of prevarication in this point , its incumbent on you first to shew , wherein the kings declaration contradicts it self , and then , wherein , in particular , 〈◊〉 coatradicts your doctrine , and invades your constitution ; for till then , your telling openly , that you take the declaration in general to be a contradicton , and against the constitution of the church of england in general , may be taken , as intended by you to amuse , and not to edify your reader : but what is it you mean , when you say , your reading must serve instead of addresses of thanks , which your clergy generally refused ? did his majesty require , you should thank him for his declaration , as he does , that you should read it ; & did you refuse to obey him in that , tho' as you say , it was more innocent than the other , as you do in this ? is this intended as a memorial of unmannerly disobedience at first , and undutiful carriage at last ? or what is that you signify , by your resusing to thank him , which must now be recompenced by reading ? do you think his command to publish his declaration , is of no more weight , in point of state , than your passing of a complement with his majesty , in giving him thanks , or that the thing he designed in his command , was principally to solve the want of your thankful addresses ? let me tell you , this is not only a streign of levity in interpreting the reason of the royal precept for your reading his declaration in your churches , unbecoming your gravity , but a surmize of a more dangerous consequence : the king commanded , that you should publish his declaration in your churches , that all his loving subjects might know the contents of it ; and you insinuate to them , that it is to serve instead of a thankful addressing , which before you refused . but you pass from this to matter of conscience , and herein you shew your self more subtle in your distinction , of conscience , then the learned bishop sanderson in all his praelections on this subject ; for you seem to have a politick conscience , not to do any thing , which by consequence may hurt ( your interest , or as you term it ) the church , and herein your conscience is guided by a frequent review , and must ' ring up the numbers on both sides ; how many may be for , and how many may be against your reading ; and finding by the computation you make , that the greatest number of your supposed friends will be disobliged by your reading , and that more may be against it than for it : this governs you to make as much conscience of reading the declaration , as of doing the most immoral action in nature . your second distinction is of a temporary conscience , which is to last as long as the obligation of your subscription , to that , you call the constitution of the church of england , lasts : by what means you will reckon your selves discharged of this temporary obligation of conscience , i cannot divine , unless you reckon , that perhaps you may be absolved from it by an act of convocation , or statute-law : but then here lies the difficulty with me . because your third distinction of the obligation of conscience seems to be of such a permanent nature , as no law of convocation or parliament , any more than the kings prerogative can absolve you from : for this i take to be the genuine sense of this sort of conscience you mention in contradistinction from the other ; that you are bound in conscience not to read the kings declaration , because you are bound in conscience not to approve it ; and if you make the invariable law , or revealed will of god , the rule of your consciencious approving , or not approving the matter of the kings declaration ; you cannot in my apprehension any more approve of it , or consent to the reading of it , if it should be established by a convocation , or statute-law ( the law of god , and the matter remaining the same , as now they are ) than you can do it at the command of the kings royal will. tenthly , possibly the people understand , that the matter of the declaration is against our principles ; but is this any excuse that we read , and by reading recommend that to them , which is against our censcience and judgments ? reading the declaration would be no fault at all , but our duty , when the king commands it , did we approve of the matter of it ; but to consent to teach our people such doctrines as we think contrary to the laws of god , or the laws of the land , does not lessen , but aggravate the fault . consenting to teach your people such doctrine , as you think contrary to the laws of god , is a fault ; may be a great fault : tho' the doctrine you teach , may , in it self , be true doctrine , because conscience , though erroneous , obliges not to act against it : but what it is that does not lessen , but aggravate the fault you mention , i cannot discern , for you grant , that reading the declaration , when the king commands it , if you approved the matter of it , would be no fault at all : you say , it is possible the people understand that the matter of the declaration is against your principles ; i answer , t is possible they understand neither the declaration nor your principles , for by the reports i hear frequently ●ut of the countrys , there may be thousands that never read themselves , nor heard the kings declaration read to them , but take the matter of it to be , as you represent it , which to be sure is bad enough ; and thus they are kept in ignorance , and affrighted with the conceit of it . most certainly , if the kings heart were not well assured of the justice and clemency towards all his subjects in what he has declared , it would be the most impolitick action imaginable for him to command , that it should be published , and communicated to all of them , in the most solemn manner , when they are discharged from all secular diversions , and have their minds most free , and intent upon the matter that is read to them : his majesty declares the reason why he would have it thus published , viz. that they may vnderstand and reap the benefit of that general good , which he designs for the whole kingdom ; that his chief aim has been , not to be the oppressor , but the father of his people , that they may lay aside all animosities , and groundless jealousies , and choose such members of parliament , as may do their part to finish what he has begun , for the advantage of the monarchy , over which almighty god hath placed him. now , if the matter of the declaration would not bear the most exact scrutiny , and recommend it self to the consciences and understanding of all his subjects : can any man rationally think , that this was a probable way for his majesty to effect the end he proposed therein ? but since you put me upon possibilities , i think it may possibly be , and very probably also , as i gather from your reasonings , that you do what lyes in you , to conceal from your people , the matter of the declaration , least your people would approve it , and consent to promote it . but though you are thus industrious to conceal the declaration , why do you not tell us what your principles are , for in this , you are as dark as in all the rest ? i must profess , if i had no other means of knowing what the declaration contains , nor what your principles are , than by what you have said in your discourse concerning them , you deal so much in generals , that i should never be able to understand either of them , nor wherein the one is against the other . but now let us come to the main point , for in comparison of that , all the rest is of little value . you say , for you to consent to teach your people such doctrines as you think contrary to the laws of god , or the laws of the land , does not lessen , but aggravate the fault . you have , in your letter , made mention of an old maxim , the king can do no wrong , and therefore if any wrong be done , the crime , and guilt is the ministers , who does it : nor is any minister , who does an illegal action , allowed to pretend the kings commission , and authority for it . you cannot forget who they were that before you insisted upon this sort of argument , nor how severely you of all men have in your pulpits and prints , handled them for it ; but now you think it may serve your turn , you revive it again . since therefore you make it no scruple of conscience in this case , to approve such things now , as you condemned heretofore ; why should you not do it in some other cases also ? the dissenters , as oft as they were summoned into your courts , or elsewhere , for their nonconformity to your modes of worship , or for assembling to worship in other manner , pleaded simply , they could not do the one , nor forbear the other ; because in doing the first , or forbearing the last , they should sin against their conscience , and transgress the law of their lord ; whatever your laws , or the laws of the land commanded , or prohibited : this plea was usually termed a meer pretence , and their assemblies censured by their secular judges , as riots , routs , seditious or vnlawful assemblies ; and by your judges they were condemned , as obstinate and contumacious ; and upon these scores they suffered the penalties inflicted : now , though you did publish , and cause to be executed , such sentences heretofore against the dissenters , who made use of this plea , as a pure matter of conscience , with respect to god's law ; this may be no bar , as appears by your former instance , but that you may take up the same simple honest plea at this time , if you are , as they were , sincere therein , and make it for your selves now , as they did then ; and by this way you may , without intangling your selves by determining positively doubtful points of law ( which is not your province ) come to a fair issue in that , which is the proper charge of your function as ministers ; for the dissenters agree with you in this principle , that for any man to consent to teach others such doctrines as he thinks contrary to the laws of god , is a great fault : let the matter of the declaration therefore be fairly discussed between you and us , with that modesty , which becomes subjests : many dissenters differ from you in their thoughts in this point ; they think the king's declaration is not contrary to the law of god ; and that therefore it may lawfully be read ; if any of them question any part of it , it is that wherein the king promises to protect and maintain the arch-bishops , and bishops , as lord bishops , of which they find no footsteps in the holy scriptures ; but if they will consider , that the dignity of barons is only an addition to that of a bishop , and does neither alter , enlarge , or abrogate the spiritual office ; but is an honour conferr'd upon them by the civil sovereign power : there is no reason for any dissenter , or any other of the king's subjects , to make this a scruple of conscience , in regard it proceeds from a civil constitution , and is a law of mans creation , to which , among others of like nature , every christian is to submit for the lord's sake : and that you and i may as well agree in our thoughts about the subject in hand , as in the principle i have mention'd : it s necessary that we consider , what it is that his majesty has declared ; i shall repeat that point , upon which many others depend , as a necessary consequence , as that to which i think you take the greatest exception : the king declares , that it hath been his constant sense and opinion , that conscience ought not to be constrained ; nor people forced in matters of meer religion . now its incumbent on you to shew wherein you think this point is contrary to the laws of god , and that you do it , is but a reasonable request , for else you perform not your function to your people , but will lye under the suspition of teaching for doctrines , the commands of men , which you know our lord sharply reproves in those that exercise the function of teachers . till you have done this , and made it plain , you have no reason to carp at any thing that is naturally subsequent , as the suspending such penalties , by which many of his subjects are co-erced to worship contrary to their consciences , or pardoning offences against such laws , for this is a natural exercise of his prerogative , as god's vicegerent in acts of goodness and clemency ; it can be no offence to god , that the execution of such laws be neglected by the king's ministers , or suspended by himself , till they can be repealed by parliament , which ought never to have been made , and could never be obeyed , without transgressing the law of god : the king 's lawful , proper , and necessary prerogative , is to provide for all exigents , wherein there is no provision made by a particular law , and to suspend such particular statutes , as were from the beginning , or in process of time , prove useless , or burthensom to a multitude of his subjects , and wherein no particular subject is injured , as to any right , or priviledge , which he can claim by law : so that till you have performed your task , and shewed that this doctrine , which the declaration teacheth , is against the law of god , and what branch of the divine law it is against , that the penalties whereby men are compelled to worship contrary to their consciences , should be suspended : no more need to be said to this , taking it singly , as it is a matter of pure conscience , supposed by you to be an offence against the law of god. but i consider how you state it with a double aspect , having an eye both to the laws of god , and to the laws of the land , and that not conjunctively , but disjunctively : it is an aggravated fault with you to consent to teach your people such doctrines as you think contrary to the laws of god , or the laws of the land , that so you may have a double string to your bow : if you cannot prove the doctrine of the kings declaration to be contrary to the laws of god , yet you cannot consent to teach it your people , because you think it is contrary to the laws of the land : nevertheless taking your reasoning to be consistent with it self , having before shewed , you did not approve of the matter of the declaration , i cannot suppose you made mention of the laws of god superfluously , or vainly , and therefore it remains as a charge upon you to declare plainly , whether you think it contrary to the laws of god , or not : and having repeated this , that you may take the more notice of it , i 'le pass to the next branch , and that is for you to shew , wherein it is contrary to the law of the land ; the reasons for this i shall give you in my remarks upon your next paragraph . eleventhly , say you , it is to teach an unlimited , and universal toleration , which the parliament in 1672. declared illegal , and which has been condemned by the christian church in all ages . it is to teach my people , that they need never come to church more , but have my free leave , as they have the kings , to go to a conventicle , or to mass . it is to teach the dispensing power , which alters what has been formerly thought the whole constitution of this church , and kingdom , which we dare not do , till we have the authority of parliament for it . let us consider what part of the king's declaration may be supposed by you to do the things here alledged , and whether , what you are required to do , be as to the matter of it , of any other nature , than what has heretofore been approved by authority of parliament . his majesty , after the suspention of all penal laws in matters ecclesiastical , for not coming to church , or not receiving the sacrament , or for any other nonconformity to the religion established , or for , or by reason of the exercise of religion in any manner whatsoever , is pleased to declare upon what terms , and in what manner all his loving subjects have free leave to meet , and serve god after their own way , and manner . now i must pray you to interpret what you mean by an unlimited , and universal toleration , for you are still in generals , is it such an unlimited , and universal toleration , as gives all men liberty to meet in such manner , and to do , and say as they please : there seems to me many restrictions in the declaration , the meeting must be for the exercise of religion , and not irreligion , and though all may meet , and serve in their own way , yet it is to serve god , and not an idol . for my part , if i had no fear of god before me , yet i should very much fear severe corporal punishment from the hands of the civil power , if i should meet , and openly preach blasphemy , idolatry , or any other doctrine of immortality , against the light , and law of nature given to , and inscribed on the heart of every man ; for tho' the king is pleased to say , i shall not be compelled to perform any act of worship contrary to my conscience , i am nevertheless accomptable for all things that i openly and voluntarily , without any compulsion do , or say , which fall under the cognizance of the civil magistrate , as all things do , which are against the reason of mankind , and common light and law of nature ; and tho' there should be no statute law in the case , the comman law of the land is grounded upon the law of nature , and no way suspended by the king's declaration , and by this , open scandals against the light of nature are punishable by the civil judges . but you say , an unlimited , and universall toleration the parliament in 1672 declared illegall ; it may be so , but i doe not know it ; i have seen no copy of any law , or ordinance of parliament applicable to the point in hand : if you intend to prove the kings present declaration , was declared to be illegall by the parliament in 1672 , you must mend your common fault of dealing in general , for it is all one , and no more a proof of any thing being declared illegal in a parliament , to quote onely the year , without repeating the words of the law , and applying the matter of the declaration to it , then if you had said it of your own head , or mention'd for a proof of your assertion , a vote of the house of commons , which was published by order of their speaker , jan : 10. 1680 , wherein it was resolved to be the opinion of that house , that the prosecution of protestant dissenters upon the penal laws , was at that time grievous to the subject , a weakening of the protestant interest , an encouragement to popery , and dangerous to the peace of the kingdom . your next assertion is , that an unlimited and universal toleration has been condemned by the christian churches in all ages ; if you mean by this , that the christian churches in all ages did assume to themselves a power of judging , and jurisdiction over all men that were without the church , or that the church in all ages did by temporal penalties constrain men to come into the church , or when they were there , to worship contrary to their consciences , or to abide there , when they had no heart to do so , but would forsake their faith , their profession , or their christian doctrine , and conversation , and also their assemblys : i think you are very much mistaken in the christian doctrine and practise of the churches in the primitive ages : surely i may say in this , as in the rest , shew me an apostolical authority for such a practise ; and i have so much the more reason to insist upon this , because christs disciples in the primitive age , were all volunteers , suitable to the doctrine which our lord , and his apostles taught , repentance from dead works , and faith in the son of god , which are convictions , and operations upon the mind of man , and necessary qualifications to the being of a true christian , and the profession of them to the being of a visible christian , and the doctrine of self-denial to his continuance in his profession ; the doctrine is plain , whosoever will , let him take of the water of life freely , you will not come to me that you may have life ; and when many of those , who for some time professed to be our lords disciples went back , and walked no more with him , that which was the ground of the others perseverance was , that with him were the words of eternal life , and that they believed , and knew that he was the christ , the son of the living god , and that therefore there was none else to whom they could go ; the apostle foretels us , that in the latter times , some would depart from the faith , giving heed to seducing spirits , and doctrines of devils ; that there would be m●ckers walking after their own ungodly lusts ; that such they were , who being sensual , and having not the spirit , seperated themselves , and the apostle john says expressly , that in his day there were many antichrists , who went out from us ( that is from the apostles , and churches ) but they were not of us ; for if they had been of us , they would have remained with us , but they went out , that it might be made manifest , they were not all of us : and this the apostle makes as the characteristical note , by which he knew it was the last time . now as i cannot find the i east mention in any one word , doctrine , or precept , that any persons were , or should be compelled , by outward force to come or continue in the christian church in the first age , so neither can it be agreeable to the mind of our lord , that any persons should be compelled by temporal penalties so to do against their minds in after ages , unless you can shew us , that the doctrine of christ , and his apostles are not the same in after ages , that they were when they were first delivered . say you , it is to teach my people that they need never come to church more , but have my free leave , as they have the king 's , to go to a conventicle , or to mass . does any thing of this kind flow naturally from the king's declaration ? does that engage or incline you , or any man else to teach any doctrine contrary to his own sentiment ? i take it rather to be an encouragement to do , and say sincerely what they apprehend , and believe to be the will of god , relating to the worship of himself , and that your leave is neither asked nor granted in my going from your church , further than this , that if i be excommunicate by you for it , you cannot thereupon , by your certificate , obtain as formerly , the writ de excommunicato capiendo , to make me a perpetual prisoner , whilst the king is pleased to suspend the execution of that penalty . the declaration does not teach any of your hearers , that they need not come to church , and worship god any more there in that way and manner , if in their own consciences they are convinced they ought so to do ; it does not forbid your teaching or reading to your people any doctrines , or homilies approved of by the church of england , queen elizabeth's injunctions , ( which she enjoyned to be read in your churches four times in a year , ) or any thing else by which they may be instructed in the knowledge , or discharge of their duty to god in your churches . you greatly undervalue your ministry and doctrine , to suppose that there are no arguments to prevail with your people to come to your church , but only temporal scourges , for if you have the truth of god on your side , as no humane law can alter the nature of it , so you are at liberty , notwithstanding any thing in the declaration , to preach it to your people . the declaration is an incitement to all the king's subjects to worship god , and no enticement for any of them to forsake his worship , and that they may respectively serve god , ( as the christian religion teaches , in holiness and righteousness ) without fear : his majesty promises equal protection to all who do worship god in such way and manner , as each of them understand and believe , it is his will they should do ; and in the first place gives the royal countenance and protection to all of the church of england in their worshiping of god in their churches , as by law established : so that you make a wrong gloss upon the declaration , in insinuating that it teacheth your people , that they need never to come to church more , or that they have the king 's free leave , or yours , contrary to their own minds and consciences to forsake the church , or to go to a conventicle , or to mass . for there is nothing in the declaration that requires , gives leave or countenance to any man to forsake that religion , and way of worship to which his conscience obliges him , or to dissemble , and play the hypocrite , in forsaking of any one way , and ( in appearance ) to adhere to another , if he do it not in sincerity , but against his mind and conscience . but we are now come to another point , at which you seem to stick more than at all the rest . say you , it is to teach the dispensing power , which alters what has been formerly thought the whole constitution of this church and kingdom , which we dare not do , till we have the authority of parliament for it . let this matter then , as you say in your letter , be examined impartially , and take in here also that question i touched upon before ; whether the matter of the king's declaration herein be contrary to the laws of the land ? whole treatises have been written upon this subject , with great evidence to manifest the kings right of indulgence in spiritual matters , which you may do well ( in order to your satisfaction ) at your leisure to peruse : i shall here instance only in some few cases , wherein the kings of england , have for several ages past exercised such a dispensing power ; and in their grants , tolerated a dissent from the religion and ceremonies by law established , which have been , either not question'd at all in parliament , or there admitted to be legally done : queen elizabeth in her reign , granted many dispensations of this kind ; and as is credibly reported , to some lay-men to preach publickly . several grants have been made before , and in the reigns of the three last kings , both to foreigners here , and to their own subjects abroad , for the exercise of religion in their own way ; with a non obstance to the statute in force , for uniformity in religion . the act for uniformity in the 14th year of king charles the second , takes notice of those grants to foreigners ; and provides , that the penalties of that act , shall not extend to such churches as have been allowed , or shall be allowed by the king , his heirs or successors . the act for suppression of seditious conventicles , though it do not in express words grant a license for any number of persons , not exceeding four besides the family , to meet under pretence of exercising religious worship , otherwise than according to the lyturgy and practice of the church of england ; yet it doth not make it penal for any so to do , except they exceed that number : and the common interpretation given of it , by your selves and others , and encouragement taken thence has been , that it was tantamount to such a licence ; and this i think , fully reaches that , which you call the matter of the declaration that you cannot approve of : for if you admit , as you have done in all the arguments i have seen upon this point , that is was allowed ▪ that four dissenters besides the family might meet , and worship in other manner than is by law established , without incurring any temporal penalties thereby , the paucity or greatness of the number , cannot alter the religious nature of the matter ; what 's lawful for four , is lawful for four thousand , with respect to the matter of worship ; the restraining the number , is only the policy and prudence of the civil state , which may be limited or enlarged at pleasure : and by this act , it is provided , that nothing therein contained shall extend to invalidate , or avoid his majesties supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs , but that his majesty , his heirs and successors , may from time to time , and at all times hereafter , excercise and enjoy all powers and authorities in ecclesiastical affairs , as fully and as amply , as himself and his predecessors have or might have done the same , any thing in this act notwithstanding : and i think , the exercise of the king's power , is as naturally applicable to his dispensing with the limitation of numbers , in this case , as to any other clause in that act ; which without this especial provision , might have been construed , an abridgment of the king's supremacy . to make good this , that the king 's dispensing power in his declaration , alters what has been formerly thought the whole constitution of this church : it is incumbent on you , to shew wherein it does so , more th●n has been done in any case of the like nature heretofore , by any former royal dispensations , grants , or authority in parliament . and tell me ingeniously , if without any offence against the holy scriptures , the king may not , if he so please , grant a dispensation to his own subjects , as well as to strangers and their off spring , ( even after they are become denizens , and understand our language ) to worship god after their own way and manner ? and whether among all the jurisdictions annexed to the crown , which heretofore have been , or may lawfully be used for the reforformation or order of the ecclesiastical state , there be no manner of dispensing power contained ? 12. say you , no men in england will be pleased with our reading the declaration , but those who hope to make great advantage against us , and against our church and religion . this is a bare supposition , arising meerly from your own disturbed imagination , which is through prejudice so darkned , that you cannot discern between your friends and your enemies : i can tell you of many , who neither hope , nor seek to make any advantage against you , your church or religion , that are displeased at your refusing to read , because you thereby give an advantage to such as may be your adversaries , which they could never have gained by your compliance with the king's order . you afterwards suggest , that the dissenters , who are wise and considering , are sensible of the snare themselves , and though they desire ease and liberty , they are not willing to have it with such apparent hazzard of church and state. but if there be any dissenters who deserve the epithites you give them , you have by your severities kept them at such an uncharitable distance from you , that you are unacquainted with their temper ; and thence it is , that as on the one hand you misrepresent them , that you may render them equally obnoxious to the government with your selves , as giving countenance to your disobedience : so on the other hand , you suspect them without cause , to be seeking an advantage against you , your church and religion : you cannot but know , that the generality of dissenters ( who have rendred their solemn thanks to the king for his indulgence , and the establishment proposed in his declaration , ) are for the reading of it , that all the king's subjects may understand , and in their places , pursue the contents of it to effect : therefore ▪ upon what grounds you suggest , ( as if you spoke their language ) that they are not willing to have their liberty in the way which the king proposes , i cannot imagine . you term it with such apparent hazard of church and state ; they apprehend and express it , with apparent advantages of church and state , and that which has a direct tendency to settle both on such a righteous foundation , as may preserve them in a safe and prosperous state to perpetuity . but , is not this to ●●●tter such among the dissenters , as you can intice to hearken to your insinuations , that they may be thought wise and considering ? for you tell them , when there is an opportunity of shewing your inclinations without danger , they may find you are not such persecutions as you are represented : but while you speak of their being sensible of a snare , are not you laying a snare for them ? how long may they wait for such a season , wherein you may in your own apprehension without danger , manifest any incli●n●ions or kindness towards them ? immediately after the house of commons declared , that the prosecution of dissenters , was a weakning of the protestant interest , you promoted it with greater vehemence than ever before : if the king at any time dispense with penal laws , you cry out , the dispensation is illegal : as oft as any bill of comprehension has been brought into parliament to touch any thing of your constitution , so as to enlarge it beyond its present streightness , it hath met with opposition from your ordinaries : so that the dullest dissenters in england , have been sensibly taught by you , that there has been no opportunity , wherein you could without danger , shew them any kindness for twenty eight years past ; and if any dissenters should be so catch'd in the snare of your insinuations , that at some time or other hereafter , there may happen an opportunity , wherein you may be kind toward them , as to let go the present season , wherein his majesty proposes , a legal and perpetual establishment both of your church state and their freedom from temporal penalties for nonconformity to it ; i shall not take such dissenters to be in this case , either wise or considerate . 13. say you , reading the declaration , is to recommend to our people , the choice of such persons to sit in parliament , as shall take away the test and penal laws , which most of the nobility and gentry of the nation have declared their judgment against . our reading will discourage , provoke or misguide , all the friends the church of england has ; have we not reason to expect , that the nobility and gentry , who have already suffer'd in this cause , when they hear themselves condemned for it , in all the churches of england , will think it time to mend such a fault , and reconcile themselves to their prince ; and if our church fall this way , is there any reason to expect that it should ever rise again ? these consequences are almost as evident , as demonstrations ; and let it be what it will in it self , which i foresee , will destroy the church of england , and the protestant religion and intrest ; i think i ought to make as much conscience of doing it , as of doing the most immorall action in nature . if we must compare consequences , to dis-oblige all the nobility and gentry , by reading the declaration , is likely to be much more fatal then to anger the dissenters . by your mistaking , and misrepresenting the sentiments of the dissenters ; you have given me cause to suspect , you may be mistaken in some things which you have asserted concerning the nobility and gentry ; particularly in that you make no distinction , between the repeal of the penal laws , and that of tie fest ; which diverse of the nobility and gentry in their ordinary discourses on this subject have done ; and this seems to me the more remarkable , because you make it equally as necessary for the preserving your constitutions , to keep the penal laws on foot , as the test . secondly , you lay , in my opinion , too great a stress upon your reading ; do you suppose , none of your friends to have any better discerning , then to be misguided in their judgments by the bare reading the declaration ? no more resolution then to be discouraged by it ? no more charity , then to be provoked to be your enemies by it ? i cannot see any reason you have to expect , that your reading the declaration , should lay any of the nobility or gentry under any conviction of a fault , or that they would reckon themselves condemned ( if it had been or should be read in all the churches of england ) for any thing which they have done or suffer'd in that you call this cause . his majesty has been pleased to declare the reason of the changes he has made in civil and military officers ; not thinking any ought to be employed in his service , who will not contribute towards the establishing the peace and greatness of their countrey : if a question be put to any noble man , or gentleman ; whether he will give his consent to repeal the penal laws and tests ? where such a question meets an inward setled principle , that no man ought to be debarr'd of his civil rights or privilidge , for the sake of his religious opinions , and that , no man ought to be compelled by temporal penalties to perform an act of religious worship against his conscience , such a person is always prepared to give a ready answer ; l'ts fit that all such laws , as tend to do either of these , should be repealed ; because they tend to alter such fundamental maxims as should ever be preserved inviolable , the one in reference to civil rights the other in reference to the christian religion : but where the question meets not with any such setled principle ; but either the contrary opinion , or that present policies of state may govern in deciding it : in this latter case , honour and prudence both , may be pleaded against a pre-engagement , until they arrive to a satisfaction therein , by debates on this subject in parliament . who sees not , that there 's a vast difference between a previous obligation to a positive vote in parliament , and your refusal to perform such a ministerial act , in obedience to the king's order , which you have never scrupled to do in obedience to any order of your ordinary , or his officials , without any regard had to the matter published . but i perceive , you are now upon your politicks , and you would therefore have it , that these noblemen and gentlemen , are already engag●d in the same cause with your selves , or if they be not , you do your best that they may be so , and not be reconciled to their prince ; for then you suppose your church would fall , and not only so ; but that if it fall this way , you have no reason to expect it should ever-rise again . and these consequences you would have to pass for demonstrations , & from your foresight of the event , make as much conscience of reading the declaration , as of destroying the protestant religion and interest , together with the church of england : i will not give my self the liberty for your churches sake , to dilate upon the surmises ; i take them to be the effect only of a sudden vertigo , raised by an imagination , that you are upon the top of a precipice in imminent danger of a destructive fall ; when in truth , though you are in the ascent above any of your fellow subjects ; yet you have there a broad space to walk upon as long as you please and a safe descent into the plain , to others of your companions when you please , and are in no danger at all of falling down , from any other cause , but the swimming ▪ conceipt of your own head. if it were not so , you would never have taken the method you have done , to draw your conclusion from such comparison of consequences , as you have made ; to disoblige all the nobility and gentry , is likely to be much more fatal , then to anger the dissenters . would you have it conceited , that you have engaged the nobility and gentry by a positive promise , upon no terms to part with the penal laws , or give the dissenters any ease , till you signifie to them , by reading the declaration , that it is an opportunity , wherein they may do it without any danger ? have you no cause , as you are a minister of the gospel , to relent at the hard measure , which you , and others by your instigation have meted out to the dissenters of all sorts ? suppose , all the nobility and gentry were against the repealing of penal laws , yet i should think , if you set your thoughts upon the proper discharge of your function , that equal justice and clemency would govern your determinations more then all worldly policy . but you are for putting a question ironically , and answering it plainly and positively : cannot the king keep his promise to the church of england , if the test and penal laws be repeal'd ? your answer is , we cannot say , but this may be ; and yet the nation does not think fit to try it ; and if the question were put to us , we think we ought in conscience to deny them our selves , and we commend those great men that deny it . this looks as if your passions were in a high ferment , and yet there is some appearance of an artifice in it : it sounds with what follows , as if you had an assurance , that the gene ●a vogue of the nation , is under your management and direction , either to have or not to have a parliament , to repeal or not repeal the test and penal laws , as you please , — for say you , are there not as high probabilities , that our reading the declaration will promote the repeal of the test and penal laws , as that such a repeal will ruine our constitution and bring in popery ? herein you shew your selves , to be greater artists the doctrine of probabilities then any college of jesuits , whilst you persist in your disobedience to the kings order , and will not read it : the nation does not think fit to try ; but if you return to your obedience and read , you shall thereby induce them to try and promote the repeal . let me for once after your example ( tho i come one thousand degrees short of your skill in the doctrine ) conjecture at a few probable points . first , it seems to me that you are convinced in your conscience that there is such an innate vertue and power in the matter o● the king's declaration , as will command an assent in the minds of them that hear and consider it ; whence it may be , that you think in your conscience it is not safe for your interest to read it . secondly , if you were not under some such conviction , it 's probable you would make as little conscience to read it , as you did any of those censures or orders , which you cannot otherwise justifie , than as you therein only performed a ministerial / act , in obedience to your superiours . thirdly , it 's very probable , that it is also from hence , that in your reasonings , you run altogether upon the topicks of trusting to the king's promise , and upon a repeal of the test and penal laws , and speak not a word ; either of the king 's making no doubt of the concurrence of his two houses of parliament ( when he shall think sit to call them ) to this declaration of indulgence , ( which he mentions in the first paragraph of it ) or of his majesty's conjuring his subjects to lay aside all private animosities , as well as ground less jealousies , and to choose such members of parliament , as may do their part to finish what he has begun , ( in the close of it ) or of any of the clauses throughout the whole of it , or of his majesty's endeavours to establish liberty of conscience on such just and equal foundations , as will vender it unalterable , and secure to all people the free exercise of their religion for ever . now if this be plainly manifest , ( as it is in its self , and will appear to every man who is not scar'd by you from considering it ) that it is not any one single clause but the whole and every part of the declaration , that the king seeks to have established by a perpetual law ; and that he would have this speedily effected . why is it that you descant so much upon his royal promise , ( of the stedfastness whereof , we have had so general an experience ) as if that were all the security intended to perpetuity ; unless you have still a mind to monopolize the laws to your selves , and that none of his subjects should have the benefit of any law , but such as will ( though it be contrary to their conscience ) conform to a tittle to your measures and modes of worship ? lastly , it may be also probable , if a parliament be speedily called , as his majesty declares he intends it shall be , that they , when they are met , will wisely consider , how both to gratifie the king in what he desires , and secure the subject in all their properties , civil and religious : for the sum of all that is to be granted , de novo , is liberty of conscience , to worship god without incurring any temporal damage by it . what things are already setled by law , as to the religion of the church of england , and their possessions , are so to continue , and be confirmed to them . and if such a new law be contrived to this purpose , as may continue for ever , it will require such ingredients to be in it , as may by the provisions therein made , ( which the wisdom of parliament will readily suggest , ) render it stable and perpetual , and it may be in particular , such as may prevent your suggested jealousies of preists and jesuits ; and also , keep you as well as them , within the spheres of your proper function , that all of the clergy who expect the benefit of other laws , shall subscribe t before your eyes , that no royal promise , no setled laws , no common interest can dispel it , so as to give a discerning of the proper means to arrive at a secure establishment ? bear with my expostulations ; i am coming to a close . it is not desired you should part with any laws in ●●ing , but such only as are the causes of an vnjustifiable ●●pression , and consequently of an vnavoidable contention . if you can justifie the compelling of any man ●y temporal punishments , to worship god contrary to his vnderstanding and conscience , bring out your strong reasons for it , that all who are otherwise minded may be convinced ; but if you cannot do this , bring your mind to do , and permit right to be done to all men herein : even your enemies , that they may have no just quarrel against you , nor seek by any undue attempt , to wrest themselves from under your power : neither you nor any others ▪ have any reason to fear a downfall ; if you are willing to depart from the ways of opression . it is not desired , that any laws in being , should be removed by any other means , but by introducing such as are just , equal , and of much greater security in their stead : do not conceit your self safe ( and that you can be secured o●●● ) under the continuance of vnequal and oppressive laws ; such as 〈◊〉 iust humane nature , christian grace , and known maxims of the law of the land. i consider how you close your letter , that if you were never so desirous that the dissenters might have their liberty , yet you canno● consent they should have it this way , which they will find the dearest liberty that ever was granted : i am afraid from first to last , le●st i should mistake your meaning ; you have said before , you dare n●t ●each the dispensin● power ▪ till you have the authority of parliament for it ; you cannot read the declaration , because it is to recommend to your people , the choice of such persons to sit in parliament , as shall take away the test and penal laws : so that you suggest , as there is no authority , so you are not willing there ever should be any countenance given by authority , either to dispense with , or to repeal penal laws against dissenters ; where to do your desires that they should have liberty tend ? you cannot consent they should have it this way ; that is , by a dispensing power ; nor that way , that is ▪ by a repeal . in your next , i pray signifie what means you propose , that are effectual for the accomplishment of your desires ; and if upon the contemplations thereof , you cannot find any means in common use heretofore , so effectual for making way for removal of spiritual oppressions as the stirring up the hearts of princes : in the first place , to give the subjects ease , by discountenancing and suspending such laws , as are the occasion of their oppression . and in the next place , by the royal assent to the advice of their great council , to repeal such laws , and establish better , and more equal in their stead ; return to your obedience , and acknowledge it is just and equal that together with your own perpetual establishment by law , dissenters of all sorts , should by the same law be secured in that which is their right by the law of god and nature , in common with all mankind ; not to be compelled to worship contrary to their consciences , but to enjoy a just , and duly-stated liberty to worship god according to their consciences ; and that measure of understanding of the will of god , that he has , or shall please to reveal to them : and if you can remove your prejudice , and come to a right mind in these things , i doubt not , but they will incline you , not barely to read the kings declaration in your churches ; but also to recommend to your auditors , ( from the consideration of the reasonableness , righteousness , and clemency of it ) the choice of such members to serve in parliament , as may happily finish that , which his majesty has therein proposed , and mercifully begun . london : printed by g. larkin , at the two swans without bishopsgate . 1688. a true copy of a speech delivered in the parliament in scotland, by the earle of argile concerning the government of the church : together with the kings going to parliament august 19, 1641. argyll, archibald campbell, marquis of, 1598-1661. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a25798 of text r7455 in the english short title catalog (wing a3672). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a25798 wing a3672 estc r7455 12325601 ocm 12325601 59542 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25798) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59542) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 932:10) a true copy of a speech delivered in the parliament in scotland, by the earle of argile concerning the government of the church : together with the kings going to parliament august 19, 1641. argyll, archibald campbell, marquis of, 1598-1661. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], london : 1641. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng church of scotland -government. scotland. -parliament. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. a25798 r7455 (wing a3672). civilwar no a true copy of a speech delivered in the parliament in scotland, by the earle of argile, concerning the government of the church. together w argyll, archibald campbell, marquis of 1641 764 1 0 0 0 0 0 13 c the rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-06 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true copy of a speech delivered in the parliament in scotland , by the earle of argile , concerning the government of the church . together with the kings going to parliament august 19. 1641. london , printed . 164● . the earle of argile his speech to the parliament in scotland . gentlemen , and you the burgesses of the house of commons ; i am commanded by the lords to let you know , that they have taken serious deliberation of the propositions made by you the other day at a conference concerning the church-government in this kingdom . first , i am commanded to put you in minde what have passed already upon this occasion before in the maintenance of the church-government of this kingdom , wherein the house of commons have shewed such great affections to the good of the church and of the state therein for the maintenance of it . first , that the church-government in both kingdomes , is that which were so be vvished , but no alteration or innovation msust be of that vvhich is setled by the lavves of each kingdom , and enacted by them . secondly , that the government of the church of england is setled and established by the lawes and statutes of the kingdom to the uniting of a brotherly love and government in both kingdomes under his majesties dominion . secondly , i am commanded to let you know their lordships pleasure in this , or in any thing else that may conduce to the honour of almighty god , the service of our king , and the good of our kingdom , and will be very ready to give such assistance as you shall propound , or upon debate with them , thinke fit to advance the worke you were pleased to deliver unto them . and finding also that there have been , and having great cause to suspect that there still are , even during this present sitting in parliament , endeavours to subvert the fundamentall lawes of this kingdom and of england , whereby they may introduce the exercise of a tyrannicall government by most pernicious and wicked counsels , plots , and conspiracies , that hath been taught against this kingdom , and the kingdom of england , with divers innovations and superstitions , that have been brought into this church , multitudes driven out of his majesties dominions , with the great suppressing of them by the bishops and their tyrannicall government over the church , and the good religious ministers therein . and therefore because the government of the church doth remain as properly to proceed from you , as from us , therefore if you shall thinke fit that any thing else shall be propounded by you , that may be effected for the government of the church and kingdom , or if you do not propound , their lordships will then let you know their propositions ; if you be not now provided to confer about it , we shall when you please debate the same , and give you such reasons for it , as you shall thinke fit of , to the honour and praise of god , and the good of our king and kingdom . finis . the kings arrivall in edinborough , with the manner of his going to parliament . there was one appointed to go before him to make room , for the multitude came in throngs to see his majestie , all crying , as he passed by them , in their owne language , god save king charles , god save our king . next to him which made room came our king , my lord humes going on his right hand , and my lord of argile on his left hand , the rest of the nobility , and those which were of the parliament-house , followed according to their degrees , but much ado they had to go to the house , the desire of the people was so great to see their soveraigne . when they were come to the parliament house , there stood a noble-mans son , who as yet goes to school , and saluted his majesty with a latine oration , which he took most graciously , and thanked them all for their kindnesse , and good-will ; then they entered into the parliament-house , and when they were seated , the earle of argile made a speech unto him . the ill effects of animosities among protestants in england detected and the necessity of love unto, and confidence in one another, in order to withstand the designs of their common enemies, laid open and enforced. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 1688 approx. 85 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30357 wing b5802 estc r11786 11998183 ocm 11998183 52139 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30357) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52139) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 558:5) the ill effects of animosities among protestants in england detected and the necessity of love unto, and confidence in one another, in order to withstand the designs of their common enemies, laid open and enforced. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 23 p. s.n.], [london? : 1688. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. dissenters -england. great britain -church history -17th century. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-11 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-11 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the ill effects of animosities among protestants in england detected : and the necessity of love unto , and confidence in one another , in order to withstand the designs of their common enemies , laid open and enforced . every kingdom divided against it self , is brought to desolation ; and every city or house divided against it self , shall not stand . matth. xii . 25. dum pugnant singuli , universi vincuntur . tacit. printed in the year 1688. it is long since the court of england , under the authority of the late king and his brother , was embarked in a design of subverting the protestant religion , and of introducing and establishing popery . for the two royal brothers being in the time of their exile seduced by the caresles and importunities of their mother , allured by the promises and favours of popish princes , and being wheedled by the crafts and arts of priests and jesuits , who are cunning to deceive , and knew how to prevail upon persons , that were but weakly established in the doctrine , and wholly strangers to the practice and power of the religion they were tempted from ; they not only abjured the reformed religion , and became reconciled to the church of rome , but by their example , and the influence which they had over those that depended upon them both for present subsistence and future hopes , they drew many that accompanied them in their banishment , to renounce the doctrine , worship , and communion of the church of england , though in the war between charles i. and the parliament , they had pretended to fight for them in equal conjunction with the prerogatives of the crown . so that upon the restoration in the year 1660. they were not only moulded and prepared themselves for promoting the desires of the pope and his emissaries , but they were furnished with a stock of gentlemen out of whom they might have a supply of instruments both in parliament and elsewhere , to cooperate with , and under them , in the methods that should be judged most proper and subservient to the extirpation of protestancy , and the bringing the nation again into a servitude to the triple crown . and besides the obligations , that the principles of the religion to which they had revolted , laid them under for eradicating the established doctrine and worship , they had bound themselves unto it , by all the promises and oaths , which persons are capable of having proscribed unto and exacted of them . nor can any now disbelieve his late majesties having lived and died a papist , who hath either heard what he both said and did , when under the prospect of approaching death , and past hope of acting a part any longer on the present stage , or who have seen and read the two papers left in his closet , which have been since published to the world , and attested for authentick by the present king. and had we been so just to our selves , as to have examined the whole course of his reign , both in his alliances abroad , and his most important counsels and actions at home , or had we hearkned to the reports of those who knew him at collen and in flanders , we had been long ago convinced of what religion he was . nor were his many repeated protestations of his zeal for protestancy , but in order to delude the nation , till insensibly as to us , and with safety to himself , he had overturned the religion which he pretended to own , and had introduced that which he inveighed against . and while with the highest asseverations he disclaimed the being what he really was , and with most sacred and tremendous oaths professed the being what he was not , his religion might in the mean time have been traced through all the signal occurrences of his government , and have been discerned written in capital letters , through all the material affairs wherein he was engaged from the day he ascended the throne , till the hour he left the world. his entring into two wars against the dutch , without any provocation on their part , or ground on his , save their being a protestant state ; his being not only conscious unto , but enterposing his commands , as well as encouragements , for the burning of london ; his concurrence in all the parts of the popish plot , except that which the jesuits , with a few others , were involved in against himself ; his stifling that conspiracy , and delivering the roman catholicks from the dangers into which it had cast them ; his being the author of so many forged plots , which he caused to be charged upon protestants ; his constant confederacies with france , to the dissobliging his people , the betraying of europe , the neglect of the reformed in that kingdom , and the encouraging the design carried on against them for their extirpation ; his entailing the duke of york upon the nation , contrary to the desires and endeavours of three several parliaments , and that not out of love to his person , but affection to popery , which he knew that gentleman would introduce and establish : all these , besides many other things which might be named , were sufficient evidences of the late kings religion , and of the design he was ingaged in for the subversion of ours . so that it would fill a sober person with amazement , to think that after all this there should be so many sincere protestants and true englishmen , who not only believed the late king to be of the reformed religion , but with an insatiableness thirsted after the blood of those that durst otherwise represent him . and had it not been for his receiving absolution and extreme unction from a popish priest at his death , and for what he left in writing in the two papers found in his strong box , he would have still passed for a prince who had lived and died a cordial and zealous protestant , and whosoever had muttered any thing to the contrary , would have been branded for a villian and an execrable person . but with what a scent and odour must it recommend his memory to them , to consider his having not only lived and died in the communion of the church of rome , in contradiction to all his publick speeches , solemn declarations and highest asserverations to his people in parliament , but his participating from time to time of the sacrament , as administred in the church of england , while in the interim he had abjured our religion , stood reconciled to the church of rome , and had obliged himself by most sacred vows and was endeavouring by all the frauds and arts imaginable to subvert the established doctrine and worship , and set up heresie and idolatry in their room . and it must needs give them an abhorrent idea and character of popery , and a loathsom representation of those trusted with the conduct and guidance of the consciences of men in the roman communion , that they should not only dispence with , and indulge such crimes and villanies , but proclaim them sanctified and meritorious from the end which they are calculated for , and levelled at . and for his dear brother , and renowned successor , who now possesseth the throne , i suppose his most partial admirers , who took him for a prince , not only merciful in his temper , and imbued with all gracious inclinations to our laws , and the rights of the subject , but for one orthodox in his religion , and who would prove a zealous defender of the doctrine , worship , and discipline of the church as established by law ; are by this time both undeceived , and filled with resentments for his having abused their credulity , deceived their exspectations , and reproached all their gloryings and boastings of him . for as it would be now the greatest affront they could put upon the king , to question his being of the roman communion , or to detract from his zeal for the introduction of popery , notwithstanding his own antecedent protestations , as well as the many statutes in force for the preservation of the reformed religion ; so i must take the liberty to tell them , that his apostacy is not of so late a date , as the world is made commonly to believe . for though it was many years concealed , and the contrary pretended and dissembled ; yet it is most certain that he abjured the protestant religion , soon after the exilement of the royal family , and was reconciled to the romish church at st. germains in france . nor were several of the then suffering bishops and clergy ignorant of this , though they had neither the integrity nor courage to give the nation and church warning of it . and within these five years there was in the custody of a very worthy and honest gentleman , a letter written to the late bishop of d●●by a dr. of divinity , then attending upon the royal brothers , wherein the apostacy of the then ▪ duke of york to the sea of rome is particularly related , and an account given how much the duchess of tremoville ( who without being her self observed ) had heard the queen mother glorying of it , bewailed it as a dishonor to the royal family , and as that which might prove of pernicious consequence to the protestant interest . but tho the old queen privately rejoiced and triumphed in it , yet she knew too well what disadvantage it might be both to her son , and to the papal cause in great britain , to have it at that season communicated and divulged . thereupon it remained a secret for many years , and by vertue of a dispensation , he sometimes joyned in all ordinances with those of the protestant communion . but for allthe art , hypocrisie and sacrilege , by which it was endeavoured to be concealed , it might have been easily discerned , as manifesting it self in the whole course of his actions . and at last his own zeal , the importunity of the priests , and the cunning of the late king , prevailing over reasons of state , he withdrew from all acts of fellowship with the church of england . but neither that , nor his refusing the test enjoyned by law for distinguishing papists from protestants , tho thereupon he was forced both to resign his office of lord high admiral , and to stand excluded from the house of lords ; nor his declining the oath which the laws of scotland for the securing a protestant governor , enjoyn to be taken by the high commissioner ; nor yet so many parliaments having endeavoured to get him excluded from succession to the crown , upon the account of having revolted to the sea of rome , and thereby become dangerous to the established religion , could make impression upon a willfully deluded and obstinate sort of protestants , but in defiance of all means of conviction , they would persuade themselves , that he was still a zealot for our religion , and a grand patriot of the church of england . nor could any thing undeceive them , till upon his brothers death he had openly declared himself a roman catholick , and afterwards in the fumes and raptures of his victory over the late duke of monmouth , had discovered and proclaimed his intentions of overthrowing both our religion and our laws . yea , so closely had some sealed up their eyes against all beams of light , and hardened themselves against all evidences from reason and fact , that had it pleased the almighty god to have prospered the duke of monmouth's arms in the summer 85. the present king would have gone off the state , with the reputation among them of a prince tender of the laws of the kingdom , and who notwithstanding his own being a papist , would have preserved the reformed religion , and have maintained the church of england in all her grandeur and rights . and tho his whole life had been but one continued conspiracy against our civil liberties and privileges , he had left the throne with the character and under the esteem of a gentleman , that in the whole course of his government would have regulated himself by the rules of the constitution , and the statutes of the realm . now among all the methods fallen upon by the royal brothers , for the undermining and subverting our religion and laws , there is none that they have pursued with more ardor , and wherein they have been more succesful to the compassing of their designs , than in their dividing protestants , and alienating their affections , and imbittering their minds from and against one another . and had not this lain under their prospect , and the means of effecting it appeared easie , they might have been papists themselves , while in the mean time they had been dispensed with to protest and swear their being of the reformed religion , and they might have envied our liberties , and bewailed their restriction from arbitrary and despotical power ; but they never durst have entertained a thought of subverting the established religion , or of altering the civil government , nor would they ever have had the boldness to have attempted the introducing and erecting popery and tyranny in their room . and whosoever should have put them upon reducing the nation to the church of rome , or upon rendring the monarchy unlimited and iudependent on the law , would have been thought to have laid a snare for exposing the papists to greater severities , than they were obnoxious unto before , and to have projected the robbing the crown of the prerogatives which belong unto it by the rules of the constitution , and to which it was so lately restored . and the despair of succeeding , would have rendred the royal brothers deaf to all importunities from romish emissaries , and court minions . neither the promises and oaths which they had made and taken beyond sea to introduce popery , nor their ambition to advance themselves beyond the restraint of laws , and the controll of parliaments , would have prevailed upon them to have encountred the hazards and difficulties , which in case of the union of english protestants , must have attended and ensued upon attempts and endeavours of the one kind and of the other . or should their beloved popery , and their own be biggottedness in the romish superstition , have so far transported them beyond the bounds of wisdom and discretion , as to have appeared possessed with an intention of subverting the protestant religion , and of enslaving the nation to the superstition and idolatry of rome , they would have been made soon to understand . that the laws which make it treason to own the jurisdiction of the pope , or to seduce the meanest subject to the church of rome , were not enacted in vain , and that those as well as many more made for the security of the protestant religion , and to prevent the growth and introduction of popery , were not to be dallied and plaid withal . or should they have been so far infatuated and abandoned of all understanding , as out of a foolish and haughty affectation of being absolute , to have attempted the alteration of the civil government , they would have been immediately and unanimously told , that the people have the same right to their liberties , that the king hath to the prerogatives of the crown . and if they would not have been contented with what belongs unto the prince by the common and statute laws of the realm , but had invaded the priviledges reserved unto the subject : they would have been made to know , that they might not only be withstood in what they strove to usurp contrary to magna charta , petition of right , and other laws of the kingdom , but that thereby they forfeited , and might be disseized of what either appertained unto the crown by fundamental agreements , or hath been since settled upon the monarch by statute laws . nor could any thing have emboldned his late majesty and the present king , to enterprises of the one kind or the other , but the prospect of begetting a misunderstanding , jealousie , and rancour among protestants , and thereby both of making them instrumental to the ruin of one another , and contributary to the loss of english liberty and the reformed religion , which they equally value and esteem , and to the setting up popery and tyranny , which the one detesteth and abhorreth no less than the other . though all english protestants have ever been at an accord in all the essentials and vitals of religion , yet from the very beginning of the reformation , there have been differences among them concerning ecclesiastical government and discipline , and about forms , rites , and ceremonies of worship . and had they consulted either their duty to god , or the common interest of religion , they might have found ways either for removing the occasions of them , or they ought to have lived together as brethren , notwithstanding the differences which were among them in those things . but how much wiser are the children of this world , than those of the kingdom of god and of jesus christ. for though the differences amon the papists do far exceed ours , both in their number and in the importancy of those things wherein they disagree , yet they do mutually tolerate and bear with one another . the matters wherein they differ , are neither made the terms of their church communion , nor the grounds of mutual excommunications and persecutions . but alas ! one party among us hath been always endeavouring to cut or stretch others to their own size , and have made those things which themselves stile indifferent , both the qualifications for admission to the pastoral office , and the conditions of fellowship in the ordinances of the gospel . nor is it to be expressed , what advantages were hereby administred all along to the common enemy , and what sufferings peaceable and orthodox christians were exposed unto from their peevish and angry brethren . and tho these things , with the heats begotten among all , and the calamities undergone by one side , were not the cause of that funestous war betwixt charles the first , and the parliament , yet they were an occasion of diverting thousands from the side which the persecuting church men espoused , and of engaging them in the behalf of the two houses , in the quarrel which they begun and carried on against that prince , for defence of the civil liberties , privileges , and rights of the people . but some of the mitred clergy were so far from being made wise by their own and the nations sufferings , as upon their restoration to hearken to moderate counsels , and to decline their former rigors and severities , that they became the tools and instruments of the court , not only far reviving , but for heightning and enflaming all the differences , which had formerly been among english protestants . for the royal brothers finding nothing more adapted and subservient than this , to their design of altering the government , and subverting religion , they animated those waspish and impolitick ecclesiasticks , not only to pursue the restoration of all those things which had given rise and occasion to former dissentions and persecutions , but to lay new snares for alienating many persons of unspotted lives and tender consciences from the church , and of rendring them obnoxious to suffer in their names , persons , and estates . and what a satisfaction was it to the late king and his brother , to find the old episcopal clergy prepared through principles of revenge , as well as from love of domination , ambition , and covetousness to fall in with the design not only of increasing divisions among protestants , both by making the conditions of entring upon the pastoral function narrower and for screwing conformity with the church in her forms and ceremonies of worship , into tests for admission to magistracy and civil trusts , but of obtaining severer laws against dissenters , whereby the penalties to which they foresaw that people would become liable , were rendered greater than they had been before , and their sufferings made more merciless , inhuman and barbarous . for tho his late majesty had by a declaration dated at breda , promised indulgence to all protestants that would live peaceably under the civil government ; yet it was never in his thoughts to perform it , and the previous obligations which he was under to the church of rome , had a vertue to supercede and cancel his engagements to english hereticks . and all he intended by that declaration was only to wheedle and iull those into a tameness of admitting his return into his dominions , whom a jealousie of being afterwards persecuted for their consciences , might have awakened to withstand and dispute it . and to give him his due , he never judged himself longer bound to the observation of promises and oaths made to his people , than until without hazard to his person and government he could violate and break them . accordingly he was no sooner seated in the throne of his ancestors , and those whom he had been apprehensive of resistance and disturbance from , put out of capacity and condition of attempting any thing against him , but he thought himself discharged from every thing , that the royal word and faith of a prince had been pledged and laid to stake for in that declaration , and from that day forward acted in direct opposition to all the parts and branches of it . for having soon after his return obtained a parliament moulded and adapted both to his arbitrary and papish ends , he immediately set all his instruments at work for the procuring such laws to be enacted , as might divide and weaken protestants , and thereby make us not only the more easie a prey to the papists , but afford them an advantage through our scuffles , of undermining our religion with the less notice and observation . how such persons came to be chosen and to constitute the majority of the house of commons , who by their actings have made themselves infamous and execrable to all ages , were a matter too large to penetrate at present into the reasons of : but that which my theme conducts me to observe , is , that as they sacrificed the treasure of the nation to the profuseness and prodigality of the prince , and our rights and liberties to his ambition and arbitrary will , so they both reintroduced and established those things which have been a means of dividing us , and by many severe and repeated laws , they subjected a great number of industrious english men and true protestants , to excommunications , imprisonments , rigorous and multiplied fines , and all this for matters only relating to their consciences , and for their obedience to god in the ordinances of his worship and house . and notwithstanding the late kings often pretended compassions to the fanaticks , it will be hard to discern them , unless in effects which proceed from very different and opposite principles . the distance which hekept them from his person and favor ; the influencing these members of both houses that depended upon him , to be the authors and promoters of severities against them ; the enjoyning so often the judges and justices of peace to execute the laws upon them in their utmost rigor ; the instigating the bishops and ecclesiastical courts , if at any time they relented in their prosecutions , to pursue them with fresh citations and censures ; the arraigning them not only upon the statutes made intentionally against dissenters , but upon those that were originally and solely enacted against the papists ; these and other procedures of that nature are the only proofs and evidences which we can find , of the late kings bowels , pity , and tenderness to the fanaticks . and whereas the weak church-men were imposed upon to believe , that all the severity against the nonconformists , was the fruit of his zeal for the protestant religion , and for the security of the worship and discipline established by law ; they might have easily discovered , if passion , prejudice , wealth and honor , had not blinded them , that all this was calculated for ends perfectly destructive to the church , and inconsistent with the safety and happiness of all protestants . for as his seeking oftner than once to have wriggled himself into a power of superceding and dispensing with those laws , and suspending their execution , plainly shews that he never intended the support and preservation of the church by them ; so his non-execution of the laws against papists , his conniving at their encrease ; his persuading those nearest unto him to reconcile themselves to the sea of rome , as he did among others the late duke of monmouth ; his countenancing the roman catholicks in their open and intolerable insolencies , and his advancing them to the most gainful and important places and trusts , sufficiently declare that he never had any love to protestants , or care of the reformed religion ; but that all his designs were of a contrary tendency , and his fairest pretences for the protection and grandeur of the church of england adapted to other ends . thus the royal brothers having obtained such laws to be enacted whereby one party of protestants was armed with means of oppressing and persecuting all others , neither the necessity of their affairs at any time since , nor the application and interposure of several parliaments for removing the grounds of our differences and animosities by an indulgence to be past into a law , could prevail either upon his late majesty or the present king to forego the advantage they had gotten of keeping us in mutual enmity & thereby of ministring to their projection of supplanting our religion , & of reestablishing the faith , & worship of the church of rome . hereupon the last king not only refused to consent to such bills as diverse late parliaments had prepared for indulging dissenters , & of bringing them into an union of counsels , & conjunction of interest , with those of the church of england , for resisting the conspiracies of the papists against our legal government & established religion ; but he rejected an address for suspending the execution of the penal laws against fanaticks , which was offered & presented unto him by that very parliament which had framed & enacted those cruel & villanous laws . and as the royal brothers have made it their constant business to cherish a division & rancour among protestants , and to provoke one party to persecute & ruine an other , so nothing could more naturally fall in with the design of arbitrariness , or be more subservient to the betraying the nation to papal idolatry & jurisdiction . for severe penal laws against a considerable body of the people , do either expose them against whom they are enacted , to be destroyed by the prince with whom the executive power of the law is trusted and deposited , or they prove a temptation to such as are obnoxious , of resigning themselves in such a manner to the will and pleasure of the monarch , for the obtaining his connivency at their violation of the laws , as is unsafe and dangerous for the common liberty , and good of the kingdom . for in case the supream magistrate pursue an interest distinct from and destructive to that of his people , they who the law hath made liable to be oppressed , are brought under inducements of becoming so many partisans for abetting him in his designes , in hopes of being thereupon protected from the penal statutes , the execution whereof is committed to him . and as it is not agreeable to the wisdom & prudence which ought to be among men , nor to the mercy & compassion which should be among christians , for one party to surrender an other into the hands & power of the soveraign to be impoverished & ruined by him at his pleasure , especially when those whom they give up to be thus treated & entertained , are at agreement with them in all the essentials of religion , equally zealous as themselves for the liberties of their country , & who for sobriety in their lives , industry in their callings , & usefulness in the common-wealth , are inferior to none of their fellow subjects : so it is obvious to any who give themselves leave to think , that the king would long ere this have been stated in the absoluteness that is aspired after , & both church and state reduced to ly at the discretion of the monarch , provided the nonconformists , for procuring his favour in non-execution of the laws , had suffered themselves to be prevailed upon , and drawn over to stand by and assist him in his popish and despotical designs . but those people , tho hated and maligned by their brethren , rather than be found aiding the king in his usurpations over the kingdom , have chosen to undergoe the utmost calamities they could be made subject unto , either through the execution of those laws which had been made against them , or through our princes & their ministers wrecking their malice upon them in arbitrary and illegal methods . but what the royal brothers could not work the afflicted and persecuted side unto , they found the art to engage the other side in , tho not only excepted from all obnoxiousness to those laws , but strenthened & supported by them . for as soon as the court begun to despaire of prevailing upon the fanaticks , to become their tools & instruments of enslaving the nation , and of exalting the monarchy to despotical absoluteness , they applyed to some of the church of england , whom by gratifying with a vigorous execution of the laws upon dissenters , they brought to abett , applaud , and justify them , in all those counsels and ways which have reduced us into that miserable condition wherein we now are . the clergy being advanced to grandure and opulency , things which many of them are fonder of , and loather to forego , than religion and the rights of the nation , the court made it their business to possess them with a belief , that unless the fanaticks were suppressed and ruined , they could not enjoy with security their dignities and wealth . whereupon not only the lesser levites , but the superior clergy having their lesson and cue given them from whitehall and st james , fell upon pursuing the nonconformists with ecclesiastical punishments , and upon exciting and animating the civil officers against them . and under pretence of preserving and defending the church , they gave themselves over to an implicit serving of the court , and became not only advocates but instruments for the robbing of corporations of their charters , for imposing sheriffs upon the city of london who had not been legally elected , and of fining and punishing men arbitrarily for no crime , save the having asserted their own and the nations rights in modest and lawful ways . posterity will hardly believe that so many of the prelatical clergy , and so great a number of members of the church of england , should from an enmity unto , and pretended jealousie of the panaticks , have become tools under the late king for justifying the dissolution of so many parliaments , the invasion made upon their priviledges , the ridiculing and stifling of the popish plot , the shamming of forged conspiracies upon protestants , the condemning several to death for high treason who could be rendred guilty by the transgression of no known law , and finally for advancing a gentleman to the throne , who had been engaged in a conjuration against religion and the legal government , and whom three several parliaments would have therefore excluded from the right of succession . and being seduced into an espousal of the interests of the court against religion , parliaments , and the nation , it is doleful to consider what doctrines both from pulpit and press , were thereupon belched forth and divulged . such as monarchy's being a government by divine right ; that it is in the princes power to rule as he pleaseth ; that it is a grace and condescention in the king to give an account of what he does ; that for parliaments to direct or regulate the succession borders upon treason , and is an offence against the law of nature ; and that the only thing left to subjects in case the king will tyrannise over their consciences , persons & estates , is tamely to suffer , and as they absurdly express it , to exercise passive obedience . so that by corrupting the minds & consciences of men with those pestilent and slavish notions , they betrayed the nation both to the mischiefs which have already overtaken us , & to what further we are yet threatned with . nor did these doctrines tend meerly to the fettering & enfeebling the spirits of men , but they were a temptation to the royal brothers to put in execution what they had been so long contriving and travelling with , and were a kind of reprimanding them for being ignorant of their own right and power , and for not exerting it with that vigour and expedition which they might . i do acknowledge that there were many both of the sacred order , and of the laick communion of the church of england , who were far from being infected with those brutish sentiments and opinions , and who were as zealous as any for having the monarchy kept within its ancient limits ; parliaments maintained in their wonted reverence and authority ; the subjects preserved in the enjoyment of their immemorial priviledges ; and who were far from sacrificing our religion and laws to popery & arbitrariness , and from lulling us into a tameness and lethargy , in case the court should attempt the abolishing the established doctrin and worship , and the subverting and changing the civil government . but alas ! besides their being immediately branded with the name of conformable fanaticks , and registred in the kalender with those that stood precluded the kings favour & merited his animadversion ; their modesty was soon drownd and silenced in the loud noise of their clamorous brethren , and their retiredness from conversation , while the others , frequented all places of society and publick concourse , deprived the nation of the benefit of their example , and the happiness of their instructions . not have i mentioned the extravagancies of any of the ecclesiasticks and members of the church of england , with a design either of reproaching and upbraiding them , or of provoking and exasperating the fanaticks to resentments , but only to shew how fatal our divisions have been unto us , what excesses they have occasioned our being hurried and transported into , and what mischievous improvement our enemies have made of them to the supplanting and almost subverting of all that is valuable unto us as we are englishmen , christians , and protestants . and as our animosities through our divisions gave the court an advantage of suborning that party , which they pretended to befriend and uphold , into a ministration to all their counsels and projections against our religion and laws ; so by reason of the unnatural heats wherewith protestants have been enflamed and enraged against protestants , many weak , ungrounded , and unstable souls , have been tempted to question the truth of our religion , and to apostatise to the church of rome , and thereupon have become united in inclination , power , and endeavours with the court and our old enemies the papists , for the exstirpation of protestancy and the alteration of the government . as it hath been matter of offence and scandal to all men , so it hath been ground of stumbling and falling unto many , to see those who are professedly of the same religion , to be mutually embittered against one another , and so far transported with malice and rage , as to seek and pursue each others destruction . for such a carriage and behaviour are so contrary to the spirit an principles of christianity , and to the genius and temper of true religion , that it is no mervaile , if persons ignorant of the holy scriptures , and strangers to the converting and comforting vertue of the doctrine of the gospel asserted in our confessions , and insisted upon by our divines ; should suspect the orthodoxy of that religion which is accompanied with so bitter fruits , even in the dispensers of the word as well as in others , and betake themselves to the communion of that church , where how many and important soever their differences be one with an other , yet they do not break forth into those flames of excommunicating and persecuting each other ; that ours have done . how have some among us through having their spirits fretted and exasperated by the craft and cunning of our enemies , not only loaded and stigmatised their bretheren and fellow protestants with crimes and names , which were they true and deserved , would justly render us a loathing and an abomination to mankind , but have libelled and branded those whom god had honored to be instruments of the reformation , with appellations and characters fit to beget a detestation of their doctrine , as well as their memory . the worst that the papists have forged and vomited out against luther zwinglius , calvin &c. hath been raked up and repeated to the disparagment of the reformation , and to the scandalising the minds of weak men against it . and as the jesuites and priests have improved those slanders and calumnies to the seduction of diverse from the church of england , and to a working them over to a reconciliation with the church of rome ; so the court hath there by had an increase of their faction and party against our religion aud liberties , and have been inabled to muster troops of janisaries for their despotical and unlimited claim . nor have our divisions with the heats , animosities , revilings , & persecutions that have ensued thereupon , proved only an occasion of the seduction of several from our religion , and of their apostacy to popery , but they have been a main spring & force of the debauchery , irreligion and atheisme , which have overspread the nation , & have brought so many both to an indifferency and unconcernedness for the gospel and all that is vertuous and noble , and have disposed them to fall in with those that could countenance and protect them in their impiety and prophaneness , & feed their luxury and pride with honor and gain . what a woful scheme of religion have we afforded the world , and how shamefully have we painted forth and represented the holy doctrin of the blessed jesus , while we have not only lived in a direct opposition to all the commands of meekness , love and mutual forbearance , which our religion lays us under the authority off , but have neglected to practice good manners , to observe the rules of civility , to treat one another with common humanity & to do as we would be done unto . while we have been more offended at what seemed to supplant our dominations & grandures than at what dishonor'd god & reproached the gospel ; while we weighd not so much whether they whom we took into our sacred communion as well as into our personal friendship , were conformable in their lives to the scripture , as whether they comply'd with the canons of the church ; while we reprobated all that were not of our way , tho never so vertuous & devout , and sainted all that were , tho never so wicked & prophane ; while we branded such for fanaticks , whom we could justly charge with nothing , save the not admiting that into religion which came not from the divine author of it , & hugged those for good and orthodox believers , that would sooner consult the statute book for their practice in the worship of god , than the bible ; while we haled those to prison & spoiled them of their estates , to whom nothing could be objected except their being too precise and conscientious in avoiding that through fear & apprehension of sinning , which others had a liberty & latitude to do as judging it lawful , and in the mean time esteemed those worthy of the chiefest trusts in the church & commonwealth , whose folly & villanies made them unfit for civil societies ; while they who lived most agreeably to the laws of god , & the example of christ , were persecuted as enemies to religion and the pests of the kingdom , and in the interim too many of the very clergy were not only countenancers of the most profligate persons as their best friends , but joined and assisted in scandalous debaucheries , under pretence of sustaining the honor of their tribe , & doing service to the church . i say while these were unhappy but too obvious fruits of our divisions & of the bitter heats that accompanied them , how was the reverence for the sacred order lessened & diminished , the veneration for religion weakned and lost , the shame & dread of appearing profane & wicked removed and banished , & such who took the measures of chistianity from the practices of those that were stiled christians , rather than from the immaculate and holy scriptures , tempted to think all religion a juggle , & priesthood but an artifice & craft to compass honor & wealth . and tho nothing but a shortness of understanding , and an immoderate love to their lusts , could occasion the drawing such a conclusion from foregoing premisses , yet i must needs grant that there was too just ground administr'd to them of saying that many did not believe that themselves , the faith whereof they recommended to others . but that which i would more particularly observe , is , that it is from among those who by the foregoing occasion have been tempted to debauchery & irreligion , that the romish emissaries have made the harvest of proselytes & converts to the church of rome . for as they who fear not god , will be easily brought to imitate caesar , & such who are of no religion , will in subserviency to secular ends assume the mask and profession of any ; so popery is extreamly adapted to the wishes and desires of wicked and profane men , in that it provides for their living as enormously as they please here , & flatters them with hopes & assurances of blessedness hereafter . they who can be ascertained of going to heaven upon the confessing their sins to a priest , and their receiving absolution , the encharist and extreme unction , need not look after repentance toward god , conversion to holiness , nor a life , of faith , love , mortification , and obedience , which the protestant religion , upon the authority of the gospel obligeth them unto , in order to the obtaining of eternal happiness . and as the late apostates to popery in england , are chiefly such who were notorious for loosness , prophaness and immorality , and were the scandal of our religion while they professed it , and while in our church were not properly of it , so it from among men of this stamp & character that his late majesty and the present king have found persons assisting and subservient to their despotical and arbitrary designs . for whosoever takes a survey of the court faction , & considereth who have been the advocates for encroachments upon our liberties , and abetters of usurpation over our right , they will find them to have been principally the profligate and debauched among the nobility and gentry , the mercenary , ignorant & scandalous among the clergy , the offscouring and such as are an ignominy to humane nature among the yeomanry and pesants . and it was in order to this villanous end , that the royal brothers have endeavoured so industriously to debauch the nation , & have made sensuality & profaneness the qualifications for preferment , & the badges of loyalty . and if among those that appear for the preservation of the liberties of their country , there be any that deserve to be stiled enemies to religion and vertue , as i dare affirm that they owe their immoralities to court education , converse & example , so i hope that though they have not hitherto been all of them so happy as to have left their vices where they learned them , yet that they will not continue to disparage the good cause which they have espoused with an unsuitable life , nor give their adversaries reason to say , that while they pretend to seek the reformation of the state , they are both the deriders of sobriety & virtue , without which no constitution can long subsist , & guilty of such horrid oaths , cursing , imprecations , blasphemies and uncleanesses , which naturally as well as morally and meritously dispose nations to subversion and extirpation . finally being through the bitter effects which have ensued upon our divisions , made apprehensive & jealous one of another , it hath from there come to pass , that while the care of the conformists hath been to watch against the grouth of the dissenters , & the solicitude of the nonconformists hath been how to prevert the rage of the bigotted church men , the papists in the mean time without being headed or observ'd have both incredibly multiplied , & made considerable advances in their designs of ruining us . for whensoever the court was to take a signal step towards popery & arbitrary power , there was a clamor raised of some menacing boldness of the fanaticks . and if the nation grew at any time alarm'd , by reason of the favor shewn to roman catholicks , & of some visible progress made towards the kings becoming despotical , all was immediatly husht with a shout and cry of the government and churches being in eminent hazard from the dissenters . yea whensoever the papists & their royal patrens stood detected of having been conspiring against our religion & civil liberties , all was diverted & stiffled by putting the kingdom upon a false scent , and by hounding out their beagles upon the nonconformists . so that the eyes & minds of protestants being employed in reference to what was to be apprehended & feared from one anoother , the workings of our popish enemies either escaped our observation , or were heeded by most only with a superficial and unaffective glance . and while our church men stood prepossessed by the court with a dread and jealousie of the fanaticks , all that was said and written of a conspiracy carried on by the papists against our laws and religion , was entertained and represented by the prejudiced clergy , as an artifice only of the dissenters for compassing an indulgence from the parliament , which in case such a plot had obtained the belief that a matter of so great danger and consequence required , would have been easily granted , being the only rational expedient for the preservation of the established religion and the legal government . nor did our enemies question but that having enflamed our divisions and raised our animosities to so great a height , rather than the one party would lay aside their severities , and the other let fall their resentments , we would even be contented to lye at their mercy , and submit our selves to the pleasure and discretion of the court and papists . and there have not wanted some peevish , foolish , and ill men of both parties , who rather than sacrifice their spleen and passion , and abandon their particular quarrels for the interest and safety of the whole , would be inclined to expose the protestant religion and english liberties , to the hazards wherewith they are apparently threatned , and to suffer all extremities , meerly to have the satisfaction of seeing those whom they respectively hate , involved with them under the same miseries . but as this is such a degree of madness and infatuation , as can proceed from nothing but brutish rage , and argues no less than a divine nemesis ; so i hope they are but few that stand infected with these passionate sentiments and inclinations , and remain thus hardned in their mutual prejudices . and to those i have nothing to say , nor the least advice to administer , but shall leave them to their own follies , as persons to whose conviction no discourse tho never so rational can be adapted , and whom only stripes can work upon . 't is to such therefore as are capable of hearkning to reason , & who are ready to embrace any counsel that shall be found adjusted to the common interest , that i am to address what remains to be represented and said in the following leaves . for all parties of protestants having seen , how far our enemies have improved our divisions and rancours to the compassing their wicked and ambitious designs , and the robbing us of all , that good & generous men account valuable , they are at last convinced of the necessity we are reduced unto , of altering the measures of our acting towards one another , and both of laying aside our persecutions , and of exchanging our wranglings among our selves , into a joint contending for the faith of the gospel , & the rights of the nation . for what the gentleman now in the throne intends and aims at , is not any longer matter of meer suspicion & jealousie , but of demonstrable evidence & unquestionable certainty . his mask & vizor of zeal for the preservation of the church of england , and of tender regard for the laws of the land are laid by & put off , and his resolutions of governing arbitiarily , & of introducing popery , are become obvious to all men whom reason and sense have not forseken & left . the papists whom it was thought much a while ago to see connived at in the exercise of their worship in private houses , are allowed now to practice their idolatry openly in our chief towns , and in the metropolitan city of the neighboring kingdom to usurp the publick churches & cathedarals . those catholick gentlemen whom heretofore it was matter of surprise , to see countenanced with the private favor of the prince , are now advanced to the supream commands in the army , & the principal trust in civil affairs . the recusant lords whose enlargement out of the tower , we could not but look upon as an unpresidented violation both of laws of the land & of the rights & jurisdiction of parliament , being committed thither by the authority of the house of lords upon a charge & impeachment of high treason by the commons of england in parliament assembled , are now honored to be members of the privy council , and exalted to be chief ministers of state. they whom the statutes of the realm make subject to the severest penalties for apostacy to rome , are not only protected from the edge of the law , but maintained in parochial incumbencies & headships of colledges . our orthodox clergy are not only inhibited to preach against popery , but are illegally reprimanded , silenced , & suspended , for discharching that duty , which their consciences , offices , oaths , and the laws of the kingdom oblige them unto . and such whom neither the ecclesiastical nor westminster courts , can arraign & proceed against , we have a new court of inquisition erected for the adjudging & punishing of them . so that it is not the fanaticks who are the only persons to be stuck at and ruined , but the conformists are to be treated after the same manner , and to share in the common lot whereunto all honest & sincere protestants are destined & designed . even they who were the darlings of whitehall & st. iames's , & recompenced with honors and titles for betraying the rights and priviledges of corporations , persecuting dissenters , & heading addresses , wherein parliaments were reproached , the course of justice against popish offenders was slandered , the illegal & arbitrary procedures of the court applauded and justified , & all that were zealous for our laws and liberties stigmatised with the names of villains and traitors , are now themselves , for but discouraging popish assemblies & attempting to put the laws in execution against priests who had publickly celebrated mass , not only checkt and rebuked , but punished with seisure and imprisonment . nor are our religion and civil liberties meerly supplanted and undermined by illegal tricks glossed over with the varnish of judicial forms , but they are assaulted & battered in the face of the sun , without so much as a palliation to give their procedures a plausible figure . and the king being brought to a despair of managing the parliament to his bare-faced purposes of popery & arbitrariness , & of prevailing with them to establish tyranny & idolatry by law , notwithstanding their having been as industriously packt & chosen to answer such a design ▪ as art , bribery & authority could reach , & notwithstanding their having been obsequious in their first session to an excess that hath proved unsafe to themselves & the nation , he seems resolvd not to allow them to meet any more , but to set up a la mode de france , and to have his personal commands , seconded with the assent of his durante beueplacito judges to be acknowledged and obeyed for laws . so that they who were formerly seduced into a good opinion of him , are not only undeceived , but provoked to warm resentments for having had their credulity & easmess of belief so grosly abused . and as the converting so vast a number of well meaning but wofully deluded people , who had suffered themselves to be hoodwinked and fatally hurried to betray their religion , country , & posterity , to the ambition & popish bigottry of the court , was a design becoming the compassion , mercy and wisdom of god ; so the methods & means whereby they are come to be enlightned & proselyted , are a signal vindication of the sapience & righteousness of god in all these tremendous steps of his providence , by which our enemies have been emboldned to detect & discover themselves . for tho their continuing so long to have a good opinion of the present king , and their abetting him so far in the undermining our religion and invading our liberties , may seem to have proceeded not so much from their ignorance is from their obstinacy & malice ; yet god who penetrates into the hearts of men , may have discovered some degrees of sincerity in their pretensions & carriages tho accompanied with a great deal of folly & unmanliness . nor are the lords ways like to outs , to give persons over us unteachable and irreclaimable , upon their withstanding every measure of light , and the resisting even those means which were sufficient and proper for their conviction ; but he will try them by new and extraordinary methods , & see whether feeling & doleful experience may not convert those , upon whom arguments and moral evidence could make no impressions . and their being among those formerly missed and deluded protestants , many who retained a love for their country , a care for their posterity , and a zeal for the gospel and reformed religion , even when their actions imported the contrary , & seem'd to betray them ; the singling and weeding out such from among the court faction & party , is a compensation both for the defeatment of all endeavours for the prevention of the evils that have overtaken us , & for the distresses & calamities under which we do at present lye & groan . and if there be joy in heaven upon the conversion of a sinner , with that thankfulness to god , & joy in themselves , should they who have so many years wrestled against the encreachments of popery & arbitrariness , & who have deeply suffered in their names , persons and estates upon that account , welcome & embrace their once erring & misled but now enlightned , reclaimed and converted brethren . and instead of remembring or upbraiding them with the opposition and rancour ▪ which they expressed against our persons , principles , & ways , let there be no language heard from us , but what may declare the joy we have in our selves for their conversion , and the entire trust & confidence which we put in them . for tho as to many things which might have been hindred , had they not been lulled into deep delusions , they may seem born out of due time , yet there is season enough left both for giving obstruction to what we are farther threatned with , & for recovering out of the jaws of the enemy what he thinks he hath irretrievably swallowed and devoured . the first duty incumbent therefore upon dissenters towards those of the church of england , is to believe that notwithstanding there having been many of them so long advocates & partizans for the court through ignorance of what was aimed at & intended , they are nevertheless as really concerned as any others , and as truly zealous for the preservation of the protestant religion , & for maintaining the legal rights & liberties of the subject , & when occasion shall offer will approve themselves accordingly . 't is a ridiculous as well as a mischievous fancie , for one party to confine all religion only to themselves , or to circumscribe all the ancient english ardor for the common rights of the nation to such as are of their particular fellowship & persuasion , there being sincere christians , & true englishmen among those of all judgments , & societies of protestants , & among none more than those of the communion of the church of england . it were the height of wickedness as well as the most prodigious folly , to imagine that the conformists have abandoned all fidelity to god. & cast off all care of themselves and their country , upon a mistaken iudgment of being loyal & obedient to the king. they know as well as any , that the giving to cesar the things that are cesars , lays them under no obligation of surrendring unto him the things that are gods , nor of sacrificing unto the will of the soveraign the priviledges reserved unto the people by the fundamental rules of the constitution , ●●d by the statutes of the realm . and they understand as well as others , that the laws of the land are the only measures of the princes authority and of the subjects fealty , and where they give him no right to command , they lay them under no tye to obey . and tho here & there a dissenter have written against popery with good success , yet they have been mostly conformable divines who have triumphed over it in elaborate discourses , and who have beaten the romish scriblers off the stage . nor can it be thought that they who have so accurately related and vindicated the history , and asserted an desended the doctrine of the reformation , should either tamely relinquish , or be wanting in all due and legal ways to uphold and maintain it . and tho one or two fanaticks have with sufficient strength and applause brandished their pens against arbitrariness and in detecting the designs of the royal brothers , yet they who have generally and with greatest honor appeared for our laws and legal government against the invasions and usurpations of the court , have been theologues and gentlemen of the church of england . nor in case of further attempts for altering the constitution and enslaving the nation , will they shew themselves unworthy the having descended from ancestors , whose motto in the high places of the field was nolumus leges angliae mutari . they who have so often justified the arms of the united netherlands against their rightful princes the kings of spain , and so unanswerably vindicated their casting off obedience to those monarchs , when they had invaded their priviledges , and attempted to establish the inquisition over them , cannot be ignorant what their own right and duty is in behalf of the protestant religion and english libertles ; for the security whereof , we have not only so many laws , but the coronation oaths and stipulations of our kings . and those gentlemen of the church of england , who appeared so vigorously in three parliaments for excluding the duke of york , from the succession to the crown , by reason of a jealousie of what , through being a papist , he would attempt against our religion and priviledges , in case he were suffered to ascend the throne ; cannot be now to seek what becomes them towards him , tho actually regnant , having seen and felt what before they only apprehended and feared . for if the law that entalleth the succession upon the next of kin , and obligeth the subjects to admit and receive him , not only may but ought to be dispensed with , in case the heir , through having imbib'd principles which threaten the safety , and are inconsistent with the happiness of the people , hath made himself incapable to inherit ; we know by a short ratiocination how far we stand bound to a prince on the throne , who by transgressing against the laws of the constitution , hath abdicated himself from the government , and stands virtually deposed . for whosoever shall offer to rule arbitrarily , does immediately cease to be king de jure , seeing by the fundamental , common and stature laws of the realm , we know none for supream magistrate and governor , but a limited prince , and one who stands circumscribed and bounded in his power and prerogative . and should the dissenters entertain a belief that the conformists are less concerned and zealous than themselves for the protestant religion and laws of the kingdom , they would not only sin and offend against the rules of charity , but against the measures of justice , and daily evidences from matters of fact. for neither they not we owe our conversion to god , and our practical holiness to the opinions about discipline , forms of worship , and ceremonies , wherein we differ , but to the doctrines of faith and christian obedience , wherein we agree . 't is not their being for a liturgy , a surprize , or a bishop , that hath heretofore influenced them to subserve the court in designs tending to absoluteness , but they were seduced unto it upon motives whereof they are now ashamed , and the ridiculousness and folly of which they have at last discovered . nor is the multitude of profligate and scandalous persons with which the church of england is crowded , any just impeachment of the purity of her doctrine in the vitals and essentials of religion , or of the virtue and piety of many of her members . for as it is her being the only society established by law that attracts those vermin to her bosom , so it is her being restrained by law from debarring them , that keeps them there to her reproach , and to the grief of many of many of her ecclesiasticls . neither is it the fault of the church of england , that the agents and factors for popery and arbitrary power , have chosen to pass under the name of her sons ; but it proceeds partly from their malice , as hoping by that means to disgrace her with all true englishmen , as well as with dissenters , and partly from their craft , in order thereby the better to conceal their design , and to shrowd themselves from the censure and punishment , which had it not been for that mask ▪ they would have been exposed unto , and have undergone . and i dare affirm , that besides the obligations from religion , which the conformists are equa●ly under with dissenters , for hindering the introduction of popery , there are several inducements from interest , which sway them to prevent its establishment , wherein the fanaticks are but little concerned . for tho popery would be alike afflictive to the consciences of protestants of all perswasions , yet they are gentlemen and ministers of the church of england , whose livings , revenues , and estates are threatened in e●se it come to be established . nor wou'd the most loyal and obsequious levites , provided they resolve to continue protestants , be willing that their parsonages and incumbencies , to which they have no less right by law , than the king hath to the excise and customs , should be taken from them and bestowed upon romish priests , by an act of dispotical power , and of unlimited prerogative . and for the gentlemen , as i think sew of them would hold themselves obliged to part with their purses to high-way padders , t●ough such should have a patent from the king to rob whomsoever they encountred upon the read ; so there will not be many inclined to suffer their mannors and abbey-lands , to which they have so good a title , to be ravished from them either by monks or janizaries , tho authorized thereunto by the prince's commission . even they who had formerly suffered themselves to be seduced to prove in a manner betrayers of the rights and religion of their country , will now ( being undeceived ! not only in conjunction with others withstand the court in its prosecution of popish and arbitrary designs , but through a generous exasperation for having been deluded and abused , will judg themselves obliged in vindication of their actings before , to appear for the protestant religion and the laws of england , with a zeal equal to that wherewith they contributed to the undermining and supplanting of them . for they are not only become more sensible than they were of the mischiefs of absolute government so as for the future to prize and assert the priviledges reserved unto the people by the rules of the constitution , and chalkt out for them in the laws of the land ; but they have such a fresh view of popery both in its heresies , blasphemies , superstitions and idolatries , and in the treachery , sanguinariness , violence and cruelty , which the papal principles mould , influence , and oblige men unto , that they not only entertain the greatest abhorrency and detestation imaginable for it , but seem resolved not to cherish in their bosom , a thing so abominable to god , execrable to good men , and destructive to humane as well as to christian societies . nor are the dissenters merely to believe that the conformists are equally zealous as themselves for the reformed religion and english rights , but they are to consider them as thy only great and united body of protestants in the kingdom , with whom all other parties compared bear no considerable proportion . for tho the nonconformists considered abstractedly make a vast number of honest and useful people , yet being laid in the scale with those of the episcopal communion , they are but few and lie in a little room . and whosoever will take the pains to ballance the one against the other , even where the fanaticks make the greatest figure , and may justly boast of their multitude , they will soon be convinced that the number of the other doth far transcend and exceed them . and it be so in cities and corporations , where the greatest bulk of dissenters are , it is much more so in country parishes , where the latter bear not the proportion of one to a hundred . nor doth the church of england more exceed the other parties in her number , than she doth in the quality of her members . for whereas they who make up and constitute the separate societies , are chiefly persons of the middle rank and condition , the church of england doth in a manner vouch , and claim all the persons of honor , of the learned professions , and such as have valuable estates , for her communicants . and though the other sort are as necessary in the common-wealth , and contribute as much to its strength , prosperity , and happiness , yet they make not that figure in the government , nor stand in that capacity of having influence upon publick affairs : for not only the gentlemen of both the gowns , who by reason of their calling and learning are best able to defend our religion and vindicate our laws and privileges with their tongues and pens , but they whose estates , reputation , and interest , recommendeth them to be elected members of the great senate of the nation , as well as they who by reason of their honors and baronages are hereditary legislators , are generally , if not all , of the communion of the church of england : so that they who conform to the established worship and discipline , are to be look'd upon and acknowledged as the great bulwark of the protestant religion in england , and the hedge and fence of our civil liberties and rights . and though it be true that this great breach , made upon our religion and laws , is fallen out under their hand , while the poor dissenters had neither accession to , nor were in a condition to prevent it ; yet seeing their own consciences do sufficiently load and charge them for it with shame and ignominy , it were neither candid , nor at this juncture seasonable , to upbraid it to them , or improve it to their dishonor and reproach . for as they have tamely look'd on and connived till our religion and liberties are so far undermined and supplanted , so it is they alone who are in a condition of stemming the inundation of idolatry and tyranny with which we are threatned , and of repairing our breaches , and reducing the prerogative to its old channel , and making popery sneak and retreat into its holes and corners again . and should the church of england he overthrown and devoured , what an easie prey would the fanaticks be to the romish cormorants . and could the king , under the conduct of the iesuits , and with the assistance of his myrmidons , dissolve the established worship and discipline , they of the separation would be in no capacity to support the reformed religion , nor able to escape the common ruine and persecution . 't is therefore the interest as well as the duty of the dissenters , to help maintain and defend those walls , within the skreen and shelter whereof , their own hutts and cottages are built and stand ; and the rather , seeing the conformists are at last , tho to their own religion's and the nations expence , become so far enlightned , as to see a necessry of growing more amicable towards them , and if not to enlarge the terms of their communion , yet to grant an indulgence to all protestants that differ from them . and as we ought to admire the wisdom of god in those providences , by which protestants are taught to lay aside their animosities , and to let fall their persecutions of one another ; so it would be a contradiction both to the principles and repeated protestations of dissenters , to aim at more than such a liberty as is consistent with a national ecclesiastick establishment . yet it were to proclaim themselves both villains and hypocrites , not to allow their fellow protestants the exercise of their judgments , with what farther profits and emoluments the law will grant them , provided themselves may be discharged from all obnoxiousness to penalties and censures upon the account of their consciences , and be admitted a free and publick practice of their own respective modes of discipline , and be suffered to worship god in those ways which they think he hath required of and enjoyned them . and were england immediately to be rendered so happy as to have a protestant prince ascend the throne , and to enjoy a parliament duesy chosen , and acting with freedom , no one party of the reformed religion among us , must ever expect to be established and supported to the denyal of liberty to others , much less to be by law empowered to ruin and destroy them . should it please almighty god , through denying male issue to the king , to bring the princess of orange to the crown , tho the church of england may in that case justly expect the being preserved and upheld as the national establishment , yet all other protestants may very rationally promise themselves an indulgence , and that not only from the mildness and compassionate sweetness of her temper , but from the influence which the prince her husband will have upon her , who as he is descended from ancestors , whose glory it was to be the redeemers of their country from papal persecution and spanish tyranny , so his education , generosity , wisdom , and many heroick v●rtues , dispose him to embrace all protestants with an equal tenderness , and to erect his interest upon the being the head and patron of all that profess the reformed religion . had the late duke of monmouth been victorious against the forces of the present king , and inabled to have wrested the scepter our of his hand ; tho all protestants might thereupon have expected , and would certainly have enjoyed an equal freedom , without the lyableness of any party to penal laws for matters of religion , yet he would have been careful , and i have reason to believe that it was his purpose , to have had the church of england preserved and maintained , and that she should have suffered no alteration but what would have been to her strength and glory , through an enlargement of the terms of her communion , and what would have been to the praise of her moderation and charity , through her being perswaded to bear with such as differed from her in little things , and could not prevail with themselves to partake with her in all ordinances . upon the whole , it is both the prudence and safety of dissenters , as they would escape extirpation themselves , and have religion conveyed down to posterity , to unite their strength and endeavours to those of the church of england , for the upholding her against the assaults of popish enemies , who pursue her subversion . as matters are now circumstanced and stated in england , there is not an affront or injury offered or done unto her by the court , which do not at the same time reach and wound the fanaticks . 't is not her being for episcopacy cerimonies , and imposed set forms of worship , the things about which she and the nonconformists differ , that she is maligned and struck at by the man in power and his popish juncto ; but it is for being protestant , reformed , and orthodox , crimes under the guilt whereof dissenters are equally concerned and involved . being therefore in opposition to the common cause of religion , that the late court of inquisition is erected over her ecclesiasticks , all protestants ought jointly to resent the wrongs which she sustains , and not only to sympathise with those dignified and lower clergy , which are called to suffer , but to espouse their quarrel with the same warmth that we would our own . and as we are to look upon those of the episcopal communion , to be the great bulwark of the protestant religion and reformed interest in england ; so it is farther incumbent upon dissenters towards them , and a duty which they owe to god , the nation , and themselves , not to be accessary to any thing , through which the legal establishment of the church of england , may by any act of pretended regal prerogative be weakned and supplanted . i am not counselling the fanaticks to renounce their principles , nor to participate with the prelatical church in all ordinances on the terms to which they have straitned and narrowed their communion , for while they remain unsatisfied of the lawfulness of those terms and conditions , they cannot do it without offending god and contracting guilt upon their souls ; nor will they of the church of england in charity , justice , and honesty , expect it from them : for whatsoever any man believeth to be in , it is so to him , and will by god be impured as such , till he be otherwise englightned and convinced ; nor are the fanaticks to be falie and cruel to themselves , in order to be kind and friendly to them . but that which i would advice them unto , is that after the maintaining the highest measure of love to the consormable congregations as churches of christ , and the esteeming their members as christian protestant brethren , notwithstanding the several things wherein they judge them to err and to be mistaken , that they would not by any act and transaction of theirs , betray them into the despotical power of this popish king , nor directly nor indirectly acknowledge his being vested with an authority paramount unto , and superceding the laws , by which the church of england is established in its present form , order , and mode of jurisdiction , discipline , and external worship . whatsoever ease arriveth to the dissenters , through the king 's suspending the execution of the penal laws , without their address and application , they may receive it with joy and humility in themselves , and with thankfulness to god ; nor is there hereby any prejudice offered on their part to the authority of the law , or offence or injury given or done to the conformable clergy . nor is without grief and regret that the church-men are forced to behold the harassing , spoiling , and imprisonment of the nonconformists , while in the mean time the papists are suffered to assemble to the celebration of their idolatrous worship without censure and controul . and were it in their power to remedy it , and give relief to their protestant brethren , they would with delight and readiness embrace the occasion and opportunity of doing it . but alas ! instead of having an advantage put into their hand , of contributing to the relief of the fanaticks , which i dare say many of them ardently wish and desire , they are compelled , contrary to their inclination as well as their interest , to become instrumental in persecuting and oppressing them , nor does the king covet a better and a more legal advantage against the conformists , than that they would refuse to pursue dissenters , and decline molesting them with ecclesiastical censures and civil punishments : so that their condition is to be pitied and bewailed , in that they are hindred from acting against the papists , though both enjoined by law , and influenced thereunto by motives of self-preservation , as well as by ties of conscience ; while in the mean time they are forced to prosecute their fellow protestants , or else to be suspended and deposed , and put out of their offices and employs . and though i do believe , that they would at last have more peace in themselves , and be better accepted with god in the great day of their account , should they refuse to disturb and prosecute their protestant brethren , and scorn to be any longer court tools for weakning and undermining the reformed cause and interest ; yet i shall leave them to act in this as they shall be persuaded in themselves , and as they shall judge most agreeable to principles of wisdom and conscience . in the interim , the fanaticks have all the reason in the world to believe , that the proceedings of the clergy and members of the church of england at this season and juncture against them , are not the results of their election and choice , but the effects of moral compulsion and necessity . not will any dissenter that is prudent and discreet , blame them for a matter which they cannot help , but bear his misfortune and lot with patience in himself , and with compassion and charity towards them , and have his indignation raised only against the court , which forceth them to be instrumental in their oppression and trouble . and instead of being thereby provoked to petition the king to suspend the execution of the penal laws , or that he would by an act of his prerogative dispense with their meetings for religious worship in defiance of them ; they ought to consider that is what the court aims at , by commanding their conformable brethren to molest and pursue them . for a power paramount and transcendent to the law is what the king is usurping , and which he would fain work his subjects one way or another to acknowledge . the fanaticks cannot be so far void of sense , as to think that the person now in the throne bears them any good will , but his drift is to screw himself into a supremacy and absoluteness over the law , and to get such an authority confessed to be vested in him , as when he pleaseth he may subvert the established religion , and set up popery : for by the same power that he can dispense with the penal statutes against the nonconformists , he may also dispense with those against the roman catholicks : and whosoever owneth that he hath a right to do the first , doth in effect own that he hath a right to do the last ; for if he be allowed a power for the superceding some laws made in reference to matters of religion , he may challenge the like power for the superceding others of the same kind : and then by the same authority that he can suspend the laws against popery , he may also suspend those for protestancy : and by the same power that he can in defiance of law indulge the papists the exercise of their religion in houses , he may establish them in the publick celebration of their idolatry in churches and cathedrals . yea whereas the laws that relate to religion are enacted by no less authority than those that are made for the preservation of our civil rights , should the king be admitted to have an arbitrary power over the one , it is very like that by the logick of whitehall he will challenge the same absoluteness over the other . nor do i doubt but that the eleven iudges who have gratified him with a despoticalness over the former , will , when required , grant him the same over the latter . i know the dissenters are under no small temptations , both by reason of being hindred from enjoying the ordinances of the gospel , and because of many grievous calamities which they daily suffer for their nonconformity , of making applications to the king for some relief , by his suspending the execution of the laws ; but they must give me leave to add , that they ought not , for the obtaining of a little ease , to betray the kingdom , and sacrifice the legal constitution of the government to the lust and pleasure of a popish prince , whom nothing less will serve than being absolute and despotical . and were he once in the quiet possession of an authority to dispense with the penal laws , the fanaticks would not long enjoy the benefit of it . nor can they deny him a power of reviving the execution of the law , which is part of the trust deposited with him as supreme magistrate , who have granted him a power of suspending the laws , which the rules of the government preclude him from . and as he may , whensoever he pleaseth , cause the laws to which they are obnoxious , to be executed upon them , so by virtue of having an authority acknowledged in him of superceding the laws , he may deprive them of the liberty of meeting together to the number of five , a grace which the parliament thought fit to allow them , under all the other severities to which they were subjected . nor needs there any further evidence that the prince's challenging such a power is an usurpation , and that the subjects making any application by which it seems allowed to him , is a betraying of the ancient legal government of the kingdom ; than to consider that the most obsequious and servile parliament to the court that ever england knew , not only denied this prerogative to the late king , but made him renounce it by revoking his declaration of indulgence , which he had emitted anno 1672. and as it will be to the perpetual honor of the dissenters to have chosen rather to suffer the severities which the laws make them liable unto than by any act and transaction of theirs , to undermine and weaken either the church or the state ; so it will be a means both of endearing them to future parliaments , and of bringing them and the conformists into an union of counsels and endeavours against popery and tyranny , which is at this season a thing so indispensably necessary for their common preservation : especially when , though a new and more threatning alliance and confederacy with france than that in 72 , the king hath not only engaged to act by and observe the same measures towards protestants in england , which that monarch hath vouchsafed the world a pattern and copy of in his carriage towards those of the reformed religion in france ; but hath promised to disturb the peace and repose of his neighbors , and to commence a war in conjunction with that prince against foreign protestants . for as the kings giving liberty and protection to the algerines to frequent his havens , and sell the prizes which they take from the dutch , is both a most infamous action for a prince pretending to be a christian , and a direct violation of his alliance with the states general ; so nothing can be more evident , than that he thereby seeks to render them the weaker for him to assault , and that he is resolved ( if some unforeseen and extraordinary providence doth not interpose and prevent ) to declare war against them the next summer , in order whereunto great remises of mony are already ordered him from the french court. so that the indulgence which he pretends to be inclinable to afford the dissenters , is not an effect of kindness and good will , but an artifice whereby to oblige their assistance in destroying those abroad of the same religion with themselves . which if he can compass , it is easie to foresee what fate both the fanaticks and they of the communion of the church of england are to expect . who as they will not then know whither to retreat for shelter , so they will be destitute of comfort in themselves , and deprived of pity from others , not only for having through their divisions made themselves a prey to the papists at home , but for having been accessary to the ruine of a reformed state abroad , and which was the asilum and sanctuary of all those that were elsewhere oppressed and persecuted for religion . finis . a seasonable discourse shewing the necessity of maintaining the established religion, in opposition to popery lloyd, william, 1627-1717. 1673 approx. 63 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48829 wing l2693 estc r20499 12402798 ocm 12402798 61317 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48829) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61317) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 767:21) a seasonable discourse shewing the necessity of maintaining the established religion, in opposition to popery lloyd, william, 1627-1717. fell, john, 1625-1686. [2], 25 p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1673. includes bibliographical references. ascribed to william lloyd by wing and mcalpin coll.; ascribed also to dr. fell. cf. halkett and laing. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -england. catholic church -controversial literature. church and state -england. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2005-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a seasonable discourse shewing the necessity of maintaining the established religion , in opposition to popery . london : printed for henry brome , at the gun in s. paul's church-yard . m dc lxxiii . 1. his majesty having found it necessary for the good of his affairs by his declaration to grant a freedom to all sorts of dissenters from the church of england to exercise their religions , and to suspend the execution of all penal laws against them , none can doubt but that the papists against whom the penal laws were most sharp , are and will be watchful to improve it to their advantage , so much the more industriously setting themselves to seduce protestants , since they may now securely own and defend their perswasions , and even their priests openly act in all parts their function , which was before no less than capital in any of his majesties subjects . if the industry we expect from them meet not with a proportionable zeal in all true protestants , it will not be hard to conjecture the success of a vigorous and industrious attaque , and a faint and negligent defence . and therefore i think it cannot be unseasonable to offer a few motives to the stirring up the zeal , and awakening the prudence of all such protestants as fear god , and love the king , the church , or themselves , as well as to arm them with some arguments for their own confirmation in the grounds of protestancy , in opposition to popery . 2. the first consideration shall be that of duty to almighty god , who has made us members of a christian church , in which we may assuredly find salvation if we continue in it , and live according to its rules and precepts . this christian church our h. mother has no other rule of faith and practice than the holy a scripture , of which , when less was written than we have now in our hands , st. paul b said then , they were able to make men wise unto salvation . it receives for canonical scripture neither less nor more than those books c of whose authority there was never any doubt in the church , giving herein as much deference to universal tradition as any church in the world : much more than the roman does , who obtrudes her particula dictates and most notorious innovations for the fundamentals of the catholick faith. it professes the same faith and no more than what all christians have made the badge and symbole of their profession , namely that which is briefly compriz'd in the d apostles creed , explain'd in those others which is called the nicene and athanasian , and proved by the holy scriptures taken in that sense which is evident in the text to any indifferent judgment , and approved by the consent of the e universal church , the decrees of the first general councils and writings of the fathers . we are members of a church where are used the same f sacraments which christ expresly left in his church , and no other . we worship the only g god , as we are taught to believe in him , and no other . our administration of this worship and of these sacraments is in a h language understood by all those that are concerned in them , being performed with such i rites as are agreeable to the word of god , being for decency and order ; and we use them not as necessary in themselves , but in obedience to that authority which god has given to every particular church over its own members . k our discipline likewise is ●ccording to the scripture rule , and primitive patterns , as far as the looseness of this age will bear ; and if this has weakned the discipline of our church , we believe it has the same effect even in those of the roman communion , and had no less in the church of corinth in the apostles times . and for the l persons who are employed in the ministry of gods worship and sacraments , and in the feeding and governing of the flock of christ , they are lawfully called to their office and ministry , and are consecrated and ordained according to the scriptures , and canons of the universal church : and we shew the succession of our bishops to the apostles of christ , as fully as it can be shewn in any other church at this day . lastly , we are members of a church , which above all other constitutions in the christian world enforces the great duties of m obedience and submission to the magistrate , and teaches to be subject not only for wrath , but conscience sake . in all these respects our church holds a communion with all true churches of christ that are or have been in the world , and is together with them a true member of that holy catholic apostolic church which was from the beginning , and will be to the end . as we pass not severe censures on other churches , though exceedingly erroneous , and are for that charity unworthily repaid by the most criminal , that of rome : so are we excommunicated by none that we know of , but her ; the pope herein dealing with us as he does with all other christians in the n world namely , with most of the european churches , and all in other parts , except those few whom he has gained of late by his missionaries . the common cause for which we suffer is nothing else but the defence of the o faith which was once delivered to the saints , and of that liberty wherewith christ has made us free ; against those additional articles which he would intrude into the one . and that anti-christian yoke which he would impose on the other . the difference between our case and that of our fellow christians who suffer with us is only this ; that they are shut out from heaven as far as the popes censures can do it , for they know not what , many of them , even millions in the remoter parts having never so much as heard of him , or his pretensions , whereas we know them too well by woful experience . it is not much more than an hundred years since that our ancestors were under his tyranny , which as their fathers had insensibly drawn upon themselves , by their deference to the see of rome , from whence the saxons had partly p their conversion ; so they having endured it as long as they were able , after many fruitless endeavours to make it tolerable , at last with one q consent threw the yoke off their necks . our church being thus freed from the usurpations of rome by them who were deeply r immersed in the errors and corruptions of it , the best use they could make of their liberty was this , to restore the primitive purity of the christian faith and worship , which ignorance and interest had fatally depraved . indeed , 't was morally impossible that they should pass untainted thorough so many ages of darkness , when the popes given up to profligate s vice seem'd to drive on no other design but for wealth and dominion , when scarce any in their communion understood the originals of scripture : when those that governed were so jealous of it , that they would not suffer any t translation , but the latine which was overgrown the mean while ( as they now confess ) with many thousands of corruptions . 3. having considered the obligation we have to the religion we profess , it may be seasonable next to reflect on the religion to which we are invited . one that recals us to the idolatrous practice of the heathen world , to u pray unto our fellow creatures canonized to saints and heroes , to worship images , and fall down to the stock of a tree : nay , what in the confession of x coster the jesuite , and some others , in case transubstantiation be not made out , a more stupid idolatry than the worst of heathens were ever guilty of ; the worshipping the consecrated host. now that transubstantiation is not real , we have all the evidence that we are capable of , the testimony of our reason and our senses . the absurd and monstrous consequences of that doctrine will fill volumes , a great part of which are with great truth and justice drawn together by d r. brevint in his late tract entituled , the depth and mystery of the roman mass. we are invited to a religion that takes from us contrary to the express words of our saviours institution y half of the sacrament of the eucharist . to a church that revives the heathen persecution of taking away our z bibles , and would involve every lay-man in the guilt of being a * traditor , the nex step in the account of the primitive church to apostacy from the christian faith. we are invited to a church , that as it takes away the scriptures and half the communion , robs likewise of the benefit of the publick prayers , putting the offices in an unknown † tongue ; insomuch that when about thirteen years ago some of the prelates of the church of france had taken care to translate the liturgy and scripture into the vulgar tongue , pope a alexander the seventh damns the attempt , and under pain of excommunication commands all persons to bring in their books to be publicly burnt . we are tempted to a religion , which contrary to the command of trying all things , and holding fast that which is good , and paying to god a reasonable service , enjoyns an b implicite faith and blind obedience : to a religion that instead of the guidance of the word of god , sets up an c infallible judge and arbitrator of all doctrines , the pope of rome : which instead of the faith once delivered to the saints adds d new articles of faith , which instead of that one propitiation made by christ , and the condition thereof faith and repentance , sets remission of sins upon terms , and proposes that gift of god to be bought with money in the vile market of e indulgences ; for instance f sacriledge is valued at seven grosses , incest five , simony seven , perjury six , murder five , and so on in the tax of the apostolic chancery . we are invited to a church where we must be schismatics that we may be catholics , and adhere to the g roman in opposition to all other ; that is to the catholic church . 't were endless by retail to reckon up the errors and the guilts to which we are invited ; the fond ridiculous rites , the superstitious , burthensom and heathenish ceremonies , the exorcisms and conjurations , the blasphemies and forged miracles , cheats and pious frauds , the lies and stories stupid and impossible as amadis de gaul , the knight of the sun , or the seven champions , witness the golden legend , the lives of the saints , of st. francis , bruno , st. dominic and infinite others , or if we have a mind to a romance of our own , the long tale of a tub which h fath. serenus cressy has lately put out borrowed from father alford ; the improbable , that is , the greater miracles , as he tells us , being omitted because of the unbelief of the heretics ; and yet enow are left to weary the credulity of the most sanguine catholic : wherein also , as he tells us , we may see the faith of our forefathers , and truly we have great reason to thank him for the prospect , which gives us strong inducements in so unjust a competition , to retein our own . notwithstanding all that has been said , there is a sort of pacific writers , who represent the doctrines of the church of rome under a fairer light , and would have us believe they have a better meaning than is usually suggested . and god forbid that we should take things by the worst handle , or make that breach wider , whose closure we should endeavour to make up with a zeal equal to that of the gallant i roman , who threw himself on behalf of his countrey into the gaping gulf. indeed no price can be too great for peace , but only truth ; the which we may not part with for all the tempting charms of charity and love : and god knows , in the present case 't is evident , that the excuses which are fram'd in the romanists behalf are short and frivolous ; nor besides can any man be esteem'd a roman catholic by admitting the doctrines of that church in his own private or some more probable doctors , but in the public sense . and had these undertakers in the catholic cause power to dispense therein according to that candor which many of them make shew of , we might attend to what is said ; but we are well assur'd , that all these fair words can signifie nothing but are merely a bait and snare laid to draw in the easie proselyte : for when he 's reconcil'd and brought into the bosom of the church , these painted shews are presently washt off ; and all concessions immediately retracted ; the convert must then learn the colliers creed , believe as the church believes , and st. peter's key which threw the gate open to admit into the church , will shut the prisoner in : and the child which had a piece of money given him to keep him quiet , shall soon after have it call'd for back again , and be aw'd with the rod , if he repine or murmur . so that , 't will be a frivolous project to talk of a reconcilement with the church of rome , till she first conform herself to truth ; and a conviction , and much more a reformation must here be impossible , where the grossest errors are join'd with an assurance of being free from any ; may , a persuasion of being infallible . 4. the motive which deserves the next place is the safety of the king's person , and the prerogative of the crown , which hath no higher or more necessary appendent than his supremacy in his dominions in all causes ecclesiastical and secular , according to the powers invested in the k jewish kings under the law , and exercised by the first l christian emperours . 't is obviously known how destructive both to itself and the community is the partnership of regal power ; but this must be infinitely mischievous when shared by a foreiner , whose interests are necessarily contrary to those of our prince and nation , as the popes certainly are . but this mischief stays not within the aforesaid bounds ; for the pope is not content with a bare co-ordination , but demands the preference for his spiritual sword , and claims a power to depose kings and dispose of kingdoms . this we learn at large from m bellarmin , suarez , turrecremata , card. perron , thom. aquin. ledesma , malderius , to pass by innumerable others , all whose works were publisht by authority , and so own'd as consonant to the doctrines of the church , to which may be added the pope's definition , who makes it authentic law in these words , we say and define and pronounce that it is absolutely necessary to salvation for every human creature to be subject to the bishop of rome , and this law of pope n boniface the eighth's making he effectually commented on himself , of whom o platina says , that he made it his business to give and take away kingdoms , to expel men and restore them at his pleasure . all which , that it might want no sanction or authority to render it the doctrine of the church , is justified in the third and fourth p lateran council , the council of lions , the council of constance , all which call themselves general , and therefore speak the doctrine of the church . what has been done in this kind since the days of gregory vii . throughout europe would fill a large volume , in the bare narration , whoever has a mind to see those black annals need not consult protestant writers , but read baronius or platina , and there he will satisfie himself . behold at large the last and greater triumphs of the capitol : crowns and scepters and the necks of emperors and kings trampled upon in great self-denial by christ's humble vicar , their realms and countries taken from them and involv'd in blood by the lieutenant of the prince of peace : subjects discharg'd from their allegiance in the right of him , who himself disown'd the being a divider and a judge ; and in a word , the whole world made his kingdom , who pretends his interest deriv'd from our lord jesus , who disclaim'd the having a kingdom of this world. so that it was not said amiss by passavantius , that the devil made tender of all the kingdoms of the world and the glory of them to our lord christ , but he refused them ; afterwards he made the same offer to his viear the pope , and he presently accepted ; with the condition annext of falling down and worshipping . the english reader who desires to be satisfied in matter of fact may please to consul the q history of popish treasons and vsurpations not long since written by mr. foulis , to pass by others who have also dealt in that subject . at present i shall only add that although our neighbouring princes have difficulty enough given them by this universal monarch , who like his predecessors in heathen rome , makes it a piece of his prerogative to have kings his vassals , yet they often help themselves by some advantages which our sovereign is not allowed . the most christian king has his capitularies , pragmatic sanctions , concordats , and the priviledges of the gallican church , to plead upon occasion . and his catholic majesty as the eldest son of the church has several rights of primogeniture , especially in the kingdom of sicily . but the crown of england is not to be treated with such respect : it alas ever since the days of henry the second or at least king john is held in fee of the pope , and we are in hazard to be call'd unto account for the arrear of 1000 marks per an. payable ever since that time : and cardinal r allen has given it for good canon law , that without the approbation of the see apostolic none can be lawful king or queen of england by reason of the antient accord made between alexander the third in the year 1171. and henry the second then king , when he was absolv'd for the death of s. thomas of canterbury : that no man might lawfully take th●t crown , nor be accounted as king , till he were confirmed by the soveraign pastor of our souls which for the time should be ; this accord being afterwards renewed about the year 1210 by king. john , who confirmed the same by oath to pandulphus the popes legate at the special request and procurement of the lords and commons as a thing most necessary for the preservation of the realm from the unjust usurpation of tyrants , and avoiding other inconveniences which they had proved &c. but if this be but the single opinion of a probable doctor , we may have the same asserted by an infallible one , pope f innocent the iv , who before his colledge of cardinals , and therefore in likelihood è cathedra , declares , that the king of england was his vassal , nay , to speak truth , his slave . from hence it is that the succeeding popes have been so free on all occasions of turning out of doors these their tenants upon every displeasure and little pet . not to mention the old misadventures of richard the second , king john , &c. hence it was that t paul the third sent against king henry viii . in the year 1538 , his terrible thundring bull , as the author of the history of the council of trent calls it , such as never was used by his predecessors , nor imitated by his successors , in the punishments to the king were deprivation of his kingdom , and to his adherents of whatsoever they possest , commanding his subjects to deny him obedience , and strangers to have any commerce in that kingdom , and all to take arms against , and to persecute both himself and his followers , granting them their estates and goods for their prey , and their persons for their slaves . upon like terms u paul the fourth would not acknowledge queen elizabeth because the kingdom was a fee of the papacy , and it was audaciously done of her to assume it without his leave : and therefore x pius the fifth went on , and fairly deposed her by his bull , dated feb. 25. 1570. but because the stubborn woman would needs be queen for all this , pope y gregory xiii . let his bull loose again upon her , and having two hopeful bastards to provide for , to the one he gives the kingdom of england , to the other that of ireland nor was she unqueen'd enough by all this , but z sixtus quintus gives away her dominions once more to the king of spain : and after all when nothing of all this would thrive , * clement the viii . sends two breves for failing into england , one to the layty , the other to the clergy , commanding them not to admit any other but a catholic , though never so near in bloud to the succession ; in plain terms to exclude the family of our sovereign from the crown . in the year 1626 , † vrban the eighth forbids his beloved sons , the catholics of england , the pernicious and unlawful oath of allegiance . yet more , in the late unnatural rebellion in ireland the loyal catholics , as now they call themselves , submitted that unhappy kingdom to his aforesaid holmess pope a vrban , to pass by other offers no less treasonable : and after that , as we are credibly informed , pope innocent the x. bestowed it as a favour on his dear sister , and much dearer mistris donna olympia . and sure we have all reason in the world to believe that every thing of this will be done again when the old gentleman at rome is pleased to be angry next , has a mind to gratifie a neighbour prince , or wants a portion for a son , or a favour for a mistris . and as it is , the papists of england have but this one excuse for that mortal sin of obedience to their heretic prince ; b that they are not strong enough to carry a rebellion : and truly 't were great pity these men should be entrusted with more power , who give us so many warnings before hand how they are bound to use it . but to all this the roman catholics have one short reply , that they are the most loyal subjects of his majesty : and have signally approved their duty by their service and fidelity in the last war. to this i say in short , that as bad as popery is , i do not think it can eradicate in all its votaries their natural conscience ; no plague was ever so fatal as to leave no person uninfected that scapt its fury . the case is fully stated by king c james of famous memory , as on one part , many honest men , seduced with some errors of popery , may yet remain good and faithful subjects ; so on the other part , none of those that truly know and believe the whole grounds and school conclusions of their doctrines , can ever prove either good christians , or good subjects . to speak the plain truth , and what the insolent boasts of papists makes necessary to be told them ; whatever was done then , was no trial at all of loyalty . the late rebels found it necessary for the countenancing their cause to make a loud pretence against popery , and to have the benefit of spoiling them : so that the roman catholics did not so much give assistance to the king , as receive protection from him . when they shall have adher'd to their prince in spight of the commands of their holy father the pope , and defended their sovereign and his rights , when it was not their interest to do it , they will have somewhat worth the boasting ; as the case now stands , they had better hold their peace , and remember that the sons of another church served their king as faithfully as they , though they talk less of it . but since they will needs have the world know what good subjects they have been , let them take this short account from the answer to the d apology for the papists , printed an. 1667. in ireland there were whole armies of irish and english that fought against his majesty solely upon the account of your religion . in england it is true some came in voluntarily to assist him , but many more of you were hunted into his garrisons by them that knew you would bring him little help , and much hatred . and of those that fought for him as long as his fortune stood , when that once declined , a great part even of them fell from him . and from that time forward you that were always all deem'd cavaliers where were you ? in all those weak efforts of gasping loyalty what did you ? you complied , and flattered , and gave suggared words to the rebels then , as you do to the royallists now ; you addressed your petitions to the supreme authority of this nation the parliament of the common-wealth of england . you affirmed that you had generally taken , and punctually kept the engagement . you promised , that if you might but enjoy your religion , you would be the most quiet and useful subjects of england . you prov'd it in these words : the papists of england would be bound by their own interest , the strongest obligation amongst wise men , to live peaceably and thankfully in the private exercise of their conscience , and becoming gainers by such compassions , they could not so reasonably be distrusted as the prelatic party which were loosers . if this be not enough to evidence the singular loyalty of papists in the late war , they may hear a great deal more of their vertue celebrated from their petitions and public writings in my e lord orrerys answer to peter welsh his letter and because in those writings they are so ready to throw the first stone against the late regicides , they would do well to clear themselves from the guilt of that sacred bloud which is charged home upon them by the answerer of f philanax anglicus , who has not yet been controuled for that accusation . 5. to this barbarous insolence of excommunicating and deposing kings may succeed the usual consequent of that , but greater prodigy of tyranny , the putting whole nations under interdict , and depriving them of all the offices and comforts of religion , and that generally without any other provocation , than that the prince has insisted on his just rights , or the people performed their necessary duty . history is full of instances hereof . within the compass of one age , i mean the eleventh g century , almost all the nations of europe fell under this discipline , france , england , scotland , spain , and germany ; and some of them several times over ; and so it has gone down in following ages . the nature of the punishment we may learn from h matthew paris , who describing the interdict in the days of king john , which lasted amongst us for six years , three months , and fourteen days . there ceased throughout england all ecclesiastical rites , absolution and the eucharist to persons in their last agonies , the baptizing of infants only excepted : also the bodies of the dead were drag'd out of cities and villages , and buried like the carkasses of dogs in the high-ways and ditches without any prayers or the sacerdotal ministry . one would imagine that he who pretends to hold his empire from the charter of pasce oves , the feeding of christs sheep would find himself concerned not to destroy and starve them , or withhold from them their spiritual food for almost seven years together ; an unusual prescript for abstinence in order unto health . but we may not wonder at all this ; for i pasce oves with a roman comment means all coercion and dominion ; and they who take away the scriptures and half the communion from the layty are not to be controul'd , if they also withhold the other offices of piety . 6. a farther consideration may be the laws of the land , which in case of popery must be content to truckle under the canon law , and occasional bulls of his holiness , or legantine commissions , the proceedings of the courts in westminster veiling to prohibitions and appeals to rome , against which a premunire will be a weak fence in bar to the plenitude of the apostolic power ; and to murmur of dispute any thing will be especially to new converts , interpreted heresie , a word of so sharp an importance , as not to need a comment . there is a tradition that heretofore the gentlemen of the long robe were in that mean estate as to ply at westminster hall gate as now watermen do at the stairs for a fare , let the practitioners in that noble profession consider whether some such thing would not in earnest be the consequent of popery . and the rest of the people of england would do well to think whether they are fitted for a journey to rome , as often as they shall be called thither : i do not mean the divertisement of travel , or devotion of pilgrimage , but the compulsion of citations from that court , where the attendance and expence is not likely to be less than formerly it was , when it occasioned the groans and sad complaints of our fore-fathers ; which though they have escaped , our experimental knowledge sufficiently appear in all our k histories . or should the english law have some quarter given it , and be allowed a little chamber practise , this must be only in reference to the layty . all l ecclesiastics are under a more perfect dispensation , and only accountable to the apostolic see either for their actions or concerns , the benefits of which though the secular priests share in some proportion , the regulars much more liberally enjoy , being owned by the pope m as his souldiers and praetorian bands , listed under the generals of their several orders , maintained indeed at the cost of the countries where they live , but for the service of their soveraign abroad , to whom they owe an entire and blind obedience : and that they may give no hostages to the state where they recide , are forbid to marry . so that if popery should prevail , we must , besides all charges necessary to secure our selves from forreign enemies both by land and sea , constantly maintain a vast army of possibly an hundred thousand men , for such were the old numbers , to assure our slavery to the roman yoke . nor are these priviledges of the church only personal , the places themselves which these religious men possess are hallowed into sanctuaries , and give protection unto any criminal that treads within their thresholds , the most horrid murder or barbarous villany is to have the benefit of the clergy , and if the malefactor have but time to step into a cloyster , he fears no farther prosecution . 7. but besides the inconvenience of submitting to a forrein law , that certain mark of slavery , and the intolerable burthens that attend its execution , it will be of moment to advise how well our property and interest in our estates will stand secur'd : and though when princes are upon their good behaviour , to be disseized of their dominions , whenever they offend his holiness of rome , the pesant or the gentleman have no great reason to expect indemnity : yet should the farm or mannor house be too low a mark for the roman thunderer to level at , 't is not to be imagined the lord abbots and the lands of all religious houses will be past by as trifles . the church is ever a minor , and cannot be prescribed against by time , or barred in her claims , and our holy father out of his paternal care will find himself concern'd to vindicate the orphan committed to his trust . some perchance who enjoy those lands think they need not apprehend any thing , because they hold under acts of parliament : but they who imagine this should consider , that the same strength that can repeal those laws that establish protestancy , may also do as much for those which suppress religious houses : and no body can tell what the force and swing of a violent turn , especicially in england , may produce , where we seldom proceed with coldness or reserve . acts of resumption are not things unheard of in ours , or in forrein stories . nor is the consent of the pope in queen n maries days a better security ; for in case of a change of religion all those grants will be interpreted a bare permission , and that conditional in order to the great end of reclaiming an heretical kingdom , which not being then accepted of , and finally submitted to , will not be thought obligatory when papists by their own skill or interest have gotten the power into their hands . king charles the first yeilded at the isle of o wight that the church lands should be leased out for 99 years , in order to a present peace and settlement of all things , through the interposition of a powerful and violent faction it was not then accepted of : does any may think the obligation of leasing for 99 years remains now ? let our lay-abbots apply this to their case , and then judge whether they upon a revolution will be more secure of their possessions than the late purchassers were ; or whether those purchassers were not as confident of transmitting their acquisitions to their posterity as any possessor of church lands now is or has been . the king of france , not long since has redeemed back to the crown those demesnes which belong'd to it , paying back such sums as were really laid out by the purchasers ; and allowing the mean profits as interest for the money so laid out : which method of procedure has been defended by very considerable arguments to be just and equitable . if the money expended on the church penniworths at the dissolution of religious houses were now refunded , and the advantage of above 100 years profit already received were thrown into the bargain , though the present proprietaries would have an ill exchange , yet there would be so much plausibleness in the grounds of it , as in the zeal and heat of a turn would not be easily controul'd : especially if it be farther prest , that the first claim from the acts of parliament suppressing church lands appear to be not full and peremptory , the lands of the first suppression in the 27 year of henry 8. not seeming to intend an alienation to common and secular uses , but to have been vested in the king in trust , that the revenues might be employed p to the pleasure of almighty god , and to the honour and profit of this realm . as to the second in 31 year of henry 8. the act supposes , and is built upon the alienations legally made by the respective religious houses and corporations , who are said q of their own voluntary minds , good wills and assents without constraint , co-action , or compulsion of any manner of person or persons by the due order and course of the common laws of this realm of england , and by their sufficient writings of record under their covent and common seals , &c. now to the verefying of these particulars a great many doubtful circumstances and nice points of law are easily drawn in as requisite , the suggesting whereof in the forementioned cases however slight and frivolous they may be , no body can tell what force they will have when dilated on by a roman catholic advocate , and interpreted by an infallible legislator . that all this is not an idle dream , suggested to make popery odious will be manifest to anyone who will take pains to read what a french marquess of that religion has lately written on this very subject , who having represented us as a r people without friends , without faith , without religion , without probity , without any justice , mistrustful , inconstant to the utmost extremity , cruel , impatient , gurmandizers , proud , audacious , covetous , fit only for handy-strokes and ready execution ; but incapable of managing a war with discretion . after this friendly character he proceeds to shew by what ways and methods we are to be destroyed , which are first to put us to the expences of a war , and by raising of forces create a jealousie between the king and his people . then to amuse us with fears of invasion . thirdly , to stir up the several parties among us , and to favour one sect against another , especially the catholics , promising secretly to the benedictines as from the king of england , which they will easily believe , that they shall be restored to all that they formerly possest according to the monasticon lately printed there : whereupon , says this worthy author , the monks will move heaven and earth , and the catholics will declare themselves . it will not be material to transcribe the whole design laid down for our destruction by this bold writer , which with all other machinations , the providence of god , and the prudence of his sacred majesty will we hope frustrate . this is enough to shew that there are persons in the world , who can yet nourish hopes of destroying the nation , and repossessing the lands of the church ; and in printed books make a publick profession of them . but if one general act of resumption should not disseize at one stroke all the lay possessor● of church lands , 't is plain that in case of popery by retail they will be all drawn in , for what papist in his last agonies will obtain absolution without satisfaction first made to holy church , for the goods sacrilegiously detained ? or how will he escape the lying in purgatory at least ▪ and frying there for several thousands of years , who instead of having benifit from the indulgencies of the church , is solemnly s cursed and anathematized with the worst of heretics in the bulla caenae , as also the declaration of the council of trent , upon the score of being robbers of the church ? 't is not to be hoped they should have any benefit from the treasure of the church , who have enrich'd themselves with that real and material treasure belonging to her , which is the only price that buys the other . indeed , they who without the plea of a precedent right in few centuries gain'd to themselves a fifth part of the whole kingdom , will not doubt in a much shorter time , having the forementioned pretences to recover it again , even the six hundred forty five abbeys , whereof twenty seven had their abbots peers of england : the ninety colledges , two thousand three hundred seventy four chanteries and free chappels , and one hundred and ten hospitals , t which ( besides the lesser dissolutions of templars , hospitalers , friers alien , and others that preceded ) fell together under the hands of king henry viii . 8. it would be farther weigh'd in reference to the wealth and flourishing of the kingdom , and what is necessarily required thereto , the preservation of trade , and the value of lands and rents that the more popery grows , the more will idleness increase , the more abbey-lubbers , that is , persons exempted from contributing in any kind to the uses of a state either in war or peace , and yet maintain'd as drones on others sweat and labours . the more it encreases , the more will caelibate or single life prevail ; the more daughters will be sent to nunneries abroad , till they can be fix'd at home , the more men will turn priests and friers , and so less people in the nation which already has too few . and that the numbers in those societies may be sure to be full , it is a known and customary practice to entice and spirit away children from their parents into their covents , from whence they cannot be withdrawn without sacriledge . of this abuse complaint was made long ago in behalf of the english nation , to the pope by u rich. fitz-ralph , called armachanus , anno 1360 , though without redress . lay men , says he , refrain from sending their sons to the vniversities fearing to have them taken away from them , chusing rather to keep their sons at home , and breed them to husbandry , than to lose them by sending them to the schools : in my time there were thirty thousand students in oxford , and now there are not six thousand , and the great cause of this decrease in numbers is the aforesaid circumventing of youth . to this accusation x william widford , a begging frier , makes answer in his apology for his order , by undertaking to prove , that it is very lawful to entice children into their covents without their parents consent . since the reformation , what arts have been used to people the seminaries abroad , is a thing too notorious to need an account , if any desire satisfaction therein , he may have it from mr. wadworths english spanish pilgrim . by this engaging of the youth in monasteries and nunneries there will be as many more idle hands , so by the more holy-days which will be kept there will be the less work done ; consequently what is done will be so much the dearer , an ill expedient for promoting of trade , for four days work must perhaps maintain a man and his family seven . the more popery encreases , the less flesh will be eaten , a third part of the year being one way or other fasting days , besides particular penances , as good an expedient for rents , as the former was for trade . to salve this , i expect the papists should tell us , that great numbers of forreiners of that religion will come and live among us , and supply by their numbers the other inconveniences : but the english artificers and merchants are already sensible of the mischiefs which those interloping strangers which are here already do among us , and desire no new colonies : besides , 't is obvious to any common understanding , that if the admission of popery bring in forreigners , the discouragement of protestancy will in greater and more disadvantageous proportions drive out natives : and though it be not certain who will gain by the change ; 't is manifest that the true english interest will be a loser by it . 9. but to proceed , popery will bring in to private persons a vast expence in masses , diriges , mortuaries , penances , commutations , pilgrimages , indulgences , tenths , first fruits , appeals , investitures , palls , peter-pence , provisions , exemptions , collations , devolutions , revocations , unions , commendams , tolerations , pardons , jubilees , &c. paid to priests , the pope and his officers ; which upon computation amounted to three millions per annum , a great part thereof carried out of the kingdom in a time when the indies had not fill'd it with gold and silver . the tyranny was so intolerable , that the whole nation protested against it in their letter to the council of y lyons , anno 1245. wherein among other things they declare that the italians received hence yearly above sixty thousand marks , besides all other payments to the see of rome , and carried out of the kingdom a greater revenue than had the king , who was tutor to the church ; and was to support the charge of the state. which complaint yet had no other answer than delays , and a severe example to terrifie them , immediately made upon the emperour frederick the second , against whom his holiness innocent the iv , then pope , to use the words of the acts of the council , z pronounced and thundred out the sentence of excommunication , not without the horrour and amazement of all hearers and by-standers . only the annats or first fruits of bishopricks as they were computed in * parliament , anno 1532. in a few years came to an hundred sixty thousand pound sterling ; it would be endless to audit the whole account . as england was by the popes stiled an † inexhaustible pit , so was there no bounds set to the industry of them who attempted to drain it . after a sad complaint of the rapine , avarice , and tyranny of the pope and his officers among us , a matthew paris breaks out into these words , we might there see heart-breaking grief , the cheeks of pious persons drown'd in tears , the doleful moan that they made , and the sighs which they multiplied , saying with bleeding groans , it were better for us to die , than behold the calamity of our country and pious people of it . woe to england , who heretofore was princess of provinces , and ruler of nations , the mirrour of excellence , and pattern of piety , is now become tributary , vile persons have trampled upon her , and she is a prey to the ignoble : but our manifold sins have procured these judgments from god , who in his anger for the iniquity of his people has made a hypocrite and tyrant to rule over them . if almighty god should for the like provocations put us again under the same egyptian task-masters , we need not doubt of the self-same usage . but now , for all this expence , 't is pleasant to examine what is to come back to us in exchange ; even parchments full of benedictions and indulgences , store of leaden seals , beads , and tickets ; medals , agnus-dei's , rosaries , hallowed grains , and wax-candles , such traffic that an indian would scarce barter for ; such pitiful gauds , that would hardly bribe a child of a year old ; and yet this is the goodly price they offer for all the wealth of a whole nation . 10. after this tyranny over our estates in the particulars rehearsed , there is a very remarkable one behind , which will well deserve to be considered : it is b auricular confession , where not to mention its ill aspect upon government , as being made an engine of state , and picklock of the cabinets of princes , sealing up all things from the notice of the magistrate ; but making liberal discoveries against him ; hereby not only the estate , but soul and conscience of every private man are subjected to the avarice and rapine , and withal the humour and caprice , the insolence and pride , nay , lust and villany of a debauched confessor ; every mortal sin upon pain of damnation must be confessed , and when the penitent after great anxieties has freed himself from this disquiet , he must submit to the penance , however rigorous , or chargeable , or foolish , which the priest enjoyns ; he and his family are entirely in the power of this master of their secrets . and if this awe and empire however grievous , were the whole inconvenience 'twere something tolerable , it being to be hoped , that so severe a remedy would affright from guilt ; but the very contrary happens , vices of the foulest kinds are hereby procured to : the priest takes often benefit of the sin which he absolves from , and having the advantage of these two points , that the person whose confession he has taken has lost modesty , and that he can absolve from the crime , it will be easie to perswade the repetition of that sin , which his breath can easily blow away and render none . i shall not here mention on the other part the perfunctory penances , which seem only imposed to invite to sin again , and those authorized by a most authentic pattern , that of the popes themselves , for what markets may we not expect from a poor priest , when his holiness in his c tax of the apostolick chancery has valued the most horrid crimes at so easie rates as a few grosses , or a julio , and eighteen pence or half a crown compounds for the foulest most abominable guilt . nay , when a visit to a privileg'd shrine or altar , and the bare recital of a short prayer purchases pardon for 100 , 500 , 546 , 6646 days . nay , for 7500 , 10000 , 1000000 years according to the grants of several popes , to be seen for our great comfort and edification in the d horae b. virginis . so that the story of that plump confessor , who for six acts of adultery is said to have enjoyn'd the repetition of six poenitential psalms , and when 't was told him that there were seven of them advised the votary to commit ▪ adultery once more , and repeat the whole number , may seem a very severe act of discipline , and besides a full attonement for past sins supererogation for future ones . so that vice being brought to this easie rate , besides all other misadventures , unless we will stand for the honour of being cuckolds , and have our posterity share the title which is proverbial in popish countrys , to be fils de prestre ; it will concern us to look about us , while 't is time , and prevent these vile dishonours which are preparing for us . if it shall be said , that 't is not imaginable men should pervert so sacred an action , as the receiving of confessions to those purposes of villany that are suggested . i answer first , that we may without breach of charity suppose that thing possibly to be done , which is notoriously known to have been done : as also , that the horrour of the crime is competently allayed by their doctrine , who think only marriage , and not e fornication inconsistent with the dignity of a clergy-man . and therefore the nephews of great clergy-men and popes have in all ages been own'd and preferred , and moreover , f fornication has been allowed to priests and friers in compensation for their restraint from marriage , three or four whores as part of their spiritual preferment . i say , all this being put together , there will be little hopes to preserve honour in families , where so many circumstances concur together to betray it . 11. after all this there still remains a farther reason why we should resist the growth of popery , even the most pressing that can be urged , self-preservation , to avoid imprisonment and inquisition , fire and fagot , massacres , racks , and gibbets , the known methods by which the romanists support their cause , and propagate their faith. should that sect prevail , the nonconformist shall no longer complain of a bartholomew-day , the parisian vespers , which bore that date , will be resumed again , and silence all complaints of them or us : and as his holiness thought fit to celebrate that barbarous villany , calling together , as g thuanus tells us , his cardinals solemnly to give thanks to almighty god for so great a blessing conferred upon the roman see , and the christian world ; nay , a jubilee was to be proclaimed through the christian world , whereof the cause was expressed to give thanks to god for destroying in france the enemies of the truth and of the church ; there may be found on this side the sea men who will imitate the princes of the holy league , who upon such encouragements from the see of rome , and for the greater glory of god , will be ready to consecrate their hands in a massacre here with us . it is vulgarly known what was done to the poor albigenses and waldenses : how many hundred thousand of lives the planting of the roman gospel in the indies cost : what cruelties were practised in the low-countries by the duke d'alva , what bloud in this island in the days of queen mary , what designed to be shed in the powder treason , and that by the privity and direction of the pope himself as h delrio informs us in spight of all the palliations that are now suggested : who withal adds , that his holiness clement 8. by his bull a little before that time gave order that no priest should discover anything that came to his knowledge in confession to the benefit of the secular government : it seeming safer to these good men to break all the obligations of duty and allegiance , though bound by oaths , than violate the seal of confession , or put a stop to that meritorious work at one moment to destroy their soveraign , with all his royal family , his whole nobility and senate , and subvert the government of their native country . but we need not seek for instances without our own memories , the carriage of the i irish rebellion , where the papists in a few months cut the throats of about two hundred thousand innocent protestants of all sexes and ages , cannot be yet forgotten . which act was so meritorious as to deserve from his holiness a most plenary indulgence for all that were concerned in it , k even absolution from excommunication , suspension , and all other ecclesiastical sentences and censures by whomsoever , or what cause soever pronounced or inflicted upon them , as also from all sins , trespasses , transgressions , crimes , and delinquences , how hainous and atrocious soever they be , &c. nor let any man be so fond to hope for better terms , or liberty of conscience , if popery should now prevail . let us look into the world , and we shall see on all hands , that nothing is any where suffered to grow either under or near that sect. where protestantism has been so strongly fix'd as not to be batter'd down at once , it has by degrees been perpetually undermin'd : witness the proceedings against them in poland and hungary and several parts of germany , the late persecutions in the vallies of piedmont , and the methods used in france to demolish their temples , and disable from employments , and almost exclude them from common trades . i need not enquire what is now done in vtrecht and other acquisitions of the french upon the hollander ; this we are sure of ; whatever articles are , or can be made of favour and compliance , 't is somewhat more than a probable l doctrine , that faith is not to be kept with heretics . the jesuited romanist is at large by equivocations to say any thing , and by directing of intention to do any thing : they can with a very good conscience dissemble their own , and pretend to the protestant profession , come to the devotions of heathen idolaters , and that from express licence from his holiness pope clem. viii . upon account of which we may , says m tho. a jesu , be present without any scruple at the rites and divine offices of infidels , heretics and schismatics . nay peter n maffeius makes it his boast , that ignatius loyola imitated the devil in all his tricks , cheats and cunning , to convert souls : and how his followers have transcrib'd that pattern the world does know . yet farther they some of them at least can set up a new gospel , where there is not one word of the cross of christ ; can worship heathen idols with that pitiful reserve of having in their sleeve a crucifix , to which they privately direct their adoration : all which as they are notorious for , being complained of to the o pope , so are they uncontroul'd for ought appears and permitted by him . indeed what conversation can there be with these men who are under no obligations of society , no character of notice or distinction ; who at the same time are priests and hectors , casuists and artificers , presbyterians , anabaptists , quakers , theists , atheists , and amidst all this very good catholics . let any honest sober man judge what kind of religion this is , in it self , and how fit to be encourag'd and submitted to . 12. to close up all that has been said ; from uncontroulable testimonies and proofs , we have seen the influence which popery has either heretofore or may hereafter have amongst us in all the great concerns of our religion , our prince , our laws , our property , our country , our families and lives ; and found it evidently destructive unto all : the inference from whence can be no other , but that if we have any love of our religion , any abhorrence of the grossest superstition , error or idolatry , any regard for the safety of his majesty , any care of our laws or our estates , any concernment for the strength , the wealth or numbers of our nation ; any desire to hold the freedom of our conscience , the virtue and the honour of our families ; and lastly , any care of self-preservation , to escape massacres , and the utmost rage of persecution ; it will behoove us to beware of the prevailing of that sect , in whose successes we have reason to expect to forfeit all these interests , perish our selves , and bequeath idolatry and beggary and servitude to our posterity . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a48829-e90 a art. 6. b 2 tim. 3.15 . c artic. 13. cousins schol. disc. d a●t . 8 e jewels apol. f art. 25. catechism . in the lit. g art. 1. h 1 cor. 14. 6 , 7 , 8. i 1 cor. 14. 40. preface of cerem . to the litur . k art. 33. commin . in the litur . l book of ordain . art. 36. mason de min. ang. bramhal . m art. 37. king charles letter to the prince . n bulla caenae . o jude 3. gal. 5. 1. p ethelbert and some others of the south of england . q an. 23. of hen. 8. by the advice of the parliament and convocation . r herb. hist. of hen. 8. speed. baker , &c. s guicciard . 16. luitprand . l. 2. c. 13. baron . ad an. 9●8 . concil . const. sess. 11. genebr . ad an 901. t sixt. v. & clem. ● . in the prefaces of their book . u concil trident . sess. 25. bell. de imag. l. 2. x coster , enchirid . controvers . c. 3. de euch p. 308. concil trident . sess. 13. bell. de euch. y concil . constance , sess. 13. trid. sess. 21. bell. de euch. l. 4. z index lib. prohib . reg . 4. bell de v●rto dei . l. 2. * optat. milevitan . l. 1. cont. parmen . † missal . rom . approbat . ex decret . concil . trident. & bullá pii 5. cherubini bullar . tom. 2. p. 311. a extrait du p●ocez verbal des assemble general du clerge du fran. tenue à paris ●s an. ●660 . & 661. b bell. de rom . pont . l. 4. c bellar. de eccles l. 3. d jude 3. e bellar de indulg l. ● . f taxae cancel . apost . g bellar. de eccles. l. 3. h church history of britany . i curtius . k david . hezek . &c. l const. theod. justin. &c. m bell. de rom . pont . l. 5. suar. aud. eud. johan . resp . ad casaub. p. 12. suar defens . sid cath l. 3. turre●rem . sum . eccl . c. 14. thom. aquin. 2.2 quaest . 12. art. 2. ledes . theol. mor. tract . 7. malder . com . in d. thom. 2. 2. quaest . 1. n extravag de majoritate & obedientia c. 1. unam sanctam . o platin. in vit . innoc. 3. p concil . later . can . 27. tom . concil . 27. p. 461 concil . lat . 4. can. 3. tom. 28. p. 161. concil . lugd. 1. sess. 3. tom. 28 p. 424. concil . const. sess. 17. tom 29. p. 458 , and 469. q hist●ry of popish t●easons and usurpations . r admonish . ●● the nobility . f mat. paris , an. 1253. t cherubini bullar . tom. 1. p. 704. hist. conc. trent , l. 1 an. 1538. u hist. conc. of trent . an . 1558 x cambd. eliz. an. 1570. cherubini bullar . tom. 2. p. 303. y thuan. l. 64. cambd. eliz. an. 1578. z cambd. eliz. an. 1588. * cambd. eliz. an. 1600. † dat may 30. 1626. foulis p. 725. a lord orrerys answer to peter welsh his letter . b watsons quodlibets , p. 255. out of bannes , valentia , and others . c king james his works , p. 504. d pag. 14. e pag. 14 , 15 , &c. f pag. 59. g baron . cent . undecim . h an. 1208. i platina in vita , greg 7. k roger hovd . in hen. ● . mat. paris , ib. l concil . trident . sess. 25. m hist. concil . trident. l. 2. n 1 and 2 of philip and mary . o treaty at the isle of wight . p cap. 28. q cap. 13. r traitte de la politique de france , c. 14. p. 283. s concil . trid. sess. 22. bullae caenae . in bullario gherubin . passir● . t herbert hist. of hen. 8. speed , &c. u sermon preached before the pope and cardinals at avenion . x indefensorio . y tom. concil . 28. p. 460. z pag. 462. * herb. hist. king hen. 8. p. 330. † mat. paris anno 1246. a anno 1237. b concil trid. sess. 14. c taxi cancel . apost . d horae b. vir. p. 73 , 84 , 76 : 40 , 73 , 79 , 72 , 56 , 80 , &c. e sleid comm . l. 4. f cornel. agrip. c. de lenocin . g thuan. hist. l. 53. h disq. magic . l. 6. ● . 1 . sect. 2. i lord orrery . p. 29. k pag. 61. l concil const. myst. jesuitism m de convers . infid p. 854. n in vit . ignat. loyol . o palafox bp. of angelopolis in his letter , to pope innoc. x. a sermon preached at st. bartholomevvs the lesse in london, on the xxvii. day of march 1642; being the day of the inauguration of our soveraigne lord king charles. by william hall. minister of that parish, and now thought fit to be published. hall, william, d. 1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86986 of text r7921 in the english short title catalog (thomason e142_14). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 56 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86986 wing h446 thomason e142_14 estc r7921 99873212 99873212 156581 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86986) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 156581) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 25:e142[14]) a sermon preached at st. bartholomevvs the lesse in london, on the xxvii. day of march 1642; being the day of the inauguration of our soveraigne lord king charles. by william hall. minister of that parish, and now thought fit to be published. hall, william, d. 1662. [6], 33, [1] p. printed by t. badger for samuel brown, london : 1642. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng bible. -o.t. -exodus xxii, 28 -sermons -early works to 1800. church and state -england -sermons -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a86986 r7921 (thomason e142_14). civilwar no a sermon preached at st. bartholomevvs the lesse in london, on the xxvii. day of march 1642;: being the day of the inauguration of our sove hall, william 1642 9006 7 115 0 0 0 0 135 f the rate of 135 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-07 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached at st. bartholomevvs the lesse in london , on the xxvii . day of march 1642 ; being the day of the inauguration of our soveraigne lord king charles . by william hall . minister of that parish , and now thought fit to be published . london , printed by t. badger , for samuel brown , 1642. to the right honourable sr. iohn banks knight , lord chiefe iustice of the court of common pleas , and one of his majesties most honorable privy counsaile . my lord , this sermon being delivered by a son of mine , whom it hath pleased god to call to his speciall service in the ministery of his gospel , upon the anniversary day of the inauguration of our gracious soveraigne , the 27 of march last . in the passing of it , not only thorough my eares ( for i may well be deemed partiall ) but of diverse others of the then auditors ( who surely could not be partiall ) it found such approbation , as wee did not thinke fit it should be confined within those narrow limits of a small parish but that it should bee communicated to others , by this diffusive way of silent speaking by these dumb characters , to the eyes , eares and hearts of all who please . my lord , i have long studied to find out some way or other , whereby i might returne some acknowledgement of those many undeserved favours , which i have received from your lordship , and having the free tender of this sermon , from the deliverer of it as a pledge of his duty to mee : i could not but think fit ( i having nothing else so worthy ) to present it to your lordship , the rather ; first because the subject of it is touching rulers and magistrates , amongst which your lordship sits in none of the lowest rankes . secondly , because it teacheth the duty of the people to their rulers and magistrates , and how they ought to deport themselves towards them in words and actions . a thing very necessary in this licencious age of ours where every man conceives hee may not only thinke what hee list , but utter what he thinkes , be it of the greatest or highest : i shall humbly desire your lordship , to set apart one vacant houre for the perusall of it , and consider it comes from a higher spirit than from the spirit of the speaker ; wherefore it cannot bee altogether unworthy your lordships sparing so much time for contemplation of it : we shall wish it may prove acceptable to your lordship ; and for us , both the author and the presenter , wee shall ever ( as exceedingly obliged ) rest desirous to take hold of all occasions to offer to your lordship all fit testimonies of our duties and respects and shall ever remaine your lordships most humble and affectionate servants in all we can performe , nathaniel hall , william hall . exod. 22.28 . thou shalt not revile the gods , nor curse the ruler of thy people . the pulpit is not to bee made the theater to vent politique discourses : nor is it the taske of the preacher of the gospell to busie the minds of the people with civill matters , who are more easily fixed upon them than upon divine . it hath been one of the diseases of our age , not only for laick preachers , but some of the lawfull ministers of christ , to make the matters of the times the subjects of their sermons , more than matters more necessary to salvation , they have taught {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the course of the world more than the crosse of christ . my text ( though it concern politique government ) will not , i hope , ingage me to such an error , to unprofitable discourses of policy , or intermedling with the times which is not for edification : yet you see it is fitted to the day . the day is both gods and the kings , and therefore challengeth the remembrance of those duties , which god requireth towards kings and governors . neither indeed is such doctrine more seasonable in respect of the day ( the anniversary of our princes inauguration ) than for those dayes wherein we live . the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or liberty of the tongue extends so far that every man or woman make themselvs the censurers of magistracy ; one disrelishing and taxing the actions of the sacred senate of our common-wealth ; another throwing his private imputations upon the person of gods annoynted . one undertaking ( that which only is peculiar to the highest ) to stand in the congregation of princes and be iudge among the gods ; another using such language as that of shimei to david , or as innocent naboth was falsly charged to have used against king ahab . the propounded scripture wil meet with both kinds of presumption ; for god forbid we should so reprehend one sort of presumers as to countenance the other . all sorts of governours are here united in my text , both the supreame and subordinate : and may they never be disunited among us ; censorious or bitter speeches against both kinds are severely prohibited , thou shalt not , &c. god himselfe had now made knowne the morall law in ten precepts , upon mount horeb , and moses having a legislative power derived to him from god himselfe , propounds ceremoniall and judiciall precepts to the people : the one sort to prescribe those formalities wherewith god would be worshipped , the other , to order their politicall government , for the better maintaining humane society in that populous common-wealth of israel . this latter sort of judiciall lawes , we shall find to begin in the first verse of the former chapter , where we shall finde them intituled judgements , which god commanded moses to set before them . judgements quia sunt leges secundum quas judicandum est , because they were lawes according to which judgement in judiciall tryalls , was to proceed in israel . many particular lawes there are to prevent private injuries betwixt man and man , and here in this precept the law giver addes a peremptory precept , for deportment towards publike persons , thou shalt not , &c. it is indeed , a morall precept in its owne nature : a streame derived from the fountain of the fift commandement ( as those are the strongest and most obliging judiciall lawes , which have neerest dependance on the morall law ) and therefore is of perpetuall efficacy , and obligeth all to perpetuall observation , but is here placed among the judiciall or politicque lawes for double reason . first , because it concerned the policy or government of the common-wealth , the duty of men towards their magistrates . secondly , because upon breach of this precept the delinquents should be proceeded against by the civill magistrate , and in a judiciall course , punishment be inflicted . this was now made a penall statute to israel , aswell as it was a branch of a morall commandement , and though we find not the nature or degree of the punishment expressed ( because god leaves that arbitrary to magistrates , who would be forward enough to punish indignities to themselves ) yet is it most probably conjectured to be no lesse than death it selfe , for notorious open railing upon the highest magistrate . he that railed on his father or mother , was to be put to death , chap. 21.17 . and surely no lesse was he to suffer , who should curse and revile them who were publici parentes , the publique parents of the country : neither was it more for blasphemy against god , than blasphemy against the king , that naboth was stoned , though he was guilty of neither . what ever their judiciall punishments were in that hebrew common-wealth , that indeed obligeth not other nations to inflict the same , for punishments were only nationall , and the indulgence of our christian lawes , may perhaps not exact such rigour ; but still the sin must needs be as hainous as ever it was then . there is still the same stampe or impression upon magistracy , by the same almighty hand , and the precept is no lesse pressing upon christians than upon iews . thou shalt not revile , &c. the command you see is double : but the latter part is either exegeticall , of the former , by way of explication , or else it is emphaticall , to urge it on with vehemence by double repetition : yet may we justly find some aduantage from the variety or duplicity of the words , and therefore thus distribute them . first , here is dignitas magistratuum , the magistrates dignity , and that first , of magistrates in generall , they are all dii gods . secondly of one superior above the rest : he is princeps populi sui the ruler of &c. secondly , here is officium privatorum , the duty of private men expressed in a double negative precept . first , for regulating their carriage towards magistrates in generall ; they must not revile nor raile upon them . secondly , for their behaviour towards the principall ruler , they must not curse him , thou shalt not , &c. first , the dignity of magistrats in generall , the rulers they are elohims gods . there were a kind of nominall gods , which saint paul mentions , 1 cor. 8.5 . there are gods many , and lords many , which some would understand in the same sense ( saint austin for one ) with these in my text , of rulers and governours , but the apostle alludes there to none other but the vaine idolls of the heathen , who in the blockish imagination of the people were esteemed gods , and so were dii nominales , nominall gods though not digni nomine , worthy of that title , being indeed nothing at all , as saint paul , in that 4 verse of that 8 to the cor. nothing but by meere fancy , and supposition . besides these even sathan himselfe is intituled not only a prince , but deus mundi hujus , the god of this world , 2 cor. 4.4 . because he is so reputed by the men of this world : the wicked make sathan to be their god , they obey his dictates , and so do serve and worship him , in stead of him that is god essentially . but these are gods {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , only abusively , so called by the opinion of foolish and sinfull men : but such there are who are dignified with this title by him , in whose only power it is to communicate so high an appellation , ego dixi quod vos dii estis , i have said yee are gods . psa. 82.6 . it is not the idolization by mens vaine opinion , that defies judges and rulers nor such an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or ridiculous deification as the romans used to their dead emperours , nor their own arrogant assuming the title of god to themselves ( as did alexander , and also many of the romane tyrants ) that makes them to be called gods ; but gods own appellation in his word , he honours some of the sons of men with that title which is his owne , and calls them gods who are but mortall men . many significant epethits we finde ascribed to magistrats , which speak some of them their eminency , some their duty by prophane writers they are called somtimes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} leaders , because they ought to lead others by their vertuous example , sometimes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , adorners , they should beautifie the world with order and government ; somtimes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , keepers , for they are for the safety of their charge ▪ some time {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , benefactors , as our saviour intitles them , luk. 22.25 . because they are set up for the good of men , not for the hurt . the scripture addeth to them many other expressive attributes , they are {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saviours , because of deliverances wrought , by their meanes , judg 3.15 . nutricij , nurses by the prophet esay , because they are to tender , and educate the church of god ; in ezekiels language they are {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} shepheards , to feed and rule over the people ; in s. pauls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the ministers of god , rom. 13.6 but this in my text transcends them all , they are elohim , gods themselves . all lawfull rulers then bee they supreame or subordinate , iudges or magistrates are in some manner mortall gods , sublimes & sapientes viri , as gregory understands it , elevati , as the hebrew word signifies , those whom god hath exalted and set over others , such as was moses and aaron , and the rulers of the great sauhedcim among the iews , these are gods in scripture language ; and that not with impropriety . for first , they are imagines dei , images of him who is the vniversall ruler and iudge of all ; there is a representation and resemblance of the deity in magistrates , more than in common men ; judgement is comitted to them , which belongs ultimately and properly to him ; some rayes and beames of his majesty , he hath made to shine in them , though not in all alike , for one star may differ from another in glory : shadows and pictures may be made in severall proportions , one piece may represent the person only to the shoulders , another to the middle , some at full length ; still all are images , and have a resemblance : inferiour and supreame rulers there may be , but all have ( more or lesse ) some of his likenesse : to have a power of iudging and ordering others , to have some splendor and honor above others , is a character of divinity ; gods they are as by their office and dignity they resemble him . secondly , gods they are quia dei locum sustinent tanquam legati & vicarii , they susteine the place and person of god to men , as his deputies and vicegerents ; god judgeth mediately by and through them , and executes those things , which ( were they not ) he would immediatly do himselfe ; they do the works which god himselfe would do : thus moses is said to be ( loco dei ) instead of god to aaron , exod. 4.15 . thou shalt be to him in stead of god , that is , thou shalt give him councell , and direct him as my oracle : and the same moses is called pharaoh's god , exod. 7.1 i have made thee pharaoh's god , because he should execute gods judgements upon him ; god would execute judgement upon pharaoh by moses . those who do those actions , which belong to the highest , as his ministers and substitutes are dii minorum gentium , they may be called petty inferior gods , he hath so honored them . thirdly , gods , all magistrats are , quia à deo ordinati , because they are ordained of god , as s. paul in expresse tearmes , rom. 13.1 . ordeined they are , not only permitted , but established by providence , by precept ; it is the same reason which our saviour himselfe gives of this title , joh. 10.34 . he calleth them gods ( saith he ) to whom the word of god came , that is , cui speciale venit dominandi mandatum , to whom the speciall word of god came to give them power to rule ; there is no authority but is from god , he is not only the permitter but the author of it : all magistracy is gods ordinance . should we seek to the fountaine and originall of all power , we shall find god almighty investing man with a threefold power at the first . first , with that which is called liberum arbitrium , free will : he erected in man a magistracy and power over himselfe , ut {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , pre esset {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the leading rationall part of the soule he made the leader and commander over the inferiour appetite ; hee made man master and governour of himselfe till his fall overthrew that internall magistracy . secondly , he gave a second power , of man over the creatures , that he should be lord of them dominamini animalibus terrae , rule ye over the beasts of the earth , gen. 2.8 . thirdly , he at that time gave a power of man over man , which when there were but two persons could only be potestas maritalis in uxorem , the power of the husband over the wife ; the magistracy could only appeare in that , and in that it did , gen. 3. ●6 . but as the world increased , so did this power extend it selfe . first , in potestatem patriam , into the paternall power of parents over their children . then secondly , in potestatem herilem , into the power of masters over families , and as humane society multiplied , so did god by the light of nature imprint in man a knowledge of the necessity of order and government , he taught them by their own bodyes , that some members must be superior to others ; and from the bees and cranes , men learned to choose a ruler over them . indeed we find magistracy implicitely instituted by that peremptory law , gen. 9.6 . that whosoever shed mans bloud by man should his blood be shed ; now that any man should promiscuously at his own pleasure execute the law upon a murderer without warrant , would make him still a murtherer , and introduce confusion . it must therefore suppose a magistrate , who should have power to execute this law upon offenders . rulers then are all of gods appointment , they stand by vertue of his ordinance ; be there different ways of administration of power , different states and formes of government , yet are they still from the same author : ecclesiasticall and civill governements , monarchies and democra●ies , hereditary crownes and magistrats chosen by suffrage of the people , kings and parliaments , all are ordained by him ; for his providence doth variously call the sons of men to authority , and orders severall formes of exercising magistracy . thus in that people which he had taken into his owne speciall immediate care , he ordained various ways of government ; by captaines , as moses and joshua , by assistance of a counsell of 70 elders ; by judges , and then by kings , and so mediatly in severall common-wealths he ordaines severall magistracies , though not by his owne immediate appointment yet by the agreement of men , such as shall best consist with the constitution of the people : and upon all those he hath stamp'd the character of his authority , they are not rashly to be disobeyed or altered , they are gods by his ordination yet there are scruples raised against this third reason ( that all magistrates are called gods , because ordeined by him ) for some would take away the foundation of it : surely , say some objectors , all magistrates and their power cannot be from god . 1 object . for first , they are his own words , by his prophet hosea 8.4 . they have set up princes , but not by mee , they have made princes , but i knew it not . solu . it is true indeed , god speaking there of the rending of the kingdom from the son of salomon by jeroboam , saith , that they have set up princes but not by him , and yet himselfe tels jeroboam by his prophet ahijah , behold , i will rend the kingdome out of the hands of salomon , and will give the ten tribes to thee , 1 king. 11.31 . in one place god saith the people had done it , in another , himselfe had done it ; surely then the rending of the kingdome was from god as a just revenger for the sins of salomon ; the rebellion of the people without consulting with him , was not from him : jeroboam's power was from him , though not the peoples rebellion and revolt ; still all authority finds him for the author , and therefore they are called gods . 2 object . but secondly , they cannot all bee ordeined of god and so be stiled gods for that reason , for then would all the worst and most tyrannicall governments claime god for their patron : hath he ordeined tyrants , and made them gods on earth ? did he appoint nimrod and pharaoh ? did he set up the babylonian and persian tyrants ? did he authorize the mahumetane sultuns ? and set up governements that prove scourges to the sons of men ? solu ▪ to answer this , we must first know that all tyranny is the corruption of government ; it is not that sound and lawfull authority of which god is the author . government and governors have all their degenerations and corruptions , as politique writers describe them , and these are not from god , but from the vices and wickednesse of men permitted by him for their punishment . there are three things which must be considered in all governments , in every ruler . there is first , ipsa potestas , the power it selfe , and this is by the will and ordinance of god , in whose hands soever it is , for by him kings raigne , and though in anger he gives a king , yet still he gives him hosea 13.11 . secondly , there is acquisitio potestatis , the obteining of this power , this may often be by usurpation , by corrupt unlawfull meanes , and of this god is not the author , he may permit evill governors , by forceable or unjust meanes , to get that power into their hands unlawfully , which himselfe hath lawfully constituted . thirdly , there is executio potestatis , the execution and use of that power , which if it be abusive , exceeding the limits of iustice , can no way be ascribed to him , but to the wickednesse of men : tyrannicall oppression , establishment of superstition and errour , by a lawfull , though an abused power , have no relation to gods ordinance , they find no support or authorization from him : yet those who execute them still quoad potestatem , in respect of their power are from him , they are ordeined by him , and in that respect are called gods in scripture . we must yet adde a fourth reason , why magistrates are called gods , and that the best and most proper quia deum imitari debent , because they are , or should be like god himselfe in their actions and qualities . they should be well acquainted with his attributes ; of wisdome , to discerne betwixt good and evill ; of justice to distribute to every one with an unpartiall hand ; of mercy in mitigating the utmost rigour of severity . god hath in scripture assumed the same titles which he hath given to rulers : he is pastor israelis , the sheepheard of irael , and they are ( or should be ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the sheepheards of the people . he is salvator israelis , the saviour of israel , they should be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , deliverers of them ( like him ) in times of danger . he is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the great watchman over his people , & they are {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , watchmen also subordinate to him : they should be like god in all their actions , but especially in these two , first , in protegenda ecclesia , in protecting religion , and the church of god ; it is that whereof the highest takes the principall care , he by ordinary providence cares for the just and unjust , affords them all life , & aire , & raine , and sunshine , but his special eye is over his church , how to preserve his truth , and his servants ; so should earthly magistrates shew themselves similes deo , like gods in this ; their care and their endeavour should be principally fixed upon the establishment of religion , the advancement of the church ; they can never be more like god , than when they do his worke , defend his truth , advance his glory . secondly , like him they ought to be in faciendo justitiam , in doing justice and judgement : god is knowne by this , that he is the great executer of justice and judgement , relieving the injured , vindicating the oppressed , punishing the wicked , rewarding the righteous ; then are rulers truly like him when they do that which is correspondent to these : thus did the queene of sheba tell salomon , that the lord his god set him upon the throne for that end to do justice and judgement ; it is the great end of magistracy , and they properly deserve the title of gods , no longer than they resemble him in that . vnjust magistrates have more of sathan in them than of god , more of the god of this world , than of the true god of heaven . their power makes them like the highest , but their injustice like the father of wrongs : properly and truly are they called gods , when their wayes are like his . it is the generall title of magistrates to be called gods ; here is another added , which seemes to be singular . the ruler of thy people . &c. moses was at this time constituted by god the principall ruler of israel , and so himselfe particularly might be thought to be designed by this expression , the ruler of the people : yet saint paul applying this expression to the high priest , when he was charged to have reviled him , act. 13.4 . calling him the ruler of the people , implys that it is not wholy to be restrained to one , but to any ruler ; yet certainly it may include an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} upon the supreame ruler , where such there is ; if there be one ruler of the people , whom god hath placed in more eminency than the rest , ( as kings or monarchs ) the command is principally given concerning him : such as was moses at this time , such as was the high priest in saint pauls time , for he was then ( excepting those governours which the romans set over the jewes ) the chiefe ruler in israel . it is not indeed of absolute necessity , that in every nation there should be one person honoured , with the title of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the sole ruler of the people : for god hath not expresly imposed it on all nations : were the question to be discussed in generall , what government were best , it were not rashly to bee concluded for any one , vniversally to be the best : but that were best for every nation , which would best consist with the disposition , and manners , and frame of the people . the mixture and contemperation of them , is without question the most vniversally profitable and of longest duration ; where there is one supreame ruler , and yet supported with and strengthened by representative counsellors , where there is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , one chiefe , and yet plures consiliarii , a multitude of counsellors . when only one would rule without subordination of other magistrates , the burthen must needs prove unsupportable : & where each member would rule , there must needs be ataxy and confusion ; where there is one superior ruler , and he standing in congregatione principum , in coetu deorum , in the congregation of princes , amongst the inferior gods , there surely is the happiest commixture , there may be expected with gods blessing , the fruits of a happy temper . it is ( beloved ) the happinesse , wherewith god hath blessed our sinfull nation , that we have both parts of the subject of this precept in my text . we have those who are called gods without flattery , wise , and just , and provident rulers . we have one {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a ruler of the people , a gracious king , appointed by god over us , to do iustice and iudgement , established in the throne by long succession , from many ancestors : may wee therefore joyne them together ; and proceed to see what it is god commands us concerning them , which is the second part of my text , thou shalt not , &c. the command is not in tearmes affirmative and proportionable to the appellation . for first , it is not said deos adorabis , thou shalt adore the gods . nor secondly is it said , thou shalt flatter them . non jussi sunt sacrificiis adorari , saith s. austin , they are not commanded to bee honored with sacrifices , though they are called gods . it was the foolish presumption of the heathens , that they would indeed be stiled gods , and have the people offer them sacrifice , forgetting they should dye like men . though god give rulers his own title , he would not have them arrogate it , so as to forget they are men : though he call them gods , that men may honour them ; yet he would not have them call themselves so in the pride of their hearts : it was lucifer's sin to say similis ero altissimo , i will be like the highest . neither would he have private men suppose them to be god essentially , and to forget him in respect of them , nor to ascribe that honor to them , which is only due to himselfe . it was the madnesse of the ignorant heathen to account paul and barnabas gods in the likenesse of men , and to be ready to offer sacrifice to them ; may such idolatry never bee found in knowing christians . there have beene no greater enemies to the happinesse of princes than flatterers : nor is there any way speedier to bring judgements upon rulers and nations , then when the due honor shall be taken from god , and ascribed to men , which are but secondary subordinate instruments to convey them . for god is a jealous god , and though he give the title of elohim , yet he will not give his glory to the sons of men : while the people cry out to herod , that it is the voyce of god and not of man , they draw down a sudden vengeance upon him ; for immediately the angell of god smote him , and he is eaten with wormes , acts 12.23 . there contrary to the old verse , deliraat achivi rex plectitur , the people flatter and the king is smitten . it was the frequent affirmation of the late heroick and victorious king of sweden , that he feared the peoples ascribing too much of that glory to him , which was due to god , would bee a cause that god would remove him before the work was finished ; and perhaps it was a speech too propheticall . wee must not ascribe , first , gods power , his omnipotency to princes and rulers , as flatterers have made weake princes believe that they had power to do any thing , that their will was a law , that quicquid libet licet , that they should be able to bring any designe to passe , be it never so impossible or unjust ; this was jesabell to ahab : dost thou now governe israel , and canst not do this ? whereas the power of earthly gods is circumscribed both by law , and by the short limits of humane power ; they neither may nor can doe all things ; they are dii , but non omnipotentes , they are gods , but not almighty . secondly , we must take heed we do not ascribe to them gods glory , that is , not make them the utmost objects of our thankfulnesse , or the first and prime causes of any happinesse that betides us ; we must looke beyond them in our deliverances , give glory to god on high , above those on earth . many eminent and unparalelled blessings god almighty hath conveyed ( beloved ) upon this nation , by meanes of those who are called gods amongst us , our gracious king and parliament , and more we expect by their meanes ▪ he is not worthy of a tongue or a heart , that will not acknowledge them ; but take we heed we do not forfeit them all , by ascribing too much to the second causes , and too little to the first , by looking more to them for safety , than to him from whence it commeth . as i am confident , none of those worthies will arrogate it , but take up that of david , non nobis domine , not unto us ô lord , &c. so let us also ascribe the honour of all ultimately and principally to god , for thine is the kingdome , and the power , and the glory . surely it is the lord's doing , if our liberties be asserted , our religion setled , our selves secured : blessed and renowned for ever be the sedulous procurors , and the royall ratifier of it : but let not our thankfulnesse to them , make us forget god above . gods they be called , but not dii , imprimis glorificandi , gods principally to be glorified , here is neither an injunction of adoration , nor of flattery . but a negative command it is , either because negatives are more peremptory and generall , they bind ad semper , for it is never lawfull to do evill , in no place , by no person ; or because the first worke of reformation must be by not doing evill ; but as in the decalogue or morall law affirmative precepts do include negative , and negative the affirmative , so here we may conceive this negative precept to comprehend also affirmative duties to magistrates ; and so shall consider it both wayes , negatively and affirmatively . and first as it is a prohibition : ( thou shalt not raile , or revile , or curse ) so it includes three sins to be avoyded . first , it is contra resistentiam in factis , it is against resistance in actions ; for the argument is good in logique , à minore ad majus , we must not revile , or curse in words , therefore we must not resist in actions . there is a threefold distinction of resistance observed by some , one is precepta negligendo , by neglecting commands ; for this is a kind of resistance . a second peter martyr observes , fraude by deceiving or mis-informing princes or rulers , for such abuse is indeed no better than an unfriendly opposition , and may come in ( rightly understood ) under the title of resistance . a third is , aperta vi , by open violence , & this is surely prohibited inclusively by gods cōmandement , thou shalt not revile the gods , as it is expresly by s. paul , whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , rom. 13.12 . rebellion against authority , which god hath set over men is contrary to his precept , to the practice of all his servants . if indeed such earthly gods and rulers there shall be , who shall impose impious or dishonest commands , contradictory to the laws of god , it is then no breach of this commandement to disobey him ; for then they cease to bee called gods properly , they are rather diabolicall ; the immortall god is rather to be obeyed than they , according to the determination of the apostles , it is better to obey god than man , acts 4.19 . yet even then find we not resistance countenanced against them in private men : much difference and many restrictions there are amongst the casuists , how far the whole civill state united in it selfe , may oppose the supreame ruler ; but all agree upon such cases only as can hardly be imagined , to fall out in christian common-wealthes . if there be any such resistance tolerable it must be say they first , where there is direct and absolute tyranny executed upon lives and consciences . secondly , where there is flat idolatry introduced by force . thirdly , where there is none other refuge left , but resistance ; neither flight nor suffering , and in these cases ( which god forbid should ever go further than supposition ) there are so many cautions added for moderation , and against revenge , that they who maintaine resistance lawfull , yet might aswell conclude it impossible to be merited , unfit to be executed . but as for us who are but private persons , there is no difficulty but that we may resolve against all resistance , without an extraordinary perscription . the lacedemonian resolution , becomes christians to their rulers . si duriora morte imperetis , potius moriemur , if yee command things harder than death we will rather dye : there is no allowance of offence , or opposition against those whom god hath set over us : the primitive christians have no armes but preces & lachrymae against their furious persecuting magistrates . saint ambrose useth no other force but of his strongest petitions , rogamus auguste non pugnamus : surely there is no resisting the ordinance of god : that is the first thing included in the prohibition . secondly , as it is a negative precept , so it forbids maledicentiam in verbis , railing or reviling in words , god hath not allowed man a liberty of reviling his neighbour , his equall ; nor are mens tongues at their own command so absolutely as to vent that which their malice or virulency shall dictate against any man : for did not the law of man take cognizance of their slanders , yet if they shall give account of every idle word , much more of every malignant and slanderous word against their brethren . the cursed speaker is a greater enemy to himselfe , than those he curseth . but needs must it be more blameable against publique magistracy , then particular persons ; for there the magistrates resemblance to god , makes the injury reflect on him . he that speaketh evill of rulers , speaketh not evill of man but god , and therefore it is called no lesse than {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} plasphemy in scripture . those whom god hath set in authority , he would not have subjected to the scurrilous tongues of railours , no more than he would have his own name blasphemed : saint jude therefore makes those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( those filthy dreamers as we translate it ) the worst of men who speake evill of dignities : michael the archangell ( saith he ) durst not bring a railing accusation against the devill . we never find the saints of god , though never so highly provoked , uttering bitter words against the higher powers , not moses against pharoah , not the three children against nabuchadnezzar , when the furnace is prepared , but o king live for ever . we heare not our saviour exclaiming against herod , or pilate condemning him ; not paul speaking to festus in other tearmes when he saith he is mad , then in that mild reply , i am not mad most noble festus : once when he seemed to the standers by to forget himselfe , he recollecteth himselfe with this text of mine , i wot not brethren that he was the high priest , for it is written , thou shalt not speak evill of the ruler of thy people acts 23 4. a great difference there is amongst expositors , upon those words of paul , which are partly quoted from my text , and therefore i shall shortly indeavour to cleere them . he had called ananias the high priest whited wall , because he had commanded him to be smitten , and being rebuked by the standers by for reviling gods high priest ( for so they called ananias ) he answers , i knew not , brethren , that he was the high priest , for it is , &c. some say his meaning was , that he did not regard or consider him as the high priest : others , that he did not account him worthy to bee the high priest : others , that he plainly meant he did not know him to be the high priest , for it was possible he might mistake : the chiefe captaine sitting there also in judicature , and the high priest not in his priestly habit , which should distinguish him from others ; so that pauls answer to them consists of two parts . first , an acknowledgement of his ignorance , that he knew him not . secondly , a deniall that he did raile at all , for he knew that there was a law against that : as if he should say , i did not ( i confesse brethren ) know that he was so great a magistrate as the high priest , yet be he so , as i know him to be a judge i did not raile upon him , though i sharply reprehended his injustice towards me , for i know very well i should not revile the ruler of the people . reprehensions there may be of rulers , but no reviling , just charges or accusations against them , but without rayling or cursing ; all manner of rayling against them is here prohibited , be it in secret murmured amongst friends , by stil detraction : or secondly , be it openly before many , and that either by traducing them before others , or impudent reviling them to their own faces , as shimeis was to david , all these are here forbidden , thou shalt not , &c. how can we then but from hence taxe and condemne three sorts of breakers of this law ? first , even those of the ministry , who take too free a liberty of traducing , if not the highest magistrate , yet at least inferior rulers , both ecclesiasticall and civill , in rude and homely language . it was never the lesson their master taught them to mixe their owne virulency with preaching the gospell . it is true the minister of the gospell , who will be faithfull , must admonish the blamable magistrate , hee must boldly exhort , rebuke , convince him ; elias may reprove ahab to his face , and john baptist doth well to tell herod plainly it is not lawfull for him to have his brothers wife ; nathan may come and tell david , thou art the man ; and ambrose boldly taxe the emperour theodosius . but much caution there is necessary in such reprehensions of princes and rulers , they must not be for suspitions or jealousies , or supposed faults or slighter error , but for enormous & apparant sins , for such there were in all those we instanced : open idolatry and oppression in ahab ; incest in herod , adultery and murder in david ; injust tyranny in executing many innocents in theodosius : the sinnes of rulers must be very evident , ere the pulpit taxe them . secondly , there must be distinction made betwixt the persons & their faults , the persons of magistrats must be spared ( for they are called gods ) while their sins are taxed . thirdly , there must be discretion used , no bitternesse or unmannerly termes , no railing or reviling . fourthly , it should be coram too before them , as all those reprehensions were . ministeriall reprehensions must not degenerate in tribunitios clamores , be turned into popular clamors ; the people not be rated for the sins of their governors , and the magistrates faults be aggravated before those who are not to redresse them to exceed these limits , is an unhappy breach of this law , with which our churches have lately rung too loud , so that we had need have it the mottoe of our pulpits , thou shalt not , &c. secondly , this must also condemne the scurrilous generation of libellers , who taking advantage of the freedome of our times ( of which we should make better use ) have vented their railing invective pamphlets against many sorts of magistrates ; were the accusations never so just , the crimes never so odious , yet could not these men be justified in their bitternes ; which exceeds the bounds of christianity , of common humanity it selfe ; the devill that great accuser durst not have brought such railing accusations against michael . these must needs stand guilty of the breach of this injunction . thirdly , it must also reprehend those who in their common discourses make themselvs too eager censurers of the actions of the higher powers ; tongues are not left at liberty to accuse and censure as they please , the proceedings of the superiors . it was indeed a noble and generous speech of that roman emperour august . in libera civitate liberas linguas esse oportere , that in a free state tongues should be at liberty , and a happinesse truely accounted by the historian of his times ; vbi sentire quicquid velis , & quicquid sentis dicere licet ; when men may think wlat they please , and speake what they think : nor can we but admire the lenity of those christian emperors , theodosius and honorius , & arcadius , who would have no man punished for speaking evill of them , for si ex levitate profectum , est contemnendum ; si ex insania , miseratione dignissimum ; si ab injuria , remittendum : if it proceed from lightnesse , or vanity , it is to be despised ; if from madnesse , it is to be pittyed ; if from malice , to be forgiven : but notwithstanding such indulgence ( whereof our times have had a share ) christians must know not to abuse their liberty : if they stretch it to traduce and censure those who are set over them , they use it for a cloake of maliciousnesse , and breake that peremptory law , which expressely saith , thou shalt not revile , &c. there is yet more in this precept : for as it forbids resistance in act and railing in words ; so thirdly , execrationes in men●e , cursing in the thought of those who are called gods ; malignant conceits of their actions in our breasts must not be entertained , nor evill wishes imagined and contrived against them ; for even the soule must be subject to powers that are ordained of god . rom. 13.1 . they are little beholding to him for restraining his tongue , who harbours and frames curses in his heart : it is the advise of the wisest of men , eccl. 10.20 . curse not the king , no not in thy thought : and curse not the rich in thy bedchamber , for a bird of the aire shall carry the voyce , and that which hath wings shall tell the matter : that is , thy guilty thoughts may betray thee before thou art aware : for kings and magistrates have quicke eyes and eares ; or at the least thou maist be sure thy thoughts are knowne to him to whom thou must give account of them , and he can never approve them , when there is cursing of his ordinance . for us therefore ( beloved ) let not our impatience or mis-understanding drive us to such intemperance : let us not harbour any cursing or malignant thought , either against him whom god hath made our gracious soveraigne , or those who under him , he hath designed to be the instruments of our establishment . the meeke and patient spirit , must looke upon the actions of both , as them whom god hath ordained for his good , and in stead of these requitalls , which are flately forbidden in my text , railing and cursing ( which neither become our mouthes , nor hearts ) let us frame our selves to the contrary affirmative duties , which are here virtually included , but i must but name them . in opposition then to reviling and cursing , there must be used towards them who are called gods . first , subjection , we must heartily submit our selves to them , 1 pet. 2.13 . secondly , honor and reverence , we must honor the king , and consequently all who derive power from him . thirdly , fidelity , as i●tai to david , 2 sam. 15.21 . wheresoever my lord the king shall be , whether in life or death ; even there will thy servant be : and while we are faithfull to him , we cannot , wee must not bee unfaithfull to his counsellors , as our owne late protestation will remember us . fourthly , we owe them obedience , for this is due to the commands & laws of kings & rulers , while they are consonant to those of god . fiftly , let us allow them paying of tribute , for this both our saviour , and saint paul tels us is due to kings , and rulers , and never let that be denied , which must purchase publique security . lastly , in stead of this forbidden cursing , let us allow them prayer ; for if saint paul enjoyne supplication for kings , and all that are in authority in generall ; much more doth it oblige us to pray for a gracious king , for the authority we have most desired and prayed for ; and this duty is the most necessary , and highest we can allow them . may we therefore never cease to pray , that god would unite the hearts more and more , of our king and parliament : that he will direct and assist them with his spirit of wisdome . that he will prosper them in their designes , against enemies abroad , in their reformations at home . that he will protect them against all oppositions forraine , or domestique . that he will give us a blessing upon all their determinations . these things we most humbly beseech thee ( oh most gracious father ) to grant unto us , and that for the merits of iesus christ , &c. finis . a letter from a person of quality to his friend in the country shaftesbury, anthony ashley cooper, earl of, 1621-1683. 1675 approx. 93 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59475 wing s2897 estc r3320 12701444 ocm 12701444 65947 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59475) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65947) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 368:11) a letter from a person of quality to his friend in the country shaftesbury, anthony ashley cooper, earl of, 1621-1683. locke, john, 1632-1704. [2], 32 [i.e. 34] p. s.n.], [london : 1675. written by shaftesbury. also ascribed to john locke. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -parliament. church and state -england. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-12 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-04 aptara rekeyed and resubmitted 2005-02 ben griffin sampled and proofread 2005-02 ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from a person of quality , to his friend in the country . printed in year , 1675. a letter from a person of quality , to his friend in the country . sir , this session being ended , and the bill of the test neer finished at the committee of the whole house ; i can now give you a perfect account of this state master-piece . it was first hatch't ( as almost all the mischiefs of the world have hitherto been ) amongst the great church men , and is a project of several years standing , but found not ministers bold enough to go through with it , un●il these new ones , who wanting a better bottom to support them , be●ook themselves wholly to this , which is no small undertaking if you consider it in its whole extent . first , to make a distinct party from the rest of the nation of the high episcopal man , and the old cavalier , who are to swallow the hopes of enjoying all the power and office of the kingdom , being also tempted by the advantage they may recieve from overthrowing the act of oblivion , and not a little rejoycing to think how valiant they should prove , if they could get any to fight the old quarrel over again ; now they are possest of the arms , fo●ts , and ammunition of the nation . next they design to have the government of the church sworne to as vnalterable , and so tacitely owned to be of divine right , which though inconsistent with the oath of supremacy ; yet the church men easily break through all obligations whatsoever , to attain this station , the advantage of which , the prelate of rome hath sufficiently taught the world. then in requital to the crown , they declare the government absolute and arbitrary , and allow monarchy as well as episcopacy to be iure divino , and not to be bounded , or limited by humane laws . and to secure all this they resolve to take away the power , and opportunity of parliaments to alter any thing in church or state , only leave them as an instrument to raise money , and to pass such laws , as the court , and church shall have a mind to ; the attempt of any other , how necessary soever , must be no less a crime then perjury . and as the topstone of the whole fabrique , a pretence shall be taken from the jealousies they themselves have raised , and a real necessi●y from the smallness of their partie to encrease , and keep up a standing army , and then in due time the cavalier and church-man , will be made greater fools , but as errant slaves as the rest of the nation . in order to this , the first step was made in the act for regulating corporations , wisely beginning , that in those lesser governments whi●h they meant afterwards to introduce upon the govern●ent of the nation , and making them swear to a declaration , and beleif of such propositions as themselves afterwards upon debate , were enforced to alter , and could not justifie in those words ; so that many of the wealthyest , worthyest , and soberest men , are still kept out of the magistracy of those places . the next step was in the act of the militia , which went for most of the cheifest nobility and gentry , being obliged as lord-lieutenants , deputy-lieutenants , &c. to swear to the same declaration , and belief , with the addition only of these words in persuance of such military commissions , which makes the matter rather worse then better ; yet this went down smoothly as an oath in fashion , a testimony of loyalty , and none adventuring freely to debate the matter , the humor of the age like a strong tide , carries wise and good men down before it : this act is of a piece , for it establisheth a standing army by a law , and swears us into a military government . immediately after this , followeth the act of vniformity , by which all the clergy of england are obliged to subscribe , and declare what the corporations , nobility , and gentry , had before sworn , but with this additional clause of the militia act omitted : this the clergy readily complyed with ; for you know that sort of men are taught rather to obey , then understand , and to use that learning they have , to justify , not to examine what their superiors command : and yet that bartholomew day was fatal to our church , and religion , in throwing out a very great number of whorthy , learned , pious , and orthodox divines , who could not come up to this , and other things in that act ; and it is an oath upon this occasion wor●h your knowledg , that so great was the zeal in carrying on this church affair , and so blind was the obedience required , that if you compute the time of the passing this act , with the time allowed for the clergy to subscribe the book of common prayer thereby established ; you shall plainly find it could not be printed , and distributed so , as one man in forty could have seen and read the book they did so perfectly assent and consent to . but this matter was not compleat until the five mile act passed at oxford , wherein they take an opportunity to introduce the oath in the terms they would have it : this was then strongly opposed by the l. treasurer southampton , lord wharton , l. ashley , and others not only in the concern of those poor ministers that were so severely handled , but as it was in it self , a most unlawful , and unjustifyable oath ; however , the zeal of that time against all nonconformists , easily passed the act. this act was seconded the same sessions at oxford by another bill in the house of commons , to have imposed that oath on the whole nation ; and the providence by which it was thrown out , was very remarquable ; for mr. peregrine bertie , being newly chosen , was that morning introduced into the house by his brother the now earl of lindsey , and sir tho. osborn now l. treasurer , who all three gave their votes against that bill ; and the numbers were so even upon the division ▪ that their three votes carried the question against it . but we owe that right to the earl of lindsey , and the lord treasurer as to acknowledg t●at they have since made ample satisfaction for whatever offence they gave either the church or court in that vote . thus our church became triumphant , and continued so for divers years , the dissenting protestant being the only enemy , and therefore only persecuted , whilest the papists remained undisturbed being by the court t●ought loyal , and by our great bishops not dangerous , they differing only in doctrine , and fundamentalls ; but , as to the government of the church , that was in their religion in its highest exaltation . this dominion continued unto them , untill the l. clifford , a man of a daring and ambitious spirit , made his way to the cheif ministery of affairs by other , and far different measures , and took the opportunity of the war with holland , the king was then engaged in , to propose the declaration of indulgence , that the dissenters of all sorts , as well protestants as papists , might be at rest , and so vast a number of people , not be made desperate , at home , while the king was engaged with so potent an enemy abroad . this was no sooner proposed , but the e. of shattsbury a man as daring but more able , ( though of principles and interest , diametrically opposite to the other ) presently closed with it , and perhaps the opportunity i have had by my conversation with them both , who were men of diversion , and of free and open discourses where they had a confidence ; may give you more light into both their designs , and so by consequence the aimes of their parties , then you will have from any other hand ▪ my l. clifford did in express terms , tell me one day in private discourse ; that the king , if he would be firm to himself , might settle what religion he pleased , and carry the government to what height he would ; for if men were assured in the liberty of their conscience● and undisturbed in their properties , able and upright iudges made in westminster-hall to judg the causes of meum and tuum , and if on the other hand the fort of tilbury was finished to bridle the city , the fort of plymouth to secure the west , and armes for 2●000 in each of these , and in hull for the northern parts , with some addition , which might be easily and undiscernedly made to the forces now on foot , there were none that would have either will , opportunity , or power to resist . but he added withall , he was so sincere in the maintenance of propriety , and liberty of conscience , that if he had his will , though he should introduce a bishop of durham , ( which was the instance he then made , that see being then vacant ) of another religion , yet he would not disturb any of the church beside , but suffer them to dye away , and not let his change ( how hasty soever he was in it ) overthrow either of those principles , and therefore desired he might be thought an honest man as to his part of the declaration , for he meant it really . the l. shaftsbury ( with whom i had more freedom ) i with great assurance , asked what he meant by the declaration , for it seemed to me ( as i then told him ) that it assumed a power to repeal and suspend all our laws , to destroy the church , to overthrow the protestant religion , and to tolerate popery ; he replyed half angry , that he wondered at my objection , there being not one of these in the case : for the king assumed no power of repealing laws , or suspending them , contrary to the will of his parliament , or people , and not to argue with me at that time the power of the king's supremacy , which was of ano●her nature then that he had in civills , and had been exercised without exception in this very case by his father , grand father , and queen elizabeth , under the great seal to forreign protestants , become subjects of england , nor to instance in the suspending the execution of the two acts of navigation and trade , during both this , and the last dutch war in the same words , and upon the same necessity , and as yet , without clamour that ever we heard ; but , to pass by all that , this is certain , a government could not be supposed whether monarchical , or other of any sort , without a standing supream executive power , fully enabled to mitigate , or wholly to suspend the execution of any penal law , in the intervalls of the legislative power , which when assembled , there was no doubt but wherever there lies a negative in passing of a law , there the address or sense known of either of them to the contrary , ( as for instance of either of our two houses of parliament in england ) ought to determine that indulgence , and restore the law to its full execution : for without this , the laws were to no purpose made , if the prince could annull them at pleasure ; and so on the other hand , without a power always in being of dispensing upon occasion , was to suppose a constitution extreamly imperfect and unpracticable , and to cure those with a legislative power always in being , is , when considered , no other then a perfect tyranny . as to the church , he conceived the declaration was extreamly their interest ; for the narrow bottom they had placed themselves upon , and the measures they had proceeded by , so contrary to the properties , and liberties of the nation , must needs in short time , prove fatall to them , whereas this led them into another way to live peaceably with the dissenting and differing protestants , both at home and abroad , and so by necessary and unavoidable consequences , to become the head of them all ; for that place is due to the church of england , being in favor , and of neerest approach to the most powerful prince of that religion , and so always had it in their hands to be the intercessors and procurers of the greatest good and protection , that partie throughout all christendom , can receive . and thus the a. bishop of canterbury might become , not only alterius orbis , but alterius religionis papa , and all this addition of honor and power attaind without the least loss or diminution of the church ; it not being intended that one living dignity , or preferment should be given to any but those , that were strictly conformable . as to the protestant religion , he told me plainly , it was for the preserving of that and that only that he heartily joyned in the declaration ; for besides that , he thought it his duty to have care in his place and station , of those he was convinced , were the people of god and feared him , though of different persuasions ; he also knew nothing else but liberty , and indulgence that could possibly ( as our case stood ) secure the protestant religion in england ; and he beg'd me to consider , if the church of england should attain to a rigid , blind , and undistputed conformity , and that power of our church should come into the hands of a popish prince , which was not a thing so impossible , or remote , as not to be apprehended ; whether in such a case , would not all the armes and artillery of the government of the church , be turned against the pr●sent religion of it , and should not all good protestants tremble to think what bishops such a prince was like to make , and whom those bishops would condemn for hereticks , and that prince might burn ▪ whereas if this which is now but a declaration , might ever by the experience of it , gain the advantage of becoming an established law , the true protestant religion would still be kept up amongst the cities , towns , and trading places , and the worthyest , and soberest ( if not the greatest ) part of the nobility , and gentry , and people : as for the toleration of popery he said , it was a pleasant objection , since he could confidently say that the papists had no advantage in the least by this declaration , that they did not as fully enjoy , and with less noise , by the favor of all the bishops before . it was the vavity of the l. keeper , that they were named at all , for the whole advantage was to the dissenting protestants , which were the only men disturb'd before ; and yet he confest to me , that it was his opinion , and always had been , that the papists ought to have no other pressure laid upon them , but to be made uncapable of office , court , or armes , and to pay so much as might bring them at least to a ballance with the protestants , for those chargable offices they are lyable unto ; and concluded with this that he desired me seriously to weigh , whe●her liberty and propriety were likely to be maintained long in a countrey like ours , where trade is so absolutely necessary to the very being , as well as prosperity of it , and in this age of the world , if articles of faith and matters of religion should become the only accessible ways to our civil rights . thus sir , you have perhaps a better account of the declaration , then you can receive from any other hand , and i could have wisht it a longer continuance , and better reception then it had : for the bishops took so great offence at it , that they gave the alarum of popery through the whole nation , and by their emissaries the clergy ( who by the connexture and subordination of their government , and their being posted in every parish , have the advantage of a quick dispersing their orders , and a sudden and universal insinuation of whatever they please ) raised such a cry , that those good and sober men , who had really long feared the encrease and continuance of popery , had hitherto received , began to believe the bishops were in earnest ; their eyes opened , though late , and therefore joyned in heartily with them ; so that at the next meeting of parliament , the protestants interest was run so high , as an act came up from the commons to the h. of lords in favor of the dissenting protestants , and had passed the lords , but for want of time , besides , another excellent act passed the royal assent for the excluding all papists from office , in the opposition of which , the l. treasurer clifford fell , and yet to prevent his ruine , this sessions had the speedier end. notwithstanding , the bishops attain'd their ends fully , the declaration being cancelled , and the great seal being broken off from it , the parliament having passed an act in favor of the dissenters , and yet the sense of both houses sufficiently declared against all indulgence but by act of parliament : having got this point , they used it at first with seeming moderation , there were no general directions given for prosecuting the non-con●ormists , but here and there some of the most confiding justices , were made use of to try how they could receive the old persecution ; for as yet the zeal raised against the papists , was so great , that the worthyest , and soberest , of the episcopal party , thought it necessary to unite with the dissenting protestants , and not to divide their party , when all their forces were little enough ; in this posture the sessions of parliament that began oct. 27. 1673. tound matters , which being suddenly broken up , did nothing . the next sessions which began ian 7. following , the bishops continued their zeal against the papists , and seem'd to carry on in joyning with the countrey lords , many excellent vo●es in order to a bill , as in particular , that the princes of the blood-royal should all marry protestants , and many others , but their favor to dissenting protestants was gone , and they attempted a bargain with the countrey lords , with whom they then joyned not to promote any thing of that nature , except the bill for taking away assent and consent , and renouncing the covenant . this session was no sooner ended without doing any thing , but the whole clergy were instructed to declare that there was now no more danger of the papists : the phanatique ( for so they call the dissenting protestant ) is again become the only dangerous enemy , and the bishops had found a scoth lord , and two new ministers , or rather great officers of england , who were desperate and rash enough , to put their masters business upon so narrow and weak a bottom ; and that old covenanter lauderdale , is become the patron of the church , and has his coach and table fil'd with bishops . the keeper and the treasurer are of a just size to this affair , for it is a certain rule with the church men , to endure ( as seldom as they can ) in business , men abler then themselves . but his grace of scotland : was least to be executed of the three , for having fall'n from presbitery , protestaant religion , and all principles of publick good and private friendship , and become the slave of clifford to carry on the ruine of all that he had professed to support , does now also quit even clifford's generous principles , and betake himself to a so●t of men , that never forgive any man the having once been in the right ; and such men , who would do the worst of things by the worst of means , enslave their country , and betray them , under the mask of religion , which they have the publick pay for , and charge off ; so seething the kid in the mothers milk . our statesmen and bishops being now as well agreed , as in old land's time , on the same principles ▪ with the same passion to attain their end , they in the first place give orders to the judges in all their circuits to quicken the execution of the laws against dissenters ; a new declaration is published directly contrary to the former , most in words against the papists , but in the sense , and in the close , did fully serve against both , and in the execution , it was plain who were meant . a commission besides , comes down directed to the principal gentlemen of each country , to seize the estates of both papists and phanatiques , mentioned in a li●t annexed , wherein by great misfortune , or skill , the names of the papists of best quality and fortune ( and so best known ) were mistaken , and the commission render'd ineffectual as to them . besides this , the great ministers of state did in their common publick assure the partie , that all the places of profit , command , and trust , should only be given to the old cavalier ; no man that had served , or been of the contrary party , should be left in any of them ; and a direction is issued to the great ministers before mentioned , and six or seven of the bishops to meet at lambeth-house , who were like the lords of the articles in scotland , to prepare their compleat modell for the ensuing session of parliament . and now comes this memorable session of aprill 13. 75. then , which never any came with more expectation of the court , or dread and apprehension of the people ; the officers , court lords , and bishops , were clearly the major vote in the lords house , and they assured themselves to have the commons as much at their dispose when they reckoned the number of the courtiers , officers , pensioners encreased by the addition of the church and cavalier party , besides the address they had made to men of the best quality there by hopes of honor , great employment , and such things as would take . in a word , the french king's ministers , who are the great chapmen of the world , did not out-doe ours at this time , and yet the over ruling hand of god has blown upon their politicks , and the nation is escaped this session , like a bird out of the snare of the flower . in this sessions the bishops wholly laid aside their zeal against popery . the committee of the whole house for religion , which the country lords had caused to be set up again by the example of the former sessions , could hardly get , at any time , a day appointed for their sitting , and the main thing design'd for a bill voted in the former session , viz. the marrying our princes to none but protestants , was rejected and carryed in the negative by the unanimous votes of the bishops bench ; for i must acquaint you that our great prelates were so neer an intallibility , that they were always found in this session of one mind in the lords house ; yet the lay lords , not understanding from how excellent a principle this proceeded , commonly called them for that reason the dead weight , and they really proved so in the following business , for the third day of this session this bill of test was brought into the lords house by the earl of lindsey l. high chamberlain , a person of great quality , but in this imposed upon , and received its first reading and appointment for the second without much opposition ; the country lords being desirous to observe what weight they put upon it , or how they designed to manage it . at the second reading , the l. keeper , and some other of the court lords , recommended the bill to the house in set and elaborate speeches , the keeper calling it a moderate security to the church and crown , and that no honest man could refuse it , and whosoever did , gave great suspition of dangerous , and anti-monarchicall principles , the other lords declame very much upon the rebellion of the late times , the great number of phanatiques , the dangerous principles of rebellion still remaining , carrying the discourse on as if they meant to trample down the act of oblivion , and all those whose securities depended on it , but the ●arl of shaftsbury and some other of the country lords , earnestly prest that the bill might be laid aside , and that they might not be engaged in the debate of it ; or else that that freedom they should be forced to use in the necessary defence of their opinion , and the preserving of their laws , rights , and liberties , which this bill would overthrow , might not be misconstrued : for there are many things that must be spoken upon the debate , both concerning church and state , that it was well known they had no mind to hear . notwithstanding , this the great officers and bishops called out for the question of referring the bill to a committee ; but the earl of shaftsbury , a man of great abilities , and knowledg in affairs , and one that , in all these variety of changes of this last age , was never known to be either bought or frighted out of his publick principles , at large opened the mischievous , and ill designs , and consequences of the bill , which as it was brought in , required all officers of church and state , and all members of both houses of parliament , to take this oath following . j. a. b. do declare that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever , to take up armes against the king , and that i do abhorr that traiterous position of taking armes by his authority , against his person , or against those that are commission'd by him in pursuance of such commission ; and i do swear that i will not at any time endeavor the alteration of the government , either in church or state , so help me god. the earl of shaftsbury and other lords , spake with such convincing reason , that all the lords , who were at liberty from court-engagements , resolved to oppose to the uttermost , a bill of so dangerous consequence ; and the debate lasted five several days before it was committed to a committee of the whole house , which hardly ever happened to any bill before , all this and the following debates ▪ were managed cheifly by the lords , whose names you will find to the following protestations ; the first whereof , was as followeth . we whose names are under written being peers of this realm , do according to our rights and the ancient vsage of parliaments , declare that the question having been put whether the bill ( entitled an act to prevent the danger which may arise from persons disaffected to the government ) doth so far intrench upon the priviledges of this house ; that it ought therefore to be cast out . it being resolved in the negative , we do humbly conceive that any bill which imposeth an oath upon the peers with a penal●y , as this doth , that upon the refusal of that oath , they shall be made uncapable of sitting and voting in this house , as it is a thing unpresidented in former times , so is it , in our humble opinion , the highest invasion of the liberties and priviledges of the peerage , that possibly may be , and most destructive of the freedom , which they ought to enjoy as members of parliament , because the priviledges of sitting and voting in parliament is an honor they have by birth , and a right so inherant in them , and in separable from them , as that nothing can take it away , but what by the law of the land , must withal , take away their lives , and corrupt their blood ; upon which ground we do here enter our dissent from that vote , and our protestation against it buckingham bridgwater winchester salisbury bedford dorset aylisbury bristol denbigh pagitt holles peter howard e. of berks mohun stamford hallifax de la mer eure shaftsbury clarendon grey roll. say & seal wharton the next protestation was against the vote of committing the bill in the words following ; the question being put whether the bill entituled an act to prevent the dangers , which may arise from persons disaffected to the government , should be commited , it being carried in the affirmative , and we after several days debate , being in no measure satisfied , but still apprehending that this bill doth not only subvert the priviledges , and birth-right of the peers , by imposing an oath upon them with the penalty of losing their places in parliament ; but also , as we humbly conceive , stick at the very root of government ; it being necessary to all government to have freedom of votes and debates in those , who have power to alter , and make laws , and besides , the express words of this bill , obliging every man to abjure all endeavors to alter the government in the church ; without regard to any thing that rules of prudence in the government , or christian compassion to protestant dissenters , or the necessity of affairs at any time , shall or may require . vpon these considerations , we humbly conceive it to be of dangerous consequence to have any bill of this nature , so much as committed , and do enter our dissents from that vote and protestation against it , buckingham winton salisbury denbigh bristol howard of berks clarendon stamford shaftsbury wharton mohun de la mer which protestation was no sooner entred and subscribed the next day , but the great officers and bishops raised a storm against the lords that had subscrib'd it ; endeavouring not only some severe proceedings against their persons , if they had found the house would have born it , but also to have taken away the very liberty of entring protestations with reasons ; but that was defended with so great ability , learning , and reason by the l. holles , that they quitted the attempt , and the debate run for some hours either wholly to raze the protestation out of the books , or at least some part of it , the expression of christian compassion to protestant dissenters being that , which gave them most offence ; but both these ways were so disagreeable to the honor and priviledg of the house , and the latter to common sense and right , that they despaired of carrying it , and contented themselves with having voted that the reasons given in the said protestation , did reflect upon the honor of the house , and were of dangerous consequence . and i cannot here forbear to mention the worth , and honor , of that noble lord holles , suitable to all his former life , that whilst the debate was at the height , and the protesting lords in danger of the tower ; he begg'd the house to give hime leave to put his name to that protest , and take his fortune with those lords , because his sickness had forced him out of the house the day before , so that not being at the question , he could not by the rules of the house sign it . this vote against those twelve lords begat the next day this following protestation signed by 21. whereas it is the undoubted priviledg of each peer in parliament when a question is past contrary to his vote and judgment , to enter his protestation against it , and that in pursuance thereof , the bill entituled an act to prevent the dangers which may may arise from persons disaffected to the government , being conceived by some lords to be of so dangerous a nature , as that it was not fit to receive the countenance of a committment , those lords did protest against the commitment of the said bill , and the house having taken exceptions at some expressions in their protestation ; those lords who were present at the debate , did all of them severally and voluntarily declare , that they had not intention to reflect upon any member , much less upon the whole house , which , as is humbly conc●ived , was more then in strictness did consist with that absolute freedom of protesting , which is inseparable from every member of this house , and was done by them meerly out of their great respect to the house , and their earnest desire to give all satisfaction concerning themselves , and the clearness of their intentions : yet the house not satisfied with this their declaration but proceeding to a vote , that the reasons given in the said protestation do reflect upon the honor of the house , and are of dangerous consequence ; which is in our humble opinion , a great discountenancing of the very liberty of protesting . we whose names are under written , conceive our selves , and the whole house of peers , extreamly concerned that this great wound should be given ( as we humbly apprehend ) to so essential a priviledg of the whole peerage of this realm , as their liberty of protesting , do now ( according to our unquestionable right ) make use of the same liberty to enter this our dissent from , and protestation against the said vote , bucks winton bedford dorset salisbury bridgwater denbigh berks clarendon aylisbury shaftsbury say & seal hallifax audley fits water eure wharton mohun holles de la mer grey roll. after this bill being committed to a committee of the whole house , the first thing insisted upon by the lords against the bill ; was , that there ought to be passed some previus votes to secure the rights of peerage , and priviledg of parliament before they entred upon the debate , or amendments of such a bill as this ; and at last two previous votes were obtained , which i need not here set down , because the next protestation hath them both in terminis . whereas upon the debate on the bill entituled an act to prevent the dangers which may arise from persons disaffected to the government ▪ it was ordered by the house of peers the 30th . of aprill last , that no oath should be imposed by any bill , or otherwise , upon the peers with a penalty in case of refusal , to lose their places , or votes in parliament , or liberty to debate therein ; and whereas also , upon debate of the same , the bill was ordered the third of this instant may , that there shall be nothing in this bill , which shall extend to deprive either of the houses of parliament , or any of their members , of their just ancient freedom , and priviledg of debating any matter or business which shall be propounded , or debated in either of the said houses , or at any conference or committee , of both , or either of the said houses of parliament , or touching the repeal , or alteration of any old , or preparing any new laws , or the redressing any publick grievance ; but that the said members of either of the said houses , and the assistance of the house of peers , and every of them , shall have the same freedom of speech , and all other priviledges whatsoever , as they had before the making of this act. both which orders were passed as previous directions unto the committee of the whole house , to whom the said bill was committed , to the end that nothing should remain in the said bill , which might any ways tend towards the depriving of either of the houses of parliament , or any of their members , of their ancient freedom of debates , or votes , or other their priviledges whatsoever . yet the house being pleased , upon the report from the committee , to pass a vote , that all persons who have , or shall have right to sit and vote in either house of parliament , should be added to the first enacted clause in the said bill , whereby an oath is to be imposed upon them as members of either house , which vote we whose names are under written being peers of this realm , do humbly conceive , is not agreeable to the said two previous orders , and it having been humbly offered , and insisted upon by divers of us , that the proviso in the late act entituled an act for preventing dangers , that may happen from popish recusants ; might be added to the bill depending , whereby the peerage of every peer of this realm , and all their priviledges , might be preserved in this bill , as fully as in the said late act : yet the house not pleasing to admit of the said proviso , but proceeding to the passing of the said vote , we do humbly upon the grounds aforesaid , and according unto our undoubted right , enter this our dissent from , and protestation against the same . bucks bedford winton salisbury berks bridgwater stamford clarendon denbigh dorset shaftsbury wharton eure de la mer pagitt mohun this was their last protestation ; for after this they alter'd their method , and reported not the votes of the committee , and parts of the bill to the house , as they past them , but ▪ took the same order as is observed in other bills , not to report unto the house , untill they ●ad gone through with the bill , and so report all the amendments together . this they thought a way of more dispach and which did prevent all protestations , untill it came to the house ; for the votes of a committe , though of the whole house , are not thought of that weight , as that there should be allowed the entering a dissent of them , or protestation against them . the bill being read over at the committee , the lord keeper objected against the form of it , and desired that he might put it in another method , which was easily allowed him , that being not the dispute . but it was observeable the hand of god was upon them in this whole affair ; their chariot-wheels were taken off , they drew heavily : a bill so long design'd , prepared , and of that moment to all their affairs , had hardly a sensible composure . the first part of the bill that was fallen upon ; was , whether there should be an oath at all in the bill , and this was the only part the court-partie defended with reason : for the whole bill being to enjoyn an oath , the house mig●t reject it , but the committee was not to destroy it . yet the lord hallifax did with that quickness , learning , and elegance , which are inseparable from all his discourses , make appear , that as there really was no security to any state by oaths , so also , no private person , much less states-man , would ever order his affairs as relying on it , no man would ever sleep with open doors , or unlockt up treasure , or plate , should all the town be sworn not to rob ; so that the use of multiplying oaths had been most commonly to exclude , or disturb some honest consciencious men , who would never have prejudiced the government . it was also insisted on by that lord and others , that the oath imposed by the bill , contained three clauses , the two former assertory , and the last promissory , and that it was worthy the consideration of the bishops ▪ whether assertory oaths , which were properly appointed to give testimony of a matter of fact , whereof a man is capable to be fully assured by the evidence of his senses , be lawfully to be made use of to confirm , or invalidate doctrinal propositions , and whether that legislative power , which imposes such an oath , doth not necessarily assume to it self an infallibility ? and , as for prom●ssory oaths , it was desired that those learned prelates would consider the opinion of grotius de jure bellj & pacis , lib. 2. cap. xiii . who seems to make it plain that those kind of oaths are forbidden by our saviour christ , mat. 5. 34 , 37. and whether it would not become the fathers of the church , when they have well weighed that and other places of the new testament ; to be more tender in multiplying oaths , then hitherto the great men of the church have been ? but the bishops carried the point , and an oath was ordered by the major vote . the next thing in consideration , was about the persons that should be enjoyned to take this oath ; and those were to be , all such as enjoyed any beneficial office or employment , ecclesiastical , civil , or military ; and no farther went the debate for some hours , until at last the lord keeper rises up , and with an eloquent oration , desires to add privy counsellors , iustices of the peace , and members of both houses ; the two former particularly mentioned only to usher in the latter ; which was so directly against the two previous votes , the first of which was enroll'd amongst the standing orders of the house , that it wanted a man of no less assurance in his eloquence to propose it , and he was driven hard , when he was forced to tell the house , that they were masters of their own orders , and interpretation of them . the next consideration at the committee was the oath it self , and it was desired by the countrey lords , that it might be clearly known , whether it were meant all for an oath , or some of it a declaration , and some an oath ? if the latter , then it was desired it might be distinctly parted , and that the declaratory part should be subscribed by it self , and not sworn . there was no small pains taken by the lord keeper and the bishops , to prove that it was brought in ; the two first parts were only a declaration , and not an oath ; and though it was replyed that to declare upon ones oath , or to abhorr upon ones oath , is the same thing with i do swear ; yet there was some difficulty to obtain the dividing of them , and that the declaratory part should be only subscribed , and the rest sworn to . the persons being determin'd , and this division agreed to , the next thing was the parts of the declaration , wherein the first was ; j a. b. do declare that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever , to take up armes against the king. this was lyable to great objections ; for it was said it might introduce a great change of the government , to oblige all the men in great trust in england , to declare that exact boundary , and extent , of the oath of allegiance , and inforce some things to be stated , that are much better involv'd in generals , and peradventure are not capable of another way of expression , without great wrong on the one side , or the other . there is a law of 25 edw. 3. that armes shall not be taken up against the king , and that it is treason to do so , and it is a very just and reasonable law ; but it is an idle question at best , to ask whether armes in any case can be taken up against a lawful prince , because it necessarily brings in the debate in every man's mind , how there can be a distinction then left between absolute , and bounded monarchys , if monarchs have only the fear of god , and no fear of humane resistance to restrain them . and it was farther urged , that if the chan●e of humane affairs in future ages , should give the french king a just title and investiture in the crown of england , and he should avowedly own a design by force , to change the religion , and make his government here as absolute as in france , by the extirpation of the nobility , gentry , and principal citizens of the protestant party , whether in such , or like cases , this declaration will be a service to the government , as it is now establisht : nay , and it was farther said , that they overthrow the government that suppose to place any part of it above the fear of man : for in our english government , and all bounded monarchys , where the prince is not absolute , there every individual subject is under the fear of the king , and his people , either for breaking the peace , or disturbing the common interest that every man hath in it , or if he invades the person or right of his prince , he invades his whole people , who have bound up in him , and derive from him , all their liberty , property , and safety : as also the prince himself , is under the fear of breaking that golden chain and connexture between him and his people , by making his interest contrary to that they justly and rightly claim : and therefore neither our ancestors , nor any other country free like ours , whilst they preserv'd their liberties , did ever suffer any mercenary , or standing guards to their prince , but took care that his safety should be in them , as theirs was in him ▪ though these were the objections to this head , yet they were but lighty touch'd , and not fully insisted upon , until the debate of the second head , where the scope of the design was opened clearer , and more distinct to every man's capacity . the second was , and that i do abhorr that trayterous position of taking armes by his authority against his person . to this was objected , that if this be meant an explanation of the oath of allegiance to leave men without pretense to oppose where the individual person of the king is , then it was to be considered , that the proposition as it is here set down is universal , and yet in most cases the position is not to be abhorred by honest or wise men : for there is but one case , and that never like to happen again , where this position is in danger to be trayterous , which was the case of the long parliament , made perpetual● by the king 's own act , by which the government was perfectly altered , and made inconsistent with its self ; but it is to be supposed the crown hath sufficient warning , and full power to prevent the falling again into that danger . but the other cases are many , and such as may every day occurr , wherein this position is so far from traiterous , that it would prove both necessary and our duty . the famous instance of hen. 6. who being a soft and weak prince , when taken prisoner by his cousin edward 4. that pretended to the crown , and the great earl of warwick , was carryed in their armies , gave what orders and commissions they pleased , and yet all those that were loyal to him adhered to his wife and son , fought in a pitcht battel against him in person , and retook him : this was directly taking up armes by his authority against his person , and against those that were commission'd by him , and yet to this day no man hath ever blamed them , or thought but that , if they had done other , they had betray'd their prince . the great case of charles 6. of france , who being of a weak and crazie brain , yet govern'd by himself , or rather by his wife , a woman of passionate , and heady humour , that hat●ed her son the dolphin , a vigorous and brave prince , and passionately loved her daughter ; so that she easily ( being pressed by the victory of hen. 5. of england ) comply'd to settle the crown of france upon him , to marry her daughter to him , and own his right , contrary to the salique law. this was directly opposed with armes and force by the dolphin , and all good french men , even in his father's life time . a third instance is that of king iames of blessed memory , who when he was a child , was seized , and taken prisoner by those , who were justly thought no friends to his crown or safe●y , and if the case should be put , that a future king of england of the same temper with hen. 6. or charl. 6. of france , should be taken prisoner by spaniard , dutch , or french , whose overgrowing power should give them thoughts of vast empire , and should , with the person and commission of the king , invade england for a conquest , were it not suitable to our loyalty to joyn with the son of that king , for the defence of his fathers crown and dignity , even against his person and commission ? in all these and the like cases it was not justified , but that the st●ict letter of the law might be otherwise co●strued , and when wisely considerd , fit it ▪ should be so , yet that it was not safe either for the kingdom , or person of the king and his crown , that it should be in express words swor● against ; for if we shall forswear all distinctions , which ill men have made ill use of , either in rebellion , or heresy , we must extend the oath to all the particulars of divinity , and politiques . to this the aged bishop of winchester reply'd , that to take up armes in such cases , is not against , but for the person of the king : but his lordship was told that he might then as well , nay much better , have le●t it upon the old oath of allegiance , then made such a wide gapp in his new declaration . the th●rd and last part of the de●laration was or against those that are commissioned by him . here the mask was plainly pluckt off , and arbitrary government appear'd bare-faced , and a standing army to be established by act of parliament , for it was said by several of the lords , that if whatever is by the kings commission , be not opposed by the king's authority , then a standing army is law when ●ver the king pleases ; and yet the king's commission was never thought sufficient to protect , or justify any man , where it is against his authority , which is the law ; this allowed alters the whole law of england , in the most essential and fundamental parts of it , and makes the whole law of property to become arbitrary , and without effect , whenever the king pleases . for instance , if in a suit with a great favourite , a man recovers house and lands , and by course of law be put into possession by the sheriff , and afterwards a warrant is obtain'd by the interest of the person , to command some souldiers of the standing army to take the possession and deliver it back , in such a case , the man in possession may justify to defend himself , and killing those who shall violently endeavour to enter his house , the party , whose house is invaded , takes up armes by the king's authority against those , who are commissioned by him . and it is the same case , if the souldiers had been commissioned to defend the house against the sheriff , when he first endeavored to take the possession according to law , neither could any order , or commission of the king 's , put a stop to the sheriff , if he had done his duty in raising the whole force of that count to put the law in execution ; neither can the court ▪ from whom that order proceeds , ( if they observe their oaths , and duty ) put any stop to the execution of the law in such a case , by any command or commission from the king whatsoever ; nay , all the guards , and standing forces in england , cannot be secured by any commission from being a direct riot , and unlawful assembly , unless in time of open war and rebellion : and it is not out of the way to suppose , that if any king hereafter , shall contrary to the petition of right , demand , and levie money by privy-seal , or otherwise , and cause souldiers to enter , and distrain fo● such like illegall taxes , that in such a case any man may by law defend his house against them ; and yet this is of the same nature with the former , and against the words of the declaration . these instances may seem somwhat rough , and not with the usual reverence towards the crown , but they alleadged , they were to be excused , when all was concerned , and without speaking thus plain , it is refused to be understood ; and , however happy we are now , either in the present prince , or those we have in prospect , yet the suppositions are not extravagant , when we consider , kings are but men , and compassed with more temptations then others ; and , as the earl of salisbury , who stood like a rock of nobility , and english principles , excellently replyed to the lord keeper , who was pleased to term them remote instances , that they would not hereafter prove so , when this declaration had made the practise of them justifiable . these arguments enforced the lords for the bill to a change of this part of the declaration , so that they agreed the second ▪ and thrid parts of it , should run th●s ; and i do abhorr that trayterous position of taking armes against by his authority , against his person , or against those , that are commissioned by him according to law , in time of rebellion , or war , acting in pursuance of such commission . which mends the matter very little ; for if they mean the king's authority , and his lawful commission , to be two things , and such as are capable of opposition , then it is as dangerous to are the liberties of the nation , as when it run in the former words , and we only chea●ed by new phrasing of it : but if they understand them to be one and the same thing , as really and truly they are , then we are only to abhorr the treason of the position of taking armes by the king's authority against the king's authority , because it is non-sense , and not practicable ; and so they had done little but confest , that all the clergy and many other persons , have been forced by former acts of this present parliament , to make this declaration in other words , that now are found so far from being justifiable , that they are directly contrary to magna charta our properties , and the establish'd law and government of the nation . the next thing in course was , the oath it self , against which the objection lay so plain , and so strong at the first entrance , viz. that there was no care taken of the doctrine , but only the discipline of the church . the papists need not scruple the taking this oath ; for episcopacy remains in its greatest lustre , though the popish religion was introduced , but the king's supremacy is justled aside by this oath , and makes better room for an ecclesiastical one , in so much that with this , and much more , they were inforced to change their oath , and the next day bring it in as followeth . i do swear that i will not endeavour to alter the protestant religion or the government either of church or state. by this they thought they had salved all , and now began to call their oath a security for the protestant religion , and the only good design to prevent popery , if we should have a popish prince . but the countrey lords wondred at their confidence in this , since they had never thought of it before , and had been but the last preceeding day of the debate by pure shame compell'd to to this addition ; for it was not unknown to them , that some of the bishops themselves had told some of the roman catholick lords of the house , that care had been taken that it might be such an oath , as might not bear upon them . but let it be whatever they would have it , yet the countrey lords thought the addition was unreasonable , and of as dangerous consequence as the rest of the oath . and it was not to be wondred at , if the addition of the best things , wanting the authority of an express divine institution , should make an oath not to endeavor to alter , just so much worse by the addition . for as the earl of shaftsbury very well urg'd , that it is a far different thing to believe , or to be fully persuaded of the truth of the doctrine of our church ; and to swear never to endeavor to alter ; which last , must be utterly unlawful , unless you place an infallibility either in the church , or your self , you being otherwise obliged to alter , when ever a clearer , or better light comes to you ; and he desir'd leave to ask , where are the boundaries , or where shall we find , how much is meant by the protestant religion . the lord keeper thinking he had now got an advantage , with his usual eloquence , desires it might not be told in gath , nor published in the streets of askalon , that a lord of so greats parts , and 〈…〉 himself for the church of england , should not know what is meant by the protestant religion . this was seconded with great pleasantness by div●rs of the lords the bishops ; but the bishop of winchester , and some others of them were pleased to condescend to instruct that lord , that the protestant religion was comprehended in 39 articles , the liturgie , the catechisme , the homilies , and the canons . to this the earl of shaftsbury replied , that he begg'd so much charity of them to believe , that he knew the protestant religion so well , and was so confirmed in it , that he hoped he should burn for the witness of it , if providence should call him to it : but he might perhaps think some things not necessary , that they accoun●ed essential , nay he might think some things not true , or agreeable to the scripture , that they might call doctrines of the church : besides when he was to swear never to endeavor to alter , it was certainly necessary to know how far the just extent of this oath was ; but since they had told him that the protestant religion was in those 5 tracts , he had still to ask , whether they meant those whole tracts were the protestant religion , or only that the protestant religion was contained in all those , but that every part of these was not the protestant religion . if they meant the ●ormer of these then he was extreamly in the dark to find the doctrine of predestination in the 18. and 17. art. to be owned by so few great doctors of the church , and to find the 19. art. to define the church directly as the independents do : besides the 20. art. sta●ing the authority of the church is very dark , and either contradicts it self , or says nothing , or what is contrary to the known laws of the land ; besides several other things , in the 39 articles , have been preached , and writ against by men of great favor , power , and preferment in the church . he humbly conceived the liturgie was not so sacred , being made by men the other day ; and thought to be more differing from the dissenting protestants , and less easy to be complyd with , upon the advantage of a pretense well known unto us all , of making alterations as might the better unite us ; in stead whereof , there is scarce one altera●ion , but widens the breach , and no ordination allow●d by it here , ( as it now stands last reformed in the act of vniformity ) but what is episcopall ; in so much that a popish priest is capable , when converted , of any church preferment without reordination ; but no protestant minister not episcopally ordain'd , but is required to be reordain'd , as much as in us lies unchurching all the forreign protestants , that have not bishops , though the contrary was both allow●d , and practis'd from the beginning of the reformation till the time of that act , and several bishops made of such , as were never ordain'd priests by bishops . moreover the vncharitableness of it was so much against the interest of the crown , and church of england ( casting off the dependency of the whole protestant partie abroad ) that it would have been bought by the pope and french king at a vast summ of money ; and it is difficult to conceive so great an advantage fell to them meerly by chance , and without their help ; so that he thought to endeavor to alter , and restore the liturgy to what it was in queen elizabeths days might consist with his being a very good protestant . as to the catachisme , he really thought it might be mended , and durst declare to them , it was not well that there was not a better made . for the homilies he thought there might be a better book made , and the 3. hom. of repairing and keeping clean of churches , might be omitted . what is yet stranger then all this , the canons of our church are directly the old popish canons , which are still in force , and no other ; which will appear , if you turn to the stat. 25. hen. 8. cap. 19 confirmed and received by 1. eliz. where all those canons are establish'd , untill an alteration should be made by the king in pursuance of that act ; which thing was attempted by edward the 6th . but not perfected , and let alone ever since , for what reasons the lords the bishops could best tell ; and it was very hard to be obliged by oath not to endeavour to alter either the english common-prayer book , or the canon of the mass. but if they meant the latter , that the protestant religion is contein'd in all those , but that every part of those is not the protestant religion , then ●e apprehended it might be in the bishops power to declare ex post facto what is the protestant religion or not , or else they must leave it to every man to judge for himself , what parts of those books are or are not , and then their oath had been much better let alone . much of this nature was said by that lord , and others , and the great officers , and bishops were so hard put to it , that they seemed willing , and convinced to admit of an expedient . the lord wharton and old and expert parliament man of eminent piety and abilities , beside a great friend to the protestant religion , and interest of england , offer'd as a cure to the whole oath , and what might make it pass in all the 3 parts of it , without any farther debate , the addition of these words at the latter end of the oath , viz. as the same is or shall be establish'd by act of parliament , but this was not endured at all , when the lord grey of rollston , a worthy and true english lord , offered another expedient , which was the addition of words , by force or fraud , to the beginning of the oath , and then it would run thus , i do swear not to endeavor by force or fraud to alter ; this was also a cure that would have passed the whole oath , and seemed as if it would have carried the whole house ▪ the duke of york and bishop of rochester both second●ng it ; but the lord trea●urer , who had privately before consented to it , speaking against it , gave the word and sign to that party , and it being put to the question , the major vote answered all arguments , and the l. grey's proposition was laid aside . having thus carried the question , relying upon their strength of votes , taking advantage that those expedients that had been offered , extended to the whole oath , though but one of the 3 clauses in the oath had been debated , the other two not mentioned at all , they attempted strongly at nine of the clock at night to have the whole oath put to the question , and though it was resolutely opposed by the lord mohun , a lord of great courage , and resolution in the publick interest , and one whose own personal merits , as well as his fathers , gave him a just title to the best favors of the court ; yet they were not diverted but by as great a disorder as ever was seen in that house proceeding from the rage those unreasonable proceedings had caused in the country lords , they standing up in a clump together , and crying out with so loud a con●inued voice adjourn , that when silence was obtain'd , fear did what reason could not do , cause the question to be put only upon the first clause concerning protestant religion , to which the bishops desired might be added , as it is now established , and one of the eminentest of those were for the bill added the words by law ; so that , as it was passed , it ran , i ▪ a. b. do swear that i will not endeavor to alter the protestant religion now by law established in the church of england . and here observe the words by law do directly take in the canons though the bishops had never mentioned them . and now comes the consideration of the latter part of the oath which comprehends these 2 clauses , viz. nor the goverment either in church or state , wherein the church came first to be considerd . and it was objected by the lords against the bill that it was not agreeable to the king's crown and dignity , to have his subjects sworn to the government of the church equally as to himself ; that for the kings of england to swear to maintain the church , was a diffe●ent thing from enjoyning all his officers , and both his houses of parliament to swear to them . it would be well understood , before the bill passed , what the government of the church ( we are to swear to ) is , and what the boundaries of it , whether it derives no power , nor authority , nor the exercise of any power , authority , or function , but from the king as head of the church , and from god as through him , as all his other officers do ? for no church or religion can justify it self to the government , but the state religion , that ownes an entire dependency on , and is but a branch of it ; or the independent congregations ; whilest they claim no other power , but the exclusion of their own members from their particular communion , and endeavor not to set up a kingdom of christ to their own use in this world , whilest our saviour hath told us , that his kingdom is not of it ; for otherwise there would be imperium in imperio , and two distinct supream powers inconsistent with each other , in the same place , and over the same persons . the bishops al●eadged ▪ that priesthood and the power thereof , and the authorities belonging thereunto were derived immediately from christ , but that the license of exercising that authority and power in any country is derived from the civil magistrate : to which was replied , that it was a dangerous thing to secure by oath , and act of parliament those in the exercise of an authority , and power in the king's country , and over his subjects , which being received from christ himself , cannot be altered , or limitted by the king's laws ; and that this was directly to set the mitre above the crown . and it was farther offered , that this oath was the greatest attempt that had been made against the king's supremacy since the reformation ; for the king in parliament may alter , diminish , enlarge , or take away any bishoprick ; he may take any part of a diocess , or a whole diocess , and put them under deans , or other persons ; ●or if this be not lawful , but that episcopacy should be jure divino , the maintaining the government : as it is now , is unlawful ; since the deans of hereford , and salisbury , have very large tracts under their jurisdiction , and several parsons of parishes have episcopal jurisdiction ; so that at best that government wants alteration , that is so imperfectly settled . the bishop of winchester affirmed in this debate several times , that there was no christian church before calvin that had not bishops ; to which he was answered that the albigenses a very numerous people , and the only visible known church of true beleivers , of some ages , had no bishops . it is very true , what the bishop of winchester replyd , that they had some amongst them , who alone had power to ordain , but that was only to commit that power to the wisest , and gravest men amongst them , and to secure ill , and unfit men from being admitted into the ministery ; but they exercis'd no jurisdiction over the others . and it was said by divers of the lords , that they thought episcopal government best for the church , and most suitable for the monarchy , but they must say with the lord of southampton upon the occasion of this oath in the parliament of oxford , i will not be sworn not to take away episcopacie , there being nothing , that is not of divine precept , but such circumstances may come in humane affairs , as may render it not eligible by the best of men. and it was also said , that if episcopacy be to be received as by divine precept , the king's supremacy is overthrown , and so is also the opinion of the parliaments both in edw. 6. and queen elizabeths time ; and the constitution of our church ought to be altered , as hath been shewd . but the church of rome it self hath contradicted that opinion , when she hath made such vast tracts of ground , and great numbers of men exempt from episcopal jurisdiction . the lord wharton upon the bishops claim to a divine right , asked a very hard question , viz. whether they then did not claim withall , a power of excommunicating their prince , which they evading to answer , and being press'd by some other lords , said they never had done it . upon which the lord hallifax told them that that might well be ; for since the reformation they had hitherto had too great a dependance on the crown to venture on that , or any other offence to it : and so the debate passed on to the third clause , which had the same exceptions against it with the two former , of being unbounded how far any man might meddle , and how far not , and is of that extent , that it overthrew all parliaments , and left them capable of nothing but giving money . for what is the business of parliaments but the alteration , either by adding , or taking away some part of the government , either in church or state ? and every new act of parliament is an alteration ; and what kind of government in church and state must that be , which i must swear upon no alteration of time , emergencie of affairs , nor variation of humane things , never to endeavor to al●er ? would it not be requ●site that such a government should be given by god himself , and that withall the ceremonie of thunder , and lightening , and visible appearance to the whole people , which god vouchsafed to the chrildren of israel at mount sinaj ? and yet you shall no where read that they were sworn to it by any oath like this : nay on the contrary , the princes and the rulers , even those recorded for the best of them , did make sever●l variations . the lord stafford , a noble man of great honor and candour , but who had been all along for the bill , yet was so far convinced with the debate , that he freely declared , there ought to be an addition to the oath , for preserving the freedom of debates in parliament . this was strongly urged by the never to be forgotten , earl of bridgwater , who gave reputation , and strength to this cause of england ; as did also those worthy earls denbigh , clarendon , and aylisbury , men of great worth and honor. to salve all that was said by these , and the other lords , the lord keeper and the bishops urged , that there was a proviso , which fully preserved the priviledges of parliament , and upon farther enquiry there appearing no such , but only a previous vote , as is before mention'd , they allow●d that that previous vote should be drawn into a proviso , and added to the b●ll , and then in their opinion the exception to the oath for this cause was perfectly removed ; but on the other side it was offered , that a positive absolute oath being taken , a proviso in the act could not dispence with it without some reference in the body of the oath , unto that proviso ; but this also was utterly denied , untill the next day , the debate going on upon other matters , the lord treasurer , whose authority easily obtained with the major vote , reassumed what was mentioned in the debates of the proceeding days , and allow'd a reference to the proviso ▪ so that it then past in these words , i a. b. do swear that i will not endeavor to alter the protestant religion now by law establisht in the church of england , nor the government of this kingdom in church , or state , as it is now by law established , and i do take this oath according to the meaning of this act and the proviso contain'd in the same , so help me god. there was a passage of the very greatest observation in the whole debate , and which with most clearness shewd what the great men and bishops aimed at , and should in order have come in before , but that it deserved so particular a consideration , that i thought best to place it here by it self , which was , that upon passing of the p●oviso for preserving the rights , and priviledges of parliaments made out of the previous votes , it was excellently observ'd by the earl of bullingbrook , a man of great abilitie , and learning in the laws of the land , and perfectly stedfast in all good english principles , that though that proviso did preserve the freedom of debates and votes in parliament , yet the oath remain'd notwithstanding that proviso upon all men , that shall take as a prohibition either by speech , or writing , or address , to endeavor any alteration in religion , church , or state ; nay also upon the members of both houses otherwise then as they speak , and vote in open parliaments or committees : for this oath takes away all private converse upon any such affairs even one with another . this was seconded by the lord de la mer , whose name is well known , as also his worth , piety , and learning ; i should mention his great merits too , but i know not whether that be lawful , they lying yet unrewarded . the lord shaftsbury presently drew up some words for preserving the same rights , priviledges , and freedoms , which men now enjoy by the laws established , that so by a side wind we might not be deprived of the great liberty we enjoy as english men , and desired those words might be inserted in that proviso before it past . this was seconded by many of the forementioned lords , and prest upon those terms , that they desired not to countenance , or make in the least degree any thing lawful , that was not already so , but that they might not be deprived by this dark way of proceeding of that liberty was necessary to them as men , and without which parliaments would be renderd useless . upon this all the great officers showd themselves , nay the d. of lauderdail himself , though under the load of two addresses , opened his mouth , and together with the lord keeper , and the lord treasurer , told the committee in plain terms , that they intended , and design'd to prevent caballing , and conspiracies against the government that they knew no reason why any of the king's officers should consult with parliament men about parliament business , and particularly mention'd those of the armie , treasury , and navy ; and when it was objected to them , that the greatest part of the most knowing gentry were either justices of the peace , or of the militia , and that this took away all converse , or discourse of any alteration , which was in truth of any business in parliament , and that the officers of the navy , and treasury , might be best able to advise what should be fit in many cases ; and that withall none of their lordships did offer any thing to salve the inconvenience of parliament men being deprived of discoursing one with another , upon the matters that were before them . besides it must be again remembred , that nothing was herein desired to be countenanced , or made lawful , but to preserve that that is already law , and avowedly justified by it ; for without this addition to the proviso , the oath renderd parliaments but a snare not a security to the people ; yet to all this was answerd sometimes with passion , and high words , sometimes with jests , and raillery ( the best they had ) and at the last the major vote answered all objections , and laid a side the addition tendered . there was another thing before the finishing of the oath , which i shall here also mention , which was an additional oath tendered by the marquess of winchester , who ought to have been mentioned in the first , and chiefest place for his conduct , and support in the whole debate , being an expert parliament man , and one whose quallity , parts , and fortune , and owning of good principles , concurr to give him one of the greatest places in the esteem of good men. the additional oath tenderd , was as followeth , i do swear that i will never by threats , injunctions , promises , advantages , or invitation , by or from any person whatsoever , nor from the hopes , or prospect of any gift , place , office , or benefit whatsoever , give my vote other then according to my opinion and conscience , as i shall be truly , and really persuaded upon the debate of any-business in parliament ; so help me god. this oath was offerd upon the occasion of swearing memb●rs of parliament , and upon this score only , that if any new oath was thought fit ( which that noble lord declared his own judgment perfectly against ) this certainly was ( all considerations , and circumstances taken in ) most necessary to be a part , and the nature of it was not so strange if they considerd the iudges oath , which was not much different from this . to this the lord keeper seemed very averse , and declared in a very fine speech , that it was an vseless oath ; for all gifts , places , and offices , were likelyest to come from the king , and no member of parliament in either house , could do too much for the king , or be too much of his side , and that men might lawfully , and worthily , have in their prospect , such offices , or benefits from him. with this the lords against the bill , were in no tearms satisfied , but plainly spoke out that men had been , might , and were likely to be , in either house , too much for the king , as they call'd it , and that whoever did endeavour to give more power to the king , then the law and constitution of the government had given , especially if it tended to the introducing an absolute and arbitrary government might justly be said to do too much for the king , and to be corrupted in his judgment by the prospect of advantages , and rewards ; though , when it is considered that every deviation of the crown towards absolute power , lessens the king in the love , and affection of his people , makeing him become less their interest , a wise prince will not think it a service done him. and now remains only the last part of the bill , which is the the penalty different according to the quallifications of the persons all that are , or shall be privy counsellors , iustices of the peace , or possessors of any beneficial office , ecclesiastical , civill , or military , are to take the oath when summoned , upon pain of 500 l. and being made uncapable of bearing office , the members of both houses are not made uncapable , but lyable to the penalty of 500 l. if they take it not . upon all which the considerations of the debate were , that those officers , and members of both houses are of all the nation the most dangerous to be sworn into a mistake , or change of the government , and that , as to the members of both houses , the penalty of 500 l. was directly against the latter of the 2. previous votes , and although they had not applied the penalty of incapacity unto the members of both houses , because of the first previous vote in the case of the lords , neither durst they admit of a proposition made by some of themselves , that those that did not come up , and sit as members , should be lyable to the taking the oath , or penalty , untill they did so : yet their ends were not to be compassed without invading the latter previous vote , and contrary to the rights and priviledges of parliament enforce them to swear , or pay 500 l. every parliament , and this they ca●ried through with so strong a resolution , that having experienced their misfortunes in replys for several hours , not one of the party could be provoked to speak one word . though , besides the former arguments , it was strongly urged , that this oath ought to be put upon officers with a heavier penalty then the test was in the act of the immediate preceding session against the papists , by which any man might sit down with the loss of his office , without being in the darger of the penalty of 500 l. and also that this act had a direct retrospect ( which ought ne●er to be in penall laws ) for this act punishes men for having an office without taking this oath , which office , before this law pass , they may now lawfully enjoy without it . yet notwithstanding it provides not a power , in many cases , for them to part with it , before this oath overtake them ; for the clause whoever is in office the 1. september will not relieve a justice of the peace , who , being once sworn , is not in his own power to be left out of commission ; and so might be instanced in several other cases ; as also the members of the house of commons were not in their own power to be unchosen ; and as to the lords , they were subjected by it to the meanest condition of mankind , if they could not enjoy their birthright , without playing tricks sutable to the humour of every age , and be enforced to swear to every fancie of the present times . three years ago it was all liberty and indulgence , and now it is strict and rigid conformity and what it may be , in some short time hereafter , without the spirit of prophesying might be shrewdly guest by a considering man. this being answerd with silence , the duke of buckingham , whose quality ▪ admirable wit , and unusual pains , that he took all along in the debate against this bill , makes me mention him in this last place , as general of the partie , and coming last out of the field , made a speech late at night of eloquent , and well placed non-sense , showing how excellently well he could do both ways , and hoping that might do , when sense ( which he often before used with the highest advantage of wit , and reason ) would not ; but the earl of winchilsea readily apprehending the dialect , in a short reply , put an end to the debate , and the major vote ultima ratio senatuum , & conciliorum , carried the question as the court , and bishops would have it . this was the last act of this tragi-comedy , which had taken up sixteen or seventeen whole days debate , the house sitting many times till eight or nine of the clock at night , and sometimes till midnight ; but the business of priviledg between the two houses gave such an interruption , that this bill was never reported from the committee to the house . i have mention'd to you divers lords , that were speakers , as it fell in the debate , but i have not distributed the arguments of the debate to every particular lord. now you know the speakers , your curiosity may be satisfied , and the lords i am sure will not quarrel about the division . i must not forget to mention those great lords , bedford , devonshire , and burlington , for the countenance and support they gave to the english interest . the earl of bedford was so brave in it , that he joyn'd in three of the protests ; so also did the earl of dorset , and the earl of stamford , a young noble man of great hopes , the lord eure , the lord viscount say and seal , and the lord pagitt in two ; the lord audley and the lord fitzwater in the 3 d and the lord peter , a noble man of great estate , and always true to the maintenance of liberty , and property in the first . and i should not have omitted the earl of dorset , lord audley , and the lord peter amongst the speakers : for i will assure you they did their parts excellently well . the lord viscount hereford was a steady man among the countrey lords ; so also was the lord townsend , a man justly of great esteem , and power in his own countrey , and amongst all those that well know him . the earl of carnarvon ought not to be mention'd in the last place , for he came out of the countrey on purpose to oppose the bill , stuck very fast to the countrey partie , and spoke many excellent things against it . i dare not mention the roman catholick lords , and some others , for fear i hurt them ; but thus much i shall say of the roman catholick peers , that if they were safe in their estates , and yet kept out of office , their votes in that house would not be the most unsafe to england of any sort of men in it . as for the absent lords , the earl of ruttland , lord sandys , lord herbert of cherbury , lord north , and lord crew , ought to be mentiond with honor , having taken care their votes should maintain their own interest , and opinions ; but the earls of exceter , and chesterfield , that gave no proxies this sessions , the lord montague of boughton , that gave his to the treasurer , and the lord roberts his to the earl of northampton , are not easily to be understood . if you ask after the earl of carlisle , the lord viscount falconbridge , and the lord berkely of berkley castle , because you find them not mentioned amongst their old friends , all i have to say , is , that the earl of carlisle stept aside to receive his pention , the lord berkely to dine with the lord treasurer , but the lord viscount falconberg , like the noble man in the gospel , went away sorrowfull , for he had a great office at court ▪ but i despair not of giving you a better account of them next sessions , for it is not possible when they consider that cromwell's major general , son in law , and friend , should think to find their accounts amongst men that set up on such a bottom . thus sir , you see the standard of the new partie is not yet set up , but must be the work of another session , though it be admirable to me , how the king can be enduced to venture his affairs upon such weak counsels , and of so fatal consequences ; for i believe it is the first time in the world , that ever it was thought adviseable , after fifteen years of the highest peace , quiet , and obedience , that ever was in any countrey , that there should be a pretense taken up , and a reviving of former miscarriages , especially after so many promises , and declarations , as well as acts of oblivion , and so much merit of the offending partie , in being the instruments of the king 's happy return , besides the putting so vast a number of the king's subjects in u●ter despair of having their crimes ever forgotten ; and it must be a great mistake in counsels , or worse , that there should be so much pains taken by the court to debase , and bring low the house of peers , if a military government be not intended by some . for the power of peerage , and a standing army are like two buckets , the proportion that one goes down , the other exactly goes up ; and i refer you to the consideration of all the histories of ours , or any of our neighbor northern monarchies , whether standing forces military , and arbitrary government , came not plainly in by the same steps , that the nobility were lessened ; and whether when ever they were in power , and greatness , they permitted the least shadow of any of them : our own countrey is a clear instance of it ; for though the white rose and the red chang'd fortunes often to the ruine , slaughter and beheading of the great men of the other side ; yet nothing could enforce them to secure themselves by a standing force : but i cannot believe that the king himself will ever design any such thing ; for he is not of a temper rob●st , and laborious enough , to deale with such a sort of men , or reap the advantages , if there be any , of such a government , and i think , he can hardly have forgot the treatment his father received from the officers of his army , both at oxford , and newark ; 't was an hard , but almost an even choice to be the parliaments prisoner , or their slave ; but i am sure the greatest prosperity of his armes could have brought him to no happier condition , then our king his son hath before him whenever he please . however , this may be said for the honor of this session , that there is no prince in christendom hath at a greater expence of money , maintained for two months space , a nobler , or more useful dispute of the politiques , mistery , and see●e●s of government , bo●h in church and state , then this hath been ; of which noble design no part is owing to any of the countrey lords , for they several of them begg'd , at the first entrance into the debate , that they might not be engaged in such disputes , as would unavoidably produce divers things to be said , which they were willing to let alone . but i must bear them witness , and so will you , having read this , that they did their parts in it , when it came to it , and spoke plain like old english lords . i shall conclude with that , upon the whole matter , is most worthy your consideration , that the design is to declare us first into another government more absolute , and arbitrary , then the oath of allegience , or old law knew , and then make us swear unto it , as it is so established : and less then this the bishops could not offer in requi●al to the crown for par●ing with its supremacy , and suffering them to be sworn to equal with it self . archbishop laud was the first founder of this device ; in his canons of 1640. you shall find an oath very like this , and a declaratory canon preceding that monarchy is of divine right , which was also affirmed in this debate by our reverend prelates , and is owned in print by no less men then a. bishop vsher , and b. sand●rson ; and i am afraid it is the avowd opinion of much the greater part of our dignified clergie : if so ▪ i am sure they are the most dangerous sort of men alive to our english government , and it is the first thing ought to be look● into , and strictly examin'd by our parliaments , ' ●is the leaven that corrupts the whole lump ; for if that be true , i am sure monarchy is not to be bounded by humane laws , and the 8. chap. of 1. sa●uel , will prove ( as many of our divines would have it ) the great charter of the royal prerogative , and our magna charta that says our kings may not take our fields , our vineyards , our corn , and our sheep is not in force , but void and null , because against divine institution ; and you have the riddle out , why the clergy are so re●dy to take themselves , & impose upon others ▪ such kind of oaths as these , they have pla●ed themselves , and their possessions upon a better , and a surer bottom ( as they think ) then magna charta , and so have no more need of , or concern for it : nay what is worse , they have tr●ckt away the rights and liberties of the people in this , and all other countries wherever they have had opportunity , that they might be owned by the prince to be iure divino , and maintain'd in that pretention by that absolute power and force , they have contributed so much to put into his hands ; and that priest , and prince may , like castor and pollux , be worshipt together as divine in the same temple by us poor lay-subjects ; and that sense and reason , law , properties , rights , and liberties , shall be understood as the oracles of those deities shall interpret , or give signification to them , and ne'● be made use of in the world to oppose the absolute , and freewill of either of them . sir , i have no more to say , but begg your pardon for this tedious trouble , and that you will be very careful to whom you communicate any of this . finis . a letter sent from the parliament of scotland to the severall presbyteries within the kingdome. scotland. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a92581 of text r210769 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[23]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a92581 wing s1289 thomason 669.f.12[23] estc r210769 99869526 99869526 162816 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92581) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162816) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[23]) a letter sent from the parliament of scotland to the severall presbyteries within the kingdome. scotland. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] imprint from wing. desires the goodwill of the presbyteries -cf. steele. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. dated at end: edinburgh, 11 may 1648; signed: alex. gibson, cler. regist. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -scotland -17th century -early works to 1800. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a92581 r210769 (thomason 669.f.12[23]). civilwar no a letter sent from the parliament of scotland to the severall presbyteries within the kingdome. scotland. parliament 1648 793 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-08 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms a letter sent from the parliament of scotland to the severall presbyteries within the kingdome . right reverend , the many scandals that are thrown on our actions by the favourers of sectaries , and haters of the person of our king and monarchicall government , invite us to this extraordinary addresse to you ; conjuring you , as you will answer to the great god whose servants you are , not to suffer your selves to be possest with unjust and undeserved prejudices against us and our proceedings , who have since our late meeting in parliament preferred no earthly thing to our duties to religion , and the promoting of all the ends of our covenant , and have constantly used all reall endeavours to have carried on those duties to the satisfaction of the most tender consciences ; and especially by our great compliances with the many desires from the commissioners of the generall assembly : we have proceeded to greater discoveries of our resolutions , in the wayes and meanes of managing this present service then possible in prudence we ought to have done , having so neare and active enemies to oppose us : neither can it be with any truth or justice in any sort alleadged , that we have in the least measure wronged , or violated the true priviledges and liberties of the church , or any wayes taken upon us the determination or decision of any matters of faith or church discipline , though we be unjustly charged with taking an antecedent judgement in matters of religion ; under pretence whereof great encroachments are made on our unquestioned rights . for what can be more civill then to determine what civill duties we ought to pay to our king , or what civill power he ought to be possessed of ? and if we meet with obstructions and opposition in carrying on those duties , are not we the only judges thereunto ? is there any other authority in this kingdome , but that of king and parliament , and what flowes from them that can pretend any authoritative power in the choice of the instruments and managers of our publick resolutions . it is a subject for the dispute of church judicatories , whether his majesty hath a negative voice in parliament or not ? these certainly cannot be pretended to by any kirk-man , without a great usurpation over the civill magistrate , whereof we are confident the church of scotland , nor any judicatory thereof will never be guilty , nor fall into the episcopall disease of medling with civill affaires : and if any have already in these particulars exceeded their bounds , we expect the ensuing generall assembly will censure it accordingly , and prevent the vilifying and contemning the authority of parliament by any of the ministery , either in , or out of their pulpits , or who shall offer to stir up the subjects of this kingdome to disobey , or deny to give civill obedience to their lawes ; it being expresly prohibited by the 2. and 5. acts of ja. 6. his 8. parliament , in anno 1584. that none of his majesties subjects , under paine of treason , impugne the authority of parliament . and therefore seeing the cause is the same for which this kingdom hath done and suffered so much , and that we are resolved to proceed for the preservation and defence of religion , before all other worldly interests whatsoever ; and to carry on sincerely , really , and constantly the covenant , and all the ends of it , as you will finde by our declaration herewith sent to you : we doe confidently expect , that as the ministers of this kingdome have hitherto been most active and exemplary in furthering the former expeditions , so now you will continue in the same zeale , to stir up the people by your preaching and prayers , and all other wayes in your calling , to a chearefull obedience to our orders , and engaging in this businesse ; and that you will not give so great advantage to the enemies of presbyteriall government , and bring so great a scandall on this church , as to oppose the authority of parliament , or obstruct their proeeedings in their necessary duties for the good of religion , the honour and happinesse of the king and his royall posterity , and the true peace of his dominions . signed by order of parliament . alex. gibson , cler. regist. edinburgh , 11 may 1648. a seasonable discourse shewing the unreasonableness and mischeifs [sic] of impositions in matters of religion recommended to serious consideration / by a learned pen. 1687 approx. 126 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a58927 wing s2229 estc r34063 13691563 ocm 13691563 101402 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a58927) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101402) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1047:39) a seasonable discourse shewing the unreasonableness and mischeifs [sic] of impositions in matters of religion recommended to serious consideration / by a learned pen. learned pen. 38 p. printed and are to be sold by r. baldwin, london : 1687. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng freedom of religion -great britain. church and state -great britain. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a seasonable discourse , shewing the unreasonableness and mischeifs of impositions in matters of religion , recommended to serious consideration . by a learned pen. london , printed and are to be sold by r. baldwin . 1687. a seasonable discourse the christian religion , as first instituted by our blessed saviour , was the greatest security to magistrates by the obedience which it taught , and was fitted to enjoy no less security under them by a practice conformable to that doctrine . for our saviour himself , not pretending to an earthly kingdom , took such case therefore to instruct his followers in the due subjection to governors ; that , while they observed his precepts , they could neither fall under any jealousy of state as an ambitious and dangerous party , nor , as malefactors upon any other account , deserve to suffer under the publick severity : so that in this only it could seem pernicious to goverment , that christanity , if rightly exercised upon its own principles , would render all magistracy useless . but although he , who was lord of all , and to whom all power was given beth in heaven and in earth , was nevertheless contented to come in the form of a servant , and to let the emperors and princes of the world alone with the use of their dominions ; he thought it good reason to retain his religion under his own cognizance , and exempt its authority from their jurisdiction . in this alone he was imperious , and did not only practise it himself against the laws and customs then received , and in the face of the magistrate ; but continually seasoned and hardned his disciples in the same confidence and obstinacy . he tells them , they shall be brought before kings and governours for his name , but sear them not , he will be with them , bear them out , and justify it against all opposition . nor that he allowed them hereby to violate their duty to the puplick , by any resistance in defiance of the magistracy ; but he instructed and animated them in their duty to god , in dispight of suffering . in this manner christanity did at first set out , and accordingly found reception . for although our blessed saviour , having fulfilled all righteousness , and the time of his ministry being compleated , did by his death set the seal to his doctrine , and shew the way toward life and immortality to such belivers as imitate his example : yet did not the heathen magistrate take the government to be concerned in point of religion , or upon that acount consent to his execution . pontious pilate , then governour of iudea , though he were a man unjust and cruel by nature , and served tiberius , the most tender , jealous and severe in point of state or prerogative , of all the roman emperors ; though he understood that great multitudes followed him , and that he was grown the head of a new sect that was never before heard of in the nation , yet did not he intermeddle . but they were the men of religion , the chief priests , scribes and elders , and the high priest caiphas . and yet , altho they accused him falsly , that he taught that tribute was not to be given to caesar , that he was a fifth monarch , and made himself a king , and ( as it is usual for some of the clergy to terrifie the inferiour magistrates out of their duty to justice , out of pretence of loyalty to the prince ) threatned pilate , that if he let that man go he was not caesar's friend ; he understanding that they did it out of envy , and that the justice and innocence of our saviour was what they could not bear with , would have adventured all their informing at court , and first have freed him , and then have exchanged him for barrabas ; saying , that he found no fault in him : but he was overborn at last by humane weakness , and poorly imagined that by washing his own hands he had expiated himself , and wiped off the guilt upon those alone who were the occasion , but , as for tiberius himself , the growth of christianity did never increase , his cares of empire at rome , nor trouble his sleep at capreae : but he both approved of the doctrine , and threatned the informers with death ; nor would he have staid there , but attempted , according to the way of their superstition , upon the intelligence from pilate , to have received christ into the number of their deities . the persecution of the apostles after his death , and martyrdom of stephen , hap'ned not by the interposing of the civil magistrate in the matter of religion , or any disturbance occasioned by their doctrines : but arose from the high priest and his emissaries , by suborned witnesses , stirring up the rabble in a brutish & riotous manner to execute their cruelty . how would the modern clergy have taken & represented it , had they lived in the time of st. iohn baptist , and seen ierusalem , iudaea , and all the region round about jordan go out to be baptized by him ! yet that herod , for any thing we read in scripture , though he wanted not his instillers , apprehended no commotion : and had not caligula banished him and his herodias together , might in all appearance have lived without any change of goverment . t was she that caused iohn's imprisonment for the conveniency of her incest . herod indeed feared him , but rather reverenced him , as a just man and an holy , observed him , and when he heard him , he did many things and heard him gladly . nor could all her subtilty have taken off his head , but that herod thought himself under the obligation of a dance and an oath , and knew not in that case they ought both to be dispensed with . but he was exceeding sorry at his death , which few princes are if men lived to their jealousie or danger . the killing of iames , and imprisonment of peter by that herod , was because he saw he pleased the people , when the priesls had once set them on madding : a complaisance to which the most innocent may be exposed , but which partake more of guile then civility or wisdom . but to find out what the disinteressed and prudent men of those days took to be the wisest and only justifiable way for the magistrate to proceed in upon matters of religion ; i cannot see any thing more pregnant than the concurrent judgment of three persons , of so different characters , and that lived so far asunder , that there can be no danger of their having corrupted one anothers understanding in favour to christianity . gamaliel , the deputy of acaia , and the town-clerk of ephesus ; the first a jewish doctor , by sect a pharisee , one of the council , and of great authority with the people , who ( when the chief priest had cast the apostles in prison , and charged them for preaching against the command he had before laid upon them ) yet gave this advice , confirming it with several fresh precedents , acts 5. that they should take heed to themselves what they intended to do with those men , and let them alone ; for if this counsel , saith he , or this work be of men , it will come to nought , but if it be of god you cannot overthrow it , lest ye be found fighting with god. so that his opinion grounded upon his best experience , was that the otherwise unblameable sect of christianity might safely , and ought to be left to stand or fall by god's providence under a free toleration of the magistrate . the second was gallio , acts 18. a roman , and deputy of achaia . the iews at corinth hurried paul before his tribunal , laying the usual charge against him , that he persuaded men to worship god contrary to the law , which gallio looked upon as so slight and without his cognizance , that altho most judges are willing to encrease the jurisdiction of their courts , he drave them away , saving paul the labour of a defence , and told them , if it were a matter of wrong or wicked lewdness , reason would that he should bear with them ; but if it be a question of words and names , and of your law , look ye to it , i will be iudg of no such matters : and when he had so said , paul was released ; but the greeks that were present took barnabas , and before the judgment seat beat sosthene ; the chief ruler of the synagogue , and ringleader of the accusers . his judgment therefore was that , to punish christians meerly for their doctrine & practice , unless they were malefactors otherwise , was a thing out of the magistrates province , and altogether unreasonable . the third case was no less remarkable : for one demetrius , that was a silversmith by trade , & made shrines for diana , stirred up all the freemen of his company against paul , and indeed he stated the matter very fairly and honestly , assigning the true reason of most of these persecutions : ye know that by this craft we have our wealth , but that by paul ' s preaching that they be no gods which are made with hands , not only our craft is in danger to be set at nought , but also the temple of the great goddess and her magnificence , whom all asia and the world worship , should be despised and destroyed . and it is considerable , that even the iews , tho of a contrary religion , yet fomented , as it usually chances , this difference , and egg'd the ephesians on against the apostle and his followers . but when they had brought alexander , one of paul's companions , into the theatre , the recorder of ephesus ( more temperate and wise than some would have been in that office ) would not make an inquisition upon the matter , nor put alexander upon his trial and desence , but ( altho he himself could not have born that office without being a great dianist , as he declared too in his discourse ) he tells the people , they had brought those men which were neither robbers of churches , nor blasphemers of their goddess , ( for that judg would not condemn men by any inferences or expositions of old statutes , which long after was iulian's practice , and since imitated ) ; and therefore if demetrius and his craftsmen had any matter against them , the law was open , and it should be determined in a lawful assembly ; but that the whole city was in danger to be called in question for that vproar , there being no cause whereby they might give account of that concourse . and by this he plainly enough signified , that if paul and his companions had stoln the church plate , they might well be indicted ; but that demetrius had no more reason in law against them , than a chandler might have had , if by paul's preaching wax tapers as well as silver candlesticks had grown out of fashion . that it is matter of right and wrong , betwixt man and man , that the justice of government looks too : but that , while christianity was according to its own principle carried on quietly , it might so fall that the disturbers of it were guilty of a riot , and their great city of ephesus deserved to be fined for it . and taking this to have been so , he dismist the assembly , acts 19. after these testimonies which i have collected out of the history of the acts , as of greatest authority , i shall only add one or two more out of the same book , wherein paul likewise was concerned before heathen magistrates of greater eminence , acts 23. ananias the high priest ( these always were the men ) having countenanced and instigated the iews to a conspiracy , in which paul's life was endangered and aimed at ; lysias the chief captain of ierusalem interposes and sends him away to foelix then governor of iudaea ; signifying by letter , that he had been accused only of questions of their law , but he found nothing to be laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds ; whereof foelix also , tho the high priest was so zealous in the prosecution , that he took a journey on purpose , and had instructed an exquisite orator tertullus to harangue paul out of his life , as a pestilent fellow , a mover of sedition , and a ring-leader of the sect of the nazarenes , not omitting even to charge lysias for rescuing him by great violence from being murdered by them , was so well satisfied of the contrary , upon full hearing , that he gave him his liberty , and a centurion for his guard , with command that none of his acquaintance should be debarred from coming and ministring to him . but being indeed to leave his government afterwards , left him in prison , partly to shew the iews and their high priest another piece of complaisant policy , which , 't is possible they paid well for , seeing the other reason was , because tho he had sent for paul the oftner , and communed with him , in hopes that he would have given him mony to be discharged , there came nothing of it . which was so base a thing in so great a minister , that the meanest justice of the peace in england would scarce have the face to do so upon the like occasion . but his successor festus , having called agrippa and bernice to hear the cause , they all three were of opinion , that it was all on the iews side calumny and impertinence , but that paul had done nothing worthy of death or of bonds , and might have been set free , but that having appealed to caesar , he must be transmitted to him in safe custody . such was the sence of those upon whom the emperors then relied for the government and security of their provinces : and so gross were their heathen understandings , that they could not yet comprehend how quietness was sedition , or the innocence of the christian worship could be subject to forfeiture or penalty . nay , when paul appeared even before nero himself , and had none to stand by him , but all forsook him : he was by that emperor acquitted , and permitted a long time to follow the work of his ministry . 't is true , that afterwards this nero had the honour to be the first of the roman emperors that persecuted christianity ; whence it is that tertullian in his apologetick saith ; we glory in having such a one the first beginner and author of our punishment , for there is none that hath read of him , but must understand some great good to have been in that doctrine , otherwise nero would not have condemned it . and thenceforward christianity for about three hundred years lay subject to persecution . for the gentile priests could not but observe a great decay in their parishes , a neglect of their sacrifices , and diminution of their profit by the daily and visible increase of that religion . and god in his wise providence had so ordered , that , as the iews already , so the heathens now having filled up their measure with iniquity , sprinkling the blood of his saints among their sacrifices , and the christians having in a severe apprentiship of so many ages learned the trade of suffering , they should at last be their own masters and admitted to their freedom . neither yet , even in those times when they lay exposed to persecution , were they without some intervals and catching seasons of tranquillity , wherein the churches had leisure to reap considerable advantage , and the clergy too might have been inured , as they had been exemplary under affliction , so to bear themselves like christians when they should arrive at a full prosperity . for as oft as there came a just heathen emperor and a lover of mankind , that either himself observed , or understood by the governours of his provinces , the innocence of their religion and practices , their readiness to pay tribute , their prayers for his goverment and person , their faithful service in his wars , but their christian valour and contumacy to death , under the most exquisite torments , for their holy profession ; he forthwith relented , he rebated the sword of the executiner , and could not find in his heart or in his power to exercise it against the exercise of that religion . it being demonstrable that a religion instituted upon justice betwixt man and man ; love to one another , yea even their enemies , obedience to the magistrate in all humane and moral matters , and in divine worship upon a constant exercise thereof , and as constant suffering in that cause , without any pretence or latitude for resistance , cannot , so long as it is true to it self in these things , fall within the magistrate's jurisdiction . but as it first was planted without the magistrates hand , and the more they plucked at it , so much the more still it flourished , so it will be to the end of the world , and whensoever governors have a mind to try for it , it will by the same means and method sooner or later spoil them , but if they have a mind to pull up that mandrake , it were advisable for them not to do it themselves , but to chuse out a dog for the imployment . i confess whensoever a christian transgresses these bounds once , he is impoundable , or like a waif and stray whom christ knows not , he falls to the lord of the mannor . but otherwise he cannot suffer , he is invulnerable by the sword of justice : only a man may swear and damn himself to kill the first honest man he meets , which hath been and is the case of all true christians worshipping god under the power and violence of their persecutors . but the truth is , that even in those times which some men now , as oft as it is for their advantage , do consecrate under the name of primitive , the christians were become guilty of their own punishment , & had it not been , as is most usual , that the more sincere professors suffered promiscuously for the sins and crimes of those that were carnal and hypocrites , their persecutors may be looked upon as having been the due administrators of god's justice . for ( not to go deeper ) if we consider but that which is reckoned the tenth persecution under dioclesian , so incorrigible were they after nine preceding , what other could be expected when , as eusebius l. 3. c. 1. sadly laments , having related how before that the christians lived in great trust and reputation in court , the bishops of each church were beloved esteemed and reverenced by all mankind , and by the presidents of the provinees , the meetings in all the cities were so many and numerous , that it was necessary and allowed them to erect in every one spacious and godly churches ; all things went on prosperousty with them , and to such an height , that no envious man could disturb them , no devil could hurt them , as long as walking yet worthy of those mercies they were under the almighty's care and protection : after that our affairs by that too much liberty , degenerated into luxury and laziness , and some prosecuted others with hatred and contumely , and almost all of us wounded our selves with the weapons of the tongue in ill language , when bishops set upon bishops , and the people that belonged to one of them , stirred sedition against the people of another ; then horrible hypocrisie and dissimulation sprung up to the utmost extremity of malice , and the iudgment of god , while yet there was liberty to meet in congregations , did sensibly and by stops being to visit us , the persecution at first discharging it self upon our brethren that were in the army . but we having no feeling of the hand of god , not endeavouring to make our peace with him , and living as if we believed that god did neither take notice of our transgressions , nor would visit us for them , we heaped up iniquity upon iniquity . and those which seemed to be our pastors , kicking under-foot the rules of piety , were inflamed among themselves with mutual contention , and while they minded nothing else but to exaggerate their quarrels , threats , emulation , hatred and enmities , and earnestly each of them pursued his particular ambition in a tyrannical manner , then indeed the lord , then i say , according to the voice of the prophet jeremy , he covered the daugheer of sion with a cloud in his anger , and cast down from heaven to earth the beauty of israel , and remembred not his footstool in the day of his anger . and so the pious historian pathetically goes on , and deplores the calamities that in sued , to the loss of all that stock of reputation , advantage , liberty and safety , which christian people had by true plety , and adhering strictly to the rules of their profession formerly acquired & injoyed , but had now forfeited , and smartly and defervedly suffered under dioclesian's persecution . and it was a severe one , the longest too that ever happened , ten years from his beginning of it , and continued by others : by which time one might have thought the church would have been sufficiently winnowed , and nothing left but the pure wheat , whereas it proved quite contrary , and the holiest and most constant of the christians being blown away by martyrdom , it seem'd by the succeeding times , as if nothing but the chaff and the tares had remained . but there was yet such a seed left ; and notwithstanding the defection of many , so internal a vertue in the religion it self , that dioclosian could no longer stand against it , and tired out in two years time , was glad to betake himself from rooting out christianity to gardening , and to sow pot-herbs at salona . and he with his partner maximiamus , resigned the empire to galerius and constantius , the excellent father of a more glorious and christian son , constantine the great , who in due season succeeded him , and by a chain of god's extraordinry providence , seemed to have been let down from heaven to be the emperor of the whole world , and as i may say , the universal apostle of christianity . it is unexpressible the vertue of that prince , his care , his indulgence , his liberality , his own example , every thing that could possibly tend to the promotion and incouragement of true religion and piety . and in order to that he thought he could not do better , neither indeed could he , then to shew a peculiar respect to the clergy and bishops , providing largely for their subsistence , had they too on their part behaved themselves worthy of their high calling , and known to make right use of the advantages of his bounty to the same ends that they were by him intended . for if the apostle , 1 tim. 5. 17. requires that an elder , provided he rule well , be accounted worthy of double honour , especially those who labour in the word and dactrine , it excludes not a decuple or any further proportion , and indeed there cannot too high a value be set upon such a person : and god forbid too that any measure of wealth should render a clergy-man uncanonical . but alas , bishops were already grown another name and thing , than at the apostles institution ; and had so altered the property , that paul would have had much difficulty by all the marks in the 1 tim. 3. to have known them . they were ill enough under persecution many of them , but that long and sharp winter under dioclesian , being seconded by so warm a summer under constantine , produced a pestilence , which as an infection that seizes sometimes only one sort of cattol , diffused it self most remarkably thorow the whole body of the clergy . from his reign the most sober historians date that new disease which was so generally propagated then , and ever since transmitted to some of their successors , that it hath given reason to enquire whether it only happened to those men as it might to others , or were not inherent to the very function . it show'd it self first in ambition , then in contention , next in imposition , and after these symptoms broke out at last like a plague-sore in open persecution . they the bishops who began to vouch themselves the successors of christ , or at least of his apostles , yet pretended to be heirs and executors of the iewish high priests , and the heathen tyrants , and were ready to prove the will. the ignorant iews and infidels understood not how to persecute , had no commission to meddle with religion , but the bishops had studied the scriptures , knew better things , and the same , which was cruelty and tyranny in the heathens , if done by a christian and ecclesiastical hand , was allowed to be church-government , and the care of a diocess . but that i may not seem to speak without book , or out-run the history , i shall return to proceed by those degrees i newly mention'd , whereby the christian religion was usurped upon , and those things became their crime which were their duties . the first was the ambition of the bishops , which had even before this , taken its rise , when in the intervals of the former persecutions the piety of the christians had laid out ample provisions for the church ; but when constantine not only restored those which had been all consiscate under dioclesian , but was every day adding some new possession , priviledge , or honour , a bishoprick became very desirable , and was not only a good work , but a good thing , especially when there was no danger of paying as it was usual , formerly their first-fruits to the emperor by martyrdom . the arts by which ambition climes , are calumny , cruelty , bribery , adulation , all applied in their proper places and seasons ; and when the man hath attained his end , he ordinarily shows himself then in his colours , in pride , opiniastry , contention , and all other requisit or incident ill qualities . and if the clergy of those times had some more dextrous and innocent way than this of managing their ambition , it is to be lamented inter artes deperditas , or lies enviously hid by some musty book-worm in his private library . but so much i find , that both before , and then , and after , they cast such crimes at one another , that a man would scarce think he were reading an history of bishops , but a legend of devils : and each took such care to blacken his adversary , that he regarded not how he smutted himself thereby , and his own order , to the laughter or horror of the by-standers . and one thing i remark particularly , that as son of a whore is the modern word of reproach among the laity , of the same use then among the clergy was heretick . there were indeed hereticks as well as there are bastards , and perhaps it was not their fault , ( neither of 'em could help it ) but the mothers or the fathers ; but they made so many hereticks in those days , that 't is hard to think they really believ'd them so , but adventur'd the name only to pick a quarrel . and one thing that makes it very suspicious , is , that in ecclesiastical history , the ringleader of any heresy is for the most part accused of having a mind to be a bishop , though it was not the way to come to it . as there was the damnable heresie of the novatians , against which constantine , notwithstanding his declaration of general indulgence at his coming in , was shortly after so incensed , that he published a most severe proclamation against them ; cognoscite jam per legem hanc quae à me sancita est , o novatiani , &c. prohibiting all their meetings , not only in publick , but in their own private houses ; and that all such p●aces where they assembled for their worship , should be rased to the ground without delay or controversy , &c. eus. 1. 3. c. 6. de vita constantini . now the story the bishops tell of novatus the author of that sect , euseb. 6. l. 6. c. 42. is in the words of cornelius the bp of rome , the very first line ; but that you may know that this brave novatus did even before that affect to be a bishop , ( a great crime in him ) that he might conceal that petulant ambition , he for a better cover to his arrogance , had got some confessors into his society , &c. and goes on calling him all to nought ; but then ( saith he ) he came with two reprobates of his own heresy into a little , the very least , shire of italy : and by their means seduced three most simple high-shoon bishops , wheedling them that they must with all speed go to rome , and there meeting with other bishops , all matters should be reconciled . and when he had got thither these three silly fellows , as i said , that were not aware of his cunning , he had prepared a company of rogues , like himself , that treated them in a private room very freely ; and having thwack'd their bellies and heads full with meat and drink , compell'd the poor drunken bishops , by an imaginary and vain imposition of hands , to make novatus also a bishop . might not one of the same order now better have conceal'd these things , had they been true ? but such was the discretion . then he tells , that one of the three returned soon after , repenting it seems next morning , and so he receiv'd him again into the church , unto the laick communion . but for the other two , he had sent successors into their places . and yet after all this ado , and the whetting of constantine , contrary to his own nature , and his own declarations against the novatians , i cannot find their heresy to have been other , than that that were the puritans of those times , and a sort of non-conformists , that could have subscribed to the six and thirty articles , but differed only in those of discipline : and upon some enormities therein separated , and ( which will always be sufficient to qualify an heretick ) they instituted bishops of their own in most places . and yet afterwards , in the time of the best homoousian emperors , a sober and strictly religious people did so constantly adhere to them , that the bishops of the church too found meet to give them fair quarter ; for as much as they differ'd not in the fundamentals , and therefore were of use to them against hereticks that were more dangerous and diametrically opposite to the religion . nay insomuch , that even the bishop of constantinople , yea of rome , notwithstanding that most tender point and interest of episcopacy , suffered the novatian bishops to walk cheek by joul with them in their own diocess ; until that , as socr. l. 7. c. 11. the roman episcopacy having , as it were , passed the boands of priesthood , slip'd into a secular principality , and thenceforward the roman bishops would not suffer their meetings with security ; but , though they commended them for their consent in the same faith with them , yet took away all their estates . but at constantinople they continued to fare better , the bishops of that church embracing the novatians , and giving them free liberty to keep their conventicles in their churches . what , and to have their bishops too , altar against altar ? a condescension , which as our nonconformists seem not to desire or think of , so the wisdom of these time ; would , i suppose , judg to be very unreasonable , but rather that it were sit to take the other course ; and that whatsoever advantage the religion might probably receive from their doctrine & party , 't is better to suppress them , and make havock both of their estates and persons . but however , the hereticks in constantine's time had the less reason to complain of ill measure , seeing it was that the bishops meted by among themselves . i pass over that controversy betwixt cecilianus the bishop of carthage , and his adherents , with another set of bishops there in africk ; upon which , constantine ordered ten of each party to appear before miltiades the bishop of rome , and others , to have it decided . yet after they had given sentence , constantine found it necessary to have a council for a review of the business , as in his letter to crestus the bishop of syracuse , euseb. l. 10. c. 6. whereas several have formerly separated from the catholick heresy , ( for that word was not yet so ill natured , but that it might sometimes be used in its proper and good sense ) ; and then relates his commission to the bishop of rome , and others ; but forasmuch as some having been careless of their own salvation , and forgetting the reverence due to that most holy heresy , ( again ) will not yet lay down their enmity , nor admit the sentence that hath bin given , obstinately affirming , that they were but a few that pronounced the sentence , and that they did it very precipitately , before they had duly enquired of the matter ; and from thence it hath happened , that both they who ought to have kept a brotherly and unanimous agreement together , do abominably and flagitionsly dissent from one another ; and such whose minds are alienated from the most holy religion , do make a mockery boih of it and them . therefore i , &c. have commanded very many bishops , out of innumerable places , to meet at arles , that what ought to have been quieted upon the former sentence pronounced , may now at least be determind , &c. and you to be one of them ; and therefore i have ordered the prefect of sicily to furnish you with one of the publick stage-coaches , and so many servants , &c. such was the use then of stage-coaches , post-horses , and councils , to the great disappointment and grievance of the many , both men and horses , and leather being hackney , hackney , jaded , and worn out upon the errand of some contentions and obstinate bishop . so went the affairs hitherto , and thus well disposed and prepared were the bishops to receive the holy ghost a second time , at the great and first general council of nice , which is so much celebrated . the occasions of calling it were two . the first a most important question , in which the wit and piety of their predecessors , and now theirs successively had been much exercised and taken up : that was upon what day they ought to keep easter ; which tho it were no point of faith that it should be kept at all , yet the very calendary of it , was controverted with the same zeal , and made as heavy ado in the church , as if both parties had been hereticks . and it is reckon'd by the church historians , as one of the chief felicities of constantine's empire , to have quieted in that council this main controversy . the second cause of the assembling them here , was indeed grown , as the bishops had order'd it , a matter of the greatest weight and consequence to the christian religion ; one arrius having , as is related ▪ to the disturbance of the church , started a most pernicious opinion in the point of the trinity . therefore from all parts of the empire , they met together at the city of nice , 250 bishops , and better , saith eusebius a goodly company ; 318 say others ; and the animadverter too , with that pithy remark , pag. 23. equal almost to the number of servants bred up in the house of abraham . the emperor had accommodated them every where with the publick posts , or laid horses all along for the convenience of their journey thither ; and all the time they were there , supplied them abundantly with all sorts of provision at his own charges . and when they were all first assembled in council , in the great hall of the imperial palace , he came in , having put on his best clothes , to make his guests welcome ; and saluted them with that profound humility , as if they all had been emperors , nor would sit down in his throne ; no , it was a very little & low stool ▪ till they had all beckoned & made signs to him to sit down . no wonder if the first council of nice run in their heads ever after , and the ambitious clergy , like those who have been long a-thirst , took so much of constantine's kindness , that they are scarce come to themselves again , after so many ages . the first thing was that he acquainted them with the causes of his summoning them thither , and in a grave and most christian discourse , exhorted them to keep the peace , or to a good agreement , as there was reason . for ( saith russin . 1. 1. c. 2. ) the bishops being met here from almost all parts , and as they use to do , bringing their quarrels about several matters along with them , every one of them was at the emperor , offering him petitions , laying out one anothers faults , ( for all the good advice he had given them ) and were more intent upon these things , than upon the business they were sent for . but he , considering that by these scoldings and bickerings , the main affair was frustrated , appointed a set-day by which all the bishops should bring him in whatsoever complaint they had against one another . and they being all brought , he made them that high asiatick complement ; god hath made you priests , and hath given you power to judg me , and therefore it is in you to judg me righteously ; but you cannot be judged by any men. it is god only can judg you , and therefore reserve all your quarrels to his tribunal . for you are as gods to me , and it is not convenient that a man should judg of gods , but he only of whom it is written , god standing in the congregation of the gods , and discerneth in the midst of them . and therefore setting these things aside , apply your minds , without any contention , to the concernments of god's religion . and so , without opening or reading one petition , commanded them altogether to be burnt there in his presence . an action of great charity and excellent wisdom , had but some of the words been spared . for doubtless , tho they that would have complained of their burthen , grumbled a little ; yet those that were accusable were all very well satisfied : and those expressions , you can judg me right eously , and , you cannot be judged by any man ; and , god only can judg you . you are gods to me , &c. were so extreamly sweet to most of the bishops palates , that they believ'd it , and could never think of them afterwards , but their teeth watered ; and they ruminated so long on them , that constantine's successors came too late to repent it . but now the bishops having mist of their great end of quarelling one with another , betake themselves , tho somewhat aukwardly , to business . and it is necessary to mine , that as shortly as possible for the understanding of it , i give a cursory account of alexander and arrius , with some few others that were the most interessed in that general & first great revolution of ecclesiastical affairs , since the days of the apostles . this alexander was the bishop of alexandria , and appears to have been a pious old man , but not equally prudent , nor in divine things of the most capable , nor in conducting the affairs of the church very dextrous , but he was the bishop . this character that i have given of him , i am the more confirm'd in from some passages that follow , and all of them pertinent to the matter before me . they were used , sozem. l. 2. c. 16. at alexandria , to keep yearly a solemn festival to the memory of peter , one of their former bishops , upon the same day that he suffered martyrdom , which alexander having celebrated at the church , with publick devotion , was sitting after at home , expecting some guests to dine with him , sozom. 1. 2. c. 16. as he was alone , and looking towards the sea-side , he saw a pretty way off , the boys upon the beach at an odd recreation , imitating it seems the rites of the church , and office of the bishops ; and was much delighted with the sight , as long as it appear'd an innocent and harmless representation : but when he observed them at last how they acted , the very administriation of the sacred mysteries , he was much troubled ; and sending for some of the chief of his clergy , caused the boys to be taken and brought before him . he asked them particularly what kind of sport they had been at , and what the words , and what the actions were that they had used in it . after their fear had hindred them a while from answering , and now they were afraid of being silent , they confess'd that a lad of their play-fellows , one athanasius , had baptized some of them that were not yet initiated to those sacred mysteries : whereupon alexander inquired the more accurately what the bishop of the game had said , and what he did to the boys he had baptized ; what they also had answered or learned from him . at last , when alexander perceived by them , that this pawn bishop had made all his removes right , and that the whole ecclesiastical order & rites had been duly observed in their interlude , he by the advice of his priests about him , approved of that mock-baptism , and determined that the boys , being once in the simpliciey of their minds dipped in the divine grace , ought not to be re-baptized , but he perfected it with the remaining mysteries , which it is only lawful for priests to administer . and then he delivered athanasius and the rest of the boys that had acted the parts of presbyters and deacons , to their parents ; calling god to witness , that they should be educated in the ministry of the church , that they might pass their lives in that calling which they had chosen by imitation . but as for athanasius , in a short while after , alexander took him to live with him , and be his secretary , having caused him to be carefully educated in the schools of the best grammarians and rhetoricians ; and he grew , in the opinion of all that spoke with him , a discreet and eloquent person , and will give occasion to be more than once mentioned again in this discourse ; i have translated this , in a manner , word for word from the author . this good-natured old bishop alexander , that was so far from anathemising , that he did not so much as whip the boys for the profanation of the sacrament against the discipline of the church , but without more doing , left them , for ought i see , at liberty , to regenerate as many more lads upon the next holy-day , as they thought convenient : he socr. l. 1. c. 3. being a man that lived an easie and gentle life , had one day called his priests , and the rest of his clergy together , and fell on philosophizing divinely among them , but something more subtily and curiously ( though i dare say he meant no harm ) than was usual , concerning the holy trinity . among the rest , one arrius , a priest too of alexandria , was there present , a man who is described to have been a good disputant ; and others add , ( the capital accusations of those times ) that he had a mind to have been a bishop , and bore a great pique at alexander , for having been preferr'd before him to the see of alexandria ; but more are silent of any such matter ; and sozom. l. 1. c. 14. saith , he was in great esteem with his bishop . but arrius , socr. l. 1. c. 3. hearing his discourse about the holy trinity , and the vnity in the trinity , conceiv'd that , as the bishop stated it , he had reason to suspect he was introducing afresh into the church , the heresie of sabellius the african , who fatebatur unum esse deum , & ita in unam essentiam trinitatem adducebat , ut assereret nullam esse vere subjectam proprietatem personis , sed nomina mutari pro eo atque usus poscant , ut nuncde illo ut patre , nunc ut filio , nunc ut spiritu sancto disseratur : and thereupon , it seems , arrius argued warmly for that opinion which was directly contrary to the african , driving the bishop from one to a second , from a second to a third seeming absurdity , which i studiously avoid the relation of ; that in all these things i may not give occasion for mens understandings to work by their memories , and propagate the same errors by the same means they were first occasion'd . but hereby arrius was himself blamed as the maintainer of those absurdities , which he affixed to the bishops opinion , as is usual in the heat and wrangle of disputation . whereas truth , for the most part , lies in the middle , but men ordinarly seek for it in the extremities . nor can i wonder that those ages were so fertile in what they called heresies , when being given to meddling with the mysteries of religion , further than humane apprehension , or divine revelation did or could lead them , some of the bishops were so ignorant and gross , but others so speculative , acute , and resining in their conceptions , that there being moreover a good fat bishoprick to boot in the case , it is rather admirable to me how all the clergy from one end to another , could escape from being , or being accounted hereticks . alexander hereupon , soz. l. 1. c. 14. instead of stilling by more prudent methods this new controversie , took doubtless with a very good intention , a course that hath seldom been successful : makes himself judg of that wherein he had first been the party , and calling to him some oothers of his clergy , would needs sit in publick , to have a solemn set disputation about the whole matter . and while arrius was at it tooth and nail against his opposers , and the arguments flew so thick , that they darkned the air , and no man could yet judg which side should have the victory ; the good bishop for his part sat hay now hay , neither could tell in his conscience of a long time , which had the better of it ; but sometimes he lean'd on one side , and then on the other , and now encouraged and commended those of one party , and presently the contrary ; but at last , by his own weight , he cast the scales against arrius . and from thenceforward , he excommunicated arrius for obstinacy ; who writing in behalf of himself and his followers to the bishop , each one stating his own , and his adversaries case , with the usual candor of such men in such matters ; the bishops too all over began to divide upon it , and after them their people . insomuch , that constantine , out of a true paternal sense and care , found necessary to send a very prudent and eminent person to alexandria , to try if he could accommodate the matter , giving him a letter to alexander and arrius : how discreet , how christian-like , i never read any thing of that nature equal to it , it is too long for me here to insert ; but i gladly recommend my reader to it , in the 2 eus. de vitô const. c. 67. where he begins , i understand the foundation of the controversy to have been this , that thou alexander didst inquire of the priests concerning a passage in the scripture ; nay , didst ask them concerning a frivolous quillet of a question , what was each of their opinions : and thou arrius didst inconsiderately babble what thou neither at the beginning couldst conceive ; and if thou hadst conceived so , oughtest not to have vented , &c. but the clergy having got this once in the wind , there was no beating them off the scent . which induced constantine to think the convening of this council the only remedy to these disorders . and a woful ado he had with them , when they were met , to manage and keep them in any tolerable decorum . it seemed like an ecclesiastical cock-pit , and a man might have laid wagers either way , the two parties contending in good earnest , either for the truth or the victory ; but the more unconcern'd , like cunning betters , sate judiciously hedging , and so ordered their matter , that which side soever prevail'd , they would be sure to be the winners . they were indeed a most venerable assembly , composed of some holy , some grave , some wise , and some of them learned persons : and constantine had so charitably burnt the accusations they intended against one another , which might otherwise have depopulated and dispirited the council , that all of them may be presumed in one or other respect , to have made a great character . but i observe soz. l. 1. c. 16. that these great bishops , although they only had the decisive voices , yet thought fit to bring along with them , certain men that were cunning at an argument , to be auxiliary to them when it came to hard and tough disputation ; besides , that they had their priests and deacons ready at a dead lift , alway to assist them : so that their understandings seem'd to be sequester'd , and for their daily faith , they depended upon what their chaplains would allow them . and in that quality athanasius there waited upon alexander , being his deacon , ( for as yet it seems arch-bishops nor arch-deacons were invented ) . and it is not improbable that athanasius having so early personated the bishop , and seeing the declining age of alexander , would be careful that arrius should not step betwixt him and home upon vacancy , but did his best against him to bar up his way , as it shortly after happened ; athanasius succeeding after the council in the see of alexandria . in the mean time you may imagine hypostasis , persona , substantia , subsistentia , essentia , coessentialis , consubstantialis , ante soecula coaeternus , &c. were by so many disputants pick'd to the very bones , and those too broken afterwards , to come to the marrow of divinity . and never had constantine in his life so hard a task , as to bring them to any rational results ; meekly and patiently ( euseb. l. 3. c. 13. de vita const. ) listning to every one , taking every man's opinion , and without the acrimony with which it was delivered , helping each party where they disagreed , reconciling them by degrees when they were in the fiercest contention , conferring with them apart courteously and mildly , telling them what was his own opinion of the matter : which tho some exceptious persons may alledg to have been against the nature of a free council , yet truly , unless he had taken that course , i cannot imagine how possibly he could ever have brought them to any conclusion . and thus this first , great , general council of nice , with which the world had gone big so long , and which look'd so big upon all christendom , at last was brought in bed , and after a very hard labour , delivered of homoousios . they all subscribed to the new creed , except some seventeen , who it seems had rather to be hereticks than bishops . for now the anathema's were published , and whoever held the contrary , was to be punish'd by deprivation and banishment , all arrian books to be burned ; and whoever should be discovered to conceal any of arrius his writings , to die for it . but it fared very well with those who were not such fools as to own his opinion . all they were entertain'd by the emperor at a magnificent feast , received from his hand rich presents , and were honourably dismist , with letters recommending their great abilities and performance to the provinces , and enjoining the nicene creed to be henceforth observed . with that stroke of the pen , ( socr. l. 1. c. 6. ) for what three hundred bishops have agreed on , ( a thing indeed extraordinary ) ought not to be otherwise conceiv'd of , than as the decree of god almighty , especially seeing the holy ghost did sit upon the minds of such and so excellent men , and open'd his divine will to them . so that they went , i trow , with ample satisfaction ; and , as they could not but take the emperor for a very civil , generous , and obliging gentleman , so they thought the better of themselves from that day forward . and how budg must they look when they return back to their diocesses , having every one of 'em bin a principal limn of the oecumenical , apostolical , catholick , orthodox council ! when the catacheristical title of the church and the clergy were so appropriate to them by custom , that the christian people had relinquished or forgotten their claim ; when every hare that crossed their way homeward , was a schismatick or an heretick ; and if their horse stumbled with one of them , he incurr'd an anathema . well it was that their journeys lay so many several ways , for they were grown so cumbersom and great , that the emperor's high-way was too narrow for any two of them , and there could have been no passage without the removal of a bishop . but soon after the council was over , eusebius the bishop of nicomedia , and theognis the bishop of nice , who were already removed , both by banishment , and two others put in their places , were quickly restor'd upon their petition ; wherein they suggested the cause of their not signing to have been only , because they thought they could not with a safe conscience subscribe the anathema against arrius , appearing to them both by his writings , his discourses , and sermons , that they had been auditors of , not to be guilty of those errors . as for arrius himself , the emperor quickly wrote to him . it is now a considerable time since i wrote to your gravity to come to my tents , that you might enjoy my countenance ; so that i can scarce wonder sufficiently why you have so long delayed it : therefore now take one of the publick coaches , and make all speed to my tents ; that , having had experience of my kindness and affection to you , you may return into your own country . god preserve you , most dear sir. arrius hereupon ( with his comerade euxoius ) comes to constantine's army , and offers him a petition , with a confession of faith , that would have pass'd very well before the nicene council , and now satisfied the emperor , socr. l. 1. c. 19 , & 20. insomuch that he writ to athanasius , now bishop of alexandria , to receive him into the church : but athanasius was of better mettle than so , and absolutely refused it . upon this constantine writ him another threatning letter : when you have understood hereby my pleasure , see that you afford free entrance into the church , to all that desire it : for if i shall understand that any who desires to be admitted into the church , should be either hindred or forbidden by you , i will send some one of my servants to remove you from your degree , and place another in your stead . yet athanasius stood it out still , tho other churches received him into communion : and the heretick novatus could not have bin more unrelenting to lapsed christians , than he was to arrius . but this , joined with other crimes , which were laid to athanasius his charge , at the council of tyre , ( though i suppose indeed they were forged ) made athanasius glad to fly for it , and remain the first time in exile . upon this whole matter , it is my impartial opinion that arrius , or whosoever else were guilty of teaching and publishing those errors whereof he was accused , deserved the utmost severity which consists with the christian religion . and so willing i have been to think well of athanasius , and ill of the other , that i have on purpose avoided the reading , as i do the naming of a book that i have heard , tells the story quite otherwise , and have only made use of the current historians of those times , who all of them tell it against the arrians . only i will confess , that as in reading a particular history at adventure , a man finds himself inclinable to favour the weaker party , especially if the conqueror appear insolent ; so have i been affected in reading these authors , which does but resemble the reasonable pity that men ordinarily have too , for those , who , though for an erroneous conscience , suffer under a christian magistrate . and as soon as i come to constantius , i shall for that reason change my compassion , and be doubly engaged on the orthodox party . but as to the whole matter of the council of nice , i must crave liberty to say , that from one end to the other , though the best of the kind , it seems to me to have been a pitiful humane business , attended with all the ill circumstances of other wordly affairs , conducted by a spirit of ambition and contention , the first , and so the greatest oecumenical blow that by christians was given to christianity . and it is not from any sharpness of humor that i discourse thus freely of things and persons , much less of orders of men otherwise venerable , but that where ought is extolled beyond reason , and to the prejudice of religion , it is necessary to depreciate it by true proportion . it is not their censure of arrianism , or the declaring of their opinion in a controverted point to the best of their understanding , ( wherein to the smalness of mine , they appear to have light upon the truth , had they likewise upon the measure ) that could have moved me to tell so long story , or bring my self within the danger and aim of any captious reader , speaking thus with great liberty of mind , but little concern for any prejudice i may receive , of things that are by some men idolized . but it is their imposition of a new article or creed upon the christian world , not being contained in express words of scripture , to be believed with divine faith , under spiritual and civil penalties , contrary to the priviledges of religion , and their making a precedent follow'd and improv'd by all succeeding ages for most cruel persecutions , that only could animate me . in digging thus for a new deduction , they undermined the fabrick of christianity , to frame a particular doctrine , they departed from the general rule of their religion ; and for their curiosity about an article concerning christ , they violated our saviour's first institution of a church , not subject to any addition in matters of faith , nor liable to compulsion , either in belief or in practice . far be it from me in the event , as it is from my intention , to derogate from the just authority of any of those creeds or confessions of faith that are receiv'd by our church upon clear agreement with the scripture : nor shall i therefore , unless some mens impertinence and indiscretion hereafter oblige me , pretend to any further knowledg of what in those particulars appear in the ancient histories . but certainly if any creed had been necessary , or at the least necessary to have been imposed , our saviour himself would not have left his church distitute in a thing of that moment . or however , after the holy ghost , upon his departure , was descended upon the apostles , and they the elders and brethren ( for so it was then ) were assembled in a legitimate council at ierusalem , it would have seemed good to the holy ghost and them to have sav'd the council of nice that labour , or at least the apostle paul , 2 cor. 12. 2 , and 4. who was caught up into paradise , and heard unspeakable words , which it is not lawful for any man to utter , having thereby a much better opportunity than athanasius , to know the doctrine of the trinity , would not have been wanting , through the abundance of that revelation , to form a creed for the church , sufficient to have put that business beyond controversie . especially seeing heresies were sprung up so early , and he foresaw others , and therefore does prescribe the mothod how they are to be dealt with , but no creed that i read of . shall any sort of men presume to interpret those words , which to him were unspeakable , by a gibbrish of their imposing , and force every man to cant after them , what it is not lawful for any man to utter ? christ and his apostles speak articulately enough in the scriptures , without any creed , as much as we are or ought to be capable of . and the ministry of the gospel is useful and most necessary , if it were but to press us to the reading of them , to illustrate one place by the authority of another , to inculcate those duties which are therein required , quickning us both to faith and practice , and showing within what bounds they are both circumscribed by our saviour's doctrine . and it becomes every man to be able to give a reason and account of his faith , and to be ready to do it , without officiously gratifying those who demand it only to take advantage : and the more christians can agree in one confession of faith , the better . but that we should believe ever the more for a creed , it cannot be expected . in those days , when creeds were most plenty and in fashion , and every one had them at their fingers end , 't was the bible that brought in the reformation . 't is true , a man would not stick to take two or three creeds for a need , rather than want a living ; and if a man have not a good swallow , 't is but wrapping them up in a liturgy , like a wafer , and the whole dose will go down currently ; especially if he wink at the same time , and give his assent and consent without ever looking on them . but without jesting , for the matter is too serious : every man is bound to work out his own salvation with fear and trembling , and therefore to use all helps possible for his best satisfaction ; hearing , conferring , reading , praying for the assistance of god's sprit : but when he hath done this , he is his own expositor , his own both minister and people , bishop and diocess , his own council ; and his conscience excusing or condemning him , accordingly he escapes or incurs his own internal anathema . so that when it comes once to a creed , made and imposed by other men as a matter of divine faith , the case grows very delicate ; while he cannot apprehend , tho the imposer may , that all therein is clearly contained in scripture , and may fear , being caught in the expressions , to oblige himself to a latitude or restriction , further than comports with his own sense and judgment . a christian of honour , when it comes to this once , will weigh every word , every syllable ; nay fruther , if he consider that the great business of this council of nice was but one single letter of the alphabet , about the inserting or omitting of an iota . there must be either that exactness in the form of such a creed , as i dare say , no meu in the world ever were or ever will be able to modulate : or else this scrupulous privat judgment must be admitted , or otherwise all creeds become meer instruments of equivocation or persecution . and i must confess , when i have sometimes considered with my self the dulness of the non-conformists , and the acuteness on the contrary of the episcoparians , and the conscientiousness of both ; i have thought that our church might safely wave the difference with them about ceremonies , and try it upon the creeds , which were both the more honourable way , and more suitable to the method of the ancient councils , and yet perhaps might do their business as effectually . for one that is a christian in good earnest , when a creed is imposed , will sooner eat fire , than tak it against his judgment . there have been martyrs for reason , and it was manly in them : but how much more would men be so for reason religionated and christianized ! but it is an inhumane and unchristian thing of those faith-stretchers , whosoever they be , that either put mens persons , or their consciences upon the torture , or rack them to the length of their notions : whereas the bereans are made gentlemen , and innobled by patent in the acts , because they would not credit paul himself , whose writings now make so great a part of the new testament , until they had searched the scripture daily , whether those things were so , and therefore many of them believed . and therefore , although where there are such creeds , christians may for peace and conscience-sake acquiesce while there appears nothing in them flatly contrary to the words of the scripture ; yet when they are obtruded upon a man in particular , he will look very well about him , and not take them upon any humane authority . the greatest pretence to authority , is in a council . but what then ? shall all christians therefore take their formularies of divine worship or belief upon trust , as writ in tables of stone , like the commandments , deliver'd from heaven , and to be obeyed in the instant , not considered ; because three hundred and eighteen bishops are met in abraham's great hall , of which most must be servants , and some children ; and they have resolv'd upon 't in such a manner ? no , a good christian will not , cannot atturn and indenture his conscience over , to be represented by others . it is not as in secular matters , where the states of a kingdom are deputed by their fellow subjects to transact for them , so in spiritual : or suppose it were , yet 't were necessary , as in the polish constitution , that nothing should be obligatory as long as there is one dissenter , where no temporal interests , but every mans eternity and salvation are concerned . the soul is too precious to be let out at interest upon any humane security , that does or may fail ; but it is only safe when under god's custody , in its own cabinet . but it was a general council . a special general indeed , if you consider the proportion of three hundred and eighteen to the body of the christian clergy , but much more to all christian man-kind . but it was a general free council of bishops . i do not think it possible for any council to be free , that is composed out of bishops , and where they only have the decisive voices . nor that a free council that takes away christian liberty . but that , as it was founded upon usurpation , so it terminated in imposition . but 't is meant , that it was free from all external impulsion . i confess that good meat and drink , and lodging , and mony in a man's purse , and coaches , and servants , and horses to attend them , did no violence to 'em , nor was there any false article in it . and discoursing now with one , and then another of 'em in particular , and the emperor telling them this is my opinion , i understand it thus ; and afterwards declaring his mind frequently to them in publick ; no force neither . ay , but there was a shrewd way of persuasion in it . and i would be glad to know when ever , and which free general council it was that could properly be called so ; but was indeed a meer imperial or ecclesiastical machine , no free agent , but wound up , set on going , and let down by the direction and hand of the workman . a general free council is but a word of art , and can never happen but under a fifth monarch , and that monarch too , to return from heaven . the animadverter will not allow the second general council of nice to have bin free , because it was overaw'd by an empress , and was guilty of a great fault ( which no council at liberty he saith could have committed ) the decree for worshipping of images . at this rate a christian may scuffle however for one point among them , and chuse which council he likes best . but in good earnest , i do not see but that constantine might as well at this first council of nice , have negotiated the image-worship , as to pay that superstitious adoration to the bishops , and that prostration to their creeds was an idolatry more pernicious in the consequence , to the christian faith , then that under which they so lately had suffer'd persecution . nor can a council be said to have been at liberty , which lay under so great and many obligations . but the holy ghost was present , where there were three hundred and eighteen bishops , and directed them , or three hundred . then , if i had been of their council , they should have sate at it all their lives , lest they should never see him again after they were once risen . but it concerned them to settle their quorum at last by his dictates ; otherwise no bishop could have been absent , or gone forth upon any accusation , but he let him out again : and it behov'd to be very punctual in the adjournments . 't is a ridiculous conception , and as gross as to make him of the same substance with the council . nor needs there any stronger argument of his absence , then their pretence to be actuated by him , and in doing such work . the holy spirit ! if so many of them , when they got together , acted like rational men , 't was enough in all reason , and as much as could be expected . but this was one affectation , among many others , which the bishops took up so early , of the stile , priviledges , powers , and some actions and gestures peculiar and inherent ot the apostles , which they misplaced to their own behoof and usage ; nay , and challenged other things as apostolical , that were directly contrary to the doctrine and practice of the apostles . for so , because the holy spirit did in an extraordinary manner preside among the holy apostles at that legitimate council of ierusalem , acts 15. they , although under an ordinary administration , would not go less whatever came on 't : nay , whereas the apostles , in the drawing up of their decree , dictated to them by the holy spirit , said therefore no more but thus : the apostles , elders , and brethren , send greeting unto the brethren of , &c. forasmuch as , &c. it seemed good to the holy ghost and us , to lay upon you no greater burthen than these necessary things ; that ye abstain from , &c. from which if ye keep your selves , you shall do well . fare ye well . this council denounces every invention of its own , ( far from the apostolical modesty , and the stile of the holy spirit ) under no less than an anathema . such was their arrogating to their inferior degrees , the stile of clergy , till custom hath so much prevailed , that we are at a loss how to speak properly , either of the name or nature of their function . whereas the clergy , in the true and apostolical sense , were only those whom they superciliously always call the laity : the word clerus being never but once used in the new testament , and in that signification , and in a very unlucky place too , 1 pet. 5. 3. where he admonishes the priesthood , that they should not lord it , or domineer over the christian people , clerum domini , or the lord's inheritance . but having usurp'd the title , i confess they did right to assume the power . but to speak of the priesthood in that stile which they most affect , if we consider the nature too of their function , what were the clergy then , but laymen disguis'd , drest up perhaps in another habit ? did not st. paul himself , being a tent-maker , rather than be idle or burthensom to his people , work of his trade , even during his apostleship , to get his living ? but did not these , that they might neglect their holy vocation , seek to compass secular imploiments , and lay-offices ? were not very many of them , whether one respect their vices or ignorance , as well qualified as any other to be lay-men ? was it not usual , as oft as they merited it , to restore them , as in the case even of the three bishops to the lay-communion ? and whether , if they were so peculiar from others , did the imposition of the bishop's hands , or the lifting up the hands of the laity , confer more to that distinction ? and constantine , notwithstanding his complement at the burning of the bishops papers , thought he might make them , and unmake them , with the same power as he did his other lay-officers . but if the inferior degrees were the clergy , the bishops would be the church : altho that word in the scripture-sense , is proper only to a congregation of the faithful . and being by that title the only men in ecclesiastical councils , then when they were once assembled , they were the catholick church , and , having the holy spirit at their devotion , whatsoever creed they light upon , that was the catholick faith , without the believing of which , no man can be saved . by which means there rose thenceforward so constant persecutions till this day , that , had not the little invisible catholick church , and a people that always search'd and believ'd the scriptures , made a stand by their testimonies and sufferings , the creeds had destroy'd the faith , and the church had ruined the religion . for this general council of nice , and all others of the same constitution , did , and can serve to no other end or effect , than a particular order of men by their usurping a trust upon christianity , to make their own price and market of it , and deliver it up as oft as they see their own advantage . for scarce was constantine's head cold , but his son constantius , succeeding his brothers , being influenced by the bishops of the arrian party , turn'd the wrong side of christianity outward , inverted the poles of heaven , and faith ( if i may say so ) with its heels in the air , was forced to stand upon its head , and play gambols , for the divertisement and pleasure of the homoieusians . arrianism was the divinity then in mode , and he was an ignorant and ill courtier , or church-man , that could not dress , and would not make a new sute for his conscience in the fashion . and now the orthodox bishops ( it being given to those men to be obstinate for power , but flexible in faith ) began to wind about insensibly , as the heliotrope flower that keeps its ground , but wrests its neck in turning after the warm sun , from day-break to evening . they could look now upon the synod of nice with more indifference , and all that pudder that had been made there betwixt homoousius and homoiousius , &c. began to appear to them as a difference only arising from the inadequation of languages : till by degrees they were drawn over , and rather than lose their bishopricks , would join , and at last be the head-most in the persecution of their own former party . but the deacons , to be sure , that steer'd the elephants , were thorow-paced ; men to be reckon'd and relied upon in this or any other occasion , and would prick on , to render themselves capable and episcopable , upon the first vacancy . for now the arrians in grain , scorning to come behind the clownish homoousians , in an ecclesiastical civility , were resolved to give them their full of persecution . and it seem'd a piece of wit rather than malice , to pay them in their own coin , and to burlesque them in earnest , by the repetition and heightning of the same severities upon them , that they had practised upon others . had you the homoousians a creed at nice ? we will have another creed for you at ariminum , and at selucia . would you not be content with so many several projects of faith consonant to scripture , unless you might thrust the new word homoousios down our throats , and then tear it up again , to make us confess it ? tell us the word , ( 't was homoiousios ) we are now upon the guard , or else we shall run you thorow . would you anathemize , banish , imprison , execute us , and burn our books ? you shall taste of this christian fare , and as you relish it , you shall have more on 't provided . and thus it went , arrianism being triumphant , but the few sincere and stomachful bishops , adhering constantly , and with a true christian magnanimity , especially athanasius , thorow all sufferings , unto their former confessions , expiated so in some measure , what they had committed in the nicene council . sozomen , 1. 4. c. 25. first tells us a story of eudoxius , who succeeded macedonius , in the bishoprick of constantinople ; that in the cathedral of sancta sophia being mounted in his episcopal throne , the first time that they assembled for its dedication , in the very beginning of his sermon to the people ( those things were already come in fashion ) told them : patrem impium esse , filium autem pium ; at which then they began to bustle ; pray be quiet , saith he ; i say , patrem impium esse , quia colit neminem , filium vero pium quia colit patrem ; at which they then laughed as heartily , as before they were angry . but this i only note to this purpose , that there were some of the greatest bishops among the homoiousians , as well as the homoousians , that could not reproach one anothers simplicity , and that it was not impossible for the many to be wiser and more orthodox than the few , in divine matters . that which i cite him for as most material , is , the remark upon the imposition then of contrary creeds : which verily , saith he , was plainly the beginning of most great calamities , forasmuch as hereupon there followed a disturbance , not unlike those which we before recited over the whole empire ; and likewise a persecution equal almost to that of the heathen emperors , seized upon all of all churches . for although it seemed to some more gentle , for what concerns the torture of the body , yet to prudent persons it appeared more bitter and severe , by reason of the dishonour and ignominy . for both they who stirred up , and those that were afflicted with this persecution , were of the christian church ; and the grievance therefore was the greater and more ugly , in that the same things which are done among enemies , were executed between those of the same tribe and profession : but the holy law forbids us to carry our selves in that manner , even to those that are without , and aliens . and all this mischief sprung from making of creeds , with which the bishops , as it were at tilting , aim'd to hit one another in the eye , and throw the opposite party out of the saddle . but if it chanced that the weaker side were ready to yield , ( for what sort of men was there that could better manage , or had their consciences more at command at that time than the clergy ? ) then the arrians would use a yet longer , thicker , and sharper lance for the purpose , ( for there were never vacancies sufficient ) that they might be sure to run them down , over , and thorow , and do their business . the creed of ariminum was now too short for the design ; but , saith the historian , they affix'd further articles like labels to it , pretending to have made it better , and so sent it thorow the empire with constantius his proclamation , that whoever would not subscribe it , should be banished . nay , they would not admit their own beloved similis substantia ; but to do the work throughly , the arrians renounc'd their own creed for malice , and made it an article ; filium patri tam substantia , quam voluntate , dissimilem esse . but this is a small matter with any of them , provided thereby they may do service to the church , that is their party . so that one ( seriously speaking ) that were really orthodox , could not then defend the truth or himself , but by turning of arrian , if he would impugn the new ones ; such was the subtilty . what shall i say more ? as the arts of glass coaches and perriwigs illustrate this age , so by their trade of creed-making , then first invented , we may esteem the wisdom of constantine's , and constantius his empire . and in a short space , as is usual among tradesmen , where it appears gainful , they were so many that set up of the same profession , that they could scarce live by one another . socr. 1. 2. c. 32. therefore uses these words . but now that i have tandem aliquando , run through this labyrinth of so many creeds , i will gather up their number : and so reckons nine creeds more , besides that of nice , before the death of constantine , ( a blessed number . ) and i believe i could for a need , make them up a dozen , if men have a mind to buy them so . and hence it was that hilary , then bishop of poictiers , represents that state of the church pleasantly , yet sadly , since the nicene synod , saith he , we do nothing but write creeds . that while we fight about words , whilst we raise questions about novelties , while we quarrel about things doubtful , and about authors , while we contend in parties , while there is difficulty in consent , while we anathematize one another , there is none now almost that is christ's . what a change there is in the last years creed ? the first decree commands that homoousios should not be mentioned . the next does again decree and publish homoousios . the third does by indulgence excuse the word ousia , as used by the fathers in their simplicity . the fourth does not excuse , but condemn it . it is come to that at last , that nothing among us , or those before us , can remain sacred or inviolable . we decree every year of the lord , a new creed concerning god ; nay , every change of the moon our faith is alter'd . we repent of our decrees , we defend those that repent of them ; we anathematize those that we defended ; and while we either condemn other mens opinions in our own , or our own opinions in those of other men , and bite at one another , we are now all of us torn in pieces . this bishop sure was the author of the naked truth , and 't was he that implicitely condemn'd the whole catholick church , both east and west , for being too presumptuous in her definitions . it is not strange to me , that iulian , being but a reader in the christian church , should turn pagan : especially when i consider that he suceeded emperor after constantius . for it seems rather unavoidable that a man of great wit , as he was , and not having the grace of god to direct it , and show him the beauty of religion , through the deformity of its governours and teachers ; but that he must conceive a loathing and aversion for it , nor could he think that he did them any injustice , when he observed that , beside all their unchristian immorality too , they practised thus against the institutive law of their galilean , the persecution among themselves for religion . and well might he add to his other severities , that sharpness of his wit , both exposing and animadverting upon them , at another rate than any of the modern practitioners with all their study and inclination , can ever arrive at . for nothing is more punishable , contemptible , and truly ridiculous , than a christian that walks contrary to his profession : and by how much any man stands with more advantage in the church for eminency , but disobeys the laws of christ by that priviledge , he is thereby , and deserves to be the more exposed . but iulian , the last heathen emperor , by whose cruelty it seemed that god would sensibly admonish once again the christian clergy , and show them by their own smart , and an heathen-hand , the nature and odiousness of persecution , soon died , as is usual for men of that imployment , not without a remarkable stroke of gods judgement . yet they , as they were only sorry that they had lost so much time , upon his death strove as eagerly to redeem it , and forthwith fell in very naturally into their former animosities . for iovianus being chosen emperor in persia , and returning homeward , socr. 1. 3. c. 20. the bishops of each party , in hopes that theirs should be the imperial creed , strait took horse , and rode away with switch and spur , as if it had been for the plate , to meet him ; and he that had best heels , made himself cock-sure of winning the religion . the macedonians , who dividing from the arrians , had set up for a new heresie concerning the holy ghost , ( and they were a squadron of bishops ) petition'd him that those who held , filium patri dissimilem , might be turn'd out , and themselves put in their places : which was very honestly done , and above-board . the acacians , that were the refined arrians , but , as the author saith , had a notable faculty of addressing themselves to the inclination of whatsoever emperor , and having good inteligence that he balanced rather to the consubstantials , presented him with a very fair insinuating subscription , of a considerable number of bishops to the council of nice . but in the next emperors time they will be found to yield little reverence to their own subscription . for in matter of a creed , a note of their hand , without expressing the penalty , could not it seems bind one of their order . but all that iovianus said to the macedonians , was ; i hate contention , but i lovingly embrace and reverence those who are inclined to peace and concord . to the acacians , who had wisely given these the precedence of application , to try the truth of their intelligence , he said no more ( having resolv'd by sweetness and perswasions to quiet all their controversies ) but , that he would not molest any man whatsoever creed he follow'd , but those above others he would cherish and honour , who should show themselves most forward in bringing the church to a good agreement . he likewise call'd back all those bishops who had been banish'd by constantius , and iulian , restoring them to their sees . and he writ a letter in particular to athanasius , who upon iulian's death had enter'd again upon that of alexandria , to bid him be of good courage . and these things coming to the ears of all others , did wonderfully asswage the fierceness of those who were inflamed with faction and contention : so that , the court having declared it self of this mind , the church was in a short time in all outward appearance peaceably disposed , the emperor by this means having wholly repressed all their violence . verily , concludes the historian , the roman empire had been prosperous and happy , and both the state and the church ( he puts them too in that order ) under so good a prince , must have exceedingly flourished , had not an immature death taken him away from managing the government . for after seven months , being seized with a mortal obstruction , he departed this life . did not this historian , trow you , deserve to be handled , and is it not , now the mischief is done , to undo the charm , oecome a duty , to expose both him and iovianus ? by their ill chosen principles , what would have become of the prime and most necessary article of faith ? might not the old dormant heresies , all of them safely have revived ? but that mortal obstruction of the bishops , was not by his death ( nor is it by their own to be ) removed . they were glad he was so soon got out of their way , and god would yet further manifest : their intractable spirit , which not the persecution of the heathen emperor iulian , nor the gentleness of iovianus the christian , could allay or mitigate by their afflictions or prosperity . the divine nemesis executed justice upon them , by one anothers hand : and so hainous a crime as for a christian , a bishop to persecute , stood yet in need , as the only equal and exemplary punishment , of being reveng'd with a persecution by christians , by bishops . and whosoever shall seriously consider all along the successions of the emperors , can never have taken that satisfaction in the most judicious representations of the scene , which he may in this worthy speculation of the great order and admirable conduct of wise providence ; through the whole contexture of these exterior seeming accidents , relating to the ecclesiasticals of christianity . for to iovianus succeeded valentinian , who in a short time took his brother valens to be his companion in the empire . these two brothers did as the historian observes , socr. l. 14. c. 1. ( alike , and equally take care at the beginning , for the advantage and government of the state ) but very much disagreed , though both christians , in matters of religion : valetinianus the elder being an orthodox , but valens an arrian , and they used a different method toward the christians . for valentinian ( who chose the western part of the empire , and left the east to his brother ) as he embraced those of his own creed , so yet he did not in the least molest the arrians : but valens not only labor'd to increase the number of the arrians , but afflicted those of the contrary opinion with grievous punishments . and both of 'm , especially valens , had bishops for their purpose . the particulars of that heavy persecution under valens , any one may further satisfie himself of in the writers of those times : and yet it is observable , that within a little space while he pursued the orthodox bishops , he gave liberty to the novatians , ( who were of the same creed , but separated from them , as i have said , upon discipline , &c. ) and caused their churches , which for a while were shut up , to be opened again at constantinople . to be short , valens ( who out-lived his brother , that died of a natural death ) himself in a battel against the goths , could not escape neither the fate of a christian persecutor . for the goths having made application to him , he , saith socrates , not well fore-seeing the consequence , admitted them to inhabit in certain places of thracia , pleasing himself that he should by that means always have an army ready at hand against whatsoever enemies ; and that those foreign guards would strike them with a greater terror , more by far than the militia of his subjects . and so slighting the ancient veterane militia , which used to consist of bodies of men , raised proportionably in every province , and were stout fellows that would fight manfully ; instead of them he levied money , rating the country at so much for every souldier . but these new inmates of the emperors soon grew troublesom , as is customary , and not only infested the natives in thracia , but plunder'd even the suburbs of constantinople , there being no armed force to repress them : hereupon the whole people of the city cried out at a publick spectacle , where valens was present neglecting this matter , give us arms and we will manage this war our selves . this extreamly provok'd him , so that he forthwith made an expedition against the goths : but threatned the citizens if he return'd in safety , to be reveng'd on them both for those contumelies , and for what under the tyrant procopius , they had committed against the empire ; and that he would raze to the ground , and plow up the city . yet before his departure out of the fear of the foraign enemy , he totally ceas'd from persecuting the orthodox in constantinople . but he was kill'd in the fight , or flying into a village that the goths had set on fire , he was burnt to ashes , to the great grief of his bishops ; who , had he been victorious , might have revived the persecution . such was the end of his impetuous reign and rash counsels , both as to his government of state , in matters of peace and war , and his manage of the church by persecution . his death brings me to the succession of theodosius the great , than whom no christian emperor did more make it his business to nurse up the church , and to lull the bishops , to keep the house in quiet . but neither was it in his power to still their bawling , and scratching one another , as far as their nails ( which were yet more tender , but afterwards grew like tallons ) would give them leave . i shall not further vex the history , or the reader , in recounting the particulars ; taking no delight neither my self in so uncomfortable relations , or to reflect beyond what is necessary upon the wolfishness of those which then seemed , and ought to have been the christian pastors , but went on scattering their flocks , if not devouring ; and the shepherds smiting one another . in his reign , the second general council was called , that of constantinople , and the creed was there made , which took its name from the place : the rest of their business , any one that is further curious , may observe in the writers . but i shall close this with a short touch concerning gregory nazianzen , then living , than whom also the christian church had not in those times ( and i question whether in any succeeding ) a bishop that was more a christian , more a getleman , better appointed in all sorts of learning requisite , seasoned under iulian's persecution , and exemplary to the highest pitch of true religion , and practical piety . the eminence of these vertues , and in special of his humility ( the lowliest , but the highest of all christian qualifications ) raised him under theodosius , from the parish-like bishoprick of nazianzum , to that of constantinople , where he fill'd his place in that council . but having taken notice in what manner things were carried in that , as they had been in former councils , and that some of the bishops muttered at his promotion ; he of his own mind resigned that great bishoprick , whis was never of his desire or seeking ; and , though so highly seated in the emperors reverence and favor , so acceptable to the people , and generally to the clergy , whose unequal abilities could not pretend or justifie an envy against him ; retired back for more content , to a solitary life , to his little nazianzum . and from thence he writes that letter to his friend procopius , wherein . p. 418. upon his most recollected and serious reflexion on what had faln within his observation , he useth these remarkable words : i have resolved with my self ( if i may tell you the naked truth , ) never more to come into any assembly of bishops : for i never saw a good and happy end of any council , but which rather increased than remedied the mischiefs . for their obstinate contentions and ambition are unexpressible . it would require too great a volume to deduce , from the death of theodosius , the particulars that happened in the succeeding reigns about this matter . but the reader may reckon that it was as stated a quarrel betwixt the homoousians , and the homoiousians , as that between the houses of york and lancaster : and there arose now an emperor of one line , and then again of the other . but among all the bishops , there was not one morton , whose industrious brain could or would ( for some men always reap by division ) make up the fatal breach betwixt the two creeds . by this means every creed was grown up to a test , and under that pretence , the dextrous bishops step by step hooked within their verge , all the business and power that could be catched in those turbulences , where they mudled the water , and fished after . by this means they stalked on first to a spiritual kind of dominion , and from that incroached upon and into the civil jurisdiction . a bishop now grew terrible , and ( whereas a simple layman might have frighted the devil with the first words of the apostles creed , and i defie thee satan ) one creed could not protect him from a bishop , and it required a much longer , and a double and treble confession , unless himself would be delivered over to satan by an anathema . but this was only an ecclesiastical sentence at first , with which they marked out such as sinned against them , and then whoop'd and hallow'd on the civil magistrate , to hunt them down for their spiritual pleasure . they crept at first by court insinuations & flattery into the princes favor , till those generous creatures suffered themselves to be backed & ridden by them , who would take as much of a free horse as possible : but in persecution the clergy as yet , wisely interposed the magistrate betwixt themselves & the people , not caring so their end were attained , how odious they rendred him : and you may observe that for the most part hitherto , they stood crouching & shot either over the emperors back , or under his belly . but in process of time they became bolder and open-fac'd , and persecuted before the sun at mid-day . bishops grew worse , but bishopricks every day better and better . there was now no eusebius left to refuse the bishopcick of antiochia , whom therefore constantine told , that he deserv'd the bishoprick of the whole world for that modesty . they were not such fools as ammonius parates , i warrant you , in the time of theodosius . he , socr. l. 6. c. 30. being seised upon by some that would needs make him a bishop , when he could not perswade them to the contrary , cut off one of his ears , telling them that now should he himself desire to be a bishop , he was by the law of priesthood incapable : but when they observed that those things only obliged the jewish priesthood , and that the church of christ did not consider whether a priest were sound or perfect in limb of body , but only that he were intire in his manners ; they return'd to seize on him again : but when he saw them coming , he swore with a solemn oath , that if , to consecrate him a bishop , they laid violent hands upon him , he would cut out his tongue also ; whereupon they fearing he would do it , desisted . what should have been the matter , that a man so learned and holy , should have such an aversion to be promoted in his own order ; that , rather than yield to be a compelled or compelling bishop , he would inflict upon himself as severe a martyrdom , as any persecutor could have done for him ? sure he saw something more in the very constitution , than some do at present . but this indeed was an example too rigid , and neither fit to have been done , nor to be imitated , as there was no danger . for far from this they followed the precedent rather of damasus and vrsinus , which last , socr. l. 4 c. 24. in valentinian ' s time , perswaded certain obscure and abject bishops ( for there were it seems of all sorts and sizes ) to create him bishop in a corner , and then ( so early ) he and damasus , who was much the better man , waged war for the bishoprick of rome , to the great scandal of the pagan writers , who made remarks for this and other things upon their christianity , and to the bloodshed and death of a multitude of the christian people . but this last i mention'd , only as a weak and imperfect essay in that time , of what it came to in the several ages after , which i am now speaking of , when the bishops were given , gave themselves over to all manner of vice , luxury , pride , ignorance , superstition , covetousness , and monopolizing of all secular imployments and authority . nothing could escape them : they meddled , troubled themselves and others , with many things , every thing , forgetting that one , only needful . insomuch that i could not avoid wondring often , that among so many churches that with paganick rites they dedicated to saint mary , i have met with none to saint martha . but above all , imposition and cruelty became inherent to them , and the power of persecution was grown so good and desirable a thing , that they thought the magistrate scarce worthy to be trusted with it longer , and a meer novice at it , and either wrested it out of his hands , or gently eased him of that and his other burdens of government . the sufferings of the laity were become the royalties of the clergy ; and , being very careful christians , the bishops that not a word of our saviour might fall to the ground , because he had foretold how men should be persecuted for his names sake , they undertook to see it done effectually in their own provinces , and out of pure zeal of doing him the more service of this kind , inlarged studiously their diocesses beyond all proportion . like nostrodamus his son , that to fulfil his father's prediction of a city in france , that should be burned ; with his own hands set it on fire . all the calamities of the christian world in those ages , may be derived from them , while they warm'd themselves at the flame ; and like lords of misrule , kept a perpetual christmas . what in the bishops name is the matter ? how it came about that christianity , which approved it self under all persecutions to the heathen emperors , and merited their favour so far , till at last it regularly succeeded to the monarchy , should under those of their own profession be more distressed ? were there some christians then too , that feared still lest men should be christians , and for whom it was necessary , not for the gospel reason that there should be heresies . let us collect a little now also in the conclusion what at first was not particulariz'd , how the reason of state and measure of government stood under the roman emperours , in aspect to them . i omit tiberius , mention'd in the beginning of this essay . trajane , after having persecuted them , and having used pliny the second in his province to that purpose , upon his relation that they lived in conformity to all law , but that which forbad their worship , and in all other things were blameless , and good men , straitly by his edict commanded that none of them should be farther enquired after . hadrian , in his edict to minutius fundanus , proconsul of asia , commands him that , if any accuse the christians , and can prove it , that they commit any thing against the state , that then he punish them according to the crime : but if any man accuse them , meerly for calumny and vexation , as christians , then i'faith let him suffer for 't , and take you care that he feel the smart of it . antoninus pius writ his edict very remarkable , if there were place to recite it , to the states of asia assembled at ephesus , wherein he takes notice of his fathers command , that unless the christians were found to act any thing against the roman empire , they should not be molested , and then commands , that if any man thereafter shall continue to trouble them , tanquam tales , as christians , for their worship , in that case , he that is the informer , should be exposed to punishment , but the accused should be free and discharged . i could not but observe that among other things in this edict , where he is speaking . it is desirable to them that they may appear , being accused , more willing to die for their god than to live : he adds , it would not be amiss to admonish you concerning the earth-quakes which have , and do now happen , that when you are afflicted at them , you would compare our affairs with theirs . they are thereby so much the more incouraged to a confidence and reliance upon god , but you all the while go on in your ignorance , and neglect both other gods , and the religion towards the immortal , and banish and persecute them unto death . which words of that emperors , fall in so naturally with what , it seems , was a common observation about earth-quakes , that i cannot but to that purpose take further notice , how also gregory nazianzen , in or. 2. contra gentiles , tells , besides the breakings in of the sea in several places , and many fires that happened , of the earth-quakes in particular , which he reckons as symptoms of iulian's persecution . and to this i may add , socr. l. 3. c. 10 , who in the reign of valens , that notorious christian persecutor , saith , at the same time there was an earth-quake in bithynia , which turned the city of nice ( that same in which the general council was held under constantine ) and a little after there was another . but although these so happened , the minds of valens , and of eudoxius , the bishop of the arrians , were not all stirred up unto piety , and a right opinion of religion . for nevertheless they ceased not , made no end of persecuting those who in their creed dissented from them . those earth-quakes seemed to be certain indications of tumults in the church . all which put together , could not but make me reflect upon the late earth-quakes , great by how much more unusual here in england , thorow so many counties two years since , at the same time when the clergy , some of them , were so busie in their cabals , to promote this ( i would give it a modester name than ) persecution , which is now on foot against the dissenters ; at so unseasonable a time , and upon no occasion administred by them , that those who comprehend the reasons , yet cannot but wonder at the wisdom of it . yet i am not neither one of the most credulous nickers or appliers of natural events to human transanctions : but neither am i so secure as the learned dr. spencer , nor can walk along the world without having some eye to the conjunctures of god's admirable providence . neither was marcus aurelius ( that i may return to my matter ) negligent as to the particular . but he , observing , as antonnius had the earth-quakes , that in an expedition against the germans and sarmatians , his army being in despair almost for want of water , the melitine ( afterwards from the event called the thundring ) legion , which consisted of christians , kneel'd down in the very heat of their thirst and fight , praying for rain ; which posture the enemies wondring at , immediately there brake out such a thundring and lightning , as together with the christian valour , routed the adverse army , but so much rain fell therewith , as refreshed aurelius his forces , that were at the last gasp for thirst : he thence forward commanded by his letters , that upon pain of death none should inform against the christians , as tertullian in his apology for the christians witnesses . but who would have believed that even commodus , so great a tyrant otherwise , should have been so favourable as to make a law , that the informers against christians should be punished with death ? yet he did , and the informer against apollonius was by it executed . much less could a man have thought that , that prodigy of cruelty maximine , and who exercised it so severely upon the christians , should , as he did , being struck with god's hand , publish when it was too late edict after edict , in great favour of the christians . but above all , nothing could have been less expected than that , after those heathen emperors , the first christian constantine should have been seduced by the bishops , to be after them , the first occasion of persecution , so contrary to his own excellent inclination : 't was then that he spake his own mind , when he said , eus. de vitâ const. 69. you ought to retain within the bounds of your private thoughts of those things , which you cunningly and subtly seek out concerning most frivolous questions . and then much plainer , c. 67. where he saith so wisely . you are not ignorant that the philosophers all of them do agree in the profession of the same discipline , but do oftentimes differ in some part of the opinions that they dogmatize in : but yet , although they do dissent about the discipline that each several sect observeth , they nevertheless reconcile themselves again for the sake of that common profession to which they have concurred . but again compulsion in religious . matters so much every where , that it is needless to insert one passage . and he being of this disposition , and universally famous for his care and countenance of the christian religion . eusebius saith these words , while the people of god did glory and heighten it self in the doing of good things , and all fear from without was taken away , and the church was fortifi'd as i may say , on all sides by a peaceable and illustrious tranquility , then envy lying in wait against our prosperity , craftily crept in , and began first to dance in the midst of the company of bishops ; so goes on , telling the history of alexander and arrius . i have been before large enough in that relation , wherein appeared that , contrary to that great emperours pious intention , whereas envy began to dance among the bishops first , the good constantine brought them the fiddles . but it appear'd likewise how soon he was weary of the ball , and toward his latter end , as princes often do upon too late experience , would have repressed all , and returned to his natural temper . of the other christian emperours i likewise discoursed , omitting , that i might insert it in this place , how the great heathen philosopher themistius , in his consolar oration , celebrated iovianus for having given that toleration in christien religion , and thereby defeated the flattering bishops , which sort of men , saith he wittily , do not worship god , but the imperial purple . it was the same themistius , that only out of an upright natural apprehension of things , made that excellent oration afterward to valens , which is in print , exhorting him to cease persecution ; wherein he chances upon , and improves the same notion with constantines , and tells him , that he should not wonder at the dissents in cstristian religion , which were very small if compared with the multitude and crowd of opinions among the gentile philosophers ; for there were at least three hundred differences , and a very great dissention among them there was about their resolutions , unto which each several sect was as it were , necessarily bound up and obliged : and that god seemed to intend more to illustrate his own glory by that diverse and unequal variety of opinions , to the end every each one might therefore so much the more reverence his divine majesty , because it is not possible for any one accurately to know him . and this had a good effect upon valens , for the mitigating in some measure his severities against his fellow christians . so that after having cast about in this summery again , ( whereby it plainly appears , that according to natural right , and the apprehension of all sober heathen governours , christianity as a religion , was wholly exempt from the magistrates jurisdiction or laws , farther than any particular person among them immorally transgressed , as others , the common rules of human society ) i cannot but return to the question with which i begun . what was the matter ? how came it about that christianity , which approved it self under all persecutions to the heathen emperours , and merited their favour so far , till at last it regularly succeeded to the monarchy , should under those of their own profession , be more distressed ? but the answer is now much shorter and certainer , and i will adventure boldly to say , the true and single cause then was the bishops . and they were the cause against reason . for what power had the emperours by growing christians , more than those had before them ? none . what obligation were christians subject under to the magistrate more than before ? none . but the magistrates christian authority was what the apostle describ'd it while heathen ; not to be a terror to good works , but to evil . what new power had the bishops acquired , whereby they turned every pontificate into a caiaphat ? none neither , 2 cor. 10. 8. had they been apostles . the lord had but given them authority for edification , not for destruction . they , of all other , ought to have preached to the magistrate the terrible denunciations in scripture against usurping upon , and persecuting of christians . they , of all others , ought to have laid before them the horrible examples of god's ordinary justice against those that exercised persecution . but , provided they could be the swearers of the prince , to do all due allegiance to the church , and to preserve the rights and liberties of the church , however they came by them , they would give them as much scope as he pleased , in matter of christianity , and would be the first to solicite him to break the laws of christ , and ply him with hot places of scripture , in order to all manner of oppression and persecution in civils and spirituals . so that the whole business how this unchristian tyranny came , and could entitle it self among christians , against the christian priviledges , was only the case in zech. 13. 6. 7. and one shall say unto him , what are these wounds in thy hands ? then he shall answer , those with which i was wounded in the house of my friends . because they were all christians , they thought forsooth they might make the bolder with them , make bolder with christ , and wound him again in the hands and feet of his members . because they were friends , they might use them more coarsly , and abuse them against all common civility , in their own house , which is a protection to strangers . and all this to the end that a bishop might sit with the prince in iunto , to consult wisely how to preserve him from those people that never meant him any harm , and to secure him from the sedition and rebellion of men that seek , nor think any thing more , but to follow their own religious christian worship . it was indeed as ridiculous a thing to the pagans to see that work , as it was afterwards in england to strangers , where papists and protestants went both to wrack at the same instant , in the same market ; and when erasmus said wittily , quid agitur in angliâ ? ( consulitur , he might have added , though not so elegantly , comburitur ) de religione . because they knew that christian worship was free by christs institution , they procured the magistrate to make laws in it concerning things necessary : as the heathen persecutor iulian introduced some bordering pagan ceremonies , and arguing with themselves in the same manner , as he did , soz. l. 5. c. 16. that if christians should obey those laws , they should be able to bring them about to something further , which they had designed . but if they would not , then they might proceed against them without any hope of pardon , as breakers of the laws of the empire , and represent them as turbulent and dangerous to the government . indeed , whatsoever the animadverter saith of the act of seditious conventicles here in england , as if it were anvill'd after another of the roman senate ; the christians of those ages had all the finest tools of persecution out of iulian's shop , and studied him then as curiously as some do now machiavel . these bishops it was , who , because the rule of christ was incomparable with the power that they assumed , and the vices they practised , had no way to render themselves necessary or tolerable to princes , but by making true piety difficult , by innovating laws to revenge themselves upon it , and by turning make-bates between prince and people , instilling dangers of which themselves were the authors . hence it is , that having awakened this jealousie once in the magistrate , against religion , they made both the secular and the ecclesiastical government so uneasie to him , that most princes began to look upon their subjects as their enemies , and to imagine a reason of state different from the interest of their people ; and therefore to weaken themselves by seeking unnecessary and grievous supports to their authority . whereas if men could have refrain'd this cunning , and from thence forcible governing of christianity , leaving it to its own simplicity and due liberty , but causing them in all other things to keep the kings and christs peace among themselves , and towards others , all the ill that could have come of it , would have been , that such kind of bishops should have prov'd less implemental ; but the good that must have thence risen to the christian magistrate and the church , then and ever after , would have been inexpressible . but this discourse having run in a manner wholly upon the imposition of creeds , may seem not to concern ( and i desire that it may not reflect upon ) our clergy , nor the controversies which have so unhappily vex'd our church ever since the reign of edward the sixth unto this day . only , if there might be something pick'd out of it towards the compromising of those differences ( which i have not from any performance of mine , the vanity to imagine ) it may have use as an argument , a majori ad minus , their disputes having risen only from that of creeds , ours from the imposition only of ceremonies , which are of much inferior consideration . faith being necessary , but ceremonies dispensable . unless our church should lay the same weight upon them , as one did . this is the time of her settlement , that there is a church at the end of every mile , that the soveraign powers spread their wings to cover and protect her , that kings and queens are her nursing fathers and nursing mothers , that she hath stately cathedrals ; there be so many arguments now to make ceremonies necessary , which may all be answered with one question that they use to ask children : where are you proud ? but i should rather hope from the wisdom and christianity of the present guides of our church , that they will ( after an age and more , after so long a time almost as those primitive bishops i have spoke of , yet suffered the novatian bishops in every diocess ) have mercy on the nation that hath been upon so slender a matter as the ceremonies and liturgy so long , so miserably harass'd . that they will have mercy upon the king , whom they know against his natural inclination , his royal intention , his many declarations , they have induced to more severities then all the reigns since the conquest will contain , if summ'd up together ; who may , as constantine among his private devotions put up one collect to the bishops , euseb. de vitâ const. 7. 70. date igitur mihi dies tranquillos & noctes curarum expertes . and it runs thus almost altogether verbatim in that historian ▪ grant , most merciful bishop and priest that i may have calm days , and nights free from care and molestation , that i may live a peaceable life in all godliness and holiness for the future by your good agreement ; which unless you vouchsafe me , i shall wast away my reign in perpetual sadness and vexation . for as long as the people of god stands divided by so unjust and pernicious a contention , how can it be that i can have any ease in my own spirit . open therefore by your good agreement the way to me , that i may continue my expedition towards the east ; and grant that i may see both you and all the rest of my people , having laid aside your animosities , rejoycing together , that we may all with one voice give lund and glory , for the common and good agreement and liberty , to god almighty for ever , amen . but if neither the people nor his majesty enter into their consideration . i hope it is no unreasonable request that they will be merciful unto themselves , and have some reverence at least for the naked truth of history , which either in their own times will meet with them , or in the next age overtake them : that they , who are some of them so old , that as confessors , they were the scars of the former troubles , others of them so young , that they are free from all the motives of revenge and hatred , should yet joyn in reviving the former persecutions upon the same pretences ; yea , even themselves in a turbulent , military , and uncanonical manner execute laws of their own procuring , and depute their inferior clergy to be the informers . i should rather hope to see not only that controversie so scandalous abolished , but that also upon so good an occasion as the author of the naked truth hath administred them , they will inspect their clergy , and cause many things to be corrected , which are far more ruinous in the consequence than the dispensing with a surplice . i shall mention some too confusedly , as they occur to my pen , at present , reserving much more for better leisure . methinks it might be of great edification , that those of them , who have ample possessions , should be in a good sense , multas inter opes inopes . that they would inspect the canons of the ancient councils , where are many excellent ones for the regulation of the clergy . i saw one , looking but among those of the same council of nice , against any bishops removing from a less bishoprick to a greater , nor that any of the inferior clergy should leave a less living for a fatter . that is methinks the most natural use of general , or any councils to make canons , as it were by-laws for the ordering of their own society ; but they ought not to take out , much less forge any patent to invade and prejudice the community . it were good that the greater church-men relyed more upon themselves , and their own direction , not building too much upon stripling chaplains , that men may not suppose the master ( as one that has a good horse , or a fleet hound ) attributes to himself the vertues of his creature . that they inspect the morals of the clergy ; the moral hereticks do the church more harm than all the non-conformists can do , or can wish it . that before they admit men to subscribe the thirty-nine articles for a benefice , they try whether they know the meaning . that they would much recommend to them the reading of the bible . 't is a very good book , and if a man read it carefully , will make him much wiser . that they would advise them to keep the sabbath : if there were no morality in the day , yet there is a great deal of prudence in the observing it . that they would instruct those that come for holy orders and livings , that it is a terrible vocation they enter upon ; but that has indeed the greatest reward . that to gain a soul is beyond all the acquists of traffick , and to convert an atheist , more glorious than all the conquests of the souldier . that betaking themselves to this spiritual warfare , they ought to disintangle from the world. that they do not ride for a benefice , as if it were for a fortune , or a mistress ; but there is more in it . that they take the ministry up not as a trade . that they make them understand as well as they can , what is the grace of god. that they do not come into the pulpit too full of fustian or logick ; a good life is a clergy-mans best syllogism , and the quaintest oratory ; and till they out-live 'm , they will never get the better of the fanaticks , nor be able to preach with demonstration of spirit , or with any effect or authority . that they be lowly minded , and no railers . but these things require a greater time , and to enumerate all that is amiss , might perhaps be as endless as to number the people ; nor are they within the ordinary sphere of my capacity . but to the judicious and serious reader , to whom i wish any thing i have said , may have given no unwelcome entertainment ; i shall only so far justifie my self , that i thought it no less concerned me to vindicate the laity from the impositions that the few would force upon them , than others to defend those impositions on behalf of the clergy . but the reverend mr. hooker in his ecclesiastical polity , says , the time will come when three words , uttered with charity and meekness , shall receive a far more blessed reward , than three thousand volumes written with disdainful sharpness of wit. and i shall conclude . i trust in the almighty , that with us , contentions are now at the highest float , and that the day will come ( for what cause is there of despair ) when the passions of former enmity being allaid , men shall with ten times redoubled tokens of unfainedly reconciled love , shew themselves each to other the same which joseph , and the brethren of joseph were at the time of their enterview in egypt . and upon this condition , let my book also ( yea , my self if it were needful ) be burnt by the hand of those enemies to the peace and tranquility of the religion of ●ngland . finis . the spirit of calumny and slander, examin'd, chastis'd, and expos'd, in a letter to a malicious libeller more particularly address'd to mr. george ridpath, newsmonger, near st. martins in the fields : containing some animadversions on his scurrilous pamphlets, published by him against the kings, parliaments, laws, nobility and clergy of scotland : together with a short account of presbyterian principles and consequential practices. monro, alexander, d. 1715? 1693 approx. 235 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 53 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51160 wing m2446 estc r4040 12787612 ocm 12787612 93903 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51160) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93903) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 699:19) the spirit of calumny and slander, examin'd, chastis'd, and expos'd, in a letter to a malicious libeller more particularly address'd to mr. george ridpath, newsmonger, near st. martins in the fields : containing some animadversions on his scurrilous pamphlets, published by him against the kings, parliaments, laws, nobility and clergy of scotland : together with a short account of presbyterian principles and consequential practices. monro, alexander, d. 1715? s. w. [12], 89 p. printed for joseph hindmarsh ..., london : 1693. preface signed: s.w. attributed to monro by wing and halkett and laing. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ridpath, george, d. 1726. church and state -scotland. presbyterianism. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-06 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-06 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the spirit of calumny and slander , examin'd , chastis'd , and expos'd , in a letter to a malicious libeller . more particularly address'd to mr. george ridpath , newsmonger , near st. martins in the fields . containing some animadversions on his scurrilous pamphlets , published by him against the kings , parliaments , laws , nobility and clergy of scotland . together with a short account of presbyterian principles and consequential practices . tenue est mendacium , perlucet si diligenter inspexeris . senec. london : printed for joseph hindmarsh , at the golden-ball over against the royal exchange . 1693. to the reader . it is not much worth the while to inform the world , that now mr. george ridpath is at the head of the presbyterian party in scotland . his associates there , and here , have such an opinion of him , that they consider him as the invincible champion of their cause ; and the truth is , if any man be so inconsiderable , and so much a brute , as to fight him at his own weapons , mr. ridpath will certainly carry the prize . he 's the man , that is now most likely to pull down antichrist , and the whore of babylon . and as for the scotch episcopal clergy who yet retain any kindness for the hierarchy , and the former government , if he lives another year , they must all of them be banish'd the isle of britain . it is enough for you to know , that now the presbyterians , as is probable , have by an unanimous suffrage chosen him to manage the libels against their opposites . he now appears in the field of battel , with all the noise , lies , and clamour , that becomes a zealous covenanter . he began this last years campagne with a libel against dr. m — o , which valuable book he dedicated to the parliament of scotland ; by this , one may easily infer , that either he had a mean opinion of the parliament , or extraordinary thoughts of himself . if the following treatise cannot be reduc'd into any certain method , this is not to be imputed unto me ; for i must confess that i too much follow'd the excursions of mr. ridpath's invention . i was willing to contract the animadversions that i made upon his book into as little room as was possible ; and therefore the frequent transitions from one thing to another , are best understood , by such as have read his continuation , &c. i hope most men are better employed than either to think or speak of the calumnies and lies , that he industriously heaps together against the clergy . his party is resolv'd to make use of such engines against the church , as they and their fore-fathers found most successful to the extirpation of root and branch : and they that are unacquainted with their malicious methods , are great strangers to our nation , and history . if the reader meet with some paragraphs that are more particular , and peculiar to mr. ridpath , than the publick is oblig'd to take notice of , i must be excus'd , since i was compell'd ; for i assure you , that i value personal altereations no otherwise than a good christian ought to do : nor did i ever write to satisfie or convince mr. ridpath , that being a thing in it self impossible . there is a certain order of mean spirited fellows ( i do not mean by their external quality ) who think that there is nothing written by their party , ( were it never so ignominiously fulsome and scandalous ) but what is invincible and unanswerable . their pride , and vanity are incurable . it is not my meaning that we ought to put our selves to the drudgery of answering all the scurrilous and obscene libels that are propagated by our enemies , but 't is reasonable to let our friends see , that at some times we can confute them if that be thought convenient . i am so far convinc'd of the weakness of their reasonings , that i know no sect , antient , or modern , that ever broke the peace of the christian church , but may be more plausibly defended , than the latest edition of presbytery in scotland . i never thought that the reputation of my friend was in any hazard by being attack'd by mr. ridpath , or the little creatures who instigate him ; yet by the following papers , i make it plain to all disinteressed persons , that mr. ridpath lies willfully and deliberately in several instances ; and therefore i may be allow'd to take leave of him for the future , if he does not manage his accusations , as becomes the spirit of truth , innocence , and ingenuity . if you think that the style is more sharp than is decent or just , then i intreat you may read his books which occasion'd these papers , and then i am confident that you will retract your censure , and find that i have meddled with his person as little as was possible . he is in some places so obscene that there is no coming near him , and therefore i made all possible hast to rid my imagination of him , and the paultry trash that he gathers together . the bookseller was willing to print a sheet or two more than the letter that i address'd to mr. ridpath , and therefore i gave him some propositions that are extracted out of such books as are most in vogue amongst the scotch presbyterians , that the reader might have a sample of their moral theology with regard to obedience , government , and subjection . to which i have added a letter , written from the tolbooth of edinburgh by the famous assassin mr. james mitchel , who endeavours to prove from several texts of scripture , that he ought to kill dr. sharp , lord archbishop of st. andrews . in short , to use the words of a great man , rebellion is the soul of the kirk . and though we had not known the history of that parliament anno 1645. ( so they call'd the bloody meeting at st. andrews ) we have later instances of their arbitrary and tyrannical malice against the better half of the nation . their very patrons are asham'd of them ( not through any ingenuous remorse ) but because their bare fac'd villanies are frequently expos'd . i think the following letter needs no other preface than what is already hinted by sir , your humble servant , s. w. the contents . the occasion of this letter . mr. ridpath , the author of two or three scurrilous and abusive pamphlets against the kings , parliaments , laws , nobility , and clergy of scotland page 1 his rage and passion against the author of the apology for the clergy of scotland ibid. his challenge fairly embrac'd . the author of this defence undertakes to prove that there is not a good consequence in mr. ridpath 's books from the beginning to the end p. 2 the character bestowed upon mr. rutherford by the author of the apology , no justifiable ground of mr. ridpath 's clamourous bawling against the learn'd advocate ibid. ●●●path 's accusation against sir george mackenzie in the case of c. of c. founded only on his own petulance and malice p. 3 ridiculous advices to the ministers of state in england , and his civilities to k. w. and q. m. ibid. his imitation of the famous presbyterian buffoon dr. bastwick , when he reviles the present clergy of the church of scotland p. 4 his impudence in charging the archbishop of glasgow with so many unheard of crimes p. 5 his vanity in thinking that his books do greater feats than the other scriblings of his party p. 6 his civilities to the clergy of the church of england ; and his particular forgeries against the author of the apology ibid. his critical skill examin'd . and his officious interposal in the defence of mr. rule further chastis'd ibid. train of many impertinent lies together against dr. monro expos'd p. 7 his stupid ignorance in the history of the first reformation of scotland ; and in the doctrine of the first reformers p. 8 his feeble attempts to prove the divine right of presbytery ibid. his abominable lies in charging the government with unheard of cruelties p. 9 the cameronians prov'd to be the most zealous presbyterians . and mr. radpath 's argument against their authority , prov'd from presbyterian principles to be no argument at all ibid. his argumentum ad hominem from the viscount of dundee 's practices proves no more than that he is ignorant in the first elements of logick p. 10 his comparison between the practices of the church of england , and those of the scotch presbyterians , scandalous and impertinent ibid. presbyterians more cruel and barbarous than any other people . this prov'd by a memorable instance in the year 1645. p. 11 the covenanters less skilful than the inquisitors , but equally cruel p. 11 his ignorance further expos'd p. 12 the dr. us'd no equivocation when he said , that the covenant was rigorously impos'd upon children ibid. this prov'd by an act of the gen. ass . 1648. p. 13 the charge of equivocation disprov'd and retorted p. 14 , 15 the practice of the episcopal clergy in exposing the presbyterians , vindicated from levity and profanity ibid. the cameronians the most active , and the most consequential presbyterians p. 16 his derivation of the word enthusiasm , compar'd with such another critical essay of a bedlamite ibid. the acts of the general assembly , especially those of 48 , and 49 , do sufficiently vindicate k. ch. 2. from all imputations of rigor and cruelty p. 17 sir george mackenzie gave a true narrative of the first rise and occasion of those laws that the presbyterians complain of p. 18 one of the pedling scribles in favours of presbytery , his weakness , silliness and ignorance , fairly expos'd in some particulars p. 18 , 19 mr. ridpath 's lies , viz. that sir geo. mackenzie persecuted hamilton of hallside , refuted by hallside himself ibid. no laws made against presbyterians as such , but against seditions , tumults , and insurrections ibid. his method of answering arguments by suppressing such words , upon which their strength depends p. 19 , 20 the presbyterians in general charg'd with rebellious principles and practices . this made good against the whiffling exceptions and evasions of mr. ridpath p. 21 the king and parliament did not consider them as presbyterians , but as stubborn and incorrigible rebels ibid. the majority of the people for the episcopal clergy ibid. his rude and inconsiderable lies against the earl of airly , and the laird of meldrum p. 22 the doctrine of passive obedience fairly stated and defended p. 23 , 24 the presbyterian exceptions disprov'd and retorted ibid. mr. ridpath 's incurable infelicity in mistaking true sense for contradictions ibid. the writings of mr. rutherford prov'd obscure , and mr. ridpath invited to defend them p. 25 , 26 mr. ridpath 's impudence in denying the blasphemies that are to be seen in mr. rule 's books p. 26 , 27 his blustering ignorance further expos'd p. 28 the presbyterians prov'd to be the first aggressors in the trade of libelling , and the only experienc'd practitioners p. 28 , 29 , 30 the additional accusations against dr. monro proves no more than mr. ridpath 's wickedness and malice p. 30 , 31 the murder of archbishop sharp prov'd to be the result of presbyterian principles p. 32 the presbyterians by their principles not oblig'd to forms p. 33 the charge of pedantry brought against the doctor disprov'd and retorted p. 33 , 34 , 35 our ecclesiastical superiors did not connive at the faults of the subordinate clergy , tho they proceeded against such as were complain'd of by the orderly and tedious methods of the law p. 35 mr. ridpath further chastis'd for his ignorance in the history and principles of the presbyterians p. 35 , 36 his ungovernable malice against dr. canaties in many rude and impertinent efforts canvass'd aad examin'd p. 37 his willful and affected mistake of the author of the postscripts meaning p. 38 his ignorance of a formal contradiction p. 39 the presbyterians accuse all men of plotting against the government , because plotting is their only element p. 40 mr. ridpath 's hypocrisie , wishing , that both parties may be tender of one another , when his practice in the next line confutes all his pretences of piety ibid. his common topick to justifie his calumnies , viz. that he does not know what he writes to be false , further expos'd and ridicul'd ibid. his ignorance in opposing the knowledge of arms to the liberal arts and sciences p. 41 , 42 the charge against the clergy of stealing their sermons retorted upon an impudent presbyterian plagiary p. 42 , 43 his vanity and ignorance further chastis'd p. 43 , 44 his affectation of theology , logick and wit , expos'd by plain and palpable instances p. 45 , 46 his catalogue of cruelties and treacheries paralell'd p. 47 , 48 , 49. another objection against the bishops of scotland consider'd p. 51 , 52 , 53 several certificates and letters in favours of the calumniated clergy p. 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 , 66 several propositions extracted out of the presbyterian books p. 68 , 69 , 70 , &c. mr. james mitchel the famous assassin his letter . justifying from scripture his villanous attempt to murder the archbishop of st. andrews . mr. ridpath , i have good information from several persons of known integrity here at london , that you are the author of two abusive pamphlets by which you endeavour to defame our kings , parliaments , and nobles , such as we had in scotland before the revolution . our kings were perjured tyrants , and k. charles ii. knew that he himself had forfeited his title to the crown * . our parliaments were but pack'd clubs , a company of slavish parasites , that contributed all they could to the ruin of our liberties , civil and religious ; and consequently our nobility can deserve no better character , who made so great a figure in all our parliaments . as for the episcopal clergy whether bishops or presbyters , you give them so many names , that it is a wonder you did not think such a despicable company of men below your notice . the book which you call your continuation , most of it is levelled against one particular man ; and when i undertake his defence ( if that be necessary ) i find that the reading over your book , and transcribing so many parts of it was all the toil i was likely to undergo , and tho you call him whom you fancy to be your adversary a man of ungovernable passion ; yet i must tell you that he could not but be mad to the last degree , if he were angry at the names you give him , since they of the first quality in europe , have no fairer quarter at your hands ; a scribler . a pedant , a hawker , a villain , an ass , an ignoramus , a blunderer , are all of them words that he can hear with patience , when his superiours are not better treated . one may modestly conclude that you are very angry , and that 's a greater punishment than any of your adversaries can inflict upon you . the author of the postscript to the apology for the clergy of scotland , told you already , that he was not at all concerned in that scuffle between you and your antagonist , nor is he likely to offer his mediation to end your debate ; and he is still of the opinion , that he can employ his time better than to read again your answer , or the book that occasioned it . his postscript is a short epistolary account of the first , or rather a character of the present methods of presbytery , in imitation of their predecessors , than any particular view of your book , and i am content that you impute this to his ignorance or weakness or what else you please to call it . it is very odd that you should think that you have power to summon any body to the press when you please , even when you lurk behind the curtains . you take it for granted that dr. m. — was the author of that postscript , and it may be you hit right enough ; yet tho your party be lashed in it with some severity , he takes no great pleasure in medling with particular men further than necessity constrains . he said , that there was not a good consequence in your book from the beginning to the end ; this could not but provoke a man of your courage and mettle . by a consequence , i humbly think he understood a truth deduced from true and solid principles that overthrows the common cause of episcopacy , or the reputation of those men whom you asperse , i mean such of the clergy who were never under any publick censure of the church . he told you likewise that he had no inclination particularly to examine the imaginary contradictions that you charge your enemy with , and now i give you the reason , partly because the theme , as you manage it , yields no edification , partly because the publick is not at all concerned to read such libels and altercations , and he gives you liberty to triumph as much as you please upon this head : but if your honour and credit is at stake , and that you find your self concerned more particularly to run him down than any other , he is content to meet you before any competent number of grave witnesses , who by their authority may mitigate such excursions of rudeness as may be feared , if your blood should boil to its usual fervor : and to reason the matter calmly , and ( without either huffing , or the terrible language of an almanzor ) to demonstrate that there is not a good consequence in your book from the beginning to the end . and indeed you may excuse me to tell you , that in your last pamphlet you seem not to understand the very first elements of logick . moreover , the author of the postscript incurr'd your high displeasure , by saying , that there were abusive metaphors in mr. rutherford's letters , and some dark and unintelligible passages in his scholastical essays : and is this the unpardonable crime for which there can be no atonement ? mr. ridpath , this was no reflection upon his morals , but a plain matter of fact to be seen by every body that peruseth the books that are cited . and therefore this could not at all justifie your accusing sir george mackenzie to have suborned witnesses ; a practice so infamous and so wicked , that i am confident no man of honour will ever say any such thing of the truly just , and learned advocate . a previous examination of witnesses in criminal cases is not subornation , but precognition , practised at all times in scotland before they deponed judicially ; and sir george mackenzie wanted not many clear evidences to prove that c. of c. was plotting an insurrection against the king and government about the time of argyle's rebellion . you may read the elegant history of that insurrection written by the * bishop of rochester , and there you may see with your own eyes several authentick evidences , upon record , against c. of c. and i must tell you that sir george mackenzie needed not that gentleman's assistance to re commend him to the present court , if he had been ambitious to have been a favorite ; and if he told c. of c. that he had done him an injury , and begg'd him pardon , how came this confession to be made publick ? if he to whom it was first revealed , under trust , spread it abroad , he is guilty of something that no gentleman will readily own ; but the plain truth is sir george mackenzie never told him any such thing , after the manner you represent it ; and he had very good reason to expect that the witnesses against c. of c. would judicially depone in publick , the very same things that they asserted in private ; and if you please you may remember that there is a greater difference between sir george mackenzie and your self , than between mr. rutherford and those of our clergy you trample upon . your advices and threatnings to the ministers of state in england are idle , and of no use at all ; for ministers of state will advise according to their light and conviction , without any regard to the short-liv'd pamphlets that fly about the city ; nor are they likely to receive their measures either from you , or any of us who see so little in their sphere . the presbyterians in england are not yet ripe for a rebellion , and they in scotland can do little to disturb england , without their assistance , and therefore you had best forbear your threatnings , for i am apt to think that your influence in either nation goes but a little way . you treat king william no better than other kings , since , you say , he is prevailed upon to write letters to the general assembly that they are not obliged in law to comply with ; but better lawyers are of another opinion , and if king william venture upon such essays of arbitrary power , in a little time ( according to your hypothesis ) he may forfeit his title , since he has none but such as is twisted with the divine right of presbytery . but indeed , mr. ridpath , i think we had kings in scotland , before we had either covenants , or presbytery , or the claim of right ; and that our fundamental constitution does not depend upon an act of the general assembly , tho the general assembly sometimes venture , in terminis , to make an act against an act of parliament . it is a gentile compliment that you bestow upon queen mary , when you allow the jacobites to invite her father to keep the solon-geese in the bass ; and i think none is permitted to speak so but mr. ridpath . it is not safe for any government to suffer buffoons to treat crowned heads so familiarly ; whatever be the quarrel between princes , this language is intolerable ; yet some animals are privileged to bark at this rate . the clazomenians , coming to sparta , fullied the thrones on which the ephori sat ; when the ephori came to know this indignity , they bore it patiently , and called for a publick herald , and ordered him to proclaim through the city , that it was lawful for the clazomenians to do things that were unbecoming and undecent , that is to say , such barbarous rascals were below reproof and revenge . two of our archbishops you treat in the same language that dr. bastwick , the famous presbyterian buffoon , used towards the archbishop of canterbury and his collegues , when he tells them that the hierarchy came from the pope and the devil , diabolus caccavit illos ; they forsooth must be called magnates ecclesiae , and the verity of the matter is , they are magnae nates ecclesiae . it is tedious to transcribe his civilities to archbishop laud , and his venerable brethren , and therefore i refer you to the book cited in the margin : only there is one of his complements which i set down , because it hath in it the mean and scurrillous spirit of the party ; which you copy so exactly that one would have thought dr. bastwick had been your father ; thus he goes on ( speaking of the priests of the church of england ) they are secundum ordinem diaboli , a generation of vipers , proud , ungrateful , illiterate asses : the church is as full of ceremonies as a dog is full of fleas . and again , one would think that hell were broke loose , and that the devils in surplices , in hoods , in capes , and rochets , and in four-squared cow-turds upon their heads , were come among us , and had beshit us all . pho ! how they stink ! this is the wit and civility of an enraged presbyterian ; these are the flights of a zealot , when inspired to the heighth . you treat archbishop sharp and the archbishop of glasgow , in the same language that archbishop laud , and archbishop spotswood were complemented by your predecessors . there is a letter here , which i have seen , from the archbishop of glasgow to one of his friends ; which , some time or other may see the light in a larger treatise . it was occasioned by your obscene libels against him ; i must tell you one thing that is in it , and it may provoke your curiosity to see it ; he promises two hundred pound sterl . to any man that will prove , by witnesses of known probity , any one particular that is maliciously vented against him by your self or any of your informers . why then do not ye appear openly above-board , for the bishop declines no competent judge in scotland ? 't is true , he thought that the book that treated him so barbarously had been writ by some of the fluttering damme's about the city , whose most compendious method to destroy religion , is , at any rate , to run down the clergy ; but if he had known his accuser , 't is more than probable he would forbear any vindication . he was sometimes opposed by persons of the first quality in the nation , and if he had been so wicked a wretch as you represent him , he had certainly forfeited his life to justice , and his name to infamy , as he expresses it himself in his letter . mr. ridpath , do not take it ill that i do not go through the particulars of your libel against the bishop , for i have made you a fair offer already ; and besides , when you are better informed , you will find your self that you name some persons in your libel , who are lasting monuments of the disgrace of your faction ; so that you have as little of the wisdom of the serpent , as of the innocence of the dove . you may go on and accuse the bishop and his collegues of all the crimes that your predecessors charged the former bishops with , in the year 1638 ; nay , which is more , you may accuse him of all the villainies which your own major wier actually committed , when he ran about with so many of the sisters , from one communion to another : and i assure you that neither he nor any of his friends will take notice of you . we know very well that you are at extraordinary pains to gather intelligence against the clergy , but all your evidences hitherto are of no authority at all . you think that if mr. rule 's book provoked the author of the postscript to undecencies of passion , the reading of yours would make him stark mad . not so , mr. ridpath , we may sometimes get a more deadly wound by an arrow that flies near the earth , than by the thunder that goes over our heads . he begins , you say , with downright nonsense and a notorious lie ; but one and the same proposition cannot be both nonsense and a lie ; one cannot tell what to make of the first , and therefore it is neither a lie nor a truth : he continues still in the same opinion , that the principles and practices of the covenanters occasioned the laws that you complain of , whether you mean their practices from the year 1637 , to the year 1650 ; or their behaviour after the restoration of king charles ii , all is one to me ; they overthrew the monarchy under king charles i , disturbed it by frequent insurrections under king charles ii , and are ready to do so still , if at any time their boundless tyranny and ambition be restrained . the rest of that paragraph is a declamation against prelacy , and the clergy of england must be lashed with the same severity , wherewith you chastise those of scotland ; and in your first book you represent those of england as a company of treacherous prevaricators : that the crown set them up by a daring perjury , and that the same party hath thrust that family from the throne , by a copy exactly answering the original . they are obliged very much to your civilities , if the family be thrust from the throne , you are the author of a new discovery ; but i leave this to their consideration who are more concerned . you are diffident of your arguments against the author of the postscript , and therefore you will take more effectual and compendious methods to ruin him : for you tell us that upon the taking of namure , he was heard in st. james's park to salute mr. shields by the title of a bishop , no doubt in view of a revolution which was likely to follow . there is one thing that i thank you heartily for , viz. that this accusation is express , particular , and circumstantiated , for when accusations are loose , general , and indefinite , nothing can be fixt upon that can lead us unto the truth , and therefore mr. ridpath , here i plainly give you the lye ; i know a man of your honour will resent this affront . the affirmative part is your own , and therefore common sense obliges you to prove it if you can , you are here upon the place , so are they whom you accuse ; the dr. declines no competent judge in england , and if you can prove that ever he spoke with mr shields in st. jame's park , he 'll acknowledg all the libels against him to be true , and the only method to save your reputation in this particular , is to put it to a fair trial. but i perceive that you are as unfortunate in the informations that you receive against the clergy , as you are hasty and unadvised in publishing of them . whether the error in scotch grammar with which you charge the dr. be an omission of the printer or his inadvertence , is not material to enquire , he had rather commit a thousand such , than one latin solecism in a publick harangue ex cathedra . it is uneasie to live next door to a grammarian . read over again the 2d . page of your continuation , l. 21. or the 5th . p. of your preface , l. 30. and tell me if it be exact grammar . it is impudence beyond comparison , to say , that the dr. charged mr. rule falsly with speaking wrong latin ; 't is a wonder to me , why he himself or any of his friends should be so zealous to defend him upon that head , and if you would be so wise as to let those stories alone , i know none would be so idle as to revive them ; and because you will not suffer us to forget his latine , i will give you one instance more of the purity of his stile . asking one of the students what was his name , the youth told him so and so , but not adding his sirname ; he asked again , quid est totum nomen ? at another time missing the key of a certain box which is kept in the library , when he would have opened it , he told them that were about him , nescio quid factum est de iis , habui mox . now the affirmative is mine , i am obliged to prove it when ever you put me to it . you are all of you so tender upon the point of honour , that you let nothing pass without present revenge , and mr. rule himself may know the witnesses when he pleases , tho it be not decent to print their names . the next accusation against the dr. is , that he cannot forbear swearing . mr ridpath , i hope it is otherwise ; and this is but an article of the original libel , answered already in the presbyterian inquisition . you was advised by the author of the postscript , rather to insist on the old libel than to trust to your own invention . moreover you say that it can be proved , that he said to a certain minister , that if the episcopal party had not the government , he cared not if the devil had it . by other accusers this calumny is otherwise represented , viz. that if the episcopal party had not the government , he cared not if the papists had it ; but both are beat out upon the same anvil * . i wish you had named the minister to whom this was said ; the devil has but too much of the government of the world already , and i am affraid that they who publish such malicious and indefinite reports , are more governed by him than they are aware of . you charge him again , that he hindered the printing of mr. jameson's book , against quakerism ; he had no authority to do so , nor was it possible for him to treat mr. jameson with greater civility than he did . as for the oath imposed on the scholars in king james his time , that is sufficiently accounted for in another * treatise , and whether you are satisfied or not , it matters not much . the objejections started against it , were but the whimsies of a malicious pedant who knew not well what he said . it must be confessed that he preferred the french refugies to the scotch presbyterians , when both petitioned the town-council for the use of the publick hall to preach in upon the sundays . i am not obliged to believe , upon your authority , that he had any undecent expressions upon that occasion . i incline to think that if the presbyterians had the publick hall of the college , very many naughty persons would resort unto it , though the presbyterian ministers should endeaviour to hinder it . now i would gladly ask you one question , whether ever you had a scholar , that answered you with greater submission and obedience than i do . you name a person at the foot of the 15 pag. whom you say , the dr. was careful to vindicate , that he never so much as mentioned his name ; but newsmongers have a greater priviledge than their neighbours . 't is certain that the scheme of the presbyterian religion , as far as they differ from the episcopalians , is nothing else but ungovernable humour and rebellion . now is it necessary to strike off the doctor 's head for this one expression . the presbyterian opinions , as such , are new and lately started , and peculiar to themselves , nor is there any of the reformed churches that ever asserted presbyterian government to be founded upon such divine right as is exclusive of all other ecclesiastical polities . the church of scotland , which , you say , was presbyterian from the beginning of the reformation , declares positively , in her confession of faith , that church polity is variable , and the order of bishops was never condemned by our reformers ; and buchanan tells us expresly , that our first reformers were so far from being presbyterians , that scoti ante aliquot annos anglorum auxiliis è servitute gallica liberati religionis cultui & ritibus cum anglis communibus subscripserunt . to say that the church of scotland should be governed by presbytery , because presbyters were most active in the first reformation , is an unpardonable impertinence . if all the bishops in the church of scotland had been as zealous to promote the reformation as the bishops of galloway and argyle , would it therefore follow , that if the bishops had reformed the church without the assistance of presbyters , there ought to be no presbyters in the church when it was fully reformed . no , i think this could not follow ; and therefore when the bishops own the doctrine of the reformed churches , they must be obeyed , and our reformers never declaimed against their order ; and if they would adhere to the doctrine of the reformed churches , calvin determines positively in that case , that nullo non anathemate digni sunt , who stubbornly oppose their authority ; but we had no such thing as presbytery in scotland , settled by authority in all its pretences , until the rebellion brake out in the year 1638. presbyterians we had , tumults , combinations and factions in abundance , and interruptions of the legal government , and parliamentary concessions to pacify the faction ; but a total abolishing of the order of bishops , before the rebellion in king charles i. his time , was never heard , and to say otherwise contradicts the series of all our records . if the places of scripture that you cite , prove that the names of those clergy-men that were above deacons were not distinguished ; yet this cannot infer an equality among them , for the apostles themselves were called sometimes presbyters , and the church was never governed by a perfect equality of presbyters . the ecclesiastical senate had its constant praeses , without whose authority nothing of any moment was transacted . how often do you meet , in the old testament , the jewish clergy dichotomized into priests and levites ? will it therefore follow , that there was no high-priest among them to govern the whole society ? you seem to have no other notion of a presbyter than what you meet with in your late pamphlets ; but it was an honourable appellative , bestowed , in the apostolick times upon all orders of ecclesiasticks above a deacon . let us know where this superiority and jurisdiction of one presbyter above another is forbidden . it was established by god himself in the old testament , let us see it repealed in the new. i think we may leave this dispute to other combatants , who may have occasion to discourse of it more fully , when the mortar pieces are shot that you threaten us with . only be mindful to let us see those epistles of st. augustine to st. jerom , wherein you say that episcopacy is proved to be of humane appointment . your next contains a lamentable catalogue of crueltiess that you say the presbyterians in the west did undergo under the former reigns , viz. that some were roasted before fires , &c. i thank god i never heard any such thing before , and if it had been true all christendom would have heard of it , and tho you had the aauthority of the general assembly to vouch it , you must excuse me if i continue in my former unbelief . all your bauble about the cameronians is neither to your purpose nor mine , their practices can never be condemned by presbyterian principles , and they may be the standard of presbytery as much as the ministers you name in that paragraph . the protesters were not so numerous as the resolutioners , yet you must acknowledge they were the only orthodox presbyterians ; for the resolutioners were rotten-hearted malignants , and the protesters are the present visible church of the presbyterians ; and if they had stood upon the plurality of votes , they had yielded to the general assembly against whom they protested . and this is the fatal and fundamental error of your party , that they have no principles of unity , but such as a plausible protestation seconded by the rabble can shake your ecclesiastical authority upon all occasions , according to the original maxim of mr. andrew melvil , vota sunt ponderanda , non numeranda . your argumentum ad hominem taken from the viscount of dundee's practices , proves no more than your thick and palpable ignorance in the first principles of logick . nothing can be improved as an argumentum ad hominem against any man , but such practices as naturally overthrow his own principles ; and do you think that my lord dundee own'd any true and indisputable right in them against whom he sought ? and if upon his hypothesis there was no title , pray what becomes of your argumentum ad hominem ? my humble advice is , that some one or other of your friends may teach you the vocabula artis , before you write so magisterially : and you 'll find this to be but a friendly advice before i have done with you , and whatever proficiency you have made in grammar , your logicks are but of about two months standing . your parallel between the practices of the church of england towards king james and those of the scotch presbyterians towards king charles 11. is a true specimen of your skill . we know no such practices of the church of england , nor are we to learn her doctrines from scurrilous pamphlets , but from her articles , homilies , liturgy , and canons . that the presbyterian cruelty towards the episcopalians after the year 1637. were unparallel'd in history , remains still a truth , because they suffered from men who declared themselves to be of the same religion with their neighbours ; the cruelties of papists towards protestants , and of infidels towards christians , and of pagans towards them who worship one god , cannot make up an exact parallel , because the rebels by whom our people were persecuted , pretended to be of the same communion . but since you name the massacre at paris , you may call to mind that in the year 1645 the presbyterians under the command of general leslie , cut in pieces some hundreds of the marquess of montross his infantry , in cold blood , after quarter given ; when the marquess was betrayed , and that he was forc'd to retire , a considerable body of his army surrendred their arms upon articles , and stood , as they were directed by the covenanters , in a plain open field , having nothing to defend themselves with but their nails ; then it was time for the presbyterians to discover their true intentions , and to let the world see that no promises ; no capitulations could bind up the hands of covenanters , when it was in their power to do mischief , and you are to remember that this horrid tragedy was acted at the special instigation of the godly ministers in the army , for souldiers know no such villanies . but the enthusiastick zealot who preached , thought that the blood of so many innocent people was a good beginning of a through reformation . he chose his text 1 sam. 15. 14. what meaneth then this bleating , &c. infinuating that they could not be said to obey god , as long as they left any alivethat were not covenanters , and when general leslie , contrary to his own inclination , honour , and authority , yielded to their fury , he asked this sanguinary enthusiast , mas john ha not you blood enough now ? compare all circumstances , and match this in history if you can ; not to mention now the throwing so many women and children over the bridge of lithgow , without either form or process , for no other crime , but that they followed their husbands and relations to montrose his army . and the former instance is by so much the more remarkable that the poor people who were murdered in cold bloud , contrary to the laws of nations , the faith of mankind , and the ancient honour of the scots , were all of them protestants , and laid down their arms upon capitulation for their full freedom and safety : to embrew their hands in the bloud of their countrymen , contrary to the solemnity of promises , was a thing that could only be acted by covenanters ; so that your instances of the massacre at paris , and the duke of alva's butchery in the netherlands , are indeed sad abuses of supreme authority , and lasting monuments of cruelty : but that which i just now named , adds to cruelty perfidious treachery , such as blows up the foundations of humane society . but mr. ridpath , you ask if ever you put the prelatists in dungeons to be eaten up of toads and serpents and if not , you think you may conclude that you fall short of the cruelty of the inquisitors . i answer , whether there are toads and serpents in the lower vaults of the tolbooth of edinburg , i cannot tell , but i am very sure the reverend bishop wiseheart was almost eaten up of vermin in that dungeon , and bore the marks of the covenanters cruelty , as well as the evidences of his own invincible patience to his dying hour ; and if your covenanters at that time were not so ingenious in inventing instruments of bodily torture as the fathers of the inquisition were , yet you cannot deny but that they were equally fierce and bloudy : the presbyterians were only acted by a lower order of daemons , who had not so much light and art , ( yet altogether as furious and as opposite to true goodness ) as those by whom the inquisitors were guided . but you think that though the dr's conscience be prostituted to a prodigy , yet it flies in his face , when such and such things are said of the covenanters . mr. ridpath , i am now pretty well acquainted with this noise , and you see that i meet your loudest thunder without any disturbance , and all that i return to this civility is no more , than to advise you to distinguish between a little fluttering rhetorick and common sense ; when ones conscience is prostituted , as you say , to a prodigy , he feels no remorse at all ; and therefore his conscience cannot fly in his face , 't is seared with a hot iron , he is proof against all light and conviction , altogether blinded and stupified under the power of his error . and if the dr's conscience fly in his face , he is still within the possibilities of being recovered , but you must treat him a little more softly if you intend to make him a proselyte . but you tell us next , that the dr. learnt the art of equivooation as well as if he had been at rome ; for he says , that the covenant was rigorously imposed upon all , children at the schools not excepted . to this you answer , that you believe it was required of little children that offered to take the degree of masters of art about the age of thirty years , and then you hoise all your sails , and leave the poor dr. exposed to all the contempt that a silly sophister deserves . now mr. ridpath , we are again closely engaged , and if i do not get the dr. out of this mire , i must run for it . if you was your self near thirty years old when you went to the university , as you seem to insinuate , one might reasonably presume , that your bloud had been colder before now ; and that you would not vapour at this rate , when you had no reserve to defend you , but your ignorance in a plain matter of fact ; and therefore all that know scotland , know very well , that the children in our country ordinarily go to the university at the age of twelve , thirteen , or fourteen years ; and such may in the strictest sense be called children , and of such it was required to take the covenant : for my part i never knew one amongst them that arrived to the age of thirty before he received his degrees . there was no equivocation in the case , when the author of the postscript told you , that the covenant was imposed upon children at the schools , for he meant it of no other children than those younger ones who entered the university , and who were not allowed to delay their swearing the covenant until they left it , but were forced as soon as they entred , to take it upon implicite faith ; if this is made evident , you must acknowledg that there was no equivocation used by the author of the postscript . if you set up for a patron of presbyterian practices , and must needs hector the world into a belief of your blustering romances , if you intend to be succesful , you ought to read more and write less ; and because the affirmative is now mine , i am obliged to prove it , and if you desire better proof , i 'll make you amends ; it is the following act of the general assembly . act for taking the covenant at the first receiving of the sacrament of the lords supper , and for the taking of it also by all students at the first entry to colleges . the general assembly according to former recommendations doth ordain , that all young students take the covenant at their first entry to colleges , and that hereafter all persons whatsoever take the covenant at their first receiving of the sacrament of the lords supper . requring hereby provincial assemblies , presbyteries and universities to be careful that this act be observed and account thereof taken in the uisitation of universities , and particular kirks , in the tryal of presbyteries . now mr. ridpath , i hope you are satisfied , that by children were meant those young ones who are but newly come from country schools . the word equivocation brings to my mind some practices of the presbyterians , still upon record ; i mean publick and solemn deeds , which seem to justifie equivocation , if it be for the glory of god , i. e. if it promote the ends of the covenant . it is nothing to see you or me equivocate ; these are the failings of us two private , obscure , and particular persons , but to see the general assembly , the true and only supreme representative of the kirk of scotland , shift , double , and equivocate , is treachery and hypocrisie with a witness . to make you sensible of this , you are to remember as an introduction to what follows , that the covenanters who went to aberdeen to recommend the covenant to the clergy and professors of divinity there , told them , that notwithstanding they should swear the covenant , yet they were left at liberty to vote for episcopacy when the general assembly met ; but when the general assembly met , they concluded primâ instantiâ , that episcopacy was abjured in the covenant : this prevarication is complained of by the marquess of hamilton , his majesties commissioner , in a printed declaration , anno 1639. to this they answer , that they did not expresly and specificè abjure episcopacy , but only generally and virtually , by abjuring whatsoever was abjured in the confession 1580. now the meaning of this is , by their covenant they abjured episcopacy virtually , but not specificè . but how could the members of the assembly be left at liberty to vote freely for episcopacy after they took the covenant , if episcopacy was virtually and generally abjured in the covenant ? this is as much to say , as , tho i am obliged by the christian religion virtually and generally against all degrees of theft , yet i am not obliged specificè by my baptismal vow against picking a man's pocket of his watch. what a juggle was it to say , that men might vote freely for that government which was , for the matter , abjured ? these are the metaphysical lectures that are to be learned in presbyterian schools , who think nothing to dally with mens consciences , by the jingle of a distinction , which , at bottom , is but hypocrisie and impertinence . but would you have another sample of their casuistical theology ? read what follows , * in their answer to the third reason , albeit by the meaning of the prescriber of an oath , the swearer were tacitly bound to maintain episcopacy , five articles of perth , and such like ; yet according to the premitted considerations he is more obliged to the reality rei juratae , which is now declared and found to abjure episcopacy , † nor to the meaning of the prescriber , or his own either , being contrary to the explanation of the sovereign judge competent . thus far the covenanters . now mr. ridpath , name any one proposition more knavish , hypocritical and damnable than this is , that the swearer is neither bound to the meaning of the imposer , nor to his own meaning who takes the oath , but to the reality of the thing sworn , as it shall be afterwards explained by the competent judge ; which , in their meaning , was none else than the general assembly . did you ever read any thing worse in the casuistick writings of the jesuits ? but it may be that your curiosity reaches not so far as the moral theology of escobar , filiucius , or emanuel sa. did ever the transcendent power of rome go higher ? if oaths neither oblige sensu dant is nor jurant is , but in the sense of the kirk , then we are obliged , without any further enquiries , to submit our necks to the infallible decrees of the assembly , tho we neither know what is in them , nor never intended to oblige our selves by them . i cite a very authentick paper , being under the hand of mr. archibald johnston , clerk of the assembly . so that the mother kirk can evacuate the force of all oaths , promises and subscriptions , to the end of the world : for they do not oblige in the sense of the first imposer , nor according to the meaning of him that swore , but according to the commentary and interpretation of the general assembly ; and so the next general assembly may pronounce , that by the test ( against which they objected so many sad stories ) we are obliged to maintain and support presbytery , tho we swore it with quite contrary . intentions ; and indeed there is not any thing to be met amongst the jesuits , more subversive of all religion and true morality , than that memorable position that i named from the authentick records of the covenanters . some grave men have been displeased that the presbyterian fooleries have been exposed to laughter ; and for my part i was not of their council who first assaulted them in that manner , yet those gentlemen who accuse the episcopal clergy of scotland , as if they had exposed religion it self , by publishing some of the impertinent and ridiculons bauble of presbyterians , must consider , that the learnedest and gravest divines , in this as well as other nations , have treated enthusiasts in no other manner . i have no room to insert monsieur paschal's excellent letter to the jesuits , wherein he proves , from the example of god himself , our saviour jesus christ , the prophets , the fathers of the christian church , and the holy men of all ages , that it is ordinary , just and lawful , to ridicule such as profane and pervert religion by visionary and fantastick glosses , or such as deprave its morals by loose and scandalous interpretations of god's most holy law. must we be said to laugh at religion , if we smile when we hear a man gravely telling us , that abraham left the land of chaldea for debt ? no ; we are as far removed from that profane humour , as this commentary is from the gravity and authority of the holy scriptures ; 't is one thing to laugh at religion , and another thing to laugh at them who profane it by their extravagant opinions ; and they ought to remember , that the friendly debate treated them in as familiar a manner as some of our party have done ; nay the most leading men among the presbyterians , in their most publick appearances had always something or other to provoke the people to laughter , i instance in dr. burgess's sermon before the house of commons , 1640. the fifth motive by which he persuaded them to take the covenant was , that * the devil himself will have a covenant from all his vassals that expect any extraordinary matters from him ; there is not a witch that hath the devil at her beek , but she must seal a covenant with him sometimes with her blood. mr. ridpath , you are very angry when we charge the presbyteterians with the odd and extravagant practices of the cameronians , as if such things were unagreeable to their sentiments : to tell you the truth , i think the cameronians are the most active and ingenuous subdivision of the presbyterians ; they are the pioneers in your camp , whom you hug and embrace as your dearest brethren , when the roughest part of your work is to be performed . upon the late revolution they drove the clergy out of the west , and guarded the convention , and many other considerable services ( they 'll tell you themselves ) they have done you ; and yet forsooth they must not be allowed to be presbyterians . the act of the west-kirk , and the remonstrance in the year 1650. are better evidences of presbyterian principles , than all your little whiffling excuses and evasions . our people took care to publish an epitome of the hind let loose , not because it was written by any of the cameronians ; but rather because he that wrote it , gathered together the publick papers , remonstrances , declarations , and wrestlings of that party against the state , in which they lived since the reformation ; and therefore if any suffered hard things under the late reigns , they were the high-flown presbyterians ; such of them as lived peaceably and modestly , suffered nothing at all : for our laws never forbad any man to think but that presbytery was preferable to episcopacy , if his opinions and education led him to think so ; but our governours took care that the principles of presbyterians might not break out into tumults and insurrections ; such as formerly pulled down the monarchy , overthrew the fundamental constitution , and turned our nation into a field of blood. we are very much obliged to your wit and invention for your derivation of the word enthusiasm ; you prove us enthusiasts from two arguments , first because we are drunkards , and next because we use unscriptural ceremonies . i cannot deny but i was refreshed a little with this extraordinary flight of your fancy , and i leave it to all impartial men to judge whether this witticism of yours , or another which i am going to tell you , be more coherent , rapturous and gentile ; nay , i think i may leave it to your own decision , if you are but a little recovered from the career of your passion : the story is this , one of my friends once persuaded me to go along with him to see that sad sight of bethlehem hospital ; as we entred the lower apartments , we drew near to the cell of a little grave man , whom we found reading ovid de tristibus with great application . my friend and i asked him several questions , all which he answered very pertinently , so that we could not discover for a good while where his madness lay : at last i asked him if he understood the book he read , he told me he did , and convinced me that what he said was true . i asked him again , how he came to have such a kindness for that book beyond other books ; at which he smiled with some appearance of disdain , pitying my ignorance , that i did not know a thing that he thought was known all the world over : why ( said he ) ovid is of our family ; and do not you know , ( said he ) that ovidius is from ovis a sheep , and the butchers take ovis by the neck , and therefore he began his book de tristibus , with parve nec invidio ; from all this he concluded that ovid was of his family ; and , i think , he argued as wisely as you do to prove us enthusiasts . it is true , the author of the postscript said , that the acts of the general assembly did sufficiently vindicate king charles ii. and his ministers of state from any shadow of rigour or cruelty ; but i must tell you that he meant other acts than those you guess , and it is a sad thing to have to do with such an adversary as you ; it appears that you have a very good opinion of your self , and there is not a quality more essential to a presbyterian than pride and vanity , you have not read the books you are concerned to read , if you set up for the publick advocate of the kirk ; how came you to guess what acts your adversary meant , unless he had cited those acts particularly : and therefore i advise you to read the acts of the general assembly more narrowly , and see if you can name any of the papal enchroachments upon the civil magistrate more daring and ambitious than that one act which is cited in the margine , and which is recorded to the honour of presbytery . mr. ridpath , you see that i have a great desire to court your friendship , since i cite the books exactly , that you look upon as oracles . you tell us , after a long declamation against king charles ii. his government and the doctrine of passive obedience , that sir george mackenzie's arguments in the defence of his reign , are all of them built upon a false narrative of matter of fact ; as if the rebellions against king charles i , and ii. were not notorious , and known all europe over . the scotch rebels laid king charles i. upon the altar , and the english rebels sacrificed him ; and this is no other censure than what is obvious to every man's observation . must we sit down and transcribe all the presbyterian protestations , remonstrances , seasonable warnings , and declarations , when every little pamphlet is answered ? must we prove that presbyterians are rebels ? that is as needless as to prove first principles : for since the covenant is the magna charta of your religion , as you are distinguished from other christians , why should you think the imputation of rebellion to be any reproach ? sir george mackenzie gave the world a true narrative of the first rise and occasion of those laws that you complain of . and we are very glad how much you write against it , you but wound your own head , and kick against the pricks : for his narrative remains true , and founded upon the records of parliament , and progress of your rebellion , and still unanswered , as it is unanswerable . i know that one of your club wrote a pamphlet against his defence of king charles ii ' s government , entituled , a vindication of the presbyterians in scotland , &c. it peeped out , as if it were afraid to see the light , but no body knows where to find it , and in a few days it evanished . 't is said to be printed for edward golding , 1692. i got one copy accidentally , but all my industry could not procure another . the author is a very accomplish'd gentleman , no doubt of it ; he tells you , in the very first page of his pamphlet , that he left the law part unanswered . and this one expression is enough to proclaim him a fool , that he who had no knowledge in the laws , should venture to answer sir george mackenzie's book ; just as if one should censure the works of tully and quintilian , without any knowledge of the rules of oratory and rhetorick ; and , to let you see how grosly ignorant this poor creature is , he tells us , that king ch. i. when the earl of traquair sat at the helm of affairs , imposed on the subjects an oath , commonly called the tender , with great severity , and that , it is not improbable but that the covenant was a counter-oath to that . now mr. ridpath , i ask you how any man can forbear smiling to see how such a little shuttle-cock can assault the memory and writings of sir george mackenzie ? was the covenant no older than the tender ? and was the tender , ( by which men were made to part with all degrees of loyalty ; and to renounce the family of the stewarts ) imposed with great severity by king charles i. and is this the book that you think confutes sir george mackenzie's vindication , better than the doctor can defend it ? but your learned author goes on , and tells us that the general assembly ( i suppose he means that in 1638. ) did not throw out the bishops without the authority of parliament , since they had their allowance for it ; as if the general assembly that threw out the bishops had waited for the determination of a parliament : and when sir george pleads , that the ecclesiastick state were always the first of the three estates of parliament , your little man tells us , in opposition to this , some stories of monks and culdees , by which the church was governed from the beginning of christianity in scotland . but is this any thing to our purpose , when we plead , that by so many laws and parliamentary constitutions , our bishops make up the first of the three estates of parliament ; and which is more , those very laws are not yet repealed , by which the ecclesiastick state is declared to be the first . and tho in the days of the covenant , when the bishops were expelled by tumult and violence , one of the three estates was split into two , contrary to the fundamental constitution of parliaments , yet by unrepealed laws and immemorial possession , they remain the first of the three estates of parliament . he tells us next , that there were no bishops during king james ' s residence , and consequently none sat in parliament ; and must we be put to the drudgery of confuting such a sad creature as this is , when the records of parliament give him the lie ? and i speak it sincerely , i never saw any thing in print more ignorantly writ than that pamphlet is : for he tells us again , that he knew of no persons of quality put to death by covenanters , save the earl of montross . and if you please to defend your learned brother , you may ; for my part , if i am not constrained to it , i am resolved never to look into his pamphlet ; nor do i know how to excuse my self at the reader 's hands , for inserting so many of his lamentable impertinencies . in another place of your book , you accuse sir george mackenzie of having persecuted hallside ; but this gentleman is here also , and no man can speak more to the advantage of sir george mackenzie , in all companies , and upon all occasions , than he does ; and he flatly denies all the malicious fictions that you have heaped together on that subject . if laws have been made under the reign of king charles ii , to restrain the fury of madmen and incendiaries ; neither the state , nor such as advised those laws to be made are to be blamed ; for there were no laws made against the speculations of presbyterians , but against the practices of such of them , whose principles and endeavours were equally destructive to humane society , as they were pernicious to the particular settlement of our nation . the paragraph that follows is a true sample of your way of reasoning , when you say that nero and julian the apostate had the advantage of the primitive christians , in regard of quality , sense , and interest . but i still think that the apostles and primitive christians were men of the best sense , and far beyond all their persecutors . mr. ridpath , to do you no piece of injustice ( for i disdain it , and one needs not take any advantage of you ) i let the reader know , that in the correction of your errata's , you advise to dash out the word sense out of lin . 32. of pag. 27. but then when the word sense is dashed out , you do not repeat faithfully the doctor 's argument : for you know very well that he reckons the quality , sense and interest of the nobility that are for episcopacy , as things that bear down the noise and clamour of all their antagonists ; you may raise monsters as many as you please , and then fight with your own dreams and imaginations ; but since you do not repeat an argument faithfully , you should let it alone . and what followed in the same paragraph of the postscript , viz. that the episcopal nobility were men of parts , honour and integrity , was to be considered in conjunction with the former ; the characters last named you do not deny to be true , and if so , how can men of honour and integrity be perjured oppressors ? for my part , i never thought that honour in its true notion could be separated from a good conscience : and the author of the postscript intended to baffle the calumnies of their opposers , by a compendious enumeration of the outward and inward advantages that the patrons of episcopacy possessed ; so that if you was at the pains to answer this argument , you ought not fraudulently to suppress such words , as contained its frame and energy : and i am content that you call me as well as the author of the postscript , a pedant , an ass , a blunderer , a villain , a lyar , and a papist ; if i tell you that you seem to have nothing in your view than to raise a little dust , when you repeat an argument but not in the authors words , it is no more his but yours ; you may be taught your mistake by that of the poet , quem recitas meus est o! fidentine libellus sed male dum recitas incipit esse tuus . you tell us next , that sir george mackenzie owns , that presbyterian ministers , and presbyterian jurors who were summoned to the tryal of malefactors of their own persuasion , seldom failed to condemn them ; from this you conclude , that sir george gives himself and the dr. both the lye , when they charge those principles upon the presbyterians in general : and this you say , discovers the falshood of that necessity , that the episcopalians pretend the government was under to make such laws against the presbyterians in its own defence . your argument may be reduced into form thus : some presbyterian ministers who lived peaceably at edinburgh , blamed and condemned the practices and rebellions of the cameronian presbyterians : ergo , the principles of rebellion are not to be charged upon the scotch presbyterians in general . but mr. ridpath , here i deny your consequence . for when we charge the presbyterians in general with rebellious principles and practices , we do not intend to include every individual of that persuasion ; for many of them do not see the just consequences of their own principles , many of them have not courage enough to put them in execution : many of them may be naturally of so sweet a temper , that the felicity of their complexion resists the malignity of their tenents ; yet notwithstanding of all this , the presbyterians for the most part are guided by a spirit of rebellion and ill nature . when one says such a thing is true of such a sect or fraternity ; generally speaking , he does not intend that it should be understood in a strict universality , but with that latitude that the subject matter will allow ; and if you say , that the severe laws that you complain of were made against such malefactors , as presbyterian ministers themselves condemned ; then i infer , that the laws were not made against presbyterians as such , but against those rebels who improved their covenants and associations into seditions , tumults , and insurrections . 't is very true , that those presbyterian ministers who were of a calmer temper , were sometimes employed to reclaim the malefactors to their duty , yet they could not prevail with them , because the western enthusiasts had a higher opinion of their own preachers , who were remonstrators and through paced covenanters , than they had of the more peaceable and sober presbyterians ; why then are our laws and governours blamed for restraining the madness of such who were thought intolerable by presbyterians as well as by the king and parliament , and your reasonings in this paragraph plainly infer , that the king had nothing in his view but to preserve his hereditary right , and the peace of his subjects , when such and such laws were made against illegal and tumultuous meetings , as men of all persuasions were necessitated to condemn . but you add further , that this concession of sir george mackenzie's , discovers the falshood of that necessity which the episcopalians pretend the government was under , to make such laws against presbyterians in their own defence . mr. ridpath , if the government was assaulted , and the peace openly disturbed , there was a plain necessity to make such laws as were thought proper to restrain the fury of such zealots , whether they were presbyterians or anabaptists , all is one to me ; and if you say that presbyterians were not guilty of such practices , then i say there were no laws made against the presbyterians : for the king and parliament did not consider them as presbyterians but as heady , incorrigible , and stubborn rebels , who were restless in their nature , and gave them perpetual disturbance . what follows is of the same nature with the former ; you tell us that sir george says , that the hereditary sheriffs refused to put the laws in execution against conventicles , by which they became formidable . this you pretend destroys two other assertions propagated by our party , viz. that presbyterianism is not popular , and that none but the rabble are their friends . but mr. ridpath , all this proceeds from your incurable precipitancy and ignorance . for some heritable sheriffs might be inclined to favour presbytery , and yet 't is very true , that the most of their friends are among the rabble ; and when we say so , we do not intend to say , but that here and there an heritable sheriff , or a gentleman , may be a stiff covenanter , and may differ very little in his education and principles , from the inferiour sort of people , and if at any time we say that the rabble only favours the presbyterians , we understand that proposition in a limited sense , as all such propositions must be understood , for generally speaking ( except it be in the west of scotland ) the presbyterians have very few friends among the nobility or gentry ; and though they had not the majority of the nation , yet they might prove formidable , and when sir george says that they were formidable , can you infer from it that they were more numerous than their opposites . at this rate you may prove , that high-waymen , and robbers are more numerous than honest citizens and subjects , because a very few of them are able to frighten a whole county . we are ever and anon told by you and the rest of your party , that the majority of scotland is for presbytery ; but the wiser men of your faction think otherwise , and therefore they took care to secure their inclosure ( into which they stumbled by a fortuitous concourse of many accidents ) by several laws and barricadoes not to be named in this place . when you recollect your self a little , perhaps you may acknowledge that it is not wisely done of you to abuse so many of the nobility of scotland , by such infamous lyes and forgeries as you are pleased to print , particularly when you tell us , that the court employed bloody , cut-throat papists to ruine the country . you name the earl of airlie , and the laird of meldrum ; 't is true , this may pass in a coffee house at london where the earl of airgile is not known ; but there is not a scots-man alive that ever heard that either of these gentlemen were papists . now this is very sad stuff mr. ridpath , and any man that undergoes the toil of considering your books , if he knew not whence they came , must be guarded by extraordinary patience , when truth and innocence are almost in every line so boldly invaded . what you mean when you tell the dr. that he has wounded his pretences to loyalty by defending sir george macknzie's book , is to me a mystery ; for i am confident that you are but very little acquainted with him or his pretences either . but you complain that he did not answer your argument taken from the consequences of passive obedience , and that he turns his back and takes no notice of you . well , mr. ridpath , it is but just that a person of your valour should be met in open field ; but you must not conclude that a man is pusillanimous when he retires , unless you have him so much under your authority that he dare not move a step without your order , nor answer any thing unless in the method that you appoint him . you impute all the direful effects of arbitrary power , to the episcopal party and the doctrine of passive obedience ; yet i am apt to believe , that there is no people in the world loves arbitrary power so much as the presbyterians do , and that they hate it only when it is not in their own keeping . if by arbitrary power the presbyterians mean some such power as is unaccountable to any earthly tribunal , such a power there must be in every government , and if it be not managed by a true christian publick spirit , it may be as grievous and intolerable in the hands of a parliament , as in the hands of a king. to declaim against arbitrary power , is to declaim against all government ; for there is no government upon earth but exercises in its supreme judicatories arbitrary power and jurisdiction . for which it is not accountable to any but to god alone , where this finally decisive and supreme power ought to be lodged , is a question that i leave to lawyers and statesmen ; they know our municipal laws and constitutions . when the sins of a nation provoke god , then he punishes them by foolish , extravagant ; and cruel magistrates ; when it is otherwise , and that god is pleased with them , they enjoy good laws , peace and protection under wise governours ; and this is all the remedy that is left in humane affairs , against publick calamities and disasters . there was no meeting since the world began that declaimed against arbitrary power so much as the long parliament did , nor was ever england so miserable as under their tyranny and oppressions ; as long as the administration of publick affairs is left to the disposal of men , so long we may be exposed to arbitrary power ; and the former must be as long as the world continues : a parliament may be as tyrannical as any king ; and when they are thus pack'd together to serve a particular design , we must truckle under them until those laws are repealed by another ; so that passive obedience thus stated , is necessary under all forms and models of government ; it is all one thing to me whether i am oppressed by the king , or by king and parliament ; there is no judicatory allows the remedy of a rebellion , and what all judges determine in all nations , and at all times , must be the voice of god. they who plead for the supreme and decisive authority of the general assembly in ecclesiastical affairs , ought to be more friendly to arbitrary power ; for though their sentence against any particular clergyman were never so unjust and oppressive , yet he must strike sail and hold his peace , and practice non resistance to a greater heighth , than ever the episcopal clergy preached it , if he would not incur the highest censures of the kirk . and this spiritual tyranny is more insupportable , than that which reaches only our temporal concerns ; and i am content without any blustering or foaming to reason this modestly with your self , or any other that you can name , but still with this proviso , that there be many more present than you and i , for i am afraid that we do not well understand one another , and therefore , if ever we meet we must have a moderator to keep the peace . you say that the dr. contradicts himself , because he thought that there was no injury done to the presbyterians , in publishing a book that exposed their fooleries ; and yet he grants , that the author of that book was perhaps unwary as to some instances . good mr. ridpath , i see no contradiction here at all , for a book may serve the end for which it was published , though perhaps the author mistakes himself in some single instances . there is no author now adays sets up for an infallible dictator ; and you tell us in another place of your last pamphlet , that it is not possible to publish so many particular stories without committing some faults ; there is no doubt but you have a very good opinion of your own book that you last printed , yet i hope you are convinced before now , that the covenant was imposed upon children when they entred the university . whether the author of that book mistook himself or not , is not positively affirmed by the dr. so your contradiction vanishes into air and noise . you raise more dust than a coach and six horses , when you are about to kill a fly. it is probable that the author of the postscript may be chastised for having said that mr. rutherford's writings , in some places were past all human understanding . i have no commission from him or any of his friends to return your language in specie . you tell us , that if mr. ruhterford were alive , he would have scorned to have fouled his fingers with such an episcopal hawker ; but indeed , mr. ridpath , i do not think that mr. rutherford was so proud , but that some time or other , he fouled his fingers with meaner creatures than the doctor . but what was it that he said of mr. rutherford's writings ? that , in some places they were very dark and obscure ; and was this any such extraordinary crime ? mr. ridpath , i love to say very little of men that are dead , if you think that his writings are so clear , pray give us your commentaries upon his second chapter of his second exercitation pro divina gratia. 2. resp . distinguo vocem ( verum ) quod unusquisque tenetur credere , id est , verum , metaphysicè & fundamentaliter , in se & quoad eventum , concedo majorem & tum minorem pernego . but still he left us to guess what the other member of the distinction may be . therefore take it thus , quod unusquisque tenetur credere , id est , verum , logicè , formaliter , extra se , & quoad non eventum ; nego majorem . and then both the one and the other are good strong nonsense in all its formalities . but he goes on , christum enim pro unoquoque mortuum esse in se fundamentaliter & metaphysicè , non est verum sed falsum . christum pro unoquoque mortuum esse metaphysicè falsum , is a phrase i am not acquainted with ; and if one durst speak it , the author seems not , ( notwithstanding of all the flights of his metaphysicks ) to advert to the trite distinction between the veritas metaphysica and the veritas logica . for veritas metaphysica numeratur inter proprietates entis , & consequenter non objectum fidei sed simplicis apprehensionis ; at propositionibus logicè veris assentimur vel propter testantis auctoritatem , vel propter rei evidentiam : and the question is not de metaphysica veritate hujus propositionis , sed de veritate logica . this is not the only instance that may be pick'd out of this paragraph to prove it obscure and unintelligible ; that other phrase in se & quoad eventum concedo majorem , is as dark as any thing can be ; nor do i remark here the solecism of his latin , quoad eventum ; but i name this exercitation as unintelligible from the beginning to the end . and because you are a man of honour , and cannot endure contradiction with any patience , it were a more gallant exercise for you to prove that this exercitation of his , is plain and solid theology , than to blot so much paper with your imaginary libels against the clergy . you fight much at the rate that the tartars do , when they are driven before their enemies ; or rather like the dutch , who are mounted on horseback that they may flie with greater convenience : but if you have as much courage and honour , as you have bawling and impudence , come to a close engagement , and prove that mr. rutherford's answers to the forementioned argument are solid , plain and intelligible . what miraculous feats other presbyterians can do , is nothing to your purpose . add to the former instance mr. rutherford's argument in his 22. chapter of his disputatio scholastica de divina providentia , to prove that there is no opposition between sin and the divine nature , which i cannot now transcribe , and yet still i have the confidence to say that it is foolish , childish and frivolous , and of the most pernicious consequence upon the morals of mankind . for if there is no opposition between the divine nature and sin , antecedenter ad liberum d e i decretum , men may be brought to think that sin is not so odious in it self , nor at so great a distance from true perfection , as the scriptures represent it . but if you would see many more passages that are unintelligible , read his disquisitiones de ente possibili , and the former exercitation , and if any thing can convince you , you may be then forced to acknowledge that his writings are obscure , and consequently the doctor 's saying so did not furnish you with the least umbrage of charging sir george mackenzie with the grossest immoralities of life , for such i think the subornation of witnesses is . the next blow is for his incivility to mr. rule , that he does not allow him the title of doctor . truly , mr. ridpath , if he wilfully made use of any other complement towards him , than what is just , there is no man alive more ready to retract his error than he ; he thought there was no rudeness in bestowing upon him the title by which he was ordinarily known ; and if the doctor knew not the several steps of his promotion , i see no reason why you can accuse him of incivility , and the thing being purely indifferent ; if he had been better informed , he would not deny any thing that he knew to be so easie and innocent . next you tell us that you do not believe the two instances that are cited in that postscript against mr. rule upon the doctor 's authority . but why , mr. ridpath , did the author say so of him barely upon his own authority , or are they not to be seen both of them in his printed books ; and are not you much more uncivil to him , who revive stories when perhaps they are entirely forgotten by others ? the decretum praedamnatum was not the fiction of my friend , nor yet his new and unnaccountable criticism of the word ordinatio ; and now you may add another , which is decretum praeteritum . and you may see these new decrees ( never mentioned before by any class of divines ) in page 66 of his vindication of the church of scotland . and now i think one is sufficiently provoked to call you impudent , that you bring above-board things that you neither understand nor defend . you complained , in your former pamphlet of the injuries done to mr. urqhuart and mr. kirkton ; because the first was said to have spoken contemptuously of our blessed saviour and the lord's prayer , and the other alledged , that abraham run out of the land of chaldea for debt . the author of the postscript told you that both these stories ( which you your self thought unpardonable ) could be proved ; and i am confident many more of that nature . but you tell us that you are sufficiently satisfied , by those who have lately made enquiry into the affair , that the whole is a malicious calumny . so we must take it upon your word and theirs , it might be reasonably expected from you , that , at least , you would have procured under their own hands solemn attestations that they never said any such thing ; and that was all that you could do to prove your negative : and this might have been easily had , especially from mr. j. k. who lives at edinburgh ; nor is there any of us so far exasperated against him as not to believe his own testimony solemnly and seriously delivered . and this is more civility on our part , than any of them will allow us at any time , or upon any occasion . if i were at edinburgh i could prove the affirmative ; and you must excuse me to continue just where i was , notwithstanding of all the informations you have received . the following paragraph hath in it more impertinencies than there are lines , and yet it is probable that many of your sect may think it seraphically witty . the author of the postscript said , that the absurd and ludicrous sect metamorphos'd religion and its solemn excercises into theatrical scenes . another of the same fraternity says , that your preachers were whining fellows that drivelled at mouth and eyes . and thus you make them contradicct one another , and then you run away with a loud holla'a , as if you were at the head of the rabble pulling down a cathedral , to see so many curates slain with the jaw bone of an ass . the word theatrical scenes does not determine whether your preachers acted comedies or tragedies , and a whining scaramouchi may act his part in either ; and if so , the many words , which you have gathered to no purpose , discover your ignorance , and not any contradiction amongst them whom you hate . but , mr. ridpath , are you not in a strange career when you can never hit upon the true nature of a contradiction ; i am not surpriz'd that you do not know the nature of a comedy and tragedy , for you never read aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor none of the commentators upon him , either ancient or modern ; yet you might , in two months time ( for so long i am told you was at the university ) have learned what a strict and formal contradiction is . that the presbyterians were better at libelling than their neighbours , is evident from all records ; and therefore the author of the postscript had good reason to say , that libelling was their characteristick , as that which they most practised , and excelled all others in ; that , in which they placed most of their strength and confidence , and which they will never forbear , if they happen to live where there is any to be accused . but you say that your enemies were the first aggressors , and their bold attempts against the godly , justifies all the rough treatment that they have met with . mr. ridpath , there is one thing that i would entreat you to condescend to , and it is , in itself , very just and reasonable , and unless you yield to it , we may fight to our last breath without satisfying one another or serving any good design , the thing is this , when you accuse persons and parties , you must be more express , definite and particular in your libels . i am of the opinion that it is not possible for presbyterians to forbear libelling , especially upon all publick turns and revolutions ; their libels against the clergy both in england and in scotland , are still upon record . did you never see the centuries of scandalous ministers accused before the long-parliament . the general libel against the bishops of scotland may be seen , when you please , in the king 's large manifesto , and in the first volume of nalson's collections , and if you believe neither of these books , since they were both written by malignants , read the acts of the general assembly , 1638 , and there you have the very same libels mentioned ; and there is no presbyterian but knows , that the libels against the bishops , in the year 1638 , were read from all the pulpits of the nation where the assembly's authority was obeyed : and what is said , by the author of the postscript , of their behaviour towards archbishop spotswood , is commonly attested by the oldest men in that corner of the country , near st. andrews . particularly this is more carefully preserved in the family of ballfour . and the bishop of o. and mr. sage of glasgow , had this very story from the laird of ballfour's own mouth . 't is true that there is an act of the general assembly , mentioning the libels against the bishops , but there are also among the unprinted acts , acts of excommunication and deposition against some prelates ; and when those acts are produced , i offer to prove , from their own authentick records , many more steps of their fraud and artifice . that there are such acts as i last named unprinted , vid. index of the principal unprinted acts of the assembly at glasgow , 1638. and if they were not afraid of being discovered and exposed , upon this very head , those acts had been printed as well as the other principal acts ; nay , the act against episcopacy it self was not printed , because it could not but alarm all the protestant churches abroad against them , when the order of episcopacy was condemned as simpliciter unlawful ; a thing unheard in the christian church , until the mungrel conventicle at glasgow sat : therefore the act against episcopacy was left unprinted as well as the acts of excommunication and deposition against some prelates . and this is either altogether unknown to , or dissembled by mr. gilb. rule , when he denies the truth of that story , as related by the author of the five letters . and you are a fool to think , that , in those days , when rebellion and hypocrisie were triumphant , they would have stuck at such little punctilio's , and not practise all arts to delude the populace . i hope you do not deny what use they made of margaret mitchelson's visions , raptures and revelations , by which they persuaded the people that the covenant was authorised by immediate revelations from heaven , as well as by the popular tumults at edinburgh . the knavery against archbishop spotswood was an injury done to him and the church ; but the counterfeit raptures of margaret mitchelson ( countenanced by your party ) mocked and defied god's justice and providence , no less than it ridicul'd and prophan'd all religion . [ vid. king 's large declaration . ] nay , they procured libels against the clergy from most counties in england ; and in those counties where they had none to work upon of their own gang , they forged libels , and presented such counterfeit petitions in the name of such counties , and dispersed their forgeries for real truths , to make their party appear numerous , and the * clergy odious . and sir thomas aston petitioned the house of lords against this villanous practice ; but this was not welcome to those lords who favoured the faction , and therefore sir thomas aston was reprehended , and the forgerers gently rebuked . and my author truly observes , that this was like to prove aglorious reformation , which was built upon such foundations , and advanced by such arts and methods . so that if you mean the former presbyterians , they were the first aggressors ; and if you mean the modern , they practised this trade of libelling ever since the beginning of the revolution , and long before the book appeared that provoked your displeasure , and they are much better at it than their opposites ; their curiosity reaches to the meanest concerns . there are no people in the world can give such exact account of their neighbours , when they rise , and when they go to bed , what they eat , and what they drink , what they say , and with whom they converse ; and this is the reason why they so often blow up the neighbourhood into flames of contention and calumny . name me but one man since the name of presbyterians was known to the world , that ever gave them any sensible provocation , whom they have not persecuted with their tongues and libels to the utmost of their power . they were not only the first aggressors , but they continued their practices under the reign of charles ii. and since the revolution the libels against the clergy have employed their presbyteries , synods , and assemblies , not to mention the libels against masters of universities , where there was no accuser . i have insisted the longer upon this , to let you see the vanity of a common topick that runs through both your pamphlets ; libelling is so peculiar to the presbyterians , that they cannot think of reforming it ; in all their conversations their discourse runs most upon them that are absent . it is an idle thing to deny plain matter of fact , especially when it is supported by publick records , practices , and the unanimous suffrages of a whole nation . i think it enough to prove by the most undeniable evidence , that in this art of libelling you are the first aggressors , and the only experienced practitioners , without putting my self to the pains of calling you rogue , villain , rascal , impudent lyar , and such like gentile names as you bestow upon your adversaries . you add , that it is natural for a cadet of dumbarton's regiment , which used to plunder people of their goods , to rob men of their good names , and therefore ought not to be believed . this is a new article which we have not heard of before , that he plundered people of their goods , and it supplies the defects of the original libel in the inquisition ; and it is very ordinary for the presbyterians to represent such as they libel , actually guilty of the breach of the ten commandments : now your woman amongst the corn , and the plundering people of their goods , added to the former libel makes him actually guilty of the breach of all . for in the first libel , he is accused of having no religion , and of swearing , so at one stroke he transgresses the first four ; and the two articles added in your continuation , together with his reflections against the presbyterians make him guilty of the rest , either expresly or by necessary consequence . but mr. ridpath , you do not know the discipline of the french army , and if he had inclinations to rob and plunder , this is a more proper time to practise it ; when he is turned out of all his possessions , and allowed no other employment under this reformation than to answer libels . and indeed i think if you were a soldier , you have no principle to restrain you from plundering when you might venture with safety , especially in a popish country , the true israelites , and covenanters might take the egyptian goods without scruple or remorse ; as they formerly did at new-castle , contrary to articles and capitulations . your grammatical lecture of the literae mutabiles , you may recommend to your scholars , and whatever proficiency you have made in grammar , you seem to me to reason much like the gentleman that i formerly named , who thought himself of ovid's family . you had better let fall the mention of archbishop sharp , than bring him so often upon the stage to the disgrace of your party . he was certainly murdered , not by an accidental effort of fury and passion as you alleadge ; but in a most deliberate manner , after many cabals and consultations kept for that very end ; and the author of the postscript did not reason from shields his authority so much as from the principles he went upon , his book being an accurate collection of several authentick papers , and avowed practices of his party since the reformation ; nor was it ever said , that sober presbyterians did allow of his murder : but how few of them are sober ? and i can tell you more , that the presbyterian ladies in fife at that very time , did industriously shun in all conversation to call this bloody act , a murder ; but gravely said , that indeed the man was slain , but they could not think that any thing that was performed by so great a saint as rathillat and his religious cut-throats , could be called a murder . and when such practises are charged upon the presbyterians in general , it is not intended ( as i told you once already ) to involve every individual ; it is not possible to deprave the nature of some particular men to that degree , though they seem to maintain principles that yield pernicious consequences . but , mr. ridpath , by conversing with your self i am become a little more bold , and i offer to prove from presbyterian principles , that archbishop sharp ought to have been murdered , are not all the covenanters obliged to bring their enemies to condign punishment ? and when the magistrates are open and avowed enemies to the cause of god , is it not lawful for some to interpose ? especially when acted by heroical impulse to stop the universal deluge of impiety , that was likely to drown the whole nation , to recover the freedom of the church that was run down by tyranny and perjury , contrary to all national obligations , former laws and liberties . did not king charles ii. himself know * , that he had forfeited his title to the crown ? and was it necessary according to you to delay the execution of justice in this calamitous posture of publick affairs , unless it could be procured in due form ? when it was not possible for honest men to be heard : especially since the covenanters struck off the heads of montrose , huntley , haddo , spotswood , for acting by a commission from the very king , by whose commission they themselves pretended to hold their places . what is there in the murder of archbishop sharp that may not be justified by your principles ? did not he deserve death ? no doubt you think he did ; and if it be only the forms that you stand upon , must the seasonable execution of justice be delayed , because it cannot be had in all its regular steps and formalities , when the magistrates openly tyrannize and oppress our liberties civil and religious ? at this rate you disown the most publick acts of the covenanters . by what form of law then in being , did the tables of your govenanters sit at edinburgh , when they were forbidden by open proclamation to continue any longer their consultations and cabals . if you pretend the necessity of their affairs , was there ever any state of things more lamentable in it self , than you represent the reign of king charles ii. to be ? and if so , why might not some resolute and gallant heroes , some true sons of the covenant , venture , without the ordinary forms , to do justice speedily upon such an eminent opposer of religion as archbishop sharp was ? the laws of self-defence and preservation , as you explain them , dispence with forms , when the thing is for the matter right in itself , and the magistrate not only neglects , but avowedly opposes truth , justice , and innocence ; then 't is time for men of courage and resolution to step forth and assert their religion and liberties , not by the tedious method of law , order and process , when covenants and original contracts are turned topsie turvy , but speedily and by open force pull antichrist from the throne . mr. ridpath , be advised by me , do not stand so much upon forms ; else you must part with your best beloved principle and covenanted reformation . and if the murder of archbishop sharp be sincerely disowned by the presbyterians , since they are so often upbraided and reproached with it ; why do not they by some solemn act of their assembly declare , that the killing of cardinal beaton and archbishop sharp were villainous murders ? tho the first was usheredin by prayer , and the other by singing of psalms . you oppose your own authority to mr. shields , and this i am sure many of your own party will laugh at ; whether you have the ascendent of the doctor in the point of philosophy , i will give you my thoughts of that before i end this letter . the doctrine of passive obedience comes again in your way , and nothing is more odious to so brisk and daring a spirit as the very thought of so tame and silly a discipline ; and you refer us to the incomparable argument lately published by mr. johnson . mr. ridpath , i agree with you , that the preface of mr. johnson's book hath in it very pleasant stroaks of wit and fancy ; but as to the argumentative part of his book , it proves the doctrine of passive obedience to be heterodox , by an argument of equal strength with that of your own , by which you prove the episcopal clergy to be enthusiasts . you tell us next , that his defences of mr. brown and mr. cant , are so like a pedantick doctor , that they deserve no regard , and what you said of them you can bring the authors to avow it to their faces . now we fall upon the common-place of pedantry ; and , mr. ridpath , you must understand that there are pedants in all employments . if the vanity of appearing learned and knowing where there is no solid foundation to support the character deserve that name , perhaps the citing so many logical axioms in your pamphlet , which you do not at all understand , may , in the opinion of some , make you pass for a pedant . but , to let this go , tho the doctor 's being a cadet in dumbarton's regiment , was not , in your opinion , an auspicious omen of piety and humanity , yet one might think it a good presage of his freedom from pedantry , at least as good as any of your most remarkable adventures in my lord wh — ton's kitchin. the doctor said , that mr. george brown , minister of drysdale , processed andrew johnston of lockerby , vigorously before the ecclesiastical court for his crime of adultery , and therefore his alledged connivance was a presbyterian fogery . and here the affiemative was his , which i prove by the following certificate under the hands of four witnesses ; two in the parish of st. margaret's westminster , another in cornhill near the exchange , and the fourth without aldersgate . we whose names are underwritten , hereby testifie and declare , upon honour and conscience , that , to our certain knowledge , mr. george brown , minister of drysdale in the diocese of glasgow , processed andrew johnston of lockerby so vigorously , for his crime of adultery with sarah brown , that he got him formally excommunicated . given under our hands at london the fourth of july , 1693. alex. guthrie , andr. johnston . tho. mitchell . alex. johnston . now , mr. ridpath , where lies the pedantry in saying so and so of mr. brown ; is not your accusation against him proved to be a lie. and as for your charge against mr. andrew cant , that he was suspended , &c. it is purely a fiction from top to bottom we cannot prove a negative otherwise than by informing the world that we who are his most intimate acquaintances never heard of any such thing ; he was never suspended , and consequently never used any mean arts to ingratiate himself with his superiours , the first is a romance , and therefore the superstructed must be a forgery . and when you charge the doctor with pedantry , read over your own learned book of the sufferings of presbyterians from the episcopalians , especially your nasty and fulsome epithets that you bestow upon such as you bark at , viz. that they are tyranno-papa-prelatical , and then let any impartial reader judge whether you do not deserve a place ante omnem circulum amongst the pedants . there is nothing in all the athenian flexions and compositions , like that high and majestick word , tyranno-papa-prelatical . 't is worthy of the noble mr. ridpath's high flown genius ; and if you were on the top of a hill in galloway , preaching to a field-meeting , this one single world would confound your auditors into a belief that you were a precious , gracious , convincing man. who could stand before so much eloquence and acuteness , bombabamachides , clunenstaridesarchides in campis gurgustidoniis . the author of the postscript said , that you charged our superiours with such as were deposed for their immoralities , ad dean hamilton , and cockburn of st. bothens . to this you say , that you charged them only with having protected those men from the punishment due to their impieties . but did they protect them when they were deposed ? and how can you say that ever they were protected ? if their superiors waited for full and clear evidences against them before they pronounced sentence , here was no protection of criminals , but obedience to the laws ; and tho your party be not tied to forms , yet we think our selves obliged to act as we are directed by the laws . you fall next upon archbishop paterson , and the lies that you have published formerly of archbishop cairncross , which are plainly refuted in his own printed letter , to the conviction of all men , shews what credit you deserve when you accuse either of them . mr. ridpath , you think it a palpable blunder to say , that some who complyed with episcopacy after the restoration of king charles ii. were presbyterians ; and this is another sad instance of your ignorance ; for they were required to do nothing inconsistent with the principles of moderate presbyterians ; and all the ringleaders of the covenanters , had their mission from the bishops of the church of scotland , and do you think that they did not then conform to episcopacy , or that they were not presbyterians ? i am afraid that the little club , whereof you are moderator , does not throughly understand the principles of presbytery . had we no presbyterian ministers in scotland , but such as deserted their churches in the west after the restoration ? was it ever required of any of them that conformed to episcopacy , to assert that episcopacy , was preferable to a parity of presbyters ? no ; they still enjoyed their own liberty of thinking what they pleased , if they obeyed their superiours in licitis & honestis . were not mr. meldrum and mr. wilkie , and many others that i could name , presbyterians , tho they conformed to episcopacy ? they themselves think that they were so still ; to my certain knowledge the last was , and i know him to be so honest a man , that he never endeavoured to hide his principles , and he thought that he did nothing in conforming to episcopacy , inconsistent with his own opinions , and he would have continued still in the communion of the episcopal church if a later test had not removed him . you must not think that all the presbyterians are warmed to an equal degree of heat : there are some , tho very few , more calm and solid than their younger brethren . read mr. rutherford's due right of presbytery ( and i cannot name a book more acceptable ) perhaps you may meet with some notions there that are not so agreeable to the late model of presbytery ; the last edition of a book is still auctior & emendatior . and if it was a blunder to say , that some who continued presbyterian in their principles , conformed to the external order of the church under episcopacy , they who did so conform are obliged to defend him . you still oblige your adversaries to prove negatives ; when you libel dr. canaries , you tell us , that tho the ministers and judicatories declared , that they could make nothing of the accusation brought against him , yet that will not amount to prove it false ; and because a negative in matter of fact is not demonstrated ( a thing in it self absolutely impossible ) you therefore conclude , that still you may accuse him as guilty ; but if nothing could be made of it why should you propagate or continue the slander ? for not only are you destitute of true and solid proofs , but all your evidences when they are aggravated by presbyterian malice , could never be heightned into a plausible presumption of his fault . if i should accuse you of having committed incest with your mother , you could not prove it to be false otherwise than by letting the world know , that nothing could be made of it ; and if so , no honest man will defame you upon that head . but you tell us , that there is unexceptionable evidence of the woman's having declared the thing her self . what thing her self declared i know not ; but for the unexceptionable evidence , 't is only upon record in the world of the moon , else we had seen it in legible characters long e'er now . but you tell us , that the reputation of your informer is fairer than that of either of the two dr's . mr ridpath , i do not know who this gentleman is , and therefore in modesty i must forbear to make comparisons ; but if he will preserve his reputation , he must smother his evidence . what you drive at towards the close of this section , is past my skill to find out ; when you say , that we have a very pregnant instance of a person of no mean note , whose accusation , most in england are satisfied is true , and yet we see nothing can be made out , neither before the judges nor the lords . mr. ridpath , you leave it uncertain whether the person of no mean note be the accuser or the accused . but to demonstrate the impertinence of this instance , and that you understand law as little as you do the rules of logick . i put the case , that titius accuses his wise moevia of adultery ; the judges may be persuaded that the accusation of titius is true , though the evidences be not so full as the law requires ; yet being plain and positive in their nature , and but a degree removed from full proof ; such presumptions of guilt which the civilians call praesumptiones juris & de jure , leave deep impressions upon all , when duly conveyed to our knowledge : because they are as near as can be to that which is plena probatio in foro . but pray , have you any such presumptions against the dr ? is there any plain evidence against him ? and if nothing can be made of it as the judicatories declare , then 't is many degrees below a presumption ; much less that higher presumption which is the ground of a reasonable suspicion . but you add , that , suppose the accusation against the dr. to be false , yet it argues a great want of cleanly men amongst the episcopalians , that they should choose a man for agent who lay under a flagrant scandal . the apostle's rule is clear , that a bishop ought to be blameless . a surmise magnified by presbyterian malice illustrates rather than darkens a man's reputation , and clears his innocence ; not to be evil spoken of by such whose element is calumny , is an argument of no great spirit , and far less activity . but you say , that the apostle's rule is clear ; i say so too , but your head is not clear because the apostle says , that a bishop ought to be blameless ; therefore you conclude , that if bishops at any time are evil spoken of and traduced , they must be no longer bishops . at this rate the most innocent and deserving men must be disowned , and the greatest luminaries of the church must expect to be cashier'd . athanasius was accused of abominable immoralities ; and st. john the baptist was said to have a devil ; and the great bishop of our souls was accused of being a friend to publicans and sinners ; he went to feasts and entertainments which the puritanical pharisee could not behold without grumbling and censuring ; they would quietly whisper in their neighbours ears , that though he said many good things , and wrought many miracles , yet he was still a stranger to the power of godliness ; he kept ill company , and the modern phanaticks would add , that he was for forms of prayer ; and a great many other things he did , that the spirit of detraction took by the wrong handle . if your commentary upon these words , a bishop ought to be blameless , had appear'd before the scotch eloquence came abroad , it ought to have had its own room in that book , corah , dathan , and abiram , raised many scandals , and they were scandals of prelacy and priest-craft too , against moses and aaron ; and by your argument they ought both of them to have been deprived of their honour and government . the next mistake is as foolish and impertinent , though not so dangerous as your wresting the holy scriptures to serve the heats of your deluded fancy . you tell us , that dr. m — o was very angry that you said of him , [ commonly called dr. ] but i assure you , you mistook his meaning : he could not but remark a quaker expression [ commonly called ] and so much the rather , that there are many presbyterians who industriously shun the giving any such title ; for those academick distinctions look so near the whore of babylon , that it is not safe for the saints to use such words ; and if the dr. has any grains of pride ( which perhaps might be allowed in a cadet of dumbarton's regiment ) yet his ambition runs in another channel than to affect empty sounds and big words . i thought ( and i think i know him better than you do ) that a careless easiness rather than reserve , distance or singularity , made up his character ; the affectation of titles at this time is very unsuitable to the scotch clergy , yet it is not in the power of might or malice to make some of them fawn upon the presbyterians : and though we are obliged to forgive our enemies heartily and sincerely , we must not be so abject as to encourage them to continue their hostilities , but there is a greater impertinence in your censure of the dr ; for when you made him to ride in the popes guards with a — ●o insinuate the many crimes that he was guilty of at rome , you conclude thus , which methinks looks somewhat strange that such kind of men should be the greatest sticklers for the party . if you represent the party as odious and irreligious , and him of the same temper with his party ; what is there strange in this , that an ill man should defend an ill cause : but the most ordinary things appear to you in your dreams and visions , monsters , miracles and contradictions . you are so sharpsighted in discovering contradictions , that you see them almost in every line ; and because the author of the postscript said , that dr. canaries was treated with special honour by a presbyterians judicature ; therefore this is made a contradiction to what others say of them , that they are a proud , soure , unconversible tribe . but this is your everlasting mistake , that you do not understand what a contradiction is . that they are a proud , soure , unconversible tribe , is true in the sense , that all such propositions are understood ; not in a logical universal sense , but generally speaking ; the proudest man upon earth is not soure and unconversible in all the intervals of his life ; mad men have their lucid intervals , and a wise man may sometimes act foolishly : solomon says , that a wise man's heart is at his right hand ; yet the presence of his mind may sometimes forsake him , and he himself was a sad instance of this truth ; his proverbs , that are livinely inspired , many of them are true in no other sense than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and is it not sad that the poor curates should have no other employment now adays , than to dispute with ●uch as know not the nature of a contradiction ; yet for your ●ncouragement , i believe george stirling , and harry ferguson ●ay think you one of the learnedest men this last age has produced , and perhaps there is none beyond you in their opinion already . your quarrel against the dr. is never at an end , and he expects no fairer quarter at your hands . you are angry it seems ●hat he denied that ever be rode in the pope's guards ; he denies ●t still , and he offers to prove this negative as far as any thing ●f that nature can be proved , and he is still of the opinion , ●hat , none knew him to have ridden in the pope's guards : but presbyterians who discover plots in the world of the moon . this ●●st expression raises your indignation higher , because you say , it hath in it an impudent hint of denying the late prelatical plots against the government . and must he be impudent because he does not know the plots against the government ? and how came you to know that there are no plots in the world of the moon ? are you so well acquainted with the inhabitants that you know exactly their times of peace and war , the several revolutions and designs in that country ? for my part i know of no plots against this or any other government , and i never read your news-letters , and i think that the great and dangerous plots of which no man is found guilty , are all of them in the world in the moon . presbyterians are so well acquainted with plotting , that some of them cannot forget it no more than a jew can forget his religion ; they speak of plots and designs , they dream of them , they talk of them in all companies ; and if an innocent man steps aside to ask his neighbour what a clock it is , he is immediately found in a plot by some presbyterian informer . but now , mr. ridpath , you fall into a fit of devotion , and you wish that the falshoods which have been mutually charged on one another , may oblige both to be more tender of publishing reports upon trust . alas ! mr. ridpath , is it come to this , that you acknowledge that there have been falshoods charged upon the episcopal party by the presbyterians ; no doubt a man of your tenderness and sincerity regrets this infamous practice ; yet in the next breath you tell us , that when the doctor was parson of — he was accused of villany with a woman amongst the corn. such stories are the very things that confirm me in the opinion that your tribe is so very well acquainted in the world of the moon . where was he parson when he was accused ? by whom was he accused ? who heard of this accusation before your scurrilous pamphlet appeared ? you do not say positively that he was guilty . no ; you let it sneakingly drop thro your fingers : so that the question now between you and me is not whether he was guilty or not guilty ; but whether accus'd or not accus'd . the affirmative part is yours , and if an honest man had it by the end he would either prove it or retract it ; the negative is mine that he was never accused , and if none of them amongst whom he lived , in the most eminent places of the nation ever heard that he was thus accused , none but an impudent liar will affirm it . but if you were to speak your last , you can freely declare , that you do not know one syllable of what you write to be false . at this rate , you may accuse him of all the crimes that the presbyterians invented against the bishops in the year 1638 , as i have told you before when i mentioned the archbishop of glasgow ; and of all the crimes which your own major wier actually committed with mares , cows and cats ; not to name the sisters that run with him from one communion to another , for his extraordinary gift of extempore prayer ; for after all , you may safely say , that you do not know them to be false ; and if any should accuse mr. ridpath to have committed incest with his mother at cockburnspeth , before he went to the college of edinburgh ; i may safely say , that if i were to speak my last i do not know it to be false . and how should one know such negatives in matter of fact without omniscience ? and because you do not know such things to be false , you think you have liberty to spread and propagate romantick lies , pure and unmixt calumnies against particular persons . are these the weapons by which you serve your party ? and do you think to impose upon the world by such bedlam fooleries ? but tho the dr. was not in the pope's guards , yet he was a cadet in dumbarton's regiment in france , and there is no such odds , you think , between being a cadet in dumbarton's regiment , which guarded popery and contributed so much to enslave europe , and riding in the pope's guards . yes , mr. ridpath , there is very great odds , tho you do not see it , as much as there is between the liberties of the gallican church , and the unlimited supremacy of the pope : and do you think that the king of france was fighting for popery , when he wrested the antient rights of the regale out of the possession of the roman bishop ? but mr. ridpath , the dr. was certainly in dumbarton's regiment , i assure you of it , and , which is much worse , he never thought shame of it . the strict alliance between the liberal sciences and arms is a common-place too well known , and he is very sure , that neither scholar nor gentleman will ever reproach him upon this head ; and his passing some of his time in france ( the great theatre of breeding and civility ) was a more auspicious omen of piety and humanity than the most remarkable gallantries of your life . * plato had strong inclinations to follow the camp when he was young , until he was diverted by the advice of socrates . i hear you sometimes teach grammar ( a study in it self very commendable ) why then do not you read our buchanan , * not to name any of the antients ; and if nothing else must please you but the example of a presbyterian of the latest edition , why may not i justifie the dr's practice , when he was very young , from the example of your mr. williamson , when he was old . i mean the celebrated mr. williamson whom all the ladies flock'd to see from all the corners of the court , when he delivered his harangue before queen mary ; for he was a captain of horse in the rebellion at † bothwel bridge . and i think any cadet in dumbarton's regiment may , without vanity , be compared to a captain of the rebellion at bothwell bridge . and now that i mention mr. david williamson , i intreat him not to take it ill if i recommend the censure of one part of your preface to the parliament , to himself ; for amongst many other things with which you asperse the clergy of scotland that sojourn in england , this is one , that they troop about the country with their stoln sermons . truly mr. ridpath , i do not know any one of them that preaches , except such as are provided with some benefice in the country , and i think that is no small part of their disaster and infelicity , so you cannot tell whether their sermons are stoln or not . in some cases it is not only allow able to borrow but expedient , and if your curiosity would engage you to read st. cyprian de idolorum vanitate , you would find that he hath several sentences , nay the very turnings of phrases from minutius faelix ; and this argues his love to the author and to the thing rather than any indigence of his own . if the curates read good and solid books and preach them to the people , why may not they be allowed to bring out of their treasure things new and old . if the sparkish daw in the fable had only filled up the vacant places of her wings with feathers of her own kind , she had never been ridiculous ; for we all of us acknowledge heartily that we borrow ; but still it is from birds of our own colour . but mr. ridpath , i am to give an instance of an impudent plagiary , who lately before the presbyterian parliament , in a sermon designed to abuse the whole order of bishops , borrows from * bishop brownrig , no less than about 16. or 17. lines . i do not at all find fault with mr. williamson for reading bishop brownrig's sermons , nor yet do i blame him for preaching them to the people ; would to god he would preach none else , but to borrow so much from a superstitious sermon preached at the inauguration of king charles i , a martyr for prelacy , and before my lord melvil , in a discourse calculated to incense the meeting against prelacy , was truly becoming mr. williamson's genorisity : i do not declaim against his stealing , for i am as much obliged to bishop brownrig as to any book of that kind that ever i read . and this very observation i have from another * curate who read mr. williamson's sermon , and compared it with the place in bishop brownrig , whence he stole his most beautiful feathers : and if the members of parliament had known , when they groaned under mr. williamson's powerful preaching , that his smooth and nervous conclusion , full of laconick majesty and solidity , had been borrowed from a bishop , they might think that such a man as brownrig was , was not altogether unworthy of mr. williamson's conversation ; and the plain truth is , it was a very hard thing to treat a bishop as a limb of antichrist , when his own jewels were borrowed to make such a figure before the parliament . next comes your compliment to the memory of my lord dumbarton , as an evidence of your extraordinary prudence and caution . you knew , that when your book appeared my lord duke hamilton was commissioner to the parliament , and then you expected the thorough settlement of presbytery , which now you have in folio , by the late act ; and therefore it was not safe to reflect upon my lord dumbarton or his regiment . but good mr. ridpath , speak out plainly , do you truly think that persons of my lord duke hamilton's quality and sence read such pamphlets as yours ; certainly you cannot be so mad , your books are calculated for a lower order of men , and tho you sent some of them beyond seas , yet they are only considered by such who never read any thing but nasty pamphlets , and who now and then dream of plots , and reason about them with the same profound sense that you do when you cite your logical aocioms . now when you draw near to a conclusion , you give the dr. such a blow , that he is not able to recover : for the author of the postscript said , that you began your title page with a lie , that your book might be all of a piece . and this again provokes your heroick passion , and you load your antagonist with some of the most odious reproaches that your dictionary could furnish you with . but , mr. ridpath , what was it that he said ? why , he said that your book , was not printed for tho. anderson near charing-cross , and you charge him upon credit , to prove that it was not printed for him . and must you never be cured of this impertinence , that you oblige your adversary to prove a negative in a matter of fact ? and then to make your ignorance the more conspicuous , you guard your desire with a logical axiom , affirmanti incumbit probatio . i am ashamed of you , that you do not know the difference between an affirmative and a negative proposition ; when he said that it was not printed for tho. anderson near charing-cross , he affirmed nothing ; and if he called you a lyar , though such a proposition sounded like an affirmative , yet it was no affirmative proposition , but finally resolved into a negative , and can no otherwise be proved than as a negative may ; and since he could meet with no bookseller near charing-cross , who knew any such man of their trade , might not he reasonably presume that your title-page had a lye in the bosom of it ; notwithstanding all this it may be true that your book was printed for him , and that he lives in some dark vault near charing-cross . such a thing is possible , though it be not very probable that a bookselseller should hide himself under ground ; for that is not their ordinary way of selling books . i insist on this only to chastise your ignorance , and vanity , when you darken the whole hemisphere with dust , out comes your affirmanti incumbit probatio , as if your adversary had the affirmative that ought to be proved . you are so foolishly vain , that if all the particular paragraphs of your first book have not been considered , you conclude that your adversary was convinced of their truth and solidity . the error that i just now named brings to my mind another piece of fulsome ignorance of the same nature with the former . you may meet with it in the place cited on the margin . your antagonist loaded the presbyterians with inconsistencies , and particularly he exposed your dorage and fooleries concerning anniversary days , and he might do it with the greater safety , because you still retain something in your practice which overthrows your principles : for you celebrate the great charities of george herriot by an anniversary commemoration : ergo ( says he ) you are not against anniversary solemnities . but you confute this argument very learnedly , and you prove from clear scripture that anniversaries are unlawful , because the fourth commandment says positively , six days shalt thou work : ergo , you conclude , that all anniversary solemnities are unlawful . now mr. ridpath , let us calmly consider the strength of your argument . all men are obliged by this precept in the sense that you put upon it , or they are not ; if all are obliged ( as no doubt they are ) by what dispensation are they of heriot's foundation exempted ? and if particular societies be exempted , why may not the whole nation pretend an exemption ? for one society is no more privileg'd than another , and if all societies may equally pretend an exemption , why may it not be granted to the whole kingdom , which is but the political aggregate of so many societies ? for , if they of herriot's hospital may celebrate an anniversary , why may not all the inhabitants of edinburgh do it ? but you fortifie your opinion by a logical axiom , ex particulari non licet syllogisare , which you think signifies , that we must not draw precedents from the allowable practice of particular societies ; and this is the philosophy that you make such a noise with , whereas every boy in the second class that does not deserve whipping , can tell you that the meaning of that logical rule is , that either of the premisses at least must be an universal proposition , whether affirmative or negative : for two particular propositions cannot bear the weight of a conclusion , no more than two negatives . now tell me sincerely , whether the making such a noise with logical rules , when you do not understand what they mean be not nonsense and pedantry , in all their pomps and formalities . if the practice of herriot's hospital were to be defended by argument , the patrons of it would reason from the religious practice of all other societies , the rules of gratitude , and the constitutions of the place , and a conclusion regularly deduced from such principles is not i hope ex particulari , as you ignorantly fancy . but not to trifle with you any more , the answer to your argument is contain'd in that short , but undeniable axiom received by all divines , praecepta affirmativa obligant semper , sed non ad semper ; and we may work six days , nisi interveniat feriationis causa legitima , auctoritate divinâ vel humanâ stabilita . pray mr. ridpath , forgive all this latine ; for i do not think that the speaking of latine is at all times pedantry , and many are apt to let that pass for pedantick which they do not understand ; but if the phrase , of your infectious breath , be the word that provoked the severity of your censure , the dr. in all humility retracts it ; for tho your breath be putrid , yet the contagion spreads no further than people of your own complexion , men sufficiently infected before you breath'd upon them . mr. ridpath , i do not pretend that this treatise is methodical , and therefore i take no other care to methodize my animadversions on your book , than as they tumble into my fancy , i lie open to the censure of your histeron-proteron as oft as you please . your dedication to the scotch parliament is as considerable as the book it self , for being the only book that was dedicated to them , it contains your own grave and serious advice how to manage the publick affairs . next you fall upon the poor dr. and he must be lash'd and chastis'd for his rashness and precipitancy , because he presumed to give such an account of your first book : but since you paint him as an ass at the very beginning , why was you at so much pains with him ? so mean a creature was below a man of your elevation ; and since you can defame and expose crowned heads , dukes , earls , and prelates , why all this noise to run down a poor hermite . your very first blow hath in it so much life and wit , that one of his cold and phlegmatick temper can never reach it , as postscript in answer to the first . in the second page of your continuation there is a catalogue of the most tragical stories , made up to justifie all the bitterness and buffoonry of your former pamphlet . you justifie the severity of your stile by the answer of a tinker . and truly if all the parts of your book had been equally pertinent , it had been the best presbyterian farce that appeared since its late erection : but because i would let you understand that our registers of fanatick cruelties , rebellions and perjuries are as exact as the legends of your imaginary grievances , i will set down eight particulars in an opposite column to your eight , and then we have sixteen . i. as long as we remember the tumultuous meetings , rebellious protestations , and the bloody consequences of the presbyterian covenants and associations , the murder of our king , whom they tied neck and heels , until their confederates brought him to the scaffold , the miseries of an intestine war , the taxes , contributions and free-quarter imposed by the arbitrary power of rebellious subjects and mock parliaments , the multitude of errors , heresies and dreams , that were proclaim'd from our pulpits , so long we remember that their principles were inconsistent with the royal prerogative , our antient constitution , as well as the primitive order of the christian church . ridpath . i. while the memory of king charles ii. and king james vii . endures , and till time , the consumer of all things hath eat up their parliament rolls , it will hold an undeniable truth , that the prelatical party of scotland are persecutors , and that in denying the same they have made themselves notorious liars . ii. as long as we remember that the first covenanters had all sworn the oaths of canonical obedience to their respective bishops in their several dioceses , and that they dispensed with the said oath of canonical obedience in their general assembly ( an. 163. sess . 13. dec. 5. ) and forgot their allegiance to their natural lord and sovereign , and imposed their babel covenant on all in the most tyrannical manner , and that to this day they continue to declaim against the legal securities of our religion and constitution as contradictory to it self ; so long we must be excused to say that presbyterians have no rule of faith , but the covenant , nor no standard of morals but the practices of their rebellious predecessors . ridpath . ii. so long as it appears by the same acts , that they imposed a contradictory test , so long will it hold that they are perjured themselves , and chargeable with the perjury of others . iii. so long as we can remember that the western bigots and incendiaries blew up the people into such mad fancies , that they laid the whole stress of their salvation upon their zeal to promote the covenant , and taught them to resist their lawful sovereign , and to proclaim war against him , and printed books to justifie the most barbarous assassinations ; so long we may conclude that the people who are led by such guides are in a most miserable condition ; and as long as we retain the exercise of reason , and the sense of self-preservation , so long our governours must be commended , who guarded against the dangers that threatned us under their administrations ; and so long as men love their peace , constitution and comfort , so long they must endeavour by the supereminent law and first principle of all societies , to teach sanguinary rebels to feel the effects of their open villanies and conspiracies . ridpath . iii. so long as it remains in the records of council , that they ordered men to be killed without any tryal or colour of law , or so much as with an exception , whether they resisted or not resisted , so long will it bold that they are bloody murderers . iv. as long as there are any records of that mock-assembly preserved , the world may be easily satisfied , by their impertinent queries and disobedience to the king's order , of their tyranny and ambition , and their lording it over others , who , by their confession are their equals in power and jurisdiction , and that by divine right , and yet they suspend the exercise of that power which is conferred by divine right , by virtue of an act of parliament , which i hope they do not think to be of any thing more than human authority . ridpath . iv. so long as the records of the last general assembly of the church of scotland remain , it it will appear by their evasions , answers , and disingenuous refusals to declare their abhorrence of arminianism , socinianism , and popery , that they are firebrands in the church , and incendiaries in the state. v. as long as such blasphemous nonsense as the decretum praedamnatum , and the decretum praeteritum , are to be seen and read in the writings of their greatest champions ; so long they are iustly charged with nonsense and blasphemy . vid. second vindication of the church of scotland . pag. 66. ridpath . v. so long as any of their villanous libels , called the scotch presbyterian eloquence , exist , wherein they charge holiness with deformity , god with horrid decrees , and mock at seriousness and piety ; so long will it be evident that they are blasphemers . vi. the address of the bishops of scotland , before the revolution , to the king , contained nothing but what was agreeable to the publick prayers used in behalf of the king in both nations ; and mr. ridpath knows that the other branch of this particular must not be touched : yet as long as the act of the west kirk , and the remonstrance in the year 1650 , ( not to name preceding papers of the same nature , and acts of the general assembly in the year 1648 ) are preserved ; so long the presbyterian principles are known to be subversive of all kingly power , and destructive to all allegiance , and the rights of sovereignty . ridpath . vi. so long as that scurrilous address of their bishops against the prince of orange , their opposing him in parliament , their refusing to pray for him , or swear to him now he is king , and the legal procedure against them on the said accounts are on record ; so long it will appear that they are rebels . vii . so long as the acts of your rebellious parliaments from 1639 to 1649 , and the acts of your assemblies in 1648 and 1649 continue upon record , and your zealous * preachers importuning the committee of estates in person , to execute the king 's most faithful servants , so long the world may be informed of presbyterian spite and malice . ridpath . vii . so long as their bloody acts of parliament , and barbarous execution of those acts against us , and our gentle acts of parliament , and moderate execution of those acts against them , are upon record , so long it will appear that they are infamous liars in asserting that we treat them more barbarously than they treated us . viii . as long as the west of scotland continues unreformed from barbarous principles , so long they are a plague to the nation , and a reproach to the protestant religion . this is only understood of such of them as deserve this character . ridpath . viii . so long as the west of scotland ( which was the principal scene of these bloody tragedies ) has a being , so long will it appear that they were barbarous . before i take leave of you , i must put the reader in mind of one argument by which you endeavour to fully the reputation of such of the bishops as voted in the late convention , before the king's letter to them was opened , that they were a free and lawful meeting , notwithstanding of any order that might be contained in that letter to dissolve them ; from this you conclude , that they were inconsistent with their own principles and after practices . and the truth is , if they intended by that vote nothing less than what the presbyterian party advanced , they were inconsistent with their principles ; but tho they concurred in that vote , they took the words a free and lawful meeting , not to signifie any meeting of the people contrary to the king's prerogative , authority , and standing laws ; but rather a meeting to support all the three , and they were to sit notwithstanding of a prohibition , until such time as they could duly inform the king of the straits and difficulties that they were involved in : necessity made them bow under the weight of that opposition that they wrestled with ; and they hoped that a vote might be forgiven , which their practices would have vindicated from any suspicion of lessening the royal authority . but mr. ridpath , did you never hear of a merchant throwing overboard his goods in a storm , his principle is ( no doubt ) to preserve , and improve his stock , yet when life , and ship , and all is in hazard , silver and gold , and the best cargo that he is master of , must be flung over . men sometimes , in the simplicity of their hearts , may yield to some publick acts in a time of danger and confusion , which , in their own nature and tendency are inconsistent with their principles : the wisest men may sometimes mistake their measures , and the presence of ones mind does not perpetually attend him . a great many of the presbyterians of scotland took the covenant as it was enjoin'd by king charles i. in the sense intended by king and parliament , in the reign of king james vi. yet this act of their duty and obedience was by the leading-covenanters thought inconsistent with their principles and practices , and therefore they were forced to disown it afterwards , and to adhere to the covenant it its true and genuine sense of sedition and rebellion . all the presbyterians of scotland after the restoration of king charles ii. both ministers and people came to church without scruple or hesitation , yet afterwards they began to think that this practice could not be reconciled to their mutinous associations and covenants ; and therefore for the most part all of them left the church and publick worship of the episcopalians . there is a protestation upon record in the year 1641. in the journal of the house of commons , may 3. which in its nature was but a prologue to the solemn league and covenant , and very derogatory to the king's prerogative , and the ancient settlement of the nation ; and yet i find that several of the loyal nobility , and six bishops , signed this protestation . things may appear very plausible in the beginning , that are introductiory to the saddest consequences . the nobility and bishops that signed the protestation that i just now named , had reason to repent of their precipitancy , when the faction owned above board , that no reformation woul satisfie but the extirpation of root and branch , according to the phrase that then was in vogue . we are to take an estimate of mens principles , not from their indeliberate and casual stumblings in time of darkness , uncertainty and danger ; but rather from their constant doctrine , their habitual byass , their more calm and sedate reasonings , their books , homilies , and sermons . i could name later instances than any that i have touched , which might reasonably be presum'd to be inconsistent with their principles who were actors , and yet i am so far from thinking them disingenuous , or treacherous , that i know them to be men of the greatest candor upon earth . all this i have said upon the supposition that the bishops who concurred with that vote of the convention intended it in its full extent and latitude ; but i know that they intended no more by the words , free and lawful meeting , than what they are capable of in the lowest sense that they can be taken in , and as privy councellours some of the bishops might suspend the execution of the king's orders contained in his letters , until he should be better informed of the state of affairs , and until he should reiterate his commands : in that case i am apt to think that all who own his authority would leave the convention . mr. ridpath , i would gladly know whether you think that a libel against dr. monro was a book worthy to be dedicated to the parliament of scotland ? and whether your returning to scotland was such an extraordinary advantage to the nation , that you thought they would upon this consideration go forward to the through settlement of presbytery ? for no doubt you are among the first of those students who promise to return , if your model be established in its height . the books that you have written against our kings , dukes , and parliaments , may make atonement for the former gallantries of your life . i despise the knowledge of your particular history , and unless you are as stupid as you are petulant , you may guess by some dark hints in this letter , ( which i took care that no other should understand but your self ) that i am not altogether a stranger to your adventures . i had your life sent me , written by one of your acquaintances , but though i may have many faults , yet i never loved personal reproaches and altercations . when you are in the heighth of your humour and passion , i think you still below revenge : it may be that the lay-gentleman who is next to take you to task , may handle you more briskly ; notwithstanding that presbytery is now triumphant , and setled by an act of exclusion of the episcopal clergy : mr. ridpath , i sincerely wish you more sense and modesty , and i enter my protestation before all reasonable men , that i am not obliged to answer indefinite libels . if you think that you are so extraordinarily qualified to manage the debates that are on foot : chuse one of the questions that are toss'd between both the parties , eithe the divine right of presbytery , or the unlawfulness of anniversary days , or significant ceremonies in the worship of god : i name these , because you offer to vindicate your own opinions concerning them in your books ; and since you cite the epistles of s. augustine to s. jerome , from which you say , the antiquity of presbytery may be demonstrated , pray do not forget to name that epistle ; but i am affraid you will be forced to go to the booksellers in the world of the moon , before you can meet with it ; and to make you amends , i offer to prove positively that there is not one of your party in scotland , that truly and sincerely represents the opinions of st. jerom : nay more expresly i offer to make evident from the writings of st. jerome , that eiscopacy was established by the apostles , and that he never dream'd of any such period of the church wherein the parity of presbyters prevailed after the death of the apostles . and if you must write books , you ought to come out from behind the curtains , and let us know where your bookseller may be found , and by whom they are licensed , and take the assistance of all your fraternity , read all the books that you think defend your cause to the best advantage , and let us plainly hear what grounds you have to assert , that your new and upstart discipline is founded upon devine right ; and why the ministers of the episcopal persuasion are turned out , if they do not solemnly promise never directly nor indirectly * to alter an ecclesiastical government , which can no more be reconciled to the former constitution of presbytery , than to the word of god , the canons of the universal church , and the practice of the first ages of christianity . and let us know if ever clergymen were turned out of their livings upon their denying to make any such promise , since the name of christian was heard in the world : and do not run up and down , and make a noise as if i opposed and act of parliament , i only dispute against the opinions of blind zealots , who have no more regard to the peace of the nation , than they have to the order of episcopacy . mr. ridpath , if you are as resolute as you are clamorous , you cannot but think it reasonable to appear , for no man is obliged to consider fulsome lampoons , no accusations ought to be heard against any man ( far less against kings , dukes , and prelates ) unless the accuser openly pawn his reputation to prove the crimes fairly before a competent judicature . there are many things in both your books that i have not mentioned , yet i am ready to prove that they are less material and more ridiculous than those i have named ; for i know no man so pusillanimous as to turn his back upon you for fear of any harm that you can do him , and therefore i set down the initial letters of name and sirname , and that in mr. rule 's latine , makes up totum nomen : and there are a great many here who know me , though at present i neither wear the doctoral scarf or canonical habit. i have hitherto treated you with all civility , though there be none alive has fewer engagements or obligations to continue , mr. ridpath , your humble servant . s. w. postscript . mr. ridpath , the following certificates and letter came to my hands from scotland , not until the former sheets were wrought off , else they had been set down in their proper places , to which they are more immediatly related . the first is under the hands of so many honest inhabitants of leith , in favours of mr. andrew cant sometime their minister ; and it fully and plainly disproves and overthrows the original and fundamental libel propagated by your self , and your informers , against him , viz. that he was suspended from the exercise of his ministry : and therefore the other fabulous accounts that you raise upon this calumny , must necessarily fall to the ground . it is not possible to prove negatives in a matter of fact otherwise , than when they who ought to know the thing in controversie , declare upon honor and conscience , that there never was any such things ; and if the course of his ministry had been interrupted by any sentence , how easily might this be prov'd ; nay how impossible had it been to have deny'd it , since in so numerous a parish , so near the centre of the nation , their would have been so many witnesses of so recent a transaction . we whose names are underwritten , ( inhabitants of leith ) do by these presents declare upon honor and conscience , that mr. andrew cant , ( sometime our minister ) was never discharged the exercise of his office ( by any sentence , ecclesiastical or otherwise ) amongst us , but on the contrair , continued very diligent and painful therein , for the space of eight years or thereby , after which time he was preferred to be one of the chief ministers of the city of edinburgh . sic subscribitur . jo. broune , [ skipper . ja. hutcheson , [ notar publick . john burton , [ baker . alex. robertson , [ wine-cooper . james cuningham . [ wine-cooper . patrick smith , [ wine-cooper . john wilson , [ wine-cooper . thomas riddell , [ skipper . ja. balfour , [ merchant . t. fenwick , [ maltman . jo. muchmutie , [ skipper . james johnston , [ wright ( or joyner . ) rob. herdman , [ maltman . robert bowy , [ wine cooper . g. farquhar , [ maltman . andrew fairservice , [ carter . geo. davidson , [ maltman . george albercromby , [ maltman . j. d. [ james dow , tailor . j. w. [ james walker ( as i took it ) mason . the two last could subscribe no otherwise being illiterate but very honest . i have subjoyn'd to this certificate a letter to one of his friends in london , occasion'd by your fulsome and unchristian libels against him . worthy sir , ever since i came to mans years , i have been very sensible that we live here in the neighbourhood of a sullen sett of people , that can never think themselves secure of any measure of reputation , unless they raise it upon the ruins of the good name of innocent men that are not of their opinion in every thing , and am farther confirmed in this thought by a late instance in what concerns me personally , in a slanderous pamphlet inscribed , an answer to the scotch presbyterian eloquence , it was some months in this place before i could procure a sight of it ; but when i had seen it , the thoughts i had concerning what i am wickedly libelled of , were not so full of anger as disdain , to find an obscure sorry jack ▪ anapes ( for so he must be ) attacquing me with so much malice and arrant calumny , though i was living very peaceably as i haye always done without being the aggressor of any person or party . at first i was resolved to slight it , as a thing that can never do me harm with any one that knows me ; yet upon second thoughts , and to satisfie a worthy friend of mine , i give you the trouble of this line , which bears such short answers to the ill-natur'd and cursed accusations of that infamous libeller , as i think sufficient . first , then he endeavours to vilifie and belie me , by saving i was an underling at leith . what he means by this i know not , the true matter is , that the first appearance i made in my sacred office was as second minister of leith , to which i came regularly by a presentation from the patrons , and collation thereupon from the diocesan , i cannot apprehend any disparagement in the thing , and i am sure i have yet a very great kindness from all that people , excepting a few bigots , and of very little interest . next i remember he will needs have the world believe , that i preached very odd things to the people , but has not so much as given one instance , not for want of malice , but ( it seems ) invention , in that particular . my poor gift of preaching the holy gospel was but small , yet i bless god i am not asham'd of it , and i hope i have somthing of the power of those divine truths i declar'd to the world on my own heart , and seals of them upon the hearts of others , but if this railing fellow doubt i be competently qualified , let him procure me liberty and safety i will not decline to preach before the general assembly . in another passage of that pamphlet , this silly fellow charges me with being a notable brawler , and for proof says , i was suspended for sometime from the exercise of my office for beating of a highlander . to lot you see what impudence is in this contrivance , i send you herewith inclosed a copy of a declaration , under the hands of some of the honest neighbours in lieth , bearing , that i was never suspended the exercise of my office during my abode with them , and if it were necessary , i doubt not but i can easily obtain the attestation of all that are yet alive of them i left in the place . it s hard that i should be obliged after fifteen years time to give them the trouble of attesting my innocence against the snarlings of a rank-mouth'd curr : but i have done it very easily . now this being made appear a manifest lye , with a witness , there is no place left to suppose i made use of any method for returning to my office which i never left , far less such impious and silly ones , as he says , and would have believed i did , and are not worth the mentioning , being such as i fancy no man on earth , ( though of less heigth of natural temper than i , and almost of equal villany with the scurrilous author ) could be guilty of ; but was it not a lucky thing that this mettled spark charged me not with the criminous sins of bestiality , incest and sorceries ? certainly he had not failed of it , if they had not been vertues peculiar to the saintship of one of his friends , who was publickly burnt betwixt edinburgh and leith , upon consession of the foresaid crimes , in my sight and some thousands besides . in some other part , he charges me with robbing of a thousand marks scots mony , from william carfrey who came to pay me my stipend due by the town of edinburgh . i shall never think it worth my pains to offer a justification of my self from so ridiculous a story ; the young man lives still in the city , and is so just and honest to declare to some of my acquaintance that it is a most notorious lye ; but innocence it self cannot be secure against hellish impudence . there is one thing more in his paper , ( not worth the minding indeed ) which i had almost forgot , viz. that i was , at the time of his writing , a vagabond at london ; if a man must be branded with this character for going from one place to another , he has been much longer a vagabond than i , as i am told , and i am sure for his bloody uncharitableness , deserves the mark of a second cain , and the character of another accuser of the brethren , having been made very skilful in the art of lying , by his father , who has used it since the beginning . i leave this letter intirely to your disposal : i ask your pardon for this trouble , and am with all respect , sir , your affectionate faithful , humble servant , andrew cant. edinburgh , july 29. 1693. the next certificate is in favours of dr. alexander monro , and it serves the end for which it is publish'd . you say that when he was in scotland , he was so and so accus'd as is narrated in the following certificate . if this had been true , there is no doubt to be made but that persons of honour , sense , and interest , in the cities of edinburgh and st. andrews would have heard of it , especially since he was preferr'd to such places as would provoke rivals and competitors . and is it to be believ'd , that the least surmise of that nature could have escaped the industry of the presbyterians , who scrupled not to pretend to the knowledge of his very thoughts without any external evidence ? i have often told you that negatives in a matter of fact are not otherwise to be prov'd ? 't is no wonder that so malicious an accuser should mistake truth for falshhood , and falshood for truth , when you have not yet attain'd to so much sense , as to distinguish between an affirmative and a negative proposition . you are firmly resolv'd to defame and disparage the episcopal clergy at any rate , and that hath occasion'd the following evidence of your candor and veracity . whereas dr. alexander monro ( late principal of edinburgh college ) is said in an impertinent libel , entituled , a continuation of the answer to the scotch-presbyterian-eloquence , to have been accused when he was in scotland of being found with a woman among the corn , we whose names are under written , ( living in and near to the city of edinburgh ) do by these presents declare upon honor and conscience that we never heard that he was so accused , and that if any such accusation had ever been invented against him , we think it very probable that we would have heard of it , especially since so narrow an inquisition has been made into his life and actions in the beginning of the late revolution , when for non-complyance he was turned out of the college of edinburgh , sic subscribitur . w. binning . sir william binning of wallinford , late lord provost of edinburgh . j. dick. sir james dick of priest-field , late lord provost of edinburgh . tho. kennedy , sir thomas kennedie of kirk-hill , late lord provost of edinburgh . john marjoribanks , [ late bailiff of edinburgh . ja. henryson , [ writer to the signet there . john baillie , [ apothecary and chirurgeon there . robert clerk , [ apothecary and chirurgeon there . a. skene , alexander skene , d. d. late provost of the old college in the university of st. andrews . ri. waddell , richard waddell , d. d. late arch-deacon of st. andrews . a. macleod , [ mr. alexander macleod , advocate . james flemyeng , sir james flemyeng of ratho-byres , late lord provost of edinburgh . a. balfour , sir andrew balfour , doctor of medicine . ar. stevenson , sir archibald stevensone , doctor of medicine . will. monipenny , [ mr. william monipenny , advocate . t. skene , [ mr. thomas skene , advocate . c. gray , [ mr. charles gray , advocate . al. craufurd , [ mr. alexander craufurd , advocate . jo. mackenzie , mr. john mackenzie , one of the clerks of session . du. mackintoshe , [ late bailiff in edinburgh . aen. macleod , [ town-clerk . j. wedderburn , mr. john wedderburn , clerk of the bills . al. gibson , [ one of the clerks of the session . mr. ridpath , i would have gladly taken leave of you long before now , but that i am not left at liberty as to the following letter . it is occasioned by your own civilities to the archbishop of glasgow and others . we oppose the publick records of the nation to your clamorous and obscene libels ; and if there were nothing else to prove the madness of your temper than that one story of margaret paterson , we need no other proof to convince the world of your desperate impudence . a letter from a gentleman in scotland to his friend in london . edinburgh , july 22. 1693. sir , i had not yours till last night , which lets you see that it hath been a month by the way , and this is the true reason your return is so late . as to that silly varlet ridpath , all i can say of him more than yours to me contains , which i know to be most exact truth , is , that being apprehended and made prisoner here about christmas 1680 , for contriving and writing a bond of combination , or kind of association , for burning the pope in effigie , which you know was a folly never before that time attempted here , and was design'd then by the rogues of this city , particularly the presbyterians , as an indignity to his ( then ) royal highness . this bond being found in the custody of this villain , by the diligence of the learned and reverend dr. cant ( then ) principal of king james his university of edinburg , ( who , though he was a celebrated champion for the protestant church , yet had he a just indignation against all rabbling and tumults . ) this bond , i say , is now in the council office , and i have often seen and read it . 't is indeed a young league and covenant , containing a clause of mutual defence , not excepting the king , or any in authority under him ; and an invitation to prentices , and all others to joyn in this their association . now a bond of this nature is by many laws and acts of parliament declared treason ; and that , not only since the dreadful effects of the infamous league and covenant , but even by very old acts in the reigns of king james the first , and second , so much for this . this scoundrel was committed , who was not then a boy , but a fellow come to years , and then a servant to two sons of one gray , a person living on the english border , and of the same gang with his man ridpath . the fellow confess'd before the committee of council , that he had drawn this bond , but would not own that he had been prompted to it , or assisted in it by others , though the council well knew , that many of the ringleaders of the party were the promoters of this trick , which was design'd as a prologue to a rebellion against the ( then ) government . for this villany the law here might have justly sent him to the gibbet , and perhaps the council had put him in the hands of the judges criminal , had he not been preserv'd by the unparallel'd clemency of the prince that ( then ) sate at the helm here , which you know is so natural to that sacred race . i remember the duke of rothes the chancellour , and several other great lords having examin'd him , and finding him very false and obstinate in his answers , ordered him to be committed close prisoner till he were further examin'd . and as he was going to prison , seeing a crowd about him , and considering them as a rabble , he cry'd out aloud , that he was suffering for the protestant religion , the ordinary , but false pretence of all seditions and rebellions here . for which he was for some days put in irons , and a little after by the goodness of his ( then ) royal highness , who was always too compassionate to that generation of vipers , he was dismissed . this is all i can remember or learn of this creature . i hear in his late pamphlet , which i have not yet seen , he has the impudence to say , that one margaret paterson ( a prostitute sufficiently infamous ) should have confess'd somewhat before the criminal court relating to the archbishop of glasgow and me ; i am satisfied that all that that villain has scribled of the bishop be believed , if ever she named either the bishop or me in her confessions , either before that court , or any confessions else , whether publick or private . nor did the bishop hear of such a creature , till the noise was made at her being taken naked in the bed with the late presbyterian moderator kennedy his two sons , for which they stand declared fugitives in the justice court books , for the horrid crime of incest . as to what relates to the c — ks , i make you this distinct return . in the year 1684 , sir hugh and sir george campbels of c — k , with baylie of jerviswood , commissar monro , mr. william spence , mr. william carstairs , and some others were sent down prisoners here by sea , and were kept close for some weeks ; during which time i had occasion to be often with them , for the council ordered any of their friends to converse with them , and see them , in presence of any of the clerks of council ; and such of them as are yet alive , and their relations will bear me witness , that i was as easie to them that way as they could desire . for , the truth is , they all professed so much innocence in the matter they were accused of , ( which was for being in a conspiracy with the late monmouth and argyle for raising a rebellion in both nations at the same time , and which fell out the next year accordingly ) and that with all the circumstantiated imprecations to them and their families , that i began to believe the government had been imposed upon in this matter , and contracted such a compassion for them , as made some of our then statesmen angry with me : and yet carstairs upon the first application of the thumb-screw , even the first touch of it , confessed all , as may be seen in his printed confession in the tryal of jerviswood ; and then monro , and afterwards the two c — ks themselves ; which two campbels were upon their judicial confession forefaulted in plain parliament 1685 , and their estates annex'd to the crown : tho the king gave them not only both remissions for their lives , but even ordered their estates to be returned to them , upon their paying a very inconsiderable composition to some of the then statesmen . that which the rascal ridpath aims at , i suppose , is a process which was commenced some time before that , against old c — k : the undisguised matter of fact was truly this , which you may rely upon for certain and recorded truth . there was one wallace a collector or surveyor in airshire ▪ this man gives information to the secret committee , that there were three men in that country who had assured him that old c — k had encouraged several country people to the rebellion at both well bridge , 1679 ; and that particularly he had said to themselves whom he rencountred with upon a place , called the bridge of gastoun , near his own house , what meant such young lusty fellows to stay at home , when the people of god were in arms for their covenanted cause ; and bid them go on to the rest ( the whig-army being then at hamiltoun , within ten miles or thereby to that place ) for he and the rest of the country would quickly be with them upon which information the three fellows are brought in , and kept some time in the cannon gate prison . i heard them examined before the secret committee , and all of them both jointly and separately were very positive , clear , and distinct in their depositions . upon this an indictment is raised against c — k , and the same witnesses are again examined upon oath before the justices , which is called by our law a precognition , and there they were again very firm , and seemed altogether clear and sincere . but the day of the tryal being come , and a disaffected crowd getting in about these witnesses , when they came to depone they began to waver much , and upon the matter deny much of what they had twice clearly made oath of before ; so that the jury brought in c — k not guilty ; and so he was acquitted from that indictment . and the next day the same three rogues begged to be heard before the council , where i heard them again upon their knees , and with all the solemnities of truth and sincerity , protest and swear , that what they had first sworn was simple truth , and that their carriage the day before in the court , was occasioned by their being terrified to swear against c — k , so great a man in that corner of the country . but upon the whole matter , the worthy sir george mackenzie had no more hand in all this affair , but meerly to pursue as the king's advocate . and in general i can affirm , as in the sight of the god of justice and truth , i do believe , after all the enquiry i have made , that never a person suffered in scotland by subornation or false witnesses employed by the government since the restoration of the royal family . tho many of the rebels have been brought off , and assolzied by the scandalous and bare-faced perjuries of their own party : for in the tryals of those rebels , the witnesses for the king being formerly engaged in the saids rebellions , made use of such strange and uncouth fetches and strains of words , that no jury could fix any verdict or doom upon ; for being interrogated , if they saw the person at the barr in arms with the rebels ( as particularly in the case of one sprewel , an eminent ringleader and captain , several of his own kinsmen as well as acquaintances , and who had ridden under his command ) they were brought with great difficulty to confess , that they thought they had seen a man there which seemed to be somewhat like the prisoner at the bar , but for a world they could not swear , that this prisoner was the person they saw there . being ask'd , if he had a sword ; they answered , they saw that person have something like the end of a scabbard , hanging from under his cloak , but whether there were a blade there or not they could not tell ; and being question'd on oath all the while if that person had pistols ; they confessed they had seen something like hulster-cases at his saddle , but whether there were pistols in them or not , they could not swear for a world. and by such presbyterian canting prejuries as these , this sprewet , and many others were brought off . dear sir , i am afraid i have been too tedious in this return , but since it contains nothing but simple truth , it will be the wellcomer to you , and therefore is subscribed by your humble and faithful servant , w. p. advertisement . the following propositions are taken out of such books as are most in vogue amongst the scotch presbyterians . they contain a short account of their moral theology with regard to obedience , subjection , and government . i desire the impartial reader to let me know , wherein the sentiments of the kirk differ from the doctrines propagated by the jesuits . you have many of them gathered together in one view , not at all as an answer to any of mr. ridpath 's scriblings , but as a sufficient confutation of the impertinent clamours against the government of king charles the second . for since they were taught by their religion to rebel against their king and parliament , our governors could not but secure the peace of the nation against such barbarous practices as were indeed the natural consequences of their principles . 1. a man ought no more to suffer when the sentence is unjust , than he ought to do that which is unjust and sinful at the command of authority . jus pop. throughout . 2. no authority can command or can oblige until he himself that is commanded be convinced and persuaded that the thing is just , reasonable and expedient . gillesp . ingl. pop . cerem . 3. to oppose the persons invested with authority , is not to oppose the ordinance of god , for the ordinance of god is magistracy in abstracto , that is it that we are commanded rom. 13. not to resist , but the person of the king ought to be resisted . lex rex pag. 265. and when the parliaments of both kingdoms fought against the king's person , they fought for his royal interest , and as he was a king , and tho the person i of the king was absent , and denied his consent as a man , yet they were as valid parliaments as if he were personally present with them . lex rex 270. 4. patient suffering fall under no law of god. lex rex pag. 314. vide napht. pag. 157. 5. the presbytery hath the power of making peace and war , neither ought the parliament enter into war without them no more than joshua did offer battel without eleasar the high priest . acts gen. ass . 48. agust . 3. 6. since religion is the highest interest of mankind , it is not only lawful but necessary for private subjects to rise in arms against the king to reform the abuses crept into it , and when the supreme powers serve not the great ends of religion , we are ipso facto loos'd from all tyes of o bedience to them . naph . pag. 154. vide jus populi throughout . 7. the presbytery may excommunicate the king , and when he is excommunicated , none of his subjects owe him obedience , neither may they converse with him . jesuits and presbyterians . 8. there is nothing to be allowed of in the worship of god as to its order and circumstance that is not founded on the express letter of the scripture ; the unscriptural symbolical ceremonies are the badge of antichrist . all the sectarians . 9. it is a good argument against any part of the worship of god to have it abolish'd , that it was or is still to be found in the mass book . bailies parallel of the liturgy . 10. it is lawful and necessary to enter into covenants and leagues without the king , and formally to protest against the king's most legal methods to the contrary . prot. at the cross ed. 37. p. 38. 11. the king having now for many years usurped the power of christ , and most palpably tyrannized in civil matters , he is to be deposed and brought to punishment , and all the covenanted people of the lord are to fight against him and his adherents , under the standard of christ jesus . sanchor . declar. 22. june 1680. and cargill's cov. broughtout . 12. it is downright idolatry , and prejudicial to the honour of christ and the interest of reformation to appoint anniversary days for benefits bestowed on the king and kingdom . apol. narrat . naph . p. 87. 13. the minor part of a kingdom that is for god and his cause against the king , if they be in a probable capacity to bring their design to pass , ought by the call of god to endeavour the reformation of their nation by force of arms. naph . and jus populi throughout . 14. tho our saviour told his disciples , john 18. 36. that his kingdom was not of this world , and that they ought not to fight for him , yet it obliges not the christians now , they may fight without and against the consent of the supreme magistrate . jus pop. proef. to the reader . and naph . pag. 159. 15. the greatest reproach that the people of god could be exposed to , was to own the king's proceedings , without satisfaction to the covenanted people of god in both kingdoms . vide act of the west-kirk . 16. none have right to the creature but the people of god , or dominion is founded in grace . enthus . and sect. 17. the scots covenant is the magna charta of all religion and righteousness , and not only obliges those who personally swore it , but the whole nation to all succeeding generations in all its tendences and natural consequences . naph . pag. 83. and 185. 18. the success that the presbyterians had in the late troubles against the king and his adherents , were undeniable signs of god's favour to that party , and to follow and promove their success , was to follow providence . act. of gen. assem . frequently . and those who fought for the king fought against the lord jesus christ . ibidem an. 45. 19. it is the duty of the meanest subject in his most private capacity ( nay , they are indispensibly obliged to it ) to admonish and reprove the king when they observe any thing that they think contrary or disadvantageous to the presbyterian interest and reformation . naph . pag. 86. 20. the covenanted people of god adhering to the faithful ministers of christ that owned the cause and covenant , and forsaking the apostate hirelings , the many conversions wrought upon them were infallible marks that god did approve them in their proceedings against wicked rulers . cup of cold water . 21. the change made in the church of scotland at the king's return , from presbytery to episcopacy did naturally , and in its just consequence and tendency , overthrow the very foundation of religion , and the change is no less than from the pure worship of god , to down right idolatry . naph , pref. to the reader , pag. 4 , and 5 , ibidem 84. 22. whoever is a sincere seeker of god , and truly regenerate , will immediatly discern upon his seeking of god , ipso facto , the profanity and wickedness of all that adhere to the episcopal church . naph . pag. 11. 23. it was the peculiar lot of the church of scotland , more eminently than any other church upon earth , to contend against the powers of this world , for the scepter and kingdom of jesus christ , by their protestations , petitions , remonstrances , declinators and all other methods to advance presbyterian interest . naph . pref. to the reader , pag. 16. 24. papacy and prelacy have one and the same original , and their adherents are the synagogue of antichrist . naph . pref. to the reader , pag. 20. and pag. 154 : and pag. 184. and pag. 53. 25. the people of god in these nations ought to rest assur'd that their enemies shall be ruin'd and destroy'd , for the lord hath said that the false prophets shall pass out of the land , and all that countenance them shall be asham'd , and ought we not to believe what god himself hath said . naph . pref. and pag. 153. 26. no ecclesiastick is oblig'd to give the king or his council an account of any doctrine preached by him immediately , and prima instantia , he is oblig'd to the presbyterian classis ; and if the king meddle with him , or call him to an account immediatly , he invades the scepter of jesus christ , and if he arrogate unto himself the power of convocating national or provincial synods , he confounds the government of jesus christ with the civil , and invades his authority ; therefore it is not safe , nor scriptural dialect , to say the king is supreme governour over all persons , and in all causes . naph . frequently , and page 38 , and 40. the royal prerogative in cognoscing upon the doctrine of ministers , is the devil 's great design to endear the powers on earth to the prelates . ibidem . 27. the presbytry can counter act the acts and statutes of the supreme court of parliament , and can forbid all the subjects to obey those laws , if imposed without their consent . july 28. anno 1648. act and declaration against the act of parliament . 28. no man can enter lawfully to the ministry , but by the call of the people , but when the people are malignant , then the presbytery may give them a minister . act. gen. assem . august 4. 1649. 29. when the presbytry appointed a fast , upon king james his appointing of a feast , they did nothing but what they were oblig'd in conscience to do . lex rex pref. to the reader . 30. if the king will not reform religion , the assembly of godly pastors and people ought to reform it , and they may swear a covenant without the king ; and if he refuse to build the lords house , they may relieve and defend one another , when they are opprest and hinder'd in the work and cause of god. lex rex pref. to the reader . 31. inferiour judges are no less essentially judges and god's vice-gerents on earth than the king himself . lex rex , pag. 159. 32. the king is under the law as to its coercive limitation , and ought to be resisted by force of arms. lex rex , pag. 231. duglas coron . ser. pag. 22. and elsewhere frequently . 33. the king is not the final and supreme interpreter of the law. lex rex , pag. 252. 34. the king's pretogative royal , and the oath of supremacy are directly contrary to the word of god , and the fundamental laws of this kingdom . naph . pag. 86. 35. to allow that the present graceless hirelings and curates , had so much as an external call to the ministry , were as much as to make the god of order , the author of confusion . naph . pag. 104 , 105. and the true zeal of god would inspire us to eradicate those plants that our heavenly father never planted . ibidem pag. 108. and to bid the covenanted people of god come to the church , is the height of oppression and rigour . ibidem pag. 109. 36. a king that transgresses the law is degenerate into a tyrant , and ought to be ranked amongst such as destroy the peace and advantages of human societies , because they transgress the limits and bounds of their constitution , therefore are they hateful to god and men , and to be looked upon as no better than wolves , tigers , and lions , and the death of such ought to be rewarded by the whole people , and every one of them . de jure regni , pag. 36. 37. the oaths given by intrants to their bishops , at their ordination , do not oblige at all , because they bind us to those constitutions that were not allowed by the presbytery . act. gen. assem . decemb. 5. 1638. 38. the call of a clear and necessary providence is , enough for christs witnesses to resist and stand up against earthly powers , and to this they are indispensably obliged , when they are in a probable capacity to act successfully , although the motive of self-defence were not conjoin'd ; and all such combinations for just and necessary ends , are warranted before god and men , notwithstanding of any pretended law to the contrary : and to affirm that the first and last covenanters were acted by a spirit of rebellion , is a sin the next degree to the sin against the holy ghost . naph . pag. 7 , 8. 12. 16. 39. the great law of self-preservation , in its immediate and most natural effects , teach us , and indispensably oblige us to resist kings , and all superiour powers when they command things contrary to the word of god ; nay when the great ends of government are perverted , then the bond thereof is dissolved , and the people thus liberated therefrom do relaps into their primeve liberty , and may upon the very same principles combine and associate for their better defence , that they first enter'd upon unto society . naph . pag. 147 , 148. 150. 40. when the faithful of the land are destitute of the best and surest means to overthrow the present government and wicked governours , they are still oblig'd to use their utmost endeavours . naph . pag. 155. 41. we ought not to believe that the primitive christians were so numerous as the first apologists for christianity did give out , they were deceived in a matter of fact , for the sufferings of the martyrs do not at all militate against the lawfulness of defensive arms. lex rex , pag. 2. 71. 42. the very power to extirpate the present government is god's call to do so . cargil's new cov. art. 1. 43. we are no more bound by any tie of allegiance to the present governours , than we are bound in allegiance to the devils . cargil's new cov. art. 9. if the scotch presbyterians under the former reigns had satisfied themselves with the theory of rebellion , and if they had not actually practis'd according to the full extent and tendency of their principles ; then , their writings and seditious sermons might have been tolerated with the greater ease : but since those active gentlemen ventur'd upon the natural conclusions that their principles yielded , so that none of the kings loyal subjects knew but that they were to be murder'd as soon as they stept out of doors . i hope modest men will allow that severe laws were very necessary when the holy scriptures were perverted to destroy the general peace of mankind ; and fiery enthusiasts were made believe , that they might make bold with the life of any man , whom they took to oppose their own dreams , if they fancyed that their neighbours were canaanites and moabites . most of them that bawl'd against the government of charles ii. are such as never understood the temper of our religious incendiaries , or were themselves deeply ingaged in the rebellion ; and therefore i have added to the former papers , the following letter , to undeceive such as are misinform'd , and to let the world see that it was impossible for our kings and parliaments to forbear the making of such laws as our enemies complain of ; when the holy scriptures were wrested contrary to their true meaning , and made to truckle under the hellish designs of incorrigible hypocrites . the following paper is a very authentick one , written by the famous assassin mr. james mitchel , who attempted the life of the arch-bishop of st. andrews upon the streets of edinburgh , and in doing so , wounded the bishop of orkney . this sacrilegious effort he endeavours to justifie from the holy scriptures . the presbyterians cannot take it ill that the monuments of their martyrs are preserv'd ; if they say that all presbyterians have not such principles , i say so too : but then , they must remember , that such were the presbyterians against whom the laws were made under the former reigns ; and 't is difficult to know whether all of them have not the same principles , if once they are provok'd to anger , and if they are consequential to the doctrine of the first puritans : for * goodman saith expresly , that , if the magistrates shall refuse to put mass-mongers and false preachers to death , the people in seeing it perform'd do shew that zeal of god which was commended in phineas , destroying the adulterers , and in the israelites against the benjamites . let any sober man consider what improvemnnts the principles of the following letter are capable of ; and then let him tell me , whether he can name any crimes punished by any magistrates in any corner of the world , more dangerous to human society , than the doctrines that he may read with his own eyes in this letter . i have copied it from that collection of mr. mitchel's papers , which his own consederates took great care to print and preserve in the latter editions of naphtali . the copy of a letter from edinburg tolbooth , february — 1674. me who may justly call my self less than the least of all saints , and the chiefest of all sinners : yet christ jesus calleth to be a witness for his despised truth , and trampled on interests and cause , by the wicked , blasphemous and god contemning generation , and against all their perfidious wickedness . sir , i say , the confidence i have in your real friendship , and love to christ's truth , people , interest and cause , hath encouraged me to write to you at this time , hoping you will not misconstruct me , nor take advantage of my infirmity and weakness . you have heard of my inditement , which i take up in these two particulars ; first , as they term it rebellion and treason , anent which i answered to my lord chancellor in committee , that it was no rebellion , but a duty which every one was bound to have performed in joyning with that party , and i in the year 1656 , mr. r. l. being then primar in the colledge of edinburg , before our laureation , tendered to us the national covenant and solemn league and covenant , upon mature deliberation , i found nothing in them , but a short compend of the moral law , only binding us to our duty , towards god and towards men in their several stations , and i finding , that our banished king's interest lay wholly included therein , and both coronation and allegiance oaths , &c. and they being the substance of all loyalty , and my lord , it was well known , that many were taking the tender , and forswearing charles stuart , parliament , and house of lords , i then subscribed both , the doing of which , my lord chancellour would have stood at no less rate , if as well known , than this my present adhering and prosecuting the ends thereof doth now , and when i was questioned what then i called rebellion , i answered , it is in ezra vii . verse 26. and whosoever will not do the law of god and of the king , &c. but being questioned before the commissioner and the council therea nent , i answered , as i said to my lord chancellour before , in the year 1656. mr. r. l. being then primar in the colledge of edinburg , before our laureation , he tendered to us the national and solemn league and covenant : he stopt me , saying , i 'll wad ye are come here to give a testimony : and then being demanded what i called rebellion , if it was not rebellion to oppose his majesties forces in the face : to the which i answered , viz. my lord chancellour , if it please your grace , i humbly conceive they should have been with us , according to the national and solemn league and covenant , at which answer i perceived him to storm . but , saith he , i heard ye have been over seas , with whom did ye converse there ? answer , with my merchant : but , saith he , with whom in particular ? answer with one john mitchel a cousin of mine own . saith he , i have heard of him , he is a factor in rotterdam , to which i conceded . but , saith he , did ye not converse with mr. livingston , and such as he , to which i answered , i conversed with all all our banished ministers . to which he replyed , banished traitors , ye will speak treason at the bar. then he answered himself , saying , but they would call the shooting at the bishop an heroick act. to which i answered , that i never told them any such thing , but where did you see james wallace last ? answer , towards the borders of germany some years ago . but what alled you at my lord st. andrews ? ( pointing at him with his finger ) answer , my lord commissioner , the grievous oppression , and horrid bloodshed of my brethren , and the eager pursuit after my own , as appeareth this day to your grace , and to all his majesties honourable privy council . after which he commanded to take me away , that they might see what to do next with me . the second is , the shooting of the shot intended against the bishop of st. andrews , whereby the bishop of orknay was hurt , to which i answered my lord chancellor in private , viz. that i looked on him to be the main instigater of all the oppression and bloodshed of my brethren that followed thereupon , and the continual pursuing after my own , and , my lord , as it was credibly reported to us ( the truth of which your lordship knows better than we ) that he kept up his majesties letter inhibiting any more blood upon that account , until the last six was execute : and i being a soldier , not having laid down arms , but being still upon my own defence , and having no other end nor quarrel at any man ( but according to my apprehension of him ) that as i hope in sincerity with fixing either my sense or action upon the covenant it self , as it may be understood by the many thousands of the faithful , besides the prosecution of the ends of the same covenant , which was , and in that point the overthrow of prelates and prelacy , and i being a declared enemy to him on that account , and he to me in like manner . so i never found my self obliged , either by the law of god , or nature , to set a centry at his door for his safety , but as he was always to take his advantage , as it appeareth , so i of him , to take any opportunity offered . moreover , we being in no terms of capitulation , but on the contrait , i by his instigation being excluded from all grace and favour , thought it my duty to pursue him at all occasions : also my lord , sir william sharp making his apology , anent his unhandsome and cheating way taken , he took me , under pretence to have spoken with me about some other matters . i not knowing him until five or six of his brothers and his servants were laying fast hold on me , they being armed of purpose , desired i would excuse him , seeing what he had done was upon his brothers account , which excuse i easily admitted , seeing that he thought himself obliged to do what he did to me , without law or order in behalf of his brother , much more was i obliged to do what i did in behalf of many brethren , whose oppression was so great , and whose blood he caused to be shed in such abundance . moreover , he persisting in his bloody murthers , as witnesseth the wounding of mr. bruce at his taking , by his emissaries some few days before that fell out concerning himself . now if by any means in taking him away , i could have put a stop to the then currant persecution . thus far i have truly resumed what passed . but this answer to the second part of the inditement may be thought by some to be a step out of my ordinary way ; wherefore i shall offer to your consideration that passage deut. 23. 9. wherein it is manifest , that the seducer , or inticer to worship a false god , is to be put to death , by the hand of those whom he seeks to turn away from the lord , especially by the hand of the witnesses , whereof i am one , as it appeareth deut. 13. which precept i humbly take to be moral , and not merely judicial , and that it is not at all ceremonial , or levitical ; and as every moral precept is universal , as to the extent of place , so also as to the extent of time , and persons . upon which command , sir , i think that phinehas acted in taking away the midianitish whore , and killed him whom she had seduced , num. 25. 8. also elijah by virtue of that precept gave commandment to the people to destroy baals priests , contrary to the command of the seducing magistrate , who was not only remiss and negligent in executing justice , but became a protector and defender of the seducers . then , and in that case , i suppose it is the christians duty not to be very dark . moreover , we see that the people of israel 2 chron. 31. 1. destroyed idolatry not only in judah , wherein the king concurred , but in israel and in manasseh , where the king himself was an idolater . and surely what all the people was bound to do by the law of god , every one was bound to do it , to the uttermost of their power and capacity : and as it was in zach. 13. 3. there the seducer's father and mother shall put them to death : i take this to be meant of the christian magistrate ; but when he is withdrawn by the seducer from the exercise of office and duty , and is become utterly remiss and negligent in putting the seducer to death , according to god's express law , which is not to be expected of him , for then he should do justice upon himself , but is become a protector and defender of the idolater ; then i doubt not , but that it doth become the duty of every christian , to the uttermost of his power and capacity , to destroy and cut off both idolatry and idolaters . yea , these presumptuously murthering prelates ought to be called so by the avenger of blood , when he meeteth them , by the express commandment of god , seeing the thing is manifestly true , and not to have liberty to flee to such cities of refuge , as the vain pretext of lawful authority : but they should be taken from the horns of such altars , and be put to death . moreover , was it spoken concerning amalek , upon the account he designed and resolved the extirpation of the lords people and truth , which are his throne , upon which he put forth his hand , and because he took occasion against them , exod. 17. 14. num. 24. 20. he endeavoured god should not have a people to serve him according to his revealed will upon earth : and if he could have effectuate his design , there should none have lived , who would not have worshiped and served him , and his idol gods : and for the better effectuating his design , he took occasion against them , when they were wearied coming out of aegypt , deut. 25. 17 , 18. and the reason there annexed is , he feared not god. and because i know that the bishops both will and do say , that what they did against the lords people , whom they murthered , they did it by law and authority , but what i did was contrary to both . i answer , the king himself and all the estates of the land , and every individual person of the land , both were , and are obliged by the oath of god upon them , to have by force of arms extirpated the perjured prelates and prelacy , and in doing thereof to have defended their lives and fortunes , the covenants being engaged to on these terms , viz. after supplications , remonstrances , protestations and all other lawful means have been used now for that effect : as the last remedy we took up arms , upon which condition , our nobility , and all the representatives of the nation , according to the national covenant , and solemn league and covenant , gave to the king both the sword and the scepter , and set the crown upon his head ; and he accordingly received them , and promised and sware by the ever living god , to use and approve them for the use aforesaid : and especially in order to the performing this article , viz. the extirpation and overthrow of prelates and prelacy , and now they vaunt of authority ; of what authority do they mean or speak of , truly i know not , except it be the authority of their aggregated gods , new gods , gods of whom they have their gain , life and standing , chemosh or bacchus , which drunken moab delighted to dwell within dark cells , ash●aroth , or venus , whom they worship of the female kind , because of their adulteries and whoredoms , as also malcome , or molock , which signifies tyrannical king , or a devil , if they will have it so , in whose arms and power they put their poor infants and posterity to be burnt according to his lust and pleasure , amos 5. vers . 26. psal . 106. 37. and their mammon , which they delight to worship daily , together with their own bellies , whose glory is their shame , who mind earthly things , whose end will be destruction , except they repent , which there is little probability of , ph. 3. vers . 19. to which we may add their abominable pride , and blasphemous perjuries , then their gods will be equal in number to the whore their mothers sacraments , from whom they have their being , strength and standing , and from the devil their father , who was a deceiver and murtherer from the beginning . and now seeing the prelates possess whatever their god chemosh giveth them to possess : then should we not possess what the lord our god giveth us to possess , viz. the eternal truths manifested to us in his revealed will , and keep and defend the same from all innovations and traditions of his and our adversaries , defend our lives and liberties out of the hands of our usurping enemies , judg. 11. 29. for sure i am , that god once dispossessed the prelates and malignants of all these ; and should they again possess them through our defect ? god for bid , but the like of this work our murthering prelates like not , who plead like the whore their mother for passive obedience , and that all the lord's people , who may not comply with their idolatries and persidies , should lay down their bloody axe , with whom too many of our hypocritical , time-serving and perfidious professors do agree , who had rather abide with reuben among the sheepfolds , than jeopard life or fortune in the help of the lord against the mighty ; do not consider the bitter curse pronounced by the angel of the lord against meroz , to which immediately he subjoins a blessing on jael the wife of heber the kenite . others excuse themselves thus , vengeance is mine , and i will repay it , but so the throne of judgment is the lords , and by this they will take away the use and office of magistracy , which erroneous principles i detest : for god even in the working of miracles in dividing the red sea , exod. 14. 16. commanded moses to stretch forth his rod : and christ when he opened the blind man's eyes , maketh use of clay and spittle , tho indeed i mean not of any who were willing to have helped , but wanted opportunity , yet there are many peevish time serving professors , who shall never suffer , so long as they have either soul or conscience to mortgage , providing that they may keep them from suffering . and if it will not do their business , it seemeth before they suffer , they resolve to sell all out at the ground . now , sir , i have neither misinterpret scripture , nor misapplyed it , in regard of the persons here hinted at , nor been wrong in the end , which ought to be the glory of god , the good of his church and people . then i think that some persons ought to forbear to scourge me so sore with their tongues , while i am not yet condemned by the common enemy . and my hearing of some things reported by some behind my back , hath occasioned my writing to you at this time . o , sir , be intreated to pray to the lord in my behalf , that he would be pleased out of his mercy and goodness , to save me from sinning under suffering in this hour and power of darkness : for my soul is prest within me in the search betwixt sin and duty , viz. lest i should be niggard and too sparing of my life , when god calleth for it : and on the other hand , too prodigal and lavish of it , in not using all legal defences in preserving of it , and in any of the like nature ; i am in a strait , o lord , undertake for me . sir , i hope ye will excuse me in sending you these indistinct and irregular lines , when you consider my present condition . sir , believe me , i would many times , when i am before them , think a scaffold a sweet retirement , lest they should cheat and deceive me , in making me either to stain the declarative glory of god , my own conscience , or his people and interests , and wronging of them , either by opening the enemies mouth against them , or letting loose their hands upon them ; henceforth let the adversaries both say and do what they can , yet the righteous shall hold on in his way , and he who hath clean hands will be stronger and stronger , job 7. v. 9. but he that saith unto the wicked , thou art righteous , him shall the people curse , nations shall abhor him , prov. 24. v. 24. farewel in the lord. sic subscribitur mr. james mitchel : finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a51160-e2460 * continuat . * a true account of the horrid conspiracy against the king , &c. printed by tho. newcomb . edit . 2. 1685. contin . p. 4. aeli . hist . var. dr. paterson , dr. caincross . nals . coll. 1 vol. pag. 499. vid. p. 500 , & 501. ib. p. 503. ib. p. 502. contin . p. 10. pag. 12. ans . scot. eloq . p. 4. pag. 14. ibid. * this is glanced at in a late letter written by a presbyterian minister to a member of parliament , p. 11. p. 15. * presb. inquisit . pag. 16. buchan . hist . lib. 19. calvin . inst . lib. 4. and again , lib. 4. c. 10. § 6. sane si veri episcopi essent , aliquid eis in hac parte auctoritatis tribuerem , non quantum sibi postulant , sed quantum ad politiam ecclesiae ritè ordinandam requiritur . vid. nals . coll. 1. vol. and the k's large manifesto . pag. 17. pag. 18. pag. 19. vid. hist . obs . mss. by guth . montross def . at philiphaugh . pag 20. ibid. ibid. gen. ass . 1648. p. mihi 44. printed by ev. tyler , edinb . an. 1648. an. 1638. nals hist col. 1. vol. p. 128. v. king 's large manifesto . & nals . hist . coll. 1 vol. pag. 151. * nal. hist . coll. 1 vol. ans . to the 3 reasons . pag. 152. † than . i. theologie morale des jesuites , pag. mihi 149 , 150. a cologne , an. 1666. en verite , mes peres , il ya bien de la difference entre rire de la religion , & rire de ceux qui la profanent par leurs opinions extravagantes . ce seroit une impietè de manquer de respect pour les veritesque l' esprit de dieu à revelées : mais ce seroit une autre impietè de manquer de me pris pour les faussetez que l' esprit de l' homme leur oppose . * nals . hist . coll. 1 vol. pag. 532. pag. 23. july 28. 1648. ante mer. sess . 18. p. mili 7. act and declar. against the act of p. pag. 17. pag 3. pag. 4. ibid pag. 5. ibid. pag 28. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. pag. 29. ibid. pag. 30. pag. 31. pag. 32. * nals . coll. 1. vol. pag. 795. pag. 33. ibid. ibid. * continuat . pag. 34. pag. 35. pag. 36. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. pag. 37. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. * aelian . var. hist. * ad illustriss . vir. car. coss . franciae maresch . in jephth . tragoed . praef. absurdam fortasse ; rem facere quibusdam videbor : qui ad te , hominem ab ineunte aetate militaribus imbutum studiis & inter arma tubasque semper versatum munusculum hoc literarium mittam : sed ii fere hoc absurdum existimaturi sunt qui aut harum rerum inter se consensionem non salts animadvertunt aut ingenium tuum parum habent perspectum . neque enim inter rei militaris & literarum studium ea est quam plerique falso purant discordia , sed summa potius concordia & occulta quaedam naturae conspiratio ; quanquam enim superioribus aliquot saeculis sive hominum inertia sive falsâ quâdam persuasione divisae fuerunt hae professiones , nunquam tamen perversa imperitorum opinio tantum potuit ut ipsae inter se veterem illam & naturalem ( ut it a loquar ) cognationem obliviscerentur . † hist . of the consp . against k. ch. ii pag. 118. continuat . pref. p. 10. * bishop brownr . serm. lon. printed , 1664. ser. 1. pag. 10 compared with williamson's serm. jun. 15. 1690. pag 20. * r. b. answ . to the scotch eloq . pag. 53 * guth . mss. vid. nals . coll. 1 vol. from pag. 811 , to 817. * vid. act of parl. for settling the peace of the church , edinbugh , june 12. 1693. notes for div a51160-e22180 de jure regnipag . 46 , 47. vide seasonable warning . an. 45. * see dangerous positions by bishop bancroft , p. 35. jus regum. or, a vindication of the regall povver: against all spirituall authority exercised under any form of ecclesiasticall government. in a brief discourse occasioned by the observation of some passages in the archbishop of canterburies last speech. published by authority. parker, henry, 1604-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91248 of text r200064 in the english short title catalog (thomason e284_24). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 94 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91248 wing p404 thomason e284_24 estc r200064 99860868 99860868 158507 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91248) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 158507) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 47:e284[24]) jus regum. or, a vindication of the regall povver: against all spirituall authority exercised under any form of ecclesiasticall government. in a brief discourse occasioned by the observation of some passages in the archbishop of canterburies last speech. published by authority. parker, henry, 1604-1652. hunton, philip, 1604?-1682, [2], 38 p. printed for robert bostock, dwelling at the signe of the kings head in pauls church-yard., london: : 1645. attributed to henry parker by wing. sometimes attributed to philip hunton. annotation on thomason copy: "by h. par:"; "may 21". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng laud, william, 1573-1645 -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a91248 r200064 (thomason e284_24). civilwar no jus regum. or, a vindication of the regall povver:: against all spirituall authority exercised under any form of ecclesiasticall government parker, henry 1645 16781 5 0 0 0 0 0 3 b the rate of 3 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion jus regum . or , a vindication of the regall povver : against all spirituall authority exercised under any form of ecclesiasticall government . in a brief discourse occasioned by the observation of some passages in the archbishop of canterburies last speech . published by authority . omnia subjicere si vis subjice te rationi . london : printed for robert bostock , dwelling at the signe of the kings head in pauls church-yard . 1645. jus regum . or , a vindication of the regall powers , &c. it is not safe to judge another , yet if the tree may be known by the fruit , and the secret and hidden disposition of the heart , by words which proceed out of a mans mouth ; then my lord of canterbury his actions being considered , and his last speech examined , he may be judged otherwayes , then according to that verdict which he hath pronounced of himself in that his last speech : but to passe by his actions , but as they shall onely occasionally interveen , we will examine his speech , without wresting it to a worse sence then of necessity it must bear ; and as all is not gold that glisters , so upon review and examination , it will not be found to be so charitable , as by some positive affirmations it pretends to be , and all along the reasons inforcing will be found contradicting those affirmative conclusions exprest therein , whether they intend himself or others ; for of himself , a great deal of humility and charity is affirmed , when much presumption and want of charitie may be collected . for presumption , his speech is full of it , and chiefly in his comparisons and instances : for first he compares his innocencie with reference to his sufferings , to christs , in these words , that jesus despised the shame for him , god forbid but he should despise the shame for jesus . in which words , is implyed , that as christs sufferings in regard of himself were undeserved , so were his sufferings without any just cause on his part , but that his ignominy and shame was no lesse for christs sake , and for his fidelity to christ , then christs sufferings were for his love to mankind ; and from thence concludes , that his hope was , that god was bringing him to the land of promise , in regard he was to passe through the red sea , alluding to his suffering by the effusion of his blood : but he could not be ignorant that it was causa non paena that makes the martyr ; and therefore his argument will onely hold if his cause were just , and that he suffered undeservedly : but if otherwayes , his passage through the red sea , or his forced passage out of this world by a violent death , will prove but a weak argument , that god was therefore bringing him to a land of promise , for then no death , so desirable as a violent death , if it were a concluding argument that therefore , he who is forced to suffer , is entring into a land of promise . neither doth his next instance conclude better , that because the passeover was to be eaten with sowre herbes , that therefore his present sufferings ( which he confesseth that in regard of his weaknesse and infirmity of flesh and blood , were unpleasing and unwelcome unto him ) should by their resemblance into sowre herbs , prove , his forced submission unto death to be either a passeover or a willing submission to the will of god : for whosoever submits onely to the will of god when he cannot otherwayes choose , submits not to the will of god , but is compelled by necessitie . and by the words following , it appears plainly , that whatsoever he affirmed to the contrary , yet was he angry with the hands that gathered those herbs , or brought him to that place to suffer . and out of all question had it been as much in his power to have prevented their purposes , by executing of vengeance , as it had been formerly to inflict punishment on those who did professe any dislike against his and other the prelates unwarrantable usurpations , nothing on his part should have been referred to the justice of god , but if he himself could not call down fire from heaven to consume them , he would have raised a persecution upon earth to scourge them . but the date of his power was now expired , yet did his indignation remain which he did not conceal , but when he could do no more he did think it fit to put the good people in mind , that when the servants of god , old israel , were in this boysterous sea and aaron with them , the egyptians which persecuted them , and did in a manner drive them into that sea , were drowned in the same waters , while they were in pursuit of them ; and he knows , his god whom be served , is as able to deliver him from this sea of blood , as he was to deliver the 3 children from the furnace , dan. 3. in which words are implyed two things ; the first is hope of vengeance from god on those that did prosecute him . the second is hope of a temporall deliverance to himself . the first argueth want of charitie ; the second implyeth want of true faith , or which is equivalent an erroneous faith . and what is implyed here is evidenced in the words following , by which he most humbly thanks his saviour , that his resolution was now as theirs was then ; their resolution was , that they would not worship the image which the king had set up , nor shall be the imaginations which the people are setting up , nor will forsake the temple and truth of god , to follow the bleating of jeroboams calves in dan and in bethel . where nothing is or can be clearer , then the manifest difference and dissimilitude between the different conditions of the severall parties proposed , and from the result , the grounds of his faith will appear . for the 3. children , to whom he doth resemble himself , were meerly passive , preferring a passive sufferance before any actuall obedience , to unlawfull and prohibited idolatry : whereas on the contrary , he was brought to that place of execution , for his active introducing of reall changes in the worship of god , expresly against the word of god , and the laws of the land . for by the word of god , we are taught that we must not make to our selves any graven image , nor the likenesse of any thing that is in heaven above , nor in the earth beneath , nor in the waters under the earth , to bow down to them , and worship them : and we are moreover taught by the same word , that the judiciall and ceremoniall law being fulfilled by the death of christ , all externall worshipping of god , arising from any commandment either of god or man , is in it self inacceptable before god , and therefore superfluous and needlesse : if not first springing from a true and lively faith , begetting true holinesse and inward sanctification , and by consequence onely , externall reverence and worship , and therefore the chief duty of the ministers of the gospel , is by information and instruction to beget in the people true knowledge as a foundation of sound belief , from whence onely springeth true faith ; and then to incite them to externall duties , as evidences of their faith , but have no commission from the word of god to injoyn or command any externall duties , but to exhort onely to the performance of those which were commanded and ordained by god himself : neither had they ever any spirituall authority committed unto them for the inforcing of obedience unto any thing that should be ordained by themselves : for the apostles never had , nor never exercised any such authority . in brief , the summe of all is briefly thus , that as under the law , all bowing down to any graven image , and the worshipping of god in the likenesse of any thing in heaven or in earth was idolatry : so under the gospel , which was the end and consummation of the law , all externall worship of god that doth not spring from faith , as from the root , is to be accounted idolatry , as being a counterfeit worship set up by the imagination of men , not according to the will of god . and my lord of cant. doth here in some sort acknowledge this for a truth , but removes the guilt from himself to lay it upon the people ; for here he doth account the worshipping of god according to the imaginations of the people to be idolatry ; but doth not consider that what he esteemed idolatry in them , might be in himself . if he could produce no better warrant then his own imaginations , for with god there is no respect of persons ; but then the question will be , whether he was brought to that place to suffer , for refusing to submit to that idolatry , which here he affirmeth was setting up by the people , or for imposing upon them a will worship according to his own imaginations onely ? and if he himself had given the answer , he could not say that the people did impose any thing upon him in the worship of god , but it was apparent and undeniable that he did upon the people : for doing whereof he neglected his ministeriall office consisting chiefly in information , instruction , and exhortation ; thereby to convince the conscience , which is uncapable of constraint from the authority of man , and usurped an authority which is onely peculiar to god , and cannot be communicated to man : for which the people notwithstanding were not his judges , but the law of the land , against which he did no lesse transgresse , for imposing upon the people any thing by a lawlesse authority not warranted by the laws , then he did offend against the word of god by usurping a spirituall authority not warranted in the word . for the law of the land restraineth the making of all laws and constitutions , and the imposing of any new thing upon the subjects of this kingdome , to the authority of parliaments ; and albeit the clergy might assemble in convocation , yet were all their acts and constitutions of no force nor validity , untill confirmed and ratified by parliament : whereas my lord of canterbury did not onely innovate many things in the worship of god , but did introduce and impose many new things in the church by his own authority , and in the state by his credit with the king by the regall power , directly against the laws of the kingdom , for which he was at that time brought upon the scaffold to suffer , not because he did preferre a passive sufferance before an actuall obedience to unlawfull and prohibited idolatry as did the 3. children ; but because he did exact obedience from others to his lawlesse commands , without any warrant from the word of god , nor from the laws of the land , but by an usurped authority over both : wherefore his case can no wayes be compared to the 3. childrens , but without any injury done to him , he may justly be taxed with presumption for his paralels or comparisons . and as his presumptions are notorious , so is his want of charitie manifest , notwithstanding his seeming professions to the contrary , as appeareth in his next section , which he beginneth with a charitable prayer , that god would blesse all this people , and open their eyes , that they may see the right way . the which his charity doth terminate and end in himself , which is not charity , for charity extendeth chiefly to others ; and the inference which he maketh , doth discover the summe of his desires for a blessing upon this people , for the opening of their eyes to be chiefly meant , that they might see and acknowledge his innocencie which he doth here present to their consideration , not obscurely implyed , but positively affirmed against all accusation whatsoever by the attestation of his own conscience : having upon this occasion ransacked every corner of his heart , where he hath not found any of his sins that are there , deserving death by the known laws of the land . certainly he was not , nor could he be so ignorant , as here he pretends to be innocent ; for he could not choose but know that it was death by the known laws of this kingdom , for any subject to innovate against the established government . but supposing there had been no positive law against it , yet was it to have been esteemed an unpardonable crime deserving the most rigorous of deaths for any subject to attempt it ; no lesse then it had been in an athenian to murther his own father , when the laws were silent for the punishment , as presupposing no such crime would be committed : nor could his conscience be so seared as not to dictate unto him , that he was the adviser to the king , needlesly to assume an arbitrary power , for the introducing of many things , whereof he himself was the chief author , against the known laws of the land . and if nothing else had been proved , yet one thing was so manifest , that it needed no proof at all , the assuming of a legislative power , by making of laws and constitutions in a provinciall assembly , binding to the whole subjects , and clergy in generall , to be inforced by spirituall authority or ecclesiasticall censures ; and imposing a generall tax upon the clergy without any confirmation but of the kings letters patents , which was a manifest usurpation over the consciences of men , and a breach against the fundamentall laws of the kingdome , the king himself having no such power nor prerogative , and former kings having never assumed it ; besides the cheat which he did put upon the king in perswading his majestie to establish that by his prerogative , which was not onely derogatory , but destructive to his prerogative , as shall be opened more pertinently hereafter ; and yet he would here perswade the people he dieth innocently , not deserving death . for which his undeserved sentence , notwithstanding he is so charitable , as to charge nothing , not in the least degree upon his judges , for they are to proceed by proof , by valuable witnesses , and in that way he or any innocent in the world may justly be condemned . if he had ended here , it had been against charity not to beleeve him ; but as fire cannot long be concealed , after it hath taken hold any combustible matter , but will break forth and appear : so the fire of his indignation against his judges , being kindled in his breast , must needs break forth in despite of dissimulation , and his next words demonstrate clearly what opinion he had of his judges , whom he compareth to the danes when heathens , to the fury of wat tyler , and his fellows , to the malice of a lewd woman , to a persecuting sword , and lastly to herod , and to the persecuting jews , and maketh the charge against himself to look like that against st. paul , in the 25. of the acts , and against st. stephen in the 6. of the acts . to whose cases his had no more resemblance then it had to the 3. childrens ; for st. paul and st. stephen , were persecuted for opening the kingdome of heaven , by shewing a clear way to enter therein , by a true and lively faith , grounded upon the death and mediation of jesus christ onely , without any reference to our selves , and our own merits . but he on the contrary did what in him lay to shut the kingdome of heaven to such as was desirous to enter , directing them into false wayes , such as could never bring a man thither . for if the old israelites , by following after the lavv of righteousnesse attained not into the law of righteousnesse , because they sought it not by faith , but as it were by the works of the law , rom. 9. 31 , 32. and therefore were excluded from the promises ; what must become of them , who going about to establish not the righteousnesse of the law , which once was the ordinance of god , but a righteousnesse of their own prescription , consisting for the most part in externall rites and ceremonies , commanding the observation of them as the principall part of gods worship and of mans duty ; when in the mean time they neglect the ordinance of god which is their ministeriall office , consisting chiefly in reforming of the will , and informing the understanding , by the operation of the word preached , which may be performed by information and instruction ; but can never by any authority or command , for there is a vast difference between him , who endeavoureth the production of desired effects by the operation of necessarie and appointed means , and him who commands onely the performance of the like effects , without the application of such means as are necessary : for the one requireth an omnipotent power ; the other may be performed by a creature of a finite capacity . what affinity or resemblance then can my lord of canterburies case have with st. pauls or st. stephens , who suffered under the rage of the people for offering their pains , to shew them onely , a clear and infallible way for purchasing the kingdom of heaven , which was left to their own choice to beleeve or not beleeve ? but my lord of cant. neglecting the wayes of st. paul and st. stephen , ( consisting onely in demonstration and in the efficacy of perswasion for the obtaining of their purposes and ends ) was legally processed and condemned , for making use of externall force , and compulsion for the obtaining of his , which st. paul nor st. stephen never did : and moreover , he having screwed himself into the favour of the king , did make the regall power instrumentall to his ends , and ( which among other things is inexcusable ) did endeavour to lay the odium and obloquy of all upon the king when it could not otherwayes be defended ; as if that had been sufficient , that he was onely instrumentall to the kings commands , when it was too well known that he was the director of those commands . and as his case differed from theirs in the means , so must it differ likewise in the ends , for the end of all their labour and pains , was to bring men in subjection to the will of god , by declaring unto them the power of god and of the deity , and manifesting the inexpressible love of god to mankind , in sending his onely begotten son into the world to take upon him our humane nature , and expounding unto them the vertue and efficacy of christs death and resurrection ; but the end of his labour and pains , was to bring men in subjection to his own will , by making them sensible how dangerous it was to offend him . for he took more pains to inflict punishment on such as offended him , then to instruct such as were ignorant . but odious is his next comparison , comparing himself with christ , and his accusers to the pharises , who having accused christ for fear , that if they did let him alone , all men would beleeve on him , and the romans would come and take away both their place and nation . concluding from thence , with a prayer to god , that god would not reward this people as then he did the jews for their causlesse fears and unjust sentence ; but the cases being so different , and the comparisons so odious , it were a superfluous labour to go about to inform any mans understanding in the discovery . nor needs any time be spent in detecting his vain presumption , and arrogant boasting in applying that deserved triumph of saint paul to himselfe , as if he could no lesse truely , then saint paul did , say , by honour and dishonour , by good report , and evill report , as a deceiver and yet true , he was now passing out of this world , for it is manifest that he coveted and courted that honour , which saint paul accompted but losse and dung , and did runne a cleer contrary course to saint paul , for saint paul accompted it no shame , to the weake to become as weak , that he might gaine the weake ▪ nor to be made all things to all men , that he might by all meanes save some , but hee accompted it not onely a shame but an indignity , to condiscend one jot to the weaknesse of any man , and rather then hee should bee crossed in his purpose and will , those gifts and abilities , which god had bestowed upon him , for other purposes and ends , and that credit and esteeme which he had purchased with his majesty , by those gifts and abilities , and in reverence of the holinesse of his calling , should bee all imployed to ingage king and kingdome in a war , as was evident by the warre with scotland , especially after the first pacification at the camp neer barwicke . but having taken all this paines in a generall justification of himself to the people , who were his auditors at length he thinkes of it not amisse to speak of some particulars , and first is he bold to speake of the king , who he saith hath bin much traduced by some for labouring to bring in popery , which he might truely affirme , if any such affirmation had been made of his majesty but the truth hereof is prevaricated as other truths are by him , and made useof , for his own justification rather then for the kings , the king being rather aspersed then justified by such manner of justification , for no man did ever affirme that the king was a papist as is here implyed , nor that his majestie did labour to bring in popery as is here affirmed , but that he was overreached by the subtilty and fraud of some , and he himselfe esteemed the principall deceiver and undermyner of the king , and it alwayes hath been one of his chiefest subtilties , so to confound the kings actions and his owne , that they could not easily be distinguished , that by so doing he might never be reached but by wounding the king first , building thereby great hopes , if not assured confidence to escape himselfe , and here labouring to justifie himselfe to the people , from having ever had any intention to introduce popery , he purposly makes mention of the king , for whose purposes & intentions he might safely take any deep protestation , as if that conduced much to clear himself in the opinion of his auditors ( which was the chiefe thing he now aimed at ) of all practices tending to that end , as a thing impossible for him to bring about , without the concurrent consent of the king , which was but a fancy but no solid argument necessarily concluding what he would have beleeved , for the worke might be advancing , without any discovery in the king , that it was necessarily tending to such an end , untill such time that it should be too late , if not impossible to retire , as a deere may be driving into a toyle , not suspecting any danger , but having leisure at some times to feed by the way , untill such time as seeing and apprehending his owne danger , by being unawares reduced to such a straight as doth leave him no variety of choice , but to place his onely safety and meanes of escape in leapping into that snare which had been prepared for him , and to which much paines had been taken to drive him ; for it is not to be imagined , that either his majestie or any other christian king , should submit themselves to the bondage of popery if they rightly understood what they did , for ( to passe by the danger which it bringeth to their soules , by leading them into by-pathes of errour which can never bring them to heaven , ) it subjects all temporall authority into a vassalage and subordination to its spirituall , and that not so much by any accident or contingency arising from the different dispositions of the severall persons who sit upon the severall thrones spirituall and temporall ( which may be turbulency and ambition in the one , and infirmity and weaknes in the other ) as by the very principles and fundamentall constitution of popery , by reason of the acknowledgement of , and submission into a spirituall authority , being once rooted and firmely fixed in the beliefe or imagination by all who embrace it , and the naturall effects which doe necessarily spring from thence ; for when the world was blinded by ignorance as by darknesse , at what time the popes did sit as god in the temple of god and by their spirituall authority in excommunicating and absolving whom they pleased , and for what they pleased , did uncontrollably oppose and exalt themselves above all that is called god , that is above all magistracy and power in earth : what lamentable and sad effects , did christendome groane under and feel from such transcendent and omnipotent a power , so long as from a generall beliefe , it was universally submitted unto ? but when mens eyes began once to be opened , and by the cleer light of the truth revealed in scripture , some men did cleerly see and perceive that no such power was ever , nor could be given into any one man upon earth , yet the apprehension of such a power and authority , that it was given unto some , being sunke deeply into all mens understandings , great difference did arise where the same should reside , and all men acknowledging it to appertain to the clergy onely , did place it amongst them as it were by a generall consent , in some one of those formes which are knowen to be best capable to preserve authority , all or the most part of all concluding that it must be preserved in one of them , each imbracing and submiting into that forme , which was preferred and made choice of by those who bare the greatest sway , or had the greatest esteem and reputation with them , but none of them foreseeing into all effects and events which might follow , hath bin the chief cause why so much discord & contention hath risen and continued , which will never be wanting so long as the cause remains , that is , until it be clearly understood what the pow-of the church , and of churchmen is , whether any such thing as spirituall authority doth appertain to them , & by what right , and to what end , whether or no , it be conducing to religion , or be compatible with the end of government , for albeit there be no such thing as spirituall authority acknowledged , yet all power is not thereby taken away from the church , but the consequence will only be , that the power of the church , & of church-men , is no more then opperative , and declarative , not at all authoritative , and having no authority , they can have no legislative power of making lawes and constitutions , ( call them by what name soever they will ) binding to the conscience , having no penalties to inforce obedience ; and why should any such thing as spirituall authority be admitted to be when it cannot be evidenced what execution doth follow , for authority without execution ceaseth to be authority by losing its vertue , for if authority say to one go , he must go , or to another come , he must come , and likewise to a third , doe this , he must do it , but no clergy man nor minister of the gospel can say , enter thou into heaven , and goe thou into hell , all hee can say is , thus beleeve and do , and thou shall be saved , but if otherwise you will be damned , but both the doing and beleeving dependeth upon the hearers owne choice , nothing is determined by the appointment of the minister , all that rests in the power of the minister is to declare to others , the effectuall meanes of their salvation , from the revealed will of god , to which whosoever submits by a voluntary profession testifying his beliefe , and receiving of baptisme which is the seale of his beliefe , but brings not forth fruit according to his profession , and walkes not according to the rules set down in scripture , and will not be convinced nor reclaimed by no admonition nor reproofe , then may the minister safely and boldly pronounce that he is still in the state and condition of an infidell and unbeleever , no more capable of any thing that may accrue unto him by the death and mediation of christ then a heathen or pagane , and therefore may debar him from admission into the holy communion , which is , or ought to be , the communion of saints or true beleevers , and is gods sacrament to us , that is to say his covenant and seal unto us , of the fruits and benefits , that we hope for hereafter , by vertue of christs death and resurrection , but the party offending is not presently cast into hell by that sentence , and though hell fire may follow upon it hereafter , yet is it not the ministers sentence , nor the debarring him from the sacrament , that doth send him thither , but his want of faith , which is made evident and nortorious , by no single act of any declared sinne , but by an obstinate perserverance in any one sin or more that hath been judged already by the unappealable judgement of god , to be an evidence of want of faith in him who commits it , and doth take pleasure and delight into it , which is made manifest and apparent to men by a perseverance in it onely ; and therefore it is the sentence of god , and not of the minister , the minister being onely gods herauld or messenger to declare to others the revealed will of god , and for doing thereof he hath an expresse warrant from god recorded in scripture ; nor must it be any part of the ministers purpose to send any man to hell ( but purpose and intention of doing execution upon the offender is essentiall to authority and inseparable from it ) but onely to prevent ( what in him lieth ) his going thither : for albeit that the ministers sentence , being rightly pronounced , be ratified in heaven , ( which is undenyable ) yet may it be recalled again , but never at the ministers will and pleasure ( which at sometimes is incident to authority ) but by the contrition and repentance of the obstinate party publikely promising , and vowing his amendment , upon which evidence the minister may pronounce his absolution receiving him again into the bosome of the church , and admitt him againe into the communion of saints , and this sentance is likewise ratifyed in heaven , if the parties repentance be unfained and sincere , which notwithstanding may be hypocriticall and dissembled in him , albeit he doth refraine and forbeare from the performance of that wherein he gave the offence and scandall , and doth moreover proceede to amendment of his life , not onely in that particular , but doth walke unblameably and without any deserved reproofe from the judgment of men in all other , howsoever upon a visible purpose of amendment , the minister not onely may , but must receive him againe into the bosome of the church , and admit him againe into the holy communion with others , so that nothing is left to the will of the minister , nor to the finall judgement of the minister , but all is referred to the will and knowledge of god , and where will and knowledge are excluded , their authority is wanting , and though much may be effected and brought to passe by them , yet whatsoever is effected deserves not the name as differing from the nature of authority : and the ministers of christ having no authority in those things wherein they cannot ere so long as they follow the cleare light revealed in scripture , they can much lesse have any authority for such things which flow from their owne invention , nor can they inforce obedience by any spirituall meanes or censures of the church , unto any thing whereof they themselves are authors , when no spirituall meanes are compulsive in regard of the instrument that must apply them , and whatsoever efficacy or vertue they have , yet may they never be applyed for the inforcing of any thing whereof man is author , for then it would follow that the will of man or something proceeding from the will of man would be a rule to the justice of god , when one man must be as a publican , or heathen and consequently uncapable of the fruits of christs death , for disobeying onely the will , or something depending upon the will of another , which no man dares to affirme , and having no compulsive meanes to inforce obedience , they can have no legislative power of making of cannons and constitutions binding to the conscience , for a law without a penalty or power sufficient to inforce it , is no law , nor neede they have any such power , for such a power is not conducible at all to that end of religion which is committed to them , & to their care and paines , but is destructive to the end of government ; for religion hath a two fold end , the one respecteth god , the other man , the end of religion in respect of god is to glorify god , that man who was therefore created to glorify his maker should by a true knowledge of the true god glorify him aright , and the end of religion in respect of man , is to bring a man from all confidence in himselfe or the creature , to rely upon the providence and goodnesse of god who is the creator , to the end he may renounce his own righteousnesse to be made partaker of the merits and righteousnesse of the sonne of god , the redeemer of mankinde , that by faith in him he may obtaine grace and some measure of sanctification in this life , for the remission of sinnes , and fruition of glory hereafter : and for this end of religion no humane lawes do contribute any thing at all , for unto this the scriptures are sufficient being compleate in themselves , and the chiefe duty of the ministers of the gospell is to explaine and expound the true meaning of scripture to others , for doing whereof they should be learned in all necessary learning and skilfull , as also have a lawfull calling by a lawfull ordination , and for which it is very fit that they be set apart from all other imployment , and have a sufficient maintenance that they may the better attend that to which they are called ; but for the other end to glorify god , humane lawes doe contribute much , but they are required of christian kings and magistrates , and not of christian ministers , for god did from the begining put authority into the hands of the magistrate , and endowed them with effectuall meanes for inforcing of obedience to what should be commanded by them , so did he never in the hands of the priests and levites under the law , nor of the apostles under the gospell , and by consequence into the hands of no ministers whatsoever succeeding them , and god doth require of the magistrate to improve his authority ( which is the talent that god hath given him ) for the gaining of others by force and compulsion , ( when no other meanes will prevaile ) to the performance of those dutyes that are required of them , as he requires of all who are called to labour in the ministeriall function and office , to imploy their gifts and graces ( which are the talents bestowed upon them ) painfully and dilligently for the enlightning of the understanding of others , whereby every exalted thought and imagination may be brought downe , which the magistrates power and authority can never reach , for the power of the magistrate reacheth no further then to the outward life & conversation , when the operation of the ministry subdueth the will , and therefore the principall care of the magistrate is and ought to be to enforce men to live uprightly and justly as they ought to doe , for by so doing men glorify god , but this is not all , the glory that is to be performed by man to god , for besides there must be a ready submission to the will of god , springing from a perfect love to god , and grounded upon an assured confidence of gods love to us , which may be begotten and kindled in a man , but can never be inforced , and to this duty tendeth the ministers paines and labour , but it is and ought to be the christian magistrates care to provide for all that can onely be introduced by force and compulsion in the service of god , wherefore the severall ends of magistracy and of the ministry are different but not contrary , but the severall meanes by which they attaine their ends are not onely different but contrary , and those meanes which are effectuall to the one , are not only ineffectuall but uselesse to the other , for the magistrate can never attaine that end to which his authority conduceth by no perswation nor information onely , nor can the minister subdue the will nor informe the understanding by any authority from or in himselfe , and both of them have their commission immediately from god , and each of them are subject to the other without any subordination of offices from the one to the other , for the magistrate is no lesse subject to the operation of the word from the mouth of the minister then any other man whatsoever , and the minister againe is as much subject to the authority of the magistrate as any other subject whatsoever , and therefore though there be no subordination of offices , yet is there of persons , the person of the minister remaining a subject , but not the function of the ministry , but there needes not two tribunalls nor independent courts be erected to provide for their severall ends and dutyes required of them , for the minister can never attaine the end of his labours , by no judiciall processe nor legall proceedings whatsoever , and therefore all judiciall courts are needelesse and uselesse to his ends , yet are they not so to himselfe having other ends then what are required of him for the discharge of his duty and function , but it is essentiall to the magistrate to have a tribunall and judiciall courts , for the attaining of his ends and duties required of him , without which he can never discharge his dutie as he ought , but whensoever the like tribunall is erected in the church as is necessary in the state , they must be independent one of another in regard the severall offices governing church and state are so , but all that is to be got by independant tribunalls , is either dissention and discord , which is the usuall fruite that devision of authority beareth , or by compliance to provide for one anothers interests , or particular ends differing from their publick dutyes , with the manifest losse of true religion on both sides , which many times drawes downe the judgment of god upon one or both , as being a third person no lesse interressed in justice and honour then either , and many times the justice of god is most greeveous when least apprehended , as suffering men to wallow in their sins to dye in security , nor is it a small judgment to leave men to the necessary effects , which division of authority produceth : for the end of all government is the preservation of humane society , the meanes of doing whereof is by union and unity , and authority is the effectuall meanes of producing and propagating unity ? and therefore whensoever authority is divided , vnitie may alwaies , and sometimes must admit of division which destroyes it , for unity and division are destructive one of another , and when two tribunalls are erected for the determining of severall and different causes and crimes , both armed with a forcible authority , weilding swords of a different nature , agreable to their different constitutions , and without any dependency and subordination the one to the other , what lasting concord and agreement can there be beweene these two , they that mannage them must be juster then men are knowne to be , or advantages will be taken when given by the one , ( as no sublunary substances which are subject to change can remaine long in an equall ballance ) for subjecting the other ; and therefore it was , when the christian world did by a generall consent beleeve that the church having a sword though invisible , for the cutting off of all schismaticall and refractory members , no lesse really and truly then the state hath a visible materiall sword , which for the preservation of union and unity , was esteemed necessary to be put into the hands of one , and therefore willingly submitted their necks , under the imaginary stroake thereof , from the sentence of popes , or bishops of rome ; how easie was it for them by reason therof to subject all christian princes and magistrates unto a dependency and subordination unto them and their authority , and how did they trouble the christian world , by transferring of rights and stirring up of rebellion whensoever any of those princes did oppose them , or contradict their wills by a supposed intrenching upon their pretended prerogatives though usurped ▪ but when the popes right began to be questioned by some , whereby his reputation did decline , even amongst those who adhearing still to the doctrine of the church of rome as to that in which they had beene educated and bred , yet did not beleeve his censures to be so dreadfull as before they apprehended them to be ; but the edge of his sword being thereby blunted , and the edge of the temporall sword being not onely visible but sharpe , the advantage returned to princes , whereby those princes who continued in union with the church of rome , professing subjection and obedience to the spirituall authority thereof , doe notwithstanding now reduce that power and authority to which they professe subjection , unto a subordination of them and their authority to be directed by them , which will be of no longer permanency , then that church can insnare the world againe to an apprehension and beleife of the reality of their power , to beget which they continually indeavour and aspire , and have no small hopes from the differences and divisions amongst protestants , for the increasing and fomenting whereof it is not to be imagined that they are idle ; but whatsoever their hopes and practises are , their greatest strength remaineth in this , that it is generally beleeved that the church hath a spirituall authority for the cutting off of all schismaticall members , and that this authority is to be preserved in some one forme or other without any derivation thereof from any humane power , for then it cleerely and undoubtedly followeth , that whosoever by such principles of reason taken from the end of government doth incline to monarchy , and that this spirituall authority can best be preserved by the supremacy of one man , then the bishops of rome , having had for a long time , and for a long succession , and still having the possession , besides other advantages of greatnesse and power which begetteth strength and reputation , must and will be acknowledged by all those to be the onely spirituall monarch in the church armed with spirituall authority ; and whosoever out of prejudice against the church of rome , taken against her by reason of either her errours or abuses , or both , doth seperate themselves from the communion of that church , and by consequence onely free themselves from her subjection , but doe notwithstand adheare to and retaine the grounds of those errours and abuses , by acknowledging and beleeving that the same spirituall authority ( which was presupposed to have beene abused by the popes and bishops of rome as vsurpers onely over the rest of the clergy , or too great a power and consequently dangerous in the hands of any one man ) is not onely lawfull but necessary as being inherent in the function , and essentiall for the preservation of union and unity , to be preserved in some other forme which they agree upon and like better then the incontrollable supremacie of one man , then this doth necessarily follow , that albeit they free themselves from all the errours and abuses which were introduced by the supreamicie of one man , yet so long as they acknowledge that the same power and authority is resident in others , they can never free themselves of all errours and abuses which are introducible by authority , but that the property and condition of things in themselves indifferent will be changed from being indifferent and converted into the nature and necessity of absolute duties , which ever begets bondage and subjection , and sense of bondage doth ever beget desire of liberty , which can never be obtained so long as the opinion of a necessity of authority in some forme or other is retained ; and experience hath now taught us , what could not be foreseene by reason alone , without some additionall helpe from divine illumination , that in the church of england which did not onely shake off the supreamicie of the pope , but had purged her selfe of all those errours which had either crept in , or were introduced by the power of that supreamicie , by retaining of bishops , and giving them a part onely of that spirituall authority , which formerly was acknowledged to popes , and though quallifying that part by restraining it from all legislative power , or a power to inact any thing , but allowing it a power of iudicature , the effectuall operation and proper working of that part of spirituall authority , hath now fully manifested it selfe to tend to propogate superstition and errour ▪ rather then the sincerity and truth of religion ; and as the naturall motions of different bodies , differing in quality and substance tend to different centers , the naturall motion of episcopacy , hath now discovered it selfe to indeavour continually to unite it selfe to such a head to which it is capable to aspire , rather then to be in subjection under such a head to which it hath no capacity to aspyre , and that received principle of state , that episcopacy , is a support to monarchy , is now likewise discovered to be fraudulent and deceitefull , for it is true that it is a support to a spirituall monarchy or monarchy in the church , as being the basis and foundation thereof , but doth undermine and destroy monarchy in the state , especially in that state which doth trust unto it as to a supporter , and the reason is cleere , for all supporters which have no solid foundation , doe ruinate those buildings , which are erected upon them being of greater weight and substance then the foundation can beare , and the foundation of episcopacy being layed in the engrossing of spirituall authority or ecclesiasticall censures ; spirituall authority it selfe hath no other existence nor being , but what it hath in the imagination and beleefe , which is too slippery a ground to support a solid substance , such as temporall monarchy is , but may be sufficient to support an aery and imaginary bulk , such as spirituall monarchy is , which episcopacy not only supports , but continually tends towards as to its proper center , and my lord of cant. when he obtained the kings good will to confirme by his letters patents , the late canons , did put a direct cheate upon his majesty , for thereby the kings supreamicy in causes ecclesiasticall was cut off , and from thence forth his supreamicy over ecclesiasticall persons should have been rather titular then reall , if the consent of parliament could as easily have been obtained as his majesties own : but to conclud this part of my lord of cant. speech he might safely protest upon his conscience , that his majesty was a sound protestant , according to the religion by law established , yet did it not thereupon follow , that he himself was guiltles from the sentence of the law , because his actions being all warranted by his majesties consent , they could not be divided from the kings ; which is the cheife thing implied by this particular . his second particular is concerning th●… great and populous city , to which he is very kind and prayeth god to blesse it , but all his prayers for those who he conceiveth had done him injury have a sting in them , and this prayer ends reproaching those he prayes for , as if some had subordned witnesses against his life by gathering of hands , which he affirmeth to be a way that might endanger many an innocent man , and may plucks innocent blood upon their own heads , and perhaps upon this city also , which before he prayed god to blesse , and now again to forbid this judgement , but his prayers are mixed with threates and all tending to justify himself to his auditours , whereof he is never unmindefull upon all occasions , and having here occasion to mention the parliament , he bestowes glorious and honourable titles and epithrates upon it , as if that were sufficient to testify his respects thereof , but he doth contradict his owne testimony by his inferences and applications , for by inference he applyeth the gathering of hands , ( which he affirmeth to have been practised against himself , ) to the stirring up of the people against saint stephen , and to herods lying in waite for saint peters death , by observing how the people tooke the death of saint james . by which instance he must meane that great , honourable , and wise court of the kingdome , the parliament , ( those be the titles he bestowes upon them ) for it was they that gave sentence against him , as herod did against saint james , and would have done agaynst saint peter , which no christian thinkes was either honourably or wisely done of him , and therefore what opininion he had of that great , honourable , and wise court for sentencing of him may be collected , and that his esteeme of them was not so honourable as his expressions ; but whatsoever his esteeme of them was , they were his judges so will he never be theirs which he here apprehended , when he did put the city in mind of the justice of god , and how fearfull a thing it was , to fall into the hands of the living god , because god remembers and forgets not the complaynts of the poore , a lesson which he never remembred when he himselfe did sit upon the tribunall , but is of speciall comfort unto him upon the scaffold , for his blood was innocent blood , and not onely innocent blood in his owne esteeme but he had a speciall commission from god to tell them so , as jeremiah had , in the 26. chap. of jeremiah , ver. 15. the words were not expressed by him but directions given to the place , the words be these , but know ye for certaine , that if ye put me to death , you shall surely bring innocent blood upon your selves , and upon this city , and upon the inhabitants thereof : for of a truth the lord hath sent me to you to speake all these words in your eares . the words are so plaine they need no comment . his third particular is , this poore church of england , as he calls it , but from thence no observation is to be drawne , for it is an undeniable truth what is there affirmed , onely it would be inquired after , who hath beene the principall and instrumentall cause of this great change , but he hath made no application and so will i. his last particular is himselfe , and that about his religion , in which he is very breefe , choosing to expresse himselfe by circumstances which admit of a latitude that may deceive the hearer or reader , rather then positively and cleerly whereby he leaves the hearer or reader as little satisfied as if he had said nothing at all , yet doth he confesse his labouring to keep up an vniformity in the externall worship of god , but makes no mention at all of what meanes he used to doe so , for in the wayes which he tooke and in the meanes which he used consisted his cheefest guilt , but that he passeth over , and so comes at last to speake of his accusation , which was no lesse then an accusation of high treason , and by no meaner persons then by the whole commons of england assembled in their representative body in parliament , and there and by them proved agaynst him , yet hath he the confidence to say it was a crime his soule ever abhorred , howsoever he proceeds to the parts of his charge being two , an indeavour in him to subvert the law of the realm , and a like indeavour to subvert the true protestant religion established by those laws , both which he seemeth to deny , but so mistically as that his meaning is rather to be collected , then that it can be cleerely discerned . for he expresseth himselfe variously , and answereth in another forme of words then which were proposed by him ; for having propounded them , that the charge against him was an indeavour to subvert the law of the realme , and a like indeavour to overthrow the true protestant religion established by those lawes , he answereth having first protested , in the presence of almighty god , and all his holy and blessed angels , that hee did take it now upon his death , that he never endeavoured the subversion of the lawes of the realme , nor never any change of the protestant religion , into popish superstition ; the sense of which words doth imply a great change from what they were , when first propounded , for by his first proposition of them he expresseth himselfe , to have been accused of an endeavour to subvert the law of the realm ; by which word law in the singular number as in the abstract may bee understood the legislative power , or power of law-making , comprehending the frame of this government , and including king and parliament , which he was charged to overthrow , by an indeavour to introduce an arbitrary government , depending upon the will of the king alone , and excluding the parliament ; and in his answer he makes mention of the subversion of the lawes in the plurall number , where they are confined to different subjects , as to so many individuall substances , by which may be meant the particular acts and laws issued forth and derived from that power , and may comprehend them all , which no man did ever thinke or lay to his charge that he indeavoured the subversion of all the whole lawes , and of every particular , and therefore here doth appeare a fallacy and deceite , which is agreable to his former practises , so likewise in the other branch about religion he first propounds it , of an indeavour to overthrow the true protestant religion established by those lawes , and answereth , of any change of the prottestant religion into popish superstition which is a manifest difference , whereof hereafter : having occasion to speake first of his esteeme of parliaments , which he takes occasion to mention here as having bin accused as an enemie to them , the which he denies expressing a reverend esteeme of them in the generall , as of the greatest court over which no other court can have any jurisdiction in the kingdome ; but professeth his dislike against some few one or two parliaments in particular , for some misgovernments in them as he did conceive , but what those misgovernments were hee doth not expresse , onely in stead thereof a generall reason is given , coruptio optimi est pessima , but from thence he might condemne and destroy all parliaments and the best of governments , and of every thing as often as he pleaseth , if nothing more be required but that his affirmations must be admitted for proofes , for there is nothing wherein the frailty of man must bee imployed but may admit of errour , and corruption , but it doth not follow , that whatsoever may , doth ; nor doth it anywhere appeare that any of those parliaments , which hee here condemneth , were guilty at all of any such corruption as he layeth to their charge , but the contrary is manifest , and if for no other thing yet for this his esteem of them , for undoubtedly by him they should have been better esteemed , if really and truely they had been more corrupted ; for parliaments may be then said to be corrupted , when all or most part of the members do subject their votes to the determination and judgement of others , preferring the particuler pleasure , interrest or ends , of some whom they respect , before the generall good of all whom they represent ; neither is it any impossible thing so to pack a parliament as not onely the things to be proposed and debated , but the greater number of the members votes shall depend upon the pleasure of others , being agreed and united amongst themselves for a particular and sinister end ; for it is no false report but a well known and undenyable truth , that in the choice of the members of the lower house of parliament which doth depend upon a free election by the gentry , communalty , and freeholders in england , the major number within their severall limits and jurisdictions giving it to whom they please , yet the reputation of some in some places especially , hath been such as to prescribe to those who were to choose , who should be chosen by them , whereby many have been returned by the favour and recommendation of others rather then by any merit of their own , and it is probable that a designe of changing religion and altering the government having been for a long time pursued by a faction of men who had obtained power and favour about the king that they were not negligent , in making use of this advantage for their own ends , & it plainly appears that they were not , because at divers times they had recourse to parliaments in time of prosecution of the designe , before it was finished , which to some might seeme a likely meanes in all apperance to have overthrowne all such designe for ever , but the successe of those parliaments and the conclusion which they made , doth cleerely demonstrate what the designers purpose and intention was in calling them : for the end of calling of all parliaments , is either a purpose and desire of releiving the kings wants , and to supply his necessities or to redresse the grievances of the subjects , or both : for such hath been the prudence of our ancestors , in setling the frame of this government , not only to deny to their kings all power of imposing any taxes upon the subjects with out their own free consents , by their representative body assembled in parliament , but did as it were binde the hands of their kings , by their own consents signified by divers acts of parliament , from so doing for ever . for which their kings were recompensed , with a speciall and absolute prerogative of calling and dissolving of parliaments , at their will and pleasure onely . the people being thereby assured , that if a desire to right the peoples grievances , and for providing of beneficiall laws were not sufficient motives and inducements to the king for calling of parliaments ; yet the confideration of , and respect to his own necessities and wants would move him : and divers parliaments having been called , during the prosecution of this designe , which have been dissolved again , by the same prerogative that called them , without any application of redresse either to the grievances of the subjects , or to the kings wan●s , doth manifest that ( whatsoever the pretence was ) the chief end and purpose of calling those parliaments , was never neither for redresse of the subjects grievauces , nor for relief of the kings wants ; but chiefly to make triall what strength they could make in the parliament to finish their designe by authority of parliament . for having advanced their designe so farre at court by their prevalencie with his majestie , that they had obtained the possession of the greatest places , and places of greatest trust , both about his majestie and in the kingdom : they were thereby of that credit and reputation , that none were preferred to places of trust , nor to dignities , nor honors , without their approbation , if not recommendation . which did so secure them , that they needed not fear the disappointment of their designe by any opposition at court , and so farre as the kings power and prerogative could further it . but the kings prerogative being not absolute , the laws of this kingdom , and the constitution of this government , having neither conferred an absolute power nor prerogative upon the kings thereof , they could never finish their designe ( whatsoever it was ) by the kings prerogative alone , without an additionall confirmation by the subjects consents assembled in parliament whereof they were likewise assured ; if by the reputation and strength of their faction they could procure such a certain number to be returned members of the lower house , as they might be confident of , would suffer their votes to be directed by them , by which means they might hope to carry any thing in that house which should be proposed by his majestie , or in his majesties name , of whose deliberations and determinations they were the chief disposers . as for the house of peers , there was no doubt at that time of a prevalent party to concurre with them , by reason of the bishops votes , and court lords , and others who were obliged to them by many favours ; they being the chief disposers of all favours , which did either depend upon or proceed from his majesties gift . for all which causes and considerations there was no danger to call a parliament , whensoever they pleased : for if the parliament did not answer their expectation , it was in the same mens power to perswade the king to dissolve it , who had the credit to perswade his ma. to call it . his majesty suspecting no ends in them but what was pretended for his majesties service . but the succes of those parliaments declared , that the credit of the faction was not so great in the countrey as at court ; for which my l. of cant. doth here tax them with misgovernment , professing his dislike , against them onely , which must be conceived was , because they were not yet moulded nor brought to that frame to condescend to every thing that he and others should project , as was the late synod . and the great number of patentees , and monopolists chosen this parliament , and others who have deserted the parliament , and have sitten since in an anti-parliament at oxford , doth sufficiently demonstrate upon whom they depended , and for whose interests their votes have been devoted from the beginning , whether for the generall benefit of king and kingdom , or onely to serve the particular ends of such who either in all probability did recommend them , or otherwayes from whom they did expect preferment or some other reward . but from hence may be collected , that the designe for altering religion , and the frame of the government being two different things , that they were not alike intended by the designers , but that the designe for altering of religion was principally intended by them ; and that the other designe of introducing an arbitrary government to the king was but the bait to deceive the king , thereby to insinuate the better with him , and to ingage his majestie to them , and was chiefly made use of , as subservient and conducing to the other designe of religion that was the onely designe with them : which is made manifest by the progresse of both designes . for as all motions which by their slownesse or distance seem insensible to the beholder , so as at first view it cannot be discerned whither they tend , yet are easily perceived by their progresse : so the dark and disguised ends of this designe , which could not endure the light of open profession , is clearly discernable by the progresse which it hath made . for albeit that an arbitrary power in the king hath been made use of in many things , to the great prejudice of the subject , tending to the manifest destruction of the subjects liberties , and priviledges of parliament ; yet when a true account shall be taken , what great benefit hath returned to the regall authority by all that hath been done , the totall sum will be found at the end of the church-mens bill , but none at all at the kings ; where on the contrary , manifest detriment and losse will appear , and that the kings prerogative hath been stretched upon the tenters beyond its true by as , to set up and settle an absolute or independent prerogative in the church to church-men , which is inconsistent with the prerogative of the crown : for whensoever the prerogative of church-men is advanced to such a height , as that it groweth either absolute or independent , the prerogative of the crown is either subjected or undermined , and the king parts with a reall authority , depending upon his own reason and judgement chiefly , to be directed by the will and judgement of another , unlesse the smart of his sword doth terrifie more nor the apprehension of theirs , which is all the remedie that will be left him whensoever the chief governor or governors of the church and he do differ . and the remedy which the late cannons applyed for the securing of all men , against any suspicion of revolt to popery , hath manifested to all men how far the progresse to popery was advanced , when it durst appear nothing at all disguised , but under a thin vail of some few deceitfull words , in a pontificall robe of absolute authority constituting and ordaining ; and to shew how absolute and independent the protestant church of england was grown , the words ; we straitly command all parsons , vicars , and curates , and we injoyn all archbishops and bishops , and we decree and ordain ; are used all along in the severall articles published , which are all words of absolute authority and command , and the penalties inforcing obedience to all those absolute commands , are either suspension and deprivation to the clergy , or the dreadfull censures of excommunication , and casting into hell to all others . for no lesse punishment doth the sentence of excommunication imply , because the party excommunicate being cast out of all communion with the church , is thereby presupposed to be deprived of all the benefits that he may hope for by vertue of christs death and mediation , so long as he remains in the state of excommunication , which is a great terror to all them that do not rightly understand the nature of excommunication , and what the authority of church-men is , which is ever the much greater part of those who are members of any church , besides the great number of others which be in all churches that sleight the censure of excommunication , as being a censure from which they feel no present smart , without which it hath no operation with them , for the inforcing of whom especially , it was by these cannons injoyned , that every bishop shall once every yeer send into his majesties high court of chancery a significavit of all such who have stood excommunicated beyond the time limited by the law , and shall desire that the writ de excommunicato capiendo might be at once sent out against them all , ex officio . and for the better execution of their decrees , they did most humbly beseech his most sacred majestie , that the officers of the high court of chancery , whom it shall concern , may be commanded to send out the aforesaid writ from time to time , as is desired , and that the like command also may be laid upon the sheriffes and their deputies , for the due and faithfull execution of the said writs , as often as they shall be brought unto them . which whensoever they should obtain , would put the supremacy of all authority into the hands of some of the clergy , by necessitating the smarting stroke of the magistrates sword to follow of course upon notification of theirs , whereby all magistracie and law should be but executioners of their sentence , from which there was no appeal , but by submission deserving absolution , which was ordained by the authority of the foresaid synod , not to be given , untill the party to be absolved should come as a penitent , humbling himself upon his knees , and first take an oath , de parendo juri , & stando mandatis ecclesiae . and for a perpetuall subjecting of all men into a vassalage and subjection to the authority of bishops and others of the clergy , it was there decreed , that all clergy men , and all others who should take any degree of learning in any of the vniversities , and all that should be licensed to practise physick , all registers , actuaryes and proctors , all schoolmasters , and all others that should come to be incorporated in any of the vniversities here , having taken a degree in any forraigne vniversitie , should take an oath in a prescribed and set form of words , before they should be admitted to take their degrees , never to give their consent to alter the government of this church by archbishops , bishops , deans , and archdeacons , by which means , an equall allegiance should have been payed to them as to the king and his successors for ever : and all this was presented to the blinded world , and abused king , as a remedy to secure men against any suspicion of revolt to popery , which was nothing else but a publick setting up of popery , though not yet of the popes supremacy , which was to follow ; and imploying the help and assistance of the magistrates sword , and the force and power of the laws of the land to that very use and end ; for popery consisteth neither in this or that superstition nor idolatry , nor in this or that erroneous doctrine , nor in all-together , principally and chiefly ; but in the absolutenesse of spirituall authority commanding implicite obedience , to whatsoever doctrine or superstition shall be invented by man , as necessary and essentiall to the true worship of god , under the threatned pain and penalty of excommunication and interdiction , and promising the kingdome of heaven to whomsoever it pleaseth , as a gift or reward within the power of man : and the assumption of which so divine and incompetent a power to any man or mankind united together , and the deriving thereof from one solely to others , as inherent in the person or function of one onely , doth necessarily inferre and presuppose the gift of infallibility in him who doth so assume it , that he may become an unappealable judge , which doth exalt him , in the sight and esteeme of those men who do beleeve in him , and willingly submit unto him , to the nature and dignity of the incommunicable prerogative of god , and makes him undeniably the revealed antichrist to others , by usurping and possessing the throne of christ upon earth , for whom onely , such dominion and authority is reserved in heaven . and the root of popery or antichristianity ( for so it may be termed , as tending continually thither by the doctrine which it teacheth , and the authority which it usurpeth ) lieth in this very principle , that a power of excommunicating and absolving , or sending into heaven or hell , is assumed by some as depending upon the purpose and will of man , according to the nature of authority , and consented to and beleeved by others ; and the danger to temporall authority lieth in the universality and generality of the beleef and assent , and the difference between the incontrolable supremacy of the pope , and the exalted prelacy of bishops pretending to the same authority is but a difference of degrees , but not of kinds . for , for the setling of this authority into the supremacy of any one , there is a necessity of ingrossing it into the hands of some few first ; and popes had never mounted to their omnipotent throne of supremacy , if a superiority of some of the clergy invested with spirituall authority over others had not been first assented unto . for the same rule , necessity , and end requireth the supremacy of one bishop over all other bishops , that requireth the superiority of any clergy man into the dignity of a bishop over many others of the clergy : and the same danger of spirituall error indangering the soul lyeth upon all that are subject to this spirituall authority , whether it be derived from the supremacy of one , or a superiority onely of others , or from the democracy of all the clergy assembled together , or from the independencie of everyone within their severall congregations , so long as it is entertained and received in the beleef as a sufficient ground or warrant for obedience to what shall be ordained by it : and the exercising of spirituall authority under a different form of externall government onely , being a difference rather in form then substance , all of them may divide unity in the ends and consequences of government , by dividing of authority which is the preserver of unity ; but each of them doth admit of degrees of more and lesse , according as the form imbraced is more or lesse absolute . the superiority therefore of bishops over the rest of the clergie , which may be as independent as any other form , but can never be so absolute as the supremacy of the pope , in regard it can never beget nor inforce so generall a dependencie and subjection of all men unto it , wherin union and strength consisteth , is never so dangerous to that state which entertains it , as when it declares its independencie , and aspires to be absolute . and albeit that episcopacy doth continually endeavour and aspire to be united by the supremacy of one of their own order , because thereby they arise to a further degree of strength and perfection , to which all sublunary creatures have a naturall propension , inclination , and desire ; yet can they not at all times , nor whensoever they please , attaine to their desires . and the archbishop of canterbury having discovered and manifested unto the world how independent the authority of church-men here in england was grown , and how absolute they coveted to be , did give a clear evidence at the same time how farre the progresse to the popes supremacy was advanced ; which is made more manifest by the concurrence and joynt endeavours of papists of all sorts , not onely agreeing with , but labouring in the same designe with some of our clergy-men and others . for their indefatigable labours and renewed pains , with so much blood and danger to the undertakers ever since the reformation , have all tended to that end chiefly , as to the onely mark at which they have ever aymed . the threatning bals , and many dangerous conspiracies and invasions in queen elizabeths time , and the most damnable gunpowder treason in king james his time , are clear proofs how implacable their malice hath been against all reformation , that did depose the pope from his pretended right of supremacy , and how violently they have been transported to reinthrone him again , which is but the ultimate end of all such dangerous and desperate undertakings , but the immediate is alwayes and ever hath been for some particular ends to the undertakers , springing from their own ambition , and covetous desire of dominion and rule , from which papists are excluded by the laws of this land establishing the reformation : for the desire of authority , and to have a command over others is a naturall desire to all ambitious men ; and ambition is an inherent quality in all men , flowing from the operation and effectuall working of the spirituall substance of the soul , which coveteth to mount and aspire continually , but is predominant onely in some . and no man ( that may choose ) doth hazard his own life , for restitution of another to his right being lost , but he that hopes to participate and share with him or under him after the recovery , in some proportion and measure , though not in an equal degree . and since the gunpowder treason , they having not onely forborn all forcible attempts , against either the life and safety of the king , or the publick peace and tranquillity of the kingdome , untill the present rebellion in ireland did break out , upon which the warre against the parliament ensued ; but seeming extraordinarily and strangely converted in their dispositions and desires , and of deadly and implacable enemies , appearing the most dutifull subjects of all others , pretending to be the most zealous instruments for the inlargement and promotion of that power and authority which was bound by speciall interest to suppresse them , is an argument of some well studied and close followed designe , rather then any symptome of change of disposition ; for they can never change their dispositions , so long as they retain their wicked principles and false doctrines , which principally gives life and motion to the wickednesse of their dispositions , and the desire of dominion and rule is impetuous and incessant , to which they can never have a legall right in this kingdom untill all those laws be repealed which disable them ; the doing whereof and not the kings prerogative is a principall motive with them in all their undertakings and designes , and the great potencie and prevalencie of papists about his majestie in all his consultations and actions , do manifest and declare what their purposes and intentions are ; that this independent authority of bishops coveting to be so absolute ( which hath been set up of late in the church of england , and confirmed by the king , and by his prerogative royall ) shall acknowledge the pope for their head and not the king : for popes were never so munificent rewarders of any mans deserts or duties , as to part with that which they accounted their right , to give it away to another ; and papists were never so undutifull sons as to labour for the setting up of an arbitrary power and unlimited prerogative to an hereticall king : when his holinesse hath given sentence that no heretick is capable of any authority at all , and that all men are to be accounted for hereticks who deny the popes supremacy ; wherfore in the conclusion , his majestie must either part with that supremacy which the law hath given him , and submit to the popes , or be deprived of all authority whatsoever , which is all he must expect from them , or by their aid and assistance . and the great favours which hath been alwayes shewed to papists since the beginning of his majesties reigne , but more especially now , the partiall indulgence towards the bloodiest and cruellest of all rebellions , and to the most perfideous of all nations , the irish , accounting them for good subjects after so many barbarous massacres and horrid executions of an infinite number of english & scottish protestants , rather then the king shall agree with his parliament in england , for the saving of the lives of his protestant subjects here , and choosing to continue the warre in england at the expence of his english subjects lives ; by whom his majestie hath ever , and must still , if ever , subsist in power , dignity , and honour ; and to the great perill and manifest hazard of his majesties own life , rather then break off that cessation , which his majestie had not power to make with the irish , from whom his majestie never received better fruits then at a great expence of treasure , and of his other subjects lives , to reduce and keep them to a forced duty and allegiance ; and the over-ruling of his majesties reason and judgement to approve and consent to the popes supremacy in ireland , which is known and acknowledged to be destructive to his majesties supremacy and just prerogative , rather then an extirpation of episcopacy which is the foundation and assent to the popes supremacy shall be consented to in england , upon a bare presupposall that it is a necessarie support to monarchy ; when it hath never been yet examined what monarchy it supports , whether spirituall or temporall : and whether that which is a necessary supporter to the one , is compatible with the other , having shaken off the yoke of spirituall monarchy , and renounced not onely all subjection to it , but all communion with it ; and trusting of papists upon their bare words and deceitfull professions , against their known unsound tenets and doctrines , rather then the parliament and protestant subjects shall be beleeved upon their solemne vow and covenant for the preservation and defence of his majesties person and authority . and lastly , imploying of known and profest reeusants , trusting them with arms and authority , without any caution or consideration how they may be disarmed again , rather then that the parliament shall be suffered to dispose of the militia of the kingdom for the safety and security thereof for some limited time , are all clear and manifest proofs what their power and prevalence with the king is ; and do all conclude , that an arbitrary power and unlimited prerogative pretending for the king , having been made use of and exercised by them , yet was never intended for the king , nor for the improving nor advancing of the kings prerogative ; but onely to make use of it for erecting and setting up of an independent authority in the church to ecclesiasticall persons : and by means thereof to introduce the popes supremacy as the chief and ultimate end of their designe . and that his majestie hath been grosly abused , and craftily over-reached by disguised impostors , and deceitfull parasites , pretending one thing when intending the contrary . whereof amongst other things my lord of canterbury his equivocall expressions at the houre of his death giveth some light ; at what time being desirous to justifie himself publickly to the world , of his endeavours for changing the religion , he expresseth himself of endeavouring onely to change the protestant religion to popish superstition , as if there had been no other danger from popery but of introducing of grosse and absurd superstition , to many of which imbraced by them , and set up by papall authority , it may be granted him and beleeved that he was no reall friend , but might condemne them in his own opinion and judgement ; when notwithstanding it was certain and clear , that he not onely befriended , but courted and ambitiously coveted that honour and authority which did establish that superstition ; and which must of necessitie still produce some superstition or other in the worship of god : and hath now sufficiently discovered it self to endeavour continually to introduce superstition and ignorance as the principall means to induce men , by a blind devotion to submit to an implicit obedience of what shall be required of them , and imposed upon them . but that was passed over by him as a thing wherein he was not concerned ; yet his practises tending thither was the chief thing concerning religion whereof he was accused , and for which he was condemned : and possibly he might be deceived himself by the fallacy of deceitfull grounds and false principles , the consequences whereof might not appear so clearly to himself as to others , which might be the cause , why he did endeavour to justifie himself of his intentions onely ; when the charge against him , was for his practises and actions chiefly which he acknowledged to have been proved against him , by acquitting his judges as having proceeded secundum allegata & probata . for he might flatter himself with an opinion of good intentions , thinking all was necessarie and good which he went about : but thinking so , he did but deceive himself as well as others , which is the best charity that can be allowed him by the most charitable christians that are not misled by the same principles and grounds that did deceive him ; and the most favourable construction that can be made of him is , that albeit he was a great doctor and statesman also , yet was he to learn the true principles of the christian religion , when he went out of the world , and that his principles of government were no better , then his principles of religion . by the result of all which two things are demonstrated and declared . the first is , that they who do beleeve and are of opinion , that they are the onely assertors and defenders of the kings prerogative , and of the regall power , by fighting against the parliament , for the maintaining and defending of all that is established and approved by the king in this difference between king and parliament , do but contribute their help and assistance for the undermining and destroying of the regall power , and of the kings just prerogative the second is , that the king is not resisted because his will is opposed by his parliament , which is the kings great councell , and the representative body of his kingdom ; and the reason of both is , because by the constitution and frame of this government kings of this kingdom may never give away their rights , and that power and authority which they themselves have over the subjects , nor transferre the same upon any other , without the generall consent of the subjects ; which can never be obtained but by their representative body assembled in parliament . and the obtaining of his majesties will in this , would be of more dangerous consequence to himself , and to the regall authority , then ever yet appeared to himself , or can ever appear , so long as he is separated and divided from his great councell , where , by a free debate of all consequences , and by a clear discovery of all sinister ends and fraudulent practises , the truth of all can onely appear ; and without whom his majestie can determine nothing by himself , nor by his own judgement therein . the question being of exposing himself , his successors , all his subjects , and their posterity to a bondage , and subjection under a heavie yoke and forraigne head ; usurping a spirituall authority , and claiming homage and universall obedience thereunto by divine right , as being , christs vicar generall , and the supreme head of the church upon earth : and the consequences of which being , that the acknowledgement of this claime , and a generall beleef thereof onely , doth necessarily subject all other power and authority unto it ; by reason that the faculties of the soul upon which this spirituall authority hath the chiefest influence and operation , do easily subject and subdue all the powers of the body . and it is now experimentally known , that men being once subdued to the apprehension and beleef of this spirituall authority , by their intellectuals and rationall parts chiefly , they are kept in obedience as to their duty by their sensitive parts , and by all manner of forcible means , which makes it a reall power and authority that before was onely imaginary ; and by means thereof becomes a power superior , to all humane power , and cannot be contradicted nor controlled by no power nor authority , that is in man , and can neither be limited nor confined within any certain bounds , nor be directed by no rule nor law whatsoever . but notwithstanding would suddenly vanish , if the grounds and ends of all spirituall authority , to be exercised under any form of ecclesiasticall government , were fully examined , and discovered to be nothing but the imagination of man , which would infallibly follow if nothing were taken for granted without evidence and proof , which is the end of all councels and consultations , and the principall duty of every rationall man : and reason is in nature before all the other faculties of the soul , and is the foundation of all other gifts and graces whatsoever , but not the perfection , and therefore is it given to all men as a difference and distinction between man and beast : when other gifts and abilities are given onely to some ; and the end of government is discovered to man by the light of reason , and conduceth to the very being of man , which must be provided for , before any thought or consideration can be had of well being , or of any other perfection . and therefore unity , which is the preserver of humane society , must be provided for before any other duty that is required of man . for the preservation of humane society tendeth to the propagation of mankind , in which the being of man consisteth , as from which it is derived , without recourse to a new creation ; and all authority , which is the preserver of unity , must be derived from one head or fountain which in this kingdom is from the regall power . for no man denieth that the king is the head of his people ; and all men know and acknowledge that he is never in his supremacy nor absolute but by his parliament . which as it is the representative body of the people ; so is it the supreme councell of the king . and therefore without it he is neither the head of a compleat body ( but of a faction ) nor a compleat head ; for the parliament being the representative of the people becomes thereby their living soul , including the will and desires of all the people , as comprehending them all : but being the kings great councell , who is the head of the people , it doth supply the office and nature of all the externall senses which are placed in the head for the use of the body , and especially to inform and assist the intellectuall faculties inhabiting the head , for the giving of due influence upon the body , without which a body politick doth languish and consume ; being fed and nourished by the vigorous operation of the intellectuals descending from the head , as a body natural doth by sustenance and meat . wherefore what god hath conjoyned , let no man separate : and whosoever wisheth well to the prosperity of this kingdom , let him endeavour the conjunction of king and parliament : and whosoever nourisheth division between them , let them be esteemed as the betrayers of their countrey , and enemies to mankind ; and let god arise and his enemies will be scattered . but as my lord of canterbury had a legall triall , and just sentence , so may all such disguised traitors to the kingdom , and fraudulent deceivers of the king , in going about to steal from him his reall right and authority , by a counterfeit shew of making it better , perish and be confounded in their own craft as publick enemies to king and parliament , where onely the supremacy of all authority in england doth rest , with the king , and in the king ; but not in the kings will , but in his reason : which as it rendreth him most absolute , so doth it appear most eminent , by concurring with the desires of all his people , when exhibited to him by them who represents them all ; and are likewise his supreme councel , to which all other councels and courts whatsoever are subordinate and accountable : by doing whereof onely he is united with his people , and his people with him , wherein the strength of both consisteth , and then may he confidently say , if god be with us , who can be against us . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a91248e-150 1 cor. 9. 28. table-talk, being discourses of john seldon, esq or his sense of various matters of weight and high consequence, relating especially to religion and state. selden, john, 1584-1654. 1696 approx. 218 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 102 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59095 wing s2438 estc r3639 12186283 ocm 12186283 55794 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59095) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55794) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 898:8) table-talk, being discourses of john seldon, esq or his sense of various matters of weight and high consequence, relating especially to religion and state. selden, john, 1584-1654. the second edition. [10], 192, [1] p. printed for jacob tonson ... and awnsham and john churchill ..., london : 1696. reproduction of original in bodleian library. table of contents: p. [7]-[10] created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -great britain. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion table-talk : being the discourses of john selden , esq or his sense of various matters of weight and high consequence ; relating especially to religion and state. distingue tempora . the second edition . london , printed for jacob tonson , at the judge's head near the inner-temple gate in fleetstreet ; and awnsham and john churchill , at the black swan in pater-noster-row , 1696. to the honourable mr. justice hales , one of the judges of the common-pleas ; and to the much honoured edward heywood , john vaughan , and rowland jewks esquiers . most worthy gentlemen , were you not executors to that person , who ( while he liv'd ) was the glory of the nation ; yet i am confident any thing of his would find acceptance with you , and truly the sense and notion here is wholly his , and most of the words . i had the opportunity to hear his discourse twenty years together , and lest all those excellent things that usually fell from him might be lost , some of them from time to time i faithfully committed to writing , which here digested into this method , i humbly present to your hands ; you will quickly perceive them to be his by the familiar illustrations wherewith they are set off , and in which way you know he was so happy , that with a marvelous delight to those that heard him ) he would presently convey the highest points of religion , and the most important affairs of state to an ordinary apprehension . in reading be pleas'd to distinguish times , and in your fancy carry along with you , the when and the why , many of these things were spoken ; this will give them the more life , and the smarter relish . 't is possible the entertainment you find in them , may render you the more inclinable to pardon the presumption of your most obliged and most humble servant ri. milward . the table . abbies , priories , page 1 articles , 3 baptism , 4 bastard , 5 bible , scripture , 6 bishops before the parliament , 11 bishops in the parliament , 13 bishops out of the parliament , 19 books , authors , 25 canon-law , ceremony , 27 chancellour , 28 changing sides , 29 chrismas , 30 christians , 31 church , 32 church of rome , 34 churches , city , 35 clergy , 36 high commission , house of commons , 38 confession , 39 competency , 40 great conjunction , conscience . 41 consecrated places , 43 contracts , 44 council , 45 convocation , creed , 46 damnation , 47 devils , 48 self-denial , 51 duel , 52 epitaph , 53 equity , 54 evil speaking , 55 excommunication , 56 faith and works , 59 fasting-days , 60 fathers and sons , fines , 61 free-will , fryers . 62 friends , genealogy of christ , 63 gentlemen , 64 gold , hall , 65 hell , 66 holy-days , 67 humility , 68 idolatry , jews , 69 invincible ignorance , images , 70 imperial constitutions , imprisonment , 72 incendiaries , independency , 73 things indifferent , publick interest , 75 humane invention , judgments , 76 judge , 77 juggling , jurisdiction , 78 jus divinum , king , 79 king of england , 81 the king , 84 knights service , 86 land , language , 87 law , 88 law of nature , 90 learning , 91 lecturers , libels , 93 liturgy , lords in the parliament , 94 lords before the parliament . 95 marriage , 97 marriage of cosin germans , 98 measure of things , 99 difference of men , minister , divine , 100 money , 107 moral honesty , 108 mortage , number , 109 oaths , 110 oracles , 113 opinion , 114 parity , parliament , 116 parson , 119 patience , peace , 120 penance , people , 121 pleasure , 122 philosophy , 124 poetry , 125 pope , 127 popery , 130 power , state , 131 prayer , 134 preaching , 137 predestination , 144 preferment , 145 praemunire , prerogative , 148 presbytery , 149 priest of rome , 151 prophecies , 152 proverbs , question , 153 reason , 154 retaliation , reverence 155 non residency , 156 religion , 157 sabboth , 163 sacrament , salvation , 164 state , 165 superstition , subsidies , 166 simony , ship-money , 167 synod assembly , 158 thanksgiving , tythes , 171 trade , 174 tradition , transubstantiation , 175 traitor , trinity , 176 truth , 177 trial , 178 university , 179 vows . 180 usury , pious uses , 181 war , 182 witches , wife , 186 wisdom , 187 wit , 188 women , 189 year 190 zelots . 192 the discourses of john selden , esq abbies , priories , &c. 1. the unwillingness of the monks to part with their land , will fall out to be just nothing , because they were yielded up to the king by a supream hand , ( viz. ) a parliament . if a king conquer another country , the people are loath to lose their lands , yet no divine will deny , but the king may give them to whom he please . if a parliament make a law concerning leather , or any other commodity , you and i for example are parliament-men , perhaps in respect to our own private interest , we are against it , yet the major part conclude it , we are then in volv'd , and the law is good . 2. when the founder of abbies laid a curse upon those that should take away those lands , i would fain know what power they had to curse me ; 't is not the curses that come from the poor , or from any body , that hurt me , because they come from them , but because i do something ill against them that deserves god should curse me for it . on the other side , 't is not a man's blessing me that makes me blessed , he only declares me to be so , and if i do well i shall be blessed , whether any bless me or not . 3. at the time of dissolution , they were tender in taking from the abbots and priors their lands and their houses , till they surrendred them ( as most of them did ) indeed the prior of st. john's , sir richard weston , being a stout man , got into france , and stood out a whole year , at last submitted , and the king took in that priory also , to which the temple belonged , and many other houses in england , they did not then cry no abbots , no priors , as we do now no bishops , no bishops . 4. henry the fifth put away the friars , aliens , and seized to himself 100000 l. a year , and therefore they were not the protestants only that took away church lands . 5. in queen elizabeths time , when all the abbies were pulled down , all good works defaced , then the preachers must cry up justification by faith , not by good works . articles . 1. the nine and thirty articles are much another thing in latin , ( in which tongue they were made ) than they are translated into english ; they were made at three several convocations , and confirmed by act of parliament six or seven times after . there is a secret concerning them : of late ministers have subscribed to all of them , but by act of parliament that confirm'd them , they ought only to subscribe to those articles which contain matter of faith , and the doctrine of the sacraments , as appears by the first subscriptions . but bisho● bancroft ( in the convocation held in king jame's days ) he began it , that ministers should subscribe to three things , to the king's supremacy , to the common-prayer , and to the thirty nine articles ; many of them do not contain matter of faith. is it matter of faith how the church should be govern'd ? whether infants should be baptized ? whether we have any property in our goods ? &c. baptism . 1. 't was a good way to persuade men to be christned , to tell them that they had a foulness about them , viz. original sin , that could not be washed away but by baptism . 2. the baptising of children with us , does only prepare a child against he comes to be a man , to understand what christianity means . in the church of rome , it has this effect , it frees children from hell. they say they go into limbus infantum . it succeeds circumcision , and we are sure the child understood nothing of that at eight days old ; why then may not we as reasonably baptise a child at that age ? in england of late years i ever thought the parson baptiz'd his own fingers rather than the child . 3. in the primitive times they had god-fathers to see the children brought up in the christian religion , because many times , when the father was a christia● the mother was not , and sometimes , when the mother was a christian , the father was not , and therefore they made choice of two or more that were christians , to see their children brought up in that faith. bastard . 1. 't is said the 23d . of deuteron . 2. [ a bastard shall not enter into the congregation of the lord , even to the tenth generation . ] non ingredietur in ecclesiam domini , he shall not enter into the church . the meaning of the phraise is , he shall not marry a jewish woman . but upon this grosly mistaken ; a bastard at this day in the church of rome , without a dispensation , cannot take orders ; the thing haply well enough where 't is so settled ; but 't is upon a mistake , ( the place having no reference to the church ) appears plainly by what follows at the third verse [ an ammonite or moabite shall not enter into the congregation of the lord , even to the tenth generation . ] now you know with the jews an ammonite or a moabite could never be a priest ; because their priests were born so , not made . bible , scripture . 1. 't is a great question how we know scripture to be scripture , whether by the church , or by man's private spirit : let me ask you , how i know any thing ? how i know this carpet to be green ? first , because some body told me it was green ; that you call the church in your way . then after i have been told it is green , when i see that colour again , i know it to be green , my own eyes tell me it is green , that you call the private spirit . 2. the english translation of the bible is the best translation in the world , and renders the sense of the original best , taking in for the english translation , the bishop's bible as well as king james's . the translation in king james's time took an excellent way . that part of the bible was given to him who was most excellent in such a tongue ( as the apocrypha to andrew downs ) and then they met together , and one read the translation , the rest holding in their hands some bible , either of the learned tongues , or french , spanish , italian , &c. if they found any fault , they spoke ; if not he read on . 3. there is no book so translated as the bible for the purpose . if i translate a french book into english , i turn it into english phrase , not into french english [ il fait froid ] i say 't is cold , not , it makes cold ; but the bible is rather translated into english words than into english phrase . the hebraisms are kept , and the phrase of that language is kept : as for example , [ he uncover'd her shame ] which is well enough , so long as scholars have to do with it ; but when it comes among the common people , lord , what jeer do they make of it ! 4. scrutamini scripturas . these two words have undone the world ; because christ spake it to his disciples ; therefore we must all , men , women and children , read and interpret the scripture . 5. henry the eighth made a law , that all men might read the scripture , except servants ; but no woman , except ladies and gentlewomen , who had leisure and might ask somebody the meanning . the law was repeal'd in edward the sixth's days . 6. lay-men have best interpreted the hard places in the bible , such as johannes picus , scaliger , grotius , salmansius , heinsius , &c. 7. if you ask which of erasmus , beza , or grotius did best upon the new testament , 't is an idle question : for they all did well in their way . erasmus broke down the first brick , beza added many things , and grotius added much to him , in whom we have either something new , or something heighten'd , that was said before , and so 't was necessary to have them all three . 8. the text serves only to guess by , we must satisfie our selves fully out of the authors that liv'd about those times . 9. in interpreting the scripture , many do as if a man should see one have ten pounds which he reckon'd by 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. meaning four was but four unites , and five sive unites , &c. and that he had in all but ten pounds ; the other that sees him , takes not the figures together as he doth , but picks here and there , and thereupon reports , that he hath five pounds in one bag , and six pounds in another bag , and nine pounds in another bag , &c. when as in truth he hath but ten pounds in all . so we pick out a text here and there to make it serve our turn ; whereas if we take it altogether , and consider'd what went before , and what followed after , we should find it meant no such thing . 10. make no more alegories in scripture than needs must , the fathers were too frequent in them , they indeed before they fully understood the literal sense , look'd out for an alegory . the folly whereof you may conceive thus : here at the first sight appears to me in my window a glass and a book ; i take it for granted , 't is a glass and a book , thereupon i go about to tell you what they signifie ; afterwards upon nearer view , they prove no such thing ; one is a box made like a book , the other is a picture made like a glass where 's now my alegory ? 11. when men meddle with the literal text , the question is , where they should stop : in this case , a man must venture his discretion and do his best to satisfie himself and others in those places where he doubts , for although we call the scripture the word of god ( as it is ) yet it was writ by a man , a mercenary man , whose copy , either might be false , or he might make it false : for example , here were a thousand bibles printed in england with the text thus , [ thou shalt commit adultery ] the word [ not ] left out ; might not this text be mended ? 12. the scripture may have more senses besides the literal ; because god understands all things at once ; but a man's writing has but one true sense , which is that which the author meant when he writ it . 13. when you meet with several readings of the text , take heed you admit nothing against the tenets of your church ; but do as if you were going over a bridge , be sure you hold fast by the rail , and then you may dance here and there as you please ; be sure you keep to what is settled , and then you may flourish upon your various lections . 14. the apocrypha is bound with the bibles of all churches that have been hitherto . why should we leave it out ? the church of rome has her apocrypha ( viz. ) susanna and bell and the dragon , which she does not esteem equally with the rest of those books that we call apocrypha . bishops before the parliament . 1. a bishop as a bishop , had never any ecclesiastical jurisdiction : for as soon as he was electus confirmatus , that is , after the three proclamations in bow-church , he might exercise jurisdiction , before he was consecrated , not till then , he was no bishop , neither could he give orders . besides , suffragans were bishops , and they never claim'd any jurisdiction . 2. anciently the noble-men lay within the city for safety and security . the bishops houses were by the water-side , because they were held sacred persons which no body would hurt . 3. there was some sense for commendams at first , when there was a living void , and never a clerk to serve it , the bishops were to keep it till they found a fit man , but now 't is a trick for the bishop to keep it for himself . 4. for a bishop to preach , 't is to do other folks office , as if the steward of the house should execute the porter's or the cook 's place : 't is his business to see that they and all other about the house perform their duties . 5. that which is thought to have done the bishops hurt , is their going about to bring men to a blind obedience , imposing things upon them [ though perhaps small and well enough ] without preparing them , and insinuating into their reasons and fancies , every man loves to know his commander . i wear those gloves ; but perhaps if an alderman should command me , i should think much to do it : what has he to do with me ? or if he has , peradventure i do not know it . this jumping upon things at first dash will destroy all : to keep up friendship , there must be little addresses and applications , whereas bluntness spoils it quickly : to keep up the hierarchy , there must be little applications made to men , they must be brought on by little and little : so in the primitive times the power was gain'd , and so it must be continued . scaliger said of erasmus ; si minor esse voluit , major fuisset . so we may say of the bishops , si minores esse voluerint , majores fuissent . 6. the bishops were too hasty , else with a discreet slowness they might have had what they aim'd at : the old story of the fellow , that told the gentleman , he might get to such a place , if he did not ride too fast , would have fitted their turn . 7. for a bishop to cite an old canon to strengthen his new articles , is , as if a lawyer should plead an old statute that has been repeal'd god knows how long . bishops in the parliament . 1. bishops have the same right to sit in parliament as the best earls and barons , that is , those that were made by writ : if you ask one of them [ arundel , oxford , northumberland ] why they sit in the house ? they can only say , their fathers sate there before them , and their grandfather before him , &c. and so say the bishops , he that was a bishop of this place before me , sate in the house , and he that was a bishop before him , &c. indeed your latter earls and barons have it express'd in their patents , that they shall be called to the parliament . objection , but the lords sit there by blood , the bishops not . answer , 't is true , they sit not there both the same way , yet that takes not away the bishops right : if i am a parson of a parish , i have as much right to my gleab and tithe , as you have to your land which your ancestors have had in that parish eight hundred years . 2. the bishops were not barons , because they had baronies annex'd to their bishopricks ( for few of them had so , unless the old ones , canterbury , winchester , durham , &c. the new erected we are sure had none , as glocester , peterborough , &c. besides few of the temporal lords had any baronies . ) but they are barons , because they are called by writ to the parliament , and bishops were in the parliament ever since there was any mention , or sign of a parliament in england . 3. bishops may be judged by the peers , tho' in time of popery it never hapned , because they pretended they were not obnoxious to a secular court ; but their way was to cry ego sum frater domini papae , i am brother to my lord the pope , and therefore take not my self to be judged by you ; in this case they impanell'd a middlesex jury , and dispatch'd the business . 4. whether may bishops be present in cases of blood ? answ. that they had a right to give votes , appears by this , always when they did go out , they left a proxy , and in the time of the abbots , one man had 10 , 20 or 30 voices . in richard the second's time , there was a protestation against the canons , by which they were forbidden to be present in case of blood. the statute of 25th . of henry the eighth may go a great way in this business . the clergy were forbidden to use or cite any canon &c. but in the latter end of the statute , there was a clause , that such canons that were in usage in this kingdom , should be in force till the thirty two commissioners appointed should make others , provided they were not contrary to the king's supremacy . now the question will be , whether these canons for blood were in use in this kingdom or no ? the contrary whereof may appear by many presidents in r. 3. and h. 7. and the beginning of h. 8. in which time there were more attainted than since , or scarce before : the canons of irregularity of blood were never receiv'd in england , but upon pleasure . if a lay-lord was attainted , the bishops assented to his condemning , and were always present at the passing of the bill of attainder . but if a spiritual lord , they went out , as if they car'd not whose head was cut off , so none of their own . in those days , the bishops being of great houses , were often entangled with the lords in matters of treason . but when d' ye hear of bishop a traytor now ? 5. you would not have bishops meddle with temporal affairs , think who you are that say it . if a papist , they do in your church ; if an english protestant , they do among you ; if a presbyterian , where you have no bishops , you mean your presbyterian lay-elders , should meddle with temporal affairs as well as spiritual . besides all jurisdiction is temporal , and in no church , but they have some jurisdiction or other . the question then will be reduced to magis and minus ; they meddle more in one church than in another . 6. objection . bishops give not their votes by blood in parliament , but by an office annext to them , which being taken away they cease to vote , therefore there is not the same reason for them as for temporal lords . answ. we do not pretend they have that power the same way , but they have a right : he that has an office in westminster-hall for his life , the office is as much his , as his land is his that hath land by inheritance . 7. whether had the inferior clergy ever any thing to do in the parliament ? answ. no , no otherwise than thus , there were certain of the clergy that used to assemble near the parliament , with whom the bishops , upon occasion might consult ( but there were none of the convocation , as 't was afterwards settled , ( viz. ) the dean , the arch-deacon , one for the chapter , and two for the diocess ) but it happened by continuance of time ( to save charges and trouble ) their voices and the consent of the whole clergy were involved in the bishops and at this day the bishops , writs run , to bring all these to the parliament , but the bishops themselves stand for all . 8. bishops were formerly one of these two conditions , either men bred canonists and civilians , sent up and down ambassadors to rome and other parts , and so by their merit came to that greatness , or else great noble men's sons , brothers , and nephews , and so born to govern the state : now they are of a low condition , their education nothing of that way ; he gets a living , and then a greater living , and then a greater than that , and so comes to govern . 9. bishops are now unfit to govern , because of their learning , they are bred up in another law , they run to the text for something done amongst the jews that nothing concerns england ; 't is just as if a man would have a kettle , and he would not go to our brazier to have it made , as they make kettles , but he would have it made as hiram made his brass-work , who wrought in solomon's temple . 10. to take away bishops votes , is but the beginning to take them away ; for then they can be no longer useful to the king or state. 't is but like the little wimble , to let in the greater anger . objection . but they are but for their life , and that makes them always go for the king as he will have them . answer . this is against a double charity , for you must always suppose a bad king and bad bishops . then again , whether will a man be sooner content , himself should be made a slave , or his son after him ? [ when we talk of our children , we mean our selves , ] besides , they that have posterity are more obliged to the king , than they that are only for themselves , in all the reason in the world. 11. how shall the clergy be in the parliament , if the bishops are taken away ? answer . by the laity , because the bishops , in whom the rest of the clergy are included , are sent to the taking away their own votes , by being involv'd in the major part of the house . this follows naturally . 12. the bishops being put out of the house , whom will they lay the fault upon now ? when the dog is beat out of the room , where will they lay the stink ? bishops out of the parliament . 1. in the beginning bishops and presbyters were alike , like the gentlemen in the country , whereof one is made deputy lieutenant , and another justice of peace , so one is made a bishop , another a dean ; and that kind of government by arch-bishops , and bishops no doubt came in , in imitation of the temporal government , not jure divino . in time of the roman empire , where they had a legatus , there they placed an arch-bishop , where they had a rector , there a bishop , that every one might be instructed in christianity , which now they had received into the empire , 2. they that speak ingeniously of bishops and presbyters , say , that a bishop is a great presbyter , and during the time of his being bishop , above a presbyter : as your president of the colledge of physicians , is above the rest , yet he himself is no more than a doctor of physick . 3. the words [ bishop and presbyter ] are promiscuously used , that is confessed by all : and tho' the word [ bishop ] be in timothy and titus , yet that will not prove the bishops ought to have a jurisdiction over the presbyter , tho' timothy or titus had by the order that was given them : some body must take care of the rest , and that jurisdiction was but to excommunicate , and that was but to tell them they should come no more into their company . or grant they did make canons one for another , before they came to be in the state , does it follow they must do so when the state has receiv'd them into it ? what if timothy had power in ephesus , and titus in creet over the presbyters ? does it follow therefore the bishops must have the same in england ? must we be govern'd like ephesus and creet ? 4. however some of the bishops pretend to be jure divino , yet the practice of the kingdom had ever been otherwise , for whatever bishops do otherwise than the law permits , westminster-hall can controul , or send them to absolve , &c. 5. he that goes about to prove bishops jure divino , does as a man that having a sword , shall strike it against an anvil , if he strikes it a while there , he may peradventure loosen it , tho' it be never so well riveted , 't will serve to strike another sword ( or cut flesh ) but not against an anvel . 6. if you should say you hold your land by moses or god's law , and would try it by that , you may perhaps lose , but by the law of the kingdom you are sure of it ; so may the bishops by this plea of jure divino lose all . the pope had as good a title by the law of england as could be had , had he not left that , and claim'd by power from god. 7. there is no government enjoyn'd by example , but by precept ; it does not follow we must have bishops still , because we have had them so long . they are equally mad who say bishops are so jure divino that they must be continued , and they who say they are so antichristian , that they must be put away , all is as the state pleases . 8. to have no ministers , but presbyters , 't is as in the temporal state they should have no officers but constables . bishops do best stand with monarchy , that as amongst the laity , you have dukes , lords , lieutenants , judges , &c. to send down the king's pleasure to his subjects ; so you have bishops to govern the inferiour clergy : these upon occasion may address themselves to the king , otherwise every person of the parish must come , and run up to the court. 9. the protestants have no bishops in france , because they live in a catholick country , and they will not have catholick bishops ; therefore they must govern themselves as well as they may . 10. what is that to the purpose , to what end were bishops lands given to them at first ? you must look to the law and custom of the place . what is that to any temporal lord's estate , how lands were first divided , or how in william the conquerours days ? and if men at first were juggled out of their estates , yet they are rightly their successors . if my father cheat a man , and he consent to it , the inheritance is rightly mine . 11. if there be no bishops , there must be something else , which has the power of bishops , though it be in many , and then had you not as good keep them ? if you will have no half crowns , but only single pence , yet thirty single pence are half a crown ; and then had you not as good keep both ? but the bishops have done ill , 't was the men , not the function ; as if you should say , you would have no more half-crowns , because they were stolen , when the truth is they were not stolen because they were half crowns , but because they were mony , and light in a thieves hand . 12. they that would pull down the bishops and erect a new way of government , do as he that pulls down an old house , and builds another in another fashion ; there 's a great deal of do , and a great deal of trouble : the old rubbish must be carried away , and new materials must be brought ; workmen must be provided , and perhaps the old one would have serv'd as well . 13. if the parliament and presbyterian party should dispute , who should be judge ? indeed in the beginning of queen elizabeth , there was such a difference , between the protestants and papists , and sir nicholas bacon , lord chancellor , was appointed to be judge , but the conclusion was , the stronger party carried it : for so religion was brought into kingdoms , so it has been continued , and so it may be cast out , when the state pleases . 14. 't will be great discouragement to scholars , that bishops should be put down : for now the father can say to his son , and the tutor to his pupil , study hard , and you shall have vocem & sedem in parliamento ; then it must be , study hard , and you shall have a hundred a tear , if you please your parish . object . but they that enter into the ministry for preferment , are like judas that look'd after the bag. answ. it may be so , if they turn scholars at judas's age ; but what arguments will they use to persuade them to follow their books while they are young . books , authors . 1. the giving a bookseller his price for his books has this advantage , he that will do so , shall have the refusal of whatsoever comes to his hand , and so by that means get many things , which otherwise he never should have seen . so 't is in giving a bawd her price . 2. in buying books or other commodities , 't is not always the best way to bid half so much as the seller asks : witness the country fellow that went to buy two groat shillings , they ask'd him three shillings , and he bad them eighteen pence . 3. they counted the price of the books ( acts 19. 19. ) and found fifty thousand pieces of silver , that is so many sextertii , or so many three-half-pence of our money , about three hundred pound sterling . 4. popish books teach and inform , what we know , we know much out of them . the fathers , church story , schoolmen , all may pass for popish books , and if you take away them , what learning will you leave ? besides who must be judge ? the customer or the writer ? if he disallows a book , it must not be brought into the kingdom , then lord have mercy upon all scholars . these puritan preachers , if they have any things good , they have it out of popish books , tho' they will not acknowledge it , for fear of displeasing the people : he is a poor divine that cannot severe the good from the bad. 5. 't is good to have translations , because they serve as a comment , so far as the judgment of the man goes . 6. in answering a book , 't is best to be short , otherwise he that i write against will suspect i intend to weary him , not to satisfie him . besides in being long i shall give my adversary a huge advantage , somewhere or other he will pick a hole . 7. in quoting of books , quote such authors as are usually read , others you may read for your own satisfaction , but not name them . 8. quoting of authors is most for matter of fact , and then i write them as i would produce a witness , sometimes for a free expression , and then i give the author his due , and gain my self praise by reading him . 9. to quote a modern dutch man , where i may use a clasic author , is as if i were to justifie my reputation , and i neglect all persons of note and quality that know me , and bring the testimonial of the scullion in the kitchen . canon-law . if i would study the canon-law as it is used in england , i must study the heads here in use , then go to the practisers in those courts where that law is practised , and know their customs , so for all the study in the world. ceremony . 1. ceremony keeps up all things ; 't is like a penny-glass to a rich spirit , or some excellent water , without it the water were spilt , the spirit lost . 2. of all people ladies have no reason to cry down ceremonies ; for they take themselves slighted without it . and were they not used with ceremony , with complements and addresses , with legs and kissing of hands , they were the pitifulest creatures in the world ; but yet methinks to kiss their hands after their lips , as some do , is like little boys , that after they eat the apple , fall to the paring , out of a love they have to the apple . chancellour . 1. the bishop is not to sit with a chancellor in his court ( as being a thing either beneath him or beside him ) no more than the king is to sit in the king's-bench when he has made a lord-chief-justice . 2. the chancellour govern'd in the church , who was a lay-man : and therefore 't is false which they charge the bishops with , that they challenge sole jurisdiction : for the bishop can no more put out the chancellor than the chancellor the bishop . they were many of them made chancellors for their lives , and he is the fittest man to govern , because divinity so overwhelms the rest . changing sides . 1. 't is the tryal of a man to see if he will change his side ; and if he be so weak as to change once , he will change again . your country fellows have a way to try if a man be weak in the hams , by coming behind him and giving him a blow unawares , if he bend once , he will bend again . 2. the lords that fall from the king after they have got estates , by base flattery at court , and now pretend conscience , do as a vintner , that when he first sets up , you may bring your wench to his house , and do your things there ; but when he grows rich , he turns conscientious , and will sell no wine upon the sabbath-day . 3. colonel goring serving first the one side and then the other , did like a good miller that knows how to grind which way soever the wind sits . 4. after luther had made a combustion in germany about religion , he was sent to by the pope , to be taken off , and offer'd any preferment in the church , that he would make choice of : luther answered , if he had offer'd half as much at first , he would have accepted it ; but now he had gone so far , he could not come back : in truth he had made himself a greater thing than they could make him ; the german princes courted him , he was become the author of a sect ever after to be call'd lutherans . so have our preachers done that are against the bishops ; they have made themselves greater with the people than they can be made the other way ; and therefore there is the less charity probably in bringing them off . charity to strangers is enjoyn'd in the text ; by strangers is there understood those that are not of our own kin , strangers to your blood ; not those you cannot tell whence they come , that is , to be charitable to your neighbours whom you know to be honest poor people . christmass . 1. christmass succeeds the saturnalia , the same time , the same number of holy-days , then the master waited upon the servant like the lord of misrule . 2. our meats and our sports ( much of them ) have relation to church-works . the coffin of our christmass-pies in shape long , is in imitation of the cratch ; our chusing kings and queens on twelfth-night , hath reference to the three kings . so likewise our eating of fritters , whipping of tops , roasting of herrings , jack of lents , &c. they were all in imitation of church-works , emblems of martyrdom . our tansies at easter have reference to the bitter herbs ; tho' at the same time 't was always the fashion for a man to have a gammon of bacon , to shew himself to be no jew . christians . 1. in the high-church of jerusalem , the christians were but another sect of jews , that did believe the messias was come . to be called , was nothing else , but to become a christian , to have the name of a christian , it being their own language : for among the jews , when they made a doctor of law , 't was said he was called . 2. the turks tell their people of a heaven where there is sensible pleasure , but of a hell where they shall suffer they don't know what . the christians quite invert this order , they tell us of a hell where we shall feel sensible pain , but of a heaven where we shall enjoy we can't tell what . 3. why did the heathens object to the christians , that they worship an asses head ? you must know , that to a heathen , a jew and a christian were all one , that they regarded him not , so he was not one of them . now that of the asses head might proceed from such a mistake as this ; by the jews law , all the firstlings of cattle were to be offered to god , except a young ass , which was to be redeemed , a heathen being present , and seeing young calves and young lambs kill'd at their sacrifices , only young asses redeem'd , might very well think they had that silly beast in some high estimation , and thence might imagine they worshipped it as a god. church . 1. heretofore the kingdom let the church alone , let them do what they would , because they had something else to think of , ( viz. ) wars ; but now in time of peace , we begin to examine all things , will have nothing but what we like , grow dainty and wanton , just as in a family the heir uses to go a hunting , he never considers how his meal is drest , takes a bit , and away ; but when he stays within , then he grows curious , he does not like this , nor he does not like that he will have his meat drest his own way , or peradventure he will dress it himself . 2. it hath ever been the gain of the church when the king will let the church have no power to cry down the king and cry up the church : but when the church can make use of the king's power , then to bring all under the king's prerogative , the catholicks of england go one way , and the court-clergy another . 3. a glorious church is like a magnificent feast , there is all the variety that may be , but every one chuses out a dish or two that he likes , and lets the rest alone : how glorious soever the church is , every one chuses out of it his own religion , by which he governs himself , and lets the rest alone . 4. the laws of the church are most favourable to the church , because they were the church's own making ; as the heralds are the best gentlemen , because they make their own pedigree . 5. there is a question about that article , concerning the power of the church , whether these words [ of having power in controversies of faith ] were not stoln in , but 't is most certain they were in the book of articles that was confirm'd , though in some editions they have been left out : but the article before tells you , who the church is , not the clergy , but coetus sidelium . church of rome . 1. before a juglar's tricks are discover'd we admire him , and give him money , but afterwards we care not for them ; so 't was before the discovery of the juggling of the church of rome . 2. catholicks say , we out of our charity believe they of the church of rome may be saved : but they do not believe so of us . therefore their church is better according to our selves : first , some of them no doubt believe as well of us , as we do of them , but they must not say so : besides , is that an argument their church is better than ours because it has less charity ? 3. one of the church of rome will not come to our prayers , does that agree he doth not like them ? i would fain see a catholick leave his dinner , because a nobleman's chaplain says grace , nor haply would he leave the prayers of the church , if going to church were not made a mark of distinction between a protestant and a papist . churches . 1. the way coming into our great churches , was anciently at the west-door , that men might see the altar and all the church before them , the other doors were but posterns . city . 1. what makes a city ? whether a bishoprick or any of that nature ? answer . 't is according to the first charter which made them a corporation . if they are incorporated by name of civitas , they are a city , if by the name of burgum , then they are a burrough . 2. the lord mayor of london by their first charter , was to be presented to the king , in his absence , to the lord chief justiciary of england , afterwards to the lord chancellor , now to the barons of the exchequer ; but still there was a reservation , that for their honour they should come once a year to the king , as they do still . clergy . 1. though a clergy-man have no faults of his own , yet the faults of the whole tribe shall be laid upon him , so that he shall be sure not to lack . 2. the clergy would have us believe them against our own reason , as the woman would have had her husband against his own eyes : what! will you believe your own eyes before your own sweet wife . 3. the condition of the clergy towards their prince , and the condition of the physician is all one : the physicians tell the prince they have agaric and rubarb , good for him , and good for his subjects bodies ; upon this he gives them leave to use it ; but if it prove naught , then away with it , they shall use it no more : so the clergy tell the prince they have physick good for his soul , and good for the souls of his people ; upon that he admits them : but when he finds by experience they both trouble him and his people , he will have no more to do with them , what is that to them , or any body else , if a king will not go to heaven . 4. a clergy-man goes not a dram further than this , you ought to obey your prince in general ; [ if he does he is lost ] how to obey him , you must be inform'd by those whose profession it is to tell you . the parson of the tower ( a good discreet man ) told dr. mosely , ( who was sent to me and the rest of the gentlemen committed the 3d caroli , to persuade us to submit to the king ) that they found no such words as [ parliament , habeas corpus , return , tower , &c. ] neither in the fathers , nor the schoolmen , nor in the text ; and therefore for his part he believed he understood nothing of the business . a satyr upon all those clergy-men that meddle with matters they do not understand . 5. all confess there never was a more learned clergy , no man taxes them with ignorance . but to talk of that , is like the fellow that was a great wencher ; he wish'd god would forgive him his leachery , and lay usury to his charge . the clergy have worse faults . 6. the clergy and laity together are never like to do well , 't is as if a man were to make an excellent feast , and should have his apothecary and his physician come into the kitchen : the cooks if they were let alone would make excellent meat , but then comes the apothecary and he puts rubarb into one sauce and agrick into another sauce . chain up the clergy on both sides . high commission . 1. men cry out upon the high commission , as if the clergy-men only had to do in it , when i believe there are more lay-men in commission there , than clergy-men ; if the lay-men will not come , whose fault is that ? so of the star-chamber , the people think the bishops only censur'd prin , burton , and bastwick , when there were but two there , and one spake not in his own cause . house of commons . 1. there be but two erroneous opinions in the house of commons , that the lords sit only for themselves , when the truth is , they sit as well for the common-wealth . the knights and burgesses sit for themselves and others , some for more , some for fewer , and what is the reason ? because the room will not hold all ; the lords being few , they all come , and imagine the room able to hold all the commons of england , then the lords and burgesses would sit no otherwise than the lords do . the second error is , that the house of commons are to begin to give subsidies , yet if the lords dissent they can give no money . 2. the house of commons is called the lower house , in twenty acts of parliament , but what are twenty acts of parliament amongst friends ? 3. the form of a charge runs thus , i accuse in the name of all the commons of england , how then can any man be as a witness , when every man is made the accuser ? confession . 1. in time of parliament it used to be one of the first things the house did , to petition the king that his confessor might be removed , as fearing either his power with the king , or else , lest he should reveal to the pope what the house was in doing , as no doubt he did when the catholick cause was concerned . 2. the difference between us and the papists is , we both allow contrition , but the papists make confession a part of contrition ; they say a man is not sufficiently contrite , till he confess his sins to a priest. 3. why should i think a priest will not reveal confession , i am sure he will do any thing that is forbidden him , haply not so often as i , the utmost punishment is deprivation ; and how can it be proved , that ever any man revealed confession , when there is no witness ? and no man can be witness in his own cause . a meer gullery . there was a time when 't was publick in the church , and that is much against their auricular confession . competency . 1. that which is a competency for one man , is not enough for another , no more than that which will keep one man warm , will keep another man warm ; one man can go in doublet and hose , when another man cannot be without a cloak , and yet have no more cloaths than is necessary for him . great conjunction . the greatest conjunction of satan and jupiter , happens but once in eight hundred years , and therefore astrologers can make no experiments of it , nor foretel what it means , ( not but that the stars may mean something , but we cannot tell what ) because we cannot come at them . suppose a planet were a simple , or an herb , how could a physician tell the vertue of that simple , unless he could come at it , to apply it ? conscience . 1. he that hath a scrupulous conscience , is like a horse that is not well weigh'd , he starts at every bird that flies out of the hedge . 2. a knowing man will do that , which a tender conscience man dares not do , by reason of his ignorance , the other knows there is no hurt , as a child is afraid to go into the dark , when a man is not , because he knows there is no danger . 3. if we once come to leave that outloose , as to pretend conscience against law , who knows what inconvenience may follow ? for thus , suppose an anabaptist comes and takes my horse , i sue him , he tells me he did according to his conscience , his conscience tells him all things are common amongst the saints , what is mine is his ; therefore you do ill to make such a law , if any man takes another's horse he shall be hang'd . what can i say to this man ? he does according to his conscience . why is not he as honest a man as he that pretends a ceremony establish'd by law , is against his conscience ? generally to pretend conscience against law , is dangerous , in some cases haply we may . 4. some men make it a case of conscience , whether a man may have a pidgeon-house , because his pidgeons eat other folks corn. but there is no such thing as conscience in the business , the matter is , whether he be a man of such quality , that the state allows him to have a dove-house , if so , there 's an end of the business , his pidgeons have a right to eat where they please themselves . consecrated places . 1. the jews had a peculiar way of consecrating things to god , which we have not . 2. under the law , god , who was master of all , made choice of a temple to worship in , where he was more especially present : just as the master of the house , who owns all the house , makes choice of one chamber to lie in , which is called the master's chamber ; but under the gospel there was no such thing , temples and churches are set apart for the conveniency of men to worship in ; they cannot meet upon the point of a needle , but god himself makes no choice . 3. all things are gods already , we can give him no right by consecrating any , that he had not before , only we set it apart to his service . just as a gardiner brings his lord and master a basket of apricocks , and presents them , his lord thanks him , perhaps gives him something for his pains , and yet the apricocks were as much his lord 's before as now . 4. what is consecrated , is given to some particular man , to do god service , not given to god , but given to man , to serve god : and there 's not any thing , lands , or goods , but some men or other have it in their power , to dispose of as they please . the saying things consecrated cannot be taken away , makes men afraid of consecration . 5. yet consecration has this power , when a man has consecrated any thing to god , he cannot of himself take it away . contracts . 1. if our fathers have lost their liberty , why may not we labour to regain it ? answ. we must look to the contract , if that be rightly made we must stand to it ; if we once grant we may recede from contracts , upon any inconveniency that may afterwards happen , we shall have no bargain kept . if i sell you a horse , and do not like my bargain , i will have my horse again . 2. keep your contracts , so far a divine goes , but how to make our contracts is left to our selves ; and as we agree upon the conveying of this house , or that land , so it must be . if you offer me a hundred pounds for my glove , i tell you what my glove is , a plain glove , pretend no virtue in it , the glove is my own , i profess not to sell gloves , and we agree for an hundred pounds , i do not know why i may not with a safe conscience take it . the want of that common obvious distinction of jus praeceptivum , and jus permissivum , does much trouble men. 3. lady kent articled with sir edward herbert , that he should come to her when she sent for him , and stay with her as long as she would have him , to which he set his hand ; then he articled with her , that he should go away when he pleas'd , and stay away as long as he pleas'd , to which she set her hand . this is the epitome of all the contracts in the world , betwixt man and man , betwixt prince and subject , they keep them as long as they like them , and no longer . council . 1. they talk ( but blasphemously enough ) that the holy ghost is president of their general councils , when the truth is , the odd man is still the holy ghost . convocation . 1. when the king sends his writ for a parliament , he sends for two knights for a shire , and two burgesses for a corporation : but when he sends for two arch-bishops for a convocation , he commands them to assemble the whole clergy , but they out of custom amongst themselves send to the bishops of their provinces to will them to bring two clerks for a diocess , the dean , one for the chapter , and the arch-deacons ; but to the king every clergy-man is there present . 2. we having nothing so nearly expresses the power of a convocation , in respect of a parliament , as a court-leet , where they have a power to make by-laws , as they call them ; as that a man shall put so many cows , or sheep in the common , but they can make nothing that is contrary to the laws of the kingdom . creed . 1. a thanasius's creed is the shortest , take away the preface , and the force , and the conclusion , which are not part of the creed . in the nicene creed it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i believe in the church ; but now , as our common-prayer has it , i believe one catholick and apostolick church : they like not creeds , because they would have no forms of faith , as they have none of prayer , though there be more reason for the one , than for the other . damnation . 1. if the physician sees you eat any thing that is not good for your body , to keep you from it , he crys 't is poyson ; if the divine sees you do any thing that is hurtful for your soul , to keep you from it , he crys you are damn'd . 2. to preach long , loud , and damnation , is the way to be cry'd up . we love a man that damns us , and we run after him again to save us . if a man had a sore leg , and he should go to an honost judicious chyrurgeon , and he should only bid him keep it warm , and anoint with such an oyl ( an oyl well known ) that would do the cure , haply he would not much regard him , because he knows the medicine beforehand an ordinary medicine . but if he should go to a surgeon that should tell him , your leg will gangreen within three days , and it must be cut off , and you will die , unless you do something that i could tell you , what listning there would be to this man ? oh , for the lord's sake , tell me what this is , i will give you any content for your pains . devils . 1. why have we none possest with devils in england ? the old answer is , the protestants the devil hath already , and the papists are so holy , he dares not meddle with them . why , then beyond seas where a nun is possest , when a hugonot comes into the church , does not the devil hunt them out ? the priest teaches him , you never saw the devil throw up a nun's coats , mark that , the priest will not suffer it , for then the people will spit at him . 2. casting out devils is meer juggling ; they never cast out any but what they first cast in . they do it where for reverence no man shall dare to examine it , they do it in a corner , in a mortice-hole , not in the market-place . they do nothing but what may be done by art , they make the devil fly out of the window , in the likeness of a bat or a rat , why do they not hold him ? why in the likeness of a bat , or a rat , or some creature ? that is , why not in some shape we paint him in , with claws and horns ? by this trick they gain much , gain upon mens fancies , and so are reverenc'd : and certainly if the priest deliver me from him that is my most deadly enemy , i have all the reason in the world to reverence him . objection . but if this be juggling , why do they punish impostures ? answer . for great reason , because they don't play their part well , and for fear others should discover them ; and so all of them ought to be of the same trade . 3. a person of quality came to my chamber in the temple , and told me he had two devils in his head [ i wonder'd what he meant ] and just at that time , one of them bid him kill me , [ with that i begun to be afraid , and thought he was mad ] he said he knew i could cure him ; and therefore entreated me to give him something ; for he was resolved he would go to no body else . i perceiving what an opinion he had of me , and that 't was only melancholly that troubl'd him , took him in hand , warranted him , if he would follow my directions , to cure him in a short time . i desired him to let me be alone about an hour , and then to come again , which he was very willing to . in the mean time i got a card , and lap'd it up handsome in a piece of taffata , and put strings to the taffata , and when he came , gave it him to hang about his neck , withal charged him , that he should not disorder himself neither with eating or drinking , but eat very little of supper , and say his prayers duly when he went to bed , and i made no question but he would be well in three or four days . within that time i went to dinner to his house , and ask'd him how he did ? he said he was much better , but not perfectly well , or in truth he had not dealt clearly with me . he had four devils in his head , and he perceiv'd two of them were gone , with that which i had given him , but the other two troubled him still . well , said i , i am glad two of them are gone , i make no doubt but to get away the other two likewise ; so i gave him another thing to hang about his neck . three days after he came to me to my chamber and profest he was now as well as ever he was in his life , and did extreamly thank me for the great care i had taken of him . i fearing lest he might relapse into the like distemper , told him that there was none but my self , and one physician more in the whole town that could cure the devils in the head , and that was dr. harvey ( whom i had prepar'd ) and wish'd him if ever he found himself ill in my absence , to go to him , for he could cure his disease as well as my self . the gentleman lived many years and was never troubled after . self denyal . 1. 't is much the doctrine of the times , that men should not please themselves , but deny themselves every thing they take delight in ; not look upon beauty , wear no good cloaths , eat no good meat , &c. which seems the greatest accusation that can be upon the maker of all good things . if they be not to be us'd , why did god make them ? the truth is , they that preach against them , cannot make use of them their selves , and then again , they get esteem by seeming to contemn them . but mark it while you live , if they do not please themselves as much as they can , and we live more by example than precept . duel . 1. a duel may still be granted in some cases by the law of england , and only there . that the church allow'd it antiently , appears by this , in their publick liturgies there were prayers appointed for the duelists to say , the judg used to bid them go to such a church and pray , &c. but whether is this lawful ? if you grant any war lawful , i make no doubt but to convince it . war is lawful , because god is the only judge between two , that is supream . now if a difference happen between two subjects , and it cannot be decided by humane testimony , why may they not put it to god to judge between them by the permission of the prince ? nay , what if we should bring it down for argument's sake , to the sword-men . one gives me the lye , 't is a great disgrace to take it , the law has made no provision to give remedy for the injury ( if you can suppose any thing an injury for which the law gives no remedy ) why am not i in this case supream , and may therefore right my self . 2. a duke ought to fight with a gentleman ; the reason is this , the gentleman will say to the duke 't is true , you hold a higher place in the state than i ; there 's a great distance between you and me , but your dignity does not priviledge you to do me an injury ; as soon as ever you do me an injury , you make your self my equal , and as you are my equal i challenge you , and in sense the duke is bound to answer him . this will give you some light to understand the quarrel betwixt a prince and his subjects ; tho' there be a vast distance between him and them , and they are to obey him , according to their contract , yet he hath no power to do them an injury ; then they think themselves as much bound to vindicate their right , as they are to obey his lawful commands ; nor is there any other measure of justice left upon earth but arms. epitaph . an epitaph must be made fit for the person for whom it is made ; for a man to say all the excellent things that can be said upon one , and call that his epitaph , is as if a painter should make the handsomest piece he can possibly make , and say 't was my picture . it holds in a funeral sermon . equity . 1. equity in law , is the same that the spirit is in religion , what every one pleases to make it , sometimes they go according to conscience , sometimes according to law , sometimes according to the rule of court. 2. equity is a roguish thing , for law we have a measure , know what to trust to , equity is according to the conscience of him that is chancellor , and as that is larger or narrower , so is equity . 't is all one as if they should make the standard for the measure , we call a chancellor's foot , what an uncertain measure would this be ? one chancellor has a long foot , another a short foot , a third an indifferent foot : 't is the same thing in the chancellor's conscience . 3. that saying , do as you would be done to , is often misunderstood , for 't is not thus meant , that i a private man should do to you a private man , as i would have you to me , but do , as we have agreed to do one to another by publick agreement . if the prisoner should ask the judge , whether he would be content to be hang'd , were he in his case , he would answer no. then says the prisoner , do as you would be done to ; neither of them must do as private men , but the judge must do by him as they have publickly agreed , that is both judge and prisoner have consented to a law , that if either of them steal , they shall be hang'd . evil speaking . 1. he that speaks ill of another commonly before he is aware , makes himself such a one as he speaks against ; for if he had civility or breeding he would forbear such kind of language . 2. a gallant man is above ill words : an exemple we have in the old lord of salisbury ( who was a great wise man ) stone had call'd some lord about court , fool , the lord complains , and has stone whipt ; stones cries , i might have called my lord of salisbury fool often enough , before he would have had me whipt . 3. speak not ill of a great enemy , but rather give him good words , that he may use you the better , if you chance to fall into his hands : the spaniard did this when he was dying ; his confessor told him ( to work him to repentance ) how the devil tormented the wicked that went to hell : the spaniard replying , called the devil my lord. i hope my lord the devil is not so cruel , his confessor reproved him . excuse me said the don , for calling him so , i know not into what hands i may fall , and if i happen into his , i hope he will use me the better for giving him good words . excommunication . 1. that place they bring for excommunication [ put away from among your selves that wicked person , 1 cor. 5. cha. 13. verse . ] is corrupted in the greek for it should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , put away that evil from among you , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that evil person , besides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the devil in scripture , and it may be so taken there ; and there is a new edition of theodoret come out , that has it right 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is true the christians before the civil state became christian , did by covenant and agreement set down how they should live , and he that did not observe what they agreed upon , should come no more amongst them , that is , be excommunicated . such men are spoken of by the apostle [ romans 1. 31. ] whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the vulgar has it , incomposit , & sine faedre , the last word is pretty well , but the first not at all ; origen in his book against celsus , speaks of the christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the translation renders it conventus , as it signifies a meeting , when it is plain it signifies a covenant , and the english bible turned the other word well , covenant-breakers . pliny tells us , the christians took an oath amongst themselves to live thus , and thus . 2. the other place [ dic ecclesiae ] tell the church , is but a weak ground to raise excommunication upon , especially from the sacrament , the lesser excommunication , since when that was spoken , the sacrament was instituted . the jews ecclesia was their sanhedrim ; their court : so that the meaning is , if after once or twice admonition , this brother will not be reclaim'd , bring him thither . 3. the first excommunication was 180 years after christ , and that by victor , bishop of rome : but that was no more than this , that they should communicate and receive the sacrament amongst themselves , not with those of the other opinion : the controversie ( as i take it ) being about the feast of easter . men do not care for excommunication , because they are shut out of the church , or delivered up to satan , but because the law of the kingdom takes hold of them , after so many days a man cannot sue , no not for his wife , if you take her from him ; and there may be as much reason , to grant it for a small fault , if there be contumacy , as for a great one . in wectminster-hall you may out-law a man for forty shillings , which is their excommunication , and you can do no more for forty thousand pound . 4. when constantine became christian , he so fell in love with the clergy , that he let them be judges of all things ; but that continued not above three or four years , by reason they were to be judges of matters they understood not , and then they were allowed to meddle with nothing but religion ; all jurisdiction belonged to him , and he scanted them out as much as he pleas'd , and so things have since continued . they excommunicate for three or four things , matters concerning adultery , tythes , wills , &c. which is the civil punishment the state allows for such faults . if a bishop excommunicate a man for what he ought not , the judge has power to absolve and punish the bishop : if they had that jurisdiction from god , why does not the church excommunicate for murder , for theft ? if the civil power might take away all but three things , why may they not take them away too ? if this excommunication were taken away , the presbyters would be quiet ; 't is that they have a mind to , 't is that they would fain be at . like the wench that was to be married ; she ask'd her mother when 't was done , if she should go to bed presently : no , says her mother , you must dine first , and then to bed mother ? no you must dance after dinner , and then to bed mother ? no , you must go to supper , and then to bed mother , &c. faith and works . 1. t was an unhappy division that has been made between faith and works : tho' in my intellect i may divide them , just as in the candle , i know there is both light and heat . but yet put out the candle , and they are both gone , one remains not without the other : so 't is betwixt faith and works ; nay , in a right conception fides est opus , if i believe a thing because i am commanded , that is opus . fasting-days . 1. what the church debars us one day , she gives us leave to take out in another . first we fast , and then we feast ; first there is a carnival , and then a lent. 2. whether do humane laws bind the conscience ? if they do , 't is a way to ensnare : if we say they do not , we open the door to disobedience . answ. in this case we must look to the justice of the law , and intention of the law-giver : if there be no justice in the law , 't is not to be obey'd : if the intention of the law-giver be absolute , our obedience must be so too . if the intention of the law-giver enjoyn a penalty as a compensation for the breach of the law , i sin not if i submit to the penalty : if it enjoyn a penalty , as a future enforcement of obedience to the law , then ought i to observe it , which may be known by the often repetition of the law. the way of fasting is enjoyn'd unto them , who yet do not observe it : the law enjoyns a penalty as an enforcement to obedience ; which intention appears by the often calling upon us , to keep that law by the king and the dispensation of the church to such as are not able to keep it , as young children , old folks , diseas'd men , &c. fathers and sons . 1. it hath ever been the way for fathers , to bind their sons , to strengthen this by the law of the land : every one at twelve years of age is to take the oath of allegiance in court-leets , whereby he swears obedience to the king. fines . 1. the old law was , that when a man was fin'd , he was to be fin'd salvo conteneniento , so as his countenance might be safe , taking countenance in the same sense as your country-man does , when he says , if you will come unto my house , i will shew you the best countenance i can , that is not the best face , but the best entertainment . the meaning of the law was , that so much should be taken from a man , such a cobbet sliced off , that yet not withstanding he might live in the same rank and condition he lived in before ; but now they fine men ten times more than they are worth . free-will . 1. the puritans who will allow no free-will at all , but god does all , yet will allow the subject his liberty to do , or not to do , notwithstanding the king , the god upon earth . the armenians , who hold we have free-will , yet say , when we come to the king , there must be all obedience , and no liberty to be stood for . fryers . 1. the fryers say they possess nothing , whose then are the lands they hold ? not their superiour's , he hath vow'd poverty as well as they , whose then ? to answer this , 't was decreed they should say they were the popes . and why must the fryers be more perfect than the pope himself ? 2. if there had been no fryers , christendom might have continued quiet , and things remain at a stay . if there had been no lecturers ( which succeed the fryers in their way ) the church of england might have stood , and flourisht at this day . friends . 1. old friends are best . king james us'd to call for his old shoos , they were easiest for his feet . genealogy of christ. 1. tthey that say the reason why joseph's pedigree is set down , and not mary's , is , because the descent from the mother is lost , and swallowed up , say something ; but yet if a jewish woman , marry'd with a gentil , they only took notice of the mother , not of the father ; but they that say they were both of a tribe , say nothing ; for the tribes might marry one with another , and the law against it was only temporary , in the time while joshua was dividing the land , lest the being so long about it , there might be a confusion . 2. that christ was the son of joseph is most exactly true . for though he was the son of god , yet with the jews , if any man kept a child , and brought him up , and call'd him son , he was taken for his son ; and his land ( if he had any ) was to descend upon him ; and therefore the genealogy of joseph is justly set down . gentlemen . 1. what a gentleman is , 't is hard with us to define ; in other countries he is known by his priviledges ; in westminster-hall he is one that is reputed one ; in the court of honour , he that hath arms. the king cannot make a gentleman of blood [ what have you said ] nor god almighty , but he can make a gentleman by creation . if you ask which is the better of these two , civilly , the gentleman of blood , morally , the gentleman by creation may be the better ; for the other may be a debauch'd man , this a person of worth. 2. gentlemen have ever been more temperate in their religion , than the common people , as having more reason , the others running in a hurry . in the beginning of christianity , the fathers writ contra gentes , and contra gentiles , they were all one : but after all were christians , the beter sort of people still retain'd the name of gentiles , throughout the four provinces of the roman empire ; as gentil-hommel in french , gentil homo , in italian , gentil-huombre in spanish , and gentil-man in english : and they , no question , being persons of quality , kept up those feasts which we borrow from the gentils ; as christmas , candlemas , may-day , &c. continuing what was not directly against christianity , which the common people would never have endured . gold. 1. there are two reasons , why these words ( jesus autem transiens per medium eorum ibat ) were about our old gold : the one is , because riply , the alchymist , when he made gold in the tower , the first time he found it he spoke these words [ per medium eorum ] that is , per medium ignis & sulphuris . the other , because these words were thought to be a charm , and that they did bind whatsoever they were written upon , so that a man could not take it away . to this reason i rather incline . hall. 1. the hall was the place where the great lord us'd to eat , ( wherefore else were the halls made so big ? ) where he saw all his servants and tenants about him . he eat not in private , except in time of sickness ; when once he became a thing coop'd up , all his greatness was spoil'd . nay the king himself used to eat in the hall , and his lords sate with him , and then he understood men. hell. 1. there are two texts for christ's descending into hell : the one psal. 16. the other acts the 2d . where the bible , that was in use when the thirty nine articles were made has it ( hell. ) but the bible that was in queen elizabeth's time , when the articles were confirm'd , reads it ( grave , ) and so it continued till the new translation in king jame's time , and then 't is hell again . but by this we may gather the church of england declin'd as much as they could , the descent , otherwise they never would have alter'd the bible . 2. [ he descended into hell ] this may be the interpretation of it . he may be dead and buried , then his soul ascended into heaven . afterwards he descended again into hell , that is , into the grave , to fetch his body , and to rise again . the ground of this interpretation is taken from the platonick learning , who held a metampsychosis , and when a soul did descend from heaven , to take another body , they call'd it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the lower world , the state of mortality : now the first christians many of them were platonick philosophers , and no question spake such language as was then understood amongst them . to understand by hell the grave is no tautology , because the creed first tells what christ suffered , he was crucified , dead , and buried ; then it tells us what he did , he descended into hell , the third day he rose again , he ascended , &c. holy-days . 1. they say the church imposes holy-days , there 's no such thing , tho' the number of holy-days is set down in some of our common-prayer books . yet that has relation to an act of parliament , which forbids the keeping of any holy-days in time of popery ; but those that are kept , are kept by the custom of the country , and i hope you will not say the church imposes that . humility . 1. humility is a vertue all preach , none practise , and yet every body is content to hear . the master thinks it good doctrine for his servant , the laity for the clergy , and the clergy for the laity . 2. there is humilitas quaedam in vitio . if a man does not take notice of that excellency and perfection that is in himself , how can he be thankful to god , who is the author of all excellency and perfection ? nay , if a man hath too mean an opinion of himself , 't will render him unserviceable both to god and man. 3. pride may be allow'd to this or that degree , else a man cannot keep up his dignity . in gluttony there must be eating , in drunkenness there must be drinking ; 't is not the eating , nor 't is not the drinking that is to be blam'd , but the excess . so in pride . idolatry . 1. idolatry is in a man 's own thought , not in the opinion of another . put case i bow to the altar , why am i guilty of idolatry ? because a stander by thinks so ; i am sure i do not believe the altar to be god , and the god i worship may be bow'd to in all places , and at all times . jews . 1. god at the first gave laws to all manking , but afterwards he gave peculiar laws to the jews , which they were only to observe . just as we have the common law for all england , and yet you have some corporations , that besides that have peculiar laws and priviledges to themselves . 2. talk what you will of the jews , that they are cursed , they thrive where e'er they come , they are able to oblige the prince of their country , by lending him money ; none of them beg , they keep together , and for their being hated , my life for yours christians hate one another as much . invincible ignorance . 1. 't is all one to me if i am told of christ , or some mystery of christianity , if i am not capable of understanding , as if i am not told at all , my ignorance is as invincible , and therefore 't is vain to call their ignorance only invincible , who never were told of christ. the trick of it is to advance the priest , whilst the church of rome says a man must be told of christ by one thus and thus ordain'd . images . 1. the papists taking away the second commandment , is not haply so horrid a thing , nor so unreasonable amongst christians as we make it : for the jews could make no figure of god , but they must commit idolatry , because he had taken no shape ; but since the assumption of our flesh , we know what shape to picture god in . nor do i know why we may not make his image , provided we be sure what it is : as we say st. luke took the picture of the virgin mary , and st. veronica of our saviour . otherwise it would be no honour to the king , to make a picture , and call it the king's picture , when 't is nothing like him . 2. though the learned papists pray not to images , yet 't is to be fear'd the ignorant do ; as appears by that story of st. nicholas in spain . a country-man us'd to offer daily to st. nicholas's image , at length by mischance the image was broken , and a new one made of his own plum-tree ; after that the man forbore , being complain'd of to his ordinary , he answer'd , 't is true , he us'd to offer to the old image , but to the new he could not find in his heart , because he knew 't was a piece of his own plum-tree . you see what opinion this man had of the image , and to this tended the bowing of their images , the twinkling of their eyes , the virgin 's milk , &c. had they only meant representations , a picture would have done as well as these tricks . it may be with us in england they do not worship images , because living amongst protestants they are either laugh'd out of it , or beaten out of it by shock of argument . 3. 't is a discreet way concerning pictures in churches , to set up no new , nor to pull down no old . imperial constitutions . 1. they say imperial constitutions did only confirm the canons of the church ; but that is not so , for they inflicted punishment , when the canons never did ( viz. ) if a man converted a christian to be a jew , he was to forfeit his estate , and lose his life . in valentines novels , 't is said , constat episcopus forum legibus non habere , & judicant tantum de religione . imprisonment . 1. sir kenelme digby was several times taken and let go again , at last imprison'd in winchester house . i can compare him to nothing but a great fish that we catch and let go again , but still he will come to the bait ; at last therefore we put him into some great pond for store . incendiaries . 1. fancy to your self a man sets the city on fire at cripplegate , and that fire continues , by means of others , 'till it come to white-fryers , and then he that began it would fain quench it , does not he deserve to be punish'd most that first set the city on fire ? so 't is with the incendiaries of the state. they that first set it on fire , [ by monopolizing , forrest business , imprisoning parliament men tertio coroli , &c. ] are now become regenerate , and would fain quench the fire ; certainly they deserv'd most to be punish'd for being the first cause of our destractions . independency . 1. independency is in use at amsterdam , where forty churches or congregations have nothing to do one with another . and 't is no question agreeable to the primitive times , before the emperour became christian : for either we must say every church govern'd it self , or else we must fall upon that old foolish rock , that st. peter and his successours govern'd all ; but when the civil state became christian , they appointed who should govern them , before they govern'd by agreement and consent : if you will not do this , you shall come no more amongst us , but both the independant man , and the presbyterian man , do equally exclude the civil power , tho' after a different manner . 2. the independant may as well plead , they should not be subject to temporal things , not come before a constable , or a justice of peace , as they plead they should not be subject in spiritual things , because st. paul says , it is so , that there is not a wise man amongst you ? 3. the pope challenges all churches to be under him , the king and the two arch-bishops challenge all the church of england to be under them . the presbyterian man divides the kingdom into as many churches as there be presbyteries , and your independant would have every congregation a church by it self . things indifferent . 1. in time of a parliament , when things are under debate , they are indifferent , but in a church or state settled , there 's nothing left indifferent . publick interest . 1. all might go well in the common-wealth , if every one in the parliament would lay down his own interest , and aim at the general good . if a man were sick , and the whole colledge of physicians should come to him , and administer severally , haply so long as they observ'd the rules of art he might recover , but if one of them had a great deal of scamony by him , he must put off that , therefore he prescribes scamony . another had a great deal of rubarb , and he must put off that , and therefore he prescribes rubarb , &c. then would certainly kill the man. we destroy the common-wealth , while we preserve our own private interests , and neglect the publick . humane invention . 1. you say there must be no humane invention in the church , nothing but the pure word . answer . if i give any exposition , but what is express'd in the text , that is my invention ; if you give another exposition , that is your invention , and both are humane . for example , suppose the word [ egg ] were in the text , i say , 't is meant an hen-egg , you say a goose-egg , neither of these are exprest , therefore they are humane inventions , and i am sure the newer the invention the worse , old inventions are best . 2. if we must admit nothing but what we read in the bible , what will become of the parliament ? for we do not read of that there . iudgments . 1. we cannot tell what is a judgment of god , 't is presumption to take upon us to know . in time of plague we know we want health , and therefore we pray to god to give us health : in time of war we know we want peace , and therefore we pray to god to give us peace . commonly we say a judgment falls upon a man for something in him we cannot abide . an example we have in king james , concerning the death of henry the fourth of france ; one said he was kill'd for his wenching , another said he was kill'd for turning his religion . no , says king james ( who could not abide fighting , ) he was kill'd for permitting duels in his kingdom . judge . 1. we see the pageants in cheapside , the lions , and the elephants , but we do not see the men that carry them ; we see the judges look big , look like lions , but we do not see who moves them . 2. little things do great works , when the great things will not . if i should take a pin from the ground , a little pair of tongues will do it , when a great pair will not . go to a judge to do a business for you , by no means he will not hear of it ; but go to some small servant about him , and he will dispatch it according to your hearts desire . 3. there could be no mischief in the common-wealth without a judge . tho' there be false dice brought in at the groom-porters , and cheating offer'd , yet unless he allow the cheating , and judge the dice to be good , there may be hopes of fair play. juggling . 1. 't is not juggling that is to be blam'd , but much juggling , for the world cannot be govern'd without it . all your rhetorick , and all your elench's in logick come within the compass of juggling . jurisdiction . 1. there 's no such thing as spiritual jurisdiction , all is civil , the churche's is the same with the lord mayors . suppose a christian came into a pagan country , how can you fancy he shall have any power there ? he finds faults with the gods of the country ; well , they will put him to death for it : when he is a martyr , what follows ? does that argue he has any spiritual jurisdiction ? if the clergy say the church ought to be govern'd thus , and thus , by the word of god , that is doctrine all , that is not discipline . 2. the pope he challenges jurisdiction over all , the bishops they pretend to it as well as he , the presbyterians they would have it to themselves ; but over whom is all this ? the poor laymen . jus divinum . 1. all things are held by jus divinum , either immediately or mediately . 2. nothing has lost the pope so much in his supremacy , as not acknowledging what princes gave him . 't is a scorn upon the civil power , and an unthankfulness in the priest. but the church runs to jus divinum , lest if they should acknowledge what they have by positive law , it might be as well taken from them as given to them . king. 1. a king is a thing men have made for their own sakes , for quietness-sake . just as in a family one man is appointed to buy the meat ; if every man should buy what the other lik'd not , or what the other had bought before , so there would be a confusion . but that charge being committed to one , he according to his discretion pleases all ; if they have not what they would have one day , they shall have it the next , or something as good . 2. the word king directs our eyes ; suppose it had been consul , or dictator : to think all kings alike is the same folly ; as if a consul of aleppo or smyrna should claim to himself the same power that a consul at rome , what , am not i a consul ? or a duke of england should think himself like the duke of florence ; nor can it be imagin'd , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did signifie the same in greek as the hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did with the jews . besides , let the divines in their pulpits say what they will , they in their practice deny that all is the kings : they sue him , and so does all the nation , whereof they are a part . what matter is it then what they preach or teach in the schools ? 3. kings are all individual , this or that king , there is no species of kings . 4. a king that claims priviledges in his own country , because they have them in another , is just as a cook , that claims fees in one lord's house , because they are allowed in another . if the master of the house will yield them , well and good . 5. the text [ render unto caesar the things that are caesar's ] makes as much against kings , as for them , for it says plainly that some things are not caesars . but divines make choice of it , first in flattery , and then because of the other part adjoyn'd to it [ render unto god the things that are gods ] where they bring in the church . 6. a king outed of his country , that takes as much upon him as he did at home , in his own court , is as if a man on high , and i being upon the ground , us'd to lift up my voice to him , that he might hear me , at length should come down , and then expects i should speak as loud to him as i did before . king of england . 1. the king can do no wrong , that is , no process can be granted against him . what must be done then ? petition him , and the king writes upon the petition soit droit fait , and sends it to the chancery , and then the business is heard . his confessor will not tell him , he can do no wrong . 2. there 's a great deal of difference between head of the church , and supream governour , as our canons call the king. conceive it thus , there is in the kingdom of england a colledge of physicians , the king is supream governour of those , but not head of them , nor president of the colledge , nor the best physician . 3. after the dissolution of abbies , they did not much advance the king's supremacy , for they only car'd to exclude the pope : hence have we had several translations of the bible upon us . but now we must look to it , otherwise the king may put upon us what religion he pleases . 4. 't was the old way when the king of england had his house , there were canons to sing service in his chappel ; so at westminster in st. stephen's chappel ( where the house of commons sits ) from which canons the street call'd canon-row has its name , because they liv'd there , and he had also the abbot and his monks , and all these the king's house . 5. the three estates are the lord 's temporal , the bishops are the clergy , and the commons as some would have it [ take heed of that ] for then if two agree the third is involv'd , but he is king of the three estates . 6. the king hath a seal in every court , and tho the great seal be called sigillum angliae , the great seal of england , yet 't is not because 't is the kingdom 's seal , and not the kings , but to distinguish it from sigillum hiberniae , sigillum scotiae . 7. the court of england is much alter'd . at a solemn dancing , first you had the grave measures , then the corrantoes and the galliards , and this is kept up with ceremony ; at length to french-more , and the cushion-dance , and then all the company dances lord and groom , lady and kitchen-maid , no distinction . so in our court , in queen elizabeth's time , gravity and state were kept up . in king jame's time things were pretty well . but in king charles's time , there has been nothing but french-more , and the cushion-dance , omnium gatherum , tolly , polly , hoite come toite . the king. 1. 't is hard to make an accomodation between the king and the parliament . if you and i fell out about money , you said i ow'd you twenty pounds , i said i ow'd you but ten pounds , it may be a third party allowing me twenty marks , might make us friends . but if i said i ow'd you twenty pounds in silver , and you said i ow'd you twenty pounds in diamonds , which is a summ innumerable , 't is impossible we should ever agree . this is the case . 2. the king using the house of commons , as he did in mr. pymm and his company , that is , charging them with treason , because they charg'd my lord of canterbury and sir george ratcliff ; it was just with as much logick as the boy , that would have lain with his grandmother , us'd to his father , you lay with my mother , why should not i lie with yours ? 3. there is not the same reason for the king 's accusing men of treason , and carrying them away , as there is for the houses themselves , because they accuse one of themselves . for every one that is accused , is either a peer , or a commoner , and he that is accused hath his consent going along with him ; but if the king accuses , there is nothing of this in it . 4. the king is equally abus'd now as before ; then they flatter'd him and made him do ill things , now they would force him against his conscience . if a physician should tell me , every thing i had a mind to was good for me , tho' in truth 't was poison , he abus'd me ; and he abuses me as much , that would force me to take something whether i will or no. 5. the king so long as he is our king , may do with his officers what he pleases ; as the master of the house may turn away all his servants , and take whom he please . 6. the king's oath is not security enough for our property , for he swears to govern according to law ; now the judges they interpret the law , and what judges can be made to do we know . 7. the king and the parliament now falling out , are just as when there is foul play offer'd amongst gamesters , one snatches the others stake , they seize what they can of one anothers . 't is not to be ask'd whether it belongs not to the king to do this or that : before when there was fair play , it did . but now they will do what is most convenient for their own safety . if two fall to scuffling , one tears the others band , the other tears his ; when they were friends they were quiet , and did no such thing , they let one anothers bands alone . 8. the king calling his friends from the parliament , because he had use of them at oxford , is as if a man should have use of a little piece of wood , and he runs down into the cellar , and takes the spiggot , in the mean time all the beer runs about the house ; when his friends are absent , the king will be lost . knights service . 1. knights service in earnest means nothing , for the lords are bound to wait upon the king when he goes to war with a foreign enemy , with it may be one man and one horse , and he that doth not , is to be rated so much as shall seem good to the next parliament . and what will that be ? so 't is for a private man , that holds of a gentleman . land. 1. when men did let their land underfoot , the tenants would fight for their landlords , so that way they had their retribution : but now they will do nothing for them , may be the first , if but a constable bid them , that shall lay the landlord by the heels , and therefore 't is vanity and folly not to take the full value . 2. allodium is a law word , contrary to feudum , and it signifies land that holds of no body . we have no such land in england . 't is a true proposition ; all the land in england is held , either immediately , or mediately of the king. language . 1. to a living tongue new words may be added , but not to a dead tongue , as latin , greek , hebrew , &c. 2. latimer is the corruption of latiner , it signifies he that interprets latin , and though he interpreted french , spanish , or italian , he was call'd the king's latiner , that is , the king's interpreter . 3. if you look upon the language spoken in the saxon time , and the language spoken now , you will find the difference to be just , as if a man had a cloak that he wore plain in queen elizabeth's days , and since , here has put in a piece of red , and there a piece of blue , and here a piece of green , and there a piece of orange-tawny . we borrow words from the french , italian , latin , as every pedantick man pleases . 4. we have more words than notions , half a dozen words for the same thing . sometimes we put a new signification to an old word , as when we call a piece a gun. the word gun was in use in england for an engine , to cast a thing from a man , long before there was any gun-powder found out . 5. words must be fitted to a man's mouth ; 't was well said of the fellow that was to make a speech for my lord mayor , he desir'd to take measure of his lordship's mouth . law. 1. a man may plead not guilty , and yet tell no lye ; for by the law , no man is bound to accuse himself ; so that when i say not guilty , the meaning is , as if i should say by way of paraphrase , i am not so guilty as to tell you ; if you will bring me to a tryal , and have me punish'd for this you lay to my charge , prove it against me . 2. ignorance of the law excuses no man ; not that all men know the law , but because 't is an excuse every man will plead , and no man can tell how to confute him . 3. the king of spain was outlaw'd in westminster-hall , i being of council against him . a merchant had recover'd costs against him in a suit , which because he could not get , we advis'd to have him out-law'd for not appearing , and so he was . as soon as gondimer heard that , he presently sent the money , by reason , if his master had been out-law'd , he could not have the benefit of the law , which would have been very prejudicial , there being then many suits depending betwixt the king of spain , and our english merchants . 4. every law is a contract between the king and the people , and therefore to be kept . a hundred men may owe me an hundred pounds , as well as any one man , and shall they not pay me because they are stronger than i ? object . oh but they lose all if they keep that law. answ. let them look to the making of their bargain . if i sell my lands , and when i have done , one comes and tells me i have nothing else to keep me . i and my wife and children must starve , if i part with my land ; must i not therefore let them have my land , that have bought it and paid for it ? 5. the parliament may declare law , as well as any other inferiour court may , ( viz. ) the king's bench. in that or this particular case , the king's bench will declare unto you what the law is , but that binds no body whom the case concerns : so the highest court , the parliament may doe , but not declare law , that is , make law that was never heard of before . law of nature . 1. i cannot fancy to my self what the law of nature means , but the law of god. how should i know i ought not to steal , i ought not to commit adultery , unless some body had told me so ? surely 't is because i have been told so ? 't is not because i think i ought not to do them , nor because you think i ought not ; if so , our minds might change , whence then comes the restraint ? from a higher power , nothing else can bind : i cannot bind my self , for i may untye my self again ; nor an equal cannot bind me , for we may untie one another : it must be a superiour power , even god almighty . if two of us make a bargain , why should either of us stand to it ? what need you care what you say , or what need i care what i say ? certainly because there is something about me that tells me fides est servanda , and if we after alter our minds , and make a new bargain , there 's fides servanda there too . learning . 1. no man is the wiser for his learning ; it may administer matter to work in , or objects to work upon , but wit and wisdom are born with a man. 2. most mens learning is nothing but history duly taken up . if i quote thomas aquinus for some tenant , and believe it , because the school-men say so , that is but history . few men make themselves masters of things they write or speak . 3. the jesuites and the lawyers of france , and the low-country-men , have engrossed all learning . the rest of the world make nothing but homilies . 4. 't is observable , that in athens where the arts flourisht , they were govern'd by a democrasie ; learning made them think themselves as wise as any body , and they would govern as well as others ; and they speak as it were by way of contempt , that in the east , and in the north they had kings , and why ? because the most part of them followed their business , and if some one man had made himself wiser than the rest , he govern'd them , and they willingly submitted themselves to him . aristotle makes the observation . and as in athens the philosophers made the people knowing , and therefore they thought themselves wise enough to govern ; so does preaching with us , and that makes us affect a democrasie : for upon these two grounds we all would be governours , either because we think our selves as wise as the best , or because we think our selves the elect , and have the spirit , and the rest a company of reprobates that belong to the devil . lecturers . 1. lecturers do in a parish church what the fryers did heretofore , get away not only the affections , but the bounty , that should be bestow'd upon the minister . 2. lecturers get a great deal of money , because they preach the people tame [ as a man watches a hawk ] and then they do what they list with them . 3. the lectures in black fryers , perform'd by officers of the army , tradesmen , and ministers , is as if a great lord should make a feast , and he would have his cook dress one dish , and his coach-man another , his porter a third , &c. libels . 1. though some make slight of libels , yet you may see by them how the wind sits : as take a straw and throw it up into the air , you shall see by that which way the wind is , which you shall not do by casting up a stone . more solid things do not shew the complexion of the times so well , as ballads and libels . liturgy . 1. there is no church without a liturgy , nor indeed can there be conveniently , as there is no school without a grammar . one scholar may be taught otherwise upon the stock of his acumen , but not a whole school . one or two , that are piously dispos'd , may serve themselves their own way , but hardly a whole nation . 2. to know what was generally believ'd in all ages , the way is to consult the liturgies , not any private man's writing . as if you would know how the church of england serves god , go to the common-prayer-book , consult not this nor that man. besides , liturgies never complement , nor use high expressions . the fathers oft-times speak oratoriously . lords in the parliament . 1. the lords giving protections is a scorn upon them . a protection means nothing actively , but passively ; he that is a servant to a parliament-man is thereby protected . what a scorn is it to a person of honour , to put his hand to two lyes at once , that such a man is my servant , and employ'd by me , when haply he never saw the man in his life , nor before never heard of him . 2. the lords protesting is foolish . to protest is properly to save to a man's self some right ; but to protest as the lords protest , when they their selves are involv'd , 't is no more than if i should go into smithfield , and sell my horse , and take the money , and yet when i have your money , and you my horse , i should protest this horse is mine , because i love the horse , or i do not know why i do protest , because my opinion is contrary to the rest . ridiculous , when they say the bishops did antiently protest , it was only dissenting , and that in the case of the pope . lords before the parliament . 1. great lords by reason of their flatterers , are the first that know their own vertues , and the last that know their own vices : some of them are asham'd upwards , because their ancestors were too great . others are ashamed downwards , because they were too little . 2. the prior of st. john of jerusalem , is said to be primus baro angliae , the first baron of england , because being last of the spiritual barons , he chose to be first of the temporal . he was a kind of an otter , a knight half spiritual , and half temporal . 3. quest. whether is every baron a baron of some place ? answ. 't is according to his patent ; of late years they have been made baron of some place , but antiently not , call'd only by their sir-name , or the sir-name of some family , into which they have been married . 4. the making of new lords lessens all the rest . 't is in the business of lords , as it 't was with st. nicolas's image : the country-man , you know , could not find in his heart to adore the new image , made of his own plum-tree , though he had formerly worship'd the old one . the lords that are antient we honour , because we know not whence they come ; but the new ones we slight , because we know their beginning . 5. for the irish lords to take upon them here in england , is as if the cook in the fair should come to my lady kent's kitchen , and take upon him to roast the meat there , because he is a cook in another place . marriage . 1. of all actions of a man's life , his marriage does least concern other people , yet of all actions of our life 't is most medled with by other people . 2. marriage is nothing but a civil contract ; 't is true , 't is an ordinance of god : so is every other contract , god commands me to keep it when i have made it . 3. marriage is a desperate thing ; the frogs in aesop were extream wise , they had a great mind to some water , but they would not leap into the well , because they could not get out again . 4. we single out particulars , and apply god's providence to them , thus when two are marry'd and have undone one another , they cry it was god's providence we should come together , when god's providence does equally concur to every thing . marriage of cosin-germans . 1. some men forbear to marry cosin germans out of this kind of scruple of conscience , because it was unlawful before the reformation , and is still in the church of rome . and so by reason their grand-father , or their great grand-father did not do it , upon that old score they think they ought not to do it : as some men forbear flesh upon friday , not reflecting upon the statute , which with us makes it unlawful , but out of an old score , because the church of rome forbids it , and their fore-fathers always forbore flesh upon that day . others forbear it out of a natural consideration , because it is observ'd ( for example ) in beasts , if two couple of a near kind , the breed proves not so good . the same observation they make in plants and trees , which degenerate being grafted upon the same stock . and 't is also further observ'd , those matches between cosin-germans seldom prove fortunate . but for the lawfulness there is no colour but cosin-germans in england may marry , both by the law of god and man : for with us we have reduc'd all the degrees of marriage to those in the levitical-law , and 't is plain there 's nothing against it . as for that that is said cosin-germans once remov'd may not marry , and therefore being a further degree may not , 't is presum'd a nearer should not , no man can tell what it means . measure of things . 1. we measure from our selves , and as things are for our use and purpose , so we approve them . bring a pear to the table that is rotten , we cry it down , 't is naught ; but bring a medlar that is rotten , and 't is a fine thing , and yet i 'll warrant you the pear thinks as well of it self as the medlar does . 2. we measure the excellency of other men , by some excellency we conceive to be in our selves . nash a poet , poor enough ( as poets us'd to be ) seeing an alderman with his gold chain , upon his great horse , by way of scorn , said to one of his companions , do you see yon fellow , how goodly , how big he looks ; why that fellow cannot make a blank verse . 3. nay we measure the goodness of god from our selves , we measure his goodness , his justice , his wisdom , by something we call just , good , or wise in our selves ; and in so doing , we judge proportionably to the country fellow in the play , who said if he were a king , he would live like a lord , and have pease and bacon every day , and a whip that cry'd slash . difference of men. 1. the difference of men is very great , you would scarce think them to be of the same species , and yet it consists more in the affection than in the intellect . for as in the strength of body , two men shall be of an equal strength , yet one shall appear stronger than the other , because he exercises , and puts out his strength , the other will not stir nor strain himself . so 't is in the strength of the brain , the one endeavours , and strains , and labours , and studies , the other sits still , and is idle , and takes no pains , and therefore he appears so much the inferiour . minister divine . 1. the imposition of hands upon the minister when all is done , will be nothing but a designation of a person to this or that office or employment in the church . 't is a ridiculous phrase that of the canonists [ conferre ordines ] 't is coaptare aliquem in ordinem , to make a man one of us , one of our number , one of our order . so cicero would understand what i said , it being a phrase borrowed from the latines , and to be understood proportionably to what was amongst them . 2. those words you now use in making a minister [ receive the holy ghost ] were us'd amongst the jews in making of a lawyer ; from thence we have them , which is a villanous key to something , as if you would have some other kind of praefeture , than a mayoralty , and yet keep the same ceremony that was us'd in making the mayor . 3. a priest has no such thing as an inindelible character : what difference do you find betwixt him and another man after ordination ? only he is made a priest , ( as i said ) by designation ; as a lawyer is call'd to the bar , then made a serjeant : all men that would get power over others , make themselves as unlike them as they can , upon the same ground the priests made themselves unlike the laity . 4. a minister when he is made , is materia prima , apt for any form the state will put upon him , but of himself he can do nothing . like a doctor of law in the university , he hath a great deal of law in him , but cannot use it till he be made some bodie 's chancellour ; or like a physician , before he be receiv'd into a house , he can give no body physick ; indeed after the master of the house hath given him charge of his servants , then he may . or like a suffragan , that could do nothing but give orders , and yet he was no bishop . 5. a minister should preach according to the articles of religion established in the church where he is . to be a civil lawyer let a man read justinian , and the body of the law , to confirm his brain to that way , but when he comes to practise , he must make use of it so far as it concerns the law received in his own country . to be a physician let a man read gallen and hypocrates ; but when he practises , he must apply his medicines according to the temper of those men's bodies with whom he lives , and have respect to the heat and cold of climes , otherwise that which in pergamus ( where gallen liv'd ) was physick , in our cold climate may be poyson . so to be a divine , let him read the whole body of divinity , the fathers and the schoolmen , but when he comes to practise , he must use it and apply it according to those grounds and articles of religion that are established in the church , and this with sense . 6. there be four things a minister should be at ; the conscionary part , ecclesiactical story , school divinity , and the casuists . 1. in the conscionary part , he must read all the chief fathers , both latine and greek wholly . st. austin , st. ambrose , st. chrysostome , both the gregories , &c. tertullian , clemens , alexandrinus , and epiphanius ; which last have more learning in them than all the rest , and writ freely . 2. for ecclesiastical story let him read baronius , with the magdeburgenses , and be his own judge , the one being extreamly for the papists , the other extreamly against them . 3. for school divinity let him get javellus's edition of scotus or mayco , where there be quotations that direct you to every schoolman , where such and such questions are handled . without school divinity a divine knows nothing logically , nor will be able to satisfie a rational man out of the pulpit . 4. the study of the casuists must follow the study of the school-men , because the division of their cases , is according to their divinity ; otherwise he that begins with them will know little . as he that begins with the study of the reports and cases in the common law , will thereby know little of the law. casuists may be of admirable use , if discreetly dealt with , though among them you shall have many leaves together very impertinent . a case well decided would stick by a man , they will remember it whether they will or no , whereas a quaint position dieth in the birth . the main thing is to know where to search ; for talk what they will of vast memories , no man will presume upon his own memory for any thing he means to write or speak in publick . 7. [ go and teach all nations . ] this was said to all christians that then were before the distinction of clergy and laity ; there have been since , men design'd to preach only by the state , as some men are design'd to studdy the law , others to studdy physick . when the lord's supper was instituted , there were none present but the disciples , shall none then but ministers receive ? 8. there is all the reason you should believe your minister , unless you have studied divinity as well as he , or more than he . 9. 't is a foolish thing to say ministers must not meddle with secular matters , because his own profession will take up the whole man ; may he not eat , or drink , or walk , or learn to sing ? the meaning of that is , he must seriously attend his calling . 10. ministers with the papists [ that is their priests ] have much respect , with the puritans they have much , and that upon the same ground , they pretend both of 'em to come immediately from christ ; but with the protestants they have very little , the reason whereof is , in the beginning of the reformation they were glad to get such to take livings as they could procure by any invitations , things of pitiful condition . the nobility and gentry , would not suffer their sons or kindred to meddle with the church , and therefore at this day , when they see a parson , they think him to be such a thing still , and there they will keep him , and use him accordingly ; if he be a gentleman , that is singled out , and he is us'd the more respectfully . 11. the protestant minister is least regarded , appears by the old story of the keeper of the clink . he had priests of several sorts sent unto him ; as they came in , he ask'd them who they were ; who are you to the first ? i am a priest of the church of rome ; you are welcome quoth the keeper , there are those will take care of you , and who are you ? a silenc'd minister . you are welcome too , i shall fare the better for you : and who are you ? a minister of the church of england . o god help me ( quoth the keeper ) i shall get nothing by you , i am sure you may lie and starve , and rot , before any body will look after you . 12. methinks 't is an ignorant thing for a church-man , to call himself the minister of christ , because st. paul , or the apostles call'd themselves so . if one of them had a voice from heaven , as st. paul had , i will grant he is a minister of christ , i will call him so too . must they take upon them as the apostles did ? can they do as the apostles could ? the apostles had a mark to be known by , spake tongues , cur'd diseases , trod upon serpents , &c. can they do this ? if a gentleman tells me , he will send his man to me , and i did not know his man , but he gave me this mark to know him by , he should bring in his hand a rich jewel ; if a fellow came to me with a pebble-stone , had i any reason to believe he was the gentleman's man ? money . 1. money makes a man laugh . a blind fidler playing to a company , and playing but scurvily , the company laught at him ; his boy that led him , perceiving it , cry'd , father let us be gone , they do nothing but laugh at you . hold thy peace , boy , said the fidler , we shall have their money presently , and then we will laugh at them . 2. euclid was beaten in boccaline , for teaching his scholars a mathematical figure in his school , whereby he shew'd that all the lives both of princes and private men , tended to one centre , con gentilizza , handsomely to get money out of other mens pockets , and it into their own . 3. the pope us'd heretofore to send the princes of christendom to fight against the turk , but prince and pope finely juggl'd together , the moneys were rais'd , and some men went out to the holy war ; but commonly after they had got the money , the , turk was pretty quiet , and the prince and the pope shar'd it between them . 4. in all times the princes in england have done something illegal to get money : but then came a parliament and all was well , the people and the prince kist and were friends , and so things were quiet for a while . afterwards there was another trick found out to get money , and after they had got it , another parliament was call'd to set all right , &c. but now they have so out-run the constable — moral honesty . 1. they that cry down moral honesty , cry down that which is a great part of religion , my duty towards god , and my duty towards man. what care i to see a man run after a sermon , if he couzens and cheats as soon as he comes home . on the other side morality must not be without religion , for if so , it may change , as i see convenience . religion must govern it . he that has not religion to govern his morality , is not a dram better than my mastiff-dog ; so long as you stroke him , and please him , and do not pinch him , he will play with you as finely as may be , he is a very good moral-mastiff ; but if you hurt him , he will fly in your face , and tear out your throat . mortgage . 1. in case i receive a thousand pounds , and mortgage as much land as is worth two thousand to you ; if i do not pay the money at such a day , i fail , whether you may take my land and keep it in point of conscience ? answ. if you had my lands as security only for your money , then you are not to keep it , but if we bargain'd so , that if i did not repay your 1000 l. my land should go for it , be it what it will , no doubt you may with a safe conscience keep it ; for in these things all the obligation is servare fidem . number . 1. all those mysterious things they observe in numbers , come to nothing upon this very ground , because number in it self is nothing , has not to do with nature , but is meerly of humane imposition , a meer sound . for example , when i cry one a clock , two a clock , three a clock , that is but man's division of time , the time it self goes on , and it had been all one in nature , if those hours had been call'd nine , ten , and eleven . so when they say the seventh son is fortunate , it means nothing ; for if you count from the seventh backward , then the first is the seventh , why is not he likewise fortunate ? oaths . 1. swearing was another thing with the jews than with us , because they might not pronounce the name of the lord jehovah . 2. there is no oath scarcely , but we swear to things we are ignorant of : for example , the oath of supremacy ; how many know how the king is king ? what are his right and prerogative ? so how many know what are the priviledges of the parliament , and the liberty of the subject , when they take the protestation ? but the meaning is , they will defend them when they know them . as if i should swear i would take part with all that wear red ribbons in their hats , it may be i do not know which colour is red ; but when i do know , and see a red ribbon in a man's hat , then will i take his part. 3. i cannot conceive how an oath is imposed , where there is a parity ( viz. ) in the house of commons , they are all pares inter se , onely one brings paper , and shews it the rest , they look upon it , and in their own sense take it : now they are but pares to me , who am none of the house , for i do not acknowledge my self their subject ; if i did , then no question , i was bound by an oath of their imposing . 't is to me but reading a paper in their own sense . 4. there is a great difference between an assertory oath , and a promissary oath . an assertory oath is made to a man before god , and i must swear so , as man may know what i mean : but a promissary oath is made to god only , and i am sure he knows my meaning : so in the new oath it runs [ whereas i believe in my conscience , &c. i will assist thus and thus ] that [ whereas ] gives me an outloofe , for if i do not believe so , for ought i know , i swear not at all . 5. in a promissary oath , the mind i am in is a good interpretation ; for if there be enough happen'd to change my mind , i do not know why i should not . if i promise to go to oxford to morrow , and mean it when i say it , and afterwards it appears to me , that 't will be my undoing ; will you say i have broke my promise if i stay at home ? certainly i must not go . 6. the jews had this way with them , concerning a promissary oath or vow , if one of them had vow'd a vow , which afterwards appear'd to him to be very prejudicial by reason of something he either did not foresee , or did not think of , when he made his vow ; if he made it known to three of his country-men , they had power to absolve him , though he could not absolve himself , and that they pick'd out of some words in the text : perjury hath only to do with an assertory oath , and no man was punisht for perjury by man's law till queen elizabeth's time 't was left to god , as a sin against him ; the reason was , because 't was so hard a thing to prove a man perjur'd : i might misunderstand him , and he swears as he thought . 7. when men ask me whether they may take an oath in their own sense , 't is to me , as if they should ask whether they may go to such a place upon their own legs , i would fain know how they can go otherwise . 8. if the ministers that are in sequestred livings will not take the engagement , threaten to turn them out and put in the old ones , and then i 'll warrant you they will quietly take it . a gentleman having been rambling two or three days , at length came home , and being in bed with his wife , would fain have been at some thing , that she was unwilling to , and instead of complying , fell to chiding him for his being abroad so long : well says he , if you will not , call up sue ( his wife's chamber-maid ) upon that she yielded presently . 9. now oaths are so frequent , they should be taken like pills , swallowed whole ; if you chew them you will find them bitter : if you think what you swear 't will hardly go down . oracles . 1. oracles ceas'd presently after christ , as soon as no body believ'd them . just as we have no fortune-tellers , nor wise men , when no body cares for them . sometime you have a season for them , when people believe them , and neither of these , i conceive , wrought by the devil . opinion . 1. opinion and affection extreamly differ ; i may affect a woman best , but it does not follow i must think her the handsomest woman in the world. i love apples best of any fruit , but it does not follow , i must think apples to be the best fruit. opinion is something wherein i go about to give reason why all the world should think as i think . affection is a thing wherein i look after the pleasing of my self . 2. 't was a good fancy of an old platonick : the gods which are above men , had something whereof man did partake , [ an intellect knowledge ] and the gods kept on their course quietly . the beasts , which are below man , had something whereof man did partake , [ sense and growth ] and the beasts lived quietly in their way . but man had something in him , whereof neither gods nor beasts did partake , which gave him all the trouble , and made all the confusion in the world ; and that is opinion . 3. 't is a foolish thing for me to be brought off from an opinion , in a thing neither of us know , but are led only by some cobweb-stuff ; as in such a case as this , utrum angeli in vicem colloquantur ? if i forsake my side in such a case , i shew my self wonderful light , or infinitely complying , or flattering the other party : but if i be in a business of nature , and hold an opinion one way , and some man's experience has found out the contrary , i may with a safe reputation give up my side . 4. 't is a vain thing to talk of a heretick , for a man for his heart can think no otherwise than he does think . in the primitive times there were many opinions , nothing scarce but some or other held : one of these opinions being embrac'd by some prince , and receiv'd into his kingdom , the rest were condemn'd as heresies ; and his religion , which was but one of the several opinions , first is said to be orthodox , and so have continued ever since the apostles . parity . 1. this is the juggling trick of the parity , they would have no body above them , but they do not tell you they would have no body under them . parliament . 1. all are involv'd in a parliament . there was a time when all men had their voice in choosing knights . about henry the sixth's time they found the inconvenience , so one parliament made a law , that only he that had forty shillings per annum should give his voice , they under should be excluded . they made the law who had the voice of all , as well under forty shillings ; as above ; and thus it continues at this day . all consent civilly in a parliament , women are involv'd in the men , children in those of perfect age ; those that are under forty shillings a year , in those that have forty shillings a year , those of forty shillings in the knights . 2. all things are brought to the parliament , little to the courts of justice : just as in a room where there is a banquet presented , if there be persons of quality there , the people must expect , and stay till the great ones have done . 3. the parliament flying upon several men , and then letting them alone , does as a hawk that flyes a covey of partridges , and when she has flown them a great way , grows weary , and takes a tree ; then the faulconer lures her down , and takes her to his fist : on they go again , heirett , upsprings another covey , away goes the hawk , and as she did before , takes another tree , &c. 4. dissenters in parliament may at length come to a good end , though first there be a great deal of do , and a great deal of noise , which mad , wild folks make : just as in brewing of wrest-beer , there 's a great deal of business in grinding the mault , and that spoils any man's cloaths that comes near it : then it must be mash'd , then comes a fellow in and drinks of the wort , and he 's drunk ; then they keep a huge quarter when they carry it into the cellar , and a twelve month after 't is delicate fine beer . 5. it must necessarily be that our distempers are worse than they were in the beginning of the parliament . if a physician comes to a sick man , he lets him blood , it may be scarifyes him , cups him , puts him into a great disorder , before he makes him well ; and if he be sent for to cure an ague , and he finds his patient hath many diseases , a dropsie , and a palsie , he applies remedies to 'em all , which makes the cure the longer and the dearer : this is the case . 6. the parliament-men are as great princes as any in the world , when whatsoever they please is priviledge of parliament ; no man must know the number of their priviledges , and whatsoever they dislike is breach of priviledge . the duke of venice is no more than speaker of the house of commons ; but the senate at venice , are not so much as our parliament-men , nor have they that power over the people , who yet exercise the greatest tyranny that is any where . in plain truth , breach of priviledge is only the actual taking away of a member of the house , the rest are offences against the house . for example , to take our process against a parliament-man , or the like . 7. the parliament party , if the law be for them , they call for the law ; if it be against them , they will go to a parliamentary way ; if no law be for them , then for law again : like him that first call'd for sack to heat him , then small drink to cool his sack , then sack again to heat his small drink , &c. 8. the parliament party doe not play fair play , in sitting up till two of the clock in the morning , to vote something they have a mind to . 't is like a crafty gamester , that makes the company drunk , then cheats them of their money . young men , and infirm men go away ; besides , a man is not there to persuade other men to be of his mind , but to speak his own heart , and if it be lik'd , so , if not , there 's an end . parson . 1. though we write [ parson ] differently , yet 't is but person ; that is , the individual person set apart for the service of such a church , and 't is in latin persona , and personatus is a personage . indeed with the canon-lawyers , personatus is any dignity or perferment in the church . 2. there never was a merry world since the faries left dancing , and the parson left conjuring . the opinion of the latter kept thieves in aw , and did as much good in a country as a justice of peace . patience . 1. patience is the chiefest fruit of study , a man that strives to make himself a different thing from other men by much reading , gains this chiefest good , that in all fortunes , he hath something to entertain and comfort himself withal . peace . 1. king james was pictur'd going easily down a pair of stairs , and uppon every step there was written , peace , peace , peace ; the wisest way for men in these times is to say nothing . 2. when a country-wench cannot get her butter to come , she says , the witch is in her churn . we have been churning for peace a great while , and 't will not come , sure the witch is in it . 3. though we had peace , yet 't will be a great while e'er things be settled : tho' the wind lie , yet after a storm the sea will work a great while . penance . 1. penance is only the punishment inflicted , not penitence , which is the right word ; a man comes not to do penance , because he repents him of his sin , but because he is compell'd to it ; he curses him , and could kill him that sends him thither . the old canons wisely enjoyn'd three years penance , sometimes more , because in that time a man got a habit of vertue , and so committed that sin no more , for which he did penance . people . 1. there is not any thing in the world more abus'd than this sentence , salus populi suprema lex esto , for we apply it , as if we ought to forsake the known law , when it may be most for the advantage of the people , when it means no such thing . for first , 't is not salus populi suprema lex est , but esto , it being one of the laws of the twelve tables , and after divers laws made , some for punishment , some for reward ; then follows this , salus populi suprema lex esto : that is , in all the laws you make , have a special eye to the good of the people , and then what does this concern the way they now go ? 2. objection . he that makes one is greater than he that is made ; the people make the king , ergo , &c. answer . this does not hold , for if i have 1000 l. per annum , and give it you , and leave my self ne'er a penny ; i made you , but when you have my land , you are greater than i. the parish makes the constable , and when the constable is made , he governs the parish . the answer to all these doubts is , have you agreed so ? if you have , then it must remain till you have alter'd it . pleasure . 1. pleasure is nothing else but the intermission of pain , the enjoying of some thing i am in great trouble for 'till i have it . 2. 't is a wrong way to proportion other mens pleasures to our selves ; 't is like a childs using a little bird [ o poor bird , thou shalt sleep with me ] so lays it in his bosome , and stifles it with his hot ●reath ; the bird had rather be in the cold air : and yet too , 't is the most pleasing flattery , to like what other men like . 3. 't is most undoubtedly true , that all men are equally given to their pleasure , only thus , one mans pleasure lies one way , and anothers another : pleasures are all alike simply considered in themselves ; he that hunts , or he that governs the common-wealth , they both please themselves alike , only we commend that , whereby we our selves receive some benefit . as if a man place his delight in things that tend to the common good ; he that takes pleasure to hear sermons , enjoys himself as much as he that hears plays ; and could he that loves plays endeavour to love sermons , possibly he might bring himself to it as well as to any other pleasure . as first it may seem harsh and tedious , but afterwards 't would be pleasing and delightful . so it falls out in that , which is the great pleasure of some men ; tobacco , at first they could not abide it , and now they cannot be without it . 4. whilst you are upon earth , enjoy the good things that are here ( to that end were they given ) and be not melancholly , and wish your self in heaven . if a king should give you the keeping of a castle , with all things belonging to it , orchards , gardens , &c. and bid you use them ; withal promise you that after twenty years to remove you to the court , and to make you a privy councellor . if you should neglect your castle , and refuse to eat of those fruits , and sit down , and whine , and wish you were a privy councellor , do you think the king would be pleas'd with you ? 5. pleasures of meat , drink , cloaths , &c. are forbidden those that know not how to use them ; just as nurses cry pah , when they see a knife in a child's hand , they will never say any thing to a man. philosophy . 1. when men comfort themselves with philosophy , 't is not because they have got two or three sentences , but because they have digested those sentences and made them their own : so upon the matter , philosophy is nothing but discretion . poetry 1. ovid was not only a fine poet , but [ as a man may speak ] a great canon lawyer , as appears in his fasti , where we have more of the festivals of the old romans than any where else : 't is pity the rest are lost . 2. there is no reason plays should be in verse , either in blank or rhime ; only the poet has to say for himself , that he makes something like that , which somebody made before him . the old poets had no other reason but this , their verse was sung to musick , otherwise it had been a senseless thing to have fetter'd up themselves . 3. i never converted but two , the one was mr. crashaw , from writing against plays , by telling him a way how to understand that place [ of putting on womens apparel ] which has nothing to do in the business [ as neither has it , that the fathers speak against plays in their time , with reason enough , for they had real idolatries mix'd with their plays , having three altars perpetually upon the stage . ] the other was a doctor of divinity , from preaching against painting , which simply in it self is no more hurtful , than putting on my cloaths , or doing any thing to make my self like other folks , that i may not be odious nor offensive to the company . indeed if i do it with an ill intention , it alters the case ; so , if i put on my gloves with an intention to do a mischief , i am a villain . 4. 't is a fine thing for children to learn to make verse , but when they come to be men : they must speak like other men , or else they will be laugh'd at . 't is ridiculous to speak , or write , or preach in verse . as 't is good to learn to dance , a man may learn his leg , learn to go handsomely ; but 't is ridiculous for him to dance , when he should go . 5. 't is ridiculous for a lord to print verses : 't is well enough to make them to please himself , but to make them publick , is foolish . if a man in a private chamber twirls his band-strings , or plays with a rush to please himself , 't is well enough ; but if he should go into fleetstreet , and sit upon a stall , and twirl a band-string , or play with a rush , then all the boys in the street would laugh at him . 6. verse proves nothing but the quantity of syllables ; they are not meant for logick . pope . 1. a pope's bull and a pope's brief differ very much ; as with us the great seal and privy seal . the bull being the highest authority the king can give , the brief is of less : the bull has a leaden seal upon silk , hanging upon the instrument ; the brief has sub annulo piscatoris upon the side . 2. he was a wise pope , that when one that used to be merry with him , before he was advanc'd to the popedom , refrain'd afterwards to come at him , ( presuming he was busie in governing the christian world ) the pope sends for him , bids him come again , and ( says he ) we will be merry as as we were before ; for thou little thinkest what a little foolery governs the whole world. 3. the pope in sending relicks to princes , does as wenches do by their wassels at new-years-tide , they present you with a cup , and you must drink of a slabby stuff ; but the meaning is , you must give them moneys , ten times more than it is worth . 4. the pope is infallible , where he hath power to command ; that is , where he must be obeyed , so is every supream power and prince . they that stretch his infallibility further , do they know not what . 5. when a protestant and a papish dispute , they talk like two mad-men , because they do not agree upon their principles ; the one way is to destroy the pope's power , for if he hath power to command me , 't is not my alledging reasons to the contrary can keep me from obeying : for example , if a constable command me to wear a green suit to morrow , and has power to make me ; 't is not my alledging a hundred reasons of the folly of it , can excuse me from doing it . 6. there was a time when the pope had power here in england , and there was excellent use made of it , for 't was only to serve turns , ( as might be manifested out of the records of the kingdom , which divines know little of . ) if the king did not like what the pope would have , he would forbid the pope's legate to land upon his ground . so that the power was truly then in the king , though suffered in the pope . but now the temporal and the spiritual power ( spiritual so call'd , because ordain'd to a spiritual end ) spring both from one fountain , they are like to twist that . 7. the protestants in france bear office in the state , because though their religion be different , yet they acknowledge no other king but the king of france . the papists in england they must have a king of their own , a pope , that must do something in our kingdom , therefore there is no reason they should enjoy the same priviledges . 8. amsterdam admits of all religions but papists , and 't is upon the same account . the papists where e'er they live , have another king at rome ; all other religions are subject to the present state , and have no prince else-where . 9. the papists call our religion a parliamentary religion ; but there was once , i am sure , a parliamentary pope ; pope urban was made pope in england by act of parliament , against pope clement : the act is not in the book of statutes , either because he that compiled the book would not have the name of the pope there , or else he would not let it appear that they medled with any such thing , but 't is upon the rolls . 10. when our clergy preach against the pope , and the church of rome , they preach against themselves , and crying down their pride , their power and their riches , have made themselves poor and contemptible enough ; they dedicate first to please their prince , not considering what would follow . just as if a man were to go a journey , and seeing at his first setting out the way clean and fair , ventures forth in his slippers , not considering the dirt and the sloughs are a little further off , or how suddenly the weather may change . popery . 1. the demanding a noble , for a dead body passing through a a town , came from hence in time of popery , they carried the dead body into the church , where the priest said dirgies ; and twenty dirgies at four pence a piece , comes to a noble ; but now it is forbidden by an order from my lord marshal , the heralds carry his warrant about them . 2. we charge the prelatical clergy with popery , to make them odious , tho' we know they are guilty of no such thing : just as heretofore they call'd images mammets , and the adoration of images mammetry : that is , mahomet and mahometry ; odious names , when all the world knows the turks are forbidden images by their religion . power . state. 1. there is no stretching of power ; 't is a good rule , eat within your stomach , act within your commission . 2. they that govern most make least noise . you see when they row in a barge , they that do drudgery-work , slash , and puff , and sweat ; but he that governs , sits quietly at the stern , and scarce is seen to stir . 3. syllables govern the world. 4. [ all power is of god ] means no more than fides est servanda . when st. paul said this , the people had made nero emperour . they agree , he to command , they to obey . then gods comes in , and casts a hook upon them , keep your faith : then comes in , all power is of god. never king dropt out of the clouds . god did not make a new emperour , as the king makes a justice of peace . 5. christ himself was a great observer of the civil power , and did many things only justifiable , because the state requir'd it , which were things meerly temporary for the time that state stood . but divines make use of them to gain power to themselves , ( as for example ) that of die ecclesiae , tell the church ; there was then a sanhedrim , a court to tell it to , and therefore they would have it so now . 6. divines ought to do no more than what the state permits . before the state became christian , they made their own laws , and those that did not observe them , they excommunicated , [ naughty men ] they suffered them to come no more amongst them . but if they would come amongst them , how could they hinder them ? by what law ? by what power ? they were still subject to the state , which was heathen . nothing better expresses the condition of christians in those times , than one of the meetings you have in london , of men of the same country , of sussex-men , or bedfordshire-men ; they appoint their meeting , and they agree , and make laws amongst themselves [ he that is not there shall pay double , &c. ] and if any one mis-behave himself , they shut him out of their company : but can they recover a forfeiture made concerning their meeting by any law ? have they any power to compel one to pay ? but afterwards , when the state became christian , all the power was in them , and they gave the church as much , or as little as they pleas'd ; and took away when they pleas'd , and added what they pleas'd . 7. the church is not only subject to the civil power with us that are protestants , but also in spain : if the church does excommunicate a man for what it should not , the civil power will take him out of their hands . so in france , the bishop of angiers alter'd something in the breviary ; they complain'd to the parliament at paris , that made him alter it again , with a [ comme abuse . ] 8. the parliament of england has no arbitrary power in point of judicature , but in point of making law only . 9. if the prince be servus natura , of a servile base spirit , and the subjects liberi , free and ingenuous , oft-times they depose their prince , and govern themselves . on the contrary , if the people be servi natura , and some one amongst them of a free and ingenuous spirit , he makes himself king of the rest ; and this is the cause of all changes in state , common-wealths into monarchies , and monarchies into common-wealths . 10. in a troubled state we must do as in foul weather upon the thames , not think to cut directly through , so the boat may be quickly full of water , but rise and fall as the waves do , give as much as conveniently we can . prayer . 1. if i were a minister , i should think my self most in my office , reading of prayers , and dispensing the sacraments ; and 't is ill done to put one to officiate in the church , whose person is contemptible out of it . should a great lady , that was invited to be a gossip , in her place send her kitchen-maid , 't would be ill taken ; yet she is a woman as well as she ; let her send her woman at least . 2. [ you shall pray ] is the right way , because according as the church is settled , no man may make a prayer in publick of his own head. 3. 't is not the original common-prayer-book ; why : shew me an original bible , or an original magna charta . 4. admit the preacher prayes by the spiris , yet that very prayer is common-prayer to the people ; they are ty'd as much to his words , as in saying [ almighty and most merciful father : ] is it then unlawful in the minister , but not unlawful in the people ? 5. there were some mathematicians , that could with one fetch of their pen make an exact circle , and with the next touch , point out the centre ; is it therefore reasonable to banish all use of the compasses ? set forms are a pair of compasses . 6. [ god hath given gifts unto men. ] general texts prove nothing : let him shew me john , william , or thomas in the text , and then i will believe him . if a man hath a voluble tongue , we say , he hath the gift of prayer . his gift is to pray long , that i see ; but does he pray better ? 7. we take care what we speak to men , but to god we may say any thing . 8. the people must not think a thought towards god , but as their pastours will put it into their mouths : they will make right sheep of us . 9. the english priests would do that in english , which the romish do in latin , keep the people in ignorance ; but some of the people out do them at their own game . 10. prayer should be short , without giving god almighty reasons why he should grant this , or that ; he knows best what is good for us . if your boy should ask you a suit of cloaths , and give you reasons ( otherwise he cannot wait upon you ; he cannot go abroad but he will discredit you ) would you endure it ? you know it better than he , let him ask a suit of cloaths . 11. if a servant that has been fed with good beef , goes into that part of england where salmon is plenty , at first he is pleas'd with his salmon , and despises his beef , but after he has been there a while , he grows weary of his salmon , and wishes for his good beef again . we have a while been much taken with this praying by the spirit , but in time we may grow weary of it , and wish for our common-prayer . 12. 't is hop'd we may be cur'd of our extemporary prayers , the same way the grocer's boy is cur'd of his eating plums , when we have had our belly full of them . preaching . 1. nothing is more mistaken than that speech [ preach the gospel ] for 't is not to make long harangues , as they do now a days , but to tell the news of christ's coming into the world ; and when that is done , or where 't is known already , the preacher's work is done . 2. preaching in the first sense of the word ceas'd as soon as ever the gospel was written . 3. when the preacher says , this is the meaning of the holy ghost in such a place , in sense he can mean no more than this ; that is , i by studying of the place , by comparing one place with another ; by weighing what goes before , and what comes after , think this is the meaning of the holy ghost ; and for shortness of expression i say , the holy ghost says thus , or this is the meaning of the spirit of god. so the judge speaks of the king's proclamation , this is the intention of the king ; not that the king had declared his intention any other way to the judge , but the judge examining the contents of the proclamation , gathers by the purport of the words the king's intention ; and then for shortness of expression says , this is the king's intention . 4. nothing is text but what was spoken in the bible , and meant there for person and place , the rest is application , which a discreet man may do well ; but 't is his scripture , not the holy ghost . 5. preaching by the spirit ( as they call it ) is most esteemed by the common-people , because they cannot abide art or learning , which they have not been bred up in . just as in the business of fencing ; if one country fellow amongst the rest , has been at the school , the rest will under-value his skill , or tell him he wants valour : you come with your school-tricks : there 's dick butcher has ten times more mettle in him : so they say to the preachers , you come with your school-learning : there 's such a one has the spirit . 6. the tone in preaching does much in working upon the peoples affections . if a man should make love in an ordinary tone , his mistress would not regard him ; and therefore he must whine . if a man should cry fire , or murther in an ordinary voice , no body would come out to help him . 7. preachers will bring any thing into the text. the young masters of arts preached against non-residency in the university ; whereupon the heads made an order , that no man should meddle with any thing but what was in the text. the next day one preach'd upon these words , abraham begot isaac : when he had gone a good way , at last he observ'd , that abraham was resident ; for if he had been non-resident , he could never have begot isaac ; and so fell foul upon the non-residents . 8. i could never tell what often preaching meant after a church is settled , and we know what is to be done ; 't is just as if a husband-man should once tell his servants what they are to do , when to sow , when to reap , and afterwards one should come and tell them twice or thrice a day what they know already . you must sow your wheat in october , you must reap your wheat in august , &c. 9. the main argument why they would have two sermons a day , is , because they have two meals a day ; the soul must be fed as well as the body . but i may as well argue , i ought to have two noses , because i have two eyes , or two mouths because i have two ears . what have meals and sermons to do one with another ? 10. the things between god and man are but a few , and those , forsooth , we must be told often of ; but things between man and man are many ; those i hear of not above twice a year , at the assizes , or once a quarter at the sessiones ; but few come then : nor does the minister exhort the people to go at these times to learn their duty towards their neighbours . often preaching is sure to keep the minister in countenance , that he may have something to do . 11. in preaching they say more to raise men to love vertue than men can possibly perform , to make them do their best ; as if you would teach a man to throw the bar ; to make him put out his strength , you bid him throw further than it is possible for him , or any man else : throw over yonder house . 12. in preaching they do by men as writers of romances do by their chief knights , bring them into many dangers , but still fetch them off : so they put men in fear of hell , but at last bring them to heaven . 13. preachers say , do as i say , not as i do . but if a physician had the same disease upon him that i have , and he should bid me do one thing , and he do quite another , could i believe him ? 14. preaching the same sermon to all sorts of people , is , as if a school-master should read the same lesson to his several forms : if he reads amo , amas , amavi , the highest forms laugh at him ; the younger boys admire him : so 't is in preaching to a mix'd auditory . obj. but it cannot be otherwise ; the parish cannot be divided into several forms : what must the preacher then do in discretion ? answ. why then let him use some expressions by which this or that condition of people may know such doctrine does more especially concern them , it being so delivered that the wisest may be contented to hear . for if he delivers it altogether , and leaves it to them to single out what belongs to themselves ( which is the usual way ) 't is as if a man would bestow gifts upon children of several ages : two years old , four years old , ten years old , &c. and there he brings tops , pins , points , ribbands , and casts them all in a heap together upon a table before them ; though the boy of ten years old knows how to chuse his top , yet the child of two years old , that should have a ribband , takes a pin , and the pin e'er he be aware pricks his fingers , and then all 's out of order , &c. preaching for the most part is the glory of the preacher , to shew himself a fine man. catechising would do much better . 15. use the best arguments to perswade , though but few understand ; for the ignorant will sooner believe the judicious of the parish , than the preacher himself ; and they teach when they dissipate what he has said , and believe it the sooner confirm'd by men of their own side . for betwixt the laity and the clergy there is , as it were , a continual driving of a bargain ; something the clergy would still have us be at , and therefore many things are heard from the preacher with suspicion . they are affraid of some ends , which are easily assented to , when they have it from some of themselves . 't is with a sermon as 't is with a play ; many come to see it , which do not understand it ; and yet hearing it cry'd up by one , whose judgment they cast themselves upon , and of power with them , they swear and will die in it , that 't is a very good play , which they would not have done if the priest himself had told them so . as in a great school , 't is the master that teaches all ; the monitor does a great deal of work , it may be the boys are affraid to see the master : so in a parish 't is not the minister does all ; the greater neighbour teaches the lesser , the master of the house teaches his servant , &c. 16. first in your sermons use your logick , and then your rhetorick . rhetorick without logick is like a tree with leaves and blosoms , but no root ; yet i confess more are taken with rhetorick than logick , because they are catched with a free expression , when they understand not reason . logick must be natural , or it is worth nothing at all : your rhetorick figures may be learn'd : that rhetorick is best which is most seasonable and most catching . an instance we have in that old blunt commander at cadis , who shew'd himself a good oratour , being to say something to his soldiers ( which he was not us'd to do ; ) he made them a speech to this purpose ; what a shame will it be , you english-men , that feed upon good beef and brewess , to let those rascally spaniards beat you that eat nothing but oranges and limons . and so put more courage into his men than he could have done with a more learned oration . rhetorick is very good , or stark naught : there 's no medium in rhetorick . if i am not fully perswaded i laugh at the oratour . 17. 't is good to preach the same thing again , for that 's the way to have it learn'd . you see a bird by often whistling to learn a tune , and a month after record it to her self . 18. 't is a hard case a minister should be turned out of his living for something they inform he should say in his pulpit . we can no more know what a minister said in his sermon by two or three words pickt out of it , than we can tell what tune a musician play'd last upon the lute , by two or three single notes . predestination . 1. they that talk nothing but predestination , and will not proceed in the way of heaven till they be satisfied in that point , do , as a man that would not come to london , unless at his first step he might set his foot upon the top of pauls . 2. for a young divine to begin in his pulpit with predestination , is as if a man were coming into london , and at his first step would think to set his foot , &c. 3. predestination is a point inaccessible , out of our reach ; we can make no notion of it , 't is so full of intricacy , so full of contradiction ; 't is in good earnest , as we state it , half a dozen bulls one upon another . 4. doctor prideaux , in his lectures , several days us'd arguments to prove predestination ; at last tells his auditory they are damn'd that do not believe it . doing herein just like school-boys , when one of them has got an apple , or something the rest have a mind to , they use all the arguments they can to get some of it from them : i gave you some t'other day : you shall have some with me another time : when they cannot prevail , they tell him he 's a jackanapes , a rogue and a rascal , preferment . 1. when you would have a child go to such a place , and you find him unwilling , you tell him he shall ride a cock-horse , and then he will go presently : so do those that govern the state , deal by men , to work them to their ends ; they tell them they shall be advanc'd to such or such a place , and they will do any thing they would have them . 2. a great place strangely qualifies . john read ( was in the right ) groom of the chamber to my lord of kent . attorney noy being dead , some were saying , how would the king do for a fit man ? why , any man ( says john read ) may execute the place . i warrant ( says my lord ) thou thinkst thou understand'st enough to perform it . yes , quoth john , let the king make me attorney , and i would fain see that man , that durst tell me , there 's any thing i understand not . 3. when the pageants are a coming there 's a great thrusting and a riding upon one another's backs , to look out at the window ; stay a little and they will come just to you , you may see them quietly . so 't is when a new states-man or officer is chosen ; there 's great expectation and listning who it should be ; stay a while , and you may know quietly . 4. missing preferment makes the presbyters fall foul upon the bishops : men that are in hopes and in the way of rising , keep in the channel , but they that have none , seek new ways : 't is so amongst the lawyers ; he that hath the judges ear , will be very observant of the way of the court ; but he that hath no regard will be flying out . 5. my lord digby having spoken something in the house of commons , for which they would have question'd him , was presently called to the upper house . he did by the parliament as an ape when he hath done some waggery ; his master spies him , and he looks for his whip , but before he can come at him , whip says he to the top of the house . 6. some of the parliament were discontented , that they wanted places at court , which others had got ; but when they had them once , then they were quiet . just as at a christning some , that get no sugar plums , when the rest have , mutter and grumble ; presently the wench comes again with her basket of sugar-plums , and then they catch and scramble , and when they have got them , you hear no more of them . praemunire . 1. there can be no praemunire . a praemunire ( so call'd from the word praemunire facias ) was when a man laid an action in an ecclesiastical court , for which he could have no remedy in any of the king's courts ; that is , in the courts of common law , by reason the ecclesiastical courts before henry the eighth were subordinate to the pope , and so it was contra coronam & dignitatem regis ; but now the ecclesiastical courts are equally subordinate to the king. therefore it cannot be contra coronam & dignitatem regis , and so no praemunire . prerogative . 1. prerogative is something that can be told what it is , not something that has no name . just as you see the archbishop has his prerogative court , but we know what is done in that court. so the king's prerogative is not his will , or what divines make it a power , to do what he lists . 2. the king's prerogative , that is , the king's law. for example , if you ask whether a patron may present to a living after six months by law ? i answer no. if you ask whether the king may ? i answer he may by his prerogative , that is by the law that concerns him in that case . presbytery . 1. they that would bring in a new government , would very fain perswade us , they meet it in antiquity . thus they interpret presbyters , when they meet the word in the fathers : other professions likewise pretend to antiquity . the alchymist will find his art in virgil's aureus ramus , and he that delights in opticks will find them in tacitus . when caesar came into england they would perswade us , they had perspective-glasses , by which he could discover what they were doing upon the land , because it is said , positis speculis : the meaning is , his watch or his sentinel discover'd this , and this , unto him . 2. presbyters have the greatest power of any clergy in the world , and gull the laity most : for example ; admit there be twelve laymen to six presbyters , the six shall govern the rest as they please . first because they are constant , and the others come in like church-wardens in their turns , which is an huge advantage , men will give way to them who have been in place before them . next the laymen have other professions to follow : the presbyters make it their sole business ; and besides too , they learn and study the art of perswading ; some of geneva have confess'd as much . 3. the presbyter with his elders about him , is like a young tree fenc'd about with two , or three , or four stakes ; the stakes defend it , and hold it up ; but the tree only prospers and flourishes ; it may be some willow stake may bear a leaf or two , but it comes to nothing . lay-elders are stakes , the presbyter the tree that flourshes . 4. when the queries were sent to the assembly concerning the jus divinum of presbytery , their asking time to answer them , was a satyr upon themselves : for if it were to be seen in the text , they might quickly turn to the place , and shew us it . their delaying to answer makes us think there 's no such thing there . they do just as you have seen a fellow do at a tavern reckoning , when he should come to pay his reckoning , he puts his hands into his pockets , and keeps a grabling and a fumbling , and shaking , at last tells you he has left his money at home , when all the company knew at first , he had no money there ; for every man can quickly find his own money . priests of rome . 1. the reason of the statute against priests , was this ; in the beginning of queen elizabeth there was a statute made , that he that drew men from their civil obedience was a traitor . it happen'd this was done in privacies and confessions , when there could be no proof ; therefore they made another act , that for a priest to be in england was treason , because they presum'd that was his business to fetch men off from their obedience . 2. when queen elizabeth dy'd , and king james came in , an irish priest does thus express it : elizabetha in orcum detrusa , successit jacobus alter haereticus . you will ask why they did use such language in their church . answ. why does the nurse tell the child of raw head and bloody bones , to keep it in awe ? 3. the queen mother and count rosset , are to the priests and jesuits like the honey pot to the flies . 4. the priests of rome aim but at two things , to get power from the king , and money from the subject . 5. when the priests come into a family , they do as a man that would set fire on a house ; he does not put fire to the brick-wall , but thrusts it into the thatch . they work upon the women , and let the men alone . 6. for a priest to turn a man when he lies a dying , is just like one that hath a long time solicited a woman , and cannot obtain his end ; at length makes her drunk , and so lies with her . prophecies . 1. dreams and prophecies do thus much good ; they make a man go on with boldness and courage , upon a danger or a mistress ; if he obtains , he attributes much to them ; if he miscarries , he thinks no more of them , or is no more thought of himself . proverbs . 1. the proverbs of several nations were much studied by bishop andrews , and the reason he gave , was , because by them he knew the minds of several nations , which is a brave thing ; as we count him a wise man , that knows the minds and insides of men , which is done by knowing what is habitual to them . proverbs are habitual to a nation , being transmitted from father to son. question . 1. when a doubt is propounded , you must learn to distinguish , and show wherein a thing holds , and wherein it doth not hold : ay , or no , never answer'd any question . the not distinguishing where things should be distinguish'd , and the not confounding , where things should be confounded , is the cause of all the mistakes in the world. reason . 1. in giving reasons , men commonly do with us as the woman does with her child ; when she goes to market about her business , she tells it she goes to buy it a fine thing , to buy it a cake or some plums . they give us such reasons as they think we will be catched withal , but never let us know the truth . 2. when the school-men talk of recta ratio in morals , either they understand reason as it is govern'd by a command from above ; or else they say no more than a woman , when she says a thing is so , because it is so ; that is , her reason perswades her 't is so . the other acception has sense in it . as take a law of the land , i must not depopulate , my reason tells me so . why ? because if i do , i incurr the detriment . 3. the reason of a thing is not to be enquired after , till you are sure the thing it self be so . we commonly are at [ what 's the reason of it ? ] before we are sure of the thing . 't was an excellent question of my lady cotten , when sir robert cotten was magnifying of a shooe , which was moses's or noah's , and wondring at the strange shape and fashion of it : but mr. cotten , says she , are you sure it is a shooe. retaliation . 1. an eye for an eye , and a tooth for a tooth ; that does not mean , that if i put out another man's eye , therefore i must lose one of my own , ( for what is he the better for that ? ) tho' this be commonly received ; but it means , i shall give him what satisfaction an eye shall be judged to be worth . reverence . 1. t is sometimes unreasonable to look after respect and reverence , either from a man 's own servant , or other inferiours . a great lord and a gentleman talking together , there came a boy by , leading a calf with both his hands ; says the lord to the gentleman , you shall see me make the boy let go his calf ; with that he came towards him , thinking the boy would have put off his hat , but the boy took no notice of him . the lord seeing that , sirrah , says he , do you not know me that you use no reverence ? yes , says the boy , if your lordship will hold my calf , i will put off my hat. non-residency . 1. the people thought they had a great victory over the clergy , when in henry the eighth's time they got their bill passed , that a clergy-man should have but two livings ; before a man might have twenty or thirty ; 't was but getting a dispensation from the pope's limiter , or gatherer of the peter-pence , which was as easily got , as now you may have a licence to eat flesh. 2. as soon as a minister is made , he hath power to preach all over the world , but the civil-power restrains him ; he cannot preach in this parish , or in that ; there is one already appointed . now if the state allows him two livings , then he hath two places where he may exercise his function , and so has the more power to do his office , which he might do every where if he were not restrained . religion . 1. king james said to the fly , have i three kingdoms , and thou must needs fly into my eye ? is there not enough to meddle with upon the stage , or in love , or at the table , but religion ? 2. religion amongst men appears to me like the learning they got at school . some men forget all they learned , others spend upon the stock , and some improve it . so some men forget all the religion that was taught them when they were young , others spend upon that stock , and some improve it . 3. religion is like the fashion , one man wears his doublet slash'd , another , lac'd , another plain ; but every man has a doublet : so every man has his religion . we differ about trimming . 4. men say they are of the same relion for quietness sake ; but if the matter were well examin'd you would scarce find three any where of the same religion in all points . 5. every religion is a getting religion ; for though i my self get nothing , i am subordinate to those that do . so you may find a lawyer in the temple that gets little for the present , but he is fitting himself to be in time one of those great ones that do get . 6. alteration of religion is dangerous , because we know not where it will stay ; 't is like a milstone that lies upon the top of a pair of stairs ; 't is hard to remove it , but if once it be thrust off the first stair , it never stays till it comes to the bottom . 7. question . whether is the church or the scripture judge of religion ? answ. in truth neither , but the state. i am troubled with a boil ; i call a company of chirurgeons about me ; one prescribes one thing , another another ; i single out something i like , and ask you that stand by , and are no chirurgeon , what you think of it . you like it too ; you and i are judges of the plaster , and we bid them prepare it , and there 's an end . thus 't is in religion ; the protestants say they will be judged by the scriptures ; the papists say so too ; but that cannot speak . a judge is no judge , except he can both speak and command execution ; but the truth is they never intend to agree . no doubt the pope where he is supream , is to be judg ; if he say we in england ought to be subject to him , then he must draw his sword and make it good . 8. by the law was the manual received into the church before the reformation ; not by the civil law , that had nothing to do in it ; nor by the canon law , for that manual that was here , was not in france , nor in spain ; but by custom , which is the common law of england ; and custom is but the elder brother to a parliament : and so it will fall out to be nothing that the papists say : ours is a parliamentary religion , by reason the service-book was established by act of parliament , and never any service-book was so before . that will be nothing that the pope sent the manual ; 't was ours , because the state received it . the state still makes the religion , and receives into it what will best agree with it . why are the venetians roman catholicks ? because the state likes the religion : all the world knows they care not three-pence for the pope . the council of trent is not at this day admitted in france . 9. papist . where was your religion before luther , an hundred years ago ? protestant . where was america an hundred or sixscore years ago ? our religion was where the rest of the christian church was papist . our religion continued ever since the apostles , and therefore 't is better . protestant . so did ours . that there was an interruption of it , will fall out to be nothing , no more than if another earl should tell me of the earl of kent ; saying , he is a better earl than he , because there was one or two of the family of kent did not take the title upon them ; yet all that while they were really earls ; and afterwards a great prince declar'd them to be earls of kent , as he that made the other family an earl. 10. disputes in religion will never be ended , because there wants a measure by which the business would be decided : the puretan would be judged by the word of god : if he would speak clearly , he means himself , but he is asham'd to say so ; and he would have me believe him before a whole church , that has read the word of god as well as he . one says one thing , and another another ; and there is , i say , no measure to end the controversie . 't is just as if two men were at bowls , and both judg'd by the eye ; one says 't is his cast , the other says 't is my cast● and having no measure , the difference is eternal . ben johnson satyrically express'd the vain disputes of divines , by inigo lanthorne , disputing with his puppet in a bartholomew fair. it is so ; it is not so : it is so ; it is not so , crying thus one to another a quarter of an hour together . 11. in matters of religion to be rul'd by one that writes against his adversary , and throws all the dirt he can in his face , is , as if in point of good manners a man should be govern'd by one whom he sees at cuffs with another , and thereupon thinks himself bound to give the next man he meets a box on the ear. 12. 't is to no purpose to labour to reconcile religions , when the interest of princes will not suffer it . 't is well if they could be reconciled so far , that they should not cut one anothers throats . 13. there 's all the reason in the world , divines should not be suffer'd to go a hair beyond their bounds , for fear of breeding confusion , since there now be so many religions on foot. the matter was not so narrowly to be look'd after when there was but one religion in christendom ; the rest would cry him down for an heretick , and there was no body to side with him . 14. we look after religion as the butcher did after his knife , when he had it in his mouth . 15. religion is made a juggler's paper ; now 't is a horse , now 't is a lanthorn , now 't is a boar , now 't is a man. to serve ends religion is turn'd into all shapes . 16. pretending religion and the law of god , is to set all things loose . when a man has no mind to do something he ought to do by his contract with man , then he gets a text and interprets it as he pleases , and so thinks to get loose . 17. some mens pretending religion , is like the roaring boys way of challenges , [ their reputation is dear , it does not stand with the honour of a gentleman , ] when , god knows , they have neither honour nor reputation about them . 18. they talk much of settling religion : religion is well enough settled already , if we would let it alone : methinks we might look after , &c. 19. if men would say they took arms for any thing but religion , they might be beaten out of it by reason ; out of that they never can , for they will not believe you what ever you say . 20. the very arcanum of pretending religion in all wars , is , that something may be found out in which all men may have interest . in this the groom has as much interest as the lord. were it for land , one has one thousand acres , and the other but one ; he would not venture so far , as he that has a thousand . but religion is equal to both . had all men land alike , by a lex agraria , then all men would say they fought for land. sabboth . 1. why should i think all the fourth commandment belongs to me , when all the fifth does not ? what land will the lord give me for honouring my father ? it was spoken to the jews with reference to the land of canaan ; but the meaning is , if i honour my parents , god will also bless me . we read the commandments in the church-service , as we do david's psalms ; not that all there concerns us , but a great deal of them does . sacrament . 1. christ suffered judas to take the communion . those ministers that keep their parishioners from it , because they will not do as they will have them , revenge , rather than reform . 2. no man can tell whether i am fit to receive the sacrament ; for though i were fit the day before , when he examined me ; at least appear'd so to him ; yet how can he tell , what sin i have committed that night , or the next morning , or what impious atheistical thoughts i may have about me , when i am approaching to the very table ? salvation . 1. vve can best understand the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , salvation , from the jews , to whom the saviour was promised . they held that themselves should have the chief place of happiness in the other world ; but the gentiles that were good men , should likewise have their portion of bliss there too . now by christ the partition-wall is broken down , and the gentiles that believe in him , are admitted to the same place of bliss with the jews : and why then should not that portion of happiness still remain to them , who do not believe in christ , so they be morally good ? this is a charitable opinion . state. 1. in a troubled state save as much for your own as you can . a dog had been at market to buy a shoulder of mutton ; coming home he met two dogs by the way , that quarrell'd with him ; he laid down his shoulder of mutton , and fell to fighting with one of them ; in the mean time the other dog fell to eating his mutton ; he seeing that , left the dog he was fighting with , and fell upon him that was eating ; then the other dog fell to eat ; when he perceiv'd there was no remedy , but which of them soever he fought withal , his mutten was in danger , he thought he would have as much of it as he could , and thereupon gave over fighting , and fell to eating himself . superstition . 1. they that are against superstition oftentimes run into it of the wrong side . if i will wear all colours but black , then am i superstitious in not wearing black . 2. they pretend not to abide the cross , because 't is superstitious ; for my part i will believe them , when i see them throw their money out of their pockets , and not tell then . 3. if there be any superstition truly and properly so called , 't is their observing the sabbòth after the jewish manner . subsidies . 1. heretofore the parliament was wary what subsidies they gave to the king , because they had no account ; but now they care not how much they give of the subjects money , because they give it with one hand , and receive it with the other ; and so upon the matter give it themselves . in the mean time what a case the subjects of england are in ; if the men they have sent to the parliament mis-behave themselves , they cannot help it , because the parliament is eternal . 2. a subsidy was counted the fifth part of a man's estate , and so fifty subsidies is five and forty times more than a man is worth. simony . 1. the name of simony was begot in the canon-law ; the first statute against it was in queen elizabeth's time . since the reformation simony has been frequent : one reason why it was not practised in time of popery , was the pope's provision ; no man was sure to bestow his own benefice . ship-money . 1. mr. noy brought in ship-money first for maritine towns ; but that was like putting in a little augur , that afterwards you may put in a greater : he that pulls down the first brick , does the main work , afterwards 't is easie to pull down the wall. 2. they that at first would not pay ship-money , till 't was decided , did like brave men , ( though perhaps they did no good by the trial ) but they that stand out since , and suffer themselves to be distrained , never questioning those that do it , do pitifully , for so they only pay twice as much as they should . synod assembly . 1. we have had no national synod since the kingdom hath been settled , as now it is , only provincial ; and there will be this inconveniency , to call so many divines together ; 't will be to put power in their hands , who are too apt to usurp it , as if the laity were bound by their determination . no , let the laity consult with divines on all sides , hear what they say , and make themselves masters of their reasons ; as they do by any other profession , when they have a difference before them . for example , gold-smiths , they enquire of them , if such a jewel be of such a value , and such a stone of such a value , hear them , and then being rational men judge themselves . 2. why should you have a synod , when you have a convocation already , which is a synod ? would you have a superfetation of another synod ? the clergy of england when they cast off the pope , submitted themselves to the civil power , and so have continued ; but these challenge to be jure divino , and so to be above the civil power ; these challenge power to call before their presbyteries all persons for all sins directly against the law of god , as proved to be sins by necessary consequence . if you would buy gloves , send for a glover or two , not glovers-hall ; consult with some divines , not send for a body . 3. there must be some laymen in the synod , to over-look the clergy , lest they spoil the civil work : just as when the good woman puts a cat into the milk-house to kill a mouse , she sends her maid to look after the cat , lest the cat should eat up the cream . 4. in the ordinance for the assembly , the lords and commons go under the names of learned , godly , and judicious divines ; there is no difference put betwixt them , and the ministers in the context . 5. 't is not unusual in the assembly to revoke their votes , by reason they make so much haste , but 't is that will make them scorn'd . you never heard of a council revok'd an act of its own making ; they have been wary in that , to keep up their infallibility ; if they did any thing , they took away the whole council , and yet we would be thought infallible as any body . 't is not enough to say , the house of commons revoke their votes , for theirs are but civil truths , which they by agreement create , and uncreate , as they please : but the truths the synod deals in are divine ; and when they have voted a thing , if it be then true , 't was true before ; not true because they voted it , nor does it cease to be true , because they voted otherwise . 6. subscribing in a synod , or to the articles of a synod , is no such terrible thing as they make it ; because , if i am of a synod , 't is agreed , either tacitely or expresly . that which the major part determines , the rest are involv'd in ; and therefore i subscribe , though my own private opinion be otherwise ; and upon the same ground , i may without scruple subscribe to what those have determin'd , whom i sent , though my private opinion be otherwise , having respect to that which is the ground of all assemblies , the major part carries it . thanksgiving . 1. at first we gave thanks for every victory as soon as ever 't was obtained ; but since we have had many , now we can stay a good while . we are just like a child ; give him a plum , he makes his leg ; give him a second plum , he makes another leg : at last when his belly is full , he forgets what he ought to do ; then his nurse , or some body else that stands by him , puts him in mind of his duty , where 's your leg ? tythes . 1. tythes are more paid in kind in england , than in all italy and france . in france they have had impropriations a long time ; we had none in england till henry the eighth . 2. to make an impropriation , there was to be the consent of the incumbent , the patron , and the king ; then 't was confirm'd by the pope : without all this the pope could make no impropriation . 3. or what if the pope gave the tythes to any man , must they therefore be taken away ? if the pope gives me a jewel , will you therefore take it away from me ? 4. abraham paid tythes to melchizedeck , what then ? 't was very well done of him : it does not follow therefore that i must pay tythes , no more than i am bound to imitate any other action of abraham's . 5. 't is ridiculous to say the tythes are god's part , and therefore the clergy must have them : why , so they are if the laymen has them . 't is as if one of my lady kent's maids should be sweeping this room , and another of them should come and take away the broom , and tell for a reason , why she should part with it ; 't is my lady's broom : as if it were not my lady's broom , which of them soever had it . 6. they consulted in oxford where they might find the best argument for their tythes , setting aside the jus divinum ; they were advis'd to my history of tythes ; a book so much cry'd down by them formerly ; ( in which , i dare boldly say , there are more arguments for them than are extant together any where : ) upon this , one writ me word , that my history of tythes was now become like pleus's hasta , to wound and to heal . i told him in my answer , i thought i could fit him with a better instance . 't was possible it might undergo the same fate , that aristotle , avicen , and averroes did in france , some five hundred years ago ; which were excommunicated by stephen bishop of paris , [ by that very name , excommunicated , ] because that kind of learning puzled and troubled their divinity . but finding themselves at a loss , some forty years after ( which is much about the time since i writ my history ) they were call'd in again , and so have continued ever since . trade . 1. there is no prince in christendom but is directly a tradesman , tho' in another way than an ordinary tradesman . for the purpose , i have a man ; i bid him lay out twenty shillings in such commodities ; but i tell him for every shilling he lays out i will have a penny. i trade as well as he . this every prince does in his customs . 2. that which a man is bred up in , he thinks no cheating ; as your tradesman thinks not so of his profession , but calls it a mystery . whereas if you would teach a mercer to make his silks heavier , than what he has been used to , he would peradventure think that to be cheating . 3. every tradesman professes to cheat me , that asks for his commodity twice as much as it is worth . tradition . 1. say what you will against tradition ; we know the signification of words by nothing but tradition . you will say the scripture was written by the holy spirit , but do you understand that language 't was writ in ? no. then for example , take these words , [ in principio erat verbum . ] how do you know those words signifie , [ in the beginning was the word , ] but by tradition , because some body has told you so ? transubstantiation . 1. the fathers using to speak rhetorically , brought up transubstantiation : as if because it is commonly said , amicus est alter idem , one should go about to prove a man and his friend are all one . that opinion is only rhetorick turn'd into logick . 2. there is no greater argument ( tho' not us'd ) against transubstantiation than the apostles at their first council , forbidding blood and suffocation . would they forbid blood , and yet enjoin the eating of blood too ? 3. the best way for a pious man , is , to address himself to the sacrament with that reverence and devotion , as if christ were really there present . traitor . 1. t is not seasonable to call a man traitor that has an army at his heels . one with an army is a gallant man. my lady cotten was in the right , when she laugh'd at the dutchess of richmond for taking such state upon her , when she could command no forces . [ she a dutchess , there 's in flanders a dutchess indeed ; meaning the arch-dutchess . trinity . 1. the second person is made of a piece of bread by the papists , the third person is made of his own frenzy , malice , ignorance and folly , by the roundhead [ to all these the spirit is intituled , ] one the baker makes , the other the cobler ; and betwixt those two , i think the first person is sufficiently abused . truth . 1. the aristotelians say , all truth is contained in aristotle in one place or another . galilaeo makes simplicius say so , but shows the absurdity of that speech , by answering , all truth is contained in a lesser compass ; viz. in the alphabet . aristotle is not blam'd for mistaking sometimes ; but aristotelians for maintaining those mistakes . they should acknowledge the good they have from him , and leave him when he is in the wrong . there never breath'd that person to whom mankind was more beholden . 2. the way to find out the truth is by others mistakings : for if i was to go to such a place , and one had gone before me on the right-hand , and he was out ; another had gone on the left-hand , and he was out ; this would direct me to keep the middle way , that peradventure would bring me to the place i desir'd to go . 3. in troubled water you can scarce see your face ; or see it very little , till the water be quiet and stand still . so in troubled times you can see little truth ; when times are quiet and settled , then truth appears ; trial. 1. trials are by one of these three ways ; by confession , or by demurrer ; that is , confessing the fact , but denying it to be that , wherewith a man is charged . for example , denying it to be treason , if a man be charged with treason ; or by a jury . 2. ordalium was a trial ; and was either by going over nine red hot plough-shares , ( as in the case of queen emma , accus'd for lying with the bishop of winchester , over which she being led blindfold ; and having pass'd all her irons , ask'd when she should come to her trial ; ) or 't was by taking a red-hot coulter in a man's hand , and carrying it so many steps , and then casting it from him . as soon as this was done , the hands or the feet were to be bound up , and certain charms to be said , and a day or two after to be open'd ; if the parts were whole , the party was judg'd to be innocent ; and so on the contrary . 3. the rack is us'd no where as in england : in other countries 't is used in judicature , when there is a semiplena probatio , a half proof against a man ; then to see if they can make it full , they rack him if he will not confess . but here in england they take a man and rack him , i do not know why , nor when ; not in time of judicature , but when some body bids . 4. some men before they come to their trial , are cozen'd to confess upon examination : upon this trick , they are made to believe some body has confessed before them ; and then they think it a piece of honour to be clear and ingenious , and that destroys them . university . 1. the best argument why oxford should have precedence of cambridge , is the act of parliament , by which oxford is made a body ; made what it is ; and cambridge is made what it is ; and in the act it takes place . besides oxford has the best monuments to show . 2. 't was well said of one , hearing of a history lecture to be founded in the university ; would to god , says he , they would direct a lecture of discretion there , this would do more good there an hundred times . 3. he that comes from the university to govern the state , before he is acquainted with the men and manners of the place , does just as if he should come into the presence chamber all dirty , with his boots on , his riding coat , and his head all daub'd : they may serve him well enough in the way , but when he comes to court , he must conform to the place . uows . 1. suppose a man find by his own inclination he has no mind to marry , may he not then vow chastity ? answ. if he does , what a fine thing hath he done ? 't is as if a man did not love cheefe , and then he would vow to god almighty never to eat cheese . he that vows can mean no more in sense , than this ; to do his utmost endeavour to keep his vow . usury . 1. the jews were forbidden to take use one of another , but they were not forbidden to take it of other nations . that being so , i see no reason , why i may not as well take use for my money , as rent for my house . 't is a vain thing to say , money begets not money ; for that no doubt it does . 2. would it not look odly to a stranger , that should come into this land , and hear in our pulpits usury preach'd against , and yet the law allow it ? many men use it ; pehaps some church-men themselves . no bishop nor ecclesiastical judge , that pretends power to punish other faults , dares punish , or at least does punish any man for doing it . pious uses . 1. the ground of the ordinary's taking part of a man's estate ( who dy'd without a will ) to pious uses , was this ; to give it some body to pray , that his soul might be deliver'd out of purgatory ; now the pious uses come into his own pocket . 't was well exprest by john o powls in the play , who acted the priest ; one that was to be hang'd , being brought to the ladder , would fain have given something to the poor ; he feels for his purse , ( which john o powls had pickt out of his pocket before ) missing it , crys out , he had lost his purse ; now he intended to have given something to the poor ; john o powls bid him be pacified , for the poor had it already . war. 1. do not under-value an enemy by whom you have been worsted . when our country-men came home from fighting with the saracens , and were beaten by them , they pictured them with huge , big , terrible faces ( as you still see the sign of the saracen's head is ) when in truth they were like other men. but this they did to save their own credits . 2. martial-law in general , means nothing but the martial-law of this , or that place ; with us to be us'd in fervore belli , in the face of the enemy , not in time of peace ; there they can take away neither limb nor life . the commanders need not complain for want of it , because our ancestors have done gallant things without it . 3. question . whether may subjects take up arms against their prince ? answer . conceive it thus ; here lies a shilling betwixt you and me ; ten pence of the shilling is yours , two pence is mine : by agreement , i am as much king of my two pence , as you of your ten pence : if you therefore go about to take away my two pence , i will defend it ; for there you and i are equal , both princes . 4. or thus , two supream powers meet ; one says to the other , give me your land ; if you will not , i will take it from you : the other , because he thinks himself too weak to resist him , tells him , of nine parts i will give you three , so i may quietly enjoy the rest , and i will become your tributary . afterwards the prince comes to exact six parts , and leaves but three ; the contract then is broken , and they are in parity again . 5. to know what obedience is due to the prince , you must look into the contract betwixt him and his people ; as if you wou'd know what rent is due from the tenant to the landlord , you must look into the lease . when the contract is broken , and there is no third person to judge , then the decision is by arms. and this is the case between the prince and the subject . 6. question . what law is there to take up arms against the prince , in case he break his covenant ? answer . though there be no written law for it , yet there is custom , which is the best law of the kingdom ; for in england they have always done it . there is nothing exprest between the king of england and the king of france ; that if either invades the other's territory , the other shall take up arms against him , and yet they do it upon such an occasion . 7. 't is all one to be plunder'd by a troop of horse , or to have a man's goods taken from him by an order from the council table . to him that dies , 't is all one whether it be by a penny halter , or a silk garter ; yet i confess the silk garter pleases more ; and like trouts , we love to be tickled to death . 8. the soldiers say they fight for honour ; when the truth is they have their honour in their pocket . and they mean the same thing that pretend to fight for religion . just as a parson goes to law with his parishioners ; he says , for the good of his successors , that the church may not loose its right ; when the meaning is to get the tythes into his own pocket . 9. we govern this war as an unskilful man does a casting-net ; if he has not the right trick to cast the net off his shoulder , the leads will pull him into the river . i am afraid we shall pull our selves into destruction . 10. we look after the particulars of a battle , because we live in the very time of war. whereas of battles past we hear nothing but the number slain . just as for the the death of a man ; when he is sick , we talk how he slept this night , and that night ; what he eat , and what he drunk : but when he is dead , we only say , he died of a fever , or name his disease ; and there 's an end . 11. boccaline has this passage of souldiers , they came to apollo to have their profession made the eighth liberal science , which he granted . as soon as it was nois'd up and down , it came to the butchers , and they desired their profession might be made the ninth : for say they , the soldiers have this honour for the killing of men ; now we kill as well as they ; but we kill beasts for the preserving of men , and why should not we have honour likewise done to us ? apollo could not answer their reasons , so he revers'd his sentence , and made the soldiers trade a mystery , as the butchers is . witches . 1. the law against witches does not prove there be any ; but it punishes the malice of those people , that use such means , to take away mens lives . if one should profess that by turning his hat thrice , and crying buz , he could take away a man's life ( though in truth he could do no such thing ) yet this were a just law made by the state , that whosoever should turn his hat thrice , and cry buz , with an intention to take away a man's life , shall be put to death . wife . 1. he that hath a handsome wife , by other men is thought happy ; 't is a pleasure to look upon her , and be in her company ; but the husband is cloy'd with her . we are never content with what we have . 2. you shall see a monkey sometime , that has been playing up and down the garden , at length leap up to the top of the wall , but his clog hangs a great way below on this side ; the bishop's wife is like that monkey's clog , himself is got up very high , takes place of the temporal barons , but his wife comes a great way behind . 3. 't is reason a man that will have a wife should be at the charge of her trinkets , and pay all the scores she sets on him . he that will keep a monkey , 't is fit he should pay for the glasses he breaks . wisdom . 1. a wise man should never resolve upon any thing , at least never let the world know his resolution , for if he cannot arrive at that , he is asham'd . how many things did the king resolve in his declaration concerning scotland , never to do , and yet did them all ? a man must do according to accidents and emergencies . 2. never tell your resolution before-hand ; but when the cast is thrown , play it as well as you can to win the game you are at . 't is but folly to study how to play size-ace , when you know not whether you shall throw it or no. 3. wise men say nothing in dangerous times . the lion you know call'd the sheep , to ask her if his breath smelt : she said , ay ; he bit off her head for a fool : he call'd the woolf and ask'd him ; he said no ; he tore him in pieces for a flatterer . at last he call'd the fox and ask'd him ; truly he had got a cold and could not smell . king james was pictured , &c. wit. 1. wit and wisdom differ ; wit is upon the sudden turn , wisdom is in bringing about ends . 2. nature must be the ground-work of wit and art ; otherwise whatever is done will prove but jack-puddings work . 3. wit must grow like fingers ; if it be taken from others , 't is like plums stuck upon black thorns ; there they are for a while , but they come to nothing . 4. he that will give himself to all manner of ways to get money may be rich ; so he that le ts fly all he knows or thinks , may by chance be satyrically witty. honesty sometimes keeps a man from growing rich ; and civility from being witty. 5. women ought not to know their own wit , because they will still be shewing it , and so spoil it ; like a child that will continually be shewing its fine new coat , till at length it all bedawbs it with its pah hands . 6. fine wits destroy themselves with their own plots , in medling with great affairs of state. they commonly do as the ape that saw the gunner put bullets in the cannon , and was pleas'd with it , and he would be doing so too : at last he puts himself into the piece , and so both ape , and bullet were shot away together . women . 1. let the women have power of their heads , because of the angels . the reason of the words because of the angels , is this ; the greek church held an opinion that the angels fell in love with women . this fancy st. paul discreetly catches , and uses it as an argument to perswade them to modesty . 2. the grant of a place is not good by the canon-law , before a man be dead ; upon this ground some mischief might be plotted against him in present possession , by poisoning or some other way . upon the same reason a contract made with a woman , during her husband's life , was not valid . 3. men are not troubled to hear a man dispraised , because they know , tho' he be naught , there 's worth in others . but women are mightily troubled to hear any of them spoken against , as if the sex it self were guilty of some unworthiness . 4. women and princes must both trust some body ; and they are happy , or unhappy according to the desert of those under whose hands they fall . if a man knows how to manage the favour of a lady , her honour is safe , and so is a princes . 5. an opinion grounded upon that , genesis 6. the sons of god saw the daughters of men that they were fair . year . 1. 't was the manner of the jews ( if the year did not fall out right , but that it was dirty for the people to come up to jerusalem , at the feast of the passover ; or that their corn was not ripe for their first fruits ) to intercalate a month , and so to have , as it were , two februaries , thrusting up the year still higher , march into april's place , april into may's place , &c. whereupon it is impossible for us to know when our saviour was born , or when he dy'd . 2. the year is either the year of the moon , or the year of the sun ; there 's not above eleven days difference . our moveable feasts are according to the year of the moon ; else they should be fixt . 3. tho' they reckon ten days sooner beyond sea , yet it does not follow their spring is sooner than ours ; we keep the same time in natural things , and their ten days sooner , and our ten days later in those things mean the self same time : just as twelve sous in french , are ten pence in english. 4. the lengthening of days is not suddenly perceiv'd till they are grown a pretty deal longer , because the sun , though it be in a circle , yet it seems for a while to go in a right line . for take a segment of a great circle especially , and you shall doubt whether it be straight or no. but when that sun is got past that line , then you presently perceive the days are lengthened . thus it is in the winter and summer solstice ; which is indeed the true reason of them . 5. the eclipse of the sun is , when it is new moon ; the eclipse of the moon when 't is full . they say dionysius was converted by the eclipse that happened at our saviour's death , because it was neither of these , and so could not be natural . zelots . 1. one would wonder christ should whip the buyers and sellers out of the temple , and no body offer to resist him ( considering what opinion they had of him . ) but the reason was , they had a law , that whosoever did profane sanctitatem dei , aut templi ; the holiness of god , or the temple , before ten persons , 't was lawful for any of them to kill him , or to do any thing this side killing him ; as whipping him , or the like . and hence it was , that when one struck our saviour before the judge , where it was not lawful to strike ( as it is not with us at this day ) he only replies ; if i have spoken evil , bear witness of the evil ; but if well , why smitest thou me ? he says nothing against their smiting him , in case he had been guilty of speaking evil , that is blasphemy ; and they could have prov'd it against him . they that put this law in execution were called zelots ; but afterwards they committed many villanies . finis . the humble address of the right honourable the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled. presented to his majesty. on tuesday the eighteenth day of february, 1700. and his maiesties most gracious answer thereunto. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 1701 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b03079 wing e2805m estc r176185 52529153 ocm 52529153 178793 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b03079) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 178793) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2770:32) the humble address of the right honourable the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled. presented to his majesty. on tuesday the eighteenth day of february, 1700. and his maiesties most gracious answer thereunto. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. england and wales. sovereign (1689-1702 : william iii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [edinburgh : 1701] caption title. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702 -sources. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2009-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble address of the right honourable the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled . presented to his majesty . on tuesday the eighteenth day of february , 1700. and his majesties most gracious answer thereunto . we the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled , return our most humble thanks and acknowledgements to your majesty , for your concern express'd for the protestant religion in your gracious speech , and your care for its future preservation , by recommending to our consideration a further provision for the succession to the crown in the protestant line . we are highly sensible of the weight of those things your majesty is pleased further to recommend to our consideration ; and therefore humbly desire you will be pleased to order all the treaties that have been made between your majesty and any other prince or state , since the late war , to be laid before us , that we may be enabled to give our mature advice , when we are informed of all those matters necessary to direct our judgements . and we humbly desire of your sacred majesty , that you will enter into alliances with all those princes and states , who are willing to unite , for the preservation of the balance of europe ; assuring your majesty , that we shall most readily concur in all such methods , which may effectually conduce to the honour and safety of england , the preservation of the protestant religion , and the peace of europe . and we humbly return our further thanks to your majesty , for the letter communicated to this house the seventeenth of february instant ; and having taken it into our immediate consideration , we humbly desire of your majesty to issue the necessary orders for seizing the horses and arms of the papists , and other disaffected persons , and for putting the laws in execution for removing them from london ; and that you will be pleased to give directions for a search to be made after arms and other provisions of war , which in that letter are said to be in readiness . in the mean time humbly addressing to your majesty , that order may be given for the speedy fitting out of such a fleet , as your majesty in your great wisdom may think necessary in this present conjuncture , for the defence of your majesty and the kingdom . his majesties most gracious answer to the address . my lords , i thank you for this address , and for the concern you express in relation to our common security both at home and abroad ; i shall give the necessary orders for those things you desire of me , and take care for setting out such a fleet as way be necessary for our common defence in this conjuncture . finis . the declaration of mr. alexander henderson, principall minister of the word of god at edenbrough, and chiefe commissioner from the kirk of scotland to the parliament and synod of england: made upon his death-bed. henderson, alexander, 1583?-1646. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86192 of text r204706 in the english short title catalog (thomason e443_1). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 25 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86192 wing h1431 thomason e443_1 estc r204706 99864171 99864171 116393 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86192) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 116393) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 70:e443[1]) the declaration of mr. alexander henderson, principall minister of the word of god at edenbrough, and chiefe commissioner from the kirk of scotland to the parliament and synod of england: made upon his death-bed. henderson, alexander, 1583?-1646. [4], 11, [1] p. s.n.], [london : printed, an. dom. 1648. the first leaf features patristic and biblical passages. pages 2-3 misnumbered 6 and 7. annotation on thomason copy: "may. 16. london". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng solemn league and covenant (1643) -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. last words. a86192 r204706 (thomason e443_1). civilwar no the declaration of mr. alexander henderson, principall minister of the word of god at edenbrough, and chiefe commissioner from the kirk of s henderson, alexander 1648 4219 2 0 0 0 0 0 5 b the rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-05 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tertull. ad scapul . colimus imperatorem sic , quomodo & nobis licet & ipsi expedit ut hominem a deo secundum , & quicquid est a deo consequtum , solo deo minorem , hoc & ipse volet : sic enim omnibus major est , dum solo deo minor est . idem apologet. circa majestatem imperatoris infamamur , nunquam tamen albiniani , vel nigriani , vel cassiani inveniri potuerunt christiani . lactant. lib. 5. instit. ca. 8. ideo mala omnia rebus humanis quotidie ingravescunt quia deus hujus mundi effector & gubernator derelictus est , quia susceptae sunt multae impiae religiones , & quia nec coli quidem , vela paucis deo sinitur . malach. 3. returne unto me and i will returne unto you saith the lord of hosts ; but you said wherein shall wee returne ? will a man robbe his gods ? yet have yee robbed mee ; but yee say wherein have wee robbed thee ? in tithes and offrings ; yee are cursed with a curse because ye robbed mee , even this whole nation . the declaration of mr. alexander henderson , principall minister of the word of god at edenbrough , and chiefe commissioner from the kirk of scotland to the parliament and synod of england : made upon his death-bed . hosea 10. for now they say we have no king , because we feared not the lord ; what should a king doe to us ? psal. 63. the king shall rejoyce in god , and all that sweare by him , shall rejoyce in him ; and the mouth of them that speake lies shall be stopped . printed , an. dom. 1648. the declaration of master alexander henderson . vvhereas the greatest part of the distempered people of these miserable distracted kingdoms , have beene and are , wofully abused and misled with malicious misinformations against his sacred majesty , especially in point of religion and morall-wisdome ; whereof , i confes with great griefe of heart , my selfe to have been ( amongst many moe of my coate ) none of the least ; who out of imaginary feares and jealousies , were made reall instruments to advance this un-naturall warre , wherein so much innocent protestant blood hath beene shed , and so much downright robbery committed , without f●ate , or shame of sinne ; to the scandall of the true reformed religion , as cannot but draw downe heavy judgements from heaven upon these infatuated nations , and more particularly upon us who should have instructed them in the way of truth , peace , and obedience . i conceived it the duty of a good christian , especially one of my profession , and in the condition that i lie , expecting god almighty ' s-call , not only to acknowledge to the all-mercifull god , with a humble sincere remorse of conscience , the greatnesse of this offence ; which being done in simplicity of spirit , i hope with the apostle paul to obteine mercy , because i did it through ignorance : but also , for the better satisfaction of all others , to publish this declaration to the view of the world ; to the intent , that all those ( especially of the ministery ) who have beene deluded with mee , may by god's grace , and my example ( though a weake and meane instrument ) not only bee undeceived themselves , but also stirred up to undeceive others , with more alacritie and facilitie ; that the scandall may bee removed from our religion and profession , and the good king restored to his just rights , and truly honoured and obeyed as god's-annoynted and vice-gerent upon earth ; and the poore distressed subjects freed from those intollerable burdens and oppressions which they lye groaning under , piercing heaven with their teares and cries ; and a solid peace setled both in kirke and commonwealth , throughout all his majesties dominions , to the glory of god , and of our blessed mediator and saviour the lord christ . i doe therefore declare before god and the world , that since i had the honour and happinesse to converse and conferre with his majesty , with all sort of freedome ; especially in matters of religion , whither in relation to the kirke or state ( which like hypocrates twins are lynked together ) that i found him the most intelligent man that ever i spoke with ; as fair beyond my expression , as expectation , grounded upon the information that was given mee ( before i knew him ) by such as i thought should have known him . i professe that i was oft-times astonish'd with the solidity and quicknesse of his reasons and replies ; wondred how hee , spending his time so much in sports and recreations , could have attained to so great knowledge , and must confesse ingenuously , that i was convinced in conscience , and knew not how to give him any reasonable satisfaction ; yet the sweetnesse of his disposition is such , that whatsoever i said was well taken ; i must say that i never met with any disputant ( let be a king , and in matters of so high concernment ) of that milde and calme temper , which convinced mee the more , and made mee thinke that such wisdom and moderation could not bee without an extraordinary measure of divine grace . i had heard much of his carriage towards the priests in spaine , and that king james told the duke of buckingham upon his going thither , that he durst venture his sonne charles with all the jesuites in the world , hee knew him to bee so well grounded in the protestant religion , but could never beleeve it before . i observed all his actions , more particularly those of devotion , which i must truly say , are more then ordinary ; i informed my selfe of others who had served him from his infancy , and they all assured me that there was nothing new or much inlarged in regard of his troubles , either in his private , or publique way of exercise ; twice a day constantly , morning and evening for an houres space in private ; twice a day before dinner and supper in publique , besides preachings upon sundayes , tuesdayes , and other extraordinary times ; and no businesse though never so weighty and urgent can make him forget , or neglect this his tribute and duty to almighty god . o that those who sit now at the helm of these weather beaten kingdomes had but one halfe of his true piety and wisdome ! i dare say that the poore oppressed subject should not bee plunged into so deepe gulfes of impiety , and miserie without compassion or pittie ; i dare say , if his advice h●d beene followed , all the bloud that is shed , and all the repain that is committed , should have beene prevented . if i should speake of his justice , magnanimity , charity , sobriety , chastity , patience , humility , and of all his both christian and morall vertues , i should runne my selfe into a panegyricke , and seeme to flatter him to such as doe not know him , if the present condition that i lye in did not exeem me from any such suspition of worldly ends , when i expect every houre to bee called from all transitory vanities to eternall felicitie ; and the discharging of my conscience before god and men , did not oblige me to declare the truth simply and nakedly , in satisfaction of that which i have done ignorantly , though not altogether innocently . if i should relate what i have received from good hands , and partly can witnesse of my owne knowledge since these unhappy troubles began , i should inlarge my selfe into a history : let these briefe characters suffice . no man can say that there is conspicuously any predominant vice in him , a rare thing in a man , but farre rarer in a king ; never man saw him passionately angrie , or extraordinarily moved , either with prosperity , or adversity , having had as great tryalls as ever any king had ; never man heard him curse , or given to swearing ; never man heard him complaine , or bemoane his condiction , in the greatest durance of warre and confynement ; when hee was separated from his dearest consort , and deprived of the comfort of his innocent children , the hopefullest princes that ever were in these ingrate kingdomes : when hee was denuded of his councellors and domestique servants ; no man can complaine of the violation of his wife or daughters , though hee hath had too many temptations in the prime of his age , by the inforced absence of his wife which would bee hardly taken by the meanest of his subjects : and ( which is beyond all admiration ) being stript of all councell and helpe of man , and used so harshly as would have stupified any other man , then did his undaunted courage , and transcendent wisdome shew it selfe more clearly , and vindicate him from the obloquy of former times , to the astonishment of his greatest enemies : i confesse this did so take me that i could not but see the hand of god in it , and which will render his name glorious , and ( i greatly feare ) ours ignominious to all posterity , hee stands fast to his grounds , and doth not rise and fall with successe , the brittle square of humane actions , and is ever ready to forgive all by past injuries to settle a present solid peace , and future tranquility , for the good of his subjects ; nay , for their cause hee is content to forgoe so many of his own known , undoubted just rights ; as may stand with their safety , as salus populi est spurema lex , so , & si parendum est patri in eo tamen non parendum quo efficitur ut non sit pater . [ seneca . ] i confesse that i could have wished an establishment of our presbyteriall government , in the kirke of england , for the better vnion betweene them and us , but i finde the constitution of that kingdome , and disposition of that nation so generally opposite , that it is not to bee expected : they are a people naturally inclined to freedome , and so bred in riches and plenty , that they can hardly bee induced to embrace any discipline that may any waies abridge their liberty and pleasures . that which wee esteeme a godly kirk policy , instituted by the lord christ , and his apostles , is no better to them then a kinde of slavery , and some doe not stick to call it worse then the spanish inquisition : nay , even the greatest part of those who invited us to assist them in it , and sent hither their commissioners to induce us to enter into a solemn nationall covenant for that effect , having served their turne of us , to throw downe the king and the prelaticall partie , and to possesse themselves with the supreame government both of kirke and state ; are now inventing evasions to bee rid of us , and to delude it , some of them publishing openly , in pulpits and print : that the sacred covenant was never intended for the godly , but only as a trap to ensnare the malignants , which cannot but bring heavy judgements from heaven , and , i am afraid , make a greater dis-union betweene these nations , then ever was before : like unto that bellum gallicum , quod sexcentis foederibus compositum , semper renovabatur [ canon. lib. 3. chron in here . 5. an. dom . 1118. ] with a deluge of christian blood , and almost ruine of both parties ; or like unto that bellum rusticanum in germania , in quo supra centena millia rusticorum occubuerunt . [ idem an. dom . 1524. ] or most of all , both in manner and subject , resembling that of john of leydon , munser and knoperduling , [ idem an , 1534. ] which tooke it's rise from the former ; so many different sects spring up daily more and more amongst them , which all like ephraim and manasses , herod and pylate , conspire against the lord's-anoynted , and the true protestant religion . the city of london , that was so forward in the begining of this glorious reformation , surpasses now amsterdam in number of sects , and may bee compared to old rome , quae cum omnibus penè gentibus dommaretur omnium gentium erroribus serviebat , & magnam sibi vidèbatur assumpsisse religionem quia nullam respuebat falsitatem . [ leo in serm. de petro & paulo . app. ] their trausgressions are like to bring them to that confusion of the israelites when they had no king , [ judg. 21. ] every one did what seemed good in his owne eyes , because they feared not the lord ; [ ihos . 10. ] they said , what should a king doe to us ? the young men presumed to bee wiser then the elder , [ isai 3. ] the viler sort despised the honourable , [ lament . ult. ] and the very serving-men ruled over them . i professe , when i saw these things so cleerly , i could not blame the king to bee so backward in giving his assent to the setling of our presbyteriall discipline in that kirke , for the great inconveniences that might follow thereupon , to him and his posteritie , there being so many strong corporations in that kingdome to leade on a popular government , such a number of people that have eyther no , or broken estates , who are ready to drive on any alteration , and so weake and powerlesse a nobility to hinder it . multos dulcedo praedarum , plures res angustae vel ambiguae domi alios scelerum conscientia stimulabat . [ c. tacit. ] let mee therefore exhort and conjure you , in the words of a dying man , and bowels of our lord christ , to stand fast to your covenant , and not to suffer your selves to bee abused with fain'd pretences , and made wicked instruments to wrong the kirke and the king , of their just rights and patrimony . remember the last propheticall words of our first blessed reformer , that after the subduing of the papists , foretold us the great battell remain'd against manifold temptations of the devill , the world and the flesh , and especially against the sacrilegious devourers of the kirke rents , which will not bee wanting now with baites cunningly lay'd upon golden hookes to ensnare the greatest amongst you both in kirke and state , but i beseech you in the words of our blessed saviour to be wise as serpents and milde as doves , let no worldly consideration induce you to slide backe from the true meaning of our holy covenant with the all-seeing god ; who punished saul in his sonnes for the breach even of an unlawfull covenant with the gibeonites . [ 2. sam. 21. ] remember the supplication of the generall assembly at edenburgh , given in to the earle of trawhaire [ sess. 23 act. 2 ] his majesties high commissioner 12 aug. 1639 recorded both in the publique regester of our kirke and parliament , whereby to obviate malignant aspersions [ 2 caroli act. 5. sess. 7 junij 1640 ] that branded us maliciously with an intention to shake off civill and dutifull obedience due to soveraignty , [ verbatim ex registro ] and to diminish the kings greatnesse and authority , and for clearing of our loyalty ; wee in our names and in the name of all the rest of the subjects and congregations whom wee represent , did in all humility represent to his grace and the lords , of his majesties most honourable privie councell , and declared before god and the world that wee never had , nor have any thought of withdrawing our selves from that humble and dutifull obedience to his majestie and his government which by the descent , and under the raigne of 107 kings is most cheerfully acknowledged by us and our predecessors , and we never had , nor have any intention or desire to attempt any thing that may tend to the dishonour of god , or diminution of the kings greatnesse and authority , but on the contrary acknowledging with all humble thankfullnesse the many recent favours bestowed upon us by his majesty , and that our quietnesse , stability and happinesse , depends upon the safety of the kings majesties person , and maintenance of his greatnesse and royall authority who is gods vicegerent set over vs for the maintenance of religion and administration of justice , wee did solemnly sweare , not only our mutuall concurrence and assistance for the cause of religion , and to the uttermost of our power with our meanes and lives to stand to the defence of our dread soveraigne , his person and authority , in the preservation and defence of the true religion , lawes , and liberties of this kirke and kingdom ; but also in every cause , which may concerne his majesties honour , to concurre with our friends and followers in quiet manner or in armes , as wee should bee required of his majestie , his councell , or any having his authority , according to the lawes of this kingdome , and the duty of good subjects . and though some malignant spirits wrest maliciously some words of our covenant , act. 3. contrary to the true meaning thereof , as if wee intended thereby to restrayne our allegiance contrary to the apostles precept and nature of our duty , and make religion a back-dore for rebellion to enter in at ; if there bee any of the simpler zealous sort that conceive the sense to be such , or if there bee any others that would make use of it for their politique ends , wee disclaime them : and i declare before god and the world that it was farre from the intention of those that contrived it , to wrong the king and his posteritie , as the plaine words of that article in the close doe clearly beare ; and the foresaid supplication doth manifestly declare , their intent being only to have setled a conformity in kirke government throughout all his majesties dominions , which they conceived would have strengthened his majesties authority and made him and his posterity more glorious : but since wee finde many invincible difficulties and intollerable inconveniences arise , chiefely from those who invited us to enter therein for their assistance in the accomplishment thereof in that kirke , and so clearly that they intend to delude us with vaine glosses and distinctions to the destruction of true protestant religion , and monarchicall government , and perceive , to our great griefe , that wee have beene abused with most false aspersions against his majestie ; the most religious , prudent , and best of kings : i doe further declare before god and the world that they are guilty of the breach of the sacred covenant , and that wee have discharged our duty thereof ( which is only promissory & conditionall as all oathes de futuro are ) by endeavouring to effectuate it quantum in nobis erat , and that wee are absolved in foro poli & soli of any oath or vow conteined therein , in so farre as concernes the setling of religion in the kirke of england and ireland , and that wee are only bound thereby to preserve the reformation of religion in our own kirke and kingdome confirmed by his sacred majesty in parliament , and to restore our native king to his just rights , royall throne and dignity , in as full and ample a manner as ever any of his royall predecessors injoyed them , and that the mouthes of all malignants may bee stopped , that it may not bee said presbytery fetters monarchy as independency destroyes it , who cast up to us the holy league and covenant of france as a pattern on the mont of ours . therefore i exhort and conjure you , again and again , in the bowells of our lord christ , and words of a dying man , especially my brethren of the ministry ; as you expect a blessing from god upon this distressed , distracted kirke and kingdome , upon you and your posterity ; as you desire to remove gods heavie judgements from this miserable land , the sword and pestilence , and what else may follow , which i tremble to thinke of ; to stand fast and firme to this poynt of your covenant , which you were bound to before by the law of god and of this land , and never suffer your selves by all the gilded allurement of this world , which will prove bitter and deceitfull at last , to relinquish it : stand fast to your native king most gracious to this land farre beyond all his predecessors ; none owes greater obligation to him then the ministry and gentry , let not an indelible charracter of ingratitude lye upon us that may turne to our ruine . the protestants of france when they were happy in the free profession of their religion suffred themselves to bee abused and misled by some great ones unto a rebellion against lewis 13 , their naturall king , which cost many of them their lives and estates and the losse of all their hostage townes , and might have endangred their libertie of conscience , if the king had not beene very gracious to them , the templers pride and ambition rendred them formidable to all christian kings and made them to bee cut off in the twinkling of an eye . the jesuites are running hedlong to that same height ; and our bishops , not contenting themselves with moderation , were made instruments of their own destruction ; as some of our brethren before by their indiscretion inforced king james to set them up ; wherefore i beseech you my brethren of the ministrie to carry your selves mildly toward all men , [ tit. 3. ] and obediently towards the king and his subordinate officers , [ rom. 13. ] preach salvation to your stocks , [ 1. pet. 2. ] and meddle not with them that are seditious ; keepe your selves within the bounds of our blessed saviours [ prov. 24. ] commission and doe not , as the bishops did , intrench upon the civill magistrates authority , that yee may live in peace and godlinesse together as becometh the messengers of the lord christ , non eripit terrestria qui regna dat coelistia . god of his mercy grant you all , the spirit of love and union that you may joyne as one man to redeeme the honour of this ancient nation , which lyes a bleeding in forraigne parts where it was once so famous for its valour and fidelitie even to forraign kings ; to redeeme it i say even with your lives and fortunes according to your solemne covenant and the duty of your allegiance to your native king ; consider i beseech you your own interests , besides honour and conscience , and never rest untill you have restored him fully to his royall throne and dignity ; let us his native subjects , bee his best shield and buckler under god , to defend him from all enemies , and to transmit his scepter to his posterity so long as the sunne and moone endureth , and let our forces bee imployed for the restitution of the most religious and vertuous queene of bohemiae and her distressed children , to their just inheritance and for the pulling down of the antichrist and enlarging of our lord christs kingdome throughout all the world . c. tacitus . in tanta republicae necessitudine , suspecto senatus , populique imperio ob certamina potentium & avaritiam magistratuum invalido legum auxilio , quae vi , ambitu , postremo pecunia turbabantur ; omnem potestatem ad unum reddire pac is interfuit , non aliud discordanis patriae remedium quam ut ab uno regeretur . finis . an answer to a paper importing a petition of the archbishop of canterbury, and six other bishops, to his majesty, touching their not distributing and publishing the late declaration for liberty of conscience care, henry, 1646-1688. 1688 approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33745 wing c506 estc r5331 13687136 ocm 13687136 101351 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33745) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101351) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 841:6) an answer to a paper importing a petition of the archbishop of canterbury, and six other bishops, to his majesty, touching their not distributing and publishing the late declaration for liberty of conscience care, henry, 1646-1688. 31 p. printed by henry hills, printer to the kings most excellent majesty ..., london : 1688. written by henry care. cf. nuc pre-1956. "with allowance." reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty of conscience -early works to 1800. freedom of religion -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer to a paper importing a petition of the archbishop of canterbury , and six other bishops , to his majesty , touching their not distributing and publishing the late declaration for liberty of conscience . vide , utrum tunica filii tui sit , an non ? quam cum cognovisset pater , ait , tunica filii mei est , fera pessima comedit eum . gen. xxxvii . ver. 32 , 33. with allowance . london , printed by henry hills , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , for his houshold and chappel ; and are to be sold at his printing-house on the ditch-side in black-friers . 1688. an answer to a paper importing a petition of the archbishop of canterbury , and six other bishops , to his majesty , &c. not to amuse my reader with any reasons or excuse for this undertaking , let this suffice for both ; that several copies of this paper , instead of distributing his majesty's declaration for liberty of conscience having been privately dispers'd thro' most counties of england , i thought it every man's duty , and ( among the rest ) mine , to undeceive them who have not the same brains , but more honesty and loyalty , than those that sent it , and bestow some ink upon the tetter , that it spread no further . in order to which , and that every man may at once see the whole before him , and thereby come to the truer conclusion , i shall take my rise from the occasion of this paper , and thence proceed to the matter of it . now the occasion was thus . his majesty finding it had been the frequent endeavors of the four last reigns to reduce this kingdom to an exact conformity in religion , and how little the success had answer'd the design , but rather destroy'd trade , depopulated the country , and discourag'd strangers ; and being resolv'd to establish his government on such a foundation as might make his subjects happy , and unite them to him by inclination as well as duty , on the 4th of april , 1687. issued his most gracious declaration for liberty of conscience , thereby declaring , that he will protect and maintain his archbishops , bishops , and clergy , and all other his subjects of the church of england , in the free exercise of their religion , and full enjoyment of their possessions and properties , as now established by law , without any molestation , &c. — that all execution of penal laws for matters ecclesiastical , as nonconformity , &c. shall be , and are thereby suspended . — that all his subjects have leave to meet and worship god in their own way , without disturbance . — and forasmuch as the benefit of the service of his subjects is by the law of nature inseparably annex'd to , and inherent in his royal person , and that no one for the future may be under any discouragement or disability , by reason of some oaths or tests usually administred ; that no such oaths or tests shall be hereafter required of them ; and that he would dispense with them , &c. and because several endeavors had been made , to abuse the easiness of the people , as if he might be persuaded out of what he had so solemnly declared , his majesty , as well to stop the mouth of gainsayers , as to shew his intentions were not changed since the said 4th of april , by a second declaration of the 27th of april last past , enforces and confirms the said former declaration , conjures his loving subjects to lay aside all private animosities and groundless jealousies , and to choose such members of parliament as may do their part to finish what he has begun , for the advantage of the monarchy over which god hath plac'd him , as being resolv'd to call a parliament that shall meet in november next at furthest . this declaration was forthwith printed , and by order of council required to be distributed , published , and read in the respective churches thro' the kingdom : and in that it was not enjoyn'd to be read in any the congregations thereby permitted , what greater evidence can there be of his majesty's real intentions to the church of england , when , however he suffer'd others , he own'd not yet any establish'd national church but the church of england ? upon this the ensuing paper was on the 18th of may following ( between the hours of nine and ten at night ) presented to his majesty by the six bishops the subscribers . to the king 's most excellent majesty . the humble petition of william archbishop of canterbury , and of divers of the suffragan bishops of the province , now present with him , in behalf of themselves , and others of their absent brethren , and of the clergy of their respective dioceses . humbly sheweth , that their great averseness they find in themselves to the distribution and publication in all their churches of your majesties late declaration for liberty of conscience , proceedeth neither from any want of duty and obedience to your majesty , our holy mother the church of england being both in her principles , and constant practices , unquestionably loyal , and having to her great honor been more than once publickly acknowledg'd to be so by your majesty ; nor yet from any want of due tenderness to dissenters : in relation to whom , they are willing to come to such a temper , as shall be thought fit , when that matter shall be consider'd and setled in parliament and convocation . but among many other considerations , from this especially , because the declaration is founded upon such a dispensing power , as has been often declar'd illegal , in parliament , and particularly in the years 1662 , 1672 , and in the beginning of your majesties reign , and is a matter of so great moment and consequence to the whole nation , both in church and state , that your petitioners cannot in prudence , honor , and conscience , so far make themselves parties to it , as the distribution of it all over the nation , and reading it , even in god's house , and in the time of his divine service must amount to , in common and reasonable construction . your petitioners therefore most humbly and earnestly beseech your majesty , that you will be graciously pleas'd not to insist upon the distribution and reading your majesties declaration . canterbury . st. asaph . bath and wells . chichester . peterborough . ely. bristol . and here also for methods sake , and before i come to the matter of it , i hold it requisite that i speak somewhat to the persons the subscribers , and the time of their presenting it . as to the first , the holy scripture styles bishops , the angels of their churches ; and by the common law of england the archibishop of canterbury is primus par angl. the bishops , lords ecclesiastical secular , — and sit in parliament jure episcopatus , which they hold per baroniam . — the statute ( pro clero ) calls them peers of the realm . — that of queen elizabeth , one of the greatest states of the realm . — they have jurisdiction in ecclesiastical causes , and are not bound to obey any mandate but the king's : and by reason of all this , presum'd to have a more than ordinary influence upon the people . our saviour calls his disciples , the salt , and light of the world. and why ? but that they should season others with their doctrin , and guide them by their example , into the way of peace . his name is , the prince of peace : his sermon on the mount was , the gospel of peace : the blessings in it , are to the poor in spirit , the meek , the merciful , the peace-makers , &c. his life was one continued practise of it ; and his last legacy to his disciples , was peace . he gave to caesar the things that were caesars ; and that tribute , which yet was the product of an absolute power , he not only paid it without disputing the authority , but commanded it to others : and tho' the imperial power after his death was of the same absoluteness , yet st. paul says not , the senate had declar'd it illegal , but calls it the ordinance of god , and enjoyns subjection to it . what the apostles in their time were , the same ever , and now challenge the governors of all churches ; next , and under kings , they are in the stead of god to the people ; and where they make a false step , what wonder if the unthinking people forget the precept , and take after the example ? they see nothing but ( sub imagine lusca ) by twilight , and conceive according to the colour of those rods are cast before them ; they hear a noise , but know not whence it cometh , or whether it goeth , and run away the cry , without so much as laying a nose to the ground for 't . what made the people set up adoniah against david's disposition of the crown to solomon ? abiathar the high priest was in the head of them . what made the nobles break the yoak ? the prophets had prophesi'd falsly , the priests applauded it with their hands , and a foolish people lov'd to have it so . or what made the jews who had so often acknowledg'd our savior , turn head against him , and crucifie him ? the chief priests , the scribes and elders had possess'd the people , that the romans would come , and take away their city . thus we see what influence great men have upon the heedless multitude ; and therefore how wary ought they to be , how they give them the least example of disobedience ; for it is seldom seen , but where the one disputes , the other cavils ; and where their leaders make but a shrug at the government , the people think it high time to be mending it : our own histories are as one example of it ; or if they run narrow , tacitus may be believ'd of his , erant in officio , qui mallent mandata . imperantium interpretari , quam exequi . there were ( saith he ) some in power , that were more for commenting , than executing the emperor's directions . nor are disputes or excuses of less danger ; for it is a kind of shaking off the yoke , and an essay of disobedience ; especially if in those disputings , they which are for the direction speak fearfully and tenderly , and those that are against it , audaciously . and if by such means a fire break out in the state , 't will want no fuel , when 't is kindled from the altar . and for the time of their presenting it , i shall consider it as it may respect the present circumstances of the kingdom , or that half scantling of time they gave his majesty to consider of their excuses . as to the former , the glut of reformers in edward the sixth's time was great , and the qualifications so indifferent , that the church of england has ever since labor'd under it , and the same elements that compounded her , half destroy'd her : for as the laws , not the doctrin , brought them first together , they no sooner found themselves streightned in the one , than they made it up with the other , and themselves somewhat in the broils , that were otherwise nothing in the peace of the state. these humors , during her , and king james's reign , lay fermenting in the body , but in his son 's broke out into a pestilence . the crown sell , the church follow'd it , and the most diligent enquirer might have sought england in her self , yet miss'd her ; till at last it pleas'd him , whose only it is to still the raging of the sea , to say to the madness of the people , huc usque , nee ultra . his late majesty king charles the second was restor'd ; and so little averse were the catholic lords to the church of england , that their votes , which otherwise might have kept them out , brought them once more into the house of peers : nor were they scarce warm in their seats , before the act of uniformity was pass'd , and driven with that violence , that it had like to have overturn'd all agen . the dissenters were not fit for employ , they had mony in their purses , and the world was wide enough : the catholic lords were less to be trusted , they cumber'd the ground , and 't was but fit they were down : there remain'd nothing but to cast out the heir , and then the inheritance would be the easier divided . and here also it pleas'd god to appear in the mount : he pluck'd him out of the deep waters , and set him on the throne of his ancestors : and as he came to the crown thro' the greatest of difficulties , he has been preserv'd in it by no less a providence . he stifl'd two serpents in the cradle of his empire , and in a three-years government conquer'd all example , in his own . and now , when our troubl'd waters had begun to settle again , what need of whistling up the winds for another storm ? when the wounds of the kingdom were almost clos'd , what charity was it to unbind them too soon , or under pretence of easing the patient , to set them bleeding afresh ? in a word , when the brands of our late rebellions lay smother'd in their almost forgotten embers , what prudence was it to rake them into another flame ? i see little of the dove in it , and am loth to say , too much of the serpent . and for that half scantling of time they gave his majesty to consider of their excuses , it seems here also , that the spirit of direction ( like baal in the kings ) was some way or other out of the way . the declaration was no new thing , it had been published the 4th of april 1687 , and his majesty had receiv'd the general acknowledgments of the kingdom for it ; which argu'd their satisfaction in it . the corn was in the ground , and now , if ever , was the time to sow tares ; and therefore , to prevent their choaking it , his majesty the 27th of april 1688 , ( which was one full year , and three weeks after ) enforces his first declaration , and commands it to be read in all churches within ten miles of london , on the 20th and 27th of may , and in all other the churches thro' the country , on the 3d and 10th of june following ; time enough ( one would think ) to have consider'd the matter , so as to have given the king some time to have advis'd . whereas on the contrary , they make no scruple of it , till the 18th of may , about 10 at night , and then ( the 19th being a day appointed for hunting ) they present the paper before mention'd , as well knowing , that if his majesty had an inclination of countermanding his declaration , he was so straitned in time , that he could not do it , for it was to be read the day after . and what can be rationally interpreted from it , but that they had been all that while numbring the people , to see whither the party were strong enough ? and i am the rather inclin'd to it , for that since the time of the first declaration , the doctrin of non-resistance has not been so much in vogue , as it was formerly ; it would keep cold for another time , and to have pressed it now , who knows but the people might have believ'd it ? in short , nathan , zadoc , &c. had some pretence for opposing adoniah ; me thy servant , and zadoc the priest , he hath not called . so core , dathan , and abiram , were ecclesiastical princes , and thought they might have as much right to govern as moses : but when the church of england ( founded on the law of england ) acknowledges the king supreme in all causes ; themselves , infra aetatem , & in custodia domini regis ; when the king by his declaration has secur'd them in their religion , possessons and properties , and by vertue of his royal prerogative ( and for the quiet of the nation ) only indulg'd it to others , ( yet making no doubt of the parliaments concurrence in it ) is it just that their eye be evil , because the king 's is good ? or must the kingdom of heaven be confin'd to a party ? i never heard that disobedience was any qualification for it ; and therefore , if they will not enter themselves , why do they shut it against others , that would enter ? but perhaps the petition ( if yet there can be any reason for the breach of a duty ) may give us the reason of it . the title says , in behalf of themselves , and others of their absent brethren , and of the clergy of their respective dioceses . which makes good what i before hinted , that instead of distributing and publishing his majesty's declaration to be read in their respective dioceses , as in bounden duty to their supreme ordinary the king , they ought to have done ; and the clergy , in respect of their canonical obedience to them , must have obey'd under the pain of suspension , and in case of contumacy of deprivation : they had been feeling the pulse of their clergy , and finding little return from them , but speak , lord , for thy servant heareth , they concluded the flock would follow the shepherd ; and consequently , if the party were not strong enough , the multitude of the offenders might make it dispunishable ; whereas it has been seen , that a ferry-boat's taking in too many passengers , to increase the fare , has been often the occasion of sinking all together . and if the loyalty of the church of england receive any blemish by it , what can she say , but that she was wounded in the house of her friends ? for by the same reason that a metropolitan refuses the injunctions of his supreme ordinary the king , by the same reason may a diocesan refuse his metropolitan , and every inferior clergy man his diocesan ; and when the chain is once broken , you may dispose the links as you please . but the petition says , it was neither from any want of duty and obedience to his majesty . no ? then why was it not comply'd with ? shew me thy faith by thy works , saith st. james ; nor will it be possible to clear that son of disobedience , that said i go , but went not . a bishop ( as before ) is not bound to obey any mandate but the king 's ; which exception proves the rule , and that he is inexcusably oblig'd to obey the king's : for all bishops are subject to the imperial power , who is to be obey'd against the will of the bishop . mauritius the emperor ( says bishop taylor ) commanded st. gregory to hand an unlawful edict to the churches ; the bishop advis'd the prince , that what he went about was a sin , did what he could to have hinder'd it , and yet obey'd . it was the case of saul and samuel : the king desires samuel to joyn with him in the service of the lord ; he , with the liberty of a prophet , refus'd at first , but afterwards joyn'd with him : whereupon the said bishop in the same place further says , that even the vnlawful edicts of a lawful prince may be published by the clergy : how much more then those that are lawful ? and that this declaration is such , i shall shew presently , when i come to speak to their word illegal . in short , the archbishop of canterbury is ordinary of the court , and a bishop's private opinion may be warrant enough for him to speak when he is requir'd , but not to reprove a prince upon pretence of duty . our holy mother the church of england being both in her principles and constant practises unquestionably loyal . nor have they hitherto appear'd other ; and , if not religion , moral gratitude must have oblig'd them to it . all the bishoprics of england ( but sodor in man , which was instituted by pope gregory the fourth ) are of the foundation of the kings of england , and those in wales of the prince of wales : nor is it less than reason , that they look up to the hand that fed them ; or to whom more justly ought they have paid the tribute of obedience , than to him that took them from the flock , and sate them among princes ? in a word the late war was bellum episcopale ; and if king charles the first would have confirm'd the sale of church lands , he had sav'd himself : and why then do they reproach the king his son with their loyalty , when they instance the contrary in so small a trial of that obedience ; especially when , were the matter doubtful , the presumption were for obedience , and even unjust commands may be justly obey'd ? for as we fear the thing is unjust , so have we reason to fear the evil of disobedience , for we are sure that is evil ; and therefore we are to change the speculative doubt into a practical resolution , and of two doubts take the surest part , and that is to obey ; because , in such cases , reumfacit superiorem , iniquitas imperandi ; innocentem subditum , ordo serviendi : the evil ( if there be any ) is imputed to him that commands , not him that obeys , who is not his prince's judge , but servant ; and they that are under authority are to obey , not dispute ; nor shall any thing done by vertue thereof be said to be contra pacem . david commanded joab to put vriah in the head of the battle , to the end that he might fall by the enemy : joab obeys ; vriah is kill'd ; and yet not joab , who might have prevented it , but david , who commanded it , is charg'd with the murther . in a word , to pretend loyalty for a common principle , and yet make disputing and disobedience the practice of it ; what is it , but a drawing near with the mouth , when the heart is farthest from it ? the voice ( perhaps ) may be the voice of jacob , but the hands are the hands of esau . and having to her great honor been more than once publickly acknowledg'd to be so by your majesty . and do's his majesty less than acknowledge it in this declaration ? he has in the word of a king secur'd to them their religion , possessions and properties ; and why ? but to assure them , he repented not the character . and it was their interest , if not duty , to keep it up ; nay , the honor of their church depended on it , inasmuch as men value things , according to the present good or evil they do in the world ; and what advantage can that religion give us to another life , when it shall be found mischievous , or destructive to this ? they have ( i said ) the word of a king for their security ; but if they force him in his own defence , to secure against it , whom can they blame but themselves , who first made the challenge ? abiathar's service to david , was acknowledg'd by solomon , but when he once began to boggle , he forgave , but remov'd him . and our bishop bonner , tho' he got his bishoprick by thwarting the pope , yet he lost it agen by opposing the king. in a word , the holy spirit in the apocalyps , acknowledges the good works of the seven churches of asia , but bids some of them remember , whence they had fall'n , and repent , and do the first works , or he would remove their candlestick . nor yet from any want of due tenderness to dissenters . no ? why then have those penal laws been executed with so much rigor against them ? or why are they so averse from having them eas'd at present ? what brought them into this kingdom , i have touch'd before , and what turn'd them out again , and our trade with them , is demonstrable enough in the late protestants of france . i will not say but they might have been kept out at first ; but being settl'd , and embodied into a people , it may seem ill policy to remove any greater number to gratifie a lesser . it is not the nobility , or the gentry , that are the traders ; nor is it the gown that enriches more than particular persons : but the trade of the merchant , and the industry of the middle sort , that enriches a nation , and without which vena porta , let a kingdom have never so good limbs , it will have but empty veins . it was trade gave england its first credit abroad , and the manufacture at home found mater to it ; the one drein'd other kingdoms to water our own , and the other brought a ballance to it , in making the export come up to the import , and both together secur'd the dominion of the sea , and made the wealth of either indie a kind of accessary to it ; and all this carry'd on by the middle-sort of people . take our sea-ports , and the sea-man is but here and there a true church-of england man : the merchant that employs him not much better at heart : the artisan thro' the kingdom has more than a spice of the disease ; and the body of the people not least infected with it . however , let them be quiet within themselves , and they dispute no authority ; but when they are uneasie , and mew'd up at home , what wonder if they change it for a freer air ? what makes us complain of the want of trade ? that our neighbors have gotten into our manufacture ? that our ships are not so well mann'd as formerly ? and the rents of lands fallen ? the reason is obvious : our selves have cut off our own hands . the merchant sits down with what he has , or turns builder ; the work-man carries his art with him ; the sea-man will have his opinion , as well as his pay ; and the lump of the people their consciences , or good-night landlord ! whereas , since his majesties late indulgence , trade is visibly encreased , building stops of it self , the kingdom begins to people agen , and the numerous addresses on this occasion , speak so general a satisfaction , that if such be the dawn , what may there not be expected from its full day ? and is there no equity , that the catholic also come in for a share , tho' the word dissenter seems not ( in proper speech ) to comprehend him ; for neither the law of england , or themselves , ever knew him by that name ? however , that some tenderness might be due to them , may be gather'd from the english litany . the church of england knows , the king professes the faith of rome ; and therefore when they beseech god , that it may please thee to keep and strengthen in the true worshiping of thee , in righteousness and holiness of life , they servant james our most gracious king and governor , what do they mean by it ? if after the way which some of them call idolatry , so worships he the god of his fathers , and they beseech god to keep and strengthen him in the true worshiping of him , they imply that worship to be a true worship ; and if they do not believe it , and yet use the words , how will they avoid a sin ? for whatever is not of faith , is sin. in a word , the king has made a general indulgence to all his subjects , the catholics fall under no particular exception , in it ; and therefore , the law of reason , as well as the law of the land , gives them the benefit of it . in relation to whom , they are willing to come to such a temper , as shall be thought fit , when that matter shall be consider'd and setled in parliament and convocation . what the temper hitherto has been , is but too sensible already , and what it is like to be for the future , may be guess'd by what 's past . the king ( who by the law of england is supremus in ecclesiasticis ) has thought fit , consider'd , and setled the matter ; and were a parliament now sitting , the king is sole judge , all the rest but advisers . the royal prerogative is a part of that law of the land , and by that authority , the king has setled it ; and therefore it becomes no man to be wiser than the law. nor is the advice of ignatius to his clergy forreign to it , nolite principes irritare ut acerbentur , ne ansam detis iis qui illam contra vos quaerunt . provoke not princes ( saith he ) to become bitter , lest ye hand an occasion to those that seek one against ye . but supposing it a matter only cognisable in parliament , why could not they have held till then , and in the mean time obey'd ? especially , when the king had by the same declaration , declar'd his resolution of calling a parliament in november next at farthest ; and our law says , extra parliamentum nulla petitio est grata , licet necessaria . no petition , how necessary soever , is grateful out of parliament . or how then could the convocation be concern'd in it ? for ( besides that the matter is meerly political , and singly respects the quiet of the kingdom ) if the king , who is supreme ordinary of all england , may by the ancient laws of this realm , and without parliament , make ordinances and constitutions for the government of the clergy , and deprive them for non-obedience thereunto , as has been more than once resolv'd , he may ; what have the convocation to be consulted in it ? especially when they have so often , in henry the third , edward the second , and edward the third's time , been commanded by the king 's writ , that as they love their baronies , ( which they hold of the king ) that they intermeddle with nothing that concern'd the king's laws of the land , his crown and dignity , his person , or his state , or the state of his council or kingdom : ( scituri pro certo quod si fecerint , rex inde se capiet ad baronias suas ) willing them to know for certain , that if they did , the king would seize their baronies . and by the statute of henry the eighth it is provided , that no canons or constitutions should be made , or put in execution by their authority , which were contrariant , or repugnant to the king's prerogative , the laws , customs , or statutes of the realm . in a word , the king has commanded , they have disobey'd , and by their ill example perverted others , and are yet very uncondescending ( for so the people word it ) themselves . and what would henry the eighth have done in such a case ; made use of his last argument , or thrown up the game for a few cross cards ? but among many other considerations , from this especially , because the declaration is founded upon such a dispensing power , as has been often declared illegal in parliament : and what were those considerations ? if a man should put an ill construction upon them , it may be said , their lordships never intended it ; and if they intended not to amuse the people , why did they not speak plain english , and specifie those considerations ? inasmuch as all petitions ought to contain certainty , and particularity , so as a direct answer may be given to them ; which could not be here : for whatever the king's answer might have been , somewhat more also might have been hook'd in from the words ; and alexander would have given it a short answer , ( aut ligna inferte , aut thus. ) either made it a chimney or an altar . but it seems it mov'd in sundry places , tho' the best scripture for this pretended illegality , be a declaration in parliament : their lordships instance nothing beyond their own time ; but i conceive it not impossible to bring them those of elder times , that have been so far from doubting the king's dispensing power , that they held it unquestionable . the stat. 1. h. 4. cap. 6. says , the king is contented to be concluded by the wise men of his realm , touching the estate of him and his realm ; saving always the king's liberty , i. e. his prerogative of varying from that law , as he should see cause . in the parliament-roll , 1 h. 5. n. 22. the statutes against provisors are confirm'd ; and that the king shall not give any protection or grant against the execution of them : saving to the king his prerogative . and what was meant by that , may appear by a prior roll of the same year , n. 15. where the commons ' pray , that the statutes for the putting aliens out of the kingdom may be held and executed : the king consents , saving his prerogative , and that he dispense with such as he shall please . upon which the commons answer , that their intention was no other , and by the help of god never shall be . queen elizabeth had dispens'd with the ancient form and manner of investing and consecrating of bishops , and the parliament of the 8th of her reign , cap. 1. declares it lawful , as being done by her inherent prerogative . and when by the same prerogative or privilege , and royal authority , ( for so it is worded ) she dispens'd with the universities , &c. so popish a thing as latin prayers , and which their lordships the bishops still use in convocations , though it be directly contrary to the statute 1 eliz. c. 1. for using the common-prayer in the vulgar tongue only : what is meant by it , but that the queen might lawfully dispense with that statute ? for if otherwise , there is no ecclesiastical person in the kingdom , but would have found the temporal censures too heavy for him , when it had been too late to have ask'd a parliamentary consideration , whether legal or not . and in particular in the years 1662 and 1672 , and in the beginning of your majesty's reign . as to the first of which , matter of fact stands thus : king charles the second , by his declaration from breda , had declar'd liberty for tender consciences , and that no man should be disquieted for difference in opinion in matters of religion , which did not disturb the peace of the kingdom . and in his declaration of the 26th of december following stood firm to it , but that no such bill had been yet offer'd him . while it thus lay , an act of indempnity , and one other of uniformity , were pass'd : the first regenerated themselves ; and the second , with the old ingredient , the growth of popery , was a probable way to exclude others . the 25th and 26th of february the commons come to some resolves against that , and dissenters ; which , with the reasons of them ( wherein yet they declare not the declaration illegal ) they present his majesty on the 28th in the banquetting house . the king complies ; and it was too soon after a rebellion to have done otherwise : however , if they had declar'd it illegal , it was but the single opinion of the commons , wherein the lords made no concurrence : and therefore to say , this dispensing power was in the parliament of 1662 declar'd illegal , when ( in common and reasonable construction ) a declaration in parliament is intended of both houses of parliament ; why may it not be as well urg'd , that those other votes and resolves of the commons , touching the bill of exclusion , were a legal declaration in parliament , when yet the lords swept their house of it ? then , for that other of 1672 , the king in the interval of parliament was engag'd in a war with the dutch ; and , to secure peace at home while he had war abroad , had put forth a declaration for indulgence to dissenters : the parliament meet , grant a supply of twelve hundred thirty eight thousand seven hundred and fifty thousand pounds ; and , without charging the declaration with illegality , pray his majesty to recall it . the argument prevail'd , and the king did it : which shews , that it was in the king's option not to have done it , or done it . and lastly , for that other in the beginning of his majesty's reign . that also ( without declaring it illegal ) was but some heats of the commons . there were at that time two open rebellions ; the king ( who is sole judge of the danger of the kingdom , and how to avoid it ) had granted commissions to certain persons not qualified according to the statute 25 car. 2. the commons offer to bring in a bill for the indempnifying those persons : the king knew his own authority , and ended the dispute . and if any man doubts the legality of the king 's dispensing with that statute , a subsequent judgment ( in the case of sir edward hayles ) has determin'd the point ; and that the power of dispensing with penal laws , upon necessity , or urgent occasions , of which the king is sole judge , is an inseparable prerogative in the king , not given him in trust , or deriv'd from the people , but the ancient right of the crown , innate in the king , and unalterable by them . and that this has been the ancient judgment of the judges from time to time , i shall meet with the occasion of shewing it in the next paragraph . and is a matter of so great moment and consequence to the whole nation , both in church and state. and so indubitably is it , that nothing can be more : for the best of laws being but good intentions , if a prince should be ty'd up to such unalterable decrees , as in no case whatever he might vary from them , it might so happen , that what at one time was intended for the good of church and state , may at another prove the destruction of both , if not as timely prevented . the present case is a pregnant instance of it : one would have thought , that the frequent endeavors of the four last reigns , for the reducing this kingdom to an exact conformity in religion , might have answerd the design ; but ( if his majesty in his declaration had not told us his thoughts of it ) our own experience might have taught us , the effects thereof have in a manner brought the kingdom to nothing : and what should the king have done in this case ; sate still , and expected a miracle , or interpos'd his royal authority for the saving it ? the question answers it self : and if the power of dispensing with penal laws , were not inseparably and unalterably in him ; how could he have done it ? what elder parliaments have declar'd in it , i have already shewn ; and that the judges successively have gone with it , is , or may be , obvious to every man. such was the resolution of all the justices in the exchequer-chamber , 2 r. 3. 12. and that the king might grant license , against a penal statute . and what is that , but a dispensing with it ? in like manner , by all the justices in the same place , 2 h. 7. 6. that the king may grant a non obstante to a penal statute , tho' the statute say , such non obstante shall be meerly void ; and such was the case there . — the 13 h. 7. 8. to the same purpose . — allow'd for good law. plowd . com. 502. — confirm'd by sir edward coke , 7 coke 36. — and 12 coke 18 , 19. and lastly , by a judgment in his now majesty's reign , of which before . and if so necessary a part of the government , so solemnly determin'd by parliaments and judges , is fit to be slighted , or not obey'd , which amounts to the same , i leave it to every man. that your petitioners cannot in prudence , honor , and conscience , so far make themselves parties to it , as the distribution of it all over the nation , and reading it even in god's house , and in the time of his divine service , must amount to in common and reasonable construction . and on the other hand i conceive , that both in prudence , honor , and conscience , they were highly oblig'd to it : for what is prudence , but the active faculty of the mind , directing actions morally good to their immediate ends ? that this declaration is morally good appears by the purport of it ; and that is , his majesty's desire of establishing his government on such a foundation , as may make his subjects happy , and unite them to him by inclination as well as duty . and what greater prudence could there have been , than by their lordships distributing that declaration as enjoyn'd to them , and by their pastoral authority requiring it to be read in all churches , &c. to have directed it to its immediate ends , which were the establishing the government , and making the subjects happy ? or , if wisdom must come in for a share , the offices of that are election and ordination ; the choice of right means for , and ordering them aright to their end. the right means of quieting the nation was before them ; and i think it no question , whether their lordship 's not distributing it , has order'd it aright to the end . the king had enjoyn'd it to be publish'd , and wisdom in this case ( like scripture ) is not of private interpretation , but lies in him that has the power of commanding , not in him whom conscience binds to obey . in a word , if obedience in subjects is the prince's strength , and their own security , what prudence or wisdom could it be , by weakning the power of commanding , to lessen their own security ? then for honor and conscience , tho' in this place , they seem to mean the same thing , and may be both resolv'd into nil conscire sibi , — yet i 'll take them severally . and how stands it with the honor of the church of england , both in principles , and constant practises , unquestionably loyal , and to her great honor , more than once so acknowledg'd by his majesty , to start aside in this day of her trial ? both the last armagh's , usher , and bramhal ; bishop sanderson , bishop morley , &c. have all along by their doctrin , and practices , beat down that other , of resisting princes , in that the church of england held no such custom : nor have the most eminent of her clergy , dr. sherlock , dr. scott , and others , until this last uncomplying , compliance , taken any other measures . and ought not their practise now , to have made good their principles ? or that advice of the present bishop of ely to the church of england , to have been consider'd , and follow'd ? let her be thankful ( saith he ) to god , for the blessings she hath , and unto the king , under whom they will be continu'd to her ; and take heed of overturning , or undermining the fabrick , because she cannot have the room that she would choose in it . and what greater assay to it can there be , than disobedience ? inasmuch as he that thinks his prince ought not to be obey'd , will from one thing to another , come at last to think him not fit to be king. nor must the anniversary of the now bishop of chester , be past in silence . tho' the king ( saith he ) should not please , or humor us ; tho' he rend off the mantle from our bodies , ( as saul did from samuel ) nay tho' he should sentence us to death ( of which , blessed be god and the king , there is no danger ) yet if we are living members of the church of england , we must neither open our mouths , or lift our hands against him , but honor him before the elders , and people of israel . and having instanc'd in the examples of the prophets , our saviour , his disciples , and christian bishops under heathen persecutors , and demanded , whether ever the sanhedrim question'd their kings ? nor must we ( saith he ) ask our prince , why he governs us otherwise , than we please to be govern'd our selves : we must neither call him to account for his religion , nor question his policy , in civil matters ; for he is made our king by god's law , of which the law of the land is only declarative . in a word , this and the like has been the doctrin of the church of england , and when on that ground , his majesty has more than once acknowledg'd her loyalty , who in honor more oblig'd to make it good , than those that serve at her altar ? unless ( perhaps ) they coin a distinction to salve it , and that the church may be of one opinion , and the church-men of another . and then in conscience , their obligation was higher ; for besides what i said before , that the people are apter to follow example than precept , every man ( and even their lordships with the rest ) is party , and privy , to an act of parliament , and bound in conscience , to the observance of it : nor is there either bishop , or clergy-man in the church of england , who has not subscrib'd to the lawfulness of this declaration's being read in the church , during the time of divine service . as thus : every clergy-man at the time of his institution , subscribes ( in a a book kept for that purpose ) that the king's majesty under god , is the only supreme governor of this realm : and that the book of common-prayer containeth nothing in it , contrary to the word of god. now , the book of common-prayer , as it is now used in and thro' the church of england , is enacted by authority of parliament , to be read in such order and form , as is mentioned in the said book : and the rubrick , i. e. the order and form , how those prayers shall be read , is to all intents and purposes , as much enacted as the book its self ; and in that rubrick , next after the nicene creed ( in the communion service ) follow these words : then shall the curate declare ●nto the people what holy-days , or fasting-days are in the week following to be observed , &c. and nothing shall be proclaimed or published in the church , during the time of divine service , but by the minister ; nor by him anything , but what is prescribed by the rules of this book , or enjoyned by the king , or by the ordinary of the place . now when all clergy-men have subscribed , that the book of common-prayer , containeth nothing in it , contrary to the word of god ; and that the king has enjoyned , that his declaration be read in all churches , during the time of divine service ; these subscriptions of theirs ( besides the authority of king and parliament ) conclude themselves , from offering any thing against the lawfulness of reading it , as it had been enjoyn'd to them , and the rubrick , requir'd of them . and being so , what excuse can there be , why they did not read it ? or suppose that clause , or enjoyned by the king , had not been in the rubrick , ( as it was first inserted in this act of uniformity , and every man that was of the convocation of 1661 , knows by whom : ) were none of the king's declarations ever read in churches ( and that , during the time of divine service ) before that time ? i think there were , and ( amongst many others ) that of the declaration for sports , for one . or that the ordinary of the place had enjoyn'd the contrary , ought not the king , the supreme ordinary , and as their subscriptions farther acknowledge , the supreme governor of this realm under god , to have been first obey'd ? i think he ought ; for the authority of the greater , supersedes the lesser ; nor is there any power in his dominions , but what is deriv'd from him . and whatever station the king has given them in the church , it is not to be presum'd , he thereby lock'd out himself . nor must a remark of the said bishop of chester , in his sermon before mention'd , be forgotten here : the jews ( saith he ) say , that the keys of the temple were not hung at the high priest's girdle , but laid every night under solomon ' s pillow , as belonging to his charge . the moral of it holds true ; for when a prince shall have little authority in the church , it is not to be expected he should have much better in the state. and lastly , for their lordships so far making themselves parties to it , as the distribution and reading of it , &c. must amount to , in common and reasonable construction . a clergy-man's meerly reading the common prayer in his church , is no giving his assent to it , unless after his so reading it , he shall publickly , and openly , before the congregation there assembled , declare his unfeigned assent , and consent , to all and every thing contained , and prescribed in and by the said book , entituled , the book of common-prayer , &c. which necessarily implies , that neither the distributing , nor reading it , &c. can in common and reasonable construction amount , to the making the publisher , or reader of it , a party to it . the apostle says , submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lord's sake . and upon this , the bishop of hereford grounds his judgment , for the reading this declaration . the king ( saith he ) expresly commanding it to be read in all churches , without requiring him that reads it , to declare either his consent , assent , allowing , or liking it ; i would gladly know how this is contrary to the word of god ? shew it me . or , if , as it is said , this dispensing power be contrary to the laws of the land , as is declared in the parliament 1662 , and 1672 , is it contrary to the law of god ? shew it me . ( pag. 5 , 6. ) or that to read any thing in the house of god , is declaring my consent to it ? ( pag. 8. ) no certainly ; ( pag. 9. ) for in the reading this declaration there is no doctrin taught , only matter of fact declared , and perchance , to try my obedience . ( pag. 10. ) and done out of pure obedience to my king , upon god's command , and to so good an end , as the preserving truth and peace among us . which if we lose on this occasion , they will have much to answer for who are the authors of it . ( pag. 13. ) besides whom , there are several other bishops of the church of england , who have obey'd his majesty's commands in it , albeit they may not have so publickly declar'd it . and having said so much to the matter of the paper , i think i may well pass the prayer of it , that his majesty will be graciously pleas'd not to insist upon the distribution , and reading that declaration . and therefore upon the whole , if this declaration had not been thought fit to have been distributed , as enjoyn'd , less ought the said paper to have been dispersed privately , and by such previous disposition , stoll'n the form of the design into the matter it was to work on : and considering the evils we had pass'd , and that the kingdom wanted a lenitive , not a corrosive , least of all ought the people on the wall to have been har'd with new jealousies : the people ( i say ) who need more a ballance than a fly , somewhat to moderate , not multiply their motion . in short , trust is the sinew of society , which is the right object of true policy ; and distrust , a disbanding of it . the king , as he has more than once acknowledg'd the church of england ' s loyalty , has as often declar'd , that he will protect , and maintain , his archbishops , bishops , and clergy , and all other his subjects of the church of england , in the free exercise of their religion , as by law established : and in the quiet , and full enjoyment of all their possessions , without any molestation or disturbance whatsoever . the king has said it , and shall he not perform it ? he has pledg'd his royal word , and shall we doubt the truth of it ? it is not with god , that he should lye ; nor with his vicegerent , that he should be chang'd . and therefore , let us ( as his majesty by this his declaration conjures us ) lay aside all private animosities , and groundless jealousies : let us fear god , and honor the king , and not discover the falsness of our own hearts , by distrusting our prince's . in a word , let every man in his station , contribute ( his mite ) to the peace , and greatness of his country : let him shew his love to god , in his obedience to his prince : and let no man , by setting up conscience against duty , run the hazard of dashing the first table against the second . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33745-e180 4 inst . 5. idem 362. 25 e. 3. c. 24. 8 eliz. c. 1. 1. inst . 134. lord bacon's essay of subjection . glan . l. 7. c. 1. tract . l. 5. 427. ductor dub . fol. 606. heylin's life of a. b. laud. 209. id. ductor dub. 608. 4 inst . 285. 1 inst . 94 , & 97. id. duct . dub. f. 136 , & 531. 9 coke 68. 10 coke 70. 22 e. 3. 3. stan. pl. cor. 162. 1 inst . 97. epist . 12. 4 inst . 11. crook jac. 37. moore 755. 4 inst . 322. 25 h. 8. c. 19. serj. rolle's abridg. 2 part . ti ' . prerog . 180. id. tit. prerog . trin. 2. jac. 2. in b. r. his coronation sermon , pag. 27. his sermon on that occasion , p. 13 , 14. ecclesiastical canons 16●● . art. 36. pag. 15. vid. act of uniformity before every common-prayer-book . par. 3 , 4. his late discourse on this occasion . die sabbatie 9. april. 1642. the lords and commons do declare, that they intend a due and necessary reformation of the government and liturgie of the church, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82874 of text r210439 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[2]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82874 wing e1631c thomason 669.f.5[2] estc r210439 99869239 99869239 160715 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82874) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160715) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[2]) die sabbatie 9. april. 1642. the lords and commons do declare, that they intend a due and necessary reformation of the government and liturgie of the church, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printed to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : 1642. title from first words of text. parliament intends a reformation of the government and liturgy of the church after consultation with divines. it will establish learned and preaching ministers throughout the whole kingdom. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a82874 r210439 (thomason 669.f.5[2]). civilwar no die sabbatie 9. april. 1642. the lords and commons do declare, that they intend a due and necessary reformation of the government and liturg england and wales. parliament. 1642 170 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die sabbati 9. april . 1642. the lords and commons do declare , that they intend a due and necessary reformation of the government and liturgie of the church , and to take away nothing in the one or the other , but what shall be evil , and justly offensive , or at least unnecessary and burthensome : and for the better effecting thereof , speedily to have consultation with godly and learned divines . and because this will never of it self attain the end sought therein , they will therefore use their utmost endeavours to establish learned and preaching ministers , with a good and sufficient maintenance throughout the whole kingdom , wherein many dark corners are miserably destitute of the means of salvation , and many poor ministers want necessary provision . h. elsynge cler. parl. d. com. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1642. a pillar of gratitude humbly dedicated to the glory of god the honour of his majesty, the renown of this present legal, loyal, full, and free parliament : upon their restoring the church of england to the primitive government of episcopacy : and re-investing bishops into their pristine honour and authority. gauden, john, 1605-1662. 1661 approx. 172 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42491 wing g366 estc r809 13415436 ocm 13415436 99484 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42491) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99484) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 456:4) a pillar of gratitude humbly dedicated to the glory of god the honour of his majesty, the renown of this present legal, loyal, full, and free parliament : upon their restoring the church of england to the primitive government of episcopacy : and re-investing bishops into their pristine honour and authority. gauden, john, 1605-1662. [2], 62 p. printed by j. m. for andrew crook ..., london : 1661. illustrated t.p. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england. church and state -england. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a pillar of gratitude humbly dedicated to the glory of god , the honour of his majesty , the renown of this present legal , loyal , full , and free parliament upon their restoring the church of england to the primitive government of episcopacy ; and re-investing bishops into their pristine honour and authority . anno 1661. aarons rod. blessed and florid . num. 17. 8. barren fig-tree . cursed and withered mat. ●1 . 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . luke 17. 14. giving thanks always for all things . ephes . 5. 20. nemo gratus malus : nemo malus gratus . perditissimum censuerunt veteres quem ingratum dixerunt . london , printed by j. m. for andrew crook at the green-dragon in st pauls church-yard . 1661. to the right honorable and most noble princes , dukes , marquesses , earls , viscounts and lords , barons and peers , of the parliament of england ; together with the other honorable gentlemen , knights and burgesses , of the house of commons . there shall need no other apology for the erecting and thus dedicating this pillar of gratitude , than that , which all justice and ingenuity do make , for the archbishops and bishops , with all the orderly clergy of the church of england ; who must cease to be christians and men , religious and rational , just and ingenuous , if we should not be highly sensible , how much we are commanded , by all the laws of gratitude to god and man , to express , in some publique and solemn manner , the humble sense of our thankful hearts , for that great mercy , signal honor , and eminent favor , which the good providence of god , by the graciousness of the kings majesty , by the nobleness of the house of peers , and by the generosity of the present house of commons , ( yea , we hope , by the desire and consent of all wise , sober , and just men , in this church and kingdom ) hath restored , as the other dignified clergy to their respective dignities , so us , the archbishops and bishops not onely to the exercise of our ecclesiastical jurisdiction , but also to the ancient honor ( when his majesty shall please to call us ) of sitting , consulting , and voting in the house of peers ; senatus , quo sol augustiorem in orbe non vidit ; as the most learned bishop andrews writes in his tortura torti : a court and council , in its full and free constitution , not to be exceeded , hardly equalled in all the world ; for number , and for grandeur ; for the conspicuity of its wisdom ; for the majesty of its presence ; and for the eminency , no less than antiquity , of its authority ; agreeable to that of fortescue , cited by sir edward coke in his institutes , l. 4. c. 1. si antiquitatem spectes , est vetustissima ; si dignitatem , est honoratissima ; si jurisdictionem , est capacissima . nor do we the bishops ( with all our brethren of the clergy ) more congratulate our own reception , to our pristine station , after fifteen years absence , than your lordships safe return , after twelve years banishment , to the enjoyment of your native right , and hereditary honor , of sitting in parliament , as barons and peers : and no less do we celebrate with joy the renewed priviledge of the free-born commons of england , to sit and suffragate , in their honorable house , by their chosen deputies , the knights and burgesses , after they had for many years been baffled with tumults , broken by factions , bastinadoed with truncheons , and beaten with swords ; in order ( forsooth ) to preserve the liberty of the subject , the priviledges of parliament , and the reformed religion . above all ( for in that one , all your honors , all our civil freedoms and temporal happinesses are included ) we of the clergy , beyond all men , have cause anew to solemnize this day , with ( faelix , faustúmque ) a peculiar joy and jubile to gods glory , the churches peace , and the kingdoms prosperity , the happy return of his sacred majesty to his rightful throne , as the sun to his proper orb or sphere , after the dreadful overthrow of our late phaetons ; who , having set this english world on fire , and quenched the other two british kingdoms of scotland and ireland with their blood , ashes and ruines , had this onely honor for their epitaph ( magnis excidere ausis ) that they justly fell from most audacious adventures , arrogant usurpations , and impudent impieties ; smitten , at length , as with the conscience of their own enormious wickednesses , so with the thunder and lightning , the terror and consternation of that divine vengeance , which , when they least dreamed of , did wonderfully overtake them ; after they had a long time flattered themselves in providences ; and , by the delusion of successes , had blasphemed the most high , holy , and righteous god , as if he were such an one as themselves ; a lover of perfidy , perjury , and hypocrisie ; which vengeance was also on the sudden executed upon them , as by the loyal prayers and pious impatiences of all his majesties good subjects , so chiefly by the honest policies and prudent conduct of one wise and valiant general , who ( as samson ) caught those subtile foxes , and tied them tail to tail ; but without any other firebrands , than themselves ; taking the crafty in their own devices , and pulling down the proud from their seats of scorn and tyranny : ( may his heroick name be written in the book of life , as it is in that of worldly honor , with an indeleble character ; because he did not pervert to private ambition ( as others had foolishly and falsly done ) the rare opportunity of doing actions of incomparable loyalty to his prince , and of love to his country . ) those scandals and reproaches to all true honor and religion , those pests and shame to all good government , being once gone with judas to their own places , after they had filled the three kingdoms with blood , barbarity , and confusion , and the measure of their iniquity up to the brim , by a wanton superfluity of folly and madness , wickedness and hypocrisie , at last this grand theater of wisdom and honor ( the parliament of england ) was left free , for the joyful reception of its ancient inhabitants , king , lords , and commons , there to sit with freedom and honor ; never again ( we hope and pray ) to be divided , scattered , confounded and destroyed . whose piety and justice not satisfied with their own return to this throne of majesty , this sanctuary of religion , this seat of honor , this citadel of all legal and ingenuous liberties , are pleased still to express a sense of solitude , until they had compleated ( more majorum ) after the ancient patern of english parliaments , their honorable society with the archbishops and bishops of england and wales ; that so in this , as in all other instances of true honor , they might not come short of the piety and prudence of their noble ancestors ; who thought , that a parliament of england , without bishops , was as a city without a temple , or as a temple without an altar , or as an altar without a sacrifice ; or as all these without a duly consecrated priest ; or as he and they too would be without the true worship of the true god. and thus have we lived to see , by merciful and miraculous revolutions , a plenary restauration of the majesty , honor , piety , and liberty of this so renowned church and kingdom ; both in their grand epitomes of parliament and convocation ; also in their greater latitudes , or diffusions , to all estates and degrees of men , as to their just concerns and interests to which , in law or religion , in prudence or conscience , they can pretend ; which are all bound up in the kings gracious , free , and royal consent , ratifying the joynt counsels and humble desires of the nobility , of the clergy , and of the commonalty , unanimously represented to him ; as by the lords temporal and commons , so by the lords spiritual or bishops , now restored to their ancient place and honor in the parliament of england . ( may this signal mercy of god never be forgotten by us ; may this happy union never be dissolved among us : may this great blessing never be forfeited by us . ) an high honor indeed , yet , withal , a very heavy burden , put upon us bishops ; not onely , as to the great service and publique duty , which is on all hands expected from us ; and for that great account , which will be required of us , according to the talents , advantages , and opportunities given us , to serve god , the king , and the church : ( to which nothing can sufficiently enable us , but the same grace and favor , both divine and humane , which hath thus prevented us : ) but also , as to that envy , which must necessarily by this eminency be contracted , from all those evil men , who have evil eyes , and evil wills and evil hearts , not onely against bishops and episcopacy , but also against the peace and prosperity of this kingdom , no less than against the pristine renown and flourishing of this reformed church of england ; which was famous heretofore in all the christian world abroad , and no less reverenced at home , by people , peers , and sovereign princes , while its diocesan bishops were dignified with this publique and parliamentary honor ; which is not like that sad other house , a mushroom or gourd of yesterday , springing out of o. p. and withering with r. c. but it began with the first originals of parliaments ; and for many hundred of years continued , without any violent interruption , until these late antimonarchical and antiepiscopal chasms and concussions , which shook heaven and earth ; yea , and hell it self , to destroy both kings and bishops , the kingdom and church of england . in which horrid conflicts of innovation , schism , rebellion , and confusion , with our well reformed church , our ancient laws , our setled religion , and our excellent government , the tail of the dragon strove to cast down to the earth many stars of the highest spheres , the greatest magnitude , and divinest influence , in this church and kingdom : and among them the most reverend and learned bishops of this church , even one and all , at one sweeping stroke ; who ( with their famous predecessors ) for many centuries of years , had both sat in parliaments , as peers , and presided in the church as prelates : that is , chief fathers , stewards , and overseers in christs family , or the houshold of faith ; principal governors or presidents in ecclesiastical jurisdiction : prime members in all synods and convocations : the main cisterns and conduits of holy orders : the grand conservators of ministerial power and ecclesiastical authority ; very ample and able defenders ( under god and the king ) of religion , as christian and reformed , in truth and faith , in peace and holiness , in good government , decent order , and legal uniformity . by which publique influences of their judicious preaching , solid writing , sober living , grave counselling , and prudent governing ( set off with such eminent honors , fair revenues , and due authority , as they were by the munificence of princes legally vested in ) the bishops of england have , by gods blessing , been in all ages ( according to the analogy and capacity of times ) as the fairest , so the strongest pillars in this churches fabrick : like the goodly cedar beams and costly stones which were laid in solomons temple : like the fruitfullest figtrees , vines and olives , planted in the garden of god ; flourishing and bearing fruits that were pleasing to god and good men ; until that wilde-fire came forth out of the thistles and brambles of the wilderness , which sought to devour them root and branch , and with them all things civil and sacred . your valiant and noble ancestors , not more honorable for their being peers or members in parliament , than for their being generous sons of the church of england , patrons of learning and true religion , these were ever so impatient to carry on , or conclude any publique counsels or determinations that were not sanguinary ( deo inconsulto ) without first taking counsel of god , by his priests , prophets , and seers , ( as david and the best kings of judah were wont to do , in all great concerns , civil and ecclesiastical , for war and peace ) that they thought nothing could be prudent , which was not pious ; nor likely to be prosperous in the state , which did not correspond with the church . they esteemed the temple of jerusalem , and the priests of the lord , to be ( as the ark was , and the bearers of it , in the midst of the camp ) not onely the center , but the sanctuary and glory of both court , city , and country : that , as the body is without the soul , so are publique counsels and transactions in christian states and kingdoms , without due regard to god , his ministers , his church , and true religion . with whose holy will , minde , and counsels , no men can , in any reason , be supposed to be better acquainted , or more sincerely conform to them , or more readily communicative of them , than grave and learned divines ; and among them those venerable bishops and fathers , to whom the oracles of god , and power evangelical , are specially committed , as to gods chief embassadors , christs eminent deputies , the clergies principal trustees , and , in some sort , the whole churches general representatives ; whose learned gifts and endowments are presumed to be most matured by age , subdued by experience , sanctified by grace , and intirely devoted to the service of god , the church , the king , and their country ; upon whose respective favors they wholly depend : to the glory of the one , and the welfare of the other , they cannot , in prudence and conscience , be less faithfully and constantly engaged , than any other men : and in whose interests ( doubtless ) they are much more to be believed , than any of those democratick spirits , or pragmatick sticklers , among the clergy or laity ; who being of less years , abilities , and experience , yea , and possibly less contented , are apter to be either covetously , or ambitiously , or enviously discomposed ; and so more subject to toss to and fro ; to move from one side to the other , as those weary men do , who lie on hard beds : easily , as we have seen , revolting from kings and bishops to presbyterian and independent projects , to popular and plebeian adherencies ; yea , to papal arts and ends : that by such complacencies they may advance their own estate or reputation , though with the ruine of monarchy and episcopacy ; which are the great defensatives and bulwarks against sedition and faction , against anarchy and confusion . how much the tumultuary mutinies of some impetuous malecontents against kings and bishops have been to the detriment and dishonor both of this church and kingdom , the recent memory of your , and our late troubles and miseries will sufficiently tell your lordships , and those other gentlemen : as a just history of their tragical counsels and tyrannical effects , will for ever warn your amazed and almost incredulous posterity , when they shall see the different , yea , destructive fortunes of our laws and religion , of our kings , lords , and commons ; of the sober clergy , & all degrees of honest men in these three kingdoms , under an affected novelty and parity of usurping presbyters , with some presumptuous people , ( whose dominion in church or state , neither your lordships , nor your forefathers , ever knew in england , nor can ever bear ) compared with that paternal government of learned , godly , and venerable bishops , counselled and assisted by their reverend brethren of the clergy ; in a way and form of ecclesiastical government , now happily restored by his majesty ; as most conform to the catholick church ; ever approved by our parliaments , established by all our ancient laws , and duly subordinate to our kings , as sovereign lords ; who are owned by us bishops , and all the orthodox clergy of england , to be , under god , the onely supreme dispensers of all juridical or executive power in church and state : no way subject either to the papal triple crown , or to the hundred eyes of any presbyterian class , nor yet to the hundred hands of any independent junto . by the christian care and courage , piety and charity of which bishops ( next after , and ever since the apostles and apostolique men ) christianity it self was first planted in britany , as in all other countries ; when the crown of king lucius , above 1500. years ago ( first of any king in all the world ) did wear the cross , as the noblest gem and highest ornament of his royal diadem . accordingly we read of our british bishops , present at ancient councils ; as that of arles in france , where restitutus bishop of london , and eboracus bishop of yorksate : so in the council of arminium , about the year 350. as sulpicius severus and others tell us . by a like succession of holy bishops , and their subordinate clergy , was christian religion , and its orderly ministry , preserved in wales , after many barbarous invasions and persecutions had almost desolated those first planted churches of our britany ; as venerable bede and guildas the wise tell us . by godly bishops were the saxons and angles themselves at length converted , both kings and subjects , to that christian faith , which , as saul , they formerly persecuted , and made such havock of . by grave bishops , as good physitians , was christian religion in its fundamentals of faith and good manners kept alive , to some degree of saving health and holy order , amidst the many distempers , corruptions , and deformities of those dark times , which went before , and followed after the norman conquest , by reason of the roman superstructures , usurpations , and apostacies . by excellent bishops were the decays of this church , and deformity of religion ( now above one hundred years past ) duly repaired , and orderly reformed , from those romish dregs of superstition , which had spread upon the face of these western churches , and sowred the sanctity , as well as sullied the serenity of christian purity and simplicity , both in faith and manners . by worthy bishops was our english liturgy fitly composed , our bibles well translated , our reformation soberly compleated , our religion by law and due authority peaceably established ; yea , and at last , all was sealed and confirmed by many of those godly bishops bonds and banishments , by their bloods and martyrdoms . by our english bishops , how many rare books have been written in all kinds of good learning , and especially in divinity , dogmatical , polemical , and practical ? how hath the orthodox faith of the reformed church of england ( yea , of the true catholick church ) been , by our admirable bishops , and other episcopal divines , valiantly maintained , against all kinds of heretical novelties , and schismatical machinations , both forreign and domestick ? they have neither feared rome , nor flattered geneva , nor courted amsterdam ; securing this church , at once , against all papal policies , disciplinarian devices , and popular impostures . how many great and good works of pious munificence , of durable hospitality , and useful charity to colledges , cathedrals , and other churches , to free-schools , to hospitals , and alms-houses , have by our english bishops been founded at their own charges , and many more by their grave counsels , and good examples ? as our english histories fully inform us . by some of our learned bishops ( as anselm , bradwardine , and others ) the glory of gods grace was notably maintained against the pelagian pride and presumption : so was the liberty of this church and kingdom by the great head , and greater heart , of robert bishop of lincoln , and others , against the papal arrogancy . by the loyal and resolute bishop of carlile was the sovereignty and life of richard the second , king of england , in open parliament vindicated by scripture , law , and reason , against the potent usurpation of henry the fourth . by a wise bishop of ely was that counsel first given , which united the two roses , and composed our long civil wars . lastly , by a worthy bishop was that foundation of union laid in a marriage with a daughter of henry the seventh , which in time brought both kingdoms of england and scotland under one scepter and monarch , as they are at this day . i do not mention these ( few of many ) instances of worthy and most deserving bishops of the church of england ( for i omit cranmer , hooper , ridley , latimer , matthews , whitguift , bancroft , jewel , bilson , andrews , king , both the abbots , davenant , white , morton , babington , carlton , hall , and others ) nor yet do i reckon up the many late great sufferers , with much christian patience , courage , and constancy ( some of whom remain to this day ) i say , i do not so mention those former ( as i might with a particular emphasis to each ) nor yet these later bishops , as if i here meant to plead the merits of bishops or episcopacy , either before god or man ; i know the best bishops were sensible , that they did but their duty to god , their kings , this church , and their country ( of whom , as of parents , none can merit , few requite them ; ) nor is it for me to blazon their wel-known worth by any pomp of words , when their greatest worth consisted in their modesty and humility ; as their greatest merit in their thinking they had none , though their works do at once praise them in the gates , and follow them to glory . onely thus far i have , with equal truth and modesty ( yea , and without any offence , i hope ) touched upon the wel-known deserts of some of our english bishops ; in the first place , to justifie this honor and favor , which his gracious majesty , by the advice of the house of peers , and the generous piety of the house of commons , hath now done to us bishops ; and in us , to all the clergy ; and in them , to this whole church ; and in this , to all christendom ; and in that , to all the world : after the famous examples of the first christian emperors and christian senators of rome , who assumed the chief bishops of churches in the roman world , into the order and honor of the senators or nobles of the empire , called patricii ; ( whence saint patrick , primate of ireland , had his name , even from that honor ; as the most learned lord primate ussher observes in his antiquitates hibernicae ; ) that all men might see , what esteem and love they then had for the christian religion ; as , of all religions , the best , and most deserving of mankinde : also , what regard they had for the prime preachers and professors of it ; among whom , none were thought more worthy of double honor , than those that ruled well , and labored also in the word and doctrine ; as all true bishops ought to do , yea , all of them have so done , and ever will , as god enables them : there being nothing so desirable in the office of a bishop , as the goodness of the work ; which seeks not our own things , but the things of jesus christ , and the publique welfare of the church , over which god doth set them ; that they may at once save their own souls , and the souls of them that hear them . furthermore , my design , in this brief commemoration of excellent and deserving bishops in the church of england , is , to make it appear to his majesty , to your honors , and to all the english world ( if there needed further demonstrations than our late miseries ) how partial , how oppressive , how destructive to all good learning , and generous piety , in church-men especially ( many of whom , in former times , were sons of noble and illustrious families ; ) how injurious also to god and man , to church and state , to kings and subjects , to true religion and sober reformation , those popular projects are , have been , and ever will be ; which , with tumultuating partiality , plebeian sordidness , and mechanick importunity , shall seek to deprive the publique wisdom and counsels of this nation , of the light and influence of those greater stars , or the guidance and defence of those good angels , such as our english bishops have been , and ever ought to be , and , i hope , ever will be : whose fatal thrusting , by head and shoulders , out of the house of peers , and more , out of the house of god , this church , was followed with such stygian darkness , hellish horror , and barbarous confusion , as cast out both commons , lords , and kings , from their places , seats and thrones ; supplying their and the bishops places with such associates in the house of lords , as were worse than any solitude . for , in stead of kingly majesty sitting on the throne , attended with ancient and honorable peers , lords spiritual and temporal , they brought into the capitol , or sacred senate of this british empire , many , that were not the sons of noble blood , nor yet men of noble education , or liberal endowments ; but i●ms and ohims , vultures and harpies , satyres and unclean beasts ; who , how ever so impudently wicked , as to be ashamed of no sin ( no not of sacriledge , perjury , rebellion , and regicide ) yet were infinitely discountenanced , and blushed to see themselves in that august , high , and honorable place ; just as owls and bats got into an eagles nest ; some of them being such pieces of mean birth , of mechanick breeding , and of monstrous insolency , as your selves and your forefathers might , without any unjust brow , have disdained ( as job speaks ) to have set them with the dogs of your flocks : so that the bringing in of bishops again into your house of parliament , is , as it were , a new consecrating of it , after it had been so lewdly polluted , and horridly profaned , by those abaddons and apollyons . this mercy of god , this favor of his majesty , this nobleness of the peers , and this generosity of the house of commons , to the bishops of england , yea , to this church and state , is the more welcom , remarkable , and miraculous , because they come as a glorious light after a most dismal darkness ; as the great calm followed the storm that christ rebuked ; as a fair port , or firm land , after much tossing , tempest , and shipwrack ; as a gracious rain after long drought ; as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land : this honor , after debasement , is as king pharaohs preferments bestowed on joseph , or evil-merodack's lifting up the head of jehojakin , after the squallor of their prisons : as the fair robes , which the angel commanded should be put upon joshua the high-priest , after his filthy garments were taken off ; or as king nebuchadnezzar advancing daniel from the lions den , and the other three confessors , from the fiery furnace , to be governors of provinces . for , although all estates and degrees of worthy men have suffered much in our late tumults and tragedies , yet none more than the loyal and conformable clergy ; and among them the reverend bishops most of all ; being stripped at once of their estates and honors , of all supports and encouragements ( except those of a good cause , and a good conscience : ) these , as the highest branches of stately trees , when felled ; or as the tops of lofty towers , when overthrown ( lapsu graviore cadunt ) not only fall first themselves to the ground , but with the greater stroke and bruise to others : whose sufferings were their greatest afflictions . your lordships , and the other gentlemen , know too well , that the exclusion of the bishops , or the state ecclesiastical , ( if i may , in respect of their peculiar function , their relation to , and representation of the whole clergy , as chief fathers in the church , so stile them stilo veteri , as sir edward coke and other great lawyers do , without the offence of any presbyterian criticks : ) the exclusion , i say , of them from all parliamentary , yea , and all synodical councels , was not onely their utter undoing ; but the first sad presage or direful omen of those after-subversions and confusions , which made havock of all those ancient laws and constitutions , by which no less the coronets of our nobility , and the crowns of our kings , than the mitres of our bishops , were setled . this gap once made by tumultuating importunities , popular threatnings , and petitionary terrors , much god knows against the choice and genius of his late majesty of blessed memory , no less than against the sense of the wisest and soberest , the most and best persons of both houses , and in the whole kingdom . good god! what iliades of miseries , what storms of violence , what deluges of mischief , what oceans of confusion , followed in church and state ? the tongues and pens of some popular ministers , who were wantonly wicked and zealously cruel , being once let loose against their church governors the bishops , how were all things soon set on fire , even with the fire of hell ? which burned to the very foundations of church and kingdom ; being like tophet , or those everlasting burnings , which nothing but a miraculous showre of divine mercy could thus allay , or quench . as no man did , said , wrote , and suffered more in the behalf of bishops and this church , than the best of kings ; or with more christian , heroick , and martyrly courage : so ( next that royal martyr ) were these godly confessors , the bishops , and other worthy clergy-men , who a long time stood in the breach , till there was no remedy ; but sin and judgement brake in upon them , and all estates as a mighty torrent ; in which many of them lost more then all they had : for the contagion of their calamities reached even to their children , friends , and acquaintance ; the envy and fury of their enemies seeking to exhaust all their relations , lest there should be any to relieve them with any thing but empty-handed pity . i knew some bishops , and those of the first three ( whom i cannot mention without honor , nor remember their enemies cruelty without horror ) who were in their old age reduced to live ( in great part ) as the clergy did in primitive persecutions ( ex donis & oblationibus ) by alms and charitable contributions : so did the incomparable lord primate of armagh , bishop ussher , and the most accomplished bishop brownrig : nor was the excellently learned and very aged bishop of durham ( doctor morton ) far from being an object of meer charity : i am sure , equal shame and grief ( mixed with just indignation ) affects me , when i read , expressed in his own words , the churlish , cainish , and contemptuous carriage of some men to the late venerable bishop of nor●●ch , doctor hall ; whose admired eloquence and meekness was capable , like orpheus his harp , to have charmed all wilde beasts , except ( bipedes lupos ) two-legged wolves . i need not add to this catalogue the acurate doctor prideaux , late bishop of worcester ( verus librorum helluo ) who having first , by indefatigable studies , digested his excellent library into his minde , was after forced again to devour all his books with his teeth ; turning them , by a miraculous faith and patience , into bread for himself and his children , to whom he left no legacy , but pious poverty , gods blessing , and a fathers prayers , as appears in his last will and testament . blessed god! who will not learn , yea , covet to want , as well as to abound , from these great examples ? which are capable to render indigence it self venerable , poverty desirable , and affliction lovely ? since god never takes the good things of this world from so good men , but as an indulgent father he intends to give them better ; physick for a time , in stead of food ; as he did to job : at last he repairs them with pearls for pebbles , and with eternal treasures for temporary trash . how justly these afflictions befel very worthy bishops , and other excellent ministers , then flourishing to a great number in the church of england , as from the hand of god , their own humility and charity , their patience and silence commands me , neither to doubt nor dispute : it befits us all , to give glory to god , to take shame to our selves , to say , it is of the lords mercy that we are not utterly consumed , that there is yet a remnant that hath escaped . but how unjustly , as to the hand of man , all these burdens of disgrace and indigence were cast upon such venerable persons in their old age and infirmity , i leave to the sober and equanimous world to judge ; when much evil was , for many years , inflicted upon them all , and no malicious evil of fact was ever proved against one of ten of them : they were all condemned , but never tried ; deprived of their ecclesiastical rights in law , but not according to any known law of god or man : their great offence was , that they did not think themselves wiser than the laws of the land , and canons of the church ; that they would not divide what god had joined together , religion and loyalty , to fear god , and honor the king ; that they chose suffering rather than sinning ; that they were not willing to have themselves , with all the clergy and the gentry , the nobility and the majesty of the kings of england , forced to truckle under the iron bedstead of presbytery ; or to tremble under the wooden ferula of ruling lay-elders , either dependents or independents ; whose insolency was more intolerable , than that of an handmaid which was become heir to her mistriss : the unpardonable sin of those reverend fathers was , that they chose rather to obey god and the king , according to known laws , than to flatter or humor any popular faction , how potent or prevalent soever ; still esteeming true piety and virtue , in the midst of adversity , to be more amiable , than the most prosperous impiety , or triumphant hypocrisie : as the three innocent persons were less hurt by the fire , than those who cast them into the furnace ; these were consumed , the other not singed . as no doubt those great sufferers , the bishops of this church , willingly forgave their persecutors , and committed their cause to gods pleading , having no other care but this , not to suffer as evil doers , or as busie bodies , or as perturbers of church or state : so they now greatly rejoyce in their past afflictions ; not onely for the good which they and others may have gained by them , and for the gracious end which the lord hath ( as we hope ) now put to them ; but also for those great and glorious advantages , which their former , many , long , and sore calamities do now give , to the present conspicuity of his majesties goodness , to the splendor of your lordships noble favors , and to the generosity of the house of commons : thus , by a most magnificent and illustrious opportunity , to express his munificence and your kindness to the dejected bishops , to the oppressed clergy , and to the almost desolated church of england , suitable to , and in some respect far exceeding , the pristine examples of his majesties royal , your lordships and other gentlemens loyal and religious ancestors ; who were so far from casting the bishops , or chief pilots of the church , over-board , that they never thought themselves safer from shipwrack , than when they were embarqued in the same ship with saint paul and his pious companions . your lordships and the other worthy gentlemen well know ( as i touched ) that bishops in england have ever been contemporary with parliaments time out of minde , as they have been in all christian empires and kingdoms , germany , france , spain , sweden , denmark , hungary , and others , present and assistant in all their diets and national conventions : so that our former kings ( according to their coronation oaths ) and parliaments ( according to law ) did constantly indeed preserve bishops in those ancient places and priviledges , immunities and honors , where they found them : but you , the present lords and commons ( concurrent with his majesties goodness ) have the singular glory and happiness to restore them to those ancient dignities , which they never forfeited , and so were never before deprived of ; till their legal and deserved honor was become their sin and crime ; till their good manors made them guilty ; and their revenues were counted their delinquency : lastly , till their having of ecclesiastical jurisdiction was ground enough to devest them of all authority , and the church of all order and government . it is the singular honor of this compleat parliament , which sits , as it began , with all that fulness of authority and liberty ( which is the life and soul , the crown and glory of such august assemblies ) to repair those breaches which were made by the free votes ( as it seems ) of but a few lords and commons , compared to the integral numbers of either house ; and that in very tumultuating , broken , and boisterous times : whose imperious and impetuous fury would not be satiated or stayed , till they had destroyed in new ways of judicature ( without any former president or future parallel , we hope ) first a prime counsellor of state , next the chief bishop of this church , and lastly the best of kings in the world : so fatal and unhappy it is for men , either to neglect gods ends , or to vary from his means , to use the devils engines for gods edifice ; doing real evil , that imaginary good may come thereby . indeed , the blessed god hath in the midst of his judgements remembred mercy : he , he , hath commanded the whales , which had devoured our jonah's ( the bishops , and other dignified clergy of england , with all their cathedral churches , honors , and revenues ) to cast them up again upon dry land : he , he , hath sent his good angels , even the king , and his faithful forerunner ( who are in this respect as angels or messengers of god ) to stop those lions mouths , who thought they had us all alive between their teeth ; breaking our bones , that they might more securely eat our flesh . he , he , hath stirred up the heart of our gracious sovereign , with this loyal parliament ( as he did the hearts of cyrus and darius , kings of the east ) to turn the captivity of the church , of the clergy , and of the bishops of england ; to make our latter end better than our beginning , no less for inward graces ( which we hope and pray ) than for outward mercies ; as he did to holy and patient job . indeed the mercy of god is so miraculous , and the favor of king and parliament is so remarkable to us , that many of those ambiguous friends to the church of england , to bishops , and to episcopacy , who formerly stood , as jobs miserable comforters , afar off , amazed to see , that ( amidst christians , and protestants , and zealous pretenders to reformation ) such eminent learning , such powerful eloquence , such venerable years , such admirable piety , such oracular prudence , such splendid virtues , such useful abilities , and such deserved honors , as were to be seen in the late learned and reformed bishops and clergy of england , should be forced to embrace the dunghil , to be trampled upon , terrified , scorned , and cast out , as the off-scouring of all things , by men some of them viler than the earth ; who certainly would not have used christ and his apostles much better , had they appeared among them , such as indeed they were , bishops or chief pastors and shepherds of the churches : even those dubious spectators of the late trials and cruel mockings , put upon the bishops and clergy of england , do now , many of them , turn their amazement of horror to an extasie and jubile of joy ; while they see what a wonderful change god hath made , commanding dry bones to live , giving beauty for ashes , and the oyl of gladness for the garment of heaviness ; rebuking at once the raging of the sea , and the madness of the people ; which nothing but omnipotent goodness can tame , or set bounds unto , as he hath now done among us . many of those wary christians , and superpolitick professors , who heretosore were afraid , lest , by their compassionate and kinde aspect , they should adopt the unjust calamities of godly bishops , and other worthy church-men ; these ( now ) begin to look serenely , and without sqinting , on the episcopal dignity ; they speak reverently of , and kindly to , the venerable bishops , and the other industrious episcopal clergy ; they behave themselves with filial respects to their mother the church of england , speaking comfortably to her , and telling her , that her warfare is accomplished ; assuring us bishops , and all other worthy ministers of the church , that our troubles are finished , if our hearts be refined , our lusts mortified , our passions conquered , and our lives amended ; that the former terrors , afllictions , and sad desolations , shall be requited with double honor , if we all unanimously return with double diligence to do our duties to god and man ; that those vast ruines , which schism , sacriledge , rebellion , and other crying sins have made , shall be abundantly repaired , by the justice , piety , and munificence of the king , the parliament , and people of england ; who have lived to see all the vizars and masks of angels of light , now quite taken off from the faces of those satans ; who , under the clamors of violent non-conformity , and under the colours of illegal , unreasonable , and deforming reformations , are found the greatest adversaries to law and justice , to true reason and sober religion , to necessary order and good government , which are the solid foundations and onely pillars of publique peace , of sober and lasting reformation . god himself ( i say ) hath at last pleaded , by the seasonable intervention of the king and parliament , the cause of this church , against all its cruel calumniators and causless adversaries , whose late sacrilegious depredations , dreadful oppressions , and endless vastations , sprang first from the root of scrupulous , or sullen , or scandalous non-conformity to the laws : at length they all nestled themselves under the popular shadow , or in the spreading branches of an anti-episcopal , novel , illegal and headless presbytery : at last they brought forth those bitter fruits and sowre grapes , which set all our teeth on edge , by the anarchy and confusion , the waste and ruine , of this church and kingdom . this royal munificence and favor of his present majesty is , by the former insolencies and calamities that befel this church and clergy , as by so many black foils and dark shadows , the more set off , to be ( as indeed it is ) so great , so unwonted , so wonderful , so kingly , so christian , so divine , so proportionable ( in this point ) for gratitude and munificence , to gods extraordinary providences , oft preserving , and at last restoring his majesty to his kingdoms ; that no instance in any age or history can parallel it , nor can any thing be said worthy of it , but this : it is an act of magnificent piety , worthy of such a king and the son of such a father ; the father chose to lose all his crowns , estate , and life , rather than rob god and the church : the son , when god had restored all to him , as to our lawful cesar , takes care to restore all to god that is his and his churches . give me leave to take a more leasurely and exact view of his majesties bounty and justice to the church and clergy of england ; for its dimensions , like those of the pyramids and colosses ( which were among the wonders of the world ) merit more than a transient aspect . when his majesties own royal estate , by long usurpation and banishment , had been wholly detained from him , and much exhausted ; when he was now under the necessity of many and great expences , publique and private , for the payment of his royal navy , and for the disbanding of his armies ( now his , by a most happy revolt , and loyal apostacy ; ) when he had power , as he pleased , to recruit his estate , and to restore the majesty of his kingdoms ; when not more his own , than his friends exigencies pressed him ( as sharp hunger doth mighty eagles , or lions , to fall upon any prey that comes next to hand ; ) when there wanted not some back friends to the church of england , who wrapping up sacriledge ( like goliah's sword in the linen cloth ) in the soft covering and shew of loyalty , were ready enough to make a royal present to his majesty of john baptists head in a silver charger , perswading him to fill his exchequer by robbing the church . when his martyr'd father and family , his own person and the crown of england , had suffered so much , upon no account more , than that of their christian piety and justice , courage and constancy , to defend , as nursing fathers , the church and clergy of england , in their just rights , endowments and enjoyments : when there was indeed such a grateful compensation due to his majesty and the crown of england , as was almost capable to christen even sacriledge it self , and to wash , to some degree of whiteness , that borborites , or blackmore , about which some have spent so much labor in vain . yet then , even then , after so many merits of the royal family , both active and passive , toward the church and clergy of england , amidst such streights and exigents of his person , family , relations , crowns and kingdoms ; how hath his majesty , by a most princely piety , abhorred to make necessity any plea or excuse for sacriledge ? he had rather still hunger ( with david and his men ) than take the shew-bread of gods house , without the priests consent and free gift : he chose rather still to want , than to be supplied out of gods exchequer , or the churches treasury , by any sacrilegious rapine , or other sine projects of the devil ; which more than once did offer to his majesty a sacrifice out of their rapine , and a burnt-offering out of their church-robbery , even a present of five hundred thousand pounds , to confirm the late illegal sales of church lands for ninety nine years ; and yet ( that you may see what good bargains they had ) the purchasers mean while to pay the old rents to the bishops and clergy : but his majesty abhorred to taste of any fruit which came from so evil , bitter , and accursed a root as sacriledge . thus , thus , hath his majesty , of his own pious and princely disposition ( conform to his fathers christian resolution , and encouraged by your lordships and other noble persons high comprobation of his so just and holy restitutions to god and the church ) kept his person and conscience , his name and family , his crown and kingdom , unspotted from this great offence , from this giantly and impudent sin of sacriledge , which at once fights against god and man ; against the charity of the dead , and the equity of the living ; robbing god and man , while it pretends to reform religion ; just as those cheats , who pick mens pockets , or cut mens purses , while they smile in their faces . to the wonder of the christian world , and to his majesties eternal honor ( as a son worthy , in this glory , of such a glorious father ) do we owe the plenary restitution , full collation , and free fruition of the churches dignities , honors , and revenues , which are seldom retrograde , when once alienated by any way from the church , ( vestigia nulla retrorsum : ) it is a rare sight to see restitution made , but as welcom certainly to god , good angels , and good men , as the return of a true penitent , such as zacheus , whose repentance was evidenced by his restitution of what he had unjustly gotten . to his royal bounty ( next under god ) we bishops are obliged for our spiritualties and temporalties ; that we are , at the honorable motion and desire of the houses of parliament , admitted again to put on the robes of bishops ancient honors ; and enabled to sit ( when his majesty pleaseth to summon us ) in that place , which is the palace of wisdom , the source and center of all our laws and civil justice : that we may there appear among your lordships , not pilled and stripped of our churches remaining patrimonies ; not confined to arbitrary pensions and uncertain stipends ; which eleemosynary dependances are weak and narrow foundations of episcopal honor , yea , and of any ministerial dignity or authority ; ( nothing being more uncomely and inconsistent , than teaching and begging , than craving and reproving ; as the cynick philosophers were wont to make themselves ridiculously severe , and supercilious beggars . ) but we are restored ( in solidum & ex asse ) to the full and free possession of the churches ancient patrimony , and inheritance , which is gods portion : and this in a way so far from any simonaical compact , that the very thought of so sordid a way of merchandizing , i am confident , never presumed to knock at the door of his majesties royal brest or heart . thus , thus , hath our great and gracious king ( as those famous eastern emperors ) not onely commanded to rebuild the temple of the lord , but to restore the vessels , and what else belonged to the sanctuary ; thus hath our david redeemed out of the jaw of the lyon and paw of the bear that kid and lamb which they had ravished from christs fold , from this church , yea , from christ himself , the great bishop and shepherd of our souls ; to whom we owe our selves and all that we have ; to whose service and honour no grateful consecrations and pious retributions can be too much , or can seem so to any men , but to judasses , covetous traitors , and ingrateful wretches . doubtless so great a justice and so generous a charity cannot go unrewarded of god , as it will be eternally admired by all good men and true christians : the shewing so great mercy to the poor church and clergy of england , which is indeed done to christ , will be a means to cover many insirmities , and to lengthen ( we hope and pray ) the tranquility of the king and his kingdomes : nor can any loyal subjects let that king want what is necessary for the publick peace , and comely for his majesty , who hath so large an heart and so liberal hand toward god and his church . we have ( right honourable and worthy senators ) nothing so much to say in this essay of gratitude to god , to the kings majesty , and to your selves , as to be abruptly silent , and to stand still a while filled with admiration and astonishment : what king or emperour since constantine the great , and charles the great ( i mean the last , who laid down his life for the liberties of his church and kingdoms ) ever did the like act of honour , piety , charity , justice , and munisicence to the bishops , to the clergie , to the whole church , and ( if i may so say ) to god himself ! to whom nothing can be given but of his own munificence ; as david modestly and truely expresseth his and the princes liberality to the temple . thus to redeem the nobility , gentry , clergy , and whole nation , from that ugly sin and shame of sacriledge , wherewith some cruel and covetous men , by their violent illegal and unreasonable courses , had sought to engage , yea , and for ever to damne ( as much as in them lay ) you and your posterity : other kings and princes of this renowned kingdome , as also many pious lords and gentlemen , have consecrated many things to god and his church ; but his present majesty hath at once restored all ; thereby shewing himself to be both charles le bon , & le grand ; a great and good christian king. if i ; or we ( for i still presume to set forth the grateful and similary sense of my reverend fathers and brethren the archbishops , bishops , and other worthy clergy-men ) if , i say , we may with your patience speak any more , or indeed were able to say any thing suitable to this so rare , so religious , and so transcendent a subject , his majesties free and speedy restoring to the bishops and other church-men their ancient honours , dignities , and revenues , by your lordships advice and assent , with the honourable house of commons , it must be in the words of the psalmist , quid retribuemus domino ? yea , dominis ? what shall we , the bishops and clergy of england , return to the lord our god ; and to our lord the king ; and to your lordships , and to the gentry of england , or the house of the commons now assembled in parliament ? give me leave to tell your lordships , and those other gentlemen , not what we would say , but what we would do ; i am sure we should do , yea , and we resolve to do , if we may be assisted with gods graces , and favoured with your christian prayers . 1. first , as to god , we do wholly devote our selves , and all the advantages we have by his renewed mercies , to advance his glory , and the honour of our blessed saviour , in the faithful discharge of our duties to the service of this church , by preaching , praying , writing , living , and governing ( our selves we mean , no less than others ) so as becomes primitive and apostolick bishops ; so as is on all hands highly deserved of us , and justly expected from us , according to our places and abilities . as it will be easier for us at the great day of account to have wanted these honourable priviledges than to have abused them ; so we had much rather not enjoy them at all , than not have hearts to use them aright , as prime professors and patterns of christianity ; that is , followers of jesus christ and his blessed apostles , in all piety , prudence , sanctity , charity , sincerity . it argued some greatness of mind in some of our bishops , for these many years to have lived contentedly without these temporal and secular advantages , not to have sunk and desponded under so long and importune adversities ; but it will be more of christian magnanimity to enjoy them wisely and worthily , to overcome the temptation of prosperity , to use them not to pride and luxury , but to humble and holy industry ; to discreet hospitality , to cheerful charity ; to the good of the church , and to gods glory ; who hath promised to honour those that honour him , and to adde all these things to those that first seek his kingdome and the righteousness thereof : doubtless nothing will be wanting to us , if we be not wanting to god , his church , our selves and our brethren of the clergy , who are sober men , void of depraved opinions , and debauched practices . secondly , in reference to his gracious majesty our resolutions are , that none of his subjects shall more imitate , and ( if your lordships give us leave ) cheerfully emulate your and their loyalty , love and fidelity to his majesties safety , peace , and happiness temporal and eternal , than we his bishops , who of all men may least be traytors to his honour , conscience , or soul ; who having dealt so bountifully with us , cannot but expect from us those honest and faithful things which are most worthy of his munificence and our integrity ; so as may most conduce to his majesties welfare and the publick peace . the first we should basely betray , together with our own souls , if we should cease daily to pray for his majesties happiness ; if we should fail to set forth the whole truth of god to him and his subjects ; lastly , if we should serve , sooth , or silently flatter any known sin in our selves , or any others whatsoever ; and least of all in those , whose sins must needs be as most conspicuous and exemplary , so most contagious and dangerous . the second ( of publick peace ) we shall best serve and secure by well and wisely ordering ( as spiritual captains and colonels of the ecclesiastical militia ) that army of ministers , or great company of preachers in england and wales , which cannot be less then ten thousand men effectivè ; whose number is great , and their influence with their activity much greater , being mustred and in spiritual armes at least once every week ; where getting upon the higher ground , and being as in christs stead , they cannot but have a very great stroke on mens ( and more on womens ) ears , hearts , and purses : these had need be well disciplined and governed under christ , and his majesty , according to gods word , the laws of this kingdom , and the constitutions of this church ; which must be their and all our rules , by which they and we must serve god and the king ; as with truth and holiness , so with decency , order , and uniformity : neither excentrick nor erratick from our proper spheres , nor yet defective or deformed in them : the managing of which great concern being by his majesty and the laws chiefly committed to us bishops , it will be most our sin and shame to be wanting in our duty ; if any man blame us for doing what is lawful and just , yea necessary for the publick peace , they must withal blame the laws , and by a most egregious folly think themselves wiser than the publick wisdom , the laws and laws-makers ; in which their own consent is included , and from which no man may lightly be a renegado . thirdly , as to your nobleness , no men shall more study your lordships true honour and eternal happiness , the only sufficient requital of your meritorious love and favour to us ▪ who have accepted , yea restored us bishops to be partakers of your honour , auditors of your wisdom , and spectators of your noblest conversation , in that place where every one studies to put on the best appearance ; we and our successors must for ever be faithful counsellors , friends and servants to your lordships and your noble posterity ; who possibly will bear from our age , place and quality , with greater patience , civility , and acceptance , than from other ministers , those discreet monitions , seasonable intimations , and wholsome counsels , which may be sometimes most necessary for you and them : it will always best become us rather to offend you by telling you the truth in a decent manner , than to betray you to those sinful infirmities or passions which are your greatest enemies , next to your flatterers . no men shall be more ashamed than we , to see our selves sit in parliament ( that is , in the congregation of princes , or mortal gods ) if we should not behave our selves in all respects answerable to your illustrious society , and to your great merits towards us : as we are below the objects of your lordships envy , so we will study to be above ( that is , not to deserve , and so not to fear ) your anger ; nor shall you either love virtue , or your own souls , or your god and saviour , if you either hate or despise us , who intend ( by gods help ) to perfect that in our selves and all others ( as far as our good counsel , example , and lawful authority will extend ) which some men have so long , so lowdly , and so in vain pretended to in point of true reformation both private and publick ; not in fine fancies , superficial formalities , and popular vaporings , but in solidly great , and really good actions , in which the power of godliness doth consist ; being offended at no mens sinful deformities and defects , either personal or political , more than our own : what is wanting in any of us as to high blood and extraction , as to civil grandeur and estate , shall ( by gods help ) be made up in that modest wisdom , sober learning , hearty loyalty , and unfeigned religion , which may most counterpoise your other accomplishments , by which we confess your lordships much overweigh us : indeed nothing can buoy up episcopacy , or recover the true honour of the church of england to a fixation , so much as the primitive great and good examples of bishops and the episcopal clergy ; as the excellently learned and pious doctor hammond now dying declared his judgment ; when leaving the world and all his justly deserved preferments on earth , he left us a most rare and imitable example of very great abilities set forth with greater industry , and most set off with greatest humility . if we can but live above those diminutions , which set us below our selves , our holy calling , his majesties favour , and your honourable society , we shall be nothing concerned in those other petty and plebeian objections , which the pride or envy of some mechanick spirits are prone to make against our persons or profession , since our originals ( blessed be god ) were as honest and unspotted as any mens , though not so noble and illustrious ; our education hath been studious and ingenious , though not so ample and conspicuous ; our conversation though more obscure and in the shade , yet not vain , not vicious , nor ( it may be ) so sun-burnt and tann'd as others : we have from our youth been devoted and trained up to gods glory , to his majesties and the churches service , by such pious , frugal , and learned retirements , as most redeemed us from those luxuries and superfluities to which others are exposed : we humbly and willingly owne , contrary to the vapour of that great orator , ( omnia nostra incrementa ( non nobis , sed ) deo , regi , senatui debemus ; ) all our advancements , not to our selves ( as he said ) but to gods mercy , the kings bounty , your lordships and our countries favour . indeed our single persons , families , relations , reputations , estates or merits , are too small and narrow a basis or bottom upon which to erect and settle this great pyramide , pillar , or obelisk of publick or parliamentary honour ; which in all true proportions is to be founded upon his majesties and your just zeal , for gods glory , for the honour of our saviour , for this churches welfare , and for the ancient dignity of episcopacy : as our private comfort can only be fixed , so this publick honour must chiefly be ascribed to and placed upon the latitude of his majesties wisdom , and the sanctity of your vertues ; upon the account of the love you have to true religion , and the esteem you bear to good learning ; also upon your care of this churches flourishing , together with this kingdoms peace : to these great and good ends we are willingly made publick servants ; to these some of us have sacrificed all our former happy tranquility and sweet retiredness , rather than be wanting to that duty which was not calmly required , but importunely exacted from us ; when more than once seriously deprecating the burthen of this employment , we were absolutely commanded to obedience , rather than seem to withdraw our shoulders from the burthen ; which no man will envy , but he whose ignorant ambition least understands it , and is least capable , as of the sacred duty , so of the necessary policy and reason of episcopacy in england . it is most certain that we cannot be without a king ( as the cappadocians pleaded to the romanes when they offered them their popular liberty ) in england , and not be very miserable ; which we have lately felt : nor can our kings want wise counsellours of state , any more than pilots can their card or compass ; nor can these well want the counsel and assistance of learned and religious church-men , grave and reverend bishops , any more than the mariners compass can be without the magnetick needle or director ; and this upon a double reason : first , worthy bishops are the fittest persons , not only to repress the falsity , scandal , and immorality of ministers evil doctrines and lives , ( which are as stinking carrion or dead horses in the high way , the poyson and abhorrence of all passengers ; publicae pestes ecclesiae & reipublicae , the most infecting and killing plagues to church and countrey : ) but also they serve to restrain and bridle the vulgar petulancy and popular rudeness of some factions preachers tongues ; which are sometimes , as the hearts and censors of korah , dathan , and abiram , full of strange fire ; or as sheba's trumpet founding faction and sedition ; then most of all when they would seem most zealous in their sermons and prayers ; infusing poyson into wine , the better to diffuse the venome of i know not what novell and fanciful inventions of their own ; festring those scratches which they first make , and then would seem to lick them whole ; sometimes venoming even sound parts by their very fasting spittle : so over clamouring for truth and holiness , ( which all good bishops and presbyters desire more soberly than themselves , ) that they are deaf to peace and order , to obedience and subjection , to law and government , which none but fools or knaves will oppose : certainly no men are so sit to encounter the fraud and folly of these deceitful workers , and to confute the popular sophistry of these crafty and crazy ministers , as grave , learned , wise , and godly bishops , who , past the froth of juvenile fancies and popular flashes , know what best besits solid preaching , sober praying , holy living , and discreet governing . besides this , pious and prudent bishops are of all men living the fittest persons gently to attemper with christian wisdome , meekness and moderation , those vehemencies , rigors , animosities and severities , to which the height of mens over-boyling passions and rougher spirits are prone to raise the secular policies , counsels and resolutions of those who are most exalted with worldly honours , and leavened with opulent estates : many times great princes , and persons of eminent honours do not more want than welcome those calm counsels and gentle mitigations which bishops and other ecclesiastical persons seasonably and wisely suggest to them ; as david did the prudent and humble intercession of abigail , when she gently disarmed him , and all his angry souldiers , diverting them from that exorbitant and cruel revenge to which a military fierceness and just disdain of nabal's ingratitude and indignity had transported him and them : or as theodosius the emperour did kindly and thankfully entertain the religious and resolute , but respective reproofs of st ambrose , bishop of millain , whom he reverenced as a father , and highly commended for that his freedom and fidelity to him ; which he said best became the bishops or prelates of the church of christ , who are so to fear god , as not to flatter any man. the great work of your lordships honour and wisdom ( with the honourable house of commons ) properly is , to see , nè leges angliae temerè mutentur : nè coronae majestas minuatur : nè virtuti desit honoris praemium : that the good old laws , customes , and constitutions of england be not lightly changed : that the majesty of the king and kingdom be not diminished ; ( for in uno caesare res est publica , we can have no common weal , but common woe , if we have not a king clothed with that sacred and inviolable majesty which is necessary for the publick welfare and safety : ) lastly , it is among your lordships and the parliaments noblest cares and designs , that no deserving vertue or ingenuous faculty , which serves the publick welfare , should despair of publick rewards ; and least of all , learned piety , or the most noble and sacred study of divinity , which is as the sun or the greater light , the author of that day , which shines on our souls , to shew us the way to heaven and eternity ; whereas all other arts and sciences are but as the moon and stars to guide us in the momentary affairs of this world , which is but the twilight state of a christian : lest while the judicious lawyers honest skill and commendable practice in our common or civil laws ; or while the discreet valour of good souldiers ; or the wholesome study of physick ; or meer riches by any honest trade accumulated ; while , i say , any , or all these are admitted , not only to knock at the door , but also to enter into the porch , yea and to repose themselves in the temple of honour , only the learning and religion of the clergy , the desert and industry of divines , who are the great studiers and interpreters of gods law , the faithful dispensers of heavenly things ; these , i say , should , to the shame and reproach of this church and kingdom , be excluded from all temporal rewards and honorary encouragements : after the method of the apostate julians envy and mockery , who said , the rewards of the world to come might serve their turns , when he took from the christian orthodox bishops and clergy those large donations , immunities and dignities which constantine the great and other godly emperours had endowed them and the church of christ withal . the justice and nobleness of this parliament hath sufficiently shewed to all the world how far your honours are from the schism and sacriledge of either depriving this church and kingdom of bishops , ( which it enjoyed in all ages since it was christian ; ) or of denying bishops those honours which the piety of your progenitors was more ambitious to confer on them , than they were to receive them : the modest humility of ancient bishops ( when most worthy ) thought themselves ( as we have cause to do ) less worthy of such high honour , walking ( as ammianus marcellian tells us ) with grave steps , modest looks , and mortified behaviour : but the generous piety of this , as other christian nations , thought , that they then honoured god and their saviour jesus christ , when ( as cornelius to st peter ) they expressed their high respect and honour to the bishops of the church as to spiritual fathers ; whose paternal benediction and peace in christs name as they oft desired with great devotion and respect , so they ever judged episcopal presidency and authority to be most suitable to the plethorick and sturdy temper of the people of england , whose high spirits abhorre all levelling , and are as impatient to be governed by their equalls or inferiours , as water is to be kept within its own bounds . and even now the wisdom of your lordships and the honourable house of commons , concurrent with his majesties goodness in the restitution of episcopacy and bishops to their pristine honour and jurisdiction , must not in any reason be looked upon by us , or any wise men , as any partiality of favour to so few , and to so inconsiderable persons as we are ; no , doubtless your great and publick designs are in order to promote gods glory ; to advance his majesties service , and to secure most effectually the peace of church and state , by adorning them with such bishops , and these with such authority as is most consonant to our ancient laws and constitutions , to catholick and primitive patterns , to the apostolick , that is christs , institution ; and to the word of god who is the god of order ; besides , most agreeable to the true principles and those necessary proportions which must be observed in all political order , and publick government , for superiority and subordination ; all which are only to be perfectly seen , used and enjoyed in this episcopal eminency or autoritative presidency . that so the church of england may still enjoy ( as it hath , by gods blessing , equal with any church in any age since the apostles dayes ) its ignatiusses , its polycarps , its polycratesses , its irenaeusses , its cyprians , its ambroses , it s austins , its chrysostomes , its epiphaniusses , its basils , it s gregories ; that is , an holy succession of evangelical bishops of the same spirits and proportions with those elder and our later ones , for learning , piety , prudence , eloquence , industry , courage and constancy in the true faith of jesus christ : that neither the romanists on one side may quarrel with , nor the schismaticks on the other side invade and prostrate the honour of the church of england , upon the oft ( but in vain ) objected account of schismatical interrupting or intercluding the apostolick succession of bishops ; and therein varying , in point of episcopacy , from it self as much as from all ancient and catholick churches : to the infinite scandal of all good christians and learned men , both at home and abroad ; many of whom do doubt , ( and upon greater grounds than most of those vulgar scruples with which many please themselves to sight against , and scratch at least , the church of england ) of the real validity of all ministerial power and ecclesiastical authority ; and so of all mysterious dispensations , and sacramental consecrations where bishops are wanting , not by unavoidable necessity , which is its own apology , but by a presbyterian petulancy , schismatical envy , and democratical insolency ; which is so ambitious to ordain and rule in common , that it giddily runs upon the rocks of anarchy and confusion . although we and all the soberly learned world must highly commend his majesties piety and wisdom , together with this parliaments , for their restoring catholick episcopacy , and in that the great support of this churches and kingdoms peace : and although we do justly esteem the honour and favour by god and man herein conferred on us ; yet we so much preferre the publick good before any personal enjoyments or private interests , as freely to declare to your lordships and all the english world , that we are so little devoted to the meer honour or profit of our places , and see so little cause to be greatly delighted in this burthen full of business , envy and importunity , that if any men of other principles , or any other forms of church-government , according to their several new models and inventions , ( which as childrens babies are almost as soon broken and defaced as they are made and adorned , ) be able to do this church and kingdome better service than the episcopal order , presidency , and authority with which we are now invested ; or if the wisdom of his majesty and his two houses of parliament by any good experience have ever found them ( and accordingly should judge them ) more proper to attain his majesties and your great designs for gods glory , and the common good , in gods name let these new masters and their new models take our places , and share our bishopricks once again among them : let them by some new and better experiments of their art and office expiate the former prodigies of their rude actions and desperate essays , which had almost destroyed all that was sacred and civil among us : let not our personal and private concerns be put into the balance against the publick interest ; we willingly recede , we disrobe , we degrade our selves , we will ( as far as we can by the ancient canons of the church ) submit to those new presbyterian and independent projects and projectors , if his majesty upon due advice with his parliament shall discern them to have a better call from god and man , better skill or will to do gods work , and the kings service in reference to the publick welfare ; if there be any thing in them more conform to gods word , to principles of right reason , to perfect rules of politie , to the necessary grounds of government , to the harmony of good order , to the universal practice of the church of christ , to the ancient laws of this kingdom , or to the temper and constitution of the english people : all which are highly and justly prejudiced against any novelty , and wholly conformed to episcopal antiquity ; unanimously confirming his majesties and this parliaments wisdom , in re-establishing of that to which no new form is to be compared , much less preferred . your lordships and all the english world have already tryed for some years ( full sore against the wills of the most and best men ) what the rigid presbyterian or aërian designs are ; what the plebeian practices of some ministers and people are ; you have found and felt of what metal those new masters and their lay-elders are ; who , as acephalists or polycephalists , headless or many-headed creatures affect to rule all , first without bishops , next without kings , at length without parliaments , at last without people , by a meer stratocracy of military myrmydons or mamelukes ; when indeed they are in all their forms and figures found not more unfit for government , than most unwelcome ( under that notion ) to the commons , gentry , and nobility of england ; besides , most unsafe for this or any monarchy , and wholly inconsistent with this churches national unity ; which ( as st jerome observes ) will soon run into as many schisms as there are parishes and preachers ; out of the spawne of schism fedition will soon rise ; and out of those egges such crocodiles will grow , as will swallow up kings and kingdomes . not that any men more highly esteem sober presbyters or good ministers , yea and other church-officers , such as the law hath appointed , in a due subordination to and orderly conjunction with bishops , than we do ; we shall ever advise with them as with friends , tender them as sons , and love them as brethren : but we cannot allow , nor can either the king or people of england bear that malipertness of antiepiscopal presbytery which hath of late , like reuben , by a most inordinate lust , ascended to its fathers bed , and against all law , usurped all episcopal authority in ordination , censures , and jurisdictions ; whose strength , we see , was soon powred out like water , not to be gathered up ; exposing , as it self to contempt , so the whole church to confusion . antiepiscopal or headless presbytery had indeed at first such a great belly or tympany in some mens high pretensions and rare expectations , as if it would bring forth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , magnum jovis incrementum , some prodigie of piety ; ( jam nova progenies coelo demittitur alto ) some rare and heavenly off-spring was coming ; no less than christs kingdom , throne , scepter and discipline was voted , resolved and expected : it was further attended , when it drew neer the time of its travel and all our pains , with a strange and new nurse-keeper , the solemn league and covenant , sent for so many hundred miles out of scotland ; which brought with it such swadling clothes as were thought fitter for that lusty babe than all the sacred bands of baptism and confirmation ; ( which leaguer bands certainly could bind no man that is in his wits beyond or against his duty to god , the king , this church , and his country , any more than the green withes could bind sampson to his hurt . ) for fear of miscarrying in the birth ( for its dam had hard labour ) it had the help of a man-midwife , who looked like a mahometan , a military and armed hand ; a means never used ( god knows ) in the true church of christ , or in the concerns of his kingdom , which is not of this world , nor after its gladiatory methods ; the gospel being first planted by fishermen , and watered by the blood of its prime preachers and professors : yet after all this parado presbytery proved a kind of untimely birth , a most unblest abortive ; and although it was not still-born , but cryed aloud for a while with a strong and terrible voice , yet it was by a merciful providence ( as monsters commonly are ) short-lived , sucking blood instead of milk for its infant nourishment : neither the english soil , nor air , nor geny was for this upstart , pert and presumptuous presbytery , which instead of the venerable gray head of primitive and paternal episcopacy , had got a new long tail of popular ruling lay-elders ; but it soon gave up the ghost , and being never christned , for it naturally abhorred creed , ten commandments , and lords prayer , it was over-laid ( as was thought ) and almost smothered to death by its puny independency ; that is , the nurse was oppressed by its nursling , by a sate as new and unheard of as it self was in england . this stripling also ( even independency ) was another by-blow of church-government , a new but illegitimate brood , begotten between fancy and faction , schism and rebellion , seeking to reduce church-government from its ( toga virilis ) manly , magistratick , and politick constitution , besitting well-grown , great and national churches , to its hanging sleeves or swadling clouts again . but these two spurious progenies , having neither lawful father nor honest mother , neither the advice of a national synod , nor any royal assent , and so neither civil nor ecclesiastical authority to naturalize or enfranchise them , while they were both eagerly conspiring and fiercely strugling against legal and catholick episcopacy , they made a shift to strangle each other ; both pretending to be the eldest son , the very esau , the only and primitive church-government , of christs institution , his entire scepter and discipline , neither of them was by wise men believed to be so , since both could not be so : and to be sure , neither the one nor the other was ever known or used in this or any true church of christ for fifteen hundred years after christ , unless all the histories and examples of the church have conspired to deceive us and themselves , which none but jews and turks can imagine . the first of these ( presbytery ) had a redder face , rougher hands , longer nails , and a fiercer voice , like esau : the second of independency , ( that is church-democracy , or common peoples ecclesiastical politie , first pretending to crown christ as a king , and then really to mock and crucifie him , parting his garments among them , breaking his bones , and nayling him to the cross of popular dependence , as the root of all ministerial authority and maintenance , which is indeed but a dry tree and dead trunk : ) this , i say , was at first smoother skinn'd and softer voiced , like jacob ; but it soon supplanted by notable disguises and vulgar insinuations its elder brother and its angry rival presbytery . at last ( post varios casus , post tot discrimina rerum ) after several risques and hazards run by church and state , the divine justice and mercy to this church and kingdom decided the controversie between these dividers and destroyers , opening a door for the happy return of ancient monarchy to its just supremacy in church and state ; also of venerable episcopacy to its pristine office and ecclesiastical authority , loyally subordinate to the crown of the king , according to law , and religiously servient to the church of christ , according to his holy gospel . in which ancient and excellent government if any thing be found , in the decurrence of time , or degeneracy of men and manners , inconvenient to the publick welfare , either as to its constitution or execution , we humbly crave of his majesties goodness and this parliaments wisdom , that both we and it may be so reformed and regulated in all points , not by tumults and armies , but parliamentary counsels , as may be most conforme to scriptural rules , primitive ends and uses , so far as the present times and manners of men will best bear ; which concession is sufficient to appease the gripes and wamblings of any , who either could take , or would keep their covanant with any shew of good conscience , that is , guided by reason , law , and scriptures , the speediest and easiest way of reforming government lying in good governours : for we are not so straight-laced in point of episcopacy , as to think it may not admit prudent regulations and variations ; yet so as the main spiritual power and ecclesiastical order be preserved and improved , according to the primitive pattern and catholick custom of the church , which is sacred , and ought to be inviolable , unless insuperable impediments give a temporary dispensation ; rather submitting to providence than changing the principle , or subverting the order , so divinely constituted , so universally established , and so highly blessed . but if a right evangelical episcopacy , such as for the main ever hath been in the church of christ , and now is according to law re-established in england , such as we are most ambitious to adorn and exercise ; if this be found ( as no doubt it will ) most consonant to right reason , to all rules and grounds of true politie ; to the just proportions of good order and measures of government ; yea , to the ancient models and methods of church-government , which are set forth by god himself in the old testament among the jewish priesthood , and by our lord jesus christ in the new testament among his 12 apostles , with the 70 disciples ; and these followed as divine patterns or originals by the catholick church ever since the apostles dayes , as all fathers , councils , and histories of the church do evidently assure us : o let not ( we beseech you ) this ancient , fruitful , goodly and venerable cedar of episcopacy be blasted or baffled , or blown down by the profane breath of some popular preachers , or by the fury of giddy , heady and ignorant people ; let not its ample boughs be broken , its useful bark be pilled , or it s far extended roots be extirpated by the petulancy and rudeness of any unruly and insolent spirits , since in its leaves , shadow , and fruits , there hath been and still is so great a blessing for this church and kingdom ; as is evident in these necessary offices . first , for holy ordination , or conferring of due and undoubtedly compleat ministerial power , such as is derived from christ sent by his father ; and from the apostles sent by christ . secondly , for confirmation or solemn benediction of the cathecumens , who in their infancy were baptized ; that when come to years of discretion , and well instructed in christian principles , they may seriously reflect upon , personally owne , and solemnly assume upon their consciences the keeping of their baptismal vow , that only sacred covenant , which is sufficient for any honest christian . thirdly , for the due examination , detection , reprehension , and suppression of errors , hereses , and schisms in the church of christ . fourthly , for the autoritative reproof and reformation of immorality , idleness , faction , and disorder among the clergy and other christians . fifthly , for the encouraging and preserving of truth , peace , holiness , and order among all under their care and inspection : all which good works are to be done by such ecclesiastical monitions and censures , as are by christ , by the church , and by the kings authority committed to them , as bishops or church-magistrates , furnished with spiritual , ecclesiastical and legal power . lastly , for the giving more eminent , remarkable , and autoritative examples in all christian graces and vertues , proportionable to their places , estates , and dignities ; for the encouragement of piety , and discountenancing of profaneness : the weight and emphasis of examples consisting most in the eminency of the person , and dignity of his place , which make them as dominical letters , or capital figures , of greater note , name and influence . these so peculiar duties , proper offices and uses of bishops ( as church-men ) may very well seem , i dare not say below your lordships eminent dignity , ( since gods glory and christs honour are stamped upon the ministers of the church , but ) less suitable to your many secular employments ; and i am sure they are ( for the most part ) much above most lay-mens abilities ; as they were ever judged by the church of christ above the ordinary capacities of meer presbyters , or inferiour ministers , who have indeed the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ministerial or liturgical power and authority as to doctrine , consecration , devotion , parochial inspection and direction , derived to them by and from the respective bishops : but not the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , political , ordinative and presidential power in point of the churches national politie , or more publick government ; which st jerome requires , and ownes as ( exors & necessaria potestas episcoporum ) as a principal and eminent power necessary for the church of christ , and specially residing in bishops . indeed in the beginning or infancy of churches ( as many learned men have observed ) the powers or offices of deacon , presbyter , bishop , and apostle might ( possibly ) be resident in , and exercised by one man , where there was but an handful or little flock of two or three gathered together in christs name ; but when beleivers and congregations , and so their pastors multiplied , then there was a necessity of politie , order and wisdom to distinguish and rank these offices and officers into several politick distributions , or helps of government ; some to be the flocks , others to be the pastors ; some to be only as presbyters , praying , preaching , baptizing , consecrating and blessing the people ; others as presidents or bishops ruling over the many presbyters and people too within their inspection ; others as deacons servient to bishops , presbyters and people : and all this to keep such an orderly unity , as may best avoid schismatical confusions in the church of christ ; which ought to be as an army with banners , where are the ensigns of office and authority , the directives of orderly motion , the centers of union , and the securers of the common safety , by wise commands and ready obedience . nor may the sameness of the names , or of naturals , morals , or religion , as to faith , gifts and graces ; nor the community of some christian priviledges , duties , or offices of charity , these may not be pleaded against the primitive distinction of eminent honour and authority among the clergy , any more than all priority and superiority may be denyed among men in respect of civil magistracy , who are of the same nature , parentage , city , trade and country ; or among souldiers of the same army ; or scholars of the same colledge and university . to be sure that over-seeing , presidential and gubernative power , which shall authoritatively look to the eutaxie , good order and unity of the church , such as was in the prime and secondary apostles ; the first as oeconomical , the second as metropolitical , or diocesan bishops ; such as was committed to timothy and titus , and exercised by them , not only as evangelists or preachers , but as presidents and prelates ; this power cannot be either regularly , or prudently , or safely in england committed to any hands , but to those venerable clergy-men whom his majesty and the laws shall think fit to constitute as governours over others , and from whom they may have an account of all : nor can it be in better or safer hands than those of learned , wise , grave and godly bishops , assisted by such sober presbyters , or ministers , as his majesty and the laws shall either appoint , or permit them to call to their counsel and assistance in their ordinations , or in their exercise of ecclesiastical censures and jurisdiction ; not by way of a consistorian negative , which is to alter and unhinge the whole government , turning wine into water , and making way for all factions to breed even in the nest of church-government ; but by such publick presence and venerable conspicuity of many learned and wise counsellors , as may best avoid any mistakes or errors , and most contribute , by their being witnesses of all transactions , to that authority which is necessary to convince men of sin , and to convert them from the error of their ways , when they see themselves condemned by the censure , not of one only , but of many worthy and impartial men . an help , ornament , and honour in church-government which really for our own part , we earnestly desire , and ambitiously embrace , as that ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which ignatius , cyprian , and others so magnifie , that fraternal consess , and ecclesiastical council , which may not only be witnesses of our publick actions , but assistants in all such publick dispatches , as are not safely committed to any one man , nor can discreetly be managed by him without contracting too much envy , anger and odium upon him ; which sense , we believe , is common with all our worthy brethren . indeed no wise bishop can affect an arbitrary power , or an absolute and sole dominion ; nor are we willing to be thus either exposed to others calumnies , or betrayed to our selves ; because we know our selves to be but men , and subject to the same infirmities with other sinful mortals : nor can we be so happy as when we are both compassed , encouraged , and supported with our aged , learned , and reverend brethren of the clergy , who may be every way as able and deserving as our selves . thus sortified and assisted , we may , by gods help , be capable ( without too great burthen ) to discharge the proper duties and offices of bishops , both in and out of parliaments ; which is to see , ( nè quid detrimenti patiatur religio , ecclesia , vera reformatio , &c. ) that our religion , as christian , as well reformed , and as by law duly established , suffer no detriment , diminution , or debauchery ; no apostacy , schism , or division in doctrine , discipline , or devotion , in sanctity , solemnity , or uniformity , either by profaneness , petulancy , or faction : what his majesty , your lordships , and other gentlemen of other civil employments cannot so well observe to be amiss in church or church-men , we the bishops , as publick watch-men , and over-seers , may best inform you of ; what we cannot am●nd by reason of the luxuriancy or obstinacy of some refractory spirits , your eminent authority may command and curb according to law , in which the publick wisdom and power , safety and honour do concenter . in the last place , as to the great merits of the honourable house of commons , and in them of all the ingenuous gentry , with all the religious and loyal people of england towards us the bishops of this church ; we shall chuse rather to dye , or to be again degraded by the folly and fury of schismatical envy and malice , than not to make good by our actions their good esteem of us , or to forfeit by any fault of ours their ready suffrages for us ; we shall never think any thing added to us by this great favour and honour shewed us , if we do not find in them mighty spurs and goads to provoke us more to our duties of sound preaching , sober praying , discreet governing , and holy living ; which are the solid honours of all good bishops , and true ministers ; as they are the debts also which we indispensibly owe to god , to this church , and to the least member of it : what may possibly be wanting in the frequency , number and tale of our sermons , by reason of our age and infirmity , shall be made up in their weight ; and when we shall not be able to preach at all , we will study to live over the best of our sermons , and to preach by our examples , when we cannot by our words . god forbid we should suddenly forget those late horrid and long conflagrations , out of which the good hand of god , by the kings favour , and this parliaments assistance , hath snatched us , and this whole church ; yea , god forbid , that we the bishops and all the clergy of england should not come out of this fiery furnace more purged and prepared for our masters service ; yea , god forbid , that after such a deluge , and deliverance as this , we should so forget god , or our selves , as to be drunk with that wine of consolation and cup of salvation , which our merciful god , our gracious king , your noble lordships , and our loving country-men , the commons of england , have now put into our hands . we are very sensible how great stimulations are put upon us as christians , ministers and bishops , to all piety , industry , prudence , virtue and true honour ; which we know do not consist in being either so eager for small circumstances , and outward ceremonies of religion , as to be remiss in its necessary morals and substantials ; ( as if one should put on fine clothes , while he starves his body ; ) nor yet in being so zealous for the essentials only of faith and duties , as rudely to neglect those reverential solemnities and decent circumstantials , which preserve ( as the bark or rinde doth the tree ) the churches good order , peace , and unity . we profess to all the world , that we owne god alone in his holy word ( which we call the scriptures ) to be the sole institutor of his own necessary worship and indispensable service ; who alone knows what will best please him , and profit us : we think ( as we are taught by the church of england ) that nothing is necessary and essential , moral or mysterious , as any means to obtain , conferre , or increase grace , or to please god , which himself hath not in his word prescribed , either by special mandate or general direction , and necessary consequence . yet we believe also ( as all learned men at home and abroad do agree ) that the indulgence of god hath left free to the prudence and authority of every national church , christian politie , and community , the particular appointing , ordering and regulating of all those general and common circumstances , which are in nature or civility necessary , as time , place , method , manner , measure , vesture and gesture , ( all which are as unseparable from all publick actions under the sun , as our skins are from our bodies ) according as shall seem to the supreme wisdom and authority of that church , most for its publick decency and solemnity , for good order and edification ; of all which in their particular instances and usages , every private christian is judge and arbitrator in his closet-worship ; also every chief governour in his family , where , when , how , for matter , method and manner , also for measure of reading , praying , praising , &c. when sitting , standing or kneeling ; whether in sordid or decent habits , becoming his presence and the sanctity of the duty ; and no less , without all peradventure , are they left to every chief magistrate or ruler in church and state , within his respective dominions , for the publick peace , order , decency , uniformity , and solemnity of religion , of which those are the proper chusers , determiners , and judges , to whom the power is given by god , either private or publick ; that religion may not enterfeere with the civil government , but conform to it in these things , as it is protected by it in the main . provided always , that no such particular rite , limited circumstance , or ecclesiastical ceremony thus chosen , be otherwise imposed upon mens judgments and consciences , either in opinion or use , then as indeed it is in its nature , and gods indulgence ; that is , mutable , when good occasion , or the chief end of things requires a change of them by lawful authority , so as to be still free , as to the judgment of such as use them , and as to the practice of all other churches who have not assumed the use of them : not that any such external rite or ceremony of humane appointment can in it self be any necessary , solid , substantial , and integral part of divine worship ; or as any means instituted for grace , to which a precept and promise divine is necessary : this efficacy no humane or ecclesiastical authority can create or give ; nor doth the church of england pretend to any such power or use in them ; although it may lawfully regulate all circumstances , and discreetly use decent ceremonies as such , yea , and enjoyn them both as exercises of sovereign authority , and as experiments of subjects due obedience ; not upon any false and superstitious grounds , but such as are true and religious , consonant to the nature of things , and the indulgence of god in them . nor hath the church of england ever otherwise esteemed , or imposed those things of particular circumstances , rites and ceremonies , which have been so long as chips and shavings , the casie fewel of so much flame and contention ; but hath oft declared its judgment of them , to be according to gods truth ; its choice and injunction of them to be according to that liberty and authority which god hath given to it , as to every national church within its politie and precinct , so to use and impose them on its own members , without prejudging other churches their like liberty ; not at all as things pleasing of themselves or displeasing to god : he must needs be an infant in understanding , who fancies god is scared with white , or pleased with black garments in his publick worship ; that the historick sign of the cross addes to or diminisheth ought from baptism ; or that the divine majesty is offended at our kneeling , or better pleased with our sitting or standing before him in an act of so holy a celebration , and humble veneration , as that is of the lords supper : but all these and the like are allowed as lawful experiments , either of christian prudence and discretion in the choice , or of obedience and subjection in the use of them ; agreeably to the lawful commands of our superiors in church and state , wisely directing and limiting us in them , to avoid those factions which easily arise from the least open variety or difference in religion , when once it comes to be affected , and is made a badge of parties or sides among the people . the duty of magistrates or christian princes , as well as bishops and ecclesiastical governours , on all hands , is , in publick solemnities of religion to take care , that all things be so done in uniformity , order , and decency , as is necessary for publick peace , and as they think best becomes the sanctity of true religion , the majesty also of that god whom we ought to worship and serve with all reverence , and with the beauty of holiness , both outward and inward , without any imposing upon the judgment , beyond the nature and indifferency of such things ; or upon the practice farther than the god of order , decency , and peace , hath permitted . as we and all this church have seen and felt upon the account of these things the outragious zeal and precipitancy of some men , who first pretending much to boggle at and to be grievously scandalized with a few such things of outward rite , individuared circumstance , and prescribed ceremony ( to which conformity was by law , that is , by the publick wisdom and authority required in the church of england ) have in the pursuit and sequel of their actions , or passions rather , evidently declared themselves to be enemies even to all order and politie , as well as to liturgy and episcopacy ; and to be friends to nothing but their own private fortunes , novel fancies , and partial factions , guided by no known law of god or man ; and offended with nothing so much , as not to see themselves in that place and power , which may force all men to conform to their own posts , lusts and designs ; which themselves followed not by the true footsteps and sent of law and justice , reason and religion , but by the sensible view and successes of providences , as they variously sprang up , and appeared either for good or evil : which sort of deformed and deforming non-conformists we leave to be punished , not only by their own evil manners , but also by the just abhorrencies of god and all good men , to whom their folly and fury is now sufficiently manifest . so we are neither ignorant nor insensible of other mens continued dis-satisfactions in these things , who , under the old title of non-conformity ( formerly much modester indeed , than of later times , being not only civil to setled episcopacy , and devout in the use of the liturgy , but abhorring all separation from the church of england , ) have heretofore , and still do earnestly plead their own and other mens weak minds , and scrupulous or tender consciences , as very jealous ( forsooth ) of sinning there ( in the use of some rites and ceremonies ) where the publick wisdom and piety of this church and state , grounded on many learned judgments , and the majority of united suffrages according to their consciences , sees no sin , ownes no sin ; yea , and openly declares against any sin , both in the churches injunctions and intentions . mean time while these milder non-conformists tell us they dare not obey lawful authority in things thus dubious to their private dimness ; yet both they and others dare ( even doubtingly ) disobey an undoubted lawful authority , meerly upon such private doubts and scruples , in so small and clear matters ; rather suspecting a whole reformed church , and all the spirits of the prophets in their majority and representation , of errour and mistakes , even to sin and superstition , than their own private , and possibly prejudiced , yea and sactiously interessed opinions . all which specious coverings and pleadings of conscience , as weak and tender in point of conformity to things so oft and fully declared to be indifferent in their nature , and only limited in their honest and decent use : however they may deserve christian charity , compassion , and tenderness from us , as to some mens good meanings and harmless conversations ; yet they are ( now at last ) found too narrow to palliate or hide those dreadful disorders , and cruel designs , which some mens counsels and actions have of late years been guilty of , if either gods or mans laws may be judges , which do command only passive obedience , and in that , such a conformity to christs example , as where they cannot actively obey , there patiently and silently to suffer . indeed non-conformity in some calmer times , and in some mens softer tempers , seemed to have something in it , that was an object of christian pity , and discreet charity , while it modestly ( and we hope sincerely ) pleaded tenderness of conscience , that is a fear of sinning , because of doubting ; and this many times more in respect of lothness to offend others , then out of any great scrupulosity in themselves , as to the nature and use of those things , or their own liberty , or the publique authority ; while non-conformity dissented without separation , schism and sedition , yea without tumult and rebellion , with some shew also of learning and loyalty , meekness and moderation ; while it professed patience , & with humility to bear that cross which its own weakness or tenderness , more than any unjust rigour of the law , had laid upon it , using no other arms offensive or defensive , than those of primitive christians , prayers and tears : to these sober non-conformists , both our princes , since the reformation , and our best bishops have shewed as much moderation and tenderness as was consistent with the publick peace and safety : nor have we thoughts of less candor and christian gentleness to them . but since rude , nay rebellious non-conformity hath in this last twenty years appeared as compleatly armed ( capapè ) as goliah of gath , in buffe coats , clad back and brest with iron and steel , openly defying the whole church of england , for its excellent liturgy , and antient episcopacy , as well as for its few innocent rites and ceremonies , which were stated , enjoyned , and used by so many holy and learned men in this church , without any sin , superstition , or scruple ; since it hath ( now at last ) factiously breathed out fire and brimstone in the face of this whole reformed church , against all godly bishops , and gracious princes , yea against all monarchy at last , as well as episcopacy established by law ; since it hath ( like jehu ) furiously and openly marched with an high hand into england , under the banner of a novel exotick and illegal covenant , yea and still menaceth the english and all the christian world , if it could get power , and keep it answerable to its vast and insatiable ambition ; since it hath been laden with the sacrilegious spoils and ruines of so many goodly churches & worthy churchmen ; since it is besmeared with the blood and gore of its brethren and fathers ( that i say not , of its kings : ) in earnest this pittiless and pittiful non-conformity , which pretends to be so tender conscienced as to the gnats of a few circumstances , ( regulated only for order and decency by the publick wisdom , and lawfull autority ) and as to one or two ancient ceremonies used in the pure primitive and persecuted times , without any notion or thought of superstition , meerly as apt emblems , memorative figures , or historical tokens of what is most true and necessary to be believed ; or as particularly acts and humble expressions of some general duty , and devotional reverence to god , which is in its nature , and in the worship of god most lawfull , as uncovering the head , bowing the knee and body , undoubtedly are ; and yet ( on the other side ) since this so soft-souled , tender-sensed , and narrow-guled non-conformity , was so wide throated , as to swallow down great camels without chewing , sins of prodigious magnitudes ; since it hath shewed it self so heavy and harsh handed , so violent and fierce spirited , so severe and impatient , not to be precisely obeyed by others , when it had once usurped a power ; truly it is justly become a very effroiable phantosme , as dreadfull and dangerous a spectre to all wise kings , to all loyal subjects , and to all sober christians , as that which appeared to brutus before the pharsalian field . if non-conformity ever had heretofore any tolerably good cause , as to it s well meaning , and might have gone to heaven , meekly riding on an asse , as christ did to jerusalem ; yet 't is now quite marred and deformed by the ill managing of it , in those violent and intolerable methods of tumultuary and armed proceedings , contrary to the laws of god and man ; which would make even christianity it self not only unwelcome , but most unlawful , namely to bring it in by fraud and force , or to present it to soveraign kings and kingdomes on the swords point , as the spaniards do baptisme to the poor west-indians with their poyniards in one hand , and water on the other . for although non-conformity ( which is still made the ball of difference and badge of dissention , even among those who agree in doctrine and morals , yea in devotionals and politicals , in liturgy and episcopacy , for the main ) sometime affected the voice of a lamb , when it durst not roare as a lyon , yet we see it hath the teeth , tail , and sting of a dragon ; it seemed indeed at first to appear in sheeps clothing , but it hath too much of the ravening wolf in it ; so ill it becomes warlike or martial non-conformity , which hath shewed such horns and hoofs wherewith it hath sorely pushed , goared , and wounded this church and kingdom , now to boast of its dove like innocency , or to pretend to great tenderness or nicity of conscience , and to demand any unsafe and illegal liberty ; when the english and christian world sees , that all the beasts in daniels visions , were not more fell , haughty , cruel , insolent and outragious , then that rustical non-conformity hath been to all sorts of sober christians dissenting from it , from the king that sate on the throne , to the meanest subject that ground at the mill ; who is there that did not flatter its folly , but hath felt its imperious rigor ! nor did it ever excercise that tenderness to others consciences , which it so clamourously importuned for it self . how much better then were it for the popular patrons of , and pleaders for such factious , seditious , and unsafe non-conformity , ( who still resolve to be great but weak sticklers against any sober and legal conformity in the church of england ) how much more ( i say ) becoming of them were it , now at last to humble themselves before god , the king , and the laws ; to deprecate the just jealousie and heavy displeasure of god and man which some of that sect have deserved and suffered ; to expiate their former menaces and later extravagances by some publick recantation and ingenuous repentance , which may undeceive the poor people , who have been so long scared and deluded with i know not what bugg-bears of their own and other mens fancies . how much better were it for men of learning and conscience to make a narrower search into their own stale scruples and vulgar misapprehensions ; to compare the churches honest declarations and injunctions with their sinister suspicions , and probable delusions ; to dread ( as much as they pretend to do any other mens positive ) their own negative superstition , which tends to disobedience , and ends in rebellion , against lawfull authority ; making by a great fatuity or arrogancy , those things sin which god hath not made so , who is a god of order , a friend to decency , and no enemy either to ceremony , uniformity or conformity , consistent with truth and holiness ; but hath left all free to the wisdom , choice , and authority of every church , agreeable to the general tenor of his word . lastly , how much more becoming them were it , to give god the glory of his justice , which hath thus at last discovered , defeated , and confuted , even by their own practices , their wild and wicked principles , yea , and punished the violent and inordinate practices of some railing and ranting non-conformists ; from whose inordinate fury , if god had not at last by a wonderful providence redeemed this church and kingdom , we had been as sodom and gomorah , a continued akeldama , or field of blood , tyranny , anarchy , and oppression , under either presbyterian dictators , who would set up a petty bishop in every parish , and binde them up in the bundles or fagots of their classes , that so united , they might be better redeemed from their own infirmities , and other mens contempt ; or under independant-tryers , who set the people above the priest ; or under self and all confounding phanaticks , who do all things both irrationally , and ex tempore , or rashly . but god hath pleaded the cause of the church of england , as to the soundness of its faith and doctrine ; as to the sanctity of its morals ; as to the solemnity of its devotionals , and as to the unblamable decency of its rituals , and innocency of its ceremonials so stated , enjoyned , and used as they were in the church of england ; not according to every mans fancy and humor , but according to the judgment of the law , which best sets forth the publick mind and meaning of this reformed church , which hath ever so declared publickly against , and so effectually cleared it self of , and absolved all its members from all error , profaneness and superstition ( justly challenging , and modestly using the liberty , prudence , and authority , which god hath given it , for order , peace , and edification , not for oppression , destruction and confusion , and this only over its own polity or communion ) that in earnest it is now a great shame for men of piety and learning , still to vex , as peninnah did hannah , and agitate the church of england , with the repetition of their needless cavils , and endless objections , which have been an hundred times fully answered , and wherein themselves being satisfied , they might with more ease and peace satisfie those whom they keep still raw and scrupulous by their own irresolutions . after all is said , designed , and done by us , that can become good men , sober christians , and worthy bishops , in point of reason and religion , conscience and subjection , charity and discretion , as to things of this nature , which have of themselves so little to say for or against them , being but relatively good or evil , as the end is to which , and the authority by which they are enjoyned ; yet we know our selves to be still severely warned and sharply alarmed by our own and the churches enemies ( on all sides ) to be as most sincerely pious , and constantly prudent in the main matters of religion ; so to do all things , as with good conscience , courage and authority , so with all christian candor and paternal charity to all men ; especially toward such ( for christs sake ) as are truly conscientious in all moralities , and in some lesser matters peaceably scrupulous and honestly unsatisfied ; yet are willing to be informed , and for the main are conformed to the example of christ , whose kingdom consists not in meat and drink , not in petty opinions and mutable shadows ; but in righteousness , peace and holiness : other things of form and ceremony we do not weigh by any private fancies for or against them ; but by publick authority commanding , gods word permitting , and the churches peace requiring them . as to the point of tender consciences so much pleaded , we shall esteem none truly tender conscienced , who live in any open sin or immorality ; or who approve and defend any prosaneness or impiety in ordinary speech , much more in preaching and praying ; or who deny the authority of the word of god ; or who despise the practice and custom of the universal church ; or who refuse the obedience due to civil magistracy ; or who oppose the liberty and authority of this particular church to regulate and govern its own politie agreeable to gods word , and the practice of all other churches . our care shall be , as not to spend much precious time in things that do not edifie , nor to adde the weight of substance to feathers , which are but ornaments ; so nor to expose religion rude and bare , naked and ridiculous to the world , much less to sacrifice the publick peace , honour and wisdom to private petulancy and pertinacy : yet still we shall make a great difference between the weak and the willful , the superstitious and supercilious , the scrupulous and scornful doubters and dissenters ; between the humble professors and constant practisers of true religion in the main of morals and fiducials , and the turbulent praters or pragmatick agitators , who love to swim against the stream of authority , against right reason , and true religion , established laws , and good order , setled government and due subjection : we shall first endeavour with meekness of wisdom to satisfie all sober and good men , next we shall do as the law commands against the malipert and obstinate wranglers , who make no conscience to deny common principles , to swallow absurdities , and reconcile contradictions between their own liberties challenged to themselves , and their rigid severities imposed by them upon others : there is no reason for them to complain , if the same measure be measured to them , which they have meted to others , every way their equals , and in many their betters : nor shall they ever have so much cause to cry out of what they suffer , as of what they have done . we are not averse from any discrect indulgence which his majesty and the law shall see sit to grant to some persons for some time till better instructed , and brought off from their prejudices ; we shall not envy , or grudge , or deny any honest man those dispensations and forbearances , so far as our charity to private christians may not be prejudicial to the churches peace and publick good ; to which we and all men owe the greatest charity ; and which may not under any flourishes of zealous praying and preaching , or under any pretensions of private conscience , be either undermined or overthrown , what ever colours of non-conformity or thorough reformation men carry before them . we know there are many envious eyes upon us , and bitter tongues sharpned against us ; some quarrel that we are no better ( though themselves be not very good ) ; others are grieved that we are not worse : this impotent malice of unreasonable or uncharitable men is best silenced and confuted by our just and gentle demeanour toward all : and although we are not to be encouraged or over-awed with the weak words of men , yet our care shall be , that nothing be spoken of us bad , but it shall be false : the rough tongues of our enemies shall be but as siles and whetstones to our virtues , as their rude hands have been the touchstone of our patience : this is the worst and only revenge we intend to take of all our causeless adversaries , either to perswade and win them to sobriety , or to overcome and disarm them , by our being or doing better then they deserve or desire . the injuries and indignities cast upon some of us heretofore , and all of us now by the pride , improbity , or petulancy of any , shall but give greater fervour to our industry , prayers , and charity . the former rigors used by some tyrants , tryers , and inquisitors , against bishops , and the episcopal clergy , shall not carry us beyond the sober bounds of gods and mans law , nor beyond that law of christian charity which is the bond of perfection , and which commands us to let our christian moderation be known to all men , and our love even to our enemies . we will not less encourage true piety , sanctity , and sincerity , because of the scandal and cruelty of some mens hypocrisie ; we have not so learned christ , in whose holy footsteps we shall endeavour to tread , as the surest evidence that we succeed in his ministry , and exercise his authority . those ministers or people whose hearts most misgive them , as fearing the return of hard measure from bishops , because of the great evil they have , as pseudo-presbyters and apostates , done or designed against all bishops , and the whole church of england ; we cannot better answer for their security , than as joseph did to his brethren , when he was now advanced , and it was in the power of his hand to hurt them , ( as their own jealous souls justly told them , ) when he replied , ( to their astonishment ) i am joseph , whom ye sold into aegypt ; be not afraid , i fear god , &c. thereby implying , that he could not meditate or act any revenge , ( but that of love ) against his brethren , who professed to own and serve the same god , and whose mercy had now turned their intended mischief into good : let our greatest enemies heretofore , now repent of the evil they have done and designed against this church and kingdom , no less than against bishops ; let them shew their repentance by living so as becomes good christians , and good subjects . as the lord liveth there shall not one hair of their head fall to the ground by our means . we meditate the good of all men , and most of those that have been our deluded , yea , their own , enemies , and who will now be our friends and their own on any reasonable terms : as good physitians we shall have special care of those who most need our help and cure : as fathers we shall readily embrace those penitent prodigal sons which return to us . we know that nothing will sooner end all unkind , unjust , and uncomfortable quarrels , than the holy and unblamable lives of us bishops , which , as the presence of christ and the shadows of the apostles , will either cast out the evil spirits that yet remain in some men , after all the miracles of gods providences , or else more torment them : our virtues and graces shall be the only revengers , as they will be the sharpest satyrs and severest reproaches , yea , and the most assured victors of mens evil speeches and insolent carriages . in this holy integrity , while we justifie his majesties wisdom , with your honors counsels and comprobation , we shall have none to fear or flatter ; whose evil designs under any popular and threed-bare quarrels against all episcopacy , liturgy , and ceremonies , are to overthrow both law and gospel , church and state , bringing all into anarchy and confusion : we shall indeed highly urge conformity , especially in our selves and all true ministers ; conformity , i say , first to the word of god , to the examples of jesus christ , and his holy apostles , with all true saints ; next , to those canons and laws of the church and state which bind us and them most to loyalty and duty . lastly , we shall so far urge an external conformity in circumstantials and ceremonies as shall be required of them and us by law , in order to preserve decency , reverence , uniformity , and solemnity in holy duties ; also peace and unity in church and state ; as free , god knows , from superstition , or will-worship , or unlawful humane inventions , as some other mens affected words and modes , ceremonies and forms are in their eyes , hands , speeches and gesticulations . when his majesty , your lordships , and the worthy gentlemen of the house of commons , together with all the sober english world , shall see us bishops demeaning our selves as they would have us , and as you have deserved of us , in the way of great and good examples , proportionable to our pious and venerable predecessors before and since the reformation ; no doubt your lordships and all worthy persons will be as far from repenting of your restoring bishops to their government and jurisdiction , also to their ancient honour and capacity of sitting in the house of peers , and therein of restoring this church and christian kingdom to their pristine honour , peace , and safety , ( by gods blessing , ) as some others are from rejoycing or not repining at gods mercy , the kings benignity , this parliaments generosity and piety , as well as policy and discretion , in preferring the gray head of primitive and venerable episcopacy before the beardless striplings of presbytery and independency ; with which new wines if any weak heads in england be still so in love , as to chuse them before the old wine , which is better , certainly they will have this happiness in their unlucky errour , as to have no learned and honest man to be their rival . if any things have seemingly or really been amiss in any of our predecessors , or our selves , through humane frailty or passion , ( which easily besets the best of men in this life , ) as our desire is not to deny or dissemble them , so truly they cannot now with any modesty be remembred or objected by these adversaries against us , or any bishops heretofore , since the covetousness , ambition , pride , tyranny , cruelty , and implacableness of some anti-episcopal and anarchical spirits have been so excessively insolent and outragious ; even to a wantonness of wickedness , and to all manner of injastice , far beyond the worst actions of the worst of bishops , in the worst of times since the reformation . but whatever hath really been amiss , our caution shall be to avoid or amend all faults , as much as your charity and nobleness hath this day covered and forgot both their infirmities and any of our failings : what was eminent ( as much was in many of them , and commendable in most of them ) our endeavour shall be to imitate , where we despair to exceed ; that while your lordships or others behold us either in the parliament , or the pulpit , or the press , or the consistory , you may not have much cause to deplore the absence of our famous predecessors , whom you cannot but love and admire ( as we do ) for their piety , learning , industry , and charity . in sum , we shall strive that neither bishops nor episcopacy shall be any burthen , but a great blessing ( as it hath been ) to this church and kingdome , to king and subjects , to the good and bad , to encourage the former , and to restrain and amend the latter . which happy effects will easily be attained , first , if we may be guided and circumscribed by good laws and canons ; beyond or short of which no presbyter or bishop may go , no not in any exemplary ceremony , or affected novelty , to a super-conformity . secondly , if we may be defended in doing our duties by his majesties just power , without cramping or benumming the sinnews of ecclesiastical jurisdiction by needless prohibitions . thirdly , if we may be still assisted and adorned with your lordships and the other gentlemens love and favour . fourthly , if we may be duly fortified by the desired counsel and meet assistance of our aged , learned , and reverend brethren of the clergy . lastly , if we may be daily commended ( as the church-liturgy hath appointed , and for which passages it is so unwelcome to many , who love church lands better than they do the best church men or bishops , more devoted to prey upon them than for them ) to the marvellous workings of gods grace , by the prayers of all good christians , which we do not more want than passionately and humbly desire ; that since we ( the bishops of this church ) are again brought to this high mountain , and thus transfigured , our faces may so shine in good words and works , that your lordships and all this church of england may glorifie our father which is in heaven ; that we may abhor that soloecism of ( honor sublimis & vita deformis ) lordly titles and peasantly actions . and since there is no greater sign of a thankful heart for mercies , which our selves have received , than a charitable sense of our brethrens miseries ; that in the day of our exaltation as bishops , to estates and honours , we may not forget the depressions and afflictions of others ; give leave to as many of us as are thus compassionate to present our supplication to your honours ( the two houses of parliament ) and by your mediation to his majesty ; a great one indeed it is , and therefore worthy of so great an address to persons of large hearts and hands who are ready to answer great desires , and to effect great designs . it is in the behalf of many of our poor brethren , the clergy of england and wales , that there may be some effectual means used worthy of the wisdom , piety , and charity of his majesty , and his two houses of parliament to relieve the meanness , tenuity , and incompetency of their scandalous livings , which makes many of them as more needing , so less capable of discipline : objects also of vulgar contempt , depressing their spirits , starving their studies , discouraging them in their duties , betraying them to sordidness of living , exposing them to many temptations ; and lastly subjecting them to all popular servilities , complacencies , and dependancies , which are the nests and brests , the seminaries and nurseries of all faction . there is no way to redeem them , their ministry , and this reformed church , from these burthens and chains , that enter into the very souls of many , at first ingenious scholars , and hopeful ministers , but by making small livings somwhat competent ; his majesty hath set a great example in this kind , commanding augmentations to be allowed out of his own and the churches impropriations . but this bounty cometh short of at least 3000 livings , which still remain in england and wales , as flats or shallows in the sea ; upon which , when the necessities of many young men and hopeful scholars once drive them , they seldom ever get off , without shipwrack of morals or intellectualls ; however , it is such a stop and hinderance to the proficiency of their studies , also to the authority and efficacy of their ministry , that they seldom or never make a prosperous voyage , ever conflicting with difficulties , and many times conquered by them , not only to a meanness , but an immorality of living . it is a work worthy of his majesties greatness and your goodness , to apply ( in gods good time ) some meet help to this crying malady , which first began by the popes unhappy alienating of tythes from the incumbents or rectors , and annexing them as impropriations to religious houses : the remedies commended by wise men , are ; first , by uniting some small livings that are near adjacent : secondly , by abolishing some injurious customs , where wonted and overawed compositions deprive the incumbents of the true value of what is their due : thirdly , by laying some moderate tax on dwelling houses in market towns and cities , or in populous and trading parishes , as 6 d. or 9 d. or 12 d. in the pound , according to the just value of their rents , so as no house should be charged , which is rented under forty shillings a year , nor any that paies tithes for lands in ferme or in the owners hand . these helps may relieve some , but because the malady reacheth far beyond these proportions , nothing can be so effectual as ( when the nation shall have peace and plenty ) the raising of some publick stock of money , in order to compleate this great and good work , by a publick and parliamentary bounty , or a national charity ; by which bank or stock rightly managed and improved , a good foundation may be laid for the buying in ( not of all impropriations , which is too great a work to be compassed , but ) such a portion of them , as may in most places make the living or vicaridge competent , that is 60 l. or 80 l. or 100 l. per annum , according as the dearness or cheapness of places doth advise ; nor may it seem heavy to raise some tax or pay for christs soldiers ( his ministers ) when so many millions have been spent upon other soldiers . if some such easie tax or subsidie , as shall seem most proportionable in the wisdom of his majesty , and the two houses of parliament , were given to god and the church for this excellent end , to be raised in four years , and the matter publickly recommended by king , lords and commons , besides the profit of the publick contribution or levy ( in which our selves as bishops would be exemplary according to our abilities ) if it were well improved and imployed , no doubt many private persons living and dying , would liberally give to so noble and pious a work : some noblemen and gentlemen would , after his majesties example , for ever endow small livings with some such portion out of their impropriations ; especially if they could do it without charge , by reason of the statute of mortmaine , which might , as to this intent and use , be for a time repealed . but your piety and wisdom will best understand what ways are most proper to attain so great and good ends , as would follow this excellent designe of augmenting small livings , and small ministers too ; so much tending not only to the relief of many honest and able ministers , to make and keep them such , but also to gods glory , and to the good of peoples souls , to the advancement of learning , and of the dignity of the ministry to his majesties honor , to your lordships great renown , and to the lasting peace both of this church and kingdom . for we have found by our late experiences ( wherein half a dozen pragmatick , and for the most part but poorer preachers in a county , became the greatest bontefeus or incendiaries ) that settled plenty , at least honest competency binds ministers most to the peace and good behaviour ; that the more the clergy owe their maintenance to the law , the more observant they are to pay their obedience to the laws , less pragmatick and less popular , as not so much depending on the people ; and so less studious in any sinister way to please them rather than their superiours . that the sharp necessities and poverty of some ministers daily provokes them ( if they be men of any quick parts and unmortified passions ) to great inquietudes , hoping by publick commotions to mend their private condition ; then they quarrel most sharply with the churches evil constitutions ( as they call it , ) when their own , as to their livelyhood is not very good ; then they inveigh bitterly against innocent ceremonies , and all setled orders of the church , when their substance or subsistence is most unsetled , or too small for their minds and necessities ; every thing then is a burthen to them , when they feel the galling burthen of poverty ; and they easily run to arms and rebellion , who already find that armed man upon them , having much to get and little to lose in any troubles : the want of oyling or greasing makes their wheels drive heavily , or with a very querulous and ungrateful noise , and at last to take fire , yea , and by popular arts to diffuse their sparks with their prayers , and their discontents with their doctrines , and their abuses with their uses among the common people ; who like tinder or gun-powder are very prone to kindle against their governors ; beleiving no men so fit to govern church and state as themselves and their minister ; though but a poor vicar , curate , or lecturer ; having such narrow minds , as they are not able to comprehend or extend their thoughts to the latitudes of publique order and government ; which are as necessary as those which they so much dote upon in their persons , families , and parishes , nor will they learn , but by their own and others woes how much peace with a little , and a good conscience to boot , is to be preferred before much goods ill gotten by sequestration and plunder , though sanctified by preaching and praying . it is certain no men are more careless of conforming to the laws , or more prodigall of the publique peace , then those ministers and people who finde themselves in short pasture ; and therefore venture to breake the sacred hedge , and civil bounds which gods and mans laws have set ; especially where they think the fence is lowest and weakest ; ( as it seems to be in ecclesiasticall cannons and constitutions ; not seconded with executive power ; ) against these an over scrupulous and restive spirit , or a sturdie and bayardly conscience , seting its brest or hinder part , hopes to carry all before it ; that it may by popular extravagancie or partiall adherence , advance either its uneasie estate , or its small reputation to a faction , side , and party . let there be fitting provender for the oxen which tread out the corn , and then we may justly exact labour from them , and exercise the goad of just discipline on their neglect . if once the livings of the clergy were truly livings , or convenient livelyhoods , we could with more prudent severity look that their labonr and lives should be exactly good ; not that poverty is a dispensation to impiety ; but good men are not easily found to accept of those small and scandalous livings out of which those sorry or scandalous ministers are ejected , who are not so good and able as we could wish , and yet better perhaps than none at all ; and although the small living may be too good for them , yet not good enough for a better man ; since the most learned piety is sensible of all humane necessities , virtue it self will be cold , and grace it self hungry and thirsty ; nor can any man of reason expect to have religion live like a camelion in this world . having thus presented with all due respects this one christian request to your honours , in the behalf of many poor ministers , yea , and of the souls of many poor people , nay , in the name of your and our saviour , ( whose work the poorest minister of the gospel ( if able and honest ) doth perform , and so for christs sake is worthy of his wages , ) and leaving it as a matter of great and publick importance to your pious and wise consideration in due time , i cannot conclude better than as i began , ( that so i may compleat the circle of our grateful and just acknowledgments ) with that eternal veneration , praise , honour and thanke , which from my self , and all my reverend brethren the bishops , and all the sober clergy , are duly and humbly returned , first , to the most blessed god , whose judgments are unsearchable , and whose mercies are everlasting : next , to his most gracoius majesty , for his munisicent and matchless goodness to the bishops , clergy , and church of england : lastly , to your most noble selves the lords and commons of this present parliament , who have thus taken away the sin , reproach , and scandal of sacriledge , schism , and confusion , which were by some unhappy men brought upon this sometime so famous kingdom , and flourishing church of england . for whose vindication and comfort , as the author was not wanting in her greatest agonies and blackest afflictions publickly to compassionate her sighs and tears , so he thought it his duty ( upon a publick more than private sense ) seriously to rejoyce , and heartily to congratulate with her in this happy restauration , which he hath oft prayed for , and now lived to see ; because he is perswaded in his conscience ( if rightly managed with piety and charity ) that it highly tends to gods glory , to the honour of our blessed saviour , to the asserting of our true religion as christian and reformed , to the establishment of the publick peace in church and state ; and lastly , to that just and ingenious compensation of good for long endured evil , which is highly deserved and justly expected by this church of england , from all its genuine children ; not only because it was once well reformed and most flourishing , but also because it hath been so grievously , and as to man , most unjustly afflicted and deformed . for ( without doubt ) the pious intentions , and prudent constitutions of the church of england were such , that nothing was , or now is wanting in it , to make a good christian perfect to salvation , if he be not wanting in himself , and to the grace of god offered to him in the ministery of this church ; every saving truth being maintained by her ; nothing added to or diminished from the word of god as saving or necessary ; every holy , duty , every divine institution , every sacred mystery , every necessary part of gods worship , every moral vertue , every christian grace , every usefully-good work , is either celebrated , or enjoined , or taught or recommended to every christian , both in private and publique , according to their station ; nor may any christian justly blame the church for any defect ; but rather their own hearts for want of humility , devotion and gratitude to god and men : there is holy sap and sweetness in all its liturgical appointments , if men were not surfeited with their own fancies , prejudices and pride ; all things being set forth by the church without the least tincture of any known error in doctrine , or superstition in the substance of religious duties and devotion ; the outward form also , or publique reverence and solemnity of duties , is no other than what ( without question ) is left by god to the liberty , prudence and authority of every church and christian politie as most consonant . first , to the civility and custome of the nation : secondly , to that outward veneration which is accordingly due to the divine majesty : thirdly , to the publick solemnity and decency of holy duties in the church : fourthly , to the ancient use and custome of the primitive and best churches : fiftly , no where forbidden by gods word , or by any rule of right reason : sixthly , but chosen , used and imposed by this church , within its own precincts and politie only , under no other notion , than that which is lawful and true . 1. in the nature of things circumstantial , as still necessary in their general adherency to all outward actions of need : 2dly . yet as free and indifferent still in their nature , although cast by authority in to meet regulations , as instances of our outward obedience in them to man for the lords sake , while they continue so appointed : 3dly . lawful in the divine permission , commission , and clear approbation of the churches liberty and authority in such things for publique order and decency . 4thly . in the necessity of such visible order , decency and uniformity , fixed by supreme wisdom and authority , as most conducing to the churches outward peace ; to avoid faction , schisms , sedition , fury , confusion , fires that easily kindle from small sparks , if left to vulgar spirits . 5thly . and lastly , all this pious and prudent politie of the church of england , managed by such apt overseers , and proper governours , as this and all ancient churches ever used from the apostles daies ▪ under the titles of bishops , presidents and fathers ; who are ( according to our law ) chosen by the clergy , approved by the church , confirmed by the king , as supreme governour ; inabled by learning , matured by experience , sanctified by grace , consecrated by prayer , devoted by diligence , assisted by their brethren of the clergy , regulated by setled laws and canons , to do their duty ; so as god , their consciences , and all good men require of them in order to those great and eternal ends of saving their own and others souls ; besides the temporary blessings of the churches unity and harmony , as in faith and love , so in orderliness and decency , without which all religion runs to irreverence , faction and confusion . the angry , eager , and obstinate quarrels ( then ) which some waspish men have long maintained , and still do , against some mutable words and phrases in the liturgy , or against some little rites , and innocent , yet few , ceremonies , used by the church of england , are , i fear , much more deserved by , and due to , their own distempered hearts ; and should in all justice now be turned against the factions , proud and pertinacious humours and opinions of those men , who had rather quite ruine such an ancient , famous , reformed , and sometime flourishing church , than rightly understand her words and meaning , or give her leave to interpret them ; or than deny themselves in those petty points of reputation , opinion and prejudice , to which they may be popularly advanced , as beyond a convenient retreat , so beyond that humility , diseretion , meekness , peaceableness , modesty and charity , which best becomes those presbyters and people , who are afraid to contest with their princes , their bishops , and their countries united wisdom and authority , lest they be found fighters against the god of order and peace ; who ought not to take courage from the kings patience , or turn his indulgence into wantonness : nor have they any cause to be angry that they are not thought wiser than this whole church and state ; or because they are not made dictators to all convocations , parliaments and kings : nor should they be so ashamed to come at last from fighting and domineering , to petitioning and deprecating ; or from sinning against god and man , to return to their duty , to repent and recant the evils , the errors and excesses of their ways ; which god hath wonderfully convinced and confuted by his former blessings on this church , and his present blasting of their new projects ; which have froth in their head , and blood in their bottom ; as the water of those men , who labour with the stone and strangury , and have their wounds from within . what now remains , but the authors particular craving , and your lordships , with the other gentlemens , vouchsafing pardon for the great presumption of such an orator ? who , conscious to his many defects , hath adventured by this grateful excess , to put your lordships and them , upon the exercise of your and their noble patience ; thereby to give the world a further great experiment of that gentleness and candor , which adds lustre to all your other honourable and heroick virtues ; of which no men are more witnesses , than the bishops and clergy of the church of england ; not only as wondring spectators , but as thankfull enjoyers . finis . the pastor and the prelate, or reformation and conformitie shortly compared by the word of god, by antiquity and the proceedings of the ancient kirk, by the nature and use of things indifferent, by the proceedings of our ovvne kirk, by the vveill of the kirk and of the peoples soules, and by the good of the commonvvealth and of our outvvard estate with the answer of the common & chiefest objections against everie part: shewing vvhether of the tvvo is to be follovved by the true christian and countrieman. calderwood, david, 1575-1650. 1628 approx. 199 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a17576 stc 4359 estc s107402 99843103 99843103 7813 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a17576) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 7813) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1059:14) the pastor and the prelate, or reformation and conformitie shortly compared by the word of god, by antiquity and the proceedings of the ancient kirk, by the nature and use of things indifferent, by the proceedings of our ovvne kirk, by the vveill of the kirk and of the peoples soules, and by the good of the commonvvealth and of our outvvard estate with the answer of the common & chiefest objections against everie part: shewing vvhether of the tvvo is to be follovved by the true christian and countrieman. calderwood, david, 1575-1650. 72 p. s.n], [holland? : anno m.dc.xxviii. [1628] by david calderwood. place of publication conjectured by stc. reproduction of the original in yale university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 haley pierson sampled and proofread 2005-07 haley pierson text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the pastor and the prelate , or reformation and conformitie shortly compared by the word of god , by antiquity and the proceedings of the ancient kirk , by the nature and use of things indifferent , by the proceedings of our ovvne kirk , by the vveill of the kirk and of the peoples soules , and by the good of the commonvvealth and of our outvvard estate : with the answer of the common & chiefest objections against everie part : shewing vvhether of the tvvo is to be follovved by the true christian and countrieman . joshua 24. 22. and ioshuah sayd unto the people , yee are witnesses against your selues , and they sayd , we are witnesses . but 1 kings 18. 21. it is sayd , and the people answered him not a word . anno m.dc.xxviii . to the christian reader . for no other is this intended : not for him that readeth not , but casteth it by , or cloaseth his eies least he see trueth , judging of things controverted by his ovvne conceits , or upon report , and not upon tryall . neither for him that is either so antichristian , that he hath not the patience to reade on page vvritten against prelates and their hierarchie , or that is so unchristian , that his earthly designes are his highest intentions , & esteemeth all motions about religion that crosse him , or comfort him not in these , to be either seditious commotions , or nothing but idlements of indifferencie . but for him vvho aboue all things loues to see the trueth , & aboue all things loueth the trueth , vvhen he hath seene it , that is euen for thy selfe ( christian reader ) haue vve entred into this comparison of the pastor and prelate , and at thy hands do vve exspect the performance of tvvo christian duties : one is for thy ovvne good ; that thou vvilt labour vvith thine heart for more feeling novv , then thou had faith at the first , vvhen it vvas often foretold from the vvord of god , and the vvoefull experience offormer times , that this transcendent hierarchie of lordly and lording prelates , brought in upon the kirk of christ without precept or example from himselfe , would proue at last the ruine of religion . novv may be seen vvhat vvas said before , that a the government of the kirk and the vvorship of god are like the tvvinnes spoken of by hippocr . and that the one of them dvvyning avvay , & dying amōg us , the vvhole face of the other looketh pale and pitifully proclaymeth ( if the crye of our sinnes vvould suffer us to hear ) that religion her self is sick at the hart : for vvhat are the dayly encrease of old papistrie , the spreading gangrē of nevv heresies , the scoffing at holines in stead of imitating , the laughing at sin in stead of lamentation , but the unseparable effects of this prelacie , and the ordinarie practises of our prelats , the symptomes of the sicknes of christian religion , and the causes of this cloude of vvrath , that so long hangs and hovers aboue us . consider that ( according to bernard his observation of these blind vvynding staires that leade dovvn to destruction b ) this hierarchie vvhich in the beginning seemed a vveight so insupportable , that they vvho tooke it upon them could not hold up their faces for sin , and for shame , did appeare soone aftervvard albeit heavie yet tollerable , of heavie it became light , of light insensible , of insensible delectable , & of delectable it is at last become a matter of gloriation . that vvhich vvas a glorie is become a shame , and that vvhich vvas a shame is accounted a glorie . of late ministers could not be found to fill the voyd places of prelacie : novv prelacies cannot be found to fill the voide hearts of the ministers : so farre haue vve turned from that vvhich vve euen novv vvere , and in so fevv yeeres , that vvhich vvas nothing els but a rope of disgrace , is vvonderfully changed into a chaine of pride . as thou lovest jesus christ , and thine ovvne soule , and vvould be loath to communicate in all the sinnes , and to involue thy self into the guiltines of all the evils that this prelacie hath produced : take heede that thyne eye be not dazeled vvith the vernice and splendor that the vvorld hath put upon it ( for in substance it is the same it vvas at the beginning , and in the fruits hath proved far vvorse then at the first vvas feared ) labour to keepe thy judgement sound and affection sincere , still thinking of the painfull pastor and proud prelate , as they vvere thought on since the reformation , and praying to god , as good men did of old , in the corrupt times of the kirk . c that he vvould put to his hand , & purge his vineyard , that he vvould vvhip buyers and sellers out of his temple : that he vvould strike giezites vvith leprosie , and that he vvould bring lovv such simonites as novv are so high , being lifted up by the ministerie of satan . another christian dutie ( christian reader ) vve expect at thyne hands , for the good of the kirk , that vvhatsoever be thy place , higher or lovver , farther or nearer unto his majesties person , vvho gladly vvould acquainte his majestie particularly vvith the estate of the kirk , in his majesties kingdome of scotland , as vvhat it vvas once , vvhat it might haue been before this time , vvhat it is become of late , and vvhat it is like to be ere long : but either can not for vvante of occasion , or dare not for avve of the prelates , vvhose courting is more to be feared then theire cursing : that thou vvould doe vvhat thou may to make this follovving treatise come to his majesties hands : for vvee his majesties loving people of scotland vvho d both loue his majesties person and croune , acknovvledging the dutie vve ovve to his majesty , commanded in the first commandement after the first table , to come nearest unto that religion and piety , vvhereby vve vvorship god himselfe , e vvho neither loue schismes in the kirk , nor vvittie reconcilements of trueth and error , but vvould keep the trueth in peace , vvho neyther are puritanes , nor brovvnists , nor anabaptists , nor seditious , as men calumniate : but professors of the religion as it vvas at the first reformed amongst us , and as it hath furnished unto us all the hope that vve haue of eternall happines , vve vvould shevve his gracious majestie , that according to the saying of salomon , when the righteous are in authoritie the people reioyce , &c. f our hearts vvere filled vvith joy , and our mouthes vvith laughter , vvhen at the first beginnings of his raigne , vve did not onely heare the fame of his princely inclination to equitie & righteous judgmēt , but did perceiue the noble proofes thereof , in trying the trueth of things controverted , vvhile his majestie , vvith that vvorthy king , kept still one eare shut for the other partie , & vvith that vvyser king , vvhen he declared that the vvisedome of god vvas in him to do judgment , vvould haue both parties to stand before him at once , that hearing both , they might speede best , and goe out most chearfull from his majesties face , vvho had the best cause . by this vve vvere confident , that his throne should be established , the nations svveyed by his scepter exalted , & our cause , vvhich is no mans particular , but christs ovvne cause , should be heard at last , and righteously determined , that everiething in the house of the god of heauen might be done after the vvill of the god of heauen , then vvhich there can be nothing more reasonable , and vvhich is the summe of all our desires . our adversaries upon the contrarie , out of the experience they finde of his majesties disposition to equitie , & out of the conscience they haue of the iniquitie of the cause that they maintaine , onely because it maintaineth their greatnes , haue used all meanes to prevent his tryall , haue stopped so farre as may be , all vvaies of information , & ( according to the craftie counsell giuen to pericles ) not being g able to make account , haue done vvhat they can , that th●y be not called to account . when commissioners vvere to goe to his majestie , they vvould haue none but their ovvne , & vvhen some that vvere not their ovvne vvere chosen by a meeting of the kirk , they vvould not haue them to goe . vvhich hath made us after long vvaiting in silence and many essayes to resolue in ende , there being no other vvay left unto us , vvith all submission of minde , to send up our pastor and prelate in print , vvho haue been impeded by the prelates to come together in person . neither can it offend the prelate , that the pastor speak the trueth this one time for himselfe and the prelate , since the prelate so many times hath spoken his pleasure for both . our silence and ceasing in the cause vvould giue greatest vvorldly ease to our selues , and greatest contentment to our adversaries , vvho novv crye nothing but peace , peace , that is , a peaceable possession of their honours and vvealth , and a cruell oppression of their brethren . h but vvithall vvould proue us , to be unfaythfull , both to our god , and to our king , for beside the obligation that is commune to us vvith other reformed kirks , vve stand bound by solemne oath , covenant and subscription , published to the vvorld , to defend the doctrin and discipline of this kirk , and to oppose the hierarchie , and all rites and ceremonies added to the vvorship of god. silence in such a cause may be sinne to other kirks , but to us it is perjurie in the sight of god , and vvould also proue us unfaithfull to our king. for hovvsoever the prelates professe in publick , that no ceremonie no bishop , no bishop no king , and doe suggest in secret the service that they can doe to monarchie ; they doe but minde themselues , and their ovvne idoll . that government of the kirk is most usefull for kings and kingdomes , vvhich is best vvarranted by the word of god , by vvhom kings reigne , and kingdomes are established . the pillars of his majesties throne are of gods ovvn making , religion upon the right hand , & righteousnes upon the left . the pompe of ceremonies , and pride of prelacie are pillars artificially vvrought by the vvitte of man , for setting up and supporting the popes tyranny , no ceremony no prelate , no prelate no pope . vvhen his majesties vvisedome hath searched all these creitis of this controversie , let us be reputed the vvorst of all men , let us all be censured , silenced , consined , deprived or exiled , as some of us are , and haue beene for a long time . if the cause that vve maintain shall be found any other , but that vve desire that god beserved , & his house ruled according to his ovvne vvill , and if it shall not be found , that the kirk of god perfect in order , and office-bearers vvithout prelates and their ceremonies , may be governed upon a small part of their great rents , vvith more honour to god , vvith more heartie obedience to the kings majestie , vvith greater riches and glorie to the crovvne , vvith greater contentment to the body of the vvhole kirk & kingdome , greater peace amongst our selues , and greater terror to satan & all his traine of heresie , prophanesse and persecution , as vve shall be ready to demonstrate particularly ( if this vvhich follovveth be not sufficient ) vvhensoever his majestie shall be pleased to require : and vvhich vve are assured his majestie vvil perceiue upon small consideration , for a minde inclined by divine povver to religion and pietie , vvill not at first sight discerne , & be possessed vvith the loue of the heauenly beautie of the house of god , they both proceeding from the same spirit . god alsufficient blesse his majestie both in peace and vvarre , both in religion & justice , vvith such successe , as may be seene euen by the envious eye of the enemy , to be from the finger and favour of god , and may also make his happie gouvernment to be a matter of gratulation to the godly , and to be admired and remembred by the posteritie , as the measure and example of their desires , vvhen they shall be vvishing for a religious and righteous king. the first part . the pastor & prelate compared by the vvord of god. that the worship of god & the government of the kirk , vvhich is the house of god , are to be learned out of his ovvn word : it is a trueth against the vvhich the gates of hell shall never prevaile . for vve ought to giue this glorie to god , that all his bookes are full , and vvritten on both sides ; as the booke of nature , the booke of providence , and the booke of conscience is perfect , so also the scripture , vvhich is the booke of grace , is perfect . we ought to giue this glorie to the sonne of god : that as he is a perfect high priest for reconciliation , he is also a perfect prophet for revelation , and a perfect king and lawgiver for ruling of his owne kirk and kingdome . we ought also to giue this glorie to the spirit of god , that as he purposed to set dovvne a covenant , a testament , and a perfect canon , so in fulnes of wisedome he hath performed his purpose . we ought humbly to acknowledge , that the kirk hath no power ( vvhether by translation of divine ordinances from the old to the new testament , under pretext of pietie , or by imitation of the enemie , seeme it never so charitable , or by mans invention let it appeare never so plausible ) to make new lawes , or to institute any nevv office or office-bearer , any minister , or part of ministration in the house of god. a but that it is her parte to see the will of god obeyed , and to appoint canons and constitutions , for the orderly and decent disposing of things before instituted . we call here the prelates and pastors of conformitie to a threefold consideration . first that they agree not amongst themselues about the matters in question : b some of them affirming , that their hierarchie is warranted by divine authoritie ; others confessing , it is onely by ancient custome : and a third sort defending neither of the tvvo , but that it is apostolick . againe some of them make the forme of kirk government to be universall and perpetuall , others holding it to be conformable to civill policie , as if man might prescribe unto god , what forme of government is fittest for his house : for that vvhich is highly esteemed amongst men , is abhomination in the sight of god. he that hath the seauen eyes seeth better in his ovvne matter , then man that seeth nothing but by his light . wisedome that hath built her house , and hevved out her seuen pillars , can not be content that mans vvisedome should devise and hevve out the eight pillar . secondly , they should consider , that the arguments and ansvvers that vve giue to them against their hierarchie & ceremonies , are the same that they are forced to use in defence of the trueth against the papists : and the ansvvers and arguments that the papists giue them for traditions , for the popes monarchie , and for their vvill-vvorship , they are forced to use them against us in defence of their cause : resting thus in their luke vvarmnesse , & halting betvvixt tvvo , for the loue of the vvorld . which hath made the papists to say , that the prelates disputing against them are puritanes , & vvhile they dispute against the puritanes they are papists , & turne to their side . thirdly , they should consider , that the forme of government , and divine ceremonies under the lavv , vvere not removed to giue place to the inventions of man under the gospel . what is beside the particular precepts of god in scripture , is against the generall commandement : thou shalt not adde to the word , that i haue commanded , &c. and therefore let us say vvith augustine : c we are brethren , vvhy striue vve , our father died not intestate , but made a testament , and dyed and rose againe : the father lyeth in the graue vvithout sence , and yet his vvords are in force , christ sitteth in heauen , and his testament is contradicted on earth , let it be read &c. let the pastor and the prelate be presented before the lavv and testimonie . let the authoritie of the one and the other be pōdered , not in the vveights of vvorldly avarice and ambition , but in the ballance of the sanctuarie , and let us measure their callings and cariage , not by the corde of the canon lavv , but by the golden reede of the temple , & vve shall soone see , vvhether of the tvvo hath vvarrant frō god. j. the pastor acknowledgeth no offices in the kirk , after the extraordinarie of the apostles , prophets & evangelists , but the ordinarie d of pastors , teachers , elders and deacons , appointed by christ , as sufficient for the weill of the kirk , and of everie member thereof in all things spirituall and temporall . the prelate setteth up one hierarchie of archbishops & lordbishops : having for the head the roman antichrist , and for the traine suffraganes , deanes , archdeacons , officials , &c. never named in scripture , nor knowne in the purer tymes of the kirk , against the weill of the kirk , and of every member thereof , both in things spirituall and temporall . 2. the pastor , according to the scripture , putteth difference betwixt the names of the office-bearers in the new-testament , e never calling the ordinarie by the name of the extraordinarie , nor the inferior by the name of the superior , as the pastor by the name of the apostle or evangelist : but never putteth difference at all betwixt a pastor and a bishop : making everie pastor to be a bishop , and taking the pastor and bishop alwaies for one . the prelate maketh a confusion of names , that he may put himselfe in the place of the apostle , as the pope will be in the place of christ : but against all scripture will make so great difference betwixt a pastor and a bishop , that he will haue no pastor to be a bishop , and that there be no bishop but the prelate . 3. the pastor can see no f lord bishop in scripture , but the lords bishop onely , a name of labour and diligence , & not of honour and ease . the prelate will admitt no other bishop but a lordbishop , which he hath made a name of honour and ease without labour or diligence . 4. the pastor is a bishop set over a flock , in respect wherof he is called a bishop , g & not in relatiō to other pastors . the prelate setteth himselfe as a bishop over pastors , and in respect of them is called a bishop , and not in relation to any flock . 5. the pastor is set over a h particular flock , that may convene together in one place , amongst whō he is to exercise the whole parts of the ministerie , as preaching , prayer , ministration of the sacraments & discipline , according to the trust cōmmitted to him by the son of god , in whose name he is embassador , frō whō he deriveth his power , on whō he depēds in th' exercise of his ministerie , & to whō he must be coūtable , & to no other past. or bis. the prelate both ordeyneth pastors at large , without assignaiō of a particular flock ( as if he were either making masters of art & doctors of phisick , or as if ordination should goe before election , which is as absurde , as first to crowne a king , or install a magistrate , & then to choose him ) and setteth himself as a proper pastor over a whole provinces , & over many kirks in divers provinces , as well of those that he never saw , as of that where his seate is , esteeming the pastors to be but his helpers & substitutes , as having their power from him , being obliged to render accounte to him , and whom he may continew and displace at his pleasure . 6. the pastor , with his fellow presbyters , as he is put in trust with the preaching of the word , and ministration of the sacraments , hath received also of christ the power of ordination of pastors , i where presbyterie never used in the new testament to signifie the office of priesthood or order of a presbyter , can be no other thing but the persons , or company of pastors laying on their hands , and that not onely for consent , but for consecration , of which number any one may pronounce the words of blessing . the prel. for the honour of the priesthood , that is , out of his ambitious humour , taketh the power of ordeyning pastors to himselfe : denying that a whole presbyterie without him may ordaine a pastor ; excepting the case of extreame necessitie , as women are admitted to baptise ; whereby in a maner he calleth in question the lawfulnes of our ministerie , these sixty yeeres past , since the reformation . 7. the pastor hath committed to him by jesus christ not onely the keyes of the inward & private court of conscience , but also of the outward and publick court of k jurisdiction , for decyding controversies , making of constitutions , and inflicting of censures , they being both but one & the same power of binding and loosing . he hath the shephards staffe in his hand , aswell as the shepheards pype at his mouth . the prel. keepeth the staffe in his owne hand , and arrogateth to himselfe , euen amongst them who never heard him , all power of jurisdiction ( whether l domgatick , diatactick , or crytick , as it is distinguished ) which the apostles themselues , notwithstanding their extraordinarie gifts , would never doe , but in all these parts of jurisdiction behaved themselues as presbyters . 8. the pastor , findeth it to be so far against the word of god to claime any authoritie over his brethren , that albeit there be a divine order in the kirk , whereby there is one kinde of ministerie , both ordinarie and extraordinarie , in degree and dignitie before another , as the apostles before all others , the pastor before the elder and deacon , m yet he can finde no minister ordinarie or extraodinarie , that hath any majoritie of power over other inferior ministers of another kinde : as the pastor over the elder and deacon , farre lesse over other ministers of the same kinde , as the pastor or bishop over the pastor . the prelate , findeth it to be so farre against his place to quite his authoritie over his brethren , that albeit he hath no warrat for any other kind , or degree of ministerie then the pastor , yet he usurpeth majoritie of power over pastors , and taketh upon him , both direction and correction , and that not sociall , but authoritatiue , to beate them at his pleasure . 9. the pastor is separate from the n world to the kingdome of christ , which is not of this world : he will not be called gracious lord , nor striue for the right hand or the left , he should not follow the pomp of the world , but must shine in knowledge , diligence , and godly simplicitie : he may not assume an other ecclesiastical office , far lesse take upon him a secular charge : he may not divide the inheritance , nor burden himselfe with worldly affaires . the prelate is separate from the kingdome of christ , & thrusteth himselfe into the throng of the world , he would be called my lord , and your grace , and without respect of age or giftes , preferreth himselfe to the most reverend pastors : he robbeth the nobilitie and magistrates of their places and dignites , aud will haue his cuschion , his coach , and his courtly traine . he is a lord of parliament of counsell and session , a barone , a steward , a iudge of civill and criminall causes : & why not bishop of the order of the garter , and count palatine , that at last he may haue both swords , and the triple crowne , as the abimelech-like brambles of the world haue done before . 10. the pastor taketh the summe and formes of prayer from the directions of god , from the lords prayer , & from the prayers of the godly in diverse places of scripture , the particular arguments & petitions from the present purposes , persons , places , times , and occasions , which as the mouth of the congregation , according unto the grace giuen unto him from the h. ghost , he presenteth before the throne of god the father in the name of iesus christ. the prelate would tye the pastor , albeit he had the tounge of an angell , and occasions never so contrarie , to certaine words , and a set forme of leitourgie , and would divide the prayer betwixt pastor and people , and by many idle repetitions , would bring both pastor and people under the guiltines of vaine babling , and popish superstition . 11. the pastor thinketh it the principall part of his ministerie to labour in the word & doctrine , because p woe is unto him if he preach not the gospel . and when he preacheth he will haue gods word onely to founde in his owne house , reading nothing but the canonicall text , & comparing scripture with scripture for edification , that he may saue himselfe & those that hear him . the prelate thinketh of preaching as accessorie , & would haue it worne out of use by a long dead leitourgie . in reading he would haue no difference betwixt the apocrypha and the canonicall scripture , and liketh best of such sermons , as are stuffed with philosophers , poets , oratours , scoolemen , and ancients in greeke and latine , that he may preach himselfe , and be admired of those that heare him . 12. the pastor loveth no q musick in the house of god , but such as edifieth , and stoppeth his eares at instrumentall musike , as serving for the pedagogie of the untoward jewes under the law , and being figuratiue of that spirituall joy , whereunto our hearts should be opened under the gospell . the prelate loveth carnall and curious singing to the eare , more then the spirituall melodie of the gospell , and therefore would haue antiphonie and organes in the cathedrall kirks , upon no greater reason then other shadowes of the law of moses , or lesser instruments , as lutes , cithernes , or pypes might be used in other kirks . 13. the pastor ministreth r baptisme in the place of the publick assemblies of gods people , it being a note of our christian profession , and a protestation of our fayth , and therefore should be celebrate publickly , as wel as ordination of ministers , excommunication , confession of converts , or reconciliatiō of penitents . the prelate hath giuen place to private baptisme , and thereby entertayneth the superstitious conceit of the necessitie of baptisme , bringeth in the absurditie of conditionall baptisme , and maketh a ready way for private persons and midwiues to baptize . 14. the pastor , s as the words of the institution prescribe , & after the example of christ and his apostles , hath a table prepa●ed for the celebration of the lords supper : he sitteth downe in a publick communion with the congregation , in the most customable and comely forme of sitting : farre from all danger of idolatrie : when he hath giuen thanks , he breaketh the bread sacramentally when he delivereth the elements , he uttereth the words of promise : this is my body , this is my blood , demonstratiuely : the people distribute the bread and cuppe among themselues lovingly . they eate and drink in such measure , as they may find themselues refreshed sensibly . and as before the action they were prepared by diligent examination , and powerfull sermons for trying themselues , so in the time of the action their eares & their hearts are filled with pertinent readings , & pithy exhortations , and after the action dismissed with joy , with strength , and with spirituall resolution , to the great honor of god , the inlargement of the kingdome of christ , the terror of antichrist , the peace of the kirk , and unspeakable comfort of their owne soules . the prelate pretending the words of the 95 psalme , & after the example of antichrist and his followers , hath turned the table into an altar-like cupboorde , the table-gesture of sitting , into the adoring gesture of kneeling ( with no better excuse of idolatrie , then is expressed in the obscure termes of abstractivè ab objecto , and objectum à quo significativè ) the publick communion into a private action betwixt him and the communicant , the sacramentall breaking into a preparatiue carving before the action , the enunciatiue words of the institution into a forme of a prayer or oblation , the christian distribution into a stewardlike partition , the refreshment of eating and drinking into a pinched tasting , the preparatorie examination and preaching into a schismaticall disputation about kneeling and sitting , the spirituall exhortations in the time of the action , either in a dumbe guyse , and comfortlesse deadnesse , or in a confusion of the readers reading , and his owne speaking at the giving of the elements , both at one time , and the spirituall joy , strength and resolution after the action , into terrors of conscience in some , the opinion of indifferencie in all matters of religion in others , and of loosenesse of life in many , to the mocking of god , the reentrie of antichrist , renting of the kirk , obduring of the papist , stumbling of the weake , and grief of the godly . 15. the pastor thinketh it no judaisme nor superstition , but a morall duetie t to obserue the sabbath : because first the observation of one day of seauen , albeit it be positiue divine , yet it is not ceremoniall nor for a time , but unchangable , and obligeth perpetually , as is manifest by the time when it was appointed before the fall , when there was no type of redemption by christ , and by numbring it amongst the tenne precepts of the morall law , written by the finger , and proclaymed by the voyce of god , which cannot be said of any changable law . neyther can it be called perpetuall and morall in this sence , that a certaine time is to be allotted to divine worship , for then the building of the tabernacle and temple , the new moones , and other legall festivities conteyning in them a generall equitie , might aswell be accounted morall . secondly , the change of the sabbath from the last to the first day of the weeke , is by divine authoritie from christ himselfe , from whom it is called , the lords day , who is lord of the sabbath , who did institute the worship of the day , and rested from his labours that day , whereon all things were made new by his resurrection , and sanctified it , euen as in the beginning god rested from all his works on the seauenth day , & blessed it . he thinketh it no more contrarie to christian libertie , then it was to adam in his innocencie to keepe one of the seauen , and therefore he laboureth to make the sabbath his delight , observeth it himselfe , and by his doctrine , example and discipline teacheth others to doe the like , and to cease uot onely from all servill workes , which require greate labour of the bodie , but from all our owne works whatsoever , drawing our minds from the exercises of religion , and serving for our owne gaine and commoditie , except in the case of necessitie , caused by divine providence . he would haue it well considered , wherein the jewes were more strictly obliged then christians , and what libertie we haue , that they had not . beside the sabbath he can admitte no ordinary holy dayes appointed by man , whether in respect of any mysterie , or of difference of one day from another , as being warranted by meere tradition , against the doctrine of christ and his apostles , but accounteth the solemne fasts and humiliations , unto which the lord calleth , to be extraordinarie sabbaths , warranted by god himselfe . the prelate by his doctrine , practise , example , and neglect of discipline , declareth , that he hath no such reverend estimation of the sabbath . he doteth so upon the observation of pasche , zuile , and festivall dayes , appoynted by men , that he preferreth them to the sabbath , and hath turned to nothiug our solemne fasts , and blessed humiliations . 16. the pastor findeth that everie parte of his office , and everie name , whereby he is called in scripture v doeth call upon him to be personally resident , and where he resideth to be a terror to the wicked , and a comfort to the godly . the prelate eyther waiteth upon counsell , session , or court , or dwelleth so farre from his charge , that 〈◊〉 ●each of caranza ( proving the necessitie of the personall residence of ●●●ops ) may be applyed to him : he is a bishop but without overseer● , an embassador , but runneth where his errand lyeth not , a ●●ptaine & soldier , but farre from his station , a father and steward , but suffereth the children to perish for want of foode . or if he happen to be resident , his lordship is a protection to the papist , to the carnall professor , and to the idoll-minister and idle-belly , and such a vexation to the vigilant pastor , that he had much rather he were a non-resident . 17. the pastor must be so unblameable , that he haue a good testimonie of them that are without , he must rule well his owne house , having his children in subjection , with all gravitie , not accused of ryot , or unruly . he must be sober , not giuen to wine , he must not be greedy of filthy lucre , nor covetous : he must not be a brauler , a stryker , nor fighter . the prelate mocketh at conscience , gravitie , sobrietie , modestie , patience , painfulnes &c. and calleth them puritanizing . 18. the pastor laboureth to keepe faith in a good conscience , and by the blessing of god upon his labours findeth the encrease of the gifts of god in his old age , and the grace of god growing in the hearts of the people . the prelate by loosing a good conscience maketh shipwrack of fayth , and by the curse of god upon his slouth and defection may finde himselfe like balaam , who seeking hornes did loose his eares , that is seeking preferment he lost the gift of prophesie , & may see grace decayed & worne out of the hearts of the people . the prelates objection . the prelate will object , notwithstanding all the evill that hath been sayd , or that ye can say against him , that the name , the calling , the power , and the life of the bishop is set downe in the word . the pastors answer . the question is not of the bishop , but of the prelate or diocesane bishop , whether he be the divine bishop . haman could thinke upon no man but himselfe , when the man was named whom the king would honour : euen so the prelate imagineth no other bishop to be spoken of in scripture but himselfe . and as alexander the great tooke jupiters ominous salutation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o child , or babe , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o son of iupiter . y euen so in the prelates ambitious eare , everie word of a bishop sounds honour unto him . but the trueth is , that the pastor & not the diocesane bishop is the bishop divine . 1. the diocesane bishop is but one in a diocie over many kirks . the divine bishops may be many in one citye , and over one kirk . 2. the diocesane bishop hath a forme of ordination of his owne , different from the ordination of the pastor . the divine bishop hath no other but the ordination of the pastor . 3. the diocesane bishop preacheth at his pleasure , and is not obliged to preach by the nature and necessitie of his calling . the divine bishop is bound by his calling to preach with all diligence . 4. the diocesane bishop hath no particular congregation for his flock , to feede with the word and sacraments . the divine bishop is tyed to a particular flock . 5. the diocesane bishop is for the greater part a secular person . the divine bishop is a person meerly ecclesiasticall . therefore the diocesane bishop is not the divine bishop , neyther doeth the word of god acknowledge any diocesane kirk , or any prelate or diocesane bishop charged with the care of many particular congregations , and having majoritie of power to direct and correct other pastors . the second part . the pastor & prelate compared by antiquitie , and the proceedings of the ancient kirk . we reverence the hoarie head , and name of antiquite : but withall we know , that there is antiquitie of trueth , & antiquitie of error , and therefore vvould make difference betvvixt originall antiquitie , or that vvhich was from the beginning , and of the first institution , and antiquitie of custome , or that vvhich is of long continuance . they that take themselues wilfully to custome against the first institution resolue a not unlike the councell of constance , when they set downe their blasphemous act , non obstante . we doe not misregarde the practise of the primitiue kirk after the apostles , especially it being compared with the ages following . but would haue it in comparison of the apostolicall kirk to be esteemed , but dirivatiue , as which admitted many changes from better to vvorse both in doctrine and discipline . we honour the fathers , but so that vve giue the first honour to the father of fathers , besides vvhom vve haue no father . to his sonne iesus christ the onely prophet , vvhom vve should heare . to the holy ghost , vvho onely teacheth us the trueth , and to the holy scripture , vvhich onely carryeth their divine authoritie . wishing all that are studious of the trueth in the pointe of the controversie in hand , to take notice of these tvvo things : first , that the maintainers of conformitie many vvayes forget themselues in the matter of the authoritie of the fathers . for albeit they daube us vvith the fathers , the fathers , the ancients , and all antiquitie , yet they themselues vvill not hear the voice of the fathers in their disputes : vvhether against papists , vvhom they ansvver vvith the same exceptions against the fathers , vvhich vve bring in this cause against them , b or in their disputes vvith us , vvhen the fathers make against them : and thus vvhile they professe that they honour the fathers , they doe but mock them , sometimes putting upon them the purple robe of authoritie , & at their pleasure pulling it off againe . next they forget thēselues in this , that albeit they knovv , that the vvitnesse and not the testimonie is to be believed , they alledge notvvithstanding c some counterfeit , some corrupted authors , and some late schoolmen , for the ancient fathers against us . b●canus , calvin , beza , martyr , iuell &c. bring them against the papists , vvho denye not their authoritie . and thirdly , they misregard the order of divine dispensation in rhe course of time , not vvithout ingratitude to god for his gifts , and to good men for their labours , d by preferring the meanest , that carrieth the name of antiquitie , unto the vvorthiest instruments of that blessed vvorke of reformation , vvho had aboue all that vvent before them many greate helpes of the languages , of humane literature , and of printing , and to vvhom many secrets vvere made knovvne by the accomplishment of prophesies , especially concerning the antichrist , vvho being conceived in the apostles times , vvas brought forth , and brought up unvvittingly by the fathers , vvho looked for the antichrist from another quarter , vvhich maketh them to be incompetent judges in the matter of hierarchie , & ceremonies thereof . the romanists themselues , vvho professe to be the greatest favourers of the ancient fathers , are forced to blush at many of their grosse and shamefull absurdities , & to confesse , that many things , that vvere of old either doubtfull , or altogether unknovvne , are novv to the meanest become cleare and certaine . some of them haue exploded it as an impertinent similitude , that vve being cōpared to the ancients , are as dvvarffes upon the shoulders of giants . the other thing , that vve vvould haue the studious reader to take notice of , is this , that of the prelates & maintainers of conformitie , seeking the fountaine of antiquitie , and uncertaine vvhere to finde it , some goe back to the old testament , to bring the prelates pedegree from thence , some vvould bring his discent from christ , some from the apostles , and a fourth sort from the primitiue kirk . but before they get a sight of their ovvne prelate , in his pompe , in his povver , and in his bu●ke of ceremonies , they must goe farder dovvne the streame , till they come in sight of the antichrist , and there they shall see him not far of , vvayting on , as may be apparent by this vvhich follovveth . the pastor acknowledgeth the difference of the kirk and ministerie of the old & new testament , seeketh neyther type , nor patterne of his office from the leviticall priesthood , but bringeth his oldest warrant from christ and his apostles , and exponeth the ancients , as jerome and others , who insist in the similitude of the ministerie of the old and new testament , e as speaking by the way of allusion , and not from any warrant of divine translation . the prelate searching the fountaines of nilus , would bring his descent as high as from levi , as if the chief priests , who had no episcopall authoritie over their brethren , were turned now into prelates : the inferiour priests into pastors , and the levites , who had no proper care of the poore , were changed into our deacons . he bringeth the ancients to reckon this genealogie , but with such successe , as the sonnes of habijah had , when they failed in reckoning their line from aaron , and so proved unworthy of the priesthood nehem. 7. 2. the pastor hath an ordinarie and perpetuall office appointed by christ , but the office of the apostle and evangelist was extraordinarie , & to continue but for a time . so that ( howsoever antiquitie useth the words of apostle & bishop amply , calling the apostles bishops , and bishops or pastors apostles , and successors to the apostles ) yet neither is the one kinde of office compatible with the other , nor can the one properly be sayd to succeede the other . f so different are they as well in respect of charge , as of gifts and discharge of duetie . for the superior doeth not onely doe that which the inferior may not doe , but his manner of doing , of that which is common to both , is far higher and more eminent . the prelate repelled by the officebearers of the old testament , seeketh to enter with his directiue power and jurisdiction among the ministers of the gospell , but with like successe . for a pastor and doctor , his power over pastors and doctors suffereth them not to be . he urgeth to be taken in with the apostle or evangelist , and to be esteemed g successor to them , but his office and theirs are not compatible . for formally their office was extraordinarie , and without succession , and materially his office is not conteyned in their offices , as is the office of a pastor , there being no example in scripture , without the office of apostle or evangelist of such power as the prelate claymeth . whether his life and forme of ministration be apostolicall , all that know him may discerne . 3. the pastor and not the prelate is the first minister ( by the prelates owne confession ) whom the apostles appointed in kirks , when they first planted them . the pastor and not the prelate is the minister , whom the apostles in their time doe approue , and the pastor and not the prelate is the last minister , to whom the apostles , when they were to remoue , or were neare unto death , did recommend the care of the kirks , and therefore the pastor and not the prelate is the minister warranted by the apostles . the prelate denyed of christ , would father himselfe upon the apostles , and finding no warrant from their doctrine or practise in scripture , albeit the acts of the apostles containe the historie of many yeeres after christs ascension , h he seemeth to be sure of the ecclesiasticall historie recorded in the apostles times , & by apostolick institution , a begunne succession of bishops in ierusalem , rome , alexandria , antioch &c. but here also he standeth without , because the bishops of those places were either apostles , and therefore could not be properly bishops , or els ordinarie pastors of no greater place nor power , except for age & gift , then other presbyters labouring with them : such were linus , clemens , cletus , anacletus , fellow presbyters at rome at one time , one of them living some space after another , and to shewe the order of succession from the apostles against hereticks , who urged it , they were numbred , as if they had not lived at one time , and in the line of succession were called bishops , by eusebius and others after him , i agreeable to the corruption of their owne tymes , when now men had of their owne head put a difference betwixt a bishop and a pastor , and not according to the puritie of the primitiue times , of which they did write , when a pastor and a bishop was one and the same . 4. the pastor is the divine and apostolick bishop , of the lawfulnesse of whose calling , and power in the primitiue kirk after the apostles there was no question . the pastor by consent of antiquitie ( when now by humane wisedome the constant moderator was brought in and called the bishop ) had right and power , not by grant but by his office , not onely to preach the word , minister the sacraments , and use the keyes in binding and loosing the conscience , but also with the fellow presbyters k to ordaine ministers , and in the presbyteriall , provinciall , and nationall assemblies , to decide controversies , to make constitutions , to inflict censures , euen upon bishops , and by his pastorall authoritie to doe all things necessarie for the edification of the kirk . and this right and power , that god gaue him , he maintained in some kirks in the most corrupt times , when now antichrist was set on his chaire , and prelacie for the most part , of humane was become satanicall . the prelate holden at the doore by christ and his apostles after their times l by the ambition of some pastors ; and simplicitie of others , when he had long hung on , got in the foote to be constant moderator , but not finding entrie at the first , for his greate head , made up of sole ordination , of monarchicall jurisdiction , of civill power , worldly pompe and superstitious ceremonies , he hydeth his miter in the mysterie of iniquitie , going on with it foote for foote , and draweth in by fraude and force , one limme after another , till at last , after many ages , and much working ( for he atteyned not to the degree of an archbishop , till after the councell of nice ) he sheweth himselfe lord in the house of god , having no more of the first institution of a bishop , then the ship argo had of her first buylding , when after her expedition shee had lyen at a full sea some hundreds of yeares , or the beggers cloake patched with many clouts and coulours , that hath passed through some generations , which he it may be , makes more of , then of a parliament robe , hath of the first shaping . 5. the pastor as became the humble servant of christ , and a minister of the new testament , procured and maintained the dignitie and true honour of his ministerie , by holding forth the glorious light of the gospell in his doctrine , and the shyning light of holynes in his conversation : esteeming the preaching of the glad tydings of peace , to be the beautie of ministers , & righteousnes their robe and ornament . the prelate tooke him to the contrarie course , for his credite , and transformed the beautifull simplicitie of christs kingdome into the glorie of the kingdome of the world , albeit when he was of his old stampe , his greatest dignitie was his chaire , and faythfull teaching the flower of his garland : yet now degenerating from his first sinceritie , and being infected with secular smoake , he came to be cast in the mould of the first beast , his chaire gaue place to his consistorie and throne ; his jurisdiction and government , honoured with the title of preheminence caried all the credit , teaching as a base worke was giuen over to the pettie presbyters , and everie office in the kirk was counted a dignitie worthie of honour lesse or more , as it had more or lesse jurisdiction annexed , as these are more or lesse honourable in the common wealth , that haue more or lesse civill authoritie . and thus prelacie came up , and preaching came downe , and the kirk became more worldly then the world it selfe . 6. the pastor when all was going wrong , some raysing contentions , others gaping after honours , the braines of many being bigge with heresies , all giuen to heape up superstition and atheisme , and the prelate with his popish hierarchie , possessing both the holy citie and outward court , he then gaue testimonie to the trueth , kept still the temple , and within the temple kept in the light , as two oliue trees growing up by the sides of the candlestick , and dropping downe from the branches oyle into the lampes , for the comfort of such as jehovah shammah had chosen for life , and would saue from the deluge of defection . the prelate once possessed into the kirk , never ceased , till he had changed the kirk into a court , power ecclesiasticall into civill policie , the scripture into tradition , the trueth into heresie , sinceritie into superstition , the worship of god into idolatrie , as the worship of images , saincts and bread-worship , the pure ordinances of god into masses , altars , images , garments , fasting , and follies of paganisme and iudaisme , like a smoake out of the bottomlesse pitte , growing grosser and thicker everie day , and in the middest of the myst built up his greatnes , upon the ruins not onely of the kirks , but of the commonwealths of the world : for when the starres of heauen fell into the earth , the mountaines and ilands were moved out of tbeir places , and as this unhappy milt swelled bigge in the bodie with wealth and honour , the life of religion became faint , the princes and nobles of the earth like the noble parts in the body decayed , and the meaner ones like the hands and feete withered away . the popes felicitie was the whole worlds miserie , and so was the prelates to severall nations and provinces . 7. the pastor and with him the godly of the time wearied with long opposition , poured out their heavie complaints , m that the grief of the kirk was more bitter in peace , then eyther under persecution or heresie , that she had brought up and exalted her sonnes , & they had despised her . if a professed heretick should arise , she could cast him forth of her bosome , if a violent enemie , she could hide her selfe frō him , but now whom shall the kirk cast out , or frō whom shall she hide her self , all are friends , & yet all are enemies , al are domesticks , & yet none seek her true peace , for all seeke their owne things , and not the things of iesus christ. they are the ministers of christ , & serue the antichrist . he complayneth , n that devotion had brought forth riches , & the mother had devoured her daughter . o that of old the bishops were of gold & the cups of wood , but now the bishops haue chāged their metall with the cups . p that of old christians had darke kirks , but lightsome hearts , but now lightsome kirks and darke hearts . that the prelates inquired what rent the bishoprick rendered , and not how many soules were to be fed in it . that their bodies were clad with purple and silke , but had threedbare consciences . that their care was greater to emptie mens purses , then to extirpate their vices . that when they consecrate a prelate , they kill a good man by advancing him . that no greater evill could be wished to any man , then that he be made pope . that in the estate of the kirk heauen is below , and earth is aboue . the spirit obeyeth , and the flesh commandeth . that in the mouths of the prelates was the law of vanitie , and not the law of veritie , and that the lips of the priestes under them kept secular , and not spirituall knowledge . and when he searched the causes of the kirks miserie , he condescended upon the neglecting of scripture , and multiplication of mens inventions , the ignorance and idlenes of prelates , like dumbe dogges , that could not barke ; their covetousnesse aboue the pharisees . they suffred doues to be solde in the temple , but these sell both kirk and sacrifice . their pride and ambition declared in theyr great horses , and other superfluous pompe , and that as sonnes of belial they haue cast off the yoke , not induring that any should aske them , why they doe so and so , the unequall proportion seen in the kirk , when one is hungrie an other drunke , some so enormiously overgone in riches and pompe , that the weaknes of the rest is not able to beare them . the prelate still madde of avarice and ambition stood upon the four corners of the earth , holding the four winds of the earth , that they should not blowe , and opposed himselfe against the doctrine and complaint of the pastors , condemning them for hereticks , giving out against them decrees of corrupt councels , thundring them with anathematismes : & persecuting them by fire and sword . he punished the clergie under him more severely for the neglect of a ceremonie then for sacriledge or adulterie , and finally least his fraude and falsehoode should be knowen , he forbad all men the reading and using the holy scripture . 8. the pastor and all good men , that longed and laboured for the reformation of the christian kirk , for the space of fiue hundred yeeres , q as the waldenses , marsilius patavinus , wickleife , and his schollers , husse and his followers , and all such as the lord used for instruments in working the reformation , as luther , calvin , brentius , bullingerus , musculus &c. did teach , that all pastors are of equall authoritie by the word of god , and all that space of time urged this point of reformation , as without which no successe could be expected in the reformation of the doctrine and worship . the prelate knowing , as it was often preached & written , all that time of 500 yeares , that the maine cause of the corruptions of the kirk was his owne place , his pride , and his avarice , and that the desired and urged reformation of the kirk , which was now brought to that passe , that as one sayes well , she could never beare her owne disease , nor yet suffer remedie , behoved to beginne at himselfe , the greatest byle in all ehe bodie , by all meanes held off reformation , as his owne ruine , and when severall nations were bringing it aboute , he could never be moved to giue his consent , so deare was his myter and bellye unto him . the prelates objection . the prelate will confesse , that it were better to haue no bishops then such monsters , as the roman kirk brought forth , but prydeth himselfe in antiquitie , and affirmeth , that the christian kirk in all places for the space of three hundreth yeares after christ and his apostles had bishops in everie thing like himselfe , & that afterward the shepheards became wolues . the pastors answer . that which tertullian in his time said unto the gentils may be replyed to our prelates ; ye boast of antiquitie : but your dayly life is after the new fashion . maister phantastico at athens , whensoever he perceived any ships entring into the harboure , he strongly apprehended that they were his owne , and used to sease upon them , as if they had beene his owne indeede . so deale our prelates with the ancient bishops , they come no sooner in their sight , but they take them for their owne , albeit they be verie unlike unto them , for were they living they would blush , and be ashamed , that such should be called their successors , as angelo the famous italian painter pourtrayed peter and paul for the use of a cardinall at rome , with redde and high coloured faces , shewing thereby , that if they were living , they would blush at the pompe and pride of the prelates of that time . our prelates are rather of the late roman cutte , and not so like unto the primitiue , as unto the popish bishops , who comparing themselues with others before , & ours now come after them might say with the poet : r our parents age worse then their predecessors , hath brought us forth more wicked their successors , ere it be long , if we continew thus , we will bring forth a broode more vitious . 1. s for the primitiue bishops ( after that the name of bishop common to all pastors beganne to be impropriat ) were neyther ordeyned by bishops nor metrapolitanes , but onely chosen by pastors , to be their constant moderators , or perpetuall presidents , but without warrant from god or his trueth . our prelate must first by a simulate forme of election be made my lord elect , and then receiue a new consecratiou , with a new guise of ceremonies drawen from the roman pontificall , as litle knowen to poore antiquitie , as the words themselues of ordination , consecration &c. 2. the primitiue bishops looking more to the bewtie then dignitie , suffered violence , and were constreyned by pastors and people , whether they would or not , to receiue the charge . our prelate when the bishop is an old man , then he standeth diligently and learneth fast , but onely how to make credite at court , and when after long exspectation the place is voyde , by posting , promising , and propyuing , he procureth himselfe to be chosen first without the knowledge and syne , against the will both of pastors and people . 3. the primitiue bishops knew not such a creature , as was designed afterward by the proude name of an archbishop , who should be a bishop of bishops , having power over comprovinciall bishops his suffraganes . our prelate prydeth himselfe in this proude title , and will haue one & the same creature to be metropolitane archbishop and primate , that what he may not doe as metrapolitane he may doe as archbishop , and what he may not as archbishop , he may as primate and as another pope . 4. the primitiue bishop was in the presbyterie like the consull in the senat , as first amongst the presbyters he moderated in their meetings , reported matters done before , asked the voters , and what they concluded , he did see it executed upon others , and was subject to it himselfe . our prelate in the presbyterie will be like a king in his counsell , and thinketh his authoritie no lesse without the presbyterie then with it , and what the synode may doe with the arch-bishop , that he may doe without the synode . 5. the primitiue bishops dwelled so neare together , that sixe of them convened in a cause that concerned an elder , and three for a deacon . in a synode they convened in great numbers . privatus was condemned by 90 bishops . against novatus were convened 84 bishops . in some synods 217 , in some 270. our prelate spreadeth his wings over some hundreds of kirks , lying in divers provinces also wide as mers , louthian , fyffe , angus , mernes &c. as therefore our prelate was shewed before , not to be the lords bishop , authorised by scripture , so is he not mans bishop made up in the primitiue times of the kirk , but the same that we had before the reformation , the same with the italian , spanish , or french prelate under the pope , and the same with the antichristian prelates , in the most corrupt times of the kirk , especially the last 500 yeares , excepting his subordination to the pope , by which exceptiō our princely prelate is made greater then the popish . and what was written of the popish prelate in those times , is of new againe reverified of ours , as of their civill offices and advocations . vintoniensis armiger , praesidet ad scacanium , ad computandum impiger , piger ad euangelium , sic lucrum lucam superat , marcam marco praeponderat et librae librum subjicit . some bishops metropolitane presides at the exchequor , for counting he 's a busie man , to preach the gospell slacker . lucre worth is more then luke , & marks thē marke weigh better he sets the pound aboue the boke , and cares not for the matter . of their zeale in urging ceremonies upon others , while they fayled in substance themselues , the old poem , called asini poenitentiarius , wherein the wolfe confesseth himselfe to the fox , & the foxe to the wolf , and both are absolved , but the poore asse trusting to his innocencie for absolution , was condemned to dye by the other two , for no other cause , but that in his extreame hunger he had been so profane , as to eate the strawe garters of a religious pilgrime . immensum scelus est injuria , quam peregrin● fecisti : stramen surripiendo sibi . non advertisti , quod plura pericula passus , plurima passurus , quod peregrinus erat ? non advertisti , quod ei per maxima terrae et pelagi spatia sit peragranda via ? totius ecclesiae fuerit cum nuncius iste , pertulit abstracto stramine damna viae . cum sis confessus , cum sis convictus , habes ne quo tales noxas occuluisse queas ? es fur , ignoto cum feceris hoc peregrino : scis bene , fur quali debet honore mori . how great a sinne were this to thee , a pilgrim poore to wrong ? had thou not mind what dangers he had travelled farre among ? could thou not thinke , that he dull asse b'hou'd passe through sea and land , that nunce of holy kirk he was running at their command , thou hast confessed , convinced thou art , nothing thy crime can hide : thiefe thou did eate his strawe garters death shall thee now betyde . the third part . the pastor & prelate compared in their judgment and practise about things indifferent . beside the speculations of the schoolmen devided amongst themselues , in their subtilties aboute things indifferent , which vvorke mightily upon mens wits , but more weakely upon their affections , then to make any greate division , there hath beene much adoe in the kirk since the beginning about adiaphorismes , & things indifferent . first in the infancie of the christian kirk the heate and the contention was greate betwixt the converted jewes and gentiles , aboute the keeping of the ceremonies of the lavv , which before vvere commanded , afterwards were forbidden , but in that tract of time were in a manner indifferent . concerning vvhich we finde , that the apostles never imposed them upon any people or person , that judged them unlavvfull , that they thought that every man should be persuaded in his ovvne mind , and should doe nothing against , or vvithout the vvarrant of his conscience ; that by all meanes scandall should be avoyded , as vvhich bringeth vvoe upon him by vvhom it commeth , and destruction upon him upon vvhom it commeth , and many such rules of conscience and christian prudence , vvhich serue to the kirk for direction in matters indifferent to the comming of christ. secondly , there vvas greate businesse aboute ceremonies , and things called indifferent , in the infancie of the reformed kirks , in the time of the interim , vvhen vvith so greate povver and persecution the romish corruptions vvere forced againe upon them , under the name of indifferencie : at that time politicks and vvorldly men , more carefull of their ovvn vvealth then of gods trueth , gaue themselues to serue the time , and received all that vvas obtruded under the saide cloake of indifferencie . these vvere accounted friends to augustus . others of greate gifts and esteeme in the kirk vvished from their hearts , that these ceremonies had never been urged , yet thought it a lesse evill to admit some thing in the externall part of gods vvorship , and thereby uniformitie in religion vvith the enemies , then by a stoicall stifnes ( as they call it ) and an obstinacie to provoke authoritie , and thereby to bring upon themselues banishment , and upon kirk and common vvealth desolarion . such men looking more to unitie , then to veritie , & more to the event , then to their ovvn duetie , vvere called cānie , vvise and peaceable men . a third sorte setting aside all sophistication , and collusion vvith the enemie , taught plainly by vvord and vvrit from scripture , and not from the grounds of policie : that vvhen any part of gods vvorship is in danger , that then for the honour of god , confirmation of the tr●eth , and edification of the kirk , confession is necessarie . he that confesseth not me , he that is ashamed of me before men , &c. they taught , that it vvas not lavvfull to symbolize vvith the enemie ; that in the case of confession the smallest ceremonies are not indifferent : that at such times the kirk should stand fast to her libertie , against such as vvould bring her into bondage : that yielding to such ceremonies vvas a great scandall , it being a returning to the vomite , the patching of an old cloute upon a nevv garment , & making the vveake to thinke that the reformation of the kirk vvas not a vvorke of god , but of man : that the untimely change of ceremonies vvas a shevve of defection from the vvhole reformation : that vvhen the enemie urgeth uniformitie , his intentiō should be looked to , because he never rests , but proceeds from the corruption of outvvard vvorship to corrupt the doctrine , and to leaue nothing sound . men that taught after this manner vvere accounted by the former politicks , and peaceable formalists , to be contentious spirits , and troublers of the peace of the kirk . thirdly , albeit the reformed kirks agree novv for the most part in the generall , about the nature and use of things indifferent , yet they goe far asunder in the application of the generall to their particular practises . the lutheran kirks hold some things for indifferent , vvhich the kirk of england receiveth not , and england holdeth a multitude of ordinances aboute discipline and ceremonies for indifferent , vvhich vve tabe to be unlavvfull , and beside the vvord . everie kirk judging , or at least practising , according to theyr ovvne measure of reformation : all crept not forth of that roman deluge equally accomplished . no marvell that some of them should smell of the vvine of fornication , vvherevvith they all for so many yeeres vvere drunke . but obstinacie against the ingyring light , and the refusing of a further degree of reformation , is fearefull , vvhat is it then to drawe others back from their reformation , and to binde them up againe into their old chaine of darknes . these manifold contentions about things called indifferent , and ceremonies haue proved so pernitious by defacing the kingdome of christ , setting up the tyrannie of antichrist , dividing pastors , offending people , dismembring the kirk , and almost putting out the life of true pietie , that vve may truly say , nothing hath proved lesse indifferent to the kirk , then the contentions about things indifferent , and many haue been more hote for them , then for the hart of religion , because they concerne the face of the kirk , and as erasmus sayd in another cause , the crownes & bellies of kirkmen . whether our old pastor , or nevv prelate hath here the greatest guiltinesse , will appeare by this litle that follovveth . the pastor , ever feareth defection , and stil urgeth reformation , till every thing be done in the house of god , according to the will of god. he accounteth the constitution of a kirk , that is but indifferent good , or midway betwixt idolatrie and reformation , to be but like the lukewarmnesse of laodicea . the prelate pleaseth himselfe in this , that there be many kirks in worse case , resteth in his indifferencie , and lukewarmnesse , and rather inclyneth downward to further defection , then aymeth at any higher reformation , like the priests of samaria , that were al so earnest against the true worship at ierusalem , as they were against baal and his idolatrie . 2. the pastor looketh not to the world but to religion in matters of religion , and therefore thinketh not that indifferent in religion , which bringeth good or evill spirituall upon the kirk , and the soules of the people , albeit in their worldly estate immediately it doe them neyther good nor evill . the prelate esteemeth many things indifferent in religion , because they neyther bring good nor evill to his worldly estate , albeit they do good or evill to the kirk , and to the soules of the people , and looketh more to the world then to religion in matters of religion . 3. the pastor acknowledgeth three degrees of matters of fayth , some to be of the foundation and first principles of the doctrine of fayth , some to be neare the foundation , as the conclusions clearly following upon the former ▪ and the third to be of all other matters warranted by the word , and what is of this third ranck , were it never so farre from the foundation , and never so small in our eyes , not to be a matter indifferent , but to binde the conscience , and to be a matter of fayth . the prelate professeth the first and second to be matters of fayth ; but when he cōmeth to the third he esteemeth thē to be no matters of fayth , but indifferent and wondereth that a wiseman should be so precise and puritanicall , as to stand upon matters that are not fundamentall , but indifferent . for so he distinguisheth , making every thing eyther fundamentall or indifferent . 4. the past . comparing the worship of god under the gospell with the worship vnder the law , findeth that the commandement deu. 12. 32. every word that i command you , that ye shall obserue to doe , thou shalt not add unto it , neyther shall ye deminish from it , doeth equally concerne both . that the mynd of man permitted to it selfe would proue as vayne and foolish under the gospell , as under the law , and that iesus christ was faythfull as a sonne in all the house of god , aboue moses who was but a servant , and therefore albeit the ceremonial observations under the law were many , which was the burden of the kirk under the old testament , and ours be few , which is our benefit , yet the determination from god in all the matters of his worship he findeth to be all particular , the direction of all the parts of our obedience to be as cleare to us , that now liue under the gospell , as it was to them that lived under the law. the prel. as if eyther it were lawfull now to adde to the word , or mans minde were in a better frame , or the sonne of god were not so faythfull as moses the servant , or as if direction in few ceremonies could not be as plaine as in many , would bring into the kirk a new ceremoniall law , made up of translations of divine worship , of imitations of false worship , and of inventions of willworship , to succede to the abolished ceremonies under the law , which he interpreteth to be the libertie and power of the christian kirk in matters indifferent , aboue the kirk of the old testament : but is indeede the greate doore , whereby himselfe & others , strange office-bearers , whereby dayes , altars , vestures , crosse , kneeling , and all that romish rable his shaddow , haue entred into the kirk of christ , and which will never be shut againe till himselfe be shut out , who while he is within holdeth it wide open . 5. the pastor giveth no power to the kirk to appoint other things in the worship of god , thē are appointed already by christ the onely lawgiver of his kirk , but to set downe canons and constitutions about things before appointed , and to dispose the circumstances of order & decencie , that are equally necessarie in civill and religious actions , and therefore resolveth first , that nothing positiue , or that floweth meerely from institution , can be indifferent , or can be appointed by the kirk . secondly , that reason may be giuen from christian prudence , why things are appointed by the kirk thus and no other waies . and thirdly , that the constitutions of the kirk about things indifferent can not be universall for all times and kirks , and therefore can not be concluded upon any morall or unalterable ground , which made the ancients to obserue , that albeit christs coate had no seame , yet the kirks vesture was of divers colours , and that unitie is one thing , and uniformitie another . the prelate as a new lawgiver will appoint new rites , and mysticall signes in the kirk , that depend upon meere institution , and are not concluded upon any reason of christian prudence for such a time and place , but upon grounds unchangable , and therefore obliging at all times and places , as is evident by the reason that he bringeth for festivall dayes , kneeling in the sacrament &c. 6. the pastor distinguisheth betwixt the nature and use of things indifferent , and confesseth with all the learned , that albeit many actions be in their nature indifferent , yet that all our actions in particular ( at least such as proceede of deliberation , which is the exception of some of the schoolmen ) are eyther good or evill , and not one of them all indifferent in matters most indifferent , which obligeth him to seeke a warrant from god , for that which he doeth , that he may doe it in fayth , to walke circumspectly , to take heede to his words , gestures , &c. and to do all that he doeth to the glorie of god. the prel. abhorreth this doctrine as the foundation of puritanisme , the restraint of his licentiousnes , and the ruine of his monarchie , & therefore to the contrarie sinneth with a bold conscience , and maketh the people to sinne , some with erring , some with doubting , and some with a contradicting conscience . 7. the pastor giveth eare to the h. ghost , charging that we put no occasion to fall , nor stumbling block before our brethren , ( for that is to destroy him for whom christ dyed ) cōmanding the strong to beare with the infirmities of the weake , and not to please themselues with the neglect of their brethren , and threatning woe to them , by whom offences come , against which no authoritie of man can stand , because it can neyther make scandall not to be , nor not to be sinne , nor not to be his sinne that giveth the scandall . the prelate stopping his eare against the commandement charge and threatning of the h. ghost , whether he intend to giue scandall or not by his manifold abuse of things indifferent , and especially by recoiving into the kirk againe things called indifferent , which for their great abuse were abolished , giveth offence to all sorts : as the boldnes and increase of papists , the contempt and mocking of the profane , the superstition and perplexitie of the simple , and the grief and crosses of the godly doe declare , against which he never had any excuse , but the pretext of authoritie . the prelates objection . the prelate will still object , that ye were more wise to quit the name of conscience in matters so indifferent , as the controverted articles , and others of that sorte be ; then still to talke of conscience , conscience , and that ye are , but a part of puritanes , that are so precise and singular beyond your neighhours in matters indifferent . the pastors answer . the prelate perswading to put away conscience , is not unlike the foxe , who through his evill guyding having loosed his tail , would haue perswaded all his neighbours to parte with theirs , as an uncomely and unprofitable burthen , that all being like himself , his deformitie might no more appeare . a good conscience would please god in all things in substance and ceremonie , but with due proportion . it first and most standeth at camels , and yet next it straineth gnats , when the light of gods trueth makes them discernable . when he calleth us precisians , he is quite mistaken : for he that is so selfe precise ▪ that he will rather part with the puritie of gods worship , and a good peece of the trueth too , then want a complement of his lordly dignitie , or peece of his worldly commoditie , or disch of his delicacie , and not he that is so precise in the matters of gods worship ( wherein he hath no power to be liberall ) that he will forsake all to follow christ , he and no other is the right precisian . he calleth our pastors and our professors puritanes , and consequently hereticks , but blessed be god , can not name their heresie : they are still in profession that which he was not long since , when he was farther from heresie then he is now . this calumnie constreyneth us to distinguish betwixt two sorts of puritanes ; the one is the old hereticall puritane , who from the author of his sect , was called novatian , and from his heresie , catharist , or puritane : such a one our pastor is not : for 1. the puritane denyed the baptisme of infants . the pastor waiteth on baptisme , as a speciall parte of his calling , which the prelate doeth not . 2. the puritanes had their owne prelates and liked of prelacie . the pastor in this is no puritane , but the prelate the puritane . 3. the puritane condemned second mariage as unlawfull . the pastor mainteyneth the honour of mariage against the putitane , the papist , and the prelats manifold matrimoniall transgressions . 4. the puritane denyed reconciliation in some cases to penitents . the pastor would be glad to see the prelates repentance , notwithstanding his greate defections , and that in the time of peace , without the least essaye of persecution : and therefore our pastor is not a puritane . the other sorte is the new nicknamed puritane in our times , wherein the papist calleth it puritanisme , to oppose the roman hierarchie . the arminian accounteth it puritanisme , to defende gods free grace against mans free-will . the formalist thinketh it puritanisme to stand out against conformitie . the civilian , not to serue the time , and the prophane thinketh it essentiall to the puritane to walke preciesly , and not to be profane , and so essentiall is it indeede , that if all were profane there would be no puritane : for the profane and the puritane are opposed . he then is the new puritane that standeth for christ against antichrist , that defendeth gods free grace against mans free will , that would haue everie thing done in the house of god according to the will of god ( which is his greatest heresie ) that seeketh after the power of religion in his heart ( and this is his intollerable singularitie ) and that stands at the staffes ende against the sinnes of the time ( and this is his pride and melancholie ) after this way that the world calleth heresie serveth he the god of his fathers , who haue all beene puritanes of this stampe since the beginning . abel , who was hated for his holynes : enoch , that walked with god : noah , that was a perfect man in his generations : heber , that made peleg his name a testimonie , that he was free of the building of babel : moses , that stoode upon an hooue : mordecay that would not bowe his knee ; daniel , that would not hold his window shutte : eleazar , that would not eate one morsell , paul that would not dispence with one houre , nor with an appearance of an evill : marcus arethusas , that would not redeeme his life with the giving of an halfpenny to idolatrie : caius sulpitius , who was esteemed ever by the pagans a good man , but that he was a christian , &c. were they living at this time , they would not escape this censure , and would be accounted good men , if they were not puritanes . the widow of sarepta , who enterteyned eliah , the shunamite the host of elishah , annah who for multiplying to pray , and povvring out her heart before god was rashly censured , to be a daughter of beliall : annah the widow , that served god with fasting and prayer night and day , and spake of christ : the godly women that waited on christ , ministred unto him of their substance , and told the apostles of his resurrection : lydia , that constreyned the apostles to abide with her : lois and eunice , that had a care , that their children shoulde haue grace : the elect ladie , the famous hildgardis , who lived in the 12 centurie : mechthildes , elizabeth the germane : and many moe , who censured the corruptions of the kirk , and especially of the prelates of those times , and prophesied of the reformation , which they longed to see , were they now living would be censured , for holy sisters , and doting puritanes , and that the rock and spindle had been fitter for them . can any man or woman be vexed with the filthy conversation of the wicked 2 pet. 2. be stirred up in spirit against idolatrie , act. 17. be hot in religion , revel . 3. fervent in spirit , rom. 12. walk precisely , eph. 5. feare an oath , make the sabbath his delight , esa. 58. loue the brotherhood 1 pet. 2. take the kingdome of god by violence , matth. 11. and keepe a good conscience in all things act. 24. and not be made the drunkards song , the byword of the poeple , and mocked for a puritane . it was the saying of petrach . simplicitie carrieth the name of foolishnes , malice the name of wisdome , and good men are so mocked , that almost none can be found to be mocked . the fourth part . the pastor & prelate compared by the reformation , and proceedings of our owne kirk . as no familie or civill societie , vvhere the fundamentall lawes are neglected , and the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eyes , and the pride of life are followed , can continew long , except it be reformed . euen so the kirk of god , through the misregard of the lavves of god & ●irection of scripture , and through the ambition and cove●ousnes of kirkmen did fall avvay so farre from the first inte●●●itie , that there vvas a necessitie of reformation , & nothing more certainly looked for , and more plainly foretold a long time before any of our reformers , or luther himselfe come in the world . this reformation that could no longer be delayed vvas often urged , but never likely to be obteyned in a generall counsell , nor vvith consent of the clergie & court of rome , to vvhom reformation vvas a certaine ruine . and therefore in severall kingdomes , countries and states of the christian vvorld , it vvas vvonderfully vvrought by the lords mighty povver in his vveake servants . such vvere amongst others baldus of franco , hus of bohem , jerome of prage , luther of of germanie , wickleife of england , and our knox of scotland . whereupon it came to passe , that although one part of christendome knewe not what another was doing , yet they all agreed ( as may be seene in the harmonie of confessions published to the vvorld ) in the most essentiall and fundamentall matters of fayth : because the lord vvas maister of that vvorke : but had also their own differences and degrees of reformation , because men vvere the instruments , and they vvere not angels , but men that vvere to be vvrought upon . for vvhose divers dispositions in sundry nations there behooved to be divers disadvantages to the vvork . we are not riged censurers of other reformed kirks , nor are vve separatists from them : but this vve thinke that a tvvofold duetie lyeth upon us , and them all , vvhatsoever be the measure of reformation : one is ( albeit there be ever some catholick moderators , that vvill be trysters betvvixte us and rome , and thinke to agree christ and antichrist ) that vve all vvith one heart prayse god for separating us from sodome , resolving never to returne againe , vvhere there be so many heresies , both against the common principles and particular articles of fayth , so manifold idolatrie both against the first and second commandement , so proude a hierarchie as can neyther stande vvith the spirituall kingdome of christ , nor the civill kingdomes of princes , and so bloudy a tyranny against all vvho refuse to belieue theire heresies , to practise their idolatrie , and to be slavish to their hierarchie . returning to any point of theit profession is an approbatiō of their crueltie against them that haue denied it . and vvhosoever approue their vvorship , they bringe upon themselues the bloud of so many saincts , and faythfull martyrs of christ , vvho haue testified the vvord of god , & haue vvashed their robes in the bloud of the lambe . the other duetie is , that albeit there be ever some adiaphorists , vvho for their ovvne particular make many things , and shevve moe things to be indifferent in the vvorship of god , that under this pretext they may bring them back , that haue been advanced before them in the worke of reformation : that we all praise god vvith one heart for the measure that everie one hath atteyned unto , and they that are behinde in reformation , whatsoever their outvvard splendor be , envye not them vvo haue runne before , or studie to dravv them back to their degree , least both returne to rome : but that all against all impediments presse forvvard to further perfection , ever reforming some vvhat according to the patterne , there being no staying neither for the christian nor for the kirk . the kirk of scotland hath litle cause to be pleased vvith herselfe , vvhē she looketh upon her late suddain and shamefull defection , but greate and singular cause to praise god , vvhen she looketh to his gracious dispensation . for as scotland , albeit far from ierusalem , vvas one of the first nations , that the light of the gospel shyned on , vvhen it appeared to the gentils , and one of the last that kept the light , vvhen the shadovves of the hilles of rome began to darken the earth . so vvhen the sun came aboute againe at the reformation , if this blessed light shyned first upō others , all that had eyes to see both at home and abroade , haue seene and sayd , that it shyned fairest upō us , divine providence delighting to supply the defect of nature vvith aboundance of grace , and to make this backside of the earth , lying behind the visible sunne , by the cleare and comforting beames of the sunne of righteousnes , to be the sunnie side of the christian vvorld , vvhereof these follovving testimonies are sufficient proofe . one of m. george wishart martyr : this realme shall be illuminated with the light of christs gospel , as clearly as ever was realme since the dayes of the apostles . the house of god shall be builded in it , yea it shall not lack ( what soever the enemie imagin to the contrarie ) the very top-stone ; the glorie of god shall evidently appeare , and shall once tryumph in despight of sathan . but alas , if the people shall be after unthankefull , then fearefull and terrible shall the plagues be , that after shal follow . another of beza . a this is a greate gift of god , that ye haue brought into scotland togither pure religion and good order , which is the band to hold fast the doctrine : i hartily pray and beseech for gods sake , hold fast those two together , so that ye may remember , that if the one be lost , the other can not long remaine . so bishops brought forth poperie , so false bishops , the relicks of poperie , shall bring into the world epicureisme : whosoever would haue the kirk safe , let them beware of this pest , and seeing ye haue tymely dispatched it in scotland , i beseech you , never admitte it againe , albeit it flatter with shew of the preservation of unitie , which hath deceived many of the best of the ancients . a third of the body of confessions of fayth : b it is the rare priviledge of the kirk of scotland before many in which respect her name is famous euen among strangers , that about the space of four and fiftie yeares , without schisme , let be heresie , she hath kept and holden fast unitie with puritie of doctrine . the greatect helpe of this unitie of the mercie of god , was that with the doctrine the discipline of christ and his apostles , as it is prescribed in the word of god , was by litle and litle together resumed , and according to that discipline , so neare as might be , the whole government of the kirk was disposed . by this meanes all the seedes of schismes and errors , so soone as they beganne to budde , and shewe themselues , in the very breeding and byrth were smothered and rooted out . the lord god of his infinite goodnes grant unto the kings most gracious majestie , to all the rulers of the kirk , to the powers that are nurcers of the kirk , that according to the word of god , they may keepe perpetually that unitie and puritie of doctrine . amen . the fourth is of king james our late soveraine : c the religion professed in this countrey wherein i was brought up , and ever made profession of , and wishes my sonne ever to continew in the same , as the only trew forme of gods worship &c. i doe equally loue and honour the learned and graue men of eyther of these opinions , that like better of the single forme of policie in our kirk , then of the many ceremonies in the kirk of england &c. i exhort my sonne to be beneficiall to the good men of the ministerie , praysing god , that there is presently a sufficient number of good men of them in this kingdome , & yet are they all knowē to be against the forme of the english kirk . basilic . doron to the reader : he praysed god , for that he vvas borne to be a king in the sincearest kirk in the vvorld , &c. assemblie anno 1590. the prelates themselues and the mainteyners of conformitie dare not for shame open their mouthes against the worke of god in the reformation , and against the puritie of their mother kirk , & therefore would haue her to open her mouth in their defence of ther hierarchie and ceremonies , and do wrest her authoritie and proceedings to that sense . let us then aske of herselfe , whether shee liketh better of the pastor or of the prelate . 1. the pastor and men of god at the acceptable time of reformation , as they were moved by the spirit of god , laboured to reform , not onely the doctrine sacraments , and whole worship of god , but also the discipline and whole government of the house of god by abolishing the jurisdiction of prelates , and all that roman hierarchie : as is manifest d by their acknowledging no other ordinarie and perpetuall officebearers in the kirk , but pastors , doctors , elders , and deacons : by their petitioning , that the rents of the prelates , & of their traine should be converted to other uses . e by their subscribing the helvetick confession , which censureth prelacie for the invention of man , f and by the letters which they received from forraine kirks , gratulating , that they had timely purged the kirk of this proude prelacie , that they had received with the doctrine , the discipline of christ & his apostles , & willing and obtesting them to beware of the pest of prelacie , as they loved the weale of the kirk . the prelate not onely in respect of his popish religion , but also in respect of his papall and episcopall jurisdiction , was one of the greate evils , that cryed for reformation of the kirk : and therefore , albeit he kept still the title , the rent and civill place of the prelate ( which the kirk could not take from him , and which maketh many to mistake his descent ) his ecclesiasticall authority was so far abolished , that neither were their successors designed to such prelates as cōtinued obstinate papists , nor was episcopal authoritie continued in their persons that were converted , nor were superintendents ordeyned to be new prelates : onely some of the converted prelates , for want of meanes to furnish others , were designed to be commissioners of the kirk , as other ordinarie pastors were , but with bad successe . for never one of them did good to the kirk . 2. the pastor and men of god proceeding in the work of reformation , acknowledged no government of the kirk by the lordly domination of prelates , but by the common consent and authoritie of assemblies , which were of four sorts , nationall , provinciall , parishionall , and presbyteriall . g the lineaments of the last were drawen at the first , when the weekely assemblies were appointed for exercise of discipline , and interpretation of scriptures , but were not , nor could not be accomplished , and perfectly established , till the light was spreade , and particular kirks were planted in the severall quarters and corners of the land , that they might make a number , and conveniently assemble in presbyteriall meetings . the prelate is restlesse , proceedes whither his avarice and ambition carrie him , and willing in those times rather to be a titular or a h tulchan ( as he was then named ) then to be no bodie aboue his brethren . he taketh upon him the title bishop , with a small parte of the rent , permitting the greater parte to my lord , whose bishop he was , and proudly againe arrogates anthoritie over the kirk . 3. the pastor and men of god learning , not from geneva , but from scripture and dayly experience , that the government of prelates was full of usurpation , and of all sorts of corruption , whereof many did complaine , i that it had no warrant , and was never like to haue any blessing from god , resolue at last to strike at the roote , & therefore after many disputations in private and publick , consultations with the greatest divines of other reformed kirks , and after long and mature deliberation , the second booke of discipline , pronuoncing the jurisdiction and office of the prelate to be unlawfull , was resumed by consent of the whole kirk , an ordinance made that bishops betake them to the charge of one congregation , that they exercise no civill iurisdiction . the confession of fayth sworne and subscribed , wherein they oblige themselues to continew in the doctrine & discipline of this kirk . the same yeere k it was declared in the generall assemblie , that the office of the prelate was unlawfull in it selfe , and had no warrant in the word of god , thereafter renued in covenant . the prelate and men of that disposition , having in the ende nothing to oppone , professed that they agreed in their consciences , consented to the acts of the kirk , swore and subscribed the confession of fayth , renewed the covenant with the kirk , and helped to put on the coap-stone of the kirk of god with their owne hands , l like as the same confession of fayth was subscribed by those that are now in the proudest places of prelacie , and who haue proved since the chiefest instruments of all the alterations in the discipline and externall worship of god , and ring-leaders in the defection of the kirk , with what consciene may be seene by their unhonest excuses , their poore shifts , and shamelesse raylings , against that which they did once so much reverence , all to be seene , as they are published in print . 4. the pastor and men of god desyring to testifie their thankfulnesse , for so singular favour vouchsafed upon this kirk and nation , & to employ the benefite of the discipline now established for the libertie of the kingdome of christ , and against the tyrannie of sinne and sathan , addressed themselues all as one man with greate fidelitie & courage for the work of god , urged residence and diligence in ministers , kept with successe from heaven their publike and solemne humiliations , made the pulpits to sounde against papistrie and profanenesse , & set all men on work , as they had grace or place , for purging the countrie of all corruptions , and defending the kirk against her profest enemies , who never ceased by negociating with the pope & spanish king unnaturally to labour for their owne and her ruyne , whereof the divine providence had disappointed them in 88. the prelates authoritie at this time lay deade , and men of that disposition made no greate dinne . but the kirk then ( unlike that which she is now ) comely as ierusalem , terrible , as an armie with banners , against all her enemies did stand whole and sound in unitie and concord of her ministers , authoritie of her assemblies , divine order of her ministerie , & puritie of externall worship , with greate power and presence of the spirit of god in many congregations of the land , till at last , for unitie division entred into the kirk , prelacie that had slepte before , as wakened againe , and this mysterie beginneth to worke of new , neyther by any cause offered by the pastors of the kirk at the 17 of december ( as the enemie calumniates ) for after long tryall they were founde faultlesse , and faythfull by his majesties owne testimonie . nor yet upon that occasion , m for the meeting of the kirk for making that charge was indicted before that 17 day . but the cause was a plot contryved before , for procuring peace to the popish lords , to make warre amongst the ministerie , and to divide them amongst themselues . for this effect 55 problems were framed , to call the established discipline of the kirk in question , and as one and the same time way was made for reconciliation of the popish lords , and for restitution of the popish prelates . and the schisme of our kirk so well compacted before , began at that time , not upon their parte who stande for the discipline , but by some of the prelates disposition , that is , of flattering and worldly mynded ministers , who gaue other answers to thirteene of the fiftie fiue articles concerning the government of the kirk , then their worthy brethren desired : so that , if the cause or occasion maketh the schismatick , the prelate is the schismatick and not the pastor . 5. the pastor and men of god as they had been diligent to establish the government of the kirk , according to the will of christ , and after it was by the blessing of god established were faythfull in using it for the honour of god , and good of the kirk : so now , when it beganne craftily to be called in question , were carefull , according to their office and oath , to stand to the defence thereof , both against professed enemies , and against the schisme begunne by their owne brethren : albeit they could not at the first haue beene perswaded , that their brethren would ever so foully forget themselues , as against their greate oath in the sight of god and the world , to take upon them the dominion of prelates , and for their owne back and belly to trouble the kirk , and marre all the worship of god as they haue done . the prelate through the schisme at that time begunne by himselfe , savouring the sweetnesse of wealth and honour , forgetteth his oath , his office and all , followeth greedily upon the sent , and clymbeth craftily by degrees , and betime to the heigth that he could not advance himselfe to at once . n first with much adoe , and many protestations , that he meaned nothing against the discipline established , but desires to vindicate the ministerie from povertie and contempt , gets libertie for to vote in parliament for the kirk , but with such caveats , as would haue kept him from his present prelacie , if he had kept them as he was obliged . o secondly , fiue yeres thereafter he was made constant moderator , & that of the presbyterie onely where he was resident , and not of the synods , upon as faire precepts , and with the like protestations and cautions . p thirdly , being lord of parliament , lord of councell , patrone of beneficens , modifier of ministers stipends , he was armed also with the power of the high commission , and having two swords , might doe against the kirk what he pleased . q thereafter incontinent he usurped the power of ordination and jurisdiction . r and at last , albeit without consent or knowledge of the kirk of scotland wente and resumed consecration in england , and since that time hath taken upon him , and hath exercised the plenarie power and office of a bishop in the kirk , no lesse , then if the assemblie of this kirk had chosen him to the name and office of a bishop , which as yet they haue never done , the most corrupt of their owne assemblies granting onely the negatiue power of ordination and iurisdiction to them , who were never called bishops by any warrant from the kirk , but onely in the vulgar speach , frō the titles they had to benefices , in which respect civill persons beneficed were called bishops in former times . 6. the pastor and men of god seeking neither profit nor preferment to themselues , expelled the prelate & all his ceremonies out of the kirk of christ by no other meanes , but such as became the faythfull ministers of iesus christ , as preaching , praying , penning , advising with the best reformed kirks , reasoning in assemblies , and after libertie granted to all to oppone , the consente , oath and subscription of the adversaries . the prelate seeking nothing but his owne prosit and preferment , is restored againe by such meanes , as better beseeme his ministers , who hath beene a murtherer and lyar from the beginning , then the sincere ministers of iesus christ : for crafte and crueltie hath been their wayes , their craft was to remoue their strongest opponents out of the countrie , that they might not be present in assemblies , to espye their proceedings , and to reason against them , to abolish the true libertie and authoritie of assemblies , to protest that they were seeking no prelacie , neyther of the popish nor english kinde , and that they had no purpose to subverte the discipline received , but to deliver the kirk from disgrace , and to be the more mightie to oppose her enemies , iesuites and papists , , to falsifie the acts of the kirk , to promise to keepe all the cautions and conditions , made to hold them in order , which now they professe , they never minded to doe , &c. their cruelty hath beene to boast , to banish , imprison , depriue , confine , silence , &c. 7. the pastor and men of god all this time of defection gaue testimonie to the trueth , opposed against the severall steppes of the prelates ambition , by all the meanes that became him to use , as publick preaching , supplicating , reasoning , protesting , and suffring , and when the prelate was triumphing in the height of his dignitie , they could not , comparing the first temple with the second , but declare the griefe of their hearts for the change , and their greate feare of alteration to be made in the worship of god , when now the hedge of the kirk was broken downe , and an open way made for all corruption . the prelate is of the clergie , that seldome is seene penitent , and therefore as against all the meanes used by the pastor , he had altered the government of the kirk , so he enters next upon the worship & service of god. f and will haue a new confession of fayth , new catechisme , new formes of prayer , new observation of dayes , new formes of ministration of the sacraments , which he first practised himselfe , against the acts and order of the kirk . t and since convened an assembly of his owne making to drawe on the practise of others . v and thirdly he hath involved the honorable estates of the kingdome into his greate guiltinesse by their ratification in parliament , which hath brought an inundation of evils into this kirk and countrey . 8. the pastor and men of god considering , what the kirk was before , what the reformation was , and what conformitie is , what the proceedings of the one and of the other haue beene , seeth religion wearing away , pityeth the young ones , that never haue seene better times , laments ever the multitude , that can not see the evils of the present , and resolveth for himselfe to hold constant to the ende against papists , prelates , arminians , and whatsoever can arise , to waite with patience , what the lord will doe for his people , and when he is gone to leaue a testimonie behinde him of the twofold miserie of impietie and iniquitie , that he hath seene in this land . the prelate hath forgotten what himselfe and the kirk was once , he hath wrought a greater defection in this kirk in the shorte tyme of his episcopacie , then was in the primitiue kirk for some hundreths of yeares , and is so farre yet blinded with the loue of his place in the world , that he maketh his worldly credite the canon , and his prelacie the touchstone of the tryall of all religion . the pope shall no more be antichrist , papistrie may be borne with , arminianisme may be brought in , because they can keepe company with prelacie . the reformation is puritanisme , precisenesse , separation and intollerable , because it can not cohabitate with prelacie . the gods of the nations were sociall , and could liue togither , but the god of israel is a jealous god. the prelates objection . the prelate will objest , that albeit he can neither justifie all his owne proceedings of late , nor yours of old , as all men haue their owne infirmities , yet that ye doe him wronge by your deduction , in confounding times that would be distinguished : because from the reformation to the comming of some scollars from geneva with presbyterall discipline , this kirk was ruled by prelates , and the superintendents in the beginning were the same in substance , that the prelates are now . the pastors answer . all men haue their owne infirmities , but good men are not presumpteously bold for the loue of the world , to hold on in a course of defection against so many obligations frō themselues , and so many warnings frō good men . infirmitie one thing and presumption another . the pastors of the kirk of scotland had begunne to roote out bishoprie , and to condemne it in their assemblies , before these scollers came from geneve : but never condemned but allowed the charge of superintendents , appointed for a time in the beginnings of the kirk , the one and the other being different in substance : for the superintendent according to the canon of the kirk was admitted as an other minister , without consecration af any bishop . the prelate is chosen for fashion by deane and chapter , without any canon of the kirk , & with solemne consecration of the metropolitane and their bishops . the superintendent appropriated not the power of ordination and jurisdiction , but both remayned common to other ministers . the prelate hath taken to himselfe the power , to ordeyne and depose ministers , and to decree excommunication . the superintendents made not a hierarchie of archsuperintendents and others inferior , some generall , and some provinciall , some primates and some suffraganes , some archdeanes , and some deanes &c. the prelates haue set up a hierarchie of all these . the su●erintendent was subject to the censure not onely of the nationall , but of the provinciall kirk , where he superintended the prelate is subject to no censure , hut may doe what , and may goe whither he will , and no man aske him , why he hath done so . the superintendents charge was meerely ecclesiasticall , and more in preaching then in government . the prelate is more in ruling then in preaching , & more in the world then in the kirk . the sup. acknowledged his charge to be but temporarie , & oftē desired to lay it downe before the general assembly . the prel . thinketh his office to be perpetuall , by reason & vertue of his consecration . the sup. had no greater power thē the commissioners of provinces , & in respect of his superintēdencie was rather a cōmissioner of the kirk , then an officebearer essentially different from the pastor . the prel . neyther hath received commission from the kirk , nor meaneth to render a reckoning to them , nor account of himselfe , as of a commissioner , but thinketh his office essentially diverse from the office of the pastor , as the pastors office is from the deacons . the pope may as well say that the euangelists were popes , as the prelate , that the superintendents were prelates . the fifth part . the pastor & prelate compared by the weale of the kirk . and the peoples soules . the saeftie and good of the state vvas the maine ende of roman policie , and the fundamentall lavv , by vvhich that people squared all their other lavves , according to their ovvne maxime : a let the safety of the people be the souveraigne lauv . the kirk of jesus christ hath better reason to think , that the safety of the kirk should be the rule and end of all ecclesiasticall policie , although the forme of externall worship and of the government of the house of god were not prescribed by the lord himselfe in his word , but left arbitrarie to men to be framed by their canons and constitutions , yet this must be holden as infallible . that it is the best forme of government vvhich by reason and experience is found to be best for the vveale and safety of the kirk . unto this generall both prelate and pastor vvill vvithout question condescend : but they differ in the particular , what this is , vvherein the good and weale of the kirk doeth consist : for the prelate places the weale of the kirk in her outvvard peace and prosperitie , & thinketh the kirk vvell constituted , and in good case , vvhen she florisheth in wealth and vvorldly dignities . but herein he abuseth the christian world three wayes , first , that he measures and determines the good estate of the kirk by her outvvard face , and not by her invvard grace , by the health of her bodye rather then of her soule , by that which is accidentall to the kirk , and which she may eyther haue or vvante , and yet continue a true kirk , and not by that vvhi his essentiall and proper to the very nature and being of a kirk . secondly , that he judgeth that to be the vveale of the kirk , vvhich hath many times proved her vvrack , being abused , as commonly it hath happened : he taketh poyson for a preservatiue , and surfett of peace and prosperity , excesse of vvealth and vvorldly honours , vvhich are her deadly disease , to be her health & best constitution . too large bestovving of riches and preferments upon the ministers of the kirk , bred that contagion vvithin her bovvels vvhich turned almost to her death in the ende : for thereby defection grevv by degrees , till ar● st under the man of 〈◊〉 it came to the heigth . thirdly , that he measures the good estate of the kirk by himselfe , and the rest of the members of that hierarchicall bodye , as though it vvent vvell vvith the vvhole kirk , vvhen bishops stand and reigne , like the kings of the nations , and as though the ministery vve●e sufficiently vindicated from poverty and contempt , vvher●tvvelue or thirteene of the number are clymed up like 〈◊〉 the highest places , that vvith their evill favoured mingeot●●● they m●y moue laughter to all that beholde them from belovv , or like foules flovven up to the highest roofes , shooting dovvne their filthy excrements upon the rest , that sitt in the lovver roomes . but the pastor esteemes the good an weale of the kirk by her spirituall estate , that is , by a sound fayth , a pure vvorship , and a holy conversation , as she stands or decayes in these , so is shee eyrher in a good constitution or languishing , and as she is furnished vvith all the meanes that may preserue and increase these , so she eyther prospers or decayes . this judgment of the pastor is grounded upon verie good reasons . for upon this estate of the kirk necessarily depends the glory of god , and salvation of soules , which are the tvvo things that make the difference betvvixt the kirk of god , and all other so●ieties of men in the vvorld , and therefore the pastor hath reason to thinke , that all the riches of the earth , & all the glorie of all the kingdomes of the vvorld are not to be put in ballance vvith the glory of god , and the salvation of soules , that vvhich god vvith his ovvne bloud hath purchased and redeemed . now vvhether the good of the kirk in these things be better procured and preserved by the prelate or by the pastor , let them be typed by comparing them in the particulars follovving . i. the pastor his principall care is to preserue the puritie of doctrine in the kirk , that christs flock may be fedde with the wholesome word of life , and to oppose all contrarie and unprofitable doctrine , as poysonable and pernitious to the peoples soules , and for that purpose interteyneth in weekely meetings the exercise of the word , where the doctrine delivered by one , is judged by all the rest , whether it be sound and profitable , and taketh such order vvith the papists , the greate corrupters of doctrine , and enemies to the peoples soules , that eyther he converteth them , or cutteth them off from the communion of the kirk with the spirituall sword , and exhorteth the magistrate , to execute the lawes made against them : whereby it came to passe that contrarie doctrine , and vayn and curious teaching either entred not into our kirk , or was suddainly repressed and put to the doore , and papistrie that had place before , was well nigh put out of the land . the prelate hath neyther leasure nor liking to looke to such exercise , and accounts no heresie so worthy his animadversion , as the alleaged heresie of aerius and his followers . it is manifest in historie from the beginning , that the heresies that haue most endangered the kirk , haue either beene forged by the ingines , or favoured and borne out by the authoritie and credit of prelates : b and this day , diverse false and dangerous doctrines are partly vented , and partly wincked at by them : neyther thinketh he papists greate enemies to the kirk : but as the iewish priests entertayned the sadduces , albeit enemies to true religion , and hated christians as their deadly foes , and as the papist can agree with the formall protestant , but thinks the unconformable calvenist his irreconcileable enemie , so the prelate could agree with the common papist for all his blaspheamous doctrine and profession , because he is a friend to his hierarchie . but the reformed christian , whom he calleth the calvinist , and puritane he can by no meanes beare , because he is professed unfriend to his hierarchie . a prelate as a prelate is not opposite to the papist , but to the protestant . 2. the pastor knowing that a litle leaven leaveneth the whole lumpe , thinketh it dangerous for the peoples soules to borrowe eyther substance or ceremonie of religion from antichristian corruption , and therefore warneth the people to beware of the least beginnings and appearances of evill , and while he deliberates aboute ceremonies , fittest for ordor and decencie , he intends nothing of his owne , but the edification of the kirk , and in the practise of ceremonies & circumstances orderly appointed , he looketh to the peace of the kirk that it be not broken , and to the consciences of the weake , that they be not offended . the prelate liketh to simbolize with antichrist his ceremonies , putting the papists in hope , that the bodie and substance of the● superstition may be resumed by time , where the shadowes and ceremonie● are so highly regarded . he intends nothing in appointing them , but the maintenance of his owne estate and dignitie , because he seeth and sayth , n● ceremonie no bishop , and in practise is more earnest in urging of ceremonies , then of obedience to the greatest things of the law , & by the canons aboute matters , which they themselues call indifferent , doth viole●● eyther to the bodies or consciences of the people , that thinke otherwayes , & maketh them to serue as roddes to scourge and whippe out of the kirk , and ministerie , whom and when they thinke good . 3. the pastor considering , that he is called to feede the f●ock of christ , and to care for the peoples soules , in his entrie to the ministerie , will be loath to undertake a greater charg● then he can in some measure overtake , and the lesse his charg● is the greater is his contentment , not that he desireth to be 〈◊〉 but to be faythfull , when he is entered he hath the work of the ministerie in singular regarde , as the most honourable and laborious worke that he can be employed aboute , whereof the best man is not worthy , and unto which the wole man is not sufficient , and therefore is resident among the people , serveth not by deputies and suffraganes , but in his owne person , and is altogether taken up with the pastors dueties , of preaching , praying , catechising , visiting , exhorting , rebuking , comforting , &c. but labours most diligently in the word and doctrine , because fayth commeth by the word preached . the prelate intending nothing , but to feede himselfe , at his entrie to his prelacie , he regards not so much the number of soules he should feede , as the number of chalders , the large revenues , and the great dignities he is to feede upon , and the larger his diocie , the better for him : hence is it , that he ascends from a diocesan to an archbishop , and a primate . after he is entred he disdayneth the worke of the ministerie , as base , and unworthy of bis grace and great lordship , he serveth by his deputies and suffraganes , and thinks it a more honourable and necessarie imployment to attend and reside at court , or at the places of civill judgment , as councell , session , exchequor , and howsoever he appropriates to himselfe the reward of double honour due to them who labour in the word & doctrine , yet he thinkes , that he is not bounde to take the paines of that worke , unto which the double honour is annexed . so the pastor must labour in the worke , and the prelate must reape the reward , and which is more prejudiciall to the peoples soules , he maintayneth that learned & qualified preachers are not so necessarie in congregations , as curats and readers , that there is too much preaching , and too litle reading and praying , meaning nothing els but their confused leitourgie . 4. the pastor dare not do harme to the peoples soules , because he is subject both in calling and conversation to the discipline of the kirk , which stryketh upon the pastor , as well as upon the people , and to bring the transgressers to repentance , he sitteth with his brethren in session , presbyterie & assembly , administring the holy discipline holily , that is , in sinceritie & faythfulnesse , without prejudice or partiality , and never ceasing , till the scandall be removed , the kirk be purged , and the offender ( if it be possible ) be wonne unto god , and all this , as being christs owne worke , he doeth with christs owne weapons , that is with the spirituall sword of the word , which is mightie through god to subdue every thing exalting it selfe against god , and to bring sinners to repentance . the prelate may doe what harme he will for his owne tyrannicall custome and prastise , but not by any law eyther of kirk or state , he exempteth himselfe in respect of his episcopall administration , and as he is a prelate from all censure , and scorneth to submitte himselfe to any ecclesiasticall judicature , albeit the chiefe apostles submitted themselues unto the kirk , and albeit there be no subject in a kingdome of whatsoever qualitie or condition , but in every respect he is under the controulement of some judicature in the land where he liveth . and as he is thus singularly lawlesse of himselfe , so pretending the sole power of proceeding to belong to him by vertue of his place and office , he sweyeth the course of discipline , as best pleaseth his lordship , processes begu●ne for trying of slanders , if the partie never so wicked haue argument of weight for my lord or his receaver , are incontinently by the word of his monarchicall authoritie stricken dead . hereby it commeth to passe , that where prelates rule , sinne reigneth , and the nearer the bishops wings , the greater libertie for sinne , as is seene in their owne houses and traynes . and for this reason is it , that both atheists and papists like the episcopall discipline , better then the pastorall , which they call straytelaced , because it troubleth their corruption , whereas the other layeth the reynes upon their neck . and if the prelate happen to proceede against offenders , his discipline consists not so much in spirituall censure , as in worldly power and civill punishment , as fining , confining , imprisoning &c. which haue no power to worke upon the consciences of sinners to bring them to repentance , which is most proper for the preachers of the gospell , and the chiefe ende of kirk discipline . 5. the pastor for the good of the kirk , is desirous , that the assemblies of the kirk , provinciall and nationall , be often holden and well kept , knowing how necessarie they are for redressing things amisse , for fulfilling things omitted , and for preventing evils that are like to ensue : and when the assemblie is convened he carrieth himselfe toward his brethren , as toward the servants of christ , and collegues of equall authoritie , none presuming to any place or preheminence , though of order onely , and not of power , without the calling and consent of his fellow brethren . there every one hath libertie to utter his minde , & every one is ready with the gift that god hath giuen him , as the diverse members of one body , for the good of the whole kirk : meeke moses and burning elias , esay with his trumpet , and aaron with his belles , bonaerges and barionah , the sonne of thunder , and the sonne of the doue , all moved by one spirit , with mutuall respect , reverence , and brotherly loue , joyne together in one conclusion , and if at any time they be of different judgements , they are not suddaine and summar in concluding things of importance , that concerne the whole , but that all may be done with uniforme consent , after the example of the apostles acts 15 , the conclusion is delayed , till all objections be satisfyed , and god giue greater light to such as are otherwise minded , and so to the greate good of the kirk , both peace and trueth are preserved . the prelate is as averse from a free assembly , as the pope is from a free generall councall , and therefore will eyther haue none at all , or will haue them so slavish , as if they were but his ecclesiasticall courts convened under him , and in his name . when this assemblie is convened , at his owne hand , without calling or election , he taketh upon him to preside & moderate . there no man hath libertie to utter his mynd before him , who hath power to raise up and cast downe , to inlarge and restreyne , to preferre and postpone , or put in and put out at his pleasure , and therefore no mans gift in such meetings doeth good to the kirk . and if it happen that his courses be crossed , and the best sort oppose , then he rageth , and by his proude boastings , and unreasonable raylings , he playeth the prelate indeede , using christs ministers & the kirks cōmissioners no better , then if they were his slaues or lackeys , convened to say amen to all his intentions , and to waite upon oracles falling from his mouth . in ende the pluralitie of voyces of the weaker sorte , and for the most part either emendicate or extorted , carryeth away the sentence which must oblige all , and therefore besides the tyrannies and unjust proceedings , proveth afterward to the greate hurte of the kirk , to be the cause of many evils and great divisions . 6. the pastor in planting of kirks , and placing of ministers without respect to any mans private judgment or affection with common consent , maketh choyse of the best qualified for graces and manners , and most fitte for the people he is to be set over , and that with theire owne speciall advise and desire , so that he giveth not the kirk to the minister , but the minister to the kirk , and in the act of ordination at the place where he shall serue , and in presence of the whole congregation , he requireth of the intrant neither oath nor promise , but what is appointed by the assemblies of the whole kirk , as constancie in the fayth , obedience to the king , and fidelitie in his calling , and after he is admitted , he respecteth him as the conjunct embassadour of christ , equall in power and authoritie with himselfe , with no difference but of age and gifts . the prelate excluding both the flock , whom the pastor is to feede , and the fellow-ministers with whom he is to labour in the worke , except it be superficially and for the fashion , when now the prelate and his domesticks ( who haue greater hand in the planting of kirks then both presbyterie and people ) haue brought the matter to the point of ordination , c he giveth the kirk to the minister , rather thē the minister to the kirk , whereof there flowe so innumerable evils , that the kirk hath as just cause to complaine now of the placing of ministers by bishops , as the kirk had of old of the planting of bishops through the corruption of archbishops and metropolitaneo . d the ordination must be at the place of the prelates residencie , and not at the kirk , where he shall serue nor in presence of the congregation ; then is the intrant forced without any pretext of warrant from the kirk , to giue his oath and subscription to articles of the prelates devising , for maintenance of his episcopall authoritie , euen as the pope doeth in consecrating bishops and archbishops , for establishing of his universall supremacie . when he is admitted , albeit for gifts and all other rsspects he be worthy of double honour farre aboue the prelate himselfe , yet the prelate contemneth him and his brethren , as poore presbyters , with double contempt . whereupon we see that the prelates and others by their example & doing esteeme not of ministers for their worth & their works sake , but as they are in places of preferment , and as they are clothed with offices and titles of dignitie aboue their fellowes : and this againe makes worldly mynded ministers to seeke estimation by greatnesse rather then by goodnesse . 7. the pastor procureth the peace of the kirk , by following after things which make for peace , rom. 14. for by the discipline and assemblies of the kirk he preserveth veritie , without which there is eyther no unitie , or such unitie , as is but a conspiracie , and resisteth heresie the mother of the greatest divisions : so long as our assemblies had their libertie , there could arise no heresie among us , if it had broken up in a parish , a consistorie or presbyterie would haue borne it downe : or if it had proceeded further , thē the synodall , or if it had not been able , the nationall assembly would haue suppressed it : for the same reason the kirk of france , which was nearest to ours , hath ben free of heresie : in the low countreysif the kirks had enjoyed the libertie of theyr assemblies , which they wanted for a long time , arminianisme had neyther troubled them , nor their neighbours . he never can find in his heart to urge or inforce unprofitable and untimely ceremonies upon the kirk , if it were for no other cause , but that they haue beene the apples of contention , and the cause of many schismes , and will choose rather with ionah to redeeme the quietnes and safetie of the kirk with the losse of himself , then for his owne particular to raise the smallest tempest , that may perill her peace . he carryeth himselfe no otherwayes in his ministerie , then becommeth the humble servant of the kirk , & feareth to be affected with diotrephes his ambitious humour , of aspyring aboue his brethren , which is a speciall preservatiue of peace . he studieth to preserue holynes , without which there can be no sounde nor wholesome peace , he is ever at warre with that which is contrarie to holynes , and sendeth away all scandalous livers with the workers of iniquitie , that peace may be upon the israell of god psal. 25. the prelate is accounted a peaceeble man , and pretends alwaies the peace of the kirk , but indeede seeketh his owne peace and prosperitie , and opposeth the things that make for peace : for if it serue for his owne particular , he can oversee papists and hereticks , and suffer heresie to rise and spreade it selfe , that the kirk may haue some other thing to think upon , then his episcopacie , and may haue himselfe to runne unto in steade of assemblies , he careth not to make schisme , and will fight with tooth and nayle for unlawfull and unprofitable ceremonies , which haue ever proved the cause of schisme , and ere he redeeme the kirks peace , by casting out these cumbersome wares , he will rather cast over boorde many worthy ministers , suffer numbers of soules , for whom christ hath dyed , to perish , and the kirk of christ tossed with troubles , by occasion of that noysome baggage , to sinke at last under the burden . contention also commeth by his pride and ambition : for first , great places make great emulation , & hoate competition , as may be seene in christs owne apostles , e and historie maketh knowen in many others , what debate and contention , what war and bloodshed prelacie hath brought forth in the christian world , between kirk and kirk contending for primacie , prelate and prelate for presidencie , pope and pope for papacie betweene kings and bishops for souveraignitie : as betweene the roman emperours , and roman bishoppes : the kings of england and the primates of england . 8. the pastor contents himselfe with such a competent stipend , as is assigned to him for his service , whereby he hath neyther meanes to swell in pride and wealth , nor matter of excesse and superfluitie . and he hath but one body , so he undertaketh but one cure , where he must be resident , and one kirk living , which for feare of the censures of the kirk , albeit he would , he dares not delapidate , but must leaue the kirk patrimonie in as good or better case , then he found it at his entry . the prelate hath a lords rent out of the revenewes of the kirk , which at the first was destinate , and should be employed for better uses , and this he hath not for the service of the kirk , but partly for his unlawfull attending civill affaires , and partly , for bearing out a lordly porte in himselfe , his ladie , their children and followers . he uniteth kirks farre distant , to maki the morsell the greater for his wide gorge : he alloweth and defendeth pluralities , and nonresidencies , by setting long taks without knowledge or consent of the kirk , and by setting of fewe formes and taxwardes he raketh up all , and stinteth the minister to a poore stipendiarie portion of fiue hundreth marks . so that the most sacrilegious persons in the land are the bishops themselues , eating the meate out of the mouthes of many worthy pastors , that labour painfully in the lords worke . the prelates objection . the prelate will object , that there shall never be any forme of kirk government or discipline , which bringeth not with it some dangers and discommodities , and that must be the best , which hath the fewest . it cannot be denyed , but the episcopall gouvernment hath also the owne inconvenients , whether we consider the salvation of soules , or the outward constitution of the kirk , and worship of god , or the patrimonie of the kirk . but the anarchie and confusion , which ever attendeth the paritie maynteyned by the pastor is an inconvenience greater then all , & sheweth plainly , that the paritie of pastors is neyther of god , nor can serve for the good of the kirk : for god is not the god of confusion but of peace , and most of all in the kirks of the saincts . the pastors answer . the gouvernment and order appoynted by christ can haue no danger , discommoditie nor inconvenience , but such as men bring upon it , and which through the neglect or contempte thereof they bring upon themselues . that therefore must be the best , which is best warranted by christ , and approacheth nearest to the simplicitie of the apostles and the discipline of their times . malignant wits haue ever beene readie to lay imputations upon gods ordinances , as that his inward worship according to the gospell of christ hath no wisedome , that the outward hath no majestie , that his order of the kirk is but anarchie , because it is not a monarchie : but as the naturall philosopher sayth , the order of nature to be full of beautie , and the wise statesman seeth the beautie of the order of a wise policie : so the christian , when he seeth the order of the house of god , shall with the apostle col. 2. rejoyce to see it , and will preferre the beautie thereof to the wise government of the house & court of salomon , as being appointed by a wiser then hee : euen balaam , albeit disposed to curse , when his eyes are opened to behold this wise order and marvelous beautie , shall be forced to open his lips , and to say , how goodly are thy tents o iacob , and thy tabernacles to israell : for a house full of silver and gold i would not curse , for how shall i curse whom the lord hath not cursed ? or how shall i defye , whom the lord hath not defyed ? numb . 23. and 24. and that there is no confusion in the paritie mainteyned by the pastor , it is manifest to him that desireth to see , for : 1. confusion hath no subordination for disposing of things , and setting every thing in it owne place . the paritie mainteyned by the pastor hath a lawfull subordination of elders to pastors , of deacons to elders , of a kirk session to a presbyterie , of a presbyterie to a synode , and of a synode to a nationall assembly . 2. confusion hath no prioritie of respect of precedencie nor of order . paritie of pastors so shunneth ambitiō , that it mainteyneth a prioritie of precedencie f and respect , for age , for zeale , for gifts &c. and a prioritie of order , whereby one is moderator of others in all their synods , and meetings , such as was amongst the apostles themselues , but without prioritie of power or jurisdiction aboue the rest . 3. confusion admitteth no commandement nor subjection : paritie of pastor , admitteth both : for every pastor conducteth his owne flock , & every pastor is subject to a joynt fellowship of pastors in presbyteries and synods . 4. confusion is abhorred , both by nature and all societies , as their greatest enemie , which overturneth all , where it hath place . paritie of pastors hath the like paritie both in nature , and all sorts of societie : for in nature one eye hath not power over another , nor one hand over another , nor one foote over another , onely the head hath power over all . in the common-wealth and kingdome there is a paritie without a prioritie of power of jurisdiction betwixt one baron and another , & betwixt one nobleman and another , and in all the collegiall jurisdictions in the land under the king himselfe . in the worlde paritie betwixt one king and another , in the roman kirk equalitie betwixt one lord bishop and another , and betwixt two archbishops , patriarks &c. and in the kirk of christ betwixt apostle and apostle , &c. why then shall the divine paritie of pastors be accounted a confusion . the sixth part . the pastor & prelate compared by the good of the common wealth , and of our outward estate . albeit that sometimes the povver ecclesiasticall be without the secular , and the members of the kirk make not any civill corporation , as in the apostles times , & long after . and some times the secular power be vvithout the ecclesiasticall , and the members of kingdomes and corporations make not a kirk , as amongst the heathen of old , and many nations and societies this day ; yet is it farre best , both for religion and justice , both for trueth and peace , both for kirk and commonvvealth , when both are joyned in one : vvhen the magistrate hath both svvords , the use of the temporall svvord , and the benefite of the spirituall svvord , and vvhen the kirk hath both svvords , the use of the spirituall sword , and the benefite of the temporall : when the two administrations civill and ecclesiasticall , like moses and aaron , help one another mutually , & neyther aaron and miriam murmur against moses , nor jeroboam stretcheth out his hand against the man of god. upon the one part , civill authoritie mainteyneth and defendeth religion , vvhere it is reformed , and reformeth religion vvhere it is corrupted . kings shall be thy foster-fathers , and queenes thy nurse mothers a , kings serue the lord in fear b : and then serue they the lord ( sayth augustine ) vvhen they serue him not onely faythfully as men , but as kings , and doe such things in serving him , as none can doe but kings , that is , vvhile they rest not till religion be established , and god served in their dominions , according to his ovvne word . it hath ever been the greatest commendation of princes , that they haue begunne their government vvith the reformation of religion , as many vvorthy princes haue done both before , and after the comming of christ , for god preferreth kings unto all others , and therefore kings should haste to honour god aboue all others : or that they haue exceeded all vvho vvent before them in this religious and royall chaire . aza tooke avvay idolatrie : but jehoshaphat removed the high-places also . ezekiah vvent further , and brake the brazen serpent , albeit a monument of gods mercie : but this vvas the sinne of his reformation , that he razed not the idoll temples , vvhich vvas kept to good josiah , vvho therefore hath this testimonie to the ende of the world , that like unto him there vvas no king before him , that turned to the lord vvith all his heart , vvith all his soule , and vvith all his might . upon the other part , true religion , although it propone for the principall ends , the glorie of god , and the safetie of the kirk , yet it serveth many vvayes for the civill good , and vvorldly benefite of kings and kingdomes . because the true religion , and no other , maketh kings and kingdomes to serue that god that giueth both heauenly and earthly kingdomes . c who looseth the bands of kings , and girdeth their loynes vvith a girdle : who is the onely judge , that putteth dovvne one , and setteth up an other . and therefore godlynesse hath the promise , and true religion hath many blessinges attending . it is a blessed thing , vvhen a king , or a kingdome serveth that god , by vvhom kings reigne , and vvho giveth and taketh avvay kingdomes at his pleaure : next because it qualifieth and disposeth every man for his ovvne place . it maketh rulers to know , that every kingdome is under a greater kingdome , d and as they are advanced aboue all others , that they haue so much the greater account to make . it maketh the subjects to obey for conscience sake , and subdueth the people under theyr prince : which made theodosius to acknowledge , that his empire consisted more by christian religion , then by all other meanes . it keepeth true peace , both publick and private , and when peace can be no longer kept , it followeth after it to find it againe . jt maketh men just and temperate in time of peace , not by restraint , vvhich positiue lavves doe , but by mortification . with christians to think that vvickednes is sinne , whether of the tvvo commandeth more fully ( sayth tertullian ) he vvho sayth , thou shalt not kill , or he who sayth , thou shalt not be angry : vvhich of the tvvo is more perfect to forbid adulterie , or to restraine the eyes from concupiscencs &c. it maketh every man to practise christianitie in the particular duties of his calling . in the time of war it maketh men couragious , & to feare none but him that can kill the soule . in persecution it maketh invincible patience ▪ without confusion it giveth at all times unto god , that vvhich is gods , and unto caesar that vvhich is caesars , and vvithout usurpation or injurie to any , it giveth unto noblemen , statesmen , barons , burgesses , and all from the highest to the lovvest in the kingdome , their ovvn places , preferments and priviledges , according to the soveraigne lavv of justice . all estates haue neede of this divine influence , and of all these comfortable effects , and every religion promiseth them all , but onely christian religion is able to performe them , and the more christian it is , that is , the more neare that it cometh to the puritie & simplicitie of christ and his apostles both in doctrine and discipline , and the more christianly , that is , the more povverfully it be urged upon the consciences of men , the more effectually it proveth for these happy ones . let us then upon this ground proceede to our tryall , vvhether the pastor or prelate be more profitable for the countrey and common vvealth . the pastor preserveth the prosperous estate of the kingdome and commonwealth , by labouring to preserue pietie , righteousnesse , and temperance in the land , and by oppusing with al his might against idolatrie and all sorts of impietie , against unrighteousnesse and all sorts of injurie , whether by craft or violence , and against intemperancie , incontinencie unlawfull mariages , divorces , and whatsoever kinde of impurities : e for these three where they reigne he knoweth to be more neare and certaine causes , first of the many calamities and judgements of god , and then of the alterations and periodes of states and kingdomes , then eyther the intricate numbers of plato , or the unchanged course of the heauens , or what other cause is pretended by philosophers or politicks , because these where they raigne , they threatten a ruine from the true fatalitie of gods providence & justice , & doe shake the pillars of all humane societie , as idolatrie the pillars of the kirk , unrighteousnes of the cōmon-wealth , and intemperance of the family , & one of the three falling , the other two cannot long endure . the prelate upon the contrarie , by taking in his owne hands the power of the generall assembly , which was a great terror to sinne , by depriving some worthy pastors of their places , and others of their authoritie in censuring of sinne , by destroying the discipline of the kirk , and by his owne many unlawfull practises and permissions , hath giuen way to idolatrie , blaspbemie , and the prophanation of the sabbath , to all sorts of scandalous and notorious sinnes of unrighteousnesse , uncleannes , and of the abuse of gods creatures , for which the wrath of god commeth upon the world . but most of all by bringing a great part of the kingdome under the guiltines of the violation of the covenant of god , and of doing against their oath and subscription hath drawne on many visitations from the hand of god , doeth dayly provoke the lord to further wrath , stryketh at the pillars of all societies , and posteth on the periods of state and kingdome . 2. the pastor accounteth vertue , trueth , righteousnesse , christian simplicitie , and prudence to be the best policie , not onely for his owne practise , but for all that are in authoritie , and for all societies : and therefore pronounceth anathema upon the chiefest axiomes of machiavels arte , f whom he judgeth to be as pernicious a master of policie , as antichrist is for matters of religion : and these two to be the principall supposts of sathan , the direct enemy of christian fayth and obedience , and the craftie subverters of kirks and commonwealths , unfitte for all , but most unfitte for us , whom grace hath favoured with the light of the trueth , and nature hath fashioned to be open and plaine . the prelates practises doe proclaime what policie pleaseth him best . simulation , dissimulation , falsehoode and flattery are knowen to be the wayes of his promotion . he standeth in his grandeur and possesseth his peace , by promising good service in parliament to the king , against the nobilitie , and blowing the bellowes of dissention betwixt them : he warmeth himselfe at the fire he hath raysed betwixt the king and kirk . he beareth with men of every religion , providing they be not antiepiscopall . he urgeth ceremonies , which he himselfe otherwise careth nothing for , that they may be a band of obedience to the slavish , and a buckler of episcopacie against the opposites , he suffereth papistrie to prevaile , and new heresies to arise , and giveth connivence to the teachers of them , that there may be some other matter of disputation amongst learned men , then about his myter . if all would follow his arte and example , antichrist & machiavel would be our chiefest maisters , and every scottish man of spirit would proue another caesar borgia , or ludovieus sfortia g . 3. the pastor according to the nature of things distinguisheth betwixt the things of god and the things of caesar , betwixt the soveraigntie of christ , and the souveraigntie of man , betwixt the dignitie of the statesman and honour of the elder , that labours in the word and doctrine , betwixt the palace of the prince , and the ministers manse , the revenues of the noble-man , and the ministers stipend ; and according to the grounds of policie h holdeth , that many offices should be conferred upon one man , except rarely , by the speciall favour of princes , upon some that are eminent , as miracles for engine , for wisedome , and dexteritie , by reason of mans infirmitie , the weight of authoritie , the order of the policie , and the peace of the people : that as everie thing in nature doeth the owne part , the ●●nne shyneth , and the wind bloweth , the water moysteneth , so every man should be set to his owne taske , i that one man cannot both be aeneas and hector , cato and scipio , farre lesse can one and the same person be sufficient for the greatest affaires , both of kirk and policie . and therefore the pastor keepeth himselfe within the bounds of his owne place and calling , and neyther medleth with civill causes , nor taketh upon him civill offices , nor seeketh after civill honour . the prelate maketh no distinction , but confoundeth all , as compatible ynough , if he be the agent . and albeit for any good parts to be no miracle , but neighbourlike , k yet he findeth himself sufficient for everything in kirk and common-wealth , and telleth all for fish that commeth in his nette , whether civill offices , civill honours , civill causes , or civill punishments : like a prince he hath his castle , his lordship , his regalitie , vassalry , &c. he hath power to confyne , imprison &c. and taketh it hardly , when he is not preferred to offices of estate , as to be chancellor , president &c. which his predecessors had of old . and thus against all ground of good policie he stands in pompe , as a mightie gyant , with one foote in the kirk upon the necks of the ministers , and with another in the state , upon the heads of the nobilitie and gentrie . 4. the pastor assisteth the civill magistrate in planting of virtue , and rooting out of vice , partly by powerfull preaching home to the consciences of sinners , l partly by censuring lesser offences , which the magistrate punisheth not , as lying , uncomelie jesting , rash and common swearing , rotten talking , brauling , drunckennesse &c. wherethrough the passages to murther , adulterie , and other great offences are stopped , the people prevented in many mischiefs , and great enormities , and the magistrate many waies eased , and partly in censuring of greater sinnes , and purging the kingdome of foule offences : for he joyneth the censures and the spirituall sword of the kirk with the sword of the magistrate , so unpartially , that none are spared , with such expedition and diligence , that sinne is censured , and not forgotten , with such authoritie , that the most ob●tin●●e haue confessed , that the kirk had power to binde and loose , with such sharpnesse and severitie that malefactors haue beene affraide , and so universally , that , as there is no crime censurable by the kirk , but the same is punishable by temporall iurisdiction , so he holdeth no sinne punishable by civill authoritie , but the same is allo censurable by spirituall power , the one punishing the offender in his bodye or goods , the other drawing him unto repentance , and to remoue the scandall . the prelate is unprofitable to the civill magistrate in planting of virtue , and rooting out of vice : for where his government hath place , preaching hath more demonstration of arte for the praise of the speaker , then of the spirit for the censuring of sinne , and conversion of the sinner : he passeth small offences without any censure , & thereby openeth the way to the greatest sins of murther , adulterie &c. and giveth the magistrate his hands full . he vendicates to his court and jurisdiction some crimes , as proper for his censure , which yet he passeth lightly . the censures of the kirk and sword of excommunication in his hand serue for small use against greater sins . for eyther they are not used at all , or so partially , that the greatest sinners escape uncensured , or so superficially , that they are rather a matter of mocking and boldnesse in sinne , then of repentance to the sinner , or of removing the offence . 5. the pastor is chargeable to no man beside his sober and necessarie maintenance allotted unto him for his necessarie service , which the people can no more want , then they may want religion it selfe , or their owne temporall and eternall happines . the prelate contrarie to the rules of policie m against the multiplying and mainteyning of idle officebearers , hath for one office , serving for no good use neither to king , nor kirk , nor countrey , allowance of a large rent , is a great burthen , and is many waies chargeable to the commonwealth , and to particular persons ; by his great lands and lordship , by actions of improbation , reductions of feiffes , declarator of esheits , entresses nonentresses &c. by selling of commissariats &c. by raysing and rigorously exacting the quots of testaments , by sommes of money giuen unto them , their sonnes or theyr servants , for presentations , collations , testimonials of ordination , or admission , sometimes by people who would be at a good minister , and ordinarily by the cannie friends of the intrant , who can finde no entrie but by a golden port . 6. the pastor would haue learning to growe , & considering that n schooles and colledges are both the seminarie of the commonwealth , & the lebanon of god for building the temple , desyreth earnestly , that there might be a schoole in every congregation , that the people might be more civill , and might more easily learne the groundes of religion , he would haue the best ingynes chosen & provided to the students places in universities , the worthyest & best men to the places of teachers , who might faythfully keepe the arts and sciences from corruption , and especially the trueth of religion , as the holy fire that came down from heauen was kept by the levites . he desireth the rewards of learning to be giuen to the worthyest , and after they haue received them , that they be faythfull in their places , least by loytering and lazinesse , they become both unprofitable and unlearned . the prelate is not so desirous of learning in himselfe , as of ignorance in others , that be onely may be eminent both in kirk and commonwealth , and all others may render him blinde obedience and respect . he devoureth that himselfe which should entertaine particular schooles : he filleth the places of students without tryall of their ingines to pleasure his friends and suyters , contrarie to the will of the maisters and the acts of the foundations ; he filleth the places of learning not with the learnedst , but the welthiest sort , who for any vigilancie of his might both corrupt the humane sciences and bring strange fire into the house of god. if a learned man happen to attaine to one of their highest places ; which they call the rewards of learning , incontinent their learning beginneth to decay , and their former gifts to wither away . so that their greate places and prelacies eyther finde them or make them unlearned . 7. the pastor by the gouvernment of the kirk prescribed in the word , o is strong to resist or represse schismes , heresies , corruptions , and all the spirituall power of sinne and sathan , but hath no strength to withstand the temporall power and authoritie of princes . the same gouvernment sorts with monarchie no lesse , then with aristocrasie through the wisdome of the sonne of god , who fitteth the same for all nations , and diverse formes of civill policie . the pastor acknowledgeth his prince to be his onely bishop , and overseer superintendent over the whole kirk in his dominions , as being the preserver of the liberties of the kirk and keeper of both tables , to whom also the generall assembly of the kirk , of some few commissioners chosen by them and convened , when it is thought expedient by the kings commissioner , may giue his majestie better and more speedy satisfaction in kirk affaires , and with greater loue and contentment of the whole kirk , and of all his majesties loving subjects , then can be giuen by the thirteene prelates . all which may be done upon a small parte of the prelates rent , for bearing the charges of his majesties commissioner , who also may be changed at his majesties pleasure . the prelate and his gouvernment it weake to withstand the spirituall forces of sinne and sathan , but is strong to oppose the temporall power of princes , and hath beene of all enemies the most dangerous to monarchie ; for howsoever now , while opposition is made , he flatter & fawne upon the prince for his owne standing , yet if all ministers and the whole kingdome did acknowledge his superioritie of binde the conscience , the primate of the kirk would be powerfull then any subject in the kingdome , p and might proue as terrible to kings , whatsoever their religion were , as popes haue beene to emperors , and prelates haue beene to kings in former times . he hath no power for all his credite and lordly authority to get any thing done to his majesties satisfaction , and with contentment of the kirk , for all the craft and violence , that hath been so long bended , never one whole famous congregation within the kingdome is eyther conquested , or like to be subdued to his conformitie , but eyther the better or greater part , or both haue resisted . and yet for his lordly maintenance he hath impayred the rent of the crowne , in so farre as it was aided by the collectorie , he pulleth from the king the rents of great benefices , the homage of vassales with their commodities , regalities , & other priviledges more proper for the scepter then the shepheards staffe . 8. the pastor desyreth no other title , but to be called the minister of the towne or parish , he stryveth with no man for precedencie , he seekth no place in the common wealth , neyther in counsell , session , nor exchequor , but stirreth up , and soundeth the trumpet in the eare of the generous spirits of the kingdome , to shewe themselues worthy of their owne places , and whether he be minister in brough or land , he is a common servant to all , from the highest to the lowest , to parents and children , to masters & fervants in all pastorall dueties : while he liveth he harmeth none , but helping all , procuring honour to the greater , & maintenance to the poorer sorte , & when his life is brought to a comfortable end , every soule blesseth him , and all mourne for him , as for a common parent , the prelate according to the politicall axiome q when vertue waineth , vanity waxeth , and many titles much vanitie , disdayning to he called any more the minister of christ , hath taken upon him the titles of the nobilitie , my lord of orknay , my lord or cathnes , my lord of murray , my lord of argyl , &c. with the title he taketh the place before them , and filleth their places in councell and session , and when risen up from his dunghill , he is set on high places , and is drunken with his new honours , he lefteth his eares like isis asse , aud as handmaides , when they become mistresses , he waxeth so insolent , that he can not be borne . in his owne citie he will haue momage of all , overtruleth the election of their magistrates , harmeth both parents and children through the countrey , by giving warrant far suddaine and secret mariages without proclamation , which the verye counsell of trent cannot but allow , he taketh the honour of the greater to himselfe , and spends that upon his pride , which should serue for the poorer sorte . and when after many wishes , his life at last is brought to an ende , the whole diocie is filled with joy , and his owne familie and friends are filled with centempt , and disgrace . 9. the pastor maketh the kingdome fitte for warre , against the time that necessities giue alarme : for , by labouring to make the people truly religious , he maketh them resolute for both parts of christian fortitude , actiue and passiue , for doing valiantly , and suffering constantly . in the time of peace , r he stirreth them up against softnesse and intemperancie , to diligence and labour , whereby their bodies are the more able and durable : he strengtheneth also the nerues of warre , by contenting himselfe with a meane estate , & by his doctrine and example teaching people to spare in peace , for the time of warre . the prelate maketh the kingdome unfitte for warre : for by his government the people loose true fortitude , with the loue of religion , that if they haue any kinde of courage for battayle , it is not so much the invincible courage of christian religion , as the carnall and bastard fortitude of paganisme , which in comparison of the former hath ever been but pusillanimitie . by his oversight of ryoting and idlenes , their bodies become weake and effeminate , and by his owne large rents , and his example of prodigalitie , which to them is a law , he enervates the estate , and cutts asunder the sinewes of warre . the prelates objection . the prelate will object , that if you that are pastors understoode eyther the manners of the people , or the grounds of policie , ye would see that neyther can noblemen , and others giuen to their pleasure beare your simple and censorious forme of preaching , nor your austeere , and precise forme of discipline , and life , nor yet can the high court of parliament wante the prelates , which make up one of the three estates : that ye are but shallowe , and considers not what depth this drawes . the pastors answer . we knowe , that of all rancks , there be some who loue their pleasures more then god , and these , according to the first flattering parte of the objection , will say with the old verse : non mihi sit servus , medicus , propheta , sacerdos . he is no servant fit for me , who phisitian , prophet , priest will be . for such may neyther abide to be cured of their spirituall evils by the counsell of god , nor to heare of the evils that will come , if they refuse to be cured , nor to exhorted to repentance , when the calamities are turned upon them , that they may be turned away : but all are not such , and from which , while they are in their pleasures , we make appellation to themselues , while they are in the paines or terrors of death , & to be presented before the judge , whether thē the pastor or prelate pleaseth thē better ? the other part of the objection , the wisdome of the king and of the honourable estates of parliament can answer , who know how a parliament may be perfect without eyther pastor or prelate . if , by the name of a parliament , we understand a generall & nationall meeting of the whole kingdome and kirk by their commissioners , with their supreame magistrate , and king , every one to giue his advise and judgment respectiue , according to the nature of the societie civil , or ecclesiasticall , which he presents : commissioners of the kirk , to giue resolution from the word of god , if neede be , concerning matters civill , but not to meddle with civill causes civilly , and to propone petitions to the king & estates for the good of the kirk , to require their civill sanction , & to see that nothing be concluded in things civill , that may be a hinderance to the worship of god. the nobilitie with cōmissioners of barons , and burrowes for civill matters , & to add the civill sanction in the matters of gods worship , kirkmen chosen & instructed by the kirk , may sit in parliament after this sense , and are bound to cōtribute their best help for the honour of the king & good both of kirk and countrey . but if by a parliament we understand the highest court & supreame judicature civill , medling onely with civill matters , or with matters of religion civilly , as to adde the civill sanction , and to ratifie by civill authoritie , what hath been put in cannon by the kirk before , thē the assembly of the kirk or their commissioners may , or should attend the high court of parliament , as the convocation house doth in our neighbour kingdome , but can haue no place nor vote in parliament , neither in making lawes aboute things civill , nor in the civill authorising in matters of religion : for ministers should not judge of the right of inheritance , nor pronounce sentence aboute forfeyture , nor make lawes about weights , and measures &c. but should exhort the people to obey the civill powers . without bishops or ministers lawes haue been made by parliament , & may be made now no lesse then without abbots , priors &c. who had once vote in parliament no lesse then they . their benefices are baronies , in respect whereof they claime vote in parliament ; but they are not barons or proprietars , & heretable possessors thereof to transmit them to their heirs , or to alienate them , but onely are usufructuaries to haue the use of the fruits of them for their time . neither doth it suite with the ministers calling , to haue such baronies , nor are they to be reckoned for ecclesiasticall persons , but for civill , when they haue place in parliament in respect of these baronies , and therefore cannot vote there in name of the kirk . to conclude then , whether we looke to the word of god , or to the more pure and primitiue times of the kirk , or to the nature & use of things indifferent , or to the reformation and proceeding of our owne kirk , or the good of the kirk , and of the peoples soules , or to the happinesse of the commonwealth , and the good of every one , from the king that sitteth upon the throne , to him that heweth the woode , and draweth the water , we may see , whether the pastor , or the prelate , whether reformation or conformitie is to be followed by the true christian and countreyman . and that there is as greate difference betwixt the bishops of our times , and the faythfull pastors of the reformed kirks , as is from the light that commeth from the starres of heauen , and the thick darkenesse that ariseth from the bottomlesse pitte . and it may be made manifest , that since bishops were cast in the moulde of the man of sinne , wheresoever they haue ruled , whether amongst the papisticall and the reformed ( some fewe excepted , who when they ventured upon these places , wente out of their owne element ) they haue been the greatest plagues both to kirks , and kingdomes , that ever had authoritie in the christian world . neither needeth any man to object , that the comparison that we haue made , runneth all the way betwixt the good pastor , and the evill prelate , and therefore may be answered by the like unequall comparison , betwixt the good prelate and the evill pastor , as if the most part of the episcopall evils aboue mentioned were onely the personall faults of the men , & not the corruptions necessarily accōpanying the estate and order of prelates , and that if good men fill these places , there is no danger but the kirk may be aswell , or better governed by prelates , then by pastors : for the comparison is not so much betwixt the pastor and prelate , as betwixt the office of a pastor and the office of a prelate or bishop . s it is one thing ( as augustine sayth ) to use an unlawfull power lawfully , and an other thing to use a lawfull power unrighteously and unjustly . pastors may haue their owne personal infirmities , and never so many as under the prelates gouvernment : and prelates may haue their owne good parts , and never so many as by the occasion of the pastors opposition : but neyther the one nor the other are to be ascribed to their offices , nor is the lawfulnesse and unlawfulnesse of their offices to be judged by their persons . it is true , when an unlawful power and a lawlesse man meete together the case of those that are under his authoritie must be the worse , as we may see in the papacie , which being alwaies evill for the kirk , yet haue proved worse , when monsters in steade of men haue sitte in that seate . but it is evident , that the evils which prelates and their lordly government bring upon the kirk , doe flowe from their sole jurisdiction , exorbitant power , medling in civill government , and the curse of god upon that unlawfull estate , all which are common to the whole order , and not peculiar to some persons . and the corruptions which are common to all in these places , although greater in some then in others , of necessitie must flowe from the unlawfulnesse of the state and office it selfe . it is so farre , that good men put in the places of prelacie , can make the government good , that the places of prelacie haue ever corrupted the men , and made them worse . so it was with aeneas sylvius , who before his popedome seemed sound and honest , mainteyning many points against the tyrannie of the seate , but being made pope pius the ii , retreated all , and proved as impious and antichristian as the rest : so many that haue beene of good account in the ministerie , and giuen hope of great good by them to the kirk , when they entred to be bishops , yet wholly degenerated from their first works , and learned betime ululare cum lupis , to houle with the wolues : the experience whereof made queene elizabeth to say , when she made a bishop , that she marred a good minister . finis . gentle reader be intreated favourablie to passe by some slips in printing : as when one letter is put for another , as n for r scacarium pag. 28. lin . à fine 6. or one letter is wanting as pag. 20. in margine aerianum : or a letter abounds , as pag. 63. in margine bodin . repi . or when a siliable is wanting pag. 26. lin . ult . became . pag. 41. in marg . scoticana . or altered pag. 64. in marg . savitia . or a word is misplaced , pag. 25. med . & the daughter had devouted the mother . and some other the like . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a17576-e110 a perth assemblie preface . b quid non evertat consueiudo ? quid non assiduitate duretur ? quid nō usui cedar ? primū tibi importabile videtur aliquid , processu temporis , si assuescas , judicabis nō adeo grave , paulo post & leve senties , paulo post nec senties , paulo post etiā delectabit . ita paulatim in cordis duritiam itur & ex illa in aversionem . rernard . ad eugen. c expurga domin● vineam tuam sentibus undique & labruscis oppletam : fac ut olim slagellū de funiculis & de templo tuo sancto nummularios expelle , vendētes èjice , ementes exturba , cunctos impios mercatore● , nisi panitentiam egerint . giezitas lepra percute , simonitas altè volantes , satanaque ministerioin excelsum elevatos illide , ac dejice , &c. nicol. clemangis . d ephestion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , craterus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e 1 tim. 5 , 4. f proverb . 29. 2. g pericle dicente , non invenire se quo pacto ministery rationem redderet , atque ideo cōflictarie ergo inquit , alcibiades , quare potius quemadmodum ratianem non reddas . valer. max. lib. 3. cap. 2. h si pacem non potest habere cum fratre nisi subdito ostēdit se non tam pacem cupere , quam sub pacis conditi●n vindictam . hiero● ad theop. notes for div a17576-e300 the forme of worship , and government , to be learned from the word . what then is the kirks part . a polycleti regula ad reges , lesbia regula ad aequitatem opus . bodinus 〈◊〉 method . the prelate 〈◊〉 not among the● selues . b iure divino di●sciplinam hierarchicam tuentur alii , alii jure humano tantum : alii no jure divino , sed apostolico , alius & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ali● episcopalem majoritatem mutabile●● contendunt , ali● tuentur immutabilem , ut ex iuello , saravia , hooker● , dounamo , barles , bilsono , bancrofto . tileno , & aliis hierarchicis satis est maniffestum . they halt betwixt two . they would make a new ceremoniall law . c quid litigamus ? fratres sumus . non intestatus mortuus est pater , fecit testamentum , & sic mortuus est & resurrexit . tam di● contenditur de haereditate mo●tuor● , quamdiu testamentum proferatur in publicum , & cum testamentum fu●rit prolatum in public● , tacent 〈◊〉 ut tabula 〈…〉 & recitentur . iudex intentus audit , advocatisilēt , praecones silentium faciunt , &c. augu. in psal. 〈◊〉 . the perpetuall and due off●cebearers in the kirk . d 1 corint . 12. 28. ephes. 4. 11. no difference in scripture between a pastor & a bish. e barnabas is called on apostle act . 14. 4. & 14. because he was an apostle as paul was , titus & other two , 2 cor. 8. 23. and epaphroditus , phil . 2. 25. are apostles , or messengers of the kirks act. 20. 28. phil . 1. 1. 1 tim . 3. 2. tit . 1. 7. wher in the syriack for the name of bi. is put the word that signifies the elder . 1 pet . 5. 1. 2. no l. bis. in script . f onely christ lord in his own house . ioh. 13 13. heb. 3. 6. mat. 20. 25 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but luk. 22. 2● . the simple word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is denied to the apost . which vvas granted to kings , which the sons of zebedeus sought , and for which the apostles did contend . no bi. of bishops , or pastors in scrip. g act. 15. 2. & 20. 1● . 〈◊〉 1. 1. 1 pet ● . 1. every pastor in scripture huth his own particular flock , none is without a flock , nor with a diocie . h kirks of iudea gal. 1. 22. kirks of galatia gal. 1. 2. of asia , macedonia &c. ever in the nūber of multitude as for act. 7. ●8 . it is spokē of the whole nation of the iewes in the wildernesse camping about the arke . the pastor hath power of ordination , which the prelate appropriateth . i 1 tim. 4. 14. neither doth the ap. deny that to presbyters , which he did himselfe with them , & which he ascribeth to timothi● . 1 tim. ● . 22. 2 tim. 2. 6. neither the prelate himselfe denyeth the power of ordinatiō to the presbyter , but the exercise of the power which he arrogateth to himselfe . ordinat deus per ecclesiam ordinat ecclesia per presby●erium , ordinat presbyteriū per episcopos , & pastores suos ; singuli conferunt in unum quae sua sunt . iun. animad . 1187. the past hath the power of jurisdiction , which the prelate usurpeth & appropriateth . k act. 15 , 6. and 16. 4. & 20. 28. 29 , 1 cor. 5. & 14. 32. 40. 1 thes. 5. 12. tit. 1. 9. 1 tim. 5. 17. heb. 13. 17. l decyding of controversies , making of canons for order , or censuring of offences . no such majoritie of power of one pastor over another , as the prelate claimeth . m by scripture no apostle hath power over another apostle , nor evangelist over another evangelist , nor elder over another elder , nor deacon over another deacon : but all are equall . the pastor medleth not with matters civil , but the prelate is more in the world , then about christ. n deu. 33. 8. eze. 34. 1. zach. 11. 17 matth. 23. 6. luk. 9. 59. & 12. 13. & 22. 24. ioh. 21. 15. acts 6. 2. rom. 1. 1. 2 tim. 2. 4. the pastor & prelats forme of prayer . mat. 6. 7. 8. 9. &c. luke 11. 1. exod. 32. 11. num 14. 13. acts 2. 5. and 16. 16. &c. their preaching . p act. 28. 23. r● . 10. 15. 1 cor. 1. 21 1 cor. 9. 16. 1 pet. 4. 11. 2 ioh. 10. 1 cor. 3. 12. &c. musick . q 2 chron. 29. 25. not in the synagogues , but at the temple , & for that time of ceremoniall worship . 1 cor. 14. 19. & 26. ephes. 5. 18. 19. collos. 3. 16. baptisme . r math. 28. 19. & all other places , shewing baptisme to be a note discerning christians from infidels . 1 pet. 3. 21 & such places proving baptisme to be a signe of christian profession , matth. 3. the baptisme at iordan solemne , and what was done privately , by the apostles , at sometimes was in the infancie of the kirk which cannot now be a rule to us in a kirk constituted . celebration of the lords supper . s matth. 26. 26. mark. 14. 22. luk 22. 19. 1 cor. 11. 23. out of which compared together the whole institution is to be learned and not frō the last place alone , since it cantaineth not all things belonging to the institutiō , mat 14. 13. luke 24. 30. 1 cor. 10. observation of the sabbath . t gen. 2. 2. 3. exo. 20. deu. 5. num. 15. 32. nehem. 13 15. isa. 56. 2. and 58. 13. ioel 1. 14. psal. 110 , 3. ioh. 20. 16. 26. act. 2 1. & 20. 7. 1 cor. 16. 1. gal. 4. 9. 10 colos. 2. 16. 17. revel . 1. 10. residence . v caranza proveth the necessite of the residence of bishops by fiue places of the old testam by three out of the evangelist , and fiue out of the apostolick uritings : and how can he be a bishop , a shepheard , a watch man &c. that is a non-resident . life & conversatiō●2 cor. 1. 12. 1 〈◊〉 3. ● . to 8. & 4. 12 2 tim. 1. 13. tit. 1. 6. and 2. 7. the presence and blessing of god. y 1 tim. 1. 19. ier. 12. 10. & 23. 1 — 5. ezec. 34. 2. — 23. zac. 11. 15. 16. 17 2 pet. 2. 15. 16. iude 11. revel . 2. 14. object bishops are warranted by the word . ans. shewing that the prelate hath no warrāt in the word and the manifold difference betwixt the divine , & diccesane bishop . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dixit arist. in metaphys . notes for div a17576-e1500 antiquit●e , the primitiue kirk , the fathers of two sorts . a licet christus po●● caenam instituerit , & suis discip . ministraverit sub utraque specie panis & vini hoc venerbile sacramentum : tamē hoc non obstante , sacrorū canonū autoritas & approbata cōsuetudo ecclesiā servavit & servat , &c. caranza summa conc . const. sess . 13. distinguitur a iuristis , ipsa primativa ecclesia in primam & secundam . the mainteyners of conformitie forgette themselues about antiquitie three wayes . b whitgiftus , socratem novatianum & puritanum vocat . saravia contra bez. dicit hieronimum apertè arianū esse , dounamus contra omnes patres , negat petrum r●mae episcopum fuisse , &c. c quales sunt , auter libri , qui canones apostolorū inscribitur , clemens , romanus , ignatius , dyonisius , areopagita , egesippus , dorotheus , &c. de quibus mortonus cōtra pontisicios , larvatiisti autores pueris terriculamēto esse possunt , viris autem cordatis , esse ludibrio del●ent . d vitium malignitatis humanae , ut vetera semper in laude , praesentia sint in fastidio . tacit. miraturque nihil , nisi quod libitina sacravit horat. nec nossumus nani , nec illi g●gantes , sed omnes ejusdem statura , & quidem nos altius evecti , eorum beneficio , maneat modo in nobis quod in illis studium , attentio animi , vigilantia & amor veri , qua si absint , jam non nanisumus , nec in gigantum hnmeros sedemus , sed homines instar magnitudinis humi prostrats . ludov. vives de causis corrup . art . lib. 1. the pastor is not older then the n. testamēt , the prelate would fetch his prelacie from the old testam . e mutato sacerdotio mutatur & lex heb . 7. 12. ex sigura communi , fine exemplo , nihil cōcludi necessario potest . lun . de pontif . the pastor and not ●he prelate warran●●d by christ. f apost . & euang. ●●mumofficia , de●●de duo extraordinaria , significant officiū apostoli & euang. continet in se officium presbyteri eminenter , sed non formaliter , officiū autē episcopi hierarchici , nec eminenter , quia non datur episcopatus extra apostolatū , quem contineat eminenter , sicut datur presbyteratus . g in gradum 〈◊〉 succes●it apostolis & euang. in caput succedunt pastores ordinarii . the past. and not the prel . warranted by the apostles . h intervallum ill●● ab ult . c. act. apost . ad medium , trajans imperium plane cu●● varrone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voca●● potest . ioseph . scalig. prolegom . in chronic●● eusebii . i vt hiatum euplere● euseb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clementis nescio cujus ( non est enim ille eruditus alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hegesippi , non melioris scriptoris sint delectu , ea deprompsit . idem . the pastor keepeth his place , and authoritie in the primitiue kirk , when the prelate beginneth to worke , & to be constant moderator , or perpetuall president . k who dare condemne all those worthy ministeri of god , that were neve● ordeyned by presbyters in sundrie kirks of the world , at such times as bishops 〈◊〉 those parts where they lived , opposed thēselues against the trueth 〈◊〉 god. field book 3. cap. 39. l paulatim quamvi● patribus nihil minus cogitantibus , gradui episcopali aditus humanitus apertus , per qu●●mox ingressa 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 istum ini●● quidem in oligarchiā , ac tandem 〈◊〉 horrendam illā●ntichristianā tyrannidem oecumenicā evexit , haud satis scio an unquā abolendā nisi semel sublatis quibus eo ascendit gradibus , in ordinem divinae institutionis redigatur . bez. de grad cap. 23. the pastor seeketh no honour but by his doctrine & life ; the prelate forsaketh this way and taketh him to the world . the pastor witnes for the trueth in the time o● defection , which is wrought by the prelate , perverting all after he is once entred . the past , complained of that which he could not mend & the prel , persecuted them that complained . m ecce in pace amaritudo mea ama rissima , amaraprius in nece martyrū , amarior post 〈◊〉 conflictu hereti●●rum , amariss●●● nunc in mori●●● domesticorum ▪ 〈◊〉 bern. super cant. n devotio peperit divitias , & filia de voravit matrem . idem . o olim fuerunt lignei calices , & aurei sacerdotes : nunc contra sunt aure● calices & lignei sa cerdotes , vulgo jactitatū . p olim habuisse christianos obscura templa , sed lucida cordainūc cōtra habere lucida templa sed obscura corda . & sequentia . the past. desyred , & urged a reformation , which by 〈◊〉 meanes the pre●●●e refused . q d. reynold his ●●●ter to s. francis knolles ▪ concerning d. bancrofts sermō 1588. maketh this cleare . obj. the christiā kirk for 300 yeres , had such bishops , as we haue now . ans. shewing in many particulars the difference betwixt the primitiue bishops , and our prelates , who are liker unto the roman bisops , in the most corrupt times . r aetas parentum , pejor avis tulit nos nequiores , mox d●turus progeniē vitiosiorem , horat. s ex his ambrosij & hieronimi constat primū , in ipsix ecclesiae primordiis nullos tales episcopos fuisse , quales postea instituti fuere , scilicet qui suo jure reliquis e clero praeessent : unde colligitur & non esse id ipsum à christo , & apostolis institutū : & ( quando quidem in eccl . id sit optimm quod primumū ) ecclesiae fore consultius , ut omnes presbyteri pari censerentur & jure & gradu . secundo constat ne tū quidem , cū hic episcoporum a presbyterù distinctorum ordo , sive gradus est constitutus , fuisse episcopos tamquam monarch●s , &c. chamier . de● oecumen . pontis . lib. 18. cap. 5. sect . 6. respondeo patrum authoritem nihil efficere , ratio , quia non ostendunt nullum unquam tempus extitisse cum essent episcopi pares presbyteris , sed tantum inaequalitatem esse vetustissimam , ae vicinam apostolirum temporibus , quod nos ultro fatemur . idem chamier . lib. 10. cap. 6. sect . 24. notes for div a17576-e2810 many controversies & contentions about things indifferent . 1. in the apostles times . 2. at the first reformation , among three sorts of men . 3. among reformed kirks this day the pastor resteth not in the estate of a kirk ; that is indifferentgood , but would be at further reformation : the prelate inclyneth to defection . the past thinketh not that indifferēt which doth good or evil to the peoples soules : the prelate accounteth that indifferent , which doeth neither good nor evil to his worldly estate . the past , thinketh nothing indifferēt that is warranted by the word : the prelate everything that is not fundamentall . the pastor findeth the direction for ceremonies to be as perfect under the gospel , as it was under the law but the prelate addeth unto it , as if it were unperfect . the past . appointeth no new thing in the worship of god : but the prel . is a new lawgiver . the pastor is so far limited , that he thinketh nothing to be in use indifferent : but the prelate accounteth that to be precisenes & puritanisme the pastor feareth to giue offence in things indifferent : but the prelate is bold and scandalous . object . none but puritanes are precise in matters indifferent . ans. distinguishing betwixt two sorts of precisians or puritanes . notes for div a17576-e3350 how reformation was ●●rought . a twofold duetie of the reformed kirks . the reformation of our kirk . hist. of the kirk of scotland pag. 108. a magnū est hoc dei munus quod una & religionem puram , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doctrinae viz. retinendae vinculum in scotiam intulistis , sic obsccro & oltcstor haec duo simul retinete , ut uno amisso , alterū diu permanere nō posse semper-memineritis . sicut episcopi papatū pepererūt , it a pseudoepiscopos . papatus reliquias , epicureismū terru invecturos : hanc pestem caveant , qui salvā ecclesiam cupiunt , & quū illā in scotia in tempore profligaris , ne qu●so illā unquā admittas , quantumvis unitatis retinendae specie , quae veteres etiā optimos multos fefellit blandiatur . bez. epist. 79. b est illud ecclesiae scotanae privilegium rarum prae multis , in quo etiam ejus nomen apud exteros fuit celebre , quod circiter annos plus minus 54 sine schismate nedum heresi , unitatem cum puritate doctrinae servaverit & retinuerit . hujus unitatis adminiculum ex dei miscricordia maximum fuit ; quod paulatim cum doctrina christi & apostolorum disciplinam , sicut ex verbo dei est praescripta , una fuit recepta , & quam proxime fieri potuit , secundum eam totum regimen ecclesiasticum , fuit administratum . hac rati●ne omnia schismatum , atque errorum semina quā primum pullulare , aut so exerere visa sunt , in ipsa quasi herba & partu sunt suffocata , & extirpata . det dominus deus pro immensa sua bon●tate regiae majestati serenis●ima , omnibusque ecclesiarum gubernatoribus , potestatibus ecclesiae nutritiis , ut ex dei verbo illam unitatem , & doctrinae puritatem perpetuo conservent . amen . corpus conf●s . fidei pag. 6. c ba●●llc . doron . the discipline & government of the kirk at the first , began to be reformed , and the prelate to be cast out . d books of discipl . e an. 1566. f beza to knox an . 1571. the pastor proceedeth in this point of reform●tion , and the prel . in his avarice and ambition . g to these the superintendents were subject by an act of the assembly anno 1562. h leith 1571. at last prelacie is rooted out with consent of the whole kirk . i edenburgh anno 1575. k dundie . an . 1580 l trenent . anno 1604. the kirk now reformed in doctrine & discipline useth hee authoritie against all sorts of finne , till men of episcopall disposition make a new division againe . m perth . 1596. the pastor stādeth to the reformation against episcopar●s which the prela●● attaineth unto 〈◊〉 last by many degrees , and much working . n dundie anno 1597. may , and march following , falkland a. 1598. halyrudhouse anno 1599. montrosen annò 1600. o linlithgo 1606. p an. 1610 febr : q glasgow 1610. iune . r an. 1610. november . the way of the pastors reformation and the prelates defection very cōtrary . the past . beareth witnes against the severall degrees of defection , and feareth a change in the worship of god , which the prel . entereth upō so soone as the government is altered , and he come to his power . f aberdein 1616. sanctandr . anno 1617. t perth 1618. v edenburgh anno 1621. the past . resolveth to be constāt to the end , against al heresie and corruption , which is entering every day by the prelates misgovernment . obj. the superintendents in the beginning were prelates . answ. shewing particularly , that the superintendents were not prelates . notes for div a17576-e4320 the good estate of the kirk the end of kirk policie . a salus populi suprema lex . eversa domo , interdum rei publicae status manere potest : urbis ruina , penates omnes secum traha● necesse est . valet . max. l. 5. c. 6. the prelate abuseth the people three waies in determining what is the good estate of the kirk . the pastor careful to preserue the puritie of doctrine , for the good of the kirk : the prelate cares more for his own things . k as christs reall descent into hell , many lutherane , arminian and popish errors . the pastor in the matter of ceremonies lookes to the edification of the kirk , which the prelate misregardeth . the past . in the whole course of his ministerie intends the feeding of the flock : the prel . to feede him selfe . the past . subject to the sdiscipline of the kirk himselfe , & 〈◊〉 it for the good of the 〈◊〉 the prelate neither subject to the discipline him self nor exerciseth it for the good of others , nor suffreth the pastors to exercise it . the pastor would haue all things be done for the good of the kirk , by the free assemblies of the kirk : the prel . will rule all by him selfe , whether in assembly , or out of assembly . the pastor planteth the kirk with the best men , with consent of the people , and without hurting the conscience of the intrant : the prelate with such as please him , without consent of the people or presbyterie , and with hurting of the conscience of the intrant . c dignitatibus viros dandos , non dignitates hominibus dicere solitus aeneas syl. platina . magistratus alios mereri , & non habere : alios habere , & non mereri . ib. d praesidentia non ex virtute sed malitia astimatur , nō dignorum sed potētiorum sunt throni , cathedra sine ullo acquiritur labore , & prelati sunt qui nihil ad grad● praeterquam velle , adferunt . nazianz ▪ si percūctari velles quis eos praefecerit , sacerdotes respondent m●x , & dicunt , ab archiepiscopo nuper sum episcopus ordinatus , centumque 〈◊〉 solidos dedi , ut episcopalem gradum assequi meruissem , quoi si minimè dedissem , hodie episcopus non essem . ambros. citante bulling . decad . 5. serm 4. curritur ad curas ecclesiasticas , a doctis pariter & indoctis , quasi quisque sine curis victurus sit , cum ad curas pervenerit . bern. epist. 42. the pastor by all means seeketh the peace of the kirk . the prelate seeketh his owne peace & prosperitie . e sicut olim pestiferam illam vestiā , quae per ari●s● primo de infernis extulerat caput , cupiditus episcopatus induxit : sic hodiernam haeresin ( nimirum pontificis romani primatum ) pracipuè nutriunt , quos jam men●●care suppudet , aeneas syl. the pastor contents himself with his competent stipend , the prelate is a master of the kirks patrimonio . object . paritie is anarchie and confusion . ans. shewing by many particulars , that the order of the ministerie appointed by christ is far from confusion . f distinguendum inter autoritatem meriti , & potestatis . notes for div a17576-e4930 it is best both for kirk and state whē civill and ecclesiasticall authoritie joyne together . civill authoritie doeth good to religion . a esa. 49. 23. b psal. 2. 11. quomodo ergo reges domino serviunt in timore , nisi ea qua cōtra jussa domini fiunt , religiosa severitate prohibendo , a●que plectendo ? aliter enim servit quiahomo est , aliter quia etiā rex est : quia homo est ei servit fideliter vivendo , quia vero etiā rex est , servit leges justa praecipientes , & cōtraria prohibentes , convenienti rigore sanciendo sicut servivit ezechias lucos , & templa idolorū , & illa excelsa quae contra praecepta dei fuerant constructa , destruendo . sicut servivit iosias , talia & ipse faciendo . sicut servivit rex ninivitaru , universam civitatem ad placandū dominis cōpellendo . sicut servivit darius , idolum frang●ndū in potestatem danieli dado . & inimicos ejus leonibus ingerendo . sicut servivit nebuchad omnes in regno suo positos , a blasphemando , dei lege terribili prohibendo . in hoc ergo serviunt domino reges , in quantūsunt reges , cum 〈◊〉 faciunt ad serviendū 〈◊〉 quae non p●ssunt facere 〈◊〉 reges , august . epist. ser 〈◊〉 ad bonifacium , religion doeth good to 〈◊〉 the whole commonweal . c hostis herodes impie , christum venire quid times ? non cripit mortalia , qui regna dot coelesti● . sedulius hymn . d omne sub regno gravioriregnum est sonec . traged . the best religion is best for the state the pastor preserveth the commonwealth , which the prelate ruinateth . e non tam numerorum simulacra inania , aut solis & syderum immutabilū ratio urbes & regna perdunt : quam impietas primum , deinde injustitia , & virtutum expu●trix luxuria , dom. de la none . discurs . polit . 1. causas eversionis reipublicae quaerunt in ipsa reipublica . arist. polit . 5. bodian . de reipub . libr. 4. daneus politi . cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 xenoph. paed . cyr. 8. fulix respublica esse non potest , stantibus moenibus , ruentibus moribus . chokier haec nisi urbe ab●rant , centuplex murus rebus servandis parum est . plaut . the pastor loveth christian simplicitie , and not machivels policie : the prelate liketh policie more then that simplicity . f ante omnia optandum principi ut pius videatur , non tamen ut sit . oportet principem semper adversari● in se alere , ut eo oppresso potentior videatur . religio animos hominum , primit , servitia subditos 〈◊〉 officio continet . tuta est civitas quae dissidia & f●ctiones nutrit . machiv . de princ . & comment . in livium . g alter urbinatem , alter mediolanensem ducatum artibus machiavellicis invasit , & ad tempus tenuit , uterque machiavellicae politiae exemplar perfectissimum misero periit . dane . polit . praef●t . the pastor distinguisheth betwixt things civill and ecclesiasticall , and holdeth him at his owne calling : the prelate confoundeth all , and will rule all . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . aristot , polit . 4. i nemo sequens existimat se posse simul aeneam & hectorem , catonem & scipionem in thea●ro ci●itatis agere . cas. polit● libr. 2. k romani , macedones , lacedamonij legem tulerunt , ut nemo duobus simul fungatur officis . metiothus exercitū ducit . metiothus vias ●urat , metiothus furinā tractat , metiothus cūctis aliis praest , metiothus itaque plorabit . plutarch . the pastor assisteth the civill magistrate , the prelat hindreth him . l h●c coertio ad christe norman dirigitur , latenter primum & amice , deinde paulo acerbius , tunc nisi paret sequitur interdictio sacrorum gravis & efficax , interdictionem animadversio magistratus . ita sit ut quae legibus nusquavindicantur , illie sine vi & tumul tu coerceantur , igitur nulla meretricia , nullae ebrietates , nullae saltationes , nulli mendici , nulli otiosi in ea civitate reperiuntur . bodin . de rep . ge●nevens . meth . 〈◊〉 cap. 6. the pastor profitable to the commonwealth , but not chargeable : the prelate chargeable but not profitable . m non est studendum ut plurimi sint in repub . magistratus , sed ut quam cōmodissime & optime gerant remp , ij qui erunt necessarij . the pastor a ma●●●ner of schooles and learning , the prelate of neither . n quales schola exhibet h●mines , tales habitura est respublica . dan. pol. hinc major pars salutis vel corruptionis reip . pendet , & ex scholarum fontibus , divini & humani ●ur● praesidium vel expugnatio oritur ; ibi enim discuntur prima literarum monumenta , artes ingenuae mores , jura divina & humana , quae omnia permaxi me interest incontaminata servari &c. greg. tholos . lib. 13. cap. 3. plebeiis argenti , nobilibus auri , principibus gemmarum loco literas esse debere . aeneas syl. platina , indoctus episcopus asino comparandus . idem . the pastors governmēt by assemblies meeter for a monarchie thē the episcopal gouvernment . o possunt judicare , non possunt praejudicare , habent vim charitatis , non habent vim authoritatis . hugo de s. victore de sacram . part . 2. p quod si christiani olim non deposuerunt neronem & dioclesianum , & iulianum apostatam ac valentem arianum & similes , id fuit quia deerant vires temporales christianis . bellarm. de rom. pont. l. 5. c. 7. pessime sed ut hierarchicum decebat . the pastor taketh no mans title , nor dignitie nor place : the prelate taketh all these from the nobles and peeres of the land. q virtute decrescente crescit vanitas , & titulorum arrogantia proverbium de repub . veneta cū usurparetur titulus , domine , sim pliciter , tunc ●acta est resp . cum domine stabilita est : magnifice domine tunc eversa est . plebeios ex humili. genere natos , si ad dignitates & honores pervenerint , immemires suae sortis , plerumque ambitione insolenter se efficere aliosque deptimere conari cōstat . ijdē multo insolentiores & propemodum intollerabiliores magna cū actura reip . esse solent . quā qui nobili celebri & vetere stirpe geniti sunt , ita ut veterū ille rectè dixerit . baiuli imperāt & mali sunt superiores bonis , ●etuo ne navē fluctus opprimat . camer . cent . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epig. grac. the pastor maketh the mindes , the bodies and estates of the people sit for warre : the prel . disableth all . r fortiter ille facit qui mi●ser esse potest object . the estates of parliament cannot bear the severitie of pastors , nor want the prelates to be the third estate . ans. shewing that the faythfull pastor will at some time be found comfortable to all estates , and that the parliament may be perfect without the prelates . conclusion . a generall objection answered . s aliud est injusta potestate justè velle uti , & aliud est justa potestate injustè velle uti . august . de bono conjug . cap. 14. an epistle to the truly religious and loyal gentry of the church of england written by edmund ellis ... elys, edmund, ca. 1634-ca. 1707. 1687 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39350 wing e674 estc r38858 18180782 ocm 18180782 106917 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39350) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 106917) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1123:13) an epistle to the truly religious and loyal gentry of the church of england written by edmund ellis ... elys, edmund, ca. 1634-ca. 1707. 8 p. [s.n.], london : mdclxxxvii [1687] attributed to henry edmundson by wing. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -relations -catholic church. catholic church -relations. church and state -england -catholic church. 2005-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an epistle to the truly religious and loyal gentry of the church of england . writtten by edmund ellis , rector of east arlington , in the county of devon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . greg. nazianz. orat. 9. london , printed in the year mdclxxxvii . an epistle to the truly religious and loyal gentry of the church of england , &c. my honour'd brethren , if i thought the address , i here make unto you had need of an apologie , it would be uncapable of any . my confidence , i confess , is utterly inexcusable , if it be not grounded upon reason . what i desire therefore is only this , that you would be pleased to condescend to the most serious consideration of what is said by so obscure a person . i do not pretend to any skill in the letter of our common law , but that law which all mankind ought to be , and that law which all christians profess they are govern'd by , has been my study above thirty years : and in the prosecution of charity , or divine love , to which all my speculations naturally tend , i find it my duty to endeavour with all my might to communicate the knowledge i have of this truth : that if the parliament shall comply with his majesties most just , and equitable desire of the abrogation of all such laws against the papists which are more rigorous than any of those against the other nonconformists , it would most certainly conduce to the glory of god , and the good of men. if any men should say what impudence is this ? is not such a proposal contrary to the present government ? i should confidently answer , it is not . and the reasons of this confidence i shall here ( as well as i can within the compass of a letter ) in all humility tender to your consideration . by those words of the blessed apostle , do we then make void the law , yea we establish the law. i am prompted to say to our adversaries in this case , do we subvert , yea we establish the present government . that this may be clearly perceiv'd , i shall desire that it may be duly consider'd that whatsoever tends to the establishing of the rights of our monarchie does most certainly tend to the establishing of our civill government : and what is it to establish the rights of monarchie but to secure all due obedience to our monarch and his successors throughout all generations ? tho it be true indeed that it is the duty of all subjects , enjoyn'd by the fifth commandment , to retain a filial affection for their prince the father of their country , whatsoever he does , or designs , yet alas ! since the generality of men are led more by the love of life and estate than a sense of duty towards god and the hopes of glory in the world to come , and since so many of those who are habitually heavenly-minded often fall from their better temper , and are carried in the stream of secular interest , how can it be supposed , that subjects should be united in their affections to their prince , and to one another , whilst there are laws standing against so great a number of them , that are persons very ingenious , very well bred , and of great estates , many of them of our most antient nobility , and many exceeding learned ; laws i say , which if put in execution , would deprive them of their lives , or estates ? and what do those men intimate that are so eager against the abrogating of such ▪ laws but that they hope for a time when they shall get the bloud of some of their loyall fellow-subjects to be shed , or their estates taken from them , because they cannot do what their consciences , supported by the concurring judgements of thousands of sober , and learned men , oblidge them not to do ? if it shall be said what signifies an oath to a papist & c. ? i shall most humbly beg that it may be considered whether such an objection can have any thing in it of natural conscience , or common honesty , since few , or none , that we know of the papists , who took the oath of allegiance did ever break it , but all the world know's it was broken in the most haynous manner that possibly could be by thousands of that sort of people who are , and ever have been most bloudily set against the papists . and as for this sort of people , who murthered the father of our gracious soveraign , attempted the murthering of his brother , and the excluding of himself from his royal inheritance and who were ( i think , i may say all of them in their persons , or in their hearts and affections ) so lately in open rebellion against himself , let us observe his majesties most mercifull and gracious dealings with them : and admire the benignity of that wisdom which has hitherto govern'd him since the divine providence brought him to be our governour next , and imemediately under the great and glorious monarch of heaven , and earth . and since he is so kind to them , how crooked and perverse would it seem , if we should endeavour to obstruct the current of his sacred clemency , when it flowes towards persons of his own perswasion , in a way so just and equitable in the sight of all men ? how much it would contribute to the peace and tranquillity , the ease , and comfort of a protestant successor , if the papists were freed from the terror of those dreadful laws i could speak largely . but i shall hasten to my other point , to shew that this lenity to the papists could be no disadvantage to the church of england but rather a great advantage in as much as we should thereby declare to all the world the sincerity of our profession to be meek , and lowly in heart , and that we will not be affrighted by the pharisaicall multitude from acknowledging all the truth we find profest , and all the uirtue we find practiced by papists . the holy fathers and the four first generall councils , next to the holy scriptures , our church is founded upon ; and how many learned men in this kingdome began to make light of these blessed records of christian antiquity ? which growing evill the course , which his majesty has taken will most undoubtedly suppress . if these dreadfull laws were repeal'd certainly it would take off the edge of the animosities , which cannot but be in the hearts of some learned papists against the church of england which must needs make them in their writings more pungent than otherwise they would be . for , ( poor men ) they may justly apprehend that the standing of our church tends to the destruction of their lives if our church cannot stand without those severe laws that have been made against them . i shall give you no further trouble at present , but shall commend you to the the protection and instruction of the almighty , and onely wise god , the god of peace , and love , and shall ever remaine your affectionate . philotheus . a caution to constables and other inferiour officers, concerned in the execution of the conventicle-act with some observations thereupon, humbly offered, by way of advice, to such well-meaning and moderate justices of the peace, as would not willingly ruine their peaceable neighbours, but act (in relation to that act) rather by constraint, than by choice / by thomas ellwood. ellwood, thomas, 1639-1713. 1683 approx. 45 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39300 wing e616 estc r19625 12675430 ocm 12675430 65536 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39300) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65536) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 353:3) a caution to constables and other inferiour officers, concerned in the execution of the conventicle-act with some observations thereupon, humbly offered, by way of advice, to such well-meaning and moderate justices of the peace, as would not willingly ruine their peaceable neighbours, but act (in relation to that act) rather by constraint, than by choice / by thomas ellwood. ellwood, thomas, 1639-1713. [2], 18 p. printed for william skeate ..., london : 1683. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng conventicle act, 1670. church and state -england. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a caution to constables , and other inferiour officers , concerned in the execution of the conventicle-act . with some observations thereupon , humbly offered , by way of advice , to such well-meaning and moderate iustices of the peace , as would not willingly ruine their peaceable neighbours , but act ( in relation to that act ) rather by constraint , than by choice . by thomas ellwood . prov. 21. 21. he that followeth after righteousness and mercy , findeth life , righteousness and honour . cat. de mor. lib. 3. dist. 15. iudicis auxilium sub iniqua lege rogato , ipsae etiam leges cupiunt , ut jure regantur . london , printed , for william skeate , and are to be sold in george-yard in lombard-street , 1683. a caution to constables , &c. having observed of late , that divers constables and other inferiour officers , have either run themselves within the danger of the law , or brought upon themselves trouble of mind , by acting too officiously against their honest neighbours , upon the conventicle-act , at the instigation of ( that shame of christianity , and pest of mankind ) informers ; and considering with my self , that this mischief for the most part happens through fear , occasioned by want of a right understanding what is positively required of them by that act , what not : i thought i should do no unacceptable work , in presenting the following observations upon that act , by way of cautionary information , to the view and consideration of such of those officers , as are willing to act warily with respect to themselves , and yet favourably with respect to their peaceable neighbours . first then , be pleas'd to observe , that no constable , or other officer , is bound to be an attendant upon an informer , to be at his reck , and run like a lacquey after him whensoever , or whethersoever he shall think fit to call him . the officer is not obliged to stay at home , to wait the informer's coming : but is at liberty to follow his own affairs , and to go whithersoever his own occasions draw , or his inclinations lead him . and if casually the informer light upon him , either at home or abroad , and inform him of a meeting or conventicle within his parish or precinct , he is not bound to take notice of it , unless he take the information to be credible . for that is the word used in the act in this very case , viz. be it further enacted , &c. that is any constable , &c. who shall know or be credibly informed of any such meetings , &c. so that it is not every idle and groundless information from sorry fellows of no repute nor credit , the officer is obliged to take notice of ; but such informations only as are credible , ( or his own knowledg ) upon which he is required to act . and by his own knowledg here , is to be understood a certain knowledg , a personal knowledg , not a knowledg by heresay , report , or common fame only ; for that may be as little credible , as the least credible information . the officer then it seems , must have either a personal and certain knowledg , or such an information as he shall judg credible , that there is an unlawful assembly or meeting in his parish , before he is obliged to stir . 2. and if the officer should receive a credible information of such a meeting ; yet he is not bound to wait upon the informer to the place where he informs the meeting is : but the first thing that is required of the officer by this act is , to give in information thereof some justice of the peace . and having done that , then in the next place to endeavour the conviction of the parties according to his duty . for so are the words of the act , viz. [ be it enacted &c. that if any constable &c. who shall know , or be credible informed of any such meetings , or conventicles held within his precincts , parish or limits , and shall not give information thereof to some iustice of the peace , or the chief magistrate and endeavour the conviction of the parties according to his duty ; but , &c. ] instead of which , many constables , and other officers , are trickt in by cunning and swaggering informers , to go along with them to meetings , and there take observations of the persons present ( yea , and sometimes also to inform the informer who the persons are , and where they live ) and from thence wait on the informer to the justice , and so are unawares drawn in by the informer , to joyn with him in swearing against their neighbours ; thereby unadvisedly bringing their quiet neighbours into needless trouble , and themselves under the foul brand , and hated name of being themselves informers also . now all this is more than the officers are obliged to do . 1. they are not bound to go with the informer , to the place where he shall tell them there is a meeting . 2. neither if they do go with him , are they bound to tell him the names , or places of abode , of any persons that they shall see there . 3. neither are they bound to go with him to a justice , nor yet , without him , to the same justice that he goes to . but when they have received the informer's information , leaving him to pursue his own projects , they are to repair to some justice , or chief magistrate ( and it is in their own choice to what justice they will go ) and give him information thereof , if they think it credible . and although they are further required , after such information given to the justice , to endeavour the conviction of the parties : yet that is to be done but according to their duty . and sure it is not the duty of officers to turn informers . they would be very troublesome and thankless officers indeed , if all constables , headboroughs , tithingmen , church-wardens and overseers of the poor , should be bound by the duty of their offices to turn informers . 3. these officers would not be so scared by informers , nor terrified with the talk of forfeiting 51. if they did rightly understand and well consider how hard a thing it is , for them to be convicted by this act. the words of the act are these , viz. [ but such constables , &c. shall wilfully and wittingly omit the performance of his duty in the execution of this act , and be thereof convicted in manner aforesaid , he shall forfeit for every such offence the sum of 5 l. ] observe here , the officer doth not forfeit 5 l. unless he be convicted of omitting the performance of his duty wilfully and wittingly . and this conviction must be made either by the confession of the party , or oath of two witnesses , or by notorious evidence and circumstance of the fact. as to the confession of the party , that need not be : for no man is bound to accuse himself ; and he has not much wit , sure , that will , especially in such a case as this . the second way of conviction is by the oath of two witnesses . but how is it possible for two witnesses to swear ( unless they be such as regard not what they swear ) that the officer did wilfully and wittingly omit the performance of his duty ? such witnesses put their ears in the officers hands , as having a mind ( one would think ) to look through the pillory . and indeed , scarce any would dare to swear so desperately , that had not deserved the pillory before . then for the notorious evidence and circumstance of the fact ( the onely remaining way of proof ) how can it be thereby proved that the officer did willfully and wittingly , omit the performance of his duty , when so many just excuses may be alleadged , as of absence , illness , urgency of business , ignorance , misunderstanding , and the like ; all which , if the officer fined , do appeal , a jury of his neighbours is to try . and besides , it is a question among the lawyers , how this sine or forfeiture of 5 l. can be levied upon the officers , there not being in the act , any particular and express direction for the levying of it ; as there is in the other cases , both of the meeters and of the justice : for it is not to be supposed , that the officers of a town or parish , should levy the fine upon themselves ; and it they do not , none else is required or impowered by the act to do it . 4. if a warrant under the hand and seal of a justice of the peace , be delivered to any constable , or other inferiour officer , to levy any fines upon the goods and chattels of any person within his limit , such warrant ought to express for what offence the conviction was made , and at what time the offence was committed ; which if it do not , the warrant is not formal , nor good in law , to make a distress by . 5. but if the warrant be formal and sufficient , yet the officer cannot thereby justifie the breaking open any dwelling house , or out-house belonging thereunto , to take distress ( no , not although the warrant should expressly require it ) as the opinion of able lawyers is : for a man's house is to him as a castle of defence , and so is every part or room therein . and therefore , as the officer may not break or force open any door or lock to get into a man's house : so if , finding the outward door open , he be got in , he may not break or force open any doors or locks , to get into any other parts or rooms in the house , that are lock't ; but must content himself with what he finds there . neither may he climb over any hatch , or in at any window , whether it be the shop-window or other : for the entring through or in at any window , though open , is held by lawyers to be a breach of the house : nor is he bound to lie perdue , and wait continually at the door to get an entrance ; but may take such times and seasons for it as he shall judg most fit and proper : for he is not wholly to neglect his own occasions to attend upon this . that were a way to ruine the officers , as well as their neighbours , onely to enrich the informers . but if , as often as the officer comes , he shall find the doors shut , and entrance upon demand denied him , and no distress to be taken without doors ; he need not fear the penalty of forfeiting 5 l. or that he can possibly be convicted of wilfully and wittingly omitting the performance of his duty in that respect . and besides , it is the opinion of some lawyers , that the penalty of 5 l. is not imposeable upon the officers for not levying the fines imposed upon others ; but only for not informing the justices , and endeavouring the conviction of the parties according to their duty . and the reason of such their opinion is this , that in that part of the act where the said officers are authorized and required to levy the said fines , there is no mention of any forfeiture on their part , for not doing it . and in this part of the act , where the 5 l. forfeiture is imposed , there is no express mention of levying the fine upon others . it is said here indeed [ if he shall wilfully and wittingly omit the performance of his duty ] but the word [ duty ] being mentioned just before , with particular relation to his informing the justice , and endeavouring the conviction of the parties , that wilful and witting omission of duty , to which the forfeiture of 5 l. is annexed , must ( say they ) by intendment be restrained or applied only to the subject matter of that branch of the act , and be extended no further than to the neglect of that duty , therein particularly enjoyned . but of this let lawyers judg . 6. if the constable , or other officer , hath opportunity and open way to make distress , yet he is not bound to take more than the fine comes to ; but he may ( and indeed in justice ought ) proportion the distress in its real value , as near to the fine as he can . and when he hath so done , and taken such distress into his custody , he is not bound to drive or carry , the goods so distrained , to any fair or market , out of the limits of his constableship , to fell ; for he is not to act any thing in relation to his office , further than those limits extend ( save only in some especial cases , where he is particularly necessitated , or impowered by act of parliament to go further , which in this case he is not . ) nor may he imbezil any of the goods , for he is accomptable for every particular of what he hath so distrained . nor is he bound to sell such goods at under rates , and below the real worth or market-price of such commodities ; but having offered them to publick sale , and tried the markets , fairs and chapmen , within his liberty , if none will give a reasonable price for them , he is not bound forth with to sell them , but may keep them in hopes of a better market . and if they remain unsold till he is out of his office , if he then return them again to him from whom he took them , i know no danger he can incur thereby ; i am sure i have known it done without any detriment to him that did it . but if he be not willing to return them , he will do well to consider how he can justly keep them ( being out of his office , and then but a private man ) or safely turn them over to any other , without good security to indempnifie him , in case he from whom they were taken ; should hereafter call him to account for them . some observations upon the conventicle-act , humbly offered , by way of advice , to such well-meaning and moderate justices of the peace , as would not willingly ruin their peaceable neighbours , &c. when i consider the quality and qualifications of iustices of the peace , how many of them are profest lawyers , and how generally they are ( or at least should be ) men of learning and knowledg , in those laws especially by which they are to act ; i am ready to with-draw my pen and desist , out of a modest fear , least it should be thought presumption in me , to offer advice to them , who are so much better able to give it . but when , on the other hand , i call to mind , that many great and very wise men , have not disdained to hear , what some , as mean , it may be , as my self , have had to say , i am thence again emboldned to go on , hoping that what is so well intended , will not be ill taken . they that have suffered by this act , and are still liable to suffer more , may be allowed to have looked more narrowly into it , than others , who are not under its lash . and if upon a thorow search , any thing can be found in the act it self , which may fairly be made use of to abate , in any measure , the force of the blow which we lie under , i hope none will blame us , for modestly representing it to those , by whose hands the stroke is appointed to be given . and in this confidence i proceed . observ. 1. since the title of the act ; ( which is not unaptly called the key , because it opens the intention and purpose of the law-makers therein ) and the preamble of the act also , describes the assemblies and meetings designed by this act to be suppressed , to be seditious conventicles , and the persons against whom this act was made , to be seditious and disloyal persons , who under pretence of tender cons●t●nces , have or may at their meetings contrive insurrections ; it seems but reasonable that a justice of the peace , when informers come before him , to inform against any person for being at a conventicle or meeting , may examine them , severally and apart , what token of sedion they saw or heard in that assembly , which they inform against ? if there were any sedition there , it must appear in word of action : and of that it may be expected the informers should give account . if there were no seditious words spoken , no seditious cestures used , why should it be taken for a seditious meeting , and the persons punisht for what they are not , nay , for what they most abhor to be ? besides it rarely happens but the justice him self both knows , what sort of people they are that are informed against , and is more or less acquainted with some of them . now if he be so , and upon his own knowledge of the persons or their principles , be perswaded and satisfied in his own conscience , that they are not seditious or disloyal persons , that they never have contrived insurrections at their meetings ; nor is it consistent with their principle so to do ; hath he not good cause then to reject such information , and let such peaceable meetings and meeters alone , as not coming within the intention of the act ? 2. since that which the act calls an offence , is by the express words of the act declared to be , any persons , of the age of 16 years , and more in number than four besides the family , being present at any assembly , &c. under colour or pretence of any exercise of religion , in other manner than according to the liturgy and practice of the church of england ; and directs that this offence must be proved to the justice , either by confession of the party , or oath of two witnesses , or by notorious evidence and circumstance of the fact : it seems reasonable that the justice may put the informers to prove every part of this offence . for the offence consists of many particulars . the offender must be 16 years old ; he must be a subject of this realm ; ( whence quere whether scottish and irishmen , though living in england , are not exempt ) he must be one above four besides the family ; he must be met under colour or pretence of some exercise of religion , and that exercise of religion must be in other manner than according to the liturgy and practice of the church of england . all these must go to the making up of the offence , and the offence so made up must be proved : and if any of these be wanting , or the proof fail in any of these , it is then no offence within this statute . now the onus probandi , the burden of proving , this lies upon the informers , and that with great reason and justice , according to the known maxim , affirmanti incumbit probatio ; he that affirms must prove : and he must prove all that he affirms . but the informers must affirm every one of these particulars , in order to make it an offence within the act , and therefore they must prove every one of them also . 't is true , the party informed against may be confession convict himself , if he please ; but it is at his own pleasure whether he will or no : and if he do not , the next way of proof is the oath of two witnesses . and i conceive that if the party should confess he was at a meeting , and that there were more there present than four besides the family , yet this would not subject him to the penalties of the act : for this he might be justifiably enough , unless he would also confess the others parts , essential to an offence within the act , viz. that he met there under colour or pretence of some exercise of religion , and that it was in other manner than according to the liturgy , &c. now as the parties confessing some parts only , and not every part of the offence , would not convict him of the offence , nor subject him to the penalties of the act : so neither will the informers swearing some parts only , and not every part of the offence , convict the party against whom they so swear , or subject him to the penalties of the act. as therefore it is but reasonable that the justice should see due and full proof made against the party , in every particular branch of the offence , before he makes record of it as an offence , in order to convict the party thereof : so it may reasonablely be supposed , that if the justices would hold the informers closely to their evidence , and examin them strictly and punctually concerning their knowledge , in every particular of the offence they complain of , they might ease themselves of a great deal of trouble , and their honest neighbours of a great deal of wrong . for how could informers dare to swear , that the parties informed against , did meet under colour of pretence of some exercise of religion , and not really and sincerely in the exercise of religion ? or how could informers take upon them to swear , that that exercise of religion was in other manner than according to the liturgy , &c. unless they were present the whole time of the meeting , from the very beginning to the very end thereof ( which they rarely , if ever , are ) and heard and saw whatsoever was said or done there ? and unless they themselves also better understood , than they commonly do , what is according to the liturgy , what not ? 3. since by the stat. 18. eliz. 5. it is provided , that informers for certain offences therein exprest , shall not only stand on the pillory , and be for ever disabled from being informers more , but also , in some cases shall pay unto the defendant his costs , charges and damages , and in other cases shall forfeit the sum of 10 l. it seems reasonable , that a justice may demand an account of the habitation and ability of any person , that offers himself as an informer ; that so he may be satisfied of the informer's sufficientcy to answer the law , in such respects . and if the informer cannot give the justice a good and satisfactory account of himself , there is no reason sure that the justice should be obliged to take his information . and since that act of the queen is still in force , ( being made perpetual by 27 eliz. 10. ) i humbly offer it to the justices consideration , whether they ought not so far to take notice thereof , as not to admit every idle vagabond , and beggarly runnagate to be an informer , who is so far from having 10 l. that some of them have scarce a pair of whole ears , to answer the law withal . 4. it seems very strange to some , that they should be convicted and never convened , be fined and not know of it ( unless casually by report ) till the officers come to distrine for the fine . this being a course so directly contrary to all legal procedures in all ages , and condemned by the practice not only of christians and jews , but of very heathens also ; gives the greater cause of wonder and amazement , that it should be used by any now . the practice of christendom in this case is well known . among the jews the witnesses were not only to be present , but to lay their hands on the head of the party whom they witnessed against , while sentence was given against him , as godwyn shews in his moses and aaron , l. 5. c. 6. and our saviour christ , when the scribes and pharisees brought a woman unto him , whom they accused of adultery , and then slipt away themselves ; took that occasion to dismiss the woman , saying , woman , where are those thine accusers ? john 8. 10. doth our law judg any man before it hear him , and know what he doth , said nicodemus a pharisee , iohn 7. 51 ? for instances are among the heathens , not to search prophane authors , the scriptures tells us , that the roman claudius lysius , when he sent paul prisoner to felix , gave commandment to his accusers to go also , and say before felix what they had against him , acts 23. 30. and felix having received the prisoner , told him , i will hear thee when thy accusers are also come , ver . 35. and accordingly , when his accusers were come , he brought them face to face , chap. 24. 2. & ver . 8. 19. and indeed , paul seems to claim it as his right , when speaking of certain jews of asia , ( that were the first occasion of his trouble , chap. 21. 27. ) he saies , who ought to have been before thee , and object , if they had ought against me , chap. 24. 18. 19. and he might well claim it as his right , since it was according to the roman law , as festus answered the jews ; it is not the manner of the romans to deliver any man to die , before that he which is accused , have the accuser face to face , and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him , chap. 25. 16. and surely our laws in general require the same . nay , in this act it seems to be plainly intended , that the party accused or informed against , should be first summoned to appear before the justice to whom the information is given , to be examined by the justice concerning the offence charged against him , and to make answer for himself . for the first way of proof appointed by the act for the conviction of the party charged , is his own confession ; and that must be made before the justice : for the words of the act expresly are , [ upon proof to him made of such offence , either by confession of the party , or oath , &c. ] so that the party ought first to be convened before the justice , and examined touching the alleadged offence , in order to his conviction . and this seems regularly to be the first step towards the conviction . if the party accused confess the offence , there needs no other proof ; that is sufficient . if he deny it , or do not confess it , in whole , or in part , then ( and not till then ) is other proof needful : then the oath of two witnesses is required . moreover , in that part of the act which directs the preachers fine , in some cases , to be laid upon others , it is said , if he be a stranger , or is fled and cannot be found ; which implies he ought to be sought after , and found ( if it may be ) before any fine on him , or on others for him , be set . again , ( saies the act ) or if in the judgment of the iustice , before whom he shall be convicted , he shall be thought unable to pay , &c. this again implies he should be brought before the iustice : for how should the justice be able to judg of the ability of one he never spake with nor saw ? so that by many strong implications it appears , that by this act , as well as by the general course of all laws , the party accused ought to be sent for before the magistrate to whom he is accused , that he may know his accusers , and have liberty to make his defence , before any penalty be inflicted on him . and if upon his being summoned before the justice , and denying , or not confessing the charge , the proof must be made by the oath of two witness : surely , methinks both law and reason will perswade , that those witnesses : ought to depose their evidence in the presence of him , against whom they bear witness . for besides that it would be an awe upon the witnesses , to be the more wary what they swear , and more careful to speak the truth , when they see him present who they know can contradict them , if they speak not the truth ; the law , as i take it , gives liberty of exception ( upon sufficient ground ) against a witness ; which liberty i am deprived of , if the witses depositions be taken in private , and i not suffered to be present to hear what it is that is deposed against me , or see who they are that depose it . had i been present , i might haply have assigned such lawful exception against the witness , as might have taken off the evidence , and acquitted me : or if not so , yet who knows but my presence might have prevented the witnesses from forswearing themselves against me . however , i had then had my remedy against them , to recover my damages of them , if they were able , or at least for their perjury to have utterly disabled them from such undertakings for the future . but by the evidence being taken in private , and the informers concealed , i am deprived of these benefits and legal priviledges : and by such means may the most innocent man be ruined . he that never went to such a meeting in his life , may by this means be made to suffer for being at such a meeting , if a couple of graceless informers , either out of malice , revenge , advantage or mistake ( and hope of concealment ) shall swear against 〈◊〉 and he has no remedy : for if his fine do not exceed 10 s. he 〈…〉 the priviledg of an appeal , but must sit down by the loss . and though 10 s. seems but a little , yet 10 s. a week is 26 l. a year ; and that perhaps by that time it is levied , may be more than — 100 l. damage to him from whom it is taken . however , be the suffering greater or less , the wrong is the same . i entreat the justices therefore to take this matter ( of concealing informers , and receiving the depositions of witnesses against men in private , and condemning and sentencing persons unheard ) into their serious consideration , and do herein as they would be done unto . it was a true saying , though spoken by an heathen , qui statuit aliquid parte inaudita altera , aequum licet sta●uerit , haud aequus fuit , sen. in medea , act. 2. which may bear this english. he that , but one part heard , a fine shall-lay , not hearing what the accused hath to say : although his sentence should prove just , yet he an unjust iudg w●ll still reputed be . 5. what hath been said of informers swearing , hath been spoken with respect to present practice only : for otherwise it is the opinion of able counsel , that no informer's oath ought to be taken in this case . and therefore , since the act directs , that if the party accused do not confess the charge , he is to be convicted by the oath of two witnesses , it may not be unworthy the justices consideration , what persons in this case are fair and legal witnesses , what not . in which inquiry i will not insist on that general qualification of a witness , viz. that he must be probus & legalis homo : ( for little probity to be sure , whatver of legality in that large sense , is to be looked for in that sort of men , who commonly turn informers . ) but i will propose the question , whether any man can be a fair and lawful witness , who swears on his own behalf , and for his own advantage ? if he cannot ( which i suppose will be granted ) then is the informer excluded from being a witness , since if he swear , he swares clearly ( no man more ) for his advantage : and he is not put upon swearing , but puts himself upon it , meerly for advantage-sake to himself . if it be said , he swares for the king ; the answer is , and for himself too : he swears no more for the king , than he doth for himself ; the king is to have but a third part of the fines , and the informer himself as much . if in trials at law , no man is admitted for a witness who is interessed in the cause , and is to reap advantage by it ; there is then great reason sure , that the informers should be set aside , in point of evidence : since he is not only interessed in the cause , and to reap advantage by it ; but is spurr'd on to the undertaking merely by the hope , and desire he hath of gaining thereby . if in a tryal it should be proved , that a witness was promised to have so much mony given him , in case by his evidence the cause should be gained : would it not be a fair exception against that witness , and a just ground to set him aside ? the informer is the accuser : and is it reasonable that he should be both accuser and witness too ? 't is he that makes the complaint : and shall he be admitted to prove his own complaint by his own evidence only ! if he hath ought to charge any man with , let him in this , as in all other cases , make good his charge by the evidence of such witnesses , as are uninteressed in the cause , and of unsuspected credit . but this exception lies not against informers only , but against all others also who are to reap benifit to themselves , by the conviction . such i take to be , the poor of that parish where the offence is alleadged to have been committed : for if the party accused be convicted , they are to have a third part of the fine ; so that they , like the informers , sweat for their own immediate advantage ; and therefore , by a parity of reason , are equally to be excluded from giving evidence in such a case . to these may be added all such as are rated to the relief of the poor in that parish , where such offence is alleadged to have been committed . for though these do not , as the former , swear for their own immediate advantage ; yet the evidence of these doth mediately , and in the consequences of it , tend to their own advantage , in easing themselves thereby of the charge of maintaining their poor , in whole or in part . i could instance a parish , in which the overseers of the poor do at this present forbear making a rate for the relief of the poor , upon a prospect they have , and a declared expectation , of monies likely to come in by fines and forfeitures upon this act ; by which they hope and propose to ease the parish of that charge . now is not every contributer to the poors rate in that parish , justly to excepted against as an evidence in this case , when their evidence so plainly tends to their own advantage and interest ? if a man offer to swear for the enlarging his own parish-bounds , he is not allowed for a good witness , nor will his evidence be taken in that case . the reason is , because by the enlarging his parish 〈◊〉 it is supposed some profit or advantage may accrew to him 〈…〉 be so in that case , why should it not rather be so in this ; the same reason in this case being no less forcible , and more obvious than in that ? nor are the constables and other officers free from being excepted against as witnesses in this case . for the act giving a third part of the penalties to the informers , and to such person and persons as the iustice shall appoint , having regard to their diligence and industry in discovering , dispersing and punishing of the said conventicles ; it cannot well be understood that this is meant of any other persons than the constables , and those other officers mentioned in the act , because none but they are authorized to disperse and punish the conventicles . and therfore , since they are by this clause of the act put into a capacity of sharing with the informers ; ( at the justice's direction ) and consequently may be tempted with hopes of advantage ; it seems but reasonable that they also should be set aside , in point of evidence , and that the proof should be made by persons of other parishes , to whom no profit can accrew thereby , and against whom no colour of exception may lie . 6. although the act doth require every justice of the peace , upon proof made to him , to make a record of the offence proved , and thereupon to impose upon the offender so convicted , for the first offence 5 s. aud for every after , 10 s. yet it doth not injoyn the iustice to prosecute . he is not by the letter of the act expresly injoynned , so much as to issue out a warrant for the levying the fine ; much less is he obliged to drive on the officers to take distress . nay , it is doubtful to some profest lawyers , whether a justice of the peace may grant such a warrant , or not ; in as much as in this particular he is not expressly required or authorized so to do , as in other parts of the act he is . but however , this seems clear , that inasmuch as there is a reasonable ground of doubt , the justice doth not incur the forfeiture of 100 l. in case he do refuse to grant such warrant , provided he ground his refusal upon that doubt , and declare that to be the reason of his refusal at the time when he so refuses : for then he cannot be convicted of wilfully and wittingly omitting the performance of his duty , as the words of the act are in relation to that forfeiture , and which must be proved in order to the recovery of it 7. the act doth not inflict the penalty of 20 l. or 40 l. upon any person for praying , as it doth for preach or teaching . the words of the act are , [ that 〈◊〉 person who shall take upon him to preach or teach in 〈◊〉 ●uch meeting &c. and shall thereof be convicted as aforesaid ; shall forfeit for every such first offence the sum of 20 l. — and if such offender , &c. shall at any time again commit the like offence , &c. and he thereof convicted ; &c. than such offender so convicted of such like offence or offences , shall for every such offence , incur the penalty of 40 l. ] here the penalties of 20 l. and 40 l. are restrained to preaching and teaching ; not a word of praying . now praying is neither preaching nor teaching : for preaching and teaching are directed to men , but prayer is directed to god , whom no man can teach . if therefore any man shall be informed against for preaching , and upon examination it appear that he was only heard to pray , he cannot be thereby legally convicted of being a preacher , or incur the fines imposed by the act on such as preach or teach . this has been tried upon an appeal , and judgment given for the appellant . 8. this act doth not forbid women to preach or teach : for though it seems at first to speak indefinitely of every person , yet it immediately restrains it to the male sex , by using the masculine gender only , [ him and his. ] the words of the act are , that every person who shall take upon him to preach &c. shall forfeit , &c. to be levied upon his goods , &c. and if the said preacher or teacher be a stranger , and his name not known , &c. ] it is not said , who shall take upon him or her , &c. or to be levied upon his or her goods , &c. or if his or her name be not known , &c. as in the next paragraph of the act , relating to the meeting-places , it is . for there it is said [ that person who shall wittingly or willingly , suffer any such conventicle , &c. to be held in his or her house , &c. shall forfeit 20. l. to be levied upon his or her goods , &c. or in case of his or her poverty , &c. ] here the gender is very carefully varied . and as this variation of gender from him to her doth clearly subject women to the fines for suffering such conventicles , mentioned in the act , at their houses : so the omi●sion of that variation , and using only the masculine gender , him and his , not her at all , doth as clearly exempt women from being fined for preaching . this also hath been tried upo●● an appeal , and judgment thereupon given for the apellant . 9. if above the number of four persons , besides the family , be met together , and sit in silence , so that the informers are not able to prove that there was any words spoken among them , and so no overt act of religious exercise . such a meeting hath been adjudged not to come within this act , nor the persons so met to be justly liable to any of those fines , ●mposeable by this act. for they who are finable by this act must be such , as are convicted of having been at a meeting where was some exercise of ●el●gion , in other manner than according to the liturgy , &c. but what exercise of religion can those persons be convicted of , who only sit still ▪ and neither say a●y thing , nor do any thing ? if their minds and spirits be inwardly gathered into a spiritual exercise towards god , who is the father of spirits ; that methinks should not be in other manner than according to the liturgy and practice of the church of england . however , that falls not under the cognizance of outward evidence . but that which the justices may well hold the informers and their witnesses to is , what exercise of religion they saw there ? and if they are not able to give account of some exercise of religion there used , and that in other manner than according to the liturgy , &c. the justice hath very good ground to reject their information . in this case also upon a tryal , the persons so met have been acquitted . 11. and lastly , concerning the house or place where the meeting is held , there seems to be a great mistake . for some eager prosecutors of this act , for every time that proof hath been made to them , of a meeting being held at such or such an house , have imposed a fresh fine for the house , which in my apprehension , ( with submission notwithstanding to more able judgment ) the act affords no colour for . the words are these [ and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that every person who shall wittingly and willingly suffer any such conventicle , meeting or unlawful assembly aforesaid , to be held in his or her house , out-house , barn , yard or back-side , and be convicted thereof in manner aforesaid shall forfeit the sum of 20 l. to be levied in manner aforesaid , upon his or her goods and chattels ; or in case of his or her poverty or inability as aforesaid , upon the goods and chattels of such persons who shall be convicted in manner aforesaid , of being present at the same conventicle ; and the money so levied to be disposed of in manner aforesaid . ] this is the whole of that matter verba●im : in which there is no mention of any more or other than one fine , and that of 20 l. no iteration or repeating of the fine , for every such meeting ; as in other parts of this act , where the fine is to be repeated , it is expresly said . for instance , in the case of the hearer , there is not only the fine of 5 s. set for the first offence ; but a double fine afterwards for every such offence , expresly . again , in the case of the preacher , there is not only the fine of 20 l. for the first offence ; but a double fine afterwards for every such offence , expresly . again , in the case of a constables wilfully and wittingly ●mitting the performance of his duty , it is said expresly , he shall forfeit for every such offence the sum of 5 l. but in this case of the meeting-house , there is no such expression used , no such provision made , no such direction given , ●o such course required . nay , here is not so much as an implication of a second ; for the word [ first ] is not here used , as in the other cases , of preacher and hearer , it is . now since in all places of the act , where the penalty is to be repeated or more than once inflicted ; it is expresly said [ for every such offence ] which sentence in this place is wholly omitted , take it for a very perswasive argument , that it was never intended any more than one fine should be set for one meeting-house , how oft foever met in . but if any apprehend otherwise , and should think the intention of the law-makers reacht further ; yet since the letter of the law extends no further , since also the clemency of english natures hath resolved it into an axiom , that poenal laws are to be taken , in mitiori sens● in the more mild and favourable sense : there seems to be here at least fair scope for all ( who would not be severer than severity , and even exceed summum jus ) to exercise some degree of compassion towards the afflicted . to which christian temper ; and tends frame of spirit , what words can be more moving and apt to dispose , than those of our blessed saviour , in his sermon in the mount , viz. blessed are the merciful ; for they shall obtain mercy , mat. 5. 7. the end . a letter from a country curate to mr. henry care, in defence of the seven bishops licensed july 18. 1688. country curate. 1688 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47977 wing l1371 estc r15265 99825042 99825042 29410 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47977) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 29410) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2173:07) a letter from a country curate to mr. henry care, in defence of the seven bishops licensed july 18. 1688. country curate. care, henry, 1646-1688, recipient. 4 p. printed, and are to be sold by randal taylor, [london : mdclxxxviii. [1688]] caption title. imprint from colophon. copy stained with print show-through. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -bishops -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -history -17th century. liberty of conscience -early works to 1800. great britain -history -james ii, 1685-1688 -early works to 1800. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from a country curate to mr. henry care , in defence of the seven bishops . licensed july 18. 1688. sir , tho' i know not your person , i am to my cost acquainted with your pen ; and , to be plain with you , begin to discover you are a sort of i cannot tell what , nor knows a man where to have you : so in fine , do you see , it will be hardly worth while to pay a peny and postage any longer for your weekly paper , especially for a man in my circumstances , who am but a country curate at twenty nobles a year sallary . 't is true , i serve in a large parish , but to my sorrow situated in such a wholsom air , that the people are in a manner immortal ; so that a tale of a funeral amongst them begins with , once upon a time there was such a man , who died , &c. then for their children , they seldom or never make them christians , not so much for conscience-sake , as to hinder me of my dues . and for weddings , the commissaries have all the custom ; wherefore my perquisites consisting totally in telling news at several tables for my dinner , i am horribly defeated of late by your proceedings : for , to be plain with you , i had thoughts your verity and good style had kept company : and tho' you were a little sharp upon topping tories , and laid about you mightily for liberty of conscience , i that have so little to lose or get by that matter , did not much regard the consequence . besides , being a bachelor , and can speak latin , i know the worst on 't at last ; but to be abus'd with false news undo's me , and , as the proverb has it , puts water in my pottage . for , to be plain with you , deluded , as it seems , by yours and other prints , i did verily believe that the seven bishops had given his majesty a certain petition or paper about reading the declaration , which had made him angry , and that they were sent to the tower for publishing it , and refusing to give recognizance to appear at the term for so doing . this matter i told positively for truth , and shew'd a copy of it in print , and was heartily welcom to many a good meal for my news . and i must tell you , there is no man , tho' i say it , in these parts keeps such a constant correspondence for public prints as i do , my name being so famous , that when i was quoted in matters of that nature , it silenced all pretenders to intelligence with an ipse dixit : but now , monstrum horrendum ! what i say will go for nothing , since those reverend , pious , and prudent bishops , did on their trials deny the whole story , nor could it be proved upon them ; for which cause the loyal jury acquitted them , and the ever well-meaning , honest , godly , and understanding rabble , congratulated their escape with huzza's , bonfires , curses , oaths , healths , drunkenness , tumults and roring , receiving in return from those peace-making prelates , thanks , smiles , prayers and blessings , to the great improvement of good manners and duty in the nation , no doubt of it : besides , it is likely more strongly to unite the mobile into a practicable interpretation of those mysterious doctrins of non-resistance and passive obedience . thus wonderful are the ways of the wise and great in our church , being much above the reach of us little ecclesiastics : for , to my vulgar head , this way of triumphing in the face of his majesty , might probably induce him to suspect the integrity of our principles , and cause him to doubt what use may in time be made of the unintelligible method we take to express our unquestionable loyalty . but indeed , mr. care , all the reflections on the consequence of the bishops applause against the king's authority , cannot make me forget or forgive the abuse put on both me and the public , by yours as well as other prints : and i do positively aver , since such apostolic persons dare not own it , that so malicious , seditious , and unmannerly a writing , could never come into the thoughts of any good or honest man , much less of a christian , and least of all of christian bishops : no , no , shaftsbury and his gang of petitioners never were impudent enough to tell their king to his face , he acted illegally , as this paper pretends to do ; and yet , fool as i am , i was made to believe it . but what a dull ass was i , not to reflect , that amongst the whole number of bishops , there could be none found had received such personal obligations from his majesty , as those seven , not a ma● of them but owing much more to his favor for their advancement , than to all other means in the world. therefore it being impossible that ingratitude and disobedience could ever joyn but in an infernal nature , i might have been confident no vulgar report could have provoked such blessed men , to wipe off the imputation of popery by diabolical crimes . besides , had i known then that eleven other bishops had obey'd the king , and comply'd with their duty , in commanding their clergy to read his declaration , how could i have suspected those seven should have been guilty of a schism so gross , so undutiful , and so unmannerly as that would have been ? yet this improbable error have you made me guilty of , sweet mr. care , and for the future i shall regard you accordingly , i 'll assure you . nay who can blame me , you having made me suspect men of their parts and piety , some being , as is thought , so emulous of martyrdom , that they wish'd the bonfires for their deliverance , had been the faggots for their suffering , tho' at the same time in seeming compliance with natures frailty , one , the most perfect , boasted out a farewel sermon on the text , lord let this cup pass from me , &c. therefore , i say , had such exemplary sufferers delivered or published that pretended paper , they would have gloried in it as a good and laudable action , and never have put the matter of fact upon proof , and got clear of the business that way . but having done so , i defie all them that led me into the error , and amongst the rest , thou harry care , with all thy wit ; and from henceforth must declare , that the libel was the production of some traiterous head , and enemy to the nations repose , and the glory of that king , whose word for our security may be entirely depended on , being a prince too intrepid and brave , to have recourse to falshood for his support . and this too will be my everlasting comfort , that not an honest man , which impartially observes the whole proceeding , but will be of my opinion . and so , mr. care , if you , or any of your dissenting companions , invented the paper , to divide and disgrace our church , you may take my good opinion of you for your pains ; for this is the last letter you are ever like to have from , &c. london , printed , and are to be sold by randal taylor . mdclxxxviii . a proclamation, for a general fast. at edinburgh, the twenty fourth day of august, one thousand six hundred eighty nine years. scotland. privy council. 1689 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05595 wing s1781 estc r183462 52528958 ocm 52528958 179035 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05595) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179035) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:24) a proclamation, for a general fast. at edinburgh, the twenty fourth day of august, one thousand six hundred eighty nine years. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, by order of secret council, edinburgh : anno dom. 1689. caption title. signed: gilb. eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fasts and feasts -church of scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-11 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , for a general fast. at edinburgh , the twenty fourth day of august , one thousand six hundred eighty nine years . present in council , e. crafurd p. m. douglas . e. southerland . e. leven . e. annandale . l. ross . l. carmichell . sir hugh campbel of calder . sir james montgomry of skelmorly . sir arch. murray of blackbarrony . james brodie of that i●k . sir john hall l. provost of edinburgh . forasmuch as the great and long abounding of sins of all sorts amongst all ranks of persons , with the continued impenitency under them , and not reforming therefrom ; the falling from their first love ; and great faintings and failings of ministers , and others of all ranks , in the hour of temptation , in their zeal for god and his work ; and that although there be much cause to bless god for the comfortable unity and harmony amongst the ministers , and body of christian professors in this church ; yet that there are such sad , and continuing divisions amongst some , is also matter of lamentation before god ; the great ingratitude for his begun deliverance of this nation from popery and slavery , and unsuitable walking thereunto ; the contempt of the gospel , not mourning for former , and present iniquities , nor turning to the lord by such reformation and holiness , as so great work calls for ; the many sad and long continued tokens of gods wrath , in the hiding of his face , and more especially in his restraining the power and presence of his spirit , with the preached gospel , in the conversion of souls , and edifying the converted ; and the lord 's threatning the sword of a cruel and barbarous enemy , in the present great distress of ireland , by the prevailing of an anti-christian party there ; and threatning the sword of the same enemy at home , and the great and imminent danger of the reformed protestant religion , not only from an open declared party of papists , enemies to the same , but from many other professed protestants , who joyn issue with them in the same design , befides the sad sufferings , and scatterings of reformed churches abroad ; having seriously , and religiously moved the presbyterian ministers , elders and professors of the church of scotland , humbly to address themselves to the lords of his majesties privy council , for a general fast and day of humiliation , to be kept throughout the whole kingdom , the saids lords , do out of a pious and religious disposition , approve of the said motion , as dutiful and necessary at the time ; and therefore in his majesties name and authority , do command a solemn and publick fast , and day of humiliation , to be religiously and sincerely observed throughout this kingdom , both in churches and meeting-houses , as they would avert wrath , and procure and continue blessings to this kingdom ; and that all persons whatsomever may send up their fervent prayers and supplications to almighty god , that he would pour out upon all ranks , a spirit of grace and supplication , that they may mourn for all their iniquities , and more especially , that god would pour forth upon king william , and queen mary , and upon all inferior magistrats , and counsellors , a spirit of wisdom for government , and zeal for god , his church , and work in this land , as the present case of both do call for , and that god may preserve them for carrying on that great work , which he hath so gloriously and seasonably begun by them ; and that god would countenance , and bless with success , the armies by sea and land , raised for the defence of the protestant religion ; and more especially , that god would pour forth a spirit of holiness upon them , lest their sins , and ours may provock god against them in the day of battel ; and that he would bless all means for the settlement of church and state : that god would bless the season of the year , and give seasonable weather for cutting down , and gathering in the fruits of the earth , that the stroke of famine , which god hath frequently threatned the nation with , may be averted . and the saids lords of his majesties privy council , do , in name and authority foresaid , command and charge , that the said solemn and publick fast , be religiously , and devoutly performed , both in churches and meeting-houses , by all ranks and degrees of persons within this kingdom , on this side of the water of tay , upon sunday the fifteenth day of september next to come ; and by all others be-north the same , upon sunday thereafter , the twenty second day of the said moneth of september : and to the end that this part of divine worship , so pious and necessary , may be punctually kept upon the respective dayes above-mentioned , they ordain sir william lockhart sollicitor , in the most convenient and proper way , to dispatch , and send copies hereof to the sheriffs , their deputs , and clerks of the several shires of this kingdom , to be by them published at the mercat-crosses of the head-burghs , upon receipt thereof , and immediatly sent to the several ministers , both of churches and meeting-houses , that upon the lords day immediatly preceeding the fast , and upon the respective dayes of the publick fast , and humiliation , the ministers may read , and intimat this proclamation from the pulpit , in every paroch-church , and meeting-house ; and that they exhort all persons to a serious and devout performance of the saids prayers , fasting and humiliation , as they regard the favour of almighty god , and the safety and preservation of the protestant religion , and expect a blessed success to the carrying on of that great and glorious work of this nations being delivered from popery and slavery , so seasonably begun , and as they would avoid the wrath and indignation of god against this kingdom , and procure , and continue manifold blessings to the same : certifying all these who shall contemn , or neglect such a religious and necessary duty , they shall be proceeded against , and punished as contemners of his majesties authority , neglecters of religious services , and as persons disaffected to the protestant religion , as well as to their majesties royal persons and government . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published by macers , or messengers at arms , at the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and other places above-mentioned , that none may pretend ignorance . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save king vvilliam and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , by order of secret council , anno dom. 1689. the reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton ; in two books. milton, john, 1608-1674. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a50949 of text r3223 in the english short title catalog (wing m2175). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 166 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a50949 wing m2175 estc r3223 12578479 ocm 12578479 63661 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50949) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63661) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e137, no 9) the reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton ; in two books. milton, john, 1608-1674. [2], 65 p. printed by e. g. for iohn rothwell ..., london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. church and state -england. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a50949 r3223 (wing m2175). civilwar no the reason of church-governement urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton. in two books. milton, john 1642 32451 365 0 0 0 0 0 112 f the rate of 112 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 rina kor sampled and proofread 2002-09 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reason of church-governement urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton . in two books . london , printed by e. g. for iohn rothwell , and are to be sold at the sunne in pauls church-yard . 1641. the reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty . the preface . in the publishing of humane lawes , which for the most part aime not beyond the good of civill society , to set them barely forth to the people without reason or preface , like a physicall prescript , or only with threatnings , as it were a lordly command , in the judgement of plato was thought to be done neither generously nor wisely . his advice was , seeing that persuasion certainly is a more winning , and more manlike way to keepe men in obedience then feare , that to such lawes as were of principall moment ; there should be us'd as an induction , some well temper'd discourse , shewing how good , how gainfull , how happy it must needs be to live according to honesty and justice , which being utter'd with those native colours and graces of speech , as true eloquence the daughter of vertue can best bestow upon her mothers praises , would so incite , and in a manner , charme the multitude into the love of that which is really good , as to imbrace it ever after , not of custome and awe , which most men do , but of choice and purpose , with true and constant delight . but this practice we may learn , from a better & more ancient authority , then any heathen writer hath to give us , and indeed being a point of so high wisdome & worth , how could it be but we should find it in that book , within whose sacred context all wisdome is infolded ? moses therefore the only lawgiver that we can believe to have beene visibly taught of god , knowing how vaine it was to write lawes to men whose hearts were not first season'd with the knowledge of god and of his workes , began from the book of genesis , as a prologue to his lawer ; which josephus● ight well hath noted . that the nation of the jewes , reading therein the universall goodnesse of god to all creatures in the creation , and his peculiar favour to them in his election of abraham their ancestor , from whom they could derive so many blessings upon themselves , might be mov'd to obey si cerely by knowing so good a reason of their obedience . if then in the administration of civill justice , and under the obscurity of ceremoniall rites , such care was had by the wisest of the heathen , and by moses among the jewes , to instruct them at least in a generall reason of that government to which their subjection was requir'd , how much more ought the members of the church under the gospell seek● to informe their understanding in the reason of that government which the church claimes to have over them : especially for that the church hath in her immediate cure those inner parts and affections of the mind where the seat of reason is ; having power to examine our spirituall knowledge , and to demand from us in gods behalfe a service intirely reasonable . but because about the manner and order of this government , whether it ought to be presbyteriall , or prelaticall , such endlesse question , or rather uproare is arisen in this land , as may be justly term'd , what the feaver is to the physitians , the eternall reproach of our divines ; whilest other profound c● erks of late greatly , as they conceive , to the advancement of prelaty , are so earnestly meting out the lydian proconsular asia , to make good the prime metropolis of ephesus , as if some of our prelates in all haste meant to change their solle , and become neighbours to the english bishop of chalcedon ; and whilest good breerwood as busily bestirres himselfe in our vulgar tongue to divide precisely the three patriarchats , of rome , alexandria , and antioch , and whether to any of these england doth belong , i shall in the meane while not cease to hope through the mercy and grace of christ , the head and husband of his church , that england shortly is to belong , neither to see patriarchall , nor see prelaticall , but to the faithfull feeding and disciplining of that ministeriall order , which the blessed apostles constituted throughout the churches : and this i shall assay to prove can be no other , then that of presbyters and deacons . and if any man incline to thinke i undertake a taske too difficult for my yeares , i trust through the supreme inlightning assistance farre otherwise ; for my yeares , be they few or many , what imports it ? so they bring reason , let that be looke on : and for the task , from hence that the question in hand is so needfull to be known at this time chiefly by every meaner capacity , and containes in it the explication of many admirable and heavenly privileges reacht out to us by the gospell , i conclude the task must be easie . god having to this end ordain'd his gospell to be the revelation of his power and wisdome in christ jesus . and this is one depth of his wisdome , that he could so plainly reveale so great a measure of it to the grosse distorted apprehension of decay'd mankinde . let others therefore dread and shun the scriptures for their darknesse , i shall wish i may deserve to be reckon'd among those who admire and dwell upon them for their clearnesse . and this seemes to be the cause why in those places of holy writ , wherein is treated of church-government , the reasons thereof are not formally , and profestly set downe , because to him that heeds attentively the drift and scope of christian profession , they easily imply themselves , which thing further to explane , having now prefac'd enough , i shall no longer deferre . chap. i. that church-government is prescrib'd in the gospell , and that to say otherwise is unsound . the first and greatest reason of church-government , we may securely with the assent of many on the adverse part , affirme to be , because we finde it so ordain'd and set out to us by the appointment of god in the scriptures ; but whether this be presbyteriall , or prelaticall , it cannot be brought to the scanning , untill i have said what is meet to some who do not think it for the ease of their inconsequent opinions , to grant that church discipline is platform'd in the bible , but that it is left to the discretion of men . to this conceit of theirs i answer , that it is both unsound and untrue . for there is not that thing in the world of more grave and urgent importance throughout the whole life of man , then is discipline . what need i instance ? he that hath read with judgement , of nations and common-wealths , of cities and camps , of peace and warre , sea and land , will readily agree that the flourishing and decaying of all civill societies , all the moments and turnings of humane occasions are mov'd to and fro as upon the axle of discipline . so that whatsoever power or sway in mortall things weaker men have attributed to fortune , i durst with more confidence ( the honour of divine providence ever sav'd ) ascribe either to the vigor , or the slacknesse of discipline . nor is there any sociable perfection in this life civill or sacred that can be above discipline , but she is that which with her musicall cords preserves and holds all the parts thereof together . hence in those perfect armies of cyrus in xenophon , and scipio in the roman stories , the excellence of military skill was esteem'd , not by the not needing , but by the readiest submitting to the edicts of their commander . and certainly discipline is not only the removall of disorder , but if any visible shape can be given to divine things , the very visible shape and image of vertue , whereby she is not only seene in the regular gestures and motions of her heavenly paces as she walkes , but also makes the harmony of her voice audible to mortall eares . yea the angels themselves , in whom no disorder is fear'd , as the apostle that saw them in his rapture describes , are distinguisht and quaternion● into their celestiall princedomes , and satrapies , according as god himselfe hath writ his imperiall decrees through the great provinces of heav'n . the state also of the blessed in paradise , though never so perfect , is not therefore left without discipline , whose golden survaying reed marks out and measures every quarter and circuit of new jerusalem . yet is it not to be conceiv'd that those eternall effluences of sanctity and love in the glorified saints should by this meanes be confin'd and cloy'd with repetition of that which is prescrib'd , but that our happinesse may or be it selfe into a thousand vagancies of glory and delight , and with a kinde of eccentricall equation be as it were an invariable planet of joy and felicity , how much lesse can we believe that god would leave his fraile and feeble , though not lesse beloved church here below to the perpetuall stumble of conjecture and disturbance in this our darke voyage without the card and compasse of discipline . which is so hard to be of mans making , that we may see even in the guidance of a civill state to worldly happinesse , it is not for every learned , or every wise man , though many of them consult in common , to invent or frame a discipline , but if it be at all the worke of man , it must be of such a one as is a true knower of himselfe , and himselfe in whom contemplation and practice , wit , prudence , fortitude , and eloquence must be rarely met , both to comprehend the hidden causes of things , and span in his thoughts all the various effects that passion or complexion can worke in mans nature ; and hereto must his hand be at defiance with gaine , and his heart in all vertues heroick . so far is it from the kenne of these wretched projectors of ours that bescraull their pamflets every day with new formes of government for our church . and therefore all the ancient lawgivers were either truly inspir'd as moses , or were such men as with authority anough might give it out to be so , as min● s , lycurgus , numa , because they wisely forethought that men would never quietly submit to such a discipline as had not more of gods hand in it then mans : to come within the narrownesse of houshold government , observation will shew us many deepe counsellers of state and judges to demean themselves incorruptly in the setl'd course of affaires , and many worthy preachers upright in their lives , powerfull in their audience ; but look upon either of these men where they are left to their own disciplining at home , and you shall soone perceive for all their single knowledge and uprightnesse , how deficient they are in the regulating of their own family ; not only in what may concerne the vertuous and decent composure of their minds in their severall places , but that which is of a lower and easier performance , the right possessing of the outward vessell , their body , in health or sicknesse , rest or labour , diet , or abstinence , whereby to render it more pliant to the soule , and use● ull to the common-wealth : which if men were but as good to disci● ne themselves , as some are to tutor their horses and hawks , it could not be so grosse in most housholds . if then it appear so hard and so little knowne , how to governe a house well , which is thought of so easie discharge , and for every mans undertaking , what skill of man , what wisdome , what parts , can be sufficient to give lawes & ordinances to the elect houshold of god ? if we could imagine that he had left it at randome without his provident and gracious ordering , who is he so arrogant so presumptuous that durst dispose and guide the living arke of the holy ghost ; though he should finde it wandring in the field of bethshemesh , without the conscious warrant of some high calling . but no profane insolence can paralell that which our prelates dare avouch , to drive outragiously , and shatter the holy arke of the church , not born upon their shoulders with pains and labour in the word , but drawne with rude oxen their officials , and their owne brute inventions . let them make shewes of reforming while they will , so long as the church is mounted upon the prelaticall cart , and not as it ought betweene the hands of the ministers , it will but shake and totter , and he that sets to his hand though with a good intent to hinder the shogging of it , in this unlawfull waggonry wherein it rides , let him beware it be not fatall to him as it was to v● a. certainly if god be the father of his family the church , wherein could he expresse that name more , then in training it up under his owne all-wise and dear oeconomy , not turning it loose to the havock of strangers and wolves that would ask no better plea then this to do● in the church of christ , what ever humour , faction , policy , or ●centious will would prompt them to . againe , if christ be the churches husband expecting her to be presented before him a pure unspotted virgin ; in what could he shew his tender love to her mo● then in prescribing his owne wayes which he best knew would be to the improvement of her health and beauty with much great● care doubtlesse then the persian king could appoint for his queen●esther , those maiden dietings & set prescriptions of baths , & odo● which may tender her at last the more amiable to his eye . for o● any age or sex , most unfitly may a virgin be left to an uncertaine and arbitrary education . yea though she be well instructed , yet is she still under a more strait tuition , especially if betroth'd . in like manner the church bearing the same resemblance , it were not reason to think she should be left destitute of that care which is as necessary , and proper to her , as instruction . for publick preaching indeed is the gift of the spirit working as best seemes to his secret will , but discipline is the practick work o● preaching directed and apply'd as is most requisite to particular duty ; without which it were all one to the benefit of souls , as it would be to the cure of bodi● s , if all the physitians in london should get into the severall pulpits of the city , and assembling all the diseased in every pari● should begin a learned lecture of pleurisies , palsies , lethargies , to which perhaps none there present were inclin'd , and so without so much as feeling one puls , or giving the least order to any skilfull apothecary , should dismisse 'em from time to time , some groaning , some languishing , some expiring , with this only charge to look well to themselves , and do as they heare . of what excellence and necessity then church-discipline is , how beyond the faculty of man to frame , and how dangerous to be left to mans invention who would be every foot turning it to sinister ends , how properly also it is the worke of god as father , and of christ as husband of the church ; we have by thus much heard . chap. ii. that church governement is set downe in holy scripture , and that to say otherwise is untrue . as therefore it is unsound to say that god hath not appointed any set government in his church , so is it untrue . of the time of the law there can be no doubt ; for to let passe the first institution of priests and levites , which is too cleare to be insisted upon , when the temple came to be built , which in plaine judgement could breed no essentiall change either in religion , or in the priestly government ; yet god to shew how little he could endure that men should be tampring and contriving in his worship , though in things of lesse regard , gave to david for solomon not only a pattern and modell of the temple , but a direction for the courses of the priests and levites , and for all the worke of their service . at the returne from the captivity things were only restor'd after the ordinance of moses and david ; or if the least alteration be to be found , they had with them inspired men , prophets , and it were not sober to say they did ought of moment without divine intimation . in the prophesie of ez-kiel from the 40 chapt. onward , after the destruction of the temple , god by his prophet seeking to weane the hearts of the jewes from their old law to expect a new and more perfect reformation under christ , sets out before their eyes the stately fabrick & constitution of his church , with al the ecclesiasticall functions appertaining ; indeed the description is as sorted best to the apprehension of those times , typicall and shadowie , but in such manner as never yet came to passe , nor never must literally , unlesse we mean to annihilat the gospel . but so exquisit and lively the description is in portraying the new state of the church , and especially in those points where government seemes to be most active , that both jewes and gentiles might have good cause to be assur'd , that god when ever he meant to reforme his church , never intended to leave the governement thereof delineated here in such curious architecture , to be patch't afterwards , and varnish't over with the devices and imbellishings of mans imagination . did god take such delight in measuring out the pillars , arches , and doores of a materiall temple , was he so punctuall and circumspect in lavers , altars , and sacrifices soone after to be abrogated , left any of these should have beene made contrary to his minde ? is not a farre more perfect worke more agreeable to his perfection in the most perfect state of the church militant , the new alliance of god to man ? should not he rather now by his owne prescribed discipline have cast his line and levell upon the soule of man which is his rationall temple , and by the divine square and compasse thereof forme and regenerate in us the lovely shapes of vertues and graces , the sooner to edifie and accomplish that immortall stature of christs body which is his church , in all her glorious lineaments and proportions . and that this indeed god hath done for us in the gospel 〈◊〉 shall see with open eyes , not under a vaile . we may passe over the history of the acts and other places , turning only to those epistle● of s. paul to timothy and titus : where the spirituall eye may discerne more goodly and gracefully erected then all the magnifice● ce of temple or tabernacle , such a heavenly structure of evangel● ck discipline so diffusive of knowledge and charity to the prosperous increase and growth of the church , that it cannot be wonder'd if that elegant and artfull symmetry of the promised new temple in ezechiel , and all those sumptuous things under the law were made to signifie the inward beauty and splendor of the christian church thus govern'd . and whether this be commanded let it now be j● dg'd . s. paul after his preface to the first of timothy which hee concludes in the 17 verse with amen , enters upon the subject of his epistle which is to establish the church-government with a command . this charge i commit to thee son timothy : according to the prophecies which went before on thee , that thou by them might'st war a good warfare . which is plain enough thus expounded . this charge i commit to thee wherein i now go about to instruct thee how thou shalt set up church-discipline , that thou might'st warre a good warfare , bearing thy selfe constantly and faithfully in the ministery , which in the i to the corinthians is also call'd a warfare : and so after a kinde of parenthesis concerning hymenaeus he returnes to his command though under the milde word of exhorting , cap. 2. v. 1. i exhort therefore . as if he had interrupted his former command by the occasionall mention of hymeneus . more beneath in the 14 v. of the 3 c. when he hath deliver'd the duties of bishops or presbyters and deacons not once naming any other order in the church , he thus addes . these things write i unto thee hoping to come unto thee shortly ( such necessity it seems there was ) but if i tarry long , that thou ma●'st know how thou ought'st to behave thy s● lfe in the house of god . from this place it may be justly ask'● , whether timothy by this here written might know what was to be knowne concerning the orders of church-governours or no ? if he might , then in such a cleere t● xt as this may we know too without further j● ngle ; if he might not , then did s. paul write insufficiently , and moreover said not true , for he saith here he might know , and i perswade my selfe he did know ere this was written , but that the apostle had more regard to the instruction of us , then to the informing of him . in the fifth chap. after some other church precepts concerning discipline , mark what a dreadfull command followes , verse 21. i charge thee before god and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels , that thou observe these things , and as if all were not yet sure anough , ● e closes up the epistle , with an adj● ring charge thus . i give thee charge in the sight of god who quickneth all things , and before christ jesus , that thou keepe this commandement : that is the whole commandement concerning discipline , being them ine purpose of the epistle : although hooker would faine have this denouncement referr'd to the particular precept going before , because the word commandement is in the singular number , not remembring that even in the first chapt. of this epistle , the wo● commandement is us'd in a plurall sense , vers. 5. now the end of the commandement is charity . and what more frequent then in like manner to say the law of moses . so that either to restraine the significance too much , or too much to inlarg it would make the adjuration either not so waighty , or not so pertinent . and thus we find here that the rules of church-discipline are not only commanded , but hedg'd about with such a terrible impalement of commands , as he that will break through wilfully to violate the least of them , must hazard the wounding of his conscience even to death . yet all this notwithstanding we shall finde them broken wellnigh all by the faire pretenders even of the next ages . no lesse to the contempt of him whom they fain to be the archfounder of prelaty s. peter , who by what he writes in the 5 chap. of his first epistle should seeme to be farre another man then tradition reports him : there he commits to the presbyters only full authority both of feeding the flock , and episcopating : and commands that obedience be given to them as to the mighty hand of god , wch is his mighty ordinance . yet all this was as nothing to repell the ventrous boldnesse of innovation that ensu'd , changing the decrees of god that is immutable , as if they had been breath'd by man . neverthelesse when christ by those visions of s. iohn foreshewes the reformation of his church , he bids him take his reed , and meet it out againe after the first patterne , for he prescribes him no other . arise , said the angell , and measure the temple of god and the altar , and them that worship therein . what is there in the world can measure men but discipline ? our word ruling imports no lesse . doctrine indeed is the measure , or at least the reason of the measure , t is true , but unlesse the measure be apply'd to that which it is to measure , how can it actually doe its proper worke . whether therefore discipline be all one with doctrine , or the particular application thereof to this or that person , we all agree that doctrine must be such only as is command● , or whether it be something really differing from doctrine , yet 〈◊〉 it only of gods appointment , as being the most adequat measure of the church and her children , which is here the office of a gr● evangelist and the reed given him from heaven . but that par● of the temple which is not thus measur'd , so farre is it from being 〈◊〉 gods tuition or delight , that in the following verse he rejects i● , however in shew and visibility it may seeme a part of his church , yet in as much as it lyes thus unmeasur'd he leaves it to be trampl'd by the gentiles , that is to be polluted with idolatrous and gentilish rites and ceremonies . and the the principall reformation here foretold is already come to passe as well in discipline as in doctrine the state of our neighbour churches afford us to behold . thus through all the periods and changes of the church it hath beene prov'd that god hath still reserv'd to himselfe the right of enacting church-government . chap. iii. that it is dangerous and unworthy the gospell to hold that church-government is to be pattern'd by the law , as b. andrews and the primat of armagh maintaine . we may returne now from this interposing difficulty thus remov'd , to affi● me , that since church-government is so strictly commanded in gods word , the first and greatest reason why we should submit thereto , is because god hath so commanded . but whether of these two , prelaty or presbytery can prove it selfe to be supported by this first and greatest reason , must be the next dispute . where in this position is to be first layd down as granted ; that i may not follow a chase rather then a● argument , that one of these two , and none other is of gods ordaining , and if it be , that ordinance must be evident in the gospell . for the imperfect and obscure institution of the law , which the apostles themselves doubt not o● t-times to ● ilifre , cannot give rules to the compleat and glorious ministration of the gospell , which lookes on the law , as on a childe , not as on a tutor . and that the prelates have no sure foundation in the gospell , their own guiltinesse doth manifest : they would not else run questing up as high as adam to fe● h their originall , as t is said one of them lately did in publick . to which assertion , had i heard it , because i see they are so insatiable of antiquity , i should have gladly assented , and confest them ye● more ancient . for lucifer before adam was the fir● prela● angel , and both he , as is commonly thought , and our 〈◊〉 adam , as we all know , for aspiring above their order● , were miser● bly degraded . but others better advis'd are content to receive their beginning from aaron and his sons , among whom b. andrews of late ye● res , and in these times the primat of armagh for their learning are reputed the best able to say what may be said in this opinion . the primat in his discou● se about the originall of episcopacy newly revis'd begins thus . the ground of episco● cy is fetcht partly from the pattern prescribed by god in the old testament , and partly from the imitation thereof brought in by the apostles . herein i must entreat to be excus'd of the desire i have to be satisfi'd , how for example the ground of episcop . is fetch't partly from the example of the old testament , by whom next , and by whose authority . secondly , how the church-government under the gospell can be rightly call'd an imitation of that in the old testament ? for that the gospell is the end and fulfilling of the law , our liberty also from the bondage of the law i plainly reade . how then the ripe age of the gospell should be put to schoole againe , and learn to governe her selfe from the infancy of the law , the stronger to imitate the weaker , the freeman to follow the captive , the learned to be lesson'd by the rude , will be a hard undertaking to evince from any of those principles which either art or inspiration hath written . if any thing done by the apostles may be drawne howsoever to a likenesse of somethi● g mosaicall , if it cannot be prov'd that it was done of purpose in imitation , as having the right thereof grounded in nature , and not in ceremony or type , it will little availe the matter . the whole judaick law is either politicall , and to take pattern by that , no christian nation ever thought it selfe o● g'd in conscience ; or morall , which containes in it the observation of whatsoever is substantially , and perpetually true and good , either in religion , or course of life . that which is thus morall , besides what we f● tch from those unwritten lawes and ideas which nature hath ingraven in us , the gospell , as stands with her dignity most , lectures to us from her own authentick hand-writing and command , not copies out from the borrow'd manuscript of a subservient scrow● , by way of imitating . as well might she be said in her sacrame● of water to imitate the baptisme of iohn . what though ● he retaine excommunication ● s'd in the syna ● ogue , retain the morality of the sabbath , she does not therefore imitate the law her underling , but perfect her . all that was morally deliver'd from the law to the gospell in the office of the priests and levites , was that there should be a ministery set a part to teach and discipline the church ; both which duties the apostles thought good to commit to the presbyters . and if any distinction of honour were to be made among them , they directed it should be to those not that only rule well , but especially to those that labour in the word and doctrine . by which we are taught that laborious teaching is the most honourable prelaty that one minister can have above another in the gospell : if therefore the superiority of bishopship be grounded on the priesthood as a part of the morall law , it cannot be said to be an imitation ; for it were ridiculous that morality should imitate morality , which ever was the same thing . this very word of patterning or imitating excludes episcopacy from the solid and grave ethicall law , and betraies it to be a meere childe of ceremony , or likelier some misbegotten thing , that having pluckt the gay feathers of her obsolet bravery to ● i de her own deformed barenesse , now vaunts and glories in her stolne plumes . in the meane while what danger there is against the very life of the gospell to make in any thing the typical law her pattern , and how impossibl● in that which touches the priestly government , i shall use such light as i have receav'd , to lay open . ● t cannot be unknowne by what expressions the holy apostle s. paul spar● s not to explane to us the na● ure and condition of the l● calling those o● dinances which were the chiefe and 〈◊〉 offices of the priests , the elements and rudiments of the world both weake and beggarly . now to br● ed , and bring up the child● en of the promise , the heirs of liberty and grace under such a kinde of government as is profest to be but an imitation of that ministery which engender'd to b● ndage the so● s of agar , how can this 〈◊〉 but a foul injury and derogation , if not a cancelling of that birth-right and immunity which christ hath purchas'd for us with his blood . for the ministration of the law consisting of c● all things , drew to it such a ministery as consisted of ca● all respects , dignity , precedence , and the like . and such a ministery establish't in the gospell , as is founded upon the points and ter● of superiority , and nests it selfe in worldly honour , will draw to it , and we see it doth , such a religion as ● unnes back againe to the old pompe and glory of the flesh . for doubtlesse there is a certaine attraction and magnetick force betwixt the religion and the ministeriall forme thereof . if the religion be pure , spirituall , simple , and lowly , as the gospel most truly is , such must the face of the ministery be . and in like manner if the forme of the ministery be grounded in the worldly degrees of autority , honour , temporall jurisdiction , we see it with our eyes it will turne the inward power and purity of the gospel into the outward carnality of the law ; evaporating and exhaling the internall worship into empty conformities , and gay sh● wes . and what remains then but that wee should runne into as dangerous and deadly apostacy a● our lamented neighbours the papists , who by this very snire and pitfall of imitating the ceremonial law , fel into that irrecoverable superstition , as must need● make void the cov● nant of salvation to them that persist in this blindnesse . chap. iv. that it is impossible to make the priesthood of aaron a pattern whereon to ground episcopacy . that which was promis'd next , is to declare the impossibility of grounding evangelick government in the imitation of the jewish priesthood : which will be done by considering both the quality of the persons , and the office it selfe . aaron and his sonnes were the princes of their tribe before they were sanctified to the priesthood : that personall eminence which they held above the other levites , they receav'd not only from their office , but partly brought it into their office : and so from that time forward the priests were not chosen out of the whole number of the levites , as our bishops , but were borne inheritors of the dignity . therefore unlesse we shall choose our prelat● only out of the nobility , and let them runne in a blood , there can be no possible imitation of lording over their brethren in regard of their persons altogether unlike . as for the office wch was a representation of christs own person more immediately in the high priest , & of his whole priestly office in all the other ; to the performance of wch the levits were but as servitors & deacons , it was necessary there should be a distinction of dignity betweene two functions of so great od● . but there being no such difference among our ministers , unlesse it be in reference to the deacons , it is impossible to found a 〈◊〉 upon the imitation of this priesthood . for wherein , or in w● worke is the office of a prelat excellent above that of a pa● in ordination you 'l say ; but flatly against scripture , for there we know timothy receav'd ordination by the hands of the presby● y , notwithstanding all the vaine delusions that are us'd to 〈◊〉 that testimony , and maintaine an unwarrantable usurpation . but wherefore should ordination be a cause of setting up a superiour degree in the church● is not that whereby christ became our saviour a higher and greater worke , then that whereby he did ordai● e messengers to preach and publish him our saviour ? every minister sustains the person of christ in his highest work of communicating to us the mysteries of our salvation , and hath the power of binding and absolving , how should he need a higher dignity to represent or execute that which is an inferior work in christ ? why should the performance of ordination which is a lower office exalt a prelat , and not the seldome discharge of a higher and more noble office 〈◊〉 is preaching & administring much rather depressehim ? verily neither the nature , nor the example of ordinationdoth any way require an imparity betweene the ordainer and the ordained . for what more naturall then every like to produce his like ; man to beget man , fire to propagate fire , and in examples of highest opi●●on the ordainer is inferior to the ordained ; fo● the pope is not ma● e by the precedent pope , but by cardinals , who ordain and consecrate to a higher and greater office then their own . chap. v. to the arguments of b. andrews and the primat . it followes here to attend to certaine objections in a little treatise lately printed among others of like sort at oxford , and in the title said to be out of the rude draughts of bishop andrews . and surely they bee rude draughts indeed , in so much that it is marvell to think what his friends meant to let come abroad such shallow reasonings with the name of a man so much bruited for learning . in the 12 and 23 pages he seemes most notoriously inconstant to himselfe ; for in the former place he tels us he forbeares to take any argument of prelaty from aaron , as being the type of christ . in the latter he can forbeare no longer , but repents him of his rash gratuity , affirming , that to say , christ being come in the flesh , his figure in the high priest ceaseth , is the shift of an anabaptist ; and stiffly argues that christ being as well king as priest , was as well fore-resembled by the kings then , as by the high priest . so that if his comming take away the one type , it must also the other . marvellous piece of divinity ! and well worth that the land should pay six thousand pound a yeare for , in a bishoprick , although i reade of no sophister among the greeks that was so dear , neither hippias nor protagoras , nor any whom the socratick schoole famously refuted with out hire . here we have the type of the king sow'd to the typet of the bishop , suttly to cast a jealousie upon the crowne , as if the right of kings ; like m● ager in the metamorphosis , were no longer liv'd then the firebrand of prelaty . but more likely the prelats fearing ( for their own guilty carriage protests they doe feare ) that their faire dayes cannot long hold , practize by possessing the king with this most false doctrine , to ingage his power for them , as in his owne quarrell , that when they fall they may fall in a generall ruine , just as cruell tyberius would wish , when i dye , let the earth be roul'd in flames . but where , o bishop , doth the purpose of the law set forth christ to us as a king ? that which never was intended in the law , can never be abolish'● as part thereof . when the law was made , there was no king : if before the law , or under the law god by a speciall type in any king would foresignifie the fut● re kingdome of christ , which is not yet visibly come , what was that to the law ? the whole ceremoniall law , and types can be in no law else , comprehends nothing but the propitiatory office of christs priesthood , which being in substance accomplisht , both law and priesthood fades away of it selfe , and passes into aire like a transitory vision , and the right of kings neither stands by any type nor falls . we acknowledge that the civill magistrate weares an autority of gods giving , and ought to be obey'd as his vicegerent . but to make a king a type , we say is an abusive and unskilfull speech , and of a morall solidity makes it seeme a ceremoniall shadow . therefore your typical chaine of king and priest must unlink . but is not the type of priest taken away by christs comming ? no saith this famous protestant bishop of winchester ; it is not , and he that saith it is , is an anabaptist . what think ye reade● , do ye not understand him ? what can be gather'd hence but that the prelat would still sacrifice ? conceave him readers , he would missificate . their altar● indeed were in a fair forwardnesse ; and by such arguments as the they were setting up the molten calfe of their masseagaine , and of their great hierarch the pope . for if the type of priest be not taken away , then neither of the high priest , it were a strange behe● ding ; and high priest more then one there cannot be , and that o● e can be no lesse then a pope . and this doubtlesse was the bent of his career , though never so covertly . yea but there was something else in the high priest besides the figure , as is plain by s. pauls acknowledging him . t is true that in the 17 of deut , whence this autority arise● to the priest in matters too hard for the secular judges , as must needs be many in the occasions of those times involv'd so with ceremoniall niceties , no wonder though it be commanded to enquire at the mouth of the priests , who besides the magistrat● their collegues had the oracle of uri● to consult with . and whether the high priest ananias had not incroach't beyond the limits of his priestly autority , or whether us'd it rightly , was no time then for s. paul to contest about . but if this instance be able to assert any right of jurisdiction to the clergy , it must impart it in common to all ministers , since it were a great folly to seeke for counsell in a hard intricat scruple from a dunce prelat , when there might be found a speedier solution from a grave and learned minister , whom god hath gifted with the judgement of urim more amply oft-times then all the prelates together ; and now in the gospell hath granted the privilege of this oraculous ephod alike to all his ministers . the reason therefore of imparity in the priests , being now as is aforesaid , really annull'd both in their person , and in their representative office , what right of jurisdiction soever , can be from this place levitically bequeath'd , must descend upon the ministers of the gospell equally , as it findes them in all other points equall . well then he is finally content to let , aaron go . el● r will serve his turne , as being a superior of superiors , and yet no type of christ in aarons life time . o thou that would'st winde into any figment , or phantasme to save thy miter ! yet all this will not fadge , though it be cunningly interpolisht by some second hand with crooks & emendations ; heare then ; the type of christ in some one particular , as of entring yearly into the holy of holies and such like , rested upon the high priest only as more immediately personating our saviour : but to resemble his whole satisfactory office all the lineage of aaron was no more then sufficient . and all , or any of the priests consider'd separately without relation to the highest , are but as a livelesse trunk and signifie nothing . and this shewes the excellente or christs sacrifice , who at once and in one person fulfill'd that which many hunderds of priests many times repeating had anough to foreshew . what other imparity there was among themselves , we may safely suppose it depended on the dignity of their birth and family , together with the circumstances of a carnall service , which might afford many priorities . and this i take to be the summe of what the bishop hath laid together to make plea for p● laty by imitation of the law . i hough indeed , if it may stand , it will inferre popedome all as well . many other courses he tries , enforcing himselfe with much ostentation of endlesse genealogies , as if he were the man that s. paul forewarnes us of in timothy , but so unvigorously , that i do not feare his winning of many to his cause , but such as doting upon great names are either over-weake , or over sudden of faith . i shall not refuse therefore to lea● ne so much prudence as i finde in the roman souldier that attended the crosse , not to stand breaking of legs , when the breath is quite out of the body , but passe to that which follows . the primat of armagh at the beginning of his tractat seeks to availe himselfe of that place in the 66 of esaiah , i will take of them for priests and levites , saith the lord ; to uphold hereby such a forme of superiority among the ministers of the gospell , succeeding those in the law , as the lords day did the sabbath . but certain if this method may be admitted of interpreting those propheticall passages concerning christian times in a punctuall correspondence , it may with equall probability be urg'd upon us , that we are bound to observe some monthly solemnity answerable to the new moons , as well as the lords day which we keepe in lieu of the sabbath : for in the 23 v. the prophet joynes them in the same manner together , as before he did the priests and levites , thus . and it shall come to passe that from one new moone to another , and from one sabbath to another shall all flesh come to worship before me , saith the lord . undoubtedly with as good consequence may it be alledg'd from hence , that we are to solemnize some religious monthly meeting different from the sabbath , as from the other any distinct formality of ecclesiasticall orders may be inferr'd . this rather will appeare to be the lawfull and unconstrain'd sense of the text , that god in taking of them for priests and levites , will not esteeme them unworthy though gentiles , to undergoe any function in the church , but will make of them a full and perfect ministery , as was that of the priests and levites in their kinde . and bishop an● rows himselfe to end the controversie , sends us a candid exposition of this quoted verse from the 24 page of his said book , plainly deciding that god by those legall names there of priests and levites means our presbyters , and deacons , for which either ingenuous confession , or slip of his pen we give him thanks , and withall to him that brought these treatises into one volume , who setting the contradictions of two learned men so neere together , did not foresee . what other deducements or analogies are cited out of s. paul to pro● e a likenesse betweene the ministers of the old and new testament , having tri'd their sinewes . i judge they may passe without harme doing to our cause . we may remember then that prelaty neither hath nor can have foundation in the law , nor yet in the gospell , which assertion as being for the plainnesse thereof a matter of eye sight , rather then of disquisition i voluntarily omitt , not forgetting to specifie this note againe , that the earnest des● e which the prelates have to build their hierarchy upon the sandy bottome of the law , gives us to see abundantly the little assurance which they finde to reare up their high roofs by the autority of the gospell , repulst as it were from the writings of the apostles , and driven to take sanctuary among the jewes . hence that open confession of the primat before mention'd . episcopacy is fetcht partly from the patterne of the old testament & partly from the new as an imitation of the old , though nothing ca● be more rotten in divinity then such a position as this , and is all one as to say episcopacy is partly of divine institution , and partly of mans own carving . for who gave the autority to fetch more from the patterne of the law then what the apostles had already fetcht , if they fetcht any thing at a● l , as hath beene prov'd they did not . so was jer● oams episcopacy partly from the patterne of the law , and partly from the patterne of his owne carnality ; a parti-colour'd and a parti-member'd episcopacy , and what can this be lesse then a monstrous ? others therefore among the prelats perhaps not so well able to brook , or rather to justifie this foule relapsing to the old law , have condiscended at last to a plaine confessing that both the names and offices of bishops and presbyters at first were the same , and in the scriptures no where distinguisht . this grants the remonstrant in the fift section of his desc● e , and in the preface to his last short answer . but what need respect he had whether he grant or grant it not , when as through all antiquity , and even in the lo● iest times of prelaty we finde it granted . ierome the learned'st of the fathers hides not his opinion , that custome only , which the proverbe cals a tyrant , was the maker of prelaty ; before his audacious workman● p the churches were rul'd in common by the presbyters , and such a certaine truth this was esteem'd , that it became a decree among the papall canons compil'd by gratian . ans● l me also of canturbury , who to uphold the points of his prelatisme made himselfe a traytor to his country , yet commenting the epistles to titus and the philippians acknowledges from the cleernesse of the text , what ierome and the church rubrick hath before acknowledg'd . he little dreamt then that the weeding-hook of reformation would after two ages pluck up his glorious poppy from insulting over the good corne . though since some of our brittish prelates seeing themselves prest to produce scripture , try all their cunning , if the new testament will not help them , to frame of their own heads as it were with wax a kinde of mimick bishop limm'd out to the life of a dead priesthood . or else they would straine us out a certaine figurative prelat , by wringing the collective allegory of those seven angels into seven single rochets . howsoever since it thus appeares that custome was the creator of prelaty being lesse ancient then the government of presbyters , it is an extreme folly to give them the hearing that tell us of bishops through so many ages : and if against their tedious muster of citations , sees , and successions , it be reply'd that wagers and church antiquities , such as are repugnant to the plaine dictat of scripture are both alike the arguments of fooles , they have their answer . we rather are to cite all those ages to an arraignment before the word of god , wherefore , and what pretending , how presuming they durst alter that divine institution of presbyter● , which the apostles who were no various and inconstant men surely had set up in the churches , and why they choose to live by custome and catalogue , or as s. paul saith by sight and visibility , rather then by faith ? but first i conclude from their owne mouthes that gods command in scripture , which doubtlesse ought to be the first and greatest reason of church-government , is wanting to prelaty . and certainly we have plenteous warrant in the doctrine of christ to determine that the want of this reason is of it selfe sufficient to confute all other pretences that may be brought in favour of it . chap. vi . that prelaty was not set up for prevention of schisme , as is pretended , or if it were , that it performes not wh● t it was first set up for , but quite the contrary . yet because it hath the outside of a specious reason , & specious things we know are aptest to worke with humane lightnesse and frailty , even against the soli● est truth , that sounds not plausibly , let us think it worth the examining for the love of infirmer christians , of what importance this their second reason may be . tradition they say hath taught them that for the prevention of growing schisme the bishop was heav'd above the presbyter . and must tradition then ever thus to the worlds end be the perpetuall cankerworme to eat out gods commandements ? are his decrees so inconsiderate and so fickle , that when the statutes of solon , or lycurgus shall prove durably good to many ages , his in 40 yeares shall be found defective , ill contriv'd , and for needfull causes to be alter'd ? our saviour and his apostles did not only foresee , but foretell and forewarne us to looke for schisme . is it a thing to be imagin'd of gods wisdome , or at least of apostolick prudence to set up such a government in the tendernesse of the church , as should incline , or not be more able then any other to oppose it selfe to schisme ? it was well knowne what a bold lurker schisme was even in the houshold of christ betweene his owne disciples and those of iohn the baptistabo● fasting : and early in the acts of the apostles the noise of schisme had almost drown'd the proclaiming of the gospell ; yet we rea● e not in scripture that any thought was had of making prelates , no not in those places where dissention was most rife . if prelaty had beene then esteem'd a remedy against schisme , where was it more needfull then in that great variance among the corinthians which s. paul so labour'd to reconcile ? and whose eye could have found the fittest remedy sooner then his ? and what could have made the remedy more available , then to have us'd it speedily ? and lastly what could have beene more necessary then to have written it for our instruction ? yet we see he neither commended it to us , nor us'd it himselfe . for the same division remaining there , or else bursting forth againe more then 20 yeares after s. pauls death , wee finde in clements epistle of venerable autority written to the yet factious corinthians , that they were still govern'd by presbyters . and the same of other churches out of hermas , and divers other the scholers of the apostles by the late industry of the learned salmatius appeares . neither yet did this worthy clement s. pauls disciple , though writing to them to lay aside schisme , in the least word advise them to change the presbyteriall government into prelaty . and therefore if god afterward gave , or permitted this insurrection of episcopacy , it is to be fear'd he did it in his wrath , as he gave the israelites a king . with so good a will doth he use to alter his own chosen government once establish'd . for marke whether this rare device of mans braine thus prefe● ' d before the ordinance of god , had better successe then fleshly wisdome not counseling with god is wont to have . so farre was it from removing schisme , that if schisme parted the congregations before , now it rent and mangl'd , now it ● ag'd . heresie begat heresie with a certaine monstrous haste of pregnancy in her birth , at once borne and bringing forth . contentions before brotherly were now hostile . men went to choose their bishop as they went to a pitcht field , and the day of his election was like the sacking of a city , sometimes ended with the blood of thousands . nor this among hereticks only , but men of the same beliefe , yea confessors , and that with such odious ambition , that eusebius in his eighth book testifies he abhorr'd to write . and the reason is not obscure , for the poore dignity or rather burden of a ● ochial presbyter could not ingage any great party , nor that to any deadly feud : but prelaty was a power of that extent , and sway , that if her election were popular , it was seldome not the cause of some faction or broil in the church . but if her dignity came by favour of some prince , she was from that time his creature , and obnoxious to comply with his ends in state were they right or wrong . so that in stead of finding prelaty an impeacher of schisme or faction , the more i search , the more i grow into all perswasion to think rather that faction and she as with a spousall ring are wedded together , never to be divorc't . but here let every one behold the just , and dreadfull judgement of god meeting with the a● dacious pride of man that durst offer to mend the ordinances of heaven . god out of the strife of men brought forth by his apostles to the church that beneficent and ever distributing office of deacons , the stewards and ministers of holy almes , man out of the pretended care of peace & unity being caught in the snare of his impious boldnesse to correct the will of christ , brought forth to himselfe upon the church that irreconcileable schisme of perdition and apostasy , the roman antichrist : for that the exaltation of the pope arose out of the reason of prelaty it cannot be deny'd . and as i noted before that the patterne of the high priest pleaded for in the gospel ( for take away the head priest the rest are but a carcasse ) sets up with better reason a pope , then an archbishop , for if prelaty must still rise and rise till it come to a primat , why should it stay there ? when as the catholick government is not to follow the division of kingdomes , the temple best representing the universall church , and the high priest the universall head ; so i observe here , that if to quiet schisme there must be one head of prelaty in a land or monarchy rising from a provinciall to a nationall primacy , there may upon better grounds of repressing schisme be set up one catholick head over the catholick church . for the peace and good of the church is not terminated in the schismelesse estate of one or two kingdomes , but should be provided for by the joynt consultation of all reformed christendome : that all controversie may end in the finall pronounce or canon of one arch-primat , or p● otestant pope . although by this meanes for ought i see , all the diameters of schisme may as well meet and be knit up in the center of one grand falshood . now let all impartiall men arbitrate what goodly inference these two maine reasons of the prelats have , that by a naturall league of consequence make more for the pope then for themsel● . yea to say more home are the very wombe for a new subantichrist to breed in ; if it be not rather the old force and power of the same man of sin counterfeiting protestant . it was not the prevention of schisme , but it was schisme it selfe , and the hatefull thirst of lording in the church that first bestow'd a being upon p● elaty ; this was the true cause , but the pretence is stil the same . the prelates , as they would have it thought , are the only mawls of schisme . forsooth if they be put downe , a deluge of innumerable sects will follow ; we shall be all brownists , familists anabaptists . for the word p● ritan seemes to be quasht , and all that heretofore were counted such , are now brownists . and thus doe they raise an evill report upon the expected reforming grace that god hath bi● us hope for , like those faithlesse spie● , whose carcasses shall perish in the wildernesse of their owne confused ignorance , and never taste the good of reformation . doe they keep away schisme ? if to bring a num and chil stupidity of soul , an unactive blindnesse of minde upon the people by thei● leaden doctrine , or no doctrine at all , if to persecute all knowing and zealous christians by the violence of their courts , be to keep away schisme , they keep away schisme indeed ; and by this kind of discipline all italy and spaine is as p● ely and politickly kept from schisme as england hath beene by them . with as good a plea might the dead pal● boast to a man , ti● i that free you from stitches and paines , and the troublesome feeling of cold & heat , of wounds and strokes ; if i were gone , all these would molest you . the winter might as well vaunt it selfe against the spring , i destroy all noysome and rank weeds , i keepe downe all pestilent vapours . yes and all wholesome herbs , and all fresh dews , by your violent & hid ● bound frost ; but when the gentle west winds shall open the fruitfull bosome of the earth thus over-gird● d by your imprisonment , then the flowers put forth and spring and then the s● ne shall scatter the mists , and the ma●ing hand of the tiller shall roo● up all that burdens the soile without thank to your bondage . but farre worse then any frozen captivity is the bondage of p● elates , for that other , if it keep down any thing which is good , within the earth , so doth it likewise that which is ill , but these let out freely the ill , and keep down the good , or else keepe downe the less● r ill , and let out the greatest . be asham'd at last to tell the parlament ye curbe schismaticks , when as they know ye cherish and side with papists , and are now as it were one party with them , and t is said they helpe to petition for ye . can we believe that your government strains in good earnest at the petty g● at s of schisme , when as we see it makes nothing to swallow the camel heresie of rome ; but that indeed your throat● are of the righ● pharisaical straine . where are those schismaticks with whom the prelats hold such hot skirmish ? shew us your acts , those glorious annals which your courts of loathed memory lately deceas'd have left us ? those schismaticks i doubt me wil be found the most of them such a● whose only schisme was to have spoke the truth against your high abominations and cruelties in the church ; this is the schisme ye hate most , the removall of your criminous hierarchy . a politick government of yours , and of a pleasant conceit , set up to remove those as a pretended schisme , that would remove you as a palpable heresie in government . if the schisme would pardon ye that , she might go jagg'd in as many cuts and ● lashes as she pleas'd for you . as for the rending of the church , we have many reasons to thinke it is not that which ye labour to prevent so much as the rending of your pontificall sleeves : that schisme would be the sorest schisme to you , that would be brownisme and an●baptisme indeed . if we go downe , say you , as if adrians wall were broke , a flood of sects will rush in . what sects ? what are their opinions ? give us the inventory ; it will appeare both by your former prosecutions and your present instances , that they are only such to speake of as are offended with your lawlesse government , your ceremonies , your liturgy , an extract of the masse book translated . but that they should be contemners of publick prayer , and churches us'd without superstition , i trust god will manifest it ere long to be as false a sl● nder , as your former slanders against the scots . noise it till ye be hoarse ; that a rabble of sects will come in , it will be answer'd ye , no rabble sir priest , but a unanimous multitude of good protestants will then joyne to the church , which now because of you stand separated . this will be the dreadfull consequence of your removall . as for those terrible names of sectaries and schismaticks which ye have got together , we know your manner of fight , when the quiver of your arguments which it ever thin , and weakly stor'd , after the first brunt is quite empty , your course is to be take ye to your other quiver of slander , wherein lyes your best archery . and whom ye could not move by sophisticall arguing , them you thinke to confute by scandalous misnaming . thereby inciting the blinder sort of people to mislike and deride sound doctrine and good christianity under two or three vile ● nd hatefull terms . but if we could easily indure and dissolve your doubtiest reasons in argument , we shall more easily beare the worst of your unreasonablenesse in calumny and false report . especially being foretold by christ , that if he our master were by your predecessors call'd samaritan and belzebub , we must not think it strange if his best disciples in the reformation , as at first by those of your tribe they were call'd lollards and hussites , so now by you be term'd puritans , and brownists . but my hope is that the people of england will not suffer themselves to be juggl'd thus out of their faith and religion by a mist of names cast before their eyes , but will search wisely by the scriptures , and look quite through this fraudulent aspersion of a disgracefull name into the things themselves : knowing that the primitive christians in their times were accounted such as are now call'd familists and adamites , or worse . and many on the prelatickside like the church of sardis have a name to live , and yet are dead ; to be protestants , and are indeed papists in most of their principles . thu● perswaded , this your old fallacy wee shall soone unmask , and quickly apprehend how you prevent schisme , and who are your schismatick● . but what if ye prevent , and hinder all good means of preventing schisme ? that way which the apostles us'd , was to call a councell ; from which by any thing that can be learnt from the fifteenth of the acts , no faithfull christian was debarr'd , to whom knowledge and piety might give entrance . of such a councell as this every parochiall consistory is a right homogeneous and constituting part being in it selfe as it were a little synod , and towards a generall assembly moving upon her own basis in an even and firme progression , as those smaller squares in battell unite in one great cube , the main phalanx , an embleme of truth and stedfastnesse . whereas on the other side prelaty ascending by a graduall monarchy from bishop to arch-bishop , from thence to p imat , and from thence , for there can be no reason yeilded neither in nature , nor in religion , wherefore , if it have lawfully mounted thus high , it should not be a lordly ascendent in the horoscope of the church , from primate to patriarch , and so to pope . i say prelaty thus ascending in a continuall pyramid upon pretence to perfect the churches unity , if notwithstanding it be found most needfull , yea the utmost helpe to dearn up the rents of schisme by calling a councell , what does it but teach us that prelaty is of no force to effect this work which she boasts to be her maister-peice ; and that her pyramid aspires and sharpens to ambition , not to ● erfection , or unity . this we know , that as often as any great schisme disparts the church , and synods be proclam'd , the presbyters ● ve as great right there , and as free vote of old , as the bishops , which the canon law conceals not . so that prelaty if she will seek to close up divisions in the church , must be forc't to dissolve , and unmake her own pyramidal figure , which she affirmes to be of such ● niting power , when as indeed it is the most dividing , and schism● icall forme that geometricians know of , and must be faine to inglobe , or incube her selfe among the presbyters ; which she hating to do , sends her haughty prelates from all parts with their fork● d miters , the badge of schisme or the stampe of his clov● n foot whom they serve i think , who according to their hierarchies ac● nating still higher and higher in a cone of prelaty , in stead of healing up the gas● es of the church , as it happens in such pointed bodies m● eting , fall to gore on● another with their sharpe spires for upper place , and precedence , till the councell it 〈◊〉 prove the greatest schisme of all . and thus they are so farre fro● hindring dissention , that they have made unprofitable , and eve● noysome the chiefest remedy we have to keep christendom at one , which is by councels : and these if wee rightly consider apostolick example , are nothing else but generall presbyteries . this seem'd so farre from the apostles to think much of , as if hereby their dignity were impair'd , that , as we may gather by those epistles of peter and iohn , which are likely to be latest written , when the church grew to a setling , like those heroick patricians of rome ( if we may use such comparison ) hasting to lay downe their dictatorship , they rejoys't to call themselves and to be as fellow elders among their brethren . knowing that their high office was but as the scaffolding of the church yet unbuilt , and would be but a troublesome disfigurement , so soone as the building was finis● . but the lofty minds of an age or two after , such was their small discerning , thought it a poore indignity , that the high rear'd government of the church should so on a sudden , as it seem'd to them , squat into a presbytery . next or rather before councels the timeliest prevention of schisme is to preach the gospell abundantly and powerfully throughout all the land , to instruct the youth religiously , to endeavour how the scriptures may be easiest understood by all men ; to all which the proceedings of these men have been on set purpose contrary . but how o prelats should you remove schisme , and how should you not remove and oppose all the meanes of removing schism ? when prelaty is a schisme it selfe from the most reformed and most flourishing of our neighbour churches abroad , and a sad subject of discord and offence to the whole nation 〈◊〉 home . the remedy which you alledge is the very disease we groan under ; and never can be to us a remedy but by removing it selfe . your predecessors were believ'd to assume this preeminence above their brethren only that they might appease dissention . now god and the church cals upon you , for the same reason to lay it down , as being to thousands of good men offensive , burdensome , intolerable . surrender that pledge which unlesse you sowlely us● rpt it , the church gave you , and now claimes it againe , for the reason she first lent it . discharge the trust committed to you prevent schisme , and that yeoan never do , but by discharging your selves . that government which ye hold , we con● esse pr● s much , hinders much 〈◊〉 move● much , but what th● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the church ? — no , but all the peace and unity , all the welfare not of the church alone , but of the whole kingdome . and if it be still permitted ye to hold , will cause the most sad i know not whether separation be anough to say , but such a wide gulph of distraction in this land as will never close her dismall gap , untill ye be forc't ( for of your selv● ye wil never do as that roman curtius nobly did ) for the churches peace & your countries , to leap into the midst , and be no more seen . by this we shal know whether yours be that ancient prelaty which you say was first constituted for the reducement of quiet & unanimity into the church , for thē you wil not delay ● o prefer that above your own preferment . if otherwise , we must be confident that your prelaty is nothing else but your ambition , an insole● t preferring of your selves above your brethren , and all your learned scraping in antiquity even to disturbe the bones of old aaron and his sonnes in their graves , is but to maintain and set upon our necks a stately and severe dignity , which you call sacred , and is nothing in very deed but a grave and reverent gluttony , a sanctimonious avarice , in comparison of which , all the duties and dearnesses which ye owe to god or to his church , to law , custome , or nature , ye have resolv'd to set at nought . i could put you in mind what counsell clement a fellow labourer with the apostles gave to the presbyters of corinth , whom the people though unjustly sought to remove . who among you saith he , is noble minded , who is pittifull , who is charitable , let him say thus , if for me this sedition , this enmity , these differences be , i willingly depart , i go my wayes , only let the flock of christ be at peace with the presbyters that are set over it . he that shall do this , saith he , shall get him great honour in the lord , and all places will receave him . this was clements counsell to good and holy men that they should depart rather from their just office , then by their stay , to ravle out the seamlesse garment of concord in the church . but i have better counsell to give the prelats , and farre more acceptable to their cares , this advice in my opinion is fitter for them . cling fast to your pontificall sees , bate not , quit your selves like barons , stand to the utmost for your haughty courts and votes in parliament . still tell us that you prevent schisme , though schisme and combustion be the very issue of your bodies your first born ; and set your country a bleeding in a prelaticall mutiny , to fight for your pompe , and that ill favour'd weed of temporall honour that sits dishonourably upon your laick shoulders , that ye may be fat and fleshy , swo● with high thoughts and big with mischievous designes , when god comes to visit 〈◊〉 you all this forescore yeares vexation of his church under your egyptian tyranny . for certainly of all those blessed soules which you have persecuted , and those miserable ones which you have lost ; the just vengeance does not sleepe . chap. vii . that those many sects and schismes by some suppos'd to be among us , and that rebellion in ireland , oug● t not to be a hindrancc , but a hastning of reformation . as for those many sects and divisions rumor'd abroad to be amongst us , it is not hard to perceave that they are partly the meere fictions and false alarmes of the prelates , thereby to cast amazements and panick terrors into the hearts of weaker christians that they should not venture to change the present deformity of the church for fear of i know not what worse inconveniencies . with the same objected feares and suspicions , we know that suttle prelat gardner sought to divert the first reformation . it may suffice us to be taught by s. paul that there must be f● cts for the manifesting of those that are sound hearted . these are but winds and flaws to try the floting vessell of our faith whether it be stanch and sayl well , whether our ballast be just , our anchorage and cable strong . by this is seene who lives by faith and certain knowledge , and who by credulity and the prevailing opinion of the age ; whose vertue is of an unchangeable graine , and whose of a slight wash . if god come to trie our constancy we ought not to shrink , or stand the lesse firmly for that , but passe on with more stedfast resolution to establish the truth though it were through a lane of sects and heresies o● each side . other things men do to the glory of god : but sects and errors it seems god suffers to be for the glory of good men , that the world may know and reverence their true fortitude and undaunted constancy in the truth . let ● s not therefore make these things an incumbrance , or an excuse of our delay in reforming which god sends us as an incitement to proceed with more honour and alacrity . for if there were no opposition where were the triall of an unfai● d goodnesse and magnanimity ? vertue that wavers is 〈◊〉 vertue , but vice revolted from i● selfe , and after a while returning . the actions of just and pious men do not darken in their middle course but solomon tels us they are as the shining light , that shineth more and more unto the perfet day . but if we shall suffer the trifling doubts and jealousies of future sects to overcloud the faire beginnings of purpos'st reformation , let us rather fear that another proverb of the same wiseman be not up● ided to us , that the way of the wicked is as darknesse , they stumble at they know not what . if sects and schismes be turbulent in the unseal'd estate of a church , while it lies under the amending hand , it best beseems our christian courage to think they are but as the throws and pangs that go before the birth of reformation , and that the work it selfe is now in doing . for if we look but on the nature of elementall and mixt things , we know they cannot suffer any change of one kind o● quality into another without the struggl of contrarietie● . and in thing● artificiall , seldome any elegance is wrought without a superfluous wast and refuse in the transaction . no marble statue can be po● itely carv'd , no fair edifice built without almost as much ● bbish and sweeping . insomuch that even in the spirituall conflict of s. pauls conversion there fell scales from his eyes that were not perceav'd before . no wonder then in the reforming of a church which is never brought to effect without the fierce encounter of truth and fashood together , if , as it were the splinters and shares of so violent a jousting , there fall from between the shock many fond errors and fanatick opinions , which when truth has the upper hand , and the reformation shall be perfet● d , will easily be rid out of the way , or kept so low , as that they shall be only the exercise of our knowledge , not the disturbance , or interruption of our faith . as for that which barcl● y in his image of minds writes concerning the horrible and barbarous conceits of englishmen in their religion . i deeme it spoken like what hee was , a fugitive papist traducing the hand whence he sprung . it may be more judiciously gather'd from hence , that the englishman of many other nations is least atheisticall , and bears a naturall disposition of much reverence and awe towards the deity ; but in hi● weaknesse and want of better instruction , which among us too f●quently is neglected , especially by the meaner sort turning the b● nt of his own wits with a scrupulous and ceaselesse care what he might do to informe himselfe a right of god and his worship , he may fall not unlikely sometimes as any otherland man into an uncouth opinion . and verily if we look ● t his native towardli● sse i● the roughcast without breeding , some nation or other may haply be better compos'd to a naturall civility , and right judgement the● he . but if he get the benefit once of a wise and well rectifi'd ●ture , which must first come in generall from the godly vigilance of the church , i suppose that where ever mention is made of countries manners , or men , the english people among the first that shall be prais'd , may deserve to be accounted a right pious , right honest , and right hardy nation . but thus while some stand dallying and deferring to reform for fear of that which should mainly hasten them forward , lest schism and error should encrease , we may now thank our selves and our delayes if instead of schism a bloody and inhumane rebellion be strook in between our slow movings . indeed against violent and powerfull opposition there can be no just blame of a lingring dispatch . but this i urge against those that discourse it for a maxim , as if the swift opportunities of establishing , or reforming religion , were to attend upon the ● eam of state businesse . in state many things at first are crude and hard to digest , which only time and deliberation can supple , and concoct . but in religion wherein i● no immaturity , nothing out of season , it goes farre otherwise . the doore of grace turnes upon smooth hinges wide opening to send out , but soon shutting to recall the precious offers of mercy to a nation : which unlesse watchfulnesse and zeale two quick-sighted and ready-handed virgins be there in our behalfe to receave , we loose : and still the of● er we loose , the straiter the doore opens , and the lesse is offer'd . this is all we get by demurring in gods service . t is not rebellion that ought to be the hindrance of reformation , but it is the want of this which is the cause of that . the prelats which boast themselves the only bridle● of schisme god knows have been so cold and backward both there and with us to represse heresie and idolatry , that either through their carelessenesse or their craft all this mischiefe is befal● . what can the irish subject do lesse in gods just displeasure against us , then revenge upon english bodies the little care that our prelate have had of their souls . nor hath their negligence been new in that iland but ever notorious in queen elizabeths dayes , as camden their known friend forbears not to complain . yet so little are they touch● with remorce of these their cruelties , for these cruelties are theirs , the bloody revenge of those souls which they have famisht , that wh● s against our brethren the scot● , who by their upright and loyall and loyall deed● have now bought themselves a● honourable name to posterity , whatsoever malice by slander could invent , rag● i● hostility attempt , they greedily attempted , toward these murd● ous irish the enemies of god and mankind , a cursed off-spring of their own connivence , no man takes notice but that they seeme to be very calmely and indifferently affected . where then should we begin to extinguish a rebellion that hath his cause from the misgovernment of the church , where ? but at the churches reformation , and the removall of that government which pe● sues and war● es with all good christians under the name of schismaticks , but maintains and fosters all papists and idolaters 〈◊〉 tolerable christians . and if the sacred bible may be our light , we are neither without example , nor the witnesse of god himselfe , that the corrupted estate of the church is both the cause of tumult , and civill warres , and that to stint them , the peace of the church must first be s●l'd . now for a long season , saith azariah to king asa , israel hath 〈◊〉 without the true god , and without a teaching priest , and without , law ; and in those times there was no peace to him that went out , ● or to hi● that came in , but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the countries . and nation was destroy'd of nation , and city of city , f● god did vex them with all adversity . be ye strong therefore , saith he to the reformers of that age , and let not your hands be weake , for your worke shall bee rewarded . and in those prophets that liv'd in the times of reformation after the captivity often doth god stirre up the people to consider that while establishment of church matters was neglected , and put off , there was no peace to him that went out or came in , for i , saith god , had set all men every one against his neigbour . but from the very day forward that they went seriously , and effectually about the welfare of the church , he tels them that they themselves might perceave the sudden change of things into a prosperous and peacefull condition . but it will here be said that the reformation is a long work , and the miseries of ireland are urgent of a speedy redresse . they be indeed ; and how speedy we are , the poore afflicted remnant of our martyr'd countrymen that sit there on the sea-shore , counting the houres of our delay with their sighs , and the minuts with their falling teares , perhaps with the destilling of their bloody wounds , if they have not quite by this time cast off , and almost curst the vain hope of our founder'd ships , and aids , can best judge how speedy we are to their reliefe . but let their succors be hasted , as all need and reason is , and let not therefore the reformation which is the chiefest cause of successe and victory be still procrastinated . they of the captivity in their greatest extremities could find both counsell and hands anough at once to build , and to expect the enemies assault . and we for our parts a populous and mighty nation must needs be faln into a strange plight either of effeminacy , or confusion , if ireland that was once the conquest of one single earle with his privat forces , and the small assistance of a petty kernish prince , should now take up all the wisdome and prowesse of this potent monarchy to quell a barbarous crew of r● bels , whom if we take but the right course to subdue , that is beginning at the reformation of our church , their own horrid murders and rapes , will so fight against them , that the very sutler● and horse boyes of the campe will be able to rout and chase them without the staining of any noble sword . to proceed by other method in this enterprize , be our captains and commanders never so expert , will be as great an error in the art o● warre , as any novice in souldiership ever committed . and thus i leave it as a declared truth , that neither the feare of sects no nor rebellion can be a fit plea to stay reformation , but rather to push it forward with all possible diligence and speed . the second book . how happy were it for this frail , and as it may be truly call'd , mortall life of man , since all earthly things which have the name of good and convenient in our daily use , are withall so cumbersome and full of trouble if knowledge yet which is the best and , lightsomest possession of the mind , were as the common saying is , no burden , and that what it wanted of being a load to any part of the body , it did not with a heavie advantage overlay upon the spirit . for not to speak of that knowledge that rests in the contemplation of naturall causes and dimensions , which must needs be a lower wisdom , as the object is low , certain it is that he who hath obtain'd in more then the scantest measure to know any thing distinctly of god , and of his true worship , and what is infallibly good and happy in the state of mans life , what in it selfe evil and miserable , though vulgarly not so esteem'd , he that hath obtain'd to know this , the only high valuable wisdom indeed , remembring also that god even to a strictnesse requires the improvment of these his entrusted gifts cannot but sustain a sore● burden of mind , and more pressing then any supportable toil , or waight , which the body can labour under ; how and in what manner he shall dispose and employ those summes of knowledge and illumination , which god hath sent him into this world to trade with . and that which aggravats the burden more is , that having receiv'd amongst his allotted parcels certain pretious truths of such an orient lustre as no diamond can equall , which never the lesse he has in charge to put off at any cheap rate , yea for nothing to them that will , the great marchants of this world searing that this cours would soon discover , and disgrace the fals glitter of their deceitfull wares wherewith they abuse the people , like poor indians with beads and glasses , practize by all means how they may suppresse the venting of such rarities and such a cheapnes as would undoe them , and turn their trash upon their hands . therefore by gratifying the corrupt desi● of men in fleshly doctrines , they stirre them up to persecute with hatred and contempt all those that seek to bear themselves uprightly in this their spiritual factory : which they forseeing though they cannot but testify of tr● th and the excellence of t● at heavenly traffick which they bring against what opposition , or danger soever , yet needs must it sit heavily upon their spirits , that being in gods prime intention and their own , selected heralds of peace , and dispensers of treasures inestimable without price to them that have no pence , they finde in the discharge of their commission that they are made the greatest variance and offence , a very sword and fire both in house and city over the whole earth . this is that which the sad prophet ieremiah laments , wo is me my mother , that thou hast born me a man of strife , and contention . and although divine inspiration must certainly have been sweet to those ancient profets , yet the irksomnesse of that truth which they brought was so unpleasant to them , that every where they call it a burden . yea that mysterious book of revelation which the great evangelist was bid to eat , as it had been some eye-brightning electuary of knowledge , and foresight , though it were sweet in his mouth , and in the learning , it was bitter in his belly ; bitter in the denouncing . nor was this hid from the wise poet sophocles , who in that place of his tragedy where tirefias is call'd to resolve k. edipus in a matter which he knew would be grievous , brings him in bemoaning his lot , that he knew more then other men . for surely to every good and peaceable man it must in nature needs be a hatefull thing to be the displeaser , and molester of thousands ; much better would it like him doubtlesse to be the messenger of gladnes and contentment , which is his chief intended busines , to all mankind , but that they resist and oppose their own true happinesse . but when god commands to take the trumpet and blow a dolorous or a jarring blast , it lies not in mans will what he shall say , or what he shall conceal . if he shall think to be silent , as ieremiah did , because of the reproach and derision he met with daily , and all his familiar friends watcht for his halting to be reveng'd on him for speaking the truth , he would be forc'● to confesse as he confest , his word was in my heart as a burning fire shut up in my bones , i was weary with forbearing , and could not stay . which might teach these times not suddenly to condemn all things that are sharply spoken , or vehemently written , as proceeding out of stomach , virulence and ill nature , but to consider rather that if the prelats have leav to say the worst that can be said , and doe the worst that can be don , while they strive to keep to themselves to their great pleasure and commodity those things which they ought to render up , no man can be justly offended with him that shall endeavour to impart and bestow without any gain to himselfe those sharp , but saving words which would be a terror , and a torment in him to keep back . for me i have determin'd to lay up as the best treasure , and solace of a good old age , if god voutsafe it me , the honest liberty of free speech from my youth , where i shall think it available in so dear a concernment as the churches good . for if i be either by disposition , or what other cause too inquisitive , or suspitious of my self and mine own doings , who can help it ? but this i foresee , that should the church be brought under heavy oppression , and god have given me ability the while to reason against that man that should be the author of so foul a deed , or should she by blessing from above on the industry and courage of faithfull men change this her distracted estate into better daies without the lest furtherance or contribution of those few talents which god at that present had lent me , i foresee what stories i should heare within my selfe , all my life after , of discourage and reproach . timorous and ingratefull , the church of god is now again at the foot of her insulting enemies : and thou bewailst , what matters it for thee or thy bewailing ? when time was , thou couldst not find a syllable of all that thou hadst read , or studied , to utter in her behalfe . yet ease and leasure was given thee for thy retired thoughts out of the sweat of other men . thou hadst the diligence the parts , the language of a man , if a vain subject were to be adorn'd or beautifi'd , but when the cause of god and his church was to be pleaded , for which purpose that tongue was given thee which thou hast , god listen'd if he could heare thy voice among his zealous servants , but thou wert domb as a beast ; from hence forward be that which thine own brutish silence hath made thee . or else i should have heard on the other care , slothfull , and ever to be set light by , the church hath now overcom her late distresses after the unwearied labours of many her true servants that stood up in her defence ; thou also wouldst take upon thee to share amongst them of their joy : but wherefore tho● where canst thou shew any word or deed of thine which might have ha● ten'd her peace ; whatever thou dost now talke ; or write , or look is the almes of other me● active prudence and zeale . dare not now to say , or doe any thing better then thy former sloth and infancy , or if thou darst , thou dost impudently to make a thrifty purchase of boldnesse to thy selfe out of the painfull merits of other men : what before was thy sin , is now thy duty to be , abject , and worthlesse . these and such like lessons as these , i know would have been my matins duly , ● nd my even-song . but now by this litle diligence , mark what a privilege i have gain'd ; with good men and saints to clame my right of lamenting the tribulations of the church , if she should suffer , when others that have ventur'd nothing for her sake , have not the honour to be admitted mourners . but if she lift up her drooping head and prosper , among those that have something more then wisht her welfare , i have my charter and freehold of rejoycing to me and my heires . concerning therefore this wayward subject against prelaty , the touching whereof is so distastfull and disquietous to a number of men , as by what hath been said i may deserve of charitable readers to be credited , that neither envy nor gall hath ente● d me upon this controversy , but the enforcement of conscience only , and a preventive fear least the omitting of this duty should be against me when i would store up to my self the good provision of peacefull hours , so lest it should be still imputed to me , as i have found i● hath bin , that some self-pleasing humor of vain-glory hath incited me to contest with men of high estimation now while green yeer● are upon my head , from this needlesse sor● isall i shall hope to disswade the intelligent and equal auditor , if i can but say succesfully that which in this exigent behoovs me , although i would be heard only , if it might be , by the elegant & learned reader , to whom principally for a while i shal beg leav i may addresse my selfe . to him it will be no new thing though i tell him that if i hunted after praise by the ostentation of wit and learning , i should not write thus out of mine own season , when i have neither yet compleated to my minde the full circle of my private studies , although i complain not of any insufficiency to the matter in hand , or were i ready to my wishes , it were a folly to cōmit any thing elaborately compos'd to the carelesse and interrupted listening of these tumultuous timer . next if i were wise only to mine own ends , i would certainly take such a subject as of it self might catch applause , whereas this hath all the disadvantages on the contrary , and such a subject as the publishing whereof might be delayd at pleasure , and time enough to pencill it over with all the curious touches of art , even to the perfection of a faultlesse picture , whenas in this argument the not deferring is of great moment to the good speeding , that if solidity have leisure to doe her office , art cannot have much . lastly , i should not chuse this manner of writing wherin knowing my self inferior to my self , led by the genial power of nature to another task , i have the use , as i may account it , but of my left hand . and though i shall be foolish in saying more to this purpose , yet since it will be such a folly as wisest men going about to commit , have only confest and so committed , i may trust with more reason , because with more folly to have courteous pardon . for although a poet soaring in the high region of his fancies with his garland and singing robes about him might without apology speak more of himself then i mean to do , yet for me sitting here below in the cool element of prose , a mortall thing among many readers of no empyreall conceit , to venture and divulge unusual things of my selfe , i shall petition to the gentler sort , it may not be envy to me . i must say therefore that after i had from my first yeeres by the ceaselesse diligence and care of my father , whom god recompence , bin exercis'd to the tongues , and some sciences , as my age would suffer , by sundry masters and teachers both at home and at the schools , it was found that whether ought was impos'd me by them that had the overlooking , or betak'n to of mine own choise in english , or other tongue prosing or versing , but chiefly this latter , the stile by certain vital signes it had , was likely to live . but much latelier in the privat academies of italy , whither i was favor'd to resort , perceiving that some trifles which i had in memory , compos'd at under twenty or thereabout ( for the manner is that every one must give some proof of his wit and reading there ) met with acceptance above what was lookt for , and other things which i had shifted in scarsity of books and conveniences to patch up amongst them , were receiv'd with written encomiums , which the italian is not forward to bestow on men of this side the alps , i began thus farre to assent both to them and divers of my friends here at home , and not lesse to an inward prompting which now grew daily upon me , that by labour and intent study ( which i take to be my portion in this life ) joyn'd with the strong propensity of nature , i might perhaps leave something so written to aftertimes , as they should not willingly let it die . these thoughts at once possest me , and these other . that if i were certain to write as men buy leases , for three lives and downward , there ought no regard be sooner had , then to gods glory by the honour and instruction of my country . for which cause , and not only for that i knew it would be hard to arrive at the second rank among the latines , i apply'd my selfe to that resolution which aristo follow'd against the perswasions of bembo , to fix all the industry and art i could unite to the adorning of my native tongue ; not to make verbal curiosities the end , that were a toylsom vanity , but to be an interpreter & relater of the best and sagest things among mine own citizens throughout this iland in the mother dialect . that what the greatest and choycest wits of athens , rome , or modern italy , and those hebrews of old did for their country , i in my proportion with this over and above of being a christian , might doe for mine : not caring to be once nam'd abroad , though perhaps i could attaine to that , but content with these british ilands as my world , whose fortune hath hitherto bin , that if the athenians , 〈◊〉 some say , made their small deeds great and renowned by their eloquent writers , england hath had her noble atchievments made small by the unskilfull handling of monks and mechanick● . time serv● not now , and perhaps i might seem too profuse to give any certain account of what the mind at home in the spacious circuits of her musing hath liberty to propose to her self , though of highest hope , and hardest attempting , whether that epick form whereof the two poems of homer , and those other two of virgil and tasso are a diffuse , and the book of iob a brief model● or whether the rules of aristotle herein are strictly to be kept , or nature to be follow'd , which in them that know art , and use judgement is no transgression , but an inriching of art . and lastly what k or knight before the conquest might be chosen in whom to lay the pattern of a christian heroe . and as tasso gave to a prince of italy his chois whether he would command him to write of godfreys expedition against the infidels , or belisarius against the gothes , or charlemain against the lombards ; if to the instinct of nature and the imboldning of art ought may be trusted , and that there be nothing advers in our climat , or the fate of this age , it haply would be no rashnesse from an equal diligence and inclination to present the like offer in our own ancient stories . or whether those dramatick constitutions , wherein sophocles and euripides raigne shall be found more doctrinal and exemplary to a nation , the scripture also affords us a divine pastoral drama in the song of salomon consisting of two persons and a double chorus , as origen rightly judges . and the apocalyps of saint iohn is the majestick image of a high and stately tragedy , shutting up and intermingling her solemn scenes and acts with a sevenfold chorus of halleluja's and harping symphonies : and this my opinion the grave autority of pare● commenting that booke is sufficient to confirm . or if occasion shall lead to imitat those magnifick odes and hymns wherein pin●darus and callimachus are in most things worthy , some others in their frame judicious , in their matter most an end faulty : but those frequent songs throughout the law and prophets beyond all these , not in their divine argument alone , but in the very critical art of composition may be easily made appear over all the kinds of lyrick poesy , to be incomparable . these abilities , wheresoever they be found , are the inspired guift of go● rarely bestow'd , but yet to some ( though most abuse ) in every nation : and are of power beside the office of a pulpit , to inbreed and cherish in a great people the seeds of vertu , and publick civility , to allay the perturbations of the mind , and set the affections in right tune , to celebrate in glorious and lofty hymns the throne and equipage of gods almightinesse , and what he works , and what he suffers to be wrought with high providence in his church , to sing the victorious agonies of martyrs and saints , the deeds and triumphs of just and pious nations doing valiantly through faith against the enemies of christ , to deplore the general relapses of kingdoms and states from justice and gods true worship . lastly , whatsoever in religion is holy and sublime , in vertu amiable , or grave , whatsoever hath passion or admiration in all the changes of that which is call'd fortune from without , or the wily suttleties and refluxes of mans thoughts from within , all these things with a solid and treatable smoothnesse to paint out and describe . teaching over the whole book of sanctity and vertu through all the instances of example with such delight to those especially of soft and delicious temper who will not so much as look upon truth herselfe , unlesse they see her elegantly drest , that whereas the paths of honesty and good life appear now rugged and difficult , though they be indeed easy and pleasant , they would then appeare to all men both easy and pleasant though they were rugged and difficult indeed . and what a benefit this would be to our youth and gentry , may be soon guest by what we know of the corruption and bane which they suck in dayly from the writings and interludes of libidinous and ignorant poetasters , who having scars ever heard of that which is the main consistence of a true poem , the choys of such persons as they ought to introduce , and what is morall and decent to each one , doe for 〈◊〉 most part lap up vitious principles in sweet pils to be swallow'd down , and make the tast of vertuous documents harsh and sowr . but because the spirit of man cannot demean it selfe lively in this body without some recreating intermission of labour , and serious things , it were happy for the common wealth , if our magistrates , as in those famous governments of old , would take into their care , not only the deciding of our contentious law cases and brauls , but the managing of our publick sports , and festival pastimes , that they might be , not such as were autoriz'd a while since , the provaction● of drunkennesse and lust , but such as may inure and harden o● bodies by martial exercises to all warlike skil and performance , and may civilize , adom and make discreet our minds by the learned and affable meeting of frequent academies , and the procurement of wise and artfull recitations sweetned with ● oquent and gracefull inticements to the love and practice of justice , temperance and fortitude , instructing and bettering the nation at all opportunities , that the call of wisdom and vertu may be heard every where , a●salomon saith , she crieth without , she uttereth her voice in the streets , in the top of high places , in the chief concours , and in the openings of the gates . whether this may not be not only in pulpits , but after another persuasive method , at set and solemn paneguries , in theaters , porches , or what other place , or way may win most upon the people to receiv at once both recreation , & instruction , let them in autority consult . the thing which i had to say , and those intentions which have liv'd within me ever since i could conceiv my self any thing worth to my countrie , i return to crave excuse that urgent reason hath pluckt from me by an abortive and foredated discovery . and the accom● lishment of them lies not but in a power above mans to promise ; but that none hath by more studious ways endeavour'd , and with more unwearied spirit that none shall , that i dare almost averre of my self , as farre as life and free leasure will extend , and that the land had once infranchis'd her self from this impertinent yoke of prelaty , under whose inquisitorins and tyra● ical duncery no free and splendid wit can flourish . neither doe i think it shame to covnant with any knowing reader , that for some few yeers yet i may go on trust with him toward the payment of what i am now indebted , as being a work not to be rays'd from the heat of youth , or the vapours of wine , like that which flows at wast from the pen of some vulgar ● word● , or the trencher fury of a riming parasite , nor to be obtain'd by the invocation of dame memory and her siren daughters , but by devout prayer to that eternall spirit who can enrich with all utterance and knowledge , and sends out his seraphim with the hallow'd fire of his altar to touch and purify the lips of whom he pleases : to this must be added industrious and select reading , steddy observation , insight into all seemly and generous arts and affaires , till which in some measure be compast , at mine own peril and cost i refuse not to sustain this expectation from as many as are not loath to hazard so much credulity upon the best pledges that i can g● ve them . although it nothing content me to have disclos'd thus much before hand , but that i trust hereby to make it manifest with what small willingnesse i endure to interrupt the pursuit of no lesse hopes then these , and leave a calme and pleasing solitaryn● s fed with cherful and confident thou● hts , to imbark in a troubl'd sea of noises and hoars disputes , put from beholding the bright countenance of truth in the quiet and still air of delightfull studies to come into the dim reflexion of hollow antiquities sold by the seeming bulk , and there be fain to club quotations with men whose learning and beleif lies in marginal stuffings , who when they have like good sumpter● laid ye down their hors load of citations and fathers at your dore , with a rapsody of who and who were bishops here or there , ye may take off their packsaddles , their days work is don , and episcopacy , a● they think , stoutly vindicated . let any gentle apprehension that can distinguish learned pains from unlearned drudgery , imagin what pleasure or profoundnesse can be in this , or what honour to deaf against such adversaries . but were it the meanest under-service , if god by his secretary conscience injoyn it , it were sad for me if i should draw back , for me especially , now when all men offer their aid to help ease and enlighten the difficult labours of the church , to whose service by the intentions of my parents and friends i was destin'd of a child , and in mine own resolutions , till comming to some maturity of yeers and perceaving what tyranny had invaded the church , that he who would take orders must subscibe slave , and take an oath withall , which unlesse he took with a conscience that would ● etch he must either strait perjure , or split his faith , i thought it better to preferre a blamelesse silence before the sacred office of speaking bought , and begun with servitude and forswearing . howsoever thus church-outed by the prelats , hence may appear the right i have to meddle in these matters , as before , the necessity and constraint appear'd . chap. i. that prelaty opposeth the reason and end of the gospel three ways , and first in her outward form . after this digression it would remain that i should single o● some other reason which might undertake for prelaty to be a fit and lawfull church-government ; but finding none of like validity with these that have alredy sped according to their fortune , i shall adde one reason why it is not to be thought a church-government at all , but a church-tyranny , and is at hostile terms with the end and reason of christs evangelick ministery . albeit i must confesse to be half in doubt whether i should bring it forth or no , it being so contrary to the eye of the world , and the world so potent in most mens hearts , that i shall endanger either not to be regarded , or not to be understood . for who is ther almost that measures wisdom by simplicity , strength by suffering , dignity by lowlinesse , who is there that counts it first , to be last , somthing to be nothing , and reckons himself of great command in that he is a servant ? yet god when he meant to subdue the world and hell a● once , part of that to salvation , and this wholy to perdition , made chois of no other weapons , or auxiliaries then these whether to save , or to destroy . it had bin a small maistery for him , to have drawn out his legions into array , and flankt them with his thunder ; therefore he sent foolishnes to confute wisdom , weaknes to bind strength , despisednes to vanquish pride . and this is the great mistery of the gospel made good in christ himself , who as he testifies came not to be minister'd to , but to minister ; and must he fulfil'd in all his ministers till his second comming . to goe against these principles s. paul so fear'd , that if he should but affect the wisdom of words in his preaching , he thought it would be laid to his charge , that he had made the crosse of christ to be of none effect whether then prelaty do not make of none effect the crosse of christ by the principles it hath so contrary to these , nullifying the power and end of the gospel , it shall not want due proof , if it want not due belief . neither shal i stand to trifle with one that will tell me of quiddities and formalities , whether prelaty or prelateity in abstract notion be this or that , it suffices me that i find it in his ● kin , so i find it inseparable , or not oftner otherwise then a pheni● hath bin seen ; although i perswade me that whatever faultines was but superficial to prelaty at the beginning , is now by the just judgment of god long since branded and inworn into the very essence therof . first therefore , if to doe the work of the gospel christ ou● lord took upon him the form of a servant , how can his servant in this ministery take upon him the form of a lord ? i know bils● hath decipher'd us all the galanteries of signore and monsignore , and monsieur as circumstantially as any punctualist of casteel , naples , or fountain blea● could have don , but this must not so complement us out of our right minds , as to be to learn that the form of a servant was a mean , laborious and vulgar life aptest to teach ; which form christ thought fittest , that he might bring about his will according to his own principles choosing the meaner things of this world that he might put under the high . now whether the pompous garb , the lordly life , the wealth , the haughty distance of prelaty be those meaner things of the world , wherby god in them would manage the mystery of his gospel , be it the verdit of common sense . for christ saith in s. iohn , the servant is not greater then his lord , nor he that is sent greater then he that sent him . and addes , if ye know these things , happy are ye if ye do● them . then let the prelates well advise , if they neither know , nor do these things , or if they know , and yet doe them not , wherin their happines consists . and thus is the gospel frustrated by the lordly form of prelaty . chap. ii. that the ceremonius doctrin of prelaty opposeth the reason and end of the gospel . that which next declares the heavenly power , and reveales the deep mistery of the gospel , is the pure simplicity of doctrine accounted the foolishnes of this world , yet crossing and confounding the pride and wisdom of the flesh . and wherin consists this fleshly wisdom and pride ? in being altogether ignorant of god and his worship ? no surely , for men are naturally asham'd of th● . where then ? it consists in a bold presumption of ordering the worship and service of god after mans own will in traditions and ceremonies . now if the pride and wisdom of the flesh were to be defeated and confounded , no doubt , but in that very point wherin it was proudest and thought it self wisest , that so the victory of the gospel might be the more illustrious . but our prelats instead of expressing the spirituall power of their ministery by warring against this chief bulwark and strong hold of the flesh , have enter'd into fast league with the principall enemy against whom they were se● , and turn'd the strength of fleshly pride and wisdom against the pure simplicity of saving truth . first , mistrusting to find the autority of their or● er in the immediat institution of christ , or his apostles by the cleer evidence of scripture , they fly to the c● nal supportment of tradition : when we appeal to the bible , they to the unweildy volumes of tradition . and doe not shame to reject the ordinance of him that is eternal for the pervers iniquity of sixteen hunderd yeers ; choosing rather to think truth it self a lyar , the● that sixteen ages should be taxe with an error ; not considering the general a postasy that was foretold , and the churches flight into the wildernes . nor is this anough , instead of shewing the reason of their lowly condition from divine example and command , they seek to prove their high pre-eminence from humane consent and autority . but let them chaunt while they will of prerogatives , we shall tell them of scripture ; of custom , we of scripture ; of acts and statutes , stil of scripture , til the quick and pearcing word enter to the dividing of their soules , & the mighty weaknes of the gospel throw down the weak mightines of mans reasoning . now for their demeanor within the church , how have they disfigur'd and defac't that more then angelick brightnes , the unclouded serenity of christian religion with the dark overcasting of superstitious coaps and flaminical vestures ; wearing on their backs ; and , i abhorre to think , perhaps in some worse place the unexpressible image of god the father . tell me ye priests wherfore this gold , wherfore these roabs and surplices over the gospel● is our religion guilty of the first trespasse , and hath need of cloathing to cover her nakednesse ? whatdoes this else but hast an ignominy upon the perfection of christs ministery by seeking to adorn it with that which 〈◊〉 the poor remedy of our ● word● . ● eleive it , wondrous doctors , all corporeal resemblances of inward holinesse & beauty are now past ; he that will cloath the gospel now , intimates plainly , that the gospel is naked , uncomely , that i may not say reproachfull . do not , ye church maskers , while christ is cloathing upon our barenes with his righteous garment to make us acceptable in his fathers fight , doe not , as ye do , cover and hide his righteous verity with the polluted cloathing of your ceremonies to make it seem more decent in your own eyes . how beautifull , saith isaiah , are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings , that publisheth salvation ! are the feet so beautifull , and is the very bringing of these tidings so decent of it self ? what new decency then can be added to this by your spinstry ? ye think by these gaudy glisterings to stirre up the devotion of the rude multitude ; ye think so , because ye forsake the heavenly teaching of s. paul for the hellish sophistry of papism . if the multitude be rude , the lips of the preacher must give knowledge , and not ceremonies . and although some christians be new born babes comparatively to some that are stronger , yet in respect of ceremony which is but a rudiment of the law , the weakest christian hath thrown off the robes of his minority , and is a perfect man , as to legal rites . what childrens food there is in the gospel we know to be no other then the sincerity of the word that they may grow thereby . but is heer the utmost of your outbraving the service of god ? no . ye have bin bold , not to set your threshold by his threshold , or your posts by his posts , but your sacrament , your ● igne , call it what you will , by his sacrament , baptizing the christian infant with a solemne sprinkle , and unbaptizing for your own part with a profane and impious forefinger : as if when ye had layd the purifying element upon his forehead , ye meant to cancel and crosse it out again with a caracter not of gods bidding . o but the innocence of these ceremonies ! o rather the fottish absurdity of this excuse ! what could be more innocent then the washing of a cup , a glasse , or hands before meat , and that under the law when so many washings were commanded , and by long tradition , yet our saviour detested their customes though never so seeming harmlesse , and charges them severely that they had transgrest the commandments of god by their traditions and worshipt him in vain . how much more then must these , and much grosser ceremonies now in force delude the end of christs comming in the flesh against the flesh , and stifle the sincerity of our new cov'nant which hath bound us to forsake all carnall pride and wisdom especially in matters of religion . thus we see again how prelaty sayling in opposition 〈◊〉 the main end and power of the gospel doth not joyn in that ●sterious work of christ , by lowlines to confound height , by simplicity of doctrin the wisdom of the world , but contrariwise hath made it self high in the world and the flesh to vanquish things by the world accounted low , and made it self wise in tradition and fleshly ceremony to confound the purity of doctrin which is the wisdom of god . chap. iii. that prelatical jurisdiction opposeth the reason and end of the gospel and of state . the third and last consideration remains , whether the prelats in their function doe work according to the gospel practizing to subdue the mighty things of this world by things weak : which s. paul hath set forth to be the power and excellence of the gospel , or whether in more likelihood they band themselves with the prevalent things of this world to overrun the weak things which christ hath made chois to work by : and this will soonest be discern'd by the cours of their jurisdiction . but heer again i find my thoughts almost in suspense betwixt yea and no , and am nigh turning mine eye which way i may best retire , and not proceed in this subject , blaming the ardency of my mind that fixt me too attentively to come thus farre . for truth , i know not how , hath this unhappinesse fatall to her , ere she can come to the triall and inspection of the understanding , being to passe through many little wards and limits of the severall affections and desires , she cannot shift it , but must put on such colours and attire , as those pathetick handmaids of the soul please to lead her in to their queen . and if she find so much favour with them , they let her passe in her own likenesse ; if not , they bring her into the presence habited and colour'd like a notorious falshood . and contrary when any falshood comes that way , if they like the ● rrand she brings , they are so artfull to counterfeit the very shape and visage of truth , that the understanding not being able to discern the ● ucus which these inchantresses with such cunning have laid upon the feature sometimes of truth , sometimes of falshood interchangeably , sentences for the most part one for the other at the first blush , according to the suttle imposture of these sensual mistresses that keep the port● and passages between her and the object . so that were it not for leaving imperfect that which is already said , i should goe neer to relinquish that which is to follow . and because i see that most men , as it happens in this world , either weakly , or falsly principl'd , what through ignorance , and what through custom of licence , both in discours and writing , by what hath bin of late written in vulgar , have not seem'd to attain the decision of this point , i shall likewise assay those wily arbitresses who in most men have , as was heard , the sole ushering of truth and falshood between the sense , and the soul , with what loyalty they will use me in conuoying this truth to my understanding ; the rather for that by as much acquaintance as i can obtain with them , i doe not find them engag'd either one way or other . concerning therfore ecclefial jurisdiction , i find still more controversie , who should administer it , then diligent enquiry made to learn what it is , for had the pains bin taken to search out that , it had bin long agoe enroul'd to be nothing el● but a pure tyrannical forgery of the prelats ; and that jurisdictive power in the church there ought to be none at all . it cannot be conceiv'd that what men now call jurisdiction in the church , should be other thing then a christian censorship ; and therefore is it most commonly and truly nam'd ecclesiastical censure . now if the roman censor a civil function , to that severe assise of survaying and controuling the privatest , and sliest manners of all men and all degrees had no jurisdiction , no courts of plea , or inditement , no punitive force annext , whether it were that to this manner of correction the intanglement of suits was improper , or that the notic● of those upright inquisitors extended to such the most covert and spiritous vices as would slip easily between the wider and mo● e material grasp of law ; or that it stood more with the majesty of that office to have no other serjeants or maces about them but thos● invisible ones of terror and shame : or lastly , were it their feare , lest the greatnes of this autority and honour arm'd with jurisdiction might step with ease into a tyranny . in all these respects with much more reason undoubtedly ought the censure of the church be quite devested and disintal'd of all jurisdiction whatsoever . for if the cours of judicature to a political censorship seem either too tedious , or too contentions , much more may it to the discipline of church whose definitive decrees are to be speedy , but the execution of rigour slow , contrary to what in legal proceedings is mo● usual , and by how much the lesse contentious it is , by so much will it be the more christian . and if the censor in his morall episcopy being to judge most in matters not answerable by writ or action could not use an instrument so grosse and bodily as jurisdiction is , how can the minister of gospel manage the corpulent and secular trial of bill and processe in things meerly spiritual . or could that roman office without this juridical sword or saw strike such a reverence of it self into the most undaunted hearts , as with one single dash of ignominy to put all the senate and knighthood of r● into a tremble , surely much rather might the heavenly ministery of the evangel bind her self about with farre more pearcing beams of majesty and aw by wanting the beggarly help of halings and amercements in the use of her powerful keies . for when the church without temporal support is able to doe her great works upon the unforc't obedience of men , it argues a divinity about her . but when she thinks to credit and better her spirituall efficacy , and to win her self respect and dread by strutting in the fals visard of worldly autority , t is evident that god is not there ; but that her apostolick vertu is departed from her , and hath left her key-cold . which she perceaving as in a decay'd nature seeks to the outward fomentations and chafings of worldly help , and external flourishes , to fetch , if it be possible , some motion into her extream parts , orto hatch a counterfeit life with the crafty and arteficial heat of jurisdiction . but it is observable that so long as the church in tr● e imitat● on of christ can be content to ride upon an asse carrying her self and her government along in a mean and simple guise , she may be as he is , a lion of the tribe of iuda , and in her humility all men with loud hosanna's will confesse her greatnes . but when despising the mighty operation of the spirit by the weak things of this world she thinks to make her self bigger and more considerable by using the way of civil force and jurisdiction , as she sits upon this lion she changes into an asse , and instead of hosanna's every man pel● s her with stones and dirt . lastly , if the wisdom of the romans fear'd to commit jurisdiction to an office of so high esteem and d● d as wa● the ors , we may see what a solecism in the art of policy it hath bin all this while through christendom to g● jurisdiction to ecclesiastical censure . for that strength joyn'd with religion abus'd and pretended to ambitions ends must of necessity breed the heaviest and most quellingty ranny not only upon the necks , but even to the souls of men : which if christian rome had bin so cautelous to prevent in her church , as pagan rome was in herstate , we had not had such a lamentable experience thereof as now we have from thenceupon all christendom . for although i said before that the church coveting to ride upon the lionly form of jurisdiction makes a transformation of her self into an asse , and becomes despicable , that is to those whom god hath enlight'nd with true knowledge ; but where they remain yet in the reliques of superstition , this is the extremity of their bondage , and blindnes , that while they think they doe obeisance to the lordly visage of a lion , they doe it to an asse , that through the just judgement of god is permitted to play the dragon among them because of their wilfull stupidity . and let england here well rub her eyes , lest by leaving jurisdiction and church censure to the same persons , now that god hath bin so long medcining her eyesight , she do● not w● her overpolitick fetches marre all , and bring her self back again to worship this asse bestriding a lion . having hit herto explain'd , that to ecclesiasticall censure no jurisdictive power can be added without a childish and dangerous oversight in polity , and a pernicious contradiction in evangelick discipline , as anon more fully ; it will be next to declare wherin the true reason and force of church censure consists , which by then it shall be laid open to the root , so little is it that i fear lest any crookednes , any wrincle or spo● should be found in presbyterial governnient that if bodin the famo● french ● r though a papist , yet affirms that the commonwelth which maintains this discipline will certainly flourish in vertu and piety , i dare assure my self that every true protestant will admire the integrity , the uprightnes , the divine and gracious purposes therof , and even for the reason of it so coherent with the doctrine of the gospel , besides the evidence of command in scripture , will confesse it to be the only true church-government , and that contrary to the whole end and m● ry of christs comming in the flesh a false appearance of the same is exercis'd by prelaty . but because some count it rigorous , and that hereby men shall be liable to a double punishment , i will begin somwhat higher and speak of punishment . which , as i● is an evil , i esteem t● be of two forty , or rather two degrees only , a reprobat conscience in this life , and hell in the other world . whatever else men ● l punishment , or censure is not properly an evil , so it be not an illegall violence , but a saving med'cin ordain'd of god both for the publik and privat good 〈◊〉 man , who consisting of two parts the inward and the outward , 〈◊〉 by the eternall providence left under two sorts of cure , the church and the magistrat . the magistrat hath only to deale with the outward part , i mean not of the body alone , but of the mind in all her outward acts , which in scripture is call'd the outward man . so that it would be helpfull to us if we might borrow such autority 〈◊〉 the rhetoricians by parent may give us , with a kind of prometh● skill to shape and fashion this outward man into the similitude 〈◊〉 a body , and set him visible before us ; imagining the inner man only as the soul . thus then the civill magistrat looking only upon the outward man ( i say as a magistrat , for what he doth further , he doth it as a member of the church ) if he find in his complexion , skin , or outward temperature the signes and marks , or in his doings the effects of injustice , rapine , lost , cruelty , or the like , sometimes he shuts up as in frenetick , or infectious diseases ; or confines within dores , as in every sickly estate . sometimes he shaves by penalty , or mulct , or els to cool and take down those luxuriant humors which wealth and excesse have caus'd to abound . otherwhiles he ser● , he cauterizes , he scarifies , lets blood , and finally for utmost remedy cuts off . the patients which mostanend are brought into his hospital are such as are farre gon , and beside themselves ( unlesse they be falsly accus'd ) so that force is necessary to tame and quiet them 〈◊〉 their unruly fits , before they can be made capable of a more human ● ure . his general end is the outward peace and wel-fare of the commonwealth and civil happines in this life . his p● ular ● nd in every man is , by the infliction of pain , dammage , a● disgrace , that the senses and common perceivance might carry this message to the soul within , that it is neither easefull , profitable , nor prais-worthy in this life to doe evill . which must needs tend to the good of man , whether he be to live or die ; and be undoubtedly the f● means to a natural man , especially an offender , which might open his eyes to a higher consideration o● good and evill , as it is taught in religion . this is seen in the often penitence of those that suffer , who , had they scapt , had gon on sinning to an immeasurable hea● , which is one of the extreamest punishments . and this is all that the civil magistrat , as so being , conser● to the healing of mans mind , working only by terrifying 〈◊〉 upon the rind & orifice of the ● ore , and by all outward appli● , as the logicians say , a post● , at the effect , and not from the cause : not once touching the inward bed of corruption , and that hectick disposition to evill , the sourse of all vice , and obliquity against the rule of law . which how insufficient it is to cure the soul of man , we cannot better guesse then by the art of bodily phisick . therfore god to the intent of further healing mans deprav'd mind , to this power of the magistrat which contents it self with the restraint of evil doing in the external man , added that which we call censure , to purge it and remove it clean out of the inmost soul . in the beginning this autority seems to have bin plac't , as all both civil and religious rites once were , only in each father of family . afterwards among the heathen , in the wise men and philosophers of the age ; but so as it was a thing voluntary , and no set government . more distinctly among the jews as being gods peculiar , where the priests , levites , prophets , and at last the scribes and pharises took charge of instructing , and overseeing the lives of the people . but in the gospel , which is the straitest and the dearest cov'nant can be made between god and man , wee being now his adopted sons , and nothing fitter for us to think on , then to be like him , united to him , and as he pleases to expresse it , to have fellowship with him , it is all necessity that we should expect this blest efficacy of healing our inward man to be minister'd to us in a more familiar and effectual method then ever before . god being now no more a judge after the sentence of the law , nor as it were a school maister of perishable rites , but a most indulgent father governing his church as a family of sons in their discreet age ; and therfore in the sweetest and mildest manner of paternal discipline he hath committed this other office of preserving in healthful constitution the innerman , which may be term'd the spirit of the soul , to his spiritual deputy the minister of each congregation ; who being best acquainted with his own flock , h● th best reason to know all the secret● st diseases likely to be , there . and look by how much the inter●● an is more excellant and noble then the external , by so muc● 〈◊〉 his cure more exactly , more throughly , and more particularly to be perform'd . for which cause the holy ghost by the apostles joyn'd to the minister , as assistant in this great office sometimes a certain number of grave and faithful brethren , ( for neither doth the phisitian doe all in restoring his patient , he prescribes , another prepares the med'cin , some read , some watch , some visit ) much more may a minister partly not see all , partly erre as a man : besides that nothing can be more for the mutuall honour and love of the people to their pastor , and his to them , then when in select numb● and cours● they are seen partaking , and doing reverence to the holy 〈◊〉 discipline by their serviceable , and solemn presence , and receiving honour again from their imployment , not now any more to be separated in the church by vails and partitions as laicks and unclean , but admitted to wait upon the tabernacle as the rightfull clergy of christ , a chosen generation , a royal priesthood to off● up spiritual sacrifice in that meet place to which god and the congregation shall call and assigne them . and this all christians ought to know , that the title of clergy s. peter gave to all gods people , till pope higinus and the succeeding prelates took it from them , appropriating that name to themselves and their priests only ; and condemning the rest of gods inheritance to an injurious and alienat condition of laity , they separated from them by local partitions in churches , through their grosse ignorance and pride imitating the old temple : and excluded the members of christ from the property of being members , the bearing of orderly and fit offices in the ecclesiastical body , as if they had meant to sow up that iewish vail which christ by his death on the crosse rent in sunder . although these usurpers could not so : presently over-maister the liberties and lawfull titles of gods freeborn church , but that origen being yet a lay man expounded the scriptures publickly , and was therein defended by alexander of jerusalem , and theoctistus of caesarea producing in his behalf divers examples that the privilege of teaching was anciently permitted to many worthy laymen ; and cyprian in his epistles professes he will doe nothing without the advice and assent of his assistant laicks . neither did the first nicene councel , as great and learned as it was , think it any robbery to receive in , and require the help and presence of many learned lay brethren , as they were then calld . many other autorities to confirm this assertion bot● 〈◊〉 of scripture and the writings of next antiquity golartius hath collected in his notes upon cyprian ; whereby it will be evident that the laity not only by apostolick permission , but by consent of many the aucientest prelates did participat in church offices as much as is desir'd any lay elder should now do . sometimes also not the elders alone , but the whole body of the church is interested in the work of discipline , as 〈◊〉 as publick satisfaction is given by those that have given publick scandal . not to speak now of her right in elections . but another reason there is in it , which though religion did not commend to us , yet morall and civil prudence could not but extol . it was thought of old in philosophy , that shame or to call it better , the reverence of our elders , our brethren , and friends was the greatest incitement to vertuous deeds and the greatest dissuasion from unworthy attempts that might ● word● . hence we may read in the iliad where hector being wisht to retire si ō the battel , many of his forces being routed , makes answer that he durst not for shame , lest the trojan knights and dames should think he did ignobly . and certain it is that wheras terror is thought such a great stickler in a commonwealth , honourable shame is a farre greater , and has more reason● for where shame is there is fear , but where fear is there is not presently shame . and if any thing may be done to inbreed in us this generous and christianly reverence one of another , the very nurs and guardian of piety and vertue , it can not sooner be then by such a discipline in the church , as may use us to have in aw the assemblies of the faithful , & to count it a thing most grievous , next to the grieving of gods spirit , to offend those whom he hath put in autority , as a healing superintendence over our lives and behaviours , both to our own happines and that we may not give offence to good men , who without amends by us made , dare not against gods command hold communion with us in holy things . and this will be accompanied with a religious dred of being outcast from the company of saints , and from the fatherly protection of god in his church , to consort with the devil and his angels . but there is yet a more ingenuous and noble degree of honest shame , or call it if you will an esteem , whereby men bear an inward reverence toward their own persons . and if the love of god as a fire sent from heaven to be ever kept alive upon the altar of our hearts , be the first principle of all godly and vertuous actions in men , this pious and just honouring of our selves is the second , and may be thought as the radical moisture and fountain head , whence every laudable and worthy enterpri● issues forth . and although i have giv'n it the name of a liquid thing , yet is it not incontinent to bound it self , as humid things are , but hath in it a most restraining and powerfull abstinence to start back , and glob it self upward from the mixture of any ungenerous and unbeseeming motion , or any soile ● ewith it may peril to stain it self . something i confesse it is to ● ' d of evil doing in the presence of any , and to reverence the opinion and the countenance of a good man rather then a bad , fearing most in his ● ght to offend , goes so farre as almost to be vertuous ; yet this is but still the feare of infamy , and many such , when they find themselves alone , 〈◊〉 their reputation will compound with other scruples , and co● close treaty with their dearer vices in secret . but he that holds himself in reverence and due esteem , both for the dignity of gods 〈◊〉 upon him , and for the price of his redemption , whi● he thin● 〈◊〉 visibly markt upon his forehead , accounts himselfe both a fit person to do the noblest and godliest deeds , and much better worth then to deject and defile , with such a debasement and such a pollution as sin is , himselfe so highly ransom'd and enobl'd to a new friendship and filiall relation with god . nor can he fear so much the offence and reproach of others , as he dreads and would 〈◊〉 at the reflection of his own severe and modest eye upon him● , if it should see him doing or imagining that which is sinfull though in the deepest secrecy . how shall a man know to do himselfe this right , how to performe this honourable duty of estimation and respect towards his own soul and body ? which way will leade 〈◊〉 best to this hill top of sanctity and goodness● above which there is no higher ascent but to the love of god which from this self-pious regard cannot be assunder ? no better way doubtlesse then to let him duly understand that as he is call'd by the high calling of god to be holy and pure , so is he by the same appointment ordain'd , and by the churches call admitted to such offices of discipline in the church to which his owne spirituall gifts by the example of apostolick institution have autoriz'd him . for we have learnt that the scornfull terme of laick , the consecrating of temples , carpets , and table-clothes , ● he railing in of a repugnant and contradictive mount sinai in the gospell , as if the touch of a lay christian who is never the lesse gods living temple , could profane dead judaisms , the exclusion of christs people from the offices of holy discipline through the pride of a usurping clergy , causes the rest to have an unworthy and object opinion of themselves ; to approach to holy , duties with a slavish fear , ● nd to unholy doings with a familiar ● ldnesse . for seeing such a wide and terrible distance between religious things and themselves , and that in respect of a woodden table & the perimeter of holy ground about it , a flagon pot , and 〈◊〉 corporal , the priest 〈◊〉 their lay-ships unhallow'd and ● word● , they fear religion with such a fear as loves not , and think the purity of the gospell too pure for them , and that any uncleannesse is more sutable to their 〈◊〉 estate . but when every good christian throughly acquainted with all those glorious privileges of sanctification and adoption which render him more sacred then any dedicated altar or element , shall be restor'd to his right in the church , and not excluded from such place of spirituall government as his christian abilities and his approved good life in the eye and testimony of the church shall preferre him to , this and nothing sooner will open his eyes to a wise and true valuation of himselfe , which is so requisite and high a point of christianity , and will stirre him up to walk worthy the honourable and grave imployment wherewith god and the church hath dignifi'd him : not fearing left he should meet with some outward holy thing in religion which his lay touch or presence might profane , but lest something unholy from within his own heart should dishonour and profane in himselfe that priestly unction and clergy-right whereto christ hath entitl'd him . then would the congregation of the lord soone recover the true likenesse and visage of what she is indeed , a holy generation , a royall priesthood , a saintly communion , the houshold and city of god . and this i hold to be another considerable reason why the functions of church-government ought to be free and open to any christian man though never so laick , if his capacity , his faith , and prudent demeanour commend him . and this the apostles warrant us to do . but the prelats object that this will bring profanenesse into the church , to whom may be reply'd , that none have brought that in more then their own irreligious courses ; nor more 〈◊〉 holinesse out of living into livelesse things . for whereas god who hath cleans'd every beast and creeping worme , would not suffer s. peter to call them common or unclean , the prelat bishops in their printed orders hung up in churches have proclaim'd the best of creatures , mankind , so unpurifi'd and contagious , that for him to lay his hat , or his garment upon the chancell table they have defin'd it no lesse hainous in expresse words then to profane the table of the lord . and thus have they by their canaanitish doctrine ( for that which was to the jew but jewish is to the christian no better then canaanitish ) thus have they made common and unclean , thus have they made profane that nature which god hath not only cleans'd , but christ also hath assum'd . and now that the equity and just reason is so perspicuous , why in ecclesiasic● censure the assistance should be added of such , 〈◊〉 whom not the vile odour of gaine and fees ( forbid it god and blow it with a whirle● out of our land ) but charity , neighbourhood , and duty to church-government hath call'd together , where could a wiseman wish a more equall , gratuitous , and meek examination of 〈◊〉 offence that he might happen to commit against christianity 〈◊〉 here ? would he preferre those proud simoniacall courts ? 〈◊〉 therefore the minister assisted attends his heavenly and spirituall cure . where we shall see him both in the course of his proceeding , and first in the excellence of his end from the magistrate farre different , and not more different then excelling . his end is to recover all that is of man both soul and body to an everlasting health : and yet as for worldly happinesse , which is the proper sphere wherein the magistrate cannot but confine his motion without a hideous exorbitancy from law , so little aims the minister , as his intended scope , to procure the much prosperity of this life , that oft-times he may have cause to wish much of it away , a● a diet puffing up the soul with a slimy fleshinesse , and weakning her principall organick parts . two heads of evill he has to cope with , ignorance and malice . against the former he provides the daily manna of incorruptible doctrine , not at those set meales only in publick , but as oft as he shall know that each infirmity , or constitution requires . against the latter with all the branches thereof , not medling with that restraining and styptick surgery which tho law uses , not indeed against the malady but against the eruptions , and outermost effects thereof . he on the contrary beginning at the prime causes and roo● of the disease sends in those two divine ingredients of most cleansing power to the soul , admonition & reproof , besides which two there is no drug or antidote that can reach to purge the mind , and without which all other experiments are but vain , unlesse by ●dent . and he that will not let these passe into him , though he be the greatest king , as plato affirms , must be thought to remaine impure within , and unknowing of those things wherein his purenesse and his knowledge should most appear . as soon therefore as it may be discern'd that the christian patient by feeding 〈◊〉 here on meats not allowable , but of evill juice , hath disorder'd his diet , and spread an ill humour through his 〈◊〉 immediatly disposing to a sicknesse , the minister as being much neerer both in eye and duty , then the magistrats , speeds him betimes to overtake that diffus'd malignance with some gentle potion of admonishment ; or if ought be obstructed , puts in his opening and disenssive con● . this not succeeding after once or twice or oftner , in the 〈◊〉 of two or three his faithfull brethren appointed thereto be advis● him to be more carefull of his dearest health , and what it is that he so rashly hath let down in to the divine vessel of his soul gods temple . if this obtaine not , he then with the counsell of more assistants who are inform'd of what diligence hath been already us'd , with more speedy remedies layes neerer siege to the entrenched causes of his distemper , not sparing such servent and well aim'd reproofs as may best give him to see the dangerous estate wherein he is . to this also his brethren and friends intreat , exhort , adjure , and all these endeavours , as there is hope left , are more or lesse repeated . but if , neither the regard of himselfe , nor the reverence of his elders and friends prevaile with him , to leave his vitious appetite , then as the time urges , such engines of terror god hath given into the hand of his minister as to search the tenderest angles of the heart : one while he shakes his stubbornnesse with racking convulsions nigh dispaire , other whiles with deadly corrosives he gripes the very roots of his faulty liver to bring him to life through the entry of death . hereto the whole church beseech him , beg of him , deplore him , pray for him . after all this perform'd with what patience and attendance is possible , and no relenting on his part , having done the utmost of their cure , in the name of god and of the church they dissolve their fellowship with him , and holding forth the dreadfull sponge of excommunion pronounce him wip't out of the list of gods inheritance , and in the custody of satan till he repent . which horrid sentence though it touch neither life , nor limme , nor any worldly possession , yet has it such a penetrating force , that swifter then any chimicall sulphur , or that lightning which harms not the skin , and rifles the entrals , it scorches the inmost soul . yet even this terrible denouncement is left to the church for no other cause but to be as a rough and vehement cleansing medcin , where the malady is obdurat ; a mortifying to life , a kind of saving by undoing . and it may be truly said , that as the mercies of wicked men are cruelties , so the cruelties of the church are mercies . for if repentance sent from heaven meet this lost wanderer , and draw him out of that steep journey wherein he was hasting towards destruction , to come and reconcile to the church , if he bring with him his bill of health , and that he is now cleare of infection and of no danger to the other sheep , then with incredible expressions of joy all his brethren receive him , and set before him those perfumed bankets of christian consolation ; with pretious ointments bathing and fomenting the old and now to be forgotten stripes which terror and shame had inflicted ; and thus with heavenly solaces they cheere up his humble remorse , till he regain his first health and felicity . this is the approved way which the gospell prescribes , these are the spirituall weapons of holy censure , and ministeriall warfare , not carnall , but mighty through god to the pulling downe of strong holds , casting down imaginations , and every high thing that exalteth it selfe against the knowledge of god , and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of christ . what could be done more for the healing and reclaming that divine particle of gods breathing the soul , and what could be done lesse ? he that would hide his faults from such a wholsome curing as this , and count it a two-fold punishment ; as some do , is like a man that having foul diseases about him , perishes for shame , and the fear he has o● a rigorous incision to come upon hi● flesh . we shall be able by this time to discern whether prelaticall jurisdiction be contrary to the gospell or no . first therefore the government of the gospell being economicall and paternall , that is , of such a family where there be no servants , but all sons in obedience , not in servility , as cannot be deny'd by him that lives but within the sound of scripture , how can the prelates justifie to have turn'd the fatherly orders of christs houshold , the blessed meeknesse of his lowly roof , those ever open and inviting dores of his dwelling house which delight to be frequented with only filiall accesses , how can they justifie to have turn'd these domestick privileges into the barre of a proud judiciall court where fees and clamours keep shop and drive a trade , w● ere bribery and corruption solicits , paltring the free and monilesse power of discipline with a carnall satisfaction by the purse . contrition , humiliation , confession , the very sighs of a repentant spirit are there sold by the penny . that undeflour'd and unblemishable simplicity of the gospell , not she her selfe for that could never be , but a false-whi● ed , a lawnie resemblance of her , like that aire-born helena in the fables , made by the sorcery of prelats , instead of calling her disciples from the receit of custome , is now turn'd publican her self ; and gives up her body to a mercenary whor● ome under those fornicated ches which she cals gods house , and in the fight of those her altars which she hath set up to be ador'd makes merchandize of the bodies and souls of men . rejecting purgatory for no other reason , as it seems , then because her greedines cannot deferre ● ut had rather use the utmost extortion of redeemed penances in this life . but because these matters could not be thus carri'd without a begg'd and borrow'd force from worldly autority , therefore prelaty slighting the deliberat● d chosen counsell of christ in his spirituall government , whose glory is in the weaknesse of fleshly things to t● ad upon the crest of the worlds pride and violence by the power of spirituall ordinances , hath on the contrary made these her freinds and champions which are christs enemies in this his high designe , smothering and extinguishing the spirituall force of his bodily weaknesse in the discipline of his church with the boistrous and carnall tyranny of an undue , unlawfull and ungospellike jurisdiction . and thus prelaty both in her fleshly supportments , in her carnall doctrine of ceremonie and tradition , in her violent and secular power going quite counter to the prime end of christs comming in the flesh , that is to revele his truth , his glory and his might in a clean contrary manner then prelaty seeks to do , thwarting and defeating the great mistery of god , i do not conclude that prelaty is antichristian , for what need i ? the things themselves conclude it . yet if such like practises , and not many worse then these of our prelats , in that great darknesse of the roman church , have not exempted both her and her present members from being judg'd to be antichristian in all orthodoxall esteeme , i cannot think but that it is the absolute voice of truth and all her children to pronounce this prelaty , and these her dark deeds in the midst of this great light wherein we live , to be more antichristian then antichrist himselfe . the conclusion . the mischiefe that prelaty does in the state . i adde one thing more to those great ones that are so fond of prelaty , this is certain that the gospell being the hidden might of christ , as hath been heard , hath over a victorious power joyn'd with it , like him in the revelation that went forth on the white horse with his bow and his crown conquering , and to conquer . if we let the angell of the gospell ride on his own way , he does his proper businesse conquering the high thoughts , and the proud reasonings of the flesh , and brings them under to give obedience to christ with the salvation of many souls . but if ye turn him out of his rode , and in a manner force him to expresse his irresistible power by a doctrine of carnall might , as prelaty is , 〈◊〉 will use the , fleshly strength which ye put into his hands to subdue your spirits by a servile and blind superstition , and that againe shall hold such dominion over your captive minds , as returning with an insatiat greedinesse and force upon your worldly wealth and power wherewith to deck and magnifie her self , and her false worships , she shall spoil and havock your estates , disturbe your ease , diminish your honour , inthraul your liberty under the swelling mood of a proud clergy , who will not serve or feed your soules with spirituall food , look not for it , they have not wherewithall , or if they had , it is not in their purpose . but when they have glutted their ingratefull bodies , at least if it be possible that those open sepulchers should ever be glutted , and when they have stufft their idolish temples with the wastefull pillage of your estates , will they yet have any compassion upon you , and that poore pittance which they have left you , will they be but so good to you as that ravisher was to his sister , when he had us'd her at his pleasure , will they but only hate ye and so turne ye loose ? no● they will not , lords and commons , they will not fauour ye so much . what will they do then in the name of god and saints , what will these man-haters yet with more despight and mischiefe do ? i le tell ye , or at least remember ye , for most of ye know it already . that they may want nothing to make them true merchants of babylon , as they have done to your souls , they will sell your bodies , your wives , your children , your liberties , your parlaments , all these things , and if there be ought else dearer then these , they will sell at an out-cry in their pulpits to the arbitrary and illegall dispose of any one that may hereafter be call'd a king , whose mind shall serve him to listen to their bargain . and by their corrupt and servile doctrines boring our eares to an everlasting slavery , as they have done hitherto , so will they yet do their best to repeal and erase every line and clause of both our great charter● . no● is this only what they will doe , but what they hold as the main● reason and mystery of their advancement that they must do ; ● e the prince never so just and equall to his subjects ; yet such are their malicious and depraved eyes , that they so look on him , & so understand him , as if he requir'd no other gratitude , or piece of service si● thē then this . and indeed they stand so opportunly for the disturbing or the destroying of a state , being a knot of creatures whose dignities , means , and preferments have no foundation in the gospel , as they themselves acknowledge , but only in the princes favour , & to continue so long to them , as by pleasing him they shall deserve , whence it must needs be they should bend all their intentions , and services to no other ends but to his , that if it should happen that a tyrant ( god turn such a scourge from us to our enemies ) should come to grasp the scepter , here were his speare men and his lances , here were his firelocks ready , he should need no other pretorian band nor pensionry then these , if they could once with their perfidious preachments aw the people . for although the prelats in time of popery were sometimes friendly anough to magnacharta , it was because they stood upon their own bottom , without their main dependance on the royal nod : but now being well acquainted that the protestant religion , if she will reform her self rightly by the scriptures , must undresse them of all their guilded vanities , and reduce them as they were at first , to the lowly and equall order of presbyters , they know it concerns them neerly to study the times more then the text , and to lift up their eyes to the hils of the court , from whence only comes their help ; but if their pride grow weary of this crouching and observance , as ere long it would , and that yet their minds clime still to a higher ascent of worldly honour , this only refuge can remain to them , that they must of necessity contrive to bring themselves and us back again to the popes supremacy , and this we see they had by fair degrees of late been doing . these be the two fair supporters between which the strength of prelaty is born up , either of inducing tyranny , or of reducing popery . hence also we may judge that prelaty is meer falshood . for the property of truth is , where she is publickly taught , to unyoke & set free the minds and spirits of a nation first from the thraldom of sin and superstition , after which all honest and legal freedom of civil life cannot be long absent ; but prelaty whom the tyrant custom begot a natural tyrant in religion , & in state the agent & minister of tyranny , seems to have had this fatal guift in her nativity like another midas that whatsoever she should touch or come ne● r either in ecclesial or political government , it should turn , not to gold , though she for her part could wish it , but to the drosse and scum of slavery breeding and setling both in the bodies and the souls of all such as doe not in time with the sovran tr● le of sound doctrine provide to fortifie their hearts against her hierarchy . the service of god who is truth , her liturgy confesses to be perfect freedom , but her works and her opinions declare that the service of prelaty is p● rfect slavery , and by consequence perfect falshood . which makes me wonder much that many of the gentry , studious men , as i heare should engage themselves to write , and speak 〈◊〉 in her ●fence , but that i beleeve their honest and ingenuous natures coming to the universities to store themselves with good and solid learning , and there unfortunately fed with nothing else , but the s● gged and thorny lectures of monkish and miserable sophistry , w● re sent home again with such a scholastical burre in their throats , as hath stopt and hinderd all true and generous philosophy from entring , crackt their voices for ever with metaphysical gargarisms , and hath made them admire a sort of formal outside men prelatically addicted , whose unchast'nd and unwrought minds never yet initiated or subdu'd under the true lore of religion or moral vertue , which two are the best and greatest points of learning , but either slightly train'd up in a kind of hypocritical and hackny cours of literature to get their living by , and dazle the ignorant , or els fondly overstudied in uselesse cōtroversies , except those which they use with all the specious and delusive suttlety they are able , to defend their prelatical sparta , having a gospel and church-government set before their eyes , as a fair field wherin they might exercise the greatest vertu's , and the greatest deeds of christian autority in mean fortunes and little furniture of this world , which even the sage heathen writers and those old fabritii , and curii well knew to be a manner of working , then which nothing could lik'n a mortal man more to god , who delights most to worke from within himself , and not by the heavy luggage of corporeal instrument , they understand it not , & think no such matter , but admire & dote upon worldly riches , & honours , with an easie & intemperat life , to the bane of christianity : yea they and their seminaries shame not to professe , to petition and never lin pealing our eares that unlesse we fat them like boores , and cramme them as they list with wealth , with deaneries , and pluralities , with baronies and stately preferments , all learning and religion will goe underfoot . which is such a shamelesse , such a bestial plea , and of that odious impudence in church-men , who should be to ● is a pattern of temperance and frugal mediocrity , who should teach us to contemn this world , and the gaudy things thereof , according to the promise which they themselves require from us in baptisme , that should the scripture stand by and be mute , there is not that sect of philosophers among the heathen so dissolute , no not epicurus , nor aristippus with all his cyrenaick rout , but would shut his school dores against such greasy sophisters : not any college of mountebanks , but would think scorn to discover in themselves with such a brazen forehead the outrageous desire of filthy lucre . which the prelats make so little conscience of , that they are ready to fight , and if it lay in their power , to massacre all good christians under the names of horrible schismaticks for only finding fault with their temporal dignities , their unconscionable wealth and revenues , their cruell autority over their brethren that labour in the word , while they sno● in their luxurious excesse . openly proclaming themselvs now in the sight of all men to be those which for a while they fought to cover under sheeps cloathing , ravenous and savage wolves threatning inrodes and bloody incursions upon the flock of christ , which they took upon them to feed , but now clame to devour us their prey . more like that huge dragon of egypt breathing out wast , and desolation to the land , unlesse he were daily fatn'd with virgins blood . him our old patron saint george by his matchlesse valour slew , as the prelat of the garter that reads his collect ● an tell . and if our princes and knights will imitate the same of the t old champion , as by their order of knighthood solemnly taken , they vow , farre be it that they should uphold and side with this english dragon ; but rather to doe as indeed their oath binds them , they should make it their knightly adventure to pursue & vanquish this mighty sailewing'd monster that menaces to swallow up the land , unlesse her bottomlesse gorge may be satisfi'd with the blood of the kings daughter the church ; and may , as she was wont , fill her dark and infamous den with the bones of the saints . nor will any one have reason to think this as too incredible or too tragical to be spok'n of prelaty , if he consider well from what a masse of slime and mud , the sloathful , the covetous and ambitious hopes of church-promotions and fat bishopricks she is bred up and nuzzl'd in , like a great python from her youth , to prove the general poyson both of doctrine and good discipline in the land . for certainly such hopes and such principles of earth as these wherein she welters from a yong one , are the immediat generation both of a slavish and tyranous life to follow , and a p● stiferous contagion to the whole kingdom , till like that fenborn serpent she be shot to death with the darts of the sun , the pure and powerful beams of gods word . and this may serve to describe to us in part , what prelaty hath bin and what , if she stand , she is like to be toward the whole body of people in england . now that it may appeare how she is not such a kind of evil , a● hath any good , or use in it , which many evils have , but a distill'd quintessence , a pure elixar of mischief , pestilent alike to a● i shal shew briefly , ere i conclude , that the prelats , as they are to the subjects a calamity , so are they the greatest underminers and betrayers of the monarch , to whom they seem to be most favourable . i cannot better liken the state and person of a king then to that mighty nazarite samson ; who being disciplin'd from his birth in the precepts and the practice of temperance and sobriety , without the strong drink of injurious and excessive desires , grows up to a noble strength and perfection with those his illustrious and sunny locks the laws waving and curling about his god like shoulders . and while he keeps them about him undiminisht and unshorn , he may with the jaw-bone of an asse , that i● , with the word of his meanest officer suppresse and put to confusion thousands of those that rise against his just power . but laying down his head among the strumpet flatteries of prelats , while he sleeps and thinks no harme , they wickedly shaving off all those bright and waighty tresses of his laws , and just prerogatives which were his ornament and strength , deliver him over to indirect and violent councels , which as those philistims put out the fair , and farre-sighted eyes of his natural discerning , and make him grinde in the prison house of their sinister ends and practices upon him . till he knowing this prelatical rasor to have bereft him of his wonted might , nourish again his puissant hair , the golden beames of law and right ; and they sternly shook , thunder with ruin upon the heads of those his evil counsellors , but not without great affliction to himselfe . this is the sum of their loyal service to kings ; yet these are the men that stil cry the king , the king , the lords anointed . we grant it , and wonder how they came to light upon any thing so true ; and wonder more , if kings be the lords anointed , how they dare thus oyle over and bes● eare so holy an unction with the corrupt and putrid oyntment of their base flatteries , which while they smooth the skin , strike inward and envenom the life blood . what fidelity kings can expect from prelats both examples past , and our present experience of their doings at this day , whereon is grounded all that hath bin said , may suffice to inform us . and if they be such clippers of regal power and shavers of the laws , how they stand affected to the law giving parlament , your selves , worthy peeres and commons , can best testifie ; the current of whose glorious and immortal actions hath bin only oppos'd by the obscure and pernicious design of the prelats : until : their insolen● broke out to such a bold affront , as hath justly immur'd their haughty looks within strong wals . nor have they done any thing of late with more diligence ; then to hinder or break the happy assembling of parlaments , however needfull to repaire the shatter'd and disjoynted frame of the common-wealth , or if they cannot do this , to crosse , to disinable , and traduce all parlamentary proceedings . and this , if nothing else , plainly accuses them to be no lawful members of the house , if they thus perpetually mutine against their own body . and though they pretend like salomons harlot , that they have right thereto , by the same judgement that salomon gave , it cannot belong to them , whenas it is not onely their assent , but their endeavour continually to divide parlaments in twain ; and not only by dividing , but by all other means to abolish and destroy the free use of them to all posterity . for the which and for all their former misdeeds , wherof this book and many volumes more cannot contain the moytie , i shal move yee lords in the behalf i dare say of many thousand good christians , to let your justice and speedy sentence passe against this great malefactor prelaty . and yet in the midst of rigor i would beseech ye to think of mercy ; and such a mercy , i feare i shal overshoot with a desire to save this falling prelaty , such a mercy ( if i may venture to say ● word● ) a● may exceed that which for only ten righteous persons would have sav'd sodom . not that i dare advise ye to contend with god whether he or you shal be more merciful , but in your wise esteems to ballance the offences of those peccant citties with these enormous riots of ungodly mis-rule that prelaty hath wrought both in the church of christ , and in the state of this kingdome . and if ye think ye may with a pious presumption strive to goe beyond god in mercy , i shall not be one now that would dissuade ye . though god for lesse then ten just persons would not spare sodom , yet if you can finde after due search but only one good thing in prelaty either to religion● or civil govern● to king or parliament 〈◊〉 prince or people , to law , liberty , 〈◊〉 learning , spare her , 〈◊〉 her live , let her spread among ye , till with her shadow , all your dignities and honours , and all the glory of the land be darken'd and obscurd . but on the contrary if she be found to be malignant , hostile , destructive to all these , as nothing can be surer , then let your severe and impartial doom imitate the divine vengeance ; rain down your punishing force upon this godlesse and oppressing government : and bring such a dead sea of subversion upon her , that she may never in this land rise more to afflict the holy reformed church , and the elect people of god . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a50949e-120 1 tim. 5● zechar. 8. haggai 2. notes for div a50949e-1880 cor. 2. 10. the scriptures plea for magistrates vvherein is shewed the unlawfulnesse of resisting the lawfull magistrate, under colour of religion. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45461 of text r15561 in the english short title catalog (wing h598a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 118 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45461 wing h598a estc r15561 12158772 ocm 12158772 55237 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45461) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55237) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 600:8) the scriptures plea for magistrates vvherein is shewed the unlawfulnesse of resisting the lawfull magistrate, under colour of religion. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 30 p. printed by leonard lichfield, oxford [oxfordshire] : 1643. a reissue, with cancel t.p., of his of resisting the lawfull magistrate upon colour of religion, london, 1643. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng zealots (jewish party) government, resistance to. church and state. christian life. a45461 r15561 (wing h598a). civilwar no the scriptures plea for magistrates. vvherein is shewed the unlawfulnesse of resisting the lawfull magistrate, under colour of religion. hammond, henry 1643 22128 158 465 0 0 0 0 282 f the rate of 282 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the scriptvres plea for magistrates . vvherein is shewed the unlawfulnesse of resisting the lawfull magistrate , under colour of religion . rom. 13.2 . whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god : and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . oxford , printed by leonard lichfield , 1643. of resisting the lawfull magistrate upon colour of religion . in this proposall of the point for debate , there are onely two words will need an account to be given of them : 1. what is meant by resisting . 2. why the word colour is put in . for the first , resisting , here signifies violent , forcible , offensive resistance , fighting against , as hesychius the best scripture-glossary explaines it , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} all one , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and the apostle in like manner , rom. 13.2 . using {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} promiscuously for the same , and so in other places , although it is true , it is used sometimes in a wider sence . but that will not here be materiall , when we here set downe before-hand what we meane by it . for the second , the word [ colour ] is in the title added , onely for this reason , ( not to prejudge the religion , which is fought for , to be onely a colour , but ) because it is possible for a man to fight for religion , and yet not upon colour of religion , to wit , in case the religion for which he fights be establisht by the law of the land , for then his colour for fighting may be the preservation of law , which the magistrate is bound by oath to maintaine , and though he fight for religion , yet it is under that other colour : whereas he that fights upon colour of religion making that his onely pretence of fighting , is ipso facto supposed to fight for a religion distant or contrary to that which is established by law , and so all pretence or colour of law excluded , yea , and all supposition of failing in the magistrate , he standing for the law present , not against it ; which i desire may be the setting of the case , to exclude the fallacy , plurium interrogationum , and to distinguish the quarrell of religion from that other of law , and so to meddle at this time onely with that which is fully within the divines spheare , and leave the other to some body else . those two termes being thus explained , and so the state of the question set , the lawfull magistrate , and the establisht law of the kingdome on one side , and some person or persons inferiour to him , upon colour of religion , i. for some religion not yet established by law , on t'other side , that it should be lawfull to them to take up armes againsts him would seem not very reasonable , if he were but a private man , abstracted from regall power , ( which ●ure doth not make it more lawfull to resist him then any body else ) having broken no established law ( as is supposed in the case ) for what legall accusation can lie against him in a point wherein he hath not broken the law ? but then this will be more unreasonable , if moreover it be considered , that colour of religion is so wide and unlimited a thing , that no man , that is never so much in the wrong in any opinion , but thinkes himselfe in the right ( for otherwise he would not continue in that error ) and so that colour will be plea equally good to all sorts of errours as well as truths : and besides , he that hath not so much religion as to be in an errour , may yet have so much wit as to make use of that apology for his sedition , ( to wit , colour of religion ) and plead it as legally as the most zealous professor ▪ and consequently , if that will serve turne , who ever shall but pretend to beleeve contrary to the religion established in any kingdome , shall be ipso facto absolved from all bend of allegiance in f●ro humano , and if he will adventure the hazzard of the judgement to come , shall have no restrain layd on him by any earthly tribunall ; and so by this meanes already the grounds of the dissolution of any government are laid by this one unpoliticke principle , and the world given up to be ruled onely by the religion ( which is in effect , the will ) of every man ; whereas before , there was a peace as well as a church , policy as well as religion , ● power in the magistrates hand , besides that in every mans owne breft or conscience ; and yet more particularly , a restraint for hypocrites as well as any else , ● for pretenders of religion , who , if this ground would hold , were left unlimited . where if it be interposed that such an one that thus falliciously pretends religion , though by this disgu●se he escape here , yet shall surely pay for it hereafter ; and that that is sufficient , because there is no other court , but of that searcher of hearts , to which the hypocrite can be bound over : i answer , that although that be true , yet is it not sufficient , because , although there be a judgement to come for all crimes , yet it is no withstanding thought necessary to have present iudicatures also , not to leave all offenders to terrors at such a distance , and indeed for the continuance of the peace of communities to provide some violent restraint at the present for those whom those greater but future determents cannot sufficiently worke on . this every man knowes is the originall of humane lawes , yea , and of dominion it selfe , a provision that all men will not doe their duties for love or feare of god , ( it is apparent , the jewes would not under their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and therefore for good mens sakes , and for peace sake , and for the maintaining of communities , those superadditions have beene thought necessary , as some thornes in the hedge of gods law , that may pierce the hands and sides of him that shall attempt to breake over or thorough it . from whence the conclusion will be evident , that the rules for the preserving of government must be such as shall have force to restraine the atheist or the hypocrite as well as the good christian ( which sure will lesse need those restraints ) or else they are utterly unsufficient to the attaining of their end , i. to the preserving of government , peace , community , or protecting any that lives under it : which being supposed , it will also follow , that nothing must be indulged upon any colour of religion , ( be his religion never so true , and himselfe never so sincere in it ; ) which will open this gap or outlet to others , that may make the ●ll use of it . for this will be utterly destructive of the end of government ( which is , that we may lead a peaceable and quiet life , 1 tim. 2.2 . ) yea , and of government it selfe . this argument being thus prosecuted and cleared , might be sufficient to determine this whole businesse , were it not for one rejoynder which is ordinarily made , the force of which is taken from that supreame care that every man ought to have of his owne soule , and consequently of the maintaining of his religion on which ( to abstract from all possible disputes concerning the particular truth of it , he being perhaps not acute or artist enough to uphold it against all objecters ) he is fully convinc't , the health and salvation of that wholly depends . for the maintaining of which against all the humane power in the world , if he may not take up armes or doe any thing , he cannot see what can be fit for him to fight for , ( nothing sure being more precious then that ; ) or consequently , why he may not take up that opinion of the beyond sea-anabaptists , that it is not lawfull to fight at all , which if it should be yeelded to , although for the present it would produce peace , yet it would be little for the advantage of magistrates in the issue . to this i shall answer , by concession of these foure things : 1. that religion is to be every mans supreame care , the prime jewell in his cabinet . 2. that it cannot , at least in humane consideration , be expected that any man should be lesse carefull of his false religion ( if he be really perswaded of the truth of it ) then any other is of the true . nay 3. that if he do not use any lawfull meanes to defend that false ( whilst he is convinc't it is the true ) religion ; this is a sinne of lukewarmnesse in him , though indeed through prepossession not to open his eyes to greater light and revelation of the truth offered to him , and perhaps thorough slugglishnesse not to seeke that light , be yet a farre greater sinne in him . for though no man ought to defend the contrary to what he takes to be truth , yet ought he to be most ready to deposit his errour , not onely when it doth , but also when it may appeare to him to be so , and to seeke to those helpes that may be instrumentall to that end . 4. that in some cases the use of armes is not unlawfull . but then all this being thus granted , and so in effect that all lawfull meanes may be used for the maintaining of religion , we must yet secondly deny the inference of the objection ; upon this onely ground , because though armes may lawfully be used in some cases , and religion be maintained by all lawfull meanes , yet armes are not a lawfull meanes for this end , and so may not be used in this case , that is by subjects against the lawful magistrate in case of religion , at least when some other religion is by law established in that kingdome . which assertion i shall confirme onely by foure arguments : 1. taken from the nature of religion . 2. from examples of christ and christians . 3. from the very making of christianity , and particularly of the protestant doctrine . 4. from the constitution of kingdomes , which being subordinate to the other three may deserve consideration , as far as it agrees with them . 1. from the nature of religion , which is an act of the soule , which cannot be forced or constrained by outward violence , and therefore , 't is apparant , needs no outward defence for the maintaining of it , much lesse , invasion of others . a man may be as truly religious under all the tyranny and slavery in the world , as in the most triumphant prosperous estate . they that have power to kill the body , are not able to commit the least rape upon the soule ; they may rob me of my life , they cannot of my religion ; the weakest creeple in the hospitall may defie the whole armie of the philistines in this matter . but you will ask , is not the outward profession and publike exercise of religion some part of it , and that to be thus maintained , where any attempt to hinder it ? to which i answer , that the first of this , the outward profession , can no more be hindred then the former act of the soul , but rather may be most illustrious in time of depression . i may confesse christ in the den of lions , in the furnace , on the rack , on the gridiron , and when my tongue is cut out , by patient , constant suffering in that cause . religion is not so truly professed by endeavouring to kill others , as by being killed patiently our selves rather then we will renounce it . when i fight , it may be malice , revenge ▪ some hope of gaine , or impunity at least by the present service , any one of a hundred worldly interests that may help to whe● my sword for me , of most cleerly a hope i may kill and not be killed : and so all this while here is no act of confession of christ in thus venturing my life , although i do affirme i do this for my religion , because though i so affirme , men are not bound to beleeve me , there being so much oddes against me that i doe it for somewhat else . but when i lay down my life patiently , the sacrifice of my god , resigne up all my possible worldly interests for the retaining of my one spirituall trust , this is to the eye of man a profession capable of no reasonable suspicion of insincerity , and indeed none so , but this . as for the second , the publike exercise of the true religion , it were by all men heartily to be wisht that it might be enjoyed at all times , for the advancing of gods glory , increase of charity , conversion of others , &c. but if it may not be had by the use of lawfull means , it will not be required of us by god ; without whose speciall providence it is not , that he permitteth us to be forbidden that exercise , till the same providence be pleased to remove such hinderance , and open to us a lawfull way of obtaining it . the primitive christians secret meetings will first be imitable to us , and if ●hos ; e be obstructed also , their solitudes next ; and however that designe of obtaining free exercise of our religion , will never make any practice lawfull to be used in order to that , that before was utterly unlawfull . but are we not to take care of our children and posterity as well as of our selves ? if our religion be now supprest , our poor children and progenie to the end of the world may in all probability be kept in blindnesse and ignorance , and so left to the place of darknesse irrecoverably . this objection stands somewhat pathetically , and is apt to affect our bowels more then our reason ; moves out compassion first , and thorow those spectacles is then represented with improvement to our judgement . but for answer to it , though the doctrine of election of particular men , as well and as absolutely to the meanes as to the end , might be ( to him that acknowledges it ) a sufficient amulet against this fear , and so no need of that their jealous care for their posterity , any farther then it is in their power to contribute toward them ( which sure is no more then to doe what is lawfull for them to doe ) yet the answer will be more satisfactory to all that acknowledge gods providence , however opinioned concerning decrees , that whosoever considers himselfe as a man , much more as a father of a posterity , must have many things to trust god with , and onely god , and among those nothing more then the future estate of those which are to come from him . yet if he be imfortunate and still unsatisfied , unlesse he himselfe contribute somewhat to the securing of his posterity in this matter , let me tell him there is nothing ( after his prayers to god and paternall blessing on them ) so likely to entaile his religion upon them at his sealing it by his sufferings . this sure will be a more probable way to recommend his religion to them ( when they shall hear and be assured by that testimony , that their fathers thus hoped in god ) then by that other so distant that they died in a rebellion against the king , or that this religion had been in their time turned out of the land , had not they done something so unlawfull to protect it . besides , the greatest prejudice which that posteritie ( of which we pretend such care ) can suffer by my non-resistance , is onely to be brought up in a contrary religion , to hear that way first , but sure not to have their ears deafed against all others when they shall be represented , nor to bring the guilt of non-representation upon them if they be not . and if i bring forth reasonable creatures , i hope they will , by the grace of god , make use of their reason and his grace , to finde out that truth that their souls are so much concerned ●in ; and if ( through no default personall of theirs ) they should misse of it , i hope the invinciblenesse of their ignorance , and their sincere repentance for all their sinnes and errours knowne and unknown , and their readinesse to receive the truth , if it were or might be represented to them ▪ would be antidote sufficient by gods mercy in christ to preserve them from that poison , so they were carefull according to their meanes of knowledge to escape all other dangers . and all this upon supposition , but not concession , that the religion of him that would fight for it were the truth and onely truth ; whereas indeed there is not a more suspicious mark of a false religion , then that it is faine to propagate it selfe by violence . the turkes and the papists being the onely notable examples hitherto of that practice , till some others , directly upon popish principles a little varied in the application , have faln upon the same conclusion ▪ now secondly for the examples of christ and christians , but first of christ : his example ( as to this purpose ) is evident in three passages ( besides that grand transcendent copy proposed from the aggregate of all his life and death , matth. 11.29 . learn of me , for i am meek and lowly . ) the first is luke 9.54 . the inhabitants of a samaritan village would not receive christ , vers. 53. upon that james and john remembring what elias had done in the like kinde , 1 king. 18. and 2 king. 1. ask't his judgement of it , whether he would be pleased that they should command fire to come down from heaven and consume them , as elias did , that is , in effect whether they should not do well to use whatever power they had ( and be confident that god would assist them in it ) to the destroying of those whoever they were ( and yet that they were not their magistrates it is cle●r ) which affronted them in the exercise of their religion , or indeed which would not receive christ . to this christ answers sternely , the words are emphaticall , he turned ( as to peter when he gave him that check , matth 16.23 . ) and rebuked them , and said , ye know not what manner spirit you are of● that is , elias was a zel●t , 1 mac. 2.58 . ( the full importance of which will belong to another disquisition ) & jure zelotarum , might do some what against b●●ls prophets , which will not agree with that distant calling or profession of a disciple of christ or christian , they are mistaken if they think they may do as elias did . from whence by the way is a prohibition fully legall put in against all examples of the old testament ( ● any such there were ) from being pleadable amongst christians , upon this ground of josephus his observing that the jews were governed by a 〈◊〉 , god being as it were their king on earth for along time , presiding immediatly , and interposing by his oracle , and other particular directions as well as standing law , as in that case of phinees and elias , &c. by which those acts of theirs , though authorized by no setled or ordinary law , were yet as legall as whatever in any other common-wealth were done by authority legally descending from the supreme magistrate . which whosoever shall now apply to christians , besides , that he professes himselfe an asserter of enthusiasmes , will meet with christs check ● the boanerges , you know not what spirit you are of : i have not authorized you to pretend to the spirit of elias , or to doe what a zelo● among the jewes might doe . the second exemplary passage to this purpose in the story of christ is , ●a● . 26.51 . when christ was apprehended by those tumultuous persons , at the 〈◊〉 but servants of the chiefe priests and elders ( not again by any power of lawfull magistrate ) peter drew the sword and smote off one of those servants eares , upon that christs answer is the thing to be observed , vers. 52. then said jesus unto him , put up again thy sword into ●is place , for all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword : the speech particular to peter , a prime disciple or christian , that he having drawn the sword in defence of christ , and in him of christianity it selfe ( a more justifiable course then ever any man since undertook under the colour of religion ) most put it up again ; but the reason added of an unlimited universall obligingnesse to all christians ▪ for all they that take the sword ( ●peter did , in defence of christ , &c. or else the citation had not been pertinent to him ) shall perish by the 〈◊〉 . ) and the two parallel places which are noted i● the margent of our english bibles are somewhat considerable , the first gen. 9.6 . where that law was given to the sonnes of noah ▪ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} concerning the effusion of blood , which sure was not any prohibition to legall , though capitall punishments of malefactors ( but rather the investing the magistrate with that power of the sword ) and yet is by christ urged as a prohibition to saint peter , signifying that effusion of blood by him in that case to be utterly illegall , and against the intention of that old law not abrogated , it seemeth by christ . the other parallel place is , revel. 13.10 where immediately upon the repeating of those words , he that killeth with the sword shall be killed with the sword , is subjoyned , here is the patience and faith of the saints : 1. christian martyrs , vers. 7. whose faith it seems and patience must goe together , which sure is most irreconcileable with forcible resistance . the third exemplary passage of christ was in his suffering , wherein many particular circumstances might be observed , especially his answer to pilate , jo● 19.11 . in acknowledgement of his legall power given him from above . be all that i shall observe is onely in the generall , that he that had so many legions of angels , certainly sufficient to defend him and invade his enemies ( whatsoever will be thought of the christians strength in tertullians time to have done so too , of which more anon ) did yet without the least resistance give himselfe up to suffer death . and if it should be objected , that this was to accomplish what god had decreed ( ought not christ to suffer these things , and thus it is written , and thus it behoved christ to suffer ) and in obedience to that decree , not as matter of example to us , or of intimation , that it had not been lawfull for him to have done otherwise . to this i answer , that as christ was decreed to that death , and non-resistance , so are christians ( if saint paul may be beleeved ) predestinated to be conformable to the image of his sonne , rom. 8. that is , to that patern of his in suffering , not fighting for religion ; and that revelation of gods will in that decree being supposed , it will follow , that though christ might have lawfully done otherwise , yet we christians now may not , especially being commanded to learn of him particularly his meeknesse ; i. especially that lamb-like qualitie of the lambe of god in his sufferings , isai. 53.7 . so much for the examples of christ . now for the like of christians , it will be needlesse to mention any other then those of whom tertullian and saint cyprian speak , being so perfectly home to the purpose , tertul. in apol. c. 37. and his book , ad scapulam , wholly to this purpose : and saint cyprian in his book against demetrianus , &c. the summe of which is this , that the christians of that age had strength sufficient either to have resisted or avenged themselves upon their ●eathen persecuting governours , but in obedience to the laws of christ , chose rather to die then doe so . the severall testimonies ( of which this is the abstract ) being so fully produced by many and known by all , it will bee more to purpose to vindicate them from all exceptions , and intercept all evasions which the wit of this last yeere ( beyond all that any former age pretended to ) hath invented to evacuate those testimonies , witnesse goodwins amicaval●eri● , p. 230 &c. and this i shall take leave to do at large , because it is said , many have been satisfied in the lawfulnesse of their present course by those answers and objections which that book hath helpt them to . 1. it is objected , the father ( tertullian●mig●● 〈◊〉 mistaken in making the estimate of the strength of christians in 〈…〉 strength of them that were to oppose them . this is in civill termes , to 〈◊〉 tertullians wrote he knew not what , or at the softest , he might be ignorant of what he affirmeth he knew , and i am confident was more likely to know , living thing their the objecter now , seeing or conjecturing at the distance of so many hundred yeers , who hath not the least authority ( which must be the judge in matter of fact ) on his side against so distinct and cleare affirmation , not onely of tertullian in severall places ( and that in an apologie against the gentiles , who could and would certainly have tript him in so manifest a falshood , if it had been such ; and though the negative argument be not fully convincing , that they did not thus trip him , because we do not hear or read they did , yet will this be of as much force as any he hath to the contrary : this certainly , the writing it to the gentiles , will be able to conclude , that tertullian had beene very imprudent and treacherous to his own cause to have affirmed a thing in defence of it , which his adversaries could so manifestly have proved a falsity , if it were not so as he affirmed ) but of cyprian also , who lived about the same time , and no writer of that age or since produced ( i doubt not but i may say , producible ) to the contrary . of the proofs that are offered to make it appeare possible and probable that tertullian should be so mistaken , the first is , because his was no point of faith , &c. 〈◊〉 therefore a devout father might fall under ● misprision herein . i grant he might , but that doth not prove he did , no nor that it is probable he should be a more incompetent judge in such a matter , then he that now undertakes to controll him : nay sure , lesse reason is there to deny the authority of the ancients in matters of fact ( which if they were not evident to them , must needs be much lesse evident to us , who have no means to know any thing of them but their relations , no● cause to suspect such relations , but either by some impossibility in the things themselves which is not here pretended , or by some other , as authentick relation contradicting it , which is as little pretended ) then of faith , the ground of which being onely the written word of god , is common with them to us , and therefore may enable us to judge whether that which they affirm to be matter of faith be so indeed , to be found really in that sacred writ from whence they pretend to fetch it . and whereas it is farther added , that no rule of charity or reason bindes us to beleeve another in any thing which belongs to the art or profession of another , and wherein himself is little versed or exercised . i answer , that this saying thus applied will take away the authority of a very great part of those histories which no body yet hath questioned . if it were spoken of doctrines , it might hold , and sure to that belongs the axiom quoted , vnicuique in arte suâ credendum est ; but in narrations it is the unreasonablest thing in the world to require the narrator to be of that profession of which he relates the fact , for then no man must adventure to write a kings life but a king ; and if mr. m. mr. a. or mr. s. being ministers of the word , shall write their ●●tters concerning the parliaments victory at keinton , and relate the number of the stain on that side so far inferiour to those on the kings , we must now upon this admonition retract that beleefe we then allowed them , and begin now ( though too late ) to question whether it were indeed a victory or no , which caused such solemn thanksgiving in this city . but then secondly , why this relation should so wholly belong to the profession of another : i. not to tertullians , i cannot yet discerne . for the maine of tertullians testimony was , that the christians chose rather to suffer then to resist , though they were able , because christian religion taught the one , & forbad the other : and this sure was not without the sphere of the divine : but for their strength to resist , depending on the number of christians , not as even ballancing the heathens in the empire , but as very considerable and able to raise an army , if they would make head . i doubt not but tertullian , a presbyter , that now laboured in converting and conforming christians , and was not alwayes in his study , nay , who had lately been a lawyer , and so not unacquainted with the publike , might know and relate with far better authority then any who hath dared now to contradict him . for , for the art of ballancing the power of parties in a kingdom , and grounds of precise determination of such differences ( which as the objecter denies tertullian , so he is unwilling to yeeld to the states-man himself ; you shall see anon that we have no need to make tertullian master of it , his relation will stand unmoved without it . the second proofe to blast tertullians relation , is the ordinary one in fashion now adayes , if any man differs in opinion from us , presently to examine his whole life , and if eve● he did or spoke any thing unjustifiable , lay that vehemently to his charge , and by that defame him , and then we may spare the pains of answering his reasons , disproving his assertion , he once lied or sinned , and therefore it is ridiculous to expect any truth from him . the argument is this , he might mistake and miscarry in this , for not long after he miscarried so grievously , as to turn montanist , who called himselfe the holy ghost , &c. just as if i should resolve to beleeve no relation of any minister ( present in either of the armies ) of the strength of that army , untill i had examined , and were assured that he were not a chiliast , an arian , nor guilty of any other heresie condemned by the church : yea and more , till i had some degree of assurance that he never would be such . or as if i should resolve this man knew no logick , because in this period he offends so much against grammar in these words [ to turne montanist , who called himselfe the holy ghost ] where the relative [ who ] hath certainly no antecedent . tertullian cannot , for he called not himselfe the holy ghost ( but onely cited that stile so ordinary now adayes [ nos spirituales ] and all others [ animales psychici ] and montanist cannot , unlesse as once areopagi signified the areopagites , so now by way of compensation , montanist must passe for montanus , for he it was that called himselfe the holy ghost , not all or any of his followers . this way of concluding , from a slip in grammar , an ignorance in logick , especially being backt with the suffrage of so many concluding arguments ) will be as faire logicall proceeding , as to infer , because tertullian , an afterward turned montanist , therefore then he spake he knew not what . but then saint cyprian was no montanist , and yet he affirmed the same that tertullian doth , contra demetrian : as for the approving of dreames and furious fancies for true prophecies ( which is added to be revenged on tertullian for contradicting this objecter ) i confesse i excuse not him , but wish we might learne any thing of him rather then that . but i hope the narration we have now in hand was neither maximilla's nor prisca's dreams . if it was a fancie , it was quite contrary to a furious one . and for the close of this argument , wherein the w●●ning ●● given as it were from heaven , how unsafe and dangerous it is to build on the authority of men , as i desire the reader may take it home with him , and from thence resolve to beleeve no longer any thing upon this objecters authoritie , so denudats of all reason : so i do not yet see , why he that once erred must never be allowed to speak truth , the making of true narrations being competible with the greatest heresie in the world . the third argument against tertullians testimony , is an observation of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that there is a pronenesse of inclination in much devotion in persons devoutly given to over-value the workes and piety of other men . to which my onely answer shall be , that yet i hope it is not observed that devout men are so strongly inclined to tell plaine lies , to this end that they may make themselves over-valued by others . this must be tertullians infirmity ( if the objecter guesse aright ) being a christian himselfe , and in his apology labouring to raise an high opinion of christians in the gentiles to whom he writes , to which purpose if he should forge falsities , i must confesse it were a shrewd weakenesse , very ill becomming devotion , whatever the practice of later times may say in excuse of it . the fourth proofe is from a second observation , that in the pious and orthodox fathers themselves there are some touches , and streines , some fibrae of the root of bitternes which afterwards grow ranke in the times of popery , &c. the answ . all that i can collect from hence toward the conclusion designed , is that this objecters sence is , that , for tertullian to say there were christians enough in the roman empire to worke revenge on their oppressors , was a spice of popery ; and so there is one new piece of popery more added , to the many which this age hath concluded under that title above the inventory of the trent catechisme . and so now to debate this any further , or professe my selfe to opine as tertullian did , is to acknowledge my selfe popish , and that is as bad as praelaticall : and so from henceforth all my arguments will but passe for temptations , which none but carnall men must submit to , be they never so demonstrative . yet must i have leave to wonder how in the close of this section these words [ the sounder and more considerate knowledge of these latter times ] can have any reference to the point in hand . for certainly , for the strength of the then christian party , our knowledge in these latter times cannot be sounder or more considerate then theirs that then lived amongst them ; or if it be , the words [ latter times ] will be improper , for sure it will be affirmed onely of that time wherein mr. j.g. wrote this part of this book ▪ for i am confident he was the first that ever revealed this act of more considerate knowledge to the world . the fifth and last proofe is , that whatever their number was , yet it is no wayes likely they should be suffered to have any armes , &c. to which , and to all the prudentiall state motives whereon it is grounded , ( and so to all that section ) i shall return no answer , but the very words of tertullian , which if all put together they do not defend their author from all their assaults , neither will i beleeve the christians strength was sufficient to buckle with their adversaries . his words are plain : first , if we would hostes exerto● agere , deale like profest enemies , desiisset nobis vis numerorum & copiarum ? should we have wanted force of numbers ? ( i. men ) or armed souldiers ( for so sure copiae signifies . ) secondly , he saith as plainly , castella vestra , castra ●p●e vimus , we have filled your castles and camps ( there sure they were armed ; and so the thebaean legion , which yeelded themselves to the emperours butchery , wanted neither number nor arms to have resisted . ) thirdly , he saith , cui bell● 〈◊〉 idonei ? what war had we not been fit for ? ( etiam impares copi● , though we had not had so many armed men as they ) qui tam libenter trucidam●r . their despising of death , ( nay , gladnesse to die ) might have put them upon any hazard unarmed , and he professes the onely thing that kept them from resisting , was the doctrine which they had learnt , that it was more lawfull to be kild then to kill . fourthly , he saith , they had a way of revenge without armes , to wit , by departing from them , by that secession to have brought envie upon them ( as for example upon dislike of the present state , to have gone to new england , &c. to raise an odium upon the old ) but this they would not be so malicious is to do neither : nay , besides amissio tot civium ip●â destitutione puniisset , the losse of so many citizens would have beene a punishment by making them lesse able to resist other enemies ; plures hostes quam cives usque remansi●ent , there would have been a greater number of enemies , then there would have been citizens remaining . fifthly , to put all beyond exception , he puts them in minde how one night with a few firebrands they might have wrought their revenge , if it were lawfull for them to repay evill with evill . this one last particular being considered , is so full a demonstration of the truth now in debate , that supposing there were but one christian at liberty to use that one firebrand , there can be longer doubt but that there was sufficient strength to worke their revenge , if their religion would have permitted them to do so . and if their religion ( as was said out of him ) were the onely restraint , then certainly , their weaknes was not . nay , though they should after all this ( by a morally impossible supposition ) be supposed weak ▪ yet if their religion did truly restrain them , as he professes it did , this were abundantly sufficient to decide the controversie betwixt us and the objecter . having proceeded thus far in answer to the severall exceptions against the truth of tertullians assertion concerning the strength of those christians , i am invited farther by a second proffer of the objecter to make appeare , that although tertullians assertion should be supposed true , yet it were unsufficient , it would not reach the question or case in hand . this certainly is strange at first sight , the case in hand being , whether the reason of their non-resistance were their want of strength . which in all reason must be determined negatively , when once these two things are supposed ; first , that they had strength ; secondly , that the command of christ , or making of christianity was the cause of their non-resistance , and not want of strength . but there is no truth so evident , but the cunning of such a crafts-master will be able to transforme , both from evidence and truth , and therefore ( though in all justice a man might vow never to have commerce with such a man more , that should undertake thus to master his understanding , that he should beleeve and not beleeve the same thing , yeeld the want of strength to bee the cause , at the very time when hee acknowledges or supposes , first , no want of strength , secondly , somewhat else , to wit , the command of christ to bee the cause ) yet i shall ( to exercise that christian meeknesse which i desire to assert by my actions as well as words ) wait on this great artificer to the second part of his answer . the summe of which , as he first sets it is this , that supposing the father spake truth concerning their strength ▪ yet on some considerations he mentions , it had been in those that were called to suffer both want of wisdom in respect of themselves , and of charity in respect of others , if they should have made the least resistance . to which my onely answer shall be to beseech him to consider , that this is part of tertullians testimony , that the thing that restrained them was ( not this wisdome but ) the doctrine of their christ ; concluding it more lawfull to be kild then to kill , and utterly unlawfull to repay evill for evill . and as for charity to others , i humbly wish that were , or may yet bee considered , how much burden , &c. this resistance ( of which he is the profest abetter ) hath brought on others who are not parties on either side , nor , i hope , ill christians , if their onely punishable crime be , making conscience of non-resistance . to the next section , in answer to a supposed reply , where he saith , that it is not probable they had any sufficiency of strength . i answer , that i cannot be so tame as thus to be caught , or so wild as to imagine that improbable , at a time when tertullians testimony is supposed to be true ( as now it is supposed ) the speciall part of which testimony is yeelded to be that they had sufficient strength . and where he addes 2. that t was not necessary they should be of one mind and judgement touching this sufficiency , &c. i answer , that we doe not assert any such necessity , nor doth our cause any way incline us to it , or want that refuge . for sure we affirme not that they did actually resist ( to which onely ▪ that concurrence would have been necessary ) but onely that they would not though they were able , and to the evidencing of that , the concurrence of judgement you speake of , is not materiall , for if they that did so thinke of their strength , were upon grounds of christian patience and obedience , as farre from doing or attempting it , as any other ; these men would certainely have continued in the same obedience , though all the world had concurred with them in the opinion of their sufficiency . for , to professe christian meeknesse first , and then upon any supervenient occurrence to be ready for resistance , though it might be a character of the temporary ( that i say not hypocriticall ) subjection of our daies , yet must not we be so groundlesly uncharitable as to affix it on those christians ; and though the objecter should renounce his present supposition , and againe contend that tertullian lied , and so divest him of all authority as a father , of common honesty as a relater , yet sure he will not be so severe to deny him so much of an ordinary rhetor , as to make that an ingredient in his apology for christians , which were the highest piece of an accusation . grant but tertullian to have any skill in any of his professions , suppose him but orator , if not a divine , a tolerable pleader , if not a tolerable man , allow him but skill at the deske , ( his first trade , before he was a christian ) the reputation of a little el●quence , though no sincerity , and his very pleadings will be argumentative , though his words may not . but t is added in the third place , that having no invitation , countenance , or command from any authority , &c. their 〈◊〉 was differing from ours . to which i answer againe , 1 : that it was not still the want of such command or invitation , that restrained them , but the contrary command of christ as hath beene cleare ; but then secondly , i pray let me aske a question as of one which i will in reason suppose not to be unacquainted with the sence of ju●ius brutus , and buchanan , and it is odely this whether , if all temporall magistrates neglect the worke of reformation , the ministers may not and ought not to attempt it , if they can hope to prevaile . if so , then though the case be not just the same now and then , yet the difference is not materiall or 〈…〉 , for then sure ministers there would have beene to invite , if that had 〈◊〉 the christian way . but when it is added within there line● , that we are invited , &c. by as great and as lawfull an authority as this state hath any . i must confesse i had thought that the king and hath houses had beene a greater authority ; ●nlesse the meaning be not simply , but ad hoc , or great and as lawfull an authority as this state hath any , to doe what is now do● , and then sure it shall be granted by me , who professe my selfe to suppose it impossible that any command given to this purpose should be lawfull , or able to secure any from that sentence of s. pauls , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . yet once more , it is possible that the authour , by this state may meane a republique , which though it be a word of some signification in some other countreys , yet that our lawes acknowledge any such here ▪ i have not yet been taught , nor sure can any part of this kingdome , without the king be capeable of this title , till we have moulded a new forme of government , and 〈◊〉 lawes , as the modell of that ; for undoubtedly the old ones are not acquinted with any such . but that i will hope is not the meaning , because it is added that inferiour magistrates , &c. which seemeth to acknowledge that the parliament without the king are but inferiour magistrates . of the agreeablenesse of that title of magistrates and rulers , to that body without the head , i purpose not to speake ; onely to that which is added , that they should be obeyed as well as kings , i answer , without canvasing of the place in s. peter , which others have done ) that if they are to be obeyed , but as well as kings , then , 1. the king that cōmands not to do it , is to be obeyd as well as they . 2. not they against the king , for that the inferiority implies . an inferior magistrate , in that that it lawfull , and within his commission , and not thwarted by a superiour , is to be obeyed as well as if he were superiour in that , or as well as the superiour in any thing else , but sure not to the despising of the superiours lawfull commands , when they doe interpose , for that were more then as well . when the king commands that which god and the law doth not forbid , it may be said , that his commands are to be obeyd as well as gods , which the apostle intimates , when he saith , you must be subject for conscience sake ; and the ground of this truth is , because indeed god the supreame , commands that subjection to the king in such matters . but sure for all this the king is not to be obeyd against god , or where any countermand of his hath intervened , for this were in s. peters phrase to obey men ( not aswell , but rather than god . thus is it in that other case , the inferiour is to be obeyed as well as the superiour ( in things lawfull and not contradictory to the superiours commands ) upon that ground of necessity of obedience to the superiour , from whom he hath his commission , and as saint peter saith , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is sent of him , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of , on by that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} supereminent person , the king ; but sure this holds not against the superiour , a● in the other case it did not . 3. not they when they command to take up armes against him whom s. paul bids me not resist upon of damnation , and by my oath of allegiance ( if it were otherwise lawfull ) i have bound my selfe that i will not . whereupon it is observable , that the ass● of this warre , are now brought to undertake , that damnation , or 〈…〉 shall not signifie damnation ( poore men , what a weake thred doth the 〈…〉 , that is just over their soules ? and what a sad condition would it be , 〈…〉 that dies a confident martyr in this warre , damnation at the day of 〈…〉 prove to signifie damnation ? ) but some temporary mulct ; and yet withall that this warre is not against the king ( when yet that other against the earle of essex his army , is not doubted to be against the parliament ) which two so 〈◊〉 , and yet distant holde ( for if it be not against the king , what need of 〈◊〉 other evasion , from the damnation that belongs to resisters , or if resister● still 〈◊〉 it away so easily , why may not war be avowd against the king , by any that will adventure his wrath ? doe sure signifie mens consciences to be strangely grounded , and themselves very groundlesly confident , which are satisfied upon no better principles , and whose practises are capeable of no better security . upon these grounds thus layd , of obedience due to inferiours as well as superiours ( supreame it should be , for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must here signifie , and i hope that our king amongst us is such ) magistrates , the objecter puts a case , that the inferiour governour requires that which is onely finest , &c. as to doe our best to defend our selves against those that contrary to law and conscience assault us , the superiour that which is contrary to both , viz. to fit still , &c. in this case he resolves it is most cleare on his side , for ( whether the lawfulnesse or necessity he intimates not of ) resistance against the superiour . to this i answer , that it is hard to beleeve that the objecter did not purposely intend to deceive his reader by that phrase [ onely honest , &c. ] for that is a very doubtfull sence , it may signifie , that nothing else were honest , and then it is in that sence apparently false , for if it were honest to take up armes against a king , yet sure may not taking up armes be honest too ; for ( whatever that crime of neutrality signifie in these daies ) it may be lawfull for a man to suffer injury , to suffer himselfe to be defrauded ( and that by a king as well as by an equall ) 1 cor. 6.7 . i hope resistance , though it have lately commenced , and taken upon it the degree of vertue , yet hath not turned projector , got the monopolie of vertue and honesty into its hand , that it should engrosse and enclose that title , and there be no other vertue or honesty besides this ; yet would the affirmations of some out of no meaner place then the pulpit , [ that all 〈◊〉 that are for the king at this time are atheists or papists ] conclude and perswade thus much . but i would faine beleeve that the meaning of the phrase [ onely honest , &c. ] is , [ no more then honest ] i. not necessary . but if that be it , then sure the superiour governour may deserve to be obeyed in forbidding it , as well as the inferior in commanding : for it will not follow in that case that the king commands somewhat contrary to the law of god and nature , but onely somewhat contrary to something which was agreeable , i. not against the law of god and nature , i. prohibits a thing lawfull not necessary , as the other is supposed to command a thing lawfull , not necessary : which sure were as free for him to doe , as for the inferiour , supposing , as the objecter supposes , that the command of god indifferently extends it for obedience to either , in things that are lawfull . hence it appeares that in the case here put , the command of the superiour is falsely affirmed to be an unlawfull command ▪ ( for them the matter of the inferiours command must be supposed not onely honest but necessary ) and if it be a lawfull one , it may and will then make voyd that obligation for that particular , which is supposed by the law of god to lie on us , to obey the inferiour in that which is lawfull . the short is , if that which is here spoken of , be in it selfe necessary , we must do it , as in spight of all countermands of the superiour , so without all commands or invitations of the inferiour magistrate ; but if it be not necessary in it selfe , neither will the commands of 〈◊〉 inferiour make it necessary to any who stands prohibited by a superiour . in the fourth section the object● offers at a reason , why those ancient christians ( supposing strength in them ) should rather patiently suffer , because before their conversion they had consented to the emperours power , whereby those edicts were made for the murthering of christians , &c. to which i answer , that it is ridiculous to seeke out or impose upon the reader probable or possible reasons for their non-resistance , when tertullian in their name specifies the true onely reason , the gospell doctrine of christian patience and obedience . but for the particular of their consent , much might be added , to shew the vanity of that plea , if that were tanti , or pertinent . i shall only say , that if the emperour legally murthered christians , then their consent to that law or to the power of the emperour who made it would not bind or dispense with them to commit any thing necessary or otherwise commanded by any greater power ; for if i sweare to doe so i must breake my oath , non-obs●an●e what is concluded from ps. 15 ▪ 4. and if it were not otherwise necessary or commanded by greater power , then neither is resistance now . and then the kings prohibition will as much restrain me in any thing not necessary , as their heathenish consent could be supposed to restraine them then . nay he that makes that consent a nullity ( as this objecter in fine doth ) what reason can he ●ender why he that gave that consent , might not plead that nullity , for such ( though carnall ) advantages as life is , if it could make good his pleading , and no other restraint lie on him , but onely that null-consent ? for the fifth section , how that may be lawfull [ for an entire body to do which may not be lawfull for a part ] and so for us now though not for thee ? i answer , that if the phrase [ entire body ] signifie the head and members too , then the period is true ; if not , then the whole section is fallacious : for it follows not , that though the representative body without the head is more , then a party in the empire , without the representation of the rest , therefore the first may resist forcibly , though the second should not : for he that from saint pavl denies resistance of subjects indefinitely to kings , will not be moved from that hold ▪ by discerning some other slight differences between subjects , unlesse they may appear such that on one side they may authorize resistance . but then secondly , if the doctrine of christian patience , &c. were the cause of non-resistance , then sure was not this other consideration wherein they differ from us , the cause of it . well , having gone thus far , in attendance on this objecter , and to exercise that patience , which we so much desire to perswade : there is yet the greatest fort behinde unvanquished , erected in the sixth section , and rescued from all supposed assailants in six particulars following , set up like so many fortresses about it . the summe of it is ( for i would not be bound to recite what every one may read in the printed book ) that if those primitive christians had strength , and might lawfully have resisted , ( by the way tertullian onely affirms the first , and is so far from supposing , that he absolutely denies the second ) yet might god hide this liberty from them ; and so his after dispensations did require that be should hide it from them , and yet manifest it to us : and these dispensations he specifies to be gods counsell of antichrists comming into the world then , and of his being destroyed and cast out now . the hiding of this truth of subjects power and right to resist their superiours , being necessary to help antichrist up to his throne . and the commonalty of christians doing contrary to the will of their superiours , being the men that must have the principall hand in executing gods judgements upon the whore ▪ revel. 18.4.5.6.9 . that is , in the pulling him down . to this whole discourse ( the first i am confident that ever was written on this subject ) i must answer by degrees , ( that i may not omit any thing that is added for proofe or explication by the authour ) and first , i must desire the word ●ay or might [ may hide ] may be changed into plain intelligible sense . say , did god hide the liberty of resistance from those primitive christians or no ? if he did not , then away with this whole section , and particularly that affirmation , pag. ●0 . that gods dispensations did r●quire that it should be hid from them : but if god did indeed hide it : then first , this is more then a supposition , it is a plain concession that those christians tertullian speaks of might not lawfully have re●isted , though they had had strength ( which was so long denied ) for the light be●ng hidden , they must have done it without faith , or against conscience , yea , and ●gainst gods determinate counsell , ( who , the objecter saith , had great causes ●o hide it , of which one sure must be , that it should not be used . 2. here is a ●reat secret of new divinity , that god hides truths ( not as christ spake in para●les , because they seeing see not , mat. 13.13 . but ) on purpose to help antichrist ●o his throne . ( of which more anon ) as for that instance of those that eat ●erbs , i pray consider , whether that be pertinent to prove that god purposely hides truths from us , or particularly this truth in hand . for sure that liberty god had from none in the apostles time ; for the preaching of the gospel manifested the lawfulnesse of meats as well as herbs , onely some saw not , or considered not that that was manifested , and thinking some old legall obligation ( as others did circumcision ) to lie still on them , submitted to it out of piety . now apply this to the point in hand . certainly the liberty of forcible resistance against superiours ( though it should be granted ) would never be found of this kinde , a liberty brought into the world by christ , which before had not beene there . if he shall affirm it was , ( as he must if that instance of eating be pertinent ) though by the concession of the latter part , he must disclaim all his former old testam. pleas for resistance , from the people about ionathan , from david , and from e●isha , yet wil he never give any probable appearance for the affirmation in the first part , that christ gave any such new before-unrevealed liberty : but rather , if any such liberty before there were , it was undoubtedly taken away by christ , from whose example and precepts it was that those primitive christians , and we also , dare not make use of that supposed liberty . the onely thing i can imagine possible to be replyed , is that , though the comparison hold not exactly , yet it may hold in this , that as that liberty of eating was hid to some ( it matters not by whom , or how ) so this of resisting to others . to which i return , that then it is confest that this instance doth onely illustrate the objecters meaning , but not so much as probably confirm his assertion : and then i am sorry i have considered it so long , and therefore to bring the point to an issue , i must thirdly ask , where this liberty , or the authority for this liberty was , when it was thus hid . was it in the old testament ? though it should be there , as it is not , yet it might be taken away in the new , ( as those things which in the old testament , or the law of nature , are neerest to giving of that liberty , are absolutely reformed by christs doctrine and practice ) and then that were good for nothing . was it in the new ? then deale plainly , shew the place in the new testament which gives that liberty , and is now found out by posterity , though hidden to them . sure we have found out no new scripture , to them unknown ( the nazarites gospel though it rehearse some speeches of christ no● in our canon , yet is not produced for any of this nature : that famous one which it fathers on our saviour , nunquam laeti sitis n●si cùm fratr●m in charitate vid●ritis , is of another stamp , i would to god this apocryphall precept might be canonicall among us ) and for any place of the known canon misunderstood by them , and now clearly unclouded and revealed to us in a right understanding , which inforces this , i must be so charitable to the objecter , as to think that if he had discerned any such , he would not have failed to have shewed it us , ( as well as his interpretations of rom 13. and revel 17.17 . ) if it were but to leave us unex●usable for not being his proselytes . beyond these severall wayes of revelation , if posterity have had any other ( or indeed any but that of understanding of scripture , by scripture light , or assistance of gods spirit , which was not before understood ) from whence to fetch a liberty which is not in the old bible , or is denied in the new , this is it which we desire so to warne men of under the name of enthusiasme , which is hardly ever distinguishable from a demure frensie , and i must call it now the dreame of the dreamers , jude 8. that despise dominion , speak evill of dignities , but far from divine revelation . and yet that this is the thing that this objecter hath an eye to , ( and not the understanding of scripture more clearly then before ) may appeare , in that he affirms this truth hid from their teachers , ( though not from all without exception ) who yet if it were hid in the scripture , were of all others most unlikely not to finde it . as for that offer of proofe , that this truth might lie hid , because there was no occasion of studying it : i answer , that in tertul. daies when there was occasion to study it , ( as great as ever can arise any , because the persecutions then , were as heavie persecutions ) we may by that argument think they would have searcht into it , at lest the light then would not in ordinary account have proved more dim , as he saith it did , if the scripture were the candlestick where this light was held out . that which he adds in the next place , of the spirit of courage , patience & constancie which was by god powred out on the church in those dayes , and so made mar●yrdome seem a desirable thing to them , is more like a reason indeed of their not inquiring into this liberty : and herein , i must acknowledge the ingenuity of the objecter , or the power of truth which extorted this reason from him , so little to the advantage of his cause , and so much of ours . for this is certainly the bottome of the businesse , the want of christian courage , patience , &c. ( for that kinde of courage is not in fighting , but suffering ) hath helpt us of this last age to that [ dream , not ] revelation of liberty , which was never heard of among the ancients . but by the way , it seems by the objecter that now martyrdome is no desirable thing , nor taking up christs crosse , nor following of him . we are resolved to have no more to do with martyrdome , think that the thousand yeeres for the saints to reigne on earth are now at hand , and so suffering , or conformity to the image of christ , no longer the thing we are predestin'd to , we must set up a new trade of fighting , destroying , resisting , rebelling , leave enduring to those christians which were furnished with extraordinary strength from heaven . which are the objecters words of the primitive christians , which , saith he , kept them from studying cases and questions about lawfulnesse of escaping , ( which word meere shame had put in , ●u●●erly impertinently , in stead of resisting ) i confesse , i had thought that our q. mary martyes had had this strength from heaven too ; and that it was not like miracles , an extraordinary gift onely for the infancie of the church : but now it seemes we must expect to see no more martyrs , till we can remove mountains again : this objecter , it is cleare , is so resolved against it at this time , and that his actions , as well as writings , will be ready to testifie . for my own part , i trust i shall be as ready to oppose the one , as i am to con●u●e the other , and to thinke nothing more christian still , then to be crucified with my christ , and if i might chuse the article of christian doctrine which i should most desire to seale with my blood , i thinke it would be that of meeknesse , patience , non resistance , peaceablenesse , charity , which i conceive christ hath beene so p●ssionately earnest to recommend unto me , as most diametrically opposite to the most unchristian damning sins of pride , ambition , malice , rebellion , unquietnesse , uncontentedness● , &c. fourthly , for that whole discourse about antichrist there must many things be returned . 1. that it is not tolerable in a christian to affirme that god purposely hid truths , that antichrist might come into the world ; this so harsh sence the objector first disguises in another phrase , that god by speciall dispensation suffered him to make many truths his footstoole , but indeed that reaches not home to the businesse undertaken to be proved , for it follows not thence , that this of resisting superiors was one of those tru●hs , if it were , then god suffered him to make use of it , which he could not but by its being made known , whereas he supposes it was then hid , if he mean antichrist hid it , and so made the holding it , his footstool . then 1. it was not god that hid it , as before he said , but antichrist 2. it had then been manifest before , use then began to be hid , when there was most occasion to use it , which before he made improbable . if i were put upon the rack i could not give a rationall account of those words of the objector last recited , or such as may but be consonant to his present undertakings : that which followes is more clear that god caused a dead sleep to fall upon those truths : if he did , i wonder who first raised them out of that dead sleep jun. brutus or buchan . or m goodwin ? but still it seems god did on purpose hide truths in favour & asistance to antichrist to help him into the world , and this , not like the spirit of slumber sent on men for their punishment , but on divine truths which sure had not deserved it , yet more particularly that the doctrine of liberty to resist superiors should be so opposite in a speciall maner to antichrist , that it was fain to be laid asleep to give him passage into his throne , seemeth very strange to me . 1. because one piece of antichrists pride is to exalt himself above all that is called god which is mostly interpreted kings , and if rightly , then they that do so enhaunce the power of the people ; as to make the king singulis minorem , & loose the rains of obedience so far as to permit resistance : wil i fear discern some part of the mark of the beast upon their own brests . 2. because the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 2 thes. 2 ▪ 6. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , v. 7. that hindred , or let antichrist , and was like to do so still , till he were taken out of the way , was by the fathers commonly resolved to be the roman empire or imperiall soveraignty of rome , see tert. dere see 24. ambr. com . in 2. thes. hier. qu. 11. ad algas ▪ chrys. in 2 thes. cry . hier. catech. i e. aug. de civ. dei , l. 20. c. 19. lact l ▪ 7. c. 25 oecum . in ●oc . & ib. s●ver . & gen. and therefore on the sacking of rome by alaricus the goth s. ierom presently expected that antichrist should come , and in his book ad ageruchiam de mon●gam : wonders that any one would think of marrying at that time , hence , have learned men observed , was that custome in the most ancient times to pray in their lyturgies for the lasting of the roman empire , that so antichrist might be long a coming , tert. apol. c. 33. ad scap. c. 2. from whence though nothing else can be demonstratively inferred yet this certainly may : that in those many fathers opinion the power of kings continuing intire , was not like to help antichrist in , nor consequently the bringing down that power by the revelation of the doctrine of resistance , like to cause an abortion in antichrists birth , or now tend to the casting him out of the world . as for the evidence of that revelation rule that the communality in opposition to their kings , must have the great stroke in executing gods judgement on antichrist proved revel. 18.4.6.9 . i must answer , 5. that i shall never wonder enough at the power of prejudice evidenced in this objecter , by what he hath put together to this purpose page 32. to prove that the people contrary to their kings shall destroy antichrist , this is thought by him sufficient evidence , that the people are commanded to go out of her , vers. 4. when vers. 9. it followes that the kings of the earth shall bewail her , and lament for her : the concludingnesse of the argument i shall not insist on , but onely look forward to another place which he cites immediately revel. 17.17 . where the ten kings are said to hate the whore and make her desolate . now the word kings in this last place signifies , saith the objecter , not the persons of kings but their states and kingdomes , and to this purpose proofes are produced , but 1. i beseech him to deal ingenuously : doth the word king ever signifie the kingdome opposed to the king , 1. any part of the kingdom excluding the king ; but then 2. see the mystery of prejudice which i mentioned where it is for the objecters turne revel. 18. the kings of the earth must signifie their persons in opposition to their people , but where it is not for his turne revel. 17. there the word kings must signifie the people or any but the king : would not the spirit of meeknesse have easily compounded this businesse , and have given the word ( kings ) leave in both places to signifie both their persons and their realmes , and so have reconciled the places that some kings with their kingdomes should bewail her , and some again hate her , they bewail her , that continued with her till her destruction , when they see the smoak of her burning 18.9 . and others hate her who had once tasted of her filthinesse , and repented and left her before , this were very agreeable to those texts , if we had not peremptorily resolved to fetch some other sence out of them . 3. that first place alone by it self concludes onely thus much that good men come ( or are exhorted to come ) out from antichrist , and avenge the whore , and earthly men that have love to her , bewail her , but not that either the first are all common people ( for sure kings may be called gods people , or be in that number ) or the second none but kings , as for the proof that those people , vers. 4. are the subjects of those kings verse 9. because they are such as come out of babylon , sure that is very weak , for babylon being the province of the whore , there may be kings as well as subjects there , and those kings come out too , as well as those subjects . for suppose king and people of england all popish , why might they not all reform together ? it seemes antichrist must never be cast out of a kingdom till the people do it in spight of the king , and therefore it is concluded that it was not done here in the dayes of king edward nor queen elizabeth nor king iames , and now since the new revelation have assured men that antichrist must now be cast out utterly from among us , it is become necessary that our soveraign should be a papist , and as much zeal and as solid arguments used to perswade our friends that indeed he is so , ( though his constant word and actions now evidence the contrary ) as are produced to maintaine any other article of our new saints belief : one of the most suspected and hated heresies of these dayes , is to doubt of the popish affections of our superiors especially the king : well by this doctrine , if the king should chance not to be a papist , he must turne to be one , or else popery cannot be cast out in his time . if so he should do , turne papist on purpose to prepare , or dispose his kingdom to turne antichrist out , this might be but answerable to gods hiding of truths to that end to help antichrist in . but should his majesty be so malicious as to proove protestant in earnest , then what would become of that sure word of prophecy that so many have bin perswaded to depend on , that antichrist must now be cast out of this kingdome , which faith the objecter cannot be , unlesse the people do it while the king bewailes . i hope i have said enough of this . as for the connexion of this observation with the conclusion in hand ( though it matter little now the observation is proved so false , yet ) i shall adde that if the people were to do that great feat of casting out antichrist , yet it appears no● how liberty of forcible resisting their kings should be a necessary requisite to the work , unlesse the lawfull king be the antichrist in every country , for otherwise it is very possible that though they obey their kings they may resist antichrist , though they love and revere their lawfull superior they may hate and abjure their unlawfull : once more , whereas it is again repeated that the knowledge of the supposed subjects liberty would have kept antichrist from his throne , i repeat again , that if it would , god sure would have revealed it to them of all others , unlesse it appear that god was more angry with the sins of christians in tertullians age , and so more fought against them , then he doth in ours against us , for though god may of mercy undeserved throw down antichrist , yet that he should so immediately and illustriously labour to set him up , unlesse out of deserved indignation to a people , is not easily resolved , yet if this may appear de facto to be so , i shall yeeld , till then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the last blot laid on tertullian to obliterate all whatsoever can be fetcht from himlis , that the authority of tertullian and the submission of the christians being both apocryphall is too light to weigh against the practice of the great prophet elisha &c. to which i answer , that that being supposed , yet the grounds on which tertullian saith the christians of his time did so patiently suffer , viz. the doctrine of christian patience and meeknesse , are not apocryphall , nor inferiour to that of elisha , though it were supposed to be argumentive , or concluding for resistance . for any thing else added by the objector in this businesse as the disproving of tertullians relations on grounds of christian doctrine , from the contrary practice of david and elisha though i might answer in one word , that christians are restrained from some things which were practiced without fault in the old testament , yet because those old testament-examples have been fully cleared by many others of our writers , & indeed are not pertinent to the d●scourse i was upon , when this objecter first ●●et me in the way , and led me this wilde goese ●ha●e after him , i shal not be so impertinent as to adde any thing , but conceive my self to have vindicated the testimonies of those fathers from all possible objections , and so to have joyned the practise of christians , ( those ancient primitive ones ) and proved them correspondent to the example of christ , and so to have made good my second argument proposed from the example of christ and christians . my third is from the very making of christianity , and particularly of the protestant doctrine . and ● of christianity , which as it differs from the lawes both of moses and nature , so it constantly reformes and perfects those ( dissolves not any thing that was morall in them , nor promises impunity for non-performance , but upon repentance and reformation ) elevates and raises them to an higher pitch , at least th●● jew● or naturall men had conceived or understood themselves obliged to , which the ancient ●athers generally resolve to be the meaning of his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mat. 5.17 . to fill up all va●u●ties in those former lawes , and adde unto them that perfection which should be proportionable to that greater measure of grace now afforded under the gospel . thus in that sermon upon the mount , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that top of practicall divinity , ( set down by way of particular instance of christs purpose , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) besides the third proaemi●ll beatitude , blessed are the meek , which certainly though it may containe more , yet excludes not , but principally notes the meek , obedient subjects under government , the non●resisters , and therefore hath the same promise annext which the law had given in the fifth commandement ( t was there , that thy dayes may be long in the land ; t is here , they shall possesse the earth , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which psal. 37.11 . whence it is cited , referres clearly to the land of canaan , though improved into an higher sense now in the gospel . ) and again , besides the seventh beatitude of the peace-makers , or peaceable ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being equivalent in the scripture stile , vid. iam. 3.18 . ) and the eighth , of those that are persecuted for righteousnesse sake , ( whence sure is not excluded the cause of religion and christianity it selfe ) which sure are opposi●e enough to forcible resisting of lawfull magistrates , especially for religion : besides all these , i say , in the introduction to that sermon , there is in the body of the sermon it selfe , an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which sure prohibits all forcible resisting or violence even to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the injurious or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} troublesome person which if it should chance to be our king , would not certainly be more lawfully or christianly resisted then any body else ; especially , when it is our religion which is invaded , which of all other things a whole army of plunderers cannot rob us of , ( as they may of the cloak vers. 40. ) and therefore needs not our violence to retain it ; nor is ever injured , but more illustrated by our suffering . to this may be added the consideration of the depositum left by christ with his disciples , pacem peace iohn 14.27 . ( which it seemes onely the beloved disciple had recorded ) peace i leave with you , externall peace for the pacem meam , my peace followes after as a gift perhaps peculi●r to them that prised and kept this legacy , and if it be objected that christ came not to send peace , but a sword , matth. 10.34 . that sure refers not to christs prime counsell or purpose , but to the event ; what he foresaw it would be , not what he had determined it ought ( which manner of speech is very ordinary in all authours ) for the precept is punctuall to peter against the use of the swor● and to all the disciples for preserving of peace mar. 9.50 . and to that it is thought the mention of salt belongs in that place , which among other qualities is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} unitive , have salt in your selves , and have peace one with another . on these texts many effectuall emphaticall descants are added by the apostles , rom. 12.18 . if it be possible , as much as in you lieth , live peaceably with all men : and heb. 1● . 14 ▪ follow peace with all men {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} an agonisticall word to run for it as for a prize or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and 1 thessal . 4.11 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we render it study ( it is , be emulous , contend , strive , make it your ambition ) to be quiet , to which i shall onely adde two places more , iames 3.17.18 . the w●sdome which cometh from above is first pure , then peaceable &c. which before ver. 13. he had called meeknesse of wisdom , then 1 pet. 3.3 . where after direction for the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} obedience of wives 〈◊〉 husbands ( and we know the kingdoms relat●on to the king is besides others , that of a wife to an husband who is therefore espoused to it with the ring at his coronation ) it is added , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that her bravery consists in the sincerity ( i think it should be rendred ) of a meek and quiet spirit , which is in the sight of god of great price . if it be objected , that these many places of peace are but generall wide illations against resistance , or however , no more pertinent to the case about resisting of magistrates , then of any other private man : i answer , that though i might thus argue , à minori , ( and also assume that no other resistance is neere so destructive of peace as that resisting of the supreame power , that being indeed the sh●king of government it self , which is the band of peace , and the dissolving of which , returns 〈◊〉 to the state of common hostility , leaves us a wildernesse of beares or tygers , not a society of men ) yet i shall confesse , that i intended not to lay any more weight on this part of the argument , then any man will acknowledge it able to beare , and that therefore before i inferre my conclusion of non-resistance from the making of christianity , i must adde to these places so passionate for peace , another sort of places concerning obedience , of which ( without naming the places being so known already ) i shall venture this observation , that in the new testament especially the epistles of the apostles ( which were all written in time of the re●gn of wicked heathen bloody adversaries of christianity , and can referre to none but those ) there is no one christian vertue , or article of faith more cleerly delivered more effectually inforced upon our understandings and affections to be acknowledged by the one ( against all pretence of christian liberty to the contrary ) and submitted to by the other , then that of obedience to kings , &c. it were most easie to vindicate those places from all the glosses and scholia's that the writers of this year master goodwin in ●ntican . master bur. master bridges , &c. have invented to free themselves and others from the obedience most strictly required there , but would not again trouble any ingenious man with such extravagant discourses as even now i learnt by experience would be necessary to answer such exceptions , which mens wit or somewhat worse hath produced , besides , those places have been by others vindicated already . i shall onely say whosoever can without coloured spectacles finde ground for the present resistance in those places of scripture rom. 13. 1 pet. 2.13.18 . &c. so far as to settle and quiet a conscience , i shall not conceive my understanding fit to duel with his , any more then i would wrestle with a friend , or combat with the fire , which pythagoras tels me would avail little : he that can be sure that damnation rom 13.2 . signifies not damnation , but some temporary mulct onely ( if the king should prove able to inflict it ) when , v. 5. it is added we must needs be subject not onely for wrath ( i. fear of temporary punishment ) but also for conscience sake , ( which when it accuses , bindes over to eternall wrath , or damnation ) i professe i know not what camel he may not swallow ▪ i shall onely in the bowels of christ desire him to consider , what a sad condition it would prove , if being on this confidence engaged , and by gods h●nd taken away in this war he should at gods tribunall hear saint paul avouch that by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or damnation in that place , he did meane no l●sse then eternall damnation without repentance : o how would his countenance change , his thoughts trouble him , the joynts of his loins be loosed , and his knees smite one against another , one generall {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} possesse all his faculties , and master bridg● &c. be unable to settle him or give him confidence any longer , when the tekel shall come out of the wall over against that interpretation of his , that it is weighed in the ballances ( of truth & judgement ) and found wanting , of this word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i designe another disquisition : only i could not defer to forewarn the reader of his danger in this place , and now i shall not doubt from the making of christianity to inferre my conclusion of non-resistance , not doubting but the premisses will bear it . for the other part of this third argument from the making of the protestant doctrine , i would fain be very brief by way of compensation for my former importunity , and therefore shall engage myself not to trouble the reader with citations or names , which yet might be brought by hundreds of reformed writers for every iunius br●ius , butherius , and buthanan that hath appeared for the contrary since the reformation . though the truth is , such as these if they must be called protestants , are yet in this somewhat more then that title ever imported , i may say perfect jesuits in their principles , and resolutions concerning kings ( no papist of any other order hath gone so far ) although they differ some what in the seat of that power of making such resistance . that which i designed to say on this point is only , this that the doctrine of allegiance to kings , and of their supremacy in all causes , hath alwayes been counted a principall head of difference between the protestants and the worst of papists , and a speciall evidence which most men have used , to conclude the papacy to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the antichrist , is this that the pope exalteth himself above all that is called god : 1. the kings of the earth , that he in case the king be not a catholick , absolves subjects from their allegiance to him , that he pretends power over them in spirituall things , and in temporall in ordine ad spiritualis . it is not unknown to any that the oath of supremacy if not of allegience among us is principally designed to discerne and and discover papists , of whom , one of the prayers appointed for the fifth of november affirmes , that their religion is rebellion , that sure is , that one main difference betwixt romish and english , popish and protestant doctrine is that of liberty to rebell in some cases , particularly in that of religion : in opposition to all which doctrines or insinuations of theirs , there is no church that ever exprest their sence in any article more fully and largely , then ours hath in this particular , witnesse the severall parts of the homily of disobedience and rebellion , printed in queen elizabeths time . and if herein all other parts of the reformed church have not gone as far as we , yet shall i not retract my asserting this doctrine purely protestant , 1. because this kingdom hath alwayes been esteemed a prime part of the reformation , wherein the papacy was legally cast out , not by violence or tumults of the people , and so nothing rejected but what in sobriety was necessary to be rejected , and therefore our church hath generally been the norma or rule by which others have desired to compose themselves , and never yet any other so preferred before us , as that our ancestours could think fit to conforme to them , 2. because in many other countries the government is not regall or monarchical as here it is , bodin . l. 2. c. 5. de rep. can finde none of this nature in europe , but france and spaine , and england and scotland ( i conceive ireland he conteined under the word auglia● ) in which , saith he , regis sine controversia jur●●●nia majestatis habeant per se : singulis civi●us nec universit ●as est ( it seems master dale our embassadour from whom he had received his advertisements of the state of this kingdome had not then heard that our king though singulis major is ●●●versis minor , which certainly had divested him of all soveraignty it being impossible that the soveraign or supream of all should be minor then any ( sumni prinsipis vitam fama●●ut fortunas in discrimen vocare , seu visen judicio constituto id fiat , &c. as for the emperour of germany charles the fifth by name , he saith plainly , tyrannide cives ad rempublicam oppressit cùm iura maiestatis non haboret , which if it be true will be some excuse to the germane princes in what they did at that time in taking up armes for religion , though it is most certain what he affirmes , that when those princes consulted martin luther about it num id ●ure divino liceret , whether it were lawfull in the sight of god , ille negavit he resolved it utterly unlawfull : this answer saith bodin , luther gave perinde atqua si carolus summam imperit solus haberes , and therefore much more must it be given when the case is of a monarch indeed , as he concludes , and though he acknowledge that distinction which it seemes luther did not betwixt that emperour and true monarchs , yet is he faine to passe a sad observation upon the fact of those princes in taking up armes for religion , against luthers advice ita funestum bellum reique publica calami tosum suscepi●s est , cum in gentiprincipurs ac civi● strage , quia iusta causa ●●llowideri potest adversus patriam arma sumendi . i would to god those words were englisht in every of our hearts : a direfull and calamitous war with the slaughter of all sorts , because ( though it were for religion ) yet no cause can be counted just , of taking up armes against ones country . the truth is , what was done there though , 1. very unhappily and 2. against no monarch , hath been thought imitable by knox and buchanan in scotland , and from thence infused into some few into england a●penry , &c. but by gods providence hath formerly been timously restrained , and not broken out to the defaming of our protestant profession . it seemes now our sins are ripe for such a judgement , the land divided into two extream sinfull parts ; one by their sins fitted to suffer under this doctrine , others si●full enough to be permitted to broach and prosecute it . i meekly thank god , that though my sins are strangely great , yet he hath not given me up to that latter judgement . i conceive i have also given some hints at least of proving my position from the making of the protestant doctrine . now for the last topick , taken from the constitution of this kingdome . though that be the lawyers task , very prosperously undertaken by others , yet one generall notion there is of our laws , which from my childhood i have imbibed , and therefore conceive common to all others with me ; and it is this , that the laws of this kingdom put no man ( no papists i am sure ) to death for religion . when jesuites , and seminary priests have suffered , every man is so perfect in the law , as to know that it is for treason , by a statute that makes it such for them to come into this kingdome . the truth of this , and the constant pleading of it against all objecters , hath made me swallow it as a principle of our law , that even popery strictly taken ( and not onely as now this last yeere it hath learnt to enlarge its importance ) is no capitall crime . from whence , i professe , i know no impediment to forbid me to conclude , that in the constitution of our state no war for religion is accounted a lawfull war ; for that it should be lawfull to kill whole multitudes without any enditement , yo● , and by attempting it , to endanger , at least , our own . 1. many good protestants lives , for that , which if it were proved against any single man , would not touch his life in the least degree , is , i must acknowledge , one of the artaria belli which i cannot see into . and therefore sleidan tels us of m. luther , that he would not allow a war , though but defensive , with the turk himself , com . li . 14. pag. 403. and though after he had mitigated his opinion upon a new state of the question , and perswaded the emperour to it , yet it was with this limitation , m●do nec vindictae , nec gloria , nec emolumenti caur● sub●●●●● , ( three things that are very rarely kept out of war ) sed tantum ut spur●issimum l●tronem , non ex religionis , sed ●urti & injuriarum actione aggradiantur . it seems the cause of religion , although it were of christianity against mahometisme , was not to him a sufficient warrant for a defensive w●● but then 2. for this war to be waged against the prince , ( or by any one but the prince , in a monarchie , as this is ) who whatsoever he hath not , hath certainly the power of the sword immediatly from god ( or else must be acknowledged not to have it at all , for this power cannot be in any people originally , or anywhere but in god , and therefore it may be most truly said , that though the regall power were confest to be first given by the people , yet the power of the sword , where with regality is endowed , would be a superaddition of gods , never belonging to regall or whatever other power , till god annext it in gen. 9.6 . which also 〈◊〉 to be out of all dispute in this kingdome , even at this time , where the universall body of the cōmonalty , even by those that would have the regal power originally in them , is not yet affirmed to have any aggregate power , any farther then every man single out of government was presumed to have over himself , which sure was not power of his owne life : for even in nature there is felonia des● , and therefore the representative body of the commons , is so far from being a judicature in capitall matters , that it cannot administer an oath ) and therefore is not justly invasible by any subject or community of subjects , who certainly have not that power , nor pretend to have it , and when they take it , think it necessary to excuse that fact by pretence of necessity , which every body knowes , is the colour for those things which have no ordinary means of justifying them : like that which divines say of saving of children and ideots , &c. by some extraordinary way . ) nay , 3. for this war to be waged , not against popery , truly so called , but against the onely true protestant religion , as it stands ( and by attempting to make new laws is acknowledged as yet to stand ) establisht by the old laws of the land , and therefore is fain to be called popish ( and our martyr reformers notable , by those fiery chariots of theirs , to get out of the confines of babylon ) that it may be fit to be destroyed ; just as the primitive christians were by the persecuters put in wilde beasts skins that in those shapes they might be devoured : this i confesse is to me a complication of riddles ( and therefore put by some artists under that deepe , dark phrase , and title of fundamentall laws of the kingdome ) to which certainly no liberty or right of the subject in magna charta , no nor legislative power , will enable any man to give any intelligible , much lesse legall name : at which i professe i am not ill pleased , because this i hope will keep it from being recorded to posterity . i have done with my fourth argument , and am heartily sorry i have kept my reader so long from his prayers , which must set an end to this controversie , for sure arguments are too blunt to do it ; i beseech god to direct all our hearts to a constant use of those meanes ( together with fasting and abstinence , at least from father provoking sins ) and exerci●e that evill spirit that hath divided his titles ( of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and now at length , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) among us , and by those means infused his mortiferous poison into the very veines of this whole kingdom . [ i create the fruit of the lips peace , peace to him that is far off , &c. and i will heal him . thou hast moved the land , and divided it , heal the fores thereof , for it shaketh . ] the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to its origination signifies censure , judgement , and in its making hath no intimation , either of the quality of the offence to which that judgement belongs , or of the judge who inflicts it : that it belongs to humane judgements , or sentences of temporall punishments sometimes , is apparent by luke 23.40 . where one thief saith to the other , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , making , it seems , the same sentence of death , or capitall punishment , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , c. 24.20 . judgement of death temporall ; and that at other times it signifies also divine judgement , is as apparent act. 24.26 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , judgement to come , that is , certainly at the end of this world , at that day of doome , so rom. 2. ● . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the judgement of god , and so again vers. 3. which v. 5. is explained to be ●rath or punishment against the day of wrath , &c. so heb. 6.2 . resurrection of the dead , and eternall judgement . the truth is in this sense , it is most what 〈…〉 this book , see mat. 23. ●4 . mat. 12.40 . luke 20.47 . rom. 3.8 . and therefore he● , the best glossary for the new testament , renders it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ gods retribution or payment , or rendering according to works . it will not be ●●●th while to survey and consider every place where the word is used , he that shall do so , will perhaps resolve with me to accept of that glossary , and understand it constantly of gods judgement ; unlesse , when the circumstances of the 〈◊〉 shall enforce the contrary , as they do in the places first mentioned , and 1 cor. 6.7 . but then when the context rather leades to the second sense , there will be great danger for any man to apply it to humane judgements , for by so doing , he may flatter himself or others in some sin , and run into that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as it signifies eternall judgement , when by that mis-understanding he doth not conceive himself in any danger of it . of places which without all controversie thus interpret themselves , i will mention two , 2 pet. 2.3 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to render it , whose judgement of a long time lingereth not : which that it belongs to eternall vengeance , appears by the next words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we render it , their damnation , it is literally , their destruction sleepeth not . the second place is , 1 tim. 3.6 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fall into the condemnation of the devill ; that is , sure into that sentence that fell upon lucifer for his pride ( being cast out of heaven , and reserved to chains of eternall darknesse ) for the person spoken of here , is the novice , or new convert , lifted up with pride , just parallel to the angels newly created , lifted up with pride also , the crimes and the persons parallel , and so sure the punishment also . now three places more there are which appear to me by the same means of evidence , or rule of interpreting , to belong to the same sense , though i cannot say of them as i did before , [ without controversie . ] for i see it is not only doubted by some , whether they do belong to this sense or no , but that it is resolved they do not : which resolution sure must be obnoxious to some danger , that i say no worse of it . the first of these places it , rom. 13.2 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : we render it , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation : but say others , it must be rendered judgement , as that signifies some temporary punishment which the higher powers may inflict , and nothing else : and this they labour to make appear by the words following : for rulers are a terrour to evill works , and he beareth not the sword in vain , &c. to which i answer , that there is no doubt made by me or any , but that rulers are to punish men for evill works , particularly that of resistance against them , and not onely that , but also crimes against our brethren , and god ; and in that respect it is added , v. 4. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the minister or officer of god he is , and executioner for wrath , that is , punishment temporall to him ( indefinitely ) that doth evill . but doth it follow from hence , that either he that makes forcible resistance against the superiour or supreme power , or that commits any other sin ( which the supreme power is set to avenge or punish temporally ) shall incurre no eternall punishment ? if this new divinity should be entertained , it must be priviledge and protection to other sins as well as resistance and rebellion , even to all that any judiciall lawes have power to punish , for in these also he is the minister of god : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an avenger , or executioner for punishment , and there is no avoiding it ; but this must be extended indefinitely , or universally , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to any malefactour punishable by that power , or that comes under this cognisance ; and so by this logick , he that is hanged , may not be damned , what ever his crime be , an execution on earth shall be as good as a purgatory to excuse him from any other punishment . but then secondly , suppose a rebell escape the hand of justice here below , by flight , &c. nay , that he prosper in his rebellion , and get the better of it , that the king be not able to punish him , nay , yet farther , that he proceed higher , depose the king , and get into his place ; what {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is he like to receive , if that signifie onely the kings wrath , or temporall punishment ? sure this prosperousnesse of the crime must make it cease to be a crime , make it commence vertue , as the turks on their principles are wont to resolve it , saith busbequius , ep 4. — ex opinione quae turcis insedit ut res quocunque consilio institutas , si bene cadunt , ad deum authorem referant , &c. or else give it , ( though it be a sin never so great , and unrepented of ) perfect impunity both in this world , and in another ; and certainly this is no jest . for he that observes the behaviours of many men , ( the no manner of regrets or reluctancies in their course of forcible resistance , save onely when they conceive it goes not on so prosperously as it was wont , and the great weekly industry that is used to perswade all men of the continued prosperity of the side , as being conceived far more usefull and instrumentall to their ends , then the demonstration of the justice of it , mens consciences being resolved more by the diurnall then the bible , by the intelligencer then the divine , unlesse he turn intelligencer also ( i would we had not so many of those pluralists . ) will have reason to resolve that this divinity is the principle by which they move ; which if it be not yet brought to absurdities enough , then look a little forward to the conclusion , deduced and infer'd , v. 5. wherefore ye must be subject , not onely for wrath , but also for conscience sake . words by prophetick spirit added by the apostle , as it were on purpose to contradict in terminis that new interpretation . wrath signifies that temporall punishment , v. 4. which if it were the all that is meant by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , then how can it be true , that we must be subject not only for wrath ? certainly he that resists is not subject ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and both directly contrary to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the word used both in the third and fifth verse ) and therfore if we must be subject not only for wrath , as that signifies temporall punishment , then he that resists , shall receive more then wrath , as that signifies temporall punishment . viz. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in our rendering , condemnation , if he do not prevent it timously by repentance : which sure is the importance of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but also for conscience sake ; that if he do it not , it will be sin to him , wound his conscience , binde him over to that punishment which belongs to an accusing conscience , ( which sure is more then a temporall mulct ) which is farther clear from the first verse of that chapter , the command of subjection . for sure every divine or apostolicall command entred into the canon of scripture , doth binde conscience , and the breach of it known and deliberate , is no lesse then a damning sin , even under the gospel , mortiferous and destructive without repentance , which is just equivalent to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he shall receive damnation in our way of interpreting it . so much for that first place . the second is 1 cor. 11.29 . he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation ( or as our margent judgement ) to himself , &c. this place i finde avouched for the confirming of the former interpretation rom. 13. that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies onely temporall punishment and thus , it is known the socinians commonly interpret this place , per {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} non sempiternam damnationem nominatim , sed suppliciū in genere intelligendum esse . volk●lius l. 9. de ver. rel. . l. 4. c. 22. that which is used to perswade this to be probable is that which followes ver. 30. for this cause many are weak and sickly among you , and many sleep , which belonging onely to temporall punishments , is conceived to be a periphrasis of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} judgement , which should seeme consequently to be so also : and indeed , volkelius hath added other proofs : 1. because the apostle speaks of any one single act of this sinne of unworthy receiving ( not of any habit or custome ) which he conceives not actually damning now under the second covenant , 2. because it is said ver. 32. and when we are judged , we are chastened of the lord that we should not be condemned &c. to these three ( and i know not that there are produced any more ) probabilities , i conceive clear satisfaction maybe given by those who affirm {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to contain in it eternall punishment ; though if it were onely temporall punishment , yet being sicknesse , &c. which are not inflicted by the magistrate , but by the hand of god it will not come home to that which was by master br. affirmed of the word in rom. 13. for this must be promised that we do not conceive it to signifie eternall punishments exclusive or so as to exclude temporall , but eternall and sometimes temporall too ( for so sure he that for his rebellion receives damnation , hereafter , is not secured from being hang'd drawn and quarterd heere ) or else eternall if be repent not , and perhaps temporall though he do by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as i said , i understand with hesychius {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} gods vengeance whether here , or in another world , but i say in this place both of them , ( and so ordinarily in the former also . this being premised , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may still contain in it eternall punishments , ver. 29. though many for this cause of unworthy receiving did fall sick and die , ver. 30. for 1. they might both die and be damned too , or if , as volkelius saith the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , o●do●miscunt , sleep , be never used in the n. t. of those that are destined to eternall destruction , then still may this be very reconcilable without interpretation that many for this cause are weak and sickly , and many others sleep , god chastising some by diseases to reform them , and punishing others , who as volkelius acknowledges , were guilty onely of some single act of the sin onely with death temporall or shortning their dayes : which certainly hinders not but that god might punish others that did customarily commit this sin ( and perhaps with greater aggravations ) with no lesse then eternall death , how ever that it were just for him to do so , what ever he did it is plain by ver. 27. which is parallel to the 29. whosoever shall eat and drink unworthily shall be guilty of the body and blood of the lord , that is in volkelius his own words ipsum christi corpus ac sanguin●m contemnere & ignominiâ afficere ac quantam in ipsis est profanare proculcareque censendi sunt , shall be thought to contemne and disgrace , and as much as in them lies to profane , and tread under feet the body and blood of christ , which what is it but to count the blood of the covenant an unholy thing , heb. 10.29 . which yet there is used as a main aggravation of that sin , for which , saith the apostle there remaines no more sacrifice , ver. 26. it is apparent that the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} guilty of the body , &c. is paralled to the latine reus maiestatis used for a traitour , and sure signifies no lesse then a guilt of a great injury to christ , which how any man can affirme to be a sin to which no damnation belongs ( supposing no antidote of invincible ignorance or weaknesse , nor recovery by repentance nor gracious pardon of god in not imputing some single act of it ) i professe my self not to discerne , though i think i have weighed impartially all that is said of it . this sure will keep the first proof from being any longer probable , and for the second , ( or first of volkelius ) it is already in effect answered too , for though he that is guilty onely of some one act of this sinne found mercy , yet sure they that are guilty of the customary sin , may speed worse , and indeed of all indefinitly the apostle speaks according to the merit of the sin , as when he saith the drunkard and adulterer shall not inherit the kingdome of god . where yet perhaps he that is guilty onely of one such act may finde mercy . for the last proofe , i conceive it so far from being a probable one against me , that i shall resolve it a convincing one on my side , for if those that were sick , &c. were chastened of the lord , that they should not be condemned , then sure if they had not been so chastened , nor reformed by that chastening , they should have been condemned with the world ▪ and so their temporall judgements may be a means through the mercy of god in christ to free them from their eternall , but not an argument that eternall was not due to them , but a perfect intimation , that it was . the third place ( which is not indeed of much importance in it self , but onely is used to give countenance to the interpretation in the two former places ) is 1 pet. 4.17 . the time is come that judgement must begin at the house of god . here , say they {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} judgement is that that befalls the house of god , the godly therefore but temporall judgements . to which i answer in a word , that here is a mistake in opposing judgement in its latitude to the house of god , when only it is affirmed by s. peter of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the beginning or first part of judgement : for of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or judgement in this verse , there are specified two parts , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the first part , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the end ( or else the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} seemes to sound in our english , the tail ) of it , as psal. 75.8 . the cup of gods displeasure , or punitive justice , is supposed to consist of two parts , 1. red wine ( or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and 2. mixture of myrrhe and other poysonous bitter spices , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , apocal . 4.10 . & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , matth. 24.17 . and both together , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} myrrhato , wine , mark 15.25 . now this cup is powred out , and tasted of indefinite by the godly some part of it , but the dregs thereof , i. the myrrh bitter part , that goes to the bottome , is left for the wicked to wring out and drinke : so that onely the tolerable , supportable , easie part of the judgement belongs unto the godly , but the end , the dregs , the unsupportable part , to those that obey not the gospel of god . or yet a little further , the beginning or first part , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of the judgement , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from the godly ( and so it was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) intimating that the judgement doth not stay upon them , but onely take rise from them ; but the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the second sadder part of it , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of them , ( or belongs to them ) that obey not , &c. so that still in this place also {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies gods judgement of this life and another both ; not of this life onely , to the excluding of the other , but one part in this life , another in that other ; and though the godly had their part in it , yet there was some what in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that the godly never ●asted of , but only the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they that disobeyed the gospel of god , and this is apparant by the 18. vers. 18. for if the righteous {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we read it scarcely be saved . it signifies ( by comparing that place with prov. 11.31 . where in stead of recompenced on the earth , the greek translation reads , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) bee rendred unto , or recompenced , i. punished in the earth , then where shall the ungodly and sinners appeare ? there are again the two parts of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , one {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods retribution to sin here , wherein the godly have their part , and the other his rendring to the wicked hereafter , and so neither of them the punishment of the magistrate in this life , as mr. bridg. out of piscator , contends to have it . rom. 13. and as it must be here also , if others speak pertinently , who use it to avoid that interpretation , which i confesse mr. br. doth not . they that are unlearned and unstable wrest the scriptures to their own destruction , yee therefore beloved , seeing ye know those things before , beware lest you also being led away with the error of the wicked fall from your own stedfastnesse , 2 pet. 3.16.17 . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45461e-100 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . surect . by the supreame councell of the confederat catholicks of ireland although wee find our selves much afflicted for the expressions wee are forced to make, of the lord nuncio his violent proceedings against the gouerment of the kingdome ... confederate catholics. supreme council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46008 of text r178590 in the english short title catalog (wing i334). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46008 wing i334 estc r178590 27128998 ocm 27128998 109983 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46008) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109983) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:19) by the supreame councell of the confederat catholicks of ireland although wee find our selves much afflicted for the expressions wee are forced to make, of the lord nuncio his violent proceedings against the gouerment of the kingdome ... confederate catholics. supreme council. 1 sheet ([1] p.). [s.n.], printed at kilkenny : in the yeare of our lord, 1648. other title information taken from first lines of text. signed: dounboyn, lucas dillon, richard blake, richard bellings, gerald fenell, iohn walsh, patrick bryan, robert deuereux. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng church and state -ireland. ireland -history -1625-1649. a46008 r178590 (wing i334). civilwar no by the supreame councell of the confederat catholicks of ireland· although wee find our selues much afflicted, for the expressions wee are f confederate catholics. supreme council 1648 1127 4 0 0 0 0 0 35 c the rate of 35 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the svpreame covncell of the confederat catholicks of ireland although wee find our selues much afflicted , for the expressions wee are forced to make , of the lord nuncio his violent proceedings , against the gouernment of the kingdome , & the iust liberties of the nation ; yet being obliged to render an accompt to god and man , of the trust reposed in vs , & seeing his lopp : squares his actions by principles , apparantly contrary to the intrest of this nation : wee must ( in opposition to the course hee steeres ) manifest to the world our dislike of his actions , and express some parte of those iellousies and distrusts , which ( vpon iust grounds ) wee haue entertained of his proceedings , in the ensuing reasons , by which wee are induced at present to inhibitt the meeting of a nationall synod appointed by his lopp : to be held at galway the fifteenth of august next . 1. first , it is not vnknowen , that the lord nuncio hath made such vse of a declaration drawen from a few prelats against the cessation concluded with the lord barton of inchiquin , and of the vniust censurs temerariously issued there vpon , that hee hath introduced a ciuill ●ar among the confederatts , & thereby exposed the catholick religion and this kingdome to apparant hazard of destruction . and now obseruing many prelatts , all the nobility and men of intrest , and all the citties and townes corporat with in our quarters , resolued with vs to suppress those in armes opposing the gouerment , who are supported by his countenance , & the ayds sent for maintenance of our cause , which ( contrary to his holines pious intentions ) are applyed to foment and encrease dissentions , hee ( by the assistance of a few seditious persons ) calls this nationall synod , intending [ by that vnlimited power which hee assumes vnto himselfe ] and the terror of his iudgements , which are already extended [ to the vttermost of seuerity on the persons of father george dillon , and father valentine browne , for no other reason , then that they are not of his opinion , concearning the cessation ; to force an approbation of his most vniust and vnexampled procedings against those adhering to the gouernment , and to anticipat [ asmuch as in him lyeth ) his holiness , [ to whom wee haue appealed ) his iudgment of our cause . 2. secondly , hee conuenes it at galway , a place inconuenient , as being seated in a remote parte of the kingdome , vnsafe in the way to it , & in a prouince , which is now made the seate of warr : a place where inuectiues , against authority , are frequently preached by his allowance , where his lopp : by his , and the influence of some seditious cleargy-men , vpon a parte of the ignorant and misled multitude , haue already affronted the magistrat , and best men of that towne . 3. t●●●dly , wee haue iust cause to feare some practize for surprizall of the towne , at such a tyme , when some ill affected persons in the neighbourhood of it , haue rebelliously taken armes , in opposition to our authority ; and are countenaced in it , & ( already by seizing & piladging some castles belonging to men of gallway ) do express their disaffection to the inhabitants , and their inclinations to the plunder of that towne . what opportunity will such a meeting ( to which all men are promisscuously inuited by offer of safe conduct , in the summons ) affoard to such a designe in these distracted tymes , when perhapps the towne may be declared to haue incurred the censures , because it submitts to our authority ; and the act of plundering it , therefore esteemed meritorious . 4. fowrthly , the lord nuntio , haueing made himselfe a partie , and adhereing to owne ô neill , now actually in armes against the authority established by the confederat catholicks , what indifferency can be expected by the nation , in a synod wherein hee is to praeside ? 5. it is improper a synod , should be called at such atyme , when noe corner of the kingdome is freed from the horrid effects of warr , and all places are full of inexpressable distractions , and none exempt from the misery of famine wherein that towne , and the adioyneing countrey , suffer in a high measure . 6. the generall assembly ( the hig hest authority among the confederat catholicks ) being now conuen'd , and the body of the kingdome being to meete , the fowrth of september next , wee hould it necessary they should be first consulted with , in so great an affaire . 7. wherefore , it is ordered , and ( by vertue of their oath of association ) it is straightly charged and enioyned , that no confederat catholick , either of the cleargy or of the layety , of what degree , quaility , or condition souer , do repaire to the synod or meeting , summoned by the lord nuncio , to be held at gallway the fifteenth of august next , or shall remaine there ( if alredy gon thither , but shall depart thence imediatly , and shall not send his , or their proxies thither ; and shall reuoke his or their said proxie ( 〈◊〉 already sent ) vpon paine of being putt out of the protection of the confederat catholickes , and further proceeded against , as fallen from our vnion and oath of association : whereof the generall commanders , mayors , magistrats , and other officers , subject to authoritie , are to take notice , and proceede accordingly in interrupting and stopping all and every person and persons , going to any such meeting or synod , at the place or tyme aforesaid , as they will answeare the contrary . giuen at kilkenny ●astle the 28 day of iuly 1648 , and in the 24. yeare of the raigne of our soueraigne lo : charles by the grace of ●od king of great brittaine , france , and ireland . dounboyn , lucas dillon , richard blake , richard bellings , gerald fenell , iohn walsh , patrick bryan , robert deuereux , god save the king . printed at kilkenny in the yeare of our lord , 1648. the confutation of tortura torti: or, against the king of englands chaplaine: for that he hath negligently defended his kinges cause. by the r.f. martinus becanus, of the society of iesus: and professour in deuinity. translated out of latin into english by w.i. p. refutatio torturae torti. english becanus, martinus, 1563-1624. 1610 approx. 113 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06517 stc 1699 estc s122416 99857565 99857565 23323 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06517) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 23323) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1194:16) the confutation of tortura torti: or, against the king of englands chaplaine: for that he hath negligently defended his kinges cause. by the r.f. martinus becanus, of the society of iesus: and professour in deuinity. translated out of latin into english by w.i. p. refutatio torturae torti. english becanus, martinus, 1563-1624. wilson, john, ca. 1575-ca. 1645? [6], 65, [3] p. printed at the english college press] permissu superiorum, [saint-omer : m.dc.x. [1610] w.i. p. = john wilson, priest. a translation of: refutatio torturae torti. a reply to: andrewes, lancelot. tortura torti. identification of printer from stc. with a final errata leaf. reproduction of the original in durham university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng andrewes, lancelot, 1555-1626. -tortura torti -controversial literature -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. 2004-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-01 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the confvtation of tortvra torti : or , against ●he king of englands chaplaine : for that he hath negligently defended his kinges cause . by the r. f. martinvs becanvs , of the society of iesvs : and professour in deuinity . translated out of latin into english by w. i. ● . ¶ permissu superiorum . m.dc.x. to the right reverend and right honorable prince , and lord , lord iohn svicard , arch-bishop of the holy sea of mentz , arch-chancellour of the sacred roman empire through germany , and prince electour : his most clement prince , and lord , martinus becanus &c. there came of late ( right reuerend and right honorable prince ) two bookes out of england ; one whereof bare title of the renowned king iames ; the other of his chaplain : both which , as manifestly oppugning the roman church , i haue , for the loue of truth , refuted as modestly as i could . as for the former i haue dedicated the confutation therof to the inuincible emperour rodulph , and the other renowned kinges , & illustrious princes of the christian world ( among whome you are one : ) but the later i haue thought it not amisse to dedicate specially vnto your magnificēt name ; and that for two reasons . the one , that for so much as i haue taken this paines for defence of the catholicke faith and religion ; it seemes vnfit that the same should be published vnder the patronage of any other , then your selfe who are so great a professor and protector of the said faith in germany . the other reason is , for that your meritts and benefitts towards our archiepiscopall colledge of mentz , do by a certaine right challenge , and exact the same at my hands . you will , i trust , take i● in good part , and fauourably accept this my sincere token of duty and reuerence . the translatovr to the reader . wheras ( gentle reader ) in the yeare of our lord god 1607. there being published , both in english & latin , a booke , intituled triplici nodo triplex cuneus , or , an apology for the oath of allegiance , and this without name of authour : the same was answered very briefely & modestly in both languages by the catholicke party the next yeare following . and first in english , by an english-man , who also concealed his name : and then in latin by card. bellarmine , vnder the name of matthaeus tortus ; who not suspecting the said booke to be his maiesties of great britany , ( as indeed it was ) but rather of some of his ministers about him , thought it not fit to publish this his answere in his owne , but in the name of the foresaid matthaeus tortus . but when in the yeare 1609. his maiesty ( hauing now seene these answers to his booke come forth ) resolued to publish anew his said apology , with a large preface or premonition to all christian princes &c. he therwithall forthwith gaue commandement to two of the best learned ( as is thought ) in his realme , that they should separately make answer to both the fornamed books , written against his foresaid apology , which presently they did . and that in english he committed to m. doctor barlow , who made answere therto , and published it the same yeare 1609. but how substantially he hath performed the same , may perhaps be shortly examined . the other in latin of the forsaid matthaeus tortus , he recommended to m. doctor andrewes , a man of great esteeme and litterature in our countrey , who the same yeare in like manner , set forth an answere therto , intituling it tortura torti : which answere of his comming forth in latin , f. martinus becanus , of the society of iesus , and professour in deuinity , hath , though briefely , yet substantially , confuted , this present yeare 1610. and for that the said fathers booke is very short , & written in latin , i haue bestowed a few houres to translate the same into our english tongue , for such , as eyther vnderstand not the latin , or els haue not had the commodity to come by any of the said copyes of the former edition , published in that language . w. i. the confvtation of tortvra torti : or , against the king of england his chaplaine . yov haue written a booke of late in defence of your king , against matthaeus tortus , intituled tortura torti , ( or the torture of tortus . ) you discouer not your name , but insinuate your self to be a chaplaine , alm-nour , or tormentor . i ( because it is more honorable ) wil cal you chaplaine . in the said book you dispute principally of three heads . first , of the oath of allegiance , which your king● exacteth of his subiects . secondly , of the king● supremacy in ecclesiasticall ( or spirituall ) matters ▪ thirdly , of the popes power . if we consider your words , yow are neat and elegant inough : if you● labour and diligence , i accuse you not of idlenes . but many other things there are , which i do not so wel● approue ; especially these . first , that you are exceedingly giuen to reproaching and taunting . secondly , that you do euery where insert many falsities and absurdities . thirdly , that you rather ouerthrow , then establish your kings supremacy , which you would fortify : which is as foule a fault as may be . of these three heades then , will i treat in order . 1. of the chaplaines reproaches . 2. of his paradoxes . 3. of the kinges supremacy ouerthrowne by him . i trust you will pardon me , syr , if i modestly set before your eyes these three thinges ; as well for your owne benefit as others . for your owne , that hereby you may know your selfe , and , if it be possible , become hereafter more wise . for others , that they may learne not so lightly to trust you , who haue so often , and so fouly faultred in things of so great moment . heare me then patiently . the first chapter : of the chaplaines reproaches . straight then in the entrance of your torture , you reprehended matthaeus tortus , that he is altogeather full of railings and reproaches . for thus you writ of him : per librum totum ita petulans , ita immodestè immodestus , ita totus in conuitijs , facilè vt quiuis , matthaeum tortum esse , possit intelligere &c. throughout all his booke so impudent he is , so imodestly immodest , so wholy giuen to reproaches , that euery man may easily perceaue him to be matthew tortus &c. but you , syr , do farre surpasse matthaeus tortus in this kind . you spare no man. you prouoke all with some reproach or other , where the least occasion is offered . pope clement the 8. you call perfidious , cardinall bellarmine , a vow-breaker , d. sanders , the greatest lyer of all men liuing , edmund campian and others who haue suffered martyrdome for the catholick fayth , you call traytors . the iesuites , authors of most outragious wickednes , the catholicks you tearme the race of malchus , who hauing their right eares cut of , do heare and interpret all with the left . i pretermit , what you haue malepertly vttered against matthaeus tortus . 2. these and the like reproaches , which are very familiar with you , as i perceaue , do not beseeme an honest man ; much lesse the chaplaine or almenour of a king : yet perhaps do they not altogeather misbecome a tormentor . neyther may you excuse your selfe by the example of matthew tortus , as though he had first prouoked you to these reproaches . first it is nothing so : and secondly if it had byn so : what ? do you thinke it the part of a christian man to requite euill with euill ? truely the apostle taught vs otherwise , rom. 12. 17. nulli malum pro malo reddentes , to wit , that we should not render euill for euill to any man. and lastly , if you would haue done so , why haue you not spared others ? was not one tortus inough for you to torture , vnlesse with the like liberty you railed vpon others also ? hereafter therfore abstaine from the like , and giue eare to that of the wiseman , prouerb . 21. 23. qui custodit os suum , & linguam suam , custodit ab angustijs animam suam . he that keepeth his mouth and his tongue , doth preserue his soule from distresse . and againe matth. 12. 35. ex abundantia cordis os loquitur . bonus homo , de bono thesauro profert bona ; & malus homo de malo thesauro profert mala . of the aboundance of the hart the mouth speaketh . a good man out of a good treasure , bringeth forth good thinges : and an euill man out of an euill treasure bringeth forth euill thinges . see then what kind of treasure this of yours is , from whence come forth so many reproaches . and beware , quia maledici regnum dei non possidebunt , 1. cor. 6. for that raylers shall not possesse the kingdome of god. the second chapter : of the chaplaines paradoxes . after your reproaches and railings , follow your paradoxes , which are many in your booke : but especially these . 1. that the puritans in england doe sincerely sweare to the kings supremacy . 2. that the said supremacy is to be giuen to the king by all right . 3. that no man hath yet denyed , but that the kings of the old testament , had supremacy in the church . 4. that the kinges of the new testament are pastors of the flocke of christ. 5. that kinges are often called in the scripture christes , or , the annoynted of our lord ; but priests or bishops are neuer so called . 6. that if the pope were head of the church , besides christ ; it should be a monstrous , and two-headed church . 7. that if the pope should haue power to depose kinges ; ethnicks ( or infidels ) were better in condition then christian princes . 8. that if the pope will haue a temporall kingdome , it were to be persuaded that he went to the diuell for it . 9. that power to excommunicate , was not giuen to s. peter , but vnto the church . 10. that the prophesy of the reuelation of antichrist is already fulfilled ; and therefore is cleere , and not intricate . 11. that the kinges of denmarke and sweueland , as also the princes of germany agree with the king of england in matters of faith . 12. that it is not now free for the king of england to change his owne , or to admit catholicke religiō in his kingdome , for that he hath sworne twice to the contrary . 13. that cardinall bellarmine is a vow-breaker , because of a iesuite he is become a cardinall . 14. that catholicks teach , fidelity not to be kept , and falshood to be lawfull . 15. that catholickes are of the race of malchus , because they interprete nothing aright , but all sinistrously . these few heades of many , are now briefly to be examined the first paradoxe . 2. first therefore you say , that the puritans in england do sincerely sweare to the kinges supremacy . your wordes are these pag. 379. towardes the end of the page : quos verò puritanos appellat , si regium primatum detestentur , detestandi ipsi . profitentur enim , subscribunt , iurant indies : sed & illi , quod faciunt , ingenuè faciunt &c. those whom he ( to wit tortus ) calleth puritans , if they abhorre the kinges primacy , they are to be abhorred . for they doe professe , subscribe , and sweare dayly : and moreouer , what they do , they do sincerely &c. that is to say , they sincerely professe the kings supremacy , they sincerely subscribe , they sincerely sweare . 3. but your king himself thinketh far otherwise of them in his premonition to the emperour , kings , and princes . for thus he speaketh : praeclara sanè laus , praeclarum encomium , quo puritanos ornaui , cùm me plus fidei , vel in illis efferis , cùm montanis , tum limitaneis latronibus , quàm in hoc genere hominum inuenisse professus sim. surely i giue a fayre commendation to the puritans , when i affirme , that i haue found greater honesty with the high-land and border theeues , then with that sort of people &c. behould now how greatly you differ from your king , your head , and ecclesiasticall primate . your king professeth , that he hath found more fidelity amongst barbarous or cruell theeues , thē amongst the puritans : you on the contrary side affirme , that the puritans , what they do , they do sincerely . so as those to you are sincere men , that to your king are worse then cruell theeues . 4. againe , saith the king : ego à puritanis , non solùm à natiuitate continuò vexatus fui ; verùm etiam in ipso matris vtero propemodum extinctus , antequam in lucem editus essem &c. i haue byn persecuted by the puritans , not only from my birth , but almost extinguished also , euen in my mothers wombe , before i was yet borne &c. what say you to this ? will you still chaunt your wonted songe , that the puritans , what they do , they do sincerely ? to wit , forsooth , as you interprete , they would sincerely haue extinguished the king in his mothers wombe , before he was borne . and is this in your chapell , to be sincere indeed ? 5. moreouer the king saith : ego in meo ad filium libro , multò acriùs ac vehementiùs in puritanos , quàm pontificios inuectus sum . i in my booke to my sonne , doe speake ten tymes more bitterly of the puritans then of the papists &c. so as by the kings owne iudgment the puritans are worse then the papists : but you call papistes , traytors : ergo , the puritans are worse then traytors . and yet notwithstanding you write , that what they do , they do sincerely . 6. againe the king yet writeth thus : mihi praecipuus labor fuit , deiectos episcopos restituere , & puritanorum anarchiam expugnare . i haue laboured nothing so much , as to depresse the puritans anarchy , and erect bishops againe &c. to wit , the puritans affect an anarchy ( or to be without a king , ) they hate a monarchy , or primacy : contrariwise the king depresseth this anarchy , and establisheth a primacy . now i demaund , if the puritans detest this primacy , how do they then sweare thus sincerely thereunto ? ergo , eyther the puritans are no longer puritans : or if they be the men they were ( to wit puritans , ) they affect anarchy , and detest primacy : and so what they do , they do not sincerely , but fraudulently . 7. see then , how contrary in all these thinges you are to the king. whome he accuseth , you excuse ; and yet from impudency you cannot excuse them . and is it not a great impudencie , and ( if you will ) imprudencie , that the caluinistes in germany , and holland , who are nothing els but puritans , should dare so often to reprint the foresaid premonition of your king , wherin they are so manifestlie and sharpely touched ? for what could more belong to their ignominie or disgrace , then to be accompted worse then theeues , & that by the publike testimonie of a king : for as much as they had conspired his death , being yet in his mothers womb ? and is it not impudencie , to diuulge in print againe and againe this their shamefull ignominy , nor yet heereby to feare their publicke infamie ? and yet neuerthelesse with you , what they doe , they doe sin●urely . the second paradoxe . 8. the primacy ecclesiasticall , say you , is due to kinges by all right : for these are your wordes pag. 90. primatus spiritualis debetur regibus ●mni iure . the primacy spirituall is due to kings by all right . let vs then see , if it be so . right , or power , as you know , is deuided into naturall , and positiue : this right againe is either diuine or humane . diuine power , is partly of the old testament , and partly of the new . humane likewise , is partly canonicall , partly ciuill . will you then that the primacy ecclesiastical be due to kings by all these kindes of right ? it seemeth you would . but in another place you confesse , that it is due by the only right of the old testament : ergo , not by all the former . for thus you write pag. 363. amore , institutoque israëlis orditur apologia : inde enim vim habet , atque neruos suos quaestio haec omnis ( de primatu . ) in israele enim populo suo regum instituit deus , & ecclesiam in regno ex mente sua . exemplum inde nolis sumendum est , cùm in testamento nouo nullam habeamus . nusquam enim in vnum coaluerunt ecclesia & imperium ; procul se habuit imperium ab ecclesia &c. from the custome and in●stitute of israell ( to wit the old testament ) beginneth our defence : because from thence hath all this question her force , and strength ( to wit of the supremacy . for in israel did god erect a kingdome for his people and in that kingdome did he found a church to hi● owne liking . from thence are we to take an example : for so much as in the new testament we haue none . for no where haue the church and empire byn ioyned togeather in one : the empire hath kep● aloofe of from the church &c. 9. i doubt not , you will acknowledg these your words , which do condemne you . for if the question of supremacy , as here you affirme , hath no other force , then from the custome and institute of the people of israell ; then is not this supremacy due to kings by naturall right ; nor by diuine of the new testament ; nor by canonicall , or ciuill . how then is it due by all right ? againe , if in the new testament the church and empire did no where consist or ioyne togeather in one : then by right of the new testament , it is not necessary , that they should consist in one : ergo , it is not due by all right . and truely , if no where in the new testament they consisted togeather in one : how commeth it to passe , that now of late in england they be thus vnited togeather in one ? here you haue plainely brought your selfe into straites . the third paradoxe . 10. no man , say you , hath yet denyed , but that the kings of the old testament had supremacy in the church . for thus you write pag. 364. in israële autem , nondum os reperitam durum , quod negare etiam auderet , praecipuas in re religionis partes , penes regem extitisse . in israell ( to wit the old testament ) could i neuer yet find any man so impudent that durst deny , but that the principall offices in matters of religion , were in the kings power &c. but i haue found , not one , but many , that dare deny the same . of your owne countreymen are found that dare deny it , nicolas sanders in his second booke of the visible monarchy of the church , and 3. chapter , in solution of the 5. obiection of protestants : and thomas stapleton in his fifth boke of doctrinall principles of faith , the 23. chapter . of our men are found that dare deny it , cardinall bellarmine in his first booke of councells , and 20. chapter . iacobus gretzerus in his second booke of considerations to the deuines of venice , 1. 2. & 3. consider . adam tannerus in his first booke of the defense of ecclesiasticall liberty the 15. chapter , and others . 11. all these sayd authors in the places here cited , propose the argument , which you are wont to vse to proue the kings supremacy in spirituall matters . and it is this : moyses , iosue , dauid , salomon , iosias , and other kings of the old testament haue had the primacy of the church : ergo , the kings of the new testament haue it also . in the solution of which argument , all deny the antecedent . they deny ( i say ) that the kings of the old testament ( if precisely we respect kingly power ) had the supremacy of the church : although they graunt , that some of thē had that power , not by any ordinary right , as being kinges , but for so much , as that they were both prophets and priestes , by an extraordinary concession or graunt . the wordes of bellarmine are these : respondeo primo , moysen &c. i answere first , that moyses was not only a prince , but a chiefe priest also , as is manifest out of the 98. psalme , moyses & aaron in sacerdotibus eius . moyses and aaron were accompted amongst his priestes &c. iosue , dauid , salomon , and some others , were not only kings , but also prophets , to whome god committed many things extraordinarily which otherwise by office and right belonged to the priests . and in this sort king salomon remoued abiathar from his function of priesthood , and appointed sadoc in his place . and this he did not as king , but as a prophet , by diuine inspiration . secondly i say ( quoth bellarmine ) that diuers other good kings of the synagogue , did neuer intermeddle in the affaires or offices of the priests : and if at any time they did , they were sorely punished by god for it &c. thus farre bellarmine . the like haue the rest of the forenamed authors . 12. this notwithstanding , i adde moreouer ( wherein you deceiue , or are deceaued ) that some of the foresaid authors do not only deny the antecedent , but the consequence of the former argument also : and therfore they admit two solutions . the first is this : we deny ( say they ) that the kings of the old testament had supremacy in the church . the later this : although we should grant , that kings of the old testament had the primacy of the church ; yet would it not follow , by consequence , that the kings of the new testament haue the same also &c. for which they assigne diuers reasons . read what i haue said in solution of the same argument , in my confutation of the king of englands apology , the 2. chapter . the fourth paradoxe . 13. yov say , the kings of the new testament are pastors of the flocke of christ. and although those wordes pasce oues meas , ( feede my sheep ) were spoken to peter ; yet notwithstanding do they belong to christian kings also : and for that there were no christian kings in christs time , to whome the care of his flocke might be committed , therfore they were not spoken to them . for thus you write pag. 53. rex noster est dux gregis sub christo pastorum principe . sunt & alij reges christiani ad vnum omnes , sua si iura nossent , & vel vires illis , vel animus non deesset &c. our king ( to wit of england ) is head of the flocke vnder christ the chiefe of pastors . and so are all other christian kings , not one excepted , if either they knew their rights , or that their strength , or courage failed them not &c. and yet more plainely pag. 91. neque quiquam ad rem , quod de christo addis , non regem aliquem , sed apostolum gregis sui pastorem designante . certè , vt nec regem sub lege , quia nondum ibi rex vllus ; at vbi iam rex , tum nec ei pastoris nomen negatum : ita sub euangelio , cùm non essent reges adhuc , qui tum nulli erant , pastores esse non poterant . at vbi reges christo nomen dederant , tum demum , non minùs pastores hi , quàm olim reges israelis . quòd si autem ab initio statim nomen christo dedissent , nulla ratio , quò minùs gregis christiani pastores designari potuissent . neither ( say you ) is that to any purpose , which you ( to wit tortus ) adde of christ , appointing not a king , but an apostle the pastor of his flocke . truly , as he appointed no king vnder the law , for that there was yet no king , but when there was a king , then the name of pastor was not denied him : euen so vnder the ghospell when there were not yet kings , for that being none , they could not be pastors . but when kings once became christians , then at length were they no lesse pastors , then were of old the kings of israell . and if presently from the beginning , they had byn christians , there can be no reason giuen , why they should not haue byn designed pastors of the christian flocke &c. 14. heere is not one alone , but many paradoxes , or singular opinions . and first i demaund of you , if in christs time there had byn any christian king , whether christ would haue said vnto him , pasce oues meas , feed my sheepe ? if you affirme , yea , how proue you it ? or who did euer affirme it before your selfe ? or whether are you the first that haue reuealed this mistery to the christian world ? if you deny it , yow do well . but if christ did not say to any christian king , feed my sheepe ; by what authority do you say now to king iames pasce oues christi ; feed the flock of christ ? vvhat ? will you depose peter from his pastorall office , who was ordayned therto by christ , and suborne your king , who was not ordained by christ ? surely , a bould enterprize : and worthy , no doubt , such a chaplaine . 15. againe i demaund , what meane these words , pasce oues meas , feed my flocke ? you ( in the 52. page of your booke ) expound them of the feeding by word and doctrine . be it so . but you your selfe ( pag. 380. ) doe confesse , that your king doth not feed the sheep of christ by word and doctrine : ergo , the king , by your owne graunt , is not the pastor of the flocke of christ. neyther can those wordes , feed my sheep , in the sense that christ spake them , any way belong vnto the king. heere you may not so soone quit your selfe , i wot well . for of necessity you must eyther confesse , that these words , ( feed my sheep ) are not vnderstood of the feeding by word and doctrine ; or els that it belongs to the king to feed by word and doctrine : or verily , that the king is not the pastor of christs flocke . but all these 3. wayes are against you . you will haue the wordes of christ ( feed my sheep ) to be vnderstood of feeding by word and doctrine . you will haue your king not to feed the flocke of christ by word and doctrine : you will haue your king to be the pastor of christes flocke . what euasion then can you heere haue ? 16. thirdly i demand , why do not other christian kinges take vpon them this pastorall office , if they be truly pastors of christs flocke ? they would doe it ( say you ) if eyther they knew their rights , or that their strength or courage fayled them not . and what , i pray you , is this , then as much to say , that the king of england is wise , and the rest are fooles ? he hath force and strength , the rest are weake and impotent ? he is couragious , the rest are fearefull and cowardly . thus it commeth to passe , that whilst you flatter your owne king , you become contumelious against others . the fifth paradoxe . 17. kinges , say you , in scripture are often called christes , or the annoynted of our lord , but bishops and priests are neuer so called : and therefore matthew tortus did very ill to call the pope by that name . your wordes are these pag. 114. mihi verò multò magis improprium videtur , quòd pontificem nouo nomine , nec ei in scripturis sacris vsquam attributo christvm domini indigitasti . truly it seemeth to me much more improper that you haue intitled ( or pointed out ) the pope with a new name , to wit , the annointed of our lord , when as the same was neuer attributed vnto him in scripture . and a little after , say you : reges quidem reperio sic in sacris litteris saepè saepiùs nominatos ; pontifici nomen hoc tributum ibi non memini : iuuet nos matthaeus , & vel vnum locum designet in toto volumine bibliorum , vbi nomen hoc vlli pontifici , sacri illi scriptores attribuerint . kinges do i often find , to haue byn often so called in holy vvrit : but i remember not , that this name is there attributed to the pope . let matthew ( to wit tortus ) helpe vs to find out , though but one place only , in all the volume of the bible , where this name hath byn giuen to any priest by any of those sacred wryters &c. 18. but stay ( my friend ) there is no need that matthew should be sent for out of italy , to shew you one place . i my self , that am neerer at hand wil assigne you more then one . heare me then . first exod. 29. 7. oleum vnctionis fundes super caput eius ( aaronis ) atque hoc ritu consecrabitur . thou shall powre out oyle of annoynting vpon his head ( to wit of aaron ) and with this cerimony he shal be consecrated . and leuit. 4. 3. si sacerdos qui vnctus est , peccauerit . if the priest that is annoynted , shall offend &c. againe leuit. 8. 12. fundens oleum super caput aaron , vnxit eum & consecrauit . powring out oyle vpon the head of aaron , he annointed and consecrated him . and leuit. 16. 32. expiabit autē sacerdos , qui vnctus fuerit . and the priest that is annointed shall expiate , or reconcile . and numbers 3. 3. haec nomina filiorum aaron sacerdotum , qui vncti sunt , & quorum consecratae manus , vt sacerdotio fungerentur . these be the names of the sonnes of aaron , the priests that were annoynted , and whose handes were consecrated to do the function of priesthood . and againe num. 35. 25. manebit ibi donec sacerdos magnus , qui oleo sancto vnctus est , moriatur . he shall stay there , vntill the high priest , that is annoynted with holy oyle , do dye . 19. behould heere , you haue diuers places of scripture , in which priests are called annoynted ; and therefore kinges are not alone so called . this yow might haue learned out of s. august . vpō the 26. psalme , concerning the title therof , where he teacheth , that in the old testament , kinges and priests were annoynted , for that both of them did prefigure one christ ( or annoynted ) which was to be both king and priest. the wordes of s. augustine are these : tunc vngebatur rex & sacerdos . duae istae illo tempore , vnctae personae . in duabus personis praefigurabatur futurus vnus rex & sacerdos , vtroque munere vnus christus ; & ideo christus à chrismate . then was annoynted both the king & the priest. these two persons at that time were annoynted . in two persons was prefigured to be both a king and a priest , one christ in both offices : & therfore was christ so called , of chrisme , &c. and againe vpon the 44. psalme about those words , vnxit te deus , god hath annointed thee &c. he writeth thus : vnctum audis : christum intellige : etenim christus à chrismate . hoc nomen quod appellatur christus , vnctionis est : nec in aliquo alibi vngebantur reges & sacerdotes nisi in illo regno , vbi christus prophetabatur & vngebatur , & vnde venturum erat christi nomen . nusquam est alibi omnino , in nulla gente , in nullo regno . thou hearest ( saith s. augustine ) annoynted : vnderstand christ : for christ is deriued of chrisme . this name that is called christ , is a name of annointing , or vnction . neyther were kings and priests annoynted in any sort any where , then in that kingdome , where christ was prophesied and annoynted , and whence the name of christ was to come . in no other place is it at all , in no other nation , in no other kingdome &c. so s. augustine . 20. therefore by the iudgment both of scripture and s. augustine , no lesse priests then kinges , are called annointed . but you will say they are not called the lords annoynted , as kings are . first i answere , that that 's no matter . for we dispute not of wordes , but of the matter signified by words . moreouer these two wordes christ and annoynted do signify one and the same thinge : and , as s. augustine speaketh , this name which is called christ , is a name of vnction . and secondly i say , you assume falsly . for that priests are not called in scripture annoynted only , but also christs . and so we read in the second of machabees 1. 10. populus qui est ierosolymis , & in iudaea , senatusque & iudas aristobolo magistro ptolomei regis , qui est de genere christorum sacerdotum , & his , qui in aegypto sunt , iudaeis , salutem & sanitatem . the people of ierusalem , & iudea , the senate and iudas , do send greeting to aristobolus maister to king ptolomey , who is of the race of christes ( or annoynted ) priests , and to the iewes that be in aegipt , &c. behould heere , aristobolus is of the race of christes priests , therefore priests are called christs , that is to say , annoynted . 21. but you will yet obiect : all these things are vnderstood of priests of the old testament : but i would fayne see a place ( say you ) where the priest of the new testament ( to writ the pope ) is called christ , or annoynted . marry hearke you : and i in like māner would as fayne see a place where kinges of the new testament are called by that name . is it lawfull ( trow yee ) for you to transferre this name , which was of old giuen to ancient kinges and priests by the holy ghost , to the king of england : and shall it not be lawfull for vs likewise by the same right to transferre it to the pope ? heere you take vpon you too much . 22. moreouer i say , that once only this name of christ , or annoynted is to be found in the new testament , in that sense whereof we now treat , to wit in the 2. chapter of s. luke vers . 29. where it is said : responsum acceperat simeon à spiritu sancto , non visurum se mortem , nisi priùs videret christū domini . simeon had receiud an answere of the holy ghost , that he should nor see death , vnlesse he first saw the christ ( or annoynted ) of our lord. here our sauiour is called the christ of our lord , to wit , annoynted of our lord. he was annoynted both king and priest as s. augustine aboue noted , not with corporall oyle , as were the kings and priests of the old testament ; but with spirituall oyle , to wit , of the holy ghost . for ▪ vpō him rested the spirit of our lord , the spirit of wisdom & vnderstanding , the spirit of counsell and fortitude , the spirit of knowledg and piety , as it is written in isay the 11. chapter vers . 3. and this is that which dauid foretold psalme 44. 8. vnxit te deus , deus tuus , ole● laetitiae prae consortibus tuis . god hath annoynted thee , yea thy god , with the oyle of gladnes , before all thy companions : that is to say , god hath annoynted thee priest and king in a peculiar manner , before all other kings & priests . for he annoynted thee with the holy ghost , and them with corporall oyle only . heerehence i gather , that wheras the kings & priests of the old testament , were therefore annoynted with corporall oyle , that they might be a type or figure of the messias to come , who was to be annoynted both king and priest with spirituall oyle : so much the more doth this name annoynted , or , christ our lord , agree to priests , then vnto kings , by how much christ tooke vpon him the office of a priest in this life , more then of a king. or els , if he equally tooke vpon him both offices : then by equall right , priests as well as kings may be called annoynted , or , christs of our lord and therfore i see no cause , why yow should attribute this name only to kings , and take it away from priests , vnlesse it was , because it pleased your fancy so to do . the sixt paradoxe . 23. yf besides christ ( say yow ) the pope should also be head of the church , it should be a mōstrous and two-headed church . for thus you write pag. 331. of your booke . monstrosum verò corpus , cui plus vno sit capite . that is a monstrous body , that hath more heads then one . and then againe pag. 398. vnicum est caput vni corpori : ecclesia vnum corpus . nisi bicipitem aquilam fingas , autem tricipitem geryonem , cui tot capita sunt , quot in mitra pontificia coronae . christus ergo solus ecclesiae caput , non papa . there is but one only head to one body : the church is one body . except you imagine her to be a spread eagle , or a triple geryon , who hath as many heades , as there be crowns in the popes myter . christ therfore alone is head of the church , and not the pope . 24. but if it be so , as heere you would beare vs in hand , that it is ; why do you otherwhere affirme ( not a little forgetting your selfe ) that the king is head of the church ? do you not feare least the church should be double headed , if not christ alone , but your king also be head thereof ? for thus you say pag. 338. iam verò vt nomen capitis ad regem reuocetur , arte mirabili non est opus . praeiuit nobis voce spiritus sanctus 1. reg. 15. 17. nonne cùm peruulus esses in oculis tuis , caput in tribubus israel factus es ? inter tribus verò israel , tribus leui. caput ergo rex vel tribus leuiticae ; qua in tributum pontifex achimelech sub rege capite suo . chrysostomus camdem hanc vocem capitis reuocauit ad theodosium , eumque dixit , non solum caput , sed quod in ipso capite maximè sublime est , capitis verticem , idque omnium in terris hominum . now that the name of head may be giuen to the king , there shall need no great art . the holy ghost hath gone before vs in this word , 1. reg. 15. 17. saying : when thou wast a little one in thine owne eyes , wast thou not made head in the tribes of israel ? amongst the tribes of israel , is the tribe of leui. therfore the king is head at least of the leuiticall tribe : in which tribe was then the chiefe priest achimelech vnder the king his head. chrysostome in like manner attributed this name of head vnto theodosius , and called him not only head , but ( which is most high in the head it selfe ) the top or crowne of the head , and that of all men on earth &c. 25. i wonder at your inconstancy : a little before you said , that only christ was head of the church . and why so ? that you might exclude the pope , whom you hate . now you will also haue the king to be head , and not only head , but the top or crowne of the head also . why so ? because yow seeke to please and flatter the king. and so it cōmeth to passe , that you will easily endure a two-headed church , if the king may be one , but in no wise , if the pope should be any . and when you haue placed christ and the king of england as two heads of this church , then it seemes to you a faire and comely church : but if christ and the pope be placed togeather , then is it deformed & monstrous . get you hence with this your head , wherin the church hath one while one head , another while two . it seemes that , that of ecclesiasticus 27. 12. may be fittly applied vnto you : stultus vt luna mutatur . a foole is changed like the moone . and that also of s. iames 1. 8. vir duplex animo inconstans est in omnibus vijs suis. a double dealing fellow is inconstant in all his wayes . the seauenth paradoxe . 26. yov say , that if the pope should haue power to depose kinges ; ethnickes or infidels , were better in condition then christian princes : to witt , for that these may be deposed by the pope , the other may not . for thus you write pag. 36. of your booke : hac doctrina semel promulgata , non multa pòst sceptra , credo , christo subijcientur . quid enim ? rex ethnicus non potest deponi à papa , christianus potest : meliori ergo iure regnatur apud ethnicos . quis non dehin● iem ( sic vt est ) manebit ethnicus ? subditi , qui ethnicisunt , officio suo in reges laxari nequeunt : at christiani queunt . quis non subditos suos malit ethnicos quàm christianos ? quis christianus rex esse velit ? this doctrine ( to wit of deposing princes ) being once set abroach , i beleeue few scepters will hereafter be subiected to christ. for why ? an ethnicke king cannot be deposed by the pope , a christian king may be : therefore it is better to be a king amongst ethnickes . who will not hēceforward now ( if he be so ) remayne still an ethnicke ? subiects , if they be ethnickes , cannot be absolued frō their obedience to their kinges , but christian subiects may . who would not then haue his subiects ethnickes rather then christians ? who would be a christian king ? 27. you neyther speake warily , nor christianlike . not warily : for first what you haue sayd , may be thus retorted vpon you . yf the king of england should haue power to depose bishops ( which you affirme ; ) then were the bishop ; in spayne , france , and poland better in condition then the bishops of england : for that heere they may be deposed at the kings pleasure , and there not . secondly , for as we say that christian princes may be deposed by the pope , if they offend , & not ethnicks : so do you likewise confesse , that christian princes may be excommunicated , and not ethnicks : yet is it not wel inferred of this your doctrine , that ethnickes are better in condition then christians , seing that it is a greater euill to be depriued of the spirituall goods of the church by excommunication ; thē of a temporall kingdome by deposition . and therefore can that be much lesse inferred out of our opinion . 28. you speake not christianlike . for it is not a christian mans part thus to dispute : the offences of kinges are punnished amongst christians , but not amongst ethnickes , ergo , i had rather be an ethnick prince , where i may not be punnished , if i offend , then a christian prince , where i shall be punnished , if i doe offend . thus truly you dispute . if ( say you ) christian kinges , when they deserue it , may be deposed , and ethnicks , although they do offend , cannot be deposed ; i had rather be an ethnicke king then a christian. and so truly , you playnly shew , that you more esteeme a temporall kingdome , which you would not loose , then a heauenly kingdome , which you doe not greatly care for . the eight paradoxe . 29. yf the pope ( say you ) will haue a temporal kingdome , it were to be perswaded , that he went to the diuell for it : seing that he hath power to dispose of the kingdomes of this world . for thus yow write pag. 36. quod si pontifici animus est ad regna mundi ; est in euangelio ( memini ) mentio de quodam , qui regna mundi penes se esse , eaue disponendi ius habere se dixit . eum adeat censeo ; cum illo transigat . and if the pope haue a mynd to a temporall kingdome , there is mention in the ghospel ( i remember ) of a certayne fellow ( to wit the diuell ) who sayd , that all the kingdomes of the world were in his power , & that he had right to dispose of them . i thinke it best he go vnto him , and couenant with him &c. 30. say , my friend , speake you this in iest or in earnest ? in whether manner you doe it , you eyther become iniurious to your own king , or els contumelious to the pope neyther whereof doth well beseeme you . the iniury you offer to your king , yow cannot deny . for durst you ( without iniury ) haue answered your king , eyther in iest or earnest , when as , after the death of queene elizabeth , he demaunded the crowne of england , with these words : if you will raigne in england , go to the diuell , and couenant with him , who is the distributer of all kingdomes ? i thinke you durst not . for if you had , then farewell chaplaineship . wherfore then dare you be so saucy to speake thus to the pope , but for that you list to raile vpon him ? 31. but , you will say , the pope seekes a temporall kingdome , which is not due vnto him . let him cōtent himselfe with a spirituall kingdome . but what if in like manner i should say of your king ? he seeks a spirituall kingdome . let him content himselfe with a temporall . moreouer i adde , that the pope hath far more right to temporal kingdomes , then you king hath to the church : which thing i am to declare more largely in another place . the ninth paradoxe . 32. yov say , that power to excommunicate was not giuē vnto s. peter , but vnto the church : to wit , by those wordes , dic ecclesiae &c. tell the church : and if he will not heare the church , let him be to thee as an ethnicke . as also by those other wordes : quaecumque solueris &c. whatsoeuer you shall loose vpon earth , shall be loosed in heauen and whatsoeuer you bynd vpon earth , shal be bound in heauen &c. and yet notwithstanding you adde , that the church may transferre this power to whome she please . for thus you write pag. 14. of your booke . potestas haec ibi , cui data ? non apostolo petro. this power there , to whome was it giuen ? not to peter the apostle . and againe : vt autem petro potestas ibi non data censuram hanc vsurpandi ; ita nec petro , si vsurparet , ratihabitio promissa . dicitur enim : quoscumque ligaueritis . non petro igitur vel papae , sed ecclesiae . and as power was not there giuen to peter , to vse this censure ; so neyther if he had vsed it , was the ratihabition ( or approuing thereof ) promised to peter . for it is said : whomesoeuer ye shall bind : therfore it was not giuen to peter , or to the pope , but to the church . and yet againe , pag. 42. res ipsa , rei ipsius promissio , ratihabitio , vsus denique ecclesiae datur : ab ecclesia , & habetur , & transfertur in vnum , siue plures , qui eius pòst vel exercendae , vel denunciandae facultatem habeant . the thing it selfe , the promise of the thing it selfe , the approuing of it , yea the vse therof is giuen to the church . from the church it is both had , and transferred to one or more , who shall afterward haue the faculty to exercise , or denounce the same . 33. out of this your doctrine it followeth : first , that in the time of the apostles , power to excommunicate was immediatly giuen to the church of the corinthians , and from thence transferred to s. paul the apostle , that he might exercise and publikely denounce the same vpon the incestuous person . but this very point you openly deny in the same place , in these wordes : paulus congregatis corinthijs , potestatem censurae denunciandae facit . paul hauing gathered togeather the corinthians , giues power to denounce the censure . certes , if s. paul giue power to the congregation or church of corinth to denounce the censure ( vpon the incestuous person ) as heere you affirme ; how had he then receaued the selfe same power from the same church ? or what necessity was there , i pray yow , to giue that power to the church , if the church had receaued it before from christ , by those words , dic ecclesiae , tell the church ? these things do not agree togeather . 34. secondly it followeth : that now at this present in england the power to excommunicate is immediately in the english church , and not in the bishops : and from the church the same may be transferred to bishops . but if it be so , why doth not the church of england giue this power to the king , her head , and primate ? why doth she rather giue it to the bishopes , then to the king ; when as the bishops are subordinate vnto the king in spirituall iurisdiction , as you will needs haue it ? and is it not an absurd thing , that you ( to wit the church of england ) should giue power to the bishops , to excommunicate , and cast out of the church their king , their head , their pastor and their primate , and yet would not giue the same power to the king to inflict the same censures vpon his subiects , to wit the bishops ? surely , you are eyther very cruell towardes your king , or els you do not seriously , and in good earnest giue him the supremacy . one of the two must needs follow . therfore looke well with what spirit , you wrote these wordes following in the 151. pag. of your booke ; nos principi censurae potestatem non facimus : we do not giue power to our king to exercise censures vpon vs. and wherfore do ye not , if you truly acknowledg him for your pastour & primate ? but let vs go forward . the tenth paradoxe ▪ 35. yov say , that the prophesy of the reuelation of antichrist , is already fulfilled and therefore it is so cleere , that it may be seene with the eyes . for thus you write pag. 186. minimè verò mirum , si ista , quae dixi , tam vel claram , vel certam in scripturis patrum interpretationem non habeant : signatus adhuc liber huius prophetiae erat . it is no meruayle , if these things which i haue sayd , be neyther cleere nor certayne in the writinges of the fathers . for as yet the booke of this prophesy was not vnsealed &c. and a little after , say you : mirari tamen non debeat quis , si non illis tam adeo explicita omnia fuerint , quàm nobis per dei gratiam iam sunt , qui consummatam iam prophetiam illam quotidie oculis vsurpamus . but yet let no man meruayle , if all thinges were not then so vnfoulded vnto them , as now by gods grace they be to vs , who dayly see with our eyes that prophesy ( to wit of antichrist ) to be already fulfilled &c. 36. and is it so indeed ? but your king thinketh the contrary : for that in his premonition he playnely auerreth , that , that prophesy of antichrist , is yet obscure , and intricate ; and that by only coniectures it may be disputed of . his wordes are these : sanè quod ad definitionem antichristi , nolo rem tam obscuram & inuolutam , tamquam omnibus christianis ad credendum necessariam , vrgere . as for the definition of antichrist , i will not vrge so obscure a point , as a matter of faith to be necessarily beleeued of all christians &c. and shall we thinke that , that which is obscure and intricate to your king , is dayly manifest to you ? no ▪ it followeth in the kings words . id autem maximè mihi in votis est , vt si cui hanc meam de antichristo coniecturam libebit refellere , singulis disputationis meae partibus ordine respondeat . and my only wish shal be , that if any man shall haue a fancy to refute this my cōiecture of antichrist , that he answere me orderly to euery point of my discourse &c. but for you , syr , it shall not be necessary , to answer thus to euery point : you may dispatch the matter in one word , if you shall but say to your king : and it shall please your maiesty , you are deceyued in your coniecture : that which is seene with the eye , needs no coniecture . we all dayly see with our eyes this mystery of antichrist : and are you the only man in england that seeth it not & c ? yf you do but thus , you haue gotten the goale . 37. but indeed , you are not onely contrary to the king heerin , but to your selfe also . for if the prophesy of antichrist were now already reuealed , and cleere in all mens eyes ( as you affirme : ) who is then this antichrist , whome the prophesy meaneth ? the pope , you wil say . and this also doth your king coniecture , though he see it not with his eyes . well , be it so . but then in another place you say , that your king may be excommunicated by the pope , though not deposed , or depriued of his kingdome : can therefore antichrist excommunicate your king ? take heed what you say , and beware least whilst you please your king by flattery , you displease him through imprudency . the eleauenth paradoxe . 38. the kinges of denmarke ( say you ) & suetia , as also the princes of germany with many others , do agree with the king of england in matters of faith . for thus you write pag. 53. of your booke . quod si praesentis instituti foret , edoceriposses , serenissimum magnae britanniae regem , & qui cum eo sentiunt , reges daniae , & suetiae , germaniae principes , respublicas heluctiae & rhetiae , quiue per galliam , belgium , poloniam , hungariam , bohemiam , austriam , ordines à nobis sunt , partem esse dominici gregis : nec minorem , nec minùs illustrem partem , quàm quae est pars pauli quinti . but if it were our present purpose heere to declare , you ( to wit tortus ) might be taught to know , that the kinges excellent maiesty of great britany , and they which agree with him , to wit , the kings of denmarke and suetia , the princes of germany , the comon-wealthes of suitzerland and rhetia , & all other states , that adherre vnto vs , throughout france , the low countryes , polonia , hungary , bohemia , and austria , are part of the lords flocke : and not a meaner , nor a lesse famous part , then that of paul the fifth &c. 39. yea although it were your present purpose , you could neuer be able to teach vs , that which you hereaffirme . and this i will shew you particulerly . for first you say , your king agreeth ( in matters of faith ) with the kings of denmarke and suetia . but how can this be ? they be lutheran princes , and acknowledge christes reall presence in the eucharist , which your king doth vtterly deny . secondly , you affirme the same of the princes of germany , and states of other countryes . but these do not agree amongst themselues , some being open lutherans , and others caluinistes . how then can they , being deuided amongst thēselues , agree with your king ? except your king ( as you insinuate he doth ) professe caluinian religiō with caluinists , and lutheran , with lutherans : omnibus omnia factus , vt omnes lucrifaciat , being all to all that he may gaine all . thirdly , suppose this were so , though it be not : and that all princes and states , as well lutherans , as caluinistes did agree among themselues , and togeather with your king ; how can it be verified , that they are a part of the lords flocke ? this i vnderstand not . i vnderstand it not ( i say ) how they are a part of the flocke , and not the whole flocke : for eyther there be yet others , besides those you haue named which belong to the lords flocke , or none . if there be others , why then did you not name them ? or who be those others ? i suppose , by your owne iudgement , they are neyther papists nor anabaptistes . for these you reiect . if there be no others , besids those you haue named before , wherefore did you then call them a part , & not the whole flocke of christ ? i will speake yet more cleerely . if the kinges of england , denmarke , and suetia , and other princes and states which agree with them , be but a part of christs flocke , and not the whole flocke ; then followeth it of necessity , that besides those , there is another part of christes flocke which agreeth not with them : and so christs flocke must consist of two partes , wherof one is deuided from the other . do you thinke so indeed ? if you do not , then explicate your selfe better . 40. but let vs graunt this also , that they are a part of christs flock that agree with your king in religiō : with what face dare you yet affirme , that part to be no meaner , nor lesse famous a part , then that of pope paul the fifth ? this i vnderstand lesse then the other . for with paul the fifth , agree rodulph the emperour , the kinges of spaine , france , polonia , the archdukes of austria , the princes electors of mentz , treuers , cullen , the dukes of bauaria , lorayne , brabant , franconia , tuscany , the bishops of bamberge , constance , spire , wormes , paderborne &c. to omit many others : and yet dare you be so bould as to affirme that this is a more meane , and lesse famous part , then that which agreeth with your king in matters of religion ? you are totoo intemperate in auouching : and i doubt not , but your king , who is of no dull wit , will easily perceaue , that you very grossely flatter him . the tweluth paradoxe . 41. yov say , that it is not now free for the king of england to change his religion , or permit the catholicke in his kingdome , because he hath sworne twice to the contrary . for thus you write pag. 81. of your booke , speaking to tortus . nec in eo regi audiendus , qui consilium das de religione liberè habenda : integrum hoc iam illi non est . nam non semel periurus sit , quin bis , si te audiat . qua enim ( siqua est fidei bis data conscientia ) vel conscientia , vel fide , ferret in regnis suis ritus vestros , vel vsum eorum publicum , qui susceptâ primùm scotiae , susceptâ deinde angliae coronâ regiâ , vtrolique solemni ritu , deo iusiurandum praestitit de conseruanda in statu suo illa colendi dei formula , nec alia , quàm quae in regnis suis tum publicè recepta , & vtriusque gentis legibus stabilita esset ? neither in this point are you to be heard of the king , in that you giue him counsaile to permit the free exercise of religion ; this being not lawfull for him now to do . for that therby he shall not be once , but twice periured , if he heare you herin . for with what fayth or conscience ( if there be any conscience of fayth twice giuen ) can he admit your cerimonies , or the publike vse therof , who when he was first crowned in scotland , and after in england , did most solemnely sweare to god in both places , to mantaine in his dominions that forme of religion , and no other , which was then receaued publikely in his kingdomes , and established by the lawes of both realmes & c ? 42. truly i perceaue you threaten your king , that he shall be accompted periured , if he permit the catholicke religion in his kingdome , or forsake his owne , & imbrace another . what ? do you not thinke it lawfull for him to change his religion , if he haue sworne he will not do it ? so it seemes , belike . but , how if the religion be false which he hath sworne to mantaine ? what shall he then do ? shall he persist rather in his false religion , then breake his oath ? take heed what you say . an oath ( say the lawiers ) is no band of iniquity , and i may adde , nor of falsity . and therfore notwithstanding an oath neuer so often made , a man may change his religion if it be false : he may annull his pact or couenant , if it be vniust . this is most certaine . what would you do if your king should say , that the religiō is false which he now professeth ? would you vrge him vpon his oath ? that , in an euill act , is annulled . what ? would you persuade him to forsake his false religion , & imbrace the true ? i thinke you would . why do you then dissemble ? why do you so much vrge the king vpon his oath , as though vpon no occasion or euent soeuer it were lawfull to chang a religion that is once confirmed by an oath , although it be impious and false ? go too , gather your wittes togeather a little better , and then speake . 43. one thing i would yet demaund of you , and that is this : your king in his booke of premonition , doth exhort catholicke kings and princes , that they should forsake the faith and religion , which hitherto they haue professed vnder the pope , and imbrace the english religion which the king professeth . now , it is well knowne , that most of these princes , in their coronation do sweare , that they will neuer do it , to wit , change their religion . heere i demaund ( i say ) whether your king hath lawfully and prudently exhorted them to do it , or no ? if he hath done it lawfully and prudently , why do you accuse the catholickes , who do but the like in a better cause ? if he did it vnlawfully and imprudently ; why did you not admonish him , to surcease from such an , exhortation : seeing yow are his chaplaine , and perhaps in this matter , his secretary ? thus you stumble at euery blocke . the thirtenth paradoxe . 44. yov say , that cardinall bellarmine is a vow-breaker , because of a iesuite he is become a cardinall . for thus you write pag. 56. at votum non video cur à mattheaeo ( torto ) nominari debuit , nisi si interposita voti mentione , domino suo ( bellarmino ) gratificari voluit , quo olim iesuita factus , voti se reum fecit , & hoc votum iam fregit , postquam ostrum induit . but i do not see how it can be called a vow by matthew ( tortus , ) vnlesse , in mentioning of the same , he would needes gratify his maister ( bellarmine ) , who being somtime a vowed iesuite , hath now broken that vow by putting on purple &c. 45. it seemes you vnderstand aswell what it is to be a vow-breaker , as a periured person . and euen as a little before you did pronounce your king to be forsworne , if he should admit catholicke religion in his kingdome : so now you pronounce cardinall bellarmine to be a vow-breaker , because against his will he admitted the dignity of a cardinal . truly you are very ready to vpbraid and taunt . and why , i pray you , doe you not call luther , a vow-breaker , who of a monke became a married man ( if he may be called a married man , and not rather a sacrilegious fornicator and adulterer ? ) why not also a periured person , that reiecting the ancient faith , which he had receyued from christ , the apostles , and his ancestours most holy and learned men , and sealed with an oath , did imbrace a new religion , repugnant to christ and the truth ? 46. that you may therefore vnderstand the matter , heare then what followeth : it is one thing to vow , or promise to god any thing absolutely and simply ; and another thing to doe it with a certayne limitation . he that voweth after the first manner , is bound to performe that which he promiseth : he that voweth after the second māner may be quit of his band , when the limitation therof doth suffer the same . exāples herof we haue in the old testamēt . for the daughters & wiues did vse to vow with this limitation , to wit , if their parents and husbāds did consent therto . ( numb . 30. ) the nazaraeans in like manner vowed with this limitation , to wit , they bound themselues for a certaine time only , & not for their whole life . ( numb . 6. ) so likewise doe we in our society . he that bindeth himself by a simple vow , is not thought to be otherwise obliged thē at the arbitrement of his superiours : so as if he should be by them , for a iust cause , dismissed out of the society , the band or obligation ceaseth . but he that bindeth himselfe by a solemne vow , dependeth on the arbitrement of the pope , who may take him from the society , and place him in any other degree or dignity . and what new thing is this now i pray you ? the like is dayly exercised amongst you . you promise your king allegiance and obedience , but with this double limitatiō . first , as long as you remaine in england . secondly , as long as the king doth not chang his religion . for if it be otherwise , you thinke you are not bound thereunto . the fourteenth paradoxe . 47. yov say , the catholickes teach , fidelity not to be kept , and falshood to be lawfull . for thus you write pag. 156. of your booke . vos qui fidem non seruandam , id est , perfidiam licitam , legitimamque docetis ; etiámne vos quicquam de perfidia audetis hiscere ? & in turpitudinem vestram , etiam vel nomen nominare ? you , that teach fidelity not to be kept , that is to say , falshood to lawfull ; dare you ( i say ) as much as once open your lippes against falshood or perfidiousnes ? or to name the thing to your owne shame ? 48. but stay , my friend ; who be they with vs that teach this doctrine ? if your set purpose be nothing els , but to deale falsely and to calūniate , it is no great meruaile , if you write thus . for ( be it spoken with your good leaue ) this is a loudlye , and a manifest calumniation . but if you be desirous of truth ( as it becommed you to haue byn ; ) why did you not examine the matter first , before you wrote it downe ? no doubt , but you should haue found another kind of doctrine amongst catholicks . and if you yet please , you may see , what i haue formerly written of this argument in my disputation , of keeping faith ( or promise ) to heretickes : and in my sundry mixt questions of the same matter . and there shall you find , what the catholickes truly and really thinke of this point ; and vvhat our aduersaries do falsely calumniate . the fifteenth paradoxe . 49. yov say , that the catholicks are of the race of malchus , for that they heare and interprete all with the left eare , and nothing with the right . for thus you write pag. 92. of your booke : interea tamen dextrâ datum , dextrâ positum , quicquid in iuramento positum . quod dextrâ datum est , vos sinistrâ accepistis , & de malchi prosapia estis , cui praecisa auris dextra : nec vlla vobis auris reliqua , nisi sinistra , qua auditis omnia ; omnium , quae à nobis dicuntur , sinistri auditores & interpretes . in the meane while notwithstanding , whatsoeuer is put in an oath , is giuen with the right , is put with the right . that which is giuen with the right , you receaue with the left , and are of the race of malchus , who had his right eare cut of : neither haue you any right eare , but a left , wherwith you heare , all things ; and become the sinister hearers and interpreters of all things , that are said by vs &c. 50. thus you hould on , after your wonted manner , either to trifle , or calumniate . but i care not . let vs graunt , what you say , to wit , that the catholiks are of the race of malchus . what get you by this ? truly nothing that makes against vs. for do you not know , out of the ghospell , that assoone as malchus his right eare was cut of , it was againe presently restored by christ ? and to this end , that he should heare or interpret nothing with the left , but all with the right eare ? if you therfor wil haue vs to be of the race of malchꝰ , you must confesse , that this was so brought to passe by christ for vs , that we should heare and interpret all with our right eares , and nothing with our left alone . 51. but if i listed in like sort to iest , i would not say , that you were of the race of malchus , whose eare was cut of ; but rather of the race of the iewes , who haue eares , and yet heare not , according to that of s. matthew 13. 14. auditu audietis &c. you shall heare with you eares , and you shall not vnderstand ; and seeing , you shall see , and shall not see . for the hart of this people is waxed grosse , and with their eares they haue heauily heard : and their eyes they haue shut &c. and the rest that followeth . but i will not deale so with you . the third chapter : of the kinges supremacy badly defended by his chaplaine . seing you haue once determined to flatter the king , you go about to defend and approue whatsoeuer you imagine will please him . and with this mind & desire , you are imboldned to defend the primacy of the church , which he vsurpeth to himselfe . but truly very vnluckily : for in this kind you commit a double fault . first because you bring many arguments which do ouerthrow the kings supremacy , which yet you do for lacke of foresight . secondly because the argumentes you bring for proofe of the said supremacy in the king , are of so small reckoning or accompt , as they seeme contemptible . i will lay them both open before you : and for that which belongeth to the first head or point , these arguments may be deduced out of your owne principles , against the kings supremacy . the first argument , against the kings supremacy , taken out of the chaplaines owne doctrine . 2. the first argument i frame thus : he hath not the primacy of the church , who hath no iurisdiction ecclesiasticall , neither in the interiour court , nor exteriour : but the king , out of your owne doctrine hath no iurisdiction ecclesiasticall , neither in the interiour court , nor exteriour : ergo , he hath not the primacy of the church . the maior proposition is cleare of it selfe , because by the name of primacy , we vnderstand nothing els in this place , but supreme iurisdiction ecclesiasticall . he then who hath no iurisdiction ecclesiasticall , neither internall nor externall , hath not the primacy of the church : but the king , by your doctrine hath none , neither internall , nor externall . 3. not internall : for that this iurisdiction consisteth in the power of the keyes , or in the power or authority of forgiuing sinnes in the court of consciēce , which the king hath not , as you confesse pag. 380. of your booke , in these words : rex non assumit ius clauium . the king doth not assume , or take vpon him , the power of the keyes . and worthily . for that christ spake not to kings , but to the apostles , when he said , accipite spiritum sanctum &c. receyue the holy ghost : whose sinnes you forgiue , shal be forgiuen them : and whose sinnes you retaine , shal be retained &c. 4. not externall : for this i will euidently euince out of your owne principles , which are these three . the first , that the iurisdiction ecclesiasticall of the exteriour court , is not founded vpon any other place , then that of s. matthew 18. 17. dic ecclesiae &c. tell the church : if he will not heare the church , let him be vnto thee , as an ethnicke and publicane . your second principle is , that the iurisdiction which is founded on that place , is nothing els , then the right of censuring , or power to excommunicate . your third is , that the king hath not the right of censuring , or power to excommunicate . i doubt not , but you will acknowledg these your three principles . and the last , you set downe pag. 151. of your booke in these words : nos principi potestatem censurae non facimus . we do not giue power , or authority to the king to vse censures . and againe pag. 380. rex non assumit ius censurae . the king doth not take vpon him the right or power of vsing censures . the former two principles you in like manner set downe pag 41. thus : censura duplex est ; publicani & ethnici ; minor & maior . minor à sacramentis excludit modò . de maiore verò , quae arcet ecclesia ipsa , quae perinde reddit , vt ethnicos , vix quisquam est , quin fateatur , institutam eam à christo , matth. 18. per verba , dic ecclesiae ; si ecclesiam non audierit , sit tibi sicut ethnicus . de exteriori foro ibi agitur . exterioris fori iurisdictio , illo , nec alio loco fundata est . a censure is two-fold ; to witt of the publican & ethnick ; the lesser and the greater . the lesser doth exclude frō sacraments for the present . but as for the greater , which casteth out of the church it selfe , and maketh men like vnto ethnicks , there is scarce any man , but will confesse , that it was instituted by christ matth. 18. by these words . tell the church ; if he will not heare the church , let him be vnto thee as an ethnicke . and in that place is it meant of the exteriour court : the iurisdiction of which exteriour court is grounded on that , and no other place &c. marke well what heere you say . the iurisdiction of the externall court , where is it founded in the ghospell ? in no other place , ( say you ) then in matth. 18. it is wel . i desire no more . 5. hence then do i thus now conclude : all iurisdiction ecclesiasticall of the externall court , is founded in that only place , dic ecclesiae , tell the church : but the king hath not the iurisdiction that is founded in that place : ergo , he hath no iurisdiction founded in the ghospell of christ , but in the braynes of his chaplayne . consider now well , how you will deale with your king , who by your own doctrine is deuested of all ecclesiasticall power : and recall those wordes of yours , that you wrote pag. 90. of your booke , primatus spiritualis debetur regibus omni iure . the spirituall primacy is due vnto kinges by all right . no truly , not by all right : for , as now yow confesse , they haue it not by right of the ghospell , or new testament . the second argument . 6. the second argument which i produce , no lesse forcible then the former , is this : he hath not the supremacy of the church , who cannot ( by his power spirituall ) expell out of the church , any man , although he be neuer so guilty or faulty : and yet himselfe , if he be guilty , may be expelled by others : or ( which is the same thing ) cannot excommunicate any man , and yet may be excommunicated himself by others . but your king , by your owne doctrine cannot excommunicate , or cast out of the church any mā ; and yet himself may be excommunicated , and cast out by others : ergo , according to your doctrine , he hath not the primacy of the church . 7. the maior is certayne , and is manifest by a like example . for as he is not accompted a king , who cannot banish or exile out of his realme any man , though neuer so wicked ; and yet himselfe notwithstāding may be banished and exiled by others , if he offēd : euen so standeth the matter in this our case . now i subsume thus : but the king can excommunicate , or cast out of the church no man , because he hath not the right or power to censure , as your self speaketh : & yet notwithstanding may he be excommunicated himself , or driuen out of the church , as you confesse pag. 39. of your booke in these words : aliudest priuare regem bonis ecclesiae communibus , quod facit sententia , & potest fortè pontifex : aliud priuare bono proprio , idest regno suo , quod non facit sententia , nec potest pontifex . priuabit censura pontificis societate fidelium , quâ fideles sunt : bonum illud enim spirituale & ab ecclesia . non priuabit obedientia subditorum , quâ subditi sunt : bonum enim ciuile hoc , nec ab ecclesia &c. it is one thing to depriue a king of the cōmon ( or spirituall ) goods of the church which the sentence ( of excommunication ) doth , & perhaps the pope can : it is another thing to depriue him of his owne proper good , to wit , his kingdome , which the sentence ( of excommunication ) doth not , nor the pope can . the popes censure shall depriue , or exclude him from the society of the faithful , in that they be faithfull : for that is a spirituall good and dependeth of the church . but it shall not depriue him of the obediēce of his subiects , in that they be his subiects : for this is a ciuil ( or temporal ) good , nor doth it depend of the church &c. then i conclude thus : ergo , the king by your owne sentence hath not the supremacie of the church . 8. and by this argument , which is taken out of your owne doctrine , i not onlie proue , the king to haue no supremacie ecclesiastical : but also that himselfe doth thinke far otherwise , in this point , then you do . for you confesse out of your former wordes , that the king may be excommunicated by the pope : ergo , you must also confesse , that the king in this case is inferior to the pope . but your king in his premonition to all christian princes , denieth it in these words : nā neque me pontifice vlla ex parte inferiorem esse credo , pace illius dixerim . for neither do i think my selfe any waie inferiour to the pope , by his leaue be it spoken . yf he be no waie inferiour vnto him ; how can he then be excommunicated or punished by him ? see then by what meanes you will heere defend your king. the third argument . 9. my third argument is drawne from your own wordes pag. 177. of your booke , which are these : duo haecregna , reipublicae & ecclesiae , quamdiu duo manent , hoc ab illo diuisum , duos habent : postquam in vnum cealescunt , non vt in ducbus duo , sed vt in vno vnus primus est . these two kingdomes , to wit , of the common-wealth and the church , so long as they remaine two , this deuided from that , they haue two heades : but after they become one , not as two in two , but as one in one , there is but one chiefe &c. this you would say : there be two distinct kingdomes in this world , one of the ciuil comon-wealth , another of the church of christ : these kingdomes so long as they remaine two , haue two primates , or heades : but when they grow into one , they haue but one primate or chiefe head. i accept that which you graunt , and do subsume thus : but in the new law , which christ instituted , there remayne two kingdomes ; nor are they become one : therefore in the new law , there must be two distinct primates , or heads , one whereof must rule the church , the other the ciuill commonwealth : ergo , the king of england , if he belong to the new law , doth not rule both at once . 10. what can you heere now deny ? tell me , i pray you , in christes time , when the new law was instituted , were these two kingdomes deuided , or were they one ? this later , you neyther can , nor dare affirme . for if the church and common-wealth had byn one in christes tyme , then should there haue byn but one chiefe or head of both , according to your owne doctrine . and therefore eyther christ should haue byn chiefe both of the church & common wealth , which you will not graunt ; or els he should haue byn chiefe or head of neyther , which is against scripture . it remayneth then , that in christs tyme those two kingdomes were distinct & deuided , and had two different primates or heads ; to wit christ , head of the church , and the king or emperour , head of the common-wealth . 11. but now if in christs tyme , there were not one and the same chiefe , or head , both of the church and common-wealth , which you ought to graunt ; how then dare your king , who professeth the institution of christ , vsurpe vnto himselfe both primacies , to wit , both of the church , & commonwealth : vnlesse you will say , that he followeth herin the custome of the iewes , and not of the christians , & so in this point is more like a iew then a christian. for this you doe seeme to insinuate , when as pag. 363. of your booke you say : a more , institutoue israelis orditur apologia &c. from the custome and institute of israel ( to witt the old testament ) our apology or defence beginneth , and from thence hath all this question her force and strength ( to wit of the supremacy . ) for in israell did god erect a kingdome for his people , & in that kingdome he founded a church to his owne liking . from thence are we to take example : for so much , as in the new testament we haue none . for no where haue the church and empire byn ioyned , or vnited togeather in one &c. 12. out of this your so cleare and manifest confession i gather two things . the one is , that your king of england doth vsurpe vnto himselfe the primacy both of the church and cōmon wealth , without any example therof in the new testament . the other : that either your king of england must needs be deceaued , or els that other kings and emperours are in errour . for if , as you say , the church and empire no where in the new testament haue conioyned togeather in one ; & that yet now in england they are vnited in one : it followeth necessarily , that hitherto all kings and emperours haue erred in this point , & your king only is the first that is vvise : or els , truely , ( which is more credible ) that other kings and princes haue heerin beene wise , and your king to haue beene deceaued , and missed the marke . 13. but i see well , what may be heerto obiected , and that is this : that the pope , forsooth , in some part of italy doth vsurpe also the primacy both of the cōmonvvealth and church . i confesse it to be so . but this conioining ( to vvit , of temporall and spirituall states ) hath beene introducted by humane right only : but you contend that your king hath both primacies by diuine right . and this you cannot proue . the fourth argument . 14. the fourth argument , is taken out of the wordes of your booke , pag. 35. & 36. where you say : christus enim , cuius hic vicem obtendis , non sic praefuit , dum in terris fuit . regnum quod de mundo fuit , non habuit . regni , quod non habuit , vices non commisit . christ , vvhose office you pretend , did not so rule , when he liued vpon earth : he had no kingdome which vvas of this world : he gaue not another his place in a kingdome , which he had not &c. and thē againe a litle after say you : est ille quidem rex regum , sed quâ regum rex est , immortalis est ; mortalem nullum proregem habet . papa mortalis ipse , non aliter christi vicarius , quàm quâ mortalis christus . he truly ( to wit christ ) is king of kings , but in that he is king of kings , he is immortall : he hath no mortall viceroy ( or vicar . ) the pope is mortall ; nor he is otherwise the vicar of christ , then in that christ is mortall &c. 15. in these words you go about to proue , that the pope , although he be christs vicar ; yet hath he no temporall kingdome . you suppose christ to be considered two manner of waies . first , as he is immortall , or according to his diuinitie : secondly , as he is mortall , or according to his humanity . this done , you argue thus : christ according to his diuinity , or , in that he is immortall , is king of kings , and hath all the kingdomes of this world in his power , yet notvvithstanding hath he no mortall vicar or substitute : but the pope is mortall : ergo , he is not the vicar of christ , in that christ is immortall , or god. againe : christ according to his humanity ( say you ) or , as he is mortall , hath no temporall kingdome : and therfore cannot haue any vicar or substitute in a temporall kingdome : ergo , the pope , although he be his vicar , yet is he not so in his temporall kingdome , but in his spirituall . 16. this is the force of your argument . but do you not see that this may be in like manner retorted backe vpon your king ? yea by the very same argument your king may be deuested , both of his temporall kingdome , and his supremacy in the church . which i proue thus : if your king haue a temporall kingdome , he hath it either as the vicar of god immortall ( which he pretendeth , ) or els as the vicar of christ mortall . but neither of these may be said . not the first : because god , as he is immortall , hath no mortall vicar , as you freely affirme : but your king , without all doubt is mortall : ergo , he is not the vicar of god immortall . not the later : because christ , as he is mortall , hath no temporall kingdome , and consequently no temporall vicar : ergo , your king is not the vicar of christ , in his temporall kingdome . and so , he is either deuested of all temporall dominion : or if he haue any , he must needes be some other bodies vicar , then gods immortall , or christs mortall . this , i know : you will not graunt , therfore the other must be graunted . 17. hence do i further conclude : your king doth not vsurpe vnto himselfe the primacy of the church , by any other title , then that he is a temporall prince and the vicar of god : but now i haue shewed out of your owne doctrine that he is not a temporall king , nor the vicar of god : ergo , by the title of a temporall prince , he cannot claime the primacy of the church . heere you had need to succour him , if you can . the fifth argument . 18. the fifth argument may be taken out of your owne wordes , before rehearsed , pag. 39. of your booke thus : aliud est priuare regem bonis ecclesiae communibus &c. it is one thing to depriue a king of the commō ( or spirituall ) goods of the church , which the sentence ( of excommunication ) doth , & perhaps the pope can . it is another thing to depriue him of his owne proper good , to wit , his kingdome , which the sentence ( of excōmunication ) doth not , nor the pope can . the popes cēsure shal depriue or exclude him frō the society ( or cōmunion ) of the faithfull , in that they be faithful , for that is a spiritual good , & depēdeth of the church . but it shal not depriue him of the obediēce of his subiects , in that they be subiects ; for this is a ciuil ( or tēporall ) good , nor doth it depend of the church &c. 19. heere you distinguish two sorts of good things which belong to the king. some you call spirituall , which depend of the church : others ciuill , which depend not of the church . you adde : these ( to wit ciuill ) are proper to the king , of which he cannot , by censure , be depriued : the other , are the common goods of the church , of which he may be depriued . now i demaund whether the primacy of the church , which the king vsurpeth , belonge to the common goods of the church , or rather to his owne eiuill or temporall goods ? one of these two must you graūt , if your distinction be good and sufficient . if this primacy belong to the common goods of the church , it followeth then , that euery faithfull christian , that is in the church , is no lesse head of the church , then your king. for that the goods , which be common to all christians being in the church , may no lesse be vsurped of one then of another . but if this primacy belong to the ciuill goods of the church ; then it followeth , that the king cannot be depriued of the primacy of the church by any ecclesiasticall censure : and therfore after that he is excommunicated , and cast out of the church , as an ethnicke , vet in him remaineth the primacy of the church : which is most absurd . 20. the like argument is taken out of your words following , which are these pag. 40. of your booke . rex quiuis cùm de ethnico christianus fit , non perdit terrenum ius , sed acquirit ius nouum ; put â , in bonis ecclesiae spiritualibus . i tidem cùm de christiano fit sicut ethnicus , vigore sententiae amittit nouum ius , quod acquisierat in bonis ecclesiae spiritualibus ; sed retinet tamen terrenum ius , antiquum ius in temporalibus quod fuerat illi proprium , priusquam christianus fieret . euery king when of an ethnicke he is made a christian , doth not therby loose his temporall right , but getteth a new right , to wit , in the spirituall goods of the church . in like manner , when of a christian he is made an ethnicke ( to wit by excommunication ) he , by force of the censure , leeseth his new right , which he had gotten in the spirituall goods of the church : but yet notwithstanding he keepeth his temporall right , his ancient right in temporalities , which was proper vnto him , before he was a christian. 21. heere also do you distinguish the double right of a king : the one ancient and temporall , which a king hath before he be a christian ; the other new and spirituall , which he getteth , when he is made a christian . now in like manner i demaund , whether doth the supremacy of the church which your king vsurpeth , belong to that ancient & temporall right , or rather to this new and spirituall ? if it belong to the ancient and temporall right ; it followeth , that ethnicke kings before they be made christians , haue the supremacy of the church , which is absurd . if it belong to the new and spirituall right ; it followeth , that kings , when in baptisme they be made christians , or members of the church , do receaue more in their baptisme then other men ; which in another place of your booke you deny . for you contend , that all men , of what sort or degree soeuer they be , are equall vnto them , in those things , which are obteined through baptisme . the sixt argument . 22. the sixt argument you insinuate pag. 53. of your booke , when you say : nec enim regum subditi , quâ subditi , ecclesiae pars vlla sunt , sed regni . antequam de ecclesiae essent , subditi erant ; cùm extra ecclesiam sunt , nihilominus manent subditi . quâ fideles sunt , pars ecclesiae sunt : quâ subditi sunt , regni ac reipublicae p●rs sunt . neyther are the subiects of a king , in that they be subiects , any part of the church , but of the kingdome . before they were of the church , they were subiects : when they are out of the church , notwithstanding they remaine subiects . in that they be faithfull , ( or christians ) they are a part of the church : in that they be subiects , they are a part of the kingdome and commonwealth . 23. heerhence do i argue thus : the iurisdiction of a king , doth not extend it selfe but to the subiects of the king , in that they are subiects ( for if we regard them , in that they be not subiects , they cannot be vnder the iurisdiction of the king : ) but the subiects of a king , in that they be subiects , are not a part of the church , but only of the commonwealth , as you affirme : so as the iurisdiction of a king which he hath ouer his subiects , in that they be subiects , cannot be ecclesiasticall , but ciuill only : ergo , they are not subiect to the king in ecclesiasticall affaires , but only in ciuill . nothing is more certaine out of this your owne principle . the chaplaines argument for the kinges supremacy . 24. hitherto haue i shewed , that out of your owne doctrine strong argumentes may be drawne to ouerthrow the kings supremacy : now let vs see , if your others be as forcible to the contrary , wherwith you goe about to establish the same supremacy in the king. i will pretermitt those , which are common to you , and your king , and are by me refuted otherwhere . one , which is most peculiar and principall to your selfe , i will heere discusse . thus then you propose it , in the 157. page of your booke . dixit autem olim iosue populus , in omnibus pariturum se ei , sicut & moysi paruerunt ; paruerunt autem & moysi in ecclesiasticis . non intercessit tum pontifex eleazarus , ne in omnibus , sed temporalibus . quòd si quicquam interesse putet , quòd iosue verus dei cultor fuit , ne in orthodoxis solis locum habere videatur ; rex babel certè , haeretico par , nempe idololatra , cui tamen propheta non modò non dissuasit populo , sed author etiam fuit submittendi colla sub iugo eius , eique seruiendi . idem pharaoni factum , cuius absque veniâ , nec pedem mouere voluerunt de aegypto , vt deo sacrificarent . idem cyro , cuius itidem absque veniâ nec excedere chaldaea , vt templum aedificarent &c. the people sometyme sayd vnto iosue , that they would obay him in all thinges , as they had obeyed moyses , but they obeyed moyses in ecclesiasticall matters . nor did the high priest eleazarus then meddle , no not in any thing , but in temporall . but if any man shal thinke this more to auayle , because iosue was a true worshipper of god , and least this right should seeme to haue place in only orthodoxall , or right-beleeuing kinges ; behould then the king of babel , equall to an hereticke , to wit an idolater , whome notwithstanding the prophet not only not dissuaded the people to obay , but also was author , that they submitted their neckes vnder his yoke , & serued him . the like was done to pharao , without whose leaue , they ( to wit the iewes ) would not mooue a foot out of aegypt , that they might sacrifice to god. and the same to cyrus without whose leaue in like māner , they would not depart out of chaldaea , that they might build their temple &c. 25. the force of your argument is this , that not only orthodoxall kings in the old testament , but gentiles also & idolaters had the primacy of the church ▪ ergo , the same is to be said of kinges of the new testament . the former part of the antecedent you proue by the example of iosue , to whome the people of the iewes said ( ios. 1. 17. ) as we haue obeyed moyses in all thinges , so will we obey you . but they obeyed moyses , not only in temporall matters , but also in ecclesiasticall : ergo , did they so obey iosue . the later you proue by the example of the three gentile kinges , nabuchodonosor in babylon , pharao in egipt , and cyrus in chaldaea , to whome the iewes were subiect , euen in ecclesiasticall matters , because without their leaue , they durst neyther offer sacrifice , nor build their temple . 26. that you may then see , of what small moment this your argument is ; i will briefely examine euery part therof . and first i will speake something of moyses : secondly of iosue , who succeeded him : and thirdly of the gentile kings which you haue cited . concerning moyses then , it is certaine , that he was not only a temporall prince , but an ecclesiasticall also : or if we speake all , he susteyned a quadruple person , or the person of foure men . the first of a temporall prince , the second of a law-maker , the third of a high priest , or bishop , and the fourth of a prophet . and this is testified by philo lib. ● . of the life of moyses in the end , where he saith : haec est vita , hic exitus moysis , regis , legislatoris , pontificis , prophetae . this is the life and death of moyses , a king , a law-maker , a high priest , and a prophet . and the same is plainly euinced out of the scripture . that he was a temporall prince or iudge , it is manifest by that of exodus 18. 13. altera die &c. and the next day moyses sate to iudg the people , who stood by moyses from morning vntill night : which thing s. augustine mentioneth in his 68. quaest . vpon exodus thus : sedebat ( inquit ) iudiciaria potestate solus , populo vniuerso stante . he sate ( saith s. augustine ) alone with power to iudge , all the people standing . that he was a law-maker , it is manifest , as well by other places , as that of s. iohn 1. 17. lex per moysen data est . the law was giuen by moyses . that he was a bishop or high priest , is partly gathered out of that of the psalme 98. 6. moyses & aaron in sacerdotibus eius . moyses and aaron are numbred amongst his priests : and partly also by the priestly fūction , that he exercised . for that ( as it is written leuit . 8. ) he consecrated aaron a priest , he sanctified the tabernacle and the aultar , he offered sacrifice , holocaustes , and incense to our lord. and this was not lawfull for any to do , but priests , according to that of 2. paralip . 26. 18. non est officij tui , ozia , vt adoleas incensum domino , sed sacerdotum . it is not your office , ozias , to offer incense to our lord , but the office of priestes . lastly , that he was a prophet , is manifest by that num. 12. 6. si quis fuerit inter vos propheta domini &c. yf there shal be among you a prophet of our lord , in vision will i appeare to him , or in sleep will i speake vnto him . but my seruant moyses is not such a one , who in all my house is most faithfull : for mouth to mouth i speake to him , and openly , and not by riddles and figures doth he see the lord &c. 27. now as for iosue , he succeded not moyses in all these offices . for he succeded him not in bishoply degree , or high priesthood : nor yet in law-making . in prophesy , whether he did or no , i dispute not . but that he succeeded him in temporall principality , it is manifest out of num. 27. 18. dixitue dominus ad moysen , tolle iosue filium nun &c. and our lord said to moyses , take iosue the sonne of nun &c. and put thy hād vpō him : who shall stand before eleazar the priest , & al the multitude : & thou shalt giue him precepts in the sight of al , & part of thy glory that all the synagogue of the children of israell may heare him . for him , if any thing be to be done , eleazar the priest shal consult the lord. at his word shal he go out , & shal go in , and al the children of israel with him , and the rest of the multitude &c. in which words three things are to be noted which make to our purpose : the first , that iosue , was designed the successour of moyses : the second , that moyses gaue him part of his glory , that is to say , he gaue him not all the power he had , aswell ecclesiastical , as temporall , but temporall onely : the third , that he should be subiect to eleazar the high priest , and do euery thing at this commandement . for this do those wordes signify , pro hoc &c. for him ( to wit iosue ) if any thing be to be done , eleazar the priest shall consult the lord. at his word ( to wit of eleazar ) shall iosue go out , and in &c. 28. heere may you playnely see , in how different a sense you alleaged that place , sicut in istis obediuimus moysi , ita obediemus & tibi : as in these thinges we obeyed moyses , so will we obey you . for you vnderstand it thus ; as who should say , the people of the iewes ought to obey iosue , in all thinges both ecclesiasticall and ciuill , as they had obeyed moyses . but you are deceyued . first , for that in ecclesiastical affayres they were to obey eleazar the priest. secondly , because those words ( as we haue obeyed moyses ) were not vttered of all the people , but only of the rubenites , gaddites , and of halfe the tribe of manasses . neyther did they say , that they would obey iosue in all thinges simply , wherin they had before obeyed moyses ( although somtymes they murmured against him , & did not obay him : ) but in those thinges only , which were appointed them by moyses , to wit , that they should leaue their wiues , childrē , & cattle in the place where they then were , and arming themselues , togeather with the rest of the tribes , should passe ouer iordan , and fight against their enemies , vntil they being vanquished , the rest of the tribes should there make their quiet possession . and this is euident out of the context of scripture it selfe iosue 1. 12. in these wordes : rubenitis quoque & gadditis , & dimidiae tribui manasse ait &c. to the rubenites also and gaddites , and to halfe the tribe of manasses , iosue said : remember the word which moyses the seruant of our lord commanded you , saying : our lord your god hath giuen you rest , and all this land , your wiues and children , and cattle shall tarry in the land , which moyses deliuered vnto you beyond iordan : but passe you ouer armed before your brethren , all that are strong of hand , & fight for them , vntill our lord giue rest to your brethren , as to you also he hath giuen ; and they also possesse the land , which our lord your god will giue them , and so returne into the land of your possession : and you shall dwell in it , which moyses the seruant of our lord gaue you beyond iordan , against the rising of the sunne &c. thus iosue to the people . so as that which immediately followeth ( to wit , omnia quae praecepisti nobis &c. all thinges that thou hast commanded vs , we will do , and whithersoeuer thou shalt send vs , we will go . and as we obeyed moyses in all things , so will we obey thee also , ) is referred to that which went before . but there is no mention made of ecclesiasticall matters , but only of taking armes against their enemyes , who possessed their land . 29. on this syde then , as you see , your argument falleth to the ground , & proceedeth from a false principle . on the other side , that which you bring of gentile and idolatrous kinges , i do not see what force it may haue . for that those three kinges , which you mention , were by your owne confession eyther primates of the church of god , or they were not . i hope you will not say that they were , because yow affirme the contrary more then once in your tortura : and that worthily : to wit , that they who be out of the church of god , cannot be princes and rulers in the same church . yf they were not primates of the church , as certes they were not , how then will you proue by this their example , that the king of england is head or primate of the church ? this only you may conclude , that as the iewes durst not go forth of egypt , to sacrifice to god , without king pharao his leaue , who had brought them into cruell bondage vnder his yoke : so in like manner the catholickes , that liue in england , dare not go out to other catholicke countries , where they may receiue the holy eucharist after the catholick manner , without king iames his leaue , who will not suffer them so to do , without his licence , vnder payne of death or imprisonmēt . and the like may be said of the other two idolatrous kings . but what is this to the primacy of the church ? i should rather thinke it belonged to tyrāny or impiety . the conclusion to the chaplayne . 30. yovv haue heere briefly , what i haue thought concerning your booke , which you haue written in defence of your king : you haue heere ( i say ) these three pointes : first , that you haue oftentimes handled the matter not so much in argument , as in raylings or exprobrations . secondly , that you haue defyled euery thing with paradoxes , and false opinions . thirdly , that you haue rather ouerthrowne then established the kings primacy , which you sought to fortify : and all these things haue you done through a certayne desire you haue to flatter the king. therefore if you shall represse this your desire , and behould the onely truth of the thing it selfe , it will be very easy for you to amend your former faultes , which i altogeather counsell you to doe . and if you set god before your eyes ( who is the first and principall verity ) you will doe it . an appendix , of the comparison betweene a king and a bishop . in your booke you do so compare a king and a bishop togeather , that you manifestly depresse the authority of the one , and extoll the dignity ( higher then is sitting ) of the other . and therefore what others haue thought before you concerning this point , i will briefly lay before your eyes , that you may choose whether , changing your opinion , you will stand to their iudgmentes , or els retayning it , still persist in your errour . thus then haue others thought and taught before you . num. 27. 21. pro iosue si quid agendum erit &c. yf for iosue any thing be to be done , let eleazar the priest consult with the lord. at his word ( to wit eleazars ) shall he goe out , and go in , and with him all the sonns of israel , and the rest of the multitude &c. so as heere the secular prince is commanded to do his affaires at the descretion of the priest. deuter. 17. 12. qui superbierit &c. he that shall be proud , refusing to obay the commandement of the priest , who at that time ministreth to our lord thy god &c. that man shall dye , and thou shalt take away the euill out of israel &c. 1. reg. 22. 27. ait rex saul emissarijs &c. king saul said to his seruants that stood about him : turne your selues , and kill the priests of the lord &c. and the kings seruants would not extend their hands vpō the priests of the lord. so as , they made greater esteeme of the priests authority , then of their kings commandement . 4. reg. 11. 9. fecerunt centuriones iuxta omnia &c. and the centurions did according to all things , that ioida the priest had commaūded them : and euery one taking their men &c. came to ioida the priest &c. and he brought forth the kings sonne , and put vpon him the diademe , and the couenant &c. and ioida commanded the centurions , and said to them : bring forth athalia ( the queene ) without the precincts of the temple , and whosoeuer shall follow her , let him be stroken with the sword &c. 2. paralip . 19. 11. amarias sacerdos & pontifex vester &c. amarias the priest and your bishop shall be chiefe in those things , which pertayne to god. moreouer zabadias , the sonne of ismael , who is the prince of the house of iuda , shal be ouer those works , which pertaine to the kings office &c. 2. paralip . 26. 16. cùm rob oratus esset &c. when ozias the king was strengthened , his hart was eleuated to his destruction &c. and entring into the temple of our lord , he would burne incense vpon the altar of incense . and presently azarias the priest entring in after him , and with him the priests of our lord &c. they resisted the king and said : it is not thy office , ozias , to burne incense to our lord , but the priests &c. get thee out of the sanctuary , contemne not , because this thing shall not be reputed vnto thee for the glory of our lord god. and ozias being angry &c. threatned the priests . and forthwith there arose a leprosy in his forehead before the priests &c. and in hast they thrust him out &c. ioan. 21. 32. feede my sheepe &c. matth. 16. 19. to thee will i giue the keyes of the kingdome of heauen &c. act. 20. 28. the holy ghost hath placed bishops ( not secular kings ) to gouerne the church of god &c. 1. cor. 4. 1. so let a man esteeme vs , as the ministers of christ , and the dispensers of the mysteries of god &c. 2. cor. 5. 20. we are legates for christ &c. s. gregory nazianzen , writing to the emperours of constantinople apud gratian. dist . 10. can . 7. saith : libenter accipitis &c. you do willingly heare , that the law of christ doth subiect you to priestly power . for he hath giuen vs that power : yea , he hath giuen vs a principality , much more perfect , then that of yours &c. s. gregory the pope writing to hermannus bishop of metz dist . 96. can . 6. saith : quis dubitat &c. who doubteth , but that the priests of christ are to be accompted the fathers , and maisters of kinges , and princes ? ioan. papa , dist . 96. can . 11. si imperator catholicus est &c. if the emperour be a catholike ; he is a sonne , and not a prelate of the church . what belongeth to religion , he ought to learne , and not to teach . and then againe afterwards : imperatores &c. christian emperours ; and kings , ought to submit their imployments vnto ecclesiasticall prelates , and not preferre them . innocentius 3. in decret . de maior . & obed . can . 6. non negamus &c. we deny not , but that the emperour doth excell in temporall things : but the pope excelleth in spirituall ; which are so much the more worthy , then temporall , by how much the soule is preferred before the body &c. hosius bishop of corduba in spaine , to the emperour constantius , sayth : desine , quaeso , imperator &c. giue ouer , i beseech you , o emperour : do not busy your selfe in ecclesiasticall affaires , nor in such things do not teach vs , but rather learne of vs. to yow hath god committed the rule of the kingdome , but vnto vs hath he deliuered the affaires of his church &c. s. ambrose in his 33. epistle to his sister marcellina , writeth , that he had sayd to the emperour valentinian : noli te grauare imperator &c. do not trouble your selfe , o emperour , to thinke that you haue any imperiall right in those thinges which are diuine . to the emperour do pallaces belong ; but churches pertaine vnto priests &c. valentinianus the emperour said : mihi qui vnus è numero laicorum &c. it is not lawfull for me , that am but one of the number of laymen , to interpose my self in such businesses , ( to wit ecclesiasticall . ) let priests and bishops meet , about these things , wheresoeuer it shall please them , to whome the care of such affaires belong &c. this is related by zozomenus lib ▪ 6. hist. c. 7. and by nicephorus lib. 11. cap. 33. by ruffinus lib ▪ 1. cap. 2. eleanor queene of englād in an epistle she wrote to pope celestine , hath these wordes : non rex , non imperator à iugo vestrae iurisdictionis eximitur . neyther king , nor emperour is exempted from the yoke of your iurisdiction , or power . more of this matter in another place . finis . faultes escaped in the printing . pag. 7. lin . vlt. in some copies dele is 17. lin . 7. shall read shalt 19. lin . 21. to write read to wit 36. lin . 4. in some copies mattheaeo read matthaeo 38. lin . 8. to lawfull read to be lawfull 40. lin . 7. in some copies you read yours 57. lin . 15. in some copies the read he 58. lin . 1● . in some copies this read his lavs deo . a proclamation for a solemn thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. 1693 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05617 wing s1804 estc r183482 52529284 ocm 52529284 179052 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05617) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179052) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:41) a proclamation for a solemn thanksgiving. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : anno dom. 1693. caption title. initial letter. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the eighth day of november, and of our reign the fifth year, 1693. signed: gilb. elliot. cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation for a solemn thanksgiving . william aud mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great brittain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith : to our lyon king at arms , and his brethren ; heraulds , macers of our privy council , pursevants , or messengers at arms ; our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting ; for as much , as we and all our good subjects , are in duty bound , to return praise and glory to god , by a day of solemn thanksgiving , for his manifold blessings bestowed upon us , and our kingdoms : and particularly , that he hath been pleased to preserve our royal person , from the many and great danger : of war we were necessarly exposed to , for the defence and protection of the protestant religion , and our government , against the designs and attempts of all our enemies , during our last campaign in flanders , and to restore and bring back our royal person in safety to our kingdoms , to the great satisfaction and joy of all our good subjects ; and that also the ministers assembled in the synod of lothian , and tueeddale , and such as correspond with them from several other synods , have moved to the lords of our privy council , that a solemn day of publick thanksgiving , may be set apart for the causes foresaids , to be religiously observed throughout this our ancient kingdom . therefore , we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , do appoint and command , that the sixteenth day of november current , for all within the town of edinburgh , and suburbs thereof ; and the shires of edinburgh , haddington and linlithgow ; the sheriffdom of berwick , and shires of fyse stirling , kinross and clackmannan . and the twentythird day of the said month for all the rest of this our ancient kingdom , to be religiously and devoutely observed , as a solemn day of publict thanksgiving , by all persons within this kingdom , in all churches and meeting-houses , for returning most humble and hearty thanks to almighty god , for the signal blessings and deliverances already bestowed upon us , and our people : and to implore the increase and continuance thereof . and that his divine presence , with a spirit of counsel and wisdom , may direct and assist us in all our consultations and undertakings , at home and abroad , in time coming . and to the effect our pleasure in the premisses may be known , our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly ; and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat crosses of the whole head burghs of the several shires and srewartries within this kingdom , and there , in our name and authority , make publication hereof , that none may pretend ignorance : and ordains our solicitor to cause make intimation hereof , to the ministers within the town of edinburgh , and suburbs , by sending copies to them , or any other way he thinks fit ; and to cause send printed copies hereof , to the sheriffs of the several shires , and stewarts of the stewartries foresaids , whom we ordain to see the same published , and appoints them to send doubles thereof , to all ministers in churches and meeting-houses , within their respective jurisdictions , that upon the lords day , immediatly preceeding the respective days foresaids , the same may be intimat and read in every paroch church and meeting-house : certifying all such who shall contemn or neglect so religious and important a duty , as the thanksgiving hereby appointed is , they shall be proceeded against and punished as contemners of our authority , and as highly disaffected to our persons and government , and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the eighth day of november , and of our reign the fifth year , 1693 . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . & in supplementum signeti . gilb . elliot . cls. sti. concilii . god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anno dom. 1693. a discourse of god's ways of disposing of kingdoms. part 1 by the bishop of s. asaph, lord almoner to their majesties. lloyd, william, 1627-1717. 1691 approx. 104 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48818 wing l2679 estc r12748 12426493 ocm 12426493 61879 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48818) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61879) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 945:1) a discourse of god's ways of disposing of kingdoms. part 1 by the bishop of s. asaph, lord almoner to their majesties. lloyd, william, 1627-1717. [6], 71, [1] p. printed by h. hills, for thomas jones ..., london : 1691. reproduction of original in huntington library. table of contents: p. [5]-[6] created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -great britain. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 john latta sampled and proofread 2005-01 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of god's ways of disposing of kingdoms . by the bishop of s. asaph , lord almoner to their majesties . a discourse of god's ways of disposing of kingdoms . part i. by the bishop of s. asaph , lord almoner to their majesties . king charles i. works p. 711. in his letter to his son. with god i would have you begin and end , who is king of kings , the soverain disposer of the kingdoms of the world , who putteth down one and setteth up another . publish'd by authority . london , printed by h. hills , for thomas jones , at the white-horse , without temple-bar . 1691. to the reader : having had the honor to preach before their majesties on the fift day of november last , and afterward to be commanded by them to print my sermon , which contain'd many things concerning the late revolution ; i humbly crav'd leave to put my thoughts into another form ; wherein i might , not only say those things more at large , but also prove what i had said in that sermon ; knowing i could do it by such authorities as would be sufficient to clear me from that charge of singularity or novelty which hath been too liberally thrown upon others that have preach'd or written on that subject . i know i am not better then my brethren that have been thus us'd , and therefore i expect to be treated no better then they have been . but i think i have taken a course to prevent the bringing of any charge against me on that head . it will appear that i have deliver'd no other doctrin then that which has been receiv'd and past for current in the church of england , ever since the reformation . and i hope it will be some service to that excellent church , to shew that what some have reported of her doctrins , hath had no other ground , but the mistakes of some of her sons ; who , tho excellent men , and such as our church may justly glory of upon other accounts , yet i must needs say have judg'd too hastily of this matter ; and seem to be too jealous of themselves , for fear some wordly consideration should strike in with those second thoughts that would make them judge otherwise . we are not to answer for the private opinions of all that are or have been of our communion . but , god be prais'd , we may safely stand by the doctrins of our church , and the most approv'd writers thereof . they are those that i have endeavour'd to set forth in this following discourse . while we adhere to them , it will be for the honor of our church ; that as it hath been always accounted the bulwark of the protestant religion , and prov'd it self to be so most eminently in the last reign ; so it will appear to be the only unshaken strength of this monarchy ; especially by the encouragment it hath now under their majesties government , which i beseech god long to continue , to his glory , and the peace and prosperity of these kingdoms . the contents of chapter i. 1. the occasion of psalm lxxv . pag. 1. 2. the scope of the words , vers . 6 , 7. 1. 3. i. that power is from god. 2. 4. ii. that he gives it judicially . 3. 5. the heads of the following discourse . 4. 6. of the institution of government 5. 7. of the several sorts of it . 6. i. of god's conferring it on persons . 1st . immediately . 8. i. in the patriarchical times . 7. 9. 2. in the jewish theocracy . 9. 10. 3. in their hereditary kingdom . 9. 11. 2dly . mediately by the peoples consent . 10. 12. 1st . on account of merit , 11. thus especially on founders of nations . 11. 13. on first planters . 12. 14. on restorers and deliverers . 12. 15. 2dly . on account of favour . 14. 16. in the first elections of kings . pag. 14. 21. in the hereditary successions from them . 15. 22. in elective kingdoms . 16. 23. in free states . 16. 24. ii. of god's transferring it from one to another . 17. 25. that this is the act of god. 18. 26. by giving one a conquest over the other . 19. 27. that god doth this judicially . 21. 28. i. by way of judgment on king or people . 21. 29. particularly on kings . 23. 29. for neglect of government . 23. 30. for oppressing their people . 24. 31. this is just and necessary . 25. 32. ii. by way of justice , for . 27. 33. 1. war is an appeal to god. 28. 34. 2. it is proper to kings . 29. 35. 3. 't is lawful when they have just cause . 33. 36. great danger makes it necessary . 34. 37. especially when also religion is concern'd . 37. 38. when religion is opprest in another kingdom . 39. 39. example of this in queen elizabeth's time . 42. 40. especially , where it is settl'd by law. 45. 41. 4. such a cause makes a just conquest , 49. 42. and that conquest gives right . 50. 43. doubted when the cause is certainly unjust . 55. 44. no doubt when the cause is certainly just. 58. 45. a doubtful cause is enough for the prince in possession . 59. 46. the people● ought to be satisfi'd with this . 61. 47. but much more when they see a certain just cause . 33. 48. when the cause is for their sake , it is to them not a conquest , but a deliverance . 66. a discourse of god's ways of disposing of kingdoms . psalm lxxv . verses 6 , 7. for promotion cometh neither from the east , nor from the west , nor from the south . but god is the judge ; he putteth down one , and setteth up another . § . 1. this psalm was compos'd by david ( as i take it , ) considering the state of affairs that was immediatly after saul's death : a when ( as it is here , ver . 3. ) the land , and the inhabiters thereof were dissolv'd , and even ready to fall ; but that david bore up the pillars of it . § . 2. then , being in the nearest prospect of the kingdom , he called to remembrance what he had formerly said , what warnings he had given , to those fools and wicked men , that laid about them in saul's time , as if there would be no end of it . b i said to the fools , deal not so foolishly ; and to the wicked lift not up your horn . do not bear your selves so high , as it seems they did on that unhappy king's favor . do not boast your selves of the power you have to do c mischief ; that 's the common use of power , when it comes in the hands of fools and wicked men . § . 3. to teach them better , david shews whence it is that power comes into mens hands ; and upon what terms they are to hold it . these two things the psalmist shews in the words of this text. first , for the true original of power . this in david's time all men took to be from heaven , but from whom there , many knew not . the eastern nations , who were generally given to astrology , took it to come from their stars ; and especially from the sun , which was the chief object of their worship . the psalmist tells them , no. promotion cometh not that way : neither from the planet's rising , nor setting , nor from its exaltation in mid-heaven . that 's the meaning of the words , from the east , nor from the west , nor from the south . from the north of the zodiac , or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the hidden part under the horizon , they never thought it to come . and ( as a some think ) that 's the reason why that part of heaven is not mention'd . but the psalmist might have another reason to himself , why he did not think fit to say , it comes not from the north. for there ( as he saith b elsewhere ) on the north-side of jerusalem was mount sion , the city of the great king of heaven and earth . there in david's time was the tabernacle , and afterwards there was the temple , in which the mercy-seat between the cherubims was the place of the symbolical presence of god. it was that a a mountain of the congregation in the sides of the north , where god ordinarily sate to hear the prayers of his people . and where , in case of any oppression , he stood to ( a ) judge among the gods. could david say promotion comes not from thence ? no , he saith the contrary in the following , words ; for god is the judge : plainly shewing , that to him kings owe their authority . but § . 4. secondly , it is to him as judge . he gives it judicially . and so to him they are to account for it . them that use their power well , he rewards for it ; and that ordinarily , with a long and prosperous reign . them that abuse their trust , he as ordinarily deprives ; and gives that power into other hands ; as it follows , he puts down one , and sets up another . this is the plain meaning of the psalmist's words ; which will be of great use in the following discourse . now for the matters contain'd in it . § . 5. first , promotion , or exaltation to power ; and secondly , the transferring of it from one to another , ( as from saul to david in the case before us , ) both these are ascrib'd here to god : and that by him that was best able to judge of these matters . david , as being a prophet inspir'd , best knew the mind of god , and his ways of dealing with mankind . and david , as being call'd to be a king by the immediate designation of god , best knew what belong'd to that dignity . his word therefore is on all accounts a sufficient proof . but that what he says may be the better understood , i shall shew , first in general , and then in sundry particulars , that 't is the prerogative of god , by which he acts , both in the disposing , and also in the transferring of kingdoms . secondly , i shall shew that the work of god in bringing his majesty into this kingdom ; was truly god's making use of the latter branch of his prerogative , in putting down one , and setting up another . lastly , that it ought to be acknowledg'd by us ; not only in an humble submission to their majesties government , but also by paying them all those duties which subjects owe to their prince , according to the word of god , and the laws of this kingdom . § . 6. first , for the original of government . of this the less needs to be said , because it is so plainly declar'd , and so often repeated in scripture . it is declar'd of government in general , that it is the a ordinance of god ; that is , it is a thing of divine institution . it is not only permitted by his providence , but it is appointed by his will , that there should be a government among men. it is the way he hath provided for the good of human society . and therefore whosoever is against it , he is an enemy to human society . but because all mankind cannot be under any one government , no more than they can all be one people , or one nation ; therefore the apostle goes farther , to apply this to the several governments of the several nations and countries . the ( a ) powers that be are of god : that is , the several kingdoms and states , even all that are in the world , all have their authority from god. and whosoever disobeys or resists , the publick order and government of the kingdom or state where he lives , he disobeys or b resists the ordinance of god ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shall be call'd to account for it . the magistrate may punish him if he will. he hath the sword of god committed to him for that purpose , as well for the punishment of this as of all other enormities . but for this , if the magistrate will not , or cannot , god will surely do it , first or last ; he that resists , shall receive to himself damnation . here is a plain declaration of the will of god , as to the institution of government in general . but now as to the conferring of it on particular persons . § . 8. i this at first was from god , we are sure , because it was from the beginning of mankind . the first men that were born into the world , were all of adam's family . and so were all that came after , till some of them went sorth , as cain did to make families for themselves . till then , they were govern'd by him that was the common father of mankind . noah was the father of all them that liv'd after the flood ; and he was their governor too , till his children were too many to live in one country , or under one government , and then they branch'd themselves into nations , a among whom the earth was divided . when the fathers or heads of some of those nations made conquests upon one another , as nimrod did on the nations about him , who was therefore call'd b a mighty hunter before the lord ; or when they were otherwise incorporated together ; these made the ancient great monarchies , whereof the assyrian and egyptian are famous in ancient history . other of those nations , or rather great families , continu , d in their ancient way of patriarchical government . particularly in that line out of which god chose his peculiar people ; abraham was c a mighty prince in his days : but all his subjects were of his family , out of which proceeded d many nations . from his son isaac , there came e two nations of people ; one of them by esau father of edom , the other by jacob the father of israel ; who for their times also govern'd those families or nations . when jacob and all his family went down into egypt , there ended their patriarchical government . after which , being subjects to the king of that country , they were brought into a long and sore bondage , which a made their lives bitter to them for many generations . § . 9. 2 from this god deliver'd them by the hand of moses . and to shew them how they ought to value this mercy , from thence he entitl'd himself to be b their king , and dated the c beginning of his reign . as such he gave them laws , according to which they were govern'd by his vicegerents . first his servant moses , then joshua , and then all the judges successively . they were all such as he either nam'd to them himself , or gave such signs of his chusing them as were equivalent to a nomination . § . 10. 3 this theocracy , as we call it , continu'd from their coming up out of egypt , till such time as god , at his peoples desire , gave them d a king to judge them like all the nations . how was that ? in most nations we read of at that time , and perhaps in some from the confusion of tongues , it was the peoples part to chuse who should rule over them : and that either upon every vacancy , as in elective kingdoms ; or at the first , once for all , as in those that were hereditary . god was pleas'd so far to grant his peoples request , that they should be an hereditary kingdom : but for the first king of the reigning line , god would have the chusing of him himself . and accordingly , first he chose saul , whose a kingdom should have been hereditary , if he had not hindred it by his disobedience to god. then god made choice of david , a man b after his own heart ; and david having many sons , among them all god c chose solomon to continue the succession in him and his heirs , as he did till the babylonian captivity . this account that i have given , runs through half the age of the world. and so far , i think , it is worth the observing , that there was no other standing government in that nation , which god chose to be his peculiar people , but what was administred by single persons . and those persons title to the government was either patriarchical , or by divine nomination : both which ways of coming into power were so wholly of god , that the people had nothing to do , but to accept the choice of god , and to submit to it . § . 11. ii in other nations indeed , that did not keep up the patriarchical right , there the peoples consent was required , except in the case of conquest before-mention'd . and this consent being merely an human act , it may seem that the authority it gives , is not , as we are here taught , from god only . but to set this matter right , we are to consider by what motives it is , that the people are generally led , to chuse any one to rule over them . all their motives may be reduc'd to these two ; either merit , or favor . if there be any other , they are but compositions of these . § . 12. i the first choise of kings i conceive to have been made on account of merit , the people being led to it by a sense of the benefits they had receiv'd . i judge so from that which having been already shewn i take now for granted , that the earth was peopl'd at first by great families . now when those , by oppression of powerful neighbors , or by civil discord among themselves , came to be in great distress , such as made them see the necessity of being united in greater bodies for their own preservation ; those heroic men , that shew'd them the way of it , and that brought them under government and laws , these were called the founders of the nations . such was moses among the people of israel . when he had brought them out of egypt , they own'd this as a title to government , that he would have had , a even without divine nomination . such was cecrops among the athenians , and romulus among the romans , and other first kings in other nations ; who were so sensible of the benefits that they receiv'd by them , that they not only believ'd them sent from god , but they made them gods themselves , and worship'd them , as the tutelar deities of their nations . § . 13. next to these , and something like them , were the first planters of colonies : such as cadmus was at thebes , aeneas in latium , and the like . in england such were hengist , and the rest that began the seven kingdoms of the saxon heptarchy . from one of these , namely , from cerdic king of the west-saxons , the descent of our royal family is unquestionable . § . 14. but the most like to founders are they whom god raises up to be the restorers and deliverers of a people , when they are either brought low by tyranny and oppression , or when they are torn in pieces by factions among themselves . thus when the jews were oppress'd by antiochus epiphanes , who had right indeed to a tribute from that people , but not content with that , would usurp an absolute dominion over them ; mattathias and his sons stood up for their religion and liberty ; and by asserting both , they so won the people to themselves , that with their consent a the government was establisht in that family . and thus when the roman state , being torn by a long civil war had even bled it self to death , ( it had certainly expir'd , if it had been left to it self , ) augustus came in , and not only bound up the wounds , but put , as it were , a new soul into the body ; he made it not only live , but flourish , by his great care and wisdom , and industry ; which so oblig'd the people , that they even forc'd him to accept of the empire . these were such benefits to mankind , as whosoever was enabl'd to do , it was as if god had put a glory about his head ; it so markt him out to the people , that they could not go beside him in their choise ; they took him as one already chosen of god. § . 15. ii where kings have been chosen on account of less benefits , there have been grains of favor thrown in to make up weight . favor is a motive , ( as i have shewn , ) which works as well singly , as when it is join'd with any other consideration . for it is grounded , not so much upon real worth , as upon the opinion they have conceiv'd of any person . it is opinion that governs the unthinking sort of men , which are far the greatest part of the body of a nation . and when all these go together , they are like the atoms of air , which though taken apart they are too light to be felt , yet being gather'd into a wind , they are too strong to be withstood . but he that brings the winds out of his treasures , he also governs these , and turns them which way he pleases . it is the same great god , that a rules the roaring waves of the sea , and the b multitude of the people . § . 16. for examples of this in the electing of kings , we are not to look for them in scripture , because all the kings that god set over his people were , as i have shewn , by divine nomination . but since there were other ways by which kings were made in other nations ; and since we are sure the psalmist's words are as true of these , as of any that we read of in scripture ; therefore i conclude , that in these also promotion came from god , by those ways a which his providence us'd in setting up the first kings in other nations . s. 21. this doctrin is as true of the following kings that came in by hereditary succession , where that way was taken in the constitution of any kingdom . these kings are indeed so much more the creatures of god , as they owe less to men than any others ; except only those that came in by patriarchical right , or by divine nomination . there was the act of man in that general consent by which their ancestors came first into the government . and by this consent the government being made hereditary , there was no need of any other human act for the continuance of it in their family . there is nothing more sacred among men than a right of inheritance . but for the derivation of that right to their persons , they owe it only to god : a for it comes to them by their birth , and they owe their birth only to god. s. 22. in those kingdoms wherein the succession is continu'd by a new election upon every vacancy , or wherein a new election is made upon the extinguishing of the royal family , the person on whom the election falls in either case , ows his promotion to god , from whom it comes the same way to him , as it came to his first predecessor in that kingdom . s. 23. i do not speak all this while of free states or commonwealths , because i do not believe there was any such government known in the world in david's time . for as we read of no such in scripture , so it is agreed among the a most learned heathen writers , that the first government every where was by kings . but wheresoever , upon the cession of kings , or the ceasing of the royal family , or the like , there has followed a change of the government , from a monarchy to a free state or commonwealth ; there also the sovereign power was of god ; and they that were invested with it had their promotion from him , by that act of his providence by which the change was made , namely , by the consent of the people . and the same way the providence of god brings in others to succeed them in their power from time to time . it has been prov'd in all sorts of government , that as the sovereign power in every country or nation is of god , so they that are invested with it , whether one or many , are in the place of god , and have their promotion from him : which was the first part of the doctrin of this text. s. 24. the 2d . part is , that the transferring of this power from one to another , is the act of god. and this he does proceeding judicially , as being judge , saith our psalmist . here are two things to be consider'd . first , that it is god that does this ; and secondly , that he does it judicially . s. 25. for the first of these , that the transferring of power from one to another is the act god , this adds much to that which went before in the text. it shews that god has such an interest in the disposing of power , as none can pretend to but himself . men have their part in setting up what they cannot put down again . it is a woman's consent makes a man be her husband , the fellows of a colledge chuse one to be their head , a corporation chuse one to be their mayor : all these do only chuse the person , they do not give him the authority . it is the law that gives that , and that law so binds their hands that they cannot undo what they have done . no more can a nation ( a ) undo its own act , in chusing men into sovereign power . i do not say but they may chuse men into government , expresly with that condition , that they shall be accountable to the people ; and then the government remains in the body of the nation , it is that which we properly call a commonwealth . but for sovereign princes and kings , even where they are chosen by the nation ; and much more in hereditary kingdoms ; as they have their authority from god , so they are only a accountable to him . for he is the only potentate , king of kings , and lord of lords . he alone both makes kings by his sovereign power , and by the same he can unmake them when he pleases . nay more than so , he puts down one , and sets up another . both the words imply something of an high place , and here they are used of civil government or dominion . of this it is said , that god so deprives one of it , as that he advances another in his stead . s. 26. this can be understood of nothing else but the conquest of one prince over another . for what one resigns by a voluntary act , he is said to lay down , or to give it up to another . but putting down is the act of a superior , by which one 's place is taken from him against his will. now god being the superior that does this by the act of his providence , it must be such an act as gives the power from one against his will , to another whom god is pleased to set up in his stead . thus in giving one prince a conquest over another , he thereby puts one in possession of the other's dominions , he makes the other's subjects become his subjects , or his slaves , accordingly as they come in upon conditions , or at the will of the conqueror . in short , he giveth him the whole right and power of the other prince . but how can this be ? for , if the other had a right to his kingdom , it cannot be taken from him without injury : and that cannot ordinarily be without a war , and all the evils contained in it ; which are so much inhumanity and impiety together , that whoseever has a true notion of god , cannot think he would approve of things so contrary to his justice and goodness ; much less that he would be the author of them , as he must be according to this doctrin . s. 27. thus some may object . but in answer to this , consider how we judge of the actions of kings , when they take away the lives and estates of offenders . to do the same things would be murder and robbery in private men. but we know they are acts of judgment in them that have the power of the sword ; and they would not be faithful to their trust if they did not do them . in this text we are taught to think so of god , that when he puts down one , and sets up another , he doth it as a judge , even a judge among gods. he deals with them , as they ought to do with their subjects . think of that , and you will not stick at this objection . as a judge , he administreth judgment and justice both which are said to be the habitation of his throne . particularly , when he decrees a conquest of any king or kingdom ; it is either as a judgment on them for offences against himself , or it is by way of justice to others whom they have injured . and both these ways he does what is best , for the glory of god , and the good of mankind . s. 28. first by way of judgment , or punishment for the sins of a prince , or people , or both ; god ordinarily suffers a rebellion to arise within the kingdom , or a foreign power to break in upon it . and though these rebels , or this foreign power , may be such as have receiv'd no provocation , nor mind nothing else but dominion and prey : yet god makes use of them in this case , as he doth of an inundation at other times ; he lets them loose , to over-run , and waste , and spoil the country ; to overthrow the government , and to make themselves lords of it ; and therein to execute god's judgment on that wicked prince or nation . this was saul's case , on which a this psalm seems to have been made . he had driven out david , the terror of the philistines ; and put the priests to death for relieving him : for which injustice and cruelty , together with his other sins , god brought in the philistines upon him , and made him feel the want of those brave men that he had driven away ; for in the day of battel he had none to stand by him , and so he lost both his kingdom and his life . s. 29. so it commonly happens to those kings that , living in a setled a kingdom , will not govern according to the laws thereof . it is a breach of faith , not only to their people , but to b god also , where they are sworn to the observing of laws c and though they are not therefore to be deposed by the people , yet they cannot escape the vengeance of god , who ordinarily punishes them with the natural effects of their sin. s. 30. thus in the case of not execution of laws , especially those that are a check upon irreligion and immorality , the very neglect of the due administration of justice , though it seems to be nothing at present , yet in time it will destroy the government . it bringeth the people into a contempt of authority , and they are not much to be blamed for it , for what are they the better for such a government ? it lets them loose to all manner of sins , many of which are destructive to society , and all expose them to the wrath of god. both these ways they are disposed for rebellion at home ; and so enfeebled withal , that they cannot withstand a foreign enemy . in this corrupt and weak estate of a government , it is almost impossible that there should not be an alteration . s. 31. on the other hand , if a prince will have no law but his will , if he tramples and oppresseth his people , their patience will not hold out always , they will at one time or other shew themselves to be but men. at least they will have no heart to fight for their oppressor . so that if a foreign enemy breaks in upon him , he is gone without remedy , unless god interpose . but how can that be , when god is judge himself ? should the judge hinder the doing of justice ? it is god's work that foreigner comes to do , howbeit he a meaneth not so . he means nothing perhaps , but the satisfying of his own lust. but though he knoweth it not , he is sent in god's message : for which all things being prepared by natural causes , and god not hindering his own work , but rather hastening it , no wonder that it succeeds , and that oftentimes very easily . s. 32. if there seems in all this to be any hard measure put upon kings , it ought to be consider'd how much harder it would be upon the people , if it were otherwise . when it happens ( as it doth sometimes , and that especially for the sins of a nation , ) that they come to be under weak or wicked kings ; even these they must not resist , god hath b taught them otherwise . what then ? must they be left to the wills of these tyrants ? or of them that govern weak kings , which is commonly worse ? must they endure all the load of oppression that these will lay upon them ? that is , for a few mens pleasure must a nation be made miserable ? this is far from god's design in the institution of government . he makes kings his ministers a for the good of their people . if any will take that office upon them , they must behave themselves accordingly . otherwise , if they take it as given them only for themselves , it is such a breach of trust , that god cannot but punish them for it . but how should he do this , so as that the punishment may have its effect , in warning others not to transgress in like manner ? he cannot do this better , than by making men his instruments in it . and therefore it is that god , though he has infinite ways , yet commonly chuses to employ men in this service . he either finds them at home , that are not afraid b of the power as they ought to be : or he brings them in from foreign countries , whistling for the fly out of egypt , or the bee out of the land of c assyria ; in plain words , stirring up a pharaoh or a nebuchadnezzar against them . god may employ such if he will , though none is too good for this work , to execute his righteous judgments . and when god doth his work by their hands , whatsoever the instruments may be , the cause being so just , and so evident as we have supposed ; all men that see it will say , doubtless a there is a god that judges on the earth b s. 33. 2 in the way of justice , god acts as a judge between two soveraign powers , when they bring their causes before him ; that is , when they make war upon one another . and when he seeth his time , that is , when he finds the cause ripe for judgment , if it proceeds so far , then he gives sentence for him that is injur'd , against him that hath done the injury . the effect of this sentence is a just conquest ; and that is the other way in which god , proceeding judicially , puts down one , and sets up another . that this may be the better understood , there are four things to be consider'd particularly . first , that war is an appeal to the justice of god. secondly , that none can be parties to this , but they that are in sovereign power . thirdly , that to make it a just war , there must be a just and sufficient cause . fourthly , that conquest in such a war is a decisive judgment of god , and gives one a right to the dominions that he has conquer'd from the other . s. 34. 1 that war is an appeal to god , this appears in the nature of the thing . for it is the act of two parties that differ about their right . and they put it upon such an issue as none but god can give . for both agree in effect , that the right shall be adjudg'd to him that has the victory . and it is god alone that is the giver of a victory . therefore the judgment of god has been solemnly appeal'd to by nations when they were engaging in war. we see a notable instance of this in the history of jephtha . when his country was invaded by the ammonites , he stood up to defend it , with this express declaration to their king : i have not sinned against thee ; b but thou dost me wrong to war against me , the lord the judge , be judge this day between the children of israel and the children of ammon . the like declarations are frequent in the ancient roman history . s. 35. 2 the parties to this appeal , are properly such as have no superior but god. for them that have an earthly superior , their appeal lies to him as god's minister a attending continually on this very thing . so that subjects know whither to go on all occasions , whether for the asserting of their rights , or reparation of injuries . their proper recourse is to the king as supreme , or to those b that are commissioned by him : and these are to judge their cause according to the law of the land , which is the common standard of justice among private men. it has been the manner indeed , ( and perhaps is so still in some nations , ) that where princes find a cause too hard for them to decide , they give the parties leave to end it in a duel between themselves . but this , being an appeal to god , is most strictly forbidden to subjects in all well-order'd kingdoms . and this very usage shews that they have no right to it otherwise , but only by their princes permission . for sovereign princes , their rights and their injuries are inseparably join'd with those of their kingdoms and nations . and therefore they cannot pass by injuries , as private men may , for peace sake : they must insist on those rights with which god has entrusted them for others more than themselves : it is not only their interest , but their duty so to do . but all princes being equally concern'd in this matter , what if a question should arise between any two of them ? or what if one should invade the unquestionable rights of the other ? there is no ending the difference between them in the way of private men : for they have no earthly superior to flie to : they have nothing to do with one another's laws : there is no adjusting of their damages and costs . private justice hath scales to weigh out these things , a but publick justice has none . therefore princes must have some other way to come by their rights , or else they are in much worse case than private men. but what way should that be , by which princes can be oblig'd against their wills to do right to one another ? it must be by such a law as they all agree to , and by such a judge as is their common superior . such a law is that which we call the law of nations ; b being made up of such customs as are observ'd among princes , as our common law is made up of those that are observ'd in this kingdom . and for that common superior , it is god alone , who styles himself the king of kings and lord of lords . but as by the law of nations , the way that princes have for the ending of those differences among themselves which cannot be ended otherwise , is c by war. so this ( as hath been already shewn ) is an appeal to god ; it is the way that princes have to sue one another in his court. and he has therefore given them the power of the d sword ; that they may use it , not only in judging their own people , but in going to law with other princes . this confirms that which has been said already , that subjects have no right to make war , without the leave of their princes . for as god has given princes the power of the sword , so he forbids it to subjects , under a great penalty , they that take the sword shall perish with the sword. and if he has not admitted them to be parties in his court , then it is certain that they cannot sue there ; or if they do , they can acquire no right by it . there is an original nullity in all their proceedings . as none have right of making war but they that are in sovereign power , so neither is it given to them that they may make what use of it they please : particularly , they must not make war for the satisfying of their lusts , ambition , covetousness , vain-glory , or the like . he that troubles an earthly court of justice upon any litigious or trifling account , ought to be condemned in good costs . but if it appear he comes thither to defraud or to oppress , and that with a colour of justice , he must look for greater severity . how much more ought princes to dread the just judgment of god , if they presume to appeal to him for no cause , or for such as he hates and abhors ? nay the righteous god will not hold him guiltless that hath justice in his cause , and yet in his heart hath no such thing . lawful things must be done lawfully . this princes must look to , as they will answer it to god. 35. but as far as man can judge , it is a lawful war that is made for a just and sufficient cause , which is the third thing we are to consider . to make a cause just , in strictness of law , a very small matter may suffice . for no man hath right to do another the smallest injury , any more than he hath to do him the greatest . and princes e have no other way than by war to right themselves for the least injury . but if they are so tame to pass by the smallest injuries , it will tempt ill-minded men to go on , and to do greater . these and many other things may be said , to make it seem reasonable that princes should insist upon the rigor of justice . but after all this , we must remember we are christians ; and christ hath given us other measures of justice , according to which even princes ought to govern themselves . he hath taught us to soften the rigor of justice , with a temperament of goodness and equity : and therefore not to run to extremes , for the righting of any small , any tolerable injury . § 36. especially war , that is such an extreme as a wise and good prince would not run into , if he could with a good conscience live out of it . but that he cannot do without the leave of other princes , that do not consider it with so great an aversation . they may make it necessary for him to defend his just rights , which he cannot forego without wronging his conscience . they may force him to it , if they will , with insupportable injuries . they may bring things to that pass , that the dangers of peace may be worse than the mischiefs of war are like to be . if it once come to that , that there is more danger in sitting still , than there is like to be in the hazards of war , then it is time for them to draw the sword , to whom it is given . and to do it first , if they can , to f prevent the danger of doing it too late afterwards . they may do it se defendendo , as well against great and imminent g danger , as against open actual invasion . they may do it in h defence of another king's subjects , if they see themselves in extreme danger of suffering an intolerable injury by his oppression of his own people . and in these cases if one lawfully may , then it is certain he ought to do it . there needs no scripture for this , it is the plain natural law of self-preservation . they are so much the more oblig'd to this , when it is evident , that the threatning mischief is like to fall upon others , as well as themselves ; and them such as they are bound in honour and conscience to protect and support . when by sitting still they should certainly expose , not only themselves to be ruin'd , but also their friends and allies to perish with them ; in that case saevitia est voluisse mori , it is a sort of bloody peaceableness , it is cruelty to mankind to go to that degree of suffering injuries . § 37. but especially , when the cause of god is concern'd , to whom we owe all things , and ought to venture all for his sake . surely 't is his cause , when it touches religion ; which is all that is dear to him in this world. and tho' religion it self teaches us , if it be possible , as much as in us lyes to live peaceably with all men ; yet as 't is there suppos'd there may be cause to break the peace ; so it adds infinitely to that cause when it comes to concern our religion . i do not say , that religion is to be propagated with the sword. no , nor that i princes may force it on their own subjects ; much less , upon other princes or their kingdoms . these are things we justly abhor among those inhumane k doctrins and practices by which popery has distinguisht it self from all other religions . we have the more cause to abhor it , for the sake of a prince that is the very scandal of popery ; that hath not only exceeded all heathen cruelty , in the persecuting of his own protestant subjects , but even forc'd a neighbour prince to give him game in his dominions . his butchering the poor vaudois was barbarity beyond all example . we have reason to believe , he would have hunted here next : his dogs had been upon us ' ere this time , if god had not wonderfully preserved us . god preserve us still from kings that have that way of propagating religion . § 38. yet it may be a question , whether such tyrannies being used on the account of religion , give a just cause of war to other princes of the same religion . i speak now of persecution in such countries where their religion is not established by law. it is certainly true which the apostle says , we are all members of one and the same body ; and it is the duty of members to have the same care of one another ; and whether one member suffer , all the members suffer with it ; or one member be honoured , all the members rejoyce with it . it is true that christian princes especially , as they have the charge of that part of christ's body that is in their own dominions , so they ought to extend their care and compassion to their fellow-members elsewhere . but whether they ought to concern themselves for them so far as to make war on their account against their kings by whom they are persecuted , nay whether they may lawfully do this , is a doubt that may deserve some farther consideration . the christian emperors seem to have made no doubt of this . for they made war , sometimes for no other cause but that of religion , against such kings as persecuted the christians in their own dominions : sometimes , when they had other causes of war , they preferr'd this before all the rest ; which certainly they would not have done , if it had not weighed much in their opinion of them of the roman communion there hath been enough already said to shew their opinion of this cause . they that are for propagating religion by the sword , cannot but think it a just cause of war against any prince , that he persecutes those of their religion . we have a notable instance of this in cardinal pool , who was one of the moderatest papists of his age , and yet writ a book , wherein he prest it most earnestly upon the emperor charles v. as his duty , to give over his war with the turk , and to turn his arms against king henry viii . for oppressing the catholicks in his dominions . pope pius v. whom they have lately made a saint , was as earnest with the emperor maximilian , and with the kings of spain , france , and portugal . he would have them all make war against queen elizabeth , for persecuting his catholicks ; though she never touch'd one of them , till that pope had forc'd her to it , by stirring them up to rebellion against her with his famous bull of deprivation . § 39. for the opinion of protestants in this matter , we have it sufficiently declared in the reign of that excellent queen ; who made war first or last against a all the popish princes in her neighborhood , for persecuting the protestants in their kingdoms . and herein , she was not only justified by the pens of our greatest b lawyers and c divines , but she had also the approbation and assistance of d our parliaments and convocations . it appears she was the rather inclin'd to do this , by a jealousy of state , for which there was an evident cause in those popish doctrins before-mentioned . for she knew that those kings accounted her and her people to be hereticks , as well as they did their own subjects , whom they used so very ill , for no other cause but because they were of her religion . and therefore she had reason to fear , that when they had done their work in the destroying of that religion at home in their own kingdoms , the same blind zeal , acted by the same principles , would bring them hither at last for the finishing of their work , or as some have worded it since , for the rooting out of the northern heresie . this was such a danger that if she had suffer'd it to grow upon her , it had been a betraying of her trust , which she could not have answer'd to god. and yet , there being no way to prevent it but by making war upon them in their own kingdoms , this ought to be accounted a defensive war , and that made upon very just cause , as hath been a already shewn . we have reason to hope that all popish princes are not under the power of those principles . but yet , when any of them persecutes his subjects that are of another religion , beyond the standing laws of his kingdom , they cannot expect that other princes , which are of that suffering religion , can be so confident of this , as to stand idle and look on , and not rather when they see the danger comes towards them , to defend themselves from it , if they can , by beginning a war in that prince's dominions . § 40. there is yet a greater cause for this , when the suffering religion is that which is establisht by the laws of that kingdom ; and yet the king that is sworn to those laws , and therefore bound to support that religion , is manifestly practising against it , and endeavours to supplant and oppress and extinguish it . what should other princes or states that profess the same religion do in this case ? they see that such a king is set upon the destroying of their religion . he hath declar'd a hostile mind towards the professors of it , in judging them not capable of enjoying their temporal rights . if he deals thus with his own people , what are forreigners to expect at his hands ? can they think themselves secure because they are at peace with him ? they cannot , unless treaties are more sacred then laws . or can they rely upon his oath ? but they see he hath broken it . and therefore they have reason to judge , that either he makes no conscience of an oath , or he thinks faith is not to be kept with hereticks , or he hath a superior that can dispense with him , or that will absolve him from the guilt of perjury in such cases where religion is concern'd . in short , they are sure of his will to destroy them , and cannot be sure of his oath to the contrary . wherein then can they be safe ? but in his want of power to do them hurt ? but he will not want power , if they let him go on , for he is getting it as fast as he can . he is now strengthning himself by those ways that he takes to be absolute lord of his own people : and he is now weakning them , by oppressing all those among his people whom he knows to be their friends and well-wishers . he doth both these things together : he daily lessens their party , and makes them as many more enemies , as he gains men over to his religion . and if that be such a religion as pretends to a right of destroying men of other religions ; knowing this , they know what they are to expect . when this pretended right is armed with power , it will certainly fall upon them . so that they must begin before he is ready for them , or else it will be too late to do any thing for their own preservation . but as it is necessary for them to do this for themselves , so they ought to do it much the rather for the sakes of their oppressed brethren : that , by a timely asserting of their own right , they may also deliver them from the evils they suffer at present , and save them from that destruction which is coming upon them . as it was just and necessary on those former accounts , so this makes it a pious cause , and therefore the more worthy of a true christian prince . it has been judg'd so by them whose names we have in great veneration . we have the examples of our own princes here in england in the best of times since the reformation : these the reader may find collected to his hand , in an excellent book that hath been lately published . but this may as well be shewn in the examples of them whom our princes chose to follow as their patterns ; namely , of the christians in primitive times , and especially at the time of the first nicene council . in these times we find that constantine and licinius , having shar'd the roman empire between them , had pass'd a decree together at milan , for christianity to be the establish'd religion : and when afterward licinius , in his part of the empire , would have oppress'd it contrary to law ; for that cause constantine the great made war upon him ; and in prosecution of that war , thrust him out of his empire : for which he was so far from being blamed by any christian in those times , even by those that had been licinius's subjects , as most of those bishops were that sate in the nicene council , that they all gave him the highest praises and encomiums , and blessed god that had sent them that happy deliverance by his means . eusebius was licinius's subject , and he afterwards writ the life of constantine the great , in which they that please may read whole chapters to this purpose . § . 41. as that is a just war which is made upon just and sufficient cause , so the effect of such a war being a conquest , is just , which is the fourth thing we are to consider . conquest being the way by which a kingdom or dominion is taken from a sovereign prince a against his will , and by which another prince gets it into his possession ; as often as this happens , there arises a question between the two princes , whether of them hath a right to that kingdom or dominion . for the deciding of this question , it must be by such a law as is common to both the parties , whose rights are to be judg'd by it . that cannot be the law of the kingdom ; for though the prince that is disseiz'd was obliged by that law while he was in possession , yet now it seems he is not ; and it never was a law to the prince that is now in his place . it must therefore be a superior law , such as is common to all sovereign princes in their affairs with one another , and that ( as hath been b already shewn ) is ordinarily the law of nations . i say ordinarily , because there is yet a superior law , namely , the law of god ; whether written in our hearts , which we commonly call the law of nature ; or whether an express revelation from god , such as was sometimes given to men in ancient times ; either of these may derogate from the law of nations : for this , being made up of customs observ'd by princes and states among themselves , is always subject to the will of him that is lord of lords and king of kings . but whether , or how far , this may alter the case , will be considered afterwards ; at present we are only to consider what judgment can be made of it , according to the law of nations . § . 42. by this it seems to be plain , that the right should go along with the compleat possession : so as that wheresoever this is once settled , whether by length of time , or even sooner by a general consent of the people , there it ought to be presum'd there is a right , at least there ought to be no farther dispute of it . there seems to be the same reason for this , that there is for the law of nations it self ; for if that law was ordain'd for the peace of mankind , this quieting of possession must be a part of it , for there can be no end of wars otherwise . accordingly we see , in a dispute between gods ancient people the jews , and the heathen nations about them , when they differ'd about a title to land , it was agreed , that whatsoever conquest they had made on either side , they should hold it as being given them by their god. this appears by jephtha's speech to the king of ammon that had chemosh for his god ; wilt not thou possess that which chemosh thy god giveth thee to possess ? so whomsoever the lord our god shall drive out from before us , them will we possess . that 's a plain evidence , so far as it goes . but that is only for part of a country . but we have as great proof , that god gives even kingdoms in this manner , dan. ii. 21. there daniel having receiv'd a full account from god , of a vision which king nebuchadnezzar had seen , and forgot ; when he saw what it was , that it contain'd the fates of empires that were to grow up successively in the world ; he adores the majesty of god , with an humble confession of his prerogative , in these words , it is he that changes the times and the seasons : it is he that removes kings , and sets up kings . both these ways of expression signifie one and the same thing . for the chaldeans reckon'd the times and the seasons by the years of their kings reigns , as we do by the years of our kings reigns at this day . and therefore according to the change of their kings , there was also a change of the times and the seasons . they were the changes of four great empires , which god here considered , not as being the greatest in the world , but as being those to which his people were to be subject . they were subject successively to those four great empires , of the babylonians , the persians , the greeks , and the romans . those four are understood in this vision , by josephus , and by all the jews that have written , and by all the primitive christians . but these words , being so understood , afford us a plain instance of this doctrine . they shew that it is by way of conquest that god puts down one , and sets up another . for so the babylonian empire was put down by cyrus , who set up the persian in its stead . the persian empire was put down in their last king darius , and alexander set up the macedon in its stead , the macedon kingdom was put down in their last king perseus , and the roman was set up in its stead . all these kingdoms were changed by conquests that they made one upon another . and so it was by those conquests , that god removed kings , and set up kings . which , though we see not yet , that it was any more than by the permissive providence of god ; yet that was enough to make the people of god become subjects to those kings that came in by no other title . i do not say but they would have opposed the making of one of those conquests , namely , that of alexander the great , because king darius was then living . but when they saw they could not oppose , the conquest being already made , then just or unjust , they submitted to it ; and having submitted , they were subject without any more controversie . therefore also just and religious kings have reckoned their a conquests 〈◊〉 the great things that god wrought in 〈◊〉 means ; and accounted them as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 subjects whom they had gain'd by 〈◊〉 b sword , as them that were born in th●●● dominions . therefore also god hath commanded his people to give obedience to the kings that came in by conquest , without any other title . nay to such as were capable of no other , for they were a forbidden to set a stranger over them , which was not their brother . and yet they were subjects to strangers , such as cushan , eglon , and jabin , &c. and in zedekia's time god b commanded them upon pain of death to become the subjects of nebuchadnezzar , who had made a full conquest over them , and held their lawful king jeconia then in captivity . this is plainly the doctrine of that c convocation which sate in the beginning of king james i. his time ; and therefore it cannot but be very unjust to charge any man with singularity or novelty , that goes in the steps of so many and so great authors . § . 43. yet it cannot be denied that many others , and those also men of great learning and judgment , have not gone on so smooth with this doctrine ; they think it gives too much to the success of a war , without due regard to the cause on which it was made . but it is the cause that makes a war either just or unjust : and though the events of both these may be the same , for either of them may end in a conquest , by which god puts down one , and sets up another ; yet whether this be justly obtained , or unjustly , it makes a great difference . for whereas the latter happens through the judgment of god , for the punishing of a sinful prince or nation , it doth not appear that he that is the instrument of this , acquires any right by it ; more that those pirates or robbers , who are instrumental likewise , in the punishing of inferior transgressors . and if god gives no right to him whom he sets up , then it remains still in him whom he has put down : so that he is rightful king still ; though he is out of possession , and the other is but an usurper that is in possession . in this case , if the usurper has no pretence of right , no prescription of time , no consent of the people , but only an unjust possession ; how a subject ought to behave himself towards him , even this is a difficult a question , in a most learned man's judgment : who yet b judges , that even here , it may be not only lawful , but a duty , to obey him that is in possession ; when the legal king is reduced to that pass , that he can no more do the office of a king to his people . for ( saith he ) the kingdom cannot be without government , and if the usurper preserves the kingdom , a lover of his country ought not ( as things are ) to give any farther cause of trouble by his unprofitable contumacy . but then put case the usurper hath sworn the people to him , and doth the office of a king , which ( it seems ) in his judgment doth not take away the duty that is owing to that former king ; how one can pay his duty to both the expel'd legal king , and to such an usurper . this our author says is a most difficult scruple ; and so it seems , both by his , and our most learned casuist's handling the question , where they shew how far one ought , and how far one ought not , to comply with such an usurpation . but these difficulties are only in case the possession is obtained by a war that was certainly unjust ; for if the cause of the war was but doubtful , and a conquest follows upon it , there is no place for these difficulties : much less where the cause of war was certainly just , for if a conquest follows upon this , it gives a right , and then there is no usurpation . § . 44. we judge of doubtful things by those that are certain , and therefore to speak of these first : being certain that the cause of war is just , we are as certain of the effect of it . so that if it be suffer'd to run on to a conquest , this also is just ; and we ought to look upon it as the execution of a sentence of god , by which , acting as a judge in the way of justice , he puts down one , and sets up another . and this being follow'd by the a peoples attorning their allegiance , the right is as fully b settled in him that comes in in this manner , as if he came in by the ordinary way of succession . § . 45. the right of a conquest being so clear when the justice of the war is certain , there is the less to be said of the case when there is a doubtful cause of war. if the effect of such a war be a conquest , it is evident that the right of this conquest ought to be judged of very favourably ; for he that hath conquered is now in possession . and therefore according to that common saying , which is most true in this case , he hath eleven points of the law. but beside , if ( as it commonly happens ) one of the two must be obey'd ; either he that is driven out , or he that comes in his stead ; the matter being so doubtful between them ; then , as it seems most reasonable that obedience should be paid to the latter , as having all the advantage of law on his side , so it is plainly necessary for the peace and tranquility of the nation , which cannot well be settled otherwise . thus it was judged by our great a casuist , in a question of hereditary right between two or more competitors ; that as long as they are yet in dispute with one another , it is the duty of one that loves his country , to obey him that is in possession of the kingdom , as his lawful prince . § . 46. upon this ground it has been a commonly judg'd by the law of nations , that the right goes along with the possession . of this we see examples in every revolution that happens in this or any other kingdom . when a king is driven out with any colour of right , the neighbouring princes and states make no great difficulty of applying themselves to him that comes in his stead ; wherein though perhaps they too much follow their own interest , yet it cannot be said that what they do is against the law of nations . but what should subjects do in this case ? of this we have an example in the people of god , when they pass'd successively under the yoak of those four great monarchs that were b formerly mention'd . it is likely that each of those kings that got the power over them , first declar'd the cause of the war that he made upon their former lords . in that case , though they could not judge of the cause , whether it was just of unjust , yet no doubt they did well in adhering to him that was in present possession . thus we see they did to darius , till such time as they found themselves in the power of the enemy : but then , the same reason being turn'd on his side , they thought it necessary to preserve themselves and their country , by yielding to him , who had a just cause of war for ought they knew , and so far as they could judge by the success , it had gods approbation . to a people that are in such a case , it is no small comfort , that whatsoever doubt they may have of the cause of the war , yet there is no doubt at all concerning their duty . there is nothing more certain than this , that they ought to preserve themselves , if they can do it lawfully . but it is lawful for them to forbear fighting , when they are unsatisfied of the cause : and if their own prince is not able to protect them , it is lawful for them to take protection elsewhere . therefore , in case of invasion for a cause which is just for ought they know , it is lawful for them to live quietly under the invader : nay it is not only lawful , but their duty ( as hath been a already shewn , ) to acquiesce in his government , when he comes to be in possession . § . 47. but when they are certain that a war is made upon their prince for just cause ; that is , when they plainly see he hath drawn it upon himself , by making it b not only lawful , but necessary for another prince to invade him for his own preservation ; what are the people to do in this case ? no doubt they ought first to have a care of their souls , and not to endanger them by being partakers of other men's sins . they cannot but see , that , by engaging in the war , they abet their own prince in his injustice ; though not in his doing the injury , yet in continuing what is done , and in his not giving reparation . and therefore they are subject to the same punishment with him . nay their condition is worse then his : for he may shift for himself , and leave them and all they have to be a prey to the enemy : who by right of war may do with them and theirs what he pleases . it is therefore certainly their wisest course to keep themselves free from all offence , both towards god and towards man : that having had no part in the cause of the war , they may not be involv'd in the ill consequences of it . and this they have reason to expect from a generous enemy , that he will not use the right a of war against them that desire to live peaceably . much more , if he hath declar'd he would not hurt them that should not resist him , they have reason to trust a just prince upon his declaration . and if he went so far as to declare , that upon their submission they should enjoy the benefit of their own laws ; then , although it should come to a conquest , they may reasonably expect to be in no worse condition under the stranger , then they were under their own prince : they have his faith engaged to them for this . but if the stranger declares he makes war in defence of another king's subjects , as ( we have b shewn , ) he may lawfully do , when he finds himself in danger of suffering by that king's oppression of his own people ; in this case , they are first to consider , whether it is a meer pretence , or whether there be a reall ground for his declaration . if they find there is a just and sufficient ground for it , they see in effect , that it is through them that he is struck at ; and therefore the war is not so much his , as their own . it is true according to our a doctrine , they are united to their prince as a wife to her husband ; so that they can no more right themselves by arms , then she can sue her husband while the bond of mariage continues . yet as , when her husband uses her extremely ill , she may complain of him to the judge , who , if he see 's cause , may dissolve the mariage by his sentence ; and after that she is at liberty to sue him as well as any other man : so a people may cry to the lord by reason of their oppression , and he may raise them up a deliverer , that shall take the government into his hands ; ( a foreign prince may lawfully do this , as hath been b already shewn ; ) and then they are not only free to defend themselves , but are oblig'd to joyn with him , against their oppressor . for the people's union with their prince ; though it cannot be dissolv'd but by a sentence from god ; yet by the prince's own act it may be so loosend , that it may be next to dissolution . the laws are the bond of union between prince and people : by these , as the prince holds his prerogative , so do the people their just rights and liberties . now suppose a people so opprest by their prince , that their laws being trodden under foot , they are in danger of losing not only their temporal rights , but , as much as can be , their eternal : in this case , there 's no doubt that the oppressor and the oppressed become two parties , being distinguisht by the most different interests that can be in the world. § . 48. in this case , if another prince , having a just cause of war , is so far concern'd for such a people , as to take them into his care , and to declare that he makes the war for their deliverance : the effect of this war , though we may call it a conquest , because it has resemblance of it , yet it cannot be properly so in any respect ; whether we consider the prince on whom it is made , or the people that have their deliverance by it . as to him , it is properly an a eviction by the just sentence of god ; who thus put 's him out of a trust , that he abus'd to the hurt of them for whose sakes it was given him . and as to the people , it cannot be a conquest over them , who are so far from having the war made against them , that it was made chiefly for their sakes . if there be any pretence of a conquest , it is only over them that were their oppressors . but as for them that were opprest , it makes altogether on their side ; so that they are the conquerors in effect , for they have the benefit of it : and he that obtain'd this for them hath a much more glorious title then that of a conqueror , for he is properly their restorer and deliverer . thus it has been always judg'd by the people of god , as it were easy to shew in many instances ; but very few may suffice , when there is none to be produc'd on the contrary . for that b former doctrin , we have the example of the jewish church in the time of alexander the great . when by his victory at issus , he had driven darius out of syria , the jews yielded to him . they had had no part in the war. even for that reason , he did not use the right of conquest upon them . he requir'd nothing more at their hands , but that they should pay him the same duties that they had paid to darius , and that as many of them as pleas'd should serve him in his wars : both which conditions they accepted , and perform'd , as if they had been his natural subjects . much more in that case of cyrus's conquest . when he had taken babylon , where the jews were in a state of captivity ; did he use the right of conquest over them ? did he sell them for slaves , or take away what they had ? so far he was from it , that he restor'd them from their captivity . having understood from their prophets , that god had given him those successes for their sakes ; he did not look upon them as a conquer'd people , but as them whom god sent him to deliver : and treated them accordingly , with all possible kindness and obligation . but there are no examples more to be observ'd by us christians , then those that happen'd in the time of constantin the great ; both because he was the first christian emperor , and because the first general council was held in his reign . now in those times of the purest christianity , we find not that in any of those countries which he had gain'd by the sword , any christian had the least scruple concerning his right to the government : nay they welcom'd him to it with all demonstrations of joy. and though he had acquir'd a title to it by the expulsion of those princes that had been their oppressors , and so might have taken it upon him as a conqueror , which title he seem'd to a affect upon other occasions ; yet where he had declar'd his cause of war to be for a peoples deliverance , this being so just and so honorable a title , he us'd it , and would have no other , in all his inscriptions . there might be given many other instances of this kind : but these are enough , to sh●w that one and the same person may conquer and drive out an oppressing prince , and yet , as to the subjects of that prince , he may have no right of conquest ; but that which is much better , the best that can be now in the world , that is , the right of a restorer & deliverer of his people . the end of the first part. a catalogue of books . printed for t. jones , at the white-horse . without temple-bar , 1691. a letter to dr sherlock , in vindication of his late book , intituled the case of allegiance . a sermon preach'd before the queen , january the 30th . being the day of the martyrdom of king charles i. by the bishop of s. asaph . there is newly publish'd a choice collection of ayrs for 2 and 3 treble flutes . compos'd by the best masters of musick . price 2. shillings 6. p. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a48818-e910 the occasion of this psalm . a psal. lxxv . 3. the scope of these words b psal. lxxv . 45. c psal. lii . 1. i. that all power is from god. a in aben-ezra . b psal. xlviii . 1. a esa. xiv . 13. ( b ) psal. lxxxii . 1. ii. that he gives it judicially . the heads of the following discourse . of the institution of government . a rom. xiii . 1 , 2. b rom. xiii . 1. ( c ) vers. ● . god's ways of conferring soverain power . i immediatly , in the patriarchs times . a gen. x. 32. b gen. x. 9. c gen. xxi●i . 6. d gen. xvi 5. e g●n . xxv. 23. a exod. i. 14. 2 in the times of the theocracy . b exod. xix. 4 , 5. 2 sam. xii . 12. c psal. cxxiv . 1 , 2 3 in the hereditary kingdom of israel . d 1 sam. viii. 5. a 1 sam. xiii . 13. b ver. 14. c 1 chron. xxviii . 5. ii mediatly by consent of the people . and that , i on account of merit . thus especially on founders of nations . a exod. xxxii . 1. on first planters . on restorers and deliverers . a 1 macc. xiv. 41 , 49. ii on account of favor . a psal. lxv. 7. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the first elections of kings . a king james's works , pag. 612. what god did directly by his word and oracle among his own people in the election of kings , he did it only by his secret working in the hearts of other nations , though themselves knew not whence those motions came which god by his finger writ in their hearts . in hereditary successions . a iren. adv . haeres . v. 24. cujus jussu homines nascuntur , hujus jussu & reges constituuntur . by whose command they are born men , by his command they are also made kings . tertull. apologet. c. 30. inde est imperator unde & homo antequam imperator ; inde potest as illi unde & spiritus . he is from thence made emperor from whence he has also his breath . in elective kingdoms . in free states . a plato de legibus iii. aristot polit ▪ l. 3. polyb. hist. vi . there are others in sanderson . de oblig . consc. vii . 16. of transferring the power from one to another . that this is the act of god. a this is protestant doctrin . see sanderson de oblig . conscient . vii . 20. grot. de jure b. & p. l. 3. 8 : pufendorf . de jure nat. & gent. vii . 6. 1. popish writers , as bellarmin , becan , &c. teach otherwise . suarez de legibus iii. 4. 6 mentioning that doctrin , that a people may depose their king , saith it is altogether false ; but corrects this afterward , saying , nisi fortasse in tyrannidem declinet , unless he happen to become a tyrant ; of which this jesuit allows the people to be judge . he might as well have agreed with his fellows . by giving one a conquest over the other . god gives a conquest judicially . a psal. lxxxii . i. i. by way of judgment . a psal. lxxv. 8. on kings . a king james's works , pag. 531. every king , in a setled kingdom , is bound to observe the paction made to his people by his laws , in framing his government agreeable thereunto . ib. a king , governing in a setled kingdom , leaves to be a king ; and degenerates into a tyrant , as soon as he leaves off to govern according to his laws : in which case , the king's conscience may speak to him , as the poor widow said to philip of macedon , either govern according to your law , aut ne rex sis . b king james's works , pag. 553. i was sworn to maintain the law of the land , and therefore i had been perjured if i had altered it . ib. pag. 531. all kings that are not tyrants or perjured , will be glad to bind themselves within the limits of their laws . — and they that persuade them the contrary are vipers and pests , both against them , and the commonwealth . c pufendorf . de leg. nat. & gent. vii . 6. 10. if he promiseth at his coronation to govern according to laws , and breaks his promise , he is forsworn : and yet that doth not dissolve his government . king james's works , pag. 531. though no christian ought to allow any rebellion of people against their prince , yet doth god never leave kings unpunisht when they transgress these limits . for neglect of government . for oppressing the people . a esay x. 7. this is just and necessary . b rom. xiii . 2. a rom. xiii . 4. b rom. xiii . 3. c esay vii . 17. a psal. lvii. 11. b when don pedro king of castile , by his tyranny , had so lost himself at home , and gained so many enemies abroad , that his bastard brother , being set up against him by some of the neighbouring kings , had driven him out of his kingdome without blood ; he came to our black prince , who was then at bourdeaux , and desir'd him to bring him back into his kingdom . the prince called a council upon it , where some of his friends advised him to forbear : telling him the great evils that this king had done ; and adding this in the conclusion , all that he hath now to suffer , is but the rod of god , sent to chastise him , and to give example to other christian kings and princes of the earth that they may not do like him . froissart hist. l. 231. 2 god does this by way of justice . 1 war is an appeal to god. a 1 chron. xxix. 11. b judg. xi . 27. 2 it is proper to kings . a rom. xiii . 6. b 1 pet. ii. 13 , 14. a bishop bramhall's works , p. 834. private right , and private justice , is between particular men. publick right , and publick justice is between common-wealths , as in a foreign war. b see pufendorf . de jure nat. & gent. ii. 3. 21. hooker eccles. pol. i. saith of the law of nations , that it can be no more prejudiced by the laws of any kingdom , than these can be by the resolutions of private men. c see grot. de jure belli & pacis i. 2. 1. ad 5. d rom. xiii . 3 , 4. mat. xxvi . 52. dudley digs of the unlawfulness of subjects taking up arms — london , 1675. § 3. p. 75. equals — if injur'd they require satisfaction , and upon denial of it attempt to compass it by force , they are esteem'd by the law of reason and nations , just enemies ; whereas subjects , if they make war upon their sovereign , tho' when wrong'd , are worthily accounted rebels . see albericus gentilis de jure belli b. fol. 1. from pomponius , c. 118. tituli digest . de verb. signif . & ulpian . c. 24. tit . de captivis . see grot. de jure belli & pacis l. 3. 5. zouch p. 30 de jure inter gentes , l. 6. 3. when they have just cause . e justinian instit. l. 2. as in fear of great danger . f lord bacon's works , london 1670 , p. 2. in his considerations on the war with spain . the second of his three just grounds for that war , was a just fear of subverting our civil estate : and thereupon he says , that wars preventive , upon just fears , are true defensives , as well as upon an actual invasion . in his works , london 1638. among his sermones fideles , p. 189. he goes further , in saying , justus metus imminentis periculi , etsi violentia aliqua non praecessit , proculdubio belli causa est competens & legitima . a just fear of imminent danger , tho there has not been any violence used , is but of all doubt a sufficient and lawful cause of war. g see grot. de jure belli & pacis , ii. 20 , 39. and pufendorf . de jure naturae & gentium , viii . 6. 3. h albericus gentilis de jure belli , i. fol. c. 3. saith , it is defensio utilis , quando verendum ne petamur . and defensio honesta quando alios tuemur . he brings both these together , in the case of queen elizabeth's defending the dutch against the king of spain . ib. & fol. d. he saith , she might justly do it ; for if the government of the netherlands should be changed , and the king of spain become absolute , she her self would be in danger of him . he saith this is ipsa ratio imperiorum . see grot. de jure b. & p. ii. 25. 8. and pufendorf . de jur. nat. & gent. viii . 6. 14. ending . see grotius de jure belli & pacis ii. 20. 40. especially when also religion is concern'd . justinian coll. vi. 7. 4. it is for this cause that wo●●● have made so many wars in africk and italy ; namely , for orthodoxy in religion , and for the liberty of our subjects . bishop bilson of the true difference between subjection and rebellion , oxford , 1625. p. 381. in the margin has this position . princes who bear the sword may lawfully wage war for religion . i grot. de jure belli & pacis ii. 20. 48. k see concil . lateran . iv. canon . 4. that it is every prince's duty to persecute ; and that in case he neglect it , he thereby forfeits his dominions . see the oath that every popish bishop takes in the pontisicale romanum . it has these words in it ; i will persecute all hereticks and schismaticks , rebells to our lord the pope , and will fight against them to the utmost of my power . suarez de legibus iii. 5. 8. ending . saith , heathen kings cannot be deprived of their power by war , unless they abuse it to the injury of christian religion , or the destruction of the faithful that are under them , as is the constant opinion of divines : meaning of them in the roman church . again iii. 10. 6. if insidels have the faithful for their subjects , and would turn them from the faith or obedience of the church , — then the church has just cause of war against them . but for heretick princes , he says there , that the church has direct power over them , and may deprive them in punishment of their infidelity or heresie . ib. q. when religion suffers in another kingdom . 1 cor. xii . 25 , 26. justinian . coll. vi. 7. 4. it is for this cause that we have made so many wars in africk , and italy ; viz. for orthodoxy in religion , and for the liberty of our subjects . see girolamo catena's life of that pope : and from him camden's annals , a. d. 1572. example in q. elizabeths time . a camdeni annales a. d. 1559. in the queen's consultation concerning the demands of succor for the protestants of scotland against the french faction in that kingdom , saith pessimi exempli videbatur principem patrocinium praestare tumultuantibus principis alterius subditis : at impietatis ejusdem religionis cultoribus deesse . it seem'd a thing of very ill example for one prince to patronize another prince's subjects in commotion : but it seem'd an impious thing to be wanting to them of the same religion . whereupon the resolution was taken , ejusdem religionis professoribus subveniendum , & gallos a scotia exturbandos : that the professors of the same religion must be helpt , and that the french must be driven out of scotland . ib. a. d. 1562. when she sent the earl of warwick with an army into france , she declared , she could not but do it , unless she would let the guises ▪ do their pleasure with that young king and his protestant subjects . quodque maximum , ne suam religionem , securitatem , & salutem , ignave prodere videretur : and which was chiefly to be considered , least she should seem basely to betray her own religion , security , and safety . ib. a. d. 1585. after deliberation whether she should take upon her the protection of the states against the king of spain , this was her resolution , statuit & christianae pietatis esse , afflictis belgis ejusdem religionis cultoribus subvenire ; & prudentiae , exitiosas hostium machinationes praevertendo , populi sibi commissi incolumitati consulere — hinc b●lgarum patrocinium palam suscepit — she did resolve , that it was a duty of christian piety to help the afflicted dutch , being professors of the same religion ; and that it was a point of prudence by preventing the destructive designs of their enemies , to provide for the safety of her own people — thereupon she took upon her publickly the protection of the dutch. b albericus gentilis ( her professor of law in the university of oxford ) de jure belli d. speaking of her war with spain , saith , age , age , obsiste , principum fortissima , nam obsistis justissime . c bishop jewell's defence of the apology , p. 16. &c. and bilson of the difference between subjection and rebellion , ubi supra . d the acts of parliament and convocation that prove this , see at the end of this first chapter . a § 36. especially where it is the religion setled by law. an answer to the paper delivered by 〈…〉 his 〈◊〉 , to the 〈◊〉 of london , p 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. of licinius he tells us , how designing war against his brother in law constantine , but not thinking fit yet to declare it , first he fell upon the christians in his own part of the empire . euseb. hist. x. 8. edit . vales. p. 396. b. he began first with the bishops , not suffering them to meet in synods . vit. constant. l. 51. then he turned all christians out of their places at court. eufeb . hist. x. 8. & vit. constant. l. 52. then he turned all christians out of the army , and out of offices . euseb. hist. ib. & vit. constant. l. 54. then he seiz'd their estates . ib. & ib. at last he fell on the bishops . euseb. hist. x. 8. p. 397. b. at first secretly and cunningly , not by himself for fear of constantine , but by his governors . ib. he killed some bishops for praying for constantine . vit. constant. ii. 2. then constantine began to stir , thinking it holy and pious to remove one , and save a multitude . vit. constant. ii. 3. the joy of christians upon his victory , see eus. x. 9. p. 399. c , d. & vit. constant. ii. 19. p. 452. c. then it makes a just conquest a see §. 26. b see §. 35. and conquest giveth right . judges xi . 24. dan. ii. 21. jos. antiq. x. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 14. selden . de jure nat. & gent. vi 17. p. 789. argent . 1665. ita non solum armis alexandri se , ex jure quod ei competiit bellico , subdidere ; sed imperio ejus dilatando stipendiarios se libenter tune praebuere ; nec interea de belli causâ , aut religione dispari , soliciti . so they not only submitted themselves to alexander's arms on the account of that right which he had gotten by war ; but then they willingly offered themselves to serve under him for the farther enlargement of his empire ; not troubling themselves the mean while , about the cause of the war , or the difference of religion . a thus david , psal. i. x. 8. & cviii . 9. thus constantine the great stiled himself triumphator , and stamp'd his coin with the words victoria gothica , sarmatia devicta , &c. debellaiori gentium barbararum . thus likewise the following christian emperors . b justinian coll. ii. 2. 10. we have recovered all afric , and subdued the vandals , and hope to receive of god many yet greater things than these . id. coll. v. 15. 1. we ordain these laws to be observed in all nations under our government : some whereof god gave us at first , others he hath added since , and we hope he will still increase . a deut. xvii . 15. b jer. xxi 8 , 9. c convocation book . i. 28. &c. doubted when the cause is certainly unjust a pufend. de jur. nat. & gent. vii . 8 , 9. b ib. vii . 8. 10. sanderson obl. consc. v. 17 , &c. no doubt when the cause is certainly just. a horn. de civ . ii. 9. 2. ( as quoted by pufend. jur. nat. & gent. vii . 7. 3. if one prince overcomes another that unjustly provokes him , and hath deserv'd it by other injuries , he hath forthwith a lawful power against him whom he hath so overcome ; and is not to stay for the consent of the people whom he hath brought under his dominion . pufendorf there says , that where there was a just cause of invasion , there the getting of a country into possession , makes for the obtaining of the dominion thereof ; and is confirm'd by the consent of the subjects , and their following covenant . but that till this is had , the state of war continues , and there is no obligation , nor faith , and so no dominion . dudley digs of the unlawfulness of subjects taking up arms , &c. §. 4. p. 132. puts an objection , that if the conqueror comes in by force , he may be turn'd out by the same title . in answer to it , he saith , de jure he cannot — for though conquest be a name of greater strength only , and be not it self a right , yet it is the mother of it ; because when the people are in his power , — they pass their consent to be his faithful subjects , — and this subsequent act gives him a lawful right to the monarchy . b andrews on the commandements . lond. 1650. p. 331. kingdoms — when they are obtained by a just conquest , are not to be accounted tyrannical , because they are just ; for there may be a just title by conquest , when the war is upon just grounds . ib. p. 461. besides those original ways of propriety , there is also a propriety by the right of war , or law of arms ; because the magistrate hath power and authority — to use his sword abroad as well as at home , and may punish a foreign enemy in some cases , even by expelling him his land , — and in this right of propriety , he hath not only dominium , the lordship and dominion over it , but usum , the use also . sanderson . oblig . consc. vii . 17. speaking of them that come into government vi & armis , saith , they come in either by meer usurpation without any pretence of right , or by making just war upon their enemies by whom they are unjustly provoked . ib. vii . 24. he saith , by the law of nations that power of a prince is just , which is either gotten by just war , or which by long possession is confirm'd as by a right of prescription . bramhall's works , p. 527. those whose predecessors , or themselves , have attain'd to sovereignty by the sword , by a conquest in a just war , claim immediately from god. ib. p. 537. just conquest in a lawful war acquireth good right of dominion , as well as possession . — neither is this to alter the course of nature , or frustrate the tenor of law , but it self is the law of nature and nations . a doubtful cause is enough for the prince in possession . a sanderson . de oblig . consc. v. 15. where , among the examples of such competitors , he mentions that very sharp and long dispute that was between the two houses of york and lancaster concerning the succession of this kingdom ; in which , according to his judgment , a good patriot ought to have obeyed the king that was in possession . and thus he concludes , it is certain by the consent of all nations all the world over , that the laws every where ( not only that of 11 hen. vii . but the laws every where ) have favour'd him that is in possession ; and in such cases that famous sentence of the lawyers has always carried it , in rebus dubiis melior est conditio possidentis . a see §. 42. the people ought to be satisfied with this . b see §. 42. albericus gentilis de jure belli iii. f. c. blames lucan for calling alexander orbis terrarum praedonem . for ( saith he ) alexander declar'd a just cause of war ; and when he had the victory , that then he might possess himself of his enemies dominions , is more then a received opinion ; alexander's reasons are express'd in his epistle to darius , which is in arrian exped . alex. ii. a see § 45. but much more with a certain just cause . b see § 36. a see grot. de jure b. & p. iii. 13. 4. and 15. 12. b see §. 36. a see §. 25. jud. ii. 18. and iv. 3. jud. iii. 9 , 15 b §. 36. when the cause is for their sake , it is to them not a conquest , but a deliverance . a calvin's law-dictionary has this sense of the word evictio ; est ejus rei , quam adversarius legitimo jure acquisierat , per judicem recuperatio . in this sense it seems to have been us'd in speaking of the fall of maxentius ; whereof see the following note . b §. 46 47. a see §. 42. note a. in memory of his victory over maxentius , the day on which it happen'd being the 27th . of october was styl'd in the christian roman calendar evictio tyranni , what that means see in the former note . on the arch which was set up in memory of it , and which is yet to be seen at rome , there is inscrib'd constantino maximo &c. liberatori urbis , fundatori quietis . see grut. inscr. p. 282. in his coins he is call'd restitutor libertatis , conservator urbis suae , and africae suae &c. see mediobarbus . likewise upon the overthrow of maximinus , the joy and thanksgiving of christians for their deliverance , see in euseb. hist. x. 1 and 2. and see his panegyric to paulinus , bishop of tyre , esp . p. 378. of valesius edition , and remember that both these were subjects of that emperor maximinus . of the joy of christians upon their deliverance from the tyranny of licinius enough hath been said in §. 40. acts of parliament and convocation in queen elizabeth's time , by which it appears ( as hath been already said in §. 39. ) that , in the wars that she made on the account of religion , she had both their approbation and assistance . v o. eliz. a. d. 1562. in the convocation that fram'd the 39 articles . the prelates and clergy being lawfully congregated , calling to remembrance &c. and finally pondering the inestimable charges sustain'd by your highness in reducing the realm of scotland to unity and concord ; as also in procuring as much as in your highness lies , by all kind of godly and prudent means , the abateing of all hostility and persecution within the realm of france , practis'd and used against the professors of god's holy gospel and true religion ; hath given and granted &c. a bill of subsidy , in rastall's collection ii. p. 84. edit . lond. 1618. xiii o. eliz. a. d. 1571. when the parliament enjoyn'd the subscribing of those articles . the prelates and clergy &c. considering farther the inestimable charges sustain'd by your highness in procuring , — by all godly and prudent means , the abating of all hostility and persecution within the realm of france , and in other places , practis'd against the professors of god's holy gospel and true religion ; have given and granted as follows , rastall ib. p. 167. xliii o. eliz. a. d. 1601. in her convocation , a subsidy was granted by the clergy , with this reason exprest , for who should have a more lively sence of your majesty's princely courage and constancy , in advancing and protecting the free profession of the gospel within and without your majesty's dominions , then the clergy . rastall ib. p. 520. xxxv o. eliz. there was a subsidy granted by the temporalty , together with an acknowledgment of the great honor which it hath pleas'd god to give your majesty abroad ( in france and flanders ) in making you the principal support of all just and relegious causes against usurpers : so that this island hath in your majesty's days been a pray and sanctuary to distressed states and kingdoms , and is a bulwark against the tirannies of mighty and usurping potentates . rastall ib. p. 421. xxxix o. eliz. there is another subsidy granted to that queen by the temporalty , almost in the same words . rastall ib. p. 479. a proclamation for a national humiliation upon the account of the queens death. scotland. privy council. 1695 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05598 wing s1784 estc r183465 52529278 ocm 52529278 179038 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05598) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179038) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:27) a proclamation for a national humiliation upon the account of the queens death. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1695. caption title. royal arms in ornamental border at head of text; initial letter. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the second day of january, and of our reign the sixth year, 1695. signed: gilb. eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mary -ii, -queen of england, 1662-1694 -death and burial -early works to 1800. prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. public worship -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation for a national humiliation upon the account of the qveens death . william by the grace of god , king of great brittain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs , in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting ; forasmuch as , it hath pleased almighty god , to visite us and our people , with the sad and never enough to be lamented loss of our dear consort , and their gracious soveraign queen mary : and that in such a calamity , it becomes us and them to be deeply humbled before the lord , to obtain his pardon and peace , and gracious favour and assistance , for our support and relief : and that the ministers and brethren of the commission of the late general assembly , have addressed the lords of our privy council , that a day may be solemnly set apart for that effect . therefore , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , have thought fit to appoint the eighth day of january instant for the town of edinburgh and the three louthians : and the fifeteen day of the said month for all on this side of the river of tay : and the twenty second of the said month of january instant , for all the rest of the kingdom , to be kept as solemn days of deep humiliation and fasting , by prayer , preaching , and other sacred exercise , and a most strict surcease from all ordinary employments and handy-labour : to the effect , that by the humble and earnest confession of our sins to god , we may obtain his pardon and peace , and his face and favour graciously reconciled to us and our people , and that it may please him more especially , to comfort and support us , and to preserve our person for the good of his people , and of the whole protestant interest , and to bless us and our government , with such aid , countenance , and assistance , as may best contribute to the same . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat crosses of the whole head burghs of the several shires within this kingdom , and of the stewartries of kirkcudbright , annandale and orkney , and there in our name and authority , make publication hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains our sollicitor , to cause send printed copies hereof to the sheriffs of the several shires , and stewarts of the stewartries foresaids , whom we ordain to see the same published : and appoints them to send doubles hereof , to all the ministers both in churches and meeting-houses , within their respective jurisdictions , that upon the lords day , immediatly preceeding the saids days respectivè above mentioned , the same may be intimat and read in every paroch church and meeting-house ; certifying all such who shall contemn or neglect so religious and important a duty , as the humiliation hereby appointed is , they shall be proceeded against , and punished as contemners of our authority , and as highly disaffected to our person and government ; and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the second day of january , and of our reign the sixth year , 1695. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson printer to his most excellent majesty , 1695. the magistrates power vindicated, and the abominablenesse of resisting their power discovered by peter row. row, peter, fl. 1662. 1661 approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57732 wing r2060a estc r182865 08762002 ocm 08762002 41751 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57732) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41751) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1268:9) the magistrates power vindicated, and the abominablenesse of resisting their power discovered by peter row. row, peter, fl. 1662. 13 p. [s.n.], london : 1661. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng judicial power (canon law) church and state. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the magistrates power vindicated , and the abominablenesse of resisting their power discovered . by peter row , a member of a dipped congregation , meeting in petty france , neer moore-fields . let every soul bee subject unto the higher powers , rom. 13.1 . london , printed , and are to be sold at the phoenix in st. pauls church-yard . 1661. the magistrates power vindicated , and the ab●minableness of resisting their power discovered . rom . 13.1 . let every soul bee subject unto the higher powers . a brief explication , 1 by every soul , is to be understood every man , as in gen. 46.26 . 2 by subject , is to be understood , to do what the higher power commands , or to suffer their punishment ; or not to resist , as the apostle afterward tearms it himself , which is plain and easie to all understandings ; therefore the apostle peter calls it submit , 1 pet. 1.13 . that is , by doing or suffering their will , whiles under their power , not that wee are forbidden to fly when persecuted . 3 by the higher powers is to be understood such as have the chief command of a people or nation , they must needs be the higher powers , for the commanded is subject to the commander , his servants you are whom yee obey , rom. 6.16 . let it be voluntarily , or by force , rather more clear if by force , and whether it be many in power , or few , or one , but commonly the last hath been , who is the king , whether called emperour or leader , or whatever , hee is a king ; as moses the leader of gods people was called king in jeshurun , deut. 33.5 . and so emperours ; and the apostle peter further clears it , when hee speaketh then of the king as supream , who was the higher power ; and the word higher imports the highest , or as peter hath it , supream , which is the highest or chiefest . i confess the words are so plain , that they needed no explanation , but finding these daies full of cavils , i give this brief and plain explanation . three things considerable lye in the words . 1 here is a duty commanded , and that is subjection . 2 to whom , to him , or them in highest power and command over the people or nation . 3 from whom , or of whom is this commanded , of every man. the doctrine then here delivered by the apostle is , doct. that it is the duty of every soul , or man , by commandement from god , to be subject to , and not to resist such as are in highest power or rule over them . i add , from the lord , which is before implied , 1 cor. 14.37 . i shall , before i come to the reasons for this duty , minde some objections that i have met with against this doctrine , and shall begin with the first and grand one , that the rest may the more easily fall , if , in the readers understanding , this be answered . object . though higher powers are to be obeyed , yet they be such then as god doth appoint them to be , that is , to be a terrour to evil-doers , and a praise to them that do well , or else are not those powers that god commands subjection to , for this is essential to the being of power or magistracy which god commands obedience to , and on this depends one of the apostles reasons for this subjection , and if this be not essential , or that which is of necessity , wherein is then the apostles argument ▪ ( for rulers are not a terrour to good works , &c. ) if they are a terrour to good works ? and further the apostle peter so requires it , as unto them that are for the punishing of evil-doers , and praise of them that do well : so that it seems clear that our subjection is required onely to them that are a terror to evil-doers , and a praise to them that do well . answ. 1 it is true , that god appoints them , yea commands them to rule in righteousness , to punish the evil , and to protect , and so to be a praise to them that do good , and if they do not , god , to whom they are to give an account , will punish them with the greater severity , and it is a dreadful thing to fall into the hands of the living god for judgement . answ. 2 it is that which all rulers do , as to such evils as are against the light of nature , as robery , adultery , murder , and such like , which the apostles minde they were a terrour to , and did vindicate the abused in such cases , and let it not be thought strange , that i should think christians needed warning in such matters , not to rob , or murder , or commit adultery , for the apostles do warn often against it ; and the apostle peter warns that none suffer for such sins , 1 pet. 4.15 . and this is the very matter the apostle minds , comparing the 1 pet. 2.14 . with the text , and 1 cor. 6.9 . and ephes. 4.28 . and chap. 5. and 6 , 7. verses ; but as to be a terror to the evil , and a praise to the good , upon a christian account , hee meant not , for that they were not ( nay that they understood not ) 1 cor. 4.11 , 12 , 13. but the apostle said , they are a terrour to evil works , and not to the good . but for christianity , they punished them continually , as in the forementioned scripture , so that the apostle could not so speak of their christian works , but moral , as you have before spoken to , and in particular by the apostle peter to such works , 1 pet. 4.15 . neither in this were they alwaies so , for when the apostles were brought before them , sometimes upon the jews pressing them to it , and to do the jews favour , they kept them in prison , though unjusty , but they commonly and usually did so punish them that were guilty of such evil works , and their laws were against such offenders , which was a fence also to the apostles and saints , or else they had been rob'd , and spoiled every day , as in acts 19.35 . to the end , chap. 21.31 , &c. chap. 23.10 . and 23. and having many officers to look after such things , waiting thereon , it was but reason and conscience that they should pay tribute to them too for their maintenance , seeing they themselves also with others had the benefit , who did sue before their judges for right , bringing sometimes their brethren there ( who were then unbeleevers , 1 cor. 6.6 . that understood not christianity , therefore mind still , not a praise upon that account ) so that thus far it was a reason , and is alwaies , or commonly the same , for subjection to them : it is the same now , and hath been this twenty years and more , i need not say how much more , it being enough to my purpose , and so far they were , and though not alwaies , or to every one so : that i have shewed already , but so far as they were , it was one reason for their subjection and obedience . answ. 3 but if in the rest they are wanting , that is , to punish the ungodly , and praise , or protect the godly , yea in moral and civil causes also walk contrary ; yet are magistrates ordained of god to bee subjected to , and this being clear , the objection is fully answered , and thus i make it appear . 1 the kings in israel were commanded things to do , and things not to do , wherein being obedient to god , they would indeed have been a terrour to evil doers , and praise to them that did well , deut. 14. to the end ; and the things commanded , sometimes they did not , and so did the things forbidden , yea all their daies , and yet retain the power , and the people bound to subjection , yea the best of them had eminent turnings aside herein , but this never took away their power , nor dethroned them , neither disobliged the subjects ; this is clear in the case of saul , and david , and asah , who committed great murders ; and solomon , and others multiplied horses and wives , and the like , contrary to command ; saul slew eighty five innocent priests , and their city , both men , and women , and children , and sucklings , and oxen , and asses , and sheep , with the sword , 1 sam. 22.18 , 19. and contrary to law , even the law from gods mouth , sought to slay david , but david , said hee could not resist or stretch out his hand against him , and be guiltless , no though he was a great captain in israel , and anointed heir to the crown . i might larger insist on these things , but my desire is brevity , but from what is written , none can but confess , so far as i can see , except they speak against light , that if the being a punishment to good , and a praise to the evil , did make void the kings power , most of the kings in israel , sauls in particular , and davids too had been gone , but you plainly see the contrary in what is said before in this answer . 2 this cannot be essential to the being of the higher powers , and disoblige us as to subjection , is clear , because christ himself was herein subject , mat. 17.27 . and to the death ; and more clear to this purpose , he commands our subjection to them , yea wherein they wrong us , 1 pet. 2.21 . no one will say he was not able to resist , if he should , christ gives him the lye , mat. 26.53 . but some will say , he was then called to suffer , and therefore would not resist , though he were able , the same call is upon thee from christ , 1 pet. 2.21 . to follow his steps in the very thing , but if thou wilt not take up his cross and follow him , thou canst not be his disciple . object ▪ 2 but we finde in scripture that holy men did resist the powers , and yet were blameless , yea did well in it , as gideon , ehud , and several others , and why then may not we ? answ. 1 they were extraordinarily called to it by the lord , that is , the lord spake to them by voice , or angels , or prophets , or other extraordinary wayes . 2 they had no command to be subject to those kings , but rather the contrary , not to suffer them , exod. 23.31 . deut. 7.2.24 . chap. 23.3.6 . thou shalt destroy their kings , and therefore were absolutely forbidden to make a covenant with them , for then they must keep it , as with the gibeonites , which would be a snare to them , had they never so good an oppurtunity , the breach of which , by saul , was sorely plagued by the lord , and they might do many things then , that we must not now , they might have more wives than one , and divorce , and one marry the divorced , but not so now , mat. 5.31.32 . compared with deut. 24.1 , 2. and mat. 19.7 , 8 , 9. so then they might destroy , but now we must not offend , mat. 17.27 . but thou not being immediately , or by prophets called to it , neither commands in the scripture for it , but commands to the contrary , their example will not justifie thee . obj. 3. but god did set saul over the children of israel , by commandement , and the people to be subject to him , yet david resisted him . ans. 1. david was before this , anointed to be king. 2. david did not resist saul , or make war against him , that i can finde , but fled from him , though he might have destroyed him , yea he saith himself , it was sinful and unlawful to stretch out his hand against him . 3. but if what in this answer should not be so clear , but that he did resist , yet consider , that examples are not alwaies binding duties , ( if so , then we must circumcise as paul did ) especially when we receive command to the contrary from the lord. obj. 4. but if i must be subject to the higher powers , then a theef on the high way , being in power above mee , i must not resist . a. a theef on the high-way , or the like , is not the higher power , or the supream authority in a nation , and therefore no objection . obj. 5. but if the higher powers rise against mee , to kill mee without cause , must i not defend my self ? ans. not by resisting , as david , when saul sought to kill him , and said , he should one day perish by the hand of saul , yet at the same time saith , he should not be guiltless if he did it , 1 sam. 26.9.11 . to the end , compare chap. 27.1 . so that he makes a clear answer to this question or objection : so that the prophet david condemns such an act , that none could do it , and be guiltless , 1 sam. 26.9.11 . yea cryes out , god forbid that i should do such a thing , when others stirred him up thereunto . now i shall proceed to some reasons why every soul ought to be subject to the higher powers . reas. 1. because god hath set up this power , that is the apostles reason for subjection , for saith hee , there is no power but of god , the powers that be are ordained of god ; hee hath raised them to be rulers over us , therefore should wee submit to the power god hath set over us , john 19.11 . obj. we finde that rulers many times are usurpers , which god said to israel , were not set up by him , therefore hee intends not such powers , hos. 8.4 . ans. 1. it appears they were not usurpers , for the reproof is not against them , but the people , so they , it seems , set not up themselves , but the people , therefore it seems not to be upon the account of usurpation . 2. but that god intends such as come illegally , they are not powers set up by god. before i give an answer to this , i shall , as is necessary , 1. shew to whom the prophet speaks . 2. of whom . 1. to whom , to israel , vers . 3. 2. of whom , it must be of jeroboam , son of joash , who was then king , as appears in hosea 1.1 or of saul , or some of the kings of israel , either saul the first , and so all kings , being first desired by them , contrary to gods mind , 1 sam. 8.6 , 7. compared with hosea 13.10 , 11. or else upon the chusing a king , upon their revolt from the house of david . jeroboam son of nebat , or of some that destroyed the kings , and set themselves up , as baasha and others , but neither of these wee finde that are particularly mentioned , but god saith hee set up : as to saul , see 1 sam. 15.7 . as to jeroboam son of nebat , see 1 kings 11.11 . compared with vers . 31. and 37. chap. 12.15 , 24. concerning the son of joash now king , hee was the third generation of jehu , whom god sent his prophet to anoint king , and promised to his 4th . generation , which was jeroboam , son to joash , 1 king. 9. and beginning , compared with chap. 10.30 . chap. 13.1 . and chap. 14.8 . and 16. or of baasha ▪ 1 king. 15.27 , 28. compared with 1 king. 16.1 , 2. but the last set himself up , yet god , you see , saith , hee set up all these . 2 as god set them up , so hee knew all things , and must needs know it . so then , it being clear , that god set them up , at least it must be concluded that god knew of their setting up , how is the text to be understood , how may it be said , they set them up not by god , and hee knew it not ? 1. they did not by his counsel set up saul , but contrary , neither do i finde them so setting up jeroboam son of nebat by any counsel or advice ( except the prophet ) from god , but in rebellion against the house of david , contrary to , as far as i understand , former commands from god , yet god as before did it though they did not it by god his advice , let it be of saul ( as most like ) or of any other . 2. but how may it be said he knew it not ? that i understand , is , he approved it not , or they made it not known to god by prayer , or the like , but did it rashly , not seeking god , which is in scripture said to be a making known unto god , phil. 4.6 . by prayer and supplication let your requests be made known unto god. so the reason of the truth is confirmed against objectors , and the scripture cleared . reas. 2. because jesus christ hath called us to this subjection , to follow him in his steps , who suffered by the higher powers , and threatned not , much less resisted , 1. pet. 2.21 . this i write in special , for them that profess to be his disciples , and he having called , it is but reason that we should follow , and serve him in it , rom. 12.1 . it is reason , as i shall demonstrate it , 1. because he hath redeemed us , who else had suffered body and soul eternally in hell fire ; if when one is sentenced to death , another should come and redeem him from death , by laying down a great price more than hee is able to gain by all his labour and indeavour , it is but reason the redeemed should serve him all his daies ; so jesus christ having bought and redeemed both body and soul with his precious blood , from eternal death , not with money , or corruptible things , but with the offering up his body and soul , therefore it is but reason wee should serve him with body and soul , though through short and momentary sufferings , 1 cor. 6.20 . 2 because he being gone before in the same path , 1 pet. 2.21 . it is not a laying on our shoulders that hee would not touch ; no , no , hee hath took on him the heavier end of the staff , and having born it for our eternal salvation , 't is but reason that wee should follow him in momentary sufferings , seeing then this is a duty upon every man to be subject to the higher powers . 1. then let all be exhorted to make conscience of this duty , especially such as pretend most to christianity , how oft do the apostles to this exhort , as in the text , and saith peter , submit to every ordinance of man , for the lords sake , to the king , as supream , &c. and that this exhortation may take place in the hearts of such as fear and love the lord. i shall set before you some motives . 1. hereby thou wilt glorifie christ ; christ telling peter by what death hee should glorifie god , told him of suffering for his sake , joh. 21.18 . and peter begs the disciples , for the lords sake , that they would submit , and what is so much to a christian as gods glory ? nothing , not life it self , if indeed a christian . but a little to shew how this glorifies god. 1. by making wicked men ashamed , who have accused us for such , for religions sake , because therein going contrary to governours and others , as though wee were heady , high-minded , as they did in the apostles daies , that the christians were against caesar , and denied him to be king , which they did not , although they held christ to bee king , and themselves , his subjects , to obey his laws , of which laws this was one , that they should bee subject to caesar , and now by their subjection , though multitudes in many places , and likely able to resist , being able to raise armies , and especially being attended with miraculous gifts , and yet to submit in quietness under all their wrongs , and not offer to resist , it would shew such as said they were against caesar , to bee lyars , and make them ashamed of their false accusations , and so put them to silence , 1 pet. 2.12.15 . is it not the same now ? how have wee been talked of as such a people , if we had opportunity ? and to make good this reproach , have told us of the munster anabaptists , and said , we would do the same if we had opportunity ; now how could wee make them ashamed , but by our quiet subjection , though able to resist , but oh how hath the contrary practices brought more shame on the profession of religion , more than any before us , and as much as in such lies , who have resisted the powers , have justified the reproaches . 2. suffering would have honoured christ , in that though wee never saw him , yet to suffer for obeying him , would have been more honour than usually the princes of this world have ; to have sealed the truth of our faith in his word and promise , with our blood , what could bee done more to his praise and honour ? that though christ be in heaven , who hath left his word here upon earth , that hee hath a people on earth , whom his word hath such power on their souls and consciences , to bring them into subjection , 2 cor. 10 4.6 . through sufferings , yea to the laying down their lives for him . 3. this would bee to his glory in the day of judgement , in the judgement hee shall pass against wicked men , to be but righteous , 2 thes. 1.4 . &c. who have not onely been disobedient , but persecutors , and afflictors of such as have been obedient , who have not onely refused to feed , cloathe , and visit them , but have stript , imprisoned , and killed them , for worshipping christ in his holy ordinances . 2. bee all exhorted to repent , that have been guilty , for that is the way to escape gods judgements , which will come for such transgressions , ezek. 33.11 . luk. 13.1 . they that do repent then , shall not perish for their sin . object . some may say , what advantage will that bee to mee to repent except others that have been guilty shall do the same ? answ. 1. what knowest thou but thy example may draw others ( which hath strengthened some in their evil , or have caused such to go on in it that were doubtful , 1 cor. 15.10 , 11 ) and save them by converting them from the evil of their waies , and so cover a multitude of sins , which have been ushered in by this ? 2. however thou shalt deliver thy own self in the day of calamity , which cometh for these sins persisted in , which thou mourns for , ezek. 9.4 . 3. exhortation to all ministers , to put the people in minde of this thing , to bee subject to magistrates , tit. 3. begining , but if you refuse , 1. consider you are disobedient to gods command , tit. 3.1 . 2. that their blood to whom you minister , will lye on you , especially such who have stirred up to such wars , or rejoyced in it , ezek. 3.18.33.8 . 3. if you give warning , you shall bee free from their blood , if they do not repent ; ezek. 3. and act. 20.26 , 27. to the 31. if they shall not escape the vengeance of god , who refuse to declare the whole counsel of god , what then will become of such as exhort to rebellion ? and who almost , ( i may say ) hath not been guilty herein , as often as the powers have offended him ? oh what blood then have such drawn on them , which cry through the nation aloud for vengeance ? 4. is it so , that every christian , yea , every soul ought to bee subject to the higher powers ? then bee admonished to pray for them , that god may make them so to us , that wee may lead a quiet life under them , in all godliness , and not pray against them ; mat. 5.44 . and doubtless peace obtained by prayer , will prosper better than that which hath or may bee got by violence , robbery , and perjury , which brings with peace , wrath , and in the end , damnation ; rom. 13.2 . jude 7.8 . and in prayer for them , wee shall obey christ , though they should be never so much enemies , mat. 5.4 , &c. since my writing this before , which was in july last was twelve-month , i have heard and seen other objections . ob. 1. that resistance was made , as is recorded in scripture , as david against saul , 1 sam. 2.2 . ( 1 ) gathering armed men . ( 2 ) taking to holds . ( 3 ) indeavouring not onely to defend himself , ( which if against justice , is resistance ) but david would resist and offend , had hee been capable of doing it without being betrayed by the men of keilah , cap. 23.11 . compared with 1 chron. 12.19 . 1 sam. 28.1 . ans. what david would have done , i know not , but what david could not do without being guilty , i have shewed you before , 1 sam. 26.9 . and accordingly david punished him that did it , though saul desired , or at least pretended it , 2 sam. 1.16 . and moreover examples prove nothing , especially when against doctrine and command ; the prophets and apostles sinned , and often erred in practice , but never in doctrine ; and therefore this is an answer enough , and was before , but finding it since , i give it a particular answer , though but as it were in my former words . obj. 2. that flight , when contrary to the magistrates will , is resistance , and flight is warranted , mat. 10.27 . ans. it is not their will , but their persons , or ministers , which wee must not resist , for christ resisted their will , that is , so farre would not do what they would have him , that was unlawful ; and the apostles also , but not their persons ; with violence , but suffered , for they resisted not , 't is said ( and yet fled often ) james 5.6 . you have condemned and killed the just , and hee doth not resist you . object . 3. that the higher powers , in rom. 13. was the senate , and not caesar , or nero , as histories say . ans. a poor shift , to run to unknown , to most , and uncertain histories , especially when contrary to gods word , 1 pet. 2.13 . yea and i finde it contrary to history , as i have heard it read in plutarch , and read it in palmers map of monarchy , page 73 , &c. and did not the jews say , wee have no king but caesar ? this is a bad sign , that there is want of answer in the conscience to these and the like arguments , that there is a running to authors , untrue , contrary to other authors and scripture . obj. 4. the power is in christs hands , and given to him , mat. 28.19 . who is king of saints and nations . ans. this is rather an argument , and a full one , for subjection to the higher powers on earth , because hee that hath all power in heaven and earth , hath commanded us so to do , as in the text. 5. object . but next to christ , 't is in the nation , and in their rulers donative , and by compact to rule , and are accountable to the peoples representatives in parliament , and so no otherwise an ordinance of god to bee obeyed . ans. 1. here is no more for this , but an i say , no more have i seen or heard , in this objection at any time . 2. but as this is not proved , i finde the contrary in all histories of the kings of england , and how they came to it by conquest , and succession , and more clear , the people were bound by oath , wherein is no condition . object . i but the king first took an oath so to rule . ans. 1. if hee did and should break it , that will not satisfie for the breach of thy oath , psal. 15.4 . no more than if a husband be bitter , for his wife to be disobedient . 2. but this is not so , for the people took the oath to him before hee was born , swearing to the kings person , his heirs , and successors , in the oath of allegiance and supremacy ; which oath the parliament took , and therefore they are not supream , to take account of the king , but subjects , sworn subjects in parliament to the king , and his heirs , and successors , and in case hee had no heirs , to whom hee should appoint successors , as you may see in the oath for establishing the succession in the book of oaths ; but all these objections are nothing , if they were true , because wee are not on what men say , and what their compacts were , but what gods word commands ; and though caesar come into the throne contrary to the peoples mind , and by usurpation , yet god commands subjection , and then what makes all such reasoning but against god. obj. i ought not as a man to betray my liberties , if the magistrate invade them , which god by his providence hath granted . ans. god grants not to us by his providence , that which his word denies . 2. christ was not treacherous in losing his right willingly , rather than to offend , mat. 17.25 , 26 , 27. who will , no christian will be so blasphemous against christ to say so . 7. obj. but say some again , the scripture ties us not to all that is uppermost , as to an ordinance of god , as when absolon was up , 2 sam. 15. and joash , when athaliah was up , 2 king. 11. and several others ? ans. i know none to say , that their being uppermost makes it an ordinance , but gods command , which was then to persons though out of actual power , and not to the higher powers ; but now there is no command to persons , no man or family so chosen , but now it is commanded , that all be subject to the higher powers , and this answereth all other of the like , as jshbosheth and others , which i would have also noted is as obliging , as if annoynted , the breach being damnable , i mean of the commandement . 8 obj. god disallows of power so taken ? ans. i plead not for so getting a power , but when gotten , though unlawful , yet to be subject to it , as god in the gospel hath commanded ; and whereas it is said many absurdities would follow , but i know them not , &c. but beleeve the contrary , it being gods law , and according to good reason . and they that will not be subject , consider 1 they fight against god , in rebelling against his command , and ordinances , as in the text . 2 commit one of the capital sins of the last times , 2 tim. 3.4 3 they commit the sin for which god hath said , they shall receive damnation , rom. 13.2 . some render it judgement , so the apostle peter , 2 pet. 2.9 , 10. but eternal judgement , jude 7.8 . hee calls it eternal fire , and both peter and jude , the apostles of our lord , make mention of those sins , to be the chief sins in the sinners so judged ; and further , that such are presumptuous , wilful , that speak evil of dignities , yea that are not afraid to doe so , much more then they that fight against dignities . i cannot but often grieve , to think how christians have made light of this , and ministers of this nation cried out , curse yee meroz , to such as would not fight against their king , who have need to repent before the lord , of it ; i am the more bold to speak this , to put them in minde , knowing , according to the kings majesties pardon , they cannot receive hurt thereby , but may good , if but to be put in mind , for i my self was in the first four years war , and cannot but confess it to be treason , and murder , which hath since cost mee sorrow , but am therein much holpen with pauls words , i did it ignorantly , but for this twelve years , or thereabouts , have been against fighting against higher powers , and overturnings ; neither do i write this for advantage , but my onely reason is , to bear witness to the truth , against the contrary abounding error ( for i was putting it in print the former part , july 1659. it being then written and shewed to the printer , and one had a copy of it then ) which hath been deep sorrow and trouble to mee , especially neer two years , the truth of christ , and power of godliness in the profession thereof , being reproached by these eighteen years sinful wars , against the king. it may be this may put some in minde to view over the scriptures , pressing this duty , and do as josiah , 2 chron. 34.19 , 21. and receive mercy from the lord , as in vers . 27 , 128. for i think many have , and do it through ignorance , as i my self , till it pleased the lord to put mee upon viewing well the scriptures , and it was indeed as if i had found that which was lost , as josiah did . the 14 th . day of the 11 th . month , commonly called january , from my lodging , next to the cross-daggers and tongs in shooe-lane . peter row. vindiciæ juris regii, or remarques upon a paper, entitled, an enquiry into the measures of submission to the supream authority collier, jeremy, 1650-1726. 1689 approx. 131 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33923 wing c5267 estc r21083 12049062 ocm 12049062 53119 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33923) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53119) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 865:3) vindiciæ juris regii, or remarques upon a paper, entitled, an enquiry into the measures of submission to the supream authority collier, jeremy, 1650-1726. [4], 48 p. [s.n.], london : 1689. reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to jeremy collier. cf. bm. errata: p. [3]. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. -enquiry into the measures of submission. government, resistance to. church and state -church of england. great britain -politics and government -1660-1714 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2003-08 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vindiciae iuris regii : or , remarques upon a paper , entituled , an enquiry into the measures of submission to the supream authority . london , printed in the year mdclxxxix . errata . page 11. line 5. after ingulphus , add hist. croyl . p. 15. l. 17. for liberty read liberties . p. 21. l. 5. for liberties r. liberty . ibid. l. 34. for canquered r. conquered . p. 28. l. 26. f. felo r. felo's . p. 30. l. 3. f. distracted r. disgusted . p. 31. l. 18. f. parts r. starts . p. 32. l. 28. f. salves r. salvo's . ibid. l. ult . f. into experience r. in experience . p. 34. l. 14 f. those r. these . p. 36. l. 16. after of , add that . pag. 37. l. 31. for unjustifybale r. unjustifyable . p. 40. l. 20. f. strow'd r. allow'd . p. 41. l. 7. f. as in r. is in . p. 42. l. 28. after from , add the. ibid. l. 34. f. ahainst r. against . p. 43. l. 13. f. purose r. purpose . ibid. l. 21. f. character r. charter . p. 45. l. 4. f. as its r. it s as . p. 46. l. ult . f. penalty r. penaltys . p. 48. l. 25. after more add of . ibid. l. 30. f. th● charge r. their charge . vindiciae iuris regii : or remarques upon a paper , entituled , an enquiry into the measures of submission to the supream authority . one reason why i did not answer this extraordinary enquiry any sooner , was because the generality of the nation , at the first publishing it , had their imaginations so much disturbed with lies and imposture ; that till the strength of the charm was a little spent , there was no dealing with them : but now since they are come to themselves , and the eclipse of their understandings is pretty well over ; i will venture to shew them the false and dangerous reasonings of this paper if i can . our author laies it down for certain , that the law of nature has put no difference , or subordination among men , except it be that of children to parents , or of wives to their husbands ; so that with relation to the law of nature , all men are born free. what ? born free , and in subordination to their parents too ! that is somewhat hard : this priviledge , according to his own reasoning , has been out of doors long since , and could never be claimed by any but those who immediately descended from lucratius's bladders . if he means , that we are naturally subject to none but our parents and husbands ; this , i believe , will not hold neither . for it seems pretty plain from scripture , that the younger children are all born under the jurisdiction of their elder brother . i shall only mention two texts in proof of this proposition : the first is , gen. 4. 7. where god gives cain a superiority over his younger brother abel , in the same words in which he had before granted it to adam over eve. now it is generally acknowledged , that adam was her king , as well as her husband . the enquirer himself owns thus much , by saying , that matrimony naturally puts a woman into a state of subjection . now this authority which was given to cain , seems to be a standing priviledge of primogeniture , for the better government of families : for cain's behaviour was not so meritorious as to deserve an extraordinary favour ; neither had abel done any thing to forfeit his natural liberty . if it is objected , that this priviledge of cain , thus interpreted , destroys adam's patriarchal authority , sets up two concurrent jurisdictions , and makes the younger children subject to two independent princes , their father and elder brother . to this i answer , that this inconvenience will not follow , provided this reasonable supposition be but allowed , viz. that the exercise of this prerogative of birth-right , was not to commence immediately upon the grant , but to lie dormant till adam's decease , as being no more than a reversion of power . the other text is , gen. 49. 3. where reuben , according to the hebrew way of speaking , is called the excellency of dignity , and the excellency of power : that is , he was to have been by virtue of his primogeniture , a person of the greatest quality and authority in the family . for though god deprived him of this honor upon the account of his incest ; yet the manner of his father's reproof does sufficiently discover his natural right . and therefore the learned grotius observes upon this place , and upon deut. 21. 17. that elder brothers , as such , had not only the advantage of a double portion of inheritance , but were likewise priests and princes in their families . now if the younger children ought always to be governed either by their father , their elder brother , or those who claim under him ; then certainly the state of nature is not such a state of liberty , as the enquirer supposes . but this patriarchal nation , being not much material to the present dispute , i shall insist no farther upon it . his second section continues us in our original liberty , and therefore , i suppose , it 's design'd to inform independent governors , of the right the law of nature allows them to defend themselves , and how far they may proceed for reparation of injuries . his assertion is , that the duty of self-preservation exerts it self in instances of two sorts ; either in resisting violent aggressors , or in taking iust revenges of those who have invaded us so secretly , that we could not prevent them ; and so violently , that we could not resist them : in which cases , self-preservation warrants us , both to recover what is our own , with iust damages , and also to put such unjust persons out of a capacity of doing the like injuries any more , either to our selves or others . but here we may observe , first , that the case is very generally , and consequently obsourely stated : for we are not at all enlightned about the measures of those iust revenges and damages : but this point is prudently left to the ignorance , ambition , and ill-nature of every man , to interpret as he pleases . and least we should not revenge our selves deep enough , the enquirer gives us this encouragement , that self-preservation warrants us to put such unjust persons out of a capacity , &c. that is , if we were in the state of nature , we ought to kill , dismember , or lay every man in chains , who has done us any injury , great or small , ( for our author makes no exceptions for mercy ) it being impossible to disable him without proceeding to this rigour ; for as long as he has life , limbs , or liberty , he may do the world a mischief with them , if he has a mind to it . but , secondly , i do not understand what advantage the enquirer can make of this terrible denuntiation against aggressors and invaders ; i much question whether he has fortified his own security by this way of reasoning . but possibly this battery is raised against the french king , for the service of the empire : for he has seemed to wish , some years since , that the grand louis might be reduced to an humbler figure . indeed that monarch ( if he be not misrepresented ) is considerably to blame for sending an army against the empire , without giving notice of it first , or demanding satisfaction in a publick and peaceable way . these unproclaimed expeditions have been always thought unjustifiable , and contrary to the law of nature and nations . for those who have a just tenderness for the lives of men ; who have any regard to justice , or the repose of christendom , will try all other arguments before they dispute the cause at the swords point . for , besides the roughness of such a method , if princes should make a practise of invading each other without warning , men would be almost obliged to sleep in armour , and the world must be always kept up in a posture of defence , for fear of being surprized : now this would be a very troublesome and expensive way of living ; and make all neighbouring kingdoms especially , very distrustful of , and disaffected towards each other . i know his most christian majesty complains in his memorial , that he has been ill used by the court of vienna ; but then he might have pleased to have told the emperor so , before the siege of philipsburgh . and the action was still more unaccountable , if he went ( as who knows but he might ) upon the bare presumption of an injury , and relyed upon the intelligence of a few sceptical , obnoxious , and discontented germans , who lay under the imperial bann . and to mention nothing further , if this very disputable right was only an expectancy which would have admitted of slow forms , and kept cold well enough till had fallen ; as any one might fairly conclude from the numbers , and inclinations of his friends in the empire ; this was a further aggravation of the unreasonableness of his war. i confess , if all these hard things are true of the french king , i don't wonder if the enquirer has levelled a whole paragraph against him ; and i wish the emperor may recover just damages for so secret and violent an invasion . all this while we have been kings and emperors , but now we must reign over our selves no longer , but descend into the melancholy state of subjection . however , to do the author right , he has put the yoak on so favourably , that whenever we find it galls us we may throw it off again , and return to our former independency . for he gives us to to understand , sect. 3. that the true and original notion of civil society and government , is , that is a com-promise made by such a body of men , by which they resign up the right of demanding reparations either in the way of iustice against one another ; or in the way of war against their neighbours ; to such a single person ; or to such a body of men as they think fit to trust with this . now not to examine how our author comes to know that the original notion of society was the true one . it 's pretty apparent his notion of it is neither original , nor true ; not original , because it does not comprehend the most antient beginning of government , viz. paternal authority and conquest ; in which cases men have not the liberty of articling for priviledges , but must submit to their parents , and conquerors , whether they think fit to trust them or not . secondly , his notion is defective in point of truth ; for he has only restrained his men from acting arbitrarily upon one another , or from fighting a foreign state without commission ; but as for their governours , they may resist them , for all his diffinition , when they please ; for having resigned nothing but their right of demanding reparations , either in the way of justice or war , against their fellow subjects , or neighbouring states ; it follows that one branch of their natural liberty is reserved to them , to fight their prince with upon occasion . this conclusion , if we had nothing else to infer it , follows evidently from his own principle ; for since government is only a trust committed by the people to a single person , &c. and all trusts , as he affirms in this section , by their nature import , that those to whom they are given , are accountable . nothing is more plain , then that they may discharge themselves from subjection whenever they shall think fit to say , their governours have not kept touch with them . he proceeds to tell us , that the executive power , when separated from the legislative , is a plain trust , and no more than a subordinate authority . from hence we may observe , first , that by this authors concessions , the people have not the legislative authority , for he owns part of it is in the king ; from whence it follows , that the whole body of the people is not the supream authority , nor consequently can call their prince to account , without his own consent . secondly , that part of the legislative authority , which is lodged in the people , is not given them at large , to be exerted at their pleasure , but depends upon stated rules and limitations , and can only be exercised by their representatives in parliament . nay , it 's so precarious a privilege , that without the king's leave , they can never make use of it ; for it 's neither lawful for them to convene themselves , nor yet to sit any longer than the king pleases : for though there is an act for a triennial parliament , yet if the king omits the calling of them within that time , there is no provision made to assemble themselves ; which is an evidence this power was never conveyed to them by this act : for if it had , the methods of putting it in execution would have been adjusted ; and if the king should refuse to issue out writs , the chancellor would have been authorized to do it : which power upon the suppositition of intermediate failures , would have been handed down as low as the petty constables , as it was proposed by the parliament assembled in 40 to charles the first . now if the people have no share in making of laws , but by representation in parliament , and the being of this assembly depends upon the prince's pleasure , then either the king is the supream authority in the intervals of parliament ( which may be as long as the crown thinks fit ) or else there is no such thing as a supream authority in the nation , and consequently no government . further , when the two houses are actually convened , when they are dictating law and justice to the nation , and cloathed with all the advantages of solemnity and power , they are then no more than subjects , they are lyable to the highest penalties , if they are proved guilty of those crimes which deserve them , for felony and treason are expresly excepted out of their privileges . but to consute the author's notion of government more fully , and especially to make his application of it unserviceable , i shall endeavour to prove two things against him . first , that a trust does not always imply the person accountable to whom it 's made . secondly , that the kings of england hold their crown by right of conquest and succession ; and consequently are no trustees of the people . 1. a trust does not always imply the person accountable to whom it 's made , which i shall briefly make good these three ways . first , from the common notion of a trust. secondly , from the enquirers concessions . thirdly , from a considerable instance in our own government . first , from the common notion of a trust : for what is more generally understood by trusting another , than that we lodge our concerns with him , and put them out of our own disposal ? when i trust a man with my life or fortune , all people agree , that i put it in his power to deprive me of both . for to deliver any property to another with a power of revocation , is to trust him , as we say , no farther than we can throw him . he that can recover a sum of money he has deposited when he pleases , to speak properly , has it still in his custody , and trusts his friend no more than he does his own coffers . and therefore if we consult our thoughts , we shall find , that a trust naturally implies an entire reliance upon the conduct and integrity of another , which makes us resign up our liberty or estate to his management , imagining them safer in his hands than in our own . in short , a trust where there is no third person to judg of the performance , as in these pacts between subjects and soveraign there is not . in this case a trust includes a translation of right , and in respect of the irrevocableness of it , is of the nature of a gift ; so that there seems to be only this difference between them , that a gift ought to respect the benefit of the receiver , whereas a trust is generally made for the advantage of him who conveys it . secondly , by our author 's own concessions a trustee is sometimes unaccountable , for he grants a man may sell himself to be a slave . ( p. 1. ) and when he has once put himself into this condition , his master has an absolute soveraignty over him , and an indefeasable right to his service ; so that notwithstanding all the unreasonable usage he may meet with , he can never come into his freedom again without the consent of his lord. this i take to be an uncontested truth , and if it was not , st. peter's authority ought to over-rule the dispute ; who charges those who were in this state of servitude , to be subject to their masters with all fear , not only to the good and gentle , but also to the froward , 1 ep. 2. 18. thirdly , i shall prove the unaccountableness of a trust from a considerable instance in our own government . the house of commons v. g. are certainly trustees for the towns and counties who choose them ; the people resign up the disposal of their rights and properties into their hands , in hopes of a good management . but suppose they prevaricate in their employment , and betray their electors , does this impower the people to lay their representatives by the heels when they come into the country , or to punish them farther as their wisdoms shall think convenient ? if so , then the last resort of justice must lie in the sovereign multitude , who have neither capacity to understand the reasons of government , nor temper and tenderness to manage it . 't is pitty the mobile in henry the 6th . his reign had not this discovery , when the right of choosing members was limitted to forty shillings per annum free-hold ; whereas before all tenures , if not all persons , had the liberty to elect , without exception ; but this act in all likelihood barr'd no less then a fifth of the nation from this principal post in the government . and if columbus had not given them a lift by finding out the west-indies , and abating the value of money , their grievance had continued to this day as heavy as ever . we see therefore that the author's notion of a trust will not hold water , and if it would , it can do him no service , for i shall prove in the second place , that the kings of england hold their crown by right of conquest and succession , and consequently are no trustees of the people . i shall begin with the point of succession , which because it's generally received , i shall only mention an act of parliament or two for the proof of it . in the first of edward the fourth , ( rot. parl. ) where the proceedings against richard the second are repealed ; it 's said , that henry earl of derby , afterwards henry the fourth ; temerously against rightwiseness and iustice , by force and arms , against his faith and ligeance , rered werre at flint in wales , against king richard the second , him took and imprisoned in the tower of london , in great violence ; and usurped and intruded upon the royal power , estate , and dignity . and a little after they add , that the commons being of this present parliament , having sufficient and evident knowledge of the said unright-wise usurpation and intrusion , by the said henry late earl of derby , upon the said crown of england ; knowing also certainly without doubt and ambiguity , the right and title of our said soveraign lord thereunto true ; and that by god's law , man's law , and the law of nature , he and none other , is and ought to be their true , right-wise , and natural leige and soveraign lord ; and that he was in right from the death of the said noble and famous prince his father , ( richard duke of york ) very just king of the said realms of england , do take and repute , and will for ever take and repute the said edward the fourth , their soveraign and leige lord , and him and his heirs to be kings of england , and none other , according to his said right and title . in the first of richard the third , there is another statute very full to this purpose , which begins , the three estates , &c. but i shall pass over this , and proceed to the act of recognition , made upon king iames the first , his coming to the crown : wherein it 's declared , that he was lineally , rightfully and lawfully , descended of the body of the most excellent lady margaret , eldest daughter of the most renowned king henry the seventh , and the high and noble princess , queen elizabeth his wife , eldest daughter of king edward the fourth . the said lady margaret being eldest sister of king henry the eighth , father of the high and mighty princess of famous memory , elizabeth , late queen of england . in consideration whereof , the parliament doth acknowledge king iames their only lawful and rightful leige lord and soveraign . and as being bound thereunto , both by the laws of god and man , they do recognize and acknowledge , that immediately upon the dissolution and decease of elizabeth , late queen of england , the imperial crown of the realm of england , and all the kingdoms , dominions , and rights belonging to the same ; did by inherent birth-right , and lawful and undoubted succession , descend and come to his most excellent majesty , as being lineally , iustly and lawfully , next and sole heir of the blood royal of this realm , as it is aforesaid . and thereunto they do most humbly and faithfully submit and oblige themselves , they heirs and posterities for ever , until the last drop of their bloods be spent . so much concerning the succession , where by the way , we may observe the deposing doctrine is directly pronounced unlawful , as appears from the first of edward the fou●h , which act continues still unrepealed . i shall proceed to prove the norman conquest , ( for i need go no higher ) which i shall make good from the best historians , who lived either in , or near that time ; from doomeseday book , and acts of parliament . 1. from historians , &c. eadmer ( hist. nov. fol. 6. ) a monk of canterbury at the time of the conquest , and very intimate with arch-bishop lanfrank , and with him when news came of the conqueror's death ; writes , that william designing to establish those laws and usages in england , which his ancestors and himself observed in normandy ; made such persons bishops , abbots , and other principal men , who could not be thought so unworthy , as to be guilty of any incompliance with his new model , knowing by whom , and to what station they were raised . all religious and secular affairs he managed at his pleasure . and after the historian had related in what points he disallowed the authority of the pope , and archbishop , he concludes thus . but what he did in secular matters i forbear to write , because it 's not to my purpose , and likewise because any one may guess by what has been delivered already , at what rate he ordered the state. the next testimony shall be fetched out of ingulph abbot of croyland , an english man born , secretary to william when duke of normandy , and made abbot by him . this author informs us , that by hard usage he made the english submit , that he gave the earldems , baronies , bishopricks , and prelacies of the whole nation to his normans ; and scarce permitted any english man to enjoy any place of honour , dominion , or power hist. croyl . f. 512. but gervace of tilbury ( a considerable officer in the exchequer in the time of henry the second , and who received his information from henry of blois , bishop of winchester , and grand-child to the conquerour ) is more full to this purpose ; which he thus delivers . after the conquest of the kingdom , and the just subversion of rebels , when the king himself , and his great men , had viewed and surveyed their new acquests , there was a strict enquiry made who there were which had fought against the king , and secured themselves by flight . from these , and the heirs of such as were slain in the field , all hopes of possessing ei●er lands or rents were cut off ; for they counted it a great favour to have their lives given them . but such as were called and solicited to fight against king william , and did not , if by an humble submission they could gain the favour of their lords and masters , they then had the liberty of possessing somewhat in their own persons , but without any right of leaving it to their posterity . their children enjoying it only at the will of their lords : to whom , when they became unacceptable , they were every where outed of their estates ; neither would any restore what they had taken away . and when the miserable natives represented their grievances publickly to the king , informing him how they were spoiled of their fortunes , and that without redress , they must be forced to pass into other countries . at length upon consultation it was ordered , that what they could obtain of their lords by way of desert , or lawful bargain , they should hold by unquestionable right ; but should not claim any thing from the time the nation was conquered , under the title of succession , or descent . upon what great consideration this was done is manifest , says gervace : for they being obliged to compliance and obedience , to purchase their lords favour ; therefore , whoever of the conquered nation possessed lands , &c. obtained them not as if they were their right by succession , or inheritance ; but as a reward of their service , or by some intervening agreement . gervase of tilbury , or the black book in the exchequer , lib. 1. cap. de murdro . de necessar . observ . the next testimony i shall produce , is out of gulielmus pictaviensis ( who lived about the time of ingulph , ) this writer speaking of king william's coronation , adds ; cujus liberi atque nepotes , &c. i. e. whose children and posterity shall govern england by a just succession , which he possessed by an hereditary bequest ; confirmed by the oaths of the english , and by the right of his sword , gul. pict . fol. 206. farther , ordericus vitalis , who lived in the reign of william the second , tells us , how william the first circumvented the two great earls of mercia , and that after edwin was slain , and morcar imprisoned , then king william began to show himself , and gave his assistants the best , and most considerable counties in england , and made rich colonels , and captains of very mean normans , oder . vital . fol. 251. the same author relates , that after the norman arms overcame england , and king william had reduced it under the government of his own laws ; he made fulcard , a monk of st. omers , abbot of thorney , ibid. fol. 853. henry arch-deacon of huntington , who lived in the reign of king stephen , is full to the same purpose . anno gratiae 1066. perfecit dominus dominator , &c. i. e. in the year , &c. the great ruler of kingdoms brought that to pass , which he had long intended against the english ; for he delivered them over to be destroyed by the rough , and politick nation of the normans , fol. 210. and in another place more particularly . when the normans had executed the just decree of god upon the english , and there was not any person of quality of english extraction remaining , but all were reduced to servitude and distress , insomuch that it was scandalous to be called an english man , william the author of this iudgment dyed in the twenty first year of his reign , ibid. fol. 212. matthew paris , who wrote towards the end of the reign of henry the third , agrees with the forementioned testimonies , his words are these , fol. 5. dux normannorum willielmus , &c. i. e. duke william having fortified the cities and castles , and garrisoned them with his own men ; sailed into normandy with english hostages , and abundance of treasure , whom , when he had imprisoned and secured , he hastened back into england , that he might liberally distribute the lands of the english ( who were forcibly disseized of their estates ) amongst his norman soldiers , who had helped him at the battle of hastings to subdue the country ; and that little that was left , he put under the yoak of perpetual servitude . and in another place he tells us , that king william brought bishopricks and abbys under military service , which before that time had been free from all secular servitude ; but then every bishoprick and abby was enrolled according to his pleasure ; and charged how many knights or horse-men , they should find for him and his successors , in times of war , fol. 7. i might add many more authorities of antient historians , but these i suppose are sufficient . as for modern writers , i shall only cite mr. cambden , who thus delivers his sence of this matter , britan. p. 109. victor gulielmus , &c. i. e. william the conqueror , as it were to make his victory the more remarkable , abrogated the greatest part of the english laws , brought in the customs of normandy , and ordered the pleadings to be in french : and outing the english of their antient inheritances , assigned their lands and mannors to his soldiers ; yet so as he reserved the paramount lordship to himself , and his successors by homage ; that is , that they all should hold their estates by the feudal laws ; and that none but the king should be independent proprietors , but rather a sort of limited trustees , and occupants in tenancy . from these citations we have all imaginable marks of an entire conquest . the laws , and tenures , and in some measure the language of the country , were changed : the saxons were transplanted into normandy and dispossed of their estates , as appears not only from the forementioned historians , but from doomse-day book , where we find , that almost all the great proprietors were normans . now this survey was made at the latter end of the conqueror's reign , many years after his taking the oath , which is by some so much insisted upon , as appears from ingulphus . if it 's objected that william the first granted king edward's laws . to this i answer . 1. that most of king edward's laws were only penal , and respected criminals , as we may learn from ingulph , hist. croyland in fine . secondly , these laws of king edward were not granted by the conqueror without his own amendments , and refinings upon them , as is evident from the charter of henry the first , as it stands in matthew paris , fol. 55. lagam regis edvardi , vobis reddo cum eis emendationibus quibus pater eam emendavit consilio baronum suorum , i. e. i grant you king edward ' s laws with those amendments which my father made in them , by the advice of his barons . and that these last words may not be thought to weaken the testimony , it 's not improper to observe , that these alterations are said to be made only by the advise , not by the authority of the barons ; and yet these barons were normans too , as is sufficiently plain from what has been discoursed already . but , to conclude , the proofs of this argument , several of our parliaments acknowledge william the first a conqueror . the acts ( all of which it would be very tedious to name ) run thus in the preamble , edward v. g. by the grace of god , the fourth after the conquest , &c. now this is a plain concession , that the rights of the subjects were derived from the crown ; and in all likelihood was intended to hint as much . and therefore , unless the norman conquest had been evident and unquestionable , the lords and commons , who were always very tender of their liberties , would never have consented , that the statutes should have been penned in such a submissive style . if it be objected , that the conqueror took an oath to observe the laws of the realm . in answer to this i observe . 1. that we have seen already in some measure what sort of laws these were , and how they were managed by him secondly , neither pictaviensis , eadmerus , ordericus , vitalis , henry of huntington , or matth. paris , write of any oath taken by the conqueror . florence of worcester , is the first that mentions it . flor. wigorn. fol. 635. the words of the oath are these , se velle sanctas dei ecclesias , ac rectores earum defendere , nec non & cunctum populum sibi subjectum justa & regali providentia regere , rectam legem statuere & tenere rapinas injustaque iudicia penitus interdicere , i. e. that he would protect holy church , and the hierarchy ; that he would govern all his subjects fairly , and take a royal care of their welfare . that he would make equitable laws , and observe them , and wholy prohibit rapine , and perverting of iustice. from this i observe two things . first , that the legislative power was all of it lodged in the conqueror ; why else did he swear to make equitable laws ? for if the constitution had been settled as it is at present , the parliament could have hindred him from making any other . secondly , the oath is couched in very general terms , and admits of a great latitude of exposition , so that the conqueror was in a manner left at his liberty , to interpret the obligation , as he thought fit . thirdly , this oath was voluntarily taken by the king some years after he had forced the whole nation to swear allegiance to him . we are therefore , if it were only for this reason , to interpret the oath to his advantage : and to suppose , that he would not swear himself out of his conquest , and reign at the discretion of those he had so entirely subdued ; so that it should be in their power to unking him , either upon a real or pretended breach of his oath . fourthly , we may observe , that the kings of england are in full possession of the crown , immediately upon the death of their predecessors , and therefore king iohn , edward the first , and henry the fifth , had allegiance sworn to them before their coronation . from whence it follows , that as swearing does not make them kings ; so neither can perjury , though truly objected un-make them again , which will appear more evidently if we consider , fifthly , that perjury in it self , does not imply a forfeiture of any natural or civil right ; indeed , the dread of it ties up a man's conscience faster , and if he proves guilty , makes him lyable to a severer vengance from god almighty than simple unfaithfulness ; upon which account an oath is counted a considerable security for the performance of a promise . and therefore , for the greater satisfaction of their subjects , princes usually swear to observe those stated measures of justice , which were either fixed by themselves , or their predecessors . and if they happen to fail in the performance ; though they forfeit their honor , and the divine protection ; yet there accrues no right from thence to the people , to re-enter upon their fancied original liberty . for the duty of those under authority , ( except where it 's expresly conditional ) is not cancelled and discharged , by the mis-behaviour of their superiors . for example ; supposing a father swears to remit some part of his authority in the family , and that he will govern only by such a prescribed rule ; his forgeting his oath afterwards , does not void or lessen his power , nor excuse the children in their disobedience . and to make the instance more direct , if possible . the kings of persia were soveraign monarchs , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as plutarch calls them , and were worshiped as the images of god , and could never be set aside , but by death . yet , these princes took an oath at their inauguration ; as grotius observes from xenophon , and diodorus siculus . neither was it lawful for them to alter certain laws , as appears from daniel and iosephus . the kings of aegypt likewise , as grotius relates from diodorus sic. had a full , and unaccountable authority , they did as he speaks summo imperio uti ; yet they were bound to the observance of a great many things , which if they neglected to perform , they could not be charged with these failures while they were living ; but after they were dead the custom was to arraign their memories , and deny them the honor of a funeral solemnity : which punishment was likewise inflicted upon the iewish kings , who had been very irregular , and oppressive in their government , 2 chron. 24 , 25 , and 28. 27. from all which it appears , that a king 's swearing at his coronation does not make his crown forfeitable , or subject him to the censure of the people . and since the breach of an oath does not imply a forfeiture of right ; since the kings of england claim their authority by conquest and succession , from hence these two corollaries naturally follow . first , that with us power always proves it self , unless it appears that it 's given up or limited , by any special agreement . secondly , that the liberties of the subjects are not founded upon the reservations of an original contract . for a conquered people must not pretend to make their own terms . and therefore , their priviledges are not of their own creating , but acts of royal favour , and condescentions of soveraignty . indeed , when the people are not forced into submission , but freely elect their monarch ; there all remote inferences , and doubtful cases , ought to be interpreted in favour of the subject ; because the form of the government had its beginning from them ; and in this case only it is , that liberty proves it self . but where the limitations of a monarchy , are the condescentions of a conqueror , or his successors , there we are not to stretch the priviledge of the subject , beyond express grant. so that whatever rights , or branches of government , are not plainly conveyed away , must be supposed to be still lodged in the crown . for since the prince was once vested with absolute power , and has afterwards bounded himself by his own voluntary act , the abatements of his authority are to be measured by his own evident declarations , and not by any conjectural and consequential arguings . and here that celebrated maxim takes undoubted place , that all acts which are made in destruction of common law , or antecedent right , are to be construed strictly , and not drawn out into corollaries , and parallel cases . from whence it follows , that if it was unlawful at first for the subjects to resist their soveraign , it must still continue so , unless they can prove he has relinquished this part of his prerogative , and given them an express liberty to take up arms when they think it convenient ; which , i believe , will be hard to find in our constitution . i confess , there is a resistance charter granted by king iohn , but such a one as is no ways serviceable to our author : for , first , it 's a plain concession from the crown , and consequently far from the nature of a mutual and original contract . secondly , here is no deposing power given in case the articles were broken : but on the contrary , upon the supposition of a rupture there is an express proviso for the security of the king's person and royalty ; for a little after the clause of salva persona nostra , we have these remarkable words ; et cum fuerit emendatum intendent nobis sicut prius fecerunt ; that is , if the king should fail in his promise , and constrain them to make use of force , when their grievances were redressed , and they had put themselves in possession of their rights ; they should then be obliged to obey him as formerly , matth. par. p. 219. thirdly , this charter was extorted from the king in a menacing and military manner . the barons were up in arms , the city of london declared for them , and received them , and the king was deserted by his own army ; whereas before this grant , the subjects had no colour of authority to levy arms against the king. now rebellion is a very ill bottom to found our liberties upon : the advantages which are gained by such monstrous violences as these , are no more to be insisted on than the acquisitions of piracy ; and therefore , fourthly , this charter being obtain'd in such an undutiful and illegal way , is without doubt one great reason among others , why it has been always counted a nullity ; for that it 's no part of our law , i shall fully evince . first , from the transactions in the reign of henry the third , for first in this king's charter there is no notice taken of any grant made by king iohn ; whereas in the confirmation of magna charta by edward the first , the granting it by henry the third is expresly mentioned , and the liberty recited at large : which is a plain evidence , that the one was not looked upon to have the same authority with the other . secondly , that the magna charta of henry the third was a pure act of grace to the subject , and no confirmation of an antecedent right , appears from the instrument it self , where in the preamble the king declares , that out of our meer and free will we have given , &c. and towards the end , that for this our gift and grant of these liberties , our arch-bishops , earls , &c. have given us the fifteenth part of their moveables . now besides the wording of the act , which runs as clear for a voluntary concession as is possible ; the very consideration which was given the crown , is a sufficient argument , that the subjects had no title to these liberties before : for who can imagine they would have purchased that which was their own already , at so dear a rate . thirdly , this charter of henry the third , though it contains much the same liberties with the former , yet it has none of the same ratification , there are no proviso's for resistance in it ; but instead of distraining and taking of castles , &c. there was a solemn excommunication denounced by the bishops against all violators of this law. so that now the subjects were evidently returned to their former state of passive obedience . and therefore those barons , who , towards the latter end of this king's reign , took up arms in defence of their privileges , as matth. paris relates , were disinherited by a parliament at winchester ; which was soon after confirmed in another parliament at westminster . ( sir w. raleigh priv. of parl. ap. 31. ) more to the same purpose may be seen in the law called , dictum de kenilworth : for though this order was made by no more than a committee of twelve peers ; yet they having an absolute delegation as to this point from the king and the members of parliament , what they agreed upon has the full validity of a law. fourthly , that king iohn's charter , which warrants resistance ( though within a rule ) had never any legal authority , is evident from the militia act ( 14 car. 2. ) where the parliament declares , that the militia was ever the undoubted right of his majesty , and his predecessors but this was a great mistake , if king iohn's grant had been law : for by vertue of that charter , provided the king receded from his articles , the militia was lodged in the barons , and the people were obliged by oath to assist them against the crown . now , if the case had been doubtful , the judgment of a parliament ought to have put an end to the controversie . this legislative council has a power to interpret , as well as to alter , or enlarge the constitution ; an authority to tell us what has been , as well as what shall be law. such publick determinations are as it were first and self-evident principles in our government ; they have a kind of practical infallibility in them , and ought not to be disputed , except where they plainly contradict the laws of god. fifthly , and lastly , if this singular charter had ever been part of our constitution , as it 's plain it never was , yet now it can have no manner of force , because the forementioned statute concerning the militia , not only declares it to have been , but likewise to make the case more incontestable , enacts it unlawful , to levy war , offensive or defensive , against the king. but of this more hereafter . if it 's objected , that unless we are allowed to assert our rights by force when they are invaded , the laws which secure them to us are insignificant ; because the king may break down these fences when he pleases . to this i answer , that these laws upon this supposition are far f●om being insignificant ; because , first , they are the boundaries of right : they clearly distinguish the property of the subjects from the prerogative , so that the prince can seldom encroach upon them in any considerable measure , without being conscious of the injustice . secondly , by vertue of the laws we are better assured of the prince's protection against the injuries of all our fellow subjects ; which is no small advantage . thirdly , we have the prince's honour , and conscience , and interest , to secure us : i say his interest ; for notwithstanding the subjects were never so well convinced , that resistance is utterly unlawful ; yet it is by no means adviseable , for princes to try their patience too far : for religion has a very slender influence upon the world now a days . nothing is more frequent than to see men live in those practices which they know to be immoral . now oppression is apt to make wise men mad. nothing touches them so much to the quick , as the breaking in upon their properties , and the undermining the publick securities . and therefore when the government sits thus uneasy upon them , they will be apt to fly out into disorders , notwithstanding all the restraints of law and conscience to the contrary . now since princes are supposed to be acquainted with the frailty and degeneracy of mankind . this consideration of danger will generally keep them within compass , and check their arbitrary designs , though the principles of honour and integrity should happen to prove insignificant . this one would think a sufficient security ; and more than this , is neither allowed by our government , neither can it be by any other . first , we have no reason to believe our government permits us to maintain our rights by arming against our prince , not only because our laws plainly declare against all resistance , ( as i shall shew afterwards ) but because the libertys of the subject were acts of grace from the crown ; and since they had no right to demand them by force , they must take them upon such conditions as they are offer'd . now things standing thus , we have no imaginable reason to conclude our kings had any intention to forego their irresistable authority , except they had signed it away in so many words ; we are not to suppose they would part with such an inestimable jewel , and be so prodigal of their favours , without the plainest evidence . indeed the granting this liberty would be equally prejudicial to prince and people , and render all government impracticable . for , secondly , the ignorance and partiality of the greatest part of mankind is such , that to make it lawful to resist our governors , whenever we think it necessary , is an infallible expedient to keep a nation almost always embroyl'd , and to banish peace and happiness out of the world. such an allowance as this , does in reality dissolve all government , and throw us back into a state of nature . for when a man may make use of all the force he can get to redress his grievances , to carve out his satisfaction , and to possess himself of all those rights he fancies he has a title to ; his owning authority is but a complement ; for he is certainly under no government but his own . he is bound to do no injury 't is true , but this does not hinder his being independent of society . for his obligation to justice results from the law of nature , which binds him to abstain from fraud and violence , whether it 's enforced by any municipal constitution or not . if it 's objected , that this liberty of resistance is not to be allowed , but in cases of extream necessity , when the government is in danger of being wounded in its vitals , and the fundamental laws are struck at . to this i answer , that since the people must be judges of the exegencies of state , this restraining of resistance to cases of necessity , is no security to the common welfare . for by this principle whenever a man , either through mistake , or design , believes or pretends to believe , that the fundamental laws are broken , he has a warrant to take up arms and form a party to dispossess his governor ; and if he can discharge himself of his allegiance when he pleases , he is actually free , because his will is in his own power . farther , except the people are barred from uniting their forces against their governors , there can be no determination of civil controversies . for in regard most people are apt to say , they are wronged as often as they lose a tryal , if they have the liberty of appealing from the bench to the neighbourhood , and may raise all their friends and dependents to oppose the execution of the judges sentence ; then right must be resolved into force , and justice will be all sword without any ballance . now that the doctrine of resistance gives this dangerous allowance is plain . for though our author will not permit us the freedom of raising a civil war , upon the account of male administration in the execution of the laws ; yet he has not given us any assurance that other men will be of his mind . for may they not object that the prospect of having justice observed , was the principal reason of combining in society . for all laws how fundamental soever , are designed only as means for the distinction , and security of property , for the punishing of violence and circumvention , and therefore they ought not to be valued above the end. for if the prince has an unlimitted priviledge of corrupting judges , suborning witness , and forcing the execution of unjust sentences ; all other provisions for liberty are to little purpose . if we are to submit to all this hardship , because it falls within the compass of male administration , what do our fundamental laws signify ? when at this rate , may some men say , we can neither have life , liberty , nor estate secured to us : so that if resistance was allowable in any case , oppression and violence in the administration of iustice would warrant the use of such a remedy . and if every one who imagined himself injured might beat up for volunteers toredress his grievances ; the judges and laws would be the only criminals in a short time ; and all disputes would be decided by blows and blood. besides supposing men were generally agreed , that nothing but the breach of fundamental laws would justify resistance ; since the people are made the judges of this distinction , they need only be at the expence of a hard name for their enlargement ; for it 's but calling any disgust , or petty injury a breach of fundamentals , and the work is done . if it be said , that the people are always quiet when they are well used ; and never attempt to displace their governours , but upon just occasions . to this i answer , that if the generallity of mankind were masters of so much sense and honesty , as this comes to , why did they not continue in that state of nature some men fancy them in at first ? if they had been wise enough to have understood their true interest , what need they have brought themselves under the guidance , and obligation of laws ? if they are so vertuously enclined , why did they submit their wills and powers to a publick regulation ? why should men so well qualified for the use of their freedom , be bound to their good behaviour , and come under the restraints of pacts and subjection ? all authority and law is a great reflection upon mankind ; it plainly supposes the generallity of us are weak , deceitful and turbulent creatures . but if we are so full of understanding and conscience , as some men would make us believe ; all governments ought to be broken up , and every man have his original charter of liberty return'd him . for if we are so fit to be trusted , and to dispose of our own actions ; it 's highly unreasonable to keep us in a state of ignominy , and bondage any longer : but english-men of all others , have the least reason to make panegyricks upon the discretion , and governableness of the people . for not to mention the barons wars , how many tylers and cades , and kets and flammocks , have we had within the compass of four hundred years ? what formidable bodies did those massianelos bring into the field ; and how near was the state being overturn'd by the rebellious levity , and madness of the multitude ? and after all these instances of confusion , we have certainly little reason to think that vox populi and vox dei , are the same ; or that right and wrong depends upon numbers . from what has been said it's apparent , that there must be an irresistable power in all governments : but our two houses ( whose authority is nearest to the kings ) have no share in this inviolable priviledge . for least their legislative office should make them forget their duty to his majesty , they are obliged to take the oaths of allegiance and subjection to him , before they are capable of transacting any business in parliament , 7 iac. 1. cap. 6. sect. 8. 30 car. 2. cap. 1. from whence it follows ; that with us the king , and only he , is the irresistable power . neither must this prerogative be restrained to his person ; but extend to his authority . for a king cannot be every where himself , neither is he able to punish offenders by his own single strength : he must govern by his ministers , and sometimes by his armies . therefore if those who are employed by him , may be opposed , and hindered in the execution of their ch●rg● he is as much disabled from pursuing the ends of government ▪ as i● violence had been offered to himself . of this consequence those who made the late act of uniformity , were well aware ; and therefore in the declaration , which they obliged a considerable part of the kingdom to make , the subscriber does not only declare , that it 's not lawful to take up arms against the king upon any pretence whatever , but likewise , that he abhors that trayterous position of taking arms by his authority against those commissionated by him . therefore that objection which is usually made , does not come up to the point , viz. that it 's lawful for a private person to resist an illegal commissioner of the kings , when he comes to dispossess him of his property , or to outrage him in any other respect . for though a man has the liberty of defending himself from encroachments in a private way ; yet if he calls in hundreds and thousands to his assistance , without the king's authority , he falls under the censure of the law. now the reason why the constitution permits the use of force in one case , and not in the other , is because private defence , though never so unjustifiably managed , cannot bring any publick mischief along with it . but if men were allowed to arm towns and countries when they thought fit to complain ; this would be of dangerous consequence to the state , and make it lyable to perpetual convulsions ; so that we should always either feel or fear the miseries of a civil war. but to proceed with our author . in his fourth section we are told , that no consideration of religion binds us to pay more than we owe , not to extend our allegiance farther than the law carrys it . which though it 's true , yet it 's foreign to the argument . for i shall make it appear farther afterwards , that the laws extend our submission , which is one part of our allegiance , to all cases whatsoever . i suppose this advice was intended for a preservative against over dutyfulness , and that his reader might not be misled by the church of englands doctrine of passive obedience . now how proper soever such hints as these may be to some flegmatick climates and constitutions of liberties , i shall not dispute ; yet certainly the enquirer could not have thought them over-seasonable directions for our conduct ; if he had pleased to consider either the legal advantages of the crown , the temper of the english nation , or the time of his own writing : but his generous zeal for the freedom of mankind , makes him think he can never say , nor do enough . his fifth paragraph supposes an original contract , and that the measures of obedience are to be taken from thence , i. e. once upon a time , when every man was weary of governing himself any longer ; they agreed by ●●●eral consent to set one of their own countrym● 〈…〉 ●ome stranger they had a fancy for , upon whom 〈…〉 〈◊〉 term of king , sovereign , or supream , i. e. 〈…〉 glorious titles without conveying the power 〈…〉 , ●ther to make the royal pageant ridiculous , 〈…〉 him ●n occasion to over-rate his authority , which 〈…〉 make him stretch it into a forfeiture , in a short time : 〈…〉 the people forfe●●ing that they should quickly be out 〈◊〉 with being governed might over title their monarch , and ●e the principles of the con●tution weak on purpose , that so 〈…〉 ●pse to them the sooner . but that neither willlim 〈…〉 or his 〈◊〉 succe●ors received their crowns by way 〈…〉 i●●vident to every one , who has seen any thing of our h●stories ; so that this notion of t●e enquirers is perfectly chimer●al as to us . for granting , as mr. hunton observes , ( treatise of monarchy , pag. 16. ) that subjection is not immediately founded in conquest , but in cons●rt ; yet consent in such a case is forced , necessary and unavoidable ▪ and includes an entire submission to the conquerors pleasure . 〈◊〉 when a king has his enemies ( for a canquered people are no 〈◊〉 at first ) 〈◊〉 such an advantage , he will scarcely be pers●●ded to put any conditions of forfeiture into his title , and reig●●●● their courtesy . for how frank soever he or his successors m●y be in other respects , it 's unimaginable to suppose they will 〈◊〉 them any dethroning power in their charter . and 〈◊〉 t●e case stands thus , we may fairly conclude , that that magnificency of style , with which our kings are always mentioned , has a suitable authority belonging to it ; that those august names of imperial crown , sovereign , supream , &c. which we meet with so often in our courts of justice , conveyances , and acts of parliament , are no empty insignificant sounds , nor ever designed to describe a precarious prince , who may be resisted or deposed at pleasure . in his sixth section he will allow no prince to have a divine authority , unless he can prove his delegation by prophets , &c. and yet st. paul calls the roman emperor the minister of god ; and i believe the enquirer will grant that neither claudius , or any of his family were proclaimed by bath . coll. or crowned by an angel from heaven . i somewhat wonder that our author should advance such propositions as these ; who grants ( sect. 10. ) that the submission of the people together with a long prescription makes a prince a legal governor , and when his power is once settled by law , he has a good a right to it as any private person can have to his property . and immediately after he affirms , that though a man has acquired his property by humane means , such as succession , &c. yet he has a security for the enjoyment of it from a divine right . now if prescription and succession gives a prince a good humane title , and this title is confirmed by the rules of natural and revealed religion . one would think since he is thus secured in his government by a divine right , he had a divine right to govern . but after all i freely yield the enquirer , that we cannot reasonably conclude from bare possession , that it is the will of god such persons should be our governors ; for the most part we ought to conclude the contrary , because , as he well observes , this argument from possession iustifies all usurpers when they are successful . by his seventh paragraph we are to take our measures of power , and by consequence of obedience , from the express laws of the state , from the oaths which are sworn by the subject , &c. to make this reasoning applicable to the case in hand , i shall only observe at present , that by his own concessions ( sect. 13. ) there are many express laws made which lodge the militia singly in the king , that make it plainly unlawful upon any pretence whatever , to take up arms against his majesty , or any commissionated by him , and that these laws have been put into the form of an oath , and sworn by all those who have born any employment in church or state. how well he reconciles the doctrine of resistance with these remarques , will be seen afterwards . the eigth section brings us from natural religion , to the scriptures of the old testament , but it 's only to shew that they are not to be made use of in this matter . now under favour , i conceive , these scriptures are not so foreign to the point , as the enquirer supposes . for though the jewish government was particularly designed for that people , yet being settled by divine appointment , it ought to be highly esteem'd and imitated in its standing and general maxims , by the rest of the world. god perfectly understands the tempers , weaknesses , and passions of mankind ; which makes him infinitely more able to judge what sort of polity best answers the ends of society . so that whatever is not of a peculiar and temporary nature in his establishment , should be the model of their government . and to apply this observation ; since there were no allowances of resistance in the jewish government : but certain death was the ordained consequence of disobedience to the civil power , deut. 17. 12. we ought to conclude that such a general submission is most rational , and advantageous for the publick good , and therefore are to take it for granted , that all christian states especially are settled upon this passive principle , where there are not express proofs of the contrary . for it 's no honour to the memory of our forefathers , to infer by remote and strained implications , that they thought themselves wiser than god almighty . to the former part of his ninth section i have nothing to object , but am ready to joyn issue with him upon his notion . as to what he mentions concerning the state of the primitive christians , i shall have occasion to touch upon it afterwards . i shall pass over his tenth section , as being in a manner comprehended in his ninth , and proceed to the eleventh which brings us home to our english government . where as a corollary from his former discourse , he concludes , that the question in debate must be determined by the fixt laws and regulations of the kingdom . which is some comfort ; for then we ought not to be over-rul'd by any general considerations from speculations about original liberty , or arbitrary constructions of salus populi : nor yet by the authorities of civilians , especially those foreign ones , who have had a republican byass clap'd upon their education . in this paragraph he informs his reader , that the king's prerogative is bounded , and that it's injustice to carry it beyond it's legal extent , which no one denies . as for his instance , i cannot well imagine what he brought it for ; i hope it was not to try if he could make some people believe that his majesty had levy'd money by his army , for this he knows is not true. but when any of this violence happens , he tells us the principle of self-preservation seems to take place , and to warrant as violent a resistance . it seems to take place , i. e. he is not sure on 't . but by his own concessions he may be sure of the contrary ; if the exercise of this , which he calls self-preservation , be restrained by the constitution , whether it is , or not , besides what has been said already , will appear farther afterwards . there is nothing more certain than that as he observes , sect. 12. the english have their liberties and properties secured to them by the constitution . but an allowance of fighting their prince in defence of these liberties , &c. is so far from being reserved to them , that it 's plainly forbidden by many possitive and express laws . indeed how is it possible such a liberty should be reserved in our government , which as the enquirer acknowledges , lodges the militia ( i. e. the power of the sword ) singly in the king. so that without his order , none of his subjects can form themselves into troops , or carry the face of an army , without being lyable to the highest penalties . and whereas he urges , that if we have a right to our property , we must likewise be supposed to have a right to preserve it . he means by force . to this i answer , first , that a man may have an unquestionable right to some things , which he has no warrant to recover vi & armis , but must rest the enjoyment of them , with the conscience and prudence of another . e. g. if the father of a wealthy person falls into deep poverty , he has an undoubted right to a maintenance out of his sons estate , and yet he cannot fairly recover it by force , without a legal provision for this purpose . to bring the instance nearer home : the right of making war and peace , is an indisputable branch of the king's prerogative ; yet unless his subjects assist him , this authority can seldom be exerted to any successful effect , because his majesty cannot levy money ( which is the sinews of war ) without the consent of parliament . farther , every one who is injured in his property , and endeavours the regaining of it by course of law , has without doubt a right to have justice done him . but if the court , where the cause is depending , happens to be mistaken , or corrupted , i desire to know whether it 's lawful for him to raise his arrier ban upon such a disappointment ? our author is obliged by his principle to say no ; and therefore he must either answer , 1. that the party aggreived ought to appeal to a higher court ; to which it may be replyed , that it 's possible for him to meet with the same misfortune thēre ; for our constitution does not pretend to any insallible , or impecable judges . 2. his second answer , must be that this is a private case , and therefore a man is bound to submit to ill usage , rather than disturb the publick peace . but to this i return , that we may suppose a general failure of justice through subornation , bribery , &c. and then the oppression will be of a publick and extensive nature ; and yet if a grievance of this magnitude should continue unredress'd after complains , our author will not allow us the benefit of any rougher methods ; for he frankly tells us , that it 's not lawful to resist the king upon any pretence of ill administration in the execution of the law. pag. 14. so that by his own argument , we may have some very considerable rights , which it 's not justifiable to demand of the government with a drawn sword. secondly , this liberty of resistance dissolves all government ▪ for as i have already observ'd , when every man is the judge of his own priviledges , i. e. when he is made the authentick interpreter of the laws , and may use all the force he can get , at his discretion against the state ; he is then most certainly to be govern'd by no body but himself . and therefore , thirdly , this liberty must be the worst security for peace and property imaginable , as i shall shew more at large by and by . as for his limiting resistance , to plain and visible invasions . this is a very feeble remedy against confusion . for since every one is made judge of the evidence , and the generality are naturally over credulous , and apt to believe ill of their governours , when designing men have once impos'd upon their understandings , and almost har'd them out of their sences , then every thing will be plain to them but their duty . thus it was plain that charles the first intended to introduce popery ; though possibly never any person since the reformation gave ●etter proof of his adherence to the church of england than that ●rince . thus likewise at the beginning of this present revolution , it was plain to the greatest part of the nation , that his majesty had made a league with the french king to extirpate the protestants and their religion . though now the world sees there never was a more malicious , and unreasonable calumny invented : but though reports of this nature are never so monstrous and nonsensical , yet at this rate we shall never want a demonstration for a rebellion ; as long as such loose principles , as the enquirer advances , are allowed . his thirteenth section contains nothing but objections , which to do him justice , are fairly put , considering the small compass they are drawn into . how well he gets clear of the difficulties he was sensible of , the reader must judge ; for now we are coming to his fourteenth and dead doing paragraph , in which he offers to take off all the arguments , which are made for non-resistance . now before i reply distinctly to his answers , i shall endeavour to offer something more than i have urged already in consutation of his main principle . and here it 's not amiss to observe , that the enquirer in his ninth section , makes the measures of our submission much shorter , than those of the ancient christians , because our religion is established by law. by vertue of which distinction , he makes our faith fall under the consideration of property , and from thence concludes by implication , that we may resist our prince in defence of it . but we are to consider though our religion has a legal settlement , yet we have no authority to maintain it by force . nay our laws are express as it 's possible against all manner of resistance ( as himself acknowledges . ) now the law is certainly the measure of all civil right , and therefore to carve out our selves a greater security than the law allows , is destructive of all government . if the mobile get this hint , it 's to be feared they will give him no occasion in their second expedition , to admire them for burning and plundering with so much temper and moderation . further he grants , by consequence , that the roman emperours were irresistable . for i don't find that he allows the primitive christians a liberty of resistance , though they were invaded in their lives and properties , as well us in their religion . now if these emperours were irresistable , i desire to know what made them so ; if he answers the laws , i reply , that the english constitution is as full against taking arms to oppose the king as is possible . if he replies , that it was unlawful to resist the roman emperours , because the making of laws was wholy in their own power ; but where the legative authority is partly in the king , and partly in the people , the case is otherwise . to this i answer , that the division of the legislative power does not weaken the obligation of a law , when all the distinct authorities concur to the making of it . e. g. i question not but our author will grant that the english laws , though the people have a share in enacting them , are as perfect , and ought to be as inviolable , as those in turkey , where all depends upon the princes will : therefore if the authority of the kingdom declares their prince irresistible , this makes him as much so , as if he had given himself this power by conquest , and had been the most absolute monarch in the world. and as this priviledge is clear , so he may make it immortal if he pleases , provided he has a negative upon the remainder of the legislative power ( as the king has upon the two houses ) so that the constitution cannot be alter'd without his own consent . nay if the people have given up their rights of resistance by their own voluntary motion , they are bound in honour as well as justice to maintain their own act. so that it seems more unaccountable not to acquiesce in this case , than if they had been forc'd into such a submission . though it 's not improper to observe , that the act which i have now in view ( viz. 13 car. 2 ) which tells us , it 's unlawfull to levy war offensive , or defensive against the king. does not so much pretend to vest the king with any new authority , as to acknowledg his antecedent right , where it 's likewise declar'd that the militia has ever been the undoubted right of his majesty and his predecessors . which is as plain a concession as can be , that this parliament did not believe our government began upon hobs his pacts , or that the king had his power originally from the people . but supposing the government was founded in the voluntary consent of the people ( the contrary of which has been proved ; ) yet after they have once by the most solemn and deliberate act bound up their hands , and made it unlawful under the highest penalties , to use force against the magistrate ; in this case it 's unreasonable to suppose they can resume their antient liberty at pleasure . for that which a man has alienated by his own free grant , is as much out of his power , as if he had never been possess'd of it at all . so that it 's as great injustice to wrest back that , which i have once given away , as to invade my neighbour in his original property . if it 's objected , that such laws of non-resistance as this are to be understood with a tacit exception . viz. provided the magistrate does not press too hard upon the constitution , and violate the most fundamental parts of it . to this i answer , first , if a law which is so absolutely against all resistance , as appears both by the clear and comprehensive stile it 's pen'd in , and by the time in which it was enacted , which was immediately after we were emerged out of the miseries of a long rebellion , so that we have all imaginable reason to believe the wisdom of the nation design'd to make the most effectual provision to secure us from the like calamity . if i say a law thus remarkquibly worded , and circumstantiated , may be eluded by distinctions , and reservations ; then the statute book is little better than wast paper ; for at this rate there is nothing so plain , but may be glossed away into insignificancy . if he objects , that the natural right we have to preserve and protect our selves , will justify the defence of our lives and liberties against all invaders whasoever , notwithstanding any positive municipal prohibitions to the contrary . to this i answer , that to object thus is to argue against himself , as well as against reason . for he grants by undenyable consequence , ( sect. 9. ) that the primitive christians were obliged to non-resistance , because they lived under a constitution in which paganism was established by law. he should have said , in which christianity was prohibited , for it was possible for both religions to have been established , as they were in the time of constantine : now if a municipal law ought to be over-ruled by the law of nature when they happen to clash ; then the christians who lived under the heathen emperors might lawfully have taken up arms against the government , because they were deprived of their lives and fortunes against all equity and humanity . for to persecute men so remarquibly regular and peaceable , both in their principles and practices , is as manifest a violation of the law of nature as is possible . and if it was lawful for them to resist , then they seem bound in conscience to do it , whenever they had a probability of prevailing . for without doubt it 's a great fault for a man to throw away his life , impoverish his family , and encourage tyranny , when he has a fair remedy in his hand . but our author has not yet been so severe , as to bring ▪ in the martyrs felo de se. but , secondly , the law of nature obliges all men to stand to their contracts , though they have made them to their disadvantage . they must not , as the scripture spea●● , change , though they have sworn to their own hurt , psal. 15. except the matter of the contract be malum in se. but for men to bar themselves the use of some liberties ( though never so unquestionable ) with respect to some particular persons , and to tye up their hands in reference to their governors , is no malum in se , for in such a case they dispose of nothing , but what is their own , and that upon a valuable consideration . thus much is acknowledged by our author ( sect. 1. ) for he tells us , that by the law of nature a man may bind himself to be a servant , or sell himself to be a slave , by which he becomes in the power of another , so far as it was provided by the contract . so that where the contract is clear , it ought to be punctually observed . from whence it follows , that when a nation shall deliberately , and authoritatively declare , either that it always was unlawful for them to take up arms against their king ; or at least that it should be so for the future . after they have thus solemnly disclaim'd all manner of right , or pretence to resistance , to defend themselves by force , is a notorious infraction of their promise , and as much a breach of the moral law , as of the statute book . thirdly , because the authority of the constitution must be weakned , and the ends of government lost , by allowing the subject a latitude of exposition , therefore the wisdom of the nation has thought fit to stick by the letter , when it 's plain and unquestionable , though it is apparently against the intention of the law. of this practice i shall give a considerable instance . in the reign of henry the sixth there was an act made ( which i have already cited to another purpose ) in which all persons not possessed of forty shillings per annum free-hold , are declared uncapable of electing knights for the county . the design of which act was to strike the mobile out of the government , and that none but persons of presum'd discretion might have a share in choosing their representatives . but the value of money being so prodigiously altered since that time , fifteen shillings now , probably being not more than one then ; this alteration has thrown the elections upon multitudes of people , who are apparently excluded by the intention of that law. yet to preserve the majesty of these publick provisions inviolable , this act has always been religiously observed in the literal construction , though it 's manifestly against the meaning of those who made it . fourthly , the government , and consequently the publick liberties , are best secured by adhering to the utmost extent of the words of this act , i. e. by perpetual non-resistance , and therefore if we had nothing else to determine us , we may be well assured , it was the intention of the legislators to oblige us to the letter . in order to the proving this more at large , we are to consider , that the world was never yet so happy , as to be wise , nor i am afraid honest in the greatest part of its numbers . now as long as the gross body of mankind are thus unfortunate in their understandings and morals , the peace of society would be very indifferently secured , if it might be disturb'd by a civil war , as often as weak , or designing men should alledge their grievances would warrant them in resistance . which will appear further if we consider , that in all governments though never so unexceptionably managed , there will be always abundance of male contents . some are distructed because they think they are not sufficiently taken notice of , which makes them endeavour to subvert the present establishment , in hopes of being better considered in another revolution . others are angry because they are removed from places of profit , and reputation , though possibly they have lost their post by their own misbehavior , or at most the prince shews no more arbitrariness in this case , than is allowed every private man , who has the liberty of changing his servants at his pleasure . a third sort happen to have some private dispute with the ministers , whom because they cannot displace , they are resolved to revenge their quarrel upon the king , as if a man should murther the master of the family , or blow up his house , only because he is fallen out with some of the servants . this man has debauch'd away his fortune , and if he cannot plunder upon another , he is under a necessity of starving his vice ; which makes him lay hold of every opportunity to embroil the state. in short , some translate their allegiance out of indigence , and some out of spite . some conspiracies are strengthned by compliance , because a man won't be so morose , as to be loyal , when his friends and acquaintance are on the other side . some engage out of curiosity to satisfie their restless humor , and that they may try something that is new. and some revolt to shew their parts , that the world may see what an admirable scheme of rebellion they can contrive , and how powerful they are to harangue the people out of their senses and loyalty . which is far from being an impossible task , for the multitude are as unstable as the wind , always too inclinable of themselves to envy , and censure their governors , which makes them so easily debauched by every seditious impostor . they have not capacity enough to discover the designs of these pretended patriots , nor to foresee the miseries , which are consequent to intestine commotions , nor yet the compassion and good nature to make allowances for the necessary miscarriages of state ▪ they are naturally uneasie , jealous , and over-credulous , which makes them apt to swallow the most extravagant and impossible relations . tell them that one man will attempt the assaulting of two or three hundered , though he knows they have all as strong arms , and as little passive obedience as himself . tell them that their prince intends to massacre all his subjects , and to reign over nothing but carcases , and desarts : that he intends to sell them to a foreign nation , though he necessarily make himself a slave by the bargain ; yet all these absurdities go down currently with them , when they are confidenly reported : though in reality to suppose that princes will resign their authority , and throw away their crowns , is the most improper , and impracticable thought , we can possibly fix upon them . those who are born and bred to empire and great expectations , and accustomed to the charms of sovereignty and power , who are remarkable for a noble and magnanimous spirit , for sedateness and freedom from passion , such persons don 't usually fall into those excesses of mortification and bigottry , as to throw away their kingdoms , either out of zeal , or contempt : but the populace seldom consider these things ; nay , though it 's apparent that it 's nothing but the conscientiousness , the religious integrety , and great affection the prince has to promote the happiness of his subjects , which makes his conduct unacceptable to them in some cases ; though his mistakes proceed from no worse cause than misinformation , or some uneven parts of his virtues ; yet they want either the apprehension or candour , to make just abatements for so harmless , and generous a principle : but are as violent in their censures , and disobedience , as if he had fetch'd his design from hell , and been the most imperious and ill-natured tyrant in the world. and since men are generally such untoward and ungovernable creatures ; since the great vulgar ▪ and the small , are lyable to such fatal miscarriages , and so apt to deceive and pervert each other : since ambition and caprice , and covetousness have the ascendant over the generality , and shams and stories are oftner believed than truth ; in such a state of degeneracy and weakness as this , the government must be built upon a very sandy foundation , if every one is made a judge of the case of resistance , and all the fools and knaves in a kingdom may rebel when they please . such a scheme of politicks we may imagine would fill all places with tumults , blood , and ▪ confusion , and in a short time almost depopulate the world. but i understand some persons object , that popery and arbitrary power were breaking in like a torrent upon us , that our lives , and libertys , and religion , were just upon the point of being ravished . and when such important interests lye at stake , and we are in danger of losing two worlds at once , 't is time to look about us . in such cases of extremity singular methods are allowable , for necessity justifies whatever it forces us upon . all oaths of allegience all provisions against resistance , though never so peremtory and strict , are to be understood with such exceptions as these : for laws were made to preserve , and not to destroy us . i shall endeavour to give an answer to all the parts of this objection , excepting what relates to arbitrary power , which shall be considered afterwards . and , first , as for our religion which is the main concern , we could not have lost that without our own faults ; no man can rifle our thoughts , or rob us of our understandings . there is no storming of a creed , if it 's not betray'd by cowardice , or treachery , it 's impregnable . to which i may add , that adversity is the best tryal of mens sincerity , and gives them opportunity for the exercise of the noblest vertues . christianity is far from being endamaged by the patience and constancy of its professors . to speak properly , a church can never flourish so much , as when we have frequent instances of fortitude , resignation , and contempt of the world , and all other unquestionable marks of an heroick and invincible honesty . secondly , by our religion , therefore can only be meant , the free , and unmolested profession of it , which though it 's a very desirable priviledge , yet we must not contend for it in opposition to the laws of god and our country . to repel a persecution by the assistance of perjury and treason , is a most unjustifiable and fatal remedy . 't is a cure far above the malignity of the distemper , and conveys plague and poyson in the operation ; it makes us destroy the very life and essence of that which we are so zealous to maintain , and damn our selves to secure our religion . the primitive christians were perfect strangers to these salves for ease and self-preservation , and yet their laws could not be plainer against all manner of resistance than ours . besides , no state can subsist upon such reserves of interpretation as these . for , as has been observed already , if resistance is warrantable in any case ; then every individual person must be made a judge of his prince's conduct , and determine what sort of provocations , and opportunities are sufficient to justify a revolt . now if such a liberty was granted , the foundations of the earth would quickly be out of course : such lose maxims as these do no less than proclaim an indulgence for anarchy and licentiousness , and tear up the very principles of society by the roots . for granting the people were generally honest ( though this i am afraid is a supposition , which has much more of charity than judgment in it , ) yet in regard of distance , into experience , credulity , and shortness of thought ; they are neither fit to pronounce upon the administration of their governors , nor capable of distinguishing imposture from truth ; nor discerning enough to foresee , what plunderings and rapes , what faction and atheism , what extensive ruin and desolation are the inevitable consequences of a civil war. now what can we expect but frequent returns of such a scene of misery , if every man may hang out the flag of defiance against his prince , whenever his weakness or his wickedness shall promt him to it . when the subtle and ambitious can practise without controul upon the unstable , and unthinking multitude , and play their spleen and their rhetorick against the government . when men of turbulent and tempestuous spirits , who love to live in a storm , that they may gratify their malice with the wreck and their avarice with the booty . when such men are allowed to blow up the simple , and over-credulous into jealousie and discontent ; and all the seditious incendiaries may throw their flambeaus , and their wild-fire about a nation . when such dangerous freedoms as these ( which yet are no more than the natural consequences of the doctrine of resistance ) are given ; and varnished over with the specious titles of the laws of nature and self-preservation : we may then easily imagine that justice and peace would soon take their leaves of this world , and mankind would need no other judgment , but the effects of their own vice and folly to destroy them . but , thirdly , supposing extremity of rigour in governours would absolve us from our allegiance ( which we see it will not ; ) yet this was none of our case . indeed if we were to form an idea of his majesties government , by the tragycal harangues of some men , we could not imagine any thing less than the ten persecutions had been amongst us ; and that a great part of the nation had been massacred ; and yet , god be thanked , we lived in great prosperity , free from the exactions , and tributary burthens of other reigns , and if nothing but his majesties severity could have taken us off , we might , for ought appears , have been all immortal . well , say they , though we were not actually swallowed up , yet we were upon the brink of destruction ; and if our deliverers had not timely interposed , the king's dragoons were just going to make their fire upon the bible , and the statute book ; and we must either have been converted to popery , or ashes . but ▪ first , i would gladly know of these men , why they always twist popery and slavery together . for this i can imagine no other reason , except it be to make their monster more frightful to the people . for it 's certain there is no such inseparable connexion between these two things , as is pretended . for had our forefathers nothing which they could call their own till the reformation ? is not magna charta a popish law ? and are there not many liberal concessions from the crown before edward the sixth ? and as their argument has notoriously failed for the time past , so i hope it will never be tryed for the future . secondly , this supposal of severity has as little reason , as duty and decency in it . the clemency and goodness of his majesty's temper ( which character his enemies are so just to allow him . ) the generous protection , and assistance he gave the hugonots ; his employing the protestants in his court and camp , and trusting them with the most important places and secrets , those are mighty evidences that nothing of this horrid nature was intended . besides what force was there to perform this extraordinary exploit ? i suppose few people are so far over-grown with the spleen , as to fancy the protestants would have helped to destroy one another . now before the certainty of the invasion , i believe i may safely say , there was not above 10000 papists in arms in the three kingdoms , and probably not much more than the tenth part of those in england . oh , but the irish came over ! not above a regiment or two till the dutch were ready to make a descent upon us ; and when they were most numerous , the english roman catholicks , and themselves scarcely held the propotion of one to two hundred protestants : and , i believe , they did not perceive we were so charmed with the spirit of loyalty , or religion , as to let them cut our throats without opposition : for we protestants , at that time , gave broad signs , that though our principles were passive , yet our hands upon a provocation would be as active as our neighbours . therefore as to those irish who were last sent over , the kingdom was then threatned with such a powerful enemy , and the necessity of affairs was such , that there needs no manner of apology for their coming ; and as for the others who were transported before , their numbers were very inconsiderable ; and though we did not foresee the dutch storm , it 's likely his majesty did . this is certain the preparations in holland were visible long before their design was owned , and therefore his majesty had reason to be upon his guard. besides at that time the english were under apparent discontents , for then the mistery of iniquity began to work , and those hellish stories , which drove his majesty out of his dominions , were reported with great confidence ; and a man was not counted a good protestant , who would not believe them . how well they have been proved since the world knows . and here i cannot omit taking notice what a frantick , and ruinous maxim it is to assert , that it 's lawful for the people to set their kings aside upon a bare jealousie , and apprehension of rigour . give them but this liberty , and an impostor will easily fright them into a state of nature , and carry them whether he pleases . if we may renounce the government as often as any bold pretence is made against it , and translate our allegiance upon conjecture and report , the contests about dominion would be so frequent and terrible , yet we had better disband into solitude , than live any longer together ▪ if calumnies and aspersions ( and all undemonstrated reports ought to go for no more ) are sufficient to cancel our obedience , then no prince can have any title as long as there is either knavery , or folly in the world. this principle lays a foundation for a rebellion every week , and renders all government impracticable . by acting in this manner we put it in the power of slander and perjury to determine the weightiest points of justice ; and make it an easie task to over-turn a kingdom with a lye. if it be urged that it is needless to search after farther proof that the subversion of protestancy was intended , because a prince of his majesties perswasion and zeal must necessarily think himself obliged to pursue a design of this nature . before i return an answer , i shall just observe that religious zeal , though it acts upon misinformation is really a commendable quality : for it 's an infallible sign of a good intention , it argues great charity to the souls of men , and a generous desire to propagate truth , and to promote the glory of god. to speak freely , i cannot be heartily angry with a man ( though his methods of discipline are never so unacceptable ) who , i am perswaded , has no other design than to carry me to heaven ; though i had much rather he would permit me to go thither my own way , because it 's almost impossible i should go any other . for rigour is usually very unfortunate both to the proselyter , and proselyted ; it creates prejudice and aversion to the one , and makes no more than a hypocrite of the other . but to proceed to the objection , in order to the confuting of which , i shall endeavour to prove these two things . first , that his majesty is not obliged by the principles of his church to attempt the converting his subjects by severity . secondly , that in all humane probability such a method would prove unsuccessful . first , that his majesty is not obliged by the principles of his church to attempt the converting his subjects by severity . the doctrine of the church of rome , i conceive , is to be collected these four ways , either from her eminent divines , the bulls of popes , the decrees of councils , or the usual practice ; which when a case is doubtful , ought to be taken for the sense of a communion . to begin with their divines ; cassander , a person of great learning and judgment , and whose writings were never censured , insists upon gentle methods for the propagation of religion , disapproves of severity , and tells us it has been a miserable occasion of the spreading of schisme , ( de offic. pii viri , pag. 187. 196. ) but because it may be objected this author was more gentle in his censure , and allowed a greater latitude than the generallity of communion ; i shall subjoyn the testimonies of others of a straiter principle ; and who are well known to carry up popery to the height . 1. thomas aquinas yields 22 ae . q. 10. art. 11. c. that unlawful worship , ritus infidelium ( under which words he comprehends an heretical religion , as appears both from this conclusion , and from his next question , 22 ae . q. 11. 1. ) may be tolerated in some cases . which he proves , 1. because the church ought to take her measures of government from the administrations of providence . now god permits many ill practises in the world , least a forcible restraint should prevent a greater good , or prove the occasion of a greater evil. therefore infidels and hereticks have been sometimes tolerated by the church , when their numbers were great , and discipline could not take place without the hazard of giving great offence ; without occasioning a commotion ( or civil disturbance ) and hindring the salvation of those who by fair means might by degrees be won over to the catholick faith. these arguments for toleration are much stronger now , than they were either in aquinas his time , or before it : and therefore if he had lived since the reformation , we have reason to believe he would have pressed them more at large . which probably is the reason why cardinal lugo , who wrote since the counsel of trent , is more full and particular in the point . for though he won't allow a tolleration but upon a very great occasion , yet in such a case he acknowledges , that a catholick prince may give liberty of conscience to his heretical subjects . for this opinion he quotes acquinas , and says he , was followed by the rest of the divines , particularly naming suarez , coninch and hurtado . he adds , that this practice has been used by many of the most pious christian princes , who tolerated open heresie when they could not oppose it without the danger of a greater inconvenience . for this urgent occasion ( causa gravissima ) is then supposed to happen ( as he proves from hurtado , ) when religion is likely to be more damnified by the denial than by the grant of such an indulgence , when the people are in danger of growing mutinous and diserderly by strict usage . and therefore in an heretical country such a liberty of conscience may be granted without any difficulty : and in a catholick one too when things are desperate . he proceeds farther , and tells us , that such an allowance to hereticks is a thing lawful in its self ; and therefore when a prince has passed his promise , he ought punctually to keep it . lugo . de virt. div . fid. disp. 19. sect. 4. numb . 121. 123. 128. 130. we see therefore , that in the opinion of these schoolmen ( though none of the kindest ) we are not to be roughly managed till the major part of us are gained by dint of argument , which is so improbable a supposition in england , that i think we need not trouble our selves about the consequences of it . it 's true bellarmine ( de laicis lib. 3. cap. 18. ) pretends to prove by scripture , the fathers , and reason , that kings ought not to permit a liberty of belief , but then he supposes their authority to be absolute ; as appears from his instances of the jewish kings , and roman emperors . therefore his doctrine does not oblige princes , who have only a part ( though a principal one ) in the legislative power , especially when a different communion is established by the laws of the realm , which cannot be repealed but by consent of parliament . a king when he exceeds his prerorogative , is in some measure out of the sphere of royalty : for though his subjects are not to resist him , when he persecutes against law , yet his actions , having no warrant from the constitution , are altogether private and unjustifybale . secondly , and thirdly , the application of this remark will give the decrees of popes and counsels , relating to this matter , a fair interpretation : for neither the bulls of paul the fourth , nor pius the fifth , against hereticks , nor the bulla caenae of urban the eighth , nor the third canon of the great counsel of lateran , in which places , if any where , we have reason to expect this severity of doctrine , i say it 's neither openly asserted , nor can it be collected from any of these authorities , that a limitted prince is obliged to break through the establishment of his country , and act arbitrarily for the sake of religion ; or ( which is all one ) that a private man ought to propagate the orthodox faith vi & armis , though he violates the laws of civil justice , as well as humauity by so doing . fourthly , if the point was dubious , the practice of the roman church ought to determine the controversie . now matter of fact carries it clearly for the favourable side . to begin with france ; it is certain that from the time of henry the fourth till within these few years , the hugonots have had little or no disturbance about their religion , notwithstanding the absoluteness of that monarchy , and the vast majority of roman catholicks amongst them , and yet this indulgence of their kings has never been condemn'd as a prevarication of their duty . to proceed , in the cantons of switzerland the protestants at this day enjoy their perswasion with ease and security enough ( dr. burnet's travels . ) the same liberty is allowed the reformed in germany by several princes of the roman communion ; viz. by the duke of newburgh , the bishop of montz , the prince of salzback , and the bishop of hildershem , &c. and having shew'd that his majesty is not obliged either by the doctrine , or practice of his church to push things to extremity ; i shall prove in the second place , that in all humane probability such a method must prove unsuccessful , and consequently the use of it is apparently against his majesty's interest . he that considers the present circumstances we are in , and takes a full view of the state and complexion of our affairs , must conclude it a romantick enterprize to endeavour the establishing the romish faith in this kingdom . this religion is not only against the conscience , but the grain of the english nation . many things they are firmly perswaded are erroneous and unaccountable , and others they can very hardly reconcile their temper to , though they thought them true. in short , there can be no danger that popery should become the religion of the kingdom , since the abby lands are possessed by the layety , and most of the clergy , by having families , are engaged in the same interest : besides some believe the church of rome too indulgent , and some too strict a mother . for we have enough among us who will neither stoop to the submissions of consession , nor bear the over-grown grandeur of that church : so that if they had no other arguments ( as they have the best imaginable ) their spirit would secure their protestancy . now when a people have such strong convictions to keep them where they are , and such an unconquerable aversion to the roman communion . when argument and inclination lies the same way . when there is sense and reason , scripture and antiquity , numbers , humor and interest , ( all the motives that heaven and earth can suggest ) against a religion , there is little likelihood of its prevailing . besides , the circumstance of time would be no small obstacle to a design of this nature . for the controversie between us has not only been lately handled at large , and drawn down to every vulgar capacity ; but the victory has fallen indisputably , and entirely on the church of englands side . and though the roman catholicks may think otherwise , yet as long as the protestants are of this opinion , the effect will be the same . insomuch that if we had another advantage , the fresh sense of success and triumph would almost make us impregnable . and when things stand in this posture , as every one that has but half an eye must now see they doe . how well soever a man may be assured of the truth of his religion , he is no more bound to drive against all these difficulties and oppositions , than he is to stand in a sea breach . those spiritual directors are fit for bedlam , who will run princes upon such dangerous impossibilities , where there is so much hazard without the least glimpse of success . since therefore his majestys communion does not force him upon such rigorous and impracticable designs , as his enemies would make us believe ; since he has neither duty to oblige , nor hopes to succeed , nor ( for ought appears ) inclination to execute . it seems uneasonable as well as uncharitable , to suppose he will disquiet his age , and disgust his subjects , and hazard his kingdoms any more about disputes of this nature . can we imagine any prince will venture upon an expedient , which is demonstratively feeble and insufficient , and which to speak softly , has proved so unfortunate upon the bare ▪ presumption of a tryal ? will he stand a course , where he knows there are nothing but rocks and shallows , without any prospect of advantage by the voyage ? no ; self-preservation and common-instinct will keep a man from such attemps as these . but to return more directly to our author ( though , i hope , this has been no unseasonable digression . ) having shewn therefore what an insecure distracted condition a state must be in , if subjects were permitted to take up arms , as often as they were abused , or ill disposed : i shall proceed to shew how much safer their liberties are under the protection of that unreputable , as well as unpractis'd vertue of passive obedience . and here ( as has been already hinted ) we have the honour , and conscience , and interest of princes to secure us ; and how defective soever the two former principles may be , the latter must certainly take a firm and universal hold of mankind . few people in their senses will pursue those methods , in which the hazard is so apparently over-proportioned to the probability of success . now every one knows that rigour and oppression is apt to make the subjects run riot , though they are under never such strict obligations to submission . and therefore princes who have more to lose than others , will be more cautious of giving a colourable provocation : besides when they find their subjects under peaceable principles , and aknowledging themselves bound never to disturb their governours upon any pretence whatever . this will make them have the less temptation to oppress them . this will encourage them to enlarge the freedom of their people , when they are so well assured their favours will not be abused . but when maxims of resistance are strow'd , and the whole multitude authorised to determine when this extraordinary priviledge is to be used , which must be allowed , otherwise it s perfectly insignificant ; for i suppose the prince will scarcely tell them when they are to rebel . when such singular positions as these are advanc'd , governours must needs be alarmed , and uneasie , and take the first opportunity to crush their subjects , and disarm them of that dangerous power which is so likely to be turned against themselves ; which design if not actually compassed , would be often attempted ; and consequently the people must be either enslaved , or embroyled . these are the natural effects of such licentious tenets ; they either prove the inlets of arbitrary power , or else keep us in perpetual commotions , and deprive us of all the advantages of society . farther , though the supream magistarte is unaccountable , yet his ministers are not . those who execute his illegal commands may be punished for their complyance . and if the present authority should protect them from tryal , and stop the course of justice . they have the uncertainty of their princes humour , the fears of his understanding their false conduct , but especially the vengeance of another revolution to keep them in awe . now the conjuction of all these arguments for passive obedience , are found both in reason and upon experiment , to be a much better fence for the prop●●●y o● the subject than to authorise resistance upon any account whatever . for this cannot be done without making every individual person a proper interpreter of so dangerous a law ; and giving the people leave to discharge themselves of their allegiance whenever they please . now to give pride , and poverty , and revenge , a general liberty to disturb the publick peace , to allow the subjects to fire upon the crown , as often as they are either ambitiously enclined , or unreasonably frighted and imposed upon ; as in effect to let loose the principles of ruin upon a nation ; and to arm all the wild and ungovernable passions of mankind to its own destruction . and since non-resistance has so many advantages above the contrary tenent , we ought to interpret the law i have been speaking of to this sense ; since not only the plain words , but the common . interest and safety , require such an interpretation : for the design of all laws being to provide for the general convenience , they are by no means to be set aside , though the keeping of them should prove uneasie to some particular times and persons . there is no absolute security in this world , and therefore we ought to stick to those measures which afford us the best ; especially when they are legally established , so that we have no liberty to change them though they were less commodious . and though the doctrine of non-resistance may sometimes press hard upon the subject , yet this very rarely happens , for generally speaking the most arbitrary rigors of the prince are more tollerable than the miseries of disobedience , and civil distractions . i shall give a very gentle instance ; viz. the late expedition of the mobile , who besides the terror and barbarity of their irruption , have in a few days violated more property than probably has suffered by the stretch of the prerogative in an hundred years . therefore since unconditional submission is the best expedient to prevent perpetual broyls and insurrections , and the only solid foundation to fix the government upon ; we ought in duty to god , and our country to adhere unalterably to this doctrine . and if we happen to fall upon a less fortunate age , we must take our chance contentedly , and rest the event with providence , and not fly of from those principles which carry so vast an odds of advantage in them ; by the practice of which our fore-fathers have been , and our posterity is likely to be happy . and now having shewn the unsoundness of his main principle , a little trouble will answer the rest of his arguments . first , he tells us , that all general words are supposed to have a tacit reserve in them , where the matter seems to require it . to this i answer , that in this case the matter does not seem to require any reserve , because such an exception would frustrate the intent of the law , and undermine government . as for his instances in children and wives , they come very much short of his point : for though children ( notwithstanding the general words in scripture ) are not to do every thing their parents may command them , yet certainly they are not to enter into confederacies against them , to fight them , and turn them out of their houses upon any provocation whatever ; and therefore much less is the father of their country to be used in that manner . his instance in marriage is as unlucky as the former . where the parties swear unconditionally to cohabit together till death , and yet as he observes , it 's not doubted but that adultery disengages them from their contract . but the reason why the universality of the terms are limitted in this case is , because we have an express determination of our saviour to warrant it ( matt. 19. 9. ) let him produce any such authority for resistance , either from gospel , or law , and we will yield the point . in return to his saying , odious things are not to be suspected , and therefore not to be named . i desire to know of him what is more odious than knavery , yet all securities in law are plain suspicions of such scandalous dealing , and make express provisions against it , though the quality of the persons contracting are never so unequal . so that if there had been any such contract between our kings and people , as some men fancy , the terms of forfeiture would no doubt have been as plainly express'd , as they are in private concerns . and that this is more than a conjecture , is evident from practice of flanders and poland , where such express allowances of resistance have been actually made , ( how politickly i shall not determine ) as appears from meierus , and chytraeus , as they are cited by grotius , ( de iure belli , &c. annot. ad cap. 4. lib. 1. sect. 14. ) nay himself vindicates the dutch from the charge of rebellion ahainst philip the second upon this ground , viz. because it 's confest by historians on all sides that there was an express proviso in the constitution of their government ; that if their prince broke such and such limits , they were no more bound to obey him , but might resist him , which original contract was notoriously broken by the duke of alva their governour . reflections upon parliam . pacif. p. 6. i shall give another instance out of thuanus to this purpose , relating to hungary . this historian ( lib. 133. ) informs us , that the protestant nobility of that kingdom , wrote to the states of bohemia , siesila , and moravia ; in which letters they complained very much of the hard usage they had received from the emperors ministers , &c. and after a recital of their grievances , ( which were of the most provoking nature imaginable ) they add , that amongst their other priviledges , ( which ought to be confirm'd in every convention ) they have this remarkable one , granted in the reign of king andrew the second , an. dom. 1222. the tenour of which is as follows , viz. that if his majesty , or any of his successors should happen at any time hereafter to act contrary to those provisions , by which the privileges and liberties of the kingdom were established , that from thenceforth it should be for ever lawfull for the subjects without the least blemish of disloyalty to resist and oppose their prince . this was a decree to purose , by vertue of which ( as thuanus observes ) the protestant hungarians justified their arms against their king : and we may take notice in contradiction to what our author affirms ; that such odious things , and their remedies too , where they are allowed , are particularly named , and provided for . therefore we may fairly conclude , that where none of this plain dealing is to be seen , the constitution does not admit of any such singular reservations . indeed to talk of a character for resistance in a country which has been conquered so often , and all along monarchically governed , seems to be a romantick supposition . for can we imagine that when our kings had sought themselves into victory and power , and forc'd a nation to swear homage and submission to them , that they should be so easie as to article away their dominions , make their government precarious , and give their subjects leave to disposess them , as often as they should be pleased to say they had broken their agreement : but the silence of our laws and history as to any such compact , is a sufficient disproof of it ; for if there had been any such enfranchising instrument , how prejudicial soever it might have been in its consequence . yet the natural desire of liberty would have occasioned the preserving it with all imaginable vigilance : and as it would not have miscarried through negligence , so if violence had wrested such a pretended palladium from us , the calamity would have got into the almanack before this time , and been as certainly recorded as the destruction of troy. since therefore we have no evidence either for the possession , or so much as for the loss of this supposed privilege , we may certainly conclude we never had it , or at least must grant that no claim can be grounded upon such an improbable conjecture , for idem est non esse & non apparere . secondly , our author urges , that when there seems to be a contradiction between two articles in the constitution , the interpretation ought to be given in favour of that article , which is most evident and important . from whence he proceeds to assert , that there is a seeming contradiction between the provisions for the publick liberty , and the renouncing all resistance . and therefore the constitution ought to be expounded in behalf of the former , as being most advantageous to government : now one who had never read the statute book , would imagine by this authors argument , that we had some laws for the taking up arms against the king , as well as others which forbid it , and both equally plain , than which nothing is more false . and upon supposition there was any such clash in our acts of parliament , the law for non-resistance being last enacted must necessarily take place , and repeal whatever was before established to the contrary . but , secondly , i answer , that i have already proved that the rights of the subject are best secured by non-resistance , and therefore they are no ways inconsistent , or contradictory , to each other . so that our liberties had much better lye at the discretion of kings , who have much greater motives than others to do justice , and give general satisfaction , than to depend upon the management and mercy of the people , and be liable to such fatal convulsions which must happen as often as discontent , and ambition can impose upon the weakness and inconstancy of the multitude . thirdly , his third argument is the same with his second , which he has given us in different words , that what we want in weight , may be made up in number . it begins somewhat remarkably , since it is by law that resistance is condemned , we ought not to understand it in such a sense , as that it does destroy all other laws . first , now one would have thought that the condemning resistance , or any other action by a law , had been the only way of doing it to any purpose . but this author seems to draw a consequence of abatement upon this doctrine from its authority , as if it was to be less observed because it is established by law. but , secondly , to give him rather more advantage than the construction of his period will allow . i answer , that i have already made it appear , that to wrest the laws from their plainest and most obvious sense , is to make them perfectly useless ; and that non-resistance is the best expedient to preserve the laws and every thing else that is valuable : and therefore though its plain that the law did not design to lodge the wole legislative power in the king ; yet as its plain that it intended to forbid resistance in case he should set about it : for the law-makers declare in in as full intelligible words , as can be conceived , that the militia , the posse regni , was always the undoubted right of his majesty and his predecessors , and that its unlawful to take up arms against him upon any pretence whatever . now if its possible for a law to make , or declare a monarch irresistible , which i suppose no man will deny ; i desire to know whether it can be drawn up in more significant , and demonstrative terms , than this act before us ? if it cannot , then our author has no imaginable reason to dispute this part of the king's prerogative . as for his instance , that the legislative power is invaded , and the constitution of parliaments dissolved . this charge is aggravated beyond all decency and matter of fact : for it s well known , that the king did not pretend to make his proclamations equivalent to an act of parliament ; and what his majesty acted by way of dispensation , was not only directed by the present judges , but grounded upon a solemn resolution of all the twelve in hen. 7th . reign , in a case seemingly parralell , which sentence has been followed by eminent lawyers since , and never reversed by act of parliament . as to the regulation of corporations , that was a method begun by charles the second , a protestant prince , and applauded by all the loyal party of the nation : besides the burroughs were not so prodigiously altered , but that we might have had a good protestant parliament out of them , as appears from the elections made upon the writs issued out in august last , where those who were against repealing the penal laws and tests , carried it with great odds against the other party : and since we know his majesty has returned the charters to the state of 79. and here it may not be improper to observe , that prerogative has been as remarkably misunderstood at court in former ages ; of which several instances might be given , but i shall consine my self to the reign of one , who on all hands is accounted a most excellent prince : i mean king charles the first . now the lords and commons in their petition to the king complain , that his majesties subjects had been charged with aids , loans , and benevolences contrary to law , and imprisoned , confined , and sundry ways molested for non payment . that the subjects had been detained in prison without certifying the cause , contrary to law. that they had been compelled to quarter soldiers and marriners contrary to law. that notwithstanding several statutes to the contrary , divers commissions had been issued out under the great seal of england to try soldiers and marriners by martial law ( quarto car. 1. rushworth's coll. ) to this i might add the levying ship money , coat and conduct money , &c. but i am not willing to enlarge upon so unacceptable a subject , non to discover the misfortunes of the father any further than justice and duty to the son obliges me ; i say the misfortunes , which we see the best princes through misinformation , or improper advice may sometimes fall into : however i must crave leave to take notice , that these were other manner of grievances than the dispencing with penal laws , both in respect of the evidence and consequences of them ; and , yet i am sure , the war which was made by the subjects upon this score , is by our laws declared an horrid and notorious rebellion . this i mention not to justifie the conduct of the ministers , but to shew that under these circumstances a mistake in his majesty ought rather to be lamented than exposed , and magnified at such an enflaming hyperbolical rate . and to this modesty of behaviour we are now more especially obliged , since his majesty has promised to redress past errors , * which is a plain argument that some of his former measures are unacceptable to himself , as well as to his subjects , and that he will not pursue them for the future . fourthly , our author proceeds to argue , that the law mentioning the king , or those commissionated by him , shews plainly that it designed only to secure him in the executive power , for the word commission necessarily imports this : since if it is not according to law it 's no commission . from whence , i suppose , he infers that those who have it may be resisted . now that this inference is wide of the mark appears , first , because when this law was made , the king was not restrained from commissionating any person whatever in the field , and therefore the legislators could have no such design in their view as the enquirer supposes . secondly , the test act which was made several years after the former , though it bars the king from granting military commands to those ▪ who refused to give the prescribed satisfaction , that they were no papists ; yet this statute only declares their commissions void , and subjects them to some other penalty ; but it does by no means authorise the people to rise up in arms and suppress them , and therefore by undeniable consequence it leaves the other law of non-resistance in full force . thirdly , this law which declares it unlawful to take up arms against those who are commissionated by the king , was designed ( as may reasonably be collected from the time ) to combat that pernicious distinction between the king's person and his authority , which has been always too prevalent ; though in reality it 's nothing but the king's authority which makes his person sacred , and therefore the same inviolable priviledge ought to extend to all those who act under him : yet notwithstanding this , it has often happened that those who pretend a great reverence for his person , make no scruple to seize his forts , sight his armies , and destroy those who adhere to him , under the pretence of taking him out of the hands of evil counselors , which has been the most usual , and plausible colour of subverting the government . this act therefore which was made soon after the restauration , we may fairly conclude , was particularly levelled against this dangerous maxim , which had so fatal an influence upon the late distractions . fourthly and lastly , the enquirer urges , that the king imports a prince clothed by law with the regal prerogative , but if he goes about to subvert the whole foundation of the government , he subverts that by which he has his power , and by consequence he annuls his own power , &c. first , to this it may be reply'd , that bare endeavouring to do an action , though the signs of executing may be pretty broad , is not doing it in the construction of humane laws , e. g. drawing a sword upon a man is not murther . the intention of the mind is often impossible to be known ; for when we imagine a man is going to do one thing , he may be going to do another , for ought we can tell to the contrary ; or , at least , he may intend to stop far short of the injury we are afraid of . and supposing we had an authority to punish him , there is no reason that conjecture , and meer presumption should make him forfeit a right , which is grounded upon clear and unquestionable law. but , secondly , if with reference to the present case , our author means that the government is actually subverted , as he seems plainly to affirm pag. 7. then i grant the king's authority is destroy'd , and so is the property of the subject too . for if the government is dissolv'd , no man has any right to title or estate , because the laws upon which their right is founded , are no longer in being . but if the government be so lucky as not to be dissolv'd , then the king's authority remains entire by his own argument , because it 's supported by the same constitution which secures the property of the subject . in his sixteenth paragraph we have a mighty stress lay'd upon the difference between male administration and striking at fundamentals , as if it was lawful to resist the prince in the latter case , though not in the former . but if this distinction had been own'd by our constitution , we may be assured we should have had a plain list of fundamentals set down in the body of our laws ; particularly we have all imaginable reason to believe that these fundamentals would have been mentioned , and saved by express clauses and provisoes in those statutes which forbid resistance . for without such a direction it would be impossible for the subject to know how far his submission was to extend , and when it was lawful to make use of force . such an unregulated liberty would put it into the power of all popular , and aspiring male contents to corrupt the loyalty of the unwary multitude , as often as they thought fit to cry out breach of fundamentals . and at this rate it is easy to foresee what a tottering and unsettled condition the state must be in . and therefore according to the old maxim , ( for which there was never more occasion ) ubi lex non distinguit , non est distinguendum . i have now gon through his principles , and i think sufficiently shewn the weakness , and danger of them . and if so , his catalogue of grievances signify nothing to his purpose , though there was much more aggravation , and truth in them than there is . but time has now expounded the great mystery , and made it evident to most mens understandings that our authors party has fail'd remarkably in matters of fact , as well as in point of right . for they have not so much as attempted to make good the main and most invidious part of the charge against his majesty ; though ( to omit justice ) honour and interest has so loudly called upon them to do it . their giving no proof after such importunity of their own affairs , is a demonstration they never had any : for how defective soever they may be in other respects ; we must be so just as to allow them common sence . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33923-e180 * letter to the convent . the apologist condemned: or, a vindication of the thirty queries (together with their author) concerning the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion. by way of answer to a scurrilous pamphlet, published (as it seems) by some poposalist, under the mock-title of an apologie for mr john goodwin. together with a brief touch upon another pamphlet, intituled, mr j. goodwin's queries questioned. by the author of the said thirty queries. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85382 of text r202305 in the english short title catalog (thomason e691_16). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 69 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85382 wing g1148 thomason e691_16 estc r202305 99862640 99862640 114806 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85382) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114806) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 107:e691[16]) the apologist condemned: or, a vindication of the thirty queries (together with their author) concerning the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion. by way of answer to a scurrilous pamphlet, published (as it seems) by some poposalist, under the mock-title of an apologie for mr john goodwin. together with a brief touch upon another pamphlet, intituled, mr j. goodwin's queries questioned. by the author of the said thirty queries. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. 34, [2] p. printed by j.m. for henry cripps and lodowick lloyd, and are to be sold at their shop in popes-head alley., london, : 1653. the author of the said thirty queries = john goodwin. a reply to "an apologie for mr. john goodwin" and "master john goodwins quere's questioned". the final leaf is blank. annotation on thomason copy: "aprill. 19.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. -thirty queries -early works to 1800. an apologie for mr. john goodwin -early works to 1800. master john goodwins queries questioned -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. a85382 r202305 (thomason e691_16). civilwar no the apologist condemned: or, a vindication of the thirty queries (together with their author) concerning the power of the civil magistrate i goodwin, john 1653 12368 3 40 0 0 0 0 35 c the rate of 35 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the apologist condemned : or , a vindication of the thirty queries ( together with their author ) concerning the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion . by way of answer to a scurrilous pamphlet , published ( as it seems ) by some poposalist , under the mock-title of an apologie for mr john goodwin . together with a brief touch upon another pamphlet , intituled , mr j. goodwin's queries questioned . by the author of the said thirty queries . thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor . exod. 20. 16. and there arose certain , and bare false witness against him , saying , we heard him say , i will destroy this temple that is made with hands , and within three days i will build another made without hands . but neither so did their witness agree together . mark 14. 57 , 58 , 59. quicunque desideraverit primatum in terra , inveniet in coelo confusionem . chrysost. ita perit judicium , ubi res transit in affectum , & nostram volumus qualemcunque praevalere sententiam , quia nostra est . aug. london , printed by j. m. for henry cripps and lodowick lloyd , and are to be sold at their shop in popes head alley . 1653. a vindication of the thirty queries , ( together with the author ) against the mock-apology for mr john goodwin . the gentleman the apologist , being ( as i understand ) a graceling of the greatness of this world , can have ( in my understanding ) no other reasonable ground for his taking sanctuary behind the curtain , but only some conscienciousness that his pamphlet is beneath him , and that it would rather take from , then add to , him , if his name were known . he seems to be of that race of men , whose conscience will allow them to do evil , but their prudence will not allow them to bear the shame belonging to it , if they know how to help it . it is obvious to every eye that looks into the said mock-apology , that the main projecture of it , was only the propounding of this main query and wonder ( as the worthy author terms it , pag. 1. ) how the same hand could subscribe the ministers proposals for advancement of religion on to the supreme magistrate , and yet propose this question ; whether the magistrate stands bound by way of duty to interpose his power or authority in matters of religion , &c. he seems to promise unto himself the present downfall of the credit and esteem of the querist ; and consequently , of his queries also , upon the sound of his rams horn , the bare proposal of this query . but suppose the hand he speaks of had subscribed the said proposals upon the terms insinuated in this main query and wonder , ( which yet will be found to be an undue insinuation , ) is it such a strange query or wonder , how peter that had denyed his lord and master before a damosel , could yet confess him with so much courage , as he did , before a council afterwards ? or is it such a wonder , how he that doth weakly once , should at any time after do more wisely ? nay ( questionless ) of the two it is the greater wonder , that he , who hath stumbled and fallen to the earth , should not rise and get up , then that he should not always lie upon the ground . but may not the apologist bear the shame of being a false witness against the querist , upon the like account , on which they that witnessed against christ , that he had said , i am able to destroy the temple of god , and to build it in three days , are stigmatized by the holy ghost , for false witnesses a ? for doth he not represent the subscription of the querist to the ministers proposals , as if he subscribed the reasonableness of the said proposals , or the meetness of them to be put in execution ; when as he expresly declared , together with a friend of his , who subscribed at the same time with him , unto mr nye ( who importunately sollicited our said subscriptions ) that he was not satisfied with the contents of the said proposals , neither could be own or subscribe them , as meer to be put in practise . hereupon the said mr nye , affectionately pursuing his motion to us for our subscriptions , expressed himself to this effect , that though we were not satisfied touching the lawfulness or meetness of things contained in the said proposals , to be practised , yet we might lawfully subscribe them , as meet to be delivered unto , and to be taken into consideration , by the committee . we at present apprehending no snare , danger , or inconvenience in it , to subscribe them in such a notion , and with such a declaration of our selves , as this , and being desirous to go as far with our brethren of the ministry , as ever our judgments and consciences would permit us , yielded accordingly , and subscribed . but to mention this by way of apology for mr j. goodwin , had been to prevaricate with the design : and besides , to act at any such rate of fairness , is a strain of ingenuity higher ( i fear ) then the heart of a proposalist is willing to be wound up unto . it is no marvel that he hates the light , this ( as our saviour observeth ) being the property of him that doth evil . in the mean time , i find how hard a thing it is , so much only as to touch pitch , and not be defiled . i shall ( i trust ) from henceforth remember , that that generation of men , with whom i had to do in this business , foenum habet in cornu : longè fugiam . a lock of hey tied to their horn they have : far from them i shall flee my self to save . but suspecting ( it seems ) that the wonder he speaks of , will not procure sufficient credit to his cause against the querist , and his queries together , having ( as he supposeth ) by his lensey-woolsey story done well towards the laying the honor of the one in the dust , he attempteth the disparagement of the other also . amongst the thirty queries ( he saith ) propounded by him , there is not one to be found , but is either , 1. impertinent , or , 2. impotent . pag. 7. he smiteth me with his censorian rod for an imaginary defect in a contradistinction i make between evil doers against the light of nature , and , worshippers of god in a false manner ; but himself in saying , that all my queries , are either impertinent , or impotent , contradistinguisheth twice two against four . for that which is impertinent , must needs be impotent , unless he will say , that that which no ways concerns a cause , may yet have strength enough in it to overthrow it . and again , that which is impotent , must needs be impertinent , or to little purpose , unless he will say that that which hath nothing in it to countenance or support a cause , is yet pertinent to it . yea impotency , and impertinency , are identical , after the manner of things which are mutually exegetical the one of the other . but what may the gentleman mean by his , impertinency ? impertinent imports relation , or rather a want of relation in point of usefulness , and this either to some special and particular term , or else to a general . he seems by charging the queries with impertinency , only to imply that they are irrelative to such a special or particular term , unto which he was afraid they might have proved more pertinent , then he could have wished . and for all his rejoycing in face over their impertinency , in reference to such an end and purpose , as he specifieth , yet i beleeve his heart partaketh not with his face in this joy . for when he saith ( pag. 2. ) that mr goodwin not only may , but indeed must be so understood ( viz. as not to query , at least in the major part of his queries , the exercise of the magistrates power in matters of religion , save only that which is coercive , and like a spanish inquisition , or english high-commission-court , &c. ) he tacitly grants ( i will not add , and is inwardly troubled ) that in sundry of my queries i am guilty of suggesting pertinent scruples even against the interposure of such a power by the magistrate in matters of religion , which falls much short of that which is compulsive by mulcts , fines , imprisonments , &c. to a conformity unto the publique profession and practise . yea they who shall please to peruse the first , the seventh , the tenth , the the eighteenth , with most of the queries following , will find me guilty of suggesting scruples of that pertinency even against the interposure of such a power by the magistrate , which the apologist claims for him , that he fairly passeth by them , leaves them as he finds them ; and in stead of healing or removing them , only dawbs with a little untempered mortar , telling the magistrate ( pag. 4. ) that things of a religious nature , are either absolutely such , or mixily ; and telling him again ( without any limitation or caution ) that he may intermeddle , though not in the former , yet in the latter . and how doth he prove this ? only by putting it upon mr goodwin to resolve , whether a christian magistrate were obliged to suffer a heathen under his jurisdiction to sacrifice his child to moloch , &c. a worthy demonstration ! {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . o , let king priam , and king priam's sons make joy together . mr goodwin's sence about the case propounded , is , that a magistrate , whether christian , or pagan , is obliged not to suffer the perpetration of murther , whether by an heathen or christian , under his jurisdiction ; nor to suffer either the one , or the other , to sacrifice their child , not onely not to moloch , but not to god himself . he that from this resolution of the case is able to gather a ground or argument to prove , that a magistrate may use what power he pleaseth , or umpire as he pleaseth , in matters of religion , so they be not purely , but mixtly sch , as the publique circumstance of time , place , revenue , some opinions , &c. may as well ( for ought i understand ) bring up the element of fire from the bottome of the sea . for what face of a consequence is there in this enthymeme : a magistrate may interpose his power , against the commiting of murther in his jurisdiction : therefore he may interpose his power also to punish men in his jurisdiction for what opinions he thinks meet , to constrain men to allow to what ministers he pleaseth what proportion of their estates he pleaseth , to compell them to repair to such places for the publique worship of god , as he pleaseth , &c. p. 4. 5. he be-jeareth ( after his manner ) the poor querist , as proposing ( in his last querie ) this considerable question , whether the civil magistrate be not a kind of bat , that is confin'd to the twilight of nature . i confess such a question as this ( though the querist owneth it not for his , but must charge it upon the apologist to answer for the calumnie ) might be more reasonable ( of the two ) proposed concerning such proposalists , who reason at the rate lately specified , and decline the light , then concerning the civil magistrate . only they seem to be confined to a light many degrees inferior to the twilight of nature , i mean to such a light , which our saviour term's , darkness a ; ( speaking , i conceive , of by-ends , undue interests , &c. which take upon them the proper office and work of light , which is to direct and guide men in their way , but perform it after the manner of darkness , leading them into boggs and precipices , and places of danger . ) and besides the apologizing proposalist , hath severall properties of the bat , viz. to fly up and down in the night , or evening , and to hide his self from the light of the day , to frequent houses , not woods or solitudes , as other birds do , to cry , or to complain lightly , or upon small occasion , &c. conataeque loqui , minimam pro corpore vocem emittunt , peraguntque leves stridore querelas . tecáque , non sylvas , celebrant , lucemque perosae nocte volant , seróque tenent a vespere nomen . ( i. ) they try to speak , but voyce they utter none : they pule , and scrike , with a poor-sounding tone : of matters smal with scriking they complain : 'bout houses , not in woods , they still remain : i' th' night they fly , because they hate the light ; the dusky evening doth their name endite . but the gentleman apologist indulging himself above measure in his democritical wit , instead of speaking soberly to the business he had in hand , hopes to afford it better promotion by a mixt discourse of an unchristian composition , the ingredients predominant , being only falshood , and flearing , pag. 5. but lest the reader be mistaken , he must remember , that the book of nature , according to mr goodwin's edition , comes forth in a just volume : the light of nature , in his astronomy , is a star of the first magnitude . and therefore whilest he allows the magistrate a power to punish offenders against the light and law of nature , he outvies the proposals , if he be true to his own principles . if he that writes these things , be , in so doing , true to his own principles , most certain it is that he is principled by the prince that ruleth in the ayr , and not either by the light , or god , of nature . for what ground he should have , excepting ( haply ) his devotion to the goddess mendacina , to utter such things as these , is not easily imaginable . for what edition of the book of nature hath mr goodwin published , that comes forth in a just volume ? or what hath he ever said , or written , that administreth so much as any tolerable occasion , colour , or pretence , for such a saying ? i no where ascribe to the light of nature so much as the least ability of discovering or discerning any truth , but only in conjunction with the grace or good spirit of god . it may be i do not always mention this conjunction , when i speak of the light of nature ; but i frequently , and upon sundry occasions , declare my sence and meaning in this behalf . if the apologist himself , saying , that the light of nature may discover the truth of his few ( i. e. six ) corollaries , or at least being discovered , must assent unto it , meaneth by the light of nature , any principle , faculty , or ability vested in nature , capable of such actings , as here he ascribeth unto it , without the gracious and merciful assistance or concurrence of the spirit of god with it , he sets forth the book of nature in a far larger and fairer edition , then ever it was , or is like to be , set forth by me . and whereas he saith , that whilest i allow the magistrate a power to punish offenders against the light and law of nature , i outvy the proposals , &c. if by , offenders , he means , all offenders , his suggestion is most untrue : i no where allow him a power to punish all offenders against the light of nature , but offenders only against the clear light of nature , ( see query 2. and 30. ) if by offenders , he means , some offenders only , i cannot outvy the proposals in such an allowance , unless it be supposed , that these allow no power to the magistrate to punish any offender whatsoever against the law of nature ; which far be it from my good friend , my apologist , either to say , or think . i made a while some treasure of those words of his ( pag. 2. ) with such a power ( i. e. a coercive power in matters of faith , and worship , a power which would compel unto the publique profession and practise ) the ministers hold as little correspondency , as mr goodwins queries . but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , this my supposed treasure proves coals . for if the magistrate be allowed a coercive power for raising a revenue and maintenance for what , and how many , ministers he pleaseth , and withall , what proportion of revenue and maintenance he pleaseth ( which is the golden apple for which my apologist chiefly runneth , and unto which all the rest of his pleadings for the magistrate , are debtors ) this , being rightly construed , makes the perfect sence of a coercive power , even in matters of faith and wirship , and which compelleth unto the publique practise , &c. for , 1. is it not a branch of the faith of many in the nation , and these not of the worst , nor worst-conscienced men , that they shall sin against god in paying tythes , yea in allowing any maintenance at all to such ministers , whom they judg antichristian in their office , and call ? 2. what doth it ease or advantage me , that the magistrate should force me to allow , or part with , such or such a proportion of my estate , for the maintenance of such or such a minister , more then it would , in case he should compel me to pay a fine of like value for holding such or such an opinion , or for joyning in such or such a way of worshipping god ? i am equally damnified in my estate in the one way and the other : nor is it any ways material unto me , upon which account i part with my substance . or if there be any difference in the case , certainly it would be more passable with me , to suffer for an opinion , or practise , which i conscientiously love and profess , then for the sake of such a person , be he minister , or other , to whom i am a stranger , and no ways obliged , yea who ( haply ) is an offence and burthen unto me . therefore a coercive power in the magistrate , about publique circumstances , as of time , place , revenue , and some opinions , &c. differs only in face , not in heart , from a coercive power in faith and worship . whereas he informs me ( in his fifth corollary , p. 6. ) that the wise and faithful christian magistrate may be assured of some truths in christian religion , and their opposite errors ; 1. i marvel how ( the principles of the apologist salved ) the light of nature should discover any such truth as this , that there is such a thing in rerum naturâ . as a christian magistrate ; or being discovered , should assent unto it ; which notwithstanding he affirms concerning this , and all the rest of his corollaries . for if the light of nature be in no capacity to discover that there is a christ , nor so much as to assent to any discovery that is made of him ( which is one main article , it seems , of the apologist's faith ) how should it discover , or come to own or acknowledg , a christian magistrate ? can a man beleeve or think , that the stars derive their light from the sun , and yet be in no capacity of beleeving that there is a son , or so much as knowing whether there be a sun , or no ? 2. what if the wise and faithful christian magistrate may be assured of some truths in christian religion ; can any christian , or christian state ( so called ) be assured , that all their magistrates , are , or always will be , wise and faithful ? if not , then is it not safe , or reasonable , to entrust the magistrate , as a magistrate , or simply as bearing the additional external denomination of christian , with such a power , of the regular administration whereof only such magistrates are capable , who are not only christian , but wise and faithful also . 3. suppose not only the wise and faithful christian magistrate , but every christian magistrate ( so called ) without exception , may be assured of some truths in christian religion , what follows ? doth it either ( in the first place ) follow , that therefore he may raise , or force from the people , what maintenance or revenue he pleaseth for the supporting , or inriching , what ministers he pleaseth ? or , 2. doth it follow , that therefore he may punish men with mulcts , fines , imprisonments , &c. for such opinions as he pleaseth , or which he deemeth erroneous ? yea or such , concerning which he thinks himself most assured that they are erroneous ? or was not paul before his conversion to christ assured of many truths in that religion , which was delivered by god himself unto the jews , ( and consequently , of their opposite errors ) and yet thought verily that jesus christ was not the promised messiah , ( which yet was a main point to be known , and beleeved , according unto the principles of that religion , ) yea and that he ought to do many things against him , and those that beleeved on him , and practised accordingly ? or , 3. ( and lastly ) doth it from the specified premisses , follow , that therefore the christian magistrate may appoint what persons he pleaseth to elect and reprobate whom they shall please , either to , or from , the work of the ministry , and preaching of the gospel ? if all these consequents , or deductions , be palpably irrelative to the said premisses and corallary , why doth the apologist present the magistrate with such ashes as these to feed upon ? but how cometh it to pass that we hear so little ( or rather nothing at all ) all this while , for the justification of the ministers proposals touching that investiture of some clergy-men with authority and power to put the ministry and preaching of the gospel into what hands they please ; considering that this is one of those irregularities , at which the queries principally strike ? the master of the feast ( it seems ) judged what he had to bring forth upon this account , to be his best wine , and so kept it to the last . therefore pag. 6. 7. &c. we have this cause mooted ( though little promoted ) thus : besides , who can deny it to be the priviledg and duty of a master of a family , to admit such only to teach in his house as his conscience shall be satisfied in , and warrant him to receive ? or to come yet a little nearer [ even as nye as you will ] will the churches distinguished by the name of independents , and anabaptists ( suppose mr goodwin's church ) admit of any person , either wholly unknown , or known to be either grosly ignorant , or scandalous ( suppose a known mahumetan , or one of their own judgment , and without scandal , but wholly unknown ) to teach in their congregations without their approbation , and assent first obtained ? if not ( as it is presumed they will not ) let no man scruple to allow that thing to be the right of the magistrate as a publique parent , in the disposal of publique places and revenues to persons to be approved by himself , or such as he shall think meet to be trusted therein , which is claimed as a right by every private parent and congregation . thus far our apologist : but quite out of his way . for this discourse is built upon sundry loose and groundless suppositions ; as , 1. that the respective congregations of men under the magistrates jurisdiction , have no more right , are in no more , no better capacity , to chuse their own teachers , then children or servants in a family , are to chuse theirs . this is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 2. that the respective congregations within the magistrates jurisdiction are no more bound in conscience to afford maintenance unto him that teacheth them ( i mean , faithfully , and with their own consent ) then children or servants in a family are bound to maintain him , who by the master of the family is appointed to instruct or teach them . this is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 3. that the said respective congregations may have ministers or teachers imposed upon them by the magistrate , upon the same account of reason and equity , on which they may chuse them themselves , or on which children may have teachers provided for them by their parents . this is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 4. that the magistrates providing maintenance for ministers of flocks and congregations , doth not make voyd that commandment of god , ( in our saviours sence to the like expression and charge , mat. 15. 6. ) by which these congregations stand charged to make provision for them themselves . this is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 5. that there is any such thing , or things , as those here termed publique places and revenues , wherein the magistrate hath the like interest , or right of property , with that , which every master of a family , and so every respective member of a congregation , hath in that estate , wherewith the providence of god hath blessed him , and the just laws of the land adjudg his . this is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . for tythes are not a publique revenue , at least not in such a sence , which gives the magistrate a like , or the same , right in the disposal of them , which every private man hath in the disposal of his estate . a private man may remove his estate from , and to what place he pleaseth , may bestow it , or what part of it he pleaseth , upon persons of what calling he pleaseth , yea or may keep it to himself : but i presume it to be the sence of the apologist himself , that a magistrate hath no such right to dispose of the publike revenue ( as he termeth it , ) as , viz. to dispose the tythes growing in one parish , to the minister or teacher of another , much less to a private man who is no teacher at all , least of all , to himself . 6. ( and lastly ) that the publique revenue of the ministry ( by which i suppose the apologist , either only , or chiefly , meaneth , tythes ) is such a maintenance or revenue , which by the law of god may be forced or extorted from the people by the magistrate , and that upon such terms , that when he hath so extorted it , he hath as absolute a right in the disposal of it , as the persons from whom he extorteth it , have in the disposal of the remainder of their estates . this is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . no law of god can be produced , by which the lawfulness of these things can be evinced , or maintained . so that our apologist in all this quarter of his discourse extrà oleas vagatur , and begs his bread in desolate places . whereas he adds ( pag. 7. ) that in my last query i have appealed to the law of nature , as to my caesar ; let him but read this query the second time , and then i shall appeal to his conscience , whether there be any truth in such a saying , or no . and when he desires that this may be remembered , that so far power is granted by me to the magistrate in religion , as the law of nature doth dictate , he desires a remembrance of that which ( i beleeve ) was never known ; at least if his meaning in the clause be ( for the words are ambiguous , and hardly intelligible ) that i grant a power to the magistrate in all such matters of religion , which by the light or law of nature may be proved to be unlawful , or unseemly to be done . i have already disowned any such grant as this ; and elswhere given an accompt at large of my sence in this behalf . the brief hereof is this : by the light or law of nature , covetousness , penuriousness in giving upon occasion , timidity or fearfulness , diffidence or distrustfulness in the divine providence ; and generally , whatsoever comes short of that worth and excellencie , which by the light of nature may be discerned such ( i mean matter of worth and excellencie ) in men , may be the same light be discovered to be unlawful , or uncomely . yet it is far from me to think , that therefore the magistrate hath power to punish men for such infirmities or defects as these . laws , especially such as are punitive , are not wont to be enacted against persons who do not attain that pitch of worth and excellencie , which is desireable in all men , and which if accordingly found in all , would highly conduce to the honour and prosperietie of a common-wealth ; but against such persons onely , who either do such things which are notoriously destructive to the peace and well being thereof , and from which the generality of men , do , and easily may , abstain ; or else who refuse or neglect the doing of such things , which in certain cases are necessary to be done , and may easily , and without much prejudice or danger , be done , for the preservation thereof . presently after the gentleman finds himself aggrieved at the contradistinction ( as he called it ) in my last query , as being unsound , because here i distinguish the worshipping of god in a false manner , from evil doing against the light of nature . i suppose his offence taken here ( though he represents my contradistinction but by halfs , and to the obscuring of my meaning in these words , the worshipping of god in a false manner ) is not with the good leave of his own principles otherwise . these ( i presume ) form his judgment on this wise ; viz. that the light of nature is not sufficient to discover the worshipping of god in a false manner , at least , not every worshipping of him in such a manner . for then , wherein should the light of the scriptures themselves , exceed the light of nature , in that important affair of christian religion ? therefore certainly there is a real distinction , and this broad enough , between worshipping god in a false manner , and , doing evil against the light of nature . and if he would have pleased only to peruse those few pages in another treatise of mine , which ( for brevity sake ) i refer unto , in the end of this query , he might ( i suppose ) have been better satisfied touching the apostles meaning ( rom. 13. 4. ) by , him that doth evil ; and that by this expression , he could not mean , or intend , any such spiritual delinquent as i describe by some particular instances in the said query . he yet addeth : that the law of nature teacheth the magistrate to make laws against false worship , and idolatry . i beleeve my apologist speaketh this without book . for what laws against false worship and idolatry , can he produce , or instance , the making whereof was taught by the law of nature ? all laws of this kind made by christian states and magistrates , he hath no reason to judg were taught by the light of nature , but rather by the scriptures , ( whether rightly , or amiss , as to this point , understood , i now dispute not . ) if there were any such laws made by pagan states or magistrates ( i mean , laws made against some particular kinds of false worship and idolatry ) the spirit and intent of these laws was rather for the countenance and support of one kind of idolatry or false worship ( viz. that which was more generally practised , and perhaps commanded , in this state ) then for the punishing , or suppressing , of those prohibited , and made punishable , by such laws ; as lerinensis reports of nestorius the heretique , that to make way for the credit and propagation of his own , he fiercely opposed all other heresies a . in which case , supposing the laws we speak of ( made against particular idolatries ) were taught by the law of nature ( which yet is evident enough in the case in hand , that they were not ) they cannot be looked upon as laws made against , but rather for , idolatry and false worship . 2. if the law of nature teacheth the magistrate to make laws against false worship and idolatry , i would gladly know of my apologist whether it teacheth him to do it against all , and all manner of false worships , and idolatries whatsoever ; or whether against some particulars only in this kind . if against all in general , then are the teachings of the law of nature in this great affair of christian religion , as compleat and absolute , as the teachings of the scriptures , yea and of the spirit of god himself , which ( i know ) is none of my apologists thoughts . if against some particulars only , let my apologist , either by the light of the scriptures , or by any other light that shineth clearly , particularize them , and separate them from their fellows , against which the said law of nature teacheth no making of laws , and his reward shall be this : erit mihi magnus apollo . as great apollo he shall be to me . if he shall not do this , and that secundum sub & suprà , i. e. as well in all particulars , against which the law of nature teacheth him to make laws , as in all those also , against which this law of nature teacheth him no such thing , but rather prohibiteth him the doing of it , he doth but entangle and ensnare the magistrate , in telling him , that the law of nature teacheth him to make laws against false worship and idolatry . these premisses of my apologist , p. 7. warily understood , are good : ignorance of the true god is the greatest plague [ i presume his sence is , causalis , not formalis ] of all commonwealths : and again ; he pulls down the foundation of all humane society [ i suppose he speaks of the best , and most worthy foundation ] who takes away religion , or abolisheth it out of the minds of men . but the conclusion which he infers from hence is extreamly inconsequent : whence it is that all impiety is to be punished with the greatest and most grievous punishments . how doth the man wring the nose of his premisses to force the blood of this conclusion from it ? certainly this grape , that all impiety [ i. e. all , and all manner , and all degrees , of impiety ] is to be punished with the greatest and most grievous punishments , is so harsh and sowre , that it never grew upon any vine of gods planting . nor hath the said inference any tolerable connexion with his premisses . for if the ignorance of god be the greatest plague in all commonwealths , then ought the magistrate to use all wisdom and diligence , and good conscience , to introduce and plant the knowledg of the true god in his commonwealth . but to punish all impiety with the greatest and most grievous punishments , is so far from being a prudential , or likely method , or means , to produce this effect , that of the two , it is more proper and likely to abolish all religion , and true knowledg of god , out of the minds of men . and where a nation is generally prophane , or atheistically disposed , as all those are , who deny god in their works ( which is more then to be feared , is , not morbus epidemicus , but oecumenicus also , the temper of the generality of all , or the greatest part of , the nations under the whole heavens ) in case my apologist's conclusion should take place , and all impiety be punished with the greatest and most grievous punishments , the inhabitants of such a land , though before as the stars of heaven for multitude , would soon be left few in number , that a child may write them . so that the conclusion we now speak of , may very properly be called , the abomination of desolation . whereas ( in process of discourse , viz. p. 8. ) he saith , he disturbs religion , who speaks , or writes , impiously of the nature of god , therefore he is to be punished , and truly with death , hath he not spoken this against himself , and his own life , ( yea and against the lives of all his beloved fellow-proposalists , ) if the severity and strictness of his own law should be put in execution upon him ? for doth not he that representeth god , whether by words , or writing , either as unmerciful , or as unjust , as tyrannical , as a dissembler , as walking contrary to his oath , as imprudent , as mutable , &c. speak , or write , impiously of the nature of god ? and hath not the apologist himself , if not by writing ( which whether he hath done , or no , certain i am that many of his judgment touching the nature of god , have ) yet by words , represented him under the reproach and deep dishonor , of some , or all , of these abominations ? dies indicabit : the day will declare it . i know the men of this demerit and guilt , will resent the charge with as much indignation , as the jews did that of our saviour against them , wherein he charged them with going about to kill him : thou hast a devil ( say they ) who goeth about to kill thee b ? as if they had been the most innocent persons under heaven in respect of any such vile and bloody intentions , and he a person of a diabolical spirit to lay any such thing to their charge . yet we know they were never the more innocent ( but the more guilty rather ) for their peremptory and high rejection of their charge : nor he at all guilty , or blame-worthy , for charging them , notwithstanding their deep offence and exulceration of spirit thereat . most certain it is , that all the water in the sea will not wash the heads ( whatever it may the hearts ) of the men i now speak of , from the guilt and crime of writing , and speaking impiously of the nature of god . they may , proteus-like , turn themselves , their tongues and pens , into twenty several shapes , and ten , of shifts , evasions , pretences , provisions ( and what not ? ) but all their washings will not make the blackamore white : all their wrestings and wringings it this way , and that , notwithstanding , — haeret lateri laetalis arundo . the deadly arrow still sticks fast in their sides . concerning the testimonies both of gentiles and jews ( for it seems he layeth his hands across upon the heads of his two compurgators , placing the gentiles at his right hand , and the jews at his left ) wherewith he concludes his worthy apology ; first , he giveth instance in the first founding of rome ( bonis avibus , for good success sake ) telling us , that romulus and numa pompilius , the first kings , layd the foundations of their law-making in piety and justice ; and that of romulus it is particularly said , that before all things he began with the divine worship , &c. i marvel to what account these instances turn for his purpose ? do they not rather prove , that kings and magistrates , and rulers of the earth , have ( more generally ) an itching humor , and love to be tampering in matters of religion and divine worship , and to have religions and worships of their own calculation and contrivance , how blind or insufficient soever they be for the managing or regulating such an affair , then that they have any regular interest or right of power to intermeddle therein ? or doth the apologist intend to commend the examples of romulus and numa pompilius in setting up what religion , and what divine worship they thought best , amongst their people , unto the christian magistrate for his imitation , or encouragement ? certainly that religion , and kind of worship , which these kings set up in their dominions , was not taught them by the law of nature , unless it be supposed that the one was the true religion , and the other , the true worship . for the law of nature teacheth no man any false religion , or false worship ; much less doth it teach any man to compel others to submit either to the one , or the other . therefore the gentleman is no debtor unto the gentiles for any contribution from them towards his cause . for what he cites from mr selden's book de jure naturae , &c. about the opinion of the jews concerning the light of nature , condemning idolatry , making laws against it , &c. not having the book by me ( nor leasure at present to enquire after it ) i cannot examine the truth of his citations . but whereas he attempts to overawe me with mr selden's learning and judgment , saying , that perchance mr goodwin will think fit to comply with them , rather then to contest ; i freely and clearly say , that i am most ready to comply with the learning and judgment of a man by many degrees inferior to mr selden in the honour which belongeth unto learning , who shall teach me that , which i am able to comprehend , or to conceive at least as probable : but otherwise , angels from heaven , and scarabees , or beetles from the dunghill , are teachers alike unto me : unless the light of reason sheweth me a difference between them , i have no more faith for the teachings of the one , then of the other . were mr selden , socrates , and my apologist , plato , i must commend them ; but not forsake my ancient and fast friend , truth , for their sakes . but touching the jews ( in a word ) 1. by the course and current of the scriptures it appears , that they were no great students in the law of nature ; neither had they the like occasion , or necessity , which other nations had , to engage themselves much in this study . for they , from their great progenitor and founder of their nation , abraham , were discipled and trained up to a religious and holy conversation , by miracles , signs , and wonders , by extraordinary appearances of god , by literal and express revelations and discoveries from heaven of the mind and will of god concerning them : behold ( saith moses to this people ) i have taught you statutes and judgments , even as the lord my god commanded me , that ye should do so in the land , whither ye go to possess it . keep therefore and do them : for this is your wisdom and understanding in the sight of the nations , which shall hear all these statutes , and say , surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people . for what nation is there so great , who hath god so nigh unto them c ? &c. therefore this nation , having god so nigh unto them ( as it follows ) to instruct and teach them all things , that were needful for them , either to know , or practise , had no occasion to pore much on the book of nature , nor to seek that by labour and travel , which was brought unto them in such abundance by the immediate hand of god himself . whilest they were dayly fed with manna from heaven , ploughing and sowing had been but lost labour . the case was otherwise with the rest of the nations on the earth . 2. ( and with more particularity to what the apologist alledgeth concerning the jews their making laws against idolatry , and false worship ) what occasion , or necessity , can it be imagined they should have to interpose their laws or constitutions ( laws i mean of their own framing and enditing by the light of nature ) against , or about , idolatry and false worship , when as they had so many particular , full , and express laws touching matters of this nature , delivered unto them by god himself ? nay , 3. they had not only no occasion , or necessity upon them to trouble themselves with making laws against idolatry and false worship , being so plentifully in this kind provided for by god himself ; but they were restrained by an express law given unto them in that behalf by god , from setting their threshold by his , i mean , from super-adding any laws of their own unto those which he had delivered unto them . ye shall not add unto the word which i command you , neither shall ye diminish ought from it , that you may keep the commandments of the lord your god d . and again : what thing soever i command you , observe to do it : thou shalt not add thereto , nor diminish from it e . doubtless though my apologist judgeth the laws against idolatry and false worship delivered by god unto the jews , to be defective and insufficient , and such , whose defects were supplyed by additional laws made by the jews themselves upon consultation had with the light and law of nature ; yet god himself , both his god , and my god , judgeth otherwise of them ; otherwise he would not have so expresly and severely prohibited a super-addition of other laws unto them . therefore , 4. in case all that be true which the apologist cites from mr selden and his rabbies , touching the jews making laws against idolatry and false worship , by the light of nature ; yet their practise herein being evidently unwarrantable , and condemned by god himself , he doth rather prevaricate with his cause , then any ways promote it , by insisting on it , or so much as mentioning it . 5. ( and lastly ) concerning the laws delivered unto the jews against idolatry and false worship , by god himself , i have heretofore demonstratively proved that they are , or were , so appropriate to this nation , that they were not intended by god as obligatory upon the gentiles , the tenor and import of them being proportionable and fitted unto such a people , or nation only , who had such extraordinary , miraculous , and supernatural appearances of the true god , ever and anon vouchsafed unto them , as the jews had . see and consider to this purpose , deut. 4. 15 , 16 , 17 , &c. and if these , or any the like , laws should have been put in vigorous execution in the gentile part of the world , that universal over-spreading of idolatry considered , which covered ( in a manner ) the face of the whole earth , they would have drawn more blood then the world could have spared without fainting , and sinking right down . yea if such laws as he speaks of , had been only executed among the jews themselves , who are known to have been formerly as much addicted to strange ( i.e. false ) gods , and false worships , as other nations , of their multitudes like unto the sand of the sea , they would have left them a small remnant only . the discourse in which i make the proof mentioned , together with the pages where the said proof is managed , i direct the reader unto in the close of my fifth query . and thus i have dispatched with my apologist ; only ( for a close ) desiring the reader to take knowledg , that he hath taken little or no knowledg in his apology of those scruples suggested in the queries about the competency or meetness of such persons , whom the magistrate , according to the advice of the proposals , must set over the great business of repelling from , and authorizing unto , the preaching of the gospel . it is like herein he hath followed the wholesom advice of the poet : — et quae desperes tractata nitescere posse , relinquas : i. e. what thou despair'st to manage plausibly , ( take my advice ) pass by it silently . an answer to the pamphlet , entituled , mr j. goodwin's queries questioned . concerning the author of the pamphlet , stiled , mr john goodwin's queries questioned , together with this his discourse , i shall not need to say much , since he hath befriended me with the gentle opposition of one query only , to my thirty ; and this so well conditioned , that it may be easily resolved , without the least detriment , or damage , to the cause pleaded in my queries . for is not his one query , this ; whether the fourth commandment doth not sufficiently justifie and enjoyn the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion ? i must confess that this commandment doth ( in one sence ) sufficiently justifie and enjoyn the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion ; but in this sence , the first , and the second , or any other of the nine , doth both justifie and enjoyn the same , altogether as sufficiently as this . for that which is neither justifiable , nor meet to be enjoyned , may be said to be sufficiently justified and enjoyned , when there is nothing at all said , or done , either for the one , or the other . an innocent person is sufficiently punished , when he is not punished at all : and the gentleman the author of the query in hand ; is sufficiently commended for the same , when he is not commended at all . i presume the treasure of the duty , or power , of the civil magistrate , as such , was never judged by any sober man to be hid in the field of the fourth commandment , nor in any part of the first table , nor did ever any labourer in gods vineyard dig here to find it . it is the sence of all judicious men , as far as my reading extendeth , that the first of the two tables doth not prescribe , or intermeddle with , the duties of one man to another , nor yet the duties appertaining either to any natural , or politique office , or relation ; but only enjoyns such duties , wherein the worship of god consisteth , and which equally relate to all persons whatsoever . of this mind is calvin f , peter martyr g , musculus h , rivet i , and many others . besides , the tenor of the words in this commandment running after the same manner , and carried on by the same pronoun , or term of address , thou , thou , as well in the subsequent part of the command , as in the two first clauses , it is extreamly incongruous to say , or think ( as my anti-querist doth ) that in the two first clauses the personal observation of the command , is commanded to all in general , and to men , as men , and that in the rest , the observation of it should be commanded unto parents , as such , and unto magistrates , as such . for , according to this notion , the first and second , thou , must signifie , thou man , and again , thou man : the third thou , thou parent , and thou master too : the fourth and last thou , thou magistrate . if my anti-querist can shew any other period , or sentence throughout all the scripture , of like interpretation , with this , and wherein the same pronoun and term of address , must import and signifie such variety of capacities , relations , and formal considerations , it is probable i shall consider further of his notion about the fourth commandment , then yet i think it worth the while to do ; although a parallel in this case would be no sufficient demonstration of the truth or soundness of the conceit . 2. if the master of the family ( whether father , or master ) or magistrate , be impowered and enjoyned by this commandment , the former , to compel , and by punishment force , his children , or servants , to the outward worship of god ; the latter , to do the like unto strangers , by mulcts , fines , imprisonments , &c. then are they equally impowered , and enjoyned , to exercise the same compulsive authority upon their cattel also ( their ox , ass , and horse ) and commanded to force these also unto the outward means of gods worship . for the tenor of the commission , or injunction ( so fancied by the anti-querist ) imposed by this commandment upon magistrates , and masters of families , respecteth as well , and as much , the one , as the other . in it thou shalt not do any work : thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter , thy man-servant , nor thy maid-servant , nor thy cattel , nor the stranger within thy gates , &c. here is not the least difference made , nor intimated , between the power given to the master , or magistrate , over their children , servants , strangers , &c. and that given them over their cattel . 3. if there were any injunction intended by god in this commandment to be layd upon the magistrate , to compel those under his jurisdiction , unto the outward or publique means of gods worship , doubtless such an injunction should rather respect , and be extended unto , the generality of his own people , and native subjects , then strangers only : whereas here is not the least mention , or intimation , of any other person , that can with any colour be pretended to be made obnoxious to the ( imaginary ) compulsive power of the magistrate , but the stranger only . 4. one main end of the institution and gift of the sabbath by god , was that such persons ( especially ) who were under such a power and authority of others , by which they might be , and ordinarily were , compelled to labour , work , and pains-taking , as children and servants , together with laboring cattel , might have a seasonable and competent rest , and refreshing , from their accustomed labour . this is evident from several places . six days shalt thou do thy work , and on the seventh day thou shalt rest : that thine ox and thine ass may rest , and the son of thine handmaid , and the stranger may be refreshed k . so again : but the seventh day is the sabbath of the lord thy god : in it thou shalt not do any work , thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter , nor thy man-servant , nor thy maid-servant , nor thine ox , nor thine ass , nor any of thy cattel , nor thy stranger that is within thy gates ; that thy man-servant and thy maid-servant may rest as well ar thou . and remember that thou wast a servant in the land of egypt l , &c. this last clause , and remember that thou wast a servant , &c. added by way of motive , and enforcement of obedience unto the preceding commandment , from those , to whom it was more peculiarly given ( as viz. parents , and masters ) plainly sheweth , that god in this commandment did in a very signal and special manner , aim at and intend the ease , comfort , and refreshing of those , who otherwise were subject and in danger to have been over-wrought , surcharged , and oppressed with labour , by others . now then , if it shall be supposed , that these parents , or masters , who have the command of their childrens and servants labours , all the week besides , are either impowered , but especially enjoyned , by god in this commandment , to compel or force them against their wills by stripes , or otherwise , to the outward means of divine worship , he should give them a commission , nay lay an injunction upon them , to make the day intended by him for the comfort , rest , and refreshing of these children and servants , a day of greater sorrow , trouble , and discomfort unto them , as the case might be ( and was frequently not unlike to be ) then any , or all the days of the week besides ; and so should plainly prevaricate with one of his chief intentions in the command , and be divided in himself . 5. if the magistrate be impowered , or enjoyned , by the commandment before us , to compel ( either by fines , imprisonment , or the like ) strangers or others , to the external worship of god , then in case that worship , whereunto he is supposed to be impowered or enjoyned to compel them , be , in the judgment and conscience of him that is compelled , superstitious , idolatrous , or unlawful , then the magistrate hath not simply a power , but a command layd upon him by god , to force men , and particularly strangers , to pollute their consciences , or at best to play the hypocrites by drawing near unto god with their lips , whilest their hearts are far from him . 6. ( and lastly ) if the magistrate hath a power or command from god to compel strangers , or others ( by the means aforesaid ) to the outward worship of god , then must he be supposed to be anointed by god with an infallible spirit of discerning , which is the true worship of god , and instituted by himself . otherwise god must be supposed not only to give a commission unto , but even to lay an injunction upon , the blind to lead , yea to hale and drag , the blind ; and not only so , but as the case may be , and is like to be very frequently , to lay an injunction upon the blind , to lead , hale , pull , and drag , even the seeing themselves : which is a much more unnatural absurdity , then the other . these things ( with some others , which i shall not trouble either my self , or reader , to mention , at present ) considered , make it a thing very apparant unto me , that that which led my anti-querist out of the way of the mind of god in the fourth commandment , was partly his pre-conceived opinion of the magistrates power in matters of religion , together with his inability where to find a more plausible or colourable ground for it in all the scripture ; partly his non-advertency that the external or bodily rest from labour , is the only literal and express end of god in this commandment , ( however this literal rest was typical , pointing at both those rests spoken of , heb. 4. 9 , 10 , 11. ) partly also the tenor and carriage of the commandment it self , expresly calculated according to the exigency of such an end . for the reason why this commandment was delivered by god in this tenor , or form of words , — in it thou shalt not do any work , thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter , thy man-servant , nor thy maid-servant , nor thy cattel , nor thy stranger , &c. rather then in this , no person whatsoever , bond or free , young or old , stranger or home-born , no ox or ass whatsoever , or the like , shall do any work ; the reason ( i say ) why god used the former tenor of words in drawing up this commandment , was to intimate , that the rest of the sabbath was not like to be violated , or the commandment it self broken , but by the covetousness , cruelty , or oppression of parents and masters , and such who had power to exact and require labour and work , from others , whether persons , as children , servants , and strangers , or other creatures , as ox , ass , or the like . as the apostle saith , the law was not made ( i.e. was not so much made ) for a righteous man [ meaning , for such a man who is under no likelyhood of sinning ] but for the lawless and disobedient m , &c. i. e. for such , who without the bar of the law and the punishment therein threatened , were , or would be , very propense and apt to do wickedly , &c. upon a like account we may very reasonably conceive and say , that the law of the rest of the sabbath was not so much made for children , or servants , or oxen , or asses , because there is so little propensity in these , to work , or labour , when they are not necessitated unto it by their superiors , in as much as they are no gainers by thir labours , but losers rather ; but for heads of families , masters of servants , parents , of children , owners of laboring cattel , &c. who by reason of those covetous and hard dispositions , which are so incident unto men , that have the opportunity of inriching themselves by the labour of others , were likely to transgress in this kind . or in case there should be found any disposition in a child , or servant , man , or maid ( and there is the same reason of the stranger ) to work on the sabbath day without being compel'd unto it by their parents , or masters , this disposition is sufficiently reproved , or restrained , by god , partly in his restraining their masters and parents themselves from working , partly by restraining them from imposing any burthen of labour upon them on this day . these two particulars are sufficient to inform them , that his will and mind is , that they should rest from labour on the sabbath day . so that when god in the commandment turns himself so particularly unto parents , and masters , charging them they shall not do any work , they , nor their children , nor their servants ( of the one sex , or the other ) his meaning is not , that they should compel them to keep the sabbath ( which is my anti-querists notion ) but that they take heed that they compel them not to break it , viz. by imposing any servile work , or labour upon them on this day . thy children , thy servants , shall do no work ; i. e. they shall not be employed , or required , or constrained by thee , to work on the seventh day . this to be the meaning of god , is yet more evident from hence , viz. that the same charge or injunction is layd upon the parent , or master , in reference to his cattel , which is layd upon him in respect of his children , or servants . in it thou shalt not do any work , thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter , thy man-servant , nor thy maid-servant , nor thy cattel . now sure enough it is , that men are not commanded to compel or force their cattel to keep the sabbath day , but only not to compel them to labour on this day , which is their breaking of it . but as touching the work or interposure of the magistrate in one kind or other , as such , about the observation of the sabbath , here is altissimum & profundissimum silentium , most perfect and profound silence from the one end of the heaven of this commandment unto the other . to conclude , whereas the anti-querist informeth his reader , that my 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. queries concern only the ordination of ministers , which ( he well saith ) is nothing to the question about the magistrates power ; the truth is , that to my best remembrance , the ordination of ministers was not so much as once in all my thoughts , whilest i was drawing up the said queries : nor do any of them concern the ordination of ministers in the least . or if the gentleman will needs , by an acyrology , term the subject of those queries , the ordination of ministers ; then i must crave leave to inform him , that although the said queries do not concern the question of the magistrates power about matters of religion , in the general , yet do they mainly concern a particular branch of that power , which is asserted unto him about such matters in the ministers proposals ; as the reader , if he judgeth it worth his time to compare the one with the other , will readily find . but by the sence of this anti-querist , and the apologist touching the interposure of the magistrates power in matters of religion , it appeareth sufficiently that if the land had a phalaris king over it , there would be found more then one perillus to make him brazen bulls for the tormenting of such christians , who are either too weak , or too wise , to swim down the stream of a state religion , or to call men , rabbi . errata . page 11. line 1. for , wirship , read , worship . pag. 13. l. 30. for , nye , r. nigh . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a85382e-230 a mat. 26. 61. a mat. 6. ●3 . if therfore the light which is in thee be darkness , how great is that darkness ? a hic ut utini haec est suae aditum patefaceret , cunctarum haeres● ων blasphem as i● sectabatur . b john 7. 19. c deut. 4. 5 6. 7 , &c. d deut 4 2. e deut. 12. 32. notes for div a85382e-4290 f in duas enim partes , quibus tota continetur justicia , legem suam sic divisit deus , ut priorem religionis officiis , quae peculialiter ad numinis sui cultum pertinent , alteram officiis charitatis , quae in homines respiciunt , assignaverit . calv. inst. l. 2. c. 8. §. 11. g prima tabula est , quae circa deum absque ullo medio versatur : altera vero ad proximum dirigitur . p. martyr . loc. com. class. 2. c. 3. §. 21. h si cogites de dilectione dei & proximi , prima tabula dilectionem dei ; altera , dilectionem proximi requirit . musc. loc. in praecept . octav. et paulo post : prima tabula , quid deo ; altera , quid proximo debeamus praescribit . i nec in primâ tabulâ continentur mandata de officio nostroerga nos , & proximum , sed erga deum . rivet . explicat . decalogi . p. 109. secunda tabula continet sex alia praecepta , quae nos erudiunt de iis , quae proximo debemus , ut prioris praecepta nos direxerunt ad ea , quibus specialiter & immediate deo sumus astricti . idem . p. 170. k exod. 23. 12. l deut 5 , 14 15 m 1 tim. 1. 9. a proclamation for a solemn national fast and humiliation. scotland. privy council. 1696 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05607 wing s1793 estc r183473 52528965 ocm 52528965 179044 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05607) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179044) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:33) a proclamation for a solemn national fast and humiliation. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1696. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the fifth day of june, and of our reign the eighth year. 1696. signed: gilb. eliot cls. sti. concilli. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. fasts and feasts -church of scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation for a solemn national fast and humiliation . vvilliam by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith ; to macers of our privy council , messenger at arms , our sheriffs in that part conjunctly and severally specically constitute , greeting . forasmuch , as the continuance of a dangerous and necessar● war , wherein we and our people are engaged , and which inevitably exposes our royal person to great and continual danger , and that in the success and prosperity of our arms by sea and land , the welfare of our kingdoms , and of the churches of god both at home and abroad , are highly concerned , do call for earnest and fervent prayer to god , for success to our arms , protection to our royal person , and for his gracious assisting us and our allies , with a spirit of wisdom , counsel and courage , in all our consults , designs and undertakings against the common enemy , and that deep humiliation and fasting before the lord , should be joyned , with our fervent supplications for the causes foresaids ; and that a day should be solemnly set apart , to be keeped through all the churches of this kingdom for that effect . and for appointment of which solemn fast and day of humiliation ; the ministers and elders now met at edinburgh , commissioners appointed by the late general assembly , of the national church of this our ancient kingdom , have also addressed the lords of our privy council , and that for the same causes and ends foresaids , and others contained in their said address , which we have allowed to be printed . therefore we with advice of the lords of our privy council , command and appoint a day of solemn humiliation and prayer , to be observed for the causes foresaids , throughout the whole kingdom , upon the days following , viz in all the churches upon this side of tay , upon tuesday the sixtenth day of june currant : and in all the rest of the paroch churches within this kingdom , upon tuesday the thirtieth day of the said month : upon which days of solemn humiliation and prayer , respective foresaids , as we and our people are to be deeply humbled , for our great and manifold provocations , and to deprecat the wrath of god for our ingratitude for former deliverances ; so we are importunatly to implore the divine majesty , for the continuance of his protection , and good hand upon us ; and that he would turn away his anger and threatned judgements from us and our people , so justly deserved for our great unthankfulness and manifold provocations . which days respective foresaids , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , require and command , to be religiously and seriously observed by all ranks and degrees of people ; and that the samen be wholly spent and imployed upon preaching , and hearing the word , and the other acts of devotion foresaid ; certifying such of the leiges who shall not give due obedience hereunto , or who shall contemn or neglect the keeping and observing of the saids days and duties that they shall be proceeded against by fyning , not exceeding an hundred pounds scots . and we with advice foresaid , require and command the sheriffs of the several shires , stewarts of stewartries , lords and baillies of regalities , and their deputs , justices of peace , and magistrats of burghs within their several jurisdictions , to proceed against the persons guilty , and to exact the fynes accordingly , to be applyed the one half to the judge , and the other half to the poor of the paroch : and certifying such minister● as shall fail of their duty , in not observing the premisses , and in not reading , and duely intimating of thir presents in manner after-mentioned , they shall be processed before the lords of our privy council . and we with advice foresaid , require the several magistrats above-mentioned , betwixt and the twenty second day of july next to come , to make report to the lords of our privy council , of these ministers within their respective jurisdictions , who shall fail in their duty and obedience to the premisses . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that incontinent these our-letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the remanent mercat-crosses of the head burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom , and in our name and authority , make publication hereof , that none pretend ignorance . and we ordain our sollicitor to dispatch copies hereof , to the sheriffs of the several shires , and stewarts of stewartries , and their deputs or clerks to be by them published at the mercat-crosses of the head-burghs upon receipt thereof , and immediatly sent to the several ministers , ●o the effect they may read and intimat the same from their pulpits upon the lords days , immediatly preceeding the days above appointed ; and ordains these presents to be printed and published in manner foresaid . given under our signet at edinburgh , the fifth day of june , and of our reign the eighth year . 1696. per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot cls. sti. concilii . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty , anne dom. 1696. a proclamation, for a solemn national fast to be keeped monethly. scotland. privy council. 1691 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05606 wing s1792 estc r183472 52528964 ocm 52528964 179043 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05606) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179043) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:32) a proclamation, for a solemn national fast to be keeped monethly. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : willliam and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : anno dom. 1691. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet, at edinburgh, the twenty day of april, and of our reign the third year, 1691. signed: da. moncrief, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng prayers -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. fasts and feasts -church of scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion monogram of 'w' (william) superimposed on' m' (mary) diev et mon droit honi soit qui mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , for a solemn national fast to be keeped monethly . william and mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch as the commission of the general assembly of this church , have applyed to the lords of our privy council , that they would interpose their civil sanction , for keeping of a solemn national fast and humiliation , in all the kirks and meeting-houses of this our ancient kingdom , for imploring the blessing of the lord upon us , in our counsels and undertakings , in defence of the true reformed religion , and of these lands ; and especially , that god would countenance us in this present war , preserving our royal person , and giving success to our arms by sea and land , at home and abroad . therefore we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , do hereby command and enjoyn , that the said solemn fast and humiliation , for the ends above-set-down , be religiously observed , by all persons within this kingdom , both in churches and meeting-houses , upon the last wednesday of may next to come , and thereafter monethly , upon the last wednesday of each moneth , untill the last wednesday of august next inclusivè . and ordains all ministers either in kirks , or meeting-houses , to read these presents , publickly from the pulpit , a sunday or two before the first day appointed for keeping the said fast , and humiliation , and upon a sunday , before each last wednesday , during the space foresaid ; and to the effect that this so necessary and religious a duty may be publictly performed , and punctualy observed , and our pleasure in the premisses known , our will is herefore , and we charge you straitly , and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat-crosses of the head burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom , and in our name and authority , make publication of the premisses , that none may pretend ignorance . and we ordain our sollicitor , to dispatch coppies hereof , to the sheriffs of the several shires , and stewarts of the stewartries , and their deputs , or clerks ; to be by them published at the mercat-crosses of the head-burghs , upon receipt thereof . and immediately sent to the several ministers , both in kirks and meeting-houses ; to the effect , they may read and intimate the same from their pulpits , and may seriously exhort all persons to a sincere and devote observance thereof , as they will be answerable at their perril . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published in manner forsaid . given under our signet , at edinburgh , the twenty day of april , and of our reign the third year , 1691. per actum dominorum sti. concilii . da. moncrief , cls. sti. concilii . god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anno dom. . 1691. the libertine school'd, or a vindication of the magistrates power in religious matters. in ansvver to some fallacious quæries scattered about the city of limrick, by a nameless author, about the 15th of december, 1656. and for detection of those mysterious designs so vigorously fomented, if not begun among us, by romish engineers, and jesuitick emissaries, under notionall disguises ... (politicæ uti & ecclesiasticæ. axiom. arabic.) published, by claudus gilbert, b.d. and minister of the gospel at limrick in ireland. gilbert, claudius, d. 1696? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85986 of text r202210 in the english short title catalog (thomason e923_4). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 202 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85986 wing g702 thomason e923_4 estc r202210 99862584 99862584 114747 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85986) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114747) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 139:e923[4]) the libertine school'd, or a vindication of the magistrates power in religious matters. in ansvver to some fallacious quæries scattered about the city of limrick, by a nameless author, about the 15th of december, 1656. and for detection of those mysterious designs so vigorously fomented, if not begun among us, by romish engineers, and jesuitick emissaries, under notionall disguises ... (politicæ uti & ecclesiasticæ. axiom. arabic.) published, by claudus gilbert, b.d. and minister of the gospel at limrick in ireland. gilbert, claudius, d. 1696? [18], 57, [1] p. printed for francis tyton, at the three daggers in fleetstreet, london : 1657. annotation on thomason copy: "aug: 18". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng courts -early works to 1800. church and state -early works to 1800. limerick (limerick, ireland) -history -early works to 1800. a85986 r202210 (thomason e923_4). civilwar no the libertine school'd, or a vindication of the magistrates power in religious matters.: in ansvver to some fallacious quæries scattered ab gilbert, claudius 1657 35147 12 140 0 0 0 0 43 d the rate of 43 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-05 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the libertine school'd , or a vindication of the magistrates power in religious matters . in answer to some fallacious quaeries scattered about the city of limrick , by a nameless author , about the 15th of december , 1656. and for detection of those mysterious designs so vigorously fomented , if not begun among us , by romish engineers , and jesuitick emissaries , under notionall disguises . published , by claudius gilbert , b. d. and minister of the gospel at limrick in ireland . rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. let every soul be subject , &c. zech. 13. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. and i will cause the prophets and unclean spirits to pass out of the land , &c. isa. 49. 23. and kings shall be thy uursing fathers , &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} magistratus in terra , coarctionis haeres , quodvis improbum pudefaciens , judic. 18. 7. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} dei timor principium sapientiae , ( politicae uti & ecclesiasticae . axiom . arabic . london , printed for francis tyton , at the three daggers in fleetstreet . 1657. to his excellency the lord henry cromwell commander in chief of the forces in ireland . and to the right honourable his highnesses councel for the affairs of ireland . right honourable , the glory of the latter daies consists very much in their godly magistrates ; and the glory of those magistrates in their promoting of christs glory . when the lords spirit would give an abstract of heaven on earth , he promises kings and queens for nursing fathers and mothers to his church . thus portion and protection are assured to his people , on the most honourable and happy tearms . the lord himself is pleased to put his own name upon those persons to whom he gives a providentiall commission to act in his name , with civil authority in the managing of his interest on earth . he hath said ye are gods , by a providentiall voice , that ye might act like god , and for god , in subordination to his providence . such shields of the earth belong unto him in a peculiar way , which are made by him , and must act for him in a peculiar manner . he needs no instruments about any work , yet is he pleased to honour instruments about his greatest work . it s your honour to be employed by him , he makes it your happiness to be faithfull to him . that he will employ ministers of his word to instruct his church , it 's from his grace ; that he doth intrust magistrates with his sword for the protection of his church , it 's for his glory . both jewell and case , mans soul and body were framed by him , as god of nature ; both soul and body were by his sonne redeemed , as the god of all grace . both the internall and externall man do need his spirit for the good of both : magistrates and ministers are called to office , and blessed therein , by the same spirit . moses and aaron were joined of old in ordering christs law : zerubabell and joshua were not severed in the restoring thereof . though primitive churches wanted , for a season , the magistrates help , yet in due season were they made partakers of that royall favour . they wanted them first , that gods glory might not , on mistake , be given to man ; they had them again , that the same glory might not be still abused by man . no sooner did antichrist make incroachments on christs ministry , but he usurped as fast on his magistracy ; he swallowed up that , as the two horned beast , ecclesiastically ; and he subdued this , as the ten horned beast , politically . christ recovered both from antichristian yoke in his great reformation , as both had been usurped from him , by antichristian defection . when he took care to purifie his church in its ministry , he shewed no less care about the magistracy . as some of both sorts have witnessed for him in a sackcloth condition ; so some of both sorts shall witness of him in a seasonable ascension . when he gives his people pastors after his own heart , he gives them rulers to govern in his waies . thus he acts by men after the manner of men , because he deals with men in the things of god . the world is his great house that must be well taught ; but it 's through sinne , a discomposed house that needs a good rule . gods interest is such in faithfull rulers , that satan will be still attempting all means to blast their faithfulness ; if he cannot keep them from doing gods work , he will use instruments to marre that very work . much of it appeared in former experiences , and we see it too sadly in these latter daies . good men shall be seduced to betray gods work , yea and perswaded that it 's satans work . that which the lord doth tender with most zeal , error will perswade to slight with most neglect : if god put much stress on the first table of his law , error will take it off from the magistrates care . what many other parts have sadly bewailed , we finde now much cause to bemoan afresh . that spirit that once disturbed germany , is gotten too deeply into our bowels . christs ministers were first struck at by that hand , which reached the next blow to the magistrates . those foxes and wolves that would worry christs flock , cannot bear good will to faithfull shepherds . they would first debauch the spirits of men , and then their bodies will be surely theirs . the ministers first shall be antichristian , and the magistrates shall bear that title next . munster had once many fair warnings , but the things of their peace were hid from their eyes . if we gain wisdom by our neighbours harm , it 's a mercy of the choicest kinde . that good hand of heaven that brought your honours into this wilderness , hath much to do here for you , and by you . israels condition in their wilderness , is a most lively parallell of this land . they had christ present in his ordinances , but wanted a heart to improve the same : signall redemptions the lord wrought for them , but his wondrous works they had soon forgotten : magistrates and ministers he provided them , but they slighted and scorned the one and the others : holy profession god called them to , they soon abused it to self-exalting : moses and aaron were easily despised , when corah and his crue had once got their hearts . when divine ordinances were counted humane , humane presumptions were counted divine . their levelling spirits that would equalize all , soon met with a check from their superior . they sank alive into the earths bowels , that bid defiance to the god of heaven . the lords jealousie maintained his servants , who had zealously maintained his name . they were soon consumed by fire from gods house , who made it their work to fire gods house . they regarded not his daily provisions , and they paid dear for foolish desires . when the lords servants were doing them most good , they were then plotting to do them most evil . thus are they our glass and our pourtraiture , that we may the better learn to mend our faults . moses had to do with a froward people , your honours charge here looks too much like them . the wisdom and zeal he received from god are stored up in christ for all your supplies . that christ who was all to him and to them , is ready to give all to you and to us . his substitutes you are , who is our sovereign ; that his work in your hands may be prosperous , is our ardent prayer . the magistrates right is the scope of these papers ; duly therefore presented to you , to do their homage . they speak your honour and your happiness , in your honouring and serving the lord . his jewels on earth he trusts with you , that his worship and friends may be your jewels . the lord is with you , whilst you be with him , if any forsake him , such will he forsake . the glorious characters of his presence with you , to this very day , may much revive your hearts , and strengthen your hands . he hath been with you as the lord of hoasts , he will be yours still , as the god of peace . that you may do much , expect much from him , so shall your returns answer your receipts . those unclean spirits that are now raging shall soon be cast out by the prince of peace . he doth overturn and shake all nations , that christ the desire of the nations may come . that king of nations shall regain his right , which as king of saints he will still improve . your honours daily work is multiplicious and momentous still ; aarons and hurs hands must be subservient to uphold your own . it 's our delight to serve you cordially , that you may serve christ most effectually . i dare not presume any longer on you than to signifie my zealous ambition , to be and appear in the work of christ , your lordships humbly devoted servant , claudius gilbert . from my study in limrick , decem. 22. 1656. the preface . christian reader , the civil power of the magistrate in matters of religion is a weighty point much controverted in these daies , as it hath formerly been upon severall accounts . the champions of truth have been put upon it in all ages to vindicate this part of christs interest , against the renewed assaults of numerous adversaries . the sophisticall mistakes of its oppugners hath drawn them and their followers into dangerous absurdities and contradictions therein . very few of them , if any , have laboured to state the question aright , that they might debate it methodically . many outcries we indeed meet with against compulsion of conscience , but very little of sober discourse about the magistrates civil power in religious matters , where it crosses the pretence of conscience . that no violent force should or can be put upon mens consciences , being granted to them , most of their arguments fight with their own shadows : some would seem to oppose all kinde of magistraticall power in any part of the first table , pleading for a licentious liberty of all sorts therein . others admit of limitations and severall distinctions therein , and yet the strength of their reasons , complies with the former , when duly weighod . many worthy pens have taken very commendable pains in stating and vindicating of that legall right , which the lords magistraticall substitute is entrusted with as custos & vindex utriusque tabulae : specially mr thomas cobbet in 1653. n. england , hath found abundant cause to praise the lord for the due exercise and vindication of that power , the neglect and opposition whereof was like to have proved their overthrow in civils and ecclesiasticals . the same spirit of error hath struggled there so hard for libertinism , hath gotten too much strength and favour in these nations . the like design hath been therefore vigorously drawn on , to take off the magistrate from that part of his work which is the most noble and most needfull in such a season : various interests have joined forces herein , yea divers good men have been ensnured into it at unawares . there is a fallacious plausibility in many things said therein , which takes easily with the weak and credulous christian , as in all other doctrines of error . some would promote it , that they may promote and shelter at pleasure , their levelling , ranting and quaking principles . others favour it for fear of being restrained in some things which the magistrate cannot but see just cause to take cognizance of for regulation . what rank our querist is to be numbred in , we cannot certainly say , his paper not being subscribed by any , though his drift may be easily guessed at : it grieves our hearts most , to see any of christs professed friends taking part in such a quarrell with the common enemy of his word and ordinances . the sad consequent of sinfull separations from the reformed protestant churches , appears much in this , as in other things . when the unity of the spirit that should keep the bond of peace in the unity of christian faith and baptism within gods house , comes into disregard , it cannot but prove fatally ominous to the ushering in of those many evils , which have still been concomitants thereof . the primitive times afford us many wofull instances of it , and germany with other parts hath verified it by sad experience ever since the great reformation begun . schismaticall rendings of the church of christ were very seldom free from hereticall apostasi●s had we no record , divine or humane , ancient or modern to testifie this truth , the posture of persons and things among us would demonstrate it too abundantly . yet would not we be mistaken in shewing the bitter fruits of sinfull separations , as if we disowned all separations . there is a good separation from evil , required of god ; as there is an evil separation from good , forbidden by him . a separation from the man of sinne , and from the sinne of man , is a christians duty , revel. 18. 4. 2 cor. 6. 18 , 19. isa ▪ 52. 11. jer. 51. 6. but separation from the church and good ordinances of god is an unchristian sinne . christ owned the jewish church in its publique ministry and worship , though distempered with many corruptions in every part thereof ; whilst they retained the fundamentals of religion , he still entertained communion with them . as long as that first administration of the lords gracious covenant lasted , both he and his apostles maintained correspondency with that visible church of his , whilst they did most keenly rebuke the members thereof for their severall enormities : yea , and after their setting up of that evangelicall worship ( which as the second administration of the lords gracious covenant , was to make an end of the ceremonials , and continue to the worlds end , heb. 9. 10 , 11 , 12. heb. 12. 26 , 27. matth. 28. 21. matth. 26. 1 cor. 11. 26. ) yet were they so shie of rending the garment of christs body , his church , that they did for a long time bear with the jewish outrages , labouring by all means to keep fair with them , and broke not off , as long as they could hold with them in the great foundation of religion . the like course was taken by god and his servants towards israel and judah , before their babylonian captivity . the kingdom of the ten tribes ( often called israel , ephraim , samaria , &c. by way of distinction ) revolted from gods worship , under jeroboam and his successors , corrupting the same , perverting the ministry , advancing the lowest of the people to the priesthood , joining idolatry of severall kindes thereto , &c. yet were they still owned , and called the people and spouse of god , and communion with them kept by the prophets till their captivity . so when the kingdom of the two tribes , called judah and benjamin , did gradually apostatize from the purity of gods worship , joining often idolatry and gross evils thereto , yet were they still honoured with the name of gods people , his portion and church , jerem. 50. 7. jerem. 51. 5. thus in former ages , though corruption did increase apace in the christian churches beginning in the apostles daies , and successively spreading till the man of sin got into christs seat , being ascended to his meridian of supream power , infallible in ecclesiasticals and temporals ; yet were the lords servants in all their vigilant and zealous vindications of his truth , very carefull still to maintain the vnity and peace of the church to the utmost , till the whore of rome by separating from christian fundamentals , had necessitated them to separate utterly from her communion . truth and peace are so dear friends to christ , that his friends cannot but be friendly to them both , as farre as their power reaches . those faithfull defenders of the truth who were driven away into the wilderness of america , by a turbulent party ( visibly then complying with the roman antichrist ) did still testifie their care of preserving that christian unity , in all their contentions for verity and purity . though they desired much and prayed earnestly for further reformation in the parish churches of england , yet did they still own their church state , and communion therewith . thus sober christians will still be manifesting their love to christian peace , in their hottest pursuits after truth , whether in their own or others societies . the fire of christian zeal is of singular use , when it keeps within its proper place and season . but when it 's scattered , and gets into the thatch , the mischief thereof is unexpressible . what dreadfull convulsions and inflammations hath not such a rash zeal caused ▪ among us , both in church and state ? when christians cannot discover and mend faults without unchristian separations from the church , and unchurching of it , it must needs prove the ground of many sad effects : it did so in the primitive daies , it hath done so in ours . in stead of an amicable debate of things controverted , bitter contests , and wofull ruptures have attended such courses : in stead of amending one fault , more are created afresh ; in stead of recovering one truth , many errours are easily let in . romish engineers are alwaies at hand , to blow the bellows and widen differences ; taking part now with one , new with the other , under a disguise , that their designes may be carried on . they fish best in all such troubled waters , and improve the opportunities of gaining by our losses . this hath been one main cause of so many out-cries for generall tolerations , under the fair colours of liberty of conscience , that every one might follow his own list . the magistrates power hath been so often cried down and exclaimed against , lest errour and sinne should be any way curbed or checked in their unlimited unruly power . some well-minded christians have been that way so extravagant through mis-applications and mis-interpretations of divers scriptures , that they have too often pleaded the devils cause , in thinking to plead the godlies interest . some would give too much to the magistrate , and others too little . some would destroy ecclesiasticall government by advancing the civil : others would destroy the civill by exalting the ecclesiasticall . these two powers which god hath appointed for the churches good in their respective capacities and motions , some would confound , others would destroy , and others would make them to destroy each other . thus varieties of peccant humours breed still varieties of diseases , in all sublunary subjects , when they break their bounds limited to them by the supream disposer of all . to avoid all extreams in this affair , we finde our selves obliged by scripture and reason to own a magistraticall power authorized by gods word to act officially about sacred things in a civil manner , either in commanding , forbidding , or punishing the externall man , according to gods revealed word , for the lords honour , and mans good : a power we say authorized , not a private charitative act ; magistraticall , not ministeriall ; acting officially , not indifferently ; about sacred things of the first table , in a civil manner , not by ecclesiasticall censures : concerning the externall man expressed in words or deeds , not the internall expressed by thoughts ; according to gods revealed word , not his own fansie , or any mans will ; for gods honour and the publique good , not for any selfish ends . thus we have the subject and matter , the author and form , the manner and rule , the object and end of this magistraticall power , so needfull , so usefull . how much is said for demonstration hereof by the reason of god and of man , is touched at in the following tract , having been fully made out by the learned in all ages . all godly princes , jewish and christian have been rendred famous , more or less , according as they more or less tendred gods interest in this eminent charge . if any object , that the jewish princes were types of christ therein ; we answer , the scripture expresses two sorts of types : some properly for adumbration or representation ; thus the high priest and sacrifices typed out christ , heb. 10. 1 , 2. others for imitation and direction , thus gods dealings with israel were types , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or examples , 1 cor. 10. 6 , 11. the former types were to expire , the latter to endure : now that power used by jewish magistrates had nothing of a shadow , but much for example , being so commanded and commended of god therein , in performing a morall , not ceremoniall duty . if any object , it was part of the judiciall law : we answer , 1. let it be proved wherein it was peculiar to the state . 2. if that were granted , yet the equity of those judicials is still in force , and imitable now as occasion serves ; it s not now unlawfull , though all judicials be not alwaies expedient : gods law is the best rule of our judicials , as king lucius the first christian monarch of brittain , learned of gods word , confirmed to him by letters from eleutherius and others , in the second age from christ , which he also followed ; as did alfred the mirror of princes , and other successors , of their valour and vertue . as for christian emperours , history is full of their noble acts in this way for christ , approved and applauded by all wise christians , in their synods and councils provinciall , nationall , and vniversall . the greek and latine fathers agree in this thing very harmoniously . the very light of nature taught all sober heathens to observe this very thing as a speciall help to mans well being , both for temporals here , and a better state beyond death it self . their famous legislators , charondas , solon , licurgus , zaleucus , plato , &c. their learned philosophers , aristotle , socrates , seneca , plutarch , &c. their chief poets and orators , homer , tully , hesiod , virgill , &c. have many passages to that purpose ; they could not but observe the influence which religion carries into the actions of men , and how much providence hath been found in all ages , smiling upon those persons and societies , who made conscience in a constant tenure of piety and justice , of tendring and promoting the will and honour of the supream god . many hints thereof they have gathered out of holy writs translated into greek ( before that famous version of the lxx , under philadelphus ) and much used in alexandria , whither plato , and other philosophers frequently resorted . the aegyptians also , and phaenicians , and other neighbours of the hebrews , had learned much of the patriarchs and jews successively , which they communicated to other nations , as appears by their poeticall disguises of scripture stories , so abundant in their works . the severall churches reformed in france , holland , switherland , &c. in their confessions and writings , have unanimously owned this power of the magistrate , as of singular conducement to the suppression of evil , and encouragement to the good . many of the learned papists * themselves , ( though the jesuites ascribe so much to the pope and councils , as opposes it diametrally ) have in their sober mood acknowledged the foresaid magistraticall powers upon the said reasons to be very excellently usefull . thus the clear light of this truth extorts acknowledgements from the very adversaries . it 's so much the more sad a judgement to see so many professors of truth prove opposers thereof . these spirituall judgements so common among us , are the worst of all , and usually attended with temporall plagues . when there was no king in israel , no magistrate , no heir of restraint to put the wicked to shame , as it was at laish , judg. 18. 7. so it fared with gods own people , they were soon exposed to desolations of all sorts , 2 chron. 15. 3 , 4 , 5. whilst every one did what was good in his own eyes , very few could be found doing what was good in gods eyes . for want of such a kingly exercise in the seat of judgement , to scatter all evil with his eyes , prov. 20. 8. all kinde of evil gathered so fast , that many a storm followed those dark clouds . the power ordained of god for thy good , saith the apostle ( without exception ) rom. 13. 3 , 4 , 5. is also a revenger of every evil , ( without exception , for which the law distinguishes not , we may not distinguish , and if you except one sort of good or evil , you may as well except the other , and so null the text ) and a terrour to all that do evil , so that we must needs be subjects , not for wrath only , but also for conscience sake : the conscience you see is bound , though it be not forced to such an obedience . as the magistrates conscience is bound in his charge as gods deputy to regulate and promote every good of the externall man in religion ; so is he bound in conscience to forbid and punish evil therein , according to its degree . as thus his conscience , so is the subjects conscience bound by the divine precept ; as the one in commanding , so the other in obeying . if any object , this will bring tyranny and slavery : answer , where gods law is the rule , as here it ought to be , there can be neither tyranny nor slavery . 2. by the same reason you might deny his power about the second table for fear of tyranny , and so make him a cipher . if you say , there is an ecclesiasticall way of dealing with christians : we answer , 1. all are not christians . 2. all christians regard not church censures . 3. christians are to be dealt with by the church in matters of the second table also ; will you deny the magistrates cognizance of that therefore , that he may be vox praeterea nihil ? 4. the church deals with offenders in its way ecclesiastically , the magistrate in his , civilly ( without interfering ) with their respective members . if any pretend conscience against either , the word of god is the regula regulans that rules conscience , and all things else . conscience is but regula regulata , which obliges not against gods word , nor excuses from sinne : david and paul acknowledge their sins of ignorance , and against a good conscience , and very great , psal. 19. 12 , 15. act. 26. 9 , 10 , 11. if a man suffer with an erroneous conscience , it s for sinne , not for conscience . is was and is still the great sinne of unregenerate conscience , that it cannot be , it s not subject to the law of god , rom. 8. 7. even the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the wisest and sublimest conscience , and judgement before conversion , is thus fleshly ; and some of it remains in the best , as farre as unrenewed . the dictate of conscience cannot be plea for any sinne , though sometimes it may lessen it , it never can null sin . neitheir can any erring conscience discharge any from his duty required by gods word , it can make none lawless as it self may not be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , without law . none therefore should plead for a generall toleration of conscience , because most mens consciences being wholly corrupt , tit. 1. 15 , 16 , 17. and the best retaining much corruption , this were to plead for sinne , yea to give publique allowance to sinne , it were to proclaim rebellion against god , to set up a traitor in christs seat , to set up mans fallible conscience for an infallible supream judge ; this were to invite the worst of men and spirits to settle among us , under pretence of conscience : what mischief so horrid in opinion , affection or practise , that such a toleration would not countenance ? what if moses by gods command , did tolerate divorce , for the hardness of their heart ? christ tels us , it was their sinne occasioned it ; the supream law-giver may dispense therewith at his pleasure , so may not any inferiour person . we should not indeed be the slaves of men , as paul forbids , 1 cor. 7. 22 , 23. but to have our conscience bound to gods word , and our externall man bound to the magistrates rule , which still is to be ruled by the word , this is to be the servants of god in perfect freedom . the magistrate is bound to use all fit means of satisfying and rectifying mens consciences , especially in things less clear to some , but he must not neglect his duty , because some will still be unsatisfied , no more than the church is to neglect theirs . it 's the snare of an erroneous conscience , that it sins either way , it cannot avoid sin ; there is so much the more need that all means be endeavoured for the purging and clearing thereof . it behoves the magistrate as well as all other superiours , not to make himself guilty of other mens sins , by neglect of his own duty . salomon is charged for going after ashtaroth , because he gave his wives leave to do it , and joined therein afterwards himself . the toleration of the high-places ( though they were for worship to god only , 2 chron. 33. 17. ) yet it was the sin of those princes that suffered it a long time , being contrary to gods law , deut. 12. 11 , 12 , 13. god charges it , even on godly eminent reformers , as asa , jehoshaphat , &c. till josias . gamaliels counsel , pleaded by some , will prove a poor shelter of fig-leaves to cover such a sinfull nakedness , of permitting known evil with such a neutrall spirit . what wickedness might not be pleaded for by the same reason ? a christian indeed should be meek and patient , 1 cor. 13. in a good way ; but not to the neglect of his duty against evil , which was eli's great sin , who therein honoured his sons more than god , 1 sam. 2. 29. it cost him , them , and all israel dear , for a warning to us all , eccl 8. 11. sinfull tolleration brings wofull augmentation of evil still . we must do to others , it 's true , as we would be done to , so that gods will , and mans duty be not neglected . the law indeed is not to the righteous , or against the righteous , as righteous ; but it 's laid against all unrighteousness , whether reigning or remaining in any ; paul himself was not without the law , but under the law to christ , 1 cor. 9. 21. jam. 2. 8. we should have a tender care of tender consciences , but a most tender care of gods pleasure and honour , the sole rule , and source of mans duty and good . vnfaithfull tenderness is cruell pity , both to the patient and others . the magistrate is lord of the externall man , for good ; though not of any mans faith ; mans soul being above his reach , whereof faith is a speciall act . he infringes no christian liberty , when he checks sinfull libertinism , miscalled liberty : prosecution of evil is no persecution of good . if papists and others take occasion to abuse any from hence , so do they abuse and pervert scripture , and all good things . we must not think to do jews or others good , by doing or tollerating evil . gods cause needs not be beholding to the devils help , nor will it be furthered thereby . white witches are alwaies most mischievous in the conclusion . the magistrates authoritative owning of the truth , is not like to hinder the progress thereof ; he may possibly mistake , and therefore needs all meet help , being accountable to god for the matter and manner of his work . what other objections are moved against this truth , may be more fully answered in the following resolves . decemb. 22. 1656. c. g. the libertine school'd , or a vindication of the magistrates power in matters of religion . in answer to the fallacious queries of a nameless author , lately spread about the city of limrick . for detection of those mysterious designs so vigorously fomented , if not begun among us , by romish engineers , and jesuitick emissaries , under notionall disguises . thus begins our querist . qu. 1. whether it be not better for us that a patent were granted to monopolize all the corn and cloth , and to have it measured out unto us at their price , and pleasure , which yet were as intollerable , as for some men to appoint , and measure out unto us what , and how much we shall believe and practise in matters of religion ? ans. 1. the whole may be granted without danger as it 's expressed . 2. if we may guess that their meaning by their scope , is to shew by this comparison , the unreasonableness of the magistrates inforcing in religious matters ; then we answer by shewing the fallacy of the comparison , in setting forth the true parallel . the lord is the absolute sovereign of all things civil and sacred ; man is not so in neither , yet is the magistrate the lords servant to enforce by civil power the disposall of things in both , as god hath appointed in his word : for things civil , it 's easily granted ; for sacred matters , besides many other signall instances given in both testaments , by way of precept and promise , prefiguration and president , see deut. 13. 5. deut. 17. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. ezra 6. 11. 12. ezra 7. 6 , 11 , 25 , 26 , 27. compare those verses together , proving the kings grant to be an answer to ezra's request , for constituting magistrates with coercive power , in religious things , in gods name , rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. zech. 13. 3 4 , 5 , 6. a prophesie of gospel times : 1 tim. 2. 1 , 2. isa. 49 23. applicable especially to later daies . qu. 2. whether there be not the same reason that they should be appointed by us what they shall believe and practise in religion ; as for them to do so to us ; seeing we can give as good ground for what we believe and practise , as they can do for what they would have , if not better ? ans. it 's not reasonable that either they or we should appoint to each other , what is to be believed or practised in religion ; but it 's most reasonable that christs law given to us both , should be inforced by the magistrate , the civil substitute of christ . the former proofs do fully clear this , and many other such places , as also , 2 chron. 15. 12 , 13. 2 chron. 19. 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. 2 chron. 34. 4 , 5. neh. 13. 19 , 21 , 22 , &c. we might easily bring in many instances for each command of the first table , how the godly magistrates acted for god according to his command , were it necessary . qu. 3. whether they that would force other mens consciences be willing to have their own forced ? ans. no man may or can force another mans conscience ; but the magistrate is bound by his office as the lords deputy , to oblige and force the externall man to the observance of gods will manifested in his written word , though he be unwilling and pretend conscience . besides the former proofs clearing this , see 1 king. 18. 40 , 41 , &c. though baals priests pleaded conscience for idolatry , yet were they put to death by elijahs command , which execution was attended with speciall blessings , joh. 16. 2. they that plead conscience for putting christians to death , it excuses not , but they should suffer for it , according to that indispensable law , genes . 9. 6. asa , 2 chron. 14. 4. commanded all to seek the lord , and to do the law nehemiah contended with the nobles , and threatned strangers about their abuses in tithes , and the sabbath , neh. 13. 11 , 17 , 19 , 21. qu. 4. whether christ hath said he will have an unwilling people compelled to serve him ? ans. though he hath not said those very words , yet hath he said in effect so much in those many scriptures that testifie the magistrates duty , to that end , either by precept commanding it , or by presidents commended for it , or rewarded in it ; or by the contrary forbidden , reproved , threatned , and punished for neglect , contempt , or abuse of that duty . the scriptures forementioned do fully prove this , as also very many more , were it needfull to quote them . it was the commendation of asa , and his people , 2 chron. 14. 4 , 5. 2 chron. 15. having been stirred up by the prophet , they acted further , vers. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 putting down the idolatrous queen-mother with her idoll , for which they were signally blessed . qu. 5. if a father or magistrate have not power to force a virgin to marry one she cannot love ; whether they have power to force one where they cannot believe against the light and checks of their own consciences ? ans. 1. the discourse hitherto hath been concerning acts of the outward , not of the inward man , whereof believing is one , wherein the magistrate hath no power nor authority , neither {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , nor {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as is confessed by all : so that the question as worded , is but captious and impertinent . yet if by believing the querist means profession of faith , or practise of religious duties required of the outward man , it 's answered , that though a father or magistrate have no power to force a virgin to marry one she cannot love , yet hath the magistrate power to force one , where he cannot believe , though against the light and check of his conscience . because , 1. a virgin before contract is not bound to any one person for a husband , but every soul under gospel-publication is bound to own christ for a husband , and his word written for the rule of their faith , profession and practice . 2. though god allows virgins to chuse their husbands , yet doth he not allow men to chuse any religion besides his own . 3. as the magistrate hath power to restrain forcibly all women from fornication and adultery , and punish them for it ; so may and should he restrain all persons from spirituall fornication and adultery committed by the outward man , and punish them for the same , though the light and checks of their consciences should erroneously justifie them in their said fornication and adultery ; seeing no plea of conscience can be on any account , a sanctuary to any sin , or breach of gods revealed will . the scriptures formerly named do sufficiently clear this truth . we meet next with an objection proposed by the querist to be answered by himself , drawn from luke 14. 23. which being but a man of clouts for himself to skirmish withall , and not so pertinent to the point in hand , as more weakly asserting the magistrates power , we wave , that we may come the sooner to more express matter for demonstration , by this querist cavilled at . qu. 6. whether the servants of the lord are not forbidden to strive , but to be gentle towards all ? 2 tim. 4. 2. ans. 1. we readily grant it ; and that it was of force of old when transgressours of the first and second table were most severely dealt withall . 2. the scripture quoted saith nothing for their purpose , in that , 1. it speaks not of magistrates , but of ministers duty properly , as appears by the whole context , directed to timothy a minister of christ , as a directory for the ministry . 2. though it should be applied to the magistrate , yet will it not exclude his civil jurisdiction , and power , as it excludes not the ministers : the scope of the place signifying to us , that none of the lords servants should strive for any evil matter , nor in an evil manner , ( though for good ) but against evil in a good manner , as jud. 3. 4. gal. 2. 11. neh. 13. rom. 13. 4 , 5 , 6. for this they are commended , rev. 2. 2 , 3. for the neglect thereof they are rebuked , rev. 2. 14. 20 , 21. rev. 3. 13 , 16. to this duty they are also often stirred up , both in their civil and spirituall relations . it becometh not christian magistrates to be cowed in christs cause , nor to betray the same by cowardliness , or by respects , prov. 20. 8. exod. 32. 20 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30. rom. 13. zech. 13. 2 , 3 , 4 ▪ 5. rev. 17. 16. qu. 7. whether the saints weapons against errors be carnall or no ? 2 cor. 10. 4. or whether the semi-independents were of that minde in the bishops daies ? ans. 1. to the first part , ministers weapons ( of whom the text properly quoted speaks ) are not carnall but spirituall , and mighty through god ; of this minde were judicious christians ( whether nick-named independents or others ) in the bishops daies , as they are still . 2. if we should grant it , to include the magistrates weapons , we deny them to be sinfully carnall , though we grant them to be civilly carnall , and yet according to gods ordinance , rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 1 pet. 2. 13 , 14. qu. 8. whether it be not in vain for us to have bibles in english , if even against our souls perswasions from the scriptures , we must beleeve as the church or parish beleeves ? ans. 1. this question is impertinently proposed to protestants , who deny either church or parish to be the rule of their faith ; however it may be among the papists , and all pharisaicall professours of implicite faith , and blinde obedience . 2. the scripture must therefore be translated into all vulgar tongues , that every man may thereby learn to know and discern , what the church and we ought to beleeve , and to conform his belief thereto . conscience is to be enlightned and quickned by gods light in scripture , that our faith may not be pinned upon any mans sleeve ; but that all , as the noble beraeans , may try all doctrines by the word , bringing all to the law and to the testimony ; that thereby their dark mind may be gradually directed , through that light which shines in the ministry of christ and the church , and their mistakes rectified . wherein their judgements may possibly differ , they are to enquire soberly , diligently , and submissively , till satisfaction be mutually given and received . but this takes not off the magistrates power in commanding the outward man about things clearly revealed in scripture , witness peter , paul , and all the scriptures before quoted . qu. 9. whether our magistrates and governours be not wronged , to give them the titles of civil magistrates only , if their power be spirituall ? ans. 1. the magistrate is not wronged thereby , seeing his power is not spiritual , but civil , though sometimes imployed about spiritual things . 2. our magistrates are truly called civil , because the means and manner of executing their office , their laws and arms , their proceedings and courses , their rewards and punishments , are all civil only , and not spirituall or ecclesiasticall . though their object is sometimes spirituall , as in things of the first table . so that it s their duty to reduce all to gods honour , and therefore to maintain and observe his will revealed , being custodes utriusque tabulae , uti & vindices ; keepers and defenders of both tables , to regulate the externall man accordingly . they act , politically , about ecclesiasticall things , as constantine the great said of himself , and as becomes the nursing-fathers of gods people . their charge is to be the shepheards of nations , as that great prince is styled in history . their power therein is directive , and protective ; remunerative and cumulative ; not destructive , but edificative , as all former texts clearly demonstrate . qu. 10. whether compulsion of conscience was ever in practise among the nations or churches , till the times of antichrist ? ans. conscience cannot , must not be compelled forcibly by man , yet is it no protection from that sword , which is a terrour to every evil work , and requires obedience from every soul . heresies are such evil works of the flesh , called evil deeds by john , whereof he would have no christians to partake , 2 joh. v. 11. errours destructive of fundamentals are properly called heresies , especially , when obstinately maintained . that very sword is also the lords servant for good , without exception . there were many christian magistrates before the roman antichrist gat up into christs throne , as constantine , the theodosii , marcian , &c. by whose signall orders were kept the four general councils : 1. that of nice , against arius , for denying christs god-head , under constantine . 2. that of constantinople , against macedonius , for denying the spirits godhead , under theodosius senior . 3. that of ephesus , against nestorius , for dividing christ into two persons , under theodosius junior . 4. that of chalcedon , against eutyches , for confounding both natures in christ , under marcian . those godly princes convened synods , presided therein , assisted , protected , and quickned them in their severall consults , owned their resolves , and promoted them to their power , giving up therein their scepter unto christ , according to those famous prophesies so gloriously expressed concerning them . they counted it more honour to be membrum ecclesiae , a member of the church , as princely theodosius said , quàm caput imperii , than head of the empire . it was antichrist that usurped on them gradually , and by getting into the magistrates seat disabled him from doing his homage to his sovereign christ . thus the faithfull rulers are honoured in divine records for their singular care of his interest . david and salomon , asa and jehoshaphat , ezechias and josias , zerubbabel and nehemias , with divers others , have signall monuments erected to their same , by the lords own hands upon that account : yea , pagan princes were so far owned of god , as they owned him in that way ; witness nebuchadnezzar , sent to learn that lesson among bruits , in seven years schooling there , because he would not learn it to purpose before of god , by man , for all daniels teachings . thus darius , artaxerxes , another darius , and divers more , are memorably recorded for this . those princes were still rebuked and plagued that slighted and abused the same , as jeroboam and his successors in israel ; ahaez and others in judah , besides many more , that might be named . but the querist subjoyns reasons to strengthen his doubt . r. 1. the sichemites , saith he , used no compulsion to jacob and his sons , during their abode among them . ans. the sichemits case is absurdly quoted . nihil ad rhombum . they were heathens , who neither owned god , nor his will revealed . jacobs family were no subjects of theirs , no disturbers , no opposers of gods will and worship . they were neighbours entring into league , which was afterwards wickedly broken by simeon and levi . our querist , it seems , is hard put to it , being forced to call in heathens for his rule . r. 2. the israelites , saith he , when a captivity , yet enjoyed their consciences . ans. the israelites in captivity enjoyed their conscience , so long as they kept to their duty , according to gods will revealed to them : but that cannot plead for tolleration of any thing contrary to gods revealed will . when false prophets did then arise to seduce and corrupt , they met with their due wages from god and from man ; witness the juggling prophets , zedechias and ahab , burnt with fire by nebuchadnezzar , for that sinne common among our libertines , community of wives . as manes the seducer was afterwards flead alive by the persian king for his impostures . r. 3. the romans , saith he , bore with the jews in their religion , though a tributary nation . ans. the romans instance is little to the purpose , who were pagans , strangers to gods word , and minded nothing but their worldly interest , to keep all quiet under their empire . yet did many of the jewish false prophets suffer under and by them ; witness josephus their great historian and patriot . it was the jews following of seducing impostors which made them rise against magistracy and ministry in their pretence of the light within , and brought both their church and state into confusion , and themselves to ruine by the roman power , and their intestine discords , as the said josephus clears at large . much after the same manner was that tragedy , which was re-acted by those monstrous impostors of germany , munster , leyden , amsterdam , switzerland , &c. in the years 1522 , 1523 , 1533 , 1534 , &c. stock and muncer , john becold and knipperdoling , skicker and battenburgh , with many more representing the like sad spectacles , upon the like pretences of christs kingdom , and liberty ; witness so many authors of approved fidelity , living about those places and times . qu. 11. what would become of the protestants of france , who live under popish magistrates , if they should appear for compulsion of conscience ? ans. as for the french protestants , their doctrine agrees harmoniously with ours in this , as in other points of religion , witness their prime authors . with them accord the divines of germany , switzerland , netherlands , &c. yea , the very lutherans in the case of tumultuous hereticks , ( though they have seemed most favourable towards those more quiet ones , that stirred not then so openly , as many did . ) servetus suffered death at geneva for blasphemy , by the senates order , and with the approbation of the protestant cantons and german divines , who were first consulted with . neither is there any compulsion of conscience in this , but punishment of wickedness , on such who subvert their own and others consciences , in the ruine of all truth and peace . good men need not fear the powers , but evil men must and cannot but dread them . such a liberty of conscience is desired among us and them , as may prove freedom from sin , the liberty of heaven ; not freedom to sin , the liberty of hell . it would be their joy and ours , as it 's our joint desire and prayer , that all magistrates may so study their power in divine and spirituall things , as to countenance all good , and discountenance all evil . if they mistake in the application , that is mans fault , not the rules . none must neglect their duty for fear of mistakes , but be so much the more diligent and vigilant therein . as we may not do evil , that good may come of it : so may we not neglect the good , least evil should come . man should minde gods work , and trust him for help and success . the protestants of france have found the good experience thereof hitherto , under varieties of dispensations . qu. 12. whether doth not the practise of compulsion of conscience among protestants , greatly harden the papists in their inquisitory practises ? and whether so long as they are hardned and confirmed by us , there be any likelihood that the gospel should take footing in spain or italy ? ans. our doctrine and practise are no encouragement to spanish and romish inquisitions , no more than the execution of justice upon malefactors may be called encouragement to the bloodiness of wicked men , against honest righteous persons . let justice be done , what ever become of it , said that famous emperour , upon good ground . the great favour shewed to the irish papists against the laws of god and man , before the late unparallel'd rebellion , did no good , but much hurt to all sorts . the pampering of a foul body , is no good way to the curing of it , but effectuall physick , diet and dressing . evil men will take advantage from , and offence at the best things , as good men will extract good out of the worst . spain and italy were awed in queen elizabeths time , when good laws were vigorously prosecuted against perverters and pretenders of conscience , who carried on hellish designes , under specious disguises . but the sinfull compliances of king james and king charles courts , though from pretended depths of politick interest , proved fatall to all , as in these nations , so in foreign parts . thereby were very many thousands of protestants betrayed and deserted in bohemia and the palatinate , in france and germany , in denmark and hassia , &c. thereby were these nations almost enslaved under romish and spanish tyranny , and the reformed religion brought to its last gasp , if an extraordinary hand of heaven had not made way towards our hopes of recovery in the severall parts of europe . spain and italy have been the mother and nurse of antichrist from his first rise hitherto , which way soever you please to reckon it . some begin about anno 396. at the division of the roman empire ( after the death of theodosius the great ) between his sons honorius and arcadius . others begin about anno 408. when the empire was torn into ten parts , by the barbarous invasions of the huns and goths , vandals and franks , heruls and burgundians , alemans and jepids , &c. which gave rise to that ten-horned beast in politicals ; and to that two horned beast in ecclesiasticals . others rather begin it about anno 607. when mahomet did rise in the east , and bonifacius the romish prelate in the west , first obtained the title of universall bishop from bloody phocas , who gave it him to gain a friend in the west , who soon overtopp'd all . gregory the great , bishop of rome , bonifacius his predecessor , had declared a while before , the patriarch of constantinople to be the fore-runner of antichrist , for usurping that title of universall bishop . the italian and spanish churches did suck in apace the multiplicious errors and idolatrous superstitions , which did from time to time infest christianity , witness the many councils and synods of rome , braga , toledo , sevill , and of other cities of spain and italy in their successive progress . since the setting up of the austrian family , first in the german empire , and in the kingdom of spain , both italy and spain have been twisting into one antichristian interest ( though some particular states and princes of italy sometimes be over-ruled by their own proper byas . ) and the jesuites of all nations have learned to center all their designes , in the advancement of the same , for the framing of a new european monarchy , under an austrian head , and the popes guidance . all their mysteries of state , their arcana imperii move towards this head-plot , in every nation . they have knit so fast into mutuall intimacy , that what the one gains shall help the other . thus were navarre and france , england and america given up to the spaniard by the popes bounty , under pretence of executing his holinesses decrees . there is therefore little hopes of doing them any good or expecting converts there . their doom seems to have been signally foretold , that they should not repent , neither by fair nor foul means , whilst the judiciall vials of gods wrath are pouring forth upon that antichristian sun , the austrian family ; and on rome it self , the metropolitan seat of that antichristian beast . this our brave queen elizabeth , with her wise council , did still well observe , maintaining all in a flourishing state , by keeping the spaniard and pope , at the swords point . they clearly discerned the interest of england to lie , in uniting of all protestants , and keeping all close to the truth and waies of christ , against the renewed combinations of spain and rome . some few sprinklings of converts have indeed formerly been found in those places , as zanchius , peter martyr , the noble marquess caracciolus of vico , &c. but of late they have been much rarer , since the desperate inquisition , ( the spaniards right eye , as he cals it ) hath been so exquisitely cruell and tyrannicall . thus the nearer they draw to their dregs , the worse they prove . it 's observable , that the great merchants of the beast , the spanish and italian grandees , are not amended by her ruine , but only cast into despairing horrors and lamentations . so that little hope is left us of doing them good , upon any terms , though we be still bound and ready to pray for them , and further their good who may be found there to belong to god , so farre as we may go , without neglect of our duty , and without breach of gods law , which hath been sufficiently cleared , as to the magistrates charge , in the preceding discourse . qu. 13. whether it be wisdom and safe to make such judges in matters of religion , and to follow their dictates , who are not infallible , but as subject to errours as others ? ans. in this our querist begins more overtly to open his romish pack , and usher in a popish infallibility from the triple crown , for supream judge of all controversies . this insinuation would make protestants believe that there is neither wisdom nor safety in their religion , and consequently that they must be looked for from that church alone , where they pretend that judge to be found , that is in their own . thus the papist and quaker do boast of that most whereto they are the greatest strangers ( viz. ) perfection and infallibility . we indeed confess our selves ( at the best ) subject to errour , and pretend not to be infallible judges . we would not seem wiser than paul , who knew but in part , 1 cor. 13. 12. or better than james and john , who tell us , that in many things we sin all , both in opinion and practice . but what then ? who shall be judge of the meaning of scripture ? we answer : 1. the spirit of truth speaking in his word , is the supream infallible judge . 2. where he seems to speak obscurely , his words in the context , scope , and other places must be compared to clear his meaning to our shallow judgements . 3. much industry , study and sobriety are required to attain thereto in sundry places ; yet the fundamentals of religion are plainly laid down for the meanest capacity . the lamb may wade where the elephant may swimme . 4. he hath appointed his word to be a convincing , converting , and confirming light to all his people . psal. 19. & psal. 119 , &c. having promised to lead them thereby into all needfull truth , gradually and proportionably , joh. 16. 13. 1 joh. 2. 20 , 28. 5. he hath appointed the ministers of his gospel to be the instrumentall lights to guide his people thereto , matth. 5. 14 , 16. assuring them of his presence , and speciall blessing to the worlds end , matth. 28. 20. luke 10. 16. matth. 10. 40. till all his elect be compleated in the measure of the fulness of christ , eph. 4. 11 , 12. and ordained a way of a successive communication thereof , 2 tim. 2. 2. by the solemn calling of persons qualified and duly approved of into the ministeriall office , according to his rules , 1 tim. 3. tit. 1. 1 tim 4. 14. & 1 tim. 5. 22. having appointed them to be the stewards , shepherds , guides and rulers of his flock in their severall capacities , act. 14. 22. ch. 20. 28. 1 pet. 5. 2. 1 thess. 5. jer. 3. 14 , 15. and this to be the ordinary means leading to their salvation , rom. 10. 14 , 17. 6. because they are weak fallible men who are to succeed the apostles , prophets and evangelists ( more extraordinarily called , gifted , and assisted with a measure answerable to the foundation of the gospel , eph. 2. 20 , 21. 1 cor. 3. 9 , 10 , 11. ) he bids christians not to neglect prophecying ; yet so , as to try all things , as to take nothing without triall , 1 thess. 5. 1 joh 4. 1 , 2. and to redeem all opportunities of receiving and doing good mutually , that they may grow in grace and in the knowledge of christ , heb. 10. 23 , 24. 2 pet. 3. 18. thus his servants are made subordinately ministeriall judges , by way of declaration , and every particular christians judgement is , as unto himself , the judge of discretion , ultimately to determine the application of gods will so revealed to him , to the discharge of his duty . so farre then as any man keeps close to gods word so declared to him , so far is he infallible , whether he be a magistrate , a minister or private christian : herein lies our wisdom and safety , but not in the pretended infallibility of a romish supream judge , who doth so often contradict both the truth and himself ; witness the many schismes by antipopes among them , to the number of twenty seven at least at severall times , sometimes three at once , and a fourth pope set up by putting down the rest ; witness the gross heresies , horrid prophanesses , desperate sorceries , &c. acknowledged by their own authentick records to have been among so many of their popes and prelates ; witness the many contests , oppositions and contradictions of their own councils , popes and chief doctors to this very day . from what hath been said it appears that we make no man supream judge of truth : but give to every man his judgement of discretion for his own practice , and among the rest to the magistrate , as in his private , so in his publick capacity , of both which they are accountable to their own master . qu. 14. whether laws made concerning religion , and proclamation for people to come to their town or parish-church , have not alwaies catched the most holy and conscientious men : witness daniel and the three children : and the rest will be of what religion you will ? ans. as for an orderly bringing of people to the publick place where the minister of christ duly authorized is to dispense the word , the thing it self is very needfull and usefull . if any particular branch of our law be found less expedient , that concerns our lawgivers to look to , so that no conscience truly tender , and truly enlightned , may suffer ; and no licentious person may be suffered to spend those precious seasons , and lose the opportunities of his eternall welfare : when godly , able preachers are setled in all parishes , there will be less excuse to idlers and wanderers . till that can be obtained , the nearest may be attended . if any scruple it upon sufficient ground to be soberly rendered to the magistrate , he may be excused from that penalty , which the lazy and careless neglecters may be obnoxious to through their default . if good men have suffered sometimes by the wresting of a good law , or executing of an evil law , shall it be a disparagement to good orders and laws ? what is there so good but may be abused ? corruptio optimi , pessima . shall men for bear their food , because many surfet and riot ? shall there be no wine in use , because some will be drunk ? this a mad seyth , in plutarch may think well of , but a wise man will improve the good and watch against the evil . are not magistrates nurses to their people , shepherds to their flocks , parents to these children ? should they not then provide for their good , and labour to remove and prevent all evil , both spirituall and temporall in their proper places ? qu. 15. whether freedom of censcience will not join all sorts of persons , souldiers and others , to their officers and magistrates , because each shared in the benefit ? ans. would you explain what conscientiousness you mean , and what freedom , we might answer more distinctly and effectually . christian liberty is indeed a choice jewell , purchased by christ , and given by gods spirit to all his elect , in their regeneration : thereby they are freed from the guilt of sinne in their justification , rom. 3. 15. ch. 5. 1. & ch. 6. 2. from the power and pollution of sinne , in their redemption and sanctification , act. 26. 18. 3. from the remainders of sinne gradually in their progressive renovation . 4. from the deadly fruits and effects of sinne , the curse of the law , the wrath of god , the loss of all good , and infliction of all evil in their improved adoption . 5. they shall be freed from all fear of future evil , to enjoy eternall good in their last dissolution from grace to glory , heb. 12. 22. 6. their christian liberty makes them free to all spirituall good in the right use of every creature and ordinance , so farre as their minde and heart are graciously renewed . but for a sinfull liberty to abuse our selves , or any creature and ordinance , either in committing evil , or omiting good , it 's a satanicall liberty , it 's none of christs purchase nor gift . will any sober conscientious christian plead for it ? surely no . those are the vilest drudges that have most of that freedom . do you desire freedom to say and do what you will ? is it not the high way to hell ? the ruine of church and state ? the confounding of all things ? but you plead conscience : why , what do you mean ? if it be a pure conscience it will thus act by faith in love to good , against evil , 1 tim. 1. 5. if it be an erroneous conscience , or scrupulous , or dubious in lesser things , there is a christian way to satisfie such with tenderness , prudence and fidelity , to the rectifying and setling of them prescribed , rom. 14. phil. 3. 15 , 16. gal. 6. 1. but if it be an evil conscience , a corrupt , a seared , a blinde conscience , that is a dreadfull evil indeed , tit. 1. 15 , 16. 1 tim. 4. 2 , 3. 2 tim. 3. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. such are not to be dallied with , no more than the leprous , poysoned and ulcerous bodies , that call for purging , dieting , and looking to narrowly , 2 tim. 2. 25 , 26. tit. 3. 10 , 11. can you think a licentious liberty profitable to any man ? is it for the patients good that he be forsaken of his physician or chirurgion , and left alone undressed , unlooked to ? is it profitable to any family or society , that the members thereof should be left in a disordered , disjointed posture ? is it for the profit of church or state , that their severall members should be left to their own fansie and will , to move as they list ? will not such dreadfull convulsions prove most deadly symptoms in the body politick and ecclesiasticall , as they do in the body naturall and oeconomicall ? is this your egregious method of joining all inferiors to their superiors ? is such a confusion the way to settlement ? is this libertinism the way to any true good , spirituall or temporall ? are not officers like to command bravely when their souldiers must be left to their own will ? are not magistrates like to speed well , when their subjects shall own no law , no rule , no charge , but as they think good ? are not parents and governours of families in a hopefull case , when the reins are laid on the neck of children and servants ? is not every man naturally full of evil , and bent to evil , empty of good , and backward thereto ? are not the best still minded of their emptiness , insufficiency , selfishness and unworthiness ? that paul himself is feign to cry out , rom. 7. 21. oh miserable ! &c. no wonder if the world be set on fire , when young giddy phaeton gets into his fathers seat . could your rhetorick prevail , what a metamorphosis should we have in every relation and condition ? how soon should we see the liberty of christianity turn'd into the liberty of bestiality ? first perswade men that darkness is light , and hell better than heaven . qu. 16. whether those states , as the low-countries , who grant such liberty to souldiers and others , do not live quietly , and flourish in great prosperity ? ans. your last shews more of the scorpions tail in your serpentine eloquence ; you spread your poisonous spawn in plausible queries still . later anguis in herba . thus the old serpent began and ended with our first parents to delude and destroy them . you would fain make us believe that your pretended liberty is the way to quiet , to flourishing , to prosperity . ad populum phaleras . do you think so indeed ? why then do not your ghostly fathers in italy and spain study to promote this excellent art ? do they want contrivers and engines , that have so many thousands of jesuites in every corner ? that can spare such swarms of unclean spirits and romish locusts , to darken and devour all the budding hopes of truth and peace among us ? do they want a minde to attend their own interest , who spend all their skill and strength about it ? no , no , they know the nature and issue of that forbidden fruit , as the devil knew it in perswading eve on the like account . it will teach you the worth of good things by the loss thereof : you shall see your nakedness and shame by sad experience . have you forgot what amsterdam , arnheim and other cities of holland were like to have gotten by such a liberty in 1535. a while after munsters tragedy ? were not those famous places like to have fared as bad as munster it self , by the prodigious excess of the fanatick anabaptists , if the wisdom and extraordinary care of their magistrates had not prevented it ? if you doubt of it , reade conrad . erestachii historiam anabaptist . cum notis theodor . strackii , & lambert hortens , amsterod . 1637. did you never peruse the wofull tragedies that were acted in germany and switzerland , from the year 1522 , till 1534 , to the destruction of 50000 ( say the least ) of 100000 ( say many ) of 150000 ( say others . ) if you doubt of the truth thereof , reade your friend cassander , confirming what bullinger , sleidan , nicolas blediskio , in histor. . davidis georgii : guy de bres . cloppenburgius , and other godly discreet writers have recorded of those times and places wherein they lived . were not those superlative villains the fruits and effects of your desired licentious freedom ? do you long to try it and put us on the triall ? felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum . but holland flourishes yet , say you , under such a liberty . if they flourish , the more beholding are they to that divine providence who preserved them so wonderfully from that ruine threatned in 1534 , 1535 , and other times by stirring up their rulers in a singular manner to watch against the pernicious issue of the liberty then too much indulged . they have smarted deeply of late , and are like to smart more yet : god hath not done with them : neither is that liberty pretended such there in all parts , as you would make us beleeve : but if we should grant you all , were it not a sad reasoning to argue from an externall accidentall prosperity to the good estate or well-doing of the persons ? might you not as easily prove the excellency of the mahometan religion , of the great mogul , or tartarian prince , because of their great pomp and victorious success ? do not the worst of men enjoy often most of the world , being fattened for the slaughter ? confusion and desolation are the genuine fruits of libertinism , promiscuously granted in religious mattters , as well as in civil ; if it be for a while retarded , it will but aggravate sinne and judgement . stoppage will be found no paiment at the last reckoning . after the captious queries answered , we meet next with more insinuating questions about the toleration of quakers , first , generally expressed thus , whether imprisonment or other corporall punishment may be inflicted upon such as hold errors in religion ? and whether that be the best way to prevent their increase and recover them ? ans. this next enquiry is it seems about the quakers , the most notorious impostors that ever appeared , whose principles and practises are sufficiently discovered , as by their actings , so by their multitudes of railing blasphemous libels scattered daily in all parts . what desperate mysteries of iniquity they drive on , hath been abundantly demonstrated ; 1. by the recantations of divers of them . 2. by the severall discoveries in every part of these nations , witness the magistrates and ministers in every county , as you may see particularly in the many books printed of that subject ; the summe of their religion being popery and paganism , yea atheism refined , is on design driven on by numerous jesuites , friars , and other romish engineers to make a distraction and party fit to serve their own ends , that having lost our truth and peace , we may be fitted for their will . the many jesuites and friars that have been already detected under various disguises , testifie so much , as ramsey of exham near new castle , the anabaptist teacher , circumcised at rome , and pretended here to be a convert jew . coppinger the franciscan friar in his discovery to mr cowlishaw of bristoll . some lately imprisoned ; some executed in england : others in spain having declared so much to english merchants . thirteen of them sent out of portugall two years ago to that purpose , well known to a merchant then in those parts : six at another time discovered teaching among the quakers , being their prime leaders , &c. yet such diabolicall jugglers can finde patrons every where , yea thousands of followers ; themselves having reckoned a while ago 30000 in their list , having account of their party in every town , a publique treasury , ( as we understand from good hands ) agents beyond seas with the common enemy , labouring to debauch our army from their officers , the subjects from their magistrate , the people from their ministers , ( whom they most stomack at , as the wolves do at the flocks guardians . ) thus the old serpent , proteus-like , changes his shape , though not his nature . what he could not effect by the popish and malignant sword , nor by the prelaticall cassandrian compliance , he hopes now to gain by universall toleration , the grand idol and image of jealousie , which our age is to abhor most , if they desire to avoid the consuming wrath of our jealous god . the footsteps of that serpentine deceit , we may trace from age to age , from the very apostles daies . divers learned pens have taken pains to demonstrate it ; and mr baxter lately in his vnreasonableness of infidelity . the wretched opinions and courses of the old gnosticks , carpocratians , &c. were renewed in germany when the reformation went forward there in luthers time , and are again broached out to the very dreggs among us . yet some difference appears in the dressing ; least this crambe recocta should nauseate ; these methods are refined and sublimed , that such spirituall extracts may be most quick and operative . the gross parts of popery , paganism and atheism , like the caput mortuum , are now laid aside , that the mercury , sulphur and salt thereof may be more effectually improved , sutably to every ones condition . this prince of darkness would scare people , were he not transform'd into an angel of light . his ministeriall engineers must therefore appear under a pharisaicall monkish garb , pretending much to externall righteousness , and self-denial , that their plausible colours may disguise their horrid inside . were not the ratsbane well sugard , it would not so easily take . what could not be done by seekers , levellers , arminians and ranters , shall be now better carried on by quakers , the sublimat of them all . what stock and muncer , john becold and knipperdoling , ba●tenburgh and david george , hophman and menno , paracelsus and jacob behmen did but attempt in germany , these expect now to perfect among us . what the italian and polonian socinians did but scatter in few places , shall be now commonly divulged and readily promoted , as the only truth and light , though it be old abominable darkness . a pretended christ and light within shall serve their turn to disgrace and destroy christ and light above , as far as they can . therefore jacob behmens books so mysteriously monstrous , and the socinian bewitching pieces must be englished for the vulgar ; the press must be crowded with multitudes of direfull libels without controll , and when their denying of scripture will not carry on the work , now they will own it , and seem most for it , but so ambiguously , that every part thereof shall be wrested , and their meaning not known . if their former way of cursing and railing serve not , they will now grow mild and gentle , to insinuate the more effectually . thence so many are gained to them , either common atheists , or carnall hypocrites , or at the best young christian novices , that were never soundly principled . i need not repeat what hath been so sufficiently cleared by so many faithfull pens of late , about this quaking generation . but may not something be pleaded for them ? yea very much , the worst of evils never wanted patrons , witness our querist in these following insinuations . qu. 1. whether the scriptures appoint any other punishment to be inflicted upon hereticks , than rejection and excommunication ? tit. 3. 10. when hymeneus and alexander made shipwrack of their faith , paul delivered them to satan , 1 tim. 1. 20. there was no writ capiendi granted , or any compulsion by the civil magistrate ? ans. 1. this fallacious sophism concludes from a particular affirmative , to an uuiversall negative , against all rule of scripture or reason . hereticks are to be punished by rejection and excommunication , tit. 3. 10. granted ; this is the church-censure upon their members ecclesiastically dispensed : hymeneus and alexander made shipwrack of their professed faith , and therefore were delivered to satan by paul , 1 tim. 1. 20. granted : this was an apostolicall censure . there was no civil magistrates censure then could be had , therefore there should be none where it may be had : this is a non consequence . and what other punishment doth the scripture appoint for hereticks ? what laws about them ? very many , both in the old and new testament , as you may see fully demonstrated by all our reformers on this subject , as zanchy , calvin , beza , polanus , chemnitius , &c. and lately by the whole synod of new england , in their resolves 1646. and by mr cobbet , in his solid tract of the civil magistrates power , printed anno 1653 , besides many others . do but examine those pieces and judge : if your leisure serve not , then do but view what hath been said already , and confirmed by deut. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. deut. 17. 1 , 2 , &c. josh. 22. 12 , 13. & 2 chron. 15. 2 chron. 17. & 19. ch. 15. dan. 3. nehem. 13. zech. 13. 3 , 4 , 5. rom. 12. 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. wherein you have the authority of the magistrate to command , forbid and punish by civil censure , and rule the externall man ( whether in speech or action ) in all things clearly declared by the word of god , and that for a godly peace . christ gave by his own practice , joh. 2. 17 , 18. a sufficient intimation to all christians in authority , what care they should have of purging out and preventing corruption in worship , and he repeated it with renewed rigour , matth. 21. mark 11. luke 19. in the first execution he throws out the buyers of oxen and sheep , in this second the sellers also : at first dove sellers were gently spoken to , to carry away their truck , but at last their seats also are overthrown . christ saith at first , you have made my fathers house an house of merchandize : but at last , ye have made it a den of theeves . thus the zeal of gods house , that inflamed david the type , had now eaten up christ the son of david , the grand anti-type . therein ( as the learned beza , melancthon , paeraeus , snecanus , ainsworth , dike , &c. observe ) christ acted extraordinarily , because the ordinary help was neglected by the magistracy and ministry , as for the manner : yet in effect he did shew what should be done in the like case by the magistrate in his place , as also by the church in their place , as in the case of phinehas , numb. 14. of elijah , 1 king. 18. 40. of samuel , 1 sam. 15. 33 , &c. those malefactours were extraordinarily executed by the lords servants for breach of the first and second table , because the magistrates duty was neglected therein . 2. that law of christ which authorizeth the magistrate to act for him , under him , and like him , in punishing the breaches of every command , whether of the first or second table , doth also regulate him in that execution . 1. declaring his power to be civil , not ecclesiasticall , by civil orders , proceedings and censures , not by such means as he appoints to his church . indeed the magistrate may also be a church-member , but in this he acts not as such , but as a civil officer , yet under christ . 2. his power reaches to things that concern the outward man , whether verball or actuall , not mentall and secret . 3. in those externals he must have a clear rule of gods word , either expresly or by sure consequence , not his own conceit , or any mans will . 4. therein he must proportion the punishment to the nature of the transgression , whether lighter or heavier , for matter or manner , to avoid foolish pity and rigorous cruelty . 5. his end must be a godly peace , 1 tim. 2. 2. that thereby all may be quickned to a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty : thus the magistrate is given as an ordinance of god , rom. 13. 12. being a power ordained of god for a terrour to all evil works , v. 3. yea , the ministry of god for mans good , v. 4. and that for conscience sake , v. 5. to be done and obeyed . thus acted pious job , ch. 29. declaring corruption of worship in covetous idolaters to be punishable by the judge , job . 31. 24 , 28 , &c. thus moses the magistrate , by gods command , punished the breaches of the sabbath , abuse of gods name , idolatry , &c. thus joshua that noble conquering protector of israel , resolved himself , and advised others , josh. 22. & 23. & 24. chap. thus abraham that faithfull prince ordered his charge , and was so favoured of god for it , gen. 18. 18 , 19. thus victorious david , wise solomon , valiant asa , zealous jehoshaphat , heroicall josias , noble nehemiah , acted gods part , in ordering the affairs of gods house , directing his people , punishing the abuses of his worship , &c. which the lord records for a monument and crown of glory to them . thus for the new testament god himself promiseth , isa. 49. 23. to give such nursing fathers and mothers of a royall bloud and spirit , who shall instrumentally build up zion in mercy , and pull down babylon in justice , rev. 12. compared with rev. 17. ch. 18. & ch. 19. when christ is generall of the field , his followers , jews and gentiles , the two armies portraied out , cant. 6. 13. zach. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. shall be more zealous for his house , than for their own . but our querist pekes . qu. 2. whether persecution for conscience doth not harden men in their way , and make them cry out of oppression and tyranny ? ans. persecution of good is evil ; but persecution of evil is good . 2. a good conscience must be preserved , an evil conscience must be renewed . 3. a godly conscience will abhorre every evil , but a pretended conscience will plead for evil . 4. a true conscience will thank the physician that cures it , though with smart ; a false conscience will cry out against the physician and smart , to retain its evil . 5. a wise conscience will cry up the judicious care of gods servants , for good , against evil ; but a foolish conscience will cry down both , for evil , against good . 6. god gives not over his care of mens souls , for causless out-cries ; neither will his servants neglect their duty for groundless calumnies . qu. 3. whether to convert an heretick , and to cast out unclean spirits , be done any other way than by the finger of god , by the mighty power of gods spirit in the word ? ans. 1. heresie is described , tit. 3. 10. to be a self condemning errour , perverting gods truth , and mens souls . what course is to be taken by the church with a member pertinaciously offending , is there also declared : it 's a work of the flesh , and what course is to be taken with a member of the state by the magistrate for such an evil work , we reade also . hereticks in all ages have troubled the church , and very few were ever reclaimed . for 300 years after christ , satan employed many such engineers to undermine religion and disparage the profession of christ . thus simon and cerinthus , menander and ebion , disturbed the apostolicall daies . sabellius and marcion , priscillian and samosatenus , arrius and macedonius , nestorius and eutyches , with many more , succeeded them in opposing the person and office , the nature and grace , the spirit and truth , the sabbath and ordinances of christ . the roman antichrist contracted the substance of all them ; and no sooner did reformation dawn , but all parts of europe were infested anew with that poisonous vermine . mans dunghill heart yielded still matter and help to such a hellish brood . what the gnosticks did of old , and the ranting crue of germany in the last age , we finde sadly revived among us now . the conversion of such is very rare and difficult , witness the apostle ; such being given up to the raign and vigour of delusion . those spirituall judgements that give up mens consciences to that efficacious power of hell , are the most dreadfull judgements , bringing most of them to that sin unto death , which puts them into an impossibility of repentance and salvation . it 's indeed the finger of god , by the mighty power of his spirit in his word , that must do the work , when ever it s done . there is the more need therefore that all means should be used with diligence , in subordination to that powerfull spirit and word of his . thereby some german and brittish jesuites have been converted , and indian * pawawes , reduced to christian faith . the magistrates help hath often been found very effectuall thereto , if not to convert the seducers , yet to prevent their infection from spreading , and plucked many as brands out of the fire . their mouth is to be stopped from biting , and their hands to be kept from abuse , whilst their phrensie rages and ranges like a gangrene . a bedlam may cure many such mad pranks , or at least tame them . the prudent zeal of one magistrate doth often in such a case more good than the labours of many ministers . to be plucked out of the devils snares is a mercy that god affords , by blessing the endeavours of his servants , as by his word , ecclesiastically ; so by his sword , magistratically . such seducers being reclaimed by those censures sanctified to them , will bless god and man for these healing wounds received in the house of friends . 2. unclean spirits denote in scripture , sometimes devils , sometimes wicked men , the devils instruments ; sometimes wicked mens lusts , serving the devils purpose . all societies are too often pestered therewith , and their ejection is chiefly to be minded . the principall efficient of that cure , is indeed the mighty spirit of god : his powerfull word is the principal instrument . yet are men and means appointed and blessed of god in subserviency thereto . christ himself told his disciples , that their unbelief hindered such a cure from being perfected , upon that famous patient ; some of them being so tenacious , that they go not out , but with prayer and fasting . it 's dreadfull to see mens bodies possessed with such guests , but their souls possession more frequent and terrible , is not so much dreaded , because less sensible . the sad symptoms of such a possession are so wofully manifested in the quaking crue , that it infests all parts among us . it concerns all sorts among us , if ever , to observe christs method for their ejection . they fume and foam , they range and rage ; tossed they are from one extream to another ; sometimes cast into the fire , then into the water ; first ranting , then quaking . the filthy excrements of these unclean spirits boil so excessively within them , that they do enormously work out at every part of their bodies . their feet ramble , their tongues rail , all the faculties of their souls testifie the strangeness of their inmate . he that but observed within these few years , what horrid things have appeared before multitudes of people , from that miserable generation , cannot but wonder at gods patience , the devils malice , and those wretches wofull state . the poison hath seized on their brains and spirits , as the pestilence is wont to do , and casts many into phrensies , others into lethargies . the ranters were merrily , the quakers are melancholically mad : those had more of the fire , the legions that possess them shew varieties of tricks , and are shifting daily , that they may best sute the various complexions of men and seasons . ranting paracelsus and fanatick behmen are out stripped in their horrid jugglings , by these up-start disciples of theirs . david george and the rest of those german impostors came short of these . the great patrons of quakers , mahomet with his dervis in the east ; the romish dominick and francis , benedict and ignatius ; katharine of siena , and bridget in the west , can hardly parallell them : yea the brachmans of the eastern , and the pawawes of the western india's can hardly out-match them . when so many spirits are abroad to represent the tragedy of hell let loose , doth it not concern all superiors in civils and spirituals , to look narrowly to themselves , and to their respective charges ? should not that warning be cautiously improved , which christ himself gives in such a juncture ? they are indeed spirits nimble and supple , shifting and active , crafty and restless ; hardly discern'd , but wofully felt ; easily piercing , hardly removed ; soon infecting , difficult to cure : but they are unclean spirits , bearing their fathers image ; lying spirits in every word and act ; as the devil of old by his pythons and oracles : so do these still speak ambiguities . slippersy spirits , that easily shift off the strength of scripture and reason , by equivocations and roving about : scarce a scripture word do they understand in a scripture sense , but use that language only to deceive the simple . their christ , their light , their heaven and hell , their perfection and righteousness , when brought to the touch , prove but chimaera's , and fanatick conceits . that pure convincement of the ranters ( as the quakers call it ) of god being all things , and all things god , appears to be their grand principle , but trimm'd anew , to please the better . they finde no fault with the ranters principles , though they blame something of their practise ; witness their books , complaining that they had a pure convincement , but they sank in the flesh , and grew too loose . atheism , in a word , the bottom of all evil , is the spawn and substance of these unclean spirits . their venom , like that of the * tarantula , kils suddenly , in the midst of pleasing dreams , making their disciples dance about the brims of eternall wo . what think you of these things ye sober christians ? do not these nations need good physicians , and utmost care to prevent the subversion of all ? do not our state-physicians finde work enough among such a variety of bedlams ? is not this calenture to be looked after with all diligence ? are not we all bound to sollicit heaven day and night , that such unclean spirits may be cast out ? could you but conceive what direfull spectacles the stage of germany felt and saw , at the breaking loose of such a hell among them for near twenty years space , you would fast and pray to better purpose , than you have hitherto done . these unclean spirits do most storm at those spirituall physicians , that would gladly be helpfull to them . what hope then of a cure that way ? they will not , they cannot hear them with sense , patience , or manners . what hopes of help below , but in a bedlam or bridewell , for such ? who can tame these , but the magistrates power , under god ? in bodily phrensies , we finde still hard usage to be the best means of cure to the patient , and safety to the rest . the like hath been found often in this very case , witness that blasphemous villain of andover , who stiled himself the bridegroom , and his trull ( enticed by him away from her friends ) mary the lambs wife . the justice of the bench , and the executionlash reclaimed them out of their madness , by the sense of shame and pain , to bewail their folly , and publickly curse their seducers . to be sure , if the magistraticall rod , appointed for the fools back , do not convince their folly , and teach them ; it will teach others wisdom , and prevent that horrid confusion , which otherwise is like to overflow all our banks . if these bears cannot be tamed , they had need be chained , except we love to see them do mischief . qu. 4. whether , if no civil law be broken , the civil peace be hurt or no ? ans. 1. where there is no law , there is no transgression : for sin is opposition to the law , both privative and adversative , habitual and actual . the law of god is the revelation of the divine will touching mans duty . the civil law then must be the rule set among men , by authority , in conformity . that is understood in its large signification , comprising all sorts of humane orders ; for in a strict sense , the civil laws signifie the imperial law , called civil , in distinction from our municipal law , which is either common or statute law , the standard of good manners in this commonwealth . this law of ours , being the quintessence and extract of the best laws known among the brittains and romans , saxons and normans , refined for english use by the saxon wittagen-mots ( or general assemblies ) and english parliaments , is indeed the choice rule and fountain , the mother and nurse of our civil peace , when execution answers their institution and constitution . peace in general sense , is the harmonious agreement of things , attending their orderly composure and motion . peace with god ( by christ conjugally embraced ) produces peace of conscience in man , and civil peace among men . our civil peace must still then have reflexion upon our civil law , and that upon the divine law . whilst the law is thus kept , peace is not hurt ; so the querist is answered . but would not he insinuate , that the quakers and corrupters of our religion break not the law , and therefore not the peace . ingenuity it self can make no other construction of his dubious query , compared with his title and scope : if so , then we answer : 2. our lawyers can more exactly acquaint him with the many branches of our common and statute laws , which are continually broken by this lawless brood . they that make so light of the divine law indited by the spirit of god , penned by the prophets and apostles of christ , and given to man for his eternal good , in conforming him , through grace , to the lords image ( whose extract and representation it is ) are not like to be very carefull of mens law , in any sense . the beams of that good , just and holy law , which do shine through the several parts of our english laws , carry too much light for such birds of darkness , who can like and will own none , but their light within . the light above and about them is so offensive to them , and so little valued of them , that the brightest beams of scripture light finde no credit nor favour with them , if not suted to their phantasticall light . their own light is their law , as it 's their god , their christ , their perfection , their righteousness , their all . all the laws of god and men must be reduced to that standard . they judge themselves still observers of the law in the most egregious breaches thereof : for indeed , what law can they break , whose will is their only law ? sometimes they pretend that will in them , not to be their own , but gods will . but that easily appears to be but a cunning shift , to father their will on god , as they do their light and all . as then their law is in their breast , though they be daily convinced ( by every one that speaks with them , who hath not lost his reason and religion at once , and particularly by authority ) of their foul transgressions , yet are they still faultless . they witness perfection . you do but mistake them . they cannot sin . they cannot break the law . all authority is tyrannical , that humours them not . the best ministers are fools and knaves to them . none knows and keeps the laws but themselves and followers . dare you then after this , charge or punish these men for breach of any law ? no , by no means . they are but misunderstood . their railing and cursing , their slandring and wandering , their idleness and irreverence , their disobedience and seducing , their errors and blasphemies against god and christ , against the divine trinity and holy spirit ; against the scriptures and ordinances of the gospel ; their contempt and scorn of all goodness and good men ( not dancing after their pipe , ) these are no breaches of law , but degrees and signes of their perfection . their pride and passion , their malice and hatred , their choler and rage , their atheism and ignorance , their deceits and charms are but conformities to the light within . yea their pharisaicall abstinence and fastings , their formalities and ostentations , their disorderly speeches and carriage , their opposing of orders from god and his servants , their self-conceitedness and self-confidence , must not be thought breaches of law , but fulfillings thereof . in a word , if you think they can break the peace , by breaking the law , you are much mistaken , for they are a law to themselves ; and the utmost mischief they can do to us all , ( that comply not with them ) is but the fulfilling of that law . qu. 5. whether corporall punishment , either by imprisonment or otherwise , for errours , is not a means sometimes to destroy mens bodies , and possibly prove a prevention of their conversion , seeing some are not called till the eleventh hour , and if they be cut off the seventh hour for their errours , how shall they come in ? matth. 20. 6. ans. errour is a crooked deviation of a mans judgement from the truth of god . that truth is considerable , either in the divine being , or in the emanation thereof . truth in gods essence , is essentially and personally considered . essential truth is god himself , in the eternal unity of his divine excellency . truth personally expressed sets forth each of the three divine persons , subsisting in the divine essence , distinguished by their personal properties ; the father is truth begetting ; the sonne is truth begotten ; the spirit is truth proceeding from the father and from the son . truth in the emanation of the divine being , or the truth of god , is the conformity of gods expression to himself ; which is considered intentionally , verbally and actually , in his thoughts , words and works . i. the truth of his thoughts is called his purpose and decree , pleasure and good will to signifie his eternal councel fore-ordaining all future things . this is an absolute , entire , perfect and unchangeable act of the divine will , about the good and evil of future beings , as of themselves , especially about rational creatures , men and angels . this divine truth , or act , as it respects evil , is called permission and regulation ; as it respects good , it 's called fore-ordination . as it respects the objects of divine benevolence , it 's called election and predestination : election , chusing them in christ to glory : predestination , fore-appointing them to conformity and adoption by christ : election , called also his fore-knowledge ( which in the hebrew imports affect and effect ) regarding chiefly the end , and predestination the means to that end . that eternal purpose , as it regards the objects of gods disowning , is called reprobation and predamnation . reprobation , being properly an act of sovereignty , ( we cannot speak of god , but after the manner of men , with distinctions and denominations extrinsecal , though he be one pure act , all the change being in the creature ) is also called preterition , non-election , and non-predestination , properly regarding their state and end absolutely . predamnation being an intended act of justice properly , considers the means with tendency to that end , viewing such under the consideration of future sinners . the like denominations may be given to divine purpose , about angels , consideratis considerandis . thus of intentional truth . ii. the verbal truth of god is called his word , which is the declaration of his mind and will , revealed to man , concerning himself and all his creatures . this he did manifest to adam in his creation , writing it upon his soul in the characters of his own image ( in perfect knowledge , righteousness and holiness ) and by positive significations of his pleasure . after his fall , and successively to others , this truth of god , about the salvation of his elect , in and by christ alone , with all things else needfull to be known , he did variously reveal unto men by inspirations , dreams , visions , oracles , paternall traditions , &c. and from moses time saw it fit to give it in writing ( for a sure record to all ages ) by inspiring and inditing the same upon the spirits , and by the pens of his holy . prophets and apostles , successively , in an immediate , infallible and extraordinary manner . thence are we said to be built upon their doctrinal or scriptural foundation , holding forth christ , ( as we are properly on christ himself , the personal foundation , held forth by them . ) these writings are called the holy scriptures of the old and new testament , containing all things needfull to the salvation of gods elect , and the common good of man , called therefore his laws and statutes , ordinances and precepts , testimonies and judgements , &c. being the perfect rule of truth and grace , faith and obedience ; gods mercy and mans duty ; requiring from man , truth mental , oral and actual , i. e. a due conformity of every thought , word and work , to that truth of god declared . iii. the actual truth of god is manifested in all his works of creation and providence , carrying on a constant , perfect conformity to gods intentional truth , as also to his verbal , in order to his supream end , his own glory ; by the seasonable and admirable dispensations of all his attributes , especially mercy and justice , towards men and angels , in the most wise , holy and powerfull preserving of all his creatures , and all their actions , as they were all created of nothing by the word of his power , in the space of six daies , and all very good . errour then being a crooked deviation of mans judgement from the truth of god revealed , will admit of several degrees and considerations , according to the varieties and imports of that truth , and mans deviating from it . some truth is natural , some moral , some spiritual ; about external , internal and eternal things . some are fundamental of salvation , some supra fundamentall , ( or juxta ) others more circumstantial and superficial . errours in fundamentals , about the perfection of god , the trinity of divine persons , christ the mediatour , god-man , the fall of man , his forlorn state , his absolute need of regeneration , faith , repentance , obedience ; as also of the sufficiency of scripture , of mans eternal state , &c. are properly called heresies , which if obstinately persisted in , after due means used of reclaiming such , render men unfit for christian communion . supra-fundamental truths are the next built on them , which admit of various debates among the learned . errours against them are dangerous , but not so pernicious as the former , especially if the person erring be humble and teachable . such are many points of worship , discipline , &c. circumstantial truths are more external , about place and time , order and manner , &c. expressed in that usuall verse , quis , quid , ubi , quibus anxiliis , cur , quomodo , quando . errours against these are bad , but nothing like the former . this needful explication will clear and answer to the query . the punishment for errour is not to exceed the nature of that errour , and the manner of holding it ; whether ecclesiastically , by the church ; or civilly , by the magistrate . the truth of god gives a rule for all such cases , either in express words , or in clear consequence , to be exactly studied and observed , by all persons concerned , so that the ends of that punishment be attended , viz. gods honour , and the publick good ; with the parties also , as farre as may be . the church meddles not with civil censures , such as imprisoning , having its proper way of admonition , suspension , excommunication , &c. for its offending members . imprisonment and other corporal punishments for errours require a sufficient cause , as in case of herefie endangering mens souls , disturbing gods service and the publick peace , &c. a godly magistrate will be heartily glad never to meet with such occasions ; but when he doth , as he cannot but be often forced to in this revolting age , it concerns him to attend those forementioned ends with zeal and prudence , lest foolish pity spoil the city , and lest seeming gentleness prove real cruelty to many . destructive errours , specially blasphemous ones , are the malignant humours of mens consciences , which endanger them and thousands besides , in their eternal state . such persons , especially if obstinate , are the very plagues of the body politick , endangering the whole . what mischiefs may not such pests procure , if without restraint ? as sad experience shew'd in the familists crue , whereof henry nichols was leader , followed by hacket , coppinger , and arthington ; till hackets execution and arthingtons recantation had repressed the fury thereof in q elizabeths time . the grundletonians in yorkshire , acted divers such mad pranks , as valentinus , basilides , and the carpocratians of old were wont . out of the north have we had the like impostors of late , to confirm the proverb , omne malum ab aquilone . such phrenetick persons had need be closely kept and look'd to , for their own and others good . such mad folks cannot be kept from hurt , but by being kept from company . if restraint may seem to endanger their bodies , they must thank themselves , so long as care is taken for sutable accommodations . it were to be wished that fair means might prevent that rigor , but if the patient , by his folly , necessitate his chirurgion to bind and wound him , who must be blamed ? if such belong to god , he will bless that very dressing to the humbling and healing of them , whether in the seventh or eleventh hour ; he best knows how to order it , to the fulfilling of his eternal purpose , on such vessels of mercy , to be prepared for glory , through grace . thus manasseh that bloody wretch , was changed in his prison , and not till then . his heart was there broken and cured wonderfully . the hammer of that weighty punishment drave home to the head into his heart the many instructions of gods word , which he had so long heard and despised , being guided by the hand of christs spirit . thus the believing thief repented at his execution . the prodigall child came not to himself , till his misery , justly procured , was sanctified of god , to the opening of his eyes . england hath had experience of some late quakers , horriby blaspemous , much reclaimed by the prison and lash ; and ireland knows others of that tribe , who are come back again to sobriety , by the sense of that poverty , whereinto their idle courses and ill companions had reduced them . but if any such grow worse still , as is the usual lot of such seducers , by a dreadfull judgement of heaven , it will fall on their own heads , and that penalty will do others much good , if it do them but little . it may deter many from the like excess , so that paena ad paucos , proves terror ad omnes . it keeps them from doing more mischief , and from increasing their sins and eternal sufferings thereby . though lions and bears nature be not changed by their chains , yet is their mischief restrained usefully thereby . better have the devil bound then loose , though he will be a devil still . the duration of every mans life is certainly fore-appointed of god , beyond which he shall not pass . this will not indeed excuse any mans wilfull neglect of himself or others , yet it may satisfie mans heart , upon the unchangeable event of things . he that appoints the end , appoints indeed the means subservient thereto : when therefore his providence indispensably necessitates the defect of the means , it clearly signifies that it 's gods purpose to have such a thing come to pass . joseph comforts his brethren on that consideration ; though they had used ill means , god over-ruled them to a good end . but if such malefactors hasten their own end , by unlawfull means ( as * parnell lately in colchester gaol did starve himself to death , by fasting ten daies wilfully ) and ill demerits , they can blame none but themselves . qu. 6. whether compulsion of conscience do not make differences arise to a greater heighth , which if men were left to their own light , what is not of god would far more easily fall ? ans. conscience properly cannot be compelled , it being the reflexion of mans judgement on himself , with respect to gods judgement . such is the nature of humane souls in their intellectuals , that they cannot be forced , though they may be moved by external objects . god alone is the lord of conscience , he made it , and knows how to rule it at his will . conscience is his royal fear , his throne of majesty , his deputy and witness , his recorder and judge , his teacher and executioner in mans heart . it was thus perfectly before the fall ; but it 's now corrupted by mans sin , and little remains of that glorious fabrick , but ruinous heaps , though enough to testifie the wofulness of that fall . in the most , it still lies under darkness and death ; the devil being gotten into gods seat , by just judgement doth usurp further , in playing the pranks of a dreadfull jaylor . in the regenerate , conscience is purified , and restored to its primitive use in part , though much evil remains there , as in other faculties to be gradually removed . conscience then cannot be constrained , but the evil of a pretended , perverted conscience may be restrained . if that officer that should act gods part in mans soul , be bribed by satan to take his part , through the compliance of inward corruption , against god his sovereign , he may surely be called to account for it by men , as far as that treason appears externally . god judges of the outward by the inward , man judges of the inward by the outward man . the magistrate is gods externall deputy , called therefore an heir of restraint , to put the wicked to shame . the first and second table of gods law are both committed to his charge , as to the externals thereof , as we hinted before . when that care was wanting , gods honour suffered sadly in all ages . so farre as conscience is corrupted , so farre are the differences widened between god and man , which increases differences among men . the way then to compose differences , is not to dally with any corruption , ( either of judgement , affection , or practice ) but to remove it effectually . man can but use the means , and is obliged thereto , specially the magistrate in his place for god , as every one should do in himself , and by himself , through gods help . to leave every man to his own light , is to leave a mans ground to it self without dressing . the most consciences are but like the dunghill , as all are by nature , before conversion . the best are like a garden , wherein the lord , through grace , hath set and sown the fruits of his spirit . but if you let the dunghill alone , will it ever be better ? if you let the best garden alone , will it not soon grow worse , and will not the weeds spoil all at last ? doth not christ himself press this parable to that end ? what 's a mans own light , before conversion , but the dim snuff of a candle , every moment ready to go out in a stink , into utter darkness ? what will become of him and of his light , if left to himself ? what 's mans light , after conversion , in the best , but a weak glimmering candle , though snuffed and renewed by the lords gracious hand , yet every moment ready to perish in the storms of temptations and corruptions , if not continually revived , supported and supplied by the same almighty hand ? how doth god promise and use to effect this and all other favours , but in the diligent use of the means , whereto he ties us , and whereby he conveys his blessing ? is not mans heart full of corruption by nature ? doth not much of it remain in the best ? will not corruption increase , if let alone ? try it in your sinks and kennels , if you be yet strangers to your own heart , then answer this query . what sad work would so many foolish heads , like sampsons foxes , tied only by the tail of carnal interest , with burning fire-brands , make in church and state , in following every one his own light ? a short portraicture may be seen of it in whimses island ( vulgo road-island near n. england , the receptacle of notionists , ) where confusion and profanness seem to triumph over all order and piety , to say nothing of these distempered nations . qu. 7. whether it be not the command of christ , that the tares ( i.e. they that walk in lies , ) and the wheat ( i.e. they that walk in truth , ) should be let alone ? matth. 13. 30 , 31. ans. 1. no parable is to be strained beyond its scope : scriptura parabolica non est argumentativa . the scope of that parable appears clearly in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and explanation thereof , given by christ himself , where he omits that branch , of letting them alone , and only mentions the event of the tares and wheat , following the purpose of his will , but nothing of the precept of his will , concerning mans duty , in point of obedience . ans. 2. mind the particulars of that parable . the field is the world ; the angels are the reapers ; the wicked are the tares ; the godly are the wheat , saith christ , describing the tares to be such as offend and do iniquity ; the wheat to be the children of the kingdom . by field , you may understand , either the state of the church visible , universally considered in the world ; or the world , wherein that church subsists , from time to time . in either sense the case will be clear . 1. if you understand it of the catholick church , considered in its succession from age to age , it will signifie the permission of providence , which suffers some hypocrites still to remain therein , even in the purest times ; but it cannot be meant of gods precept to man , to let known wicked persons alone in the church , seeing he hath appointed censures for such , commending the use ; rebuking and threatning the neglect thereof . 2. if you understand it of the world it self , among whom the church lives , it must needs be meant of a providential toleration of the tares , for the time of this life , in the general constitution of it , god forbearing long , and not destroying the wicked suddenly , by his angelical instruments , in the ordinary course of dealing below ; though some notorious ones be now and then pulled up by eminent justice . but it cannot be meant of mans duty , injoyned by gods precept , to let every wicked man alone ; for then should he cross the whole series of his word , which injoyns the magistrate his duty so clearly , for punishing sinne , whether against the first table , as perjury , witchcraft , blasphemy , &c. or against the second , as murther , theft , threatning the neglect thereof . 3. mind who are the reapers , that receive the command , to let them alone : they are not men , but angels , as christ explains , who are providentially ordered not to make use of their wonderfull power given them from god , to destroy all the wicked at once , which they might easily effect , if providence should require it , as appears by the destruction of 185000 lusty men in one night , in sennacheribs camp , by one of them ; they being all mighty in strength , whereby they instrumentally over-rule all the world , under god , witness the prophet , where they are described at large , in their properties , office , motions and effects , by the living creatures , whose spirit over-rules all the wheels of the creation , in every part of the world , in subordination to gods will . but they are bid to suffer wicked men in all ages , places and conditions , to fulfill their measure of iniquity , till it comes to be sealed up , and they with it carried away by gods executioners into the land of shinar and confusion ; as that of zechary may be expounded , though some understand it of christs mercifull act in covering sin . 4. mind what are the tares that are let alone . in general , they are all that work iniquity and offend , i. e. the multitude collective of reprobates , prepared for the fire , vessels of wrath fitted for destruction , in the complex of them . the angels have a providential command to let them alone , not to pluck them all up at once by the root ; for they being the most and greatest part of the world , it would endanger the destruction of the whole world , and consequently of the wheat also , if all should thus suddenly be pulled up ; signifying , that he will suffer many wicked ones generally to abide in the world , till harvest , though he deals with some of them judicially now and then , in that way which may help , and not hurt the wheat . 5. mind the precept it self , let them alone ; which implies a sufficient power in the instruments imployed , were but gods will signified , to take a speedy course with all the tares : a power proper to angels , not to any man or men . 6. mind christs reason subjoined , lest you root up the wheat , implying , such a total plucking up of the tares , as would prove the destruction of the wheat ; which must needs therefore be understood in the sense fore-explained ; for the punishing of one or few offenders here and there , being so often commanded and blessed from god , to the common good of the rest , and the very pillar of church and state , in genere mediorum , cannot be thought or found so prejudicially destructive to the good . this then is clearly the sense of these words , let them alone ; that it 's a providential command given to the angels , not to destroy the whole race of the wicked at once ; and not a preceptive rule to men , for the not executing of gods will , upon this or that particular offender , whether in civils or ecclesiasticals . qu. 8. whether scripture declares that the saints should persecute others , seeing christ sent his as sheep among wolves , and not as wolves among sheep , to persecute , kill and imprison ? matth. 10. 16. ans. the scripture declares the saints to be the righteous fulfillers of his revealed will , in their respective stations and motions , towards god and man . their name {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saints , or separated persons , consecrated to god , imports so much . their copy and exemplar is gods holiness , which is magnified often in his zeal and justice upon offenders , for breaches of the first , as well as of the second table . if he call a saint to the magistracy , he requires him to be faithfull and diligent therein , in terrour to every evil work ; if any called saints , be fo farre given up to sin , as to abuse god and themselves , by external breaches of his holy law , god himself will not dally with such , and the magistrate is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil . this is prosecution of evil , not persecution of good . profession of holiness was never intended by god to be a sanctuary to any sin . christs disciples were indeed sent as sheep among wolves , not as wolves among sheep . they should be qualified like the lamb of god , their grand shepherd , in meekness , innocency , usefulness and obedience ; and not resemble the wild and mischievous nature of bruitish men , beasts of prey , living at their will , following their own pretended light , abusing them that are not like them in evil . but are not these christian sheep directed also to be as wise as serpents , to discern and repell all wolvish seducers coming in sheeps clothing ? is not christ himself that lamb of god , the lion of the tribe of judah , that roars out of zion against all wickedness ? doth not he command his servants in all ages and places , to contend earnestly for the faith , once delivered to the saints ; to cast out and keep out all filthiness of flesh and spirit , especially in external breaking forth ? shall the ravening wolves , that watch for mens souls , be cherished and owned , because they have got on the garb of sheep ? are not such foxes and wolves most mischievous under that disguise ? doth not christ , with his spouse , command his servants in the magistracy , to take up the foxes , yea , the little foxes , that spoil the tender buddings of his vineyard ? was there ever more need of that watchfull care , than in this age , and in these parts ? wherein the romish cubs swarm round about us , under the mask of notions and new lights ? should not a sheep of christ be like himself , a lamb to god , and a lion to sin ? if wretched seducers will be so desperate in the devils service , as to venture all to promote his interest , shall christs friends be the less zealous and active for his honour , and the salvation of souls ? if wicked men will dare both god and man in their destructive courses , and meet therein with the wages of sinne , shall they blame any but themselves ? who will spare them , that so wilfully suffer for evil doing ? what glory can such expect from god or man , that refuse all the fair means , which might prevent such evils of sin and sorrow ? qu. 9. whether he was not reproved , that would have fire from heaven to devour those that rejected christ ? luk. 9. 54 , 55. ans. 1. that we mistake not christs meaning in this and other scriptures , we must wisely compare the context and scope , with the text and other scriptures ; for through ignorance and unstableness , scriptures are wrested to mens perdition . the scope here appears clearly to be a condemning of the disciples rashness , whose blind zeal would have carried christ beyond his present work , in that state of humiliation , for the conversion of souls . 2. distinguish between christs humiliation and exaltation . in the former he acted as the son of man , in all parts of humane weakness conforming to us , sin only excepted . therein was he to act as a servant , not intending to take on him the magistrates office , in any such cases , luk. 12. 14. nor was it fit that harsh means should be used to those strangers , at his first coming , which might have scared them away from christ and his salvation . but in his state of exaltation he is king of kings and lord of lords ; by him kings reign , and princes execute justice , who hath all power given him in heaven and earth ; and he gives his witnesses ( whether magistratical or ministerial , or both ) power to consume his enemies with fire out of their mouth . 3. distinguish between samaritan strangers , and jewish rebels ; between the grosly ignorant heathens , and the wilfully obstinate christians . against jewish rebels the lord sent his armies to destroy the destroyers and abusers of his embassadors ; though he would not fetch fire from heaven against the mongrel heathenish samaritans . 4. distinguish between magistratical and ministerial censures on offenders . christ would not have his disciples and ministers to usurp the magistrates work in civil bodily censures , but to keep within their sphere , with spiritual weapons , such as are answerable to the nature of their ministry , as admonition , &c. towards their members ordinarily . the case of ananias and sapphira was extraordinary , was extraordinary , as also was the call , abilities and work of apostles . the civil sword still being left to the magistrates right use , who is regulated about it so frequently in the old and new testament . qu. 10. whether it 's not a burden enough for the magistrate to govern and judge in civil causes , to preserve the subjects right and safety ? ans. 1. the magistrates burden is great indeed ; honos and onus , honour and burden ever went together . providence orders all things so wisely , that they who have most from god , should be obliged to do most for god . it 's more royal to give , than to receive , in christs account . magnates are magnetes , great men are precious loadstones : they should be optimi , that are maximi , to answer gods title and nature , whom they represent . the highest spheres of heaven carry the most influence of light and life to all inferiours . magistrates have a greater burden of care and trouble , of danger and account , to make them the more humble and holy , the more diligent and self denying , the more active and zealous in their places . 2. the choice part of the magistrates business is to be most for god , in being most like god , whose substitute and vice-gerent he is . what the lord tenders most , should be most rendred by him . god begins still at his glory , in the matter and means , in the manner and time of his worship . the first table therefore should be the magistrates first care . those that honour him , he will honour ; but they that despise him , though never so great , shall be vilified . is it not most rational , that the best things should have the best care from the best men ? doth not gods honour deserve the preeminence still ? doth he not still appear against the neglecters and slighters thereof ? even pagan monarchs could easily discern it . observe the special working of gods spirit , directing ezra to request , and the king to grant that magistratical power of corporal punishment against offenders of his worship , by comparing ezra 7. 6. with ezra 7. 11 , 27. how little beholding is the lord to those rulers , that care more for their honour than for his , that defend their word more than his ; that will not suffer personal injuries , but regard not what affronts are put on christ ! they that tender not his name and truth , his worship and ordinances , are like to smart dearly for it , at last . can you think that those persons will spare you , that spare not what is dearest to god ? will they honour you that vilifie god ? remember eli's case , that you may repent , who have made light of christs great concernments ! did not salomon find it the best way to wisdom and glory , to peace and plenty , thus to begin with god ? a jove principium , was the great maxim , even of heathen schools , to the shame of most christians . is not christs interest the best way to settle yours ? can you be safe when that miscarries ? the lord awaken all our magistrates to mind this in earnest . this principium is certainly dimidium totius , yea , dimidium plus toto . will not the late experiences of our english worthies , with those of the former champions of christ , demonstrate fully this ? was it not their zeal for god that made them great before god and good men ? consult all records , hebrew and greek , latin and french , german and english for proof . our famous alfred , our conquering edward 3d , in the very heat of continual warres made it their chief work to preferre christ in all , and to cast all their crowns at his feet . their glorifying of him so eminently , made them truly glorious in their own and future ages . such a whet will never prove a let to any , from any true good . are not the subjects right , peace and safety , the proper gifts of god ? can we finde out any better way of procuring or preserving them , than by keeping close to him , and being active for him ? whilst we cordially mind his interest , will not he surely minde ours ? if we forget him , can we look to be remembred of him ? qu. 11. if magistrates must judge and punish of matters of religion , the magistrate must ever be troubled with such persons and such causes : and if after his conscience be convinced , he had no such power , what horrors of conscience is he like to possess ? ans. the magistrate is the lords shepherd , as he cals cyrus , and must look for contest against foxes and wolves , from time to time . he is gods lieutenant , that must still be in a posture of warre against his sovereigns enemies . he is pater patriae , the father of his country , who cannot but be often taken up in composing the differences of that great family . he is the lords gardiner , and will not think much to be still troubled with weeding work . he is a nursing father , and knows what renewed troubles attend that employment . all his titles of honour mind him of duty and trouble . but his great comfort is , that god himself takes the best share thereof , in whose stead he acts . to act for god , and with god , like god and through god , is his honour and happiness . christ himself suffered much more than all that comes to . but what if his conscience should afterwards check him for mistakes therein ? the sure way to prevent horrors of conscience , is to be diligent in the lords work , that our respective callings do challenge from us . sin is the great disturber of conscience , especially that darling sin , which hinders from gods work , by taking from our heart what is due to him . every trouble proceeds from the want of gods grace given or manifested . he meets them that rejoyce in working righteousness , those that remember him in his waies . retort the query you may thus then ; what horrors of conscience shall that magistrate feel , that hath minded himself in neglecting god ? that hath been zealous for civil affairs , but frozen to the lords interest ? that hath done much for the world , but little for heaven ? that hath been carefull of the subjects bodies , but careless of their souls ? that thought no cost too dear for their earthly priviledge , but every little too much for spiritual help ? qu. 12. whether imprisonment or other corporal punishment would not make thousands in england , scotland and ireland , face about to any religion , yea to popery , as it did in queen maries daies ? ans. what of all this ? because many have their religion to chuse , shall not the magistrate discharge his duty for their good ? is there not so much the more need he should be so much the more watchfull against jugling mountebanks , because so many are so easily fitted to their baits ? the corruption of mans heart , that disposes him to evil and indisposes him still to good , should be the more carefully looked after , for restraining of that which cannot be renewed . external reformation is better than none at all ; though the chief part of gods sacrifice is still the heart of man , yet is it not much better , that god should be publickly owned than disowned ? the greatest number will be the worst still , till the great restawration come . yet when the leaders do bring their people to solemn owning of god , he takes it kindly and rewards it . was it not so in josias and edward 6th time ? a form of godliness is good , though formality be naught . if the generality be brought to the means of grace , they are in the road of christs blessing . had not the poor man waited long at the pool of bethesda , he had not been cured : it 's good being in the lords way , when he passes by to give out his doles . how many thousands were the better for crouding after christ and his apostles , though most for the loaves , or novelty sake ? but let 's hear what the querist objects to himself . obj. 1. we would willingly suffer the truth to be preached , but those that we persecute do teach erroneous doctrines , which hazard the souls of men . ans. he answers , the guilt thereof lies upon the teachers conscience , not on the magistrate , or any other , as matth. 5. 19. whosoever shall teach men so , he shall be least in the kingdom of heaven . reply . is not he also guilty that prevents not evil , when he may ? what else means that of paul , be not partaker of other mens sins ? are there not sins of omission , when we reprove and discountenance not evil ? the very light of nature taught the heathens to say , qui non vetat peccare , dum potest , jubet . had not austin just cause to complain so much of his other mens sins ? is the physician guiltless , that willingly suffers his patient to be poysoned by mountebanks ? is the watch-man blameless that warns not and keeps not the thief off ? is the gardiner faultless , that suffers carelesly the weeds to choak the good plants ? is that officer faithfull that lets an enemy wittingly to debauch and ruine his souldiers ? is that magistrate faultless , that suffers his people to be seduced by pernicious praters , without check ? will christ excuse the rest , when he condemns the false teacher ? doth he absolve the accessory , that punishes the principal ? what shall he be in the kingdom of hell , that teaches men to break the greatest commands , if he shall be least in the kingdom of heaven , that teaches men to break the least of them ? is not he a breaker of gods command , that gives free licence to the notorious transgressors thereof ? he that is not with me , is against me , saith the lord himself . obj. he objects to himself again , the kings and governours of judah compelled men to serve the lord , therefore kings and governours may now compell . ans. 1. he answers , they that lived under the jewish worship were compelled only , strangers were not . reply . we reply , as the jewish worshippers , so now the christians are then obliged to the law of that worship they profess . indeed , for jews , turks and pagans , the case may differ somewhat . yet , though strangers were not compelled to the worship , they were to be restrained from abusing it any way ; witness the fourth command , that injoyns all superiors to see that the sabbath be not profaned by the stranger within their gates . nehemiah that zealous and truly noble governour , threatned the merchant-strangers with imprisonment , if they came again to profane the sabbath , though but without the gates . but what means this kind of answer ? speak plain , do you disown the name and worship of christ , as too many of your comrades do in effect deny his person and office ? if you think much of being christians , tell us plainly what you are , whether jews , or turks ; heathens , or atheists , that we may know what to say to you . ans. 2. he answers secondly , they were not compelled to any thing , but what they knew and confessed to be their duty , 2 chron. 6. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. reply . we reply , salomon indeed and their faithfull rulers knew and confessed their own and their peoples duty , in the great matters of gods worship . a good patern for all christian rulers , to study it and profess it solemnly , that they may as effectually engage their people to god , and god to them . he requires not a blind and lame sacrifice of implicite faith and obedience ; yet were still too many of that people ignorant in too many things , though in the gross they owned gods appointed worship . they needed still teaching and quickning means , as our people do still now . therefore godly jehoshaphat made it a chief part of his reformation , to send abroad teachers into all vacant places , and with them his princes to countenance them , and to cause them with vigor and comfort to teach ( as the hebrew elegance imports ) the good knowledge of the lord . when they had been orderly instructed , then did he send judges in their circuits , to proceed further in that great work , as that juncture of affairs required . it will be the joy of all gods friends to see more of the like among us . their success mentioned so remarkably in the context , will not be far from us , whilst we keep close to god in their way . but how farre are our querists friends from following that good example ! do they labour still to disgrace and discourage faithfull magistrates and ministers from promoting it ? is it not their business day and night , every where , to obstruct and disturb it , what they can ? if they seem of late , to be grown more mild and reserved , we may thank the care of such magistrates , who have given them cause to fear the deserved lash . their poyson is but refined by this change , and made more taking . ans. 3. he answers again , the kings of israel had extraordinary prophets to direct them infallibly . our kings and governours have none such to direct them . reply . we reply , though many of them had such , yet even then the standard of all doctrine and worship , was the law and the testimony ; thereby all spirits and pretended prophets were to be tried : the like have we now in gospel-daies , even a more sure word of prophesie , a word surer than the greatest revelations mentioned in that context of peter , a word sufficient every way to compleat the man of god in the knowledge and doing of his will . this is our doctrinal foundation , our infallible judge , whereby all spirits and doctrines are to be tried : if any teach otherwise , though he should be an angel from heaven , he is accursed . we need then no infallible prophets or apostles , seeing we have that sure word of theirs , which the spirit of truth spoke and writ by them , confirmed by their miracles , and hath infallibly made the perfect rule of our faith and life : all differing interpretations thereof may and must be reconciled by the light of that unerring spirit , which is inseparable from his word : though fallible men mistake often , yet the sense of christs spirit in his word is clear and sure still . though blind eyes see not at all , and sore eyes see but dimly ; though blood-shot eyes will see amiss , the light of that sun is alwaies clear and sure . though some expressions may seem obscure , yet the rest duly compared , will sufficiently clear them . though the self-conceited and proud will wrest and mistake it , yet the humble will god teach . though a corrupt mind will extract poyson , as a spider out of flowers , errour out of truth , by poysoning it , yet christs spirit will lead his people thereby into all truth , needfull for them to know . though the carnal heart will still be ignorant , yet the teachable heart , by that anointing from above , will be taught all things gradually , proportionably and seasonably , so that he shall not need to be taught by any sect master , or pharisaical teacher , or infallible pope , as too many have been and are still . though this gospel be hid to them that perish , whose eyes are blinded by sin and satan ; yet is it plain to him that understands , and is tractable in the school of christ . though it may prove a savour of death to reprobate consciences , yet is it still the sweet savour of christ to his disciples . though worldly spirits will slight and abuse the simplicity thereof ; yet spiritual hearts will admire and improve still the majesty of it . though the perverse minde will account it a self-contradicting word , yet the rational christian will find it still most harmonious in its whole composure . though a vain soul will finde it to be a killing letter , yet the wise heart will finde it experimentally to have a most quickning spirit . though the superficial reader will finde its shell and bark to be hard and knotty , yet the studious christian will tast the sweetness and tenderness of its kernell and marrow . though deluded impostors will pervert it still to the taking off the magistrate from his duty about the first table , yet the lords servants shall finde every part thereof to be an eminent motive to quicken , direct and enable all superiours to the faithfull preserving and vindicating of it . ans. 4. he answers fourthly , the kings and rulers of israel did not imprison schismaticks , pharisees , herodians . reply 1. the law of god directed his servants then to dispense all censures , in a way proportionable to the nature of the offence , and condition of the offender , which faithfull magistrates observed , as hundred instances might demonstrate . the king to that end was commanded to have a copy of the law by him , to direct him still daily . reply 2. as there were divers sorts of hereticks , which the lords word bound over to just penalties : so was there variety of schismaticks , raised up by satan to rend the church , as the hereticks work was to poyson it , for a just execution on the spirits of such , as had not received the truth in the love thereof , that they might be saved ; god gave them up to strong delusions , to beleeve lies , as he doth daily . because they voluntarily separated from god , and his truth , to give up themselves to the service of sinne and satan ; he justly gave them up to a perverse spirit , to break them into fractions and factions , both in church and state , even as he doth now by sad experience . because they would not be separated from the evil of men , he permitted them to follow those seducers , that drove on their own interest , by separating from good men . doth he not so still ? because they wilfully chose heaps of teachers , self-called , to serve their fansies and lusts ; god also chose their delusions , to give them up to the efficaciousness of deceit . is it not so still ? because they refused and abused the lights of his own setting up , was it not just with him to leave them in darkness , to abuse themselves and others , even as it 's now ? thus gods refusals are still the devils choice , and they that forsake his waies cannot escape the devils crooked paths : whilst authority kept all in their places close to the word and waies of god , jerusalem the metropolis of church and state , was a glorious and harmonious city . but as fast as they declined in their zeal of gods house towards worldly politicks , they ushered in as fast all sorts of discords and discontents , civil and ecclesiastical . josephus their historian , and many others compared with scripture records , will fully demonstrate this to the judicious reader . as before their babylonian captivity , so after it , they gradually lost purity , then peace , inclining still towards errour and discord . thence the direfull separations of pharez and sadock , the ringleaders of so many myriads into pharisaism and sadducism , followed close by the monkish essens , and the politick herodians , those state separatists . the like befell the christian churches in the very apostles daies , and successively more and more . the sinfull separations of the novatians , acesians , donatists , &c. with the multiplying heresies and blasphemies of that monstrous brood , which swarmed every where , made way for that grand apostasie of the roman church , and advanced that man of sin into christs throne , to make him and his the sons of perdition , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . was not the like course revived by satan ever since the reformation was revived by christ , formerly and lately ? our wofull experience will give a sad , though clear answer thereto . is it not high time then for all superiours and others , to hearken to christs voice speaking from heaven to us , as he did to languishing ephesus ? remember we now , before it be too late , whence we are fallen , and repent , lest our candlestick be removed suddenly . if our complexion be still laodicean , what is our condition like to prove , but like to theirs ? they were overthrown with an earthquake that despised christs warning ; if the quakings of church and state , prognosticating the like now , effect not our overthrow , the treasures of divine grace will be the more magnified . obj. 3. the querist objects again to himself , then every one may live as he lists ? ans. he answers , had he not as good live as he lists , as live as you list ? reply . mans list is not his rule , but gods revealed will in his word of scripture . by that measuring line of the sanctuary , all men and all their actions are to be measured . that is the perfect copy , that gods people in all ages have learned to write after . that 's the ballance of the sanctuary , that must weigh us all . that 's the touchstone , that will try our alloy . by that standard godly magistrates have been in all ages taught to govern happily , in promoting good , and punishing evil . so farre as they keep close to that rule , all their commands are to be obeyed for conscience sake , in matters of religion , as of morality . that 's the bridle of evil , and the spur to all good . libertines therefore in all ages have shewed most spight against it , by reproaches and gross abuses thereof . the roman antichrist , to set up his own traditional list , blasphemes it many waies , charging it with imperfection , obscurity , defects , insufficiency and corruption . the quaking libertines , their bastard brood , hath done what they could to defame , deface and destroy it . at their first stirring , they wholly denied the need and use thereof . but because they lost credit thereby , on a sudden in all places , they agreed upon the owning of it , at least , verbally , that they might the better abuse it , and others by it . that sudden change , observed by the judicious , so unanimously carried on in all parts , may discover much of that strong design , which is so notably fomented , if not begun among them , by the pontifician brats . now that in words they profess to own the scripture , how deal they with it ? just as the romanists , that give it as little credit as they can . both originals , hebrew and greek , must be slighted and slandered as corrupt ; the vulgar translation exalted above them . then there is no absolute need of it , they can live well enough without it , by traditional and enthusiastical help . then it must have a competitor , the popes infallible chair , or the councils determination , and the quakers oracle , written , or verbal . then it must be wrested to patronize their grossest and wildest extravagancies . no blasphemy so horrid , no ceremony so ridiculous , no doctrine so vile , but a scriptural varnish must be got to set it out . but what 's the end of all ? that man may not be taught or ruled as god lists , but as they list . thence such specious pleas against the need and use of the ministerial function , under many taking pretences , that gods will may be determined by every ones list : thence such reasonings with plausible sophisms , against the magistrates power in religious matters , that they may be taken off from attending the lords will therein . thence also such painted arguments drawn from the very dregs of pelagianism , ( revived by popery and arminianism , ) for the sufficiency of the light within , that all things , at last , may be brought to their list . obj. the querist again objects to himself , then it seems errours may be suffered . ans. he answers , if truth may be suffered also , it will prevail against errours : it 's no more in your power to binder errours , than it was in the prelates to hinder preaching , speaking and writing against them . if you can hinder satans suggestions , and the vain imaginations of their hearts , and expell the darkness in men , and place light in stead thereof , and hinder men from speaking to each other , then you can suppress errour , else not . the lord alone by the mighty power of his spirit with his word , can suppress errours ; and we beleeve he will certainly do it in his time , to his glory and the comfort of his people . amen . reply . this is the upshot of our querists attempt in this serpentine way of ambiguous queries , pleasingly dressed for the stomack of this libertine age ; for answer whereto , we grant , that truth will indeed prevail against errours , as surely as god the author thereof , is sure to prevail against satan the father of errours . truth will seasonably prevail , whether suffered or opposed , it being still like to the palm tree , that will not be suppressed , though much oppressed . but is suffering of errours a good way to that end ? is the patronage of lies a friendly help to truth ? when truth doth rife , it will be with the fall and ruinous shame of all its oppressors , wherein neutral spirits will finde little comfort , and as little excuse . are not errours the diseases of mens souls ; and is there no way to cure them , but by letting them alone ? your instance from the prelates is to little purpose , unless you intend to plead their cause , or can demonstrate the case in hand to be like theirs . it 's not our work to revive now that controversie , which so many able pens have sufficiently cleared from mistakes . their persons we leave for account to their only judge . their ministerial office , though corrupted many waies , we can own so farre as therein they owned gods institution , whilst we sever from it all humane inventions and corruptions . their lordly pomp and tyrannical carriage we heartily renounce , hoping that all good men among them have done the like . their usurped jurisdiction and self advancing authority above their brethren of the ministry , we also finde in scripture , reason and antiquity sufficient cause to disclaim . the many endeavours of many among them to obstruct the truth , and abuse her friends , we suppose to have been one chief means of hastning their ruine . too many of them shewed too much compliance , if not cordial friendship , to the popish arminian errours , which are now put into a more fashionable garb , by our notionists , seekers and quakers . as then the friends of truth prevailed at last , though after much ●…ugging , against that van-guard of the romish camp ; the good hand of heaven seuding them a strong reserve of the magistratical power , duly dispensed * . we have likewise ground to hope that the followers of truth , in this season also , may obtain a favourable success , against the recruits which that old enemy hath rallied again , under new colours . yet dare we not limit our general christ , in the time or manner of relieving us . possibly our hour of temptation is not yet over ; we may haply undergo yet longer the contradictions of many sinners , as our former worthies did , in their opposing the romish invasions . our incouragement is , that truth will prevail to gods honour and to the shame of errour . it becomes therefore all christians to be more zealous and faithfull in their several places , for truth against errour . magistrates and ministers being officers of note under the lord of hoasts , should be most forward therein , as becomes their several functions , that satans suggestions may be hindred , and the vain imaginations of mens hearts : that darkness may be expelled thence , and light set is stead thereof . that great god , who hath promised to bring this about eminently in the later daies , by the powerfull word of his holy spirit , that the purchase of his son may be compleatly applied to all his elect , according to the eternal purpose of his glorious grace , hath also promised to bless the labours of his servants in subordination thereto , within their several capacities . blessed are those servants of his , whether superiour or inferiours , whom their master coming shall find so doing . it concerns every one to begin at our own hearts , that satans suggestions may not be yielded to , but that christ may garrison them effectually , against all the black regiments of hell . we must look therefore more watchfully to the suppressing of those vain imaginations in our hearts , which are still acting against the crown of christ , by corresponding treacherously with the common enemy . we are naturally darkness , and retain too much of it , at the best ; the more need have we to attend the light of his truth and grace , that we being made light in the lord , may walk as children of light . the sensible experience of that gracious work will render us more capable of furthering it in others . to effect such a cure , all impediments must be removed , former causes prevented , and sutable means used , as in ecclesiasticall , so in political relations , by the lords peculiar servants , appointed to that work . if seducers be active for evil , we have much more cause to be active for good . up therefore and be doing , for this work will be rewarded . the lord teach and enable our magistrates thereto , who are entrusted with so much of christs interest in these three nations , that their comfort in the blessed issue may be answerable to their trust . all mountains shall casily become plain before our zerubbabels , when their hearts , heads and hands do harmoniously concur in this great enterprize . let 's pray and beleeve , wait and labour for it , and the lord shall be with the good . postscript . in the close of our querists paper , we meet with a postscript , written with another hand , which was thought fit to be inserted here , that they might not miss of their own , nor complain of suppressing any part . it runs thus , the main end of the proposer in these modest questions , is to assert christ to be the sole lord and ruler in and over the conscience , who obtained the same by vertue of his death and resurrection ; for to this end saith the scripture , christ died , rose and revived , that he might be lord both of the dead and living , and that every one might give an account unto god and christ alone , as their own master , unto whom they stand or fall in judgement ; and are not in these things to be oppressed and brought before the judgement seats of men ; for why shouldst thou set at naught thy brother in matters of his faith and conscience , and herein intrude into the proper office of christ ? since we are all to stand before the judgement seat of christ , whether governours or governed ; and with his decision only , are capable of being declared , either in the right , or in the wrong . this specious conclusion deserves a few animadversions . 1. he would insinuate thereby , whoever be the author , that all this labour tends to the vindication and advance of christs prerogative ; whereas their desire , if obtained , would prove most destructive thereto , as we have demonstrated sufficiently in the preceding answers . 2. he proposes his desires so generally , for universal toleration in all matters of worship , that the vilest blasphemies , the grossest idloatry , and most desperate heresies are not to be excluded from it . 3. he would perswade that the scripture is altogether for it , whereas it 's as diametrally opposite thereto , as heaven is to hell , as hath been cleared . 4. he strives to strip the magistrate of the best jewel of his crown , and the chiefest part of his authority , wherewith he is entrusted by christ , in his stead ; the preservation and promoting of his worship , according to his own written word . 5. he opens a gap thereby to the greatest flood of infidelity and wickedness , that ever can be imagined , to the swift and desperate overwhelming of truth and peace , both in church and state . 6. he sweetens this poysoned cup with a handfull of scripture quotations , and plausible expressions of gods word , but miserably wrested and misapplied , as will appear to the judicious peruser thereof ; for instance , the words of scripture he uses , we find them in pauls epistle to the corinthians ; whereas as its most clear , by comparing them with the context and scope of that chapter , that there is no discourse of the magistrates power there ( sufficiently cleared elsewhere ) but of every christians liberty in indifferent circumstantials , and particularly about jewish meats , drinks and daies , wherein he would not have them to offend , nor take offence , by rashness of judging ; nor remain unsetled in their conscience about the same , shewing that the kingdom of god consists not in meats , drinks , or any such externals , but in righteousness , peace , and joy in the holy ghost . that therefore they should use christian wisdom , tenderness and diligence towards each other , for their mutual edification . there was then a special ground moving thereto , because the jewish worship having been so long in force , and being but lately removed , many of the christian converts , ( the jews especially ) thought themselves bound still to the observance thereof , which offended others , who were better informed . therefore the apostle , ( who became all things to all in such indifferent matters ) did use much compllance and forbearance in this case towards weak christians , pressing others to do the like , as in other places also , yea himself made use sometimes of those jewish ceremonials , having circumcised timothy , shaven his head , made vows , &c. to win the more upon the jews his countrymen , who were so desperatly incensed against him for his leaving their way . thus the ceremonial rites were gradually to receive an honourable burial . they had been salutiferi and precious means of grace under that mosaical dispensation of the lords gracious covenant , each of them holding forth something of christ , being the bark , the shell and garment of his substantial grace , cloathed therewith . they began to appear mortui , and expire after christs death , having been nailed to his cross , as being a law of typical ordinances , which were to end , at his accomplishment of all things . yet some time was required to satisfie the jewish converts therewith , before the total removal of them all . whence that famous synod of jerusalem , found it needfull to indulge some of them for a while ; yet when many seducers began to press the necessity of that ceremonial law , teaching them to rest thereon also for righteousness , at colossus in galatia , &c. then did paul appear expresly against them in his epistles , yea he resisted peter to his face about it . that apostolical synod also , proceeded formally against them , and so setled the christian worship , allowing a solemn funeral to those ceremonial rites , which afterwards became lethiferi and deadly , in the abuse thereof . the sense then of this whole fourteenth chapter to the romans being so clear , it 's a gross perverting thereof , to perswade thereby an universal toleration of all irreligion and baseness , if it be but mantled with the pretence of conscience . 7. observe a cozening paralogism , and false arguing running through every vein of this close , as of all the queries ; concluding from a particular affirmative , to universal negatives , pleading for a toleration of all things , in all persons , in point of religion , because some , in some circumstantials were to be born with by private christians , and to forbear each other in their judgement thereof . 8. if any of these arguments should have any force to disprove the magistrates power , in ruling the externals of man by civil laws and penalties , according to the clear word of god in the point of worship , ( which is the thing controverted here , if any ) it will be as effectual against every power of the magistrate , about the second table also , there being no evil so great , but it hath been and may still be disguised , under pretence of conscience , witness the ranting and quaking crue of germany , in the former century ; and their disciples now among us , as james nailer , george fox , &c. so that the magistratical office will be wholly taken away , and that grand ordinance of heaven , appointed so eminently for gods honour and mans good shall be enervated and nullified . whilst i was perusing of the forenamed papers , i was occasioned to review a book , printed 1644. by mr charles blackwood , intitled , the sterming of antichrist in his two last and strongest garrisons of compulsion of conscience , and infant baptism , and find these queries to be extracted out of that book , at least a full agreement therewith almost in every word , if not altogether . many books of the like nature , as the bloody tenent , and other pamphlets , have been scattered up and down these nations within these twelve years , as the like were in germany and poland formerly : the point of whose reasons are so unhappily bent , that if it prove any thing , it will prove the subversion of all magistratical power . it 's a levelling principle of so sad a consequence , and the ground thereof so laid upon a continued mistake of scripture and reason , that it nearly concerns all christs friends , and all true patriots to detect and disclaim the fallaciousness thereof . as for mr blackwoods piece ; his second part about infant-baptism was abundantly confuted , with all the books of the like import , by many choice pens . in 1654. blake his antagonist , printed a full answer thereto , which was succeeded by mr marshals vindication , mr baxters , mr sydenhams , and others in england ; as in ireland by dr winter , dr worth , &c. who have maintained this sort of christs kingdom against all the assaults of dissenters . and for his first part about compulsion of conscience , it labors of the same mistakes that we have observed in our querist all along , besides several self-contradictions . mr thomas cobbet answered mr blackwood and his consorts about infant-baptism long ago to the full ; and hath answered all opposers of the magistrates power , in his late piece printed 1653. most substantially . when those solid pieces of his and others , about these points , are answered to the purpose , dissenters may be further heard . till then , we shall have little reason to regard , what shall be said or written by any of them in their ranewed cavils , touching the same , so fully confuted already . it 's the fatal lot of arguments mounted against truth in our late controversies , especially about the magistrates power ; that either they are too weakly or too strongly charged , either saying nothing , or proving more then they would grant themselves : either they charge not to any purpose ; or else they over-charge , and break , doing mischief to purpose . i have been perswaded to publish these hints for a caution to all in these slippery dayes , wherein so many professors are ready to slide into gross errors before they be aware . my heart cannot but bleed at the sensible review of our unchristian apostasies from the will and wayes of god . the woful distractions of gods people , and the multiplied delusions of seducers among us , could not but move my pen after the moving of my heart . the crouding of quakers into these parts , especially into this * city , hath been a great occasion of these lines . the forenamed quere clandestinely sealed up and superscribed to colonel henry ingoldsbey , our vigilant governor , to disswade him from that noble work , whereto he found himself eminently obliged for christ and the publike in the discharge of his great trust here . the tumultuousness of the quaking rout had several times disturbed , both the worshipers of god , and the publick peace . they had ensnared many of our souldiers , infected divers of our citizens , gathered many disciples in the garrisons and country , and railed most vilely at the magistrates and ministers of christ . they had spread multitudes of pamphlets , libels and papers , full of their sad stuffe , and by all possible ways labored to gather a strong party , desperatly engaged to their way . what the drift and issue thereof might prove , the judicious might easily guess by such demonstrations . divers papists among us began to like their way , finding it so like to the monkish course of their friars ; many ignorant and unstable souls were daily ensnared and endangered , publike out cries were made by their party against our faithful governor and other magistrates , especially against the persons and office of the gospel ministers , as also against christs ordinances , his word , sacraments , prayers , sabbath , &c. they molested us daily from several parts of ireland and england . being turned out , they returned again with their old tricks renewed . our watchful governor could not be quiet for them , nor any of the lords faithful servants , francis hogil , and edward burrough john perrot and cornet cock , humphrey norton , and william ames , barbary blaydon , and sarah bennet , with divers others of that gang , have been so extreamly troublesome , that our governor was forced to take the best course he could for their conviction and others safety . i my self had spent divers hours , at divers seasons , with the chief of them , and perused their papers and books , full of absurd and vile notions : no means attempted could do them any good . their sugard stuffe was easily swallowed down , by such whose mind was seeking still where to settle ; their circean cup pleased distempered palats . to take of the zeal off our rulers , if they could , the aforesaid queries were secretly dispersed here , the perusal where of stirred up my spirit to the detecting of that cheat . i had also thought to have answered the quakers queries sent me before , which they importunately pressed in to their usual rhetorick , having an eye to that of the wise man , of answering a fool , effectually , though not in his way . but finding the said queries to be the very same in substance , if not verbatim , which as a common babble , they had formerly been sent to mr eaton , mr baxter , mr farmer , and others by their consorts , already fully answered , i desisted not willing to mispend so much precious time ; the multiplicious work , whereto i am necessitated in this city , by my ministerial call , affords me not many hours of respite , and may sufficiently apologize for any defect in this book , whether for matter , method , or expression ; yet could not my heart rest till it had breathed forth its oppressing troubles in this weak manner , that all such who own the lords honor and the publike weal , might have this warning to awaken . the noise of a few despised creatures were once instrumental to the saving of a famous state , by saving their capitol . the sounding of rams horns , by gods appointment , was instrumentally blessed from above , to the pulling down of jericho's walls : maximus deus , et in minimis . a weak crooked tool in the lords hand may serve his turn , for the greatest work at his pleasere . if either by this or any thing else any benefit accrew to christs friends , let him have the glory , and forget not in thy best addresses him , whom the lord hath made in any degree serviceable to thy good . it 's his hearts desire to be made faithful to god and his people that he may spend and be spent a●ight in the finishing of his course with joy . that christ may be all in all things to thee , is his longing desire , and shall be still his constant prayer . decemb. 30. 1656. μόνῳ σόφῷ θεῷ , διὰ ιησου χριστου , ἡ δόξα εἰσ τοὺσ αἰῶνας . ἀμὴν . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a85986e-340 isa. 49. 23. psal. 82. 1. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} psal. 82 5. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} psal. 47. 9. 1 sam. 2. 30. ezra 1. ezra 2. &c. hag. 1. zech. 1. zech. 3. zech. 4. 10. rev. 13. 1 , 7 , 8. rev. 13. 11 , 12. rev. 11. jer. 3. 14 , 15. jer. 30. 21. sisidan . comment. bullinger . cloppenburg . guy de bres . 1 cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. psal. 106. 13. numb. 16. 3 , 4 16. 25. psal. 106. 19 , 20 , 28 , 29. numb. 16. 32 psal. 106. 17. numb. 16. 35. psal. 106. 18. psal. 106. 15. 1 cor. 10. 6 , 11 joh. 1. 14 , 16. 1 cor. 1. 30. ephes. 1. 23. 1 sam. 2. 30. exod. 19. 5. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} 1 pet. 2. 9. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 2 chro. 15. 2. hag. 2. 6 , 7 , 8. ezek. 21. 27. heb. 1● . 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. jer. 10. 7. revel. 15. 4. exod. 17. 11 , 12. notes for div a85986e-1000 besides the greek and latine fathers , see bullinger , paraeus , calvin , beza , tossanus , marlorat , muscul. snecan , &c. mr tho. cobbet of n e 1653. eph. 4. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. rom. 16. 17 , 18. jud. 19. 2 king. 17. 2 thess. 2. 2 tim. 4. dan. 11. 36 , 37 , 38. rev. 18. 4. zech. 8. 16 , 19. there were also some mixt types in morall things , which were occasionally representers of evangelicall substance , as davids and salomons acts of justice , piety , and authoritatively done , which having a morall ground , rule and end , are still to be imitated in the like case , as the scripture clears , both in first and second table ; as psal. 69. 9. with joh. 2. 17. ephes. 6. 1 , 2 , 3. compared with exod. 20. gen. 18. 18 , 19 , &c. guildas . dr ushers brittish antiquit. nath. bacons hist. of engl. govern. bedae histor. matth. westm. matth. paris engl. histor. fox . monum. concil. tom. morn. myster. iniquit . magdeburg . centur. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . plutarc . riligio propugnaculum potestatis , legnm & honesta disciplinae vinculum . plato . humanae societatis fundamentum , religio . cicer. heu ! primae scelerum causae mortalibus a gris naturam nescire dei , silius italic . clem. alexand. stromat . * j. parisions . victoria . widrington . judg. 17. 6. judg. 21. 25. 1 cor. 9. 21. hi dà libertà à mala conscientia , da licentia a l'humo furioso è pestilente . axiom . italic . mark 10. 5. when david was forced to suspend the punishment of joabs and abishai's murther all his life , it was because the sons of serviah were too strong for him ; as they often prove too hard for good men and good laws . 1 tim. 5. 22. 1 king. 11. 1 tim. 1. 9. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes for div a85986e-2580 veritas index ac judex sui & obliqui . act. 17. 11. 1 joh. 4. 1. isa. 8. 20. 2 cor. 3. 18. 2 cor. 4. 3 , 4. rom. 14. 19 , 20 , 21 , ●2 . 1 pet. 2. 13 , 14. rom. 13. 5 , 6. rom. 13. circa res ecclesiasticas , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . euseb. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . rom. 13. 1 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. gal. 5. 20. 2 joh. 11. tit. 3. 10. rom 13. 4. anno 330. anno 383. anno 440. anno 454. concil. tom. euseb. chron. socrat. zonar . myster. iniquit . morn . isa. 60. 3 , 10 , 11. isa. 62. 2. rev. 11. 15. dan. 3. 29. dan. 4. 36. ezra 6. 7. ezra 7. nehem. 1. jer. 29. 21. socrat. lib. 2. c. 22. joseph de bell . judaic. eresbach . hist. annal. sleidan . bullinger . melancthon . luther . bledisk , &c. calvin . contr. libert. beza de haeret . pun . junius , &c. sleidan . comm. hornebeck , de haeretic . guy de bres . contre les anab. cloppenburg . gan. anabapt. spanhem . disput. contr. anabapt. bulling . adv. anab. bledskin . hist. david georg. apocalyps . haeref . arch. &c. fiat justitia & ruat caelum , aut pereat mundus . ferdinan . see engl. hist. camden . elizab. see their letters , courtiers and councils in severall books abroad , pictured out , to the life , out of their own papers , and bosom favorites . parliaments remonstr. . ro●…es master-piece popish favorite . cabala , scrinia sacra , motus britaun . engl. histor. the romish superstitions stirred then apace , as you may see in clav. apocalyp by a germ author . rev. 12. 14. med. clav. apocalypt. . brightman , &c. myster. iniquit . morn carion ▪ chron. then was rome taken many times in fourty years space and the state altered . revel. 13. 1 , 2 , &c. revel. 13. 11 , 12 , &c. dan. 11. 36 , 37 , 38 , &c. then the romish prelate rode in state , like the scarlet whore , upon all power , and revived the image of the first beast for future adoration . milan . ravenna . see histor. concil. centuriator . magdeburg . binium . baronii annales . armach . de succes & stat . eccles. campanell , de monarch . hisp. contzen . polit. d. r. interest of princes . histor jesuit . specul. jesuit . specul. europ . rev. 16. 9 , 11. engl. histor. camd. britann . duke of roans interest of princes . rev. 18. 15. 2 thess. 2. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. 1 tim. 4. 2 , 3. jam. 3. 2. 1 joh. 1. 8 , 10. in baron . annal. platin. de vit. pontific . magdeburg . centur. catalog . test . veritat . myster. iniquit . morn . disputat . inter dominic & jesuit . see also hist. of netherl . slcidan . comm. bullinger . guy de bres . hoornbeck . cloppenbur . &c. emmot , gilpins , norman , hawkins , &c. mr prins book . the perfect pharisee , written by the ministers of newcastle . the mysteries of godliness and ungodliness , by mr farmer of bristol . stablishing against quaking , by mr termin . the northern blast . the quakers catechism , by mr. baxter . with divers others . one of them lately affirmed ( to a person of honour here ) their party to be strong enough to procure their will by arms , if they listed . for larger particulars of this nature , reade mr. baxter of the sin against the holy ghost , printed 1655 pag. 146 , 147 , 148 , &c. beckmans exercitations . hoornbeck , de haeretic . calvins psychopannychia , &c. erastus contrae paracels . &c. quien te háze fiesta que no lo súele hazer , o tè quiére engannar , o te ha menester . a spanish proverb too much verified in them . 1 tim. 2. 2. galat. 5. 22. rom. 13. 3 , 4 , 5 zech. 13. 3 , 4 , 5. see euseb. socrat. sozomen . zonar . epiphan. augustin . 2 thess. 2. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 1 joh. 5. 16. * witches . see n. engl. hist. relat. jud. v. 18 , 19. 2 tim. 2. 26. zech. 13. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. rev. 16. 14. mark 9. 29. matth. 17. 20. see gesuer . zuinger . eraestum . beckmans exer. see legend . aur. de vit. sanctor . histor. indiar . quien a su enemigo popā , a sus manos muere . adag. hisp. rev. 16. 14 , 15 see the relations and books of the quakers in all parts . * an italian vermin . from anno 1520 , to 1540. about 2 years ago . prov. 10. 13. rom. 7. 1 joh. 2. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . see codic . justinian . bracton . brito . mirrour of engl. laws . gildas . tacit. fortescue . coke's instit. reports . sr nath. bacons governm . of engl. sr fran. bac. rom. 5. 1. hos. 2. fleta , littleton , selden , ●… matth. westm. rom. 7. 12. the histories and books of the quakers fully clear all these things particularly . 1 joh. 5. 6 , 7 , 20. joh. 15. 26. eph. 1. 5 , 11. rom. 9. 11. act 15. 18. eph. 1. 4 , 5. 1 pet. 1. 2 , 3. act. 13. 48. rom. 8. 28 , 29 , 30. eph. 1. 4 , 5 , 6. rom. 9. 12. 1 thess 5. 9. 1 pet. 2. 8. jud. 4. 1 tim. 5. 21. genes . 2. col. 3. 10. eph. 4. 24. heb. 1. 1. 2 pet. 1. 20 , 21. eph. 2. 19 , 20 , 21. 1 cor. 3. 10 , 11 2 tim. 3. 15 , 16 , 17. psal. 19. psal. 119. veritas mentis , oris , operis . matth. 10. 19. psal. 145. 17. psal. 104. 14. isa. 28. 29. heb. 1. 3. gen. 1 , & 2. deut. 32. 4. 1 joh. 5. 7. 1 tim. 2. 5. joh. 3. 3 , 5. 1 cor. 15. matth. 18. 3. 1 cor. 3. 12 , 13 , 14. 1 cor. 10. 23 , 24. rom. 14. 1 , &c gal. 6. 1 , 2. 1 cor. 8. 7 , 8 , 9. 1 cor. 9. matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. rom. 13. crudelis morbus crudelem facit medicum . prov. les cousciences libertines sont de vrages bestes saenuages , adag. gallic . see engl. hist. 2 chro. 33. 12. eccl. 12. 11. luk. 15. 17. la cóz de la yégua no haze mal al pótro . adag. hispan . miédo guarda vinna y no vinnadero . hispan . prov. job 14. 14. job 7. 1. gen. 45. 5 , 6. * a great quaker . 1 cor. 11. 31. gen. 2. eccles. 7. 29. tit. 1 , 15 , 16. heb. 9. 14. heb. 10. 22. act. 24. 16. judg. 18. 7. judg. 17. 18 , 19 2 chro. 15. 3 , 4 , 5. isa. 59. 2. jerem. 5. 26. eph. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. gal. 5. 22 , 23. joh. 15. 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. eph. 5. 8. matth. 5. 21. 2 cor. 3. 5. gen. 6. 5. rom. 7. 14 , 18 , 19 , 20. 1 joh. 1. 8 , 10. jam. 3. 2. matth. 13. 38 , 39 , 40. matth. 25. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. 1. cor. 5. 7 , 8. tit. 3. 10. rev. 2. 2 , &c. exod. 20. rom. 13. zech. 13. mat. 13. 40 , 41. 2 chro. 31. 21. 2 king. 19. 35. psal. 103. 20. ezek. 1. 5 , 6 , 7 , &c. matth. 23. 10. zech. 6. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. psal. 32. 1. micah 7. 19. matth. 13. 30. rom. 9. 23. 1 cor. 5. 10. matth. 24. matth. 25. matth. 13. 29. praemium as paena bases humana societatis . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ab à privat . & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} terra , i. e. à terra secretus . 1 pet. 1. 14 , 15 lev. 10. 3. exod. 20. 5. rom. 13. 3 , 4 , 5. john 10. mat. 7. 15 , 16. matth. 10. 16. rev. 5. 5. jud. v. 3 , 4. 2 cor. 7. 1. 1 cor. 5. 7 , 8. cant. 2. 15. 1 pet. 3. 20. 2 pet. 3. 16. heb. 4. 15. phil. 2. 4 , 5 , 6. isa. 42. 2. rev. 19. 16. prov. 8. 15 , 16. rev. 11. 5. matth. 22. 7. 2 cor. 10. 4 , 5 , 6. act. 5. 2 , 3 , 4. act. 20. 35. 1 sam. 2. 30. vilescent {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ezra 6. 12. ezr. 7. 23 , 26. dan 3. 35. dan. 2. 47. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . arist. polit. 7 , 8. isa. 44. 28. matth. 7. 15. john 15. isa. 49. 23. 2 cor. 1. 12. prov. 15. 15. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} cor , vel conscientia bona , convivium perpetuum . isa. 63. 5. a cavallo ceme dor , cabistro corto . fro hisp. mat. 7. 13 , 14. luk. 13. 21. 2 chron 34. jer. 3. 10. john 7. 1 tim. 5. 22. august . confess . ephestions physician lost his life for neglect of his patient , who died also . quint. curt in vit. alexandr. plutarchus . matth. 12. 50. luk. 11. 23. exod. 20. 8 , 9 , 10. deut. 5. 13 , 14. neh. 13. 21. malac. 1. 8 , 9. 2 chron. 17. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} 2 chron. 19. 2 chron. 2. isa. 8. 20. deut. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. deut. 17. 1 , 2. &c. 2 pet. 1. 19 , 20. 2 tim. 3. 15 , 15 , 16 , 17. eph. 2. 19 , 20. 1 joh. 4. 1 , 2. gal. 1. 8. isa. 59. 21. malach. 4. 1 , 2. psal. 25. 9 , 12. joh. 16. 3. 1 cor. 14. 38. 1 joh. 2. 20. 28 2 cor. 4. 3 , 4. prov. 14. 6. 2 cor. 2. 14 , 15 , 16. deut. 17. 17 , 18. 2 thess. 2. 9 , 10. isa. 66. 4. 2 thess. 2. 9 , 10. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . psal. 48. 11 , 12 , 13. psal. 101. psal. 122. psal. 133. 2 thess. 2. 1 tim. 4. rev. 13. omenezádos pan comén . pr. hisp. rev. 2. 5. rev. 3. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , euseb. zech 2. 1. rev. 11. 1. 2 tim. 3. 15 , 16 , 17. isa. 8. 20. 2 pet. 1. 19 , 20. no prophesie is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but generally applicable to all ages . rom. 13. 5 , 6. like the atabantes , that fiercely shoot their arrows at the sun , for scorching of them . plinius . plutarch see bellarm. stapleton . stcuch . gretzer . gordon . becan . &c. veritas magna & praevalebit . curvata resurget . plin. diosc . * in the great parliament . 2 thess. 2. 13. rom. 8. 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , &c. 2 cor. 10. 5. eph. 5. 8. 2 chron. 15. 6 , 7 , 8. zech. 4. 10. 2 chron. 19. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. notes for div a85986e-13420 1 cor. 14. 9 , 10. rom. 14. 17. gal. 6. 1 , 2 , 4. act. 18. 18. act. 21. 23 , 24. 1 cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. coloss. 2. 14. john 19. 30. act. 25. 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. gal. 2. 11. act. 15. * in the beginning of decem. 1656. prov. 26. 4 , 5. tit. liv. flor. josh. 6. 20. hebr. 11. 30. die veneris, 20. feb. 1645. resolved by the lords and commons in parliament assembled; that there bee forthwith a choice made of elders throughout the kingdome of england, and dominion of wales, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83435 of text r212276 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[51]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83435 wing e2243 thomason 669.f.9[51] estc r212276 99870913 99870913 161149 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83435) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161149) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[51]) die veneris, 20. feb. 1645. resolved by the lords and commons in parliament assembled; that there bee forthwith a choice made of elders throughout the kingdome of england, and dominion of wales, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, [london] : 1645. [i.e. 1646] title from heading and first lines of text. place of publication from wing. signed: jo. browne cleric. parliamentorum. resolutions of parliament concerning the election of elders in the parish churches and chapels of england and wales. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. elders (church officers) -great britain -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a83435 r212276 (thomason 669.f.9[51]). civilwar no die veneris, 20. feb. 1645. resolved by the lords and commons in parliament assembled; that there bee forthwith a choice made of elders thro england and wales. parliament. 1645 231 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die veneris , 20. feb. 1645. resolved by the lords and commons in parliament assembled ; that there bee forthwith a choice made of elders throughout the kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , in the respective parish churches and chappels , according to such directions as have already passed both houses , bearing date the 19. of august , 1645. and since that time . and all classes , and parochiall congregations respectively , are hereby authorized and required forthwith effectually to proceed therein accordingly . resolved , &c. that notice of the election of parochiall and congregationall elders , and of the time when it shall be , be given by the minister in the publique assembly the next lords day but one before : and that on that said lords day a sermon be preached preparatory to that weighty busines . resolved , &c. that such election shall bee made by the congregation , or the major part of them then assembled , being such as have taken the nationall covenant , and are not persons under age , nor servants that have no families . resolved , &c. that these three votes be forthwith communicated to the lord major , and immediately put in due execution . jo. browne cleric . parliamentorum . printed by richard cotes , 1645. a collection of papers against popery and arbitrary government written by g. burnet. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 1689 approx. 179 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30329 wing b5769 estc r32598 12725526 ocm 12725526 66365 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30329) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66365) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1522:7) a collection of papers against popery and arbitrary government written by g. burnet. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 49 p. in various pagings. printed at amsterdam, and sold by j. robinson in london, [amsterdam] : mdclxxxix [1689] "reasons against the repealing the acts of parliament concerning the test" has special t.p. and 1687 imprint date. imperfect: pages cropped with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. a letter, containing some remarks on the two papers, writ by his late majesty king charles the second, concerning religion -reasons against the repealing the acts of parliament concerning the test -some reflections on his majesty's proclamation -by the king, a proclamation -a letter, containing some reflections on his majesties declaration for liberty of conscience -an answer to mr. henry payne's letter concerning his majesty's declaration of indulgence -the earle of melfort's letter to the presbyterian ministers in scotland -an answer to a paper printed with allowance, entitled, a new test of the church of england's loyalty. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng payne, henry. -an answer to a scandalous pamphlet entituled a letter to a dissenter concerning his majesties late declaration of indulgence. catholic church -infallibility. church and state -england. liberty of conscience. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-07 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2004-08 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2004-08 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a collection of papers against popery and arbitrary government . written by g. bvrnet , d. d. printed at amsterdam , and sold by j. robinson in london , mdclxxxix . a letter , containing some remarks on the two papers , writ by his late majesty king charles the second , concerning religion . sir , i thank you for the two royal papers , that you have sent me : i had heard of them before , but now we have them so well attested , that there is no hazard of being deceived by a false copy : you expect that in return , i should let you know , what impression they have made upon me . i pay all the reverence that is due to a crown'd head , even in ashes ; to which i will never be wanting : far less am i capable of suspecting the royal attestation that accompanies them ; of the truth of which i take it for granted no man doubts ; but i must crave leave to tell you , that i am confident , the late king only copied them , and that they are not of his composing : for as they have nothing of that free air , with which he expressed himself ; so there is a contexture in them , that does not look like a prince ; and the beginning of the first shewes it was the effect of a conversation , and was to be communicated to another : so that i am apt to think they were composed by another , and were so well relished by the late king , that he thought fit to keep them , in order to his examining them more particularly : and that he was prevailed with to copy them , lest a paper of that nature might have been made a crime , if it had been found about him written by another hand : and i could name one or two persons , who as they were able enough to compose such papers , so had power enough over his spirit to engage him to copy them , and to put themselves out of danger by restoring the original . you ought to address your self to the learned divines of our church , for an answer to such things in them as pussle you , and not to one that has not the honour to be of that body ; and that has now carried a sword for some time , and imploys the leasure that at any time he enjoyes , rather in philosophical and mathematical enquiries , than in matters of controversy . there is indeed one consideration that determined me more easily to comply with your desires , which is , my having had the honour to discourse copiously of those matters with the late king himself : and he having proposed to me some of the particulars that i find in those papers , & i having said several things to him , in answer to those heads , which he offered to me only as objections , with which he seemed fully satisfied , i am the more willing to communicate to you , that which i took the liberty to lay before his late majesty on several occasions : the particulars on which he insisted in discourse with me , were the uselesness of a law without a judge , and the neecssity of an infallible tribunal to determine controversies ▪ to which he added , the many sects that were in england , which seemed to be a necessary consequence of the liberty that every one took to interpret the scriptures : and he often repeated that of the church of englands arguing , from the obligation to obey the church , against the sectaries , which he thought was of no force , unless they allowed more authority to the church than they seemed willing to admit , in their disputes with the church of rome . but upon this whole matter i will offer you some reflections , that will , i hope , be of as great weight with you , as they are with my self . i. all arguments that prove upon such general considerations , that there ought to be an infallible judge named by christ , and clothed with his authority , signify nothing , unless it can be shewed us , in what texts of scripture that nomination is to be found ; and till that is shewed , they are only arguments brought to prove that christ ought to have done somewhat that he has not done . so these are in effect so many arguments against christ , unless it appears that he has authorised such a iudge : therefore the right way to end this dispute , is , to shew where such a constitution is authorised : so that the most that can be made of this is , that it amounts to a favorable presumption . ii. it is a very unreasonable thing for us to form presumptions , of what is , or ought to be , from inconveniences that do arise , in case that such things are not : for we may carry this so far , that it will not be easie to stop it . it seems more sutable to the infinite goodness of god , to communicate the knowledge of himself to all mankind , and to furnish every man with such assistances as will certainly prevail over him . it seems also reasonable to think , that so perfect a saviour as iesus christ was , should have shewed us a certain way , and yet consistent with the free use of our faculties , of avoiding all sin : nor is it very easy to imagine , that it should be a reproach on his gospel , if there is not an infallible preservative against errour , when it is acknowledged , that there is no infallible preservative against sin : for it is certain , that the one damns us more infallibly , than the other . iii. since presumptions are so much insisted on , to prove what things must be appointed by christ ; it is to be considered , that it is also a reasonable presumption , that if such a court was appointed by him , it must be done in such plain terms that there can be no room to question the meaning of them : and since this is the hinge upon which all other matters turn , it ought to be expressed so particularly , in whom it is vested , that there should be no occasion given to dispute , whether it is in one man or in a body ; and if in a body , whether in the majority , or in the two thirds , or in the whole body unanimously agreeing : in short , the chief thing in all governments being the nature and power of the judges , those are always distinctly specified ; and therefore if these things are not specified in the scriptures ; it is at least a strong presumption , that christ did not intend to authorise such judges . iv. there were several controversies raised among the churches to which the apostles writ , as appears by the epistles to the romans , corinthians , galatians and colossians , yet the apostles never make use of those passages that are pretended for this authority to put an end to those controversies ; which is a shrewd presumption , that they did not understand them in that sense in which the church of rome does now take them . nor does st. paul in the directions that he gives to church-men in his epistles to timothy and titus , reckon this of submitting to the directions of the church for one , which he could not have omitted , if this be the true meaning of those disputed passages : and yet he has not one word sounding that way , which is very different from the directions which one possessed with the present , view that the church of rome has of this matter must needs have givē . v. there are some things very expresly taught in the n. testament , such as the rules of a good life , the use of the sacraments , the addressing our selves to god for mercy and grace , thro the sacrifice that christ offered for us on the cross , and the worshipping him as god , the death , resurrection and ascension of jesus christ , the resurrection of our bodies and life everlasting : by which it is apparent , that we are set beyond doubt in those matters ; if then there are other passages more obscure concerning other matters , we must conclude , that these are not of that consequence , otherwise they would have been as plainly revealed as the others are ; but above all , if the authority of the church is delivered to us in disputable terms , that is a just prejudice against it , since it is a thing of such consequence , that it ought to have been revealed in a way so very clear and past all dispute . vi. if it is a presumption for particular persons to judge concerning religion , which must be still referred to the priests & other guides in sacred matters ; this is a good argument to oblige all nations to continue in the established religion , whatever it may happen to be ; and above all others , it was a convincing argument in the mouths of the jewes against our saviour . he pretended to be the messias , and proved it both by the prophesies that were accomplished in him , and by the miracles that he wrought : as for the prophesies , the reasons urged by the church of rome will conclude much stronger , that such dark passages as those of the prophets were , ought not to be interpreted by particular persons , but that the exposition of these must be referred to the priests and sanhedrin , it being expresly provided in their law ( deut. 17.8 . ) that when controversies arose , concerning any cause that was too intricate , they were to go to the place which god should choose , and to the priests of the tribe of levi , & to the judge in those daies , & that they were to declare what was right , & to their decision all were obliged to submit , under pain of death : so that by this it appears , that the priests in the jewish religion were authorised in so extraordinary a manner , that i dare say the church of rome would not wish for a more formal testimony on her behalf : as for our saviours miracles , these were not sufficient neither , unless his doctrine was first found to be good : since moses had expresly warned the people ( deut. 13.1 . ) that if a prophet came and taught them to follow after other gods , they were not to obey him , tho he wrought miracles to prove his mission , but were to put him to death : so a jew saying , that christ , by making himself one with his father , brought in the wors●hip of another god , might well pretend that he was not obliged to yield to the authority of our saviours miracles , without taking cognisance of his doctrine , and of the prophesies concerning the messias , and in a word , of the whole matter . so that , if these reasonings are now good against the reformation , they were as strong in the mouths of the iewes against our saviour : and from hence we see , that the authority that seems to be given by moses to the priests , must be understood with some restrictions ; since we not only find the prophets , and ieremy in particular , opposing themselves to the whole body of them , but we see likewise , that for some considerable time before our saviour's dayes , not only many ill-grounded traditions had got in among them , by which the vigour of the moral law was much enervated , but likewise they were also universally possessed with a false notion of their messias ; so that even the apostles themselves had not quite shaken off those prejudices at the time of our saviour's ascension . so that ▪ here a church , that was still the church of god , that had the appointed means of the expiation of their sins , by their sacrifices and washings , as well as by their circumcision , was yet under great and fatal errors , from which particular persons had no way to extricate themselves , but by examining the doctrine and texts of scripture , and by judging of them according to the evidence of truth , and the force & freedom of their faculties . vii . it seems evident , that the passage [ tell the church ] belongs only to the reconciling of differences : ●hat of [ binding & of loosing , ] according to the use of those terms among the iews , signifies only an authority that was given to the apostles , of giving precepts , by which men were to be obliged to such duties , or set at liberty from them : and [ the gates of hell not prevailing against the church ] signifys only , that the christian religion was never to come to an end , or to perish : & that of [ christs being with the apostles to the end of the world ] imports only a special conduct & protection which the church may alwayes expect , but as the promise , i will not leave thee nor forsake thee ; that belongs to every christian , does not import an infallibility : no more does the other : and for those passages concerning [ the spirit of god that searches all things ] it is plain , that in them st. paul is treating of the divine inspiration , by which the christian religion was then opened to the world ; which he sets in opposition to the wisdom or philosophy of the greeks ; so that as all those passages come far short of proving that for which they are alledged , it must at least be acknowledged , that they have not an evidence great enough to prove so important a truth , as some would evince by them ; since 't is a matter of such vast consequence , that the proofs for it must have an undeniable evidence . viii . in the matters of religion two things are to be considered , first , the account that we must give to god , and the rewards that we expect from him : and in this every man must answer for the sincerity of his heart , in examining divine matters , and the following what ( upon the best enquiries that one could make ) appeared to be true : and with relation to this , there is no need of a iudge ▪ for in that great day every one must answer to god according to the talents thar he had , and all will be saved according to their ●incerity ; and with relation to that judgement , there is no need of any other judge but god. a second view of religion , is as it is a body united together , & by consequence brought under some regulation : and as in all states , there are subalterne iudges , in whose decisions all must at least acquiesce , tho they are not infallible , there being still a sort of an appeal to be made to the soveraigne or the supream legsliative body ; so the church has a subalterne iurisdiction : but as the authority of inferiour judges is still regulated , and none but the legislators themselves have an authority equal to the law ; so it is not necessary for the preservation of peace and order , that the decisions of the church should be infallible , or of equal authority with the scriptures . if judges do so manifestly abuse their authority , that they fall into rebellion and treason , the subjects are no more bound to consider them ; but are obliged to resist them , and to maintain their obedience to their soveraign ; tho' in other matters their judgment must take place , till they are reversed by the soveraign . the case of religion being then this , that jesus christ is the soveraign of the church ; the assembly of the pastors is only a subalterne iudge : if they manifestly oppose themselves to the scriptures , which is the law of christians , particular persons may be supposed as competent iudges of that , as in civill matters they may be of the rebellion of the iudges , and in that case they are bound still to mantain their obedience to iesus christ. in matters indifferent , christians are bound , for the preservation of peace and unity , to acquiesce in the decisions of the church , and in matters justly doubtful , or of small consequence , tho they are convinced that the pastors have erred , yet they are obliged to be silent , and to bear tolerable things , rather than make a breach : but if it is visible , that the pastors do rebel against the soveraign of the church , i mean christ , the people may put in their appeal to that great iudge , and there it must lie . if the church did use this authority with due discretion , and the people followed the rules that i have named with humility and modesty , there would be no great danger of many divisions ; but this is the great secret of the providence of god , that men are still men , and both pastors and people mix their passions and interests so with matters of religion , that as there is a great deal of sin and vice still in the world , so that appears in the matters of religion as well as in other things : but the ill consequences of this , tho they are bad enough , yet are not equal to the effects that ignorant superstition , and obedient zeal have produced in the world , witness the rebellions and wars for establishing the worship of images ; the croissades against the saracens , in which many millions were lost ; those against hereticks , and princes deposed by popes , which lasted for some ages ; and the massacre of paris , with the butcheries of the duke of alva in the last age , and that of ireland in this : which are , i suppose , far greater mischiefs than any that can be imagined to arise out of a small diversity of opinions : and the present state of this church , notwithstanding all those unhappy rents that are in it , is a much more desirable thing , than the gross ignorance and blind superstition that reigns in italy and spain at this day . ix . all these reasonings concerning the infallibility of the church signify nothing , unless we can certainly know , whither we must go for this decision : for while one party shewes us , that it must be in the pope , or is no where , and another party sayes it cannot be in the pope , because as many popes have erred , so this is a doctrine that was not known in the church for a thousand years , and that has been disputed ever since it was first asserted , we are in the right to believe both sides ; first , that if it is not in the pope , it is no where ; and then , that certainly it is not in the pope ; and it is very incongruous to say , that there is an infallible authority in the church , and that yet it is not certain where one must seek for it ; for the one ought to be as clear as the other ; and it is also plain , that what primacy so ever st. peter may be supposed to have had , the scripture sayes not one word of his successors at rome ; so at least this is not so clear , as a matter of this consequence must have been , if christ had intended to have lodged such an authority in that see. x. it is no less incongruous to say , that this infallibility is in a general council : for it must be somewhere else , otherwise it will return only to the church by some starts , and after long intervals : and as it was not in the church , for the first 320 years , so it has not been in the church these last 120 ▪ years . it is plain also , that there is no regulation given in the scriptures , concerning this great assembly , who have a right to come & vote , and what forfeits this right , and what numbers must concur in a decision , to assure us of the infallibility of the iudgment . it is certain , there was never a general council of all the pastors of the church : for those of which we have the acts , were only the councils of the roman empire , but for those churches that were in the south of africk , or the eastern parts of asia ▪ beyond the bounds of the roman empire , as they could not be summoned by the emperours authority , so it is certain none of them were present : unless one or two of persia at nice , which perhaps was a corner of persia belonging to the empire ; and unless it can be proved , that the pope has an absolute authority to cut off whole churches from their right of coming to councils , there has been no general council these last 700. years in the world , ever since the bishops of rome have excommunicated all the greek churches upon such trifling reasons , that their own writers are now ashamed of them ; and i will ask no more of a man of a competent understanding , to satisfy him that the council of trent was no general council , acting in that freedom that became bishops , than that he will be at the pains to read card. pallavicins history of that council . xi . if it is said , that this infallibility is to be sought for in the tradition of the doctrine in all ages , and that every particular person must examine this : here is a sea before him , and instead of examining the small book of the n. testament , he is involved in a study that must cost a man an age to go thro it ; and many of the ages , thro which he caries this enquiry , are so dark , and have produced so few writers , at least so few are preserved to our dayes , that it is not possible to 〈◊〉 out their belief . we find also traditions have varied so much that it is hard to say that there is much weight to be laid on this way of conveyance . a tradition concerning matters of fact that all people see , is less apt to fail than a tradition of points of speculation : and yet we see very near the age of the apostles , contrary traditions touching the observation of easter , from which we must conclude , that either the matter of fact of one side , or the other , as it was handed down , was not true , or at least that it was not rightly understood . a tradition concerning the use of the sacraments being a visible thing , is more likely to be exact , than a speculation concerning their nature ; and yet we find a tradition of giving infants the communion , grounded on the indispensible necessity of the sacrament , continued a thousand years in the church . a tradition on which the christians founded their joy and hope , is less like to be changed , than a more remote speculation , and yet the first writers of the christian religion had a tradition handed down to them by those who saw the apostles , of the reign of christ for a thousand years upon earth ; and if those who had matters at second hand from the apostles , could be thus mistaken , it is more reasonable to apprehend greater errours at such a distance . a tradition concerning the book of the scriptures is more like to be exact , than the exposition of some passages in it ; and yet we find the church did unanimously believe the translation of the 70. interpreters to have been the effect of a miraculous inspiration , till st. ierome examined this matter better , and made a new translation from the hebrew copies . but which is more then all the rest , it seems plain , that the fathers befor the council of nice believed the divinity of the son of god to be in some sort inferiour to that of the father , and for some ages after the council of nice , they believed them indeed both equal , but they considered these as two different beings , and only one in essence , as , three men have the same humane nature in common among them ; and that as one candle lights another , so the one flowed from another ; and after the fifth century the doctrine of one individual essence was received . if you will be farther informed concerning this , father petau will satisfy you as to the first period before the council of nice , and the learned dr. cudmorth as to the second . in all which particulars it appears , how variable a thing tradition is . and upon the whole matter , the examining tradition thus , is still a searching among books , and here is no living judge . xii . if then the authority that must decide controversies , lies in the body of the pastors scattered over the world , which is the last retrenchment , here as many and as great scruples will arise , as we found in any of the former heads . two difficulties appear at first view , the one is , how can we be assured that the present pastors of the church are derived in a just succession from the apostles : there are no registers extant that prove this : so that we have nothing for it but some histories , that are so carelesly writ , that we find many mistakes in them in other matters ; and they are so different in the very first links of that chain , that immediatly succeeded the apostles , that the utmost can be made of this is , that here is a historical relation somewhat doubtful ; but here is nothing to found our faith on : so that if a succession from the apostles times , is necessary to the constitution of that church , to which we must submit our selves , we know not where to find it : besides that , the doctrine of the necessity of the intention of the minister to the validity of a sacrament , throws us into inextricable difficulties . i know they generally say , that by the intention they do not mean the inward acts of the minister of the sacrament , but only that it must appear by his outward deportment , that he is in earnest going about a sacrament , and not doing a thing in jest ; and this appeared so reasonable to me , that i was sorry to find our divines urge it too much : till turning over the rubricks that are at the beginning of the missal , i found upon the head of the intention of the minister , that if a priest has a number of hoslies before him to be consecrated , and intends to consecrate them all , except one , in that case that vagrant exception falls upon them all : it not being affixed to any one , and it is defined that he consecrates none at all . here it is plain , that the secret acts of a priest can defeat the sacrament ▪ so that this overthrows all certainty concerning a succession : but besides all this , we are sure , that the greek churches have a much more uncontested succession than the latines : so that a succession cannot direct us . and if it is necessary to seek out the doctrines that are universally received , this is not possible for a private man to know . so that in ignorant countries , where there is little study , the people have no other certainty concerning their religion , but what they take from their curate and confessor : since they cannot examine what is generally received . so that it must be confessed that all the arguments that are brought for the necessity of a constant infallible iudge , turn against all those of the church of rome , that do not acknowledge the infallibility of the pope : for if he is not infallible , they have no other iudge , that can pretend to it . it were also easy to shew , that some doctrines have been as universally received in some ages , as they have been rejected in others ʒ which shews , that the doctrine of the present church is not alwayes a sure measure . for five ages together , the doctrine of the popes power to depose heretical princes was received without the least opposition : and this cannot be doubted by any that knows what has been the state of the church since the end of the eleventh century : & yet i believe , few princes would allow this , notwithstanding all the concurring authority of so many ages to fortify it . i could carry this into a great many other instances , but i single out this , because it is a point in which princes are naturally extream sensible . upon the whole matter , it can never enter into my mind , that god , who has made man a creature , that naturally enquires and reasons , and that feels as sensible a pleasure when he can give himself a good account of his actions , as one that sees , does perceive in comparison to a blind man that is led about ; and that this god , that has also made religion on design to perfect this humane nature , and to raise it to the utmost height to which it can arrive , has contrived it to be dark , and to be so much beyond the penetration of our faculties , that we cannot find out his mind in those things that are necessary for our salvation : and that the scriptures , that were writ by plain men , in a very familiar stile , and addrest without any discrimination to the vulgar , should become such an unintelligible book in these ages , that we must have an infallible iudge to expound it : and when i see not only popes , but even some bodies that pass for general councils , have so expounded many passages of it , and have wrested them so visibly , that none of the modern writers of that church pretend to excuse it , i say i must freely own to you , that when i find i need a commentary on dark passages , these will be the last persons to whom i will address my self for it . thus you see how fully i have opened my mind to you in this matter ; i have gone over a great deal of ground in as few words as is possible , because hints i know are enough for you ; i thank god , these considerations do fully satisfy me , and i will be infinitely joyed , if they have the same effect on you . i am yours . this letter came to london with the return of the first post after his late majesties papers were sent into the countrey ; some that saw it , liked it well , and wished to have it publick , and the rather , because the writer did not so entirely consine himself to the reasons that were in those papers , but took the whole controversy to task in a little compass , and yet with a great variety of reflections . and this way of examining the whole matter , without following those papers word for word , or the finding more fault than the common concern of this cause required , seemed more aggreeing to the respect that is due to the dead , and more particularly to the memory of so great a prince ; but other considerations made it not so easy nor so adviseable to procure a license for the printing this letter , it has been kept in private hands till now : those who have boasted much of the shortness of the late kings papers , and of the length of the answers that have been made to them , will not find so great a disproportion between them and this answer to them . finis . reasons against the repealing the acts of parliament concerning the test . humbly offered to the consideration of the members of both houses , at their next meeting on the 28th of april 1687. printed in the year 1687. reasons against the repealing the acts of parliament concerning the test . humbly offered to the consideration of the members of both houses , at their next meeting on the 28th of april 1687. i if the just apprehensions of the danger of popery gave the birth to the two laws for the two tests , the one with relation to all publick emploiments in 73. and the other with relation to the constitution of our parliaments for the future in 78. the present time and conjuncture does not seem so proper for repealing them ; unless it can be imagined , that the danger of popery is now so much less than it was formerly , that we need be no more on our guard against it . we had a king , when these laws were enacted , who as he declared himself to be of the church of england , by receiving the sacrament four times a year in it , so in all his speeches to his parliaments , and in all his declarations to his subjects , he repeated the assurances of his firmness to the protestant religion so solemnly and frequently , that if the saying a thing often gives just reason to believe it , we had as much reason as ever people had to depend upon him : and yet for all that , it was thought necessary to fortify those assurances with laws : and it is not easy to imagin , why we should throw away those , when we have a prince that is not only of another religion himself , but that has expressed so much steadiness in it , and so much zeal for it , that one would think we should rather now seek a further security , than throw away that which we already have . ii. our king has given such testimonies of his zeal for his religion , that we see among all his other royal qualities , there is none for which he desires and deserves to be so much admired . since even the passion of glory , of making himself the terrour of all europe , and the arbiter of christendom , ( which as it is natural to all princes , so must it be most particularly so to one of his martial and noble temper ) yields to his zeal for his church ; and that he , in whom we might have hoped to see our edward the third , or our henry the 5th revived , chooses rather to merit the heightning his degree of glory in another world , than to acquire all the lawrels and conquests that this low and vile world can give him : and that , instead of making himself a terrour to all his neighbours , he is contented with the humble glory of being a terrour to his own people ; so that instead of the great figure , which this reign might make in the world , all the news of england is now only concerning the practises on some fearful mercenaries . these things shew , that his majesty is so possessed with his religion , that this cannot suffer us to think , that there is at present no danger from popery . iii. it does not appear , by what we see , either abroad or at home , that popery has so changed its nature , that we have less reason to be afraid of it at present , than we had in former times . it might be thought ill nature to go so far back , as to the councils of the lateran , that decreed the extirpation of hereticks , with severe sanctions on those princes that failed in their duty , of being the hangmen of the inquisitors ; or to the council of constance , that decreed , that princes were not bound to keep their faith to hereticks ; thô it must be acknowledged , that we have extraordinary memories if we can forget such things , and more extraordinary understandings if we do not make some inferences from them . i will not stand upon such inconsiderable trifles as the gunpowder plot , or the massacre of ireland ; but i will take the liberty to reflect a little on what that church has done since those laws were made , to give us kinder and softer thoughts of them , and to make us the less apprehensive of them . vve see before our eyes what they have done , and are still doing in france ; and what feeble things edicts , coronation oaths , laws and promises , repeated over and over again , prove to be , where that religion prevails ; and louis le grand makes not so contemptible a figure in that church , or in our court , as to make us think , that his example may not be proposed as a pattern , as well as his aid may be offered for an encouragement , to act the same things in england , that he is now doing with so much applause in france : and it may be perhaps the rather desired from hence to put him a little in countenance , when so great a king as ours is willing to forget himself so far as to copy after him , and to depend upon him : so that as the doctrine and principles of that church must be still the same in all ages and places , since its chief pretension is , that it is infallible , it is no unreasonable thing for us to be afraid of those , who will be easily induced to burn us a little here , when they are told , that such fervent zeal will save them a more lasting burning hereafter , and will perhaps quit all scores so entirely , that they may hope scarce to endure a singing in purgatory for all their other sins . iv. if the severest order of the church of rome , that has breathed out nothing but fire and blood since its first formation , and that is even decryed at rome it self for its violence , is in such credit here ; i do not see any enducement from thence to persuade us to look on the councils that are directed by that society , as such harmless and inoffensive things , that we need be no more on our guard against them . i know not why we may not apprehend as much from father petre , as the french have felt from pere de la chaise , since all the difference that is observed to be between them , is , that the english jesuite has much more fire and passion , and much less conduct and judgment than the french has . and when rome has expressed so great a jealousy of the interest that that order had in our councils , that f. morgan , who was thought to influence our ambassadour , was ordered to leave rome , i do not see why england should look so tamely on them . no reason can be given why card. howard should be shut out of all their councils , unless it be , that the nobleness of his birth , and the gentleness of his temper , are too hard even for his religion and his purple , to be mastered by them . and it is a contradiction , that nothing but a belief capable of receiving transubstantiation can reconcile , to see men pretend to observe law , and yet to find at the same time an ambassadour from england at rome , when there are so many laws in our book of statutes , never yet repealed , that have declared over and over again all commerce with the court and see of rome to be high treason . v. the late famous judgment of our judges , who knowing no other way to make their names immortal , have found an effectual one to preserve them from being ever forgot , seems to call for another method of proceeding . the president they have set must be fatal either to them or us . for if 12 men , that get into scarlet and furrs , have an authority to dissolve all our laws , the english government is to be hereafter lookt at with as much scorn , as it has hitherto drawn admiration . that doubtful vvords of laws , made so long ago , that the intention of the lawgivers is not certainly known , must be expounded by the judges , is not to be questioned : but to infer from thence , that the plain vvords of a law , so lately made , and that was so vigorously asserted by the present parliament , may be made void by a decision of theirs , after so much practice upon them , is just as reasonable a way of arguing , as theirs is , who because the church of england acknowledges , that the church has a power in matters of rites and ceremonies , will from thence conclude , that this power must go so far , that thô christ has said of the cup , drink ye all of it , we must obey the church when she decrees , that we shall not drink of it . our judges , for the greater part , were men that had past their lives in so much retirement , that from thence one might have hoped , that they had studied our law well , since the bar had called them so seldom from their studies : and if practice is thought often hurtful to speculation , as that which disorders and hurries the judgment , they who had practised so little in our law , had no byass on their understandings : and if the habit of taking money as a lawyer is a dangerous preparation for one that is to be an incorrupt judge , they should have been incorruptible , since it is not thought , that the greater part of them got ever so much money by their profession , as pay'd for their furrs . in short , we now see how they have merited their preferment , and they may yet expect a further exaltation , when the justice and the laws of england come to be in hands , that will be as careful to preserve them , as they have been to destroy them . but what an infamy will it lay upon the name of an english parliament , if instead of calling those betrayers of their countrey to an account , they should go by an after-game to confirm what these fellows have done . vi. the late conferences with so many members of both houses , will give such an ill-natured piece of jealousy against them , that of all persons living , that are the most concern'd to take care how they give their votes , the vvorld will believe , that threatnings and promises had as large a share in those secret conversations , as reasoning or persuasion : and it must be a more than ordinary degree of zeal and courage in them , that must take off the blot , of being sent for , and spoke to , on such a subject and in such a manner . the worthy behaviour of the members in the last session , had made the nation unwilling to remember the errors committed in the first election : and it is to be hoped , that they will not give any cause for the future to call that to mind ▪ for if a parliament , that had so many flaws in its first conception , goes to repeal laws , that we are sure were made by legal parliaments , it will put the nation on an enquiry that nothing but necessity will drive them to . for a nation may be laid asleep , and be a little cheated ; but when it is awakned , and sees its danger , it will not look on and see a rape made on its religion and liberties , without examining , from whence have these men this authority ? they will hardly find that it is of men ; and they will not believe that it is of god. but it is to be hoped , that there will be no occasion given for this angry question which is much easier made than answered . vii . if all that were now asked in favour of popery , were only some gentleness towards the papists ; there were some reason to entertain the debate , when the demand were a little more modest : if men were to be attainted of treason , for being reconciled to the church of rome , or for reconciling others to it ; if priests were demanded to be hanged , for taking orders in the church of rome ; and if the two thirds of the papists estates were offered to be levied , it were a very natural thing to see them uneasy and restless : but now the matter is more barefaced ; they are not contented to live at ease , and enjoy their estates ; but they must carry all before them : and f. petre cannot be at quiet , unless he makes as great a figure in our court , as pere de la chaise does at versailles . a cessation of all severities against them , is that to which the nation would more easily submit ; but it is their behaviour that must create them the continuance of the like compassion in another reign . if a restless and a persecuting spirit were not inherent in that order , that has now the ascendant , they would have behaved themselves so decently under their present advantages , as to have made our divines , that have charged them so heavily , look a little out of countenance : and this would have wrought more on the good nature of the nation , and the princely nobleness of the successors whom we have in view , than those arts of craft and violence , to which we see their tempers carry them even so early , before it is yet time to show themselves . the temper of the english nation , the heroïcal vertues of those whom we have in our eyes , but above all , our most holy religion , which instead of revenge and cruelty , inspires us with charity and mercy , even for enemies , are all such things , as may take from the gentlemen of that religion all sad apprehensions , unless they raise a storm against themselves , and provoke the iustice of the nation to such a degree , that the successors may find it necessary to be just , even when their own inclinations would rather carry them to shew mercy . in short , they need fear nothing but what they create to themselves : so that all this stir that they keep for their own safety , looks too like the securing to themselves pardons for the crimes that they intend to commit . viii . i know it is objected as no small prejudice against these laws , that the very making of them discovered a particular malignity against his majesty , and therefore it is ill manners to speak for them . the first had perhaps an eye at his being then admiral : and the last was possibly levelled at him : thô when that was discovered , he was excepted out of it by a special proviso . and as for that which past in 73 , i hope it is not forgot , that it was enacted by that loyal parliament , that had setled both the prerogative of the crown and the rites of the church , and that had given the king more money than all the parliaments of england had ever done in all former times . a parliament that had indeed some disputes with the king , but upon the first step that he made with relation to religion or safety , they shewed how ready they were to forget all that was past : as appeared by their behaviour after the triple alliance . and in 73 , thô they had great cause given them to dislike the dutch war , especially the strange beginning of it upon the smirna fleet : and the stopping the exchequer , the declaration for toleration , and the writs for the members of the house , were matters of hard digestion ; yet no sooner did the king give them this new assurance for their religion then , thô they had very great reasons given them to be jealous of the war , yet since the king was engaged , they gave him 1200000 pounds for carrying it on ; and they thought they had no ill penniworths for their money , when they carried home with them to their countreys this new security for their religion , which we are desired now to throw up , and which the reverend iudges have already thrown out , as a law out of date . if this had carried in it any new piece of severity , their complaints might be just ; but they are extream tender , if they are so uneasy under a law that only gives them leisure and opportunities to live at home . and the last test , which was intended only for shutting them out from a share in the legislative body , appears to be so just , that one is rather amased to find that it was so long a doing , than that it was done at last : and since it is done , it is a great presumption on our understandings to think , that we should be willing to part with it . if it was not sooner done , it was because there was not such cause given for jealousy to work upon : but what has appeared since that time , and what has been printed in his late majesties name , shews the world now , that the iealousies which occasioned those laws , were not so ill grounded , as some well meaning men perhaps then believed them to be . but there are some times in which all mens eyes come to be opened . ix . i am told , some think it is very indecent to have a test for our parliaments , in which the king's religion is accused of idolatry ; but if this reason is good in this particular , it will be full as good against several of the articles of our church , and many of the homilies . if the church and religion of this nation is so formed by law , that the king's religion is declared over and over again to be idolatrous , what help is there for it ? it is no other , than it was when his majesty was crowned , and swore to maintain our laws . i hope none will be wanting in all possible respect to his sacred person ; and as we ought to be infinitly sorry to find him engaged in a religion , which we must believe idolatrous , so we are far from the ill manners of reflecting on his person , or calling him an idolater : for as every man that reports a lye , is not for that to be called a lyar ; so thô the ordering the intention , and the prejudice of a mispersuasion are such abatements , that we will not rashly take on us to call every man of the church of rome an idolater ; yet on the other hand , we can never lay down our charge against the church of rome as guilty of idolatry , unless at the same time we part with our religion . x. others give us a strange sort of argument , to perswade us to part with the test ; they say , the king must imploy his popish subjects , for he can trust no other ; and he is so assured of their fidelity to him , that we need apprehend no danger from them . this is an odd method to work on us , to let in a sort of people to the parliament and government , since the king cannot trust us , but will depend on them : so that as soon as this law is repealed , they must have all the imployments , and have the whole power of the nation lodged in their hands ; this seems a little too gross to impose , even on irishmen . the king saw for many years together , with how much zeal both the clergy , and many of the gentry appeared for his interests ; and if there is now a melancholy damp on their spirits , the king can dissipate it when he will ; and as the church of england is a body that will never rebel against him , so any sullenness , under which the late administration of affairs has brought them , would soon vanish , if the king would be pleas'd to remember a little what he has so often promised , not only in publick but in private ; and would be contented with the excercise of his own religion , without imbroiling his whole affairs , because f. petre will have it so : and it tempts englishmen to more than ordinary degrees of rage , against a sort of men , who it seems , can infuse in a prince , born with the highest sense of honour possible , projects , to which without doing some violence to his own royal nature , he could not so much as hearken to , if his religion did not so fatally mufle him up in a blind obedience . but if we are so unhappy , that priests can so disguise matters , as to mislead a prince , who without their ill influences would be the most glorious monarch of all europe , and would soon reduce the grand louis to a much humbler figure ; yet it is not to be so much as imagined , that ever their arts can be so unhappily successful , as to impose on an english parliament , composed of protestant members . finis . some reflections on his majesty's proclamation of the 12th of february 1686 / 7 for a toleration in scotland , together with the said proclamation . i. the preamble of a proclamation , is oft writ in hast , and is the flourish of some wanton pen : but one of such an extraordinary nature as this is , was probably more severely examined ; there is a new designation of his majesties authority here set forth of his absolute power , which is so often repeated , that it deserves to be a little searched into . prerogative royal , and soveraign authority , are termes already received and known ; but for this absolute power , as it is a new term , so those who have coined it , may make it signify what they will. the roman law speaks of princeps legibus solutus , and absolute in its natural signification , importing the being without all ties and restraints ; then the true meaning of this seems to be , that there is an inherent power in the king , which can neither be restrained by lawes , promises , nor oaths ; for nothing less than the being free from all these , renders a power absolute . ii. if the former term seemed to stretch our allegeance , that which comes after it , is yet a step of another nature , tho one can hardly imagine what can go beyond absolute power ; and it is in these words , which all our subjects are to obey without reserve . and this is the carrying obedience many sises beyond what the grand seigneur has ever yet claimed : for all princes , even the most violent pretenders to absolute power , till lewis the great 's time , have thought it enough to oblige their subjects to submit to their power , and to bear whatsoever they thought good to impose upon them ; but till the days of the late conversions by the dragoons , it was never so much as pretended , that subjects were bound to obey their prince without reserve , and to be of his religion , because he would have it so . which was the only argument that those late apostles made use of ; so it is probable this qualification of the duty of subjects was put in here , to prepare us for a terrible le roy le veut ; and in that case we are told here , that we must obey without reserve ; and when those severe orders come , the privy council , and all such as execute this proclamation , will be bound by this declaration to shew themselves more forward than any others , to obey without reserve : and those poor pretensions of conscience , religion , honour , and reason , will be then reckoned as reserves upon their obedience , which are all now shut out . iii. these being the grounds upon which this proclamation is founded , we ought not only to consider what consequences are now drawn from them , but what may be drawn from them at any time hereafter ; for if they are of force , to justify that which is now inferred from them , it will be full as just to draw from the same premises an abolition of the protestant religion , of the rights of the subjects , not only to church-lands , but to all property whatsoever . in a word , it asserts a power to be in the king , to command what he will , and an obligation in the subjects , to obey whatsoever he shall command . iv. there is also mention made in the preamble of the christian love and charity , which his majesty would have established among neighbours ; but another dash of a pen , founded on this absolute power , may declare us all hereticks ; and then in wonderful charity to us , we must be told , that we are either to obey without reserve , or to be burnt without reserve . we know the charity of that church pretty well : it is indeed fervent and burning : and if we have forgot what has been done in former ages , france , savoy , and hungary , have set before our eyes very fresh instances of the charity of that religion : while those examples are so green , it is a little too imposing on us , to talk to us of christian love and charity . no doubt his majesty means sincerely , and his exactness to all his promises , chiefly to those made since he came to the crown , will not suffer us to think an unbecoming thought of his royal intentions ; but yet after all , tho it seems by this proclamation , that we are bound to obey without reserve , it is hardship upon hardship to be bound to believe without reserve . v. there are a sort of people here tolerated , that will be very hardly found out : and these are the moderate presbyterians : now , as some say , that there are very few of those people in scotland that deserve this character , so it is hard to tell what it amounts to ; and the calling any of them immoderate , cuts off all their share in this grace . moderation is a quality that lyes in the mind , and how this will be found out , i cannot so readily guess . if a standard had been given of opinions or practices , then one could have known how this might have been distinguished ; but as it lyes , it will not be easy to make the discrimination ; and the declaring them all immoderate , shuts them out quite . vi. another foundation laid down for repealing all laws made against the papists , is , that they were enacted in sixth's minority : with some harsh expressions , that are not to be insisted on , since they shew more the heat of the penner , than the dignity of the prince , in whose name they are given out ; but all these laws were ratifyed over and over again by k ▪ iames , when he came to be of full age : and they have received many confirmations by k. charles the first , and k charles the second , as well as by his present majesty , both when he represented his brother in the year 1681. and since he himself came to the crown : so that whatsoever may be said concerning the first formation of those laws , they have received now for the course of a whole hundred years , that are lapsed since k. iames was of full age , so many confirmations , that if there is any thing certain in humane government , we might depend upon them ; but this new coyned absolute power must carry all before it . vii . it is also well known , that the whole settlement of the church lands and tythes , with many other things , and more particularly the establishment of the protestant religion , was likewise enacted in iames's minority , as well as those penal laws : so that the reason now made use of , to annul the penal laws , will serve full as well , for another act of this absolute power , that shall abolish all those ; and if maximes that unhinge all the securities of humane society , and all that is sacred in government , ought to be lookt on with the justest and deepest prejudices possible , one is tempted to lose the respect that is due to every thing that carrys a royal stamp upon it , when he sees such grounds made use of , as must shake all settlements whatsoever ; for if a prescription of 120. years , and confirmations reiterated over and over again these 100. years past , do not purge some defects in the first formation of those laws , what can make us secure : but this looks so like a fetch of the french prerogative law , both in their processes with relation to the edict of nantes , and those concerning dependences at mets , that this seems to be a copy from that famous original . viii . it were too much ill nature to look into the history of the last age , to examine on what grounds those characters of pious and blessed given to the memory of q. mary are built ; but since james's memory has the character of glorious given to it , if the civility due to the fair sex makes one unwilling to look into the one , yet the other may be a little dwelt on . the peculiar glory that belongs to james's memory , is , that he was a prince of great learning , and that he imployed it chiefly in writing for his religion : of the volume in folio , in which we have his works , two thirds are against the church of rome ; one part of them is a commentary on the revelation , proving that the pope is antichrist ; another part of them belonged more naturally to his post and dignity ; which is the warning that he gave to all the princes and states of europe , against the treasonable and bloody doctrines of the papacy . the first act he did when he came of age , was to swear in person with all his family , and afterwards with all his people of scotland , a covenant , containing an enumeration of all the points of popery , and a most solemn renunciation of them , somewhat like our parliament test : his first speech to the parliament of england was copious on the same subject : and he left a legacy of a wish on such of his posterity as should go over to that religion , which in good manners is suppressed . it is known , k. iames was no conquerour , and that he made more use of his pen than his sword : so the glory that is peculiar to his memory must fall chiefly on his learned and immortal writings : and since there is such a veneration expressed for him , it agrees not ill with this , to wish , that his works were more studied by those who offer such incense to his glorious memory . ix . his maj. assures his people of scotland , upon his certain knowledge and long experience , that the catholicks , as they are good christians , so they are likewise dutiful subjects : but if we must believe both these equally , then we must conclude severely against their being good christians ; for we are sure they can never be good subjects , not only to a heretical prince , but even to a catholick prince , if he does not extirpate hereticks ; for their beloved council of the lateran , that decreed transubstantiation , has likewise decreed , that if a prince does not extirpate hereticks out of his dominions , the pope must depose him , and declare his subjects absolved from their allegeance , and give his dominions to another : so that even his majesty , how much soever he may be a zealous catholick , yet cannot be assured of their fidelity to him , unless he has given them secret assurances , that he is resolved to extirpate hereticks out of his dominions ; and that all the promises which he now makes to these poor wretches are no other way to be kept , than the assurances which the great lewis gave to his protestant subjects , of his observing still the edict of nantes even after he had resolved to break it , and also his last promise made in the edict , that repealed the edict of nantes , by which he gave assurances , that no violence should be used to any for their religion , in the very time that he was ordering all possible violences to be put in execution against them . x. his majesty assures us , that on all occasions the papists have shewed themselves good and faithfull subjects to him and his royall predecessors ; but how absolute soever the kings power may be , it seems his knowledge of history is not so absolute , but it may be capable of some improvement . it will be hard to find out what loyalty they shewed on the occasion of the gunpowder plot , or during the whole progress of the rebellion of ireland ; if the king will either take the words of k. iames of glorious memory , or k. charles the first , that was indeed of pious and blessed memory , rather than the word of the penners of this proclamation , it will not be hard to find occasions where they were a little wanting in this their so much boasted loyalty : and we are sure , that by the principles of that religion , the king can never be assured of the fidelity of those he calls his catholick subjects , but by engaging to them to make his heretical subjects sacrifices to their rage . xi . the king declares them capable of all the offices and benefices which he shall think fit to bestow on them , and only restrains them from invading the protestant churches by force : so that here a door is plainly opened for admitting them to the exercise of their religion in protestant churches , so they do not break into them by force ; and whatsoever may be the sense of the term benefice in its antient and first signification , now it stands only for church preferments ; so that when any churches , that are at the kings gift , fall vacant , here is a plain intimation , that they are to be provided to them ; and then it is very probable , that all the lawes made against such as go not to their parish churches , will be severely turned upon those that will not come to mass. xii . his majesty does in the next place , in the vertue of his absolute power / annull a great many laws , as well those that established the oaths of allegeance and supremacy , as the late test , enacted by himself in person , while he represented his brother : upon which he gave as strange an essay to the world of his absolute iustice in the attainder of the late earl of argile , as he does now of his absolute power in condemning the test it self ; he also repeals his own confirmation of the test , since he came to the crown , which he offered as the clearest evidence that he could give of his resolution to maintain the protestant religion , and by which he gained so much upon that parliament , that he obtained every thing from them that he desired of them ; till he came to try them in the matters of religion . this is no extraordinary evidence to assure his people , that his promises will be like the lawes of the medes and persians , which alter not ; nor will the disgrace of the commissioner that enacted that law , lay this matter wholly on him ; for the letter , that he brought , the speech that he made , and the instructions which he got , are all too well known to be so soon forgotten : and if princes will give their subjects reason to think , that they forget their promises , as soon as the turn is served for which they were made , this will be too prevailing a temptation on the subjects to mind the princes promise as little as it seems he himself does ; and will force them to conclude , that the truth of the prince , is not so absolute as it seems he fancies his power to be . xiii . here is not only a repealing of a great many lawes , and established oaths and tests , but by the exercise of the absolute power / a new oath is imposed , which was never pretended to by the crown in any former time ; and as the oath is created by this absolute power / so it seems the absolute power must be supported by this oath : since one branch of it , is an obligation to maintain his majesty and his lawfull successors in the exercise of this their absolute power and authority against all deadly , which i suppose is scotch for mortalls : now to impose so hard a yoke as this absolute power on the subjects , seems no small stretch ; but it is a wonderfull exercise of it to oblige the subjects to defend this : it had been more modest , if they had been only bound to bear it , and submit to it : but it is a terrible thing so far to extinguish all the remnants of naturall liberty , or of a legall government , as to oblige the subjects by oath to maintain the exercise of this , which plainly must destroy themselves : for the short execution by the bow-strings of turkey , or by sending orders to men to return in their heads , being an exercise of this absolute power / it is a litle hard to make men swear to maintain the king in it : and if that kingdom has suffered so much by the many oaths that have been in use among them , as is marked in this proclamation , i am affraid this new oath will not much mend the matter . xiv . yet after all , there is some comfort ; his majesty assures them , he will use no violence nor force , nor any invincible necessity to any man on the account of his persuasion : it were too great a want of respect to fancy , that a time may come in which even this may be remembred , full as well , as the promises that were made to the parliament after his majesty came to the crown : i do not , i confess , apprehend that ; for i see here so great a caution used in the choice of these words , that it is plain , very great severities may very well consist with them : it is clear , that the generall words of violence and force are to be determined by these last of invincible necessity / so that the king does only promise to lay no invincible necessity on his subjects ; but for all necessities , that are not invincible , it seems they must expect to bear a large share of them ; disgraces , want of imployments , fines , and imprisonments , and even death it self are all vincible things to a man of a firmness of mind : so that the violences of torture , the furies of dragoons , and some of the methods now practised in france , perhaps may be included within this promise ; since these seem almost invincible to humane nature , if it is not fortified with an extraordinary measure of grace : but as to all other things , his majesty binds himself up from no part of the exercise of his absolute power by this promise . xv. his majesty orders this to go immediately to the great seal , without passing thro the other seals : now since this is counter-signed by the secretary , in whose hands the signet is , there was no other step to be made but thro the privy seal ; so i must own , i have a great curiosity of knowing his character in whose hands the privy seal is at present ; for it seems his conscience is not so very supple , as the chancellors and the secretaryes are ; but it is very likely , if he does not quickly change his mind , the privy seal at least will very quickly change its keeper ; and i am sorry to hear , that the l. chancellor and the secretary have not another brother to fill this post , that so the guilt of the ruin of that nation , may lie on one single family , and that there may be no others involved in it . xvi . upon the whole matter , many smaller things being waved , it being extream unpleasant to find fault , where one has all possible dispositions to pay all respect ; we here in england see what we must look for . a parliament in scotland was tryed , but it proved a little stubborn ; and now absolute power comes to set all right ; so when the closetting has gone round , so that noses are counted , we may perhaps see a parliament here , but if it chances to be untoward , and not to obey without reserve / then our reverend iudges will copy from scotland , and will not only tell us of the kings imperial power , but will discover to us this new mystery of absolute power , to which we are all bound to obey without reserve . these reflexions refer in so many places to some words in the proclamation , that it was thought necessary to set them near one another , that the reader may be able to judge , whether he is deceived by any false quotations or not . by the king. a proclamation . james r. james the seventh by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c to all and sundry our good subjects , whom these presents do or may concern , greeting . we having taken into our royal consideration the many and great inconveniencies which have happened to that our ancient kingdom of scotland of late years , through the different perswasions in the christian religion , and the great heats and animosities amongst the several professors thereof , to the ruin and decay of trade , wasting of lands , extinguishing of charity , contempt of the royal power , and converting of true religion , and the fear of god , into animosities , names , factions , and sometimes into sacriledge and treason . and being resolved as much as in us lyes , to unite the hearts and affections of our subjects , to god in religion , to us in loyalty , and to their neighbours in christian love and charity . have therefore thought fit to grant , and by our souveraign authority , prerogative royal , and absolute power , which all our subjects are to obey without reserve ; do hereby give and grant our royal toleration , to the several professors of the christian religion after-named , with , and under the several conditions , restrictions , and limitations after-mentioned . in the first place , we allow and tolerate the moderate presbyterians , to meet in their private houses , and there to hear all such ministers , as either have , or are willing to accept of our indulgence allanerly , and none other , and that there be not any thing said or done contrary to the well and peace of our reign , seditious or treasonable , under the highest pains these crimes will import ; nor are they to presume to build meeting-houses , or to use out-houses or barns , but only to exercise in their private houses , as said is : in the mean time , it is our royal will and pleasure , that field conventicles , and such as preach , or exercise at them , or who shall any way● assist or connive at them , shall be prosecuted according to the utmost severity of our laws made against them , seeing from these rendezvouzes of rebellion , so much disorder hath proceeded , and so much disturbance to the government , and for which after this our royal indulgence for tender consciences there is no excuse left . in like manner , we do hereby tolerate quakers to meet and exercise in their form , in any place or places appointed for their worship . and considering the severe and cruel laws , made against roman catholicks ( therein called papists ) in the minority of our royal grand father of glorious memory , without his consent , and contrary to the duty of good subjects , by his regents , and other enemies to their lawful soveraign , our royal great grand mother queen mary of blessed and pious memory , wherein under the pretence of religion , they cloathed the worst of treasons , factions , and usurpations , and made these laws , not as against the enemies of god , but their own ; which laws have still been continued of course without design of executing them ▪ or any of them ad terrorem only , on supposition , that the papists relying on an external power , were incapable of duty , and true allegeance to their natural soveraigns , and rightful monarchs ; we of our certain knowledge , and long experience , knowing that the catholicks , as it is their principle to be good christians , so it is to be dutiful subjects ; and that they have likewise on all occasions shewn themselves good and faithfull subjects to us , and our royal predecessors , by hazarding , and many of them actually losing their lives and fortunes , in their defence ( though of another religion ) & the maintenance of their authority against the violences and treasons of the most violent abettors of these laws : do therefore with advice and consent of our privy council , by our soveraign authority , prerogative royal , and absolute power , aforesaid ▪ suspend , stop and disable all laws , or acts of parliament , customs or constitutions , made or executed against any of our roman-catholick subjects , in any time past , to all intents and purposes , making void all prohibitions therein mentioned , pains or penalties therein ordained to be inflicted , so that they shall in all things be as free in all respects as any of our protestant subjects whatsoever , not only to exercise their religion , but to enjoy all offices , benefices and others , which we shall think fit to bestow upon them in all time coming : nevertheless , it is our will and pleasure , and we do hereby command all catholicks at their highest pains , only to exercise their religious worship in houses or chappels ; and that they presume not to preach in the open fields , or to invade the protestant churches by force , under the pains aforesaid , to be inflicted upon the offenders respectively ; nor shall they presume to make publick processions in the high-streets of any of our royal burghs , under the pains above-mentioned . and whereas the obedience and service of our good subjects is due to us by their allegiance , and our soveraignty , and that no law , custom or constitution , difference in religion , or other impediment whatsoever , can exempt or discharge the subjects from their native obligations and duty to the crown , or hinder us fiom protecting , and employing them , according to their several capacities , and our royal pleasure ; nor restrain us from conferring heretable rights and priviledges upon them , or vacuate or annul these rights heretable , when they are made or conferred : and likewise considering , that some oaths are capable of being wrested by men of sinistrous intentions , a practice in that kingdom fatal to religion as it was to loyalty ; do therefore , with advice and consent aforesaid , cass , annull and discharge all oaths whatsoever , by which any of our subjects are incapacitated , or disabled from holding places , or offices in our said kingdom , or enjoying their hereditary rights and priviledges , discharging the same to be taken or given in any time coming , without our special warrant and consent , under the pains due to the contempt of our royal commands and authority . and to this effect , we do by our royal authority aforesaid , stop , disable , and dispense with all laws enjoyning the said oaths , tests , or any of them , particularly the first act of the first session of the first parliament of king charles the second ; the eleventh act of the foresaid session of the foresaid parliament ; the sixth act of the third parliament of the said king charles ; the twenty first and twenty fifth acts of that parliament , and the thirteenth act of the first session of our late parliament , in so far allanerly as concerns the taking the oaths , or tests therein prescribed , and all others , as well not mentioned as mentioned , and that in place of them , all our good subjects , or such of them as we or our privy council shall require so to do , shall take and swear the following oath allanerly ▪ i a. b. do acknowledge / testifie and declare / that james the seventh , by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. is rightful king , and supream governour of these realms , and over all persons therein ; and that it is unlawful for subjects , on any pretence , or for any cause whatsoever , to rise in arms against him , or any commissionated by him ; and that i shall never so rise in arms , nor assist any who shall so do ; and that i shall never resist ●is power or authority , nor ever oppose his authority to his person , as i shall answer to god ; but shall to the utmost of my power assist , defend , and maintain him , his heirs and lawful successors , in the exercise of their absolute power and authority against all deadly . so help me god. and seeing many of our good subjects have , before our pleasure in these matters was made publick , incurred the guilt appointed by the acts of parliament above-mentioned , or others ; we , by our authority , and absolute power and prerogative royal above-mentioned , of our certain knowledge , and innate mercy , give our ample and full indemnity to all those of the roman-catholick or popish religion , for all things by them done contrary to our laws or acts of parliament , made in any time past , relating to their religion , the worship and exercise thereof , or for being papists , jesuits , or traffickers , for hearing , or saying of mass , concealing of priests or jesuits , breeding their children catholicks at home or abroad , or any other thing , rite or doctrine , said , performed , or maintained by them , or any of them : and likewise , for holding or taking of places , employments , or offices , contrary to any law or constitution , advices given to us , or our council , actions done , or generally any thing performed or said against the known laws of that our ancient kingdom : excepting always from this our royal indemnity , all murders , assassinations , thefts , and such like other crimes , which never used to be comprehended in our general acts of indemnity . and we command and require all our judges , or others concerned , to explain this in the most ample sense & meaning acts of indemnity at any time have contained : declaring this shall be as good to every one concerned , as if they had our royal pardon & remission under our great seal of that kingdom . and likewise indemnifying our protestant subjects from all pains and penalties due for hearing or preaching in houses ; providing there be no treasonable speeches uttered in the said conventicles by them , in which case the law is only to take place against the guilty , and none other present ; providing also that they reveal to any of our council the guilt so committed ; as also , excepting all fines , or effects of sentences already given . and likewise indemnifying fully and freely all quakers , for their meetings and worship , in all time past , preceding the publication of these presents . and we doubt not but our protestant subjects will give their assistance and concourse hereunto , on all occasions , in their respective capacities . in consideration whereof , and the ease those of our religion , and others may have hereby , and for the encouragement of our protestant bishops , and the regular clergy , and such as have hitherto lived orderly , we think fit to declare , that it never was our principle , nor will we ever suffer violence to be offered to any mans conscience , nor will we use force , or invincible necessity against any man on the account of his perswasion , nor the protestant religion , but will protect our bishops and other ministers in their functions , rights and properties , and all our protestant subjects in the free exercise of their protestant religion in the churches . and that we will , and hereby promise , on our royal word , to maintain the possessors of church lands formerly belonging to abbays , or other churches of the catholick religion , in their full and free possession and right , according to our laws and acts of parliament in that behalf in all time coming . and we will imploy indifferently all our subjects of all perswasions , so as none shall meet with any discouragement on the account of his religion , but be advanced , and esteemed by us , according to their several capacities and qualifications , so long as we find charity and unity maintained . and if any animosities shall arise , as we hope in god there will not , we will shew the severest effects of our royal displeasure against the beginners or fomenters thereof , seeing thereby our subjects may be deprived of this general ease and satisfaction , we intend to all of them , whose happiness , prosperity , wealth and safety , is so much our royal care , that we will leave nothing undone which may procure these blessings for them . and lastly , to the end all our good subjects may have notice of this our royal will and pleasure , we do hereby command , our lyon king at arms , and his brethern heraulds , macers , pursevants and messengers at arms , to make timous proclamation thereof at the mercat cross of edinburgh ; and besides the printing and publishing of this our royal proclamation , it is our express will and pleasure , that the same be past under the great seal of that our kingdom per saltum , without passing any other seal or register . in order whereunto , this shall be to the directors of our chancellary , and their deputes for writing the same , and to our chancellor for causing our great seal aforesaid , to be appended thereunto , a sufficient warrand . given at our court at whitehal the twelfth day of febr. 168● . and of our reign the third year . by his majesties command melfort . god save the king. finis . a letter , containing some reflections on his majesties declaration for liberty of conscience . dated the fourth of april , 1687. sir , i. i thank you for the favour of sending me the late declaration that his majesty has granted for liberty of conscience . i confess , i longed for it with great impatience , and was surprised to find it so different from the scotch pattern ; for i imagined , that it was to be set to the second part of the same tune : nor can i see why the penners of this have sunk so much in their stile ; for i suppose the same men penned both . i expected to have seen the imperial language of absolute power , to which all the subjects are to obey without reserve ; and of the cassing , annulling , the stopping , and disabling of laws set forth in the preamble and body of this declaration ; whereas those dreadful words are not to be found here : for instead of repealing the laws , his majesty pretends by this only to suspend them ; and tho in effect this amounts to a repeal , yet it must be confessed that the words are softer . now since the absolute power , to which his majesty pretends in scotland , is not founded on such poor things as law ; for that would look as if it were the gift of the people ; but on the divine authority , which is supposed to be delegated to his majesty , this may be as well claimed in england as it was in scotland : and the pretension to absolute power is so great a thing , that since his majesty thought fit once to claim it , he is little beholding to those that make him fall so much in his language ; especially since both these declarations have appeared in our gazettes ; so that as we see what is done in scotland , we know from hence what is in some peoples hearts , and what we may expect in england . ii. his majesty tells his people , that the perfect injoyment of their property has never been in any case invaded by him since his coming to the crown . this is indeed matter of great incouragement to all good subjects ; for it lets them see , that such invasions , as have been made on property , have been done without his majesties knowledge : so that no doubt the continuing to levy the customes and the additional excise ( which had been granted only during the late kings life , ) before the parliament could meet to renew the grant , was done without his majesties knowledge ; the many violences committed not only by soldiers , but officers , in all the parts of england , which are severe invasions on property , have been all without his majesties knowledge ; and since the first branch of property is the right that a man has to his life , the strange essay of mahometan government , that was shewed at taunton ; and the no less strange proceedings of the present lord chancellour , in his circuit after the rebellion ( which are very justly called his campagne , for it was an open act of hostility to all law ) and for which and other services of the like nature , it is believed he has had the reward of the great seal , and the executions of those who have left their colours , which being founded on no law , are no other than so many murders ; all these , i say , are as we are sure , invasions on property ; but since the king tells us , that no such invasions have been made since he came to the crown , we must conclude that all these things have fallen out without his privity . and if a standing ▪ army , in time of peace , has been ever lookt on by this nation as an attempt upon the whole property of the nation in gross , one must conclude , that even this is done without his majesties knowledge . iii. his majesty expresses his charity for us in a kind wish , that we were all members of the catholick church ; in return to which we offer up daily our most earnest prayers for him , that he may become a member of the truly catholick church : for wishes and prayers do no hurt on no side : but his majesty adds , that it has ever been his opinion , that conscience ought not to be constrained , nor people forced in matters of meer religion . we are very happy if this continues to be always his sense : but we are sure in this he is no obedient member of that which he means by the catholick church : for it has over and over again decreed the extirpation of hereticks . it encourages princes to it , by the offer of the pardon of their sins ; it threatens them to it , by denouncing to them not only the judgments of god , but that which is more sensible , the loss of their dominions : and it seems they intend to make us know that part of their doctrine even before we come to feel it , since tho some of that communion would take away the horror which the fourth council of the lateran gives us , in which these things were decreed , by denying it to be a general council , and rejecting the authority of those canons , yet the most learned of all the apostates that has fallen to them from our church , has so lately given up this plea , and has so formally acknowledged the authority of that council , and of its canons , that it seems they think they are bound to this piece of fair dealing , of warning us before hand of our danger . it is true bellarmin sayes , the church does not always execute her power of deposing heretical princes , tho she always retains it : one reason that he assigns , is , because she is not at all times able to put it in execution : so the same reason may perhaps make it appear unadviseable to extirpate hereticks , because that at present it cannot be done ; but the right remains entire ; and is put in execution in such an unrelenting manner in all places where that religion prevails , that it has a very ill grace , to see any member of that church speak in this strain : and when neither the policy of france , nor the greatness of their monarch , nor yet the interests of the emperour joyned to the gentleness of his own temper , could withstand these bloody councils , that are indeed parts of that religion , we can see no reason to induce us to believe , that a toleration of religion is proposed with any other design but either to divide us , or to lay us asleep , till it is time to give the alarm for destroying us . iv. if all the endeavours , that have been used in the last four reigns , for bringing the subjects of this kingdom to a unity in religion have been ineffectual , as his maj. says ; we know to whom we owe both the first beginnings and the progress of the divisions among our selves ; the gentleness of q. elisabeth's government , and the numbers of those that adhered to the church of rome , made it scarce possible to put an end to that party during her reign , which has been ever since restless , and has had credit enough at court during the three last reigns , not only to support it self , but to distract us , and to divert us from apprehending the danger of being swallowed up by them , by fomenting our own differences , and by setting on either a toleration , or a persecution , as it has hapned to serve their interests . it is not so very long since , that nothing was to be heard at court but the supporting the church of england , and the extirpating all the nonconformists : and it were easy to name the persons , if it were decent , that had this ever in their mouths ; but now all is turned round again , the church of england is in disgrace ; and now the encouragment of trade , the quiet of the nation , and the freedom of conscience are again in vogue , that were such odious things but a few years ago , that the very mentioning them was enough to load any man with suspitions as backward in the king's service , while such methods are used , and the government is as in an ague , divided between hot and cold fits , no wonder if laws so unsteadily executed have failed of their effect . v. there is a good reserve here left for severity when the proper opportunity to set it on presents it self : for his majesty declares himself only against the forcing of men in matters of meer religion : so that whensoever religion and policy come to be so interwoven , that meer religion is not the case , and that publick safety may be pretended , then this declaration is to be no more claimed : so that the fastning any thing upon the protestant religion , that is inconsistent with the publick peace , will be pretended to shew that they are not persecuted for meer religion . in france , when it was resolved to extirpate the protestants , all the discourses that were written on that subject were full of the wars occasioned by those of the religion in the last age , tho as these were the happy occasions of bringing the house of bourbon to the crown , they had been ended above 80. years ago , and there had not been so much as the least tumult raised by them these 50. years past : so that the french , who have smarted under this severity , could not be charged with the least infraction of the law : yet stories of a hundred years old were raised up to inspire into the king those apprehensions of them , which have produced the terrible effects that are visible to all the world. there is another expression in this declaration , which lets us likewise see with what caution the offers of favour are now worded , that so there may be an occasion given when the time and conjuncture shall be favourable to break thro them all : it is in these words , so that they take especial care that nothing be preached or taught amongst them , which may any ways tend to alienate the hearts of our people from us or our government . this in it self is very reasonable , and could admit of no exception , if we had not to do with a set of men , who to our great misfortune have so much credit with his majesty , and who will be no sooner lodged in the power to which they pretend , than they will make every thing that is preached against popery pass for that which may in some manner alienate the subjects from the king. vi. his majesty makes no doubt of the concurrence of his two houses of parliament , when he shall think it convenient for them to meet . the hearts of kings are unsearchable ; so that it is a little too presumptuous to look into his majesties secret thoughts : but according to the judgments that we would make of other mens thoughts by their actions , one would be tempted to think , that his majesty made some doubt of it , since his affairs both at home and abroad could not go the worse , if it appeared that there were a perfect understanding between him and his parliament , and that his people were supporting him with fresh supplies ; and this house of commons is so much at his devotion , that all the world saw how ready they were to grant every thing that he could desire of them , till he began to lay off the mask with relation to the test , and since that time the frequent prorogations , the closetting , and the pains that has been taken to gain members , by promises made to some , and the disgraces of others , would make one a little inclined to think , that some doubt was made of their concurrence . but we must confess , that the depth of his majesties judgment is such , that we cannot fathom it , and therefore we cannot guess what his doubts or his assurances are . it is true , the words that come after unriddle the mystery a little , which are , when his majesty shall think it convenient for them to meet : for the meaning of this seems plain , that his maj. is resolved , that they shall never meet , till he receives such assurances , in a new round of closetting , that he ●hall be put out of doubt concerning it . vii . i will not enter into the dispute concerning liberty of conscience , and the reasons that may be offered for it to a session of parliament ; for there is scarce any one point , that either with relation to religion , or politicks , affords a greater variety of matter for reflection : and i make no doubt to say , that there is abundance of reason to oblige ● parliament to review all the penal laws , either with relation to papists , or to dissenters : but i will take the boldness to add one thing , that the kings's suspending of laws strikes at the root of this whole government , and subverts it quite : for if there is any thing certain with relation to the english government , it is this , that the executive power of the law is entirely in the king ; and the law to fortify him in the management of it has clothed him with a vast prerogative , and made it unlawful upon any pretence whatsoever to resist him : whereas on the other hand , the legislative power is not so entirely in the king , but that the lords and commons have such a share in it , that no law can be either made , repealed , or which is all one suspended , but by their consent : so that the placing this legislative power singly in the king , is a subversion of this whole government ; since the essence of all governments consists in the subjects of the legislative authority ; acts of violence or injustice , committed in the executive part , are such things that all princes being subject to them , the peace of mankind were very ill secured if it were not unlawful to resist upon any pretence taken from any ill administrations , in which as the law may be doubtful , so the facts may be uncertain , and at worst the publick peace must alwayes be more valued than any private oppressions or injuries whatsoever . but the total subversion of a government , being so contrary to the trust that is given to the prince who ought to execute it ▪ will put men upon uneasy and dangerous inquiries : which will turn little to the advantage of those who are driving matters to such a doubtful and desperate issue . viii . if there is any thing in which the exercise of the legislative power seems indispensable , it is in those oaths of allegeance and tests , that are thought necessary to qualify men either to be admitted to enjoy the protection of the law , or to bear a share in the government ; for in these the security of the government is chiefly concerned ; and therefore the total extinction of these , as it is not only a suspension of them , but a plain repealing of them , so it is a subverting of the whole foundation of our government : for the regulation that king and parliament had set both for the subjects having the protection of the state by the oath of allegeance , and for a share in places of trust by the tests , is now pluckt up by the roots ; when it is declared , that these shall not at any time hereafter be required to be taken , or subscribed by any persons whatsoever : for it is plain , that this is no suspension of the law , but a formal repeal of it , in as plain words as can be conceived . ix . his majesty says , that the benefit of the service of all his subjects is by the law of nature inseparably annexed to and inherent in his sacred person . it is somewhat strange , that when so many laws , that we all know are suspended , the law of nature , which is so hard to be found out , should be cited ; but the penners of this declaration had b●st let that law lie forgotten among the rest ; for there is a scurvy paragraph in it , concerning self preservation , that is capable of very unacceptable glosses . it is hard to tell what section of the law of nature has markt out either such a form of government , or such a family for it . and if his majesty renounces his pretensions to our allegeance as founded on the laws of england , and betakes himself to this law of nature , he will perhaps find the counsel was a little too rash ; but to make the most of this that can be , the law of nations or nature does indeed allow the governours of all societies a power to serve themselves of every member of it in the cases of extream danger ; but no law of nature that has been yet heard of will conclude , that if by special laws , a sort of men have been disabled from all imployments , that a prince who at his coronation swore to maintain those laws , may at his pleasure extinguish all these disabilities . x. at the end of the declaration , as in a postscript , his majesty assures his subjects , that he will maintain them in their properties , as well in church and abbey lands , as other lands : but the chief of all their properties being the share that they have by their representatives in the legislative power ; this declaration , which breaks thro that , is no great evidence that the rest will be maintained : and to speak plainly , when a coronation oath is so little remembred , other promises must have a proportioned degree of credit given to them : as for the abbey lands , the keeping them from the church is according to the principles of that religion sacriledge ; and that is a mortal sin , and there can no absolution be given to any who continue in it : and so this promise being an obligation to maintain men in a mortal sin , is null and void of it self : church-lands are also according to the doctrine of their canonists , so immediatly gods right , that the pope himself is only the administrator and dispencer , but is not the master of them ; he can indeed make a truck for god , or let them so low , that god shall be an easy landlord : but he cannot alter gods property , nor translate the right that is in him to sacrilegious laymen and hereticks . xi . one of the effects of this declaration , will be the setting on foot a new run of addresses over the nation : for there is nothing how impudent and base soever , of which the abject flattery of a slavish spirit is not capable . it must be confest , to the reproach of the age , that all those strains of flattery among the romans , that tacitus sets forth with so mueh just scorn , are modest things , compared to what this nation has produced within these seven years : only if our flattery has come short of the refinedness of the romans , it has exceeded theirs as much in its loathed fulsomness . the late king set out a declaration , in which he gave the most solemn assurances possible of his adhering to the church of england , and to the religion established by law , and of his resolution to have frequent parliaments ; upon which the whole nation fell as it were into raptures of joy and flattery : but tho he lived four years after that , he called no parliament , notwithstanding the law for triennial parliaments : and the manner of his death , and the papers printed after his death in his name , have sufficiently shewed , that he was equally sincere in both those assurances that he gave , as well in that relating to religion , as in that other relating to frequent parliaments ; yet upon his death a new set of addresses appeared , in which all that flattery could invent was brought forth , in the commendations of a prince , to whose memory the greatest kindness can be done , is to forget him : and because his present majesty upon his coming to the throne gave some very general promise of maintaining the church of england , this was magnified in so extravagant a strain , as if it had been a security greater than any that the law could give : tho by the regard that the king has both to it and to the laws , it appears that he is resolved to maintain both equally : since then the nation has already made it self sufficiently ridiculous both to the present and to all succeeding ages ; it is time that at last men should grow weary , and become ashamed of their folly. xii . the nonconformists are now invited to set an example to the rest : and they who have valued themselves hitherto upon their opposition to popery and that have quarrelled with the church of england , for some small approaches to it , in a few ceremonies , are now solicited to rejoyce , because the laws that secure us against it , are all plucked up : since they enjoy at present and during pleasure leave to meet together . it is natural for all men to love to be set at ease , especially in the matters of their consciences ; but it is visible , that those who allow them this favour , do it with no other design , but that under a pretence of a general toleration , they may introduce a religion which must persecute all equally : it is likewise apparent how much they are hated , and how much they have been persecuted by the instigation of those who now court them , and who have now no game that is more promising , than the engaging them and the church of england into new quarrels : and as for the promises now made to them , it cannot be supposed that they will be more lasting than those that were made some time ago to the church of england , who had both a better title in law and greater merit upon the crown to assure them that they should be well used than these can pretend to . the nation has scarce forgiven some of the church of england the persecution into which they have suffered themselves to be cosened : tho now that they see popery barefaced , the stand that they have made , and the vigorous opposition that they have given to it , is that which makes all men willing to forget what is past , and raises again the glory of a church that was not a little stained by the indiscretion and weakness of those , that were too apt to believe and hope , and so suffered themselves to be made a property to those who would now make them a sacrifice . the sufferings of the nonconformists , and the fury that the popish party expressed against them , had recommended them so much to the compassions of the nation , and had given them so just a pretension to favour in a better time , that it will look like a curse of god upon them , if a few men , whom the court has gained to betray them , can have such an ill influence upon them as to make them throw away all that merit , and those compassions which their sufferings have procured them ; and to go and court those who are only seemingly kind to them , that they may destroy both them and us . they must remember that as the church of england is the only establishment that our religion has by law ; so it is the main body of the nation , and all the sects are but small and stragling parties : and if the legal settlement of the church is dissolved , and that body is once broken , these lesser bodies will be all at mercy : and it is an easy thing to define what the mercies of the church of rome are . xiii . but tho it must be confessed , that the nonconformists are still under some temptations , to receive every thing that gives them present ease , with a little too much kindness ; since they lie exposed to many severe laws , of which they have of late felt the weight very heavily , and as they are men , and some of them as ill natured men as other people , so it is no wonder if upon the first surprises of the declaration , they are a little delighted , to see the church of england , after all its services and submissions to the court , so much mortified by it ; so that taking all together it will not be strange if they commit some follies upon this occasion . yet on the other hand , it passes all imagination , to see some of the church of england , especially those whose natures we know are so particularly sharpned in the point of persecution , chiefly when it is levelled against the dissenters , rejoyce at this declaration , and make addresses upon it . it is hard to think that they have attained to so high a pitch of christian charity , as to thank those who do now despitefully use them , and that as an earnest that within a little while they will persecute them . this will be an original , and a master piece in flattery , which must needs draw the last degrees of contempt on such as are capable of so abject and sordid a compliance , and that not only from all the true members of the church of england , but likewise from those of the church of rome it self ; for every man is apt to esteem an enemy that is brave even in his misfortunes , as much as he despises those whose minds sink with their condition . for what is it that these men would thank the king ? is it because he breaks those laws that are made in their favour , and for their protection : and is now striking at the root of all the legal settlement that they have for their religion ? or is it because that at the same time that the king professes a religion that condemns his supremacy , yet he is not contented with the exercise of it as it is warranted by law , but carries it so far as to erect a court contrary to the express words of a law that was so lately made : that court takes care to maintain a due proportion between their constitution and all their proceedings , that so all may be of a piece , and all equally contrary to law. they have suspended one bishop , only because he would not do that which was not in his power to do : for since there is no extrajudiciary authority in england , a bishop can no more proceed to a sentence of suspension against a clergy-man without a tryal , and the hearing of parties , than a judge can give a sentence in his chamber without an indictment , a tryal , or a iury : and because one of the greatest bodies of england would not break their oaths , and obey a mandate that plainly contradicted them , we see to what a pitch this is like to be carried . i will not anticipate upon this illegal court , to tell what iudgments are coming , but without carrying our iealousies too far , one may safely conclude , that they will never depart so far from their first institution , as to have any regard , either to our religion , or our laws , or liberties , in any thing they do . if all this were acted by avowed papists , as we are sure it is projected by such , there were nothing extraordinary in it : but that which carries our indignation a little too far to be easily governed , is to see some pretended protestants , and a few bishops , among those that are the fatal instruments of pulling down the church of england , and that those mercenaries sacrifice their religion and their church to their ambition and interests ; this has such peculiar characters of misfortune upon it , that it seems it is not enough if we perish without pity , since we fall by that hand tha● we have so much supported and fortifyed , bu● we must become the scorn of all the world since we have produced such an unnatural brood , that even while they are pretending to be the sons of the church of england , are cutting their mother's throat : and not content with judas's crime , of saying , hail master , and kissing him , while they are betraying him into the hands of others ; these carry their wickedness further , and say : hail mother , and then they themselves murther her . if after all this we were called on to bear this as christians , and to suffer it as subjects , if we were required in patience to possess our own souls , ●nd to be in charity with our enemies ; and which is more , to forgive our false brethren , who add treachery to their hatred ; the exhortation were seasonable , and indeed a little necessary ▪ for humane nature cannot easily take down things of such a hard digestion : but to tell u● that we must make addresses , and offer thanks●or ●or all this , is to insult a little too much upon ●s in our sufferings : and he that can believe ●hat a dry and cautiously worded promise of maintaining the church of england , will be religiously observed after all that we have ●een , and is upon that carried so far out of ●is wits as to address and give thanks , and will believe still , such a man has nothing to ●xcuse him from believing transubstantiation 〈◊〉 self ; for it is plain that he can bring himself ●o believe even when the thing is contrary to ●he clearest evidence that his senses can give ●im . si populus hic vult decipi decipiatur . postscript . these reflections were writ soon after the declaration came to my hands , but the matter of them was so tender , and the conveyance of them to the press was so uneasy , that they appear now too late to have one effect that was designed by them , which was , the diverting men from making addresses upon it ; yet if what is here proposed makes men become so far wise as to be ashamed of what they have done , and is a means to keep them from carrying their courtship further than good words , this paper will not come too late . finis . an answer to mr. henry payne's letter , concerning his majesty's declaration of indulgence , writ to the author of the letter to a dissenter . mr. payne , i cannot hold asking you , how much money you had , from the writer of the paper , which you pretend to answer : for as you have the character of a man that deales with both hands , so this is writ in such a manner as to make one think you were hired to it , by the adverse party : but it has been indeed so ordinary to your friends , to write in this manner of late , that the censures upon it are divided , both fall heavy : some suspect their sincerity others accuse them for want of a right understanding : for tho all are not of the pitch of the irish priests reflections , on the bp of bath and wells's sermon , which was indeed irish double refined ; yet both in your books of controversy , and policy , and even in your poems , you seem to have entred into such an inter-mixture with the irish , that the thread all over is linsey-woollsey . you acknowledge that the gentleman whom you answer has a polite pen , and that his letter is an ingenious paper , and made up of well-composed sentences and periods . yet i believe he will hardly return you your complement . if it was well writ , your party wants either men or judgment extreamly , in allowing you this province of answering it . if the paper did you some hurt , you had better have let the town be a litle pleased with it for a while ; and have hoped that a litle time or some new paper ( tho one of its force is scarce to be expected ) should have worn it out , then to give it a new luster by such an answer . the time of the dissenters sufferings , which you lengthen out to 27 years , will hardly amount to seven . for the long intervals it had , in the last reign , are not forgot : and those who animated the latest and severest of their sufferings are such , that in good manners you ought not to reflect on their conduct . opium is as certain a poison , tho not so violent , as sublimate ; and if more corrosive medicines did not work , the design is the same , when soporiferous ones are used : since the patient is to be killed both ways : and it seems that all that is in debate is , which is the safer : the accepting a present ease when the ill intent with which it is offered , is visible , is just as wise an action , as to take opium to lay a small distemper when one may conclude from the dose , that he will never come out of the sleep . so that after all , it is plain on which side the madness lies . the dissenters for a little present ease , to be enjoyed at mercy , must concur to break down all our hedges , and to lay us open to that devouring power , before which nothing can stand that will not worship it . all that for which you reproach the church of england amounts to this , that a few good words , could not persuade her to destroy her self ; and to sacrifice her religion and the laws to a party that never has done nor ever can do the king half the service that she has rendred him . there are some sorts of propositions that a man does not know how to answer : nor would he be thought ingratefull who after he had received some civilities from a person to whom he had done great service , could not be prevailed with by these so far as to spare him his wife or his daughter . it must argue a peculiar degree of confidence to ask things , that are above the being either askt or granted . our religion and our government are matters that are not to be parted with to shew our good breeding : and of all men living you ought not to pretend to good manners , who talk as you do , of the oppression of the last reign . when the king's obligations to his brother , and the share that he had in his councils , are considered ; the reproaching his government , has so ill a grace , that you are as indecent in your flatteries as injurious in your reflections . and by this gratitude of yours to the memory of the late king , the church of england may easily infer , how long all her services would be remembred , even if she had done all that was desired of her . i would fain know which of the brethren of the dissenters in forreigne countries sought their relief from rebellion . the germans reformed by the authority of their princes , so did the swedes , the danes , and like wise the switsers . in france they maintained the princes of the blood against the league : and in holland the quarrell was for civil liberties ; protestant and papist concurring equally in it . you mention holland as an instance that liberty and infallibility can dwell together : since papists there shew that they can be friendly neighbours , to those whom they think in the wrong : it is very like they would be still so in england , if they were under the lash of the law , and so were upon their good behaviour , the goverment being still against them : and this has so good an effect in holland , that i hope we shall never depart from the dutch pattern : some can be very humble servants that would prove imperious masters . you say that force is our only supporter : but tho there is no force of our side at present , it does not appear that we are in such a tottering condition , as if we had no supporter left us . god and truth are of our side : and the indiscreet use of force , when set on by our enemies , has rather undermined than supported us . but you have taken pains to make us grow wiser , and to let us see our errors , which is perhaps the only obligation that we owe you ; and we are so sensible of it , that without examining what your intentions may have been in it , we heartily thank you for it . i do not comprehend what your quarrell is at the squinting term of the next heir , as you call it ; tho i do not wonder that squinting comes in your mind whensoever you think of her ; for all people look asquint at that which troubles them : and her being the next heir is no less the delight of all good men , than it is your affliction : all the pains that you take to represent her dreadful to the dissenters , must needs find that credit with them , that is due to the insinuations of an enemy . it is very true , that as she was bred up in our church , she adheres to it so eminently , as to make her to be now our chief ornament as we hope she will be once our main defence . if by the strictest form of our church you mean an exemplary piety , and a shining conversation , you have given her true character : but your designe lies another way to make the dissenters form strange ideas of her , as if she thought all indulgence to them criminal : but as the gentleness of her nature is such , that none but those who are so guilty , that all mercy to them would be a crime , can apprehend any thing that is terrible , from her , so as for the dissenters , her going so constantly to the dutch and french churches shews , that she can very well endure their assemblies , at the same time that she prefers , ours . she has also too often expressed her dislike at the heats that have been kept up among us concerning such inconsiderable differences , to pass for a bigot or a persecutor in such matters : and she sees both the mischief that the protestant religion has received from their subdivisions , and the happiness of granting a due liberty of conscience , where she has so long lived , that there is no reason to make any fancy that she will either keep up our differences , or bear down the dissenters with rigor . but because you hope for nothing from her own inclinations , you would have her terrified with the strong argument of numbers , which you fancy will certainly secure them from her recalling the favour . but of what side soever that argument may be strong , sure it is not of theirs who make but one to two hundred : and i suppose you scarce expect that the dissenters will rebel , that you may have your masses , and how their numbers will secure them , unless it be by enabling them to rebell , i cannot imagine : this is indeed a squinting at the next heir , with a witness , when you would already muster up the troops that must rise against her . but let me tell you , that you know both her character and the prince's very ill that fancy , they are only to be wrought on by fear . they are known to your great grief ; to be above that : and it must be to their own mercifull inclinations , that you must owe all that you can expect under them , but neither to their fear nor to your own numbers . as for the hatred and contempt , even to the degree of being more ridiculous then the mass under which you say her way of worship is in holland , this is one of those figures of speech that shew how exactly you have studied the jesuites moralls . all that come from holland , assure us , that she is so universally beloved and esteemed there , that every thing that she does , is the better thought of even because she does it . upon the whole matter , all that you say of the next heir , proves too truly that you are that for which you reproach the church of england , a disciple of the crown only for the loaves ; for if you had that respect which you pretend for the king , you would have shewed it more upon this occasion . nor am i so much in love with your stile , as to imitate it , therefore i will not do you so great a pleasure , as to say the least thing that may reflect on that authority , which the church of england has taught me to reverence even after all the disgraces that she has received from it : and if she were not insuperably restrained by her principles , instead of the thin muster with which you reproach her , she could soon make so thick a one as would make the thinnes of yours , very visible upon so unequall a division of the nation : but she will neither be threatned nor laughed out of her religion and her loyalty : tho such insultings as she meets with , that almost pass all humane patience , would tempt men that had a less fixed principle of submission , to make their enemies feel to their cost , that they owe all the triumphs they make , more to our principles , than to their own force . their laughing at our doctrine of non resistance , lets us see , that it would be none of theirs under the next heir , at whom you squint , if the strong argument of numbers made you not apprehend that two hundred to one would prove an unequal match . as for your memorandums , i shall answer them as short as you give them 1. it will be hard , to persuade people , that a decision in favour of the dispencing power , flowing from judges that are both made , and payed , and that may be removed at pleasure , will amount to the recognising of that right by law . 2. it will be hard to persuade the world , that the kings adhering to his promises , and his coronation oath , and to the known lawes of the land , would make him felo de se. the following of different methods were the likelier way to it , if it were not for the loyalty of the church of england . 3. it will be very easy to see the use of continuing the test by law ; since all those that break thro it , as well as the judges , who have authorised their crimes , are still liable for all they do : and after all your huffing , with the dispencing power , we do not doubt but the apprehension of an after reckoning sticks deep somewhere , you say , it may be supposed , that the aversion of a protestant king to the popish party , will sufficiently exclude them , even without the test. but it must be confessed , that you take all possible care , to confirm that aversion so far , as to put it beyond a it may be supposed . and it seems you understand christs prerogative , as wel as the judges did the kings , that fancy the test is against it : it is so suteable to the nature of all governments , to take assurances of those who are admitted to places of trust , that you do very ill to appeal to an impartial consideration , for you are sure to lose it there . few english men , will believe you in earnest when you seem zealous for publick liberty , or the magna charta : or that you are so very apprehensive of slavery : and your friends must have very much changed both their natures and their principles , if their conduct does not give cause to renew the like statutes against them , even tho they should be repealed in this reign , notwithstanding all your confidence to the contrary . i will still believe that the strong argument of numbers will be always the powerfullest of all others with you : which as long as it has its force , and no longer , we may hope to be at quiet . i concurre heartily with you in your prayers for the king , tho perhaps i differ from you in my notions , both of his glory and of the felicity of his people : and as for your own particular , i wish you would either not at all imploy your pen , or learn to write to better purpose : but tho i cannot admire your letter , yet i am your humble servant t. t. the earle of melfort's letter to the presbyterian-ministers in scotland , writ in his majesty's name upon their address ; together with some remarks upon it . the earle of melfort's letter . gentlemen ; i am commanded by his majesty , to signify unto you his gracious acceptance of your address , that he is well satisfied with your loyalty expressed therein ; for the which he resolves to perpetuate the favour , not only during his own reign , but also to lay down ways for its continuance , and that by appointing in the next ensuing parliament the taking off all penal statutes contrary to the liberty or toleration granted by him . his majesty knows , that enemies to him , to you , and this toleration , will be using all endeavours to infringe the same ; but as ever the happiness of his subjects standing in liberty of conscience , and the security of their properties ( next the glory of god ) hath been his majesty's great end , so he intends to continue , if he have all sutable encouragement and concurrence from you in your doctrine and practice ; and therefore as he hath taken away the protestant penal statutes lying on you , and herein has walked contrary not only to other catholick kings , but also in a way different from protestant kings who have gone before him , whose maxime was to undoe you , by fining , confining , and taking away your estates , and to harrass you in your persons , liberties and priviledges ; so he expects a thankful acknowledgment from you , by making your doctrine tend , to cause all his subjects to walk obediently , and by your practice walking so as shall be most pleasing to his majesty , and the concurring with him for the removing these penal statutes : and he further expects that you continue your prayers to god for his long and happy reign , and for all blessings on his person and government ; and likewise that you look well to your doctrine , and that your example be influential : all th●se are his majesty's commands . sic subs . melfort . remarks . the secretary hand is known to al the writing masters of the town ; but here is an essay of the secretary's stile for the masters of our language : this is an age of improvements , and men that come very young into imployments , make commonly a great progress ; therefore common things are not to be expected here : it is true , some roughnesses in the stile seem to intimate that the writer could turn his conscience more easily than he can do his pen , and that the one is a little stiffer and less compliant than the other . he tells the addressers , that his majesty is well satisfied with their loyalty contained in their address ; for the which he resolves to perpetuate the favour . it appears that the secretary stile and the notary stile come nearer one another than was generally believed : for the which here , & infringe the same afterwards , are beauties borrowed from the notary stile : the foresaid is not much courser . the king 's perpetuating the favour is no easy thing , unless he could first perpetuate himself . now tho his majesty's fame will be certainly immortal , yet to our great regret his person is mortal ; so it is hard to conceive , how this perpetuity should be setled . the method here proposed is a new figure of the secretary stile : which is the appointing in the next ensuing parliament the taking off all penal laws . all former secretaries used the modest words of proposing or recommending ; but he who in a former essay of this stile , told us of his majesty's absolute power , to which all the subjects are to obey without reserve , furnishes us now with this new term of the king 's appointing what shal be done in parliament . but what if after all , the parliament proves so stubborn , as not to comply with this appointment , i am afraid then the perpetuity will be of a shrort continuance . he in the next place , mentions the liberty or toleration granted by the king. liberty is not so hard a word , but that it might be understood without this explanation or toleration , unless the secretary stile either approaches to the notary stile in some nauseous repetitions , or that he would intimate by this , that all the liberty that is left the subjects is comprehended in this toleration . and indeed , after absolute power was once asserted , it was never fit to name liberty without some restriction . after this comes a stately period , the enemies to him , to you , and to this toleration . yet i should be sorry if it were true ; for i hope there are many enemies to this toleration , who are neither enemies to the king , nor to these addressers ; and that on the contrary they are enemies to it , because they are the best friends that both the king and the people have . it is now no secret , that tho' both the prince and princess of orange , are great enemies to persecution , and in particular to all rigour against the presbyterians , yet they are not satisfied with the way in which this toleration is granted . but the reckoning of them as enemies either to the king or the people , is one of the figures of this stile , that will hardly pass : and some will not stick to say , that the writer of this letter , has with this dash of his pen , declared more men enemies to the king , than ever he will be able to make friends to him . he tells them next , that these enemies will be using all endeavours to infringe the same . this is also a strong expression . we know the use of the noun infraction , but infringe is borrowed from the notaries ; yet the plain sense of this seems to be , that those enemies will disturb the meetings , of which i do not hear any of them have the least thought , yet by a secret figure of the secretary stile , perhaps this belongs to all those who either think that the king cannot do it by law , or that will not give their vote to confirm it in parliament : but i am not so well acquainted with all the mysteries of this stile , as to know its full depth . there comes next a long period of 50 words , for i was at the pains to count them all , which seemed a little too prolix for so short a letter , especially in one that writes after the french pattern . but as ever the happiness of his subjects , standing in liberty of conscience , and the security of their properties , next the glory of god , hath been his majesty's great end ; so he intends to continue , if he have all suteable encouragement and concurrence from you , in your doctrine and practice . the putting ever at the beginning of the period , and at so great a distance from that to which it belongs , is a new beauty of stile . and the standing of this happiness , makes me reflect on that which i hear a scotch preacher delivered in a sermon , that he doubted this liberty would prove but like a standing drink . the king 's receiving suteable encouragement from his subjects , agrees ill with the height of stile that went before , of appointing what the parliament must do . kings receive returns of duty and obedience from their subjects ; but hitherto encouragement was a word used among equals : the applying it to the king , is a new figure . a man not versed in the secretary stile would have expressed this matter thus . his majesty has ever made the happiness of his subjects , which consists in liberty of conscience , and the security of property , his great end , next to the glory of god : and he intends to do so still , if he receives all suteable returns from you in your doctrine and practice . i have marked this the more particularly , to make the difference between the common and the secretary stile the more sensible . but what need is there of the concurrence of the addressers , with the king , if he appoints the next parliament to take off all the penal laws . must we likewise believe that his majesty's zeal for the happiness of his subjects , depends on the behaviour of these addressers : and on the encouragement that he receives from them , so that he will not continue it , unless they encourage him in it . this is but an incertain tenure , and not like to be perpetual . but after all the secretary stile is not the royal stile , so notwithstanding this beautiful period , we hope our happiness is more steady , than to turn upon the encouragings of a few men : otherwise if it is a standing happiness yet it is a very tottering one . the protestant penal statutes , is another of his elegancies : for since all the penal laws as well those against papists , as those against dissenters , were made by protestant parliaments , one does not see how fitly this epithete comes in here ; another would have worded this , thus , the penal statutes made against protestants . but the new stile has figures peculiar to it self , that pass in the common stile for improprieties . this noble lord is not contented to raise his majesty's glory above all other catholick kings , in this grant of liberty or toleration , in which there is no competition to be made ; for tho the most christian king , who is the eldest son of that church , has indeed executed her orders in their full extent of severity , yet his majesty , who is but the cadet in that churche's catalogue of honour , it seems does not think that he is yet so much beholding to his mother as to gratify her by the destruction of his people : yet i say , as if this were too little , the king's glory is here carried farther , even above the protestant kings , who have gone before him : whose maxime was to undo you , by fining , confining and taking away your estates , and to harrass you in your persons , liberties and priviledges . here is an honour that is done the king's ancestors by one of his secretaries , which is indeed new , and of his own invention : the protestant kings can be no other than the kings brother , his father , and his grandfather . kings shut out q. elisabeth , who might have been brought in if the more general term of crowned heads had been made use of ; but as the writer has ordered it , the satyr falls singly on the king's progenitors : for the papers that were found in the strong box , will go near to put the late king out of the list of protestant kings : so that this reproach lies wholly on the king's father and his grand-father . it is a little surprising , after all the eloquence that has been imployed to raise the character of the late martyr to so high a pitch , that one of his sons secretaries should set it under his hand in a letter that he pretends is written by the king's commands , that he made it a maxime to undo his people . the writer of this letter should have avoided the mentioning of fines , since it is not so long , since both he and his brother valued themselves on a point that they carried in the council of scotland , that husbands should be fined for their wives not going to church , tho it was not founded on any law. and of all men living he ought to be the last that should speak of the taking away estates ; who got a very fair one during the present reign , by an act of parliament , that attainted a gentleman in a method as new as his stile is ; upon this ground , that two privy councellours declared , they believed him guilty . he will hardly find among all the maximes of those protestant persecuting kings any one that will justify this . it seems the new stile is not very copious in words , since doctrine is three times repeated in so short a letter : he tells them ▪ that their doctrine must tend to cause all the subjects to walk obediently ; now by obediently in this stile , is to obey the absolute pomer without reserve ; for to obey according to law , would pass now for a crime : this being then his meaning , it is probable that the encouragements which are necessary to make his majesty continue the happiness of his subjects , will not be so very great , as to merit the perpetuating this favour . there is with this a heavy charge laid upon them as to their practice ; that it must be such as shall be most pleasing to his majesty ; for certainly that can only be by their turning papists : since a prince that is so zealous for his religion , as his majesty is , cannot be so well pleased with any other thing as with this . their concurring with the king to remove the penal laws , comes over again ; for tho repetitions are impertinencies in the common stile , they are flowers in the new one . in conclusion , he tells them , that the king expects , that they will continue their prayers for him ; yet this does not agree too well with a catholick zeal : for the prayers of damned hereticks cannot be worth the asking ; for the third time he tells them to look well to their doctrine : now this is a little ambiguous ; for it may either signify , that they should study the controversies well , so as to be able to defend their doctrine solidly , or that they should so mince it , that nothing may fall from them in their sermons against popery ; this will be indeed a looking to their doctrine ; but i do not know whether it will be thought a looking well to it or not . he adds , that their example be influential : i confess this hard new word frighted me : i suppose the meaning of it is , that their practice may be such as that it may have an influence on others : yet there are both good and bad influences , a good influence will be the animating the people to a zeal for their religion ; and a bad one will be the slackning and sofning of that zeal . a little more clearness here had not been amiss . as for the last words of this letter ; that all these are his majesty's commands ; it is very hard for me to bring my self to believe them . for certainly he has more piety for the memory of the late martyr , and more regard both to himself , to his children , and to his people , than to have ever given any such commands . in order to the communicating this piece of elegance to the world , i wish the translating it into french were recommended to mr. d' albeville : that it may appear whether the secretary stile will look better in his irish french , than it does now in the scotch english of him who penne dit . finis . an answer to a paper printed with allowance , entitled , a new test of the church of england's loyalty . i. the accusing the church of england of want of loyalty , or the putting it to a new test , after so fresh a one , with relation to his majesty , argues a high degree of confidence in him who undertakes it . she knew well what were the doctrines and practices of those of the roman church , with relation to hereticks ; and yet she was so true to her loyalty , that she shut her eyes on all the temptations , that so just a fear could raise in her : and she set her self to support his majesties right of succession , with so much zeal , that she thereby not only put her self in the power of her enemies ; but she has also exposed her self to the scorn of those who insult over her in her misfortune . she lost the affections even of many of her own children ; who thought that her zeal for an interest , which was then so much decry'd , was a little too fervent : and all those who judged severely of the proceedings , thought that the opposition which she made to the side that then went so high , had more heat than decency in it . and indeed all this was so very extraordinary , that if she was not acted by a principle of conscience , sh● could make no excuse for her conduct● there appeared such peculiar marks of affection and heartiness , at every time that the duke was named , whether in drinking his health , or upon graver occasions , that it seemed affected : and when the late king himself ( whose word they took that he was a protestant ) was spoke of but coldly , the very name of the duke set her children all on fire ; this made many conclude , that they were ready to sacrifice all to him ; for indeed their behaviour was inflamed with so much heat , that the greater part of the nation believed they waited for a fit opportunity to declare themselves . faith in jesus christ was not a more frequent subject of the sermons of many , than loyalty ; and the right of the succession to the crown , the heat that appeared in the pulpit , and the learning that was in their books on these subjects , and the eloquent strains that were in their addresses , were all originals ; and made the world conclude , that whatever might be laid to their charge , they should never be accused of any want of loyalty , at least in this king's time , while the remembrance of so signal a service was so fresh . when his majesty came to the crown , these men did so entirely depend on the promise that he made , to maintain the church of england , that the doubting of the performance appeared to them the worst sort of infidelity . they believed , that in his majesty , the hero , and the king , would be too strong for the papist : and when any one told them , how weak a tie the faith of a catholick to hereticks must needs be , they could not hearken to this with any patience ; but looked on his majesties promise as a thing so sacred , that they imploy'd their interest to carry all elections of parliament-men , for those that were recommended by the court , with so much vigour , that it laid them open to much censure . in parliament they moved for no lawes to secure their religion ; but assuring themselves , that honour was the kings idol , they laid hold on it , and fancied , that a publick reliance on his word , would give them an interest in his majesty , that was generous , and more suteable to the nobleness of a princely nature than any new laws could be : so that they acquiesced in it , and gave the king a vast revenue for life : in the rebellion that followed , they shewed with what zeal they adhered to his majesty , even against a pretender that declared for them . and in the session of parliament , which came after that , they shewed their disposition to assist the king with new supplies ; and were willing to excuse and indemnify all that was past ; only they desired with all possible modesty , that the laws which his majesty had both promised , and at his coronation had sworn to maintain , might be executed . here is their crime , which has raised all this out-cry ; they did not move for the execution of severe or penal laws , but were willing to let those sleep , till it might appear by the behaviour of the papists , whether they might deserve that there should be any mitigation made of them in their favour . since that time , our church-men have been constant in mixing their zeal for their religion against popery , with a zeal for loyalty against rebellion , because they think these two are very well consistent one with another . it is true , they have generally expressed an unwillingness to part with the two tests ; because they have no mind to ●ust the keeping of their throats to those who they believe will cut them : and they have seen nothing in the conduct of the papists , either within or without the kingdom , to make them grow weary of the laws for their sakes ; and the same principle of common sense , which makes it so hard for them to believe transubstantiation , makes them conclude , that the author of this paper , and his friends , are no other , than what they hear , and see , and know them to be . ii. one instance in which the church of england shewed her submission to the court , was , that as soon as the nonconformists had drawn a new storm upon themselves , by their medling in the matter of the exclusion , many of her zealous members went into that prosecution of them , which the court set on foot , with more heat , than was perhaps either justifiable in it self , or reasonable in those circumstances ; but how censurable soever some angry men may be , it is somewhat strange to see those of the church of rome blame us for it , which has decreed such unrelenting severities against all that differ from her , and has enacted that not only in parliaments but even in general councils . it must needs sound odly to hear the sons of a church , that must destroy all others as soon as it can compass it , yet complain of the excesses of fines and imprisonments , that have been of late among us . but if this reproach seems a little strange when it is in the mouth of a papist , it is yet much more provoking , when it comes from any of the court. were not all the orders for the late severity sent from thence ? did not the judges in every circuit , and the favourite justices of peace in every sessions , imploy all their eloquence on this subject ? the directions that were given to the justices and the grand juries were all repeated aggravations of this matter : and a little ordinary lawyer , without any other visible merit , but an outragious fury in those matters , on which he has chiefly valued himself , was of a sudden taken into his majesties special favour , and raised up to the highest posts of the law. all these things , led some of our obedient clergy , to look on it as a piece of their duty to the king , to encourage that severity , of which the court seemed so fond , that almost all people thought , they had set it up for a maxime , from which they would never depart . i will not pretend to excuse all that has been done of late years : but it is certain , that the most crying severities have been acted by persons that were raised up to be judges and magistrates for that very end : they were instructed , trusted , and rewarded for it , both in the last and under the present reign . church-preferments were distributed , rather as recompences of this devouring zeal , than of a real merit ; and men of more moderate tempers were not only ill lookt at , but ill used . so that it is in it self very unreasonable to throw the load of the late rigour on the church of england , without distinction : but it is worse than in good manners it is fit to call it , if this reproach comes from the court. and it is somewhat unbecoming to see that , which was set on at one time , disown'd at another ; while yet he that was the chief instrument in it is still in so high a post ; and begins now to treat the men of the church of england , with the same brutal excesses , that he bestowed so lately and so liberally on the dissenters ; as if his design were to render himself equally odious to all mankind . iii. the church of england may justly expostulate when she is treated as seditious , after she has rendred the highest services to the civil authority , that any church now on earth has done : she has beaten down all the principles of rebellion , with more force and learning , than any body of men has ever yet done ; and has run the hazard of enraging her enemies , and losing her friends , even for those , from whom the more learned of her members knew well what they might expect . and since our author likes the figure of a snake in ones bosom so well ; i could tell him , that according to the apologue , we took up and sheltred an interest , that was almost dead , and by that warmth gave it life , which yet now with the snake in the bosom , is like to bite us to death . we do not say , we are the only church that has principles of loyalty ; but this we may say , that we are the church in the world that carries them the highest ; as we know a church that of all others sinks them the lowest . we do not pretend that we are inerrable in this point , but acknowledge that some of our clergy miscarried in it upon king edwards death : yet at the same time , others of our communion adhered more steadily to their loyalty in favour of queen mary , than she did to the promises that she made to them . upon this subject our author by his false quotation of history , forces me to set the reader right , which if it proves to the disadvantage of his cause , his friends may thank him for it . i will not enter into so tedious a digression as the justifying queen elisabeths being legitimate , and the throwing the bastardy on queen mary must carry me to ; this i will only say , that it was made out , that according to the best sort of arguments used by the church of rome , i mean the constant tradition of all ages , king henry the viii . marrying with queen katherine , was incestuous , and by consequence queen mary was the bastard , and queen elisabeth was the legitimate issue . but our author not satisfied with defaming queen elisabeth , tells us , that the church of england was no sooner set up by her , than she enacted those bloody cannibal laws , to hang , draw and quarter the priests of the living god : but since these lawes disturb him so much , what does he think of the laws of burning the poor servants of the living god , because they cannot give divine worship to that which they believe to be only a piece of bread ? the representation he gives of this part of our history , is so false , that tho' upon queen elisabeth's coming to the crown , there were many complaints exhibited of the illegal violences that bonner and other butchers had committed , yet all these were stifled , and no penal lawes were enacted against those of that religion . the popish clergy were indeed turned out ; but they were well used , and had pensions assigned them ; so ready was the queen and our church to forgive what was past , and to shew all gentleness for the future . during the first thirteen years of her reign , matters went on calmly , without any sort of severity on the account of religion . but then the restless spirit of that party , began to throw the nation into violent convulsions . the pope deposed the queen , and one of the party had the impudence to post up the bull in london ; upon this followed several rebellions , both in england and ireland , and the papists of both kingdoms entred into confederacies with the king of spain and the court of rome ; the priests disposed all the people that depended on them , to submit to the popes authority in that deposi●ion , and to reject the queens : these endeavours , besides open rebellions , produced many secret practices against her life . all these things gave the rise to the severe laws , which began not to be enacted before the twentieth year of her reign . a war was formed by the bull of deposition , between the queen and the court of rome , so it was a necessary piece of precaution , to declare all those to be traitors who were the missionaries of that authority which had stript the queen of hers : yet those laws were not executed upon some secular priests who had the honesty to condemn the deposing doctrine . as for the unhappy death of the queen of scotland , it was brought on by the wicked practices of her own party , who fatally involved her in some of them ; she was but a subject here in england ; and if the queen took a more violent way , than was decent for her own security , here was no disloyalty nor rebellion in the church of england , which owed her no sort of allegeance . iv. i do not pretend that the church of england has any great cause to value her self upon her fidelity to king charles the first , tho' our author would have it pass for the only thing of which she can boast : for i confess , the cause of the church was so twisted with the king 's , that interest and duty went together : tho i will not go so far as our author , who says , that the law of nature dictates to every individual to fight in his own defence : this is too bold a thing to be delivered so crudely at this time . the laws of nature are perpetual , and can never be cancelled by any special law : so if these gentlemen own so freely , that this is a law of nature , they had best take care not to provoke nature too much , lest she fly to the relief that this law may give her , unless she is restrained by the loyalty of our church . our author values his party much upon their loyalty to king charles the first : but i must take the liberty to ask him , of what religion were the irish rebells ; and what sort of loyalty was it , that they shewed either in the first massacre , or in the progress of that rebellion ? their messages to the pope , to the court of france , and to the duke of lorrain , offering themselves to any of these , that would have undertaken to protect them , are acts of loyalty , which the church of england is no way inclined to follow : and the authentical proofs of these things are ready to be produced . nor need i add to this , the hard terms that they offered to the king , and their ill usage of those whom he imployed . i could likewise repress the insolence of this writer , by telling him of the slavish submissions that their party made to cromwel , both father and son. as for their adhering to king charles the first , there is a peculiar boldness in our authors assertion , who says , that they had no hope nor interest in that cause : the state of that court is not so quite forgot , but that we do well remember what credit the queen had with the king , and what hopes she gave the party ; yet they did not so entirely espouse the kings cause , but that they had likewise a flying squadron in the parliaments army , how boldly soever this may be denyed by our author ; for this i will give him a proof , that is beyond exception , in a declaration of that king 's , sent to the kingdom of scotland , bearing date the 21. of april 1643. which is printed over and over again , and as an author that writes the history of the late wars , has assured us the clean draught of it , corrected in some places with the king 's own hand , is yet extant : so that it cannot be pretended , that this was only a bold assertion of some of the kings ministers , that might be ill affected to their party . in that declaration the king studied to possess his subjects of scotland with the justice of his cause , and among other things , to clear himself of that imputation that he had an army of papists about him , after many things said on that head , these words are added : great numbers of that religion have been with great alacrity entertained in that rebellious army against us : and others have been seduced , to whom we had formerly denyed imployments ; as appears by the examination of many prisoners , of whom we have taken twenty and thirty at a time of one troop or company of that religion . i hope our author will not have the impudence to dispute the credit that is due to this testimony : but no discoveries , how evident soever they may be , can affect some sort of men ; that have a secret against blushing . v. our author exhorts us , to change our principles of loyalty , and to take example of our catholick neighbours , how to behave our selves towards a prince , that is not of our perswasion : but would he have us learn of our irish neighbours , to cut our fellow subjects throats , and rebel against our king , because he is of another religion ? for that is the freshest example that any of our catholick neighbours have set us : and therefore i do not look so far back , as to the gunpowder-plot , or the league of france in the last age. he reproaches us for failing in our fidelity to our king. but in this matter we appeal to god , angels , and men ; and in particular to his majesty : let our enemies shew any one point of our duty , in which we have failed : for as we cannot be charged for having preacht any seditious doctrine , so we are not wanting in the preaching of rhe duties of loyalty , even when we see what they are like to cost us . the point which he singles out is , that we have failed in that grateful return , that we owed his majesty for his promise , of maintaining our church as it is established by law ; since upon that we ought to have repealed the sanguinary laws , and the late impious tests : the former being enacted to maintain the usurpation of queen elisabeth ; and the other being contrived to exclude the present king. we have not failed to pay all the gratitude and duty that was possible , in return to his majesties promise ; which we have carried so far , that we are become the object even of our enemies scorn by it . with all humility be it said , that if his majesty had promised us a farther degree of his favour , than that of which the law had assured us , it might have been expected , that our return should have been a degree of obedience beyond that which was required by law ; so that the return of the obedience injoyned by law , answers a promise of a protection according to law : yet we carried this matter further ; for as was set forth in the beginning of this paper , we went on in so high a pace of compliance and confidence , that we drew the censures of the whole nation on us : nor could any jealousies or fears give us the least apprehensions , till we were so hard pressed in matters of religion , that we could be no longer silent : the same apostle that taught us to honour the king , said likewise , that we must obey god rather than man. our author knows the history of our laws ill ; for besides what has been already said , touching the laws made by queen elisabeth , the severest of all our penall laws , and that which troubles him and his friends most , was past by k. james after the gunpowder-plot ; a provocation that might have well justified even greater severities . but tho our author may hope to imp●se on an ignorant reader , who may be apt to believe implicitly , what he says concerning the laws of the last age , yet it was too bold for him to assert , that the tests , which are so lately made , were contrived to exclude the present king : when there was not a thought of exclusion many years after the first was made , and the duke was excepted out of the second by a special proviso . but these gentlemen will do well never to mention the exclusion ; for every time that it is named , it will make people call to mind , the service that the church of england did in that matter , and that will carry with it a reproach of ingratitude that needs not be aggravated . he also confounds the two tests , as if that for publick imployments , contained in it a declaration of the king 's being an idolater , or as he makes it , a pagan : which is not at all in it ; but in the other for the members of parliament , in which there is indeed a declaration , that the church of rome is guilty of idolatry ; which is done in general terms , without applying it to his majesty , as our author does : upon this he would infer , that his majesty is not safe till the tests are taken away : but we have given such evidences of our loyalty , that we have plainly shewed this to be false ; since we do openly declare , that our duty to the king is not founded on his being of this or that religion ; so that his majesty has a full security from our principles , tho the tests continue , since there is no reason that we , who did run the hazard of being ruined by the excluders , when the tide was so strong against us , would fail his majesty now , when our interest and duty are joyned together : but if the tests are taken away , it is certain that we can have no security any longer ; for we shall be then laid open to the violence of such restless and ill-natured men , as the author of this paper and his brethren are . vi. the same reason that made our saviour refuse to throw himself down from the roof of the temple , when the devil tempted him to it , in the vain confidence , that angels must be assistant to him to preserve him , holds good in our case . our saviour said , thou shalt not tempt the lord thy god. and we dare not trust our selves to the faith and to the mercies of a society , that is but too well known to the world , to pretend , that we should pull down our pales , to let in such wolves among us . god and the laws have given us a legal security , and his majesty has promised to maintain us in it : and we think it argues no distrust , either of god , or the truth of our religion , to say , that we cannot by any act of our own , lay our selves open , and throw away that defence . nor would we willingly expose his majesty to the unwearied solicitations of a sort of men , who , if we may judge of that which is to come , by that which is past , would give him no rest , if once the restraints of law were taken off , but would drive matters to those extremities , to which we see their natures carry them head-long . vii . the last paragraph is a strain worthy of that school that bred our author ; he says , his majesty may withdraw his royal protection from the church of england which was promised her , upon the account of her constant fidelity ; and he brings no other proof to confirm so bold an assertion but a false axiome of that despised philosophy , in which he was bred : cessante causa tollitur effectus . this is indeed such an indignity to his majesty , that i presume to say it with all humble reverence , these are the last persons whom he ought to pardon , that have the boldness to touch so sacred a point as the faith of a prince , which is the chief security of government , and the foundation of all the confidence that a prince can promise himself from his people , and which , once blasted , can never be recovered : equivocations may be both taught and practised with less danger by an order that has little credit to lose ; but nothing can shake thrones so much , as such treacherous maximes . i must also ask our author , in what point of fidelity has our church failed so far , as to make her forfeit her title to his majesties promises ? for as he himself has stated this matter , it comes all to this . the king promised that he would maintain the church of england as established by law. upon which in gratitude he says , that the church of england was bound to throw up the chief security that she had in her establishment by law ; which is , that all who are intrusted either with the legislative or the executive parts of our government , must be of her communion ; and if the church of england is not so tame and so submissive , as to part with this , then the king is free from his promise , and may withdraw his royal protection ; tho i must crave leave to tell him , that the laws gave the church of england a right to that protection , whether his majesty had promised it or not . of all the maximes in the world , there is none more hurtful to the government , in our present circumstances , than the saying , that the kings promises and the peoples fidelity ought to be reciprocal ; and that a failure in the one , cuts off the other : for by a very natural consequence the subject may likewise say , that their oaths of allegeance being founded on the assurance of his majesties protection , the one binds no longer than the other is observed : and the inferences that may be drawn from hence will be very terrible , if the loyalty of the so much decryed church of england , does not put a stop to them . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a30329-e11740 ☜ ☜ ☜ a religious scrutiny concerning unequall marriage to be represented to the generall assembly of the kirk of scotland : together with a postscript to the commissioners of the kirk : whereunto is subjoyned an appendix humbly tendred to the parliament of england in reference to the late transactions of state, and now lastly is added a faithfull and conscientious account for subscribing the engagement / by thomas paget ... paget, thomas, d. 1660. 1650 approx. 116 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54505 wing p169b estc r31749 12252282 ocm 12252282 57165 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54505) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57165) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1510:5) a religious scrutiny concerning unequall marriage to be represented to the generall assembly of the kirk of scotland : together with a postscript to the commissioners of the kirk : whereunto is subjoyned an appendix humbly tendred to the parliament of england in reference to the late transactions of state, and now lastly is added a faithfull and conscientious account for subscribing the engagement / by thomas paget ... paget, thomas, d. 1660. [10], 45 p. printed by john macock ..., london : 1650. "a faithfull and conscientious account for subscribing the engagement" does not appear. imperfect: print showthrough with loss of print. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng marriage -religious aspects. impediments to marriage. church and state -great britain. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2004-05 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a religious scrutiny concerning unequall marriage , to be represented to the generall assembly of the kirk of scotland : together with a postscript to the commissioners of the kirk . whereunto is subjoyned an appendix , humbly tendred to the parliament of england , in reference to the late transactions of state. and now lastly is added a faithfull and conscientious account for subscribing the engagement . by thomas paget , minister of the vvord in shrewsbury . jer. 6. 16. thus saith the lord , stand ye in the wayes and see , and ask for the old paths , which is the good way , and walk therein , and ye shall find rest for your souls . john 8. 31 , 32. then said jesus to those disciples which believed on him , if ye continue in my word then are ye my disciples indeed , and ye shall know the truth , and the truth shalt make you free . london : printed by john macock , and are to be sold in popes-head alley . 1650. to the reader . this last addition mentioned in the title of these following discourses , should have come forth eight moneths since ; but many occasions intervening , and among them the author observing that many learned discourses were about that time published by others on the same argument , he thought the world would have lesse need of his , but finding since that time ( besides the perswasion of such as had viewed it , to whose judgement he owed much ) many notable things come to passe in the event of affairs , in a manner then foretold to those of that faction ( pretended to be the old presbyterian ) to whom the advertisement agreeing with the scope of the book , was particularly directed , and many dangerous conjunctions since discovered ( which were then foreseen , when they seemed to be most conceal'd ) repented him not that it was defer'd till now , having more hope that after so many means of conviction , they might be now found the willinger to open their ears to that evidence of truth which is laid before them , inducing them with the same solidity and clearnesse of reason to submit to the engagement , as he had done before , in exhorting them to a peaceable compliance with the present government ; though then for some private reasons , under the assumed name of theophilus philopatrius . and thus much was thought good to be prefixt to the former advertisement , which now follows , by the same friend to pure religion and his native countrey . an advertisement by way of preface to the neophyte presbyterian ministers of england and ireland . the reverend author of these several discourses following , though a stranger to me , appears throughout the whole treatise , to be of that judgment in church-discipline , which is called presbyterian , but far different from some opinions which so many of those , who in these days assume that name , have under that pretext lately broached among us , with such disturbance of the peace , and civil magistracy of the land. his yeers likewise intimated in a passage of his book , with other arguments , give us to believe him more then ordinarily versed , both in the writings of the good old non-conformists of this nation , and the acquaintance and familiarity of many grave and worthy ministers , whose faith and constancy , endured the tryals of long persecutions and exiles , under the raign of the two last kings . whereby the world may know ( besides what hath been lately shewn in several other treatises , and chiefly from histories of the scotish reformation , penned by the most eminent of the presbyterians , and principal managers of those affairs ) that these subscribers in london of the representation , vindication , &c. against the tryal of the late king , &c. and their copartners in subscriptions on the same accompt in lancashire , essex , or any other county of england , with the presbytery of belfast in ireland ( as many of them , at least , whose countenance , of names , have not been made use of without their knowledg ) are not as they profess to be , the followers of those sincere , and pious men of this , or other reformed protestant countreys , whose doctrine , and holy life , in the midst of all kinde of sufferings ( unto which they were then exposed ) hath yet left a religious memory of a sweet smelling savor behinde them . which contratenor of these mens , appears not onely in those assumed vindications , with their other slightings of the present authority , and defaming the higher powers placed over them in the manage of their trust ; and these representations attended in odium tertii by an unnatural coition in so palpable steps with the tumultuous spirits of their old , and ( by themselves declared ) inveterate enemies ; of that part of their old and once owned friends , which is now become unto them a principal abomination , by reason of those their late avowed and pursued principles , most inconsistent with their interest ; and of the rude multitude , of whose crying one day hosannah , and by and by crucifie , they need not more experience : they all this while not foreseeing how naturally these courses do tend to settle on their own heads , by their own hands , those very evils , whereof they are most afraid . but also that they may be sure to keep distance from their most faithful and inwardly approved friends , their countermining is yet more evident ( a new opportunity to shew themselves arising ) in their tenacious adhering to set days of humiliation , in opposition to occasional ; wherein the opinion , and practice of the reformed churches , and especially of the church of scotland ( with whom they most plead to have uniformity ) is cleerly no less against them , of the which , such of them as have either been conversant in their writings , about their discipline , against the prelatical , or have had the opportunity of any free discourse with their commissioners in the assembly at westminster , or elsewhere , cannot possibly have any colour to plead ignorance . into both of which so opposite aspects , that they did not upon their own principles chuse to fall , but were indeed by emergence of occurrences surprizing them , driven ; is very apparent by that ready testimony , which the most forward of them at first were observed to give ( besides former expressions that way looking ) to the very remonstrance of the army , in what concerned even the calling of the king to account , and afterwards so perfectly falling out with it , by reason of the maner of doing , viz. the suspension of some members of parliament , &c. the which maner notwithstanding made voyd , does sweep along with it ( whereof they cannot be ignorant ) the alpha and omega of their friends transactions , for the re-establishent and preservation of presbytery , &c. in scotland , against the prelatical inundations , they having in the beginning of these conflicts , no parliament , till their sword fencing their other addresses , begot both it , and their assembly ; and that parliament in a few successions degenerating ; these again with their own sword assisted with the followers of their copy in this land , having altogether overturned that line , and cut out a new parliament in affect of another constitution of members , and 〈◊〉 passed sentence of non-communion in an admonition upon the acquiescers in the settlement of this nation , upon the concessions at newport , as being destructive to the specially profest interest of themselves , and their presbyterian friends in england . the which acquiescers seeing they were those very heterogeneous members , who could not but let any building , save on that foundation , till they were taken out of the way , what a chain of security , their continuance at the stern , might have framed , the consideration of the links of their adherents , inchiquin , belfast , ormond , &c. yet going on , who knows how far further ? will help themselves to give judgment . it is heartily therefore wished by me ( and with me , i doubt not , but by all those who duely ponder the present carriage of the most of them . ) that if their judgments be indeed inclined to the presbyterian way , they would be more cautelous in the offering to engage a whole party , in what is too too evidently the meer driving on of the self-interest of some discontented persons ; and indeed apply themselves without partiality to the law and testimony , as they have this aged , and reverend author , in these his grave and judicious discussions ( upon special reason , we see directed to those our neerest neighbors of scotland ) for an example , together with such other worthy ancients , whether in yeers or understanding , which do yet remain exemplary , who ( being of a fuller age in controversies of this nature , then by such as satisfie themselves to swim in a stream , is attained ) by reason of use have their sences exercised to discern , and are become more skilful in the word of righteousness , and shine with greater brightness , in the rendring of what is due unto all , as ordained of god. and that they would timely cease their causing of many to stumble ( an evil of old complained of by the prophet , as raigning in the ministery of that generation , see and consider mal. 2. 7 , 8 , 9. ) and that they would not go on to render themselves contemptible before the people , by their corrupting the covenant , which is the main scope of this premised advertisement to these leaders of the over-credulous , into the snare wherein they have led themselves captive . by a friend to pure religion , and his native country . a religious scrutiny , or an important , expedient qvestion to be represented to the general assembly of the kirk of scotland ; touching the unlawfulness and nullity of some kinde of unequal marriage , as a consectary to the late necessary and seasonable testimony , against toleration , in reference to religion : from the commissioners of the kirk . the preamble to the question . it is most humbly and sincerely desired , that the reverend , and godly-wise pastors , and elders of scotland , conveening in the general assembly of the kirk , may be pleased to take into their grave and mature deliberations , the ensuing question of grand importance and expediency . they are earnestly and religiously solicited hereunto the rather , sith a satisfying resolution of the case in hand , may argue ; not onely their unfeigned and impartial zeal against toleration , in reference to religion , ( which the necessary and seasonable testimony from their commissioners of the kirk , with their admonition and exhortation unto their brethren in england ; together also with the concurrence of the estates in parliament , allowing , and attesting the same ; and a letter likewise from the said commissioners , to the ministers of london province , dated at edinburg , ian. 18. 1649. do fairly and learnedly pretend unto , and in the judgment of christian charity , do piously contend for , according to the scriptures , ) but also may tend to instruct and establish pure mindes , studious of truth and p 〈…〉 , in this conjuncture of cloudy and scrupulous emergencies , occasioned by the extraordinary overtures and mysterious transactions of the parliaments , and souldieries in england and scotland ; even in the one nation , as well as in the other , both in the state and church affairs . but let the answer be ingenuous , punctual , solid , plain , and cleer , grounded on the holy and good word of the eternal god ; and let it be truly weighed in the balances of the sanctnary , which deceive not , nor can be deceived . for so it becometh the truth which is after godliness . this is brotherly and modestly requested by an english minister of the gospel , in his measure zealously affected to the honor of the true god , and sincerely loving to his most endeared native country , and a hearty wel-wisher of the best good unto theirs ; who hath now about the space of fourty yeers served god with his spirit in the gospel , preaching the word in season , and out of season ; reproving , rebuking , and exhorting , with all long-suffering and doctrine ( save in some intervals , when a first , second , and third time hindered , and restrained by prelatical suspension , and tycannical persecution for the testimony of jesus christ , and thereby necessitated to keep silence , till the indignation was overpast ; ) and who still aged , endevoreth diligently and industriously , according to his capacity , ability , and opportunity ; the propagating of the gospel , and kingdom of christ , the utter extirpation and subversion of popery , prelacy , superstition , heresie , schism , and prophaneness , and the establishment of the ministry and discipline of christ in presbyteries and synods in all churches , joying greatly , in beholding such order , and contributing prayers , that notorious delinquents may in a due way , be censured and proceeded against , according as the nature and degree of their offence may require , in doing justice and judgment upon them ; that so the lords people may not be left to oppressors , whose designes and machinations do portend to make voyd god his holy , just , and good laws , and ordinances . the question . whether the marriages of men , professing the true religion of god , according to the faith of gods elect , and acknowledging the truth , which is after godliness ; contracted and made with the idolatrous daughters of a strange god , and through strong delusion , beleeving a lye , after the working of satan , in all deceiveableness of unrighteousness ; ought not in a due way to be separated , and made voyd , as being a nullity ( de jure ) from the first ? and whether the children born of them in their pretended conjugal society , ought not to be separated , and cast out from patrimonial inheriting ? and consequently , whether the marriages of protestants of the true christian religion , made with papists of the antichristian , false religion ; ought not to be separated ? and whether the children born of them , ought not to be cast out from inheriting in christian nations of the reformed true religion ? the state of the question discussed and ventilated , in the consideration of certain observations , cases , and restrictions ; for anticipating misprision , and futile prevarication . i. the subject of the question is taken for granted , viz. there is a lawfulness and requisitness , of separating and making voyd , the marriages of some persons unlawfully contracted at the first ; and there is a lawfulness of the casting out the children , born of them . the word of god giveth very evident testimony hereunto , holding forth a most direct and undeniable president , beyond all exception , as being practicable according to law , in the case of divers of the people of israel , returned from the babylonish captivity , who had transgressed abominably in making mixt marriages ; and who therefore as the case required , did institute reformation , and accordingly did reform . this appeareth ezra 9. & 10. throughout , and more particularly chap. 10. 3 , 16. hereunto also the apostolical allusion , in the business in hand , doth notably serve for illustration . see gal. 4. 30. cast out the bond-woman and her son , &c. such was the known famous case ( in some sort infamous ) of king henry the eighth of england , who in an oration to his subjects , gave them to understand , that the lady mary his daughter , was not reputed his lawful daughter , nor his queen katherine , her mother , his lawful wife , but their pretended conjugal society had been most detestable adultery , as he had been informed by divers learned clerks : whereupon afterwards , the marriage was declared , and made voyd . see 2. vol. of the book of martyrs , pag. 327. edit . 1641. thus it is manifest , that some pretended conjugal society , and fruit of it , may be separated and cast out . ii. it is to be observed , that the god of heaven , and earth , doth really distinguish , and put difference , betwixt person and person ; and requireth likewise , that his people should do so too in their walking and conversing with humane society , according to occasion , in such scriptural notions and expressions , as following are specified and instanced for better discerning herein , viz. 1. the seed of the woman , and the seed of the serpent , gen. 3. 15. 2. the sons of god , and the daughters of men , gen. 6. 2 , 4. 3. noah his family , and the old world of the ungodly , 2 pet. 2. 5. 4. the tents of shem , canaan his servant , gen. 9. 27. 5. circumcised persons , and uncircumcised ones , gen. 17. 13 , 14. 6. children of the free-woman , and of the bond-woman , gal. 4. 31. 7. israelites , and gentiles , exod. 19. 5 , 6. 8. precious ones , and vile persons , jere. 15. 19. 9. jews , and adversaries of judah , ezra 4. 1 , 2 , 3. 10. righteous , and the wicked , mal. 3. 18. 11. children of god , and children of the devil , 1 john 3 10. 12. regenerate , and unregenerate , john 3. 3 , &c. 13. spiritual man , and natural man , 1 cor. 2. 14 , 15. 14. beleevers , and unbeleevers , 2 cor. 6. 14. 15. christians , and antichrists , acts 11. 26. 1 john 2. 18. 16. within the church , and without , 1 cor. 5. 12. acts 2. 47. 17. one inwardly in the heart , and one outwardly , rom. 2. 28 , 29. 18. quickned , and dead , ephes. 2. 5. 19. children of the light or day , and of darkness , or the night , 1 thes. 5. 5. 20. baptized , and unbaptized , luke 3. 7. and 7. 30 , &c. hence it may be discerned , how marriages may be made in the lord. iii. the question is not propounded , touching a separating of the marriages of such persons who were married , when both of them were idolatrous , but after the marriage , one of them through the dispensation of the gospel , becometh a convert to the true religion : neither is it touching the casting out of their children , sith such their condition , and such state of their children likewise , is cleerly and punctually spoken unto , and determined by the apostle paul , in the case of desertion , or non-desertion , according as occasion may offer . see 1 cor. 7. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. the case of galeacius caracciolus , marquess of vico , declared in his life , translated into english , by w. cr. cap. 25. is a singular instance in the specified occasion . iv. neither is the question about the abrogating of the marriage of such a professor of the true religion , who in a due way , doth espouse himself unto such a woman , whose parents and progenitors are grosly idolatrous , and she her self was lately such , but she is now converted , and embraceth the true religion , before the marriage be made : for there are approved presidents in the word of god , of the lawfulness of such their matrimony . see ruth 4. 13. compare chap. 1. 16. 1 kings 1. 3. compare psal. 45. 13. v. nor yet the question is not instituted with a partial respect and exception of some sorts of persons , but it equally and indifferently concerneth any sort and degree of persons whomsoever , whether civil or ecclesiastical , supreme or inferior , rich or poor , &c. sith by occasion there is a possibility , that any sorts and degrees of persons may be tempted , and fall into one miscarriage , as well as another as is implyed , gal. 6. 1. yea , and the scripture instanceth the transgressions in such kinde , even of kings , princes , rulers , priests , levites , and people . see nehe. 13. 26. ezra 9. 1 , 2. the scripture giveth instance likewise , of course held for redress , see ezra 10. nehe. 13. vi. moreover , the question is not , whether the professors of the true religion , having transgressed by making mixt marriages , may , or ought , at their own pleasure , put away their wives , by their own and sole authority ; and so likewise , cast out their children : sith such procedure , it may seem , if admited of , ought to be by the decision and order of such , as have calling and authority thereunto . as it may appear , ezra 10. 2 , 3 , 4. nehe. 13. 23 , 24 , 25. vii . likewise , the question is not touching a making voyd the marriages of the professors of the true religion , who are married to professors of the said true religion for the substance of it , but some difference is in some circumstantial matters , and superstructive opinions , which do not destroy the foundation and principles of the true religion . sith such condition of difference in judgment , about lesser matters in religion , may be incident unto some members of the true churches of christ. see 1 cor. 3. 3 , 4 , 12. phil. 3. 13. viii . neither is the question concerning professors of the true religion , who are charitably and probably reputed to be truely religious , having the spirit of power , and of love , and of a sound minde ; but their yoke-fellows professing outwardly onely , and having a form of godliness , but deny the power of it ; professing indeed , that they know god , but in their works deny him ; whether these should be separated , and their children cast out ? sith profession denominateth the religion . howbeit , in the seventh and eighth cases , special and uttermost faithful endevor , ought to be used by persons of good knowledg , to free their yokefellows from the entanglement of erroneous opinions , and unchristian conversation , and to establish them in the truth ; if so , they may yet be brought to approve themselves , as becometh the gospel of christ ; and if god through their due way of instructing them with meekness , may peradventure grant them repentance unto life , and unto the acknowledging of the truth , see 2 tim. 2. 25 , 26. whereas on the other hand in this case , god hateth putting away , ( as being a trecherous dealing against ones companion , and wife of his covenant , see mal. 2. 14 15 , 16. ) save in the case of whoredom alone ; for in such case it is lawful to procure a bill of divorcement for the putting away of the wife , notwithstanding the marriage was lawfully made and continued , until such occasion , see matth. 19. 9. ix . and lastly , the question is not whether in all ages and times recorded in the scriptures , the rulers commissioned to execute justice and judgment on notorious offendors ; have fully approved their integrity and faithfulness , in acting in the specified case as had been meet . 1. forasmuch as the sacred records in matters of fact , are many times silent , lest they should be too voluminous , and because also that which is recorded is enough for the guiding of beleevers in steering of their course , see john 21. 25. and chap. 20. 30 , 31. 2. and forasmuch as sometimes the rulers , who ought to have been vigorously active against miscarriage of any herein , have been themselves delinquent , and so the edg of iustice hath been thereby blunted ; see solomon , nehe 13. 26. iehoram , 2 chron. 21. 6. 3. yea , and forasmuch as pious and reforming princes , have yet some of them been too remiss in zealous executing according to law , as they ought to have done , even as the scripture sheweth in the example of gracious and worthy iehoshaphat , 2 chron. 20. 33. and of the zealous and constantly upright-hearted king asa , 2 chron. 15. 17. in their not taking away of the high places . it is the annotation in the margent ( of the bible , printed at edinburg , by andrew hart , 1610. much approved in scotland ) on 2 chro. 15. 16. touching king asa his deposing his mother maachah from her regency , because she had made an idol in a grove . that therein he shewed he lacked zeal , for she ought to have died , both by the covenant , as vers . 13. and by the law of god ; but he gave place to foolish pity , and would seem also after a sort to satisfie the law. concerning the which annotation , the propounder of this question , heard it reported about fourty yeers agone from authentick witnesses , that king iames was so offended thereat , that he for that note sake , would not permit thenceforth any bibles in english to be reprinted with any annotations whatsoever , neither of the new translation , nor of the former old translations . which by the way , may advertise the learned and forward attesting brethren of the ministery , both in scotland , and in london , and some other provinces of the english nation , that it need not seem strange , if there be a paucity of presidents in the scriptures , or modern protestant writings , about penal executions on superlative persons , especially as matters have stood under monarchy : when yet notwithstanding , there is sure and sufficient rule and example in the word of god , either directly expressed , or by just consequence to be deduced from the latitude of commandments , and scripture historical , which may satisfie conscience , and also oblige and encourage unto the due execution of iustice : so that the question is as it is stated , whether commissioned rulers , supreme or subordinate , ought not formerly , and consequently , whether they ought not still , even in these gospel-days , according to occasion , see to legal execution in the matter in hand , or any other ? motives inducing unto the representing of the question , arguing the importance and expediency of it . i. texts of scripture expresly . 1. requiring and commanding professors of the true religion , that when they shall make use of their liberty or necessity to marry , to be sure that they do marry onely in the lord , see 1 cor. 7. 39. 2. prohibiting and forbidding people in covenant with god , to make any marriages with daughters who are strangers to the covenant of god , see deut. 7. 3. 2 cor. 6. 14. 3. complaining of , convincing , and reprehending such mixture in marriages , see ezra 9. 2. nehe. 13. 23 , 24 , 25 , 28 , mal. 2. 11. 4. threatning , and denouncing punishment to be executed in such case of unlawful marriages , whoever the offenders are , see mal. 2. 12. 5. informing of the approved course of faithful and religious rulers , in the separating and putting away such idolatrous wives , and such as were born of them , to be done according to the law , see ezra 10. 2 , 3 , &c. 6. declaring and shewing gods proceedings in judgment against the old world , by the deluge for sin in this kinde , see gen. 6. 2 , 3 , &c. ii. divine forceable reasons made use of in the holy scriptures , against such mixt prophane marriages , taken from the 1. inequality of their being yoked together in conjugal society , see 2 cor. 6. 14 , 15 , 16. compared with deut. 22. 10. 2. extream danger of the not attaining of an holy seed in mixt marriage , which yet ought to be seriously looked after , as that which god seeketh and mindeth , see mal. 2. 15. but in all appearance , is likely to be frustrated hereby , see ezra 9. 2. nehe. 13. 23 , 24. inasmuch as children are most apt to be swayed according to their mothers principles , see 2 chron. 22. 3 , 4. 3. dangerous ensnaring the husbands , in the sin of the wives , foreseen and warned against , by the lord himself , see deut. 7. 4. and envinced by woful event , see 1 king. 11. 1 , 2 4. nehem. 13. 26. whence also ensueth , an hinderance or disturbance of religious family duties of prayer , 1 pet. 3. 7. and consequently a drawing down the wrath of god on them , jerem. 10. 25. iii. evident testimonies of ancient and modern theologues , in their approved orthodox writings , occasionally treating hereabouts . viz. 1. old tertullian , one of the most learned latine fathers , ( in whose writings , cyprian the father , and martyr delighted to exercise himself every day ) lib. 2. ad uxor . cap. 3. he asserteth , that beleevers marrying with gentiles or pagans , are guilty of whoredom , and that they ought not to be communicated withal . this book of his is approved by abr. scultetus , who was an eminent professor at heydelburg , in his medul . patr. 2. peter martyr , a most pious , learned , and much renowned professor , heretofore at oxford , and elsewhere , in the reign of king edward the sixth , and very much endeared to most orthodox protestants of the reformed religion , in his commentar . on 1 king. 3. 1. disputing de dispari conjugio , propoundeth sundry arguments against mixt marriages , quoteth some of the fathers , as being of his minde , even ierome , augustine , &c. and answereth sundry objections ; yea , and albeit he hath somewhat in the close of his discourse to allay extream severity , yet it may appear , ( the question being rightly stated ) that none of his allayes do infringe the arguments . 3. that famous and worthy minister of christ in the university of cambridg , master william perkins , in his warning against the idolatry of the last times , asserteth , that the marriages of the israelites , with idolaters , mentioned ezra 10. 3. were indeed voyd , and no marriages . he alleageth two reasons thereof , the latter whereof is , in that they were not onely idolaters , but also inticers to idolatry . god by express commandment , did simply forbid the jews to marry with them , unless they did repent and change their religion . and in regard of this commandment , the foresaid marriages were nullities , as incestuous marriages are no marriages , by reason of the absolute , prohibition of god. thus master perkins in his warning against the idolatry of these last times , meaning the idolatry of popery , as the scope of his treatise importeth , vide vol. 1. pag. 677 , 678. 4. the judgment of some sound and much honored english ministers of the gospel , ( most of which , are now asleep in the lord , yet a few still alive ) who conferring and humbling themselves frequently in private , at such times as overtures were with spain , and shortly after with france , about king charls his mixt marriage . the questionist demanded the same he now represents to disquisition , and the most and best approved for their learning and piety , inclined to the affirmative . 5. the solemn league and covenant , 1643. engaging unto an extirpation of popery , in the second article : for the course insisted on , in the qnestion , seemeth to have an effectual tendency , to the keeping of the said covenant in that article of it . 6. the commissioners of the general assembly of the kirk in scotland , in the necessary and seasonable testimony against toleration , approved by the estates of present parliament ; who amongst other texts of scripture , alleaged by them , against toleration have these words , pag. 5. the children of israel after their return from babylon , made a covenant , and entered into a curse , and into an oath , to walk in gods law , and to observe , and do all the commandments of the lord their god , nehem. 10. 28 , 29 , 30. let this text alleaged , be compared with ezra 10. 2 , 3 , 5. and the reader is desired to take the bible , and to turn to , and observe the texts cited , which undoubtedly must needs affect greatly ; and the rather , sith cited by such interested persons , and to such purpose . iv. the same texts of scripture , and scriptural reasons , which do make against the marriages of the people of god , with the daughters of a strange god , and all that are born of them , do seem also by necessary consequence , to conclude against the marriages of protestants with papists , and all that are born of them . viz. because 1. popery is the religion of the roman antichrist ; who is the man of sin , the son of perdition ; who opposeth and exalteth himself , above all that is called god , or that is worshipped : so that 〈◊〉 as god , sitteth in the temple of god , shewing himself that he is god , see 2 thes. 2. 3 , 4. and who is the king of the locusts , as singularly described , apocal. 9. 3 , 5 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. yea , who is the whore of babylon , on whose forehead was a name written , mystery , babylon , the great , the mother of harlots , and abominations of the earth , see apocal. 17. 5. 2. the antichristian religion was inspired and promoted by satan , with all power , and signes , and lying wonders ; and with all deceiveableness of unrighteousness , in them that perish , through divine effectual permission , see 2 thes. 2. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. even as the heathenish idolatry is devilish , and is therefore in no wise to be communicated with , see deut. 32. 17. 2 chro. 11. 15. compared with 1 cor. 10. 20 , 21. 3. there are the same , or the like sacred precepts , requiring to come out , and separate from the antichristian religion , and to have no communion therewith , lest uttermost peril do overtake , see apocal. 18. 4. as are for the relinquishing of pagan idolatry , see 2 cor. 6. 17. isaiah 52. 11. 4. the idolatries of the papists , being compared with the idolatries of the heathen ; they are every jot as gross and vile , if not more , as are the heathenish ; yea , they are indeed so odious , as is not meet to be once named amongst saints , further then just cause requireth . see by way of allusion , the psalmists expression . psal. 16. 4. v. magistrates in new testament times , ought to hold course against sinful evil , in any kinde committed , as well as they did in old testament times , see rom. 13. 3 , 4. to this end , let it be well weighed ( and application be made accordingly ) what is asserted by the commissioners of the general assembly , in the testimony against toleration , pag. 6 , 7. in these words , for it cannot be shewn , that any part of that power , which magistrates had under the old testament , is repealed under the new : neither can any convincing reason be brought , why it should be of narrower extent now , nor then . may it not seem hence , that the estates , and ministers , and elders of scotland are of one minde , that popish wives ought to be separated , and their children ought to be removed from patrimonial inheriting in a christian reformed nation ? vi. and who knoweth , but that as the question agitated , and resolved in king henry the eighth his case , touching the unlawfulness of his incestuous marriage with queen katherine , portending extream prejudice to the kingdom , in such spurious succession , as might be by the lady mary ; as appeareth in the history above cited , acts & mon. tom. 2. p. 326 , 327 , &c. ( and as indeed most wofully ensued afterwards in the marian days ) yet tended through divine providence , unto a making way for true reformed religion , in some degree , by his marrying with anne bullen , mother to queen elizabeth . so it may please god , that the question represented , touching the marriages of protestants with papists , and touching their children , if it shall be duely discussed , it may become remarkably occasional unto a safe and wel-grounded establishment of peace , with holiness , even throughout england , ireland , and scotland too . the premises being rightly observed , according to the question , as it hath been stated and grounded , seeming to be for the affirmative . epilogue . now then , forasmuch as the question hath been fairly , plainly , submisly , and christianly represented to the general assembly , conveening to discuss and determine arising questions that are of notable and high concernment : their grave wisdoms are once again beseeched to confider of it , to speak their mindes to take advice , and give counsel . they shall have joy by the answer of their mouths , soundly and impartially uttered ; and a word spoken in its season how good is it ! and let the lord ( whose the preparations of the heart , and answer of the tongue are , prov. 16. 1. ) be graciously present , and propitious in giving understanding in all things . amen , amen . a postscript . to the most able and religiously affectionate commissioners of the general assembly of the kirk of scotland , tending to pacification betwixt the two nations , concerning the present state proceedings . mercy unto you , and peace , and love , and truth be multiplyed from the king of saints , and prince of salvation ; who worketh all things after the counsel of his own will , and doth all things well , expecting that wisdom be justified of her children . reverend sirs , behold now , the proposer of this question hath taken upon him to interrogate your general assembly a word in the cause of god , and his people , even as cause hath seemed to require ; knowing well how much it behoveth , and becometh all those that make mention of the lord , not to keep silence in the day of jacobs trouble ; if a necessary word seasonably spoken , may become any way instrumental , unto the breaking forth of light in these days of darkness and gloominess ; days of clouds , and thick darkness : and seeing god doth not altogether hide from seeing eyes , and hearing ears , and understanding hearts , what he is about to do : the wonderful and unwonted daily occurrences , do seemingly declare , that the lord of hosts is doing his work , his strange work ; and bringing to pass his act , his strange act of removing the diadem , and taking off the crown , overturning , overturning , overturning it , that it may be no more , in as much as the horrid and grievous sin of tyranny hath found out the guilty , capital delinquents ; to allude to that which is prophetically denounced , see ezek. 21. 25 , 26 , 27. god thus thundering and speaking as it were from heaven ; who can but tremblingly speak ? if children should hold their peace , the stones would immediately cry out ? hence the said proposer hath taken upon him also , to propound a few words unto your learned and solid wisdoms , who are the choice and eminent commissioners of your general assembly , and to pray you of your gentleness , to hear with patience , some advertisement , for the stirring you up to contribute your best assistance in this perplexed , conjuncture of affairs in our three nations , in helping the lord against his opposites . right worthy sirs , it manifestly appeareth by the return of the hearty thanks of the estates of your parliament , for your testimony against toleration ; and likewise their concurrence with it ; that ye have singular interest in the estates of parliament . may it please you therefore , to improve your interest , by suggesting and perswading them ( that whereas this your parliament was extraordinarily summoned , and the form and frame , or materials in great part , regulated by such of the estates and souldieries , who sought the real welfare of your church and nation , in the extream exigencies thereof , without the command or direction of any legal monarch , to give order thereabouts , and as indeed your case seemed absolutely to require ) they would now deeply ponder , and bethink themselves of the best expedient for the settlement of truth and peace , as may tend to the lengthening of your tranquillity , in the liberty of true religion , and also ecclesiastical and civil government , for the suppressing of popery , prelacy , . heresie , schism , and prophaneness ; which otherwise will infest your nation , as well as others , whether neighbors , or more remote . if ye ) as mordecai sent queen esther word ) do altogether hold your peace at this time , deliverance and enlargement may come some otherway , but ye may not expect the comfort thereof . and who knoweth , whether your favor in the eyes of the estates , be not for such a time as this ? now howbeit , the generality of the reformed christian world , studious of zions peace , are not ignorant of your abundant and excellent sufficiencies , in the managing of the weighty concernments of your own countrey : yet your humble advertiser , inquisitive , and solicitous of your entire , faithful deportment , presumeth it will not be vexatious unto you , to be put in remembrance of such truth , as ye well know , and are established in : which remembred , and made use of , may become serviceable in this time of need . be pleased therefore , to take notice and observe these few hints . government being a goodly and honorable ordinance of god , instituted for the weal of all nations , and humane societies , in the latitude of the fifth commandment , and first of the second table of the decalogue ; yet the constituting , and exercising of it for its kinde , whether supream or subordinate , seemeth in the scripture language to be an humane ordinance or creature , even as right reason may dictate , and sway any society , to choose and comply withal , according as divine providence , and effectual ordering , and permission , may be discerned ; when the state and condition of occurrences requireth a new moulding and fashioning , as sometimes it doth , see 1 pet. 2. 13 , 14. compared with 2 sam. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. 1 kings 12. 1 , 15 , 20 , 24. hushai his speech ( who was a great counsellor of state ) seemeth to be a reasonable and just political maxime ; viz. whom the lord , and his people , and all the men of israel chuse ( to be supream ) his will i be , and with him will i abide , see 2 sam. 16. 18. and to say nothing what humane writings tell us , touching political government in its kindes or species ; as likewise , touching their rules given in the main of them practicable in any kinde of lawful policy ; whether it be monarchical , aristocratical , democratical , or mixt of these . nor yet to say nothing of church government , by presbyteries and synods , in any common-wealth , as being directed unto , in the word of god ; and is therefore unchangeable ( de jure ) in the substantials of it , in all ages and times of the church . that which is to be remembred and taken notice of , is touching political government of common-wealths ; which according to the divine story in scripture , written for our learning , rom. 15. 4. hath been variously changeable , in various ages and periods of times . viz. from adam to moses , it was in one kinde , even by patriarks ; from moses to samuel , it was in other kindes , even by moses , joshua , elders , heads of tribes , and judges ; from samuel , until the captivities of israel and iudah , it was again in other kindes , even by kings , variously promoted unto the government by gods designe , viz. either elected by the people , or by descent approved amongst the people , or by conquests ; from the return of the jewish captivity , until new testament times , it was yet in other kindes , even by princes , governors , captains , or roman deputies ; and the same judicial , penal laws , of divine institution and enacting , did equally and respectively serve in one kinde of government , as well as another ; for the preservation of life , livelihood , and liberty , in a due way of administration . so that such passages of scripture , well observed and remembred , it may seem , that our lord christ is no more a friend to monarchical government , then to aristocratical , or democratical , or mixt of any of these . moreover , let it also be remembred , that after the return from the captivity , when preceding monarchy had ceased ( and yet jacobs prophetical prediction failed not , gen. 49. 10. ) and the government was changed through divine dispensation of times and seasons which the father hath put in his own power ; yet such after government , did flourish and prosper greatly : and although the external pomp and splendor of the common-wealth was not in all things so illustrious , as formerly at some times ; by how much a deficiency was of some special means and accommodations , as had been for the structure of solomons temple , and magnificent kingly palaces , &c. yet the latter condition , both of the temple re-edified , and common-wealths posture , wanted not altogether their glory and encouragements ; yea , and in that which was most considerable , even spiritual dignity , and welfare ; it had the preference and preeminence , see hag. 2. 7 , 8 , 9. true it is , when strange and sudden changes do happen in the state of nations ; it is no great marvel , if mens spirits be much moved , and greatly troubled . if the good and grave prophet samuel , did mourn for king saul in such sort , as he did ( and yet god himself did therefore reprove him , see 1 sam. 16. 1. ) yea , when he was rejected from being king , for his disobeying god , and governing the people unworthily : it is the less to be wondred at , if the scots , after a succession of 107 kings , a total eclipse ensuing , or like to ensue , should be exceedingly moved in their mindes . but however it may be , may not the same reproof and complaint be applyed to them , as was to samuel for his mourning for saul ? when now a door of hope , as it were in the valley of achor , is opened for the taking away of the offender and troubler of israel , for the better fruition of just freedom . sirs , ye are not ignorant what pressures and oppressions have been on your nation , from sundry tyrannical persons , from generation to generation , whatever garnishing is now adays of pretended , glorious , kingly remembrances among you . but for brevity sake , as the concernments have been latest , and therefore more sensibly affecting , mention shall be onely made of king iames , and king charls his son , principled by his father , treading in his steps , and in some things , doing worse then all that were before him , as was said of king ahab , see 1 kings 16. 30 , &c. it seemeth therefore , it is now high time for you to call to remembrance those former days , in which ye endured a great fight of afflictions . first through king iames his tyrannical oppressions , who was the notorious covenant breaker , as your frequent sighing and groaning complaints , both in publiks and private , have spoken in the ears of the lord , and of his people ; and he who did rend in sunder the kirk of scotland , as in his nonage , in a sullen and peevish fume , he rent of his hanks head ; even as his tutor g. buckanan on that occasion , and throughly acquainted with his untoward disposition , sagaciously presaged . so wilt thou rend the kirk of scotland . the precious names of master andrew melvin , master david chalderwood , mr. john sharp , and many , many other glorious confessors ; together with the infamous articles enacted at the pretended assembly at perth , 1618. do give full and pregnant evidence hereunto : besides , the havock made of the ministry of many , many hundred worthies of the lord in england . secondly , through king charls his oppressing and vexing tyranny , who fiercely assayed at the time of his coronation in edinburg , 1633. the introducing of spiritually poysonous means , for prevailing of hierarchy , and superstitious conformity , not so fully taking place there , as in england ; howbeit , he was at that time repulsed therein ; the parliament at that time suffering aborsion . but his expectation being disappointed , and many common-prayer books , and other english superstitious utensils drowned , and himself in greater danger of drowning also ; he returned into england full of rage and fury , posting with great hast , even in four hours space from berwick to newcastle , which is fifty long miles ; where assoon as he came , his breathing himself was , in breathing out in a cursing way , threatning , and persecution , to the true religious ministery ; not onely not conforming to hierarchy , but conforming also , if any whit zealous preachers , both in england and scotland ; as some of newcastle being present , did with grief of heart , report unto their friends . ever after which time , he either by open hostility , or by subtil undermining imposture pursued that his malicious designe ( as many woful instances might be mentioned , if need required ) until when , there was no remedy , the sword of justice drawn out in england for his blood-gueltiness , gave a stop to the swift and violent torrent of blood , issuing from many many thousands of english , irish , and scots , which had cryed in the ears of the lord of hosts for vengeance . and o that your remembring hereof , may be more and more effectual unto you , for your hearing the rod , and who hath appointed it for giving instruction ; if probably , ye may escape the danger of a giantly generation ; and if after such threatning storms , ye may safely arrive in the harbor of wel-grounded peace . to this end , observing the lords proceedings , alluded unto ezek 21. 25 , 26. above mentioned , compared with mal. 2. 12. ye may do well to serve gods providence in the use of means , in becoming followers of our english parliament , and in walking so , as ye have them for an ensample , who have also had the united netherlands , in casting of the spanish tyrannical yoke , for their example in obtaining freedom : a course approved and justified throughout all the reformed churches in europe , contributed unto from the first , all along by the english , to this day in a special maner . and as touching the sound mindes of the orthodox theologues , expressing their sense of scripture , according to scripture : it is presumed , that ye do certainly like well what venerable master knox , and others heretofore , and of late of your own countrey , have suggested and published , touching the lawful warrantableness of present necessary undertakings ; besides , what forraign professors of divlnity have written , and commended to the christian world . let the judgment of judicious and faithful d. paraeus , in stead of many , suffice for instance , who was a man of god , highly reverenced and accepted in the reformed churches of christ , and was evidenced , as otherwise by his learned and pious commentaries ; so by his letters , and advice , inserted in the acts of the synod of dort , 1618. touching the five controverted articles , debated and determined there ; however , his most approved and learned exposition on the epist. to rom. suffered martyrdom in england , being burnt at london , and elsewhere , by the tyrannical persecution of king iames , for its opposing tyranny . this worthy man in his way of resolving doubts on rom. 13. touching civil anthority , in a second proposition there , hath five reasons ; the last whereof in special , from sacred examples and others , speaks fully in vindication of our matter in hand , whether the reader is referred to see further . object . buy whereas it is vehemently objected by your nations commissioners , in their papers , and otherwise represented to our parliament ; and likewise it is suggested by your correspondents of london province , in a little pamphlet stiled , a vindication of the ministers of the gospel , in , and about london , subscribed with divers names , as if they had promoted the bringing of the king to justice , ( do they not blush in so speaking ? ) the purport whereof is , as if an unlawful and unjust course was used for the doing of justice , and judgment on the king ( notwithstanding all the blood guiltiness , which by you and them , was charged on him , and most substantially by witnesses evidenced , for the more compleat satisfaction of his judges ; which proof also , had been publikely managed , had he pleased to answer to the charge . ) and as if thereby likewise there were a notorious breach of the solemn league and covenant . will ye be pleased to weigh and consider , what is offered to your view in the short ensuing answer , tending to satisfaction and resolution . answ. 1. be it known unto the objecters , whether scots , or english , that at least some of the prime promoters , endevorers , and contributers unto the doing of justice and judgment on the capital delinquent , and delinquents ; are persons truely fearing god , exercising themselves , to have always consciences voyd of offence , towards god and men ; partaking in their measure , of all the properties and marks of true church members , asserted in psal. 15. and who have not forgotten god , nor delt falsly in his covenant ; so that whatever cometh on them , they will not , they may not suffer their integrity to be taken from them . 2. let all men know whoever they are , that ministers of the gospel , and people professing the gospel , fearing god , have not been wont to esteem it , nor yet do think it any disparagement at all , to be zealous with a perfect zeal , against the crying sin of blood-guiltiness . doth not the moral law expresly prohibit murther ? and doth not the iudicial law expresly direct unto the satisfactory expiation thereof , by putting to death the blood-guilty ? and is not gods controversie with a land , defiled with blood , 〈◊〉 judgment be executed ? blood-guilty king saul left unto himself , and doing execution on himself , 1 sam. 31. 4. had he been alive when inquisition was made for blood , by occasion of a three yeers famine ; he ought to have been put to death , as well as those of his bloody house were , because of his sinister zeal in slaying his servile subjects the gibconites , see 2 sam. 21. 1 , 2 , 6. david for his blood-guiltiness , in the exposing uriah to the sword of the ammonites , deserved death ; his own mouth conscientiously passing sentence : however , the one absolute lawgiver , who might do what he pleased , according to the full soveraignty of his own will , exchanged his death for his childe 's at that time , see 2 sam. 12. 5 , 12 , 13. all this the objectors do know well enough , howbeit , they are someway transported to elude herein . non tutum est ludere sacris . cavete . 3. it is taken for granted , that the contrivers , urgers , and takers of the solemn league and covenant , did mean , endevor , and act , according to the sacred conditions of an oath , prescribed in jerem. 4 2. thou shalt swear , the lord liveth in truth , in iudgment , and in righteousness . if otherwise , it is a taking of gods name in vain . an oath may not be [ vinculum iniquitatis ] an obligation to sin . this plea the defendants have against the plaintiffs . 4. in the preamble unto the taking of it , it is expressed , that the end of the covenant ( as a last refuge ) was the preservation of the takers of it , and their religion from utter ruine and destruction . so that the six particular articles of it , were intended and pretended to have a tendency to such an end , and not otherwise . now such hath been the end , and hereunto have served the means of the defendants in this case . let the adversaries judg , if otherwise apparent . 5. in the parliaments order of septemb. 25. 1643. about the taking of it . it is required , that the ministers who were appointed to tender it , should read it , and then explain it , and then perswade to the taking of it . this order seemeth to imply , not onely a necessity of the explaining of it , but also a requisitness in so taking of it , as explained in its just sense , and latitude , and end , and not otherwise and this also is the plea of the covenanters , honestly and uprightly disposed ; as all must needs acknowledg . 6. whereas the title prefixed unto the covenant , is , a solemn league and covenant , for reformation and defence of religion , the honor and happiness of the king , and the peace , and safety of the three kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland . the explanation must needs be , that such reformation and defence , ought to be prosecuted , in lawful and just ways , and means , for the accomplishment thereof , and not otherwise . and in this sense , no doubt the faithful covenanters have taken it . 7. it must needs be understood rationally , that the course for the due accomplishing of what is in the title , or more full expression of the six articles of it , ought to have their mutual consistency , without any prejudice to any of the particulars ; whether they be absolute , or conditional onely ; whether they be primary , or subservient onely . our lord christs vindicating of his disciples , touching the keeping of the sabbath , against the calumnies and exceptions of the pharisees , see matth. 12. 1 , 2 , 9. may vindicate the objected against , in the case in hand . 8. touching the endevor covenanted in the first and second articles , it is charitably hoped , that all the takers of it , have complied therein , more or less , according to their calling , capacity , and opportunity thereunto . every one standeth or falleth to his own master ; howbeit , it is most probably conjectured , that such parliamenteers , and their adherents , who voted against the concessions of the king , in the treaty at newport , in reference to religion and covenant , as no just ground and foundation for a good peace ; argued thereby much faithfulness to the covenant . ye your selves acknowledg , testim . against tol. pag. 12 , that those concessions , if acquiesced in , were dangerous , and destructive , both to religion and covenant . 9. the third article of the covenant , in the first branch of it , touching , endevor mutually to preserve the rights and priviledges of the parliaments , and liberties of the kingdoms , must be understood of known and just rights , and priviledges , and liberties ; otherwise , there must needs be a transgression of the rules prescribed above mentioned , see iere. 4. 2. answ. 3. 10. touching the second branch of the third article , viz. to defend and preserve the kings person , and authority , in the preservation , and defence of the true religion , and liberties of the kingdoms ; it is to be taken notice of , that this branch is propounded and taken conditionally , and with limitation , viz. with respects unto the ends specified . supream or subordinate authority is ( custos utriusque tabutae ) the keeper of both tables . now as the governors do act answerably to the just nature of their offices , they ought to be honorably assisted and defended ; but if they shall act contrarily , even tyrannically , then it may , and ought , be said , and done , unto them ( as just means , and opportunity do serve thereunto ) as iehu said to ioram , see 2 kings 9. 22. 24. what peace , so long as the whoredoms of thy mother jezebel , and her witchcrafts are so many ? and jehu drew a bowe , with his full strength , and smote jchoram between his arms and the arrow went out at his heart , and he sunk down in his chair . 11. whether the fourth article of the covenant , hath not been endevored by our covenanting parliament , and their adherents , for discovering incendiaries , malignants , and evil instruments , whoever they have been , for the hindering reformation of religion , &c. contrary to the league and covenant , and for the bringing them to publike tryal , and to receive condign punishment , as the degree of the offence deserveth . let the lookers on , yea , and your own consciences judg . 12. whether the fifth and sixth articles of the covenant , are not likest to be fulfilled , if ye shall do and approve , as our parliament hath done , and doth : let the reader understand . 13. lastly , let the apostolical retorsion be reverently observed , and made use of , viz. see rom. 2. 13. thou that makest thy boast of the law , through breaking of the law , dishonorest thou god ? and likewise , the expostulation and conviction , used by samuel against king saul ; who boasted of his performing gods commandment , in bringing the delinquent amalekites to condign punishment , when yet he had spared king agag alive ; so as he himself was necessitated to put him to death . o that that the mouths of unworthy complainants against miscensured covenant breakers , who yet have not deit falsly in the covenant , however calumniated , might hereby be stopped ; and whereas in truth , such bitter complainants themselves , taking the covenant in their mouths , are deep in the breach of it , &c. the premisses duly weighed and considered , your faithful remembrancer ( observing your worthy and effectual admonition , in your seasonable testimony against toleration , to the secluded members of parliament , pag. 12 13. and he taking noticae , how gracious ye are , not onely in the eyes of your estates , and ministers ; but also in the eyes of very many in our land ) taketh encouragement and confidence , to stir you up , to exhort all those , in whose hearts ye are ingratiated , both in scotland and england , to repent of miscarriage in any kinde , and degree , hitherto , and to set and prepare their hearts , fully to seek god , if yet every thing that doth offend , may be taken away ; and that so the grand work of reformation , both in doctrine and discipline , may be no longer obstructed , but that a great door and effectual may be opened , there being so many adversaries . this is moved the rather , because friends do at least a little suspect ; but enemies do strongly charge , the sometimes subscribing and conforming hierarchical ministers , in both nations , in too great a generality of them , that whatsoever pretence may seem to be of their being covenanters ; as if they hankered still after egypts garlick and flesh pots , under the deceiving and deluding notion of moderate episcopacy : sith there is such a tumultuous stir , because the kings destructive concessions were not accepted , nor he spared ; whose expressions sounded to the last breath , episcopacy , episcopacy . but to draw to a conclusion , give your zealous remembrancor leave , to represent in a word unto your affectionate , compassionate bowels of love to the brotherhood . what if your selves and brethren in scotland , and by your advice , the ministers of london province ( together with others in some counties of this nation , ambitious to tread in your and their steps ) shall set all your hearts and hands , more and more , to understand and pursue , an holy and just way of brotherly peace , to be walked in , with those godly brethren that are otherwise minded , then your selves , in some lesser points of the discipline , till god shall further reveal to them , whilst you that are perfect , do minde the same thing , and do endevor to walk by the same rule of church-government , held forth in scotland , and other reformed churches , and in our own church now also ? behold how good , and how pleasant it is , for brethren to dwell together in unity , see psal. 133. 1. beloved brethren , ye cannot be ignorant , that the canaanite , and the perizzite , even the antichristian papists , prelatical royalists , malignant hyppocrites , blasphemous hereticks , pernicious sectaries , and prophane atheists , are in these lands , observing and making advantage of the strife betwixt holy brethren ; to harden themselves in sinful folly against gods ways , and to consult and take crafty counsel against his people , his hidden ones in the land , and to cut them off from being a people , that their name may be no more in remembrance . o that in this case , the children of faithful abraham , would say as he did to his nephew lot ! we are brethren ; let there be no strife between us nor between our pastors . our lord jesus christ , the head of his church , and their pattern ; when he was in the days of his flesh , did suffer long and much those his disciples that followed him in the regeneration ; albeit , he did not indulge them in their infirmities , but reproved them sharply on occasion , for their dulness in understanding , and for their perversness , folly , and slowness of heart in beleeving ; yet notwithstanding , he did not therefore reject them , but exercised wonderful patience towards them , instructing them with meekness , and all long-suffering , and doctrine : yea , and he tells them , he gave them example , that they should do as he did . my good brethren of england and scotland , do not count it grievous to be called on to remember your guides , who have spoken to you the word of god , even those good old non-conformists to hierarchy and superstition , who ruled with god , and were faithful with the saints , when prelacy and the generality of the reputed clergy compassed god with deceit , if ye may follow their faith ; and being compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses , ye may follow peace with holiness ; without which , no man shall see the lord. i shall produce for instance , two witnesses onely , whom for their honors sake , i do make mention of , viz. mr. arthur hildersam of england , and mr. alexander henderson of scotland , both of them of blessed memory . the one , namely mr. alexander henderson of your own nation , whose praise in the gospel , hath been so great in the churches abroad , and whose love so abounded at home , in all knowledg , and in all judgment , in the worst of times with you ; and in special , his most prudent and unwearied acting in the assembly of divines at westminster , in england , in a time of need , till preproperous death put a period to his days : i refer the reflecting of thoughts on him , to your selves , who abundantly knew the proof of him , with what natural love he served you in the gospel . he was a burning and a shining light to walk by . be ye followers of him , as he followed christ , in walking in love . the other , namely mr. arthur hildersam , of our english nation ; of him i chuse to speak in mr. john cotton of boston his expression , in giving testimony , of him ; for his singular worth , see epist. prefixed to lect. on john 4. he was like one of the chief of davids worthies ; not amongst the thirty , but amongst the first three . this blessed man of god , as otherwise , and otherwhere , so in special in his lect. 98. on john 4. august 27. 1611. handleth at large , and very effectually , ( not with inticing words of mans wisdom , but in demonstration of the spirit , and of power ) the useful lesson for gods people , viz. not to reject or despise any childe of god , because of weaknesses , whether the infirmities be error of judgment , frowardness , pride , unthankfulness , slips in conversation , &c. where he directeth likewise , unto the duties that are owing to them ; and that there ought not to be a judging for difference in judgment in church controversies , nor an estranging in affection , nor a neglecting means of reclaiming , &c. and there prescribing also requisite remedies in this case , vid. ibid. o therefore , that such stirring , useful inferences , from heavenly doctrine ( by an interpreter , one of a thousand ) might cause our hearts to burn within us , and sway us to vow unto the mighty god of jacob , not to enter into the tabernacle of our house , nor go up unto our beds , nor give sleep unto our eyes , nor slumber to our eye-lids , until such time as some blessed expedient may be found , and observed , for establishing truth and peace amongst brethren . now the lord of peace himself , give england and scotland peace always , by all means . grace be with you all , amen . matth. 5. 9. blessed are the peace-makers , for they shall be called the children of god. an appendix humbly offered and submitted to the most faithful , prudent , and godly-zealous patriots of the honorable house of commons , and of the english nation , tending to vindicate some late actings and proceedings of the high court of parliament , and their puissant army , for the promoting of blessed iustice and lawful liberty . as also the alteration of set days of humiliation , and appointing of occasional . in certain short exemplary observations , and present parallel applicatory inferences grounded on some select texts of scripture . 1 sam. 14. 36 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48. 1 sam. 15. 2 , 3 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 20 , 21 , 24 , 32 , 33. 2 sam. 12. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 13 , 14. zech. 7. 3 , 5. and 8. 19. rom. 25. 4. for whatsoever things were written aforetime , were written for our learning , that we through patience and comfort of the scriptures , might have hope . psal. 119. 133. order my steps in thy word , and let not any iniquity have dominion over me . 1 sam. 14. 36 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48. observation , i. 1. paralel inference . king saul had a due soveraign power , and supream authority over the israelites , yea , over the chief of them that were of the army or souldiery , and accordingly did exercise the same , even as cause and occasion required , see vers. 36 , 38. the parliament of england hath a due soveraign power , and supream authority over the nation , yea , over the chief officers of their army , and accordingly doth exercise the same , in giving the army their commission , and direction , &c. this is taken for granted , as being many ways sufficiently cleered , see master prynnes soverain power of parliaments . ii. the people of israel , yea , the chief of the souldiery acknowledged king sauls due soveveraignty over them , and loyally submitted thereunto , as indeed it became them so to do , see vers. 36 , 40. they said ( once and again ) unto saul , do whatsoever seemeth good unto thee . 2. the people of the english nation , yea , even the chief of the army , and counsel of war , do acknowledg the due soveraignty of the parliament ; and also do submit thereunto , as doth become them , and as indeed they ought to do . thus much may appear to any ingenuous lookers on , both by the armies declarations , and also by their answerable conformity , in the variety of incident occasions . iii. it is to be understood , that the dueness of sauls soveraign power , and the dueness of the submission of the people and 3. the due soveraign power of the parliament , and the due submission of the people , or chief of the army , have their consistency in the rules and directions contained chief of the army was onely in the lord and according to the oath of god , and his direction , in giving to caesar , the things that are caesars ; and to god , the things that are gods , see v. 45. eccles. 8. 2. matth. 22. 21. in the sacred scriptures , under this limitation , according to the oath of god , and in the lord. note . lex inferioris non praejudicat , nec derogat legi superioris : that is , the law of the inferior is not prejudicial to , neither diminisheth any thing from the law of the superior . note . reforming , and reformed christians do not , they dare not pretend or claim otherwise . sith they have learned to search the scriptures , and to prove all things , and to observe and hold fast onely that which is good , see john 5. 39. 1 thes. 5. 21. sauls guard did justly refuse to obey his unlawful command , see 1 sam. 22. 17. iv. king saul transgressed very hainously and odiously , in his devoting and sentencing his son jonathan , most unwarrantably and unjustly to capital punishment , even to be put to death . sith such sentence tended not onely to the extream damage , and prejudice of his son jonathan , and subjects , but also the main violation of gods law , see vers. 39. 43 , 44 , 45. 4. the majority of the soveraign parliament in those their votes , asserting the kings last concessions , to be a ground and foundation of a good safe peace ; swerved both highly and hainously . sith such his concessions , if rested in , were evidently dangerous and destructive , as being contrary to the scripture , and to the solemn covenant ; yea , and thus deemed , not onely by the scots , as hath been formerly declared , but also by a great part of prudent , and pious members of the parliament , and the generality of the truly religious in the whole nation . v. the people or chief 5. some of the people of chief of sauls army , having means and opportunity thereunto ( other meet means being at that time and on that occasion wanting ) did worthily hinder , and restrain saul on very just grounds ( though not altogether regularly ) from such procedure against jonathan , in his resolved way of acting unwarrantably , what ever might have been alledged by him against the people speciously , or pretended in case of soveraign perogative or priviledg , see vers 45. this course held by azariah the priest , and eighty priests , ( being valiant men ) in their forceable withstanding of king uzziah , in a case of emergent exigency , was approved , see 2 chron. 26. 16 , 17 , 18. of the parliament army , having probable power and opportunity thereunto ( other punctual regular means , being then wanting on that occasion ) did prudently and worthily hinder and restrain some parliament members from entring into the house in that juncture , when destructive overtures in agitation , were in extream danger of too great concurrence thereunto by the plurality of votes , had not such seasonable anticipation given a stop . doth not extream necessity disregard and pass by lesser priviledges , and subservient rules , which otherwise might deservedly claim a sacred inviolableness ? let the instance in the text , ver. 45. be well weighed , besides what is cleered by , christ himself , matth. 12. 3 , 4 , 5 , &c. like as the souldiers did well to cut off the ropes of the boat , and let her fall off , when the ship men ( who were the supream governors of the ship ) were about to flee out of the ship , to the utter endangering of the lives of all the passengers , as the apostle paul did confidently advertise , see acts ●7 . 30 , 31 , 32. so it may seem the chief of the parliament souldiers did well to hinder , and restrain at present from entring into the house , some of the members ( who had they been in the house were of equal authority note . events do usually make very cleer and sure discoveries and manifestations of the prudential and faithful manage of important expedient undertakings ; which in their present enterprisings , have seemed very dark to some . as it may easily be   discerned , by diligent observers of heroical actions , and of the generally received principle , salus populi suprema lex . in voting with the rest ) whereas , if they had not been so restrained , or secluded , it was with most likely probability apprehended , that the majority might have swayed by votes , to the extream prejudice , both of the civil state , and church affairs . vi. k. saul having been justly hindered , and restrained in his unworthy and pernicious designe against jonathan , even by the chief of the souldiers ; he doth notwithstanding , afterwards apply himself to act as became him according to his office , in the behalf of the kingdom , and against the enemies of the peace of it , see vers . 47 , 48. and such his approved course , tended very much to the vexing of the common enemies , and the delivery of israel out of the hands of spoilers , see vers . 47 , 48. 6. may it not be inferred hence , that such members of the parliament , as were restrained in that nick of time , from the opportunity of acting unworthily then onely ; ought notwithstanding to have applyed themselves to have returned seasonably , and gone on as formerly in the discharge of parliamentary authoritative power , and weighty employment committed unto them by the countries , and corporations , for which they were the representatives ? verily had they so approved themselves ( or shall any yet do so in a due way ) it might much have conduced to the publike good ; to the peace of their own consciences , and obtaining the spirit of glory to rest upon them . 1 sam. 15. 2 , 3 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 20 , 21 , 24 , 32 , 33. observation . i. 1. parallel inference . saul in his reign over israel ( the israelites having earnestly desired a kingly government , see 1 sam. 8. 19. and having approved sauls designment unto it , see 1 sam. 10 ●4 . ) he in process of time had a special commission , and imployment put upon him , even to execute iustice on certain enemies , whose ancestors had raised an unjust and unnatural war against the israelites about four hundred yeers before , see vers. 2 , 3. compared with exod. 17. 8. the english parliament ( long , long desired , and longed for ; and now by the good hand of god providentially over-ruling , and it happily continuing to sit unto this day ) did in due time effectually and seasonably engage it self unto a faithful endevor ( as the cause of god , and his people required ) to restore the nation to their just liberties , and to reform religion , which had been withheld and depraved by tyranny and antichristian hierarchy ( as is to be seen in the english histories of civil and ecclesiastical occurrences , ) yea , and bring notorious delinquents to justice , as the parliament remonstrances do testifie . and blessed be the god of england , who with such unspeakable , merciful goodness , hath visited the languishing nation . ii. saul and the people , did in good part very vigorously pursue their commission , in engaging and fighting those amalekitish enemies , who had been such grand delinquents against the israelites : 2. the majority of the english parliament , for some time after their first convening , did act strenuously unto the reforming of sundry grieoppressions , both in common-wealth , and church affairs , engaging themselves many ways therunto ; yet nevertheless , afterwards but yet notwithstanding they failed greatly in their not executing impartially , according to the commission and trust assigned unto them ; in that they spared king agag , and the best things , see vers. 7 , 8 , 9. they fail'd greatly in unvoting their votings against future addresses , when clear and evident discoveries were of unsufferable , desperate tyranny ; yea , and at last in voting unworthy concessions to be a just foundation of safe peace , which were indeed most dangerous and destructive , tending to spare the capital delinquents , and such seeming best things , of a flourishing , vain condition , as in greatest likelihood would in short time , have involved into the former deep gulf of misery and ruine , and worse then before . iii. saul notwithstanding such his rebellious miscarriage against god , yet he professeth , and protesteth the contrary ; either justifying , or denying , or disguising , or exousing , or extenuating his sinister prevarication ; howbeit , he was again and again , effectually convinced thereof by the prophet samuel , see vers. 13 , 14 , 15 , 20 , 21 , 24. 3. it is very much to be lamented and deplored , that many of the parliament members after their votings for the concessions as a foundation of good peace ; and after the remarkable occurrences which have ensued thereupon , even hitherto : they do yet notwithstanding justifie , disguise , excuse , or extenuate such their votings , whatever conviction is , or hath been since that time ; yea , and do hitherto seem to be well pleased in their pretended whole seclusion , which was onely pro tempore . iv. when saul the supream magistrate , had bewrayed a very great degree of unfaithfulness in his sparing king agag from death ; yet the uprightness , justice , and 4. when the majority of the parliament failed in great degree , as hath been hinted already ; then the faithfulness , justice , and zeal of the lesser number , remaining , and sitting in parliament ( who yet were a full number of constituting zeal of samuel the prophet , and iudg , ( though of inferior authority then saul ) is singularly approved in his bringing king agag to justice , see vers. 32 , 33. members of an undeniable parliamentary power ) is highly praise-worthy in their appointing an high court of justice , for the due bringing of capital delinquents to just tryal and sentence , for the executing of condign punishment upon them . v. notwithstanding that agag was a king yet his kingship did not priviledg him to be above law , neither did his prerogative exempt him from legal proceeding against him , see vers. 32 , 33. joshua , gideon , and jehu , were approved in their due executing of delinquent kings , see rogers 53. serm. on judges . 5. it is a weak and unwarrantable plea for kings ( if their might do not overcome right ) that their kingship taketh them off from being subject to law. note . there is one onely , absolute , and independent lawgiver , who is the king of kings and lord of lords , see isai. 33. 22. jam. 4. 12. 1 tim. 6. 15. note . all grant that subjects may have the benefit of the law against the king in case of goods , and lands , by vertue of the legality of the eighth commandment of the decalogue . and tryals in such case have been very usual in england . why not much more therefore in the case of notorious blood-guiltiness , by vertue of the sixth commandment of the decalogue ? vi. samuel did justice on king agag being iudg of israel , to execute the sentence of god pronounced 6. the high court of justice erected by the parliament , have justly sentenced the great and hainous delinquents unto just punishment , against amalek , which was neglected by saul : that it might be also a terror to other kings , that they persecute not the people of god , see doctor willet on 1 sam. 15. 33. however such proceeding hath not been ordinarily ( means having been wanting ) used . that this course also may be a terror to the greatest personages , that they may not oppress , nor raise unjust and unatural war in the nation . 2 sam. 12. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 13 , 14. observation . i. 1. parallel inference . david the king of israel having highly and hainously transgressed in the matter of uriah , the hittite , see 1 kings 15. 5. compared with 2 sam. 11. 2. he was therefore , according to gods direction , to be convinced and reproved of such his capital sin by nathan the prophet , see vers. 1. 2 , 7 , 8 , 9. kings in all ages and times ( as well as others ) falling by occasion into scandalous and capital offences ; a faithful and impartial course of conviction and reproof , ought to be held with them by meet persons , as just opportunity may serve thereunto . the law is given to kings as well as to others ; and therefore they ought to know it , and be convinced by it , that their hearts may not be lifted up , see deut. 17. 18 , 19 , 20. hos. 5. 1. ii. for the better and more effectual convincing david , the king , of his odious sin of oppression , adultery , and murder , god directed nathan to take up a parable in his mouth . sith in such way of expression , there was a special 2. it is gods will that such persons , whom it may more specially concern , do hold the most effectual course , for the detecting and convincing grosse offenders of the vile and odious sins , they are tainted with ; whether oppression , tyranny , adultery , murder , &c. and in case of effectual course held , ( and efficacious vertue , see ver. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. see also jothams parable in such case , judg. 9. 7. yea and our saviours most authoritative course therein , mat. 21. 45. not prevailing ; whether by similitudes or otherwise ) the delinquents shall remain untractable , and obstinate , they may certainly be left without excuse , see hosea 12. 10. iii. king david who had more understanding then all his teachers , see psal. 119. 99. and who was also a man singularly zealous , see psal. 119. 139. he having now heard and observed a cleer eviction in the case represented in the parable of the implied delinquent ; he even as right reason guided , gave this just sentence , that he was worthy to die , see vers. 5. 3. hainous capital transgressors , whoever they are , whether high or low ; ought without any respect of persons , to be adjudged by the magistrate ( sitting on the seat of justice , and bearing the sword ) to such corporal punishment , as the nature of the offence calleth for in its desert , whether death , or any other , see rom. 13. 4. note . there ought to be an unresistable force in right reason , to sway judges to act according to it , see acts 4. 20. iv. the general and indefinite expression in the parable uttered by nathan , vers. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. moving david on just ground , unto such his sentence , vers. 5. is particularly applyed by nathan to david himself , vers . 7. so as david saw it did belong unto himself , although a king as well as to any other faulty in such kinde , see vers . 13. 4. the law and minde of god , touching the capital punishment of the polluting , and crying sin of wilful murder , whosoever is the committer of it , yea , though he be a blood-guilty king , may not be by the magistrate looked upon as one to be dispensed withal , see gen. 9. 6. numb . 35. 30 , 33. matth. 26. 52. v. gods sparing david 5. the unsearchable ways of the from death , and yet appointing the childe to death , see vers . 13 , 14. as it argued gods absolute soveraignty , and indepency in doing what he will , yea , touching his laws ; so it sheweth his just severity against murder , see ibid. 13 , 14. one onely absolute lawgiver , even the infinite , most wise , holy , and just god , ought to be admired and adored , see rom. 11. 33 , 34. but the people of god ought to walk , and act , according to his revealed will in his word , see deuter. 29. 29. zechar. 7. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. & 8. 19. observation i. parallel inference . 1. it was well understood by the people of god , the jews ( unto whom one ly in the old testament times were committed the oracles and ordinances of god , as their singular advantage , and preferment , see psal. 147. 19 , 20. rom. 3. 1 , 2. ) yea , even by those jews , who lived in the time of the babylonish captivity , and newly after the return thence , that the divine ordinance of religious and solemn humiliation in fasting and prayer , on just cause and occasion thereunto , was very requisite ; and it hath been well understood by the reformed churches in europe , and particularly by the people of god in england , who heretofore lived under the spiritual babylonish captivity ; that the sacred ordinance of religious humiliation on just cause and occasion , is very requisite in new testament times , as well as it was of old , even according to the new testament doctrine of christ , and his apostles ; and accordingly they do exercise themselves therein . this may evidently appear to any that observeth the doctrine and practice of the reformed churches , and particularly , and in a special , and effectual maner in the english nation , even unto this day ; as the accordingly did exercise themselves therein , see vers. 3. 5. dan. 9. 3. ezr. 8. 21. nehe. 1. 4. acts of parliament , for fasting , and prayer , in april 19. and may 17. do bear witness , 1649. ii. the jews of those times also knew well what were the kindes and ways of such religious humiliation , in fasting and prayer , and answerably as the emergency of the cause , and opportunity served thereunto , they exercised themselves . 2. the people of god in england , do likewise by the patterns in scripture , know well the approved kindes and ways of religious humiliation in fasting and prayer , and answerably as any just occasion and opportunity requireth , and serveth , they are wont to set themselves thereunto , viz. 1. publikely , as publike authorised persons ordered , ezra 8. 21. 1. publikely , as parliament and rulers do appoint and require . 2. privately , as the governors of families saw it meet , esth. 4. 16. 2. privately , as families approve themselves in england , above other nations . 3. secretly and alone , as any singular person saw fit , dan. 9. 3. nehe. 1. 4. 3. secretly , as conscientious persons having ability and opportunity , approve themselves to him that seeth in secret . iii. the jews had likewise the prudence to discern what were special causes and occasions , that gave calling to such religious humiliation . viz. greater and more notorious sins , and evils to be deprecated , and more choice , and affecting blessings to be obtained , see vers. 3. and the other texes already quoted in daniel , ezra , and esther . 3. the reformed churches in their doctrine and practice of fasting , are wont also to insist prudentially on the occasions and causes noted in scripture , to be observed in these new testament-times , as way is thereunto ; and particularly it is thus in england . many yet alive may remember , how since the time of reformation in queen elizabeths days , religious humiliations have been observed on occasion of war , famine , and pestilence , invading more or less . since note . the current stream of orthodox interpreters , comparing vers. 3. 5. chap 8. 19. with jere. 5. 2. and 41. do conceive , that the special occasions of these four fasts were . 1. the siege laid before jerusalem , in the tenth moneth . 2. the taking of jerusalem in the fourth moneth . 3. the burning of the temple in the fift moneth . 4. the murder of gedaliah in the seventh moneth . now touching these conceits of the godly learned , the observator acknowledgeth that those occurrences were very sad , and might well cause deep humiliation to the jews ; yet observeth , that there is not the least hint in any texts of zechariah or jeremiah , or elsewhere in bible , to fasten such assertion of the mentioned occasions , as the cause of such their anniversary monethly fasting . the slaughter of king josias , and captivity , in the third yeer of jehoiakim , not long before , were most sad occurrences , and might justly also ( as they did ) occasion great mourning , as well as these four in hand : so that it is wished , that interpreters would be cautious in their expressions , and not be too bold in their breachings and printings , in asserting and publishing for current , that which the scripture is wholly silent in . who knoweth not , what mischief hath ensued by an easie receiving of traditions ? the sitting of the present parliament there hath been very much occasional fasting required , even as floods of evils have invaded , viz. in the behalf of ireland frequently ; in regard of unseasonable weather ; in regard of pernicious errors , and heresies , march 10. 1646 &c. yea , the parliament in their late act for the fast that was on april 19. 1649. do acknowledg , they have learned from the word of god ; and the example of his people in all ages ; and likewise their own experience , the singular advantage of due occasional fasting . and albeit , for just cause they have annulled the monethly fast , yet at the same time they enacted a fast in the behalf of irish affairs , to be observed on may 17. 1649. next ensuing . and blessed be god , that hath hither , so ordered their hearts , and ways , for the promoting of the true welfare not onely of england , but ireland also . as for the mourning and fasting of the jews , frequently in the time of seventy yeers captivity , which was so grievous , every one that observeth , may see there was cause enough , see lamentations , psal. 137. 1.   iv. howbeit , god might approve and accept the jews in their occasional humiliation and fasting , so far as the exigencies of the seventy yeers captivity did call thereunto , and as sincerity swayed in the manage thereof , unto just ends ; yet nevertheless , he seemeth to dislike and reprove the anniversariness , or monethliness of their four fasts , as not being commanded nor directed unto by him , see vers . 5. sith god required one onely anniversary fasting and humiliation , on the tenth day of the seventh moneth , levit. 23. 27. and it onely peculiar to old testament times : so that these such their set , monethly , anniversary fasts , seemed in point of set-time to be a will-worship , and humane invention reproved in scripture , see isai. 29. 13. col. 2. 22 , 23. and even thus interpreters do gloss , on 4. howbeit , god may have been pleased to accept a course of fasting and humiliation in the reformed churches , and more specially in england , in some set times of moneths together , and of late , for divers yeers together , monethly in the behalf of ireland ; in as much as much sincerity might be in the ends and manage thereof in great part , whatever formality and undue carriage might creep in , &c. yet nevertheless , the set-time of moneths and yeers , may seem to have wanted good ground . orthodox divines do condemn , as otherwise ; so in a special maner in point of set-time , the lent fast , albeit of great antiquity , and of long use ; the ember week fasts pretended in imitation of these four monethly fasts of jews , friday fasts , and eves of festivities , &c. which reformed churches have therefore abrogated ; and in these our reforming times , are totally abrogated in england , by parliamentary authority . the scots to their high praise ( above other churches ) in the yeer 1560. the first yeer of their universal reformation , abrogated all anniversary set-times for divine on zech. 7. 5. the geneva note on text there , is , that as the jews were diversly reproved , so that such their fasts ( for the set-time of them ) were invented by themselves . learned junius and tremellius annot. summa redargutionis est ; jejunia haec ( anniversaria ) vobis non imperavit deus . 1. the sum of the reproof is , god did not com mand you to observe such your ( yeerly moneth ) fasts . w. pemble in his exposit. on zechary , sets out at large such their reproof for their set-time of those fasts , chap. 7. 5. unto me , even to me . such interrogation hath a vehement denial , that ( as otherwise failing was , so ) the time was not com manded by god. that which is pretended from these words of calvin on zech. 8. 19. — non dicemus haec jejunia temerè aut perperam fuisse ab illis suscepta , &c. we shall not say , that those their fasts were rashly or vainly undertaken , &c. if the scope and sense be candidly and ingenuously weighed , he pleadeth not in approbation of the set anniversariness of four moneth fasts , in point of set , fixt , and unmoveable times : but of their being duly affected in a mournful deportment , expressed by fasting , at the beginning of the captivity . it is well known , that calvin was no friend to superstitious set-times for will worship . worship , save the lords day , which is of divine institution . see re-examination of articles enacted at perth . 1618. sundry strong reasons against observing set-times , &c. true it is , the pretence of the observing a monethly fast in england , onely whilest the irish troubles should remain , is more specious then the superstitious course of papists and hierarchical conformists ( whose old leven is not hitherto wholly purged out ) who set no such bounds ; but yet the pretence at best can be no other then what the jews pretended for their set fasts , during the seventy yeers captivity , see zech. 7. 3 , 5. the parliament therefore approving , and requiring occasional humiliation in fasting and prayer , hath done well to enact the annuling of that monethly fast , and in a prudential way to enact occasional fasting , both in the behalf of ireland , and otherwise , as in their religious and consciencious wisdoms do judg the meetest . v. the jews sometime after the first return of some of them from the captivity , enquire what was meetest to be done in point of their set humiliation , vers . 1 , 2 , 3. and a satisfying answer is given to them , vers . 4 , 5. 5. many godly zealots returned from spiritual babylonish captivity , having had scruples , and made inquiries , touching late monethly fasts ( who yet have been consciencious in observing occasional fasts ) have now good satisfaction by the late act of parliament , annulling the monethly fasting , and yet enacting occasional fasting , even as occasion requireth . vi. the words of the text in zech. 8. 19. prophesying or promising joy and gladness , &c. instead of monethly fasting , do not infer an approbation of the four set monethly fast ing yeers after yeers ; sith such just reproof was thereunto , chap. 7. 5. but they seem to infer that there should be a change of the state of future times , and that such as had mourned unfeignedly in a godly maner , that they should be comforted , see psal. 126. 5 , 6. 6. the people of god of the english nation , having sown in tears divers moneths and yeers , walking mournfully before the lord , and exercising humiliation in their measure , as cause and occasion hath required , and are still in such wise affected , shall finde to their comfort , that their course shall not be in vain in the lord. the valley of achor is given for a door of hope . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a54505-e2950 note . note . remarks upon dr. sherlock's book intituled the case of resistance of the supreme powers stated and resolved, according to the doctrine of the holy scriptures written in the year 1683, by samuel johnson. johnson, samuel, 1649-1703. 1689 approx. 76 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46961 wing j839 estc r32984 12820271 ocm 12820271 94197 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46961) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94197) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1035:16) remarks upon dr. sherlock's book intituled the case of resistance of the supreme powers stated and resolved, according to the doctrine of the holy scriptures written in the year 1683, by samuel johnson. johnson, samuel, 1649-1703. [6], xviii, 56 p. printed by the author, and are to be sold by richard baldwin, london : 1689. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sherlock, william, 1641?-1707. -case of resistance of the supreme powers stated and resolved, according to the doctrine of the holy scriptures. divine right of kings. church and state -england. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion remarks upon dr. sherlock's book , intituled the case of resistance of the supreme powers stated and resolved , according to the doctrine of the holy scriptures . written in the year 1683 , by samvel iohnson . london ; printed for the author , and are to be sold by richard baldwin , 1689. to the right honourable wriothesly lord rvssel . my lord , your lordship has the largest inheritance of honour of any englishman besides , and your very early years promise to the world , that you will rather improve than waste your patrimony . i hope your great father will live in you , and that there never will be wanting a great lord russell in succession , which is the only way wherein mortal men can stay any while here upon earth . that you may follow him in his piety , in his devotedness to his religion and countrey , in his integrity , wisdom , magnanimity , constancy , and all the parts both of a christian and a nobleman : and that you may be the joy and delight of your countrey ( as he was , ) but never their grief , is the hearty prayer of my lord , your lordship 's most humble and most obedient servant samuel johnson . the preface . i have published these papers , which i had not seen for above five years before , to rid my hands of the baffled cause of non-resistance , and to offer my service to do as much for some men's new-fashioned loyalty , which is in election likewise to be adopted for church-of england-doctrine , as the other was . it consists in being discontented with the present government , in loathing our late and wonderful deliverance , and in hankering after egypt again ; in refusing to swear allegiance to the king , and in effect forbidding him to be king without their leave : and after all it lies hid in lurking scruples , and in reasons best known to themselves . now till we are worthy to know to whom these persons think themselves under engagements , whether to the late king , or to the prince of wales , or to tyrconnel , or to what foreign prince or potentate it is , and for what reasons they are not free to take the present oaths , it is impossible to say any thing in particular to them . for the errors and windings of ignorance and interest are intricate and endless : and the reasons of a self-willed obstinacy , which is in it self an unreasonable principle , must needs be incomprehensible . if any man had told me seven years ago , that the doctrine of passive obedience should be maintained by such arguments as i have since met with , i could not have believed him : for no man , who has used his thoughts to evidence and coherence , could possibly foresee or forestall those arguments . and therefore till these reserved persons will please to let their scruples see the light , and bring forth all their strong reasons , they must enjoy the priviledg of being vnanswerable . but in the mean time we are able to prove , if the nation wanted any satisfaction in that point , that king william ( a prince of god's sending , and whom he have in his especial keeping ! ) is the rightfullest king that ever sat upon the english throne . for he is set up by the same hands which made the first king , and which hereafter will make the last , and which have always unmade all tyrants as fast as they could : and the realm has not chosen him like a persian king , by the neighing of an horse , or by some light accident ; but in the wisest way , and upon the most weighty and valuable considerations . for if he had not come , there had not been a kingdom for him to govern ; england had now been a wilderness of howling irish , a rendevouz of french apostolick dragoons , a nest of priests and iesuits , and any thing but a kingdom . so that he is a prince who governs his own kingdom , which he first saved from perishing ; and though conquest never was a title , yet redemption is . in such cases men used heretofore to become slaves to their deliverers : now this indeed is a thing impossible for english-men , but they never had such a temptation to it before . the least they can do , is to make him a present of their lives and fortunes , not in foolish and flattering addresses , but in real services ; and to perpetuate his benefits to this nation to the world's-end , by passing them into such advantageous laws for the publick , as could not be had in other reigns . we are able to prove likewise , that if the realm has a right to provide themselves of a king when they have none , much more they may do so when they have one , who has made himself a thousand times worse than none . one who was long since known to be a publick enemy to this kingdom , and had utterly unqualified himself for the government , and forfeited his remainder in the crown , by rendring himself uncapable of the regal office. for we knew before-hand that he was not capable of taking the coronation-oath , with any other intention than to break it ; and that he wanted to be let into the government , only to spoil and subvert it . and therefore in pursuance of the ancient rights of the realm , ( whose consent is the foundation of all government , and who never made any establishment of the crown for the destruction of the nation , nor ever intailed the government but upon the terms of the government , ) he was excluded by no less than three successive houses of commons : which was such a caveat entred by all the counties and boroughs of england against his succession , as never was against any other . this had passed into an act of parliament , had it not been for the mean and indirect practices of some persons , who owed their native country better offices , than to bring the calamity and vengeance of a popish successor upon it . after this successor , with the help aforesaid , had paved his way to the throne upon the ruins of the franchises of most corporations , and upon the heads of the best men in england , of a sudden , when for many years before the king was to out-live the duke , on the other hand the duke out-lives the king , and makes himself king. but if he had been a rightful king when he took possession of the crown ( as he was not , but a publick enemy ) he has since that time broken the fundamental contract , or covenant of the kingdom , or coronation-oath , ( for they are but several names for the same thing ) with that perjury and perfidiousness as never any prince did before him . i will not mention his smothering of all the laws against popery and priests , whom he ought immediately to have apprehended , prosecuted , and hanged , if he had taken the oath in good faith , which according to the constitution he was bound to do . for according to ancient custom he was to be adjured not to meddle with the crown , unless he would take his oath , sine fraude & malo ingenio , and mean honestly . neither need i say any thing of his holding correspondence with the foreign tyrant , vsurper , and publick enemy of this kingdom , by sending a pompous embassy to rome , and by obtruding a nuncio upon the nation , with that insolence that he must dine at guildhall . but the things i shall mention are , the keeping a mercenary in constant pay , to deprave , ridicule , and pervert the english constitution , and to banter the nation out of all their laws , by two or three authorized observators every week : the murthering of great numbers in the west in cold blood , without any process of law : the garbling of iudges , and perverting of all iustice in westminster-hall : the breaking the peace of the nation , ( the keeping whereof was a principal part of his office ) by keeping up a standing army , for several years together , in the bowels of the kingdom , not only at the charge , but to the terror and disherison of his people : whereas , as i remember , it was a considerable article in the deposing of edward the second , that he went into glocestershire with a thousand horse . the five positions of the eleven iudges ; the yearly declarations of dispensing with the laws , that is , violating them by whole-sale , instead of annual parliaments : the high-commission court ; and at the latter end of the day the tyranny and oppression was coming home to those , who had long been made the instruments of oppressing and destroying all others . besides , these were all of them instances of an open and avowed tyranny , which was to have been the inheritance of our miserable posterity , under a pretence of prerogative , soveraignty , imperial laws , dispensing power , and the like ; so that our children should never have known , but that they had been born slaves at common-law , and so never have aspired after their english freedom more : and to make all sure , by packing the only parliament in that reign , by closetting the members of it , by regulating corporations , and by their last project of a supernumerary nobility , we were likewise in a fair way to have been made slaves by statute . i have not mentioned his desertion all this while , neither will i take any advantage of it , because i look upon it as the very best action of his whole life , and the stopping him in it was an ill day 's work : and if he had absented himself for-ever , as for me , he had carried his tyranny and all the faults of his mis-rule along with him , neither should i ever have mentioned them in this manner . but being he has altered his measures , and deserted his desertion , and wants more blood , and is come back in a war upon the kingdom , whereby the subjects of england will have occasion to stake down their lives in the field against him ; i thought it necessary , thus far , to open the merits of our country's cause against him : and to shew , that we shall venture our lives in the best cause in the world , against the very worst ; in defence of our religion and countrey , against the irreconcileable enemy of both ; who has been just such a father of our countrey , as he was a defender of our faith. besides , we are able to produce the original of an english king , and the very fundamental contract made with him before they made him king , out of the 8th page of the mirror , out of the saxon history and laws , out of bracton and chancellour fortescue , who writ his book on purpose to shew the english constitution ; where it is demonstrated to be a perfect stipulation and a down-right english bargain . part of which was , for the king to be obeysant to suffer the law as others of his people ; and it is likewise declared , to be the first and soveraign fraud , abusion and perversion of the law for the king to be lawless , whereas he ought to be subject to it as is contained in his oath . and he that makes strange , and wonders at such a national covenant , never yet knew where he lived , whether here or in turkey , or at algiers ; neither could he ever tell , whether he and his children were born freemen or slaves . and tho the phrase and form of this contract has varied upon occasion in the coronation-oath , yet the effect and substance of it has always been preserved . we are able further to prove , that the oath of allegiance being the counterpart of the coronation-oath , and containing the subjects duty as the other does the king's , is of the nature of all covenants , and is a conditional oath . suppose , in a lower instance , an apprentice were sworn to his indenture , would he be bound in conscience to perform his master's service , when his master instead of finding him maintenance and lodging , would allow him neither , but turned him out of doors ? such a master must even do his own business himself , or travel abroad to find him out a new apprentice , if he can , notwithstanding his former apprentices oath . moreover , we are able to prove , that the oath of allegiance taken to a tyrant would be a void unlawful and wicked oath ; void , because it is an obligation of obedience according to the laws , which a tyrant makes it his business to destroy , so that it is swearing to things inconsistent ; vnlawful , because the english constitution will not admit such a person to be king , it knows no king but such a one as can do no wrong ; and wicked , because it strengthens his hands in the destruction of our countrey . he that swears allegiance to a known publick enemy , and engages to be aiding and assisting to him , is so far a publick enemy himself . if some persons knew him not to be a tyrant when at the first they were sworn to him , yet as soon as they do know him to be such , or especially if the realm declare him to be such , their oath of allegiance becomes a void , unlawful and wicked oath to them , and they cannot possibly keep it any longer if they would . and therefore to ask , who shall absolve us from our oath to king james ? is to ask , who shall absolve us from an oath which cannot bind ; from an oath which ought not to have been made , and is now , at least , as if it had never been made ; which was ill made , and would be worse kept . such an oath is so far from needing any absolver , that on the other hand an angel from heaven cannot oblige us to keep it . and whereas it is the maxim of the malecontents to the same purpose , better popery than perjury ; they may remember if they please , that the popery and the perjury have always gone together , and have been both of a side . they may remember , that their popish king , while he was duke , was the cause of almost an vniversal perjury in corporations by delivering up their charters ; and that he got the best franchises of his greatest village in europe to be betrayed and surrendred , by the help of such another maxim , better half a loaf than no bread. that he was perjured in the very taking of the coronation-oath , which he did not and could not take in good faith , and all the world knows how well he kept it . that he likewise by his own perjury-prerogative of a dispensing power , brought an vniversal perjury upon the magistrates of england , who were sworn to the execution of the laws . and throughout the late reign of treason , i would fain know the man that kept his oath of allegiance , in discovering to a magistrate the high-treason against the king and the realm , of persons being reconciled to the church of rome , and of those who endeavoured to reconcile others ; and that did not conceal these treasons which he knew of , and thereby make himself guilty of misprision . no , they were happy men who laid down their lives betimes , and did not stay to see the guilt and misery in which a popish successor has since involved their country , the foresight of which made them not count their lives dear to them , but they endeavoured to prevent such a calamity at the expence of their last blood , and died the true martyrs of their religion and countrey . but as for us who are left behind , we must see the wretches , who shed that more than innocent blood , wash their hands in it , and justify the shedding of it , and cause it to cry afresh . this is particularly done in an infamous libel , entituled , the magistracy and government of england vindicated ; wherein the murthering of the greatest english-man we had , for endeavouring to save his country , is still avowed . if these men had the trying of causes once more , no doubt we should have our late deliverance arraigned for an invasion , and every brave english-man , who joined with that unexpected helping hand out of the clouds , indicted and condemned for a traytor . i shall only say in general , that that vindication wants another , as much as the magistracy and government which it pretends to vindicate ; for there is not one material word of it true . for instance , a consult to levy war is not an overt act of compassing the death of the king , because the actual levying of war is often done without any such tendency ; as i could instance over and over again in former times , but i love to quote what is fresh in memory . my lord delamere ( whom i mention out of honour to him ) did very lately levy war , and when he had the late king in his power at whitehall , was so far from compassing his death , that he only delivered him a message to remove in peace . and being that illegal tryal is still justified , i must needs add this , that if there had been law enough left to have tried a felon in the counties of london and middlesex , that great man had never been brought upon his tryal . but because the parties concern'd desire to answer it only in parliament , i only desire that there they may be put to make out , how known vnlawful sheriffs , de facto , obtruded upon the city of london against their own lawful choice , on purpose to be instruments of destroying the lives , liberties and estates of the best subjects , could be at the same time lawful sheriffs de jure : and on the other hand it is easy to make it good , that the validity of that tryal and proceedings depending upon the legality of the sheriffs and iury , that pretended court was of no authority , and was such another low court of iustice , as the black-guard are able to make among themselves every day . perhaps they may plead ignorance of so notorious a matter , and that they could take no cognizance of it , because it did not come iudicially before them : but that cannot be said , for the nullity of those very sheriffs was before that brought in that very place , in a special plea , and over-ruled . their best and their truest plea is this , that they never dreamed of the prince of orange's coming over to restore iustice to this lost nation , which we doubt not he will cause to run down like a mighty stream : for otherwise ( as appears by the repeated choice of the never-to-be-forgotten sir john moor ) these men must have the destroying of their countrey over again , only to iustify their having destroyed it once before . remarks upon dr. sherlock's late book , entituled , the case of resistance of the supreme powers ; stated and resolved , according to the doctrine of the holy scriptures . the case which the title of this book promises to resolve , is a very plain case , and soon resolved : for it never was made a question , whether men might lawfully resist any legal subordinate powers , much less the supreme powers ; and they are ordinary readers indeed , that are to be instructed , that resistance is unlawful in this case . but under the shelter and countenance of this plain and unquestioned case , and under the covert of these names , sovereign , king , prince , authority , and the like , this author has slily convey'd into his book the resolution of another case , of a far different nature ; and determines , that as well inferiour magistrates as others , imploy'd by a popish or tyrannical prince in the most illegal and outragious acts of violence , such as cutting of throats , or the like , are as irresistible as the prince himself , ( under pretence of having the prince's commission and authority to do these acts ) and must be submitted to , under pain of hell and eternal damnation . i fully agree with this author in his resolution of the first case , but i crave leave to dissent from him in the resolution of the latter case ; and to enter the reasons of my dissent . but though i agree with him in his resolution of the first case , yet i do not in his reasons of that resolution , which are utterly insufficient , and betray the cause which he seems to maintain . his reasons why the king is irresistible in all cases , are such as these : 1. that the king has a personal authority , antecedent to all the laws of the land , independent on them , and superiour to them . which is not true ; for the king is king by law , and irresistible by law , and has his authority from the law. indeed our author says , that the great lawyer bracton , by those very words of his , lex facit regem , was far enough from understanding that the king receives his sovereign power from the law. i confess i never was so well acquainted with bracton , as to know what secret meanings he had , contrary to the sense of his words , and therefore cannot tell how far he was from understanding that the king receives his sovereign power from the law ; but i am sure he was not far from saying so ; for he says it in the very next words : attribuat igitur rex legi quod lex attribuit ei , videlicet , dominationem & potestatem . he proves , that the king is under the law , and ought to govern by law , because he is made king by the law , and receives his power and authority from the law ; and then adds what this author is pleased to cite , non est enim rex , ubi dominatur voluntas , & non lex : he is no king who governs by arbitrary will , and not by law ; that is , no lawful english king , bracton must mean ; for still he may be a good outlandish and assyrian king , and no tyrant , though his arbitrary will does all . for our author ( pag. 41. ) quotes out of dan. 5. 18 , 19. that god gave nebuchadnezzar such an absolute kingdom , that whom he would he slew , and whom he would he made alive ; and whom he would he set up , and whom he would he pulled down . and i hope no man tyrannizes over his people , who uses the prerogatives which god has given him ; tho' he does over authors , who quotes what he will , and suppresses what he will , and construes them how he will , and renders lex facit regem , to govern by law , makes a sovereign prince a king , and distinguishes him from a tyrant ; which will pass with none but such ordinary readers as he writ his book for , and who never saw bracton . chancellor fortescue likewise says , that a limited monarch receives his power a populo efluxam , which unriddles our author's riddle in the same place , how the law can make the king , when the king makes the law ? but is it such a wonderful thing , that there should be a law to create a king , and to enable him so far in the making of laws , as to make his consent necessary to the being of all future laws ? was it not thus when the two houses were erected , and endowed with the like power ? for our author says amiss , when he says , the law has no authority , but what it receives from the king : for the laws are made authoritate parliamenti , which is by the authority of the king , lords , and commons . but , to lay aside bracton and fortescue at present , let us a little reason the matter . this personal authority of the king , antecedent to all the laws of the land , independent on them , and superiour to them : whence is it ? has he a throne like god ? is he of himself , and for himself ? or has he a personal authority from god , antecedent to laws , to be a king ? then shew a revelation from god where he is named . or has he the natural authority of a father to govern his children ? then it must be proved that he has begotten his three kingdoms , and all the people in all other his majesty's dominions ? or has he a personal patriarchal authority , which is set up as a shadow of the authority of a father , whereby the eldest son is his father by representation ? then it must be proved , that the king is the eldest son of the eldest house of all the families of the earth . or were mankind made in the day of their creation , by nations , and created prince and people , as they were created male and female ? but if none of these things can be said , then it remains , that a civil authority , that is , a mutual consent and contract of the parties , first founded this civil relation of king and subject , as we see it every day does of master and servant , which is another civil relation ; and that the consent of a community or society , is a law , and the foundation of all civil laws whatsoever , is proved beyond all contradiction by mr. hooker , eccl. pol. lib. 1. cap. 10. and as this personal authority of the king , which is antecedent to all the laws of the land , and independent on them , is airy and imaginary , and has no foundation , but is of this author 's own making : so he has been pleased to make it very large and lawless ; and though he be but a subject , yet , like araunah the iebusite , he gives like a king. for it is a personal authority superiour to the laws of the land , whereby all manner of arbitrary acts are binding ; whereby the prince may trample upon all the laws , and in vertue whereof he still governs , in the violation of all these laws , by which he is bound to govern : whereas the law of england absolutely denies that the king has any such personal authority . for , not to mention king edward's laws , chap. 17th , de officio regis , which were confirmed by william the conqueror , and sworn to by all succeeding kings ; nor to mention the mirror , which page 8. gives us a far different account of things ; nor to mention magna charta , which chap. 37. says , that if any thing be procured by any person , contrary to the liberties contained in that charter , it shall be had of no force or effect : so that a personal authority , which can trample upon the liberties of the subject , and violate the laws , is an authority of no force nor effect , a void authority , or , in other words , it is nothing . i say , not to insist upon any of these , i shall quote some passages out of my lord chancellor fortescue , where he professedly handles the difference betwixt an absolute monarchy , and a limited monarchy ; and after he has shewn the different original of them , he thus proceeds in the 13th chap. now you understand , most noble prince , the form of institution of a kingdom politick , ( or limited monarchy ) whereby you may measure the power , which the king thereof may exercise over the law , and subjects of the same . for such a king is made and ordained for the defence of the law of his subjects , and of their bodies and goods , whereunto he receiveth power of his people ; so that he cannot govern his people by any other power . to whom the prince thus answer'd , in the 14th chap. you have , good chancellor , with the clear light of your declaration , dispelled the clouds wherewith my mind was darkened ; so that i do most evidently see , that no nation did ever of their own voluntary mind incorporate themselves into a kingdom , for any other intent , but only to the end that they might enjoy their lives and fortunes ( which they were afraid of losing ) with greater security than before . and of this intent , should such a nation be utterly defrauded , if then their king might spoil them of their goods , which before was lawful for no man to do . and yet should such a people be much more injured , if they should afterwards be governed by foreign and strange laws , yea , and such as they peradventure deadly hated and abhorred ; and most of all , if by those laws their substance should be diminished , for the safegaurd whereof , as also for the security of their persons , thcy of their own accord submitted themselves to the governance of a king. no such power for certain could proceed from the people themselves ; and yet unless it had been from the people themselves , such a king could have had no power at all over them . now this discourse of the institution of a political kingdom was to shew the prince of wales , that he ought to study the laws of england , and not the civil laws , by which an english king cannot govern ; whereof the prince stood in doubt , chap. 9. but now you see that cloud is dispelled , and he is convinced by this , that a political kingdom cannot be govern'd by foreign and strange laws , which had signified nothing toward his conviction , if england were not a political kingdom . and i think there cannot be a plainer comment upon those former words of bracton ( lex facit regem , attribuat igitur rex legi quod lex attribuit ei , videli et , dominationem & potestatem , &c. ) than this discourse of fortescue is . 2. another reason which he gives why the king is irresistible in all cases , is , because he is a sovereign , and it is essential to sovereignty to be irresistible in all cases . which is false : for the king of poland is a sovereign ; he coins money with his own image and superscription upon it , which according to our author , p. 50. is a certain mark of sovereignty ; and p. 51. by the very impression on their money it is evident that he is their sovereign lord : he stiles himself by the same grace of god with any king in christendom , and wears the like crown : he assembles dyets ; he disposes of all offices ; he judges the palatines themselves , and is full of the marks of sovereignty . and yet he that shall take a polish peny , and make such work with it as our author does with the roman tribute money , and out of it read lectures either of active or passive obedience in all cases , will read amiss . for , in case he break his coronation-oath , they owe him no obedience at all , of any kind ; for this is one clause in it : quod si sacramentum meum violavero , incoloe regni nullam nobis obedientiam praestare tenebuntur . so that in case he violate his oath , his irresistibility departs from him , and he becomes like other men. 3. a third reason is , because the iewish kings in the old testament , and caesar in the new testament , were irresistible in all cases . now that is more than i know , and i leave it to divines to examine , whether it was so or no , as also to enquire why the christians of nero's houshold did not shew their loyalty in defending their master , after the senate had pronounced , that he was hostis humani generis ? but this i say , that if they were thus irresistible , and if this be a good argument here , it is a good argument in poland ; and thither i would desire our author to send it by the next shipping , for the law of the land has furnish'd us with those which are much better . i come now to the second case ; which , as i said before , is resolved under the covert and countenance of the former , that as well inferiour magistrates , as others imploy'd by a popish or tyrannical prince in the most illegal and outragious acts of violence , such as cutting of throats , &c. are as irresistible as the prince himself , ( under pretence of having the prince's authority to do these acts ) and must be submitted to , under pain of hell and eternal damnation . now this resolution is very false ; which i shall shew , 1. by confuting all the reasons which are brought for it ; and , 2. by producing some reasons against it . his reasons are , 1 st , a personal authority in the prince , antecedent and superior to all laws , which makes himself inviolable , tho he trample upon all laws , and exercise an arbitrary power , and makes all others inviolable under him , who act by this authority . but i have shewed already , that this personal authority is false and groundless , and that the king is inviolable by law , and that this prerogative is highly just and reasonable , and can never prejudice the subject , for the king can do no wrong . and it is plain , that he cannot give such an illegal and miscalled authority to others , if he have it not himself . to shew that the authority , to which we are bound to submit , is not in laws , but in persons , tho acting contrary to law , he has brought this following argument , which is the most laboured of any in his book . nay , it is very false and absurd to say , that every illegal , is an vnauthoritative act , which carries no obligation with it . this is contrary to the practice of all humane iudicatures , and the daily experience of men , who suffer in their lives , bodies and estates , by an unjust and illegal sentence . for the most illegal iudgment is valid , till it be revers'd by some superior court ; which most illegal , but authoritative iudgment , derives its authority not from the law , but the person of him whose iudgment it is . now to use his own words , this is very false , and absurd all over . for 1 st , legal and authoritative are all one ; and illegal authority is in english unlawful lawful power . 2 dly , it is not true , that an illegal judgmen is valid , till it be revers'd . for the judgment of a man to death in an arbitrary way , either contrary to the verdict of his jury , or without a jury , is not authoritative nor valid at all , no not for an hour . but , i suppose , by illegal iudgments , this author means legal judgments which have error in them ; and if these should not be valid , and stand good , till that error be found in some higher court , there could not be legal , nor illegal , nor any judgments at all , but all humane judicatures must come to an end . for if judgment cannot be given , till we have judges who are not subject to error ; the laws must lie by and rust , and there can be no administration of justice . 3 dly , the authority of a judgment which is erroneous , is not from the judges personal authority above the law , nor from his mistakes beside the law , but from that jurisdiction and authority which the law has given to courts and judicial proceedings which , if they be in due course o● law , are legal , and are presumed to be every way right , and as they should be , and free from error , til● the contrary appears in some highe● court. but if the judges in westminster-hall should use a personal authority superiour to law , in judging men to death without a jury , or in condemning a man when his jury acquits him , or the like , the law having given no authority to any such proceedings , these judgments would be illegal and void , and have no authority at all . and herein i say no more than this author himself has said in another place . for where he professedly lays down the difference betwixt an absolute monarchy , and the english constitution , pag. 208 , 209. he has these words : an absolute monarch is under the government of no law but his own will , and is not ty'd up to strict rules and formalities of law in the execution of iustice ; but it is quite contrary in a limited monarchy , where no man can lose his life or estate , without a legal process and trial. but thus do men contradict themselves , who write by rote , and without considering things ! and thus does their blind passive obedience tie us up to impossibilities , and oblige us to lose our lives and estates without a legal process and trial , where , even as this author confesses , no man can lose them in such a way . 2 dly . another reason why we must submit to illegal violence , is this : because though they have no legal authority for it , yet we have no legal authority to defend our selves against it . but he himself has given as full an answer to this as can be desir'd , in these words , pag. 59. for no man can want authority to defend his life against him that has no authority to take it away . 3 dly . we must submit to illegal violence , because the people cannot call inferiour magistrates to an account , page 191. but sure the people may defend themselves against the murderous attempts of inferiour magistrates , without pretending to call them to an account , or sitting in judgment upon them : and when they themselves are called to an account for this defence , they may give a very good account of it , by the 24 h. 8. cap. 5. 4 thly . we must not defend our selves when we are persecuted to death for our religion contrary to the laws of england , because we must not defend our selves when we are thus persecuted contrary to the laws of god and nature , which are as sacred and inviolable as the laws of our countrey . answ. i grant that the laws of god and nature are more sacred and inviolable than the laws of our countrey ; but they give us no civil rights and liberties , as the laws of england have done . every leige-subject of england has a legal property in his life , liberty , and estate , in the free exercise of the protestant religion established amongst us ; and a legal possession may be legally defended . now the laws of england in queen maries time were against the protestants , and stript them of this unvaluable blessing ; and therefore , tho they chose rather to observe the laws of god and nature , than those of their countrey , which at that time violated both the other : yet withal they submitted to the laws of their countrey , which alone give and take away all legal rights and titles , and , when all is said , are the only measures of civil obedience . 5 thly . men must not defend their lives against a lawless popish persecution , when they are condemned by no law , because they must not defend their lives when they are condemned by a wicked persecuting popish law. for such a lawless persecution has as much authority as such a wicked persecuting law. this is manifestly false : for a lawless popish persecution has no authority at all , but has all the authority of heaven and earth against it ; whereas a wicked popish persecuting law , tho as it is wicked it cannot command our obedience , yet as it is a law it may dispose of our civil rights . if queen maries laws were no laws , because they were wicked persecuting laws , why were they repealed ? why were they not declared to be null from the beginning ? i know the protestants in her time , and in queen elizabeths time before they were repealed , disputed the validity of them , and would not allow them to be of any force or authority , as appears particularly from mr. hales oration to queen elizabeth , fox vol. 3. p. 997 , 978. but their reasons were , because the parliaments were not legally constituted . queen maries first parliament was of no authority , because , as his words are , the commons had not their free election for knights and burgesses : for she well knew , that if either christian men or true english men should be elected , it was not possible that to succeed which she intended ; and therefore in many places divers were chosen by force of her threats , meet to serve her malicious affections . also divers burgesses being orderly chosen , and lawfully returned , as in some places the people did what they could to resist her purposes , were disorderly and unlawfully put out , and others without any order of law in their places placed . for the which cause that parliament is void , as by a president of a parliament holden at coventry in 38 h. 6. appears , and the third parliament he says was void , because the writs of summons were contrary to a statute . now these were needless and frivolous exceptions , if a wicked persecuting law were no law , without any more ado . and i desire no greater advantage in a civil question , than to reduce an adversary to this absurdity , of making no difference betwixt laws and no laws . 6 thly . that non-resistance of illegal violence is the best way to secure the publick peace and tranquility , and the best way for every man's private defence : for self defence may involve many others in blood , and besides exposes a man's self . that is to say , when the publick peace is violated in an high manner , the best way to secure it , is quietly to suffer it still to be broken further ; a man's best defence is to die patiently , for fear of being killed ; and when murtherers are broke loose , the only way to prevent the effusion of more christian blood , is to let them alone . now in opposition to this doctrine i shall only remember our author , that if there had not been a defence made against the irish cut-throats in forty one , though they had the impudence to pretend the king's commission , there had hardly been a protestant left , but the pestilent northern heresie had been throughly extirpated in that kingdom . 7 thly . another reason is , because non-resistance is certainly the best way to prevent the change of a limited into an absolute monarchy . now this is so far from being true , that , on the other hand , absolute non-resistance , even of the most illegal violence , does actually change the government , and sets up an absolute and arbitrary power , in the shortest way , and by the surer side . for a prince , whom the laws themselves have made absolute , has thereby no more than a right aud title to an absolute subjection ; but non resistance puts him into the actual possession of it . our author himself has made this out beyond all contradiction ; for , pag. 44. he says , that non-resistance is as perfect subjection as can be paid to sovereign princes ; and , pag. 115. he calls it , the only perfect and absolute subjection we owe to princes . now the most perfect and absolute subjection that can be paid , erects the most absolute government that can be devised . for those words are of eternal truth , which we read in pag. 63. of this book : for authority and subjection are correlates ; they have a mutual respect to each other , and therefore they must stand and fall together : there is no authority , where there is no subjection due ; and there can be no subjection due , where there is no authority . and is not this as bright and as evident a truth : there is no absolute authority , where there is no absolute subjection due ; and there can be no absolute subjection due , where there is no absolute authority ? i shall now briefly run over his scripture-proofs , so far as they concern this second case : for if he had multiplied his texts of scripture , to shew that kings are irresistible , i should have had nothing to say to it , because the law has made our king so ; but if the law had not made him so , all his texts would never have done it , as i have instanced in the kingdom of poland . for the scripture does not erect new polities , as st. chrysostom long since observed ; nor does the gospel bar or abolish any politick laws , as luther's constant position was , which bishop bilson thought was undeniable . in the old testament his two examples of non-resistance are , david , and the iews under ahasuerus ; which are the untowardest for his purpose that he could have pitch'd upon . for as for the former of them , if the duty of passive obedience may be practised by a subject at the head of an army , and if to decline engaging the king's army only when it is six to one , ( which always , at the least , was the odds between saul's : forces and david's ) be an example of nonresistance , i am sure it is such passive obedience , and such nonresistance , as if it were acted over again in the highlands of scotland for half the time , that it was in the wilderness of zìph , would occasion new sermons against rebellion , even in the same pulpit where the substance of this book was preach'd . the other , he says , was as famous an example of passive obedience as can be met with in any history ; and yet it amounts to no more than this , that the iews being doomed to utter extirpation by a law , and delivered up as a prey to their enemies ; thinking a defence either unlawful or impossible ( for the scripture does not say which ) did look upon themselves as lost men , till they afterwards had procured a law , which in effect reversed the former , by publishing it to all people , that the iews might stand for their lives , to destroy , to slay , and to cause to perish all the power of the people and province that would assault them , both little ones , and women , and to take the spoil of them for a prey , esth. 8. 11. upon which they made a vigorous and successful defence against their enemies , who were so hardy as to take no warning by this law , but continued maliciously resolved to destroy the iews , though they were thus expresly threatned that they must do it at their utmost peril . and may not those men then be as famous examples of passive obedience , who , if the laws were against them , would readily submit ; but having the laws on their side , shall defend themselves against the illegal violence of any evil disposed persons , that never were , nor ever could be , authorized to destroy them ? as for st. peter's case in the new testament , it was the resistance of lawful authority , and therefore justly condemned by our saviour . for the apprehending our saviour was not an act of unjust and illegal violence , as our author there says ; but was done by proper officers , by vertue of a warrant from the chief priests and elders ( the lords spiritual and temporal among the iews ) who were aided by the roman guards for fear of a rescue . as this author says , our saviour is our example in not resisting a lawful authority ; but what is that to the resisting of those that have no authority ? and yet if our saviour had practised non-resistance towards persons having no authority , it had not been binding to us , no more than his not appealing to caesar hindred st. paul of his appeal . in a word , there is not a case or a text , which he has argued from , in scripture , which he has not perverted and abused . i shall answer the arguments used in this question , which are taken out of the acts concerning the militia , and which are mentioned by this author , p. 111 , 112. by giving the reader a particular and distinct view of those acts : whereby it will appear that we are not enslaved by those acts , neither are the subjects hands tied up from making a legal defence against illegal violence . there are three statutes concerning the militia . the first , 13 car. ii. cap. 6. which was an interim or temporary provision till the militia act could be perfected , entituled , an act declaring the militia to be in the king , and for the present ordering and disposing the same . the second is 14 car. ii. cap. 3. to establish the militia ; entituled , an act for ordering the forces in the several counties of this kingdom . and the third is an explanatory and supplemental act ; entituled , an additional act for the better ordering of the forces in the several counties of this kingdom ; 15 car. ii. cap. 4. the two former of those acts have the very same preamble , in these words . forasmuch as within all his majesty's realms and dominions , the sole supreme government , command and disposition of the militia , and all forces by sea and land , and of all forts and places of strength , is , and by the laws of england , ever was the undoubted right of his majesty , and his royal predecessors , kings and queens of england ; and that both , or either of the houses of parliament cannot , nor ought to pretend to the same ; nor can , nor lawfully may raise , or levy any war offensive or defensive against his majesty , his heirs , or lawful successors ; and yet the contrary thereof bath of late years been practised almost to the ruine and destruction of this kingdom ; and during the late usurped governments , many evil and rebellious principles have been instilled into the minds of the people of this kingdom , which unless prevented , may break forth to the disturbance of the peace and quiet thereof . this preamble consists of five clauses , of which the three first are concerning matter of law , and the two last concerning matter of fact. in the first clause there are these two things evidently contained . first , that the militia is in the king by law. secondly , that the militia's being in the king , is no new power , but was ever the undoubted right of all the kings of england . conclusion ; therefore , unless the people of england , were ever slaves under all former kings , they are not made slaves by this declaration . the two next clauses say , that both , or either of the houses of parliament , cannot pretend to the sole supreme government , command , and disposition , of the militia , forces , forts , and places of strength . nor can raise or levy any war against the king ; but neither is it here said , that the king can or lawfully may raise or levy any war against both , or either of the houses of parliament , or any of his liege subjects . the two last clauses are concerning matter of fact ; in these words , and yet the contrary thereof hath of late years been practised ; that is , the houses did pretend to the sole supreme government , command , and disposition of the militia , forces , forts ; and did raise and levy war against the king. and during the late usurped governments , many evil and rebellious principles were instilled into the minds of the people ; such , i suppose , as asserted the militia to be in the parliament , &c. as to the body of the first act , it is all of it either repeated in the second , or else superseded by it , and therefore we are next to consider what is enacted in the 14 th . car. 2. cap. 6. and immediately after the preamble before recited , there are these words . be it therefore declared and enacted by the king 's most excellent majesty , by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons in parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , that the king 's most excellent majesty , his heirs and successors , shall , and may from time to time , as occasion shall require , issue forth several commissions of lieutenancy to such persons as his majesty , his heirs and successors shall think fit to be his majesties lieutenants for the several and respective counties , cities , and places of england , and dominion of wales , and town of berwick upon tweed ; which lieutenants shall have full power and authority to call together all such persons at such times , and to arm , and array them in such manner as is hereafter expressed and declared ; and to form them into companies , troops , and regiments ; and in case of insurrection , rebellion , or invasion , them to lead , conduct , and imploy , or cause to be led , conducted , or imployed , as well within the said several counties , cities , and places for which they shall be commissionated respectively , as also into any other the counties and places aforesaid , for suppressing all such insurrections and rebellions , and repelling of invasions as may happen to be , according as they shall from time to time receive directions from his majesty , his heirs and successors ; and that the said respective lieutenants shall have full power and authority from time to time , to constitute , appoint , and give commissions to such persons as they shall think fit to be colonels , majors , captains , and other commission-officers of the said persons so to be armed , arrayed and weaponed , and to present to his majesty , his heirs and successors , the names of such person and persons as they shall think fit to be deputy-lieutenants , and upon his majesties approbation of them , shall give them deputations accordingly ; always understood that his majesty , his heirs and successors , have power and authority to direct and order otherwise , and accordingly at his and their pleasure , may appoint and commissionate , or displace such officers ; any thing in this act to the contrary notwithstanding : and that the said lieutenants respectively , and in their absence , out of the precincts and limits of their respective lieutenancies , or otherwise by their directions , the said deputy-lieutenants , during their said respective deputations , or any two or more of them , shall have power from time to time , to train , exercise , and put in readiness ; and also to lead and conduct the persons so to be armed , arrayed and weaponed , by the directions , and to the intents and purposes , as is hereafter expressed and declared . here you see all is regulated and limited ; and the lieutenancy have no other powers nor authorities , nor can execute them but by the directions , and to the intents and purposes , expressed and declared by law. consequently , the lieutenancy have no power to raise insurrections or rebellions , or to assist invasions , for that is directly contrary to the intent and purpose of this act , which is , in case of insurrection , rebellion or invasion ( whereby occasion shall be to draw out the militia into actual service ) to imploy these forces for suppressing all such insurrections and rebellions , and repelling of invasions , as it is frequently repeated in this act. nor , secondly , have they power to act contrary to the directions of these acts , as for instance , to search for arms in the houses of persons judged to be dangerous , without a constable or parish-officer ; nor to search in villages or country-towns ( other than within the bills of mortality ) between sun-setting and sun-rising ; nor have the commissioned peers power to imprison a peer , where he is expresly excepted from that penalty . the rest of this act is spent in charging the quota's and proportions of men and arms , in setling pay for the souldiers , and in declaring what powers and authorities shall be executed in all cases relating to the militia : and to the persons concern'd we leave them , only taking notice of this oath , which is directed by the act to be administred to all officers and souldiers in the militia , in these following words . i a. b. do declare and believe that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take arms against the king ; and that i do abhor that traiterous position , that arms may be taken by his authority against his person , or against those that are commissioned by him , in pursuance of such military commissions . but , as i said before , neither are the people of england enslaved by this oath . for as for the first clause , it never was lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take up arms against the king , for that , in other words , is to levy war against him. and as for the first part of the position to be abhorred , that arms may be taken by the king's authority against his own person , it was always traiterous non-sence , and fit to go along with the other proposal in the oxford expedient , of inthroning the name of a prince , but banishing his person 500 miles off under pain of death . and so the other part of the position , that arms may be taken by the king's authority against those who have received authority from the king , in the execution of that very authority , is stuff as ill put together as the other ; for it makes the king's authority to supplant and destroy it self . and therefore the renouncing and abhorring of such positions can never be interpreted to be parting with our english liberties , which having been all along preserved by our ancestors , at a vast expence both of blood and treasure , must needs be presumed to be something that was more valuable than barbarous nonsence . but because there are many men , who ( like trouble-all in bartholomew-fair ) take two or three words under the hand of a magistrate to be a sufficient warrant for any thing , and think all to be commissions which are so called , whether they be so or no , it will be necessary to take into consideration this last part of the oath , and to shew , 1. what a commission is . and , 2. who act in pursuance of such commission . 1. a commission is the legal appointment of a legal person to execute or exercise some legal power or authority . and therefore the first thing requisite to a persons being commissionated , is , that he be legally appointed . so dr. falkner commenting upon this clause of the oath , by a commission , understands a commission regularly granted . book 2. chap. 1. sect. 6. but though , as he says , that be the true sense of the clause , yet it is not the whole truth . for tho a commission may be issued in due form of law , and be regularly granted , yet the incapacity or disability of a person to receive a commission , or the illegal powers of the commission it self , may render it void . 2. the next thing requisite to a persons being commissionated is , that he be a legal person . for first , a person may be uncapable by law of being commissionated ; as he that was not a natural-born subject of england , was uncapable of being an high-commissioner . or secondly , a person may be disabled by law from having a commission , by being convicted of some offence against the laws , which is punished by such a disability . or 3 dly , which we may likewise refer to this head , a person may be unqualified by law , to execute a commission , or act by virtue of it , till he have perform'd some condition required by law : as for instance , till he have taken his corporal oath for the due and impartial execution of the trusts committed to him ; or as in the militia-act every lieutenaut , deputy-lieutenant , officer and souldier remains unauthorized till he have taken the oath . for in all these cases , where the law says no man shall be enabled or impowered , he is not impowered . the third requisite to a person 's being commissionated , is , that he be appointed to execute or exercise some legal power and authority . no man can be commissioned to exercise powers which are illegal and arbitrary , and which the law says shall not be exercised . and therefore all such commissions are null and void , that is , they are no commissions . as for instance , letters patents , or commissions to erect a court with such powers and authorities as the high commission court had ; or because we are speaking of military commissions , a commission for proceedings by martial-law , contrary to the laws and franchises of the land. the next thing is to consider , when a man acts in pursuance of his commission . and first , it is plain that he does not act by virtue nor in pursuance of his commission , who exceeds the legal powers and authorities of his commission . for in those acts he is not authorized and impowered , but acts of his own head. secondly , much less does he act in pursuance of his commission , who acts quite contrary to the intents and purposes of his commission . as for instance , he who in case of insurrection , rebellion or invasion is commissionated to lead & imploy the militia for the suppressing such insurrection , or rebellion , or for repelling such invasion , if instead of this he himself shall raise an insurrection or rebellion , or assist an invasion , he pursues his commission to death , and acts in direct opposition to the end for which the law has impowered him , and does that which he neither is , nor can possibly be authorized to do . but because no commission can be given , no power can be granted , no authority can be entrusted with any person , but may be unfaithfully discharged , yea though men be sworn to the due and impartial execution of it ; it may be made a question , whether legal powers and authorities which are not duly and truly and impartially executed , are authoritative , and consequently must be submitted to ? to which it must be answered , that a trust is inseparable from an office or commission , and that no legal power or authority can be so cautiously regulated , but that still something that is within the compass of that power and authority , must be left to the honesty and integrity of him that executes it . only it is the perfection of the english laws , whereby they have preserved the franchise of the land , that they have left very little to the discretion of those who are intrusted with the execution of them , but in all cases have secured the main . as where they have left fines at the will of the king , still it is salvo contenemento . but where the law has expresly intrusted a commissioner with the exercise of some power , while he acts within the bounds and limits of his authority , there he is to be submitted to , though he should exercise that power amiss . as for instance in this act , the said respective lieutenants and deputies , or any three or more of them , shall have power to hear complaints , and examine witnesses upon oath , ( which oath they have hereby power to administer ) and to give redress according to the merits of the cause , in matters relating to the execution of this act. now if they do not faithfully discharge this power , nor give redress according to the merits of the cause , a man must even put his complaint in his pocket , till he can have legal redress elsewhere . this act likewise inables the lieutenants , or any two or more of their deputies , to warrant the seizing of all arms in the possession of any person , whom the said lieutenants or any two or more of their deputies , shall judg dangerous to the peace of the kingdom . now if they shall abuse this power , which is for securing the peace of the kingdom , to the disarming the loyalest and best subjects the king has ; and will not restore these arms to the owners again , ( nor they be able to recover them by replevin ) it cannot be help'd ; nor indeed is it of very great importance , because they may buy more . but , as i said before , where the property or liberty or lives of the subject are concern'd , this very act has been careful to secure them ; so as to forbid searching for arms in the night-time ( unless within the bills of mortality , cities , & market-towns ) and every where has required it to be done with a parish-officer ; whereby both the persons and goods of the subject are least exposed . it has likewise been careful to provide , that neither this act , nor any matter or thing therein contained , shall be deemed , construed or taken to extend to the giving or declaring of any power for the transporting of any of the subjects of this realm , or any way compelling them to march out of this kingdom , otherwise than by the laws of england ought to be done . and yet some men , i cannot say have deemed and taken , but i am sure have wickedly construed this act to extend much farther , even to a power of destroying the liege subjects of this realm , and marching them out of the world , otherwise than by the laws of england ought to be done . but this last proviso has sufficiently confuted all such mischievous doctrine . where is arbitrariness then ? it is excluded . by what law ? even by the imperial law , or law of the prerogative : for though the power of the sword is declared in these acts to the full , yet they have taken care to prevent all such dangerous mistakes , as if thereby those that are commissionated by the king had any power of transporting his liege subjects , or compelling them to march out of the kingdom ; and much less have they any power to destroy them at home , as both magna charta , and the petition of right , 3 car. intituled , a declaration of divers rights and liberties of the people to the king 's most excellent majesty , do fully declare . now i would fain know wherein those who transport the king's liege subjects , without any power to transport them , differ from kidnappers ? or those that destroy them , without any power to destroy them , differ from murderers ? and surely the people of england have a legal right , and several legal ways , to rescue themselves from kidnappers and murderers , without pretending to the command of the militia ! but though the last mentioned proviso was twice enacted , yet comes the pulpit law and utterly repeals it ( as it does the 13 th of eliz . ) and says the subjects of england must be compelled , and shall be compelled to march out of the kingdom , if those that are commissionated by the king shall think fit . for though these have no power to compel , yet the subjects of england are bound in conscience to know their duty and their drivers , and to supply this lack of legal power by the inward impulses of their own spiritual , and never-failing passive obedience ; and must either go out of the kingdom upon this occasion , or go to the devil for their wicked and rebellious refusal . it likewise repeals all the legal limitations , which have ascertained penalties for the several offences committed against the laws . as for instance in this act , whereas the law says , that the chief commissioned officer upon the place may imprison mutineers , & such souldiers as do not their duties , and shall and may inflict for punishment for every such offences any pecuniary mulct , not exceeding five shillings ; or the penalty of imprisonment without bail or mainprise , not exceeding twenty days . the doctrine of passive obedience makes nothing of these legal restrictions , and says , that men must submit to perpetual imprisonment , or to be hanged for such offences , or for no offence at all , if those that are commissioned will have it so . i humbly submit it to the wisdom of our legislators when they shall be assembled in parliament , whether they will endure to have all their laws thus used , and suffer them to be put into a bottomless bag ( as the poets say iupiter disposes of lovers vows ) of a boundless and endless passive obedience . but because some men have moved another question , who shall be judg when there is an insurrection , rebellion or invasion ? and consequently , whether there be occasion or not , according to law , to imploy the militia , and to draw them forth into actual service ? it is fit to say something to it . to which i answer , that the law has judged already , and determined the matter to our hands ; and all english-men know as well , as if they had the opinion of all the judges , that going peaceably to market , or to their parish-church , is neither insurrection , rebellion , nor invasion . but i have long since observed , that those who would inslave men , either under an implicit faith , or a blind obedience , are very pert in putting such questions ; the scripture is the rule of faith , but who shall be iudge of the sense of it ? and when you have once allowed them that point of an absolute judg , then presently an apple shall be an oyster , bread shall be flesh and blood and bones , pig shall be pike , and a dog shall be a catawimple . now , i humbly conceive , there is no need at all of constituting a judg to resolve that the barbar's bason is not mambrino's helmet , when none but a madman who is bent upon seeking adventures , and is ready to pick quarrels with all mankind , will say it is . as to the third act concerning the militia 15 car. 2. c. 4. i shall only take notice of one clause of indemnity in these words . and it is further declared and enacted , that all and every person and persons which since the five and twentieth day of march , one thousand six hundred sixty and two , have acted or done any thing in the dismantling of any cities or towns , or demolishing of walls and fortifications thereof , or relating thereunto , shall be , and are hereby indempnified and saved harmless . now this was long after the militia had been declared to be in the king , & yet these persons having exceeded their legal powers , stood in need of an indemnity by act of parliament : which had bin vain , if the king's command , or their own commission would have justified them , and born them out in it . i come now in the 2 d place to produce some reasons to prove the lawfulness of defending our selves against illegal violence ; which is a truth so obvious and so agreeable to the common sense of mankind , that even those men who set themselves to oppose it , do oftentimes assert it unawares , and give unanswerable reasons for it . i shall therefore first set down those concessions which the force of truth has extorted from this author , and 2 dly add some other arguments to them . 1 st . no man wants authority to defend his life against him who has no authority to take it away . p. 69. but no man whatsoever has any just and legal authority ( that is , any authority at all ) to take it away contrary to law. p. 190 , 191. and from these premises it is easy for any man to infer the conclusion . 2dly . he that resists the vsurpations of men , does not resist the ordinance of god , which alone is forbidden to be resisted . but acts of arbitrary and illegal violence are the vsurpations of men. therefore , &c. these again are our author's doctrines , the former p. 128. l. 15. the other p. 211. l. 11. as likewise 212. l. 22. he acknowledges , that the assuming of an absolute and arbitrary power in this kingdom would be vsurpation ; tho he says at the same time that no prince in this kingdom ever usurped such a power : which is notoriously false : for richard the 2 d by name did , not to mention any other . 3 dly . a 3 d argument which this author furnishes us withall , is this , p. 164 , 165. the reason why we must submit to governours , or subordinate magistrates , is , because they are sent by our prince , and act by his authority ; and we must never submit to them in opposition to our prince . now nothing is better known in this kingdom , than that those who commit illegal violence , do not act by the princes authority ; for , as our author says , p. 190. he himself has no just nor legal authority to act against law ; and therefore we need not submit to them in such acts. nay , farther , according to this author , we must never submit to them in this case because they are in opposition to our prince ; for they act against the peace of our soveraign lord the king , his crown , and dignity ; as the law has evermore interpreted such acts. 4 thly . our author , p. 126. has these word . every man has the right of self-preservation , as intire under civil government , as he had in a state of nature . vnder what government soever i live , i may still kill another man , when i have no other way to preserve my life from unjust violence by private hands . now the hands of subordinate magistrates , imployed in acts of illegal violence , are private hands , and armed with no manner of authority at all ; of which this is a most convincing proof , that they may be hanged by law for such acts , which no man can or ought to suffer for what he does by authority . they are no officers at all in such acts , for illegal violence is no part of their office. this is sufficient to shew , that this author holds so much truth , as would have led him to his own conviction , if he had but attended to the immediate consequences of it , instead of blending it with a great many falshoods : and after he has answered his own arguments , i shall desire him to do as much for these which follow . 1. no man can authorize himself . but in acts of illegal violence if a subordinate magistrate have any authority at all , he must authorize himself . for it is a contradiction to say the law authorizes him to do an illegal act , as our author well observes p. 195. and it is as false to say , that the king who can do no wrong , can authorize another to do it . in the great conference of the lords and commons , 3 o caroli , concerning the contents of the petion of right , the law was held to be , that if the king command a man to do injury to another , the command is void , & actor fit author , and the actor becomes the wrong-doer . that is , he acts of his own head , and authorizes himself . 2 dly . the illegal violence of subordinate magistrates cannot be more irresistible , only by being more criminal than it is in other men ; for that would be to make a man's crime to be his protection . but illegal violence done by subordinate magistrates , is not only as inauthoritative , as if it were commited by private persons , but likewise more criminal ; as being done with a face and colour of authority , and under pretence of law , making that partaker of their crime , violating and blemishing the law at once . i might multiply such arguments ; but if this author will please to give a full and clear answer to these only , i here promise to be of his opinion . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a46961-e910 pag. 196 , 197 , &c. pag. 196. page 54 , 55 , &c. pag. 193 , 194 , 195. page 192. page 191. p. 200. ●age 202. page 205 , 206. page 212. pag. 32. pag. 41. pag. 61. page 79. ephemeris parliam . the relaps'd apostate, or, notes upon a presbyterian pamphlet, entituled, a petition for peace, &c. wherein the faction and design are laid as open as heart can wish by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1641 approx. 222 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47908 wing l1293 estc r16441 11854879 ocm 11854879 49955 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47908) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49955) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 500:20) the relaps'd apostate, or, notes upon a presbyterian pamphlet, entituled, a petition for peace, &c. wherein the faction and design are laid as open as heart can wish by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. [16], 85 p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1641 [i.e. 1661] first edition. advertisement on p. [9]-[10]. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng baxter, richard, 1615-1691. -petition for peace. church of scotland -controversial literature. petition for peace with the reformation of the liturgy, &c. presbyterianism. church and state -england. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-02 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the relaps'd apostate : or notes upon a presbyterian pamphlet , entituled , a petition for peace , &c. wherein the faction and design are laid as open as heart can wish . nullum perniciosius odium eft , quàm violati beneficii pudere . senec. epist. by roger l'estrange . london , printed for henry brome at the gun in ivy-lane . m. d c. x l i. to the presbyterian divines ; the publishers , and abettours of a pamphlet , entituled , a petition for peace , &c. — gentlemen , that you may not glory either in your cause , or fortune , you are here condemn'd to suffer publique shame by a weak hand ; yet so , as not to make mee proud of the conquest ; for ye fight against your selves , and fall by your own weapons . this is the certain fate of all your strivings against the right of bishops . the liberties you challenge , must be allow'd again by you to the people : and where 's your holy discipline then ? thus are ye broken upon your own wheel , and your selves cast into the pit ye digg'd for others . the well-weighing of this consequence twenty years ago , might have sav'd a great deal of sin , and treasure : it may prevent the same again , ( for ought i know ) even at this instant , duly to consider it : for to deal freely , gentlemen , you are now re-entred upon that deadly path that leads from heaven to hell , from conscience to disobedience : from the reforming pulpit to the kings scaffold . how shall i reconcile that reverence i bear your character , with the just indignation due to your actings ? you have of late publish'd a book ; thus called ; a petition for peace , with the reformation of the liturgy , &c. your petition appears fortified with twenty reasons , which i take a freedome to reply upon , and i make a little bold too with your liturgy : submitting the reason of all , to the judgement of the indifferent world ; and to your selves my dedication . your writings are like the pestilence that walketh by night , and the plague that destroyeth at noon-day . they steal out , and disperse themselves in the dark , but the malice of their operation is publique . many unseemly circumstances there are in the menage of this your pamphlet , which i refer to their proper notes : but since you plead the kings authority for what ye did ; it will behoove me in the first place to clear that point ; and no way better then from the very words of his majesties commission ; directing , to advise consult upon and about the book of common prayer , and the several objections and exceptions , which shall now be raised against the same , and ( if occasion be ) to make such reasonable and necessary alterations , corrections , and amendments therein , as by and between you , the said arch-bishop , bishops , doctours , and persons hereby required and authorized to meet and advise as aforesaid , shall be agreed upon to be needful and expedient , for the giving satisfaction to tender consciences , and the restoring and continuance of peace and unity in the churches under our protection and government . how far your liberties agree with these limitations , be you your selves the judges . i am afraid you 'll think my introduction some-what below the dignity of the subject ; but though the argument in it self be grave , methinks your menage of it , is exceeding pleasant : in truth , so much , that all your sober fashions will hardly make me swallow it for earnest . you know we have had a long and bloody war , gentlemen : and the same actions which on the legal side , were duty , piety , and justice , were in the adverse party , no other then rapine , murther , and rebellion . these crimes call for repentance , and either christianity is but a story , or it concerns those people that have this load upon their consciences , frankly , and seasonably to discharge themselves . would not a searching sermon now and then upon this subject , do as much good as a discourse of humane impositions ? 't is not an act of pardon , and oblivion , will bring them off , at the great day , that have these horrours unaccompted for . as publique ministers , kings may remit publique offences : and forgive those who cannot yet forgive themselves . the royal power extends but to the law not to the conscience . they shall not dye for that which yet they may be damn'd for . a man that robs a church may scape the wheel , and yet the sacriledge cleave to his fingers . in fine ; monarchs may dispense with their own laws , and interpose betwixt the gibbet , and the offender ; but betwixt sin and vengeance ; — guilt , and the dreadful stroke of divine justice ; there 's but one mediator : before whose majesty kings are but animated shadows , and all the dazling glories of this world , a black obscurity . in short ; he that has made his peace with the law and not with his own soul : — on earth , and not in heaven , has done the least part of his business . you are now crying up those people for the godly party , whose wretched souls were by the magick of your covenant-holyness charm'd into disobedience . you 're scrupulizing now again about the lawfulness of ceremonies : but not a word touching the vnlawfulness of the war. for shame , for shame , gentlemen ; that very point betrays you . it looks as if you would have the people still believe the cause was good , and that upon the same presumption of an imaginary superstition , they may tread over the same steps again . tell them how ill they did to fight against the king : ( if you believe 't was ill done ) press their repentance and bewayl publiquely your own engagements in that sinful quarrel : you betray otherwise the souls ye plead for , into a final hardness , — into an obstinate , and impenitent security . this is so undeniably your duty , ( unless you still adhere to your first cause , ) that there 's no shifting : so that the tryal of your integrity depends upon this issue : if you be truly loyal , and repentant , where-ever you have preach'd disobedience , you will recant it : however your confession must be as publique as your sin. without this cleerness all your talk of conscience weighs not a nut-shell . only betake your selves to your own pastoral discipline ; and there i leave ye . your humble servant , roger l' estrange . an advertisement . i have been of late sollicited by divers persons to hold my hand : but finding no cause for 't , either in my thoughts , or papers , i went on , finishing what i here publish . this morning , and just upon the perfecting of my book , i receiv'd notice of a scandalous report about the court , and which ( they say ) has reach'd his majesty's ear , that i am printing of a general list , of all those persons now in imployment , which formerly bare arms or office against the king. who ever speaks this as upon knowledge , tells a thing false and foul . i am not such an ass , as not to understand the mischievous imprudence of it : nor such a knave , as to engage in what i judge so gross , and so unlawful . but since the malice of mine enemies wants matter , for the least colour of an accusation , i must be crush'd by calumny , and once again condemn'd unheard ; now ( in pretence ) for dishonoring the king , as i was formerly for serving him . 't is possible by some of the same persons too : for i 'm surè , no man that is loyal , will pretend i 'm a rebel . but there 's no smoak ( they say ) without some fire . the ground of this report i may imagine ; onely a little amplifi'd it is by the benevolence of the courteous understander . these are my words . we are with reverence to believe , that where he ( the king ) knows the person he prefers , or saves , he knows likewise the reason of his bounty or mercy ; and we are not to pry into forbidden secrets . as to the rest , i think a private list presented to his majesty , were a good and a loyal piece of service : as ( 't is , and ever was my judgment ) it were the contrary to make it publick , for that were to invade an act of parliament , to assault the party . whereas the other is ( as i understand it ) onely a dutiful and modest office toward his majesty . general rules have their exceptions ; and beyond doubt , particulars there are , whom they that plac'd them there , would not his majesty should take notice of . neither do i presume to blame even those , but i propose to shew them . if services of this quality be rendred dangerous , 't is onely for those people that are weary of their lives , to be honest ; and i 'l content my self still to be one of them . one note , and i have done . my crime is not the raking into pardon'd actions , but for exposing relapsers , and discovering new combinations . novemb. 14. 1661. the relaps'd apostate . the introduction . there is newly come forth a godly libell , to the tune of — when jocky first the war began — it is entituled , a petition for peace with the reformation of the liturgy , &c. — some thousands of these fire-balls , are already thrown among the common people by the reformado presbyters , and 't is their way ; first to preach , the rabble to gunpowder ; and then scatter their squibs among them . there is neither author , stationer , nor printer , that appears to the pamphlet : but the design is peace and reformation ; and that 's the reason they 're asham'd to own it . if my intelligence deceives me not ; this same schismatical piece of holynesse , was delivered to the presse by one mr. baxter , or by his order . ibbitson in smithfield was the printer . ( the levelling ibbitson i suppose ; he that printed the adjutators proposals , i mean , and the petition to the army against the maior and aldermen in october 1647. ) i am told too that r. w. has a finger in the pye ; — brittanicus his old friend ; — he that hunts in couples with tyton . these good folks have printed treason so long , that they think now they do the king a kindnesse , to stop at sedition . indeed 't is pitty their old imprimatur-man was so unluckily call'd aside by a good office into ireland ; we should have had the toy stamp'd else with priviledge . my information tells me further ; that the bauble was barrell'd up , for fear of venting , and so sent several ways ; which being perform'd with much secresie and dispatch , does but bespeak a general tumult , and prepossess the nation against better reason . crine ruber , niger ore , brevis pede , lumine luscus : rem magnam praestas , zo●le , si bonus es . go thy wayes prester john , never bad of the marque ; four white feet , a wall-eye , and sound neither wind nor limb ; thou' rt right i 'll warrant thee . here 's first ; an unauthoriz'd form of worship : compos'd , printed , publish'd , and dispers'd by private persons ; which at first dash affronts the prerogative royal , and the establish'd government . observe next ; that 't is done by stealth : no name to 't : which gives a shrewd suspicion of ill-meaning ▪ when they that best knew what it meant , thought it not safe to own it . look in the third place to the promoters of it ; and i divine , you 'll scarce find any man a stickler in this office , that has not been an enemy to the king. fourthly , take notice , that though the book addresses to the bishops , from them of all the rest , 't is with most care conceal'd ; but on the other side : the copies flye in swarms about the nation : that is , where they may do most mischief ; however kept from them , to whom they seemingly apply for satisfaction . is this fair play my masters ? see now the timing of it : upon the just nick , when the bishops are consulting a christian , general , and friendly accommodation : and that 's the event they dread ; dominion or confusion ; — being their motto . did ever presbyters set footing any where , and blood or slavery not go along with it ? this comfort yet attends the broyls they cause ; the warr's a less plague then the government . once more ; who knows but they have chose this juncture , for some yet more malicious ends ? they have not stickled to make parties ; — held their consults and conventicles : — printed and preach'd sedition all this while only for exercise or pleasure . do they not now expect to reap the fruits of their disloyal labours ? the parliaments adjourn'd , and in this interval , 't is beyond doubt they think to do their businesse : what can be else the drift of this their challenging petition ; and at this most unseasonable instant ; but to precipitate a breach , and disappoint the general hopes of their next meeting ? nothing more common with the faction , then to discourse what wonders the next parliament will do : and hint the approching end of this. unthankful creatures ! have they so soon forgot , who sav'd them ? their mushrome-honesty , has in a night forsooth shot it self up from hell to heaven . 't is a wide step , from sacriledge , to strict holyness : — from robbing the material church , to the advancing of the mystical : — from a lawless , merciless oppression of gods ministers ; — to a true pity towards his servants . in fine ; 't is a huge leap , from the dross of humanity , to the perfection of angels ; yet in the case before us , there 's but a thought , a moment ; but an imaginary line that seems to part them . 't was the kings fiat that strook light out of darkness , and made them pass for what they should be ; his majesties command , that drew the curtain betwixt the world , and their transgressions ; and betwixt life and death . they are not yet at ease ; they have their heads again to make new stakes with : and we have another king to lose , if they can catch him as they did his father . just thus began the late rebellion ; and if good order be not taken with these relaps'd apostates , just here begins another . nor is it only the same method and design ; but it will soon appear , that the same persons are now in again , whining and snivelling for religion , ( as they did ever ) only to cheat the multitude , and to engage a faction . they have now dispers'd this pamphlet all over england ; as i am fairly assur'd . but why to the people first ? unless they intend to make use of them ? and what use can they make , but violence ? this is to say , that if the bishops will not do them reason , the people shall . next ; why so many ? but to beget a thorough-disaffection to the establish'd liturgy ? in short ; what is all this , but to cry fire , or murther to the nation ; when they themselves are the aggressours ; and 't is a flame of their own kindling ? truly these are symptomes ( as the country fellow said ) of an apostacy ; we 'll come a little nearer now , and feel their pulse . by your leave , gentlemen of the reformation . what , sir john b — too ? your most humble servant sir , pray'e while i think on 't let me ask you a modest question or two ; ( with favour of your friends here . ) can you tell me whether old olivers physicians or his intelligencers , had the better trade on 't ? or do you know who it was that was so monstrous earnest to have had me to bridewell for my caveat ? some say , he 's a physician ( but i hear no body say so that knows him ) and that 't was only a cast of his profession , to advise breathing of a vein with a dog-whip . ( for betwixt friends some of the new-modell'd gimcracks take mee for mad. ) others again will have him to be a justice , and that he would have had me lash'd upon the statvte . i am the rather inclin'd to believe this , because i 'm told that he , and barkstead , ( late of the tower ) were formerly fellow-servants , and conferr'd notes . now this same barkstead laid that very law to me : he told me that i was a fidler , and that a fidler was a rogue by the statute . some will needs fasten it upon one , that would have made the presbytery of pauls covent-garden , independent : and that he took an edge they say , because of a jerk i gave to a certain friend of his ; who upon richard's comming toward the crown ; pray'd devoutly that the scepter might not depart from the family . in fine ; the thing is done , and qvi whipp at , whipp abitvr . — melius non tangere clamo ; flebit , & insignis totâ cantabitur urbe . good-morrow knight : and now to my divines . heark ye gentlemen ; betwixt jeast and earnest , i have a way of fooling , will go near to put your gravities out of countenance : and yet i know , you are a little joco-serious too you selves ; but in another way . — do not you jeast sometimes , when ye professe to love the king ? now that 's our earnest : — but then you 're monstrous earnest , when y' are discover'd that you do not ; and there 's our sport . your very way of argument , and reasoning , is but a kind of cross purposes . — 't was ask'd me — can any man be sav'd without repentance ? and 't was answer'd — clap him up . are not ( in good time be it spoken ) your very vows , and covenants , arrant riddles ? the war was rais'd and prosecuted ; the king and his adherents , ruin'd ; by virtue of your covenant ; ye sware to act according to that covenant ; and yet ye knew not what it meant . for , when the holy war was finish'd , did not you fall together by the ears , among your selves , about the meaning of it ? to save his majesty , ( you 'll say ) from covenant-breakers . agreed : so that it seems , according to the covenant , the king might have been shot , but not beheaded ; or otherwise ; 't was lawful to shoot at him ; but not so to hit him . but your poor covenant's dead and gone ; e'en let it rest. yet tell me ( by the oath ye have taken ) have ye not still a kindness for 't ! methinks , ( in a plain phrase ) ye look as if ye lov'd the very ground it went upon . your ways , your words , your actions — all smells of the solemn — still : yes , and ( with reverence ) your new liturgy it self , is down-right directorian . 't would make one smile , ( if 't were good manners to make merry with your grievances ) to see how the poor harmless miserable aequivoc — is lugg'd by head and ears into your sermons , and discourses ; the very sound delights you still . but that 's not all . the often mention of the word covenant , bespeaks a note ; and by that double meaning , moves the people : so that the good old cause , is still carry'd on , under protection of an amphibology . now , if you please gentlemen , we 'll cloze upon the question , and begin with your title . a petition for peace with the reformation of the liturgy , as it was presented to the right reverend bishops . by the divines , appointed by his majesties commission to treat with them about the alteration of it . note . i. vve have here ( as bishop hall says of smectymnuus ) a plural adversary : and in good deed , 't was more then one mans businesse , to do a thing so excellently amisse . no name , no license ; and yet the matter in debate , no less then the two grand concerns of humane nature , peace , and salvation : done by divines too ; dedicate to bishops ; the kings commission mention'd in 't . methinks a work of this pretense should not have crept into the world so like a libell ; especially considering the nature of the proposition : ( change of church-government ; for 't is no lesse ) and the distemper'd humour of the people . this secret manner of under-feeling the multitude , does not in any wise comport with the design and dignity of a fair reformation . truly , 't is ill , at best ; but it may well be worse yet . put case , that some of the prime sticklers against episcopacy , in 1641. should prove now of the quorum in this enterprize : some that at first only press'd moderation ; relief for tender consciences ; — a reformation ; ( just as at present ) and yet at last , proceeded to an unpresidented extremity : root and branch : ( nothing less would satisfie them : — king , bishops ; all went down . ) say gentlemen commissioners , may not a christian without breach of charity , suspect a second part to the same tune , from such reformers ? answer me not , but with your legs , unless it be otherwise . is this your gospell-work to provoke subjects against their soveraign ? call you this , beating down of popery and prophannesse ? to scatter your schismatical and seditious models among the people ; and after all the plagues you have brought already upon this kingdome , by your scotch combination , to invite the multitude once more , to prostitute themselves ; and worship , before the golden calfe of your presbytery . come leave your jocky-tricks , your religious wranglings , about the thing ye least consider , conscience . leave your streyning at gnats , and swallowing of camels : — your blew-cap divinity of subjecting publique and venerable laws , to private and factious constitutions . i speak this with great reverence to all sober divines , in which number my charity can hardly comprize the publishers , and dispersers of the pamphlet in question . a petition for peace . to the most reverend archbishop and bishops , and the reverend their assistants , commission'd by his majesty , to treat about the alteration of the book of common-prayer . the humble , and earnest petition of others in the same commission , &c. note . ii. had zimri peace that slew his master ? what peace can they expect from others , that are at war within themselves ; whose very thoughts are whips ; and their own consciences their own tormentors ? is treason , blood , and sacriledge , so light , and yet the common-prayer-book , or a blameless ceremony , a burthen so intolerable ? those people that engag'd against the king in the late war , should do exceeding well to look into themselves , ere they meddle with the publick , and take a strict accompt of their own sins , before they enter upon the failings of others . as 't is their duty , to begin at home , so 't is our part , not to trust any man that does not : for beyond doubt , 't is vanity , or worse , that governs these unequal consciences , that are so quick and tender for trifles ; so dead , and so unfeeling in weightier matters . but all this while , why a petition for peace ? where 's the danger ? what 's the quarrel ? the law stands still , my masters ; you come up to 't , and then complain of violence . again : you pray to them , for whom you utterly refuse to pray ; the bishops . but let that pass ; peace is the thing ye would be thought to aim at ; which , as you labour to perswade the world , depends upon complying with your alterations of the common-prayer . that is we are to look for war or peace , in measure as your propositions are deny'd , or granted . is it not that you mean ? but with your legs , good gentlemen , unless , it be otherwise . ] this ( as i take it ) is to command , not treat : and to deal freely , your petitions are commonly a little too imperious . here 's in a word the sum of all. you have transform'd the common prayer , and ye would have it ratify'd . you make your demands , ye give your reasons : and when all fails , ye throw your papers up and down the nation , to shew the silly little people , what doubty champions they have ; — to irritate the rif-raff against bishops ; and to proclaim your selves the advocates of jesus christ. now do i promise my self quite to undo all that you have done : to prove from your own form of worship that the design of it is arrantly factious ; ( 't is a course word ) and an encrochment upon the kings authority : that your demands want modesty , your reasons , weight . this i shall likewise shew ; and that your scatter'd copies are a most disingenuous , and unseemly practice . i shall go near to unbait all your hooks too ; lay open all your carnal plots upon the gospel ; and in fine ; place an antidote , wherever you have cast your poyson . i give my thoughts their native liberty ; which is no more then modest , toward those that are now laps'd into a second apostacy : and for the rest , let me declare here , once for all , a convert is to me as my own brother . we 'll see now what it is you plead for ; and then ( in order ) to your argument : the right and reason of your asking . ye demand , reformation in discipline ; and freedome from subscription , oaths , and ceremonies : — the restoring of able faithful ministers without pressing reordination . ye have taken a large field to cavil in : see now what 't is you call a reformation . the reformation of the liturgy or the ordinary publick worship on the lords-day . ( page . 25. ) note . iii. our liturgy was very much to blame sure : seventy six quarto-pages to reform it ? pray'e gentlemen , since y' are so liberal of your labours , do but once blesse the world with a presbyterian dictionary , that we may be the better for them . it would be an excellent means i can assure ye , to beget a right understanding betwixt the king and his people ▪ alas ! how ignorant were we , that all this while took reformation only for amendment ; a pruning perhaps of some luxuriances , and setting things right , that were out of order . but now we stand corrected , and perceive that to reform is to destroy . was not church-government reform'd ? yes , by an act of abolition . was not the kings power reform'd too ? yes , by a seisure of his regalities and of his sacred person . at this rate , is our liturgy reform'd : that is , 't is totally thrown out ; and a wild rhapsody of incoherences , supplies the place of it . note here good people of the land , that presbyterian reformation signifies abolition . by the same irony they made yov free , and happy ; the king a glorious prince : advanc'd the gospel . — when of all slaves you know ye were the cheapest , and the most ridiculous : your lives and fortunes hanging upon the lips of varlets ; — your consciences tenter'd up to the covenant , and every pulpit was but a religious mous-trap . in short , remember , that presbytery , and rebellion , had the same authority , and that those prodigies of seeming holyness , your kirkify'd reformers ; those reverend cannibals , that made such conscience of a ceremony , made none of bloud-shed . this is not yet , to prejudge tenderness ; and to conclude all forwardness of zeal to be hypocrisie . let it rest here ; we have from truth it self , that liberty may cloke maliciousness ; we have it likewise from experience ; for we our selves have been betray'd by most malicious libertines . the question is but now how to discern the real , from the counterfeit : and that , so far as may concern the plat-form here before us , shall be my business . by the reformers leave , we 'll shortly , plainly , and sincerely examine the matter . they pretend in the front of this pamphlet , to exhibite to the world , a reformation of the liturgy , but upon search , we find just nothing at all of it : only a pragmatical and talking thing of their own ; in stead of a most pertinent and solemn service . that 's fraud ; score one , good people . next , they confess themselves authorized to treat [ only ] about the alteration of it : to propose this for that perhaps , one clause or passage for another : but barely to discourse , or offer at the total abrogation of the old form , is to assume a power we do not find in their commission . this is another presbyterianism . reckon two. thirdly ; they were to treat ; they did so ; and the debate prov'd fruitless : where lyes the fault i pray'e ? do but observe a little . his majesty , out of a gracious inclination to gratifie all persons whatsoever , of truly-conscientious , and tender principles : appoints a consult of episcopal , and presbyterian divines to advise jointly upon some general expedient ; whereby to satisfie all reasonable parties , ( saving the glory of god ; the good of the church ; his own royal dignity ; the peace , and welfare of his people . ) what they insisted on , ye see under their own hands ; and that the change of government , was that they aim'd at , not ( as they would perswade the world ) relief of conscience . that day wherein this proposition should be granted , would ( i much fear ) prove but the eve to the destruction of this nation . i am no prophet , but my kind friends , the presbyterians before they have done , i think will make me pass for one . they make good every syllable i promis'd for them , in my holy cheat : and if the duke of ormond would forgive me , i should presume to mind his grace , of a paper , which ( now more then a twelve-month since ) was left at kensinton for his lordship ; although not known from whom , to this instant . we are to marque here a third property of this faction . they propose things unreasonable , unnecessary , and dangerous : more then they ought to ask , as to themselves : — more then the people can be suppos'd to want ; on whose behalf they seem to beg — more then the king can grant , with safety to his majesty . when they 'r repuls'd , how sad a tale they tell , of the hard usage of gods people ! this is done in a sermon , or petition . — let them alone thus far , and once within a fortnight , you may expect a remonstrance , a state of the case ; — or some such business . that 's dangerous ; for 't is ten to one , that presbyterian legend will have some cutting truths in 't . ( no government being absolutely faultless ) the vulgar , thinking it as easie to avoid errors , as to discover them ; and finding some truths in the mixture , swallow down all the rest , for company , ( and for gospel . ) the next news , possibly may be the storming of white-hall , or the two houses with a petition against bishops . ☞ when once authority comes to be bayted by the rabble , your judgement is at hand . bethink your selves in time , my masters ; reason the matter with your selves a little , what can these ministers propose by this appeal from the supreme authority , to the people ; but to extort by mutiny , and tumult , what they cannot prevail for by argument ? you are not ( first ) the judges of the case : so that in that regard , 't is an impertinence . nor are you vers'd , ( i speak to the common sort ) instructed in the controversie . your businesse lyes not in the revelation , nor among general counsells . alas ! your own souls know , you do not understand the very terms of the dispute , much less the springs , and reasons of it . yet see ; you are the men , these gentlemen are pleas'd to make the vmpires of the difference : what are these applications then , but trapps , bayted with ends of scripture , and fragments of religion ; set , to betray your honest , and well-meaning weaknesse ? now ask your selves this question . whether did you contract those scruples which they charge upon you ; ( if really you have any ) upon the accompt of your own judgement ; or from their instigation ▪ if upon their accompt , observe what use this sort of people have ever made of your beleevings : how step by step , they have drawn you on , from a meer counterfeit of conscience , to a direct insensibility and loss of it . thus far , we have met with very little , either fair dealing or moderation from them . but perhaps they 'll say , that less would have contented them . 't is very right ▪ if manifested to be unmeet . ( pag. 23. ) but who shall make them see more , then they have a mind to see ? they 'll say perchance too for the printing of it ; that it was only done to shew the world that they had discharg'd their duties . their duty was discharg'd in the bare tender to the bishops ▪ ( that is , admitting such incumbency upon them ) the work it self , was supere-rogatory , and afterward , their telling of the people what they had done , was to accuse the bishops , not to acquit themselves . beside ; the huge impressions ; the close carriage of it : — in fine , it was not menaged either with an honourable , or an evangelical cleerness . further ; the title makes the matter worst yet . a petition for peace . that is . take away bishops or provide for another war . this will be taken heynously . who , they take away bishops ? why ? 't is no wonder : the order stands excommunicate already : they have inserted no particular prayer for them : and if they should do it now , it is no new thing for them to do . but their grand plea will be this . they have no design , nor desire , to justl● out the common-prayer , but only that theirs , and that may be inserted in several columnes , and the minister left to his discretion which to read : [ according to his majesties declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs . ] let the kings declaration judge betwixt us then . since we find ( says his majesty speaking of the english liturgy ) some exceptions made against several things therein , we will appoint an equal number of learned divines of both perswasions , to review the same , and to make such alterations as shall be thought most necessary ; and some additional forms ( in the scripture-phrase , as near as may be ) suited unto the nature of the several parts of worship , and that it be left to the ministers choice to use one or other at his discretion . in the mean time , and till this be done , although we do heartily wish and desire , that the ministers in their several churches , because they dislike some clauses and expressions , would not totally lay aside the use of the book of common-prayer , but read the parts against which there can be no exception ; which would be the best instance of declining those marks of distinction , which we so much labour and desire to remove ; yet in compassion to divers of our good subjects ; who scruple the use of it as now it is , our will and pleasure is , that none be punished or troubled for not using it , untill it be reviewed , and effectually reformed , as aforesaid . his majesty , in persuance , of this gracious indulgence , makes an appointment to the intents abovementioned . we 'll see now the proportion , betwixt the liberty they take , and what the kings declaration allows them . they have first form'd to themselves a complete liturgy , after the presbyterian mode ; in stead of only altering some passages in the other . let this be granted them , and they left at discretion which to follow , we may be sure they 'll read their own . consider then how they have nestled themselves , in the most populous , and wealthy places of the kingdome , both for convenience of gain , and proselytes . put these together , and what would this allowance fall short of a presbyterian government ? take notice next , that the alterations are to be such , as [ by the divines of both perswasions ] shall be thought most necessary . this puts a bar to slight and trivial charges , of meer humour , and caprice . but our good friends regard not that , they have chang'd all that is not of authority unalterable : disdaining in all cases , any subjection to episcopal dominion , and claiming to themselves a right of governing all others : imposing upon the multitude for holy zeal , the troublesome effects of pride and faction . in short ; this form of theirs is calculated to the meridian of the directory . hitherto the kings concessions , in favour of his presbyterian people : see now the dutiful return they make their soveraign . we do heartily wish and desire ( sayes his majesty ) that the ministers would not totally lay aside the use of the book of common-prayer , but read those parts against which there can be no exception , &c. a man would think , nothing but heaven or hell , could step betwixt these men , and their obedience . they are now drawing the first breath of a new life ; and their preserver is their prince : who to endear the bounty and the kindness , hazzards himself to save them . here 's duty , honour , justice , gratitude , nay interest too , and all that is not brutish in mans nature , concur to fix , and strengthen the obligation . sure it must be some mighty matter , that subjects under all these tyes , shall stick at to their soveraign . subjects especially of a religious dye , ( indeed , not of the common clay with other men ) whose words and actions , are all weigh'd in the ballance of the sanctuary . read ( says the king ) those parts against which there can be no exception . 't is a short easie task , either to read or to except . but this will-worship's such a thing ; they are so afraid of adding or diminishing . — away , away , ye hypocrites , with your double-refin'd-consciences . we 'll bate ye the cross in baptism ; — kneeling at the communion : — the surplice ; — bowing toward the holy table ; — nay praying for bishops too ; — any thing in fine ; though never so authoris'd , which ignorance it self would not blush to scruple at . we 'll only instance in some cases , wholly incapable of any conscientious competition . why not wedded wife — and husband , as well as married ? ] pag. 69. why not doest thou believe , as well as [ do you believe ? ] and all this i stedfastly believe , ( according to the common-prayer ) is turn'd forsooth into [ all this i do unfeignedly believe . ] i will not trouble the reader with any more of these nauseous alterations ; their whole service is of a suit , and with much care diversify'd from ours , both in the stile , and order of it . now , let the consistory answer for themselves . i hope they will not say these changes were matter of conscience ; unlesse because the king commanded the contrary . what was the true ground then of this their beastly dealing with his majesty ? truly no other then the pure nature of the animal : a presbyterian does not love a king. we have seen the earnestness of his majesties desires , a word now to the drift and reason of them : from whence , flows the cleer evidence why they oppos'd them . the king having first pass'd a large indulgence , in all cases of scruple , advises a complyance with the form of the church in points indifferent , and without exception : [ as the best instance of declining marques of distinction ] they , for that very reason , or a worse , decline it : either out of an inflexible stiffness , to the faction ; or a contumacious desiance of the authority . thrust out the common-prayer they could not ; agree with it , they would not : a prescript form they saw was necessary ; and that they brought their stomacks to . but still the publique liturgy of the church had not the luck to please them : such and such rites , and clauses would not down with them . his majesty , in favour of their pretended scruples , suspends the law , gives them their freedom● : allows them to propose some medium of accommodation : demanding only their agreement in matters liable to no exception . the reconciling terms at last are these . episcopacy they lay aside : — they totally reject the common-prayer : set up a presbyterian platform of their own : and this is it , which they have now the confidence in a blind way to recommend to the practise of the nation . yet so to recommend , as that the thing at last , is nothing less then it appears to be . while they pretend to mend the common-prayer , they take it quite away : and that they seem to give us in exchange , is in effect just nothing ; affronting equally the wisdome of the nation , with the authority of it . the presbyterian rubrick . note . iv. see , now their rubrick — [ in these or the like words ] pag. 25. — let one of the creeds be read , — and sometimes athanasius creed . ] pag. 26. some of these sentences may be read ] pag. 27. — some may be read ] again — a psalm may be sung ; — a te deum , the benedictus , or magnificat may be said : ] and then the minister is taught how to pray before his sermon , dismissing at last the congregation with [ a benediction in these or the like words ] — in case of a communion , the minister may delay the benediction . ] — a general prayer in stead of the letany , and collects — when the minister findeth it convenient . ] — and a thanks-giving ; with hymnes , at the discretion of the minister . this or the like explication — ( at discretion , before the communion : — this , or the like prayer ] — pag. 51. let him bless the bread and wine in these or the like words ] — pag. 52. let the minister be at liberty to consecrate the bread and wine , together , or otherwise : and whether to use any words or not , at the breaking of the bread , and pouring out the wine : and if the minister choose to pray but once , let him pray as followeth , or to this sense ] — let it be left to the ministers discretion , whether to deliver the bread and wine ( at the table ) only in several ; each one taking it , and applying it to themselves ; or in general , to so many as are in each particular form , or to put it into every persons hand : ] — and let none be forc'd to sit , stand , or kneel . ] — next ; this , or some such exhortation ] — conclude , with this , or the like blessing . ] — ibid. let no minister be forced to baptise the child , of open atheists , idolaters , or infidells , nor yet the child of parents justly excommunicate , or living in any notorious , scandalous sin. ] — this , or the like speech , to the parent or parents that present the child . pag. 59. after the interrogatories ; — let the minister pray thus , or to this sense . ] — after the child is baptised ; — this exhortation or the like — to the parents ] — and to the people , thus , or to this sense . ] i must not pass this office without a marque how tyrannous these people are wherever they can hook in any thing , within the reach of an ecclesiastick lash . with what face can these uncharitable zelotes , call themselves gods ministers , and yet dare to restreyn a benefit , and dispensation granted by god himself in favour of mankind ? but hear the admirable and divine hooker upon the point , and then i 'll forward . were not proselytes , as well as jews always taken for the sons of abraham ? ] and again — [ in case the church do bring children to the holy font — whose natural parents are either unknown or known to be such as the church accurseth , but yet forgetteth not in that severity to take compassion upon their off-spring ( for it is the church which doth offer them to baptisme by the ministry of presenters ) were it not against both equity and duty to refuse the mother of believers her self , and not to take her in this case for a faithful parent ? it is not the virtue of our fathers , nor the faith of any other that can give us the true holyness which we have by virtue of our new birth . yet even through the common faith and spirit of gods church ( a thing which no quality of parents can prejudice ) i say through the faith of the church of god undertaking the motherly care of our souls , so far forth we may be , and are in our infancy sanctified as to be thereby made sufficiently capable of baptisme , and to be interessed in the rites of our new birth , for their pieties sake that offer us thereunto . ] in matrimony the minister may talk his pleasure concerning the institution , &c. — of marriage ; — and bury the dead as he pleases . vpon the receipt of great , and extraordinary mercies , the church , having opportunity , ( that is , if the king be at oxford ) is to assemble for publick thanksgiving unto god , and the minister to ] — ( do — no matter what ; nor for the kings authority in the case . ) further ; though it be not unlawful , or un-meet , to keep anniversary commemmoration , by festivals , of some great and notable mercies to the church or state ( as for the root and branching of episcopacy , some great victory over the king ; or the like ) yet because the church-festivals are much abused , and many sober godly ministers , and others unsatisfy'd in the observation of them as holy dayes : let not the religious observation of them by publick worship be forc'd upon any , &c. ] oh , have a care ; 't is lawful to kill and steal upon the lords day , but not to serve god publickly upon a saints day . these following prayers , or the like ] for the sick. in their thanksgiving for deliverance in child-bearing . thus , if the woman be such as the church hath cause to judge ☜ vngodly , ( and a small matter will make the kirk judge so ) then , the thanksgiving must be in words more agreeable to her condition ; if any be used ] — this is , in english ; either no thanks at all ; or else to publish the mother a whore , and the child a bastard . methinks the holy sisters should not like this kind of fooling ; but in some cases the reverend will wink at small faults . of pastoral discipline . note . v. their forms of pastoral discipline follow ; which may be varied , as the variety of cases do require . never such engrossers of liberty to themselves , and such niggards of it to others ; and yet they advise that ministers may consent to give accompt when they are accused of male-administration . ] ( but what if they will not consent to give accompt ? ) if any by notorious persidiousness , or frequent covenant-breaking have forfeited , &c. — ] marque how they hang upon the haunt . this covenant-breaking , signifies one thing to the law , and another thing to the people . in the penitents confession , before the congregation ; the sin must be named and aggravated , when by the pastor it is judg'd requisite . ] pag. 85. as for instance ; if any man has been a traytour , a schismatique , an oppressour , a murtherer , a hypocrite , or a perjur'd person . let him say , — i have fought against the king : or i have preach'd against his authority , and provoked tumults against his person : behold , i am a traytour . i have renounc'd my mother the church , and preach'd others into schisme and separation : — i have destroy'd the apostolical order of bishops , and countenanc'd all my wild extravagancies with forms of religion : — lo , i am a schismatique . i have impos'd upon mens consciences , unlawful oaths , and covenants : enslav'd my fellow-subjects , robb'd , and imprison'd my sovereign ; enter'd upon the ministry without a call , and thrust out lawful ministers from their livings ; scatter'd their miserable families , and snatch'd the bread out of the mouths of the widow and fatherless . behold , i am an oppressour . i have embru'd my hands in the blood of the king , and of his friends : bless'd god the more , for the more mischief , father'd the rebellion , and bloudshed upon the holy ghost . see here a murtherer . i have led and encourag'd men against his majesty , under pretence to save him : — subverted the law ; under pretext of defending it : — made the people slaves under colour of setting them at liberty , erased the order of episcopacy , under the notion of accusing the persons that exercised it : and stripp'd his majesty of his best friends , under colour of removing evil counsellours . i have call'd those ministers scandalous , that had good livings : — those men delinquents , that had good estates ; — and those people jesuits , that had either wit or conscience . i have belyed the holy spirit in pretending revelations ; and i have covered my ambitious , bloudy , covetous , and factious purposes , under a cloke of holiness . i have stumbled at a ceremony , and leap'd over the seven deadly sins . lord i am an hypocrite . i have renounc'd my oath of allegiance , and that of canonical obedience : and taken other oathes , and broken them too , and multiply'd my perjuries . i swore to defend the late king , and i have destroy'd him : and i have now sworn to the son , with an intent to serve him as i did his father . i am a perjur'd wretch . in truth , this pastoral discipline , put duly in practise by the composers of it , would be of singular benefit and of great satisfaction to the nation . this discipline is follow'd with a letany , and that with a thansgiving , both at discretion . observe now what a mockery is this pretense to a prescript form : and do but think how irreligious a confusion would certainly ensue upon a publique sufferance of these peevish liberties ( for doubtless such they are . ) they have thrown out , what they undertook to mend , and the new service they have introduced , is left arbitrary , and values norhing ; or at the best , 't is but an execution of the directory . as the contrivance of it is a jewd design upon the publick government , so is the printing of it , a practice no less foul upon the publick peace . the instruments employ'd in 't , were the last kings base , and bitter enemies ; and the prime agents in this enterprize were grand confederates in the late rebellion . these are ill signs my masters . truly , among matters that arrive frequently , i wonder at nothing more , then that ever a presbyterian faction deceiv'd any man twice , for of all parties that ever divided from truth , and honesty , i take them for a people , the most easily distinguishable from other men , and trac'd to their ends. their first work is still to find out the faults of rulers , and the grievances of the people ; which they proclaim , immediately ; but with great shews of respect toward the one , and of innocent tendernesse for the other . the offending persons , ye may be sure are bishops , where the episcopal order is in exercise : but where they have thrown it out , and introduc'd themselves ; ye hear no more news of ecclesiastical errors , but of church-censures in abundance . the civil magistrate is then to blame , — and never will these people rest , till they have grasp'd all . in fine — where you find a private minister inveighing against the orders of the church : — bewailing the calamities of a nation under oppression : — preaching up conscience against authority ; and stating in the pulpit , the legal bounds of king and people : — a boaster of himself , and a despiser of his brethren : — a long-winded exhorter to the advancement of christs temporal kingdome ; and a perpetual singer of the lamentation : — a cryer up of schisme , for conscience , faction for gospell , and disobedience to temporal magistrates , for christian liberty : — where ye find such a man , — stop him ; he 's of the tribe of adoniram . to conclude ; they have all , the same design ; dominion ; — and the same course they take to compass it ; — by stirring up a godly faction . and now in good time ; — omnibus in christo fidelibus — salutem , &c. — marque but the gravity of the men ; and truly but that they have fool'd us formerly in the same way , a man would think they were in earnest . most reverend fathers , and reverend brethren . the special providence of god , and his majesties tender regard of the peace and consciences of his subjects , and his desire of their concord in the things of god , hath put into our hands this opportunity of speaking to you as humble petitioners , as well as commissioners , on the behalf of these yet troubled and unhealed churches , and of many thousand souls that are dear to christ ; on whose behalf we are pressed in spirit in the sense of our duty , most earnestly to beseech you , as you tender the peace and prosperity of these churches , the comfort of his majesty in the union of his subjects , and the peace of your souls in the great day of your accounts , that laying by all former and present exasperating and alienating differences , you will not now deny us your consent and assistance to those means , that shall be proved honest and cheap , and needful to those great desireable ends , for which we all profess to have our offices , and our lives . note . vi. vve have here a healing , and a glorious preface . persons commission'd by god , and the king , to the great work of peace and vnion . intent upon their duties , and only craving the bishops assent to matters of evident reason and necessity . what now if all these big pretences fall to nothing : and they themselves at last prove the obstructours of what they seem so eagerly to promote ? they petition the bishops to move his majesty on their behalf ; for the confirmation of their grants in his royal declaration : the liberty of the reformed liturgy . the restoring of able and faithful ministers ▪ and the ejection of the scandalous — ] — and these proposals are here back'd with twenty reasons ; which we 'll take one by one ; and briefly as we can , make evident ; that what they call religion is meer faction ; — a project by subverting the establish'd government , to advance themselves : — that if their modell were allowable , the persons yet that stickl● , have the least title of all others to the advantage of it . in fine ; their appeal , is tumultuary ; and their present design ( should it succeed ) as certainly destructive to his majesty now living ; as the last was to his most conscienciously-murther'd father . the divines reasons for their requests . [ a ] you ( the bishops ) are pastors of the flock of christ , who are bound to feed them , and to preach in season , and out of season : and to be laborious in the word , and doctrine ; but are not bound to hinder all others from this blessed work , that dare not use a cross , or surplice , or worship god in a form , which they judge disorderly , defective , or corrupt , when they have better to offer him . ( mal. 1.13 , 14. ) is it not for matter and phrase at least as agreeable to the holy scriptures ? if so , we beseech you suffer us to use it , who seek nothing by it , but to worship god as nere as we can , according to his will who is jealous in the matters of his worship . [ b ] — he that thrice charg'd peter as he lov'd him to feed his lambs , and sheep , did never think of charging him to deny them food , or turn them out of his fold , or forbid all others to feed them ; unless they could digest such forms , and ceremonies , and subscriptions as ours . ] note . vii . [ a ] these presbyters are so mindful of the bishops duties , that they forget their own . suppose them not bound to hinder all non-conformists , are they therefore bound to admit all ? some dare not use a surplice , others will not . who shall distinguish now betwixt a case of schisme , and conscience ? not the recusant surely : for that opinion were an in-let to all heresies and schisms , without controle . will any man confess himself an heretique ? allow the bishop to be judge ; his duty leads him questionless , to proceed with lenity or rigour , according as he finds the party , weak , or wilful . it seems they do not like the form of the church : — nor the church theirs ; where lyes the authority betwixt them ? but theirs is more perhaps in scripture-phrase : — and lesse in scripture-meaning . 't is not the crying lord , lord : — nor the crowding of so many texts hand over head into a prayer , that makes our service acceptable : but the due , genuine , and fervent application , and conformity of our words , thoughts , and actions to gods revealed will. i speak with reverence to those blessed oracles ; which in themselves however accommodate to our relief and comfort , may yet by our abuse , be render'd mischievous : they are the dictates of the god of order , and hold no fellowship with confusion . [ b ] touching our saviours charge to st. peter : it was a charge to him ; to feed his sheep ; no warrant to the sheep to be their own carvers . it was his office too , to reclaim straglers , and keep within his fold , such as he found inclin'd to wander after strange shepheards . he was the judge too of the food that best befitted them ; and if at any time he saw them hanckering after new walks and pastures ; it was his part to overwatch their appetites ; they might perchance take poysonous plants for wholsome else ; and reject better nourishment : blaming the meat for the disorders of the stomach . again : our saviours sheep know the true shepheard , hear his voyce , and follow him . ] but here the shepheard follows them : they run their way , and neither own , nor hear him . he offers them to eat ; they 'll none , and then they cry they are starv'd ; some few starters leap the pale ( of their own accord ) and then forsooth the flock , must follow , or they complain they are turn'd out of the fold . they proceed now to a bold challenge , touching the quality of their ejected ministers . there are few nations under the heavens of god , as far as we can learn , that have more able , holy , faithful , laborious and truly peaceable preachers of the gospel ( proportionably ) than those are that are now cast out in england , and are like in england , scotland , and ireland , to be cast out , if the old conformity be urged . this witness is true , which in judgement we bear , and must record against all the reproches of uncharitableness , which the justifier of the righteous at his day will effectually confute . we therefore beseech you that when thousands of souls are ready to famish for want of the bread of life , and thousands more are grieved for the ejection of their faithful guides , the labourers may not be kept out , upon the account of such forms or ceremonies , or re-ordination ; at least till you have enow as fit as they to supply their places , and then we shall never petition you for them more . note . viii . i would not lash all presbyterian divines for the faults of some : but as to those now under question , i doubt 't would pose the cynique with his lanthorn , to find a saint among them . observe the clamour , and the alarum ; — those that are now cast out ; — and like to be . ] ( as who should say : the times are ill god wot , already , and likely to be worse ) what a buzze is here , with a sting in the tayle of it ? nay , and take this along with ye , that these outcast divines , are persons eminent for learning , life , and doctrine : if this be true ; what can be more enflaming , against the government , then to proclaim it ; if false ; what can be fouler against the authors of the scandal . their character is this . they are able , holy , faithful , laborious , and truly peaceable preachers of the word . ] and they are ejected , [ upon the account of forms or ceremonies , or re-ordination . ] pag. 2. concerning their abilities ; they are of the commune mixture of the world in all unlawful enterprizes : a few crafty people , to a great many simple : — some to contrive and lead ; others to execute : and this we have upon experimental knowledge ; that the church-faction was carried on by a cabale in the late assembly , as well as the state-faction , by another in the two houses ; and that they both communicated still , in order to the common undertaking ; the greater part of them scarce understanding why they were come together . but let their works bear witness of their great abilities . their famous letter of apology and invitation to the reformed churches abroad ; — does it not look as if they meant to satisfie the world , that they had renounc'd latin as well as popery ? nay ; take their learned directory it self : — but 't is too much to add their weaknesses to my own . holy they are it seems too : i do not think it honest to expose particular persons to a publick scorn , but in case of high necessity ; wherefore , i shall content my self to ask . if it be holynesse ; — to preach up treason ; and blaspheme in the pulpit : — to give god thanks for murther ; and make the story of the last weeks news the next sundayes exercise : to help out a hard text with a false comment ; — to seize by violence , and fraud , anothers office , and living ; — and to refuse the communion to a person for refusing the covenant . all these things have been done , even by the holy-men we are now speaking of . what they intend by faithful is not altogether so clear . not to their vowes i hope ; for those have been back , and forward ; fast and loose ; they have denounc'd their anathema's upon both friends and enemies of the king ▪ did they not destroy the church , under pretense os reforming it ; and having sworn canonical obedience renounce episcopacy ? have they been faithful to their friends ? ( i mean , to those of the independent judgement . ) yes certainly , so far as they had need of them . we have not yet forgotten , how they besought god and the king , on the behalf of tender consciences ; — how they laid forth the sad estate of many thousands , ready to famish for want of heavenly food : which delicate , and weak-stomach'd christians , were forsooth , those religious brutes that brav'd his sacred majesty in his own pallace : that forc'd the votes of the two houses : — demolish'd churches : — yes , and had thanks too for their good affections , and the smectymnuans to plead their cause . this was great kindness , but not lasting . for as the presbyterian power encreas'd , and the kings lessen'd : ( effected , partly by false play in his majesties quarters : and partly by a potent combination betwixt the kirk , and scotifi'd english ) the consistorian party began now to bethink themselves , how fairly to get quit of their old friends the independents : plainly discovering , that what was conscience , while they needed their assistance , was become downright schisme , when they could live without it ; and so that liberty , which was cry'd up at first for christian , and necessary , was by those very ministers preach'd down again , as most intolerable . yet to conclude ; faithful they are ; that is : to their first principles , of pride : ambition , and of infidelity . that they are laborious preachers likewise , we shall not much deny , for truly , i think , no men take more pains in a pulpit then they do : or would more willingly compass sea and land to gain a proselyte . but trvly-peaceable ; — i must confess , i take to be an epithete does not belong to them. this particular is handled at large , in my holy cheat , where i have shew'd their practises and positions to be insociable , and cruell . indeed , we need not much torment our memories for instances to prove the unquiet humour of these people ; since hundreds ( i think i might say thousands ) of their contentious sermons , and discourses , are yet in being , and in readinesse to testifie against them . nay , which is worst of all ; their sourness is incorrigible : they are no sooner pardon'd , but they revolt into a second forfeiture . these are the able , holy , faithful , laborious , and truly peaceable peachers of the gospell ; — that are cast out ; ( as they have worded it ) or must be kept out , because they cannot conform , &c. they begg , that these may be admitted , or restored , at least till others may be found , as fitting , to supply their places . ] these holy men abuse the people : i say , they are not cast out as non-conformists , but as vsurpers of those benefits they had no right to . by violence , they thrust themselves into other mens livings ; or else by a rebellious power , they were plac'd there . now , put the case , they would conform : should that give them a title to the continuance of an ill-got possession ? their petition ( to end withall ) is pleasant . they desire to be in. themselves , till others , as fit , may be found ; of whose fitness , they themselves intend to be the judges . and we beseech you consider , when you should promote the joy and thankfulness of his majesties subjects for his happy restauration , whether it be equal and seasonable to bring upon so many of them , so great calamities , as the change of able , faithful ministers , for such as they cannot comfortably commit the conduct of their souls to , and the depriving them of the liberty of the publick worship ; calamities far greater then the meer loss of all their worldly substance can amount to : in a day of common joy , to bring this causlesly on so many of his majesties subjects , and to force them to lye down in heart-breaking sorrows , as being almost as far undone , as man can do it ; this is not a due requital of the lord for so great deliverances : especially considering , that if it were never so certain , that it is the sin of the ministers that dare not be re-ordained , or conform ; it 's hard that so many thousand innocent people should suffer even in their souls for the faults of others . note . ix . the reformers should do very well , to consider , as well the loss of the late king , as the restauration of this ; and how much more they contributed to the former , then to the latter . 't is i confess , an indecorum , to mourn upon a day of jubile : a deep , and foul ingratitude , to entertain so general a blessing , as the restoring of his majesty , with a less general joy. yet since 't were idle to expect , all parties should be pleas'd , and evident it is , some are not ; we 'll first see , who they are that make these loud compleynts , and then , what 't is that troubles them . the presbyterian ministers insooth are ill at ease : sick of their old disease of 41. ( bishops and common-prayer ) they suffer causlelesly they say ; and in a day of common joy they are forc'd to lye down in heart-breaking sorrows . alas now for their tender hearts ! what mirmidon , or hard dolopian what savage-minded rude cyclopian ? &c. — i want a modest term to express these peoples want of common honesty . they 're sad they say , when were they other ? but where they ought to have put on sackcloth ? what were their mock-fasts , but religious cursings of their most sacred sovereign ? and their thanks-giving-feasts , and sermons ; — were they not entertainments , and discourses , of joy , and triumph for the disasters of his majesty ? no wonder then to see these people out of humour ; at a time when all loyal souls are fill'd with comfort . to suffer , is not yet so much : but causelesly ; that troubles them : they 'r sorry i perceive that they have given so little reason for 't . just in this manner did they encroch upon his late majesty : whom they persu'd and hunted , with their barking arguments , up to the very scaffold ; and there , when they were sure that words would do no good , they babbled a little , as if they meant to have sav'd him . once more ; they have been labouring a faction ever since his majesties return ; they preach , they print the old cause over again ; and manifestly drive the same design upon the son , which formerly they executed upon the father . if we thought it would not be mis-interpreted , we would here remember you , how great and considerable a part of the three nations they are , that must either incur these sufferings , or condole them that undergoe them ; and how great a grief it will be to his majesty to see his grieved subjects ; and how great a joy it will be to him , to have their hearty thanks and prayers , and see them live in prosperity , peace and comfort under his most happy government . note . x. this mustering up of multitudes , is an old trick they learn'd from the committee of safety ; only a help at a dead lift ; and truly the party is more then a little given to this way of amplification . surely , he 's much a stranger to the temper of this nation , that does not know the presbyterians to be very inconsiderable , both for number and interest of credit with the people . where did they ever any thing without the independents ? and them , they made a shift to ensnare , by a pretended engagement for christian liberty : which , when they found to be a cheat with how much ease did the journymen turn off their masters ! but what a care they take , now of a suddain , for his majesties satisfaction ! how great a grief , &c. — and how great a joy , &c. — indeed his majesty has reason to be troubled ; to see his royal mercy and patience thus abused , by a forgetful murmuring faction , that will be satisfi'd with nothing consistent with the kings dignity , and safety ; the peace and welfare of the publique . [ a ] we may plead the nature of their cause , to move you to compassionate your poor afflicted brethren in their sufferings . it is in your own account but for refusing conformity to things indifferent , or at the most , of no necessity to salvation . it is in their account for the sake of christ , because they dare not consent to that which they judge to be an usurpation of his kingly power , and an accusation of his laws as insufficient , and because they dare not be guilty of addition to , or diminution of his worship , or of worshipping him after any other law , than that by which they must be judged , or such as is meerly subordinate to that . [ b ] things dispensible and of themselves unnecessary , should not be rigorously urged upon him , to whom they would be a sin , and cause of condemnation . it is in case of things indifferent in your own judgement , that we now speak . [ c ] if it be said , that it is humour , pride , or singularity , or peevishness , or faction , and not true tendernesse of conscience , that causeth the doubts , or non-conformity of these men . we answer , such crimes must be fastned only on the individuals , that are first proved guilty of them ; and not upon multitudes unnamed , and unknown , and without proof . [ d ] if it were not for fear of sinning against [ god ] and wounding their consciences , and hazzarding , and hindering their salvation , they would readily obey you in all these things ; it is their fear of sin and damnation that is their impediment . [ e ] one would think that a little charity might suffice to enable you to believe them , when their non-compliance brings them under suffering , and their compliance , is the visible way to favovr ; safety , and prosperity in the world. note . xi . there is one gross , and common principle , which our schismatical reformers have laid down as the foundation whereupon they build , and justifie their disagreements . to wit ; that scripture is the only rule of humane actions . ] we must not eat , sleep , move ; — without a text for 't . upon this ridiculous assertion , they pick a quarrell with such orders of the church , as are not commanded in the word of god ; when yet the practice of all christian churches hitherto extant , appears against them . the curse lies against him that preaches another gospel . ] — he that abideth not in the doctrine of christ , hath not god : — marque them which cause division and offences , contrary to the doctrine which you have learned , and avoid them . now what 's all this , to the exteriour mode of worshipping ? st. paul's advice was decency ; in general terms , not worship thus , or so ; but decently ; and leaving to the church the judgement of that decency . some posture or other we must worship in ; as kneeling , sitting , standing , leaning , prostrate ; — or the like . it is not said ; pray in this posture or in that . but the command is ; pray . must we not therefore pray at all : for want of a strict scriptural direction in what posture ? 't is the same thing , the case of all those ceremonies , which are only of meet , and sensible relation to the duty . they are in themselves , indifferent , but by command made necess●ry . indeed agreement even in outward forms were a thing very desireable , among all christians : would but the disagreeing modes , and humours of several places bear it : now since that cannot be , we are commanded to present our souls to god , in the same faith ; but for the manner of our worship ; the sensible formalities of it : we are to follow their appointments , whom god has given dominion over our bodies : our lawful rulers . to offer up our prayers , without any significant action , were to imply a drowsie , flat , regardlesseness of what we do . to make the same ceremony , vniversall , were most improper ; because in several places , the same posture , or motion , carries several meanings . well then ; since some visible action , is necessary ; this , or that , ( in it self ) indifferent : — the same , throughout , — unfit ; — what more agreeable — rational expedient ; then for the supreme magistrate , to say , do this , or that , for order sake ; wherein there 's nothing of repugnancy to conscience ? but we 'll now lay the general question aside , and come to particulars . [ a ] we take conformity , though to matters indifferent , ( if commanded by a lawful authority ) to be a necessary to salvation : so that no doubt remains in this case , but concerning the authority . further , their pretense of conscience ; is both wide , and weak . wide ; for they dissent , in things of most u●leniable freedome : and wherein , they only oppose the authority , not the thing . why not joyn'd ; — in the marriage office , as well as conjoyn'd ? so they change wedded , into marry'd ; and a hundred such frisks they have . is this , conscience ? their pretense is weak too , as thus. they undertake to prohibit ; which requires the same power as to bind . to say i cannot , is well ; to say they must not , is authoritative : and to say , they cannot , borders upon simple . how do they know ? when the same thing may be lawful to one , and vnlawful to another ? they dare not usurp christs kingly power . ] does not our saviour tell us , his kingdome is not of this world ? and bids us render unto caesar the things that are caesars ? give me thy heart ; — let the body do what it can ; without the agreement of the mind all 's nothing . kneeling before an idol , is no sin , ( ' bating the scandal ) without the adjunct of a misplac'd devotion : or if it be , a stumble before an image is idolatry . sin is an obliquity of the will , not this or that flexure or position of the body . in fine ; where did our saviour either command , or forbid any particular posture of the body ? at the institution of the blessed eucharist , says the text , [ he sate down with the twelve . ] for which critical reason , our punctual christians will sit too at the holy communion ; ( though in effect that 's not the posture ) but we read further , that our blessed saviour [ fell upon his face , and pray'd . ] why do not our precise scripturists , as well pray , prostrate too , as communicate , sitting ? as if his laws were insufficient ; ] they cry . no , neither are they yet so actually explicit , as to set down at length all constitutions helpful to our condition : much is remitted to political discretion ; and 't is enough if humane laws bear but a non-repugnancy to the divine . addition or diminution to , or of gods worship , they dare not assent to . ] let this be understood just to the letter ; they do 't themselves ; but take it as it properly relates to points unalterable , of faith , and doctrine , neither dare we . [ b ] but things dispensable , &c. — ] the more dispensable the command is ; the less dispensable is the obedience . [ if the prophet had commanded thee a great thing , would'st thou not have done it ? how much more then when he says to thee , — wash and be clean ? ] a rigorous injunction , though of a small matter , is made necessary by a frivolous , and stiff opposal of it . [ c ] they deny this inconformity to proceed from humour , pride , &c. — and bid us charge particulars . ] every presbyterian , that acted in the late war , and proceeded from pretext of conscience , to subversion of the government , and is not yet converted , is clearly — illud quod dicere nolo . those very people are now at work again ; upon the same pretense , and ( without breach of charity ) i think , we may conclude , upon the same design . [ d ] here they protest , that only fear of sin and damnation hinders their obedience . ] these first-table saints stop short of the fifth commandement . what gospell do these precisians live by ? what law would their conformity offend ? and yet they offer oath , that a pure scruple of conscience is their impediment . they could impose , and swallow , a damning , treasonous oath , against the law , without this scruple : how come they now to be so delicate , when they have duty , conscience , and authority to warrant them ? the naked truth is this ; they'd have the king subscribe to the supremacy of the kirk . [ e ] now for the credit of their protestation ; they argue that their non-compliance crosses their interest . ] no , ( under favour ) by no means . there are more presbyters , then bishops , and every presbyter within his little territory , is much more then episcopal . beside ; it were against the faith of the associated combination , for ten or twenty of them , to turn honest , and leave the rest in the lurch . again ; their argument of interest lies now , but where it did in forty one . their consciences went then against the stream too ; and yet ( abating some odd reckonings , with divine justice ) they made a shift to make a saving game on 't . in short , they do but venture a little , in hopes to gain a great deal . [ a ] do you think , the lord that died for souls , and hath sent us to learn what that meaneth [ i will have mercy and not sacrifice . ] is better pleased with re-ordination , subscription and ceremonies , than with the saving of souls , by the means of his own appointment ? [ b ] concord in ceremonies , or re-ordination , or oaths of obedience to diocesans , or in your questioned particular forms of prayer , do neither in their nature , or by virtue of any promise of god , so much conduce to mens salvation : as the preaching of the gospel doth , by able faithful and laborious ministers . and how comes it to pass that unity , concord and order must be placed in those things , which are no way necessary thereto . will there not be order and concord in holy obedience and acceptable worshipping of god , on the terms which we now propose and crave , without the foresaid matter of offence ? [ c ] we here shew you that we are no enemies to order , and our long importunity for the means of concord , doth shew that we are not enemies to concord . [ d ] we humbly crave that reproch may not be added to affliction , and that none may be called factious that are not proved such ; and that laws imposing things indifferent in your judgement , and sinful in theirs , may not be made the rule to judge of faction . [ e ] it is easie to make any man an offender , by making laws which his conscience will not allow him to observe , and it 's as easie to make that same man cease to seem disobedient , obstinate , or factious , without any change at all in him by taking down such needless laws . [ f ] sad experience tells the world , that if the ministers that we are pleading for be laid aside , there are not competent men enough to supply their rooms , and equally to promote the salvation of the flocks : this is acknowledged by them , who still give it as the reason why ministers are not to be trusted with the expressing of their desires in their own words , nor so much as to chuse which chapter to read , as well as which text to preach on , to their auditours , because we shall have ministers so weak , as to be unfit for such a trust . note . xii . [ a ] vve have the same things over again so often , i 'm e'en sick on 't . but i reply ; — 't is truth ; god is better pleas'd with the saving of souls , by the means of his own appointment ; then , &c. — government is gods ordinance , obedience his appointment ; obey then , and be saved . re-ordination is not press'd as necessary ; nor , ( that i know ) propos'd so ; though to deal freely , ( as the case stands ) i think it were no needless test of discrimination , subscription , and ceremonies are of most necessary relation to unity , and order : which 't is the churches care , and duty to uphold ; to prevent schisme , and confusion . the church , in these injunctions , does but comply with a superiour command , virtually inculcated in all those precepts that concern vnity and decency : and these refusers , strike at god himself in their disobedience to his ministers . [ b ] but concord in ceremonies , &c. ] observe this clause well . here 's first imply'd a competition betwixt the efficacy of a sermon , and of a ceremony , &c. whereas we put this difference ; the one , is gods ordinance ; the other , mans. yet is it in such sort humane , as that the authority is virtually divine . see now their complement upon the episcopal clergy : as if the church of england had no able preachers , but non-conformists : the fruit of whose laborious ministry has been a twenty-years rebellion . but the point most remarkable , is this. 't is ceremony they oppose ; not this or that injunction , as of ill choyce or tendency ; but as an imposition . their plea is a rejection of the power imposing , more then of the thing imposed : 't is the command forsooth that they dislike . [ as an addition to gods worship . ] let confidence it self blush for these people . pray'e what 's the difference betwixt addition to gods worship , in words , or in actions ? only the one works upon the eye , the other upon the ear ; both tending to the same effect , and marques of our conceipt , alike ; whether by a significancy of nature , or of agreement , matters not much . they seem to allow of a set-form of words , why not of actions too ? since neither the one , nor the other amounts to any thing , but as they are qualify'd , and tinctur'd with the intention . says the command ; — say thus ; and why not — do thus too ; grant both ; or neither ; for these two , stand or fall , by the same argument . wee ask no more liberty then they take . their prayers , and forms are not actually in the scripture ; our rites and ceremonies are potentially there . for this cause ( says st. paul to titus ) i left thee in crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every city , as i had appointed thee . ] here 's a commission at large , to set in order , but what , or how , remitted to discretion . touching re-ordination we have spoken before . a word now concerning their oaths of obedience to diocesans . that these persons do not much stick at an oath , is evident from the many oaths they have already taken ; divers of which being of direct contradiction , would make a man suspect , they did not much heed what they swear . only now when the oath they should take , comes in question , a qualme of conscience seizes them . they cannot swear obedience to diocesans . that is , they will not submit to episcopal government : or yet more close , they 'll set up presbytery and rule us themselves . why should these men be trusted , without an oath , according to the law , that have so freely sworn , against the law ? nay , did not modesty restreyn me , i should discourse the insecurity of crediting those people upon their oath ; that have already broken so many . again ; they plead exemption from swearing , that of all mortals were the most violent enforcers of it . now to our question'd forms of prayer . ] who questions them , but they that question'd as well our form of government ? those miserable hypocrites , whose breaths are yet scarce sweet , since they swore last against the king , and voted down the bishops . agreement in the manner of worship ought to be the churches care ; the peoples duty is submission , and obedience ; to which , god in the very precept , has annex'd a promissory blessing : and he that resists , shall receive to himself damnation . [ c ] but they are no enemies ( they say ) to order , and concord . indeed , they 're pleasant folks : we are their witnesses , what pains they took to bring all to a presbyterian rule , and order : and to unite the people in a foederal concord , against their prince , by a rebellious covenant . [ d ] here they demand , that none may be call'd factious , that are not prov'd so . ] content ; what is it to be factious , but to promote , and stir up disaffections against the stated government ? at this rate , all the preachers , writers , printers , &c. against the episcopal order , or the constitutions of the church are factious . more narrowly ; the publishers , and contrivers of the petition for peace ; the presbyterian lecturers ; ( twenty for one ) and their abettors may be reckon'd among the factious . but in fine , let them prove our ceremonies vnlawful , we 'll soon shew them who is factious . their next proposition , that the law may not be made the rule to judge of faction ] is ( i perswade my self ) a slip more then they meant us . the law is above the king , they say , and yet they'd be above the law. this is to draw an appeal from the bench to the barr ; to damn the judgement of the law , and make a presbyterian the judge of faction . [ e ] they come now to presse , the violence of the laws upon their consciences . ] whereas 't is evident , that streight , and gentle laws , have met with soure , and crooked humors . they say , the law makes the offender : may they not charge the decalogue , by the same rule ? what shall we say then ? ( says st. paul ) is the law , sin ? god forbid . nay , i had not known sin , but by the law : for i had not known lust , except the law had said , thou shalt not covet ; but sin taking occasion by the commandment , wrought in me all manner of concupiscence . ] — sin is the transgression of the law ; — the disobedience not the precept . this freedome of challenging the law , leads to an arraignment of the ten commandements . the idolater excepts to the first , and second ; the blasphemer , to the third ; the sabbath-breaker , to the fourth ; the rebell to the fifth ; the murtherer , to the sixth ; — the adulterer , to the seventh ; — the thief , to the eight ; — the slanderer , to the ninth ; the extortioner , to the tenth . well , but their consciences cannot submit to observe such and such laws . truly , to give them their due , nor any other neither but of their own making . though every man may be allow'd to be the judge of his own conscience ; yet there are many cases wherein men ought to be severely punish'd , for acting according to their consciences : for conscience may be misinform'd ; and beyond doubt , there never yet was any heresie , but had some well meaning believers of the opinion . grant but this liberty to the presbyterians ( as upon equity of conscience ) all other factions , have the same title to it . where are we then , but in an universal state of war ? his conscience will have no king ; anothers , no bishops ; a third , no laws ; a fourth , no religion ; one will have women in common ; — another , goods : — in fine ; our peace , comfort , and reason ; — nay , and the dignity of humane nature ; — all that is noble , in us , or belonging to us , is by this presbyterian argument of an imaginary conscience , drown'd in brutality , and confusion . what remedy then , when betwixt law , and conscience , there is a real disagreement ? where so it happens ; rather let people innocently suffer , though they lose their freedom , then by a foul resistance endanger their salvation to recover it . but they'd be quiet , they say , if some needless laws were taken away , yes ; as they were before , when under colour only of regulating , some such needless laws , they destroy'd all the rest. [ f ] their next compleynt , is for want of competent men to supply the place of their ministers [ still they confine the [ competent ] to their own party : reasoning the weaknesse of the ministers , because they may not be entrusted , to pray in their own words , or to choose their own chapters , &c. ] these gentlemen have some reason to know , that there are knaves , as well as fools ; and that the factious , are less fit to be trusted with that liberty , then the simple . [ a ] the persons that we now speak for , are ready to subscribe to all contained in the holy scriptures , and willing to be obliged by the laws of men to practice it . [ b ] seeing then you do profess that none of your impositions , that cannot be concluded from the scripture , are necessary to salvation : let them not consequentially be made necessary to it , and more necessary than that which is ordinarily necessary . [ c ] that smaller things must not be imposed by unproportionable penalties . [ d ] the church may not make any thing necessary to preaching it self ; that is of it self unnecessary , and not antecedently necessary , at least by accident . note . xiii . [ a ] truly we have an obligation to these reformers , that if the law requires it , they will subscribe to the contents of the holy bible : but that must be with their own comment too . they puzzle the vulgar with a blind notion of things necessary to salvation ; as if the sole belief of the divine authority of sacred writ , and of the mysteries , therein comprised , were enough to carry a man to heaven . some things are necessary to salvation , as we are christians . that is ; the summe of the catholick faith , ( according to our confession ) which except a man believe faithfully , he cannot be saved . ] — or in short ; an un-doubting resignation and submission to the explicite doctrine of the bible , teaching salvation : these are things , primarily , evidently , and unchangeably necessary , equally binding all humane flesh , without distinction . some things again , are necessary to our salvation , as we are men in society ; for instance , subjects . and these are matters commonly , in themselves , indifferent ; changeable in their qualities ; temporary in their obligation ; and yet necessary by collection . the short of all is this ; where the law of the land does not thwart the law of god ; or that of nature ; we are to obey the politique magistrate , upon pain of damnation . [ b ] that impositions are not necessary to salvation . ] we answer , they are not necessary to be impos'd ; but necessary to be obey'd . [ c ] concerning the measure betwixt the fault and the punishment ; let the law estimate the one , and proportion the other . private persons are not to correct the publick laws . [ d ] the church may not , &c. ] many a man may be duly qualify'd to preach , in point of ordination , ( for the purpose ) or ability , that yet in other regards is not fit to come into a pulpit . i hope , refusing to communicate with the church , may pass for as fair an impediment ; as refusing to covenant against it . ( i am enforc'd to refresh these gentlemens memories ever and anon . ) if our religion be laid upon your particular liturgy , we shall teach the papists further to insult , by asking us , where was our religion two hundred years agoe ? the common-prayer-book as differing from the mass-book , being not so old , and that which might then be the matter of a change , is not so much unchangeable it self , but that those alterations may be accepted for ends so desireable as are now before us . note . xiv . to this , we answer , that our religion is unalterable ; our liturgy not . if a papist asks a presbyterian where his religion was two hundred years agoe ? he might as well ask him , where 't will be two hundred years hence ? but that 's a harder question to a puritan , then to a catholique . further ; to presse the differings , or agreement of the common-prayer-book , from or with the mass-book , is more a shift then an argument . wee 'll keep to our adversary . 't is our profession , that the form is alterable ; but by the same power onely that establish'd it ; not by a conventicle , or a club of running-lecturers ; but by a grave consult of reverend divines ; that is , prepar'd by them , and fitted for the stamp of the supream authority . if we may not have the liberty of the primitive times , when for ought can be proved , no liturgical forms were imposed upon any church , yet at least let us have the liberty of the following ages , when under the same prince there were diversity of liturgies and particular pastors , had the power of making and altering them for their particular churches . note . xv. how these good people beat the bush , and yet start nothing ! the liberty of the primitive times , &c. ] what primitive times ? where will these men begin their reckoning ? the late primate of ireland , tells us , that [ all the churches in the christian world , in the first , and best times , had their set forms of liturgy whereof most are extant in the writings of the fathers , at this day ] — when you pray , say — our father , &c. ] in the apostles age , the holy ghost abundantly supply'd all humane needs , by super-natural graces , and inspirations . but the use of liturgies is too cleer , to suffer or admit a contradiction . yet this they are not very earnest in ; allow them onely the liberty of the following ages ] and what was that i beseech ye ? onely the power of making and altering liturgies themselves ; as under the same prince ha's been formerly permitted to particular pastors . away away for shame , with these horse-coursing tricks ; they dresse a sound leg to amuse the people , when the jade wants an eye . look ye be not cheated with their ambition , and never trouble your selves for their consciences : they 'll shift in all weathers ; — for in case of necessity . — pigg may be eaten — yea exceedingly well eaten . i would the whole nation might but once dream of such a whipping , as when these reverences got the law into their own hands , their bounty would bestow upon them . they would use no other bug-word to their children , then the presbyterians are coming . wer 't not a blessed reformation , to have an almighty inquisition , set up in every parish : to see a pontificall presbyter rule as king and priest over the estates and consciences of his subjected congregation ? to have but one commandement to keep , in stead of ten ; obey the presbyter . — in truth 't is such a government of clouts , i cannot chuse but play the fool with it : briefly ; when they 're permitted to make laws let us make halters : we have tasted them already , and if they proceed to mind us of their old discipline , let us mind one another of our old slavery ; and them too , that they now plead for a bratt , by their own rule not to be received into the church ; for it was conceived in schisme and brought forth in rebellion ; ( god blesse us ) i mean presbytery . whereas they urge that several liturgies have been allowed under the same prince , &c. — ] confeis'd : it hath been so , and may be so again , and with good reason too ; yet all this while , this proves no title our pretenders have to the same liberty . where people of differing humours , and wonted to differing customes , are united under the same prince ; prudence advises a diversity of liturgyes . again ; 't is one thing to perswade a prince ; another thing to force him ( but the main reason is yet to come . ) these bold petitioners presse the king to give them what they got , and kept , ( so long as they could hold it ) by rebellion : — to grant away , what his royal father held dearer then his bloud ; and to complete the shamelesse proposition , some of the now petitioners to the son , were the hot persecutors of the father . in fine , they act , as if they would vie provocation with the kings mercy : they ask , that which his majesty cannot grant , but with a double hazzard to himself ; — both from the government , and from the persons . [ a ] if you should reject ( which god forbid ) the moderate proposals which now and formerly we have made we humbly crave leave to offer it to your consideration , what judgement all the protestant churches are likely to pass on your proceedings , and how your cause and ours will stand represented to them , and to all succeeding ages . [ b ] if after our submission to his majesties declaration , and after our own proposals of the primitive episcopacy , and of such a liturgy as here we tender , we may not be permited to exercise our ministry , or enjoy the publick worship of god , the pens of those learned , moderate bishops will bear witness against you , that were once employed as the chief defenders of that cause ( we mean such as reverend bishop hall and usher ) who have published to the world that much less than this might have served to our fraternal vnity and peace . [ c ] and we doubt not but you know how new and strange a thing it is that you require in the point of reordination . when a canon amongst those called the apostles deposeth those that re-ordain , and that are re-ordained . [ d ] not only the former bishops of england , that were more moderate were against it , but even the most fervent adversaries of the presbyterian way ; such as bishop bancroft himself ; how strange must it needs seem to the reformed churches , to the whole christian world , and to future generations , that so many able , faithful ministers , should be laid by as broken vessells , because they dare not be re-ordained ? and that so many have been put upon so new and so generally dis-rellished a thing . note . xvi . [ a ] as to the protestant churches ; ( if they have not chang'd their opinions ) they will give the same judgement of these people now , which they did formerly . that is ; they will disown them , and their actions , for being so singular and impious , as to oppose the reason , right , and practice of all other nations : who generally have their set-forms of prayer . touching the moderation of their proposals , it is already enough notorious . [ b ] if after our submission to his majesties declaration , &c. ] prodigious boldnesse , and ingratitude ! submission ? as if the king had press'd , when he relax'd them : an indulgence beyond president , bestow'd upon a people void of sense . indeed a meritorious patience was their submission . content they were not , for many of the presbyterian teachers here about the town , petition'd for more , so soon as that was granted . but how have they submitted ? they have not strook , that 's all . do they not daily preach , write , print against episcopacy ; in opposition to the express intent , and letter of the foresaid declaration ? do they not prejudge the synod , to which that declaration referrs them ? yes , and abuse the freedome of proposing some alterations , by the rejection of the whole . suitable to this submission , are their proposals , both of the primitive episcopacy , and of their liturgy . their liturgy , as we have spoken formerly , is a contest for dominion , not for conscience , and comes to this at last ; if they may not rule , they will not worship . their primitive episcopacy , sounds as much as presbytery : for they confound the termes , as if bishop and presbyter were originally the same ; and prelacy ( as the queynt smectymnuus has it ) of diabolical occasion , not of apostolical intention . at this rate , what do they offer , in a primitive episcopacy ? bishops in truth they allow , but so , that every presbyter must be as bishop . to give the matter credit ; they appeal to the reverend hall , and vsher , those learned , moderate bishops ( as they term them ) whose pens are to bear witness against these now in being , and authority , if they refuse their askings . i am told , ( and i believe it ) that at least one of the smectymnuans had a hand in this new liturgy , and petition for peace . if so , i must needs put the gentleman a froward question . is bishop hall so much emprov'd since he dy'd ? ( in truth a prelate to whose memory the church of england owes great reverence ) this was that learn'd and moderate bishop , that smectymnuus so bespatter'd under the name of the remonstrant . but will you see now how that noble prelate was bayted by five of our new-fangled primitive bishops ? s.m. e.c. t.y. m. n. w. s. ( let mr. manton uncipher this . ) variae lectiones upon reverend , moderate , and learned . episcopal bravado . pag. 3. ] treason treason pag. 4. ] we know not what his arrogancy might attempt . pag. 14. ] so many falsities and contradictions . pag. 15. ] a face of confident boldness , a self confounded man. — notorious falsity — ibid. ] his notorious — ] not leave his — ] pag. 16. ] os durum — ] forgets not himself , but god also . ] words bordering upon blasphemy — ] — indignation will not suffer us to prosecute these falsities ] — . pag. 18. ] a stirrup for antichrist ] — pag. 30. ] antichristian government ] — pag. 65. ] — we thank god we are none of you . ] pag. 74. ] — borders upon antichrist . ] pag. 80. ] — pride , rebellion , treason , unthank-fulness , which have issued from episcopacy . ] pag. 85. ] these were favours of the bishops own laying up ; and so much for the reverend , moderate , and learned . it seems a presbyter in the chayre , is not infallible : why may they not mistake themselves as well in the bishops opinion as in his character ? or may they not forget their proposalls they have offer'd , as well as the injuries ? will these gentlemen subscribe to the bishops episcopacy by divine right ? or will they shew , wherever he pass'd a contradiction upon himself ? nay , come to his modest offer , to the assembly in 1644. is that the piece shall rise in judgement against us ? ( and that yet was par'd as close as close could be , the better to comply with the sullenness of a prevailing faction . ) hear what the bishop says in that treatise then . there never yet was any history of the church , wherein there was not full mention made of bishops , as the only governours thereof ▪ the rules of church government laid forth in the epistles to timothy and titus , do suppose , and import that very proper jurisdiction which is claim'd by episcopacy at this day . ] — the co-assession of a lay-presbytery he disapproves : and in his epistle dedicatory to his episcopacy by divine right , this ; [ if any man living can shew any one lay-presbyter that ever was in the world till farell , and viret first created him , let me forfeit my reputation to shame , and my life to justice . see now what the late primate of armagh sayes in his direction , of 1642. episcopal ordination , and jurisdiction hath express warrant , in holy scriptures : as namely titus 1.5 . for this cause left i thee in crete , that thou should'st set in order , things that are wanting , and ordeyn presbyters : that is , ministers in every city ; as the first of timothy 5.22 . lay hands suddenly on no man ; and verse 19. against a presbyter , or minister , receive not an accusation but under two or three witnesses . ] pag. 4. no other government heard of in the churches for 1500. years and more , then by bishops . ] pag. 5. this is enough to clear the authority of the institution ; but that , they 'll say is not the question ? these reverend bishops gave their judgements , of , and for a primitive episcopacy : and to a government so regulated , these divines offer to submit . that is ; they will allow a bishop to rule in consociation with his presbyters : and this looks gayly to the common-people . rule with his presbyters , ( they cry ) and will not that content him ? what ; would the bishops be as absolute as popes ? and then , the order's presently proclaim'd for antichristian : and war denounc'd against all constitutions of their framing , as superstitious . nay , the most solemn forms and orders of the church ; though venerable for their long continuance , vse , decency , and vniversal practice , are thrown out , as idolatrous , because the bishops favour them . of so great moment are the fallacies of pleasing words , where there wants skill , or care to tast the bitter meaning . but alas ! those simple wretches that inveigh against the tyranny and claim of bishops ; and with an undistinguishing rage , — confound the persons with their calling : how do they draw upon themselves the thing they fear , and furiously oppose the sum of their own wishes ? — do they first know what 't is , to rule in consociation ? it is , to degrade a bishop into a prime pastor : — to disrobe him of his apostolical prelation of degree , and allow him a complemental priority of order . this imminution of bishops , will , doubtless , not displease their enemies ; but let them have a care ; for in that very act and instant , wherein they fetch a bishop down to a presbyter , does every presbyter become a bishop : so that for five and twenty they pluck down , they set up some ten thousand . this was the cheat that fool'd the people into those tumults , which the smectymnuans entred the lists to justifie . a primitive episcopacy was the pretense , which they boyl'd down at length into a rank presbytery , and more imperious . thus was the government of the church destroyed ; and after the same manner , that of the state. [ the king was to govern with his parliament . ] this saying carryed a popular sound ; and the multitude were not able to comprehend the drift of it . in short , they brought his majesty , first , to be one of the three estates ; thence , by degrees , lower and lower , till they dethron'd him , and at last murther'd him . this was the cursed issue of a pretense , to the regulation of monarchy and episcopacy . but to end this point : the reformers would perswade the world , that they have made a tender of more yielding , than the foremention'd reverend bishops have accounted necessary to fraternal vnity and peace . we answer ; that to make this good , they must prove , that these bishops have renounc'd their episcopal , and superintendent authority : or instance for themselves ; wherein they acknowledge it . not to insist upon their vsurpations , of framing a new liturgy , without a commission ; and imposing upon the established government without either modesty or reason . [ c ] touching reordination : ( with submission ) i do not understand it either requisite , or vnlawful : nor can i learn that it is press'd , as they pretend . the canon whereupon they ground , is this. [ si quis episcopus , aut presbyter , aut diaconus , secundam ab aliquo ordinationem susceperit , deponitor , tam ipse , quam qui ipsum ordinavit , nisi fortè constet eum ordinationem habere ab haereticis qui enim à talibus baptizati , aut ordinati sunt , hi neque fideles , neque clerici esse possunt . ] if any bishop , presbyter , or deacon , shall receive from any man ( ab aliquo ) a second ordination , let the person ordaining ( qui ipsum ordinavit ) and the person ordained , be both deposed : unless it appear , that his prior ordination was by hereticks . for those that are either baptized or ordained by such , cannot be reputed either believers or clergy-men . observe first , that this canon presupposes a regular , and episcopal ordination : ab aliquo : — qui ordinavit : — referring singly to the bishop , whose assistance is deem'd so essential to the work , as that — no bishop ; no ordination . next , there 's an error in the canon : for , if baptism seriously be administred in the same element , and with the same form of words which christs institution teacheth , there is no other defect in the world , that can make it frustrate . ] so that this canon availes them little , either in respect of the scope of it , or the authority . but is re-ordination ( say they ) so new and strange a thing ? i am sorry to see smectymnuus quarrel with himself . * we had it in the beginning of queen elizabeth , urg'd , and received : ] and with less colour then , th●n now : for there , a true necessity lay upon them : they fled for conscience , and received orders in the reformed churches ; not in contempt of bishops , but onely for want of them . whereas our cavilling pretenders , have cast them off ; — rejected their authority ; — vsurped their power ; — laid violent hands upon their sacred order ; — and after all , they have the confidence , to claim , from their intrusions , and still adhere to the equity of their revolt . [ d ] bishop bancroft ( they say ) was against it : ( no presbyterian bishop . ) could but these gentlemen have seen beyond their noses , they would have spar'd this instance : mark now how bancroft was against it . in 1610. a question was moved by doctor andrews , bishop of ely , touching the consecration of three scotish bishops ; who , as he said , must first be ordained presbyters , as having received no ordination from a bishop . bancroft being by , maintain'd it not necessary , seeing where bishops could not be had , the ordination given by the presbyters must be esteemed lawful . ] this carri'd it . hence , it appears , that if bishops could have been had , their ordination by presbyters had not been lawful . had not these gentlemen now as good have let the old bishop alone , as have taken the dorr ? as smectymnuus has it . let not the world believe yet , that these complainers are out of play , barely upon the account of re-ordination . none are turn'd out ( so far as i can hear ) upon that scruple ; but sure , 't is a fair reason not to admit them : for it denotes them factious , and in truth , the common business of their lectures is notorious schism . the holy ghost hath commanded you to over-see the flock , not by constraint , but willingly ; not as being lords over god's heritage , but as ensamples to the flock . and that it is not onely more comfortable to your selves , to be loved as the fathers , than to be esteemed the afflicters of the church ; but that it is needful to the ends of your ministry for the people . when you are loved , your doctrine will more easily be received . but when men think that their souls or liberties are endangered by you , it 's easie no judge how much they are like to profit by you . note . xvii . believe me , and we are now upon a weighty question . who shall be judge , the people , or the church ; which is christ's flock ? that is , whether shall one be the judge of all the rest ; or all the rest be the judge of that one ? ( for that 's the point ) what signifies the multitude , but a number of single persons , where each individual acts , and accompts for himself ? whereas the church , is both by divine deputation , and by political paction , authoris'd and acknowledg'd to be the judge of all. if there were nothing in 't but common expedience ; — reason of interest , and of state : me-thinks , that might suffice , to make us rest in their decrees , to whom , as by a general reference , we have subjected the decision of all our differences . but the benignity of providence treats us more kindly yet ; annexing all the blessings of both worlds to our obedience : which surely no man will oppose , that is not wholly void of religion , moral honesty , and of common prudence . but it is better to obey god then man , they 'l tell us , has the church any jurisdiction over our souls ? any right of imposing upon our consciences ? no , god forbid . but does not the church know our consciences as well as we know one anothers ? and may not the church as well suspect that we do not think thus or so , as we affirm that others do ? when private persons plead for themselves , it may be conscience ; but when they come once to stickle for others , 't is faction . if it be said , that preachers are not private persons . i answer , that all subordinate persons are private , in respect of their superiors . in fine , it is our duty every man to attend the good of his own soul ; and it belongs to the church to over-watch us all : preserving still the common vnity , though to the grief of some particulars . well , but there are so many thousands ( they say ) that suffer upon tenderness of conscience . these people do but make so●es , that they may beg plaisters . there may be tender consciences , and there are , doubtlesse , to whom great tenderness is due , and needful ; but these compleyners are not of that number . they are too lavish in their undertakings for ☞ others , and too peevish in their pleadings for themselves . he that is positive in what he does not know , forfeits his credit too in what he does . but they are still christs flock : and 't is enough ; they say it . ( from sheep with clawes , deliver us . ) take heed ( says our saviour ) that no man deceive you , for many shall come in my name , saying , i am christ , and shall deceive many ] and again ; there shall arise false christs , and false prophets . ] we see the very text bids us take heed , and foretells dangerous hypocrites . but what need we look further then our own memories ? was not the whole crew of the late conspirators , clad in the livery of gods people ? only his majesties friends had , and have still the fortune to be reckon'd among the prophane , and not admitted into the fold . would these correctors of magnificat would shew us once , where ever christ call'd his flock together with a scotch covenant : or where the holy ghost gives private persons an authority over their superiours ; or commissions the sheep to quarrel with their pastor . it is confess'd , that softness , and humility becomes the fathers of the church , and 't is enjoyn'd them ; but then obediance likewise befits the children : whose part it is meekly to obey , in all matters not directly sinful , but to resist in none . let me add one thing further : where these dividings about forms are suffer'd , the mischief seldome stops at schisme : for the same principle , that rents the church , threatens the state ; beside the hazzard of an ambitious faction , ever at hand to aid and to emprove , that peevish holynesse . in truth , both interests are so enter-woven , that 't is impossible to crush the one without bruising the other ; and to conclude ; a schismatique shifts as naturally into a traytor , as a magot turns to a flye . the next step from liberty of conscience , is freedome of estate and person ; and from liberty of thought , they proceed to that of action , arguing and concluding in great earnest , with my honest friends jeast . for at the beginning was , nor peasant , nor prince ; and who ( the divel ) made the distinction since ? if we are not in point of ceremonies or forms in every thing of your mind ; it is no more strange to have variety of intellectual apprehensions in the same kingdome and church , then variety of temperatures and degrees of age and strength . note . xviii . wee do not say 't is strange , that there should be variety of intellectual apprehensions ; but we contend that so it is ; it ever was , and ever will be so : and from the truth , and evidence of that assertion , arises the clear reason , and necessity of what we plead for . we must consider man , as a reasonable creature : compos'd of soul and body ; born , for the publique , and himself ; and finally accomptable for the emprovement of his talent toward the ends of his creation . the great , the indispensable , and universal end , is that which has regard to the creatour , from the creature : and in that point we are all agreed upon a common principle of reason , that 't is our duty to adore , love , and obey that gracious power that made us . that this is the prime end , we all agree , and that our works are only good , or evill , according as they correspond with , or recede from it . in the next place , as we consist of soul and body ; we seem to fall under a mixt concern ; and there , the skill is how to temper the angel , and the brute , in such sort as may best comply with the behoof , and comfort of the individual : subjected still to the great law and purpose of our being . our reason , we submit to the divine will ; and our affections to our reason . behold the scale of our obedience ; and universal dictates of our reasonable nature . in these particulars : god , as the sovereign prince of the whole world , binds all mankind alike , with an unlimited , and undistinguishing authority . our souls , the almighty governs by his immediate and blessed self ; our bodies he referrs to his deputies ; whom in all sensible and common actions we are to obey as gods commissioners . we come now to the point that moves the great dispute : — our state of liberty in matters of themselves indifferent . in this question we are to consider , that every man is born first , for the publick ; next , for himself . he that rates any thing except his soul , above the common benefit of social nature , is an ill member of the vniverse . while every man consults his own particular , how easily he 's drawn to think that fair , which he finds pleasant ! employing much more cunning to perswade himself , that what he likes , is lawful , then strictly to examine it ; ( for fear it should prove otherwise . ) are we not all made of the same lump ; — ( — born to the same ends : — dignify'd with the same reason ? — what is it then , but an injurious custome , and oppression , that puts the difference betwixt governours , and slaves ? that prostitutes so many millions of free-born christians , to the command of any single person ? these are the stirrings and debates of mutinous and unadvised natures , they scan but the one half ; and that , the grosser too ; the vulgar part of the question . can the whole perish ; and the parts ' scape ? can any thing be beneficial to particular persons , that is destructive to the community ? what by one violence they get , they lose by another ; and in exchange for the soft , honest bonds of order and obedience , they leap into a sinful , shameful slavery was not the late war undertaken , ( in shew ) for this imaginary freedome ? and yet , at last , what was the event , but tyranny , and bondage ? not by miscarriage neither , but by a regular fatality , and train of causes . do we not find mens minds , and humours as various as their complexions , or their faces ? every man likes his own way best ; pleads for his own opinion . there 's no such thing as right or wrong in things indifferent , but as they are circumstanc'd by application : and here 's the very case of our reformers . some are for kneeling at the eucharist ; others for standing , sitting , or the like ; they differ too about the manner of receiving . capricious holyness ! shall that confused , and promisenous use of several forms , and postures , pass for a decency in the lords house , and on so solemn an occasion , which at a private table would be exploded for a grosse and ridiculous immorality ? the church , for order sake , and uniformity , enjoyns one form , or posture ; this , or that , 't is indifferent ; where lyes the conscience of refusing ? should but the rubrick say — let the minister enter at the church dore : — would not our teachers make it a piece of conscience to creep in at the window ? marque it , 't is that ; — that — that 's the businesse ; — 't is power they tug for , and to bring monarchy under the yoke of presbytery . they argue the expedience of granting liberty , because forsooth of the differing humours of applying it . the strongest reason in the world against them . for in this state of disagreement , take but away that limiting , and binding rule that prescribes vniformity ; what other consequence can be expected , from letting loose so many wild , and petulant passions ; so many raging , and dividing factions , but tumult , heresie , and rebellion ? if any shall make men disobedient , by imposing things unnecessary , which they know are by learned , pious , peaceable men , esteemed sins against the lord , and then shall thus heavily afflict them for the disobedience , which they may easily cure by the forbearance of those impositions ; let not our souls come into their secret , nor our honor be united to their assembly : if they shall smite or cast out a supposed schismatick , and christ shall find an able helper , peaceable minister , or other christian , wounded , or mourning , out of doors , let us not be found among the actors . note . xix . vvhy did not the reformers rather say ? if any shall make people rebellious , by preaching down obedience to authority , as a thing unnecessary : or abuse the simple , by calling good , evil ; and evil , good : — let not our souls — ] whether is greater , the boldness of these teachers , or the blindness of their disciples ? does not this way of reasoning , root up all government ? and has not the practice of these men made good the worst that any man can say , or think of their designe ? were they new folks yet , a man might find some charity , for the soft-headed gulls that believe them : but to be twice catch'd in the same trap ; twice fool'd by the same persons , were an unpardonable sottishness . let the three kingdoms cast up the accompts of the late war , and see what they have gained clear , by the reformation . these very gentlemen were one and twenty years ago upon this argument ; infinitely troubled about additions to god's worship , in things unnecessary ; oathes of subscription , &c. — to obviate these crying evils , they set to work a preaching ministry , and lectur'd up the people into a gospel-frame , ( for that 's the knack ) of disobedience . the people heard their prayers ; ( for 't was to them they prayed ) meroz was curs'd , and curs'd — and the right reverend matrons sent forth their bodkins and their thimbles to help the lord against the mighty . in fine ; the cause prosper'd under their ministery , and things unnecessary were taken away ; that is , king , bishops , the law of the land , the liberty of the subject : — the heads and fortunes of his majesty's best friends . some oathes that were of exceeding scandal and burthen to weak consciences were taken away too , or rather exchang'd , for others less offensive , to the sense of the learned , pious , and peaceable men , they speak of . as for instance ; in stead of that abominable oath of canonical obedience to the bishop and his successors , ( in omnibus licitis , & honestis ) in all things lawful and honest ; a covenant was introduced of combination against them . but no man was compell'd to take it neither ; for 't was but losing the capacities of englishmen ; a sequestration ; — rotting in a gaol , or some such trivial penalty , if they refus'd it . indeed , to serve the king after the taking of it , was a little dangerous , because of an article of aug. 16.1644 . declaring , that whosoever shall voluntarily take up arms against the parliament , having taken the national covenant , shall die without mercy . the truth is , the covenant was somewhat more in scripture-phrase , and suited better to the gust of the godly . so for the positive oathes of allegiance and supremacy ; they gave us negatives ; still mov'd by tenderness of conscience : they made a scruple forsooth , of swearing with vs to serve the king ; but they made none of forcing oathes against him . to make an end ; the late presbyterian rebellion has cost the three kingdoms at least fourscore millions of treasure , besides souls and bodies ; and now they are hammering of the nation into another . they talk of conscience : so peters , their fellow-labourer , was a man of conscience ; was he not ? the foulest part of whose lewd life , was that wherein they wrought in common fellowship . in short ; the presbyterians bound and prostituted the virgin , and the independents were the ravishers . these drops are sharper , than in any other case would stand with modesty : but they are truths , so timely , and so needful for the publick , that they shall out , what ere they cost me . what do these creatures keep a coil with sin for ? that act as if there were no god ; and yet they talk , as if they thought of nothing else . are not their contradictions upon record ? has not the nation , in all quarters , the witnesses of their very tongues and pens against them ? was ever any tyranny so barbarous , as what these people exercis'd over the consciences of their fellow-subjects , and against the government which they had sworn to preserve ? yet now , when the authority requires obedience ; the learned pious men are taken of a sudden with strange fits of conscience : — from sudden death ( in the letany ) must be , forsooth , from dying svddenly ; ( a most important scruple ! ) well , but forbearance ( they say ) cures , and eases them . we do not know , had the rebellion of the angels been once pardon'd , what such a mercy might have wrought upon the devils . but here we are upon experiment . after so large an act of grace ; — so flowing and magnificent a bounty ; — so prone a goodness toward their whole party ; now to re-revolt : — misereatur deus ! they are much careful not to take an able minister for a schismatick : they take not half that care to distinguish a schismatick from an able minister . if christ ( they say ) should find that able minister cast out for a schismatick ? what then , good people ? but what ( say i ) if christ should find schismaticks kept in for able ministers ? what then , good brethren ? [ a ] men have not their understandings at their own command , much less can they be commanded by others , if they were never so willing to believe all that is imposed on them to be lawful ; they cannot therefore believe it , because they would , the intellect being not free . [ b ] few men are obstinate against the opinions that tend to their ease and advancement in the world , and to save them from being vilifi'd as schismaticks , and undone ; and when men professe before the lord , that they do impartially study and pray for knowledge , and would gladly know the will of god at the dearest rate ; we must again say , that those men must prove that they know the dissenters hearts , better then they are known to themselves , that expect to be believed by charitable christians , when they charge them with wilful ignorance , or obstinate resisting of the truth . note . xx. [ a ] exceeding fine and philosophical . men cannot believe all that they would believe ; — and no man is to profess or act against his belief . ( that hits it . ) the reformers cannot believe the orders of the church to be lawful and binding : the church cannot believe the recusancy of the reformers to be reasonable or conscientious . the reformers cannot believe that they ought to be kept out for inconformity ; the church cannot believe that they are to be taken in , unless they conform . the reformers take discipline to be essential to salvation ; the church thinks otherwise . the reformers cannot but believe the separatists to be saints ; the church on the other side , cannot but belive them to be schismaticks . so that in fine , if the church cannot grant , what the reformers cannot but ask ; whether shall the law yield to a faction , or the faction to the law ? [ b ] few men are obstinate , &c. — ] this objection is already answered , but i shall add something . all popular attempts upon change of government , are hazzardous to the undertakers ; are there therefore no rebellions ? but here 's the state of their adventure . if the design takes , and the people tumult , then are they in at pleasure , in the head of the faction . if it miscarries , they have no more to do but keep their countenance , retire , and grieve — because of the vngodly . that disappointment they nick-name , — a suffering for the gospel : — a persecution : and in that shape , they get more by private collections , then many an honester man does by a good benefice . beside : they are bold upon a confidence in the king's lenity . they pray to be inform'd , they say . ] that was scot's plea , concerning the murther of the late king ; and may be any man 's by the same equity , that shall be pleas'd to call it conscience , to do as much again . now for the knowledge of their hearts , ( the last thing they insist upon ) we 'l follow the scripture-rule : — know the tree by its fruits : — measure their faith by their works : — judge of their fidelity , by their breach of vows ; of their honesty , by their breach of articles ; of their scruples , by their sacrilege ; of their loyalty , by their persecution of their soveraign ; of their tenderness , by their deliberate murthers ; and , in fine , of all their pretended virtues , by their contradicting impieties . vve crave leave to ask , whether you do not your selves in some things mistake , or may not do so for ought you know ? and whether your understandings are not still imperfect , and all men differ not in some opinion or other ? and if you may mistake in any thing , may it not be in as great things as these ? can it be expected , that we should all be past erring about the smallest ceremonies and circumstances of worship ? and then , should not the consciousness of your own infirmjty , provoke you rather to compassionate humane frailty , than to cast out your brethren , for as small failings as your own ? note . xxi . this is but loosely argu'd : to reason from an universal fallibility , to an universal toleration . because all men may commit errors , therefore all errors must be suffered . the law respects common equity , and politick convenience ; not the degrees of wisdom or folly in the transgressors of it . if fools were priviledg'd , all knaves would plead ignorance . there may be subsequent allowances in favour of misguided vnderstandings , but they are of charity , and relaxation , not of strict justice . all stated laws ( better or worse , no matter ) if they are not simply wicked , are obliging : and to correct a publick sanction , by a private hand , is but to mend a misadvice by a rebellion . this they concede , that all may erre : then they themselves are not infallible : so that the competition rests betwixt the law and the reformers . but now , to what we are sure of . there are some cases wherein a subject must not obey his prince ; but i defie the world to shew me any , wherein he may resist him . that were to say , a subject is no subject . to say , he may be su'd , makes nothing ; that law which warrants the compleynant is virtually the king. again ; that which betwixt man and man , were a fair rule , holds no proportion betwixt a personal weakness , and a publick inconvenience . the giving way to clamours of this impetuous and froward nature , cost the late king his life . to say more , were to prejudge my betters ; let this suffice . put your selves in their case , and suppose that you had studied , conferred and prayed , and done your best to know , whether god would have you to be re-ordained , to use these forms or ceremonies , or subscriptions or not ? and having done all , you think that god would be displeased if you should use them , would you then be used your selves , as your dissenting brethren are now used , or are like to be ; love them as your selves , and we will crave no further favour for them . note . xxii . this we call laying of the matter home to a man : — make it your own case . good. whose case did these reformers make it , when they stripp'd all men to their shirts , whose consciences could not submit to their rebellious leagues of extirpation , and directorian fopperies ? would they have been content , themselves , to have been turn'd out of their livings , because they could not play the renegado's ; to have been muzzled up in dungeons ; — debarr'd the common benefits of humane life : — not suffer'd to officiate as private chaplains ; — no , nor so much as teach a petty school ; — nor enter into any honest employment , which their ingenious malice foresaw might give the persecuted wretches bread. is this according to the rule ? do as you would be done by . there were no superstitious impositions , at that time ; but matters went as they would have them . they order'd every thing themselves ; and the best choyce an honest man had left him , was job's upon the dunghill . it was the pulpit too , that gave fire to the train ; — that warranted the treason , and cover'd murther with a gloss of justice . briefly ; a reformation was the crye of the design , and see the issue of it . and yet do as you would be done by , is their plea , that did all this. far be it from us however to imagine that their abuse of justice should overthrow their title to it ; or that the pravity of man should frustrate the eternal virtue of a decree of god , and nature . we 'll make their case our own then ; and reason with them , upon their own principles . do as you would be done by ; say they to us : do as ye would be done by ; say we to them. would you be willing to be thus impos'd upon ? says a private person : would you be willing to be thus contemned ? says the magistrate . yes , if ( i commanded things unlawful , says the one : or if i were a schismatick says the other . if upon search and prayer for better light , we think that god would be displeased with us for doing this or that , we must not do it . now , why should others trouble us , only for doing that which in our places they would do themselves ? this is the fair state of the question . we are to note here , that words are not the certain evidences of our thoughts ; and that our charity is never so ty'd up , as to be barr'd advice with reason . now others are to deal with vs , according to the rules of what things rationally seem to them , not strictly ( peradventure ) what they are . as thus ; a common lyer tells a truth ; it may be so ; yet i 'm not bound to venture any thing upon his story . the first profession a man makes ; — in charity , i 'll credit ; yet still in prudence i 'll secure my self , in case i prove mistaken . but people that break oft , where they may keep their words ▪ that by prepense contrivance have formerly strew'd their way with oyly language , to deadly ends : these , by the general dictate of common reason , i may suspect , and which is more , i ought to do it , and to be wary of them . does not our blessed saviour himself bid us , beware of the leven of the pharisees which is hypocrisy ? — those that tithe mint and cummin , and neglect judgement mercy , and fidelity : — that streyn at a gnat , and swallow a camell : — that are fair outwardly , and rotten within ; — and under colour of long prayers , that devour widows houses . do not pharisee , and puritan begin with a letter ? is not this character most bitterly like the humour of the men we wote of ? further ; 't is manifest from this caution , that we are not bound to think all people godly , that call themselves so , nor to trust all appearances of holyness ; but we are soberly to reduce our judgements to the standard of discourse and reason . they must deny the bible , that refuse us this ; and now , suppose the table 's turn'd . we told the world , that we were afraid of popery ; and that our consciences could not submit to ceremonies ; under which colour we entred into a covenant , which in pretense was to reform the church , and to establish the king. we destroy'd both , by virtue of that freedome , which we seem'd only to desire in order to our souls . the son of that prince whom we ruin'd , is now by providence , and hereditary right , placed on his fathers throne . our consciences are once again sick of the old scruples ; and cannot down with forms , and ceremonies . shall we be laid aside now for our consciences ? yes certainly , we must be laid aside , unless we shew very good reason , first , why they should believe us conscientious , and next , ( if truly scrupulous they can imagine us ) why they should trust us . did not we swear , than an impulse of conscience transported us into our first engagement ? that , all the world knows was a design of faction , and sedition ; and that the pulpit-theme , was the decrying of the kings negative voyce ; and the exalting of the power of parliaments . ( blaspheming the authority of the nation , by applying it to a conspiracy in the two houses . ) this we have formerly done , and , as yet , given the world no tokens of repentance : we ask the same things over again ; and ( in good deed ) why may not they suspect to the same purpose ? may they not argue likewise from our practises , against our own demands ? do we say people may not be compell'd ? why did we compel them then ? well , but suppose it a pure case of conscience , that hinders our complyance . men may think many things unlawsul to be done , that are still as unlawful to be suffer'd . we ask that freedome from the law , which would in consequence destroy the law : and this we begg , for conscience . were it not breach of trust in these to whom the care of the publique is committed , to gratifie a private scruple , by a general inconvenience ? so that their conscience stands engaged against us . but 't is reply'd , that we are many thousands . all are but one , in point of conscience ; take them together , they 're a faction . at last ; if we can yield no reason why they should either believe , or trust us ; where lyes the sadnesse of our condition ; save only in the losse of what we never had ? unless thus or so qualify'd we must not be admitted . [ a ] it is easier to agree in few things , than upon many , upon great and certain and necessary things , than upon small uncertain and unnecessary things , and upon things that god himself hath revealed or appointed , than upon things that proceed from no surer an original , than the wit or will of man. the strict prohibition of adding to , or diminishing from the things commanded by the law-giver of the church . deut. 12.32 . [ b ] it 's easie to forsee , how those expressions in mens sermons , or prayers , or familiar conference , which seem to any mis-understanding , or suspicious , or malicious bearers , to intimate any sense of sufferings , will be carried to the ears of rulers , and represented as a crime . and nature having planted in all men an unwillingness to suffer , and denyed to all men a love of calamity , and necessitated men to feel when they are hurt , and made the tongue and countenance the index of our sense , these effects will be unvoydable , while such impositions are continued , and while a fear of sinning will not suffer men to swallow and digest them , and what wrongs such divisions about religion will be to the kingdom ; and to his majesty , we shall not mention , because our governours themselves may better understand it . [ c ] what universal ease , and peace , and joy would be the fruits of that happy unity and concord which the reasonable forbearances which we humbly petition for , would certainly produce ▪ how comfortable would our ministerial labours be , when we had no such temptations , burdens or disquietments . [ d ] it must be the primitive simplicity of faith , worship , and discipline , that must restore the primitive charity , unity , and peace , and make the multitude of believers to be of one heart , and of one soul , and to converse with gladness and singleness of heart , as having all things common , act. 4.32 . and 2.46 . no such things as our controverted impositions ; were then made necessary to the unity and concord of the members of the church . note . xxiii . [ a ] it is not good to make little matters seem great , and great small : — to make less difficulty of doing what god h 'as directly forbidden , then of complying with what he has not expresly commanded . observe here a text most miserably forced . what-thing-soever i command you , observe to do it : thou shalt not add thereto , nor diminish from it . deut. 12.32 . ] which our new scholiasts render thus . do nothing but what god commands , even where god commands nothing at all . does not [ what-thing-soever i command : observe to do it . ] imply that some things there are which god does not comcommand ; and that in those cases we are at liberty ? ( the [ observe ] waiting upon the particular thing commanded . ) [ b ] it 's easie to foresee , &c. — ] our reformers fore-sight is in this place , an almanack for the last year . the poyson of their sermons , prayers , and conferences has been already reported to the ears of rulers , — by hearers , not malitious neither ; but griev'd , to see the pulpits fill'd with faction , ignorance , and scandal ; and to hear onely hortatives to tumult ; defiances , and alarums , instead of evangelical and healing comforts . but these ( effects they tell us ) will be unavoidable , while such impositions are continued . nay rather , while such freedom is allow'd . do these men preach , and yet complain of a restraint ? they cannot swallow and digest , &c. — ] yes , sequestred livings they can , not ceremonies . in truth the one is a little hard to go down , and the other is as hard to come up . if these divisions threaten wrong to the kingdom , and his majesty , ( as they say they do ) a timely order would be taken with the dividers . [ c ] to sweeten the last menace , where they tell us the hazzard of not complying with the faction ; we are now blest with a view of their land of promise . what universal peace and ease , &c. — the giving them all they ask would certainly procure . [ indeed i suppose the nation might be at vnity that way ; for betwixt hanging and transplanting all men of differing opinions , there must needs ensue a pleasant state of concord . less rigour cannot reasonably be expected by any man , that either considers the faction ; since it first got footing in the world ; or the late practises of these very people . concerning their extraction and proceedings , i have given some accompt in my holy cheat : of their late practises enough is said too ; onely a word touching the quality and temper of our reformers . which word [ reformers ] must not be understood singly of those that published this spurious liturgy , and bold petition : but likewise of their aiding and consociate brethren . the foulness of the late war is notorious : and the king's mercy toward the conspirators surpasses all example : in which number , i reckon the revolting and intruding church-men , as criminals of the first magnitude . of these , some keep their benefices , others are laid aside , in right perhaps of the due incumbent , or for want of orders . those that continue , help the rest , — set up their lectures , — call in the ejected and the deep-mouth'd brethren to their assistance : — and now they 're in , full cry against church-government , and persecution . in fine ; out of the whole crew of these reformers , let any man produce one single person that ever was a friend to the late king. i 'l shew him divers of his bitter enemies ; nay , some ☞ of those ( yet publick preachers ) in the city , that press'd the murther of our late blessed soveraign , rankly and openly in the very pulpit . now let the world judge , what these people mean by reformation . but we are told , that forbearances will quiet them . they are no presbyterians then : for ever since they have had a beeing , kindness has made them worse : and the very moment of his majesty's return , was watched by their impatient and seditious libels . [ d ] what an amphibion is a designing presbyterian ! a levelling prelate : — we have here a complement to new-england from the kirk of scotland : — all things in common , according to the primitive discipline . that the primitive simplicity of faith and worship , ( as worship may be taken ) is necessary to christian unity ; i think no man questions , that writes christian : but to bring discipline up to an essential , is ( under favour ) a religious soloecism : or rather , an audacious imputation upon all churches , that ever yet embrac'd christianity . 't is in effect , a feather pluck'd from the soveraignty : — a consciencious encroachment upon the supreme power : — for by this knack , all civil causes are hook'd in within cognizance of the consistory , and found within the purlues of their discipline . as their ambition is remarkable in all cases , so is their purpose most observable in this before us . what signifies the necessity of their discipline to our peace ? but that bishops must down , and presbytery up , or we shall have no quiet with them . for a come-off ; all things must be done with singleness of heart ( they tell us ) as having all things in common , act. 2.46.4.32 . ( this is a morfel for the independents ) no such things as our controverted inquisitions were then made necessary , &c. ] never had men worse luck with texts . mark but these two quotations now , and then admire the subtle inference from them . no impositions , then ; and consequently , none must be now. would our reformers have had the church order'd , before it was gather'd ? rules for church-government establish'd , before christianity it self was acknowledg'd . the apostles had but newly receiv'd the holy ghost ; and to convince the jews of the divinity of that iesus whom they had crucified , was their first business and commission : faith and repentance was their theme : — the question , — men and brethren , what shall we do ? ( not how ) then peter said unto them , repent , and be baptized : — act 2.37 , 38. ] then ( says the text ) they that gladly received his word were baptized — and they continued stedfastly in the apostles doctrine , and fellowship , and in breaking of bread , and in prayers , vers . 42. ] if the apostles had been presbyterians , they would perhaps have begun with their holy discipline , and laid the sacraments aside to be considered of at leisure . had it not been a most preposterous course , to have directed the manner of our worship , before they had laid the foundation of our faith ? 't is said again , chap. 4. vers . 32. that the multitude of them that believed , were of one heart , and of one soul. ] and here 's no mention of impositions neither ; whence they infer the non-necessity of impositions , as to concord . when these gentlemen shall have prov'd impositions unnecessary , they have a long way yet to go , ere they shall be able to prove them unlawful . but , till they have done the former , we shall persist in our opinion of their necessity ; at least conveniential , not to salvation , but to vnity . it must be noted , that this unanimity in the believing multititude , was a miraculous grace . they were all filled with the holy ghost : ( says the verse next antecedent ) and the connexion fairly implies this wonderful agreement , to be the imm●diate working of that blessed inspiration . [ we find a while after , when the number of the disciples was multiplyed , there arose a murmuring of the grecians against the hebrews , because their widows were neglected in the daily ministration . chap. 6. vers . 1. ] ( the bond of universal unity begins to slacken already . ) this difference gave occasion to the institution of deacons . church-officers being already appointed ; — apostles and presbyters by our saviour himself , and deacons by the apostles : we come now to church-orders : or , ( in the holy language ) impositions . concerning which , one general serves for all : let every thing be done decently and in order . but the determination of that decency is left to the church . the common adversaries of our religion , and of the king and kingdom , will rejoyce to see us weakned by our divisions , and employed in afflicting or censuring one another , and to see so many able ministers laid aside , that might do much displeasure to satan , by the weakning of his kingdom , and by promoting the gospel and kingdom of the lord. note . xxv . since our reformers have not over much modesty , i wish they had a little more argument : that a man might either with charity believe them in a mistake , or with honor shew them the way out of it . who are the common adversaries now ? the king and his party were wont to be the common enemies . but here they talk of adversaries to our religion , the king and kingdom . they may intend the king still , for ought i know . they charg'd his royal father with popery , and yet they themselves brought him to the scaffold , because he would not set it up under ( forsooth ) the disguise of presbytery . they declar'd him likewise an enemy to king and kingdom , by making his person an enemy to his authority , as they distinguished them . briefly , who ever they are that hate us , they may well rejoyce to see us thus divided , but woe be to them from whom these divisions come . 't is not for subjects to expostulate with rulers : — to start from the laws , and bid authority follow them . bishop taylor says very well concerning scandal , [ before the law be made , the superior must comply with the subject : after it is made , the subject must comply with the law. ] the latter is our case , and the imposition lies on the other side ; upon the law , not upon the people . but the great pity is , so many able ministers are laid aside . ] truly , as to the ability of good lungs , loud , and long talking , we 'l not contend with them . but that they are such champions for the lord's kingdom , against satan's , is more then , without better proof , we are bound to credit . however , they had better have a tug with satan here , than hereafter ; but they must go another way to work then ; for , to destroy the kingdoms of this world without commission , is ( without controversie ) to advance the kingdom of darkness , and to do the devil a special piece of service . if what you study for , be indeed of god , this course of unmercifull imposition , is the greatest wrong to it , that you can easily he drawn to , unawares ; while so many truly fearing god , are cast out , or trodden down , and tempted to think ill of that which themselves and the church thus suffer by , and when so many of the worst befriend this way , because it gratifieth them , it tendeth to make your cause judged of , according to the quality of its friends and adversaries . and how great a hand this very thing hath had already in the dislike of that is befallen diocesans , ceremonies and the liturgy , is a thing too generally known to need proof . note . xxvi . methinks the sir johns grow a little pernicacious , ( as our author has it ) [ unmerciful impositions . ] what ? no more covenants i hope . but 't is at [ unawares ] they say . that helps the matter . it seems , the bishops do they know not what , a jolly garb for a petition , this. but see ; the godly men are not only oppressed , but tempted to think ill of what they suffer by . they are clearly for ruling with the ungodly , and flourishing like a green bay-tree ; ] but they do not love to think of being cast down with them from slippery places , and destroyed ; — of consuming , perishing , and coming to a fearful end. ] of suffering their most certain fate ; [ to be rooted out at last . ] as nothing can be clearer , then that their cryes are causeless ; so is it not less evident , that were they truths , their practises are yet vnchristian : and that they are not the men [ truly fearing god ] they would be thought to be . beware of false prophets ( says our saviour ) that come to you in sheeps clothing , but inwardly they are ravening wolves . ye shall know them by their fruits ] here 's our authority , to judge the hearts of men by their notorious actions . will they be tempted to think ill , of what they suffer by ? so may the traytour , of the law that makes rebellion capitall : — the plunderer , of the command that sayes thou shalt not steal : and in like manner , all offenders may quarrel with that constitution which orders , and directs their punishment . yet we all know the fault lyes in the malefactour , not in the appointment . at this rate , they may cavil at divine justice , and disclaim christianity it self , if they come once to suffer by it . good manners they have shak'd hands with already ; for they tell us , that so many of the worst , befriend this [ ceremonial ] way ; — that it tends to make the cause judg'd of , according to the quality of its friends , and adversaries . ] it were a good deed to tell this faction , as they told the late king ; that the suggestion is as false as the father of lies can invent : ] sure these ill-tutour'd pedants know that his sacred majesty is a friend to this way : the law , antiquity , and reason . but since they offer to try the merits of the cause by the quality of its friends , and enemies : we shall accept the challenge ; and let them thank themselves , if they come off with the worst on 't : and first we 'll take a brief view of the opposers . a rabble of people , next dore to brutes , for knowledge , and morality , began the action . these were instructed and prepar'd by a cabale of factious lords and commoners , ( and by their instruments ) to be afraid of popery , and invasions ; bawle against bishops , and evil counsellours ; and finally , these virtuous sages were made the judges , and reformers of laws , and manners . in time these ostlers , tinkers , ragg-men , coblers , draymen , thimble-makers , &c. — grew up to be our governours . so much for the rise , fortune , and extraction of the first visible undertakers . now for their honesty . they plunder'd , murther'd , rebell'd , forswore themselves . mean while , the mock-priests , in their pulpits proclaim'd this medly , for the godly party ; wedded their cause ; took in all sorts of heretiques into the combination . defam'd the king : enflam'd the people against the government ; cast out the b'shops ; — swore fast and loose ; and preach'd three kingdomes into bloud and ruine . these were the tender consciences ▪ — the holy thousands ; — and the men truly fearing god , that were cast out , and trodden down , &c. — this is no general charge , for i allow , that many well-meaning but mis-guided persons sided with the party ▪ i speak of those members that stuck to the work ; and of those ministers that fluck to them : to shew the world what sort of persons our challenging divines are now pleading for , under the notion of people grieved because of vniversal impositions . methinks those that were in , before , and have their pardons , should be very tender , how they engage the nation in new broyles : especially against that prince , whose single , and pure grace it is , that puts a difference betwixt the heads they wear , and those upon the city-gates ; whosoever is offended at this plain freedome , let him blame those that have so spitefully , and so unseasonably put this comparison of parties to the question . we have in grosse , laid open the opposers of our church-government , rites and ceremonies . their friends are briefly those : the warrant of holy writ : the universal practice of ordering the externals of worship : — the establishment of the particulars , by the consent of the people : — the regular injunctions of a lawful authority : — and in fine , every person that loves the religion , law , honour , peace , and freedome of the english nation . once more for all ; what is the kings person to the church-ceremonies ? yet the same covenant , and the same persons , destroy'd both. which shews , ( as i have often said ) that the design is power , not conscience ; and that the friends and enemies to the church ; are the same thing respectively to his majesty . touching the dislike , which ( they say ) is befallen diocesans , &c. — ] they tell us here a truth , which they themselves have well-nigh totally procur'd : for to infame the hierarchy , and blast the constitutions of the church , has been ( ever since the kings return ) the better half of their businesse in the pulpit . ( not forgetting his majesty neither . ) [ a ] a weak brother that maketh an unnecessary difference of meats and dayes ; is not to be cast out , but so to be received and not to be troubled with such doubtful disputation . [ b ] impositions are not indifferent , in the judgement of dissenters , though they be so in yours . [ c ] we beseech you therefore plead not law against us , when our request is that you will joyn with us in petitioning , to his majesty and the parliament , that there may be no such law. [ d ] the cause of the non-conformists hath been long ago stated , at the troubles at franckford , and having continued still the same , you have no reason to suspect them of any considerable change. [ e ] we have now faithfully , and not unnecessarily , or unreasonably , spread before you , the case of thousands of the upright of the land : we have proposed honest and safe remedies for our present distraction , and the preventing of the feared increase . note . xxvii . [ a ] vvould our divines perswade us that the case of meats , and dayes , whereof the apostle speaks , is of the same nature with that of ceremonies , which we are now debating , or that a weak brother is not to be distinguish'd from a peevish ? see how perverse and vast a difference lyes betwixt them : but right or wrong , if it be colour'd for the multitude , no matter for the reason . under the law , god himself put a difference betwixt meats ; and betwixt dayes : which difference ceas'd , upon the coming of our blessed saviour . some thought it still , a point of conscience to observe the law ; and these the apostle calls weak brethren : others again , that knew the law was abrogate , quitted those scruples , and of these it is that st. paul says ; we which are strong , ought to bear the infirmities of the weak . now marque ; that which was formerly impos'd , is now become a thing indifferent . that is ; indifferent to the strong and knowing : not so to those that were not yet convinced of the determination of the former tie and duty : and this is the true ground of the apostles tenderness here concerning scandal . destroy not him with thy meat , for whom christ dyed . ] see how their case now matches ours . they durst not eat , because they knew that once they were bound ; and they did not know likewise that they were now discharg'd . let our reformers shew as much for ceremonies : either that humane impositions were ever forbidden , or that those , practic'd in our church , are in themselves unlawful . and yet these men are not so totally indifferent , as they appear to be , concerning meats , and days . was ever any thing more sourly superstitious , then their monthly-fast ? those days , wherein the church enjoyns abstinence , they choose , to feast upon : and sunday is the only day for humiliation . [ b ] laws are compos'd for the publique welfare , not for the humours of particular persons : and shortly ; they that do not like the law where they live ; should do well to search the vvorld , for a law they like . si non ubi sedeas locus est , est ubi ambules . [ c ] we come now to a fine request ; that is , they desire the bishops to petition the king to establish presbytery ; ( for that is directly the effect of it ) to destroy the act of conformity . do not people understand , that when laws are form'd to a complyance with phansie and humour , there is no other law but humour . they tell us hitherto what they would not have , see now what 't is they would have . [ d ] the cause of the non-conformists ( they say ) is long since stated at frankford . ] is that it then they would be at ? yes , that , or thereabouts . [ we have no reason to suspect them of any considerable change , ] they tell us . truly , nor much to thank them for sticking there . but the late war is the best measure of their aims ; and yet they did no more there , than they attempt every where : for i defie the world to shew me one story , where ever that faction was quiet , unless they govern'd . but they have confess'd enough ; we are to look at frankford for their model : and by the spirit of the reformers there , to judge of these here. in the days of edw. 6th . this island first began to be leaven'd with presbytery : through the particular craft and instigation of calvin , whose late success and absolute dominion at geneva , gave no small pretence and encouragement to an allowance of his discipline . while discontents were gathering , that prince dies , leaving the government to queen mary , in whose reign , diverse of the reformed perswasion fled into germany . no sooner were they met at frankford , but calvin's model was there ready to bid them welcom . some liked it but too well ; and to make easier way for 't , made it their first work to disgrace the english forms ; just as our consistorian puritans do at this day . knox , whitingham , and some others of the geneva-humor , made a cull of the particulars they faulted , and sent them to calvin for his opinion : whose answer was , that there were many tolerable fopperies in the english liturgy . this letter was made publick , and a great furtherance to the ensuing breach ; which ended yet in the establishment of the english way at frankford , the calvinizers flying off to geneva . so that their reformers and ours agree ; both , enemies to the english ceremonies , and common-prayer . the cause the same too ; both are friends to the geneva platform . nay , they agree in practise likewise . that faction cast off their prince and bishop there ; ours did as much for king and bishops here . if those nonconformists , and these are of a judgment ; ( as our divines unwarily imply ) we shall best read what these men think and mean , srom what those said and did , and rather proceed upon their own confession , than summon the three kingdoms to bear witness of their actions . we shall begin with knox , ( one of the intermedlers ) whose letters and discourses are sufficient to his condemnation , without that history of the church of scotland ; of which ( though generally ascrib'd to him ) spotswood acquits him . in 1559. willock and knox were advised with , concerning the discharging the queen of her regency . willock gave his opinion , that they might justly deprive her from all regiment and authority over them . ] knox follow'd , and added , that she ought now to be deprived . those of most note among the frankford-sticklers , were goodman , whittingham , and gilby . see them at large in bancroft's dangerous positions : from whence we 'l borrow some collections out of them . if the magistrates ( says goodman ) shall refuse to put mass-mongers and false preachers to death , the people , in seeing it performed , do shew that zeal of god which was commended in phineas , destroying the adulterers ; and in the israelites against the benjamites . now see the men that these reformers call mass-mongers and false preachers . the most part of our ministers ( says gilby ) are either popish priests , or monks , or fryers — procters of antichrist's inventions : popish chapmen , &c. ] if kings and princes refuse to reform religion , ( says whittingham ) the inferior magistrates , or people , by direction of the ministery , may lawfully , and ought , if need require , even by force and arms , to reform it themselves . to the multitude ( says goodman ) a portion of the sword of justice is committed : from the which no person , king , queen , or emperor , ( being an idolater ) is exempt , he must die the death . these are the opinions of those persons whom our reformers make their pattern . how they proceeded , the story of queen elizabeth sets forth abundantly ; and our own memories may enform us , how close our covenanters have follow'd them . [ e ] we have now faithfully , &c. ] with what faith , reason , or necessity — soever the case was spread before the bishops : we 're sure 't was fouly done to spread the case before the people . but where 's the faith , of taking an ell for an inch : — of abolishing what they pretend to alter : — of perverting scripture : — and of putting an arbitrary nothing upon the people , instead of a set-form ? where lies the reason of presenting the opinions of the simple , as arguments to the wise : — of opposing number to equity : — tumults to authority : — and of pressing his majesty , to put himself into the power of those very people that dethron'd his father ? lastly , where lies the necessity of insisting upon so many variations , as are already prov'd to be utterly unnecessary ? now see the remedies they offer us ▪ which come to this ; they propose to cure good order by confusion . honest and safe they say they are ; and honest and safe we may believe them ; but we must first believe , that there 's no knavery in nature : for set mens consciences at liberty once , to think what they please , their hands will not be long restrained from executing those thinkings . never was a general freedom demanded , but for a particular design : nor was it ever granted , but the next proposition was equality . but they propose it here , it seems , as to prevent the fear'd enemies of our distractions . ] behold a drop fallen from the lips of prudence it self . are we in danger already and shall we be in less , when those we fear are in more power ▪ either the reason's naught or the design ; let them say whether . appendix . so far as open and clear dealing to their arguments , or justice to their meaning may acquit me , i think i owe them nothing ; and yet methinks i'm in their debt , unless i match their twenty reasons in favour of their propositions ; with as many against them . and which is more ; since 't is the multitude they court , i am content their friends shall be my judges . when i have done , 't is at the reformers choyce ; either by a reply to shew the little they have to say ; or by a more ingenuous silence , modestly to confesse that they can say nothing . tvventy reasons against their propositions . first , the design is dangerous , as presbyterian . for i do not find where ever yet that government was setled , but by conspiracy , and to the ruine of the supreme magistrate . ( with reverence to the reformed churches ; whose opinions in matters of faith may be sound , and yet the extraction of their discipline , vitious . ) 2. the proposers of this peace ( as they call it ) were the promoters of the late war : and by those very means did they destroy the last king , which they here offer as beneficial to this. 3. the very matter of their proposals , imports a denyal and usurpation of the kings authority . his majesty may not prescribe a set-form of worship : they themselves may for [ wedded , joyn'd ] &c. — stamp'd with the kings authority signifie nothing : but change them into married , conjoyn'd , &c. ] and the reformers seal to them , they pass for current . 4. their propositions are an utter disclaim of the episcopal order : for they oppose under pretense of conscience , all powers or faculties derivative from bishops : as canonical obedience , ordination , subscription , &c. 5. they press the king to act against his declar'd conscience : and to condemn the blessed memory of his father ; who dy'd because he could not grant , what they demand now from his royal successour . 6. the ground of their pretense , is scandal and unfitness for the ministry in the one party ; great holyness , ability , and conscience in the other , which to allow , were to make martyrdome , and loyalty scandalous ; and to give treason , faction , and hypocrisie , the credit and reward of holynesse . ( for that 's the difference betwixt those that ruin'd the late king , and those that perish'd for him , which two are now the question . ) 7. the very style , and manner of the addresse , is menacing , libellous , and mutinous : menacing , in the title ; [ a petition for peace . ] that is ; no peace without a grant. libellous , in the way , and purpose of it . a nameless , close , and defamatory invective against bishops . mutinous in the scope , and consequence ; 't is an appeal from the supreme power to the people . 8. the liberty they ask , extends to any thing they shall call conscience : and then what crimes , and villanies shall not passe for virtues , when every malefactour is his own judge ? 9. to give these people what they ask is to allow the reason of their asking : and at once to reward one injury , and justifie another . 10. they plead the peoples cause without commission ; and what the church styles schisme , they terme religion ; that , christian liberty , which the law calls treason . 11. 't is dangerous trusting of common vow-breakers , and most unequal to challenge absolute liberty , and allow none . 12. the grant of one unreasonable request , begets another , till at the last , it becomes unsafe to deny , by having parted with too much . 13. the late war began with a pretence of reformation : and with reformation are we now beginning again . it may very well be , that the same persons may intend the same things , by the same terms , and that they still propose to act by the same conscience : which if they do , in common equity and prudence , they are not to be admitted . if otherwise , till their confession is as publick as their fault , they are not to be believed . ( i speak of church-men more especially . ) 14. if really the common people be disaffected to the orders of the church ; surely these ministers that preach'd them into these distempers , deserve rather to be punish'd , than gratifi'd for so doing . and that 's the case . they themselves first stir up a factious humor in the multitude , and then they call that conscience , which is nothing else but a misguided ignorance of their own procuring . 15. while they pretend to reform bad laws , they destroy good ones ; noy , they oppose the very scope and benefit of law it self , common utility and concord : making their fickle and unquiet fancies , the rule of that authority , which better reason meant expresly for a curb of our licentious wandrings . 16. our reformers place the last appeal in the people ; an excellent contrivance , to make that party judge of every thing , which effectually understands nothing . 17. whereas they plead religion in the case , such a religion 't is , as the whole christian world cann't shew the fellow on 't : rather to justifie those outrages , which even humanity it self abhors ; than to admit those universal rights of government , which all men in society acknowledge , and submit to , but themselves . 18. a furious bustle they make with the silly people , for fear of popery . let this be observ'd , the church of rome hath gain'd more english proselytes ( ten for one ) during our presbyterian tyranny , than in proportion of time it ever did under our bishops . and still we lose ; ( i would i could not say ) with reason too : for what 's presbytery , but a more shameful and intolerable popery ? ( but all perswasions have their more moderate , and their violent parties . ) we talk of jesuits ; what is a jesuite , but a presbyterian papist ? or what a presbyterian but a reform'd jesuite ? 19. their propositions are an affront to the king , and a snare to the people . they ask leave to alter the common-prayer , and they take leave to destroy it . they offer a new form , and they desire it may be left to the minister's discretion which to use ; which being granted , the minister is left still at liberty to use neither . thus do they play fast and loose with his majesty ; ensnaring likewise the people with a lamentable pretence , that they cannot obtain , what in effect no mortal can understand . 20. let them now get what they ask , and they shall soon take what they please : for they onely desire , that they may do what they list , and then judge of their own doings . we all know what they have done , and call'd it conscience too ; so that their present talk of conscience , gives us no certainty of what they intend to do . wherefore 't is safer to refuse than trust them . let me be taken still to speak with reverence to authority : and truly i shall further yet subject my reason to my charity ; if any man will but do me the kindness to shew me onely one publick president , where ever a presbyterian faction , in a contest for power , and under no necessity , kept faith with any party . what were all articles and ties of honor , more then bulrushes , when they could gain by breaking them ? how much i loathe these brawling arguments , i might appeal to the whole practise of my life , wherein i never yet put pen to paper , to any man's dishonor , that was not a profess'd enemy to the king : nor have i ever printed the least syllable , but on a publick score . 't is now high time to end this tedious wrangle , which i must not absolutely quit , till i have given some reasons for engaging in it . first , i am ty'd by oath to the discovery of all conspiracies against his majesty , and by the oath i have taken , i judge this here in question to be a foul one . next , as a subject , i am bound to do the king all lawful service . thirdly , i look upon this office , as a small offering to my country ; 't is no great vanity , if i believe some weak enough for me to teach : and 't is a truth , that i as much desire to learn from others . fourthly , we are charg'd with ignorance and scandal , ( the presbyterians livery ) and i would have the world to know , that those of the censorious cut are not all saints and philosophers . i might add for a fifth reason , that general good allowance which my well-meaning weaknesses have found with the king's friends : from whose agreement of opinion , i receive great assurance and encouragement , in my poor undertakings ; and in their charity much honor. but all are not so satisfi'd : for at this instant i am inform'd of several mean designes upon my person , freedom , and credit . the first amounts to nothing . the next i look upon but as the boiling of some old rancorous humor against the king : — a dream perchance of forty-four again . for sure no other persons will condemn me now , but those that would have hang'd me then. as to the third , i 'm least of all sollicitous ; for perjur'd persons are no proof in law , and for the rest , i fear them not . it will be urg'd perhaps , what has this scribling fellow to do with the publick ? i cry ye mercy , gentlemen . you count it nothing then , after three prentiships spent in the royal cause , to be bespatter'd by those very persons that overthrew it ? this is the course of your implacable distempers : the cavaliers are abus'd , and the presbyterians complain . give me leave onely to offer ye two or three questions , and i have done . ( the first an old one , but not yet resolv'd . ) first , vvithout repentance can there be any salvation ? or , without confession and restitution , any repentance ? secondly , vvhy will not you swear to obey bishops , as well as ye covenanted to destroy them ? and why may not you as well be forc'd to take a lawful oath , as you forc'd others to an unlawful one ? thirdly , vvhy is it not as lawful for bishops to silence presbyterians , as for presbyterians to extirpate bishops ? one fool may ask more questions , than twenty vvise-men can answer . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47908-e1790 caveat , pag. 18. notes for div a47908-e2750 birds of a feather . the marks of the beast . nemo repente . cujus contrarium . notes for div a47908-e6670 the divine● petition for peace . pag. 1. had zimri peace ? johnson . the presbyt . demands . pag. 2. notes for div a47908-e8010 presbyterian reformation signifies abolition . fraud . usurpation . design , not conscience . the method of sedition . a petitionary menace . pag. 14. the divines exceed their commission . the kings proposal to the presbyterian ministers . the godly party . tender conscience● . page . 61. ibid. his majesties tendernesse abused . notes for div a47908-e12460 an arbitrary set-form . christian liberty . pag. 32.35.36 . ibid. pag. 46. christian liberty at the communion . pag. 55. ibid. pag. 56.57.58 . unchristian rigour . pag. 62.64 . consistorian tyranny . hookers ecclesiastical policy l. 5. s. 64. pag. 68.72.73 . concerning festivalls . ibid. pag. 74.78 : notes for div a47908-e13740 pastoral discipline . p. 82. pag. 80. pag. 81. open confession . for a traytor . a schismatick . an oppressour a murtherer . an hypocrite . a perjur'd person . this discipline necessary for the presbyterians . the method of the presbyterian faction . the marques of a presbyterian . notes for div a47908-e15450 page . 2. notes for div a47908-e15810 pag. 3. reas. 1. the duty of bishops . notes for div a47908-e15950 john. 10.27 . pag. 4. reas. 2. a sad compleynt . notes for div a47908-e16760 the presbyt . character . able . holy. faithful . laborious . peaceable . pag. 4. reas. 3. sorrow in a day of common joy unseasonable . notes for div a47908-e18560 the presbyterians laugh when they should cry . the old cause reviv'd . pag. 3. reas. 4. how great a part of the 3. nations suffer . notes for div a47908-e19340 the faction good at false musters . inconsiderable . pag. 4. reas. 5. the nature of the cause . page 5. ibid. pag 6. notes for div a47908-e19920 the ground of the reformers schisme . gal. 1.8 . 2 john 1.9 . rom. 16.17 . 1 cor. 14.40 . the manner of worship left to the church . conformity necessary . a queynt scruple . matth. 26.20 . matth. 26.39 . 2 kings 4.13 . their scruple is faction . pag. 6. reas. 6. the disproportion betwixt the things in question and the salration of souls . pag. 7. pag. 8. notes for div a47908-e22600 ceremonies are necessary to order . they oppose the power not the thing . tit. 1.5 . the presbyterians swear freely . who are factious . rom. 7.7 , 8. the consequence of presbyterian liberty . pag. 8. reas. 7. the nonconformists submit to all things necessary to salvation . pag. 9. notes for div a47908-e25470 things necessary to salvation . pag. 9. reas. 8. as well the mass-book as the common-prayer . notes for div a47908-e26210 pag. 9. reas. 9. the liberty of the ancient times . notes for div a47908-e26540 luke . 1 1.2 . a modest request . johnson . pag. 9. r. 10. the hazzard of refusing . notes for div a47908-e27640 presbyterians no protestants smectimnuus pag. 23. bishop hall's modest offer , pag. 3. ibid. pag. 4. pag. 15. presbyterian primitive episcopacy . hooker's eccles . pol. lib. 5. sect . 62. * smectymnuus . mr. manton's impression , pag. 51. spotswood hist. of scotl. lib. 7. pag. 514. page 10. reason 11. notes for div a47908-e31110 the church the judge . matth. 24.4 . matth. 24.24 . schisme turns to rebellion . pag. 10. reason . 12. notes for div a47908-e32870 the end of mans creation . objection . sol. peevish liberty . page 12. reas. 13. notes for div a47908-e34780 the reformers method . page 12. reason 14. page 13. notes for div a47908-e36440 the intellect not to be forced . page 13. pag. 13. reas. 15. notes for div a47908-e37390 pag. 14. reas. 16. notes for div a47908-e38000 do as ye would be done by . object . sol. the presbyterians case put . page 14. reas. 17. pag. 16. page . 16. notes for div a47908-e40110 a text wrested . the reformers unity . a subtle inference . page 18. reas. 18. notes for div a47908-e42610 the common enemy . great exemplar . pag. 447. pag. 18. reas. 19. notes for div a47908-e43300 psal. 37.36 . psal. 73.17 . psal. 37.39 . mat. 7.15 , 16. how to judge of mens hearts exact collect. pag. 494. note . the bishops adversaries . the holy thousands . the friends of episcopacy . page 18. reas. 20. page 19. notes for div a47908-e45170 rom. 15.1 . rom. 14.15 . plautus . history of the church of scotl. pag. 267. spotswoods hist. scotl. pag. 136. ibid. 137. dangerous posit . pag. 35. ibid. pag. 61. ibid. pag. 9. ibid. pag. 36. the rehearsal transpros'd, or, animadversions upon a late book intituled, a preface, shewing what grounds there are of fears and jealousies of popery marvell, andrew, 1621-1678. 1672 approx. 342 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 93 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52139 wing m878 estc r202141 12779024 ocm 12779024 93801 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52139) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93801) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1036:20) the rehearsal transpros'd, or, animadversions upon a late book intituled, a preface, shewing what grounds there are of fears and jealousies of popery marvell, andrew, 1621-1678. the second edition, corrected. [2], 181 [i.e. 183] p. printed by a.b. for the assings [sic] of john calvin and theodore beza ... london : 1672. attributed by wing to andrew marvell. an answer to bishop parker's preface to bishop bramhall's vindication. errors in paging. imperfect: print showthrough, tightly bound, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng parker, samuel, 1640-1688. dissenters, religious -england. church and state -england. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-05 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the rehearsal transpros'd : or , animadversions upon a late book , intituled , a preface shewing what grounds there are of fears and jealousies of popery . the second edition , corrected . london , printed by a. b. for the assings of john calvin and theodore beza , at the sign of the kings indulgence , on the south side of the lake lemans , 1672. animadversions upon the preface to bishop bramhall's vindication , &c. the author of this presace had first writ a discourse of ecclesiastical policy ; after that , a defence and continuation of the ecclesiastical policy ; and there he concludes his epistle to the reader in these words : but if this be the tenance i must undergo for the wantonness of my pen , to answer the impertinent and sl●…nder exceptions of every peevish and disingenuo●…s caviller ; reader i am reformed from my 〈◊〉 of scribling , and do here beartily bid thee an eternal farewel . now this expression lies open to his own dilemma against the nonconformists confessing in their prayers to god such heinons enormities . for if he will not accept his own charge , his modesty is all impudent and counterfeit : or , if he will acknowledge it , why then he had been before , and did still remain upon record , the same lewd , wanton , and incontinent scribler . but however , i hoped he had been a clergy-man of honour , and that when herein the world and he himself were now so ●…ully agreed in the 〈◊〉 of his writings , he would have kept his word ; or at least that his pen would not , so soon have created us a disturbance of the fame nature , and so far manifested how indifferent he is as to the business either of truth or eternity . but the author , alas , instead of his own , was faln now into amaryllis's dilemma : i perceive the gentleman hath travelled by his remembring chi lava la testa al asino perde il sapone , and therefore hope i may without pedantry quote the words in her own whining italian ) s'il peccar è si dolce e'l non peccar si necessario , o troppo imperfetta natura che ripugnia la legge . o troppo dura legge che natura offendi . if to scrible be so sweet , and not to scrible be so necessary ; o too frail inclination , that contradicteth obligagation : o too severe obligation , that offendest inclination . for all his promise to waite no more , i durst always have laid ten pound to a crown on natures side . and occordingly he hath now blessed us with , as he calls it , a preface , shewing what grounds there are of fears and jealousies of popery . it will not be unpleasant to hear him begin his story . the ensuing treatise of bishop bramhall's being somewhat superannuated , the bookseller was very sollicitous to have it set off with some preface that might recommend it to the genius os the age , and reconcile it to the present juncture of affairs . a pretty task indeed : that is as much as to say , to trick up the good old bishop in a yellow coif and a bulls-head , that he may be fit for the publick , and appear in fashion . in the mean time 't is what i always presgaed : from a writer of book●… , our author is already dwinled to a preface-monger , and from prefaces i am confident he may in a short time be improved to endite tickets for the bear-garden . but the bookseller i see was a cunning fellow , and knew his man. for who so proper as a young priest to sacrifice to the genius of the age ; yea , though his conscience were the offering ? and none more ready to nick a juncture of affairs than a malapart chaplain ; though not one indeed of a hundred but dislocates them in the handling . and yet our author is very maidenly , and condescends to his bookseller not without some reluctance , as being , forsooth , first of all none of the most zealous patrons of the press . though he hath so lately forfeited his credit , yet herein i dare believe him : for the press hath ought him a shame a long time , and is but now beginning to pay of the debt . the press ( that villanous engine ) invented much about the same time with the reformation , that hath done more mischief to the discipline of our church , than all the doctrine can make amends for , 't was an happy time when all learning was in manuscript , and some little officer , like out author , did keep the keys of the library . when the clergy needed no more knowledge than to read the liturgy , and the laity no more clerkship than to save them from hanging . but now since printing came into the world , such is the mischief that a man cannot write a book but presently he is answered . could the press but once be conjured to obey only an imprimatur , our author might not disdain perhaps to be one of its most zealous patrons . there have been wayes found out to banish ministers , to fine not only the people , but even the grounds and fields where they assembled in conventicles , but no art yet could prevent these seditious meetings of letters . two or three brawny fellows in a corner , with meer ink and elbow-grease , do more harm than an hundred systematical divines with their ●…weaty preaching . and , which is a strange thing , the very spunges , which one would think should rather deface and blot out the whole book , and were anciently used to that purpose , are become now the instruments to make things legible . their ugly printing-letters , that look but like so many rotten-teeth , how oft have they been pull'd out by b. and l. the p●…blick-tooth-drawers ! and yet these rascally operators of the press have got a trick to fasten them again in a few minutes , that they grow as firm a set , and as biting and talkative as ever . o printing ! how hast thou disturb'd the peace of mankind ! that lead , when moulded into bullets , is not so mortal as when sounded into letters ! there was a mistake sure in the story of cadmus ; and the serpe●…ts teeth which he sowed , were nothing else bu●… the letters which he invented . the first essay that was made towards this art , was in single characters upon iron , wherewit●… of old they stigmatiz'd slaves and remarkable offenders ; and it was of good use sometimes to brand a schismatick , but a bulky dutchman diverted it quite fro●… its first institution , and contriving those innumerable syntagmes of alpha●…ets , hath pestred the world ever since with the gross bodies of their german divinity . one would have thought in reason that a dutchman at least might have contented himself only with the wine-press . but , next of all , our author , beside his aversion from the press , alledges , th●…t he is as much concerned as de-wit or any of the high and mighty burgomasters , in matters of a closer and more comfortable importance to himself and his own affairs . and yet whoever shall take the pains to read over his preface , will find that it intermeddles with the king , the succession , the privy-council , popery , atheism , bishops , ecclesiastical government , and above all with nonconformity , and j. o. a man would wonder what this thing should be of a closer importance , but being more comfortable too , i conclude it must be one of these three things ; either his salvation , or a benefice , or a female . now as to salvation he could not be so much concern'd for that care was over ; there hath been a course taken to insure all thar are on his bottom , and he is yet surer of a benefice ; or else his patrons must be very ungrateful . he cannot have deserved less than a prebend for his first book , a sine-cure for his second , and for this third a rectorship , although it were that of malmsbury . why , thenof necessity it must be a female . for that i confess might have been a sufficient excuse from writing of prefaces , and against the importunity of the book-seller . 't was fit that all business should have given place to the work of propagation . nor was there any thing that could more closely import him , than that the race & family of the railers should be perpetuared among mankind . who could in reason expect that a man should in the same moments undertake the labour of an author and a father ? nevertheless , he saith , he could not but yeild so far as to improve every fragment of time that he could get into his own disposal , to gratifie the importunity of the bookseller . was ever civility graduated up and inhanc'd to such a value ! his mistris her self could not have endeared a favour so nicely , nor granted it with more sweetness . was the bookseller more impotunate , or the author more courteous ? the author was the pink of courtesie , the bookseller the bur of importunity . and so , not being able to shake him off , this , he saith , hath brought forth this preface , such an one as it is ; for how it will prove , he himself neither is , nor ( till 't is too late ) ever shall be a competent judge , in that it must be ravish'd out of his hands before his thoughts can possibly be cool enough to revive or correct the indecencies either of its stile or contrivance . he is now growing a very enthusiast himself . no nonconformist-minister , as it seems , could have spoke more extempore . i see he is not so civil to his readers as he was to his bookseller : and so a. c. and james collins be gratified , he cares not how much the rest of the world be disobliged . some man that had iess right to be fastidious and confident , would , before he exposed himself in publick , both have cool'd his thoughts , and corrected his indecencies : or should have considered whether it were necessary or wholsome that he should write at all . forasmuch as one of the ancient sophists ( they were a kind of orators of his form ) kill'd himself with declaiming while he had a bone in his throat , and j. o. was still in being . put up your trumpery good noble marquess . but there was no holding him . thus it must be , and no better , when a man's fancy is up , and his breeches are down ; when the mind and the body make contrary assignations , and he hath both a bookseller at once and a mistriss to satisfie ; like archimedes , into the street he runs out naked with his invention . and truly , if at any time , we might now pardon this extravagance and rapture of our author , when he was pearch'd upon the highest pinacle of ecclesiastical felicity , being ready at once to asswage his concupisence , and wreek his malice . but yet he knows not which way his mind will work it self and its thoughts . this is bayes the second . — 't is no matter for the plot — the intrigo was out of his dead — but you 'l apprehend it better when you see 't . or rather , he is like bayes his actors , that could not guess what humour they were to be in : whether angry , melancholly , merry , or in love. nay insomuch that he saith , he is neither prophet nor astrologer enough to for etel . never man certainly was so unaquainted with himself . and , indeed , 't is part of his discretion to avoid his acquaintance and tell him as little of his mind as may be : for he is a dangerous felllow . but i must ask his pardon if i treat him too homely . it is his own fault that misled me at first , by concealing his quality under such vulgarcomparisons as de-wit and the burgomasters . i now see it all along ; this can be noless a man than prince vol●…cicius himself , in dispute betwixt his boots which way his mind will work it self ; whether love shall detain him with his closer importance , parthenope , whose mother , sir , sells ale by the town wall : or honour shall carry him to head the army that lies concealed for him at knightsbridge , and to incounter j. o. go on cryes honour : tender love saith nay . honour aloud commands , pluck both boots on . but safer love doth whisper , put on none . and so now when it comes that he is not prophet nor astrologer enough to foretel what he will do , 't is just , for as bright day , with black approach of night , contending , makes a doubtful puzzling light ; so does my honour and my love together , puzzle me so , i am resolv'd on neither . yet no astrologer could possibly have more advantage and oportunity to make a judgment . for he knew the very minute of the conception of his preface , which was immediately upon his majesties issuing his declaration of indulgence to tender consciences . nor could he be ignorant of the moment when it was brought forth . and i can so far refresh his memory , that it came out in the dog-dayes , — the season hot , and she too near : 〈◊〉 mighty love ! j. o. will be undone , according to the rule in davenant's ephemerides ; but the ●…eads which at this moment , and under the present . schemes and aspects of the heavens he intends to treat of ( pure sidropdel ) are these two : first , something of the treatise it self . secondly , of the seasonableness of its publication ! and this , unless his humour jade him ( 't is come to a dog-trot already ) will lead him further into the argument as it relates to the present state of things , and from thence 't is odds but he shall take occasion to bestow some animadversions upon one j. o. there 's no trusting him . he doubtless knew from the beginning what he intended . and so too all his story of the bookseller , and all the volo nola's , and shall-i shall-i's bebetwixt them , was nothing but fooling : and he now all along owns himself to be the publisher , and alledges the slighter and the main reasons that induced him . would he had told us so at first ; for then he had saved me thus much of my labour . though as it chances , it lights not amiss on our author , whose delicate stomach could not brook that j. o. should say , he had prevailed with himself much against his inclination , to bestow a few ( and those idle ) hours upon examining his book : and yet he himself stumbles so notoriosly upon the very same fault at his own threshold , but now from this preamble he falls into his peface to bishop bramhal , though indeed like bays his prologue , that would have serv'd as well for an epilogue , i do not see but the preface might have past as well for a postscript , or the headstal for a crooper . and our authors divinity might have gone to push pin with the bishop , which of their two treatises was the procatarctical cause os both their edition . for , as they are coupled together , to say the truth , 't is not discernable , as in some animals , whether their motion begin at the head or the tail : whether the author made his preface sor bishop bramhal's dear sake , or whether he published the bishop's treatise for sake of his own dear preface . for my own part i think it reasonable that the bishop and our author , should ( like fair gamsters at leap-frog ) stand and skip in their turns ; and however our author got it for once , yet if the bookseller should ever be sollicitous for a second edition , that then the bishops book should have the precedence . but besore i commit my self to the dangerous dep●hs of his discourse , which i am now upon the brink of , i would with his leave make a motion ; that instead of author , i may henceforth indifferently call him mr. bays as oft as i shall see occasion . and that first , because he hath no name or at least will not own it , though he himself writes under the greatest security , and gives us the first letters of other mens names before he be asked them . secondly , because he is i perceive a lover of elegancy , of stile and can endure no mans tautologies but his own , and therefore i would not distast him with too frequent repetition of one word . but chiefly , because mr. bayes and he do very much symbolize ; in their understandingt , in their expressions , in their humour , in their contempt and quarrelling of all others , though of their own profession . because , our divine , the author , manages his contest with the same prudence and civility , which the players and poets have practised of late in their several divisions . and lastly , because both their talents do peculiarly ly in exposing and personating the nonconformists . i would therefore give our author a name , the memory of which may perpetually excite him to the exercise and highest improvement of that virtue . for , our cicero doth not yet equal our roscius , and one turn of lacy's face hath more ecclesiastical policy in it , than all the books of our author put together . besides , to say mr. bayes is more civil than to say villain and caitiff , though these indeed are more tuant . and , to conclude ; the irrefragable doctor of school-divinity , pag. 460. of his defence ; determining concerning symbollical ceremonies , ha●h warranted me that not only governours , but any thing else , may have power to appropriate new names to things , without having absolute authority over the things themselves . and therefore henceforward , seeing i am on such sure ground , author , or mr. bayes , whether i please . now , having had our dance , let us advance to our more serious counsels . and first , our author begins with a panegyrick upon bishop bramhal ; a person whom my age had not given me leave to be acquainted with , nor my good fortune led me to converse with his writings : but for whom i had collected a deep reverence from the general reputation he carried , beside the veneration due to the place he filled in the church of england . so that our author having a mind to shew us some proof of his good nature , and that his eloquence lay'd not all in satyr and invectives , could not , in ny opinion , have fixed upon a fitter subject of commendation . and therefore , i could have wished for my own sake , that i had missed this occasion of being more fully informed of some bishop's principles , whereby i have lost part of that pleasure which i had so long enjoyed in thinking well of so considerable a person . but however , i recreate my self with believing that my simple judgment cannot , beyond my intention , abate any thing of his just value with others . and seeing he is long since dead , which i knew but lately , and now learn it with regret , i am the more obliged to repair in my self whatsoever breaches of his credit , by that additional civility which consecrates the ashes of the deceased . but by this means i am come to discern how it was possible for our author to speak a good word for any man. the bishop was expired , and his writings jump much with our author . so that if you have a mind to dy , or to be of his party , ( there are but these two conditions ) you may perhaps be rendred capable of his charity . and then write what you will , he will make you a preface that shall recommend you and it to the genius of the age , and reconcile it to the juncture of affairs . but truly he hath acquitted himself herein so ill-favour'dly to the bistop , that i do not think it so much worth to gain his approbation ; and i had rather live and enjoy mine own opinion , than be so treated for , beside his reflection on the bishop , and the whole age he lived in ; that he was , as far as the prejudice of the , age would permit him , an acute philosopher ( which is a sufficient taste of mr. bays his arrogance , that no man , no age can be so perfect but must abide his censure , and of the officious virulence of his humour , which infuses it self , by a malignant remark , that ( but for this acuter philosopher ) no man else would have thought of , into the praises of him whom he most . intended to celebrate ) if , i say , beside this , you consider the most elaborate and studious periods of his commendation , you find it at best very rediculous , by the language he seems to transcribe out of the grand cyrus and cassandra , but the exploits to have borrowed out of the knight of the sun , and king arthur . for in a luscious and effeminate stile he gives him such a termagant character , as must either sright or turn the stomach of any reader ; being of a brave and enterprising temper , of an active and sprightly mind , he was always busied either in contriving or performing great d●…signs . well , mr. bayes , i suppose by this , that he might have been an over-match to the bishop of cullen and the bishop of strasburg in another place , he finished all the glorious designs that he undertook . this might have become the bishop of munster before he had rais'd the siege from groningen . as he was able to accomplish the most gallant attempts , so he was always ready not only to justisie their innocence , but to make good their bravery . i was too prodigal of my bishops at first , and now have never another lest in the gazette , which is to our authors magazine . his reputation and innocence were both arm or of proof against tories and presbyterians . but methinks mr. bayes having to do with such dangerous enemies , you should have furnished him too with some weapon of offence , a good old fox , like that of another heroe , his contemporary in action upon the scene of ireland , of whom it was sung . down by his side be wore a sword of price , keen as a frost , glaz'd like a new made ice : that cracks men shell'd in steel in a less trice , than squirrels nuts , or the highlanders lice . then he saith ; ' t is true the church of ireland was the largest scene of his actions ; but yet there in a little time , he wrought out such wondrous alterations and so exceeding all belief , as may convince us that he had a mind large and active enough to have managed the roman empire at its greatest extent . this indeed of our author 's is great : and yet it reacheth not a strain of his fellow pendets in the history of the mogol : where he tells dancehment kan , when you put your foot in the stirrop , and when you march upon horseback in the front of the cavalry , the earth trembles under your feet , the eight elephants that hold it on their heads not being able to support it . but enough of this trafh . beside that it is the , highest indecorum for a divine to write in such a stile as this [ partplay-book and part romance ] concerning a reverend bishop ; these improbable elogies too are of the greatest disservice to their own design , and do in effect diminish alwayes the person whom they pretend to magnifie . any worthy man may pass through the world unquestion'd and safe with a moderate recommendation ; but when he is thus set off , and bedawb'd with rhetorick , and embroder'd so thick that you cannot discern the ground , it awakens naturally ( and not altogether unjustly ) interest , curiosity and envy . for all men pretend a share in reputation , and love not to see it ingross'd and 〈◊〉 , and are subject to enquire , ( as of great estates suddenly got ) whether he came by all this honestly , or of what credit the person is that tells the story ? and the same hath happened as to this bishop , while our author attributes to him such atchievments , which to one that could believe the legend of captain jones , might not be incredble . i have heard that there was indeed such a captain , an honest brave fellow : but a wag that had a mind to be merry with him , hath quite spoil'd his history . had our author epitomiz'd the legend of sixty six books de virtutibus sancti patricii ( i mean not the ingenious writer of the friendly debates , but st , patrick the irish bishop ) he could not have promis'd us greater miracles . and 't is well for him that he hath escaped the fate of secundinus , who ( as josselin relates it ) acquainting patrick that he was inspired to compose something in his commendation , the bshiop foretold the author should dy as soon as 't was perfected . which so done , so happened . i am sure our author had dyed no other death but of this his own preface , and a surfeit upon bishop bramhall , if the swelling of truth could have choak'd him . he tells us , i remember somewhere , that this same bishop of derry said , the scots had a civil expression for these improvers of verity , that they are good company ; and i shall say nothing severer , than that our author speaks the language of a lover , and so may claim some pardon , if the habit and excess of his courtship do as yet give a tincture to his discourse upon more ordinary subjects . for i would not by any means be mistaken , as if i thought our author so sharp set , or so necessitated that he should make a dead bishop his 〈◊〉 ; so far from that , that he hath taken such a course , that if the bishop were alive , he would be out of love with himself . he hath , like those frightfull looking-glasses , made for sport , represented him in such bloated lineaments , as , i am confident , if he could see his face in it , he would break the glass . for , hence it falls out too , that men seeing the bishop furbish'd up in so martial accoutrements , like another odo bishop of baieux , and having never before heard of his prowess , begin to reflect what giants he defeated and what damsels he rescued . serious men consider whether he were ingaged in the conduct of the irish army , and to have brought it over upon england , for the imputation of which the earl of strafford his patron so undeservedly suffered . but none knowes any thing ofit . others think it is not to be taken literally , but the wonderful and unheard-of alterations that he wrought out in ireland , are meant of some reformation that he made there in things of his own function . but then men ask again , how he comes to have all the honour of it , and whether all the while that great bishop usher , his metropolitane , were unconcerned ? for even in ecclesiastical combates , how instrumental soever the captain hath been , the general usually carries away the honour of the action . but the good primate was engaged in designs of lesser moment , and was writing his de primordiis ecclesiae britanicae , and the story of pelagius our countryman . he , honest man , was deep gone in grubstreet and polemmical 〈◊〉 , and troubled with fits of modern orthodoxy . he satisfyed himself with being admired by the blue and white aprons , and pointed at by the more 〈◊〉 tankard bearers . nay , which is worst of all , he undertook to abate of our episcopal grandeur , and condescended 〈◊〉 to reduce the ceremonious discipline in these nations to the 〈◊〉 simplicity . what then was this that bishop brambal did ! did he like a protestant apostle , in one day convert thousands of the irish papists ? the contrary is evident , by the irish rebellion and massacre , which , notwithstanding his publick employment and great abilities , happened in his time so that after all our authors bombast , when we have search'd all over , we find our selves bilk'd in our ●…on : and he hath erected him , like a st christopher in the popish churches , as big as ten porters and yet only imploy'd to sweat under the burden of an infant . all that appears of him is , first , that he busied himself about a catholick 〈◊〉 among the churches of christendom . but as to this , our author himself saith , that he was not so vain , or so presuming as to hope to see it 〈◊〉 in his day●…s . and yet but two pages before he told us that the bishop finished all the glorious designes which he undertook but this design of his he draws our in such a circuit of words , that 't is better taking it from the bishop himself , who speaks more plainly always and much more to the purpose . and he saith , pag. 〈◊〉 . of his vindication , my design is rather to reconcile the popish party to the church of england , than the 〈◊〉 of england to the pope . and how he manages it , i had rather any man would learn by reading over his own book , than that i should be thought to misrepresent him , which i might , unless i tarnscribed the whole . but in summe it seems to me that he is upon his own single judgment too liberal of the publick , and that he retrenches both on our part more than he hath authority for , and grants more to the popish than they can of right pretend to . it is however indeed a most glorious design , to reconcile all the churches to one doctrine and communion ( though some that meddle in it do it chiefly in order to fetter men straighter under the formal bondage of fictitious discipline ; ) but it is a thing rather to be wished and prayed for , than to be expected from these kind of endeavours . it is so large a field , that no man can see to the end of it : and all that have adventured to travel it , have been bewildred . that man must have a vast opinion of his own sufficiency , that can think he may by his oratory or reason , either in his own time , or at any of our author 's more happy juncture of affairs , so far perswade and fascinate the roman-church , having by a regular contexture of continued policy for so many ages interwoven it self with the secular interest , and made it self necessary to most princes , and having at last erected a throne of infallibility over their consciences , as to prevail with her to submit a power and empire so acquired and established in compromise to the arbitration of an humble proposer . god only in his own time , and by the inscrutable methods of his providence is able to effect that alteration : though i think too he hath signified in part by what means he intends to accomplish it , and to range so considerable a church and once so exemplary , into primitive unity and christian order . in the mean time such 〈◊〉 are sit 〈◊〉 pregnant scholars that have nothing else to do , to go big with for forty years , and may qualifie them to discourse with princes & statesmen at their leisure ; but i never saw that they came to use or possibility , no more than that of alexanders architect , who proposed to make him a statue of the mountain achos ( and that was no molehil ) and among other things , that statue to carry in its hand a great habitable city . but the surveyor was gravell'd , being asked whence that city should be supplyed with water . i would only have ask'd the bishop , when he had carv'd and hammer'd the romists and protestants into one colossian-church , how we should have done as to matter of bibles . for the bishop , p. 117. complains that unqualified people should have a promiscuous licence to read the scriptures : and you may guess thence , if he had moreover the pope to friend , how the laity should have been used . there have been attempts in former ages to dig through the separating istmos of peloponnesus ; and another to make communication between the red-sea and the mediterranean : both more easie than to cut this ecclesiastick canal , and yet both laid by , partly upon the difficulty of doing it , and partly upon the inconveniences if it had been effected . i must confess freely , yet i ask pardon for the presumption , that i cannot look upon these undertaking church-men , however otherwise of excellent prudence and learning , but as men struck with a notio , and craz'd on that side of their head . and so i think even the bishop had much better have busied himself in peaching in his own diocess , and disarming the papists of their arguments , instead of rebating our weapons ? than in taking an oecumenical care upon him , which none called him to , and , as appears by the sequel , none conn'd him thanks for . but if he were so great a politicion as i have heard , and indeed believe him to have been , me-thinks he should in the first place have contrived how we might live well with our protestant neighbours , and to have united us in one body under the king of england , as head of the protestant interest , which might have rendred us more considerable , and put us into a more likely posture to have reduced the church of rome to reason . for the most leading party of the english clergy in his time retained such a pontifical stiffness towards the foreign divines , that it puts me in mind of austine the monk , when he came into kent , not deigning to rise up to the brittish or give them the hand , and could scarce afford their churches either communion or charity , or common civility . so that it is not to be wondred if they also on their parts look'd upon our models of accomodation with the same jealousie that the british christians had as austin's design , to unite them first to ( that is under ) the savons , and then deliver them both over bound to the papal government and ceremonies . but seeing hereby our hands were weakned , and there was no probability of arriving so near the end of the work , as to a consent among protestants abroad ; had the bishop but gone that step , to have reconciled the ecclesiastical differences in our own nations , and that we might have stood firm at home before we had taken such a jump beyond-sea , it would have been a performance worthy of his wisdom . for at that time the ecclesiastical rigours here were in the highest ferment , and the church in being arrayed it self against the peaceable dissenters only in some points of worship . and what great undertaking could we be ripe for abroad , while so divided at home ? or what fruit expected from the labour of those mediating divines in weighty matters , who were not yet past sucking-bottle ; but seem'd to place all the business of chri stianity in persecuting men for their consciences , differing from them in smaller metters ? how ridiculous must we be to the church of rome to interpose in her affairs , and force our mediation upon her ; when besides our ill correspondence with foreign protestants , she must observe our weakness within our selves , that we could not , or would not step over a straw , though for the perpetual settlement and security of our church and nation ? she might well look upon us as those that probably might be forced at some time by our folly to call her into our assistance ( for with no weapons or arguments but what are fetch'd out of 〈◊〉 arsenals , can the ceremonial controversie be rightly defended ) but never could she consider us as of such authority or wisdom , as to give ballance to her counsels . but this was far from bishop bramhall's thoughts ; who , so he might ( like caesar ) manage the roman empire at its utmost extent , had quite forgot what would conduce to 〈◊〉 peace of his own province and country . for , p. 57. he settles this maxime as a truth , that second reformations are commonly like metal upon metal , which is false heraldry . where , by the way , it is a wonder that our author in enumerating the bioshp's perfections in divinity , law , history , and philosophy , neglected this peculiar gift he had in heraldry ; and omitted to tell us that his 〈◊〉 was large enough to have animated the kingdoms of garter and 〈◊〉 at their greatest dimensions . but , beside what i have said already in relation to this project upon rome , there is this more , 〈◊〉 i confess was below bishop brumhall's reflection , and was indeed fit only sor some vulgar politician , or the commissioners of scotland about the 〈◊〉 union : whether it would not have succeeded , as in the consolidation of kingdoms , where the greatest swallows down the less ; so also in church-coalition , that though the pope had condescended ( which the bishop owns to be his right ) to be only a patriarch , 〈◊〉 he would have 〈◊〉 up the patriarchate os lambeth to his mornings-draught , like an egg in muscadine . and then there is another danger always when things come once to a treaty , that beside the debates of reason , there is a better way of tampering to bring men over that have a power to 〈◊〉 . and so who knows in such a treaty with rome , if the alps ( as it is probable ) would not have come over to england , as the bishop design'd it , england might not have been obliged , lying so commodious for navigation , to undertake a voyage to civita vechia ; but what though we should have made all the advances imaginable , it would have been to no purpose : and nothing less than an entire and total resignation of the protestant cause would have contented her . for the church of rome is so well satisfied of her own sufsiciency , and hath so much more wit than we had in bishop 〈◊〉 days , or seem to have yet learn'd ; that it would have succeeded just as at the council of trent . for there , though many divines of the greatest sincerity and learning , endeavoured a reformation , yet no more could be obtained of her than the nonconformists got of those of the church of of england at the conference of worcester-house . but on the contrary , all her excesses and errors were further rivited and confirmed , and that great machine of her ecclesiastical policy there perfected . so that this enterprise of bishop bramhall's , being so ill laid and so unseasonable , deserves rather an excuse than a commendation . and all that can be gathered besides out of our author concerning him is of little better value for he saith indeed , that he was a zealous and resolute assertor of the publick rites and solemnities of the church . but those things , being only matters of external neatness , could never merit the trophies that our author erects him . for neither can a justice of peace for his severity about dirt-baskets deserve a statue . and as for his expunging some dear and darling articles from the ptotestant cause , it is , as far as i can perceive , only his substituting some arminian tenets ( which i name so , not for reproach , but for difference ) instead of the calvinian doctrines . but this too could not challenge all these triumphal ornaments in which he installs him : for , 〈◊〉 suppose these were but meer mistakes on either side , for want of being ( as the bishop saith pag. 134. ) scholastically stated ; and that he , with a distinction of school-theologie , could have smoothed over and plained away these knots though they have been much harder . for the rest , which he leaves to seek for , and i meet casually with in the bishop's own book ; i find him to have been doubtless a very good-natur'd gentleman . pag. 160. he hath much respect for poor readers ; and pag 161. he judges that i●… they come short of preachers in point of effu●…acy , yet they have the advantage of preachers as to point of security . and pag. 163. he commends the care taken by the canons that the meanest c●…re of souls should have formal sermons at least four times every year . pag. 155. he maintains the publick sports on the lords-day by the proclamation to that purpose , and the example of the reformed churches beyond-sea : aud for the publick dances of our youth upon country-greens on sundays , after the duties of the day , he sees nothing in then but innocent , and agreeable to that under-foot of people . and pag. 117. ( which i quoted before ) he takes the promiscuous licence to unqualified persons to read the scriptures , far more prejudicial , nay , more pernitious , than the over-rigorous , restraint of the romanists . and indeed , all along he complies much for peace-sake , and judiciously shews us wherein our seperation from the church of rome is not warrantable . but although i cannot warrant any man who hence took occasion to traduce him of popery , the contrary of which is evident , yet neither is it to be wondred , if he did hereby lye under sometimpuration , which he might otherwise have avoided . neither can i be so hard-hearted as our author in the nonconformists case of discipline to think it were better that he , or a hundred more divines of his temper should suffer , though innocent , in their reputation , than that we should come under a possibility of losing our relgion . for as they ( the bishop and i hope most of his party ) did not intend it so , neither could they have effected it . but he could not expect to enjoy his imagination without the annoyances incident to such as dwell in the middle story : the pots from above , and the smoak from below . and those churches which are seated nearer upon the frontire of popery , did naturally and well if they took alarm at the march. for , in fact , that incomparable person grotius did yet make a bridge for the enemy to come over ; or at least laid some of our most considerable passes open to them and unregarded : a crime something like what his son de groot ( here 's gazotte again for you ) and his son-in-law mombas have been charged with . and , as to the bishop himself , his friend ; an accusatory spirit would desire no better play than he gives in his , own vindication , but that 's neither my business nor humour : and whatsoever may have glanced upon him was directed only to our author ; for publishing that book , which the bishop himself had thought fit to conceal , and for his impertinent efflorescence of rhetorick upon so mean topicks , in so choice and copious a subject as bishop bramhal . yet though the bishop prudently undertook a design , which he hoped not to accomplish in his own dayes , our author , however , was something wiser , and hath made sure to obtain his end . for the bishop's honour was the furthest thing from his thoughts , and he hath managed that part so , that i have accounted it a work of some piety to vindicate his memory from so scurvy a commendation . but the author's end was only railing ; he could never have induc'd himself to praise one man but in order to ●…ail on another . he never oyls his hone but that he may whet his razor ; and that not to shave , but to cut mens throats . and whoever will take the pains to compare , will find , that as it is his only end ; so his best , nay his only talent is railing . so that he hath , while he pretends so much for the good bishop , used him but for a stalking-horse till he might come within shot of the forreign divines and the nonconformists . the other was only a copy of his countenance : but look to your selves , my masters ; forin so venomous a malice , courtesie is always fatal . under colour of some mens having taxed the bishop , he flyes out into a furious debauch , and breaks the windows , if he could , would raze the foundations of all the protestant churches beyond sea : but for all men at home of their perswasion , if he meet them in the dark he runs them thorow . he usurps to himself the authority of the church of england , who is so well bred , that if he would have allowed her to speak , she would doubtless have treated more civilly those over whom she pretends no jurisdiction : and under the names of germany and geneva , he rallies and rails at the whole protestancy of europe . for you are mistaken in our author ( but i have worn him thread-bare ) if you think he designs to enter the lists where he hath but one man to combate . mr. bayes ye know , prefers that one quality of fighting single with whole armies , before all the moral virtuesput together . and yet i assure you , he hath several times obliged moral virtue so highly , that she ows him a good turn whensoever she can meet him . but it is a brave thing to be the ecclesiastical draw-can-sir ; he kills whole nations , he kills friend and foe ; hungary , transv●…lvania , bohemia , poland , savoy , france , the netherlands , denmark , sweden , and a great part of the church of england , and all scotland ( for these , beside many more , he mocks under the title of germany and geneva ) may perhaps rouse our mastiff , and make up a danger worthy of his courage . a man would guess that this gyant had promised h●…s comfortable importance , a simarre of the beards of all the orthodox theologues in christendom . but i wonder how he comes to be prolocutor of the church of england ! for he talks at that rate , as if he were a synodical individuum ; nay , if he had a fifth council in his belly he could not dictate more dogmatically . there had been indeed , as i have heard , about the dayes of bishoy 〈◊〉 , a sort of divines here of that leaven , who being dead , i cover their names , if not for healths sake , yet for decedcy , who never cou'd speak of the first reformers with any patience ; who pruned themselves in the peculiar virulency of their pens , and so they might say a tart thing concerning the foreign churches , cared not what obloquy they cast upon the histo ry , or the profession of religion . and those me●… undertook likewise to vent their wit and 〈◊〉 choler under the stile of the church of england and were indeed so far owned by her , that wha●… preferments were in her own disposal , she ra●… ther conferred upon them . and now when the●… were gone off the stage , there is risen up 〈◊〉 spiritual mr. bayes ; who having assumed to him●… self an incongruous plurality of ecclesiastical of●… fices , one the most severe , of penitentiary u●… niversal to the reformed churches ; the othe●… most ridiculous , of buffoon-general to the churc●… of england , may be henceforth capable of an●… other promotion . and not being content to en●… joy his own folly , he has taken two others int●… partnership ; as fit for his design , as those tw●… that clubb'd with mahomet in making the 〈◊〉 an : who by perverse wit and representatio●… might travesteere the scripture , and render 〈◊〉 the careful and serious part of religion odio●… and contemptible . but , lest i might be mistake as to the persons i mention , i will assure th●… reader that i intend not huddibras : for he is man of the other robe , and his excelleut tha●… hath taken a ●…ight far above these whiflers : tha●… whoever dislikes the choice of his subject , ca●… not but commend his performance , and calculat●… if on so b●…rren a theme he were so copious , wha●… admirable sport he would have made with an ec●… clesiastical politician . but for a daw-divine not onely to foul his own nest in england , bu●… to pull in pieces the nests of those beyond 〈◊〉 't is that which i think uncedent and of very ill ex●… ample . there is not indeed much danger , 〈◊〉 book , his letter , and his preface being writ in en●… glish , that they should pass abroad : but , if they 〈◊〉 printed upon incombustible paper , or by reason of the many avocations of our church they may escape a censure , yet 't is likely they may dye at home , the common fate of such treatises amongst the more judicious oyl-men and grocers . unless mr. bayes be so far in love with his own whelp , that , as a modern lady , he will be at the charge of translating his works into latin , transmitting them to the universities , and dedicating them in the vaticane . but , should they unhappily get vent abroad ( as i hear some are already sent over for curiosity ) what scandal , what heart-burning and animosity must it raise against our church : unless they chance to take it right at first , and limit the provocation within the author . and then , what can he expect in return of his civility , but that the complement which passed betwixt . arminius and baudius should concenter upon him , that he is both opprobrium academiae , and pestis ecclesiae . for they will see at the first that his books come not out under publick authority , or recommendation : but only as things of buffoonery do commonly , they carry with them their own imprimatur ; but i hope he hath considered mr. l. in private , and payed his fees. ) neither will the gravity therefore of their judgements take the measures , i hope , either of the education at our universities , or of the spirit of our divines , or of the prudence , piety , and doctrine of the church of england , from such an interlooper . those gardens of ours use to bear much better fruit . there may happen sometimes an ill year , or there may be such a crab-stock as cannot by all ingrafting be corrected . but generally it proves otherwise . once perhaps in a hundred years there may arise such a prodigy in the university ( where all men else learn better arts and better manners ) and from thence may creep into the church ( where the teachers at least ought to 〈◊〉 well instructed in the knowledge and practice 〈◊〉 christianity ) so prodigious a person i say may 〈◊〉 there be hatch'd , as snall neither know or 〈◊〉 how to behave himself to god or man ; and 〈◊〉 having never seen the receptacle of grace or 〈◊〉 science at an anatomical disfection , may 〈◊〉 therefore that there is no such matter , or no 〈◊〉 obligation among christians ; who shall 〈◊〉 the scripture it self , unless it will conform to 〈◊〉 interpretation ; who shall strive to put the 〈◊〉 into blood , and animate princes to be the 〈◊〉 tioners of their own subjects for well-doing . a●… this is possible ; but comes to pass as rarely and 〈◊〉 as long periods in our climate , as the birth of false prophet . but unluckily , in this fatal year seventy two , among all the calamities that 〈◊〉 logers foretel , this also hath befaln us . i woul●… not hereby confirm his vanity , as if i also belie●… ed that any scheme of heaven did influence 〈◊〉 actions , or that he were so considerable as 〈◊〉 the comet under which they say we yet labou●… had sore-boded the appearance of his preface . 〈◊〉 no : though he be a creature most noxious , 〈◊〉 he is more despicable . a comet is of far 〈◊〉 quality , and hath other kind of imployment . 〈◊〉 though we call it an hairy-star , it affords 〈◊〉 prognostick of what breeds there : but the 〈◊〉 strologer that would discern our author and 〈◊〉 business , must lay by his telescope , and use a 〈◊〉 croscope . you may find him still in mr. calvin head . poor mr. calvin and bishop bramhal , 〈◊〉 crime did you dye guilty of , that you cannot 〈◊〉 quiet in your graves , but must be conjured up 〈◊〉 the stage as oft as mr. bayes will ferret you ? 〈◊〉 which of you two are most unfortunate i 〈◊〉 determine ; whether the bishop in being alway●… ●…ourted , or the presbyter in being alwayes rail'd 〈◊〉 . but in good earnest i think mr. calvin hath the better of it . for , though an ill man cannot by ●…rasing confer honour , nor by reproaching fix 〈◊〉 ignominy , and so they may seem on equal terms ; yet there is more in it : for at the same time that we may imagine what is said by such an author to be false , we conceive the contrary to be ●…rue . what he saith of him indeed in this place did not come very well in ; for calvin writ nothing against bishop bramhal , and therefore here it amounts to no more than that his spirit forsooth had propagated an original waspishness and salse orthodoxy amongst all his followers . but if you look in other pages of his book , and particularly pag. 663. of his defence , you never saw such a scar-crow as he makes him . there sprang up a mighty bramble on the south-side the lake lemane , that ( such is the rankness of the soil ) spread and flourished with such a sudden growth , that partly by the industry of his agents abroad , and partly by its own indefatigable pains and pragmaticalness it quite over-ran the whole reformation — you must conceive that mr. bayes was all this while in an extasy in dodona's grove ; or else here is strange work , worse than explicating a post , or examining a pillar . a bramble that had agents abroad , and it self an indefatigable bramble . but straight our bramble is transformed to a man , and he makes a chair of infallibility for himself , out of his own bramble timber . yet all this while we know not his name . one would suspect it might be a bishop bramble . but then he made himself both pope and emperor too of the greatest part of the reformed world. how near does this come to his commendation of bishop bramhal before ? for our author seems copious , but is indeed very poor of expression : and , as smiling and frowning are performed in the face with the same muscles very little altered ; so the changing of a line or two in mr. bayes at any time , will make the same thing serve for a panegyrick or a philippick . but what do you think of this man ? could mistriss mopsa her self have furnished you with a more pleasant and worshipful tale ? it wants nothing of perfection , but that it doth not begin with once upon a time ? which master bayes , according to his accuracy , if he had thought on 't , would never have omitted . yet some critical people , who will exact truth in falshood , and tax up an old-wife's fable to the punctuality of history , where blaming him t'other day for placing this bramble on the south-side of the lake leman●… . i said , it was well and wisely done that he chose a south sun for the better and more sudden growth of such a fruit-tree . ay , said they , but he means calvin by the bram ble ; and the rank soyl on the south-side the lake lemane is the city of geneva , situate ( as he would have it ) on the south-side of that lake . now it is strange that he , having travelled so well should not have observed that the lake lies east and west , and that geneva is built at the west end of it . pis●… , said i , that 's no such great matter , and , as master bayes hath it upon another occasion , whether it be so or no , the fortunes of caesar and the roman empire are not concerned in 't . one of the company would not let that pass , but told us if we look'd in caesar's commentaries , we should find their fortunes were concern'd , for it was the helvetian passage , and many mistakes might have risen in the marching of the army . why then , replied i again , whether it be east , west , north , or south , there is neither vice nor idolatry in it , and the ecclesiastical politician may command you to believe it , and you are bound to acquiesce in his judgment , whatsoever may be your private opinion . another , to continue the mirth , answered , that yet there might ●…e some religious consideration in building a town east and west , or north and south , and 't was not 〈◊〉 thing so indifferent as men thought it : but because in the church of england , where the table is set altar wise , the minister is nevertheless obliged to stand at the north-end ( though it be the north-end of the table ) it was fit to place the geneva presbyter in diametrical opposition to him upon the south-side of the lake . but this we all took for a cold conceir , and not enough matured . i , that was still upon the doubtful and excusing part , said , that to give the right situation of a town , it was necessary first to know in what position the gentleman's head then was when he made his obseavation , and that might cause a great diversity , as much as this came to . yes , replyed my next neighbour : or , perhaps some roguing boy that managed the puppets , turned the city wrong , and so disoccidented our geographer . it was grown almost as good as a play among us : and at last they all concluded that geneva had sold mr. bayes a bargain , as the moon serv'd the earth in the rehearsal , and in good sooth had turn'd her breech on him . but this , i doubt not , mr. bayes will bring himself off with honour : but that which sticks with me is , that our author having undertaken to make calvin and geneva ridicule , hath not pursued it to so high a point as the subject would have afforded . first , he might have taken the name of the beast calvinus , and of that have given the anagram , lucianus . next , i would have turn'd him inside outward , and have made him usinulca . that was a good 〈◊〉 name to have frighted children with . then he should have been a bram●… ●…till , av , an indefatigable bramble too : but after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have continued ( for in such a book a passage in a play is clear gain , and a 〈◊〉 loss if omitted ) and upon that bramble reasons grew●…s plentiful as black-berries , but both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and they stain'd all the white aprons so , that there was no getting of it out . and then , to make a fuller description of the place , he should have added ; that near to the city of roaring lions there was a lake , and that lake was all of brimstone , but stored with over-grown trouts , which trouts spawned presbyterians , and those spawned the millecantons of all other fanaticks . that this shoal of presbyterians landed at geneva , and devoured all the bishops of geneva's capons , which are of the greatest size of any in the reformed world. and ever since their mouths have been so in relish that the presbyterians are in all parts the very canibals of capons : in so much , that if princes do not take care , the race of capons is in danger to be totally extinquished . but that the river rhosne was so sober and intelligent , that its waters would not mix with this lake perillous , but ran sheere thorow , without ever touching it : nay , such is its apprehension lest the lake should overtake it , that the river dives it self under ground , till the lake hath lost the scent : and yet when it rises again , imagining that the lake is still at its heels , it runs on so impetuously that it chuseth rather to pass through the roaring lions , and never thinks it self safe till it hath taken sanctuary at the popes town of vinion . he might too have proved that calvin made himself pope and emperour , because the city of geneva stamps upon its coyn the two-headed imperial eagle . and , to have given us the u●…most terror , he might have considered the alliance and vicinity of geneva to the canton of bern , the arms of which city is the bear , ( and an argument in heraldry , even bishop bramhal himself being judge , might have also held in divinity ) and therefore they keep under the town-hoose constantly a whole den of bears . so that there was never a more dangerous situation , nor any thing so carefully to be avoided by all travellers in their wits , as geneva : the lions on one side , and the bears on the other . this story would have been nuts to mother midnight , and was fit to have been imbellished with mr. bayes his allegorical eloquence . and all that he saith either by sits and girds of calvin , or in his justest narratives , hath less foundation in nature : and is indeed twice incredible , first in the mattet related , and then because mr. bayes it comes from : or , to express it shorter , because of the tale and the tales man. he is not yet come to that authority , but that his dogmatical ipse dixits may rather be a reason why we should not believe him . if master bayes will speak os controversy ; let him enter into a regular disputation concerning these calvinian tenets , and not write an history . or , if he will give us the history of calvin , let him at the same time produee his authors . and whether history or controversy , let him be pleased so long to abate of the exuberancy of his fancy and wit ; to dispense with his ornaments and superfluencies of invention and satyre , and then a man may consider whether he may belie●…e his story , and submit to his argument . but in the mean time ( for all he pleads in pag. 97. of his defence ) it looks all so like subterfuge and inveagling ; it is so nauseating and teadious a task , ●…hat no man thinks he ows the author so much service as to find out the reason of his own categoricalness for him . one may beat the bush a whole day ; but ast●…r so much labour shall , for all game , only spring a butterfly , or start an hedghog . insomuch that i am ever and anon disputing with my self whether mr. bayes be indeed so ill-natured a person as some would have him , and do not rather innocently write these things ( as he professes pag. 4. of his presact ( so exceeding all belief , that he may make himself and the company merry . i sometimes could think that he intends no harm either to publick or private , but only rails contentedly to himself and his muses ; that he seeks only his own diversion , and chargeth his gun with wind but to shoot at the air. or that , like boyes , so he may make a great paper-kite of his own letter of 850. pages , and his preface of an h●…ndred , he hath no further design upon the poultry of the village . but he takes care that i shall never be long deceiv'd with that pleasing imagination : and though his hyperboles and impossibilities can have only a ridiculous effect , he will be sure to manisest that he had a selonious intention . he would take it ill if we should not value him as an enemy of mankind : and like a raging indian ( for in europe it was never before practised ) he runs a mucke ( as they call it there ) stabbing every man he meets , till himself be knockt on the head . this here is the least pernicious of all his mischiess : though it be no less in this and all his other books , than to make the german protestancy a reproachful proverb , and to turn geneva and calvin into a common place of railing . i had alwayes heard that calvin was a good scholar , and an honest divine . i have indeed read that he spoke something contemptuosly of our liturgy : sunt in illo libro quaedam tolerabiles ineptiae . but that was a sin which we may charitably suppose he repented of on his death-bed . and if mr. bayes had some just quarrel to him on that or other account , yet for divinities 〈◊〉 he needed not thus have made a constant 〈◊〉 place of his grave . and as for geneva i never perceived before but that it was a very laudable city , that there grew an excellent grape on the south side of the lake leman , that a man might make good chear there , and there was a pallmal , and one might shoot with the athalet , or play at courtboule on sundayes . what was here to inrage our author so that he must raze the fort of st. katherine , and attempt with the same success a second escalade ? but the difficulty of the enterprize doubtless provoked his courage , and the honour he might win made the justice of his quarrel . he knew that not only the common-wealth of switzerland , but the king of france , the king of spain , and the duke of savoy would enter the lists for the common preservation of the place : and therefore though it be otherwise but a petty town , he disdain'd not where the race was to be run by monarchs , to exercise his footmanship . but is it not a great pity to see a man in the flower of his age , and the vigour of his studies , to fall into such a distraction , that his head runs upon nothing but roman empire and ecclesiastical policy ? this happens by his growing too early acquainted with don q●…ixot , and reading the bible too late , so that the first impressions being most strong , and mixing with the last , as more novel , have made such a medly 〈◊〉 his brain pan that he is become a mad priest , which of all the sorts is the most 〈◊〉 . hence it is that you shall hear him anon instructing princes , like sancho , how to govern his 〈◊〉 : as he is busied at present in 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of germany and geneva . had he no friends to have given him good counsel before his understanding were quite unsettled ? or if there were none near , why did not men call in the neighbours and send for the parson of the parish to perswade with him in time , but let it run on thus till he is fit for nothing but bedlam or hogsdon ? however thought it be a particular damage , it may tend to a general advantage , . and young students will i hope by his example learn to beware hence-forward of overweening presumption and preposterous ambition . for this gentleman , as i have heard , after he had read don quixot and the bible , besides such school-books as were necessary for his age , was sent early to the university : and there studied hard , and in a short time became a competent rhetorician , and no ill disputant . he had learnt how to erect a thesis . and to defend it pro or con with a serviceable distinction : while the truth ( as his camarade mr. bayes hath it on another occasion . before a full pot of ale you can swallow , was here with a whoop and gone with a hallow , and so thinking himself now ripe and qualified for the greatest undertakings , and highest fortune , he therefore exchanged the narrowness of the uuiversity for the town ; but coming out of the confinement of the square-cap and the qurdrangle into the open air , the world began to turn round with him : which he imagined , though it were his own giddiness , to be nothing less than the quadrature of the circler . this accident concurring so happily to increase the good opinion which he naturally had of himself , he thenceforward apply'd to gain a like reputation with others . he follow'd the town life , haunted the best companies ; and , to polish himself from any pedantick roughness ; he read and saw the playes , with much care and more proficiency than most of the auditory . but all this while he forgot not ●…he main-chance , but hearing of a vacancy with a noble man , he clapp'd in , and easily obtained to be his , chaplain . from that day you may take the date of his preserments and his ruine . for having soon wrought himself dexteriously into his patrons favour , by short graces & sermons , and a mimical way of drolling upon the puritans , which he knew would take both at chappel and table ; he gained a great authority likewise among all the domesticks . they all listened to him as an oracle : and they allow'd him by common consent , to have not only all the divinity , but more wit too than all the rest of the family put together . this thing alone elevated him exceedingly in his own conceit , and raised his hypocondria into the region of the brain : that his head swell'd like any bladder with wind and vapour . but after he was stretch'd to such a height in his own fancy , that he could not look down from top to toe but his eyes dazled at the precipice of his stature ; there feil out , or in , another natural chance which push'd him headlong . for being of an amorous complexion , and finding himself ( as i told you ) the cock-divine and the cock-wit of the family , he took the 〈◊〉 to walk among the hens and thought it was not impolitick to establish his new acquired reputation upon the gentlewomens side . and they that perceived he was a rising man , and of pleasant conversation , dividing his day among them into canonical hours , of reading now the common-prayer , and now the romances ; were very much taken with him . the sympathy of silk began to stir and attract the tippet to the petticoat & the petticoat toward the tipper . the innocent ladies found a strange unquietness in their minds , and could not distinguish whether it were love or devotion . neither was he wanting on his part to carry on the work ; but shisted himself every day with a clean surplice , and , as oft as he had occasion to bow , he directed his reverence towards the gentlewomens pew . till having before had enough of the libertine , and undertaken his calling only for pref●…rment ; he was transported now with the sanctity of his office , even to extasy : and like the bishop over maud●…in colledge altar , or like maudlin de la croix , he was seen in his prayers to be lifted up sometimes in the air , and once particularly so high that he crack'd his scul against the chappel ceiling . i do not hear for all this that he had ever practised upon the honour of the ladies , but that he preserved always the civility of a platonick knight-errant . for all this courtship had no other operation than to make him still more in love with himself : and if he frequented their company , it was only to speculate his own baby in their eyes . but being thus , without competitor or rival , the darling of both sexes in the family and his own minion ; he grew beyond all measure elated , and that crack of his scull , as in broken looking-glasses , multipli'd him in self-conceit and imagination . having fixed his genter in this nobleman's house , he thought he could now move and govern the whole earth with the same facility . nothing now would serve him but he must be a madman in print , and write a book of ecclesiastical pollicy . there he distribu●…es all the territories of conscience into the princes province , and makes the hierarchy to be but bishops of the air : and talks at such an extravagant rate in things of higher concernment , that the reader will avow that in the whole discourse he had not one lucid interval . this book he was so bent upon , that he sate up late at nights , and wanting sleep , and drinking sometimes wine to animate his fancy , it increas'd his distemper . beside that too he had the misfortune to have two friends , who being both also out of their wits , and of the same though something a calmer phrensy , spurr'd him on perpetually with commendation . but when his book was once come out , and he saw himself an author ; that some of the gallants of the town layd by the new tune and the tay , tay , tarry , to quote some of his impertinencies ; that his title page was posted and pasted up at every avenue next under the play for that afternoon at the kings or the dukes house : the vain-glory of this totally confounded him . he lost all the little remains of his understanding , , and his cerebellum was so dryed up that there was more brrins in a walnut and both their shels were alike thin and brittle . the king of france that lost his wits , had not near so many unlucky circumstances to occasion it : and in the last of all there is some similitude . for , as a negligent page that rode behind and carried the kings lance , let it fall on his head , the king being in armour , and the day hot , which so disordered him that he never recovered it : so this gentleman , in the dog-days , stragling by temple-bar , in a massy cassock and surcingle , and taking the opportunity at once to piss and admire the title-page of his book ; a tall servant of his , one j. o. that was not so carefull as he should be , or whether he did it of purpose , le ts another book of four hundred leaves fall upon his head ; which meeting with the former fracture in his cranium , aud all the concurrent accidentk already mentioned , has utterly undone him . and so in conclusion his madness hath formed it self into a perfect lycanthropy . he doth so severely believe himself to be a wolf , that his speech is all turn'd into howling , yelling , and barking : and if there were any sheep here , you should see him pull out their throats and suck the blood . alas , that a sweet gentleman , and so hopeful , should miscarry ! for want of cattle here , you find him raving now against all the calvinists of england , and worrying the whole flock of them . for how can they hope to escape his chaps and his paws better than those of germany and geneva ; of which he is so hungry , that he hath scratch'd up even their dead bodies out of their graves to prey upon ? and yet this is nothing if you saw him in the height of his fits : but he hath so beaten and spent himself before , that he is out of breath at present ; and though you may discover the same fury , yet it wants of the same vigor . but however you see enough of him , my masters , to make you beware , i hope , of valuing too high , and trusting too far to your own abilities . it were a wild thing for me to squire it aster this knight , and accomprny him here through all his extravagancies against our calvinists . you find nothing but orthodoxy , systems , and syntagms , 〈◊〉 theology , subtilties and 〈◊〉 . demosthenes ; tankard-bearers ; 〈◊〉 ; controversial : general terms without foundation or reason assigned . that they seem lik words of cabal , and have no significance till they be decipe . 'd . or , you would think he were playing at substantives and adj●…ctives . and all that rationally can be gathered from what he saith , is , that the man is mad . but if you would supply his meaning with ●…our imagination , as if he spoke sense and to some determinate purpose ; it is very strange that , conceiving himself to be the champion of the church of england , he should bid such a general defiance to the calvinists . for , he knows , or perhaps i may better say he did know before this phrensy had subverted both his understanding and memory , that most of our ancient , and many of the later bishops nearer our times , did both hold and maintain those doctrines which he traduces under that by-word . and the contrary opinions were even in bishop prideaux's time accounted so novel , that , being then publick professor of divinity , he thought fit to tax doctor heylin at the commencement for his new fangled divinity : cujus , saith he , in the very words of promotion , te doctorem creo. he knew likewise that of our present bishops , though one had leisure formerly to write a rationale of the ceremonies and lituygie , and another a treatise of the holiness of lent ; yet that most of them , and 't is to be supposed all , have studied other contoversies , and at another rate than mr. bayes his lead can fathom . and as i know none of them that hath published any treatise against the calvinian tenets , so i have the honour to be acquainted with some of them who are in tirely of that judgment , and differ nothing but , as of good reason , in the point of 〈◊〉 . and as for that , bishop . bramhal page 61. hath proved that calvin himself was of the episcopal perswasion . so that i see no reason why mr. bayes should here and every where be such an enemy to controversial skill , or the calvinists . but i perceive 't is for bishop , bramhall's sake here that all the tribe must suffer . this bayes is not a good dog : for he runs at a whole flock of sheep , when mr. b. was the deer whom he had in view from the beginning . however having foil'd himself so long with every thing he meets , after him now he goes , and will never leave till he hath run him down poor mr. b. i find that when he was a boy , he pluck'd bishop bramhall's sloes , and eat his 〈◊〉 ; and now , when he is as superannuated as the bishop's book , he must be whipp'd 〈◊〉 , there is no remedy . and yet i have heard , and mr. bayes himself seems to intimate as much , that how-ever he might in his younger years have mistaken , yet that even as early as bishop bramhall's discourse , he began to retract : and that as for all his sins against the church of england , he hath in fome la●…we treatises cryed peccavy with a witness . but mr. bayes doth not this now look like sorcery and extortion , which of all crimes you purge your self from so often without an accuser ? for first ; where●… the old bishop was at rest , and had under his last pillow laid by all cares and contests of this lower world ; you by your necromancy have disturb'd him , and rais'd his ghost to persecute and haunt mr. b. whom doubtless at his death he had pardoned . but if you called him upto ●…sk some questions too concerning your ecclesiastical policy , as i am apt to suppose , i doubt you had no better answer than in the song : art thou forlorn of god , and com'st to me ? what can i tell thee then but miserie ? and then as for extortion ; who but such an hebrew jew as you , would , after an honest man had made so full and voluntary restitution , not yet have been satisfied without so many pounds of his flesh over into the bargain ? though j. o. be in a desperate condition , yet methinks mr. b. not being past grace , should not neither have been past mercy . are there no terms of pradon , mr. bayes ? is there no time for 〈◊〉 ; but , after so ample a confeffion as he hath made , must he now be hang'd too to make good the proverb ? it puts me in mind of a story in the time of the guelphs and ghibilines , whom i perceive mr. bays hath heard of of : they were two factions in italy , of which the g●…elphs were for the pope , and the ghibilines 〈◊〉 the emperour ; and these were for many years carried on and somented with much animosity , ●…o the great disturbance of christendome . which of these two were the nonconformists in those days i can no more determine , than which of our parties here at home is now schismatical . but so 〈◊〉 they were to one another , that the historian said they took care to differ in the least circumstances of any humane action : and as those that have the masons word , secretly discern one another ; so in the peeling or cutting but of an onion , a gu●…lp and vice versa would at first sight have distinguished a ghibiline . now one of this latter sort coming at rome to confession upon ashwednesday , the pope or the penitentiary sprinkling ashes on the man's head with the usual ceremony , instead of pronouncing memento homo quod cinis es & in cinerem revertêris , changed it to memento homo quod ghibilinus es , &c and even thus it fares with mr. b. who though he should creep on his knees up the whole stairs of scholastick 〈◊〉 , i am confident neither he , nor any of his party , shall by mr. bayes his good will ever be absolved . and therefore truly if i were in mr. b's case if i could not have my confession back again , yet it should be a warning unto me not without better grounds to be so coming and so good natured for the future . but whatever he do , i hope others will consider what ufage they are like to find at mr. bayes hand , and not suffer themselves by the touch of his penitential rod to be transformed into beasts , even into 〈◊〉 , as here he hath done with mr. b. i have in deed wondered often at this bayes his insolence , who summons in all the world , and preacheth up only this repentance : and so frequently in his books he calls for testimonies , signal marks , publick acknowledgment , satisfaction , recantation , and i know not what . he that hath made the passage to heaven so easie that one may fly ehither without grace ( as gonzales to the moon only by help of his gansas ) he that hath 〈◊〉 its narrow paths from those labyrinths which j. o. and mr. b. have planted ; this overseer of god's high-wayes ( if i may with reverence speak it ) who hath paved a broad ca●…sway with moral virtue thorow his kingdom ; he methinks should not have made the process of loyalty more difficult than that of salvation . what signal marks , what testimonies would he have of this conversion ? every man cannot , as he hath done write an ecclesiastical policy , a defence : a preface : and some , if they could , would not do it after his manner ; least instead of obliging thereby the king and the church , it should be a testimony to the contrary . neither , unless men have better principles of allegiance at home , are they likely to be reduced by mr. bayes his way of perswasion . he is the first minister of the gospel that ever had it in his commission to rail at all nations . and , though it hath been long practised , i never observed any great success by reviling men into conformity . i have heard that charms may even envite the moon out of heaven , but i never could see her moved by the r●…etorick of barking . i think it ought to be highly penal for any man ro impose other conditions upon his majesties good subjects than the king expects , or the law requires . when you have done all , you must yet appear before mr. bayes his tribunal , and he hath a new test yet to put you to . i must confess at this rate the nonconformists deserve some compassion : that after they have done or suffered legally and to the utmost , they must still be subjected to the w●…nd of a verger , or to the wanton lash of every pedant ; that they must run the 〈◊〉 , or down with their breeches as 〈◊〉 as he wants the prospect of a more pleasing nudidity . but i think they may chuse whether they will submit or no to his jurisdiction . let them but ( as i hope they do ) fear god , honour the king , preserve their consciences , follow their trades , and look to their chimnies ; and they need not fear mr , bayes and all his malice . but after he hath sufficiently insulted over mr. b's ignorance and vanity , with other complements of the like nature , in recompence of that candor and civility which he acknowledges him ta have now learnt towards church of england , mr. bayes forgeting what had past long since betwixt him and the bookseller ) saith in excuse of his severity , that this treatise was not published to impair mr. b's esteem in the least but for a correction of his scribling humour , and to warn their rat-divines that are perpetually nibling and gnauing other mens writings . now i must confess mr. bayes this is a very handsome welcome to mr. b. that was come so far to see you , and doutless upon this encouragement he will visit you often . this is an admirable dexterity our author hath ( i wish i could learn it ) to correct a man's scribling humour without impairing in the least his reputation . he is as courteous as lightning , and can melt the sword without ever hurting the scabbard . but as for their rat-divines , i wonder they are not all poysoned with nibling at his writings , he hath strewed so much arsenick in every leaf . but however , methinks he should not not have grudged them so slender a sustenance . for though there was a sow in arcadia so fat and insensible that she suffered a rats nest in her buttock , and they had both dyet and lodging in the same gammon ; yet it is not every rats good fortune to be so well provided . and for push-pindivinity , i confess it is a new term of art , i shall henceforward take notice of it , but i am afraid in general it doth not tend much to the reputation of the faculty . and now , though he told us at the beginning , that the bookseller was the main reason of publishing this book of the bishop and his own preface , he tels us that the main reason of its publication was to give some check to their present disingenuity , that is to say to that of j. o , and j. o. be it at present . he is come so much nearer however to the truth , though we shall find ere we have done that there is still a mainer reason . wnen i first took notice of this misunderstanding betwixt mr. bayes and j. o i considered whether it were not execution day with the latine alphabet : whether all the letters were not to suffer in the same manner , except c. only , which ( having been the mark of condemnation ) might have a pardon to serve for the executioner . i began to repent of my undertaking , being afraid that the quarrel was with the wole cris-crosrow , and that we must fight it out through all the squadrons of the vowels , the mutes , the semi-vowels , and the liquids . i foresaw a sore and endless labour , and a battle the longest that ever was read of ; being probable to continue as long as one letter was left alive , or there were any use of reading . therefore , to spare mine own pains , and prevent ink-shed , i was advising the letters to go before mr. bales , or any other his majesties justices of the peace , to swear that they were in danger of their . lives , and desire that mr bayes might be bound to the good-behaviour . but after this i had another phancy , and that not altogether unreasonable ; that mr. bayes had , only for health and exercise-sake , drawn j. o. by chance out of the number of the rest , to try how he could rail at a letter , and that he might be well in breath upon any occasion of greater consequence for , how perfect soever a man may have been in any science , yet without continual practice he will find a sensible decay of his faculty . hence also , and upon the same natural ground , it is the wisdom of cats to whet their claws against the chairs and hangings , in mediation of the next r●…t they are to encounter . and i am confident that mr. bayes by this way hath brought himself into so good railing case , that pick what letter you will out of the alphabet , he is able to write an epistle upon it of 723 pages ( i have now told them right ) to the author of the friendly debates . now though this had very much of probability , i had yet a further conjecture : that this j. o. was a talisman , signed under some peculiar influence of the heavenly bodies , and that the fate of mr. bays was bound up within it . whether it be so or no i know not : but this i am assured of , without the help either of syderal magick or judicial astrologie , that when j and o are in conjunction , they do more certainly than any of the planets forbode that a great ecclesiastical politician shall that year run mad . i confess after all this , when i was come to the dregs of my phansie ( for we all have our infirmities , and mr. bayes his defence was but the blewjohn of his ecclesiastical policy , and this preface the tap-droppings of his defence ) i reflected whether mr. bayes having no particular cause of indignation against the let●…ers , there might not have been a mistake of the printer , and that they were to be read in one word io that use to go before paean : that is in english a triumph before the victory or whether it alluded to 〈◊〉 that we read of at school , the daughter of inachus ; and that as juno p●…rsecuted the heifer , so this was an he-cow , that is to say a bull to be baited by mr. bayes the thunderer . but these being conceits too trivial , though a ragoust fit enough sor mr. bayes his palate , i was sorced moreover to quit them , remarking that it was an j consonant . and i plainly at last perceived that this j. o. was a very man as any of us are , and had a head , and a mouth with tongue and teeth in it , and hands with singers and nails upon the●… : nay , that he could read and write , and speak as well as i , or master bayes , either of us . when i once found this , the business appear'd more serious , and i was willing to see what was the matter that so much exasperated mr. bayes , who is a person , as he saith himself , of such a tame and softly humour , and so cold a complexion , that be thinks himself scarce capable of hot and passionate impressi●…ns . i concluded that necessarily there must be some extraordinary accident and occaon that could alter so good a nature . for i saw that he pursued j. o. if not from , post to pillar , yet from pillar to post , and i diserned all along the footsteps of a most inveterate and implacable malice . as oft as he does but name those two first letters , he is , like the island of fayal on fire in three●…ore and ten places . you see , mr. bayes , that i too have improved my wit with reading the gazettes . were you of that fellows diet here abour town , that epicurizes upon burning coals , drinks healths in scalding brimstone , scraunches the glasses for his desert , and draws his breath through glowing tobacco-pipes . nay to say a thing yet greater ; had you never tasted other sustenance than the focus of burning glasses , you could not shew more flame than you do alwayes upon that subject . and yet one would think that even from the little sports , with your comfortable importance after supder , you should have learnt when j. o. came into play , to love your love with an j. because he is judicious , though you hate your love with an j , because he is jealous : and then to love your love with an o. because he is oraculous , though you hate your love with an o. because he is obscure : is it not strange , that in those most benign minutes of a man's life , when the stars smile , the birds sing , the winds whisper , the fountains warble , the trees blossom , and uuiversal nature seems to invite it self to the bridal ; when the lion puls in his claws & the aspick layes by its poyson , and all the most noxious creatures grow amorusly innocent : that even then , mr. bayes alone should not be able to refrain his malignity ? as you love your self , madam , let him not come neer you . he hath been fed all his life with vipers insteed of lampres , and scorpions for crayfish : and if at any time he eat chickens they had been cramb'd with spiders , till he 〈◊〉 so invenomed his whole substance that t is much safer to bed with a mountebank befoe he hath taken his antidote . but it cannot be any vulgar furnace that hath chafed so cool a salamander . 't is not the strewing of cowitch in his genial-bed that could thus disquiet him , the first night . and therefore let 's take the candle and see whether there be not some body underneath that hath cut the bed-cords , there was a worthy divine , not many years dead , who in his younger time being of a facetious and unlucky humour , was commonly known by the name of tom triplet . he was brought up at pauls-school , under a 〈◊〉 master , dr. gill , and from thence he went to the uuiversitythere he took liberty ( as 't is usual with those that are emancipated from school ) to tel tales , and make the discipline ridiculous under which he was bred . but , not suspecting the doctor 's intelligence , comming once to town , he went in full school to give him a visite , and expected no iess than to get a play-day for his former acquaintance . but , instead of that , he found himself hors'd up in a trice ; though he appeal'd in vain to the priviledges of the 〈◊〉 , pleaded adultus , and invoked the mercy of the spectators . nor was he let down till the master had planted a grove of birch in his back side , fot the terrour and puplick example of all wags that divulg the secrets of priscian and make merry with their teachers . this stuck so with triplet , that all his life-time he never forgave the doctor , but sent him every newyears-tide an anniversary ballad to a new tune , and so in his turn avenged himself of his jerking pedagogue . now when i observed that of late years mr. bays had regularly spawned his books ; in 1670. the ecclesiastical policy ; in 1671. the defence of the ecclesiastical policy ; and now in 1672 this preface to biwop bramhal , and that they were writ in a stile so vindictive and poynant , that they wanted nothing but rime to be right tom triplet ; and that their edge bore always upon j. o. either in broad meanings or in plain terms ; i begun to suspect that where there was so great resemblance in the effects , there might be some parallel in effects , there might be some parallel in their causes . for though the peeks of players among themselves , or of poet against poet , or of a conformistdivine against a nonconformist , are dangerous , and of late times have caused great disturbance ; yet i never remarked so irreconcileable a spirit as that of boyes against their schoolmasters or tutors . the quarrels of their education have an influence upon their memories and understandings for ever after . they cannot speak of their teachers with any patience or civility ; and their discourse is never so flippant , nor their wirs so fluent as when you put them upon that theme . nay , i have heard old men , otherwise , sober , peaceable and good-natured , who never could forgive osbolstone , as the younger are still inveighing against dr. busby . it were well that both old and young would reform this vice , and consider how easy a thing it is upon particular grudges , and as they conceived out of a just 〈◊〉 , to slip either into 〈◊〉 petulancy of inveterate uncharitableness . and had there not been something of this in his own case , i am confident mr. bayes in his ecclesiastical policy , in order to the publick peace and security of the government , could not have failed to admonish princes to beware of this growing evil , and to brandish the publick rods if not the axes against the boyes , to teach them better manners . and he would have assured them that they might have done it with all safety , notwithstanding that there were in proportion an hundred boyes against one preceptor . but therefore is it not possible that j. o. and mr bayes have known one another formerly in the university ; and that ( as in seniority there is a kind of magistracy ) bayes being yet young j. o. conceiv'd himself in those dayes to be his superiour , and exercised an academical jurisdiction or dominion over him . now whether j. o. might not be too severe upon him there for all men are prone to be cogent and supercilious when they are in office ) or whether mr. bayes might not make some little escapes and excursions there ( as young men are apt to do when they are got together ) that i know not , and rather believe the contrary . but that is certain that the young wits in the universities have always an animosity against the doctors , and take a reculiar felicity in having a lucky hit at any of them . i rather suppose that after mr bayes had changed the place , and his condition , to be the noblemans chaplain , that he might commit some exorbitance in j. o's opinion , or preach or write something to j. o's reproach , and published the secrets of the holy brotherhood : and that j. o. having got him within his reach , did therefore ( figuratively speaking ) — instead of maid jilian take up his malepillian , and whipt him like a baggage — as tom triplet expresses it . this might well 〈◊〉 mr. bayes his choler , who , considering himself to be now in holy orders , and conceiving that he had been as safe as in a sanctuary under his patrons protection , must needs take it ill io be handled so irreverently . if it were thus in fact , and that j. o. might presume too much upon his former authority to give him correction ; yet it is the more excusable , if mr. bayes had on his part been guilty of so much 〈◊〉 . for though a man may be allowed once in his life to change his party , and the whole scene of his affairs , either for his safety or preferment ; 〈◊〉 , though every man be obliged to change an hundred times backward and forward , if his judgment be so weak and variable ; ye there are some drudgeries that no man of honour would put himself upon , and but few submit to if they were imposed . as suppose one had thought fit to pass over from one perswasion of the christian religion unto another ; he would not chuse to spit thrice at every article that he relinquish'd to curse solemnly his father and mother for having educated him in those opinions , to animate his pnew abquaintances to the massacring of his former camarades . these are businesses that can only be expected from a renegade of argier or tunis ; to over-doe in expiation , and gain better credence of being a sincere musulman . and truly , though i can scarcely 〈◊〉 that mr. bayes hath so mean and desperate intentions , which yet his words seem too often to manifest the offices however which he undertakes are almost as dishonourable . for he hathso studied and improved their j 〈◊〉 as he calls it , heard their sermons and prayers so attentively , searched the scriptures so narrowly , that a man may justly suspect he had formerly set up j. o's profession , and having the language so perfectly , hath upon this juncture of affears betaken himself to turn spy and inteligencer ; and 't is evident that he hath travell'd the country for that purpose . so that i cannot resemble him better than to that politick engine who about two years ago was employed by some of oxford as a missionary among the nonconformists of the adjacent counties ? and , upon designe , either gathered a congregation of his own , or preach'd amongst others , till having got all their names , he threw off the vizard , and appear'd in his colours , an honest infromer . but i would not have any man take mr. bayes his fanatical geography for authentick , lest he should be as far misled , as in the situation of geneva . it suffices that mr. bayes hath done therein as much as served to his purpose , and mixed probability enough for such as know not better , and whose ears are of a just bore for his fable . but i. o. being of age and parts sufficient either to manage or to neglect this quarrel , i shall as far as possible decline the mentioning of him , seeing i have too upon ( further intelligence and consideration ) found that he was not the person whom mr. bayes principally intended . for , the truth of it is , the king was the person concerned from the beginn●ng . his majesty before his most happy and miraculous restauration , had sent over a declaration of his indelgence to tender consciencee in ecclesiastical matters . which , as it was doubtless the real result of the last advice left him by his glorious father , and of his own consummate prudence and natural benignity ; so at his return he religiously observed and promoted it as far as the passions and influences of the contrary party would give leave . for , whereas among all the decent circumstances of his welcom return , the providence of god had so cooperated with the duty of his subjects , that so glorious an action should neither be soiled with the blood of victory , nor lessened by any capitulations of treaty , so not to be wanting on his part in courtesy , as i may say , to so happy a conjucture , he imposed upon himself an oblivion of former offences , and his indulgence in ecclesiastical affairs . and to royal and generous minds do stipulations are so binding as their own voluntary promises : nor is it to be wondred if they hold those conditions that they put upon themselves the most inviolable . he therefote carried the act of oblivion and indempnity thorow : that party who had suffered vastly in the late cumbustions not refusing to imitate his generosity , but throwing all their particular losses and resentments into the publick reckoning . but when it came to the ecclesiastical part , the accomplishment of which only remain'd behind to have perfected his majesty's felicity , the business i warrant you should not go so , ( as i shall have occasion to say more par●icularly . ) for , though i am sorry to speak it , yet it is a sad truth , that the animosities and obstinacy of some of the clergy have in all ages been the greatest obstacle to the clemency , prudence and good intentions of princes , and the establishment of their affairs . his majesty therefore expected a better season , and having at last rid himself of a great minister of state who had headed this interest , he now proceeded plainly to recommend to his parliment effectually and with repeated instances , the consideration of tender consciences , after the kings last representing of this matter to the parliament , mr. bayes took so much time as was necessary for the maturing of so accurate a book which was to be the standard of government for all future ages , and he was happily delivered in 1670 of his ecclesiastical pollicy . and though he thought fit in this first book to treat his majesty more tenderly than in those that followed , yet even in this he doth all along use grea●… liber●…y and pr●…sumption . nor can what he objects , 〈◊〉 ●…2 , 〈◊〉 weak consciences , take place so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them as upon himself : who , while his prince might expect his compliance , doth give him counsel , advises him how to govern the kingdom , blames and corrects the laws , and tells him how this and the other might be mended . but that i may not involve the thing in generals , but represent undeniably mr. bayes his performance in this undertaking , i shall without art write down his own words and his own quod scripsi scripsi , as they ly naked to the view of every reader . the grand thesis upon which he stakes not only all his own divinity and policy , his reputation , preferment , and conscience , of most of which he hath no reason to be prodigal ; but even the crowns and fate of princes , and the liberties , lives and estates , and , which is more , the consciences of their subjects , which are too valuable to be trusted in his disposal , is this , pag-10 . that it is absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the world , that the supream magistrate of every commonwealth should be vested with a power to govern and conduct the consciences of subjects in affairs of religion . and p 12 he explains himself more fully that unless princes have power to hind their subjects to that religion that they apprehend most advantagious to publick peace & tranquility & restrain those religious mistakes that tend to its subversion , they are no better than statues and images of authority . pag. 13. a prince is indued with a power to conduct religion , and that must be subject to his dominion as well as all other affairs of state. p. 20. if princes should forgo their soveraignty over mens censciences in matter of religion , they leave themselves less power than is absolutely necessary , and in brief : the suprea●… government of every commonwealth , where-ever it is lodged , must of necessity be universal , absolute , and uncontroulable in all affairs whatsoever that concern the interests of mankind and the ends of government . p , 32. he in whom the supream power resides , having authority to assign to every subject his proper function , and among others these of the priesthood ; the exercise thereof as he has power to transfer upon others , so he may if he please reserve it to himself . p. 33. our saviour came not to uns●…ttle the foundations of government , but left the government of the world in the same condition he found it , p. 34. the government of religion was vested in princes by an antecedent right to christ . — this being the magisterial and main point that he maintains , the rest of his assertions may be reckoned as corollaries to this thesis , and without which indeed such an unlimeted maxime can never be justified . therefore , to make a conscience fit for the no●…se , he says , p. 89. men may think of things according to their own perswasions , and assert the freedom of their judgments against all the powers of the earth . this is the prerogative of the mind of man within its own dominions , its kingdom is intellectual , &c. whilst conscience acts within its proper sphere , the civil power is so far from doing it violence , that it never can . p. 92. mankind have the same natural right to liberty of conscience in matters of religious worship as in affairs of justice & honesty ; that is to say , a liberty of judgment , but not of practice . and in the same pagehe determins christian liberty to be founded upon the reasonableness of this principle . p 308. in cases and disputes of publick concernment , private men are not properly sui juris , they have no power over their own actions : they are not to be directed by their own judgments , or determined by their own wills , but by the commands and determinations of the publick conscience ; and if there be any sin in the command , he that imposed it shall answer for it , and not i whose whole duty it is to obey . the commands of authority will warrant my obedience , my oobedience will hollow , or at least excuse my action , and so secure me ●…rom sin , if not from error ; and in all doubtful and disput able cases , 't is better to err with authority than to be in the right against it : not only because the danger of a little error ( and so it is if it be disputable ) is outweighed by the importance of the great duty of obedience , &c. another of his corollaries is , that god hath appointed ( p. 80. ) the magistrates to be his trustees ●…pon earth , and his officials to act and determin in moral vertues and pious devotions according to all accidents and emergencies of affairs : to assign new particulars of the divine law ; to declare new bounds of right and : wrong , which the law of god neither do●…h nor can limit . p. 69. moral virtue being the most material and useful part of all religion , is also the ut●…ost end of all its other duties . p. 76. all religion must of necessity ●…e resolved into entbusiasm or morality . the former is meer imposture ; and therefore all that is true must be reduced to the latter . having thus enabled the prince , dispenced with conscience , & sitted up a moral rel●…gion for that conscience ; to shew how much those . moral virtues are to be valued , p. 53. of the preface to his ecclesi●…stical policy he affi●…ms that t is absolutely nec●…ssary to the peace and happiness of kingdoms , that there be set up a more severe government over mens consciences and religious perswasions , than over their vices and immortallities . and pag. 55. of the same , that princes may with less hazard give liberty to mens vices and debaucheries than their consciences . but for what belongs particularly to the use of their power in religion ; he first ( p. 56. of his book ) saith , that the protestant reformation hath not been able to resettle princes in their full and natural rights in reference to its concerns : p. 58. most protestant princes have been frighted , not to say hector'd out of the exercise of their ecclesiastical jurisdiction . p. 271. if princes will he resolute ( and if they will govern ●…o they must be ) they may easily make the most stuborn conscience bend to their resolutions . p. 221. princes must be sure to bind on at first their ecclesiastical laws with the straightest knot , and afterwards keep them in force by the soverity of their execution , 223. speaking of honest and well meaning men : so easy is it for men to deserve to be punishment for their consciences , that there is no nation in the world , in which were government rightly understood and duly managed , mistakes and abuses of religion would not supply the galles with vastly greater numbers than villany . p. 54. of the preface to ecclesiast . policy . of all villains the well-meaning zealot is the most dangerous . p. 49. the fanatick party in country towns and villages ariseth not ( to speak within compass ) above the proportion of one to twenty . whilst the publick peace and settlement is so unluckily defe●…ted by quarrels and mutinies of religion , to erect and create new trading combinations , is only to build so many nests of faction and sedit●… , &c. for it is notorious that there is not any sort of people so inclinable to seditious practices as the trading part of a nation . and now through many as material passages might be heaped up out of his book on all those and other as tender subjects , i shall conclude this imperfect enumeration with one corallary more , to which indeed his grand thesis and all the superstructures are subordinate and accommodated . p. 166. princes cannot pluck a pin out of the church , but the state immediately shakes and totters . this is the syntagm of mr. bayes his divinity , and system of his policy : the principles of which confine upon the territories of malmsbury , and the stile , as far as his wit would give him leave , imitates that language : but the arrogance and dictature with which he imposes it on the world , surpasses by far the presumption either of gondibert or leviathan . for he had indeed a very politick fetch or two that might have made a much wiser man then he , more confident . for he imagined first of all , that he had perfectly secured himself from any mans answering him : not so much upon the true reason , that is , because indeed so paltry a book did not deserve an answer ; as because he had so confounded the question with differing terms and contradictory expressions , that he might upon occasion affirm whatsoever he denyed , or deny whatsoever he affirmed . and then besides , because he had so intangled the matter of conscience with the magistrates power , that he supposed no man could handle it thorowly without bringing himself within the statute of treasonable words , and at least a premunire . but last of all , because he thought that whosoever answered him must for certain be of a contrary judgment , and he that was of a contrary judgment should be a fanatick ; and if one of them presumed to be medling , then mr. bayes ( as all divines have a non-●…bstance to the 〈◊〉 ceciltanum , and ●…o the act of oblivion and indempnity ) would either burn that , or tear it in peices . being so well fortified on this side upon the other he took himself to be impregnable . his majesty must needs take it kindly that he gave him so great an accession of territory , and , lest he should not be thought rightly to understand government , nay lest mr. bayes by virtue of p. 171. should not think him fit to govern , he could not in prudence and safety but submit to his admonition and instructions . but if he would not , mr. bayes knew ay that he did , how to be even with him and would write another book that should do his business . for , the same power that had given the prince that authority could also revoke it . but let us see theresore what success the whole contrivance met with , or what it deserved . for , after things have been aid with all the depth of humhne policy there happens lightly some ugly little contrary accident from some quarter or other of heaven , that frustrates and renders all ridiculous . and here , for brevity and distinction sake , i must make use of the same priviledge by which i call him mr. bayes , to denominate also his several aphorisms or hypotheses : and let him take car●… whether or no they be significant . 1. the unlimited magistrate . 2. the publick conscience . 3. moral grace . 4. debauchery tolerated . 5. persecution recommended . and lastly , pushpin divinity . and now , though i intend not to be longer than the nature of avimadversions requires , ( this also being but collateral to my work of exam ning the preface , and having been so abundantly performed already ) yet neither can i proceed well without some preface . for as i am oblged to ask pardon if i speak of serious things ridiculously ; so i must now heg excuse if i should hap to discourse of ridiculous things seriously . but i shall , so far as possible , observe decorum , and , w●…atever i talk of , not commit such an absurdity , as to be grave with a busfoon . but the principal cause of my apology is , because i see i am drawn in to mention kings and princes , and even our own ; whom , as i think with all duty and reverence , so i avoid ●…peaking of either in jest or earnest , lest by reason of my private condition and breeding , i should , though most unwillingly , trip in a word , or fail in the mannerliness os an expression . but mr. bayes , because princes sometimes hear men of his quality play their part , or preach a sermon , grows so insolent that he thinks himsels fit to be their governour . so dangerous it is to let such creatures be too familiar . they know not their distance , and like the ass in the fable , because they see the spaniel play with their masters leggs , they think themselves priviledged to paw and ramp upon his shoulders . yet though i must follow his track now i am in , i hope i shall not write after his copy . as sor his first hypothesis of the unlimited magistrate , i must for this once do him right , that after i had read in his 12th . page , that princes have power to bind their subjects to that religion they apprehend most advantageous to publick peace and tra●…quility ; a long time after , not as i remember till pag. 82. when he bethought himself better , he saith , no rites nor ceremonies can be esteemed unlawful in the worship of god , unless they tend to deba●…ch men either in their practices or their conceptions of the deity . but no man is in ingenuity obliged to do him that service for the suture ; neither yet doth that limitation bind up or interpret what he before so loosly affirmed however take all along the power of the magistrate as he hath stated it ; i am confident if bishop bramhall were alive ( who could no more forbear grotius , than mr. bayes could the bishop , notwithstanding their sriendship ) he would bestow the same censure upon him that he doth upon 〈◊〉 , p. 18. when i read his book of the right of th●… 〈◊〉 ma●…estrate in sacred things , he seem'd to me to come too near an erastian , and to lessen the power of the keys too much , which christ left as a legacy to his church . it may be he did write that before he was come to full maturity of judgement : and some other things , i do not say after he was superannuated . but without that due deliberation which he useth at other times ; ( wherein a man may desire mr. bayes in mr. ba yes ) or it it may be some things may be changed in his book , as i have been told by one os his nearest friends , and that we shall shortly see a more authentick edition of all his works , this is certain , that some of those things which i dislike , were not his own judgment after he was come to maturity in theological matter . and had mr. bayes ( as he ought to have done ) carryed his book to any os the present bishops or their chaplains , for a licence to print it , i cannot conceive that he could have obtained it in better terms than what i have collected out of the 108. page of his answerer : notwithstanding the old pleas of the jus divinum of episcopacy , of example and direction apostolical of a parity of reason between the condition of the church whilst under extraordinary officers , and whilst under ordinary , of the power of the church to appoint ceremonies for decency and order , of the patern of the churches of old ; ( all which under protestation are reserved till the first oportunity . ) i have upon reading of this book , found that it may be of use 〈◊〉 the present 〈◊〉 of affairs , and therefore let it be printed . and as i think , he hath disobliged the clergy of england in this matter ; so i believe the favour that he doth his majesty is not eqvivalent to that damage . for that i may , with mr. bayes his leave , prophane ben john son , though the gravest divines should be his flat●…erers ; he hath a very quick sense , ( shall i prophane horace too in the same period ? ) hunc male si palpere 〈◊〉 undique tutus . if one stroke him ilfavouredly , he hath a terrible way of kicking , and will fling you to the stable-door ; but is himself safe on every side . he knows it's all but that you may get into the saddle again ; and that the priest may ride him , though it be to a precipiece . he therefore contents himself with the power that he hath inherited from his royal progenitors kings and queens of england , and as it is declared by parliament , and is not to be trepann'd into another kind of tenure of dominion to be held at mr. bayes his pleasure , and depend upon the strength only of his argument . but ( that i may not offend in latin too frequently ? he considers that by not assumining a deity to himself , he becomes secure and worthy of his government . there are lightly about the courts of princes a sort of projectors for concealed lands , to which they entitle the king to begg them for themselves : and yet generally they get not much by it , but are exceeding vexatious to the subject . and even such an one is this bayes with his project of a concealed power , that most princes as ee saith have not yet rightly understood ; but whereof the king is so little enamour'd , that i am confident , were it not for prolling and momolesting the people , his maj●…sty would give mr. bayes the patent sor it , and let him make his best on 't , after he hath paid the fees to my lord keeper but one thing i must confess is very pleasant , and he hath past an high complement upon his majesty in it : that he may , if he please , reserve the priest-hood and the exercise of it to himself . now this iudeed is surpr●…sing ; but this only troubles me , how his majesty would look in all the sacerdotal habiliments , and the pontifical wardrobe . i am asraid the king would find himself incommoded with all that furniture upon his back , and would scarce reconcile himself to wear even the lawn-sleeves and the surplice . but what : even charles the fifth , as i have rerd , was at his inauguration by the pope , content to be vested , according to the roman ceremonial , in the habit of a deacon : and a man would not scruple too much the formality of the dress in order to empire . but one thing i dou●…t mr , bayes did not well consider ; that , if the king may discharge the function of the prest-hood , he may too ( and 't is all the reason in the world assume the revenue . it would be the best subsidy that ever was voluntarily given by the clergy . but truly otherwise , i do not see but that the king does lead a more unblamable conuersation , and takes more care of souls than many of them , and understands their office much better , and deserves something already sor the pains he hath taken . the next is publick conscience . for as to mens private consciences he hath made them very inconsiderable , and reading what he saith of them with some attention , i only found this new and important discovery and great priviledge of christian liberty , thar thought is free . we are howexer obliged to him for that , seeing by consequence we think of him what we pleaser and thii he saith a man may assert against all the powers of the earth : and indeed with much reason and to great purpose ; seeing , as he also alledges , the civil power is so far srom doing violence to that liberty , that it never can , but yet if the freedom of thoughts be in not lying open to discovery , there have been wayes of compelling men to discover them ; or , if the freedom consist in retaining their judgments when so manifested , that also hath been made penal . and i doubt not but beside oaths and renunciations , and assents and consents , mr. bayes if he were searched , hath twenty other tests and picklocks in his pocket . would mr. bayes then perswade men to assert this against all the powers of the earth ? i would ask in what manner ? to say the truth i do not like him , and would wish the nonconformists to be upon their guard , lest he trapan them first by this means into a plot , and then preach , and so hang them : if mr. bayes meant otherwise in this matter , i confess my stupidity , and the fault is most his own , who should have writ to the capacity of vulgar read●…rs . he cuts indeed and saulters in this discourse , which is no good sign , perswading men that they may , and ought to practise against their consciences , where the commands of the magistrate intervenes . none of them denies that it is their duty , where their judgments or consciences cannot comply with what is injoyned , that they ought in obedience patiently to suffer ; but further they have not learned . i dare say that the casual divinity of the jesuites is all thorow as orthodox as this maxime of our authors : and as the opinion is brutish , so the consequences are develish . to make it therefore go down more glibly , he saith , that ' t is better to err with authority , than to he in the right against it in all doubtful disputable cases : because the great duty of obedience outweighs the danger of a little error , ( and tittle it is if it be disputable . ) i cannot understand the truth of this reasoning ; that whatsoever is disputable is little ; for even the most important matters are subject to controversie : and besides , things are little or great according to the eyes or understandings of several men ; and however , a man would suffer something rather than commit that little error against his conscience , which must render him an hypocrite to god , and a knave amogst men. the commands ( he saith ) and determinations of the publick conscience ought to carry it ; and if there be any fin in the command , be that imposed it shall answer for it , and not i whose duty it is to obey ; ( and mark ) the commands of authority will warrant my obedience , my obedience will hallow , or at least excuse my action , and so secure me from sin if not frfm error ; and so you are welcome gentlemen . truly a very fair and conscionable reckoning ! so far is this from hallowing the action , that i dare say it will , if followed home , lead only to all that sanctified villany , for the invention of which we are beholden to the author . but let him have the honour of it ; for he is the first divine that ever taught christians how another man's sin cou●…d confer an imputative righteousness upon all mankind that shall follow and comply with it though the subject made me ferious , yet i could not read the expression without laughter : my obedience will hallow , or at least excuse my action . so inconsiderable a difference he seems to make betwixt those terms , that if ever our author come for his merits to be a bishop , a man might almost adventure instead of consecrated o say that he was excused . the third is moral grace . and whoever is not satisfied with those passages of his concerning it , before quoted , may find enough where he discourseth it at large , even to surfeit . i cannot make either less or more of it than that . he overturns the whole fabrick of christianity , and power of religion . for my part , if grace be resolv'd into mortality , i think a man may almost as well make god too to be only a notional and moral existence . and white-apron'd amaryllis was of that opinion : ma tu sanctissima honest à che sola sei d' alma ben nata inviolabil nume . but thou most holy honesty , that only art the inviolable deity of the well-born soul. and so too was the mortal poet : ( for why may not i too bring out my latin shreds as well as he is , quaesitum ad fontem solos deducere vorpos ) nullum numen abest fi sit prudentis — there is no need of a deity where there is prudence ; or , if you will , wheae there is ecclesiastical policy . but so far i must do mr. bayes right , that to my best observation , if prudence had been god , bayes had been a most damnable atheist . or , perhaps only an idolater of their number , concerning whom he adds in the next line — sed te nos facimus fortuna deam caeloque locamus . but we make thee fortune a goddess , and place thee in heaven . however i cannot but be sorry that he hath undertaken this desperate vocation , when , there are twenty other honest and painful wayes wherein he might have got a living , and made fortune propitious . but he cares not upon what argument or how dangerous he runs to shew his ambitious activity : whereas those that will dance upon ropes , do lightly some time or other break their neks . and i have heard that even the turk , every day he was to mount the hig●…-rope , took leave of h●…s comfortable importance as if he should never see her more . but this is a matter forreign to my judicature , and therefore i leave him to be trayed by any jury of divines : and , that he may have all right done him , let half of them be school-divines and the other moity systematical , and let him except against as many as the law allows , and so , god send him a good deliverance . but i am afraid he will never come off . the fourth is debauchery tolerated . for supposing as he does , that 't is better and safer to give a toleration to mens debaucheries than to their religious per●…wasions , it amounts to the same reckoning . this is a very ill way of discoursing ; and that a greater seve●…ity ought to be exercised over mens consciences than over their vices and immoralities . for it argues too much indiscretion by avoiding one evil to run up into the contrary extream . and debauch'd persons will be readyhence conclude , although it be a perverse way of reasoning , that where the severity ought to be less . 〈◊〉 crime is less also : ●…ay , even-that the more the●… are deba●…ch'd , it is 〈◊〉 that the punishment should stil●… 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ; but however , tha●… it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and unadvisable to 〈◊〉 a●…d 〈◊〉 on the r●…ligious hand , lest they should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 greater penalties . mr. bayes would have done much better had he sing led out the theme of religion , he might have loaded it with all the truth whieh that subject would bear ; i would allow him that rebellion is as the sin of witch-craft , though that text of scripture will scarce admit his interpretation . he could not have declaimed more sharply than i , or any honest men else , would upon occasion against all those who under pretence of conscience raise war , or create publick disturbances . but comparisons of vice are dangerous , and though he should do this without design , yet , while he aggravates upon religion , and puts it in ballance , he doth so far alleviate and encourage debauchery . and moreover ( which to be sure is against his design ) he doth hereby more confirm the austerer sort of sinners , and furnishes them with a more ●…pecious colour and stronger argument . it had been better policy to instruct the magistrate that there is no readier way to shame these out of their religious niceties than by improving mens morals . but , as he handles it never was there any point more unseasonably exposed ; at such a time , when there is so general a depravation of manners , that even those who contribute towards it do yet complain of it ; and though they cannot reform their practice , yet feel the effects , and tremble under the apprehension of the consequences . it were easie here to shew a man's r●…ading , and to discourse out of history che causes of the decay and ruine of mr. bayes his roman empire , when as the moralist has it , — saevior armis luxuria incubuit , victumque 〈◊〉 orbem . and descending to those times since christianity was in the throne , 't is demonstrable that sor one war upon a fanatical or religious account , there have been an 100. occasioned by the thirst of glory & empirethat hath inflamed some great prince to invade his neighbours . and more have sprung from the contentiousness and ambition of some of the clergy ; but the most of all from the corruption of manners , and alwayes fatal debauchery . it exhausts the estates of private persons , and makes them fit for nothing but the high-way or an army . it debases the spirits and weakens the vigor of any nation ; at once indisposing them for war , and rendring them uncapable of peace . for , if they escape intestine troubles , which would certainly follow when they had left themselves by their prodigality or intemperance , no other means of subsistence but by preying upon one another ; then must they either to get a maintenance , pick a quarrel with some other nation , wherein they are sure to be worsted ; or else ( which more frequently happens ) some neighbouring prince that understands government takes them at the advantage , and , if they do not like ripe fruit fall into his lap , 't is but shaking the tree once or twice , and he is sure of them . where the horses are , like those of the sybarites , taught to dance , the enemy need only learn the tune and bring the fiddles . but therefore ( as far as i understand ) his majesty to obviate and prevent these inconveniencies in his kingdoms , hath on the one hand never refused a just war ; that so he might take down our grease and luxury , and keep the english courage in breath and exercise : and on the other , ( though himself most constantly addicted to the church of england ) hath thought fit to grant some liberty to all other sober people , ( and longer than the are soy god forbid they should have it ) thereby to give more temper ond allay to the commhn end notorious debauchery . but mr. bayes nevertheless is for his fifth : persecution recommended : and he does it to the purpose . julian himself , who i think was first a reader , and held forth in the christian churches before he turnd apostate and then persecutor , could not have outdone him either in irony or cruelty . only it is god's mercy that mr. bayes is not emperor . you have seen how he inveighs against trade : that whilst mens consciences are acted by such peevish and ungovernable principles , to erect trading combinations is but to build so many nests of faction and sedition . lay up your ships , my maers , set bills on your shop-doors , shut up the custom-house ; and why not ajourn the term , mure up westminster-hall , leave plowing and sowing , and keep a dismal holy-day through the nation ; for mr. bayes is out of humour . but i assure you it is no jesting matter . for he hath in one place taken a list of the fanatick ministers , whom he recons to be but a hundr●…d systematical divines : though i believe the bartlemew-register or the march-licenses would make them about an hundred and three or an hundred and four , or so : but this is but for rounder number and breaks no square . and then for their people , either they live in greater societies of men ( he means the city of london and the other cities and towns-corporate , but expresses it so to prevent some inconvenience that might betide him but there their noise is greater than their number . or else in country towns and villages , where they arise not above the proportion of one to twenty . it were not unwisely done indeed if he could perswade the the magistrate that all the fanaticks have but one neck , so that he might cut off nonconformity at one blow . i suppose the nonconformists value themselves , though upon their conscience , and not their numbers : but they would do well to be watchful , lest he have taken a list of their names as well as their number , and have set crosses upon all their doors against there should be occasion . but till that happy juncture , when mr. bays shall be avenged of his new enemies , the wealthy fanaticks , ( which is soon done too , for he saith , there are but few of them men of estates or interest ) he is-contented that they should only be exposed ( they are his own expressions ) to the pillories , whipping-posts , galleys , rods and axes , ; and moreover and above , to all other punishments whatsoever , provided they be of a severer nature than those that are inflicted on men for their immoralities . o more than human clemency ! i suppose the division betwixt immoralities and conscience is universal ; and whatsoever is wicked or penal is comprehended within their territories . so that although a man should be guilty of all th●…se heinous enormities which are not to be named among christians , beside all lesser peccadillo's expresly against the ten commandments , or such other part of the divine law as shall be of the magistrates making , he shall be in a better condition , and more gently handled , tha●… a well-meaning zelot ; for this is the man that mr. bayes saith is of all villains the most dangerous : ( even more dangerous it se●…ms than a malicious and ●…meaning zelot ) this is he whom in all kingdoms where government is rightly understood , he would have ●…demned to the galleys for his mistastakes and abuses of religion . although the other punishments are more severe , yet this being more new and unacquainted , i cannot pass it by without some reflection . for i considered what princes make use of galleys . the first that occurred to me was the turk , who according to bayes his maxim , hath established mahometism among his subjects , as the religion that he apprehends most advantagious to publick peace and settlement . now in his empire the christians only are guilty of those religious mistak●…s that tend to the subversion of mahometism : so that he understands government rightly in chaining the christians to the car. but then in christendom , all that i could think of were the king of france , the king of spain , the knights of 〈◊〉 , the 〈◊〉 , and the rest of the italian 〈◊〉 . and these all have bound their subjects to the romish religion as most advantagious . but these people , their gallies with immoral fellows and debauchees : whereas the protestants , being their fanaticks and mistakers in religion , should have been their ciurma . but 't is to be hoped these princes will take advice and understand it better for the future . and then at last i remembred that his majesty too 〈◊〉 one gally lately built , but i dare say it is not with that intention : and our panaticks , though few , are so many , that one will not serve . but therefore if mr. bayes and his partners would be at the charge to build the king a whole squadron for this use , i know not but it might 〈◊〉 very well ( for we delight in novelties ) and 〈◊〉 would be a singular obligation to sir john 〈◊〉 dutel , who might have some pretence to be 〈◊〉 neral of his majesties 〈◊〉 . but so much 〈◊〉 that . yet in the mean time i cannot but 〈◊〉 mr. bayes his courage ; who knowing how 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a villain a well-meaning zelot is , and 〈◊〉 ing calculated to a man how many of them there 〈◊〉 in the whole nation , yet dares thus openly stimulate the magistrate against them , and talk of nothing less , but much more than pillories , whipping-posts , galleys and axes in this manner . it is sure some sign ( and if he knew not so much he would scarce adventure ) of the peaceableness of their principles , and of that restraint under which their tender consciences hold them , when nevertheless he may walk night and and day in safety ; though it were so easie a thing to deifie the divine after the antient manner , and no man be the 〈◊〉 . but that which i confess would vex me most , were i either an ill or a well-meaning zealot , would be , after all to hear him ( as he frequertly does ) sneering at me in an ironical harangùe , to persuade me , forsooth , to take all patiertly for conscience-sake , and the 〈◊〉 example of mankind : nay , to wheedle one almost to make himself away to save the hangman a labour . it was indeed rear that 〈◊〉 in the primitive times , and the tyred magistrates ask'd them , whether they had not ha'ters and rivers and precipices , if they were so greedy of suffering ? but , by the good leave of your ●…lence , we are not come to that yet . non tibi sed petro : or rather , sed regi . the nonconformists have suffered as well as any men in the world , and could do so still if it were his majesty's pleasure . 〈◊〉 duty to god hath hallowed , and their duty to the magistrate hath excused both their pain and ignominy . to dye by a noble hand is some satisfaction : but when his majesty , for reasons best known to himself , hath been graciously pleased to 〈◊〉 of your rigors , i hope mr. bayes that we shall 〈◊〉 see when you have a mind to 〈◊〉 with your comfortable importance that the entrem ses shall be of a fanaticks giblets : nor that a nonconformists head must be whip'd off s 〈◊〉 as your nose drivles . 't is sufficient , sir , we know your inclination , we know your abilities , and we know your lodging : and when there is any further occasion you will doubtless be sent for . for , to say the truth , this bayes is an excellent tool , and more useful than ten other men . i will undertake that he shall , rather than fail , be the trepanner , the informer , the witness , the atturney , the judge ; and , if the nonconformist need the benefit of his book , he shall be ordinary too , and say he is an ignorant fellosh , non legit : and then , to do him the last christian office , he would be his hangman . in the mean time , let him enjoy it in speculation , secure of all the imployments when they shall fall . for i know no gentleman that will take any of them out of his hands , although it be an age wherein men cannot well support their quality , without some accession from the publick : and for the ordinary sort of people , they are , i know not by what disaster , besotted and abandon'd to fanaticism . so that mr. bayes must either do it himself in person , or constitute the chief magistrate to be his deputy . but princes do indeed understand themselves better most of 'em , and do neither think it so safe to intrust a clergy-man with their authority , nor decent for themselves to do the drudgery of the clergy , that would have past in the days 〈◊〉 saint dominick : but when even the inquisition hath lost its edge in the popish countries , there is little appearance it should be set up in england : it were a worthy spectacle , were it not ? to see his majesty like the governor in synesius , busied in his cabinet among those engines whose very names are so hard that it is some torture to name them ; the podostrabae , the dactylethrae , the 〈◊〉 , the rhinolabides , the cheilostrophia , devising as 〈◊〉 say there are particular diseases , so a peculiar ra 〈◊〉 for every limb and member of a christians body . or , would he ( with all 〈◊〉 be it spoken ) 〈◊〉 his kingdom of england for that of macassar ? where the great alcanum of government is the cultivating of a garden of poyionous plants , and preparing thence a 〈◊〉 , in which the prince 〈◊〉 a dart that where it does but draw blood , rots the person immediately to pieces ; and his office is with that to be the executioner of his subjects . god be prais'd his majesty is far of another temper : and he is wise , though some men be malicious . but mr. bayes his sixth , is that which i call his push●… divinity . for he would perswade princes that there cannot a pin be pull'd out of the church , but the state immediatly totters . that is strange . and yet i have seen many a pin pulled out upon occasion , and yet not so much as the church it self hach wagg'd . it is true indeed , and we have had sad experiments of it , that some clergy-men have been so 〈◊〉 that they have rather exposed the state 〈◊〉 ruine , than they would part with a pin , i will not say out of their church , but out of their sleeve . there is nothing , more natural then for the ivy to be of opinion that the oak cannot stand without its support : or , seeing we are got into ivy , that the church cannot hold up longer than it underprops the walls : whereas it is a sneaking insinuating imp , scarce better than bindweed , that sucks the tree dry , and moulders the building where it catches . but what , pray mr. bayes , is this pin in pallas's buckler ? why 't is fome ceremony or other , that is indifferent in its own nature , that hath no antecedent necessity but onely as commanded , that signifies 〈◊〉 in it self , but what the 〈◊〉 pleases , that even by the church which commands it , is declared to have nothing of religion in it , and that is in it self of 〈◊〉 great moment or consequence , only it is absolutely necessary that governours should enjoyn it to avoid the evils that would follow if it were not determined . very well , mr. bayes . this i see will keep cold : anon perhaps i may have a stomach . but i must take care lest i swallow your pin. here we have had the titles , and some short rehearsal of mr. bayes his six p●ays . not but that , should we disvalise him , he hath to my knowledge a hundred more as good in his budget : but really i consult mine own repose . but now among friends , was there ever any thing so monstrous ? you see what a man may come to with divinity and high-feeding . there is a scurvy disease , which though some derive from america , others tell a story that the genoues●s in their wars with venice took some of their noblemen , whom they cut to pieces and barrel'd up like tunny , and so maliciously vented it to the venetians , who eating it ignorantly , broke out in those nasty botches and ugly symptoms , that are not curable but by mercury what i relate it for is out of no further intention , nor is there any more similitude than that the mind too hath its nodes sometimes , and the stile its baboes , and that i doubt before mr. bayes can be rid of 'm , he must pass through the grand cure and a dry diet. and now it is high time that i resume the thread of my for●er history concerning mr. bayes his books in relation to his majesty . i do not find that the ecclesiastical policy found more acceptance than could be ●●●ected f●om so judicious a prince : nor do i perceive that he was ever considered of at a promotion of bishops , nor that he hath the reversion of the arch-bishoprick of canterbury . but if he have not by marri●ge barr'd his way ; and it should ever fall to his lot , i am resolved instead of his grace to call him always his morality . but as he got no preferment that i know of at court ( though his patron doubtless having many things in his gift , did abundantly recompence him ) so he mist no less of his aim as to the reformation of ecclesiastical-government upon his principles . but still , what he complains of pag. 20. the ecclesiastical laws were either weak●ned through want of execution , or in a manner cancell'd by the opposition of civil constitutions . for , beside what in england , where all things went on at the same rate , in the neighbouring kingdom of scotland there were i know not how many mas johns restored in one day to the work of their ministry , and a door opened whereby all the rest might come in for the future , and all this by his majesty's commission . nay , i think there was ( a thing of very ill example ) an arch-bishop turn'd out of his sea for some misdemeanor or other . i have not been curious after his name nor his crime , because as much as possible i would not expose the nakedness of any person so eminent formerly in the church . but henceforward the king fell into disgrace with mr. bayes , and any one that had eyes might discern that our author did not afford his majesty that countenance and favour which he hath formerly enjoy'd . so that a book too of j. o's happening mischievously to come out at the same season , upon pretence of answering that , he resolved to make his majesty feel the effects of his displeasure . so that he set pen to paper again , and having kept his midwife of the friendly debate by him all the time of his pregnancy for fear of miscarrying , he was at last happily delivered of his second child , the defence of the ecclesiastical policy , in the year 1671. it was a very lusty baby , and twice as big as the former , and ( which some observed as an ill sign , and that if it lived it would prove a great tyrant ) it had , when born , all the teeth , as perfect as ever you saw in any mans head. but i do not reckon much upon those ominous criticismes . for there was partly a natural cause in it , mr. bayes having gone so many months , more than the civil laws allowes for the utmost term of legitimation , that it was no wonder if the brat were at its birth more forward than others usually are . and indeed mr. bayes was so provident against abortion , and careful for some reasons that the child sho●…ld cry , that the onely question in town ( though without much cause , for truly 't was very like him ) was , whether it was not spurious or suppositious . but allegories and raillery and hard words appear in this his second book , and what i quoted before out of bishop bramhal , p. 18. with allusion to our author , is here faln out as exactly true as if it had been expresly calculated for bayes his meridian . he finds himself to have come too near , nay to have far outgone an erastian , that he had writ his ecclesiastical policy before he was come to maturity of judgement , that one might desire mr. bays in mr. bays , that something had been changed in his book . that a more authentick edition was necessary , that some things which he had said before , were not his judgment after he was come to maturity in theological matters . i will not herein too much insist upon his reply where his answerer asks him pertinently enough to his grand thesis , what was then become of their old ●…lea of jus divinum ? why , saith he , must you prescribe me what i shall write ? perhaps my next book shall be of that subject . for , perhaps he said so only for evasion , being old excellent at parrying and fencing . though i have good reason to believe that we may shortly see some piece of his upon that theme , and in defence of an aphorism of a great prelate in the 〈◊〉 king's time , that the ki●…g had no more to do in ecclesiastical matters , than jack that rubb'd his horses h●…els . for mr. bayes is so enterprising you know , lo●…k too 't , i le doo 't . he has face enough to say or unsay any thing , and 't is his priviledge , what the school-divines deny to be even within the power of the almighty , to make contradictions true . an evidence of which ( though i reserve the further instances to another occasion that draws near ) does plainly appear in what i now principal●…y urge , to show how dangerous a thing it is for his majesty and all other princes to lofe mr. b●…s his favour . for whereas he had all along in his first book treated them like a company of ignorants , and that did not understand government , ( but that is pardonable in mr. bayes ) in this his second , now that they will not do as he would have them , when he had given them power and instructions how to be wiser for the future , he casts them quite off like men that were desperate . he had , you know , p. 35. of his first book and in other places , vested them with an universal and unlimited power , and uncontroulable in the government of religion ( that is , over mens consciences ) but now in his second , to make them an example to all incorrigible and ungrateful persons , he strips and disrobes them again of all those regal ornaments that he had superinduced upon them , and leaves them good princes in qu●…po 〈◊〉 he found 'm , ●…o shift for themselves in the wide world as well as they can . do but read his own words , p. 237. of his defence , parag . 5. and sure you will be of my mind . to vest the supreme magistrate in an unlimited and uncontroulable power , is clearly to defeat the efficacy and ob●…igatory force of all his laws , that cannot possibly have any binding virtue upon the minds of men , when they have no other inducement to obedience but only to avoid the penalty . but if the supreme power be abs●…ute and unlimi●… , it doth for that very reason remove and evacuate : all other obligations , for otherwise it is restrained and conditional ; and if men lye under no other impulsion than of the law it self , they lye under no other obligation than that of prudence and self-in●…est , and it remains intirely in the choi●…e of their own discretion whether they shall or shall not obey , and then there is neither government nor obligation to obedience ; and the principle o mens complyance with the mind of t●…ir superif ours , is not the declaration of their will and pleasure , but purely the determination of their own judgments ; and therefore 't is necessary for the security of government , though for nothing else , to set bounds to its jurisdiction ; otherwise , like the roman empire , &c. i know it would be difficult to quote twenty lines in mr. bayes , but we should encounter with the roman empire . but observe how laboriously here he hath asserted and proved that all he had said in his first book was a mee●… mistake before he were come to years of discretion . for as in law a man is not accounted so till he hath compleated 21 , and 't is but the la●… minute of that ●…ime that makes him his own man , ( as to all things but conscience i mean , for as to that many are never sui juris ) so though the distance of bayes his books was but betwixt 1670 and 1671 , yet a year , nay an instant at any time of a man's life may make him wiser , and he hath , like all other fruits , his annual maturity . it was so long since as 1670. p. 33. that this universal unlimited and uncontroulable power was the natural right of princes 〈◊〉 to christ , firmly established by the unalterabls dictates of natural reason , universal practice , and consent of nations , that the scripture rather 〈◊〉 than asserts the ecclesiastical ( and so the civil ) jurisdiction of princes . 't was in 1670. p. 10. that it was absolutely necessary ; and p. 12. that princes 〈◊〉 that power to bind th●…ir su●…cts to that relegion that they apprehend most advantagious to public●… peace , &c. so that they derive their title from eternal necessity , which the moralists say the gods themselves can not impeach . his majesty may lay by his dieu and make use only of his mon droit : he hath a patent for his kingdom under the broad-seal of nature , and next under that , and immediately 〈◊〉 christ , is over all persons and in all causes aswel ecclesiastical as civil ( and over all mens consciences ) within his majesty's realms and dominions supream head and governour . 't is true , the author sometimes for fashion-sake speaks in that book of religion and of a deity , but his principles do necessarily , if not in terms , make the princes power paramount to both those , and if he may by his uncontroulable and unlimited universal authority introduce what religion , he may of consequence what deity also he pleases . or , if there were no deity , yet there must be some relgion , that being an engine most advantagious for publick peace and tranquillity . this was in 1670. but by 1671. you see the case is altered . even one night hath made some men gray . and now p. 238. of his second book , he hath made princes accountable , ay and to so severe an auditor as god himself . the thrones of princes are established upon the dominion of god and p 241. ' t is no part of the princes concernment to institute rules of moral good and evil , that is the care and the pre●…ogative of a superiour law-giver . and p. 260. he owns that if the subjects can plead a clear and undoubted preingagement to that higher authority , they have a liberty to remonstrate to the equity of their laws . i do not like this remonstrating nor these remonstrants . i wish again that mr. bayes would tell us what ●…e means by ●…he term , and where it will end , whether he would have the fanaticks remonstrate : but they are wary , and asham'd of what they have done in former times of that nature : or whether he himself hath a mind to remonstrate , because the fanaticks are tolerated . that is the thing , that is the business of this whole book : and knowing that there is a clear and undoubted preingagement to the higher authority of nature and necessity , if the king will persist in tolerating these people , who knows after remonstrating , what mr. bayes will do next ? but now in summe what shall we say of this man , and how had the king been served if he had followed bayes's advice ; and assumed the power of his first book ? he had run himself into a fine premunire , when now after all he comes to be made accountable to god , nay even to his subjects . and by this means it happens , though it were beyond mr. bayes his forcast , and i dare ●…ay he , would rather have given the prince again a power antecedent to christ , and to bring in what religion he please ; he hath obliged him to as tender a conscience as any of his christian subjects , and then good night to ecclesiastical policy . i have herein indeavoured the utmost ingenuity toward mr. bayes , for he hath laid himself open but to too many disadvantages already , so that i need not , i would not press him beyond measure , but to my best understanding , and if i fail i even ask him pardon , i do him right . 't is true , that being distracted betwixt his desire that the consciences of men should be persecuted , and his anger at princes that will not be advised , he confounds himself every where in his reasonings , that you can hardly distinguish which is the whoop and which is the holla , and he makes indentures on each fide of the way wheresoever he goes . but no man that is so●…er will follow him , lest some justice of peace should make him pay his five shillings , beside the sc●…ndal ; and it is apparent to every one what he drives at . but were this otherwise , i can spare it , and 't is s●…fficient ●…o my purpose that i do thus historically deduce the reason of his setting forth his books , and shew that it was plainly to remonstrate against the power of his prince , and the 〈◊〉 that he hath taken of governing ; to set his majesty at variance not onely with his subjects , but with himself , and to raise a civil-wa●… in his intellectual kingdom , betwixt his controulable and his uncontroulable jurisdiction . and because , having to do with a wise man , as mr. bayes is , one may of●…en gather more of his mind out of a word that ●…rops casually , than out of his whole watchful and serious discourse , when he is talking of matters of policy 〈◊〉 that require caution ; i cannot slight one passage of mr. bayes , page 656. where raging bitterly against all the presbyterians and other sects , and as much against the allowing them any tenderness , liberty , toleration or indulgence , he concludes thus , tenderness and indulgence to such men , were to nourish vipers in our own bowels , and the most sottish neglect of our own quiet and security , and we should deserve to perish with the dishonour of sardanapalus . now this of sardanapalus i remember some little thing ever ●…ince i read , i think it was my justine ; and i would not willingly be such a fool as to make a dangerous 〈◊〉 that h●…s no foundation . for if mr. bayes in the preface of his defence , to excuse his long 〈◊〉 before it were brought forth , places it partly upon his recreations : i know not why much more a prince should not be willing to enjoy the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of this life , as well , as to do the common 〈◊〉 . but i am thinking what mr. 〈◊〉 meant by it ; for every similitude must have , though not all , yet some likeness : now i am sure there were no nonconformists and ●…byterians in sardan●…lus his days , i am ●…re also that sardanapalus was no clergy man , that he was no ●…ject ; but he was one of the 〈◊〉 crea●…ures , that instead of ●…cising his ecclesiastical power delighted in spinning ; till some body come in on the sudden , and ca●…ching him at it , cut his th●…d . come 't is better we left this argument and the company too , for you see the 〈◊〉 , you see the sentence : and who ●…er 〈◊〉 be , there is some prince or other whom mr. 〈◊〉 will have to perish . that p. 641. i●… indeed not so severe , but 't is pretty well ; where , on the same ●…ind of subject , 〈◊〉 the prince against those people , he saith , that prince that h●…th f●…lt the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if aft●… that 〈◊〉 shall be per●… to regard their fair 〈◊〉 at such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 power , without other evident and unquestionable tokens of their conversion , deserves to be king of the night . now for this matter , i believe mr. bayes knows that his majesty hath received such eviden●… and unquestionable tokens of loyalty from the non-conformists ; otherwise his own loyalty wo●…ld have hindred him from daring to use that expression . and now i should continue my history to his third book in hand , the preface to bishop bramhal . but having his second book still before me , i could not but look a li●…tle further into it , to see how he hath left matters standing betwixt himself and his answerer . and first i lighted on that place where he strives to disintangle himself from what he had said about trade in his former book . here therefore he defies the whole fanatick world to discover one syllable that tends to its discouragement . let us put it upon that issue , and by this one example take the patern of his ingenuity in all his other contests . whoop , mr. bayes , pag. 49. with what conscience does the answerer tell the people that i have reprelented all tradesmen as seditious , when 't is so notorious 〈◊〉 on●…y suppose that some of them may be tainted with seditious principles ? if i should affirm that when the nobility or clergy are possest with principles that incline to rebellion and disloyal practices , they are of all rebels the most dangerous , should i be thought to impeach them of treason and rebellion ? holla , mr. bayes ! but in the 49th . page of your first book you say expresly , for 't is notorious that there is not any sort of people so inclinable to seditious practices as the trading part of a nation . is this the same thing now ? and how does this defence take off the object●…on ? and yet he tears and insults and declaims as if he had the truth on his side . at last he strives to bring himself off and salve the matter in the same page 49. with , in brief it is not the rich citizen , but the wealthy fanati●…k that i have branded for an 〈◊〉 beast , and that not as wealthy but as fanatick . subtle distinguisher ! i see if we give him but rope enough what he will come to . mr. bayes ; many as proper a man as your self hath march'd up holborn for distinguishing betwixt the wealth and the fanatick : and moreover let me tell you , fanatick money hath no ear-mark . so concerning the magistrates power in religion , wherein his answerer had remark'd some unsafe passages : whoop mr. bayes ! p. 12 : of his first book before quoted : unless princes have power to bind their subjects to what religion they apprehend most advantagious , &c. they are no better than statues of authority . holla bayes . pag. 467. of the second book : this bold calumny i have already i hope compe●…ently enough discovered and detested . yet he repeats this fundamental forgery in all places , so that his whole book is but one huge lye 400 pages long . judge now who is the forger ; and yet he roars too here as if he would mix heaven and earth together . but you may spare your raving , you will never claw it off as long as your name is bayes . so his answerer it seems having p. 85. said , that bayes confines the whole duty of conscience to the inward thoughts and perswasions of the mind , over which the magistrate hath no power at all : whoop bayes , page 89. of his first book , let all matters of mere conscience , whether purely moral or religious , be subject to conscience only , i. e. let men think of things according to their own perswasions , and assert the freedom of their judgments against all the powers of the earth . this is the prerogative of the mind of man within its own dominions its kingdom is intellectual , &c. p. 91. liberty of conscience is internal and invisible , and confined to the minds and judgments of men ; and while conscience acts within its proper sphere , the civil power is so far from doing it violence , that it never can . holla bayes p. 229 of his second book , this in down right english is a shameless lye. sir , you must pardon my rudeness , for i will assure you , after long meditation , i could not devise a more pertinent answer to so bold an one as this . i believe you mr. bayes : you meditated long , some twelve moneths at least ; and you could not devise any other answer , and in good earnest he hath not attempted to give any other answer . i confess 't is no extraordinory conceit , but t is the best repartee , my barren fancy was able to suggest to me upon so rude an occasion . well mr. bayes ! i see it must come to a quarrel ; for thus the hectors use to do , and to give the lye at adventure , when they have a mind to try a mans courage . but i have often known them dye on the spot . so his answerer p. 134 having taxed him for his speaking against an expression in the act of parliament of 5 to eliz. concerning the wednesday fast. whoop bayes pag. 〈◊〉 . of his first book . the act for the wednesday fast the jujunium cecilianum ( our ecclesiastical poli●…ician is the better states man of the two by far , and may make sport with cecill when he pleases ) was injoynd with this clause of exception , that if any person should affirm it to be imposed with an intention to bind the conscience , he should be punished as spreader of false news . so careful was the supreme magistrate in those dayes not to impose upon the conscience ; and the wisdom of it is confirmed by the experience of our time : when so eminent a divine , as i mentioned before , thought fit to write 〈◊〉 whole volumne concerning the holiness of lent ; though , if i be not deceived , this doctrine too i●… prohibited by act of parliament , under the same penalty . but , saith bayes there , the matter i●…deed of this law was not of any great moment , but this declaration annexed to it proved of a satal and 〈◊〉 consequence . 't is very well worth reading at large : but in short the consequence ( or the occasion 't is no matter when i have to do with bayes ) was , that princes how peremptory soever they have been in asserting the rights of their supreme power , in civil affairs , they have been forced to seem modest and diffident in the exercise of their ecclesiastical supremacy . now , holla , bayes . p. 298. of his second book . to what purpose does he so briskly taunt me for thwarting mine own principles , because i have censured the impertinency of a reedless provision in an act of parliament . observe , these are not the answerers but bayes his own words ; whereby you may see with what reverence and duty he uses to speak of his superiors and their actions , when they are not so happy as to please him . i may obey the law , though i may be of a different perswasion from the law-givers in an opinion remote and impertinent to the matter of the law it self : nay , i may condemne the wisdom of enacting it , and yet at the same time think my self to lie under an indispensable obligation to obey it : for the formal reason of its obligatory power ( as any casuist will inform him ) is not the judgment and opinion of the law-giver , but the declaration of his will and pleasure . very good and sound mr. bayes : but here you have opened a passage ; and this is as imper●…t in you and more dangerous than what you blamed in that act , that the non-conformists may speak against your ecclesiastical laws ; for their casuists then tell them that , they lying under an indisp●…sable obligation not to conform to some of them , do fulfil and satisfie their obedience in submitting to the penalty . i looked further into what he s●…ith in defence of the ●…gistrates assuming the priesthood ; what for his scheme of moral grace ; what to palliate his irreverent expressions concerning our blessed savio●…r and the holy spirit ; what of all other mat●…ers obj●…cted by his answerer : and if you will believe me ; but i had much rather the reader would take the pains to examine all himse●…f , there is scarce any thing but slender trifling unworthy of a logician , and beastly railing unbecoming any man , much more a divine . at last , having readit all through with some attention , i resolved , having failed so of any thing material , to try my fortune whether it might be more lucky , and to open the book in several places as it chanced . but , whereas they say that in the sortes virgilianae , wheresoever you light you will find something that will hit and is proper to your intention ; on the contrary here , th●…re was not any leaf that i met with but had something impertinent , so that i resolved to give it over . this onely i observed upon the whole , that he does treat his answerer the most b●…sely and ingratefully that ever man did . for , whereas in his whole first book there was not one sound principle , and scarce any thing in the second , but what the answerer had given him occasion to amend and rectifie if he had understanding ; after so great an obligation he handles him with more rudeness than is imaginable . i know it may be said in mr. bayes his defence , that in this his second book he hath made his matters in many places much worse then they were before . but i say that was bayes his want of understanding , and that he knew not how to take hold of so charitable an opportunity as was offered him , and 't was none of the answerers fault . there are amongst men some that do not study always the true rules of wisdom a●…d honesty , but delight in a perverse kind of cunning , which sometimes may take for a while and attain their design , but most usually it fails in the end and hath a foul farewell . and such are all mr. bayes his plots . in all his writings he do●…h so confound terms , he leaps cross , he hath more doubles ( nay triples and quadruples ) than any hare , so that he thinks himself secure of the hun●…ers . and in this second book , even the length of it was s●…me policy . for you must know it is all but an epistle to the author of the friendly debate ; and thought he with himself , who hath so much leisure from his own affairs , that he will read a letter of another mans b●…siness of eight hundred pages ? but yet , thought he again , ( and i could be content they did read it ) in all matters of argument i will so muddle my self in ink , that there shall be no ca●…ching no finding me ; and besides i will speak always with so magisterial a confidence , that no modest man ( and most ingenious persons are so ) shall so much as quet●…h at me , but be beat out of countenance : and plain men shall think that i durst not talk at such a rate but that i have a commission . i will first , said he in his heart , like a stout vagrant , beg , and if that will not do , i will command the question , and as soon as i have got it , i will so alter the property and put on another periwig , that i defie them all for discovering me or ever finding it again . this , beside all the lock and advantage that i have the non-conf●…rmists upon since the late times ; and though t●…ey were born since , and have taken more sober principles , it shall be all one for that matter . and then for oratory and railing , let bayes alone . this contrivance is indeed all the strength of mr. bayes his argument , and as he said , ( how properly let the reader judge ) pag. 69. before quoted , that mo●…al virtue is not only the most material and usefulpart of all religion , but the ultimate end of all its other duties : so , railing is not onely the most material and useful part of his religion , his reason , his oratory , and his practise ; but the ultimate end of this and all his otherbooks . otherwise he i●… neither so strongly fortified nor so well guarded , but that without any ceremony of trenches or approaches , you may at the very fir●… march up to his counters-scarp without danger . he puts me in mind of the incorrigible scold , that though she was duck'd over head and ears under water , yet stretched up her hands with her two thumb-nails in the nit-cracking posture , or with two fingers divaricated , to call the man still in that language lousy rascal and cuckold . but indeed , when i consider how miserable a wratch his answerer has rendred him , and yet how he persists still , and more to rail and revile him ; i can liken it to nothing better betwixt them , than to what i have seen with some pleasure the hawking at the magpy . the poor bird understand●… very well the terrible pounces of that vulture : b●… therefore she chatters amain most 〈◊〉 , and spread●… and cocks her tail , so that one that first saw and heard the sport , would think that she insulted over the hawk in that chatter , and she 〈◊〉 her train in token of courage and victory : when , alas , ' 〈◊〉 her fear all , and another way of crying the hawk m●…cy , and to the end that the hawk finding nothing but tail and feather to strike at , she may so perhaps shelter her body . therefore i think there is noth●…g in my way that hinders me , but that i may now go on to the history of this m. b●…yes his third book , the preface to bishop bramhall , and to what juncture of affairs it was reconciled . his majesty ( perhaps upon mr. bayes his frequent admonitions , both in his first and s●…cond book , that princes should be more attentive and confident in exercising their ecclesiastical jurisdiction , though , i rather believe , he never design'd to read a line in him , but what he did herein , was only the result of his own good understanding ) resol●…ed to make some clear tryal how the non-conformists could bear themselves under some liberty of conscience . and accordingly he issued on march the 15th 1671. his gracious declaration of indulgence , of which i wish his majesty and the kingdom much joy , and as far as my slender judgment can divine , dare augurate and presage mutual felici●…y , and that what ever humane accident may happen ( i fear not 〈◊〉 bayes foresees ) they will , they can never have cause ●…ent this action or its consequences . but here 〈◊〉 bayes finding ●…at the king had so vigorously exerted his ecclesiastical power , but to a purpose quite contrary to what mr. bayes had always intended , he grew terrible angry at the king and his privy council : so that hereupon he started , as himself says , into many warm and glowing meditations : his heart burnt and the fire kindled , and that heated him into all this wild and rambling talk ( as some will be forward enough to call it ) though he hopes it is not altogether idle , and whether it be or be not , he hath now neither leisure nor patience to examine . this he confesses upon his best recollection , in the last page of this preface : whereupon i cannot but animadvert , as in my first page , that this too lies open to his dilemma against the non-conformists prayers : for if he will not accept his own charge , his modesty is all impudent and c●…unterfeit : if he does acknowledge it , he is an hot-headed incendiary ; and a wild rambling talker , and in part , if not altogether , an idle fellow . really i cannot but pitty him , and look upon him as under some great disturbance and dispondency of mind . that this with some other scattering pas●…ages here and there , argues him to be in as ill a ca●…e as ti●…erius was in his distracted le●…ter to the senate : there wants nothing of it but the dii deaeque me perdant wishing , let the gods and the goddesses confound him worse than he finds hi●…self to be every day confounded . but that i may not l●…se my thred . upon occasion of this his majesties gracious decla●…tion , and against it , he writes this his third bo●… the preface to bis●…op bramhad , and accordingly w●… unhappily delivered of it in june ( i had forgot , ) or july , in 16●…2 . for he did not go his 〈◊〉 time of it , but miscarried ; partly by a fright from j. o. and partly by a fal he had upon a closer ●…portance . but of 〈◊〉 his three bolts this was the soone●… shot , and 〈◊〉 't is uo wonder if he mis●… his mark , 〈◊〉 no care where his ar●…ow glanced . but what he saith of his majesty and his cou●…cil , being toward the latter end of his discourse , 〈◊〉 forced to defer that a little , because , there being no method at all in his wild rambling talk ; must either tread just on in his footsteps , or else i sha●… be in a perpetual maze , and never know when i co●… to my journeys end . and here i cannot altogether escape the mentioning of j. o. again , whom ( though i have shown th●… he was not the main cause of publishing bayes 〈◊〉 books ) yet he singles out , and on his pretence 〈◊〉 down all the nonconformists ; this being , as he imagined , the safest way by which he might proce●… first to undermine and then blow up his majesti●… gracious declaration . and this indeed is the le●… immethodical part in the whole discourse . for 〈◊〉 he undertakes to defend , that railing is not only lawful , but expedient . secondly , that though he ha●… railed , the person he spoke of ought 〈◊〉 to have ●…ken notice of it . and thirdly , that he did not rai●… as to these things i do not much trouble my my 〈◊〉 nor interest my self in the least in j. o.'s 〈◊〉 no otherwise than if he were john a nokes , and heard him ra●…l'd at by john a stiles : nor yet wou●… i concern my self unnecessarily in any ma●… behalf knowing that 't is better being at the beginning of feast , than to come in at the latter end of a fray. fo●… 〈◊〉 so 〈◊〉 should , as o●…ten it happens in such rencoun●… 〈◊〉 only draw mr. bayes , but j. o. too upon my back , i should have made a sweet business on 't for my self . now as to the lawfulness and expedience of railing ; were it not that i do really make conscience of using scripture with such a drolling companion as mr. bayes , i could overload him thence both with authority and example . nor is it worth ones while to teach him out of other authors and the best precedents of the kind , how he , being a christian and 〈◊〉 divine , ouht to have carried himself . but i cannot but remark his insolence , and how bold he makes upon this argument , p. 88. of his second book , with the memories of those great persons there enumerated , several of whom , and particularly my lord verulam , i could quote to his confusion , upon a contrary and much better account . so far am i from repenting my severity towards them , that i am tempted rather to applaud it by the glorious examples of the greatest wits of our nation , king james , arch-bishop whitgift , arch-bishop bancroft , bishop andrews , bishop bilson , bishop montegue , bishop bramhal , sir walter rawleigh , lord bacon , &c. and he might have added mr. tarlton with as good pretence to this honour as himself . the niches are yet empty in the old exchange ; pray let us speak to the statuary , that , next to king james's we may have b●…yes his effigies . for such great wits are princes fellows , at least when dead . at this rate there is not a scold at bi●…gsgate but may defend her self by the p●…ttern of king james and arch-bishop whitgift , &c. yet this is passable , if you consider our man. but that is most intolerable p. 17. of the preface to hi●… first book , where he justifies his debauched way of writing by parallel to our blessed saviour . and i cannot but with some aw reflect how near the punishmen●… was to the offence ; when having undertaken so prof●… an argument , he was in the very instant so infatuate●… as to say that christ was not only in an hot fit of ze●… but in a seeming fury too and transport of passion . but however , seeing he hath brought us so good vouchers , let us suppose what is not to be supposed , that railing is lawful . whether it be expedient or no will yet be a new question . and i think mr. bayes , when he hath had time to cool his thoughts , may be trusted yet with that consideration , and to compute whether the good that he hath done by railling do countervail the damage which both he in particular and the cause he labours , have suffered by it . for in my observation , if we meet with an argument in the streets , both men , women , and boys , that are the auditory , do usually give it on the modester side , and conclude , that he that rails most has the least reason . for the second , where he would prove that though he had railed , yet his answerer j. o. ought not to have taken notice of it , nor those of the party who are under the same condemnation , but that he should have abstracted and kept close to the argument , i must confess it is a very secure and wholesome way of railing . and allowing this , he hath good reason to find fault with his answerer , 〈◊〉 he does , for turring 〈◊〉 his book , though without turning it over i know 〈◊〉 how he could have answered him , but with his hat , 〈◊〉 with mum. but for ought i can see in that only answer which is to his first book , he hath been obedient and abstracted the argument sufficien●… ; and 〈◊〉 he hath been any where severe upon him , he hath done it more cleanly , and much more like a gentleman , and it hath been only in showing the necessary infeferences that must follow upon the authors maxim●… and unsound principles . but as to any answer to bay●… his second book or this third , for ought i can see j. o. sleeps upon both ears . to this third undertaking , to show that he hath 〈◊〉 rail'd ; 〈◊〉 shail not say any thing more , but let it 〈◊〉 judg'd by the company , and to them let it be refer'd . but in my poor opinion i rever saw a man thorow all his three books in so high a salivation . and therefore , till i meet with something more serious , i will take a walk in the garden and gather some of mr. bayes his flowers . or i might more properly have said i will go see bedlam and p●…k straws with our mad-man . first he saith , that some that pretend a great interest in the holy brother-hood , upon eve●…y slight accident are beating up the drums against the pope and po●…ish plots ; they discry po●…ery in every common and usual chance , and a c●…imny cannot take fire in the city or suburbs but they are immediately crying jesuites and firebals . i understand you , sir. this , mr. bayes is your prologue , that is to be spoke by thunder and lightning . i am loud thunder , brisk ligh ning i. i strike men down . 〈◊〉 fire the town — lo●…k too 't wee 'l do ot mr , bayes , it is something darg rous medling with th●…se matters . as innocent persons as your self , have 〈◊〉 the fury of the wild multitude , when such a calamity hath disordered them . and after your late severity against tradesmen , it had been better you had not touched the fire . take heed lest the reasons which sparkle , forsooth , in your discourse have not set their chimnyes on fire . none accuses you , what you make s●…ort with , of burring the ships at chatham , much less of blowing up the thames . but you ought to be careful , lest having so newly distinguished bet●…t the fanatick and his wealth , they should say , that you are distinguishing now betwixt the fa●…icks and their houses these things are too edged to be jested with : if you did but consider that not onely the holy brotherhood , but the so●…er and intelligent citizens are equally involved in these sad accidents . and in that ●…mentable conflagration ( which was so terrible , that though so many years agoe , it is yet fresh in mens memories , and besides , is yearly by act of parliament observed with due humiliation and solemnity . ) it was not trade onely and merchandise suffered , which you call their diana ; and was not so much to be considered ; but st. pauls too was burnt , which ●…he historians tell us was diana's temple . the next thing is more directly levell'd at j. o. for having in some latter book used those words , we cannot conform to arminianism or socinianism on the one hand , or popery on the other . what the answerer meant by those words , i concern not my self . onely i cannot but say , that there is a very great neglect somewhere ; wheresoever the inspection of books is iodged , that at least the socinian books are tolerated and sell as openly as the bible . but bayes turns all into mirth , he might as well have added all the isms 〈◊〉 the old testament , perizzitism , hittitism , jebusitism , hivitism , &c. no , mr. bayes , that need not ; and though this indeed is a very pretty conceit , and 't were pity it should have been lost ; yet i can tell you a better way . for , if rhiming be the business , and you are so good at tagging of points in a garret , there is another word that will do it better , and for which , i know not how truly , you tax your answerer too here , as if he said , the church of england were desperately schismatical , because the independents are resolved one and all , to continue separate from her communion . therefore let schism , 〈◊〉 you please rhime to 〈◊〉 . and though no man is obliged to produce the authority of the greatest wits of the nation to justifie a rhime , yet for your ●…ear sake , mr. bayes , i will this once supererogate . the first shall be your good friend bishop 〈◊〉 , ●…ho among many other memorable pa●…ages , whi●…●…elieve were 〈◊〉 ●…on that he never thought fit 〈◊〉 print his own book ; p. 101. teacheth us , not absurdly , that it was not the 〈◊〉 opinions of the church of rome , but the obtruding them by laws upon other churches , which warranted a separation . but if this will not doe , vous ave●… doctor th●…rndikes deposition in print , for he , i hear , is lately dead . the church of england in separating from the church of rome , 〈◊〉 guilty of schism before god. i have not the book by me , but i am sure 't is candidly recited as i have 〈◊〉 it . then ( to show too that there is a king on this side ) his present majesty's father in his declaration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1628. affirms that a book , entituled , appello caesarem or an appeal to caesar , and published in the year 1625. by richard montague then batcheler of divinity , and now bishop of chichester had op●ned the way to these schisms and divisions which have since ensued in the church , and that therefore for the redress and remedy thereof , and for the satisfaction of the consciences of his good people , he had not only by publick proclamation called in that book , which ministred matter of offence , but to prevent the like danger for the future , reprinted the articles of religion , established in the time of queen elizabeth of famous memory : and by a declaration , before those articles , did restrain all opinions to the sense of those articles , that nothing might be left for private fancies and innovations , &c. and if this will not amount fully , i shall conclude with a villanous pam●…let that i met with t'other day ; but of which a great 〈◊〉 indeed was the author . and , whereas mr. bayes 〈◊〉 alwayes desying the nonconformists with mr , 〈◊〉 ecclesiastical 〈◊〉 , and the friendly debate , i 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , ' though i have a great reverence for mr. hooker , who in some things did answer himself , that this little book , of not full eight leaves , hath shut that ecclesiastical polity , and mr. bayes's too , out of doors : but for the friendly d●…bate , i must confess , that is una●…swerable . 't is one mr. hales of eaton ; a most learned divire , and one of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of e●…and , and most remarkable for his suff●…r ●…gs in the late time●… , and his christian patience under them . and i re●…kon it not one of the least 〈◊〉 of that age , that so eminent a person should have been by the iniquity of the ●…es reduced to tho●…e necessities under which he lived ; as i account it no small honour to have grown up into some part of his acquaintance , and convers'd a while with the living remains of one of the clearest heads and best prepared breasts in christendom . that which i speak of is his lit●…le treatise of schism , which though i had read many years ago , was quite out of n y mind , till loccasionally light upon 't at a 〈◊〉 stall . i hope it will not be tedious , though i write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 few ( and yet whatsoever i ●…mit , i shall have left behind more ) material passages . schissm is one of those theological scarcrows with which they who use to uphold a party in religion , use to fright away such , as making inquiry into it are ready to relinquish and op●…ose it , if it appear either erroneous or suspicious . schism is , if we would define it , an unnecessary separation of : christians from that part of the visible church of which they were once members . some reverencing antiqu●…y more than needs , have suffered themselves to be scared with imputation of schism more than needs . nothing absolves men from the guilt of s●…sm , 〈◊〉 true and unpretended conscience . but the judgments of the a●…cients many times ( to speak most gent●…y ) are justly to be 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 the cause of 〈◊〉 is ●…essary , ●…ere not he 〈◊〉 separates , but he th●…t is the cause of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the schismatick . where the occasion of separation is unnecessary , neither side can be excused from guilt of schism . but who shall be the judg ? that is a point of great difficulty , because it carries fire in the ta●…l of it : for it brings with it a piece of doctrine which is seldom pleasing to superiours . you shall find that all schisms have crept into the church by one of these three waies , ei●…her upon matter of fact , or upon matter of opinion , or point of ambition . for the first , i call that matter of fact , when something 〈◊〉 required to be done by us , which either we know or strongly ●…ct to be unlawful . where he instances in the old great controversie about easter . for it being upon error taken for necessary that an easter must be kept , and upon worse than error ( for it was no less than a point of judaism forc'd upon the church ) thought further necesseary that the ground of the time for the feast , must be the rule left by 〈◊〉 to the jews : there 〈◊〉 a stout question , whether 't was to be celebrated with the jews on the fourteenth moon , or the sunday following . this caused as great a combustion as ever was ; the west separating and refusing communion with the east for many years together . here i cannot see bus all the world were schismaticks , excepting only that we charitably suppose to excuse them from it , that all parties did what they did out of conscience . a thing which befell them by the ignorance , for i will not say the malice of their guides ; and th●…t through the just judgment of god , because , through floth and blind obedience , men exa●…ed not the things they were taught , but like beasts of burthen patiently couched down , and indifferently underwent all whatsoever their superiours laid upon them . if the discretion of the chiefest guides of the church did , in a point so trivial , so inconsiderable , so mainly fail them , can we without the imputation of great grossness and folly , think so poor-spirited persons competent judges of the questions now on foot betwixt the churches ? where , or among whom , or how many the church shall be , it is a thing indifferent : what if those to whom the execution of the publick service i●… committed , do something , either unseemingly or suspicious , or peradventure unlawful ; what if the garments they wear be censured , nay , indeed be suspicious . what if the gesture or adoration to be used to the altars , as now we have learned to speak ? what if the homilist have preached or delivered any doctrine , of the truth of which we are not well perswaded , ( a thing which very often falls out ) yet , for all this , we may not separate , except we be constrained personally to bear a part in it our selves . nothing can be a just cause of refusing communion in schism , that concerns fact , but only to require the execution of some unlawful or s●…spected act. for , not only in reason , but in religion too , that maxim admits of no release , cautissimi cujusque praeceptum , qued duobitas ne feceris : that whatsoever you doubt of , that you in no case do . he instances then in the second council of nice , where , saith he , the sy●…od it self was the schismatical party in the point of using the images , which , seith he , all acknowledge unnecessary , most do suspect , and many hold utterly unlawful : can then the injoining of such a thing be ought else but an abuse ? can the refusal of communion here be thought any other thing than duty ? here , or upon the like occasion to separate , may perad venture bring personal troub●…e or danger , against which it concerns any honest man to have pect●… 〈◊〉 . then of schism from opini●…n ; prayer , confession , thanksgiving , reading of scripture , administration of sacraments in the plainest and the simplest manner , were matter enough to furnish out a sufficient liturgy , though nothing either of private opinion or of church pomp , of garments , of prescribed gestures , of imagery , of musick , of matter concerning the dead , of many superflu ities which creep into the church , under the name of order and decency did interpose it self . to charge churches and liturgies with things unnecessary was the first beginning of superstition . if the fathers and special guides of the church would be a little sparing in incumbring churches with s●…perfluities , or not over-rigid either in reviving obsolete customs , or imposing new : there would be far less cause of schism or supersti●…ion ; and all the inconvenience likely to ensue , would be but this , they should in so doing yield a little to the imbecility of their inferiours ; a thing which saint paul would never have refused to do . it is alike , unlawful to make profession of known or suspected fal●…hood , as to put in practise unlawful or s●…spected actions . the third thing i named for matter of schism was ambition , i mean episcopal ambition ; one head of which , is one bishops claiming supremacy over another , which , as it hath been from time to time a great trespass against the churches peace , so it is now the final ruine of it . for they do but abuse themselves and others , who would perswade us that bishops by christs institution have any superiority over other men further than positive order agreed upon among christians hath pre●…cribed . time hath taken leave , sometimes , to fix this name of conventicles upon good and honest meetings . though open assemblies are required , yet , at all times while men are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pious , all meetings of men for mutual help of 〈◊〉 and devotion , wheresoever , and by whomsoever celebrated , where permitted without exception . in times of manifest corruption and perseru-tion , wherein religious assembling is dangerous , private meetings , howsoever besides public●… order , are not onely lawful , but they are of necessity and duty . all pi●…us assemblies , in times of persecution and corruption , howsoever practised , are indeed , or rather alone , the lawful congregations : and publick ass●…mblies , though according to form of law , are , indeed , nothing else but riots and conventicles , if they be stained with corruption and superstition . do you not see now , mr. bays , that you needed not have gone so for a word , when you might have had it in the neighbourhood ? if there be any coherence le●…t in y●…ur scull , you can●… but perceive that i have brought you authority e●… to pr●…ve that schism ( for the reason we may discourse another time ) do's at least rhime to ism. but you have a peculiar delight and selicity , ( which no man 〈◊〉 you ) in scripture-drollery , ●…othing less 〈◊〉 taste to your palat wherea●… otherwise you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so far in italy , that you could not escape the ti●…les of some books which would have served your turn as well , ca●…dinalism , n●…potism , putanism , if you were in a parox 〈◊〉 of the ism's . when i had ●…rit this , and undergone so grateful a p. 〈◊〉 for no less than that i had transcribed be●…ore cut of ●…ur author ; i could not upon compariug them both together , but reflect most seriously upon the difference of their two ways of discoursing . i could not but admire that majesty and beauty which sits upon the forehead of masculine truth and generous honesty : but no less detest the deformity of falshood disguised in all its ornaments . how much another thing it is to hear him speak , that hath cleared himself from forth and growns , and who suffers neither sloth nor fear , nor ambition , nor any other tempting spirit of that nature to abuse him , from one , who as mr. hales expresseth it , makes christianity lackque to ambition ; how wretchedly , the one to uphold his fiction , must incite princes to persecution and tyranny , degrade grace to morality , debauch conscience against its own principles , distort and mis-interpret the scripture , fill the world with blood , execution , a●…d massacre ; while the other needs and requires no more but a peaceable and unprejudicate soul , and the native simplicity of a christian-spirit ! and me thinks , if our author had any spark of vertue unextinguished , he should , upon considering these together , retire into his closet , and there lament and pine away for his desperate follie ; for the disgrace he hath , as far as in him is , brought upon the church of england by such an undertaking , and for the eternal shame to which he has hereby coudemn'd his own memory . i ask you heartily pardon , mr. bayes , for treating you against decorum here , with so much gravity . 't is possible i may not trouble you above once or twice more in the like nature ; but so often at least , i hope , one may in the writing of a whole book , have leave to be serious . your next flower , and that indeed is a sweet one , dear heart , how could i hug and kiss thee for all this love and sweetness ? fy , ●…y , mr. bayes , is this the language of a divine , and to be used , as you ometimes express it , in the fa●… of the sun ? who can escape from thinking that you are adream'd of your comfortable importance ? these are ( as the moral sa●… calls them in the claenl est manner the thing would bare ) words left betwixt the sheets : some body might take it ill that you should misapply your courtship to an enemy . but in the roman empire it was the priviledge of the hangman to deflour a virgin before execution . but , sweet mr. bayes , ( for i know you do nothing without a precedent of some of the greatest wits of the nation , ) whose example had you for this seeming transport of a gentler passion . then comes , wellfare poor macedo for a modest fool. this i know is matter of gazette , which is as canonical as ecclisiastical policy . therefore i have the less to say to 't . onely , i could wish that there were some severer laws against such villains who raise so false and scandalous reports of worthy gentlemen ; and that men might not be suffered to walk the streets in so confident a garb , who commit those assassinates upon the reputation of deserving persons . here follows a sore charge : that the answerer had without any provocation , in a publick and solemn way , undertak●…n the d●…fence of the fanatick cause . here , indeed mr. bayes , you have reason , and you might have had as just a quarrel against whosoever had undertaken it . for , your design and hope was from the beginning , that no man would have a●…swered you in a publick and solemn way ; and nothing would vex a. wise man , as you are , more than to have his intention and counsel frustrated . when you have rang'd all your forces in battel , when you have plac'd your canon , when you have sounded a charge , and given the word to fall on upon the whole party ; if you could then perswade every particular person of 'm , that you gave him no provocation , i confess , mr. bayes , this were an excellent and a new way of your inventing to conquer single , ( 't is your moral vertue ) whole armies . and so the admiring dr●…ve might stand gaping till one by one , you had cut a●…l their throats . but , 〈◊〉 . bayes , i cannot discern but that you gave him as much provocation in your first book , as he has you in his evangelical love , church peace and unity , which is the pretence of your issuing this preface . for , having for your dear sake ( beside many other troubles that i have undertaken , without your giving me any provoration ) sought out and perused that book too , i do not find you any where personally concern'd , but as you have , it seems upon some conviction , assumed to your self some vices or errours against which he speaks in general , and with some modesty . but for the rest , you say upon full perusal , you find not one syllable to the purpose , beside a perpetual repetition of the old out-worn story of unscriptural ceremonies , and some frequent whinings , and sometimes ●…avings , &c. now to see the dulness of some mens capacities above others . i upon this occasion , begun , i know not how it came , at p. 127. and thence read on to the end of his book . and from thence i turn'd to the beginning and continued to p. 127. and could not all along , observe any thing but what was very pertinent to the matter in hand . but this is your way of excusing your self from replying to things that yet you will be medling with , and nibling at : and 't is besides a pretty knack ( the non-conformists have it not alone ) of frighting or discouraging sober people from reading those dangerous trea●…ises , which might contribute to their better i●…formation . i cannot but observe , mr. bayes , this admirable way ( like fat sir john falstasse's singular dexterity in sinking ) that you have of answering whole books or discourses , how ●…ithy and knotty soever , in a line or two , nay sometimes with a word . so it fares with this b●…ok of the answerers . so with a book or discourse of his , i know not , of the morality of the lords day ; which is answered by a septonary portion in the hebdomadal revolution . so , whether book or discourse 〈◊〉 also know not of the self-evid●…ncing light of the scripture , where bayes ●…ffers ( and i●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strange ) to produce as good proofs for it out of 〈◊〉 alcoran . so i show'd you where he answers de●… with 〈◊〉 . and one thing more comes into my●…mind ; where , after he has blunder'd a great while to bring himself off the magistrates exercis●…ng the pristh●…od in his ●…wn person , he concludes wi●…h an irresistible defence against his answerer , this is suitable to the genius of his i●…genuity , and betraies him as ●…uch as the word intanglement , ●…hich it the shiboleth of all his writings . so he defeats all the gross bodies of orthodoxy with calling them sys●…emes and syntagmes . so you know he answers all the controversial books of the calvinists that ever have been written , with the tale of robin hood , and the migh●…y bramble on the south-side of the lake l●…man . mr. bay●…s , you cannot enough esteem and esteem this faculty . for , next to your single beating whole a●…mies , i do ●…ot know any virtue that you have need of so often , or that will upon trial be found more useful . and to this succeeds another flower , i am sure , though i can scarce smell ●…ut the sense of it . but it is printed in a distinct character , and that is always a cer●…ain sign of a flower . for our book-sellers have many arts to make us yield to their importunity : and among the rest , they promise us , 〈◊〉 at it s●…all be printed in fine paper , a●…d in a very large and fair let●…er ; that it shall be very well examined that there be no errata ; that wheresoever there is a pretty conceit , it shall be marked out in another character . but my greatest care was that when i quoted a●…y serten●…e or word of our author's , it might be so discernable , ●…lest i should go for a plagiary . and i am much offended to see that in several places he hath not kept ●…ouch with me . the word of mr. payes's that he has here made notorious , is categoricalness : and i obs●…rve that wheresoever there comes a word of that termir 〈◊〉 shows it the ●…ame honour ; as if he had a mind to make bayes a collar of n●…sses . what the mystery is , i cannot so easily imagine ; no more than of shiboleth and intangl●…ment . but i doubt mr. bayes is sick of mary complicated diseases ; or to keep to our ●…hime , sicknesses . he is troubled ●…ot o●…ly with the ismes but the nesses . he might , if he had pleased , here t●…o to have show'd his wit , as he did in the others , and have told us of sheern●…ss , dorgioness , innerness , a●…d cathness . but he might very well have ●…mitted it in this place , knowing how well he had acquitteed himself in another , and out of the scripture too , which gives his wit the highest relish . 't is p. 72. of his first book , where , to prove that the fruit●… of the spirit are ●…o more than morality , he quotes saint paul , gal. 5. ●…2 . where the apostle enumerates them ; love , joy , peace , patience , gentleness , goodness , faith , me●…kness , and t●…mperance , but our author tra●…slates joy to chearfulness , peace to peaceablen●…ss : faith to faithfulness . what ignorance , or rat●…er , what forgery is this of scripture & religio●… ? who is there of the systematical , german geneva , orthodox divines , but could have taught him better ? who is there of the sober , intelligent , episcepal divines of the church of england , but would ab●…or this interpretation ? yet , when his answerer , i see , ●…bjects this to him , p. 200. bayes , like a dexterous sch●…lastical disputant , it being told him , that joy is not ●…ress , but that spiritual joy which is unspeakable ; that peace is not peaceable●…ess in his sense , but that peace of god which through jesus christ is wrought in the bearts of believers by the holy ghost ; and that f●…ith in god is there intended , ●…ot faithfulness in our duties , trusts or , ●…ffices : w●…at does he doe ? p. 337. he very ingenu●…usly and wisely , when he is to answer , quite forgets that faith was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and , having supprest that , as to the rest he wipes his m●…uth , and rubs his forehead , and saith the cavil is but a little one , and the fortune of cae●…ar and the roman empire depend ●…ot upon it , and ther●…fore be will not trouble the reader with a critical account of the reason of his translation . no , don't mr. bayes , 't is very we●…l ; let it alone . but , though not the fortunes of caesar and the roman empire , i doubt there is something more depends upon it , if it be matter of salvation . and i am afraid besides , that there may a curse too belong to him who shall knowingly add or diminish in the scripture . do you think b●…shop bramhall himself , if he had seen this , could have abstained ( p. 117. before quoted , ) from telling our author , that the promis●…uous licence given to people qualified or unqualifi●…d , not only to read but to interpret the scriptures according to their private spirits or ●…articular fancies , without regard either to the anal●…gy of faith , which they understand not , or to the int●…rpretation of the doctors of former ages , is more preju●…icial ( i might bett●…r say ) pernicious both to whole so●… , than the over-rigorous restraint of the romanists . the next is a piece of mirth , on occasion of some discourse of the an●…werers , about the morality of the the lords-day : where it seems he useth some hard words , which i am naturally an enemy to ; but might be done of purpose to keep the co●…roversy from the white-apro●…s , within the white surplices , to be more learnedly debated . but this fares no better than all the rest . there is no kind of morality , i see but ray●…s will try to debauch it : oh what ●…difying doctrine , saith be , is this to the whit●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a●…d doubtl●…ss th●…y would with the jews , so●…r roast themselves , than a small joint of 〈◊〉 upon the sacred day of rest. now , i do not , neither , i believe , does bayes himself know any of them that are thus superstitious . so that mr. bayes might , if he had pleased , have spared his jibing ●…t that day , which hath m●…re sacredness in it by far than many , nay than any of those things he pleads for . but when men are once adepti and have attain'd bayes his height , and divinity at least is rightly understood , they have a priviledge it seems , not only to play and make merry on the sabbath day , but with it . after this i walked a great way through bushes and brambles before i could find another flower : but then i met with two upon one stalk ; on occasion of hi●… answers having said someting of the day of judgment when men should be accountable . ob , saith he , we shall be sure to be accounted with at the day of judgment ; and again , ah sweet day , when these people of god shall once for all , to their unspeakable comfort and support , wreak their eternal revenge upon their reprobate enemies . this puts me in mind of another expression of our authors ●…luding too this way . 't is an easie matter by this dancing and capering humour to perpetuate all the controversies in the world , how plainly soever determinable , to the coming of elias : and after this rate shall the barbers bason remain mambrino's helmet ; and the asses pannel a furniture for the great horse , till the day of judgment . now , good mr. bayes , i am one that desire to be very well resolved in these things ; and though not much indeed , yet i attribute something to your judgment . pray tell us in good earnest , what you think of these things , that we may know how to take our measure of living accordingly . for , ●…f indeed there be no judgment , no account for what is done here below , i have lost a gre●…t deal of precious time , that i might have injoyed in one of the fruits of you●… spirit , that is chearfu●…ss . how many good ●…ests have i balk'd , even in writing this book , lest i should be brought to answer for every profane and idle word ! how frequent opportunities have i mist in my life of ge●…iality and pleasure , and fulfilling nature in all its ends ! how have you frighted the magistrate in vain , from exercising hi●… uncontrolable ecclesiastical power , with the fear of an after-reckoning to god almighty ! and how have you , p. 238. defeated the obligatory force of all his laws , and set his subjects at liberty from all obligations to the duty of obedience : for they lye under no obligation , you say then , but of prudence and self-interest . but unless there hath been some errour in our education , and we have been seasoned with ill books at first , so that we can never lose the impression , there is some such matter , and the governour had reason , when he trembled to hear saint paul discoursing of that subject . the fanatical book of martyrs ( for we will not with some call the bible so ) tell●… us some old stories of persons that have been cired by some of them to appear at such a day , and that by dying at the same prefixed , they have saved their reconnoissances . and in the scot●…h history we read of a great cardinal that was so summoned by poor mr. g●…ichard , and yet could not help it , but he must take that long and sad journey of death to answer at the grand assizes . if therefore there be such a thing . i would not for fear , and if there be not , yet i would not fear good luck sake , set that terrible day at defiance , or make too me●…y with it . 't is possible that the nonconformists many of them may be too censorious of others , and too confident of their own integrity . others of them are more temperate , and perhaps destitute of all humane redress against their sufferings : some of those make rash chanlenges , and the other just appeals to appear at that dreadful tribunal . in the mean time , 't is not for you to be both the enemy ●…nd their judg. much less do's it ●…fit you , because perhaps they speak too sillily or demurely of it , or too breaving and confidently , therefore to make a meer mockery of the whole ●…usiness of that supre●…e judge and judicature . and one thing i will say more , though slighter ; that , though i am not so far gone as campanella was in the efficacy of words , and the magi●…k of the face , and pronur ciation , yet i marked how your answerer look'd when he spoke of the day of judgment . very gravely , i assure you , and yet without any depressing or eral●…ing his supercil●…um's : and i have most often observed that ferious words have produced serious effects . i have , by this time me-thinks , gather'd enough : nor are there many more left , unless i should go for a flower to the du●…ghil , which , he saith , is his only magazin . and this being an expression which he has several times used ( for no nonconformist repeats so often ) i cannot but remark , that besides his natural talent , mr. bayes hath been very industrious , and neg●…ected no opportunity of acquiring a perfection of railing . for this is a phrase borrowed from a modern author lately dead , and i suppose bayes had given him a bond for repayment at the day that he spoke of so lately . there are indeed several others at which i am forc'd to stop my nose . for by the smell , any man may discern they grew upon a ranker soil , than that on the south-side of the lake lemane , even upon the bank of the thames in the meadow of billingsgate : as that of the lye , which , he saith , no gentleman , much less a div●…ve , ought to put up . now if this were to be tryed by a court-martial of the brothers of the blade , 't is to be considered whether it were the down-right lye , or whether it were onely the lye by interpretation . for in the disputes of the schools there is nothing more usual , than hoc est ●…rum . hoc est salsum . but this passes without any blemish of honour on either side , and so far it is from any obligation to a challenge or a duel , that it never comes to be decided , so much as by the study-door key . but quod restat probandum do's the business without demanding other satisfaction . then , if it were the down-right lye ; it is to be examined who gave the lve first : for that alters the case . and last of all ( but which is indeed upon a quarrel the least material point , yet , it too comes under some consideration . ) which of the two was in the right , and which of them spoke truth , and which lyed . these are all things to be discussed in their proper places . for i do not observe that the answerer gave bayes the down-right lye. but i find that bayes gave him the lye first in terms . and as to the truth of the things controverted and alledged , there needs no more than the depositions that i formerly transcribed concerning bayes his own words . but all this is only a scene out of bays his rebearsal . villain , thou liest , — — arm , arm , valerio arm , the lie no flesh can bear i trow . and then as to the success of the combate — they fly , they fly who first did give the lye. for that of caitife , and other provocations that are proper for the same court , i will not meddle further . and for the being past grace and so past mercy ; i shall only observe that the church of england is much obliged to mr. bays , for having proved that non-conformity is the sin against the holy ghost . there remains but one flower more that i have a mind to . but that indeed is a rapper . 't is a flower of the sun , and might alone serve both for a staff and a nose-gay for any noble-man's porter . symbolicalness is the very essence of paganism , superstitio●… and idolatry . they will and ought sooner to broyl in smithfield , than submit to such abominations of the strumpet and the beast . 't is the very potion wherewith the scarlet-where made drunk the kings of the earth . heliogabalus and bishop bonner lov'd it like clary and eggs , and always made it their mornings-draught upon burning days ; and it is not to be doubted but the seven vials of wrath that were to be poured out upon the nations of the earth under the reign of anti-christ were filled with symbolical extracts and spirits : with more such stuff which i omit . this is i confess a pretty posy for the nose of such a divine . doctor baily's romance of the wall-flower had nothing comparable to 't . and i question , whether , as well as mr. bayes loves preferment , yet though he had lived in the primitive church , he would not as heliodorus bishop of trissa , i take it , that renounced his bishoprick rather than his title to the history of theagenes and chariclia , have done in like manner : nay , and have delivered up his bible too into the bargain , before he would quit the honour of so excellent a piece of drollery . this is surely the bill of fare , not at the ordination-dinner at the nags-head , but of the excusation-dinner at the cock ; and never did divine make so good chear of owens peas-porridge and scrinture . good mr. bayes , or mr. t●…der , or mr. cartwright ( not the non-conformist cartwright , that was you say ( as some others too of your acquaintance ) converted : but the player in the rehearsal ) this divinity i doubt was the bacchus of your thigh , and not the pallas of your brain . here it is that after so great an excess of wit , he thinks fit to take a julep and resettle his brain , and the government . he grows as serious as 't is possible f●…r a madman●… , and pretends to sum up the whole state of the controversie with the nonconformists , and to be sure he will make the story as plausible for himself as he may : but therefore it was that i have before so particulurly quoted and bound him up with his own words as fast as such a 〈◊〉 could be pinion'd . for he is as waxen as the first matter , and no form comes amiss to him . every change of posture does either alter his opinion or vary the expression by which we should judg of it : and sitting he is of one mind , and standing of another . therefore i take my self the less concerned , to fight with a wind-mill like quixote : or to whip a gig as boys do , or with the lacqueys at charing-cross or lincolns-innfields to play at the wheel of fortune , lest i should fall into the hands of my lord chief justice , or sir edmond godfroy . the truth is in short , and let bayes make more or less of it if he can ; bayes had at first built up such a stupendious magistrate , as never was of god's making . he had put all princes upon the rack to stretch them to his dimension . and , as a streight line continued grows a circle , he had given them so infinite a power that it was extended unto impotency . for though he found it not , till it was too late in the cause ; yet he felt it all along ( which is the understanding of brutes ) in the effect . for , hence it is that he so often complains , that princes knew not aright that supremacy over consciences , to which they were so lately , since their deserting the church of rome , restored . that in most nations . government was not rightly understood , and many expressions of that nature : whereas indeed the matter is that princes have always found that uncontroulable government over conscience to be both unsafe and unpracticable . he had run himself here to a stand , and , and perceived that there was a god , there was scripture ; the magistrate himself had a conscierce , and must take care that he did not ixjoin thirgs apparently evil . being at a stop here , he would therefore try how he could play the broker on the subject side●… and no pimp did ever enter into seriouser disputation to vitia●… an innocent virgin , than he to debauch their consciences . and to harden their unpractis'd modesty , he imboldens them by his own example , shewing them the experiment upon his own corscience first . but a●…er all , he finds himself again at the same stand here and and is run up to the wall by an angel : god , and scrip●…ure , and consc●…ence will not let him go further : 〈◊〉 he owns , that if the magistrate injoins things apparert'y evil , the subject may have liberty to re●… . what shall he do then ? for it is too glorious an enterprize to b●… abandon'd at the first rebuffe . why he gives us a new translation of the bible , and a new commentary . he saith that tenderness of conicience might be allowed in a church to be constitu●… , not in a church constituted already . that tenderness of conscience and scandal are ignorance , pride and obstmacy . he saith , the nonconformists should communicate with him till they have clear evidence that it is evil . this is a civil way indeed of gaining the question , to perswade men that are unsatisfied , to be satisfied till they be dissatisfied . he threat●…s , he rails , he jeers them , if it were possible , out of all their consciences and honesty ; and finding that will not do , he cails out the magistrate , tells him , these men are not fit-to live , there can be no security of government while they are in being : bring out the pillories , whipping-po●…s , gallies , rods and a●…es 〈◊〉 ( which are 〈◊〉 ultima 〈◊〉 , a clergy-mans ●…last argument , ay , and ●…is first teo : ) 〈◊〉 pull in pieces all the tradi●…g corporations , those nests of faction and sedition . this is a faithful account of the sum and intention of all hi●… undertaking , for which i confefs , he was as pick'd a man as could have been employ'd or found out in a whole kingdom : but it is so much too hard a task for any man to archieve , that no goose but would grow giddy with it . fo whereas he reduces the whole controversie to a matter of two or three symbolical ceremonies ( and if there be nothing else , more the shame of those that keep such a pudder ) it is very well worth observing how he ha●…h behaved himself , and how come off in this dispute . it seems that the conformists d●…fine a sacrament to be an outward visib●…e sign of an inward spiritual grace . it seems that the sacraments are usually called in the greek symbola . it seems further that some of the nonconformists , under the name therefore of symbolical ceremonies , dispute the lawsulness of those that are by our church inj●…yned , whereby the nonconformists can only intend that these ceremonies are so applyed , as if they were of a sacramental nature and institution , and that ●…erefore they are unlawful . our authors answeer handling this argument , does among other things ●…ake use of a pertinent passage in saint austin , signa ●…uum ad res divinas perti●…t sacramenta appellantur . what does mr. bayes in this case ? for it went hard ●…ith him . why , as good luck would have it , not being willing that so great a politician , to the irrepa●…able damage of the church , shonld yet be destroy●…d , j. o. had forgot to quote the book and page . now though you send a man the length of your weapon , and nam●… your second ; ye●… mr. bayes being , as you see 〈◊〉 , admirably read in the laws of 〈◊〉 , knew that unless the time and place be appointed , there is no danger . he saith therefore , p , 452. of his second book , that he should have advantage on his side , if he should lay odds with him , that there is no such passage in all the volumns of saint austin . — but however , that it is neither civil nor ingenuous to trouble him with such objections , as he cannot answer without reading over eight or ten large volumns in folio . it was too much to expect from one of so much business , good augustulus : quum tot sustineas & tanta negotia solus ; res sacras armis tuteris , moribus ornes , legibus emendes — s which may be thus translated : when you alone have the ceremonies to defend with whipping-posts , rods and axes ; when you have grace to turn into morality ; when you have the act of oblivion and indemnity and the ecclesiastical declaration of march to tear in pieces ; it were unreasonable and too much to the dammage of the publick to put you on such an imployment . i ask your pardon , mr. bayes , for this paraphrase and digression : for i perceive i am even hardned in my latine , and am prone to use it without fear or reverence . but , mr. bayes , there might have been a remedy for this , had you pleased . where then were all your leaf-turners ? a sort of poor readers you as well as bishop bramhal ought to have some reverence for , having made so much use of them to gather materials for your structures and superstructures . i cannot be perswaded , for all this , but that he know●… it well enough , the passage being so remarkable in it self , and so dirtyed with the nonconformists thumbs , that he could not possibly miss it : and i doubt he does but laugh at me now when , to save him a labour , i tell him in the simplicity of my heart , that even i my self met with it in ep. 〈◊〉 ad marcellinum , and the words these , n●…mis autem longum est convenienter disputare de 〈◊〉 fignorum quae cum ad res divinas pertinent sacram●…nta appellantur . but whether there be such a place or no , he hath no mind that his answerer sho●…d make use of it : nor of the schoolmen , whom before he had owned for the authors of the church of england's 〈◊〉 ; but would bind up the answerer to the law only and the gospel . and now mr. bayes saith he will be of the school-mens opinion as long as th●…y sp●…ak sense and no longer , ( and so i believe of saint aus●…'s ) that is to say , so long as they will serve his ●…urn : for all politicians shake men ●…ff when they have no more use of 'm , or find them to 〈◊〉 the design . but , mr. bayes why may not your answerer or any man else quote st. austin , as well as you may the scri●…re ? i am su●…e there is less danger of perverting the place , or of mis-interpretation . and though perhaps a nonconsormist may value the authority of the bib●…e above that of the fat●…ers ; yet the welch have a proverb , that the bible and a stone do well together : meaning perhaps , that if one miss the other will hit . you , that are a duellist , know how great a bravery it is to gain your . ee●…emys sword , and that there is no more home-thrust in dispu●…ation , th●…n the argumentum ad hominem . so that if your adversary fell upon you with one of your own fathers , it was gallant●…y done on his part ; and no less wi●…ely on yours to fence in this m●…nner , and us●… all your shifts 〈◊〉 put it by . for you too , mr. bayes , do know , no man better , that it is not at all times safe nor honourable to be of a fathers opinion . having escaped this danger ; he grows , nor can i blame him , exceeding merry : and insults heavily over symbolical wheresoever he meets with it , for in his answerer i find it not . but wheresoever 't was it serves to good purpose . for no man would imagine that he could have received so universal a defeat , and appear in so good humour . a terrible disputant he is , when he has set up an hard word to be his opponent ; 't is a very wholesome thing he knows , and prolongs life : for all the while he can keep up this ball , he may decline the question . but the poor word is sure to be mumbled and mowsled to purpose , and to be made an example . but let us , with mr. bayes his leave , examine the thing for once a little closer . the non-conformists , as i took notice before , do object to some of the rites of the church of england , under the name of symbolical or significant ceremonies . they observe the church of england does in the discourse of ceremonies printed before the common prayer book , declare that the retaining of those ceremonies , is not onely as they serve for decent order and godly discipline ; but as they are apt to stir up the dull mind of man to the remembrance of his duty to god , by some special and notable significancy , whereby he may be edified . they further observe the church of england's definition of a sacrament : that it is an outward visible sign of an inward spiritual grace . they find these ceremonies , so constituted , impos'd upon them by authority ; and more-over , according to our authors principle , made a new part of the divine law. they therefore quarrel and except against these under the notion of sacraments , and insist that the church is not impowred to institute such ceremonies under such obligations and penalties as they are imposed . or , if you will , in stead of church you may say rather the magistrats : for as much as our author hath pro hac vice delivered the keys and the whole power of the house into his hands . now the author having got them at this lock , crys victory . nothing less will serve him than a three days triumph , as if he had conquered europe , asia , and africa , and let him have a fourth day added , if he please , over the terra incognita of geneva . there is no end of his ostentation and pageantry : and the dejected non-conformists follow the wheels of his chariot , to be led afterwards to the prison and there executed . he had said p. 446. of his second book , here cartwright begun his objection , and here he was immediately check'd in his carrear by whitgift ( you might mr. author , for respect sake have called him at leaft mr. if not archbishop whitgift ) who told him plainly , he could not be ignorant that to the making of a sacrament , besides the external element , there is required a commandment of god in his word that it should be done , and a promise annexed to it , whereof the sacrament is a seal . and in pursuance hereof , p 447. our author saith , here then i fix my foot , and dare him to his teeth , to prove that any thing can be capable of the nature or office of sacraments that is not established by divine institution and upon promise of divine acceptance . upon the confidence of this argument 't is that he hectors and achillezes all the non-conformists out of the pit in this preface . this is the sword that was consecrated first upon the altar , and thence presented to the champions of the church in all ages . this is that with which archbishop whitgift gave cartwright his death's wound : and laid the puritan reformation a gasping . this is the weapon wherewith master hooker gained those lasting and eternal trophies over that baffled cause . this is that with which bishop bramhal wrought those wonderful things that exceeded all belief . this hath been transmitted successively to the writer of the friendly debate , and to this our author . it is in conclusion the curta●● of our church . 't is sir salomon's sword , cock of as many men as it hath been drawn against . wo wo●… the man that comes in the way of so dead-doing a tooll , and when weilded with the arm of such a scanderbag as our author . the non-conformists had need desire a truce to bury their dead . nay there are none left alive to desire it : but they are slain every mother's son of them . yet perhaps they are but stounded and may revive again . for i do not see all this while , that any of them have written , as a great prelate of ours , a book of seven sacraments : or attempted to prove that those symbolical ceremonies are indeed sacraments . nothing less . 't is that which they most labour against , and they complain that these things should be imposed on them with so high penalty , as want nothing of a sacramental nature but divine institution . and because an humane institution is herein made an equal force to a divine institution , therefore it is that they are agrieved . all that they mean , or could mean , as far as i or any man can perceive , is only that these ceremonies are a kind of anti-sacraments , and so obtruded upon the church , that without condescending to these additional inventions , no man is to be admitted to partake of the true sacraments which were of christ's appointing . for , without the sign of the cross , our church will not receive any one to baptism , as also without kneeling no man is suffered to come to the communion . so that methinks , our author and his partners have wounded themselves only with this argument : and have had as little occasion here to sing their te deum's , as the r●…man emperour had to triumph over the ocean , because he had gathered periwinkles and scallop shells on the beach . for the author may transform their reasonings as oft as he pleases ( even as oft as he doth his own , or the sctiptures ) : but this is indeed their fort out of which 〈◊〉 do not see they are likely to be beat with all our authors canon : that no such new conditions ought to be imposed upon christians by a less than divine authority , and unto which if they do not submit , though against their consciences , they shall therefore be dep●…ived of communion with the church . and i wonder that our author could not observe any thing in the discourse of i vargel cal 〈◊〉 , that was to the purpose , beside a perpetual repetition , of the outworn story of unscriptural ceremonies , and a peculiar uncouthness and obscurity of stile ; when as this plea is there for so many pages distinctly and vigorously i●…sisted on . for it is a childish thing ( how high soever our author magnifies himself in this way of reasoning ) either to demand from the non-conformists a patern of their worship from the scripture , who affect therein a simplicity , free from all exterio●… circumstances , but such as are natural or customary : or else to require of them some particular command against the cross , or kneeling , and such like ceremonies , which in the time of the apostles and many ages after were never thought of . but therefore general and applicable rules of scripture they urge as directions to the conscience ; unto which our author gives no satisfactory solution , but by superseding and extinguishing the conscience , or exposing it to the severest penalties . but here i say then is their main exception , that things indifferent , and that have no proper signature , or significancy to that purpose , should by command be made necessary conditions of church-communion . i have many times wished for peaceableness-sake that they had a greater latitude ; but if unless they should stretch their consciences till they tear again , they cannot conform , what remedy ? for i must confess that christians have a better right and title to the church , and to the ordinances of god there , than the author hath to his surplice . and that right is so undoubted and ancient , that it is not to be innovated ●…pon by humane restrictions and capitulations . bishop bramhall p. 141. saith , i do profess to all the world , that the transforming of indifferent opinions into ●…ssary articles of faith , hath been that insana laurus , or cursed bay-tree , the cause of all our brawling and contention . that which he saw in matter of doctrine he would not discern in discipline , whereas this among us , the transform●…ng of things , at best indifferent , into necessary points of practice , hath been of as ill consequence . and ( to reform a little my seriousness ) 〈◊〉 shall not let this pass without taking notice that you mr. bayes , being the most extravagant person in this matter that ever i heard of , as i have shown , you are mad , and so the insana laurus ; so i wish you may not prove that cursed bay-tree too , as the bishop translates it . if you had thought of this , perhaps we might have mi●…ed both the bishops book and your preface ; for you see that sometimes no man hath a worse friend than he brings from home . it is ●…ue , and very piously done , that our church does declare that the kneeling at the lords supper is not injoyned for adoration of those elements , and concerning the other ceremoni●…s as before . but the romanists ( from whom we have them , and who said of old , we would come to feed on their meat , as well as eat of their porridge ) do offer us here many a fair declaration , and distinction in very weighty matters , to which nevertheless the conscience of our church hath not complyed . but in this particular matter of kneeling , which came in first with the doctrine of transubstantiation , the romish church do reproach us sence in the bread and wine , do yet pay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or other the same adoration . suppose the anti●…t ●…agans had declared to the primitive christians , that ●…he offering of some grains of incense was only to per●…ume the room , or that the delivering up of their bibles , was but for preserving the book more carefully . do you think the christians would have palliated so 〈◊〉 , and colluded with their consciences ? men are 100 prone ●…o err on that hand . in the last king's ●…ime , some eminent persons of our clergy made an open defection to the church of rome . one , and he yet certainly a protestant , and that hath deserved well of that cause , writ the book of seven sacraments . one in the church at present , though certainly no less a protestant , could not abstain from arguing the holiness of lent : doctor thorndike lately dead , left for his epitaph , hic jacet c●…pus herberti thoradike praebendarij hujus eccle●… qui vivus veram reformatae ec●…lesia rationem & modum precibus studiisque prosequebatur , and nevertheless he adds , tu lector requi●…m ei & beatam in christo resurrectionem precare . which thing i do thus sparingly set down , only to shew the danger of inventive piety ; and if men come once to add new devices to the scripture , how easily they slide on into super●…tition . therefore , although the church do consider her self so much as not to alter her mode 〈◊〉 the fancy of others , yet i cannot see why she ought to exclude those from communion , whose weaker consciences cannot for fear of scandal step further . for the non-conformists , as to these declarations of our church against the reverence to the creatures of bread and wine , and concerning the other ceremonies as before , will be ready to think they have as 〈◊〉 against the clause , that whosoever should atfirm the wednesday fast to be imposed with an intention to bind the conscience , should be punished like the spreaders of falso news ; which is , saith a learned prelate plainly to them that understand it , to evacuate the whole law. for all human power being derived from god , and bound upon our conscinces by his power , not by ma●… , he that faith it shall not bind the conscience , saith it shall be no law , it shall have no authority from god , and then it hath none at all ; and if it be not tyed upon the conseience , then to break it is no sin , and then to keep it is no duty . so that a law without such an intention is a contradiction . it is a law only which binds if we please , and we may obey when we have a mind to it , and to so much we are tyed before the constitution . but then if by such a declaration it was meant , that to keep such fasting-days was no part of a direct commandment from god , that is , god had not required them by himself immediately , and so it was abstracting from that law no duty evangelical , it had been below the wisdom of the contrivers of it , no man petends it , 〈◊〉 man saith it , no man thinks it , and they might as well have declared that that laiw was none of the ten commandments , p. 59 of his first book . so much pains does that learned prelate of his take ( who ever he was ) to prove a whole parliament of england . coxcombs . now i say that th●…se ecclesia●…ical laws , with such declarations concerning the ceremonies by them 〈◊〉 , might , muta●…is mutandis , be taxed upon the same top●…k . but i love not that task , and ●…hall rather leave it to mr. bayes to paraphrase his learnd prelate . for he is very good at correcting the 〈◊〉 of laws and lawgivers , and though this work indeed be not for 〈◊〉 turn at present , yet it may be for the future . and i have heard a good engineer say , that he never 〈◊〉 any place so , but that he reserved a feeble point , by which he knew how to take it , if there were occasion . i know a medicine for mr. bayes his hiccough ( it is but naming j. o. ) but i cannot tell certainly , though i have a shrew'd guess what is the cause of it . for indeed all his arguments here are so abrupt and short , that i cannot liken them better , considering too that ●…requent and perpetual repetition . such as this , why may not the soveraign power bestow this priviledge upon ceremony , and custom , by virtue of its prerogative ? what greater immorality is there in them when determined by the command and institution of the prince , than when by the consent and institution of the people ? this the tap-lash of what he said , p. 100. when the civil magistrate takes upon him to determine any particular forms of outward worship , 't is of no worse consequence than if he should go about to define the signification of all words used in the worship of god. and p. 108. of his first book . so that all the magistrates power of instituting significant cerem-onies , &c. can be no more ●…rpation upon the consciences of men , than if the soveraign authority should take upon it self , as some princes have done , to define the signification of words . and afterwards : the same gesture , and actions are indifferently capable of signifying either honour or contumely : and so words ; and therefore 't is necessary their signification should be determined &c. 't is all very well worth reading . p. 441. of his second book . 't is no other usurpation upon their subjects consciences than if he should take upon him to refine their language , and determine the proper signification of all phrases imployed in divine worship , as well as in trades , ar●…s and sciences . p. 461. of the same ; once we will so far gratifie the tenderness of their consciences and curiosity of their fancies , as to promise never to ascribe any other significancy to things than what himself is here content to bestow upon words . and 462. of the same . so that you see , my comparison between the signification of words and ceremonies stands firm as the pillars of the earth , and the foundations of our faith. mr. bayes might i see , have spared sir salomon's sword of the divine institution of the sacraments . here is the terriblest weapon in all his armory ; and therefore i perceive , reserved by our duellist for the last onset . and , i who am a great well-wisher to the pillars of the earth , or the eight elephants , lest we should have an earth-quake ; and much more a servant to the kiag's prerogative , lest we should all fall into consusion ; and perfectly devoted to the foundations of our faith , lest we should run out into popery or paganism ; have no heart to ●…his incounter : lest if i should prove that the magistrates absolute unlimited and uncontrolable power doth not extend to define the signification of all words , i should thereby not only be the occasion of all those mischiefs mentioned , but , which is of far more dismal importance , the loss of two or three so significant ceremonies . but though i therefore will not dispute against that flower of the princes crown , yet i hope that without doing much harm , i may observe that for the most part they left it to the people , and seldome themselves exercised it . and even augustus casar , though he was so great an emperour , and so valiant a man in his own person , was used to fly from a new word though it were single , as studiously as a mariner would avoid a rock for fear of splitting . the differences of one syllable in the same word hath madeas considerable a controversy as most have been in the church , betwi●…t the homousians and the hamoiousions . one letter in the na●…e of beans in languedoc , one party calling them faves ; and the other haves ; as the transposition only of a letter another time in the name of a goat , by some called crabe , and by o●…hers cabre , was the loss of more mens lives than the distinguishing but by an aspiration in shiboleth upon the like occasion . so that if a man would be learnedly impertinent , he might enlarge here to shew that ' ●…is as dangerous to take a man by the tongue , as a bear by the tooth . and had i a mind to play the politician , like mr. bayes , upon so pleasant and copious a subject , i would demonstrate that though the imposition of ceremonies hath bred much mischief in the world , yet ( shall i not venture too upon one word once for a tryal ) such a penetration or transubstantiation of language would throw all into rebellion and anarchy , would shake the crowns of all princes , and reduce the world into a second babel . therefore , mr. bayes , i doubt you were not well advised to make so close an analogy betwi●… imposing of significant words and significant ceremonies : for i fear the argument may be improved against you , and that princes finding that of words so impracticable , and of ill consequence , will conclude that of ceremonies to be no less pernicious . and the nonconformists ( who are great traders you know , in scripture , and therefore thrown out of the temple ) will be certainly on your back . for they will appropriate your pregnant text of let all things be done decently and in order , to preaching or praying in an unknown tongue , which such an imposition of words would be : and then , to keep you to your similitude , they will say too that yours are all latine ceremonies , and the congregation does not understand them . but were not 〈◊〉 dominion of words so dangerous ( for how many millions of men did it cost your roman empire to attain it ! ) yet it was very unmannerly in you to assign to princes , who have enough beside , so mean a trouble . when you gave them leave to exercise the priesthood in person , that was something to the purpose ; that was both honourable , and something belongs to it that would have help'd to bear the charge . but this mint of words will never quit cost , nor pay for the coynage . this is such a drudgery ; that rather than undergo it , i dare say , there is no prince but would resign to you so pedantical a soveraignty . i cannot but think how full that princes head must be of proclamations . for , if he published but once a proclamation to that purpose , he must forthwith set our another to stamp and declare the signification of all the words contained in it , and then another to appoint the meaning of all the words in this , and so on : that here is work cut out in one paper of state for the whole privy council , both secretaries of state , and all the clerks of the council , for one kings reign , and in infinitum . but , i cannot but wonder , knowing how ambitious mr. bayes is of the power over words , and jealous of his own prerogative of refining language , how he came to be so liberal of it to the prince : why , the same thing that induced him to give the prince a power an●…ecedent and independent to christ , ●…nd to establish what religion he pleased , &c. nothing but his spight against the nonconformists . i know not that thing in the world , except a jest , that he would not part with to be satisfied in that particular . he hoped doub●…less by holding up this maxim ; to obtain that the words of the declaration of mar●… 15. should be understood by contraries you may well think he expected no less an equivalent , he would never 〈◊〉 have permitted the prince even to define the signification of all words used in the worship of god , and to determine the proper signification of all phrases imploy'd in divine worship●… nay , mr. bayes , if it be come to that , and you will surrender your liturgy to the prince , i know not what you mean ; for 't is bound up with your bible . was it ever heard that that book so sacred , and in which there could not one error be found by all the presbyterians at the worcester-house-conference , should , upon so uncertain a prospect , be now abandon'd so far as that every word and phrase in it may receive a new and ●…ontrary signification ! but the king for ought i see likes it well as it is ( and therefore i do so too ) . yet in case his majesty should ever think fit to reform it , and because such kind of work is usually referred back to some of the clergy ; i would gladly put in a caveat , that our author may in no ca e be one of them . for 't is known that mr , bayes is subject to a distemper ; and who knows but when he is in a fit , as he made such mad alterations of the f●…uit of the spirit in the epistle for the day , he may as w●…ll in●…ert in some other part of the service , wellfare poor macedo for a modest fool ; and then , oh how i hug th●… , dear heart , for this l and pretend that the supreme magistrate should stamp upon it a signification sacred and serious . i would not have spoken so severely of him , but that his more laboured periods , as he calls them , are so often fill'd with much bolder and more unwholesome translations . but however that he may not at his better intervals be wholly unemployed in the work of ●…lniformity , i should recommend to him rather to turn the liturgy and the rationale into the universal language , and so in time the whole world might come to be of his par●…sh . when he was drawn t●…us low , did not 〈◊〉 you , stand need of tilting ? he had done much more service to the cause , had he laid by all those cheating argumentations , and dealt candidly , like the good arch deacon not long since dead ; who went about both court and countrey , preaching upon the clok●… left at troas , and the books , but especially ●…he parchments . the honest man had found out there the whole liturgy , the canonical habits , and all the equipage of a conformist . this was something to the matter in hand , to produce apostolical example and authority : and much more to the purpose than that beaten text of doing all things decently and in order . one argument i con●…ess remains still behind , and that will justifie any thing . 't is that which i call'd lately rationem ultimam cleri ; force , law , execution , or what you will have it . i would not be mistaken , as though i hereby meant the body of the english clergy , who have been ever since the reformation ( i say it without disparagement to the foraign churches ) of the eminentest for divinity and piety in all christendom . and as far am i from censuring , under this title , the bishops of england , sor whose function , their learning , their persons i have too deep a veneration to speak any thing of them irreverently . but those that i intend only , are a particular bran of persons , who will in spight of fate be accounted the church of england , and to shew they are pluralists , never write in a modester stile than we , we ; nay , even these , several of them , are men of parts sufficient to deserve a rank among the teachers and governots of the church . only what bishop bram●…al f●…ith of grotius his defect in school divinity ; unam hoc maceror & doleo tibi deesse . i may apply to their excess and rigo●…r in matter of discipline . they want all consideration , all moderation in those things ; and i never heard of any of them at any time , who , if they got into power or office , did ever make the least experiment or overture towards the peace of the church and nation they lived in . they are the politick would be 's of the clergy . not bishops , but men that have a mind to be bishops , and that will do any thing in the world to compass it . and , though princes have always a particular mark upon these men , and value them no more than they deserve , yet i know not very well , or perhaps i do know , how it oftentimes happens that they come to be advanced . they are men of a fi●…ry nature , that must always be uppermost , and so they may increase their own slendor , care nor though they 〈◊〉 all on flame about them . you would think the same day that they took up divinity they divested themselves of humanity , and so they may procure and execute a law against the non-conformists , that they had forgot the gospel . they cannot endure that humility , that meekness , that strictness of manners and conversation , which is the true way of gaining reputation and authority to the clergy ; much less can they content themselves with the ordinary and comfortable provis sion that is made for the ministry : but , having wholy calculated themselves for preferment , and grandeur , know or practise no other means to make themselves venerable but by ceremony and severity . whereas the highest advantage of promotion is the opportunity of condescention , and the greatest dignity in our church can but raise them to the title of your grace , which is in the latine vestra clementia . but of all these , none are so eager and virulent , as some , who having had relation to the late times , have got access to ecclesiastical fortune , and are resolved to make their best of her . for so , of all beasts , none are so fierce and cruel as those that have been taught once by hunger to prey upon their own kind ; as of all men , none are so inhumane as the canibals . but whether this be the true way of ingra●…iating themselves with a generous and discerning prince , i meddle not ; nor whether it be an ingenuous practice towards thosewhom they have been formerly acquainted with : but whatsoever they think themselves obliged to for the approving of their new loyalty ; i rather commend . that which astonishes me , and only raises my indignation is , that of all sorts of men this kind of clergy should always be , and have been for the most precipitate , brutish , and fanguinary counsels . the former civil war cannot make them wise , nor his majesties happy return , good natured ; but they are still for running things up unto the same extreams . the softness of the universities where they have been bred , the gentleness of christianity , in which they have been nurtured , hath but exasperated their nature ; and they seem to have contracted no idea of wisdom , but what they learnt at school , the pedantry of whipping . they take themselves qualified to preach the gospel , and no less to intermeddle in affairs of state : though the reach of their divinity is but to persecution , and an inquis●…on is the heig●…t of their policy . and you mr. bayes , had you lived in the dayes of augustus caesar ( be not ●…andalized , for why may you not bring sixteen hundred years , as well as five 〈◊〉 into one of your plays ) would not you have made , think you , an excellent privy coun●…ellour ? his father too was murdered . or , ( to come nearer both to our times , and your resemblance of the late war , which you trumpet always in the ear of his majesty ) had you happen'd in the time of henry the fourth of france , should not you have done well in the cabinet ? his predecessor too was assassinated . no , mr. bayes , you would not have been for their purpose : they took other measures of government , and accordingly it succeeded with them . and his majesty , whose genius hath much of both those princes , and who derives half of the blood in his veins from the latter , will in all probability not be so forward to hearken to your advice as to follow their example . for these kings , mr. bayes , how negligent soever or ignorant you take 'm to be , have , i doubt , a shrewd understanding with them . 't is a trade , that god be thanked , neither you nor i are of , and therefore we are not so competent judges of their actions . i my se●… have oftentimes seen them , some of them , do strange things , and unreasonable in my opinion , and yet a little while , or sometimes many years after , i have sound that all the men in the world could not have contrived any thing better . 't is not with them as with you . you have but one cure of souls , or perhaps two , as being a noblemans chaplain , to look after : and if you make conscience of discharging them as you ought , you would find you had work sufficient , without wri●…ing your ecc●…esiastical policies . but they are the incumbents of whole kingdoms , and the rectorship of the common people , the nobility , and even of the clergy , whom you are prone to affirm when possest with principles that incline to rebe●…ion and disloyal parctices , to be of all r●…bels the most dangerous , p. 49. the care i say of all these , rests upon them . so that they are fain to condescend to many things for peace-sake , and the quiet of mankind , that your proud heart would break before it would bend to . they do not think fit to require any thing that is impossible , unnecessary , or wanton , of their people ; but are fain to consider the very temper of the climate in which they live , the constitution and laws under which they have been formerly bred , and upon all occasions to give them good words , and humour them like children . they reflect upon the histories of former times , and the present transactions to regulate themselves by in every circumstance . they have heard that one of your roman emperours , when his captain of the life-guard came for the word , by giving it unhandsomly , received a dagger . they observe how the parliament of poland will be their kings taylor , and among other reasons , becau●…e he would not wear their mode , have suffered the turk enter , as coming nearer their fashion . nay , that even al●…xander the great had almost lo●…t all he had conquered by forcing his subjects to conform to the persian habit . that the king of spain , when upon a progress he enters b●…scai , is pleased to ride with one leg naked , and above all to take care that there be not a bishop in his retinue . so their people will pay their taxes in good gold and silver , they demand no subsidy of so many bushel of fleas , lest they should 〈◊〉 same answer with the tyrant , that the subject could not furnish that quantity , and besides they would be leaping out still before they could be measured , and should th●…y fine the people for non-payment , they reckon there would be little got by distraining . they have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a certain queen being desired to give a town-seal to one of 〈◊〉 , lighting from horse , sate down naked on the snow , and left them that impression , and though it caused no disturbance , but all the towv-leases are letters-pattents ; kings do not approve the example . that the late queen of sweden did her self no good with saying , io 〈◊〉 voglio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bestie but afterwards resigned . that the occasion of the revolt of switzerland from the emperor and its turning comm●… wealth , was only the imposing of a civil ceremony by capricious governour , who set up a pole in the high-way , with a cap upon the top of it , to which he would have all passengers be uncover'd , a●…d doobeysance . one sturdy swi●… , that would not conform ; thereupon overturn'd the government , is 't is at large in history . that the king of 〈◊〉 lost flanders chiefly upon introducing the inquisi●…on . and you now mr. bayes will think these , and 〈◊〉 h●…ndred more that i could tell you , but idle stor●…s , and yet kings can tell how to make use of ' m. and hence 't is that instead of assuming your unhopable jurisdiction , they are so satisfied with the abundance of their power , that they rather think meet to abate os its exercise by their diseretion . the gre●…er fortune is , they are content to to use the less extra●…gancy . but because i see , mr. bayes , you are a little deaf on this ear i will talk somewhat closer to you . in this v●…ry matter of ceremonies , which you are so bent upon , 〈◊〉 , your mi●…d is always running 〈◊〉 , w●…en you should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 not you think that the king 〈◊〉 every word you said , although he never gave your book 〈◊〉 reading ? that you sey , that the clause 50 〈◊〉 . of the wed●…day-fast has been the original of all the puritan-disorder●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is now reduced only to two or three symbolical ceremonies . that these ceremonies are things indifferent-in their own nature , and have no antecedent necessity , but onely bind as they are commanded . that they fignifie nothing in themselves but what the commander pleases . that the church it self declares that there is nothing of religion or adoration in them . that they are no parts of religious worship . that they are onely circumstances . that the imposing of a significant ceremony , is no more than to impose fignificancy upon a word . that there is not a word of any of these ceremonies in the scriptures . that they are in themselves of no great moment and consequence , but 't is absolutely necessary that government should in●…oyn them , to avoid the evil that would follow if they were not determined : and that there cannot be a pin pull'd out of the church , but the state immediately totters . do not you think that the king has considered all these things ? i believe he has ; and perhaps , as you have minced the matter , he may well think the nonconformists have very nice stomacks , that they cannot digest such chopp'd ●…ay : but on the other side , he must needs take you to be very strange men , to 〈◊〉 these in fpite down the throats of any christian. if a man have an antipathy against any thing , the company is generally so civil , as to re●…rain the use of it , however not to press it upon the person . if a man be fick or weak the pope grants a dispensation from lent , or fasting dayes : ay , and from many a thing that strikes deeper in his religion . if one have got a cold , their betters will force them to be covered . there is no end of similitudes : but i am led into them by your calling these ceremonies , pins of the curious , and that is se●…led ( god be prai●…ed ) pretty fast in his throne , to try for experiment , whether the pulling out of one of these pins would make the state totter . but , mr. bayes , there is more in it . 't is matter of conscience : and if kings do , out of discretion , connive at the other infirmities of their people ; if great perfons do out of civility condescend to their inferiours ; and if all men out of common humanity do yield to the weaker ; will your clergy only be the men , who , in an affair of conscience , and where perhaps 't is you are in the wrong , be the onely hard-hearted and inflexible tyrants ; and not only so , but instigate and provoke princes to be the ministers of your cruelty ? but , i say , princes , as far as i can take the height of things so far above me , must needs have other thoughts , and are past such boys-play to stake their crowns against your pins . they do not think fit to command things unnecesfary , and where the profit cannot countervail the hazard . but above all they consider , that god has instated them in the government of mankind , with that incumbrance ( if it may so be called ) of reason , and that incumbrance upon reason of 〈◊〉 . that he might have given them as large an extent of ground and other kind of cattle for their subjects : but it had been a melancholy empire to have been only supreme grasiers and soveraign shepherds . and therefore , though the laziness of that brutal magistracy might have been more secure , yet the difficulty of this does make it more honourable that men therefore are to be dealt with reasonably : and conscientious men by conscience . that even law is force , and the execution of that law a greater violence ; and therefore with a rational creature not to be used but upon the utmost extremity . that ral punishments do never reach the offender , but the innocent suffers for the gui●…ty . that the mind is in the hand of god , and cannot correct those pe●…swasions which upon the best of it natural capacity it hath collected : so that it too , though erroneous , is so far innocent . that the prince therefore , by how much god hath indued him with a clearer reason , and by consequence with a more enlightned judgement , ought the rather to take heed lest by punishing conscience , he violate not onely his own , but the divine majesty . but as to that mr. bayes , which you still inculcate of the late war , and its horrid catastrophe , which you will needs have to be upon a religious account : 't is four and twenty years ago , and after an act of oblivion ; and for ought i can see , it had been as seasonable to have shown casars bloody coat , or thomas a beckets bloody rochet . the chief of the offenders have long since made satisfaction to justice ; and the whole nation hath been swept sufficiently of late years by those terrible scourges of heaven : so that methinks you might in all this while have satiated your mischievous appetite . whatsoever you suffered in those times , his majesty who had much the greater loss , knowing that the memory of his glorious father will alwayes be preserved , is the best judge how long the revenge o●…ght to be pursued . but if indeed out of your superlative care of his majesty and your living , you are afraid of some new disturbance of the same nature , let me so far satisfie you as i am satisfied . the non-conformists say that they are bound in conscience to act as far as they can , and for the rest to suffer to the utmost . but because though they do mean honestly , 't is so hard a chapter for one that thinks himself in the right to suffer extremities patiently , that some think it impossible ; i say next , that it 's very seldom seen that in the same age , a civil war , after such an interval , has been raised again upon the same pretences : but men are also weary , that he would be knock'd on the head that should raise the first disturbance of the same nature . a new war must have , like a book that would sell , a new title . i am asham'd mr. bayes that you put me on talking thus impertinently , ( for policy in us is so ) . therefore to be short , the king hath so indulged and obliged the non-conformists by his late mercy , that if there were any such knave , there can be no such fool among them , that would ever lift up an ill thought against him . and for you mr. bayes he is assured of your loyalty , so that i think you may enjoy your living very peaceably , which i know is all your business . 't was well replyed of the english man in edward the fourths time , to the french man that ask'd him insulting , when they should see us there again ? when your sins are greater than ours . there are as many occasions of war , as there are vices i●… a nation : and therefore it concerns a prince to be watchful on all hands . but should kings remember an injury as long as you implacable divines do , or should we take up arms upon your becks , because your e●…clesiastical policy is answered , to revenge your quarrel , the world would never be at quiet . therefore mr. bayes , let all those things of former times alone , and mind your own business ; for kings , believe me , as they have royal understandings , so have g●…ntlemens memories . and now , master bayes , i think it is time to ●…ake my leave , having troubled you with so long a 〈◊〉 . onely before i quit this matter , because i ●…lo not love to be accounted singular in my opinion , 〈◊〉 will add the judgement of one author , and that 〈◊〉 pertinent as i could pick out to our purpose . i have observed that not onely other princes , but queen elizabeth too hath the misfortune to be much but of your favour . but for what reason i cannot pos●…ibly imagine ; for none ever deserved better as to ●…he thing of uniformity , unless it be the ill luck she had to pass that impertinent clause in the act of the fifth of elizabeth , of the jejunium cecilianun . you cannot , for her sake , indure the wit or learning of her ●…imes , but say , pag. 94. of your second book , though this trifling artifice of sprinkling little fragments of wit , and poetry might have passed for wit and learning in the days of queen elizabeth , yet to men of learning , reading and ingenuity , their vulgar use has sullied their lustre , and abated their value . this is indeed , mr. bayes , a very labour'd period , and prepared by you , i believe , on purpose as a model of the wit and eloquence of your days . but not onely so ; but page 483. of the same book , i think you call her in derision , and most spightfully and unmannerly , plain old elsibeth . and those that knew her humour , think yon could not have disobliged her more than in ●…iling her so ; both as a woman , which sex never love to be thought old , and as a queen who was jealous , lest men should therefore talk of the succession . besides the irreverent nick-name you give ●…er , that you might as well have presumed to call her queen bess , or bold bettrice . now to the end that that queen of famous memory may have a little female revenge upon you , and to give you a rast of the wit and learning even of her times ; i will sprinkle here one fragment , which not being a scholar-like saying of antient poet or philosopher , but of a reverend divine , i hope , master bayes , may be less displeasing to you . the man is park●…r , not robert parker , who writ another treat●…se of ecclesiastical policy , and the book de cruce●… , for which if they had ●…atch'd him , he had possibly gone to the gallows , or at least the gallyes . for he was one of those well-meaning zealots , that are of all villains the most dangerous . but it is the arch-bishop of canterbury , parker , ( for if i named him before without addition , 't was what i learnt of you speaking of ●…hitgift ) he in his book de antiquitatibus ec-●…clesiae britannicae , page 47. speaking of the slaughter of the monks of bangor , and so many christians more , upon the instigation of austin the the monk , who stirred up ethilbert king of kent against them , because they would not receive the romish ceremonies ; useth these words , et sane illa prima de romanis ritibus indu●…ndis per aug●…stinum tunc excitata contentio , quae non nisi clade & sanguine innocentium brittannorum poterat extingui ; ad nostra recentiora tempora , cum simili pernicie cadeque christiano●…um pervenit . cum ●…nim illis gloriosis ceremoniis à purâ primitivae ecclesiae simplicitate recesserunt , non de vit●… sanctitate , de evangelij praedicatione , de spiritus sancti vi & consolatio●…e multum laborabant ; sed novas indies altercationes de novis ritibus per papas singulos additis , qui neminem tam excelso gradu dignum qui aliquid . ceremoniosi non dicam , monstrosi inauditi & inusitati non adjecisset ; instituebant . suggestaque & scholas fabulis rixisque suis implebant . nam prima ecclesiae species simplicior & integro & interno dei cultu , ab ipso verbo praescripto , nec vestibus splendidis nec magnificis structuris decorata , nec auro , argento gemmisque fulgens fuit : et si liceat his exterioribus ut modo animum ab illo interiori & integro dei cultu non abducant ; curiosis & morosis ritibus ab illâ prim●…va & rectâ simplicitate evangelicâ degeneravit . illa autem in romanâ ecclesiâ rituum multitudo ad immensum illius magni augustini hipponensis episcopi temporibus creverat : ut questus sit christianorum in ceremoniis & ritibus duriorem quàm judaeorum , qui 〈◊〉 tempus libertatis non agnoverint , legalibus tamen sarcinis non humanis praesumptionibus subjiciebanter ; nam paucioribus in divino cultu quàm christiani ceremonii●…●…tebantur . qui si sensisset quantus deinde per singulos papas coacervatus cumulus accessit , modam christia●…um credo ipse statuisset ; qui hoc malum tunc in eccle●… viderat . videmus enim ab illâ ceremoniarum con●…entione nedum ecclesiam esse vacuam ; quin ●…omines ●…lioquin docti atque pii de vestibus & hujusmodi nugis ad huc , rixoso magis & militari , quàm aut 〈◊〉 aut christiano more inter se digladiantur . these words do run direct against the genius of some men that contributed not a little to the late rebellion , and , though so long since writ , do so exactly describe that evill spirit with which some men 〈◊〉 even in these times postest , who seem desirous ●…pon the same grounds to put all things in com●…ustion , that i think them very well worth the la●…our of translating . [ and indeed , that first con●…ention then raised by augustine about the introducing of the romish ceremonies , which could not be quenched but by the blood and slaughter of ●…he innocent britains ; hath been continued e'n to our later times , with the like mischief and murder of christians . for when once by those gloriou●… ceremonies they forsook the pure simplicity of th●… primitive church , they did nor much troubl●… themselves about holiness of life , the preachin●… of the gospel , the efficacy and comfort of the holy spirit : but they fell every day into ne●… squab les about new-●…angled ceremonies added 〈◊〉 every pope , who reckoned no man worthy of 〈◊〉 high a degree but such as invented somewhat , 〈◊〉 will not say ceremonious , but monstrous , unhea●… of , and before unpractised ; and they fill'd th●… schools and the pulpits with their fables 〈◊〉 brawling of such matters , for the first beau●…y 〈◊〉 the church had more of simplicity and plainnes●… , and was neither adorned with splendid vestmen●… nor magnificent structures , nor shin'd with gol●… silver , and precious stones ; bt with the int●… and inward worship of god , as it was by chri●… himself prescribed , although it may be lawfull 〈◊〉 ●…se these external things , so they do not lead th●… mind astray from that more inward and inti●… worship of god ; by those curious and crab●… rites it degenerated from that antient and right 〈◊〉 vangelical simplicity . but that multitude of 〈◊〉 in the romish church , had unmeasurably increased in the times of that great augustine the bishop of hippo , in so much that he complain●… that the condition of christians , as to rites an●… ceremonies , was then harder than that of th●… jews ; who although they did not discern the ti●… of their liberty , yet were only subjected to leg●… burthens , instituted first by god himself , nor 〈◊〉 humane presumptions , for they used fewer 〈◊〉 ●…emonies in the worship of god , than christi●… who , if he could have foreseen how great a 〈◊〉 of them was afterwards piled up , and added by 〈◊〉 several popes , he himself doubtless would have restrained it within christian measure , having already perceived this growing evil in the church . for we see , that even yet the church is not free from that contention : but men , otherwise learned and pious , do still cut and flash about vestments and such kind of tri●…les , rather in a swashbuck-ler and hectoring way , than either like philosophers or like christians . ] now mr. bayes , i doubt you must be put to the trouble of writing another preface against this arch-bishop . for nothing in your answerer's treatise of evangelical love does so gird or aim at you , for ought i can see , or at those whom you call the church of england , as this passage . but the last period does so plainly delineate you to the life , that what st. austine did not presage , the bishop seems to have foreseen most distinctly . 't is ●…ust your way of writing all along in this matter . you bring nothing sound or solid . only you think you have got the great secret , or the philosophers ●…tone of railing , and i believe it , you have so ●…ultiplied it in projection : and as they into gold , so you turn every thing you meet with into railing . and yet the secret is not great , nor the pro●… long or dificult , if a man would study it , and make a trade on 't . every scold hath it naturally . it is but crying whore first , and having the 〈◊〉 word , and whatsoever t'other sayes , cry , oh ●…hese are your nonconfor mist's tricks , oh you ●…ave learnt this of the puritans in grubstreet . o●…●…ou white-aprond gossip . for indeed , i never ●…aw provident a fetch : you have taken in before ●…and of all the posts of railing , and so beset all 〈◊〉 topicks of just crimination , foreseeing where 〈◊〉 are feeble , that if this trick would pass , it were ●…possible to open ones mouth to find the least sault with you . for in your first chapter of your second book , beside what you do alwaies in an hundred places when you are at a loss , you have spent almost an hundred pages upon a character of the fanatick deportment toward all adversaries . and then on the other side , you have so ingrossed and bought up all the ammunition of railing , search'd every corner in the bible , and don quixot for powder , that you thought , not unreasonably , that that there was not one shot left for a fanatick , but truth , you see , cannot want words : and she laugh too sometimes when she speaks , and rather than all fail too , be serious . but what will you say to that of the arch-bishops , than either like philosophers or like christians ? for the excellency of your logick , philosophy and christianity in all your books , is either , as in conscience , to take away the subject of the question : or , as in the magistrate , having gotten one absurdity , to raise 〈◊〉 thousand more from it . so that , except the manufacture and labour of your periods , you have done no more than any school boy could have done on the same terms . and so , mr. bayes , goodnight . and now good-morrow mr. bayes ; for though it seems so little a time and that you are now gen●… to bed , it hath been a whole live-long night , and you have toss'd up and down in many a troublesome dream , and are but just now awaked at the title page of your book : a preface shewing wh●… grounds there are of fears and jealousies of poper●… it is something artificially couch'd , but looks , 〈◊〉 if it did allow , that there are some grounds 〈◊〉 fears and jealousies of that nature . but here 〈◊〉 words it , a consideration what likelihood , or how 〈◊〉 danger there is of the return of popery into this nati●… ●…ad he not come to this at last , i should hav●… thought i had been all this while reading a chapter in mountagu●…'s essayes ; where you find sometimes scarce one word in the discourse of the matter held forth in the title . but now indeed he takes up this argument and debates it to purpose . for i had before begun to shew that he had writ not only his two former books but especially too this preface , with an evil eye and aim at his maj●…sty , and the measures he had taken of government . and whoever will take the pains to read here , will soon be of my mind . his majesty had i said , the 15th of march 1671. issued his declaration of indulgence to tender consciences . he , on the contrary , issues out thereupon , all in hast and as fast as he could write , this his remonstrance or manifesto against indulgence to tender consciences : and to make his majesties proceedings more odious , stirs up this seditious matter , of what probability there is of popery . and this he discourses , to be sure , in his own imagination very cunningly . for he knows that there was an act of parliament in this kings reign with a greater penalty than that of 50 eliz. of spreading false news , against reports of this nature . and therefore , he resolves to handle it so●… warily , that he himself might escape , but might draw others that should answer him , within the danger of that act , and that he may lay the crime at their doors . but , notwithstanding all his slights and l'gerdemain , it doth eno●…gh detect his malice & ill intention to his majestios government , that he should take this occasion , altogether foreign and unseasonable , to raise a publick and solemn discourse through the whole nation , concerning a matter the most odious and dangerous that could be exposed . so that now , no man can look at the wall , no man can pass by a booksellers stall , but●… he must see a preface shewing what grounds ther●… are for fears and jealousies of popery . it had been something a safer and more dutiful way of writing , a preface shewing the causelesness of the fears and jealousies of popery . for i do not think it will excuse a witch , to say , that she conjur'd up a spirit only that she m●…ght lay it , nor can there be a more dexterou●… and malicious way of calumny , than by making a needless apology for another , in a criminal subject . as , suppose i should write a preface showing what grounds there are of fears and jealousies of bayes his being and atheist . but this is exactly our authors method and way of contrivance ; whereby more effectually by far than by any flying coffee-house tattle , he traduces the state , and by printing so pernicious a question , fills all mens mouths , and beats out all mens eyes with the probability of the return of popery . had he heard any that malignly and officiously talk'd to such a purpose , it had been the part of one so prudent as he is , not to have continued the discourse . had he ( as he hath a great gift that way ) pick'd up out of any mans talk or writing , matter whereof to make an ill story ; there was a better and more r●…gular way o●… proceeding , had he meant honestly to his majesties government , to have prevented the evil , and to have brought the offender to punishment . he should have gone to one of the secretaries of state , or to some other of his majesties privy council , and have given them information . but , in stead of that , i am afraid that in the survey of this business , we shall find , that even some of them are either accused , or shrewdly mark'd out with a character of our authors displeasure . therefore , i will now come nearer to his ma●…ter in hand , although it concernes me to be careful of coming too near , nor shall i dwell too long upon so jealous and impertinent a subject . to consider what likelihood or how much danger there is of the return of popery into this nation . the ●…he very first word is ; for my par●… i know none . very well considered . why then , m●… . b●…yes , i must tell you , that if i had printed a book or preface upon that argument , i should have thought my self , at least a fool for my labour . the next considerer is mine enemy ; i mean he is an enemy to the state , whoever shall foment such discourses without any likelihood or danger . yet mr. bayes you know , i have for a good while had no great opinion of your integrity ; neither here . i doubt you prevaricate a little with some body . for i suppose you cannot be ignorant that some of your superiors of your robe did , upon the publishing that declaration , give the word , and deliver orders through their ecclesiastical camp , to beat up the pulpit-drums against popery . nay , even so much that there was care taken too for arming the poor readers , that though they came short of preachers in point of efficacy , yet they might be enabled to do something in point of common security . so that , though for so many years , those your superiors had forgot there was any such thing in the nation as a popish recusant , though polemical and controversial divinity had for so long been hung up in the halls , like the rusty obsolete armour of our ancestors , for monuments of antiquity ; and for desision rather than service ; all on a sudden ( as if the 15th of march had been the 5th of november ) happy was he that cold climb up first to get down one of the old cuirasses , or an habergeon that had been wor●… in the dayes of queen elizabeth . great variety there was and heavy doo . some clapp'd it on all rusty as it was , others fell of oyling and furbishing their armour : some piss'd in their barrels , others spit in their pans , to scowr them . here you might see one put on his helmet the wrong way : there one buckle on a back in place of a breast . some by mistake catched up a socinian arminian argument , and some a popish to figh●… a popish . here a dwarf lost in the accoutrements of a giant : there a don-quixot in an equipage of differing pieces , and of several parishes . never was there such incongruity and nonconformity in their furniture . one ran to borrow a sword of calvin . this man for a musket from beza : that for a bandeleers even from keckerman . but when they came to seek match , and bullet , and power , there was none to be had . the fanaticks had bought it all up , and made them pay for it most unconscionably , and through the nose . and no less sport was it to see their leaders . few could tell how to give the word of command , nor understood to dr●…ll a company : they were as unexpert as their soldiers aukward : and the whole was as pleasant a spectacle , as the exercising of the train'd-bands in — shire . but mr. bayes ( for i believe you do nothing but upon common advice ) either this was all intended but for a false alarum , and was only for a pretence to take arms against the fanaticks ( which you might have done without raising all this din and obloquy against the state and disquieting his majesties good subjects : ) or else you did really think ( and who can help misappreliensions ? ) that you did know some likelihood or danger of the return of popery i crave you mercy mr bayes , i took you a little short . for my part i know none , you say , but the nonconsormists boysterous and unreasonable opposition to the church of england . this i confess hath some weight in it . for truly before i knew none too , i was of your opinion mr. bayes , & believed that popery could never return into england again , but by some very sinister accident this expression of mine is something uncou●…h , and therefore because i love to give you satisfaction in all things mr. bayes , i will acquaint you with my reason of using it . henry the fourth of france , his majesties grandfather , lived ( you know ) in the dayes of queen elizabeth . now the wit of france and england , as you may have observed , is much of the same mode , und hath at all times gone much after the same current rate and standard ; only there hath been some little difference in the alloy , and advantage or disadvantage in the exchange according to mens occasions . now henry the fourth , was ( you know too ) a prince like bishop bramhall , of a brave and enterprising temper , and had a mind large and active enough to have managed the roman empire at its utmost extent ; and particularly ( as far as the prejudice of the age ( old elsibeths age ) would permit him ) he was very wittie and facetious , and the courtiers strove to humour him alwaies in it , and increase th●… mirth . so one night after supper he gave a subject ( which recreation did well enough in those times , but were now insipid ) upon which , like ●…oyes at westminster , they should make french verse extempore . the subject was , un accident sinistre . straight answers , i know not whether 't was bassampierre or obignè : un sinistre accident & un accident sinistre ; de veoir un p●…ere capuchin chevaucher un ministre . for when i said , to see popery return here , would be a very sinister accident ; i was just thinking upon that story ; the verses , to humour them in translation , being only this , o what a trick unlucky , and how unlucky a trick , to see friend doctor patrick , bestrid by father patrick ! which seem'd to me , would be the most improbable and preposterous spectacle that ever was seen ; and more rediculous for a sight , than the friendly debate is for a book . and yet if popery come in , this must be , and worse . but now i see there is some danger by the non-consormists opposition to the church of england , and now your business is all fixed . the fanaticks are ready at hand to bear the blame of all things . many a good job have i seen done in my time upon pretence of the fanaticks . i do not think mr. bayes ever breaks his shins , but it is by stumbling upon a fanatick . and how shall they bring in popery ? why th●…s , three wayes . first , by creating disorders and disturbances in the state , secondly , by the assistance of atheism and irreligion . thirdly , by joyning with crafty and sacrilegious statesmen in confederacy . now here i remark two things . one , that however you do not find that the fanaticks are inclinable to popery , only they may accommodate it by creating disturbances in the state. another is , that i see these gentlemen , the fanaticks , the atheists , and the sacrilegious statesmen are not yet acquainted ; but you have appointed them a meeting ( i believe it must be at your lodging , or no where ; ) and i hope you will treat them handsomly . but i think it was not so wisely done , nor very honestly , mr. bayes , to lay so dangerous a plot as this ; and instruct men that are strangers yet to one another , how to contrive ●…ogether such a conspiracy . but first to your first . the fanaticks you say may probably raise disturbance in the state. for they are so little friends to the present government , that their enmity to that is one of the main grounds of their quarrel to the church . but now , though i must confess it is very much to your purpose , if you could perswade men so , i think you are clear out , and misrepresent here the whole matter . for i know of no enmity they have to the church it self , but what it was in her power alwayes to have remedied , and so it is still . but such as you it is that have alwayes strove by your leasings to keep up a strangeness and misunderstanding betwixt the king and his people ; and all the mischief that hath come on 't does lye much at your door . whereas they , as all the rest of mankind , are men for their own ends too : and no sooner hath the king shown them this late favour , but you mr. bayes , and your partners reproach them for being too much friends to the p●…erogative . and no less would they be to the church , had they ever at any age in any time found her in a treatable temper . i know nothing they demand , but what is so far from doing you any harm , that it would only make you better . but that indeed is the harm , that is the thing you are afraid of here our author divides the discourse into a great elogy of the church of england ; that if he were making her funeral sermon , he could not say more in her commendation ; and a contrary invective against the nonconformists , upon whom ( as if all he had said before had been nothing ) he unloads his whole leystal , and dresseth them up all in sambenitas , painted with all the flames and devil●… in hell , to be led to the place of execution , and there burnt to ashes . nevertheless , i find on either side only the natural effect of such hyperboles and oratory , that is , not to be beleived . the church of england ( i mean as it is by law established , lest you should think i equivocate ) hath such a stock of solid and deserved reputation that it is more than you ( mr. bayes ) can spoyl or deface by all the pedantry of your commendation . only there is that party of the clergy , that i not long ago described , and who will alwaies presume to be the only church of england , who have been a perpetual eye-sore , that i may not say a canker and gangreen in so perfect a beauty . and , as it joyes my heart to hear any thing well said of her ; so i must confess , it stirs my choler , when i hear those men pride and boast themselves under the mask of her authority . neither did i therefore approve of an expression you here use : the power of princes would be a very precarious thing without the assistance of ecclesiasticks , and all government do's & must ow its quiet and continuance to the churches patronage that is as much as to say , that but for the assistance of your ecclesiastical policy , princes might go a begging : and that the church , that is you , have the juspatronatus of the kingdome , and may present whom you think fitting to the crown of england . this is indeed something like the return of popery ; and right petra dedit petro , petrus diadema rudolpho . the crown were surely well help'd up , if it were to be held at your convenience , and the emperour must lead the patriarchs ass all his life-time . and little better do i like your we may rest satisfied in the present security of the church of england , under the pro●…ection of a wise and gracious prince : especially when besides the impregnable confidence that we have from his own inclination , it is so manifest , that he never can forsake it either in honour or interest . this is a prety way of cokesing indeed , while you are all this while cutting the grass under his feet , and animating the people against the exercise of his ecclesiastical supremacy . men are not so plain-hearted ; but they can see through this oblique rhetorication and sophistry . if there be no danger in his time of taking a pin out of the church ( for that it is you intended ) why do you then speak of it in his time , but that you mean mischief ? but here you do not only mow the grass under his feet , but you take the pillow from under his head . but should it ever happen that any king of england should be prevail'd with to deliver up the church , he bad as good at the same time resign up his crown . this is pretty plain dealing , and you have doubtless secur'd hereby that princes favour : i should have thought it better courtship in a divine , to have said , o king , live for ever . but i see mr. bayes , that you and your partners are very necessary men , and it were dangerous disobliging you . but in this imprudent and nauseous discourse , you have all along appropriated or impropriated all the loyalty from the nobility , the gentry , and the commonalty , and dedicated it to the church ; so , i doubtyou are a little too immoderate against the body , of the nonconformists . you represent them , to a man , to be all of them of republican principles , most pestilent and , eo nomine , enemies to monarchy ; traytors and rebells ; such miscreants as never was in the world before , and fit to be pack'd out of it with the first convenience . and , i observe , that all the argument of your books is but very frivolous and trivial : only the memory of the late war serves for demonstration , and the detestable sentence and execution , of his lute majesty , is represented again upon the scaffold ; and you having been , i suspect , better acquainted with parliament declarations formerly upon another account , do now apply and turn them all over to prove that the late war was wholly upon a fanatical cause , and the dissenting party do still go big with the same monster . i grew hereupon much displeased with my own ignorance of the occasion of those troubles so near our own times , and betook my self to get the best information concerning them , to the end that i might , if it appear'd so , decline the dangerous acquaintance of the nonconformists , some of whom i had taken for honest men , nor therefore avoided their company . but i took care nevertheless , not to receive impressions from any of their party ; but to gather my lights from the most impartial authorities that i could meet with . and i think i am now partly prepared to give you , mr. bayes , some better satisfaction in this matter . and because you are a dangerous person , i shall as little as possible , say any thing of my own , but speak too before good witnesses . first of all therefore , i will without farther ceremony , fall upon you with the but-end of another arch-bishop . 't is the arch-bishop of canterbury , abbot , in the narrative under his own hand concerning his disgrace at court in the time of his late majesty . i shall only in the way demand excuse , if , contrary to my fashion , the names of some eminent persons in our church long since dead , be reviv'd here under no very good character ; and most particularly that of archbishop laud , who , if for nothing else , yet for his learned book against fisher , deserved for another fate than he met with , and ought not now to be mentioned without due honour●… but those names having so many years since escaped the press , it is not in my power to conceal them ; and i believe archbishop abbot did not write but upon good consideration . this i have premised for my own satisfaction , and i will add one thing more , mr. bayes , for yours . that whereas the things now to be alledged relate much to some impositions of money in the late king's time , that were carryed on by the clergy ; i know you will be ready to carp at that , as if the nonconformists had , and would be alwayes enemies to the kings supply . whereas , mr. ●…ayes , if i can do the nonconformists no good , i am resolv'd i will do them no harm , nor desire that they should lye under any imputation on my account . for i write by my own advice , and what i shall alledge concerning the clergies intermedling with supplies , is upon a particular aversion , that i have upon good reason , against their disposing of our money . and mr. bayes i will acquaint you with the reason , which is this . 't is not very many years ago that i used to play at picket ; and there was a gentleman of your robe , a dignitary of lincoln , very well known and remembred in the ordinaries , but being not long ●…ince dead , i will save his name . now i used to play pieces , and this gentleman would alwayes go half a crown with me , and so all the while he sate on my hand he very honestly gave the sign , so that i was alwaies sure to lose . i afterwards discovered it , but of all the money that ever i was cheated of in my life , none ever vexed me so , as what i lost by his occasion . and ever since , i have born a great grudge against their fingring of any thing that belongs to me . and i have been told , and show'd the place where the man dwelt in the late king's time near hampton court , that there was one that used to rob on the high-way , in the habit of a bishop , and all his fellows rid too in canonical coats . and i can but fancy how it madded those , that would have perhaps been content to releive an honest gentleman in distress , or however would have been less griev'd to be robb'd by such an ●…ne , to see themselves so episcopally pillaged . neither must it be less displeasing alwaies to the g●…ntry and ●…ommonalty of england , that the clergy ( as you do m●… . bayes ) should tell them that they are never sui juris , not only as to their consciences , bu●… even as to their purses ; and you should pretend to have this power of the keys too , where they lock their money . nay , i dare almost aver upon my best observation , that there never was , nor ever will be a parliament in england , that could or can refuse the king supplies propo●…ionable to his occasions , wi●…hout any need of recou●…se to extraordinary wayes ; but for the pick●…hankness of the clergy , who will alwaies p●…sume to have the thanks and honour of it , nay , and are ready alwayes to obstruct the parliamentary aids , unless they may have their own little project pass too into the ba●…gain , and they may be g●…atified with some new ecclesiastical power , or some new law against the fanaticks . this is the naked truth of the matter . whereas english men alwayes love to see how their money goes , and if the●…e be any interest or profit to be got by it , to receive it themselves . therefore mr. bayes i will go on with my business not fearing all the mischief that you can make of it . there was , saith he , one sibthorp , who not being so much as batchelor of arts , by the means of doctor pierce vice-chancelor of oxford , got to beconfer'd upon him the title of doctor . this man was vicar of brackley in northamptonshire , and hath another benefice . this man preaching at northampton , had taught , that princes had power to put poll-money upon their subjects heads . he being a man of a low fortune , conceiv'd the putting his sermon in print might gain favour at cou●…t , and raise his fortune higher . it was at the same time that the business of the loan was on foot . in the same sermon he called that loan a tribute , taught that the kings duty is first to direct and make laws . that noting may excuse the subject from active obedience , but what is against the law of god or nature , or impossible ; that all antiquity was absolutely for absolute obedience in all civil and temporal things . and the imposing of poll-monie by princes , he justifi'd out of st. matthew : and in the matter of the loan , what a speech is this , saith the bishop , he observes the forwardness of the papists to offer double . for this sermon was sent to the bishop from court , and he required to licence it , not under his chaplin , but his own hand . but he , not being satisfi'd of the doctrine delivered , sent back his reasons why he thought not fit to give his app●…obation , and unto these bishop laud , who was in this whole business , and a rising man at court , undertook an answer . his life in oxford , faith archbishop abbot , was to pick quarrels , in the lectures of publick readers , and to advertise them to the bifhop of durham that he might fill the ears of king james , with discontent against the honest men that took pains in their places , and setled the truth ( which he call'd puritanism ) in their auditors . he made it his work to see what books were in the press , and and to look over epistles dedicatory , and prefaces to the reader , to see what faults might be found . 't was an observation what a sweet man this was like to be , that the first observable act he did , was the marrying of the earl of d. to the lady r. when she had another husband a nobleman , and divers children by him . here he tells how , for this very cause , king james would not a great while endure him , 'till he yeilded at last to bishop williams his importunity , whom notwithstanding he straight strove to undermine , and did it at last to purpose : for saith the ar●…hbishop verily , such is his undermining nature , that he will under-work any man in the world , so he may gain by it . he call'd in the bishop of durham , rochester , and oxford , tryed men for such a purpose , to the answering of my reasons , and the whole stile of the speech , runs we , we. in my memory , doctor harsnet then bishop of chichester , and now of norwich ( as he came afterward to be arch-bishop of york ) preached at white-hall upon , give unto caes●…r the things that are caesars ; a sermon that was afterwards burned , teaching that goods and money were caesars , and so the kings : whereupon king james told the lords and commons that he had failed in not adding according to the laws and customs of the countrey wherein they did live . but sibthorp was for absolutely absolute . ●…o that if the king had sent to me for all my money & good●… , & so to the clergy i must by sibthorps proportion send him all . if the king should send to the city of london to command all their wealth , they were bound to do it . i know the king is so gracious he will attempt no such matter ; but if he do it not , the defect is not in these flattering divines . then he saith , reflecting again upon the loan which sibthorp called a tribute . i am sorry at heart , the king 's gracious majesty should rest so great a building on so weak a foundation , the treatise being so ●…lender , and without substance , but that proceeded from an hungry man. then he speaks of his own case as to the licensing this book , in parallel to the earl of essex his divorce ; which to give it more authority , was to be ratified judicially by the archbishop . he concludes how finally he refused his approbation to this sermon , and saith , it was thereupon carried to the bishop of london , who gave a great and stately allowance of it , the good man not being willing that any thing should stick with him that came from court , as appears by a book commonly called the seven sacraments , which was allowed by his lordship with all the errours , which have been since expunged . and he adds a pretty story of one doctor woral , the bishop of london's chaplain , ●…olar good enough , but a free fellow-like man , and of no very tender conscience , who before it was lic●…nsed by the bishop , sibthorps sermon being brought to him , hand over head approved it , and subscribed his nam●… . but afterwards he●…ring more of it , went to a counsel at the temple , who told him , that by that book there was no meum nor tuum left in england , and if ever the tide turn'd , be might come to be hang'd for it , and thereupon woral woral scr●…ped out his name again , and left it to his lord to license . then the arch-bishop takes notice of the instructions for that loan . those that refused , to be sent for souldiers to the king of denmark . oaths to be administred with whom they had conference ; and who disswaded them , such persons to be sent to prison , &c. he saith that he had complain'd thrice of mountagues arminian book , to no purpose : cosins put out his book of seven sacraments ( strange things ) but i knew nothing of it , but as it pleased my ld of durham and the bp of bath , so it went. in conclusion , the good arch-bishop for refusing th●… licence of sibthorps sermons , was , by the under-working of his adversaries , first commanded from lambeth , and confined to his house in kent , and afterwards sequestred , and a commission passe●… to exercise the archie piscopall jurisdiction to the bishops of london , durham , rochester , oxford , and bishop laud ( who from thence arose in time to be the arch-bishop . ) if i had leisure how easy a thing it were for to extract out of the narrative a just parallel of our author , even almost upon all points ? but i am now upon a more serious subject ; and therefore sh●…ll leave the application to his own ingenuity , and the good intelligence of the reader . about the same time ( for i am speaking within the circle of 20 30 , and 40. caroli ) that this book of sibthorps , called apostolical obedience , was printed , there came out another of the same stamp , intitled religion and allegiance , by one doctor manwaring . it was the substance of two sermons preached by him at whitehall , beside what of the same nature at his own parish of saint giles , therein he delivered for truth , that the king is not bound to observe the laws of the realm concerning the subjects rights and liberties , but that his royal word and command in imposing loans and taxes without common consent in parliament , does oblige the subjects conscience upon pain of eternal damnation , that those who refused to pay this loan , offended against the law of god , and the kings supream authority , and became guilty of impiety , disloyalty and rebellion . that the authority of parliament was not necessary for raising of aids and subsidies , and the slow proceedings of such great assemblies were not fitted for the supply of the states urgent necessities , but would rather produ●…e sundry impediments to the just designs of princes . and after he had been questioned for this doctrine , nevertheless he preached again , that the king had right to order all as to him should seem good , without any mans consent . that the king might , in time of necessity demand aid , and if the subject did not supply him , the king might justly avenge it . that the propri●…ty of estate and goods was ordinarily in the subject , but extraordinarily in the king : that in case of the king's need , he hath right to dispose them . he had besides , entring into comparison , called the refusers of the loan , temporal recusants , and said , the same disobedience that they , ( the papists as they then called them ) practise in spirituals , that or worse , some of our side , if ours they be , dare to practise in temporals . and he aggravated further upon them under the resemblance of turks , jews , corah , dat●…an and abiram which last , said he , might as well liken themselves to the three children ; or theudas and judas , the two incendiaries in the daies of caesar's tribute , might as well pretend their cause to be like that of the maccabees , as what the refusers alledged in their own defence . i should not have been so large in these particulars , had they been only single and volatile sermons , but because this was then the doctrine of those persons that pretended to be the church of england . the whole quire sung that tuno , and instead of the common law of england , and the statutes of parliament , that part of the clergy had invented these ecclesiastical lawes , which according to their predominancy , were sure to be put in execution . so that between their own revenue , which must be held jure divin●… , as every thing else that belong'd to them , and the p●…ince's that was jure regio , they had not left an inch o●… propriety for ●…he subject , it seem'd that they had granted themselves letters of reprisal against the laity , for the losses of the church under henry the eight , and that they would make a greater havock upon their temporalities in retaliation . and indeed , having many times since ponder'd with my greatest and earnest impartiality , what could be the true reason of the spleen that they manifested in those daies , on the one hand against the puritans , and on the other against the gentry , ( far it was come , they tell me , to jack gentleman ) i could not devise any cause , but that the puritans had ever since the reformation , obstructed that laziness and splendor which they enjoyed under the popes supremacy , and the gentry had ( sacrilegiously ) divided the abby-lands , and other 〈◊〉 morsels of the church at the dissolu●…ion , and now was the time to be revenged on them . while therefore the kingdome was turned into a prison , upon occasion of this ecclesiastical lo●… and many of the eminentest of the gentry of england were under 〈◊〉 , they thought it seasonable to recover once again their antient glory , and to magnificate the church with triumphant pomp and ceremony . the three ceremonies that have the countenance of law , would not sussice , but they were all upon new 〈◊〉 , and happy was he that was endued with that capacity , for he was sure before all others to be pre●…'d . i here was a second service , the table se●… altar wise , and to be called the altar , candles , crucisixes , paintings , imagery , copes , bowing to the east , bowing to the altar , and so many several cringes and genuflexions , that a man unpractised stood in need to entertain both a dancing ma●…er and a remem brancer . and though these things were very uncouth to english proteslants who naturally affects a plainness of fashion , especially in sacred things ; yet , if those gentlemen 〈◊〉 have contented themselves with their own formalitie , the innovation had been more excusable . but many of these additions , and to be sure , all that had any colour of law , were so imposed and prest upon others , that a great part of the nation was ●…'n put as it were to fine and ransom upon this account . what censures , what excommunications , what deprivations , what imprisonments ? i cannot represent the misery and desolation , as it hath been represented to me . but wearied out at home , many thousands of his majesties subjects , to his and the nations great loss , thought themselves constrained to seek another habitation , and every country , even ●…hough it were among savages and caniballs , appear'd more hospitable to them than their own . and , although i have been told by those that have seen both , that our chu●…ch did even then exceed the romish in ceremonies and decorations ; and indeed , several of our church did therby frequently mistake their way , and from a 〈◊〉 kind of worship , fell into the roman religion ; yet i cannot upon my best judgement believe , that that party had generally a design to alter the religion so far , but rather to set up a new kind of papa●…y of their own , here in england . and it seemed they had , to that purpose , provided themselves of a new religion in holland . it was arminianism , which though it were the republican opinion there , and lo odious to king james , that it helped on the death of barnevelt , yet now they undertook to accomodate it to monarchy and episcopacy . and the choice seemed not imprudent . for on the one hand , it was removed at so moderate a distance from popery , that they should not disoblige the papists more than formerly , neither yet could the puritans , with justice reproach these men , as romish catholicks ; and yet , on the other hand , they knew it was so contrary to the antient reformed doctrine of the church of england , that the puritans would never imbrace it , and so they should gain this pretence further to keep up that convenient and necessary quarrel against non-conformity . and accordingly it happened , so that here again was a new shiboleth . and the calvinists were all studiously discountenanced , and none but an arminian was judg'd capable and qualified for imployment in the church . and though the king did declare , as i have before mentioned , that mountague's ( arminian ) book had been the occasion of the schisms in the church ; yet care was immediately taken , by those of the same robe and pa●…ty , that he should be the more rewarded and advanced . as also it was in manwarings case : who though by censure in parliament made incapable of any ecclesiastical preferment , was straight made rector of stamford-river●… in essex , with a dispensation to hold too his living in st. giles's . and all dexterity was practised to propagate the same opinions , and to suppress all writings or discourses to the contrary . so that those who were of understanding in those dayes tell me , that a man would wonder to have heard their kind of preachings . how in stead of the practical doctrine which tends to the reforming of mens lives and manners , all their sermons were a very mash of arminian subtilties , of ceremonies and decency , and of manwaring , and sibthorpianism brew'd together , besides that in their conversation they thought fit to take some more license the better to dis 〈◊〉 themselves from the puritans . and though there needed nothing more to make them unacceptable to the sober part of the nation , yet moreover they were 〈◊〉 exceeding p●…agmaticall , so intolerably ambitious , and so desperately proud , that scarce any gentleman might come near the tayle of their mulesand many th●…ngs i perceive of that nature , do even yet stick upon the stomacks of the old gentlemen ●…f those tim●…s . for the english have been alwaies very tender of their religion , their liberty , th●…ir propriety , and ( i was going to say ) no less of th●…ir reputation . neither yet do i speak of these things with passion , considering at more 〈◊〉 how natural it is for men to desire to be in office ; and no less natural to grow proud and intractable in office ; and the less a clergy man is so , the more he deserves to be commended . bu●… these things before mentioned , grew yet higher , after that bishop laud wa●… once not only exalted to the see of canterbury , but to be chief minister . happy had it been for the king , happy for the nation , and happy for himself , had he never climbed that pinacle . for whether it be or no , that the clergy are not so well fitted by education , as others for political affairs , i know not ; ●…hough i should rather think they have advantage above others , and even if they would but keep to their bibles , might make the best ministers of state in the world ; yet it is generally observed that things miscarry under their government . if their be any counsel more precipitate , more violent , more rigorous , more extreme than other , that is theirs . truly i think the reason that god does not bless them in aff●…s of state , is , because he never intended them for that imployment . or if government , and the preaching of the gospel , may well concur in the same person , god therefore frustra●…s him , be cause though knowing better , he seeks and ma nages his greatness by the losser and meaner maxims . i am confident the bishop studied to do both god and his majesty good service , but alas how utterly was he mistaken . though so learned , so pious , so wise a man , he seem'd to know nothing beyond ceremonies , arminianism , and manwaring . with that he begun , and with that ended , and thereby deform'd the whole reign of the best prince that ever weilded the english scepter . for his late majesty being a prince truly pious and religious , was thereby the more inc●…ined to esteem and favour the clergy . and thence though himself of a most exquisite understanding , yet he could not trust it better than in their keeping . whereas every man is best in his own post , and so the preacher in the pulpit . but he that will do the clergyes druggery , must look for his reward in another world . for they having gained this ascendent upon him , resolv'd what ever became on 't to make their best of him ; and having made the whole business of state their arminian ja gles , and the persecution for ceremonies , did for recompence assign him that imaginary absolute government , upon which rock we all ●…uined . for now was come the last part of the archbishops indiscretion ; who having strained those strings so hig here , and all at the same time , which no wise man ever did ; he moreover had a mind to try the same dangerous experiment in scotland , and sent thither the book of the english liturgy , to be imposed upon them . what followed thereupon , is yet within the compass of most mens memories . and how the war broke out , and then to be sure h●…ll's brook loose . whether it were a war of relig●…on , or of liberty , is not worth the labour ●…o enquire . which soever was at the ●…op , the other was at the bottome ; but upon con●…dering all , i think the cause was too good to have been fought for . men ought to have trusted god ; they ought and might have trusted the king with that whole matter . the arms of the church are pray●…rs and tears , the arms of the subjects are patience and petitions . the king himself being of so accurate and piercing a judgement , would soon have felt where it stuck , for men may spare their pains where nature is at work , and the world will not go the faster for our driving . even as his present majesties happy rest●…uration did it self , so all things el●…e happen in their best and proper time , without any need of our officiousness . but after all the fatal consequences of that rebe●…lion , which can only serve as sea-marks unto wise princes to avoid the causes , shall this sort of men still vindicate themselves as the most zealous assertors of the rights of princes ? they are but at the best well-meaning zealots . shall , to decline so pernicious counsels , and to provide bet●…er for the quiet of government be traduced as th●… author does here , under these odious terms of forsaking the church , and delivering up the church ? shall these men alwayes presume to usur●… to themselves that venerable stile of the church of england ? god for●…id . the ind●…pendents at that rate would have so many distinct congregations as they . there would be sibthorps church , and manwarings church , and montagues church , and a whole bed-roll more , whom for decencies-sake i abstain from naming . and every man that could invent a new opinion , or a new ceremony , or a new tax , should be a new church of england . neither , as far as i can discern , have this sort of the clergy since his 〈◊〉 return , given him better incouragements to steer by their compass . i am told , that preparatory to that , they had frequent meetings in the city , i know not whether in grubstreet , with the divin●…s of the other party , and that there in their feasts of love , they promis●…d to forget all former offences , to lay by all animosities , that there should be a new heaven , and a new earth , all meekness , chari●…y , and condescention . his majesty i am sure sent over his gracious declaration of liberty to tender consciences and upon his coming over , seconded it with his commission under the broad seal , for a conference betwixt the two parties , to prepare things for an accommodation , that he might confirm , it by his royal authority . hereupon what do they ? notwithstanding this happy conjucture of his majesties restauration , which had put all men into so good a humour , that upon a little moderation temper of things , the nonconformists could not have stuck out ; some of these men so contriv'd it , that there should not be the least abatement to bring them off with conscience , and ( which infinuates into all men ) some little reputation . but to the contrary ; several unnecessary additions were made , only because they knew they would be more ingrate●…ull and 〈◊〉 to the noncon●…ormists . i remember one in the let any , where to false doctrine and her●… , they added schism , though it were to spoil the musick and cadence of the period ; but these things were the best . to show that they were men like others , even cunning men , revengeful men , they drill'd things on , till they might procure a law , wherein besides all the conformity that had been of former times enacted , there might be some new conditions imposed on those that should have or hold any church livings , such as they assur'd themselves , that rather than swallow , the nonconformists would disgorge all their benefic●… . and accordingly it succeeded ; several thousands of those ministers being upon one memorable day outed of their subsistence . his majesty in the meantime , although they had thus far prevail●…d to frustrate his royal intentions , had reinstated the church in all its former revenues , dignities , advantages , so far f●…om the authors mischievous aspe●…sion of ever thingking of converting them to his own use , that he restored them free from what was due to him by law upon their first admission . so careful was he , because all government must owe its quiet and continuance to the churches patronage , to pay them , even what they ought . but i have observed , that if a man be in the churches debt once , 't is very hard to get an acquaintance : and these men never think they have their full rights , unless they reign . what would they have had more ? they roul'd on a flood of 〈◊〉 , and yet in matter of a lease , would make no difference betwixt a nonconfo●…mist , and one of their own fellow sufferers , who had ventu●…'d his life , and spent his ●…state for the king's service . they were 〈◊〉 to pa●…liament , and to take their places with the king and the nobility . they had a new liturgy ●…o their own hearts desire ; and to cumulate all this happ●…ness , they had this new law against the fanaticks . all they had that could be devised in the world to make a clergy-man good natur'd . nevertheless after all their former suffering●… and after all these new enjoyments and acqu●…sitions , they have proceeded still in the same tra●…k . the matrer of ceremonies , to be sure , hath not only exercised their antient rigor and severity but hath been a main ingredient of their publick discourses , of their sermons , of their writings . i could not ( though i do not make it my work after 〈◊〉 great example , to look over epis●…les de●…icators ) but observe by chance the title page of a book ' to●…herday , as an e●…bleme how much some of the●… do neglect the scripture in respect to their darling ceremonies . a rationale upon the book of common-prayer of the church of england , by a sparrow d. d. bishop of exon. with the form of conse●…ration of a church or chappel , and of the place of christian buri●…t . by lancelot andrews late lord bishop of winchester . sold by robert pawlet at the sign of the bible in chancery lane. these surely are worthy cares for the fathers of the church . but to let these things alone ; how have they of late years demean'd themselves to his majesty , although our author urges their immediate dependance on the king to be a great obligation he hath upon their loyalty and fidelity ? i have heard that some of them , when a great minister of state grew burdensome to his majesty and the nation , stood almost in defiance of his majesties good pleasure , and fought it out to the uttermost in his defence . i have been told that some of them in a matter of divorce , wherein his majesty desired that justice might be done to the party agriev'd opposed him vigorously , though they made bold too with a point of conscience in the case , and went against the judgement of the best divines of all parties . it hath been observed , that whensoever his majesty hath had the most urgent occasions for supply , others of them have made it their business to trinkle with the members of parliament , for obstructing it , unless the king would buy it with a new law against the fanaticks . and hence it is that the wisdome of his majesty and the parliament must be exposed to after ages for such a supoeer●…eation of acts in his reign about the same business . and no sooner ean his maje●…ty upon his own best reasons try to obviate this inconvenience , but our author , who had before our-shot sibthorp and manwaring in their own bows , is now for retrenching his authority , and moreover calumniates the state with a likelihood , and the re●sons thereof of the return of popery into this nation . and this hath been his first method by the fanaticks raising disturbance : whereupon if i have raked farther into things than i would have done , the author's indiseretion will , i hope , excuse me , and gather all the blame for reviving those things which were to be buried in oblivion . but , by what appears , i cannot see that there is any probability of disturbance in the state , but by men of his spirit and principles . the second way whereby the fanatick party , he saith , may at last work the ruine of the church , is by combining with the atheists , for their union is like the mixture of nitre and charcoal , it carries all before it without mercy or resistance . so it seems , when you have made gun-power of the atheists and fanaticks , we are like to be blown up with popery . and so will the larks too . but his zeal spends it self most against the atheists , because they use to jear the parsons . that they may do , and no atheists neither . for really , while clergy men will , having so serious an office , play the drols and the boon-companions , and make merry with the scriptures , not only among themselves , but in gentlemen's company , 't is impossible but that they should meet with , at least , an unlucky repartee sometimes , and grow by degrees to be a tayle , and contempt to the people . nay , even that which our athour alwayes magnifies , the reputation , the interest , the seculiar grandure of the church , is indeed the very thing which renders them rediculous to many , and looks as improper and buffoonish , as to have seen the porter lately in the good doctors cassock and girdle . for , so they tell me , that there are no where more atheists than at rome , because men seeing that princely garb and pomp of the clergy , and observing the life and manners , think therefore the meaner of religion . for certainly , the reputation and interest of the clergy , was first gained by abstracting themselves from the world , attending their callings , humility , strictness of doctrine , and the same strictness in conversation ; and things are best preserved by the same means they were at fi●…st attained . but if our author had been as concern'd against atheisme , as he is against their ●…isrespect of his function , he should have been content that the fanatick preachers might have spent some of their pulpit sweat upon the atheists , and made a noise in their ●…ars , about faith , communion with god , attendance upon ordinances , which he himself jea●… at so pleasantly . neither do i like upon th●… same reasons his manner of discourse with the atheists , where he complains that ours are not like those good atheists of formertimes , who never did thrust themselves into publick car●s and concerns , minding nothing but love , wine , and poetry . nor in another place , put the case the clergy were cheats & juglers , yet it must be allowed they are necessary instruments of state to aw the common people into fear and obedience , because nothing else can so effectually inslave them ( 't is this it seems our author would be at ) as the fear of invisible powers , and the dismal apprehensions of the world to come : and for this very reason , though there were no other , it is fit they should be allowed the same honour and respect , as would be acknowledged their due , if they were sincere and honest men . no atheist could have said better . how mendicant a cause has he here made of it ; they will say , they see where the shoo wrings him , and that though this be some ingenuity in him , yet it is but little policy . nay . perhaps they will say , that they are no atheists neither , but only , i know not by what fate , eve●…y day , one or othe●… of the clergy does , or saith , some so redi●…ulous and foolish thing , or some so pretty accident befals tha●… that in our authors words , a man must be very spl●…tick that can refrain from laughter . i would have quoted the page here , but that the author has , i think for evasion sake , omitted to number them in this whole preface . but whether there be any 〈◊〉 or no , which i question nore than witches , i do not for all this , take our author to be one , though some would conclude it ou●… of his principles , others out of his expressions . yet really , i think ●…e hath done that sort of men so much service in his books , by his ill handling , and while he personates one party , making all religion re●…iculous , that they will never be able to requi●…e him but in the same manner . he hath ope●…ed them a whole treasure of words and sentences , universally applicable ; where they may ri●…e or ●…huse things , which their pitti●…ul wit , as ●…e call●… it , would never have been able to invent and flourish . but truly , as the simple parliment 5●… eliz. never imagined what cons●…quence that clause in t●…e wednesday 〈◊〉 would have to puri●…anism , neither did he what his per●…ds would have to atheism ; and yet though he is so more excusable , i hope , i may have the same leave on him , as he on that parlia●…nt , ●…o censure his impertinence . to cl●…se this ; i know a lady that chid her master of the horse for correcting the page that had sworn a great oath . for , saith she , the ●…oy did therein show only the 〈◊〉 of his courage , and his acknowledgment of a 〈◊〉 . and indeed , he ●…ath approv'd his religion , and justified himself from atheism much after the same manner . the third way and last ( which i being tired , am very gl●…d of ) by which the fanaticks may raise disturbances , and so intraduce popery , is by joyning crafty and sacrilegious states-men into the confederacy . but really here he doth speak concerning king , and counsellors , at such a rate , and describe and characterize some men so , whomsoever he intends , that though i know there are no such , i dare not touch , it is too h●…zardous . 't is true he passes his complement ill-favouredly enough . the church has at present an impregnable affiance in the wisdom , &c. of so gracious a prince , that is not capable of such counsels , should they be suggested to him : though certainly no man that is worthy to be admitted to his majestrus favour or privacy ; can be supposed so fool-hardy or presumptuous as to offer such weak and dishonourable advice to so wise and able a prince ; yet princes are mortal , and if ever hereafter , ( and some time or other it must happen ) the crown should chance to settle upon a young and unexperienced head , this is usually the first thing in which such princes are abused by their keepers and guardians , &c . but this complement is no better at best , than if discoursing with a man of another , i should take him by the beard . upon such occasions in company , we use to ask , sir , whom d●… you mean ? i am sure our author takes it alwayes for granted , that his answerer intends him upon more indefinite and less direct provocations . but our author does even personate some men as speaking at present against the church , they will intagle your affairs , indanger your safety ; hazard your crown . all the reward you shall have to compensate your misfortunes , by following church counsels , shall be that a few church men , or such like people , shall cry you up for a saint or a martyr . still your , your , as if it were a close discourse unto his majesty himself . though if these were the wor●… that they said , or that the author fathers upon them , i wish the king might never have better councellors about him . but if the author be secure , for the present , in his majesties reign , fear●… not popery , not forsaking ●…he church not assuming the church revenues , why is he so provident ? why put things in men's heads they never thought of ? why stirr such an odious , seditious , impertinent , unseasonable discourse ? why take this very minute of t●…me , but that he hath mischief , to say no worse , in his heart ? he had no such remote conceit ( for all his talk ) of an infant coming to the crown . he is not so weak but knows too much , and is too well instructed , to speak to so little purpose . that would have been like a set of elsibeth players , that in the country having worn out and over acted all the playes they brought with them from london , laid their wits together to make a new one of their own . no less man than julius caesar was the argument ; and one of the chief parts was moses , perswading julius caesar not to make war against his own countrey , nor pass rubico●… . if our author did not speak of our present times ( to do which nevertheless had been sufficiently false and absurd ) but writ all this meerly out of his providence for after ages , i shall no more call him bayes , for he is just such a second moses . i ask pardon , if i have said too much , but i shall deserve none , if i meddle any further with so improbable and dangerous a business , to conclude , the author gives us one ground more , and perhaps more seditiously insinuated than any of the former ; that is , if it should so prove , that is , if the fanaticks by their wanton and unreasonable opposition to the ingenious and moderate discipline of the church of england , shall give their governours too much reason to suspect that they are never to be 〈◊〉 in order by a milder , and more gentle government than that of the chu●…ch of rome , and force them at last to scourge them into better manners , with the briars and thorns of th●…ir discipline . it seems then that the discipline contended about , is worth such an alteration . it seems that he knowes something more than i did believe of the design in the late times before the war whom doth he mean by our governours ? the king ; no , for he is a single person . the parliament , or the bishops . i have now done , after i have ( which is i think due ) given the reader , and the author a short account how i came to write this book , and in this manner . first of all , i was offended at the presumption and arrogance of his stile ; whereas there is nothing either of wit , or eloquence in all his books , worthy of a readers , and more unfit for his own , taking notice of , then his infinite tautology was bur●…ensome , which seem'd like marching a company round a hill upon a pay-day so often , till if the muster master were not attentive , they might r●…ceive the pay of a regim●…nt . all the variety of his treat is pork ( he knows the story ) but so little disguised by good cookery , that it discovers the miserableness ; or rather the penury of the host. when i observed how he inveighs against the trading part of the nation , i thought he deserved to be within the five mile act , and not to come within that distance of any corporation . i could not patiently see how irrevorently he treated kings and p●…inces , as if they had been no better then king phys and king ush of b●…anford i thought his profanation of the scripture intolerable ; for though he alledges that 't is only in order to shew how it was misapplyed by the 〈◊〉 , he might have done that too , and yet preserved the dignity and beverence of those s●…cred writings , which he hath not done ; but on the contrary , he hat●… in what is properly his own , taken the most of all his ornaments , and 〈◊〉 thence in 〈◊〉 s●…urrilous and sacrilegious s●…ile ; insomuch that were it honest , i will undertake out of him to make a better , than is a more ridicul●…s and 〈◊〉 book , than all the friendly debates bound up together . me thought i never saw a more bold and wicked attempt , than that of reducing grace , and making it a meer fable , of which he gives us the moral . i was sorry to see that even prayer coul●… not be admitted to be a virtue , having though hitherto it had been a grace , and a peculiar gift of the spirit ; but i considered , that that prayer ought to be discouraged , in order to prefer the licargy . he seem'd to speak so little like a divine in all those matters , that the poet might as well have pre●…ended to be the bishop davenant , and that description of the poets of prayer and praise was better than out au●…hors on the same subject●… canto the 6th , where he likens prayes to the ocean ; for prayer the ●●●an is where diver●●● men steer their course each to a several coast , where all our interests so discordant lye , that half beg winds , by which the rest are lost . and praise he compares to the union of fanaticks and atheists , &c. that is gunpowd●r ; praise 〈◊〉 devotion fit for mighty minds , &c. it s utmost force , like powder , is unknown . and though weak kings excess of praise may fear , 〈◊〉 when 't is here , like powder , dangerous grown , heavens vault receives , what would the palcae tear , indeed all astragen appear'd to me the better scheme of religion . but it is unnecessary here to recapitulate all , one by one , what i have in the former discourse taken notice cf. i shall only add , what gave , if not the greattest , yea the last impulse to my writing . i had observed in his first book , p 57 that he had said some pert and pragmatical divines , had filled the world with a buzze and noise of the divine spirit ; which seemed to me so horribly irreverent , as if he had taken similitude from the hum and buz of the humble bee in the rehearsal . in the same book , i have before mentioned , that most unsafe passage of our saviour , being not only in an hot fit of zeal , but in a seeming fury and transport 〈◊〉 passion . and striving to unhook 〈◊〉 hence . p. 152. of his second book , swallows it deeper , saying , our blessed saviour did in that action take upon him the person and priviledge of a jewish zealot . take upon him the person , that is personam in●… . and what part did he play ? of a jewish zealot . the second person of the trinity ( may i repeat these things without offence ) to take upon him the person of a jewish zealot , that is , of a notorious rogue and cut throat . this seemed to proceed from too slight an apprehension and knowledge of the duty we owe to our saviour . and last of all , in this preface , as before quoted , he saith , the nonconformist preachers do spend most of their pulpit-sweat in making a noise about communion with god. so that there is not one person of the trinity that he hath not done despight to : and lest he should have distinct communion with the father , the son and the holy ghost , for which he mocks his answerer ; he hath spoken evil distinctly of the father , distinctly of the son , and distinctly of the holy ghost . that only remain'd behind , wherein our author might surpass the character given to aretine , a famous man of his faculty . qui giace ill aretino chi de tutti mal disse 〈◊〉 d' adido ma di questo si sensa perche no'l conobbe . here lies aretine , who spoke evil of all , except god only , but of this he begs excuse , because he did not know him . and now i have done . and i shall think my self largely recompensed for this trouble , if any one that hath been formerly of another mind , shall learn by this example , that it is not impossible to be merry and angry as long time as i have been writing , without profaning and violating those things 〈◊〉 are and ought to be most sacred . finis . the answer to tom-tell-troth the practise of princes and the lamentations of the kirke / written by the lord baltismore, late secretary of state. baltimore, george calvert, baron, 1580?-1632. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a30606 of text r7851 in the english short title catalog (wing b611). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 112 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a30606 wing b611 estc r7851 12193922 ocm 12193922 55957 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30606) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55957) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 119:12 or 266:e246, no 27) the answer to tom-tell-troth the practise of princes and the lamentations of the kirke / written by the lord baltismore, late secretary of state. baltimore, george calvert, baron, 1580?-1632. [2], 30 p. [s.n.], london : 1642 [1643] dated by thomason 25 february 1643. "tom-tell-troth, or a free discourse", originally published about 1626 (stc 23868), was reprinted in 1642; lord baltimore's answer, written for charles i early in his reign, had not previously been published. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng rupert, -prince, count palatine, 1619-1682. church and state -great britain. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a30606 r7851 (wing b611). civilwar no the ansvver to tom-tell-troth. the practise of princes and the lamentations of the kirke: written by the lord baltismore, late secretary of baltimore, george calvert, baron 1643 19017 118 0 0 0 0 0 62 d the rate of 62 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-06 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the answer to tom-tell-troth . the practise of princes and the lamentations of the kirke : written by the lord baltismore , late secretary of state . london printed 1642. most gracious prince . i know well what reverence subjects owe to their soveraigne , and am not ignorant of the puissance and majesty of a king of great brittaine , believe , i should not presume to write to so great a monarch , if the loyalty of a subject , the honour of your vertues and some particular obligations of my own , did not command me to neglect all other respects , and prefere your safety , honour , and bonum publicum , before any dangers or blame , i foresee may incurre , and the rather because i speake in your owne care only , without publishing or imparting to others that which i delivered unto your majesty , the cause is briefly thus . wandring abroad in the world , i was informed of certaine secret conference in holland , and how to relieve the distressed estate of the count palatine , and i have seene diverse discourses out of england , of the necessity to maintaine the ancient authority of parliaments , how to assure religion from oppression , and alteration , and how to reforme the government there both in church , and common-wealth , audacious arguments , and as insolently handled . i meane not to trouble your highnesse with pedlors stuffe , and so stale wares , as vox populi and votiva angliae , but to inform you of some books ( amongst many others ) t. t.troth . the practise of princes , and the lamentation of the kirke ; which are the works of such boutefeus , as are able to set the whole state on fire , imbroyle the realm and aliene the hearts of people from their prince , for these maskers under the visards of religion , seeke to undermine loyalty , and either to ingage you abroad in forraigne wars , or in danger your person at home in civill ; and yet i write not to confute these learned scriblers ( more worthy to be contemned then answered ) but to advertis your highnesse of them , that by an obsta principiis , you may upon such smoake prepare all things needfull to quench such a fire , when it shall flame , and first breake out , which is may doe when you least looke for it ; for by nature these spirits , are fiery hot spurs , and fitter for any thing , then that they most professe , piety and patience . and that they may plainely appeare in their own likenesse , your highnesse may bee pleased to mark and consider how sawcily and presumptuously they contemne monarches scorne and disgrace them , the emperour tom tell-troth calls a quiet lumpe of majesty ; and in scorne of him , tells his reader he cannot wrong a mouse without the spaniard which i think the k. of denmarke . will not believe , he mocks the k. of france , and tells him he is not old enough to be wise , and that he hearkneth to lying prophets , and to be led by spirits of illusion . the king of spaine he calleth the catholike usurper , and the great ingrosser of the west-indies . and , which argueth a spirit of frenzie , he spareth no king ; for of king iam●s himselfe he delivereth such a character as is both disloyall , and most intollerable . and first touching his maintenance of religion , he taxeth him m●st scandalousl● , that he is only head of the church dormant , there are so many corruptions in it , that he hath more pulled downe the church with his proceedings , then raised it up by his writings and whereas he calleth himselfe defender of the faith , his faithfull subjects ( saith he ) have just cause to question it , for the papists were never better defended , as appeareth by the kings private instruction to iudges , and prohibition of pursevants . and for his inclination to peace ( for which hee was most commended ) they wrest it wholly to his dishonour , and professe they have too much cause to complaine of his unlimited peace , and suspect that his peaceable disposition hath not proceeded so much out of his christian pietie and justice , as out of meere impotencie , and basenesse of mind . besides touching his honour and reputation , he flouts him , for , he saith , a number of defects cover the glory of his raigne , and that the grea● stocke of soveraigne reputation , which our late queene left us , is quite banished , and is to bee reckoned amongst other inventions we ha●e lost through the injury of his time , so as now great brittaine is lesse in glory , strength , and riches , then england was , whereby our adverse parties have the triumph of the time , and he● alledgeth the reasons , because when gundamore taught to juggle , who knew the kings secrets , before most of his councell , so as discontent runs with a seditious voyce over the kingdome . and in contempt of his choyce of a treasurer , they alledge that the merchants feared the court would pull down the exchange because one of their occupation was made treasurer , so a● all things must be bought and sold . but above all other scandalous defamations , the description they make of a protestant king , page 25.26 , 27. is most transcendent and traiterous , let him ( saith he ) excell in mischiefe , let him act nero , phalaris , &c. he shal not need to fe●re nor weare a private coate , for he may have lords temporall for h●s ●unuches , spiritu● for his mutes , and whom hee will for his incubus , and kisse his minions without shame . behold a calvinist , in puris naturalibus ; perfectly factious , and under the cloake of zeale , carnifex , regum , peruse mariana , and all the works of the iesuites , looke as curiously into their acts and proceedings as they were examined at paris , and you shall not find i such paradoxes of mischiefe , and such prophane calumniations of princes , which may parallell and match these , yet i can overmatch them or equall them , for they murmure as much at your majesties own proceedings , neither doth your monarchie o● mild temp●r priviledge or exempt you from their tongue-shot , and the poyson of aspes in their lips . the author of the practise of princes printed 1630. in england pag. 11. saith that the people when king iames died , seeing our king that now is , making great preparations , and for ought we knew with great sinceritie . yet by the practise of the duke and his faction retaining all his fathers counsell , which for the most part were hispaniolized , frenchified , romanized , or neutralized , and suffering some worse , both spirituall and temporall to be added unto them , all those forces were soone brought to nought . things are grown to a great deale worse passe then before , and to the great greif of goodnesse and good men , without gods speciall mercy remedy lesse . this is the picture and portraiture they make of your government , and they dare censure their soveraign , and like mad-men they also rave against your councell pag. 13. what a miserable thing is it to see wicked counsellors get such a hand over the king , that he is wholly ruled by them , neither dares he favour a good man nor his cause further then they admit . thus they currishlie barke against kings and councells , and spitt upon the crown like friends of democracies , of confusion and irregularitie : who , after the example of their master bezas resveille-matin , do here as maliciously defame your father , as he did there your majesties grandmother . yet let us proceed , and dive in●o the bottome , and discover what they ayme at ; it is certaine they intend first to reforme the state , and to suppresse episcopall jurisdiction , and casheere so many places of baronies in the upper house , and yet these men pretend to be friends and patrons of parliaments and order : but by the words of the practise of princes i will make this appeare pag. 17. ministers , saith he , are christs embassadours ; and therefore ought to have free libertie to speake in the word of the lord , to kings an● statesmen ( in good sort ) for things appertaining to the furtherance of christs kingdom : and against such practises as hinder the same , & till they have th●t libertie , princes cannot say rightly that christ hath his embassadours or kingdom received in their courts : which some undertake to prove cannot be till the hiera●chie and dominion of the lord bishops ( never by christ ordained but forbidden ) be overthrown , as dangerous to protestant princes and sta●es , and so he stumbleth on à malo in peius . for first they would overthrow the bishops and councellors , so as pag. 18. he directly saith : out of all which he that will , may see , that the losses , dishonours , and troubles that have fallen to this land , and indeed to our religion , and brethren , in the palatinate , germany , and france , have cheifly sprange from two fountaines , first , a corrupt councell and clergie in england , then from a vaine policie of suppressing such preachers and parliament men as sought to discover the mischeife of treacherie , i need not explaine their words , being plaine enough , nor seek to discover their intentions which the words reveale . and surely the bishops wer blinded if they should expect any favour or good allowance if god should so punish this realme that your majestie should dye without issue ( which god forbid : ) for the successor , these men desire , will deale with them as he did with the luth●rans at prague , and according to the articles 1602. at heidlebergh : totus lutheranismus & eorumliberi de medio tollantur : much more will he abolish rochets and their titles , for their lands sake . notwithstanding this is not all , for though they seeme to tax bishops and councellors , yet they glance ( so farre as they dare ) at your majestie , and though they shoot at them they ayme at your perfidiouslie : for marke their words and ponder them well , pag. 11. men that take gods word for their guide , sc. that all the servants of that prince are wicked that hearken to lyes , they say that things can never go well with the religion and state of england , till the councell , which hath been so dukeyfied be in a manner wholly changed , and these men therefore count them fooles , who think not , if god should take away the king issuelesse , and that the injured k. and queen of bohemia should come to the crown things must needs mend , which cannot except the councell were also changed , and made examples to keep others from the like treacherie . so these men ( that take gods word for their guide ) think if god take away the king issuelesse , things must needs mend . surelie it is a speech untymelie and disloyall , and uttered unseasonably , the queen being with child , and if not , yet both of them being young and hopefull , that speech did not become a good subject . but could the state no otherwise mend except the king and queen of bohemia should beare and weare the crown of england it seemeth so by these false prophets : for the councellors must be made examples , and punished for treacherie , and the present king dares not do any thing but what they like , and therefore the scottish minister did of late speake in knoxes tone , and pereus , that princes may be deposed quando gravant conscientias subditorum : and so this hot brayned minister pag. 21. is become a prophet , for he is perswaded ( as he saith ) that who so live but a few yeares shall see a greater rott of nobility and prince-like clergie then ever was seen in this land ; which he gathereth from the never fayling word and truth of god ( as his words import ) so then it seemeth , that great rott must be when the king dyeth issulesse ( and so they divine of your majesties death ) and that is the day of the lord they pray for . they look for the rising of another sunne ( which is treason to do ) before this be sett which now illuminateth england ; and god grant it may long and gloriously shine there . i think surelie these men aliquid monstri alunt , for they trust too much to faction and to a strong side , for as t.t.t. said , in taverns ten healthes for one are drank to you forraigne children more then to you , and many weare ribbands and favours as marks of their homage and loyalty to the messias they look for . i seeke not to prejudicate the innocent , but to advise your majestie to use all due circumspection , and be well armed against all treacherous plotts and projects : for no tone sounds so ill in kings eares as aspirations and i know well that in queen elizabeths time , the oath of association was publickly tendred to all subjects for a lesse dangerous cause , and against them that were in prison and miserie , who had no such tutors and school-masters as the hollanders are , such quick-silver ministers as the brood of the palatinate , we are not now troubled so much with mar-prelats as with mar-kings ( which is an accident unseparable from calvinisme ) which never got sure footing in any country , but desolation followed . your majestie may be pleased to call to mynd , and set before your eyes how miserably your grandfather was made away of the disciples of knox , and how your grandmother , who had as good right and footing in scotland , as you have in england , was deposed by the same spirits . remember also in what danger king francis the second of france did stand by the conspiracie of amboys , and his brother charles at meaux by those calvinists , praecones turbarum . i speake nothing of swedland , nor of the count of east-freizeland , whom not â seditione , ferè totâ diditione pepulissent as heisekenmus , a learned lutheran writeth , and i will c●nclude all with the reasons of these calamities and tempests raised by the consistorians , which sebastian castalio giveth , l. de praedestinat . ( a man once nearely allyed to calvin in divers opinions ) who maketh a difference between the true god and the god of calvin . he teacheth us that calvins god ingendreth children without mercie , proud , insolent , and bloudie , and that it cannot be otherwise he sheweth causes ; for that calvins god is the author of sinne , ( not by permission only , but efficaciter ) and he predestinated the greatest part of the world not only to damnation , but also to the cause of damnation , and suggesteth to men wicked affections : wherefore if it be true that of malus corvus , mal●m ovum , of evill causes , evill effects , of an evill spirit , evill motions proceed . i cannot marvayle of the tumults of bohemia , of the many battayles and rebellions in f●ance , and the horrible treasons in scotland , and i may well doubt , that the like ( which hath been in other places ) may fall out in england , knowing by whose doctrines they were all guided and bred , by what furies they were inspired , and what god they served and adored , who was the authour of sinne , the badge of calvinisme . but to leave the persons and their errors , and come nearer to the matter , let us enquire what remedies these zealous brethren prescribe to cure the wounds of the state , and salve the kings honour : you have two occasions ( saith tom-tell-troth ) to have the honour of your mayden armes ( for which the old martyrs would have suffered death ) first to reestablish your own children in germany , and next to preserve gods children in france . and there is no way to vindicate your honour but by fighting with him that hath cozened you , and by driving the enemy out of their country : for men hardly think you are their father , for the lamentable estate you suffer them to runn into . how violent and ignorant are these discontented empericks , who appoint remedies worse then the disease ? for no wise man would counsell you to hazard all by taking armes against the two greatest monarches in christendom , against whom you have no just quarrell of your own part , or for the common-wealth . and yet i know that anno 1623. a pamphlet was published without the authors name , intitiled , certaine reasons why the king of england should give over all treaties , and enter into war with spaine : and that for two causes : the one for the prescription of the palatin , which he calls the head of all these evills . and the other for that the spaniards possesse by force the patrimony of the infants , and eject the palatin and his wife out of the same ( contrary to hopes and promises made for their restitution ) and therefore there is just cause why the father should vindicate the honour of his sonne . so here are two motives to perswade the king to breake off all amity and further negotiation with spaine only , and in post to proclaime war against them . the prescription of the palsgrave , and the invading , and detaining of his estate . war and hostility are the meanes prescribed for this restitution , and the finall end of all is , to breake off all treaties , all entercourse and correspondencie with spaine a colerick course certainly , whereof king james approved not , and although they seeme to vilifie and abuse his judgement , yet his speech uttered in parliament was more solid and provident then the precipitation of these projectors . for said he , in matters of this waight , i must first consider how this course can agree with my conscience , my honour , and the justnesse of the cause ; and next , how i shall be enabled to performe the same : a breif speech , sound , and methodicall : for , surely , if the title and crown of bohemia was unlawfully usurped by the palsgrave ( which his wisest and greatest friends sought ever rather to excuse , then defend ) then his prescription was well grounded upon lex talienis , aquum & bonum , and reason of state . and so they would perswade you to undertake the patronage of a quarrell unjust and dishonourable , which would lye as a heavie and sinfull burthen upon the conscience of a pious and just prince . therefore i take this to be the foundation of all these controversies , whether the palsgrave were lawfully and justly elected king of bohemia : for if he were not , you altogether loose , and not vindicate your honour to fight for him , being not a king injured , but an injuror : for no war can be justifiable , but that which is begun upon just and urgent occasions , wherein justice , prudence , honour and safety shall beare the standard of england . neither were it convenient that england , which hath so long triumphed in her peace and prosperitie , should now thus rashlie be drawn fatally to maintaine the errors of ambition , and a quarrell unnecessary for you , not properly pertaining to england , nor to your majestie , but by consequence and participation . chap. 2. that ferdinand was lawfully elected king of bohemia . and although , i doubt not but that your majesty hath read some partiall breviat of the cause and state of this businesse , yet i will be bold to lay open the truth of it breifly , without glosse or partialitie , or respect to either partie , fearing neither , nor having any other end , but that your highnesse may not erre with the multitude by misinformation . ferdinand sonne of archduke charles , and nephew to the emperour , was elected king of bohemia an. 1617. by an assembly of the states of prague , upon the emperours summons ; when mathias declared that seeing his glasse was almost run , to leave the kingdom setled in peace , and to prevent all civill dissention , he requested that after his decease , they would agree to accept of ferdinand for his successor ( whom for his vertue and piety he had adopted his sonne ) provided that during his life , without his speciall commission , ferdinand should not intrude himself into the government of his realme , and should also take his oath to ratifie and confirme the priviledges granted to the country . hereupon the 7. of iune the three states of bohemia gave this answer to the emperours proposition , that for his request , and for the fatherly affection that he did ever beare to that kingdom , they consented and agreed to accept ferdinand for their king , and thereupon they assigned the 24. of iulie for the day of his coronation at prague , upon which day this decree was solemnly read , and the states assembled being asked ( according to custome ) by the cheif burgrave , if any did dislike , or could shew cause to contradict this free election , they all freely and orderly with a generall applause approved it , and upon that so good warrant the burgrave proclaimed ferdinand king of bohemia , and offered unto him ( as their custome was ) a certaine contribution of his inauguration . so here is an election made , frequenti senatu , & plenâ curiâ , the emperours assent ( who was king in esse ) a consent of the states in a generall assembly , and modo & formâ according to law and custome , and ferdinand himself was present , and brought upon the stage to take the oath usually ministred to his predecessors , and to conclude the whole country acknowledged his regality by doing really the homage unto him , so as no defect was in the proceeding , no competitor , no barre or opposition to his claime , neither was there any packing or partiality in the election , and by this solemnity he was created actually king , and albeit his government was not to commence , untill after the death of mathias , yet the royalty he had in esse , their oathes at his coronation , their homages , and their contribution was a full confirmation of his title in presenti , ( and the rather because the states themselves did him all the honour appertaining to their king ) so he was more then an heir apparant , for they could not undo that which they had done , and dispence with their oathes , no more then henry the second of england could unking henry his sonne ( though he take armes against him ) because he was created king by order and authoritie . besides , after this election , by the emperours investiture , being possessed of the electorate of bohemia , it stood as reall livery and seisin of his right , honour , and jurisdiction , which no man could avoid or defeate , and furthermore , there is extant one letter from the states , and two from the directors themselves , written in the life time of mathias : which were sent to king ferdinand , wherein they all give him the title of king of hungaria and bohemia , and call him their good lord and prince , and moreover they all promised to provide him a crown fitt for their king and lord , so soone as god should take to his mercy the emperour mathias , therefore if the state only had absolute power to elect their king : then was ferdinand , orderly , generally , and freely elected : and if they had not such power , how had they power afterwards to create another ? how could the power serve the turne for frederick and be defective for ferdinand ? chap. 3. that the crown of bohemia is not only elective . bvt because camerarius and pl●ssen ( the unhappy advocats of an evill cause ) labour to defend a paradox , that the kings of bohemia are only elective ( which if it were true doth not prejudice ferdinand whom the state have elected : ) and the palatines own declaration printed 1619. cur regns bohemia regimen in se suscepit why he usurped the title of king of bohemia , alleadgeth that ferdinand , leges regni fundamentales ever i● , & privilegia provinciarum , quas sibi subjugare voluit velut bared tarias , cum libera erant electiones . the which assertion was very frivolous , seeing ferdinand holds bohemia by election aswell as by inheritance : for it is evident by all laws , customes , records and histories of that country , that since bohemia was a kingdom , the crown and electorate have passed , not by election only , but also by inheritance and succession , and all antiquaries have derived and drawn from vratist●vius primus anno 907. by eight descents the inheritance of that realme , succeeding in one line and familie , and therefore as we deny not a forme of election , so cannot cam●rarius deny the verity of succession . againe when vratislavins the second was created king by henry the fourth emperour , the dominion continued still in the same race and blood for many descents , jure successionis & electionis : and when phillip the emperour created primislans othocarus king of bohemia and crowned him at mentz an. 1197. ( when for a time the title of a king had been suspended ) the crown and scepter continually remained as incorporated into that stock and familie for many yeares after . moreover carolus the fourth was both emperour and king of bohemia , and from him and his issue the crown descended to vladislaus , since whose time the kingdom hath ever remained by succession in that familie without discontinuance o● interruption , except when podilradius a hussite , by practise , sedition and forcible entrie usurped the crown . but to omitt other reasons . women and daughters have often inherited the crown ; and is it not probable that they had it by election only but admitt bohemia ever heretofore had been elective , yet are the states of that country restrained by law never to elect a stranger king , but when the●e is none of the blood royall left in remainder . and that i prove by an authenticall record , the decree of carolus the fourth , wherein it is said , electionem regis bohemia , in casu & eventu auntaxa quibus do geneal gia , progenia aut pros p●a regali bohemia masculus vel femella superstes legitimus nullus fuerit oriundus ( quod deus avertat ) vel , er quemcung , al um modum vacare contigerit dict●m regnum , ad praelatos duces , principes , & barones , nobiles & communitat●m dicti regni & pertinentiarum e , usdem , decernimus rite & legitimè in perpetuum pertinere . so here is granted a power of election , but limited by a duntaxat , to make that free election , only when all the branches of the tree are fallen , and none remaineth of the stock . and let no man object , that ancient customes cannot be altered by imperiall constitutions , for here the emperour interpreteth the priviledges of former emperours , and declareth in what sence they are given : exponit , non abrogat consuetudinem . besides ( 70 aur bvllae the fundamentall law of the empire ) it is enacted , that all the electorships should descend by inheritance ( wherein bohemia was comprehended ) and that for want of heires bohemia should not escheate to the empire , as other seignories of the electors did , but that the states of the kingdom should make choice of their king . and because practise and custome are the best interpreters of laws , i will shew an example . sigismond the emperour ( grandfather of carolus the fourth ) being king of hungaria and bohemia , called an assembly of both states of both kingdomes at snoyma a towne in moravia , where he put in his sonnes claime , and required them , for the better setling of the government , to accept and acknowledge for his successor albert of austria ( who had married elizabeth his only daughter , and heir of both realmes ) so to establish that by consent which was his right by law ; and why they should do it he gave them this reason , because by the marriage of mary , the undoubted heir , he himself possessed hungaria in her right , and his grandfather john inherited the crown of bohemia in his wives right , both which are confrmed by the testimony of dubravius l. 27. histor. bohemia , and by francisc . resieres , c●m . 4. besides dubravius l. 28. relateth that p●tasco ( embassadour from the states of bohemia to frederick the emperour perswaded him , ut sumeret sibi regni gubernicula and make himself king , in respect he was the principall of that stock , and roote of the tree of austria , id quod ei licebat , said he , ex antique sedere inter bohemos & austrios icto , de successione regni , the which pact was called pactio iglaviensis , made between rodolphus primus , and primislaus , the summe whereof was this : vt nullo relicto haere●e regni bohemiae , ad rodolphi posteritatem regnum deferatur . so here is an argument cited to authorise the same , which had been an idle part , and a frivolous argument if no other prince should weare the crown but one elected by the states only , without regard of his blood . and although to dazell the eyes of men , some have objected , that ferdinand the first did sollicite the states in his life time to elect his sonne maximilian , and maximilian used the like mediation in the behalf of rodolphus his sonne , which proveth the states had power to chuse their king . i answer . the times were then troublesome , and the country dangerously infected , and so as it was probable that factions in religion would breed factions in the state : and therefore , seeing abundans caut . la non nocet , to prevent all sinister practises , they provided wisely to settle their successor in assurance and security with advice and consent of the kingdom : the which they did in their life time by way of request , because the states of bohemia were not yet bound to settle the heires : for haereditas non est viventis sed defuncti : heires are ever in expectation till their parents dye , and when they take possession they cease to be heires and become owners . besides , it is no good argument , because the consent of the states were demanded , therefore succession hath no place : for all well governed kingdoms , successive , have also a shew and a forme of election . in england king henry the second requested the consent of the parliament , that in his life time he might see his sonne crowned king , so did king edward the third sollicite for rich. 2. and when rich. 3. was elected king , the words of the act are , we do chuse you our soveraign lord and king , ex rotul . parl. 1. r. 3. therefore it is plaine that election doth not exclude succession , but succession guideth the election . for in the same record this is expresly added ; it is agreed by the three estates that k. rich. 3. is lawfull king of england by inheritance , and due election . so as inheritance and election are not two things incompatible , especially in those kingdomes , where custome hath given a royall prerogative to the blood of a familie . but yet i will make the matter clearer . anno 1547. it was enacted in bohemia ( as by the record appeareth ) that according to the edict of carolus quartus , and the order of vladislaus , and to the literae reversales of ferdinand 1. the states should ever and only proceed , and no otherwise . and the states of bohemia cannot now claime any such laws , liberties , or customes , to eject a king out of the right line and familie , wherein the crown hath been so long invested , specially till the issue be extinct : for , by the words of the law , non aliter eis competeret libera electio : and whereas they tell a tale of a custome in bohemia to chuse strangers , and the sonnes of the king of poland ( eminent for their vertue ) they may aswell tell a tale of amadis de gaule . and for that which aeneas silvius reporteth of carolus the seventh of france , sternbergius was the primus motor of that to the king of france , to avoid a mischeif by an hereticall intrudor , who desired that a catholique prince might prevent george podibradius an hussite , who ( as he did foresee ) was like by violence to usurpe the crown , as appeareth by dubravius l. 30. and although i confesse that the champions of this cause , artificially lay their colours , yet can they not make black white , but as iuglers only make it seeme so to others . for this my last argument is unanswerable . the princes electors , when the states of bohemia laboured at franckford that they would not accept ferdinand as an elector , but suspend his voice , quod nunquam plenarium adeptus est imperium , they rejected them and their motions ; and made this answer to the bohemians ; that ex cap. 7. au● . bullae , only he who was the lawfull successor of mathias ought to be admitted to the election as king of bohemia : and they so judged it , first because the states of bohemia the seventh of iune 1617. solemnly accepted ferdinand for their king , and confirmed their act by oath : therefore no question ought to be made of his claime and title . secondly they alleadged that jurisdictio electoralis nulli competit nisi regi bohemiae jure haereditario , & nemo alius nisi rex ad electionem unquam erat vocatus . thirdly , they said king ferdinand had lawfully received of the emperour mathias his investiture , the office of electorate , and the cheif cup-bearer , and was put in possession thereof , and further they added , that maximilian the second ( anno 1562. ) was summoned by the name of king of bohemia , and elector , to be at franckford to choose the king of the romanes , and this being in his fathers life time he signed the decree , ( though he had no other election , ceremony , or possession then ferdinand had ) and the like they avouched of rodolphus . therefore , seeing the noblest iudges , ( the colledge of electors ) have adjudged this controversie , by reason , custome , presidents , and law , who will not rather obey learned authority , then be misled by wrangling subtil●y . a● for moravia silesia , and lusatia , ( which maximilian the second did hold ex testamento patris ) they were seignories descended to k. ferdinand the first by inheritance , and though annexed to bohemia , yet as properly appurtenant to the king , and not to the kingdome of bohemia . now , for as much as upon this axis ( vꝫt . the supposed nullity of ferdinands election , and the invalidity of his title in succession ) all the motions and commotions of bohemia were carryed : and seeing the weakenesse of that axis is apparent , that it cannot beare the burthen layd upon it , they have more cause to lament their error then to defend it . chap. 4. for the title of the palsgrave . it remaineth now to demurre upon the title of the palatine , quo titulo ingressus est . wherein i must first humbly , pray your majestie that i may speake the truth freely , and not abuse you or flatter them . he only and barely , upon no other ti●le th●n a supposed election by count thurn , some of the states , and the directors , by whom the crown was offered unto him , and he accepted it . paenam pro munere poscit . how can this action bee justified ? judge you , how can a second election and contract prejudice a precontract solemnly made and satified with all ceremonies ? and which is no small disadvantage , the twentieth of march , mathias being dead , 1619. the 25. of august king ferdinand was chosen rex romanorum and emperour : and shortly after a few factious subjects conspiring together made the count palatine their king , whom they crowned the fourth o●november after : whose co●onation was no more than raptus helena , and his agents proci alienae sponsae . here is first to bee considered what pretences could be alleadged to dispossesse ferdinand , and divorce him and the realme : secondly , who they were , and by what authority ●he did elect frederick . the count palatine in his declaration printed 1619. cur regni bohemia regimen in se suscepit , alleadgeth certaine cavills , and unmateriall pretences for the same . first , that leges regni fundamentales evertit , & privilegia provinciarum quas sibi subjugare voluit , cum liberae erant electionis , his supposed oppression of their liberties is a scarre-crow , a shew without substance , and already confuted and rejected . therefore two other hainous crimes , and crying sinnes they charge him with , for which he ought to forfeit his claime to the crowne . tyranny and depopulation . tyranny in tormenting their consciences ; depopulations by spoyling the country , with hostility contrary to his oath . for the first they aggravate it , aucta in immensum religionis gravamina , and for the second , vi armorum hostiliter in eos saevitum , magna crudelitate , &c. therefore to excuse their insurrections , ( that they might not be named rebellion ) hee concludeth , quis miratur si , quod indesperatis morbis fieri solet , extremus afflictae provinciae ad extrema remedia descenderunt . these are fictions : for he can produce no greivance in the state which was not bredd by their own impatience and abundance of distemper'd humours . they could never produce any mandate from k. ferdinand , or nominate any who were persecuted upon that mandate , and the law requireth , in rebus prejudicij plenis , plenas exigi probation●s : did ever ferdinand deny tolleration of those o● the confession of auspurgh , or did he ever revoke , or disanull the grants of rodolphus or mathias i beseech your majestie heare an emperour wrongfully accused plead his own innocencie , an 1620. febr. 17. in his ed●ctalis cassatio . nos , saith he , post omnium reg●● privilegi●rum confirmationem , quod promis●rimus , infra quatuor hebdomadas ad manus supremi burgravij missuros pr●misimus . at subditi nostri , benevolam nostram oblationem ne responso dignati sunt . tamen dictae confirmationis diploma , juxtaten-remedicti r. mathiae tot verbis & clausulis ad burgravium transmisimus , idemque etiam baronibu , equitibu , & civibus pragae congregatis . but how did they welcome this faire offer of peace and mercie . the emperour affirmeth upon his honour , non a cepârunt diploma , inducias & armorum suspensati nem spreverunt , literas ejus ▪ epudi●runt : that is ; they by contempt and defiance provoked him to use these extremities , whereof they complaine being vanquished . but to make a closer fight the argument which the palatine useth for the defence of the bohemians will appeare in the right shape of vanitie , if i may weigh it with english waights , and change the name ; and if i may ( to make the judges the better to apprehend ) thus breiflie draw it into forme . the poore afflicted catholiques of england have their greivances dayly multiplied , their estates spoiled , their persons disgraced &c. therefore being driven to such extremities , they may justlie and lawfullie take armes in defence of their religion and libertie ; how will the judges like this reason ? surelie prefe●r me to newgate worthilie : and yet this is the substance of their argument , one iohn of stile is named for the directors . the antecedent of this argument is comprehended in his own words ; aucta i● immensum religionis gravamina . now if this reason be good to move compassion to the bohemian ; so it may for the english . if you object , that the lawes of england punish catholiques , and abolish the exercise of their religion ; so likewise doth the law of the empire and bohemia condemne the calvinists . if you say , for the peace of the realme , the king cannot tolerate catholiques , experience sheweth the like for the calvinises ( whom the empire accuseth of heresie , schisme , and innovation ) which last , cannot justlie be imputed to the catholiques . and touching the consequent , it is the palatines own conclusion viꝫ : quis miratur , si quod in desperatis morbis fier solet , ad extrema quoque remedia descenderant : so if the catholiques should follow the palsgraves opinion and advice , ind●speratis morbis ; that is in violent persecution ; they may lawfullie take armes and defend themselves ; but they are otherwise catechized , and better instructed in the school of true patience and humilitie , and practise , doctrine , and conscience to draw in the yoake of our saviour . they object also ▪ that the emperours councell prohibited the exercise of their religion , and pulled down two churches lately edified for that use ; one in the town of brunaw ( where , in despight of the abbott cheif lord of the soyle , they presumed to erect a temple ) and the other at clostergrap , belonging to the archbishop of prague . the emperour mathias , upon petition delivered unto him , an 1616. and haveing heard the cause debated , judicially decreed , that they should be demolished , because the building of them was against law , and the contempt of the cheif lords unto whom both the jurisdiction and propriety of the soyle appertained ( as the emperour signified to thurn ) and i doubt not but my lord of cant. would have done the like , had any such attempt been made at croydon by the catholiques of survey . but what is this to ferdinand ? who can justlie charge him with his predecessors actions ? actio m●ritur●oum personâ . but ferdinand shewed too much severity against those reformers in moravia . surelie , he did nothing but by the direction of the emperour , whom it was requisite he should obey and assist ( being chosen his ●uccessor ) both to support his majesties authority , and to ●acifie the troubles of those provinces , so as executing his commission it was not his act but the emperours . but marke their iniquity ; they set all the realme on fire , and cry out against them that seek to quench it , they gave the first blows , and when they are beaten for it they complaine they are oppressed , and hyperbolically exclaime , in eos saevitum est tantâ crudelitate . against king mathias was their first insurrection , and after his death , the directors took armes to barr ferdinand out of the realme , so as he had neither time nor opportunity , or occasion to exercise such cruelty , whereby he should deserve to forfeit his title to the crown , or be condemned for breaking his oath to the states . and therefore the count palatines pretences were insufficient and goutie ; and to say truely , camerarius and his camerado did but ve●nish over the colours ( slovenly hid ) of those tumults of bohemia , and did build their paradoxes upon weake and sandy grounds . and therefore i conclude all with the authority of learned roclester . lib. de potestate papa in temporalibus , who fetts this down as certaine as one of euclides elements , pag. 639. non potest apostolus christianos eximere à subjectione de jure naturali debitâ , aut regem quemquam privare ●ure suo cùm gratia non destruit naturam , & cùm regnum in natura , evangelium in gratiâ fundatur ; sicut evangelium non dat regnum , sic nec auferre potest : and therefore he exclaimeth : tota haec ratio seditiosa est , & proditoria : mul●● udini fraena laxat , & rebellioni viam sterni● . and in the same opinion was doctor bilson in his book of obedience , and doctor marton . now touching the directors , who were the principall persons and agents in this election , two things are to be considered . first , the originall . secondlie , what lawfull authority , and whose commission they had for their warrant . for their originall , it had a beginning in this manner , when the emperour mathias languished at vienna , by a long sicknesse , count fhurn took advantage of the time , and conspiring with many of his confederats , upon a suddaine surprised the castle of prague , the emperours armory , and the court , and in a rage they apprehended his majesties lieutenants and cheife officers of the realme , the president slavata , methansky marshall of the kingdom , and secretary fabricius , whom they cast headlong out of a window forty cubitts high from the ground , who yet miraculouslie were preserved , and afterwards they hollandized bravely , for they took the scepter and crown of bohemia into their own hands : and to make good their tumultuous proceedings , they leavied an army , and took upon them to create new magistrats ( whom they called directors ) to govern the state , and to excuse themselves of these insolencies , they writ their letters to king mathias dated the 27. of march 1618 and alleadge a few poore reasons to excuse and shaddow their proceedings . first , that the president and the rest were enemies to the state , and sought to disturbe the peace of the realme , and also , whereas king rodolphus granted them free exercise of their religion ( which , say they , was confirmed by your majestie ) that these men purposed to deprive us of the benefit of these your grants , and therefore , said they , we were forced for our defence , to enter into league against them : so they oppressed the magistrats before they sensibly felt the smart of persecution , and to prevent a thing only purposed ( as they gave out ) they really & actually rebelled . but this was only a cunning shift : for they practised to draw the provinces of moravia , silesia and lusatia to joyne with them , and not content to keep themselves within the limits of bohemia , they did rise a degree of mischeif higher , and sollicited the upper austria ( the emperours own inheritance , and no way subject to their directorship ) to runn the like desperate course with them , as if their end and scope had been to set all the empire in combustion , and to have a king and a religion of their own edition . although these excesses of disorder were inexcusable to be offered to the emperour ( whom in their own letters they acknowledge to be á deo sibi prastitum regem & dominum , ac magistratum clementissimum ) yet king mathias with great mildnesse and clemencie sought to pacifie rather then to provoke their furies : and therefore on the 6. of iune 1618. he answered their letters thus : that it did not become subjects to take armes against his lieutenants ( though they had offended before they did complaine of their injuries received , and sought redresse by order of justice : for he protested he never intended to abrogate or suspend their priviledges , or revoke his letters of tolleration , and therefore they did him injurie without better grounds to forge such slanders against his governour . and further he promised to compound all quarrells , and ease their greivances by a moderate course of commission . lastly seeing there appeared no enemies in bohemia to molest and persecute them , he advised them to dismisse their armies , and levie no more forces , and he assured them reciprocally he would dismisse his souldiers , cui causam ( said he ) dederat vestra conscriptio , and for the better assurance he vouchsafed to write unto them againe the 18. of june , and a third time also to ratifie what he had graciouslie promised . to all which letters they never returned thankes nor answer , but like salvages , marched to budvise and comotonium where they compelled the magistrats to revolt from the government of the castle , and ( which was a treason in the highest degree ) they took carleistein , where the kings crown and treasure were kept , they deposed the burgrave , seized upon the kings rents and revenues , and converted all to their own use , which was an apish imitation of the union of vtreche . so here is riott in the beginning , tumult in the proceedings , and treason in all . but now for the lawfull authority of the directors , whence had they their lawfull vocation and commission ? they took upon them an absolute power , more like tribuni plebis , then officers of the crown , nay a more high power , to degrade a new king , and at their own pleasures to create such magistrats as they liked , and to dispose at their pleasures the crown and the kingdom : a power unknown in any orderly state , greater then the ephori and hermostae of the lacedaemonians , or the archontes of athens , or highstewards of england ( who notwithstanding were ordinary and lawfull magistrats , and established by consent of the states ) but these arrogate and usurpe a power to degrade old kings , and create new ( a transcendent prerogative which no wise state will admit , nor trust any subjects with such unlimited power , ) and if they be not magistrats , idolum nihil est : and if they be magistrats , i follow the bishop of rochesters judgment ; à superiore est potestas eorum , & ab eo solo destitui possunt , à quo instituuntur ; answer me then categoricallie : were they chosen by the king or states generall ? or were they his lieutenants , or regents in his absence , or procuratores regni ? no such thing , no commission , no durante beneplacito , no authoritie appeareth , no power from those that had power and superioritie to grant it . neither were they chosen by the kings and states of the countrie , but by assemblies of a faction , who contrary to order and custome , presumed to usurpe authoritie , and domineere over the countrie : the king is the head of the state , the clergie a part of the state yet neither was the king , nor the archbishop of pragu , nor the bishops of the realme , the chancellor , the president of the councell , the marshall , nor the principall secretarie , nor the burgrave , nor most of the nobilitie present , either at the creation of their irregular officers , or at the election of the palsgrave : all this was done by count thurn , and a few seditious persons , who had no power themselves to give such power to others , and could have no supreame power , unlesse they would unking mathias : which no man could do by law , or order : for it is a false paradox , that the states of any kingdom are above the prince , and may bind his hands & depose him . and no man can demonstrate , that the states and directors of bohemia had ever power to depose one and elect another prince . in denmark and poland ( kingdoms meerelie elective ) yet the kings office is to assemble the states , as the emperour doth at the diett and the danes also are bound to choose the sonne of the last king , as they confessed themselves in their apologie 1523. and therefore they did elect schioldus , sonne of that monster , lother king of denmark . moreover , where a prince is soveraign , no subject can be partaker of his soveraigntie , which is a qualitie not communicable , for it resideth in the union of a bodie politique , and if it be devided ( without the princes consent ) it looseth the soveraigntie . an. 42. hen. 3. certain officers were elected , and appointed to see the performance of orders set down by the parliament , and to correct the transgressors thereof , and the kings brethren , and the barons did take their oathes to see the same observed , yet that act had no force till the king consented . 1. rich. 2. ( as ranulphus higdensis testifieth ) constituti sunt ad gubernationem regis & regni , duo episcopi , duo barones , duo baronetti , duo baccalaurij milites cum uno iurisconsulto . yet was this done because of the kings minoritie , and under the name and authoritie of the king . the cheif justice of aragon hath a large command , and the states claime a power , nosque valemos tanto como vos , masque vos &c but this holdeth not to underpropp the usurpation of the directors and their conventicles , for the cheif justice is an ancient and an ordinary officer , established by custome and long continuance , and is allowed by the king , and is deposeable by him : as the king gives the office , so may he take it away from him , as he did from didaco . and seeing all subordinate magistrats have their authoritie , jure humano , & non potestate sua sed alienâ : and seeing these directors of bohemia were not chosen nor admitted by the whole state , but ( which was worse ) usurped an authoritie inconsulto rege , i may say of them truelie whom these usurpers elected , that which god himself said osee 8. ipsi regnant , & non ex me , principes extiterunt , & non cognovi eos . and therefore i will conclude , that this election of the count palatine was contrary to law and reason , being made by conspiratours ( who usurped an authoritie which they lawfullie had not ) and by private men and not by the king , nor officers of the realme , nor the generall states . and i the rather hold this opinion ; because king iames , in his oration to the parliament 1620. used these words , very judiciallie , kings and kingdoms were before parliaments , the parliament was never called for the purpose to meddle with complaints against the king , the church , or state matters , but ad consultandum de relus arduis , nos & regnum nostrum concernentibus ; as the writ will informe you . i was never the cause , nor guiltie of the election of my sonne by the bohemians , neither would i be content that any other king should dispute whether i am a lawfull king or no , and to tosse crowns like tennis-balls . besides if the count palatine had been elected in any shew of order , a maine defect yet lyeth as a block in his way : for the aur. bulla cap. de confirmat . regis bohemiae , setteth down this clause , as an essentiall axiome : volentes ut quicunque in regem bohemorum electus sit , accedat ad nos & successores nostros ( which frederick did not ) sua à nobis regadia accepturus , ( which he likewise never did ) and it must be done debito modo & solito , to shew the use , custome and dutie . and to take away all cavills , he binds it with à non obstantibus legibus municipalibus , that the pretence of impostors , the name of liberties , and the title of vicarius imperij might have no place for excuse . and to prove the necessitie of his investiture . read aur. bullae exp. 2. and curia nurimbergh art . 7. & 8. si quis autem principum electorum , aliusve , feudem à sacre tenens imperio , supra & infrascriptus imperiales constitutiones adimplere noluerit , aut iis contraire praesumpserit , ex tunc cateri coëlectores à suo ipsum deinceps consertio excludant ; and surelie the palsgrave had ill councell , and as weak a judgment , to seek to dispossesse the emperour of his right and title , who was to give him the investiture of bohemia , and by disorder to seek a crown also , by men who had no power to give it : by which ambition came the ruine of that mightie familie , who aspiring to a crown it could not rightfullie challenge , lost that crown which it had lawfully long possessed . chap. 5. of the proscription of the palsgrave . now i come to the maine point which the puritans call the head of all these evills , the proscription of the palsgrave ; wherein we must examine whether it were done de jure , or injuriouslie , and whether there be just cause why the father should vindicate the honour of his sonne ; the grounds of the proscription were too solid . for after the assemblie at franckford 1619. where , by the pluralitie of voices , ferdinand was elected ( the palsgrave not contradicting it ) the count palatine took the crown of bohemia ( as it were ) from the head of the emperour , he joyned with the directors , begun this unfortunate tragedie made himself head of the union ( the most dangerous that ever was contrived in germany ) consented to the invasion of the lower austria , and at retz the states being assembled 2. august . 1620. fredericum palatinum dominum & protectorem elegerunt . besides he assisted all the malcontents of the state , and raised armies for his defence , as if he had not been fullie satisfied with the crown of bohemia , except he had likewise dispossessed him of the empire , and forced him to flye into spaine for succour , as it is evident by the records of cancellaria anhaltina . nay the same count palatine in his letters to the duke of saxonie , confesseth that he took upon him the crown of bohemia : first , that the kingdom might not be longer restrained from the exercise of their religion : secondly , that they might enjoy their priviledges : thirdly and cheifly , that the election of the king of the romanes might be in the power and choice of the protestant electors : faire colours on a false ground : zeal to religion out of charity is made to break the peace of europe , and to maintaine the liberties of bohemia , he must needs violate the laws and orders of the empire , and to enlarge the dignitie of the secular electors , he would tread upon all the ecclesiasticall . but to say more plainly , he scorned to hold the stirrup , while the house of austria did mount and surmount him . but to proceed ; was their end only to releive bohemia ? no surely : for they sollicited the revolt of hungaria : they joyned with bethlem gabor the turks vassall : and if you look well into the scope and intention of these correspondents , you shall see a medusaes head . for what was their project ? by the rolls of cancellaria anhaltina , the union intended to give the palsgrave for his share more then bohemia , alsatia , and a part of austria , and to enlarge his dominions with the spoiles of the bishopprick of mentz and spires , the rest of the correspondents purposed to share the fattest morsells of germany amongst them . onoltsback gaped for writzburgh . barl●n thirsted after brysack and to oppresse the poore count eberstein . anhalt hoped to supply his prodigali●ies with brambergh , and some escheats in bohemia ▪ al of them resolved by fire and sword to extirpate pied a pied , the papalty . and blessen i● his letters to p. anhalt 27. november 1619. certifieth him , unitat in conventu noric● bellum decrevisse in catholicas . ecclesiast . invasio , pag. 67. cancellariae was resolved upon , and the deprecation also of tryer , and the surprizing also of that prince electors country , and pag. 131. it was concluded ut adversae partis provincia invadantur . besides , as if they went to cast the empire in a pure mould , and refine the governement , they designed to swallow up the house of austria , whereupon that atheist beth●ehem gabor assured the great turke by his letters , that the palatine and brand●nbergh would not endure nor suffer the advancement of ferdinand . and so did anhalt write to danau besides to weaken austria , the union agreed to assist gabor to ravish the crowne of hungaria and possesse it . moreover anhalt councelled danau by his letters 1619. to surprize a city which should be worth thirty two millions . i wil be breife , and omit infinite impieti●s ▪ never was there any plot so prophane and gracelesse as this one ; sclt : to set open the gates of christendome to the turk , and suffer him to march into the heart of it . i will draw the curtaine and reveale the mysterie of iniquitie , to amaze their favori●●s , and make themselves blush ; for , undoubtedly to bring in the turk to subdue the emperour , is all one as to fight by mahomet to expell christ , yet so did gabor certifie the turk , that al the princes of the union , sultan , et toti nationi mahom●tica corde et anim● , omn a officia fidelissimi praestabunt : and that thortly ferdinand should be forced to abandon germany , and upon this monster the palsgrave so much relyed , asby his letters to him july 13. 1623. appeareth in their chancerie , where he honoureth him with the name of father and gossip , as if yet he hoped for a sun-shine day by his intercession . and that th●se things may not be denyed ( because they had not successe ) wherefore did count thurne ( the author of those tumults ) accompany gabors embassadour to the turk ? onely to crave succour against the emperour , and draw the janisaries into his country , 1622. wherefore did the palsgrave in his prosperity at prague receive a chaous from the turke , and after treaty with him dispatched an embassadour to the port ? and wherefore did he afterward by his letters dated the twentieth three of iuly 1623. and directed to the confederate provinces , advise them to consider de augendo legationis turciae spl●ndore ? and wherefore was john of coelen sent to constantinople by the union ? wherefore did count hohenloe often threaten that the turke should come in to vex their enemies ? whereupon did gabor solicite the grandvizier for aide to prosecute the warres of hungaria ? whereupon did the turke write his letters to the palsgrave , and to the prince of orange , that he had given order for the aide they desired , and exhorted them to take the field couragiously against their enemies meaning the house of austria , &c. they pretend that religion moved them to this , and esteeme nothing for truth but the word , and therefore let them heare sic dicit dominus , cap. esay 30. vae qui ambulatis , ut descendatis in egyptum , et os meum interrogatis , sperantes auxilium in fortitudine phar●nis et habentes fiduciam in umbra egypti . that is as he saith . cap. 31. peribunt qui spe in deum●r licto , c●nfugiunt ad humanum auxilium , what a blindenesse then was this to invite the turke , for their ambitious pretences to march into the empire , and sucke the bloud of christians that favoured the house of austria . and therefore , upon so great and imminent dangers to the church and state , the league was made by the catholike princes at mulhowes in turingia 1620 , for their necessary defence , against which the palatine published an invective , and tearmed it a councell of blood . but to omit all these , who can by law defend or warrant the raising of such an army against the emperour , in the empire , as the palatine had ? or their confederations with yagendorffe , p. aubalt , on lizba●h the marquesse of auspack , durlack , baden , and the duke of wittenbergh , besides the assistance of nurembergh , frankfort , and many imperiall townes ? or the association with holland , denmarke , and the duke of bullion ? or the large contributions which cogmandolo setteth downe to have beene taxed upon each of them particularly from the yeare , 1608. to 1619. against the emperour . what orator then can excuse the count palatine , extenuate his offence , or pleade against his proscription ? specially seeing ( which arrogateth his offence ) that hee still is content to usurp the ti●le of bohemia , and not to renounce it . nay though the duke of baviere sent an herald to the bohemians , they despised his letters , the e●ector of saxony disswaded the states , exhorted and admonished them but surdiscecinet , they would listen to no pacification . the emperour himselfe wrote his moniteriall letters unto them , but the palsgra●e too obstinately refused all , for a crowne is an infectious and tempting baite , and as men stung by scorpions which breed the infection , so nothing pleased ph●eton and his aspiring ambition , but to guide currum solis , rather desirous to dye then live losser then a king . therefore the emperour had just cause to proscribe him , and publish the bann . if you aske whether for the order of proceedings it were lawfully done , i answer , that the cause is already judged where the offence was committed , for in the imperiall-diet at ratisbone the embassadors of the duke of saxony ; and the m. of brandenbergh ( electors ) and lewis lantgrave of hessen , made this answer to the emperours propositions , anno 1624 , that they condemned the hostilities of mansfield , and the proceedings of the hollanders a westphalia , and so in their consciences that they condemned the practises and proceedings of the palsgrave , and they acknowledged that the emperour had cause to publish the bann , because they would not give eare to the councell of the electors , nor cease to assaile the emperour in his owne territories , but still disturbe the peace of the empire , and the ecclesiasticall electors joyned with them , that all of them had deserved the bann , both for the causes aforesaid , and for prosecuting the emperours principal officers of bohemia , and for soliciting the turkes ( enemies of christ ) to invade the west empire , and put the whole state in danger and confusion . so here is the decree and judgment of the electors themselves , peeres to the vicarius imperij , and his iudges without appeale : and here is also a concurrence of the whole diett , although charles the fifth proscribed great iohn , frederick and the lantsgrave who never pleaded that in barr , that they were not justly condemned because not by their peers . but let the law it self determine the question . first , for his dignitie , there is no doubt to be made by the feudall constitutions , for by aurea bulla it is forfeited , tit. 1. & 10. the which was made by carolus the fourth imper. ex communi omnium at singulorum electorum & multorum s. imperij romani principum , comitum , nobilium , ac fidelium concilio & consensu . and by farinaecius qu. 116. num . 72. and all lawyers agree , that for rebellion they loose all feuda , old and new inheritance , and expacto , both father and sonne . so gigas l. 3. q. 4. hernia farinaccius de crimine laesae ma●estatis q. 116 , num 80. molina l. 4. c. 11. socinus iu. consil . 65. num 2. l. 3. et in hoc omnes convenire affirmant and gail . l. 2. c. 13. num . 21. de pace publicae . and h. rosentall is confident in this opinion , that the emperour cannot pardonne the sonnes , l. de feud . c. 10. concl . 38. whereunto i cannot subscribe : but to put camerarius by law to silence . and gail . overthroweth all their plots and practises , l. 1. de pace publica cap. 5. in crimen laesae majestatis incidit , qui bellum in imperio sine caesaris licentia gerit , & movet . in what state then standeth he that warreth against caesar himself , and that for his own inheritance ? and to put all out of controversie , he yeeldeth this reason , quia usurpat sibi ea quae sunt solius principis , nam movere bellum ad solum imperatorem pertinet . it is a marke of supremacie and an inseparable prerogative to kings . is vicarius imperij here excepted ? n : for the same man , c. 1. l. 9. saith conditio pa●is publicae omnes omnium ordinum status imperij , majorum & minorum gentium , cujuscunque dignitatis personas aequè obligat . and , that you might not imagine the lawes of the empire are made like spider-webbs , only to catch flyes , and to be broken by great ones , he adds this clause , licet sit contra potentiores promulgata . nay further , here that great antiquarie , and a protestant , goldastus li . tit. 190. who cites this ancient law , nemo inter imperij fines , militum sollicitate , nisi de voluntate ducis istius circuli : curetque side jussione statuum , nihil se contra caesarem , principes subditos , & clientes imperij moliturum . but the directors of bohemia begann this war against the emperour mathias , and the palsgrave and they continued it against ferdinand . and the said goldastus relateth a decree made by the emperour ludovicus pius , against the king of the romans and his confederates , as guilty of a high treason , for attempting against him and the state , for which cause the king was judged to loose his head . and the like iudgement was pronounced by otho 1. against his sonne ludolphus king of the romanes . but i will conclude all with the law of lande-freiden , made by maximil●an the first , pacem publicam armatâ manu violantibus , poena proscriptionis , quam bannum imperiale vocamus , irrogatur , sc●vi●ae necisque . and so i leave this cause rather to be pittied , then disputed , if the offendors had not been too long advocats of their own offences , and had not sought rather to exasperate the victor , then to pacifie him , till it was too late . chap. 6. of king james his not taking armes to vindicate the honour of his son proscribed . having thus curiously examined the grounds and causes of the proscription of the count palatine , and how they stand in law and conscience , without any partiality , neither taking affection to the one part ( whom i know not ) nor to the other ( whom i pittie ) but as the truth of the cause leadeth me , i aske this question : why is king james accused for not taking armes to vindicate the honour of his son so proscribed ? and why should the king of england give over all treaties , and enter into war with spaine , if the palatine be not restored ; being the king of spaine neither did , nor could proscribe him ▪ but the emperour ? for spaine ( as your majestie knoweth ) hath no command in the empire , nor title , nor authoritie . the archduke albert sent aide to king ferdinand his nephew , with the consent of spaine , to aide their familie , and to revenge so intollerable injuries to the emperour in a just cause : first the count bucquoy , and after marquesse spinola ( great commanders ) marched thither , whereof the one with the emperours forces dispossessed and ejected the palatine out of bohemia , the other invaded the palatinate and took possession of it , an. 1620. and verdugo and others his successors did hold it , aswell to weaken the emperours competitor , to discomfort their partie , to force the palatine to relinquish his title ( for arma tenenti omnia ●at qui ●ustanegat ) as also to ingage the same for a pawne , to satisfie the charges of four just a wa● , and to pay the penaltie of an offence so odious . and there is no reason why the king of spaine might not succour the familie whereof he is the root , seeing these lands were the proper possession of charles the fifth , and by him freely given to the family . neither did spaine breake the treatie with england , an. 1604. in any article , by that support , and therfore they shall do well to set the saddle on the right horse , and accuse the emperour for proscribing the pal●tine , and the imperiall diet for ratifiing the same , which no wise man will do . for it cannot bee honourable to justifie an unjust and condemned action , or seeke to take vengeance on the execution of justice on offenders , decreed by the generall consent of the whole empire . and it was wisely said of king iames in his oration to the parliament quis me constituit judicem inter vos ? he were very well ill advised that would perswade the king to fight for the church of bohemia , and undertake to preserve gods children in france , ( as they call them ) by the sword . for , as that worthy iohannis roffensis said lib de potestat . papaec . 20. quis tribunal , illud erexerit in terris , in quo rex de rege , pa● de pari judicet ? iudex alterius regis nemo rex●conditus est , et rempublin rempublicam concitant . i know king iames was defensor fidei ; but in his owne circle and imm●● ; intra quat nor maria : for kings like plannets have their proper spheares and bounds of authority , in which they move proprio motu , and may not extend their prerogative of dignitie into places where it hath no jurisdiction or influence , but by intercession and graces . but spaine hath abused us ( they say ) with hopes and promises given , and not performes , for they keepe yet the palatinate : what do they inter upon this ? to trust no more your enemies , but give over all treaties with them . we expect ( saith tom. t. t. ) to see an armie raised as well as subsidies , and that the king would really and royally ingage himselfe in the right waie . touching the first , the spaniard can restore no more then he hath , and for that it is fit don carolo be heard , who is a man of integritie and plain dealing , the infanta hath ever had a princely compassion of my ladies grace , the countesse palatine : and all her councell can witnesse how really she did mediate , that the town in the palatinate belonging to her dowrie , might by the spaniards be preserved for her , and not suffered to fall into huks●ers hands , and though c. gondamore hath beene much defamed in england for a juggler in this case , yet i have heard by wise men , that he imploied his friends , conferred sincerely with men of action , and imploiment , and used al means he could invent and contrive how to satisfie the king of england but ultra posse non est esse . it is neither the fault nor the fallacie of spaine , and for the restitution of the palatinate , your majestie well knoweth , and i think hath discovered that there is a knot in that businesse which onely the duke of bavaria can untie . the emperour cannot , except he would hazard to loose part of his owne inheritance , ( the upper austria ) and what , if that cannot ( during the duke of baviers life ) be yet effected ; will you breake of all treaties with spaine , for a matter hee cannot compasse , nor prevaile to effect ? will you make a perpetuall deadly feud with spaine , because he cannot yet therein fully satisfie you ? it is a cause neither charitable nor politique , for marke the reason and project of this silly states-man . pag. 13 your children ( saith he ) perhaps may have committed a fault , and though you thought good to purge them , yet to let them still drinke of affliction , you may be thought justus sed crudelis pater . well , how should the king helpe his children , and shew his royall wisedome as well as naturall affection , and regard the kingdome , as well as his cradle ? a secret treasure ( saith he ) lies hid in your peoples hearts , wee will contribute more to redeeme the credit of our nation , then to regaine the palatinate , men and mony are the engines of war , send forces that shall be able to make their way thither . mark i humbly pray your majestie , how ignorance roveth and looseth it selfe , and yet he saith as much as any other can object . if you aske him , shall they march into the palatinate ? no saith he ; there is great difficulty to get thither , the palatinate is ill seated for us to warre in , being remote from the sea , and surrounded with enemies , and the protestant league is beheaded ( which should have succoured you ) and therfore here solveth that you must not confirm the action to the bare palatinate ; for so it will never have an end , but draw it selfe into such a circle of troubles , as wee may look twelve years hence to see two such armies keep one another at a bay in the palatinate , as now they doe in the low countries . so by this his argument , to recover the palatinate , you must not march thither , for the reasons he wisely alleadgeth , for that it is out of your way . is not this man in a labyrinth ? for hee wisheth a thing whereof hee hath no hope , something hee would have done , but he knoweth not what , nor how , what then ? qua spe quo concilis , would he proceed ? heare a counterfeit hanniball speak like a souldier : give the hollanders your helping hand , and lend the palatine an armie to dispose of as he shall see cause . consider well , first , that his plot is to relieve or revenge the palatine , but not to recover the palatinate . i hope your prudence and providence is such , as you wil be assured how they wil imploy this army . for , if the h●llanders must tutor him , they will assaile flanders , or some parts of the empire , or invade spaine , or the indies , and your majesty shall beare the name of the great nimrod , have all the blame and malice of your neighbours , and yet the pala●ine himselfe shall gaine nothing by these sharkers ; who serve onely their owne turne by you both , and when you come to the account and reckoning for the charges , you shall finde neither honour , comfort , profit , thankfulnesse , nor reputation by dealing with them . nay , tom t. t. in all his booke hath but one wise sentence , and that touching them ; the pedlers whom wee our selves set up for use , are become our masters in the east-indies , and think themselves our f●llowes . it is now given out in holland , that your majestie meaneth not to make peace with spaine , but to confirme the treaties made with the hollanders at southampton before the last journey to cales , which report i cannot beleive , for your wisedome may foresee many dangers and inconveniences by it , it is neither for the benefit of your merchants , nor for the wealth of your realme , nor the peace of europe , nor your owne safe●ie . and i beleive france will finde in the end occasions to cast them off , for the gummarists and the huganots draw in one line , have suck't one nurse , and like no royaltie . forget not your amboyna , and the imperious and cruell usage of our merchants in the east-indies . forget not how scornefully they used sir william morison ( your fathers admirall of the narrow seas ) not without apparent contempt of your majestie . forget not how th●y used your sea men , and fishers in gre●neland . and call to remembrance how unthankfully they used qu●ene elizabeth ( their patrone and protectour ) anno 1594 , wh●n she se●t sir thomas bodley to demand the mony she had la●ed out for them . and as if they hated royaltie and the king himselfe , they cause and suffer to bee printed tom tell-truth ; and other malicious libells , and scandalous , to defame majestie , and bring it into contempt , and secretly publish them in brabant and flanders . consider also how presumptuously they only use the fishing on your coasts without licence , and challenge it as a due to them , which the french never durst doe . besides you may discerne clearely what insolency armata semper militia ever groweth unto , and i can witnesse how falsely they dealt with the earle of leicester and my lord willoughby , who was forced to write an apology for himselfe against them . and as for your glorious father , i protest , for all his favours to them , ( which were many and great ) yet how shamefully they spake of him both living and dead , i cannot with modesty relate . nay they have dared to sheere the grasse from under their feete , and laugh at his councell ; and therefore they have planted so many low-country-men in england to serve their turne , who robbed you , and transported all your gold thither , that the states might make their benefit of it , which your starre-chamber can well witnesse : and these men are yours externally , theirs in heart and affection , neither hath your majesty cause to repose too much trust in them , for their astrologer dr. fink long since foretold them of a starre rising out of the east , which i perceive they long to see come into england , that they might adore him . but to speake freely and loyally , it would be censured by forraigne princes , as a great weaknesse in so wise a prince to hazzard your owne safety , and the welfare of the kingdome and the lives of your dearest subjects for a cause so desperate . and on the contrary part , to enter into amity and league with your ancient confederates , with spaine , and all men of judgement , and impartiall , hold it most honourable and profitable . your leagues with the house of burgundy were ever wont to be tyed with a su●e knot and inviolable , even by hen. 2. rich. the 1. and hen 3. edw. 1. bestowed upon fland●rs and brabant great pensions , as it appeareth by the records of the exchequer . edw. 3. loved no nation better , and so did they him . so long as hen. 6. preserved amitye with the netherlands , he prospered , and flourished . yea ( say the enemies of peace ) but now the case is altered , burgundy was then in mediocrity , now it is in extreames , for the king of spaine is growne too great , too potent , and seekes to over shadow his neighbours , and terrifie them with his titles of greatnesse , as if iupiter would ravish europa . these are vaine thunderbolts of fancie : for , the benefites which the realme may reape by peace with spaine ( being well setled ) are of farre more advantage then can any way be expected by joyning with holland . for thereby you shall againe establish commerce and traffique , set all trades on work in the realme , enrich your merchants , advance your staples , ( which bee your maiesties indies ) increase , or at least continue your customes , and so store and furnish your exchequer by peace , which the warres will continu●ally exhaust and draw drie . moreover by this peace , you may better hold holland in awe , and a little restrain their insolency , by a virtus unita , and i see there is need to do so ; if you wil bridle their headin●sse , you must keep them between hope and feare , neither make them despaire of your aide , by entertaining their enemies , nor give them cause to presume , by rej●cting the amity of spaine . and so holding them in suspence , they wil seek by all good offices to win you , for they know that england onely can curbe them , and advance their enemie . and so a state alwaies living in armes must be used , because they are more dangerous neighbours then all others , and want neither will , nor meanes to offend , and by necessity are forced to respect onely themselves , and to use all extreame shifts to uphold so broken and corrupt a state . and for that argument of the greatnesse of spaine , i say it is therefore the greater honour to england , to have so great a prince to seeke and imbrace your amity . philip the third 1604. sent the great constable of castile , with an olive branch in his hand to seeke peace , bury al offences , and reconcile the two kingdoms with a perfect amnestia , here you see their greatnesse is no obstacle to amity , and the rather , because there never was till of late , betweene england and spaine any nationall contention , nor any antipathy between the two crowns : but now there is ; true , but ab initio non fuit sic : and cursed be he that would make variance continue perpetually betweene kings and realmes . but that your highnesse may know how great and entire the love and amity long continued betweene spaine , portugall and england hath been , the records shew , that anno 36. hen. 3. alphonsus king of castile made a league with england for him and his successors solemnly contra omnes homines , which he constantly observed . so as when the french solicited a tru●e betweene them , he denyed cessation of armes , and would hearken to no motions of a treaty , till king edw. 2. did mediate for it , and the knot was so fast tyed betweene these two realmes , that edw. 1. did marrie elenor the kings sister , who proved a deare and loving wife unto him , and plausible to the whole realme , in respect of which contract and marriage , king alphonsus renounced and r●signed to king edw. all his right and title to aquitaine . and his love and amity still increased , for iohn protectour of castile , anno 18. edw. 2. sent a thousand horse , and ten thousand foote to aide the king of england against france , and so afterwards 18. edw 3. before he made his challenge and invaded france , king peter of castile agreed with king edw. mutually the one to aid the other , and the same king made the like league with ferdinand king of portugall . but of all others john of gaunt duke of lancaster , by his actions , his marriage , and his titles , did incorporate in a perfect union these two crownes , as if nature had determined by an holy sacrament inviolably to couple and linke together these three kingdoms , and by an union of blood to confirme that amity ( for of him all the kings of spaine and portugal are descended . ) wherupon , after the civil warres in eng. were ended ( k. h. 7. a politick prince ) sought to match his sonne prince arthur with the lady katherine of spaine , that there might continue a perpetuall succession of consanguinitie between the two crownes , and therefore renewed the old league with philip the first of austria . an. 1505. the which continued warmely and faithfully untill the schisme and unkindnesse of hen. 8. made some variance unfortunately betweene them but all this notwithstanding , they object that the like is not hereafter to be expected of spaine , which by the union and accesse of austria , portugall , and both the indies cannot be contained in any circle , nor tyed by any pact to hold friendship with any prince farther then he pleaseth . these are the scar-crowes of amsterdam , vaine and untrue , for maximillian the emperour after that great union , made a league with king hen. 8. 1507. and held so good correspondency with him , that at turvey he did his maiesty the greatest honour that ever was done to england , to take a hundred crownes a day to serve under his standard , and he further promised king henry to assist and aid him to take possession of the crowne of france . besides , carolus 5. ( on whom the greatnesse and glory of spaine and austria was most eminent and powerfull ) did be not come to visit king henry in england ? did he not make the treaties of entercourse with him , anno 1515. and 1520 ? did he not confirme their amity by the treaty of cambr●y , 1529 ? so as there was a reciprocall and inviolable friendship betweene them , till the kings divorce from queene katherine , the disgrace of his aunt , the schisme of england , and king henries confederation with the french king , did much alien the emperours heart from him : but it was no rooted hatred . for , notwithstanding all his supereminent of titles and kingdomes , anno 1543 they embraced one anothers friendship , and renued it againe , tractatu auctioris amicitiae . and lastly , king edw 6. being dead , the same charles 5. ( as if hee had foreseene how one of these crownes stood in neede of the other ) married his legitimate son to queene mary ; with such conditions as were most honourable and profitable . and after her death nothing but a quarrell of religion ambition , and faction broke the bond , which prudently , and out of his temperate disposition , king philip 3. laboured to tye a new , and binde with a faster knot , if his royall offer had beene as wisely accepted , as by the count of villa mediana it was nobly tendred . by all which appeareth their folly and vanity , that thinke there can be no peace made with spaine , nor articles kept , nor faith nor fidelity observed . but consider , who can oppose this peace with reason . the hollanders will i doubt not , and they have meanes and spies in your court , i dare not say in your councell , as others here confidently affirme that know it : but their quarrell is de capite ; for which they seeke their owne ends , not yours , and though some of your puritan subjects will dare to contradict it ; yet let traffique be heard , and consult with your merchants who can best tell where entercourse and commerce is to be for their most advantage . and i am sorry that so religious a king , and so magnanimous as the king of france , for privatum odium , & singulare commodum , i should lay any block in the way of peace , yet your highnesse knoweth that france hath their particular exceptions and piques against spaine , which no way concerne england , and pretend what they will for your good , it is their owne they seeke , and keepe spaine low , and draw dry their finances , but you shall shew to the world both great policy and vertue to glorifie your judgement , if you can keep them both your friends , albeit , è duobus milibus utrum 〈◊〉 tibi ut , your majesty and councell can best judge . therefore , i beseech your majesty consider what inconveniences may happen to england , if either you should bee councelled to restore the palatine , or revenge his quarrell in despight of justice , whom the law and justice have cast downe . for , cui bonos ? it can be no honour to defend a mans errours , who might have said with albinus , arma ameus capio , let not a non putaram be laid to your charge . the realme hath no such interest in the quarrell of forreigners , but by alliance , and i should pitty that councellours weaknesse , who should advise your highnesse to the contrary ; for nothing is so neere and deare to a king as his crowne , and solus populi supreme lex est , it is not your case , but by consequence and participation , and if you would attempt to restore or revenge him by indirect courses , how are you provided to performe it ? vana est sine viribus ira , and to breake with spaine , and doe the palatine no good , is to damnifie england , undoe your merchants , and blemish the honour of your judgement . chap. 7. reasons why the count palatine is not to bee restored by armes . call therefore ( most gracious prince ) true polici , experience , and vertue to give you councell , and consult whether that your attempt be honourable , falsible , and for a king of england . cicero at rome ( the best schoole of civill government ) being asked his opinion in a case like to this , whether it were good for lentulus and the common-wealth , to undertake the charg to restore ptolomy , and put him in possession of his kingdome , out of which he was ejected , he gave this advise , li . 1. epist familia si exploratum tibi sit posse te illius regni potiri , non esse constandum : si dubium , non esse conandum , and why ? totius facti tui judicium non tam ex concilio tuo , quam ex eventu homines esse facturos , si cecidisset ut volimus et optamus omnes te & sapientur et fortiter , si aliquid est offensum , eosdimillos te et cupidè et temerè fecisse dicturos : apply this to your selfe and you cannot erre , ptolomy was a prince deposed , and to be restored by force of armes ( who had cast his self into the protection of the romanes ) and yet the danger , hazard , and uncertainty of that action did disswade and discourage the whole state . i will shew another president to guide your judgment , neerer to your case . christian the second king of denmarke was deposed by his uncle fredericke , and his owne subjects , his wife isabella sister to charles the 5th . as the palatines wife is to your highnesse , and afterward hee was betrayed by canutus gulderstein ( who promised him in fredericks name security and capitulations ) but notwithstanding he was taken and imprisoned many yeares yet the emperour his brother maintained her and her children very nobly , but though his cause was just , his title without question , his case lamentable , halfnia , malbogia , and both burgers and paisants seeking his restoration , and his cause depending in suite at spires , where he was like to have judgement for him ( as is manifest by the acts and records there ) denmark contra denmark in causa spolij , as melchior geldastus testifieth , yet for divers causes the emperour resolved not to hazard himselfe and his people in a war so dangerous and unnecessary , and for a man of forlorne hope , and especially he himselfe being engaged in other occasions of more importance touching his honour , and safety , hee neglected this , which though it were a crosse to his friends , yet for their good hee was not to neglect himselfe and his state . but , if the practises of your predecessours may bee thought best to guide you , queene isabell , wife to king edw. 2. flying to her brother the king of france for succour against the spencers ( the kings minions : ) the french kings councell advised him to give her money , and leave her to solicite such friends as she could procure , but in no sort to appeare in the action , nor give commission to levie men against the king of england , for so he should give cause to renue the warre , and set france in an uproare and danger , which were a thing incommodious to himselfe , and inconvenient to the state : such was their warinesse and providence to preferre the place , safety , and prosperity of their country , farr above the respect of particular persons , not regarding the queene his sister , so much as his crowne and safety . and afterwards when sir iohn heynault lord braumont , undertooke to restore her , both the heart of heynault and his cheife officers opposed it , as an enterprize of more courage then wisedome , and although good successe made it seeme good , yet it was not so of it selfe , but by accident , for the queene having strong partie in england , ( as now the palatine hath in germany ) the barons sent over the archbishop of canterbury to assure her of their assistance and besides she carried over into england with her solem orientem , prince edw. the kings sonne and heire . it was lately objected to me , that the famous blacke prince aided don pedro king of castile against his subjects who rebelled , and wrongfully expelled him : and therefore king charles ought to doe the like for the aide of his sister . i denie that he ought , and i say also , that the consequence is not good , for the prince aided a lawfull king against rebels , you shall aide a usurper against a lawful king and an emperour , so in the cause there is odds . besides , have you a blacke prince ( the mirrour of all martiall princes ) to be imployed in this expedition ? or have you in spaine or ger. such a rendezevous to let in your forces with facility , as he had in aquitaine ? and besides , you shall break a treaty of peace solemnly sworne , which the princes did not ; i adde also , that valiant cand●is disswaded the prince from undertaking the action : you ought ( saith he ) to be content with the state you have , and not to pull upon you the malice of forreign princes : but prince edwards owne reason why he undertook it , proveth strongly that your highnesse ought not to undertake the like for the palsgrave : for his argument was as heroicall as himself , that he would attempt it for the right heir , who was dispossessed of his inheritance , by one who had no right to it , the which was a matter of honour , and such as the kings son could not endure , because it was a bad president , and a wrong to the royal state of all monarchies , whereupon king edward 3 , his father gave his consent to the enterprize . now , if that argument were forcible to move him , then it is as strong to move you not to assist the palsgrave , either for his restoration or revenge , because hee dispossessed k. ferdinand without any just title or claime , and only upon quirks and cavills . queene elizabeth shewed more wisedome , and taught them a wiser lesson , rather to have protected religion and the country , then to usurp the crowne , and though for the safety of her owne estate she went too far ) yet her colours were wel died , and had a good glosse , although in the end she repented , and sought for peace ( ann. 1588. ) when it was too late . lay this consideration to your heart before you strike up the drumme , and learne by other mens harmes to prevent your owne . when queene elizabeth began to aide the low-country-men , i know she had 700 co . l. in her exchequer , but before the 4. yeare of her raigne , shee was forced to sell her land , her people were taxed with subsidies , tenths , and privy-seals , above two millions and 800000. l. all which the realme lost , and she gained nothing , no not sure and thankfull friends . i wil use no ominous predictions , nor tell you the astrologicall prophecy of litenbergius , who lived above 140. yeares before the battell of prague . i omit how that brave p. sebastian king of portugal ruined himselfe , and lost his k. by iuvenile concilium , by assisting a weak competitor against a strong adversary . the world seeth that man field and alberstate are buried in oblivion , and without a tombe , and nothing prospereth that is undertaken to a perverse end , or without good ground of justice . the magnanimous king of denmark ( albeit tyeko brabe had long before given him faire warning , and a good caveat to looke to himselfe ) yet for his friends sake he hath dangerously run upon a rocke , and hazarded his person , his estate , in land , holst , the lives of his subjects , and his honour , by taking armes against the emperour . first , by assisting halberstat , and after revengeing the palatine , i wonder that so great a prince did not remember , that hee and his predecessours did hold dith-marsh in feodo of the empire , ever since frederick the emperour , and also the dutchy of holsten ( for the which solemnly by an embassador pogge wisch , he did sweare homage and fealty to the emperour ) and yet , which was no small errour , with his owne hands he did in contempt , cast into the conditions of peace offered unto him by the peaceable emperour ferdinand , for which hee may repent too late . but paulus nagel who promised him , mountains in his kallender , hath deceived him as doctor fink did the hollanders , and surely he is felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum . for it is a safe councell that polibius gave , non tantum praesentia spectare , sed et futura prospicere , et quis exitus in de futurus sit . and as niceas advised lib. 7. thucid , temeritas superbiaque populorum injusta bella suscipientium , eos funditus perdit . but claud l. 11. annal. taciti , gave his friends this rule to rectifie all your judgements in this desperate case : princeps , quantumvis graviter offensus , prius securitati suae , quàm vindicte consulat . it is better to digest patiently some wrongs , then stirre to revenge them , and to keepe your owne estate securely guarded , before you seeke to damnifie anothers . and to say truely , it is no policy in you to venture further in these actions then were fit , and it were grosse folly to hazard your owne crowne to recover a coronet for another ( in a time of so dangerous practises . ) and it is necessary to foresees whether the palatine being by force put into possession of his country , the warre may so bee ended , and you may bee sure to live in peace , otherwise you shall enter into a laberinth , and be entangled in a perpetuall incumbrances ( which your father did wisely foresee ) and if onely revenge must end the quarrell , and satisfie you who then shall judge when the quarrell is sufficiently taken . to conclude , for the love and reverence i beare you , i will not presume the councell your highnesse , but to tell you the councel of the state of corsica . lib. 1. thucid non est semper prudentiae velle cum alijs periclitari : sed ubi extra teli factum et periculum tutus in aliorum discrimine , atque etiam post victoriam esse potiris : but how much then more when there is doubt of the victory ? i will put your majesty in mind of true judicious councellours : turpe est ( said hermotinus in thucid ) si quae respublica ut aliam ulciscatur acceptamque injuriam vindic●t , ipsam majorem quam alias parat calamitatem incidat . and how can you assure your state not to run this hazard ? let them not abuse you , and presse you with your honour , for quicquid ex aequitate et justitia faciendum est licet sepè non ex dignitate reipub. fieri videatur , ut bellum et calamitas imminens evitetur . remember that the par. of england advised rich. 2 to do homage for callice and guyen rather then to enter into war . and the most glorious and fortunate prince edw. 3. told the parliament , anno 25. that to avoid the effusion of blood , hee was content to disclaime all the right and interest he had in the crowne of france , quietly and peaceably to enjoy his owne chart . original . de renunciat in thesaur . if this king ( so great and victorious and fortified with an issue borne to inherite fame ) was desirous to imbrace peace upon tearmes of inequality , and disadvantage , though it concerne both the prosperity of the realme , and his own honour . hath your majesty reason to precipitate your selfe and your kingdome into an unnecessary war , to endanger the state , and prodigally spend your treasure ; and that which is dearer , the lives of your subjects , for revenge of a quarrell ill begun , and now in desperate termes ? a wise prince will measure his undertakings by his power , and great attempts need the directions of great judgments . forget not i pray you that hen. 3. was driven to pawn his robes , jewels , and gold of st. edwards shrine , and edward 3. morgaged the crowne imperiall to sir iohn w●senham , a merchant , invadavit magnam coronam angliae , for mony to supply him ( saith record . ) therefore without urgent cause , be not by any giddy councell drawn hereafter to doe injuries to your neighbours , or any more to invade cales or retz . hannibal invaded jtaly , and thereupon came the lest of carthage . king iohn of france invaded aquitaine , and was led captive to england if by invadings , then first , the king of spaine , and the emperor should invade you ( which god forbid ) how can the ill councellours that misled you , satisfie the the realme , and cleare your honour ? or how can they with conscience answer posterity for so much blood of their progenitors shed by reason of their folly . therefore this is my humble supplication and suite to your majesty , that your self would be pleased to peruse and ponder these few lines , and to bee perswaded that nothing moveth me to this scribling presumption , but my owne fidelity , and the love of some of your servants here that pray for your happinesse . protesting and taking god to witnesse that i write by no instruction of forreigners , not for no pension , nor obligation to any forreigne prince whatsoever ; but this hanc animum concede mihi , ut caetera sunto . finis . a second speech of the honovrable nathanael fiennes, second son to the right honourable the lord say, in the commons house of parliament touching the subjects liberty against the late canons and the new oath. fiennes, nathaniel, 1607 or 8-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a41285 of text r8459 in the english short title catalog (wing f878). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a41285 wing f878 estc r8459 12993332 ocm 12993332 96360 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41285) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96360) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e196, no 35) a second speech of the honovrable nathanael fiennes, second son to the right honourable the lord say, in the commons house of parliament touching the subjects liberty against the late canons and the new oath. fiennes, nathaniel, 1607 or 8-1669. [2], 20 p. s.n.], [london? : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng church and state -england. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. a41285 r8459 (wing f878). civilwar no a second speech of the honourable nathanael fiennes, (second son to the right honourable the lord say) in the commons house of parliament. t fiennes, nathaniel 1641 5959 7 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-01 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a second speech of the honovrable nathanael fiennes , ( second son to the right honourable the lord say ) in the commons house of parliament . touching the subjects liberty against the late canons , and the new oath . printed by a perfect coppy , 1641. a second speech of the honovrable nathanael fjennes ( second son to the right honourable the lord say ) touching the subjects liberty against the late canons and the new oath . mr. speaker , now that wee are about to brand these canons in respect of the matter contained in them , it is the proper time to open the foulenesse thereof : and though much of this hath beene anticipated in the generall debate , yet if any thing hath beene omitted , or if any thing may be farther cleered in that kind , it is for the service of the house , that it should now be done . sir , i conceive these canons doe containe sundry matters , which are not onely contrary to the lawes of this land , but also destructive of the very principall and fundamentall lawes of this kingdome . j shall beginne with the first canon , wherein the framers of these canons have assumed unto themselves a parliamentary power , and that too in a very high degree , for they have taken upon them to define what is the power of the king , what the liberty of the subjects , and what propriety he hath in his goods . if this bee not proper to a parliament ▪ j know not what is . nay it is the highest matter that can fall under the consideration of a parliament , and such a point as wherein they would have walked with more tendernesse and circumspection , then these bold divines have done . and surely as this was an act of such presumption as no age can parallell : so is it of such dangerous consequence as nothing can bee more . for they doe not onely take upon them to determine matters of this nature , but also under great penalties , forbid all parsons , vicars , curats , readers in divinitie &c. to speake any other wayes of them then as they had defined , by which meanes having seised upon all the conduits , whereby knowledge is conveyed unto the people , how easie would it be for them in time , to undermine the kings prerogative , and to suppresse the subjects liberty , or both . and now ( sir ) i beseech you to consider how they have defined this high and great point : they have dealt with us in matter of divinity , as the judges had done before in matter of law : they first tooke upon them to determine a matter that belonged not to their judicature , but onely to the parliament , and after by their judgement they overthrew our propriety , and just so have these divines dealt with us : they tell us that kings are an ordinance of god , of divine right , and founded in the prime lawes of nature , from whence it will follow that all other formes of government , as aristocracies , and democracies , are wicked formes of government contrary to the ordinance of god , and the prime lawes of nature , which is such new divinity as i never read in any booke , but in this new booke of canons . mr. speaker , we all know that kings , and states , and judges , and all magistrates are the ordinances of god , but ( sir ) give me leave to say they were the ordinances of men , before they were the ordinances of god . j know i am upon a great and high point , but j speake by as great and as high a warrant , if saint peters chaire cannot erre ( as saint peters epistles cannot ) thus he teacheth us , submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be to the king as supreame , or to the governour , as to him that is sent by him &c. ( sir ) it is worthy noting , that they are ordinances of men , but that they are to be submitted unto for the lords sake , and truely their power is as just , and their subjects alleageance as due unto them , though we suppose them to be first ordinances of men , and then confirmed , and established by gods ordinance , as if wee suppose them to be immediate ordinances of god , and so received by men . but there was somewhat in it , that these divines aimed at , i suppose it was this . if kings were of divine right , as the office of a pastour , in the church , or founded in the prime lawes of nature , as the power of a father in a family ; then it would certainly follow , that they should receave the fashion and manner of their government , onely from the prescript of gods word , or of the lawes of nature , and consequently , if there be no text neither of the old nor new testament , nor yet any law of nature , that kings may not make lawes without parliaments , they may make lawes without parliaments , and if neither in the scripture , nor in the law of nature , kings be forbidden to lay taxes or any kind of impositions upon their people without consent in parliament , they may doe it out of parliament : and that this was their meaning , they expresse it after in plaine termes , for they say that subsidies and taxes , and all manner of aydes are due unto kings by the law of god , and of nature . ( sir ) if they bee due by the law of god and of nature , they are due , though there bee no act of parliament for them , nay ( sir ) if they be due by such a right , a hundred acts of parliaments cannot take them away , or make them undue . and ( sir ) that they meant it of subsidies and aides taken , without consent in parliament , is cleerely that addition , that they subjoyne unto it , that this doth not take away from the subject the propriety hee hath in his goods , for had they spoken of subsidies and aides given by consent in parliament , this would have beene a very ridiculous addition , for who ever made any question , whether the giving subsidies in parliament did take away from the subject the propriety hee hath in his goods , when as it doth evidently imply they have a propriety in their goods ? for they could not give unlesse they had something to give : but because that was alleadged as a chiefe reason against ship-money , and other such illegall payments levied upon the people , without their consent in parliament , that it did deprive them of their right of propriety which they have in their goods , these divines would seeme to make some answer thereunto , but in truth their answer is nothing else but the bare ass●rtion of a contradiction , and it is an easie thing to say a contradiction , but impossible to reconcile it ; for certainly if it be a true rule ( as it is most true ) ●uod meum est sine consensu meo , non potest fieri alienum ; to take my goods without my consent must needs destroy my propriety . another thing in this first canon , wherein they have assumed unto themselves a parliamentary power , is in that they take upon them to define what is treason , besides what is determined in the statute of treasons . they say , to set up any coactive independent power is treasonable both against god and the king , the question is not whether it be true they say or noe , but whether they have power to say what is treason , and what not ? but now ( sir ) that i am upon this point , j would gladly know what kind of power that is , which is exercised by arch-bishops , bishops , deanes , arch-deacons , &c. coactive certainly it is , all the kingdome feeles the lash thereof , and it must needes bee independent , if it be jure divino , as they hold it , for they doe not meane by an independent power , such a power as doth not depend on god . besides if their power bee dependent , of whom is it dependent ? not of the king , for the law acknowledgeth no way whereby ecclesiasticall jurisdiction can bee derived from his majestie , but by his commission under the great seal , which as i am informed , they have not : i speake not of the high commission , but of that jurisdiction which they exercise in their archiepiscopall , episcopall , archidiaconall courts , &c. and therefore if their owne sentence bee just , wee know what they are , and what they have pronounced against themselves . but ( sir ) it were worth knowing what they aymed at in that independent , coactive power , which they terme popular . j will not take upon mee to unfold their meaning ; but wee know doct. beale had a hand in the making of these canons , and if wee apply his paraphrase to the text , it may give us some cleerenesse . j remember amongst other notes of his this was one , that we did acknowledge the kings supremacy , but would joyne unto him an assistant ( viz. ) the people , meaning this house , which being the representative body of the commons of england , and claiming , as it is so , a share in the legislative power , doct : beale calleth this a joyning of an assistant to the king , in whom soly he placeth the power of making lawes , and that it is but of grace , that he assumeth either the lords , or commons for the making of lawes with him . now ( sir ) the legislative power is the greatest power , and therefore coactive , and it is the highest power , and therefore independent , and if every estate for the proportion it hath therein , should not have such a power , it should not have it of right , as founded in the fabricke and frame , of the policy and government , but of grace , or by commission , as doctor beale affirmeth . j have done with the first canon , onely j shall adde this , that considering the principles and positions that are laid downe therein , and comparing them with a clause towards the end of the canon , that in no case imaginable it is lawfull for subjects to defend themselves , wee may judge how farre forth these canons were to prepare mens mindes for the force that was to follow after ; if the accusation against my lord of strafford be layed aright . for the matter it selfe , i hope there will never be any need to dispute that question , and j doe beleeve they had as little need , to have published that position , had it not beene upon designe . as for the second canon , therein also they have assumed to themselves a parliamentary power , in taking upon them , to appoint holidayes , whereas the statute saith in expresse wordes , that such dayes shall bee onely kept as holy dayes as are named in the statute , and no other , and therefore though the thing may be bonum , yet it was not done bene , because not ordained by parliament , notwithstanding what hath beene alleadged to the contrary : it seemeth to me to be the appoynting of an holy day , to set a time a part for divine service , and to force men under penalties to leave their labours , and businesse , and to be present at it . and of the same nature is that other clause , in the same canon , wherein they take upon them without parliament , to lay a charge upon the people , enjoyning two bookes at least for that day , to be bought at the charge of the parish , for by the same right , that they may lay a penny on the parish without parliament , they may lay a pound or any greater summe . as to the third canon , i shall passe it over , onely the observation that my neighbour of the long robe made upon it , seemes unto mee so good as that it is worth the repeating , that whereas in the canon against sectaries there is an especiall proviso , that it shall not derogate from any statute , or law made against them ( as if their canons had any power to disanull an act of parliament ) there is no such proviso in this canon against papists , from whence it may be probably conjectured , that they might have drawne some colour of exemption , from the penall lawes established against them from this canon , , because it might seeme hard that they should be doubly punished for the same thing , as we know in the point of absence from the church ; the law provideth , that if any man be first punished by the ordinary , he shall not be punished againe by the justices . for the fourth canon against socinianisme , therein also these canon-makers have assumed to themselves , a parliamentary power , in determining an heresie not determined by law , which is expressely reserved to the determination of a parliament . it is true , they say it is a complication of many heresies , condemned in the foure first conncills , but they doe not say what those heresies are , and it is not possible that socinianisme should bee formally condemned in those councills , for it is sprang up but of late ; therefore they have taken upon them , to determine and damne a heresie , and that so generally , as that it may be of very dangerous consequence , for condemning socinianisme for an heresie , and not declaring what is socinianisme , it is left in their brests whom they will judge , and call a socinian . i would not have any thing that i have said to be interpreted , as if j had spoken it in favour of socianisme , which ( if it be such as j apprehend it to be ) is indeed a most vile and damnable heresie , and therefore the framers of these canons , are the more to blame in the next canon against sectaries , wherein besides that in the pre-preamble thereof , they lay it downe for a certaine ground , which the holy synod knew full well , that other sects ( which they extend not onely to brownists , and separatists , but also to all persons , that for the space of a moneth , doe absent themselves without a reasonable cause , from their owne parish churches ) doe equally endeavour the subversion of the discipline , and doctrine of the church of england with the papists , although the worst of them doe not beare any proportion , in that respect to the papists , j say besides that they make them equall in crime , and punishment to the papists , notwithstanding the great disproportion of their tenents , there is an other passage in this canon relative to that against socinianisme , which i shall especially offer to your consideration , and that is this . if a gentleman comming from beyond seas should happen to bring over with him a booke , contrary to the discipline of the church of england , or should give such a booke to his friend , nay if any man should abett , or maintaine an opinion contrary thereunto , though it were but in parliament , if he thought it fit to be altered , by this canon hee is excommunicate ipso facto , and lyeth under the same consideration , and is lyable to the same punishment ; as if he had maintained an opinion against the deity of christ , and of the holy ghost , and of our justification by the satisfaction of christ . ( sir ) if in things that are in their owne nature indifferent , if in things disputable , it shall be as heynous to abett or maintaine an opinion , as in the most horrible and monstrous heresies , that can bee imagined , what liberty is left to us as christians ? what liberty is left to us as men ? i proceed to the sixt canon , wherein these canonists have assumed to themselves a parliamentary power , and that in a very high degree , in that they have taken upon them to impose new oathes , upon the kings subjects . ( sir ) under favour , of what hath beene alleaged to the contrary , to impose an oath , if it bee not an higher power , then to make a law , it is a power of making a law of a most high nature , and of higher and farther consequence then any other law , and i should much rather chuse that the convocation should have a power to make lawes , to bind my person and my estate , then that they should have a power to make oathes to bind my conscience : a law binds mee no longer then till another law be made to alter it , but my oath bindes mee as long as i live . againe , a law bindes mee either to obedience , or to undergoe the penalty inflicted by the law , but my oath bindes mee absolutely to obedience . and lastly , a law binds me no longer then i am in the land , or at the farthest no longer then i am a member of the state ; wherein and whereby the law is made , but my oath once being taken , doth bind mee in all places , and in all conditions so long as i live . thus much j thought good to speake concerning the power of imposing new oathes : as to the matter of this new oath , it is wholy illegall . it is aginst the law of this land , it is against the law and light of nature , it is against the law of god , it is against the lawes of this kingdome ; and that , no obscure lawes , nor concerning any meane , or pettie matters . it is against the law of the kings supremacie , in that it maketh arch-bishops , bishops , deanes , arch-deacons , &c. to be jure divino , whereas the law of this land hath annexed to the imperiall crowne of this realme , not onely all ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , but also all superiority , over the ecclesiasticall state , and it is to bee derived from him by commission under the great seale , and consequently it is jure humano . againe , it is against the oath of supremacy , established by law point blanck , for therein i am sworne not onely to consent unto , but also to assist , and to the uttermost of my power , to defend all jurisdictions , preheminence , &c. annexed to the imperiall crowne of this realme , of which this is one ( and that which immediately precedeth this oath in the statute , and whereunto it doth especially relate ) that his majestie may exercise any jurisdictions , or ecclesiasticall government by his commission under the great seale directed to such persons , as hee shall thinke meet , so that if hee shall thinke other persons more meet , then arch-bishoos , bishops , &c. i am sworne in the oath of supremacie not onely to assent thereunto , but to assist , and to the uttermost of my power to defend such an appointment of his majesty , and in this new oath j shall sweare never to consent unto such an alteration . in the like manner it is against the law , and light of nature , that a man should sweare to answere , ( &c. ) to he knowes not what . it is against the law and light of nature , that a man should sweare never to consent , to alter a thing , that in its owne nature is alterable , and may prove inconvenient , and fit to be altered . lastly , it is against the law of god : for whereas there are three rules prescribed to him that will sweare aright , that he sweare in judgement , in truth , and righteousnesse : hee that shall take this new oath , must needs breake all these three rules . he can not sweare in judgement , because this oath is so full of ambiguities , that hee can not tell what hee sweares unto ; not to speake of the unextricable ambiguity of the &c. there is scarce one word that is not ambiguous in the principall parts of the oath , as first . what is meant by the church of england , whether all the christians in england , or whether the clergie onely , or onely the arch-bishops , bishops , deanes , &c. or whether the convocation , or what ? in like manner it is as doubtfull what is meant by the discipline , and what by the doctrine of the church of england , for what some call superstitious jnnovations , if others affirme to be consonant to the primitive , and that the purest reformation in the time of edward the 6. and in the beginning of the reigne of queene elizabeth , and so for the doctrine of the church of england , if all the positions that of later yeares have beene challenged by some of our divines to bee arminian and popish , and contrary to the articles of our religion , and which on the other side have beene asserted and maintained as consonant to the doctrine of our church , and if the articles of religion were gathered together , they might make a prety volume , nay sancta clara will maintaine it in despight of the puritanes , that the doctrine of the church of rome , is the doctrine of the church of england . truely it were very fit that we knew , what were the doctrine and discipline of the church of england before we sweare to it , and then ( sir ) give me leave to say , that j should bee very loath to sweare to the discipline , or to the doctrine and tenents of the purest church in the world , as they are collected by them , farther then they agree with the holy scriptures . lastly , it is as doubtfull what is meant , by the doctrine and discipline established , and what by altering and consenting to alter , whether that is accompted , or established , which is established by act of parliament , or wheter that also that is established , by canons , injunctions , &c. and whether it shall not extend to that which is published by our divines with the allowance of authority , and so for consenting to alter whether it be onely meant that a man shall not be active in altering , or whether it extend to any consent , and so that a man shall not submit to it , nor accept of it , being altered by the state . more ambiguities might be shewen , but these are enough to make it cleere , that hee that shall take this oath cannot sweare in judgement . nor can he sweare in truth , for it is full of untruthes . it is not true that discpline is necessary to salvation . jt is not true , that arch-bishops , bishops , deanes , arch-deacons , &c. are jure divino , as they must needs be , if the law-makers ought of right to establish them , as they are established : for the law-makers are not bound as of right , to frame their lawes to any other then the lawes of god alone . now whether bishops be jure divino , we know it is a dispute amongst the papists , and never did any protestant hold it till of late yeares , but that arch-bishops , deanes , arch-deacons , &c. should be jure divino , i doe not know that ever any christian held it before and yet he that taketh this oath must sweare it . lastly as he that taketh this oath cannot sweare in judgement nor in truth , so neither can hee sweare in righteousnesse , for it is full of unrighteousnesse , being indeed , as hath beene well opened , a covenant in effect against the king and kingdome ; for if the whole state should find it necessary , to alter the government by arch-bishops , bishops , &c. a great part of the kingdome , especially of the gentry ( for not onely the clergy , but all that take degrees in the vniversities are bound to take it ) will be preingaged not to consent to it , or admit of it . againe it is a great wrong to those that shall bee parliament-men , that their freedome shall bee taken away being bound up by an oath , not to consent to the altering of a thing , which it may bee fit and proper for a parliament to alter . and suppose that for the present it be no hinderance to the service of god , nor yet burdensome , to the king , and kingdome , yet if it should prove so hereafter ▪ for a man to bee bound by an oath never to consent to alter it , may be a great wrong to god in his service , and to the king and kingdome in their peace and well-fare , and therefore this oath cannot bee taken in righteousnesse . for the other oath de parendo juri ecclesiae , & stando mandatis ecclesiae , though it make lesse noyse then the other , yet it is not of lesse dangerous consequence . if i remember well the story , this was the oath that the pope made king john to take , and when he had sworne stare mandatis ecclesiae , the pope commanded him to resigne his kingdome to him , and truely be hee gentleman or nobleman , or what ever else when hee hath once put his necke into this nouse , his ghostly fathers may drag him whither they will , for they have the quantity and the quality of the penance in their owne brest , and if they shall enjoyne him to give any summe towards the building of a church , or the adorning of a chappell , he must pay it , or if they should enjoyne him any servile or base action ( as there are not wanting examples of that kinde in the time of popery ) they are sworne stare mandatis ecclesiae , and so cannot recede , but must performe it . nay i dare not warrant any man from the rods of henry the second , or of raymond of tholouze ; what hath beene done may be done , j am sure the power is the same . and that other oath also ( though more usuall in practise , and more confirmed by th●se new canons ) which is administred to church-wardens , would bee looked into . for it is hardly possible for them that take it not to be for sworne , being they sweare to so many particulars , that they cannot mind , and to some that they cannot understand , as how many church-wardens are there in england , that understand what socinianisme is , in case they be sworne , to present the offenders against that canon , which concernes that matter . i shall onely adde a word or two concerning two canons more , which seeme to be canons of reformation . the first is , concerning excommunication , to bee pronounced onely by a divine , wherein it is alleadged for the framers of these canons , that if they have not more law on their sides , yet they may seeme to have more reason . for my part , as in all other things , i thinke they have so mended the matter , that they have made it farre worse , for before that which was found fault with was this , that a lay-man did that which the grave divine should have done , and now the grave divine must doe what ever the lay-man would have done , for the cogniscance of the cause , and the power of judicature is wholy in the lay-man , onely the grave divine is to bee his servant , to execute his sentences , and hath such a kind of managing the spirituall sword allowed onely unto him , as the papists in some cases were wont to afford unto the civill magistrate , in respect of the temporall sword , for as if the civill sword by an implicite faith had beene pinned , to the lawn-sleeves , they condemned men of heresie , and then delivered them over to the secular power ; but what to doe ? not to have any cognisance of the cause , nor to exercise any power of judicature , but onely to bee their executioners , and to burne the heretick whom they had condemned , and so they judged men excommunicate , and then the civill power was to send out writtes de excommunicato ●apiendo against them , but one said well , that the sword without cognisance of the cause , and judgement , was like polyphemus without his eye , it became violence and fury . but being accompanied with the eye of judgement , it is equity and justice : and surely where the spirituall or civill governour is called upon to strike , hee must bee allowed to see and judge whom and wherefore hee strikes , otherwise he will bee able to give but an ill accompt to god , of the managing of the sword , wherewith hee is instructed . the other canon is the last canon against vexatious citations , wherein they seeme to have some sense of the great grievances that poore people lye under , by occasion of vexatious citations , and molestations in ecclesiasticall courts , and i verily beleeve that there is not a greater oppression in the whole kingdome upon the poorer sort of people , then that which proceedeth out of these courts . but now ( sir ) let us see what provision they have made against it by this canon . they say because great grievances may fall upon people by citations upon pretence onely , of the breach of that law without any presentment , or any other just ground , that no citations , grounded onely as aforesaid , shall issue out , except it be under the hand and seale of the chancellour , commissary , arch-deacon , or other competent judge , so that ( if there bee any sense in these words ) though there bee no presentment at all , nor any other just ground , yet a citation may issue out , so it be under the hand and seale of the chancellour , commissary , or other competent iudge , and the party shall not be discharged without paying his fees , nor have any reliefe by this canon . but suppose the citation bee not under the hand and seale of any competent judge , and that there was neither presentment nor any just ground for it shall he then be dismissed without paying any fees ? no , unlesse first contrary to the law of nature , there being no presentment nor just ground of accusation against him , hee shall by his oath purge himselfe of pretended breaches of law , and then too hee shall onely have the fees of the court remitted , but shall have no satisfaction for his troublesome and chargeable journey , and for the losse of his time , and being drawne away from his aff●ires . nay lest they should seeme to have beene too liberall of their favour , they adde a proviso in the close of the canon , that this grace of theirs shall not extend to any grievous crime , as schisme , incontinency , misbehaviour in the church , or obstinate inconformity . and what do they call misbehaviour in the church ? if a man doe not kneele at the confession , or have his hat on , when the lessons are reading . in like manner what doe they call obstinate inconformity ? if a man will not thinke what they would have him thinke , if a man will not say what they would have him say , if a man will not sweare what they would have him sweare , if a man will not read what they would have him read , if a man will not preach what they would have him preach , if a man will not pray what they would have him pray , in short , if a man will not doe what ever they would have him doe , then he is an inconformist , and after that they have duely admonished him , primò , secundò , tertiò , all in one breath , then hee is contumacious , then he is an obstinate jnconformist . now ( sir ) my humble motion is , that in consideration of all the premisses , and what besides hath beene well laid open by others ; wee should proceed to damme these canons , not onely as contrary to the lawes of the land , but also as containing sundry matters , destructive of the rights of parliaments , and of the fundamentall and other principall lawes of this kingdome , and otherwise of very dangerous consequence . finis . whereas several persons of wicked and restless spirits have industriously gone about to spread false news, and to promote malicious slanders and calumnies with an intention to raise divisions amongst his majesties good and loyal subjects of this kingdom ... by the lord deputy and council, tyrconnell. ireland. lords justices and council. 1688 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46169 wing i877 estc r443 13652767 ocm 13652767 100996 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46169) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100996) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 791:49) whereas several persons of wicked and restless spirits have industriously gone about to spread false news, and to promote malicious slanders and calumnies with an intention to raise divisions amongst his majesties good and loyal subjects of this kingdom ... by the lord deputy and council, tyrconnell. ireland. lords justices and council. tyrconnel, richard talbot, earl of, 1630-1691. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by andrew crook and samuel helsham : and reprinted at london by george croom ..., dublin : 1688. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the 7th day of december, 1688." reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1660-1688 -sources. broadsides -ireland -dublin (dublin) -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion j 2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council . tyrconnell . whereas several persons of wicked and restless spirits have industriously gone about to spread false news , and to promote malicious slanders and calumnies , with an intention to raise divisions amongst his majesties good and loyal subjects of this kingdom . and whereas we the lord deputy and council , in order to suppress these unlawful and malicious practices , have by a late proclamation forewarned , and strictly commanded all his majesties subjects , that they should not presume by writing or speaking , to utter or publish any such false news or reports , thereby declaring that such as should offend therein , should be prosecuted according to the utmost rigor of the law. and though we have caused the said proclamation to be published in all the parts of this kingdom , and so might have justly expected a full compliance thereunto from all his majesties subjects , yet such is the perverse humour and continuing malice of some restless spirits , that in contempt of our said proclamation , and of the known laws of this realm , they make it their constant practice by writing & speaking , to publish and spread false news and reports , and their iniquity have so far prevailed upon them , that they have raised a most scandalous , impious , and false calumny and report , as if his majesty's protestant subjects here were to be massacred by his majesties roman catholick subjects of this kingdom ; which report was so industriously improved , as that not only an account thereof was sent into england and several there perswaded that a massacre was actually 〈…〉 upon many of his majesties protestant subjects ; but that several persons in this city , either out of fear and apprehension , or out of some evil design to disturb the peace , have met and assembled together at an unseasonable time of the night , in a riotous and warlike manner to the great terror of his majesties people ; and of the other hand , several other persons endowed with the same spirit , have maliciously and scandalously given out , as if his majesties roman-catholick subjects here were to be killed and massacred by his majesties protestant subjects of this realm . all which contrivances are set on foot in this time of invasion by factious and rebellious spirits , with an intention to prejudice his majesties affairs by raising and fomenting animosities between his majesties people . we the lord deputy and council in order to obviate the intended designs of such malitious contrivances and unjust practices do hereby recommend earnestly to all his majesties subjects of this kingdom , of what perswasion soever they be in point of religion , to rest assured of his majesties protection without the least apprehension : and that as the government for the time past hath taken effectual care for preserving his majesties peace within his realm in so for the time to come will take the like care to preserve and protest all his majesties subjects within this kingdom without any distinction , in their persons , liberty and properties while they continue steddy and firm in their duty and allegiance to his majesty , and do further in his majesties behalf conjure all his majesties subjects of this kingdom , to lay aside all manner of animosities and jelousies and cheerfully to unite together in the defence of his majesty and their country against all forreign invasion , and to look upon the spreaders of those malitious reports to be enemies to their king and country , and we do further strictly charge and command all his majesties subjects of this realm , that they presume not henceforth to meet at unseasonable times with fire arms in great numbers , or in a tumultuous manner to the terror of his majesties people , as they shall answer the same at their peril , we being resolved to take such measurs for the preservation of the peace of this kingdom as shall be thought needful upon such occasion : and we do also strictly command that the said former proclamation against the spreaders of false news and reports be put in due execution against all offenders in that kind according to the utmost rigor of the law , and we do hereby will and require all and every his majesties judges and justices of the peace , and all other his majesties magistrats and ministers in their several stations , that they take special care to have the laws put in due execution against all such as have offended or shall hereafter offend in the matters aforesaid . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 7th . day of december 1688 . a. fytton , c. granard , p. roscomon , lymerick , gormanston , mountjoy , bellewe , j. macartie , t. newgent , john keating , stephen rice , john davys , d. daly , tho. newcomen , n. poursell . god save the king . dublin , printed by andrew crook and samuel helsham : and re-printed at london , by george croom , at the blue-ball in thames-street . 1688. to the right honourable the house of peers assembled in parliament, the humble petition of the knights, gentlemen, ministers, freeholders, and other inhabitants of the county of kent this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a62806 of text r11645 in the english short title catalog (wing t1633). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a62806 wing t1633 estc r11645 13798319 ocm 13798319 101869 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62806) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101869) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 853:5) to the right honourable the house of peers assembled in parliament, the humble petition of the knights, gentlemen, ministers, freeholders, and other inhabitants of the county of kent england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for joseph hunscott, london : 1641. "this is the perfect copy which was presented to the house of peers on the eighth of this instant february." reproduction of original in huntington library. eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649 -sources. kent (england) -politics and government -sources. broadsides -england -london -17th century a62806 r11645 (wing t1633). civilwar no to the right honourable the house of peers assembled in parliament. the humble petition of the knights, gentlemen, ministers, freeholders, a [no entry] 1641 367 1 0 0 0 0 0 27 c the rate of 27 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ to the right honourable the house of peers assembled in parliament . the humble petition of the kinghts , gentlemen , ministers , freeholders , and other inhabitants of the county of kent . sheweth , that the petitioners do with joy and humble thankfulnesse acknowledge the good correspondency and concurrence , which ( by the blessing of god ) this honourable house hath held with the worthy house of commons , in passing the bill to take away the votes of the prelates in this honourable house , and disabling them from temporall imployments ; and for setting the kingdom into a posture of warre for its defence . and the petitioners do in like manner most humbly and heartily prosesse . that they will ever honour this honourable house , and to the utmost of their power defend the same , so farre as your lordships shall continue to hold correspondence and concurrence with the said house of commons in all their just desires and endeavours . upon which the petitioners do humbly conceive , greatly dependeth the peace and welfare of this kingdom . and the petitioners most humbly pray , that this honourable house ( declaring therein your noble resolutions for the publike good ) would be pleased to go on with the said house of commons , to a through reformation , especially of the church , according to the word of god ; to presse dispatch for the ayd of ireland ; to expedite proceedings against delinquents ; to vindicate parliament priviledges ; to discover , remove , and punish evill councellors ; to deprive the popish lords of their votes ; to difarm and search out papists , and put them into safe custody ; to suppresse masse , both in publike and private ; to cast out scandalous ministers , plant painfull preachers every where ; and discover who are church papists , as well as known recusants , and the petitioners shall daily pray , &c. this is the perfect copy which was presented to the house of peers on the eighth of this instant february . london , printed for to joseph hunsco●t . 1641. the city-ministers unmasked, or the hypocrisie and iniquity of fifty nine of the most eminent of the clergy in and about the city of london. cleerly discovered out of two of their own pamphlets, one intituled, a serious and faithful representation; the other a vindication of the ministers of the gospel, in and about the city of london. together vvith a prophesie of john hus, touching the choosing of a new ministry; and an ancient prophetical farewel of hildegards, to the old corrupt ministry. both very useful for the knowledg of the long deceived nations. / by a friend of the armies, in its ways to justice and righteousnes. dell, william, d. 1664. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82314 of text r206085 in the english short title catalog (thomason e546_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 78 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82314 wing d920 thomason e546_2 estc r206085 99865273 99865273 117512 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82314) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 117512) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 84:e546[2]) the city-ministers unmasked, or the hypocrisie and iniquity of fifty nine of the most eminent of the clergy in and about the city of london. cleerly discovered out of two of their own pamphlets, one intituled, a serious and faithful representation; the other a vindication of the ministers of the gospel, in and about the city of london. together vvith a prophesie of john hus, touching the choosing of a new ministry; and an ancient prophetical farewel of hildegards, to the old corrupt ministry. both very useful for the knowledg of the long deceived nations. / by a friend of the armies, in its ways to justice and righteousnes. dell, william, d. 1664. [4], 31, [1] p. printed for giles calvert, london : 1649. a friend of the armies = willam dell. a response to: a serious and faithfull representation to the judgements of the ministers of the gospel within the province of london and a vindication of the ministers of the gospel in, and about london. annotation on thomason copy: "march 1st 1648". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng gataker, thomas, 1514-1654 -early works to 1800. church of england -clergy -early works to 1800. a vindication of the ministers of the gospel in, and about london. church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. a82314 r206085 (thomason e546_2). civilwar no the city-ministers unmasked, or the hypocrisie and iniquity of fifty nine of the most eminent of the clergy in and about the city of london. dell, william 1649 14082 97 10 0 0 0 0 76 d the rate of 76 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the city-ministers unmasked , or the hypocrisie and iniquity of fifty nine of the most eminent of the clergy , in and about the city of london . cleerly discovered out of two of their own pamphlets , one intituled , a serious and faithful representation ; the other , a vindication of the ministers of the gospel , in and about the city of london . together vvith a prophesie of john hus , touching the choosing of a new ministry ; and an ancient prophetical farewel of hildegards , to the old corrupt ministry . both very useful for the knowledg of the long deceived nations . by a friend of the armies , in its ways of justice and righteousness . london , printed for giles calvert . 1649. to the reader . this reply comes forth late ( for my occasions would not suffer me sooner to read their books ) but yet seasonably . for it is fit the city and kingdom should be instructed aright , touching their ministers . and if any shall think i have been too rugged and sharpe , with men of such reputation , i shall answer much after that maner luther answered erasmus , when he told him he had been too bold and saucy with k. henry the eighth ; saith luther , if he was not ashamed to reproach my heavenly king , iesus christ , i am not ashamed to reproach him , being but an earthly king . in like maner , seeing these men have not been ashamed to reproach and revile the righteous ways and works of god , together with his own cause , and faithful people , unjustly ; i am not ashamed to reproach them justly , for these evil doings . remember this , and read on , if thou hast a minde . the city-ministers vnmasked . when i had read the city-ministers representation and vindication ( two pamphlets lately set forth by them ) and numbred at the end of the former pamphlet , forty six names of men ; and threescore wanting one at the tayle of the latter ; it minded me of that scripture , rev. 14. 4. where it was foretold , that the dragon should draw down with his tayle , the third part of the stars of heaven , and cast them to the earth : and of that scripture also , rev. 6. 13. where it was foretold , that the starres of heaven should fall to the earth , as a fig tree casteth her untimely figs , when it is shaken of a mighty winde ; and the figs fall in so great abundance , through the violence of the winde , that scarse any are left behind . for have not many of the forenamed names , seemed as the starres of heaven , as bright and glorious lights in the church ? hath not their ministry seemed to shine and spa●kle in the city , and other places ? and do not they still give themselves forth , under the shining and starry names , of ministers of the gospel , ambassadors of christ , &c. who do all out of zeale to gods glory , care to discharge their own duties , and a hearty desire of the comfort and salvation of mens soules ; so that if a man should so receive them , as they give forth themselves , he would be ready to say , sure these do glister and glimmer like starres of heaven . but yet if you seriously minde their discourses , both preached , and printed , and can discern and judge as spirituall men , and can take a true view of them , by the true light , that shineth in the gospel of god our saviour , you shall finde them no other then the fallen starres here foretold , even stars fallen from heaven to earth ; from the church , to the world ; from the spirit , to the flesh ; from the power of godliness , which they once pretended to , to the forme ; and from christ , whom they once seemed to preach , to themselves , and this present world : a sad and wofull fall indeed ! and well worthy the tears , and astonishment of all the truly faithfull . now to let passe their pulpit-stuffe , which is nothing for the most part but the cruell poyson of aspes ; we will take a brief view of the most considerable passages in their forenamed pamphlets . they say in the preamble of their representation , that divers applications were made to them , both by word and wriing , to invite them to meet with the officers of the army , in their consultations , about matters of religion , but that they did refuse to give any such meeting , because they were not desired to give a resolution of their judgments upon the matters , but to cont●ibute their assistance in prosecution of what the army had undertaken , out of their own sphere . where you see , these ministers do acknowledg they were freely and friendly invited by the officers of the army , to consult about matters of religion ; which doth clearly argue the ingenuity and integrity of the councell of the army , that in the things that might concern all , they desired the presence of any , especially of those whom they conceived godly , and able ; to hear what they could say for , or what they could object against the things there propounded , touching matters of religion ; which serves to silence their old slander , that they would not admit presbyterians into the army , when yet they invite the chief ministers of them into their councell , to speak what they could in their own cause . but the ministers say , they refused any such meeting as was proposed ; for they disdained ( it may be ) to be called to consult about matters of religion , having for a long time before , expected to be used in matters of state ; and so took it in dudgeon , that they were not called to resolve the councell of the army , whether the state way they were walking in , in reference to the tyrant king , and the treacherous members of the parliament , were right or wrong . so that it seemes all civill , aswell as all ecclesiasticall affaires must still be submitted to their judgment , and they will be very angry if the kingdome expect not their determination in both . but let us hear them out , they say , they refused to meet with the councel , because they did not call them to hear the resolution of their judgments , but to desire their assistance in that wherein they were already resolved . yea , but whatever they called you for , you being come , might have discharged your duty ; and if you had wisdome and spirit enough , might either have reclaimed them , if they had been out of the way , or else have left them without excuse . and if you had been confident of the presence , and mind of god with you , you needed not have waved a conference , after so fair a call . but you would not conferre with them , but resolve them , that they were out of the right way , what ever they could say for themselves to the contrary out of the word of god . and thus still the clergy will have their doctrine become resolutions , against which no man may presume to dispute or argue : and they that will not entertain them on these termes , it seemes must want their company . but why should the army require your resolution in the work they were about , they having before , better satisfaction in their own brests then you could give them ; being better acquainted with the true sense of the scriptures , and more used to live by faith , ( their life being placed in difficulties , when yours in delicacies ) and having more experiences of god , and his presence , power , truth , faithfulness , love , mercy , justice , all along in their course , and so being better instructed in the cause of god , then your selves ; which you ( it seemes ) have drawn back from , since you perceive it is not like to performe what you first hoped for , and expected from it . and truly , in my poore judgment , it would have been a sad thing for the army , after such great and continued experiences of god , to have turned aside , to have asked councell of you what to do ; whose councels many times heretofore , if they could have prevailed ( and most certainly in the former summers work , about the city ingagement , and peradventure in the last summers war ) the army had not now been alive , to have asked any councell at all . but i was told , that the army sent not to you , to receive any satisfaction from you , in the work they were about , being satisfied already , that it was of god , but ( if it might have been ) to have given you satisfaction , that you might have been taken off , from reproaching and reviling that work and way of god which he had ingaged them in ; and this also was for your own sakes , and not for the works ; seeing this work must have prospered , whether you would or no . if you would have gone along with them in this work of god , they would willingly have taken you by the hand , not desiring to have this honour alone ; but you being unwilling to serve god in such difficulties , and for himselfe only , they could as willingly let you alone ; seeing gods work depends on himselfe only , and not on the instruments , whether many or few , wise or unwise , honourable or contemptible . but why it should be sutable for private persons to desire your resolutions , as you say , and not for publique , you sure have some meaning underneath , that durst not shew its open face . and that in some places you call them only private persons , and here reckon them more then so ; is it not because your fancies and imaginations are inconsistent with one another , at severall times . but had they asked your resolution , you here tell them what your answer would have been ; which without any more adoe , you bolt out thus , that they , instead of proceeding further in such unwarrantable courses , should testifie their timely and godly sorrow for what they had already acted . and i must needs say , you cut them very short , telling them at first dash , their courses were unwarrantable , and they must repent of them : and so you prove their courses to be evill , much after that manner that the high priests proved christ himself to be an evill doer , before pilate . why saith pilate ( when the high priests brought christ before him , that he might condemn him ) what evill hath he done ? oh say they , if he had not been an evill doer , we would not have brought him to thee : intimating , that pilate must take their words for that matter , for , say they , we are the high priests of god , and do you think that such holy men as we would have brought him to you to be condemned , if we did not know he was an evill man ? but pilate not being satisfied with what they said , they after undertook to make it good if they could : which because they could not do with truth , they did with clamour and violence . after this maner they deal with the army , touching their present courses , as they call them , telling them they are unwarrantable , and they must repent of them ; for if they had not been so , you would not have judged them so ; for are not forty six , or fifty nine able , learned , orthodox men to be believed in their judgments ? and they tell your officers and army , that your courses are unwarrantable , and you ought to repent . but the light of the word hath now so shined , that they cannot rest upon your bare testimony , what ever names you have clothed your selves withall : but they will expect that you prove what you say by clear scripture , in a sound sense , or you may be confident they will never believe you . lastly , you tell them in your preamble , that they move out of their sphere ; and sure this is very ill done , if you say true , which you are seldome guilty of throughout these discourses : but it is plain to them , and to all other honest , and sincere hearted men , that they move , and act in that very place and sphere wherein gods own hand hath both set and preserved them , maugre all your sion , or rather ( as you now use it ) your babylon colledge , conventicles , and conspiracies . and if you moved as regularly in your sphere , as these have done in theirs , you had been more spirituall in the church , and less turbulent in the world ; you had preached the gospel of peace more , and blown the bellows of sedition less . and if you plead in your vindication , that you ministers , as subjects , and members of the common-wealth , might intermeddle with the affaires of the kingdame , might not the souldiers , as subjects , also do the like ? but it seemes that souldier-subjects medling with the affaires of the kingdome , wherein they have interest , are out of their sphere ; but minister-subjects , medling with the like affaires , are in their sphere ; and sure it is so , because the kingdomes of the world are now become more naturall to these ministers , then the kingdome of god . but this would be worth your minding when you are in your pulpits ; that you are not there as subjects ( for then every one of the parish might be there aswell as you ) but as ministers , and so you ought to do the work of ministers only there , that is , to preach the gospel of christ , and not to kindle flames in the state : and when you are to appear as subjects , you must do it so , as others may stand on equall ground with you , that are in the same capacity , and that sure is out of your pulpit , or way of ministery . but you who challenge other men for moving our of their sphere , let all rationall men in the kingdome judge , if there be any men so irregular as your selves , in this particular . and if the army have been called forth by god , to act high and strong in this matter , as his own arme and power in the kingdome , for this purpose ; do not you quarrell them for moving out of their sphere , for so it may be you may quarrell gods work more then theirs . if you say , you cannot see it to be so : i answer , how should you , when you first , and after some body else hath shut your eyes ? but i shall not follow you further to every particular , where your pen hath halted , and stumbled , and fallen downe , for then i should too much trouble my selfe , and every one that reads ; wherefore i shall only content my selfe to gather up the chief crimes you charge upon the army , and to enquire upon what good grounds you have done it : and to see if you your selves be not most guilty in these very things , which you so boldly lay to other mens charge . now the crimes you charge on the councell and army , in your forenamed pamphlets , are chiefly these . 1. their attempts against lawfull authority . 2. their seizing and imprisoning the person of the king . 3. their changing the lawes of the kingdome . 4. their indeavouring an universall toleration . we will take a brief view of them one after another . the first crime the ministers charge upon the army , is , their attempts against lawfull authority . and if you could make this good , you would say something indeed . but what is lawfull authority ? do you understand this thing ? or if it shall appear you are all of you ignorant of it , will you not disdain to be taught ? lawfull authority then is the power that is ordained of god , as paul saith , rom. 13. 1. there is no power ( that is , lawfull power ) but of god ; the powers that be , ar● ordained of god . for this is most certain , that it is the most high god that is to reign in the kingdomes of men , and who ever are his instruments in governing , must draw their power from him ; and the power they exercise , must be gods power , and neither their own , nor the devils . do you understand this now ? well then , the power that is of god , or the lawfull authority , how shall it be known ? the apostle tels us in this very place , quoted by your selves , which yet you passed by unregarded , as the priest and levite did the man in distress ; he saith , the lawfull authority is not a terror to good works , but to evill , and the right instruments of it are ministers to the people for good , and revengers upon them that do evill ; this now is the lawfull authority , which word you name , but understand not the thing ; and whosoever do resist this power , resist the ordinance of god , and shall receive judgment to themselves . but now that power , that is not gods own power , but is humane or devillish ; that is , that power that doth punish them that do well , and reward them that do il ; that countenances and protects the evil , and discourages and destroyes the● good ; that seeks its own private good , to the evil and prejudice of all others ; that makes laws plainly and directly against the common peace , safety , and welfare of the people . this is not lawful , but unlawful authority ; this is not the power ordained of god , but a power set up by the devil , which is to be resisted by every ma● that will not give his consent , that the regiment of the world should be wrested out of gods hands , and placed in the devils . and thus are you teachers , taught your selves what lawful authority is . and now shew if you can , what such lawful authority the army hath resisted . yea , say you , for they have taken away many worthy members of the house of commons ; men of eminent worth and integrity , and who have given most ample testimony of their real affections to the good of the kingdom . thus you citie clergy say ; but the commissioners of the kirk of scotland are a little more honest and ingenuous , and do affirm , that these members accepted such concessions from his majesty , in the treaty at newport , as were dangerous and destructive , both to religion and the covenant : and these sure were worthy members indeed . they were called ●●●th by the people , and intrusted to do things for the peace , welfare , and safety of the kingdom ; and behold ! they sit many yeers together , and mould themselves into a faction , that they may be able to act all things contrary ; they sit to further their own private gain , and to confer such and such places ▪ and sums of money upon themselves and their friends , and to inrich themselves , whilest the poor kingdom is exhausted , and utterly undone , they sit to hinder the doing of justice , the establishment of righteousness , to oppress and destroy the wel-affected , who had stood by them with their fstates and lives ; to claw with the malignants ; and lastly , having drawn in the honest people of the kingdom , to cleave to them against the king , upon specious pretences , they by their evils being become odious to the people , councel a treaty , to ingratiate themselves with the king ; and to pacifie his wrath towards themselves , prepare to offer up , as a sacrifice to his will and lust , all the godly ●artie in these kingdoms , together with all our laws , estates , liberties , and lives . these sure were worthy members indeed , at whose unparallel●d falseness , covetousness , fearfulness , baseness apostacy , and treachery , all after ages , as well as this present age , will stand wondering . now to take away these 〈◊〉 thy members out of the house , say these reverend ministers , was to resist lawful authority . but it seems their doctrine i● no more orthodox in civil ; then it is in ecclesiastical matters . yea but say they , when the king with a multitude 〈◊〉 ●●ed men , demanded but a small number of the members of parliament in comparison of those now secluded by you ; it was deemed such a horrid violation of the priviledges of parliament , &c. and cannot all you distinguish between taking away a few honest men , by a multitude of evil doers ; and the taking away a few evil doers , by a multitude of honest men ? can you not distinguish between taking away men that act honestly and well in the parliament , and men that act corruptly and treacherously ●● ▪ is it no● a great evil to do the one , and a great good to do the other ? because honest men that are faithful to their trust , and seek the welfare of the kingdom , ought to sit free in parliament , must therefore there be no remedy to remove evil men ; who having multiplied themselves into the greater party , sit there to contrive the ruine of the kingdom ? is there any such evil in a kingdom , for which god hath provided no remedy ? and had it not been much better at first to have subjected our selves to the lusts of one man , as after , to the worse lu●● of many men ? is it so heinous a thing , to take thirty wolves from among tweenty sheep , that the sheep may the better make laws for their own safety and welfare ; which the wolves , whilst remaining among them , being the major part , would never have suffered them to do ? of such an horrid act as this , the army is guilty , and this is the worst you charge them with in this matter , if you would deal honestly . wherefore the army have been so far from destroying the parliament , as they have perfected it , and raised it to that ●● act and excellent constitution , that now it can work the welfare of the kingdom with greater strength , freedom , and speed , then ever it could do heretofore . so that so much justice and righteousness hath not been accomplished in m●ny yeers before , as god hath n●w brought about by them in a very few weeks . so that 〈◊〉 glory of this second house , or parliament of england , is far greater them that of the first ; for though there be not so many robes and titles in it , yet there is more honesty , integrity , 〈◊〉 , and righteousness , which are 〈◊〉 greatest glory the parliament can be capable of . and yet you learned orthodox men , call this the destroying of authority and magistracy , which is as clear as the sun , to be the strengthening and perfecting of it . but your mistakes are everlasting . but because you have been so busie in charging the army with this crime , who yet appear to be innocents : notwithstanding all that you have said , we will consider a little , whether you your selves be not guilty of that crime that you have sought to fasten on others . and seriously , who are there , who have resisted lawful authority , as you the pretended ministers of the gospel have done ? yea , the more lawful the authority hath been , the more have you resisted it . the more the parliament , as it had power and opportunity , hath appeared against 〈…〉 interests , and all treacherous compliances , the more they have tendred the just freedom of the people of god , and the true welfare of the common-wealth , the more have you oppose● them : how have you consulted and plotted against them in private , as your babylon colledg can witness ? and how have you prayed and preached against them , as your pulpits and congregations can witness ? and how have you endeavored , by all means you and your confederates could devise , to discourage their hearts , and weaken their hands in the work of god , after you perceived they were like to prove too honest and righteous , to further your antichristian designs , and would not suffer you to inslave both themselves , and the people , by your ecclesiastical judicatonies ? since that time , how have you sweated ▪ by your own , and the malignant party ▪ in both kingdoms to oppress them ? and if the former summers city-malignant ▪ ingag●●●●● , and the last summers fierce and sharp war in england ▪ and the 〈◊〉 from the trusty covenant-k●epers of scotland , did 〈◊〉 out of this fountain , many are much mistaken ; but 〈…〉 did , the lord will not hold you 〈◊〉 ▪ but the 〈…〉 will cry , till it hath cryed you down ▪ 〈…〉 blood of divers faithful christi●●● 〈…〉 whereof the lord , holy and 〈…〉 men may ●light 〈◊〉 . and 〈…〉 of lawful authority , 〈◊〉 do you , being 〈…〉 use the 〈…〉 parliament of england , in your 〈…〉 are not satis●●●d in 〈◊〉 present ●ot●ngs at w●stm●nster ( 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 worthy 〈…〉 no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of parliament . i remember that 〈◊〉 body once told you . that you would no longer 〈…〉 for a parliament ▪ then they did the things yo● l●ked ▪ 〈…〉 you have 〈…〉 good , whether he would 〈…〉 . and thus 〈◊〉 y●● the open , and angry enemies ●●●●ority ; and so the scripture you brough● 〈…〉 army , prove your own portion , ●s 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 despise 〈◊〉 〈…〉 for you have gone 〈…〉 his worship 〈…〉 accepted of g●d , but ●is own carnal , 〈…〉 after the error of balaa● ▪ 〈…〉 ( being 〈…〉 the people of god , for 〈◊〉 own advantage ) and so are like 〈◊〉 perish ▪ in the 〈…〉 instruments raised up by god , for the deliverance of his people . ) and this leads me to that other scripture , produced by you against the army , which yet doth most truly turn its point and edg upon your selves ▪ it is touching the forementioned rebellion of corah , and his confederates , who said to mos●● and aaron , you take too 〈◊〉 upon you , seeing all the congregation 〈…〉 lift you up your selves above the congregation of the lord . mark here now , you strange interpreters of scripture , who alwayes make it sound after your own fancies ; moses and aaron were as mean as any of the people of israel , till the lord appeared to them , and called them forth to the great work of israels deliverance from the egyptian tyrant ; and this presence of god with them made them great . now corah and his complices thought every one of the congregation as good as they , not understanding how the presence of the lord had made a difference , and so tell them , they took too much upon them , &c. and this moses calls truly , a gathering themselves together against the lord . so you , not seeing the presence of god with the army , nor understanding that he hath called them forth , and sanctified them , to deliver the people from the english tyrant , think every one of the people as good as they , and tell them , they take too much upon them , and are but private men ; and thus like corah , you have gathered your selves together against the lord , in his chosen and sanctified ones . there were two hundred and fifty princes in that rebellion against god , and there are nine and fifty priests in and about the city of london in this , besides the rest of the same confedracie all the kingdom over : they then , and you now , rebell against god himself in his chosen instrumnets ; and therefore let all good people depart from the congregations of these wicked priests , as the israelites were commanded to depart from the tents of those wicked princes , lest they be consumed in their sins . and now it appears , why you were so willing to put off these scriptures to the army , to wit , because they lay such load on your selves , as is likely to sink you under them . the second crime you charge upon the army , is , their seizing and imprisoning the person of the king , in order to his triall . and here also you scrape together those very scriptures which the prelaticall clegry were wont to use in the beginning of these times , as , fear thou the lord and the king , and meddle not with them that are given to change : and again , put them in minde to be subject to principalities and powers , and to obey magistrates , &c. and these scriptures these presbyterian ministers handle with the same spirit as the prelaticall , and to the same end and purpose ; and never a barrell the better herring . besides , they tell of many declarations of parliament , touching the preservation of the person of the king ; and above all , they rehearse the solemn league and covenant , ( that systeme of presbyteriall religion , ) wherein say they , we do in the presence of almighty god promise , vow , and protest , that we will sincerely , really , and constantly , in our severall vocations , indeavour to defend the kings majesties person & authority , in the preservation and defence of the true religion , and liberties of the kingdom , &c. and therefore to meddle with his person , is , to break the oath of allegiance , the protestation of may the fift , and the solemn league and covenant ; from all , or any of which ingagements , we know no power on earth able to absolve us , or others . o glorious pretenders to conscience ! we have covenanted to defend and preserve the person of the king , and therefore no man upon any termes must meddle with him . but why then did you incourage men at first ( whilst the hope of bishops lands was rooted in your hearts ) to go forth and fight against him , and used all the scriptures you could devise to this purpose ; did you mean they should fight against his person , or against his shadow ? but now i minde it , his person was then but the shadow of regall power , for mr. pryn published a book in those times , that the parliament and kingdom were the supream power themselves . but to return back to the covenant ; you did covenant to defend and preserve the kings person and authority , not absolutely , ( good men ) but in the preservation and defence of the true religion , and liberties of the kingdom : do you minde this now ? for would any men of religion or reason in the world have covenanted to maintain the person of a man , what ever wayes and wickedness he should walk in , or to protect a man further then god himself promises protection to any ? which is only in his wayes . o most excellent covenant-takers , and covenant-expou●derslto covenant to give a man a blessing , where god hath d●nounced a curse against him ; to covenant to defend and preserve a man in those wayes , wherein the most righteous god hath threatned destruction to him , &c. to covenant to defend a man in his wickedness , treachery , curelty , murder , tyranny , and in the constant and manifest breach of all the laws of god , nature , and nations : be astonished at this , o all ye people ! that these clergy men , of the highest form , should take so good a covenant , in so ill a sense , and according to this perverted and evill sense , should lift up their hand ( as they say ) to the most high god ; would any man in england have thought these men shauld have so little conscience in taking this oath , if themselves had not discovered it ; yea , would any man have thought , that they should so strangely forget themselves , as to go about to make the world believe that they have taken an oath of god , to uphold the kingdom of the devill in the world , and to maintain the open enemies of god , against god himself ? no wonder now you should be so strict against toleration , which , let it be what it can , yet is righteousness to this sworn and covenanted sin of yours . but i pray you , who take upon you to catechise all others , i pray suffer your selves to be catechized a little , for i perceive you stand in need of it . to whom did god give the morall law , and whom meant he , when he said , thou shalt do no murder ? did he meane men of low degree only , and excepted men of high degree , or no ? pray answer . and when god said , he that sheds mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed ; that is , he that sheds mans blood unjustly , by man shall his blood be shed justly : do you finde any kings name excepted here ? and have not the generall assembly of the church of scotland declared the king to be guilty of the innocent blood shed in england and ireland , even an ocean of innocent blood ? and did not you your selves quote this scripture in your own discourse , out of rom. 2. that there is no respect of persons with god ? which i wonder how you would suffer it to shew its face among the rest of your writings . wherefore , if there be any light of the scriptures yet shining in your hearts , or any sparks of right reason remaining in you , you may soone perceive how grosly and odiously you have prevaricated in this matter , and how you have turned backward and forward for your advantage ; first preaching , curse ye meroz , because they went not forth to help the lord against the mighty , & after , curse israel , because they did goe forth to help the lord against the mighty . so that hard it is for the best men at all times to escape your curse ; but the best of it is , it will do as little harme now , as the popes . that which you talk of , the tenents and practises of jesuits , the worst of papists , in killing and murdering kings , is but a fallacie , to intangle simple people . it is true indeed , that some jesuites have taught , and others have practised the private killing and murthering of kings , but what is this to the present case of the parliament and army , calling the king to publique tryall for his treasons and murders , and judging him according to the known law of god , and the kingdome ? and what is this so much as in one tittle to the jesuits killing of kings ? but you must be medling , though you talk no reason . and whereas you say , the tenor of the scriptures is against this thing , and the constant judgment & doctrine of protestant divines at home and abroad . i shall make it appear you mistake in both . first you say , the constant tenor of the scriptures is against this thing ; but you erre , neither knowing ( as it seemes ) nor understanding the scriptures . for the scriptures say , that they that do such things shall be punished with death , and are any of you , or all of you , who have subscribed your names , or all of your generation , able to give any man an indulgence in this matter , or to dispense with the unchangeable laws of god ? yea , in this case the scripture priviledges a king no more then a beggar , what ever your flattery can pretend to the contrary . besides , the scriptures shew , how ten tribes together did revolt from rehoboam for his threatned tyranny , in matter of exactions ond unjust taxes , how then would they have dealt with him in case of cruelty and murder ? and also 2 chr. 25. 27. it is written , that after amaziah king of judah turned from following the lord , they bound themselves in a bond , or covenant against him ( which our translation , calculated for the meridian of kings , renders conspiracie ) whereupon he fled to lachish : but they sent to lachish after him , and slew him there ; and having done so , they brought him upon horses , and buried him with his fathers , in the city of judah ; which shewes , it was not done privately , but by the publique justice of the kingdome ; and to passe by many other scriptures which might be named , how clear is it in dan. 2. that the best monarchy , which daniel cals the kingdome of the god of heaven , shall smite the feet of the image of worldly monarchy , and dash all the toes of it , that is , the ten kingdomes in peeces ; which is foretold again by john , rev. 17. 12. &c. and where he saith , the ten hornes , that is , ten kings of europe , all which have one mind , and give up their strength and power to the beast ; shall all of them wage war with the lamb , and the lamb should overcome them ; for he is king of kings , and lord of lords , and they that are with him are called , and chosen , and faithfull . when christ shall call together such a company of people as these about him , then shall the tyrants of the earth come down apace , the first fruits of which , the godly people of this nation are counted worthy to reap ; and so they say , with the angel of the waters , that is , the ministers of the true doctrine ; just art thou oh lord , which hast judged thus , for they have shed the blood of saints and prophets , and thou hast given them blood to drink , for they are worthy ; and with the angel , out of the sanctuary , it is the holy , faithfull christians they say , even so lord god almighty , true and just are thy judgments . by all which , and much more that might be said , it may appear , that these men are not well and throughly acquainted with the scriptures , though they make it their only profession . and secondly , they are much mistaken in the constant judgment of protestant divines : for the divines at home , it may be they may say true ; for the terror of kings kept men so in awe , that they durst not whisper of this matter ; but for divines abroad , it is evident that they were of this very judgment with the parliament and army . the judgment of pareus in this point , is sufficiently known , in his comment on rom 13. whose book for this cause suffered martyrdome in this kingdome , because his person was in another . zuinglius also , a very godly man , doth largely handle this very matter in his 42. article , which is well worth the reading . he shewes there , how kings may be put from their office , for misgovernment , and doth prove by clear scriptures , how god punished the people of israel , for permitting their king manasseh to be so wicked , whom they ought to have restrained , and removed ; and also he shews by whom evill kings should be punished , saying , quum consensu & suffragiis totius aut certe potioris partis multitudinis , tyrannus tollitur , deo fit auspice , &c. when a tyrant is taken away , by the consent and suffrages , either of the whole , or of the better part of the people , it is done by the conduct and disposition of god . so the children of israel , if they had discharged manasseh from his office , they had not been so grievonsly punished with him . if you ask how that may be done , that the greater part of the people should consent to that which is good ? to this ( saith he ) i say , as before , if they do not agree to take away the evil , let them bear the yoke of the tyrant , and at last perish with him . neither let them complain that injury is done to them , when through their own fault , they deserve to suffer any thing : and a little after , non ergo desunt viae , per quas tyranni tollantur , sed deest publica justitia . i. e. there are not then ways wanting , by which tyrants may be taken away , but there wants publike justice . thus he : and so no question divers more , if a man had time to search after them . and yet you tell the people , that no godly ministers are of this minde ; and therefore it is a wicked and damnable attempt for the parliament and army to travel in this untroden path ; and yet you see here are two godly men , and orthodox , forthwith witnessing against you in this matter . so that the army is freed from any guilt in this matter , as well as in the former . now it seems to me , the chief business you aym at in these two weak , and absurd pamphlets of yours ( and it is easie also to guess your ends ) is to testifie to the world , that you were enemies to this publike justice ( as zuinglius terms it . ) and to let this present , and the following ages know , that god in the yeer 1648. had a great and glorious work to do , even a high example of impartial justice to shew to the world , and there were fifty nine who called themselves ministers of the gospel , that under colour of religion , and the word , stood out in opposition , and open defiance against it , to have hindred the justice and righteousness of god , if it had been possible , from prevailing in the world : wherefore it is evident , that these men are as well enemies to the justice of god in the world , as they have been to the righteousness of christ in the church ; and who now can make voyd that scripture ? the name of the wicked shall not . the third crime they charge upon the army , is , their framing a new agreement , and changing the fundamental laws of the kingdom . the fundamental law of this , and all kingdoms in the world , is , salu● populi , the safety and welfare of the people ; and the army is so far from going about to overthrow this law , that their whole drift and councel is to establish it ; and all that they have done , through so many hazards , and so much blood , and all they are yet doing , is to maintain this fundamental law , unto which all other laws are to give place ; and which alone , being preserved , the nation will be both free and happy , though the outward forms of law be changed a thousand times . but how are these clergy men wedded to the empty forms of things , not onely in the church , but state too ? and because they are not able to rise up to the first pure principles of right reason and equitie , they content themselves with the muddy puddles of dead forms , as if all law were comprehendin them . what strange notions have the vulgar people of laws ? they consider no● , that civil laws were first made by men , and made for the welfare of the people ; and that when once they become prejudicial to it , they cease to be laws ; and they that made them , have power to alter them . wherefore , let all that are not of the brutish among the people , know , that since but few laws among us , are the pure results of right reason and equity , but there is something of humane darkness , or lust , or humor , or interest cleaving to them ; therefore as men grow up into more reason , they may change the laws which themselves have made ; and as succeeding generations grow up into more clear and refined reason , then their ancestors ; so may they change the former laws , as less suitable to them , seeing laws are to be suited to the peoples reason , and not the peoples reason to the laws in this case . right reason and equity carry all laws in their bowels , and will at all times be a fruitful womb of them for the peoples good , when the tyranny of form is done away : and it is much better for people to go to reason for laws , then to laws for reason . each generation can judg better what is for its own good , then their forefathers , who could not foresee what was to fall out in the world , after the revolution of so many providences ▪ and for men of this age to depart from their own reason , and to live in the reason of former ages , or it may be in their folly and mistakes , is the greatest bondage mankinde can be brought into , and hath kept the world in the ignorance and rudeness of a childe , to its old age . the laws of former ages were answerable to that measure of reason and equity , which men that made them had attained unto ; but when men attain to higher and purer reason , the laws must be proportioned thereunto , as the shadow to the body , and the clothes to the man . it is one of the great evils of this age , for men to admire and adore laws , and yet not to understand or minde the reason and equity of them ; and hereupon , to prefer laws above the safety and welfare of the people , as though men were made for the laws , and not the laws for them . our ecclesiastical men , not well understanding these things , cry out against changing the fundamental laws , and bringing in a new agreement of the people , which they think will be prejudicial to them , who never prospered so well , as by the peoples disagreement ; and therefore have they still stirred up such broyls and troubles in the world : and therefore the peoples agreement , so much desired by all honest men is ready to break their hearts . again , they see more right reason , and equity appear in this agreement , then they think they shall be well able to master . besides , it shews a more righteous way of government , then will stand with the profit of their ecclesiastical kingdom , which can never be maintained by laws of right reason , but only by the authority and tyranny of kings . and hereupon , both these of england , and those of scotland , cry out so much against this agreement of the people , which as the proverb is , will mar their market . but pray suffer me to ask you but one question here , and i will no longer exercise your patience in this matter . why may not the parliament and army as well change the government of the state , as you of the clergie the government of the church ? why might not they as well change those laws that were the slavery of the people , into the agreement of the people , as you change prelacy into presbytery ? why might not they propound as well a new agreement , as you a new directory , catechism , confession , and discipline ? you said heretofore , there might be a better government then the former for the church ; and they know assuredly , that there may be a better government then the former for the state : wherefore then do you deny them that libertie which your selves contend for ? but it hath been your ancient way , always to approve what is for your own commodity , and always to disapprove what is for the peoples ; to ease your selves of your own burdens , but to endevor to continue theirs : but this is not to fulfil the law of christian love , but the lust of self-love . fourthly , you farther declaim here and there against toleration , which yet the commissioners of the kirk of scotland have allowed , in a case , not their own , viz. in the agreement of the people ; and what they plead , to exempt all men from compulsion in this matter , may equally be pleaded , to exempt them from compulsion to their government . let therefore but the word government be put in the place of the peoples agreement , and observe then , how notably they plead for toleration in their own book against it , their own pen betraying their own cause . their own words are these . how comes it to pass , that a few take upon them to impose this government upon others , and that it is desired the opposers may be punished . — let it be yielded , that some at first may condescend unto the moddel , without the knowledg of the whole body ; yet when it is offered to them , what if the one half , or the greater part shall refuse to consent , or submit thereto ? shall they be compelled by others to do it , and be destroyed , if they will not obey ? is not this to take power over those , who have equal power with themselves , and to incroach over the freedom of those , who are as free as themselves ? if they say they impose in things necessary — we demand who are judges of these things ? have not those that refuse , as much power and freedom to judg , as those who would impose it upon them ? and if they judg it to be contrary to their freedom , who can controul them herein , without incroaching thereupon , and offering violence to their consciences , who may conceive such a way , neither to suit with religion , nor righteousness . so that if the case be but altered , who can speak more clearly against the inforcing the scotch goverment , then the commissioners of the church of scotland : and so , in the snare they have laid for others , is their own foot taken . but by the way , what have the commissioners of the church of scotland to do with the agreement of the people of england ? why are they so busie to impose their own church government on us , and to hinder us from our own state agreement ? reader , do you think yet , they are out of their sphere , or no ? or are they yet become our lords and masters , that they thus set themselves over us ? can the church of scotland thus commission them , to deal , and trouble , and then after fish in the state of england ? o the boundless priviledges of the church ! but i hope the common-wealth of england will not long allow them any such toleration as this is . well now , because you are so hot against toleration of sects , i will make it appear , that there can be no sect so prejudicial to any state , as the grand and dominecring sect of presbytery , which is the third disguise of antichrist , as the papacy , and prolacy , were the first and second . and in all these three gra●d sects of papacy , prelacy , and presbytery , ( which make up the triple crown of antichrist ) these things are notably remarkable . 1. that they were set up , and preserved , and established by the power of the mgistrate , but not one of them by the bare power of the word . 2. that each of them in its season , would endure no sect besides themselves , but would sit as queen , alone . 3. that they all would have an outward and visible kingdom , and dominion in the world , and yet this should be independent on the worldly kingdoms , wherein they lived . all which things have made this antichristian sect , which is but one and the self same , though under three disguises ( antichrist having this policy , that when he is discovered in one guise , presently he goes off the stage , and puts on another , and being discovered in that , he withdraws again , and puts on another ) i say these three things , make this sect the most dangerous sect in the world . for ( to insist only on the last ) how dangerous a thing is it to any state , to have two outward powers , or two outward kingdoms in one nation ? but would presbytery have so ? art thou a stranger , that thou knowest not this ? why , all their writings are stuffed with this ; particularly , the commissioners of the kirk of scotland ( which corrupt fountain hath filled all the clergy of england with its impure streams ) do blame the parliament of england , for incroaching upon the royal sco●●er of jesus christ ( as they call it ) in denying to him any externall government over his house , but such as is dependent upon them . see here , they would have an external government ●f the church , not depending upon the civill magistrate ; and for such a government the pope pleaded first , the prelates next , and last of all the presbyters , these three sects making up the nvmber of his name . now how unsafe this is for this state , or any other , to have another outward kingdom , besides its own , with its power , laws , and government , joyned and mingled with it , which is not at all of it , let any wise or rationall man judge . for where there are two different outward powers in a kingdom , to wit , civill and ecclesiasticall , each will be striving for precedency , as we see all along throughout the periods of popery , and prelacy ; for the ecclesiasticall state will think fit to take place of the civil ; and the civil will think much to have another outward kingdom and power above it self , and so heart-burnings , and contentions , and wars arise , as appears in all former histories . and so likewise , for this new sect of presbytery ( which is the last round in the triple crown , and so the least , which is the comfort of it ; ) suppose the national assembly of the church , an outward society , should excommunicate the parliament , an outward society ; and the church power , with their adherents in this and the neighbour kingdom , set against the state power , ( for when they are able , no doubt , but as they have been , they still are , and will be willing to uphold their kingdom by force ) what work , i pray , would this soon be ? and if the clergy now , before they are masters of their much desired , and longed for power , are thus impudent and troublesome against the state , what would they be , if they sate upon their throne ? and therefore i desire the state would well consider it , that it cannot be safe for it , to have two externall kingdoms , powers , and dominions in one nation , or common wealth . for it was never known yet , but the ecclesiasticall kingdom did exalt it self above the civil , as oyl above the water ; and so it hath bridled , and sadled , and rode upon the nations for many hundred years together . but now it s hoped this kingdom will ca●● off its proud rider , and suffer him to get up no more . and thus now it is plain , that presbyterie is the most dangerous sect of any other , to be tolerated in the state , it not being s●fe for the power of the kingdom , to suffer any externall power in the same kingdom , that shall not slow from it , and depend upon it . and the power that flows from a state , must be state-power , it cannot be church-power , seeing nothing can give that which it hath not it self first . whereas , they that hold christs kingdom to be spirituall , and not of this world , and that it is only to be managed by a spirituall power , flowing from him , whose kingdom it is ; these people can neither be dangerous , nor in the least measure troublesome to any civill state in the world . and thus now i proceed from the reproaches they cast upon the army , to the councel they give them . and their councel branches it self into three particulars . 1. that they be not too confident of former successes , seeing god in his great judgment suffers men to prosper sometimes in sinfull courses , &c. now for my part , i must profess , i greatly wonder , that these could never yet see the most manifest presence and hand of god , in the most admired and constant successes of the army , and have not hitherto been so convinced , as to say with the egyptian sorcerers , sure the finger of god is here , yea the right hand of his power and righteousness . but it seems blindness is come upon them , not in part , but fully ; so that these above all others are the men , who when the hand of god hath thus gloriously been lifted up , would not see it ; but god in due time shall make them see , and be ashamed for their bitter envy at his people . but because they are so unlearned , and ignorant in these successes and providences , the manifest and mighty works of god , i will minde them of something in this matter , if yet any thing might at last prevaile to do them good . god had a great work to do in this kingdome , for the true and reall reformation both of church and state ; and when this councell of his first began to take place amongst us ; the king , and all his clergy , and corrupt party of all sorts throughout the kingdome , being farre the more numerous , rise up in all the strength they could make to hinder this work . and yet this work being of god , prevailes , through his power and wisdome only , and all that is opposite to it , is thrown down . hereupon say the unbelievers , this cause prevailed , for behold what helps it had ! the major part of the parliament , the city of london , the scotch army , and above all , the eminent clergy of the city , and else where , who said of themselves , they had done the parliament as good service in their pulpits , as their armies in the field ; and therefore a cause thus supported and strengthned , must needs prosper . hereupon the lord , because his work was thus hid by these instruments , so that he had not the honour due unto his name , he proceeds in another way and method , and turnes the hearts of those to hate his cause , who before had outwardly appeared for it ; so that now all the former friends of gods cause , are become the most deadly enemies of it , the former enemies being still the same ; and so if god uphold his cause and people now , sure all the world must acknowledg his hand : for now the major part of the parliament is directly against it , and the rich and populous , and proud city of london , and a scotch army comes in against it , more numerous then that which came in for it ; and the clergy , for causes well known , tooth and naile against it ; and all these joyne in one work and councell with the malignants , though upon different ends , against the work and cause of god : and now alass , what will become of it , how can it escape perishing ? yes , it is gods cause still , though left never so desolate , and so prospers as well , all these being at last against it , as when they were first for it . and so the malignants are overcome every where , in field and city ; the numerous scotch army vanquished by a few , the city subdued , the parliament purged , and the clergy confounded , and the work of god like the sunne in the spring , appears with beauty and comfort ; and yet these men cannot see the mind , and councel , and hand of god in all these things , as if the fulness of outer and inner darkness were fallen upon them at once . and yet a little farther ( for i take pleasure to mention the righteous acts of the lord ; ) the last summer , when so many enemies rose up at once , in so many severall places ; in wales , kent , essex , lincolns●ire , huntingtonshire , surrey , &c. some of which were at first quite shattered in pieces , and others driven into fenced towns and cities , and the poore army 〈◊〉 without in the fields ; the summer proved like a winter , more cold and unseasonable , and wet almost constantly , yet for all the showres of heaven , aswell as all sorts of disvantages from men , their courage was in no measure cooled , but rather kindled : and was not this like eliahs sacrifice , who being to offer sacrifice without earthly fire , to make it evident that god was the lord ; he first poured many buckets of water upon the wood , till he filled the trench , yet the heavenly fire came down and licked up all the water , and burnt up the wood , &c. and then the people , when they saw that , said , the lord he is the god . but our clergy will not be brought to see and say any such thing , notwithstanding such clear appearances of god : seeing they conceive all these to be to their prejudice . and so , though they councell the army to deny the experiences of god in all former providences , and not to own his councell in them : yet we will sing the song of moses , and of the lamb , saying , great and marvellous are thy works lord god almighty , just and true are thy wayes , thou king of saints : who shall not fear thee oh lord , and glorifie thy name ; for thou only art holy , for all nations shall come and worship before thee , for thy judgments are made manifest . now in this matter of providence , they hook in the example of david , who though he had through a providence , an opportunity to have killed saul , yet refused to do it , because he was the lords anointed . but this is a far different case from that of the parliament and army : for why did god reject saul ? viz. not for levying war against the people of israel , and murthering and slaying those whom he should have protected , but for his unbelief and disobedience to god ; therefore was he rejected of god , as you may see , 1 ▪ sam. 1. 5. and samuel told him that the lord had sought out another man , after his own heart , to be captain of his people , who should manage the kingdome in the strength of faith , and that was david . and now david had no cause , nor call , to take away sauls life , for his sin that immediately concerned god , having done the people no harme : no nor yet for his seeking and hunting after davids own life ; for a man in his own particular cause is not to avenge himselfe , though he have opportunity , seeing god hath said , vengeance is mine , i will repay ; and also if david had then slain saul in the cave , he had slain him as a private man , in his own cause , and without the supream authority of the people : and so this of david and saul sutes not to this case . but suppose saul had waged war against the people of israel , whom he ought to have protected , and killed many thousands of the choisest of them , and the lord had delivered him into the peoples hands ; whether or no might not the people , and heads of the tribes have justly tryed him for his life , and put saul to death for a murderer ? there is no question at all to be made in this matter , among just , reasonable , and unbyassed men . but you are miserable interpreters of scripture , who will needs make them serve your own turn , though their sense be clean contrary . the second peece of your councel , is , that it is not safe or them to be guided by impulses or pretended impressions of spirit , without , or against the rule of gods written word . this in it self is good councel , but falsly applyed : for , their impulses and impressions ( to use your own words ) were apparently from god and his spirit , and that according to his written word , and to moral precepts , as hath already been sufficiently declared . and those of them that are godly , are better able to judg of the vertues and influences of the holy spirit , which dwels in them , and is truth , and no lie , and manifests it self to be so , by its own light , then they can that are destitute of the spirit themselves , and yet will be judging of the operations of it , in others . and for the rest of the army , that are not godly , it is a wonderful thing to consider , how god by a special influence of providence , hath spirited them to the same work with his own people , making the earth to help the woman , as was foretold . and so you might have reserved this part of your councel also for a fitter occasion . the third fragment of your councel , is , that they sh●●●● not pl●●d necessity for doing thus . if god had indeed brought them into a necessitie of doing this , why should they not plead it , yea , and act accordingly god had strengthened them with his own power , and subdued ▪ and brought down every person and party , both in this , and the other kingdom , by their hands , who did or might stand ●● opposition to this work , and so prepared the way for them , ●● execute this high and impartial peece of justice ; and if after all this , they should have started aside like a broken bowe , how should they ( as much as in them lay ) have utterly made v●●● all gods former works , which he manifested from heaven , 〈◊〉 this self same purpose . yea , how had they also betrayed all the honest 〈…〉 the kingdoms , and among them the honest presbyte●●●● themselves ( who have been seduced into this sect , in the simplicity of their hearts ) into the bloody hands of an inrag●● tyrant . wherefore , to preserve themselves innocent from the blood of all the godly and wel-affected in this kingdom , they were absolutely necessitated to this work . besides , they were not at their own liberty , to do this , or not to do it , but their hearts were so inclined by god to this work , that they could not get off from it , though they had 〈◊〉 desire . and this blessed necessity , as they were brought into it , so might they well plead it . you indeed ( according to your wonted ingenuity and candor ) call it a necessity to sin , and a pretended necessity , and a necessity contracted by their own miscarriages : but you are used in speaking much , to speak so little truth , that hereafter but few will regard what you say . upon the whole ●●tter , you exhort them to recede from their evil ways ; you like the false prophets , your predecessors , calling good evil , and evil good , all along . but they see what you say , and are resolved not to take your judgment for infallible , who have deceived both your selves , and the nations , for so many hundred yeers together . but god hath now remembred your iniquities , and the reward of your works is at hand . and therefore men shall name you no more , the priests of the lord ; you shall no longer be called , the ministers of our god ; but you shall be cast off as the degenerate plant of a strange vine , even as the vine of sodom in the fields of gomorrah ; whose grapes are grapes of gall , whose clusters are bitter ; whose wine is the poyson of dragons , and the cruel venome of asps . and the lord shall choose a new ministry , out of a new people , formed by the spirit , who shall stand and feed in the strength of the lord , and in the majesty of the name of their god . and of this rejection of the old clergy , and choice of a new ministry , john hus , that faithful servant and martyr of jesus christ , prophesied long ago , in these words , ex istis , ulterius adverte incidentaliter , quod dei ecclesia nequit ad pristinam suam dignitatem reduci , &c. that is , moreover hereupon note by the way , that the church of god cannot be reduced to its former dignity , or be reformed , before all things first be made new : the truth whereof is plain by the temple of solomon ▪ like as the clergy and priests , so also the people and laity ; or else , unless all such as be addict to avarice , from the least to the most , be first converted and reclaimed , as well the people , as the clergie and priests . albeit , as my minde now giveth me , i believe rather the first , that is , that there shall rise a new people , formed after the new man , which is created after god : of which people , new priests and clerks shall come and be taken , which shall hate covetousness , and the glory of this life , hastening to a heavenly conversation . notwithstanding , all these things shall come to pass , and be brought about by little and little , in order of times , dispensed by god for the same purpose . and this god doth , and will do , for his own goodness and mercy , and for the riches of his great long-suffering and patience , giving time and space of repentance to them that have long lain in their sins , to amend , and flie from the face of the lords fury ; whilst that in like maner , the carnal people , and carnal priests , successively , and in time , shall fall away , and be consumed , as with the moth . thus far he . where you see he foretels of another kinde of church-reformation , then our presbyters imagine ; even such a reformation , where the whole church must be made new , both people and ministers : and there shall arise , saith he , a new people , formed after the new man , which is created after god ; and of these people the ministers shall be chosen , who shall hate covetousness , and the glory of this life , and hasten to a heavenly conversation . a glorious people , and a glorious ministry indeed ; and these make up a truly glorious church : and the corrupt and carnal professors , and corrupt and carnal ministers , such as the generality and multitude now are , and have cleerly discovered themselves to be , shall be cast off , and consume as a moth . and so , as this new people that are born of god , and his spirit , shall arise and increase ; so shall they cast off this old carnal ministry , and will have nothing to do with it ; but they will choose themselves ministers out of themselves , even a spiritual ministry out of a spiritual people . and thus must this present corrupt , carnal , worldly , ministry be certainly cast off , and thrown away . and when these false prophets , and antichristian ministers , shall have finished the course of their iniquity , and shall be discovered to the world , through the bright shining of the gospel ; the world shall take its leave of them , in the words of hildegards prophesie , who speaks of the ruine of rome , and its priests , and fryers , in these words . and when as their wickedness , and deceit shall be found out , then shall their gifts cease ; and then shall they go about their houses hungry , and as mad dogs , looking down upon the earth , and drawing in their necks as doves , that they might be satisfied with bread . then shall the people cry out upon them ; wo be unto you , ye miserable children of sorrow ; the world hath seduced you , and the devil hath bridled your mouths ; your flesh is frail , and your heart without savor ; your eyes have been unstedfast , and your mindes delighted in much vanity and folly ; your dainty bellies desire delicate meats , your feet are swift to run into mischief . remember the time , when you were apparently blessed , yet envious ; poor in sight , but rich ; simple to feel , but mighty flatterers ; unfaithful betrayers , perverse distractors , holy hypocrites , subverters of the truth , overmuch upright , proud , unshamefast , unstedfast teachers , delicate martyrs , confessors for gain ; meek , but slanderers ; religious , but covetous ; humble , but proud ; pitiful , but hard-hearted lyers ; pleasant flatterers , but persecutors ; thought merciful , but found wicked ; liberal , but lovers of the world ; plausible among men , but seditious conspirators ; lowly , but desirers of honor ; religious in appearance , but maintainers of mischief ; robbers of the world , unsatiable preachers ; men-pleasers , seducers of women , sowers of discord . you have builded up on high , and when you could ascend no higher , then did you fall , even as simon magus , whom god overthrew , and did strike with a cruel plague . so you likewise , through your false doctrine , naughtiness , lies , distraction , and wickedness , are come to ruine . and the people shall say unto them , go ye teachers of wickedness , subverters of truth , brethren of the sunamite , fathers of heresies , false apostles , yea , sons of iniquity ; we will not follow the knowledg of your ways , for pride and presumption hath deceived you , and insatiable covetousness hath subverted your erroneous hearts : and when you would needs ascend higher then was meet or comely for you , by the just judgment of god you are faln back into perpetual opprobry and shame . and therefore you nine and fifty of the clergy , and all the rest of your spirit , ways , works , and interests , throughout the kingdoms ; repent indeed , and not fainedly , and break off you pride , hypocrisie , treachery , ambition , covetousness , envy , distraction , abuse , and perverting the scriptures ; reproaching and opposing the people of god ; contradicting and blaspheming the righteous ways of god , with all the rest of your iniquities , or else you see how the hand of god will shortly and certainly overtake you ; and what a sad farewel the people generally will give you : the faithful having begun to take their leave of you already . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a82314e-310 represcm . pag. 2. & p. 16. represent . pag. 1. 2. 3. represent . pag. 6. represent . pag. 2. vindicat. pag. 2. represent . pag. 3. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . represent . pag. 3. testimony against tolerat . p. 12. represent . pag. 5. represent . pag. 10. numb. 16. represent . pag. 10. represent . pag. 14. represent . pag. 8. vindicat. pag. 5. represent . pag. 11. represent . pag. 11. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ligavit . par●us . zuinglius . testimony against tolerat . pag. 9. testimony against toleration . pag. 12. represent . pag. 12. represent . pag. 13. represent . pag. 13. represent . pag. 14. john hus his prophesie . hildegards prophesie . a remonstrance of the most gratious king iames i. king of great britaine, france, and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. for the right of kings, and the independance of their crownes. against an oration of the most illustrious card. of perron, pronounced in the chamber of the third estate. ian. 15. 1615. translated out of his maiesties french copie. declaration du serenissime roy jaques i. roy de la grand' bretaigne france et irlande, defenseur de la foy. english james i, king of england, 1566-1625. 1616 approx. 357 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 153 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04250 stc 14369 estc s107609 99843307 99843307 8025 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04250) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 8025) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 840:06) a remonstrance of the most gratious king iames i. king of great britaine, france, and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. for the right of kings, and the independance of their crownes. against an oration of the most illustrious card. of perron, pronounced in the chamber of the third estate. ian. 15. 1615. translated out of his maiesties french copie. declaration du serenissime roy jaques i. roy de la grand' bretaigne france et irlande, defenseur de la foy. english james i, king of england, 1566-1625. betts, richard, 1552-1619. [26], 281, [1] p. printed by cantrell legge, printer to the vniuersitie of cambridge, [cambridge] : 1616. a translation by richard betts of: declaration du serenissime roy jaques i. roy de la grand' bretaigne france et irlande, defenseur de la foy. a reply to: du perron, jacques davy. harangue faicte de la part de la chambre ecclesiastique, en celle du tiers estat, sur l'article de serment. the first leaf is blank except for a fleuron. running title reads: a defence of the right of kings. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng du perron, jacques davy, 1556-1618. -harangue faicte de la part de la chambre ecclesiastique, en celle du tiers estat, sur l'article de serment -controversial literature. prerogative, royal -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a remonstrance of the most gratiovs king iames i. king of great brittaine , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. for the right of kings , and the independance of their crownes . against an oration of the most illustrious card. of perron , pronounced in the chamber of the third estate . ian. 15. 1615. translated out of his maiesties french copie . printed by cantrell legge , printer to the vniuersitie of cambridge . 1616. the preface . i haue no humour to play the curious in a forraine common-wealth , or , vnrequested , to carrie any hand in my neighbours affaires . it hath more congruitie with royall dignity , wherof god hath giuen me the honour , to prescribe lawes at home for my subiects , rather then to furnish forraine kingdoms and people with counsels . howbeit , my late entire affection to k. henrie iv. of happy memorie , my most honoured brother , and my exceeding sorrow for the most detestable parricide acted vpon the sacred person of a king , so complete in all heroicall and princely vertues ; as also the remembrance of my owne dangers , incurred by the practise of conspiracies flowing from the same source , hath wrought me to sympathize with my friends in their grieuous occurrents : no doubt so much more daungerous , as they are lesse apprehended and felt of kings themselues , euen when the danger hangeth ouer their owne heads . vpon whome , in case the power and vertue of my aduertisments be not able effectually to worke , at least many millions of children and people yet vnborne , shall beare me witnes , that in these daungers of the highest nature and straine , i haue not bin defectiue : and that neither the subuersions of states , nor the murthers of kings , which may vnhappily betide hereafter , shal haue so free passage in the world for want of timely aduertisment before . for touching my particular , my rest is vp , that one of the maynes for which god hath advanced me vpon the loftie stage of the supreme throne , is , that my words vttered from so eminent a place for gods honour most shamefully traduced and vilified in his owne deputies and lieutenants , might with greater facilitie be conceiued . now touching france ; faire was the hope which i conceiued of the states assembled in parliament at paris . that calling to minde the murthers of their noble kings , and the warres of the league which followed the popes fulminations , as when a great storme of haile powreth down after a thunder-cracke , and a world of writings addressed to iustifie the parricides & the dethronings of kings , would haue ioyned heads , hearts , and hands together , to hammer out some apt and wholsome remedie against so many fearefull attempts and practises . to my hope was added no little ioy , when i was giuen to vnderstand the third estate had preferred an article or bill , the tenor and substance whereof was concerning the meanes whereby the people might be vnwitched of this pernicious opinion ; that popes may tosse the french king his throne like a tennis ball , and that killing of kings is an act meritorious to the purchase of the crowne of martyrdome . but in fine , the proiect was encountred with successe cleane contrary to expectation . for this article of the third estate , like a sigh of libertie breathing her last , serued only so much the more to inthrall the crowne , and to make the bondage more grieuous and sensible then before . euen as those medicines which worke no ease to the patient , doe leaue the disease in much worse tearmes : so this remedie inuented and tendred by the third estate , did onely exasperate the present maladie of the state : for so much as the operation and vertue of the wholesome remedie was ouermatched with peccant humours , then stirred by the force of thwarting and crossing opposition . yea much better had it beene , the matter had not beene stirred at all , then after it was once on foote and in motion , to giue the truth leaue to lie gasping and sprawling vnder the violence of a forraine faction . for the opinion by which the crownes of kings are made subiect vnto the popes will and power , was then avowed in a most honourable assemblie by the averment of a prelate in great authoritie , and of no lesse learning . he did not plead the cause as a priuate person , but as one by representation that stood for the whole bodie of the clergie . was there applauded , and seconded with approbation of the nobilitie . no resolution taken to the contrarie , or in barre to his plea. after praises and thankes from the pope , followed the printing of his eloquent harangue or oration , made in full parliament : a set discourse , maintaining kings to be deposeable by the pope , if he speake the word . the saide oration was not onely printed with the kings priuiledge , but was likewise addressed to me by the author and orator himselfe ; who presupposed the reading thereof would forsooth driue me to say , lord cardinall , in this high subiect your honour hath satisfied me to the full . all this poysed in the ballance of equall iudgement , why may not i truly and freely affirme , the said estates assembled in parliament haue set royall maiestie vpon a doubtfull chance , or left it resting vpon vncertain tearmes : and that now , if the doctrine there maintained by the clergie should beare any pawme , it may lawfully be doubted , who is king in france ? for i make no question , he is but a titular king that raigneth onely at an others discretion , and whose princely head the pope hath power to bare of his regall crowne . in temporall matters , how can one be soveraigne , that may be fleeced of all his temporalties by any superiour power ? but let men at a neere sight marke the pith and marrowe of the article proposed by the third estate , and they shall soone perceiue the skilfull architects thereof aymed onely to make their king a true and reall king , to be recognised for soueraigne within his own realme , and that killing their king might no longer passe the muster of works acceptable to god. but by the vehement instance and strong current of the clergie and nobles , this was borne down as a pernicious article , as a cause of schisme , as a gate which openeth to all sorts of heresies : yea there it was maintained tooth and nayle , that in case the doctrine of this article might go for currant doctrine , it must follow , that for many ages past in sequence , the church hath bin the kingdome of antechrist , and the synagogue of satan . the pope vpon so good issue of the cause , had reason , i trow , to addresse his letters of triumph vnto the nobilitie and clergie , who had so farre approoued themselues faithfull to his holines ; and to vaunt withall , that he had nipped christian kings in the crowne , that he had giuen them checke with mate , through the magnanimous resolution of this couragious nobilitie , by whose braue making head the third estate had bin so valiantly forced to giue ground . in a scornefull reproach he qualified the deputies of the third estate , nebulones ex foece plebis , a sort or a number of knaues , the very dregges of the base vulgar , a packe of people presuming to personate well affected subiects and men of deepe vnderstanding , and to read their masters a learned lecture . now it is no wonder , that , in so good an office and loyall carriage towards their king , the third estate hath outgone the clergie . for the clergie denie themselues to haue any ranke among the subiects of the king : they stand for a soueraigne out of the kingdome , to whome as to the lord paramount they owe suit and seruice : they are bound to aduance that monarchie , to the bodie whereof they properly appertaine as parts or members , as elswhere i haue written more at large . but for the nobilitie , the kings right arme , to prostitute and set as it were to sale the dignitie of their king , as if the arme should giue a thrust vnto the head ; i say for the nobilitie to hold and maintaine euen in parliament , their king is liable to deposition by any forraine power or potentate , may it not passe among the strangest miracles and rarest wonders of the world ? for that once granted , this consequence is good and necessarie ; that in case the king , once lawfully deposed , shal stand vpon the defensiue and hold out for his right , he may then lawfully be murthered . let me then here freely professe my opinion , and this it is : that now the french nobilitie may seeme to haue some reason to disrobe themselues of their titles , and to transferre them by resignation vnto the third estate . for that bodie of the third estate alone hath carried a right noble heart : in as much as they could neither be tickled with promises , nor terrified by threatnings , from resolute standing to those fundamentall points & reasons of state , which most concerne the honor of their king , and the securitie of his person . of all the clergie , the man that hath most abandoned , or set his owne honour to sale , the man to whome france is least obliged , is the lord cardinall of perron : a man otherwise inferiour to few in matter of learning , and in the grace of a sweete style . this man in two seuerall orations , whereof the one was pronounced before the nobilitie , the other had audience before the third estate , hath set his best wits on worke , to draw that doctrine into all hatred and infamie , which teacheth kings to be indeposeable by the pope . to this purpose he tearmes the same doctrine , a breeder of schismes , a gate that openeth to make way , and to giue entrance vnto all heresies ; in briefe , a doctrine to be held in so high a degree of detestation , that rather then he and his fellow-bishops will yeild to the signing thereof , they will be contented like martyrs to burne at a stake . at which resolution , or obstinacie rather in his opinion , i am in a manner amased , more then i can be mooued for the like brauado in many other : for as much as he was many yeares together , a follower of the late king , euen when the king followed a contrarie religion , and was deposed by the pope : as also because not long before , in a certaine assemblie holden at the iacobins in paris , he withstood the popes nuntio to his face , when the said nuntio laboured to make this doctrin , touching the popes temporall soueraigntie , passe for an article of faith . but in both orations , he singeth a contrarie song , and from his owne mouth passeth sentence of condemnation against his former course and profession . i suppose , not without solide iudgement : as one that herein hath well accommodated himselfe to the times . for as in the raigne of the late king , he durst not offer to broach this doctrine ( such was his fore-wit : ) so now he is bold to proclaime and publish it in parliament vnder the raigne of the said kings sonne : whose tender yeares and late succession to the crowne , do make him lie the more open to iniuries , and the more facill to bee circumuented . such is nowe his after wisedome . of these two orations , that made in presence of the nobility he hath , for feare of incurring the popes displeasure , cautelously suppressed . for therein hee hath beene somewhat prodigall in affirming this doctrine , maintained by the clergie , to be but problematicall ; and in taking vpon him to auouch , that catholikes of my kingdome are bound to yeeld me the honour of obedience . wheras on the other side he is not ignorant , how this doctrine of deposing princes and kings the pope holdeth for meerely necessarie , and approoueth not by any meanes allegiance to be performed vnto me by the catholikes of my kingdome . yea if credit may be giuen vnto the abridgement of his other oration published , wherein he parallels the popes power in receiuing honours in the name of the church , with the power of the venetian duke in receiuing honours in the name of that most renowned republike ; no meruaile that when this oration was dispatched to the presse , hee commaunded the same to be gelded of this clause and other like , for feare of giuing his holinesse any offensiue distast . his pleasure therefore was and content withall , that his oration imparted to the third estate , should bee put in print , and of his courtesie hee vouchsafed to addresse vnto mee a copy of the same . which after i had perused , i forthwith well perceiued , what and how great discrepance there is betweene one man that perorateth from the ingenuous and sincere disposition of a sound heart , and an other that flaunteth in flourishing speech with inward checkes of his owne conscience . for euery where he contradicts himselfe , and seemes to bee afraid least men should picke out his right meaning . first , he graunts this question is not hitherto decided by the holy scriptures , or by the decrees of the auncient church , or by the analogie of other ecclesiasticall proceedings : and neuerthelesse he confidently doth affirme , that whosoeuer maintaine this doctrine to be wicked and abhominable , that popes haue no power to put kings by their supreame thrones , they teach men to beleeue , there hath not beene any church for many ages past , and that indeede the church is the very synagogue of antechrist . secondly , hee exhorts his hearers to hold this doctrine at least for problematicall , and not necessarie : and yet herein he calls them to all humble submission vnto the iudgement of the pope and clergie , by whome the cause hath beene alreadie put out of all question , as out of all hunger and cold . thirdly , he doth auerre , in case this article be authorized , it makes the pope in good consequence to bee the antechrist : and yet he graunts that many of the french are tolerated by the pope to dissent in this point from his holinesse ; prouided , their doctrine be not proposed as necessarie , and materiall to faith . as if the pope in any sort gaue toleration to hold any doctrine contrarie to his owne , and most of all that doctrine which by consequence inferres himselfe to be the antechrist . fourthly , he protesteth forwardnesse to vndergoe the flames of martyrdome , rather then to signe this doctrine , which teacheth kings crowns to sit faster on their heads , then to be stirred by any papal power whatsoeuer : and yet saith withall , the pope winketh at the french , by his toleration to hold this dogmatical point for problematicall . and by this meanes , the martyrdome that he affecteth in this cause , will prooue but a problematicall martyrdome , whereof question might growe very well , whether it were to be mustered with grieuous crimes , or with phreneticall passions of the braine , or with deserued punishments . fiftly , hee denounceth anathema , dischargeth maledictions like haile-shot , against parricides of kings : and yet elsewhere he layes himselfe open to speake of kings onely so long as they stand kings . but who doth not know that a king deposed is no longer king ? and so that limme of satan , which murthered henrie iii. then vn-king'd by the pope , did not stabbe a king to death . sixtly , he doth not allowe a king to be made away by murder : and yet hee thinkes it not much out of the way , to take away all meanes whereby hee might be able to stand in defence of his life . seuenthly , he abhorreth killing of kings by apposted throat-cutting , for feare least bodie and soule should perish in the same instant : and yet he doth not mislike their killing in a pitcht field , and to haue them slaughtered in a set battaile . for he presupposeth , no doubt out of his charitable mind , that by this meanes the soule of a poore king so dispatched out of the way shall instantly flie vp to heauen . eightly , hee saith a king deposed retaineth still a certaine internall habitude and politike impression , by vertue and efficacie whereof hee may , being once reformed and become a new man , be restored to the lawfull vse and practise of regality . whereby hee would beare vs in hand , that when a forraine prince hath inuaded and rauenously seised the kingdome into his hands , he will not onely take pitty of his predecessor to saue his life , but will also prooue so kind-hearted , vpon sight of his repentance , to restore his kingdome without fraude or guile . ninthly , he saith euery where in his discourse , that he dealeth not in the cause , otherwise then as a problematicall discourser , and without any resolution one way or other : and yet with might and maine he contends for the opinion , that leaues the states and crownes of kings controulable by the pope : refutes obiections , propounds the authoritie of popes and councils , by name the lateran councill vnder innocent iii. as also the consent of the church . and to crosse the churches iudgment , is , in his opinion to bring in schisme , and to leaue the world without a church for many hundred yeares together : which ( to my vnderstanding ) is to speake with resolution , and without all hesitation . tenthly , he acknowledgeth none other cause of sufficient validitie for the deposing of a king , besides heresie , apostasie , and infidelitie : neuertheles that popes haue power to displace kings for heresie and apostasie , he prooueth by examples of kings whom the pope hath curbed with deposition , not for heresie , but for matrimoniall causes , for ciuill pretences , and for lacke of capacitie . eleuenthly , he alledgeth euerie where passages , as well of holy scripture as of the fathers and moderne histories ; but so impertinent , and with so little truth , as hereafter we shall cause to appeare , that for a man of his deepe learning and knowledge , it seemeth not possible so to speake out of his iudgement . lastly , whereas all this hath beene hudled and heaped together into one masse , to currie with the pope : yet he suffereth diuerse points to fall from his lips , which may well distast his holinesse in the highest degree . as by name , where he prefers the authoritie of the councill before that of the pope , and makes his iudgement inferiour to the iudgement of the french ; as in fit place hereafter shall be shewed . againe , where he representeth to his hearers the decrees of popes and councils alreadie passed concerning this noble subiect : and yet affirmes that he doth not debate the question , but as a questionist , and without resolution . as if a cardinall should be afraid to be positiue , and to speake in peremptory straines , after popes and councils haue once decided the question . or as if a man should perorate vpon hazard , in a cause for the honour whereof he would make no difficulty to suffer martyrdome . adde hereunto , that his lordshippe hath alwaies taken the contrary part heretofore , and this totall must needs arise , that before the third estate , his lippes looked one way , and his conscience another . all these points , by the discourse which is to followe , and by the ripping vp of his oration ( which by gods assistance j will vndertake ) tending to the reproach of kings , and the subuersion of kingdomes , i confidently speake it , shall be made manifest . yet doe i not conceiue it can any way make for my honour , to enter the lists against a cardinall . for j am not ignorant how far a cardinals hat , commeth vnder the crowne & scepter of a king. for wel i wot vnto what sublimity the scripture hath exalted kings , when it styles them gods : whereas the dignitie of a cardinall is but a late vpstart inuention of man ; as i haue elswhere prooued . but i haue imbarqued my selfe in this action , mooued thereunto ; first by the common interest of kings in the cause it selfe : then by the l. cardinal , who speaketh not in this oration as a priuate person , but as one representing the body of the clergie and nobilitie , by whom the cause hath beene wonne , and the garland borne away from the third estate . againe , by mine owne particular : because he is pleased to take me vp for a sower of dissention , and a persecutor , vnder whom the church is hardly able to fetch her breath ; yea , for one by whome the catholikes of my kingdome are compelled to endure all sorts of punishment : and withall he tearmes this article of the third estate , a monster with a fishes tayle that came swimming out of england . last of all , by the present state of france ; because fraunce beeing nowe reduced to so miserable tearmes , that it is nowe become a crime for a frenchman to stand for his king ; it is a necessary duty of her neighbours to speake in her cause , and to make triall whether they can put life into the truth now dying , and readie to bee buried by the power of violence , that it may resound and ring againe from remote regions . i haue no purpose once to touch many prettie toyes which the ridges of his whole booke are sowed withall . such are his allegations of pericles , agesilaus , aristotle , minos , the druides , the french ladies , hannibal , pindarus , and poeticall fables . all resembling the red and blew flowers that pester the corne when it standeth in the fields , where they are more noysome to the growing croppe , then beautifull to the beholding eye . such pettie matters , nothing at all beseemed the dignity of the assembly , and of the maine subiect , or of the orator himselfe . for it was no decorum to enter the stage with a pericles in his mouth , but with the sacred name of god : nor should he haue marshalled the passage of a royal poet , after the example of an heathen oratour . neither will i giue any touch to his conceit of the romane conquests , which the l. cardinall bestoweth in the list of gods graces and temporall blessings , as a recompence of their zeale to the seruice and worship of idols . as if god were a recompencer of wickednes , or as if the forcible eiecting of tenants out of their frames and other possessions , might bee reckoned among the blessings of god. nor to that of the milesian virgins , dragged starre-naked after they were dead ; which the l. cardinall drawes into his discourse for an example of the eternall torments denounced by the lawes ecclesiasticall , to be inflicted after this life . nor to his exposition of the word problematicall : where he giueth to vnderstand that by problematicall , he meaneth such things as are of no necessitie to matter of faith ; and in case men shall beleeue the contradictorie of the said points , they are not bound for such beleefe , to vndergoe the solemne curse of the church , and the losse of communion . whereas aristotle , of whom all schooles haue borrowed their tearmes , hath taught vs that euery proposition is called a probleme , when it is propounded in a formall doubt , though in it proper nature it containes a necessary truth , concerning the matter thereof . as for example , to say in forme of question , whether is there but one god ? or , whether is man a creature indued with reason ? by which examples it is plaine , that propositions in problematically forme , doe not forgoe the necessitie of their nature ; and that many times the contradictorie binds the beleeuers therof to anathema and losse of communion . there is a confused heape or bundle of otherlike toyes , which my purpose is to passe ouer in silence , that i may now come to cast anchor , as it were in the very bottome and substance of the cause . honi soit qvi mal y pense a remonstrance of the most gratiovs king of great brittaine , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. for the right of kings , and the independencie of their crownes : against an oration of the most illustrious cardinall of perron , pronounced in the chamber of the third estate . the 15. of ianuar. 1615. the l. cardinall euen in the first passage of his oration , hath laid a firme foundation , that ecclesiastics in france are more deepely obliged to the king , then the nobilitie , and third estate . his reason : because the clergie do sweetly enioy their dignities and promotions , with all their infinite wealth , of the kings meere grace , without all danger , and with faire immunities ; whereas the other two orders hold their offices by a chargeable and burdensome title or tenure , euen to the great expence of their blood , & of their substance . but see now , how loose and weake a frame he hath erected and pinned together , vpon his firme and solide foundation : ergo , the third estate is to lay all care to prouide remedies against apposted cut-throats , vpon the clergy : & the said remedies ( as he boldly affirms ) must be deriued from the laws of conscience , which may carry an effectuall acting or operatiue efficacie vpon the soule , & nor from ciuil or temporall punishments . now this consequence limpeth like a lame creple after the premises . for it is no vsuall & common matter , to see men that are deepest in obligation , performe their duties and couenants with most fidelity . againe , were it graunted the clergie had wel hitherto demonstrated their carefull watching ouer the life and honour of their prince ; yet is it not for spirituall punishments thundred by ecclesiastics , to bind the hands of the ciuill magistrate , nor to stop the current of temporall punishments : which ordinarily doe carrie a greater force and vertue to the bridling of the wicked , then the apprehension of gods iudgement . the third estate therefore , by whom all the officers of france are properly represented , as to whome the administration of iustice and protection of the kings rights and honour doth appertaine , can deserue no blame in carrying so watchfull an eye , by their wholesome remedie to prouide for the safetie of the king , and for the dignitie of his crowne . for if the clergie shall not stand to their tackle , but shrinke when it commeth to the push of their dutie ; who shall charge themselues with carefull foresight and preuention of mischiefes ? shall not the people ? now , haue not all the calamities , which the third estate haue sought prouidently to preuent ; haue they not all sprung from the clergie , as from their proper and naturall fountaine ? from whence did the last ciuill warres , wherein a world of blood was not more profusely then prodigiously and vnnaturally spilt , and wherein the parricide of king henrie iii. was impiously and abominably committed : from whence did those bloodie warres proceed , but from the deposing of the said king by the head of the church ? were they not prelats , curats , and confessours ; were they not ecclesiastics , who partly by seditious preachments , and partly by secret confessions , powred many a jarre of oyle vpon this flame ? was not he that killed the forenamed king , was not he one of the clergie ? was not guignard a iesuit ? was not iohn chastel brought vp in the same schoole ? did not ravaillac that monster of men , vpon interrogatories made at his examination ; among the rest , by whom he had been so diabolically tempted and stirred vp to his most execrable attempt and act of extreme horror : did not the referre his examiners to the sermons made the lent next before , where they might be satisfied concerning the causes of his abominable vndertaking and execution ? are not bellarmine , eudaemonoiohannes , suarez , becanus , mariana , with such other monsters , who teach the doctrine of parricides , vphold the craft of ianus-like equiuocations in courts of iustice , and in secret confessions : are they not all clerics ? are not all their bookes approoued and allowed , as it were by a corporation or grosse companie of doctors , with their signes manuel to the saide bookes ? what were the heads , the chiefe promoters , the complices of the powder-conspiracie in my kingdom ? were they not ecclesiastics ? hath not faux by name , a confederate of the same demned crew ; hath not he stoutly stood to the gunners part , which then he was to act in that most dolefull tragedie , with asseueration of a conscience well assured and setled , touching the lawfulnes of his enterprise ? did he not yeild this reason ? to wit , because he had beene armed with instruction of musket proofe in the case , before he made passage ouer from the low countries ? is it not also the generall beleefe of that order , that clerics are exempted from the condition of subiects to the king ? nay , is it not confessed by the l. cardinall himselfe , that king-killers haue ingaged themselues to vndertake the detestable act of parricide vnder a false credence of religion , as beeing instructed by their schoolemasters in religion ? and who were they but ecclesiasticall persons ? all this presupposed as matter of truth , i draw this conclusion : howsoeuer no smal number of the french clergie may perhaps beare the affection of louing subiects to their king , and may not suffer the clericall character to deface the impression of naturall allegiance ; yet , for so much as the order of clerics is dipped in a deeper die , and beareth a worse tincture of daungerous practises then the other orders ; the third estate had beene greatly wanting to their excellent prouidence and wisdome , if they should haue relinquished and transferred the care of designements and proiects for the life of their king , and the safetie of his crowne , to the clergie alone . moreouer , the clergie standeth bound to referre the iudgment of all matters in controuersie , to the sentence of the pope , in this cause beeing a partie , and one that pretendeth crownes to depend vpon his mitre . what hope then might the third estate conceiue , that his holinesse would passe against his own cause , when his iudgment of the controuersie had been sundrie times before published and testified to the world ? and whereas the plot or modell of remedies proiected by the third estate , and the kings officers , hath not prooued sortable in the euent : was it because the said remedies were not good and lawfull ? no verily : but because the clergie refused to become contributors of their duty & meanes to the grand seruice . likewise , for that after the burning of bookes , addressed to iustifie rebellious people , traytors , and parricides of kings ; neuerthelesse the authors of the said bookes are winked at , and backt with fauour . lastly , for that some wretched parricides drinke off the cuppe of publike iustice ; whereas to the firebrands of sedition , the sowers of this abominable doctrine , no man saith so much as blacke is their eye . it sufficiently appeareth , as i suppose , by the former passage , that his lordship exhorting the third estate to refer the whole care of this regall cause vnto the clergie , hath tacked his frame of weake ioynts and tenons to a very worthy but wrong foundation . howbeit , he laboureth to fortifie his exhortation with a more weak & feeble reason . for to make good his proiect he affirmes , that matters and maximes out of all doubt & question , may not be shuffled together with points in controuersy . now his rules indubitable are two : the first , it is not lawfull to murther kings for any cause whatsoeuer . this he confirmeth by the example of saul ( as he saith ) deposed from his throne , whose life or limbs dauid neuerthelesse durst not once hurt or wrong for his life . likewise he confirmes the same by a decree of the council held at constance . his other point indubitable . the kings of france are soueraignes in all temporall soueraigntie , within the french kingdome , and hold not by fealtie either of the pope , as hauing receiued or obliged their crownes vpon such tenure and condition , or of any other prince in the whole world . which point , neuerthelesse he takes not for certen and indubitable , but onely according to humane and historicall certentie . now a third point he makes to be so full of controuersie , and so farre within the circle of disputable questions , as it may not be drawne into the ranke of classicall and authenticall points , for feare of making a certen point doubtfull , by shuffling and jumbling therewith some point in controuersie . now the question so disputable , as he pretendeth , is this . a christian prince breakes his oath solemnly taken to god , both to liue and to die in the catholique religion . say this prince turnes arrian , or mahometan , fals to proclaime open warre , and to wage battel with iesus christ . whether may such a prince be declared to haue lost his kingdome , and who shall declare the subiects of such a prince to be quit of their oath of allegiance ? the l. cardinall holds the affirmatiue , and makes no bones to maintaine , that all other parts of the catholique church , yea the french church euen from the first birth of her theologicall schooles , to calvins time and teaching , haue professed that such a prince may be lawfully remooued from his throne by the pope , and by the council : and suppose the contrarie doctrine were the very quintessence or spirit of truth , yet might it not in case of faith be vrged and pressed otherwise then by way of problematicall disceptation . that is the summe of his lordsh ▪ ample discourse . the refuting whereof , i am constrained to put off , and referre vnto an other place ; because he hath serued vs with the same dishes ouer & ouer againe . there we shall see the l. cardinall maketh way to the dispatching of kings after deposition : that saul was not deposed , as he hath presumed : that in the council of constance there is nothing to the purpose of murthering soueraigne princes : that his lordship , supposing the french king may be depriued of his crowne by a superiour power , doth not hold his liege lord to be soueraigne in france : that by the position of the french church from age to age , the kings of france are not subiect vnto any censure of deposition by the pope : that his holinesse hath no iust and lawful pretence to produce , that any christian king holds of him by fealtie , or is obliged to doe the pope homage for his crowne . well then , for the purpose : he dwelleth onely vpon the third point pretended questionable , and this he affirmeth : if any shall condemne , or wrappe vnder the solemne curse , the abettors of the popes power to vnking lawfull and soueraigne kings ; the same shall runne vpon fowre dangerous rocks of apparant incongruities and absurdities . first , he shall offer to force and intangle the consciences of many deuout persons : for hee shall bind them to beleeue and sweare that doctrine , the contrary whereof is beleeued of the whole church , and hath beene beleeued by their predecessors . secondly , he shall ouerturne from top to bottome the sacred authoritie of holy church , and shall set open a gate vnto all sorts of heresie , by allowing lay-persons a bold libertie to be iudges in causes of religion and faith . for what is that degree of boldnesse , but open vsurping of the priesthood ; what is it but putting of prophane hands into the arke ; what is it but laying of vnholy fingers vpon the holy censor for perfumes ? thirdly , he shal make way to a schisme , not possible to be put by and auoided by any humane prouidence . for this doctrine beeing held and professed by all other catholicks ; how can we declare it repugnant vnto gods word ; how can we hold it impious ; how can we accompt it detestable , but we shall renounce communion with the head and other members of the church ; yea , we shall confesse the church in all ages to haue been the synagogue of satan , and the spouse of the deuill ? lastly , by working the establishment of this article , which worketh an establishment of kings crownes ; he shall not onely worke the intended remedy for the danger of kings , out of all the vertue and efficacie thereof , by weakening of doctrine out of all controuersie , in packing it vp with a disputable question ; but likewise in stead of securing the life and estate of kings , hee shall draw both into farre greater hazards , by the trayne or sequence of warres , and other calamities which vsually waite and attend on schismes . the l. cardinall spends his whole discourse in confirmation of these foure heads , which we now intend to sift in order , and demonstratiuely to prooue that all the said inconueniences are meere nullities , matters of imagination , and built vpon false presuppositions . but before we come to the maine , the reader is to be informed and aduertised , that his lordship setteth a false glosse vpon the question ; and propounds the case not onely contrary to the truth of the subiect in controuersie , but also to the popes owne minde and meaning . for he restrains the popes power to depose kings onely to cases of heresie , apostasie , and persecuting of the church ; whereas popes extend their power to a further distance . they depose princes for infringing , or in any sort diminishing the priuiledges of monasteries : witnesse gregorie the first in the pretended charter graunted to the abbay of s. medard at soissons , the said charter beeing annexed to his epistles in the rere . the same he testifieth in his epistle to senator , by name the 10. of the eleuenth booke . they depose for naturall dulnesse and lacke of capacitie , whether inbred and true indeed , or onely pretended and imagined : witnesse the glorious vaunt of gregorie vii . that childeric king of france was hoysted out of his throne by pope zacharie , not so much for his wicked life , as for his vnablenes to beare the weightie burden of so great a kingdome . they depose for collating of benefices and prebends : witnesse the great quarrells and sore contentions between pope innocent iii. and iohn king of england : as also betweene philip the faire and boniface viii . they depose for adulteries and matrimoniall suites : witnesse philip. 1. for the repudiating or casting off his lawfull wife bertha , and marrying in her place with bertrade wife to the earle of aniou . finally , faine would i learne into what heresie or degree of apostasie , either henrie iv. or freder . barbarossa , or frederic 2. emperours were fallen , when they were smitten with papall fulminations euen to the depriuation of their imperiall thrones . what ? was it for heresie or apostasie that pope martin iv. bare so hard a hand against peter king of arragon , that he acquitted and released the arragonnois from their oath of allegiance to peter their lawfull king ? was it for heresie or apostasie , for arrianisme or mahumetisme , that lewis xii . so good a king and father of his countrey , was put downe by iulius the ii ? was it for heresie or apostasie , that sixtus 5. vsurped a power against henrie iii. euen so farre as to denounce him vn-kingd ; the issue whereof was the parricide of that good king , and the most wofull desolation of a most flourishing kingdome ? but his lordship best liked to worke vpon that ground , which to the outward shew & appearance , is the most beautifull cause that can be alledged for the dishonouring of kings by the weapon of deposition : making himselfe to beleeue that he acted the part of an orator before personages not much acquainted with auncient and moderne histories , and such as little vnderstood the state of the question then in hand . it had therefore beene a good warrant for his lordship , to haue brought some authentical instrument from the pope , whereby the french might haue beene secured , that his holinesse renounceth all other causes auouchable for the degrading of kings ; and that he will henceforth rest in the case of heresie , for the turning of kings out of their free-hold : as also that his holinesse by the same or like instrument , might haue certified his pleasure , that he will not hereafter make himselfe iudge , whether kings be tainted with damnable heresie , or free from hereticall infection . for that were to make himselfe both iudge and plaintiffe , that it might be in his power to call that doctrine heretical , which is pure orthodoxe : and all for this ende , to make himselfe master of the kingdome , and there to settle a successor , who receiuing the crowne of the popes free gift and graunt , might be tyed thereby to depend altogether vpon his holines . hath not pope boniface viii . declared in his proud letters all those to be heretickes , that dare vndertake to affirme , the collating of prebends appertaineth to the king ? it was that popes grosse error , not in the fact , but in the right . the like crime forsooth was by popes imputed to the vnhappie emperour henrie iv. and what was the issue of the said imputation ? the sonne is instigated thereby to rebell against his father , and to impeach the interment of his dead corps , who neuer in his life had beate his braines to trouble the sweet waters of theologicall fountaines . it is recorded by auentine , that bishop virgilius was declared heretique , for teaching the position of antipodes . the bull exurge , marching in the rere of the last lateran council , sets downe this position for one of luthers heresies , a new life is the best repentance . among the crimes which the council of constance charged pope iohn xxiii . withall , one was this : that hee denied the immortalitie of the soule , and that so much was publiquely , manifestly , and notoriously knowne . now if the pope shall bee carried by the streame of these or the like errors , and in his hereticall prauitie shall depose a king of the contrary opinion , i shall hardly bee perswaded , the said king is lawfully deposed . the first inconvenience examined . the first inconuenience growing ( in the cardinall his conceit ) by entertaining the article of the third estate ( whereby the kings of france are declared to be indeposeable by any superiour power spirituall or temporall ) is this : it offereth force to the conscience , vnder the penaltie of anathema , to condemne a doctrine beleeued and practised in the church , in the continuall current of the last eleuen hundred yeares . in these words he maketh a secret confession , that in the first fiue hundred yeeres , the same doctrin was neither apprehended by faith , nor approoued by practise . wherein , to my vnderstanding , the l. cardinall voluntarily giueth ouer the suite . for the church in the time of the apostles , their disciples , and successors , for 500. yeares together , was no more ignorant what authoritie the church is to challenge ouer emperours and kings , then at any time since in any succeeding age : in which as pride hath still flowed to the height of a full sea , so puritie of religion and manners hath kept for the most part at a lowe water-marke . which point is the rather to be considered , for that during the first 500. yeres , the church groned vnder the heauy burthen , both of heathen emperours , and of hereticall kings ; the visigot kings in spaine , and the vandals in affrica . of whose displeasure the pope had small reason or cause to stand in any feare , beeing so remote from their dominions , and no way vnder the lee of their soueraigntie . but let vs come to see , what aide the l. cardinall hath amassed and piled together out of later histories : prouided wee still beare in mind , that our question is not of popular tumults , nor of the rebellion of subiects making insurrections out of their owne discontented spirits and brain-sicke humors , nor of lawfull excommunications , nor of canonicall censures and reprehensions ; but onely of a iuridicall sentence of deposition , pronounced by the pope , as armed with ordinary and lawfull power to depose , against a soueraigne prince . now then ; the l. cardinall sets on , and giues the first charge with anastasius the emperour , whome euphemius patriarke of constantinople would neuer acknowledge for emperour : ( that is to say , would neuer consent he should be created emperour by the help of his voice or suffrage ) except he would first subscribe to the chalcedon creed : notwithstanding the great empresse and senate sought by violent courses and practises to make him yeeld . and when afterward the said emperour , contrary to his oath taken , played the relaps by falling into his former heresie , and became a persecutor ; he was first admonished , and then excommunicated by symmachus bishop of rome . to this the l. cardinall addes , that when the said emperour was minded to choppe the poison of his hereticall assertions into the publique formes of diuine seruice , then the people of constantinople made an vproare against anastasius their emperour ; and one of his commanders by force of armes , constrained him to call backe certaine bishops whome he had sent into banishments before . in this first example the l. cardinall by his good leaue , neither comes close to the question , nor salutes it a farre off . euphemius was not bishop of rome : anastasius was not deposed by euphemius ; the patriarch onely made no way to the creating of anastasius . the suddaine commotion of the base multitude makes nothing , the rebellion of a greeke commaunder makes lesse , for the authorizing of the pope to depose a soueraigne prince . the greek emperour was excommunicated by pope symmachus : who knowes whether that be true or forged ? for the pope himselfe is the onely witnesse here produced by the lord cardinall vpon the point : and who knowes not how false , how suppositious , the writings and epistles of the auncient popes are iustly esteemed ? but graunt it a truth ; yet anastasius excommunicated by pope symmachus , is not anastasius deposed by pope symmachus . and to make a full answer , i say further , that excommunication denounced by a forraine bishop , against a party not beeing within the limits of his iurisdiction , or one of his owne flock , was not any barre to the party from the communion of the church , but onely a kind of publication , that he the said bishop in his particular , would hold no further communion with any such party . for proofe whereof , i produce the canons of the councils held at carthage . in one of the said canons it is thus prouided and ordained ; * if any bishop shall wilfully absent himselfe from the vsual and accustomed synodes , let him not be admitted to the communion of other churches , but let him onely vse the benefit and libertie of his owne church . in an other of the same canons thus ; * if a bishop shall insinuate himselfe to make a conueiance of his monasterie , and the ordering thereof vnto a monke of any other cloister ; let him be cut off , let him bee separated from the communion with other churches , and content himselfe to liue in the communion of his owne flocke . in the same sense hilarius bishop of poictiers excommunicated liberius bishop of rome , for subscribing to the arrian confession . in the same sense , iohn bishop of antioch excommunicated caelestine of rome , and cyrill of alexandria , bishops ; for proceeding to sentence against nestorius , without staying his comming to answer in his owne cause . in the same sense likewise , victor bishop of rome did cut off all the bishops of the east , not from the communion of their owne flocks , but from communion with victor and the romane church . what resemblance , what agreement , what proportion , betweene this course of excommunication , and that way of vniust fulmination which the popes of rome haue vsurped against kings , but yet certaine long courses of time after that auncient course ? and this may stand for a full answer likewise to the example of clotharius . this auncient king of the french , fearing the censures of pope agapetus , erected the territorie of yuetot vnto the title of a kingdome , by way of satisfaction for murdering of gualter , lord of yuetot . for this example the l. cardinall hath ransackt records of 900. yeeres antiquitie and vpward ; in which times it were no hard peice of worke to shewe , that popes would not haue any hand , nor so much as a finger in the affaires and acts of the french kings . gregorie of tours that liued in the same age , hath recorded many acts of excesse , and violent iniuries done against bishops by their kings , and namely against praetextatus bishop of roan ; for any of which iniurious prankes then plaied , the bishop of rome durst not reproue the said kings with due remonstrance . but see here the words of gregory himselfe to king chilperic : if any of vs , o king , shall swarue from the path of iustice , him thou hast power to punish : but in case thou shalt at any time transgresse the lines of equitie , who shall once touch thee with reproofe ? to thee we speake , but are neuer heeded and regarded , except it be thy pleasure : and be thou not pleased , who shal challenge thy greatnes , but he that iustly challengeth to be iustice it selfe ? the good bishop , notwithstanding these humble remonstrances , was but roughly entreated , and packt into exile , beeing banished into the isle of gernseye . but i am not minded to make any deepe search or inquisition , into the titles of the lords of yuetot : whose honourable priuiledges and titles are the most honourable badges and cognizances of their ancestors , and of some remarquable seruice done to the crowne of france : so farre i take them to differ from a satisfaction for sinne . and for the purpose i onely affirme , that were the credit of this historie beyond all exception , yet makes it nothing to the present question , wherein the power of deposing , and not of excommunicating , supreme kings is debated . and suppose the king by charter granted the said priuiledges for feare of excommunication ; how is it prooued thereby , that pope agapetus had lawfull and ordinarie power to depriue him of his crowne ? nay , doubtlesse it was rather a meanes to eleuate and aduance the dignitie of the crowne of france , and to style the french king , a king of kings , as one that was able to giue the qualitie of king , to all the rest of the nobles and gentrie of his kingdome . doth not some part of the spanish kings greatnesse , consist in creating of his great ? in the next place followeth gregorie i. who in the 10. epistle of the 11. booke , confirming the priuiledges of the hospital at augustodunum in bourgongne , prohibiteth all kings and prelates whatsoeuer , to infringe or diminish the said priuiledges , in whole or in part . his formall and expresse words be these : if any king , prelate , iudge , or any other secular person , informed of this our constitution , shall presume to go or do contrary thereunto , let him be cast downe from his power and dignitie . i answer ; the lord cardinal here wrongs himselfe very much , in taking imprecations for decrees . might not euen the meanest of the people vse the same tenour of words , and say ? if any shall touch the life , or the most sacred maiestie of our kings , be he emperour , or be hee pope , let him be accursed ; let him fall from his eminent place of authoritie , let him lose his dignity ; let him tumble into beggarie , diseases , and all kinds of calamities ? i forbeare to shewe how easie a matter it is for monkes , to forge titles after their owne humour , and to their owne liking , for the vpholding and maintaining of their priuiledges . as for the purpose , the same gregorie citeth in the end of his epistles an other priuiledge , of the like stuffe and stamp to the former , granted to the abbey of s. medard at soissons . it is fenced with a like clause to the other . but of how great vntruth , and of how little weight it is , the very date that it beareth makes manifest proofe : for it runnes , dated the yeare of our lords incarnation 593. the 11. indiction ; whereas the 10. indiction agreeth to the yeare 593. besides , it was not gregories manner to date his epistles according to the yeare of the lord. againe , the said priuiledge was signed by the bishops of alexandria and carthage , who neuer knew ( as may wel be thought ) whether any such abbey of s. medard , or citie of soissons , was euer built in the world . moreouer , they signed in the thickest of a crowde as it were of italian bishops . lastly , he that shall read in this gregories epistles , with what spirit of reuerence and humilitie hee speaketh of emperours , will hardly beleeue that euer he armed himselfe with authoritie to giue or to take away kingdomes . he styles himselfe * the emperours vnworthie seruant : presuming to speake vnto his lord , when hee knowes himselfe to bee but dust and a very worme . hee professeth subiection vnto the emperours commaunds , euen to the publishing of a certaine law of the emperours , which in his iudgement somewhat iarred and iustled with gods lawe : as elsewhere i haue spoken more at large . the l. cardinall next bringeth vpon the stage iustinian 2. he , beeing in some choller with sergius bishop of rome , because he would not fauour the erroneous synode of canstantinople , would haue caused the bishop to bee apprehended by his constable zacharias . but by the romane militia , ( that is , the troupes which the emperour then had in italie ) zacharias was repulsed and hindered from his designe , euen with opprobrious & reproachfull tearmes . his lordship must haue my shallownes excused , if i reach not his intent by this allegation ; wherein i see not one word of deposing from the empire , or of any sentence pronounced by the pope . here are now 712. yeares expired after the birth of iesus christ : in all which long tract of time , the l. cardinal hath not light vpon any instance , which might make for his purpose with neuer so little shew . for the example of the emperour philippicus , by the cardinal alledged next in sequence , belongeth to the yeare 713. and thus lies the historie : this emperour philippicus bardanes , was a professed enemie to the worshipping of images , and commanded them to be broken in peices . in that verie time the romane empire was ouerthrown in the west , and sore shaken by the saracens in the east . beside those miseries , the emperour was also incumbred with a ciuil and intestine warre . the greatest part of italie was then seized by the lombards , and the emperour in italie had nothing left saue onely the exarchat of rauenna , and the dutchie of rome , then halfe abandoned by reason of the emperours want of forces . pope constantine gripes this occasion whereon to ground his greatnesse , and to shake off the yoke of the emperour his lord : vndertakes against philippicus the cause of images : by a council declares the emperour heretique ▪ prohibites his rescripts or coine to be receiued , and to goe currant in rome : forbids his imperiall statue to bee set vp in the temple , according to auncient custome : the tumult groweth to a height : the pope is principall promoter of the tumult : in the heate of the tumult the exarche of rauenna looseth his life . here see now the mutinie of a subiect against his prince , to pull from him by force and violence a citie of his empire . but who seeth in all this any sentence of deposition from the imperial dignity ? nay , the pope then missed the cushion , and was disappointed vtterly of his purpose . the cittie of rome stood firme , and continued still in their obedience to the emperour . about some 12. yeeres after , the emperour leo isauricus ( whome the lord of perron calleth iconoclast ) falles to fight it out at sharpe , and to prosecute worshippers of images with all extremitie . vpon this occasion , pope gregorie 2. then treading in the steps of his predecessor , when he perceiued the citie of rome to be but weakly prouided of men or munition , and the emperour to haue his hands full in other places , found such meanes to make the citie rise in rebellious armes against the emperour , that he made himselfe in short time master thereof . thus far the l. card. wherunto my answer for satisfaction is ; that degrading an emperour from his imperiall dignitie , and reducing a citie to reuolt against her master , that a man at last may carrie the peice himselfe , and make himselfe lord thereof , are two seuerall actions of speciall difference . if the free-hold of the citie had beene conueied to some other by the pope depriuing the emperour , as proprietarie thereof , this example might haue challenged some credit at least in shew : but so to inuade the citie to his owne vse , and so to seize on the right and authority of another , what is it but open rebellion , and notorious ambition ? for it is farre from ecclesiasticall censure , when the spirituall pastor of soules forsooth , pulles the cloake of a poore sinner from his backe by violence , or cuts his purse , and thereby appropriates an other mans goods to his priuate vse . it is to be obserued withall , that when the emperours were not of sufficient strength , and popes had power to beard and to braue emperours , then these papall practises were first set on foot . this emperour notwithstanding , turned head and peckt againe : his lieutenant entred rome , and gregorie 3. successor to this gregorie 2. was glad to honour the same emperour with style and title of his lord : witnes two seueral epistles of the said gregory 3. written to boniface , and subscribed in this forme : dated the tenth calends of december : in the raigne of our most pious and religious lord , angustus leo , crowned of god , the great emperour , in the tenth yeare of his raigne . the l. cardinall with no lesse abuse alleadgeth pope zacharie , by whome the french , as he affirmeth , were absolued of the oath of allegiance , wherein they stood bound to childeric their king. and for this instance , he standeth vpon the testimonie of paulus aemilius , and du tillet , a paire of late writers . but by authors more neere that age wherein childeric raigned , it is more truely testified , that it was a free and voluntarie act of the french , onely asking the aduise of pope zacharie , but requiring neither leaue nor absolution . ado bishop of vienna , in his chronicles hath it after this manner : the french , following the counsell of embassadors , and of pope zachary , elected pepin their king , and established him in the kingdome . trithemius in his abridgement of annals , thus : childeric , as one vnfit for gouernement , was turned out of his kingdome , with common consent of the estates and peeres of the realme , so aduised by zacharie pope of rome . godfridus of viterbe in the 17. part of his chronicle ; and guaguin in the life of pepin , affirme the same . and was it not an easie matter to worke pepin by counsell to lay hold on the kingdome , when he could not be hindered from fastening on the crowne , and had already seizd it in effect , howsoeuer he had not yet attained to the name of king ? moreouer , the rudenesse of that nation , then wanting knowledge and schooles either of diuinitie , or of academicall sciences , was a kind of spurre to make them runne for counsell ouer the mountaines : which neuerthelesse in a cause of such nature , they required not as necessary , but onely as decent and for fashion sake . the pope also for his part was well appaied , by this meanes to drawe pepin vnto his part ; as one that stood in some need of his aide against the lombards ; and the more , because his lord the emperour of constantinople was then brought so low , that he was not able to send him sufficient aide , for the defence of his territories against his enemies . but had zacharie ( to deale plainely ) not stood vpon the respect of his owne commoditie , more then vpon the regard of gods feare ; he would neuer haue giuen counsel vnto the seruant , vnder the pretended colour of his masters dull spirit , so to turne rebell against his master . the lawes prouide gardians , or ouerseers , for such as are not well in their wits ; they neuer depriue and spoile them of their estate : they punish crimes , but not diseases and infirmities by nature . yea , in france it is a very auncient custome , when the king is troubled in his wittes to establish a regent , who for the time of the kings disability , may beare the burden of the kingdomes affaires . so was the practise of that state in the case of charles 6. when he fell into a phrensie ; whome the pope notwithstanding his most grieuous and sharpe fits , neuer offered to degrade . and to be short , what reason , what equity will beare the children to be punished for the fathers debilitie ? yet such punishment was laid vpon childerics whole race and house ; who by this practise were all disinherited of the kingdome . but shall wee now take some viewe , of the l. cardinals excuse for this exemplarie fact ? the cause of childerics deposing , ( as the l. cardinal saith ) did neerly concerne and touch religion . for childerics imbecillitie brought all france into danger , to suffer a most wofull shipwracke of christian religion , vpon the barbarous and hostile inuasion of the saracens . admit now this reason had beene of iust weight and value , yet consideration should haue been taken , whether some one or other of that royallstemme , and of the kings owne successors neerest of blood , was not of better capacitie to rule and mannage that mightie state. the feare of vncertaine and accidentall mischiefe , should not haue driuen them to slie vnto the certain mischiefe of actuall and effectuall deposition . they should rather haue set before their eies the example of charles martel , this pepins father ; who in a farre more eminent danger , when the saracens had already mastered , and subdued a great part of france , valiantly encountred , and withall defeated the saracens ; ruled the kingdome vnder the title of steward of the kings house , the principall officer of the crowne ; without affecting or aspiring to the throne for all that great steppe of aduantage , especially when the saracens were quite broken , and no longer dreadfull to the french nation . in our owne scotland , the sway of the kingdome was in the hand of walles , during the time of bruse his imprisonment in england , who then was lawfull heire to the crowne . this walles or vallas had the whole power of the kingdome at his beck and command . his edicts and ordinances to this day stand in full force . by the deadly hatred of bruse his mortall enemie , it may be coniectured , that hee might haue beene prouoked and inflamed with desire to trusse the kingdome in his talants . and notwithstanding all these incitements , hee neuer assumed or vsurped other title to himselfe , then of gouernour or administrator of the kingdome . the reason . hee had not beene brought vp in this newe doctrine and late discipline , whereby the church is endowed with power to giue and to take away crownes . but now ( as the l. cardinall would beare the world in hand ) the state of kings is brought to a very dead lift . the pope forsooth must send his phisitians , to know by way of inspection or some other course of art , whether the kings braine be crackt or found : and in case there be found any debility of wit and reason in the king , then the pope must remooue and translate the crowne , from the weaker braine to a stronger : and for the acting of the stratageme , the name of religion must be pretended . ho , these heretikes beginne to crawle in the kingdome : order must bee taken they be not suffered by their multitudes and swarmes , like locusts or caterpillars to pester and poison the whole realme . or in a case of matrimonie , thus : ho , marriage is a sacrament : touch the order of matrimonie , and religion is wounded . by this deuise not onely the kings vices , but likewise his naturall diseases and infirmities are fetcht into the circle of religion ; and the l. cardinal hath not done himselfe right , in restraining the popes power to depose kings , vnto the cafes of heresie , apostasie , and persecution of the church . in the next place followeth leo iii. who by setting the imperiall crowne vpon the head of charles , absolued all the subiects in the west , of their obedience to the greeke emperours , if the l. of perron might be credited in this example . but indeed it is crowded among the rest by a slie tricke , and cleane contrary to the naked truth of all histories . for it shall neuer bee iustified by good historie , that so much as one single person or man ( i say not one country , or one people ) was then wrought or wonne by the pope , to change his copy and lord , or from a subiect of the greeke emperours , to turne subiect vnto charlemayne . let me see but one towne that charlemayne recouered from the greeke emperours , by his right and title to his empire in the west : no , the greeke emperours had taken their farwell of the west empire long before . and therefore to nick this vpon the tallie of pope leo his acts , that hee tooke away the west from the greeke emperour , it is euen as if one should say , that in this age the pope takes the dukedome of milan from the french kings , or the citie of rome from the emperours of germany , because their predecessors in former ages had beene right lords and gouernours of them both . it is one of the popes ordinary and solemne practises to take away , much after the manner of his giuing . for as he giueth what he hath not in his right and power to giue , or bestoweth vpon others what is alreadie their owne : euen so he taketh away from kings and emperors the possessions which they haue not in present hold and possession . after this manner he takes the west from the greeke emperours , when they hold nothing in the west , and lay no claime to any citie or towne of the west empire . and what shall we call this way of depriuation , but spoyling a naked man of his garments , and killing a man alreadie dead ? true it is , the imperiall crowne was then set on charlemaynes head by leo the pope : did leo therefore giue him the empire ? no more then a bishop that crownes a king , at his royall and solemne consecration doth giue him the kingdome . for shal the pope himselfe take the popedome from the bishop of ostia as of his gift , because the crowning of the pope is an office of long time peculiar to the ostian bishop ? it was the custome of emperours , to be crowned kings of italy by the hands of the archbishop of milan : did he therefore giue the kingdome of italy to the said emperours ? and to returne vnto charlemayne ; if the pope had conueied the empire to him by free and gratious donation , the pope doubtlesse in the solemnity of his coronation , would neuer haue performed vnto his owne creature , an emperour of his owne making , the duties of adoration , as ado that liued in the same age hath left it on record : after the solemne praises ended ( saith ado ) the cheife bishop honoured him with adoration , according to the custome of auncient princes . the same is likewise put downe by auentine , in the 4. booke of his annals of bauaria . the like by the president fauchet in his antiquities : and by mons. petau councellor in the court of parliament at paris , in his preface before the chronicles of eusebius , hierome , and sigebert . it was therefore the people of rome that called this charles the great vnto the imperiall dignitie , and cast on him the title of empeerour . so testifieth sigebert vpon the yeere 801. all the romanes with one generall voice and consent , ring out acclamations of imperiall praises to the emperour , they crowne him by the hands of leo the pope , they giue him the style of caesar and augustus . marianus scotus hath as much in effect : charles was then called augustus by the romanes . and so platina . after the solemne seruice , leo declareth and proclameth charles emperour , according to the publike decree and generall request of the people of rome . aventine , and sigonius in his 4. booke of the kingdome of italie witnes the same . neuerthelesse to gratifie the l. cardinall : suppose pope leo dispossessed the greeke emperours of the west empire . what was the cause ? what infamous act had they done ? what prophane and irreligious crime had they committed ? nicephorus and irene , who raigned in the greeke empire in charlemaynes time , were not reputed by the pope , or taken for heretikes . how then ? the l. cardinall helpeth at a pinch , and putteth vs in minde , that constantine and leo , predecessors to the said emperours , had beene poysoned with heresie , and stained with persecution . here then behold an orthodoxe prince deposed . for what cause ? for heresie forsooth , not in himselfe but in some of his predecessors long before . an admirable case . for i am of a contrary minde , that he was worthy of double honour , in restoring and setting vp the truth againe , which vnder his predecessors had indured oppression , and suffered persecution . doubtlesse pope siluester was greatly ouerseene , and plaied not well the pope , when he winked at constantine the great , and cast him not downe from his imperiall throne , for the strange infidelitie and paganisme of diocletian , of maximian , and maxentius , whome constantine succeeded in the empire . from this example the l. of perron passeth to fulke archbishop of reims : by whome charles the simple was threatned with excommunication , and refusing to continue any longer in the fidelity and allegiance of a subiect . to what purpose is this example ? for who can be ignorant , that all ages haue brought forth turbulent and stirring spirits , men altogether forgetfull of respect and obseruance towards their kings , especially when the world finds them shallow and simple-witted , like vnto this prince ? but in this example , where is there so much as one word of the pope , or the deposing of kings ? here the l. cardinall chops in the example of philip 1. king of france , but mangled , and strangely disguised , as hereafter shall be shewed . at last he leadeth vs to gregory vii . surnamed hildebrand , the scourge of emperours , the firebrand of warre , the scorne of his age . this pope , after he had ( in the spirit of pride , and in the very height of all audaciousnesse ) thundred the sentence of excommunication and deposition , against the emperour henry 4. after he had enterprised this act without all precedent example : after hee had filled all europe with blood : this pope , i say , sunke downe vnder the weight of his affaires , and died as a fugitiue at salerne , ouerwhelmed with discontent and sorrowe of heart . here lying at the point of giuing vp the ghoast , calling vnto him ( as it is in sigebert ) a certaine cardinall whome hee much fauoured , he confesseth to god , and saint peter , and the whole church , that he had beene greatly defectiue in the pastor all charge cōmitted to his care ; and that by the deuills instigation , he had kindled the fire of gods wrath and hatred against mankind . then he sent his confessor to the emperour , and to the whole church to pray for his pardon , because hee perceiued that his life was at an end . likewise cardinal benno that liued in the said gregories time , doth testifie , that so soone as he was risen out of his chaire to excommunicate the emperour from his cathedrall seate : by the will of god the said cathedrall seate , new made of strong board or plancke , did cracke and cleaue into many peices or parts : to manifest how great and terrible schismes had beene sowed against the church of christ , by an excommunication of so dangerous consequence , pronounced by the man that had sit iudge therein . now to bring and alleadge the example of such a man , who by attempting an act which neuer any man had the heart or face to attempt before , hath condemned all his predecessors of cowardise , or at least of ignorance ; what is it else , but euen to send vs to the schoole of mighty robbers , and to seeke to correct and reforme ancient vertues by late vices . which otho frisingensis calling into his owne priuate consideration , he durst freely professe , that he had not reade of any emperour before this henrie the 4. excommunicated or driuen out of his imperiall throne and kingdome by the cheife bishop of rome . but if this quarrell may bee tryed and fought out with weapons of examples , i leaue any indifferent reader to iudge what examples ought in the cause to be of cheifest authoritie and weight : whether late examples of kings deposed by popes , for the most part neuer taking the intended effect ; or auncient examples of popes actually and effectually thrust out of their thrones by emperous and kings . the emperour constantius expelled liberius bishop of rome out of the citie , banished him as farre as beroe , and placed foelix in his roome . indeed constantius was an arrian , and therein vsed no lesse impious then vniust proceeding . neuertheles the auncient fathers of the church , do not blame constantius for his hard and sharpe dealing with a cheife bishop , ouer whom he had no lawfull power , but onely as an enemie to the orthodoxe faith , and one that raged with extreame rigor of persecution against innocent beleeuers . in the raigne of valentinian the 1. and yeare of the lord 367. the contention between damasus and vrsicinus competitors for the bishoppricke , filled the cittie of rome with a bloody sedition , in which were wickedly and cruelly murdered 137. persons . to meete with such turbulent actions , honorius made a law extant in the decretalls , the words whereof be these ; if it shall happen henceforth by the temeritie of competitors , that any two bishops be elected to the see , wee straitly charge and command , that neither of both shall sit in the said , see. by vertue of this law , the same honorius in the yere 420. expelled bonifacius and eulalius , competitors and antipopes out of rome , though not long after he reuoked bonifacius , and settled him in the papall see. theodoric the goth king of italie , sent iohn bishop of rome embassador to the emperour iustinian , called him home againe , and clapt him vp in the close prison , where hee starued to death . by the same king , peter bishop of altine was dispatched to rome , to heare the cause and examine the processe of pope symmachus , then indited and accused of sundry crimes . king theodatus about the yeare 537. had the seruice of pope agapetus , as his embassadour to the emperour iustinian , vpon a treatie of peace . agapetus dying in the time of that seruicc , syluerius is made bishop by theodatus . not long after , syluerius is driuen out by belisarius the emperour his lieutenant , and sent into banishment . after syluerius next succeedeth vigilius , who with currant coine purchased the popedome of belisarius . the emperour iustinian sends for vigilius to constantinople , and receiues him there with great honour . soone after , the emperour takes offence at his freenesse in speaking his mind , commands him to be beaten with stripes in manner to death , and with a roape about his necke to be drawne through the city like a theife , as platina relates the historie . nicephorus in his 26. booke , and 17. chapter , comes very neere the same relation . the emperour constantius , in the yere 654. caused pope martin to be bound with chains , & banished him into chersonesus , where he ended his life . the popes in that age writing to the emperors , vsed none but submissiue tearmes , by way of most humble supplications ; made profession of bowing the knee before their sacred maiesties , and of executing their commaunds with entire obedience ; payed to the emperours twenty pound weight of gold for their inuestiture ; which tribute was afterward released and remitted , by constantine the bearded , to pope agatho , in the yere 679. as i haue obserued in an other place . nay further , euen when the power and riches of the popes was growne to great height , by the most profuse and immense munificence of charlemayne and lewis his sonne ; the emperours of the west did not relinquish and giue ouer the making and vnmaking of popes , as they saw cause . pope ' adrian 1. willingly submitted his necke to this yoke : and made this law to be passed in a council , that in charlemain should rest all right and power for the popes election , and for the gouernement of the papall see. this constitution is inserted in the decretals , dist . 63. can. * hadrianus , and was confirmed by the practise of many yeeres . in the yeare of the l. 963. the emperour otho tooke away the popedom from iohn 13. and placed leo 8. in his roome . in like manner , iohn 14. gregorie 5. and siluester 2. were seated in the papal throne by the othos . the emperour henrie 2. in the yeere 1007. deposed three popes , namely , benedict 9. siluester 3. and gregorie 6. whom platina doth not sticke to call , three most detestable and vile monsters . this custome continued , this practise stood in force for diuers ages , euen vntill the times of gregorie 7. by whome the whole west was tossed and turmoiled with lamentable warres , which plagued the world , and the empire by name with intolerable troubles and mischiefes . for after the said gregorian wars , the empire fell from bad to worse , and so went on to decay , till emperours at last were driuen to begge , and receiue the imperiall crowne of the pope . the kingdome of france met not with so rude entreatie , but was dealt withall by courses of a milder temper . gregorie 4. about the yere of the lord 832. was the first pope that perswaded himselfe to vse the censure of excommunication against a king of france . this pope hauing a hand in the troublesome factions of the realme , was nothing backward to side with the sonnes of lewis , surnamed the courteous , by wicked conspiracy entring into a desperate course and complot against lewis their owne father : as witnesseth sigebert in these words , pope gregorie comming into france , ioyned himselfe to the sonnes against the emperour their father . but annals of the verie same times ; and he that furbushed aimonius , a religious of s. benedicts order , do testifie , that all the bishops of france fell vpon this resolution ; by no meanes to rest in the popes pleasure , or to giue any place vnto his designe : and contrariwise , in case the pope should proceed to excommunication of their king , he should returne out of fraunce to rome an excommunicate person himself . the chronicle of s. denis hath words in this forme : the lord apostolicall returned answer , that he was not come into fraunce for any other purpose , but onely to excommunicate the king and his bishops , if they would be in any sort opposite vnto the sonnes of lewis , or disobedient vnto the will and pleasure of his holinesse . the prelats enformed hereof made answer , that in this case they would neuer yeeld obedience to the excommunication of the said bishops : because it was contrarie to the authority and aduise of the auncient canons . after these times , pope nicholas , 1. depriued king lotharius of communion ( for in those times not a word of deposing ) to make him repudiate or quit valdrada , and to resume or take again thetberga his former wife . the articles framed by the french vpon this point , are to be found in the writings of hincmarus archbishop of reims , and are of this purport ; that in the iudgement of men both learned and wise , it is an ouerruled case , that as the king whatsoeuer he shall doe , ought not by his own bishops to be excommunicated , euen so no forraine bishop hath power to sit for his iudge : because the king is to be subiect onely vnto god , and his imperiall authoritie , who alone had the al-sufficient power to settle him in his kingdome . moreouer , the clergie addressed letters of answer vnto the same pope , full of stinging and bitter tearms , with speaches of great scorne and contempt , as they are set downe by auentine in his annals of bauaria , not forbearing to call him theife , wolfe , and tyrant . when pope hadrian tooke vpon him like a lord , to commaund charles the bald vpon paine of interdiction , that hee should suffer the kingdome of lotharius to be fully and entirely conueied and conferred vpon lewis his sonne ; the same hinemarus , a man of great authoritie and estimation in that age , sent his letters containing sundrie remonstrances touching that subiect . among other matters thus he writeth , the ecclesiastics and seculars of the kingdom assembled at reims , haue affirmed and now do affirme by way of reproach , vpbrading , & exprobation , that neuer was the like mandate sent before from the see of rome to any of our predecessors . and a little after : the cheife bishops of the apostolike see , or any other bishops of the greatest authoritie and holinesse , neuer withdrew themselues from the presence , from the reuerend salutation , or from the conference of emperours and kings , whether hereticks , or schismiticks and tyrants : as constantius the arrian , julianus the apostata , and maxmius the tyrant . and yet a little after ; wherefore if the apostolicke lord be minded to seeke peace , let him seeke it so , that hee stirre no brawles , and breed no quarrels . for we are no such babes to beleeue , that wee can or euer shall attaine to gods kingdome , vnlesse we receiue him for our king in earth , whom god himselfe recommendeth to vs from heauen . it is added by hincmarus in the same place , that by the said bishops and lords temporall , such threatning words were blowne forth , as he is afraid once to speake and vtter . as for the king himselfe , what reckoning he made of the popes mandates , it appeareth by the kings owne letters addressed to pope hadrianus , as we may reade euery where in the epistles of hincmarus . for there , after king charles hath taxed and challenged the pope of pride , and hit him in the teeth with a spirit of vsurpation , he breaketh out into these words : what hell hath cast vp this lawe so crosse and preposterous ? what infernall gulph hath disgorged this law out of the darkest and obscurest dennes ? a law quite contrarie and altogether repugnant vnto the beaten way shewed vs in the holy scriptures , &c. yea , he flatly and peremptorily forbids the pope , except he meane or desire to be recompenced with dishonour and contempt , to send any more the like mandates , either to himselfe , or to his bishops . vnder the raigne of hugo capetus and robert his sonne , a council now extant in all mens hands , was held and celebrated at reims by the kings authority . there arnulphus bishop of orleans , then prolocutor and speaker of the council , calls the pope antichrist , and lets not also to paint him forth like a monster : as well for the deformed and vgly vices of that vnholy see , which then were in their exaltation , as also because the pope then won with presents , and namely with certaine goodly horses , then presented to his holinesse , tooke part against the king , with arnulphus bishop of reims , then dispossed of his pastorall charge . when philip 1. had repudiated his wife bertha , daughter to the earle of holland , and in her place had also taken to wife bertrade the wife of fulco earle of aniou yet being aliue ; he was excommunicated , and his kingdom interdicted by vrbanus then pope , ( though he was then bearded with an antipope ) as the l. cardinal here giueth vs to vnderstand . but his lordship hath skipt ouer two principall points recorded in the historie . the first is , that philip was not deposed by the pope : whereupon it is to be inferred , that in this passage there is nothing materiall to make for the popes power against a kings throne and scepter . the other point is , that by the censures of the pope , the course of obedience due to the king before was not interrupted , nor the king disauowed , refused , or disclaimed : but on the contrary , that iuo of chartres taking pope vrbanus part , was punished for his presumption , dispoyled of his estate , and kept in prison : whereof hee makes complaint himselfe in his 19. and 20. epistles . the l. cardinal besides , in my vnderstanding , for his masters honour , should haue made no words of interdicting the whole kingdome . for when the pope , to giue a king chastisement , doth interdict his kingdome , he makes the people to beare the punishment of the kings offence . for during the time of interdiction , the church doores through the whole kingdome are kept continually shut and lockt vp : publike seruice is intermitted in all places : bels euery where silent : sacraments not administred to the people : bodies of the dead so prostituted and abandoned , that none dares burie the said bodies in holy ground . more , it is beleeued , that a man dying vnder the curse of the interdict , ( without some speciall indulgence or priuiledge ) is for euer damned and adiudged to eternall punishments , as one that dyeth out of the communion of the church . put case then the interdict holdeth and continueth for many yeares together ; alas , how many millions of poore soules are damned , and goe to hell for an others offence ? for what can , or what may the faltlesse and innocent people doe withall , if the king will repudiate his wife , and she yet liuing , ioyne himselfe in matrimonie to an other ? the lord cardinall after philip the 1. produceth philippus augustus , who hauing renounced his wife ingeberga daughter to the king of denmarke , and marrying with agnes daughter to the duke of morauia , was by pope innocent the third interdicted himselfe and his whole kingdome . but his lordshippe was not pleased to insert withall , what is auerred in the chronicle of saint denis : that pope celestinus 3. sent forth two legats at once vpon this errand : who being come into to the assemblie and generall council of all the french prelats , became like dumbe dogs that can not barke , so as they could not bring the seruice which they had vndertaken to any good passe , because they stood in a bodily feare of their owne hydes . not long after , the cardinal of capua was in the like taking : for he durst not bring the realme within the limits of the interdict , before he was got out of the limits of the kingdome . the king herewith incensed , thrust all the prelates that had giuen consent vnto these proceedings out of their sees , confiscated their goods , &c. to the same effect is that which wee reade in math. paris . after the pope had giuen his maiesty to vnderstand by the cardinal of anagnia , that his kingdome should be interdicted , vnlesse hee would be reconciled to the king of england ▪ the king returned the pope this answer , that he was not in any sort afraid of the popes sentence , for as much as it could not bee grounded vpon any equity of the cause : and added withall , that it did no way appertain vnto the church of rome to sentence kings , especially the king of fraunce . and this was done , saith iohannes tilius register in court of parliament at paris , by the counsell of the french barons . most notable is the example of philip the faire , and hits the bird in the right eie . in the yeere 1032. the pope dispatched the archbishop of narbona with mandates into france , commaunding the king to release the bishop of apamia then detained in prison , for contumelious words tending to the kings defamation , and spoken to the kings owne head . in very deede this pope had conceiued a secret grudge , and no light displeasure against king philip before : namely , because the king had taken vpon him the collation of benefices , and other ecclesiasticall dignities . vpon which occasion the pope sent letters to the king of this tenour and style : feare god , and keepe his commaundements : we would haue thee knowe , that in spirituall and temporall causes thou art subiect vnto our selfe : that collating of benefices and prebends doth not in any sort appertaine to thy office and place : that , in case as keeper of the spiritualties , thou haue the custodie of benefices and prebends in thy hand when they become void , thou shalt by sequestration reserue the fruites of the same , to the vse and benefit of the next incumbents and successors : and in case thou hast heretofore collated any , we ordaine the said collations to bee meerely void : and so farre as herein thou hast proceeded to the fact , we reuoke the said collations . we hold them for hereticks whosoeuer are not of this beleefe . a legate comes to paris , and brings these brauing letters : by some of the kings faithful seruants they are violently snatched and pulled out of the legates hands : by the earle of artois they are cast into the fire . the good king answers the pope , and payes him in as good coyne as he had sent . philip by the grace of god king of the french , to boniface calling and bearing himselfe the soueraigne bishop , little greeting or none at all . may thy exceeding sottishnesse vnderstand , that in temporall causes we are not subiect vnto any mortall and earthly creature : that collating of benefices and prebends , by regall right appertaineth to our office and place : that appropriating their fruites when they become voide , belongeth to our selfe alone during their vacancie : that all collations by vs heretofore made , or to be made hereafter , shall stand in force : that in the validitie and vertue of the said collations , we will euer couragiously defend and maintaine , all incumbents and possessors of benefices and prebends so by vs collated . we hold them all for sots and senselesse , whosoeuer are not of this beleefe . the pope incensed herewith excommunicates the king : but no man dares publish that censure , or become bearer thereof . the king notwithstanding the said proceedings of the pope , assembles his prelates , barons , and knights at paris : askes the whole assembly , of whome they hold their fees , with all other the temporalties of the church . they make answer with one voice , that in the said matters they disclaime the pope , and know none other lord beside his maiestie . meane while the pope worketh with germanie and the lowe countries , to stirre them vp against france . but philip sendeth william of nogaret into italy . william by the direction and aide of sciarra columnensis , takes the pope at anagnia , mounts him vpon a leane ill-fauoured iade , carries him prisoner to rome ; where ouercome with choller , anguish , and great indignation , hee takes his last leaue of the popedome and his life . all this notwithstanding , the king presently after , from the successors of boniface receiues very ample and gratious bulls , in which the memorie of all the former passages and actions is vtterly abolished . witnesse the epistle of clement 5. wherein this king is honoured with prayses , for a pious and religious prince , and his kingdom is restored to the former estate . in that age the french nobilitie carried other manner of spirits , then the moderne and present nobilitie doe : i meane those by whome the l. cardinal was applauded and assisted in his oration . yea , in those former times the prelates of the realme stood better affected towards their king , then the l. cardinal himselfe now standeth : who could finde none other way to dally with , and to shift off this pregnant example , but by plaine glosing , that heresie and apostasie was no ground of that question , or subiect of that controuersie . wherein hee not onely condemnes the pope , as one that proceeded against philip without a iust cause and good ground ; but likewise giues the pope the lie , who , in his goodly letters but a little aboue recited , hath enrowled philip in the list of heretiks . he saith moreouer , that indeed the knot of the question was touching the popes pretence , in challenging to himselfe the temporall soueraingntie of france , that is to say , in qualifying himselfe king of france . but indeed and indeede no such matter to be found . his whole pretence was the collating of benefices , and to pearch aboue the king to crowe ouer his crowne in temporall causes . at which pretence his holinesse yet aimeth , still attributing and and challenging to himselfe plenary power to depose the king. now if the l. cardinal shall yet proceede to cauill , that boniface 8. was taken by the french for an vsurper , and no lawfull pope , but for one that crept into the papacy by fraud and symonie ; hee must bee pleased to set downe positiuely who was pope , seeing that boniface then sate not in the papall chaire . to conclude , if hee that creepeth and stealeth into the papacie by symonie , by canuases or labouring of suffrages vnder hand , or by bribery , be not lawfull pope ; i dare bee bold to professe , there will hardly bee found two lawfull popes in the three last ages . pope benedict in the yeare 1408. being in choller with charles 6. because charles had bridled and curbed the gainefull exactions and extorsions of the popes court , by which the realme of france had been exhausted of their treasure , sent an excommunicatorie bull into fraunce , against charles the king , and all his princes . the vniuersitie of paris made request or motion that his bull might be mangled , and pope benedict himselfe , by some called petrus de luna , might be declared heretike , schismatike , and perturber of the peace . the said bull was mangled and rent in pieces , according to the petition of the vniuersity , by decree of court vpon the 10. of iune , 1408. tenne dayes after , the court rising at eleuen in the morning , two bul-bearers of the said excōmuncaitorie censure vnderwent ignominious punishment vpon the palace or great hall stayres . from thence were lead to the lovure in such manner as they had beene brought from thence before : drawen in two tumbrells , cladde in coates of painted linnen , wore paper-mytres on their heads , were proclaimed with sound of trumpet , and euery where disgraced with publike derision . so little reckoning was made of the popes thundering canons in those daies . and what would they haue done , if the said buls had imported sentence of deposition against king charles ? the french church assembled at tours in the yeere 1510. decreed that lewis xii . might with safe conscience contemne the abusiue bulls , and vniust censures of pope julius the ii. and by armes might withstand the popes vsurpations , in case hee should proceed to excommunicate or depose the king. more , by a council holden at pisa , this lewis declared the pope to be fallen from the popedome , and coyned crowns with a stamp of this inscription , i wil destroy the name of babylon . to this the l. of perron makes answer , that all this was done by the french , as acknowledging these iars to haue sprung not from the fountaine of religion , but from passion of state . wherin he condemneth pope iulius , for giuing so great scope vnto his publike censures , as to serue his ambition , and not rather to aduance religion . hee secretly teacheth vs besides , that when the pope vndertakes to depose the king of france , then the french are to sit as iudges concerning the lawfulnesse or vnlawfulnesse of the cause ; and in case they shall finde the cause to be vnlawfull , then to disannull his iudgements , and to scoffe at his thunderbolts . iohn d' albret king of nauarre , whose realme was giuen by the foresaid pope to ferdinand king of arragon , was also wrapped and entangled with strict bands of deposition . now if the french had been touched with no better feeling of affection to their king , then the subiects of nauarre were to the nauarrois ; doubtlesse france had sought a newe lord , by vertue of the popes ( as the l. cardinal himselfe doth acknowledge and confesse ) vniust sentence . but behold , to make the said sentence against iohn d' albret seeme the lesse contrary to equity , the l. cardinal pretends , the popes donation was not indeede the principall cause , howsoeuer ferdinand himselfe made it his pretence . but his lor. giues this for the principall cause : that iohn d' albret had quitted his alliance made with condition ; that in case the kings of nauarre should infringe the said alliance , and breake the league , then the kingdome of nauarre should returne to the crowne of arragon . this condition , between kings neuer made , and without all shew of probabilitie , serueth to none other purpose from the cardinals mouth , but onely to insinuate and worke a perrswasion in his king , that he hath no right nor lawfull pretension to the crowne of nauarre : and whatsoeuer hee nowe holdeth in the said kingdome of nauarre , is none of his owne , but by vsurpation and vnlawfull possession . thus his lordshippe french-borne , makes himselfe an aduocate for the spanish king , against his owne king , and king of the french : who shall bee faine , as he ought ( if this aduocats plea may take place ) to draw his title and style of king of nauarre out of his royall titles , and to acknowledge that all the great endeauours of his predecessors to recouer the said kingdome , were dishonourable and vniust . is it possible , that in the very heart and head citie of france , a spirit & tongue so licentious can be brooked ? what , shall so great blasphemy ( as it were ) of the kings freehold , be powred forth in so honourable an assembly , without punishment or fyne ? what , without any contradiction for the kings right , and on the kings behalfe ? i may perhaps confesse the indignitie might bee the better borne , and the pretence aledged might passe for a poore excuse , if it serued his purpose neuer so little . for how doth all this touch or come neere the question ? in which the popes vsurpation in the deposing of kings , and the resolution of the french in resisting this tyrannicall practise , is the proper issue of the cause : both which points are neuer a whit more of the lesse consequence and importance , howsoeuer ferdinand in his owne iustification stood vpon the foresaid pretence . thus much is confessed , and we aske no more : pope iulius tooke the kingdome from the one , and gaue it vnto the other : the french thereupon resisted the pope , and declared him to bee fallen from the papacie . this noble spirit and courage of the french , in maintaining the dignitie and honour of their kings crownes , bredde those auncient customes , which in the sequence of many ages haue beene obserued and kept in vse . this for one : that no legate of the pope , nor any of his rescripts nor mandates , are admitted and receiued in france , without licence from the king : and vnlesse the legate impart his faculties to the kings atturney generall , to be perused and verified in court of parliament : where they are to be tyed by certaine modifications & restrictions , vnto such points as are not derogatorie from the kings right , from the liberties of the church , and from the ordinances of the kingdome . when cardinal balva , contrary to this ancient forme , entred france in the yeare 1484. and there without leaue of the king did execute the office , and speed certaine acts of the popes legat ; the court vpon motion made by the kings atturney generall , decreed a commission , to be informed against him by two councellors of the said court , and inhibited his further proceeding to vse any faculty or power of the popes legate , vpon paine of beeing proclaimed rebell . in the yeare 1561. iohannes tanquerellus batchelor in diuinitie , by order of the court was condemned to make open confession , that hee had indiscreetly and rashly without consideration defended this proposition , the pope is the vicar of christ , a monarke that hath power both spirituall and secular , and he may depriue princes , which rebel against his cōmandements , of their dignities . which proposition , howsoeuer he protested that he had propounded the same onely to be argued , and not iudicially to be determined in the affirmatiue , tanquerellus neuerthelesse was compelled openly to recant . here the l. cardinal answers ; the historie of tanquerellus is from the matter , because his proposition treateth neither of heresie nor of infidelitie : but i answer , the said proposition treateth of both , for as much as it maketh mention of disobedience to the pope . for i suppose he will not deny , that whosoeuer shall stand out in heresie , contrary to the popes monitorie proceedings , hee shall shewe but poore and simple obedience to the pope . moreouer , the case is cleare by the former examples , that no pope will suffer his power to cast downe kings , to bee restrained vnto the cause of heresie and infidelitie . in the heate of the last warres , raised by that holy-prophane league , admonitory buls were sent by pope gregory 14. from rome , anno 1591. by these bulls king henry 4. as an heretike and relaps , was declared incapable of the crowne of france , and his kingdome was exposed to hauock and spoile . the court of parliament beeing assembled at tours the 5. of august , decreed the said admonitorie bulls to bee cancelled , torne in peices , and cast into a great fire by the hand of the publike executioner . the arrest it selfe or decree is of this tenor : the court duely pondering and approouing the concluding and vnanswearable reasons of the kings atturney general , hath declared , and by these present doth declare , the admonitorie bulls giuen at rome the 1. of march 1591. to be of no validitie , abusiue , seditious , damnable , full of impietie and impostures , contrarie to the holie decrees , rights , franchises , and liberties of the french church : doth ordaine the copies of the said bulls , sealed with the seale of marsilius landrianus , and signed septilius lamprius , to be rent in peices by the publike executioner , and by him to be burnt in a great fire to be made for such purpose , before the great gates of the common hall or palace , &c. then euen then the l. of perron was firme for the better part , and stood for his king against gregorie the pope , notwithstanding the crime of heresie pretended against henrie his lord. all the former examples by vs alleadged , are drawne out of the times after schooles of diuinitie were established in france . for i thought good to bound my selfe within those dooles and limits of time , which the l. card. himselfe hath set . who goeth not sincerely to worke and in good earnest , where he telleth vs there bee three instances ( as if we had no more ) obiected against papall power , to remooue kings out of their chaires of state : by name , the example of philip the faire , of lewis xii . and of tanquerellus . for in very truth all the former examples by vs produced , are no lesse pregnant and euident , howsoeuer the l. cardinal hath beene pleased to conceale them all for feare of hurting his cause . nay , france euen in the dayes of her sorest seruitude , was neuer vnfurnished of great diuines , by whom this vsurped pow-of the pope , ouer the temporalties and crownes of kings , hath been vtterly misliked and condemned . robert earle of flanders was commanded by pope paschall 2. to persecute with fire and sword the clergie of leige , who then adhered and stood to the cause of the emperour henry 4. whom the pope had ignominiously deposed . robert by the popes order and command , was to handle the clergie of leige in like sort as before he had serued the clergy of cambray , who by the said earle had beene cruelly stript both of goods and life . the pope promised the said earle and his army pardon of their sinnes for the said execution . the clergie of leige addressed answer to the pope at large . they cried out vpon the church of rome , and called her babylon . told the pope home , that god hath commanded to giue vnto cesar that which is cesars : that euery soule must be subiect vnto the superiour powers : that no man is exempted out of this precept : and that euery oath of allegiance is to be kept inuiolable : yea , that hereof they themselues are not ignorant , in as much as they by a new schism , and newe traditions , making a separation and rent of the priesthood from the kingdome , doe promise to absolue of periurie , such as haue perfidiously forsworne themselues against their king. and whereas by way of despight and in opprobrious manner , they were excommunicated by the pope , they gaue his holines to vnderstand , that dauids heart had vttered a good matter , but paschals heart had spewed vp sordid and railing words , like old baudes and spinsters or websters of linnen , when they scold and brawle one with an other . finally , they reiected his papall excommunication , as a sentence giuen without discretion . this was the voice and free speech of that clergie , in the life time of their noble emperour . but after he was thrust out of the empire by the rebellion of his owne sonne , instigated and stirred vp thereunto by the popes perswasion and practise , and was brought vnto a miserable death ; it is no matter of wonder , that for the safegard of their life , the said clergie were driuen to sue vnto the pope for their pardon . hildebert bishop of caenomanum vpon the riuer of sartre , liuing vnder the raigne of king philip the first , affirmeth in his epistles 40. and 75. that kings are to be admonished and instructed , rather then punished : to be dealt with by counsell , rather then by commaund , by doctrine and instruction , rather then by correction . for no such sword belongeth to the church , because the sword of the church is ecclesiasticall discipline , and nothing else . bernard writeth to pope eugenius after this manner : whosoeuer they be that are of this mind and opinion , shal neuer be able to make proofe , that any one of the apostles did euer sit in qualitie of iudge or diuider of lands . i reade where they haue stood to be iudged , but neuer where they sate downe to giue iudgement . againe , your authoritie stretcheth vnto crimes , not vnto possessions : because you haue receiued the keies of the kingdome of heauen , not in regard of possessions , but of crimes , to keepe all that pleade by couin or collusion , and not lawfull possessors , out of the heauenly kingdome . a little after : these base things of the earth are iudged by the kings and princes of this world : wherefore doe you thrust your sickle into an others haruest ? wherefore doe you incraach and intrude vpon an others limits ? elsewhere . the apostles are directly forbid to make themselues lords and rulers . goe thou then , and beeing a lord vsurpe apostleship , or beeing an apostle vsurpe lordship . if thou needes wilt haue both , doubtlesse thou shalt haue neither . iohannes maior doctor of paris : the soueraigne bishop hath no temporall authoritie ouer kings . the reason . because it followes ( the contrarie being once granted ) that kings are the popes vassals . now let other men iudge , whether hee that hath power to dipossesse kings of all their temporalties , hath not likewise authoritie ouer their temporalties . the same author : the pope hath no manner of title ouer the french or spanish kings in temporall matters . where it is further added , that pope innocent 3. hath beene pleased to testifie , that kings of france in temporall causes doe acknowledge no superiour . for so the pope excused himselfe to a certaine lord of montpellier , who in stead of suing to the king , had petitioned to the pope for a dispensation for his bastard . but perhaps ( as be speaketh ) it will be alledged out of the glosse , that he acknowledgeth no superiour by fact , and yet ought by right . but i tell you the glosse is an aurelian glosse , which marres the text . amongst other arguments , maior brings this for one : this opinion ministreth matter vnto popes , to take away an others empire by force and violence : which the pope shall neuer bring to passe , as we reade of boniface 8. against philip the faire . saith besides , that from hence proceede warres , in time of which many outragious mischeifes are done , and that gerson calls them egregious flatterers by whom such opinion is maintained . in the same place maior denies that childeric was deposed by pope zacharie : the word , he deposed , saith maior , is not so to be vnderstood , as it is taken at the first blush or sight ; but he deposed , is thus expounded in the glosse , hee gaue his consent vnto those by whom he was deposed . iohn of paris : were it graunted that christ was armed with temporall power , yet he committed no such power to peter . a little after : the power of kings is the highest power vpon earth : in temporall causes it hath no superiour power aboue it selfe , no more then the pope hath in spirituall matters . this author saith indeede , the pope hath power to excommunicate the king ; but he speaketh not of any power in the pope to put down the king from his regall dignity and authority . he onely saith , when a prince is once excommunicated , he may accidentally or by occasion be deposed : because his precedent excommunication , incites the people to disarme him of all secular dignity & power . the same iohn on the other side holdeth opinion ; that in the emperour there is inuested a power to depose the pope , in case the pope shall abuse his power . almainus doctor of the sorbonic schoole : jt is essentiall in the laye-power to inflict ciuill punishment , as death , banishment , and priuation or losse of goods . but according to diuine institution , the power ecclesiasticall can lay no such punishment vpon delinquents : nay more , not lay in prison , as to some doctors it seemeth probable : but stretcheth and reacheth onely to spirituall punishment , as namely to excommunication : all other punishments inflicted by the spirituall power , are meerely by the lawe positiue . if then ecclesiasticall power by gods lawe hath no authoritie to depriue any priuate man of his goods ; how dares the pope and his flatterers build their power to depriue kings of their scepters vpon the word of god ? the same author in an other place : be it graunted that constantine had power to giue the empire vnto the pope ; yet is it not hereupon to be inferred , that popes haue authority ouer the kingdome of france ; because that kingdom was neuer subiect vnto constantine . for the king of fraunce neuer had any superiour in temporall matters . a little after : it is not in any place to be found , that god hath giuen the pope power to make and vnmake temporall kings . he maintaineth elsewhere , that zacharie did not depose childeric , but onely consented to his deposing ; and so deposed him not as by authoritie . in the same booke , taking vp the words of occam , whome hee styles the doctor : the emperour is the popes lord in things temporall , and the pope calls him lord , as it is witnessed in the body of the text. the lord cardinall hath dissembled and concealed these words of doctor almainus , with many like places : and hath been pleased to alledge almainus reciting occams authoritie , in stead of quoting almainus himselfe in those passages , where hee speaketh as out of his owne opinion , and in his owne words . a notable peice of slie and cunning conueiance . for what heresie may not be fathered and fastened vpon s. augustine , or s. hierome , if they should bee deemed to approoue all the passages which they alledge out of other authors . and that is the reason wherfore the l. cardinal doth not alledge his testimonies whole and perfect , as they are couched in their proper texts , but clipt and curtaild . thus he dealeth euen in the first passage or testimonie of almainus ; he brings it in mangled and pared : hee hides and conceales the words added by almainus , to contradict & crosse the words going before . for almainus makes this addition and supply ; howsoeuer some other doctors doe stand for the negatiue , and teach the pope hath power onely to declare that kings and princes are to bee deposed . and so much appeareth by this reason ; because this ample and soueraigne power of the pope , might giue him occasion to bee puft vp with great pride , and the same fulnesse of power might prooue extreamely hurtfull to the subiects , &c. the same almainus brings in occams opinion in expresse tearmes deciding the question , and there ioynes his owne opinion with occams . the doctors opinion , saith almainus , doth simply carrie the most probabilitie ; that a pope hath no power , neither by excommunication , nor by any other meanes , to dedepose a prince from his imperiall and royall dignitie . and a little before , hauing maintained the greeke empire was neuer transported by the pope to the germaines , and that when the pope crownes the emperour , he doth not giue him the empire , no more then the archbishop of reims when he crownes the king of france , doth giue him the kingdome ; he drawes this conclusion according to occams opinion : i denie that an emperour is bound by oath to promise the pope allegiance . on the other side , if the pope hold any temporall possessions , hee is bound to sweare allegiance vnto the emperour , and to pay him tribute . the said occam alledged by almainus doth further auerre , that iustinian was acknowledged by the pope for his superiour in temporall causes : for as much as diuerse lawes which the pope is bound to keep and obserue , were enacted by iustinian ; as by name the law of prescription for an hundred yeeres : which law standeth yet in force against the bishop of rome . and to the ende that all men may cleerely see , how great distance there is betweene occams opinion and the l. cardinals , who towards the ende of his oration , exhorts his hearers at no hand to dissent from the pope ; take you here a viewe of occams owne words , as they are alleadged by almainus : the doctor assoyles the arguments of pope jnnocent , by which the pope would prooue out of these words of christ , whatsoeuer thou shalt bind , &c. that fulnes of power in temporall matters , belongeth to the soueraigne bishop . for innocent saith , whatsoeuer , excepteth nothing . but occam assoyles innocents authoritie , as not onely false , but also hereticall ; and saith withal , that many things are spoken by jnnocent , which by his leaue sauour and smell of heresie , &c. the l. cardinal with lesse fidelitie alledgeth two places out of thomas his summe . the first , in the second of his second , quest . 10. art. 10. in the bodie of the article . in which place ( let it be narrowly examined ) thomas will easily be found to speake , not of the subiection of beleeuing subiects vnder infidel kings , as the lord cardinall pretendeth , but of beleeuing seruants that liue vnder masters , whether iewes or infidels . as when a iew keepeth seruants which professe iesus christ ; or as when some of the faithfull kept in caesars house : who are not considered by thomas as they were subiects of the empire , but as they were seruants of the family . the other place is taken out of quest . 11. and 2. art . in the body of the article : where no such matter as the l. cardinal alledgeth can be found . with like fidelitie he taketh gerson in hand : who indeed in his booke of ecclesiasticall power , and 12. consider . doth affirme , when the abuse of secular power redoundeth to manifest impugning of the faith , and blaspheming of the creator ; then shall it not bee amisse to haue recourse vnto the last branch of this 12. consider . where , in such case as aforesaid , a certain regitiue , directiue , regulatiue , and ordinatiue authoritie is committed to the ecclesiasticall power . his very words : which make no mention at all of deposing , or of any compulsiue power ouer soueraigne princes . for that forme of rule and gouernement whereof gerson speaketh , is exercised by ecclesiasticall censures & excommunications ; not by losse of goods , of kingdoms , or of empires . this place then is wrested by the l. cardinall to a contrary sense . neither should his lordship haue omitted , that gerson , in the question of kings subiection in temporall matters , or of the dependance of their crowns vpon the popes power , excepteth alwaies the king of france : witnesse that which gerson a little before the place alleadged by the cardinal hath plainely affirmed : now since peters time , saith gerson , all imperiall , regall , and secular power is not immediately to drawe vertue and strength from the soueraigne bishop : as in this manner the most christian king of france hath no superiour , nor acknowledgeth any such vpon the face of the earth . now here need no great sharpenes of wit for the searching out of this deepe mysterie ; that if the pope hath power to giue or take away crownes for any cause or any pretended occasion whatsoeuer , the crowne of france must needs depend vpon the pope . but for as much as we are now hitte in with gerson , we will examine the l. cardinals allegations towards the ende of his oration , taken out of gersons famous oration made before charles 6. for the vniuersitie of paris : where he brings in gerson to affirme , that killing a tyrant is a sacrifice acceptable to god. but gerson ( let it be diligently noted ) there speaketh not in his owne person : hee there brings in sedition speaking the words . of which words vttered by sedition , and other like speeches , you shall now heare what iudgement gerson himselfe hath giuen . when sedition had spoken with such a furious voice , i turned away my face as if i had beene smitten with death , to shew that i was not able to endure her madnesse any longer . and indeede when dissimulation on the one side , and sedition on the other , had suggested the deuises of two contrary extremes , he brings forth discretion as a iudge , keeping the meane betweene both extreames , and vttering those words which the l. cardinall alleadgeth against himselfe . if the head , ( saith gerson ) or some other member of the ciuill body , should grow to so desperate a passe , that it would gulpe and swallowe downe the deadly poison of tyrannie ; euery member in his place , with all power possible for him to raise by expedient meanes , and such as might preuent a greater inconuenience , should set himselfe against so madde a purpose , and so deadly practise : for if the head be grieued with some light paine , it is not fit for the hand to smite the head : no , that were but a foolish and a madde part . nor is the hand forthwith to chop off or separate the head from the bodie , but rather to cure the head with good speach and other meanes , like a skilfull and wise physitian . yea nothing would be more cruell or more voide of reason , then to seeke to stoppe the strong and violent streame of tyranny by sedition . these words , me thinke , doe make verie strongly and expressely against butchering euen of tyrannicall kings . and whereas a little after the said passage , he teacheth to expell tyrannie , he hath not a word of expelling the tyrant , but onely of breaking and shaking off the yoke of tyranny . yet for all that , hee would not haue the remedies for the repressing of tyrannie , to bee fetcht from the pope , who presumeth to degrade kings , but from philosophers , lawyers , diuines , and personages of good conuersation . it appeareth now by all that hath been said before , that whereas gerson in the 7 considerat . against flatterers , doth affirme : whensoeuer the prince doth manifestly pursue and prosecute his naturall subiects , and shew himselfe obstinately bent with notorious iniustice , to vexe them of set purpose , and with full consent , so farre as to the fact ; then this rule and law of nature doth take place , it is lawfull to resist and repell force by force ; and that sentence of seneca , there is no sacrifice more acceptable to god , then a tyrant offered in sacrifice ; the words , doth take place , are so to be vnderstood , as hee speaketh in an other passage , to wit , with or amongst seditious persons . or else the words , doth take place , doe onely signifie , is put in practise . and so gerson there speaketh not as out of his owne iudgement . his lordshippe also should not haue balked and left out sigebertus , who with more reason might haue passed for french , then thomas and occam , whom he putteth vpon vs for french. sigebertus in his chronicle vpon the yere 1088. speaking of the emperours deposing by the pope , hath words of this tenor : this heresie was not crept out of the shell in those dayes , that his priests , who hath said to the king , apostata , and maketh an hypocrite to rule for the sinnes of the people , should teach the people they owe no subiection vnto wicked kings , nor any allegiance , notwithstanding they haue taken the oath of allegiance . now after the l. card. hath coursed in this manner through the histories of the last ages ( which in case they all made for his purpose , doe lacke the weight of authority ) in stead of searching the will of god in the sacred oracles of his word , and standing vpon examples of the ancient church ; at last leauing the troope of his owne allegations , he betakes himselfe to the sharpening and rebating of the points of his aduersaries weapons . for the purpose , he brings in his aduersaries , the champions of kings crownes , and makes them to speake out of his owne mouth ( for his l. saith it will be obiected ) after this manner : jt may come to passe , that popes either carried with passion , or misledde by sinister information , may without iust cause fasten vpon kings the imputation of heresie or apostasie . then for king-deposers he frames this answer : that by heresie they vnderstand notorious heresie , and formerly condemned by sentence of the church . moreouer , in case the pope hath erred in the fact , it is the clergies part adhering to their king , to make remonstrances vnto the pope , and to require the cause may be referred to the iudgement of a full councill , the french church then and there beeing present . now in this answer , the l. cardinall is of an other minde then bellarmine his brother cardinall . for he goes thus farre : that a prince condemned by vniust sentence of the pope , ought neuertheles to quit his kingdome , and that his pastors vniust sentence shall not redound to his detriment ; prouided that he giue way to the said sentence , and shew himselfe not refractarie , but stay the time in patience , vntill the holy father shall renounce his error , and reuoke his foresaid vniust sentence . in which case these two materiall points are to be presupposed . the one , that he who now hath seized the kingdome of the prince displaced , will forthwith ( if the pope shall solicite and intercede ) return the kingdome to the hand of the late possessor . the other , that in the interim the prince vniustly deposed , shall not neede to feare the bloodie murderers mercilesse blade and weapon . but on the other side , the popes power of so large a size , as bellarmine hath shaped , is no whit pleasing to the l. cardinals eie . for in case the king should be vniustly deposed by the pope not well informed , he is not of the mind the kingdome should stoope to the popes behests , but will rather haue the kingdom to deale by remonstrance , and to referre the cause vnto the council . wherein hee makes the council to be of more absolute and supreame authoritie then the pope : a straine to which the holy father will neuer lend his eare . and yet doubtles , the councill required in this case must be vniuersall ; wherein the french , for so much as they stand firme for their king and his cause , can be no iudges : and in that regard the l. cardinal requireth onely the presence of the french church . who seeth not here into what pickle the french cause is brought by this meanes ? the bishops of italie forsooth , of spaine , of sicilie , of germany , the subiects of soueraignes many times at professed or priuy enmitie with france , shall haue the cause compromitted & referred to their iudgment , whether the kingdome of france shall driue out her kings , and shall kindle the flames of seditious troubles , in the very heart and bowels of the realme . but is it not possible , that a king may lacke the loue of his owne subiects , and they taking the vantage of that occasion , may put him to his trumps in his owne kingdome ? is it not possible , that calumniations whereby a credulous pope hath beene seduced , may in like manner deceiue some great part of a credulous people ? is it not possible , that one part of the people may cleaue to the popes faction , an other may hold and stand out for the kings rightfull cause , and ciuil warres may be kindled by the splene of these two sides ? is it not possible , that his holinesse will not rest in the remonstrances of the french , & will yet further pursue his cause ? and whereas nowe a dayes a generall councill cannot be held , except it bee called and assembled by the popes authority ; is it credible , the pope will take order for the conuocation of a council , by whom he shall be iudged ? and how can the pope be president in a council , where himselfe is the partie impleaded ? and to whom the sifting of his owne sentence is referred , as it were to committies , to examine whether it was denounced according to law , or against iustice ? but in the meane time , whilest all these remonstrances and addresses of the council are on foote ; behold , the royall maiesty of the king hangeth as it were by loose gimmals , and must stay the iudgement of the council to whom it is referred . well : what if the councill should happe to be two or three yeeres in assembling , and to continue or hold eighteene yeeres , like the council of trent ; should not poore france , i beseech you , be reduced to a very bad plight ? should shee not be in a very wise and warme taking ? to be short ; his lordships whole speech for the vntying of this knot , not onely surmounteth possibility , but is stuft with ridiculous toyes . this i make manifest by his addition in the same passage : if the pope deceiued in fact , shal rashly and vniustly declare the king to be an heretike ; then the popes declaration shal not be seconded with actuall deposition , vnles the realme shall consent vnto the kings deposing . what needes any man to be instructed in this doctrine ? who doth not knowe , that a king , so long as he is vpheld and maintained in his kingdome by his people , cannot actually and effectually bee deposed from his throne ? hee that speaketh such language and phrase , in effect saith , and saith no more then this : a king is neuer depriued of his crowne , so long as he can keep his crowne on his head : a king is neuer turn'd and stript naked , so long as hee can keepe his cloathes on his backe : a king is neuer deposed , so long as he can make the stronger partie and side against his enemies : in breife , a king is king , and shal stil remaine king , so long as he can hold the possession of his kingdome , and sit fast in his chaire of estate . howbeit , let vs here by the way , take notice of these words vttered by his lordship : that for the deposing of a king , the consent of the people must be obtained : for by these words the people are exalted aboue the king , and are made the iudges of the kings deposing . but here is yet a greater matter : for that popes may erre in faith , it is acknowledged by popes themselues : for some of them haue condemned pope honorius for a monothelite : s. hierome , and s. hilarius , and s. athanasius doe testifie , that pope liberius started aside , and subscribed to arrianisme : pope iohn 23. was condemned in the council of constance , for maintaining there is neither hell nor heauen . diuerse other popes haue been tainted with error in faith . if therefore any pope hereticall in himselfe , shall depose an orthodoxe king for heresie ; can it be imagined , that he which boasts himselfe to beare all diuine and humane lawes in the priuy coffer or casket of his breast , will stoope to the remonstrances of the french , and vayle to the reasons which they shall propound , though neuer so iustifiable , and of neuer so great validitie ? and how can he , that may be infected with damnable heresie ( when himselfe is not alwaies free from heresie ) be a iudge of heresie in a king ? in this question some are of opinion , that as a man , the pope may fall into error , but not as pope . very good : i demand then vpon the matter , wherefore the pope doth not instruct and reforme the man ? or wherefore the man doth not require the popes instructions ? but whether a king be deposed by that man the pope , or by that pope the man , is it not all one ? is he not deposed ? others affirme , the pope may erre in a question of the fact , but not in a question of the right . an egregious gullery and imposture . for if he may bee ignorant whether iesus christ died for our sinnes , doubtles he may also be to seeke , whether we should repose all our trust and assured confidence in the death of christ . consider with me the prophets of olde : they were all inspired and taught of god , to admonish and reprooue the kings of iudah and israel : they neither erred in matter of fact , nor in point of right : they were as farre from being blinded and fetcht ouer by deceitfull calumniations , as from beeing seduced by the painted shew of corrupt and false doctrine . as they neuer trode awry in matter of faith ; so they neuer whetted the edge of their tongue or style against the faultles . had it not beene a trimme deuice in their times , to say , that as esay and as daniel they might haue sunke into heresie , but not as prophets ? for doubtlesse in this case , that esay would haue taken counsell of the prophet which was himselfe . to bee short ; if kings are onely so long to be taken for kings , vntill they shall be declared heretikes , and shall be deposed by the pope ; they continually stand in extreame danger , to vndergoe a very heauy and vniust sentence . their safest way were to know nothing , and to beleeue by proxie ; least , if they should happen to talke of god , or to thinke of religion , they should be drawne for heretikes into the popes inquisition . all the examples hitherto produced by the l. cardinall on a rowe , are of a latter date , they lacke weight , are drawne from the time of bondage , and make the popes themselues witnesses in their owne cause . they descant not vpon the point of deposition , but onely strike out and sound the notes of excommunication and interdiction , which make nothing at all to the musicke of the question . and therefore he telleth vs ( in kindnesse as i take it ) more oftentimes then once or twice , that he speaketh onely of the fact ; as one that doth acknowledge himselfe to be out of the right . hee relates things done , but neuer what should bee done : which , as the iudicious know , is to teach nothing . the second jnconuenience examined . the second inconuenience like to growe , ( as the lord cardinall seemeth to be halfe afraid ) if the article of the third estate might haue passed with approbation , is couched in these words : lay-men shall by authoritie be strengthened with power , to iudge in matters of religion ; as also to determine the doctrine comprised in the said article to haue requisite conformitie with gods word : yea they shall haue it in their hands to compell ecclesiastics by necessitie , to sweare , preach , and teach the opinion of the one side , as also by sermons and publike writings to impugne the other . this inconuenience hee aggrauateth with swelling words , and breaketh out into these vehement exclamations : o reproach , o scandall , o gate set open to a world of heresies . he therefore laboureth both by reasons , & by autorities of holy scripture , to make such vsurped power of laics , a fowle , shamefull , and odious practise . in the whole , his lordship toyles himselfe in vaine , and maketh suppositions of castles in the aire . for in preferring this article , the third estate haue born themselues not as iudges or vmpires , but altogether as petitioners : requesting the said article might be receiued into the number of the parliament bookes , to bee presented vnto the king and his counsell , vnto whome in all humilitie they referred the iudgement of the said article ; conceiuing all good hope the clergie and nobilitie would be pleased to ioyne for the furtherance of their humble petition . they were not so ignorant of state-matters , or so vnmindfull of their owne places and charges , to beare themselues in hand , that a petition put vp and preferred by the third estate , can carrie the force of a lawe or statute , so long as the other two orders withstand the same , and so long as the king himselfe holds backe his royall consent . besides , the said article was not propounded as a point of religious doctrine ; but for euer after to remaine and continue a fundamentall lawe of the commonwealth and state it selfe , the due care whereof was put into their hands , and committed to their trust . if the king had ratified the said article with royall consent , and had commanded the clergie to put in execution the contents thereof ; it had beene their duty to see the kings will and pleasure fulfilled , as they are subiects bound to giue him aide in all things , which may any way serue to procure the safetie of his life , and the tranquility of his kingdome . which if the clergie had performed to the vttermost of their power , they had not shewed obedience as vnderlings , vnto the third estate , but vnto the king alone : by whome such commaund had beene imposed , vpon suggestion of his faithfull subiects , made the more watchfull by the negligence of the clergie ; whom they perceiue to be linked with stricter bands vnto the pope , then they are vnto their king. here then the cardinall fights with meere shadowes , and mooues a doubt whereof his aduersaries haue not so much as once thought in a dreame . but yet , according to his great dexteritie and nimblenesse of spirit , by this deuice he cunningly takes vpon him to giue the king a lesson with more libertie : making semblance to direct his masked oration to the deputies of the people , when he shooteth in effect , and pricketh at his king , the princes also and lords of his counsell , whom the cardinall compriseth vnder the name of laics ; whose iudgment ( it is not vnlikely ) was apprehended much better by the clergy , then the iudgement of the third estate . now these are the men whom he tearmeth intruders into other mens charges , and such as open a gate for i wot not how many legions of heresies , to rush into the church . for if it be proper to the clergie and their head , to iudge in this cause of the right of kings ; then the king himselfe , his princes , and nobilitie , are debarred and wiped of all iudgement in the same cause , no lesse then the representatiue body of the people . well then , the l ▪ cardinall showres downe like haile sundry places and testimonies of scripture , where the people are commaunded to haue their pastors in singular loue , and to beare them all respects of due obseruance . be it so ; yet are the said passages of scripture no barre to the people , for their vigilant circumspection , to preserue the life and crown of their prince , against all the wicked enterprises of men stirred vp by the clergie , who haue their head out of the kingdom , and hold themselues to be none of the kings subiects : a thing neuer spoken by the sacrificing priests and prelates , mentioned in the passages alleadged by the lord cardinall . he likewise produceth two christian emperours , constantine and valentinian by name ; the first refusing to meddle with iudgement in episcopall causes : the other forbearing to iudge of subtile questions in diuinity , with protestation , that hee would neuer be so curious , to diue into the streames , or sound the bottome of so deepe matters . but who doth not knowe , that working and prouiding for the kings indemnity and safetie , is neither episcopall cause , nor matter of curious and subtile inquisition ? the same answer meets with all the rest of the places produced by the l. cardinal out of the fathers . and that one for example , out of gregory nazianzenus , is not cited by the cardinall with faire dealing . for gregorie doth not boord the emperour himselfe , but his deputie or l. president , on this manner : for we also are in authoritie and place of a ruler , we haue command aswell as your selfe : whereas the l. cardinal with fowle play , turnes the place in these termes , we also are emperours . which words can beare no such interpretation , as well because he to whom the bishop then spake , was not of imperiall dignitie ; as also because if the bishop himselfe , a bishop of so small a citie as nazianzum , had qualified himselfe emperour , he should haue passed all the bounds of modestie , and had shewed himselfe arrogant aboue measure . for as touching subiection due to christian emperours , hee freely acknowledgeth a little before , that himselfe and his people are subiect vnto the superiour powers , yea bound to pay them tribute . the history of the same gregories life doth testifie , that he was drawne by the arrians before the consuls iudgement seate , and from thence returned acquitted , without either stripes or any other kind of contumelious entreatie and vse : yet now at last vp starts a prelate , who dares make this good father vaunt himselfe to bee an emperour . it is willingly granted , that emperours neuer challenged , neuer arrogated , to be soueraigne iudges in controuersies of doctrine and faith ; neuertheles it is clearer then the sunnes light at high noone , that for moderation at synods , for determinations and orders established in councils , and for the discipline of the church , they haue made a good and a full vse of their imperiall authoritie . the 1. council held at constantinople , beares this title or inscription ; the dedication of the holy synode to the most religious emperour theodosius the great , to whose will and pleasure they haue submitted these canons by them addressed and established in council . and there they also beseech the emperour , to confirme and approoue the said canons . the like hath bin done by the councill of trullo , by whome the canons of the fift and sixt councils were put forth and published . this was not done , because emperours tooke vpon them to bee infallible iudges of doctrine ; but onely that emperours might see and iudge , whether bishops ( who feele the pricke of ambition as other men doe ) did propound nothing in their conuocations and consultations , but most of all in their determinations , to vndermine the emperours authoritie , to disturbe the tranquilitie of the commonwealth , and to crosse the determinations of precedent councils . now to take the cognizance of such matters out of the kings hand or power ; what is it but euen to transforme the king into a standing image , to wring and wrest him out of all care of himselfe and his kingly charge , yea to bring him downe to this basest condition , to become onely an executioner , and ( which i scorne to speake ) the vnhappie hangman of the clergies will , without any further cognizance , not so much as of matters which most neerely touch himselfe , and his royall estate ? i graunt it is for diuinitie schooles , to iudge how farre the power of the keyes doth stretch : i graunt againe , that clerics both may , and ought also to display the colours and ensignes of their censures against princes , who violating their publike and solemne oath , do raise and make open war against iesus christ : i graunt yet againe , that in this case they need not admit laics to be of their counsell , nor allowe them any scope or libertie of iudgement . yet all this makes no barre to clerics , for extending the power of their keies , many times a whole degree further then they ought ; and when they are pleased , to make vse of their said power , to depriue the people of their goods , or the prince of his crowne : all this doth not hinder prince or people from taking care for the preseruation of their owne rights and estates , nor from requiring clerics to shewe their cards , and produce their charts , and to make demonstration by scripture , that such power as they assume and challenge , is giuen them from god. for to leaue the pope absolute iudge in the same cause wherein hee is a party , and ( which is the strongest rampier and bulwarke , yea the most glorious and eminent point of his domination ) to arme him with power to vnhorse kings out of their feates ; what is it else but euen to draw them into a state of despaire , for euery winning the day , or preuailing in their honourable and rightfull cause ? it is moreouer graunted , if a king shall commaund any thing directly contrary to gods word , and tending to the subuerting of the church ; that clerics in this case ought not onely to dispense with subiects for their obedience , but also expressely to forbid their obedience : for it is alwaies better to obey god then man. howbeit in all other matters , whereby the glory and maiesty of god is not impeached or impaired , it is the duty of clerics to plie the people with wholesome exhortation to constant obedience , and to auert by earnest disswasions the said people from tumultuous reuolt and seditious insurrection . this practise vnder the pagan emperours , was held and followed by the auncient christians ; by whose godly zeale and patience in bearing the yoke , the church in times past grew and flourished in her happy and plentifull encrease , farre greater then poperie shall euer purchase and attaine vnto by all her cunning deuises and sleights : as namely by degrading of kings , by interdicting of kingdomes , by apposted murders , and by diabolicall traines of gunne-powder-mines . the places of scripture alledged in order by the cardinall , in fauour of those that stand for the popes claime of power and authoritie to depose kings , are cited with no more sinceritie then the former : they alleadge ( these are his words ) that samuel deposed king saul , or declared him to bee deposed , because hee had violated the lawes of the iewes religion . his lordship auoucheth elsewhere , that saul was deposed , because hee had sought prophanely to vsurpe the holy priesthood . both false , and contrary to the tenor of truth in the sacred historie . for saul was neuer deposed , according to the sense of the word ( i meane , depose ) in the present question : to wit , as deposing is taken for despoyling the king of his royall dignity , and reducing the king to the condition of a priuate person : but saul held the title of king , and continued in possession of his kingdome , euen to his dying day . yea , the scripture styles him king , euen to the periodical and last day of his life , by the testimonie of dauid himselfe , who both by gods promise , and by precedent vnction , was then heire apparant as it were to the crowne , in a manner then ready to gird and adorne the temples of his head . for if samuel , by gods commaundement , had then actually remooued saul from his throne , doubtles the whole church of israel had committed a grosse error , in taking and honouring saul for their king after such deposition : doubtlesse the prophet samuel himselfe , making known the lords ordinance vnto the people , would haue enioyned them by strict prohibition , to call him no longer the king of israel : doubtles dauid would neuer haue held his hand from the throate of saul , for this respect and consideration , because hee was the lords annointed . for if saul had lost his kingly authoritie , from that instant when samuel gaue him knowledge of his reiection ; then dauid , least otherwise the bodie of the kingdome should want a royal head , was to beginne his raigne , and to beare the royall scepter in the very same instant : which were to charge the holy scriptures with vntruth , in as much as the sacred historie beginnes the computation of the yeers of dauids raigne , from the day of sauls death . true it is , that in the 2. sam. cap. 15. saul was denounced by gods owne sentence , a man reiected , and as it were excommunicated out of the kingdome , that he should not rule and raigne any longer as king ouer israel ; neuerthelesse the said sentence was not put in execution , before the day when god , executing vpon saul an exemplarie iudgement , did strike him with death . from whence it is manifest and cleare , that when dauid was annointed king by samuel , that action was onely a promise , and a testimony of the choice , which god had made of dauid for succession immediately after saul ; and not a present establishment , inuestment , or instalment of dauid in the kingdome . wee reade the like in 1. king. cap. 19. where god commaundeth elias the prophet , to annoint hasael king of syria . for can any man be so blind and ignorant in the sacred history , to beleeue the prophets of israel established , or sacred the kings of syria ? for this cause , when dauid was actually established in the kingdom , he was anointed the second time . in the next place he brings in the popes champions vsing these words ; rehoboam was deposed by ahiah the prophet , from his royall right ouer the tenne tribes of israel , because his father salomon had played the apostata , in falling from the lawe of god. this i say also , is more then the truth of the sacred historie doth affoard . for ahiah neuer spake to rehoboam ( for ought we reade , ) nor brought vnto him any message from the lord. as for the passage quoted by the l. cardinall out of reg. 3. chap. 11. it hath not reference to the time of rehoboams raigne , but rather indeed to salomons time : nor doth it carrie the face of a iudicatory sentence for the kings deposing , but rather of a propheticall prediction . for how could rehoboam , before he was made king , be depriued of the kingdome ? last of all , but worst of all ; to alleadge this passage for an example of a iust sentence in matter of deposing a king , is to approoue the disloyall treachery of a seruant against his master , and the rebellion of ieroboam branded in scripture with a marke of perpetuall infamy for his wickednesse and impietie . he goes on with an other example of no more truth : king achab was deposed by elias the prophet , because he imbraced false religion , and worshipped false gods . false too like the former ; king achab lost his crowne and his life both together . the scripture , that speaketh not according to mans fancy , but according to the truth , doth extend and number the yeeres of achabs raigne , to the time of his death . predictions of a kings ruine , are no sentences of deposition . elias neuer gaue the subiects of achab absolution from their oath of obedience ; neuer gaue them the least inckling of any such absolution ; neuer set vp , or placed any other king in achabs throne . that of the l. cardinall a little after , is no lesse vntrue : that king vzziah was driuen from the conuersation of the people by azarias the priest , and thereby the administration of his kingdome was left no longer in his power . not so : for when god had smitten vzziah with leprosie in his forehead , he withdrew himselfe , or went out into an house apart , for feare of infecting such as were whole by his contagious disease . the high priest smote him not with any sentence of deposition , or denounced him suspended from the administration of his kingdome . no : the dayes of his raigne are numbred in scripture , to the day of his death . and whereas the priest , according to the lawe in the 13. of leuit. iudged the king to be vncleane ; he gaue sentence against him , not as against a criminall person , and thereby within the compasse of deposition ; but as against a diseased body . for the lawe inflicteth punishments , not vpon diseases , but vpon crimes . hereupon , whereas it is recorded by iosephus in his antiquities , that vzziah lead a priuate , and in a manner , a solitarie life ; the said author doth not meane , that vzziah was deposed , but onely that he disburdened himselfe of care to mannage the publike affaires . the example of mattathias , by whome the iewes were stirred vp to rebell against antiochus , is no better worth . for in that example we finde no sentence of deposition , but onely an heartning and commotion of a people then grieuously afflicted and oppressed . he that makes himselfe the ring-leader of conspiracie against a king , doth not forthwith assume the person , or take vp the office and charge of a iudge , in forme of lawe , and iuridically to depriue a king of his regall rights , and royall prerogatiues . mattathias was chiefe of that conspiracy , not in qualitie of priest , but of cheiftaine , or leader in warre , and a man the best qualified of all the people . things acted by the suddaine violence of the base vulgar , must not stand for lawes , nor yet for proofes and arguments of ordinarie power , such as the pope challengeth to himselfe , and appropriateth to his triple-crowne . these bee our solide answers : wee disclaime the light armour which the l. cardinall is pleased to furnish vs withall , forsooth to recreate himselfe , in rebating the points of such weapons , as he hath vouchsafed to put into our hands . now it will be worth our labour to beate by his thrusts , fetcht from the ordinary mission of the new testament , from leprosie , stones , and locks of wool . a leach no doubt of admirable skil , one that for subiecting the crownes of kings vnto the pope , is able to extract arguments out of stones ; yea , out of the leprosie , and the drie scab , onely forsooth because heresie is a kind of leprosie , and an heretike hath some affinitie with a leper . but may not his quoniam , be as fitly applyed to any contagious & inueterate vice of the minde beside heresie ? his warning-peice therefore is discharged to purpose , whereby he notifies that hee pretendeth to handle nothing with resolution . for indeed vpon so weake arguments , a resolution is but ill-fauouredly and weakely grounded . his bulwarks thus beaten downe , let vs now viewe the strength of our owne . first , hee makes vs to fortifie on this manner : they that are for the negatiue , doe alleadge the authoritie of s. paul ; let euery soule bee subiect vnto the higher powers : for whosoeuer resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god. and likewise that of s. peter , submit your selues , whether it be vnto the king , as vnto the superiour , or vnto gouernours , &c. vpon these passages , and the like , they inferre , that obedience is due to kings by the lawe of god , and not dispensable by any spirituall or temporall authoritie . thus he brings vs in with our first weapon . but here the very cheife sinew and strength of our argument , he doth wittingly balke , and of purpose conceale . to wit , that all the emperours of whom the said holy apostles haue made any mention in their diuine epistles , were professed enemies to christ , pagans , infidels , fearefull and bloody tyrants : to whom notwithstanding euery soule , and therefore the bishop of rome for one , is commaunded to submit himselfe , and to professe subiection . thus much chrysostome hath expressely taught in his hom. 23. vpon the epistle to the romanes ; the apostle giues this commandement vnto all : euen to priests also , and cloistered monkes , not onely to secular : be thou an apostle , an euangelist , a prophet , &c. besides , it is here worthy to be noted , that howsoeuer the apostles rule is generall , and therefore bindeth all the faithfull in equal bands ; yet is it particularly , directly , and of purpose addressed to the church of rome by s. paul , as by one who in the spirit of an apostle did foresee , that rebellion against princes was to rise and spring from the city of rome . now in case the head of that church by warrant of any priuiledge , contained in the most holy register of gods holy word , is exempted from the binding power of this generall precept or rule ; did it not become his lordship to shew by the booke , that it is a booke case , and to lay it forth before that honourable assembly , who no doubt expected & waited to heare when it might fal from his learned lips ? but in stead of any such authenticall and canonicall confirmation , hee flyeth to a sleight shift , and with a cauill is bold to affirme the foundation , laid by those of our side , doth no way touch the knot of the controuersie . let vs heare him speake : jt is not in controuersie , whether obedience bee due to kings by gods lawe , so long as they are kings , or acknowledged for kings : but our point controuerted , is whether by gods lawe it bee required , that hee who hath beene once recognised and receiued for king by the bodie of estates , can at any time bee taken and reputed as no king , that is to say , can doe no manner of act whereby hee may loose his right , and so cease to be saluted king. this answer of the l. cardinal is the rare deuise , euasion , and starting hole of the iesuites . in whose eares of delicate and tender touch , king-killing soundeth very harsh : but forsooth to vn-king a king first , and then to giue him the stabbe , that is a point of iust and true descant . for to kill a king , once vn-king'd by deposition , is not killing of a king. for the present i haue one of that iesuiticall order in prison , who hath face enough to speak this language of ashdod , and to maintaine this doctrine of the iesuites colledges . the l. cardinal harps vpon the same string . he can like subiection and obedience to the king , whilest hee sitteth king : but his holinesse must haue all power , and giue order withall , to hoyst him out of his royall seate . i therefore now answer , that in very deed the former passages of s. paul and s. peter should come nothing neere the question , if the state of the question were such as he brings it , made and forged in his owne shop . but certes the state of the question is not , whether a king may doe some act , by reason whereof hee may fall from his right , or may not any longer be acknowledged for king. for all our contention is , concerning the popes power to vn-authorize princes : whereas in the question framed and fitted by the l. card. not a word of the pope . for were it graunted and agreed on both sides , that a king by election might fall from his kingdome , yet still the knot of the question would hold , whether he can bee dispossessed of his regall authority , by any power in the pope ; and whether the pope hath such fulnesse of power , to strip a king of those royall robes , rights , and reuenues of the crowne , which were neuer giuen him by the pope ; as also by what authority of holy scripture , the pope is able to beare out himselfe in this power , and to make it good . but here the l. cardinal stoutly saith in his owne defence by way of reioynder ; as one text hath , let euery soule be subiect vnto the higher powers ; in like manner an other text hath , obey your prelates , and be subiect vnto your pastors : for they watch ouer your soules , as men that shall giue an accompt for your soules . this reason is void of reason , and makes against himselfe . for may not prelates be obeyed and honoured , without kings be deposed ? if prelates preach the doctrine of the gospell , will they in the pulpit stirre vp subiects to rebell against kings ? moreouer , whereas the vniuersal church in these daies is diuided into so many discrepant parts , that now prelates neither do nor can draw all one way ; is it not exceeding hard , keeping our obedience towards god , to honour them all at once with due obedience ? nay ; is not here offered vnto me a dart out of the l. cardinals armorie , to cast at himselfe ? for as god chargeth all men with obedience to kings , and yet from that commaundement of god , the lord cardinal would not haue it inferred , that kings haue power to degrade ecclesiasticall prelates : euen so god giueth charge to obey prelates , yet doth it not followe from hence , that prelates haue power to depose kings . these two degrees of obedience agree well together , and are each of them bounded with peculiar and proper limits . but for so much as in this point , we haue on our side the whole auncient church , which , albeit she liued and groned for many ages together vnder heathen emperours , heretikes , and persecuters , did neuer so much as whisper a word about rebelling and falling from their soueraigne lords , and was neuer by any mortall creature freed from the oath of allegiance to the emperour ; the cardinal is not vnwilling to graunt , that ancient christians in those times were bound to performe such fidelity & allegiance , for as much as the church ( the cardinal for shame durst not say the pope ) then had not absolued them of their oath . no doubt a pleasant dreame , or a merry conceit rather , to imagine the bishop of rome was armed with power to take away the empire of the world from nero , or claudius , or domitianus ; to whom it was not knowne , whether the citie of rome had any bishop at all . is it not a master-iest , of a straine most ridiculous , to presuppose the grand-masters and absolute lords of the whole world , had a sent so dull , that they were not able to smel out , and to nose things vnder their owne noses ? that they saw so little with other mens eies and their owne , that within their capitall citie , they could not spie that soueraigne armed with ordinary and lawfull authority to degrade , and to turne them out of their renowned empire ? doubtlesse the said emperours , vassals belike of the popes empire , are to be held excused for not acknowledging and honouring the pope in quality of their lord , as became his vassals ; because they did not know there was any such power in the world , as after-times haue magnified and adored vnder the qualitie of pope . for the bishops of rome in those times , were of no greater authoritie , power , and meanes , then some of the bishops are in these daies within my kingdomes . but certes those popes of that primitiue age , thought it not expedient in the said times to drawe their swords : they exercised their power in a more mild and soft kind of cariage toward those miserable emperours , for three seuerall reasons alledged by the l. cardinall . the first : because the bishops then durst not by their censures whet and prouoke those emperous , for feare of plunging the church in a sea of persecutions . but if i be not cleane voide of common sense , this reason serueth to charge not only the bishops of rome , but all the auncient professors of christ besides , with deepe dissimulation and hypocrisie . for it is all one as if he had professed , that all their obedience to their soueraignes , was but counterfeit , and extorted , or wrung out of them by force : that all the submissiue supplications of the auncient fathers , the assured testimonies and pledges of their allegiance , humilitie , and patience , were but certaine formes of disguised speech , proceeding not freely from the suggestions of fidelity , but faintly and fainedly , or at least from the strong twitches & violent convulsions of feare . wherupon it followes , that all their torments and punishments , euen to the death , are wrongfully honoured with the title , and crowned with the crowne of martyrdome ; because their patience proceeded not from their owne free choice and election , but was taught by the force of necessitie , as by compulsion : and whereas they had not mutinously and rebelliously risen in arms , to asswage the scorching heat and burning flames of tyrannicall persecuters , it was not for want of will , but for lacke of power . which false and forged imputation , the fathers haue cleared themselues of in their writings . tertullian in his apologet : all places are full of christians , the cities , isles , castles , burroughs , armies , &c. if we that are so infinite a power , and multitude of men , had broken from you into some remote nooke or corner of the world , the cities no doubt had become naked and solitarie : there had beene a dreadfull and horrible silence ouer the face of the whole empire : the great emperours had beene driuen to seeke out newe cities , and to discouer newe nations , ouer whom to beare soueraigne sway and rule : there had remained more enemies to the state , then subiects and friends . cyprian also against demetrianus : none of vs all , howsoeuer wee are a people mighty and without number , haue made resistance against any of your vniust and wrongfull actions , executed with all violence ; neither haue sought by rebellious armes , or by any other sinister practises , to crie quittance with you at any time for the righting of our selues . certain it is , that vnder iulianus , the whole empire in a manner professed the christian religion ; yea , that his leiftenants and great commanders , as iovinianus , and valentinianus by name , professed christ . which two princes not long after attained to the imperiall dignitie , but might haue solicited the pope sooner to degrade iulianus from the imperiall throne . for say that iulians whole army had renounced the christian religion : ( as the l. cardinall against all shew and appearance of truth would beare vs in hand , and contrary to the generall voice of the said whole army , making this profession with one consent when iulian was dead , wee are all christians : ) yet italie then persisting in the faith of christ , and the army of iulian then lying quartered in persia , the vtmost limit of the empire to the east , the bishop of rome had fit opportunity to drawe the sword of his authority ( if he had then any such sword hanging at his pontificall side ) to make iulian feele the sharpe edge of his weapon , and thereby to pull him downe from the stately pearch of the romane empire . i say moreouer , that by this generall and suddaine profession of the whole caesarian army , we are all christians , it is clearely testified , that if his army or souldiers were then addicted to paganisme , it was wrought by compulsion , and cleane contrary to their setled perswasion before : and then it followes , that with greater patience they would haue borne the deposing of iulian , then if hee had suffered them to vse the libertie of their conscience . to bee short in the matter ; s. augustine makes all whole , and by his testimonie doth euince , that iulians army perseuered in the faith of christ . the souldiers of christ serued a heathen emperour : but when the cause of christ was called in question , they acknowledged none but christ in heauen : when the emperour would haue them to serue , and to perfume his idols with frankincense , they gaue obedience to god , rather then to the emperour . after which words , the very same words alledged by the l. cardinall against himselfe doe followe : they did then distinguish betweene the lord eternall , and the lord temporall : neuerthelesse they were subiect vnto the lord temporall , for the lord eternall . it was therefore to pay god his duty of obedience , and not for feare to incense the emperour , or to drawe persecution vpon the church ( as the l. cardinall would make vs beleeue ) that christians of the primitiue church and bishops by their censures , durst not anger and prouoke their emperours . but his lordship by his coloured pretences doth manifestly prouoke and stirre vp the people to rebellion , so soone as they knowe their owne strength to beare out a rebellious practise . whereupon it followes , that in case their conspiracie shall take no good effect , all the blame and fault must lie , not in their disloyalty and treason , but in the badde choice of their times for the best aduantage , and in the want of taking a true sight of their owne weakenesse . let stirring spirits be trained vp in such practicall precepts , let desperate wits be seasoned with such rules of discipline ; and what need we , or how can we wonder they contriue powder — conspiracies , and practise the damnable art of parricides ? after iulian , his lordship falles vpon valentinian the younger , who maintaining arrianisme with great and open violence , might haue beene deposed by the christians from his empire , and yet ( say we ) they neuer dream'd of any such practise . here the l. cardinal maketh answer : the christians mooued with respect vnto the fresh memory both of the brother and father , as also vnto the weake estate of the sonnes young yeeres , abstained from all counsels and courses of sharper effect and operation . to which answer i reply : these are but friuolous coniectures , deuised and framed to tickle his owne fancie . for had valentinianus the younger beene the sonne of an arrian , and had then also attained to threescore yeeres of age , they would neuer haue borne themselues in other fashion then they did , towards their emperour . then the cardinal goeth on : the people would not abandon the factious and seditious party , but were so firme or obstinate rather for the faction , that valentinian for feare of the tumultuous vproares was constrained to giue way , and was threatened by the souldiers , that except hee would adhere vnto the catholikes , they would yeeld him no assistance , nor stand for his partie . now this answer of the l. cardinall makes nothing to the purpose , concerning the popes power to pull downe kings from their stately nest . let vs take notice of his proper consequence . valentinian was afraid of the popular tumult at milan : the pope therefore hath power to curbe hereticall kings by deposition . now marke what distance is betweene rome and milan , what difference betweene the people of milan , and the bishop of rome ; betweene a popular tumult , and a iudicatory sentence ; between fact and right , things done by the people or souldiers of milan , and things to bee done according to right and law by the bishop of rome ; the same distance , the same difference ( if not farre greater ) is betweene the l. cardinals antecedent and his consequent , betweene his reason , and the maine cause or argument which we haue in hand . the madde commotion of the people was not here so much to be regarded , as the sad instruction of the pastor , of their good and godly pastor s. ambrose , so far from heartning the people of milan to rebell , that being bishop of milan , he offered himselfe to suffer martyrdome : if the emperour abuse his imperiall authoritie , ( for so theodoret hath recited his words ) to tyrannize thereby , here am i ready to suffer death . and what resistance he made against his l. emperour , was only by way of supplication in these tearmes : we beseech thee , o augustus , as humble suppliants ; we offer no resistance : we are not in feare , but we flie to supplication . againe , if my patrimony be your marke , enter vpon my patrimonie : if my bodie , i will goe and meet my torments . shall i bee drag'd to prison or to death ? i will take delight in both . item , in his oration to auxentius : j can afflict my soule with sorrowe , i can lament , j can send forth grieuous groanes : my weapons against either of both , souldiers or goths , are teares : a priest hath none other weapons of defence : i neither can resist , nor ought in any other manner to make resistance . iustinian emperour in his old age fell into the heresie of the aphthartodocites . against iustinian , though fewe they were that fauoured him in that heresie , the bishop of rome neuer darted with violence any sentence of excommunication , interdiction , or deposition . the ostrogot kings in italy , the visigot in spaine , the vandal in africa were all addicted to the arrian impietie , and some of them cruelly persecuted the true professors . the visigot and vandall were no neighbours to italie . the pope thereby had the lesse cause to feare the stings of those waspes , if they had been angred . the pope for all that neuer had the humour to wrastle or iustle with any of the said kings in the cause of deposing them from their thrones . but especially the times when the vandals in affricke , and the goths in italy by belisarius and narses , professors of the orthodoxe faith , were tyred with long warres , and at last were vtterly defeated in bloodie battels , are to be considered . then were the times or neuer , for the pope to vnsheath his weapons , and to vn-case his arrowes of deposition ; then were the times to drawe them out of his quiuer , and to shoote at all such arrian heads : then were the times by dispensations to release their subiects of their oathes , by that peremptory meanes to aide and strengthen the catholike cause . but in that age the said weapons were not knowne to haue been hammered in the pontificall forge . gregory i. made his boasts , that he was able to ruine the lombards , ( for many yeeres together sworne enemies to the bishops of rome ) their state present , and the hope of all their future prosperity . but hee telleth vs , that by the feare of god before his eyes and in his heart , he was bridled and restrained from any such intent , as elswhere we haue obserued : if j would haue medled with practising and procuring the death of the lombards , the whole nation of the lombards at this day had been robbed of their kings , dukes , earles , they had beene reduced to the tearmes of extreame confusion . hee might at least haue deposed their king , ( if the credit of the l. cardinals iudgement bee currant ) without polluting or stayning his owne conscience . what can we tearm this assertion of the l. cardinall , but open charging the most auncient bishops of rome with crueltie , when they would not succour the church of christ oppressed by tyrants , whose oppression they had power to represse by deposing the oppressors . is it credible , that iesus christ hath giuen a commission to s. peter and his successors for so many ages , without any power to execute their commission , or to make any vse thereof by practise ? is it credible , that he hath giuen them a sword to be kept in the scabbard , without drawing once in a thousand yeeres ? is it credible , that in the times when popes were most deboshed , abandoning themselues to all sorts of corrupt and vitious courses , as it testified by their own flaterers and best affected seruants ; is it credible that in those times they beganne to vnderstand the vertue and strength of their commission ? for if either feare or lacke of power , was the cause of holding their hands , and voluntarie binding of themselues to the peace or good behauiour : wherefore is not some one pope at least produced , who hath complained that he was hindered from executing the power that christ had conferred vpon his pontificall see ? wherefore is not some one of the auncient and holy fathers alledged , by whom the pope hath bin aduised and exhorted to take courage , to stand vpon the vigor and sinewes of his papall office , to vnsheath and vnease his bolts of thunder against vngodly princes , and grieuous enemies to the church ? wherefore liuing vnder christian and gracious emperours , haue they not made knowne the reasons , why they were hindred from drawing the pretended sword ; least long custome of not vsing the sword so many ages , might make it so to rust in the scabbard , that when there should bee occasion to vse the said sword , it could not be drawne at all ; and least so long custome of not vsing the same , should confirme prescription to their greater preiudice ? if weakenes bee a iust let , how is it come to passe , that popes haue enterprised to depose philip the faire , lewis the xii . and elizabeth my predecessor of happy memorie ; ( to let passe others ) in whom experience hath well prooued , how great inequalitie was between their strengths ? yea , for the most part from thence growe most grieuous troubles and warres , which iustly recoyle and light vpon his owne head ; as happened to gregory the vii . and boniface the viii . this no doubt is the reason , wherefore the pope neuer sets in ( for feare of such inconueniences ) to blast a king with lightning and thunder of deposition , but when he perceiues the troubled waters of the kingdome by some strong faction setled in his estate ; or when the king is confined , and bordered by some prince more potent , who thirsteth after the prey , & is euer gaping for some occasion to picke a quarrell . the king standing in such estate , is it not as easie for the pope to pull him downe , as it is for a man with one hand to thrust downe a tottering wall , when the groundsil is rotten , the studdes vnpind and nodding or bending towards the ground ? but if the king shall beare down and break the faction within the realme ; if hee shall get withall the vpper hand of his enemies out of the kingdome ; then the holy father presents him with pardons neuer sued for , neuer asked ; and in a fathers indulgence forsooth , giues him leaue stil to hold the kingdome , that he was not able by all his force to wrest and wring out of his hand , no more then the clubbe of hercules out of his fist . how many worthy princes , incensed by the pope , to conspire against soueraigne lords their masters , and by open rebellion to worke some change in their estates , haue miscarried in the action , with losse of life , or honour , or both ? for example ; rodulphus duke of sueuia was eg'd on by the pope , against henrie iiii. of that name , emperour . how many massacres , how many desolations of cities and townes , how many bloody battels ensued thereupon ? let histories be searched , let iust accompts be taken , and beside sieges laid to cities , it wil appeare by true computation , that henrie iiii. and frederic the i. fought aboue threescore battels , in defence of their owne right against enemies of the empire , stirred vp to armes by the popes of rome . how much christian blood was then split in these bloody battels , it passeth mans witte , penne , or tongue to expresse . and to giue a little touch vnto matters at home ; doth not his holinesse vnderstand right well the weakenesse of papists in my kingdome ? doth not his holinesse neuerthelesse animate my papists to rebellion , and forbid my papists to take the oath of allegiance ? doth not his holinesse by this means draw ( so much as in him lieth ) persecution vpon the backes of my papists as vpon rebells , and expose their life as it were vpon the open stall , to be sold at a very easie price ? all these examples , either ioynt or seuerall , are manifest and euident proofes , that feare to drawe mischiefe and persecution vpon the church , hath not barred the popes from thundering against emperours and kings , whensoeuer they conceiued any hope , by their fulminations to aduance their greatnesse . last of all ; i referre the matter to the most possessed with preiudice , euen the very aduersaries , whether this doctrine , by which people are trained vp in subiection vnto infidel or hereticall kings , vntill the subiects be of sufficient strength to mate their kings , to expell their kings , and to depose them from their kingdomes , doth not incense the turkish emperours and other infidel princes , to roote out all the christians that drawe in their yoke , as people that waite onely for a fit occasion to rebell , and to take themselues ingaged for obedience to their lords , onely by constraint and seruile feare . let vs therefore now conclude with ozius , in that famous epistle speaking to constantius an arrian hereticke : as hee that by secret practise or open violence would bereaue thee of thy empire , should violate gods ordinance : so be thou touched with feare , least , by vsurping authoritie ouer church matters , thou tumble not headlong into some hainous crime . where this holy bishop hath not vouchsafed to insert and mention the l. cardinals exception ; to wit , the right of the church alwaies excepted and saued , when she shall be of sufficient strength to shake off the yoke of emperours . neither speaks the same holy bishop of priuate persons alone , or men of some particular condition and calling ; but he setteth downe a generall rule for all degrees , neuer to impeach imperial maiestie vpon any pretext whatsoeuer . as his lordships first reason drawn from weakenesse is exceeding weake : so is that which the l. cardinall takes vp in the next place : he telleth vs there is very great difference betweene pagan emperours , and christian princes : pagan emperours who neuer did homage to christ , who neuer were by their subiects receiued , with condition to acknowledge perpetuall subiection vnto the empire of christ ; who neuer were bound by oath and mutuall contract betweene prince and subiect . christian princes who slide backe by apostasie , degenerate by arrianisme , or fall away by mahometisme . touching the latter of these two , ( as his lordshippe saith ) if they shall as it were take an oath , and make a vowe contrary to their first oath and vow made and taken when they were installed , and contrary to the condition vnder which they receiued the scepter of their fathers ; if they withall shall turne persecutors of the catholike religion ; touching these i say , the l. cardinal holds , that without question they may be remooued from their kingdomes . he telleth vs not by whome , but euery where he meaneth by the pope . touching kings deposed by the pope vnder pretence of stupidity , as childeric ; or of matrimoniall causes , as philip i. or for collating of benefices , as philip the faire ; not one word . by that point he easily glideth , and shuffles it vp in silence , for feare of distasting the pope on the one side , or his auditors on the other . now in alledging this reason , his lordship makes all the world a witnesse , that in deposing of kings , the pope hath no eye of regard to the benefit and securitie of the church . for such princes as neuer suckt other milke then that of infidelitie , and persecution of religion , are no lesse noisome and pernicious vermin to the church , then if they had sucked of the churches breasts . and as for the greatnesse of the sinne or offence , it seemes to me there is very little difference in the matter . for a prince that neuer did sweare any religious obedience to iesus christ , is bound no lesse to such obedience , then if he had taken a solemne oath . as the sonne that rebelliously stands vp against his father , is in equall degree of sinne , whether he hath sworn or not sworn obedience to his father : because hee is bound to such obedience , not by any voluntarie contract or couenant , but by the law of nature . the commaundement of god to kisse the sonne , whom the father hath confirmed and ratified king of kings , doth equally bind all kings , as wel pagans as christians . on the other side , who denies , who doubts , that constantius emperour at his first steppe or entrance into the empire , did not sweare and bind himselfe by solemne vowe , to keepe the rules and to maintaine the precepts of the orthodox faith , or that he did not receiue his fathers empire vpon such condition ? this notwithstanding , the bishop of rome pulled not constantius from his imperial throne , but constantius remooued the bishop of rome from his papall see. and were it so , that an oath taken by a king at his consecration , and after violated , is a sufficient cause for the pope to depose an apostate or hereticall prince ; then by good consequence the pope may in like sort depose a king , who beeing neither dead in apostasie , nor sicke of heresie , doth neglect onely the due administration of iustice to his loyall subiects . for his oath taken at consecration importeth likewise , that he shall minister iustice to his people . a point wherein the holy father is held short by the l. cardinall , who dares prescribe new lawes to the pope , and presumes to limit his fulnesse of power , within certaine meeres and head-lands , extending the popes power only to the deposing of christian kings , when they turne apostats forsaking the catholike faith ; and not such princes as neuer breathed any thing but pure paganisme , and neuer serued vnder the colours of iesus christ . meane while his lordship forgets , that king attabaliba was deposed by the pope from his kingdome of peru , and the said kingdome was conferred vpon the king of spaine , though the said poore king of peru , neuer forsook his heathen superstition ; and though the turning of him out of his terrestrial kingdome was no way to conuert him vnto the faith of christ . yea his lordship a little after telleth vs himselfe , that be the turkes possession in the conquests that hee maketh ouer christians neuer so auncient , yet by no long tract of time whatsoeuer , can he gaine so much as a thumbes breadth of prescription : that is to say , the turke for all that is but a disseisor , one that violently and wilfully keeps an other man from his owne , and by good right may be dispossessed of the same : whereas notwithstanding the turkish emperours neuer fauoured nor sauoured christianitie . let vs runne ouer the examples of kings whome the pope hath dared and presumed to depose ; and hardly will any one be found , of whome it may be truely auouched , that he hath taken an oath contrary to his oath of subiection to iesus christ , or that hee hath wilfully cast himselfe into apostaticall defection . and certes to any man that weighs the matter with due consideration , it will be found apparantly false , that kings of france haue been receiued of their subiects at any time , with condition to serue iesus christ . they were actually kings before they came foorth to the solemnity of their sacring , before they vsed any stipulation or promise to their subiects . for in hereditary kingdomes , ( nothing more certain , nothing more vncontroulable ) the kings death instantly maketh liuery and seisin of the royalty , to his next successor . nor is it materiall to reply , that a king succeeding by right of inheritance , takes an oath in the person of his predecessor . for euery oath is personall , proper to the person by whom it is taken : and to god no liuing creature can sweare , that his owne sonne or his heire shall prooue an honest man. well may the father , and with great solemnitie , promise that he will exhort his heire apparant with all his power and the best of his endeauours , to feare god and to practise pietie . if the fathers oath be agreeable to the duties of godlines , the sonne is bound thereby , whether he take an oath , or take none . on the other side , if the fathers oath come from the puddles of impietie , the sonne is bound thereby to goe the contrarie way . if the fathers oath concerne things of indifferent nature , and such as by the varietie or change of times , become either pernicious or impossible ; then it is free for the kings next successor and heire , prudently to fit and proportion his lawes vnto the times present , and to the best benefit of the commonwealth . when i call these things to mind with some attention , i am out of all doubt his lordship is very much to seek , in the right sense and nature of his kings oath taken at his coronation , to defend the church and to perseuere in the catholike faith . for what is more vnlike and lesse credible then this conceit , that after clouis had raigned 15. yeeres in the state of paganisme , and then receiued holy baptisme , he should become christian vpon this condition , that in case hee should afterward revolt from the faith , it should then bee in the power of the church , to turne him out of his kingdome ? but had any such conditionall stipulation beene made by clouis , in very good earnest and truth ; yet would hee neuer haue intended , that his deposing should be the act of the romane bishop , but rather of those ( whether peeres , or people , or whole body of the state ) by whom he had been aduanced to the kingdome . let vs heare the truth , and this is the truth : it is farre from the customarie vse in france , for their kings to take any such oath , or to vse any such stipulation with their subiects . if any king or prince wheresoeuer , doth vse an oath or solemne promise in these expresse tearmes , let mee loose my kingdome , or my life , be that day my last both for life and raigne , when i shall first reuolt from the christian religion : by these words he calleth vpon god for vengeance , he vseth imprecation against his owne head : but he makes not his crowne to stoope by this meanes , to any power in the pope , or in the church , or in the people . and touching inscriptions vpon coines , of which point his lordship speaketh by the way ; verily the nature of the money or coine ( the stamping and minting whereof is one of the markes of the prince his dignity and soueraignty ) is not changed by bearing the letters of christs name , on the reuerse or on the front . such characters of christs name , are aduertisements and instructions to the people , that in shewing and yeelding obedience vnto the king , they are obedient vnto christ ; and those princes likewise , who are so well aduised to haue the most sacred names inscribed and printed in their coines , doe take and acknowledge iesus christ for supreame king of kings . the said holy characters are no representation or profession , that any kings crown dependeth vpon the church , or can be taken away by the pope . the l. cardinal indeed so beareth vs in hand . but he inuerts the words of iesus christ , and wrings them out of the right ioynt . for christ without all ambiguity and circumlocution , by the image and inscription of the money , doth directly and expressely prooue caesar to be free from subiection , and intirely soueraigne . now if such a supreme and soueraigne prince , at any time shal bandie and combine against god , and thereby shall become a rebellious and perfidious prince ; doubtlesse for such disloyalty he shall deserue , that god would take from him all hope of life eternall : and yet hereby neither pope nor people hath reason to be puft vp , in their power to depriue him of his temporall kingdome . the l. cardinal saith besides : the champions of the popes power to depose kings , doe expound that commandement of s. paul , whereby euery soule is made subiect vnto the superiour powers , to be a prouisionall precept or caution accommodated to the times ; and to stand in force , only vntill the church was growne in strength vnto such a scantling , that it might be in the power of the faithfull , without shaking the pillars of christian state , to stand in the breach , and cautelously to prouide that none but christian princes might be receiued : according to the law in deut. thou shalt make thee a king frō among thy brethren . the reason whereupon they ground is this : because paul saith , it is a shame for christians to bee iudged vnder vniust infidels , in matters or busines , which they had one against an other . for which inconuenience , iustinian after prouided by lawe ; when he ordained that no infidell nor heretike might be admitted to the administration of iustice in the commonwealth . in which words of the cardinall , the word receiued , is to be obserued especially and aboue the rest . for by chopping in that word , he doth nimbly and with a trick of legier-de-main , transforme or change the very state of the question . for the question or issue of the cause , is not about receiuing , establishing , or choosing a prince ; ( as in those nations where the kingdome goes by election ) but about doing homage to the prince , when god hath setled him in the kingdome , and hath cast it vpon a prince by hereditary succession . for that which is written , thou shalt make thee a king , doth no way concerne and touch the people of france in these dayes : because the making of their king hath not of long time been tyed to their election . the passage therefore in deuteron ▪ makes nothing to the purpose ; no more then doth iustinians law . for it is our free and voluntary confession , that a christian prince is to haue speciall care of the laws , and to prouide that no vnbeleeuer be made lord cheife-iustice of the land , that no infidell be put in trust with administration of iustice to the people . but here the issue doth not direct vs to speake of delegates , of subordinate magistrates , and such as are in commission from the prince , but of the supreame prince himselfe , the soueraigne magistrate ordained by nature , and confirmed by succession . our question is , whether such a prince can be vnthroned by the pope , by whom he was not placed in the throne ; and whether the pope can despoile such a prince , of that royaltie which was neuer giuen him by the pope , vnder any pretended colour and imputation of heresie , of stupiditie , or infringing the priuiledges of monasteries , or transgressing the lawes and lines of holy matrimonie . now that saint pauls commandement which bindeth euery soule in the bands of subiection vnto the higher powers , is no precept giuen by way of prouiso , and onely to serue the times , but a standing and a perpetuall rule , it is hereby more then manifest . s. paul hath grounded this commandement vpon certaine reasons , not only constant and permanent by their proper nature , but likewise necessary for euery state , condition , and revolution of the times . his reasons ; because all powers are ordained of god : because resisting of powers is resisting the ordinance of god : because the magistrate beares the sword to execute iustice : because obedience and subiection to the magistrate is necessary , not onely for feare of his wrath , or feare of punishment , but also for conscience sake . it is therefore a case grounded vpon conscience , it is not a law deuised by humane wisedome ; it is not fashionable to the qualities of the times . apostolicall instructions for the right informing of manners , are not changeable according to times and seasons . to vse the l. cardinals language , and to followe his fancie in the matter , is to make way for two pestiferous mischeifes : first , let it be free and lawfull for christians , to hold the commanding rules of god for prouisionall cautions , and what followes ? men are lead into the broad way of impietie , and the whole scripture is wiped of all authority . then againe , for the other mischeife : the glorious triumphs of most blessed martyrs in their vnspeakeable torments and sufferings , by the l. cardinalls position shall be iudged vnworthy to weare the title and crown of martyrdom . how so ? because ( according to his new fiction ) they haue giuen place to the violence and fury of heathen magistrates , not in obedience to the necessary and certaine commaundement of god , but rather to a prouisionall direction , accommodated to the humours of the times . and therefore the l. cardinall hath vsed none other clay wherewith to dawbe ouer his deuise , but plaine falsification of holy scripture . for he makes the apostle say to the corinthians , it is a shame for christians to be iudged vnder vnbeleeuing magistrates : whereas in that whole context of paul , there is no such matter . for when the apostle saith , i speake it euen to your shame ; hee doth not say it is a shame for a beleeuer to be iudged vnder an infidel , but he makes thē ashamed of their vngodly course , and vnchristian practise , that in suing and impleading one an other , they laid their actions of contention in the courts of vnbeleeuing iudges . the shame was not in bearing that yoke which god had charged their necks withall , but in deuouring and eating vp one an other with writs of habeas corpus , and with other processes ; as also in vncouering the shame , in laying open the shamefull parts and prankes played by christians , before infidels , to the great scandall of the church . here i say the l. cardinall is taken in a tricke of manifest falsification . if therefore a king when hee falls to play the heretike , deserueth to be deposed ; why shall not a cardinall when hee falls to play the iuggler with holy scripture , deserue to be disrobed ? meane while the indifferent reader is to consider , how greatly this doctrine is preiudiciall , and how full of danger , to christians liuing vnder heretical or pagan princes . for make it once knowne to the emperour of turkes , let him once get neuer so little a smacke of this doctrine ; that christians liuing vnder his empire do take gods commaundement , for obedience to princes whom they count infidels , to bee onely a prouisionall precept for a time , and wait euery houre for all occasions to shake off the yoke of his bondage ; doubtlesse he will neuer spare with all speed to roote the whole stocke , with all the armes and branches of christians , out of his dominions . adde hereunto the l. cardinalls former determination ; that possession kept neuer so long by the turk in his conquests ouer christians , gaines him not by so long tract of time one inch of prescription ; and it wil appeare , that his lordship puts the turkish emperour in mind , and by his instruction leades the said emperour as it were by the hand , to haue no manner of affiance in his christian subiects ; and withall to afflict his poore christians with all sorts of most grieuous and cruell torments . in this regard the poore christians of graecia and syria , must needes be very little beholden to his lordship . as for my selfe , and my popish subiects , to whome i am no lesse then an heretike forsooth ; am not i by this doctrine of the cardinall , pricked and whetted against my naturall inclination , to turne clemencie into rigour ; seeing that by his doctrine my subiects are made to beleeue , they owe me subiection onely by way of prouiso , and with waiting the occasion to worke my vtter destruction and final ruine ? the rather , because turkes , miscreants , and heretikes are mashalled by the cardinall in the same ranke ; and heretikes are counted worse , yea more iustly deposeable , then turkes and infidels , as irreligious breakers and violaters of their oath ? who seeth not here how great indignitie is offered to me a christian king ? paralleld with infidels , reputed worse then a turke , taken for an vsurper of my kingdomes , reckoned a prince , to whom subiects owe a forced obedience by way of prouision , vntill they shall haue meanes to shake off the yoke , and to bare my temples of the crowne , which neuer can be pulled from the sacred head , but with losse of the head it selfe ? touching the warres vndertaken by the french , english , and germaines , in their expedition for ierusalem , it appeares by the issue and euent of the said warres , that god approoued them not for honourable . that expedition was a deuise and inuention of the pope , whereby he might come to be infeoffed in the kingdoms of christian princes . for then al such of the french , english , or germaines , as vndertooke the croisade , became the popes meere vassals . then all robbers by the high way side , adulterers , cut-throats , and base bankerupts , were exempted from the secular and ciuil power , their causes were sped in consistorian courts , so soone as they had gotten the crosse on their cassocks or coat-armours , and had vowed to serue in the expedition for the leuant . then for the popes pleasure and at his commaundement , whole countryes were emptied of their nobles and common souldiers . then they made long marches into the leuant . for what purpose ? onely to die vpon the points of the saracens pikes , or by the edge of their barbarous courtelasses , battle-axes , fauchions , and other weapons , without any benefit and aduantage to themselues or others . then the nobles were driuen to sell their goodly mannors , and auncient demaines to the church-men , at vnder prises and low rates ; the very roote from which a great part of the church and church-mens reuenewes hath sprung and growne to so great height . then , to bee short , his most bountifull holinesse gaue to any of the riffe-raffe-ranke , that would vndertake this expedition into the holy land , a free and full pardon for all his sinnes , besides a degree of glory aboue the vulgar in the celestiall paradise . military vertue , i confesse , is commendable and honourable ; prouided it be employed for iustice , and that generous noblenesse of valiant spirits be not vnder a colour and shadow of piety , fetcht ouer with some casts or deuises of italian cunning . now let vs obserue the wisedome of the l. cardinall through this whole discourse . his lordship is pleased in his oration , to cite certaine few passages of scripture , culls and picks them out for the most gracefull in shewe : leaues out of his list whole troupes of honourable witnesses , vpon whose testimonie , the popes themselues and their principall adherents doe build his power to depose kings , and to giue order for all temporall causes . take a sight of their best and most honourable witnesses . peter said to christ , see here two swords ; and christ answered , it is sufficient . christ said to peter , put vp thy sword into thy sheath . god said to ieremie , i haue established thee ouer nations and kingdomes . paul said to the corinthians , the spirituall man discerneth all things . christ said to his apostles , whatsoeuer yee shall loose vpon earth : by which words the pope hath power forsooth to loose the oath of allegiance . moses said , in the beginning god created the heauen and the earth . vpon these passages , pope boniface 8. grapling and tugging with philip the faire , doth build his temporall power . other popes and papists auouch the like authorities . christ said of himself , all things are giuen to me of my father , and all power is giuen vnto me in heauen and in earth . the deuils said , if thou cast vs out , send vs into this herd of swine . christ said to his disciples , yee shall finde the colt of an asse bound , loose it and bring it vnto me . by these places the aduersaries prooue , that christ disposed of temporall matters ; and inferre thereupon , why not christs vicar as well as christ himselfe . the places and testimonies now following are very expresse : in stead of thy fathers shall be thy children : thou shalt make them princes through all the earth . item , iesus christ not onely commaunded peter to feed his lambs ; but said also to peter , arise , kill , and eat : the pleasant glosse , the rare inuention of the l. cardinall baronius . christ said to the people , if i were lift vp from the earth , i wil draw all things vnto me . who lets , what hinders this place from fitting the pope ? paul said to the corinthians , know ye not that we shall iudge the angels ? how much more then the things that pertaine vnto this life ? a little after , haue not wee power to eate ? these are the chiefe passages , on which as vpon maine arches , the roofe of papall monarchie , concerning temporall causes , hath rested for three or foure ages past . and yet his lordship durst not repose any confidence in their firme standing to beare vp the said roofe of temporall monarchie , for feare of making his auditors to burst with laughter . a wise part without question , if his lordship had not defiled his lips before , with a more ridiculous argument drawne from the leprosie and drie scab . let vs now by way of comparison behold iesus christ paying tribute vnto caesar , and the pope making caesar to pay him tribute : iesus christ perswading the iewes to pay tribute vnto an heathen emperour , and the pope dispensing with subiects for their obedience to christian emperours : iesus christ refusing to arbitrate a controuersie of inheritance partable betweene two priuate parties , and the pope thrusting in himselfe without warrant or commission to be absolute iudge in the deposing of kings : iesus christ professing that his kingdome is not of this world , and the pope establishing himselfe in a terrene empire . in like manner the apostles forsaking all their goods to followe christ , and the pope robbing christians of their goods ; the apostles persecuted by pagan emperours , and the pope now setting his foote on the very throate of christian emperours , then proudly treading imperiall crownes vnder his feete . by this comparison , the l. cardinals allegation of scripture in fauour of his master the pope , is but a kind of puppet-play , to make iesus christ a mocking stocke , rather then to satisfie his auditors with any sound precepts and wholesome instructions . hereof hee seemeth to giue some inckling himselfe . for after he hath beene plentifull in citing authorities of scripture , and of newe doctors , which make for the popes power to depose kings ; at last he comes in with a faire and open confession , that neither by diuine oracles , nor by honourable antiquitie , this controuersie hath beene yet determined : and so pulls downe in a word with one hand , the frame of worke that he had built and set vp before with an other : discouering withal the reluctation and priuie checkes of his owne conscience . there yet remaineth one obiection , the knot whereof the l. cardinall in a manner sweateth to vntie . his words be these : the champions for the negatiue flie to the analogie of other proceedings and practises in the chruch . they affirme that priuate persons , masters or owners of goods and possessions among the common people , are not depriued of their goods for heresie ; and consequently that princes much more should not for the same crime bee depriued of their estates . for answer to this reason , he brings in the defendants of deposition , speaking after this manner : in the kingdom of france the strict execution of lawes decreed in court against heretickes , is fauourably suspended and stopped , for the preseruation of peace and publike tranquilitie . he saith elsewhere , conniuence is vsed towards these heretikes in regard of their multitude , because a notable part of the french nation and state is made all of heretikes . i suppose that out of speciall charitie , hee would haue those heretikes of his own making , forewarned what courteous vse and intreaty they are to expect ; when hee affirmeth that execution of the lawes is but suspended . for indeed suspensions hold but for a time . but in a cause of that nature and importance , i dare promise my selfe , that my most honoured brother the king of france , will make vse of other counsell : will rather seek the amitie of his neighbour princes , and the peace of his kingdom : will beare in minde the great and faithfull seruice of those , who in matter of religion dissent from his maiestie , as of the onely men that haue preserued and saued the crowne for the king his father , of most glorious memorie . i am perswaded my brother of france will beleeue , that his liege people pretended by the l. cardinall to be heretikes , are not halfe so bad as my romane catholike subiects , who by secret practises vnder-mine my life , serue a forraine soueraigne , are discharged by his bulls of their obedience due to me their naturall soueraigne , are bound ( by the maximes and rules published and maintained in fauour of the pope , before this full and famous assembly of the estate at paris ; if the said maximes be of any weight and authoritie ) to hold me for no lawfull king , are there taught and instructed that pauls commandement concerning subiection vnto the higher powers , aduerse to their professed religion , is onely a prouisionall precept , framed to the times , and watching for the opportunitie to shake off the yoake . all which notwithstanding , i deale with such romane-catholiks by the rules and waies of princely clemencie ; their hainous and pernicious error , in effect no lesse then the capitall crime of high treason , i vse to call some disease or distemper of the mind . last of all , i beleeue my said brother of france will set downe in his tables , as in record , how little he standeth ingaged to the lord cardinal in this behalfe . for those of the reformed religion professe and proclaim , that next vnder god , they owe their preseruation and safetie to the wisedome and benignity of their kings . but now comes the cardinall , and hee seekes to steale this perswasion out of their hearts : hee tells them in open parliament , and without any going about bushes , that all their welfare and securitie standeth in their multitude , and in the feare which others conceiue to trouble the state , by the strict execution of lawes against heretikes . he addeth moreouer , that jn case a third sect should peepe out and growe vp in france , the professors thereof should suffer confiscation of their goods , with losse of life it selfe : as hath been practised at geneua against seruetus , and in england against arrians . my answer is this , that punishments for heretikes , duely and according to law conuicted , are set downe by decrees of the ciuil magistrate , bearing rule in the countrey where the said heretikes inhabite , and not by any ordinances of the pope . i say withall , the l. cardinal hath no reason to match and parallell the reformed churches with seruetus and the arrians . for those heretikes were powerfully conuicted by gods word , and lawfully condemned by the auncient generall councils , where they were permitted and admitted to plead their owne cause in person . but as for the truth professed by me , and those of the reformed religion , it was neuer yet hissed out of the schooles , nor cast out of any councill , ( like some parliament bills ) where both sides haue been heard with like indifferencie . yea , what councill soeuer hath beene offered vnto vs in these latter times , it hath been proposed with certaine presuppositions : as , that his holinesse ( beeing a partie in the cause , and consequently to come vnder iudgement as it were to the barre vpon his triall ) shall be the iudge of assize with commission of oyer and determiner : it shall be celebrated in a citie of no safe accesse , without safe conduct or conuoy to come or goe at pleasure , and without danger : it shall be assembled of such persons with free suffrage and voice , as vphold this rule , ( which they haue alreadie put in practise against iohn hus and hierom of prage ) that faith giuen , and oath taken to an heretike , must not be obserued . now then to resume our former matter ; if the pope hitherto hath neuer presumed , for pretended heresie to confiscate by sentence , either the lands or the goods of priuate persons , or common people of the french nation , wherfore should he dare to dispossesse kings of their royall thrones ? wherefore takes he more vpon him ouer kings , then ouer priuate persons ? wherefore shal the sacred heads of kings be more churlishly , vnciuilly , and rigorously handled , then the hoods of the meanest people ? here the l. cardinal in stead of a direct answer , breakes out of the lists , alleadging cleane from the purpose examples of heretikes punished , not by the pope , but by the ciuill magistrate of the countrey . but bellarmine speakes to the point with a more free and open heart : he is absolute and resolute in this opinion , that his holinesse hath plenarie power to dispose all temporall estates and matters in the whole world : i am confident ( saith bellarmine ) and i speake it with assurance , that our lord iesus christ in the dayes of his mortalitie , had power to dispose of all temporall things ; yea , to strippe soueraign kings and absolute lords of their kingdomes and seignories : and without all doubt hath granted and left euen the same power vnto his vicar , to make vse thereof whensoeuer he shall thinke it necessary for the saluation of soules . and so his lordship speaketh without exception of any thing at all . for who doth not knowe , that iesus christ had power to dispose no lesse of priuate mens possessions , then of whole realmes and kingdomes at his pleasure , if it had been his pleasure to display the ensignes of his power ? the same fulnesse of power is likewise in the pope . in good time : belike his holinesse is the sole heire of christ , in whole and in part . the last lateran council fineth a laic that speaketh blasphemie , for the first offence ( if he be a gentleman ) at 25. ducats , and at 50. for the second . it presupposeth and taketh it for graunted , that the church may rifle and ransacke the purses of priuate men , and cast lots for their goods . the councill of trent diggeth as deepe for the same veine of gold and siluer . it ordaines ; that emperours , kings , dukes , princes , and lords of cities , castles , and territories holding of the church , in case they shall assigne any place within their limits or liberties for the duell between two christians , shal be depriued of the said citie , castle , or place , where such duell shall be performed , they holding the said place of the church by any kind of tenure : that all other estates held in fee where the like offence shall be committed , shall foorthwith fall and become forfeited to their immediate and next lords : that all goods , possessions , and estates , as well of the combatants themselues , as of their seconds shall be confiscate . this council doth necessarily presuppose , it lieth in the hand and power of the church , to dispose of all the lands and estates , held in fee throughout all christendome ; ( because the church forsooth can take from one , and giue vnto an other all estates held in fee whatsoeuer , as well such as hold of the church , as of secular lords ) and to make ordinances for the confiscation of all priuate persons goods . by this canon the kingdome of naples hath need to looke well vnto it selfe . for one duell it may fal into the exchecker of the romane church : because that kingdome payeth a reliefe to the church , as a royaltie or seignorie that holdeth in fee of the said church . and in france there is not one lordship , not one mannor , not one farme which the pope by this means cannot shift ouer to a new lord. his lordship therefore had carried himselfe and the cause much better , if in stead of seeking such idle shifts , he had by a more large assertion maintained the popes power to dispose of priuate mens possessions , with no lesse right and authoritie then of kingdomes . for what colour of reason can be giuen , for making the pope lord of the whole , and not of the parts ? for making him lord of the forrest in grosse , and not of the trees in parcell ? for making him lord of the whole house , and not of the parlour or the dining chamber ? his lordship alleadgeth yet an other reason , but of no better weight : betweene the power of priuate owners ouer their goods , and the power of kings ouer their estates , there is no little difference . for the goods of priuate persons are ordained for their owners , and princes for the benefit of their common-wealths . heare me now answer . if this cardinal-reason hath any force to inferre , that a king may lawfully be depriued of his kingdome for heresie , but a priuate person cannot for the same crime bee turned out of his mansion house ; then it shall follow by the same reason , that a father for the same cause may be depriued of all power ouer his children , but a priuate owner cannot be depriued of his goods in the like case : because goods are ordained for the benefit and comfort of their owners , but fathers are ordained for the good and benefit of their children . but most certaine it is , that kings representing the image of god in earth and gods place , haue a better and closer seat in their chaires of estate , then any priuate persons haue in the saddle of their inheritances and patrimonies , which are daily seene for sleight causes , to flit and to fall into the hands of newe lords . whereas a prince beeing the head , cannot be loosed in the proper ioynt , nor dismounted ; like a cannon when the carriage thereof is vnlockt , without a sore shaking and a most grieuous dislocation of all the members , yea without subuerting the whole bodie of the state , whereby priuate persons without number are inwrapped together in the same ruine : euen as the lower shrubs and other brush-wood are crushed in peices altogether by the fall of a great oake . but suppose his lordships reason were somewhat ponderous and solide withall , yet a king ( which would not be forgotten ) is indowed not onely with the kingdome , but also with auncient desmenes and crowne-lands , for which none can be so simple to say , the king was ordained and created king ; which neuerthelesse he looseth when he looseth his crowne . admit againe this reason were of some pith , to make mighty kings more easily deposeable then priuate persons from their patrimonies ; yet all this makes nothing for the deriuing and fetching of deposition from the popes consistorie . what hee neuer conferred , by what right or power can hee claime to take away ? but see here no doubt a sharpe and subtile difference put by the l. cardinall betweene a kingdome , and the goods of priuate persons . goods , as his lordship saith , are without life : they can be constrained by no force , by no example , by no inducement of their owners to loose eternall life : subiects by their princes may . now i am of this contrary beleefe , that an hereticall owner , or master of a family , hath greater power and means withall , to seduce his owne seruants and children , then a prince hath to peruert his owne subiects ; and yet for the contagion of heresie , and for corrupt religion , children are not remooued from their parents , nor seruants are taken away from their masters . histories abound with examples of most flourishing churches , vnder a prince of contrary religion . and if things without life or soule are with lesse danger left in an heretikes hands ; why then shall not an hereticall king with more facilitie and lesse danger keep his crown , his royall charge , his lands , his customes , his imposts ? &c. for will any man , except he bee out of his wits , affirme these things to haue any life or soule ? or why shall it be counted follie , to leaue a sword in the hand of a mad bedlam ? is not a sword also without life and soule ? for my part , i should rather be of this minde ; that possession of things without reason , is more dangerous and pernicious in the hands of an euill master , then the possession of things indued with life and reason . for things without life lacke both reason and iudgement , how to exempt and free themselues from being instruments in euill and wicked actions , from beeing emploied to vngodly and abhominable vses . i will not deny , that an hereticall prince is a plague , a pernicious and mortal sicknes to the soules of his subiects . but a breach made by one mischiefe , must not be filled vp with a greater inconuenience . an errour must not be shocked and shouldered with disloialtie , nor heresie with periurie , nor impietie with sedition and armed rebellion against god and the king. god , who vseth to try and to schoole his church , will neuer forsake his church : nor hath need to protect his church by any proditorious and prodigious practises of perfidious christians . for hee makes his church to be like the burning bush . in the middest of the fire and flames of persecutions , he will prouide that she shall not bee consumed , because he standeth in the midst of his church . and suppose there may bee some iust cause for the french , to play the rebels against their king ; yet will it not follow , that such rebellious motions are to be raised by the bellowes of the romane bishop , to whose pastorall charge and office it is nothing proper , to intermeddle in the ciuill affaires of forraine kingdomes . here is the summe and substance of the l. cardinals whole discourse , touching his pretence of the second inconuenience . which discourse he hath closed with a remarkeable confession : to wit , that neither by the authoritie of holy scripture , nor by the testimony and verdict of the primitiue church , there hath beene any full decision of this question . in regard whereof he falleth into admiration , that lay-people haue gone so farre in audaciousnesse , as to labour that a doubtfull doctrine might for euer passe currant , and be taken for a newe article of faith . what a shame , what a reproach is this ? how full of scandall ? for so his lordship is pleased to cry out . this breakes into the seueralls and inclosures of the church : this lets in whole herds of heresies to grase in her green and sweet pastures . on the other side , without any such rhetoricall outcries , i simply affirme : it is a reproach , a scandall , a crime of rebellion , for a subiect hauing his full charge and loade of benefits , in the newe spring of his kings tender age , his king-fathers blood yet reeking , and vpon the point of an addresse for a double match with spaine ; in so honourable an assembly , to seek the thraldome of his kings crown , to play the captious in cauilling about causes of his kings deposing , to giue his former life the lie with shame enough in his olde age , and to make himselfe a common by-word , vnder the name of a problematicall martyr ; one that offers himselfe to fagot and fire for a point of doctrine but problematically handled , that is , distrustfully and onely by way of doubtfull and questionable discourse : yea for a point of doctrine , in which the french ( as he pretendeth ) are permitted to thwart and crosse his holines in iudgement , prouided they speake in it as in a point not certaine and necessary , but onely doubtfull and probable . the third jnconvenience examined . the third inconuenience pretended by the l. cardinall to growe by admitting this article of the third estate , is flourished in these colours : it would breede and bring forth an open and vnauoideable schism against his holinesse , and the rest of the whole ecclesiasticall bodie . for thereby the doctrine long approoued and ratified by the pope and the rest of the church , should now be taxed and condemned of impious and most detestable consequence ; yea the pope and the church , euen in faith and in points of saluation , should be reputed and beleeued to be erroniously perswaded . hereupon his lordship giues himselfe a large scope of the raines , to frame his elegant amplifications against schismes and schismatikes . now to mount so high , and to flie in such place vpon the wings of amplification for this inconuenience , what is it else but magnifically to report and imagine a mischeife by many degrees greater then the mischeife is ? the l. cardinal is in a great error , if he make himselfe beleeue , that other nations wil make a rent or separation from the communion of the french , because the french stand to it tooth and nayle , that french crownes are not liable or obnoxious to papall deposition ; howsoeuer there is no schisme that importeth not separation of communion . the most illustrious republike of venice , hath imbarked herselfe in this quarrell against his holinesse ▪ hath played her prize , and carried away the weapons with great honour . doth she , notwithstanding her triumph in the cause , forbeare to participate with all her neighbors in the same sacraments ? doth she liue in schisme with all the rest of the romane church ? no such matter . when the l. cardinal himselfe not many yeeres past , maintained the kings cause , and stood honourably for the kings right against the popes temporall vsurpations , did he then take other churches to be schismaticall , or the rotten members of antechrist ? beleeue it who list , i beleeue my creed . nay , his lordship telleth vs himselfe a little after , that his holinesse giues the french free scope , to maintaine either the affirmatiue or negatiue of this question . and will his holinesse hold them schismatikes , that dissent from his opinion and iudgement in a subiect or cause esteemed problematicall ? farre be it from his holinesse . the king of spaine , reputed the popes right arme , neuer gaue the pope cause by any act or other declaration , to conceiue that hee acknowledged himselfe deposeable by the pope for heresie , or tyrannie , or stupidity . but beeing well assured the pope standeth in greater feare of his arme , then he doth of the popes head and shoulders , he neuer troubles his owne head about our question . more , when the booke of cardinall baronius was come forth , in which booke the kingdome of naples is decryed and publiquely discredited ( like false money ) touching the qualitie of a kingdome , and attributed to the king of spain , not as true proprietary thereof , but onely as an estate held in fee of the romane church ; the king made no bones to condemne and to banish the said booke out of his dominions . the holy father was contented to put vp his catholike sonnes proceeding to the cardinalls disgrace , neuer opened his mouth against the king , neuer declared or noted the king to bee schismaticall . hee waits perhaps for some fitter opportunitie ; when the kingdome of spaine groaning vnder the burthens of intestine dissentions and troubles , he may without any danger to himselfe giue the catholike king a bishops mate . yea , the l. cardinall himselfe is better seen in the humors and inclinations of the christian world , then to be grossely perswaded , that in the kingdome of spaine , and in the very heart of rome it selfe there be not many , which either make it but a ieast , or else take it in fowle scorne , to heare the popes power ouer the crownes of kings once named : especially since the venetian republike hath put his holinesse to the worse in the same cause , and cast him in lawe . what needed the l. cardinall then , by casting vp such mounts and trenches , by heaping one amplification vpon an other , to make schisme looke with such a terrible and hideous aspect ? who knowes not how great an offence , how heinous a crime it is to quarter , not iesus christs coat , but his body , which is the church ? and what needed such terrifying of the church with vglinesse of schisme , whereof there is neither colourable shew , nor possibility ? the next vgly monster , after schisme , shaped by the l. cardinall in the third supposed and pretended inconuenience , is heresie . his lordship saith for the purpose : by this article we are cast headlong into a manifest heresie , as binding vs to confesse , that for many ages past the catholike church hath been banished out of the whole world . for if the champions of the doctrine contrary to this article , doe hold an impious and a detestable opinion , repugnant vnto gods word ; then doubtlesse the pope for so many hundred yeers expired , hath not been the head of the church , but an heretike and the antechrist . he addeth moreouer ; that the church long agoe hath lost her name of catholike , and that in france there hath no church flourished , nor so much as appeared these many and more then many yeeres : for as much as all the french doctors for many yeeres together haue stood for the contrary opinion . we can erect and set vp no trophey more honourable for heretikes in token of their victorie , then to avowe that christs visible kingdome is perished from the face of the earth , and that for so many hundred yeeres there hath not beene any temple of god , nor any spouse of christ , but euery where , and all the world ouer , the kingdome of antechrist , the synagogue of satan , the spouse of the deuill , hath mightily preuailed and borne all the sway . lastly , what stronger engines can these heretikes wish or desire , for the battering and the demolishing of transubstantiation , of auricular confession , and other like towers of our catholike religion , then if it should bee graunted the church hath decided the said points without any authoritie ? &c. me thinkes the lord cardinall in the whole draught and course of these words , doth seeke not a little to blemish the honour of his church , and to marke his religion with a blacke coale . for the whole frame of his mother-church is very easie to be shaken , if by the establishing of this article she shall come to finall ruine and shall become the synagoue of satan . likewise , kings are brought into a very miserable state and condition , if their soueraigntie shall not stand , if they shall not be without danger of deposition , but by the totall ruine of the church , and by holding the pope , whome they serue , to be antechrist . the l. cardinall himselfe ( let him be well sifted ) herein doth not credit his owne words . for doth not his lordship tell vs plaine , that neither by diuine testimonie , nor by any sentence of the ancient church , the knot of this controuersie hath been vntyed ? againe , that some of the french , by the popes fauourable indulgence , are licensed or tolerated to say their mind , to deliuer their opinion of this question , though contrarie to the iudgement of his holines ; prouided they hold it onely as problematicall , and not as necessary ? what ? can there be any assurance for the pope , that he is not antechrist ; for the church of rome , that she is not a synagogue of satan , when a mans assurance is grounded vpon wauering and wild vncertanties , without canon of scrpture , without consent or countenance of antiquity , and in a cause which the pope with good leaue suffereth some to tosse with winds of problematicall opinion ? it hath beene shewed before , that by gods word , whereof small reckoning perhaps is made , by venerable antiquity , and by the french church in those times when the popes power was mounted aloft , the doctrine which teaches deposing of kings by the pope , hath been checked and countermaunded . what , did the french in those dayes beleeue , the church was then swallowed vp , and no where visible or extant in the world ? no verily . those that make the pope of soueraigne authoritie for matters of faith , are not perswaded that in this cause they are bound absolutely to beleeue and credit his doctrine . why so ? because they take it not for any decree or determination of faith ; but for a point pertaining to the mysteries of state , and a pillar of the popes temporal monarchy ; who hath not receiued any promise from god , that in causes of this nature hee shall not erre . for they hold , that errour by no meanes can crawle or scramble vp to the papall see , so highly mounted ; but graunt ambition can scale the highest walls , and climbe the loftiest pinnacles of the same see. they hold withall , that in a case of so speciall aduantage to the pope , whereby he is made king of kings , and as it were the pay-master or distributer of crownes , it is against all reason that hee should sit as iudge , to carue out kingdoms for his own share . to be short , let his lordship be assured that he meets with notorious blocke-heads , more blunt witted then a whetstone , when they are drawne to beleeue by his perswasion , that whosoeuer beleeues the pope hath no right nor power to put kings beside their thrones , to giue and take away crownes , are all excluded and barred out of the heauenly kingdome . but now followes a worse matter : for they whome the cardinall reproachfully calls heretikes , haue wrought and wonne his lordship ( as to me seemeth ) to plead their cause at the barre , and to betray his owne cause to these heretikes . for what is it in his lordship , but plaine playing the praeuaricator , when he cryeth so loud , that by admitting and establishing of this article , the doctrine of cake-incarnation and priuy confession to a priest , is vtterly subuerted ? let vs heare his reason , and willingly accept of the truth from his lips . the articles ( as his lordshippe graunteth ) of transubstantiation , auricular confession , and the popes power to depose kings , are all grounded alike vpon the same authoritie . now he hath acknowledged the article of the popes power to depose kings , is not decided by the scripture , nor by the auncient church , but within the compasse of certaine ages past , by the authority of popes and councils . then he goes on well , and inferres with good reason , that in case the point of the popes power be weakned , then the other two points must needs bee shaken , and easily ouerthrowne . so that he doth confesse the monstrous birth of the breaden-god , and the blind sacrament or vaine phantasie of auricular confession , are no more conueyed into the church by pipes from the springs of sacred scripture , or from the riuers of the auncient church , then that other point of the popes power ouer kings and their crownes . very good : for were they indeede deriued from either of those two heads , that is to say , were they grounded vpon the foundation of the first or second authoritie ; then they could neuer be shaken by the downefall of the popes power to depose kings . i am well assured , that for vsing so good a reason , the world will hold his lordshippe in suspicion , that he still hath some smacke of his fathers discipline and instruction , who in times past had the honour to be a minister of the holy gospel . howbeit he playeth not faire , nor vseth sincere dealing in his proceeding against such as he calls heretikes ; when he casts in their dish , and beares them in hand they frowardly wrangle for the inuisibilitie of the church in earth . for indeed the matter is nothing so . they freely acknowledge a visible church . for howsoeuer the assembly of gods elect , doth make a bodie not discernable by mans eye : yet we assuredly beleeue , and gladly professe , there neuer wanted a visible church in the world ; yet onely visible to such as make a part of the same . all that are without see no more but men , they doe not see the said men to be the true church . we beleeue moreouer of the vniuersall church visible , that it is composed of many particular churches , whereof some are better fined and more cleane from lees and dregs then other : and withall , we deny the purest churches to be alwaies the greatest and most visible . the fourth and last inconuenience examined . the lord cardinall before he looketh into the last inconuenience , vseth a certaine preamble of his owne life past , and seruices done to the kings , henry the iii. and iiii. touching the latter of which two kings , his lordship saith in a straine of boasting , after this manner : i , by the grace of god , or the grace of god by me rather , reduced him to the catholike religion . i obtained at rome his absolution of pope clement 8. i reconciled him to the holy see. touching the first of these points ; i say the time , the occasions , and the foresaid kings necessary affaires doe sufficiently testifie , that he was induced to change his mind , and to alter his religion , vpon the strength of other manner of arguments then theologicall schooles , or the perswasions of the l. cardinals fluent rhetoricke , do vsually afford , or could possibly suggest . moreouer , who doth not know , that in affaires of so high nature and consequence , resolutions once taken , princes are to proceede with instructions by a formall course ? as for the kings absolution , pretended to bee purchased of clement 8. by the l. cardinals good seruice ; it had beene the part of so great a cardinall , for the honour of his king , of the realme , and of his owne place , to haue buried that peice of his notable seruice in perpetuall silence , and in the darke night of eternall obliuion . for in this matter of reconcilement , it is not vnknowne to the world , how shamefully and basely he prostituted the inuiolable dignity of his king , when his lordship representing the person of his king , and couching on the ground , by way of sufficient penance , was glad ( as i haue noted in the preface to my apologie ) to haue his venerable shoulders gracefully saluted with stripes , and reuerently worshipped with bastonados of a pontificiall cudgell . which gracefull , or disgracefull blemish rather , it pleased pope clement of his rare clemencie , to grace yet with a higher degre of spirituall graces : in giuing the l. cardinall then bishop of eureux , a certaine quantity of holy graines , crosses , and medals , or little plates of siluer , or some other mettall , to hang about the necke , or to be born about against some euil . which treasures of the popes grace , whosoeuer should graciously and reuerently kisse , they should without faile purchase vnto themselues a pardon for one hundred yeeres . these feate and prety gugawes for children , were no doubt a speciall comfort vnto the good kings heart , after his maiestie had been handsomely basted vpon the l. bishops backe . but with what face can his lordship brag , that he preuailed with pope clement for the kings absolution ? the late duke of neuers , not long before had solicited his holines , with all earnest and humble instance to the same purpose ; howsoeuer , the kings affaires then seeming desperate in the popes eye , hee was licensed to depart for france , without any due and gracious respect vnto his errand . but so soone as the pope receiued intelligence , of the kings fortunes growing to the full , and the affaires of the league to be in the wane , and the principall cities , the strongest places of garrison through all france to strike tops and tops gallant , and to hale the king ; then the holy ghost in good time inspired the holy father with a holy desire and tender affection , to receiue this poore wandring sheep againe into the flocke of christ , and bosome of holy church . his holinesse had reason . for he feared by his obstinate seuerity to prouoke the patience of the french , and to driue that nation ( as they had many times threatned before ) then to put in execution their auncient designe ; which was , to shake off the pope , and to set vp some of their owne tribes or kinreds for patriarch ouer the french church . but let his lordshippe vouchsafe to search the secret of his owne bosome , and no doubt he will not sticke to acknowledge , that before hee stirred one foote out of france , he had good assurance of the good successe and issue of his honourable embassage . now the hearers thus prepared by his preface , the l. cardinall proceedeth in his purpose ; namely to make proofe , how this article of the third estate , wherein doubtfull and questionable matters are mingled and confounded with certaine and indubitable principles , doth so debilitate and weaken the sinewes and vertue of any remedy intended for the danger of kings , as it maketh all remedies and receipts prescribed for that purpose , to become altogether vnprofitable , and without effect . he yeelds this reason , ( take it forsooth vpon my warrant ) a reason full of pith and substance : the onely remedie against parricides , is to thunder the solemne curses of the church , and the punishments to bee inflicted after death : which points , if they be not grounded vpon infallible authoritie , wil neuer be setled in mens perswasions with any certaine assurance . now in the solemne curses of the church , no man can attaine to the said assurance , if things not denied bee mingled with points not graunted , and not consented vnto by the vniuersall church . by a thing not denied and not contested , the l. cardinall meanes prohibiting and condemning of king-killing : & by points contested , hee meanes denying of the popes power to depose kings . in this whole discourse , i find neither pith of argument , nor course of proofe ; but onely a cast of the l. cardinalls office by way of counsell : whereunto i make this answer . if there be in this article of the third estate any point , wherein all are not of one mind and the same iudgement ; in whome lieth all the blame , from whence rises the doubt , but from the popes and popish parasites , by whome the certaintie of the said point hath been cunningly remooued and conueied away , and must bee restored againe by publike authoritie ? now the way to restore certaintie vnto a point , which against reason is called into doubt and question , is to make it vp in one masse , or to tie it vp in the same bundle , with other certaine points of the same nature . here i am forced to summon the consciences of men , to make some stand or stay vpon this point , and with me to enter into deepe consideration , how great and vnvanquishable force is euer found in the truth . for these two questions , whether kings may lawfully bee made away by assassins waged and hired for the act ; and whether the pope hath lawful power to chase kings out of their thrones , are by the l. cardinals owne confession , in so full aspect of coniunction , that if either bee brought vnder any degree of doubt , the other also is fetcht within the same compasse . in which words he directly pointeth as with a finger to the very true source of the maine mischiefe , and to the basilique and liuer veine , infected with pestilentiall blood , inflamed to the destruction of basilicall princes by detestable parricide . for whosoeuer shall confidently beleeue that popes are not armed with power to depose kings ; will beleeue with no lesse confidence and assurance , it is not lawfull by sudden assaults to flie at their throats . for are not all desperate villaines perswaded , when they are hired to murder kings , that in doing so damnable a feate , they doe it for a peice of notable and extraordinarie seruice to the pope ? this maxime therefore is to be held for a principle vnmooueable and indubitable ; that , if subiects desire the life of their kings to be secured ; they must not yeeld the pope one inch of power , to depriue their kings of their thrones and crownes , by deposing their kings . the lord cardinall testifieth no lesse himselfe in these words : if those monsters of men , and furies of hell , by whom the life-blood of our two last kings was let out , had euer been acquainted with lawes ecclesiasticall , they might haue read themselues adiudged by the councill of constance to expresse damnation . for in these words , the l. cardinall preferreth a bill of inditement to cast his holinesse ; who , vpon the commencing of the leaguers warres , in stead of giuing order for the publishing of the said ecclesiasticall lawes for the restraining of all parricidicall practises and attempts , fell to the terrour of his fulminations , which not long after were seconded and ratified by the most audacious and bloody murder of king henry iii. in like manner , the whole clergy of france are wrapped vp by the l. cardinals words , and inuolued in the perill of the said inditement . for in stead of preaching the said ecclesiasticall lawes , by which all king-killing is inhibited ; the priests taught , vented , and published nothing but rebellion ; and when the people in great deuotion came to powre their confessions into the priests eares ; then the priests , with a kind of counterbuffe in the second place when their turne was come , and with greater deuotion , powred blood into the eares of the people : out of which roote grewe the terrour of those cruell warres , and the horrible parricide of that good king. but let vs here take some neere sight of these ecclesiasticall lawes , whereby subiects are inhibited to kill , or desperately to dispatch their kings out of the way . the l. cardinall , for full payment of all scores vpon this reckoning , layeth downe the credit of the council at constance , which neuerthelesse affoardeth not one myte of true and currant payment . the truth of the historie may be taken from this briefe relation . iohn duke of burgundie , procured lewis duke of orleans to be murthered in paris . to iustifie and make good this bloody act , hee produced a certaine petimaster , one called by the name of iohn petit . this little iohn caused nine propositions to be giuen forth or set vp , to be discussed in the famous vniuersitie of paris . the summe of all to this purpose : it is lawfull , iust , and honourable , for euery subiect or priuate person , either by open force and violence , or by deceit and secret lying in wait , or by some witty stratagem , or by any other way of fact , to kill a tyrant practising against his king and other higher powers : yea the king ought in reason , to giue him a pension or stipend , that hath killed any person disloyall to his prince . the words of petits first proposition be these : it is lawfull for euery subiect , without any commaund or commission from the higher powers , by all the lawes of nature , of man , and of god himselfe , to kill or cause to be killed any tyrant , who either by a couetous and greedie desire , or by fraud , by diuination vpon casting of lots , by double and treacherous dealing , doth plot or practise against his kings corporall health , or the health of his higher powers . in the third proposition : it is lawfull for euery subiect , honourable and meritorious , to kill the said tyrant , or cause him to bee killed as a traitor , disloyall and trecherous to his king. in the sixt proposition : the king is to appoint a salarie and recompence for him that hath killed such a tyrant , or hath caused him to be killed . these propositions of iohannes parvus , were condemned by the councill of constance , as impious , and tending to the scandall of the church . now then , whereas the said councill no doubt vnderstood the name or word tyrant in the same sense , wherein it was taken by iohannes parvus ; certaine it is , the councill was not of any such iudgment or mind , to condemne one that should kil a king or soueraigne prince ; but one that by treason , and without commandement should kill a subiect , rebelling and practising against his king. for iohn petit had vndertaken to iustifie the making away of the duke of orleans to bee a lawfull act , and calls that duke a tyrant , albeit he was no soueraigne prince ; as all the aboue recited words of iohn petit doe testifie , that hee speaketh of such a tyrant , as beeing in state of subiection rebelleth against his free and absolute prince . so that whosoeuer shall narrowly search and looke into the minde and meaning of the said councill , shall easily perceiue , that by their decrees the safetie of kings was not confirmed but weakned , not augmented but diminished : for as much as they inhibited priuate persons to kill a subiect , attempting by wicked counsells and practises to make away his king. but be it graunted , the council of constance is flat and altogether direct against king-killers . for i am not vnwilling to be perswaded , that had the question then touched the murdering of soueraign princes , the said council would haue passed a sound and holy decree . but , i say , this graunted , what sheild of defence is hereby reached to kings , to ward or beat off the thrusts of a murderers weapon , and to saue or secure their life ? seeing the l. cardinal , building vpon the subtile deuise and shift of the iesuites , hath taught vs out of their schooles , that by kings are vnderstood kings in esse , not yet fallen from the supreame degree of soueraigne royalty . for beeing once deposed by the pope , ( say the iesuites ) they are no longer kings , but are fallen from the rights of soueraigne dignity ; and consequently to make strip and wast of their blood , is not forsooth to make strip and wast of royall blood . these iesuiticall masters , in the file of their words are so supple and so limber , that by leauing still in their speech some starting hole or other , they are able by the same , as by a posterne or back-doore , to make an escape . meane while the readers are here to note ( for well they may ) a tricke of monstrous and most wicked cunning . the l. cardinall contends for the bridling and hampering of king-killers by the lawes ecclesiasticall . now it might be presumed , that so reuerend and learned a cardinal intending to make vse of ecclesiasticall laws , by vertue whereof the life of kings may be secured , would fill his mouth and garnish the point with diuine oracles , that wee might the more gladly and willingly giue him the hearing , when he speakes as one furnished with sufficient weight and authoritie of sacred scripture . but behold , in stead of the authenticall and most auncient word , he propounds the decree of a late-borne councill at constance , neither for the popes tooth , nor any way comming neere the point in controuersie . and suppose it were pertinent vnto the purpose , the l. cardinall beareth in his hand a forke of distinction , with two tines or teeth to beare off , nay to shift off and to avoide the matter with meere dalliance . the shortest and neerest way ( in some sort of respects ) to establish a false opinion , is to charge or set vpon it with false and with ridiculous reasons . the like way to worke the ouerthrow of true doctrine , is to rest or ground it vpon friuolous reasons or authorities of stubble-weight . for example ; if wee should thus argue for the immortality of the soule with plato : the swan singeth before her death ; ergo , the soule is immortall . or thus with certain seduced christians : the pope hath ordained the word of god to be authenticall : ergo , all credit must be giuen to diuine scripture . vpon the spurkies or hookes of such ridiculous arguments and friuolous reasons , the l. cardinall hangs the life and safetie of kings . with like artificiall deuises he pretendeth to haue the infamous murders , and apposted cutting of kings throats in extreame detestation ; and yet by deposing them from their princely dignities , by degrading them from their supreme and soueraigne authorities , he brings their sacred heads to the butchers blocke . for a king deposed by the pope , ( let no man doubt ) will not leaue any stone vnremooued , nor any meanes and wayes vnattempted , nor any forces or powers of men vnleuied or vnhired , to defend himselfe and his regall dignitie , to represse and bring vnder his rebellious people , by the pope discharged of their allegiance . in this perplexitie of the publike affaires , in these tempestuous perturbations of the state , with what perills is the king not besieged and assaulted ? his head is exposed to the chances of warre ; his life a faire marke to the insidious practises of a thousand traytors ; his royall person obuious to the dreadfull storme of angry fortune , to the deadly malice , to the fatall and mortall weapons of his enemies . the reason : he is presupposed to be lawfully and orderly stripped of his kingdome . wil he yet hold the sterne of his royall estate ? then is he necessarily taken for a tyrant , reputed an vsurper , and his life is exposed to the spoyle . for the publike lawes make it lawfull and free , for any priuate person to enterprise against an vsurper of the kingdome : euery man , saith tertullian , is a souldier , to beare armes against all traytors and publike enemies . take from a king the title of lawful king , you take from him the warrant of his life , and the weapons whereby he is maintained in greater security , then by his royall guard armed with swords and halbards , through whose wards and rankes , a desperate villaine will make himselfe an easie passage , beeing master of an other mans life , because he is prodigall and carelesse of his owne . such therefore as pretend so much pittie towards kings , to abhorre the bloody opening of their liuer-veine , and yet withall to approoue their hoysting out of the royall dignity ; are iust in the vaine and humour of those that say , let vs not kill the king , but let vs disarme the king that he may die a violent death : let vs not depriue him of life , but of the meanes to defend his life : let vs not strangle the king and stoppe his vitall breath , so long as he remaineth king ; o that were impious , o that were horrible and abhominable ; but let him bee deposed , and then whosoeuer shall runne him through the body with a weapon vp to the very hilts , shall not beare the guilt of a king-killer . all this must be vnderstood to be spoken of kings , who after they are despoyled of regalitie , by sentence of deposition giuen by the pope , are able to arme themselues , and by valiant armes doe defend their soueraigne rights . but in case the king , blasted with romane lightning , and stricken with papall thunder , shall actually and speedily bee smitten downe from his high throne of regality , with present losse of his kingdome ; i beleeue it is almost impossible for him to warrant his owne life , who was not able to warrant his own kingdome . let a cat be throwne from a high roofe to the bottome of a cellour or vault , she lighteth on her feete , and runneth away without taking any harme . a king is not like a cat , howsoeuer a cat may looke vpon a king : he cannot fall from the loftie pinnacle of royaltie , to light on his feet vpon the hard pauement of a priuate state , without crushing all his bones in peices . it hath been the lot of very few emperours and kings , to outliue their empire . for men ascend to the lofty throne of kings , with a soft and easie pace , by certaine steps and degrees ; there be no stately staires to come downe , they tumble head and heeles together when they fall . he that hath once griped anothers kingdom , thinks himselfe in little safetie , so long as he shall of his courtesy suffer his disseised predecessor to draw his breath . and say that some princes , after their fall from their thrones , haue escaped both point and edge of the tyrants weapon ; yet haue they wandred like miserable fugitiues in forraine countryes , or else haue beene condemned like captiues to perpetuall imprisonment at home , a thousand-fold worse and more lamentable then death it selfe . dyonisius the tyrant of syracusa , from a great king in sicilie turn'd school-master in corinth . it was the onely calling & kind of life , that as he thought bearing some resemblance of rule and gouernment , might recreate his mind , as an image or picture of his former soueraigntie ouer men . this dyonisius was the onely man ( to my knowledge ) that had a humour to laugh after the losse of a kingdome , and in the state of a pedant or gouernour of children , merily to ieast and to scorne his former state and condition of a king. in this my kingdome of england , sundry kings haue seen the walls as it were of their princely fortresse dismantled , razed , and beaten downe . by name , edward and richard , both ii. and henrie vi. all which kings were most cruelly murdered in prison . in the raigne of edward iii. by act of parliament , whosoeuer shal imagine , ( that is the very word of the statute ) or machinate the kings death , are declared guilty of rebellion and high treason . the learned iudges of the land , grounding vpon this law of edward the third , haue euer since reputed and iudged them traytors according to law , that haue dared onely to whisper or talke softly between the teeth , of deposing the king. for they count it a cleare case , that no crowne can be taken from a kings head , without losse of head and crowne together , sooner or later . the l. cardinall therefore in this most weighty and serious point doth meerely dally , and flowt after a sort , when he tels vs , the church doth not intermeddle with releasing of subiects , and knocking off their yrons of obedience , but onely before the ecclesiasticall tribunall seate ; and that besides this double censure , of absolution to subiects , and excommunication to the prince , the church imposeth none other penaltie . vnder pretence of which two censures , so far is the church ( as the l. cardinal pretendeth ) from consenting that any man so censured should be touched for his life , that shee vtterly abhorreth all murder whatsoeuer ; but especially all sudden and vnprepenced murders , for feare of casting away both body and soule ; which often in sudden murders goe both one way . it hath been made manifest before , that all such proscription and setting forth of kings to port-sale , hath alwaies for the traine thereof , either some violent and bloody death , or some other mischiefe more intolerable then death it selfe . what are we the better , that parricides of kings are neither set on , nor approoued by the church in their abhominable actions ; when she layeth such plots , and taketh such courses , as necessarily doe inferre the cutting of their throates ? in the next place be it noted , that his lordship against all reason , reckons the absoluing of subiects from the oath of allegiance , in the ranke of penalties awarded and enioyned before the ecclesiasticall tribunall seate . for this penaltie is not ecclesiasticall , but ciuill , and consequently not triable in ecclesiasticall courts , without vsurping vpon the ciuill magistrate . but i wonder with what face the lord cardinall can say , the church neuer consenteth to any practise against his life , whome she hath once chastised with seuere censures . for can his lordship be ignorant , what is written by pope vrbanus , can. excommunicatorum . we take them not in any wise to be man-slayers , who in a certain heate of zeale towards the catholike church their mother , shall happen to kill an excomunicate person . more , if the pope doth not approoue and like the practise of king-killing , wherefore hath not his holinesse imposed some seuere censure vpon the booke of mariana the iesuite ( by whome parricides are commended , nay highly extolled ) when his holines hath been pleased to take the paines , to censure and call in some other of mariana's bookes ? againe , wherefore did his holines aduise himselfe , to censure the decree of the court of parliament in paris against iohn chastell ? wherefore did he suffer garnet and oldcorne my powder-miners , both by bookes and pictures vendible vnder his nose in rome , to be inrowled in the canon of holy martyrs ? and when he saw two great kings murdered one after an other , wherfore by some publike declaration did not his holinesse testifie to all christendome , his inward sense and true apprehension of so great misfortune , as all europe had iust cause to lament on the behalfe of france ? wherefore did not his holinesse publish some lawe or pontificiall decree , to prouide for the securitie of kings in time to come ? true it is that he censured becanus his booke . but wherefore ? that by a captious and sleight censure , he might preuent a more exact and rigorous decree of the sorbon schoole . for the popes checke to becanus , was onely a generall censure and touch , without any particular specification of matter touching the life of kings . about some two moneths after , the said book was printed againe , with a dedication to the popes nuntio in germany ; yet without any alteration , saue onely of two articles containing the absolute power of the people ouer kings . in recompence and for a counterchecke whereof , three or fowre articles were inserted into the said book , touching the popes power ouer kings ; articlcs no lesse wicked and iniurious to regall rights ; nay more iniurious then any of the other clauses , whereof iust cause of exception and complaint had been giuen before . if i would collect and heape vp examples of auncient emperours , ( as of henrie iv. whos 's dead corps felt the rage and fury of the pope ; or of frederic 2. against whome the pope was not ashamed to whet and kindle the sultane ; or of queen elizabeth our predecessour , of glorious memorie , whose life was diuers times assaulted by priuie murderers , expressely dispatched from rome for that holy seruice ) if i would gather vp other examples of the same stampe , which i haue laid forth in my apology for the oth of allegiance ; i could make it more cleare then day-light , how farre the l. cardinals words are discrepant from the truth , where his lordship out of most rare confidence is bold to avowe , that neuer any pope went so farre , as to giue consent or counsell for the desperate murdering of princes . that which already hath beene alleadged may suffice to conuince his lordship : i meane , that his holinesse by deposing of kings , doth lead them directly to their graues and tombes . the cardinal himselfe seemeth to take some notice hereof . the church ( as he speaketh ) abhorreth sudden and vnprepensed murders aboue the rest . doth not his lordship in this phrase of speech acknowledge , that murders committed by open force , are not so much disavowed or disclaimed by the church ? a little after he speakes not in the teeth , as before , but with full and open mouth : that he doth not dislike a king once deposed by the pope , should be pursued with open warre . whereupon it followes , that in warre the king may be lawfully slaine . no doubt a remarkeable degree of his lordships clemencie . a king shall be better entreated and more mildly dealt withall , if he be slaine by the shot of an harquebuse or caleeuer in the field , then if he be stabd by the stroke or thrust of a knife in his chamber : or if at a siege of some city he be blown vp with a myne , then by a myne made , and a train of gunpowder laid vnder his palace or parliament house in time of peace . his reason : forsooth , because in sudden murders , oftentimes the soule & the bodie perish both together . o singular bounty , and rare clemencie ! prouokers , instigators , strong puffers and blowers of parricides , in mercifull compassion of the soule , become vnmercifull and shamefull murderers of the body . this deuice may well claime and challenge kinred of mariana the iesuites inuention . for he liketh not at any hand the poisoning of a tyrant by his meate or drinke ; for feare least he taking the poison with his owne hand , and swallowing or gulping it down in his meat or drinke so taken , should be found felo de se , ( as the common lawyer speaketh ) or culpable of his owne death . but mariana likes better , to haue a tyrant poysoned by his chaire , or by his apparell and robes , after the example of the mauritanian kings ; that beeing so poysoned onely by sent , or by contact , he may not be found guilty of selfe-fellonie , and the soule of the poore tyrant in her flight out of the body may be innocent . o hell-hounds , o diabolicall wretches , o infernall monsters ! did they onely suspect and imagine , that either in kings there is any remainder of kingly courage , or in their subiects any sparke left of auncient libertie ; they durst as soon eate their nayles , or teare their owne flesh from the bones , as once broach the vessell of this diabolicall deuice . how long then , how long shall kings whom the lord hath called his anointed , kings the breathing images of god vpon earth ; kings that with a wry or frowning looke , are able to crush these earth-wormes in peices ; how long shall they suffer this viperous brood , scot-free and without punishment , to spit in their faces ? how long , the maiestie of god in their person and royall maiestie to bee so notoriously vilified , so dishonourably trampled vnder foote ? the l. cardinall bourds vs with a like manifest ieast , and notably trifles ; first , distinguishing between tyrants by administration , and tyrants by vsurpation ; then shewing that he by no meanes doth approoue those prophane and heathenish lawes , whereby secret practises and conspiracies against a tyrant by administration are permitted . his reason . because after deposition there is a certaine habitude to royall dignitie , and as it were a kind of politicke character inherent in kings , by which they are discerned from persons meerely priuate , or the common sort of people ; and the obstacle , crosse-barre , or sparre once remooued and taken out of the way , the said kings deposed are at length reinuested and endowed againe with lawfull vse of royall dignitie , and with lawfull administration of the kingdome . is it possible that his lordship can speake and vtter these words according to the inward perswasion of his heart ? i beleeue it not . for admit a king cast out of his kingdom were sure to escape with life ; yet beeing once reduced to a priuate state of life , after hee hath wound or wrought himselfe out of deadly danger , so farre he is from holding or retayning any remainder of dignity or politike impression , that on the contrary he falleth into greater contempt and misery , then if he had beene a very peasant by birth , and had neuer held or gouerned the sterne of royall estate . what fowle is more beautifull then the peacocke ? let her be plumed and bereft of her feathers ; what owle , what iacke-daw more ridiculous , more without all pleasant fashion ? the homely sowter , the infamous catchpol , the base tincker , the rude artificer , the pack-horse-porter , then liuing in rome with liberty , when valentinian was detaind captiue by saporas the persian king , was more happy then that romane emperour . and in case the lord cardinall himselfe should be so happy ( i should say so vnfortunate ) to be stript of all his dignities and ecclesiastical promotions ; would it not redound to his lordships wonderfull consolation , that in his greatest extremitie , in the lowest of his barenesse and nakednesse , he still retaineth a certaine habituall right and character of a cardinall , whereby to recouer the losse of his former dignities and honours ? when hee beholds these prints and impressions of his foresaid honours ; would it not make him the more willing and glad , to forsake the backe of his venerable mule , to vse his cardinals foot-cloath no longer , but euer after like a cardinall in print and character , to walke on foote ? but let vs examine his lordships consolation of kings , thrust out of their kingdomes by the pope for heresie . the obstacle ( as the l. cardinall speaketh ) beeing taken away ; that is to say , when the king shal be reformed ; this habituall right and character yet inherent in the person of a king , restores him to the lawfull administration of his kingdome . i take this to be but a cold comfort . for here his lordship doth onely presuppose , and not prooue , that after a king is thrust out of his throne , when he shall repent and turne true romane catholike , the other by whome he hath been cast out , and by force disseised , will recall him to the royal seate , and faithfully settle him againe in his auncient right , as one that reioyceth for the recouery of such a lost sheep . but i should rather feare , the new king would presse and stand vpon other termes ; as a terme of yeeres for a triall , whether the repentance of the king displaced be true and sound to the coare , or counterfeit , dissembled , and painted holines ; for the words , the sorrowfull and heauy lookes , the sadde and formal gestures , of men pretending repentance , are not alwaies to be taken , to be respected , to be credited . again , i should feare the afflicted king might be charged and borne downe too , that albeit he hath renounced his former heresie , he hath stumbled since at an other stone , and runne the ship of his faith against some other rock of new hereticall prauitie . or i should yet feare , he might be made to beleeue , that heresie maketh a deeper impression , and a character more indeleble in the person , then is the other politike character of regall maiesty . alas , good kings ! in how hard , in how miserable a state doe they stand ? once deposed , and euer barred of repentance . as if the scapes and errors of kings , were all sinnes against the holy ghost , or sinnes vnto death , for which it is not lawfull to pray . falls a priuate person ? he may be set vp , and new established . fals a king ? is a king deposed ? his repentance is euer fruitles , euer vnprofitable . hath a priuate person a trayne of seruants ? he can not be depriued of any one without his priuity and consent . hath a king millions of subiects ? he may be depriued by the pope of a third part , when his holinesse will haue them turne clerics or enter cloisters , without asking the king leaue : & so of subiects they may be made nonsubiects . but i question yet further . a king falling into heresie , is deposed by the pope ; his sonne stands pure catholike . the regall seate is empty . who shall succeed in the deposed kings place ? shall a stranger be preferred by the pope ? that were to do the innocent sonne egregious and notorious wrong . shall the sonne himselfe ? that were a more iniurious part in the sonne against his father . for if the sonne be touched with any feare of god , or mooued with any reuerence towards his father , he will diligently and seriously take heed , that he put not his father by the kingdome , by whose meanes he himselfe is borne to a kingdome . nor will he tread in the steps of henry v. emperour , who by the popes instigation , expelled and chased his aged father out of the imperiall dignity . much lesse will he hearken to the voice & aduise of doctor suares the iesuite ; who , in his booke written against my selfe , a book applauded and approoued of many doctors , after he hath like a doctor of the chaire , pronounced , that a king deposed by the pope , cannot bee lawfully expelled or killed , but onely by such as the pope hath charged with such execution : falleth to adde a little after : if the pope shall declare a king to be an heretike , and fallen from the kingdome , without making further declaration touching execution ; that is to say , without giuing expresse charge vnto any to make away the king : then the lawfull successor beeing a catholike , hath power to do the feate ; and if he shall refuse , or if there shall bee none such , then it appertaineth to the comminaltie or body of the kingdome . a most detestable sentence . for in hereditarie kingdoms , who is the kings lawfull successor , but his sonne ? the sonne then by this doctrine , shall imbrew his hands in his owne fathers blood , so soone as he shall be deposed by the pope . a matter so much the neerer and more deepely to be apprehended , because the said most outragious booke flyeth like a furious mastiffe directly at my throat , and withal instilleth such precepts into the tender disposition of my sonne , as if hereafter he shall become a romane catholike , so soone as the pope shall giue me the lift out of my throne , shall bind him forthwith to make effusion of his owne fathers blood . such is the religion of these reuerend fathers , the pillars of the pontificiall monarchie . in comparison of whose religion and holinesse , all the impietie that euer was among the infidels , and all the barbarous cruelty that euer was among the canibals , may passe henceforth in the christian world for pure clemencie and humanity . these things ought his lordship to haue pondered , rather then to babble of habitudes and politike characters , which to the common people are like the bergamasque or the wild-irish forme of speech , and passe their vnderstanding . all these things are nothng in a manner , if we compare them with the last clause , which is the closer , and as it were the vpshot of his lordships discourse . for therein he laboureth to perswade concerning this article , framed to bridle the popes tyrannicall power ouer kings , if it should receiue gratious entertainment , and general approbation ; that it would breed great danger , and worke effects of pernicious consequence vnto kings . the reason : because it would prooue an introduction to schisme ; and schisme would stirre vp ciuill warres , contempt of kings , distempered inclinations and motions to intrappe their life ; and which is worst of all , the fierce wrath of god , inflicting all sorts of calamities . an admirable paradoxe , and able to strike men stone-blind : that his holinesse must haue power to depose kings , for the better security and safegard of their life ; that when their crownes are made subiect vnto an others will and pleasure , then they are come to the highest altitude and eleuation of honour ; that for the onely warrant of their life , their supreame and absolute greatnes must be depressed ; that for the longer keeping of their crownes , an other must plucke the crowne from their heads . as if it should be said , would they not be stript naked by an other ? the best way is , for themselues to vntrusse , for themselues to put off all , and to goe naked of their owne accord . will they keepe their soueraigntie in safetie for euer ? the best way is to let an other haue their soueraigne authority and supreame estate in his power . but i haue been euer of this mind , that when my goods are at no mans command or disposing but mine owne , then they are truely and certainly mine owne . it may be this error is growne vpon me and other princes , for lacke of braines : whereupon it may be feared , or at least coniectured , the pope meanes to shaue our crownes , and thrust vs into some cloister , there to hold ranke in the brotherhood of good king childeric . for as much then as my dull capacity doth not serue me to reach or comprehend the pith of this admirable reason , i haue thought good to seeke and to vse the instruction of old and learned experience , which teacheth no such matter : by name , that ciuill warres and fearefull perturbations of state in any nation of the world , haue at any time growne from this faithfull credulity of subiects , that popes in right haue no power , to wrest and lift kings out of their dignities and possessions . on the other side , by establishing the contrary maximes , to yoke and hamper the people with pontificiall tyrannie , what rebellious troubles and stirres , what extreame desolations hath england been forced to feare and feele , in the raigne of my predecessors henry ii. iohn , and henry iii ? these be the maximes and principles , which vnder the emperour henry iv. and frederic the i. made all europe flowe with channels and streames of blood , like a riuer with water , while the saracens by their incursions and victories ouerflowed , and in a manner drowned the honour of the christian name in the east . these bee the maximes and principles , which made way for the warres of the last league into france ; by which the very bowels of that most famous and flourishing kingdome were set on such a combustion , that france herselfe was brought within two fingers breadth of bondage to an other nation , and the death of her two last kings most villanously and trayterously accomplished . the lord cardinall then giuing these diabolicall maximes for meanes to secure the life and estate of kings , speaketh as if he would giue men counsell to dry themselues in the riuer , when they come as wet as a water spaniel out of a pond ; or to warme themselues by the light of the moone , when they are starnaked , and well neere frozen to death . the conclusion of the lord of perron examined . after the l. cardinal hath stoutly shewed the strength of his arme , and the deepe skill of his head in fortification ; at last he leaues his loftie scaffolds , and falls to work neerer the ground , with more easie tooles of humble prayers and gentle exhortations . the summe of the whole is this : he adiures his auditors neuer to forge remedies , neuer so to prouide for the temporall safetie of kings , as thereby to worke their finall falling from eternall saluation : neuer to make any rent or rupture in the vnity of the church , in this corrupt age infected with pestilent heresies , which alreadie hauing made so great a breach in the walls of france , will no doubt double their strength by the dissentions , diuisions , and schismes of catholikes . if this infectious plague shall still encrease and growe to a carbuncle , it can by no meanes poyson religion ; without bringing kings to their winding sheetes and wofull hearses . the first rowlers of that stone of offence , aymed at no other marke , then to make an ignominious and lamentable rent in the church . he thinks the deputies of the third estate , had neither head nor first hand in contriuing this article ; but holds it rather a newe deuice and subtile inuention , suggested by persons , which beeing alreadie cut off by their owne practises from the body of the romane church , haue likewise inueigled and insnared some that beare the name of catholiks , with some other ecclesiastics ; and vnder a faire pretence and goodly cloake , by name , the seruice of the king , haue surprised and played vpon their simplicitie . these men ( as the cardinal saith ) doe imitate julian the apostata , who to bring the christians to idolatrous worship of false gods , commaunded the idols of iupiter and venus to be intermingled with imperiall statues , and other images of christian emperours , &c. then after certaine rhetoricall flourishes , his lord ship fals to prosecute his former course , and cries out of this article ; a monster hauing the tayle of a fish , as if it came cutting the narrow seas out of england . for in full effect it is downright the english oath ; sauing that indeede the oath of england runneth in a more mild forme , and a more moderate straine . and here he suddenly takes occasion to make some digression . for out of the way , and cleane from the matter , he entreth into some purpose of my praise and commendation . he courteously forsooth is pleased to grace me with knowledge of learning , and with ciuill vertues . hee seemeth chiefly to reioyce in his owne behalfe , and to giue me thanks , that i haue done him the honour to enter the lists of theologicall dispute against his lordship . howbeit he twitches and carpes at me withall , as at one that soweth seeds of dissention and schisme amongst romane catholiks . and yet he would seeme to qualifie the matter , and to make all whole againe , by saying , that in so doing i am perswaded i doe no more then my dutie requires . but now ( as his lordship followes the point ) it standeth neither with godlinesse , nor with equity , nor with reason , that acts made , that statutes , decrees , and ordinances ratified for the state and gouernement of england , should be thrust for binding laws vpon the kingdome of france : nor that catholikes , and much lesse that ecclesiastics , to the ende they may liue in safetie , and freely enioy their priuiledges or immunities in france , should be forced to beleeue , and by oath to seale the same points , which english catholikes to the ende they may purchase libertie onely to breath , nay sorrowfully to sigh rather , are constrained to allow and to aduowe besides . and whereas in england there is no small number of catholikes , that lacke not constant and resolute minds to endure all sorts of punishment , rather then to take that oath of allegiance ; will there not be found an other manner of number in france , armed with no lesse constancie and christian resolution ? there will , most honourable auditors , there will without all doubt : and we all that are of episcopall dignity will sooner suffer martyrdome in the cause . then out of the super-abundance and ouer-weight of his lordships goodnesse , he closely coucheth and conuayeth a certaine distastfull opposition between me and his king ; with prayses and thankes to god , that his king is not delighted , and takes no pleasure to make martyrs . all this artificial and swelling discourse like vnto puffe-past , if it be viewed at a neere distance , will be found like a bladder full of wind , without any soliditie of substantiall matter . for the deputies of the third estate were neuer so voide of vnderstanding , to beleeue that by prouiding for the life and safety of their king they should thrust him headlong into eternall damnation . their braines were neuer so much blasted , so farre benummed , to dreame the soule of their king cannot mount vp to heauen , except he be dismounted from his princely throne vpon earth , whensoeuer the pope shall hold vp his finger . and whereas he is bold to pronounce , that heretikes of france doe make their benefit and aduantage of this diuision ; that speech is grounded vpon this proposition ; that professors of the christian religion reformed ( which is to say , purged and cleansed of all popish dregs ) are heretiks in fact , and ought so to be reputed in right . which proposition his lordship wil neuer soundly and sufficiently make good , before his holinesse hath compiled an other gospell , or hath forged an other bible at his pontificiall anvile . the l. cardinall vndertooke to reade me a lecture vpon that argument ; but euer since hath played mum-budget , and hath put himselfe to silence , like one at a non-plus in his enterprise . there be three yeeres already gone and past , since his lordship beganne to shape some answer to a certaine writing dispatched by me in few daies . with forming and reforming , with filing and polishing , with labouring and licking his answer ouer and ouer againe , with reiterated extractions and calcinations , it may be coniectured that all his lordships labour and cost is long since evaporated and vanished in the aire . howbeit , as well the friendly conference of a king , ( for i will not call it a contention ) as also the dignitie , excellencie , and importance of the matter , long since deserued , and as long since required the publishing of some or other answer . his lordships long silence will neuer be imputed to lacke of capacity , wherewith who knoweth not how abundantly he is furnished ; but rather to well aduised agnition of his owne working and building vpon a weake foundation . but let vs returne vnto these heretikes , that make so great gaine by the disagreement of catholikes . it is no part of their dutie to aime at sowing of dissentions ; but rather to intend and attend their faithfull performance of seruice to their king. if some be pleased , and others offended , when so good and loyall duties are sincerely discharged ; it is for all good subiects to grieue and to be sory , that when they speake for the safetie of their king and honour of the truth , it is their hard hap to leaue any at all vnsatisfied . but suppose the said heretikes were the authors of this article preferred by the third estate . what need they to conceale their names in that regard ? what need they to disclaime the credit of such a worthy act ? would it not redound to their perpetuall honour , to be the onely subiects that kept watch ouer the kings life and crowne , that stood centinell , and walked the rounds for the preseruation of his princely diademe , when all other had no more touch , no more feeling thereof then so many stones ? and what neede the deputies for the third estate , to receiue instructions from forraine kingdomes , concerning a cause of that nature ; when there was no want of domesticall examples , and the french histories were plentifull in that argument ? what need they to gape for this reformed doctrine , to come swimming with a fishes tayle out of an island to the mayne continent , when they had before their eyes the murders of two kings , with diuerse ciuill warres , and many arrests of court , all tending to insinuate and suggest the introduction of the same remedy ? suggestions are needlesse from abroad , when the mischiefe is felt at home . it seemes to me that his lordship in smoothing and tickling the deputies for the third estate , doth no lesse then wring and wrong their great sufficiencie with contumely and outragious abuse : as if they were not furnished with sufficient foresight , & with loyal affection towards their king , for the preseruation of his life and honour , if the remedie were not beaten into their heads by those of the religion , reputed heretikes . touching my selfe , ranged by his lordship in the same ranke with sowers of dissention ; i take my god to witnes , and my owne conscience , that i neuer dream'd of any such vnchristian proiect . it hath been hitherto my ordinary course to follow honest counsells , and to walke in open waies . i neuer wonted my selfe to holes and corners , to crafty shifts , but euermore to plain and open designes . i need not hide mine intentions for feare of any mortall man , that puffeth breath of life out of his nostrils . nor in any sort doe i purpose , to set iulian the apostata before mine eyes , as a patterne for me to follow . iulian of a christian became a pagan : i professe the same faith of christ still , which i haue euer professed : iulian went about his designes with crafty conueiances ; i neuer with any of his captious and cunning sleights : iulian forced his subiects to infidelitie against iesus christ ; i labour to induce my subiects vnto such tearmes of loyaltie towards my selfe , as iesus christ hath prescribed and taught in his word . but how farre i differ from iulian , it is to bee seene more at large in my answer to bellarmines epistles written to blackwell ; from whence the lord cardinall borrowing this example , it might well haue beseemed his lordship to borrow likewise my answer from the same place . now as it mooues me nothing at all , to be drawne by his lordship into suspitions of this nature and qualitie : so by the prayses , that he rockes me withall , i will neuer be lulled asleepe . to commend a man for his knowledge , and withall to take from him the feare of god , is to admire a souldier for his goodly head of haire or his curled locks , and withall to call him base coward , faint-hearted and fresh-water souldier . knowledge , wit , and learning in an hereticke , are of none other vse and seruice , but onely to make him the more culpable , and consequently obnoxious to the more grieuous punishments . all vertues turne to vices , when they become the seruants of impietie . the hand-maids which the soueraigne lady wisdome calleth to be of her traine in the 9. prouerb . are moral vertues , and humane sciences ; which then become pernicious , when they runne away from their soueraigne lady-mistris , and put ouer themselues in seruice to the deuill . what difference is between two men , both alike wanting the knowledge of god ; the one fnrnished with arts and ciuill vertues , the other brutishly barbarous and of a deformed life , or of prophane manners ? what is the difference between these two ? i make this the onely difference : the first goeth to hell with a better grace , and falleth into perdition with more facility , then the second . but he becommeth exceedingly wicked , euen threefold and fourefold abhominable , if he wast his treasure and stocke of ciuill vertues in persecuting the church of christ : and if that may be layed in his dish which was cast in caesars teeth , that in plain sobernes and well-setled temper , he attempts the ruine of the common-wealth , which from a drunken sot might receiue perhaps a more easie fall . in briefe , i scorn all garlands of praises , which are not euer greene ; but beeing drie and withered for want of sap and radicall moysture , doe flagge about barbarous princes browes . i defie and renounce those prayses , which fit me no more then they fit a mahumetane king of marocco . i contest against all praises which grace me with pety accessories , but rob me of the principall , that one thing necessary ; namely , the feare and knowledge of my god : vnto whose maiesty alone , i haue deuoted my scepter , my sword , my penne , my whole industry , my whole selfe , with all that is mine in whole and in part . i doe it , i doe it in all humble acknowledgement of his vnspeakable mercy and fauour , who hath vouchsafed to deliuer me from the erroneous way of this age , to deliuer my kingdome from the popes tyrannicall yoake , vnder which it hath lyen in times past most grieuously oppressed . my kingdome where god is now purely serued , and called vpon in a tongue which all the vulgar vnderstand . my kingdom , where the people may now reade the scriptures without any speciall priuiledge from the apostolike see , and with no lesse libertie then the people of ephesus , of rome , and of corinth did reade the holy epistles , written to their churches by s. paul. my kingdome , where the people now pay no longer any tribute by the poll for papall indulgences , as they did about an hundred yeeres past , and are no longer compelled to the mart , for pardons beyond the seas and mountaines , but haue them now freely offered from god , by the doctrine of the gospel preached at home , within their owne seuerall parishes and iurisdictions . if the churches of my kingdome , in the l. cardinals accompt , be miserable for these causes and the like ; let him dreame on , and talke his pleasure : for my part i will euer advowe , that more worth is our misery then all his felicity . for the rest , it shall by gods grace be my daily endeauour and serious care , to passe my daies in shaping to my selfe such a course of life , that without shamefull calumniating of my person , it shall not rest in the tippe of any tongue , to touch my life with iust reprehension or blame . nor am i so priuie to mine owne guiltinesse , as to thinke my state so desperate , so deplorable , as popes haue made their owne . for some of them haue been so open-hearted and so tongue-free , to pronounce that popes themselues , the key-bearers of heauen and hel , cannot be saued . two popes , reckoned among the best of the whole bunch or pack , namely , adrian iv. and marcelline ii. haue both sung one and the same note ; that in their vnderstanding they could not conceiue any reason why , or any meanes how those that sway the popedome can be partakers of saluation . but for my particular , grounding my faith vpon the promises of god contained in the gospell , i doe confidently and assuredly beleeue , that repenting mee of my sinnes , and reposing my whole trust in the merits of iesus christ , i shall obtaine forgiuenesse of my sinnes thorough his name . nor doe i feare , that i am now , or shall be hereafter cast out of the churches lap and bosome ; that i now haue or hereafter shall haue no right to the church as a putrified member thereof , so long as i do or shall cleaue to christ iesus , the head of the church : the appellation and name whereof , serueth in this corrupt age , as a cloake to couer a thousand newe inuentions ; and now no longer signifies the assembly of the faithfull , or such as beleeue in iesus christ according to his word , but a certaine glorious ostentation and temporall monarchy , whereof the pope forsooth is the supreame head . but if the l. cardinall by assured and certaine knowledge ( as perhaps he may by common fame ) did vnderstand the horrible conspiracies that haue been plotted and contriued , not against my person and life alone , but also against my whole stocke : if he rightly knew and were inly perswaded , of how many fowle periuries and wicked treasons , diuerse ecclesiasticall persons haue been lawfully conuicted : in stead of charging me with false imputations , that i suffer not my catholikes to fetch a sigh , or to draw their breath ; and that i thrust my catholikes vpon the sharpe edge of punishment in euery kind ; he would , and might well , rather wonder , how i my selfe , after so many dangers run , after so many proditorious snares escaped , doe yet fetch my owne breath , and yet practise princely clemency towards the said catholiks , notorious transgressors of diuine and humane laws . if the french king in the heart of his kingdome , should nourish and foster such a nest of stinging hornets and busie waspes , i meane such a pack of subiects , denying his absolute soueraignty , as many romane catholikes of my kingdome do mine : it may well bee doubted , whether the l. cardinall would aduise his king still to feather the nest of the said catholiks , still to keep them warm , still to beare them with an easie and a gentle hand . it may well be doubted , whether his lordship would extoll their constancie , that would haue the courage to sheath vp their swords in his kings bowels , or blow vp his king with gun-powder , into the neather station of the lowest region . it may well be doubted , whether hee would indure that orator , who ( like as himselfe hath done ) should stirre vp others to suffer martyrdome after such examples , and to imitate parricides and traitors in their constancy . the scope then of the l. cardinal , in striking the sweet strings , and sounding the pleasant notes of prayses , which faine he would fill mine eares withall ; is onely by his excellent skil in the musicke of oratorie , to bewitch the hearts of my subiects , to infatuate their minds , to settle them in a resolution to depriue me of my life . the reason : because the plotters and practisers against my life , are honoured and rewarded with a glorious name of martyrs : their constancie ( what els ? ) is admired , when they suffer death for treason . whereas hitherto during the time of my whole raigne to this day , ( i speake it in the word of a king , and truth it selfe shal make good the kings word ) no man hath lost his life , no man hath endured the racke , no man hath suffered corporall punishment in other kinds , meerely or simply , or in any degree of respect , for his conscience in matter of religion ; but for wicked conspiring against my life , or estate , or royall dignitie ; or els for some notorious crime , or some obstinate and wilfull disobedience . of which traiterous and viperous brood , i commanded one to be hanged by the necke of late in scotland : a iesuite of intolerable impudencie , who at his arraignment and publike triall , stiffely maintained , that i haue robbed the pope of his right , and haue no manner of right in the possession of my kingdome . his lordship therefore in offering himselfe to martyrdome , after the rare example of catholiks , as he saith suffering all sort of punishment in my kingdome , doth plainely professe himselfe a follower of traytors and parricides . these be the worthies , these the heroicall spirits , these the honourable captaines and coronels , whose vertuous parts neuer sufficiently magnified and praysed , his lordship propoundeth for imitation to the french bishops . o the name of martyrs , in olde times a sacred name ! how is it now derided and scoffed ? how is it in these daies filthily prophaned ? o you the whole quire and holy company of apostles , who haue sealed the truth with your dearest blood ! how much are you disparaged ? how vnfitly are you paragoned and matched , when traytors , bloody butchers , and king-killers are made your assistants , and of the same quorum ; or to speake in milder tearmes , when you are coupled with martyrs that suffer for maintaining the temporall rites of the popes empire ? with bishops that offer themselues to a problematicall martyrdome , for a point decided neither by the authorities of your spirit-inspired pens , nor by the auncient and venerable testimonie of the primitiue church ? for a point which they dare not vndertake to teach , otherwise then by a doubtfull , cold , fearefull way of discourse , and altogether without resolution . in good sooth , i take the cardinall for a personage of a quicker spirit and clearer sight , ( let his lordship hold me excused ) then to perswade my selfe , that in these matters his tongue and his heart , his pen and his inward iudgement , haue any concord or correspondence one with another . for beeing very much against his minde ( as he doth confesse ) thrust into the office of an aduocate to pleade this cause ; he suffered himselfe to be carried ( after his engagement ) with some heat , to vtter some things against his conscience murmuring and grumbling the contrary within ; and to affirme some other things with confidence , whereof he had not been otherwise informed , then onely by vaine and lying report . of which ranke is that bold assertion of his lordship ; that many catholiks in england , rather then they would subscribe to the oath of allegiance in the form thereof , haue vndergone all sorts of punishment . for in england ( as we haue truely giuen the whole christian world to vnderstand in our preface to the apologie ) there is but one forme or kind of punishment ordained for all sorts of traytors . hath not his lordship now graced me with goodly testimonialls of prayse and commendation ? am i not by his prayses proclaimed a tyrant , as it were inebriated with blood of the saints , and a famous enginer of torments for my catholikes ? to this exhortation for the suffering of martyrdome , in imitation of my english traytors and parricides , if we shall adde ; how craftily and subtilly he makes the kings of england to hold of the pope by fealty , and their kingdome in bondage to the pope by temporall recognizance ; it shall easily appeare , that his holy-water of prayses wherewith i am so reuerently besprinkled , is a composition extracted out of a dram of hony and a pound of gall , first steeped in a strong decoction of bitter wormewood , or of the wild gourd called coloquintida . for after he hath in the beginning of his oration , spoken of kings that owe fealtie to the pope , and are not soueraignes in the highest degree of temporal supremacie within their kingdomes ; to explaine his mind and meaning the better , he marshals the kings of england a little after in the same ranke . his words be these ; when king iohn of england , not yet bound in any temporall recognizance to the pope , had expelled his bishops , &c. his lordship means , that king iohn became so bound to the pope not long after . and what may this meaning be , but in plaine tearmes and broad speach , to cal me vsurper and vnlawfull king ? for the feudatarie , or he that holdeth a mannor by fealty , when he doth not his homage , with all suit and seruice that he owes to the lord paramount , doth fall from the propertie of his fee. this reproach of the l. cardinals , is seconded with an other of bellarmines his brother cardinall ; that ireland was giuen to the kings of england by the pope . the best is that his most reuerend lordship hath not shewed , who it was that gaue ireland to the pope . and touching iohn king of england , thus in briefe stands the whole matter . between henry 2. and the pope had passed sundry bickerments , about collating of ecclesiasticall dignities . iohn the sonne , after his fathers death , reneweth , vndertaketh , and pursueth the same quarrell . driueth certaine english bishops out of the kingdome , for defending the popes insolent vsurpation vpon his royall prerogatiue , and regall rights . sheweth such princely courage and resolution in those times , when all that stood and suffered for the popes temporall pretensions against kings , were enrowled martyrs or confessors . the pope takes the matter in fowle scorne , and great indignation ; shuts the king by his excommunicatory bulls out of the church ; stirres vp his barons , for other causes the kings heauy friends , to rise in armes ; giues the kingdome of england ( like a masterlesse man turned ouer to a new master ) to philippus augustus king of france ; binds philip to make a conquest of england by the sword , or else no bargaine , or else no gift ; promises philip , in recompence of his trauell and royall expences in that conquest , full absolution and a general pardon at large for all his sinnes : to be short , cuts king iohn out so much worke and makes him keep so many yrons in the fire for his worke , that he had none other way , none other meanes to pacifie the popes high displeasure , to correct or qualifie the malignitie of the popes cholericke humour , by whom he was then so intangled in the popes toyles , but by yeelding himselfe to become the popes vassall , and his kingdome feudatary or to hold by fealty of the papall see. by this meanes his crowne is made tributarie , all his people liable to payment of taxes by the poll for a certaine yearly tribute , and he is blessed with a pardon for all his sinnes . whether king iohn was mooued to doe this dishonourable act vpon any deuotion , or inflamed with any zeale of religion ; or inforced by the vnresistable weapons of necessitie , who can be so blind , that he doth not well see and clearely perceiue ? for to purchase his owne freedom from this bondage to the pope ; what could he be vnwilling to doe , that was willing to bring his kingdome vnder the yoke of amirales murmelinus a mahumetan prince , then king of granado and barbaria ? the pope after that , sent a legat into england . the king now the popes vassall , and holding his crowne of the pope , like a man that holds his land of an other by knights seruice , or by homage and fealty , doth faire homage for his crowne to the popes legat , and layeth downe at his feete a great masle of the purest gold in coyne . the reuerend legat , in token of his masters soueraigntie , with more then vsuall pride fals to kicking and spurning the treasure , no doubt with a paire of most holy feete . not onely so ; but likewise at solemne feasts is easily entreated to take the kings chaire of estate . here i would faine know the lord cardinals opinion ; whether these actions of the pope were iust or vniust , lawfull or vnlawfull , according to right or against all right and reason . if he will say against right ; it is then cleare , that against right his lordship hath made way to this example : if according to right ; let him then make it knowne , from whence or from whom this power was deriued and conuaied to the pope , whereby he makes himselfe soueraigne lord of temporalties in that kingdome , where neither he nor any of his predecessors euer pretended any right , or laid any claime to temporall matters before . are such prankes to be played by the pontificiall bishop ? is this an act of holinesse , to set a kingdome on fire by the flaming brands of sedition ? to dismember and quarter a kingdome with intestine warres ; onely to this end , that a king once reduced to the lowest degree of miserie , might be lifted by his holinesse out of his royall prerogatiue , the very soule and life of his royall estate ? when beganne this papall power ? in what age beganne the pope to practise this power ? what! haue the auncient canons , ( for the scripture in this question beareth no pawme ) haue the canons of the auncient church , imposed any such satisfaction vpon a sinner , that of ueraigne and free king , he should become vassal to his ghostly father ; that he should make himselfe together with all his people and subiects tributaries to a bishop , that shall rifle a whole nation of their coyne , that shall receiue homage of a king , and make a king his vassall ? what! shall not a sinner be quitted of his faults , except his pastor turne robber , and one that goeth about to get a booty ? except he make his pastor a feoffee in his whole estate , and suffer himselfe vnder a shadow of penance to freeze naked , to be turned out of all his goods and possessions of inheritance ? but be it graunted , admit his holinesse robs one prince of his rights and reuenewes , to conferre the same vpon an other : were it not an high degree of tyrannie to finger an other mans estate , and to giue that away to a third , which the second hath no right , no lawfull authoritie to giue ? well , if the pope then shall become his own caruer in the rights of an other ; if he shal make his owne coffers to swell with an others reuenewes , if he shall decke and array his owne backe in the spoyles of a sinner , with whom in absolution he maketh peace , and taketh truce ; what can this be else , but running into further degrees of wickednesse and mischiefe ? what can this be else , but heaping of robbery vpon fraud , and impiety vpon robbery ? for by such deceitfull , crafty , and cunning practises , the nature of the pontificiall sea , meerely spirituall , is changed into the kings-bench-court , meerely temporall : the bishops chaire is changed into a monarchs throne . and not onely so ; but besides , the sinners repentance is changed into a snare or pit-fall of cousening deceit ; and saint peters net is changed into a casting-net or a flew , to fish for all the wealth of most flourishing kingdomes . moreouer , the king ( a hard case ) is driuen by such wyles and subtilties , to worke impossibilities , to act more then is lawfull or within the compasse of his power to practise . for the king neither may in right , nor can by power trans-nature his crowne , impaire the maiestie of his kingdome , or leaue his royall dignitie lesse free to his heire apparant , or next successor , then he receiued the same of his predecessor . much lesse , by any dishonourable capitulations , by any vnworthy contracts , degrade his posteritie , bring his people vnder the grieuous burden of tributes and taxes to a forraine prince . least of all , make them tributary to a priest : vnto whom it no way appertaineth to haue any hand in the ciuill affaires of kings , or to distaine & vnhallow their crownes . and therefore when the pope dispatched his nuntio to philippus augustus , requesting the king to avert lewis his sonne from laying any claime to the kingdom of england ; philip answered the legat ( as we haue it in math. paris ; ) no king , no prince can abienate or giue away his kingdome , but by consent of his barons , bound by knights seruice to defend the said kingdom : and in case the pope shall stand for the contrary error , his holinesse shall giue to kingdomes a most pernicious example . by the same authorit is testified , that king iohn became odious to his subiects , for such dishonorable and vnworthie inthralling of his crowne and kingdome . therefore the popes right pretended to the crowne of england , which is nothing else but a ridiculous vsurpation , hath long agoe vanished into smoake , and required not so much as the drawing of one sword to snatch and pull it by violence out of his hands . for the popes power lying altogether in a certaine wild and wandring conceit or opinion of men , and beeing onely an imaginary castle in the ayre , built by pride , and vnderpropped by superstition , is very speedily dispersed vpon the first rising and appearing of the truth in her glorious brightnesse . there is none so very a dolt or block-head to deny , that in case this right of the pope ouer england , is grounded vpon gods word , then his holinesse may challenge the like right ouer all other kingdomes : because all other kingdomes , crownes , and scepters are subiect alike to gods word . for what priuiledge , what charter , what euidence can france fetch out of the rolles , or any other treasurie of her monuments or records , to shew that she oweth lesse subiection to god then england ? or was this yoke of bondage then brought vpon the english nation ; was it a prerogatiue , whereby they might more easily come to the libertie of the sonnes of god ? or were the people of england perswaded , that for all their substance , wealth , and life bestowed on the pope , his holinesse by way of exchange returned them better weight and measure of spirituall graces ? it is ridiculous , onely to conceiue these to yes in thought ; and yet with such ridiculous , with such toyes in conceit , his lordship feedes and entertains his auditors . from this point he falleth to an other bowt and fling at his heretikes , with whom he played no faire play before : there is not one synode of ministers ( as he saith ) which would willingly subscribe to this article , whereunto we should be bound to sweare . but herein his lordship shooteth farre from the mark . this article is approued and preached by the ministers of my kingdome . it is likewise preached by those of france , and if neede be ( i assure my selfe ) will be signed by all the ministers of the french church . the l. cardinall proceedeth , ( for hee meaneth not so soone to giue ouer these heretikes : all their consistories beleeue it as their creede ; that if catholike princes at any time shall offer force vnto their conscience , then they are dispensed withall for their oath of allegiance . hence are these modifications and restrictions , tossed so much in their mouthes ; prouided the king force vs not in our conscience . hence are these exceptions in the profession of their faith ; prouided the soueraigne power and authoritie of god , be not in any sort violated or infringed . i am not able to conceiue what engine can be framed of these materialls , for the bearing of kings out of their eminent seats , by any lawfull authority or power in the pope . for say , those of the religion should be tainted with some like errour ; how can that be any shelter of excuse for those of the romish church , to vndermine or to digge vp the thrones of their kings ? but in this allegation of the lord cardinal , there is nothing at all , which doth not iumpe iust and accord to a haire with the article of the third estate , and with obedience due to the king. for they doe not professe , that in case the king shall commaund them to doe any act contrarie to their conscience , they would flie at his throat , would make any attempt against his life , would refuse to pay their taxations , or to defend him in the warres . they make no profession of deposing the king , or discharging the people from the oath of allegiance tendred to the king : which is the very point or issue of the matter in controuersie , and the maine mischeife , against which the third estate hath bin most worthily carefull to prouide a wholesome remedie by this article . there is a world of difference betweene the termes of disobedience , and of deposition . it is one thing to disobey the kings commaund in matters prohibited by diuine lawes , and yet in all other matters to performe full subiection vnto the king. it is another thing of a farre higher degree or straine of disloyaltie , to bare the king of his royall robes , throne , and scepter , and when he is thus farre disgraced , to degrade him and to put him from his degree and place of a king. if the holy father should charge the l. cardinal to doe some act repugnant in his owne knowledge to the law of god , i will religiously , and according to the rule of charity presume , that his lordship in this case would stand out against his holinesse , and notwithstanding would still acknowledge him to be pope . his lordship yet prosecutes and followes his former purpose : hence are those armes which they haue oftentimes borne against kings , when kings practised to take away the libertie of their conscience and religion . hence are those turbulent commotions and seditions by them raised , as well in the law-countryes against the king of spaine , as in swethland against the catholike king of polonia . besides , he casteth iunius brutus , buchananus , barclaius , and gerson in our teeth . to what end all this ? i see not how it can be auaileable to authorize the deposing of kings , especially the popes power to depose . and yet his lordship here doth outface ( by his leaue ) and beare downe the truth . for i could neuer yet learne by any good and true intelligence , that in france those of the religion took armes at any time against their king. in the first ciuill warres they stood onely vpon their guard : they stood only to their lawfull wards and locks of defence : they armed not , nor tooke the field before they were pursued with fire and sword , burnt vp and slaughtred . besides , religion was neither the root nor the rynde of those intestine troubles . the true ground of the quarrell was this : during the minority of king francis 2. the protestants of france were a refuge and succour to the princes of the blood , when they were kept from the kings presence , and by the ouer powring power of their enemies , were no better then plaine driuen and chased from the court. i meane , the grand-father of the king now raigning , and the grand-father of the prince of condé , when they had no place of safe retreate . in regard of which worthy and honourable seruice , it may seem the french king hath reason to haue the protestants in his gracious remembrance . with other commotion or insurrection , the protestants are not iustly to be charged . but on the contrary , certaine it is that king henry iii. raysed and sent forth seuerall armies against the protestants , to ruine and roote them out of the kingdom : howbeit , so soon as they perceiued the said king was brought into dangerous tearms , they ranne with great speed and speciall fidelitie to the kings rescue and succour , in the present danger . certaine it is , that by their good seruice the said king was deliuered , from a most extreame and imminent perill of his life in the city of tours . certaine it is , they neuer abandoned that henry 3. nor his next successor henry 4. in all the heat of reuolts and rebellions , raised in the greatest part of the kingdome by the pope , and the more part of the clergie : but stood to the said kings in all their battels , to beare vp the crowne then tottering and ready to fall . certaine it is , that euen the heads and principalls of those by whome the late king deceased was pursued with all extremities , at this day doe enioy the fruit of all the good seruices done to the king by the said protestants . and they are now disgraced , kept vnder , exposed to publike hatred . what , for kindling coales of questions and controuersies about religion ? forsooth , not so : but because if they might haue equall and indifferent dealing , if credit might be giuen to their faithfull aduertisements , the crowne of their kings should be no longer pinned to the popes flie-flap ; in france there should be no french exempted from subiection to the french king ; causes of benefices or of matrimonie , should be no longer citable and summonable to the romish court ; and the kingdome should be no longer tributarie vnder the colour of annats , the first fruits of benefices after the remooue or death of the incumbent , and other like impositions . but why do i speake so much in the behalfe of the french protestants ? the lord cardinall himselfe quittes them of this blame , when he telleth vs this doctrine for the deposing of kings by the popes mace or verge , had credit and authoritie through all france , vntill caluins time . doth not his lordship vnder-hand confesse by these words , that kings had been alwaies before caluins time , the more dishonoured , and the worse serued ? item , that protestants , whome his lordship calls heretikes , by the light of holy scripture made the world then and euer since to see the right of kings , oppressed so long before ? as for those of the low countries , and the subiects of swethland , i haue little to say of their case , because it is not within ordinary compasse , and indeed serueth nothing to the purpose . these nations , besides the cause of religion , doe stand vpon certaine reasons of state , which i will not here take vpon me like a iudge to determine or to sift . iunius brutus , whom the l. cardinall obiecteth , is an author vnknowne ; and perhaps of purpose patcht vp by some romanist , with a wyly deceit to draw the reformed religion into hatred with christian princes . buchanan i reckon and ranke among poets , not among diuines , classicall or common . if the man hath burst out here and there into some tearmes of excesse , or speach of bad temper ; that must be imputed to the violence of his humour , and heate of his spirit , not in any wise to the rules and conclusions of true religion , rightly by him conceiued before . barclaius alledged by the cardinal , meddles not with deposing of kings ; but deals with disavowing them for kings , when they shall renounce the right of royaltie , and of their owne accord giue ouer the kingdome . now he that leaues it in the kings choice , either to hold or to giue ouer his crowne , leaues it not in the popes power to take away the kingdome . of gerson obtruded by the cardinall , we haue spoken sufficiently before . where it hath been shewed how gerson is disguised , masked , and peruerted by his lordsh . in briefe , i take not vpon me to iustifie and make good all the sayings of particular authors . we glory ( and well we may ) that our religion affordeth no rules of rebellion : nor any dispensation to subiects for the oath of their allegiance : and that none of our churches giue entertainement vnto such monstrous and abhominable principles of disloyaltie . if any of the french , otherwise perswaded in former times , now hauing altered and changed his iudgement , doth contend for the soueraignty of kings against papal vsurpation ; he doubtles , for winding himselfe out of the laborinth of an error so intricate and pernicious , deserueth great honour and speciall prayse . he is worthy to hold a place of dignity aboue the l. cardinall : who hath quitted and betrayed his former iudgement , which was holy and iust . their motions are contrary , their markes are opposite . the one reclineth from euil to good , the other declineth from good to euill . at last his lordship commeth to the close of his oration , and bindes vp his whole harangue with a feate wreath of praises , proper to his king. he styles the king the eldest sonne of the church , a young shoot of the lilly , which king salomon in all his royaltie was not able to match . he leades vs by the hand into the pleasant meadowes of histories , there to learne vpon the very first sight and viewe , that so long , so oft as the kings of france embraced vnion , and kept good tearmes of concord with popes and the apostolike see ; so long as the spouse of the church was pastured and fed among the lillies , all sorts of spirituall & temporall graces abundantly showred vpon their crownes , and vpon their people : on the contrary , when they made any rent or separation from the most holy see ; then the lillies were pricked and almost choaked with sharpe thornes ; they beganne to droope , to stoope , and to beare their beautifull heads downe to the very ground , vnder the strong flawes and gusts of boysterous winds and tempests . my answer to this flourishing close and vpshot , shall beno lesse apert then apt . it sauours not of good and faithfull seruice , to smooth and stroake the kings head with a soft hand of oyled speech , and in the meane time to take away the crowne from his head , and to defile it with dirt . but let vs try the cause by euidence of historie , yea by the voice and verdict of experience ; to see whether the glorious beauty of the french lillies , hath been at any time blasted , and thereupon hath faded , by starting aside , and making separation from the holy see. vnder the raigne of king philip the faire , france was blessed with peace and prosperity , notwithstanding some outragious acts done against the papall see , and contumelious crying quittance by king philip with the pope . lewis 12. in ranged battell defeated the armies of pope iulius 2. and his confederates : proclaimed the said pope to be fallen from the popedome : stamped certaine coynes and peices of gold with a dishonourable mot , euen to rome it selfe , rome is babylon : yet so much was lewis loued and honoured of his people , that by a peculiar title he was called , the father of the country . greater blessings of god , greater outward peace and plenty , greater inward peace with spirituall and celestial treasures , were neuer heaped vpon my great brittaine , then haue been since my great brittaine became great in the greatest and chiefest respect of all ; to wit , since my great brittaine hath shaken off the popes yoke ; since shee hath refused to receiue and to entertain the popes legats , employed to collect s. peters tribute or peter-pence ; since the kings of england , my great brittaine , haue not beene the popes vassals to doe him homage for their crowne , and haue no more felt the lashings , the scourgings of base and beggarly monkes . of holland , zeland , and friseland , what need i speake ? yet a word and no more . were they not a kind of naked and bare people , of small value , before god lighted the torch of the gospel , and aduanced it in those nations ? were they not an ill fedde and scragged people , in comparison of the inestimable wealth and prosperity ( both in all military actions and mechanicall trades , in trafficke as merchants , in marting as men of warre , in long nauigation for discouerie ) to which they are now raysed and mounted by the mercifull blessing of god , since the darknes of poperie hath been scattered , and the bright sunne of the gospel hath shined in those countryes ? behold the venetian republique . hath shee now lesse beautie , lesse glory , lesse peace and prosperitie , since she lately fell to bicker and contend with the pope ? since shee hath wrung out of the popes hand , the one of his two swords ? since she hath plumed and shaked his temporall dominion ? on the contrarie ; after the french kings had honoured the popes , with munificent graunts and gifts of all the cities and territories , lands and possessions , which they now hold in italy , and the auncient earledome of avignon in france for an ouer-plus ; were they not rudely recompenced , and homely handled by their most ingratefull fee-farmers and copy-holders ? haue not popes forged a donation of constantine , of purpose to blot out all memory of pepins and charlemaignes donation ? haue they not vexed and troubled the state ? haue they not whetted the sonnes of lewis the courteous against their owne father , whose life was a pattern and example of innocencie ? haue they not by their infinite exactions , robbed and scoured the kingdome of all their treasure ? were not the kings of france , driuen to stoppe their violent courses by the pragmaticall sanction ? did they not sundrie times interdict the kingdome , degrade the kings , solicite the neighbour-princes to inuade and lay hold on the kingdome , and stirre vp the people against the king , whereby a gate was opened to a world of troubles and parricides ? did not rauaillac render this reason for his monstrous & horrible attempt , that king henry had a designe to warre with god , because he had a designe to take armes against his holinesse , who is god ? this makes me to wonder , what mooued the l. cardinall to marshall the last ciuill warres and motions in france , in the ranke of examples of vnhappie separation from the pope ; when the pope himselfe was the trumpetor of the same troublesome motions . if the pope had beene wronged and offended by the french king , or his people , and the kingdome of france had been scourged with pestilence , or famine , or some other calamitie by forraine enemies ; it might haue been taken in probabilitie , as a vengeance of god for some iniurie done vnto his vicar . but his holinesse beeing the root , the ground , the master-workman and artificer of all these mischiefes ; how can it be said , that god punisheth any iniury done to the pope ? but rather that his holinesse doth reuenge his owne quarrell ; and which is worst of all , when his holinesse hath no iust cause of quarrell or offence . now then ; to exhort a nation ( as the l. cardinall hath done ) by the remembrance of former calamities , to currie fauour with the pope , and to hold a strict vnion with his holinesse , is no exhortation to beare the pope any respect of loue , or of reuerence , but rather a rubbing of memorie , and a calling to mind of those grieuous calamities , whereof the pope hath been the onely occasion . it is also a threatning and obtruding of the popes terrible thunderbolts , which neuer scorched nor parched any skinne , ( except crauens and meticulous bodies ) and haue brought many great showres of blessings vpon my kingdome . as for france , if she hath enioyed prosperitie in the times of her good agreement with popes , it is because the pope seeks the amitie of princes that are in prosperitie , haue the meanes to curbe his pretensions , and to put him to some plunge . kings are not in prosperitie , because the pope holds amity with kings ; but his holinesse vseth all deuises , and seeketh all meanes to haue amitie with kings , because hee sees them flourish and sayle with prosperous winds . the swallow is no cause , but a companion of the spring : the pope is no worker of a kingdoms felicitie , but a wooer of kings when they sit in felicities lap : he is no founder , but a follower of their good fortunes . on the other side : let a kingdome fall into some grieuous disaster or calamitie , let ciuill wars boyle in the bowels of the kingdome ; ciuill warres no lesse dangerous to the state , then fearefull and grieuous to the people ; who riseth sooner then the pope , who rusheth sooner into the troubled streames then the pope , who thrusteth himselfe sooner into the heate of the quarrell then the pope , who runneth sooner to raise his gaine by the publike wrack then the pope , and all vnder colour of a heart wounded and bleeding for the saluation of soules ? if the lawfull king happen to be foyled , to be oppressed , and thereupon the state by his fall to get a new master by the popes practise ; then the said new-master must hold the kingdome as of the popes free gift , and rule or guide the sterne of the state at his becke , and by his instruction . if the first and right lord , in despite of all the popes fulminations and fire-workes , shall get the honourable day , and vpper hand of his enemies ; then the holy father with a cheerfull and pleasant grace , yea with fatherly gratulation , opens the rich cabinet of his iewells , i meane the treasurie of his indulgences , and falls now to dandle and cocker the king in his fatherly lap , whose throat if he could , he would haue cut not long before . this pestilent mischiefe hath now a long time taken roote , and is growne to a great head in the christian world , through the secret but iust iudgement of god ; by whom christian kings haue beene smitten with a spirit of dizzinesse . christian kings , who for many ages past haue liued in ignorance , without any sound instruction , without any true sense and right feeling of their owne right and power : whilest vnder a shadow of religion and false cloake of pietie , their kingdomes haue beene ouer-burdened , yea ouer-born with tributes , and their crownes made to stoope euen to miserable bondage . that god in whose hand the hearts of kings are poised , and at his pleasure turned as the water-courses ; that mighty god alone , in his good time , is able to rouze them out of so deepe a slumber , and to take order ( their drowzy fits once ouer and shaken off with heroicall spirits ) that popes hereafter shall play no more vpon their patience , nor presume to put bits and snaffles in their noble mouthes , to the binding vp of their power with weake scruples , like mighty buls lead about by litle children with a small twisted thred . to that god , that king of kings i deuote my scepter ; at his feet in all humblenes i lay downe my crowne ; to his holy decrees and commaunds i will euer be a faithfull seruant , and in his battels a faithfull champion . to conclude ; in this iust cause and quarrell , i dare send the challenge , and will require no second , to maintain as a defendant of honour , that my brother-princes and my selfe , whom god hath aduanced vpon the throne of soueraigne maiesty and supreame dignity , doe hold the royall dignity of his maiesty alone ; to whose seruice , as a most humble homager and vassall , i consecrate all the glory , honour , splendor , and lustre of my earthly kingdomes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a04250-e110 i haue receiued aduertisement frō diuers parts , that in the popes letters to the nobilitie these words were extant , howsoeuer they haue beene left out in the impression , & rased out of the copies of the said letters . in 12. seuerall passages the l. card. seemeth to speake against his owne conscience . pag. 85. pag. 99. pag. 95. 97. in the preface to my apologie . pag. 4. pag. 7. & 8 pag. 13. arist . 1. top . cap 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sound both one thing . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prouided the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or vtrùm , do stand before , as , vtrùm homo sit animal . notes for div a04250-e730 pag. 7. pag. 9. conc. constan . sess . 15. caus . 15. can. alius . qu. 6. paul. aemil . in phil. 3. annal. boio . lib. 3. iuuanen . episcop . optima poenitentia nova vita . conc. constan . sess . 2. exampl . 1. pag. 18. evag . hist . eccles . lib. 3. cap. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * nomocan . affric . can. 77. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * can. 81. eiusd . nomo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . anathema tibi à me liberi . faber . in frag . hilarij . exampl . 2. exam. 3. pag. 22. * epist . 6. l. 3 ego autem indignus pietatis ●uae seruus . ego verò haec dominis meis loquens , quid sum nisi pul vis & vermis ? ibid. ego quidem ●●ssioni subiectus , &c. ep. 61. l. 2. examp. 4. examp. 5. examp. 6. data 10. cal. decem imperante dom. pijssimo augusto leone , à deo coronato , magno imp. anno decimo imperij eius . examp. 7. pag. 25. perfectis laudibus , à pontific● more principum antiquorum adoratus est . auentinus annalium boiorum lib. 4. post haec ab eodem pontifice vt caeteri veterum principum , more maiorum adoratus est magnus . sigeb . ad an . 801. maria. scotus lib. 3. annalium . plat. in vita leon. 3. auent . annal . boio . lib. 4. imperium transferre iure suo in germanos , carolumque tacito senatus consulto plebiscitoque d●cernunt . examp. 9. pag. 27. examp. 10. pag. 28. exam. 11. an. 1076. sigeb . ad an . 1085. otho frisingens . in vita hen. 4. lib. 4. cap. 31. theo. lib. 2. hist . cap. 16 ▪ ammia . lib. 27. decret . dist . 79. platina . sigebertus . anastatius . platina . lib. pontisi . diaconus . 〈…〉 sigeberius . iustin . authent . 123. cap. 3. * note that in the same dist . the cā . of greg. 4. beginning with cum hadrianus secundus , is false and supposititious because greg. 4. wa● pope long before hadri . 2. tria tcterrima monstra . bo●he● . decret . eccles . gallican . lib. 2. tit . 16. annal. boio . lib. 4. examp. 12. bochei . pag. 320. extrauag . meruit . see the treatise of charles du moulin cōtrà paruas datas , wherein he reporteth a notable decree of the court vnder charles 6. theodoric . n●emens . in nemore vnion . tract . 6. & somnium viridarij . pag. 5● . pag. 26. nisi de consensu regis christianissimi . bochellus . indiscretè ac inconsideratè . doctrinaliter tantùm & non iuridicè . pag. 47. bibliotheca patrum . tom. 3. d● co●sid●r ib. 1. cap. 6. lib. 2. cap. 6. dist . 24. quaest . 3. comment . in l. 4. sent. dist . 24. fol. 214. de potest . regia & papali . cap. 10. almain . de potest . eccl. & laica . quest . 2. cap. 8. de dominio naturali ciuili & eccl. 5. vlt. pars . quaest . 1. de potest . eccles . & laic . c. 12. & 14. quaest . 2. c. 8. & sic non deposuit autoritatiue . quae. 3. c. 2. quaest . 1 1. c●● . sacerd quaest . 2. de potest . eccl. & laic . cap. 12. in cap. 9. 10 & 11. quest ▪ ● . cap. 14. pag. 40. pag. 44. pag. 108. 109. 119. where the card. takes char. 7. for charl. 6. pag. 52. & sequentib . aduer . barclaium . can. si papa , dist . 40. nisi sit à fide deuius . omnia iura in scrinio pectoris . pag. 86. pag. 61. pag. 62. orat. ad ciues timore perculsos . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vide canones graecos à tilio editos . pag. 66. 1. sam. 23. 20. & 24. 15. & 2. sam. 2. 5. 1. sam. 26. 11. 1. sam. 16. 13. 2. sam. 2. 4 ▪ 1. k●● . 12. 1. kin. 19. pag. 68. 2. chro. 26. antiq. l. 9. cap. 11. pag. 69. pag. 67. pag. 66. pag. 69. pag. 71. tert. apol. cap. 37. hesterni sumus , & omnia vestra impleuimus . cypr. cont . demetr . socr. lib. 3. cap. 19. theod. lib. 4 ▪ cap. 1. sozom. lib. 6. cap. 1. august●n psal . 124. pag. 81. pag. 82. epist . lib. 5. epist . 33. epist . lib. 5. in apol. pro iuram . fidel . his owne words . lib. 7. epist . 1. apud a. than . in epist . ad solitar . vitam agentes . the 2. reas . pag. 77. psal . 2. pag. 77. pag. 76. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see the bull of innoc. 3. at the end of the later . conc. ier. 1. 1. cor. 2. extauag . vnam sanctam . psal . 45. ioh. 12. pag. 85. pag. 84. note by the way that here the church of rome is called a sect . contr. barclaium . cap. 27. sess . 9. sess . 25 cap. 19. pag. 87. pag. 89. gerson . in phaedone . in reos maiestatis , & publicos hostes omnis homo miles est . ter. apol . cap. 2. pag. 95. can. excom . caus . 23. quaest . 6. pag. 97. pag. 95. lib. 6. cap. 4. si papa regem deponat , ab illis tantum p●terit , expelli vel interfici , quibus ipse id commiserit . aliquot annis post , apostolicae sedis nuncius in angliam ad colligendum s. petri vectigal missus . onu●phri in vit paul. 4. vide & math. paris . onup . de vitis pontif. in vit . mar. 2. doth testifie , that marcel also after adrian 4. vsed these words : non video quo modo qui locum hunc altiss . tenent , saluari possint . pag. 10. pag. 105. richerius . an account of the growth of popery and arbitrary government in england more particularly, from the long prorogation of november, 1675, ending the 15th of february, 1676, till the last meeting of parliament, the 16th of july, 1677. marvell, andrew, 1621-1678. 1677 approx. 302 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 81 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52125 wing m860 estc r22809 12364869 ocm 12364869 60385 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52125) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60385) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 216:12) an account of the growth of popery and arbitrary government in england more particularly, from the long prorogation of november, 1675, ending the 15th of february, 1676, till the last meeting of parliament, the 16th of july, 1677. marvell, andrew, 1621-1678. 156 p. [s.n.], amsterdam : 1677. attributed to a. marvell. cf. wing. errata: p. 156. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england -17th century. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 rina kor sampled and proofread 2002-11 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an account of the growth of popery , and arbitrary government in england . more particularly , from the long prorogation , of november , 1675 , ending the 15th . of february 1676 , till the last meeting of parliament , the 16th . of july 1677. amsterdam , printed in the year 1677. an account of the growth of popery , and arbitrary government in england , &c. there has now for diverse years , a design been carried on , to change the lawfull government of england into an absolute tyranny , and to convert the established protestant religion into down-right popery : than both which , nothing can be more destructive or contrary to the interest and happinesse , to the constitution and being of the king and kingdom . for if first we consider the state , the kings of england rule not upon the same terms with those of our neighbour nations , who , having by force or by adresse usurped that due share which their people had in the government , are now for some ages in possession of an arbitrary power ( which yet no presciption can make legall ) and exercise it over their persons and estates in a most tyrannical manner . but here the subjects retain their proportion in the legislature ; the very meanest commoner of england is represented in parliament , and is a party to those laws by which the prince is sworn to govern himself and his people . no mony is to be levied but by the common consent . no than is for life , limb , goods , or liberty at the soveraigns discretion : but we have the same right ( modestly understood ) in our propriety that the prince hath in his regality ; and in all cases where the king is concerned , we have our just remedy as against any private person of the neighbourhood , in the courts of westminster hall or in the high court of parliament . his very prerogative is no more then what the law has determined . his broad seal , which is the legitimate stamp of his pleasure , yet is no longer currant , than upon the trial it is found to be legal . he cannot commit any person by his particular warrant . he cannot himself be witnesse in any cause : the ballance of publick justice being so dellicate , that not the hand only but even the breath of the prince would turn the scale . nothing is left to the kings will , but all is subjected to his authority : by which means it follows that he can do no wrong , nor can he receive wrong ; and a king of england , keeping to these measures , may without arrogance be said to remain the onely intelligent ruler over a rational people . in recompense therefore and acknowledgment of so good a government under his influence , his person is most sacred and inviolable ; and whatsoever excesses are committed against so high a trust , nothing of them is imputed to him , as being free from the necessity or temptation , but his ministers only are accountable for all and must answer it at their perills . he hath a vast revenue constantly arising from the hearth of the housholder , the sweat of the laboures , the rent of the farmer , the industry of the merchant , and consequently out of the estate of the gentleman : a larg competence to defray the ordinary expense of the crown , and maintain its lustre . and if any extraordinary occasion happen , or be but with any probable decency pretended , the whole land at whatsoever season of the year does yield him a plentifull harvest . so forward are his peoples affections to give even to superfluity , that a forainer ( or english man that hath been long abroad ) would think they could neither will nor chuse , but that the asking of a supply , were a meer formality , it is so readily granted . he is the fountain of all honours , and has moreover the distribution of so many profitable offices of the houshold , of the revenue , of state , of law , of religion , of the navy ( and , since his persent majesties time , of the army ) that it seems as if the nation could scarse furnish honest men enow to supply all those imployments . so that the kings of england are in nothing inferiour to other princes , save in being more abridged from injuring their own subjects : but have as large a field as any of external felicity , wherein to exercise their own virtue and so reward and incourage it in others . in short , there is nothing that comes nearer in government to the divine perfection , then where the monarch , as with us , injoys a capacity of doing all the good imaginable to mankind , under a disability to all that is evil . and as we are thus happy in the constitution of our state , so are we yet more blessed in that of our church ; being free from that romish yoak , which so great a part of christendome do yet draw and labour under , that popery is such a thing as cannot , but for want of a word to express it , be called a religion : nor is it to be mentioned with that civility which is otherwise decent to be used , in speaking of the differences of humane opinion about divine matters . were it either open judaisine , or plain turkery , or honest paganisme , there is yet a certain bona fides in the most extravagant belief , and the sincerity of an erroneous profession may render it more pardonable : but this is a compound of all the three , an extract of whatsoever is most ridiculous and impious in them , incorporated with more peculiar absurdityes of its own , in which those were deficient ; and all this deliberately contrived , knowingly carried on by the bold imposture of priests under the name of christianity . the wisdom of this fifth religion , this last and insolentest attempt uppon the credulity of mankind seems to me ( though not ignorant otherwise of the times , degrees and methods of its progresse ) principally to have consisted in their owning the scriptures to be the word of god , and the rule of faith and manners , but in prohibiting of the same time their common use , or the reading of them in publick churches but in a latine translation to the vulgar : there being no better or more rational way to frustrate the very design of the great institutor of christianity , who first planted it by the extraordinary gift of tongues , then to forbid the use even of the ordinary languages . for having thus a book which is universally avowed to be of divine authority , but sequestring it only into such hands as were intrusted in the cheat , they had the opportunity to vitiate , suppresse , or interpret to their own profit those records by which the poor people hold their salvation . and this necessary point being once gained , there was thence forward nothing so monstrous to reason , so abhorring from morality , or so contrary to scripture which they might not in prudence adventure on . the idolatry ( for alas it is neither better nor worse ) of adoring and praying to saints and angels , of worshipping pictures , images and reliques , incredible miracles and plapable fables to promote that veneration . the whole liturgy and worship of the blessed virgin. the saying of pater nosters and creeds , to the honour of saints , and of ave mary's too , not to her honour , but of others . the publick service , which they can spare to god among so many competitors , in an unknown tongue ; and intangled with such vestments , consecrations , exorcismes , whisperings , sprinklings , censings , and phantasticall rites , gesticulations , and removals , so unbeseeming a christian office , that it represents rather the pranks and ceremonyes of juglers and conjurers . the refusal of the cup to the laity . the necessity of the priests intention to make any of their sacraments effectual . debarring their clergy from marriage . interdicting of meats . auricular confession and absolution , as with them practised . penances , pilgrimages , purgatory , and prayer for the dead . but above all their other devices , that transubstantiall solacisme , whereby that glorified body , which at the same time they allow to be in heaven , is sold again and crucifyed daily upon all the altars of their communion . for god indeed may now and then do a miracle , but a romish priest can , it seems , work in one moment a thousand impossibilityes . thus by a new and antiscriptural belief , compiled of terrours to the phansy , contradictions to sense , and impositions on the understanding , their laity have turned tenants for their souls , and in consequence tributary for their estates to a more then omnipotent priesthood . i must indeed do them that right to avow that , out of an equitable consideration and recompense of so faithfull a slavery , they have discharged the people from all other services and dependance , infranchised them from all duty to god or man ; insomuch that their severer and more learned divines , their governors of conscience , have so wel instructed them in all the arts of circumventing their neighbour , and of colluding with heaven , that , wear the scholars as apt as their teachers , their would have been long since an end of all either true piety , or common honesty ; and nothing left among them but authorized hypocrisy , licentiousnesse and knavery ; had not the naturall worth of the better sort , and the good simplicity of the meaner , in great measure preferved them . for nothing indeed but an extraordinary temper and ingenuity of spirit , and that too assisted by a diviner influence , could possibly restrain those within any the termes or laws of humanity , who at the same time own the doctrine of their casuists or the authority of the pope , as it is by him claimed and exercised . he by his indulgences delivers soules out of the paines of the other world : so that who would refuse to be vicious here , upon so good security . he by his dispensation annuls contracts betwixt man and man , dissoves oaths between princes , or betwixt them and their people , and gives allowance in cases which god and nature prohibits . he , as clerk of the spirituall market , hath set a rate upon all crimes : the more flagitious they are and abominable , the better commodities , and men pay onely an higher price as for greater rarityes . so that it seemes as if the commands of god had been invented meerly to erect an office for the pope ; the worse christians men are , the better customers ; and this rome does by the same policy people its church , as the pagan rome did the city , by opening a sanctuary to all malefactors . and why not , if his power be indeed of such virtue and extent as is by him chalenged ? that he is the ruler over angels , purgatory and hell. that his tribunal and gods are all one . that all that god , he can do , clave non errant , and what he does is as god and not as man. that he is the universall head of the church , the sole interpreter of scripture , and judge of controversy . that 〈◊〉 is above generall councils . that his power is absolute , and his decrees infallible . that he can change the very nature of things , making what is just to be unjust , and what is vice to be virtue . that all laws are in the cabinet of his breast . that he can dispence with the new testment to the great injury of the divels . that he is still monarch of this world , and that he can dispose of kingdoms and empires as he pleases . which things being granted , that stile of optimum , maximum & supremum numen in terris , or that of dominus , deus noster , papa , was no such extraordinary stroke of courtship as we reckoned : but it was rather a great clownishness in him that treated so mighty a prince under the simple title of vice-deus . the exercise of his dominion is in all points suitable to this his pretence . he antiquates the precepts of christ as things only of good advice , not commanded : but makes it a mortall seu even to doubt of any part of his own religion , and demands under paine of damnation the subjection of all christians to his papal authority : the denying of two things so reasonable as blind obedience to this power , and an implicite faith to his doctrine , being the most unpardonable crime , under his dispensation . he has indeed of late been somewhat more retentive then formerly as to his faculty of disposing of kingdomes , the thing not having succeeded well with him in some instances : but he layes the same claim still , continues the same inclination , and though velvet headed hath the more itch to be pushing . and however in order to any occasion he keeps himself in breath always by cursing one prince or other upon every maunday thusday : nor is their any , whether prince or nation , that dissents from his usurpations , but are marked out under the notion of hereticks to ruine and destruction whensover he shall give the signal . that word of heresy misapplyed , hath served him for so many ages to justify all the executions , assassinations , warrs , massacres , and devastations , whereby his faith hath been propagated ; of which our times also have not wanted examples , and more is to be expected for the future . for by how much any thing is more false and unreasonble , it requires more cruelty to establish it : and to introduce that which is absurd , there must be somwhat done that is barbarous . but nothing of any sect in religion can be more recommended by all these qualityes then the papacy . the pagans are excusable by their natural darkness , without revelation . the jevvs are tolerable , who see not beyond the old testament . mahomet was so honest as to own what he would be at , that he himself was the greatest prophet , and that his was a religion of the sword. so that these were all , as i may say , of another allegiance and if enemys , yet not traytors : but the pope avowing christianity by profession doth in doctrine and practise renonce it : and presuming to be the only catholick , does persecute those to the death who dare worship the author of their religion instead of his pretended vicegerent . and yet there is nothing more evident , notwithstanding his most notorious forgeries and falsification of all writers , then that the pope was for severall hundred of years an honest bishop as other men are , and never so much as dreamed upon the seven hills of that universal power which he is now come to : nay was the first that opposed any such pretension . but some of them at last , growing wiser , by foisting a counterfeit donation of constantine , and wresting another donation from our saviour , advanced themselves in a weak , ignorant , and credulous age , to that temporal and spiritual principality that they are now seised of . tues petrus , & super hanc petram , adificabo ecclesiam meam . never was a bishop-prick and a verse of scripture so improved by good management . thus , by exercising in the quality of christs uicar the publick function under an invisible prince , the pope , like the maires of the palace , hath set his master aside and delivered the government over to a new line of papal succession . but who can , unlesse wilfully , be ignorant what wretched doings , what bribery , what ambition there are , how long the church is without an head upon every vacancy , till among the crew of bandying cardinalls the holy ghost have declared for a pope of the french or spanish faction . it is a sucession like that of the egyptian ox ( the living idol of that country ) who dying or being made away by the priests , there was a solemn and general mourning for want of a deity ; until in their conclave they had found out another beast with the very same marks as the former , whom then they themselvs adored and with great jubilee brought forth to the people to worship . nor was that election a grosser reproach to human reason then this is also to christianity . surely it is the greatest miracle of the romish church that it should still continue , and that in all this time the gates of heaven should not prevaile against it . it is almost unconceivable how princes can yet suffer a power so pernicious , and doctrine so destructive to all government . that so great a part of the land should be alienated and condemned to , as they call it , pious uses . that such millions of their people as the clergy , should , by remaining unmarryed , either frustrate humane nature if they live chastly , or , if otherwise , adulterate it . that they should be priviledged from all labour , all publick service , and exempt from the power of all secular jurisdiction . that they , being all bound , by strict oaths and vows of obedience to the pope , should evacuate the fealty due to the soveraign . nay , that not only the clergy but their whole people , if of the romish preswasion , should be obliged to rebel at any time upon the popes pleasure . and yet how many of the neighbouring princes are content , or do chuse to reign , upon those conditions ; which being so dishonorable and dangerous , surely some great and more weighty reason does cause them submit to . whether it be out of personal fear , having heard perhaps of several attempts which the blind obedience of popish zelotes hath executed against their princes . or , whether aiming at a more absolute and tyrannical government , they think it still to be the case of boniface and phocas ( an usurping emperour and an usurping bishop ) and that , as other cheats , this also is best to be managed by confederacy . but , as farre as i can apprehend , there is more of sloth then policy on the princes side in this whole matter : and all that pretense of inslaving men by the assistance of religion more easily , is neither more nor lesse then when the bramine , by having the first night of the bride assures himself of her devotion for the future , and makes her more fit for the husband . this reflection upon the state of our neighbours , in aspect to religion , doth sufficiently illustrate our happinesse , and spare me the labour of describing it further , then by the rule of contraryes : our church standing upon all points in a direct opposition to all the forementioned errours . our doctrine being true to the principles of the first christian institution , and episcopacy being formed upon the primitive model , and no ecclesiastical power jostling the civil , but all concurring in common obedience to the soveraign . nor therefore is their any , whether prince or nation , that can with less probability be reduced back to the romish perswasion , than ours of england . for , if first we respect our obedience to god , what appearance is there that , after so durable and general an enlightning of our minds with the sacred truth , we should again put out our own eyes , to wander thorow the palpable darkness of that gross superstition ? but forasmuch as most men are less concern'd for their interest in heaven than on earth , this seeming the nearer and more certain , on this account also our alteration from the protestant religion is the more impossible . when beside the common ill examples and consequences of popery observable abroad , whereby . we might grow wise at the expense of our neighbours , we cannot but reflect upon our own experiments at home , which would make even fools docible . the whole reign of queen mary , in which the papists made fewel of the protestants . the excommunicating and deprivation of queen elizabeth by the pope , pursued with so many treasons and attempts upon her person , by her own subjects , and the invasion in eighty-eight by the spanish . the two breves of the pope , in order to exclude king james from the succession to the crown , seconded by the gunpovvder-treason . in the time of his late majesty , king charles the first , ( besides what they contributed to the civil war in england ) the rebellion and horrid massacre in ireland , and , which was even worse than that , their pretending that it was done by the kings commission , and vouching the broad seal for their authority . the popes nuncio assuming nevertheless and exercising there the temporal as well as spiritual power , granting out commissions under his own hand , breaking the treatys of peace between the king , and , as they then styled themselves , the confederate catholicks ; heading two armies against the marquess of ormond , then lord lieutenant , and forcing him at last to quit the kingdom : all which ended in the ruine of his majesties reputation , government , and person ; which but upon occasion of that rebellion , could never have happened . so that we may reckon the reigns of our late princes , by a succession of the popish treasons against them . and , if under his present majesty we have as yet seen no more visible effects of the same spirit than the firing of london ( acted by hubert , hired by pieddelou two french-men ) which remains a controverfie , it is not to be attributed to the good nature or better principles of that sect , but to the wisdom of his holyness ; who observes that we are not of late so dangerous protestants as to deserve any special mark of his indignation , but that we may be made better use of to the weakning of those that are of our own religion , and that if he do not disturbe us , there are those among our selves , that are leading us into a fair way of reconciliation with him . but those continued fresh instances , in relation to the crown , together with the popes claim of the temporal and immediate dominion of the kingdoms of england and ireland , which he does so challenge , are a sufficient caution to the kings of england , and of the people , there is as little hopes to seduce them , the protestant religion being so interwoven as it is with their secular interest . for the lands that were formerly given to superstitious uses , having first been applyed to the publick revenue , and afterwards by severall alienations and contracts distributed into private possession , the alteration of religion would necessarily introduce a change of property . nullum tempus occurrit ecelesiae , it would make a general earth-quake over the nation , and even now the romish clergy on the other side of the water , snuffe up the savoury odour of so many rich abbies and monasteries that belonged to their predecessors . hereby no considerably estate in england but must have a piece torn out of it upon the titile of piety , and the rest subject to be wholly forfeited upon the account of heresy . another chimny mony of the old peter pence must again be payed . as tribute to the pope , beside that which is established on his majesty : and the people , instead of those moderate tithes that are with too much difficulty payed to their protestant pastors , will be exposed to all the exactions , of the court of rome , and a thousand artifices by which in former times they were used to draine away the wealth of ours more then any other nation . so that in conclusion , there is no english-man that hath a soul , a body , or an estate to save , that loves either god , his king , or his country , but is by all those tenures bound , to the best of his power and knowledge , to maintaine the established protestant religion . and yet , all this notwithstanding , there are those men among us , who have undertaken , and do make it their businesse , under so legal and perfect a government , to introduce a french slavery , and instead of so pure a religion , to establish the roman idolatry : both and either of which are crimes of the highest nature . for , as to matter of government , if to murther the king be , as certainly it is , a fact so , horred , how much more hainous is it to assassinate the kingdome ? and as none will deny , that to alter our monarchy into a commonvvealth were treason , so by the same fundamenttal rule , the crime is no lesse to make that monarchy absolute . what is thus true in regard of the state , holds as well in reference to our religion . former parliaments have made it treason in whosoever shall attempt to seduce any one , the meanest of the kings subjects , to the church of rome : and this parliament hath , to all penalties by the common or statute law , added incapacity for any man who shall presume to say that the king is a papist or an introducer of popery . but what lawless and incapable miscreants then , what wicked traytors are those wretched men , who endevour to pervert our whole church , and to bring that about in effect , which even to mention is penal , at one italian stroke attempting to subvert the government and religion , to kill the body and damn the soul of our nation . yet were these men honest old cavaliers that had suffered in his late majesties service , it were allowable in them , as oft as their wounds brake out at spring or fall , to think of a more arbitrary government , as a soveraign balsom for their aches , or to imagine that no weapon-salve but of the moss that grows on an enemies skul could cure them . should they mistake this long parliament also for rebells , and that , although all circumstances be altered , there were still the same necessity to fight it all over again in pure loyalty , yet their age and the times they have lived in , might excuse them . but those worthy gentlemen are too generous , too good christians and subjects , too affectionate to the good english government , to be capable of such an impression . whereas these conspiratours are such as have not one drop of cavalier blood , or no bovvels at least of a cavalier in them ; but have starved them , to revel and surfet upon their calamities , making their persons , and the very cause , by pretending to it themselves , almost ridiculous . or , were these conspiratours on the other side but avowed papists , they were the more honest , the less dangerous , and the religion were answerable for the errours they might commit in order to promote it . who is there but must acknowledge , if he do not commend the ingenuity ( or by what better name i may call it ) of sir thomas strickland , lord bellassis , the late lord clifford and others , eminent in their several stations ? these , having so long appeared the most zealous sons of our church , yet , as soon as the late test against popery was inacted , tooke up the crosse , quitted their present imployments and all hopes of the future , rather then falsify their opinion : though otherwise men for quality , estate and abilityes whether in warre or peace , as capable and well deserving ( without disparagement ) as others that have the art to continue in offices . and above all his royal highnesse is to be admired for his unparallelled magnanimity on the same account : there being in all history perhaps no record of any prince that ever changed his religion in his circumstances . but these persons , that have since taken the worke in hand , are such as ly under no temptation of religion : secure men , that are above either honour or consciencs ; but obliged by all the most sacred tyes of malice and ambition to advance the ruine of the king and kingdome , and qualified much better then others , under the name of good protestants , to effect it . and because it was yet difficult to find complices enough at home , that were ripe for so black a desing , but they wanted a back for their edge ; therefore they applyed themselves to france , that king being indowed with all those qualityes , which in a prince , may passe for virtues ; but in any private man , would be capital ; and moreover so abounding in wealth that no man else could go to the price of their wickednesse : to which considerations , adding that he is the master of absolute dominion , the presumptive monarch of christendom , the declared champion of popery , and the hereditary , natural , inveterate enemy of our king and nation , he was in all respects the most likely ( of all earthly powers ) to reward and support them in a project every way suitable to his one inclination and interest . and now , should i enter into a particular retaile of all former and latter transactions , relating to this affaire , there would be sufficient for a just volume of history . but my intention is onely to write a naked narrative of some the most considerable passages in the meeting of parliament the 15 of febr. 1676. such as have come to my notice which may serve for matter to some stronger pen and to such as have more leisure and further opportunity to discover and communicate to the publick . this in the mean time will by the progresse made in so few weeks , demonstrate at what rate these men drive over the necks of king and people , of religion and government ; and how near they are in all humane probability to arrive triumphant at the end of their journey . yet , that i may not be too abrupt , and leave the reader wholly destitute of a thread to guide himself by thorow so intriguing a labyrinth , i shall summarily as short , as so copious and redundant a matter will admit , deduce the order of affaires both at home and abroad , as it led into this session . it is well known , were it as well remembred , what the provocation was , and what the successe of the warre begun by the english i●… the year 1665. against holland : what vast supplyes were furnished by the subject for defraying it , and yet after all . no fleet set out , but the flower of all the royal navy burnt or taken in port to save charges . how the french , during that war , joyned themselves in assistance of holland against us , and yet , by the credit he had with the queen mother , so farre deluded his majesty , that upon assurance the dutch neither would have any fleet out that year , he forbore to make ready , and so incurred that notable losse , and disgrace at chatham . how ( after this fatall conclusion of all our sea champaynes ) as we had been obliged to the french for that warre , so we were glad to receive the peace from his favour which was agreed at breda betwixt england , france , and holland . his majesty was hereby now at leisure to remarke how the french had in the year 1667. taken the time of us and while we were imbroled and weakned had in violation of all the most solemn and sacred oaths and treatyes invaded and taken a great part of the spanish nether-land , which had alwayes been considered as the natural frontier of england . and hereupon he judged it necessary to interpose , before the flame that consumed his next neighbour should throw its sparkles over the water . and therefore , generously slighting all punctilious of ceremony or peeks of animosity , where the safty of his people and the repose of christendom were concerned , he sent first into holland , inviting them to a nearer alliance , and to enter into such further counsells as were most proper to quiet this publick disturbance which the french had raised . this was a work wholy of his majestys designing and ( according to that felicity which hath allways attended him , when excluding the corrupt politicks of others he hath followed the dictates of his own royal wisdom ) so well it succeeded . it is a thing searse credible , though true , that two treatyes of such weight , intricacy , and so various aspect as that of the defensive league with holland , and the other for repressing the further progresse of the french in the spanish netherland , should in five days time , in the year 1668. be concluded . such was the expedition and secrecy then used in prosecuting his majesty particuler instructions , and so easy a thing is it for princes , when they have a mind to it , to be well served . the svvede too shortly after made the third in this concert ; whether wisely judging that in the minority of their king reigning over several late acquired dominions , it was their true intrest to have an hand in all the counsells that tended to pease and undisturbed possession , or , whether indeed those ministers , like ours , did even then project in so glorious an alliance to betray it afterward to their own greater advantage . from their joyning in it was called the triple alliance , his majesty with great sincerity continued to solicite other princes according to the seventh article to come into the guaranty of this treaty , and delighted himself in cultivating by all good means what he had planted . but in a very short time these counsells , which had taken effect with so great satisfaction to the nation and to his majestyes eternal honour , were all changed and it seemed that treatyes , as soon as the wax is cold , do lose their virtue . the king in june 1670 went down to dover to meet after a long absence . madam , his onely remaining sister : where the days were the more pleasant , by how much it seldomer happens to princes then private persons to injoy their relations , and when they do , yet their kind interviews are usually solemnized with some fatlity and disaster , nothing of which here appeared . but upon her first return into france she was dead , the marquess of belfonds was immediately sent hither , a person , of great honour dispatched thither ? and , before ever the inquiry and grumbling at her death could be abated , in a trice there was an invisible leagle , in prejudice of the triple one , struck up with france , to all the height of dearnesse and affection . as if upon discecting the princess there had some state philtre been found in her bowells , or the reconciliation wiah france were not to be celebrated with a lesse sacrifice then of the blood royall of england . the sequel will be suitable to so ominous a beginning . but , as this treaty was a work of darknesse and which could never yet be understood or discovered but by the effects , so before those appeared it was necessary that the parliament should after the old wont be gulld to the giving of mony . they met the 24th oct. 1670. and it is not without much labour that i have been able to recover a written copy of the lord bridgmans speech , none being printed , but forbidden , doubtlesse lest so notorious a practise as certainly was never before , though there have indeed been many , put upon the nation , might remain publick . although that honourable person cannot be persumed to have been accessory to what was then intended , but was in due time , when the project ripened and grew hopeful , discharged from his office , and he , the duke of ormond , the late secretary trevor , with the prince rupert , discarded together out of the committee for the forraign affaires , he spoke thus . my lords , and you the knights , citizens and burgesses of the house of commons . when the two houses were last adjourned , this day , as you well know , was perfixed for your meeting again . the proclamation since issued requiring all your attendances at the same time shewed not only his majesties belief that his business will thrive best when the houses are fullest , but the importance also of the affaires for which you are so called : and important they are . you cannot be ignorant of the great forces both for land and sea-service which our neighbours of france and the low-countries have raised , and have now in actual pay ; nor of the great preparations which they continue to make in levying of men , building of ships , filling their magazines and stores with immense quantities of all sorts of warlike provisions . since the beginning of the last dutch war , the french have increased the greatness and number of their ships so much , that their strength by sea is thrice as much as it was before . and since the end of it , the dutch have been very diligent also in augmenting their fleets . in this conjuncture , when our neighbours arm so potently , even common prudence requires that his majesty should make some suitable preparations ; that he may at least keep pace with his neighbours , if not out-go them in number and strength of shipping . for this being an island , both our safety , our trade , our being , and our well-being depend upon our forces at sea. his majesty therefore , of his princely care for the good of his people , hath given order for the fitting out of fifty sayl of his greatest ships , against the spring , besides those which are to be for security of our merchants in the mediterranean : as foreseeing , if he should not have a considerable fleet , whilst his neighbours have such forces both at land and sea , temptation might be given to those who seem not now to intend it , to give us an affront , at least , if not to do us a mifchief . to which may be added , that his majesty , by the leagues which he hath made , for the common peace of christendom , and the good of his kingdoms , is obliged to a certain number of forces in case of infraction thereof , as also for the assistance of some of his neighbours , in case of invasion . and his majesty would be in a very ill condition to perform his part of the leagues ( if whilst the clouds are gathering so thick about us ) he should , in hopes that the wind will disperse them , omit to provide against the storm . my lords and gentlemen , having named the leagues made by his majesty , i think it necessary to put you in mind , that since the close of the late war , his majesty hath made several leagues , to his own great honour , and infinite advantage to the nation . one known by the name of the tripple alliance , wherein his majesty , the crown of sweden and the states of the united provinces are ingaged to preserve the treaty of aix la capelle , concerning a peace between the two warring princes , which peace produced that effect , that it quenched the fire which was ready to have set all christendom in a flame . and besides other great benefits by it , which she still enjoyes , gave opportunity to transmit those forces against the infidels , which would otherwise have been imbrued in christian blood. another between his majesty and the said states for a mutual assistance with a certain number of men and ships in case of invasion by any others . another between his maiesty and the duke of savoy , establishing a free trade for his majesties subjects at villa franca , a port of his own upon the mediterranean , and through the dominions of that prince ; and thereby opening a passage to a rich part of italy , and part of germany , which will be of a very great advantage for the vending of cloth and other our home commodities , bringing back silk and other materials for manifactures than here . another between his majesty and the king of denmark , whereby those other impositions that were lately laid upon our trade there , are taken off , and as great priviledges granted to our merchants , as ever they had in former times , or as the subjects of any other prince or state do now enjoy . and another league upon a treaty of commerce with spain , whereby there is not only a cessation and giving up to his majesty of all their pretensions to jamaica , and other islands and countries in the west indies , in the possession of his majesty or his subjects , but with all , free liberty is given to his majesties subjects , to enter their ports for victuals and water , and safety of harbour and return , if storm or other accidents bring them thither ; priviledges which were never before granted by them to the english or any others . not to mention the leagues formerly made with sweden and portugal , and the advantages which we enjoy thereby ; nor those treaties now depending between his majesty and france , or his majesty and the states of tbe united provinces touching commerce , wherein his majesty will have a singular regard to the honour of this nation , and also to the trade of it , which never was greater than now it is . in a word , almost all the princes in europe do seek his majesties friendship , as acknowledging they cannot secure , much less improve their present condition without it . his majesty is confident that you will not be contented to see him deprived of all the advantages which he might procure hereby to his own kingdoms , nay even to all christendom , in the repose and quiet of it . that you will not be content abroad to see your neighbours strengthening themselves in shipping , so much more than they were before , and at home to see the government strugling every year with difficulties ; and not able to keep up our navies equal with theirs . he findes that by his accounts from the year 1660 to the late war , the ordinary charge of the fleet communibus annis , came to about 500000 l. a year , and it cannot be supported with less . if that particular alone take up so much , add to it the other constant charges of the government , and the revenue ( although the commissioners of the treasury have mannag'd it with all imaginable thrift ) will in no degree suffice to take of the debts due upon interest , much less give him a fonds for the fitting out of this fleet , which by common estimation thereof cannot cost less than 800000 l. his majesty in his most gracious speech , hath expressed the great sence he hath of your zeal and affection for him , and as he will ever retain a grateful memory of your former readiness to supply him in all exigencies , so he doth with particular thanks acknowledge your frank and chearfull gift of the new duty upon wines , at your last meeting : but the same is likely to fall very short in value of what it was conceived to be worth , and should it have answered expectation , yet far too short to ease and help him upon these occasions . and therefore such a supply as may enable him to take off his debts upon interest , and to set out this fleet against the spring , is that which he desires from you , and recommends it to you , as that which concerns the honour and support of the government , and the wellfare and safety of your selves and the whole kingdome . my lords and gentlemen , you may perceive by what his majesty hath already said , that he holds it requisite that an end be put to this meeting before christmas . it is so not only in reference to the preparation for his fleet , which must be in readiness in the spring , but also to the season of the year . it is a time when you would be willing to be in your countries , and your neighbours would be glad to see you there , and partake of your hospitality and charity , and you thereby endear your selves to them , and keep up that interest and power among them , which is necessary for the service of your king and country , and a recesse at that time , leaving your business unfinished till your return , cannot either be convenient for you , or suitable to the condition of his majesties affaires , which requires your speedy , as well as affectionate consideration . there needed not so larg a catalogue of pass , present and future leagues and treaties , for even villa franca sounded so well ( being besides so considerable a port , and that too upon the mediterranean ( another remote word of much efficacie ) and opeing moreover a passage to a rich part of italy , and a part of germany , &c. ) that it alone would have sufficed to charm the more ready votes of the commons into a supply , and to justifie the necessity of it in the noise of the country . but indeed the making of that tripple league , was a thing of so good a report and so generally acceptable to the nation , as being a hook in the french nostrils , that this parliament ( who are used , whether it be war or peace , to make us pay for it ) could not have desired a fairer pretence to colour their liberality . and therefore after all the immense summs lavished in the former war with holland , they had but in april last , 167●… , given the additional duty upon wines for 8 years ; amounting to 560000 and confirmed the sale of the fee farm rents , which was no lesse their gift , being a part of the publick revenue , to the value of 180000l . yet upon the telling of this storie by the lord keeper , they could no longer hold but gave with both hands now again a subsidy of 1s . in the pound to the real value of all lands , and other estates proportionably , with several more beneficial clauses into the bargaine , to begin the 24 of june 1671 , and expire the 24 of june 1672. together with this , they granted the additional excise upon beer , ale , &c. for six years , to reckon from the same 24th of june 1671. and lastly , the lavv bill commencing from the first of may 1671 , and at nine yeares end to determine . these three bills summed up therefore cannot be estimated at lesse than two millions and an half . so that for the tripple league , here was , also tripple-supply , and the subject had now all reason to beleive that this alliance , which had been fixed at first by the publick interest , safety and honour ( yet , should any of those give way ) was by these three grants , as with three golden nailes , sufficiently clenched and reivetted . but now therefore was the most proper time and occasion for the conspirators , i have before described , to give demonstration of their fidelitie to the french king and by the forfeiture of all these obligations to their king and countrey , and other princes , and at the expense of all this treasure given to contrarie uses , to recommend themselves more meritoriously to his patronage . the parliament having once given this mony , were in consequence prorogued , and met not again till the 4th of february 1672 , that there might be a competent scope for so great a work as was desined , and the architects of our ruine might be so long free from their busie and odious inspection till it were finished . henceforward , all the former applications made by his majesty to induce forraine princes into the guaranty of the treaty of aix la chapelle ceased , and on the contrary , those who desired to be admitted into it , were here refused . the duke of loraine , who had alwaies been a true freind to his majesty , and by his affection to the tripple league had incurred the french kings displeasure , with the losse of his whole territorie , seised in the year 1669 , against all laws not only of peace but hostility , yet was by means of these men rejected , that he might have no intrest in the alliance , for which he was sacrificed . nay even the emperour , though he did his majesty the honour to address voluntarily to him , that himself might be received into that tripple league , yet could not so great a prince prevail but was turned off with blind reason , and most srivolous excuses . so farre was it now from fortifying the alliance by the accession of other princes , that mr. henry goventry went now to svveden expresly , as he affirmed at his departure hence , to dissolve the tripple league . and he did so much towards it , cooperating in that court with the french ministers , that svveden never ( after it came to a rupture ) did assist or prosecute effectually the ends of the alliance , but only arming it self at the expence of the leagues did first , under a disguised mediation , act the french interest , and at last threw off the vizard , and drew the sword in their quarrel . which is a matter of sad reflexion , that he , who in his embassy at breda , had been so happy an instrument to end the first unfortunate war with holland , should now be made the toole of a second , and of breaking that threefold cord , by which the interest of england and all christendom was fastned . and , what renders it more wretched , is , that no man better than he understood both the theory and practick of honour ; and yet , cold in so eminent an instance , forget it . all which can be said in his excuse , is , that upon his return he was for this service made secretary of state ( as if to have remained the same honest gentleman , had not been more necessary and lesse dishonourable ) sir william lockyard and several others were dispatched to other courts upon the like errand . all things were thus farre well disposed here toward a war with holland : only all this while there wanted a quarrel , and to pick one required much invention . for the ducth although there was a si quis to find out complaints , and our east india company was summoned to know whether they had any thing to object against them , had so punctually complyed with all the conditions of the peace at breda , and observed his majesty with such respect ( and in paying the due honour of the flagg particulary as it was agreed in the 19th . article ) that nothing could be alleadged : and as to the tripple league , their fleet was then out , riding near their own coasts , in prosecuting of the ends of that treaty . therefore , to try a new experiment and to make a case which had never before happened or been imagined , a sorry yatch , but bearing the english jack , in august 1671. sailes into the midst of their fleet , singled out the admyral , shooting twice , as they call it , sharpe upon him . which must sure have appeared as ridiculous , and unnatural as for a larke to dare the hobby . neverthelesse their commander in chief , in diference to his majestys colours , and in consideration of the amity betwixt the two nations , payed our admiral of the yatch a visit , to know the reason ; and learning that it was because he and his whole fleet had failed to strike saile to his small-craft , the dutch commander civilly excused it as a matter of the first instance , and in which he could have no instructions , therefore proper to be referred to their masters , and so they parted . the yatch having thus acquitted it self , returned , fraught with the quarrel she was sent for , which yet was for several months passed over here in silence without any complaint or demand of satisfaction , but to be improved afterwards when occasion grew riper . forthere was yet one thing more to be done at home to make us more capable of what was shortly after to be executed on our neighbours . the exohequer had now for some years by excessive gain decoy'd in the wealthy goldsmiths , and they the rest of the nation by due payment of interest , till the king was run ( upon what account i know not ) into debt of above two millions : which served for one of the pretences in my lord keepers speech above recited , to demand and grant the late supplies , and might have sufficed for that work , with peace and any tolerable good husbandry . but as if it had been perfidious to apply them to any one of the purposes declared ) it was instead of payment privately resolved to shut up the exchequer , least any part of the money should be legally expended , but that all might be appropriate to the holy war in project , and those further pious uses to which the conspirators had dedicated it . this affair was carried on with all the secresy of so great statesmen , that they might not by venting it unseasonably spoile the wit and malice of the business . so that all on the suddain , upon the first of january 1671 , to the great astonishment , ruine and despaire of so many interested persons , and to the terrour of the whole nation , by so arbitrary a fact , the proclamation issued whereby the crown , amid'st the confluence of so vast aides and revenue , published it self bankrupt , made prize of the subject , and broke all faith and contract at home in order to the breaking of them abroad with more advantage . there remained nothing now but that the conspirators , after this exploit upon our own countrymen , should manifest their impartiallity to forainers , and avoid on both sides the reproach of injustice by their equality in the distribution . they had now started the dispute about the flag upon occasion of the yatch , and begun the discourse of surinam , and somwhat of pictures and medalls , but they handled these matters so nicely as men not lesse afraid of receiving all satisfaction therein from the hollanders , then of giving them any umbrage of arming against them upon those pretenses . the dutch therefore , not being conscious to themselves of any provocation given to england , but of their readinesse , if there had been any , to repair it , and relying upon that faith of treatyes and alliances with us , which hath been thought sufficient security , not only amongst christians but even with infidels , pursued their traffick and navigation thorow our seas without the least suspicion . and accordingly a great and rich fleet of merchantmen from smyrna and spain , were on their voyage homeward near the isle of wight , under a small convoy of five or six of their men of war. this was the fleet in contemplation of which the ( conspirators had so long deferred the war to plunder them in peace ; the wealth of this was that which by its weight turned the ballance of all publick justice and honour ; with this treasure they imagined themselves in stock for all the wickednesse of which they were capable , and that they should never , after this addition , stand in need again or fear of a parliament . therefore they had with great stilnesse and expidition equipped early in the year , so many of the kings ships as might without jealousy of the number , yet be of competent strength for the intended action , but if any thing should chance to be wanting , they thought it abundantly supplyed by virtue of the commander . for sir robert holmes had with the like number of ships in the year 1661 , even so timely , commenced the first hostility against holand , in time of peace ; seizing upon cape verde , and other of the dutch-forts on the coast of guiny , and the whole nevv nether-lands , with great success : in defence of which conquests , the english undertook , 1665 , the first war against holand . and in that same war , he with a proportionable squadron signalized himself by burning the dutch ships and village of brandaris at schelling , which was unfortunately revenged upon us at chatham . so that he was pitched upon as the person for understanding , experience and courage , fittest for a design of this or any higher nature ; and upon the 14th . of march , 1672. as they sailed on , to the number of 72 vessells in all , whereof six the convoy ; near our coast , he fell in upon them with his accustomed bravery , and could not have failed of giving a good account of them , would he but have joyned fortunes , sr. edvvard spraggs asistance to his own conduct : for sr. edvvard was in sight at the same time with his squadron , and captaine legg making saile towards him , to acquaint him with the design , till called back by a gun from his admirall , of which severall persons have had their conjectures . possibly sr. robert holmes , considering that sr. edvvard had sailed all along in consort with the ducth in their voyage , and did but now return from bringing the pirates of algier to reason , thought him not so proper to ingage in this enterprise before he understood it better . but it is rather beleived to have proceeded partly from that jealousy ( which is usuall to marshal spirits , like sr. roberts ) of admitting a companion to share with him in the spoile of honour or profit ; and partly out of too strict a regard to preserve the secret of his commission . however , by this meanes the whole affair miscarried . for the merchant men themselves , and their little convoy did so bestir them , that sir robert , although he shifted his ship , fell foul on his best friends , and did all that was possible , unless he could have multiplied himself , and been every where , was forced to give it over , and all the prize that was gotten , sufficed not to pay the chirurgeons and carpenters . to descend to the very bottom of their hellish conspiracy , there was yet one step more ; that of religion . for so pious and just an action as sir robert holmes was imployed upon , could not be better accompanied than by the declaration of liberty of conscience ( unless they should have expected till he had found that pretious commodity in plundering the hoale of some amsterdam fly-boat ) accordingly , while he was trying his fortune in battle with the smyrna merchant-men , on the thirteenth and fourteenth of marcb , one thousand six hundred seventy tvvo , the indulgence was printing off here in all haste , and was published on the fifteenth , as a more proper means than fasting and prayer for propitiating heaven to give success to his enterprise , and to the war that must second it . hereby , all the penal lavvs against papists , for which former parliaments had given so many supplies , and against nonconformists , for which this parliament had payd more largly , were at one instant suspended , in order to defraud the nation of all that religion which they had so dearly purchased , and for which they ought at least , the bargain being broke , to have been re-imbursed . there is , i confess , a measure to be taken in those things , and it is indeed to the great reproach of humane wisdom , that no man has for so many ages been able or willing to find out the due temper of government in divine matters . for it appears at the first sight , that men ought to enjoy the same propriety and protection in their consciences , which they have in their lives , liberties , and estates : but that to take away these in penalty for the other , is meerly a more legal and gentile way of padding upon the road of heaven , and that it is only for want of money and for want of religion that men take those desperate courses . nor can it be denied that the original lavv upon which christianity at the first was founded , does indeed expresly provide against all such severity . and it was by the humility , meekness , love , forbearance and patience which were part of that excellent doctrine , that it became at last the universal religion , and can no more by any other meanes be preserved , than it is possible for another soul to animate the same body . but , with shame be it spoken , the spartans obliging themselves to lycargus his laws , till he should come back again , continued under his most rigid discipline , above twice as long as the christians did endure under the gentelest of all institutions , though with far more certainty expecting the return of their divine legislater insomuch that it is no great adventure to say , that the world was better ordered under the antient monarchies and commonvvealths , that the number of virtuous men was then greater , and that the christians found fairer quarter under those , than among themselves , nor hath there any advantage acrued unto mankind from that most perfect and practical moddel of humane society , except the speculation of a better way to future happiness , concerning which the very guides disagree , and of those few that follow , it will suffer no man to pass without paying at their turn-pikes . all which had proceeded from no other reason , but that men in stead of squaring their governments by the rule of christianity , have shaped christianity by the measures of their government , have reduced that streight line by the crooked , and bungling divine and humane things together , have been alwayes hacking and hewing one another , to frame an irregular figure of political incongruity . for wheresoever either the magistrate , or the clergy , or the people could gratify their ambition , their profit , or their phanfie by a text improved or misapplied , that they made use of though against the consent sense and immutable precepts of scipture , and because obedience for conscience sake was there prescribed , the lesse conscience did men make in commanding ; so that several nations have little else to shew for their christiainity ( which requires instruction only and example ) but a pracell of sever laws concerning opinion or about the modes of worship , not so much in order to the power of religion as over it . neverthelesse because mankind must be governed some way and be held up to one law or other , either of christs or their own making , the vigour of such humane constitutions is to be preserved untill the same authority shall upon better reason revoke them ; and as in the mean time no private man may without the guilt of sedition or rebellion resist , so neither by the nature of the english foundation can any publick person suspend them without committing an errour which is not the lesse for wanting a legall name to expresse it . but it was the master-peice therefore of boldnesse and contrivance in these conspiratours to issue this declaration , and it is hard to say wherein they took the greater felicity , whither in suspending hereby all the statutes against popery , that it might thence forward passe like current money over the nation , and no man dare to refuse it , or whether gaining by this a president to suspend as well all other laws that respect the subjects propriety , and by the same power to abrogate and at last inact what they pleased , till there should be no further use for the consent of the people in parliament . having been thus true to their great designe and made so considerable a progresse , they advanced with all expedition . it was now high time to declare the war , after they had begun it ; and therefore by a manifesto of the seventeenth of march 1672 , the pretended causes were made publich which were , the not having vailed bonnet to the english yatch : though the duch had all along , both at home and here as carefully endevoured to give , as the english minestrs to avoid the receiving of all satisfaction , or letting them understand what would do it , and the council clock was on purpose set forward lest , their utmost compliance in the flag at the hour appointed , should prevent the declaration of war by some minuts . the detaining of some few english families ( by their own consent ) in surynam after the dominion of it was by treaty surrendred up to the hollander , in which they had likewise constantly yielded to the unreasonable demands that were from one time to another extended from hence to make the thing impracticable , till even banister himself , that had been imployed as the agent and contriver of this misunderstanding , could not at the last forbear to cry shame of it . and moreover to fill up the measure of the dutch iniquity , they are accused of pillars , medalls , and pictures : a poet indeed , by a dash of his pen , having once been the cause of a warre against poland ; but this certainely was the first time that ever a painter could by a stroke of his pencill occasion the breach of a treaty . but considering the weaknesse and invalidity of those other allegations , these indeed were not unnecessary , the pillars to adde strength , the meddalls weight , and the pictures colour to their reasons . but herein they had however observed faith with france though on all other sides broken , having capitulated to be the first that should do it . which as it was no small peice of french courtesey in so important an action to yield the english the precedence , so was it on the english part as great a bravery in accepting to be the formost to discompose the state of all christendom , and make themselves principal to all the horrid destruction , devastation , ravage and slaughter , which from that fatal seventeenth of march , one thousand six hundred seventy tvvo , has to this very day continued . but that which was most admirable in the winding up of this declaration , was to behold these words , and vvhereas vve are engaged by a treaty to support the peace made at aix la chapelle ; we do finally declare , that , notvvithstanding thé prosecution of this war , we vvill maintain the true intent and scope of the said treaty , and that , in all alliances , vvhich we have , or shall make in the progress of this war , vve have , and vvill take care , to preserve the ends thereof inviolable , unless provoked to the contrary . and yet it is as clear as the sun , that the french had by that treaty of aix la chapelle , agreed to acquiess in their former conquests in flanders , and that the english , svvede and hollander , were reciprocally bound to be aiding against whomsoever should disturbe that regulation , ( besides the league offensive and defensive , which his majesty had entered into with the states general of the united provinces ) all which was by this conjunction with france to be broken in pieces . so that what is here declared , if it were reconcileable to truth , yet could not consist with possibility ( which two do seldom break company ) unless by one only expedient , that the english , who by this new league with france , were to be the infractors and aggressors of the peace of aix la chapelle ( and with holland ) should to fulfill their obligations to both parties , have sheathed the sword in our own bowels . but such was the zeal of the conspirators , that it might easily transport them either to say what was untrue , or undertake what was impossible , for the french service . that king having seen the english thus engaged beyond a retreat , comes now into the war according to agreement . but he was more generous and monarchal than to assign cause , true or false , for his actions . he therefore , on the 27th . of march 1672 , publishes a declaration of war without any reasons . only , the ill satisfaction vvhich his majesty hath of the behaviour of the states general tovvards him , being risen to that degree , that he can no longer , vvithout diminution to his glory dissemble his indignation against them , &c. therefore he hath resolved to make war against them both by sea and land , &c. and commands all his subjects , courir sus , upon the hollauders , ( a metaphor which , out of respect to his own nation , might have been spared ) for such is our pleasure . was ever in any age or nation of the world , the sword drawn upon no better allegation ? a stile so far from being most christian , that nothing but some vain french romance can parallel or justify the expression . how happy were it could we once arrive at the same pitch , and how much credit and labour had been saved , had the compilers of our declaration , in stead of the mean english way of giving reasons , contented themselves with that of the diminution of the english honour , as the french of his glory ! but nevertheless , by his embassador to the pope , he gave afterwards a more clear account of his conjunction with the english , and that he had not undertaken this war , against the hollanders , but for extirpating of heresie . to the emperour , that the hollanders were a people who had forsaken god , were hereticks , and that all good christians were in duty bound to associate for their extiapation , and ought to pray to god for a blessing upon so pious an enterprise . and to other popish princes , that it was a war of religion and in order to the propagation of the catholick faith. and in the second article of his demands afterward from the hollanders , it is in express words contained , that from thenceforvvard there shall be not only an intire liberty , but a publick exercise of the catholick apostolick romane religion throughout all the united provinces . so that vvheresoever there shall be more than one-church , another shall be given to the catholicks . that vvhere there is none , they shall be permitted to build one : and till that be finished , to exercise their divine service publickly in such houses as they shall buy , or hire for that purpose . that the states general , or each province in particular , shall appoint a reasonable salary for a curate or priest in each of the said churches , out of such revenues as have formerly appertained to the church , or othervvise . which was conformable to what he published now abroad , that he had entered into the war only for gods glory ; and that he would lay down armes streightwayes , would the hollanders but restore the true worship in their dominions . but he made indeed twelve demands more , and notwithstanding all this devotion , the article of commerce , and for revoking their placaets against wine , brandy , and french manufactures was the first , and tooke place of the catholick apostolick romane religion , whether all these were therefore onely words of course , and to be held or let lose according to his occasions , will better appeare when we shall have heard that he still insists upon the same at nimegen , and that , although deprived of our assistance , he will not yet agree with the dutch but upon the termes of restoring the true worship . but , whatever he were , it is evident that the english were sincere and in good earnest in the design of popery ; both by that declaration above mentioned of indulgence to the recusants , and by the negotiation of those of the english plenipotentiaryes ( whom for their honour i name not ) that being in that year sent into holland pressed that article among the rest upon them , as without which they could have no hope of peace with england . and the whole processe of affaires will manifest further that booth here and there it was all of a piece , as to the project of religion and the same threed ran throw the web of the english and french counsells , no lesse in relation to that , then unto government . although the issuing of the french kings declaration and the sending of our english plenipotentiaries into holland be involved together in this last period , yet the difference of time was so small that the anticipation is inconsiderable . for having declared the vvarre but on the 27th of march , 1672. he struck so home and followed his blow so close , that by july following , it seemed that holland could no longer stand him , but that the swiftnesse and force of his motion was something supernatural . and it was thought necessary to send over those plenipotentiaries , if not for interest yet at least for curiosity . but it is easier to find the markes than reasons of some mens actions , and he that does only know what happened before , and what after , might perhaps wrong them by searching for further intelligence . so it was , that the english and french navies being joyned , were upon the tvventieighth of may , one thousand six hundred seventy tvvo , attaqued in soule bay by de ruyter , with too great advantage . for while his royal highness , then admiral , did all that could be expected , but monsieur d' estree , that commanded the french , did all that he was sent for , our english vice-admiral , mountague , was sacrificed ; and the rest of our fleet so mangled , that there was no occasion to boast of victory . so that being here still on the losing hand , 't was fit some body should look to the betts on the other side of the water ; least that great and lucky gamster , when he had won all there , and stood no longer in need of the conspirators , should pay them with a quarrel for his mony , and their ill fortune . yet were they not conscious to themselves of having given him by any behaviour of theirs , any cause of dissatisfaction , but that they had dealt with him in all things most frankly , that , notwithstanding all the expressions in my lord keeper bridgmans speech , of the treaty betvveen france and his majesty concerning commerce , vvherein his majesty vvill have a singular regard to the honour and also to the trade of this nation , and notwithstanding the intollerable oppressions upon the english traffick in france ever since the kings restauration , they had not in all that time made one step towards a treaty of commerce or navigation with him ; no not even now when the english were so necessary to him , that he could not have begun this war without them , and might probably therefore in this conjuncture have condescended to some equality . but they knew how tender that king was on that point , and to preserve and encrease the trade of his subjects , and that it was by the diminution of that beam of his glory , that the hollanders had raised his indignation . the conspirators had therefore , the more to gratify him , made it their constant maxime , to burden the english merchant here with one hand , while the french should load them no less with the other , in his teritories ; which was a parity of trade indeed , though something an extravagant one , but the best that could be hoped from the prudence and integrity of our states-men ; insomuch , that when the merchants have at any time come down from london to represent their grievances from the french , to seek redress , or offer their humble advi●…e , they were hector'd , brow-beaten , ridiculed , and might have found fairer audience even from monsieur colbert . they knew moreover , that as in the matter of commerce , so they had more obliged him in this war. that except the irresistable bounties of so great a prince in their own particular , and a frugal subsistance-money for the fleet , they had put him to no charges , but the english navy royal serv'd him , like so many privateers , no purchase , no pay. that in all things they had acted with him upon the most abstracted principles of generosity . they had tyed him to no terms , had demanded no partition of conquests , had made no humane condition ; but had sold all to him for those two pearls of price , the true worship , and the true government : which disinteressed proceeding of theirs , though suited to forraine magnanimity , yet , should we still lose at sea , as we had hitherto , and the french conquer all at land , as it was in prospect , might at one time or other breed some difficulty in answering for it to the king and kingdom : however this were , it had so hapned before the arrival of the plenipotentiaries , that , whereas here in england , all that brought applycations from holland were treated as spies and enemies , till the french king should signify his pleasure ; he on the contrary , without any communication here , had received addresses from the dutch plenipotentiaries , and given in to them the sum of his demands ( not once mentioning his majesty or his interest , which indeed he could not have done unless for mockery , having demanded all for himself , so that there was no place left to have made the english any satisfaction ) and the french ministers therefore did very candidly acquaint those of holland , that , upon their accepting those articles , there should be a firm peace , and amity restored : but as for england , the states , their masters , might use their discretion , for that france was not obliged by any treaty to procure their advantage . this manner of dealing might probably have animated , as it did warrant the english plenipotentiaries , had they been as full of resolution as of power , to have closed with the dutch , who , out of aversion to the french , and their intollerable demands , were ready to have thrown themselves into his majesties armes , or at his feet , upon any reasonable conditions ; but it wrought clean otherwise : for , those of the english plenipotentiaries , who were , it seems , intrusted with a fuller authority , and the deeper secret , gave in also the english demands to the hollanders , consisting in eight articles , but at last the ninth saith , although his majesty contents himself vvith the foregoing conditions , so that they be accepted vvithin ten dayes , after vvhich his majesty understands himself to be no further obliged by them . he declares nevertheless precisely , that albeit they should all of them be granted by the said states , yet they shall be of no force , nor vvill his majesty ma●…e any treaty of peace or truce , unless the most christian king shall have received satisfastion from the said states in his particular . and by this means they made it impossible for the dutch , however desirous , to comply with england , excluded us from more advantagious terms , than we could at any other time hope for , and deprived us of an honest , and honourable evasion out of so pernicious a war , and from a more dangerous alliance . so that now it appeared by what was done that the conspirtors securing their own fears at the price of the publick interest , and safety , had bound us up more strait then ever , by a new treaty , to the french project . the rest of this year passed with great successe to the french , but none to the english. and therefore the hopes upon which the war was begun , of the smyrna and spanish fleet , and dutch prizes , being vanished , the slender allowance from the french not sufficing to defray it , and the ordinary revenue of the king , with all the former aides being ( as was fit to be believed ) in lesse then one years time exhausted , the parliament by the conspirators good leave , was admitted again to sit at the day appointed , the 4th . of february 1672. the warr was then first communicated to them , and the causes , the necessity , the danger , so well painted out , that the dutch abusive historical pictures , and false medalls ( which were not forgot to be mentioned ) could not be better imitated or revenged , onely , there was one great omission of their false pillars , which upheld the whole fabrick of the england declarations ; upon this signification , the house of commons ( who had never failed the crown hitherto upon any occosion of mutual gratuity ) did now also , though in a warre contrary to former usuage , begun without their advice , readily vote , no less a summe than 1250000 l. but for better colour , and least they should own in words , what they did in effect , they would not say it was for the warre , but for the kings extraordinary occasions . and because the nation began now to be aware of the more true causes , for which the warre had been undertaken , they prepared an act before the money-bill slipt thorrow their fingers , by which the papists were obliged , to pass thorow a new state purgatory , to be capable of any publick imployment ; whereby the house of commons , who seem to have all the great offices of the kingdom in reversion , could not but expect some wind-falls . upon this occasion it was , that the earl of shaftsbury , though then lord chancellour of england , yet , engaged so far in defence of that act , and of the protestant religion , that in due time it cost him his place , and was the first moving cause of all those misadventures , and obloquy , which since he lyes ( above , not ) under . the declaration also of indulgence was questioned , which , though his majesty had out of his princely , and gracious inclination , and the memory of some former obligations , granted , yet upon their representation of the inconveniencies , and at their humble request , he was pleased to cancel , and declare , that it should be no president for the future : for otherwise some succeeding governour , by his single power suspending penal laws , in a favourable matter , as that is of religion , might become more dangerous to the government , than either papists or fanaticks , and make us either , when he pleased : so legal was it in this session to distinguish between the king of englands personal , and his parliamentary authority . but therefore the further sitting being grown very uneasie to those , who had undertaken for the change of religion , and government , they procured the recess so much sooner , and a bill sent up by the commons in favour of dissenting protestants , not having passed thorow the lords preparation , the bill concerning papists , was enacted in exchange for the money , by which the conspiraiors , when it came into their management , hoped to frustrate , yet , the effect of the former . so the parliament was dismissed till the tvventy seventh of october , one thousand six hundred seventy three . in the mean time therefore they strove with all their might to regain by the vvar , that part of their design , which they had lost by parliament ; and though several honourably forsook their places rather than their consciences , yet there was never wanting some double-dyed son of our church , some protestant in grain , to succeed upon the same conditions . and the difference was no more , but that their offices , or however their counsels , were now to be administred by their deputies , such as they could confide in . the business of the land army was vigourously carried on , in appearance to have made some descent in holland , but though the regiments were compleated and kept imbodyed , it wanted effect , and therefore gave cause of sufpition : the rather , because no englishman , among so many well-disposed , and qualified for the work , had been thought capable , or fit to be trusted with chief command of those forces , but that monsieur schomberg a french protestant , had been made general , and collonel fitsgerald , an irish papist , major general , as more proper for the secret ; the first of advancing the french government , the second of promoting the irish religion . and therefore the dark hovering of that army so long at black-hearth , might not improbably seem the gatherings of a storm to fall upon london ; but the ill successes which our fleet met withall this year , also , at sea , were sufficient , had there been any such design at home to have quasht it : for such gallantries are not to be attempted , but in the highest raptures of fortune . there were three several engagements of ours against the dutch navy in this one summer , but while nothing was tenable at land , against the french , it seem'd that to us at sea every thing was impregnable ; which is not to be attributed to the want of courage or conduct , either the former year under the command of his royal highness , so great a souldier , or this year under the prince , robert ; but is rather to be imputed to our unlucky conjunction with the french , like the disasters that happen to men by being in ill company . but besides it was manifest that in all these wars , the french ment nothing less than really to assist us : he had first practised the same art at sea , when he was in league with the hollander against us , his navy never having done them any service , for his business was only to see us batter one another . and now he was on the english side , he only studied to sound our seas , to spy our ports , to learn our building , to contemplate our way of fight , to consume ours , and preserve his own navy , to encrease his commerce , and to order all so , that the two great naval powers of europe , being crushed together , he might remain sole arbitrator of the ocean , and by consequence master of all the isles and continent . to which purposes the conspirators furnished him all possible opportunities . therefore it was that monsieur d' estree , though a person otherwise of tryed courage and prudence , yet never did worse than in the third and last engagement ; and because brave monsieur d' martel did better , and could not endure a thing that looked like cowardise or treachery , though for the service of his monarch , commanded him in , rated him , and at his return home he was , as then was reported , discountenanced and dismissed from his command , for no other crime , but his breaking of the french measures , by adventuring one of those sacred shipps in the english , or , rather his own masters quarrel . his royal highnesse ( by whose having quitted the admiralty , the sea service thrived not the better ) was now intent upon his marrige , at the same time the parliament was to reassemble the 27th of october 1673. the princesse of modena , his consort , being upon the way for england , and that businesse seemed to have passed all impediment . nor were the conspirators who ( to use the french phrase ) made a considerable figure in the government , wholly averse to the parliaments meeting : for if the house of commons had after one years unfortunate war , made so vast a present to his majesty of 1250000 l. but the last february , it seemed the argument would now be more pressing upon them , that by how much the ill sucesses , of this year had been greater , they ought therefore to give a yet more liberal donative . and the conspirators as to their own particular reckoned , that while the nation was under the more distresse and hurry they were themselves safer from parliament , by the publick calamity . a supply therefore was demanded with much more importunity , and assurance then ever before , and that it should be a large one and a speedy : they were told that it was now pro aris & focis , all was at stake , and yet besides all this , the payment of the debt to the banckers upon shutting the exchequer was very civilly recommended to them . and they were assured that his majesty would be constantly ready to give them all proofes of his zeal for the true religion and the laws of the realm , upon all occasions : but the house of commons not having been sufficiently prepared for such demands , nor well satisfied in several matters of fact , which appeared contrary to what was represented , took check ; and first interposed in that tender point of his royall highuesse's match , although she was of his own religion , which is a redoubled sort of marriage , or the more spiritual part of its happynesse . besides , that she had been already solemnly married by the dukes proxcy , so that unlesse the parliament had been pope and calmed a power of dispensation , it was now too late to avoide it . his majesty by a short prorogation of six days , when he understood their intention , gave them opportunity to have disisted : but it seems they judged the national jnterest of religion so farre concerned in this matter , that they no sooner meet again , but they drew up a second request by way of addresse to his majesty with their reasons against it . that for his royal highnesse to marry the princesse of modena , or any other of that religion , had very dangerous consequences : that the mindes of his majesties protestant subjects will be much disquieted , thereby filled with infinite discontents , and jealousies . that his majesty would thereby be linked into such a foraine alliance , which will be of great disadvantage and possibly to the ruine of the protestant religion . that they have found by sad experience how such mariages have always increased popery , and incorraged priests and jesuits to prevert his majesties subjects : that the popish party already lift up their heads in hopes of his marriage : that they fear it may diminish the affection of the people toward his royal highnesse , who is by blood so near related to the crown : that it is now more then one age , that the subjects have lived in continual apprehensions of the increase of popery , and the decay of the protestant religion : finally that she having many kindred and relations in the court of rome , by this means their enterprises here might be facilitated , they might pierce into the most secret counsells of his majesty , and discover the state of the realm . that the most learned men are of opinion , that marriages no further proceeded in , may lawfully be dissolved : and therefore they beseech his majesty to annul the consummation of it , and the rather , because they have not yet the happiness to see any of his majestyes own lineage to succeed in his kingdomes . these reasons , which were extended more amply against his royal highnesses marriage , obtained more weight , because most men are apt to judge of things by circumstances , and to attribute what happens by the conjuncture of times , to the effect of contrivance . so that it was not difficult to interpret what was in his royal highness , an ingagement only of honour , and affection , as proceeding from the conspirators counsels , seeing it made so much to their purpose . but the business was too far advanced to retreat , as his majesty with great reason had replyed , to their former address , the marriage having been celebrated already , and confirmed by his royal authority , and the house of commons though sitting when the duke was in a treaty for the arch dutchess of inspruck , one of the same religion , yet having taken no notice of it . therefore while they pursued the matter thus , by a second address , it seemed an easier thing , and more decent , to prorogue the parliament , than to dissolve the marriage . and , which might more incline his majesty to this resolution , the house of commons had now bound themselves up by a vote that having considered the present state of the nation , they would not take into deliberation , nor have any further debate upon any other proposals of aide , or any surcharge upon the subject , before the payment of the tvvelve hundred and fifty thousand pounds , in eighteen months , which was last granted , were expired , or at least till they should evidently see that the obstinacy of the hollanders should oblige them to the contrary , nor till after the kingdom should be effectually secured against the dangers of popery , and popish counsellours , and that order be taken against other present misdemeanours . there was yet another thing , the land-army , which appearing to them expensive , needless , and terrible to the people , they addressed to his majesty also , that they might be disbanded . all which things put together , his majesty was induced to prorogue the parliament again for a short time , till the seventh of january , one thousand six hundred seventy three : that in the mean while the princess of modena arriving , the marriage might be consummated without further interruption . that session was opened with a large deduction also , by the new lord keeper , this being his first experiment , in the lords house of his eloquence and veracity , of the hollanders averseness to peace or reason , and their uncivil and indirect dealing in all overtures of treaty with his majesty , and a demand was made therefore and re-inforced as formerly , of a proportionable and speedy supply . but the hollanders that had found themselves obstructed alwayes hitherto , and in a manner excluded from all applications , and that whatever means they had used was still mis-interpreted , and ill represented , were so industrious , as by this time ( which was perhaps the greatest part of their crime ) to have undeceived the generallity of the nation in those particulars . the house of commons therefore not doubting , but that if they held their hands in matter of money , a peace would in due time follow , grew troublesome rather to several of the great ministers of state , whom they suspected to have been principal in the late pernicious counsels . but instead of the way of impeachment , whereby the crimes might have been brought to examination , proof and judgment , they proceeded summarily within themselves , noting them only with an ill character , and requesting his majesty to remove them from his counsels , his presence , and their publick imployments . neither in that way of handling were they impartial . of the three which were questioned , the duke of buckingham seemed to have muoh the more favourable cause , but had the severest fortune . and this whole matter not having been mannaged in the solemn methods of national justice , but transmitted to his majesty , it was easily changed into a court intrigue , where though it be a modern maxime , that no state minister ought to be punished , but , especially not upon parliamentary applications . yet other offenders thought it of security to themselves , in a time of publick discontent , to have one man sacrisiced , and so the duke of buckingham having worse enemies , and as it chanced worse friends , than the rest , was after all his services abandoned , they having only heard the sound , while he felt all the smart of that lash from the house of commons . but he was so far a gainer , that with the loss of his offices , and dependance , he was restored to the freedom of his own spirit , to give thence-forward those admirable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the vigour , and vivacity of his better judgment , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though to his own imprisonment , the due li●… of the english nation . 〈◊〉 manner of proceeding in the house of commons , 〈◊〉 a new way of negotiating the peace with holland , but the ●…ost effectual ; the conspirators living all the while under continual apprensions of being called to further account for their actions , and no mony appearing , which would either have prepetuated the war , or might , in case of a pea●…e , be misapplied , to other uses , then the building of ships , insinuated by the lord keeper . the hollanders proposalls , by this means , therefore , began to be thought more reasonable , and the marquis del fresno , the spanish minister in this court , labourd so well , that his majesty thought fit to communicate the overture to both houses , and though their advice had not been asked to the war , yet not to make the peace without it . there was not much difficulty in their resolutions . for the generall bent of the nation was against the war , the french now had by their ill behaviour at sea , in all the engagements , raised also the english indignation , their pernicious counsels were visible in their book of the politique francoise , tending by frequent levyes of men , and mony , to exhaust , and weaken our kingdome , and by their conjuction with us , on set purpose , to raise , betwixt the king and his people , a rationall jealousy of popery , and french government , till we should insensibly devolve into them by inclination or necessity : as men of ill conversation , pin themselves maliciously on persons more sober , that if they can no otherwise debauch them , they may blast their reputation by their society , and so oblige them to theirs ; being suspected by better company . besides all which the very reason of traffick which hath been so long neglected by our greater statesmen was now of some consideration , for as much as by a peace with the hollander the greatest part of the trade and navigation of europe as long as the french king disturbed it , would of course fall into the english management . the houses therefore gave their humble advice to his majesty for a just and honorable peace with the states generall , which when it could be no longer resisted , was concluded . in the seventh article of this treaty it is said . that the treaty vvhich vvas made at breda in the yeare 1667 , as also all the others vvhich are by this present treaty confirmed , shall by the present be renevved , and shall continue in their full force and vigour , as far as they shall not be contrary unto this said present treaty . which words are the more to be taken notice of , that they may be compared afterwards with the effects that follow , to see how well on the english part that agreement hath been observed . the businesse of the peace thus being once over , and this parliament still lowring upon the ministers of state , or bogling at the land forces ( whereof the eight new raised regiments were upon the request of the commons at last disbanded ) or imployed in further bills against popery , and for the education , and protestant marriage henceforward of those of the royal family ; the necessity of their further sitting seemed not so urgent , but that they might have a repose till the tenth of november 1674. following . the conspirators had hitherto failed of the accomplishing their design , by prepetual disappointments , and which was most grievous to them , foresaw , that the want of mony would still necessitate the frequent sitting of parliament , which danger they had hop'd long ere this to have conquer'd in this state of their affaires the french king therefore was by no meanes to be further disobliged , he being the master of their secret , and the only person which if they helped him at this plunge , might yet carry them thorow . they were therefore very diligent to profit themselves of all the advantages to this purpose that their present posture could afford them . they knew that his majesty being now disengaged from war , would of his royall prudence interpose for peace by his mediation , it being the most glorious character that any prince can assume ; and for which he was the more proper , as being the most potent , thereby to give the sway , and the most disintressed whereby to give the equity requisite to such a negotiation ; and the most obliged in honour , as having been the occasion by an unforeseen consequence of drawing the sword of all this part of europe . but if they feared any propension in his majesty to one party it was toward spaine , as knowing how that crowne ( as it is at large recited , and acknowledged , in the preamble of the last treaty between england and holland had been the only instrument of the happy peace which after that pernicious war we now injoyed . therefore they were resolved by all their influence , and industry ( though the profit of the war did now wholly , redown to the english nation , and however in case of peace it was our interest , that if any , france should be depressed to any equality , to labour that by this mediation france might be the onely gainer , and having all quiet about him , might be at perfect leisure to attend their project upon england . and one of these our statesmen being pressed , solved all arguments to the contrary with an oraculous french question faut il que tout se fasse par politique , rien par amitie ? must all things be done by maxims or reasons of state ; nothing for affection ? therefore that such an absurdity as the ordering of affairs abroad , according to the interest of our nation might be avoided , the english , sbotch and irish regiments , that were already in the french service , were not only to be kept in their full complement , but new numbers of souldiers daily transported thither , making up in all , as is related , at least a constant body of ten thousand men , of his majesties subjects , and which oftentimes turned the fortune of battle on the french side by their valour . how far this either consisted with the office of a mediatour , or how consonant it was to the seventh article above mentioned , of the last treaty with holland ; it is for them to demonstrate who were the authors . but it was indeed a good way to train up an army , under the french discipline and principles , who might be ready seasoned upon occasion in england , to be called back and execute the same counsels . in the mean time , they would be trying yet what they could do at home . for the late proceedings of parliament , in quashing the indulgence , in questioning ministers of state , in bills against popery , in not granting money whensoever asked , were crimes not to be forgiven , nor ( however the conspirators had provided for themselves ) named in the act of general pardon . they began therefore after fifteen years to remember that there were such a sort of men in england as the old cavalier party ; and reckoned , that by how much the more generous , they were more credulous than others , and so more fit to be a gain abused . these were told , that all was at stake , church and state ( how truly said ! but meant , how falsly ! ) that the nation was running again into fourty one , that this was the time to refresh their antient merit , and receive the recompence double of all their loyalty , and that hence-forward the cavaliers should have the lottery of all the great or small offices in the kingdom , and not so much as sir joseph williamson to have a share in it . by this meanes they indeed designed to have raised a civil war , for which they had all along provided , by new forts , and standing forces , and to which they had on purpose both in england and scotland given all provocation if it would have been taken , that so they might have a rase campagne of religion , government , and propriety : or they hoped at least by this means to fright the one party , and incourage the other , to give hence forward money at pleasure , and that money on what title soever granted , with what stamp coyned , might be melted down for any other service or uses . but there could not have been a greater affront and indignity offerred to those gentlemen ( and the best did so resent it ) then whether these hopes were reall , to think them men that might be hired to any base action , or whether as hitherto but imaginary , that by erecting the late kings statue that whole party might be rewarded in effigie . while these things were upon the anvill the tenth of november was come for the parliaments sitting , but that was put of till the 13th . of april 1675. and in the mean time , which fell out most opportune for the conspirators , these counsells were matured , and something further to be contrived , that was yet wanting : the parliament accordingly meeting , and the house of lords , as well as that of the commons , being in deliberation of severall wholesome bills , such as the , present state of the nation required the great design came out in a bill unexpectedly offered one morning in the house of lords , whereby all such as injoyed any beneficiall office , or imployment , ecclesiastical , civill , or military , to which was added , privy counsellours , justices of the peace , and members of parliament , were under a penalty to take the oath , and make the declaration , and abhorrence , insuing , i a. b. do declare , that it is not lavvful upon any pretence vvhatsoever to take up armes against the king , and that i do abhorre that traiterous position , of taking armes by his authority against his person , or against those that are commissioned by him in pursuance of such commission . and i do svvear , that i vvill not at any time indeavour the alteration of the government either in church or state. so help me god. this same oath had been brought into the house of commons in the plague year at oxford , to have been imposed upon the nation , but there , by the assistance of those very same persons , that now introduce it , t was thrown out , for fear of a general infection of the vitales of this kingdome : and though it passed then in a particular bill , known by the name of the five-mile act , because it only concerned the non-conformist preachers , yet even in that , it was throughly opposed by the late earle of southampton , whose judgement might well have been reckoned for the standard of prudence and loyalty . it was indeed happily said , by the lord keeper , in the opening of this session , no influences of the starrs , no configuration of the heavens , are to be feared , so long as these tvvo houses stand in a good disposition to each other , and both of them in a happy conjunction , vvith their lord and soveraign . but if he had so early this act in his prospect , the same astrology might have taught him , that there is nothing more portentous , and of worse omen , then when such an oath hangs over a nation , like a new comet forboding the alteration of religion , or government : such was the holy league in france in the reigne of henry the third . such in the time of philip the second , the oath in the netherlands . and so the oaths in our late kings time taught the fanaticks , because they could not swear , yet to covenant . such things therefore are , if ever , not needlessely thought for good fortune sake only to be attempted , and when was there any thing lesse necessary ? no king of england had ever so great a treasure of this peoples affections except what those ill men have , as they have , done , all the rest , consumed ; whom but out of an excesse of love to his person , the kingdome would never ( for it never did formerly ) so long have suffered : the old acts of allegiance , and supremacy , were still in their full vigour , unlesse against the papists , and even against them too of late , whensoever the way was to be smoothed for a liberall session of parliament . and moreover to put the crown in full security , this parliament had by an act of theirs determined a question which the wisdome of their ancestors had never decided , that the king hath the sole power of the militia . and therefore my lord keeper did by his patronizing this oath , too grossely prevaricate , against two very good state maximes , in his harangue to the parliament , for which he had consulted not the astrologer , but the historian , advising them first , that they should not quieta movere , that is , said he , vvhen men stirre those things or questions vvhich are , and ought to be in peace . and secondly , that they should not res parvas magnis motibus agere : that is , saith he againe , vvhen as much vveight is laid upon a nevv and not alvvays necessary proposition as if the vvhole summe of affaires depended upon it . and this oath , it seems , was the little thing he meant of , being forsooth but a moderate security to the church and crovvn , as he called it , but which he and his party layd so much vveight on , as if the vvhole sum of affaires did depend upon it . but as to the quieta movere , or stirring of those things or questions which are and ought to be in peace , was not this so , of taking armes against the king upon any pretence whatsoever ? and was not that also in peace , of the trayterous position of taking armes by his authority against his person ? had not the three acts of corporations , of militia , and the five miles , sufficiently quieted it ? why was it further stirred ? but being stirred , it raises in mens thoughts many things more ; some les , others more to the purpose . sir walter tirrells arrow grazed upon the deer it was shot at , but by that chance kill'd king william rufus ; yet so far was it that sir walter should for that chance shot be adjudged of treason , that we do not perceive he underwent any other tryal like that of manslaughter : but which is more to the point , it were difficult to instance a law either in this or other country , but that a private man , if any king in christendom assault him , may , having retreated to the wall , stand upon his guard ; and therefore , if this matter as to a particular man be dubious , it was not so prudent to stirre it in the general , being so well setled . and as to all other things , though since lord chancellour , he havein his speech of the 15 of feb. one thousand six hundred seveny six , said ( to testify his own abhorrency ) avvay vvith that ill meant distinstion betvveen the natural and the politique capacity . he is too well read to be ignorant that without that distinction there would be no law nor reason of law left in england ; to which end it was , and to put all out of doubt , that it is also required in this test , to declare mens abhorrency as of a traitorous position , to take armes against those that are commissioned by him , in pursuance of such commission ; and yet neither is the tenour , or rule , of any such commission specified , nor the qualification of those that shall be armed with such commissions , expressed or limited . never was so much sence contained in so few words . no conveyancer could ever in more compendious or binding terms have drawn a dissettlement of the whole birth-right of england . for as to the commission , if it be to take away any mans estate , or his life by force , yet it is the kings commission : or if the person commissionate , be under never so many dissabilities by acts of parliament , yet his taking this oath , removes all those incapacities , or his commission makes it not disputable . but if a man stand upon his defence , a good judge for the purpose , finding that the position is traitorous , will declare that by this law , he is to be executed for treason . these things are no nicetyes , or remote considerations ( though in making of laws , and which must come afterwards under construction of judges , durante bene-placito , all cases are to be put and imagined ) but there being an act in scotland for tvventy thousand men to march into england upon call , and so great a body of english souldery in france , within summons , besides what forainers may be obliged by treaty to furnish , and it being so fresh in memory , what sort of persons had lately been in commission among us , to which add the many bookes , then printed by licence , writ , some by men of the black , one of the green cloath , wherein the absoluteness of the english monarchy is against all law asserted . all these considerations put together , were sufficient to make any honest and well-advised man , to conceive indeed , that upon the passing of this oath and declaration , the vvhole sum of affaires depended . it grew therefore to the greatest contest , that has perhaps ever been in parliament , wherein those lords , that were against this oath , being assured of their own loyalty and merit , stood up now for the english liberties with the same genius , virtue and courage , that their noble ancestors had formerly defended the great charter of england , but with so much greater commendation , in that they had here a fairer field , and the more civil way of decision : they fought it out under all the disadvantages imaginable : they were overlaid by numbers , the noise of the house , like the vvind was against them , and if not the sun , the fire-side was allwayes in their faces ; nor being so few , could they , as their adversaries , withdraw to refresh themselves in a whole days ingagement : yet never was there a clearer demonstration how dull a thing is humane eloquence , and greatness , how little , when the bright truth discovers all things in their proper colours and dimensions , and shining shoots its beams thorow all their fallacies , it might be injurious where all of them did so excellently well , to attribute more to any one of those lords than another , unless because the duke of buckingham , and the earl of shaftsbury , have been the more reproached for this brave action , it be requisite by a double proportion of praise to set them two on equal terms with the rest of their companions in honour . the particular relation of this debate , which lasted many dayes with great eagerness on both sides , and the reasons but on one , was in the next session burnt by order of the lords , but the sparkes of it will eterually fly in their adversaries faces . now before this test could in so vigorous an opposition passe the house of peers , there arose unexpectedly a great controversy betwixt the two houses , concerning their priviledges on this occasion , the lords according to their undoubted right , being the supream court of judicature in the nation , had upon petition of doctor shirley , taken cognizance of a cause between him and sir john fagg , a member of the house of commons , and of other appeales from the court of chancery , which the commons , whether in good earnest , which i can hardly believe , or rather some crafty parliament men among them , having an eye upon the test , and to prevent the hazard of its coming among them , presently took hold of , and blew the coales to such a degree , that there was no quenching them . in the house of peers both partyes , as in a point of their own privilege , easily united , and were no lesse inflamed against the commons , and to uphold their own ancient jurisdiction ; wherein neverthelesse both the lords for the test , and those against it , had their own particular reasons , and might have accused each-other perhaps of some artifice ; the matter in conclusion was so husbanded on all sides , that any longer converse betwixt the two houses grew impracticable , and his majesty prorogued them therefore till the 13th of october 1675 , following : and in this manner that fatall test which had given so great disturbance to the mindes of our nation , dyed the second death which in the language of the divines , is as much as to say , it was damned . the house of commons had not in that session been wanting to vote 300000 l. towards the building of ships , and to draw a bill for appropriating the ancient tunnage and poundage , amounting to 400000 l. yearly to the use of the navy , as it ought in law already , and had been granted formerly upon that special trust and confidence , but neither did that 300000 l. although competent at present , and but an earnest for future meeting , seem considerable , and had it been more , yet that bill of appropriating any thing to its true use , was a sufficient cause to make them both miscarry , but upon pretense of the quarrel between the lords and commons in which the session thus ended . the conspirators had this interval to reflect upon their own affaires . they saw that the king of france ( as they called him ) was so busy abroad , that he could not be of farther use , yet , to them here , then by his directions , while his armyes were by assistance of the english forces , severall times saved from ruines . they considered that the test was defeated , by which the papists hoped to have had reprisalls for that of transubstantiation , and the conspirators to have gained commission , as extensive and arbitrary , as the malice of their own hearts could dictate : that herewith they had missed of a legality to have raised mony without consent of parliament , or to imprison or execute whosoever should oppose them in pursuance of such their commission . they knew it was in vaine to expect that his majesty in that want , or rather opinion of want , which they had reduced him to , should be diverted from holding this session of parliament : nor were they themselves for this once wholy averse to it , for they presumed either way to find their own account , that if mony were granted it should be attributed to their influence , and remaine much within their disposal , but if not granted , that by joyning this with other accidents of parliament , they might so represent things to his majesty as to incense him against them , and distrusting all parliamentary advice to take counsel from themselves , from france , and from necessity . and in the meane time they fomented all the jealousies which they caused . they continued to inculcate forty and one in court , and country . those that refused all the mony they demanded , were to be the onely recusants , and all that asserted the libertyes of the nation , were to be reckoned in the classis of presbyterians . the 13th . of october came , and his majesty now asked not only a supply for his building of ships , as formerly , but further , to take off the anticipation upon his revenue . the house of commons took up again such publick bills as they had on foot in their former sitting , and others that might either remedy present , or prevent future mischiefs . the bill for habeas corpus . that against sending men prisoners beyond sea. that against raising mony without consent of parliament ; that against papists sitting in either house . another act for speedier convicting of papists . that for recalling his mejestys subjects out of the french service , &c : and as to his majestys supply , they proceeded in their former method of the two bills , one for raising 300000 l. and the other for appropriating the tunnage and poundage to the use of the navy . and in the lords house there was a good disposition toward things of publick interest : but 300000 l. was so insipid a thing , to those who had been continually regaled with millions , and that act of appropriation , with some others , went so much against stomack that there wanted only an opportunity to reject them , and that which was readiest at hand was the late quarrel betwixt the house of lords and the commons . the house of commons did now more peremptorily then ever , oppose the lords jurisdiction in appeals : the lords on the otherside were resolved not to depart from so essentiall a priviledge and authority , but to proceed in the exercise of it : so that this dispute was raised to a greater ardure and contention then ever , and there appeared no way of accomodation . hereupon the lords were in consultation for an addresse to his majesty conteining many weighty reasons for his majestyes dissolving this parliament , deduced from the nature and behaviour of the present house of commons : but his majesty , although the transaction between the two houses was at present become impracticable , judging that this house might at some other time be of use to him , chose only to prorogue the parliament ; the blame of it was not onely laid , but aggravated , upon those in both houses , but especially on the lords-house , who had most vigorously opposed the french and popish-jnterest . but those who were present at the lords , and observed the conduct of the great ministers there , conceived of it otherwise ; and as to the house of commons , who in the heat of the contest , had voted , that vvhosoever shall sollicity or prosecute any appeal against any commoner of england , from any court of equity before the house of lords , shall be deemed and taken abetrayer of the rights and liberties of the commons of england , and shall be proceeded against accordingly . their speaker , going thorow vvestminster hall to the house , and looking down upon some of those lawyers , commanded his mace to seize them and led them up prisoners with him , which it is presumed , that he being of his majesties privie councill , would not have done , but for what some men call his majesties service ; and yet it was the highest , this , of all the provocations which the lords had received in this controversie . but however , this fault ought to be divided , there was a greater committed in proroguing the parliament , from the 22th . of november 1675 , unto the 15th , of february 1676. and holding it after that dismission , there being no record of any such thing done since the being of parliaments in england , and the whole reason of law no lesse then the practise and custome holding contrary . this vast space betwixt the meetings of parliament cannot more properly be filled up , then with the coherence of those things abroad and at home , that those that are intelligent may observe whether the conspirators found any interruption , or did not rather sute this event also to the continuance of their counsells . the earl of northampton is not to be esteemed as one engaged in those counsells , being a person of too great honour , though the advanceing of him to be constable of the tovver , was the first of our domestick occurrents . but if they could have any hand in it , 't is more probable that lest he might perceive their contrivances , they apparelled him in so much wall to have made him insensible . however men conjectured even then by the quality of the keeper , that he was not to be disparaged with any mean and vulgar prisoners . but another thing was all along very remarkable , that during this inter-parliament , there were five judges places either fell , or were made vacant , ( for it was some while before that sir. francis north had been created lord cheif justice of the common pleas ) the five that succeeded , were sir richard rainsford , lord chief justice of the kings bench. mountagne , lord chief baron of the exchequer . vere bartie , barrister at law , one of the barrons of the exchequer . sir william scroggs , one of the justices of the common pleas. and sir thomas jones , one of the justices of the kings bench. concerning all whom there it somthing too much to be said ; and it is not out of a figure of speech , but for meer reverence of their profession that i thus passe it over , considering also humane infirmity , and that they are all by their pattens , durante bene placito , bound as it were to the good behaviour . and it is a shame to think what triviall , and to say the best of them , obscure persons have and do stand next in prospect , to come and sit by them . justice atknis also by warping too far towards the laws , was in danger upon another pretense to have made way for some of them , but upon true repentance and contrition , with some almes deeds , was admitted to mercy ; and all the rest of the benches will doubtlesse have profited much by his , and some other example . alas the wisdom and probity of the law went of for the most part with good sir mathevv hales , and justice is made a meere property . this poysonous arrow strikes to the very heart of government , and could come from no quiver but that of the conspirators . what french counsell , what standing forces , what parliamentary bribes , what national oaths , and all the other machinations of wicked men have not yet been able to effect , may be more compendiously acted by twelve judges in scarlet . the next thing considerable that appeared preparatory for the next session , was a book that came out by publick authority , intitled , considerations touching the true vvay to suppresse popery , &c. a very good design , and writ , i beleive , by a very good man , but under some mistakes , which are not to be passed over . one in the preface , wherein he saith , the favour here proposed in behalf of the romanists , is not more than they injoy among protestants abroad at this day . this i take not to be true either in denmark , or svveden and some other countrys were popery is wholly suppressed ; and therefore if that have been effected there , in ways of prudence and consisting with christianity , it ought not to have been in so general words misrepresented . another is , p. 59 , and 60. a thing ill and dangerously said , concluding ; i knovv but one instance , that of david in gath , of a man that vvas put to all these straits , and yet not corrupted in his principles . when there was a more illustrious example near him , and more obious . what else i have to say in passing , is , as to the ground-work of his whole design ; which is to bring men nearer , as by a distinction betwixt the church and court of rome , a thing long attempted , but ineffectually , it being the same thing as to distinguish betwixt the church of england , and the english bishops , which cannot be seperated . but the intention of the author , was doubtlesse very honest , and the english of that profession , are certainly of all papiest the most sincere and most worthy of favour ; but this seemed no proper time to negotiate further then the publick convenience . there was another book likewise that came out by authority , towards the approach of the session , intitled , a packet of advise to the men of shaftsbury , &c. but the name of the author was concealed , not out of any sparke of momodesty , but that he might with more security excercise his impudence , not so much against those noble lords , as against all publick truth and honesty . the whole composition is nothing else but an infusion of malice , in the froath of the town , and the scum of the university , by the prescription of the conspirators . nor , therefore did the book deserve naming , no more then the author , but that they should rot together in their own infamy , had not the first events of the following session made it remarkable , that the wizard dealt with some superior intelligence . and on the other side , some scattering papers straggled out in print , as is usuall for the information of parliament men , in the matter of law concerning prorogation , which all of them , it is to be presumed , understood not , but was like to prove therefore a great question . as to matters abroad from the year 1674 , that the peace was concluded betwixt england and holland ; the french king , as a mark of his displeasure , and to humble the english nation , let loose his privateers among our merchant men : there was thenceforth no security of commerce or navigation notwithstanding the publick amity betwixt the two crowns , but at sea they murthered plundred , made prize and confiscated those they met with . their picaroons laid before the mouth of our rivers , hoverd all along the coast , took our ships in the very ports , that we were in a manner blocked up by water . and if any made application at his soveraign port for justice , they were insolently bassled , except some sew , that by sir , ellis leightous interest , who made a second prize of them , were redeemed upon easier composition . in this manner it continued from 1674 , till the latter end of 1676 without remedy , even till the time of the parliaments sitting : so that men doubted whether even the conspirators were not complices also in the matter , and sound partly their own account in it . for evidence of what is said , formerly , the paper at the end of this treatise annexed may serve , returned by some members of the privy council to his majesties order , to which was also adjoyned a register of so many of the english ships as then came to notice which the french had taken , ( and to this day cease not to treat our merchants at the same rate . ) and yet all this while that they made these intolerable and barbarous piracyes , and depredations upon his majestyes subjects , from hence they were more deligently then ever supplied with recruits , and those that would go voluntarily into the french service were incouraged , others that would not , pressed , imprisoned , and carried over by maine force , and constraint , even as the parliament here was ready to sit down ; notwithstanding all their former frequent applications to the contrary . and his majesties magazins were daily emptied , to furnish the french with all sorts of ammunition , of which the following note containes but a small parcell , in comparison of what was daily conveyed away , under colour of cockets for jarsy , and other places . a short account of some amunition , &c. exported from the port of london to france , from june , 1675. to june 1677. granadoes without number , shipt off under the colour of unwroght iron . lead shot 21 tuns . gunpovvder 7134 barrels . iron shot 18 tun , 600 weight . matcb 88 tun , 1900 weight . iorn ordinance , 441. quantity , 292 tuns , 900 weight . carriages , bandileirs , pikes , &c. uncertain . thus was the french king , to be gratified for undoing us by sea with contributing all that we could rap and rend of men , or amunition at land , to make him more potent against us , and more formidable . thus are we at length arrived at this much controverted , and as much expected session . and though the way to it hath proved much longer then was intended in the entry of this discourse , yet is it very short of what the matter would have afforded , but is past over to keep within bounds of this volumn . the 15th of february 1676 came , and that very same day , the french king appointed his march for flanders . it seemed that his motions were in just cadence , and that as in a grand balet , he kept time with those that were tuned here to his measure . and he thought it a becoming galanttrie , to take the rest of flanders our natural out work in the very face of the king of england and his petites maisons of parliament . his majesty demanded of the parliament in his speech at the opening of the sessions , a supply for building of ships , and the further continuance of the additional excise upon beer and ale , which was to expire the 24th . of june 1677 , and recommended earnestly a good correspondence betvveen the tvvo houses , representing their last differences as the reason of so long a prorogation , to allay them . the lord chancellor , as is usuall with him , spoiled all , which the king had said so well , with straining to do it better ; for indeed the mischances of all the sessions since he had the seales , may in great part be ascribed to his indiscreet and unlucky eloquence . and had not the lord treasure a farre more effectual way of perswasion with the commons , there had been the same danger of the ill successe of this meeting , as of those formerly . each house being now seated , the case of this long prorogation had taken place so farre without doores , and was of that consequence to the constitution of all parliaments , and the ualidity of all proceedings in this session , that even the commons , though sore against their inclination , could not passe it over . but they handled it so tenderly , as if they were afraid to touch it . the first day , insteed of the question , whether the parliament were by this unpresidented prorogation indeed dissolved ; it was proposed , something ridiculously , whether this prorogation were not an adjournment ? and this debate too , they adjourned till the next day , and from thence they put it off till the munday morning . then those that had proposed it , yet before they would enter upon the debate , asked , whether they might have liberty ? as if that had not been more then implied before , by adjourning the debate , and as if freedome of speech , were not a concession of right , which the king grants at the first opening of all parliaments . but by this faintnesse , and halfe-counsell , they taught the house to deny them it . and so all that matter was wrapped up in a cleanly question , whether their grand committees should sit , which involving the legitimacy of the houses sitting , was carried in the affirmative , as well as their own hearts could wish : but in the lords house it went otherwise . for the first day , as soon as the houses were seperate , the duke of buckingham , who usually saith what he thinks , argued by all the laws of parliament , and with great strength of reason , that this prorogation was null and this parliament consequently dissolved , offering moreover to maintaine it to all the judges , and desiring as had been usuall in such cases , but would not here be admitted , that even they might give their opinions . but my lord frechvvell as a better judge of so weighty a point in law , did of his great courtship move , that the duke of buckingham might be called to the barre , which being opposed by the lord salisbury , as an extravagant motion , but the duke of buckinghams proposal asserted , with all the cecilian height of courage and reason , the lord arundell of trerise a peere of no lesse consideration , and authority , then my lord frechvvell , and as much out of order , as if the salt had been thrown down , or an hare had crossed his way , opening , renewed the motion for calling the duke to the barre ; but there were yet too many lords between , and the couriers of the honse of commons brought up advice every moment , that the matter was yet in agitation among them , so that the earl of shaftsbury , had opportunity to appear with such extraordinary vigour , in what concerned both the duke of buckingham's person and his proposal , that as the duke of buckingham might have stood single in any rational contest , so the earl of shaftsbury was more properly another principal , than his second . the lord chancellour therefore in answer undertook , on the contrary , to make the prorogation look very formal , laying the best colours upon it , after his manner when advocate , that the cause would bear ( and the worst upon his opponents ) but such as could never yet endure the day-light . thus for five or six hours it grew a fixed debate , many arguing it in the regular method , till the expected news came , that the commons were rose without doing any thing ; whereupon the greater number called for the question , and had it in the affirmative , that the debate should be laid aside . and being thus flushed , but not satisfied with their victory , they fell upon their adversaries in cool blood , questioning such as they thought fit , that same night , and the morrow after , sentencing them , the duke of buckingham , the earl of salisbury , the earl of shaftsbury , and the lord wharton to be committed to the tower , under the notion of contempt , during his majestyes , and the houses pleasure . that contempt , was their refusing to recant their opinion , and aske pardon , of the king , and the house of lords . thus a prorogation without president , was to be warranted by an imprisonment without example . a sad instance and whereby the dignity of parliamens , and especially of the house of peers , did at present much suffer , and may probably more for the future ; for nothing but parliament can destroy parliament , if a house shall once be felon of it selfe and stop its own breath , taking away that liberty of speech , which the king verbally , and of course , allows them , ( as now they had done in both houses ) to what purpose is it comming thither ? but it was now over , and by the weaknesse , in the house of commons , and the force in the house of lords , this presumptuous session , was thus farre settled , and confirmed ; so that henceforward men begun to wipe their mouths , as if nothing had been , and to enter upon the publick businesse . and yet it is remarkable that shortly after , upon occasion of a discourse among the commons concerning libells and pamphlets , first one member of them stood up , and in the face of their house , said , that it vvas affirmed to him , by a person that might be spoke vvith , that there vvere among them , thirty , forty , fifty , god knovvs hovv many , outlavved . another thereupon rose , and told them , it vvas reported too , that there vvere diverse of the members papists ; a third , that a multitude of them vvere bribed , and pensioners . and yet all this was patiently hushed up by their house , and digessed , being it seems , a thing of that nature , which there is no reply to ; which may very well administer , and deserve a serious reflexion , how great an opportunity this house of commons lost , of ingratiating themselves , with the nation , by acknowledging in this convention their invalidity to proceed in parliament , and by addressing to his majesty as being dissolved , for a dismission . for were it so , that all the laws of england require , and the very constitution of our government , as well as experience , teaches the necessity of the frequent meeting , and change of parliaments , and suppose that the question concerning this prorogation , were by the custom of parliaments to be justified , ( which hath not been done hitherto ) yet who that desires to maintaine the reputation of an honest man , would not have layed hold upon so plausible an occasion , to breake company when it was grown so scandalous . for it is too notorious to be concealed , that near a third part of the house have beneficiall offices under his majesty , in the privy councill , the army , the navy , the law , the houshold , the revenue both in england and ireland , or in attendance on his majesties person . these are all of them indeed to be esteemed gentlemen of honor , but more or lesse according to the quality of their severall imployments under his majesty , and it is to be presumed that they brought along with them some honour of their own into his service at first to set up with . nor is it sit that such an assembly should be destitute of them to informe the commons of his majesties affaires , and communicate his counsells , so that they do not by irregular procureing of elections in place where they have no proper interest , thrust out the gentelmen that have , and thereby disturbe the severall countreys ; nor that they croude into the house in numbers beyond modesty , and which instead of giving a temper to their deliberations , may seem to affect the predominance . for although the house of peers , besides their supream and sole judicature , have an equal power in the legislature with the house of commons , and at the second thoughts in the government have often corrected their errours : yet it is to be confessed , that the knights , citizens and burgesses there assembled , are the representers of the people of england , and are more peculiarly impowred by them to transact concerning the religion , lives , liberties , and the propriety of the nation . and therefore no honorable person , related to his majesties more particular service , but will in that place and opportunity suspect himself , least his gratitude to his master , with his self-interest should tempt him beyond his obligation there to the publick . the same excludes him that may next inherit from being guardian to an infant , not but there may the same affection and integritie be found in those of the fathers side as those on the mothers , but out of decent and humane caution , and in like manner however his majesties officers may be of as , sound and untainted reputation , as the best , yet common discretion would teach them not to seek after and ingrosse such different trusts in those bordering intrests of the king and contrey , where from the people they have no legall advantage , but so much may be gained by betraying them . how improper would it seem for a privy counsellour if in the house of commons he should not justify the most arbytrary proceedings of the councill table , represent affaires of state with another face , defend any misgovernment , patronize the greatest offenders against the kingdome , even though they were too his own particular enemies , and extend the supposed prerogative on all occasions , to the detriment of the subjects certaine and due libertyes ! what self denyall were it in the learned counsell at law , did they not vindicate the misdemeanours of the judges , perplex all remedies against the corruptions and incroachment of courts of judicature , word all acts towards the advantage of their own profession , palliate unlawfull elections , extenuate and advocate publick crimes , where the criminall may prove considerable ; step into the chaire of a money bill ' and pen the clauses so dubiously , that they may be interpret●… in westminister-hall beyond the houses intention , mislead the house , not only in point of law , but even in matter of fact , without any respect to veracity , but all to his own further promotion ! what soldier in pay , but might think himself sit to be cashiered , should he oppose the increase of standing forces , the depression of civill authority , or the levying of mony by whatsoever means or in what quantity ? or who of them ought not to abhorre that traiterous position , of taking armes by the kings authority against those that are commissionated by him in pursuance of such commission ? what officer of the navy , but takes himself under obligation to magnify the expence , extoll the mannagment , conceal the neglect , increase the debts and presse the necessity , ringging and unringging it to the house in the same moment , and representing it all at once in a good and a bad condition ? should any member of parliament and of the exchequer omit to transform the accounts , conceal the issues , highten the anticipations , and in despight of himself oblidge whosoever chance to be the lord treasurer ; might not his reversioner justly expect to be put into present posession of the office ? who that is either concerned in the customes , or of their brethren of the excise , can with any decency refuse , if they do not invent , all further impositions upon merchandise , navigation , or our own domestick growth and consumption ; and if the charge be but temporary , to perpetuate it ? hence it shall come that insteed of relieving the crown by the good old and certain way of subsidyes , wherein nothing was to be got by the house of commons , they devised this foraine course of revenue , to the great greivance and double charg of the people , that so many of the members might be gratified in the farmes or commissions . but to conclude this digression whatsoever other offices have been set up for the use of the members , or have been extinguished upon occasion , should they have failed at a question , did not they deserve to be turned out ? were not all the votes as it were in fee farme , of those that were intrusted with the sale ? must not surinam be a sufficient cause of quarrel with holland , to any commissioner of the plantations ? or who would have denyed mony to continue the war with holland , when he were a commissioner of prizes , of sick and wounded , of transporting the english , or of starving the dutch prisoners ? how much greater then would the hardship be for those of his majesties houshold , or who attend upon his royall person , to forget by any chance vote , or in being absent from the house , that they are his domestick servants ? or that all those of the capacity abovementioned are to be look upon as a distinct body under another discipline ; and whatsoever they may commit in the house of commons against the national interest , they take themselves to be justified by their circumstances , their hearts indeed are , they say , with the country , and one of them had the boldness to tell his majesty , that he was come from voting in the house against his conscience . and yet these gentlemen being full , and already in imployment , are more good natured and less dangerous to the publick , than those that are hungry and out of office , who may by probable computation , make another third part of this house of commons . those are such as having observed by what steps , or rather leaps and strides , others of their house have ascended into the highest places of the kingdom , do upon measuring their own birth , estates , parts , and merit , think themselves as well and better qualified in all respects as their former companions . they are generally men , who by speaking against the french ; inveighing against the debauches of court , talking of the ill management of the revenue , and such popular flourishes , have cheated the countrys into electing them , and when they come up , if they can speak in the house , they make a faint attaque or two upon some great minister of state , and perhaps relieve some other that is in danger of parliament , to make themselves either way considerable . in matters of money they seem at first difficult , but having been discourst with in private , they are set right , and begin to understand it better themselves , and to convert their brethren : for they are all of them to be bought and sold , only their number makes them cheaper , and each of them doth so overvalue himself ; that sometimes they outstand or let slip their own market . it is not to be imagined , how small things in this case , even members of great estates will stoop at , and most of them will do as much for hopes , as others for fruition , but if their patience be tired out , they grow at last mutinous , and revolt to the country , till some better occasion offer . among these are somemen of the best understanding , were they of equal integrity , who affect to ingrosse all businesse , to be able to quash any good motion by parliamentary skill , unlesse themselves be the authors , and to be the leading men of the house , and for their naturall lives to continue so . but these are men that have been once fooled , most of them , and discovered , and slighted at court , so that till some turn of state shall set them in their adversaryes place , in the mean time they look sullen , make big motions , and contrive specious bills for the subject , yet onely wait the opportunity to be the instruments of the same counsells , which they oppose in others . there is a third part still remaining , but as contrary in themselves as light and darknesse ; those are either the worst , or the best of men ; the first are most profligate persons , that have neither estates , consciences , nor good manners , yet are therefore picked out as the necessary men , and whose votes will go furthest ; the charges of their elections are defraied , whatever they amount to , tables are kept for them at white hall , and through westminster , that they may be ready at hand , within call of a question : all of them are received into pension , and know their pay-day , which they never faile of : insomuch that a great officer was pleased to say , that they came about him like so many jack davvs for cheese , at the end of every session . if they be not in parliament , they must be in prison , and as they are protected themselves , by priviledge , so they sell their protections to others , to the obstrnction so many years together of the law of the land , and the publick justice ; for these it is , that the long and frequent adjournments are calculated , but all whether the court , or the monopolizers of the country party , or these that profane the title of old cavaliers , do equally , though upon differing reasons , like death apprehend a dissolution . but notwithstanding these , there is an hanfull of salt , a sparkle of soul , that hath hitherto preserved this grosse body from putrefaction , some gentlemen that are constant , invariable , indeed english men , such as are above hopes , or fears , or dissimulation , that can neither flatter , nor betray their king , or country : but being conscious of their own loyalty , and integrity , proceed throw good and bad report , to acquit themselves in their duty to god , their prince , and their nation ; although so small a scantling in number , that men can scarse reckon of them more then a quorum ; insomuch that it is lesse difficult to conceive , how fire was first brought to light in the world then how any good thing could ever be produced out of an house of commons so constituted , unlesse as that is imagined to have come from the rushing of trees , or batterring of rocks together , by accident , so these by their clashing with one another , have struck out , an usefull effect from so unlikely causes . but whatsoever casuall good hath been wrought at any time by the assimilation of ambitious , factious , and disappointed members , to the little , but solid , and unbyassed party , the more frequent ill effects , and consequences of so unequall a mixture , so long continued , are demonstrable and apparent . for while scarse any man comes thither with respect to the publick service , but in design to make , and raiso his fortune , it is not to be exprest , the debauchery , and lewdnesse , which upon occasion of election to parliaments , are now grown habitual thorow the nation . so that the vice , and the expence , are risen to such a prodigious height , that few sober men can indure to stand to be chosen on such conditious . from whence also arise feuids , and perpetuall animosityes , over most of the countyes , and corporations , while gentlemen of worth , spirit , and ancient estates , and dependances , see themselves overpowered in their own neighbourhood by the drunknesse , and bribery , of their competitors . but if neverthelesse any worthy person chance to carry the election , some mercenary or corrupt sheriffe makes a double return , and so the cause is handed to the committee of elections , who aske no better , but are ready to adopt his adversary into the house if he be not legitimate . and if the gentleman agrieved seek his remedy against the sheriffe in westminster-hall , and the proofes be so palpable , that the kings bench cannot invent how to do him injustice , yet the major part of the twelve judges , shall upon better consideration vacate the sheriffs fine , and reverse the judgement ; but those of them that dare dissent from their brethren are in danger to be turned off the bench without any cause assigned . while men therefore care not thus , how they get into the house of commons , neither can it be expected that they should make any conscience of what they do there , but they are onely intent how to reimburse themselves ( if their elections were at their own charge ) or how to bargine their votes for a place , or a pension . they list themselves streightways into some court faction , and it is as well known among them , to what lord each of them retaine , as when formerly they wore coates , and badges . by this long haunting so together they are grown too so familiar among themselves , that all reverence of their own assembly is lost , that they live together not like parliament men , but like so many good felows , met together in a publick house to make merry . and which is yet worse , by being so throughly acquainted , they understand their number and party , so that the use of so publick a counsel is frustrated , there is no place for deliberation , no perswading by reason , but they can see one anothers votes through both throats and cravats before they hear them . where the cards are so well known , they are only fit for a cheat and no fair gamster , but would throw them under the table . hereby it is that their house hath lost all the antient weight and authority , and being conscious of their own guilt and weakness , dare not adventure , as heretofore , the impeaching of any man before the lords , for the most hainous crimes of state , and the most publick misdemeanours ; upon which confidence it is , that the conspirators have so long presumed , and gone unpunished . for although the conspirators have sometimes ( that this house might appear still necessary to the people , and to make the money more glib ) yeelded that even their own names should be tossed among them , and grievances be talked of , yet at the same time they have been so prevalent as to hinder any effect , and if the house has emancipated itself beyond instructions , then by chastizing them with prorogations , frighting them with dissolution , comforting them with long , frequent , and seasonable adjournments , now by suspending , or diminishing their pensions , then again by increasing them , sometimes by a scorn , and otherwhiles by a favour , there hath a way been found to reduce them again under discipline . all these things and more being considered and how doubtful a foot this long parliament now stood upon by this long prorogation , there could not have been a more legal , or however no more wise and honest a thing done , then for both the lords and commons to have separated themselves , or have besought his majesty to that purpose , left the conspirators should any longer shelter and carry on their design against the government and religion , under this shadow of parliamentary authority . but it was otherwise ordered , of which it is now time to relate the consequences . the four lords having thus been committed , it cannot properly be said that the house of peers was thence forward under the government of the lord frechvvel , and the lord arundel of trerise but those two noble peers had of necessity no small influence upon the counsels of that house , ( having hoped ere this to have made their way also into his majesties privy council ) and all things fell out as they could have wished , if under their own direction . for most of them , who had been the most active formerly in the publick interest , sate mute in the house , whether , as is probable out of reverence to their two persons , and confidence in their wisdom , they left all to their conduct , and gave them a general proxy , or whether , as some would have it , they were sullen at the commitment of of the four lords , and by reason of that , or the prorogation , began now to think the parliament , or their house to be non compos . but now therefore doctor cary , a commner , was brought to the barre before them , and questioned concerning a written book which it seems he had carried to be printed , treating of the illegality of this prorogation , and because he satisfyed them not in some interrogatories , which no man would in common honour to others , or in self preservation , as neither was he in law bound to have answered , they therefore fined him a thousand pounds , under that new notion of contempt , when no other crime would do it , and sentenced him to continue close prisoner in the tovver until payment . yet the commons were in so admirable good temper ( having been conjured by the charming eloquence of the lord chancellor , to avoid all misunderstanding between the two houses ) that their could no member , or time , be found in all the session , to offer their house his petition ; much lesse would that breach upon the whole parliament ; by imprisoning the lords , for using their liberty of speech , be entertained by them upon motion , for fear of entrenching upon the priviledge of the house of peers , which it had been well for them if they had been as tender of formerly . one further instance of the completion of their house , at that season , may be sufficient . one master harrington , had before the session been committed close prisoner ( for that was now the mode , as though the earl of norhampton , would not otherwise have kept him close enough ) by order of the king and councill , the warrant bearing for subornation of perjury , tending to the defamation of his majesty , and his government , and for contemptuously declaring , he vvould not ansvver his majesty any question , vvhich his majesty , or his privy councill should aske him . as this gentleman was hurried along to the tovver , he was so dexterous as to convey into a friends hand passing by , a blanke paper onely with his name , that a petition might be written above it , to be presented to the house of commons , without rejecting for want of his own hand in the subscription . his case notwithstanding the warrant was thus . he had met with two scotch souldiers in town returned from flanders , who complained that many of their countrey men had in scotland been seised by force , to be carried over into the french service , had been detained in the publick prisons till an oportunity to transport them : were heaved on board fast tyed and bound like malefactors , some of them struggling and contesting it , were cast into the sea , or maimed , in conclusion an intolerable violence and barbarity used to compell them and this near the present session of parliament . hereupon this gentleman considering how oft the house of commons had addressed to his majesty and framed an act for recalling his majesties subjects out of the french service , as also that his majesty had i●…ued his proclamation to the same purpose , thought he might do a good and acceptable thing in giving information of it to the house as time served , but withall knowing how witnesses might possibly be taken off , he for his own greater security took them before a master of chancery , where they comfirmed by oath the same things they had told him . but hereupon he was brought before his majesty , and the privy councill , where he declared this matter but being here asked by the lord chancellour some insnaring and improper questions , he modestly , as those that were by affirmed , desired to be ex●…ised from answering him further , but after this , answered 〈◊〉 majesty with great humility and respect to divers quest●…us . this was the subornation of perjury , and this the contempt to his majesty , for which he was made close prisoner . ●…pon his petition to the house of commons he was sent for , and called in , where he is reported to have given a very clear account of the whole matter , and of his behaviour at the council board . but of the two scotch soldiers the one made himself perjured without being suborned by harrington , denying or misrepresenting to the house what he had sworn formerly . and the other , the honester fellow it ●…ms of the two , only was absented . but however divers honourable members of that house attested voluntarily , that the soldiers had affirmed the same thing to them , and in●…ed the truth of that matter is notorious , by several other 〈◊〉 that since came over , and by further account from 〈◊〉 . master harrington also carryed himself towards 〈◊〉 ●…ouse with that modesty , that it seemed inseparable 〈◊〉 him , and much more in his majesties presence , so that 〈◊〉 house was inclined , and ready to have concerned themselves for his liberty . but master secretary williamson stood 〈◊〉 having been a principal instrument in commiting him , and because the other crimes rather deserved thanks and commendation , and the warrant would not justify it self , he insisted upon his strange demeanour toward his majesty , decipherd his very looks , how truly it matters not , and but that his majesty and the house remained still living flesh and blood , it might have been imagined by his discourse that master harrington had the head of a gorgon . but this story so wrought with , and amazed the commons , that mr. harrington found no redresse ; but might thank god that he escaped again into close prison . it was thought notwithstanding by most men that his looks might have past any where but with a man of sir josephs delicacy . for neither indeed had master harrington ever the same oportunities that others of practiting the hocus pocus of the face , of playing the french scaramuccie or of living abroad to learn how to make the plenipotentiary grimass for his majestys service . and now to proceed , rather according to the coherence of the matters , then to the particular date of every days action . by this good humour , and the house being so free of the liberty of their fellow commoners , it might be guessed that they would not be lesse liberal of their monythis session . the bill therefore for 600000 l. tax for eighteen month towards the building and furnishing of ships easily passed without once dreaming any more of appropriating the customes . for the nation being generally possessed by the members with the defects of the navy , and not considering at all from what neglect it proceeded , the house of commons were very willing , and glad to take this occasion , of confirming the authority of their sitting , and to pay double the summe that in the former sessions they had thought necessary towards the fleet ; hereby to hedg in , and purchase their own continuance . and for the same purpose they ingrossed the act with so numerous a list of commissioners , that it seemed rather a register or muster-roll of the nation , and that they raised the whole kingdom to raise the mony . for who could doubt that they were still a lawful parliament , when they saw so many gentlemens names ( though by the clerks hand onely ) subscribed to an act of their making ? onely mr. seymour the speaker , would have diminished the number in his own country . for he had entred into a combination , that none should serve the king or their country thorow devonshire , in any capacity but under his approbation , and therefore he highly inveighed against many gentlemen of the best rank there , that ought him no homage , as persons disaffected , oppossing their names at a committe of the whole house , before he heard them . but being checked in his careere , he let fall the contest , with as much judgment and modesty , as he had begun it with boldnesse and indescretion . this bill was not enough , but though the nation had hoped to be relieved from the additionall excise upon beer and ale , which the tripple league had foold them into , but was now of course to expire the 24th of june , 1677. yet a bill for the continuing of it for three years more passed them likewise with little difficulty . for the late fear of dissolution was still so fresh upon them , that they would continue any thing to buy their own continuance ; and this bill might considering their present want of legality , have been properly intituled , an act for the extraor dinary occasion of the house of commons . but that they might seem within this tendernesse to themselvs not to have cast of all toward the people , they sunk all former grievances into a bill of chancery , knowing well that a sute in that court would be sooner ended , then a reformation of it be effected ; and that thereby they might gain work enough to direct the whole session . and of their usuall bills for the liberty of the subjects , they sent up only that of habeas corpus ; pretending , and perhaps truly , that they durst not adventure them either in their own or the lords house as they were now governed , lest they should be further ensnared by struging for freedome . but least they should trouble themselves too much with religion , the lords presented them with two bills of a very good name , but of a strange and unheard of nature . the one intituled an ast for securing the protestant religion by educating the children of the royall family , and providing for the continuance of a protestant clergy . the other , an act for the more effectuall conviction and prosecution of popish recusants . and with these they sent down another for the further regulation of the presses and suppressing all unlicensed books , with clauses most severe and generall upon the subject , whereof one for breaking all houses whatsoever on suspicion of any such pamphlet where by master l' estranges authority was much amplifyed to search any other house with the same liberty as he had sir thomas dolemans . but as to those two bills of religion , although they were of the highest consequence that ever were offered in parliament since protestancy came in ( and went out of fashion ) yet it is not to be imagined , how indisputable and easy a passage they found thorow the house of peers , to the house of commons ; which must be ascribed to the great unanimity among them , after the committing of the four lords , and to the power of those two noble peers , their adversaries , which was now so established , that their sense being once declared , the rest seemed to yeild them an implicite faith and obedience ; and they were now in such vogue , that whatsoever was spoken or done any where abroad in perfection , with great weight and judgement , men said it was a la fraischeville . but if gentily and acutely , a la trerise . that intituled , an act for the more effectual conviction and prosecution of popish recusants , is too long to be here inserted , and the fate it met with , makes it unnecessary , for as soon as it was first read a gentle-man of great worth and apprehension spake short but roundly and thorow against it . a second immediately moved that it might not onely be thrown out , but with a particular mark of infamy . and it being without any more ado ready to be put to the question , a third demanded that they should stay a while to see whether there were any one so hardy as to speak a word for it . which no man offerring at , it was forthwith rejected with this censure added to the journal . and because the body of the bill was contrary to the title , this unusual sentence of the house of commons , though excusable by the crimes of the bill , yet was not to be justified by the rules of entercourse between the two houses . but because all men have hence taken occasion to accuse the lords spiritual , as the authours both of this bill and the other , it is necessary to insert here the true fact in their just vindication . it was above two years ago that a select caball of great ministers , had been consulting about church matters , tho it seldom happens ( nor did it in this instance ) that the statesmen are more fortunate in meddling with religion , then the churchmen with government , but each marrs them with tampering out of their provinces . this only difference , that what ecclesiastical persons may do by chance or consequence , that harm the others commit on set purpose . for it was by these politicians , that these two cockatrice eggs were layd & by their assiduous incubation hatched . it is true indeed afterwards they took some few of the bishops into communication , and as it were for advice , upon what was before resolved . and to make this bill go the better down , they flatterd them with the other , as wholy calculated forsooth to the churches interest . and by this means possibly they prevailed so far , that the bishops both there and in the house , lesse vigorously opposed . but that the bishopes were either the contrivers or promoters of the bill , is a scandalous falshood , and devised by the authors to throw the odium off from themselvs upon the clergy and ( the bills that aimed at the ruine of the church of england having miscarried ) to compasse the same end by this defamation . a sufficient warning to the clargy , how to be intrigued with the statesmen for the future . the second bill follows . an act for further securing the protestant religion , by educating the children of the royal family therein ; and for the providing for the continuance of a protestant clergy . to the intent that the protestant religion , which through the blessing of god hath been happily established in this realm , and is at present sufficiently secured by his majestys known piety and zeal for the preservation thereof , may remain secure in all future times . be it enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , by and with the advice and consent of the lords spirituall and temporall , and commons in this parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , that upon the demise of his majesty that now is , to whom god grant a long and prosperous reign , and upon the demise of any other king or queen regnant , that shall hereafter bear the imperial crown of this realme , the arch-bishops , and all and every the bishops of england and wales , for the time being , as shall not be disabled by sicknesse or other infirmity , shall within fourty dayes next after such demise , repaire to lambeth house , and being there assembled , to the number of nine at least , shall cause to be fairely ingrosed in parchment the oath and declaration following . 1. 〈◊〉 king or queen of england , do declare and svvear , that i do beleive that there is not any transubstantiation in the sacrament of the lords supper , or in the elements of bread and wine , at or after the consecration , thereof by any person vvhatsoever . so help me god. which blanck shall be filled up with the christian name of such king or queen , and thereupon the prelates so bled , shall without delay repaire to the persons of such succeeding king or queen regnant , and in humble manner tender 〈◊〉 said oath or declaraiton , to be taken by such succeeding king or queen regnant , which they are hereby authorised to administer , and shall abide in or near the court by the space of fourteen dayes , and at convenient 〈◊〉 , as often as conveniently they may , they shall appear in the presence of such king and queen ready to receive commands for administring the said oath and declaration , which if such succeeding king and queen shall make and subscribe in presence of them , or any nine or more of them , they shall attest the doing thereof , by subscribing their names to a certificate , indorsed upon the said indorsment , and carry the same into the high court of chancery there to be safely deposited amongst the records of the said court. and if such king or queen regnant , shall refuse or omit to make and subscribe the said oath , and decalration , for the space of fourteen dayes after such humble tender made in manner aforesaid , the said prelates may depart from the court without any further attendance on this occasion . but if at any time afterward such king or queen shall be pleased to take and subcribe the said oath , and declaration , and shall signifie such pleasure to the arch-bishops and bishops or any nine or more of them , the said arch-bishops and bishops , or such nine or more of them , are hereby authorised and required forthwith to administer the same , and to attest and certify the same in manner aforesaid . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that if any succeeding king or queen regnant , shall refuse or omit to make such oath and declaration , within the time therefore limitted , the same having been tendered in manner aforesaid , or there shall be any let , obstruction , or hindrance whatsoever , to their making the said tender in manner aforesaid , they are hereby enjoyned and required to endorse upon the said engrosement such refusall or omission , or any obstruction , let or hinderance , that shall happen to them , whereby they are not able to make the said tender , according to the act , and attest the same by subscribing their names thereunto , and carry the same into the high court of chancery , there to be safely deposited in manner aforesaid . and if any the said persons , hereby appointed to make the said tender , shall neglect or refuse to do the same , or in case of any refusal , or omission of making the said oath and declaration , or in case of any obstruction or hindrance to the making of the said tender , shall refuse or neglect to make certificate thereof in manner aforesaid , that the arch-bishoprick or bishoprick of the person or persons so refusing , shall be ipso facto , voide , as if he or they were naturally dead , and the said person or persons shall be incapable , during his or their life or lifes , of that , or any other ecclesiastical perferment . and be it further enacted , that if any king or queen regnant , at the time when the imprial crown of this realme shall devolve , shall he under the age of fourteen years , and that upon his or her attaining the said age of fourteen years , the arch-bishops and bishops shall , and are upon the like penalties hereby enjoyned , within fourteen dayes next after such attaining to the said age , to assemble at the said place , and thereupon to do and perform all things in proparing and tendring the said oath and declaration , and making certificate of the taking or omission thereof , that are required by this act to be done , upon the demise of any king or queen regnant . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that untill any succeeding king or queen regnant shall make the said oath and declaration , in manner aforesaid , such respective king or queen shall not grant , confer , or dispose of any arch-bishoprick or any bishoprick , in england or wales , otherwise than in manner following , that is to say , within seven dayes after the vacancy of any biship-prick or see , shall be known to the arch-bishop of canterbury for the time being , he shall and is hereby required to send forth a summons in writing to all the prelates in england and wales , requiring them to meet at a certain convenient time and place , to be appointed by the summons , to consult concerning the nomination of sit persons for the supply of that vacancy . and in case of vacancy of the arch bishop-prick of canterbury , the arch bishop of york , for the time being . and if that see shall be also vacant , such prelate of the realm , as by the statute of 31 h. 8. ought to have place before the rest in parliament , shall and are hereby required to issue forth the said summons , and at the said time and place , so appointed , in manner aforesaid , the prelates then assembled , being seven at the least , or the major part of them , shall by writing under their hands and seals , nominate three persons , natural born subjects of the king , and in holy orders , for the supplying of the said vacancy , and to be placed in such order as the said prelates so assembled or the major part of them shall think fit , without regard to dignity , antiquity , or any other form , which writing shall be presented to the king who may thereupon appoint one of the three persous so to be named , to succeed in the said vacancy . and the person so appointed or chosen , shall by due form of law , according to the course now used , be made bishop of that see. but if in 30 days after such presentment , of such names , the king or queen regnant shall not elect or appoint , which of the said three persons shall succeed in the said vacant see ; or if after such election or appointment there shall be any obstruction in pressing of the usual instruments and formalities of law , in order to his consecration , then such person , whose name shall be first written in the said instrument of nomination , if there be no election or appointment made by the king , within the time aforesaid , shal be the bishop of the vacant see. and if there be an election or appointment made , then the person so appointed shall be the bishop of the vacant see. and the arch-bishop of the province wherein the said vacancy shall be , or such other person or persons , who ought by his majesties ecclesiastical laws to consecrate the said bishop , shall upon reasonable demand , and are hereby required to make consecration accordingly upon pain of forfeiting trebble damages and costs to the party grieved , to be recovered in any of his majesties courts at westminster . and immediately after such consecration , the person so consecrated , shall be , and is hereby enacted to be compleat bishop of the said vacant see , and is hereby vested in the temporalties of the said bishop-prick and in actual possession thereof , to all intents and purposes , and shall have a seat and place in parliament , as if he had by due forms of law been made bishop , and had the temporalities restored unto him ; and in case the person so first named in the said instrument of nomination , or the person so elected by the king or queen regnant , shall then be a bishop , so that no consecration be requisite , then immediately after default of election or appointment by the king , or immediately after such election or appointment , if any shall be made within the said time , and any obstructions in pressing the instruments and formalities in law , in such cases used , the bishop so first named or elected and appointed , shall thereupon , ipso facto , be translated , and become bishop of that see , to which he was so nominated and appointed , and shall be , and is hereby vested in the temporalties and actual possession thereof to all intents and purposes , and shall have his seat and place in parliament accordingly , and his former see shall become vacant , as if he had been by due forms of law chosen and confirmed into the same , and had the temporalities restored unto him . and be it further enacted , that until the making the said oath and declaration in manner aforesaid , the respective succeeding kings and queens that shall not have made and subscribed the same , shall not grant or dispose of any denary , or arch-deconary , prebendary , mastership of any colledge , parsonage , viccarage or any ecclesiastical benefice or promotion whatsoever , to any other person , but such person as shall be nominated for the same , unto the said king or queen regnant , by the arch-bishop of canterbury , or guardians of the spiritualities of the said arch-bishop-prick , for the time being , if the same be within the province of canterbury , and by the arch-bishop-prick of york , or guardians of the spiritualities of the said arch-bishop-prick for the time being , if the same be within the province of york , by writing under their respective hands and seals , and in case any such as shall be accordingly nominated , shall not be able to obtein presentation or grant thereof within 30 dayes , next after such nomination , then the said person shall and may , and is hereby enabled , by force of the said nomination , to require institution and induction from such person and persons unto whom it shall belong to grant the same , who shall accordingly make institution and induction , as if the said person were lawfully presented by the said king or queen regnant , upon pain to forfeit to the party grieved , trebble damages and costs , to be recovered in any of his majesties courts at vvestminster ; and in cases where no institution or induction is requisite the said person so nominated , from and after the end of the said 30 dayes , shall be and is hereby actually vested in the possession of such denary , arch-deaconary , prebendary , mastership , rectory , parsonage or , vicarage , donative , or other ecclefiastical benefice or promotion and shall be full and absolute proprietor and incumbent thereof , to all intents and purposes as if he had obteyned possession therof upon a legall grant by the said king or queen regnant , and proceeding thereupon in due form of law. provided always and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that it shall and may be lawful for the lord high chancellor of england , or the lord keeper of the great seal of england , for the time being , to pass presentations or grants , to any ecclesiastical benefice , under value in the kings gift , in such manner as hath been accustomed , any thing in this present act to the contrary notwithstanding . and be it further enacted , that during such time as any king or queen regnant , shall be under the said fourteen yeares , no person that shall be lord protector , or regent of this realme , during such minority , shall in any wise , either in the name of the king or queen regnant , or in his own name grant , confer or dispose , of any arch-bishop-prick , bishoprik , deanary , prebendary , master-ship of any colledge , personage , vicarage , or other ecclesiastical benefice or promotion whatsoever , but the same shall be disposed of in manner above mentioned , during such miniority , untill such lord protector or regent , shall make and subscribe the said oath and declaration , ( mutatis mutandis ) before such nine or more of the said prelates , as he shall call to administer the same unto him , which oath and declaration they are hereby authorized and required to administer , under the penaltyes aforesaid , when they shall be called thereunto , by such lord protector or regent , for the time being . and be it further enacted , that the children of such succeeding king or queen regnant , that shall not have made and subscribed the oath and declaration in manner aforsaid , shall from their respective ages of seven years , untill the respective ages of fourteen yeares , to be under the care and goverment of the arch-bishops of canterbury and york , and bishop of london , durham and vvinchester , for the time being , who are hereby enjoyned and required to take care , that they be well instructed and educated in the true protestant religion , as it is now established by law , and to the intent that the arch-bishops and bishops , for the time being , may effectally have the care and government of such children , according to the true intent of this law ; be it enected , that after any such children shall have attained their respective ages of fourteen years , no person shall have enjoy , bear and execute any office , service , imployment or place of attendment relateing to their persons , but such as shall be approved of in writing under the hands and seals of the said arch-bishops and bishops in being , or the major part of such of them as are there in being . and if any person shall take upon him to execute any such office , service , imployment or place of attendance , contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act , he shall forfeit the sum of 100 l. for every moneth he shall so execute the same , to be recovered by any person that will sue for the same , in any action of debt , bill , plaint or information ' in any of his majesties courts at vvestminister , shall also suffer imprisonment for the space of six months without bayle or manieprize . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that no person born within this realme or any other of his majesties dominions , being a popish preist , deacon or ecclesiiastical person , made , or deemed , or professed by any authority or jurisdiction derived , challenged , or pretended from the see of rome , or any jesuite whatsoever shall be allowed to attend the person of the queens majesty that now is , or any quen consort , or queen dowager , that shall be hereafter , whilst they are within this realme , ●…or by pretence of such service , or any other matter , shall be exempted from the penall laws already made against such persons coming into being or remaining in this kingdom , but shall be , and are hereby lyable to the utmost severity thereof . provided alwayes , that it shall and may be lawfull for master john huddleston being one of the queens majesties domestique servant , to attend her said majesties service , any thing in this act or any other law to the contrary notwithstanding . and be it further enacted , that after the death of the queens majesty , to whom god grant a long and happy life , all lay persons whatsoever , born within this realme , or any other of his majesties dominions , that shall be of the houshold , or in the service or employment of any succeeding queen consort , or queen dowager , shall do and performe all things , in a late act of this parliament , entituled , an act for preventing dangers vvhich may happen from popish recusants : required to be done and performed by any person , that shall be admitted into the service or employment of his majesty , or his royal highnesse the duke of york , which if they shall neglect or refuse to do and perform , and neverthelesse , after such refusall and execute any office , service , or employment under any succeeding queen consort , or queen dowager , every person so offending , shall be lyable to the same penalties and disabilities , as by the said act are may be inflicted upon the breakers of that law provided alwayes , that all and every person or persons , that shallby vertue of this act , have or claym any arch-bishoprick , bishoprick , deanry , prebendary , parsonage , vicarage , or other ecclesiastical benefits , with cure or without cure , shall be and is hereby , enjoyned , under the like penalties and disabilitys , to do and perform all things whatsoever , which by law they ought to have done if they had obteyned the same , and by the usuall course and form of law , without the help and benefit of this act. and be it further enacted , that all and every arch-bishops , bishops , appointed by this act to assemble upon the demise of his majesty , or any other king or queen regnant , in order to repaire and make humble tender of the oath and declaration aforementioned , to any succeeding king or queen , be bound by this act to administer the same , shall before such tender and administration thereof , and are hereby required to administer the same oath and declaration , to one another , with such of the arch-bishops and bishops , at any time assembled as by the statute 31. h. 8. ought to have precedence of all the rest of them , that shall be so assembled , is hereby authorized and required , to administer to the rest of them , and the next in order to such prelates , is hereby authorized and required to administer the same to him , and the same oath and declaration being engrossed in other peice of parchment , they and every of them are hereby enjoyned to subscribe their names to the same , and to return the same into the high court of chancery , hereafter with their certificate , which they are before by this act appointed to make . and if any of the said arch-bishops or bishops , shall be under 〈◊〉 same penalties , forfeiture , and disabilities , as are hereby , ●…ointed for such arch-bishops and bishops , as neglect or refuse to make any tender of the said oath and declaration , to any succeeding king or queen regnant . and be it further enacted , that the arch-bishop of canterbury , or arch-bishop of york , or such other bishop to whom it shall belong to issue forth summons to all the bishops of england and wales , requiring to meet and consult concerning the nomination of fit persons , for the supply of any arch-bishopprick , or bishopprick , according to this act , shall make the said summons in such manner that the time therein mentioned for the meeting the said arch-bishops and bishops , shall not be more then forty days , distinct from the time of the date , and issuing out of the said summons . and be it further enacted , that in case any person intituled by this act , doth demand consecration , in order to make him bishop of any vacant see , in manner aforesaid , shall demand the same of the arch-bishop of the province , and such arch bishop that shall neglect or refuse to do the same , either by himself or by others commissioned by him , by the space of thirty days , that then such arch bishop shall over and besides the trebble dammages , to the party before appointed , forfeit the summe of 1000 l. to any person that will sue for the same , in any of his majesties courts at westminster by action of debt , bill , plaint , or information , wherein no essoyn , protection , or wager of law , shall be allowed . and being thereof lawfully convicted , his arch-bishopprick shall thereby become , ipso facto , voyd as if he were naturally dead , and he shall be and is hereby made uncapable and disabled to hold , have , receive the same , or any other bishopprick , or ecclesiastical benefice whatsoever . and be it further enacted that after such neglect or refusall by the space of thirty dayes after demand , to make such consecration , or in case of the vacancy of the arch-bishopprick , such bishop of the said province , for time being , who by the statute of 31. h. 8. ought to have presidents of all the rest , calling to his assistance , a sufficient number of bishops , who are likewise required to assist , at such time and place , as he shall thereunto appoint , shall and is hereby required , upon reasonable demands , to make such consecration which shall be good and effectual in law , as if the said bishops were thereunto authorized , and empowred by commission from such arch-bishop , or any other person , or persons , having authority to grant commission for the doing the same . and be it further enacted , that the said bishops and every of them , are hereby enjoyned and required to perform the same , upon pain of forfeiting , upon any neglect or refusal , trebble dammages to the party grieved , to be recovered with costs , in any of his majesties courts of record , at westminster , as also the sum of 1000 l. to any person that will sue for the same , in any of his majesties courts at westminster , by any action of debt , bill , plaint or information , wherein no essoyn , protection , or wager of law shall be allowed ; and being lawfully convicted of any such neglect or refusal , his or their bishopprick that shall be so convicted , shall become , ipso facto , void , as if he or they were naturally dead , and he or they are hereby made incapable , and disabled to have , hold , or receive the same , or any other bishopprick or any other ecclesiastical benefice whatsoever . yet this notorious bill had not the same accident with the first , but was read a second time , and committed ; wherein their houses curiousity seemes to have led them , rather than any satisfaction they had in the matter , or hope of amending it , for it died away , the committee disdaining , or not daring publickly to enter upon it , some indeed having , as is said , once attempted it in private , and provided r , s. a fit lawyer for the chairman , but were discovered . and thus let these two bills perish like unseasonable and monstrous births , but the legitimate issue of the conspirators , and upon the hopes of whose growth they had built the succession of their projects . hence-forward another scene opens : the house of commons thorow the whole remainder of this session , falling in with some unanimity , and great vigor against the french counsels . of which their proceedings it were easy to assigne the more intimate causes ; but they having therein also acted according to the publick interest , we will be glad to suppose it to have been their only motive . that business having occasioned many weighty debates in their house , and frequent addresses to his majesty , deserves a more particular account , nor hath it been difficult to recever it , most of them being unwilling to forget any thing they have said to the purpose , but rather seeking to divulge what they think was bravely spoken ; and that they may be thought some-body , often arrogating where they cannot be disproved , another mans conception to their own honour . march the 6th . 1676 , the house being resolved into a committee of the whole house to consider of grievances , resolved . that a commitee be appointed to prepare an addrsse , to represent unto his majesty the danger of the povver of france , and to desire that his majesty by such alliances as he shall think fit , do secure his kingdomes , and quiet the feares of his people , and for preservation of the spanish netherlands . may it please your majesty . we your majesties most loyal subjects , the knights , citizens and burgesses , in parliament assembled , find our selves obliged in duty and faithfulnesse to your majesty , and in discharge of the trust reposed in us , by those vvhomvve represent , most bumbly to offer to your majesties consideration , that the mindes of your people are much disquieted , vvith the manifest dangers arising to your majesty , by the grovvth and povver of the french king ; especially by the acquisition already made and the further progresse like to be made by him , in the spanish nether-lands , in the preservation and security vvhereof , vve humbly conceive the intrest of your majesty , and the safety of your people , are highly concerned ; and therefore vve most humbly beseech your majesty , to take the same into your royall care , and to strengthen your selfe vvith such strictter alliances , as may secure your majesties kingdomes and secure and preserve the said spanish nether-lands and thereby quiet the mindes of your majesties people . this addresse was presented to his majesty the 16. of march , and his majesties answer was reported to the house of commons , by mr. speaker , the 17 , of march , which was thus . that his majesty was of the opinion of his two houses of parliament ; that the preservation of flanders was of great consequence ; and that he would use all meanes in his power for the safety of his kingdoms . a motion was therefore made for a second address upon the same subject , on monday march , 26th . which here followeth . may it please your majesty , we your majesties most loyal subjects , the knights , citizens , and burgesses in parliament assembled , do vvith unspeakable joy and comfort , present our humble thanks to your majesty , for your majesties gratious acceptance of our late address , and that your majesty vvas pleased in your princely wisdom to express your concurrance and opinion vvith your tvvo houses in reference to the preservation of the spanish netherlands . and vve do vvith most carnest and repeated desires implore your majesty , that you vvould be pleased to take timely care to prevent those dangers that may arise to these kingdoms by the great povver of the french king , and the progress he daily makes in those netherlands and other places . and therefore that your majesty vvould not defer the entring into such allyances as may obtain those ends , and in case it shall happen , that in pursuance of such alliances , your majesty should be engaged in a war vvith the french king , vve do hold our solves obliged , and do vvith all humility and chearfulness assure your majesty , that vve your most loyal subject , shall alvvayes be ready upon your signification thereof in parliament , fully , and from time to time , to assist your majesty vvith such aydes and supplies as ; by the divine assillance , may enable your majesty to prosecute the same vvith success . all vvhich vve do most humbly offer to your majesty as the unanimous sence and desire of the vvhole kingdom . march 30th . 1677. it was alledged against this address , that to press the king to make further alliances with the confederates against the french king , was in effect to press him to a war , that being the direct and unavoidable consequence thereof . that the consideration of war was most proper for the king , who had the intelligence of forraine affaires , and knew the arcana imperii . that it was a dangerous thing hastily to incite the king to a war. that our merchant-ships and effects would be presently seised by the french king within his dominions , and thereby he would acquire the value of , it may be near , a million to enable him to maintain the war against us . that he would fall upon our plantations and take plunder and annoy them . that he would send out abundance of capers , and take and disturbe all our trading ships in these seas , and the mediterranean . that we had not so many ships of war as he , and those thirty which were to be built with the 600000 l. now given , could not be finished in two years . that we had not naval stores and ammunition , &c. sufficient for such a purpose , and if we had , yet the season of the year was too far advanced to set out a considerable fleet : and we could not now lay in beef , pork , &c. that when we were ingaged in a war , the dutch would likely slip collar , leave us in the war , and so gain to themselves the singular advantage of sole trading in peace , which is the priviledge we now injoy , and should not be weary of . that it was next to impossible , to make alliances with the several parties as might be expected , such and so various were the severall interests , and crosse-biasses , of and amongst the emperour , the spaniard , the dane , the dutch , the brandenburgh , and the severall lesser princes of germany , and others . that we might easily enter into a war , but it would be hard to find the way out of it , and a long war would be destructive to us ; for though the emperour , french , spaniard , &c. use to maintain war for many years , yet a trading nation as england is , could not endure a long-winded war. on the other side , it vvas said ; that they did not addresse for making war but making leagues , which might be a means ro prevent war. that the best way to preserve peace , was to be in a prepration for war that admitting a war should ensue thereupon , as was not unlikely , yet that would tend to our peace , and safety in conclusion ; for it must be agreeded , that if the power of france were not reduced , and brought to a more equal ballance with its neighbours , we must fight or submit , first or last . that it was commonly the fate of those that kept themselves neutral , when their neighbours were at vvar , to become a prey to the conquerour . that now or never was the crititall season to make vvar upon the french , whilst we may haveso great auxiliary conjunction ; and if it were a dangerous and formidable thing to encounter him now , how much more would it be so when this opportunity was lost , the consederacy disbanded , a peace made on the otherside the water , and we left alone to withstand him single . that as to his seizing our merchants effects , the case was 〈◊〉 the same and ) no other now than it would be three years hence , or at any time when ever the war should commence . that as to our plantations and our traders , we must consider , though the french was powerful , he was not omnipotent , and we might as well defend them as the dutch do theirs by guards , convoys , &c. and chiefly when the french have so many enemies , and we shall have so many friends , as no other time is like to afford . that they were sorry to hear we had not ships , stores , &c. equal to the french , and to our occasions , and hoped it would appear to be otherwise . that the season was not so far spent , but that a competent fleet might be set out this summer , and that however deficient we might be in this kind , the dutch were forward and ready to make an effectuall supplement in that behalf . that howsoever ill and false some men might esteem the dutch , yet interest vvill not lie , and it is so much their interest to confine and bring down the french , that it is not to be apprehended , but they will steadily adhere to every friend and every alliance they shall joyn with for that purpose . that however cross and divers the several confederates and their interests were , yet a common alliance may be made with them against the french , and aswell as they have allyed themselves together , aswell may the allyance be extended to another , to be added to them , viz. the king of england . that a numerous and vigorous conjunction against him is the way to shorten the work , whereas if he should hereafter attaque us singly , he would continue the war on us as long as he pleased , till he pleased to make an end of it and us together , by our final destruction . that if now we should neglect to make alliances , we had no cause to expect to have one friend , when the french should make peace beyond sea , and single us out for conquest ; for all that are conjoyned against the french , are provoked and disobliged , by reason of the great number of english , scotch and irish , which have served , and do still serve the french , and it was proved at the bar of this house within this fortnight , that 1000 men were levyed in scotland , and sent to the french service in january last , and some of them by force and pressing . also that it was understood and resented , that we had mainely contributed to this over grown greatnesse of the french , by selling dunkirk , that speciall key and inlet of flanders , by making war on the dutch , in 1665. whereupon the french joyned with the dutch , under which shelter , and opportunity , the french lying layd the foundation of this great fleet he now hath , buying then many great ships of the dutch , and obuilding many others : as to which , but for that occasion , the dutch would have denyed and hindred him , by not observing the tripple league , and by our making a joynt war with the french against the dutch , in which , the french yet proceeds and tryumphs . so that in this respect we have much to redeem and retreive . that enmnity against the french , was the thing wherein this divided nation did unite , and this occasion was to be laid hold on , as an opportunity of moment amongst our selves . that the bent and weight of the nation , did lean this way , and that was a strong inducement and argument to incline their representatives . that it had been made appear , and that in parliament , that upon the ballance of the french trade , this nation was detrimented yearly , 900000 l. or a million , the value of the goods imported from france , annually so much exceeding that of the goods exported hence thither , whereby it is evident , that such a sum of the treasure and money of the nation was yearly exhausted and carryed into france , and all this by unnecessary wines , silks , ribbons , feathers , &c. the saving and retrenching of which expence , and exhaustion , will in a great degree serve to maintaine the charg of a war. that the present , was the best time for the purpose , and that this would give reputation to the confederates , and comfort and courradge to our bestfriends imediately , and safety to our selves in futurity , against the old perpetuall enemy of england . the second addresse was presented to his majesty , march the 30. and till the 11 of aprill they received no answer . insomuch that it became doubtfull , whether the mony bill , would be accepted or 10 and if the commons made any difficulty in passing them , unlesse they were first secured against the frenuh intrest , it seemed that the supply would be rejected , by the conspirators good will ; and that even the building of ships , how necessary soever , might rather have been respited again , as it had in former sessions , and for the whole long prorogation . but their house was farr from such obstinacy . and the news being come of the taking both of valenciennes and st. omar , with the defeate of the prince of orange at mont-cassel , so that now there was no further danger of preventing or interrupting the successes of the french-king , this campagn , at last therefore upon the 11 , of aprill , this following answer was offerred to their house , from his majesty by master secretary coventry . c. r. his majesty having considered your last , addresse , and finding some late alteration in affaires abroad , thinks it necessary to put you in mind , that the only vvay to prevent the dangers vvhich may arise to these kingdoms , must be by putting his majesty timely in a condition to make such fitting preparation , as may enable him to do vvhat may be most for the security of them ▪ and if for this reason you shall desire to fit any longer time , his majesty is content you may adjourn novv before easter , and meet again suddenly after , to ripen this matter , and to perfect some of the most necessary bills novv depending . given at our court at white-hall , the 11. of april . 1677. somewhat was said on both these matters , but the greater debate of them , was adjorned till next day , and then reassumed . then it was moved that the house should adjorn till after easter , and then meet again , with a resolution to enable the king to make such preprations as should be thought necessary , and also passe some necessary bills for the kingdome , which if they did not , the blame of the neglect , must rest upon themselves , and it would be observed , they had not sat to any effect this four yeares ; and that now they had a session , and had given a million , they did take little care to redresse greviances , or passe good laws , for the people , and that they should not be able to give any account of themselves to their neighbours in the country , unlesse they should face them down , that there was no greviance or mischeife in the nation to be redressed , and that the king had stopped their mouths , and laid it to them by offering to them to sit longer . others said , they should perfect the two money bills , and give the king ease , and take another time to consider further of religion , liberty , and property , especially seeing all bills now depending , would be kept on foot , the intended recesse , being to be but an adjournment , that they had very good laws already , and would give their shares in any new ones , they were making , to be in the country at the present time , that it was necessary for them to be there the 10th . of may , to execute the act for 600000 l. &c. and some time was to be allowed for their journyes , and rest after it , that the passing some necessary bills , came in the end of the kings message , and by the by ; for his majesty saith , that if for this reason , that is , for making of preparations , &c , they should desire to sit longer , and if so , then also take the opportunity of passing such bills . so the sence and inclination of the house was to rise before easter , as had been before intimated and expected . then they fell upon the main consideration of the message , and to make a present answer . the secretary and other ministers of state , said , that the alteration of affaires which his majesty took notice of , was the successe of the french against the prince of orange , in the battel , and their proceeding to take cambray , and st. omars . thus by inches or rather great measures they were taking in flanders , which was reckoned the out-work of england , as well as holland ) and they said plainely , nothing could put his majesty in a condition to make fitting preparations to preserve the kingdom , but ready money . to this it was answered , that it was not proper nor usuall to aske money at the end of a session , and it was fit that alliances should be first made , and that they should adjourn rather till that were done , for they ought not to give money till they knew for what , and it was clearely spoken and made out to them , that if there were no summers war , there was money enough given already . it was replyed , that they had not direction from his majesty as to what he had resolved , and it might be not convenient to discover and publish such things , but they would offer their guesse and ayme at some things , if there were any approaches towards war , though they ought to consider and compute like him in the gospel , whether with such a force they could encounter a king that came against them with such a force , they should think of providing a guard for the isle of wight , sersey , carnsey and ireland , and secure our coasts , and be in a defensive posture on the land , we might be attaqued in a night . also there would be a necessity of an extraordinary summer guard at sea , his majesty did use to apply 400000 l. vearly out of the customes upon his fleets , ( the very harbour expence ) which in anchorage , mooring , docks , and repaires , &c. was 110000 l. per annum , and he was now setting forth 40 ships for the summer gard , but if there were a disposition towards war , there must be more shipps or at least those must be more fully manned , and more strongly appoynted , and furnished the more , especially if the breach were sudden , for otherwise , our trading ships at sea , as well as those ships and goods in the french ports , would be exposed . now it is reasonable that the remander which was above and beyond the kings ordinary allowance , should be supplyed by the parliament , and the extraordinary preparations of this kind for the present , could not amount to lesse than 200000 l. it was answered , that it was a mealancholy thing to think jersey , &c. were not well enough secured , at least as well as in the year 1665 , when we alone had war with the french and dutch too , and yet the kings revenue was lesse then than now : that the revenue of ireland was 50000 l. per annum , beyond the establishment ( that is , the civill , military ; and all payments of the government ) which if not sent over hither , but disposed there , would suffice to defend that kingdom , and they remember that about a moneth ago , they were told by some of these gentlemen , that the french king would not take more townes in flanders if he might have them , but was drawing off to meet the germans , who would be in the field in may , and therefore it was strang , he should be represented now as ready to invade us , and that we must have an army raised and kept on our islands and land. no they would not have that , it would be a great matter in the ballance , if the kings subjects were withdrawn from the french service , and applyed on the other side , and tell that were done , that we did continue to be contributary to the greatnesse of france . but a fleet would protect our whole . ships are the defence of an island and thereby we may hope to keep at a distance , and not apprehend , or prepare to meet him at our dores , he learns by sicily what it is to invade an island , he is not like to attempt an invasion of us , till he hath some masterie at sea , which is impossible for him to have so long as he is diverted and imployed at land in the mediterranean , and in the west indies , as he is . and as to our merchants ships and goods , they are in no more danger now then they were in any war whensoever . nay , there was more expectation of this , then there was of the last vvar , for the first notice we or the dutch had of that breach , was the attempt upon their smyrna fleet. also it is observed , that what was said a fortnight ago ( that the season was too far advanced to lay in be●…f , and it would stink ) was admitted to be a mistake , for that now it was urged , that a greater and better appointed fleet must be furnished out , but still it was insisted on , that they were in the dark , his majesty did not speak out , that he would make the desired alliances against the growth of france , and resolve with his parliament to maintain them , and so long as there was any coldness or reservedness of this kind , they had no clear grounds to grant money for preparations . his majesty was a prince of that goodness and ●…are , towards his people , that none did distrust him , but there was a distrust of some of his ministers , and a jealousie that they were under french influences ; and complaints and addresses had been made against them ; and upon the discourse of providing for the safety of the nation , it being said we might be secured by the guarranty of the general peace , it was reflected on as a thing most pernitious to us , and that our money and endeavours could not be worse applied , than to procure that peace . articles are not to be relied on . all that they desired was , that his majesty and his people unanimously , truly , sincerely and throughly declare and engage in this business , with a mutual confidence speaking out on both sides , and this , and nothing but this , would discharge and extinguish all jealousies . but it was objected , it was not convenient to discover his majesties secret purposes in a publick assembly , it might be too soon known abroad , and there was no reason to distrust his majesty , but that being enabled , he would prepare and do all things expedient for the kingdom . it was answered , that it was usual for forraine ministers to get notice of the councils of princes , as the earl of bristol ambassador in spain , in the last part of king james's reign , procured coppies , and often the sight of the originals of of dispatches , and cabinet papers of the king of spain . but acknowledging that his majesties councels cannot be penetrated by the french , yet the things would in a short time discover themselves : besides they said , they did not much desire secresy , for let the king take a great resolution , and put himself at the head of his parliament and people in this weighty and worthy cause of england , and let a flying post carry the news to paris , and let the french king do his worst . his majesty never had nor never will have cause to distrust his people . in 1667 , in confidence of our aid , he made a league without advice of parliament ( commonly called the tripple league ) which was for the interest of england , and whereby his majesty became the arbiter of cristendom , and in the name and upon the account of that , the parliament gave him several supplies . in 1672 , he made war without the advice , of parliament , whith war the parliament thought not for the interest of england to continue , yet even therein they would not leave him , but gave him 1200000 l. to carry himself on & out of it . how much more are they concerned and obliged to supply and assist him in these alliances ( and war if it ensue ) which are so much for the interest of england , and entered into by the pressing advice of parliament . we hope his majesty will declare himself in earnest , and we are in earnest , having his majesties heart with us , let his hand rot off that is not stretcht out for this affair , we will not stick at this or that sum or thing , but we will go with his majesty to all extremities . we are now affraid of the french king , because he has great force , and extraordinary thinking men about him , which mannage his affaires to a wonder , but we trust his majesty will have his business mannaged by thinking men , that will be provident and careful of his interest , and not suffer him to pay , cent. per cent. more than the things are worth , that are taken up and used , and if the work be entred upon in this manner , we hope england will have english success with france , as it is in bowling , if your bowl be well set out , you may think , and it will go to the mark. were the thing clear and throughly undertaken , there would be less reason to dispute of time ; there never was a council but would sit on sunday , or any day for such publick work. in fine , they said , the business must lye at one door or another , and they would not for any thing , that it should flat in their hands . and although they should hope in an exigence his majesty would lend to his people , who had given so much to him , yet they said they could not leave him without providing him a sum of money , as much as he could use between this and some convenient time after easter , when he might , if he please command their full attendance , by some publick notification , and this was the mentioned sum of 200000 l. the expedient they provided for doing this , was adding a borrowing clause to the bill for almost 600000 l. ( such an one as was in the poll bill ) the effect of which is to enable his majesty presently to take up , on the credit of this bill 200000 l. ready money at 7 l. per cent. per annum interest . and this they said might now be done , though the bill were passed by them , and also ( save that they had made the above mentioned amendment ) by the lords , for that poll bill was explained by another act passed a few days after , in the same session . but in hackvvells modus tenendi parli . pag. 173 , was a more remarkable president , and exact in the point . but after some discourse of setting loose part of this 600000 l. &c. they reflected that this 600000 l. &c. was appropriate for the building of ships , and they would not have this appropriation unhinged by any means , and thereupon resolved to annex the borrowing clause to the bill for continuing the additional duty of excise , for three years , which was not yet passed ; against which it was objected , that it was given for other purposes , viz. to give the king ease to pay interest for his debts , &c. but on the contrary it was answered , that the preamble speakes not of his debts , but his extraordinary occasions ; but besides , they did not intend to withdraw so much of their gift , but did resolve to re-emburse his majesty the 200000 l. so much of it as he should lay out in extraordinary preparations . but then it was objected , that this would be a kind of denouncing of war , and that 200000 l. was a miserable , mean and incompetent sum to defend us against those whom we should provoke . but it was answered , that it was but an earnest of what they intended , and that they were willing to meet again and give further supplies ; besides the french king was not formidable for any great hurt that he could do us during the confederacy , there were several princes of germany , as the arch-bishop of metz and triers , the palsgrave , the duke of nevvburgh , &c. which are at war with him and are safe ; and yet they are much more weak and inconsiderable than we ; but they are defended not by their own strength , but by the whole confederacy . the debate concluded in voting the following answer , which was presented to his majesty by the speaker of the whole house , friday april the 13th . may it please your majesty . we your majesties most dutifull and loyall subjects the commons in this present parliament assembled , do vvith , great satisfaction of mind , observe the regard your majestie is pleased to expresse to our former addresses , by intimating to us the late alterations of affaires abroad , and do return our most humble thanks , for your majesties most gratious offer made to us thereupon in your late message : and having taken a serious deliberation of the same , and of the preparation your majesty hath therein intimated to us vvere fitting to be made , in order to those publick ends , vve have for the present provided a security in a bill for the additional duty of excise , upon vvhich your majesty may raise the sum of 200000 l. and if your majesty shall think fit to call us together again for this purpose , in some short time after easter , by any publick signification of your pleasure , commanding our attendance ; vve shall at our next meetting not only be ready to re-imburse your majesty vvhat sums of money shall be expended upon such extraordinary preparations as shall be made in pursuance of our former addresses ; but shall likevvise vvith thankfull hearts proceed then , and at all other times , to furnish your majesty vvith so large proportion of assistance and supplyes upon this occasion , as may give your majesty and the vvhole vvorld , an ample testimony of our loyalty ' and affection to your majesties service and as may enable your majesty by the help of almighty god , to maintain sucbstricter alliances as you shall have entred into against all opposition vvhatsoever . easter mondy , aprill 19th . another message in writing from his majesty , was delivered by secreatary vvilliamson to the house of commons ( viz. ) c. r. his majesty having considered the answer of this house to the last message about enabling him to make fitting preparations for the security of these kingdoms , finds by it that they have only enabled him to borrow 200000 l. upon a fond given him for other uses . his majesty desires therefore this house should know , and he hopes they will alwayes believe of him , that not only that fond , but any other within his power shall be engaged to the utmost of his power for the preservation of his kingdoms ; but as his majesties condition is ( which his majesty doubts not but is as well known to this house as himself ) he must tell them plainly , that without the summe six hundred thousand pounds , or credit for such a summe , upon new fonds , it will not be possible for him to speak or act those things which should answer the ends of their severall addresses , without exposing the kingdom to much grearer danger : his majstyes doth further acquaint you that having done his part , and laid the true state of things before you , he will not be wanting to use the best meanes for the safety of his people , which his presen condition is capable off . given at our court at white-hall , april . 16. 1677. there upon the house fell into present consideration of an answer , and in the first place , it was agreed to return great thanks to his majesty for his zeal for the safety of the kingdome , and the hopes he had given them that he was convinced and satisfied , so as he would speak and act according to what they had desired , and they resolved to give him the utmost assurance , that they would stand by him and said no man could be unwilling to give a fourth or third part to save the residue . but they said they ought to consider that now they were a very thine house , many of their members being gone home , and that upon such a ground as they could not well blame them ; for it was upon a presumption that the parliament should rise before easter , as had been intimated from his majesty within this fortnight , and universally expected since , and it would be un-parliamentary , and very ill taken by their fellow-members , if in this their absence they should steal the priviledge of granting money , and the thanks which are given for it ; that this was a national business if ever any were , and therefore fit to be handled in a full national representative , and if it had hitherto seemed to go up-hill , there was a greater cause to put the whole shoulder to it , and this would be assuring , animating , and satisfactory to the whole nation . but they said it was not their mind to give or suffer any delay , they would desire a recess but for three weeks or a moneth at most . and the 200000 l. which they had provided for present use , was as much as could be laid out in the mean time , tho his majesty had 600000 l. more ready told upon the table . and therefore they thought it most reasonable and advisable that his majesty should suffer them to adjorn for such a time ; in the interim of which his majesty might if he pleased , make use of the 200000 l. and might also compleat the desired alliances , and give notice by proclamation to all members to attend at the time appointed . the answer is as followeth . may it please your majesty . we your majesties most loyal subjects the commons in this present parliament assembled , having considered your majesties last message , and the gratious expressions there●…n contained , for imploying your majesties vvhole revenue at any time to raise money for the preservation of your majesties kingdoms ; find great cause to return our most humble thanks to your majesty for the same , and to desire your majesty to rest assured , that you shall find as much duty and affection in us , as can be expected from a most loyal people , to their most gratious soveraign , and vvhereas your majesty is pleased to signify to us , that the sum of 200000 l. is not sufficient vvithout a further supply , to enable your majesty to speak or act those things vvhich are desired by your people ; we humbly take leave to acquaint your majesty , that many of our members ( being upon an expectation of an adjournment before easter ) are gone into their several countries , vve cannot think it parliamentary in their absence to take upon us the granting of money , but do therefore desire your majesty to be pleased that this house may adjourn it self for such short time , before the sum of 200000 l. can be expended , as your majesty shall think sit , and by your royal proclamation to command the attendance of all our members at the day of meeting ; by vvhich time vve hope your majesty may have so formed your affaires , and fixed your alliances , in pursuance of our former addresses , that your majesty may be gratiously pleased to impart them to us in parliament ; and vve no vvayes doubt but at our next assembling , your majesty vvill not only meet vvith a complyance in the supply your majesty desires , but vvithall such farther assistance as the posture of your majesties affaires shall require ; in confidence vvhereof vve hope your majesty vvill be encouraged in the mean time to speak and act such things as your majesty shall judge necessary for attaining those great ends , as ye have formerly represented to your majesty . and now the money bill being passed both houses , and the french having by the surrender of cambray also to them , perfected the conquest of this campagne , as was projected , and the mony for further preparations having been asked , onely to gain a pretence for refusing their addresses , the houses were adjourned april the 16th , till the 21 of may next . and the rather , becuase at the same moment of their rising , a grand french ambassador was coming over . for all things betwixt france and england moved with that punctual regularity , that it was like the harmony of the spheres , so consonant with themselves , although we cannot hear the musick . there landed immediately after the recesse , the duke of crequy , the arch-bishop of rheims , monsieur barrillon , and a traine of three or four hundred persons of all qualities , so that the lords spirituall and temporall of france , with so many of their commons , meeting the king at nevv-market , it looked like another parliament , and that the english had been adjourned , in order to their better reception . but what addresse they made to his majesty , or what acts they passed , hath not yet been published . but those that have been in discourse were , an act for continuing his majesties subjests in the service of france . an act of abolition of all claymes and demandes from the subjests of france , on account of all prizes made of the english at sea , since the year 1674 till that day , and for the future . an act for marring the children of the royal family to protestants princes . an act for a further supply of french mony . but because it appears not that all these , and many others of more secret nature , passed the royall assent , it sufficeth thus far to have mentioned them . onely it is most certain , that although the english parliament was kept aloofe from the businesse of war , peace , and alliance , as improper for their intermedling , & presumptuous . yet with these 3 estates of france all these things were negotiated and transacted in the greatest confidence . and so they were adjourned from nevv-market to london , and there continued till the return of the english parliament , when they were dismissed home with all the signes and demonstrations of mutuall 〈◊〉 . and for better preparations at home , before the parliament met , there was printed a second packet of advice to the men of shaftsbury , the first had been sold up and down the nation , and transmitted to scotland , where 300 of them were printed at edenburgh : and 40 copyes sent from thence to england fariely bound up and guilded , to shew in what great estmiation it was in that kingdome ; but this , the sale growing heavy , was dispersed as a donative all over england , and it was an incivilty to have enquired from whence they had it , but it was a book though it came from hell , that seemed as if it dropped from heaven , among men , some imagined by the weight and the wit of it , that it proceeded from the two lords , the black and the white , who when their care of the late sitting was over , had given themselves caviere , and after the triumphs of the tongue , had establish those trophes of the pen , over their imprisoned adversaries . but that had been a thing unworthy of the frechvvellian generosity , or trerisian magnanimity ; and rather besits the mean malice of the same vulgar scribler , hired by the conspirators at so much a sh●…t , or for day wages ; and when that is spent , he shall for lesse mony blaspheme his god , revile his prince , and belye his country , if his former books have omitted any thing of those arguments ; and shall curse his own father into the bargain . monday , may 21. 1677. the parliament met according to their late adjornment , on , and from april 16th . to may , 21 , 1677. there was no speech from the king to the parliament , but in the house of commons . this meeting was opened with a verball message from his majesty , delivered by secretary coventry , wherein his majesty acquainted the house , that having according to their desire in their answer to his late message april 16th . driected their adjournment to this time , because they did alledge it to be unparliamentary to grant supplyes when the house was so thin , in expectation of a speedy adjournment ; and having also issued out his proclamation of summons to the end there might be a full house , he did now expect they would forthwith enter upon the consideration of his last message , and the rather , because he did intend there should be a recesse very quickly . upon this it was moved , that the kings last message ( of april 16. ) and the answer thereto should be read and they were read accordingly . thereupon , after a long silence , a discourse began about their expectation , and necessity of alliances . and particularly , it was intimated that an alliance with holland was most expedient , for that we should deceive our selves if we thought we could be defended otherwise , we alone could not withstand the french , his purse and power was too great . nor could the dutch withstand him . but both together might . the general discourse was , that they came with an expectation to have allyances declared , and if they were not made so as to be imparted , they were not called or come to that purpose they desired , and hoped to meet upon , and if some few dayes might ripen them , they would be content to adjorn for the mean time . the secretary and others said , these allyances were things of great weight , and 〈◊〉 , and the time had been short , but if they were finisht , yet it was not convenient to publish them , till the king was in a readinesse and posture to prosecute and maintain them , till when his majesty could not so much as speak out , insisting on his words , that vvithout 600000 l. it vvould not be possible for him to speak or act those things vvhich should ansvver the ends of their several addresses , vvithout exposing the kingdom to much greater dangers . by others it was observed and said , that they met now upon a publick notice by proclamation , which proclamation was in pursuance of their last addresse , in which addresse they desire the king they may adjourn for such time , as with in which ( they hoped ) allyances might be fixed , so as to be imparted , they mentioned not any particular day , if his majesty had not thought this time long enough for the purpose , he might have appointed the adjournment for a longer time ; or he might have given notice by proclamation that upon this account they should re-adjourn to a yet longer time . but surely , the time has been sufficient , especially considering the readiness of the parties to be allyed with ; it is five weeks since our 〈◊〉 . he that was a minister chiefly imployed in making the tripple ●…ague , has since published in print that , that league was made in sive dayes , and yet that might well be thought a matter more tedious and long then this ; for when people are in profound peace ( as the dutch then were ) it was not easy to embark them presently into leagues . they had time and might take it for greater deliberation . but here the people are in the distresse of war , and need our allyance , and therefore it might be contracted with ease and expidition , were we as forward as they . neither is five weeks the limit of the time , that has been for this purpose , for it is about ten weeks since we first addressed for these allyances . and as to the objection , that it was not fit to make them known before preparation were made , they said , the force of that lay in this , that the french would be allarmed . but they answered that the asking and giving money for this purpose would be no lesse an allarm . for the french could not be ignorant of what addresses and answers have passed ; and if mony be granted to make warlike preperations , for the end therein specified , it is rather a greater discovery and denouncing of what we intended against the french. grot●…us ( de jure belli & pacis ) saies , if a prince make extraordinary preparations , a neighbour prince who may be affected by them may expostulate , and demand an account of the purpose for which they are intended , and if he receive not satisfaction , that they are not to be used against him , it is a cause of war on his part , so as that neighbour may begin if he think fit , and is not bound to stay till the first preparer first begin actuall hostility , and this is agreeable to reason , and the nature of government . now the french king , is a vigilant prince , and has wise ministers about him , upon which general account ( tho we had not as we have seen an extraordinary french embassy here dureing our recesse ) we should suppose that the french king has demanded an account of our kings purpose , and whether the extraordinary preparations that are begun and to be made are designed against him or not . in which case his majesty could give but one of three answers . 1. to say , they are not designed against him , and then his majesty may acquaint us with the same , and then there is no occasion of our giving money , 2. to say , they are designed against him , in which case his majesty may very well impart the same to us . for it were in vain to conceal it from us , to the end that the french might not be allarmd , when it is before expresly told the french , that the design was against him . 3. to give a doubtfull answer . but that resolves into the second . for when a prince out of an apprehension that extraordinary preparations may be used against him , desires a clear categoricall and satifactory answer concerning the matter ( as the manner of princes is ) a dubious answer does not at all satisfie his inquiry , nor allay his jealousy ; but , in that case it is , and is used , to be taken and understood , that the forces are desined against him . and if his majesty have given no answer at all ( which is not probable ) it is the same with the last . so that this being so , by one meanes or other the french have the knowledge of the kings purpose , and if it be known to , or but guessed at by hem , why is it concealed from his parliament ? why this darknesse towards us ? besides we expect not so much good as we would , so long as we are afraid the french should know what we are a doing . in this state of uncertainty , and un●…ipeness the house adjourned to wednesday morning nine a clo●…k , 〈◊〉 first ordred the committe for the bill for recalling his majesties subjects out of the service of the french king , to sit this after-noon , which did sit accordingly , and went thorough the bill , wednesday , may 23d . 1677. his majesty sent a message for the house to attend him presently at the banqueting house in white-hall , where he made the following speech to them . gentlemen , i have sent for you hither , that i might prevent those mistakes and distrusts vvhich i find some are ready to make , as if i had called you together , only to get money from you , for other uses than you vvould have it imployed . i do assure you on the word of a king , that you shall not repent any trust you repose in me , for the safety of my kingdoms ; and i desire you to believe i vvould not break my credit vvith you , but as i have already told you , that it vvill not be possible for me to speak or act those things vvhich should ansvver the ends of your several addresses , vvithout exposing my kingdoms to much greater dangers , so i declare to you again , i vvill neither hazard my ovvn safety , nor yours , until i be in a better condition than i am able to put my self , both to defend my subjects and offend my enemies . i do further assure you , i have not lost one day since your last meeting , in doing all i could for your desence ; and i tell you plainly , it shall be your fault and not mine if your security be not sufficiently provided for . the commons returning to their house , and the speech being there read , they presently resolved to consider it , and after a little while resolved into a committee of the whole house , for the more full , free , and regular debate the secretary and others propounded the supplying the king , wherein they said they did not press the house , but they might do as they pleased . but if it be expected that allyances be made , and made known , there must be 600000 l ▪ raised to make preperation before , for the king had declared that without it , it could not be possible for him to speak or act ; he could not safely move a step further . the king had the right of making peace , war , and leagues , as this house has of giving money , he could not have money without them , nor they allyance without him . the king had considered this matter , and this was his judgment , that he ought by such a summe to be put into a posture to maintain and prosecute his allyance , before they could or should be declared , and truely otherwise our nakednesse and weaknesse would be exposed . t is true as has been objected , the asking and giving money for this purpose , would allarm as much as the declaring alliance , but then it would defend too . a whip will allarm a wild beast , but it will not defend the man , a sword will allarm the beast too , but then it will also defend the man. we know the king would strip himself to his shirt rather then hazard the nation . he has done much already , he has set out , and made ready to set out , 44 ships , but they must be distributed to several places for convoys , &c. their would need , it may be 40 more in a body . and it is difficult to get seamen , many are gon into the service of the french , dutch , &c , the king is fain to presse now . the king has not had any fruit of the 200000 l. credit provided him upon the three years excise , he has tryed the city to borrow money of them , thereupon , and my lord mayor returned answer , that he had endeavoured but could not encourage his majesty to depend upon the city for it . several others , somewhat different , spake to this effect . we should consider in this case , as in the case of the kings letters , pattents , proclamations , &c. if any thing in them be against law and reason , lawyers and courts , judge is void , and reckon it not to be said or doneby the king. for the king can do no vvrong , tho his counsel may . so we must look upon the kings speeches and messages as the product of counsel , and therefore if any mistake be therein , it must be imputed to the error of his counsel , and it must be taken that the king never said it . now to apply certainly the treating and concluding of alliances , requirs , not a previous summe of mony , however the kings counsel may misinform . they may be propounded and accepted , by the meanes of the forraign ministers , even without an embassy to be sent hence , and yet if that were requisite , it were not an extraordinary charg . allyances may be made forthwith , and then mony would be granted forthwith ; if they were declared to day , the 600000 l. should be given to morrow , and as occasion should require . and there is no fear but money would be found for this purpose , our own extravagancies would maintaine a war. the mony which has been provided the king already this session , is sufficient for all preparations that can possibly be made before these allyances may be made . forty ships of ours with the help of the dutch , are a good defence against the french at sea , now he is so entangled with 〈◊〉 , the west indies , &c , in the tripple league , it was stipulated , that forty of our ships , and forty of the dutch , should be provided , and they were thought sufficient for the purpose . if it were required that 40 more ships should be s●…t out , 600000 l is enough to maintain and pay a whole year clear for the carpenters work , and such like as should presently be required , for the fitting them to go out a little money will serve . and surely this is the only preparation that can be meant , for if it should be meant , that we ●…ould fortisie the land with 〈◊〉 , garrisons , 〈◊〉 towns , &c. it is not 6 millions will do it . but our strength , force and defence , is our ships , for the debate of this day it is as great and weighty as ever was any in england it concerns our very being , and includes our religion , liberty and property ; the doore tovvards france must be shut and garded , for so long as it is open our treasure and trade vvill creep out and their religon creep in at it , and this time is ou●… season , some mischief will be done us , and so there will at any time when the war is begun , but now the least . the french is not very dangerous to us , no●… to be much feared by us at this present , but we ought to advise and act so now , as we may not fear or despair hereafter when the french shall make peace beyond sea , and likely he will make allyances with those people with whom we deferr to make them ; how ripe and great is ou●… misery then ? the power and policy of the french is extraordinary , and his money influences round about him . we are glad to observe upon what is said by & of the king , that his majesty agrees with us in the end , and we hope he will be convinced of the reasonableness of the means , which is to make and follow these allyances , without which plainly we can give no account to our selves , or those we represent , of giving money . we have made severall addresses about some of the kings ministers , their management , &c. of which we have seen little fruit , their have continually almost to this hour gone out of england succours to france , of men , powder , ammunition , ordnance , &c. not to take into the matter , how far the ministers have been active or passive in this , nor to mention any other particulars , we must say that unless the ministers , or their minds are altred , we have no reason to trust money in their hands , though we declare we have no purpose to arrign or attempt upon them , but would rather propose to them an easy way how they might have oblivion , nay , and the thanks of the people viz. that they should endeavour and contend , who could do most to dispose the king to comply with this advice of his parliament . we think the prosecuting these alliances , the only good use for which our money can be imployed , and therefore before we give , we would be secure it should be applyed to this purpose , and not by 〈◊〉 ●…lls be diverted to others . this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 counsel of the parliament , and no cros●… other counsel is to be 〈◊〉 or trusted , for attaining these great advices which the king and parliament are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to part with money before allyances are made , is needlesse and to no purpose , at best it would be the way to spend that money before hand , in vaine , which we shall need hereafter , when we shal be forced to enter into this defence against france . it would be like an errour committed in the late kings time , and which lookes as if men had given counsel on purpose to destroy that good king , he had by the care and faithfullnesse of bishop juxton and others , collected and preserved a good summe of mony before the scottish rebellion , in one thousand six hundred thirty nine , upon that rebellion he was advised to raise an army at land , which indeed was necessary , but he was likewise advised to set out severall of his great rate 〈◊〉 , this appeared in the papers of sir robert 〈◊〉 office , and may there be seen still , if the papers are not 〈◊〉 . a ma●… 〈◊〉 not tell to what end this advise was given , unlesse to spend the kings money , for the admiralty of scotland is not now , and much lesse then was so considerable , as to require any such force against it . and if the design were to hinder thei●… co●…erce and succours by sea , the charg of one of those great ships might have been divided and applied to the setting out five or six lesse ships , each of which was capable of doing as much for that service , as such a great one , and could keep out at sea longer . it is a plain case , unless the power of france be lowred we cannot be safe , without conjunction with other confederates , it cannot be done . the question is , whether the present be the proper time for th●… work . certainly it is , there is a happy confederation against the french , which we cannot so well hope to have continued without our coming into it , much less can we hope to recover or recruite it , if once broken . the very season of the year favours the businesse . it is proper and safe to begin with the french in the summer , now he is engaged and not at leisure , whereas in winter when the armies are ●…wn out of the field he will be able to apply himself to us . as to the citizens not advancing mony upon the late cerdit , we are informed they were never regularly or effectually asked , my lord major indeed was spoken to , and perhaps some of the aldermen , but all they are not the city , he sent about curiously to some of the citizens , to know if they would lend , of which they took little or no notice , it being not agreeable to their way and usage , for the custom in such cases has always been , that some lord of the council did go down 〈◊〉 ●…he common counsell , which is the representative body of the city , and there propound the matter . besides in this particular case the citizens generally asked the same question we do : are the alliances made , and said if they were made they would lend money , but if not , they saw no cause for it . philip the second of spaine made an observation in his will , or some last memorial , and 't is since published in print by monsieur , he observes the vanity of any princes aspiring at the universal monarchy , for that it naturally made the rest of the world joyntly his enemies , but ambition blinds men , suffers them not to look back on such experiences . but this observation shews what is natural for others to do in such a case , and that the way to repell and break such a design , is by their universall confederation . philip the second was most capable of making this observation , for in his hands p●…ed the spanish design of the universal monarchy , and that chiefly by reason of the conjunction of the english and dutch against him . in the process of this debate , gentlemen did more particularly explain themselves , and propound to address their design to the king , for a league offensive and defensive , with the dutch against the french power . against which a specious objection was made , that the dutch , were already treating with the french , and 't was like they would slip collar , make a separate peace for themselves and leave us engaged in a war with france . to which was answered , that there was no just fear of that , the dutch were interessed in repressing the power of france as well as we , and they knew their interest ; it was reasonable for them to say , if england , which is as much concerned in this danger , will not assist us , we will make the best terms we can for our selves , there is yet a seam of land between the french and us , we may trade by or under them , &c. but if england will joyn with the dutch , they cannot find one syllable of reason to desert the common cause . they have observed a propensity in the people of england to help them , but not in the couurt of england . if they can find that the court does heartily joyn , it will above all things oblige and confirm them . in one thousand six hundred sixty seven , when the dutch were in peace and plenty , when flanders was a greater bullwork to them , for the french had not pierced so far into it , and when the direction of their affaires was in a hand of in●… enmity to the crown of england ( john de witt ) yet 〈◊〉 th●… interest did so far govern him and them , as to en●… 〈◊〉 tripple league , against the growth and power of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more , and most certainly therefore now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and weakened by a war , and stand in need of our help , now the french have approached nearer the b●…ink of their country , and are encreased in naval force to the danger of their trade and navigation , and now their affaires are chiefly directed by a kinsman of the crown of england , the prince of orange , they cannot deflect or start from a league they make with us against our common enemy . it was moved , that there might be a league offensive and defensive with spain and the dutch , and other convenient allyances with the rest of the confederates , but the particular concerning spain , was retracted and laid aside by the general discourse of the members to this purpose , we do covet an allyance with spain above others , for that they are owners of the netherlands , for whose preservation we have addressed , that it is with spain that we have the most , if not the only profitable trade , and the spaniards are good , gallant and sure friends . but they are remote , and we know not whether there are full powers here or at brussels for this matter , and to wait for their coming from madrid would make church-work , whereas we need the swiftest expedition . therefore they voted their address to be particular and expresly for such a league with the dutch , and as to the spaniards together with the other confederates in general . this passed with very general consent , there was an extraordinary full house , and upon putting the question , there were but two negative voices to it . there were more ordinary particulars appointed to be in the address , but no contest or debate about them . the vote was as followeth ; resolved that an addresse be made to the king , that his majesty vvould be pleased to enter into a league , offensive and defensive , vvith the sates general of the vinited provinces , and to make such other alliances vvith others of the confederates , as his majesty shall think ●…it , against the grovvth and povver of the french king , and for the preservation of the spanish nether-lands , and that a committe be appointed to dravv up the addresse , vvith reasons vvhy this house cannot comply vvith his majestics speech , until such alliances be 〈◊〉 into , and further shevving the necessity of the speedy making such alliances , and vvhen such alliances are made , giving his majesty assurance of speedy and chearfull supplyes , from time to time , for supporting and maintaining such alliances . to which ( the speaker re-assuming the chair , and this being reported ) the house agreed , and appointed the committee . and adjourned over as●…nsion day till friday , in the interim , the committee appointed , met and drew the address according to the above mentioned order , a true coppy of which is here annexed . may it please your most excellent majesty . your majesties most loyal and dutiful subjects , 〈◊〉 commons in parliament assembled , have taken into their serious consideration , your majesties gracious speech and do beseech your majesty , to believe it is a great affliction to them , to find themselves obleiged ( at present ) to decline the granting your majesty the supply your majesty is pleased to demand , conceiving it is not agreeable to the usage of parliament , to grant supplyes for mainteance of wars , and alliances , before they are signified in parliament ( which the too wars against the states of the vnited provinces , since your majesties happy restoration , and the league made in january 1668 , for preservation of the spanish nether lands , sufficiently proved , without ling your majesty with instances of greater antiquity ) from which usage if we might depart , the president might be of dangerous consequence in future times , though your majesties goodnesse gives us great security during your majesties raign , which we beseech god long to continue this consideration prompted us in our last addresse to your majesty , before our last recesse , humbly to mention to your majesty , our hopes , that before our meeting again your majesties alliances might be so fixed , as that your majesty might begraciously pleased to impart them to us in parliament , that so our earnest desires of supplying your majesty , for prosecuting those great ends , we had humbly laid before your majesty , might meet with no impediment or obstruction ; being highly sensible of the necessity of supporting , as well as making the alliances , humbly desired in our former addresses , and which we still conceive so important to the safety of your majesty , and your kingdomes , that we cannot ( without unfaithfulnesse to your majesty and those we represent ) omit upon all occasions , humbly to beseech your majesty , as we now do , to enter into a league offensive and defensive vvith the states general of the united provinces , against the grovvth and povver of the french king , and for the preservation of the spanish nether-lands , and to make such other alliances , vvith such other of the confiderates , as your majesty shall think fit and usefull to that end ; in doing which ( that no time may be lost ) we humbly offer to his majesty these reasons for the expediting of it . 1. that if the entering into such alliances , should draw on a war with the french king , it would be lest detrimental to your majesties subjects at this time of the year , they having now fewest effects , within the dominion of that king. 2. that though we have great reason to believe the power of the french king to be dangerous , to your majesty and your 〈◊〉 , when he shall be at more leisure to molest us ; yet we conceive the many enemies he has to deal with at present , together with the scituation of your majesties kingdoms , the unanimity of the people in the cause , the care your majesty hath been pleased to take of your ordinary guards of the sea , together with the credit provided by the late act for an additional excise for three years make the entering into , and declaring alliances very safe , until we may in a regular way give your majesty such further supplies , as may enable your majesty to support your allyances , and defend your kingdoms . and because of the great danger and charge which must necessarily fall upon your majesties kingdomes , if through want of that timely encouragement and assistance , which your majesties joyning with the states general of the united provinces , and other the confederates would give them , the said states or any other considerable part of the confederates , should this next winter , or sooner , make a peace or truce with the french king ( the prevention vvhereof must 〈◊〉 be acknovvledged a singular effect of gods goodness to us ) which if it should happen , your majesty would be afterwards necessitated with fewer , perhaps with no alliances or assistance to withstand the power of the french king , which hath so long and so succesfully contended with so many , and so potent adversaries , and whilest he continues his over-ballancing greatness , must alwayes be dangerous to his neighbours , since he would be able to oppress any one confederate , before the rest could get together , and be in so good a posture of offending him as they novv are , being joyntly engaged in a war. and if he should be so successful as to make a peace , or 〈◊〉 the present confederation against him , it is much to be feared , whether 〈◊〉 would be possible ever to reunite it , at least it would be work of so much time and difficulty , as would leave your majesties kingdomes exposed to much misery and danger . having thus discharged our duty , in laying before your majesty the dangers threatning your majesty , and your kingdomes , and the onely remedyes we can think of , for the preventing , securing , and queting the minds of your majesties people , with some few of those reasons which have moved us to this , and our former addresses . on these subjects ; we most humbly beseech your majesty to take the matter to your serious consideration , and to take such resolutions , as may not leave it in the power of any neighbouring prince , to rob your people of that happinesse which they enjoy , under your majesties gracious governement ; beseeching your majesty to ●…fident and assured , that when your majesty shall be 〈◊〉 to declare such alliances in parliament , we shall hold our selves obliged , not only by our promises , and assurances given , and now which great unaninity revived in a full house , but by the zeal and desires of those whom we represent , and by the interests of all our safetyes , most chearfully to give your majesty from time to time such speedy supplyes , and assistances , as may fully and plentifully answer the occasions , and by gods blessing preserve your majesty honour , and the safty of the people . all which is most humbly submitted to your majesties great wisdome . friday may 25th . 1677 sir john trevor reported from the said committee the addresse , as 't was drawn by them , which was read . whereupon it was moved to agree with the committee , but before it was agreed to , there was a debate and division of the house . it was observed and objected that there was but one reson given herein for declining the granting money and that is the unpresidentednesse , and as to one of the instances to this purpose mentioned , viz. the kings first dutch war , it was said to be mistaken for that the 2500000 l. was voted before the war declared . but it was answred , that if the declaration was not before the grant of the money ( which quaere ) yet 't was certain that the war it self , and great hostilites were before the money , and some said there might be other reasons assigned against giving money before the alliances , but they rather desired to spare them , onely in general said , t was not resonable to grant money before there was a change ( they 〈◊〉 not say of counsellors but of counsells ) and an har●…●…dertaking these alliances would be the best demonstration of that change. for the swerving from this interest and part , was the step by which we went awry , and the returning thereto would restore us to our right place and way . and a gentleman produced and read the kings speech made monday the 10th . of february 1667. wherein he speak chiefly of the league which afterwards when the svvede came into it , was called the tripple league . my lords and gentlemen , i am glad to see you hear again to tell you what i have done in this intervall , which i am consident you will be pleased with , since it is so much to the honour and security of the nation . i have made a league offensive and defensive with the states of the united provinces , and likewise a league for an efficacious mediation of peace between the two crowns , into which league that of svveden by its ambassador hath offered to enter as a principal , i did not at our last meeting move you for any aid , though i lye under great debts contracted by the last war but now the posture of our neighbours abroad , and the consequence of this new alliance will oblige me for our security to set out a considerable fleet to sea this summer , and besides i must build more great ships , and t is as necessary that i do something in order to the fortifying some of our ports . i have begun my self in order to these ends , but if i have not your speedy assistance , i shall not be able to go thorow with it , wherefore i do earnestly desire you to take it into your speedy consideration , &c. which shews the proper course and practice , that kings first communicate their alliances made , before they demand supplies upon the account of them . so the exception was let fall . but the grand objection mannaged against it , was upon the main point of the address , wherein they desired his majesty to make a league offensive and defensive with the dutch , and such other alliances with the rest as he should think sit . those who were against this particular ( or particularizeing ) in the address , spoke to this effect . this is an invasion upon his majesties prerogative of making peace , war and leagues , and it is the worse for the distinction that is used ; in respect of the dutch and the rest ; by which you giving him express directions as to the dutch , and referring to his discretion as to the others , it looks and gives an umbrage as if what he was to do was by your leave . the antient land-mark , the boundaries between king and people must not be removed ; this power is one of the few things reserved entirely to the crown . parliaments are summoned to treat de arduis , but he , de quibusdam arduis , this is unpresidented . the marriages of the royal family is such a peculiar thing reserved to the king , and the matter of the lady arrabella is an instance . queen elizabeth resented it high , that the parliament should propound her marrying , and she said that however it is well they did not name the person , if they had named the person , it had been intolerable , now here you name the person whom you would have the king ally . if you may go so far , you may come to draw a treaty , and propose to the king to sign it , by this you would put a great indecorum upon the king , he is now concerned as a mediator at nimmegen , and it would be an indecent thing for him at the same time to declare himself a party . it is believed the house of austria ( though they sent full powers to nimmegen , for the purpose , yet ) never intended to conclude a peace . but it was an absurd thing for them to declare so in publick ; there must be publick decorum . this is the way for the king to have the worse bargain with the confederates , for they observing how he is importuned , and as it were driven to make these alliances , will slacken and lessen those advantagious offers , which other wise they would be forced to make . and again and again , they said his majesty did agree with this house in the end , and they did not doubt but he would prosecute it by the same means as was desired . but his prerogative was not to be incroacht upon . this manner of proceeding would never obtain with the king , nay , it would make the address miscarry with the king. on the other side , several spoke to this effect . we ought to consider , we are upon the question of agreeing an address drawn by our committee , by our order . if they have not in matter and manner corresponded with our direction or intention , we have cause to disagree . but here the exception taken , and cause pressed why we should not agree with them is , because they have observed the very words and substance of our order , which exactly justifieth this draught . this passed on wednesday , upon a full debate , in a very full house , two only contradicting , but not one speaking or thinking the kings prerogative was toucht : and therefore its strange it should be made the great objection and question of this day . but the prerogative is not at all intrenc●…d upon , we do not , nor do pretend to treat or make alliances , we only offer our advice about them , and leave it with the king he may do as he pleaseth , either make or not make them . it is no more than other persons may do to the king , or doubtless the privy council may advise him in this particular , and why not his great council ? this rate of discourse would make the kings prerogative consist meerly in not being advised by his parliament ( of all people . ) there are manifold presidents of such advices : leagues have been made by advice of parliament , and have been ratified in parliament : in edvv. 3. r●…ch . 2. and especially in henry the fifths time , and particularly with 〈◊〉 the emperour and king of the romans , and henry the fifth was a magnanimous prince and not to be ●…mposed upon . 18. jac. the parliament advised the king about making and mannaging a war , rushvv . coll. 36 , 41 , 42 , 45 , 46. and we may well remember our own advising the first dutch war ; and making leagues is less than war. but if there was no president in this particular case , it was no objection ; for matter of advice is not to be circums●…ribed by president . if there be a 〈◊〉 case that a prince should joyn in a war , together with another prince , when that prince was too potent before and that when this was discerned , and a peace made , yet succors should continually go out of the first princes dominions to the service of the other prince ( and that notwithstanding several addresses and advices to the contrary . t is true ( as objected ) that the commons have sometimes declined advising in the matter of war , &c. proposed to them . but that shews not their want of right to meddle therewith , but rather the contrary . the very truth is , it has been the desire and endeavour of kings in all ages , to engage their parliaments in advising war , &c. that so they might be obliged to supply the king to the utmost for and through it , but they out of a prudent caution have some times waved the matter , lest they should engage further or deeper than they were aware or willing . since his majesty is treating as mediator at nimmegen , about the general peace , it is a great reason why he should specifi●… the alliances desired as we have done , that we might make it known , we are far from desiring such alliances as might be made by and with a general peace ; but on the contrary coveting such as might prevent and secure us against that dangerous and formidable peace . doubtless the confederates will offer honourable and worthy terms ; their necessity is too great to boggle or take advantages , nor will they think this league the less worth because we advise it , but rather value it the more , because it is done unanimously by the king with the advise and applause of his people in parliament . we cannot suppose that our proceeding thus to his majesty will pejudice our address or endanger its miscarriage since it is for his majesties advantage , in that it obliges us to supply him to all degrees through this affaire , and the more particular it is , the more still for the kings advantage , for if it had been more general , and the king thereupon had made alliances , whatever they were , men might have thought and said they were not the alliances intended , and it might be used as an excuse or reason for their not giving money to supply his majesty hereafter , but this as it is now , doth most expresly , strictly and particularly bind us up . we reflect that a great deal of time ( and precious time ) has been spent since and in our addresse on this subject , and finding no effectual fruit , especially of our last addresse , we have cause to apprehend we are not clearly understood in what we mean. now it is the ordinary way of pursuing discourse in such case , and it is proper and naturall for us to speak ( out ) more explicitely and particularly , and tell 〈◊〉 majesty , that what we have meant is a league offensive and defensive , and to perswad us again to addresse on , in more general terms , as before , is to perswade us , that as we have done nothing this ten weeks , so we should do nothing still . and said his majesty in his late message and last speech , has been pleased to demand 600000 l. for answering the purpose of our addresses , and assures us that the money shall not be imployed to other uses than we would have it imployed , it is most seasonable for us to declare plainly the use and purpose we intend , that so it may be concerted and clearly understood of all hands , and therefore it is well done to mention to his majesty these express alliances , we thinking no other alliances , worth the said sum , and we withal promising and undertaking that his majesty shall have this and and more for these ends . nor have we any cause to apprehend that his majesty will take amisse our advising leagues in this manner . we have presented more than one addresse for alliances against the growth and power of the french king , and his majesty has received , admitted and answered them without any exception , and if we may addresse for alliances against a particular prince or state , why not for alliances with a particular prince or state ? it cannot be lesse regular or parliamentary then the former . and moreover ( though we know that punctuall presidents are on our side , besides our commissions by our writts . to treat de arduis , & urgentibus regem , statum , & defensionem reg●… , & 〈◊〉 anglicanae , concernentibus . and besides the kings general intimations in his printed speech , yet ) if it ●…e said to be a decent and proper thing to have his majestys 〈◊〉 and consent , before we proceed on such a matter , in such a manner , as we now do , we say , that that in effect is with us too ; for consider all our former addresses , and his majestyes answers , and messages thereupon , and it will appear that his majesty has engaged and encouraged us to upon this subject ; and that which he expects and would have , is not to limit or check our advise , but to open and en●… our 〈◊〉 . his majesty appears content to be throughly advised , provided he be proportionably furnished and enabled with money , which we being now ready to do , we clearly and conclusively present him our advice , for the application of it . to prevent those mistakes and distrusts vvhich his majesty sayes he findes some are so ready to make , as if he had called us together only to get money from us , for other uses then vve vvould have it imployed . and truly the advising these allyances , together with assuring his majesty thereupon to assist and supply him presently , and plentifully to prosecute the same , is our only way of complying and corresponding with his last speech : for those leagues followed and supported by these supplyes are the only means and methodes to put his majestie in the best condition , both to defend his subjects , and offend his enemies : and so there will be no sault in his majesty nor us , but his and our security vvill sufficiently provide for . besides it will be worse , it will be a very bad thing indeed not to make the addresse for this particular league , now , since we have resolved it already . our intention being to have the dutch , &c. comforted , encouraged and assured , we did order this on wednesday , and there is publick notice taken of it abroad , and beyond sea. if we should now up-upon solemn debate set the same aside , it would beget a great doubt , discomfort , and discouragment to them ; it is one thing never to have ordered it ; another , to retract it . also it was said , that this was necessary , but was not all that was necessary , for suppose ( which was not credible ) that france should be prevailed with to deliver up all lorraine , flanders , alsatia , and other conquered places ; are we safe ? no , he has too many hands , too much money , and this money is in great measure ( a million sterling yearly at least ) supplyed him from hence . we must depress him by force as far as may be , but further we must have leagues and laws to impoverish him , we must destroy the french trade . this would quiet and secure us , this would make our lands rise , and this would enable us to set the king at ease . after this long debate the house came to the question , whether this particular of a league offensive and defensive vvith the dutch should be left out of the address , upon which question , the house divided , yeas 142 , noes 182. so that it was carried by forty that it should stand . then the main question was put for agreeing , with their committee , this address : which passed in the affirmative without division of the house . then it was ordered , that those members of the house who were of his majestys privy counsel , should move his majesty to know his pleasure , when the house might wait upon him with their address . mr. povvle reported from the committee , amendments to the bill for recalling his majestys subjects out of the french kings service , which were read and agreed to by the house and the bill with the amendments ordered to be ingrossed . and then the house adjourned to the morrow . saturday , may 26 1677 , in the morn . the house being sate had notice by secretary coventry that the king would receive their address at three in the afternoon . the bill for recalling his majesties subjects , &c. being then ingrossed , was read the third time and passed ; the effect of the bill in short was this . that all and every of the natural born subjects of his majesty who should continue or be , after the first of august next , in the military service of the french king , should be disabled to inherit any lands , tenements or hereditaments , and be uncapable of any gift , grant or legacy , or to be executor or administrator , and being convicted , should be adjudged guilty of felony , without benefit of the clergy , and not pardonable by his majesty , his heirs or successors , except only by act of parliament , wherein such offenders should be particularly named . the like appointment for such as should continue in the sea-service , of the french king , after the first of may , 1678. this act as to the prohibiting the offence , and incurring the penalties , to continue but for two years , but the executeing and proceeding upon it for offences against the act , might be at any time , aswell after as within the two years . then it was ordered , that mr. povvle should carry up this bill to the lords , and withall should put the lords in mind , of a bill for the better suppressing the grovvth of popery , which they had sent up to their lordships before easter , which was forth with done accordingly . as soon as this was ordered , several other bills were moved for to be read , &c. but the members generally said , no. they vvould proceed on nothing but the french and popery . so they adjourned to the afternoon , when they attended the king with their address , at the banqueting house in white-hall . which being presented , the king answered , that it was long and of great importance , that he would consider of it , and give them an answer as soon as he could . the house did nothing else but adjourn till monday morn . monday , may 28 , 1677. the house being sate , they received notice by secretary coventry , that the king expected them immediately at the banqueting-house . whether being come , the king made a speech to them on the subject of their address . which speech to prevent mistakes , his majesty read out of his paper , and then delivered the same to the speaker . and his majesty added a few words about their adjournment . the kings speech is as followeth ; gentlemen , could i have been silent , i vvould rather have chosen to be so then to call to mind things so unfit for you to meddle vvith , as are contained in some parts of your last addresses , vvherein you have entrenched upon so undoubted a right of the crovvn , that i am confident it vvill appear in no age ( vvhen the svvord vvas not dravvn ) that the prerogative of making peace and war hath been so dangerously invaded . you do not content your selves vvith desiring me to enter into such leagues , as may be for the safety of the kingdome , but you tell me vvhat sort of leagues they must be , and vvith vvhom , ( and as your addresse is vvorded ) it is more liable to be understood to be by your leave , then at your request , that i should make such other alliances , as i please vvith other of the confederates . should i suffer this fundamental povver of making peace and war to be so far invaded ( though but once ) as to have the manner and circumstances of leagues prescribed to me by parliament it 's plain that no prince or state vvould any longer believe that the soveraignty of england rests in the crovvn , nor could i think my self to signifie any more to foreign princes , then the empty sound of a king. wherefore you may rest assured , that no condition shall make me depart from , or lessen so essential a part of the monarchy . and i am vvilling to believe so vvell of this house of commons , that i am confident these ill consequences are not intended by you . these are in short the reasons , vvhy i can by no means approve of your address ; and yet though you have declined to grans me that supply vvhich is necessary to the ends of it , i do again declare to you , that as i have done all that lay in my povver since your last meeting , so i vvill still apply my self by all the means i ●…an , to let the world see my care both for the security and satisfaction of my people , although it may not be vvith those advantages to them , vvhich by your assistances i might have procured . and having said this , he signified to them that they should adjourn till the 16th . of july . upon hearing of this speech read , their house is said to have been greatly appalled , both in that they were so severely checked in his majesties name , from whom they had been used to receive so constant testimones of his royal bounty and affection , which they thought they had deserved , as also , because there are so many old and fresh presidents , of the same nature ; and if there had not , yet they were led into this by all the stepps of necessity , in duty to his majesty and the nation . and several of them offering therefore modestly to have spoken , they were interrupted continually by the speaker , contesting that after the kings pleasure signified for adjornment , there was no further liberty of speaking . and yet it is certain , that at the same time in the lords house , the adjournment was in the 〈◊〉 forme , and upon the question first propounded to that house , and allowed by them ; all adjournments ( unlesse made by speciall commission under his majesties broad seal ) being and having alwaies been so , an act of the houses by their own authority . neverthelesse , several of their members requiring to be heard , the speaker had the confidence , without any question put , and of his own motion , to pronounce the house adjourned till the 16th . of july , and s●…pt down in the middle of the floor , all the house being astonished at so unheard of a violation of their inherent priviledge and constitution . and that which more amazed them afterwards was , that while none of their own transactions or addresses for the publick good are suffered to be printed , but even all written coppies of them with the same care as libells suppressed ; yet they found this severe speech published in 〈◊〉 next days news book , to mark them out to their own , and all other nations , as refractory disobedient persons , that had lost all respect to his majesty . thus were they well rewarded for their itch of perpetual sitting , and of acting ; the parliament being grown to that height of contempt , as to be gazetted among run-away servants , lost doggs , strayed horses , and high-way robbers . in this manner was the second meeting of this , whether convention or parliament , concluded ; but by what name soever it is lawfull to call them , or how irregular they were in other things , yet it must be confessed , that this house or barn of commons , deserved commendations for haveing so far prevented the establishment of popery , by rejecting the conspiratours two bills ; intituled . 1. an act for further securing the protestant religion by educating the children of the royal family therein ; and for the providing for the continuance of a protestant clergy . 2. an act for the more effectual conviction and prosecution of popish recusants . and for having in so many addresses applyed against the french power and 〈◊〉 . and their debates before recited upon this latter subject , do sufficently show , that there are men of great parts among them , who understand the intrest of the nation , and as long as it is for their purpose , can prosecute it . for who would not commend chastity , and raile against whoreing , while his rival injoyes their mistresse ? but on the other side , that poor desire of perpetuating themselves those advantages which they have swallowed , or do yet gape for , renders them so ●…bject , that they are become a meer property to the conspiratours , and must , in order to their continuance , do and suffer such things , so much below and contrary to the spirit of the nation , that any honest man would swear that they were no more an english house of parliament . and by this weaknesse of theirs it was , that the house of peers also ( as it is in contiguous buildings ) yeelded and gave way so far even to the shaking of the government . for had the commons stood firme , it had been impossible that ever two men , such as the black and white lords , trerise and frechvvel , though of so vast fortunes , extraordinary understanding , and so proportionable courage , should but for speaking against their sense have committed the four lords ( not much their inferiours ) and thereby brought the whole peerage of england under their vassalage . they met again at the day appointed , the 16 of july , the supposed house of commons were so well appayed , and found themselves at such ease , under the protection of these frequent adjournments , which seemed also further to confirme their title to parliament , that they quite forgot how they had been out-lawed in the gazette , or if any sense or it remaind , there was no opportunity to discover it . for his majesty having signified by mr. secretary coventry his pleasure ; that there should be a further adjournment , their mr. seymour ( the speaker deceased ) would not suffer any man to proceed , but an honourable member requiring modestly to have the order read , by which they were before adjourned , he interrupted him and the seconder of that motion . for he had at the last meeting gained one president of his own making for adjourning the house without question , by his own authority , and was loath to have it discontinued , so that without more ado , like an infallible judge , and who had the power over counsels , he declared , ex cathedra , that they were adjourned till the third of december next . and in the same moment stampt down on the floor , and went forth ( trampling upon , and treading under foot , i had almost said , the priviledges and usage of parliament , but however ) without shewing that decent respect which is due to a multitude in order , and to whom he was a menial servant . in the mean time the four lords lay all this while in the tower , looking perhaps to have been set free , at least of course by prorogation . and there was the more reason to have expected one , because the corn clause which deducted communibus annis , 55000 i. out of the kings customes , was by the act of parliament to have expired . but those frequent adjournments left no place for divination , but that they must rather have been calculated to give the french more scope for perfecting their conquests , or to keep the lords closer , till the conspirators designes were accomplished ; and it is less probable that one of these was false , than that both were the true causes so that the lords , if they had been taken in war , might have been ransomed cheaper than they were imprisoned . when therefore after so long patience , they saw no end of their captivity , they began to think that the procuring of their liberty deserved almost the same care which others took to continue them in durance ; and each of them chose the method he thought most advisable . the earl of shaftsbury having addressed in vain for his majesties favour resorted by habeas corpus to the kings bench , the constant residence of his justice . but the judges were more true to their pattents then their jurisdiction and remanded him , sir thomas jones having done him double justice , answering both for himself and his brother tvvisden , that was absent and had never hard any argument in the case . the duke of buckingham , the earle of salisbury , and the lord wharton , had better fortune then he in recurring to his majesty by a petition , upon which they were enlarged , making use of an honorable evasion , where no legal reparation could be hoped for . ingratefull persons may censure them for enduring no more , not considering how much they had suffered . but it is honour enough for them to have been confessors , nor as yet is the earl of shaftsbury a martyr , for the english liberties and the protestant religion , but may still live to the envy of those that maligne him for his constancy . there remaines now only to relate that before the meeting appointed for the third of december , his majesties proclamation was issued , signifying that he expected not the members attendance , but that those of them about town may adjourn themselves till the fourth of april 1678. wherein it seemed not so strange , because often done before , as unfortunate that the french should still have so much further leisure allowed him to compleat his design upon flanders , before the nation should have the last opportunity of interposing their counsells with his majesty ( it cannot now be said ) to prevent it . but these words that the house may adjourn themselves were very well received by those of the commons who imagined themselves thereby restored to their right , after master seymours invasion ; when in reversal of this , he probably desiring to retain a jurisdiction , that he had twice usurped , and to adde this flower to the crown , of his own planting , mr. secretary coventry delivered a written message from his majesty on the 3d. of december , of a contrary effect , though not of the same validity with the proclamation , to wit , that the houses should be adjourned only to the 15. of january 1677. which as soon as read , mr. seymour would not give leave to a worthy member offerring to speak , but abruptly , now the third time of his own authority , adjourned them , without putting the question , although sr. j. finch , for once doing so in tertio charoli , was accused of high treason ; this only can be said , perhaps in his excuse , that whereas that in tertio car. was a parliament legally constituted , mr. seymour did here do as a sheriff that disperses a riotous assembly . in this manner they were kickt from adjourment to adjournment , as from one stair down to another , and when they were at the bottom kickt up again , having no mind yet to go out of doors . and here it is time to fix a period , if not to them , yet to this narrative . but if neither one prorogation , against all the laws in being , nor three vitious adjournments , against all presidents , can dissolve them , this parliament then is immortal , they can subsist without his majesties authority , and it is less dangerous to say with captain elsdon , so lately , si rebellio evenerit in regno , & non accideret fore , contra omnes tres status , non est rebellio . thus far hath the conspiracy against our religion and government been laid open , which if true , it was more than time that it should be discovered , but if any thing therein have been falsly suggested the disproving of it in any particular will be a courtesy both to the publick and to the relator ; who would be glad to have the world convinced of the contrary , tho to the prejudice of his own reputation . but so far is it from this , that it is rather impossible for any observing man to read without making his own farther remarkes of the same nature , and adding a supplement of most passages which are here but imperfectly toucht . yet some perhaps may object , as if the assistance given to france were all along invidiously aggravated , whereas there have been and are , considerable numbers likewise of his majesties subjects in the service of holland , which hath not been mentioned . but in answer to that , it is well known through what difficulty and hardship they passed thither , escaping hence over , like so many malefactors ; and since they are there , such care hath been taken to make them as serviceable as others to the design , that of those three regiments , two , if not the third also , have been new modelled under popish officers , and the protestants displaced . yet had the relator made that voluntary omission in partiality to his argument , he hath abundantly recompenced in sparing so many instances on the otherside which made to his purpose ; the abandoning his majesties own nephevv for so many years in compliance with his and our nations enemies , the further particulars of the french depradations and cruelties exercised at sea upon his majesties subjects , and to this day continued and tollerated without reparation ; their notorious treacheries and insolencies , more especially relating to his majesties affairs . these things abroad , which were capable of being illustrated by many former and fresh examples . at home , the constant irregularities and injustice from term to term , of those that administer the judicature betwixt his majesty and his people . the scrutiny all over the kingdom , to find out men of arbitrary principles , that will bovv the knee to baal , in order to their promotion to all publick commissions and imployments ; and the disgracing on the contrary and displacing of such as yet dare in so universal a depravation be honest and faithful in their trust and offices . the defection of considerable persons both male and female to the popish religion , as if they entred by couples clean and unclean into the ark of that church , not more in order to their salvation , than for their temporal safety . the state of the kingdom of ireland , which would require a whole volume to represent it . the tendency of all affairs and counsels in this nation towards a revolution . and ( by the great civility and foresight of his holyness ) an english cardinal now for several years prepared like cardinal poole to give us absolution , benediction , and receive us into apostolical obedience . it is now come to the fourth act , and the next scene that opens may be rome or paris , yet men sit by , like idle spectators , and still give money towards their own tragedy . it is true , that by his majesty and the churches care , under gods speciall providence , the conspiracy hath received frequent disappointments . but it is here as in gaming , where , tho the cheat may lose for a while , to the skill or good fortune of a fairer player , and sometimes on purpose to draw him in deeper , yet the false dice must at the long run carry it , unless discovered , and when it comes once to a great stake , will infallibly sweep the table . if the relator had extended all these articles in their particular instances , with severall other heads , which out of respect he forbore to enumerate , it is evident there was matter sufficient to have further accused his subjects . and nevertheless , he foresees that he shall on both hands be blamed for pursuing this method . some on the one side will expect , that the very persons should have been named , whereas he onely gives evidence to the fact , and leaves the malefactors to those who have the power of inquiry . it was his design indeed to give information , but not to turn ●…ormer . that these to whom he hath onely a puplick enmity , no private animosity , might have the priviledige of statesmen , to repent at the last hour , and by one signall action to expiate all their former misdemeanours . but if any one delight in the chase , he is an ill woodman that knows not the size of the beast by the proportion of his excrement . on the other hand , some will represent this discourse ( as they do all books that tend to detect their conspiracy ) against his majesty and the kingdome , as if it too were written against the government . for now of late , as soon as any man is gotten into publick imployment by ill acts and by worse continues it , he , if it please the fates , is thence forward the government , and by being criminal , pretends to be sacred . these are , themselves , the men who are the living libells against the government , and who ( whereas the law discharges the prince upon his ministers ) do if in danger of being questioned , plead or rather impeach his authority in their own justification . yea , so impudent is their ingratitude , that as they intitle him to their crimes , so they arrogate to themselves his virtues , chalenging whatsoever is well done , and is the pure emanation of his royal goodness , to have proceeded from their influence . objecting thereby his majesty , if it were possible , to the hatred and interposing as far as in them lies , betwixt the love of his people . for being conscious to themselves how inconsiderable they would be under any good government , but for their notorious wickedness , they have no other way of subsisting , but by nourishing suspitions betwixt a most loyal people , and most gracious soveraign . but this book , though of an extra●…dinary nature , as the case required , and however it may 〈◊〉 calu●…iated by interessed persons , was written with no 〈◊〉 intent than of meer fidelity and service to his majesty , 〈◊〉 god forbid that it should have any other effect , than 〈◊〉 the mouth of all iniquity and of flatterers may be stopped , and that his majesty having discerned the disease , may with his healing touch apply the remedy . for so far is the relator himself from any sinister surmise of his majesty , or from suggesting it to others , that he acknowledges , if it were fit for caesars wife to be free , much more is caesar himself from all crime and suspition . let us therefore conclude with our own common devotions , from all privy conspiracy , &c. good lord deliver us . errata . pag. 6 line 5 read , at the same time . p. 8 l 6 r. clave non erranie . p. 8 l. 25 dele still . p. 17 l. 〈◊〉 r. feb. 15. 1676. p. 27 l. 20. r. 1800000. p. 30 l. 1 r. deference . p. 43 l. 34 r. eng. declaration p. 48 l. 〈◊〉 r. claimed a povver . p. 67 l. 20 r. obvious . p. 74 l. 20 r. as . p. 75 l. 34 ; 35 r. rigging and unrigging . p. 79 l. 2 r. these . p. 85 l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that others had of practising . p. 114 l. 5 r. vvink . p. 115 l. 27 , 28 r. and the vvhole house . p. 120 l. 8 r. french embassade . p. ●…21 l. 23. 〈◊〉 car●…re . p. 133 l. 28 r. more then ordinary . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52125-e10640 rush coll. 171. 172 , 177 , 178. his majesties gracious message to the convocation, sent by the earl of nottingham. william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1689 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b06605 wing w2339 estc r186644 52529101 ocm 52529101 179249 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b06605) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179249) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2781:16) his majesties gracious message to the convocation, sent by the earl of nottingham. william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. church of england. province of canterbury. convocation. england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], printed at london ; and re-printed at edinburgh : 1689. caption title. also includes "the humble address of the bishops and clergy of the province of canterbury, in convocation assembled, in thanks to his majesty for his gracious message" and "his majesties most gracious answer to the address of the bishops and clergy, deliver'd by the lord bishop of london, president of the convocation." reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england. -province of canterbury. -convocation -early works to 1800. church and state -england -17th century -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-10 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties gracious message to the convocation , sent by the earl of nottingham . william r. his majesty has summoned this convocation , not only because 't is usual upon holding of a parliament , but out of a pious zeal to do every thing that may tend to the best establishment of the church of england , which is so eminent a part of the reformation , and is certainly the best suited to the constitution of this government ; and therefore does most signally deserve , and shall always have both his favour and protection ; and he doubts not , but that you will assist him in promoting the welfare of it , so that no prejudices , with which some men may have labored to possess you , shall disappoint his good intentions , or deprive the church of any benefit from your consultations . his majesty therefore expects that the things that shall be proposed , shall be calmly and impartially considered by you , and assures you , that he will offer nothing to you but what shall be for the honour , peace , and advantage both of the protestant religion in general , and particularly of the church of england . the humble address of the bishops and clergy of the province of canterbury , in convocation assembled , in thanks to his majesty for his gracious message . we your majesties most loyal and most dutiful subjects , the bishops and clergy of the province of canterbury , in convocation assembled , having received a most gracious message from your majesty , by the earl of nottingham , hold our selves bound in duty and gratitude to return our most humble acknowledgments for the same : and for the pious zeal and care your majesty is pleased to express therein for the honour , peace , advantage , and establishment of the church of england . whereby , we doubt not , the interest of the protestant religion in all other protestant churches , which is dear to us , will be the better secured under the influence of your majesties government and protection . and we crave leave to assure your majesty , that in pursuance of that trust and confidence you repose in us , we will consider whatsoever shall be offered to us from your majesty , without prejudice , and with all calmness and impartiality : and that we will constantly pay the fidelity and allegiance , which we have all sworn to your majesty and the queen , whom we pray god to continue long , and happily to reign over us . his majesties most gracious answer to the address of the bishops and glergy , deliver'd by the lord bishop of london , president of the convocation . my lords , i take this address very kindly from the convocation ; you may depend upon it , that all i have promised , and all that i can do for the service of the church of england , i will do : and i give you this new assurance , that i will improve all occasions and opportunities for its service . printed at london , and re-printed at edinburgh , 1689. dr. sherlock's case of allegiance considered with some remarks upon his vindication. collier, jeremy, 1650-1726. 1691 approx. 394 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 84 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33908 wing c5252 estc r21797 12407462 ocm 12407462 61435 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33908) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61435) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 274:2) dr. sherlock's case of allegiance considered with some remarks upon his vindication. collier, jeremy, 1650-1726. [10], 160 [i.e. 154] p. [s.n.], london : 1691. attributed to jeremy collier. cf. bm. errata: p. [10]. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sherlock, william, 1641?-1707. -case of the allegiance due to soveraign powers. church and state -great britain. divine right of kings. allegiance -great britain. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion dr. sherlock's case of allegiance considered with some remarks upon his vindication . london , printed in the year mdcxci . to the reader . there has been lately , as i am informed , several considerable treatises published against dr. sherlock's case of allegiance ; and though i have perused none of these answers , excepting the author of the postscript ; yet , from the general reputation they have gained , i have reason to conclude , they are likely to give the reader satisfaction , and the dr. diversion enough , if he intends a reply . so that had not the following papers been almost finished before i understood there were so many pens drawn upon him , i think i had neither put my self , nor any body else , to any trouble upon this subject . however , since the dr. has hung out the flag of defiance , sent us a general challenge , and seems desirous to charge a whole party , he of all men has no reason to be disobliged , for being attacked from all quarters . indeed , this circumstance , besides its complyance with his inclinations , must do him a kindness , let things happen how they will : for , if he is obliged to quit the field , it affords him the excuse of being oppressed with numbers . if he succeeds , the forces of the enemy must add to the glory of his triumph . i shall apply my self to the consideration of the body of his book , without making any large animadversions upon his preface ; his business in these preliminary pages being not to argue upon the controversie , but only to report matters of fact with reference to his late behaviour , and to draw up an history of his integrity . which design of the dr's , how necessary soever it might be to undertake , is , in my opinion , but odly pursued : for , he has shewn an open partiality in his conduct before his complyance , and made large steps towards the revolution , when he was convinced of its being the wrong side . he calls it faction to appear with heartiness and concern in defence of the old oaths , though we believe them to remain in full force . he prayed in the royal stile for the present possessors , as early ( one week excepted ) as the most forward . he gives hard language to those of the church of england , who absent themselves from the publick communion since the late alterations in the service , which , in their judgments , are both sinful in the matter , and defective in the authority . he seems sollicitous , lest the rightful government should recover , and declares , his inclinations were engaged against it . 't is true , he prayed heartily to god , that if he was in a mistake , he might discover it , and comply : but he doth not tell us he spent any of his devotions the other way . he does not say , that he prayed for constancy and perseverance , provided he was already in the right : that he desired the divine assistance , to stand firm against interest , and noise , and numbers , and be neither bribed nor frightned out of his duty . now , to act in this manner is a much more difficult performance than the other ; and therefore the preparatory dispositions ought to be begg'd of god almighty with the greater earnestness . a little praying is sufficient to incline a man to consult his ease , and preserve his fortune , but to hazard or part with them both , is a piece of discipline very unacceptable to flesh and blood , and requires a more than ordinary degree of courage and resignation to undergo it . these things considered , the dr. had reason to call the reader his confessor , for i am much mistaken , if he has not frankly discovered his failings to him . however , the dr. assures us , he has received that satisfaction he desired . which is not unlikely ; but whether it was the return of his prayers , or not , will be best understood by examining his principles . i have nothing farther to add by way of introduction , but only to desire it may be observed , that the dr. all along supposes the revolution unjust and illegal , and argues upon a case of usurpation . and therefore , if the reader meets with any unexpected freedoms in this discourse , he may please to charge it upon the nature of the dispute , and thank the dr. for giving the occasion . the contents . the laws relating to the present controversie vindicated , from the exception of obscurity . pag. 3. several consequences drawn from the dr's principles , by which the danger and vnreasonableness of them is made apparent . p. 5. bishop overall's convocation-book , no favourer of the dr's opinion . p. 11. this proved from the convocation's maintaining several propositions , inconsistent with the dr's principles p. 12. his citations from the convocation-book unserviceable to his purpose . p. 18. the authority of the aramites , moabites , and aegyptians unexceptionable . p. 21 , 22. the four monarchies all legal governments . p. 23. the case of jaddus considered . p. 27. a brief account how the romans came by their government over judea . p. 35. the dr's notion of settlement inconsistent with it self . p. 41. the 13th . of rom. 1 , 2. concerns only legal powers , proved from 1st , the doctrin of the scriptures , p. 44. 2dly , from the testimony of the ancients . p. 51. 3dly , from the general sentiments of mankind at and before the apostles times . p. 53. the pretended difficulties of this interpretation removed p. 55. the dr's argument from matth. 22.21 , answered . p. 59. his doctrin concerning providence and events , considered . p. 62. the abettors of his opinion in this point , produced . p. 65. amos 3.6 . recovered from the dr's interpretation . p 67. hobbism proved upon the dr. p. 73. the insignificancy of legal right upon his principles p. 82. his doctrin concerning the different degrees of submission , &c. examined . p. 85. intruding powers have no right to a qualified obedience , nor to the royal state. p. 86. the original of government easily accounted for , without the assistance of the dr's scheme . p. 90. the objections raised by the dr. defended against his answers . p. 94. the first objection , that his doctrin makes a king lose his light by being notoriously injured , made good . ibid. the injustice of deserting a prince upon the score of religion ; and the sophistry of this pretence discovered . p. 96. allegiance bound unconditionally upon the subject , by the laws of nature , and of the land. p. 97. all subjects , upon demand , bound to hazard their persons in defence of their prince ; proved from the resolution of the iudges , &c. p. 97 , &c. the dr's distinction of the parts of the oath of allegiance , ill founded , and misapplyed . p. 99. the king's authority entire , after dispossession . p. 101. the pretences for a king de facto confuted . p. 102. to maintain in the oath of allegiance , implies an endeavour to restore . p. 103 , &c. treason may be committed against a king out of possession . p. 107. the dr's assertion , that the oath of allegiance is a national oath , &c. untrue and dangerous . p. 111. the objection , that his doctrin makes it impossible for an injured prince to recover his right , defended . p. 115. the case of private robbers and vsurpers the same . p. 117. no difference between an human and a divine intail , as to the firmness of the settlement . p. 125. the object . from hosea 8.4 . defended ; with some remarks upon the iewish theocracy . p. 130. his doctrin not founded upon the same principle with the doctrin of passive obedience . p. 133. his objection , that the disowning illegal powers limits the providence of god in governing kings , &c. answered . p. 134. his argument drawn from the necessity of government , considered , and counter-principles set up against him . p. 136 , &c. the relation between government and allegiance examined . p. 144. the dr's objections against an immoveable allegiance unsatisfactory . p. 145. the vsurpation under the rump and cromwel , and had divine authority by the dr's principles . p. 148. absolom a providential monarch . p. 155. the insufficiency of the dr's plea from a national submission , and the consent of the estates . p. 157. errata . page 4 , line 28 , after nullum dele in , p. 8. l. 23. after the add dr's , p. 9. l. 5. after were add a , p. 10. l. 26. aft . own'd add . p. 11. l. 36. for these r. those , p. 14. l. 9. for fall r. fell , p. 17. l. 7. del . by , p. 17. marg. for heb. 12 , r. heb. 11. p. 28. l. 40. aft . canon add . p. 31. l. 27. for uncouttly r. uncourtly , p. 37. l. 32. for there r. here , p. 42. l. 24. for any r. an , p. 46. l. 27. after disallow add it , p. 50. l. 14. for these r. there , p. 51. l. 28. for of r. and , p. 53. l. 36. marg. for sept. r. lept . ibid. l. 37. for aritogiton r. aristogiton , p. 54. l. 17. for valena r. valeria , p. 59. l. 36. aft . answer dele , ibid. add , after which , p. 61. l. 20. for has r. was , p. 62. l. 35. after state add . p. 68. l. 15. for imploys r. implies , p. 69. l. 11. aft . dr. add may , p. 71. l. 29. for king r. kings , p. 73. l. 12. aft . we add can , p. 83. l. 15. for the see r. see the , p. 88. l. 4. for crowned r. owned , ibid. l. 32. aft . and add the , p. 93. l. 26. aft . would de● , p. 99. l. 24. for asserting r. assisting , ibid. l. 25. for possession r. profession , p. 101. l. 28. del . other , p. 104. l. 31. for from r. for , p. 114 l. 35. aft . seek add it , p. 115. l. 4. for them r. him , p. 118. l. 19. for disputet r. disputes , ibid. l. 28. for remains r. remain , p. 119. l. 17. for draws r. draw , ibid. l. 18. for translates r. translate , p 121. l. 28. for returning r. recurring , p. 124. l. 30. aft . laws del . and , p. 125. l. 2. for them r. him , p. 151. l. 4. for of r. and , p. 153. l. 16. for countries r. counties , p. 156. l. 3. for goth r. gath. dr. sherlock's case of allegiance considered , &c. that we may not be surprized with the doctors novelties , he very frankly at first acquaints us what we are to expect from him . he makes no scruple to aver , that the intermixing the dispute of right with the duty of obedience , or making the legal right of princes the only foundation of allegiance , is that which has perplexed the controversy . his reason is , because allegiance can only be paid to government , ( he means force ) and therefore it can be due to no other title . from whence it 's plain , that illegal violence is preferable to legal right , i. e. a man ought not to pay his debts to his creditor , but to atturn to the next highway-man he meets . i wonder the doctor , who seems so much concerned for good manners , should set the constitution aside with so little ceremony . for if legal right must always give place to unjust power , the priviledges of law signifie nothing , except they could make a man invincible , which i fear is a task somewhat difficult . if you enquire why the author has such a mean opinion of right , he 'll tell you , because all arguments from this ground serve only to confound the cause , and the conscience , and to lead men into dark labyrinths of law and history . first , as for history , in an hereditary kingdom it 's no doubt a difficult point to find out the royal family . to distinguish a king's son from his daughter , and the next in blood from iack cade , or wat tyler . and at this rate , except matters of fact clear up , if we pretend but to know our right hand from our left , we may be carried into a labyrinth . and , secondly , as for the laws , they are as dark , it seems , as if the parliaments met only to propound riddles , and proclaim unintelligible jargon to the nation . and if the case stands thus , those gentlemen who have endeavoured to justifie the legality of the present establishment , were certainly out in the management of the dispute . for if right and wrong are not distinguishable ; if good and evil are of the same colour ; if it 's unsafe to make any enquiries into such niceties as these , for fear of wildring our understandings ; then i confess all revolutions are alike to us , and ought to be complied with . however the doctor might have been a little kinder to his own party , who no doubt did their best , and not have told the world that they engaged in an unnecessary argument , which it was both unfit to dispute , and impossible to manage to satisfaction ; and that their performances , how well soever meant , have served only to confound the cause . i perceive if the doctor had not gone in to their relief , all had been lost ▪ and therefore he is resolved to make them sensible of his assistance , and not to allow them the least share in the glorious defence of the revolution . but if they are contented with this character , i have no more to say . to return to the laws , which the doctor avoids as so many rocks and shelves in dispute , fit only to wrack conscience upon . now this character , as it s far from a complement to the english constitution ; so it s somewhat surprizing to one who remembers that this gentleman has formerly been of another mind . in his case of resistance , he does not complain that the laws which settle the rights of the crown were so mysterious , and hard to be understood ; ( and yet this is not that one principle which he says he has only renounced in that book ) there he asserts the prerogative , and maintains non-resistance from the constitution , as well as from any other topick . i wonder he should lose his law , after almost seven years improvement of study and conversation . after all , the doctor owns that the laws , setting aside their obscurity , are good things ; and were they easily understood , he would willingly cast the cause upon this ( issue ) ; if we could readily find where the seat of government is fixed ; who is our king , and what are the great lines of prerogative and subjection ; if we could attain to this perfect skills in the government , he plainly intimates , that the law would then be a clear and safe rule of conscience . from whence it follows , that where the laws speak out , there is no need to recur to events and providence : for where-ever the constitution is plain , it ought to carry it . so that the doctor 's fundamental principle of divine right , ( or power ) upon which his whole scheme is erected , falls to the ground . for by his own concession , providence is but a secundary rule of conscience , and only to take place where the directions of law are defective and unintelligible . it will not be improper therefore to cite some of the laws , for possibly they are not so intricate and obscure , as the doctor represents them . the 24 h 8. c. 12. begins thus : by sundry old and authentick histories and chronicles , it is manifestly declared and expressed , ( without labyrinths ) that this realm of england is an empire , and hath been so accepted in the world , governed by one supreme head and king , unto whom a body politick , compact of all sorts and degrees of people — been bounden and owen a natural and humble obedience , he being instituted and furnished by the goodness and sufferances of almighty god with plenary , whole , and entire power , &c. 5 el. c. 1. and be it further enacted , that every person which shall hereafter be elected or appointed a knight , citizen or burgess , &c. for any parliament or parliaments , hereafter to be holden , shall from henceforth , before he shall enter into the said parliament house , or have any voice there , openly receive and pronounce the said oath , ( the oath of supremacy ) before the lord steward for the time being . — and that he which shall enter into the parliament house without taking the said oath , shall be deemed no knight , citizen , burgess , &c. for that parliament ; nor shall have any voice . in 3 iac. 1. c. 4. there is this remarkable paragraph : and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that if any person or persons — shall put in practice to absolve , persuade , or withdraw , any of the subjects of the king's majesty , or of his heirs or successors of this realm of england , from their natural obedience to his majesty , his heirs or successors , or move them , or any of them , to promise obedience to any other prince , state , or potentate ; that then every such person , their procurers , counsellors , &c. be to all intents judged traytors — and being thereof lawfully convicted shall have iudgment , suffer , and forfeit , as in cases of high treason . the 7 th iac. 1. c. 6. concerning the oath of allegiance , enacts , that all and every knights , citizens , burgesses , &c. of the commons house of parliament , at any parliament , or session of parliament , hereafter to be assembled , before he or they , shall be permitted to enter the said house , shall make , take , and receive a corporal oath ( of allegiance ) upon the evangelists , before the lord steward for the time being , &c. in 14 car. 2. c. 3. it 's declared , that within all his majesty's realms and dominions , the sole and supreme power , government , command , and disposition , of the militia , and of all forces by sea and land ; and of all forts and places of strength , is , and by the laws of england ever was , the undoubted right of his majesty , and his royal predecessors , kings and queens of england ; and that both , or either houses of parliament cannot , nor ought to pretend to the same ; nor can nor lawfully may raise , or levy any war , offensive or defensive , against his majesty , his heirs or lawful successors . to these may be added 13 car. 2. c. 1. 12 car. 2. c. 31. 25 ed. 3. c. 2. not to mention any more . now i believe most people will conclude that the meaning of these statutes is not very hard to come by : and that a moderate share of english and common sense is sufficient to understand them . i shall insert two or three maxims relating the same subject . the first tells us , the king never dyes . the second , the king can do no wrong . the third affirms , nullum in tempus occurrit regi , that is , no length of usurpation can prejudice the king 's right . and least the doctor should take these for no more than to many quaint sentences , he may please to observe from a very authentick authority , that maxims are one of the grounds of the law ; that they need no proof , but are sufficient authority to themselves ; that they are equivalent to a statute ; and that all inferences from them are of the same force with the principle from whence they are drawn . having shewn that the laws with respect to allegiance and prerogative are not full of mystery and labyrinth , as the doctor would suppose , but are plain , easy and unperplexed , in these great points ; ( indeed were they otherwise it would be no ordinary misfortune and reproach to the government ; ) i shall proceed to examine the doctor 's scheme , which he owns may startle some men at first , because it looks paradoxically , and carrys the face of singularity . however it 's so much for the ease and safety of subjects , &c. that every one has reason to wish it true . how much his principles are for the ease of society will be disputed afterwards . but allowing them this advantage , his inference is by no means conclusive , nor proper for his character . for if we are to wish every thing true that makes for our ease , than we ought to wish the christian religion false ; because there is so much mortification and self-denial enjoyned by it . which made the gnosticks , from an inward principle of self-preservation , abjure it in times of persecution . soul take thine ease , is so far from being good divinity , that a generous heathen would scorn such advice ; if he found it prejudicial to justice and honour . but before i enquire more particularly into the truth of the doctor 's scheme , i shall briefly represent some of the consequences which follow from the supposal of its being true . by which we may be in some measure able to guess how much the doctor has obliged the world by his discovery . 1. if power ( as he affirms , pag. 15. ) is a certain sign of god's authority ; if , by what means soever a prince ascends the throne , he is placed there by god almighty ; and the advantages of success are always to be interpreted the gifts of providence , then the best title may be defeated , without either antecedent injury , consent , or an express revelation from god. and if so , the nature of property is perfectly destroyed , and all dominion is resolved into occupation ; and no one has any right to any thing any longer than he can keep it . this doctrin condemns a man to poverty , for being ill used ; and makes a prince forfeit , for no other reason but because his subjects were disloyal . if it s said , that an unjust seizure of a private estate extinguishes no title ; but for the peace of mankind god has so ordered it , that whosoever possesses himself of a government is immediately the proper owner . that it s not thus ordered , i shall prove more large afterwards . at present i only desire to know , whether god loves peace more than justice ? whether he delights to see men brethren in iniquity , and combine for the support of violence ? besides , is it for the peace of mankind , that great thieves should be rewarded , and little ones punished , that a man that steals a horse must suffer as a felon , but he that steals a kingdom , and flies at nobler quarry , must be worshipped and obeyed , though the right owner is still claiming , contesting , and in view ? what is this , but to encourage universal violence , to animate ill men to more towring flights of ambition , and to make them enlarge their projects of wickedness ? a man need little skill in inferences to see what an admirable expedient this is likely to prove for the quiet of the world ▪ the doctor was sensible of this inconvenience , and endeavours to avoid it , by saying , that ambitious spirits , without a great dose of enthusiasm , can't make this construction of his doctrin . for unless they can flatter themselves that god has ordained them to be kings , their attempts according to his principle will be checked . and why should they not believe god has ordained them to be kings , if they find apparent symptoms of weakness and decay in a government , if they perceive the inclinations of the people for them , if they can form a strong party , and have a probable prospect of success ? a moderate share of enthusiasm , with some principles , would be apt to make ambitions men to interpret such accidents and advantages to be broad intimations of the favour of heaven . that god was designing some great revolution , and calling them to crowns and scepters . and as for enthusiasm , it s no wonder to find the world overdosed with that ; especially at a time when men pretend to understand prophesies almost as well as those who wrote them ; when they can expound st. iohn's visions upon piedmont and savoy ; and point out the time and geography of a mystery ▪ 2. this doctrine supposes there is no such thing as usurpation after possession ; which is not only ▪ contrary to the language of our laws , 1 e. 4. c. 1 &c. but to the common sense of mankind ; it being generally agreed by those who have any notion of common justice and morality , that what is unlawful to take away , its unlawful to keep . which must be allowed to be true , unless violence and ill usage are valuable consideration for the conveying of property . whereas by these principles , let a man come into his power never so unjustly ; let there be never so fair a claim continued against him , yet if bare possession gives him a divine right , it 's as much his property as if he had the clearest and most uncontested title in the world. the doctor endeavors to get clear of this consequence , by coining a distinction between legal and divine right . but this will do no execution upon the difficulty . for if possession always conveys a divine right , all legal claim must immediately determine . i suppose the doctor will not deny that god can repeal a human constitution . now when god transfers any property from one person to another , it 's certain he must null the first title . for to explain this matter ; providence either conveys the right with the thing , or it does not . if not , then the right remains where it was , and the thing is wrongfully transferred ; which i believe no one will be so hardy as to affirm . if providence does transfer the right with the thing ▪ then the legal claim must be extinguished ; otherwise this absurdity will follow , viz. there will be a human and divine law , contradictory to each other , in force at the same time . and since human laws when duly circumstantiated are confirmed by heaven , god's authority must be engaged on both sides , and by consequence opposed to it self . 3. this principle destroys the nature of repentance , by which it's generally understood that every one is bound to restore that which he has unjustly taken away . but if we pursue the doctor 's reasoning to its just consequences this doctrin will not hold . for if possession , though never so unjustly gained , has always god's authority to confirm it , one would think there should be no obligation to restitution . for why should a man restore that which he is vested in by a divine right ? and yet i doubt not but the doctor will grant that injustice cannot be forgiven without repentance , nor repentance practised without restitution ; so that by this gentleman's scheme a man is both allowed and forbidden the same thing ; and has a divine right to keep that , for which he will be damned if he does not restore it , which certainly is something more than ordinary . 4. the doctor 's principle puts it in the subjects power to depose their prince when they please , i don't say it makes it lawful for them to undertake it ▪ that would be to misrepresent him ; but when it 's once done , his notion of power and settlement confirms their injustice , and ratifies their treason , and by consequence makes a standing army necessary . 5. it cantonizes kingdoms , and removes the boundaries of dominion . for if power be a certain sign of god's authority , then we ought to submit to every one who challengeth the name of a king , though for never so small a precinct ; if he has but force to back his pretensions : and by consequence every parish may set up for an independent government ; and we may be obliged to swear allegiance to a constable . 't is to no purpose to say , that the kingdom has not agreed to such a division . for the limits of kingdoms are founded upon nothing but legal right , and human constitutions , and therefore they ought not to oppose god's authority , which is always visible in power . seas , and rivers , and mountains , the usual barrieres of empire and jurisdiction , ought not to hinder divine right from taking place ; nor shut providence out of the world. 6. this doctrin gives thieves and robbers a good title to whatever they can steal and plunder . the doctor was sensible of this inconvenience , and endeavours to remove it , but without success : he offers to shew a disparity between common thieves and usurpers . that the scripture tells us kingdoms are disposed by god , and that all power is of god : but no man pretends that thieves have god's authority . 't is not pretended ; but if the principles hold , it will be very difficult to disprove it . for if power is a certain sign of god's authority , it follows , that he who is strong enough to take a purse must have a divine right to keep it . if providence orders and disposes all events , and there be no evil in the city which the lord has not ( barely permitted but ) done ; then why this divinity should not hold upon salisbury plain , or newmarket heath , as well as upon any other occasion , will be no easy question to resolve . the scriptures which he alledges , that kingdoms are disposed by god , do not come up to his point . for we are likewise told , that private estates are under the disposal of providence , 1 sam. 2.7 . prov. 22.2 . therefore if possession gives a divine right in one case , why not in the other ? this reasoning may be further improved by the doctor 's logick ; where putting out the word kings , i argue thus in the doctor 's expression , all possession is equally rightful with respect to god : for those are rightful owners who are put into possession by god. and its impossible there should be a wrong possessor , unless a man can make himself master of his neighbours fortune , whether god will or no. farther it will not be denied but that the sabeans who took away iob's cattel , ( iob. 1.15 . ) were company of robbers ; and , which is worse , they committed their rapine by the instigation of the devil . and yet , ver. 21. it 's said what was stollen by them , was taken away by the lord. which according to the doctor 's method of interpretation will go a great way towards the proving their divine right . he urges rom. 13.1 . that all power is of god. but this text makes against him , as he is pleased to expound it ; i. e. that it is meant of power , as power , without any respect to right . for his former interpretation of legal power he has solemnly recanted in his preface . now if all power be from god without regard to law , and human justice , why a captain of moss-troopers , who is an usurper in little , may not come in for his share of prerogative , i can't imagine . for an usurper , and his adherents , are as much combined ▪ against justice as any private robbers ▪ they offer violence to the constitution , they out-rage all those who oppose their rapine ; and muster all their force and cunning to keep honest men out of their own . so on the other hand , thieves are generally formed into a society . they have their articles of confederacy , their original contracts , and fundamentals , as well as other people . and therefore they must not be refused the privilege of usurpation , upon the score of being out-lyers . upon the whole , why inferiour thieves should be denied divine right any more than usurpers is unimaginable . unless the bigness of a piece of injustice is a circumstance of advantage : and a man ought to be encouraged by providence for robbing in a greater compass than his neighbours . these , with some others of a resembling nature , are i conceive evident consequences from the doctor 's scheme of government . which besides that they prove the insufficiency of his principles ; ( for nothing but truth can follow from truth ) they shew us at the same time that they are by no means so much for the good of mankind , as he insinuates : and that we ought not to be so fond of them as he would make us ; nor so glad to see them well proved . how much honour he has done the scriptures , and the convocation-book , by making them the abettors of such doctrin as this , may easily be guessed . i hope therefore it may be no hazardous undertaking to joyn issue with the doctor upon this point ; nor over-difficult to disengage these authorities from seeming to give any assistance to his cause . sect . ii. bishop overall's convocation-book no favourer of the doctor 's opinion . before i enter upon this part of the argument , i must observe to the reader , that it has been managed with so much advantage against the doctor already , that it might have been very well omitted here , were it not possible that these papers may fall into some hands that may not be so fortunate as to meet with other satisfaction . however i shall venture to be shorter upon this head , than otherwise i should have been . where i must 1. premise , that supposing the convocation was unquestionably on the doctor 's side , he would be far from gaining his point . for allegiance is a duty which arises from our subjection to the temporal power ; and therefore the laws of each respective kingdom , must be the rule of our practice in this case . a synod , though it may deliver its opinion upon such a point , has no authority to determin against the state. the church , as she did not give princes their crowns , so there is no reason . she should pretend to take them away . if she will be a iudge , and a divider in these matters , she claims a greater privilege than our saviour owned , i hope the doctor won't say , an ecclesiastical canon can set aside the common law , and repeal an act of parliament . this , besides other inconveniences , of which the doctor might be made sensible , would be no other than graffing the roman pretences upon a new stock ; and translating the supremacy from st. peter's to st. paul's . but that this convocation should maintain such doctrin as this is unimaginable , since the great design of their book is to prove the independency of princes ; to vindicate their rights against church-encroachments ; and to shew that ecclesiasticks are as much their subjects as the laity . 2. if we consider the time in which this convocation sat , we shall find it very improper to fix the doctor 's principles upon them , without the clearest and most convincing evidence in their writings . for they met the first of king iames i. when the act of recognition was passed in parliament , where the bishops of this convocation were present , and gave their votes for the bill . in which they recognize and acknowledge ( being bounden thereunto by the laws of god and man ) the king 's right to the crown by inherent birth-right , and undoubted succession . and oblige themselves , their heirs and posterity for ever , to submit to ( or stand by ) this right , until the last drop of their bloods be spent . and would these reverend prelates concur to the making a law , drawn up with such clearness and solemnity of expression , and go presently and contradict it in their synod ? was it their way to make the bishop vote against the lord ; and not only clash with the state , but with themselves ? what! declare themselves bound by the laws of god and man , to stand by the succession to the last drop of their bloods ; and at the same time lay down doctrin , which will help us to as many governments in a year as there are moons ; and ( as has been smartly observed ) make captain tom the most soveraign and divine thing upon earth . those who can believe the convocation guilty of such singularities as these , must have a mean opinion of them ; and ought to lay very little weight upon their authority . having premised these observations , i shall proceed to examin the sense of the convocation as to the point in hand . and 1. i agree with the doctor , that usurped powers , when throughly settled , have god's authority , and are to be reverenced and obeyed ; i. e. these princes who , as the canon speaks , got their authority unjustly , and wrung it by force from the true and lawful possessor ; are to be submitted to as god's ministers , when the legal claim is either surrendred or extinguished . for where there is no other title , possession is sufficient ; in which men ought to acquiesce for the peace of society . but that meer possession in relation to government , ought to over-rule law ; and that might , can turn itself into right ; and give a through settlement in the sense of the convocation , this , though the doctor affirms , i must deny . and in order to the disproof of what he alledges , i shall 1. endeavour to shew , that the convocation maintains several propositions inconsistent with the doctor 's opinion . 2ly . i shall give a distinct answer to the passages cited by him . 1. i shall endeavour to shew , the convocation maintains several propositions inconsistent with the doctor 's opinion . for instance they assert , that adam and noah , while they lived , were chief governors under the son of god , over all their off spring . that god committed the government of all their descendents to them during their lives . now if these two persons had a right to govern during their lives , then certainly possession could not give it to another ; which is a contradiction to what the doctor makes these gentlemen maintain . for according to him , if cain by calumnies , or any other artifice , could but have alienated adam's children from him . if he had set up a title against his father , and got the majority on his side ▪ if the whole administration had been in his hands , and he had been able to have crushed those who would not submit . if the new interest could have advanced thus far , his government had been setled as the doctor expounds the convocation ; and then by consequence cain would have had a divine right to have governed his father . and to call him to an account , if he had refused to comply . and which is somewhat harder , adam if he could not have made his escape , had been obliged in conscience to have resigned , and sworn allegiance upon demand , to his son cain . and though the doctor tells us , that there was a time when fathers had the power of life and death over their own children ; ( which one would think if ever , was the time we are speaking of ) and that under this dispensation it was never allowed by the most barbarous nations for the son to kill his father , though in his own defence . but by this new principle , cain might lawfully have killed adam purely for refusing to submit to his settlement . for he who has a divine right to govern , has certainly the same divine right to dispatch those who will not be governed by him . and thus we have not only made the convocation fall soul upon it self ; but have given an admirable account of paternal authority into the bargain . here the doctor 's usual evasion of an entail can stand him in no stead , there being no such priviledge upon record in reference to adam . 2ly . the convocation asserts , that upon the death of alexander , the iews were as free from the macedonians as any of their bordering neighbours . by which words they must mean they were free de jure . if you enquire the reason of this freedom : they immediately give you a very remarkable one , viz. because none of alexanders captains had any lawful interest , or title to iudah . no lawful title ! why so ? had they not power and possession on their side ? but this is not sufficient in the opinion of the convocation to give them a divine right . and to oblige the people to obey them for conscience sake . and therefore the doctor 's inference that those princes who have no legal right to their thrones may yet have god's authority ; is a direct contradiction to the reasoning of the synod . the doctor tells us , and grounds himself upon the synod ; that since power will govern , god so orders it by his providence as never to entrust soveraign power in any hands without giving them his soveraign authority . the gentleman of the convocation are quite of another opinion : and affirm that the jews were free , and under no tyes of subjection ; to any of alexanders captains ; notwithstanding any claims they could make from providence and possession . and by consequence they suppose that god's authority is always conveyed in a legal chanel ; where there is not express revelation to the contrary . i can't foresee what the doctor can object against this instance , excepting that the macedonians were not in possession of iudea . now this objection depending upon matter of fact may easily be answer'd from iosephus , and the maccabees . to shorten the dispute , i conceive the doctor will not deny that alexander dyed seized of the kingdom of iudea . that he governed it by his vice-roys , and lieutenants , as he did the other provinces of the persian empire ; as fast as they submitted . and therefore some of alexanders officers were in possession of iudea when their master dyed . now that the jews dispossessed the macedonians , and recovered their liberty , though for never so small a time , is not in the least hinted by the convocation : now these gentlemen who have been so punctual in giving an account of all the successive changes of the jewish state , from the first formation of their commonwealth . they who have so particularly taken notice of their theocracy , their government by kings , their captivity , and the variety of masters they fall under , would not have omitted one would think so remarkable an interval of liberty if there had been any such . but instead of this they plainly suppose the contrary in their historical account ; and pass the jews immediately from alexander , into the hands of the aegyptian , and syrian kings . now it 's the sence of the convocation , not the truth of history which we are disputing about : so that since we have gained their opinion the argument must hold good against the doctor though they should prove mistaken in matter of fact. but that this learned assembly followed the generally received opinion uncontradicted by any historian cannot be denyed . and to put the matter beyond all dispute : let us consider the case of antiochus epiphanes , against whom as the convocation observes , mattathias made open resistance . which they suppose was lawfully done because the government of that tyrant was not then either generally received by submission or setled by continuance . whence it will appear that the doctors notion of a settlement , and the convocations , are by no means the same . according to him , antiochus was as well setled as a man would desire . for as for power , the infallible sign of divine authority , that he wanted not ; but was absolute master of iudea , as is evident from the maccabes and iosephus . so that we may be assured the administration of affairs was entirely in his hands . as for the great body of the people they were his own in an extraordinary manner , and complied not only with his government but with his religion too . iason and menelaus the two high priests the convocation informs us , made all the interest for him they could . and the latter , as iosephus reports it , was the occasion of the defection of the whole nation of the iews from their religion . 't is true , as it happens in some other revolutions , they did not all submit to a man , and i conceive the doctor will not insist upon the necessity of this condition . but those who stood out antiochus was well able to crush , and did it to a very severe purpose . as for the time of his government it held no less than three years ; which the doctor must own is long enough in all conscience to justify a compliance . these arguments for submission are as strong as the doctor 's principles can require ▪ and yet we see the convocation dislike antiochus his settlement ; and allows of mattathias his resistance . so that nothing is more plain than that these reverend divines did not believe that the concurrence of the majority of a debauched nation : a full and uncontrolable possession of power , lengthened out to three years of government , were advantages sufficient to infer a divine authority , and to change a bad title into a good one . i know the doctor urges , that antiochus his governmert was not owned by any publick national submission ; which is both more than the convocation says , or the doctor can prove . for if by a national submission he means a recognition of his title in a publick meeting of persons of condition ; he might probably receive such an acknowledgment . it 's not unlikely that iason and menelaus who were so forward in making their court , being persons of the first quality , might engage the nobility to render their new allegiance in a solemn and publick manner ▪ however the business of form is not material ▪ 't is certain from iosephus , that the generality of the jews complied ; and when a nation submits , one would think there was a national submission . indeed why should they not submit ? here was most certainly power in a very large and irresistable proportion , which is a thing we are told will govern ; and therefore god always seconds it with his authority . i hope the doctor does not believe antiochus could make himself king of iudea whether god would or no : and if not , how could these jews have the liberty to stand out against providence , and oppose a divine right ? 3. to give a farther instance that the convocation did not agree with the doctor in his notion of power and settlement . we are told , that if any man shall affirm that the jews might have withstood any of their kings , who claimed by succession , without sin ; and opposing themselves against god , or that the kingdom of iudah by god's ordinance going by succession ; when one king was dead ; his heir was not in right their king , ( however by some athaliah he might be hindered from enjoying it ) or that the people were not bound to obey him , as their lawful king , he does greatly err. now for an assembly to affirm , that where a succession is established the people cannot withstand it without opposing themselves against god ; that a person who is heir apparent , is immediately upon the death of his predecessor their lawful king ; and ought to be obeyed as such ; notwithstanding the usurpation of some athaliah ; i say for them to affirm all this , and at the same time to make force a certain sign of divine authority ; and that we ought to obey it from what point soever it rises ; to put it in the subjects power to break all the links of succession , and to give away an hereditary prince's right by a national submission , or treason , as often as they please ; these are such rank , such staring contradictions , that they are beneath the inadvertencies of common sense , much more the judgment of that venerable assembly . if the doctor replies , that the canon is to be restrained to a succession which was settled by god's ordinance , or express appointment , and consequently to be understood only with relation to the kings of iudea , which had their grown entailed by a particular revelations ▪ to this i answer , 1. that to take the canon in this sense is to make it insignificant , and foreign to their design . whereas it is evident their book ( the first especially ) was written to assert the right of princes , and to state and fix the duty of subjects . but if the examples they alledge , and the doctrine they maintain , are not to be drawn down to application and practice , what are we the better for them ? if their precedents and conclusions hold only for the kings of iudah , to what purpose are they brought ? if we are unconcerned in them , why are they couched into canons and principles , and reported with that particularity and exactness ? we are not now to expect any express orders from heaven for the regulating successions ; and therefore if the convocation is to be understood only of entayles by revelation , they might have spared their pains , for we are not likely to be the wiser for their determination ; as they might easily perceive . 2. i answer , that succession founded upon humane right , is of equal force with that which is supported by revelation , and requires as strong an authority to defeat it . 't is true , god in reward to david's piety , enntayled the crown upon his posterity by special designation : and no doubt it was no small satisfaction to him to be assured that his family should reign as long as it continued , and not be set aside by god's express order to make room for another line , as that of saul's was for himself . but if , by by the fundamentals of the state , the crown was before hereditary ; i cannot conceive what additional strength could accrue to the title from an entayl by revelation ; eventually stronger i grant it might make it , by refreshing the peoples minds , and conveying an awfull impression by the solemnity of the declaration , but their obligation to preserve the descent was the same before . for all humane provisions stand upon a divine bottom ; for which reason the apostle commands us to submit to every ordinance of man for the lord's sake . the laws of a kingdom when the authority is competent , and the matter just , are as much , as to the ground of the obligation , the laws of god , as those he gave upon mount sinai : and kings are his representatives as well as angels , by whose disposition that law was given . therefore those who pretend a divine repeal ought to bring miracles and revelation in one case as well as in the other . these are such obvious truths , that the convocation could not possibly overlook them ; and therefore could not lay any of that stress upon a scripture entayl , upon which the doctor insists : but must suppose compliance with athaliah would have been as unaccountable in any other country not governed by revelation as it was in iudea , provided her title was illegal . to urge this argument a little farther upon the doctor ; if that which he phraseth providence and settlement ▪ is sufficient to null the constitution thô never so clear and unquestionable ; then a great part of the ceremonial law was abrogated under antiochus epiphanes , and the iews were bound in conscience to eat swines flesh ; and forbear circumcision , because they were so commanded by the king , who had the actual government of their country , and sufficient power to crush them upon their refusal . from whence it follows , that those men of resolution , who were tortured for their noncompliance , and whom the apostle is supposed so highly to commend , threw away their lives when they ought to have kept them , and were self-murtherers instead of martyrs . he can't say these precepts they were commanded to transgress , carried any moral obligation in them ; he must therefore recur to his distinction between humane and divine laws ; but this expedient will not do his business : for i have proved that both of them as to their authority are equally divine . now as to the matter in dispute , it 's granted that god as universal lord may alter the seat of property and dominion ; and transfer one man's right to another : but we ought not to conclude he has done it , except we can prove our new claim by the course of humane justice , or express revelation . having shewn from the principles of the convocation , that they cannot understand providence and thorough settlement as the doctor does , without the plainest inconsistency with themselves . i shall proceed to give a distinct answer to the passages cited by him : 1. to prove that princes who have no legal right may have god's authority ; he tells us the convocation teach , that the lord in advancing kings , &c. is not bound to those laws he prescribeth others , and therefore commanded iehu , a subject , to be anointed king. from whence the doctor infers , that what god did by prophets in israel by express nomination , he does by his providence in other kingdoms , without any regard to succession , or legal titles . this he affirms as the doctrine of the convocation , and attempts to prove it from their saying , that the lord both may and is able to overthrow any kings , notwithstanding any claim or interest which they can challenge . in answer to this we may observe , first , that upon iehu's being anointed by the prophet , he is called the lawful king of israel ; and ioram his master is said to be his subject . now if ioram was iehu's subject , it was treason for him to attempt the recovery of his kingdom , and consequently he could have no legal right after dispossession . for if iehu was lawful king , then ioram the dispossessed prince had no right to recover ; unless two opposite and contesting claims , can have a legal right to the same thing ; which certainly is a contradiction in law. from hence one ( if not both ) of these conclusions must necessary follow . 1. either that his distinction of legal and divine right which he coined to answer an objection , is chimerical , and then the difficulty he propos'd remains unanswered . or , 2. if there was any singular advantage in iehu's case , because he was anointed by god's immediate designation , then it follows that revelation about the disposal of crowns , is a much safer warrant , then that which the doctor calls providence ; and that we can't argue with the same authority from the one as from the other , though the doctor is pleased to affirm the contrary , viz , what god did by prophets in israel , &c. he does by his providence in other kingdoms . where by providence we must understand the doctor means success . now that the convocation does not suppose revelation , and success equivalent , to justify alterations in government , but makes a wide difference between them , will appear from the consideration of the place before us . they teach us in the instance of iehu , that god in advancing kings is not bound to those laws which he prescribes others . which is a plain intimation that where governours are not changed by god's express order , allegiance ought to be paid according to the direction of each respective constitution . for those laws of subjection which god is here said to prescribe others , can be no other than the laws which establish the rights of the crown in each particular country ; which laws according to the reasoning of this passage are to be inviolably observed , where god does not expresly interpose to the contrary . and therefore in their canon upon this place they determine , that if any man shall affirm that any prophets , priests , or other persons , having no direct and express command from god ; might lawfully imitate the said fact of elizeus , ( who caused iehu to be anointed ) in anointing successors , to kings , which had otherwise no just interest , title , &c. to their kingdoms ; or that it is lawful for any captain or subject , high or low , whatsoever , to bear arms against their sovereign , &c. by the example of iehu ( except it might first plainly appear that there are now prophets sent extraordinarily from god , with sufficient and special authority in that behalf ) he doth greatly err. and since the convocation condemns the removing of princes , without particular orders from heaven ; it 's plain they could not believe that every effectual revolution had god's approbation . for if they did believe that god does that by his providence now , which he did formerly by his prophets ; i. e. if they did believe his will is to be interpreted by events , and that he approves and acts in all revolutions which are successful ; why do they pronounce all practices of this nature unlawful , except they are warranted by express and immediate authority from heaven ? certainly they could not declare that unlawful , which they believed to be god almighty's doing . what is the reason they tell us , no man must imitate the example of iehu , thô , like him , he should be chosen by the captains of the army ; and have power , and the consent of the people to dethrone the lawful prince : if they thought revelation and success , principles of equal certainty ; if it was their opinion that providence was always on the prevailing side ; and that kings had no right to govern any longer than the major part of their subjects were willing to obey them ? the doctor 's instance to prove that providence or success is a certain manifestation of the divine approbation , is clearly against him . for thô the lord may , and is able to overthrow kings , notwithstanding any claim , title , &c. yet it 's evident by this example , and the canon made upon it , that the convocation did not think this was ever done , without god's particular commission . for it 's positively affirmed by this reverend synod , that ehud and othoniel , the deliverers mentioned in this place , were raised up by god almighty with a full assurance of their lawful callings , and made judges immediately by him ; without which prerogatives it had been altogether unlawful for them to have done as they did . — because that god foresaw what mischief private men ( as all subjects are in respect of their prince ) might do , under the colour of these examples . now if it 's unlawful for any person to step out of his private sphere , and to act counter to the laws of subjection , and common justice , without an especial dispensation from heaven ; then , when such irregular measures are taken , we must not affirm they have the countenance of god almighty , and are brought about by the conduct of his providence . to say this , is by the principles of the convocation to make god the author of sin ; and to prompt men to those actions , they will be damned , for doing . in a word , if , as these gentlemen inform us , those who disturb and overthrow governments without an express commission from god , do that which is altogether unlawful ; then certainly they cannot plead god's authority for what they did . and if so , success and revelation are not principles equally warrantable , unless that which is lawful and unlawful be the same . and by consequence it 's a great mistake to say that victorious force is as clear an evidence of a divine interposition , as the most unquestionable inspiration . or , to use the doctor 's words , that what god did by prophets in israel , by express nomination of the person , he does by his providence in other kingdoms . so that to fasten such a meaning as this upon the convocation , is to interpret them contrary to the obvious construction and scope of the passage , and to make them inconsistent both with truth and themselves . to give an instance in a lower case . there is no doubt but god can dispose of private property as well as crowns , notwithstanding any title to the contrary ; as we know he gave the egyptians gold and jewels , to the israelites ; but now if any man should run away with a sum of money he had borrowed of his neighbors , and plead providence for his knavery , in all likelihood he would not have gotten a verdict from the convocation . to go on ; the doctor tells us , that the moabites and aramites could never have a legal right to the government of israel , and yet the convocation asserts , that it was not lawful for the israelites to take up arms against those kings . but why could those princes never have a legal right over the israelites ? the convocation , i 'm sure , says no such thing . the doctor may please to observe , that at this time there was no king in israel . there was no royal line established by succession ; no governors set up by divine appointment . this conquest of the aramites , &c. hapned before the date of the iewish monarchy , and in the interval of the judges . and since the israelites were under no preingagements to a dispossessed prince , what should hinder them from ranging themselves under the obedience of a foreign governor , when they were in no condition to resist ? in this case their submission gives away no man's right , nor does any injury to a third person . and thus being at liberty to make over their subjection , when they had once actually submitted ; the kings to whom they gave up their liberty , had a legal right to govern them , though they might acquire it by unjustifiable methods . but when people are under a former obligation to a prince , who insists upon his right , and demands their obedience , there their hands are tied up , and they cannot acknowledge any new master without breach of duty to their old one. our author proceeds with the convocation to the kings of of egypt and babylon , where he says , they teach that submission was due to these princes who never had a legal right to govern israel : and the like it seems they affirm of the four monarchies , which were all violent usurpations . but 1. the doctor misreports the convocation ; ( it 's hoped out of inadvertency ; ) for they neither affirm that the kings of egypt , and babylon , had never any legal or natural right to govern israel ; nor any thing like it . or that any of the monarchies stood upon usurpation , when the iews were bound to submit to their authority . as for the king of egypt , they make no exception to his title , they only say , he oppressed the people very tyrannically ; which all men know may be done by a lawful prince . and that the kings of egypt were such to the israelites , will appear if we consider in what condition the children of israel were when they went into egypt . now the scripture informs us , they were driven thither partly by necessity and famine . they were but one single family . and being in these circumstances , we cannot imagine that iacob set up for monarchy in egypt ; or indented with pharaoh for independency . it 's very unlikely that prince would suffer a few indigent persons , who came for bread and protection , to set up a distinct kingdom in the midst of his own dominions . such pretences and proposals as these to one of the most powerful monarchs in the world , would have looked very extravagantly from a poor distressed family . and to take things at the lowest , we must acknowledge that the first generation of the israelites , owed pharaoh a local allegiance . for thus much sir ed. coke and others agree is due to those princes into whose country we travel ; notwithstanding our subjection remains still uncancelled to our natural prince . but iacob , as appears from the history of scripture , was not under the jurisdiction of any of the princes of palestine , and therefore it was in his power to make himself and family entirely pharaoh's subjects . and that he did so , needs not be disputed any farther . for i suppose it will be granted of all hands , that the israelites were far enough from reigning in egypt . and since there was no prince of palestine that could claim any right over the israelites ; all those who were born in egypt , which were no less than three generations , were pharaoh's natural subjects ; and he by consequence their natural and legal-prince . of this truth the convocation seem very sensible , as may be collected from their saying ; it may not be omitted , when god himself sent moses to deliver them from that servitude ; he would not suffer him to carry them thence , till pharaoh their king gave them licence to depart . this is a pregnant proof what a mighty regard the convocation thought god almighty had to the legal rights of princes ; that he is so far from giving them away to blind events , to treachery and unjustifiable force , that revelation and repeated miracles are scarce thought sufficient to disengage subjects from their allegiance , without the consent of their prince . if any one questions the reasoning of the synod in this point , i am not bound to make it good ; their opinion is sufficient for my purpose . i shall now proceed to the kings of babylon , and prove against the doctor that they likewise had a legal right to govern israel ; both before , and after the captivity . i suppose it will not be denied , that when a prince either submits himself , or is expresly commanded by god to resign , there his sovereignty ceases , and the legal right is transferred to the resignee : if the latter case be questioned , i desire to know whether god has not the supreme dominion of the world ? if he has , he may extinguish any man's right , and dispose of it as he pleases . and thence it follows , that when he has given it away by express grant , the former possessor has no longer any right ; and if not any , no legal one . farther , if a legal right should continue after god has expresly given it away , this absurdity will follow , that god cannot repeal a humane law , and consequently has a lesser authority than men. i have already proved that revelation and success are quite different principles ; and that we have no manner of reason to infer god's approbation from the latter , as from the former ; and therefore the doctor can take no advantage from this way of reasoning . to return to the kings of babylon , whose title may easily be made out from the scripture . for first iehoiakim submitted to nebuchadnezzar , and became his servant , and was afterwards deposed by him for his revolt . after him nebuchadnezzar being sovereign paramount , sets up iehoiachin son to iehoiakim , who was afterwards carried away captive , and his uncle zedekiah made king by the babylonian monarch . thus we see the kings of iudah , who only had the right to govern that nation , became vassals to the king of babylon , held their crowns of him , and were contented to reign durante beneplacito . and though nebuchadnezzar might possibly oblige them by unjust force to these conditions , yet after they had submitted their act was valid , and obliged to performance . this is sufficient to make nebuchadnezzar a legal monarch : but this is not all ; for moab , ammon , tyre , sidon , &c. are expresly given to him by god himself , and all those princes , together with iehoiakim and zedekiah , are commanded to come under the protection , and to own the authority of the king of babylon . and destruction is denounc'd against those who refused to comply . that nation and kingdom which will not serve the same nebuchadnezzar king of babylon ; and that will not put their neck under the yoke of the king of babylon , that nation will i punish , saith the lord , with the sword , and with the famine , and with the pestilence , till i have consumed them by his hand . thus we see the kings of babylon reigned dei gratia with a witness ; they had their charter for government signed and sealed in heaven , and delivered to notice and publick view , by authentick and unquestionable hands . this certainly is enough in all reason to make nebuchadnezzar a rightful prince . if the doctor has any thing of this nature to justifie the present revolution , the cause is his own ▪ therefore if he knows of any prophets he would do well to produce them : let them but shew their credentials , and prove their mission , and we have done . but if he has none of this evidence , the places cited by the convocation , that god takes away kings , and sets up kings , are foreign to his purpose . 't is true , when god speaks from heaven all humane laws ought to give place , and be silent . but then we must consider , that revelation , and the doctor 's notion of providence , are widely different ; the the one is an infallible direction , the other will lead us into all the labyrinths of confusion and injustice : and make us abettors of all those unaccountable practises which ungodly power has the permission to act . if any man will be of this opinion he ought not to make the convocation his voucher . do they not say then that god removes , and sets up kings ? not just in the doctor 's words : they affirm , that god has ever used the ministry of civil magistrates in other countries as well as in iudea , &c. and may not all this be done without giving his authority to usurpers ? 't is true , they instance in nebuchadnezzar , but this prince had both the submission of the kings of iudah , and the immediate appointment of god ; either of which were sufficient to make his title unquestionable . and since his authority was thus fortified , it 's no wonder that the convocation pronounces that the iews were bound to obey him . so that in their sense god is said to take away kings , and set up kings , either 1. by express nomination : this way , if there was no other , the babylonian and persian monarchies may be defended . the former has been spoke to already ; and of the latter it was foretold by isaiah long before the birth of cyrus ; that he should be a conqueror , that god had holden his right hand , or strengthened him , to subdue nations : and that he should restore the iews to their own country ; which could not be done without the destruction of the babylonian empire . 2. god is said to take away and set up kings , when he suffers one king to conquer another ; and the right heir is either destroyed , or submits . and since we are not to expect new revelations , we are to conclude , god removes kings no other way but this : which is no limiting the providence of god in governing kings , and protecting injured subjects , as the doctor supposes . for god can , when he sees it convenient , either turn their hearts , or take them out of the world , or incline them to resign . these are all easy and intelligible expedients , and don 't bring any of those difficulties of providence upon us , as the doctor has entangled himself with . this keeps the ancient boundaries of right and wrong unremoved ; and settles the duty of a subject upon a legal basis. indeed where revelation fails , what is so reasonable a direction to steer by , as the constitution ; which is confirmed by the laws of nature , and the authority of god ? is not this a much more accountable method , than to resign up our consciences to violence , and impetuous accidents , and to make treason our oracle ? now setting aside the scripture-right the babylonian and persian monarchs had to their empire ; it 's easy to conceive that these victorious monarchs either destroyed those kings they dispossessed , or made them submit their claim , as edgar atheline did to william the conqueror . that this practice of dispatching them was usual to settle the new conquests , and prevent competitors , is very probable . upon this account it was that nebuchadnezzar slew zedekiah's sons , and all the nobles of iudah . and at the fall of the babylonian empire belshazzar was slain , as we may learn from daniel and xenophon . and how kindly the romans used their royal captives may be guessed , without other examples , by the treatment of perseus , and his family . now where the right owner of the government is destroyed , though never so wickedly , the usurper becomes a lawful prince : for possession is a good right , where there is no better . these observations are sufficient to justify submission to the four monarchies , without having recourse to the doctor 's new scheme . i am now to attend the doctor to alexander the great , whom he gives a hard character , and thinks any prince who gets the throne may pretend as much right as he . whether the ground of alexander's war was defensible , or not , is not material to the point● however he insists very much upon the justice of his cause , and tells his soldiers they were ingaged in a holy war ; and that his design was to revenge the injuries done to religion , by darius and xerxes kings of persia ; who made a barbarous descent upon greece , and violated all laws , humane and divine . and in his letter to darius he sets forth , by way of declaration , how the grecian colonies in ionia , and about the hellespont , had been oppressed and harassed by his predecessors . how greece was over-run with fire and sword ; and besides other terrible articles of accusation he tells him , that his father philip was assassinated by some persian's instigation : and at last appeals to the gods with a great deal of assurance . now i don't find darius ever offered to purge himself , and therefore the charge might be all true , for ought appears to the contrary . and if so , i hope the doctor will be kinder to alexander's title , and not censure such a religious expedition ; especially where liberty and property were so much concerned . and if this won't do , there are several other considerable circumstances after darius his death , to alledge in behalf of alexander's legal right . 1. we don't find darius his son who was taken with his mother at the battel of issus , outlived his childhood ; and therefore it may be taken for granted , he never put in his claim . 2. alexander married statyra darius his eldest daughter , which made him at the lowest a matrimonial king. and no doubt this lady would not contest the administration of affairs with him at that time . and for fear the doctor should find out a salick law in persia ; it may be observed in the third place , that oxatres , darius's brother submitted to alexander , and rid in his guards . and now for ought i see his title is clear on all sides . but the doctor attempts to prove from the authority of the convocation , that the iews were bound to submit to alexander , when he summoned iaddus the high priest and the rest of them to surrender , though it cannot be denied that darius was then living . in answer to this i shall prove , first , that this assertion is a manifest misconstruction of the convocation . secondly , that considering the condition darius was then in , such a submission as the doctor contends for , must be unlawful by his own principles . first , the doctor misrepresents the convocation . 't is true , the convocation asserts , the iews were the subjects of alexander after his authority was settled among them . but then they plainly suppose that alexander's authority was not settled while darius lived . for , 1. they inform us , that iaddus sent alexander word that he could not lawfully violate his oath of allegiance to darius , whil'st that prince lived . now in reporting this answer of iaddus , they don't add the least mark of censure or disapprobation . whereas it 's their custom throughout their whole book , when they relate any unwarrantable passages of history ; to shew their dislike , and to condemn the fact. this method as it was necessary to declare their opinion , and make their narrative instructive : so there never was a more important occasion to pursue it , than in the place before us . for if they were of the doctor 's mind , they must have thought iaddus was wonderfully to blame , for giving alexander such a categorical peremptory denial . and therefore they ought to have censured , and exposed such a dangerous mistake for fear of the malignity of the precedent . not submit to alexander while darius lived ! what a mortal obstinacy was this ? no less in the doctor 's divinity , than a direct standing out against providence , and opposing a divine right . and would the convocation , who are wont to take notice of lesser failings , suffer an error of such a pernicious consequence to pass without the least stroke of correction ? this if the doctor 's sentiments and theirs had been the same , would have been an unpardonable omission ▪ a negligence that common honesty , and discretion , could never have been guilty of . but to shew they were of a different opinion , we find iaddus's behaviour justified by the authority of their canon , where we have these remarkable words : if any shall affirm that iaddus having sworn allegiance to king darius , might lawfully have born arms himself against darius ; or have solicited others , whether aliens or jews thereunto , he doth greatly err. they tell us in the foregoing chapter , ( out of which this canon is drawn , that alexander desired iaddus to assist him in his wars against the persians ) and in the canon which is nothing but the historical part formed into doctrines and practical truths ▪ they assert that it 's a great error to say that iaddus might have born arms against darius , i. e. that it was unlawful for iaddus to have assisted alexander , and by consequence , that his refusing this prince , was a commendable instance of loyalty . and yet after all this evidence , the doctor is pleased to say , that the convocation in their canon takes no notice that jaddus could not submit to any other prince while darius lived . no notice ! do they not say it was unlawful for iaddus to have born arms , or to have solicited any others to a revolt ? which is as plain a justification of his incompliance with alexander's demands ; and as full an evidence that success , does not transfer allegiance as is possible . and is all this nothing ? but the words whil'st darius lived ; are not transcribed from the history into the canon , it 's granted . however this omission upon which the doctor founds himself is not at all material : for 1. the sense of the canon concerning the unlawfulness of iaddus's taking arms against darius is indefinitely expressed ; and by the rules of reasoning ought to be understood without any limitation of time , unless the subject matter requires it ; which it 's far from doing to the doctor 's purpose in the case before us . for the canons being but an abridgment of the history of the chapters , drawn into practical propositions ; they ought to be taken in the same sense , and understood in the same comprehensive latitude with the history ; unless there is a plain exception to the contrary . for unless the chapters and canons are to be understood alike ; to what purpose is the history premised in the one , and repeated in the other ? since the chapters are the body from whence the canons are extracted , they ought to regulate their meaning , and explain their ambiguities , if there should happen to be any . besides , it 's the custom of conclusions of this nature , to be contracted into a lesser compass than the principles from which they are inferred . all unnecessary lengths of expression being industriously avoided upon such occasions . what wonder is it then to find the canons less wordy than the historical chapters ? 2. unless the canon holds out the full meaning of the chapter , the sense must be uncertain , and uninstructive . they tell us it was unlawful for iaddus to have taken up arms against darius . but how long was this allegiance to last ? why according to the new interpretation no longer than an armed enemy , or a company of revolters should order him to break it , and put him upon a dedition . so that the meaning of the canon it seems amounts only to this , that iaddus ought not to have invited alexander into iudea ; nor to have run after him , as soon as he heard he had taken the field against darius . but when the new prince came once near him , he was immediately to go out in his pontificalibus , and surrender without any farther dispute ; though darius was still living , master of a prodigious army , and had by far the greatest part of his empire in his possession . this no doubt is an admirable direction for the loyalty of future ages , and fit to create an entire confidence between prince and subject ! if every man may transfer his subjection when his prince is in danger , and himself is judge of that danger , allegiance is no more than a ridiculous and arbitrary relation , contrived only to impose upon the credulity and good nature of princes , without giving them any tolerable security . for when they have most need of their subjects they may go look them . so that the principal design of the oath centers in the convenience of the subjects . a man swears that he will be sure to take care of one , and never rebel , when he believes his prince too strong for him , and that he must be hanged at home for his pains . in this extravagant meaning the canon explains itself , if we do not take it in connexion with the foregoing chapter , and extend it to the words of the history , viz. that iaddus was not to bear arms against darius , whil'st darius lived . which construction is unforced , and natural , avoids all the former inconveniencies ; and makes the canon a very intelligible and useful direction for the subject . 3. let the meaning of this passage be restrained to a less extent than darius's life ; it will not come up to the doctor 's purpose ; for both the canon and chapter are point blank against him . he cites them to prove that iaddus's submission to alexander ( though an usurper ) was lawful ; whereas they say the direct contrary . they relate the history of iaddus's non-compliance in the chapter . and to recommend his example with the more advantage ; they fortify it with their own authority : and immediately decree in their canon , that if any man affirms that iaddus might lawfully have born arms against darius , he doth greatly err. well , but iaddus did not mean this by it , for he immediately submitted to alexander as soon as he came to jerusalem . he did so : however , under favour , this is foreign to the argument . for we are not disputing iaddus's practice , but the sense of the convocation . now they don't make the least mention of iaddus's submission , and therefore the doctor ought not to insist upon it , at least not amongst his convocation-proofs . the reason of their silence no doubt was either because they thought iaddus's submission to alexander unlawful , or they believed , as iosephus reports , that he had inspiration to justifie him . which because it is not now to be expected , the convocation waves the relation ; for fear enthusiasm , and religious imposture might take occasion from thence to unsettle kingdoms , and lead men into rebellion . the doctor in his case of allegiance takes no notice of this revelation , which was the only ground of the iews submission ; but in his vindication he attempts to prove from iosephus , that jaddus never question'd whether it was lawful to submit to alexander in these circumstances . and therefore when god is said to appear to them in his dream , he answered , no question , about the lawfulness of submitting to alexander ; but directed him how to do it in such a manner as might prevent the threatned danger . in reply to this i must observe , that this relation about iaddus's dream , does not affect the sense of the convocation ; for they take no manner of notice of it , but by necessary implication commend him for his resolute answer to alexander . i shall therefore undertake this answer of the doctors as an argument of his own , independent of the convocation book . having premis'd this , i reply by way of enquiry , is the doctor certain that iaddus never questioned whether it was lawful for him to submit to alexander , when he was coming with a great force against jerusalem ? if the case be thus , what is the reason of his sending word that he could not submit as long as darius lived ? was iaddus assured that alexander could not march his forces to ierusalem as long as darius was living ? he could not suppose darius thus invincible , since he was lately defeated , and retired towards babylon ; what made him then return alexander such an untoward excuse , romance against his own interest , and give such an uncouttly and impolitick answer ? one would almost think the doctor owed iaddus a spite , he makes him so ridiculous upon all occasions . if he had thought it lawful to submit , why did he not do it before ? what made him delay it to the last minute , and give a needless provocation to the conqueror ? 't is plain from iosephus , that iaddus did not submit till he had received direction from god. now if he was at such perfect liberty to transfer his allegiance , one would imagine he should have sent a tender of it to alexander , before things had come to this extremity . but of this the historian makes not the least mention . he tells us , that alexander threatned iaddus that he would be with him shortly , and instruct him better in the doctrine of oaths ; that iaddus notwithstanding kept his point , and his gates shut ; that the macedonians expected ierusalem would be sacked , and that iaddus would pay dearly for his obstinacy : which is a demonstration there had been no overtures of submission . it likewise appears from iosephus , that when iaddus had his oracular dream , alexander was within a days march of ierusalem . now if he was so entirely satisfied about his new master , why did he risque his affairs at this rate , and stand off till alexander was just in view ? this was an early submission indeed , and likely to attone for his former contumacy ! so that if a man may conclude any thing , his deferring to surrender thus long , is a pregnant proof he believed it unlawful . but possibly he was sure of assistance and direction from god when ever it was desired . how could that be ? there was neither urim nor thummim after the captivity ; and prophecy ceased with malachy . besides , what need was there of a supernatural direction for the resolution of a plain case ? yes , though the matter of the action was clear , there was a difficulty in the manner of doing it . whose fault was that ? if iaddus had gone in sooner , his own discretion though but ordinary , would have been sufficient to have managed his submission . for alexander was known to be a more generous and prudent prince , than to insist upon unreasonable rigors , especially at the beginning of his fortunes . well! but iaddus possibly did not think it lawful to submit till alexander was just upon him . and what made him think so then ? why could not he stand a siege as well as the iews had formerly done against nebuchadnezzar ? why did he fall short of the resolution of tyre , and gaza , and be out done by mere heathens in point of loyalty ? or does the doctor believe it lawful for a governor of a town to surrender as soon as he hears the enemy is approaching ? if he does , he would make an excellent garison divine . but does not iosephus say , iaddus was extremely concern'd how he should meet the macedonians ? meet them ! in what manner ? in a submissive petitioning way ? no such matter . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will bear a hostile signification ; and the series of the history requires such a construction . for alexander was very angry , and his army expected the plunder of the town , and the iews stood upon their guard ; which are strong arguments that there had been no treaty , or signs of a surrender . besides , the doctor is mistaken , in saying that god answered no question about the lawfulness of submitting to alexander . for god bid him open his gates , which is a clear proof that iaddus stood upon his defence ; and kept the countenance of an enemy ; and thought himself obliged so to do , till he had a dispensation from god almighty . this i conceive is a sufficient reply to the doctor 's answer concerning iaddus's revelation . and if there was any additional strength wanting , it will be fortified in the next paragraph as the reader may observe . to return to his case of allegiance , to which i answer 4thly , that the doctor does not only argue against the sense of the convocation , but against himself . for considering the condition darius was in , when iaddus was summoned by alexander , the high priest ought not to have submitted by the doctor 's principles . for when alexander is supposed to have come to ierusalem , he had conquered nothing but the proconsular asia , phoenicia , and syria : which probably was not much more than the tenth part of the persian empire . it was before the great battel at arbela , and not long after that at issus . where though darius had the disadvantage , yet he was so far from being discouraged by the defeat , that he writes to alexander at a very magnificent rate , treats him as his inferior ; and demands , rather than desires the liberty of his queen and children . now the doctor owns , that when the dispossessed prince has such a formidable power as makes the event very doubtful , ( which darius unquestionably had ) the revolution is incompleat , and we cannot yet think the providence of god has settled the new prince in the throne . and therefore we ought not in such a case so much as to pray against the dispossessed prince . and if so , certainly not to swear to another master , which according to his reasoning is a much greater submission . and though he tells us , ( and would fix the doctrine upon the convocation ) that jaddus had sinned if he had refused alexander an oath of allegiance when he received his summons . yet here he grants by undeniable consequence , that iaddus had sinned if he had sworn . for then he must have had more than one king at a time , and been bound to two opposite and contrary . allegiances : which is a contradiction to the doctor 's 6th proposition , and indeed to reason itself . the truth is iaddus , as our author represents him , makes a very odd figure . he solemnly professes , that he could not submit to alexander while darius lived . and yet , like a wary man , his meaning , if we believe the doctor , was no more but this : that having sworn allegiance to darius , he could not make a voluntary dedition of himself , &c. but when he was in alexander 's power , ( to which he resigned himself without the least resistance ) he made no scruple to become his subject . which is in effect as if he had sent alexander word , sir , though our preingagements of allegiance to king darius hinder us from surrendring at your summons , yet i hope your majesty won't take us for men of an obstinate and incurable loyalty . if you please to march your army to ierusalem , you will find the behaviour of the iews not ungreeable . for though in point of conscience we are bound not to run in quest of new governors , yet any body may have us for the fetching . and were not iaddus and his countrymen admirable subjects at this rate ? don't they deserve to be commended by ptolomeus lagi , and antiochus magnus , for their fidelity to darius , and to be entrusted with places of strength upon this account , as iosephus reports ? these iews , no doubt , were fit to make any town impregnable . they would defend it against all mankind but an enemy . but if he had once appeared they were ready to open their gates , and their arms to receive him . indeed as this historian represents them , their loyalty was considerable ; because though they were threatned to be attacqued by a powerful and victorious army , yet nothing could persuade them to change their prince , but an express command from god himself . but as their behaviour is described by the doctor , they have very little reason to value themselves upon their constancy . and now it may not be improper to go on to the roman empire . in behalf of which the convocation is again cited by the doctor to prove , that the iews were bound to pay tribute to caesar , to pray for him , and give him the security of an oath . why the doctor quoted these passages , except he thought the reader would not consult the original , i can't imagine . for not only the 32 chapter , but these very canons stand in direct opposition to his opinion . they all along suppose the roman government was legally established : and condemn the non-compliance and resistance of the iews upon that account . the 33 canon in the beginning , which the doctor took care to omit , plainly affirms , that the royal assamonean family , which only had a right to the sovereignty of their nation , had resigned their crown , and owned the romans for their masters . their words are . that aristobulus , and his two sons alexander and antigonus , had all of them submitted themselves to the government of the romans . and then it s no wonder that the canon decrees . they sinned in rebelling against them . the submission of these princes is no doubt the reason why the iews are said to have wilfully drawn the tyranny of the romans upon their heads . and to make the matter plain beyond all contradiction , the very passage quoted by the doctor , calls the romans their lawful magistrates . a man must be very sharp-sighted to spy out any countenance given to usurpation by these authorities . i confess i am almost amazed to find them alledged by one of the doctor 's sense . now though i am only concerned to vindicate the convocation from the doctor 's construction ; yet possibly a brief touch of the history may not be unacceptable to the reader . we are to observe then , that about the year 65 , before the incarnation , the two royal brothers , hyrcanus and aristobulus hapned to dispute the sovereignty of iudea . in which contest hyrcanus , though the eldest , was by misfortune and duress , compelled to resign . and the articles between his brother and him , for the more solemn ratification were agreed to in the temple . however this resignation being forced , made hyrcanus uneasie ; who for remedy applies himself first to aretas king of arabia , and afterwards to pompey the great . who , glad of the invitation , marches his army into the country , takes ierusalem , and makes iudea a part of the roman empire . hyrcanus is contented to receive the high priesthood from his patron pompey ; and aristobulus is sent prisoner in chains to rome , with his children . after several varieties of fortune he was enlarged by caesar , and had the command of two legions under him . and the next news of him is , that he was poysoned by some of pompey's faction , and his eldest son alexander beheaded by scipio . the younger antigonus recovers ierusalem by the help of the parthians , cuts off his uncle hyrcanus's ears to unqualifie him for the priesthood ; and afterwards submits to sosius and herod , who commanded for the romans , and is beheaded by mark antony . upon this herod , who was some time since made king of iudea by the romans , goes on with his project to dispatch the royal line . and to colour his design the better , he invites hyrcanus , who was in parthia , to his court ; and gets him into his power . then he makes aristobulus , son to alexander abovementioned , and brother to mariamne , high priest ; and soon after procures him to be drowned in a canal . and , to make sure work , he proceeds to the murther of mariamne his queen , and hyrcanus her mother's father . and thus we see how the romans came by their title to iudea , which though they might introduce by stratagem and force , yet it soon improved into an unquestionable authority . for first they had the submission , and afterwards the extinction of the royal family ; either of which were sufficient to support their claim , and make them a lawful magistracy . by this time i suppose it 's sufficiently apparent , that this convocation is far from teaching , that princes who have no legal right to their thrones , are either placed there by god , or vested with his authority . but before i conclude this argument , i must consider what the doctor has lately advanced to fortify his opinion , that the moabites , aramites , and aegyptians , could not have a legal right to govern israel . for by the constitution of the iewish common-wealth . they could not give the power of the government to a stranger . the four monarchies likewise were erected with the most manifest usurpation . in answer to this objection . i shall endeavour to prove that these governments were all free from the charge of usurpation ; both from the sence of the convocation ; and likewise by arguments independent of their authority . 1. in answer to the text of deuteronomy , 17 , 15. upon which the doctor relies . we may take notice , that every breach of a constitution does not make a governor an illegal prince ▪ solomon multiplied wives and horses contrary to the express command in this chapter , and several others of the israelitish kings were guilty of greater errors : yet these miscarriages did not in the least disoblige their title ; or make them cease to be legal princes . 2. we may observe there were some things the jews were forbiden to do : which when they were once done , their act was valid and firm , and they were bound to maintain it . for example , the jews were expresly prohibited intermarrying with the seven nations , of which the hittites are first named . however we read that bethsheba a jewess , daughter to eliam the son of achitophel , was married to uriah the hittite . but notwithstanding this obstacle , the marriage was undoubtedly lawful , as appears from nathan's application of the parable , and the aggravation of david's sin. to give another instance . the gibeonites were a remnant of the amorites , which the isralites were commanded to destroy ; but after they had received them into their protection , they became their natural subjects , whom they were bound to preserve . by parity of reason , though the jews were forbidden to elect a stranger for their king. yet when they had once made choice of him , ( provided they were not preingaged to another ) he becomes their lawful prince , and ought to be acknowledged as such . 3. either these foreign governors the doctor excepts against were lawful princes , or usurpers , the latter they were not . for as to their authority they neither usurped upon the right of the people or the crown ; for either the people submitted , that is , consented to be governed by them , when their was no king in israel . or else they had a resignation from the royal line . now if the doctor knows any mean between usurpers , and legal kings , he would do well to acquaint the world with it , for it will be a perfect discovery . having premised this , i shall proceed to a more particular consideration of the doctors defence , and examine his monarchies accordingly as they fall in order of time. to begin with the aegyptian kings . and there i need not repeat what i have urged already to prove , that they had a natural and legal right to govern israel . it s sufficient to observe that the doctor 's main . objection does not affect them . for the israelites were under their government before the delivery of the mosaical law , by which they were enjoyned not to choose a foreign prince . so that deuteronomy 17.15 . cannot be alledged against the legality of pharaoh's title ; because this text was wrote long after the children of israel came out of aegypt . this the convocation must needs know , and therefore could not reckon pharaoh an illegal prince with respect to the israelites . 2. the kings of the aramites and moabites are called tyrants by the convocation ; not with respect to their title , but their government . god gave them judges to save them from the tyrants that oppressed them . for that they were no usurpers ( in continuance , whatever they might be at first ) appears . 1. from the comparison the convocation makes between ehud and iehu , ioram and eglon. they expresly tell us , that the case of iehu was like unto this of ehud . now to make the case parallel , the kings that were removed must have the same title to their government . and since the doctor must allow that ioram was a lawful prince of the israelites , it follows that eglon was so too . for the convocation mentions them without any manner of distinction , and requires the same extraordinary commission from heaven to enterprize any thing against either of them . 2. by their general conclusion , which they make immediately after the recital of these cases ; it plainly appears , they believed eglon to be a lawful prince with respect to the israelites . their words are as follow . both these examples ( of ioram and eglon ) do make it known to us , that the lord may overthrow any kings , &c. notwithstanding any claim , right , title , or interest which they can challenge to their kingdoms . now this inference cannot be drawn from the premises , unless eglon had a good and unexceptionable right to the government of israel ; for if eglon's title was defective in any point , it could not be a ruled case against those princes who had a better . but the convocation affirm that from these examples of ioram and eglon , its evident that god can overthrow any kings , notwithstanding any claim ; right , title , &c. which reasoning supposes that eglon had all the right , and claim , title , &c. which was requisite , and by consequence was a legal prince : from whence it appears , that the convocation does not mean a king de facto , in opposition to one de iure , ( for the examples before them , gave them no occasion for such a distinction ) but only a prince in actual administration of the government , without any reflection upon his title . 3. i have proved above , that the babylonian monarchy was legally established over iudea : the jews being expresly commanded by god himself to submit to the king of babylon . now though the jews were not allow'd out of their own voluntary motion to chuse a foreign prince , especially when they had one of their own ; yet without question , they might accept of one of god's chusing . god doubtless has the liberty to dispense with , or repeal his own positive laws . and as the government of the babylonians over israel was unquestionable ; so likewise was that of the persians , who succeeded to the right of the former . thus the convocation affirm , that the kings of persia continued a supreme authority over the jews by god's appointment . and that nehemiah and zorobabel were lawful princes . which they could not have been , unless the kings of persia were such , because they acted by their deputation . 4. as to alexander the great , the convocation declares that the jews were as much his subjects , as they had been before the subjects of the kings of babylon and persia. and if they were as much his subjects , his title to command them must be as good as that of the preceding kings . besides i have already made it appear that the jews submitted to him by god's particular direction . lastly , the convocation affirms , that it was unlawful for aristobulus the father , or either of his two sons alexander , or antigonus , having all of them submitted themselves to rebel against the romans . this is a clear argument that this reverend assembly believed the right of the crown of iudea translated by the submission of the royal line ; and that the romans by consequence were their legal governors . and to make their testimonies demonstrative , they expresly pronounce that the romans were the jews lawful magistrates . and what countrymen were the romans ? were they not foreigners ? the doctor sure does not think the convocation took them for native jews . and if not , they could not understand deut. 17.15 . in his sense . farther . to argue with the doctor independently of the convocation : as this command in deuteronomy , was not given till after the aegyptian monarchy , so the force of it expired under the roman : for after the coming of shiloh , the scepter was to depart from iudah . now the command of choosing a king of their own nation could not extend to a time in which it was foretold by sacred writ that their state should be dissolved , and there was no more kings of iudah to be expected . so that after the messiah appeared , it was lawful for the jews to submit to a foreign power notwithstanding the text of deuteronomy , or else they were obliged to live in hobs's state of nature . for if they might not submit to foreign princes they must break up society , and be independent of all government ▪ for iacob's prophecy had barred them from having any governors of their own . which latter supposition all men will grant to be impracticable and absurd . but if the jews might lawfully submit to a foreign power ; then those they submitted to were their lawful governors . besides at the death of our saviour , all the mosaick law unless the moral part of it was cancelled . so that the roman emperors were as much the natural princes of the jews ; as the kings of portugal and spain are over their posterity who now live in those dominions . from whence it follows that when st. paul wrote the 13. to the rom. upon which the doctor ▪ so much insists : he could not suppose the roman authority could receive the least blemish from deut. 17.15 . which i desire may be remembred ▪ against another time. in short the meaning of this last . text appears to be no more than this , that the jews were not permitted out of levity to make a voluntary choice of a foreign prince : but when they were under hard circumstances and injured none but themselves by their submission ; they were at liberty to consult their advantage , this as to the main is the opinion of grotius , and has been the doctor 's too . who seems to wonder the pharisees could not distinguish upon the prohibition ; but took it in too unlimited a sence ? so that its in vain for the doctor to reply , that if force dissolves the obligation of a positive divine law ; a meer human one cannot hold ▪ out against it . for the command we see does not reach a case of force ; but points at circumstances of liberty , and inclination . and what is farther very remarkable . it does not follow that because the israelites might submit to prevent hard usage , when they were in their own power . when they were unengaged to any prince of their own . i say it does not follow from hence , that they had any authority to desert their prince in his distress ; and to give away his right to save themselves harmless . these two cases are extreamly different . in the first , a man resignes nothing but what belongs to him ; and is at his disposal . but the other confounds the nature of property , makes a man forfeit without consent , or provocation given : and puts it in the subjects power to translate their allegiance without their princes allowance ; and to depose them when they please . i shall now proceed with his book of allegiance ; and before i take leave of the chapter i was examining , i shall just observe , how inconsistent the doctors notion of settlement is with it self ; and of what incoherent parts its compounded . he tells us , when the whole power of the nation is in the hands of the prince ; when the estates of the realm , and the great body of the nation has submitted to him ; and those who will not submit can be crushed by him ; when all this is done ( and i suppose not before ) he concludes the settlement compleat . by which definition he plainly makes force , and consent , power , and law , essential to a settlement , and by the same logick , he might have compounded it of fire , and water . if power will govern and is a certain sign of god's authority , to what purpose are the states convened ? cannot providence dispose of kingdoms without their leave ? or does a divine right depend upon humane forms and solemnities ? in short either power implies a necessary conveyance of divine right or not : if not , then it s no certain sign of god's authority ; and so the doctor 's fundamental principle is out of doors . if it does ; then there is no need of the submission of the estates to perfect the settlement . but since the doctor has call'd them together , i desire to know whether they are legal , or illegal estates , if illegal , they had better have kept at home , than meet to break the laws . if they are a legal body , let this be proved . and thus , at last , we must be brought to debate the legality of a revolution , which , the doctor tells us , is an unnenecessary , unfit , and impracticable undertaking ? however , as the doctor has ordered the matter , the estates can have nothing to do with it ; and therefore i can't imagine what he brought them in for , unless it were for a varnish . it 's likely he thought naked unornamented violence , would make but an untoward figure ; and that people would be too much frighted , to spell out its divine authority . for this reason he has dressed up his power in the habit of justice ; and supplied the defect of law , with pomp and pageantry . but he seems not well pleased , because his definition of settlement is not allowed him ; and would gladly hear a good reason why the general submission of the people can't settle the government , unless the prince submit also . i hope it 's no bad reason to say the submission of the prince is necessary in this case , because no man can lose his right without forfeiture , or consent ; nay , forfeiture itself supposes a conditional right , and implies consent at a remoter distance . the doctor himself acknowledges , that consent is necessary to transfer a legal right . from whence it follows , that where the princes legal right is not transferred by his own submission , it still remains in him , unless kings are in a worse condition than other people ; and lose the common privilege , by being god's representatives . now one part of the king 's right is to govern his subjects ; and if he has a right to govern , they must of necessity be under any obligation to obey him . and that must needs be a firm settlement , which all people that make it are bound to unsettle again . as for his distinction between legal and divine right , i have shewn the vanity of it already . to conclude this section ; if the doctor is resolved to persist in his new opinion , that all soveraign or usurping powers have god's authority , and that subjection is due to those who have no legal right ; he must look out for some other supports , for that of the convocation , and church of england , will be sure to fail him . now that the reader may not think him unprovided with abettors , i shall shew by and by , from what quarter he may receive a considerable assistance . sect . iii. the doctor 's arguments from scripture and reason examined . having done with the convocation , i must go on with the doctor to scripture and reason , from both which intermix'd with each other , he attempts to prove , that all soveraign princes , ( that is , every one that has force to crush the dissenting party , prince ▪ massianello not excepted ) who are settled in their thrones , are placed there by god , and invested with his authority . that is , in plain english , they must be obeyed as god's ministers , though they have no legal title ; and the people know they have none . this , in so many words , he knew would sound harshly : and therefore has given the expression a turn of advantage . to come to his proofs : which he has reduced into propositions . among these , his first proposition , that all authority is from god , is undeniable . second proposition , that civil power and authority is no otherwise from god , than as he gives his power and authority to some particular person or persons to govern others . this is likewise granted him : but what use he can make of it i cannot imagine . for though no man can govern by god's authority , unless god gives it him ; it does not follow from hence , that god gives his authority to usurpers . the doctor knows god did not give it to athalia , and why other usurpers should be in a better condition , he has not yet offered any satisfactory reason . force , and authority , ( though our author confounds them ) have always been looked upon as things vastly different . the first is nothing but violence and irresistibility . the other ( authority ) is a moral capacity to do an action , and always implies a right . so that they who pretend to god's authority , must make good their title either by the ordinary plea of humane laws , or by the extraordinary one of revelation . they must prove they have a right distinct from their power , otherwise they contradict the sense of mankind , and destroy the very being of morality . however the doctor thinks it plain from st. paul and st. peter , that all those who exercise supreme power are set up by god , and receive their authority from him , notwithstanding they have no other title but the sword. in order to the removing this mistake , i shall endeavour to prove , that by the higher powers , the apostle meant only lawful powers . 1. because we have a rule in the scripture to interpret the apostle in this sense . for the distinction between lawful and usurped powers , is not unknown to scripture , as the doctor pretends . 2. this interpretation is supported by the authority of the ancient doctors of the church . 3. it s agreeable to the sentiments the generality of mankind had of a usurpation . at , and before the apostles time. 1. we are warranted by the scriptures of the old and new testament to conclude that by the higher powers , are only meant those who are lawfully constituted as appears . 1. from the instance of athaliah . who though she had power and settlement in as ample a manner as can be desired ; yet she had no divine authority , nor any right to the peoples obedience as is plain from the history . the doctors solution of this difficulty from the entail of the crown upon davids family , has been shown insufficient . i confess the doctor has offered something farther lately in defence of his notion ; though i think much short of his point . however the learned authour of the postscript being particularly engaged in this case ; and having managed it with so much advantage , i shall forbear to insist any farther upon it . 2. another argument from scripture , that by the higher powers are meant only lawful ones . may be taken from 1 pet. 2. v. 14. the next verse to that which the doctor quotes for a contrary opinion . in which place the apostle commands us to submit to the king , as supream ; and unto governors , as unto them who are sent by him . now if we are bound to submit to subordinate governors , by virtue of their delegation ; because they are sent by the king , or supream power : it follows that when they are not sent by him ; but challenge our submission upon the score of independent right , they are not to be obeyed . suppose then the emperor's procurator of iudea had set up for himself in the apostles time , and brought over the sanedrim and the majority of the jews to his party , and possessed himself of the civil and military power of that nation ; were the jews bound to submit to the procurator or not ? by the doctor 's rule undoubtedly they were . for here is nothing less than his through settlement ; and by consequence providence and divine authority ; to oblige them to acquiesce . but on the contrary st. peter's doctrine , teaches us to look upon this procurator as a treasonable usurper , and to have nothing to do with his settlement . for we cannot suppose him acting in his masters name , when he rebels against him ; unless we can imagine the emperor would grant a commission to fight and destroy himself . if therefore the reason of our submission to inferior magistrates , is founded in their subordination ; in their being sent by the supream ; as is evident by the apostles argument : then certainly we are not to obey them how successful soever they may be , when they act upon their own pretended authority ; and against him that sent them . i can't foresee what the doctor can reply ; excepting that iudea was but a small part of the roman empire ; and therefore a general revolt in that country alone , could not plead god's authority from their success , nor oblige the noncomplying subject to obedience . to this i answer ; that if we are to obey the higher powers , i. e. those who can crush us without respect to the legality of their title . if soveraign force , and soveraign authority , are the same , then we ought to obey them as far as their power reaches : for so far their divine authority must extend . if the revolt be general , and the power undisputed , the largeness of dominion is not at all material : for , as has been observed , the boundaries of empire are of an inferior consideration . they depend only upon pacts , and humane laws ; and ought not to stand in competition against providence , and hinder the exercise of a divine right . god , without question , can change the limits , as well as the governors of a kingdom ; ( and ought not to be confined in this respect no more than in the other . ) and since settlement and success is a certain sign of divine authority , we ought , according to the doctor ▪ to submit to every subdivision of power , though never so illegally cantonized ; as long as they keep distinct , and unsubordinate to each other . 3. that the distinction between lawful and usurped powers , is not unknown to scripture , will be manifest from the consideration of hebr. 13.17 . there the inspired author commands the hebrews to obey those who have the rule over them , and submit themselves . i grant the place is to be understood of church-governors : but it 's as plain by universal practice , that this submission is to be paid to none , but lawful spiritual powers . for if any bishop should offer to govern another's diocese , and usurp his see ; such intrusions have been always condemned by the church ; and the people obliged to adhere to their first bishop . and since this scripture concerning ecclesiastical rulers , has been always understood of those who are lawfully and canonically set up ; though these words are not expressly in the text ; why the higher powers should not be restrained to magistrates legally constituted , is somewhat hard to imagine : what reason have we to suppose god should confirm an intrusion upon the state ; and disallow in the church ? why should he give his authority to temporal usurpers , and deny it to spiritual ? are not bishops de facto as good as kings of that denomination ? to put the case more home , and to draw it into a narrower compass . let us suppose , according to st. cyprian's principle , every see independent of each other ; and that a lawful bishop is deposed by his people , and another chosen and consecrated by the presbytery , ( who are the spiritual estates ; ) and nothing of the usual solemnity omitted . now i desire to know whether the new man is a bishop , and has a divine right to govern the diocese ? if the doctor says yes , he contradicts the universal church , and destroys the episcopal authority . if he says , no ; i would gladly hear his reason . the person we are speaking of , is generally submitted to , and called bishop , and wears the episcopal habit ; and had all the ceremonies performed at his consecration ; and is disown'd by none but a few obstinate people , and what would you have more ? if you say the clergy were under tyes of canonical obedience to their former bishop ; that neither they nor the laity , have any power to depose their bishop , or to ordain a new one ; that such proceedings are contrary to the fundamental laws of church-government , and subversive of its monarchical constitution . this is all truth i grant ; but am afraid it will disoblige the doctor 's argument . for , under favor , are not the states bound by natural and sworn allegiance to their king ? what right have the members to depose the head , and inferiors to displace their supreme ? and what law is there to chuse a prince in an hereditary kingdom ? by what authority do they these things ? and who gave them this authority ? i put these questions to the doctor , because i hope he will be so kind as to take them for no more than enquiries . farther , by the doctor 's assistance it may be urged . that in the first ages of christianity , bishops were nominated by the holy ghost , ( as kings were in israel ) and elections apparently governed by miracles and inspiration ; as we may learn from clemens romanus ; and as it hapned afterwards in the case of fabian bishop of rome . but now since miracles are ceased , god does that in the church by his providence , which he did at first by express nomination . therefore though one layman should consecrate another , his episcopal character ought to be acknowledged , ( against the canonical bishop ) provided the great body of the diocese has submitted to him ; and the whole administration of ecclesiastical government is in his hands ; and every thing is done in his name ; and those who won't submit can be crushed by him . and if any one objects against this bishop de facto , i hope the doctor 's parallel reasons will satisfie him ! for first , here is as good a spiritual settlement according to our author's interpretation of that word , as a man would wish . to go on . no man can make himself a bishop any more than a king , whether god will or no. god is then said to set up a bishop , when by his providence he advances him to the episcopal throne , and puts the spiritual authority into his hands . all events are directed , and determined , and over-ruled by god ; so that it 's plain , that all elections of schismatical and heretical bishops , were over-ruled by providential appointment . besides , if there was any distinction between god's permissions and appointments ; yet we ought in reason to ascribe the advancement of bishops , to god's decree and councel , because it 's one of the principal acts of providence , and which has so great an influence upon the government of the church , and the salvation of mens souls . and if he decrees any events , certainly he peculiarly orders such events as will do most good or most hurt to the church . from the absurdity of this way of reasoning , it evidently follows , that the author to the hebrews must be interpreted of lawful rulers , though the distinction is not expressed . and since the scripture , by undeniable consequence , teaches us not to submit to those who govern in the church without right , we ought to conclude our duty the same with relation to the state. it 's in vain to urge that this epistle was written after that to the romans ; and therefore st. paul could have no reference to it . this objection must vanish before those who own the new testament written by the holy ghost . for whatever is dictated by inspiration , must be coherent and uniform ; especially when duties of a moral and unalterable obligation are delivered . so that unless the doctor can show a disparity between church and state , such a one i mean as destroys all proportion of reasoning from the one to the other , he must grant that those higher powers mentioned by st. paul , are to be understood only of those who are lawfully such . i now perceive by the doctor 's vindication ( which i did not before remember ) that the author of the postscript has touched upon this argument . and since i am somewhat concerned in the vindicator's answer , i shall beg leave of the above-mentioned author to make a short reply . for as the doctor has ordered the matter a few words will serve . he says the cases mentioned . rom. 13.1 . and heb. 13.17 . are by no means paralel . and that the apostle to the hebrews had no reason to make any such distinction , which it was necessary for st. paul to have done , rom. 13. if he intended to be understood only of lawful powers . this he endeavours to prove from the universality of the expression . because st. paul gives a general charge to be subject to the higher powers , and generally affirms that all power is from god. to this i answer , that the text to the hebrews is as comprehensive as that to the romans . obey them that have the rule over you , is an indefinite proposition , which he knows is equivalent to a universal . st. paul it 's true affirms all power is from god : and does not the author to the hebrews say , with relation to spiritual jurisdiction , that no man takes this honour to himself , but he that is called of god as was aaron ? besides , if all power is from god , then all spiritual power is from him , which makes way for heretical intruders , and is a contradiction to the 13th . of the hebrews by his own concession . but if the words all power are to be restrained to a particular sense , the universality the doctor contends for is gone . if they must be confined to temporal powers , why are they not capable of a farther limitation ? why should they not be understood only of lawful temporal powers , as well as the rulers mentioned by the author to the hebrews , though with the same extent of expression , are meant of none but those who are lawfully ordained ? but the apostle to the hebrews knew who had the rule over them at that time ; and that they were lawful ministers ; and had he added any such distinction ( i. e. expresly commanded them to submit only to lawful rulers ) he might have made the hebrews jealous about the title of their church governors , and spoiled his exhortation of obeying them . in answer to this i observe , first , that this inconvenience which the doctor imagines might easily have been avoided without omitting this distinction . for the apostle might have added a clause , that he did not question the authority of their present governors , but only gave them a caution not to be led away with every pretending heretick for the future . secondly , i observe that the doctor grants that if the apostle , or the hebrews , had known that either nullity , or forfeiture , could have been truly objected against the authority of their spiritual rulers , there would neither have been submission enjoyned by the one , nor obedience given by the other . thirdly , i have already proved , and shall do farther , that the roman emperors at the writing of st. paul's epistle were legal princes ; and if so , st. paul ( or the spirit he wrote by ) must know it . and as for the romans , they had as good an opportunity of being satisfied about their temporal governors as the hebrews had about their spiritual . and therefore by the doctor 's reason st. paul might forbear adding the word lawful to higher powers , because he knew the emperor's title to be good , and for fear of making his subjects jealous by such a distinction . but fourthly , is the doctor sure that the apostle to the hebrews knew that their spiritual rulers were all lawfully constituted ? the doctor concludes this apostle to be st. paul. now st. paul complains that these was schisms and heresies in the church in his time ; yet there was false apostles who transformed themselves into the apostles of christ. and is he certain the hebrews were troubled with none of these ? he may please to remember that the ebionites , gnosticks , nicolaitans , and cerinthians , sprung up in the age of the apostles ; and most , if not all of them , in palestine . fifthly , granting the apostle knew the present church of the hebrews was free from unlawful governors : he likewise knew that other churches were not ; and that even this would not be always in so good a condition ▪ now if the apostle wrote for the instruction of all ages and countrys , ( and i hope the doctor will not limit the authority and usefulness of the scriptures to a particular climate or country ) he could not suppose the church had always lawful pastors ; and by consequence the doctor 's reason why he omitted the distinction must necessary fail . for when their governors were unlawful they ought to think them so , and not be barred up by any scripture expressions from a reasonable enquiry . sixthly , i would gladly know the doctor 's reason why title and legality must always be expected in sacred , but not in civil authority ? why god allows usurpers to represent him in the state , and denies this privilege to those of the same character in the church ? and what arguments he has to prove that the jurisdiction of kings ought to be more precarious , and uncertain , than that of bishops . 2. this interpretation of rom. 13.1 . which i am contending for ; is supported by the authority of the fathers ▪ i shall produce some testimonies from them . st. chrysostom upon the place puts the question 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is every governor chosen and set up by god almighty ? to this he answers in the apostles name ; i affirm no such thing ▪ for i am not now discoursing of every particular prince ; but of government it self . the constitution of magistracy does indeed proceed from the divine wisdom , to prevent confusion and disorder . therefore the apostle does not say , that there is no prince of god : but that those powers that be , are ordained of god. therefore where the wise man tells us , that it's god who joyns a woman to a man ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) he means no more then that god instituted matrimony . not that every one who lives with a woman , is joyned to her by god. for we see many cohabit sinfully ; and not according to the laws of marriage . which is by no means to be attributed to god almighties doing . this comparison without the rest of this father's testimony , is sufficient to show that he was far from believing that power , and god's authority , always went together . for as a man and a woman can't be joyned together by god , though they receive each other with never so much freedom , unless the essentials of matrimony are premised : especially when either of them are preingaged . so an usurper though he may debauch the subjects with presents of flattery , from their former obligations ; yet the whole commerce is no better then civil adultery , and therefore must not pretend to be authorized from heaven . the next testimony shall be taken from theodoret , who affirms , that the power of unjust men ( as all usurpers are ) does not proceed from god's choice , but only the dispensation of government in general . now if unjust powers , or usurpers , are not chosen , or delegated by god , then they can have none of god's authority . for no man can have god's authority , but he to whom it 's given : bare permission to govern , ( as the doctor goes on ) will not do . and yet this is all theodoret allows to such unqualified persons . occumenius , and theophylact , express themselves to the same purpose with st. chrysostom . only they add , that all kinds of power whatsoever are orderly , ( as theophylact has it , ) ordained by god. whether it be that of a father over his children , or a husband over his wife , &c. now these two jurisdictions of father and husband , are on all hands granted to be unexceptionable ; and founded in the laws of nature , and revelation . and since these fathers have made their instance only in powers confessedly lawful . we have reason to believe they understood the apostles higher powers , in this sense ; had they given us no other argument which it's evident they have . these testimonies of the fathers , not to mention others , together with the concurrent sense of our own divines , the doctor is pleased to call a common evasion ; and tells us , he knows not what they mean by civil authority , unless it be that god intended that mankind should live under government . and is not this a sufficient meaning ? no. this does not prove that all power is from god , unless those who exercise this power ( which he must mean by authority ) receive it from god. right ! and is the doctor offended at this ? is he angry because they don't contradict themselves , which they must have done , if they had asserted successful violence had a divine commission to act by . their maintaining civil authority to be of divine institution with an exception to particular persons , proves that all legal power is from god ; and that they took power , not for meer force , ( as the doctor does ) but under the notion of right and authority . if the doctor is resolved to stick so very close to the letter , i am afraid it will carry him to a construction he will not approve . what does he think of the kingdom of satan , is not that called the power of darkness ? will the doctor say , these powers are ordained by god ? i hope he is not so much straitned for government , as to make the devil a magistrate . 3. the interpreting the text in dispute only of lawful powers , is agreeable to the sentiments the generality of mankind had of usurpation at , and before the apostles time . i shall give some instances out of the most famous governments in the world , by which it will appear that mankind has always had a very unkind opinion of usurpers . and notwithstanding their success , they have not thought them so much the favourites of providence ; nor their calling so divine , as we are lately made to believe . to begin : astartus , contemporary with rehoboam , recovered the kingdom of tyre , after it had been held twelve years by usurpers , as sir walter ralegh informs us . it seems these tyrians knew nothing of the divine right of possession , from whence i conclude it 's no innate principle . the same author observes , that the ten tribes did never forbear to revenge the death of their kings , when it lay in their power , ( of which he gives some instances ) nor approved the good success of treason , unless fear compel'd them . so that it 's plain when they did comply , it was interest , not duty which engaged them . from whence it follows , that they were as much unenlightned as to this point , as the heathenish tyrians . to continue the argument , the counterfeit smerdis was in possession of the empire of persia for some months : who after he was understood to be an impostor , the princes of the blood immediately removed him ; which practice of theirs is mentioned by iustin with commendation . and the just odium which usurpation lay under , was probably the reason why this usurper's government is pretermitted , and not reckoned by itself in the chronological accounts ; but added to the reign of cambyses , as the misrule of cromwel was to that of king charles ii. from persia , let us travel homewards into greece , and to the most polite part of it athens ; where we shall find the memories of harmodius and aritogiton honoured , and their families exempted from paying taxes , for delivering their country from the tyranny of hippias , who broke in upon their government , and was expelled by the athenians after several years usurpation . the learned bodin gives us the sense both of the greeks and romans , in this matter as fully as can be desired . 1. he defines a tyrant ( or usurper ) to be one who unlawfully seizes upon the government . and then adds : such a person the laws , and writings of the antients , command to be slain ; and propound the highest rewards to those who can dispatch him . neither in such a case are the qualities of the person considered , or any distinction made between a kind , and a cruel usurper . — let this therefore be laid down as an undoubted truth ; that whosoever in a monarchy shall wrest the government from the lawful king , or shall set himself up for a prince , where the supream power is by the constitution in the people , may be lawfully killed by all , or any person of the community . and for this conclusion he quotes the lex valena among the romans . and solon's law at athens ; which was not much different from the other . and that this doctrine concerning tyrants might not be prejudicial to rightful governors , under pretence of maladministration . he takes care to subjoyn . that lawful princes , where they are supream in their government : such as they are in france , spain , england , &c. are not to suffer in their dignities , fortunes , or lives , whether by force , or formality of iustice ; though they are never so flagitious , and oppressive . these passages i have cited from the greeks , romans , &c. not that i approve of their expedient of assassination , but to show what an aversion they had to usurpation . alas ! they were perfectly to seek in the modern doctrine of possession . they never dreamed that violence , and right , were words of the same signification . or that the continuation of an injury , could give an improvement of title , and supply the defect of the first injustice . they believed that the property of crowns , and scepters , was at least as well fixed , as that of private persons , and that it was not in the power of violence and treason to take it away . these observations are sufficient to prove , that unless we will make st. paul clash with st. peter ; and contradict other plain● texts and inferences from scripture . unless we will expound the text contrary to the fathers ; run counter to the sentiments of mankind in general ; and debase christianity below the justice and generosity of heathenism ; we must understand st. paul's all power , of all legal power : and therefore i think there was as little reason as decency , in the doctor 's making so bold with the apostle ; as to say , that he ought ( i. e. god ought ) to have made an express distinction between legal and illegal powers ; otherwise no body could reasonably have understood him that he meant only the first . as to the difficulties which he imagines will follow from this interpretation , viz. it will be necessary for subjects to examine the titles of princes , and to be well skilled in the history and laws of a nation . i answer , 1. that all these inconveniences ( as the doctor reckons them ) the iews were liable to , under the family of david . upon which he owns the crown was so firmly entailed , that it could not be defeated by usurpation . this entail was made by god's appointment . and does god put his own people upon all these intolerable inconveniencies ? did his infinite wisdom fix the government upon the most incomprehensible basis ? does god use to oblige men to determine disputes above their capacity ; to lead them into labyrinths of history , and perplexities of conscience ? i suppose the doctor does not imagine the iews were all inspired with the knowledge of david's family , and of the elder branches of it ; and yet we don't read they were ever at a loss about it , but found the right way to their sovereign easily enough : and so doubtless they may do in other countries , without the doctor 's assistance . it requires no great reach of understanding to resolve all the questions incident to this matter . a man needs not be any great lawyer to tell whether he lives under a monarchy , or a commonwealth . it 's no difficult matter to distinguish the king from a subject , especially in a country where the oaths of allegiance and supremacy are almost universally taken . there are very few people with us so ignorant , as not to know that it's treason to take up arms against the king. and as for the right heir to the crown , he is generally as easily known , as the louvre , or whitehall . one would have thought that since god , by immediate designation , has given the royal authority to a particular family ; and tied the obedience of the subject to legal right , the doctor would have concluded that an adherence to legal right was most for the advantage of society . and not have given us reasonings which reflect upon the divine model ; and which suppose the seat of authority much more unaccountably fixed in the iewish government , than in those of meer humane contrivance . but the legality of princes titles , is a great dispute among learned men ; and how then should unlearned men understand them ? 1. he may remember that himself , and the generality of the learned in this kingdom , had not long since very different thoughts of the present controversy , from what they now have ; and whether their improvements in learning , or some other reasons , have altered their opinion , is a great question . 2. can unlearned men understand nothing about which the learned differ ? then without doubt they are not bound to understand the creed . for there are , and always have been a great many learned jews , and heathens , and hereticks , who dispute about these things . nay , why should they believe any religion at all , since there are several learned atheists who deny it ? what he adds concerning the title of the roman emperors , which for many ages together were either stark nought , or the very best of them very doubtful , is of the same complexion with the rest ; for 1. the emperors titles when st. paul wrote this epistle to the romans , ( which is the time pointed at by the doctor and the controversy ) could not be stark nought for many ages together , because at the time of the apostle's writing , the empire itself was little more than one hundred years standing . 2. what authority does the doctor bring to shew the emperor's titles defective ? why none but his own : indeed he had no other ; for if we consult the historians who treat of this argument , we shall find the matter quite otherwise than our author represents it . the reader may be satisfied from tacitus , that augustus and tiberius were chosen by the consent of the people and senate . the consuls , senate , army , and people , swore an oath of allegiance to tiberius . if part of this author's works had not been lost , we might no doubt have received the same testimonies from him concerning the titles of caligula and claudius . for dion cassius , an historian of unquestionable credit , speaks home to all four . he tells us , that the whole senate pressed augustus , by earnest entreaties , to take the soveraign authority of the empire to himself . tiberius was likewise made emperor by the importunity of the senate , and consent of the people . caligula and claudius had the same charter for their authority : for as the same author informs us , they received the empire by the choice of the senate , and army . i might cite suetonius , who is full to the same purpose , were not what is already alledged sufficient for the point in hand . however there is one thing in cassius very remarkable , which shews how comprehensive and absolute the emperor's power was . for all other great branches of authority which lay before dispersed in several offices of state , were annexed to the imperial dignity . the emperors used to be consuls , tribunes of the people , high-priests , censors ; and out of the iurisdiction of the city , they are called proconsuls , and are legibus soluti , i. e. above the punishment of the laws . now if the senate and people , who had the right to dispose of the roman government , resigned themselves and their authority into the emperor's hands , what should hinder the title of these princes from being unquestionable ? nothing can be plainer than that as bodin affirms , the people may give away all their right to govern if they please . and adds agreeably to the foregoing testimonies , that the lex regia was understood in this sense . this is so evident that the doctor himself is forced to confess it , though in lame imperfect language . the emperors he grants did gain some kind of consent from the senate . and if their consent was once gained , it 's to no purpose to object the indirect methods of obtaining it ; for allowing it was extorted by fear , or flattery , or other arts ; this is not sufficient to null the translated authority . that when once resigned is past recall . it being than too late to plead that a man was wheedled , or frighted out of his consent . this the doctor very well understood , and therefore tells us that the romans themselves were great usurpers ; and therefore i suppose had no right to translate . but this objection i have already answered in the dispute concerning the convocation-book . and since the then present powers were legal powers , the apostles direction was very significant to christians of other ages ; from which they ought by parity of reason to conclude it was their duty to submit to none but lawful governors . what he urges from scripture of the jews being bound to submit to the four monarchys has been considered in the foregoing section : as for his saying they were manifest usurpations ; and yet set up by the council and decree of god ; and foretold by a prophetick spirit : this comes short of the case , unless he has any prophesies to produce in behalf of the revolution . besides his argument proves too much ; which is a sign it 's of kin to the emperor's titles stark nought . for our blessed saviour's passion was decreed by the counsel of god , and foretold by prophecy ; and yet i conceive the doctor is not so hardy as to affirm , the iews and romans had a divine right to crucify him . but we have no example in scripture that any people were ever blamed for submiting to the present powers , whatever the usurpations were . to this it may be answered . 1. there are a great many actions in the history of the scriptures unquestionably unlawful ; which notwithstanding are mentioned without any censure upon them . thus neither noah , nor lot , are blamed for their intemperance ; nor rebeckah , for teaching iacob to gain his father's blessing by deceit : and to come nearer the point , absalom is not directly blamed for rebelling against david ; and will the doctor conclude from hence , that lie did well in it ? the reason why the scripture does not condemn every irregular practice is , because it supposes men endowed with principles of natural religion and morality : which teach them to distinguish between good and evil ; and that they are to take their measures of virtue and vice , from the rules of reason and revelation ; not from precedent and example . 2. we may observe , that in the usurpation's upon the kingdom of the ten tribes , it was the custom of the usurpers to destroy the family of their predecessor : and when there is no competition from a legal claim , possession is a good title . and therefore it 's no wonder the israelites were not blamed for submitting to the present powers ; for in that case they were legally established . and as for the house of david it was never set aside by usurpation till the time of athaliah . now after iehoiada had discovered that their legal soveraign ioash was living ; i desire to know of the doctor whether the iews were bound to submit to athaliahs government , or not . if he says , yes . he not only condemns iehoiada for deposing athaliah ; but makes the divine entail upon davids family , upon which he lays so much stress , signify nothing . if he says , no ; he gives up the argument : for then we have undoubted principles of scripture ; which condemn a submission to usurpation ; which are much safer rules , than examples for conscience to rely upon . the doctor proceeds to prove that obedience is due to usurpers when they are seized of the administration of the government ; from our saviours answer to the pharisees and herodians concerning tribute mony , render to caesar the things which are caesar's . before i give a distinct reply to this objection , it will not be improper to consider the occasion of the text : now we are to observe that the pharisees and herodians , enquired of the lawfulness of paying tribute to caesar , not out of a desire of instruction from our saviour but to entrap him . they proposed an ensnaring question concerning tribute ; a plain catagorical answer , to which they knew must of necessity provoke either the roman , or the pharisees party against him . this our blessed saviour calls an hypocritical tempting of him . and since the time of his passion was not yet come ; we may conclude he intended to avoid the danger of the question ; not by declining it , but by giving an answer of an obscure and uncertain sense . upon which no charge could be grounded , because of its ambiguity . this the proposers well understood ; they knew they could not fix any determinate meaning upon our saviour's words , which made them marvel at the prudence of his answer , and leave him : whereas had he plainly resolved the question either way , they had gained their intended advantage upon him : and since there was a designed obscurity in our savior's answer , as being most proper to secure himself ; and to discourage the malice of those who came to entangle him ; it 's unreasonable to draw any conclusions about government from thence ; especially such , which not only contradict other plain places of scripture , but are repugnant to the notions of common justice and the sense of mankind . having premised this i answer , 1. that the doctor by this argument of tribute should have come in to the revolution when the new money was first coyned ; as he has been told already . 2. caesar as i have proved was the lawful prince of iudea ; and the right owners of the soveraignty , as well as the jewish nation , had submitted to him . and since he was not only possessed of the government but of the title to govern , the right of coinage belonged to him ; and when this prerogative of royalty was produced by the pharisees , it 's no wonder to find his right to tribute inferred from thence . the doctor urges , that our saviour's argument relies wholly on the possession of power . and if this be a good reason , it 's good in all cases of possession . say you so sir ! then athaliah ought to have been obeyed notwithstanding ioash his title ; if she could have kept the mint , and the power in her hands . now if this be not true , as the doctor must grant , then our saviour's argument does not rely wholly on possession , but upon right to possession . for that the divine entail of the crown upon david's family does not make the case exempt , and particular , has been shown already . 3. we are to observe , that our saviour left the civil rights of society in the same state he found them . he did not intend to alter the laws of common justice , to weaken the titles of princes , and put them into a worse condition then private men. so that if according to the principles of reason , and the laws of particular kingdoms , whoever has a right to the crown ; ought to have the obedience of the subject ; we cannot conclude our saviour's answer has made any alteration in the case . 4. if the royal image and superscription always supposes possession , and infers obedience , his majesty at st. germains is still the doctor 's soveraign ; and he ought to have continued his submission to him , till his money had been cryed down . and which is more surprizing , the subject must be bound to two opposite and contrary allegiances as long as the coin of the two contesting princes is currant among us ; which the doctor owns to be an impracticable absurdity . what he observes concerning the prophesy of the four monarchies not being at an end , is somewhat surprizing . all people agree , that the roman monarchy has the last of the four , and that has had its period long since . now it 's a little strange that events should be foretold concerning things that are not ; and that the prophesies concerning the four monarchies should extend to greater lengths of time , than the monarchies themselves . but what if the four monarchies were not at an end ? must we comply with all successful disorders , under pretence of fulfilling prophesies , though we neither know their meaning , nor the time of their accomplishment ? does god need the wickedness of men to bring his own counsels to pass ? doubtless he who has omnipotence in his hand , can change times , and seasons ; set up kings , and remove kings , as in his wisdom he thinks fit ; without obliging the subject to break the laws of their country , and to fail in their allegiance when it 's most needed . god , in whose hand are the hearts of kings , who has the disposal of life and death , of the passions and tempers of men , may change his representatives as often as he pleases ; without pitching upon such methods which without a revelation , must of necessity in a great measure confound the notions of right , and wrong ; encourage violence , and weaken the good correspondence ; and mutual securities between king and people . but the continuation of the doctor 's reason for compliance , is still more extraordinary , viz. under the fourth monarchy the kingdom of antichrist is to appear , and the increase and destruction of the kingdom of antichrist is to be accomplished by great changes . and are we obliged to comply with every revolution , to swim down every tide of state , for fear the kingdom of antichrist should not increase fast enough ? are we as much bound to support violence , and clap justice under hatches ; as the iews were to obey the express orders of the prophet jeremiah ; only because the doctor fancies , the prophecy of the four monarchies is not at an end ? if this be not enthusiasm , which the doctor denies ; pray god it be not something worse . but to consider his argument more fully , i must go back to his 12th page , where he gives in his reasons to prove , that now god governs the world , removes kings , and sets up kings , only by his providence . by which he means nothing but force and success ; let the means by which they are gained be never so unaccountable . these advantages though they come from hell , are always attended with divine authority , and draw the allegiance of the subject along with them . and because soveraign and rampant wickedness sounds but harshly , and is very unlikely to have the entail of all these priviledges , he gilds it over with the pompous name of providence . this , he says , is god's government of the world by an invisible power : whereby he directs , determines , and over-rules all events ; in distinction from his more visible government , by oracles , prophets , &c. so that now it seems neither scripture , nor law , nor reason ; signifie any thing towards the stating the right of kings , and the obedience of subjects . no : we must submit to the infallibility of the sword , which is the only proper judge to decide all controversies of state , ( and why not of religion too . ) we must conclude , that all civil confusions , all publick injustice , though never so horrid , is directed by god almighty . and all events , how impious soever they may be in their causes and consequences , are determined and over-ruled by his providence . to fortifie this extraordinary position , he attempts to make god's permissions and approbations the same , as to events : though the distinction between these two , is both necessary , and generally acknowledged . but to make god , as the doctor does , the author of all the good or evil which happens either to private persons , or publick societies , is an untrue , and dangerous proposition . for first , it 's a contradiction to plain scripture . secondly , it makes god the abetter and maintainer of sin. thirdly , it destroys the notion of his patience . 1. it 's a contradiction to plain scripture . for though the doctor affirms , that the scripture never speaks of god's bare permission of events ; these following citations , not to mention any more , will shew he is mistaken . for don't we read that the devils besought our saviour that he would suffer them to enter into the herd of swine , and he suffered them ? now by the doctor 's principle , our saviour must either have forced the devils into the swine , or at least have raised their inclination to enter , and concurred with it . but the scripture speaks no such language . it affirms no more than a bare permission of the devil's malice . another proof to confirm the distinction between what god does , and what he permits , as to events , may be taken from acts 13.18 . where god is said to suffer the manners of the israelites forty years in the wilderness . he did not , as the doctor 's proposition supposes , direct them in the making of the golden calf : he did not determine their idolatries , nor over rule them into all their murmurings and disobedience . farther , was not the destroying iob's cattle and servants , and the afflicting his person , an event ? and will our author say , that all this was brought to pass by the influence and direction of providence ? and that the devil would not have used iob thus hardly , if he had not been over ruled by god almighty ? i am sorry the doctor should support his new scheme of government with such divinity as this . 2. to suppose no distinction between what god permits , and what he does , with respect to events , destroys the notion of his patience . for patience supports aversion or dislike , to things or persons : but no omnipotent being can be said to suffer , or be displeased , with those events which he promotes , and brings to maturity and effect . it 's unintelligible sense to say , god bears with his own decrees ; and suffers those things which he determines and over-rules . 3. this opinion makes god though not the first contriver , yet the abetter and maintainer of sin ; as will appear if we consider the plain english of directing , determining , and over-ruling an event . to direct an event , is to put it into the road of success . and he that does so is an accessary to it , and a party to the quality of the action . to determine an event , must be nothing less , even in the author's sense , than a divine decree that such things shall come to pass by the help of fixed , and particular , means and circumstances . and therefore the commendation or blame of the action must belong to him by whom they are appointed . lastly , by over-ruling an event , the doctor must mean a change , either in the circumstances or success of the action ; by which it is diversified from what it would have been , had it been left to the conduct of inferior agents . and then by consequence if the event is accomplished by ill means , the over-ruler is accountable . for his interposal has distinguished the kind of the event ; and given life , and form , and complexion to it . god indeed does sometimes over-rule events ; i. e. he restrains the wickedness of men , and hinders them from doing so much mischief as they would do otherwise : but to affirm , that he prompts them to the violation of his own laws , and inspires them with courage and conduct to be successful in disloyal and treasonable enterprizes , is very singular doctrine ; and has been seldom thought proper to explain any part of the unsearchable wisdom of providence , till the disturbances under king charles the i. and cromwel's usurpation . i confess in those times this doctrine of providence was very much in vogue . and that the doctor may not seem to argue without precedent , i shall quote some of the learned in rebellion for his opinion . 1. the prentices and porters ( as palmer has it ) were stimulated and stirred up by god's providence to petition the ( rebellious ) parliament for speedy relief . cockain , in his sermon to the commons , discoursing concerning the king of syria's coming against israel , and being taken prisoner , makes this inference ; viz. that the mind of god was ( which he discovered only by that present providence ) that justice should have been executed upon him . this passage he applies to encourage them to the murther of the king , who was then in their hands . some persons ( says the sufferers catechism ) may be stirred up to do some things , which are not in themselves so just and seemingly warrantable , ( at least in all circumstances ) which yet the over-ruling hand of god may be in ; as in moses killing the egyptian . the next testimony is dr. owen's , which to give its due is very moving , and had without doubt a considerable effect upon the army saints . where is the god of marston-moor , and the god of naseby , was an acceptable expostulation in a gloomy day . o what a catalogue of mercies has this nation to plead by in a time of trouble ! god came from naseby , and the holy one from the west . selah . ienkins in his petition , is no less full to the doctor 's purpose ; for , without mincing the matter , he does not stick to affirm , that a refusal to be subject to this authority , ( i. e. to the rump and cromwel ) under the pretence of upholding the title of any one upon earth , is a refusal to acquiesce in the wise and righteous pleasure of god. the same doctrine you may find , in his conscientious queries . milton , in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , speaking in justification of the king's murther , tells us , that god has testified by all propitious and evident signs ( that is , by over-ruling events ) whereby in these latter times ( instead of oracles , prophets , or express significations of his will ) he is wont to testifie what pleases him ; that such a solemn , and formerly unexampled act of due punishment , was no mockery of justice , but a most grateful and well-pleasing sacrifice . let ienkins speak once more for the cause . he delivers himself thus : god's providence , that is , his permission of events , and success , are antecedent declarations of his good will , and approbation . which comfortable doctrine he applies to the commonwealth . to conclude . saunders is admirable in his descant upon rom. 13.1 . where within the compass of one single question , he determines the great dispute on the doctor 's side , there is no power but of god. is not , says he , the late king , with his heirs and successors , dispossessed by god ? besides , he has several other choice observations . for he founds authority in providential power . he answers the objection concerning athaliah the doctor 's way . he quotes his texts of scripture to the same purpose . and presses obedience to the common-wealth , from their having the administration and force of the kingdom in their hands . thus i have given a small catalogue of the doctor 's worthies ; these are the chariots of his israel , and the horsemen thereof . and were i not reasonably assured that the doctor is both well inclined , and furnished , for this argument ; i should suspect he had borrowed some of his artillery from the authors abovementioned , their thoughts , and even their expressions being so like his own . what the doctor urges upon this occasion in pursuit of his point , is as remarkable as any thing we have had yet , viz. god permits men to do wickedly , but all events which are ; for the good or evil of private persons , or publick societies , are ordered by him . he permits men to do wickedly , &c. now one would think we had gained a distinction of the usual latitude from the doctor , between what god does , and what he permits . for permission signifies a liberty of action . and where there is such a freedom , it 's a contradiction to say , the agent is determined by any superior power . and if the agent is free , the action or event must be so too . for an event is nothing but an execution and train of actions . no : the doctor will tell you , that events ▪ notwithstanding are ordered and over-ruled by providence . that is , though god permits them to do wickedly , yet all events , i. e. every thing they do is over-ruled by him . which is in other words , to affirm that liberty , and force , or necessity , are the same things . if the doctor meant nothing more by god's ordering events , then that by his wisdom he draws good out of evil ; and makes the wickedness of men tend to the promoting his own glory , and the happiness of his servants . this construction would be orthodox and intelligible ; but then it will do him no service . this sense will give no divine right to rapine and robbery . nor set providence at the head of every usurpation . this the doctor knew very well ; and therefore enlarges his principle accordingly . but with what reason , and consistency the reader may judge . as for the text which he cites from amos , shall there be evil in a city , and the lord has not done it ? this place is meant only of the evil of affliction , and therefore is foreign to his point . it does not make god the patron of injustice ; nor imply his over-ruling men into wickedness . if we had no authority on our side , common sence ought to make us avoid such an unaccountable interpretation . for the scriptures ought not to be so expounded as to contradict the natural , and unquestionable notions of the divine perfections . this is the reason those expressions are counted figurative which attribute hands , and eyes , and other corporeal parts and affections to god almighty . now men had better degrade him to the littlenesses of body ; than make him a party in unjust undertakings . for natural imperfections are a far less blemish to a rational being , than those which are moral , and though the forementioned sence is sufficiently confirmed from the reason of the thing ; it may not be improper to produce the concurrence of some of the antient and modern interpreters . st. hierom tells us : that the evil which the lord does in the city , is not contrary to virtue , but imports affliction and calamity ; in which sence we read , sufficient for the day is the evil thereof . i. e. the hardship and tribulation . let us take an instance from the prophet ionah . and g●d saw their works that they turned from their evil way ; and god repented him of the evil that he said he would do unto them . whereby evil is only meant the threatned destruction of niniveh : not any thing which carries an opposition to probity , and virtue . st. cyrill of alexandria speaks to the same purpose . by these words we are to understand some evil in the city proceeding from god almighty ; but not with any resemblance to wickedness . god forbid ! no. the phrase is to be expounded of afflictions ; and the judgments of god ; which he sends for the reformation of sinners . to come nearer our own times . drusius observes that evil imploys the evil of punishment , as the school-men speak , and signifies vexation , trouble , and calamity ; in this sence god is said to create evil. calamity is in it self no evil , but is so called because it seems such to those who undergo it ; or because that which is against the grain of a man's inclination may be called evil. episcopious agrees with drustus , his words are these . as touching physical evils , which are only misfortunes or inconveniencies to particular persons , these in strict speaking are no evils : and therefore they may without doubt be the objects of god's will ; so that he may either send them himself , or suffer them to be inflicted by others . — and afterwards towards the close of the argument he cites amos 3.6 . in confirmation of what he had said . if the doctor replys upon these expositors , that , afflictions are not only sent by the immediate hand of god , but occasioned by wicked men ; who often cut off malice , covetousness , or ambition ; defame , circumvent , and oppress their neighbours ; from whence it will follow that if god is the authour of all the evil of affliction , a great many immoral actions must be over-ruled by him in the doctor 's sence . to this the answer is plain : those calamities which are inflicted by wicked instruments , providence is no otherwise the authour of , than by permitting them . he may be said in a qualified , figurative sense to do that , which he does not hinder by his omnipotence : but to affirm more than this , that he either excites ill men to engage in unlawful enterprizes ; or assists them in the execution ; is to charge him with unrighteousness ; and makes him partaker of their sins . and if such assistance is never given ; it 's neither true , nor over pious , to say that all events though begun and prosecuted by never somuch villany , are determined , ordered , and made successful by him . well! though the doctor have lost this point , he has another reserve behind . for , says he , if there were any such distinction as this , that some events god permits only ; and some he orders and appoints : yet we ought in reason to ascribe the advancement of kings to god's decree and counsel , because it 's a principal act of providence ; and if he decrees and orders any events , he peculiarly orders such events , as will do most good , or most hurt in the world. to this i answer : 1. that god does not chain up the liberty of mankind with respect to any sin ; but permits them to do wickedly one way as well as another . and therefore it 's no wonder to see rebellion succeed sometimes . but then we must no more impute such wickedness as this to his decree , then private murther , or adultery . 2. since kings are god's ministers , as the doctor observes , and their advancement is a principal act of providence , we may conclude that god has not put them into worse circumstances than other men : that he does not allow violence to devest them of their authority . that he has secured their royalty to them ; not only by the common laws of justice and property , but by the indispensible tyes of allegiance . and not left them to the courtesie of their subjects , to be set aside according to the discretion and conscience of phrenzy , atheism , and ambition . such a liberty as this would make the doctor 's great wheels of providence jolt into disorder , like those of phaeton's chariot , and be ready to set the world on fire at every motion . as for his saying , god must order those events which will do most good or harm in the world. i will only ask him , what he thinks of the rebellion in heaven ? that was a very memorable event , and the occasion of as much good and harm in the world , as any he can almost imagine . now did god raise a commotion in his own kingdom ? did he order and decree the revolt of those glorious spirits , and over-rule them into damnation ? however we can't but think god will exercise a particular care in appointing his great ministers . right ! but usurpers are not his ministers . a bare advancement to the throne invests a man with god's authority no more , than taking a purse gives him a right to the money . none can have god's authority but by legal claim , immediate designation , or vacancy of right . and therefore god neither gives his authority to usurpers , nor permits them to take it . the doctor goes all along upon a mistake , as if force and authority were the same . he might as well have said , there is no difference between violence , and justice ; between reason , and a whirlwind . does the authority of a father last no longer than the children are pleased to obey him ? and have they a right to his house as soon as they can turn him out ? is a wife bound to entertain an husband de facto ? now if the priviledge of fathers and husbands holds in case of dispossession , why not that of kings ? why should publick authority , upon which the common security depends , have a less firm establishment than that of single families ? if private disobedience can't challenge a divine right to govern upon success , why should a national rebellion pretend to it ? he goes on to acquaint us ; that to give authority to a man does not signify to permit him to take it . and that no man can have god's authority , but he to whom it 's given . by which it 's plain , he means that no person can be vested with god's authority , barely by his permissive will ; but that consent and approbation is always implied . but this proposition is not only foreign to his point , ( because usurpers have no authority from god either one way or other , ) but is likewise untrue and dangerous . for suppose an eldest son murthers his father privately ; in this case it must be granted he has god's authority to possess his estate , and to govern the family , for he who has a legal claim , has by consequence a divine one ; all humane laws being ultimately resolved into the divine warrant and appointment . but then i conceive the doctor wont say this unnatural murtherer has god's authority in the family any other ways than by bare permission . god indeed suffered him to murther his father , as he suffers all other wickedness . and because the murther was secretly committed , the villany turns to advantage , and the party becomes master of his father's fortune . but to say that he had god's consenting authority in this matter , would sound very harshly ; and amounts to no less than god's approbation of parricide . for he who absolutely approves the end , without any regard to the lawfulness of the means , must consent to the means though never so unlawful . and to apply this remark : an usurper , when the royal line is either extinct or surrenders , comes by god's authority the same way with the forementioned murtherer . the next rub the doctor casts in the way is , that unless we take our governors as they rise , without minding their titles , we shall not be able to distinguish those god permits only , from those he appoints . now this difficulty is easily removed : for the constitution of each particular country will inform us who governs by permission , and who by appointment from god almighty . the laws of succession , &c. were made for this purpose , and to prevent usurpation . so that there is no need of the doctor 's expedient to teach us to distinguish between god's king , and those who would be so , of their own making . we need not be at a loss whom we must obey out of conscience , and whom we must not obey ; for we have the direction of law ready to inform us : the same direction which there is in private cases , to know the right owner from an intruder . he comes on with the repetition of his former extraordinary doctrine ; that by what means soever a prince ascends the throne he is placed there by god as truly as if he had been nominated by him , and anointed by a prophet . so that cromwel was as much god's vicegerent as david ; and if so , our laws are very much to blame for attainting him of treason , and exposing him to ignominy after his death . however the doctor is sure god never suffers a prince to ascend the throne but when he sees fit to make him king. no! does god suffer nothing but what he sees fit to be done ? does he not suffer all the wickedness which is committed , for no man can do an ill thing whether god will or no ? and will the doctor take the freedom to say , that god sees it fit and convenient that men should be unjust , and lewd , and atheistical ; that they should disturb the world , and damn themselves ? such practises as these certainly can never gain the approbation of the divine wisdom , nor seem agreable to his goodness . his fourth proposition gives us another admirable piece of politicks ; viz. all kings are equally rightful with respect to god. why so ? because it 's impossible there should be a wrong king , unless a man could make himself king whether god would or no. nay then farewell all property ! for by the help of this logick i will prove there can be no such thing as cheating , stealing and oppression in nature . the argument lyes thus ; all possession is rightful with respect to god , for it 's impossible there should be a wrong possessor , unless a man could make himself master of his neighbour's goods whether god will or no. this is comfortable doctrine for the gentlemen of the high-way ; and were it admitted , would serve to plead off their indictment ▪ but if this plea should fail , which is not likely , the doctor can reinforce them with another . for he has told us , that all events which are for the good on evil of private persons are ordered by providence . now is not the taking a purse , or stealing a man's cloaths , an event ? doubtless it is ; and sometimes very much for the evil of him who looses them . such events as these have been very frequent since the doctor 's book came out . but why he that stole these goods should be bound to make restitution , except in point of generosity , is past my skill to understand . for if god orders a man a sum of money , it 's certainly lawful for him to keep it . his fifth proposition affirms , that god is not bound by humane laws . true : but if men are , it 's sufficient for our purpose . for we are not disputing about god's prerogative , but the duty of subjects . however , may not god make whom he pleases king without regard to legal rights ? no doubt he may : but then we are to observe , that every thing which is done is not of god's doing . and the apparent injustice of an action , is a very bad argument to prove the righteous god had a hand in it . 't is true , god is the chief proprietor of all things ; but it does not follow from hence that whatever a man can catch is his own . if the doctor has no supernatural credentials to produce , he must be contented to let the common laws of justice take place : unless he has a mind to cut the sinews of all property ; and in a great measure to destroy the nature of right and wrong . his sixth proposition says , we have but one king at a time ; which is a good hearing , were it not misapplied in his seventh , where he affirms , that king is the name of power , not of meer right . which assertion is not only contrary to the common notion or justice , but to the language of our own laws . in which the lancastrian princes , who though for kings de facto had several peculiar advantages ; such as a formal resignation of the legal king ; a long silence and interruption of claim in the right line , which must occasion perplexity of title when revived ; yet these princes are called pretended kings ; and henry the vi. though the third monarch by successive descent , is called an usurper ; and said to be rightfully amoved from the government . so little was our author's doctrine of providence and events understood in those days . there is something behind in this proposition which is worth the having , and that is this ; he who has a legal right to the crown , but has it not ; ought by the laws of the land to be king , but is not . the laws of the land are the measure of all property ; so that whatever estate , title , or jurisdiction the laws give any man , they ought to be acknowledged his own . he that has a clear indisputable title to an estate , is nevertheless a proprietor ▪ for being disseized : and all persons concerned ought to endeavour to give him possession . the doctor 's next business is to avoid the charge of hobbism , which he had reason to apprehend would be objected against him : let us see how he clears himself from this imputation . why he says mr. hobbs makes power , and nothing else , give right to dominion . and pray does not the doctor do the same ? i am much mistaken if this be not the design of his whole book . no , the doctor will tell you , that mr. hobbs found god's right to govern the world in his omnipotence : whereas he makes him natural lord of the world , because he created it . under favor , we are not disputing god's title to govern , but man's ; which i 'm sure the doctor grounds solely upon power , as much as mr. hobbs . however i desire to be resolved this question , would god have a right to govern the world if he was not omnipotent ? if he would , then right ought to carry it against power ; which is the thing i am contending for . if he would not , then his dominion depends upon his omnipotence ; and so the doctor and mr. hobbs are perfectly agreed . the connex●on of the doctor 's consequences are somewhat remarkable in this paragraph ▪ god has a right to govern the world , because he made it no creature has a right to govern any part of it , but as he receives authority from god. thus far all is well , but observe what follows . therefore since power will govern ; god always gives soveraign authority to the man who has soveraign power . therefore since power will govern . wherefore will power ( humane power ) govern ? because god made the world. these two propositions will want a great deal of cement to fasten them into any coherence . what! will power govern whether god will or no ? that were hard indeed . will it govern right or wrong ? most certainly . and since it 's such a righteous quality , god always rewards it with his authority . that is , since ambitious men will usurp upon their neighbours dominions ▪ since there will be sometimes a general revolt from lawful governors , and a prince has not personal strength enough to manage his rebellious subjects , therefore that such unjust and treasonable enterprizes might not be disturbed in their success , god always gives the engager his authority to settle and confirm them ; which is no doubt an extraordinary encouragement . and by parity of reason may we not say , that since god knows men will steal , and commit adultery ▪ therefore if they are strong enough to get their neighbors goods and wives into their possession , they have a divine right to keep them : for why a lesser sinner should be denied the security of god's authority , when it s granted to a greater , is somewhat difficult to understand . for all this the doctor will have it that power does not give right and authority to govern ; though his reason for this assertion is a demonstration of the contrary . for he affirms that power is a certain sign that god has given the authority where he has placed the power . now , if power be a certain sign of god's authority , then god's power and authority are inseparable ; and we may infallibly conclude the former from the latter . and if power be an invincible argument to prove the concurrence of god's authority ; then right if god's authority can give any ; may be demonstrated from power : and if a right to govern is demonstrable from power , then power must give a right to govern . 't is true the doctor denies power this priviledge in the case of antiochus ; but this proves no more than a contradiction of himself . but because the doctor seems somewhat shy of mr. hobs's company : i shall endeavour to make them a little better acquainted . first , they both agree , as we have seen , that dominion is founded in power ; which is a fair step towards a good correspondence . to go on . mr. hobs owns , that the right of the sovereign is not extinguished by a prosperous invasion , or rebellion ; yet the obligation of the members ( the subjects ) is . and does not the doctor say the same in other words ? that notwithstanding the legal right of the dispossessed prince continues , our allegiance is only due to him who has the actual administration of sovereign power . mr. hobs says , the obligation of the subject to the sovereign , is understood to last as long , and no longer than the power lasts , by which he is able to protect them . now it will be hard to find any difference between this maxim , and that which follows of the doctors . the preservation of human society ( right or wrong , for he takes care not to distinguish upon the means ) is the ultimate end of government ; and will justifie whatever it makes necessary . and elsewhere ; i believe no man in his wits would take an express oath , to follow his king into banishment , or venture being hanged at home . again , mr. hobs pronounces , that he who wants protection ; may seek it any where , and when he has it is obliged to protect his protection , as long as he is able . and what does the doctor come short of this liberty , in averring , that we ought in duty to swear to live peaceably under an unlawful government . that we ought to give him whom we believe to be an usurper , the title of king. to pay him taxes , and pray for him , because we owe the secure possession of our estates to his government . and can the doctor find in his heart to quarrel with mr. hobs after all this harmony in opinion ? i hope the moral resemblance between them , will make him kinder for the future . after the doctor has argued thus vigorously for power ; one would think he might give up his notion of legal right . however he is resolved to keep it against a rainy day ; and attempts to answer an objection against its significancy upon his principles . he tells us , legal right bars all other human claims . no other prince can challenge the throne of right . ( which , by the way , is a great commendation of him that keeps it wrongfully . ) the doctor 's legal right puts me in mind of epicurus's deities ; whom , for fashion sake , he supposed to exist ; but gave them such a slender constitution , that it was impossible for them to hold out against the least rencounter of his atoms . just so kind is the doctor to a prince , whose title stands upon the fundamentals of the government . for what does this legal right signifie ? are the subjects bound to restore him ? no. this would oblige them to two opposite allegiances . are they at liberty to stand neuter ? not that neither . for allegiance signifies all that duty which subjects owe to their king. and if this , as the doctor affirms , falls all to the share of him who has the actual administration of government . i 'm afraid there will be but little left for the other . and as if all this was not sufficient to mortify his legal prince ; he musters the laws , and lawyers against him : and says , it s a very wise constitution which obliges us to pay our allegiance to a prince who is not the legal heir , i. e. to an usurper . and the reasons and order , and necessity of government require it . the reason and necessity of government is a very serviceable principle to the author ; whether he does not misapply and overstrain it , shall be farther examined afterwards . at present i shall only desire to be informed of the doctor , whether it 's any part of the business of reason to do an unreasonable thing , what necessity there is to destroy justice , and establish a revolt ? indeed if there was a law that a king should forfeit his kingdom , as soon as the disobedience of his subjects should oblige him to retire ; though the singularity of such an act would be amazingly remarkable ; yet it would not be absolutely unintelligible . but this is not the case : for both the doctor and the dispute , supposes that the king 's right continues after he is dispossessed . now this is that which makes it superlatively wonderful : his right continues in full force ; and , yet as far as the laws can provide , he is barred from all possible means of recovery . for , it seems , the subjects are bound to stand by the usurper ; and to distress , and fight the king de iure , if he offers to regain that which they own belongs to him . he has a right it 's granted as much as ever ; say you so ? then , i hope , it 's to govern ; and if so , his subjects are bound to re-establish him . hold there , cries the doctor ! they are bound to stand by the usurper . i confess i always thought , that if a king had a right to the crown , the subjects were obliged to pay him allegiance . right one would think should relate to something : for to have a right to nothing , is to have no right . but the see improvements of time ! here we have a right without a property ; a king without a subject . one who has a legal right to govern ; and yet all the kingdom has a legal right , and a legal duty to kill him if he goes about it . thus the doctor makes the laws fall foul upon each other : and gives the people a legal right to oppose a legal right in the crown . which is somewhat a plainer , though not a truer contradiction , than his bringing in a divine , and a legal right , clashing with each other . for here the repugnancy lyes in the constitution , so that the word providence , which uses to be so serviceable , can give him no assistance . in short , to tell a man he is a king , and yet to assign all his subjects over to another , and to barr him all possible means of recovery ; is such a jest of iniquity , and supposes the legislators so incomprehensibly singular and unreasonable , that for the credit of our countrey we ought not to interpret the laws in such a wild sense . if the doctor had a mind to turn st. stephen's into bedlam , and make the nation mad by representation ; he could scarcely have gon a more effectual way to work . to conclude this business ; if the subjects are obliged to defend an usurper in possession , as much as if he was their rightful prince ; i would gladly know what priviledge the one has above the other ? i grant the doctor allows the dispossessed legal prince a right to make war upon the usurper . but then as he has ordered the matter , he can have none of his subjects to help him , but those he brings along with him : besides this principle gives two contending parties a right to the same thing ; and makes a war justifyable on both sides ; which is something more than usual . in answer to a second objection , he observes , that an oath of allegiance can oblige no longer than the regal character continues ; which is most true . but his inference concerning the grounds of the oaths being removed , is altogether inconclusive . for where the crown is settled upon hereditary right ; and fortifyed by irresistable authority : there the king must necessarily continue in being , as long as the man : because the subjects can have no power to call him to an account , or displace him . the doctor encounters a third objection , but with the same success . the objection is , that we swear to defend the king 's right , and the right of his heirs , &c. to which he returns . that we dont swear to keep them in the throne . right ! for some mens practises would make one believe we swore to throw them out , as soon as we had an opportunity . but the keeping our prince in the throne is sometimes impossible for us to do against a prosperous rebellion . does it therefore follow that we must joyn such a prosperous rebellion ; and support it with our interest ? is it the meaning of the oath , that we should desert our prince in his distress , and refuse him when he has most occasion for our service ? if subjects should swear with such declarations as these , there are few princes would thank them for their solemn security . i grant it 's sometimes impossible for us to keep our prince in possession , against a rebellion . but certainly we ought not to follow a multitude to do evil. we ought to stand upon the reserve , and not fortifie the rebels by our revolt . soldiers don't swear , that they will always get the victory ; for that may be out of their power . but if they endeavour to debauch the fidelity of the army , and make seditious harrangues to defame the general , they very much misbehave themselves : much less is it agreeable to change their sides upon the loss of a pass , or a battel . 't is true , upon the prospect of an exchange , they may sometimes submit to be made prisoners of war : but if their surrender will not be accepted , without translating their allegiance ; they ought rather to carry their honour and honesty into the other world , than take their life upon such scandalous conditions . to this firmness in loyalty , not only christians , but heathens , upon whom virtue and bravery had made any considerable impression , always thought themselves obliged . what the doctor adds in this place , concerning his providential kings , has been sufficiently taken notice of already . thus i have done with his propositions ; which , thô i think some of them a great deal too plain , yet i cannot perceive they carry any evidence with them to the author's advantage . his doctrine , that different degrees of settlement require different degrees of submission ; is such a masterly stroke in politicks , that i think in this paragraph he may be said to have out-done himself . such a posture of affairs seems to require , at least to justifie , such a qualified submission . but , 1. this is a needless distinction . for such a limitted compliance cannot be justified , unless it 's required , i. e. unless 't is a duty to comply . the reason is , because no subject is independent of the constitution . he is not at liberty to qualifie his allegiance at his discretion , and to choose to submit to what governour he pleases . such a latitude would make subjection an arbitrary relation ; which the people might throw off at their pleasure . for if their private unauthorized will is sufficient to translate part of their allegiance , the whole must , by the same reason , lye at the mercy of their inclinations . thus much is granted by the doctor himself : for though at present he seems to make these degrees of submission no more than politick provisions , and a little ceremony to an approaching revolution ; yet when he comes to state the business , he calls them duties , and carves out several branches of allegiance , such as praying , paying taxes , &c. under the notion of an obligation ; which is a sufficient argument they are required to be done . 2. his proportioning submission to the degrees of settlement , seems in plain english no less than a license for men to turn , as the tide does ; to shake off all sense of honour and justice , when they are likely to prove expensive ; and to make an idol of interest . as if a man should say thus , look ye , gentlemen , things are so kindly ordered , and so fair an allowance is given ; that when you find a government going down , you may draw in your loyalty , and sink your allegiance . but pray take care you do it by degrees ; for if you are too quick , the king may recover , and you may live to repent it . so on the other hand , when you see rebellion in a thriving condition , and to have gotten the better of the laws , you must be sure to comply with the success as fast as it rises ; and follow it step by step , as it gets ground . by this means you will not fail to keep pace with providence . to sleep in a whole skin , and enjoy the secure possession of your estates . and if the new interest gains farther , and encreases into a full and plenary ( i. e. into a twice full ) possession ; and looks vertically upon you . ( at least as you fancy ; and if you are out , you must look to that . ) if it will not give you leave to stand between two governments any longer , but presses you to a final declaration , under considerable forfeitures , than you must come in with a full tide of duty , and fall to swearing as fast as you can . if the reader can make any other sense of this passage , i shall be glad of it : but , for my part , i think it paraphrased naturally enough . i shall now briefly touch upon the dutyes , ( and the reasons of them ) which the doctor says we ought to pay such a prince , whom we cannot think the providence of god has settled in the throne , i. e. whom we must believe , an unlawful prince . and here the doctor is very liberal . for , first , we must promise , swear , or give any other security , upon demand to live quietly , and peaceably under his government . but why his government ? when the doctor supposes he has no title either from law , or providence ? what reason has an usurper , who has neither humane nor divine authority , to make himself a iudge , and a ruler over men ? and if by the supposition the government does not belong to him , and he has no authority over the subjects ; upon what account are they bound to enter into engagements , and to give him security to establish his violence ? can the doctor deny that subjects are bound to assist their prince in all just quarrels ? if he cannot , by what law are they at liberty to swear a neutrality to the usurper , and to make themselves as useless to their prince , as if they were dead ? if they may renounce their active obedience , why not their passive too ? why may they not attack their lawful sovereign in the feild ; draw their sword against acknowledged justice ; and fire upon god almighty ? but what if the usurper won't let the subjects have the priviledge of their countrey without these conditions ? why then i desire to know whether they are not bound to follow their king into banishment ; or , if that liberty is denyed , to suffer whatever shall be put upon them ? a second branch of duty to an usurper ( who by his name has a right to nothing ) is paying of taxes . for , it seems , these are due for the administration of government , i. e. for medling with that which he has nothing to do with ; for seizing upon the revenues , and power , and jurisdiction , which the doctor grants belongs to another . this is great liberality in the doctor : however , it appears by what i have already proved , that he might have spared citing rom. 13.6 . to this purpose . but , it seems , it 's his way to bring in the apostles , as he does his kings right or wrong . there is another reason behind , viz. because we owe the secure possession of our estates to the protection of the government , let the government ( the usurpation ) be what it will , we ought to pay for it . that is , though lucifer were at the head of it , we ought to give him provender , and bring our money in the sacks mouth ? we ought to give a man money to secure our estates , though we know he intends to levy men with it against the decalogue , and buy powder and ball to shoot our parents . the primitive christians chose rather to lose their lives , than be at any expence towards the furnishing out the heathen worship : and if parricide , and regicide be not as bad as the worst idolatry , i have no more to say . if people may take this liberty to secure an estate ; i think they need not be very scrupulous how they get it . thirdly , we must give the title of king to an usurper when we live in the countrey where he is crowned : because this is a piece of good manners . it 's somewhat strange that the doctor , who in so many passages of his book , has used a certain prince at such an uncourtly rate , should be thus full of ceremony ; though , after all , i much question whether it 's any part of manners to give the king's title to an usurper , when we believe him to be such . an usurper , who has no right to the crown , can have none to the title of king ; for this is one of the crowns prerogatives . the royal style is for very good reasons an incommunicable indivisible right ; and cannot be given to another , without taking it from the true owner : and if stealing is breeding , it 's time to have done . this puts me in mind of what my lord bacon observes , concerning the giving wrong names to things which he terms idola fori , which he tells us , is one of the principal causes that sciences are so often disturbed ; and the understandings of men so much perplexed . and doubtless where the matter relates to conscience and morality , the dressing up an uncreditable character , in the habit of reverence and dignity , is very apt to draw a false idea upon the mind , and disorder the practise of the generality . and if the doctor pleases to look into the statute book , and parliament rolls , he will find our own legislators of the same mind . for there the three henrys of lancaster , though they had considerable advantages above other de facto men , are called pretensed kings , and their reigns usurpations ; and henry the fourth is styled earl of derby . the same cautiousness of expression we shall find in the case of richard the third , and lady iane grey ; who , notwithstanding their possession of the crown are attainted of high-treason ; and mentioned in the style of subjects . and if we consult the scripture we shall find the royal style never given to usurpers . for though asa's mother , and ester are called queens , notwithstanding the first was but dowager , and the other had no more than a matrimonial royalty : yet athaliah with her six years mis-rule is never allowed this title , either in holy writ , or by iosephus . i grant hushai , in his salutation of absalom , was a very mannerly person , and cryed , god save the king , god save the king : and told him moreover , that he was a providential monarch , and chosen by the lord , and all the people of israel . but then we are to observe , that hushai acted the part of a deserter all this while , and spoke the language of rebellion : but in all other places , where the history speaks the words of the inspired writer , absalom is never called king ; though david is mentioned , as such , when his fortunes were at the lowest ebb. if it 's objected , that absalom was not sufficiently raised for this title : i shall prove afterwards ( which at present , i desire the reader would take for granted ) that absalom had more advantages , than the present dispute requires : that he did not only administer the regal power , but was likewise settled upon the doctor 's principles ; and ought to have been entirely obeyed . if it 's said , that abimeleck is called king. i answer , that there was at that time no lawful prince dispossessed , and claiming against him : and therefore , though he unjustly seized the government ; yet since there was no rightful competitor , possession gave him a title both to the name , and thing . but to support an usurper in his majesty , the doctor says , he is king indeed while he administers the regal power . how can that be , when it 's supposed in the dispute , that he has neither legal nor divine authority ? fourthly , we must pray for an unsettled prince ; ( that is an usurper in his own sense ) under the name and title of king : why so ? because the doctor has lead the the way ? i wish that is not the main reason . however he gives two others . 1. because we are bound to pray for all in authority ; which is more than an usurper , especially in this condition , can pretend to : for to give him legal right , is a contradiction in terms . and as for divine authority , the doctor can allow him none of that , till he is thoroughly settled . his 2. reason why we should pray for him as king , is because he has power to do a great deal of good , or a great deal of harm . now upon this score we might pray for many more kings , than iulius cesar found in kent . there is a certain person that shall be nameless , ( for whom , i hope , the doctor does not pray under the title of king , ) who has it in his power to do a great deal of good , and in his will a great deal of harm ; as the indians are very sensible , and order their devotions accordingly . as for his direction , that we must take care to do it in such terms , as not to pray against the dispossessed prince ; it is contradictious and impracticable . for , first , this dividing our prayers between two contesting princes , is to split our duty into halfs , and obliges us to two opposite allegiances ; ( which he condemns . ) for certainly prayers for the king are one part of the subjects duty , especially of those of the doctors function . secondly , his advice is impracticable . for the proclaming him king to the people is a great injury to the dispossessed prince . and as the doctor well observes , his very possession of the throne ; and every act of authority he does , is against the interest of the king de iure . and therefore such a prayer cannot be justified , unless we pray to be rid of him . thus i have considered his main principles . the remainder of his book , being most of it consequences from these intermixed with repetitions , and naked affirmations , will go off with less trouble . he observes , that the taking away the distinction between rightful and usurped powers , gives the most intelligible account of the original of government . this he attempts by induction ; and endeavours to prove that government take it which way you will , is not to be explained upon a foundation of legal right . he begins with paternal or patriarchal authority . and says , that no man had authority , either to give it away , or usurp it . i easily agree with the doctor , that no man had authority to usurp paternal power , or any other : but why it might not be fairly parted with , is not altogether so plain . the doctor knows emancipation was frequently practised among the romans , and allowed by their laws . this was no other than a resignation of fatherly authority into the hands of the child . indeed , to chain a man thus inseparably to his right , is in effect to take away the advantage of it : for it bars him the liberty of disposing of his own ; and makes him a slave to that , of which he should be master . but suppose a father can't give away his authority ; i hope the doctor will permit him to leave it behind him , when he dyes . now this is sufficient for the patriarchal scheme : for by this hypothesis , adam , and the other patriarchs , who had sovereign dominion from god , left their jurisdiction to go by descent to their heirs ; who were lords , not only of their immediate brethren , but of all the remoter branches of the younger families . so that here is no need of the resignation of paternal power : for the successive conveyance of original authority , to the heirs , or reputed heirs , of the first head , is as much as this hypothesis requires . this is the substance of sir robert filmer's opinion ; and because the doctor has said nothing to confute it , i shall vindicate it no further . his next business is to shew how impracticable and precarious a government would be , if it was settled upon the choice of the people . now , thô i don't pretend to understand the doctrine of original contracts , yet upon supposition any kingdom was fixed upon this foundation , i can't perceive it would be so sandy as is pretended . yes ; if subjects give princes their authority , they may take it away again when they think fit . that is to say , after they have solemnly parted with their freedom , and resigned themselves up to the disposal of another , they may break their oaths and promises to god and man , and enfranchize themselves whenever the humour takes them . this is to out-do mr. hobs , who obliges his common wealths-men to stand to their pacts , when their words are once past . but there can be no irresistable authority derived from the people . why so ? may they not transfer their right to resistance , without any limitation of conditions ? this cannot be denied ; and if their liberty to resist is thus absolutely conveyed away , one would imagine they should be obliged to performance of articles . if securities depend only upon the inclinations of those that make them , the philosophers and divines have very much misinformed us . at this rate no man ought to trust another any farther than he can throw him ; and all society and intercourse must grow impracticable . the doctor pursues his point , and discovers , that a government must be res unius aetatis : for there can be no hereditary monarchy upon these principles of choice ; because one generation can choose for none but themselves : for what right had my ancestors to choose a king for me ? 't is well for the doctor 's ancestors , he did not ask them what right they had to be his ancestors ? such a question , for ought one knows , might have brought difficulties along with it . but , in answer to the doctor 's demand , i desire to know of him , whether our ancestors have not a right to govern us ? if they have , why may they not assign over their jurisdiction , and choose a governor for us ? by the doctor 's logick , we may refuse obedience to any law which was made before our own time : for if our ancestors could not possibly have any right to choose us kings , they could have none to choose us laws . his saying , one generation cannot bind another , is a manifest mistake , as the settlement of inheritances will inform him : i think he needs go no farther than a bond for his satisfaction . to come nearer the point , all the reverend judges , in calvin's case , affirm , that every subject , as soon as he is born , oweth , by birthright , ligeance and obedience to his sovereign . and if he owes this duty by vertue of his birthright , one would think it should be upon the score of his relation to his parents , whose act he is bound to stand by ; unless we can suppose he consented to the constitution in the state of preexistence . to put the matter beyond dispute , i shall produce a remarkable instance from scripture . it 's the case of the gibeonites ; who , notwithstanding they over-reached the children of israel into a treaty , by a false relation of their country , yet after the league was once made , the then israelites , and their posterity , were bound to observe it . and when saul , out of a zeal for the interest of his kingdom , made a slaughter of the gibeonites , god punished this breach of faith with three years famine ; and the gibeonites had satisfaction given them . we are now to examine conquest ; which he tryes to unsettle , by saying , if conquest gives a right , then the most unjust force is right ; and every one who is stronger than his neighbour , has a natural right to govern him . i confess these are sad stories , if they were true : but who may we thank for them , but the doctor and mr. hobbs ; who by founding dominion in power , have as much as in them lyes brought these consequences unavoidably upon us . his speculation about submission is somewhat surprizing : this he calls a forced and after consent to own him , who has made himself king. and affirms , by implication , that we might disown a prince who has thus scared us into subjection , were it safe to do so . that is , oaths and promises are not to be kept , though the matter be never so lawful , if we are put upon them against our will. this is strange casuistry , and if allowed would make wild work. for if an unwilling consent ( if one may speak so ) is a sufficient dispensation , it 's easie to pretend it in all cases ; which liberty would , in a great measure , destroy the securities of trust and commerce between man and man. his last effort upon legal government , is in these words . the continuance of an usurpation can never give a right , &c. a bad title can never improve into a good one , though it remains after the right heirs are extinct ; which is as great a paradox as any of the rest . for all mankind have hitherto agreed , that possession alone is a good title , when there appears no better . the reason of this universal maxim is plain . first , because no man ought to be molested in what he enjoys , excepting upon the plea of right : for he that disturbs a man without right , disturbs him without reason . but by the state of the case , no person has any right to molest the forementioned possessor , in regard the legal heirs are supposed no longer in being . secondly , the practise of this maxim , is necessary to the peace of society , which would be very much disordered , if a long continued possession might be disturbed without any pretence of right . now where there is no third person injured , nor no injustice done , those principles which tend most to the peace of society ought to carry it . thus the doctor has made it his business ( with what success the reader must judge ) to disparage and unsettle all legal titles , to make way for his leviathan model , which resolves all government into providence , that is into power . the doctor now proceeds to objections ; and in answer to one , concerning the injustice of adhering to an usurper against a lawful prince , he replies , that the right of a lawful prince is to administer the government ; and not to obey him when he does not , and cannot govern , is to deny no right . but on the other hand , if a prince has a right to administer the government , certainly he ought to have this right ; and the people are bound to help him to the administration of this right , when it 's forcibly detained from him : for if he has a right to the administration of the government , he has a right to command his subjects ; and consequently they are bound to reserve their duty for him only , and to range themselves under his obedience as soon as may be . to acknowledge a right , and at the same time to deny the duties consequent upon it , is to say that we are resolved not to render to all their dues , notwithstanding the common reason of mankind , and the apostles command to the contrary . but he ( the legal prince ) does not , and can't govern : if that is none of his own choice , it ought not to be alledged to his prejudice . if nothing but the disobedience of his subjects hinders him from governing , it 's unreasonable for them to plead their own crime in discharge of their allegiance , and to make a privilege of rebellion . his next answer has nothing new in it , excepting an admonition to all princes , to be upon their good behaviour . for they must take some care to preserve their crowns by good government ; i. e. they must govern as the doctor and the rest of their loyal subjects think fit . which courtly advice must end in an appeal to the judicious mobb , and make the vulgar the last resort of justice : for these , being the majority , ought not to be denied the common privilege of examining the actions of their sovereign . but what is the penalty the doctor lays upon princes , if they don't give satisfaction ? why , then their subjects are allowed to stand neuter , and not to maintain them , so much as in possession . just now the doctor told us , that the duty of the subject was to obey the laws of the prince in possession . some of which laws provide expresly for the defence of his person , crown , and dignity . now to allow this priviledge to an usurper , and deny it to a lawful prince in possession , amounts to little less then asserting , that justice ought to be discountenanced ; and that a bad title is better than a good one . but is the doctor sure the people are at liberty , not to assist a prince when he does not please them ? are they not bound to defend a divine right , which he grants is never parted from possession ? is not god's authority in a bad prince ( supposing he was really such ) as much as in a good one ? if not dominion is founded in grace ; and so we are gotten off from thomas hobs , to iohn of leyden and knipperdolling . and though the doctor , was not very sure the subjects are bound to defend an unacceptable prince in his throne ; yet a little time has better informed him : for ( pag. 29. ) he grants it's reasonable enough to venture our lives and fortunes to defend the king's person and government while he is in possession . this i mention , that the doctor may have the honour to confute himself ; neu quisquam ajacem possit superare nisi ajax . however , at present , he will not be thus liberal : for if the subjects have a bad prince , who notoriously violates their rights ; what follows ? then to be even with him they may be bad subjects , and notoriously violate his rights . in such a case , if he cannot defend himself , and fight an army singly , let him go ; though we are bound to support him , by the fundamental laws of government in general , and of the constitution in particular . but what if he strikes at religion ? if he does , it 's able to bear the blow without any damage . a man might as well undertake to stab a spirit , as to destroy religion by force . we can never lose our faith , unless it 's thrown away by negligence , or surrendred by treachery . religion is out of the reach of injury ; and invulnerable , like the soul , in which it 's seated . for it 's not in the power of violence to rifle our understandings , or ravish the freedom of our wills. religion , instead of being weakned , rises , upon an opposition , and grows more glorious by sufferings ; as is manifest from the history of the primitive christians . i don't mention this as if we lately either felt , or indeed had any reason to fear any thing like a persecution ; but only to shew the sophistry of the doctor 's argument . for if the religion of the subject be out of the prince's power to alter ; it ought not to be pretended as a reason of deserting him . besides , to pretend religion for the breach of oaths , and natural allegiance is the greatest reproach we can lay upon it ; and makes one part of it to contradict and destroy another . and though the doctor says , it 's a little too much for the subjects to venture their lives to keep a prince in the throne to oppress them : that is a prince the people are not pleased with ; for if they don't fancy him , they will either say he is , or will be an oppressor . now if allegiance depends upon the qualities of the prince , and his subjects were made judges of his behaviour , as the doctor will have it ; it 's impossible for any government to continue . at this rate the ignorance and levity of some , the disgust and ambition of others , would soon argue themselves into liberty , and the state into confusion . and therefore obedience is unconditionally bound upon us by the laws of nature ; which are part of the constitution of this realm , as the judges agree in calvin's case : this faith and ligeance of the subject is , as they observe , proprium quarto modo to the king , omni , soli , & semper ; and by consequence forecloses all objections against rigour and maleadministration . allegiance , as all the judges resolve it in the case of the post nati , follows the natural person of the king ; and by consequence must continue as long as his natural person is in being , without any respect to his moral qualifications . but a subject and a soldier are two things ; and a man may be the first , without any obligation from the laws of god or man , of being necessarily the latter . to this i answer , that though every subject needs not be a soldier by profession , yet whenever his prince is in danger , and requires his service , he is bound by the laws of god and man to fight for him . i doubt not but the doctor is so far of sir edward coke's opinion , that the duty of the fifth commandment extends to the king , who is pater patriae . now one part of the duty we owe our parents , is to defend their persons from violence : which assistance seems due a fortiori to the father of our country , who has the jurisdiction over all private families , and from whom both our selves and our parents have received protection . solomon tells us where the word of a king is , there is power . and if the subject is bound to give a general obedience to his prince , then certainly he is not at liberty to decline his service , when his crown and person are concerned , the same conclusion is plainly implied in our blessed saviour's answer to pilate ; if my kingdom were of this world , then would my servants fight , that i should not be delivered to the iews . from which words this proposition naturally follows , that subjects , as subjects , are bound to hazard their persons in defence of their prince . indeed this doctrine stands in little need of the support of authority , it being sufficiently evident from the reason of the thing . for , first , every subject receives security and protection from the king ; and therefore ought to protect his legal protector : for as all persons receive the common benefits of government , so they ought to joyn in a common defence of it . secondly , all persons are born equally subjects ; from whence it follows , that the essential duties of subjection ( of which , defence of the king is one chief branch ) must necessarily extend to them all . thirdly , all persons are obliged to venture their lives for the publick safety , and to appear against the enemies of their country : but the direction of this affair belongs solely to his management , who is vested with the power of the sword , and has the prerogative of making peace and war. those whom he declares the publick enemies , are to be accounted such , and no others . to him only it belongs to judge of the bigness of the danger , to proportion the preparation for war , to appoint the time and place for battel . by vertue of which privilege , all his subjects are bound to comply with his appointment , and to bring their persons into the field upon demand . if we look into the laws of our own country , we shall find them clear and decisive against the doctor . in the famous case of the post nati , argued before the lords and commons in the painted chamber , 4 iac. 1. all the judges agreed that allegiance extends as far as defence , which is beyond the circuit of the laws ; that is , the subjects are bound to defend the king , in what place soever he resides , whether in his dominions , or elsewhere . for , as these reverend judges go on , every king may command every people to defend any of his kingdoms , this ( i. e. defence ) being a thing incident to the allegiance of all his subjects . now , if the defence of the king's person and kingdoms is a thing incident to the allegiance of all his subjects , or necessarily implied in the notion of subjection , then every man is obliged to be a soldier , whenever his prince shall think fit to employ him in that manner . this is no more than the resolution of all the judges in calvin's case ; who declare , that every subject is by his natural ligeance bound to obey and serve his sovereign . and since this obligation of the subject is thus general and comprehensive , it must certainly hold in cases of greatest necessity and importance . the duty of an english subject is more particularly described in the old oath of ligeance , mentioned by britton ; which , as sir edward coke adds , is yet commonly in use to this day , in every leet , and in our books : the tenour of it runs thus ; you shall swear , that from this day forward you shall be true and faithful to our sovereign lord the king , and his heirs ; and truth and faith shall bear of life and member and terrene honour , &c. this oath , as sir edward coke observes elsewhere , is to be taken of all above twelve years of age. the oath of allegiance , made 3 iac. 1. c. 4. takes in the same compass of duty : for there the subject swears to bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty , his heirs , &c and him and them will defend to the uttermost of his power , against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever . this , if it were duly performed , were enough in all conscience , and as much as can be expected from any soldier ; unless the being listed obliges a man to impossibilities . now this oath every person of the age of eighteen years is bound to take , if required by authority . lastly , that the extent of allegiance reaches to the assisting the king in the feild , we may learn from 11 h. 7. c. 1. where we are told that the king calling to mind the duty of allegiance of his subjects , that by reason of the same they are bound to serve their prince — in his wars , against every rebellion , power and might , reared against him , &c. this statute we may observe does not found the subjects duty of asserting their prince in his wars , upon their military oath and possession , but upon their allegiance ; and therefore since all subjects owe a natural allegiance to their king , they ought to defend him in the feild , when , and where he shall command their service . and thus , if the judges and laws may be allowed to determine the case , the doctors fine speculations about non-assistance , must come to nothing . his distinction of the parts of the oath of allegiance into the natural duty of subjects , and an obligation superinduced by law , is both ill founded , and misapplyed . first , this distinction has no foundation either in reason or law. our oath of allegiance does not extend our obedience ( as bishop sanderson well observes ) and make us more subjects than we were before : it only gives a new security , by the solemnity of the action , for the performance of that to which we were antecedently obliged . the oath finds us subjects , ( otherwise we might refuse it ) it does not make us such . and therefore those who have not sworn such an allegiance , are bound to all the duties of subjection contained in it . this sworn obedience is enjoyned by authority , only as a recognition of our natural duty ; to which it adds nothing , but the enforcement of a religious circumstance : which is agreeable to the judges resolution in the forementioned case of the post nati ; that allegiance was before laws . and in calvin's case it 's averred , that a true and faithful ligeance , and obedience , ( which is all we are sworn to ) is an incident inseparable to every subject as soon as he is born. secondly , as the doctors distinction is chimerical ; so the application of it is mistaken and unreasonable . he says , natural allegiance is due only to him who has the actual administration of the government . natural allegiance , under favour , can be due to none but him who is our our natural prince , no more than filial obedience can be challenged by any , excepting our natural parents . but possession abstracted from right , does not make any man our natural prince , no not in the doctor 's opinion . for he elsewhere tells us , that the kings of egypt , and babylon , never had a legal and natural right to govern israel . by which words it's plain , he makes a legal and natural right to be the same . but bare possession does not give a legal right , and by consequence not a natural one . thirdly , natural allegiance is due to him who is king by the laws of nature ; but he who can prove his title by nothing but the administration of government , is no king by the laws of nature ; for nature , i. e. right reason does not found dominion in power , nor gives any countenance to injustice . and if an usurper has no prerogatives of royalty from the laws of nature , then natural allegiance cannot be challenged upon this score . for a principle which gives a man no right to govern , can't lay an obligation upon any persons to obey him . the laws of nature enjoyn us obedience to our kings . but they don't tell us , that every powerful pretender ought to be acknowledged as such : but refer us to the constitution for satisfaction . for authority and iurisdiction is as much a property as land ; and therefore the measure of it ought only to be taken from the laws of each respective countrey , which brings me to the doctor 's application of legal allegiance ; which he affirms , is sworn only to a king in possession . and by his reasoning he lets us plainly understand , that this allegiance is due no longer than the possession continues . to this i conceive the doctor 's arguments will afford a sufficient ground for a reply : for he explains legal allegiance by maintenance , or defence ; and says , it signifies no more than to maintain and defend the king in the possession of the throne , as having a legal right to it . if it signifies thus much , its sufficient . for if we are sworn to maintain and defend the king in the possession of the throne , because he has a legal right to it ; we ought to defend him as long as this legal right continues : for as long as the grounds of allegiance remain in full force , the consequent duties ought to be performed . now the doctor grants a prince's legal right remains after his dispossession ; and that he may insist upon his claim , when he finds his opportunity . he argues farther , that we can legally take this oath only to a king in possession , because it must be administred by his authority . to this i answer , first , that from hence it follows , that whenever a lawful prince has been possessed of the government ; those who swore to him during his possession , are bound to perform the contents of their oath ; for then by the doctor 's argument it was lawfully administred . secondly , to put the matter beyond dispute , we are to observe , that the king's authority continues after dispossession : this , waving other authorities , i shall prove from the two other famous cases of the post nati , above mentioned , reported by sir francis moore , and sir edward coke ; in both which we have the resolution and concurrence of all the judges . in the first , among other things , it 's affirmed as unquestionable law ; that allegiance follows the natural person of the king ; not the politick . for instance , si le roy soit expulse per force , & auter usurpe , uncore le allegiance nest toll ; comment que le ley soit toll . that is , if the king is by force driven out of his kingdom , and another usurps ; notwithstanding this , the allegiance of the subject does not cease , though the law does . secondly , allegiance extends as far as defence , which is ( sometimes ) beyond the circuit of the laws . for every king may command every people to defend any of his kingdoms ; this being a thing incident to the allegiance of all his subjects , without respect to the extent of the laws of that nation , where they were born ; whereby it manifestly appears , that allegiance follows the natural person of the king. from this resolution of the reverend judges these inferences necessarily follow . 1. since allegiance follows the natural person of the king , it must be due to him as long as his natural person is in being , i. e. as long as he lives : so that possession or dispossession does not alter the case . 't is true they make a change in the king's fortune , but the allegiance of the subject remains the same . 2. when the prince is ejected by force , the laws are said to cease , or expire : from whence it follows that the usurper has no authority to execute justice , or administer any part of the government ; which overthrows all the pretences for a k. de facto . 3. allegiance extends as far as defence , and does not , as the judges observe , depend upon the formalities of law ; but is founded in natural subjection . and as a king may command his subjects of one kingdom , to defend him elsewhere , though they are obliged by no express provisions to travel with , or transport their allegiance into another country ; so by parity of reason all subjects , in vertue of their general allegiance , are bound to defend their prince in their own country , thô there should be no particular laws assigned to bring them upon duty ; which is more than the doctor will allow . 4. if allegiance reaches as far as defence , then without question it ought to be paid to the king , when dispossessed ; for then it is , he has the greatest need of his subjects assistance . 5. if allegiance follows the natural person of the king , and is due to him out of possession ; then it cannot be due to an usurper in possession : for this would oblige us to two opposite allegiances , which , as the doctor observes , is absurd , and impossible . 6. if allegiance follows the king's natural person , his royal authority must do so too . for an obligation to obey always supposes a right to command ; and if the sovereign authority always attends upon the person of the king , then a commission granted by a king out of possession , must be a valid commission . and thus the doctor 's great question , which he was not lawyer enough to decide , is answered against him . calvin's case is full to the same purpose ; which because i have already mentioned , i shall cite the less of it now . in this solemn and deliberate determination , it 's resolved by the reverend judges , first , that allegiance and faith are due to a king by the law of nature . they must mean a rightful king : for the law of nature does not encourage injustice and usurpation . secondly , they affirm , that the law of nature is part of the law of england ; and cite bracton , fortescue , &c. for this point . and , thirdly , that the law of nature is immutable . from whence i infer , that if allegiance is due to a rightful king by the law of nature , if this law is incorporated into our english constitution , and of an immutable obligation ; from hence it necessarily follows , that as long as we have a rightful prince , our allegiance is part of his right , and ought to be exerted for his service . secondly , they observe , that in the reign of edw. 2. the spencers , father and son , to cover the treason hatched in their hearts , invented this damnable and damned opinion , that homage , and the oath of ligeance , was more by reason of the king's crown , ( that is his politick capacity ) than by reason of the person of the king. upon which opinion they inferred execrable and detestable consequents . 1. that the king might be removed for maleadministration . 2. that he might be reformed per aspertee . 3. that his lieges were bound to govern in aid of him , and in default of him . now if it is such an impious and unreasonable assertion to maintain that homage and ligeance , is tyed to the king 's politick capacity : then it must follow his natural person ; which makes the resolution of this case the same with the former . and though i don't pretend to know what the doctor is hatching in his heart ; yet i 'm afraid he has slipped into this damnable and damned opinion of the spencers ; for he has ventured to affirm , with great assurance , that the diminution of the crown , and the personal right of the king , are very different things . now if they are so very different it is because they are separable from each other . and if the crown may be diminished without injuring the personal rights of the king ; then the rights of the crown are not tyed to the king's person . that is in the spencer's language , allegiance the great prerogative of the crown , follows the king 's politick capacity , not his personal ; and is due not to any hereditary advantage of blood , but may be challenged by possession and power ; especially if the administration be cast into a monarchical figure . from these observations , 't is evident , that to maintain and defend the king's person , crown and dignity , implyes an endeavour to restore him . for not to repeat what has been said already ; the crown is in construction of law the ius regnandi : so that to swear to maintain his crown , imports an obligation to defend his right , which is inseparably annexed to his person , and runs parallel with his life , unless he resigns . from whence i conclude , against the doctor , and republican saunders , that in the sense of the oath , to restore , is necessarily included in maintaining . but possibly we are not aware what a monstrous contents the oaths of allegiance will be big with , if restoring is included in maintaining : for then besides several other terrible things , which i shall consider afterwards , we swear , it seems , to disturb all governments , and raise rebellions if we can , to restore our king ; which are such absurd and unreasonable engagements , that had they been expressed in the oath , no man in his wits would have taken it . i think so too , as the doctor has represented the matter . but then before he drew such tragical inferences , it had not been amiss for him to have proved , that there is any government to disturb under a usurpation . for , by way of quere , i would gladly know , how there can be a government without any authority to administer acts of government ? and how a man can have any authority , who has no right to ground it upon ; or to give him a publick character ? if allegiance , as we have seen , is inseparably tyed to the person of the king , one would think there was no danger of a crime in the performance of it : unless we should stretch it beyond the duration of his person ; and appear from him after he was dead . if the asserting the laws , and supporting the constitution , and engaging in the cause of justice , is a raising of rebellion ; the names of things are very much altered of late ; and if the things are not so too , some persons , i fear , are in no good condition . but to insist upon this no farther : i believe the doctor forgot that this extravagant oath of allegiance cannot be refused by any person ( except women covert ) of the age of eighteen years , without incurring a premunire . now by the iudgement of a premunire , a man is thrown out of the king's protection : and his lands and tenements , goods and chattels are forfeited to the king : and his body is to remain in prison at the king's pleasure . now a man , though he had no higher aim than self-preservation , might better venture the inconvenience of following his king into banishment ; and run the risque of the rest , then have this act executed upon him . for these are present and severe punishments , whereas the other are but contingent and remote misfortunes at the worst . so that no man in his wits , who considers the danger of declining this oath , would scruple the taking it , though it was drawn up with all that strictness of loyalty which startles the doctor . and though he has dressed up this oath in frightful colours , and given it an unkind parting blow ; which looks like a sign that there was more of convenience , than inclination in their former correspondence ; yet if we take off the disguise , and wipe off the marks of the doctor 's hard usage , we shall find it of a complexion agreeable enough , that it obliges us to no more than what was our duty before , and implied in our natural allegiance ; and that the contents of it are both reasonable and necessary to the support of government . the dr. proceeds to remove another difficulty contained in the oath of allegiance , viz. we swear to the king's heirs and lawful successors , who are not in actual possession ; and therefore that must signifie to give them possession . right ! if the king dies possessed of the crown , we must swear to maintain the succession , otherwise it seems not . but , 1. i can't conceive what security this construction of the oath can give to an hereditary monarchy : yes , very much says the doctor . for if the king dies possessed , we swear to maintain the succession , and to own none but the true heir . but how long is this maintenance and owning to last ? truly no longer then his sword can challenge it . if he gets possession , we are for him ; and so we are for any body else . for if iack straw steps before him , and proves lucky in his events , the true heir must be contented to live upon the metaphysical dyet of legal right , without any subjects to support him . and thus the oath of succession , when prudently interpreted , resolves it self into this kind interpretation , that we solemnly swear to be unalterably true to our own ease and convenience , and to adhere religiously to the nimblest and strongest party . and for fear this should not satisfie the lawful successor , we swear moreover , if you please , not to make it our act to set up any prince , who is not the right heir . true ! for there may be danger in doing otherwise ; especially when the king dyes possessed : for then the posse of the kingdom is usually conveyed immediately to the right heir , and his interest is much the strongest . we ought therefore to be faithful to him , when it 's unsafe for us to desert ; and assist him as long as he is able to live without us . 't is granted , we are not to be too busy at first in setting aside the succession , for fear of burning our fingers ; but if any ambitious person is strong enough to make a break in the line , we may lawfully comply with the intrusion . so that it seems we must not form an unjust interest , nor set out with it at first ; for possibly it may sail us : but when it has gathered strength by the conjunction of more wickedness , and improved into a thriving condition , we may fix and support it fairly enough . i perceive some people , out of a tenderness to society , won't give us leave to break our fast with rebels , for fear we should ruffle our concerns , and miscarry before noon ; but when the day is once their own , we have liberty to come in at the evening , and sup with them ; and may wipe our mouths after all , with the same good conscience the woman did in the proverbs . but truly i think those who won't venture to ride the chace , ought not to be admitted to the eating of the venison . however , if we examine the matter critically , it 's hard to tell which sort of revolters , the early or the later , ought to be preferred . they have each of them their peculiar excellencies : the one has more courage , the other more caution , and both the same staunchness of principles . ambition is predominant in the first ; fear and covetousness in the latter , who is such a flexible apprehensive creature , that whoever can command his interest , may likewise command his actions , and fright him out or into any thing , at their pleasure . i observe , 2. that this construction of the doctor 's determines against k. charles ii. as fully as is possible . for he was driven into banishment , before he could gain his right : and the rump and cromwel mounted the seat of government : and the king his father dyed dispossessed of the crown . so that by the doctor 's reasoning , the people were not only disingaged from the successionary part of the oath , but were bound to stand by the commonwealth , and oppose the restauration . if any one questions k. charles i. his being dispossessed at his death , he may please to consider , that this prince was not only defeated in the field , and made prisoner by his rebellious subjects ; but there was a high court of justice erected to try him for treason . the supream power and authority was declared to be in the commons of england : and monday 29. ian. 1648. ( the day before his majesties martyrdom . ) the commons in the name of the present parliament enact , that in all courts of law , justice , &c. and in all writs , grants , &c. instead of the name , style , test , or title of the king , heretofore used ; that from thenceforth the name , style , &c. of custodes libertatis angliae shall be used and no other . in short , the king's name was enacted to be struck out in all judicial proceedings , in the date of the year of our lord , in juries , in fines , in indictments for trespass and treason . from these unquestionable matters of fact it 's manifest , beyond contradiction , that the king had not so much as the shadow of authority left him ; but was perfectly out of possession before he lost his life . i shall draw one advantage more from this citation , and so dismiss it . the inference is this , that treason lies against the king , though out of possession . for the regecides who were not comprehended in the act of indemnity , were excepted , for sentencing to death , or signing the instrument of the horrid murther , or being instrumental in taking away the life of king chales i. for this reason , they are left to be proceeded against , as traytors to his late majesty , according to the laws of england . if the doctor desires another instance , that treason may be committed against a king out of possession ; he may receive satisfaction from the first 12 years reign of king charles the second . for in this act of indemnity , it 's said , that by occasion of great wars , and troubles , that have for many years past been in this kingdom , divers of his majesties subjects are fallen into , and be obnoxious to great pains , and penalties . and to the intent , that no crime committed against his majesty , or royal father , shall hereafter rise in judgment , or be brought in question against any of them , to the least endamagement of them , either in lives , liberties , or estates ; his majesty is pleased that it may be enacted , that all treasons , misprisions of treasons , acted or done since the 1. ian. 1637. to the 24. of iune , 1660. — shall be pardoned , released , &c. from this act we may observe , 1. that though the king was newly restored at the making of this act , it 's said , notwithstanding divers of his subjects , ( not his fathers ) had for many years past been obnoxious to great pains and penalties , &c. which is a plain argument , that as his reign was dated from the death of k. ch. i. so they looked upon the people of england as his subjects from that time ; and that his authority to punish , was entire , during his dispossession ; otherwise they could not have been obnoxious to great pains and penalties , for acting against him . 2. the king pardoned all crimes committed against himself , which would have risen up in judgment , and endamaged his subjects in their lives , liberties , or estates : some of which crimes , as they can amount to no less than treason , so they must relate to the time of the usurpation ; because the king was but very lately entered upon the actual administration of the government . neither do we read of any treasons committed against the king from the 29 th . of may to the 24 th . of iune ; which was the utmost term to which the pardon extended . 3. all treasons , misprision of treason , &c. ( excepting those excepted ) are pardoned from ianuary 1. 1637. to iune 24. 1660. now if treason did not lye against a king though out of possession ; this pardon should have reached no farther then 1648. because then k. charles i. was murthered , and his then majesty deprived of his kingdoms , till the year 1660. the general pardon , i say , ought to have stopped at 1648. unless we can imagine the king intended to rank those among traytors , who appeared for his own interest ; and to pardon the treasons committed against cromwel and the rump , which is a supposition sufficiently romantick , especially if we observe , that the pretended indictments of high treason against any of the usurped powers , are considered by themselves in the next chapter , and pronounced null and void : and the styles of the usurpation , keepers of the liberties of england , protectors , &c. notwithstanding their plenary possession , are declared to be most rebellious , wicked , trayterous , and abominable , and detested by this present parliament . and why all these hard words ? because these names of authority when misplaced , were opposite in the highest degree to his majesties most just and undoubted right . that the doctor may not complain for want of evidence in this matter , i shall cite him a proclamation of both houses , for proclaiming king charles the second , dated may 8. 1660. it begins thus , although it can be no way doubted , but that his majesties right and title to his crowns and kingdoms is , and was every way compleated , by the death of his most royal father , &c. without the ceremony , or solemnity of a proclamation : yet since the armed violence of these many years last past has hitherto deprived us of any such opportunity , wherein we might express our loyalty , and allegiance to his majesty ; we therefore , &c. now if the king 's right was every way compleated at his fathers death , and the allegiance of the subject was due to him before his restauration , than treason was committable against him ; for treason is nothing but a high breach of allegiance . but this proclamation is so plain , that there needs no farther comment upon it . and thus i have made it appear from the resolution of all the judges in two distinct and celebrated cases ; by proclamation , and acts of parliament , that treason lyes against the king , though out of possession : which performance the doctor is pleased to call proving the point ; and looked upon it as an impossible undertaking . the doctor 's next observation begins very obligingly for the crown : and seems to insinuate , that the subjects need not disturb themselves with fears and jealousies : for in case a prince should be enclined to stretch his prerogative , he can't hurt them , unless they will betray their own liberties , and venture to be hanged for it . and who would venture an execution only for robbing himself ? there is no fear the majority of the english nation especially should ever be guilty of such an extravagance : so that now , one would think , all was safe enough : but it happens quite otherwise . for the doctor flyes out unexpectedly against arbitrary power , makes indecent reflections ; and gives all princes a second admonition to take warning . and after this sit of schooling is over , he argues thus , that if the oath of allegiance does not oblige subjects to defend a prince in the exercise of an arbitrary power ; he thinks it much less obliges them to restore such a prince . to this granting the doctors supposition , for disputes sake , i answer ; that notwithstanding the subjects are not to act for the promoting of arbitrary power ; yet they are bound to support an arbitrary prince , supposing they have one . this the doctor must grant , unless he will maintain , that a sovereign , and unaccountable power , may be forfeited by maladministration ; which , i think , is a contradiction . for all forfeitures imply a legal and superiour court , to take cognizance of the cause , and pronounce sentence ; which cannot be supposed in this case , without making a superiour to a supreme . and if sovereign power is unforfeitable , than the right of him , who is vested with it , must always remain : and if so , the subjects are bound to support him in the exercise of it , though it may be sometimes over-strained into rigour . let us try the doctor 's argument once more . the subjects are not obliged to defend a prince in the exercise of arbitrary power . they are not bound to maintain the excesses of a prince's prerogatives ; therefore they may deny him his just rights . they are not bound to give him more than his due ; therefore they may give him less , or take all away from him . 't is a fault to break the laws in favour of the crown ; therefore we may break them for rebellion ; where lyes the equity and logick of these propositions ? a less master of thinking than the doctor would have found out the distinction between arbitrary and regal power , and concluded that our obligations not to promote the one , did not discharge us from supporting the other . his inference , that the making and receiving addresses of lives and fortunes , is supposed to signifie some other defence than the oath of allegiance obliged the people to , is not mathematically drawn . for may not men make a recognition of their duty , and give fresh assurances to perform that which they were obliged to before ? what is more common in religion , and civil conversation , than to renew former engagements , by repeated promises , and solemnities of action ? these addresses of loyalty refresh the obligation of the subject , and the good opinion of the prince : and therefore it 's no wonder they are kindly received , though they present him with nothing but his own : i don't mean that the people have no property in their lives and fortunes ; but only that they are bound to expose and resign them to the publick , i. e. their prince's interest , when occasion requires . the doctor remarks farther , that the oath of allegiance is a national oath , and therefore the defence or maintenance we swear is national ; that is , to joyn with our fellow subjects in defending the king's person and crown . — but in case the body of the nation absolve themselves from these oaths , and depose their king , and drive him out of his kingdom , and set up another prince in his room ; it 's worth considering , whether some private men are still bound by their oath . and immediately concludes , certainly this was not the intention of the oath ; for it is a national , not a private defence , we swear . i confess the doctor has stated the matter of fact notably enough , about , absolving , deposing , driving out , setting up , &c. but the consequence he infers from thence i cannot understand , for these following reasons . first , because there is nothing in the form of the oath to countenance this interpretation ; but the contrary . for by the oath of allegiance every person swears to bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty and his heirs , &c. and him and them will defend to the uttermost of his power . whence i observe , 1. that the swearing in the singular number , and without conditions of assistance , is an argument that every individual person is bound to unalterable fidelity to the crown ; without any relation to , or dependance upon , the behaviour of his fellow subjects . 2. he that runs in to a majority of revolters , does not defend the king to the uttermost of his power : for the king has neither his counsel , the reserve of his person , nor the example of his constancy ; some or all of which might have been serviceable in their way , and were in his power to give him . nay , he is so far from defending the king to the utmost of his power , that he consigns himself and all his power into the hands of the usurper , to be employed against his lawful sovereign ; which is as direct a contradiction to the words and intention of the oath as can possibly be imagined . farther , the oath declares , i do believe , and am in conscience resolved , that neither the pope , nor any person whatsoever , hath power to absolve me of this oath , or any part thereof . but the doctor is of another mind , and concludes , that when the great body of the nation has absolved themselves , their neighbours are absolved too . i suppose the doctor will not quibble upon the word person , and argue that though the pope , nor any other person , has any power to absolve us , yet the people may ; because they imply another number , and include a plurality of persons . if he objects in this manner , the latter end of the sentence is sufficient to disappoint him . for there we renounce all dispensations to the contrary : which clause is levelled against popular , as well as papal plenitude of power , and comprehends the vvestminster-infallibility , as much as that of rome . lastly , all these things are sworn according to the express words spoken ; and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words ; and without any equivocation , or mental evasion , or secret reservation whatsoever . but to swear with this private supplemental sense , that we will bear faith and true allegiance to the king , provided the majority of his subjects will do so too ; if this is not a plain wresting of the common sense and understanding of the words ; if this is not a mental reservation to purpose , i despair of seeing any such in the iesuits morals . secondly , this construction of the oath makes government very uncertain , and precarious . the dr. frequently flourishes with the body of the nation ; i hope he does not think the nation is all body . by this great body i suppose he must mean the majority of the kingdom . now if a government lyes at the discretion of the multitude , it must needs be admirably provided for ! if a king must go to the poll for his sovereignty ; and and we are obliged to tell noses , to know whether our allegiance continues , or not ; we are likely to enjoy the blessings of peace and order at a great rate . the generality of mankind formerly don 't use to be over ▪ burthened either with prudence or conscience ; and i don't perceive that this age has much mended the matter : which makes me wonder why the dr. should give them such an unbounded privilege ; to pull down and set up kings ; to dispence with oaths and other commandments ; to repeal laws ; to transferr titles , and turn the world topsy turvy , at their pleasure . but which way does the great body of the nation absolve themselves from these oaths ? by law ? no. they are not the legislative power . the parliament it self cannot pretend to this privilege without the king. this great body are subjects like other people when they are separate , and dispersed . whence then comes the sudden alteration ? can they rendezvouz themselves into independency ? can a crowd give a man a dispensation purely by the magick of their numbers , and the disorder of their meeting ? this makes the composition work incredibly beyond the vertue of the simple ingredients . who would live alone , if company can do all these wonders ? well! possibly the dr. means , this great body can't absolve themselves from their oath lawfully ; but when they have once done it , their act must stand . can they not do it lawfully ? then certainly not at all : for in these cases id tantum possumus quod jure possumus . who ever heard , that unlawful absolving , or a dispensation against authority and right , signified any thing ? however , this is the dr's meaning , which makes him still more incomprehensible . for , 3 dly . this construction confirms the highest breaches of law , and gives force and authority to the most irregular proceedings . it does not warrant the deposing act , it 's true ; but when it 's over , it gives it a blessing , and pronounces it valid . the pope sometimes pretends to depose princes by a privilege of right : but this doctrine scorns to be beholden to a colour of justice , but does the same thing by a privilege of wrong . it sets violence in the place of law , and gives treason and authority the same effect . and how the difference between good and evil can consist with such a latitude , is somewhat difficult to understand . but what can the minor part of the subjects , perhaps but a little handful , do towards the restoring their king ? why , they can shew an exemplary firmness and resolution , which may probably encrease their numbers , and awaken the better-meaning part of the people into right apprehensions of their duty . they can wait god almighty's leisure , retain their integrity , and save their souls : and is all this nothing ? the dr. has a farther reserve , and that is , an oath to fight for the king , does not oblige us to fight against our country , which is as unnatural as to fight against our king. as unnatural ; then it 's unnatural to fight against our king ; which is worth the observing . to go on , and , 1. as the oath of allegiance does not oblige us to fight against our country , so neither does it to sight against our king : if it did , it has been well kept . besides , i would gladly see a reason why we ought to preferr the country to the king. did we swear allegiance to the country , or has it any authority over us independent of the king ? if not , why should we esteem multitudes above justice , and side with the subject against the soveraign ? 2 dly . we are to remember , that the dr. disputes upon a supposition of usurpation ; and therefore the assistance of our country does not belong to his plea : for those who appear for the rightful prince , for the laws and establish'd government of the country ; they , and no other , are properly speaking the friends of the country . if the dr. takes the country on any other notion , he must make it a wilderness of disorder , or a den of thieves . and to carry on the dr's supposition ; to fight against revolters , is not to fight against our country . they have no country to lose , but have forfeited the privileges of their birth and industry , by their defection : and though they may find favour if they seek in time , yet they can challenge none . the dr. was apprehensive , that this post was scarcely tenable , and therefore after a little skirmishing , retires to the main fort , his pretended disposal of providence : and after all , he grants , that subjects must have regard to legal right . and if they pull down a rightful king , and set up a king without right , they greatly sin in it . most certainly . and therefore one would think , when they have set up a pretended king without right , they ought to pull them down again , and not persevere in the breach of their duty . what the dr. adds by way of parenthesis , that subjects ought not to remove or set up kings without legal-right , unless the constitution of the government should in some cases allow it ; is somewhat unintelligible . 't is true , some people would make us believe , though without reason , that the constitution does acknowledge an illegal prince , after he is once set up and established : but that it should allow the setting him up in any case , i suppose was never heard of till now . if the constitution allows of its own violation , and the laws grow lawless , and give men authority to break them , it 's time to look out for some other government . i can guess what the dr. would have called such disputing as this is , if he had catched an author at such a disadvantage . the dr. proceeds to another objection , viz. this doctrine of his makes it impossible for an injured prince to recover his right . this is a severe charge ; how does he purge himself ? surprizingly enough . he tells you , it may be called a difficulty in providence , if you please ; but it 's no difficulty to the subject , unless a passionate affection for the dispossessed prince makes it a difficulty . otherwise it will rub off easily enough : for , 't is but yielding to necessity , and leaving every thing else to providence , and there is an end of that business . but what if the subject has a passionate affection for justice , as well as for his prince , and can't draw his sword against the laws with any manner of satisfaction ? what if he is afflicted to see a brave , a generous , and good-natur'd prince so deeply injured ? what if he has an aversion to violence , and hates to strengthen the workers of iniquity ? if he has not command enough of his conscience to conquer all these scruples , what relief can the dr. give him ? very little that i know of . and as for his calling it a difficulty in providence , he must either mean , that it 's a difficulty to god almighty , or else , that it is to human understandings an incomprehensible way of proceeding ; for providence to bar a good prince of his right , only for having treacherous subjects , and bad neighbours . and if this be his meaning , i agree with him , unless we had a particular revelation to clear the point . but then i must add , that the dr's scheme bearing thus hard upon the attributes of god , is but a bad argument to conclude the reasonableness of it . he says , no man could have foreseen how ch. the second should have returned , who had a powerful army against him ; or j. the second be driven out of his kingdom at the head of a powerful army , without shedding of blood. now , the reason why the latter instance of this mystery was so difficult to penetrate , is given by the prophet : because the heart is deceitful , and desperately wicked , who can know it ? however , according to the dr's application , providence was as much concerned in the one as in the other ; as much engaged to incline men to desert and betray their prince , as to return to their duty to him . he goes on to inform us , that all the plots and conspiracies of the loyal party were vain , and had no other effect , but to bring some worthy and gallant men to an unhappy end. all the plots , &c. that is , the loyal party plotted to restore the government , and conspired against rebellion . this is somewhat oddly expressed ; but new language , and new notions , do well together . i perceive the dr. is resolved to furnish out cloth and trimming too , for one bout . but after all these fine words , if his doctrine holds true , these gallant worthy men were no better than men worthy , and traytors to god and the common-wealth . some people will likewise wonder , since he had bestowed such commendations upon the royallists , why he should tarnish their character , by saying they came to an vnhappy end. if he means it with respect to their friends , it might be so : if in relation to themselves , it 's utterly deny'd : for , is it in earnest a misfortune to sign our loyalty with our blood , and to dye in defence of the laws ? is it an unhappiness to value our honour and integrity above our lives , and to expire in constancy and greatness ? if the case be thus , the martyrs came to an vnhappy end : but i shall dismiss this argument . the dr. is at last apprehensive , lest this doctrine should prove inconvenient and dangerous to princes ; and answers the objection , by saying , the contrary doctrin is much more dangerous to subjects : whose interest , it seems , must be preferr'd , though their behaviour be never so monstrous and irregular . i shall afterwards endeavour to shew , that the security of the subject is better provided for , upon the old principles , than by this new scheme . but why is the contrary doctrin so dangerous to the subject ? because it 's a folly to believe any princes will endure those who are obliged by principles of conscience to oppose and disown their government . is it folly to think any prince will endure such things ? then it 's folly , it seems , for him to endure them . here the dr. has given us a cast of his good nature , and shewn what a kind advocate he is for his brethren the non-swearers ! but why will he not endure them ? does the dr. think no prince will endure a man that has any principles of conscience ? not when they are turned against him . why not , if there is no malice in the opposition ? why should any power persecute people to the death , meerly because they are willing to go heaven , and are afraid of being damned ? an intruding prince , if he has any spark of honour or generosity in him , if his temper be not as ill as his title , won't sacrifice such persons to rage and resentment : not only because such sort of revenges look uncreditably and mean , but because he knows his interest is not declined out of humour or animosity , but upon the score of principles and duty . the dr. undertakes another objection , which lies against his doctrin of providence , viz. that pyrates and robbers have as good a title to his purse , as an vsurper has to the crown . what he has brought in answer to this in his case of allegiance , i have already considered . but he has since endeavoured to support himself upon some new reasons in his vindication , and therefore these must be likewise examined . before i enter upon this matter , it may not be improper to take notice , that the dr. was forced to make use of such extensive principles in his first book , that , like a large town , they are much the weaker for their compass : which makes the defence of them at all quarters utterly impracticable . i am mistaken , if that which i have formerly alledged , together with the obvious consequences which result from it , does not contain an answer to what the dr. has lately produced : for if , as he maintains , all power , whether legal or illegal , is from god , and a certain sign of his authority ; if providence orders all events which are for the good or evil of private men , as well as publick societies ; if there is no difference between the divine permissions and approbations ; no evil in the city which the lord has not ( barely permitted , but ) done . if all this be true , i confess i cannot understand why a robber's title is worse than a usurper's . however , since the dr. continues of another mind , the grounds of his dissent shall be considered . now he endeavours to shew , that private robberies and vsurpations have not the same effect and confirmation from providence . because all private injuries are reserved by god himself , to the redress of publick government , therefore his providence has no effect at all upon such personal rights . — but such disputet which are too big for a legal decision , for the decision of which god has erected no vniversal tribunal upon earth , he has reserved to his own iudgment ; such as the correction of kings , and the transferring of kingdoms . and here the final determination of providence , in settling princes upon their thrones , draws the allegiance of the subjects after it . 't is granted , that government is appointed by god for the redressing private injuries ; but it 's likewise as true , that all injuries of this kind are not actually redressed . there are very many irregularities committed by the subjects , towards each other , which remains uncensured and unrectified by the courts of justice ; and therefore , why should not providence interpose by way of supplement , and determine private property by events , as well as the dominions of princes ? subjects , by their immoralities and mismanagement , deserve oftentimes to be chastized , and dispossessed of their fortunes : why therefore should there not be a court of events set up to assert the soveraignty of providence , and to supply the defects of human justice in one case , as well as in the other ? but providence has no effect upon such personal rights . is it because they are personal ? then it can have no effect upon the crown ; for that surely belongs to the king's person . the dr. cannot deny , that god is supreme lord of private estates , as well as of kingdoms ; and that he disposes them according to his pleasure : and since he orders all events which are for the good or evil of private persons , it follows , by inevitable consequence , that whatever any man can catch , is god almighty's gift , and then surely there is no reason to question the title . god in erecting courts of judicature , did not intend to make the subjects , any more than the prince , independent of his own jurisdiction ; or to exclude himself from any part of the government of the world. and therefore , if all publick changes and revolutions of kingdoms are certain signs of god's approbation , and fortified with his authority , we ought to conclude the same with respect to inferiour concerns . if the successes of violence always draws allegiance after them , and translates the authority from the rightful prince to the usurper , i see no reason why they should not have the same consequence upon private property ; for , that cause which can produce a greater effect , may , no doubt , produce a less of the same kind . if providential events can unsettle the crowns of princes , 't is strange they should not have an equal jurisdiction over things of an inferiour value . if this principle is sufficient to overturn the fundamental laws of a kingdom , and to transferr the prerogatives and royalties of government , i wonder how any petty private rights can stand before it . have private rights a firmer establishment than the publick ? and is the property of crowns more precarious , and slenderly guarded than that of a cottage ? if events can give an island or a continent , to every victorious usurper , why should a more modest robber , who makes himself master of a small sum of money , be denied the same privilege of his industry or courage ? this is great partiality , and by the dr's reasoning , a confining providence with a witness , and fettering it with courts of human justice : so that god can't dispose of the property of the subject , unless the judges and jury are pleased to consent to it . the truth is , the dr. has made the condition of princes very lamentable . as for subjects , when they are injured by theft or intrusion , their property remains entire , and they have the remedy of law to relieve them : but princes must not pretend to these securities , when they are once disseized , though never so unaccountably ; their authority is out of doors , and they must sit down by their misfortune without redress : they are to govern only durante bene placito , no longer than the sence and conscience of the people will give them leave ; two qualities which seldom fall to the share of the majority : and which is an harder consideration than all the rest , it 's their honourable relation to god almighty which puts them into these circumstances of disadvantage : had they not had a commission from him , their right had been fenced , as well as those of other men ; but their being his ministers , to rule the world , has cut them off from the common privilege . this must needs be a mortifying consideration to princes , and make their charge a very dangerous undertaking . who , that could live any other way , would wear a crown at this rate ? who would change the title of private property , and throw himself out of the protection of the law , for such a glittering uncertainty ? who would quit a certain and solid interest , and expose himself to all the humours and accidents , the wickedness and extravagance of human nature is capable of producing ? 't is certainly much more eligible to have the security of stated justice , than to stand to the courtesie of events , and lye at the mercy of ambition , and the madness of people . but , such disputes which are too big for a legal decision , for the decision of which god has erected no vniversal tribunal upon earth , he has reserved to his own iudgment . what sort of dispute does the dr. mean , and between whom does it lye ? is it between the lawful prince and the usurper ? if so , the very names of the parties are sufficient to end the controversie . for certainly there is no need of disputing , whether right is right , or wrong is wrong . the dr. i fear to perplex the argument , seems to perplex the title , and disputes , as if it was equally doubtful on both sides ; and then , i confess , events , i. e. possession might determine it . but this cannot be supposed , without altering the state of the question : for the dr. has put the case at the worst , and reasoned upon the supposition of vsurpation ; and owns , that his principles oblige him to do so : and would our author have a vniversal tribunal erected , to overthrow universal justice ; to dispossess and exterminate lawful princes , and determine the cause in favour of violence ? well! possibly the dr. means , this dispute is between god and the lawful prince . 't is for the correction of princes , and the transferring of kingdoms . touching the transferring of kingdoms , there are several ways , as i have already observed , of maintaining the divine soveraignty in this point , without making any difficulties in providence , and sapping the foundations of common right . and as for the correcting of princes , god does not stand in need of injustice and rebellion for this purpose ; he can execute this discipline without the necessary wickedness of the subject : he can afflict princes in their families , and in their persons : he may likewise suffer them to be over-run by violence , without giving any approbation or authority to the oppression . as he suffers the devil to do a great deal of mischief , though he neither gives him a commission , nor ratifies his acts. besides , there will be an vniversal tribunal erected at the last day , where princes must appear as well as meaner persons ; and where mighty men , if they have done amiss , will be mightily tormented . thus we see kingdoms may be transferred , princes punished , and god's prerogative asserted , without returning to the doctrine of events . these expedients are plain , and lye easie upon the understanding , and answer all the difficulties objected by the dr. without running us upon greater . thus kings , who are only less than god , are left to his sentence and correction . whereas the dr's scheme puts them in the power of the people ; and gives a rebellion , when it 's grown general , a privilege to cancel the regal authority , and to absolve the people from their allegiance . now , for subjects to sit judges upon their prince , and inferiours upon their undisputed supream , is the greatest affront both to decency and duty imaginable . the dr's remark , that the final determination of providence , in settling princes ( i. e. usurpers ) draws the allegiance of the subject after it ; is worth considering : for what sort of determinations are these ? they are against law and human right . when do they commence , and what signs have we to distinguish them by ? why , when wickedness is in its exaltation , and rebellion is grown invincible , then it is that providence determines the point for usurpation , and gives it a divine authority ; then god , it seems , discharges the people from their former engagements , and gives them leave either to chuse or submit to a new power . the dr. thought to clench the business by the word final , but , as ill luck would have it , it has spoiled all : for the dr. in his case of allegiance , has observed , that the usurpers being placed in the throne at present , and the lawful prince removed , does not prove , that it is god's will it should alwaies be so . and upon this argument he founds the ejected prince his legal right . now , if this determination is of an uncertain continuance , it cannot be termed final ; for providence may reverse it in a short time , for ought we know to the contrary . farther . either this determination is final , or not ; if it is , then god cannot restore the rightful prince , nor dispossess the intruder : and is not this to confine him to events , i. e. to human actions , and to hinder him from the free disposal of kingdoms ? if this determination is not final , then it signifies nothing ; for by implication from the dr's argument , it draws no allegiance after it . besides , the reader may please to take notice , that i have proved above , that events are no declarations of the will of god , nor any good grounds for practice ; especially when they are neither agreeable to the rules of justice , nor warranted by express revelation . the dr's next argument for a disparity between usurpers and robbers , runs thus . kings must be throughly settled in their government before it becomes unlawful for subjects to dispossess them . therefore to make the case parallel ; he who seizes another man's estate , must be throughly settled in it , before it becomes vnlawful to dispossess him : but that no private man can be , who is under the government of laws , and has not the possession of his estate given him by law. under favour , i conceive the case is exactly parallel . for instance ; if a man picks my pocket , and runs away with the money , it must , by the dr's principles be his own ; for the event is clearly on his side : he has possession as well as an usurper , and the same countenance of law for keeping it . he has moreover the consent of the great body of pick-pockets , who all submit to his success , and acknowledg the justice of his title ; and , who can now deny his being throughly settled in the money ? if the dr. replies , he may be punished , and obliged to refund , provided he can be seized . i answer . so doubtless may an usurper be served , if the lawful prince can catch him . but then it follows , that so long as he remains undiscover'd , he is , i can't say a legal , but a providential proprietor , and therefore not bound to restitution . however , to give the dr. entire satisfaction , i shall not insist upon his concealment , but bring him into open view ; which may be done without disturbing his settlement ; for it often happent , that thieves , with a guard of their own perswasion , retire into boggs and mountains , where , though the true owners know their retreat , there is no coming at them . now , as long as they remain in these impregnable circumstances , together with the advantages i just now mentioned , i can't see the least colour of reason from the dr's principles , why they should not have a divine right to all their booty . lastly , the dr. to prove these two cases unparallel , apprehends a great difference between a legal right to the crown , and the legal rights of subjects to their estates . — in settling estates there is nothing more required , but a meer human right : but to make a legal king , besides an human right to the crown , he must have god's authority ; for a meer human right cannot make a king. this the dr. urges , to obviate an objection , that it is as wicked and unjust for subjects , whatever their circumstances are , to own any other prince , but the l●gal heir , as it would be for tenants to pay their rent to any but their true legal lord. but his answer is by no means satisfactory . for , 1. i have proved , that an usurper has neither human nor divine right ; and therefore i desire the dr. would not bring him in for his share of privilege , among legal landlords , and legal kings , till those arguments are answered ; for certainly , he that has no right or authority , ought not to have the same treatment and duties paid those with those that have . 2 ly . if a private landlord , who , it seems , has no more than a meer human right to his estate , does not forfeit his title by being unjustly disseized , why should a prince be in a worse condition , who claims under greater advantages , and has the laws of man , and the authority of god to secure him ? if a single legal right is able to hold out against force and intrusion , one would think it should improve by being doubled , and not grow weaker by having divine authority superadded to it . now the dr. grants , that every legal prince is fortified with divine authority ; and therefore , if violence cannot extinguish a private right , it must be , if possible , less prepared to do any execution upon a crown . 3 ly . to take away the difference the dr. apprehended between private and publick property , i answer , that if he means by meer human right , an authority from men , only as men , without any higher original ; then there is more required for the settling an estate than a meer human right . for , men abstracting from the commission they receive from god , and the subordination he has placed in the world , are all equal , and have no authority to make laws and and bind property ; they have no superiority of nature over each other ; they have no prerogative from creation , from preservation , from omniscience and omnipotence ; they have neither heaven nor hell at their command , and therefore have no reason to claim a jurisdiction over their fellow-creatures in their own right . if their laws had not their sanction from a superiour authority , it would be no sin to break them , for every one might take his measures as humour or interest should direct them : therefore , to keep the world in order , god has confirmed human laws with his own authority , and threatned to punish the violations of them with no less than damnation . from whence it follows , that whoever has an human right to an estate , has likewise a divine authority to secure it ; for we are commanded to obey the ordinances of man , by god himself , and property is of his appointment : so that as long as the human right to an estate continues , the owner enjoys it , by god almighty's order and appointment ( unless he declares expresly to the contrary ) which , doubtless , carry his authority along with them . 't is true , private proprietors have not a divine authority for the same great purpose with princes ; they have it not to govern , and make laws ; to represent the majesty and soveraignty of god ; but they have it to fix the bounds of meum and tuum , no less than princes have to assure their government . farther . if kings , as the dr. grants , are made by a divine authority , their publick acts , particularly their laws , must have the same privilege : for those acts which are but executions of the royal office , and for which the office it self was intended , must have the same authority with the office ; and if the laws of kings have a divine authority , the estates which are settled by those laws , must partake of the same advantage , and have more than a meer human right for their security . thus i have considered what the dr. has urged for a disparity between usurpers and private robbers , and unless he has something farther to say in his defence , the consequence i have drawn upon this head must stand in full force against him . the next objection which the dr. endeavours to remove , is the instance concerning ioash and athaliah , which , he says , was a peculiar case , because god had entailed the kingdom of judah on the posterity of david . i have made it appear above , that there is no difference between an human and a divine entail , as to the strength and firmness of the settlement , because they are both founded upon god's authority . but since the dr. has endeavoured to reinforce his answer in his vindication , i shall briefly consider what he has there alledged . first , the dr. grants , that princes have their authority of government , and consequently of making laws from god. but yet we are to think divine political laws much more sacred and universally obligatory than meer human laws . 't is confessed , that divine laws are to be preferred to human upon several accounts , but this difference does not in the least affect the obligation of the subject , and therefore is nothing to the dr's purpose . however , it may not be improper to point out the circumstances of advantage : by the way we may remember , that we are not now disputing about moral laws , but only those which are positive and political . now , the preference which divine laws of this nature ought to have above those which are meerly human , depends upon these following reasons . 1. because of the solemnity of their publication , they are deliver'd in a more majestick manner , proclaimed by miraculous and extraordinary appearances of nature . these advantages of promulgation exhibit the authority of god as it were visibly to the senses of the people , and make a more reverential and lasting impression upon their minds , than any human grandeur and magnificence can do . 2. divine laws oblige the conscience by a direct and immediate authority , for god is that one law-giver , who has an original and independent authority over us . as for the ordinances of men , they do not bind in vertue of their own right , but only upon the account of a delegated power , because god has commanded us to submit to them for his sake , because they are made by those who are his ministers , and act in his name . 3. divine laws are preferrable in regard of the excellence of their matter ; they are the results of infinite wisdom and goodness , and exactly proportioned to the circumstances and convenience of those for whom they are made : there is nothing of over-sight , passion , or private design in them , to which imperfections human laws are liable . upon these three accounts , the laws which are of god's own making , ought to be more highly esteemed than those published by human governours . but then these advantages have no relation to the sanction , nor hinder the obligation to obey , from being the same in both ; for where the reason of obedience is the same , the duty must be so too . now human laws being confirmed by god's authority ( which is the ground of our obedience ) as much as those which are called divine , our consciences must be equally engaged to both . 't is true , the divine authority is somewhat more remotely conveyed in human laws than in the other ; but this distance does not make the obligation less obligatory , nor give the subject any liberty to dispute ; for , as the orders of a prince are to be obeyed , tho' delivered by inferiour magistrates , so god expects our submission and complyance , as much when he commands by his representatives , as when he does it more immediately by himself . and therefore , what the dr. observes concerning divine political laws , that they are more universally obligatory than any meer human laws , is not always true ; and when it is so , it does not proceed from the kind of the law , but the privilege of the legislator . i say it is not alwaies true ; for the mosaick ceremonies were divine laws , but these laws were in force only in palestine , and among the nation of the jews , and therefore the obligation to obey them could not reach so great an extent by far , as an edict of the babylonian or persian monarchs , whose empire was much larger . 't is true , a divine political law may be more universally obligatory than a meer human one , because god is universal lord , and has a right to govern all mankind ; which , it 's likely , no one prince will ever have . but this disparity , if it should happen , does not proceed from the unequal authority of the laws , but from the different jurisdiction of the law-makers : the one , it 's granted , may command farther , but the other within its proper precints is equally valid . the dr. affirms , that the dispute between divine and human laws , and a divine and human entail of the crown , are of a very different nature . but here he makes a distinction without a difference ; for , are not all entails grounded upon law , divine upon divine , and human upon human laws ? therefore in disputing the entails above mentioned , we must debate the nature of human and divine laws , because these are the basis upon which the respective settlements are supposed to stand : from whence it will follow , that if the authority of divine and human laws is the same , the entails depending upon either of them , must have an equal firmness . this consequence it 's likely the dr. foresaw , which made him run out into a mystical discourse about providence ; which principle i have already undertaken , and proved , that providence , as the dr. understands it , is no rule of practice : however , i shall consider the remainder of this paragraph a little farther . now , the dr's reason why a divine entail is stronger than a meer human one , is , because the first is founded upon express revelation ; the later has nothing more than a providential settlement of the crown , upon such a family ; but providence is not to be expounded against the express revelation of god's will. to this i answer , that an human entail has a great deal more to plead than the dr's notion of providence . it has a legal right to support it's title , which gives it an equal firmness with a claim made from divine designation : for we have plain texts of scripture to submit to the constitution of our respective countries , and to look upon our lawful governours as god's ministers . and since a legal right is fortified with express revelation , it must have an equal privilege with a divine entail , and carry it against all providential pretences , by the dr's own argument . he goes on , and attempts to prove the difference between divine and human laws , as to their force ; because in the first case the authority of god gives an immediate divine authority to the laws made by god ; in the other case , the authority of god terminates on the person , and does not immediately affect his laws . to this it may be replied , 1. that according to the dr's description of a divine law , there are few or none of this character to be found , either in the old or new testament ; for the mosaick law was given by the disposition of angels ; and the gospel was delivered by the apostles . 't is true , those precepts given by our saviour , may be said to proceed from a supreme and soveraign power . but then we are to consider , that his humanity was the organ of their conveyance : so that by our author 's reasoning these practical manifestations of the will of god , are but human or angelical laws at the highest : for , not being delivered by the deity himself , the authority of god must be conveyed at a distance , and terminate on the person of the minister who represents him ; and by consequence cannot immediately affect his laws . now , this immediate conveyance is the dr's distinguishing privilege , which he makes essential to the character of a divine law : and therefore i would gladly know why an entail , grounded only upon a prophetical or angelical law , may not be over-rul'd by providential events , as well as an human legal settlement ; for angels have no original immediate authority , any more than kings , and kings are called elohim , gods , as well as the other ▪ and have as ample , and i may add , a more standing authority to govern mankind , than any of the heavenly hierarchy . now , if providence , understood in the dr's sence , ought to have the same effect upon those laws , which were given by angels or prophets , as upon others , which are meerly human , as by his argument it must have , then ioash's entail was cut off by athaliah's possession , and iehojada was guilty of treason for deposing her . 2 dly . it 's not at all material as to the dispute in hand , whether the divine authority affects the laws of princes immediately or mediately ? as long as we are certain of the thing , the manner of its conveyance is no abatement of the original vertue . the dr. grants , that princes have god's authority to make laws . now god's authority to make laws , implies a right to make them : and since , as the dr. observes , there are no degrees of right , there can , for the same reason , be none of authority ; and therefore it must be full and perfect where-ever it is . if the divine commission of an human law-giver is certain and unquestionable , we need enquire no farther ; for god's authority receives no prejudice by being delivered to his representatives : so that provided the truth of the thing is secured , the way of its coming to us , whether by removes , or not , signifies nothing ; for in this case the distance of the conveyance does not in the least weaken the force of the operation . what the dr. adds concerning divine laws , that they have 〈◊〉 superior authority to all human laws , is true , but foreign to his purpose ; for god can null his own laws , as well as those which are purely human , as he has actually done in the mosaick dispensation ; so that the possibility of a divine repeal does not make any difference between human and divine laws , they being both of them equally liable to such an alteration . besides , we are to observe , that though god can repeal the laws made by himself , or his representatives , yet we are by no means to suppose , that events and providence , as the dr. takes it , are any authentick declarations of the divine will. his instance in the by laws of a corporation , is likewise unserviceable ; for these private laws , within the precincts of the respective towns , have the same force with the more general laws of the kingdom , provided their charter is comprehensive and full , and granted by those who have the entire legislative power ; which last privilege cannot be denied to god almighty ; and therefore his authority must be as strong in the delegation as in its more immediate exercise . the dr. in his case of allegiance , to which i am now returned , endeavours to gain a text in hosea , from the usual interpretation , and make it consistent with his principles . here , as the dr. observes , god expresly charges israel with making kings without him ; they have set up kings , but not by me ; they have made princes , but i knew it not . to this the dr. replies , that this was not true , as to all the kings of israel , after their separation from the tribe of judah . if it was true of some of them , it 's sufficient to justifie the objected exposition against him . this answer therefore being perfectly inoffensive , i shall pass to his second , in which he argues , that baasha slew nadab the son of jeroboam , and made himself king without god's express nomination . and yet god tells him , i have exalted thee out of the dust , and made thee prince over my people israel . now , if there were any difficulty in this text , the dr. has effectually removed it in his case of resistance ; the passage is not only well managed , but stands unrecanted . and thus it is . god having threatned to destroy jeroboam ' s whole family , baasha fulfills this prophecy , by the trayterous murther of nadab , ( who succeeded his father jeroboam in the kingdom ) and usurped the government himself , and slew all jeroboam ' s house . this murther and treason is numbred among the sins of baasha ; for which god afterwards threatned to destroy his house , as he had done the house of jeroboam . and yet he having usurped the throne , and got the power into his hands , and no man having a better title than his , god is said to have exalted him out of the dust , and made him prince over his people israel . — all which plainly shews , that where there is no regular succession ( i. e. where the kingdom is not hereditary , or the royal line is extinct ) to the kingdom , there possession of power makes a king. from whence it follows , that where there is a regular succession established , and an undoubted title , there meer possession of power does not make a king. if the dr. can confute this reasoning , he may remember it is his own . but in my opinion it is unanswerable ; and so i shall leave it , and proceed to the 3 d. which he calls the true answer to this text of hosea ; by which character we may understand what he thought of his two former . in this answer he affirms , that israel was originally a theocracy , ( he must mean , after the revolt of the ten tribes ) as well as judah ; and though god at their request allowed them to have kings , yet he reserved the appointment of them to himself , and appointed jeroboam to be their first king : therefore the fault the prophet taxes them with , is , their omitting to consult god for his nomination , after jeroboam 's and jehu 's line were cut off ; for these were the only kings named by god. but by the dr's argument the ten tribes should have consulted god about a new king , immediately after ieroboam's death , because his line was cut off ; for the crown was promised to his posterity , upon condition of his own good behaviour ; which condition was notoriously broken by him . i might likewise observe , that it 's very unlikely the prophet hosea , who lived so many generations after ieroboam and nadab his son , should charge the children of israel with an omission at so great a distance of time , which no mortal then living could possibly beguilty of . but to come closer to the dr. the theocracy was determined when baasha made himself king ; as the learned dr. spencer has proved to satisfaction : the theocracy ( says he ) was mightily weakened , and in a manner expiring under saul and david , but was quite as it were extinguished under solomon . when the kingdom was made successive , and the ark fixed in the temple , and the vrim supposed to be no longer oracular , — then it was plain , god had given up the government , and resigned the political supremacy to the kings of israel . if the reader is desirous to see this argument managed at length , he may consult the author ; for to avoid tediousness , i have cited him but briefly . indeed , i need not make much search after authorities , for the dr. in his case of resistance , speaks as home as one would desire ; he there observes , that after saul was chosen king , the government ordinarily descended not by god's immediate choice , but by the right of succession , ( though now he is pleased to contradict it . ) and having given an account how the face and motions of the government were changed , and that the jewish monarchs , in their councils , in their state , and defence , were conformable to their neighbours . he adds , therefore the government of israel by kings was like other human government , liable to all the defects and miscarriages which other governments are ; whereas , while the government was immediately in god's hands , the administration , as he goes on , was under a quite different management . so that we see the dr. has given up the theocracy rather sooner than the learned author i quoted before . now , if the theocracy was determined before israel and iudah were parted into two kingdoms , we have farther reasons to believe it had its period after their division , especially in the kingdom of israel ; for in that kingdom there was neither tabernacle , nor temple , nor ark ; there was no regular authorized priesthood ; no vrim and thummim , no symbols of god's presence , excepting the calves at dan and bethel , which were unacceptable to him. 't is true , they had prophets sometimes sent them ; so had the ninevites , and other neighbouring nations ; where they were very far from being under god's immediate government . and therefore though the theocracy should have continued till this time in the kingdom of iudah , we have no reason to believe the ten tribes in the same condition ; for they wanted the signs of the theocratical superintendency , the organs of inspiration , and the ministers , by which god was wont to execute his orders , and direct the state. now , what does the dr. bring to confute himself , and the reverend dean , and the inference i have drawn from them ? why , nothing but that ieroboam and iehu were made kings by god's immediate designation : but this remark does not come up to the point ; for nebuchadnezzar had several countries given him , by god's express designation , and yet the babylonian monarchy was never taken for a theocracy . the dr's next essay is , to prove , that this doctrin of allegiance to the present powers , is founded on the same principle with the doctrin of non-resistance and passive-obedience , and therefore both must be true , or both false . this argument he knows some men will not like : which is no wonder , for i am pretty sure it 's no good one ; as will appear by examining his proof . he tells us , passive-obedience is founded on this principle , that god invests kings with his authority . true ; god does invest them with his authority ▪ when they are either appointed by his immediate designation , or claim their soveraignty by the constitution of the country ; for god declares , that the higher powers are his ministers ; and commands us to submit our selves to every ordinance of man , for his sake ; and confirms human laws with his own authority . so that where the laws make it treason to resist the prince , there the gospel makes it damnation . and upon this bottom the doctrin of non-resistance stands . but it does not follow from hence , that illegal powers are vested with god's authority : yes , says our author , this principle equally proves , that all kings who have received a soveraign authority from god , and are in the actual administration of it , must be obeyed , and not resisted . but here the dr. takes the matter in dispute for granted ; he supposes a king and an usurper to be terms equivalent ; he confounds the notion of authority and force , and inferrs a divine right from the actual administration of power . now i have made it appear , that king is the name of right , not of meer force ; that authority and power are things vastly different ; that usurpers have no authority from god , neither soveraign nor unsoveraign ; and that their actual administration of government is no more an evidence of a commission from heaven , than any other success of private injustice : therefore , unless he can disprove what i have urged upon these heads , there is no danger of his making passive-obedience dependent upon his new scheme . to the remainder of this paragraph i have given an answer already , which needs not be repeated . he complains , the old-church-of england principles limit the providence of god in governing kings , and protecting injured subjects ; for , it seems , god has no way to do this , but either to turn the princes hearts , or to take them out of the world. very well ! and is not their reformation a sufficient redress of the peoples grievances ? or are they not punished if they are damned for oppressing their subjects ? besides , there are other expedients , as i have shewn , by which providence may correct princes and relieve the subject ; and if there were not , those remedies i have just now mentioned are much more intelligible than what the dr. prescribes ; for what can be a greater reflection upon an all-wise and almighty being , than to make him stand in need of the sins of his creatures ? as if the course of providence must be stopped , unless it were releived by perfidiousness and rebellion : as if god could not govern the world without setting it on fire ; nor work any deliverance without involving whole nations in guilt , and blood , and ruin. if this is not confining providence with a witness , i am much mistaken . and tho' the dr. seems to lament the subject's misfortune , because the old principles deny them the liberty to own an illegal prince , though he would be never so kind to them ; yet i conceive , he will have no reason upon second thoughts , to be dejected at this consideration : for people are sometimes very liberal in disposing that which does not belong to them , and bribe high , at least in promises , to gain their designs : but if every one might engage with those who would be kind to them , without any regard to virtue and honour , private families would be very much disorder'd , and the dr. might possibly be a sufferer by this latitude himself . and why must that usage be put upon princes , which , if it was offer'd a private person , would be thought a great injury ? since the duties of subjection are bound upon the conscience , as strictly as any domestick relation , we ought , doubtless , to take our lot , for better for worse , and not be governed by our inclinations in these matters . however , it seems hard that we must refuse our deliverance , and not allow god to deliver us unless he do it by law. but waving the familiarity of this last sentence , i answer ; that we have no reason to believe any deliverance comes from god , unless it 's managed in a regular defensible way : to the law , and to the testimony , if they speak not according to this , it is because there is no light in them . he whose character it is to still the madness of the people , we may be sure , will never authorize and encourage it . the righteous god of peace always speaks in the still voice of law and justice , and is never to be found in popular commotions , nor in the tempests of rebellion . but if this argument fails , he has another , which is more considerable at hand , viz. the necessity of government , to preserve human societies ; for human societies must not dissolve into a mobb ; or mr. hobbs's state of nature , because the legal prince has lost his throne , and can no longer govern , — the preservation of human societies does of necessity force us to own the authority even of vsurped powers . — i believe it will be hard to perswade any considering men , that that which in such cases ( in revolutions ) is necessary to preserve a nation , is a sin. — for the end of government is the preservation of human societies , — and the great law of all . in answer to this argument , i shall endeavour to prove these three things upon the dr. i. that he over values the preservation of societies , which ought not to be maintained by irregular and unjust actions . ii. there is no reason to apprehend , the strictness of the old principle should dissolve a country into a mob . iii. if this event should sometimes happen it would turn to the general advantage of society . 1. society ought not to be upheld by acts of injustice . since god does not allow private persons to preserve themselves by injuring their neighbours , why should we imagine he grants this liberty to great bodies of people ? unless the universality of an evil practice can change its nature , and correct its malignity . does god hate injustice in private persons , and permit it at the same time to whole communities ? it 's somewhat strange , a multitude should not be bound to the common laws of justice and humanity ; and that sinners should grow saints , meerly by crowding together . and if this supposition is absurd , then certainly justice and moral honesty are to be preferr'd before the concerns of society . now , to deny any person his right , much more to break the fundamental laws of a kingdom , is certainly injustice , and therefore the number of adherents can't alter the quality of the action , though they may aggravate the crime . 't is true , self-preservation is a good thing , but as some people order the matter , we shall have little left worth the preserving . when we talk of preserving our selves , we should comprehend the whole interest of human nature , especially the nobler part of it , and not confine our notion to the satisfactions of epicures and atheists . we should take care to preserve our integrity , as well as our wealth ; our reputation , as well as our ease ; and our souls , as well as our bodies . which cannot be done , unless the measures we go by are regular and defensible . to illustrate this general discourse by an instance , let us suppose a whole country or nation reduced to such streights , that they have no other way to save their lives , but by turning turks or heathens ; what is to be done in this case ? have they the liberty to comply , or must they submit to the penalty ? if they may comply , the evangelists were mistaken , and the martyrs self-murtherers . if they may not , it follows , that some things may be necessary to the preservation of a society , which are notwithstanding utterly unlawful . and , that the general danger of refusing to comply with an imposition , does not make the complyance warrantable ; tully , though a heathen , could say , that there some things so lewd and flagitious , that a wise and virtuous man would not be guilty of them , tho' his country lay at stake . and elsewhere he tells us , that to take away that which belongs to another , and to enrich our selves at the disadvantage of our neighbour , is a greater contradiction to nature ( and by consequence ought to be more avoided ) than death , than poverty or pain ; and in short , than all the accidents which can happen to life or fortune . again . the law of nations , which stands both upon an human and divine authority , does not suffer us to make our selves rich or powerful with the spoils of others . the same author cites several noble precedents ( as he calls them ) where the publick was concerned , in which honour and honesty were valued above the considerations of security and power . amongst other instances , he gives one concerning themistocles , who told the athenians at a publick meeting , that he had something to propose very much to the advantage of the state , which was not convenient to mention in that place , and therefore desired they would assign him a proper person , to whom he might communicate it . they ordered aristides to attend him . themistocles tells him , that the lacedemonian fleet , which was laid up at gytheum , might be burnt , provided the matter was managed with secrecy ; which loss must of necessity ruine the lacedemonians . upon the hearing of this , aristides comes into the assembly , and makes his report in general terms ; that themistocles's proposal was indeed useful , but by no means fair and equitable : the athenians understanding this , and not believing that any thing which was dishonest could be really serviceable , damned the whole project upon aristides's authority , without so much as hearing it . in this discourse he likewise observes , that the stoicks had such an esteem for justice and generosity , that they positively pronounced , that nothing which was mean and dishonest could be really profitable . the peripateticks , another famous and numerous sect of philosophers , though they held , that honesty and interest might sometimes be separated , yet they owned at the same time , that the first was always to be preferr'd to the latter . i wish these heathens don't rise up another day , and condemn some generations of christians , who with all their advantages of revelation fall so unfortunately short of natural religion and pagan virtue ; who startle at the meer idea of justice , and can't bear the confinements of honesty so much as in the theory ; whose principles and practices tend to no other point , but to debauch and debase mens spirits , to make them mean and mercenary , and indifferent to right or wrong . in short , government had better be dissolved than upheld by unlawful means . god never intended society should be made a sanctuary for vice , and serve only to promote the ends of injustice ; people had better live singly and dispersed , than incorporate for mischief , and be tyed together with the bands of iniquity : if men can't be honest in company , let them break up and retire into solitude . there is a necessity for a man to keep his faith unbroken , and his honour untarnished ; but it 's not necessary to live either in towns or villages , or indeed any where else , when life must be bought at the expence of virtue and conscience . if ease , and the regaling our senses are to be preferr'd to truth and justice , it 's time to resign up the privileges of human nature ; instead of pretending to these things , we ought rather to go down upon all four , and resemble the shape and posture , as well as the qualities , of irrational creatures . is it not much more eligible , to be dissolved into mob , than to range our selves in order , for the support of injustice , and to play tricks in mood and figure ? let us rather chuse to wander in desarts and mountains , in dens and caves of the earth , than combine , like the men of sodom , for lewdness and violence ; for the pretence of a community is no good plea for immoral actions , nor any shelter against fire and brimstone . fiat justitia & ruat mundus ; better no world than no honesty . but 2. there is no reason to apprehend the strictness of the old principle should dissolve a nation into mob ; for , the usurper's interest will be sure to keep up the face of a government ; there seldom wants complyers in such cases , to supply the courts of justice , and to take care of publick administrations . a lawful prince is never dispossessed without a powerful faction , who will be sufficiently vigilant to nurse up their new settlement , and to throw their irregularities into the usual form . and therefore , as we have no warrant , so neither have we any necessity to own a pretended authority , or to engage in the business of government ; for there is no fear , but that there will be ambition , covetousness , cowardice , and other ill principles enough , to fill up the vacant places , and to manage the concerns of this nature . but ▪ 3. supposing this event the dr. is so careful to provide against , should happen by disowning the usurpation , it would produce very good effects . for , 1. such a general disorder would disappoint the revolters of the advantage they designed . now , if their expectations were always baulked , this would be a mighty check to faction and ambition , and we should seldom see any wickedness of this nature attempted . if men had no prospect of building up another government in the room of that which they pull down , nor any hopes of thriving by their rebellion , the world would not be plagued with incendiaries and traytors so often as it is . if confusion , and a kind of civil chaos , was the necessary consequence of a defection ; and there was no likelihood an usurpation should ever settle into any order and consistency ; there would seldom be madmen enough in a nation to overturn the constitution ; for the worst of people don't love danger for danger 's sake : 't is true , they have no regard to conscience , but they have a tender sense of every thing which is offensive to their ease , and prejudicial to their temporal concerns , and will no more do an ill action than a good one , when it looks so frightfully upon them , and is apparently against their interest . 2 dly . when an usurpation is actually on foot , the best expedient to re-establish the dispossessed prince , is , to let the state fall into disorder ; for , if the illegal powers were generally disowned , if their commissions were refused , their pretended courts neglected , and the places of government unsupplied ; if all things were thus disjointed and out of frame , it would introduce an happy change , and justice would soon recover her jurisdiction . the making a lawful government essential to the peace and being of society , will mightily refresh the allegiance of the people , recommend the doctrines of loyalty , and encline the subjects to return immediately to their duty : if for no other reason , yet because they see they cannot live tolerably without it : and when the majority of a nation agree in a desire , they are seldom long before they are masters of their wishes . in short , whatever maxims render an illegal possessor unacceptable ; whatever shocks the general security , and throws the state into convulsions , must by consequence promote the recovery of the lawful prince ; whereas a principle of latitude , which contrives an usurpation regular and easie , is the way to fix it , and to make the subject acquiesce , and grow indifferent , whether the title is good or bad ; for many people are too much governed by secular regards , and don 't love their concerns should be ruffled , and their pleasures interrupted for the best cause whatever . 3 dly . a general disorder would effectually discover the wickedness and danger of an usurpation , and create a proportionable aversion . such confusions would make men abhor the thoughts of disloyalty , and start from it as from an apparition . they would go with the same forwardness and concern to suppress a rebellion , as they would to put out a fire , or stop a sea-breach : a rebel then would be looked on as a monster of mankind , and hooted from conversation and day . now , such apprehensions as these must contribute very much to the establishment of justice , and the peace of society : and though the disowning an illegal power might possibly for a little time dissolve a state into its first principles , yet , like ore , it would improve by melting , and be refined into a more shining and solid body . this would prevent the frequent returns of usurpations , and make them much more impracticable and uncommon . now , the design of government is , to provide for the general advantage of mankind ; and that state is best contrived which is liable to fewest miscarriages ; and therefore it 's a maxim with us , that the law will rather suffer a mischief than an inconvenience ; i. e. it 's much better for a kingdom to have particular persons , or times , exposed to hazard and misfortune , than to be made up of principles of ruin , and have mala stamina in its constitution . and though the justice and regularity of the mobile are no desirable things , yet a civil war , raised by rebellion , is a more terrible and lasting evil , and occasions more bloodshed and desolation . farther . it 's not amiss to ask upon whose account the appearance of government is to be secured under an usurpation ? would the dr. have all this care taken for the sake of revolters ? must the laws be broken , and justice be banished , that people may live at ease in their sins , and enjoy the advantages of rebellion ? must they not be disturbed , left they should repent and be saved , and for fear honest men should have their own again ? if this be the dr's aim , he seems indulgent to an excess ; for government was never intended to be a protection for wickedness : and as revolters don't deserve that affairs should be put into this easie posture , so those who are truly loyal don 't desire it . they know it 's their duty , and the main design of their allegiance , to stand by their prince , when he is under a disadvantage : they are willing to be governed by those maxims by which the crown may be most effectually served ; which promote the most comprehensive and lasting interest of government , and tend to the support of justice . they know it 's decent and reasonable the subjects should suffer under a rebellion , as well as the prince . besides , since , as i have proved , allegiance is due to the king out of possession , and the subjects are bound to assist him in the field upon demand , it follows by parity of reason , that they are bound to run the same hazards any other way , rather than renounce their soveraign ; for the same allegiance which obliges them to venture their lives in the field , does likewise oblige them to stand the shock of the mob , or of a more settled usurpation . the pretences of hazard and disadvantage are uncreditable and unjustifiable motives to desert the crown , and ought to be over-ruled by decency and duty . it would be counted an odd remonstrance , if an army , upon their being ordered to fight the enemy , should tell their general , that his orders and interest was to give place to the security of his troops : that the design of their being listed , was only to be disciplin'd , and receive their pay ; but as for fighting , there was a great deal of danger in that . they knew well enough , that a battel could not be managed without some-bodies coming short home : and since death would certainly light somewhere , it was every person 's concern to avoid it : for their parts , they were an innocent and conscientious army , and therefore it 's very unreasonable to press them to lose their lives and their baggage , upon the account of any cause or engagements whatsoever ; for , it can be no good principle to expose such honest men as they are to the greatest sufferings . now this is but an untoward excuse , but would be a very good one , if the consideration of danger , or the vertue of the subject , was sufficient to null the obligation of oaths and allegiance . these observations i have set up as counter-principles to the dr's . and must leave it to the reader to judge , whether those principles which discourage rebellion , and press hardest upon usurpation ; which assure the fidelity of the subject upon all emergencies , and create a good understanding between prince and people , do not answer all the ends of government , better than those other doctrines , which assert the divine authority of power ; that different degrees of submission are to be paid proportionably to the growth and success of an usurpation ; that the oath of allegiance is a national oath , and that the minor part may be absolved by the majority : and that the preservation of societies , though they are no better than that of romulus , is the great law of all . now one would think it required no great depth of understanding , to determine the case ; a moderate proportion of unbyassed reason will inform us , that those principles which have the fore-mentioned advantages , which promote the improvement of humane nature , which oblige us to good faith , and gratitude ; and give life to generosity and honour , are much to be prefer'd to others , ( in point of security ) which have a quite contrary effect . the dr. observes , that self-preservation is as much a law to the subjects , as to the prince ; ( he means the subjects have the same privilege by it ) and he is as much sworn to govern his subjects , as they are to obey him : and if the necessities of self-preservation absolve him from his oath of governing his people , the dr. desires to know why the same necessity , will not absolve subjects from their oaths to their prince . now i think , this question is easily answer'd : for self-preservation is allowable , where the means are lawful , and not otherwise now there is no law which bars a prince from visiting a foreign country , or from travelling from one part of his dominions to another . the coronation-oath does not bind him to impossibilities , nor oblige him to govern those who bid him defiance , and will not be govern'd . it 's none of the duties of a king to sight whole armies singly , or to stay amongst his rebellious subjects , to be outraged in his person and honour . but on the other hand , it 's not impossible for subjects to stand off from an usurpation , and to reserve themselves for their dispossessed prince ; and that their natural and sworn allegiance obliges them so to do , has been proved already . it 's in vain therefore to insist upon the plea of danger , when we are under these solemn pre-engagements : if self-preservation will absolve us from our oaths , and justifie our breach of faith , we may excuse any other apostacy upon the same score . but government and allegiance , it seems , are such relatives , that the one cannot subsist without the other ; if the prince cannot govern , the subjects can't obey , and therefore , as far as he quits his government , he quits their allegiance . the dr. talks of quitting the government , as if there had been a resignation in the case , and the subject had been discharged under hand and seal . now certainly there is a great difference between the king 's throwing up the government , and the peoples throwing up their king. yes , the dr. grants he may , notwithstanding his dispossession , have a legal right to allegiance , and the crown ; and from whom is this right due ? from the people ; then sure they ought to give it him , and by consequence the relation continues . no such matter , says our author , the subjects can't pay him their allegiance , without his being restored . let them stay then till they can ; if a man ows a sum of money , and can't pay it at the day , is this either a legal , or an equitable discharge of the debt ? is there any reason the creditor should forfeit , for the insufficiency or knavery of the debtors ? an honest man , if he can't give full satisfaction at present , is willing to pay as far as he is able : above all things he will avoid assigning over his estate into such hands , which he knows will not only defraud the right owner , but employ his money against him. the dr. both here , and in his vindication , goes upon the old mistake , that meer actual dominion , and soveraign power make a king , and compleat the royal part of the relation : but this is begging the question , as the dr. seems sensible , by the objection he raises in his adversary's behalf , which with a little improvement , will contain an answer to what he has further urged . it is to this purpose : the relation between king and subject must continue as long as the fundamentum relationis , or , the ground of the relation continues ; which ground being built upon legal right , while this right remains , the dispossessed prince is still king , and the subjects owe him their former allegiance . and what has the dr. to say to all this ? truly as little as a man would desire . he tells you , that a legal hereditary right is not the fundamentum relationis , the foundation of that relation which is between prince and subjects ; for then there would be no foundation for such a relation in any but hereditary kingdoms , which is a mistake . but , pray who says hereditary right is the only ground of the relation between king and subject ? the dr's adversaries affirm no such thing ; they say , that this relation is founded upon right in general , according to the nature of the constitution ; in hereditary kingdoms , upon hereditary right ; in elective kingdoms , upon elective right ; and where the person is nominated by god , the ground of this relation is a right from revelation . neither do these different foundations , as the dr. calls them , ( which are nothing but diversify'd right ) affect the authority consequent upon them ; the different ways of acquiring soveraignty , does not work any change upon the royal prerogatives , nor hinder the relation between king and subjects from being the same . the dr. foresaw it would be objected , that an immoveable and unalterable allegiance is the best principle to prevent all revolutions , and to secure the peace of human societies ; as , i think , has been made good already . now , his answer to this objection is ( were the subject less important ) entertaining enough . for ( says he ) if this principle would prevent all revolutions , it 's a demonstration against it , that it 's a bad principle , a meer human invention , which cannot come from god. it seems then we are all ruined , if we have nothing but peace and quietness amongst us . if there is not care taken for the returns of rebellion , to destroy and debauch mankind , the world in a little time would be insufferably over-stocked with honesty and numbers . i will say that for the dr. he has provided against this inconvenience as well as any author living . but in earnest , can't god remove and set up kings , unless the sins of the people help him ; nor exercise his soveraign prerogative , without damning his creatures ? i hope i have made it appear , that a being of infinite perfections has no necessity to take such measures , or make use of such instruments as these : i wish those principles which imply such consequences as these , and several others of the same extraordinary tendency , are not something worse than a meer human invention . the dr. urges farther , against the sufficiency of this immoveably-loyal principle , that it has not force enough to attain its end ; and though it was too strong in the last objection , yet now , it seems , it 's grown too weak ; for it cannot prevent the revolutions of government , for there have been such revolutions in all ages . and what follows ? are such revolutions occasion'd by those principles which condemn them ? or , by the people , who desert or break in upon their principles ? don't men frequently ruine their health and their fortunes , and make themselves miserable , by their vices ? and ought we therefore to conclude , that god's laws , which provide against these mischiefs , are either defective or unreasonable ? i suppose not . but , those principles which expose the most innocent and consciencious men to the greatest sufferings , without serving any good end by them , cannot be true. and , is not the maintenance of right and the defence of the constitution , the tryal of integrity , and the giving a noble example , a very good end ? i 'm sorry if the dr. does not think it's worth a man's while to suffer upon these accounts : what he subjoins , that it s no true principle which obliges honest men to lose their lives in opposition to the government ; is a misrepresentation of the case ; for non-complyance with an usurpation is no opposition to the government ; for there can be no government without authority , nor any authority without right ; but right and usurpation are contradictions in terms . farther : to oppose the government , is to oppose the laws of the government , which cannot be done by adhering to a lawful prince , without destroying the very supposition , unless opposing and defending are the same thing . but if the dr. or any body else , should mean in general , that a principle which obliges honest men to lose their lives , &c. is not true , then by the same reason ; christianity is false ; for a great many honest men have lost their lives by suffering for this religion , and were obliged by their principles so to do . now , we are as much bound to the performance of justice , and the other duties of the second table , as to defend the articles of our creed : nay , the latter were revealed on purpose to enforce the practice of the former , to teach us to live soberly , righteously , and godly in this present world , and to make us a peculiar people , zealous of good works . what he mentions concerning the scripture , has been considered above . at last the dr. is pleased to own , that we must chuse rather to suffer than to sin ; but then we must be very sure , that it is our duty , that it is expresly enjoyned us by the laws of god or nature , before we venture to suffer for it . what if it is enjoyned us by undeniable consequence , is not that sufficient without a plain text ? i perceive the dr. is resolved to be a favourable casuist . farther . i would gladly know what the dr. means by being expresly enjoyned by the laws of nature : has the dr. any of nature's volumes by him ? i confess , i thought nature's laws had been written upon the minds of men , and never heard that her works were books , till now . but to end this dispute , the dr. may please to take notice , that whatever is expresly enjoyned us by the laws of the land , ( provided the matter of it is not sinful ) is likewise enjoyned us by the laws of god and nature ; for we are bound by the laws of god and nature to obey the constitution . the dr's harangue , in his next paragraph , upon the being of societies , and the safety and preservation of subjects , has been answered already . i shall now proceed to examin the answer he gives to the famous instance of the loyal nobility , &c. during the exile of king charles the second , who thought themselves bound in conscience to oppose that vsurpation , at their utmost peril . this the dr. calls a great prejudice , but no argument : for , if his principles are true , they might have complyed with those vsurpations . might they so ? then doubtless those brave persons , who chose rather to lose their estates and their lives , than own that pretended authority , were worse than infidels in st. paul's sence , and guilty of self-murther , because they did not provide for their families , nor preserve their lives , when it was lawful for them to do it . the comparison the dr. draws from the two revolutions of 48 and 88 , and his inferences from them , are , i think , the slenderest performance in his whole book , and in which he has given an adversary the plainest advantage . the dr. himself seems very sensible , that this part of the argument had no good colouring , and therefore has touched it over again in his vindication ; where he tells us , that they are two very different questions , when it 's lawful to submit to vsurping powers ; and , when it becomes a duty to do it ? it 's lawful to submit when we are under such a force as can compel us ; it 's our duty to submit when the government is throughly settled . in answer to this , i shall endeavour to prove , 1. that if it was lawful for the nobility , gentry , &c. to submit to the common-wealth and cromwel , it was their duty so to do . and , 2. that by the dr's principles they were obliged to submit to this usurpation . 1. if it was lawful for them to submit to the common-wealth , &c. it was their duty so to do . for , first , as i have proved above , subjects must own some authority or other , and are not allowed to live independently of all government . this proposition may likewise be made good , from the dr's principles ; for he elsewhere asserts , that subjects , when their government is violently changed , are at liberty to submit to the new government ; for force will justifie submission . now , though this principle is untrue , and rank hobbism ; yet since the dr. will have it , he must stand by the consequences . i argue therefore , that if force or conquest cancels the subjects obligation to the vanquished prince ; then they must always become the property of victory , and be immediately passed into the hands of a new master ; for all advantages of conquest ought to accrue to the conqueror . in a word , either conquest transferrs allegiance , or not : if it does not , it 's not lawful for the subjects to comply with a new government , because their former obligations are still in force : if it does , it must transferr it to the conqueror , and then it follows , that the people are not at liberty to submit , or not , at their pleasure . secondly , the dr's argument for his opinion is very surprizing ; for , what is the reason the subjects are thus turned loose , and enfranchized from all service and authority on the sudden ? has the prince resigned or given a discharge under the broad seal ? or , does the nature of subjection leave them at discretion , and bind no longer ▪ than they see convenient ? not so neither . whence comes it to pass then they are so perfectly sui juris , without a release ? why , its force and irresistible power , which puts them into this masterless condition ; its necessity , it seems , which has enlarged their freedom ; if they had not been conquered , they must have been slaves to their old master for ever : but now , since they are fallen into the enemies hands , and the sword 's point is at their throat , they may do what they list , and are as independent on all mankind as adam . i confess this is a wonderful privilege , and as wonderfully proved . thirdly , if upon a revolution , the people have the liberty to submit , or not to submit , then if they should all insist upon their privilege , and cry out for a state of nature , we must dissolve into a mob , ( which the dr. won't allow ) and which is worse , all government must be lost , only for the peoples humour . fourthly , by submission in this case , we must understand an acknowledgment of the right of the power we submit to . if the dr. takes the word in any other sence , he does but play with it . now , if the loyal party might submit to cromwel's common-wealth in this sence , they must own their government : but all government supposes authority , which the common-wealth could not have , by the dr's principles , unless they had either a legal or a divine right , to ground it upon : a legal right they had not by the supposition , therefore it must be a divine one . now , if they had a divine right , and acted upon god's authority , the people were undoubtedly under an obligation to obey them , and had not the liberty to comply or stand off , as they thought fit . fifthly , the dr. affirms , that neither the doctrin of our church , nor the laws of the land , pronounce it absolutely unlawful to submit to a prince ( an usurper ) possessed of the throne . 't is true , both these propositions are great mistakes ; as i have shewn from the laws , and from the convocation-book : and as to the doctrin of the church , the reader may have farther satisfaction ; if he pleases , from the history of passive obedience . however , since the dr. maintains the contrary , i shall argue from his own tenents against him ; that if neither the constitution of the church or state suppose it unlawful to submit to an usurper in possession , then we are under an obligation to submit , rather than disoblige our interest by non-complyance : for the dr. is sure the scripture teaches us ▪ to suffer patiently in obedience to government , but not to suffer in opposition to it . and for fear we should use our selves too hardly , he tells us , before we expose our selves to suffering , we must be very sure that it is our duty , that it is expresly enjoyned us by the laws of god and nature , before we venture to suffer for it . but it s impossible the loyal party could have any of this assurance for suffering under cromwel , if , as the dr. affirms , neither the laws of religion , nor of the land , declare it unlawful to submit to an usurpation . and therefore i think the great body of the nobility , gentry , and clergy , have reason to take it ill from the dr. for making their forefathers a company of mad-men , who , notwithstanding they had all imaginable authority and obligation from human and divine laws , to acquiesce , and consult their own safety ; yet out of a romantick notion of loyalty , chose rather to hazard their souls , and bodies , and estates , than submit to the determinations of god almighty , who is always supposed to set up a governour when by his providence he puts the soveraign power into his hands . 2. by the dr's principles , it was not only lawful to submit to cromwel's usurpation , but the people were directly obliged to it . for , 1. it 's well known , that the common-wealth of cromwel were absolute masters of the three kingdoms , and entirely possessed of the government . now , the dr. has solemnly told us , that since power will govern , god so orders it by his providence , as never to intrust soveraign power in any man's hands , to whom he does not give the soveraign authority . this usurpation therefore having soveraign power , in an high and irresistible degree , could not be disowned without rejecting god's authority , which certainly no man can have any privilege to dispute . 2. the dr. expresly averrs , that the preservation of human societies does of necessity force us to own the authority even of vsurped powers . and if we are under a necessity of owning their authority , one would think we could not have the liberty to refuse them . 3. the dr. observes , that our saviour's argument for paying tribute , relies wholly on the possession of power , ( without any mention of consent ) and inferrs from thence , that if this be a good reason , it 's good in all other cases ; that we must submit to all princes who are possessed of the soveraign power , and are in full administration of government . and can the dr. deny these advantages to the usurpers upon k. charles ii ? no : there was not so much as the least garrison which held out against them . and as for the administring part , all affairs , civil , military , and ecclesiastical , were managed solely by their direction . 4. if we were unprovided of other proofs , a few questions in the dr's words would decide the controversie . i desire to know therefore , whether god rules in a kingdom while an vsurper fills the throne . particularly , did god govern in england , scotland , &c. from 1648 , to 1660 ? if he did , who was it he governed by ? not by k. charles ii. for he was dispossessed : it must therefore be by the common-wealth and cromwel , to whom the government was disposed by god's own will and counsel : for , to allow no more than a divine permission , is , in the dr's opinion a great error : for , will any man say , that god governs such a kingdom , as is not governed by his authority and ministers ? does providence and government signifie only his permission ? — to resolve providence into a bare permission , especially in matters of such a vast consequence as the disposal of crowns , is to deny god's government of the world. now , if cromwel , &c. did not rule these kingdoms barely by the permission of providence , but had god's positive authority , and bore the character of his ministers , then their right was unquestionable , and their persons sacred , and it was great wickedness to resist or disobey them . and since the dr. has laid down such notions as these , concerning providence , and given such prerogatives to power , it 's too late for him to recall his liberality to the rump and cromwel , he must not think of unsettling them again , for want of a national consent , unless he has a mind to recant the main of both his books : for , if they had god's authority on their side , the people , whether willing or not , were bound in conscience to obey them . however , i shall briefly consider what the dr. offers to disprove the settlement of the fore-mentioned usurpation . he tells us , the convocation all●dges two ways whereby a government , unjustly and wickedly begun , may be throughly settled , viz. by a general submission , or by continuance . i have proved above , that the convocation does not take settlement in his sence ; and that he has no reason to make use of their authority for illegal proceedings : but , granting his own supposition , i can't perceive what service it can do him ; for , if general submission or continuance , without legal right , are either of them sufficient to compleat the notion of settlement , it will be difficult to find an objection against the rump's and cromwel's authority . for , 1. as for continuance the rump held the government from 1648 , to 1653 ; and cromwel was the supreme power from 53 to 58 : and if five years of soveraign and uncontested power is not sufficient to make a through settlement , i doubt the dr. has been too quick in his late complyance . but , 2 dly . though after a continuance of this length , the rump and cromwel , by the dr's principles , had no need of any national consent and submission , to perfect their settlement ; yet it does not appear , that the dr. has disproved their title so much as in this point . as for submission , it was generally paid them . there was not so much as the face of an enemy in the field : their courts were frequented , their coin was current , and their authority undisputed in all posts of government ; but there was no national consent , because the greatest part of the representatives were slung out of the house , excepting a few rumpers . 1. how does the dr. know , but that the rumpers had a national consent for secluding these members ? the consent of silence and submission they certainly had ; for the nation neither offer'd to restore these members by force , nor shewed any publick dislike of their being expelled . 2 dly . does the dr. think there can be no national consent testified any other way , than by the peoples chusing a few men from towns and countries to represent them . if the matter stands thus , the four monarchies had no national consent , nor any through settlement ; for there was no such things as parliaments in those times and countries . but , before we take leave of these rumpers , the dr. may remember , that they were summoned by the king's writs , and had his royal assent to sit as long as they pleased : if some people had such a colour of authority , they would flourish with it at no ordinary rate . 3 dly . the dr. objects against cromwel's parliaments , that they had no national consent , &c. because they were not chosen according to the ancient customs and vsages of the nation . some people will not be sorry to hear , that a national consent cannot be given by representation , unless the representatives are legally chosen , and the ancient customs of the constitution observ'd . i wonder how this reason dropped from the dr. for it overthrows the design of his books , and puts him upon a necessity of proving the legality of the present establishment . he urges farther , that these pretended parliaments , under cromwel , were not the representatives of the nation , but of a prevailing party . if they were elected by a prevailing party , it 's a sign they represented the majority . and if the dr. will not be satisfied , unless every individual person agrees to an election , he is not likely to see a national consent in haste . well : but some part of cromwel ' s second parliament published a remonstrance , for being denied admittance : so did the parliament in the beginning of the civil wars , publish several remonstrances , of an higher nature against the government of k. charles the first . and yet , i suppose , the dr. will allow , that these oppositions did not un settle his authority , nor discharge his subjects from their allegiance . and thus i have proved , that the rump and cromwel had as fair an authority , and as through a settlement , in all points , as the dr's principles require . as to the villanies of those days , which the dr. insists upon , they don't in the least affect the obligation of the subject ; for , granting the dr's revolution was more agreeable than that of 48. yet since , by the dr's reasoning , the one had god's authority as much as the other , it ought to have been equally submitted to ; for , in such a case , no rigour of administration can discharge the people from their obedience . the dr's remark upon the bishops being turned out , and the alienation of their revenues under cromwel , is not calculated for the whole island . he forgot , i conceive , the flourishing condition of the present church of scotland , when he drew up this part of the parallel , — iam proximus ardet vcalegon . but this dispute being not material to the argument , i shall insist upon it no farther . what the dr. mentions concerning antiochus's right to the government of iudea , has been considered . however the dr. has something remarkable in this paragraph , which must not be overlooked , viz. though force requires a long continuance to settle a government , yet a national consent settles a government in a short time . thus the submission of jaddus , and the governing part of the nation , to alexander , settled his government in a few days . the case of alexander and iaddus has been argued above , and needs not be repeated . i might likewise observe , that consent , how general soever , without authority , signifies nothing , as has been made good already , and shall be farther confirmed by and by ; but at present , i shall grant the dr. his assertion , and draw an inference from it against him . for , supposing a national consent will settle a government in a few days , then absolom's government was sufficiently settled , and all the people of israel were bound in conscience to obey him ; and which is more , they were bound to fight his father david , ( who had taken arms against absolom . ) the reason is , because , as the dr. affirms , god's authority is always to be preferr'd to legal right , and the subjects can't be bound to two opposite allegiances . that absolom was sufficiently possessed of the kingdom , will appear by comparing his circumstances and david's together . now david's condition was so low , that he was forced to quit his capital city ierusalem , and encamp in the fields and desarts , with not many more than 600 of his guards , as sir walter raleigh observes ; from thence he retires over iordan , and leaves absolom master of more than nine tribes and an half of the twelve ; and not thinking himself secure at this distance , he continues his retreat to mahanaim , which was upon the borders of his kingdom , towards ammon . hither absolom pursues him , and encamps near gilead , which was a fronteir town , as we may learn from iosephus . nay , he is said to have abdicated all his dominions , and to have fled out of the land for absolom . that david was very weak , and unlikely to recover , appears by shimei's throwing stones and cursing him at the head of his troops . besides , 12000 men , after he had reinforced himself , were enough to have beaten him ; as is plainly intimated in the scripture . we have likewise reason to conclude that number was sufficient for this purpose , by achitophel's proposal , who was too wise a man to have ventured his person and fortunes with so small a body , unless he had been morally assured of success . and therefore iosephus tells us , that hushai understood that david might have been easily destroyed this way which achitophel proposed ; which was the reason he gave contrary advice . the same author informs us , that david had but 4000 men , notwithstanding by hushai's dexterity he had time given him to raise them : which was a poor remnant in a kingdom which was able to muster 1300000 fighting men . lastly . to shew how lamentably king david , though a man after god's own heart , was deserted by his subjects ; we may observe , that this small army consisted in a great measure of foreigners . the gittites , who marched with him , were certainly citizens of goth ; as appears from the scripture , especially from the translation of the septuagint . the cherethites and pelethites are likewise supposed to be philistines ; which is very probable , since the gittites are mentioned with them . to these we may add the assistance he received from shobi son of nahash , formerly king of ammon , who came in to him at mahanaim . on the other hand , if we take a view of absolom's affairs , we shall find them as firm and flourishing as can be desired . this made hushai congratulate his success , and tell him , that the lord , and all the people , had made choice of him . and who can now deny him the title of a providential monarch ? if any one suspects hushai's salutation to be no more than a piece of ceremony , the scripture will convince him of the contrary ; for , absolom had every thing but god and justice on his side ; all the men of israel were at his command , from dan to beersheba , as the sand of the sea for multitude : he was , as iosephus observes , saluted king by unanimous and universal acclamations : he was anointed by the men of israel ; and all the elders , the estates and governing part of the nation , submitted to him . here was a national consent with a witness , and by consequence , as good a settlement as the dr. can demand , unless he will retract his own definition . how many months or years absolom was possessed of this general submission , is not material to enquire ; for the dr. roundly affirms , that a few days is sufficient to do the business . the dr. goes on to the other part of the comparison , and pretends , that some extraordinary methods taken by the crown , helped some men easily to absolve themselves from the obligation of their oaths . right : but , under favour , did they do well or ill in absolving themselves ? why the dr. won't dispute the legality of all this , i suppose , for fear of disobliging our great patrons of liberty . nay , he is so far from condemning such singular casuists , that he seems to argue in justification of them ; for , they ( says he ) could not think that oaths , which were made and imposed for the preservation of a protestant prince , and the protestant rights and liberties of church and state , could oblige them to defend and maintain a prince in his vsurpation , as they thought , upon both . the dr. by his wording it , would almost make an ignorant man believe , that the protestant religion was the supreme power in england , and that we were bound to support it in the field against the king : but those who will take the pains to peruse the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , will see , they oblige us to bear true faith , &c. to the king , and to defend him and his heirs and lawful successors , without making any enquiry into their creed . it was never known , that the kings of england held their crowns by the tenure of religion : if their claim had not been wholly founded upon birthright , and proximity of blood , there had been no pretence for the late bill of exclusion . but such absurdities as these are too gross to deserve any farther consideration . and since we are indispensably bound to serve and defend our prince , without any regard to his perswasion , it must be a very bad religion , which teaches us to desert or oppose him . there can't be a greater reproach cast upon the reformation , than to make it give countenance to such horrid and treacherous practices as these . what our author means by the protestant rights and liberties of the state , is hard to understand ; for the rights of the state are purely secular and civil : he may as well call a farm a protestant farm , as give that epithete to the rights of the state ; but the word protestant must be crammed in , otherwise the charm will not work . the dr. once more lays a great stress upon a national submission and consent , and makes it necessary to the introducing a settlement : now i have shewn , that this expedient must be altogether unserviceable to our author upon his own principles ; for if by whatsoever means a prince , ascends the throne , he is placed there by god's authority , of which , power is a certain sign ; to what purpose is the consent of the people required ? have they the liberty to refuse submission to god's authority , when it produces such infallible credentials , and appears in such a demonstrative manner ? besides , as has been already hinted , his making submission a necessary assistant of power , is not only a contradiction of himself , but likewise brings a farther inconvenience along with it , and makes that absurdity which he endeavours to throw upon hereditary principles , return upon his own ; for , if god's authority is not given to any prince before a through settlement , and this settlement cannot be compleated without a national submission , then god , as well as men , is confined by human laws ( or by human inclinations , which is as bad ) in making kings ; which is to say , that the right of government is not derived from god , without the consent of the people . how the dr. will disengage , is best known to himself . farther , i must ask him the old question over again ; whether this national submission must be legal or illegal ? if an illegal submission will serve his turn , this is no better than plain force , under the disguise of a new name ; 't is a violent combination against the laws and rightful governour , and resolves it self into the principles of power . if the submission ought to be legal , he must not only prove it such , but be obliged to give up the main design of his books , and dispute a point which he has declared is nothing to his present purpose . however , i must follow him through all the windings of his discourse . he says , though some men dispute , whether a convention of the estates , not called by the king's writs , be a legal parliament ; yet all men must confess they are the representatives of the nation , &c. i suppose , very few people besides the dr. will dispute , whether a convention is a legal parliament , or not , if they consider that the king's writs are necessary to impower the people to make and return elections . and , supposing they had the advantage of this preliminary , yet unless the members take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , all their proceedings are declared null and void , by express statutes . now , if a convention is no legal assembly , their deputation from the people signifies nothing ; it only makes them the mouth of publick disorder and the illegal representatives of the nation . and how the dr. can oblige them by such a character , i can't imagin . but the nation can have no representatives but such , when there is no king in the throne . to make this argument good , the dr. should have prov'd , that the throne is immoveably fixed at whitehall ; that the king was legally ejected by his subjects ; that after this retirement they sent to entreat him to return , and promised a more agreeable behaviour ; that upon these submissions he refused to engage any farther , and resigned up the government into their hands : the dr. should have proved , that all this was either done , or else unnecessary , before he set the nation a representing at all adventures . as for his flourish with the word estates , i question whether it will do him any service ; for , who made them estates ? does their number and quality make them such ? then they are estates in the intervals of parliament , in their own houses , in a tavern , as well as at other times and places . does the choice of the people , though altogether illegal , give them the advantage of this character ? if so , i would gladly be informed , whether every riotous meeting may not furnish out their proportion towards a body of estates , to be compleated by the general distraction of the nation ? i perceive , i must enquire farther ; i desire therefore the dr. would tell me , whether the parliament house has any peculiar vertue , to raise private persons into a publick character ? if it has , great care ought to be taken who comes into it . besides , it 's worth the knowing , which way this mysterious privilege is conveyed . have we any legislative brick and stone ? or , does the house work by way of steams and exhalations , as the oracle at delphos is said to have done ? the dr. i perceive , does not trouble himself with these scruples , but is resolved to go on with his submissions , &c. and tells us , that the consent and submission of the convention , especially when confirmed by subsequent parliaments , is a national act . therefore i must ask him a few more questions , how a convention can sublimate it self into a parliament ; i. e. how a private and illegal assembly can give it self the privilege of authority and law ? now , a national act , without and against the authority of the constitution , is , to speak softly , no better than a national disorder : but , the generality of the kingdom have willingly and cheerfully submitted . so much the worse ; unless they had the liberty to do so . what if they should willingly submit to the setting up the alcoran ? what if they have an inclination to murther , or adultery , does the universality of the consent make such practices innocent and warrantable ? does not the dr. know , the generality have frequently a mind to do those things which they ought not , and will he thence inferr , that we must follow a multitude to do evil ? well! but they have bound their ( new ) allegiance by oath . if they have , can they not keep it as well as they did their former one ? however , by the way , it 's not amiss to consider , whether oaths are powerful enough to transferr titles , without the owner's consent , and to alter the seat of authority ? whether a man can swear away another's right without asking his leave ? if he can , justice and property are very precarious , uncertain things , and not worth the regarding . i should now have proceeded to a more particular examination of the law-part of his book , but having considered his most material objections from that topick already , i suppose it needless to dispute this branch of the controversie any farther . i shall therefore take leave of the dr. and , if he thinks i have used him with too little ceremony , i desire he would remember the unnecessary provocations he has given ; and when he considers how freely he has reflected , censured , challenged , and contemned , he will have no reason to be disobliged with his brethren , for an abatement of their esteem . however , after all , i have no manner of quarrel to the dr's person ; but to his new principles i am , and ever hope to be , an enemy . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33908-e60 pref. id. p. 3. pref. p. 5. p. 3. pref. p. 6. notes for div a33908-e2870 alleg. p. 1. pag. 17. pag. 2. pag. 1 , 2. case of resist . pag. 107 , 111 , 191 , 196. pag. 2. doct. & stud. cap. 8. p. 16. pag. 3. ibid. pag. 13. pag. 15. pag. 12. p. 14. prop. 4. pag. 3. vid. an answer to a late pamphlet , intituled , obedience and submission , &c. demonstrated from bishop overall's convocation book . luke 12.14 . john 18.36 . can. 28. convoc . p. 84. pag. 86. pag. 86. alleg. p. 9. case of resist . p. 204. pag. 66. pag. 5. alleg. p. 15. pag. 66 , 68. convoc . convoc . p. 67. 1 maccab. c. 1. joseph . antiq. jud. lib. 12. cap. 6 , 7. joseph . ib. c. 7. convoc . p. 69. joseph . ib. c. 15 1 maccab. 1.57 . compared with cap. 4.52 . & 2 maccab. 10.5 . joseph . antiq. jud. lib. 12. cap. 7 , 11. page 48. can. 17. 2 sam. 7. 1 pet. 2.13 . act. 7. heb. 12. pag. 6. conv. p. 46. ibid. conv. p. 57. id. p. 46. alleg. p. 26. alleg. p. 6. can. 25 p. 47 , 48. 2 kings 9. conv. p. 53. pag. 52 , 53. pag. 53. pag. 6. conv. p. 83. pag. 58. coke's reports lib. 7. calvin's case . conv. p. 58. 2 king. 24.1 . 2 chron. 36. 2 chron. 36.10 , 11. jer. 27.2 , 3.11 , 12. ibid. v. 8. dan. 4.17 . isa. 45. v. 1 , 4 , 13.44 . v. 28. alleg. p. 37 , 38 pag. 32. curt. lib. 3. id. lib. 4. diodor. sic. curt. lib. 7. alleg. p. 8. can. 31. conv. p. 64. can. 30. pag. 65. pag. 64. alleg. p. 8. alleg. p. 8. conv. p. 64. alleg. p. 8. pag. 20. l. 11. c. 8. vind. ib. ibid. vind. ib. joseph . l. 11. c. 8. ralegh . hist. &c. pag. 583. curt. lib. 4. alleg. p. 17. ibid. alleg. p. 8. pag. 17. pag. 14. conv. p. 64. alleg. p. 8. antiq. jud. l. 12. c. 1 , 3. alleg. p. 7. can. 33 , 34. can. 33. ibid. joseph . antiq. jud. l. 14. c. 1. id. cap. 2 , 3. ibid. cap. 7 , 8. ibid. cap. 13. ibid. cap. 25 , 28. id. l. 15. c. 2 , 3. l. 15. c. 9 , 11. alleg. p. 8. deut. 17 , 15. vind. p. 11 , 12. deut. 7.3 . 2 sam. 11.3 . id. 23.34 . 2 sam. 12. 2 sam. 21.2 . deut. 20.17 . conv. p. 52. conv. p. 53. pag. 55. jer. 27. pag. 61. pag. 62. can. 33. pag. 82. deut. 17.15 . gen. 49. case of resist . p. 50. alleg. p. 8. alleg. p. 15. alleg. p. 1 , 2. pag. 9. ibid. pag. 9. alleg. p. 10. pag. 10. ibid. pag. 11. rom. 13.1 . 1 pet. 2.13 . alleg. p. 19. 2 kings 11. vindic. p. 40. &c. rom. 13.1 . matth. 21.23 . alleg. p. 6. ep. ad corinth . euseb. hist. eccles. hist. alleg. p. 6. id. p. 9. alleg. p. 14. id. p. 12. ibid. ibid. ibid. rom. 13.1 . vindic. p. 57. ibid. heb. 13.17 . heb. 5.4 . vind. ibid. rom. 16.17 . 1 cor. 11.18 , 19. 2 cor. 11.13 . tit. 3.10 . euseb. eccl. hist. lib. 1. prov. 19.14 . 70 interpr . theod. in loc. alleg. p. 13. in loc. alleg. p. 11. luke 22.53 . ephes. 6.12 . ralegh . hist. p. 295. id. p. 298. just. l. 1. scaliger de emend . temp. p. 403. animad . p. 90. demost. adv . sept. p. 382. gell. noct. att. l. 9. c. 2. thucid. l. 6. p. 450. just. l. 2. plut. in arat. & timol. bodin de repub. l. 2. c. 5. p. 207. id. p. 210. rom. 13.1 . alleg. p. 19. ibid. ibid. alleg. p. 19. pag. 20. tacit. annal. lib. 1. ed. lips. ibid , p. 7. dion . cass. lib. 53. p. 503. id. lib. 57. p. 602 , 603 , 606. id. lib. 59. p. 640 lib 60. p. 664 , 665. id. lib. 57. p. 507 , 508 , 509. bodin . de rep. l. 1. c. 8. p. 82. alleg. p. 21. ibid. ibid. pag. 20. alleg. p. 21. matth. 22.21 . alleg. p. 21. alleg. p. 14. pag. 22. ibid. ibid. pag. 12. ibid. ibid. ibid. luke 8.32 . ibid. palmer to the earl of essex , epist. ded. 1644. cockain's serm. nov. 29. 1648. pag. 32. dr. owen's ebenezer , p. 13. jenkins's petit . 1651. p. 2. 1651. alleg. p. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 237. petit. oct. 1651. sermon at exeter to the judges . march 23 1650. pag. 24. dan. 2.21.4.17 . saunders . ib. p. 13 , 16 , 19. alleg. p. 12. amos. 3.6 . in am. 3.6 . jonah 3.10 . comment . in amos , tom. 3. p. 279. in loc. isa. 45.7 . episcop . inst. l. 4. p. 305. alleg. p. 12. alleg. p. 13. alleg. p. 13. ibid. ibid. pag. 14. pag. 12. pag. 14. cotton's abridgment , fol. 670.671 . baggot's case . 9 e. 4. alleg. p. 15. ibid. ibid. alleg. p. 48. leviath . p. 174. alleg. p. 14 , 15. leviath . p. 114. alleg. p. 40. pag. 29. leviath . p. 174. alleg. p. alleg. p. 15. pag. 14. pag. 15. alleg. p. 53. pag. 57 , 58. alleg. p. 26. pag. 16. ibid. ibid. pag. 17. pag. 17. ibid. ibid. ibid. nov. org. l. 1. print . stat. 1 e. 4. c. 1. rot. par. 1 e. 4. l. bacon . vit. h. 7. p. 1004. 1 mar. sess. 2. c. 17. 1 king. 19.13 . 2 sam. 16.16 , 18. judges 9. alleg. p. 17. ibid. ibid. vid. caution ●gainst inconsistency . alleg. p. 14. pag. 62. pag. 23. ibid. gen. 27.29 . alleg. p. 24. ibid. ibid. coke's rep. part 7. calv. case . josh. 9.15 ▪ 2 sam. 21.1 , 6. alleg. p. 24. pag. 15. pag. 24. ibid. pag. 26. pag. 27. pag. 27. ibid. ibid. cok●'s rep. 7 part calv. case . moore 's rep. alleg. p. 27. calvin's case , fol. 13. s. joh. 18.36 . moore 's rep. fol. 798. &c. fol. 14. calvin's case , fol. 6. instit. part 1. fol. 69. 7 jac. 1. c. 6. alleg. p. 50. pag. 67. moore 's rep. fol. 798. &c. calvin's case , fol. 5. alleg. p. 28. alleg. p. 6. alleg. p. 28. ibid. alleg. p. 15.26 . moore 's rep. fol. 798. &c. alleg. p. 31. alleg. p. 14. alleg. p. 31. calvin's case . fol. 12. ibid. fol. 11. alleg. p. 62. alleg. p. 29. saunders serm. before the judges at exeter , 1650. p. 23. alleg. p. 29. 7 jac. 1. c. 6. coke's instit. part 1. l. 2. fol. 129 , 130. alleg. p. 29. pag. 30. walkers hist. of independency , part 2. p. 100 , 110. 12 car. 2. c. 11. ibid. 12 car. 2. c. 12. alleg. p. 60. alleg. p. 30. ibid. alleg. p. 31. alleg. p. 31 , 32. 13 car. 2. c ▪ 1. p. 33. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. alleg. p. 33. jer. 17.9 . alleg. ibid. ibid. ibid. alleg. p. 34. alleg. p. 15.34 . alleg. p. 12. ibid. vind. p. 46. alleg. p. 25. pref. to the case of alleg. alleg. p. 26. vind. p. 47. vind. p. 54 , 55 id. p. 54. alleg. p. 34 , 35 vind. p. 42. jam. 4.12 . 1 pet. 2.13 . rom. 13.4 . vind. ibid. vind. p. 43. 1 pet. 2. rom. 13. vind. ibid. acts 7. psal. 82. vind. p. 6. vind. p. 44. ibid. 1 kin , 15.27.16.2 . p. 130. 1 kings 14 , 10 , 11. 1 kings 15.28 , 29. chap. 16.7 . alleg. p. 36. 1 kin. 11.38 . vid. hos. 1. dissert . de theoc. jud. l. 1. c. 4. sect. 2. p. 19.20 . jer. 27. alleg. p. 36. rom. 13. 1 pet. 2.13 . alleg. p. 36. alleg. p. 37. alleg. p. 38. ibid. isa. 8. p. 38 , 40 , 41 , 44. matt. 16.24 , 25. mar. 8.34 , 35. cic. lib. 1. de offic. id. lib. 3. de offic. ibid. ibid. heb. 11.31 . alleg. p. 44. ibid. alleg. p. 15. p. 17. p. 31. p. 41. alleg. p. 47. ibid. alleg. p. 33 vind. p. 38. vind. p. 39. ibid. alleg. p. 44. ibid. ibid. tit. 2.12 , 14. alleg. p. 45. alleg. p. 46. 1 tim. 5.8 . vind. p. 66. vind. p. 13. vind. p. 65. alleg. p. 44. id. p. 45. alleg. p. 12. id. p. 15. id. p. 41. id. p. 21. vind. p. 59. ibid. vind. p. 67. ibid. vind. p. 67. ibid. ibid. vind. p. 69. alleg. p. 46. ibid. alleg. p. 48. alleg. p. 14. 2 sam. 15.14 . raleigh . hist. &c. p. 281. 2 sam. 17.26 . anti jud. l. 7. c. 9. 2 sam. 19.9 . 2 sam. 16.5 , 6 2 sam. 17.14 . ant. iud. l. 7. c. 9. ioseph . ibid. 2 sam. 24.9 . 2 sam. 15.18 . grot. in 2. ● reg. c. 8. v. 18. 2 sam. 15.18 . 2 sam 17.27 . 2 sam. 16.18 . 2 sam. 17.11 . antiq. jud. l. 7. c. 8. 2 sam. 19.10 . 2 sam. 17.4 . alleg. p. 49. ibid. ibid. ibid. alleg. p. 50.51 . id p. 13 , 15. alleg. p. 25. alleg. p. 50. id. p. 50 , 51. 7 jac. i. 30 car. ii. ibid. plut. de def. orac. alleg. p. 51. ibid. ibid. vox cœli, containing maxims of pious policy: wherein severall cases of conscience are briefly discussed; as i. in what subject the supream power of a nation doth reside. ii. what is the extent of that power, and in what causes it doth appear, with the due restrictions and limitations thereof according to the gospell. iii. what obedience is due unto that power from all persons, superiour and inferiour, with other cases of great weight, very necessary to reconcile our late differences judiciously stated and impartially ballanced in the scale of the sanctuary. / by enoch grey minist grey, enoch. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85688 of text r202336 in the english short title catalog (thomason e565_20). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 158 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85688 wing g1968 thomason e565_20 estc r202336 99862663 99862663 114832 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85688) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114832) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 87:e565[20]) vox cœli, containing maxims of pious policy: wherein severall cases of conscience are briefly discussed; as i. in what subject the supream power of a nation doth reside. ii. what is the extent of that power, and in what causes it doth appear, with the due restrictions and limitations thereof according to the gospell. iii. what obedience is due unto that power from all persons, superiour and inferiour, with other cases of great weight, very necessary to reconcile our late differences judiciously stated and impartially ballanced in the scale of the sanctuary. / by enoch grey minist grey, enoch. [16], 51, [1] p. printed for tho: williams at the bible in little brittaine, london : 1649. the words "i. in what .. sanctuary." are bracketed together on title page. annotation on thomason copy: "july 23:". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -religious aspects -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a85688 r202336 (thomason e565_20). civilwar no vox cœli,: containing maxims of pious policy: wherein severall cases of conscience are briefly discussed; as i. in what subject the supream grey, enoch. 1649 28748 625 10 0 0 4 0 235 f the rate of 235 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vox coeli , containing maxims of piovs policy : wherein severall cases of conscience are briefly discussed ; as i. in what subject the supream power of a nation doth reside . ii. what is the extent of that power , and in what causes it doth appear , with the due restrictions and limitations thereof according to the gospell . iii. what obedience is due unto that power from all persons , superiour and inferiour , with other cases of great weight , very necessary to reconcile our late differences judiciously stated and impartially ballanced in the scale of the sanctuary . by enoch grey minist : : it is a light thing that thou shouldest be my servant to raise up the tribes of jacob , and to restore the preserved of israel , esay 49. 6. they that be of thee shall build the old waste places , thou shalt raise up the foundations of many generations , and shalt be called the repairer of the breach , the restorer of paths to dwell in , esay 58. 12. london , printed for tho : williams at the bible in little brittaine , 1649. to the supream authority of this nation , the representative of the people in parliament assembled . right honourable , religion when established in power , in purity , is the walls , and bulwarks of a nation ; a breach therein unrepaired , exposeth a people to the greatest judgments . next religion , justice takes place , as the most gratefull sacrifice to god , service to a common-wealth , causing the light of a nations tranquillity to break forth gloriously as the morning sun . in respect hereunto , i am bold to present your honours with these ensuing considerations , ( most humbly submitting them to your honourable censure , ) excusing my presumption , by my affection to your honours , with whose eminency is conjoyned such clemency , that i may truly speak in the language of the orator to caesar , qui apud vo●●●dent dicere magnitudinem ignorant vest●●● qui non audent , humanitatem . your honors are prudent , ( and wise with the wisdome of god ) to improve your opportunities , and valiant to act with the highest resolutions against the greatest difficulties , ( the tallest cedars being fallen before you ) that you need not counsell so much as prayers , and our god praise in you , who hath honoured you to be the repairers of our breaches , the restorers of paths to dwell in . there is but one thing lacking ( which i humbly beseech your honours to supply , ) a sympatheticall commiseration of the condition , and tender sense of the crying necessities of poor men ( as of your own , ) whose causes depend upon you , that such doe not suffer by you , who have suffered the utmost for you . sad was his complaint who said , heu ! pereo in medio amicorum . livius makes mention of certain governours , cald aequi , to whom the romane legates petitioning in cases of concernment , they received this unworthy answer , se alia interim acturum , jussit cos ad quercum dicere : to whom these petitioners worthily replyed , et haec sacrata quercus audiat foedus a vobis violatum . for the stone out of the wall , and the beam out of the timber will answer in the behalf of such , saith the prophet . your honours are the most wise , and faithfull ▪ physitians of state , to whom should the diseased paetient have recourse for remedy , if not to you , by whom they expect every cure ●ito , tuto , & jucunde ? you want neither power , nor will , having been accustomed to help the necessitous , when all means in other courts be ineffectuall ; and where you want opportunities to give seasonable , and speedy audience to all desiring it , you want not authority to furnish others fearing god with such power as to hear and determine , at least to examin and report their opinions , ( with humble submission to your honors judgement ) whereby you may comfortably further your account in the day of christ , procure to your selves honour and affection from the lord and good men , with the blessing of the poor and needy : prevent those punishments upon your persons , or posterities , the sadconsequents of such a sinfull neglect : you remember the story of dion , and cannot forget how often the lord , hath alarmd you by the souldier , ( his rod upon the backs of such princes , and states who break not the yoaks of the oppressed , ) which i hope you respect as a divine monition to attend this duty . your honours are not ignorant of the necessities of times , and how prejudiciall it is to those who have suffered and lost much , to expend time , and means in travels , attendance , and al in vain . 〈◊〉 the publike suffers alittle , there private ●uch 〈◊〉 gospel , and your selves most of all , by the disability of your friends , for them to live in bonds , who had they but iustice might he free , in their minds , from cares , bodies from restraint , and purses from want : to live in reproach , whose upright intentions are impeached , whose confidence in your justice is shamed , as if you were to your friends a brook whose streams are failing , such instruments may be needed in future , whose by-past services are forgotten at present ; such persons who complain with silence , with patience , with expectance , deserve in reason , and in respect audience before those ( who yet have gained it ) who vilify your persons , traduce your authority , render your acts dishonourable to the world , because they obtain not their own ambitious ends ; oh force not the soveraign lord of heaven and earth , the judge of all the world to whom they commit their cause , to doe that justice which i tremble to remember , but hope that you will piously consider , to divert the stroke thereof : for the lord hath sworu by the excellency of jacob , that for this the land shall tremble , and the inhabitants thereof shall mourn ; that the judgment thereof shall be sodain , and unexpected , a devouring , desolating judgment , after the greatest hopes of happinesse , even because yee make the poor ofthe of the land to fail : that is , their hearts to fail , their lives to consume with cares , with griefs , i swear by my self saith the lord , that this house shall became a desolation : if you doe not deliver the spoiled out of the hands of the oppresser , if you doe not judge the cause of the needy , in the morning , ( preventing the expectance of the period . ) my fury shall goe forth like fire , and burn that none can quench it ; i am unwilling in respect to disappointment to munif●st to the world my particular complaint and condition , these who knew me when resident in the city , and who know me new , know my afflictions for , and affection unto the publick in all vicissitudes unto this day , and that weak service which without respect to any recompence , i tendered to the state , tempore reipublicae paroxysmi , ( in open parliament acknowledged then to conduce to the preservation thereof , of the city , and the common-wealth in apparent peril of death , ) upon which i was promised it , as but a small and reasonable favour , justice , in a cause that concerns my whole outward estate , a cause uncapable of finall determiniation in any other court of judicature , a cause having no reference to any member of parliament , or to any person indempnified thereby for any demer it since this session , or to any receipts of mony out of the publike treasure ; a cause as much your honours as mine , 〈◊〉 jesus christs rather then either yours or mine , 〈◊〉 might be finished in four houres time in a select c●●mittee if once appointed for audience thereof , which in 8 years space i never could obtain , although some honorable members have expressed their deep se●s● of the extremity of my oppression , that prejudice which i have sustained by this delay , and therefore i beleeve it impossible that so just a cause should miscarry in the hands of so just a parliament ▪ my earnest prayer for your honours shall bee that the splendor of this representative , may by the highest acts of sincere reformation of religion , of impartiall administration of justice , dazle the eyes of all europe , that your power and greatnesse thereby may bee rendered formidable to all your adversaries , domestick and forain , by sea and land , in england , and ireland , that the people of these nations by your pious prudent , righteous , and resolved indeavours may be assured , ut pacem summam obtinebimus in patria , cum ipso deo , & nobis inter not , ubi nullum erit bellum nulla contradictio , which is the hearts desire of your honours in all humility devoted in the highest services for the gospell , eno . grey . to his excellency thomas lord fairfax , lord generall of all the parliaments forces , in england and wales ▪ and the right honourable oliver crumwell , lord lievtenant of ireland , commander in chief of all the parliaments forces there , with the generall councell of warre ; grace , mercy , and peace be multiplyed ; right honorable , and honorable , the hearts of such who truly fear the lord in this our israel , cannot but be towards you , who have jeoparded your lives to the death , in the high places of the field : what titus acknowledged in his success against jerusalem , the same may we in yours , de●s vobiscum in liberand● hoc regn● pugnavit , he who hath called you unto , fitted you for this service , hath united your spirits mutually to affect , to effect one end , that you are ut manus ut mens angli● , as hector , & aen●● of troy , whereby the publick hath gained much , both peace , & liberty , although your selves as yet little , for magis mor●● , quam mummorum causa , doe you ingage ▪ england unworthy the affections of such worthies , ( this generation much degenerating ) that should you respect the opinions of man concerning you , more then the affection of god , unto you , who observes all men , all things , ( a heathen but a speach becomming a christian ) you would repent of all that good afforded them : but whatever is the estimation of the world , you are the glory of god in his churches , ( apud deum major est qui melior , & ille melior qui in virtutib●● praestat ) . the crown of his saints , yea sanctorum amor & delici● . luther tells us there be miracula , ocularia and auricularia : ages to come will admire our mercies in such renowned instruments : should we unworthily forget you , or your acts , which deserve to bee had in eternall 〈…〉 not wee of this nation variable in our affections , 〈…〉 in our judgements , wee could not but honour 〈…〉 your physicall prescriptions , ( upon the prudenti●●● observance of the causes ▪ 〈◊〉 and p●ognost it is of the malady of this state , ( for spent by the kings evill ) administred in the most desperate paroxysm of our great body politick , effectuall ( through the lords blessing ) to the absolute cure of the nation , the remedy being powerfull not only to remove what at present doth distemper this state , but to prevent what in future may occasion a perillous relapse , ut ●●hil defi●it , quod ad salutem sufficit . these acts of your doe publish your honours , your humilities doe crown your graces , thereby you deserving rather then desiring the praise of your vertues , your vertues . and because your prudence , as well as your courage , the wise and omnipotent god hath prospered to the healing of the nations , i shall humbly beseech you ▪ to improve both for the advance of religion in the power and purity thereof , and maintenance of justice amongst us ●●●gal the evills threatning this nation in the deformation of the one , or in the non or mal-administration of the other , may he prevented and removed . the lord beat your enemies as smal as the dust , and stamps them as the mire of the street , give you courage to pursue them , and not to turn again untill you have consumed them : the lord be the shield of your help , the sword of your excellency , that by his strength you may run through a troup , by his help you may scale a wall , that your feet may be 〈◊〉 hinds feet , and a how of steel be broken by your arms : the eternall god be your refuge , and underneath you be his everlasting arms : that the enemy may be thrust out from before you in england , in ireland , that he may say destroy them , that you may return from ireland with as many victories by your armies , as good security to your persons , as much rejoycing to your friends , as great confusion to your enemies as you did from scotland , that all there , all here , all elsewhere , that do conspire agaist you , ( even the multitudes of the great and ●ervible ones ) may be as chaffe that passeth away , and perish●●● in an instant , sodainly : as the lord hath said , so prayeth your honours humble servant in the service of the lord jesus christ , eno. grey . to the reader . courteous reader , the health of our body politick is preserved by our laws , ( the ligaments of all civill societies ) when grounded upon the infallible principells of equity , the intention of parliament , and army , in their late transactions . i know many that feare the lord , and conscientious of their wayes , are much dissatisfied in their judgements about the proceedings of both , yet i fear self-love , and self-interest perturbates the minds , distempers the affections of too many , who demurre and scruple against apparent reason , unto publick prejudice . had wee a sense of the last years judgment in our punishment from heaven by unseasonable weather , ( the effects of which wee are like to feel many years ) upon the land , and cry of the people for a king , we would now hold our peace at the presence of the great god , and suffer our lips no longer to sin , nor our mouths to speake foolishly . it is our duty to stand upon our watch-tower , to observe the motions of divine providence in the mutati●●s it the 〈◊〉 in this last age , wherein all promises and prophecies shall be accomplished ; the integrity of noah consisted in his sidelity , in his generation when degenerate ▪ and our sincerity is discerned by a pious temporizing . i hate these who have lascivientia ingenia wanton wits , and mercenary soules , who mancipate their judgements to the opinions and errors of others , because great in person and power : as i would abhor to justifie the wicked , so would i fear to condemn the righteous ; but the only question will be who shall be the iudges ? for those persons , those acts evill in the opinion and sense of one , are good and justifiable in the reason and rule of another , both divines , and lawyers . one saith there is the greatest violation of faith , the deepest wound given in religion by parliament and army in their late acts , as never the like was in any age before us : another saith offences are passive , as well as active , and taken when not given , and the best men in their upright intentions , and honest executions are most obn●xious to humane censure , even to the censure of good men bya●sed by particular interest : that these acts conduce to the most hopefull , happy plantation of the gospel in parity and liberty in this state , to the most certain and perpetuall establishment of righteousnesse and iustice amongst us throughout all generations ; now certainly the jus regni must be the umpire in this case , which is the bond between king and parliament , betwe● the representative , and the represented . to speak unto particulars objected : for that of the change of government by king , lords , and commons , contrary to former declarations : the reason of every alteration is to be respected , parliaments are not bound up by their own votes or acts , though others be : they alter them upon reason : those given are these : 1 the treachery of the peers in concurrence with the perfidious scots , if not acting with them , yet abetting their design in the last invasion . 2 the great obctruction of justice by their negative voice , the last year , when the common-wealth was in hazard , had not the commons acted without the lords , we had been as sodom and as gomorrah ere this day : the designs of that year so countenanced by them , that the grand incendiaries should have been discharged with a veniall punishment , had not the army interposed . but what call , what warrant had the army to intermeddle ? had not they the being from , and shall they assume authority over parliaments ? the army acts not in way of authority , but duty , from necessity : from charity : if a servant in such a case should contend with his master , reason will justifie , religion will defend , that servant who to save his masters adventured his own life . but again the army officers by law , were the vindices regni , raised by parliament to defend our laws , and liberties , and above all the supream law , the safety of the nation , ( as all know ) . now what the parliament had declared of as just and safe , the army grounds upon , and first they remonstrate the state of affairs , which taking no effects , ( and the life of the state in perill , if not speedily prevented , ( for that case would admit of no delay in that time , ) god , and nature inforced them to an act above , yea against all law , as it did hester to adventure into the kings presence , although shee perished . the parliament had declared never to treat with the king , charging him with the bloud of his father collaterally : the bloud of four kingdomes besides ; england , scotland , ireland , and the rochellers in france : his correspondence with the pope , compliance with papists : his treachery , tyranny , and hypocrisie , beyond al men that ever were , so as no confidence could be reposed ●n him : yet the majority of the commons vote a treaty with him , ( to gratifie the treacherous and bloudy designes of royalists , who thereby only sought their revenge upon all active in , and faithfull to this parliament and republick , and in their hopes to carry on their diabolicall plot as deep as hell , they rage ( as if satan had been let loose ) against all who had the image of god shall i say ? nay but the face of civility , that had not the lord arose , and this army awakened , wee had been swallowed up quick ) and that treaty ended , they vote the kings answers satisfactory , and a good basis or foundation for the establishment of religion , and righteousnesse thereupon , ( which before was declared non-satisfactory ) they resolve to set him upon his throne in honor , peace , freedom , and safety , who ●ad no remorse for england or irelands blood , nay who in the very time of this treaty , had plotted , and contrived against his return to westminster , a second design in england paralle●● to that of ireland : and this was that armies ( whom god miraculously had armed with power and courage , honour and successe a little before ) this was their necessity , the salvation of the state , upon the parliaments declension their former declarations , principles , and resolutions grounded upon reason and safety . but they have destroyed the foundations : have left no visible power , or legall authority remaining . we must in all laws look at the double sense , the gramm●ticall , and the morall , or equitable , contained in the preface to the law , where the equitable sense of the law is maintained , that law is preserved , and the same distinction may i observe in the constitution of authorities ▪ there is the essential , and there is the integral state thereof . as 〈◊〉 s●● the great counsel of the kingdom is a parliament without the kings presence , because his power is virtually inherent there ; yet the i●●egrall state thereof if his presence be wanting is defective , but the essentiall 〈◊〉 even when such integrall parts are abolish● ▪ a man is still a man wanting an eye , a hand , a leg ▪ the commons only stand in the neerest relation to the people , being called by them , representing of them , acting for them , and such is that present authority now sitting at westminster , the only s●pream and visible authority of this nation . but in all these confusions and contrary motions , have we not broken covenant with god , faith with men , v●●ing and promising before god , to set the king upon his throne , ▪ t● preserve the priviledges of parliament ? why the maj●rity of the house was re●●rain●d , pro tempore , is formerly expressed and intimated : for the breach of covenant in these particulars objected : we must know , that future contingencies intervening a covenant , and the performance of that covenant , doe disoblige the conscience from duty , or that penalty insuing a ●iolatio● in s●●● a case : as if a man covenants to take such a woman in marriage , if this woman before the time ▪ of the celebration of this nuptiall be found unchaste and 〈◊〉 all d●vines will tell ●s , 〈◊〉 ●●is 〈◊〉 i● not b●●●d in conscience to perform his cov●●●●t made with this ●●man , shee was bound in faithfulnesse to him , as well as ●e in affecti●● to her , and although this condition , was not exprest , ( if that you re●ain faithful and conjugall in your affections to me , ● will take you unto my wife ) yet was it necessarily implyed , and the bond in this case , without just offence to god , or man is violated . vows , covenants ▪ premises and oaths of things unlawfull , impossible , beyond 〈◊〉 power and liberties : and wherein such consequences 〈◊〉 happen ) as are forementioned , in these cases co●s●ience is dis-ingaged before god and man : and what was our case , and what the perill of state when the king whom 〈◊〉 bonds would have bound , as oaths before had not , his paroll now did not , who in treating for his liberty , plots our destruction : let all that are impartiall judge , if under restraint , he acted against our lives , and the life of the whole , ( yet seceretly , and subtilty , upon the pretence of peace , of condescension ) what would he have done , if at liberty ; who lived , who dyed the same ? i hope this will satisfie men of unprejudiced minds ; he was a wise statesman , who said , england is a strong body which can never dye , unlesse it kills it self : to d●vide among our selves will produce infallible ruine : in folly and fury we may wound the nation , but it s beyond our art , or the skill of angels and men to heal it , such may the contusion be : i could not in honour , in affection , but own their persons , whose ca●se i plead , who are the supports each of others power , and dignity , the crown , and glory of this nation , by whom next under god we injoy our liberties , our tranquillities , and in hope that thy duty to them , will answer their affection to thee : and that the unworthy author ( not worthy to be numbred with the saints , and the least of all gods mercies ) shall injoy one blessing hereby , i include thee in an epistle with them , and conclude my self thine in and for the lord , and his service , eno . grey . vox coeli . containing maximes of pious policy . religion is the best reason of state , the strongest pillar of a common-wealth : and must be the rule of all government , divine and civill , the word is the mensura mensurans ▪ there is the measure of a man , which is angelicall , ( a ) apostoll ▪ call ( a ) there is the number of a man which is traditionall ( a ) diabolicall , ( a ) because it is besides , or against that rule , which is theopneumaticall ( a ) if states rule by measure , and not by ●mmber , then do they order their wayes so as to please the lord , and thereupon may expect their enemies to be as peace with them . pure worship is the sanctuary of strength , and saints the strength of governors . in the deformation thereof , the earth mournes , a curse devoureth the land . the transgression therof being heavy upon the inhabitants , by sword , famine , and pestilence ( a ) in the reformation of religion , from the very day it begins , all curses are turned into blessings , ( a ) how 〈◊〉 against jer●boam , ( a ) how asa , ( a ) jeh●s●phat ( a ) h●●●kiah , ( a ) and josiah , ( a ) upon the ground prospered divine histories manifest . in the advance of reformation , christian magistrates should be the chiefest instruments , being furnished with power from heaven , with a foursold authority to that end . 1. a restrictive authority , a power of restraint in things pertaining to the outward man ; ( a ) ( the word signifies a possession of restraint ) all great and grosse sins against nature , against gods law , the magistrate must restrain : what the sin and punishment of ely was is not unknown ( a ) . whatsoever is apparently sinfull in the worship of god , to provoke the eyes of his glory ( a ) , is prejudiciall unto the externall communion , to the civill peace , and to the peculiar liberties of churches , such offences the magistrate may inhibit ; he must restrain ( a ) and without the exercise of this power , all sin , all misery ; all confusion would fall upon churches , upon 〈◊〉 inevitably . ( a ) parents , ( a ) and masters , ( a ) have this power granted them of god . therefore magistrates have it much more , they ( a ) being the fathers and masters of all families , under their civill jurisdiction . 2. a vindictive authority , a power to inflict civill censure or due punishment sutable to the violation of gods law , in cases momentall and prejudiciall to the honour of heaven . thus idolatry , a sin against the first table , is to be punished by the judge , ( a ) aswell as adultery a sinne against the second table , ( a ) thus also blasphemy ( a ) against god , this also sabbath breaking , all these sins are to be punished by him , ( a ) and without the exercise of this power , the wrath of god cannot bee kept off kingdoms or states . this argument is ●●ged by nehemiah , who telleth us , that a meet externall and politicall observation of the sabbath , doth prevent , or divert the wrath of the god of heaven . ( a ) the magistrate hath the civill sword committed unto him from heaven , to punish , and to be a terror to evill works . all evills indifferently , whether morall , or theologicall , civill or sacred , which are grosse and apparent evills against the glory of god ; for so far as he is to encourage good , he is to discourage evill , but he is to encourage all , and to be a terror to no good works . and therefore so for is he to discourage all evil , and to encourage ●o evil works , 〈◊〉 ( a ) and masters ( a ) have received this authority from christ in their families , he that 's over all families hath not lesse power then hee that is confined to one . 3. a decretive or mandative authority , a power of commanding civilly what god commands in matters of religion , appertaining to the outward man , ( a ) the king of n●●ive● did not respectively command the duty of fasting and prayer , as convenient and profitable ( leaving the people to their liberty of practice therein , to obey or disobey that command which suited best with their own judgments or consciences ) but he● doth positively decree it , and that as an absolute necessary meanes to turn away the wrath of god from that kingdoms , and therefore he bound them in obedience to that decree , by the force of civil authority , upon a sacred ground●so in matters of saith aswell as practice , ( a ) the magistrate may command what the word commands , either expressely , or by clear inference , and naturall deduction , ( a ) an act if it bee good in it self , cannot be evill upon his order ; the nature of the thing is not altered upon his command , neither is the obedience given thereto , thereupon unwarrantable : ( a ) nay rather those that obey the command of the king and nobles , are said to obey the word of the lord , those that disobey are branded as scorners of god and godlinesse . abrah●●●● prince amongst the people ( a ) aswell as a father to his children , as a master to his servants , is commended by god , for imposing the force of a command upon his houshold to keep the way of the lord , ( a ) what should i speak of ioshua ? ( a ) what of david ? a ruler saith he , whether in an occonomical or political state must rule not only in justice to men , but in the f●ar of god , and bee as the sun for refreshing light , and life unto his family or kingdome . ezra's hands were strengthned in the service of the lord by the command of the king , for which he blesseth the lord , and yet this king a heathen . religion doth not at all diminish the civill authority of magistrates , in causes sacred , but rather strengthneth that authority , by sanctifying the same , defining the end , the means , and ordering the use , the exercise of ●ha● power by and according unto the rule of the word , and to the honor of god only ▪ ( a ) ●●der the gospel magistrates 〈◊〉 nursing fathers to take care that no saving administrations b● wanting to the people , and what is destructive to their spirituall and eternall good , rather then what is prejudiciall to their corporall or temporall , ( the soul being of infinite value beyond the body ) they are to inhibite and restrain . as fathers they are to encourage those which are obedient to the will of the lord , and those that are apparently rebellious and disobedient , they are to censure . job was a king amongst his people , a father and a master in his family , and he left not his family to choose their own way to walk therein , at their own liberty , but he chose out their way for them , and appointed the same unto them positively , and determinately , that they might walk therein : ( a ) i might instance in moses ( a ) as● , ( a ) jehosap●at , ( a ) hezekia● , ( a ) & j●●ia● ; ( a ) besides these forementioned . if it be said these were types of christ , i answer , that it is true in their persons , rather then in their power ; for why they should be types in that power which is sacred , rather then in that which is civill , some reason must be given , or else both powers being then ( though typically ) equally inherent in them , by this argument must now determine in christs person ; and then no humane authority is to be improved under the gospel to any end , either sacred or eivil , which is against all scripture & reason ; and by this argument , and such like produced , all occonomicall rule must also end with politicall , and if so , the world would soon be involved in all prophanenesse and wickednesse . and besides , neither job , nor moses , nor cyrus , nor artaxerxes , nor nehemiah , were types of christ , yet these improved this civill authority in causes sacred , and without sin . 4. it is an accumulative authority , the power of a magistrate is to strengthen and encourage churches , and the saints the members thereof , in their due liberties , powers and priviledges ; to the preservation of them in peace , and order , ( the end of all magistraticall authority ) ( a ) so far as any matters of religion ( coming under cognizance of the civill magistrate ) ( as a publick officer of the state ) do further or hinder that peace , so far the magistrate may use his civill power , and if matters of religion be pertinaciously , and tumultuously upheld to the disturbance of the publick peace , he may censure such persons , and acts in reference thereto , and without the exercise of this power , churches would assoone decay as states . that vast authority that some sycophants ( against all reason and rule ) have attributed unto magistrates , hath much prejudiced their due power in the opinion of some , ( whose affections are good , but grounds weake ) wanting the serious and judicious consideration of these foure subsequent limitations , the qualifications of that foure-fold forementioned authority . 1 this power is not absolute , the magistrate may not do quod libet , nor quod expedit , but quod lic●t : ( a ) he may not appoint what forme of doctrine , worship , and government in churches he pleases , not what he judgeth to be sound , and orthodoxall , nor what others advise him unto as regular , nor may he dispence with any divine command , nor can hee alter the nature of things to make that absolute which the lord christ hath left indifferent , that lawfull which is scandalous , that expedient which is lawfull , neither must hee be obeyed in any such commands , ( because contrary to divine authority , ) the word only being his rule , ( a ) the apostles had no such power , ( a ) therefore magistrates much lesse . secondly , this power is privative , 't is not a power to infringe the liberties of the saints , the due priviledges and power of churches , but rather a power to strengthen the immunities thereof : he may not forbid any thing , but what is forbidden by the word directly , or by expresse consequence : ( a ) pray ( saith the apostle ) that yoú may live under his government , 1 in all godlinesse , 2 in all honesty , 3 in both peacably : he doth not say , pray that he may not meddle in matters of religion and godlinesse , that being sacrilegious usurpation : but pray that in using this authority in things sacred , as civill , pious , as just , you may peaceably exercise all acts of religion under such a magistrate , that by his improvement of his authority against those that should disturb you in the profession and practise of religion , as well as of honesty , you may live in godlinesse peaceably , in all godlinesse in the highest degree ▪ as well as in all honesty . 2. he doth not say , pray that the magistrate may not hinder you in a contrary practise to godlinesse , ( if according to the light of your conscience ) no more then he sayes , pray that he may not restraine you in any course of dishonesty , ( though to your conscience a supposed case of honesty ) which cases may be incident sometimes to godly men , for this were to pray that we may be left to all ungodlinesse and dishonesty , if we understand the scripture in the genuine sense thereof , and do not wrest it unto our own destruction , if we set not up an idoll in our hearts and put the stumbling block of our iniquity before our face , when we come to the word to require the will of the lord therein . thirdly , this power is not ecclesiasticall , the magistrate can force no order or ordinances upon churches , contrary to divine order , no person to become a member of a church who is unworthy , no church to do any act against the will of christ , nor may he intermeddle in church affairs to administer officially , the word , the seals , or censures , but he must leave church officers to discharge their duty therein , as called thereunto by god , and himselfe as a member thereof must humbly submit thereunto , in feare and reverence to the king of nations . fourthly , this power is not wholly spiritual , neither in respect of the object , nor secondly , in respect of the subject . first , not in respect of the object ▪ the magistrate cannot restrain or censure the inward lusts of the heart , nor the corruption of the judgment . when acts are externall , doe infringe liberty , doe violate the publick peace , and become pernicious and destructive to others ; then do they fall under the civill jurisdiction of the magistrate . such things as appertaine to the outward man , such things only are within the cognizance of the civill magistrate . secondly , the magistrate cannot constraine to the inward exercise of religion with spirit and power ; he cannot compell any man to bel●eve , or yet to repent , that being the especiall gift of grace , and worke of divine power . the magistrate ( as the king of nineveh did ) may make use of his coercive authority to compell his subjects to the externall meanes of faith , and repentance , as to the hearing of the word by which such may be saved , as are enemies to christ and to their own soules , in opposing , or neglecting the same , he may press● them to the frequent use of these meanes , without which they perish ; and therein he may urge them to the external acts of humiliation , and reformation : which acts materially are gratefull to god , successefull to men , and powerfull instrumentall meanes , not only to remove a judgment from such persons , but also from a nation . and if magistrates should want such power in these cases , and at times of divine judgment imminent , or incumbent , they should want instrumentall and physicall meanes to remove the wrath of god from their dominions . naturall worship being due to god from all men naturally as their creatour ; and that neglected , or denyed , procures both guilt and punishment inevitably , irrecoverably upon states or kingdoms . secondly , this power is not wholly spirituall in respect of the subject . the power of the magistrate is not a compulsive power over the conscience , to destroy or infringe that liberty purchased by christ . conscience is bound to no other lord , or lawgiver then christ , to no other rule then the word . my liberty of conscience is then infringed when the magistrate compells me to do that which god forbids , or hath not commanded , or ●ath left indifferent , or when he doth presse me to any thing besides or against that which he who is lord and lawgiver prescribeth , who only hath dominion over my faith and conscience ; and this is usurpation . to command religion coercively without due information of the judgment and conscience by cleare scripture , and sense of divine reason , is tyranny over that conscience which the word , and not the sword , must convince , must reduce . notwithstanding if a magistrate presse me to that faith which he that 〈◊〉 dominion over prescribes , and provokes me unto that duty , which in conscience , and by divine command i am bound to perform to him who is the supream soveraign of hea●e● and ear●● , and lord over my conscience ; this i●●o reason can 〈◊〉 called oppression of conscience , because this tends not to the suppression , but to the advance of truth : shall the word and the due obedience thereof , when urged by men , be the cause of persecutions ? the magistrates pressing to the obedience of truth is no cause , it is the errour of his judgment , his mi●●●k● of the rule , his pressing that upon the conscience of another , which is an error in it selfe , condemned by the word , and this is the sole ground of persecution : as the erro●● of the judge in causes civill , is the ground of his injustice . now to recl●●●… this error , we must not take away the lawfull use , but regulate the abuse of this authority . if magistrates should disuse their power in non-administration , or abuse it in mal-administration , they shall not be so much respondent unto men , as they shall to god therein , from whom they received the sword , by whom invested , for whom intrusted with all their power and authority . upon these premises three or foure deductions or conclusions will necessarily arise from thence : 1 that what 1 lawes have been , are , or may be insnaring ( not only to the liberties , lives , and estates , but also ) to the consciences of such as are truly conscientious and pious , would speedily be repealed . by such lawes at first enacted , antichrist ●●ept into his seat of ambitious usurpation , of tyrannical persecution ; ( as all historians know ) the foundation of that bloud spilt , and all those miseries felt , in england these by-past years was laid in the bloud of our pretious worthies , not only in m●rian dayes , and under the black cloud of papacy , but since in the light of the gospel , under the late government by episcopacy , in the sufferings of deprived , imprisoned , and banished ones , the loud cry whereof pierced the ears of heaven for justice in the total and eternall supplantation of that plant which the lord never planted . the experience of former sufferings hereby may produce feare in our hearts in future . such who would represent the congregationall way ( in the purest practise thereof ) as the root of schism , errour , heresie , and a breach of covenant with god and man ; destructive to the peace of churches , and of the nation : what do they but open a back doore to usurpation , tyranny and bloud , at least a wide and effectuall doore to the suppression of truth , the advance of traditionall errour ? should this be far from their own intentions , they are not acquainted with the hearts of others , whose principles at present are bad enough , and succeeding ages rather degenerate . to put in practise the apostles precept , and observe his golden rule , his apostolicall canon , in those matters of faith and practise , wherein we are agreed mutually to combine in love , and join in fellowship , in those circumstantials wherein we differ to forbeare each other in love , and meeknesse untill the lord reveale it unto both . the difference is of no great latitude between the presbyterian and independent party , especially where either are furnished with able guides and judicious and pious officers to governe them , and to go before them : such as are orthodoxall , and moderate , pure , and peaceable on both sides , may soone accommodate , being agreed in all the fundamentals , and substantials of doctrine , worship , discipline , and government . both acknowledge a government ecclesiasticall to be essentiall to the being , at least , to the preserving of a churches being : both hold church government to be presbyteriall also , within the particular congregation , with the yeilding of appeals to other churches , by way of counsell , judgment and censure , negative : ( and we challenge no more authority over the church of rome . ) they do seriously defend divers parochical congregations , and ministeries , with whom they hold communion in ordinances , to whom they are helpfull in the establishment of the doctrine of the gospell , and the worship of jesus christ , against all novell opinions , and practises of the times , and is the toleration of these intolerable ? as for errours feared and heresies supposed to spring from this root , it is answered , a totall exemption from such evills no church or churches can expect until the tares be gathered from the wheat , untill then there must be schisms , errours , heresies . no churches abounded , were more afflicted therewith then the best and purest under heaven , those planted by the hands of the apostles , even those whilest the apostles were pr●sent with them , and shall we expect immunity ? and therefore that breach also of covenant suggested hereby will appear to be as ungrounded as the former apprehensions . o that all violence , and envy , bitter invectives , reproachfull languages , and uncivill carriages on both sides each towards other , might be censured , and condemned , that the unity of the spirit may be maintained in the bond of peace . and this reconcillation will frustrate the expectation of forein enemies , and render their design upon our domestick differences , vain and fruitless , which still continuing is the saddest omen of confusion , and desolation , if we beleeve the scriptures . woe unto us , when the lord would heal the breaches of this nation , and we wil not be healed ; what may we feare but judgment advanced to the skies ? which the lord prevent , for the fall will be heavy on those who procured , and who continued this wound . thirdly , what lawes or liberties have incouraged the hearts of wicked ones , or strengthened the hands of ●inners by too much lenity , or indulgence , those lawes must be reformed , and established with greater severity , and with due authority : ordaining such lawes , such executioners , superior , or inferiour , in every place , as may be faithfull in the discharge of their duties in conscience , in obedience unto god ultimately . many lawes are without life , whereby prophanenesse increase , and the land mourneth under the pressure of the sinnes of the inhabitants thereof ; what adulteries ? what inc●sts ? what pride ? what oppression ? yea , what pagan ignorance ? what grosse prophanenesse ? what secret idolatry ? what contempt of divine worship , sabbaths , ministers , saints ? ●ad symptomes of a declining state , and prognosticks of irrevocable ruine without speedy prevention , and remotion by a blessed , and effectuall reformation . this we have promised to god , and the world , we have prayed for : but oh that we were tender and observant of our duty , conscientious 〈◊〉 vigorous in our endeavours to suppresse all sin , to advance all godlinesse in the highest degree , in our selves and in all others : lest the flying rowle of vengeance , 〈◊〉 in upon the nation . there are mighty crying sinnes , the sin● of s●do● , yea such as are not named among the gentiles , to be found in england , for which the lord hath smitten us ( although wee have not returned to him that smit●●h us , ) that his an●er is not turned away , but his hand is stretched out still : he a●●lic●● us in our choicest comforts , the very supports of life ▪ the field is wasted , the land mourneth , the fruit trees are withered , the beasts groane , the flocks of sheep are desolate ; that a faithfull land is made barren for the wickednesse of those that dwell therein . the lord hath been , is still hewing at the root of this nation , this parliament , his compassion hath r●wled within him , unwilling he hath been to make england as ireland , as germany . oh that the sinnes of this preserved remnant create not a new controversie , that our overthrow be not like the overthrow of sodome : who would have thought in so fair a morning a storm should have risen ? but a tempe●● of fire and brimstone , who could have feared ? and yet it came in an instant suddainly . no priviledge will exempt a sinfull nation from the punishing hand of a divine justice ; no greatnesse can secure it against heaven , no wisdom can establish it , if sin be found in the skirts of it . not the presence no● prayers of the saints ▪ not the oracles , nor the ordinances of god : no humiliation without reformation can divert that reproach which sinnes bring upon a nation , those judgments which they procure . every ma● begin with himself , with his family , le●t the lord first visit there : many a princely , and noble family in this state hath faln , by the sword of the lords indignation , such who thought themselves too great to be good , who were unwilling to be informed , who hated to be reformed , these have drunke the wine of the lords fury and were moved , and ●●d , they have spued , and are falne never to rise up more . these things happened unto them for examples unto 〈◊〉 if we ●●ake off god , god will shake off us ; the lord hath a controversie with the nations , he will plead with all ●le●● , hee will give them that are wicked to the sword : the lord is now upon that worke which others are grieved at , are unwilling unto , that is reformation , which will cost fire and sword : ( two parts shall dye , the third shall passe through the fire ) he is upon reforming parliament , army , nation , the hand of the lord shall bee upon the cedars of lebanon , the oakes of bashan , that himself alone may be exalted . the lord is dashing the son against the father , brother against brother , neighbour against neighbour ; hath mingled a perverse spirit in the midst of england , and no wonder the greatest part of men professing religion , are without religion , are against reformation , christians in name , but worse then heathens in nature , all crying , pleading for reformation , but few subjecting , submitting unto the power , and the authority thereof . the potion that should heal us , maketh us more sick , the humors of this nation are so farre from evacuation , that they are now more inraged : god would have healed israel , and the iniquity of ephraim discovered it selfe , a sad presage of judgment , and ruine . but if after all this we begin with personall reformation : if those who are the reformers of others do especially reforme themselves ; persons , families , parliament , laws ; then shall the light of this nation break forth as the morning , the darkness thereof shall be as noone day , and the health thereof shall spring forth speedily . when the lord hideth his face , who then can behold him ? but when he giveth quietnesse , who then can make trouble ? oh that england may be the glory of the earth , the emulation of jew and gentile ! fourthly , and lastly , as a faithfull magistracy , is the support of law ; so a learned , pious , painfull , and soul-saving ministery is the best support of religion , and without the conjunction of these their mutuall concurrence in counsell , in authority , no state can prosper . thou leddest thy people like a flock by the hand of moses and aaron . the power of magistrates and of ministers are divers one from another , the power of the one being ecclesiasticall , of the other civill , yet in respect of the exercise of this power , they ought not to be divided the one from the other , because they are powers to confirme , not to prejudice the being or wel-being each of other . the harvest is great , the labourers are few : many there are amongst us whom the lord hath fitted with graces , with gifts , and choice abilities , able and understanding men in the lords work ; it was ezra his care , nehemiahs , jehosapbats , and josiahs , who did also encourage in the work of the lord , all who were faithfull in their ministration , providing for them a comfortable and honourable maintenance . christian magistrates , or the supream authority of a nation , hath the power of christ in them , to depose and deprive in case of unworthinesse ( as solomon did abiat●ar ) all such as are ignorant , erroneous , and scandalous ; as be prophane or formall , for from such a ministery tolerated , ignorance , error , formality , and prophaneness flowes into a land , or nation . and if a faithfull soul-saving ministery decay , the greatest glory and blessing in a nation , yea the security , and tranquillity of that state is departed from it , without which no state can expect such a people their friends , they willingly allowing them to be christs foes , to live in ignorance , darknesse , and error , without means , and remedy to inform , to reforme their deluded , seduced souls , ready to perish , to be destroyed unto all eternity . the darke corners of england , pity , and remember those whose soules cry aloud for bread , who inhabit the shadow of death , unto whom jesus christ is no more known then unto poor indians , who have no love unto , no delight in knowledge ; nay , who deride the means of grace , who have been your enemies hitherto , but such as have been christs ? papists and atheists ? improve your power which god hath given you over them , to gain their souls to the knowledge and love of the truth and wayes of jesus christ . false religion hath been carried on by fire and faggot , by force and strength ; but pure religion by the arm of god , by the spirit of the lords mouth speaking from heaven , by contemptible instruments against the strongest opposition , without the help of the princes and monarchs of this world , nay against all their fiery opposition , and fierce persecution , by the travells of a few poor fishermen . some may question the authority , and dispute the call of such , but those who are truly judicious , and humbly pious , can distinguish between the subject , and the adjunct , such persons being throughly manifest unto god , and to the consciences of good men . it is the grand design of satan , it ever was , ever will be , if has cannot pluck these 〈…〉 to darken the light in heaven , to prejudice that divine 〈…〉 that powerfull operation which the word should find ●o the hearts of the hearers , by some pretended error in the person , in the call . this plot ( as old as n●a● , ) was 〈◊〉 one thousand six hundred years agone , and then carried on 〈…〉 on purpose to prejudice the work in the very time of reformation . they questioned the call of john to his ministery , of the lord j. christ to his . they despised the person , contemned the power of the apostle paul , even those who were his children , begotten by his ministry , to whom he had been throughly made manifest in all things ; such as had formerly received him as an angell of god , yea as christ jesus , who would ha●● plucked o●t their eyes to have done him good , yet these , even these injured the apostle , stood in a kind of enmity and opposition unto him , vilified his ministry , prefer'd a weak , ye●● corrupt ministry , beyond that which the lord had 〈◊〉 blessed and sanctified , to the converting and saving of theirs ▪ with the soules of many others . verily every man at his 〈◊〉 state is altogether vanity . 2. justice is the support of religion : is not this to know mee , saith the lord ; to doe judgement and justice , to judge the cause of the poore and needy ? the neglect of justice is punished with the greatest judgments from heaven , procur●th certaine and sudden misery after the fairest hopes of mercy , 〈…〉 sun-set even at noon day ; and is numbred amongst the might● sins of a nation , which the lord will not pardon ▪ when 〈◊〉 is a cry in the hearts , in the families of the oppressed , this cry is loud in the cares of god ; if the yoke of cares of griefs , by the losse of the estates , of the lives of oppressed ones ▪ ●f the heavy burthens , pressing the minds , oppressing the families of poor men , be not broke off speedily , this hastneth the desolation , the devastation of great families , and of nations also ▪ a● honor , no parts , no power , can secure the greatest from divine justice , or from humane hatred , in case of such neglect : if 〈◊〉 be tyrannicall , the souldier shall do that justice for an oppressed people , which they could never obtain from sycophantical royallists : if states abuse their power , betray their trust , the same god hath ordained the same nod for 〈…〉 which renders the persons , the actions of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honourable , in the hearts , in the eyes of god , of good 〈…〉 procures a nation mercy , and peace , ● sp●●dy , a 〈◊〉 establishment to the greatest prosperity thereof to all 〈◊〉 . 1. justice restrictive in restraining the exorbitant power of some , in calling others to due account , intrusted with the affairs of the publick . the romans not only oft changed their magistrates , but instigated the people to accuse such 〈◊〉 they found perfidious and self-seeking in their offices , whereby their common wealth flourished , queen elizabeth when her great officers of state at any time complained , that it was to her dishonour to hear and receive so many accusations against her great counsellors of state as she did , they tending to their discouragement , because to their disparagement , she replyed , that she was queen of the small , aswell as of the great , and therefore she would hear the meanest subject , and if the charge were unjust she would censure the accus●r , i● just , ●he would not protect the greatest from justice ▪ samuel when the people 〈◊〉 discontent with aristocracy , and do●ted upon monarchy ▪ ( they would have a king and judges no longer ) he instigated all men that could justly do it , to accuse him of injustice 〈…〉 the lord , and before the king , a singular example of 〈◊〉 and justice , a president to all persons , at all times , in all place● , to act so righteously , that they stand ●l●er before god , in their consciences , and against the censures of the wholeworld . 2. justice vindictive in punishing the nocent , and not permitting the guilty to goe free ▪ justice must be impartiall , without respect to persons , even the highest acts of vi●diction justice● it is said of levi , that he regarded neither father , no● mother , nor brethren , nor children , and the blessing of peace w●● upon him . what should i speak of the act of 〈◊〉 of samuel , upon agag k. of 〈◊〉 of jeb●jadab upon 〈◊〉 jebijad●● it the declining state of judah , fals upon an act very irregular , yet in that case truly justifiable , he contri●●● the deposition of 〈◊〉 infinuates to that and into the ●ffections of the souldiers , and to strengthen himself he ingageth them in this design ▪ 〈◊〉 proclaimes a new king , in the kings minority modells the 〈◊〉 swears the people to submission to those laws enacted by ●●●self ; makes a decree , that whosoever should break into the ranges should dy although it were the queen , and accordingly commanded her execution in the royall city , near to the court , ( the place of her sin ordained to be the place of her suffering ) before all the people , yet this was not without blessing and successe from heaven , saith the text ; the neglect of 〈◊〉 upon b●nhadad king of assyria brought a sword upon aba● : the neglect thereof upon the house of saul , by the princes of iuda● , procured three years famine upon israel : the want of impartiall justice imboidens the wicked in sin , disheartens the godly in rightcousnesse . as justice must be impartiall in respect of persons , so of ●●ses criminall , or civill , administred with due respect to the truth of the cause , to the justification of the righteous , to the condemnation of the wicked , a more gratefull service to god then sacrifice : it is recorded by solomon to be the character of a person very ignoble , to respect persons in judgment ▪ for a 〈◊〉 of bread ( saith the text ) such a man doth transgresse ; only such acts must be performed . 1. with sincerity ; jeb● did materially what god commanded , and commended , against the house of aba● , yet because he did it not formally , with respect ultimately to the lords honour , but respectively to establish his own estate , honour and greatnesse ; therefore not only jeb● is found guilty of all the blood so spilt by him , but all israel is plagued for that depraved act , in respect unto the sinister end . if judgment be not administred in the fear of the lord , with sincerity , with faithfulnesse , it procures wrath from heaven against the persons ex●●●ting , and the nation wherein it was executed ; the sins of publique persons reflect upon the republique . 2. with prudence ; it was the prayer of solomon , that the lord would give him a wise and understanding heart to judge his people ; wisedome is requisite to distinguish causes and persons , wisedome to inflict censures in proportion to demerit . too much lenity animates the person , justifies the facts too much severity renders the most righteous cause , in respect unto that act , dishonourable : judgment must be te●per●d with mercy , the 〈…〉 be afforded that person in whom we punish o●r 〈…〉 inclinations , lest a distemper in them 〈…〉 vocation to the almighty , 〈…〉 with respect to former merit is 〈◊〉 and the 〈…〉 of mercy over the severe stroke justice is honourable 〈◊〉 extent of mercy as much inflaming the affection of love , 〈◊〉 the restraint of or rigour in the execution of justice , will 〈◊〉 it . this rule we may learn of the holyest , 〈…〉 politician , that ever the sun shined upon , solomon . 〈◊〉 is requisite to determine the time & season of judgment , for if the blood of one nocent , should hazard the lives of many 〈◊〉 cents , there may b●e a suspension of the act to a 〈◊〉 opportunity , 〈◊〉 david did in the case of joab . 3. justice remunarative , in the due requitall of friends who have been faithful servants to the publique : for 〈◊〉 only to complement with their friends is dishonourable but to be just towards all , ●el prami● , ●il pava , is truly noble ▪ the gr●ians observed , that this stain ever remained upon the garments of princes , upon the raiment of court●●●s ▪ variable in their affections , slow in their compensations ; 〈◊〉 tells 〈◊〉 that it is an ill signe of a declining state , an ill pr●sa●● of the decay thereof , when such as deserve well from it , shall ●●●d no other recompence by it , then the 〈…〉 of their own consciences ; it is yet worse , when such as are best 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 welfare of it , shall find no more favour from it , then if they 〈◊〉 been acters against it ; benefits are sometimes acknowledged , very rarely required : solomon tells 〈◊〉 of a poor wise 〈…〉 saved a city , yet no men remembred that poor man 〈…〉 some men forget , god will ( and tho●e like god for goodnesse dare not but ) remember the acts of such ▪ divi●● power procured m●rde●●l's advance , david re●●●bred the kindnesse of b●●zillal ; heathens will rise up against such as 〈◊〉 called christians , in the day of christ , what 〈…〉 what others did in the like cases , for such eminently active for the publique , morall histories record ; 〈…〉 dixisti 〈◊〉 saith 〈◊〉 we know what a brand of 〈◊〉 the scripture sets upon phara●hs butler , who though in his distress hee was comformed by joseph , was obliged to shew him kindnesse , to release him from his bonds , yes ( saith the texe ) he remembred him not . 2. lesse friendship cannot be afforded , then to secure friends from the rage of enemies , this justice ioshua afforded the gibeonites ; it is an argument of an ill governed state , which afford●the justly accused , opportunity to seek revenge upon the acouser , to expose the persons , or 〈◊〉 of those who have served most faithfully to the violence of malicious enemies . the wisest states therefore have ever kept the strictest eye upon suspected en●●ies , because revenge is ever active , and malice longer lived then either love or thankfulness , there was a parliament in england , called the wonder-working parliament , had they been as wise to have kept , as they were potent to gain their just right and liberties , 〈◊〉 times had not lost them their honor , nor they i●oparded their own , with the lives of their friends , as they did by their imprudence , improvidence , self-seeking , and treacheri● . 4. justice commutative in all acts and contracts , preferring the good , the profit , the ease , the liberty of others , no of our selves , in all impositions , and taxations to afford the people all possible case and freedom● with reason and respect unto publick safety ; the act of nehemiah is worthy the practice of publick states-men , ( in such cases and times , ) which act 〈◊〉 lord remembred for good to him , because of that good which he had done to that state and people thereby : such acts are the means to prevent popular discontent , as being most pleasing to the people , whose lawfull defires must be satisfied , unless reason , and love can captive their spirits . how agrippa captain general of the army of the romans against the 〈◊〉 ●ppeased the commons of rome tumultuously assembled against the senate , because oppressed with unnecessary taxations ( 〈◊〉 they apprehended ) is not unknowns ▪ he declaring the 〈◊〉 of those wars , which could not with honor be recalled , 〈◊〉 concluded , the perill of the peoples conspiracy , being alike , 〈◊〉 if the members of the naturall body should conspire against the stomach and belly , unwilling to allow those parts food , because idle , when as each member of the body is nourished ▪ and the whole preserved by those parts : so saith 〈◊〉 the senate and the commons of rome being one body politick , concord will cherish , but discord will destroy this body , and every part in the whole , which this sen●te represents . the advantage of obedience out of love is infinitely 〈◊〉 that of fear , and such states who want the first , are neither happy , not safe : unhappy the chiefest royalty of staces , consisting in the peoples loyalty , without which as henry the fourth said to his son , he must never repute himself king , nor his person , nor his honor secure ; unsafe , having no confidence in the fidelity of such who love only for fear , not fear in love . 2. justice in the righteous , and seasonable consideration of the causes of the poor and needy : it is a sad symptome of a declining state , and that the power thereof shall not be prolonged , nor the stability thereof remain , when the necessities , when the intr●●tie● of poore men can neither procure them favour or justice , when the law is slack , and due judgement proceedeth not , when such whose necessities require relief , who come to the ga●● for justice , are tu●●ed aside , are sent away unheard ; and this is numbred amongst the mighty sine , and provoking wickednesse of a nation ; he who is righteous confidereth the cause of the poore , but the wicked regardeth not to know it ( saith solomon ) the wickednesse of such is great , and their sinnes infinite , saith job . open thy mouth for the dumb , ( that is , the patient expectance of the poor ) doth pleade the cause of the needy ( saith the lord ) that he may forget his povarty , and his misery no more , least the dumb sig●es cry aloud to heaven for justice , upon those who would not afford them justice : the complaine of such pieroeth the heavens , 〈◊〉 the heart of the 〈◊〉 in the wals , the timber of the house , proc●teth judgement men●ilesse to those who shewed no mercy . iob telleth us that his soul was grieved for the necessities of the poor , to whom he was a father , from whom he never withhold their desire , never caused their eyes to full : that hee searched out their cause for them , whereby the blessing of those ready to perish came upon him : saith he , if ever i failed them when i might have helped them in the gate , ( that is , in the right of their cause by a speedy administration of justice , them et my arm fall from the shoulder blade , and let it be broken from 〈◊〉 bone ; and he gives this for the reason ▪ this i did , because i feared the almighty , destruction from the lord was a terro● to me , by reason of his highnesse , i could not endure , that is , he knew that the lord would be very angry with such neglect , and how unable he was to bear divine displeasure , and therefore he durst not but judge their cause speedily , with respect to their necessity , to their importunity . the lord speaking to the governors of israel commands them to execute judgment in the morning , ( that is , early , speedily , in the greatest necessities , and extremities of his people ▪ without tedious attendance and circumstance ) lest ( saith he ▪ my fury goe forth like fire , and there be none to quench it : shalt thou reign because thou closest thy self in cedar ? did not thy father do judgment and justice , and then it was well 〈◊〉 him ? he judged the cause of the poor and needy , and then 〈◊〉 was well with him : was not this to know me , saith the lord ? but thine eyes and thy heart are not but for thy covetousnes●● , ( saith he unto jehoi●kim ) therefore thou shalt be buried with the buriall of an asse ▪ the neglect of justice hastens divine displeasure , procures humane hatred . such cannot plead want of opportunities to afford every person , in every cause audience , ( the weightyest and important affairs of state depending upon them , they not wanting power ( as j●●bro counselled in the li●e case ) to ordain commissioners in hundreds or counties ( men fearing god ) to hear and determine such causes as can ●e determined in no other court , but by such authority , were such cases their own , did their persons , or their relations suffer by such neglects , they would find time and friends to serve themselves ▪ he that ruleth over men must be just , and ruling in the fear of god , as the light of the morning when the sun riseth , even a morning without clouds . i shall conclude this head with three or four corollaries as the foundations of justice . 1. measure every civill action by a divine rule . there is an eternall justice in the divine law , and every humane constitution no further binds any soul to obedience active then it hath sympathy and agreement therewith . every legislator ultimately intends obedience active , rather then passive , in cases weighty and momentall tending to the necessary constitution and preservation of societies , and common-wealths , but no law can give satisfaction to the conscience , ( with which i am bound to obey ) if it be not primitively grounded upon the word , either directly , or by necessary inference . the power of the magistrate is not absolute , his authority is ministeriall , his jurisdiction is restrictive , his power limited to the word , as his rule , which onely makes his command lawfull , and he commanding what god commands , a witting and wllfull breach thereof with a disloyall minde , is a double sinne ; against god commanding , against the power ordained by god . all posi●ive constitutions tending to civill peace , to common good , are generally commanded by god in his word , and to be obeyed upon paine of judgment , and humane lawes , urging those acts morally good , do but enjoine what god requires , these law-makers therein being the lords extentors , administrators , or assignes to execute what he prescribeth . the necessity of all law doth arise from the necessity of the end thereof , and proportionable to that end , ( which is publick good , profit , safety , and liberty , ) so great is the necessity of constitution , and observation ; for any to impeach , or prejudice the power ordaining , to obstruct , or interrupt the end for which that power or law is ordained , such an act is usurpation , presumption , and rebellion in that person whosoever he be , and is a fi●ue not only against man , but god , whose word enacts that law to such an end in generall terms . secondly , the moral law ( the ground of justice ) under the gospal , doth not onely binde us gentiles to the rules of justice commutative , or distributive , but the very same penalties primitively imposed by god upon the jewes in the same cases , do as well oblige us to the same punishments , because the morall equitie of those lawes remaine . hence from the equity of that politique law , the spirit of god argeth the necessity of maintenance of ministers under the gospell . this is an everlasting maxim , that what law was given to the jewes and not as jewes , ( i. e. respective , as a people in covenant with god above all other nations , as a people redeemed from bondage , preserved in the wildernesse , delivered from the deeps , possessed of canaan , ) but as mortall men subject to the like infirmities with those of the nations , alike bound to the observance of the lawes of nature , dictates of conscience , and principles of religion , reason , and justice , with others naturally , the same law is as binding to us as to them . if prudent philosophers , or wise statesmen for the preservation of societies , families or common-wealths by natural reason and conscience judge that necessary and just for , and in their owne state , which the law of god determines such in the politie of the jewes , ( as death in cases of murther , adultery , &c. ) this law cannot be said to be peculiar to the stars of the jewes , the same reason binding all nations to the sa●● observance , which did binde them to obedience . upon this ground the lord inforceth the judiciall law upon the jews , forbidding them to walke in the manners of the nations , because for such sinnes the lord abhorred those nations . every judiciall law hath the same morall reason to inforce obedience , the same common equity inherent in it if it upholds the state , or intends the establishment of any of the three states of the world , i. e. families , churches , or common-wealths . thirdly , the best men in making lawes are subject to humane frailties , to errour , to ignorance , to misinformation , to prejudice , and mistake , and when they have made lawes as neare as possibly agreeable to divine equity , in their owne apprehensions , yet they cannot assure themselves or others that they have not failed in one circumstantiall thereabouts ▪ wherefore it is against all justice , and reason , that humane laws subject to defects and errours should binde absolutely as divine commands do ; we see all law-makers are 〈◊〉 in their acts to impose their lawes with restrictions , or amplifications , to interpose interpretations , and modifications , their lawes being subject to ambiguities . hence humane laws should be administred with indulgence , to those that 〈◊〉 in some especiall case or ambiguity of conscience , and 〈◊〉 reason may allow a dispensasion , as in case the end of the law be not violated ; in case such breach be without just offence to any : and lastly , in case it be without contempt of that authority prescribing and ordaining that laws in such cases the magistrate may , yea must indulge , or he is tyrannicall . suppose a magistrate commands in time of warre that no man upon paine of death open the gates of a city to any person : if after this strict order , some eminent and well affected citizen should desire admission , and the gate should be opened to let in such a person , no danger being eminent , and no perill like to invade the whole by the security of this part of the body , here is a violation , a breach of the latter and grammaticall construction of the law , but without the breach of conscience , without the contempt of authority , without just offence or dammage to any ▪ without breath of the equity , the sense , and the end of that law ; which was , that the city , and every part and member thereof , be p●rserved in safety , in which case such a person cannot in justice suffer . fundamentall lawes respect punishment only 〈◊〉 because so good , so just a law is disobeyed , and that end thereby intended , is frustrated . obedience only is 〈◊〉 and ultimately respected therein , because without it the foundations would suddenly be out of course , wherefore those commands of the magistrate that tend to the necessary good , to the absolute preservation of humane societies i● peace , pi●ty , and justice , those commands are primitively divine , formally good , finally lawfull , and cannot be violated without sinne , although the magistrate should define no penalty , impose no punishment upon such transgression ▪ the law in these cases respecting due obedience in full satisfaction to the justice thereof , rather their submission to the censure , subjection to the punishment inflicted , in case of wilfull disobedience , and obstinace violation ▪ fourthly ▪ that the grounds , rules , and foundations of justice must be of things lawful , possible to be observed within our power , and tending to general good , to order , and peace , to liberty and stability . hence those acts in some persons cases , and times unlawfull and unjust ▪ the same in other cases and thries may truly be proved just , è contra , 〈◊〉 acts in some persons cases and times just , may in others be unjust : shines who cursed and abused david , his act was treasonable , an act 〈…〉 ●●serving death , by the law of god and man , yet upon his submission , david not only promised him pardon , but by 〈◊〉 and covenant solemnly engaged before god to passe by the fault , to take off the punishment of this sinne , which 〈◊〉 upon better consideration , and more serious thoughts , he ( and that without perjury ) broke , giving an absolute charge and command to solomon his sonne to put shimei to death , and hold him no longer guiltlesse ; which decree solomon accordingly did execute , returning all the wickednesse of shimei against david upon his owne head . joab was a man of bloud , a man deserving death ; yet 〈◊〉 was forced to indulge him so farre in his sinne , as to continue him in his honour , untill the lord tendred an opportunity , and gave him power to be avenged on him to the ●●most . such oaths , covenants , protestations , and declarations ●●deliberately and rashly made , such honour and indulgence 〈◊〉 i● conferred , or continued to delinquent persons deserving death , condemned by the decree of god ; such oaths are 〈◊〉 justly broken , then with justice and honour to god , or 〈◊〉 and respect to a republick they can be kept . if a man should sweare to save the life of a murtherer , such an oath not onely may , but must be broken , because the lord hath positively determined , that no satisfaction shall be taken for the life of a murtherer , neither can the land be cleansed from bloud , but by the bloud of him who shed it . the inconsiderate 〈◊〉 of making and taking what cannot possibly and without sinne be performed , must solemnly and seriously be repented of before the god of heaven , by states and by private persons . such circumstances may intervene , which may render that oath unlawfull , which at first was lawfull , impossible to be kept , which before was possible , and in such cases the lord doth disingage us , and the binding power thereof doth cease . oaths are conditionall , as was abrahams servants ; the oath of the spies to rahab ; of solomon , to ad●n●jah , and binde not unless that condition be performed . if a state do binde themselves , or others by an oath to defend the person , and power of a prince , maintaining religion , and justice , preserving their lawes , and liberties , this oath must be kept the prince performing those conditions , but in case he be a profest enemy to religion , an adversary to justice , and by no wayes of love or favour can be gained to patronage the lawes and liberties of his people , but still he plots and conspires against the lives of those that are most loyall , most faithfull , such oaths are no longer binding . it is absurd , against all reason , the light of nature , the laws of nations , to imagine that any oath should binde a people to deliver their sword into a tyrants or murtherers hands , when they know it is desired only to murther them , or to be avenged upon them . such oaths as cannot be kept with the peace and stability of nations ( all casuists acknowledge ) leave no obligation upon the conscience , because reason and rule is the bond of justice . the covenant was only a civill bond wherein we engaged out of respect to the publick peace and safety of the nation ? is the nation by any one act in hazard ? nay ▪ ●s not this peace rather secured ? have not the parliament wisely layed the axe to the root of our distempers ? plutarch reports of lys●nder that he cared neither for promise , or oath , longer then they would serve the accomplishment of his owne ends . did not cbarles the ninth of france , the same ? and what history can parallel the acts of the late king herein ? better one should perish then a nation . ma●asses bloud-guiltinesse reflected upon all israel ; indulgence to any deserving death , layes a foundation of future miserie , and emboldens that delinquent in his impiety . no politick law in a kingdome must dispense with the positive law of god , that law enacted by himselfe for the preservation of humane societies from violence . he that sheddeth bloud , by man shall his bloud be shed : by man , not by a private person , but a publicke magistrate ; and a king ( if guilty ) by the supream power . the lacedemonian magistrates were called ephori , ab {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , because for the safety of the common-wealth , their eyes and mindes , were intent , 〈…〉 people from kings appealed to these for judgment , who●●●●thority they reputed great . in france the patricii regni 〈◊〉 chosen out of singular provinces , to whom the kings at their coronation were sworne as to the whole kingdo● ▪ 〈◊〉 these were sworne to defend the kingdome , to oppose the 〈◊〉 proceedings of kings , and to depose them in case of tyranny . 't is vaine to instance , the law of nature , of 〈◊〉 presents us with a cloud of witnesses . kings are indeed supream in point of honour , but not in point of power , because the whole power of governing i● not restrained to one person , but diffused into singular par●● , in the hands of divers officers , because their power i● not ● naturall power ; no man is borne a king ; and yet 〈◊〉 the relation is naturall , ( and in that respect stronger 〈◊〉 if it were civill ) the magistrate is to afford reliefe in case of oppression , justice to the child against the parent . 't is not an absolute power , then , as aristotle tels us , their lusts , fr●ntick and brutish humours should rule us : then as 〈◊〉 said , having got a taste of our goods , they will being in our he●d● as a second course : then at 〈◊〉 said , they shall neither be tyed to their owne nor yet to the lawes of their kingdom● . 't is a power conferred : kings have no more then what is given them , they cannot dispose of their crownes , jewels , and crowne lands ; king john forfeited his dignity thereby . those that reign by conquest , if conquered againe , their honour determins therewith . those that are elected ; whether kings , as in pol●●l● , or dukes , as in ven●tia ; the supream and generall counsell of the state electing , retaine the authority to depose or 〈◊〉 in case of tyranny . those who are kings by succession , they 〈◊〉 received that succession as a royall grant of favour from their subjects , which grant in case of 〈◊〉 by treason , or disability to governe is forfeited , as our lawes know this gran● was not absolute ; ●s a fool , a mad man , a 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 capable of rule ? succession gives a title to dignity , but doth not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 authority : a major of a city is not in power till sworne ; those who gave princes the title , give them the state thereto appertaining , prerogative , crowne lands , royall mannors , and mansion houses , jewels , imposts , subsidies , &c. these they cannot dispose of to any other ends or uses , but those for which they are given . yea they give them the power and authority thereto belonging ; the lawes the people give them . in germany the emperour cannot enact a new law without a diet , and what the representative body of the empire present as necessary to be established , he is bound by oath to ratifie : and so was it in england . parliaments are to kings and kingdoms eyes , a●moses said to hobab . and is not that a parliament which stands in the nearest relation to the people , which is the liveliest representation of them ? kings and nobles are but accidentall parts , found prejudiciall to the publick , by sinfull confederations with the enemies thereof : therefore abolished ; yet the power remaines the same it was , though not in the same hands , improved to those ends only for which ordained , ( i. e. publick safety , ) and by those persons intrusted with the affairs of the publick , a perfect and full number , and freely acting , ( without satisfying the armies paticular interests further then the generall good is concerned therein , which they serve out of love , of conscience , duty binding them thereto , not out of feare , not from the violence of a discontented souldiery , ( as malice doth suggest . ) i shal desire every one that hath an english heart , that is a sincere lover of god , and of his country , to honour the persons , the posterities of this happy parliament , sanctorum oraculum , & mundi miraculum ; should you forget them , god will remember your ingratitude : the children of israel remembred not the lord their god , who had delivered them out of the hands of all their enemies on every side , neither shewed they kindnesse to the house of jerubbaal , according to all the goodnesse which he had shewed to israel . and therefore what followed ? the lord sent an evill spirit between abimelech and the men of shechem , who deals treacherously with abimelech , whose wickednesse god rendered upon his owne head , and the evill which the men of shechem had done , did the lord 〈…〉 on their heads , upon whom 〈◊〉 the curse of jotham the ●o● of jerubbaal : what was that curse ? saith he to the 〈…〉 if ye have done truly and sincerely with my fathers house in making abimelech king , if you have done according to the deserving of his hands ( for my father fought for you , and adventured his life far , and delivered you out of the hand of midi●● ) if yee have then dealt sincerely , rejoice in abimelech , and let him also re●oice in you ; but if not , let fire come out from abimelech and devour the men of shechem ; and let fire c●me from the men of shechem and devour abimelech . this was his curse , which accordingly came upon them , so hainous a sinne is ingratitude , in persons , or states , i● shall never goe unpunished . rest satisfied with those acts of theirs wherein the publike welfare is concerned , which tends to certaine , and to constant establishment . kings many times have been so great ▪ that they have been feared , and for their tyranny as much as hated by their subjects : thus the senate it selfe of rome , feared domitian●● , maxi●●inus , and others : tiberius , claudius , dionysius , sergius galbs , valerianus , and divers more , how were they hated by their people ? hence the germane proverb arose , hell is paved with kings crownes and i relates skuls : we know no prince so wicked but hath his parasites : what said the courtier to cambyses , who would have married his owne sister , persarum regi ●●et facere quod velit : the like said julia to antonius cara●alla , who would have marryied his mother in law , si libet , li●et , &c. nobles too ignobly and customarily conforme their practises to their princes principles , to humour them and to flatter them in their sinfull lusts : these occasions of sinne will bee now taken away whereby glory may dwell in our land . and as i would perswade people to unity of affection , so would i humbly beseech the parliament to s●eke by all means of favour and love in the first place , to gaine the hearts of dissenting brethren , pious and well affected to the republicke . there were leges amphyctionice , laws tending to unity , this wil be a worke of the greatest praise and blessing that ever was undertaken , you shall be an eternall excellency , a joy of many generations ; this learned colledg of physitians , ( who have the lord jeb●vah , lord president in your assembly , who is wonderful in counsel , excellent in working ) we hope wil advise , wil prescribe a powerful & effectuall remedy , to their everlasting honor : how have heathens honoured th●se who were reipul li●● m●di●i , vel patroni , as scip●o among the romans , aristides among the athenians ? what glory did the senate of rome conferre upon arcadius , of whom they said it had been good that he had never been borne , or that he might not dye . yet these affections fall infinitely short of the blessing and prayers of the saints : and of the reward and priviledge of the blessed in heaven , conserd by the lord upon those faithfull to himself , to the publick for his sake . in civill acts remember that decree of honorius , who enacted that that only should be done by every man unto another , which he would should be done by that other to himself , were he in his relation , station , or condition : a christian rule , yea christs own rule . in religious acts remember the counsell of nazian●●n , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the lord the beginning , the end , the ●●dium of all ; those who honor the lord , even those will the lord honour , and you so doing to be the very glory of christ in his churches , the only excellent upon the earth , in whom the delights of god , angels , and saints are fixed as glorious and renowned instruments , as the worlds worthies , and of whom indeed it is unworthy . thus much concerning jvstice . but now to manage both religion and justice wel , two cardinall vertues are especially required . 1 prudence . 2 fortitude . 1. prudence , wisedome and knowledge is the stability of our aimes ; a change of government , whether religious or civill , without prudence is perillous , omnis sub●●a ●●●tatio est peri●ules● ; for it is in a body politique at in a body naturall : by a man of understanding and knowledg the state of a land is prolonged , saith solomon ▪ as justice will 〈…〉 a change injurious , nor religion a change corrupt ▪ 〈◊〉 ●●sdome will never resent it , unlesse it appear to be a change for the best , to the security of both ▪ conducible to publique good and safety , to peace , to ease and liberty , or common sense and reason will dictate what calamities must follow . a generall dissatisfaction , and popular discontent was ever by the wisest states ▪ men apprehended ominous : but a disunion and division amongst the godly , and those best affected to the waies of religion , and justice in the fundamentalls of each , is by the wisest god concluded fatall , and above all things amongst wise men to be feared , and to be remedied . to every purpose there is both time and judgement , ( saith the wise man ) and a wise mans heart discerneth it , but he that is imprudent considereth it not : wherefore the misery of man is great upon him , wickednesse and sin ( saith solomon ) doth confound the wisdome of the wise , whereby they lose their judgments , slip their seasons , and procure sudden , certaine , inevitable and irrecoverable miseries to themselves and others . every state hath its crists , and time subjects it to motion and mutation , the reason is given in politiques , quie p●●est●● humana in hominum voluntatibus radic●tur . judgment the result of all purposes , of all actions and attempts , is wrapt up within time : hence is that rule in politicks , consiliarius ●em● melior est quam tempur . the acts of states must be correspondent to the necessity of the times , and the greatest persons must vail , must subject to the time , to the authority that is . we find in histories , the judgment and resolutions of the greatest princes and counsellors have been necessitated to subject to the will , and unjust demands of rebells , the sad effects of imprudence . we may read that the acts of state do alter according to the urgencies of the people , or present exigencies of time , wherein it is more honorable toyeeld to the just demands of friends , as the means , the only means to prevent the imperious commands of rebells . an equall satisfaction of every interest without wrong to christ and his truth , is the best policy under heaven , the only means to prevent civill broyles , all histories , sacred and morall , declare the calamitous events occasioned by such breaches . 2. whereby the highest & most honorable undertakings of the wisest and most prudent states-men , have frequently been subjected to the worst successes● to that end , it is the best reason of state , for persons publick to remove every ground of private jealousie in what concerns their own particular interest or benefit ; and to give a reall demonstration , by some selfe-denying act , that it is the publick they serve ▪ although to their private dammage . it is said of israel that hee was an empty vine , bringing forth fruit to himself . 1. israel though a vine , a choice and a precious plant , excelling al plants . 2. though a vine supported with the wall of strength , promising security to himselfe . 3. though a vine spreading with greatnesse , and flourishing with honour , having leaves and promising fruits unto others : yet israel is , 4. a vine that is empty of fruit . there is a worme at the root of this vine ▪ which drawes this strength , consumes this honor , frustrates th●se hopes , self-interest , which undermines personal , nationall , felicity , prosperity , which renders israel em●ty and unfruitfull to god , to the publick , to himself , self-ends perverts the wisest men in their best actions , and renders them the worst in the eye of god and good men ▪ of god who judgath of the action by the end , to whom our dispositions are manifest . prudence is necessary to advise , to consult with in all actions , but especially to bet our companion in grand designs and undertakings . no wiseman will ever attempt any action without good advice , much lesse will he undertake important affaires upon sleighty debates , iest by overmuch hast and violence such enterprises prove unsuccessefull : quintus fabius esteemed it more honor to be reputed slow , then to hazard his affairs by precipitance . 1. prudence to improve those opportunities within time , lest if they ●ee once lost , the best advice meet with the worst event , and the misery of a state thereupon be great , for sudden and lasting miseries , due ever follow the losse of opportunities ; therefore ( saith the politician ) opportunities must be closely pursued , that no advantage of time ●e lost , ●ro●●●●apill●ta 〈…〉 est oc●asi● 〈◊〉 le●● ( saith he ) whilest like fool●● we 〈◊〉 ou● selves to win the game , we depart the greatest los●●● ▪ upon wh●● advantage mag●a ch●r●● , & ch●rta de forresta , and other gra●●● and acts were obtained , and how maintained , our own chronicles record . and it is not only wisdome to get , but o● the two pieces , 't is the greatest policy to preserve what is so obtained ▪ would it not to that end , be great prudence to settle the land forces , 1. in the severall counties in confiding hands ? the officers commanding , the members commanded to be truly religious , and of approved integrity and fidelities ? hath not time , and experience discovered in every county , city , town and village , who are faithfull , w●● disaffected , and who by such influences are able and willing to do doe publick service or prejudice , having estate or esteem , parts or authority for any such imployment , martiall or civill ? this consideration is none of the least , nor of the least advantage to promote an establishment , to preserve a safe , a sure peace , not only with respect to the militia of the state but to all civill offices in every corporation , city , towne , village , or in any court whatsoever in the common-wealth . 2. prudence not only to furnish a formidable navy in trusty hands at present , but for future incouragement unto sea-men , to do a● the state of spair , to gain ●en for all services by sea or land , with mony and good pay . our ships are the walls and bulwarks of these islands , & thereby not only the state is secured , but the trade preserved , and the necessities of the poor supplyed , to the great advantage of the nation . wherefore queen elizabeth of famous memory , afforded sea-men and souldiers the best encouragement beyond all others , because they served for the good of the whole ; poore seamen shee freed from all taxes , for goods imported and exported , whereby she gained their hearts , was enabled hereby for any service , became terrible to the whole world , rendred this common-wealth secure , prosperous and peaceable , beyond all others : merchants being thereby ●ncouraged . 3 prudence to secure and strengthen all the ports , forts , havens , and harbors with the inland garrisons of the common-wealth , to examine the strength thereof , and how each is furnished with all manner of provision , powder , bullet , match , cordage , arms and ordinance , that upon any invasion or occasion there may be no want in our magazines , and that a true bill of account be rendred to the councell of state , and those stores maintained , & constantly preserved without imbe●lement . 4. prudence to supply the treasure of the kingdom so much exhausted , of so great concernment , of so necessary use , ( money being the sinews of war ) that there may be a sufficient stock at all times for all publick services ▪ should seamen , souldiers , and other servants to the state , want their due pay , discontented at home , and corrupted abroad , would not this hazard our publick affaires ? states must consider the necessities of poore men , who cannot forbear their wages , nor allow of time , and days for receipt , nor pay fees to procure their dear earned wages : a great grievance to the subject crying in the eares of god , creating a generall murmur in the hearts of all men , whereby such states discourage the hearts , weaken the hands of those , without whose service they cannot subsist in the time of need . 5. prudence to prevent the combinations and underminings of fained and male-contented friends . the old serpent still retaines his principles , divide & impera , hee works upon such persons by such instruments , fit to effect and perfect this design by men of parts , of reputation with the people ▪ by them staining the honor of the persons , of the actions of our worthies , by malicious calumniations , by vile aspersions , only to prejudice their upright intentions , in the affections of the vulgar , and to obstruct their faithfull indeavors , whatsoever is contradictory to the corrupt and ambitious end● of such , ( though most sutable to the present exigence● of state , conducible to the good of the republick , ) these persons vigorously oppose , therein accomplishing the designes of open adversaries , beyond the greatest confederation with them , pleading for , but by their acts and violence wholly undermining the publick , like the sons of kora● who did not pretend the absolute eradication of government , nor the deposition of moses and aaron ab offi●i● , but intended a more equall distribution of power , ( moses and aaron invading the rig●●● and liberties of that people as 〈…〉 themselves ) yet this act tended to sedition , to 〈…〉 that 〈…〉 of government 〈…〉 to violate the 〈…〉 fear , on the peoples part , and therefore is punished from heaven with the saddest , sorest judgments ; but the worst design i● ▪ that if the people cannot be divided from you , such will s●●k to divide you from them , or if that prevail not , to divide your among your selves ▪ the first is dangerous , but this last is deadly . 6 prudence to regulate future elections , that the persons elected for plety toward god , for justice towards men , for prudence in publick affairs , for resolution , courage and faithfulnesse be such , as that no respect unto themselves , nor the fear , nor yet the favour of others may poyse them from the zealous and conscionable pursuit of any cause of publike advantage , although attended with personall prejudices , accompanied with the greatest difficulties ; hee is a publick person who hath a publick spirit ; who is more divine then popular , more popular then personall , who seeks his particular interest least ; the honor of god , the affairs of the lord christ and of his kingdom and gospel most earnestly . the electors to be persons wise , judicious , and well affected . power distributed into safer hands is not lost either to the benefit of the whole , or to the good of every part , it concerns every part that the whole be safe , it concerns the whole body to preserve every member from perill , no society can be safe without preserving its due parts whereof it is compounded from being hurt . it is a martiall rule , that every souldier carries his neighbors life in his hands , in breaking his ranks he loseth his own , for betraying his fellow souldiers . those who betray the publick justice , deprive them of a private liberty , esa● by his prophanenesse lost ▪ both blessing and birthright which jacob inherited . 7. prudence to look up all publick counsells , so securely , so secretly , that such matters as are to be debated communi concilio , none be present at , who lie under any cloud of suspition , none who hold any correspondency with publick enemies , who will impart the debates and resolutions of state , to such who prejudice the enterprises , and frustrate the designes thereof . 8. prudence to indeavour the friendship of forain states and kingdoms ( if with honor ) though with the expence of som treasure , the same might be purchased ) this conduceth much to the good successe , and happy events of all affairs , domestick or forain , both in respect of councell and strength , on all necessary and urgent occasions . i shall also add the priviledg it would be to this state , to have such a golden key by the side thereof , as would open the closest cabbinet counsells of all forain states , especially of such who may design to prejudice the peace and prosperity of this . it is unknown how much this state had been damnified , if some ( whom i could name ) had not been faithfull and wise , in the due observance of these last rules , ( persons worthy all honor ) pitie but some character of speciall honour should be set upon them and theirs , by whom parliament , city , and countrey have been preserved and delivered , ere they knew their danger , then imminent , when the whole dreamt of security by treaties . i cannot remember the mischief● then intended without horror , nor the care of those worthies ( without the privity of the house ) to prevent them without honor , they being acquainted by certain intelligence , with the endeavours of forain princes , the highest resolutions , deepest designes , secret motions , subtill intentions , military provisions , and martiall preparations of domestick and forain enemies , the cabinet-counsell of the enemy being opened to sir hen. mild●●● , when to no other beside him , who made as wise , as faithfull improvement of his intelgence to the good of the whole in apparent perill , as any one man in this republick . 2. concerning fortitude , resolution and courage , without which the honor of the day , and the goodnesse or beauty of the way is lost , i shall add a word or two . statesmen under the gospell have higher precepts , better presidents , stronger reasons to stand up and ingage for the defence of their liberties , then c●riu● , s●ipio , cato among the romans , then themistocles , 〈◊〉 aristi●●es , among the athenians : a roman , lace●em●●ian or ath●ni●● , may be very zealous for civill liberties , as wee read in 〈◊〉 in cicero and other authors , what livius , what 〈◊〉 and many others acted and suffered , for the obtaining of their civill 〈◊〉 with what resolution & courage they resisted those who opposed ▪ yea but proposed such rules , or counselled to such 〈◊〉 as ●ended to the infringement thereof , deposing some , banishing others , putting others to death and confiscating the goods of all such as they reputed enemies , christians under the gospell have as much reason , having power and opportunity to preserve what god and nature hath invested them with , and being lost , to restore those rights a● their native birth right . let prophane esau's under-value their freedoms ; paul a roman will defend his priviledges , and valiant shammah his field of of ●●ntils ( who stands his ground when deserted by the people ) against an army of the philistims , whom he conquers . joabs argument may put us upon higher acts , our liberties being superlative . be valiant , saith he , for our people , and for the cities of our god , and let the lord doe what i●. good in his owne sight . be valiant for the lord and for his truth , saith jeremy . when men have more valour for their civill , then they have for divine liberties , more resolution and courage in those causes , which concerne themselves and the outward man , then those which concerne the lords honour , their souls eternall welfare ; they act but at heathens , who did many heroick acts , but what singular thing doe yee ? the acts of christians should be performed with the greatest respect to god . we will not lose civil immunities , because the price of the bloud of our ancestors , the inheritance of our fore-fathers . naboth would not therefore part with his vineyard , no not to the king , although he would have purchased it , and given him to the full value thereof . but gospell liberties are transcendent , to take from our children and posterities their glory , y●a gods glory ; to deprive them of that legacy , and deed of gift bequeathed them by christ in his last testament , the price of his precious bloud , is such sacriledge as there is no robbery like unto it under heaven ; and desperate is that state where all men are willing to captivate their souls for the freedome of their bodies , to presse their consciences to death , to save their goods . the apostle who perswadeth us to seek freedom● a● the hands of the supreame power , doth also advise us so to use that liberty that it be not a cloak of malitiousness , of pride , of presumption , of selfe-willednesse ; so to use it as not to abuse authority , as not to pervert , or inforce the supream power of a state , to patronage our private and sinfull interests , to own our violent attempts , or unwarrantable engagements ; but to be as the servants of christ , for humility , honour and affection towards all who have the image of god upon them , and in the feare of god to give the greatest civill respect to those in authority , be they good , be they bad . therefore the act of such who would diminish the divine authority of the magistrate , who endeavour to take that from him which god hath given him , or would enforce him to , give what is not his to give , is so full of sinfull presumption , and detestable usurpation , that such cannot but feare to perish in the gaine-saying of corah . also such who would perswade the magistrate to part with his restrictive power in matters of religion , invite him to give that sword given him by god , into the hands of furious men , who would destroy all government , violate all bands ▪ both sacred and civill , and with as much right , ( and some will plead reason too , who are against magistratical authority , and would levell all into an equality , ) these may desire his restrictive power in naturall and in civill acts , yea with as much reason , and right also , they may abridge parents and masters of their restrictive authority over children and servants ( h●●●esco referens ) as they may deprive the magistrate of his . to gaine our owne liberty with the losse of christs , argueth want of resolution , for were such willing to subject their wills and consciences to gods word , to obedience to his divine will , a● well by suffering , as by acting when called thereunto , they would not transgresse the bounds to adventure upon such preposterous courses . because former representatives presumed too much , shall future assume nothing , no not a power of restraint ? v●●orum stupori qui non exhorrescunt . true resolution must be fetched from heaven , through god we shall do valiantly ; that resolution which is accompanied with a dependance on our owne wisdome , ●or strength , is to rest upon an arme of flesh , is to make a lye our refuge . to maintaine the strength of your resolution , two considerations are worthy your observance . 1 the consideration of the goodnesse of your ●●use ▪ every cause is good so farre forth as god is engaged therein ; arise o lord , saith the prophet , plead thine owne cause . the more you engage for god , the more you engage god unto you . you know that text , and how it is applyed by rehobeam against jeroboam , we keep the charge of the lord our god , but yee have forsaken him . god himself is with us , ●ight ye not against him , for ye shall not prosper . yee know how h●z●kiah incouraged his souldiers , when they went forth against the army of senacherib ; be not afraid for all the multitude that is with him , for there be moe with us , with him is an arm of flesh , but with us ; is the lord our god , to fight our battell● . if the lord be ingaged in a cause , who dare appear against him ▪ to ingage therein without god , procures but war and blood in kingdom● , lasting troubles , & continual miseries , as we see in the cases of asa , jehosap●at , & josia● , good kings , yet for some small miscarriages ( for comparatively they were not great ) they procured unto themselves and to their kingdoms wrath . the particular acts of publick persons , are prejudiciall to the publick state , to the whole nation , and when the lord hath any speciall controversie with a nation , and some great judgment to in flict , he leaveth such persons , to the power of such corruptions , against the strength of all humble advice and counsell to the contrary , that thereby he may make a way to his wrath . but now if the lord ingage with us , let enemies consederate , let nations associate , their power shall be broken , their counsell shall not stand ( saith the prophet . ) for the lord is with us , all such as are incensed against us shall be as nothing , all that war against us ( saith the same prophet ) shall perish , for god is with us . the lord when he gave the charge of israel to joshua , tells him , that he would be with him , and would not ●ail him nor forsake him ; only he chargeth him to be strong and very couragious , that he might observe to doe all that is written in the law , for then should he make his way prosperous , then should ●e have good successe , gods presence and blessing whithersoever he went , in all his actions and undertakings ▪ now , 2 ▪ that cause is good which is begun by rule , 〈◊〉 carried on by the same measure , with an uniforme and constant motion to holy and honourable ends , if any act be done to please man , out of feare or favour unto any , or if it be done out of private selfe , or sinister respect to personall ends and interest , honour , or estate , those acts are odious in the sight of god , and will be dreadfull against the souls of such men , when god awakens conscience . the sinners in zion are afraid , fearfulness hath surprised the hypocrites : who among us shal dwell with the devouring fire , who among us shall dwell with the everlasting burnings ? if done with respect to the honour of god only , such acts are acceptable . secondly , good , if uniforme , if our motions he straight , without deflectibility , constant and permanent without instability . the apostle tells us that such as are like waves rouling and swelling by the motion of the winde , such shall never excell , never receive wisdome , whereby to excell , 〈◊〉 the hands of god . such whose mindes are fixed upon severall objects , interests , and ends ▪ whereby their wil● are possessed with an habituall and native flectibility , to one object at one time , with some deflectibility in respect unto some other at another time , divers from what before they intended ; these are double minded , and therefore unstable in all their wayes ; as we see in bala●● , ●e durst not but obey the command of god , and yet inclined to gratifie the humours of b●la●k , to obtaine his owne covetous ends , and to attaine the same by his sinfull wits , ●e undermines the divine will of god . it is a fatall simplicity , preceding destruction , for our owne ends to gratifie , to comply with enemies to god : such persons must needs be man of uncertain mindes , and various resolutions . thirdly , i● our eye be upon the rule , upon that w●y wherein the lord would have us walke , to beginne , to continue therein in a counter motion to the sinnes of the 〈◊〉 with the remotion of such corruptions , discovered by the word , by the holinesse , and righteousnesse of divine 〈◊〉 crossing our corrupt ends , 〈◊〉 and interests , ( to which 〈◊〉 our hearts 〈◊〉 ●lu●d ) such a●●● are good . but 〈…〉 of ou● hearts be so strong and 〈…〉 stumble , and fal , that we take offence & displeasure at the truths of god discovered , or the works and providence of god administred , because unsuitable to our wils , to our interests ; this case is very dangerous , god will never owne it nor us therein . secondly , the strength of your authority , that would bee considered in the next place . potestat juxta necessitatem habitat , is a pythagorian maxim , violent necessities have enforced private persons to publick actions , when against all law , as w●● see in the cases of hester and of jehojadah ▪ it is an everlasting rule in politicks , that no state can admit any law or priviledge whatsoever , but the same at some times , and in cases of necessitie and urgency , must be violated . wise men in the consideration of the acts of states-men should respect the reasons , and the ends of their acts , more then the acts themselves ; the reason of state lies in the publicke safety , the j●● reipubl cae is the bond of parliament , and viv● ratio & manifesta equi●as , is the very anima legis and the fundamentall of all imperiall lawes in all kingdom● and common-wealths . this is a maxime in theologie , as well as in morality , that the law is good because it is just . the affairs of state should not bee managed by custome , by the opinions or affections of men , by the private ends , or interests of any , but by religion , by reason , by conscience , the rules of all acts being divine , and all humane motions must be sutable to the decrees of god , of natures law , to the rules of equity , and for the welfare of the republicke : and the necessity of law , is to be weighed in the scale of preservation of publicke peace , of liberty , of profit , and of the safety of the whole , before respect unto any private person , honor , or advantage . the strict and grammaticall construction of law bindes not a private person in a publick case : if my neighbours house be on a fire , i may pull down the house next it , rather then endanger a city , or street : a servant may by violence pluck his master out of doors , in case his person be in perill by fire . what jury will condemn a man that steals a loa●e of bread to save his owne and his childrens life , if hee could not obtaine it by begging ? if a patient be sick , and his physitian forbids him wine , or strong water , this patient and his friends will be very respective and strict in the due observance of that rule . but now in case of a swoone ( though the patient desire it not , yea , deny it , refuse it , being insensible of his state , and of that necessity ) his friends force him to take quantum sufficit , notwithstanding the order to the contrary . this physitian ( being rationall ) neither can nor will be offended therewith , the necessity of his patient being of more force in this present case , then his former prescription was in the other , which although it did not expresly except any , yet necessarily did imply an exception in this case ; that inhibition onely respecting this end , the life and health of the patient , which by no other meanes at this time could be provided for , but by such a violation : the like may be said in such cases , wherein the safety of a state consisteth . never state had more pressing necessities then you now , in respect of your own security : your persons , posterities , honours , and estates , yet more in respect of your friends who have been firm to you hitherto , and most of all in respect to the people ( in generall much dissatisfied ) to the souldier who is discontented , and should thereupon forsake you , what dangers must necessarily invade you , your wisdomes understand ; you had need be active to afford generall content to all men if possible , at least to encourage friends to act freely under you . you were first sent by the people , who elected you to this end , who entrusted you with power to act what in your reason conduced most powerfully , and effectually to their good , liberty , and safety . secondly , you are continued in the same place and power , and left to act in the commonwealth , for such a time as this , to save your selves and all that first adhered to you : for all shall suffer , shall fare alike . 't is folly to dispute your authority , for there is no visible authority left in the state for any to act by , but yours as most supreame ; and againe , that power must be obeyed actively , in case of scandall , and to avoid offence , which in other cases may lawfully be d●●●ed . suppose your commands unjust , illegall , and injuriou● 〈◊〉 against law , against priviledge , yet due obedience 〈◊〉 thereto is more warrantable from our lord christ● example in paying tribute unto caesar , then disobedience to the scandall of the gospell in private persons can be justifiable ; yea admit the power it selfe usurped ( as in athalia ) yet obedience under it in those persons , who want both call and authority to reforme , or remedy what is irregular , is by the lord commanded and commended . and what opposition is against that power , is by the lord himselfe condemned , as we see in the case between rehoboam and jeroboam . but lastly all power is primarily , and essentially , and originally in , and from the people , as the first subject , they being the creator of all that authority , which is derivative . it is theirs absolutely and totally by right of possession . but because common people have but common capacities , and are not competent judges in affairs of most materiall importance , tending to publick peace and safety , therefore reason and justice hath distributed and committed this power into severall hands , that communi concilio , such members elected by themselves , be they more , be they fewer , may act and execute those matters for them , which they cannot commodiously , and immediately act for themselves , the people still retaining to themselves that exercise of power which belongs to their peculiar and personall liberties , dignities and proprieties , in lives and estates , in persons and goods , as due to themselves or theirs , dispersing the former to that end only to strengthen and not to straighten themselves , in their proper and native rights . the power of derivatives or relatives is most eminent in that subject which stands in the nearest relation : power is more in the wife then any under the husband in the family , heat is more in fire , then it is in water made hot by fire . quicquid efficit tale magis est tale , those that stand in the nearest relation unto , are the liveliest representation of the people , in those is power most transcendent . when pope julius secundus had offended the colledge of cardinals , ( the representative of the catholick church of rome ) they sent a citation to summon him , ( who challengeth supremacy over kings and kingdoms , church and states , notwithstanding all his preheminence , his power , ) to answer to certaine depositions , they then and there censured , and deposed him as insufficient to govern , and decreed that that power formerly in him , was now lawfully devolved into the hands of the generall councell , and was by them to be disposed of according to order , for the rule and government of the universall church , to which order every person was comanded to submit . so the romanes when tarquinius superbus had rendred regall government odious to the commons of rome by his tyranny , and exorbitancy , the senate deposed him , censured him to banishment , and altered the frame of the government from kings to consuls ; it is hence a knowne maxime in civill law , and owned by most nations , that he who changeth government , ( from a monarchy to a tyranny ) loseth the right of the former . in france the patricii regni , in spaine the person representing that power justitiae arregonicae ; in hungaria , bohemia , polonia , germania ; some who have been patroni reipublicae , the conservators of their liberties , against the invasion of oppressing tyrants , the protectors of their lawes , these have brought the greatest princes to the deepest censures , histories are full of instances . these states stating this for a fundamentall , that treason against a state is more criminall then against a king , the whole being greater then a part ; those hold every state or kingdome to be an independent body , no one having denomination over the other , neither owing an account of their actions each unto other , but only to those by whom they are entrusted . one state may as well take liberty to prejudge another in matter of vote , with as much reason as they may in matter of fact ; and what state would tolerate such usurpation ? neither are consociated kingdoms further concerned in the affairs each of other , but for mutuall helpefulnesse to the remotion of common dangers , by the conjunction of councels , and powers , still preferring their liberties , priviledges , and interests , distinct , peculiar , and intire . the end of consociation being to strengthen , not to straighten each other in their proper due and native rights ; to equals appertaine only a power of equality , not of subjection . what trajanus the emperour desired of the senate of rome that that sword received from them , might by them be drawne against himselfe , should he rule amongst them contrary unto law , is not unknowne . i will not mention the law of conradus the emperour , knowne to every historian , 't is a fundamentall rule in all politicks , instituere & destituere est ejusdem potestatis , and in divinity it holds as firm , shall he that hates right , governe ? ( saith job ) that the hypocrite raigne not lest the people be insnared . solomon tels us that a poor and wise child is better then an old and foolish king , who will not be admonished , for out of prison he commeth to raigne , whereas he that is borne to a kingdome becommeth poore . the power of a king is potestas juris non injuriae , subjects will not , cannot alwayes beare . in all states it was ever held pernicious to permit any man to grow so great , so mighty , that no man might or durst controle him . in scotland at a generall assembly convened 1553. this conclusion was determined by universall consent , principes omnes t●m suprem● quam inferiores , &c. all rulers , supream or inferiour , may , and ought to be reformed , or deposed by those by whom they are confirmed or admitted unto office , as oft as they break their promise by oath to their subjects , because the prince is no lesse bound unto his subjects , then the subject is unto him , and therefore that oath which ought to be kept by both , the breach thereof is to be reformed equally in both , according to the laws of the kingdome , and the conditions made by either party . they tell us in their histories , that such acts as be intolerable in private persons , are much lesse to bee favoured in princes , because regis ad exemplum , that 't is a corruption in those kingdoms , which favour the vices of any person , noble o● ignoble , that 't is a servill state , wherein the nobility is either so timerous , or so besotted with affection , or favour to a bad king , that they will rather indulge him in vice , or tyranny , then be perswaded to discharge their duty and conscience to god or good men ; that princes themselves are very unhappy beyondall men , might they be permitted to do what they list , and none be admitted to censure them . to conclude this argument , where there is a good cause ▪ where there is sufficient authority , what difficulties should discourage that heart , weaken that hand , faithfully set , skilfully exercised in the lords service ? what said nehemiah , whe● his enemies plotted , and his friends feared ? shall such a man as i flee ( saith hee ? ) who is there that being as i am , ( a publick person called to so publick a work , wherein the lords honour is so much concerned , ) would goe into the temple to save his life ? i will not goe in . the lord to encourage zorobabel in his service against all opposition , tells him , that he would be a wall of fire round about jerusalem unwalled , and the glory in the midst of her ; a wall round about for security , for protection , of fire to the destruction of all her enemies that should rise up against her , and in the midst should not only be his glory , presence , and power , to strengthen , to encourage their spirits , but to present and render their persons and actions amiable and honorable to the world , to angells , and to good men . oh that the spirit of life from god may enter into the body of this state , that this parliament once so interested in the affections of the people generally , whose hearts were pinned upon their lips , whose purses , and lives freely were engaged for them , may by their last actions recover their lost honors . it was said of br●tus , nemo primum contemptior romae suit , nemo minus postea . it was a pretious speech of his , who being demanded by a prince , the yeers of his age , hee answered but forty five , when he was indeed seventy five , from the time of his naturall birth , because saith he , annos m●●tis nunquam vit● nominabo , those yeers spent in the service of the world , the flesh , and the lusts of his own heart ; wherein hee was a slave to sin , to self , and lived without christ , hee esteemed not in the number of the yeers of his life , hee called them the yeers of death : wee should not account our selves really alive , untill wee live to the honour and for the service of the lord jesus christ . oh that every member of this house did act his part faithfully , sincerely , as member of a new elected parliament , as a member of the body of christ , as a new man , non sumus noti , nisi ●enati , such as act conscionably for god , shall bee had by him and his saints in everlasting honour , h●● will not forget their labours , not their hazards , nor their love ; yea , the posterities and families of such as stand in the breach , who repair the wasts of former ages , who restore the foundations of future generations , shall bee had in precious esteem ; as a blot of eternall infamy will remain upon those , noble or ignoble , who disowne the lords service , and pluck their shoulders from his yoak . to encourage you therefore in this honourable service for god , and the cities of our god , let the eye of your faith bee intent upon these four considerations as grounds of present and future confidence . 1. those state-miracles , and great wonders which the lord of hoasts hath done in and for this nation , and by this parliament , the mercies wee have received ( although the fruits of faith and prayer ) yet have exceeded infinitely our thoughts , imaginations , but the greatest mercies are yet to receive , precious was the faith , and strong was the argument of that woman : if the lord would have destroyed us , would hee at this time ( note that ) have shewed us all these things ? it 's my argument , i think 't is invincible , one mercy is an engagement unto another , in falling thou shalt surely fall , it was a divine prediction . 2. though the sins of the land be many , yet the lords controversie is not at this time with his saints , but with the inhabitants of babylon , whatever the sins of the saints be he will pardon , will save his servants , but ruine his enemies . israel hath not been forsaken , nor judah of his god , of the lord of hoasts , though the land was filled with sin against the holy one of israel , this is the time of the lords vengeance , but he wil render unto babylon her recompence . wee live in that period of time , wherein time shall have end or be no more , ( in that sense that john meant it , ) the time of the rage of the enemies , the reign of antichrist . the kingdomes of this world shall be the lords , and his christs , his enemies shall be his foot-stool , and the pride of all opposite glory shall be stained , the heavens and the earth shaken , that the lord may overthrow the thrones of kingdoms , and destroy the strength thereof ; the most high god rules 〈◊〉 the kingdoms of men , and times , thrones and dominions , are his prerogative , they have their periods unto a time or times , & the dividing of time , and then the judgement sits : this time is at hand . 3. should the lord prosper his enemies , himself should be the greatest loser , and suffer most in his own honour . for , 1. these enemies would blaspheme his name , and tyrannize the more over his saints , who should be as sheep appointed for the slaughter , they would reproach the footsteps of the lords anointed , and in derision say , where is now their god ? they would with despightfull heart confederate to their ruine , and conspire to cut them off from being a nation , that the name of israel may be no more in remembrance ; their sword wil make no distinction between a presbyterian and an independent , if the image of god bee in either , it is his grace which they despise , but the lord who hath reproved kings , will also princes , for the sakes of his servants . 2. the lord should lose the honor of the high praise of the saints , how can they sing the lords song under captive enemies ? the lords sacrifice is an abomination to an aegyptian , for a time he may suffer aegyptians to oppresse , and assyrians to rule with rigour , but when the lord by these afflictions hath humbled their hearts , refined them , and fitted them for deliverance , ingaged their spirits in his service , what men or powers now stand in opposition to interrupt the motion of his grace , even the greatest mountains shall melt before him , his name shall be then known unto his adversaries , and the nations tremble at his presence . 4. and lastly , the lord hath prepared a remedy to administer proportionable and sutable to our disease ; hee hath not left us without balme in this our gi●●ad . when the lord sent his son out of his bosome to undertake the work of salvation , he fitted him a body for that work : he is not as a stranger in our land , as a way faring man that turneth aside , to tarry for a night as one astonied , as a mighty man that cannot saves ( that is ) he is not as a man that hath no calling , no opportunity , no wil to meddle , he is not a● one deprived of power and strength by astonishment , but the lord our god in the midst of us hath been mighty for to save us , he hath not broken the staffe and stay of this nation , the mighty man , the man of war , the judge , the prophet , the prudent and the ancient , but hath given us as wise and honorable a parliament , as ever any age since the creation enjoyed , and therewith such an army ( our adversaries being judges ) for piety and justice , for prudence and courage , as no storie since the dayes of joshua can parallel their noble & heroick acts : this army under god the arm of our salvation , the dread of rome , the crown of this nation ; that had not the lord delighted in us , he would not have raised us up such saviours , nor have performed these mighty works for us , by such honored instruments ; he doth not extraordinary things for ordinary ends , upon these grounds , who after all these considerations professing godlinesse will dare to be so unnaturall , as to lay violent hands upon their best friends , to violate the bonds of nature , of grace : to conspire against the lives of such who have fought for their liberties , thereby betraying their owns persons , with their posterities , to certaine ruine , to subject both to the servitude of any imperious lords , or law-givers , rather then to their own who intend them the greatest felicity ? oh my soul enter not into their secret , mine honor be not thou united into their assembly , said that good father , cursed bee their anger , for it is fierce , and their wrath , for it is cruell . it is more honorable in any who apprehend themselves injured , to bear with patience , rather then to remedy or reform what they conceive irregular , by any one act of hostility , such may learn of heathens , rather to suffer many then to offer any injuries . so saith socrates , upon private discontent , upon particular revenge to contrive the ruine of a nation , ( though themselves perish therewith ) is prodigious and stupendious wickednesse ; the event of war is uncertain , but this is certain , if that work which these would overturne bee of men , it will of it self come to nought , but if it be of god it cannot be overthrowne , and they shall bee found fighters against god . besides more is lost by spoyl in one yeers war , then would be in many yeers due observance of the just commands of state , although to some personall prejudice ▪ it is reported that when aristides perceived the ill effects of some differences , which arose between th●misteel●s and himself , to compose them , he 〈…〉 by this argument , we are not mean in this common 〈…〉 will prove no small offence to others , disparagement to our selves , and prejudice to the publick : i● we must need●●●rive 〈…〉 contend , who shall ex●ell 〈…〉 it were a 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 christians if the gospel should not teach us better . o● thee we did convert our reasonings into re●●dies ▪ our 〈◊〉 into ●●ty . the envy of ephraim●●all depart , and judah 〈◊〉 no more ve●ephraim , the adversaries to both shall bee 〈…〉 and the stick of ephraim , and of judah , shall be one 〈◊〉 in the hand of the lord . in these divided and distracte● 〈…〉 grace of the heart , the holinesse of the life , appears in the 〈◊〉 studious desire , and diligent endeavour to make peace ●o maintain the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace ; there is but one god , one faith , oh that there were in us one heart ; it is a sad token that the lord will see an idol shepheard over the land , or leave such to that tyranny and bondage , which shall be worse to them then prelacy ; and if the staffe of bonds continue broken by as , if we stil divide in our opinions , in our affections , and wound each other with the tongue , and with the pen , which wounds are sharper then swords , we may justly fear , and must expect a more smarting scourge then ever we yee felt ; a kingdome divided against it self , a parliament , an army , a people divided how can they stand ? remember the miseries of the pal●tinate , of germany , how civill discords and disagreements in matters of religion ▪ exposed them to thirty years wars and miseries thereby . oh that we were wise to know in this our day the things of our peace ! why did the lord christ die to reconcile us , who are but a remnant preserved from death , reserved to life , to eternity , and shall we bite and devour , and destroy each other ? the lord give us humble and self-de●ying hearts , that we may not seek our own , but the things of jesus christ . the lord is now shaking heaven and earth , and what befell the civil s●me of rome pagan , shall befall the state of rome papal● ▪ all magistratical , all ecclesiasticall , all authority opposite to christs ministeriall s●ep●er , must and shall be thrown downs . all kings , princes , and states in this last age shall be subjected to the government of our lord christ , or perish . therefore bee silent all flesh at the presence of the lord , because the day of the lord is at hand ; a day of darknesse and darkenesse , because the way of the lord is in the whirle-wind , his footsteps in the mighty waters ▪ out of a chaos the lord framed heaven and earth , out of confusion and irregularities hee can extract peace and order . the greatest mercies arise from the most hopelesse beginnings , a dead people shall bee a glorious nation . faith subdueth kingdomes , conquereth the hearts of mutinous men . therefore pray for the good , and for the peace of england , o let them prosper who love it . for our brethren , for our companions sake , pray that peace may bee within the walls , and prosperity within the palaces of the nation ; because of the house of the lord our god , let us seek the good of england , in the peace whereof is our peace , the peace of our pretious wives , and of our dear children . oh that fatall simplicitie which is in our hearts , whereby we wrangle our selves into blood , whereby we countenance and by our divisions confederate with apparent enemies , against reall friends , against those who are hujus reipublica restitutores , ( as was said of vale●tinianus , ) & sanctorum refugium . oh the senslesse stupidity of this malignant generation , who are like those pears that solinus speakes of ; which although they be wounded , yet cannot be awakened ! oh the horrible ingratitude of this nation to the lord , about to deliver it from bondage , to conduct us into canaan , and because of some disappointments , some difficulties wee murmur and rebell against those raised up by god for our deliverance . populi ad servitudinem pr●parati . it is a germane proverb , that wee must bow our knees to that tree which gives us shadow ; there is more prudence in due obedience to the authority of this parliament , then there is piety in any compliance with the ends of such as are professed enemies to the peace of this state , then there is policy upon the best pretence , to divide amongst our selves . apud christians 〈◊〉 qui pa●i●●r , sed qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 miser est , ( saith jerome ) and not only true christianity , but the best magnanimity consists in the conquest of our ownwills . fortior est qui se , quam qui fortissima vincit m●nia , nec virtus altius ire potest . finis . errata . in the 〈…〉 to the parliament . p. 3. li● . penalt . r. necessities of the times . p. ● . l. ●lt . r. expend their time . l. 9. r. people for period . in the ● p. to the read . p. 2. l. 15. r. to religion for in religion . p. 3. l. 14. r. there being for the being . p. 3. l. ●4 . dele . of near to declared . in the book . p. 1. l. ●lt . r. that for the . p. 4. l. 14. for these r. th●se . l. 34. ● . ●●der the cognizance . p. 6. l. 10 for require r. enquire . p. 8. l. 3. for persecutions r. persecution . l. 27. r. marian . p. 9. l. 4. r. yet they . l. 6. r. d●e rather . l. ● . 1. secondly , l. 27. r. 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 p. 11. l. 8. for faithfull r fruitfull . l. 24. r. sin beingeth . p. 12. l. 30. for power r. power● . p. 13. l. 7. for hath r. have . l. ●4 . r. who not only have been , &c. p. 14. l. 2. r. their light . l. 6. r. above sixteen hundred . l. 30. r. of shares , of fears , of griefs . p 18. l 15. for rights . rights . p. 1● . l. ●4 . r. open thy mouth for the 〈◊〉 plead the cause of the needy , saith the lord , that h● 〈◊〉 forges 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and remember 〈◊〉 misery no more , lest the dumb signes , that 〈◊〉 the patient expectance of the poor , doth cry al●nd , &c. l. 29. r. such . p. 20. l. 1● . for circumstance r. expectan●e . p. 23. l. 8. for eminent r. imminent . p. 24. l. 9. r. and to hold . l. 19. r. 〈◊〉 thereby conferred . p. 26. l. 3. for great r. greatest . p. 27. l. 17. r. are therefore abolished . p. 28. l. 18. dele as before hated . p. 29. l. 22. for so be r. shall be . p. 33. l. 4. for king● . 1. common-wealth . l. 34. r. moses and aa●●● ( as they pretended ) in●ading . p. ●4 . 〈◊〉 26. dele the comm●● after justice , and put it after publick . p. 35. l. 10. r. and pity . p. 40. l. 36. for life● . lives . p. 42. l. put in before any in the family . r. of the family . p. 43. l. 21. for denomination r. denomination . p. 48. l. 27. for injuries r. injurie . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a85688e-240 isay 26. 1 , 2 , 3. erek 21. 30 , 31. isa. 58. a●e● 8. the whole . ier. 22. the whole . ier. 21. 1● , 13. notes for div a85688e-860 1 sam. 12. 17. . joh ▪ 7 ▪ 61 , 66. 67 verses . 1 ▪ object . answ . 2. object . answ . job 31. 13 , 14. 3. object . answ . 4 object . answ . notes for div a85688e-1400 21 rev. 17. eph. 2. 30. rev. 13. 17. 1 tim. 4. ● . 2 pet. 1. 20. pro. 16. 7. den . 11. 31. zach. 12. ● . esa. 24. ●●●ggai 2. 2 chr. 13. 1● . 2 ch●o● . 15. 2 chron. 17. the whole . 2 chr. 31. 10 , 21. 2 chr. 34. 24. judg. 18. 7. tim. 9. 10. 1 sam. 3 13. 1 chr. 5. 12 , 13 , 15. 1 tim. 2. 1. judg 19. 1 , 2. pro. 29. 15. prov. 29. 19 deut. 21. 1● . job 3 : 26 , 27 , 28 verse 9. 10. neh. 1● . 17 , 18 , 21. rom 1● . 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 13 , 4 1 p●t. ● . 18. jonah ● 7. ● tim. 1. 9 , 10 , 11. ●●l . 5. 19 , 20 21 ▪ zac. 13. 2 , 3 , 4 2 cor. 30. 5 , 8 , 10 , 12. gen. ●3 . 6. gen. 18. 18 , 19. john 24. 15. 〈◊〉 7. 21. esay ●9 . 〈◊〉 . ● chr. 30. 4. ● chr. 〈◊〉 31. 1 tim. 2. ● . 1 cor : 10. 23. acts 4. 19. acts 15. 28 , 29. 1 tim ▪ 27 , ● e●●k 14. 4 , 5. 2 chron 26. 16. 1 sam : 1● . 12 , 13. esay . ●9 . 23. jo●● 3. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. 1 kings 21. 29. ez● ▪ 7. 23 , 26 , 27. rom : 1. 21. jer : 10. 25. psal 8● 5 , 6 , 7. 〈…〉 3. 2 thess 2. 4. phil. 3. 15 , 16. 1 cor. 11. 19 ▪ zech. 11. 16. jer ▪ 51. 9. jer ▪ ●0 . 13 , 14 , 15. 2 chron ▪ 19 5 , 6 , to the end . zech 5. 3 , 4. esay 9. 12. 13. joel 1. psal ▪ 107. 14. gen. 19 , 23 , 24. je● . 14. ier : 15. ier : 25. 15. 2 cor. 10. 11. ier ▪ 25. 31. zech 13. 8 , 9. esay ● . 1● , 13. esay 19. 2 , 14. 〈…〉 . jo● 34. 2● . 2 chron. 17. 9 , 10 2 chron ▪ 13. 9 , 10. 2 chron : ●1 . 13 , 14. ●er 33. 17. psal : 77. 20. exod ▪ 4. 14 , 15 , 16 , 27. ezra 8. 15 , 16. neh. 13. 10 , 11. 2 chron. 17 7 ▪ 2 chr. 30. 32. 2 chr. 31. 4. 2 chr. 35. 2. 1 kings 2. 27. 2 chron. 11. 14 , 15. jer : 23. 15 ezek. 22. 26. 2 kings 13. 13. 2 chron : 13. 9 , 10. 2 chr : 36. 16. 2 cor : 5. 11. heb. ● . 10. mat. 11 18 , 19 2 cor. 10 10. 2 cor. 13 3 , 6. 2 cor. 11. 6 , 7. 1 cor. 4. 15. ●al ▪ 4. 14 , 15. jer. 22. 15 , 16. amos 88 , 9 , 10 amos 5 ▪ 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. eccle. 5 8 deu. 1● 7 , 8 , 9 esay 5. 7 , 9 , 10 jo● 34. 17 , 18 , 19 , 2● , 29 , 30. ier. 6. 4 , 5 , 6. ● king● 3. 2● . psal. 85. 9 , 10. esa. 32. 17 , 18. 1 sam. 12. 3 , 4● ▪ deut. 10. 17. deut. 13. 9 , 10 , 1● . 2 king● 11. 14 , 15. 1 kings 20 42. 2 sam ▪ 11. 1 , 2. eccle : 8. 11. esay 59 11. deut : 1. 17. deut : 17. 8. levit. 19 15. deut : 25. 1. prov : 28. 21. 2 kings 10. 30. hos : 1 : 4 , 5. 2 chr : 1● . 10. 2 sam : 24. 1. 1 kings 3. 7 prov : 17. 15. 2 sam : 14. 33. judg : 21. 15. hos. 12. 6. ●s . 106. 32. 3● . 1 kings 2. 2● . 2 sam ▪ 3. 39. with 1 kings 2. 31. prov. 1● . 24. eccle 9. 15. host . 6. 1 , 2. 2 sam. 17. 27. ● sam. 19. 32. 1 kings 2. 7. gen. 40 23. ●os . 9 4 , 5 , ● . a● . 11. rich 2. esay 60 17 , 18. ezek. 45. 11. nehem 5. prov. 1● . 14. prov. 18. 23. prov. 19. 7. prov : 14. 20. hab : 1. 4. amos 5. 12 , 13 prov. 29. 7. job 22. 5 , 9 , 10 : prov : 31. 7 , 8 , 9. psal : 82. ● , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. deut : 10. 18. heb : . 11 , 12. jam : 5. from the 1 ver : to the 12. job 29. 11 , 12. job 30. 25. job 31. 16 , 22. j●r . ●1 12. 〈◊〉 22 , ● , 4 , ●5 , 16 , 17. ex. 18. 13 , 14. deut. 1. 12 , 13. ● sam. ●3 . 3 , 4. acts 4. 19. 1 per. 2. 13 , 29. rom. 13. 4. ezek. 17. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 1● . mat. 5. 17 , 1● ▪ 1 tim. 1. 8 ▪ 〈◊〉 10. 1 tim. 5 ▪ 1● . levit. 20. 22 , 23. matth. 19. 7 , 8. numb ▪ 30. 3 , 4 ▪ 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , ●3 . mat : 12. 4. 2 sam 16. 7 , 8. 2 sam : 19. 18 , 19 , 20 , 23. 1 kings 2. 8 , 9. 1 king. 3. 44 , 46. numb ▪ 35. 31 , 33. gen. ●4 8. iosh. 2. 20. 1 king● 1. 51 , 5● . 2 kings 24. 4. 2 sam : 15. gen ▪ 6. 11. deut : ●1 . . numb : 1. 31. judg : 8. 15 : judg : 9. 16 , 10 25 , & 57. hos ▪ 7. 5 , 6 , 7. psal. 8● . 1. mat. 7. 12. esay 33. 6. prov ▪ ●8 . 2. zech. 11. 14 , 15 , 16. eccles 8 ▪ 56. hosea 11. 1. jam. 5. 4. . heb. 12. 16 , 17. ier. 9 ▪ ● . 〈…〉 15 , 16. psal : 8 2. 5. 2 pet : ● . 10. iude 9. 10 : psal. 6 12. ier : 10. 23. ier : 31. 1 , 2 ▪ esay ●8 . 15. psal. 74 2● 1 ●hr . 13 9 , 10. 2 ●h● 14 9 , 1● , 11 , 1● , 13. 2 ●h● . 16. 9 ▪ 2 〈◊〉 19 2. 2 ●h●o . 35. 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. 2 sam. 24. 1. esay 8 , 9 , 10 esay 41. 10 , 11 ▪ 12. ●os . 1. 7 , 8. mat ▪ 16. 22. esay 33. 14 ▪ 15. hosea 11. 1. iames 1. 7. gen : 49 4. numb : 23. ●1● . 2 pet : 2 15 , 16. hosea 7. 11 , 12 , 13. d●● . 〈◊〉 10 ▪ hosea 1● . 9. hest : 4. 16. job 34 1● . 〈…〉 4 1● . jer. ● . 2. jud. 5. 18 ▪ esay 60. 15. esay 58. 12. esay 61. 34. nehem ▪ ● . 5. 〈◊〉 6● . ● . ● , 5. psal 4● . 8. judg. 1● . 2● . host . 6. 13. jer. 51. 5 , 6. rev. 10. 6. rev. 16. 14. esay 〈◊〉 9. hagg 2. 21 , 22. dan. 4. 17. dan : 7. 6 , 27. deut : 32 ▪ 2● . psal : 106. psal : 30. 9. psal. 137. 4. exo6 . 8. 26. esay 52 ▪ 5. ps : 102. 13 , 14. ●eph ▪ 3. 8 , &c. heb ▪ 10. 5. jer. 14. ● , 9. zeph. 3. 17. esay 3. 1 , 2 , 3. gen. 4. ● . acts 3. 38. esay 11. 13. ezek. 37. 19. iam : 4. 17 , 1● . zech : 1● . 1● . hag ▪ 2. 〈◊〉 rev : 6. 12. rev : 16. 18. zeph : 1. 7. 〈◊〉 . 9. 1. seasonable reflections on a late pamphlet entituled a history of passive obedience since the reformation wherein the true notion of passive obedience is settled and secured from the malicious interpretations of ill-designing men. bainbrigg, thomas, 1636-1703. 1690 approx. 133 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29535 wing b474 estc r10695 11992490 ocm 11992490 52047 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29535) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52047) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 80:16) seasonable reflections on a late pamphlet entituled a history of passive obedience since the reformation wherein the true notion of passive obedience is settled and secured from the malicious interpretations of ill-designing men. bainbrigg, thomas, 1636-1703. [2], 67 p. printed for robert clavell ..., london : 1689/90 [i.e. 1690] attributed to thomas bainbrigg. cf. bm. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng seller, abednego, 1646?-1705. -history of passive obedience since the reformation. church and state -great britain. government, resistance to. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion seasonable reflections , on a late pamphlet , entituled , a history of passive obedience since the reformation : wherein the true notion of passive obedience is settled and secured from the malicious interpretations of ill-designing men. malè dum recitas incipit esse tuum , mart. london , printed for robert clavell , at the sign of the peacock in st. pauls-church-yard , 1689-90 . reflections on the history of passive obedience . what must we do , must we be always reading and writing ? will pens and presses never give over ? it was pleasant of late to see men generously undertake the defence of the protestant religion , and the vindication of the despised , and almost ruin'd church of england . they did it effectually , and they undertook it by the best principle , for the honour of god , and the safety of religion ; for this they ventured their credits , their fortunes , their lives ; they knew they had malitious adversaries , and curious and prying into secrets , and such as would and must discover , who they were who durst speak against error , when supported by a king , and maintained by all the art and sophistry of priest or jesuit , yet they wrote , and certainly did well in writing ; for they have carried their cause , and shewed to all the world upon what good grounds the protestant religion stands , and how excellent is the constitution of this church of england . something must be owned to be due to their labors for the clear understanding that the nobility and gentry of this nation have of the cheat and mischief of popery , and it may be from thence many who have been unconcerned and indifferent for any religion , have taken courage to act heartily for truth against error , and perhaps thereby they have help'd to give a stop to the designs of some very ill-minded men. in all this it must be acknowledg'd that they have done very well , as became divines and scholars , men of religion and men of knowledg . why now may they not take their rest and quiet ? their enemies are vanquished and fled away , and one would think that there should be nothing left in this nation , but their friends and admirers . but it is not so , they have enemies , not open in the streets but sculking in corners ; such as will not , perhaps cannot , or perhaps scorn to speak for popery ; but they have malice ; and can envy the success of a conquerer , throw dirt at him , or give a secret wound to him . these now come from under their bulks and lurking holes . and since they will do no good ▪ resolve to do evil , and will be at the pains and cost of writing and divulging of tales or stories , or histories : to what purpose , or what end they themselves dare not tell . but we must guess , that they have a design to blacken some very good men. that is the reason ( as far as we can guess ) that a book is lately sent abroad entitled , the history of passive obedience since the reformation . certainly never was any thing called history written to so little purpose , so little instructive or pleasing . why must so much pains be taken in the perusal of sermons , popular discourses and lesser tracts , to find out , and report to the world what such and so many men have said upon this subject ? they have writ excellent things , and those many ; but all of them it seems are insipid to the palate of this searcher ; save their delicious touches of passive obedience . this looks odly and seems to come from spleen , melancholy , or some hypochondriacal affection ; for at this time of the day , we have no need of passive obedience , or any discourses about it . god has delivered us from our dangers , and the dismal miseries which hung over our heads , he has given us a deliverer , an excellent prince , under whom our laws , our rights , our fortunes , our lives , our religion are all secure , and ascertained to us ; we doubt not to have justice , and all that honestly our hearts can wish . he gives us parliaments , and leaves them to their freedom ; he sets over us upright judges ; and allows us to have honest juries . he will not be any other sort of king , than what the constitution of this nation requires ; who is one that can do no wrong . and if he neither will nor can do wrong , but lets the affairs and interests of his people be conducted in the methods of justice and righteousness : here can be no suffering , but for evil deeds and as evil doers . here can be no hopes of the crowns of martyrs , and no use at all of passive obedience . why then does our author drudg and m●yl ; tire himself , and tire us , that we may have before our eyes , a whole history of passive obedience ? he knows the subject is sad , and melancholick , grievous to flesh and bloud , and but just tolerable to reason fortified with the best religion ; it is the last resort of the wretched , and perhaps the heaviest burden that ever god laid upon men. it is a duty we grant it , but such a one as cannot always be practised , nor ought it at all times to be discoursed of ; because it carries fire in its tail , that which may heat and inflame the angry and froward . the talking of this can never be seasonable , but when it is necessary ; it is to come out as mahomets banner does , to serve a turn , when all things else fail . as long as we can serve god and man too , there is no use of passive obedience . and as long as there are fair hopes that our duties may not clash one against the other , it is not good to move people to prepare themselves for sufferings . as long as we can obey , we must obey , and as long as we obey we shall not suffer . but if a prince will command things unjust , unreasonable , against law , against conscience , against religion , we can no longer obey him , because we must obey god , and there we are under a calamity most deplorable , that we must suffer by the rage and fury of man , because we do our duty to god. at such a time as this passive obedience becomes necessary , it ought to be practised , and it ought to be preached ; for men must know that it is their duty rather to suffer than to obey , and they must resolve within themselves so to do . thus s. irenaeus , s. cyprian and s. augustine ▪ and all the chief bishops of the primitive church taught their people . and to the lasting honour of the church of england , her divines have done the same , as our laborious historian has shewn beyond contradiction or doubt : this was well done , but why are we told all this ? here we must stop awhile , and lament the misfortunes of the late king james . certainly never had any prince worse counsellors before his desertion , nor ever had any worse advocates since . his counsellors persuaded him to go on in ill designs , because the preachers taught the people the duty of passive obedience ; that is , that he might do any ill thing , because the people out of conscience to god were moved to be willing to suffer . and here we have an historian , or advocate , for the cause of king james , who thinks to be friend him by telling the world , that so many of the chief of the clergy , for so long time together , did preach passive obedience . now it is as clear as the day , that there can be no exercise of this duty , nor ought there be any popular exhortation to it , but at such a time , when there is a very ill prince , and a miserable people ; what then would our author have ? does he design to publish an everlasting blot upon the memory of the late king james ? does he design to tell the world , that he was resolved to do mischief to his people ? that nothing could correct or retain him ? that he would go on , tho the pulpits sounded out passive obedience , and his people were taught that there was no hope of justice or equity from him , and that they must think of suffering and dying rather than obey him ? this is severe ; it will furnish out a worse character of king james than any of his adversaries have yet given him ; it will justifie the recession of his people from him , and show to posterity how it came to pass that so easily and suddenly he fell to the ground . for who can read all these so many pleas , advices , instructions , exhortations to passive obedience , but he must reflect upon the causes and reasons of them : and if he does so , he will be forced to think , that at that time wicked counsels governed , and lawless violence prevailed , and that the whole nation was clouded with a dismal appearance of oppression , persecution , and tyranny . for seeing that a prince ruling by law , and with justice , cannot be put off with any thing less than active obedience , and nothing can exercise the passive obedience of subjects but vile , and base , and wicked commands contrary to law and religion ; we must either blame those preachers for amusing their auditors with needless thoughts of unjust sufferings , or we must blame the late king for giving too much cause for just and reasonable fears of them . now what can be said in his behalf to acquit him , no man has yet told us . but our historian has effectually vindicated the preachers ; he every where commends them and their writings ; this he tells us was well said , that excellently , that incomparably . he likes their doctrine , and finds no fault in the timing of it : and likely enough he had reason to believe the doctrine as proper to the time in which it was delivered , as it was true in it self . if so , the late king is again deserted by this historian , as well as by the rest of his people ; and his cause , like himself , falls to the ground ; for why must he do ill things , and why must he load his people with dreads of worse ? why did not all this noise about passive obedience awaken him ? why did he not give stop to his proceedings when his people owned so loudly their fears of mischief ? could he think it a small thing to make his people miserable , or to be thought one that would do so ? all this was intimated by those sermons and tracts . from thence he ought to have taken warning to desist , and his counsellors ought to have persuaded him to it ; for certainly popular discourses about passive obedience are as instructive to a prince to move him from designs of doing ill , as they are to the people to engage them to be willing to suffer wrong . from hence i am forced to blame our historian for perpetuating the memory of these discourses : it were for the honor of the late king that they were forgotten . those excellent divines would never have revived past actions , or the grievous sad thoughts which they had , when they composed or delivered their excellent arguments and persuasions for passive obedience . they could wish from their souls , that they never had occasion for them , tho they are ready to morrow to write the same things upon the same grounds , which with good reason they hope that they are not like to see as long as they live . why then does the historian take pains to collect all these things together ? he can do no service to the late king by it , and he does not seem to design the honor of the preachers . it is hard to guess his meaning : but if he tempts out an ill thought , he must blame himself . he gives us nothing else to think , but that he might be one of the adepti , one of those who knew the secret ; for in the late times ( they tell us ) there was a secret. the ministers of state , they say , who knew the resolves of the court to be harsh and severe , made it their business to persuade men to preach and talk up passive obedience ; that what could not be done by the power of the king , might be gained by the easie submissions of the people . this was machiavel to purpose . it is sad and lamentable that so excellent a doctrine should be abused by such designs of naughty men. if our author was one of their instruments , and knew what he did , he can neither excuse himself to god nor man. i will undertake for our excellent divines , whom he commends , and i and all others must do the same , that they were never thought so base as to be trusted with the knowledge of such a pernicious design . they out of honesty and sincerity preached against rebellion , and persuaded men rather to suffer , than obey evil commands ; but they would not for all the world that the innocent and conscientious should be cheated of their lives and fortunes by any discourses of theirs . therefore when it was proper , they preached up this doctrine , but when it was not , they let it alone ; because they would not have the people to rebel , nor would they give encouragement to such as might be willing to oppress them : in both these things they did their duty both to the king and to the people . it had been well if others would have done the same , and spoke as plainly to the king , as they did to the people . but it was very ill done , if done at all , to persuade the king that the people of england were so subdued by the doctrine of passive obedience , grown so tame and easie that he might do what he would ; pull down and set up what religion , what law he pleased . it is certain that all the preachers in the world could never persuade them to this ; for tho the people be loyal , and willing enough that the king should have his dues , yet they were never thought a nation of asses , fit only to bear burdens . as they are not born slaves , and by the constitution of the nation ought not to be made slaves , so they have more spirit and wit than to suffer themselves to be cheated into slavery . their forefathers , for many ages , have made a difference between the king and his counsellors ; tho they would suffer the one , yet they would not suffer the other : and certainly the men of this age should not be thought so dull as not to distinguish between honoring the king , and obeying father petre ; and that tho all the protestant preachers had talked of nothing else but passive obedience . for preachers can do no more than tell the people their duties , and they must ▪ tell them all their duties ; but if they stretch beyond , and require more than they ought , the people will find it out , and will not part with their rights for a word , tho it sound never so well . but they did their duty , they preached passive obedience not slavery ; they would have men to be true to their king , but not false to their god , or false to their country ; this was understood , and their doctrine was received kindly , and practised faithfully . thence it came to pass that all sorts and orders of men prepared themselves for suffering ; some of all ranks actually did it : for , nobles , judges , magistrates , gentlemen , citizens , burgesses , every where took up the cross , and chose rather to suffer than to obey , that is , do what by law , and reason , and conscience , they ought not to do . this was well . but others went beyond these : for , tho they suffered much , yet they seem at this day to be grieved that they did not suffer more : they had so fixed their thoughts upon the performance of this duty , that with a scrupulosity not to be presidented , they take no pleasure in their deliverance , because they have lost the opportunity of dying for their religion , to gratifie no very commendable humor of their prince . these are very extraordinary effects of the doctrine of passive obedience , and such as may be accepted : but some men will be satisfied with nothing ; for our historian is angry , and it is likely the politicians of the late king , his jusuits and his priests , are angry too , inasmuch as their expectances are not answered ; they have not all which they designed , and hoped for ; the nation is not enslaved ; they have it not in their power , to cast church and state into a new model , and to give laws to the people of england , as well as they did to the late king. this is cause enough to make men angry , for they have lost a rich booty , and such advantages as they are never like to get again ; besides , they have lost their credit and reputation , so as never before happened to men of their fineness in sophistry and contrivance , and that by a despised , clot pated people , such as had no higher reach than to do their duties to god and to their king. thus righteousness ( god be blessed ) must sometimes triumph in this world ; honesty and probity have their successes as well as slight and craft , and may they always have so . but tho the jesuit had cause to be angry at this , yet why should our historian ? we know him not , and cannot guess what designs he had , nor how his plots are defeated ; but yet he is angry , and as much as if he had lost a good bishoprick or a good deanery . he gives us a history , and sets a preface before it , and a conclusion at the end of it : the head and the tail are his ; he frowns and bites with the one , and then he stings with the other . he tells us that he finds passive obedience much in writings , little in practice ; that we must acknowledge to our shame , that this , with other doctrines , are more illustrious in our books than in our lives , ( preface p. 2. ) but then in the seventh page of his preface he has a long sharp biting character of certain persons , which is to be read one way , and to be understood another ; for tho it seems to say no ill , but to provide for the acquittal of all , yet it is so phrased , that according to the modern figure called innuendo some readers will find in it a very severe reproof , and others a mere calumny . all this comes from anger , and something worse ; and it shews that the design of our historian was not to teach the doctrine of the church in this point , what it was in it self , how it ought to be stated , by whom it had been owned , and by what arguments it had been proved , and who had best cleared it from objections , mistakes , and misapprehensions . this had been a work worthy of an historian . but this was none of our author's business ; they are the writers upon this subject that have offended him ; he would do them a mischief , shoot at them in the dark , and wound them in secret : he would have the world to think , that they and their writings , their lives and their books , do not agree : he desires nothing else but this , and seems resolved to have his point whether his reader grant it or no. at the first onset in his preface , he says it boldly , and says it with advantage , that they ought to be ashamed it is so . then he gives us a large catalogue of the sayings of excellent persons transcribed out of their books , but does not give us one word of their lives ; nor does he tell us , whether all of them are alike guilty , or only some : nor does he give us any one action of any one of their lives to justifie his reproof . this is certainly a gross dull way of calumniating ; should another imitate it , with that indignation would he read , and despise the author ? for suppose another should take for his theme , murder , or adultery , or drinking , or swearing , or lying , and gather together out of his writings , and out of all his friends , his acquaintance or neighbors writings , and many others too , all they have said against any one of them , suppose it be lying only , and compose as large a history as this ; and then say in a stout scornful preface , that we must acknowledge to our shame , that a sense of the sin of lying is more illustrious in our books than in our lives . such a thing as this might be done ; but when it is done , it can tend to no other end , but to beget an opinion in the readers , that such and such writers , all of them , were a pack of lying knaves . now this were basely done , our author would think it so were it his own case . horace makes an instance of a like treatment , and with indignation says of the practice , that it was meer canker and venom : hic nigrae succus loliginis , haec est aerugo mera . ser. lib. 1. sat. 4. had our author annexed to his history the due praises of those who had performed their duties , of which sort he might have found many amongst the lords spiritual and temporal , and amongst the commons too ; and then given us the grounds upon which he judged that others failed in theirs , he would have deserved thanks for his remarks , as well as for his history ; for then his book might have done good , by exciting some to repent for what was past , and others to be more cautious for the future . but to give a stop to this sort of discourse , let anger be gone , and all unwarrantable passion laid aside : i will now endeavour fairly to consider our author's notion of passive obedience , and accept in it what is to be accepted , and take the freedom to oppose what i judge not defensible . as for the sayings of our excellent divines , i will not prejudice my thoughts by the reverence i have for their authority : i will not therefore consult their words , lest i should be tempted in the proceed of the dispute to shelter my self under their great names ; and so perhaps i may engage a whole army to fight , when a single duel , or a small skirmish , may put an end to the action . first then i and my adversary must shake hands , we will agree as far as we can ; and where we cannot we must wrestle it out . i will therefore grant several things that are in his preface according as they appear in the pages : as pag. the 1st . first , that the doctrine of passive obedience , or non-resistance of our lawful superiours has been a doctrine founded in the holy scriptures : and recommended to the christian world by the practices of our saviour's more immediate followers , and that the church of england hath asserted the principles of obedience to princes , as the best ages of christianity owned and practised it . secondly , p. 2d . i will grant too , that it is the duty of every christian actively to obey his superior , in things lawful ( so that the last word be duly interpreted ) and that it is the duty of every christian in things unlawful to suffer rather than obey . and i will grant further all that s. paul says , rom. 13. 2. whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist shall receive to themselves ▪ damnation . thirdly , p. 4th . i will grant too ; that these doctrines are not apostolical and such as ought to be preached in all the world. first , that power is originally in the body of the people . secondly , that the foundation of all government is laid in compact , &c. thus much we give , and that freely , and it is enough to satisfie any fair adversary . but yet i must tell him , that when he has all this , he has no reason to censure , reproach and blacken the lives and actions of so many excellent persons : he has no ground from thence to disparage the late revolution , or to think himself able to wheedle us into an opinion that we have done ill , and that we ought to repent much rather than give thanks to god or man for the happiness we enjoy . certain it is , that when the effects and consequences of those general doctrines come to be seen in the practice of men , as some may slinch from their duties , and do too little ; so others may require more than duty , and expect too much . for the interests of this world blinds as well on one side , as on the other : and he that censures most boldly , is not always the most just and impartial man. defeated ambition can easily charge ambition , and worldly mindedness upon a prevalent party ; and spite will throw out as freely , and as goodly words as plain downright honesty can . let us then consider these three things again : first , obedience . secondly , non-resistance . thirdly , the origination of power ; and see if we can frame clear notions of these , and find out the particular distinct duties , which men must be obliged to , in consequence of them . 1. then as to obedience ; it 's plain that this is due to kings , to all that are in authority ; and that by laws , by oaths , by the laws of god , by the laws of men ; the publick good , and the interests of nations require it . without this there can be no government , and the people have more need to be governed , than a king can have to govern ; therefore they must obey not so much for wrath , out of fear of punishment ; but for their own sake , for conscience sake , for god's sake , and for their countries sake . this is to be given frankly and fully ; with all chearfulness , and upon all occasions , in all instances where it is possible . nothing can be pleaded in bar to it , but onely want of power . if the laws of god , or the laws of the country , which oblige us to obey our kings , make obedience in some instances morally impossible , then we must not obey , because we cannot ; for what we cannot lawfully do , we cannot do at all ; but where we are at our own disposal , not under previous necessary obligation , there publick good , law and reason require us to obey without reserve , trick or device . for we must do what we can to support government , and to carry on the ends for which men are incorporated into bodies politick . therefore in doubtful matters we must obey , as far as ever we can , and never omit our obedience , but where the cause is most clear and most urgent ; there is no excuse , no exchange to be made , but the duty must be paid in kind . suppose that a great part of the people should take up a resolution not to do , but to suffer , a prince would have a very ill bargain , if he accept the one in exchange for the other . for their sufferings can do him no good , and he and his people too may be undone for want of their doings . he must have assistance to repress the thief , the robber , the murtherer , to secure his people from pyracies and invasions . besides what a shame it is , that princes should be so basely employed to find racks and gibbets , and halters , and hangmen for their people : they have their power for nobler ends , to defend , to save , to do good , to give praise to them that do good , rom. 13. 3. and when they execute wrath , they must do it upon the evil-doer , and that with this design , that they may save many , by taking off a few : or else all their executions are stark naught . there cannot therefore be a bargain driven between king and people , of giving and taking sufferings instead of doing , for kings must be obeyed and the people must obey ; the one cannot punish , and the other cannot suffer , but upon account of transgression , and the law declares the greatness of the fault , and the extent of the punishment . but yet some are apt to think , that subjects may be acquitted of their duty to their prince by suffering as well as by doing ; and when they have called the one passive obedience , and the other active , they say the prince is obeyed , and has his due , and ought to be satisfied . this seemed once to be a fundamental in the quakers doctrine , who would take a cudgelling , a whipping , a slashing or imprisonment , with a great deal of satisfaction , whilst they would make themselves a distinguish'd people from others , by unaccountable humors and fansies , and tho they gave disturbance to their neighbours and trouble to the government , yet they would think themselves good subjects , and very much obedient to the prince only because they suffered . this was and is a gross mistake ; for they that suffer , suffer because they do not obey ; the prince , the judg , the executioner , they themselves , all think they do not obey , for neither would he punish , nor ought they to suffer , if they did obey . but because they will not obey their prince , he punishes , and they suffer . the prince therefore in this case has no manner of obedience . but let us consider further , tho we cannot barter with a prince , and give him suffering instead of doing , yet we may be obliged to suffer , and we may obey in doing , and obey in suffering for so doing , and that obedience may be called passive obedience ; tho in truth and reality all the obedience which we perform in this case is active . for we obey one , and suffer from another ; we obey god , and suffer from man , or we obey man , and suffer from god. but because god hath commanded us not only to do our duties , but likewise has commanded us in certain cases not only to do , but to be ready to suffer for so doing ; our obedience to this command of suffering has been called by some passive obedience . now this is great and noble , and speaks an excellency of spirit , which is most admirable , for men to do well , and to continue in so doing , whatever they suffer upon that account . but as it is noble , so it is hard and difficult . it is hard to be bound to confess christ before men that we may gain heaven , and at the same time to be forced to lose all that we have on earth for so confessing . this sets body and soul at variance , nay the soul is confounded in it self , whilst hopes and fears engage one another in a severe conflict , the one would gain , and the other would not lose , the one pulls upwards , and the other downwards ; upon this account the thing is difficult . but yet we must remember that for all the difficulty , it is very practicable , because it has been always required , and always expected . no philosopher would ever allow him to be a good man , who would flinch from his duty upon the account of suffering . to do so ( they say ) is slavish , and it is one of the rules of the pythagoreans , that in the exercise of vertue a man must have nothing of the slave in him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he must have no regard for any thing but his duty . hierocles p. 209. tully in the 2d of his offices will not allow it possible for a man to be just , or honest , or good who fears either poverty , or pain , or banishment , or death it self , so as to be warped from right by the fears of them , or by the hopes of any advantages that are contrary to them . horace , ( that very easie man , who can never be thought by a heathen to be an over-severe directer of ( conscience ) expects from his just and good man , that he should bear up against tyrant and rabble , and suffer all that their rage and fury can throw upon him ; and yet not veer in the least from his point , but go on in his duty , steddily and firmly . justum & tenacem propositi virum , non civium ardor prava jubentium , non vultus instantis tyranni mente quatit solidâ . this principle of suffering in a good cause for the sake of vertue , goodness , and righteousness ; or of doing our duties , notwithstanding that we must suffer , lies so open and clear to the reason of mankind ; that men of worth and honour in every age , could not fail to practise it . and we christians are bound to the observance of this duty , as others were before , by the reason of the thing , as well as by precepts of christianity . whatever principle a man has , and whatever he accounts a duty , if he will be true and faithful , just and upright , it may sometime or other bring him under suffering ; and he must be content with it , because it is base and unworthy in certain cases not to do it , it is a betraying of our consciences , a forfeiture of all the good opinion that we can have of our selves . now , if this be true , and this be called passive obedience ; that must not be looked upon as a peculiar of christianity , or a new doctrine introduced since our saviour's days ; much less can any particular church appropriate the rule to it self , because it lies in common to all mankind , and has sometimes been practised by the little as well as by the great . some perhaps may have just cause to complain of false casuists , and base corrupters of the genuine sense of right reason , and true christianity ; but when they have done it , they have onely reproved a gross fault , they must not expect any great honour , for having had a right notion of a plain truth . if we would speak clearly , we must confess that our blessed lord has not heightened this duty , for he can expect no more sufferings than what pain , and beggery , and death signifie ; but as a most gracious and tender master he has made all these much more easie and portable than ever they were before , and that in several ways ; as first by giving us most gracious promises of reward in another world in case we are called to suffer , matth. 5. 9 , 10 , 11. secondly , by assuring us that assistances of god's grace come in to our help , whenever we do suffer , matth. 10. 18 , 19 , phil. 1. 29. thirdly , by giving us such thoughts of god as are most powerful to support us under all sufferings . for what can dismay him , that will think with s. peter , that he who suffers as a christian , or suffers according to the will of god , he may commit the keeping of his soul to god in well doing , as unto a faithful creator , 1 pet. 4. 16 , 19. these things are beyond philosophy , and they are mighty supports to all christians , who must suffer for well doing . these would acquit the justice of god , if he had required sufferings as sufferings , and made them so necessary means of salvation , that he would accept of none into heaven , but such as came thither as martyrs through a flaming fire , or a sea of bloud . but god is not so fond of suffering , as to require them for their own sakes . we are not bound like baal's priests to cut and flash our selves , that we may please our god. we are not bound to move others to cut our throats , or to threaten to kill them , if they won't kill us , as s. augustine tells the circumcellions did . we ought not to give advantages and opportunities to wicked men to execute their wicked purposes upon us . in times of persecution we are not bound to go out of our houses , and provoke an inraged multitude to throw us in the fires , or to the lions . this rashness has been condemned by whole councils ; though at some time we may and must leave father , and mother , and house and land , and life it self for christ's sake and for the gospels , yet at other times we may keep them as well . tho the first christians ( acts 5. 41. ) did rejoice , that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for christs name ; and as it is heb. 10. 34. they took joyfully the spoiling of their goods . yet they did as much rejoice , and gave hearty thanks to god when they suffered neither . we must suffer , when we are called to suffer ; but we are not bound to call to god to send sufferings upon us . we must take up the cross , when it lies in our way ; but we are not bound to go out of our way to find one ; and when we do take it up , we must remember to follow christ , who took it up when his hour was come ; before that he oft withdrew and preserved himself from imminent dangers . and at the very last he ceased not to pray to his father , that the cup might pass from him . we are not to bring upon our selves needless sufferings , because we are always bound to pray to god , that he would not lead us into temptations , but that he would deliver us from evil ; and we are alwayes bound to believe that god is both able and willing to deliver us , and that too at such times , when we know not any particular means , by which deliverance should come to us , 1 cor. 10. 13. 2 pet. 2. 9. dan. 3. 17 , 18. we may and must suffer sometimes if it be the will of god ; and we may escape , if god will find out the way , and then we must accept of the deliverance , and we may as well please when we so escape , as when we suffer . it is not the suffering , but the cause that makes the martyr . if we suffer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 matth. 10. 18. to give testimony to the world of our sincere faith in the christian doctrine , we may hope to be accepted ; if we suffer for righteousness sake , we have a promise to be happy ; if we suffer for being true , just , or honest , we may commit our souls to god as to a faithful creator ; we do well , and are satisfied in our own consciences that we do so , not because we suffer , but because we persevere in doing our duties to the end . now if men will call this passive obedience they may , for here is obedience , and here is suffering ; many advices and exhortations seem to move for this ; and it is certainly worthy of the best thoughts of the divines to teach it , to persuade the people to be ready upon occasion to practise it ; it is in it self excellent , praise-worthy , as the apostle says , a duty which god and right reason requires of us ; our blessed lord , and his apostles both taught and practised it . all the primitive christians , who had the glory of being martyrs and confessors , acted from an intire submission to it . all sorts of men see their obligation for it ; which heathens derive from a sense they have of probity ; christians from faithfulness , simplicity and sincerity . kings as well as subjects are bound to the practice , when ever it can become their duty , that is , when ever their unhappy circumstances are such , that they must either suffer , or do something which they account extreamly base , wicked , or unjust . this the glorious martyr king charles the first owned to be a truth , and sealed it with the last drop of his bloud . the duty is laid upon all ; the interests of mankind require that it should , for without the observance of this rule , all would be base , and slavish , and degenerate ; there would be nothing of vertue , or praise , or honour amongst men. but to leave this , there is another sense of passive obedience , as it is used to signifie a peculiar duty of subjects towards their own prince ; it is a duty which princes do not owe to princes , nor private persons to private persons ; for though they may suffer and die , each by the means of the other , yet the sufferer is under no such duty as can be called passive obedience ; upon which account the duty meant by the word in this sense is quite a different thing from what it was in the former . it comes in as a subsidiary duty to supply the place of another , which in certain cases we cannot do . it is that which princes take instead of obedience , and as it comes from subjects , it is sometimes called loyalty , and sometimes submission , and sometimes obedience , but with such a distinctive mark before it , passive obedience , which speaks it not to be that which is ordinarily meant by the name , but a very different thing ; sometimes it is explained as if it were no more than non-resistance , and sometimes as if it were a more excellent duty . but however it is named or explained , certainly there is a great duty owing from subjects to princes , and that not onely to the good , but to the bad , not onely when they rule according to law , and require nothing but what is just and right : but when they go beyond law , and reason , and command some things which are against conscience and religion , then they may be obeyed in all things else , though they can't be obey'd in such particular points , though the prince does not thereby lose his right , nor is the subject less subject in all things wherein he ought to be so . the command of god is , that we are to be subject to the higher powers ; and a like command is , that we are to profess christ before men . if the prince will command us to deny him , we we cannot obey in that point . but yet we may be subject in all things else ; we may live peaceably and quietly at home , if we be permitted to do so ; we may give the prince all those dues which st. paul reckons up ▪ rom. 13. that is , tribute , custom , fear , honour . we may love him , and trust him too , as long as he will be a friend ; but if he will be an enemy , we must love him , though we cannot trust him . we cannot indeed do any thing that is base , and wicked , to gratifie his humor , his rage or fury ; yet we may and should fight for him against all enemies forein and domestick , to preserve his person , and secure the good of our country , when it is not beyond all doubt that he employs us as instruments of injustice and wickedness . thus the christians did under julian ; they served him against the persians , and they would have served him in any executions of right and justice ; but they would not have condemned the innocent , or cut the throats of the good , nor yet have done any thing toward the subversion of christian religion , though julian himself had commanded them . but where they cannot fight for , they are not to fight against ; though they cannot assist , yet they are not presently to oppose . papinian the lawyer would rather die , than make a plausible speech to defend a bad action of his prince ; but yet as long as he had lived , he might have held his tongue , and said nothing against it . it is a duty to cover the nakedness of a father , and of a prince ; many things may be ill done , and many should be born , and suffered patiently , many should be allowed upon the considerations of humane frailty , passion and indiscretion ; what may be ill done may be repented of , and so ought to be pardoned and forgotten . subjects pardon one another , and oft beg the king's pardon , and so may very well pardon their king too ; because as he hopes better from them , they may hope for better from him . the common offices which charity requires from one private christian to another are certainly as well due to kings ; subjects must look upon themselves under obligation to suffer long , and to be kind , not to behave themselves unseemly , not to seek their own , not to be easily provoked , not to think evil ; to bear all things , to believe all things , to hope all things . if these duties were but well discharged towards princes , all the rest that can be truly comprehended under the name of passive obedience would be much more easie . let subjects do these sincerely and heartily , and stop a little and think ; they will soon find , that they must yield more , and give greater allowances to princes than to fellow-subjects ; because they are higher powers , they are ordained of god , they bear the sword , they are to execute wrath upon them that do evil ; and they are to give praise to them that do good . these things are of high consideration , and they should beget in the minds of people a great awe and veneration for the persons of princes ; for infinite are the advantages that every single man receives from the administration of justice , and the distribution of rewards and punishments . what if praise and wrath sometimes mistake their way , and the first flies to the evil and the latter to the good ? this is no more than what god 's own thunder does , as far as we can understand . the best marks man may sometimes miss , and the worst hit the mark. when we undertake to vindicate god's providence , we are forced to bring in extrinsick pleas ; and when we have done all , we confess that we do not understand the reason of events ; but we believe that all is well , because all comes from god. if we did but use a little of like submission when we examine the actions of princes , in many cases we may be content to say , that we do not understand ; thereby we shall shew not only a reverence to them , but a reverence to god too : they are but men , and may oft fail , and are always fallible ; they do mistake , but the cause of their mistakes are mostly from subjects ; these design and contrive one against another , and misrepresent , and the prince hears from them , and sees by them ; and the law provides punishments for those misrepresenters , and acquits the prince , because it seems impossible that one man should find out such a number of honest and good men to supply all the trusts which he is to provide for , and never be cheated with one knave ; therefore if such a one will crowd in , the prince is abused , and it cannot be help'd ; but the knave is to be punished , and the prince excused from blame . besides , the work and business of princes is the hardest and most difficult that any sort of men upon earth have ; because they have so many to order , and so many to defend ; so many to reward , and so many to punish ; so many that expect from them , and so many that must be disappointed in their expectations ; so many to deal withal that are false and base , and so many that are dull and sluggish ; so many knaves and so many fools . upon these accounts , and many others innumerable , princes ought to have all favour , and all reasonable allowances in miscarriages ▪ all fair abatements for mistakes and errors in the choice of ministers and instruments that are to serve the interests of the commonweal : for it is certain that all the laws ▪ rules and methods of conducting publick affairs , which the wisdom of ancestors for thousands of years have found out , will not answer all the behoofs of a kingdom . old rules are oft laid aside , other expedients found out , and new laws made : all the prudence , and all the wisdom in every age , when best imployed , is little enough to keep government steddy , and the people in good order ; to repress the outrages of the factious at home , and give stop to the contrivances of ambitious enemies abroad , princes therefore are to be supported , defended , excused , pleaded for , as long as any plausible pleas can be made for them : it is not enough that they are not taxed , censured , reproached , calumniated , blackened ; but there is great reason that they should be gently treated , kindly dealt withal ; the best construction and the fairest interpretation is to be put upon the●● actions . law makes the persons of kings sacred , and their actions are not to be examined without great respect and veneration . if subjects suffer ( not altogether according to rule ) loss of goods , of honors , of powers , they may and ought to bear it patiently , as long as they see any thing like reason for it , if they can but think that the good of a nation requires it , that the necessities of humane affairs will have it , or that their sins against god call for it ; they do well to indulge themselves in all such meek and humbling thoughts ; thereby they will really practise two great duties of fearing god , and honoring their king. thereby they shew their abhorrence of plots and conspiracies , of the counsels of the factious and seditious ; that they have no part with those who would overturn kingdoms and states , princes and people , religion and laws , to greaten themselves , to advance projects and devices , tricks and humors of their own . they shew that they are good men whilst they submit their private concerns to the publick good ; and they shew themselves to be good subjects , seeing they in reverence to their prince bear all that which in reason can be thought tolerable . they that do this , do a great duty , a thing very commendable in it self ; it is that which god requires , all that which the interests of princes can need , and as much as the good of a kingdom can allow . the excellent divines of the church of england have endeavoured with all care and attention to ingraft this upon the hearts and minds of their auditors ; and they have had extraordinary effects of their labors : for if all things be fairly considered since the beginning of k. james's reign , it may perhaps be found , that no nation in the world did ever deport themselves with greater submission , resignation , and hearty obedience toward a prince , than this has done . view the actions of his parliament , of the nobility , gentry , chief burghers ; reflect upon their fears and jealousies ; and let him that can , challenge them for the least provoking action , or neglect of their duty , until all things tended to confound him and them too , about the time of the fatal desertion . for what could the late king wish ? what could he desire ? would he be great and powerful ? formidable to enemies abroad , or enemies at home ? he had all things at pleasure ; his parliament gave him monies beyond example largely ; his nobility raised him forces ; the commonalty readily offered their lives to serve him : he had hands and hearts and purses of all orders of men at his command ; each strove to outvy the other in loyalty and dutifulness . he had the best opportunity that ever man had to be great , if he could have been contented to have been king of england , or would have considered that he was a king of englishmen . why should he think his people to be fools or rascals , that they would part with their laws or religion for an humor , merely because he thought that they might be as well without them ? their forefathers had for many ages past laboured hard to get their laws fixed fairly and evenly betwixt prince and people , for the good of both . and their religion , at the reformation , had singular advantages to be cleansed from all the corruptions which folly and vanity had brought upon other churches : and the professors of it have in all times since been as industrious and curious to find out ; and as free and impartial to discover any thing that looked like mistake or error in the first settlement , as ever men were . we have all that christ and his apostles taught ; all that the primitive fathers recommended as christian doctrine . we can part with nothing ( as the papists own ) because all we profess is pure and simple christianity ; and if we would take in what they have superadded , we must submit to a most heavy burden of gross cheats and errors . but yet the late king would try , he would make the experiment whether we would be willing to part with our laws and our religion : he would use his art and policy to get them from us , and he has had the unhappy fate of projectors . upon this account our historian is not satisfied with what we have done or suffered . he thinks himself concerned to lay before us so many sayings of our eminent divines , on purpose to convince us , that we have not yet fulfilled all the measures of a passive obedience : he would have it thought , that we have apostatised from the doctrine of this church ; or , as he says , that this doctrine is more illustrious 〈◊〉 our books than in our lives . the truth is , we are not hanged ; the northern heresie is not yet extirpated ; we are not put into the condition of french refugees , that we should be forced to leave our goods , and fly from our country to save out lives . our church is preserved , and we are delivered from the rage and fury of petulant enemies . we bless god for this . if he be grieved , let him find out that fool who is willing to be hanged to gratifie his humor with a scurvy sight , or to put him into a better mood . neither can god nor man please some persons . passive obedience is a duty , but it is no further a duty than god hath made it to be so ; it is large enough of it self , it will not endure to be put upon the tenters ; if you stretch it never so little , you will make that which is good in it self to be stark naught : it is a vertue as long as it stands upon its own grounds ; if it steps beyond those , it is no longer a vertue , but a fury . we must obey we confess , and submit to suffering , as far as god and reason call for it ; as far as publick good and the constitution of the government requires it . but must we not only submit , but court suffering ? must we expose our selves to it ? run upon it ? make it our care and business to find it ? a certain divine has said , and hand in margin directs us to note it , that obedience we must pay , either active or passive ; if we can't do one we must the other . but it was not his mind that we should pay sufferings just as we do money , go at a certain time and place and tender it , and then be sure to give good coin and full tale. we may not pay , we may escape , we may get away from mischief : our savior has given us leave , when they persecute u● in one city to 〈◊〉 into another . can any man be so barbarous as to blame the french refugees for following that rule of our saviour ? they have fled out of the dominions of their prince , and saved their lives ; and if they could , they would have saved their fortunes ●oo , and not paid him one farthing of that passive obedience . do they sin in this ? are they disobedient for this ? men submit to the outrages of a prince , and so they do to a fever , or the plague ; and tho they submit to god's providence under those calamities , yet they use all fit and proper means to lessen , to abate them , and if possible to be recovered from them . in the utmost extremities of subjects , and highest insults of princes against religion and right , many things may and ought to be done . 1. they may make their defences , and plead their causes . thus did s. peter , and thus did s. paul , and thus did the primitive fathers when they could be heard ; and when they could not , they published their apologies , and made the people judges between their prince and them , by disclosing the merits of their cause to all the world. our savior himself encouraged them to this by promising to give them a mouth and wisdom , which all their adversaries could not gainsay . he promised them too the best advocate that can be , the holy spirit to speak in them and for them ; and that too when rulers and governors , kings and princes should appear against them : matt. x. 18. 20. ye shall be brought before governors and kings for my sake : take no thought what ye shall speak , for it is not ye that speak , but the spirit of your father . our reverend bishops , when of late they were brought before judges , i think for christ's sake and the gospel's sake , they did not wholly abandon themselves to the will of their prince , nor so act as if they thought it duty forthwith either to do or to submit , either to pay him active or passive obedience ; for when they could not do the first , they did what they could to avoid the second . they stood upon the defence , and used the best mouths ▪ and best wisdoms , the best pleaders and advocates in the nation , to justifie their actions , to clear up their innocence . and tho that vindication of themselves did more affect the interests of the late king than if they had raised up arms against him : yet do i not hear that any one of them has repented of it , nor do i see cause why he should . 2. but then further , they may pray to god to find a way for their deliverance . all grant that preces & lachrymae , prayers and tears , are weapons which the christian always may , and upon all occasions ought to use ; but yet the stretchers of this doctrine , ere they are aware , seem to extort these from us : for if it be our duty to give unto our prince either so much in active obedience , or in lieu of that , so much as is equivalent in his opinion , of passive , we cannot pray to god for deliverance ; because we cannot pray to god to free us from giving to our prince his rights , or to deliver us from doing our duties . 3. we may accept of deliverance , and that in ways extraordinary without making the strictest examination of all the niceties , doubts , scruples which may occur in the case . thus certainly st. peter did in that remarkable action related , acts 12. he left his chains , his goal , his guards , and followed his deliverer ; tho he had all , and many more causes for scruple , than those which now adays give so much trouble , and seem so insuperable . for first , he was committed to prison by his king ; upon that account , he might have thought it his duty to obey in all things lawful , and patiently to submit in the rest , or else according to the other way of expressing it , that what he could not give to his prince in active obedience , he ought to make up in the passive . secondly , his king went in the way of justice , and designed to bring him to a tryal . upon that he might have thought , that a secret withdrawing of himself would disparage his cause , and in the opinion of others speak him guilty . thirdly . his king acted in behalf of the established law , and religion ; josephus tells us , he was one who had a great zeal for the jewish constitution , polity and worship . upon that account st. peter might think , that his king acted from conscience , according to his duty , in prosecuting of him , and therefore he was bound at the command of his king , to declare plainly and openly , upon what grounds he a private person undertook to draw people off from the settlement , and a long and most legally established worship to a new one , especially he could not but see , what himself taught , 1 pet. 3. 15. that it is the duty of every christian to be ready always to give an answer to every man that asketh a reason of the hope that is in him . fourthly , the case of his guards , of the keepers of the prison-gates was most deplorable , he could not but see that his escape would be charged and revenged upon them : upon that he might think , that he ought not to do evil that good may come of it ; to save his own life , he ought not to give cause and reason for executing of so many innocent men. fifthly , there is another thing , which though much less , yet may give matter of scruple ; for what will not ? that in this sudden flight , it is not likely that he should pay his jaylor for fees or diet. upon this account he might think , that his honesty would be questioned , and he would be accused of doing wrong and defrauding another of his dues , and that other christians who should afterwards be committed , would suffer hardship and ill usage for his sake , and therefore he had better stay where he was , and give his jaylor , and his prince , and the law , all they could require , and take from him ; and so pay down a compleat passive obedience in full measure and tale by dying , to gratifie his prince's humor ; and expect the reward of his action from god. this he might have thought ; but he did not , for he followed his deliverer out of the prison , and took care to make good his deliverance , by absconding for near five years after , as computers reckon it . had he been under those strait boundaries of conscience in this case , which others think they are ; had he had their rules of duty ; could he have seen it to be his duty to stay in prison , and suffer according to the will of his king ; he could not have followed his deliverer , though he had been an angel , gal. 1. 8. and he could never have prevailed upon himself to have believed , that an angel of god would have moved him to act contrary to his duty . he accepted of deliverance , and the whole church that then was , blessed god for it ; and in like cases so may and ought others to do , and that without penetrating into all the grounds of nicety and scruple , which men seldom do , but when they design to seem extraordinary ; and then usually they refine upon morality , and set down rules of duty , which neither humane nature can bear , nor christianity requires , and for the most part they are against the good of societies , and do alike mischief to kings as to subjects . seeing then we are not by gods law so abandoned to the will and humor of a man , though he be our king , but that when he proceeds in methods of doing wrong and injury , of ruling by power against law ; we may flee from him ; we may plead our cause and right against him ; we may pray to god to give a stop to him ; and we may accept of deliverance from him . we must say that the modern doctrine of passive obedience is stretched beyond its bounds ; for we are not obliged to make it our business to give and pay him that , which he has no right to take ; we are not obliged to put our selves into his way , and give him opportunity to cut our throats . we are not obliged not to move others to intercede for us , and if they can with justice , to defend and preserve us ; we are not obliged to refuse a deliverance , if it comes to us . but if force prevails , and we are to be knock'd down by violence , against right and justice , we must take care to fall as decently as we can , submitting to god's providence , and giving all respects to our king as far as our case will allow , if our calamity comes from him . for this will bring credit to our memories , and to our religion ; and may do good to others who shall be in our condition , by appeasing of wrath and displeasure , how unjustly soever conceived against them or us . i will end this discourse with one remark upon the case of isaac . he was a noble instance of a very extraordinary obedience : he submitted entirely to the will of his father , and of his king ; for abraham was both to him : but yet the praise of that wondrous action related gen. 22. falls to the father , and not to the son. much is said of abraham's faith , and little of isaac's obedience : whatever other reasons there are for it , one is very obvious and plain , that it might not be a president from whence kings might measure their rights , and subjects their duties . so much of obedience , active and passive . the next thing to be treated of is the doctrine of non-resistance . this our historian tells us has been avowed by the church of england ever since the reformation ; preachers and writers , have declared for it , and that with a great deal of warmth , and much advantage , especially in latter days . upon this account he would have it thought , that men have swerved from their principles , and that this doctrine , as well as the other , is more illustrious in writings than in lives . now this censure i challenge to be very hard and unreasonable , because it does not appear , that those men who preached up non-resistance before , have ever preached for resistance since ; nor have they who persuaded others to non-resistance resisted themselves . the preachers suffered in king james his time all that he laid upon them , and that with patience enough ; and since his descrtion ▪ they have had no temptation to speak either of resistance or non-resistance : for the truth is , that this is one of those sort of doctrines , which is in the text , but is not yet got into the creed ; it may come into the pulpit , and may be kept out of it : it will neither do king nor people good , but when external emergencies call for it . in peaceable and quiet times , when law and justice flourish , and there is little complaining either in house or street ; if preachers harangue upon non-resistance , they puzzle and confound the people , and give 'em ill work , to find out possible causes of resistance , and to examine the grounds and reasons for non-resistance . but when the people grow peevish and froward , quarrelling and complaining against , daring and designing upon the government ; then the doctrine of non-resistance , and s. paul's text for it , may be brought forth to awe and scare them , to terrifie and affrighten them , to allay their heat and fury , and to bring them to a more discreet temper , to the exercise of christian patience and modesty ▪ upon this account many have much commended the labors of the church of england divines in the late times of contrasts and oppositions , of plottings and counter-plottings , because they did much good in supporting of the government , and for the restraining of the madness of people , and toward the prevention of intestine broils and civil war. but yet seeing the preaching or not preaching upon that subject is matter of prudence , and depends upon times and seasons , and many by considerations , from whence it may either do good or harm : it must be confess'd that sermons of that sort were not every where received with the like favour and submission . because some feared that great evil to the kingdom and nation might come from them , inasmuch as they naturally tended not only to tame and subdue the people , by allaying their zeal for their civil rights and interests ; but likewise they might embolden evil ministers and counsellors to set the king upon the pernicious project of making his advantage of the subjects good nature and easiness toward the subverting of their religion , laws , rights , and the enslaving of the whole people . for that reason many said , that the preachers were too warm and went beyond their boundaries ; for they ventured sometimes to treat upon matters that were only to be concerted betwixt the king and his people in a parliament ; they did not think that the magna charta was against the law of god , tho it is not altogether the same with samuel's declaration , 1 sam. 8. they did not think that god would damn men for defending and securing in all just , and fair ways those rights which they have received from their forefathers , by vertue of a national constitution , that has remained one and the same for some hundreds of years . they observed , that there is but one text declaring the damnation of subjects resisting ; but there are hundreds that threaten as highly kings and governors , and potentates who are injurious and oppressive of those that are under them . now if charity govern men in the choice of that subject , and it be designed to save the souls of the people from damnation ; they wished that there were intermixed a little charity toward the souls of kings , that they too might be rescued from the damning sin of oppression . and it was thrown our ( with an under correction ) that if kings would venture against so many texts upon gods pardon , to enlarge their powers , the people might as well venture against one to preserve their rights . besides , it was somewhat sharply and angrily said by the men who had been intrusted in parliaments and in the management of publick affairs , that seeing the clergy challenged spiritual powers by vertue of the text , and would not allow kings or parliaments to limit , abridge , or straiten their rights ; they might well leave the temporal power to the text too , which is the law of the land , and the proper interpreters of it , which is a parliament ; and not presume dogmatically to determine against the use of that which at sometimes is the onely natural and necessary means to obtain and secure to themselves right and justice . thus men differed and spake their thoughts freely concerning the usefulness and effects of those discourses , especially as to the point of prudence in the timing of them . but yet whatever they said , it is manifest that the preachers designed no base or mean thing , to betray their countrey , their religion , or the laws , to the arbitrary disposition of the king , whilst they persuaded to christian patience and submission , because the same men that preached up non-resistance , did with courage and spirit enough in proper time and place appear in the behalf of the laws and the established religion , both against popery , and against all unjust usurpation of the peoples rights : and if at other times they did any thing toward the correcting a tumultuous and rebellious humor , to prevent civil war and confusion ; the nation has the benefit of their labours , and all persons of justice and equity owe them due thanks . but yet our historian is as angry , as if a hare had crossed him in the way , something has happened which he thought not of , and who can help that ? he might have thought better . they are in , and perhaps he is out ; for that reason he will think , that they have changed their principles : alas , this is gross mistake . they did their duty in declaring to the people , that they ought not to resist , but they never became warrantees to the late king , that in case of wrong and injury they would not . all the world knows , that it is good for a nation , that the people should think , that they ought not upon any pretence whatsoever resist their king ; so that the king does but at the same time remember , that oppression makes a wise man mad , and that an injured people always did , and always will endeavour to recover or secure their rights , as well against their king , as against their neighbours . he must have rare skill in language and argument , who can prevail upon a people to be willing to be slaves , when they may , and ought to be free ; or to stand still and see their goods taken from them , merely because another has a mind to them . if they must lose in one kind , they expect to gain some other way ; for generally they are of saint peter's mind , when he said to our saviour , matth. 19. 27. we have forsaken all , and followed thee ; what shall we have therefore ? the question deserved an answer , and upon it our saviour gave a most gracious promise of advantages in this world , and in the other too . had we the like promise in the case of submission or non-resistance to princes , who will be absolute and arbitrary ▪ divines would have a better argument , and might expect better effects of their discourses . but seeing the non-resisters have no promise of pardon for their other sins , and so of salvation , the non-resisters , who have forsaken all , must come to s. peter's query , and ask , what shall we have therefore ? and the resisters who have saved all , will hope to escape damnation as well for that sin , as for all the rest . it must be confess'd , that there are many and good arguments from reason , from policy , from law , from scripture for submission , or non-resistance of kings , and that of bad as well as good , and in most cases too . but when the main stress of the assertion is laid upon one text of st. paul , which threatens no less than damnation to the offenders against that point ; there must be great care taken to fix the true sense of the text , or else men will deduce from thence very incredible things , which will easily be discovered to be false ; and so instead of recommending a duty , they will blemish it , and beget in the people a disgust to it . and who knows but some of the inferiour clergy in the late times might offend in this kind ; seeing it was generally said that they had too great a regard for a busie writer , who then presumed to lay down monstrous and destructive principles against the national constitution , and yet dared to challenge to himself the title of being a gentle guide , or humble hinter to those gentlemen . tho he and they did make great use of that text , yet both might be mistaken in the sense of it ; it is not unlikely , and it is possible that their mistakes in the event may have done good to the nation ; for extravagant discourse like harsh physick many times operates the quite contrary way from what was designed . after all their noise and pudder , i must say , that i do not find that men have spoken clearly either the nature of the sin , or the weight of the punishment ; they do not tell us what resistance signifies , nor yet who are the particular and onely objects of a damning resistance , nor yet lastly , whether damnation in the text speaks nothing less than downright hell and eternity of torments ; for many sins may be in their nature damnable , but they that have committed them , need not presently be concluded certainly to be damned . denials , refusals , oppositions made against opinions , desires , demands , especially if others be solicited to join in with the opposers , may in a large sense be said to be resistances ; but yet such actions may be far enough from being damning sins , or else many times woful must be the condition of privy counsellors , of parliament men , lords and commons , and of judges , who will not allow of kings patents , which are against law. suppose such a case should have happened amongst us , which once was betwixt ahab and naboth ; must he that acted naboth's part be damned for refusing to part with or exchange his inheritance ? or suppose such another clownish churl as nabal , who sent the unmannerly answer to david ; or had it been to saul , a king in possession ; if in consequence to that answer , when the commissioned officers came against him , to kill and spoil him , and all his , he had appealed to law , and stood upon his defence , till the matters were brought to a legal trial , he might be said then to have resisted ; and therefore perhaps he might have deserved to have been whipped for his sauciness ; but it is somewhat too much to think that he must needs be damned for it . but david's case is much worse , when his master sought his life , he listed soldiers , and seised upon strong holds ; and stood upon his defence in a way that looks like open defiance , so far was he from submitting or surrendring himself to saul's officers , or saul himself ; and after all we do not find that he repented of this sin , or begg'd god's pardon for it . what now , can we have no hopes of god's mercy toward david ? must he for that resistance certainly be damned ; or if he had a particular dispensation from god ; yet i fear his soldiers had not ; and their case must then be deplorable ; for the reason and justice of gods proceedings in the case was the same always , and st. paul's text does not seem to speak a new designment of god to raise the interests of kings higher ; and subject the people lower than they were before . something therefore for david's sake should be thought on , that the text should be so limited that we may have some hopes for him , and for his soldiers too . but yet we have a nearer case that is piteous , and deserves some thoughts , and that is the case of george walker poor man , he is one of solemon's wise ones , who by his wisdom has saved his city ; he has done a brave action , and all that hear it , commend and admire it , excepting the late king's soldiers , and perhaps in their hearts they admire him too . but after all the praises and commendations of the generality of mankind , and those coming freely and sincerely upon the supposition of true interest , without design of daubing or flattering the great and the proud : must ( i say ) this man after all this be thrown into hell , and damned as one of the worst of miscreants ? such judgments as these will confound the genuine and most delightful idea's that men have of god's goodness , and wisdom ; they may serve perhaps to adorn a discourse for absolute reprobation , or upon the excellency of damning for damnings sake , without regard to sin ; but they can have little other use for glory to god , or man ; for good of king or people . these , and many other cases ought to be well considered before we fix the sence of the text ; because , as in all sciences , one truth agrees with another ; so in the interpretation of scripture , every single text that stands by it self , must be expounded according to the analogy of faith , that is , the general agreement of the rest . but secondly , there is further matter of consideration about the person that is to have the benefit of non-resistance , it is many times very difficult to discover who he is ; and it would be hard , if upon a mistake in that point , the erring person should be damned in the strict sence of the word . there is something that governs in human affairs , beyond the thoughts and imaginations of men ; the wheel goes smoothly on , but of a sudden meets with a rub , and the carriage , perhaps , is overturned , the headless multitude then stare and wonder , and say the like was never seen before , and yet the like has oft happened . what seemed to be ruled is over-ruled , and then men seek for their rule , and know not where to find it : thus men are almost fatally confounded , they think and act contrary to one another , and yet each believes himself in the right , and that he has strength and clearness of reason on his side . it s very possible that our historian is still for king james , and thinks him now as truly king of england as he was before : and it is very likely , that i am for king william , and think him as truly , and as much king , as ever king james was . we do not stand in the same light , we do not think of the same things , and so we differ . and had we lived in many other periods of time , it is very likely that we might have differed too : had we lived when saul was made king over israel , i know not but he might have been against him , and i for him . at saul's death it is probable , that he might have been for saul's son ishbosheth , and i for david . at david's death , he might have been for adonijah , and i for solomon : for adonijahs appearances are very taking , he was the eldest son then living of king david , he was a goodly personage , and his fathers darling . 1 kings , 1 ▪ 6. yet my solomon reigned , and the people obeyed with a very good conscience ; and that though he himself was somewhat suspitious of his title ; for he did not trust to his anointing by king david's order , but got himself to be made king a second time , 1 chron. 29. 22. but to go on , let us pass over the instances of rehoboam and jeroboam , of zimri and omri , and many others who gave occasions to like difficulties . suppose we had lived in the days , when jehu took possession of the kingdom of israel , it is very possible that he might have been for joram , or joram's son , or some of the family of ahab ; and it is as possible that i might have been for jehu , he for a king according to the modern phrase , de jure ; and i for a king de jure , and de facto too . for he was a conqueror , tho' not of the people ( neither he , nor they ever thought so ) yet of the king he was ; and so if the cause of the war was just , his title was certainly good : some think he was a rebel , i am not concerned to dispute that point ; but if he were , he came to the throne in the same way that jeroboam did , who was the first beginner of that kingdom , and so could transmit to his successors no more title to the regal dignity than he had himself : be that as it will , let my adversary be for joram , or joram's son , and i for jehu ; he has the point of loyalty to a late king on his side , and i the point of loyalty to my god on my side ; both great pleas. but at such a time mine seems ( at least to me ) to be the better ; because there is something in religion that tyes me faster to my god , than any thing else can tye another to his prince : now if an ahab or a joram , will not only be disloyal to their god , but require me , and use all the tricks and slights in the world to gain me , and the rest of the people , to a like disloyalty ; if he will daringly and boldly trample upon the religion established by law ; if he will require absolute obedience , and obedience without reserve , and make his will the law , and me , without law , or pretence to law , his slave ; why must i in such a case as this , be against my god , and against my self , for one who has the name of king , but has thrown away from him all that which should , and all that which can speak him in the exercise of true kingly power over israel . i cannot tell , but some may think me in the wrong , for declaring to be for god and jehu , against baal and joram ; but if i am , i may be rectified by being informed , that either now there is , or ever was such a man , who could perswade himself that any one true servant of the god of israel , in those days , did not heartily close in with jehu , and submit to his government ; or that any worshipper of baal , who was so in reality , did do it ; and then there could be no grumbletonians in those days , except the halters , those that were betwixt god and baal , and could be very indifferent whether they worshipped the one or the other . thus we must see , that the things which are , have been of old ; there are difficulties in human affairs , and men have had great grounds to differ about the subject of regal power , and so about the object of non-resistance , and that not only in israel , but as might be easily shewn among the assyrians , persians , romans , britains , english , and very much in this nation , since the norman conquest . now this difficulty may be an argument to move men not to be over-positive , in determining , that damnation , in the strict sense , shall be the portion either of the one or the other , in case he acts sincerely according to his best knowledge , whether he stands up for his king , or his god ; whether he stands to defend a former king in the rights he had , or another who takes possession upon the supposition of a desertion or a conquest : whether he be willing to have continued , or to have been made a slave , and lose his civil rights , and the exercise of the true religion ; or whether he had rather to have been made free , and so let easily into his rights , by the assistance of another who might justly do it ; and if he would , might have left 'em in full enjoyment of their folly and misery . thirdly , as to the punishment here denounced by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or damnation , whether nothing less can or ought to be understood by it , but downright hell or eternity of torments . here many things ought to be well weighed before we determin positively in so great a point . as 1. that all men agree , that there are different senses of this word in scripture . 2. commentators do much differ and contend about the true meaning of it in this place . and tho' dr. hammond be resolute in this assertion , yet by the multitude of objections , which in his notes he labours to answer , he shews that his opinion was neither general nor clear . 3. that as the commentators differ , so the interpreters seem somewhat to differ too . for what is in king james's translation , shall receive to themselves damnation , is in the bishops bible ( translated in queen elizabeth's time ) shall receive to themselves judgment . some may think that both these words signify the same : but if they cast an eye upon another text , rom. 5. 16. they will hardly do it , for these we have , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that is rendred in the bishops translation ; for the fault came unto condemnation , but in king james's it is , for the judgment was to condemnation . fault or judgment , here , is not the same with damnation , or condemnation , but that which leads to it . and if we look into 1 tim. 5. 12. it will be worthy of a little remark : that tho' the translators differ in the former places ; yet they intirely agree to render here the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by damnation ; but if you look into st. chrysostome , and most of the old writers , and dr. hammond himself ; you will find that hell-punishment is by no means to be understood in that text. fourthly , it is to be observed further , that as men differ concerning the nature of the punishment , so they differ concerning the quality of the sin . some tell us that the apostle means here a very monstrous sin , a sin as black as hell it self ; and then they tell us that the demerits of it are no less than hell torments : others speak of a sin which they describe with all possible alleviating circumstances ; and as the sin they speak of , is quite of another nature from the other , so the punishment is , which they suppose to be allotted to it . now if men did agree about the sin , there could be little dispute about the punishment . the reverend dr. hammond in his paraphrase on the first verse of rom. 13. says , that the apostles advice is contrary to the doctrine and practice of the gnosticks , and he referrs us to the 8th . verse of st. jude's epistle , to see what that was ; and there we have an account of a company of wretched woful sinners , such as no man now in europe would be in the least concerned to pity , if he thought that hell-torments were decreed for them ; and so in reference to them , damnation in the text may be interpreted in the strictest , and most severe sense . they are described jude 8th . as filthy dreamers , that defile the flesh , despise dominion , and speak evil of dignities : upon which words , dr. hammond in his paraphrase says , that they fall into all unnatural filthy practices , and teach the doctrine of christian liberty , so as to free all christians from all authority of master or king . here we have two characteristick notes of them , that they were most impudently declaring against all manner of civil government , and against all manner of vertuous life . now to both these st. paul speaks in the 13. chap. to the rom. to the first , verses 1 , 2 , and 3. and to the last , verses 13 , 14 ; and therefore it is possible , as the dr. hints , that st. pauls discourse in that chapter , is intirely directed against these . and perhaps the author of the preface to the history of passive obedience , is of the same opinion in the case , because he brings in an excellent divine of the church of england ; and now one of our right reverend fathers in god , speaking their sin and folly in these words ; the gnosticks thought all the governments of the world to be nothing else , but the contrivance of some evil spirits , to abridge men of their liberty , which god and nature had given them ; and that this is the speaking evil of dignities , which they are charged with by st. jude . now if these be the men , and that the sin which st. paul provides against in the 13. to the rom. there can be no dispute in the christian world concerning the sense of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the text ; as it is , so it ought to be rendred damnation , or the punishment of hell. but then , when the same dr. hammond in his notes ( perhaps forgetting what he had hinted in his paraphrase ) describes another sin , and cloathes that with all possible alleviated circumstances , and will have down-right damnation , or hell torments to be the punishment which gods justice designs for it ; it is no marvel that he finds many objections , and hard work to answer them . if he would but allow the word to be interpreted as it has been either by fault , or judgment , or damnation in that lesser sense , in which it is used , 1 tim. 5. 12. he would neither find nor make any matter of controversy ; for all will readily grant , that resistance of a king , in most , almost all cases , is a fault , and leads to judgment , and will certainly bring to damnation , at least , in the sense , the word is used in the last mentioned text. these things well considered , may divert men from rash and hasty judgments , and move them not to be easy in the declaring the damnation of their neighbours , who may be urged by a sense of extream necessity , to do those things which they would not , since they have not so clear a text , as they imagined , to support the weight of their assertion . because it is possible , that the sin meant in the text may be such as can now be charged upon no man ; and it is possible that the word damnation there , may have no such dreadful signification , as in some certain places it has . these things i have set down , not by any means to incourage resistance against princes ; for that , in most cases , is a great sin , and every sin tends to damnation . but i would move men to frame their pleas against it , from proper heads , and such as are most likely to prevail . because , generally , scaring and affrightning arguments , if they be not very clear , and well grounded , do but beget suspitions and doubts , fill men with prejudices , make them stiff and pertinacious in their mistakes , and heedless of sober instructions in undoubted duties . obedience is the thing that is due to princes , and must be paid to them , as well for our own sakes , as for theirs , as well for conscience sake towards god , ( who is a god of order , and not of confusion ) as upon the account of wrath , and for fear of punishment : for if we don't obey , he can neither secure himself , or protect us ; it can scarcely happen , that he can suffer alone ; in such a case , he himself must be the author of his own calamity . he must sap the foundations upon which his pallace stands , and cut down the pillars that would have supported him . thus he may be overwhelmed on a sudden , and his people not suffer much , but in the general course of things , king and people go together ; if one suffer , all suffer . and therefore it is the interest , as well as the duty of people , to obey ; this they apprehend , and are ready to comply with all ; and that without taking into thought , the nice speculations about the outmost stretch of power ; or what are the highest , and what may be the lowest measures of submission : what a king may take , and what they may , and ought , or ought not to yield . the talk of non-resistance ( whatever men think ) does little good in the world ; and the talk of resistance , in a certain case , does as little harm : for where non-resistance is most cryed up , and strongly avowed , there have been most vigorous resistances ; and where there has been a resistance owned as lawful in a certain case , there has been a most profound obedience , and no resistance at all . of the first , england is an instance ; of the second , rome : i must profess , it is strange and puzzling to me , and may be so to others , to compare the doctrine of our divines with the doctrine of bellarmine , and to see both in england and rome quite contrary effects , from what their doctrines tends to : our men call for non-resistance ; and will not allow of any resistance of the king , or those commissioned by him upon any pretence whatsoever . bellarmine tells us plainly , that the highest power , the very supream , as he thinks of all , the very pope himself may be resisted , and that with gun and sword , with force and arms , in a certain case ; and yet the pope never complains of this , the papacy receives no harm by this , and there is no resistance made against him , but profound obedience is given unto him . but then there is not the same effect of the doctrine of non-resistance amongst us ; for the divines most engaged in teaching of it , and founding their hopes and expectations upon it , do now complain of miserable disappointments , and seem to think the world mad , or at least very foolish , that they do not meet with an intire compliance with it . there must be a great mistake some where or other , and yet it is strange there should be one in such a case as this , which lyes clear and open alike to all . bellarmine certainly saw all the difficulties that our divines do , and our divines see all the reasons that bellarmine did , and yet both are resolute in the contradictory : it is pretty to consider the thoughts of bellarmine in the case ; after he had wrote his five books de pontifice , and therein set up his pope as high , as high may be , next and immediately under god himself , christ's vicar , supreme over all , emperours , kings , princes , nations , countries , and that by divine right , warrant , and authority ; unaccountable to all the tribunals in this world , judge of all , and to be judged by none . he then falls to write of the authority of councils , and goes on still in the same way to mount his pope , as well over all church-power , as over all temporal . and having done this , any one would think , that he had made a compleat irresistable , or a most proper object of non-resistance : but bellarmine thinks not so ; for he thinks again , that this his wonderful great one is yet but a man , and possibly he may commit faults , he may mis-rule , mis-govern ; he may design to subvert the constitution of the church , he may endeavour to ruine and to destroy it : upon that he queries , whether the church , in such a case , has no remedy , no help , nothing to do toward its own preservation ; must it needs sink and fall , because a certain man is willing it should ? bellarmine says no , and directs several methods to be used for the support of it , which are softer , more decent , and mannerly ; but after all , if they should fail , he speaks roundly that this pope is to be resisted , to be opposed vi & armis , with force and arms ; and that in such a case , there needs no authority to justifie the action of those that resist him . his own words are these , de concilior . auctor . lib. 2. c. 19. at inquiunt , ergo sola ecclesia sine remedio manet , si habet malum pontificem , & poterit pontifex impunè omnes vexare , & perdere , & nemo resistere poterit . respondeo , non mirum , si manet ecclesia sine remedio humano efficaci , quandoquidem non nititur salus ejus praecipuè humana industria , sed divina protectione , cum ejus rex deus sit . itaque etiamsi ecclesia non possit deponere pontificem , tamen potest ac debet domino supplicare , ut ipse remedium adhibeat : et certum est , deo fore curae ejus salutem ; qui tamen pontificem , vel convertet , vel de medio tollet , antequam ecclesiam destruat . nec tamen hinc sequitur , non licere resistere pontifici ecclesiam destruenti ; licet enim eum servata reverentia admonere , & modestè corripere , repugnare etiam vi & armis , si ecclesiam destruere velit : ad resistendum enim , & vim vi repellendam non requiritur ulla auctoritas . that is in english thus , by way of objection and answer . but they say , then the church only is without remedy , if she has an ill pope , and the pope may securely vex and destroy , and none may resist him . i answer , it is no marvel , if the church be without all human effectual remedy , seeing her preservation does not chiefly depend upon mans care , but god's protection , inasmuch as god is her king. therefore , although the church cannot depose a pope , yet it may , and ought to pray to god , that he would give a remedy ; and it is certain , that god will take care of its preservation , and so will either convert the pope , or take him out of the world , before he can destroy the church . but yet it does not thence follow , that it may not be lawful to resist a pope indeavouring to destroy the church : for it is lawful , keeping up a due reverence , to admonish him , and modestly to reprove him , and to fight against him with force and arms , if he will destroy the church : for to resist , and repel force with force , there is required no authority at all . thus bellarmine says , and he is very clear , that it is lawful to resist the highest power , the pope himself , for the sake of the church , to preserve it from ruine and destruction ; i hope no man will say that this may be done for the church of rome , but not for the church of england , or that we are not bound to have as great zeal for our church , as he has for his ; i am sure , we cannot challenge , in behalf of a king of england , more right to impunity , or make him look more unaccountable than bellarmine does his pope . and so there can be no more grounds of concluding for , or against the doctrine of non-resistance in the one case than in the other . but yet , some may think themselves under deeper obligation than others , and they may practice the intire duty of a compleat non-resistance ; none will blame them for it , so that they do not condemn others , who are not so easie as they , to give up their church , and civil rights , when they are not obliged to it , as far as they can see , either by the law of god or law of the land : men must give allowances to one another , because it may be possible that they may differ about notions that are very near to first principles ; i know not but some may affect slavery , as a state exercising high vertue , and tending to perfection ; others that cannot reach at such heights , content themselves with freedom , and think that , a useful and desireable conveniency : this may seem strange , but from thence it comes , as far as i can guess , that some in the same text , and same words , finds argument that they should be slaves , and others that they should endeavour to be free. st. paul says , 1 cor. 7. 21. art thou called being a servant ? care not for it ; but if thou mayest be made free , use it rather . upon these words , some say that st. paul recommends to us slavery , and would have us to be slaves , tho' we can be made free , and so much the rather , because we can ; others say , that the apostle would have us be content to be slaves , when we are slaves ; but if we can be made free , we should choose freedom rather . here is a great difference , which does not derive from the text , but from previous thoughts , which men have entertained concerning slavery and freedom . as they are affected to the thing , so they judge that they find argument for it . now i for my part am for the later interpretation , because i have a good opinion of liberty or freedom ; but if another prefers slavery , and thinks he has argument from that text to be a slave , let him be a slave , and let him enjoy his opinion of the thing , and of the text too , i shall not hinder him . but i must say , it would be an undecency in him to call my understanding into question for differing from him , because i have the highest probability , the concurrence of the wisest , and the best in all ages on my side . but yet this may be done , because when men leave common sense , and seek for extraordinary notion , they usually grow froward and troublesome . tacitus remarks in the 14th ▪ of his annals , that some who had got into their heads that flight of the stoicks , that a wise man was a king , presently begun to be busy and medling , and very scornful of others ; ea male intellecta arrogantes faciebat & turbidos . it is pity that such little things should give disturbance to kingdoms and nations , but it cannot be help't , for it is opinion that governs men ; and it is not what is great , but what is thought to be great that stirrs them . a little before the fatal overthrow of jerusalem , there were many warm persons in it , who had their heads full of fancies , and particular notions , and for the sake of them , they could run upon the most desperate enterprizes , but they would not know the things that belonged to their peace . pliny has a saying , that has much puzzled physicians and criticks ; he says , that men die of sapience or wisdom , per sapientiam mori . the physicians find no such distemper in their books , but guess that he means a phrensy ; something there is , that gets into mens heads , which seems to them that have it , to be high wisdom , but to others a meer phrensy , which is extreamly mortal and pernicious . solomon so long ago , advised properly against it , and it were to be wish'd , that his councel might yet be taken : he says , ecclesiastes 7. 16. be not righteous overmuch , neither make thy self overwise ; why shouldest thou destroy thy self ? it is hard to think that men should be either over-righteous or over-wise ; but if men will affect impracticable notions without sufficient grounds , and look upon them as their righteousness , or their wisdom ; and that meerly because these are against themselves , and destructive of themselves ; they may well enough be said to be over-righteous , and over-wise . thirdly , the third thing to be spoken of , is the origination of power ; and this is a subject which i could willingly omit , because i judge it for the interest of a nation , both king and people ; that the people have as high , and as reverend thoughts as they can , both of their king , and his power : let them think , that they have their king from god ; and that he has his power from god , and let him think so too ; all this tends to good , because it will make him in the exercise of his power , to act in the fear of god ; and by vertue of that fear , to abstain from wrong , and to do justice : and it will awe the people with a dread of their king's majesty , and of their god's ; and so keep them from being froward , and peevish ; mutinous and rebellious , whilest they believe themselves in such actions , not only to be offenders against the law of the land , but sinners against the will and pleasure of god. upon this account , i could willingly chime in with the compiler of this history , and with him , fault hobbs , and milton , and doleman , or parsons ; and with him declare against those doctrines , that power is originally in the body of the people , and that the foundation of all government is laid in compact , as he says in his preface . and i could say with him in his conclusion , pag. 132. that power is only from god. these may be allowed him , or let pass without altercation , so that men use them according to their natural tendency , for the support of righteousness , justice , and goodness . but if these be used to dazzle and amuse people , that others may have advantage to rob and spoil them : if by vertue of these a passage is made to let in upon a nation , a lawless power , wrong , injury , and tyranny : if law , religion , common sense , must all be laid aside , and one of the best framed polities in the world must be subverted by ill consequences , and forced pleas deduced from these doctrines , we may certainly have liberty to examin both the principle and the deductions ; we may consider what the one will bear , and how the other is laid upon it . if we must be slaves , it is all one to us , whether we be made such in the way of hobbs , or of this historian ; it is all one , whether a king has his power from god , or from the people ; if he must be absolutely absolute , and be obeyed without reserve , without consideration of law and right . and if a king must be a monster , altogether arbitrary , meer will acting at pleasure , without bounds or limits , he may as well be made such by the people , as by god ; and of the two , the people are the more likely to make the monster ; because god is always wise and good , and all his actions are just , and right ; and therefore as there is more of god in power , there should be more of goodness and righteousness in the exercise of it . it seems therefore a design ill laid , to challenge for princes , an infinite power of doing what they will , without check or controul from national constitutions , because their powers come from god ; or to be zealous to fetch all the powers of princes from god , for this purpose , that they may do evil things securely , that they may do what they please , right or wrong , without danger or hazard , without stop or lett . if we believe the apostle , rom. 13. the powers that come from god , and are ordained of god , are not , they cannot be a terror to good works : but according to this way of discoursing , they are as terrible to the good , as to the bad ; and that for this reason , because they come from god. had princes that singular excellency of nature , which god has , that they neither would nor could do evil , they might then be allowed to act , as he does , according to the good pleasure of their wills , without controul . but if we assert that they may do evil , they may oppress , rob , spoil , kill , murther , and do all the base things which any other man can do , for which they have no license or power from god ; why may they not then have some stops from human constitutions , to lett and hinder them from doing those things , which god never gave them power to do , and to keep them in those methods of acting , which god himself prescribed , when he gave them power of ruling and governing . if we say that the necessity of human affairs does require that princes should be unaccountable in this world , it may be allowed so far as that necessity appears ; but then their exemption from check or controul , does not derive from the source and origine of their power , that is from god ; but from another cause , which must be fairly made out , upon the compare of benefits or mischiefs , that happen from the one supposition or the other . but when men say , that because kings receive their power from god , they must have no letts from human constitutions of doing what they will , good or bad ; and then distinguish , that though they are uncontroulable , unaccountable in this world , yet they are accountable to god , and must give a strict account to him , and that for the same reason , because they receive their power from god : i should think that such men are unkind to kings , and treat 'em with the most uncouth courtship in the world : for they do , in effect , tell them this ; you are great and powerful , you may do what you please , you have none to fear but god , nothing to be affraid of but hell and damnation : others are awed by human laws , they are kept in , and restrained from doing the evils they might do , they are made better than they would be , and so put into a way of salvation ; but you great princes , you are entirely free , you may do as you will , as you have none above you , so you have none to awe you , none to give stop to you in all the eruptions of nature or humour , but only god and his last dreadful judgments . i should think a christian prince should give a courtier but little thanks for such a speech as this ; as he has a soul to be saved , he must rejoyce in god's preventing grace , and give thanks when ever it pleases god to keep him from doing evil , and he may likewise be glad , if by laws , and human constitutions , his ways were so bounded and fenced in , that it might be impossible for him to deviate from righteousness and justice , so he would be in the ready way of being happy here , and glorious hereafter . as to the interests of a king of england , it is but vain to search into the source and origine of his power ; how it may be said to be from god , or how from the people ; seeing he has that singular happiness , that if he will act truly his part according to the national constitution , he must appear in the exercise of his power , altogether divine like god himself : he is great and powerful , his person is sacred , his actions unquestionable : he does good , and nothing but good ; inasmuch , as the powers of dispensing of favours and benefits , the power of rewarding , advancing , preferring , of giving riches , and honours , to the industrious and well-deserving ; the power of protecting , defending , relieving , pardoning the poor or miserable , are intirely left to him : but then the power or impotency of doing wrong , injury , or evil to others , is absolutely taken from him. a king of england , as such , can do no wrong ; if he does it , he stretches beyond himself , and the man is too hard for the king ; because , according to this national constitution , all those acts wherein wrong can be done , are to be done not by himself , but by proper ministers and officers , who are accountable for the actions which they do , or may have done . thus the kings person is sacred , and his actions unquestionable ; and they that do wrong , are answerable to the law , and may suffer according to their demerits . this certainly was a happy contrivance of wisdom in our fore-fathers , to secure the veneration that is due to princes , and withal , to provide , that goodness and righteousness may flourish in their kingdoms . the subject , every one of them either by himself , or his representative , agrees that he will be hanged or gibbetted , submit to the halter or the axe , if ever he be mutinous or rebellious against the king : his king he will love and honour , serve and obey , fight and be willing to dye for him : he shall be great and powerful , dreadful to enemies abroad , and dreadful to enemies at home ; and have all the assistances of men and moneys , to inable him to do all the good his heart can wish for , if he will but ask it ; and that his majesty may yet be more bright and illustrious , he in his particular , in all his actions , shall be unquestionable , unaccountable . on the other hand , the king agrees that he will protect and defend his subjects , support them in all their rights , he will use their assistances to beat down , and subdue all their enemies , and take care that they may live in peace and prosperity . he will not oppress , or trample upon any , whether great or little : nay , he will not leave it in his own power to be able to do wrong or injury to them : and therefore , he will make laws by his people's consent in parliaments ; he will conduct the interest of the nation by advice of his subjects in council ; he will rule by officers , and judge by ministers , chosen out from amongst themselves , and that in all causes both between themselves and between himself , and them ; who shall pronounce and determine about right , and wrong ; and who is guilty , and who is not ; without the least appeal to him : and then , lest those judges , as men , should warp aside , and think that they may be able by their goodly appearances to bear down right , and set up wrong , they themselves shall not be impowered to pronounce a judgment in any cause , but as a jury of neighbours , twelve men chosen out of the voicenage , shall first find it to be . after all this , the king agrees , that ministers of state , privy councellors , military officers , judges in courts , and each particular jury-man shall be questionable , and accountable , punishable for any corruption , oppression , wrong , or injury , that by law he shall be found guilty of ; and that as much , as rebells are , which too has actually been done in several reigns . how venerable and divine is this whole disposition and order of affairs ? what appearance is there of wisdom and goodness , that is of god , in it ? if a prince would be great , he must be good ; and if he keep to these methods , he must be both . and if a people would have happiness in this world , they must either find it in such a constitution , as this , or seek it in vtopia . why then do men trouble themselves to seek for the source and origine of power , and think they do much in shewing that it comes from god , and god only ? whereas we have here before us power running down from the fountain-head a long way , and in all its course like it self , the same it was , pure and clean , and in all its appearances divine and god-like ; it acts just as god would have it , and tends to all those glorious ends , for which god gave it , and to which god requires and directs the use of it . it exerts it self to those purposes , for which st. paul tells us , 1 tim. 1. 9. that the law of god was made , not for the righteous , to oppress them , but for the lawless and disobedient , to beat them down ; to shame , as well as punish them . in these methods a king may be strong and mighty , able to throw down , and cast down strong holds and imaginations , and all that exalteth it self against god , and goodness , and himself too . if then men will have us to say , that power comes from god , and only from god , we may well allow it ; because we know that nature , and an inclination to sociable living , and order come from god , and only from him ; all these are good , and god is the giver of all good things ; and besides , we find so much of goodness both for king and people in this national constitution , that we may well think that god , himself , by his providence ▪ did influence our fore-fathers to agree , and fix upon it . but now if men , from this speculative notion of power , descending down from god , will draw and force out consequences , and by vertue of them , will set up , and pull down at pleasure , make new frames of government , and schemes of policy : if they will say that this excellent disposition of affairs must be thrown down , and the english law be laid aside , and right and wrong become mutable at pleasure ; if they will say that kings of england must be absolute , and obeyed without reserve ; and all this , only for this reason , because their power comes from god , i hope that they will expect that we should beg their pardons ; they may think that we judge their logick deceives them , and that they left their aristotle too soon . a philosopher once undertook to demonstrate that it was impossible there should be any such thing as motion , and he talk'd prettily upon the subject ; but all the while he talk'd , men of plain sense , laught at him for his vain design ; yet , however , he went on demonstrating , and they laughing . so it is , men , engaged in a bold adventure , will go on , whether they have , or have not hope of success . if men would but consider fairly , they must see , that there is a vast distance between their principle , and their consequence ; it does not follow , that because god gives power , therefore kings must be free to do what they please , or that they cannot be restrained by national constitutions , to exert their power in particular ways and methods . for who knows , but the limitations and restrictions of power , may come from god too ; for there are no more miraculous attestations to the divine origine , and descent of the one , than there is of the other . and it would be agreeable to god's goodness to do it ; because power is in it self a very flexible thing , that may be bent and bowed this way , or the quite contrary ; it is like unto nature , which as it came from god was very good ; but as the man , who had that nature , and was therewith made upright , sought out many inventions : so the king , who has from god the power , may do the same . the man thought many of his own inventions to be his nature , and to come from god ; and a king may think many of his to be his power , and to come from god. therefore as god gave new laws to limit and bind in the man , and his nature ; so he may , and it were agreeable enough to his goodness , if he should , in the course of his providence , direct and order affairs so , that there might be limitations and restrictions given to the king and his power . but besides , according to the usual course of things , god generally gives bounds to power , according to which it shall , or shall not operate , and therefore as he makes one power , so he makes another answerable to it ; as he makes the agent , so he makes the patient ; as he makes fire , so he makes combustible matter to receive it , and to feed it , or else the fire will soon go out . god gives to men power over the beasts of the field , but if a man will command any one of them , he must treat 'em in ways agreeable to their natures , and make them to find that it is good to be commanded : he that comes on the blind , or the sore side of his horse , may have a kick , and he that will vex and fret his dog , may have a bite , and none , in such a case , will blame either the horse , or the dog , but the indiscreet master . god gives to kings , power over men , their subjects ; but if a king will treat his subjects , just as the indiscreet master does his horse or his dog , he can hope for no better returns , than what the other finds . men and beasts , by the frame of their natures , are in this much alike ; you have them , you loose them ; they come to you , or run from you , just as you treat them ; give them kind usage , and fair treatment , they both will follow , and serve , and endeavour to please ; but if they find that they must be abused , kick'd , and starved ; if they find nothing but the effects of wrath or contempt , that they must be trampled upon , each of them will get off , and shift for it self , and seek a more easie and comfortable state of beeing . now this temper , whether in subject man , or subject beast , coming from god ; as well as power in governing king , or governing man , the one of these must be suted and accommodated to the other , and must proceed in all actions upon the supposition of it ; and as it is the mans part to find out the proper ways to gain upon the beast , to win him , and make him his own , fit for his service ; so it is the king's part to find out , and to use a due and proper managery for his people , by which he may bring them in to himself , and beget in them trusts and confidences towards him . god makes a power in one to lay on , and in another to bear ; but he that lays on , must consider what the other can bear , or else , house , and all manner of impositions will come to the ground , and , possibly , overthrow , and ruine him in the downfall . every power has some bounds , and natural proper ways of exerting it self , whereby it becomes effectual , and of use . he that would have food from cows , or cloathing from sheep , or service from horses , or dogs , he must provide for them , that first they may do well for themselves , before they can do well for him ; he must therefore feed them and defend them from fears and affrightments , such as usually hinder them from attending to their own necessities , and interests . but he that will not give 'em , whereon to feed , or if he does , puts wolves and lyons amongst them , to scare and terrifie them , must never expect good or benefit from them . thus it was , and ever will be , what way soever the man came to have power over them , right titles to them , whether that was from god or man , by donation or emption , by descent or conquest : and as it is betwixt the man , and his beast , so at least , it must be allowed to be betwixt a king and his people : if a king will treat them frowardly , make no due provisions for their good , but will treat them arbitrarily , just as he will , and that because he wills it according to humour , he must not expect what he wishes from them , how or in what manner soever he receives his power over them . thus let power be owned to come from god , let it be confessed that he is the source and original of it ; yet i think no man can fetch from thence any ground for the assertion of either destructive or of arbitrary proceedings in government ; a king may however , have bounds and limits , ways and methods fixed to him , wherein he may , or may not , profitably and effectually exert the operations of it ; and the consequences of his own actions , whether they be good or bad , commendable or blame-worthy , will be imputable chiefly and primarily to himself . but after all this , what if power may in some sense be said to depend upon the people ; tho' it comes originally from god , yet it may come immediately to one certain person by the people ; and as god is said to make kings , so the people may be said to make them too : i know that this language is thrown off with scorn and contempt , and represented in several prints as most odious . how this comes to pass , i can't tell , for it must be owned , that in the old testament , amongst god's own people , this way of speaking was very current and familiar , in all the revolutions of state , the people are said to make their king. thus it was in the case of saul , 1 sam. 11. 15. he was indeed anointed by samuel , but that action was done in secret , his own servant was not permitted to see it , 1 sam. 9. 27. and 1 sam. 10. 1 , 2. the instruction that he then had , was , not to challenge the kingdom by vertue of god's gift , but to do as occasion served , 1 sam. 10. 7. and tho' he be said to be chosen of the lord , 1 sam. 10. 24. yet he was said to be made king by the people , 1 sam. 11. 15. and all the people went to gilgal , and there they made saul king before the lord. thus too , david was made king by the men of judah , over the house of judah , 2 sam. 2. 4. and david himself owns , that the men of judah anointed him , 2 sam. 2. 7. and ishbosheth at the same time was made king over all the rest of israel by abner , 2 sam. 2. 9. after the death of ishbosheth , david was again anointed by the people , 1 chron. 11. 3. and made king by the people , 1 chron. 12. 38. so was solomon , 1 chron. 29. 22. and rehoboam , 2 chron. 10. 1. and jeroboam , 1 king. 12. 20. they called him to the congregation , and made him king over all israel . thus it was with omri , 1 king. 16. 16. and with joash , 2 chron. 23. 11. and vzziah , 2 chron. 26. 1. this is the plain way of speaking in our translation , and so it is in the vulgar latin , and in the hebrew text , and that these were not empty words , but that real effects for the producing of power , did depend upon this action of the people ; we must needs think , because we see in two instances , that at the same time they made their king , they made provisions for the restraining and limiting of his actions ; for , that i guess , must be the sense of that league , or covenant , or contract , which then he made with them , and they with him . this we find was done between king david , and 〈◊〉 people ; and king joash , and the people : this we find was done by king david , 2 sam. 3. 21. and ● sam. 5. 3. and 1 chron. 11. 3. and by king joash , 2 king. 11. 17. and likely enough by solomon , when he was made king the second time , 1 chron. 29. 21. and possibly enough , this was done at the inauguration of each of their kings . but whether this be so , or no , it is not so material as to ingage us , or others in dispute and controversy . that we are now to promote and seek for , is peace and unity , that brotherly love , and christian charity may abound amongst us ; we must do what we can , to advance the good of our countrey , people , and nation ; to secure our religion , that we may continue to serve god in simplicity and sincerity ; as for nicety and notion , men may think , and if they will , speak either this way , or the quite contrary . if passion and animosity , heat and anger , be laid aside , we may allow men to say , that power is only from god ; that resistance is a dangerous thing , and in most cases very ill ; that passive obedience ( well explained ) is a duty . and they , on the other hand , may be content not to urge and discourse these doctrines in such a way , as must give us to fear and suspect , that trick and design are carrying on ; that we are to be amused first , and then fooled , and cheated . and why may it not be presumed ? that henceforth no man will dare to move the people of this land , lords , and commons to submit their birth-rights ; all the interest they have in life and fortune to arbitrary disposals ; from none of those wheedling topicks , neither from the doctrine of passive obedience , nor that of non-resistance , nor yet , that of the origin of power . for seeing the reverend clergy now assembled in convocation , stand up so resolutely to keep and maintain all the particularities of their rule , that they will not part with the least title of their establishment ; though desired by the king , and perhaps too , by the greatest part of the nation : it is very likely that the example may be taking , and a parliament , or the body of the people may be as zealous to hold their own , as others are , to hold theirs ; and it is very possible that there should be every jot as great reason for it . for certainly it may be thought , that the principal , and essential parts of this national constitution , may be of more value than the disposition of things indifferent in ecclesiastical affairs . i should think it somewhat worse , to be hanged , right or wrong ; than right or wrong to lose the satisfaction of wearing a surplice . and another man may be more willing to permit his child to be baptized without the sign of the cross , than to consent that he will be dragoon'd , whenever his king pleases , only for this reason , because he does not change his religion , and become papist , mahometan , or what you will. here i must stop , not daring to proceed , nor yet daring to exhort my betters ; but yet i must say , that it were to be wish't , that every one , of greater or lesser degree , would cast a few serious thoughts upon those words of our saviour , luke , 19. 42 , 43 , 44. saying , if thou hadst known , even thou , at least in this thy day , the things which belong unto thy peace ! but now they are hid from thine eyes . for the dayes shall come upon thee , that thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee , and compass thee round , and keep thee in on every side . and shall lay thee even with the ground , and thy children within thee : and they shall not leave in thee one stone upon another , because thou knewest not the time of thy visitation . finis . pax vobis, or, gospel and liberty against ancient and modern papists / by a preacher of the word. 1687 approx. 226 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42142 wing g1994 estc r31733 12249189 ocm 12249189 57062 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42142) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57062) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1504:35) pax vobis, or, gospel and liberty against ancient and modern papists / by a preacher of the word. brown, s. j. gordon, john, 1644-1726. griffith, evan, a.m., minister of alderly. the fifth edition corrected and amended. [16], 126 p. s.n.], [s.l. : 1687. other editions read: by e.g. a preacher of the word. variously attributed to evan griffith, s.j. brown, and john clement gordon. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng freedom of religion -england. church and state -england. reformation -england. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-07 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion pax vobis : or , gospel and liberty : against ancient and modern papists . by a preacher of the word . the fifth edition , corrected and amended . stand fast in the liberty , wherewith christ hath made us free , and be not entangl'd again with the yoke of bondage , ( popery . ) gal. c. 5. v. 1. printed , anno dom. 1687. the preface to the children of the reformation . be not concerned to know whose hand it is which holds the link , but follow the light it gives : reach your hand to receive this treatise , which marks the shore , where the ark of our reformation , shatter'd by a deluge of troubles , may rest ; which is a holy liberty to all and each person to believe or not believe , act or not act as he pleases , with a safe conscience , according to the principles of our reformation . we generally lament the convulsions which shake our church and state , through the diversity of opinions , professed by our several congregations ; some remedies have been applied to bring us to peace and conformity ; but all have proved ineffectual ; some of our doctors judge nothing can cure our disease , but a general council or supream authority , to whose sentence we should all submit ; but this , besides that it is popish , to grant any human power for to oblige our consciences against our judgments in matters of religion , is but an imaginary remedy for a real evil : for , it 's not in the reformation as in popery ; in this there is a supream authority for to convene the pastors of divers kingdoms to a general council , in our reformation there is none ; popery believes it's councils and popes infallible ; and therefore they cannot but acquiesce , because an infallible sentence leaves no doubt of the truth ; but in the reformation , all councils and human authority are fallible ; and consequently their decisions may be doubted of , and we are never certain of the truth . others judge , the remedy of our disease can be no other , but pills of persecution penal laws , acts of parliament , ordinances of synods , forcing men to conformity ; but this has proved not only destructive to the peace of the church but has shockt the very foundation of our reformation : for if we must believe under severe penalties what the state and ecclesiastical authority will have us believe ; then scripture must be no more our rule of faith , but the state and church ; which tells me what i must believe ; and we must be deprived of the right and power of interpreting scripture and believing it in the sense we think to be true ; and yet our whole reformation is cemented and was first raised upon this holy liberty ; that every one should read scripture , interpret it ; and believe whatever he thought was the true sense of it ; without any compulsion or constraint for to believe either church ▪ state , vniversity , or doctors , if we did not judge by scripture his doctrine was true . if prudence had as great a share in our conduct , as passion , we should regulate our future by the effects of our past actions ; and if we will cast an eye back to the transactions of later years , we shall find this compulsion of mens consciences has produced but confusion in our church , and fatal disturbances in our state ; contrarywise , never did our reformation enjoy more peace , shin'd with more lustre , and held its course with more happiness , than when none was molested for his profession , but every one had liberty to believe and teach , what dectrine and sense each one thought to be the most conformable to scripture . consider the infancy of the reformation , when god raised luther to repair the ruines of the church ; how of a sudden it spred it self in germany , france , holland , poland , scotland , and england , and by what means ? was it not by taking away all constraint of mens consciences ( used then only in the popish church , ) our blessed reformers taking to themselves and giving to others a holy liberty for to teach and believe whatever they judged to be the doctrine and true sense of scripture , tho it should be against the received opinion of the councils , church , vniversities and doctors ? look into the reign of edward the vi. then did our reformation flourish in england ; and was miraculously propagated by the liberty of martin , bucer , cranmer , ochinus , peter martyr , and others in teaching calvinism , lutheranism , zuinglianism , by scripture as every one understood it : descend to the reign of queen mary , then the light of the gospel was ecclipsed , because the flock was again popishly compelled to believe , not what they judged by scripture to be true ; but what the pope and church judged was such : come down a step lower to queen elizabeth's time , then the flock recovering that holy liberty for to believe what each one thought was the doctrine of scripture , the reformation gained ground ; our several congregations lived peaceably ; for tho protestancy was establisht the religion of the land , others were not oppressed ; nor their liberty constrained by compulsions : step down a degree lower to king james his time ; the reformation held its course as prosperously as in queen elisabeth's time , because mens consciences were not oppressed ; all reformed brethren had full liberty to believe as they pleased ; the protestancy was the religion of the king : look down a stop lower to king charles the first 's reign ; his majesty carried with a godly zeal of restraining the diversity of opinions , begot by the liberty enjoyed in his predecessors times , would by new laws and ordinances force the flock to an vniformity of doctrine ; but our zealous brethren the presbyterians , impatient of any constraint in affairs of religion , and pleading for the evangelical liberty of our reformation , for to believe nothing , nor use any rites or ceremonies , but as each one judged by scripture to be convenient ; they covenanted against his majesty and bishops ; and the storm grew to that height , that both church and state were drown'd almost in the blood of our reformed brethren : lastly , look upon our realm as it is at present , the symptoms of disatisfactions which you may read and hear in coffee-houses , in publick and private conversations ; the sparkles of jealousies , which appear in our land ; the cabals against our government ; the animosity of divided parties ; the murmur and complaints of all ; what 's all this but the smoke of that hidden fire of zeal , wherewith protestants would force presbyterians by penal laws , to profess their tenets , presbyterians exclaim against protestancy as against popery ; quakers judge both to be limbs of satan ; anabaptists look on all three , as children of perdition ; and no congregation would give liberty for to profess any tenets but its own ; in so much that if you consider all well , each of our congregations , are as severe tyrants over our judgments and consciences , as popery was , and our reformation comes to be in effect but an exchange of one italian pope , for many english ones : for as in popery , we must submit our judgments to the pope and church of rome , or be esteemed putrid rotten members , and be shut out of heavens gates ; and suffer inquisitions , persecutions , excommunications , and what not , so among us , you must believe scripture as interpreted by the church of england , or you are condemned by them , you must believe scripture as interpreted by the presbyterians , or you are accursed by them you must believe as anabaptists do , or you are damn'd by them ; and not one congregation among us , but would root all the others out of the world , if it could ; and we do not fear that danger whereof st. paul , gal. 5.15 . warns us , if we bite and devour one another , let 's take heed , we be not consumed one of another ; giving us likewise a wholsom advice in the same place , how to prevent this evil ; stand fast in the liberty , wherewith christ has made us free , and be not intangled again with the yoke of bondage : the world did groan under this heavy yoke in popery ; wherein our rule of faith , was scripture as interpreted by the pope and church : scripture was kept from the hand of the flock : no man permitted to give or believe any interpretation or sense of it , but what the pope , church , and fathers did approve : our reason , our judgments , our consciences were slaves under this yoke , until that god raised our glorious and blessed reformers luther , calvin , zuinglius , beza and others : who took a holy liberty , and gave us all liberty for to read and interpret scripture : to believe no doctrine , but what we judged to be true scripture : to believe any sense of it , which we judged to be true , tho contrary to all the world : they took for their rule of faith scripture , and nothing else but scripture , as each one of them understood it ; this same rule of faith they left to us , and a holy freedom and liberty of our judgments and consciences , that any man of sound judgment may hold and believe whatever sense of it , he thinks to be true . this therefore is the scope and end of my following treatise ; that , whereas our rule of faith , as i will prove by the unanimous consent of our whole reformed church , is scripture or gods written word , as interpreted by each person of sound judgment ; that whereas by the principles of our reformation , no man is to be constrained to believe any doctrine against his judgment and conscience : ( otherwise why were not we left in popery ) it is impious , tyrannical , and quite against the spirit of the reformation , to force us by acts of parliament , decrees of synods , invectives , and persecutions of indiscreet brethren , to embrace this or that religion ; that every one ought to be permitted to believe what he pleases ; if you think bigamy to be the doctrine of scripture : if you think by scripture there is one nature , and four persons in god ; if you think transubstantiation to be true ; if you judge by god's words there 's neither purgatory nor hell ; finally whatever you think to be the true sense of scripture , you are bound as a true reformed child , to believe it ; that it is quite against the spirit of reformation to censure , oppose or blame the doctrine or tenets of any congregation , or of any doctor of the reformed church ; because that any doctrine professed by any christian-congregation , whatever ( the popish excepted ) or that ever was delivered by any man of good judgment of the reformation , since the beginning of it , until this day , is as truly and really the doctrine of the reformation , as the figurative presence or kings supremacy is . consequently protestants are deservedly to be check'd for persecuting quakers ; quakers , for murmuring against presbyterians : these for their invectives against anabaptists and socinians : all are very good ; and you may lawfully , according to the principles of our reformation , believe them , or deny them . this evangelical liberty of believing any thing , which we judg to be the sense of scripture , though all the rest of the world should judge it to be a blasphemy , is the most distinctive sign of the reformation from popery : for papists are the children of agar the slave ; they live in bondage and constraint to believe any doctrine , which the pope and church proposes to them ; and if a learned man , or vniversity should judge it to be contrary to scripture , he must submit his judgment to that of the pope , or be condemn'd as an heretick : in our reformation we are the children of sarah the free ; our rule of faith is scripture as each person of sound judgment in the church understands ; if we do not like the doctrine of the pope , church or council , we may gainsay them all , and hold our own sense of scripture : we enjoy the prerogative of rational creatures we are lead by our own reason , which god has given us for our conduct , and are not like beasts , constrained to follow that of others . we follow the rule given us by s. paul , rom. 14. he who eats , let him not despise him who does not eat ; and who does not eat , let him not despise him who does eat ; for god hath received him : that 's to say , he who believes , let him not check him who does not believe , as he does : and he who does not believe , let him not blame him who does believe : but let each one believe , or not belive as he thinks best in the lord : this holy liberty and freedom is the spirit of god , for , where the spirit of god is , there is liberty , 2 cor. 3. says the great apostle : the lord inspire to our parliament , that now sits upon a perfect and new settlement of government and religion , to follow the footsteps of our first renowned reformers : to enact that there may be no other rule of faith , but that which we received from our reformers , and which is laid down for us in the 39 , articles of the church of england : that is , scripture , as each one best understands it , without regarding the judgment , sense , or interpretation of any but the pure word of god , as we understand it : and to enact penal laws against any so bold and uncharitable as to censure or blame the tenets of any congregation , be it lutheranism , presbytery , arianism , judaism , or paganism : or any doctrine whatever , that any man of sound judgment thinks in his conscience to be the sense and doctrine of scripture . three things make me hope , that this treatise will be welcome to the well inclined and pious reader of our reformed church : first , that there is not one author quoted in this book , but our own doctors , learned and godly children of the reformation ; and this i observe , that my reader may know there 's not a jot of any doctrine here but what is of the reformati●n ; and also advertise our writers and school-men , how much they discredit our reform'd church , by making so much use of popish doctors and books in their writings ; as if we had not great and learned men of our own ; if we look into our bishops and ministers libraries , we shall meet with books either of confessedly papists , or strongly suspected of popery ; and you shall hardly meet in any of them , the works of luther , calvin , beza , or any of our own authors , if you do not meet some comedies , or romances : if you read our modern writers , you shall find their books to be stuft with arguments stolen from strapleton , peron , bellarmin , and other popish doctors , whereas they ought to take their doctrine from luther , calvin , and our other first reformers , apostles raised by gods heavenly spirit : oracles by whose mouths and pens he delivered the pure and orthodox doctrine of the gospel ; heavenly fountains , from which we ought to drink the doctrine of the reformation : therefore , i have made a particular study , for the comfort of my reader , not to profane this treatise with any quotation of any popish writers , none but our own doctors . secondly my reader will be pleased with this treatise , because i do not oblige him to believe the contents of it : if he mislikes any doctrine couched in this book , let him not believe it ; what i pretend is , to maintain his liberty for to believe , or not believe what he pleases , and that none can say black is his eye , for believing whatever he judges to be the sence of scripture ; let all others think of it what they will ; for our rule of faith , as i will prove , being scripture as each person understands it , who can be so bold as to check you for teaching and believing what you understand scripture to say ? some doctrines there are in this book delivered by luther , calvin , zuinglius , beza , and others ; which our church of england , and some others do call blasphemies , and scandalous tenets ; and their irreverence and arrogance it run so far , as to condemn those blessed men , for teaching such tenets , and say , that they swerved from the truth ; and had their frailties , insomuch , that many of us are ashamed to own those great men to have been our reformers and leaders : this is an impiety altogether insupportable , it cannot be suffered with patience , that such apostolical men , who were undeniably our first masters of the reformation , should be so vilified and abused : therefore i do prove , that there 's no doctrine delivered by them , but is to be esteemed and called the doctrine of the reformation : and can be according to the principles of the reformed church , believed and taught by any reformed child : for what is our rule of faith in the reformation , but scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it ? consequently what is the doctrine of the reformation , but what any person of sound judgment understands to be of scripture ? whatever doctrine therefore luther , calvin , or others judged to be of scripture , how can you deny it to be the doctrine of the reformation , or blame them for teaching and believing it ? if you do not like ; the most , you can in justice do , is not to believe it : but you cannot justly say it 's not the doctrine of the reformation , because it 's scripture as understood by persons of good judgment : nor can you in justice blame them , or any other for believing it , if they like it : for must not we believe , what we judge in our consciences to be the doctrine of scripture ? lastly , my reader will be pleased with the sincerity and plain dealing of this treatise : as much as we are all offended by the dissimulation and double dealing of our modern writers , whose aim and scope in the books they give out , seem to be nothing else but to say somewhat , whereby they may be thought to be no papists , and nothing is less found in their writings , than the pure and orthodox doctrine of the reformation : and what is to be bemoaned , that you 'll hardly see in the houses or hands of the flock the works of luther , calvin , or our other first reformers , they are hid from us , to keep us in ignorance of the true reformed doctrine , and we see but bramhall , tillotson , taylor , stillingfleet , thorndike , and such others , whose doctrine is neither popery , nor of the reformation , but a new compound of both ; they do so mangle the questions controverted with their scholastical subtilities and distinctions , as if they were ashamed to own openly our tenets , and did endeavour to get the opinion of moderate sober men with the papists , by drawing as near as their interest can permit them to their doctrine . ask them if we be obliged to believe the doctrine and sense of scripture , delivered by a general council ; our first reformers resolved roundly that we are not : nay luther says expresly we are bound to gainsay , and work against the decrees of any council : but our modern doctors answer with a pretty distinction , there 's a a civil obligation , quoth one , but no obligation in conscience . there 's an obligation in conscience , says another , provided you do not believe they are infallible : you may believe they are infallible objectively or terminatively , says another , but not subjectively : they are infallible in fundamental points , says another , but not in inferior truths . another will come yet , and say they are absolutely infallible in all articles , and thus by little and little the papists gain ground against us , and the lustre of our reformation is clouded by the cowardliness , or insincerity , or hypocrisie of our modern teachers . 1 kings 18. how long halt ye between two opinions ? if the lord be god , follow him : but if baal , then follow him . luther , calvin , beza , and our other first reformers were raised by god to teach us the purity of the gospel : let us not be ashamed to follow their doctrine : to speak , preach , and believe as they did : therefore , i do propose the doctrine in this treatise in its native colours , that if you like it , you may believe it , and if any be so bold as to say , you believe false or scandalous doctrine , you must answer ; it 's the doctrine of the reformation , because it 's scripture as understood by persons of judgment , and the greatest oracles we had : and if you do not like it , you may deny it , but beware never to blame or check any other for believing it : this is the holy liberty of the gospel and of our primitive reformation . first dialogue . ismael . i have read your preface and principles , and methinks you drive to establish a new religion ; for that unlimited liberty , which you assert for to believe or not believe , whatever we please with a safe conscience , is not allowed by any of our reformed congregations ; and it were to be wish'd , you should rather stick to some one of the congregations now established , than to erect a new one , for we have but too many already . isaac . the lord forbid i should think or speak otherwise than as becometh a true child of the reformation : if you will oblige me to believe scripture as interpreted by the lutheran church ( the like i say of any other congregation ) and deny the tenets of all others , what difference betwixt me and a papist in the election of my religion ? for the papists religion must be no other , but scripture as interpreted by the pope and councils ; my religion must be scripture as interpreted by the lutheran church , and no other ; my judgment and conscience therefore is as much constrained as that of the papist and our separation from popery will come to be but an exchange of one slavery for another ; in that , our judgments and counsciences were slaves to the pope and councils ; in this , we are slaves to the lutheran church : we became a reformation by shaking off the yoke of popery from our judgments , and leaving them free for to believe scripture as with the assistance of gods spirit , each one best understands it ; and if we will continue a reformation , we must not submit again our judgments to any other , but retain that blessed liberty we recovered for to believe the tenets of any congregation . i confess this liberty is not allowed by any one particular congregation , as you observe ; out you must also grant me , that it 's allowed and taken by the whole body of the reformation , for in this whole body , as it comprehends protestants , lutherans , presbyterians , &c. one congregation believes what the other denies , and in any of them a man may live with a safe conscience ( which you will not deny ; ) therefore any man has full liberty for to believe or deny with a safe conscience the tenets of any congregation : hence it follows , ( and to my grief i speak it , ) that no particular congregation , be it of england , france or germany , has the true spirit of the reformation , in doting so much upon their particular tenets , as to think they cannot be as well denied , as believed ; and in looking upon them with so passionate eyes , as to censure check and force others to believe them : you shall see by this discourse , that the true spirit of the reformation is not in any one particular congregation separately taken from the rest ; for each particular congregation constrains as much as it can , all people to believe its own tenets : protestancy would have us all to be protestants , and would root lutherans out of the world as well as popery ; lutherans would , if they could , draw all to their own net ; presbytery esteems it self to be the best of all , and would crush protestancy if it could : this then is the spirit of each particular congregation , a limiting , confining spirit to some particular tenets , with an exclusion of all others ; but look on the whole body of our reformation , as it includes all reformed congregations distinct from popery ; there is a holy extension of spirit and liberty for to be either lutherans , presbyterians , protestants , and any thing but popery ; and whatever any congregation may say of another , but all unanimously agree that the spirit of the lord is in the whole body of the reformation ; since therefore that in this whole body , there is a latitude and liberty for to profess divers and opposite tenets , and that each tenet is believed by one , and denied by others ; we must grant that this holy liberty for to believe or deny any tenets we please , is the true spirit of our holy reformation . it 's not therefore to be wish'd , as you do , that i should stick to any one particular congregation or tenet ; for such a restriction is meer popery ; and your bemoaning the multiplicity of our congregation , is profane and popish : no , it 's a blessing of the lord upon our reformation , for which we shall never sufficiently thank him , that we see it divided into so many godly branches . in the house of my father , said christ , there are many mansions , john 14.2 . ismael . by your discourse you seem to allow that we may with a safe conscience change religions as often as we please , and be to day a protestant , to morrow a lutheran , next day a presbyterian , and so run over all . isaac . i know you will be startl'd at my answer , for i am not ignorant that all men apprehended it to be absurd to change and run over so many religions ; but truth must be declared , though it may seem a scandal to the jews , and a folly to the gentiles : it s therefore the doctrine of the reformation that we may with a safe conscience be to day protestants , to morrow lutherans ; in france hugonots , in hungary antitrinitarians , in poland socinians ; and in london of any religion but popery . ismael . for shame you foully impose upon the reformation ; there 's not any congregation that teaches such a scandalous and absurd doctrine . isaac . by your favour , i love the reformation as the apple of my eye , and will never yield to any in my zeal for its honour and doctrine ; i am so far from imposing upon it , that i will evidence your error in denying this to be its doctrine ; and it will appear that whoever will deny it to be very lawful to change religions as time and occasion requires , must renounce the best and fundamental principles of our reformation , and must impiously condemn the practice of our first reformers . ismael . how will you make it out that this doctrine is grounded upon the the fundamental principles of our reformation ; whereas there is not one congregation of ours , but abhors it ? isaac . sir , you may well perceive by the tenor of my discourse , that i am piously and charitably jealous with each particular congregation , and that my drift is to shew that each of them , none excepted , swerves from and transgresses against the true spirit and solid principles of the reformation , as will further appear in this discourse . it 's uncontestedly true that the rule of faith of the reformation is scripture , as the humble of heart , assisted with the spirit of the lord , understand it ; for lutherans will never admit their rule of faith to be scripture , as interpreted by the church of england , but as interpreted by themselves ; nor will england admit scripture to be the rule of faith , as it is interpreted by the presbyterians , but as interpreted by the church of england : so that the doctrine of each congregation is but scripture , as interpreted by them , and whereas all these congregations joyntly compose the whole body of the reformation , and each congregation is truly a member of the reformation the doctrine of the reformation comes to be scripture , as each congregation , and person of sound judgment in the reformation , ( says the church of england in her 39 articles ) interprets it . this being an uncontrouled truth , what man of ever so sound judgment , but may read to day scripture , as interpreted by the lutheran church , and judge in his conscience that interpretation and doctrine to be true ; consequently he may with a safe conscience profess that religion : soon after he may meet calvin's books , and charm'd with the admirable strength of his reasons and glosses upon scripture , he may judge in his conscience , he is to be preferr'd before luther , and so may lawfully forsake lutheranism for calvinism ; then again he hits upon scripture as interpreted by the church of england , whose doctrine ravishes him with that decency of ceremonies , that majesty of her liturgy , that harmony of her hierarchy , he is convinc'd it's better than calvinism , and embraces it : then again , he reads the works of arius , and convinc'd by the energy of his arguments and texts of scripture produced by him , may alter his judgment , and become an arian ▪ wherein can you say does this man transgres●…against the doctrine or principles of the reformation ? does he forsake the reformation , because he forsakes lutherism for calvinism ? no sure ; for calvinism is as much of the reformation as the other : is not protestancy as much the doctrine of the reformation as presbytery ? tho' he changes therefore one for the other , he still holds the doctrine of the reformation : is not the doctrine of the reformation scripture , not as protestants only or presbyterians only interpret it , but as any congregation , or man of sound judgment holds it ? it is therefore evident that according to the doctrine and principles of the reformation , he may with a safe conscience change religions , and be to day of one , to morrow of another , until he runs all over . point me out any congregation ( the obstinate papists excepted , ) who will dare say , i cannot live with a safe conscience in any other congregation but in it self ; all other congregations will laught at it ; why then may not i lawfully forsake any congregation , and pass to another ? and be in england a protestant , in germany a lutheran , in hungary an antitrinitarian or socinian . ismael . it 's against the grain of mans reason to believe that we can with a safe conscience change religions , as you say ; if you be a protestant , and you judge it to be the true religion , you are bound to stick to it , and never to change it . isaac . if i did discourse with a papist , i would not wonder he should say it 's against the grain of mans reason to believe it lawful ; but i admire that a child of the reformation , be he of what congregation he will , should be so ignorant of his principles , as to say a man cannot change religions when he pleases : nor do i undertake to prove against the papist , that this is lawful but i undertake to prove it lawful against any reformed child , or force him to deny the principles of the reformation . is it against reason that a man may read to day scripture , and the lutherans interpretation upon it , and like it very well ; and that he should in this case embrace that religion ? is it against the grain of mans reason that this same man should next year afterwards hit upon calvin's works upon scripture , and after better consideration , think his doctrine to surpass that of luther ; and could not he then ( being obliged to chuse the best , ) forsake lutheranism and stick to calvinism ? and is it against mans reason that he in following years may meet other books of arians , socinians , &c. and do the like ? have not we many examples of this in our best and most renowned reformers ? did not ochinus that great light ( says b. bale ) in whose presence england was happy , reading scripture , judge the reforformation to be better than popery , and of a capuchin fryar became a reformed , after some years reading scripture , he judged judaism to be better than the reformation , and became a jew : did not martin bucer , one of our first reformers of england , and composers of our liturgy , reading scripture judge lutheranism to be better than popery , and of a dominican fryar , became a lutheran ? soon after reading scripture , he judged zuinglianism to be better than lutheranism , and became a zuinglian ; not long after he became a lutheran again as he confesses a and forsook lutheranism the second time , and returned again to zuinglianism , as sklusser says , ( b ) did not cranmer one of our first reformers also of england , and composers of the 39. articles , a wise and religious man profess popery in henry the viii's time , and compose a book in defence of real presence ; then in edward the vi's time upon better consideration he professed zuinglianism , and writ a book against real presence ; then again in queen mary's reign being sentenc'd to death , he declared for popery , but seeing his recantation would not preserve his life , he renounced popery and died a zuinglian . i could tire your patience in reading , and mind in relating the number of our prime and most renowned , as well first reformers . as learned doctors , who without any scruple , changed several times their religions : nor in the principles of our reformation ought they to be blamed : for whereas our rule of faith is scripture as with the assistance of gods spirit we understand it , who doubts but we may to day judge sincerely luther's sense of it to be true , to morrow we may read with more attention and judge arius his sense to be true ; next day that of calvin , and so of the rest : i do not think but that we have in england many abettors of this doctrine : alas ! how many bishops , deans and rich parsons do we know , and have we known who were zealous presbyterians , and declared enemies of protestancy in our gracious soveraign's exile ; and no sooner was he restored , and had bishopricks and ecclesiastical dignities to be given , but they became stiff protestants . observe the difference betwixt the papists and us , if of a papist you become of any other congregation , the popish church excommunicates you , thou art lookt upon as an heretick , and apostate ; a stray'd sheep ; they will not admit you to their communion , or liturgy ; nay , could they well avoid you , they would never admit you to their company ; and why ? because they are fondly perswaded their own is the only true religion , and all others to be synagogues of satan ; and if any of us will become a papist , he must first abjure his former profession : but if of a protestant , you should become a presbyterian , a lutheran , quaker , or of any other of our societies , you are never looked upon to be a jot the worse for it ; we are not a whit scandalized at such changes , which we daily see ; and it is an unspeakable blessing , with what accord , unity and charity , you may see at our liturgy and communion , the protestant , presbyterian , anabaptist , socinian and hugonot , all praising the lord in one congregation in our church , none bid out of the church , none excommunicated , no previous abjuration required of their former tenets ; and there 's nothing more frequent among us than to go to the protestant liturgy in the morning , in the evening to the prebyterian , especially if our interest or convenience requires it : can there be a more convincing proof that we esteem it all alike what religion and tenets we profess ? let a lutheran go to france ; alas ! he will never stick to go to the hugonots meeting and service ; let a protestant go to germany , he will go as cheerfully to the lutheran church , as in england to the protestant : let a hugonot or presbyterian go to hungary , or poland , he is welcome to the antitrinitarians , and socinians ; and when any of them returns home he will be as before . ismael . but can you prove this doctrine by the testimony of any of our synods ? did any teach that we may with a safe conscience change our religion as you say ? isaac . yes , i can : the synod of charenton in france , held about the year 1634 expresly says , that for your salvation it 's all alike whether you be a calvinist , lutheran , or of any other congregation of the reformed ; because , says this venerable synod , they all agree in fundamental points , and the lutherans have nothing of superstition or idolatry in their manner of divine worship . change then as often as you list ; be a lutheran , be a presbyterian , be an anabaptist ; by the mouth of this synod you are assured you 'll never miss to hit right . and i pray , can any synod of our times have more authority in point of doctrine then luther our first reformer , a man extraordinarily raised by god , ( says the synod of charenton , ) and replenisht with his spirit for to repair the ruins of his church ? he teaches c the elevation of the sacrament is idolatry , yet he did practise it , and commanded it should be practised in the church of wittemberg to spite the devil carolstadius : giving you to understand that for just reasons , you may teach now one religion , now another . zuinglius also , whose vertue and learning is known to the world , says , d that god inspired him to preach what doctrin was suitable to the times ; which as it often changes , you may often change your doctrin : and consider you if it be not therefore that christ our lord says his yoke is easie , and his burden is light , ( that is religion ) because we can withdraw our necks from it , as time and just reasons requires . ismael . could you give me any synod of the church of england which delivers this doctrin , you would go near hand to convince me ; for , that some particular doctors should have taught or practised it , does not prove it to be the doctrine of the reformation . isaac . and what a greater authority has a synod of england , for to prove a doctrin to be of the reformation , than a synod of france which i have produced ? or than luther and zuinglius our first reformers , inspired by god , to teach us the purity of the gospel ? was it not from luther and zuinglius , that england received the doctrin of the reformation ? and if england be so bold as to say they erred in this , what assurance can we have , but that they erred in the rest ? but since nothing will please you but a synod of england , you shall have not one , but many . can there be any synod in england of so great authority as our wise and prudent parliaments ? read our chronicles and you 'll find , that in a few years time , they changed and established different religions by publick acts of parliament : in henry the viii 's reign they voted for popery , and made acts and statutes against the reformation ; in edward the vi 's time they banisht popery and voted for zuinglianism ; in queen mary's they pull'd down this , and set up popery again ; in queen elizabeth's , they decryed this , and set up not zuinglianism , but protestancy ; in the midst of her reign , they polisht this , and added some new perfections to it ; in king james and succeeding kings times protestancy is of a different stamp from that of queen elizabeth's : hear dove in his exhort . to the english recusants , an. 1603. pag. 31. henry the 8. had his liturgy which was very good : edward the 6. condemned it , and brought in another composed by peter martyr and bucer : in elizabeth 's time , that was condemned , and another approved ; and in the middle of her reign , her liturgy was also misliked , and a new one introduced ; we are so wanton that nothing will content us but novelties . ismael . dove does not commend this doctrin , for he calls that frequent exchange of religion wantonness , and love of novelty . isaac . it 's no great matter what he says of it ; my drift is but to convince you that this is the doctrine , and practice of the best member of our reformation ; even of england , and if you be convinc'd it 's the doctrine of the reformation , you cannot deny but that it is good doctrine . if dove calls it wantonness , s. paul , ephes . 4.22 . coloss . 3.9 . and rom. 6.6 . commends it , and exhorts us to put off the old man with its deeds , ( that 's popery with its ceremonies , ) and put on the new man , ( that 's the reformation ) where there 's neither greek nor jew , circumcision , nor vncircumcision , barbarian , or scythian , bound or free , but christ is all , and in all : that 's to say ; where there 's no distinction of protestants or presbyterians , socinians , or arians ; it 's all one which religion you profess . ismael . but is there no tenet of religion which we are all indispensably obliged to hold ? isaac . yes there is , and no more but one : we are bound to have faith in jesus christ , the son of god , and the saviour of the world. this is the substance of christian religion ; be an arian , be a presbyterian a socinian or what you please , be also plung'd to your ears in wickedness of life , and manners , so you have faith in jesus christ , son of god , and redeemer of the world , and live in charity , you will be a member of the true church , and be saved . do not imagine this is any new doctrine invented by me ; search the vulgar sort of our reformed brethren , you shall get thousands of this opinion in our realm ; search the books of our learned doctors , you shall find it in them also . doctor morton , in his much applauded book , dedicated to queen elizabeth , for which he deserved a bishoprick , e says : the arian church is to be esteemed a true church , because they hold the true substance of christian religion , which is faith in jesus christ , son of god , and redeemer of the world : and again in the same place . sect. 4. whose title , is , hereticks are members of the church , he says , whosoever believes in jesus christ , though by wickedness of life , or heresie in doctrine , they should err in doctrine , they are still true members of the church . therefore our learned f fox , g doctor field , and illiricus , say the greek church , notwithstanding their error in denying the procession of the holy ghost from the son , are holy members of the true church , because they have faith in jesus christ . ismael . sure you will not say this doctrine is of the reformation or can be safely believed ? isaac . i do admire how you can doubt of it , and that it may be believed : for what is the doctrine of the reformation but as we have said in our principles , scripture as interpreted by any man of sound judgment in the church ? and were not doctor morton , fox , field , and illiricus , men of sound judgment , eminent learning and godliness ? if therefore this be scripture as interpreted by them , how can you deny it to be the doctrine of the reformation ? ismael . and what jesus christ are we obliged to believe in ? for jesus christ , as believed by the arians , socinians , luther and calvin , is far different from jesus christ , as commonly believed by the protestants , and popish church ; we believe in jesus christ the son of god , of one and the same substance and nature with the father ; they believe in a jesus christ son of god , but of a distinct and different nature and substance of the father . isaac . pish ! that 's but a nicety ; believe what you please , and what you understand by scripture to be true , and have charity . ismael . i confess you have puzled , but yet not wholly convinced me ; were i but perswaded that what you have discoursed , is truly the doctrin of the reformation , i would cheerfully embrace it , and i will be better informed by your self , but not tire your patience : we will meet again and pursue our discourse upon this subject . second dialogue . ismael . reflecting in my sollitude upon your last discourse , i find it bottom'd upon a false principle , for you suppose that whatever doctrin is of luther , calvin , or any of your learned doctors , synods , parliaments , or congregations , is the doctrin of the reformation , and may without any more proof or scruple , be believed by any reformed child ; who but sees this is ridiculous , to fasten the doctrin and absurd opinions of each particular doctor , or congregation upon the whole body ? this is the uncharitable and unreasonable art of the papists who keep a great coil , with some exorbitant opinions of luther and calvin , and would perswade their proselites , they are the tenets of the reformation ; whereas the reformation disclaims those opinions as much as the pope does : and they do not poor people observe how many absurd and scandalous doctrines we meet in their casuists and divines , which when we reproach them with , they answer , it 's not the doctrin of their church , but of some particular doctors ; as if we might not with as much justice as they , answer the same . isaac . your reflection is good , and my discourse will fall to the ground , if i do not prove that principle , which will be no hard task : let us imagine we are here a full synod of protestants , presbyterians , hugonots , lutherans , antitrinitarians , anabaptists , quakers , and of all and each of our congregations ; our reformation is not any of these congregations , with an exclusion of the rest , but all of them joyntly ; for whatsoever congregation would say it self alone is the reformation , and no other , would be hiss'd at by the rest ; and justly , because that our reformation imports two points essentially . first , a profession of christianity , according to the rule of the word of god , and a detestation or abjuration of popish errors ; and none of these congregations but does both . ismael . i know some of these , pharisee-like , despise others , and look upon them not as reformed , but as putrid members ; but the lord forbid i should be so void of charity ; i see no just chalenge any can have to the title of reformation , which all have not . isaac . let us ask this synod by what rule of faith does the reformation walk ? what must a man believe for to be a true reformed ? protestants will say , that scripture and apostolical tradition ; but protestants say of papists and presbytarians and anabaptists say of protestants , that many humane inventions are obtruded upon us as apostolical traditions : that we have no way , to discern the one from the other , and consequently tradition , as being an unknown thing unto us , cannot be our rule ; others will say , that scripture , and the indubitable consequences out of it , is our rule , all will grant this ; but then enters the controversy , if the consequences of lutherans be such , and if the consequences of presbyterians be indubitable out of scripture , and each congregation will say , that their peculiar tenets are indubitable consequences out of scripture , and the rest must allow it to be true , or deny such a congregation to be of the reformation ; others will say that scripture , and the four first general councils with the apostles , and athanasius's creed are our rule of faith ; but most of the assembly will no more admit the four first , than the subsequent councils , nor athanasius's creed , more than that of trent , nor will the quakers , socinians , and others value the apostles creed . but there is none of all the assembly , who will not admit scripture , that 's the pure written word of god , to be a sacred and full rule of faith , because it 's replenished with divine light , and all heavenly instruction necessary for our salvation : and such as add , as a part of our rule of faith , the apostles or athanasius's creed , or the four first general councils , they will confess that all they contain , is expressed in gods written word , and are but a plainer , or more distinct expression or declaration of the contents of scripture . ismael . truly i must grant you this , that i have been often present at several discourses of protestants with papists , and never could i hear a protestant make councils , tradition , or any thing else , the test of their discourse , but only scripture ; not but that i could hear them say and pretend in their discourses , that apostolical tradition , and the four first councils were for them against popery ; but still their main strength and ultimate refuge was scripture ; for whenever they harp upon that string of tradition and councels , the papists are visibly too hard for them and then they run to scripture , than which there is no plus ultra . i have been also often at several discourses betwixt protestant , presbyterians , and our brethren of other congregations , i have observed that the protestant , for to defend his liturgy , rights and ceremonies of the church of england , and her episcopacy against the others could never defend himself by scripture alone , and plac'd his main strength against them in tradition , primitive councils , and ancient fathers , all which the other rejected and reproached the protestant with popery , for making use of that weapon ; that if they would stick to those principles as their rule of faith , they must admit many tenets of popery , which they disavow , that nothing but scripture is a sufficient warrant and rule of faith : and i find by all i could ever well understand , that 's the general apprehension , and belief of all the reformation , that scripture abundantly contains all we are obliged to believe ; and is our sole and only rule of faith ; and that our recourse to tradition , councils , fathers , &c. are but shifts of some of our doctors , who being non-plust in their particular engagements , and sophistries , patch the incoherency of their discourses with these rags of popery . isaac . i commend your ingenuity , but not that heat which transports you to check our doctors , for their glosses and particular doctrines upon scripture , which , as the manna relished of all sorts of victuals , which the eater fancied , admits several sences according to the different spirits , and measure of light that god gives to the reader , and it is undoubtedly the spirit of the reformation to follow what sense of it he likes best , and not to check others following this or that as they please : lutherans , protestants , presbyterians , &c. have all for their rule of faith , scripture , which each of them interprets in a different sense ; luther for the real , [ protestants for the figurative ] presence ; protestants for episcopacy ; presbyterians against it , and so of others : and tho' each esteems his own sence to be the best , yet none is so bold as to say that others may not be saved in their own sence of it , or deny them to be true children of the reformation ; nay , that venerable synod of charenton , as i quoted above , has declared , that the lutherans , tho' opposite to them in their chief tenets , are their beloved brethren , and have nothing idolatrous or superstitious in their manner of divine worship : the fundamental reason of all this is , that our rule of faith , is but scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it . ismael . i grant all your discourse as to this particular ; for it 's certain , lutherans will not admit scripture as interpreted by pretestants , but as interpreted by themselves ; and so of each other congregation . isaac . if you admit our rule is scripture , as each understands it ; then you must grant that our doctrine of the reformation , is whatever doctrine each person of sound judgment understands to be of scripture ; and from this , it appears plainly that my principle whereat you boggl'd is true ; that whatever doctrine is professed by any of our congregations , synods , parliaments , doctors , or particular doctor of our reformation is to be truly reputed and esteemed the doctrine of our reformation ; which principle being true , my discourse of yesterday is undeniable , that you may change religion as often as you please , and remain still a true reformed child . ismael . but you have said , that not only the doctrine of each congregation and synod , is the doctrine of the reformation : but also whatever any one particular doctor teaches , and this seems to be very absurd . isaac . it 's not so absurd , as it 's true ; i 'll prove by the principles of our reformed church , by the testimonies of our most learned and best doctors and reformers , and by reason and experience , that the doctrine of any particular doctor among us , has as much right to be called and esteemed the doctrine of the reformation , as protestancy , presbytery , or lutheranism , for what is lutheranism , but the judgment of luther a particular doctor against the whole church of rome ? what is calvanism , but what calvin a particular doctor judged to be the sence of scripture against that same church ? what is quakerism , but honest naylor's godly and pious sentiments upon scripture ? it 's undeniably the principle of our reformed church , that our rule of faith is scripture as interpreted , not only by synods or congregations , but by any person of sound judgment in the church . no congregation or synod is to us a rule of faith , because all are ●…llible ; but gods written word , as each one understands it ; and if we do not like the sence of it delivered by any council , synod , or congregation , we may safely deny it . therefore our great calvin , a says , and proves with great energy of scripture and reason , that we are not obliged to the decisions and doctrine of any council , synod , or congregation , if after having examined scripture , we do find their interpretation and sense of it , is conformable to the word of god. let synods and congregations say what they will , if any particular doctor thinks his own private sence of it to be better , he may stick to it against them all , and be a good true child of the reformation ; as arminius in holland did withstand the synods of dordrecht and delfe ; as luther and calvin did against rome . i will be free , says our unparallel'd proto-apostle luther , b i will not submit my self to the authority of councils , church , doctors , vniversities , or fathers , but will teach and preach whatever i think to be true . did ever any apostle speak with more courage ? and the blessed man acted with no less ; he knew full well the whole stream of antiquity , doctors , fathers and councils were against him , as he confesses himself , and did not care a rush for them all : lay aside , says he , call arms of orthodox antiquity , of schools of divinity , authority of fathers , councils , popes , and consent of ages ; we receive nothing but scripture ; but so that we must have the authority of interpreting it . nor was it only luther and calvin spoke thus , but all our first blessed reformers ; and why ? because our rule of faith is scripture , not as interpreted by the church of england , ( france will not admit it , ) nor as interpreted by the quakers , ( the anabaptists , and independants will not hear it ) nor as interpreted by luther , ( calvin rejects it ) nor as interprèted by calvin , ( thorndike and bramhall will not yield to it , ) nor will stillingfleet stand to their interpretation ; nor others to that of stillingfleet . finally our rule of faith is scripture , not as interpreted by any , but as each congregation , synod , particular doctor , or man of sound judgment interprets it , and consequently whatever doctrine any man of sound judgment judges to be of scripture , is to be esteem'd the doctrine of the reformation ; and you may safely believe it , if you like it , and remain still as truly a reformed child , as the proudest protestant of england . ismael . can you prove that our rule of faith is scripture , as any particular doctor or person of sound judgment understands it ? isaac . behold how convincingly : first we have heard luther , quoted but now , say , we receive nothing but scripture , but so as that we must have the authority for to interpret it : hear him again ; d the governours and pastors have power to teach , but the sheep must give their judgment , whether they propose the voice of christ , or of strangers . and again , e christ has taken from the bishops , councils , and pastors , the right of judging of doctrine ; and given it to all christians in general ; and the rule is scripture as each one will think fit to interpret it . and consequently to this , we have heard him say above , i will be free and will not submit to doctors , councils or pastors but will teach whatever i think to be true . barlow , f the apostles have given to each particular , the right and power of interpreting , and judging by his inward spirit what is true ; it is needless that either man , or angel , pope , or council , should instruct you , the spirit working in the heart and scripture are to each particular person most assured interpreters . blison , bishop of winchester , says the same , g the people must be discerners and judges of what is taught . our religion has no other rule of faith ( says our french reformation by the mouth of du moulin , h drelincourt , and the holy synod of charenton , but the written word of god , as interpreted by us . lastly , says the church of england . we have no other rule of faith , but scripture as each person of sound judgment in the church understands it , and what is proved by it : and again in the catholick doctrine of the church of england , pag. 103. which is but an exposition of 39 articles . our rule of faith is but scripture , as each person of sound judgment in the church understands it : authority is given to the church , and to each person of sound judgment in it , to judge in controversies of faith , and this is not the the private judgment of our church , but also of our brethren of foreign countries . ismael . i confess , not only these , but many other doctors abet your discourse , and the general vogue of our reformation , is for scripture as each one understands it ; but alas ! you see well , that we can never settle any religion , or church , by such a rule of faith. isaac . you can never settle any but this , that every man may without let or hinderance , believe what be pleases ; and why should not this be a good religion ? if scripture as each one understands it be not our rule of faith ; if we must be constrained to believe scripture not as we understand it , but as it is understood by this or that congregation ; what difference betwixt us and papists ? they must believe scripture as interpreted by the pope and councils ; have ever so much light from god , be ever so wise and witty , you must depose your own judgment , and submit to that of the pope , council , and popish church : to this pass we are come also ; we must believe the kings supremacy , episcopacy , figurative presence , tho perhaps we do not judge by scripture it to be true doctrine ; we are constrained by penal laws , and and acts of parliament to believe them , as papists by their inquisition ; and why ? because the church of england understands by scripture , it 's true ; and if you reply you do not interpret scripture so , you 'll not be heard ; you must submit and believe against your judgment ; and what 's this but plain popish tyranny over mens consciences ? did luther and calvin forsake the pope and councils , for to submit their judgments to any other ? no , but to follow scripture as each one of them understood it : and tho' luther was a man raised by god , and replenish'd with his spirit to repair the ruins of the church , yet calvin did no more submit to him , than luther did to the pope ; nor did zuinglius submit to calvin , but followed his own sense of scripture , nor did oeclampadius submit to zuinglius ; but every one searched the scripture , believed and taught what they thought to be true and thus we became a reformation of popery ; if therefore we will continue a reformation , and walk by the spirit of our blessed reformers ; we must not be constrained to believe any mans sense of scripture . we must believe whatever we think to be true , and have no other rule of faith but scripture , as each one understands it . ismael . and what then ? what do you infer from this discourse ? isaac . this consequence , that whereas no true child of the reformation , be he of what congregation he will , can justly deny our rule of faith to be scripture , as any person of sound judgment interprets it ; it follows unavoidably that the doctrine of the reformation is , whatever any person of judgment interprets to be the true sense of scripture , and whatever luther , calvin , beza , or any other of sound judgment in the reformation , since its first rise until this day , taught to be the true sence of scripture , is to be called and esteemed the doctrine of the reformation , tho' to this or that congregation , it may seem to be wicked and scandalous doctrine . and now let me answer to an objection you made against this principle in our entrance to this discourse : you objected that many popish doctors and casuists , delivered scandalous and base doctrines , which the papists will not admit to be the doctrin of their church , tho' delivered by popish doctors ; and thence you pretended , that the particular sentiments of private doctors of the reformation are not to be called the doctrin of our church . but be pleased to observe the difference betwixt popery and our reformation the rule of , faith in popery is scripture , as interpreted by the pope and council , or their church ; they will admit no other ; consequently no doctrin is to be called popery , but what is judged by the pope and his church , or council , to be the sense of scripture ; and if any doctor or university holds any sense contrary to theirs , it is to be called the doctrin of that particular person and not the doctrin of the popish church , because their rule of faith is not scripture , as interpreted by their pope and council . but whereas our rule of faith in the reformation is scripture , as each person of sound judgment interprets it ; whatever doctrin , or sense , is said by any man to be of scripture , is justly to be called the doctrine of the reformation : for example , melancthon , a man of sound judgmen , great learning , and of an upright conscience , taught bigamy to be the doctrine of scripture ; beza taught the lords supper might be administer'd a in any kind of victuals , as well as in bread and wine : calvin taught that christ despaired on the cross , and suffer'd the pains of hell after his death : why then , let all the bishops and universities of england condemn this doctrine ; let all the synods of france and germany decry it , the doctrine will be still of the reformation , because it 's scripture as interpreted by men of sound judgment . ismael . the heat of your discourse has tired you , and my memory is sufficiently loaden with what you have said ; let me digest it in my private retirement and we will meet again . isaac . content , carry with you these three points which i have proved convincingly ; first , our rule of faith is scripture , not as interpreted by this or that , but by any man of sound judgment ; secondly , it follows hence that the doctrine of the reformation must be , and ought to be called whatever any man of sound judgment says is the sense of scripture : thirdly , it follows we may change religions as often as we please . third dialogue . ismael . i remember well the summary of your last discourse given me in three points , and i find the second to be absurd and repugnant to reason : you 'll never perswade it , tho' you pleaded for it with great energy ; what if a silly woman , cobler , or other tradesmen , read scripture , and give their sense of it , that , forsooth , must be called the doctrine of the reformation ? and it shall be lawful for them to believe it , against the doctrine of the whole church . isaac . do not limit gods infinite goodness , by measuring his mercies towards his creatures with your narrow apprehensions : take notice , he says , he has chosen the weak and contemptible of the world for to confound the strong ones : * i confess unto you father , that you have hid these things from the wise and prudent , and hast revealed them to the little ones . and there he choose poor simple fishermen to his apostles : i know it 's the practice of papists , and from them your church of england borrows it , to despise the ministery of women , tradesmen , and illiterate people , in preaching , teaching , and interpreting scripture ; but st. paul tells us , ** the word of god is not bound ; that 's to say , is not entail'd on the learned , rich , or great ones ; the ‖ wind bloweth where it listeth : our bishops and ministers would make a monopoly of the word of god , and have themselves to be the only retailers of it ; for to have some plausible title for to enjoy great rents , and shear the flock . but we have seen , as well among the quakers , as in other congregations , silly women and tradesmen , replenish'd with gods spirit , preach and expound the great mysteries of our religion with as much of good success and edification of the auditory , a●… any penny-book man in england . ismael . it seems you approve the ministry o● women and silly tradesmen , for preaching and teaching the flock ; and if so , you 'll overthrow our hierarchy of bishops and ministers . isaac . it matters not so much for you to know what i approve or condemn ; but to know what the doctrine of the reformation is ; it 's this ; that none can teach , preach , administer sacraments , or exercise , ecclesiastical function , if he be not in holy orders , bishop , minister , or deacon ; for the church of england teache● it , and you may believe it if you please . you may also deny it and say , any woman or tradesman has as much power for to preach and administer the sacraments , as the richest bishop in england : this also is the doctrine of the reformation as well as the former , because quakers , presbyterians , brownists , anabaptists , &c. believe and teach it , and they are men of as sound judgments , and as good reformers as protestants ; nay , the most learned of our reformers , teach and commend the power of women for to exercise spiritual functions , and administer the sacraments : a saumaise , peter martyr , and b zuinglius , expresly defend the priesthood as well of women as of men : and c luther proves it efficaciously ; the first office of a priest says he , is to preach ; this is common to all , even women ; the the second is to baptize : which is also common to women ; the third is to consecrate their bread and wine , and this also is common to all as well as to men : and in the absence of a priest , a woman may absolve from sins as well as the pope , because the words of christ , whatever ye shall untye on earth , shall be untyed in heaven , were said to all christians . and when so eminent men had not said it , reason and scripture convinces it ; reason , because that our rule of faith being scripture as each person of sound judgment understands it , many women undoubtedly are of sound judgment , and why should not their interpretation of scripture pass for the doctrine of the reformation , as well as that of our bishops and ministers ? scripture , because we read , the samaritan woman was the first who preached the messias to the city of samaria , and christ commanded mary magdalen to go to preach his resurrection to his disciples ; and we know by our cronicles , that our glorious queen elizabeth of blessed memory , did not only govern the state , but was a great apostoless in church affairs . ismael . to what purpose then , have we bishops and ministers , who enjoy so vast revenues , if any man or woman can preach and administer the sacraments as well as they ? isaac . you may believe , bishops and ministers are very needful for the service of the church ; for they being commonly learned witty men , and having wives , they come to instruct their wives so well , that the good women come in a short time to be as learned as their husbands , and as nimble and quick in the ecclesiastical ministeries , as they if they were permitted to exercise them ; as some authors of credit relate unto us , that a gentleman of constance , writ to his friend in a village , ( about three leagues distant from that city , ) whose inhabitants were for the most part of our lutheran reformation ; the good pastor exhorted his flock to prepare for easter communion , that none should presume to come to the holy table , but should first confess and receive absolution of his sins : easter holy days being come , such a multitude flock'd to confession , that the pastor could not satisfie the devotion of so great a croud ; he called his wife to help him , for to hear confessions , and give absolutions , in which ministery the good lady did labour with great satisfaction of the penitents ; but neither the pastor , nor his vertuous consort being able to dispatch so great a multitude , he called his maid servant , who did work in the holy ministery with as much expedition as her master . but for all this , the church of scotland , france , and all england ( protestants excepted , ) will tell you that bishops and ministers are not needful , nay that they are very prejudicious to the reformation and state ; to the reformation , because this hierarchy with the bishops court , surplices , corner caps , and other trumperies , puts the flock in mind of popery , whereof it 's a perfect resemblance ; and whilst the papists see our change from them , comes to be almost no more but to substitute new priests and bishops in their own place for to manage more conscienciously the rents and revenues which they profanely abused , and that those rents and revenues are still in the hands of an ecclesiastical hierarchy , they live in hopes of recovering them some day , when our bishops and ministers will come to be as bad stewards of them as they were , and that the flock will be weary of them and call back the antient possessors : it 's therefore perhaps the emissaries of the pope do incessantly blow in our ears , how ill our ecclesiastical revenues are bestowed , for to maintain wives and children , pomp and vanity of bishops and ministers , no less than in popery . to the state , they seem to be prejudicious , whereas any but a bishop or minister , would think , it would be more advantagious to the common-wealth , that the king should have those revenues for to maintain his fleet and army , and ease thereby the subjects of subsidies and taxes , than that a handful of bishops and ministers should have them ? specially when others can preach and teach as well as they , for nothing , but the pleasure of being heard . ismael . but do not you see it would be a sacrilege , that the king should deprive the clergy of their church revenues ? isaac . and do not you know , that almost all our congregations do hold our clergy to be no true clergy , but as meer laymen as you or i ? they admit no clergy or episcopal character , but elders chosen by the congregation . and if they be no true clergy , they have no right to the church revenues , and it 's no sacrilege to deprive them of them . the popish clergy in henry the viii's time , had visibly a greater right to them , than ours now have . for neither the king himself nor any other did doubt of their right ; and now most of our congregations do absolutely deny any right in our clergy to those rents , because they are no clergy . ye● none will be so bold , as to accuse henry the viii of sacrilege , for having taken the church-living from them , for to put them to better use . and why should we dare say , our king would commit any , for depriving our clergy of those rents ? believe he can lawfully do it , or believe he cannot , you 'll be still a good child of the reformation . believe what you please . ismael . this is a ticklish point , let 's leave it to the consideration of our wise and prudent parliament , and be pleased to answer to my doubt . how can we live in peace and tranquility in religion , if our rule of faith be scripture as each one understands it . i remember a discourse started in the house of lords , not many years ago , by his grace the duke of buckingham ; he desired to know , what it was to be a protestant ; wherein did protestancy properly consist ? the bishops , who were present looked one upon another , and whether they feared the difficulty of the question , or that for modesty's sake each expected to hear another speak first , they stood silent for a while ; at last the ice was broken by one , others followed , but hardly any two agreed ; and all that the duke could gather out of their several answers , was , that our rule of faith , was scripture as each one understood it , and protestancy nothing but scripture , as interpreted by the parliament and church of england ▪ whereupon he concluded , we have been these hundred years very busie for to settle religion , and for ought i perceive , we are as unsettled n●w as at the beginning : and truly he had great reason , for religion and faith is nothing else , but that sense of scripture , which each person of sound judgment understands ; and as it 's impossible we should all jump and agree in one sense and meaning of the text , so it 's impossible we shall ever be settled and agree in religion . isaac . the reason of our unsettlement hitherto , and at present , is the violent efforts , what by persecutions , acts of parliaments , and other oppressions : what by invectives , intrigues , and cabals of the church of engand , to draw all to be protestants ; of the presbyterians , to make us deny episcopacy ; and of each other congregation to force us to their respective tenets : and whilst this constraint and severity is used against mens consciences , it 's in vain to expect peace or settlement in our reformed church : but let us follow the rule of faith , let each one believe as in his conscience he best understands scripture : let us all believe what we please , and be permitted so to do , and we shall without doubt enjoy perfect peace and tranquillity : believe you figurative presence , if you will ; let the lutheran believe his real presence , if he likes it , and let me believe no presence at all , if i judge there 's none ? why will not you permit me to follow that rule of faith , which the whole reformation , even the church of england gives me in her 39 articles , scripture as each person of sound judgment understands it ? to say , we can never have settlement in religion , whilst this arbitrary interpretation of scripture is permitted , is to speak like a papist : this the pope and papists said to our first blessed reformers , and the popish church says this day to us , that we ought to submit our judgments to the church and councils ; that we ought not to believe what sense we think to be true , but what the pope and councils propose unto us ; and if luther , and our other reformers did not do ill in following their own sense and interpretation of scripture against all the world , why do you blame me , or any other for following their example . ismael . when you speak of our reformation and congregations , i hear you reckon the arians , socinians , and antitrinitarians , among them ; sure you do not believe they , or such like ancient condemned hereticks , were of the reformation ; for we protestants do believe the mystery of the trinity against them , and will never own them to be our brethren . isaac . and do not you believe episcopacy against the presbyterians , some canonical books against the lutherans , supremacy against the quakers , and infants baptism against the anabaptists ; and yet you own them as your brethren and godly congregations of the reformation ; or if you will deny them , they will also scorn you , and say they are more of the reformation than you are ? and why will you not own the arians , &c. as your brethren , tho' you believe the trinity against them ? you say they are old condemn'd hereticks ; and does this language become a child of the reformed church ? by whom were they condemn'd ? was it not by the popish church ? which also condemns us , and says we are as much hereticks as they ; and as we ought not to be so called , and judge the pope and councils sentence against us , to be bold , uncharitable , and unjust ; so we must say of the arians , pelagians , and others condemn'd by them . you say protestants will never own them to be their brethren ; god forbid the protestant church should be so uncharitable to their fellow christians , and so unjust to themselves . b. morton , ( as i cited in my first dialogue , ) as learned a man as the church of england bred , says the arian church is a true church , and will say no less of the others : but what need we the testimony of any , for what reason so convincingly proves ; they who walk by one and the same rule of faith , are of one and the same religion ; therefore lutherans , protestants , presbyterians and independants , do esteem themselves to be of the same faith and religion , because they all have the same rule , which is scripture , as each congregation understands it : also , notwithstanding the difference and variety of congregations in popery , they hold all but one faith , as they say ; because they have all but one rule of their belief , which is their infallible pope and church : but it 's evident that those which you call antient condemn'd hereticks , have one and the same rule of faith with our reformation ; for ours is scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it , without any obligation of holding the sense of it delivered by pope , church , councils , or any other ; therefore our first blessed reformers did not care what sense of it the church or pope did hold , when they began to preach the purity of the gospel , but each of them interpreted it as he thought sit in the lord , and so purged the church of many errours : this is the very self same rule of faith , which arians , pelagians , nestorians , and others , peremptorily condemned by rome as hereticks , did follow and walk by : each of them read and interpreted scripture , preached and believed what sense of it they thought to be true , tho' they knew it was against the doctrine of the church , looking on scripture alone as their rule of faith , without any regard of the pope , church , councils or fathers : the church of rome , proud and impatient of any opposition , condemned them as hereticks for not submitting their judgments to her ; for taking scripture as they understood it , and not as the church and councils understood it , for their r●●● of faith ; and if this be a crime , we are as guilty as they ; we are equally ●… ocent or innocent ; we are both hereticks , or none is ; we are therefore concern'd in their honour , and ought to defend the integrity of their procedure against the common enemy , which is the pope . they were reformers of the church in their times , as we are in ours ; and whereas they have the same rule of faith , so they have the same religion with the reformation . ismael . then you will say , arianism is the doctrine of the reformation , and we may lawfully believe it . isaac . i say , god's unity in nature and trinity in persons , is the doctrine of the reformation , because the protestant , lutheran , and hugonot church judge by scripture , it is true ; and if you judge also by scripture , it is the true doctrine , you may believe it : i say also , if you judge by scripture , this mystery is not true , you may safely deny it acccording to the principles of the reformation , and be still as good a member of the reformed church , as they who believe it ; for whoever believes what he judges by scripture to be true , is a true reformed : and , that the denial of the trinity is as much the doctrine of the reformation , as the belief of it ; it appears not only because it was the doctrine of the arians , who , as i proved , are truly of the reformed church ; but because it was taught by the greatest lights of our church : d calvin says the text. my father is greater than i , must be understood of christ , not only as he is man , but also as he is god. and that the council of nice did abuse the text : e my father and i are one , for to prove the vnity of both in nature ; whereas it only signifies their vnity by conformity of wills. again he says , epist . 2. ad polon . in tract . theol. pag. 796. that prayer , holy trinity , one god have mercy of us , is brabarous , and does not please me . and adds , f the son has his own substance distinct from the father . his disciple g danaeus , says , it 's a foolish insipid prayer : and our great apostle luther , ( who as fox witnesseth , was the chariot and conductor of israel , and a man extraordinarily raised and replenish'd with gods spirit , to teach the purity of the gospel , ) caused that prayer to be blotted out of the litanies , h that word trinity , says he , sounds coldly ; my soul hates that word humousion , and the arian did well in not admitting it . lastly , ochinus that great oracle of england , impugns this mystery with a strong discourse : i we are not obliged to believe , says he , more than the saints of the ancient testament , otherwise our condition would be worse than theirs , but they were not obliged to believe this mystery , therefore we are not obliged . examin , i pray , the works of these eminent doctors , where i quote them ; consider if they be not , not only men of sound judgment , but men extraordinarily raised by god , ( says the synod of charenton ; ) the chariots and conductors of israel , says fox : men to be reverenc'd after christ , says our doctor ●owel , and apostolical oracles sent to teach us the purity of the gospel , and conclude , it 's an undeniable verity , that this is the doctrine of the reformation , whereas it's scripture as interpreted by such men : oh! but england , france , and scotland , believe this mystery ; well ! and what then ? that proves that the mystery is also the doctrine of the reformation , because whatever any man of sound judgment thinks to be scripture , it 's the doctrine ; but is england or france alone the whole reformation ? are not luther , calvin , danaeus , ochinus as well of the reformation , and men of as sound judgment as they ? since therefore they understand , by scripture there 's no trinity , it 's the doctrine of the reformation also that there 's none : believe it or deny it , which you like best , and you 'll be still of the reformed church . isaac . by the principle you run upon you say any may blasphemy is the doctrin of the reformation , for there 's hardly any so execrable , but some dr. of ours has delivered and taught it . ismael . the principle i run upon is this , scripture as each person of sound judgment interprets it , is our rule of faith : judge you , if that be not a good principle in our reformed church , whereas this is the rule of faith given us by the 39 articles , and generally by all our doctors , as i proved in my first dialogue : this being our rule of faith and reformed doctrine , it 's evident , that whatever doctrine is judged by any person of sound judgment to be contained in scripture , is the doctrine of our reformation : some persons of sound judgment say the real presence is expressed by scripture , this therefore is the doctrine of the reformation ; others say only figurative presence is taught in scripture , this also is the doctrine of the reformation ; some , understand by scripture , there is a mystery of the blessed trinity , this therefore is the doctrine of the reformation : others understand there 's no such mystery , this also is the doctrine of the reformation : so that whether you believe or deny this or any other tenet controverted , you 'll still hold the doctrine of the reformation . ismael . calvin k says , christ pray'd unadvisedly , the eve of his passion ; that he uttered words whereof he was afterward sorry : that in his passion he was so troubled of all sides , that overwhelm'd with desparation , he desisted from invoking god , which was to renounce all hopes of salvation : and says he , l if you object it 's absurd and scandalous to affirm christ despair i answer , this desparation proceeded from him as he was man , not as he was god. and this is not only the doctrine of calvin , but of brentius , m marlotus , n jacobus minister ( quoted by bilson ) and of beza . will you say this is the doctrine of the reformation , or that we can without scruple believe it ? also calvin says , o that christ's corporal death was not sufficient for to redeem us , but that after having despaired on the cross , he suffered the death of his soul ; that 's to say , that his soul after his corporal death , suffered the pains of the damn'd in hell. and says he in the same place , they are but ignorant , doltish , brutish , men , who will deny it . luther also teaches the same doctrine : p as he suffered with exceeding pains , the death of the body ; so it seems he suffered afterward the death of the soul in hell : epinus q a learned lutheran says , christ descended into hell for thee , and suffered not only corporal death , but the death and fire of hell. mr. fulk and perkins avow this is also the express doctrine of illiricus , latimer and lossius . also luther r most impiously affirms , that not the human nature of christ dyed for us , but also his divine nature : see luther's words quoted at large by zuinglius , ſ and hospinian ; t if you say such scandalous blasphemies may be safely believed , you will render your christianity suspected ; and if you say , that they are the doctrine of the reformation , or that they may be believed according to the principles of the reformation , you will make the reformation , and its principles to be hated by any good christian . isaac . if i walk by the rule of faith of the reformation , i 'll prove my self a true reformed child ; and if i prove my self to be a reformed child , my christianity cannot be justly suspected . what tenet have you related of all those which you call blasphemies and scandals , but has been judged by those eminent doctors of our reformation to be express scripture , or conformable to scripture ; and since our rule of faith is scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it , and since the doctrine of our reformation is but whatever any such person of sound judgment , judges to be expressed in , or proved by scripture , it 's evident that all those tenets are undeniably the doctrine of the reformation : i say then , and will say , without any offence to my christianity , or blemish to our reformed church , that those tenets are the doctrin of the reformation and may be as safely believed by any child of it , as figurative presence , supremacy , or two sacraments : and let not any bigot pretend to frighten me from this doctrine by calling it blasphemy and impiety ; no , it 's scripture , as interpreted by our renowned reformed doctors , therefore it 's no blasphemy : let any man convince me , that our rule of faith must not be scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it ; and he will convince that this cannot be justly called the doctrine of the reformation ; but whilst that principle and rule of faith stands unshaken , nothing that is taught by any person of judgment to be the doctrine of scripture , but it is to be called our doctrine , and may be safely believed . you say , that whoever has any love for christianity , will hate the reformation and its principles , if they give liberty for to believe such blasphemies : but , can any mother be more indulgent to her child , than the reformation is to us ? such as think those tenets to be blasphemies , the reformation gives them leave not to believe them : and if any judges by scripture , that they are not blasphemies , but pure doctrine , as luther , calvin , and others did , they have liberty for to believe them . he who denies them , cannot in charity check them who believe them , nor can they who believe them , check those who deny them , whereas each follow the rule of faith , and believe what they judge by scripture to be true . and if you or your church of england cry out blasphemy , blasphemy , against all that you judge to be false , why do not you cry blasphemy against presbyterians , lutherans , and other congregations , from whom you dissent ? and what difference betwixt you and ●he church of rome ? the folly of this is to call heresy and blasphemy all that is not her own doctrine ! and all that your church of england mislikes , must be fanaticism , blaphemy , and impiety ? must our rule of faith be scripture , as the church of england understands it , and not otherwise ? presbyterians , and lutherans , will never allow it : if therefore our rule of faith be scripture , as each person understands it ; any person of sound judgment in the reformation , may without scruple believe what he understands to be the doctrine of scripture . fourth dialogue . ismael . you still insist upon that principle , that our rule of faith is scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it , and from that principle will follow many absurd consequences destructive of piety and religion . isaac . that principle is not invented by me , it 's of our holy reformation ; if i did discourse with a papist i would prove the principle to be true , and gods express word ; but since i discourse with a reformed child , i suppose , i need not spend my time in proving it ; this principle then , being an unquestionable truth in our reformation , no reformed child must be so irreverent and bold as to say , that any doctrine which clearly and unavoidably follows out of it , is blasphemous or impious , for that would be to condemn our principle by which we walk : ex vero non sequitur nisi veram : from a true principle nothing can follow but true doctrine . can you deny but this was the rule of faith , and principle of our first blessed reformers , and of the church of england , mentioned in her 39 articles ? if therefore they judged , and if any other judges by that rule and principle , that those tenets which you call impious and blasphemous , to be true doctrine , they cannot be blamed for believing them . ismael . i confess our first reformers did speak so , but i say such errors and impious doctrines cannot without irreverence be called the doctrine of the reformation , and cannot without impiety be believed , because our reformation at present condemns and detests those blasphemies , for we must grant that our reformation in its beginning was not in its full perfection of doctrine , god began it by luther , calvin , zuinglius , and others : those great men had their frailties , they did overlash in some things , and what they said amiss , gods heavenly spirit inspired to the church from time to time to correct it , and has at length brought our church to that purity of doctrine , and fulness of perfection which now it enjoys . nothing is to be called now the doctrine of the reformation , but what is now believed by our congregations , and none of them believes those execrable tenets you related . isaac . you wrong the reformation very much , in saying it had not its full perfection in the beginning , it 's rather to be thought , that that polishing and refining of it in ensuing years with new perfections , and correcting the first draught of it by our first reformers , has been a corruption of it with some mixture of popish errors and superstitions : for all religious congregations and pretenders to piety , are at the first beginning in the height of their perfection , and in progress of years they decline and decay from their primitive spirit into errors and corruption of manners : religious congregations are not like arts and sciences , which by time and experience receive new perfections ; but like chimnies , which grow daily blacker by continual smoke and fire : witness the jewish church and law in its beginning , flourishing and holy , but corrupted in progress of time , by traditions of men and superstitions of pharisees : witness also the law of the gospel in those happy times of the apostles , holy and pure , but corrupted after some years by errors of popery : if we be to seek for the pure and orthodox doctrine of the primitive church , ought not we to be said by the apostles , men raised extraordinarily by god , and replenished with his spirit to teach us the gospel ? and if we be to seek for the pure and orthodox doctrine of the reformation , ought not we to be sway'd rather by luther , calvin , melancthon , zuinglius , beza , and our other first reformers , than by a few ministers and bishops of england , who tho' they be wise and pious men , yet they are not of that stamp as the others . and if our present congregations presume to correct them , and say they overlash'd in their doctrine ; will not the papists say , if they have been such scandalous masters , and false teachers , why did you receive their reformation ? and as they erred so grosly in such prime articles of christianity , why do you fear and suspect they have also erred in the rest ? secondly , the papists will say , if as they reformed us , you reform them , then you must expect and permit that others may reform you , and forsake your doctrine as you forsake theirs . ismael . i wish you could make out , that the reformation was in its full . perfection in its beginning ; had you read some writers of ours , perhaps you would judge otherwise ; a musculus , ●… learned lutheran , writes thus ; thus it is with ●s at present , that if any be desirous to see a great rabble of knaves , turbulent spirits , deceitful persons , cozeners , and debauch'd men , let him go to a city , where the gospel is purely preached , and he shall find them by multitudes ; for it 's more manifest than the by light , that never were there more unbridled and ●nruly people among the turks and infidels than the professors of the reformed gospel . b luther himself says as much ; the world grows daily worse and men are now more covetous , revengeful , and licentiius than they were in popery . mr. stubs c says , no less ; after my travels round about all england , i found the people in most parts proud , malicious , ambitious and careless of good works . mr. richard gefery , in his sermon at st. paul's cross , printed anno 1604. i may freely speak what i have plainly seen that in flanders never was there more drunkenness , in italy more wantonness , in jury more hypocrisie , turky more impiety , in tartary more iniquity , than is practised generally in england , and particularly in london . certainly our reformation at present deserves a better character ; never did the ale-houses and taverns complain more heavily of want of trading , which is a proof of our sobriety ; the churches which we see a building in london , is a good testimony of piety ; and we are so far from any smack of hypocrisie , that you shall not see in all london the least appearance of vertue , so hiddenly it's kept from mortal eyes , but what you may meet in our honest quakers . isaac . i confess our congregations as now they are , are very good both in doctrine and manners ; but i say also , that the doctrine and manners of our reformation , at its first beginning was as pure , as holy , and as true as now it is , or ever it will be . nay , supposing and granted , their manners and doctrine were so corrupt as those doctors mention ; i say that amidst all those vices , their life was as holy , innocent , blameless and pure as yours is now . and that you may be convinc'd of this truth , know that calvin expresly teaches . d we believe the sins of the faithful , ( he means of the reformation ) are but venial sins ; not but that they deserve death , but because there is no damnation for the children of grace in asmuch as their sins are not imputed to them ; and again e he says , we can assure our selves , we can no more be damn'd for any sins , then jesus christ himself . luther f is of the same opinion , as nothing but faith doth justifie us , so nothing but incredulity is a sin. again , g no sin is so great that it can condemn a man , such as are damn'd , are damn'd only for their incredulity whitaker , h no sin can hurt a men who has faith. the same is taught by wotton , fulk , tindal , and beza . it 's therefore the doctrine of scripture , as interpreted by these persons of great and sound judgment , that incests , murthers , intemperance , or whatever else you call a sin , ( incredulity excepted , ) either is no sin at all , or but venial sins , which do no harm , nor cannot damn the children of the reformation ; if therefore our brethren lived in the beginning of the reformation , as those authors relate , they lived according to scripture , as interpreted to them by men of sound judgment , and this being our rule of faith and manners , they did not ill , but very well in following it . ismael . they were men of the reformation , it 's true , who taught these errors , and dissolutition of life and good manners ; insomuch , they swerved from the spirits holiness and purity of the reformation , and must not be believed nor commended . look upon the reformation as now it is , and you will not find any such scandalous doctrine , or corruption of manners . isaac . they were not only men of the reformation , but the greatest oracles of it , which you will not match with any of our prese●●… congregations , and it 's not pardonable in any reformed child to say , such oracles , extraordinarily raised by god to teach the purity of the gospel , should have taught either errors in doctrine , or dissolution of manners . they taugh● what in their consciences they understood by scripture to be true ; if you will not be so it revent as to say , that they were knaves , who spoke and taught against their consciences and knowledge . therefore they taught the doctrine of the reformation , purely and truly ▪ the consequence is evident : for what is the doctrine of the reformation , but what wise , learned men of sound judgment think and understand by scripture to be true ? why is figurative presence the doctrine of the reformation though denied by lutherans , ( who are reformed also , ) but because wise , learned men judge by scripture as they understand it , it 's the true doctrine ? or can you give me any other rule of faith by which we may know what doctrine is of the reformation , and what not , but scripture as each person of sound judgment understands it ? or what rule can you give for to know what is good or evil to be done , but scripture as understood by such persons ? if therefore luther , calvin , and the other doctors i quoted , judge by scripture that doctrine and manner of life to be true and good , why may not we say it 's the doctrine of the reformation ? if you or the church of england or scotland judge that doctrine to be false , and that manner of life to be a dissolution and corruption of manners : why ? you are men of sound judgment , you understand scripture so ; that will be the doctrine also of the reformation , you may believe it : but you must not deny that luther and calvin's doctrine also is of the reformation , because they were men of as sound judgment as you . you transgress hainously against modesty , in saying those sacred organs of god swerved from the spirit and holiness of the reformation ; which having no other rule of faith but scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it ; its spirit and holiness consists in framing our life and doctrine to that rule , as our blessed reformers and reformation in its beginning did , believing those tenets , which you call errours and blasphemy , and living that life which you call dissolution and corruption of manners , because they judge by scripture as they understood it , that doctrine and manner of life was true , innocent and good ; and if you like it as they did , you may believe and live as they did , and be a good child of the reformation : consider i pray all the works and doctrine of luther , ( the like i say of our other first reformers ) the three parts of his doctrine is against popery , and they say all are heresies and blasphemies ; the rest is contrary to the church of england , and she says , this is also errors and blasphemy , so you conspire with the papists , to destroy the credit of our first and best reformer and betwixt you both , you unplume him of all his feathers , and leave him not a bit of good doctrine . but i will stand to the spirit , and principles of the reformation , and congregations , as now they are , since that you do so much boast of its purity and great perfections ; and i will prove that doctrine and manner of life , may be believed and followed lawfully standing to its principles : for if the spirit of the reformation be at present among us , we must not be forced , as in popery , to believe against our proper judgments , what others believe by scripture to be true and holy , but what each one thinks in his own conscience to be such ; because even now at present , our rule of faith is scripture as each person of sound judgment understands it , and this is the same rule which luther and the reformation in it's beginning had : this holy liberty is the best jewel , the greatest perfection , and most glorious prerogative the reformation has : if therefore now at present any man judges by scripture that he can marry ten wives at a time ; that he can kill his own son as abraham intended ; that he may commit incest with his own daughter , as lot did ; that there is no sin but incredulity , as luther believed ; nor any mystery of the trinity of persons in one nature , as calvin believed , with what justice can the church of england say a man does not believe , and live as becometh a reformed child , or that his doctrine and life is scandalous ; whereas he lives and believes as he understands by scripture , he may or ought to do , which is the rule of faith of the reformation , even of the church of england ? the church of england says , the lutheran doctrin of the real presence is not the doctrin of scripture ; that the presbyterian doctrin against episcopacy , is not the doctrin of scripture ; that the anabaptist doctrin against infants baptism , is not of scripture ; and yet you permit them all to live in peace ; you confess they are true children of the reformation , though dissenters from you ; why ? because they follow scripture as they understand it , and this is our rule of faith ? and why will not you say , the belief and life of that other man is also of the reformation , though it may seem absurd to you ; since he believes and lives as he judges by scripture he may ? it follows therefore plainly , that this is the doctrine of the reformation . ismael . i confess our rule of faith in the reformation , is scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it : but you cannot doubt but that it 's needful to moderate and curb this liberty , or it may run too far : for if every man be licenced to believe and teach every thing he fancies to be according to scripture ; as there is no doctrine so execrable but some ignorant reader may hit upon a text , which ill understood , may seem to favour it ; so there will be none but may be believed , and called the doctrine of the reformation : for example , beza i teaches , ( and says it 's also the doctrine of calvin , sumaize and geneve , ) that the lords supper may be lawfully administred in any kind of victuals as well as in bread and wine , in eggs , flesh , fish , &c. where there is no bread and wine , says he , we may duly celebrate , if instead of them we use what we usually eat and drink . and again in the same place , if there be no water at hand , and that baptism cannot be with edification deferred i would baptize in any other liquor . isaac . and why should not it be lawful to any reformed to believe this , whereas it's scripture as interpreted by a man of so sound a judgment ? but i do not in any wise like that opinion of yours , and of the church of england , that it 's convenient to limit and curb men's judgments , lest they may run too far : this is the policy of rome , they will not permit an arbitrary interpretation of scripture , alledging forsooth , for inconveniency , the multitude of absurd doctrines which the world would swarm with , if such a liberty were allowed : no , no , far be it from any true reformed child to mislike or blame that all people should interpret scripture , and believe what they judge by it to be true : and if what they judge to be true ▪ should seem to you false and scandalous , do not you believe it , but let them believe it , and they will be of the reformation , because they follow our rule of faith. ismael . k luther l melancthon , m musculus , n ochinus , o beza , and others , teach the lawfulness of bigamy or multiplicity of wives , and prove it with the example of abraham , isaac , and jacob : and ochinus expounding the text of st. paul , it behoveth a bishop to be a man of one wife : the prohibition , says he , is not to be understood so , that a bishop should have but one wife at a time , for certainly he may have many ; but st. pauls meaning is , that he ought not to have too many wives at a time , that 's to say , ten or twenty . isaac . and will you deny this to be the doctrine of the reformation , whereas it's scripture as interpreted by men of so eminent and sound a judgment ? ismael . the synod of geneve , p and the q ecclesiastical discipline of france , printed at saumure , has decreed , that a wife whose husband is a long time absent , may have him called by the publick cryer , and if within a competent time he does not appear , without any further enquiry , the ministers may licence her to marry any other ; or marry her himself . isaac . i say all women may practice this doctrine without scruple or shame , whereas it's scripture , as interpreted by that thrice holy synod ; but let seamen beware how they undertake long voyages , for fear their wives may take other husbands in their absence . ismael . luther r teaches it's lawful to a wife , if her husband does not please her , to call her man-servant , or her neighbour ; which doctrine they say is come to the ears of our london sisters ; and he gives the like liberty to the hubands , if their wives be pettish and humoursom . if the husband , says he , cannot correct the humoursomness of his wife , he may imagine she is dead , and may marry another , because it 's not in the power of a man to live without a woman , nor in hers to live without a man. isaac . this is scripture as interpreted by luther , and consequently must not be denied to be the doctrine of the reformation ; nor can any of our reformation be justly punish'd or blam'd for practising it , if he judges by scripture it be true , ( as luther did ) for this is out rule of faith. but luther never gave this liberty , but upon condition , that the husband or wife should first make their complaint before a magistrate , for to have a redress of their injury and discontent ; but this condition seems too . combersome to the modesty of our sisters ; they do not submit to it , but do themselves justice without any address to the magistrate . i know also , that not only luther , but ſ bucer , t melancthon , u ochinus , x musculus and calvin , y do teach that a man who finds his wife in adultery may cast her off by divorce , and marry another ; and our french synods have ordered this doctrine to be put in their ecclesiastical discipline , so that it 's the doctrine of scripture as interpreted by these persons of sound judgment , and consequently of the reformation : you may therefore believe and practise it ; our sisters , particularly our ministers wives were much alarm'd at this doctrine , and say it 's a damnable heresie ; believe it as you please . ismael . does not luther say it's impossible a z young man of 20 years can live without a woman ; or a young maid of 18 years without a man ; whereby all parents may believe their daughters of that age are defil'd if not preferr'd in due time : sure you will not say , this is the doctrine of the reformation . isaac . and who doubts but that it 's the reformed doctrine : scripture as interpreted by so sound a judgment ; the contrary doctrine is also of the reformation , and you may believe it , because our glorious queen elizabeth dyed a virgin ; and it 's credibly reported some few fellows of oxford and cambridge live continently . ismael . but what do you think of a child christen'd in popery by a monk or a fryar , ought he to be christen'd again in our reformation ? and what if a popish priest , or fryar , did become of our reformed church , can he lawfully marry , whereas be made a vow of chastity ? isaac . as to the first query , it 's the doctrin of the reformation , declared by many french synods , and recorded in their ecclesiastical discipline , that he must be christen'd again , because the first baptism was null : it 's also the doctrin of the reformation , declared by the church of england , and many synods of france , that the first baptism is sufficient and valid : believe which you please . it 's also the doctrin of the reformation , that infants baptism is not at all needful ( nay nor lawful say the anabaptists ) so says calvin , a zuinglius , beza , and many others ; it 's likewise the doctrin of our 39 articles b , and our holy synod of london c , that infants baptism is lawful and needful . believe which you like best ; both are of the reformation . as to the second query , it 's the doctrin of the reformation that priests and fryars are obliged to the vow of chastity which they made in popery , and cannot marry , this is the doctrin of many of our brethren , and particularly of d hooker , e marloratus , budellus and f couel , who say the papists vows of poverty , obedience and chastity are commendable and ought to be kept . you may also believe this is wicked doctrin , and that they may take wives notwithstanding their vow of chastity , as well as benefices notwithstanding their vow of poverty : believe which you please , both doctrines are of the reformation ; but the best is to say they can marry , for if marriage and benefices were denied them , no priest or fryar would ever embrace our reformed doctrin : we know our great zuinglius himself would not at all preach the gospel unto the switzers , until that he presented a petition for himself and his companions ( all priests and fryars ) extant yet in his 1 tom. pag. 110. and obtained the contents of it , which was to have wives . nor can we doubt this to be the best doctrin , whereas luther , beza , and almost all our reformers , were priests and fryars , and the first step they gave in the reformation was to marry : the papists and some weak brethren were much scandalized at luther's marriage , and erasmus his raillery upon it was much solemnized ; luther yesterday a monk , to day a husband , and next day a father , because that honest kate boren , his virtuous bride , was happily delivered of a lovely boy eight days after he married her : but the servant of god did not regret the action , which proves that he judged by scripture it was very lawful . fifth dialogue . ismael . you know i have been born and bred in our holy reformation , and a church of england man ; you tell me i may believe this or that , and whatever i please , i would gladly settle once for ever , and resolve what i may , and ought to believe , and not to be every day carried away with every wind of doctrin : let me , to that purpose propose unto you , and hear your resolution of some doubts . what do you think , have not we a church on earth establisht by christ , wherein we are to live and serve him , and believe her doctrin ? isaac . i will give you no other instruction nor answer but the pure doctrin of the reformation , which when you have heard , you may determine as you like best , what religion to embrace ; but know this , that after you have determin'd with your self to believe this or that , you may with a very safe conscience alter that resolution next day after , and believe the quite contrary to what you resolve to believe , if upon better consideration you think the contrary to be true ; this is the liberty of the holy reformation , as i proved in my first dialogue . as to your present doubt i answer , it 's the doctrin of the reformation , that it was jesus christ the son of god who establisht the church , you may believe it therefore : it 's also the doctrin of the reformation , that it was not jesus christ the son of god who establisht the church : that this is the doctrin of our reformation it 's apparent , for it's scripture as interpreted by ochinus a man of sound judgment , whom all italy could not match , says calvin ; in whose presence england was happy , and unhappy in his absence , says b. bale : ochinus speaks thus , a considering how the church was establisht by christ and washt with his blood ; and considering again how it was utterly overthrown by papacy ; i concluded that he who establisht it , could not be christ the son of god , because he wanted providence ; and upon this reflection , he renounced christ and became a jew . and no man can say but that he acted and behaved himself like a true child of the reformation in so doing , for he followed scripture as he understood it ; and as he was a true reformed child in forsaking popery , because he understood by scripture , that the reformation was better ; so since he understood by reading scripture more , that judaism was better than the reformation , he acted like a good reformed , in chusing that which he understood by scripture to be the best ; this is the reformations rule of faith ; do you , if you please , as he did , and you 'll be as good a reformed as he . and if you chuse to believe that there is a church establisht on earth by christ , you must beware never to believe or perswade your self that we are bound to believe her doctrin , or live in her , if you do not judge by scripture that she teaches the doctrin of christ : this is the most essential point of popery , an obligation of submitting our judgments to the church , and believing her doctrin without any more examining , and in this the church of england is much like the popish church , which by acts of parliaments and other severities would oblige all men to believe her doctrin , rites and ceremonies : no , god has given us scripture for our rule of faith , as we forsook the popish church , because we discovered by scripture her many errours in doctrin ; so we are not bound to believe the doctrin of any other church , but as we find by scripture her doctrin is true . do , and speak as luther to 1. edit . jen. in resolut . i will be free , and will not submit to the authority of councils , popes , church or vniversity ; to the contrary i will confidently teach whatever i judge to be true ; whether it be catholick doctrin or heretical ; condemned or approved . ismael . must i not believe that the doctrin of jesus christ , delivered to his apostles and the church is true doctrin ? isaac . the reformation teaches , it is , and you may safely believe it : you may as safely believe it is not , in the principles of the reformation ; because it teaches that christ err'd in doctrin and manners : vere pharisaei erant viri valde boni , says luther , ; b and christus minime debuit eos taxare : and calvin says , c it 's a folly to think he was not ignorant in many things ; lastly , david georgius d ( a man of god and of a holy life says osiander ) writes , if the doctrin of christ and his apostles had been true and perfect , the church which they planted had continued , but now it is manifest that antichrist has subverted it , as it 's manifest in papacy : therefore it was false and imperfect . see these words quoted in the history of david george , printed by the divines of basil , at antwerp . anno. 1568 both doctrines are scripture as interpreted by men of sound judgment ; a child of the reformation , may believe which he will. ismael . is it not the doctrin of the reformation that the apostles were infallible in their doctrin ? much more must we believe that jesus christ was so . isaac . yes it is ; you may believe it : and it 's also the doctrin of the reformation that they were not infallible , neither in their written or unwritten doctrin , so many of our most renowned doctors speak , and whatever any men of sound judgment judge to be true by scripture , is the doctrin of the reformation : zuinglius , e one of the greatest oracles of our church says , it 's a great ignorance to believe any infallible authority in the gospels or epistles of the apostles ; beza , not inferiour to zuinglius , blotted out of st. john the history of the woman adulteress , judging it a fable ; clebitius f affirms , that luke's relation of christ's passion is not true , because it does not agree with that of matthew and mark , and more credit is to be to two , than to one . g calvin says , peter consented to , and added to the schism of the church , to the overthrow of christian liberty , and christ's grace . h whitaker says , it 's evident that after the descent of the holy gospel , the whole church , even the apostles , erred ; and peter erred in doctrin and manners . i luther says peter lived and taught extra verbum dei ; and brentius k his disciple say , that peter and barnabas together with the church of jerusalem erred after receiving the holy ghost . if our rule of faith be scripture as each person of sound judgment understands it , undoubtedly this must be the doctrin of the reformation , and may be believed by any reformed , since it's scripture interpreted by such renowned men . ismael . this is most wicked doctrin , i 'll never believe it , isaac . if you think by scripture it 's wicked , do not : follow your rule of faith , scripture as you understand it ; but if any other understands by scripture ▪ ( as those authors did ) that the doctrin is good , give him leave to believe it ; he 'll but follow his rule of faith , scripture as he understands it . ismael . i would gladly know which are the true canonical books of scripture . isaac . the reformation teaches , and you may believe with the church of england , that st. paul's epistle to the hebrews , those of james and jude : the 2. of st. peter ; the 2. and 3. of st. john , are true canonical scripture ; the reformation also teaches they are not canonical , because lutherans deny them ; believe which you like best . but if you 'll live in peace , and out of all strife with protestants , lutherans , and others , who dispute , if this or that be canonical scripture ; your readiest and speediest way will be , to say there 's no true canonical scripture ; scripture is no more to be regarded than other pious books : if you say this is not the doctrin of the reformation , read hossias de expresse verbo dei , & lib. de har. where he relates this to be the doctrin of the swinfeldians , as good reformers as the best of us : they say , that we are not to regard any instruction from man or book , but gods immediate inspiration , which speaks secretly to our hearts ; for which they alledge those comfortable words of the prophet , i will hear what my lord my god speaks in me : for say they , the book which we call scripture , is a creature , and we must not seek for light and instruction from any creature , but from god the father of lights . this is scripture as interpreted by men of sound judgment ; any child of the reformation may believe it . ismael . i thought to settle my mind in my choice of some religion , and you go the way to beat me from all , for if you renverse the authority of scripture , what warrant shall we have for any religion ? god forbid the reformation should deny the true canon , or the infallible truth of scripture ; and let all the world say the contrary , i will constantly aver and believe it's gods infallible word . isaac . how can you say i beat you from all religion , when i directly perswade you to follow the rule of faith of our reformation , scripture as each person of sound judgment understands it ; let this be your religion , if you will be a true reformed ; whatever you judge in your conscience to be true , let the church of england , or france , or any other say and believe what they will , you are to believe but what you judge by scripture to be true ; and this is the religion of the reformation . ismael . i would gladly know , if it be lawful to chop or change the text ? isaac . it 's the doctrine of the reformation that you cannot , because god has forbid to add to , or take away from his word : and therefore we condemn the papists for their tradition , obtruded upon the flock as the word of god : it 's also the doctrine of the reformation , and the practice of our best reformers , when the text does not speak clear enough , that for to refute popery and establish our own doctrine , we may add or diminish a word or two ; which is not to change the word of god , but to make it speak more expresly : as when luther had a mind to prach justification by faith alone , finding the text said but , man is justified by faith , he added the word alone and made the text very clear against popery , which formerly was somewhat obscure : zuinglius being to teach the figurative presence of christ in the sacrament , found the text , this is my body , to be too pat against his doctrine and instead of is , put in this signifieth . the church of england being to preach the kings spiritual supremacy , could not convince the obstinate papist by the original text , which said 1 pet. 2. submit your selves unto every humane creature for the lord's sake , whether it be the king as excelling , or to , &c. but in king edwards time they altered one word , and made the text thus , submit your selves to every ordinance of man , whether it be to the king , as being the chief head , and the following impressions of the bible , in the year 1557. and 79. say , to the king as supreame . and so the true doctrine is clearly convinc'd out of scripture , as also the lawfulness of priests marriage ; for the text before the reformation said 1 cor. 9. have we not power to lead about a woman sister ; and now our bibles say , have we not power to lead about a wife being our sister : hence it 's evident according to the doctrine and practice of our reformation , that when you have a mind to establish a doctrine which you judge to be true , you may change the text and make it speak to your sense and meaning , provided you judge your sense to be true . ismael . what do you think of justifying faith ? does faith alone justify us ? isaac . it 's the doctrine of the reformation , that without charity it cannot , because st. paul says 1 cor. 13. if i have faith so as to move mountains , and no charity , i am nothing . it 's also the doctrine of the reformation , that it is impious and wicked to say , faith alone without charity does not justify ; this is scipture as interpreted by luther a man of sound judgment : l who say , quoth luther , that faith alone though perfect it be , cannot justify without charity , say impiously and wicked , because faith alone , without any good works doth justifie . believe which doctrine you please , both are of the reformation . ismael . luther was insolent in checking the doctrine of st. paul. isaac . probably he did not reflect that it was the doctrine of the apostle , and if you will have it to be a check of st. paul luther m will answer for himself , be it , says he , that the church , augustine or other doctors , also peter and paul , nay , and an angel from heaven should teach otherwise than as i teach , yet my doctrine is such , that it seteth forth gods glory ; i know i teach no humane , but divine doctrine . it 's the doctrine of the reformation , that faith alone , without any good works , and notwithstanding all sins you are guilty of , doth justifie you : this is scripture , as interpreted by luther , who says , nothing can damn you but incredulity , as nothing but faith can save you ; of whitaker , wotton , fulk , and beza , whose words i related in our precedent dialogue which i believe you remember , and i need not repeat . it 's also the doctrine of the reformation , that good works are meritorious of grace and glory ; n hooker and harmonia confess . o say it 's the doctrine of scripture ; and what any person of sound judgment judges to be the doctrine of scripture , he may believe it , for this is our rule of faith. it 's likewise the doctrine generally of all our church , that good works are not at all meritorious : tindall ( called by fox p , a man of god , and a constant martyr ) judges this to be so true , that in his treatise de mammona iniquitatis , he says , christ himself did not by all his good works merit the glory : and tho' the scripture says expresly he did , calvin q affirms , that it 's a foolish curiosity to examine , and a rash proposition to say christ did merit . it 's the doctrine of the reformation , that tho' good works be not meritorious , nor have not the least influence in our justification or salvation , yet they are absolutely needful for both , in as much as that true faith cannot be without good works , because they are the marks and signs of a living faith , by whch alone we are saved ; this is the judgment of the church of england expressed in the 11 and 12 articles of the 39 , and of melancthon in locis commun . de bonis operibus , and you may believe it : you may also believe , and it 's the doctrine of the reformation , that good works are so far from being needful , that they are prejudicious and hurtful to our salvation , and the best way to be saved , is to do no good work at all ; this is scripture as interpreted by illiricus , flacius , amsdorsius , quoted in act. colloq . aldeburg . pag. 205. and 299. and luther r was so deeply perswaded of this truth , tho that christ said , if thou wilt enter into the kingdom of heaven , keep the commandment : luther says , it 's an obstacle to our salvation to keep them : where it is said , quoth he , that faith in christ doth indeed justify us , but that it is necessary also to keep the commandments , there christ is denyed , and faith abolish'd , because that which is proper to faith alone is attributed if the commandments . and again , ſ says he , if faith be accompanied with good works , it 's no true faith ; that it may justify it must be alone without any good works . this is scripture as interpreted by such eminent and sound men ; and consequently the doctrine of the reformation ; and who doubts but that any doctrine of the reformation may be believed . hence forward , when you hear the preacher exhort you to good works , you may believe him if you please , and have a mind to spend your monys , because he preaches the doctrine of the reformation ; or you may laugh at him , and believe not a word he says , because he preaches against the doctrine of the reformation . ismael . these are dangerous and scandalous tenets , destructive of piety and christianity ; and let luther and those authors you quoted , say what they please , the reformation , nor no honest man will ever believe such abominable doctrine . isaac . i do not say that the children of the reformation are obliged to believe them : they may believe as you do , that all are wicked tenets : but if luther and the others cited , judge in their conscience these tenets to be the doctrine of scriptures , and if peter , john or james , like their interpretation , i say they may according to the principles of our reformation believe them , and be as truly reformed children as you ; for our rule of faith is scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it ; and in believing those tenets , because they judge them to be the doctrine of scripture they stick fast to , and follow our rule of faith : why is figurative presence and the kings supremacy , the doctrine of the reformation , tho' denied by papists , lutherans , and presbyterians ; but because the protestants judg it's the doctrine of scripture : if therefore those great authors i quoted , and any other with them , judge those tenets to be the doctrine of scripture , they can be justly called the doctrine of the reformation : must protestants be forced against their judgments to deny real presence , and supremacy , because lutherans say it's wicked doctrine . and why must luther , illiricus , flaccius , and others be forced to deny those tenets , tho' protestants or papists judge them to be damnable ? let each one believe what he thinks to be the doctrine of scripture , and he will still be a true reformed child . ismael does not our reformation teach that 't is possible to all men , assisted with god's grace , to keep the commandments ? isaac . this is the doctrine of the church of england , and consequently of the reformation : it 's also the doctrine of the reformation delivered out of scripture , as interpreted by luther , calvin , willet , and several others , that it 's impossible to any man assisted with what grace soever to keep the commandments . none has ever yet , says our great calvin , t and god has decreed none shall ever keep the commandments : again , u the law and commandments were given us , to no other end , but that we should be damn'd by them ; inasmuch , that it is impossible for vs to do what they command . the same doctrine is taught by luther , in several places of his works , by willet x and by our brethren the gomarists of holland , and many of our french synods . believe which you please both doctrines are of the reformation . it 's also the doctrine of luther and calvin , that god does not cast men into hell because their sins deserve it , nor save men because they merit it , but meerly because he will have it for he crowns those who have not deserved it ; says luther , y and he punishes those who have not deserved it ; 't is gods wrath and severity to damn the one , 't is gods grace and mercy to save the other . calvin also , z men are damn'd for no other cause , but because god will have it so ; he is the cause and author of their damnation ; their damnation is decreed by god when when they are in their mothers womb , because he will have it so ; this is also the belief of our gomarists in holland , of many french churches , and of several learned calvinists ; though the church of england denies this doctrine , none will dare say it is not the doctrine of the reformation , because it is scripture as interpreted by such eminent men of our church . ismael . i will never believe such execrable doctrines , nor will i ever be of any congregation which believes them . isaac . i do not advise you to believe them ; but to give others leave to believe them , if they think them to be the doctrine of scripture ; as luther , calvin , willet , gomarists , and others do : you must not , if you be a true reformed child hinder any man from believing , nor be displeased with him for believing what he judges in his conscience to be the doctrine of scripture , for this is our rule of faith. will not you be of the congregation and religion of those , who follow scripture as their rule of faith , and believe what they judge in their conscience to be the doctrine of scripture ? ismael . yes i will , and am of such a congregation , for this is the rule of faith of the reformation . isaac . why then , you must be of the same congregation with the gomarists , luther , calvin , and the others , who believe those which you call execrable doctrines , because they follow scripture as they understand ; and believe those doctrines , because they judge them to be of scriture : you both follow the same rule , one goes one way , and the other another , and both are of the reformation . the church of england understands by scripture , that god is not the author nor cause of sin , that he does not force us to sin ; who doubts but that this is therefore the doctrine of the reformation ? but calvin , brentius , beza , and several others understand by scripture , that god is the cause and author which forces our will to sin ; that man , and the devil , are but gods instruments to commit it : that murthers , incests , blasphemies , &c. are the works of god , that he makes us commit them : and who doubts but this also is the doctrine of the reformation , being scripture as interpreted , by such eminent and sound judgment ? god , says calvin , a directs , moves , inclines and forces the will of man to sin ; insomuch that the power and efficacy of working , is wholly in him ; man , nay , and satan when he impells us , being only gods instruments which he uses for to make us sin. zuinglius , willet , beza , teach the same . sixth dialogue . ismael . i am weary of hearing such horrid blasphemies ; my heart trembles to hear you say , that such abominable tenets may be believed according to our rule of faith and principles of the reformation : i beseech you let me hear no more of such stuff : i conceive very well that mens judgments and consciences are not to be constrain'd to believe or deny , this or that tenet , because the pope , or his infallible , forsooth , church , will have it so . isaac . and must they be constrain'd to deny or believe , because the fallible church of england or france will have it so ? ismael . no , i do not say they must , have patience , and hear me speak a while : i say that scripture must be our rule of faith , and not any pope , or church , or congregation ; and that we are not to be forced by any to believe , but what we understand to be true by scripture ; and that if we judge by scripture , any doctrine to be false , and contrary to gods word , we must not be forced to believe it : but we must not abuse this liberty ; that we should have liberty for to believe or deny supremacy , figurative presence , communion in one or both kinds , and such other inferiour truths controverted among christians ; and that each congregation may in such articles , believe as it understands by scripture to be true , may pass , and it 's practised in our reformed churches ; but that we should run so far , as to have liberty by our rule of faith to believe or deny the fundamental and chief articles of christianity , as the trinity , incarnation , divinity of christ , amp ; c. that liberty ought not to be given : our reformation very wisely and piously permits the lutherans to believe one thing , the presbyterians another , the protestants another , and so of the rest : and all are true reformed children , because each of them believes as they judge by scripture to be true : but the reformation has never given , nor never will give liberty to interpret scripture against the fundamental article of christianity : we must be moderate , and keep our rambling fancies within compass , and if any should judge and interpret scripture in favour of any scandalous and abominable tenets against christianity and good manners , he must be checked and not commended . this moderation the church of england uses , and will never permit to the contrary . isaac . i perceive a great deal of popish blood to run in your veins , and that if you and your church of england , were in power at the beginning of our reformation , we should never have had a luther , calvin , beza , or such other noble and renowned reformers . by what i gather from your discourse , i do not see the breadth of an inch's difference betwixt the church of rome , and you and your church of england , for the church of rome will not stick to grant , that gods word alone is her rule of faith , but so that none must believe any sense of it , but as she believes it , nor interpret any text , but receive her interpretation of it . the church of england has scripture for her rule of faith , and gives us liberty for to interpret , understand , and believe some text of it , as each one thinks best ; and so permits presbyterians to deny episcopacy , lutherans to deny figurative presence , &c. and confesses they are all her brethren of the reformation , but she will give no liberty at all for to interpret other texts , but all must understand them as she does , or all must hereticks and damn'd men ? no , that text my father , and i are one , must be interpreted to signifie the unity in nature of the father and son , as the church of england believes , none must interpret it otherwise : so that the difference betwixt the popish church and that of england , is , the first gives us no liberty at all , the second gives us some liberty , the first robs us of all ; the second but the one half . the rule of faith in popery is scripture as interpreted by the pope and councils ; the rule of faith in england ; as to some articles is scripture as interpreted by the church of england ; and as to other articles , scripture as each person of sound judgment understands it , and thus protestants are but half papists , and half reformed , and both these ingredients will never make a good compound . let any unbyass'd and impartial man judge if the church of england proceeds justly in this : for if our rule of faith be scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it , as she mentions in her 39. articles ; and as the whole reformation believes , if we are not to be constrained , to believe any church , council , or mans sense of scripture , if we do not judge by the word of god it 's true , by what authority , rule or reason , can the church of england give me liberty to understand and believe some texts as i please , and deny me liberty for to understand and believe others , as i judge by scripture they ought to be understood ? i pray observe well this discourse ; here are luther , calvin , beza , zuinglius , and our other first reformers ; they interpret some texts against the doctrine of rome , and others against the doctrine of the church of england . they are praised for the first , and esteemed apostolical reformers , because without any regard of what the church of rome said , they freely taught and believed what they judged by scripture to be true ; why must not they be praised and esteemed true reformers also , for not regarding what the church of england or any other says , but teach the impossibility of gods commandments , the sufficiency of faith alone , and all those other tenets which you so much mislike , since they judge by scripture that to be the true doctrine ? are they bound to submit their judgments to the church of england , more than to that of rome ? ismael . but in those tenets they do not only contradict the church of england , but all christian churches and congregations ; for all will say those are wicked and scandalous . doctrines . isaac . and if they judge by scripture that those tenets are not such , but found and good doctrine , may not they believe them , tho' all the world and ten worlds did gainsay them ? is not scripture our rule of faith , and are we to regard what any church or all churches say , further than we find by scripture that they say well ? but being these tenets , which you call horrid blasphemies displease you , i 'll change my discourse ; and because i see you are popishly inclin'd , i will shew you how by the principles of our reformation , you can be as good a papist as the pope ; one principle , excepted , wherein you must dissent from the church of rome , if you intend to remain a true reformed child . ismael . you promise too much , and more than i desire to know , i don't desire to have any communication with the pope ; i know by the writings of our authors what kind of beast he is . isaac . by your favour , you may believe the popes are worthy , honest , and godly men : many doctors of our reformation , and our travellers to the court of rome give this testimony of them . you may also believe , that popes and cardinals are knaves and atheists , who look on scripture as a romance , and deny the incarnation of christ , for calvin says l so , and would never have said it , if it had not been true : but beware not to speak so in rome , or they 'll lodge you where honest taylor the quaker was ; nor in spain , or they 'll stop your mouth with an inquisition faggot . ismael . i care not what the pope or cardinals are ; but i would gladly know , what religion and congregation you are of , for whereas you are my immediate instructer , it behoves me to know what religion you have . isaac . as to my religion , i doubt not but that my readers will be divided in their judgments of me ; if a papist reads me , he 'll swear i am an atheist ; but i hope he will not pretend to be infallible as his pope : if a protestant , he 'll say i am a papist , and that my drift is to cast dirt upon his church ; the honest quaker will say , i am a profane man ; others perhaps will say , i am of no religion , but a despiser of all ; and our congregations are so uncharitable that likely none will accept of me , because i say all religions are very good : a sad thing that a man must be hated for speaking well of his neighbours , and that each one must have all the world to be naught but himself : this then is my religion , to suffer persecution for justice and truth ; to render good for evil , to bless those who curse me , and speak well of all congregations , whilst they speak all evil against me : reflect well upon what i discoursed hitherto , and you will find , i am as great a lover of the reformation as they who may think me it's enemy : and read my following discourse , and you will find i love popery as well as the reformation : the spirit of god makes no exceptions of persons . ismael . you promised to prove by the principles of the reformation , that we may believe all the tenets of popery , and remain still of the reformation : how can this be ? isaac . you remember i excepted one principle of popery , wherein you must necessarily dissent from them : and if you deny this one principle , you may believe all their other tenets as well as the pope , and be as good a child of the reformation as luther . ismael . what principle is this , which you seem to make the only destinctive sign of a reformed , from a papist ? isaac . listen a while : a papist is not a papist because he believes purgatory , transubstantiation , indulgences , and the rest of popish tenets , but because he believes them upon the testimony of the pope and church , because they assure him they are revealed truths : if a papist did say , i believe these tenets , because i my self do judge by scripture , that they are revealed , and not because the pope and church say they are , he would be no papist . the papist believes the mystery of the trinity , the incarnation and passion of christ , the protestant believes the same mysteries , yet the one is a papist and no protestant , the other is a protestant and no papist . and why ? because the papist believes them upon the testimony of the pope and church ; the protestant believes them upon the testimony of gods written word . believe then whatever you please of popery , provided you believe it ; because you judge by scripture it 's true , and not because the pope or the church says it ; you 'll never be a papist but a perfect reformed . ismael . if this discourse be solid , you may hedge in all the articles of popery into our reformation . isaac . if you peruse the works of our reformed doctors , you 'll hardly find any article of popery , but has been judged by many , or some of our best reformed doctors , to be the true doctrine of scripture ; and whereas any doctrin which any person of sound judgment understands by scripture to be the true , may be justly called the doctrin of the reformation ; it follows that hardly is there any article of popery , for which we see so many persecutions against subjects , and such troubles in our parliaments , but is truly the doctrin of the reformation . ismael . shew me some examples of this . isaac . the veneration of relicks and saints dead bones , is generally believed by us to be meer popery and superstition , therefore we made no store of luther and calvins bones , tho we know them to be as great saints as any in the popish church : but veneration of relicks and saints bones , is the doctrin of our reformation ; for whatever is set down and commended by our common-prayer-book , must be undoubtedly esteemed our reformed doctrin and practice , and our common-prayer-book , aprinted since our kings happy restauration , in it's kalendar sets down a day to the translation of s. edward king of saxons body in the month of june , and dedicates another to the translation of the bodies of st. martin and swithin , in the month of july . the veneration and use of the sign of the cross , is flat popery in the judgment of all our congregations ; yet any reformed child may laudably and piously use it ; whereas our common-prayer book in the administration of baptism , commands the minister to use it , saying , we sign him with the sign of the cross , in token that hereafter he shall not be ashamed , to confess the faith of christ crucified , and manfully to fight under his bannar against sin , the world and the devil . and in our kalender , printed since his majesties restauration , it 's called the holy cross . our congregations generally believe , it 's popery to keep holy-days ( except the sabbath day ) and saints days ; to fast in lent , vigils commanded , ember-days , and fridays ; and all this is recommended to us in our common-payer book , and the minister is commanded , in the administration of the lords supper , to publish the holy-days of the week , and exhort us to fast ; and surely , he is not commanded to teach , or exhort us to any thing , but to the doctrin of the reformation : it 's true , the students of our colledges of oxford and cambridge , are much troubled with scruples in this point : these pauperes de lugduno , are compelled to fast all fridays throughout the year ; and it 's not hunger that makes them complain , but tenderness of conscience , because they fear it's popery . it 's a popish errour , we say to believe that pennance , or our penal works of fasting , alms-deeds , or corporal austerities , can avail and help for the remission of our sins , and satisfying gods justice : no , we say , penal works serve for nothing , all is done by repentance ; that 's to say , by sorrow of heart for having offended god. this is the doctrin of danaeus , willit , junius and calvin , who says , francis , dominick , bernard , antony , and the rest of popish monks and fryers , are in hell for their austerities and penal works for all that , you may very well believe ; and it 's the doctrin of the reformation , that pennance and penal works , do avail for the remission of our sin , and are very profitable to the soul ; for , our common-prayer book in the commination against sinners , says thus , in the primitive church , there was a godly discipline , that at the beginning of lent , such as were notorious sinners , were put to open pennance , and punish'd in this world , that their souls may be saved in the day of the lord. and our common-prayer books wishes that this discipline were restored again ; and surely it does not wish that popery were restored ; therefore it 's no popery to say that pennance , or penal works , do satisfie for our sins in this world , and avail to save us in the other . ismael . i know many of our congregation mislike much our common-prayer book , for these popish-tenets ; but what do you say of the grand errours of popery ? can a man be a true child of the reformation , and yet believe the popes supremacy ? deny the kings supremacy ; believe transubstantiation and communion in one kind ; are these tenets the doctrin of the reformation , or consistent with its principles ? isaac . the kings supremacy is undoubtedly the doctrin of the reformation , because it 's judged by the church of england to be of scripture , yet not only the quakers , presbyterians , anabaptists , and other congregations , judge it 's not of scripture , but as erroneous a tenet as that of the popes supremacy ; calvin 6. amos , says , they were unadvised people and blasphemers , who raised king henry the vii . so far as to call him the head of the church ; but also that no civil magistrate can be the head of any particular church , is the doctrin of the centuriators , cent . sept . pag. 11. of cartwright , viretus , kemnitius , and many others ; who doubts then but that in the principles and doctrin of the reformation , you may deny the kings supremacy , tho' the church of england believes it . the popes supremacy is the doctrin of popery , who doubts it ? but it 's also the doctrin of the reformation , for many of our eminent doctors have judged it to be the doctrine of scripture , as whitgift a who cites calvin and musculus for this opinion ; but it 's needful we relate some of their express words , i do not deny , says luther , b but the bishop of rome , is , has been , and ought to be first of all ; i believe , he is above all other bishops , it 's not lawful to deny his supremacy : melancthon c says no less , that the bishop of rome is above all the church , that it is his office to govern , to judge in controversies , to watch over the priests , to keep all nations in conformity and unity of doctrin : somaisius , d the pope of rome has been without controversie the first metropolitan in italy , and not only in italy , nor only in the west , but in all the world , the other metropolitans have been chief in their respective districts , but the pope of rome has been metropolitan and primate , not only of some particular diocess , but of all , grotius e has expresly the same doctrin , and proves this supremacy belongs to the pope de jure divino . i pray consider if these doctors be not men of sound judgment , and of eminent learning and credit in our reformation , and if our doctrin be scripture as such men understand it , consider , i say , with what justice can this doctrin be called popery more than reformed doctrin . as for transubstantiation , it contains two difficulties ; first , if the body of christ be really in the sacrament ; and this real presence , the lutherans defend to be the doctrin of scripture , as well as the papists , why then should it be called popish , more than reformed doctrin ? the second is , if the substance of bread be in the sacrament together with christ's body : lutherans say it is , papists say it is not , but that there is a transubstantiation , or change of the whole substance of bread , into the body of christ ; but hear what luther f says of this that we call popish doctrin ; i give all persons liberty to believe in this point , what they please , without hazard of their salvation , either that the bread is in the sacrament of the altar , or that it is not ? would luther have given this liberty if transubstantiation had not been the doctrin of the reformation as well as any other ? calvin also and beza h affirm , that luthers doctrin of the co-existence of christ's . body and the bread , is more absurd than the popish doctrin of the existence of the body alone ; if therefore we be true reformed , and safely believe the doctrin of luther , which is the most absurd ; much more will we be of the reformation , by believing that of the papists which is less . communion in one kind , is the doctrin of the reformation , no less than communion in both ; for besides that luther says , i they sin not g against christ who use one kind only , seeing christ has not commanded to use both ; and again , k though it were an excellent thing to use both kinds in the sacrament ; and christ has commanded nothing in this as necessary , yet it were better to follow peace and unity , than to contest about the kinds , but also melancthon l who in the opinion of luther surpasses all the fathers of the church , expresly teaches the same doctrin : and the church of england statute i. edward vi. command , that the sacrament be commonly administr'd in both kinds , if necessity does not require otherwise ; mark , he says , but commonly , and that for some necessity it may be received in one ; lastly , the sufficiency of one kind in the sacrament , is plainly set down by our reformed church of france , in her ecclesiastical discipline , printed at saumur , chap. 12. art. 7. the minister must give the bread in the supper to them , who cannot drink the cup , provided it be not for contempt . and the reason is because there are many who cannot endure the taste of wine ; wherefore it often happens among them , that some persons , do take the bread alone ; and truly if some of our ministers in england , do not give better wine than they are accustomed , who very irreverently serve that holy table with naughty trash , it 's much to be feared , that our flock will also petition to be dispenc'd with in the cup ; because there are some of so delicate palats , that they cannot endure the taste of bad wine . now , you may admire the injustice of the papists in condemning our reformed doctrin and doctors as hereticks , whereas those tenets are believed by many of us , as well as by them ; and the groundless severity of our congregations in exclaiming against that doctrin ; it being the doctrin of the reformation , whereas so many eminent men of our own , judge it to be of scripture . ismael . whereas i see people persecuted by the church of england for these tenets , i can hardly be perswaded they are the doctrin of the reformation : at our next meeting we will persue this discourse , the bell rings for morning prayers , a dieu . seventh dialogue . isaac . you come from church , as i guess by the common-prayer book i see in your hand , i pray let me see the kalender of it , if it be a la mode nouvelle , which was made by the church of england , since his majesties restauration . ismael . why ? have you met any thing in it , which shocks you ? isaac . shock me ? no doctrin or practice of any congregation , or man of sound judgment of our church can shock me ; you know , i plead for liberty to believe and practise as each one judges by scripture to be true and good . but i observe in your kalender , you have a day consecrated to st. ann in the month of july ; i would gladly know , what ann this is , which the church of england honours so much ? ismael . it 's ann the mother of the virgin mary . isaac . it 's possible ? i thought it was ann bolein the mother of our virgin elizabeth : i am sure the church of england , is more obliged to her , than to the other : but as you have put here the mother of the virgin mary , why did not you put in also elizabeth mother of the great baptist ; and the angel gabriel , as well as michael ? ismael , i know not indeed . isaac . nor do i know , if it be not , because that elizabeth and gabriel made the popish ave maria , as scripture relates ; but can you tell , as the church of england put in your kalender , st. george , st. andrew and st. david patrons of england , scotland and wales ; why did not she put in st. patrick patron of ireland ? ismael . i can't tell , what may be the reason , think you ? isaac . i know not , if it be not that he forfeited his place for his purgatory ; for tho the others were as deep in popery as he , ( if we believe the papists ) but the parliament pass'd an act of indemnity for england , scotland and wales , after the kings return to his kingdoms ; and thereby the sin of popery was forgiven to their patrons , and no act of indemnity was past for ireland , whereby patrick is still guilty ; if it be not , that the seven champions of christendom tell us st. patrick was st. george his footman , and it was not thought good manners , to put him in the same rank with his master . ismael . for shame , if not for pitty , forbear . i cannot endure to fully sacred things with profane ralleries ; the kalender is a holy institution of the church , and ought to be reverenc'd . isaac . and so is episcopacy , surplices , bells , organs , and corner caps ; yet i hope you will give presbyterians , anabaptists , quakers , &c. leave to laugh at them , and be still as good children of the reformation as you : if you esteem them to be sacred and holy , reverence and honour them , i commend you for it , if others judge otherwise let them follow their humour ; each one as he fancies , says the fellow kissing his com ; this is the holy liberty of the reformation , scripture as each one understands it . ismael . let us return to our last discourse ; how is it possible , that those tenets of popery , ●…ould be the doctrin of the reformation , where●● we see the church of england so severely per●●ecute the professors of them ? isaac . do you think a doctrin is not of the reformation , because it 's denyed by the church of england ? or because she persecutes the pro●essors of it ? do not they persecute all non-confor●ists , as well as popery ? persecution is no proof of a doctrin to be bad ; it 's but the effect of a blind zeal armed with power : for to know cer●ainly if a doctrin be of the reformation , you must try it by our test or rule of faith , which is the written word of god , and whatever any man of sound judgment , of a sincere and humble heart judges to be contained in scripture , or ●n indubitable consequence out of it ; that man , may believe that doctrin , let all others judge of it as they list , and by so believing will be a true child of the reformation ; wherefore since that the church of france , that of england in edward the vi 's time , luther , melancthon , grotius , and the other authors i quoted , do judge transubstantiation , popes supremacy , and communion in one kind to be the doctrin of scripture ; we must call it the doctrin of the reformation ; and if you judge as they did , you may believe the doctrin and be still of the reformation , as well as they . ismael . can you shew me any other tenet of popery , which you can call the doctrin of the reformation . isaac . alas ! you can hardly shew me any tenet of popery , but what is it's doctrin ; what doctrin more popish than that of confession and absolution from sins ? yet it 's as truly the doctrin of the reformation , as figurative presence : for not only a lobechius , b altamerus , c sacerius , and d melancthon says , it 's a sacrament : but the church of england in our common-prayer book , declares that priests have not only the power of declaring their sins to be forgiven to the penitents , but also the power of forgiving them ; and sets down the form of absolution , which the minister is to use , our lord jesus christ , who left power to the church to absolve all sinners which truly repent , of his mercy forgive thee and thine offences ; and i by his authority committed unto me , do absolve thee from all thy sins ; the minister of the diocess of of lincoln in their survey of the book of common prayers , checkt this doctrine as popery and petitioned to have it blotted out ; but could not prevail ; whereby we are given to understand , it 's the doctrine of the reformation . it 's popery , we say to call extream uuction , confirmation , and holy order of priest-hood , sacraments : and who can justly deny all this to be the doctrine of the re-formation ? for calvin e says , i confess , the disciples of christ did use ex●ream vnction as a sacrament ; i am not , says he , of the opinion of those , who judge it was only a me●●cine for corporal diseases : calvin f also , and with him our common prayer book and all our divines say , a sacrament is nothing else , but a visible sign of the invisible grace we receive by ●t ; and they say with g pouel , h hooker and others , that this definition fits exactly confirmation , wherefore the ministers of the diocess of lincoln checkt the common prayer book , for giving the definition of a sacrament to confirmation . i melancthon , k bilsom , l hooker and m calvin expresly teach , that the order of priesthood , is a sacrament . and when men of so eminent judgment of our reformation teach this to be the doctrine of scripture , who doubts but that it is of the reformation . ismael . by this , you destroy the doctrine of the reformation of two sacraments only . is . destroy it ? god forbid : because the church of england says , there are but two sacraments , i say it 's the doctrin of the reformation , there are but two , and because so many eminent men judge by scripture there are more , i say it 's the doctrin of the reformation there are more ▪ that 's to say six , baptism , confirmation , eucharist , pennance , extream unction and holy order : and very likely our bishops and ministers ▪ for their wives sake , will not stick to grant that matrimony also is a sacrament . ismael . but can you say , that prayers to saints and images , prayer for the dead , and purgatory , are not meer popery , and in no wise the the doctrine of reformation ? isaac . without doubt , those tenets are popery but all the world knows , the lutherans use images in their churches and pray before them ; and the holy synod of charenton has declared , as was said in our first dialogue , that the lutherans have nothing of superstition or idolatry in their manner of divine worship ; this is also the doctrine n of jacobus , andreas , o brachmanus , p kemnitius , luther and brentius quoted by beza , q and why should not a doctrine , judged by such eminent men to be of scripture , be called the doctrin of the reformation ? prayers for the dead and purgatory is popery confessedly ; but alas ! it is taught expresly by vrbans , regius , r bucer , ſ zuinglius , t melancthon , u luther , x the common-prayer book in king edward's time printed 1549. and many others of our learned doctors , and what can you call more properly the doctrine of the reformation , than what such men teach to be the doctrine of scripture ? and though our brethren , quakers , anabaptists , presbyterians and protestants judge prayers to angels and saints to be nothing else but popery : yet our common-prayer book has the same collect or prayer to angels in st. michael's day , that the popish mass book has , and desires that the angels may succour and defend us on earth ; and prayers to , and intercession of saints is taught by luther , y bilneus and latimer quoted by fox , z and consequently it 's the doctrine of the reformation . ismael . if all these popish articles may be safely believed by the reformation , and be the doctrine of our reformed church , as well as of popery ; what difference then betwixt us and popery ; or why are we call'd a reformation of popery , or why did we separate from them ? isaac . i have told you already , that our difference from popery , is not , because we must deny what they believe , for we believe as well as they the unity and trinity of god , the incarnation of his son , &c. but in this , that the papists believe , because the pope and church says , this is true revealed doctrine , but we believe not because any church , pope , or doctor says so , but because we our selves judge by scripture it is so ; for if a papist did say , i do not believe this is a revealed truth , because the pope and church says it is , but because i find by scripture it is ; he would be no papist ; believe then whatever doctrine you will , either popery , judaism , protestancy , arianism , or what else you please , provided you judge by scripture it is true , and that you believe it , not because this or that church , congregations or doctors believe it , but because your self judges it to be true , you 'l be a true child of the reformation : and this is the reason why we are called a reformation and why we separated from them , because they would have us take for our rule of faith scripture as interpreted by them , and believe not what we judge to be the doctrine of scripture , but what they judge ; and this is also the reason why presbyterians are jealous with the church of england ; why anabaptis●s forsake presbyterians ; why these are forsaken by quakers , because each one would have the world judge as they do , and persecute and trouble one another , which is quite against the spirit of the reformation , for whereas our rule of faith is no church , congregation , or man , but scripture as each one understands it ; it follows that by our principles every one must he permitted to believe whatever he pleases , and by so doing , he will be a true child of the reformation . ismael . the church of england , nor any of our congregations , will never believe any of those popist tenets . isaac . the time may come that they may believe them all , and be still as good reformers as now they are ? for if the pope and his church should to morrow deny and excommunicate those tenets , which now they so steadfastly believe , ( and i hope they will some day , ) then it would be a pious and virtuous action in all reformed children , to believe them all , as much as now they deny them : and let us pretend what other reasons we please , but it 's very certain that the strongest reason we can have to deny those articles , is because the pope and his church believes them , and consequently , if the popish church would but deny them , we might and ought to believe them , you will think this a paradox ; but listen to our apostolical and divine luther : a if a general council , says he , did permit priests to marry , it would be a singular marke of piety , and sign of godliness , in that case to take concubines , rather than to marry in conformity to the decree of the council , i would in that case command priests not to marry under pain of damnation . and again he says , b if the council should decree communion in both kinds ; in contempt of the council , i would take one only or none . see these words of luther , quoted by our learned hospinian , c and jewel , d and see it 's not only my doctrine but of great luther , that in case the pope and council deny all the tenets they now believe ; we may , and it will be a pious godly action to believe them , and make as many acts of parliament for them , as now we have against them . but what 's the matter ? methinks you become pale , something troubles you , speak , what is it ? ismael . it 's the horror i conceive against your discourse , my countenance cannot be in a calm , when my mind is in such a storm and confusion : pursue no more , you said enough that i should curse the day i have ever seen you , or heard that which you call holy liberty , which is but a prostitution of consciences a prophanation of all that is sacred , and an open gap to all impiety in doctrine and manners : but i hope the lord has given me that profound respect and attach to our holy reformation , that i shall not be beaten from it by all your engines , able to inspire a contempt and hatred of it to any weak brother , for who would live a moment in it , if such impious tenets , such scandalous and blasphemous doctrines were of it , or were unavoidable sequels out of its principles : no , no the principles of the reformed church are sound and orthodox , and no doctrine can follow from them , but what 's pure and true . isaac . let me tell you i have as tender a love for the reformation as you : and i will maintain the holy liberty i assert , cannot justly be called a prostitution of consciences ; for , you dare not deny but this is an orthodox and sound principle , that our rule of faith is scripture as each person of sound judgment understands it ; that it is lawful for each person of sound judgment to read it , to give his judgment of the true sense of it , and to believe and hold that sense of it , which he thinks in his conscience to be true ; is there any prostitution of consciences in this doctrin ? or is it not the doctrin of our reformation ? ismael . all this is true , the prostitution of consciences lyes not there , but in the scandalous and blasphemous tenets , which you pretend that follow out of the rule of faith. isaac . but you wrong the reformation in calling such tenets blasphemies and scandals : for since our rule of faith is scripture , as each person of sound judgment understands it ; if this rule of faith be good and sound , if it be religious and holy , any doctrin that is conformable to this rule , must be good , sound , religious and holy ; this being our rule of faith and manners , it 's clearer than day light , that all and each other tenet which i rehearsed in all my former discourses , are conformable to our rule of faith ; for our rule is scripture as each man of sound judgment understands it . our doctrin therefore must be , what any person of sound judgment understands to be the doctrin of scripture : this is an evident sequel out of that principle , and whereas there is not one tenet of all those which i rehearsed , whether they concern doctrin or manners ; but was judged by the doctors , which i cited for it , to be the doctrine of scripture ; it follows unavoidably , that there is not one tenet of them but is the doctrin of the reformation : therefore you must be forced to either of these two ; either to say that our rule of faith , by which such doctrines are warranted , is naught , wicked and scandalous , and leads to a prostitution of consciences and manners ; or that all those tenets , are good , sound , pious , and no prostitution or corruption of our consciences : for , pick and chuse out the doctrin which you think to be the most wicked and scandalous of all those i rehearsed ; you cannot deny , but that it was taught by the author i quoted for it and judged by him , to be the doctrin of scripture . and if no doctor hitherto had believed it , you or i , or some other person of sound judgment , may judge it to be the doctrine of scripture ; either of both , then you must be constrained to grant . or that the doctrin of the reformation , is not what each person of sound judgment understands to be the doctrin and sense of scripture , which is as much as to say , that our rule of faith must not be scripture as we understand it , but that we must believe against our own judgment and conscience , what others say is the doctrin and sense of scripture : or you must grant that all and each of those tenets i rehearsed , is the doctrin of the reformation , tho you , or this or that man may judge them to be blasphemies and scandals . ismael . i confess our rule of faith in the reformation is scripture as each person understands it ; for all our reformed churches , with the church of england , in her 39 articles , do give us this rule of faith. i confess consequently out of this principle , that we must not believe what doctrin or sense of scripture others judge to be true and orthodox , if we do not our selves judge it to be such , for we must not be forced to believe , against our judgments : lastly , i confess we may safely believe , whatsoever doctrins we seriously judge to be the doctrin of scripture , but provided , that such a tenet or doctrin be not plainly against scripture , and be not plain and down-right impiety and blasphemy . isaac . and in case you , or the church of england , rome , france , or germany , judge a doctrin to be blasphemous and against scripture , and luther , or calvin , or i , or another , judge it is good doctrin and conformable to scripture , to which judgment must i stand ? must i believe yours against my conscience and knowledge ? or must not i believe my own ? is it not the principle and practice of our reformation , that i must believe what i judge in my conscience to be scripture , and not what others judge , if they judge the contrary ? when luther began the reformation , did not almost all christians and the whole church believe purgatory and prayers to saints to be the doctrine of scripture ? and did not he very commendably deny it against them all , because he judged by scripture it was not ? will a presbyterian believe episcopacy , because the church of england says it 's the doctrine of scripture ? no , but deny it because himself judges it is not . ismael . it 's true , each one may lawfully believe what himself judges to be the doctrine of scripture , provided he be a godly , well intentioned man , humble and meek in spirit : provided secondly that what he understands to be the sence and doctrine of scripture , be not absurd and impious in the judgment of all the rest of the faithful : for let a man be ever so learned and godly ; if he gives an interpretation of scripture which is denied by all the church , he must not be followed . isaac . your first proviso is very good , and i hope you will meet no doctor of all those i quoted for those tenets , which you call blasphemies , who was not a learned , godly , humble , and well intentioned man , who will be so bold as to deny it of luther , calvin , beza zuinglius , & c. ? your second proviso is not just , and in it you overthrow the whole reformation ; and our rule of faith ; for this being as you granted ; scripture as each person of sound judgment understands it ; whatever interpretation or sense any man of sound judgment understands to be of scripture , he may safely and piously believe it , tho' all the rest of the world should judge it to be impious and blasphemous , otherwise our rule of faith , must not be scrip●ure as we understand it , but as it is understood by others : and whereas no tenet of all those i rehearsed , but was judged to be the sense and doctrin of scripture , by some of those eminent doctors i quoted , it follows they might have safely believed them ; and if you or i judge as they did , we may also believe as they did , and be still of the reformation . ismael . it 's wicked and pernicious to say any particular person may believe his own private sense and interpretation of scripture , if it be judged by all others to be naught ; and therefore the church of england prudently and wisely puts a stop and bridle to the extravagant and rambling imaginations of particular persons ; they must conform themselves , and believe but what the church judges may be safely believed . isaac . pray , sir , since when is it commendable to constrain mens judgments to believe , not what each one thinks best , but what the church thinks may be safely believed , was this commendable in the beginning of our reformation , when our blessed reformers began to teach their private judgments against the church then establish'd ? if it was , then the church of rome is to be commended , for persecuting and excommunicating our first reformers ; and this was not , nor is not commendable in the church of rome , why is it commendable in the church of england ? this is a piece of popery , whereof the church of england is guilty , and for which all our congregations are jealous of her : be it known to you , our other congregations , lutherans , calvinists , anabaptists , &c. are as truly and godly children of the reformation as the church of england ; and they will not submit to that popish tyranny , nor suffer any curb to their judgments , but will have our rule of faith to be but scripture , and each one to understand , and believe it , as he thinks best in the lord. ismael . i confess other congregations will admit no such curb , nor bridle to their judgments , but follow scripture as they understand it ; but the church of england has a reverent regard for the sense and interpretation of it given by primitive ages , fathers and councils , and that we prefer before the private interpretations of particular persons . isaac . and just so saith the popish church to luther and our blessed reformers , and if that had been well done , we should have had neither protestancy nor any other reformation : but you confess at least , that the rule of faith in all other congregations , is but scripture , as each person understands it , and each person may consequently believe his own sence of it , and deny the sence of any other if he does not like it : then you must confess , that in all other congregations , except the church of england , any reformed child may believe any sense and doctrine which any person of sound judgment judges to be scripture , if himself likes it , though all the rest of the world may think it naught ; and whereas you cannot deny , but that all and each doctor quoted by me for those tenets , which you call blasphemies , were sound and able judgments ; you must confess that it is a necessary sequel out of their rule of faith , that in all other congregations they may piously and safely believe all those tenets , and be still true children of the reformation . ismael . i confess , if they speak coherently and stand to their principles , they may believe them safely ; but as i hate those blasphemous tenets , labbor and detest also that principle and rule of faith of other congregations , from which such tenets are unavoidable sequels . isaac . good ismael , you forget what you have hitherto all along avowed , and you are quite astray from the doctrin of the reformation . you have often granted me , that our rule of faith is scripture , not as this or that congregation , doctor , or church , but as each person of sound judgment understands it ; and now you tell me you hate and detest that rule , because that out of it , there follow strange and blasphemous tenets ? you say , the sence and interpretation of the primitive ages , church and fathers must be preferred before the interpretation of any private person , or congregation , and what think you of our whole reformation , and particularly of our 39 articles of the church of england , which allow no other rule of faith , but scripture as each person of sound judgment understands it ? what say you of luther , calvin , beza , and the rest of our first reformers , who preferred their own private sence and interpretation of scripture , before that of the whole church ? what say you to the presbyterians , who prefer their own sense and interpretation of the bible , before that of the church of england ? what say you of all the congregations of the reformed church , each one of which , holds its sense and doctrin of scripture , different from all the rest ? i grant , there ought to be a respect for the judgment and interpretation of the text , given by the primitive church and fathers ; but if a doctor , or man of sound judgment , replenisht with gods spirit , reads scripture with an humble heart , and pure intention , and judges by it , that bigamy is lawful ; that there is no mystery of three persons in one divine nature ; that christ despaired on the cross , &c. tho these doctrines be quite against the judgments of fathers , church , and councils , he may believe them , and be still a true reformed child , because he follows our rule of faith ; if he must deny these articles , because others decry them ; then he must go against his own judgment and conscience , for to conform himself to them , and his rule of faith must not be scripture as each man of sound judgment understands it ; but as the primitive ages , church , and councils understand it ; and this is popery . ismael . prethee , friend isaac , let 's give over : all that your discourse drives at , by what i can perceive , is either to beat me from the reformation , by shewing me the absurdity of its rule of faith ; or oblige me to believe scandalous and blasphemous tenets , necessary sequels out of that rule : i am a child of the reformation , and never will be otherwise . isaac . the lord , who is the searcher of hearts knows , you mis-conster my intentions : how can you say i intend to beat you from the reformation ? do not i insist and perswade you to stick fast to its rule of faith , and acknowledge no other but scripture , as you understand it ? how can you say , i oblige you to believe false and scandalous tenets ? to the contrary , i advise you not to believe them , if you judge by scripture they are false and scandalous : what my discourse drives at , that you should not censure , blame or call any doctrin blasphemous , scandalous , false , or heretical , ( popery excepted , ) for , though you judge by scripture it is not true ; another will judge it to be the true sense and doctrin of the text ; and if he does , he may with a safe conscience believe it , and ought not to be blamed by you or any other for believing it ; if you do not like that doctrin , do not believe it ; but let the other believe as he judges by scripture he may , and let every tub stand on its own bottom . ismael . once more i beseech you give over ; i will not discourse any more with you . isaac , nay , dear ismael , i see you are troubled , and i will not leave you in that perplexity : be pleased to listen to three points i will propose unto you , and you 'll not miss to find satisfaction in either of them . ismael . let 's hear them . isaac . will you believe scripture , as it is interpreted , and in that sense which , the church , councils , and fathers propound unto you ? ismael . i will not be obliged to that , for i may judge by scripture that sence and interpretation of it , to be false and erroneous , and i will not be obliged to believe any thing against my judgment and conscience ; that is popery . isaac . that 's well , in so much you follow the footstepts of luther , calvin , and our first reformers , who would not believe what the church believed in their time , nor regarded what the papists alledged out of the councils and fathers against them , because they held themselves obliged to believe scripture as they understood it , and not as it was understood by others : will you then believe scripture in that sense and interpretation which your self judges to be true , though the church , councils , and all other congregations judge it to be false and erroneous , and give the like liberty to all others . ismael . that 's dangerous ; for it would follow that any man might believe without check or blame , the greatest blasphemies , imaginable , if he judges them to be the sense of the text. isaac . why then , since that the first does not please you , for fear of constraining your judgment papist-like , and the second displeases you , for the scope it gives for to believe any thing , or nothing ; your best way is to lay scripture aside , whereas christ has forgot , or neglected to appoint us some assured means for to know what sense of it he would have us believe . ismael . and what religion shall i profess if i lay scripture aside ? isaac . the same which you have by scripture ; that 's to say , whatever you judge to be the true worship of god : be sure to profess a reverence for scripture and seem to believe it 's the word of god , least you may scandalize weak brethren ; pretend always that your sentiments are grounded upon the text , but betwixt you and god believe whatever you think to be true , worship god as you judge he is to be worshipp'd , and that 's the way to live in peace : do you think but that those noble spirits which they call the wits of england , have a good religion ? in publick they speak reverently of the bible , but we know what they have , and do declare in their private discourses , that it is but a romance , or meer fiction : do you think but that there was a religion in england before it saw gregory ' emissarys , austin and his monks ? what need therefore of a bible for to have religion ? were not the swinfeldians a religious congregation , and of the reformation too , yet they cared not for scripture , but grounded their belief upon gods inspiration and inward speech to the heart ? ismael . if i were not well acquainted with you , and had not very convincing proofs , and signal testimonies of your piety , solid religiosity , and chistianity , i would judge you by this last piece of your discourse , to be an impious atheist or pagan : and i wonder that so good a christian , as i know you to be , should speak so irreverently of the bible , and so much in commendation of paganism as you do : there was indeed a religion in england before they knew what scripture was ; but that religion was paganism , which austin and his companions happily banisht from our land. isaac . happily ? do you call an exchange of paganism for popery ( introduced by austin ) a happiness ? is it nor generally believed in our reformation , and most strongly proved of late , by that incomparable wit and pen-man , doctor stillingfleet , that popery has as much of idolatry as paganism : our land therefore had in paganism as good a religion as it received by austin in popery : does not this our noble champion , and most of the scribes of the church of england teach , that popery is a saving religion , that we may be saved in the church of rome ? if popery ( notwithstanding it be idolatry as they say ) be a saving religion , how can they deny but that paganism is also a saving religion , what need had our fore-fathers therefore to abandon paganism ? why was it not left in the land ? ismael . whatever may be said of popery , it cannot be denyed , but that christianity is better than paganism : the expulsion therefore of paganism by austin , was a happiness , because by it christianity was introduced , and establisht in our kingdom . isaac . alas , ismael ! if england had been as well informed of the merit of paganism , when first christianity was preached , it had never exchanged the one for the other . ismael . what , not paganism , , which adored a multitude of gods , for christianity which adores but one ? not paganism , which adored jupiter , saturn , venus , &c. who were devils and evil spirits ; or wicked men , who caused themselves to be adored , for christianity , which adores the only true , immortal and eternal deity ? isaac . you speak with the vulgar sort , and believe , as you have been instructed by your ancestors : i confess , the apostles , and ancient doctors of christianity do teach , that the gods of the gentiles were devils or evil spirits ; i confess also , all the christian world since the first preaching of the gospel , was so perswaded , grounded upon scripture , which in several places says , the gods of the gentiles were devils , grounded upon the doctrine of the apostles , and their successors the fathers of the church , and the world being perswaded by the apostles , by the doctors , fathers , and preachers of christianity , that the gods which the pagans adored were but devils , which by soceries , and marvellous works deceived mankind , and made themselves to be adored as gods , all men were ashamed to adore but devils , forsook paganism and embraced christianity . and all was but a meer policy of popery , to cast so much dirt and calumny upon paganism , and make its gods but devils for to introduce and establish christianity ; doctor stillingfleet in his charge of idolatry against the church of rome , pag. 40. and 41. says plainly , that the pagans are charged with more than they were guilty of ; pag. 7. says that jupiter adored by the pagans ; was so far from being an arch-devil , in the opinion of st. paul , that he was the true god , blessed for evermore : that the pagans adored but one supream and omnipotent god which they called jupiter , and which they did believe to be neither a devil , nor a man , but a true , and the first and chiefest of the gods ; and that the rest of the gods , which they adored , they looked upon them as upon inferiour deities , and gave them no other adoration , but such as the papists give to their saints . if therefore the pagans adored the true god under the name of jupiter , and the other gods but as inferior deities , as the papists do their saints ; was it not unjustly done by the ancient fathers and teachers of christianity to have imposed upon the world , and made us believe the pagans adored but devils and evil spirits ? have not the pagans right and justice on their side , for to plead before our wise and religious parliament , that paganism may be restored , or at least tolerated , and jupiter , with the rest of the gods may be adored , as formerly they were ? first because paganism is no more idolatry than popery , as doctor stillingfleet , master burnet , and other reformed writers prove convincingly ; secondly , because that paganism having been banish'd out of our land upon the false information of our first teachers , that it was an adoration of devils , or evil spirits , and wicked debaucht men , who by counterfeited wonders , and cheats , gained the peoples adoration ; since that doctor stillingfleet , mr. burnet , and other reformed writers , will make it out , that the pagans adored no devils , but one true , omnipotent , supreme god , blessed for evermore , which they called jupiter , and the rest of the gods as inferior deities , as papists do their saints , and will prove that the pagans were charged by the first d. doctors of christianity , and by all our ancestors , with more than they were guilty of , why should not paganism be restored again to the land , and heard to speak for its self , and dr. stillingfleet and his zealous companions be licenc'd to plead for them , and for holy jupiter , so foully mis-represented by antiquity , as to be believed an arch-devil , whom dr. stillingfleet will prove to have been , a true god blessed for ever more ? ismael . the more i discourse with you , the more i am perplexed in mind i bid you adue , and do confess i carry with me from your discourse a dislike of what i have been hitherto , an unsettlement in my perswasion , and a compassion of the poor pagans , so unjustly banish'd from our nation , if what doctor stillingfleet says , be true , he is a learned , religious , and diligent searcher into scripture ; the ancient d. drs. and fathers of the church reading scripture , judged and taught , that jupiter was a devil , as well as the rest of the gods which the gentiles adored ; dr. stillingfleet and other reformed d. drs. reading scripture , judge he was no devil , but the the true god blessed for ever more ; any child of the reformation may believe either of both , and put jupiter into our litanies , as well as jesus christ , and offer sacrifice to him as formerly our ancestors did ; for whatever any man of sound judgment judges to be the doctrine of scripture , may be safely believed , and is the doctrine of the reformation : as for my part i see our wise parliament sits now upon a new settlement of government and religion , and i will not resolve upon any religion , until i see what it concludes . if dr. stillingfleet be so zealous as to put in a good word for paganism before that religious assembly , he may find abbetors , and as the parliament cherishes dr. oates for the extirpation of popery , so it may cherish dr. stillingfleet for the introduction of paganism , and the erecting of temples and altars for holy jupiter his true and evermore blessed god ; and if he be successful in this undertaking , as for exchanging presbytery for protestancy , he was promoted to the deanery of st. paul , so by changing christianity for paganism , he may expect to be his holy jupiters high priest , in london capitol , and reign with him everlastingly in the other life , in case he believes there is another . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a42142-e1100 a epist . ad noremb . & in comment . in jo. 6. & 16. matt. theol. calvin . l. 2. fol. 70. c in parva confes . germ. fol. 55. & in colloq . fol. 110. d to. 2. fol. 202. e the kingdom of isra . pag. 9. f acts & mon. pag. 36. lib. 3. c. 5. g catal. estium . pag. 976. & 978. a l. 4. instit . c. 9. b to. 1. e. lit jen. resolut . d in colloq . mensal . fol. 118. e to. 2. wittem . fol. 374 , 375. f in defens . art. reliq . protest . pag. 199. g in his true differ . par . 2. pag. 353. h bouclier de la foy. * matt. 12. ** 2 tim. 2. ‖ jo. 4. a in lib. ad corin. c 11. b in explan . art. 17. c to. 2. de minist . eccles . instit . fol. 369. & lib. de cap. babyl . c. de ordin . & lib. de abroganda missa . d in harm . in matth. c. 26. vers . 64. & in admonad . po●●… . in tract . theolog. pag. 794. e comment . super joan. c. 10. f in act. seiueti pag. 87. g l. con . cenebrat . h in postil . major . in ennarat . evang . domin . trinit . i lib. 2. dial. 2. k harm . in evang. mat. c. 26. vers . 39. and c. 27. vers . 46. & lib. 2. instit . c. 16. sect . 10. & 11. l in luk. par . 2. hom . 65. and in joan. hom . 54. m in march. c. 16. n recogn . pag. 376. o lib. 2. inst . c. 16. fact . 10. and seq . p to. 3 wettemp . in sp . 16. q in ps . 16. r in confes . majori de coena dni . ſ to. 2. in respon . ad confes . luth. fol. 458. t in histor . sacram. par . 2. fol. 75. a dom. 1. adventus , & liber . de proph. christi . b in postil . super evangel . dom. 1. advent . & dom. 26. post trinit . c motives to good works in the epist. dedic . d lib. 3. inst. c. 4. sect. 28. e lib. 4. c. 7. sect. 2. f in locis commun . classe . 5.27 . g to. 2. wittem . de capr . babyl . fol. 74. h de eccl. cont . bellarm conf . 2. quaest . 5. i epist . 2.2 . & 25. k to. 5. wittem . serm . de matrim . & in 1. ad corin. 7 l consil . theol. par . 1 pag. 648. & 134. m in epist . pau ad phil. & in 2. ad tim. 3. n lib 2. dial. 21. o lib de repud . & divort. pag. 223. p canon . generales genuen . 1560. q chap. 13. art 31. r to. 5. wittem . serm . de matrim . ſ to. 5. wittemb . serm . de matrim . t in scriptis anglic. de reg. chr. l. 2. c. 26. & in matth. c. 19. u in consil . theol. par . 1. pag. 648. s . & 134. x dial. 200. & 204. in epist . s. paul. ad tim. 3. y l. 4. inst . c. 19. sect . 37. discip . eccl. c. 13. z serm. de murim . a lib. 4. inst . c. 15. sect . 20. & 21. b act. 27. c can. 29. d lib. 2. eccles . polit. pag. 103. e in tim. c. 50. f in defens . hookeri art . 8. a in praefat. dialog . b serm. de 50. artic. in summa summarum . c in harm . super luc. c. 2. d epitom . cent. 16. par . 2. e tom. 2. cont . catabapt . fol. 10 , f victoria verit . arg : 5 ▪ g in cap. 2. ad gal. h de eccles . cont . bellarm. cont . 2. c. 4. i to. 5. wettem . an . 1554. in epist. ad gal. c. 1. k in apol. cof . c. de concil . l in cap. 2. ad gal. & serm . aug. pag. 204. m in epist . ad gal. c. 1. & 2. & tom. 5. wittemb . an . 1554. fol. 29. n lib. 5. de eccl. polit. sect . 72. o pag. 495. & 273. p acts and mon. pag. 514. q lib. 2. inst . c. 17. sect . 6. r in comment in cap. 2. ad gal. ſ to. 1. proposit . 3. t lib. 2. instit c. 7.5 . u harm . evang. in luc. c. 10 , verse 26. x in synop. papismi pag. 564. y lib. de servo . arbit . cont . erasm . z lib. 3. instit . c. 21. sect . 5. & 7. &c. 22. sect . 11. & cap. 13.1 . a lib. 2. inst . c. 4. sect . 3. & lib. 1. c. 18. sect . 2. & lib. 3. c. 23. sect 4. lo. 1. de deprovid . c. 6. in synops . pag. 563. in manifest . stratag . papist . l 4. inst . c. 7. sect. 27. a in defens . &c. pag. 373.70 . & 395. b in respons . tredecem . propos . c in epist. ad card. belay episc . pariens . d in tract . euchar. ad . p. sarmunm . e in annot. super novum testam . cap. 10. matth. & sape alibi . f to. 1. edit . jonah . l. de cap. babyl . h lib. de caena domini . i lib ▪ de cap. babyl . c. de euchar. g almonit . 2. ad . westph . defens . oxthod . fit . k epist. ad bahemos in declarat . euch. & in serm . de euch. l in concil . theol. ad march. elect. de usu utriusque speciei pag. 141. a in disput . theol. pag. 301. b in concilliat . loc . scrip. loco . 191. c in locis commun . to. 1. de potest eccl. d in apol. conses . aug. art . 13. & lib. pag. 234. e in p. 5. epist . jac. v. 4. f lib. 4. inst . c. 14. sect . 5. g in modest . examin . h in eccl. polit. l. 5. sect . 66. i in locis commun . tit . de numero . sacram. k in perpet . regem . pag. 109. l in eccl. polit. lib. 5. sect . 77. m lib. 4. inst . c. 29. n epit. colloq . montisbel . o in centaur . exercit. theol. pag. 270. p exampar . 4. q in respond . ad acta colloq . montisbel . par . 2. in prefas . r in locis commun . c. 18. & 19. ſ inscrip . angl. pag. 450. t to 1. in eupian . a●t . 90. & ar● . 60. u in apolog. confess aug. x to 1. wittem . in resol . de indul. concl . 15. epist . ad spalat . z acts & mon. pag. 462. & 312. a to. germ. fol. 214. b de formula missa & to. 3. germ. c in histor . s● . part . 2. fol. 13. d in replis ad hardingum . a vindication of his majesties government and judicatures in scotland from some aspersions thrown on them by scandalous pamphlets and news-books, and especially with relation to the late earl of argiles process. mackenzie, george, sir, 1636-1691. 1683 approx. 88 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50897 wing m211 estc r31147 11780927 ocm 11780927 49047 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50897) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49047) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1487:3) a vindication of his majesties government and judicatures in scotland from some aspersions thrown on them by scandalous pamphlets and news-books, and especially with relation to the late earl of argiles process. mackenzie, george, sir, 1636-1691. 52 p. printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh : 1683. attributed to sir george mackenzie by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. "reflections on the earl of argil's process" begins on p. 18. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -scotland. church and state -great britain -17th century. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-05 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of his majesties government , & iudicatures , in scotland ; from some aspersions thrown on them by scandalous pamphlets , and news-books : and especially , with relation to the late earl of argiles process . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. 1683. a vindication of his majesties government , and judicatures , in scotland , &c. all wise and sober men in scotland , do with a just mixture of pity , and contempt , read those infamous pamphlets , wherein this kingdom is so maliciously traduced by some in our neighbour-nation ; and when they consider that the licentiousness of the press , does so much weaken all government , corrupt all intelligence , and blast so unavoidably the reputation of the best , and most innocent : they conclude justly , that to deny their king the necessary priviledge and prerogative of restraining the press , were to refuse to the master of a ship , the power to prevent its leaking : to deny the magistrat the power of punishing these , who corrupt the springs and fountains of a city : and to refuse to the master of a family , the power of chastising his servants when they rail at one another . i am very desirous also to be informed , how the king can by the priviledge and prerogative of his crown , have the absolute power of making peace and war ? calling and dissolving of parliaments , and a negative voice in them ? and yet should be denyed the far less priviledge of restraining the press : especially after so many proofs of its having been so dangerous , and seditious . how the magistrats of the meanest hanse-town should enjoy this priviledge , and yet that it should be deny'd to the king of great-britain . or how he should have the power to punish lybels , and yet should want the power of stopping them , it being both much safer , and easier , to prevent , then to punish . nor can i dissemble , that our nation has found the happy effects of discharging all printing without licence by an express statute , whereby we find the publick government , and every privat mans reputation most happily secured : whilst on the other hand , it is very observable , that that peer , who told it was not yet time to restrain the press in england , has liv'd to see a famous library of libels and pasquills against himself , for the conviction of this age , and the information of those who shall succeed us . we glory also in the justice of our law , that has by a special statute , ordained all such to be severely punished , who by word , or writ , devise , utter , or publish any false , slanderous , or reproachful speeches , or writs against the state , people or countrey of england , or to the dishonour of any privy councellour thereof : and therefore , we hope , that so wise and just a nation as england , which punishes those who injure a privat peer , will not suffer them to go unpunished , who rail at a nation , that is obliged to hazard their lives and fortuns for their preservation . unhappy liberty which consists in the priviledge of doing ill , and which serves for nothing , but to make the authors be contemn'd for want of breeding , and despis'd for want of sense : nor does this crime want a sufficient punishment , since it has convinced us , that the enemies of the monarchy are such liars , and so malicious , that they deserve neither to be believed , nor followed ; and how can any amongst us believe these in matters of right ? who every day lie so scandalously in matters of fact. upon this ground , i confidently believe , that no honest man , will think we in scotland have owned his royal highness , because england had an aversion for him , as a late pamphlet has maliciously asserted ; for as their worthy peers did wisely reject the bill of exclusion ; so our predecessours were obliged to this by so many oaths , and through a series of so many ages , and god had so severely punished us in the last age , for having joyned with our rebellious neighbours against our native prince , that we had been the greatest fools and rogues upon earth , to have relaps'd so soon into the fame errors ; and especially in following the example and advice of those very rebels , or their impenitent heirs , who had in ten years exercised that arbitrary government over us , against which themselves had exclaimed , and to a hight , that we had never known , and as it is very well known , that every honest man in scotland rejoyces , when they hear of the prosperity of the royal family in england , and esteem highly ▪ and love passionatly all such as have , or do contribute to it ( an union in principles , being stronger then that of the kingdoms ) so scotland being the less powerful nation , what can they gain in the contest ? or why should they envy that which is their greatest security , as well as honour . the delivering of the best of kings at newcastle was no more a national act in us , than the murdering him after a mock-tryal , was a national act in the kingdom of england rebels in both committed those crymes , whilst honest men suffer'd , with him , and for him ; and it is undenyable , that the honest party of scotland , were at that time fighting under the great montrose , against that pretended parliament , which voted his delivery , and that even our rebellious countrey-men delivered him only up to such of our neighbour nation , as did swear upon oath , that they should preserve him and his crowns , and when they found that these sectarians , neither regarded their oath nor their king : they rais'd an army immediatly , to expiat their cryme ; nor wanted ever our nation an army , even under the usurpers , to appear for the monarchy , and from us , and encourag'd by us , went that army that restor'd our present king : let then no honest man remember those national errors , except either in his prayers , when he interceeds with god , for diverting the curse which those crimes deserve ; or in judicatures , when such are to be punish'd , as would lead us back into those confusions . but why the authors of these pamphlets should condemn the very actions , which they so very faithfully copy , seems very wonderful , as it does how our fanatick countrey-men , should wish success to those who rail at their nation and their principles . open then your eyes , my dear countrey-men , and let not your own fanaticism , nor their cheats perswade you , that such as endeavour to lessen and asperse the monarchy in our neighbour . nation , will be ever faithful to you , who are sworn , even in your covenant , to maintain it in this , to you who opposed them in the last war , in their grand designs for a common-wealth , and the extirpation of the scottish race , to you who think that presbytery jure divino , which they laugh at , and never use it as an useful government in the church , though they do some times as an useful tool to rebellion in the state , and to you whom they cheated so far , and opprest so dreadfully in the late rebellion , that they know you cannot trust them . was it the church of england , or sectarians that sold you to be slaves in their plantations , that fill'd your pulpits with buff-coats , and your churches with horses ; and did not they turn all your own arguments against you , that you had us'd against episcopacy ; for as you said the bishops should not have revenues , so they said your ministers should not have stipends , as you contended , that lawn sleeves were popish ; they contended , that gowns were so too ; they in enimity to ceremony , would cover their heads at prayer , as you did in churches ; and by the same rule that you taught that subjects might reform kings , they concluded against you , that they might execute them . i shall likewise refer to your consideration , that it is the duty of every good subject , to obey the laws of that nation wherein he lives , since they must either obey the magistrate , or overturn him ; and a schism does breed so much un-christian heat , and so many civil wars , that no pious or reasonable man should engage in it , except he be necessarly obliged to separate from the the church , as absolutely anti-christian : but so it is , that the differences betwixt our episcopacy and presbytery , which have occasioned all these dangerous disorders , are founded upon no express text of scripture , else forraign churches would not acknowledge ours to be a true church , as they universally do ; nor had the fathers of the primitive church owned a government , which stood in direct opposition to the word of god. and it seems strange , that god almighty should have designed to express a thing in scripture , as necessary for salvation ; and yet we who are obliged to obey the same , should not be able to find it out . it is also very fit to be considered by you , that the reason why monarchy has always preferred episcopacy to presbyterian government , proceeds not only from an aversion to presbytery , as neither establisht by scripture , us'd in the primitive church , nor recommended by the holy fathers ; but because it has been observed , that your government being founded on equality amongst presbyters , resembles more a common-wealth ; and that you have always in this isle , reformed without the monarchs approbation , if not against it , and so have interwoven with your religion , principles opposit to monarchical government , resolving to ballance establisht authority , with pretences of religion , from which necessity has at last forced many of you to oppose all government . and it is still observable , that whatever opposes the government of the countrey where we live , must at last end in anarchy and confusion . those great idolizers of parliaments , in speaking so much against our last , shew that they care no more for parliaments , then they do for kings , and think them only infallible when they are such as themselves . for where was there ever a parliament so unanimous as ourswas in the matter of the succession , not one man having proponed any one argument against it . and what a villanous thing is it to assert , that the test is a popish contrivance , when in it we swear expresly to own the protestant religion , and breed up our children in it . and that without all mental reservations , or equivocations . and to shew how well contriv'd that oath is , in opposition to popery : not one papist in all our kingdom has taken the test. what more could his majesties commissioner have done , to show his willingness to have honest and loyal protestants enjoy their own religion . and who after this should believe these lying authors ? who would impose upon the world , that , as a mark of popery , which is the strongest bulwark imaginable against it . and though we make not the protestant religion , the instrument of cruelty , the stirrup of preferment , a cloak for all manner knavery , and a trumpet of rebellion : nor admire avowed atheists , nor pay salaries to such as deny the divinity of jesus christ , if they be usefull to other hypocritical designes , as some do ; yet our nation has reason to suspect such as will have them passe for popishly inclined , ( as if all duty , when it pleases not them were popery , ) for in our chief city , and it's suburbs , we have not 14 popish families , in the whole diocess of s. andrews , the far largest of scotland , we have not three , and there are not 60. upon a sworn report , to be found in the diocess of aberdeen , which is the most suspected of all others . these wise states-men , who think insolently , that they though privat men may reform our laws , as well as their own religion ; we appeal still to that parliamentary insallibility , which they here deny : and therefore we justly contemn these pamphlets , which inveigh against the 25 act of the third session of his majesties first parliament , whereby the estates of this kingdom oblidge themselves , to send 22000 men , into any part of his majesties dominions , wherever his authority , honour , or greatness may be concerned , which was certainly their duty ; for if they defend it only at home , their defense may prove useless , both to themselves and him , and since he is our king every where , we should assist him every where : and that the king may call his subjects , even without his own territory , is clear by all lawyers , and amongst whom ; i shall only cite , castallio de imperatore quest . 159. where the question is expresly treated , and this decided from the law of nations : nor need any honest subject fear our assisting their king , and traitors should be terrified . but in all this , we were much loyaler then that peer of england , who , when our rebellion rose , in 1679 , affirmed , that his majesty could not send down forces into scotland , without consent of parliament ; because , by the treaty of rippon , it was declar'd , that the subjects of one kingdom , should not in vade the other , without the consent of the parliaments of both kingdoms , which treaty is rescinded with us , and we believe england will not think that a mutual treaty can stand , when one side is free : nor consider we parliaments , as the arbiters of peace and war , that being the kings incommunicable prerogative , but this shews why our acts are rail'd at , and what loyal men they are who do it . as also , since all lawfull parliaments have ever since the reformation , both here , and in england , made very severe laws against non communicants , or schismaticks ; either no respect is to be had to those parliaments , or these laws are just , and fit : ard why the laws should have been so severe to them in queen elizabeths reign , before they had rebelled , and should now remit their severity , when by frequent rebellions , and extravagant sermons , books , and assemblies , they have incorporated so many dreadful principles , inconsistant with all government , into the bodie of their divinity : i see not , and shall be glad to be informed , and if it be pretended , that their numbers having infinitly increased since that time , should prevail with a wise magistrat to lessen his severity , we conclude just the contrary , especially , since we find , that an exact and firm , though moderat execution of the law , is abler to lessen their fury , then an indulgence , there being now very few , who go not to church , and almost all repenting , that they went not sooner , and i desire to know from these authors , if their partie in england thinks : that the true way of using papists or if the presbyterians allowed that way of arguing , when they prevail'd , and was it not that lenity , which drew on the last rebellion , and our slavery . a short view of our laws , made on that subject , with the occasion of them , will best clear this point . in the last rebellion , defensive armes , and that the people had power to depose , or suspend kings , were the great foundation , and in defence whereof , several books have been lately written , and therefore these were declared treason , and it is admir'd , how any can be called good subjects , who maintain them . the parliament did see ; that the not going to church , occasioned much atheism and ignorance : and that the hearing such as were not authorized , was a certain inlet to all sedition and herisie : since every man might preach what he pleased , and therefore they discharg'd house conventicles , and declar'd , that meetings in the fields were formall rebellion ; since rebellion is only a rising in armes , without , and contrary to the command of authority , and that sometimes there would be gathered together several thousands of people in armes , who might joyn when they pleased ; and from a conjunction , meerly of those , proceeded the rebellions 1666. and 1679. and they punished these with moderat fynes , far below the guilt . and how dare men be so dissingenuous , as to own themselves the only protestants , and yet to inveigh against statutes made to hinder jesuites , socinians , and others to pervert the people ; as we certainly know , they did for many years together , at those meetings , and how could this be prevented , since the poor commens know not what is orthodox . and since they were perswaded not to ask who was to preach , least they should be oblidged to witnesse against him , and as the dangers on the onehand were great , so on the other , they were desired to go to that church , which the greatest and soberest of their own ministers did , and do still frequent . some ministers fearing , that their hearers might be led as witnesses against them , infused in them , a dangerous and ridiculous principle , that no man was oblidged to depone , when he was called to be a witness , and that no man was oblig'd to depone , when the being at such illegal meetings , was referred to his oath : and this was called the accusing of ones self ; whereas all laws under heaven , oblige a man to be a witness , else no crime could be prov'd . and if this were allowed , we might have as many masses as we pleas'd ; and when any thing is referred to a mans oath , he does not accuse himself , for the fiskal accuses him ; and do not all nations prove injuries and misdemeanours by the oaths of the committers , if these are not to be capitally punished . and therefore the parliament was forced to make a statute , obliging them to depone as vvitnesses . i need not tell the dreadful equivocations lately invented to secure rebels , as when a witness depones he saw a hilt , and a scabbart , but yet knows not if there was a sword. the pia fraus of ignoramus iuries , and a hundreth other cheats , rather to be lamented , then related . and which tended to unhing all property , as well as religion , if god and zealous magistrates had not prevented it . and yet the opposing these , which is a duty , must be represented as a crime , for deluding ignorant people . the parliament then having for the necessary defense of the kingdom , by reiterated laws , commanded those things to be put to execution . laws which did not only at first seem to be just , but were thereafter upon experience , found to be so . are not they promoters of arbitrary government , who think , that the judges and magistrats of the nation , should dispense with such laws ? and whoever thinks he may dispense with the law , must certainly think , that he is ty'd by no law ; and that is to be truly arbitrary . and it is most observable , that these who are enemies to his majesties government , and his servants : are of all men alive , most guilty of that arbiltariness , which they would fix upon others . it cannot be imagin'd , that the king will contemn the laws , since they are his own creatures , as well as his support , whereas such as oppose him , or rebell against him , must first trample under foot , the laws by which the king is secur'd , and by which they are to be punish't , and it is not the masters , but robbers who break the fences . 2ly , are not these honest and good countrey-men , who think it cruelty to punish such as did take up arms twice in an open rebellion ? and who own all the cruelties that were committed in the late civil wars , who burn publickly the acts of parliament , and who joyn with murderers . 3ly . albeit those crymes be very attrocious , horrid in themselves , and dreadful in the preparative , inconsistent with humane society , and a scandal to religion . yet have not his majesties judicatures offered remissions to all such as have been accus'd , providing they would disown those rebellious principles ; so that such as dy , are the martyrs of their own crymes , and justifie their judges , even whilst they are exclaiming against them . and as no government under heaven , did ever shew so many instances of clemency , offering indemnities when there was no necessity for them , renewing and pressing those indemnities , when they were twice or thrice slighted ; and remissions , when all those gentle offers were contemn'd : so , has any man dy'd amongst us , by malicious juries , or false witnesses . 4ly , has not the privy council in their fyning such as were guilty , proceeded with such moderation , that albeit for many years , the laws were absolutely contemned , after many reiterations by the parliament , and proclamations from the council , pressing obedience to them : yet they have ordered execution to be suspended , as for bypast times , to all such as would obey for the future . and i must beg leave to observe , that it has been upon an exact review , found , that the rebellious parliament , 1647. did impose more by way of fyne in one day , than the privy council has done since his majesties happy restauration : such as differ'd from their government , intreated for those pardons , which are now refus'd . and it would have been then thought very ridiculous , to offer a man his life ; who had been in arms for the king , upon his offering to live peaceably . 5ly . if the differences amongst us , upon which all those rebellions were founded , were matterial and did proceed from conscience ; somewhat might be said to lessen , though not to justifie the guilt , for conscience should neither be a cryme , nor a defence for crymes . yet what can now be said ? when all men willingly go to church , which certainly they would not do , if their conscience did not allow them . and it being now clear , that the former contempt of the law , proceeded from humor , and not from conscience : who can blame magistrats for preferring the law of the kingdom , to the humor of particular persons . somewhat might be likewise said for those differences , if we did not find , that they necessarly , and naturally produced principles of rebellion , assassination , contempt of magistracy , and of masters , with a thousand other impieties , and immoralities : whilst it is very remarkable , that episcopacy never bred a rebel , nor inspir'd a murderer ; but gentle , like the christian religion which it professes , it preaches obedience under the pain of eternal damnation , and practises mercy to that height , that it is now become the temper of the men , as well as the doctrine of the church . 6ly , in matters of government , we must ballance the safety of the whole , with the punishment of a few . and in our case , we must consider that a civil war would be much more severe , then a few executions , or fynes can be . and we need only remember the vast subsidies , the extraordinary cruelties , and boundless arbitrariness of the last age to be convinc'd , that it is not severity ; but kindness in the present government , which forces them , as a physician , rather to draw a little bloud , than to suffer their patient to run into a frensie ; especially when they know the patient has been lately inclin'd to it : and when they see the usual symptoms that foretel the approaching fit , to grow very remarkably every hour . this may be further clear'd , by comparing a little the condition , wherein his royal highness found this kingdom ; with that state to which it is now brought , under his happy influence . it cannot be deny'd , but that before his royal highness came to scotland , the fields were every sabbath cover'd with arm'd-men , upon the pretext of hearing sermons : which sermons were so far from being a legal defense against rebellion , that they were most efficacious incentives to it . his majesties most undenyable prerogatives , were upon all occasions contraverted . masters were contemn'd by their servants , and heretors by their tennents . and it was very just , and consequential , that these masters should have been contemn'd by their servants , who did themselves learn them this lesson , by contemning the king their superiour , and master . the ministers of the gospel were invaded , wounded , and assassinated . churches were either left waste , or insolently perturb'd , when they were frequented . principles of assassination were preach'd and practis'd . all such as own'd , or serv'd the government were affronted , and menac'd . pasquils and defamatory libels , vvere publickly vented and prais'd . dreams , visions and prophesies , portending the ruine and overthrovv of the government vvere spread abroad to amuse the people , and fill the heads of the vveaker sort vvith fears and jealousies . lying vvas become all our wit , and hectoring of the government all our courage : whereas novv , people are gathered in from the fields to churches . god almighty is served with reverence ; and the king as his vicegerent with respect . the royal prerogative is neither streatch'd , nor basi'd . the privy council have learn'd by his royal highnesses sitting so long amongst them , to shevv as much clemency , as may consist vvith firmness : and to sustain their justice by their courage . all animosities and differences among our nobility are compos'd and forgot : and thefts and robberies in the highlands , vvhich vvere formerly so great a reproach to the government , and a ruine to the people ; are novv not only secur'd against , by present punishments , but prevented by suitable and proportional remedies , such as commissions of justiciary , security taken from the heretors and chiftains of clans ; setling of garisons in convenient places , and giving money for intelligence to spy's . ministers are so much protected and encourag'd , that one can hardly think , if he had not knovvn their former condition , that ever the people had had any unkindness for them : men do not novv lust after nevvs , nor conventicles : but employ those thoughts , and that time upon their privat affairs , vvhich they formerly mispent , in follovving expensive field preachers : securing themselves and their estates , by a pleasant peaceableness , from the fears , as vvell as the damnage , of fines and punishments . we have no pasquils , nor hear of no visions . men honour the lavvs by vvhich they are protected , and those magistrats , by whose ministry they enjoy this peace and quiet : whilst their magistrats on the other hand , remember that his majesty and his royal highness , hate the insolence of their servants , though they may for some time suffer it : and that the preparatives they make to the prejudice of the people , will be lasting snares and burdens on their posterity . magistrats should pity the frailties to which themselves are subject , and the misfortuns which themselves cannot shun , and should cover rather than punish escapes , which have more of mistake in them than of guilt . by which paralel , our countrey-men and neighbours , may judge , whether his royal highness be so undesirable a governour , that the law of god , of nature , and nations should be brok , to exclude him from his right of succession . whether we enjoy greater , and truer liberty , under his protection : than we did under our usurping parliaments . and whether those expressions of our thankfulness , proceed from flattery , or from gratitude . reflections on the earl of argil's process . next to our laws , our judges are arraigned , and though all nations presume , that judges understand , and that we should presume them just , being ordinarly men of integrity , who are ingadg'd upon oath , and have both soul and reputation at stake ; and who know their children are to be judg'd by the preparatives they make . yet our phamphleters , who neither understand matter of law , nor matter of fact , stick not most soveraignly to decyde , that our sentences , even in criminals ( in which men cannot err wilfully , without murdering deliberatly ) are absurd , ridiculous and inhumane ▪ and yet these same men ( the great patrons of iustice ) are the secretaries of that party , who after they had murdered strafford , made an act that none should dy by that preparative ; in imitation of which horrid injustice , our rebellous zealots did execute sir iohn gordon of haddo , upon a statute made by them , after they had condemn'd him as a traitor , for bearing arms against the three estates , tho he had a special commission from the king their soveraign . and hang'd the great marques of montrose , with his declaration , emited by his majesties authority about his neck , though they had treated and concluded with the king that gave it , by whom so many noble-men and gentle-men fell for doing their duty : and so many innocent cavaleers were massacr'd after they got quarters . then it was , that an oath was taken by our states-men , not to spare the lives of either kin , friend nor ally . that three hundred were expos'd on a rock to be starv'd , and as many murdered in cold bloud after quarter . and a scaffold being erected at the cross of edinburgh , on which in six weeks time , multitudes of generous gentle-men having dy'd , a zealous minister thanked god for that altar , on which so sweet smelling a sacrifice was offer'd . whereas our merciful king , having had his father martyr'd , and being himself banish'd ; pardon'd even his fathers murderers . and granted not only pardons , but indulgences after two inexcusable rebellions . and it was very wonderful , to see his royal brother ( this formidable tyrant in our pamphlets ) pleading for pardon even to such as owned a hatred against all the royal family . nor can it be deny'd , but there is a gentleness in the old cavalier party , which demonstrats that they are in the right . and which is infinitly preferable to that soure cruelty , and morose bitterness , which make the insolent republicans , and bigot fanaticks , humourous and dangerous . and as a monarch the true father of his subjects , thinks it generous to pardon , so republicans must be cruel , to shew a zeal for the rabble which they serve . nor do i ever hear that any of those publick spirited authors , do turn the edge of their zeal against ignoramus juries , false witnesses , lying scriblers against the government , assassinats , &c. i am now come to take notice of a late pamphlet , called the scots-mist , wherein , because the late earl of argyl's process is founded upon points in jure , and consequently not so obvious to the consideration of every unlearn'd man , the author takes pains to make it appear an unanswerable instance of the arbitrariness of our judges . but before i answer his weak reflections in law , i must take notice of some few particulars in fact : as first , his judges were not judges in a packt commission ; but the learn'd and ordinary iudges of the nation . 2ly , what temptation could the king , or any who served him have to streatch law in that case ▪ for that , as to his life there was no design , is clear from the express order his royal highness gave , not to keep him strictly after he was found guilty . though great presumptions were offered to that generous prince of a design'd escape . and himself ordour'd in council , that the most learned advocats in scotland , should be prest to appear for him . nor was ever a prisoner us'd , either by judges , or by the kings advocat , with so much discretion and respect . 3ly , his jurisdictions , nor estate could be no temptation , for the late advocat had represented such reasons against his right to these jurisdictions and superiorities , as no man under heaven could answer with any shadow of reason : and the king got not one farthing of his estate , for his royal highness by his generous interposition , procur'd more of it for his children , then belonged to the family , debts being payed . and the remainder was gifted by our gracious and inimitable king amongst the creditors . and the tithes possest by that earl , returned to the church . happy kingdom , wherein the greatest instance of arbitrary government , is a person , who having nothing to lose , save what the king gave , had a fair tryal by sworn judges and jurors : and lost upon the event , neither life nor fortune . and whose family after three capital sentences , two by parliaments , and one by a solemn iustice court , is left without envy in a better condition , then almost any who serv'd the king in his great extremities . 4ly , all these narratives and apologies are founded on great mistakes , as if the earl had been desired to take the test ; for we desire no man , but men in office desire it , because they cannot enjoy their offices till they take it : and that the council was once pleased with the explanation he gave , as if he had given in an explanation : and the council being pleased with it , allowed him to take it in these terms : whereas the true cas was , that the earl had assured both his royal highness , and many others , that he would not take the test. notwithstanding whereof , coming in abruptly to the council , he spoke something with so slow a voice , that none say they heard him , and then clapping down-on his knees , took the test ; but some copies being dispersed of what he said , all loyal men murmured at the preparative , as tending to destroy , not only the parliaments design in the test , but to unhing all government . and the greatest fanaticks in scotland , owned they would take it in that sense ; without prejudice to their principles : and so they might , being allowed not to bind up themselves from endeavouring any alteration they should think fit for the advantage of church and state : which made the oath no oath , and the test no test. and therefore the next day , when he offered to take the test , as a commissioner of the thesaury , he was desired first to give in his explanation , which when he gave it in , it was enquir'd , if any man had heard that explanation made in council : and no man did remember he heard or understood it so . and thereafter it was voted not satisfactory . and albeit his majesties advocat allowed the earl to prove that the council heard and approved it ; yet his lordship failed in the probation : and it is absurd to think the council would have allowed an explanation , which would have evacuated the whole act , and the design of the parliament in it : as shall fully hereafter be prov'd . whereas if the earl had only designed to exoner his conscience , he might either have abstained , for no man is obliged to take the test ; or if he had resolved to know if his meaning would have been acceptable , he might have given his sense , and petitioned to know if that was acceptable , which had been a fair and sure way , both for takers and rulers . whereas , first to take , and then give in his explanation , is a certain way to secure ones own employments , and a preparative to let in any , let their principles be what they please , if they have the wit to salve their principles by apposit explications : and the dispersing copies of that paper , before it was presented in council , cannot be said to have been done for exonering his own conscience , but is the ordinary way that men take , when they resolve to defame the government . nor is our government so unreasonable , as not to desire to satisfie such as scruple , without ill designs . and this they shew in satisfying some of the orthodox clergy , who offered modestly some scruples against the inconsistency of the confession of faith , with episcopacy : and which scruples being easily cleared , they all obeyed save nineteen or twenty , in the whole kingdom at most , some whereof had also inclinations however to the good old cause . nor can i pass by here a strange abuse put upon the world in that pamphlet , as if those scruples there set down , were only the scruples of the conform clergy , whereas many papers bearing that title , were drawn by the presbyterians , and found amongst their papers ; and the paper ascryb'd to them in that book , wants the chief objection they stuck at , viz. that the compylers of that confession of faith were enemies to episcopacy ; and in place thereof , it asperses our present episcopacy , the kings supremacy , and the act of the succession , which the conform clergy never did . for clearing this process , modestly and meerly in defense of our judges , i shal first set down the earls explanation , which runs thus , i have considered the test , and am very desirous to give obedience as far as i can — i am confident the parliament never intended to impose contradictory oaths , and therefore i think no body can explain it but for himself , and reconcile it , as it is genuine , and agrees in his own sense . i take it as far as it is consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . and i do declare , i mean not to bind up my self in my station , and in a lawful way to wish , and endeavour any alteration , i think to the advantage of church , and state. not repugnant to the protestant religion , and my loyalty , and this i understand as a part of my oath . the first cryme charged upon the earl from this paper , is , that albeit by the 107. act of parliament 7. i. 1. it be statute , that no man interpret the kings statutes , otherwise then the statutes bears , and to the intent and effect they were made for . and as the maker understood , and whosoever does the contrary , shall be punished at the kings will. yet the king and parliament having appointed an oath to be taken for securing the protestant religion , and the kings prerogatives . and having to evite the old fanatick juglings ; and evasions of the covenanters on the one hand ; and the equivocations and mental reservations of the papists on the other . the oath does expresly bear , these words : and finally i affirm and swear , that this my solemn oath is given in the plain and genuine sense and meaning of the words , without any equivocation , mental reservation , or any manner of evasion whatsoever . the said earl did , notwithstanding of that statute , and the foresaid clause in the oath it self , take the said oath in such a sense , as did not only evacuat his own taking of it , but did teach others how to swear to it , without being thereby obliged ; and path a way to posterity , for evacuating all the acts that ever can be made for security of religion , king and government , in so far as he declares , that he did take the oath with these qualifications only . first , i will give obedience as far as i ean . 2ly . i think no body can explain it but for himself , and reconcile it as it is genuine , and agrees in his own sense . 3ly , i mean not to bind up my himself in my station , from making any alteration , i think to the advantage of church or state , &c. which is not to take it in the imposers sense , but his own , which will the more easily appear from these reasons . first , that the design of all laws , but especially the making of oaths , is that the subjects should be bound thereby , according to the sense of the legislator . which is very clear from the express words of the former statute , and by the reason whereon it is founded , which is , that the legislator may be sure of obedience , and may know what to expect from those who are to obey . and who have taken the oaths prescrib'd . and in which , divines agree with lawyers , for they tell us , that verba ju ▪ ramenti intelliguntur secundum mentem & intentionem ejus cul sic juramentum , sande : pag : 173. but this sense in which the earl takes the oath , does evacuat all the designs of the oath : for , first , whereas the oath design'd that this act of parliament should be simply obey'd , as a sure foundation for the security of church and state ; the earl promises only to obey it as far as he can , without telling in what he will obey . 2ly , whereas the oath is to be taken in the plain genuine sense of the words ; the earl declares , that no body can explain it but for himself . and reconcile it as it is genuine , and as it agrees in his own sense . which implys , that it had no plain genuine sense , in which it could have been taken . 3ly , whereas the parliament design'd it as a security for the protestant religion ; he declares he takes it only in as far as it is consistent with the protestant religion . which implys , that in some things it is not consistent with the protestant religion . 4ly , it cannot be pretended , that the parliament design'd to make an act that had contradictions in it ; and yet the earl says , he takes the oath in so far as it is consistent with it self , which imports necessarly , that in some things it is not consistent with it self . 5ly , the design of this oath was , to preclude all the takers from reserving a liberty to rise in arms upon any pretext whatsoever ▪ but by this explication , the earl reserves to himself a power to make any alterations that he shall think , for the advantage of church and state. by all which , i conclude , that the earl has interpret this oath otherwise than it bears , and to the intent , and effect it was made for . and otherwise than the maker understood . and therefore this explication does clearly fall under the foresaid satute . 2ly . if this were allowable , no member of parliament needs hereafter propose any doubts in parliament , but let the parliament make what oath they please , the taker vvill reform , and alter it as he pleases . when he takes the oath . and i desire to knovv from any man of sense , if the earl would have obtained from the parliament at the passing of it , that every man should have been allowed to take it as far as it was consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . or if they would have suffered the other qualifications in that paper to have been adjected , as a part of the act. which does demonstrat ▪ that he did not only not take it in the legislators sense , as the former statute commands . but that he did not at all take the oath that they made , but made a new oath of his own . 3ly , if a man should oblige himself simply upon oath , to make me a right to such lands , could this sense be consistent with it , 〈◊〉 make it as far as i can . or would the making such a right , with that quality , satisfie the obligation . or could he who receives the obligation , be sure of a good right , if the person obliged were bound to no further than he could perform . 4ly , all oaths must be so taken , as that the taker may be pursued for perjury ; but so it is , that when it is not known what the taker is ty'd to , it cannot be known wherein he has fail'd . and consequently in how far he is perjur'd . 5ly , i would willingly know , if the covenanters would have allow'd any to have taken the covenant with a qualification that he should observe it as far as it was consistent with his loyalty . and do not generally the greatest enemies to the kings supremacy declare , that they are content to take the said oath , in as far as it is consistent with the word of god , and the protestant religion . 6ly , if this were allow'd , every man should take the oath in a particular sense , and upon his own terms , nay and upon contrary terms , according to mens contrary interests . so that it would not be the parliaments test , but every mans own test. and there should be as many different oaths , as there are different takers . 7ly , former statutes having discharged the leidges to convocat , or assemble , or to enter into bonds and leagues without the kings consent , the covenanters did protest , that their taking the covenant was not against these acts ; because these acts could not be mean'd against any leagues , or meetings holden for preservation of the king , religion , and laws . and yet the 4 : act par : 1 : ch : 2 : does positively declare , that all such glosses are false and disloyal , and contrair to the true and genuine meaning of these acts. and therefore this glosse must be so too , because this glosse is the very same , both in words , and design with those glosses . but though this poynt be very clear , and undenyable . yet mr. mist ( for so i must call the author for distinctions sake ) makes those three answers : first , that if the authority which is to administer the oath , do's accept the takers sense , the taker is only bound in the sense he gives , and no other . but so it is the council accepted his sense . and if they had refused , the earl had not taken the oath , nor had his refusal been a cryme . to which it is replyed , that first , if it be a cryme to interpret the kings laws otherwise than they bear , and to the effect for which they were design'd : then certainly it may be debated with very good reason , that though the council had conniv'd at the earls misinterpreting the law , neither their negligence , nor their mistake could have prejudg'd the king ; nor have been in place of a remission . for though the council be a more eminent judicature than others , yet they cannot pardon crymes , when committed . and consequently their allowance , cannot make that to be no crime which is a cryme . and we have a particular statute in scotland , that the negligence of the kings officers shall not prejudge him. nor is that statute so reasonable in any case as in this . for since this , and all other oaths are oft times administred by very ignorant persons , we should have them a thousand times cheated , and impos'd upon , by the adjecting of such qualifications as these ; if the adjecting of such qualifications as these were not punishable . because he who did administrat the oath , did once allow them . and i put the case , that if a man who had many friends in council , should have given in an explication that was uncontravertedly treasonable , by saying that he was content to take the oath , but that he design'd not by it to preclude himself from rysing in arms , when he thought fit , for the defense of the protestant religion . would it have been a sufficient defense , that the council did not challenge it in the mean time . and therefore it this was a cryme in it self , the councils allowing the explication , did not at all in strict law take off the cryme . but the judges ( resolv'd to do him all possible favour ) were more merciful then to straiten the earl upon this point . for if the earl had given in an explication to the council , and told that he subjected that paper to their consideration , and that he would take the oath upon these termes , and no otherwise , the judges would have interpos'd for the kings favour , if he had been so ensnared by the councils connivance , or mistake . nor would the king have pursued it . but the true matter of fact is , that the said paper was not given in , till the next day after the earl had sworn the test. and though the judges allowed him to prove that he had adjected these words at his first swearing of the said test , and that they were allow'd , yet he fail'd in the probation , and so the judicature is no way to be blam'd . the second defense is , that all that can be inferr'd from the above-cited law is , that no man should put a sense upon any law that should bind another , or be the publick sense of that law to all the subjects , which is most false , for the words of the law are general . that no man shall interpret the kings laws , but to the intent and effect for which they were made . and consequently this must be extended to all cases , where the law is abus'd , and the legislator disappointed by a misinterpretation . et ubi lex non distinguit , nec nos . and there is as great reason to punish such as take oaths under such wrested senses , contrair to the design of the legislator , as there is for punishing any cryme . and much more then for punishing such as misinterpret the law to others in other cases . since if this be allow'd every man may by misinterpreting the oath as to himself , evacuat all oaths , and make them ridiculous : and so not only enjoy employments contrair to the legislators design . but likewise cut down the greatest fence of government , such as oaths are now esteemed to be by all christians . the third answer made to this point is , that the legislator is surest of those who give explications of their oaths ; for they deal honestly : and it is impossible that any man can take an oath , but he must take it in his own sense . but neither is this of any moment ; for if this answer prove any thing , it will prove that no man can be challenged for adjecting any quality . and consequently the act of parliament could take effect in no case . and so not only were this act useless , but we would want an excellent remedy for curbing such as resolve to abuse the government , in rendring all oaths that are invented for its security , altogether ineffectual . and it is strange to see what absurd things men will run to , when they are put to defend an absurdity . and though every man must have a sense when he takes an oath , it does not therefore at all follow , that men must be allowed to adject senses that are inconsistent with the oath , or render the oath useless . and since this is not an oath , that all the subjects must take , it having no other penalty adjected to the not taking , but the loss of the employment , they possess by the kings meer favour . every good christian ought either to be satisfied of the design of the legislator , in the oath , or else to abstain from it . and though the mind of the legislator might secure the taker , yet that can only be when the sense is previously offered to , and accepted by him , which cannot at all be said in this case . and whatever favour may be pretended , where the taker of the oath condescends upon what he will oblige himself to ; yet that cannot be pretended in this case , where the earl does not condescend how far he can obey . and does not specifie how far he thinks it consistent with the protestant religion , or with it self . but only that he will obey it as far as he can ; and as far as it is consistent with it self and the protestant religion . so that the legislator is still unsecure , and the earl himself still the only judge . and i am desirous to know in what part of europe such qualities were ever allowed . it is also very absurd to contend , that the adjecting of these qualities can put the taker in no worse case , then if he had refused the test. and since that cannot amount to a crime , so neither can this . for it is contended , that these qualities do infer a misinterpreting of the kings laws , and a defaming of the parliament . and it is most absurd to think , that such things as these should be suffered , because they are thrown in into explications : for else under the pretence of explaining oaths , we should have virulent libels dayly against king and palliament . nor can i see why equivocations and mental reservations should be condemned if this be allowed , for such as take the test or any other oath , may at the taking of them , evacuat the obligation of the oath , by adjecting such qualities . and it is all one to the legislator , whether he be openly or secretly abas'd . only this i must observe , that the open abuse is the greater , because it adds publick contempt to the design'd cheat : and whereas it is pretended , that the magistrat may choose whether he will admit of the quality or not , which he cannot do in mental equivacations . to this it is answered , that that could only hold if the qualities adjected to the oath , were first offered by way of petition to the magistrat , that it might be known whether he would allow of them , which was not done in this case , wherein without ever applying to the king or council : the earl did by his own authority swear in his own terms . though the council and the reverend bishops took pains to satisfie some scrupulous ministers ( whose scruples were in favours of the government ) and got them the kings sense , and told them their own . and which indeed was the genuine sense of the parliament . yet that did not at all allow the earl , or any privat man to take it , in a sense inconsistent with the oath . and that too without previously offering his doubt to the king and council : and geting their approbation as said is . nor were they allowed to take it in such general terms , as did ●●●ecure the legislator , and admit the takers to be judges . the second cryme fixt'd upon the earl from this paper , is , that albeit by the 10 : act par : 10 : ia : 6 : it is satute , that none of his majesties subjects , presume nor take upon hand , publickly to declaim , or privatly to speak , or write any purpose of reproach , or slander of his majesties person , estate , or government ; or to deprave his laws , and acts of parliament ; or misconstruct his proceedings , whereby any misliking may be mov'd betwixt his highness and his nobility , and loving subjects , in time coming , under the pain of death . certifying them that do in the contrair , they shall be repute as seditious and wicked instruments , enemies to his highness , and the common well of the realm ; and the pain of death shall be execute against them with all rigour , in example of others . yet true it is , that the said earl did endeavour all that in him lay , to defame the king , and parliament , and test , in so far as he did declare , that he would give obedience to it as far as he could ; which imported that the parliament had made an oath which could not be absolutely obeyed . and though the parliament never intended to impose contradictory oaths , yet no body can explain it but for himself . which did clearly import , that though the parliament design'd not to make an oath that was contradictory : yet they had made one that was indeed contradictory . and could not be made sense without privat reconciliations , and explications . and by saying that he took this oath only as far as it was consistent with it self and the protestant religion ; he did clearly declare to all the world that he thought it in some things inconsistent with it self , and the protestant religion . and since there is nothing concerns governours more than to have themselves esteemed by the people , without which , or numerous armies , government cannot subsist . and therefore our parliaments , have in place of armies , consented in the former excellent statute , that whosoever shall endeavour to deprave the laws , or misconstruct the proceedings of king and parliament , shall be punished to the death . and what can be a greater reflection upon king and parliament , in the age wherein we live , than to have made laws which cannot be obeyed , and which are inconsistent with the protestant religion . and there was no man that ever hear'd that paper , except this author , but did conclude , that upon the matter , the people would from it entertain those scruples . nor are these the inferences of people that live far from the sun , as the undiscreet author does object against this nation . but men must be as disingenuous , as he , not to confess that these are most just and natural inferences . and the inferences are so much the stronger , that both this author , and all such as were enemies to the test , did take pains to make the people believe , that the contrivers of the test , were in so far , friends to popery , and consequently , there was nothing drawn from this paper by inferences , but that which was too publickly owned by all , who were in the same circumstances with him who gave it in . mr. mist in answer to this part of the accusation , does first cry out , that crymes must not be inferred by inferences , and insinuations , seing these may be unjustly drawn against the design of the party accus'd . and no man could be secure , if men could be made criminal upon insinuations , and inferences . and this paper having been given only for the exoneration of his conscience , it is not capable of any such misconstruction , nor ought any such construction be made , except where a malitious design can be proved , in the person accused . to which it is answered , that the parliament having been very jealous of the honour of the government , which ought to be sacred . they discharg'd in general , all such words , and papers , whereby any mislyking might be mov'd betwixt the king and his subjects . and therefore since the effect was the thing they lookt to , and that it is all one to the government , what the authors design was , if the effect was wrought , and the dislike moved . they therefore ordained the effect to be punished , without adding , as they do in other cases , that whosoever shall malitiously , or upon design , write , or speak , and it is very well known , that there are no papers so dangerous , nor no satyre so bitter as these , which are coloured with specious pretexts of conscience , respect and kindness . and upon this accompt it was , that by the 9 : act par : 20 : ia : 6 : all papers that tend to renew the remembrance of the former feeds betwixt the two nations , shall be punishable . and what can be more justly called insinuations , and inferences , then tendencies are . and if the people be abus'd , and inflam'd , what advantage is it to the government , that the author design'd it not . and therefore it is much safer for the government , as it is sufficiently safe for every subject , that men rather secure their own innocence , by not medling in publick matters of state , then that they should be encouraged to meddle , upon hopes , that they could not be reacht : since their design could not be prov'd . and which design and malice being latent acts of the mind , can never be otherwise prov'd , than by the nature of the action it self : and therefore , the dolus malus , or design , needs not in this case be otherwiseprov'd , than from the nature , and whole strain of the paper it self . which was so fit to inflame the people , and abuse the parliament ; that dole and premeditat malice , could not have done more prejudice . but if it were necessary to clear the earls design , further then from the paper it self . these circumstances might be conjoyn'd with what results from the paper . first , that the earls father and family , had owned eminently the principles against which this oath was taken , viz. the rising in armes , for reforming without the kings authority , and did still own the covenant . secondly , the earl himself had taken the covenant . thirdly , the , earl had all along opposed the test in parliament . fourthly , the earl had positively told his royal highness , he would not take the test. fifthly , neither the ministers , nor any other within his countrey , upon whom he could have influence , had taken the test. sixthly , i am affraid that the kindness shew'd to the earl by the fanaticks during his tryal , and the noise they have made for him since that time : may clear too convincingly , that he design'd in that paper to own that interest , for they never manifest any concern , save for those of their own perswasion . and where have we ever heard them resent the injustice done to any cavaleer , or shew more resentment than in this earls case ? so that this author do's himself prove that design , which he desiderats , and add to the guilt , which he designs to lessen . all which demonstrat , that he had an aversion for the test , and so what he did against it , was done dolo malo ; and whoever writes for him , writes against the test. 2ly , what juster measures could this judicature take , then by considering what the supream judicature of the nation , formerly did upon the like occasion . but so it is that the lord balmerino being accused for having misinterpreted the kings actions , in a petition given in to himself ; in which , against this statute , he endeavoured to raise jealousies in the peoples mind , of designs to bring in popery , and that by far remoter inferences than these now insisted on . he was found guilty , though his lawyers pleaded for many dayes together , that there could be no cryme , but where there was a design . and there could be no design of defaming the king , in a paper that was meerly a humble petition presented to himself , and accepted , and read once by him , without any show of displeasure ; and wherein nothing could be challenged , but by way of inserence , and implication . as also , this same earl of argyle being accused before the parliament , in anno 1662 : for leasing making , betwixt king and people , upon the acts mentioned in the earls inditement . he was found guilty upon that expression , viz. that that storm would blow over , and then the king would see their tricks . which words , he pretended did relate to privat persons formerly mentioned in the letter , and not to the parliament . and that every man should be allowed to interpret his own words , which interpretations being refus'd then , ought much less to be allow'd now , nam semel malus semper praesumitur malus , in eodem genere malitiae . in the next place , mr. mist endeavours to justifie the particular expressions , against the consequences drawn from them , by the lybel : and as to the first , he tells us , that in that expression , i will give obedience as far as i can . he did not at all imply , that the law was unjust , but only that he could notgiv obedience to it : which cannot be treason , since the refusing it absolutely would not be treason . to which it is answered , that the authors mistake is very grosse , for it was never design'd that treason should be inferred from these words : but that which was inferred from it was , that it was a gross evacuating of an oath , and a making it ineffectual , to say that a man should swear by way of quality , that he will obey as far as he can , and that he declares , this is a part of his oath . for there is no man , but will take any oath with that quality : and whatever he takes with that quality , is no oath , nor obligation at all , that can bind him in the legislators sense : and though we look upon it as no fault , nor cryme , not to take the test ; yet to take the test so , as not to remain bound by it ; and so as to teach others how to evacuat it , and so as to defame it , as this expression do's , is certainly an abusing , evacuating , and swearing to an oath in express contradiction to the act of parliament , and to the oath it self . and though it be no reproach , not to take the oath at all , for then a man expresses no opinion concerning it ; yet certainly , that with the subsequent expressions being dispersed among the people , could not but raise in them jealousies , and a contempt of the government . for having made oaths which men could not take , though they were desirous ; and for which afterwards he insinuats this reason , viz. that though the parliament designed not to make contradictory oaths , yet he thinks , that no man can take that oath , lut in his own sense . and whereas mr. mist pretends , that these words are no reflection upon the parliament , since he do's not formally say , that the parliament has made an oath that has contradictions in it ; but on the contrair , that the parliament did not designe to make contradictory oaths . to this it is answered , that the words are a very plain reflection upon the parliament ; for no man can hear one refuse to take an oath simply , because , though the legislator designed not to impose contradictory oaths ; yet de facto , the oath is such , as that no man can take it but in his own sense , and without a particular reconciliation of his own . but the hearer will certainly conclude , that the parliament has been so weak , malicious , or inadvertent , as to have contrived an oath , which has in it self contradictions . for else to what purpose was it said , that he believed the parliament designed not to impose contradictory oaths . and it is an extraordinary affront to a parliament , to have made contradictory oaths , though they did not design it ; and to have made made such an oath especially ; that no man could take it but in his own sense : whereby the whole security of the government is evacuted . for the security of the government , as well as the nature of oaths , requires that an oath should be taken in the legislators sense . and can there be a greater moving of the people to sedition , than to tell them that no man that takes that oath is bound by it farther , then he pleases , and further then his own sense leads him . and that the legislator is ridiculous in having made contradictory oaths , which without debating whether it be true or false , is a reflection upon the state ; and is unlawful for any privat subject . and if any such thing were suffered upon pretence that it were possible , or true . it should be lawful for every privat man to accuse the government . as to these words , i take it in so far as it is consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . do's so far openly import ; that in some things it is inconsistent with it self , and the protestant religion ; that whosoever would perswade us to the contrary , must think us fools and idiots . and i almost charge my self with folly , for taking pains to clear this . since , why should the earl have scrupled , to take this oath simply , and have thought it necessary to adject , that , he took it only in so far as it was consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . if he had not thought it inconsistent : and either he must say , he thought it consistent , or not . if he thought it consistent , why did he not take it simply : and if he thought it not consistent , then he owns that he thought the parliament made an oath which was inconsistent with it self , and the protestant religion . and this was to inflame the people , who are so reasonably jealous of any thing that is inconsistent with the protestant religion . beside that it is a great reflection upon their prudence , and conduct . and so every expression in this paper , do's clear up one another : and do's clear unanswerably , to all the world , that this paper is a defaming of the parliament , and a depraving of its laws , and a moving of the people to a dislike of it . which are the words of the above cited statute . and what can be a greater depraving of a law , then to make it pravam legem , a pernicious law. and what can be more pernicious , then that law which is inconsistent with the protestant religion ? and which tyes men to swear things which are contradictory ? and having affirmed all this upon oath , and having dispersed these his explications amongst the people , he did thereby shew a firm , and passionat design , to make the people believe all these ill things of the parliament . for no man uses to swear any thing to another , without a great design to have him believe it . nor do's any man disperse papers amongst the people , for the exoneration of his privat conscience . nor could he have any design in that , save to poison them with those jealousies against the test , to which he himself had shown such an aversion in the whole tract of the affair . i cannot but smyle at mr. mists critical learning , when he contends that the ' earles paper does only bear , that the earl did take the oath in so far as it was consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . but did not adject the word only , as the libel does . for he who takes it in so far as it is consistent , does take it only in so far . and certainly the author must confess , that either he designed to take it further then it was consistent with the protestant religion : or , as far only as it was consistent with the protestant religion , there being no midst betwixt these two : and so our critick may choose any of the two he pleases . the third cryme , is , treason , which is inferred from these words ; i do declare i mean not to b●●d up my self in my station , and in a lawful way , to wish , and endeavour any alteration , i think to the advantage of church , and state. no● repugnant to the proestant religion , and my 〈…〉 this i understand as a part of my oath . which treason may be founded upon many reasons ; yet to convince any reader , in a plain , familiar , and unanswerable way ; i lay down for a position which i hope no man will deny ; that all nations have made it treason , for any privat man to assume , or reserve to himself , the power of reforming church and state. for that is the highest point of government . which how soon any privat man arrogats to himself , he becomes presently governour of that kingdom , and superiour both in church and state , therein . and therefore by the 1 : act 2 : sess : par : 1 : ch. 2 : and 1 : act 2 : par : ch : 2 : the power of reforming is declared his majesties sole prerogative : and all the civilians agree with us in this . inter caeteras sollicitudines ( verba sunt theodosi ) & valentiniani in novel : de iudaeis sam : haer : & pag : ) quas amor publicus pervigili cogitatione nobis indixit , praecipuam majestatis curam esse perspicimus , veram religionis indaginem . cujus si cultum tenere potuerimus , iter prosperitatis humanis aperiemos inceptis . vid. ziegler : de jur : majest . cap : 13 : num : 1 : arnis : de jur : majest : cap : 6 : num : 15 : and which is most reasonable , for whoever pretends to have power of reforming , must be greater then he who is reformed . and we have found by woful experience , that such as have endeavoured to reform , have withdrawn themselves from the subjection of the supream power , under which they liv'd . and except they resolve to force the supream power as to this point , there is no necessity of reserving a power to themselves . from all which , i form this argument ; first , it is treason to any man to reserve to himself the power of reforming church or state , that being the priviledge and prerogative of the prince , both by the common law , and the above-cited statute : but so it is the earl does reserve to himself , in this explication , a power of reforming . and therefore he commits treason . the first proposition is founded upon the nature of the monarchy , and the reasons and citations above-mentioned . the second proposition is likewise very clear , because he who reserves to himself a power to make any alteration , reserves a power to make all alterations in church and state. and consequently reserves a power to reform , in matters of the greatest importance . for in all languages , any , comprehends all. as for instance , does not he who sayes he 'l do any thing for the king , say as much , as if he said , i will do all things for him . or does not he , who confesses he believes any thing that is in the scripture , imply that he believes all things that are in the scripture . and consequently , that proposition of the earls , viz. i întend not to bind up my self from endeavouring any alteration , i think to the advantage of church and state. resolves in , and is equivalent to this proposition . i intend not to bind my self up from making all alterations , that i shall think to the advantage of church or state. and if that be not treason , nothing can be treason . the second argument is , that all lawyers are clear , that it is treason to attempt against the security of the government , l 2. ff . ad l. iul. majest . but so it is , that he who reserves to himself a power to reform ; attempts against the security of the state. which is clear by all the civilians , amongst whom i shall only cite arniseus , ad securitatem majestatis & reipublicae quietem nihil excogitari potest efficacius quam si summa religionis inspectio majestati reservetur . my third argument in fortification of the statutes , formerly insisted on at the debate . and for farther clearing the extent of that alleadgance , that is required by the common law , is founded upon act 2. ses. 2. par. 1. ch. 1. the very words whereof are , therefore the kings majesty and estates of parliament , declare that these positions , that it is lawful to subjects , upon pretence of reformation , or other pretence whatsoever , to enter into leagues or covenants , or to take up arms against the king , or that it is lawful to subjects , pretending his majesties authority , to take up arms against his person , or these commissiona'ed by him : or to suspend him from the exercise of his royal government : or to put limitations on their due obedience , and alleadgance , are rebellions and treasonable . in which words it is observable , that it is not the doing of these deeds , but the very asserting of these positions , that it is treason . 2ly , that no pretence or caution adjected to these positions , can defend them from being treasonable . 3ly , that the parliament thought it not sufficient to acquiesce in the special enumeration ; but so jealous were they of such tricks , that they subjoyn this general clause , that it shall be treason to put limitations , on their due obedience , and alleadgance . from which words , i infer most clearly , that for a subject , to declare he is not tyed up , to wish or endeavour any alteration , is treason , whatever pretence it be done upon . for any alteration , comprehends all alterations : and what man of common sense , or ingenuity can deny , but this is a putting limitations upon his obedience , and alleadgance , which is here declared treason . for what is a greater limitation , than to reserve to himself to be judge how far he is tyed ? and what expression or limitation can be treason by this general clause , if this be not ? or of what use can this general clause be , if it secure not against such limitations as this ? nor do i think this limitation , wherein the earl still reserves to himself to be judge , a greater security to the king , or kingdom , than if a man should tell me , that he would lock my money in a secure place , but would keep the key of it himself , in which case . i am sure , he , and not i , were master of that ney . 2ly , it being then treason for any man to reserve to himself the power of making such alterations as he shall think for the advantage of church and state , viz. not repugnant to my loyalty , and the protestant religion . the adjecting these cautions cannot hinder this paper to be criminal ; else , 1. the covenant had not been criminal , for the very words of this caution are in covenant ; the very words of the covenant being , art. 1. that we shall endeavour in our several places and callings , the preservation of the reformed religion . and , art. 3. we shall with the same sincerity , reality , and constancy , endeavour to preserve and defend the kings majesties person ; and authority : in the preservation , and defense of the true protestant rèligion . that the world may bear witnesse with our consciences , of our loyalty , and that we have no thoughts , nor intentions to diminish his majesties just power , or greatness . here are the very same expressions , accompanied with many moe , in favours of the king. 2ly , that cannot be a sufficient caution against treason , which never hindred any man to commit treason ; but so it is , that notwithstanding of these words , all the covenanters own'd that they might lawfully rise in arms , hold parliaments , impose taxes , and oaths , enter into leagues with forraign princes , hang and head for serving the king , &c. ergo , these words are not a sufficient caution , when subjoyn'd as a caution to the power of reforming . which is uncontraverted treason in its self . and did the great protestations of loyalty annexed to the lord balmerino's petition , defend it from being condemn'd . 3ly , do we not see dayly , that these who rebelled in anno 1666 : and 1679 : did openly own , that they lov'd the king as well as their accusers did . but when he was in opposition to religion , it was lawful to rise in arms against him. so litle security has the king in flowrishing professions , when the prosessors are to be judges . 4ly , the adjecting of this protestation , is called by lawyers , protestatio contraria facto . which kind of protestation , all lawyers under heaven reject , as inconsistent with the thing , to which they are adjected . and thus the league of france , was treason , though they did assert under the deepest protestations , the sincerest loyalty . 5ly , by the foresaid 4. act par. 1. ch. 2d . all glosses put upon the laws of this nation , in the late rebellious parliaments , to the prejudice of their alleadgance , are declared to be false , and disloyal ; and contrary to the true , and genuine meaning of these acts. and particularly that gloss , or explanation , that what they did , was for the preservation of religion . which is the very explanation put by the earl upon this oath . and from which it clearly follows by a demonstrative consequence , that explanations and glosses put upon oaths , and acts of parliament , contrary to the meaning of the acts themselves , are not to be respected . and being in law holden and repute , as unlawful , they are so far from defending the contraveeners , that they are themselves lookt upon as new crymes . from all which , it clearly follows , that the earl having reserved to himself in this explanation , a power to endeavour what he should think to the advantage of church and state. he did thereby commit treason , and that this treason is not taken off by the cautions adjected , viz. the not repugnancy to the protestant religion , and his own loyalty . whereas it is pretended ; first , that treason requires a special law from , which it ought to be inferred , i deny this position , for our lybels are oftimes found relevant on the common law , and the laws and customs of nations , and the nature of the monarchy . there was treason before there was law , for how soon kings were elected , it was treason to rise in arms against them , or to murder or betray them ; and many of our laws being but lately made , declare oft times what has been treason , not for necessity , but for the better information of the leidges . and though we have laws declaring it treason , to seek benefices at rome ; yet we have none declaring it treason to assume the title , or power of the king in general , that being inherent in the nature of the monarchy it self , treason is the fense of the government , as murder is of privat mens lives ; and to rise in arms was treason before the statute , king ia. 1. nor have we yet any clear statute against murder : and if special statutes were requisit in every case of treason , the greatest treason should often escape unpunished . for law thought it unnecessary to provide against these , and every age produces new kinds of treasonable extravagancies ; and traitors would easily elude and cheat the express words of a statue , if that were all that were necessary . but who can deny that the justices condemned a man justly for treason , for saying , when he was askt if the king was a tyrant : let his coronation oath , and his actions , and particularly his usurping over the church of christ be compared : and that will be soon known . and yet here was no explicite assertion ; but yet what all men easily understood , and which reproacht , and mis-represented the king as much , as any open expression : and there was no statute condemning that expression , expresly . nor can there be a law for every expression : but yet the earls treason is founded upon the express statute abovementioned . and whereas it is pretended , 2ly , that the earl might have as a privy counsellor , propos'd any thing to the king : and so a reservation was necessar upon that account . to this it may be easily answered , that no oath does hinder a man from doing what is lawful ; and so there needed be no reservation nor exception upon that , or the like consideration . for an exception must be of some thing that could oppose the rule . but so it is the oath which is the rule in that case , did not exclude any lawful endeavours , at the desire , or command of the prince : and so there needed no exception as to these . but the former argument still recurs , viz. he that will not bind himself up , as to any thing , reserves a power as to all things , or at least it must be interpret of unlawful things : for lawful things need no exception . and if this were sufficient , then the parliament did unjustly , in declaring that it is treason , to put limitations on our alleadgance : and that notwithstanding of any pretence whatsoever . nor could any man commit treason , if that were allowed ; for he himself would be still judge . and whereas it is pretended , 3ly , that he disclaims the covenant , and rising in arms expresly in this oath ; and so he could not reserve any thing , as to these . it is answered , that this were undenyable , if he took the oath simply ; but having taken the oath only , in so far as it is consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . this oath does not tye him , if he think the protestant religion shall require rising in arms. and having taken the covenant , if he still thinks the covenant binds him , he renunces it not by his oath : for this oath tyes him only as far as he can ; that is to say as far as he is free : and no man is free who thinks himself bound . and taking it only , as far as it is consistent with it self , god only , and the earl knows how far that is ; for he has not told us , how far it is consistent with it self ; and very probably , such as have taken the covenant , think not that oath consistent with the protestant religion , in so far as it binds us not to take up arms , if the protestant religion be in danger : and the antitesters papers , printed by mr. mist , tell us plainly , that it is not consistent with it self , in so far as we swear to own the successor , though differing in religion from us . and yet we swear to the preservation of the laws , of which the coronation oath is one . but whatever might have been said in defense of such limitations , before we saw what dreadful effects they had produced , both in the last age , and this . and that parliaments had so severely condemned them as treason . it is the duty of judges to be severe to such as use them , and they have only themselves to blame , who split on a rock , when they see a beacon set up to them . and it is much safer for the common-wealth , that such papers be punished , then that it should be in danger by such reservations , as leave every man judge how far he is oblieged to obey . and as there is great danger to the state on the one hand , if it passe unpunished . so there is none on the other , seing men may be secure in abstaining from such expressions , and papers . and there was never any so unnecessary as this was . and might not strangers , and our own posterity , think all the miseries that should fall on us by rebellions , and civil wars , very just punishments of our senselesse security , if after we had not only seen , but felt the mischief of such glosses . we stood still unconcernedly , as men seing their own house set on fire , by the same hands which had help't to burn it formerly . if any by ignorance , or error , stumble into a legal ; tho undesign'd crime . the law allows not judges , by an insolent pity to justifie the guilt , but suffers the king by a judicious clemency , to mitigat , or remit the punishment . in which the subjects under monarchy , are much happier than these of a common-wealth , where , in many cases the law must be cruel , or judges must be arbitrary . this is that sure city of refuge , into which , no man who flees , perisheth . and if the earl of argile , had come in will during the debate , as use is . i am sure he had been securer there , than by his defenses . but why should i admire , that this author , and those of his principles , do not see that this paper is treason . since i dare say , they will not acknowledge that it is treason to oppose the succession , and to say that it can be altered by a parliament : and yet our parliament unanimously thought that to be treason . and in the last age , they thought it not treason , but duty to rise in arms against the king , and to call parliaments without him . though all the world abhorr'd us for it . so that the fault is not in our parliaments , and judges ; but in the depraved sense , and debauched intellectuals of such , as have ( by a long custom of hating authority ) bred in themselves also , a hatred of every person , and thing that can maintain it . since then god almighty amongst the other miracles which he has wrought for his darling , as well as representative charles the merciful , begins to open the eyes of the blind , and to make some who were crooked walk straight : let us who serve this gracious monarch , reason whilst his enemies rail ; and be just , whilst they are extravagant : but withal , let us be asham'd , that they dare do more for humour and errors , than we for duty and law ; and we may expect amongst other rewards , which the rabble has not to bestow ; that we will get also that applause which is alwise the slave of victory ; and which of late seem'd to fan them so pleasantly , meerly because they were like to prevail . and for which , too many of late sacrific'd their honour , and loyalty . vvithout remembring that tho just applause , is an elogie vvritten by the hand of vertue , and a monument built of solid merit . yet that applause which is unjust , is only a sweet poyson , a plausible cheat , and the dream of one who is drunk . finis . discourse of the peerage & jurisdiction of the lords spirituall in parliament proving from the fundamental laws of the land, the testimony of the most renowned authors, and the practice of all ages : that have no right in claiming any jurisdiction in capital matters. barlow, thomas, 1607-1691. 1679 approx. 141 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30974 wing b829 estc r4830 13201278 ocm 13201278 98451 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30974) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98451) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 445:24) discourse of the peerage & jurisdiction of the lords spirituall in parliament proving from the fundamental laws of the land, the testimony of the most renowned authors, and the practice of all ages : that have no right in claiming any jurisdiction in capital matters. barlow, thomas, 1607-1691. [6], 28 p. [s.n.], london : 1679. attributed to thomas barlow. cf. blc. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -parliament. -house of lords -jurisdiction. church of england -bishops -temporal power. church and state -england -early works to 1800. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 simon charles sampled and proofread 2005-07 simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of the peerage & jurisdiction of the lords spiritual in parliament . proving from the fundamental laws of the land , the testimony of the most renowned authors , and the practice of all ages . that they have no right in claiming any jurisdiction in capital matters . give unto caesar the things which are caesars , and unto god the things which are gods , matth. 22. ver . 21. london , printed in the year mdclxxix . to the reader . in this licentious age , and especially at this juncture of time , when every impertinent scribler , and seditious pamphleter , hath free access to the press , it may be thought neither prudent nor honourable , for a man of sober and serious thoughts , to come into the field and list himself among the unlearned multitude of writers that are in these days . that popular applause which is generally expected from this method , is a thing which i ( more ambitious of being publickly useful then publickly known ) never designed to purchase at that rate ; and therefore is not the motive that induced me to this undertaking . i would have been glad , if any other of greater learning and parts , had done the world so much favour , as to have made a perfect disquisition into this matter , and to have discussed the point according to the merits of the cause ; for then i doubt not but the reasonableness of the house of commons dissention from the house of lords , would have appeared to all impartial and dis-interested minds . as for my own part , i confess that partly through the consciousness of my own inability , and partly through my unwillingness to be concerned in a thing of this weight , i should never have engaged my self in it , if i judged it not necessary to vindicate those persons that are abused with several undecent and unjust calumnies , in a late book intituled . the honours of the lords spiritual asserted , &c. together with its preface . this , together with a desire of informing the world in a thing which is much talked of , but little understood , prevailed with me to omit nothing which might be serviceable to my country , and conducive to the unity and peace of this divided kingdom ; especially when it is to be feared , there are too many such as the author of the above-mentioned book , who under the specious pretence of loyalty and affection to the church , do what in them lies to make the gap wider , and distemper more incurable . that i may not seem to injure him , you may consider the design of his discourse ; the persons against whom he directs his preface , are those who withstood the pretensions of the bishops to jurisdiction in matters of blood : those are no other than that honourable assembly , those champions of the protestant religion , and the liberties of the people of england , the house of commons in the last parliament . to revile the representatives of the commons of england , and in them virtually the persons themselves that are represented , with such scandalous aspersions , and opprobrious reflections ; being favourers of the rebellious commotions in scotland , ill-natured , censorious , covetous , self-seekers ; and which is worse than all this , as being of the same principles with those that threw down eplscopacy , took up arms against their native soveraign , plundred and devested his majesties most faithful subjects of their goods , estates , and lands , and embrewed their violent , wicked , and rebellious hands in his most sacred blood , &c. i say , such scurrilcus and satyrical language thrown upon the very face of authority , doth ill-become the religion of a christian , and the honesty of a true english-man . it is a known maxime among men of bonest and sober principles , and lovers of the english nation , that nothing can make us happy or miserable , but an union or division amongst our selves : if there be a good understanding betwixt prince and people , nothing can make england miserable ; but if there be jealousies and divisions , nothing can make it happy . therefore , whoever they are , that by reciprocal accusations , and raising of mutual jealousies of the one's good will and affection , and the others loyalty , especially in things that are false in themselves ; deserve to be lookt upon as inveterate enemies to the peace and happiness of this kingdom : and yet you may observe , that whosoever can give the court , the most satyrical language , expects to be reckoned the most zealous patriot , &c. and those , forsooth , who can with the greatest scurrility , and the most reproachful epithets , asperse the house of commons , would be thought the most loyal subjects : but if integrity and religion it self be not quite banished from the conversation of mortals , both these sorts of people will fail of their expectation . i have read of two great favourites of alexander the great , hephestion and craterus ; one of them ( saith my author . ) alexandrum dilexit , but the other dilexit regem : it may be a question which of these was the better subject , i shall not undertake to determine it , but shall leave it with an observation of that noble and truly loyal courtier sir thomas coventry , lord keeper of the great seal to his late majesty , in a case of the like nature : some ( said he to the house of lords ) would have the kings prerogative rather tall than great , others e contra ; some do love the king , rather than charles stuart ; others e contra : ( but what his sentiments were of those matters , you must gather from what he said a little after ) none can be truly loyal , but he that is a good patriot ; and none can be a good patriot , but he that is truly loyal . the interest of the king and people are so interwoven and linked together , that none can be truly said to be a lover of one , but he must be a lover of both. but to return to our author , i protest i have perused the whole volume with the greatest impartiality that can be ; and except his sawciness and ill-nature against the house of commons , and gentlemen of the long robe , i find nothing in the whole book that deserves any animadversion : it is evident from his method of arguing , and the medium's he maketh use of to prove his assertion , that he is altogether a stranger to the very state of the controversie ; and that notwithstanding his confidence in asserting , his book discovers more ignorance , than his preface doth petulancy : and it is no wonder , for ignorance and impudence are generally concomitant : and this is all that i think fit to say in answer to him . the reason why i subjoyn the following discourse , is , because although i cannot perswade my self that he deserves a refutation , yet that truth which he labours to darken with an impertinent harangue , deserves to be cleared and demonstrated : if any shall go about to attacque this discourse with drollery , or satyrical invectives , i decleare before-hand , i do not reckon my self obliged to reply ; i do not think it a reputation for men of sense to combate at these weapons ; but if occasion be , i shall send his answer to the dung-carts , or oyster-boats , from whence i doubt not , but he shall receive due correction for his folly and impudence ; but if he assault it with reason and sobriety , he shall find a defence agreeable . i must confess i am heartily sorry at the occasion of this dispute , it hath unhappily fallen out at that moment of time , when above all things it was necessary for the church and state to confederate , and joyn hand in hand , to the ruine and confusion of the common enemy , and the extirpation of that poysonous plant , whose growth will quickly become fatal to both : but however , as it is hard on the one side , that any should be compelled to lay down that which they suppose is their right ; so on the other side , it is a thing unreasonable and of dangerous consequence , to admit of any innovation , though it were in a matter of far less moment than this is : so that there is great reason for both sides to insist upon it . if this enterprise of mine be so successful , as to convince those that are in the mistake , then i compass my end , and am satisfied ; which that it may do , i refer you to the consideration of the following discourse . farewell . a discourse of the peerage and jurisdiction of the lords spiritual . as the granting of large immunities , priviledges , and possessions to the church , doth well become the piety and religion of a christian prince , or any other supream power ; and as the robbing of the church of any of its just rights , lawfully granted , is sacriledge of the highest nature : so it is the duty of all the sons of the church , upon all occasions , thankfully to acknowledge the bounty and munificence of their pious benefactors , and to forbear all unjust claims and ambitious pretensions to things which were never granted : a failure in this is almost as great an immorality ( considering the quality and profession of the offenders ) as the former . and it is doubtless not onely lawful , but commendable , for the persons whose right and property is invaded in either case , to defend themselves with all their power against the invaders ; otherwise we must condemn our ancestors , who defended the kings prerogative , and the subjects right , when it was encroached upon by procurers of citations and process of provisions and reservations of benefices , dispensations for pluralities , &c. from the court of rome ; and withstood those unreasonable demands of absolute exemption from secular power made by the clergy ; and several other things about marriages , legitimation , &c. which they claimed by vertue of several decretals of their popes and councils : i confess if there were either statute-law or common-law for the bishops voting in capital cases , i would be very far from arguing against it , for that were to call in question their undoubted right . but if there be any reason to make me believe they have no right at all in that case , i hope it will be excusable in me to make an impartial enquiry into the thing . if the spiritual lords have any right of judicature in capital cases , it must be either jure divino , or jure humano ; if the former , it must be proved out of the new testament , for there is no consequence from the authority and jurisdiction of the high priest under the law to the authority of bishops under the gospel , and that is the most generally received opinion among the protestant divines , those at least who have lifted themselves under the banner of the protèstant religion , in its defence against the exorbitant power and usurpation of the bishop of rome , who makes use of the same argument for the authority of his holiness in cathedra : because whatsoever is alledged out of the old testament , is either part of the mosaical method of administring justice , proper onely to the judaical oeconomy ; or else belonging to the temporal constitution of the kingdom of israel and judah , which are no more binding to us , than those laws of theirs whereby each man recovered his right and property : or than the laws of the syrians , or any other nation were binding to the jews . those instances that are given of so great trust reposed in , and honours conferred upon , spiritual persons by christian princes , after the first three centuries , can prove no more , but that so was the constitution of the government of those kingdoms ; and it doth not follow that therefore it must be so in all other kingdoms : for which cause it is evident , that the first four chapters of the gentlemans book , are altogether impertinent . if the spiritual lords ground not their claim upon divine right , then if they have any at all , it must be by humane institution : my business is not to examine whether such an institution were good and reasonable , or not ? that i leave to the consideration of the parliament , in whose determination every true subject ought heartily to acquiess : but all that i have to do , is to examine whether or no there be such an institution , and that is the point which i intend to insist upon . no humane institution can do their lordships any kindness in this , except the laws of england , and those are of two sorts , either statute-law , or common-law : the former is not pretended to ; the onely question is about the latter : for that same law which gives them power to sit in the house of lords in any case , gives them power also to sit in capital cases , if they have any such power ; and that they have no such power by the common law of england , is the probindum . those in whose power originally it was at the first reduction of this nation under rules of government to invest religious persons with honours , jurisdictions and priviledges ; might by the same power have made them greater or lesser than they did ; and consequently might at the first institution have limited the same jurisdiction , &c. to such and such matters as they themselves thought fit to intrust them with , and not to others . if those persons that first conferred upon some of our clergy-men that jurisdiction which they now enjoy of voting in the high court of pariament , had given it indefinitely in all matters , and over all causes , and they had exercised their jurisdiction accordingly from time to time , then their right had been indubitable ; but if this limitation had been made , that their jurisdiction shall extend to all causes , except such as are capital , and they never exercised any jurisdiction in such ; then there cannot be any colour or ground of claim . now the common law is a general custom or usage in this realm in all ages practised and allowed beyond the memory of man ; and because there is no record , nor any other undeniable evidence of its commencement , it is therefore presumed to have been a law ever since there hath been any government in this nation : seeing therefore that the jurisdiction of the bishops in parliament , is supposed to be as ancient as the government it self ; if it can be proved that by the common law ( i. e. ) the continued practice of all ages , the transactions whereof are recorded , the clergy never did exercise jurisdiction in cases of blood : then inasmuch as no record maketh appear what time this custom did begin , we must of necessity presume that their not voting in capital cases , is as ancient as their voting in any case ; and consequently that those who first conferred upon them their jurisdiction in parliament , gave it with this limitation , that it should not extend to capital cases . this being premised , i shall proceed to prove that by the common law of england , ( if not by an act of parliament ) the lords spiritual have no right to vote in capital cases : that will be done if i demonstrate these two things ; 1. that their voting in capital cases is contrary to the intent and meaning of magna charta . 2. that it is contrary to the known practice of all ages until this day . the first i shall prove from the reason and nature of the thing , and from precedents . by the 29th of magna charta it is ordained , that , nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur , &c. aut ut . lagetur , aut exuletur , aut aliquo modo destruatur , nec super cum ibimus , nec super eum mittemus nisiper legale judicium parium suorum , &c. and accordingly the precept of the lord high steward to a serjeant at arms , is to summon , tot & tales dominos magnates , & proceres hujus regni angliae praedicti r. comitis pares , &c. co. 3. inst. 28. whence it is evident that every judge must be a peer ( par ) to the prisoner ; and i do think it a very easie matter to prove that no spiritual lord as such , is invested with that parity which is requisite within the intent of magha charta , to constitute him a sufficient judge upon the life and death of a temporal lord : before i enter upon the proof of this , it will be necessary to say something of the nature of their peerage . their peerage doth accrue either by the investitute of their bishopricks , ipso facto , or by their summons to parliament ; it is agreed by all authors of greatest authority , that they are parliamentary lords immediately by their investiture and induction into the temporalities , which are held of the king per baroniam , and are therefore lords of parliament only ratione tenurae ; so is coke , stamford , selden , and others : but they are not intituled to any more honour or jurisdiction by their writs , for these , two reasons : 1. because a summons to parliament cannot of its self create a baron , for then all the kings judges , serieants and councel had been ennobled in divers parliaments in the time of edw. 1. in all of edw. 2. and most of edw. 3. for they had then the self-same writ that earls and barons had , yea and the kings two escheators had the same writ , annu 12. and 14 of edw. 2. the first summons extant upon record is that of 49 h. 3. which is one joynt summons to all the lords and judges , and is the same in substance with the writ of summons at this day , which is given to the lords , and differs onely in matter of form. anno 23. edw. 1. jan. 23. the writs are several , the only difference is in the style , and the words following , ( viz. ) super ar duis negotiis quibusdam nos & regnum nostrum & vos caterosque de eodem regno tangentibus , &c. to the bishops and other clergy . to the temporal lords after the style the writ runs . nos , &c. & vos caeterosq●● 〈◊〉 & magnates , &c. taugentibus , &c. to the judges it was , vos caterosque de consilio nostros , &c. tangentibus . but in all these , the mandamus , which is the most essential part of the writ , is the very same ; viz. vobis mandamis ut , &c. personaliter inter sitis super dictis negotiis cum rege , & caeteris magnatibus & proceribus , &c. trataturi vestrumque consilium impensuri , &c. the same is the 27 of ed. 1. and almost in all the time of edw. 2. and from the 20th to the 49th year of edw. 3. that which i infer from this is , that either a writ of its self without the performance of other ceremonies , as investiture of robes , &c. cannot make a man noble ; or else the judges in those four kings reigns having the same mandamus in their writs which the earls and barons had verbatim , and the same in substance with the mandamus to peers at this day , were all ennobled . and further , there doth frequently occur in ancient records and writings a difference between barones majores , and barones minores ; the first are called sometimes barons , and the other barons peers . that they both received their writs and sate in parliament , is undeniable : the nobility of the first was without doubt inheritable , but so was not the last , but were called barons peers , because of the parity of their reyenue . thus saith the modus tenendi parliamentum , ( always allowed for authentick before mr. prynne . ) summoneri & venire debent omnes & singuli comites barones & corum pares scilicet illi qui habent terras ad valentiam ●●…ius comitatus integri , viz. vig●…ti feoda , &c. vel ad valentiam unius baroniae , &c. & nulli minores laici summoneri debent , sed si eorum praesentia necessaria velutilis fuerit rex solebit talibus brevia mitte●… . so that these baronum pares , or barones minores , because of the parity of their revenue , were called or omitted ad libitum , though the majores ought to be summoned de jure ; which proves a writ of summons to parliament , doth not ennoble the party , otherwise this difference must fall to the ground . the roll of 18 ed. 3. n. 35. is that the cause of summons was declared in the presence of the king and divers lords there named , & autres barones , & bannerettes . chevaliers de comites , citizens & burgeiis , &c. so 46 of ed. 3. n 7. the roll is , dukes , earls , barons and bannerets : and in many of the parliament rolls of ed. 3. it occurs by the prelates , earls , barons , and other grandees ; by which it is evident , that anciently there sate in the house of lords sometimes some that were under the degree of a baron , and they could not be lords by inheritance , because a barony is the lowest degree of inheritable nobility ; but they could not be there present without their writs ; it doth therefore follow , that a writ , together with an appearance in obedience to it , doth not ennoble the party . note , that anciently the king by his letters could have discharged any banneret from serving in the lower house ; because , if he pleased , he might upon occasions have summoned him to serve in the house of lords ; and that is apparent from a record in the 7th of rich. 2. r. 42. dorso . sir tho. camoys was chosen one of the knights of the shire for surrey , and his father and grandfather had been summoned to several parliaments before : the king discharged this gentleman from serving in the house of commons , because ipse ( saith the record ) & quam plures antecessores sui banneretri fuerint : nos animadvertentes quod hujusmodi banneretti ante haec tempora in milites comitatus eligi minime consueverunt , &c. if this camoys had been reputed a baron , the country would never have chose him ; and if he had been really a baron , the king would never have discharged him because he was a banneret , but because he was a baron . another reason for this may be gathered out of the patent of john beauchamp of holt , the words of which are these : — sciatis quod pro bonis & gratuitis servitiis , quae dilectus & fidelis miles noster johannes de beauchamp , de holt , seneschallus hospitii nostri , nobis impendit , ac loco per ipsum tempore corenationis nostrae hucusque impensis , & quempro nobis tenere poterit in futurum in nostris consiliis & parliamentis , nec non , &c. ipsum johannem in unum parium & baronum regni nostri angliae praesecimus , volentes quod idem johannes & haeredes masculi de corpore suo exeuntes statum baronis obtineant , ac domini de beauchamp & barones de kiderminster nuncupentur , in cujus , &c. t. rege apud wodestock , 10. oct. it is probable that he was created baron before he received this patent , because the patent wants the words of creation ; ipsum johannem praefecimus : but it is not said , per praesentes praeficimus ; and therefore the patent running in the preterperfect tense could have no other operation but only to record a thing which was past : but he was not created by writ before the patent , because it is dated oct. 10. and he received no writ till the decem. following : wherefore seeing that undoubtedly he was a baron before he received either patent or writ ; for the patent , which is matter of record , saith , ipsum praefecimus ; it follows , that before this time a baron hath been created without a writ , which could be no otherwise then by the performance of a ceremony , as investiture of robes , &c. and this patent was only an entring of the creation , being a transitory thing upon record . 2. admitting that barons have been created by writs , yet prelates are not created barons by their writs , because there is a difference between a writ sent to a person that hath no right ex debito justitiae to demand it ; and a writ sent to one that was a lord of parliament before , and ought de jure to have been summoned . the former , together with the persons obedience , may perhaps make him a baron : but the latter i conceive doth not make any addition to , or enlargement of , their precedent honour , but only summons them to exercise their jurisdiction , and put that power ▪ which they have in execution , and that is only reducere potentiam in actum , otherwise every lord would be newly created at every parliament ; every one to whom the honour is entailed , would have a fee-simple , for a writ will make a man a peer in fee without the word ( heirs ) and every lord bishop , l. keeper , l. treasurer , l. privy seal , would be as such inheritable peers , or at least for life , which are both false ; for after regradation their peerage is ended : wherefore it being certain that all the lords both spiritual and temporal ought to be summoned to every parliament , the summons must of necessity have respect to that right which doth entitle them to demand them . the inference which i draw from all this , is , that the lords spiritual having no peerage upon the account of their writs , cannot claim any at all , except it be jure episcopatus , ( that is ) ratione terrarum quas tenent per baroniam . so that now i come to the next point ; viz. whether such whose peerage is ratione tenure , and dies either with the determination of his estate in the land , or the dissolution of the tenure , be a competent judge of one whose blood is ennobled in case of life and death , within the meaning and intent of magna charta , which enacts that every one shall be tryed per legale judicium parium suorum . the negative i hope effectually to prove from these following reasons : 1. every ones peerage ought to be measured and proportioned according to the limits and extent of that ratione cujus he is a peer ; he that is a peer , not only upon the account of his possessions , but also upon the account of the quality and nobility of his blood , hath a right of judicature and legislation both in those things that regulate mens estates and properties , and also in those things that concern life and death ; buthe that hath no peerage but what is praedial or feudal , and not personal a peerage accruing by vertue of his tenure and possessions , and not the nobility of his blood , can have no jurisdiction but such as is agreeable to the nature of his peerage ; that is , such as shall extend to matters of property and possession , but not to matters of blood ; for as to this he is no more a peer ( i. e. par ) to a temporal lord , than any private gentleman , and therefore hath no more jurisdiction ; for it is parity that makes a man capable of jurisdiction within the statute : this is confirmed by the authority of that learned antiquary , mr. john selden , in the first edition , of his titles of honour , a volume in quorto , 347 , ( which i the rather cite , because it was printed in king james his time , and therefore not liable to exception ) his words are these ; a bishop shall not be tried by peers in capital crimes , because these are personal , and his being a baron , is ratione tenurae , and not of personal nobility . so it is in br. abr. tit. enquest 99. although in an action for land , &c. a bishop shall have knights in his jury , as other lords , yet when he is tryed for his life ( it 's said ) he shall not have knights in his jury : by which book it is evident , that a bishop is a peer not in respect of his person , but of his possessions . 2. the whole statute of magna charta is a grant or rather a confirmation of the priviledges and liberties of the subjects of england ; and it is to be supposed that the enjoyment of every of those priviledges that are there granted , is a great advantage and happiness to the subject : but wherein the advantage of a mans being tryed per pares doth lie , is a point worth the consideration : i conceive it to be this , when those are to be judges , who may be under the same circumstances with the prisoner , and when by their judgment the prisoner can lose nothing but what his judges ; if they be under his circumstances may lose also ; he may expect that they will not give judgment but upon mature deliberation , and that the consideration that it may be their own case will deter them from giving a rash judgment against a man that is innocent , or not apparently guilty : whereas if a mans life and fortune , his honour , the inheritable quality of his blood , his name and reputation , and whatsoever may be comfortable in this world , were disposable at the will and pleasure of inferiour persons , who have not every of these themselves , and consequently know not the true value and worth of them , nor the importance of the matter that is judicially before them ; it may be presumed that they will not be so careful and concerned in the cause ; and it is to be feared they will be too ready to give an inconsiderate and rash judgment . this i take to be the onely benefit of a mans being tryed by his peers , which is very significantly expressed in the statute de proditoribus , 25 ed. 3. cap. 2. in these words ; et de ceo soit provablement attaint de●overt fait per gents de lour condition , &c. but to apply this to our present design , let us consider what a temporal lord loseth by an attainder ; in the first place he loseth his life , his estate real and personal : if that were all , a gentleman might be his peer ; but there is something more , he forefeits his nobility , which is irrecoverable , being quite extinguished ; the inheritable quality of his blood is thereby corrupted , the house of lords themselves suffer with him , for they lose a member for ever : but a bishop forfeits nothing but what he hath in his natural capacity , and if he be considered as such , he is no peer ; if he be considered as a bishop , i. e. as holding lands of such a value in the right of his bishoprick of the king , he is a peer , but his peerage is in no danger through his attainder ; the succession ( which he is supposed to be as tender of as a natural person is of his posterity ) is not thereby tainted ; for his peerage , together with all his posterity and land , ratione cujus he is a peer , go to the successor without any restauration ; ( see stamford 187. 6. ) and so the house of lords lose never a member : how then can bishops , having no nobility which they can lose , and consequently not being gents de lour condition , be fit judges upon the life and death of noble men ? and upon what grounds can more justice be expected from such than from honest substantial freeholders ? if this do not please , let any of the most violent maintainers of this pretended temporally-spiritual jurisdiction give a rational account , wherein the advantage of a mans being tryed by his peers , doth consist ; and let him make appear that the lords temporal are any sharers of this priviledge when they are tryed by bishops , and i am satisfied ; but till then ; he must give me leave to conclude , that this jurisdiction which is pretended to , is an abuse of the satute of magna charta , and therefore a violence offered to the liberties of the subjects of england . 3. the bishops are not peers in that sense the question is above stated in , because they shall not themselves be tryed by peers in parliament : if their parity be not sufficient to entitle them to demand a tryal by temporal lords , then they cannot be peers , so as to be judges upon the tryal of temporal lords : but if they be really peers to all intents and purposes , then we charge all our ancestors with a gross violation of the subjects priviledges granted by magna charta ; for every bishop is liber homo , a subject of this realm , and ought of right to have the benefit of a subjects priviledge of being tryed by his peers : but seeing by the constant practise in former ages , even in those times when the tyranny of ambitious prelates , and the insolence of popish usurpers , did swell to so great a height ; when the poor credulous affrightned laity , were glad for fear of being delivered prisoners in manus & custodiam diaboli , and secluded from the society and conversation of mankind , to truckle at the feet of the domineering clergy , and condescend to almost all their demands , however unreasonable or unjust they were ; insomuch , that innovations in favour of them were easily allowed , and new acquisitions of honour and power easily obtained . i say , if in those times the honour of being tryed by peers hath been denied to them , it may well be inferred that they had no right ; for if it were a thing which they had any colour of pretension to , is it reasonable to suppose that they quietly without reluctancy would resign it ? when we have records and histories full of their clamours for breach of magna charta , of their contentions with their liege lord and sovereign in things that were against the known and established laws of the kingdom , tending to the diminution of the kings prerogative , the hindring of the execution of justice upon malefactors , and the dispossessing and injurious expulsion of the subject from his just and hereditary right , where they had no reason in the world for it , onely that they were inflamed with indignation , that the native courage and inbred generosity of mind that was in our ancestors , not induring themselves to be trod upon , nor their necks to be laid under a yoke of tyranny and usurpation ; did obstruct the unsufferable growth of that power and dominion which their own pride and ambition , together with the example and success of their brethren in other countries , had spurr'd them on to . these things are well enough known to all people , whose eyes are opened , and therefore i shall not insist upon them ; but shall prove that bishops ought not to be tryed by temporal lords : and for that i have the suffrage of all learned men , my lord coke in the third institutes , fol. 30. is express in the point , spiritual lords shall not be tryed by peers . stamford in his pleas of the crown , lib. 3. cap. 1. de trial per les peers , saith , that the statute of magna charta , and 20 h. 6. cap. 9. which gives dutchesses , countesses , and baronnesses the same priviledge that their husbands have ; nad este mise in 〈◊〉 dextender a un evesque on abbe coment que ils injoient le nosme des seignior de parlement , car ils nont cel nosme d' evesque ou abbe ratione nobilitatis sed ratione 〈◊〉 ne ont lieu in parlement in respect de lour nobilitie , ejus in respect de lour possession , sc. l'auncient baronies annexes a lour dignities & accordant a ceo il ●ad divers presidents dont l'un fuit in temps le roy h. 8. &c. of the same opinion , and for the same reason is selden , ubi supra ; we find the same agreed by justice dodderidge , pag. 59 , 112. and elsynge in his ancient method of holding parliaments , pag. 41. and the book which i above cited , br. tit. enquest 99. 27 h. 8. in the bishop of rochester's case , it is resolved , that when a bishop is to be tryed for treason , it is not necessary that he have knights in his jury , although he shall have that priviledge in a tryal for his land ; which proves that his peerage is more for the priviledge of the lands and possessions of the bishoprick , then the person of the bishop : as you may further see if you compare this book with plowd . 117. br. tit. tryal 142. and fitz. cor. 115. and i dare affirm there is not any one lawyer or antiquary of note that disagrees from this : but before i go from this , i shall strengthen these authorities by precedents . i shall begin with adam de orleton , or tarleton bishop of hereford , who in the 17 of ed. 2. was accused while he was sitting in parliament , of conspiring with roger mortimer earl of march , and aiding him with horse and arms in open rebellion ; whereupon he was ordered to the barr of the house of lords ; he made no answer to those crimes that were laid to his charge , only that he was suffragan to the archbishop of canterbury , who was his direct judge under the pope , and without his leave and the consent of his fellow-bishops he would not answer : now although the statute of articuli cleri restraining the benefit of clergy to felony , was made but eight years before this , yet the rest of the clergy in that disorderly time ( observe the humility , obedience , and loyalty of our spiritual fathers in those days ) had the impudence in the presence of the king , to pull him violently from the barr and deliver him to the archbishop : the king was enraged at this insolence , and gave special order to apprehend him again , which was done , and was arraigned upon an indictment at the kings-bench-bar , and upon the question , how he will be tryed ? he said , quod ipse est episcopus herefordensis ad voluntatem dei & sammi pontificis , & quod materia praedict articulor ' sibi imposi●… adeo ardua est quod ipse non debet in curia hac super praedictis articul ' imposii respondere nec inde respondere potest absque offensu divino & sanctae ecclesiae . hereupon day is given over , and after some contiuances , the record goes on thus ; et praeceptum est vic' comit ' hereford quod venire faciat coram domino rege , &c. tot & tales , &c. ad inquirendum prout mores est , &c. and a common jury is returned , which find him guilty , and his goods and lands are seised into the kings hands , and after conviction , he is delivered unto the archbishop , to the end ( i suppose ) that he should be degraded ; for in this case being high treason there could be no purgation . see the record of his attainder , hill. 17 e. 2. coram rege , rot. 87. dors ' co● 3. inst. 30. fuller's ch. hist. fol. 107. tho. walsingham , fol. 199. it appears by the record it self , and all the histories of those times , what artifices were used , and with what industry every stone was turned by the clergy , to keep the bishop from the justice of the nation ; and is it to be supposed , that they would wave their jus paritatis , if they had it ? we have a world of complaints in walsingham ; and other old monks , against the whole proceeding , but not one word of any injury done to their peerage . the next precedent is in trin. 30. e. 3. rot. 11. john de isle brother to thomas hen bishop of ely , was indicted in huntington , that he with divers others , per assensum & procurationem episcopi praedict 28 e. 3. diae lunae post testum sancti jacobi , burnt the house of the lady wake , at 〈…〉 by sommersham in comitat. praedict , & quod praedict tho. episcopus sciens praedict combustionem per praedict servientes suos esse factam , dictos servientes apud sommersham praedict postea receptavit , &c. and also it was found before the justices and coroners , that 29 e. 3. the said bishop was guilty de assensu of the murder of one william holme , slain by ralph carelesse and walter ripton , called little watt , upon malice conceived against holme , because he followed the suit of the lady wake ; the principals were attainted by owtlawry , the bishop was arraigned , and upon question , how he would be tryed ? he answered , quod ipse est membrum domini papae , & quod ipse ab ordinario suo viz. venerabili patre domino simone archiepiscopo cant. angliae primat respondere non potest , & super haec dominus archiepiscopus praesons hic in curia petit quod dictus episcopus eliensis , de feloniis praedictis sibi impositis hic coram laico judice non cogatur respondere ; & ut sciatur inde rei veritas per inquisitionem patriae praecept ' est vicecom &c. ad quens diem , &c. jurat ' trial , &c. dicunt super sacramentum suum quod idem episcopus est in nullo culpabilis ; sed dicunt quod idem episcopus post feloniam factam ipsos servientes receptavit sciens ipsos feloniam fecisse , &c. et super haec p●●…ict ' archiepiscopus praese●s in cur ' petit ipsum tanquam membrum ecclesiae sibi lib●●●●… , & ei liberatur custodiend ' prout decet . here is a bishop indicted , arraigned , tryed by a common jury , and convicted as accessory to several felonies , as burning of a house , and killing a man , both before and after the felonies committed : and it is observable , the jurors were tryed as appears by this record , and that proves the bishop had his challenges to them at his tryal : and is it not very strange that they should proceed at this rate against a peer of the realm , over whom they had no jurisdiction , and a bishop too , at such a time when the clergy were the onely men about court ; as simon langham , archbishop of canterbury , lord chancellor ; william wickham archdeacon of lincoln , keeper of the privy seal ; david willer parson of somersham , master of the rolls ; ten beneficed priests , masters of the chancery ; william mulse dean of s. martins le grand , chief chamberlain of the exchequer , receiver and keeper of the kings treasure and jewels ; william aksby archdeacon of northampton , chancellour of the exchequer ; william dighton prebendary of s. martins , clerk of the privy seal ; richard chesterfield prebend of s. stephens , treasurer of the kings house ; henry snatch parson of oundell , master of the kings wardrobe ; john newnham parson of fenny-stanton , one of the chamberlains of the exchequer ; john rowseby parson of harwich , surveyor and controller of the kings works ; thomas brittingham parson of asby , treasurer to the king for the part of guisnes , and the marches of calice ; john troys a priest , treasurer of ireland . these i have specified here , because when any examples are put of justice had against ecclesiastical malefactors , there are a sort of people who presently cry out , their wings were clipt : they were under contempt and hated by the laity , &c. but what credit is to be given to them , may be gathered from what hath been said . thomas merkes bishop of carlisle , was in the 2 h. 4. indicted of conspiring with holland earl of kent , and the dukes of exceter and surrey , and the duke of aumerle , montacute earl of salisbury , spencer earl of glocester , and others , to kill the king : he was thereupon arraigned before thomas earl of warwick , and other justices of oyer and terminer , in middlesex , and tryed by a common jury , and found guilty ; afterward the record was removed to the kings bench , and the bishop put into the marshalsea , and afterward he is brought to the bar , and being asked , if he had any thing to shew why judgment should not be given on him , he pleads his pardon , and it is allowed : see the record of his attainder , hill. 2. h. 4. coram rege , rot. 6. co. 2. inst. 636. 3. inst. 30. but to come somewhat nearer our times ; fisher bishop of rochester is indicted , arraigned , and tryed by a common jury , for speaking treasonable words against an act of parliament made the 26 of h. 8. making the king head of the church , and abolishing the authority of the pope of rome ; and was condemned at the kings bench , and executed , br. tit. tryal 142. inquest 99. 27 h. 8. the last that i shall name , is that holy and renowned martyr , archbishop cranmer , who was tryed with lady jane gray , and her husband lord guilford , and two younger sons of the duke of northumberland , ambrose and henry , at guild-hall , before the lord mayor and judges , the third day of nov. in the first year of queen mary's reign , 1553. where they were all found guilty , and condemed of high treason . none of these were executed upon this judgment , except lady jane gray and her husband , who upon a second miscarriage of her father the duke of suffolk , in joyning with sir thomas wyat to oppose king philip's landing , were executed in the tower the 12th of febr. following : on the 20th of april following , cranmer , ridley , and latimer , were adjudged hereticks at oxford , and degraded by commission from the pope , and a little after cardinal poole succeded cranmer , who was burnt as a heretick 14th of febr. 1556. all this is known to those that are acquainted with the transactions of those times ; and therefore it is evident both from the authority of learned men , and the practice of all ages in all times , that bishops have been tryed by common juries : and sure it was not without ground that so grave and judicious an author as camden , should say , that the spiritual lords enjoy all the priviledges that temporal lords do , saving only the business of tryal by peers . having thus proved what i before asserted concerning the tryal of lords spiritual ; i shall in the next place consider the answers that are generally made to these arguments and authorities . those i observe to be principally two : 1. they will very well agree with those authors that say ; bishops are not to be tryed by peers ; but then ( say they ) it was not for want of peerage , but because they would not be put to answer for any capital crime before lay-judges . 2. they say , that if it happened that at any time a bishop was tryed by lay-men and by common juries , then they were first degraded . if there were no more to be said for this , the very reading of the fore-mentioned precedents would easily make appear the weakness of these objections ; for it appears by the very records , that their priviledge of clergy was insisted upon , and that with a great deal of zeal and fervency ; insomuch that the passage of the bishop of hereford , is a thing taken notice of in a special manner by all the most famous historians of this nation ; and it is generally agreed , that about fourteen bishops came with their crosses erected to the place of judgment , threatning all people with excommunication that offered to oppose them in that which they intended ; and yet we find that he was not delivered till after he was found guilty : and it 's manifest from all the other precedents , that they were found guilty , and most of them condemned to die upon the verdict of twelve lay-men . but as to the business ▪ of deprivation , you may observe , that throughout the whole records they are named bishops , as episcopus herefordensis , eliensis and roffensis , which could not be if they were degraded ; for then these titles were not rightful additions in law. and although it being evident that so it was de facto , is a sufficient answer to the objections ; yet for more abundant satisfaction , i shall be somewhat more large in this , and shall shew that so it ought to be de jure . in handling this point , i shall consider these following particulars : 1. to whom this privilegium clericale , or exemption from temporal jurisdiction , ought to have been allowed ? 2. i shall consider somewhat of the nature of this exemption and immunity , and how far they were exempted from secular power . 3. i shall examine in what cases it was allowed , and in what , not . 4. at what time . 5. upon what account it was that clergy-men were delivered to their ordinaries in those cases where the benefit of clergy was not allowed . and lastly , i shall shew at what time regularly they were degraded . i. as for the first , it was generally allowed to all within holy orders , whether secular , or regular , and in an equal degree to all such , not respecting superiority , or inferiority : the poor country-parson had as good and as large a right to it , as my lord bishop . this is proved , first , from the canons that gave this immunity ; the first ( i think ) were made by pope gaius , and those run ; clericus coram judice seculari judicari non debet nec aliquid contra ipsum fieri , per quod ad periculum mortis vel ad mutilationem membrorum valeat perveniri , &c. see linwood tit. de foro compet . c. contingit . polichro . lib. 4. c. 24. of pope gaius , and onuphrius in his comment upon platina , in the life of that pope . therefore seeing he cannot take any advantage of these canons , except as clericus , and must claim it by the same name that inferiour priests do , he must have it in the same degree . but that which is a great deal stronger than the construction of canons , is the confirmation that is made by our acts of parliament ; this priviledge is granted to all that are clerici , or clerks in french , and clergy-men in english ; and to all such indefinitely without distinction , or respect of the several ranks and degrees of men within holy orders : so you will find it in marlebridge c. 28. west . 1. c. 2. art. cler. c. 15. 25 e. 3. c. 4 , & 5. 4 h. 4. c. 3. and the rest . so that without all question , a bishop can pretend to no more priviledge than any other clerk causa qua supra . this i thought fit to observe first , because that every authority and precedent that i shall bring of an inferiour priest , is as strong for my purpose , as if it were of a bishop . ii. as for the second point , i shall not need to be very large upon it , but shall observe one thing which will be serviceable to my present purpose , and that is this : that every temporal magistrate and judge of this kingdom , hath , and in all times ever had , by the common law , jurisdiction over every subject in the same degree of nobility that was resident within the verge and local extent of his jurisdiction : this power and authority of his being universal , he was never bound to take notice of the priviledges and immunities of any particular orders and societies of men , if they themselves would not take advantage of it ; so that this same previlegium clericale was no absolute exemption from secular authority , so as to make all proceedings before a secular judge , to be coram non judice : but the end and design of it was , that when any clergy-man was arraigned as a malefactor before a secular judge , then in some cases , before he suffered the punishment that was due by law , he was delivered to his ordinary to make his purgation ; if he could , then his ordinary discharged him ; but if he could not , then he was degraded and sent back to the temporal magistrate to suffer punishment according to his demerits . that the proceedings of a secular judge upon one within holy orders , are not coram non judice , might be proved both out of civilians and canonists ; but that would not be much to the purpose if i should , and therefore i shall forbear ; only shall take notice of a passage in dr. ridley's view of the civil and ecclesiastical law , pag. 86. if a clerk ( says he ) be first arrested by his spiritual judge , and found guilty , he shall be degraded and delivered over to the temporal power ; but if he be first arrested by the secular magistrate , and tryed , and found guilty , he shall be delivered to the bishop to be deprived , and then delivered back to punishment . the same in effect he saith p. 158. whereby he doth allow , that according to the ecclesiastical law , the temporal judges were allowed to have jurisdiction over men within holy orders : but let him or any of the civilians or canonists say what they will , it 's no great matter ; we must consider what the law of england saith in this case : for the canons never were in force in england any further than they were voluntarily received , and so transmitted as a common usage or custom to posterity by tradition , and so became part of the common law ; or else were confirmed by act of parliament , and so became part of our statute-law , of which more hereafter . and that by the law of england the proceedings against ecclesiastical persons before a secular judge , are not coram non judice , i prove by these cases : an appeal of robbery was brought against a monk , who was tryed and acquitted ; upon this the abbot and the monk brought a writ of conspiracy against divers who procured and abetted the said appeal : whereupon the defendants appear , and go to tryal ; but the abbot and monk get a verdict and judgment to recover 1000 marks damages , co. 2. inst. 638. but it is certain , that a writ of conspiracy cannot lye except the plaintiff had been legitimo modo acquietatus , and that he could not be , if the whole proceedings upon the appeal had been coram non judice . so if at the common law a clergy-man had been indicted of felony , and had confessed the fact in court , he could not have had the benefit of his clergy , because the end of granting it , was , that he might make his purgation before the spiritual judge , but that he could not after he had confessed the fact in court. co. ubi supra , stamford 124. and yet no confession coram non judice is conclusive . all which doth evidently prove , that the allowance of those canons which gave the first birth to this immunity , did not trench to the prejudice of temporal judges , so as to bar them of that jurisdiction which they have over every subject by the common law : and the nature of it will further appear , if we take into consideration the third particular , which is this : iii. in what cases the benefit of clergy was allowable , and in what not ; this immunity was allowed in england long before any statute was made for its confirmation ; it was allowed onely in such cases as were judged reasonable , but never in full satisfaction to the demands of the clergy : kellaway . 7 h. 8. 181. b. but the clergy ( as their custom then was ) were willing to improve any concession to their best advantage , according to the common proverb , when they had got an inch , they would take an ell. and to that end did with a great deal of fervency and zeal ( no doubt ) insist upon their priviledge as an absolute exemption from all temporal jurisdiction , to all intents and purposes , extending to all crimes and offences whatsoever , and thundring out excommunications , and such like maledictions , forced some people for quietness sake to comply with them , ( as appears by bracton , lib. fol. 123. ) to the great incouragement of all sorts of villanies and outrages , and consequently to the grievous oppression and vexation of the subject : for this assurance , or at least hopes of impunity , let loose the reigns of rapine and violence , and was the most effectual course that could be taken for the dissolution of any government , and the utter desolation and ruine of any country whatsoever . to give a check to this exorbitant licentiousness , strict care is taken by the judges and magistrates , that justice be duly executed , and offenders legally punished ; and therefore the privilegium clericale not to be allowed in any case otherwise then according to the ancient custom : hence were the seeds of envy and of a very lasting discord between church and state sown ; nothing but animosities , rancour , revenge and hatred , is the subject of the history of those times , especially the time of thomas beckett : bulls , citations , excommunications , on the one side , and seising of temporalities , imprisonment and banishment , on the other side , were the complements that people were entertained with in those days : these differences grew to such a height , that although through a formal reconciliation , both parties seemed to be pacified ; yet the root of the matter remaining untouched , the fewds break forth , and the matter must be decided by act of parliament : and so i shall by the construction of these old statutes , and other precedents , give a direct answer to the question . 1. it is undeniable , that privilegium clericale was never allowed to any that were guilty of crimen laesae majestatis : the first statute that we find among the printed statutes , which doth directly speak of it , is westm. 1. c. 2. which is declarative of the common law by the express words of the statute , solonque le custom avant ces heures use , but faith not one word of treason , only allows the priviledge in cases of felony , si clearke soit prise pur rette de felony . wherefore this statute being in the affirmative , determines nothing concerning treason , but leaves that as it was before at the common law. not long after the clergy renewed their complaints , and among the rest , complain that secular judges have passed judgment of death upon men within holy orders , and claim their priviledge absolutely and generally in articles several , which they presented to the king in parliament . to this they receive answer by the statute commonly called articuli cleri , in these words : clericus ad ecclesiam confugiens pro felonia pro immunitate ecclesiastica obtinenda , &c. gaudebit libertate ecclesiastica , juxta laudabilem consuetudinem regni hactenus usitatam . this being an answer much like the former , did not sufficiently answer their desires , expressing only felony ; nor on the other side did it hinder the temporal judges from proceeding against them , as against lay-men in cases of high treason , as they had done always before : wherefore they do afterwards , viz. in the 25th of e. 3. make a grievous complaint , that the kings judges had given judgment of high treason against houby and cibthorp , priests , and several other religious persons , whereby they were hanged , drawn and quartered , to the great dishononr of the church , &c. to this they have a direct answer by the statutes of 25 e. 3. c. 4 , & 5. whereby ( reciting their complaint ) it is enacted and declared , that all clergy-men convicted for treason or felony against any other person than the kings majesty , shall enjoy the liberties of the holy church , &c. and from henceforward ( but never before ) the benefit of clergy was allowed in petit treason , till by 23 , & 25 , & 32 h. 8. it was taken away ; but high treason is excepted out of that statute of e. 3. and therefore was ever since punished without the allowance of clergy as it was before : and accordingly the abbot of missenden was condemned to be hanged , drawn and quartered , pro contra factione & resectione legalis monetae angliae , mich. coram rege 31 e. 3. rot. 55. and it is taken for a general rule , trin. 21 e. 3. coram rege , rot. 173. quod privilegium clericale non competit seditioso equitanti cum armis , &c. thus i have shewn that in the cases of orleton , merkes , fisher , and cranmer , the benefit of clergy could not be allowed by the law of england , they being cases of high treason . but in cases of felony , the benefit of clergy was always allowed , till it was taken away in cases of murder ex malitia praecegitata , poysoning , burglary , robbery , &c. by the 1 & 6 edw. 6. cap. 12. & cap. 10. this is sufficient for this point . iv. the fourth question , at what time the benefit of clergy ought to be pleaded or demanded ? comes to be examined . i conceive , that the common practice both before and after the statute of westm. 1. was to deliver them to the ordinary after conviction , and therefore they would not suffer them to demand it before : my reason is , because the statute of westm. saith thus ; si clearke soit prise pur rette de felony , & si il soit per l' ordinarie demand , il luy soit livere solonque la priviledge de saint eccl ' &c. solonque le custom avant ses lieures use . this statute grants no new priviledge , but confirms only that which they had before : and as for the time of allowing the priviledge , the words of the statute are so ambiguous , that it is very hard to determine the question from thence ; only the statute refers it to the custom of the former ages : for the priviledge of the holy church is to be allowed solonque le custom , &c. now all the judges of england did after this statute determine , that they would not deliver any prisoner to the ordinary till he was first indicted , and also thereupon arraigned , and till it was inquired by an inquest upon his arraignment , whether he were guilty or not guilty ; if not guilty , then he was discharged without any more ado ; but if guilty , his goods and chattels , lands and tenements were forfeited , and his body delivered to the ordinary : so saith britton , cap. 4. f. 11. si clearke encoupe de felony allegga clergie , & soit per l' ordinarie demand , donque serra enquise comment il est miscrue ( i. culpable ) & sil est trovenient miscrue donque il aleraquite . et sil soit & trove miscrue , ses chateux serroient taxes , & ses terres prises in maine le roy , & sen corps deliver al ordinarie . the same you will find in the mirr . c. 3. co. 2. inst. 164. in his exposition upon that statute ; and stamford 131. and this we must suppose to have been the practice before the statute ; because the statute appoints the ancient custom to be observed , and there were none that knew the ancient custom so well as the judges of those times ; and therefore this determination of the judges was either according to the custom avant ses heures use ( as the statute speaks ) or else it was not according to law : but that is absurd , especially seeing it was not only one resolution , but the constant practice ever since ; for in the record of all indictments of clergy-men , if they refused to answer , but pleaded their privilegium clericale , and were demanded by their ordinary ; the record is entred — sed ut sciatur qualis ei liberari deberat , ( i. whether guilty or not guilty ) inquiratur inde rei veritas per patriam . and in the year-books we have multitudes of cases that do prove it , as you may see in the margent ; the same is proved by the fore-mentioned record of the bishop of ely , 30 e. 3. and there is a like case , 40 e. 3. fitz. tit. cor. 91. and the statute of 25 e. 3. c. 4. saith expresly , that all clergy-men convict of treason and felony , &c. which intimates that clergy was not to be allowed till after conviction . and so i have answered what ever they can object against the above-cited authorities and precedents from the benefit of clergy ; and therefore shall now briefly consider the two last particulars . v. in the fifth place i am to consider , upon what account it was that clergy-men were delivered to their ordinaries , in those cases where the benefit of clergy was not allowed : the delivering of a clerk convict to his ordinary , could be only for these ends , either that he might make his purgation before his spiritual judge , or that the ordinary might degrade him , and then deliver him over to the secular power , to be punished according to law as a lay-man , lest scandal and indignity should be put upon the church : the former is onely in cases where clergy is allowed ; for where there is no clergy , there can be no purgation : the latter is , where no clergy can be allowed : the former is de jure , and cannot be denied . i do not mean jure canonico , but is a custom which hath been allowed time out of mind , and confirmed by several acts of parliament ; and for that reason only , i say , it is de jure . the latter is , de gratia , and arbitrary ; for our judges have had such an honour and esteem for the dignity of a priest , that they usually did deliver them to the bishop to be degraded , before the sentence of law was executed upon them . so it is in all cases of high treason , for there being no room for purgation , the judges are not at all obliged to deliver him , but out of favour they were wont to do it , to the end he might be degraded ; and if that custom were still observed , there were no great harm in it : yet in trin. 24. h. 8. in spilmans reports we have a case of one george nobles a priest , who was convicted at the gaol delivery of newgate , of clipping the kings coin ; and by the resolution of all the judges , they passed sentence of death upon him before any degradation , and he was accordingly executed in his canonical vestments . in a record upon the parliament , roll 21 e. 1. rot. 9. it is to be found , that one walter , de berton was convicted of counterfeiting the great seal ; but the record saith , qui convictus tradatur episcopo sarum qui eum petiit ut clericum suum sed sub pena , &c. & sub forma qua decet quia videtur concilio quod in tali casu non admittenda est purgatio . here it appears a person convicted was delivered to his ordinary in case where there could be no purgation ; and so no benefit of clergy ; and therefore it is evident that it was to the end he should be degraded , and upon that the delivery is with a subpoena , which can be understood no otherwise but that he should re-deliver him . vi. as to the last point , at what time they ought to be degraded , may be determined partly from what hath been said already ; for the end of degradation , is only to prevent that scandal and irreverence which would otherwise be thrown upon that honourable profession , which all sober and true christians are very tender of : and certainly there cannot regularly be any deprivation or degradation before conviction ; for no clerk can be deprived or degraded of any benefice or dignity , except upon full evidence he be found such and such a person as is uncapable of enjoying it . and as a bishop cannot refuse a clerk presented , except there be special cause for it , as criminosus , &c. so neither can he deprive one that is already inducted without special cause ; and in any court of record the cause must be specially pleaded , because it is traversable , co. lib. 5. 2. part . fol. 58. specots case . suppose then that any ecclesiastical person is arrested for treason , the ordinary cannot deprive him , except he first pass sentence upon him , that he is criminosus ; but he cannot pass sentence of deprivation upon him , while he is under the custody of the temporal magistrate , and before he is delivered to him ; for it is the greatest piece of injustice in the world , to condemn a man before he be heard : indeed our law allows that in case of outlawry , but that is when he may appear , and yet after five solemn proclamations , will not ; but it is against the law of reason , and the laws of all nations , to condemn a man that is absent , when at the same time they know he cannot appear ; and therefore no clerk can be deprived till he be delivered by the temporal judge : and i have already proved that there can be no delivery till after conviction ; so that it doth necessarily follow , that there can be no deprivation till after conviction ; and for further confirmation , see ridley , ubi supra , bracton . lib. 3. fol. 123. clericus , ordinario traditus si in purgatione defecerit , degradari debet ; fle●● lib. 6. c. 36. degradare potest episcopus criminum convictos . whereby it appears , first , that before degradation , they must be allowed the benefit of making their purgation , if they can , and that they have not except they be present when they are condemned . 2ly , that they must be traditi or convicti before deprivation . the case of a bishop seems parallel to the case of any other clerk ; for the king is patron of all the archbishopricks and bishopricks of england , they being all of his and his progenitors foundation : they must either therefore be donative or eligible ; before king john's time they were donative ; per traditionem annuli & pastoralis baculi : but he by his charter 15. jan. anno regni 17. granted that they should be eligible , and therefore were made to be in the nature of advowsons presentable : when therefore the king did nominate or present such a person to the bishoprick , that person could not be refused without some special cause of refusal ; but if it did appear that he was either infamous , irreligious , schismatick , heretick , miscreant , infidel , mere laicus , &c. i conceive he might well be refused ; or else to what purpose issued forth the conge d'eslier ? what signified king john's making them eligible ? and therefore there being the same reason and law of degradation or deprivation after actual investiture , that there is of refusal before : i infer there can be no deprivation of a bishop without cause , and that cause cannot be adjudged to be in him before he be heard , and have the justice to defend himself as well as he can , allowed him ; and consequently no deprivation till after delivery out of the hands of the secular power , which is in no case till after conviction . these particulars explained and proved , will satisfie all those whose sentiments are regulated according to the standard of reason , that there is no strength in any of those objections which some ignorant people do so much insist upon . having thus by the rules of law , the authority of the most renowned authors , and variety of precedents , proved , that a bishop is no peer , in respect to a temporal lord , within the intent and meaning of the 29th of magna charta : it doth naturally follow , that he hath no right to claim any jurisdiction or right of judicature upon the life and death of a temporal lord ; for otherwise he might suffer death or banishment , or imprisonment , by the judgment of those who are not his peers , contrary to the fundamental laws of england , and the liberties of every subject . and thus i conclude the first point . the second point that i offered to demonstrate , is , that the bishops votings in capital cases , is contrary to the practice of all ages untill this day . in the first place , let us examine how it was before the reign of henry the second : it must not be expected that this should be proved from the records and journals upon the parliament rolls , for their antiquity will not reach so high as to do any considerable service in this matter ; but i shall give the same proof for this , that any man can give for tryals by juries before magna charta ; that is , an act of parliament making recognition of several ancient customs practised beyond the memory of those that then lived ; and that i hope will be sufficient evidence : the statute that i mean , was made at that great parliament which was held at clarendon , the 10 , & 11 of h. 2. anno dom. 1164. in the preamble it is , recognizantur advice consuetudines , which proves it is declarative of the common law. the eleventh article runs in this manner , archiepiscopi , episcopi , & universa persona ( holding any ecclesiastical dignity ) qui de rege tenent in capite , habeant possessiones suas de rege sicut baroniam , & inde respondeant justiciariis & ministris regis , & sequantur & faciant omnes consuetudines regias , & sicut caeteri barones debeant interesse judiciis curiae regis cum baronibus quousque perveniatur ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem . here is their jurisdiction expresly limited , that it shall not extend ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem . and this act of parliament is declarative of the common law , as appears by the preamble , and the construction of most authors that mention it . in this ( saith doderidge ) certain recapitulations are made of the kings prerogative and his peoples right , then sought to be infringed by the pope and his clergy . so saith my lord cook , 2. inst. 631. and selden , titles of honour , 582. seeing therefore there can be no time assigned when this ancient custom which is here recapitulated , was not , consequently this limitation must be supposed ▪ to be as ancient as their sitting in the house of lords : but to prove that this constitution of clarendon ( as some call it ) is an act of parliament ; matthew paris saith , praesentibus etiam archiepiscopis , episcopis , abbatibus , prioribus , comitibus , baronibus & proceribus regni . roger of hoveden saith expresly , that clerus & populus regni were then assembled , and so mentions it as a full parliament . goldastus constit . imper. tom. 3. 347. saith , there were added to the clergy , nobiliores & antiquiores regni . fitz stephens calls it , generale concilium . and lastly , our common lawyers do take it for granted and undisputable . my lord cook in 2. inst. 631 , and 638. calls it , the great parliament that was held at clarendon : so bracton , lib. 3. f. 136. and this very article above-mentioned is in all the said authors ; and likewise in roger of wendover : but that which is most considerable , is , that we have gervasius doroberniensis , an author that lived in that age , and a person within holy orders too , reckoning this very article among the laws that were made at that parliament , in the 68. page of his book . but admitting it were no parliament , but only a great councel of peers ; yet that is as well for my purpose , because that the proceedings of such a council are matters of record , and therefore a recognition or declaration of ancient customs , and of the common law made in such a council , is as undeniable proof , as if it were a declaratory act of parliament ; for the force of such an act is only in point of evidence , and doth not enact or constitute any new law. but as there is no question but that it is an act of parliament , the assembly being a generale , or commune concilium , which is always understood of the parliament , co. inst. 110. a. so except it can be proved this statute was repealed , i have made good my assertion , without saying any more ; for admitting that it had not been so frequently practised , as i in his proper place shall make appear it was ; yet still it is valid and a standing law : for no statute loseth its force by non-user , co. 1. inst. 114. although common law , or particular customs , may . but this statute we find was afterward confirmed : for saith roger de hoveden a monk , p. 30. it was ordained in a councel at westm. that no clergy-man should agitare judicium , &c. and he that did , was to be deprived of his dignity and orders . that these constitutions were punctually observed in after ages , is the next thing to be proved : and the first that i shall mention , is the judgment against the spencers , 15 e. 2. the lords spiritual did withdraw , as in right they ought . these spencers were men that were great favourites of that king ; for they had succeeded peter gaveston both in the kings favour , and in places of profit and trust about court : and although the lords had then prevailed with the king to consent to an act of parliament for their banishment , yet afterward the tide turned , the spencers were called again to court , and their enemies severally prosecuted ; whereupon the greatest part of them departed from court , and through the interests which the spencers had with the remaining lords , the judgment which stood upon record against them was reversed for several errors ; one of which was , the absence of the prelates : but notwithstanding this , the judgment is afterward affirmed by an act of parliament , in the first year of the succeeding king : vide 1 e. 3. c. 1 , & 2. and that the absence of the prelates is no cause of reversing a judgment , see the case of the earl of salisbury ; who in the 2 of h. 5. petitioned the house of lords to reverse a judgment that was given against the earl his father , an. 2. h. 4. and assigns for error , that the lords spiritual were absent : the case was very much debated , and at last it was adjudged no error ; and accordingly the judgment was affirmed . but of this i shall have occasion to treat more at large by and by : see cotton , 539. anno 4 e. 3. in the parliament at winchester , die lunepost festum sancti gregorii , the earl of kent was brought before the counts , barons & autres grandees & nobles , in mesme le parliament , &c. for treason , ders . claus . n. 38. anno eodem , in the parliament at westm. post festum sanctae katherinae ; the articles of treason being read against montimer earl of march , that he had procured the death of the late king , and had under-hand-dealing with the scots at stanhope park , and had been too familiar with the queen-mother , by whom she was thought to have been with child , &c. the king charged les counts , & barons , les peers de son royaume , to give judgment : and then it follows , that judgment was given per les dits counts & barons les peers de royaume , come judges du parliament . ibid. the king commanded les dits counts & barons , peers , &c. to give judgment on simon de bereford . ibid. the king commanded the same against several others , and accordingly john matravers was judged per les peers , counts , & barons , assembles in parliament . and so were four others in the same parliament , all for treason ; and not one word of the prelates , either when the articles were read , or when judgment was given : for it is certain , they are never spoken of in any record , but either by the name of archiepiscopi , episcopi , &c. or prelati , or some such name which doth distinguish them from the laity ; and if they be spoken of , they are always first named and put before les counts & barons ; as at this day , the records are entred by the lords spiritual and temporal , &c. and for these two reasons they could not be comprehended under the general words , et autres grandees & nobles . anno 6 e. 3. post festum sancti gregorii ; the parliament were commanded to consult of the keeping of the peace , and punishments for the breakers thereof ; and the prelates departed pur ceo que il ne attinet pass a eux consailer du gard de la paix ne de chastement de tiels malefactors : yet afterward they came and gave their assent to an act of parliament for this purpose : the reason of which shall be considered in another place , where we shall discourse of their voting in bills of attainder . by this record it is evident , that the prelates have no judicial power over any personal crimes , which are not parliamentary ; which doth very much fortifie the foundation and ground of my whole discourse . anno 1 r. 2. the commons prayed that such as gave up forth , &c. puissent estre a respondre a cest parliament & solonque lour desert fortment punis per agard des seigniors & barons . and thereupon several were brought before the lords in parliament , which must be understood of the temporal lords onely , because the spiritual lords are never intended in any case to be mentioned , except they be specially named . anno 11 r. 2. divers matters of treason were to be treated of , and several lords to be tryed ; and therefore the spirituality did absent themselves from the whole parliament : but before their departure , the archbishop of canterbury , in the name of himself , and all the clergy of his province , made this following protestation : quod archiepiscopum cantuariensem qui pro tempore fuit , nec non caeteros suos suffraganeos confratres , co-episcopos , abbates & priores aliosque prelatos quoscunque baronium de domino rege tenentes , in parliamento regis ut pares personaliter interesse pertinet , ibidemque de regni negotiis & aliis ibi tractari consuetis cum caeteris dicti regni paribus & aliis consulere , ordinare , statuere , definire ac caetera facere , quae parliamenti tempore ibid. intenditur facien ' . quia in praesenti parliamento agitur de nonnullis materiis in quibus non licet nobis juxta sacrorum canonum instituta quomodolibet interesse : non intendimus nec volumus , sicuti de jure non possumus nec debemus : ad haec insuper protestamur & nostrum quilibet protestatur , quod propter hujusmodi absentiam non intendimus nec volumus , nec nostrum aliquis intendit nec vult quod processus habiti & habendi in praedict ' parliamento super materiis aut edictis in quibus non possumus , nec debemus ( ut praemittitur ) interesse quantum ad nos & nostrum quemlibet attinet futuris temporibus quomodolibet impagnentur , infirmentur , seu etiam renoventur . this was read in full parliament , and inrolled at the request of the prelates : and the like was made by the bishops of durham and carlisle : cotton 322. co. 2. inst. 586. from this record you may observe : 1. that the lords spiritual do acknowledge that they have no right to be present in cases of blood , nec possumus , nec de jure debemus . 2. you may observe that they did accordingly absent themselves , and did thereby yield obedience to the parliament at clarendon , and the constitution at westm. mentioned in roger hoveden , h. 2. that clergy-men should not agitare judicium sanguinis ; though they pretended it was in obedience to the canons of the church . 3. you may observe that they did not stay in the house till they came to the final question guilty or not guilty , but departed at the first beginning of the business , quia agitur de quibusdam rebus in quibus non licet nobis interesse . these short remarks i leave upon it at present , but shall take it more narrowly into consideration , when i come to answer their objections , and shall go on with precedents . in the reign of h. 4. the earl of northumberland was suspected to have been privy to the rebellion of his son hotspur , who joyned with mortimer earl of march , and owen glendour of wales , in open rebellion . in the 5 of h. 4. he came and presented himself to the king and parliament , and protested his innocency , and challenged his jus parietatis , and right of tryal by his peers : whereupon the lords ( saith the record ) made protestation , that the judgment belonged unto them onely , &c. the petition being read before the king and the said lords , as peers of parliament , unto whom such judgments do of right belong , considering , &c. adjudged that it was neither treason , nor felony , &c. this was the first process that was made against the earl ; but it doth not evidently appear whether they were present or absent , the roll being lords indefinitely ; yet it is most probable that it is meant temporal lords onely . 1. if the spiritual lords had been present , they would have been named by a special name , as they are in all other rolls . 2. we find the lords temporal in other cases of life ▪ and death , claiming the same jurisdiction as belonging to them onely exclusively of the clergy . anno 4 e. 3. judgment was given per les countes & barons , les peers de la royaume , come judges du parliament . but i shall leave this , and come to the process which issued forth against him afterward , for the earl being acquitted , returns home , and within a very little time hath a considerable army in the field , together with the archbishop of york , lord bardolfe , and others ; but their army soon disbanding , the earl of westmerland comes with a considerable strength for the king , and takes all the lords prisoners , except northumberland and bardolfe , who fled into scotland : whereupon 7 hen. 4. rot. processus coram domino rege in parliamento , &c. the king commanded the lords temporal peers of his realm to advise what process to make , and what judgment to render against the earl of northumberland , and the lord bardosse ; and then the record goes on thus : and then the said lords advised thereon , and reported their opinion to the king. — the said lords peers of the realm , by the assent of the king , ordained that proclamations should be made for the said earl of northumberland , and lord bardolfe to appear , or else to stand convicted of high treason by the award of the peers in parliament . the king did further demand the opinion of the said lords temporal , touching the archbishop of york . — vnto which the lords temporal said , &c. by advice of the said lords temporal , the returns of the former proclamations were made at the parliament-door , for the said earl and lord to appear . by advice of the said lords temporal , with assent of the king , the former proclamations were examined . — the said lords temporal considered of the errors therein , &c. by the said lords temporal , with assent of the king , by their authority new proclamations were granted . — whereupon the said lords temporal then being in the same parliament , by advice and consent of our lord the king , and by their authority in pa●●●●●● ▪ awarded the said earl of northumbeland , and the lord bardolfe , not appearing upon their summons , to stand convicted of high treason , &c. here we see all was done by the temporal lords , from the first beginning of the process until the judgment , and yet it is said to be awarded by the peers in parliament , although the spiritual lords are not so much as once mentioned , and consequently were not present , at any time whilst that matter of treason was handling . to enumerate all the instances of this nature , and to transcribe all the records of attainders in parliament , where the names of the lords spiritual are left out , which infers of necessity that they were absent ; would swell out this treatise into a greater bulk than either i intend , or then is in its self convenient . these are sufficient to prove that obedience was yielded to those laws and constitutions of this land , which were made for this purpose . i will mention one precedent more , and that is the earl of strafford's case , 16 caroli : the bishops declined their suffrages on the tryal of the earl of strafford , according to the provision of the canon law , and the constant practice to this day : ( says baker , 478 ) and therefore withdrew : but they desired a protestation that their absence should not prejudice them of that , nor of any other priviledge competent to them , as the lords spiritual in parliament , might be entred ; which was done accordingly . it may be objected , that this is not to be made use of as a precedent : that ( i answer ) is true as to the matter of the charge , and the nature of the crime that he was impeached for ; no man must by colour of that act be adjudged a traytor , that doth those things which the earl of strafford did : but as to the course of proceedings , and all other circumstances of the method , it is well enough ; for nothing was done in that but what was warranted by precedents and constant practice in parliament : and this difference doth appear from the proviso in the bill of attainder , for that is no more but this : that no judge or judges shall hereafter interpret any act or acts to be treason , in any other manner , than he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this act ; and any thing contained in this act to the contrary notwithstanding . so that the proviso extends only to the crimes , but not at all to their manner of proceeding . from the consideration of these things , that allegation which is made by some , that they were wont to sit till the final question , guilty or not-guilty ; were put , will plainly appear to be altogether groundless : because first , if they have not parity sufficient to entitle them to any jurisdiction in cases of life and death , as i have endeavoured to shew that they have not , in the former part of my discourse ; then it is evident , that they cannot exercise any judicial power at all , neither in things praeliminary to the judgment , the judgment it self , nor in things subsequent to the judgment : all which do fall within the conusance of judicial power , and do belong to the office , power , and jurisdiction of a judge . for so saith magna charta , nemo imprisonetur , &c. nisi per legale judicium parium suorum , and yet imprisonment is a thing praeliminary to judgment : the office of a judge is to hear first , and then determine , oyer and terminer ; but if any man be not duly qualified to be a judge , then he hath as little power to hear the cause , or act any thing in it , as to determine it . secondly , the constitution of clarendon , saith , debent interesse judiciis curiae domini regis quousque perveniatur ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem . this must either be understood to comprehend all precedent and praeliminary things , which do relate or tend ad diminutionem membrorum , &c. or else if we take the words strictly and literally , we must understand the meaning of that great assembly to be onely for the exemption of prelates from doing the office of executioners ; which is non-sense : by diminutio , &c. therefore , or mors , we must understand things conducing and tending ad diminutionem , &c. or ad mortem . the constitution at westminster is much plainer , non debent agitare judicium sanguinis ; the meaning is plainly this , that they ought not to exercise any judicial power in cases of blood : but a man may exercise judicial power agitare judicium ; or do the office of a judge in a great many things that are both precedent and subsequent to the judgment ; as awarding of process , receiving the charge , &c. therefore the bishops ought not to have any praeliminary vote which hath any tendency or relation to a judgment of death . thirdly , when ever the clergy , in obedience to these constitutions , did withdraw , they left the whole management of the business from the beginning to the end to the lords temporal , as appears from the entry of the records : so it is 4 e. 3. in the earl of kents case ; he was brought before the counts and barons , &c. for treason : in the same year the articles were read against mortimer , and the king charged les counts & barons , to give judgment upon the said articles . the same was in the case of simon de bereford , matravers , and others in that year : 11 r. 2. the prelates departed from the house at the first motion about the appeals , and did not stay so much as till the articles were read . in the earl of northumberlands case , it appears , they had not so much as one vote from the beginning to the end of the whole proceedings , and the sole management of the case was by the award and judgment of the lords temporal . in the 21 of r. 2. the prelates gave their opinions generally , that pardons were revocable , but after they had done , they departed the house , and would not consent so far to the death of a man , as to give a particular vote , when the question was put , whether the pardons of the duke of gloucester , and the earls of arundel and warwick were revokable : baker 161. and indeed if they should have been permitted to vote about their answers , &c. it would quite frustrate and elude the design of the prohibition ; for somewhat or other might happen to be put to the vote in their presence , concerning the answer , replication , &c. or concerning the form and method of judicature , upon which the whole business would depend ; and by the voices of the spiritual lords that vote it , might pass against the major part of the temporal lords , and so the whole business lost , and the expectation of justice frustrated ; so that it is highly reasonable , that if they be absent at all , they should be absent , dum de hujusmodi materiis agitur . having thus by reason and authority established the truth of those propositions which i at first laid down , i shall now examine the strength of those arguments , whereby my adversaries do support themselves , and maintain the jurisdiction of the lords spiritual in capital cases . and 1. their grand objection is , that they never absented themselves when capital cases were debated , upon any other account , then because they were prohibited by the laws of the holy church , to consent to the death of any man : and accordingly they made their protestation , 11 r. 2. when they departed the house , juxta sacrorum canonum instituta non licet nobis interesse , &c. and such a voluntary departure for conscience-sake ( say they ) lest they should concern themselves in the effusion of innocent blood , could neither conclude themselves nor their successors from claiming their right to be present by the fundamental law of the land , as peers of parliament . here lies their strength , and therefore a solid refutation of this will remove all manner of scruple , and discover the vanity of their pretensions to any jurisdiction of this kind : therefore in answer to this , i shall offer these following considerations : 1. what-ever was the reason that induced them to absent themselves when such matters came to be debated ; yet it is manifest from what hath been said , that there was an act of parliament ( to which they were obliged to give obedience , as well as the canons of the church ) that did expresly prohibit them to exercise jurisdiction in those cases : and although they did say that their departure was in obedience to the canons of the church , yet without doubt we ought to construe their departure to be also in obedience to the laws of the land : for the case at the most favourable representation , is no more than this ; the same thing is both prohibited by the law of god , and the law of man ; those who forbear from the thing prohibited , do say they do it , because they are so commanded by the law of god , and say no more : in this case we cannot construe , that either the law of man doth lose its force and obligatory power , or that those persons who said they forbore from the thing prohibited in obedience to the law of god , did either not obey , or disobey the law of man ; i mean , in foro hum ano . if then the prelates in former times did give obedience to the laws and constitutions of this nation in this particular ; much more ought their successors , whose principle is strict obedience to the government of the kingdom and perfect submission to the higher powers . the truth is , it was a happy thing that in the days of their predecessors , the law of the church , and the law of the land did so well agree in this particular ▪ and if you would consider the humors and principles of the men , you would not wonder so much at their non-acknowledgment of the laws of the nation , when they could secure themselves against the compulsion of them and punishment inflicted by them , without making any such acknowledgment . it is not strange that those men , whose zeal for religion was seen most in their contentions and wranglings with the civil power ; and who thought that obstinacy and disobedience to regal authority , and the laws and constitution of the government , where they thwarted the ambition and grandeur of the pope and his clergy , was the most certain way to merit canonization ; and that beckett and stratford , and the rest of that rebellious and disobedient tribe , were the mightiest saints that ever lived upon earth . it is not strange that those men that would trample all humane laws under their feet , if dissonant to the canons of the church , should pretend , that when the canons of the church did agree with the laws of the land , they yielded obedience to the canons of the church , without taking notice of the laws of the land. and indeed it was an extraordinary specimen of candor and modesty , that they did with so fair a pretence save themselves from the inconvenience of acknowledging the temporal power in the limitation of their honour and jurisdiction , which they were never known to be very forward to do : but god be thanked the times are turned , we have reason to expect more humility and loyalty from our now spiritual fathers , whose principles do not allow them in the least opposition to lawful authority , and who it is to be hoped will never insist upon any thing , except they think that by the law of the land it is their right . secondly , although they pretended that their departure from the house during the debates of capital matters , was in obedience to the canons of the church ; yet it is more than probable , that the consideration of the law of england by which they were compellable to depart , whether there had been any such canons in force , or not , was the strongest reason why they did with-draw , and that for these two reasons : 1. because it is observable , that if those in whose power it was to dispense with their disobedience to the laws of the land , did at any time give way to their presence or consent , that they should exercise judicial power in those cases , then the lords spiritual used generally to make bold with the canons of the church , at least 〈◊〉 vice : how then can it be supposed , that at other times when there was no such licence or dispensation , their departure was onely because of the canons of the church ? that record of 21. r. 2. where they did consent to constitute a proxy , who should in their name agree , or disagree to any judgments of death that should be given in that parliament , is very considerable for this point ; for in that case they gave authroity to another to do a thing which was unlawfull for them to do themselves , and it was done , because the king and parliament being the fountain of law , and having power unica vice , or more , to dispense with any law , at least such as come not within the conusance of any other court beside themselves , did give them leave so to do : whereas without doubt , the passing sentence of death upon a man by proxy , was as great a violation of the canons of the church , as if they had been personally present , and had passed judgment themselves : for can any man rationally suppose , that the clergy were so tender conscienced , that they should not agree to the effusion of any mans blood themselves , and yet that their consciences would allow them to authorize another in their name and place , and by their authority to consent to it ? as if it were not the same thing in point of conscience for me to kill a man , as it is to procure another to do it : and so in point of law , that which i am prohibited to do my self , i am also prohibited to impower another to do ; because that which a mans servant , procurator , or attorney , doth by the command , and by vertue of the authority of the master , is in judgment of law and conscience interpretatively the act of the master himself : and the constituting a proxy in their names to give judgment of death by vertue of an instrument under their hands and seals , will further appear to be a breach of the canons , if you consider the letter of the canon made , anno 1222. in the reign of h. 3. which you may find among the constitutiones archiepiscopi stephani in linwood , f. 146. — authoritate quoque concilii districtius inhibemus ne quis clericus beneficiatus aut in sacris ordinibus constitutus litteras pro poena sanguinis infligenda scribere vel dictare presumant , vel ubi judicium sanguinis tractatur , vel exercetur intersit . from this canon i conclude , that clergy-men ought neither to be present themselves , nor depute others per litteras , to be present pro poena sanguinis infligenda . we have likewise a very pertinent observation upon this matter in an ancient ms. chronicl . in libro mailrosso , which hath written very largely of this parliament that was held 21 r. 2. wherein the prelates are blamed for that opinion which they gave generally about the revocation of pardons , because the consequence thereof was the death of those whose pardons were revoked : dederunt ergo locum ( saith the book ) prelati judicio sanguinis in hoc facto . ita quod debitatur a pluribus si non incurrerent irregularitatem pro negotio memorato , unde contigit quod propter istud minus peccatum inciderent in aliud majus peccatum consequenter , ut laicam personam constituerint procuratorem pro eisdem , qui illorum vice consentiret adjudicium sanguinis dandum in dicto parliamento si necess● foret & occasio emersisset , &c. so that upon the whole matter , it is irrational to think that their departure from the house ever before this , was meerly in respect of the canons ▪ when we see that the first offer of the king and parliament to admit them to the exercise of jurisdiction for that time , was by them kindly accepted with a non obstante to the canons of the church . it is true , the giving judgment of death by proxy , was as great a violation of the laws of england , as of the canons of the church : yet inasmuch as consensus tollit errorem , it was for that time well enough . 2. this is further illustrated , if you observe that in those cases to which the prohibition of the law did not extend , they made no scruple of sitting and voting , although their voting in those cases was against the canons of the church . this may be instanced in the cases of bills of attainder : for although the canons do prohibit them from voting in such cases , as much as any case whatsoever ; inasmuch as in passing the bill , they vote , that the person is guilty , and shall stand actually attainted of high treason , and shall be deemed and adjudged a traytor , and shall suffer as in cases of high treason , &c. yet they do generally vote , because that the prohibition of the law doth not extend to voting in bills of attainder , seeing that is not agitare judicium , but onely legis lationem , what they do in that case is not judicially , but onely the exercise of their legislative power ; otherwise the house of commons would make themselves judges , and would challenge a judicial power in the tryal of any lord , seeing in passing bills of attainder they do every whit as much as the bishops ; for they vote that he is guilty , &c. and that he shall be adjudged a traytor , &c. and the act of parliament runs , be it enacted by the king , the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons in parliament assembled . for these two reasons i think it very improbable , that the canons was the onely cause why the prelates did depart the house when capital cases were debated : but that the weakness of their objection may further appear ; i answer , thirdly , although we should admit that the canons of the church were the first occasion of the beginning of this custom among us , and that those histories and chronicles which inform us after this manner , do say true , yet this is no argument against the validity of a standing custom , the commencemant of which is not upon record : for histories and chronicles are not matters of record , neither are they in law such strong and undeniable proof of the beginning of any usage , as to make it no custom ; neither are the canons of the church matters of record ; and therefore cannot prove that there was no such custom before the making of those canons . seeing then it is without doubt that there was a custom that the prelates should not exercise jurisdiction in capital cases , and there is no record that doth mention the time when it did begin , nor any time when it could be said , there never was such an usage ; it must of necessity be supposed that it is as ancient as the government it self , and part of the fundamental contract of the nation , whereby their jurisdiction was originally limited that it should not extend to such and such cases . so that i do not argue from the validity or invalidity of those canons , nor from any construction that may be made upon the letter of the canons , but insist upon it as part of the common law of england , and do absolutely deny that it had its original and force from any authority that the pope of rome with or without his council , or a convocation of the clergy in england had , to impose laws upon us ; but affirm , that its force and obligatory power did solely arise from the voluntary reception , approbation , and usage allowed by the people of england , which being by them transmitted to posterity , is a thing reputed to have been used and practised time out of mind , and is thereupon ranked among the common laws of this kingdom ; which are no more but general usages or customs of general concernment to the whole nation in things of temporal conisance , first upon reasonable considerations by consent allowed , and then transmitted as a tradition to posterity , by whom they are supposed to have been in ure ever since it was a nation : but this matter of judicature in capital cases is a point of temporal jurisdiction in a temporal court ; viz. the high court of parliament , and therefore of temporal conisance : the departure of the clergy when such cases came to be debated , hath also been an interrupted practice for many ages together ; yea and most strictly observed in the first ages , whose transactions are recorded ( as hath been already proved ) and it is impossible by record to trace it to its first original : therefore it agreeing with every part of the definition of common law , is part of the common law it self , and doth consequently bind all subjects to its observation as a standing law , not alterable any way , but the same way it at first took its force , that is , by general consent , according to the maxime laid down by my lord cook , in his 1. inst. 115. b. whatsoever was at the common law , and is not ousted or taken away by any statute , remaineth still . and although this practice that was enjoyned by these canons , was here allowed and observed , yet that observation was not out of respect to the canons as such ; but as they did command such things as were judged rational : and it had been the same case if the custom had begun in england in imitation of other countries , as it is upon the account of the canons : for though the bishops of rome claiming an universal and absolute power of legislation , in ordine ad spiritualia , over all christendom , took advantage of every opportunity that offered it self for the obtaining of this right , which they pretended was jure divino , and in right of their vicarship due ; yet knowing that princes would not so easily part with the jewels of their crowns , in suffering their people to be in subjection to the laws and constitutions of any foreign prince , in things which either directly or indirectly did affect their temporal possessions , they thought it necessary to manage their business with all imaginable artifice and cunning , by bringing the laity to the humour by degrees ; and accordingly did at first collect certain rules and directions for the government of the clergy onely , which were called decreta , first published in england during king stephens reign ( as some do think , though others reckon it was long before ) but never throughly observed in england , kellaway . 7 h. 8. 184. but having got a small incouragement by the reception of these rules in many countries , they thought they might venture a little further , and then would have the laity as well as the clergy , to give obedience to their edicts : but that must be first in some inconsiderable indifferent things ; as abstinence from meats , &c. and did not style them with the lordly name of leges , but with a great deal of meekness and humility , and the complement of servus servorum dei , did offer to their consideration certain rogationes ; whence the abstinence-week before whitesunday was called rogation-week , as m●●silius pat. lib. defensor . pacis , 2 part . 23. observes ; christians having out of piety and honour for his holiness , yielded obedience to these same rogations , they made bold to proceed one step further ; that is , they together with their councils made certain orders or decretals about temporal matters , ( but in ordine ad spiritualia too ) when these came first into england : see matthew paris , 403. to these decretals obedience was required from prince and people , and all contumacious and obstinate delinquents were most severely anathematized : the decretals were such as these , that any clergy-man that was grieved by a judgment or sentence in the court-christian , or any other court ecclesiastical within this realm , might be relieved by an appeal from rome ; that no lay-man should have the disposition of any ecclesiastical preferment , nor the presentation to a church ; that he shall not marry within such and such degrees ; that children born before espousals ▪ be legitimate ; that the clergy should be absolutely exempted from secular power , &c. yet these decretals met with very little respect in england , france , or any other part of christendom , except peter's patrimony in demesne , the popes own territories , called by the canonists patria obedientiae . for in england ( to wave any discourse of the laws and customs of other countries ) in stead of being received and observed according to expectation , they were stoutly opposed by the judges and magistrates , as derogating from the soveraignty and prerogative of the king , and tending to the detriment of the rights and properties of his subjects : and in confirmation of this , several acts of parliament were made to curb the insolence of those usurping popes , and to punish the audacious enterprises of those factious and disloyal subjects , who did presume to attempt to controll the judgments that were given in the kings courts by process from the pope ; or to procure provisions and reservations of benefices by bulls or breve's from rome : see 27 e. 3. c. 1. 48 e. 3. c. 1. 25 e. 3. c. 22. 16 r. 2. c. 5. whereby such suers of appeals , and procurers of bulls and process from rome , for the purposes aforesaid , are made liable to the penalties of a praemunire , whereby the body of the offendor is to be imprisoned during the kings pleasure , his goods forfeited , and his lands seised into the kings hands , so long as the offendor liveth . how far the benefit of clergy was allowed , i have already shewn ; and as for the matter of legitimation , you may see the statute of merton , c. 9. et rogaverunt omnes episcopi magnates ut consentirent , quod nati ante matrimonium essent legitimi , sicut illi qui nati sunt post matrimonium quantum ad successionem haereditariam , quia ecclesia tales habet pro legitimis . et omnes comites & barones responderunt quod nolunt angliae leges mutare , quae hucusque usitatae & approbatae sunt : vide 18 e. 4. 30. a. all which statutes are declarative of the common law , and therefore do prove that the people of england were never obliged to allow of any decrees of councils or canons of the church , further than they judged it fit and convenient so to do ; which arbitrary reception , together with a transmission to posterity , did of it self make it one of the laws of england , which continues in force ( though the councils or convocations should afterward repeal their decrees ) till they be altered by act of parliament , co. 5. cawdries case 9. davies reports 70 , 71. the case of commendam : and the preamble to the statute of dispensations and faculties , made 25 hen. 8. c. 21. which runs in this manner : whereas this his majesties realm , recognising no superiour under god , but onely his majesty , hath been and is free from subjection to any mans laws , but onely such as have been devised , made , and ordained within this realm , for the wealth of the same , or to such other as by sufferance of the king and his progenitors , the people of this realm have taken at their free liberty by their own consent to be used among them , and have bound themselves by long vse and custom to the observance of the same , not as to the observance of the laws of any foreign prince , potentate , or prelate , but as to the customed and ancient laws of this realm , originally established as laws of the same , by the said sufferance , consents and customs , and none otherwise . and so it is in co. rep. 5. ● . part . fol. 31. all canons , constitutions , ordinances , synods , provincials , &c. are inforce that have been by general consent and custom within the realm allowed , and so may be general consent be corrected , enlarged , explained or abrogated . seeing therefore it is evident from what hath been already said , that those canons and constitutions of the church concerning judicature in matters of blood , have not onely been practised and allowed in this nation successively for several ages together , beyond all time of memory , but also ratified and confirmed by act of parliament ; it follows , that they have the force of laws of england , and are not alterable without an act of parliament ; as the twelve tables of athens did really become , and were properly called jus civile romanum , after they were voluntarily received and allowed at rome : and as the same may be instanced in some parallel cases among our selves , as the priviledge of clergy , pluralities , and dispensations , &c. which were parts of the common law of england , although they became such no otherwise then by the nations reception and observation of the canons of the church . lastly , i am not apt to believe that this custom was taken up upon the account of the canons of the church , but rather because it was a thing agreeable to the constitution of the government , the reason and rules of the common law , and the nature of their jurisdiction and honour , being meerly praedial or feudal ; and that because upon a strict search it will be found of ancienter date than any of the canons of the church ; for the first canon that i find in linwood is that which was made an. 1222. and is among the rest of the constitutions of archbishop stephen in these words ; presenti decreto statuimus ne clerici beneficiati aut in sacru ordinibus constituti villarum procuratores admittantur , videlicet ut sint seneschalli , aut ballive talium administrationum , occasione quarum laicis in reddendis ratiociniis obligentur , nec jurisdictiones exerceant seculares praesertim illas quibus judicium sanguinis est annexum authoritate quoque concilii districtius inhibemus ne quis clericus beneficiatus vel in sacris ordinibus constitutus litteras pro poena sanguinis infligenda scribere vel dictare presumat , vel ubi judicium sanguinis exercetur intersit : linwood , 146. which constitution was made above fifty years after the parliament at clarendon , which confirms this custom , and calls it one of the avitae consuetudines . these particulars well considered , will give a very satisfactory answer to their objection , and therefore i need not say any more . but it is further objected , that the clergy in their protestation which they made 11 r. 2. do declare , quod ipsos personaliter interesse pertinet , ( and so they did in some protestations which were made afterward ) and after all they do insert this clause , non volumus nec intendimus quod processus habiti & habendi , &c. futuris temporibus quomodolibet impugnentur , infirmentur , seu renoventur . from this they argue , otherwise all the proceedings of the house of lords in the absence of the clergy , are invalid and reversable , or else to what purpose is this clause : and the lords temporal giving leave that this protestation should be entred upon record , did implicitely assent to what the clergy alledged therein . to this i answer , that a protestation in its self is no argument of any right neither doth the permission and allowance of any protestation , yield that right which the protester is desirous to save , but only saves the right which the party had before , if he had any ; and if none , then the making that salvo could give him none ; for the outmost that a protestation can do , is to anticipate a conclusion , or estoppel ; i. e. to provide that the doing of any such act as is contained in the protestation , shall not be constructed to the prejudice of the party ; so as to barr or conclude him from clayming afterward that which in rei veritate is his right . so that this protestation of the clergy is no argument of their right to be present and to vote in capital matters ; and that chiefly for these two reasons : 1. by the roll we find that the clergy did not only depart when capital cases were to be debated , but also in all other cases that were done that session ; because there were many matters of treason to be handled , therefore they absented from the parliament altogether : so it is in sir. rob. cotton's abr. 322. so that this protestation may very well be supposed to have been made with respect to those other matters which were not capital , where they had an undoubted right to be present , and therefore such a protestation might be very proper ; and not to have any respect to those cases which were capital , especially seeing they did alwaies in such cases absent themselves in former times without making any protestation . 2. admitting that the clergy did intend that capital cases , as well as others which were not capital , should be within the salvo of their protestation ; yet nothing can be inferred from thence , but that they themselves said they had right to be present , and what then ? must it of necessity follow that they had right because they claimed it ? if that consequence had been allowed to be good , i am afraid the crown of england had been incorporated long ago into the triple crown . as for that clause of the protestation for the validity of all such transactions as should happen to pass in their absence , i must confess i do not think it was to very much purpose . 1. because that without any proviso the proceedings of the house of lords in their absence , had certainly been valid enough , as i shall prove anon . 2. if they had not been good , this clause could not have helped them ; because wherever the assent and agreement of any person or persons is requisite for the perfection of a thing , it is necessary that that thing to which the assent is requisite , be in esse at the time of the assent made ; for otherwise it is an assent to nothing , and that is as much as no assent at all : if therefore the assent of the prelates be indispensably necessary to the perfection of every judgment and bill that passeth the house of lords ; such a precedent assent to all that shall pass , during their absence in general , which is an assent to they do not know what themselves , will not amount to a sufficient agreement ; the reason is , because the law of england doth presume that in all private transactions between party and party , and much more in things of publick concernment and of so great moment , as making of laws and giving judgment of death uppon peers of the realm , whatsoever a man doth is upon rational inducements , and that the conveniency and advantage which he expects will accrue thereby , is the motive that prevails with him to agree●●… the thing ; and therefore all such agreements as are made at aventure , when the party agreeing knows not what it is he agreed to , ( as when a man agreeth to a thing before it be in esse ) are rejected in law as irrational and 〈◊〉 : so if a tenant comes and say to his lord , i agree to all grants which you shall hereafter make of the manor , or any part of it ; surely this without a subsequent agreement to every particular grant , will not 〈…〉 attornement . and at the common law , licences for alienation , granted to tenants , were alwaies special ; and a general licence to 〈…〉 which the tenant should afterward make , was void . and if such an agreement of the lords spiritual , as is before described , be sufficient 〈…〉 judgment or bill which shall pass the house of lords ; then they may 〈◊〉 say that the whole house of lords may depart from parliament , and agree before hand in the same manner to every bill which shall 〈…〉 house of commons , and these with the royal assent shall be good laws ; especially if it be , as they say , that the clergy is one of the three estates of parliament . but then you will demand , why should the house of lords ▪ suffer these things to be entred upon the roll , if they did not think that their claims were legal ? &c. to this it may be answered : 〈…〉 is only a register or narrative of all the matters of fact that passed in the house of lords , and although the entring of a passage upon the roll makes is so authentick , that the matter of fact ( viz. that there was certainly such , a passage ) 〈◊〉 undeniable ; yet it doth not follow that every thing that is entred upon the roll , is good authority for matter of law , except it appear by the roll that it was taken for law by the vote and resolution of the house ; and therefore although the house of lords did suffer this protestation to be entred upon the roll , yet it doth not follow that they did allow that every thing that the 〈◊〉 said was 〈◊〉 but only allowed it to be true , that the protestors did say so . and besides the ●●tring of a protestation is a thing which is always reckoned the best expedient for reconciling of differences when begun , or preventing of them before they are begun ▪ or at least for diverting them till a more seasonable time , when the putting of the matter to a tryal , would either prove dangerous , or expensive of more time , than the urgency of other more important affairs , then to be managed would allow and therefore the request of entring their protestation , is never upon any account whatsoever , denied to those who have not a mind to be concluded by the then proceedings ; and if there be any thing contained in the protestation that is of an ill complexion in the judgment of the house , either as tending to the diminution of the kings prerogative , the authority of parliament , or otherwise ●●●●…ying the constitution of the government ; the pr●●●●●● ion is allowed to be entred first , and the protestors punished for it when they have alone . we find in the reign of rich. 2 ; two bills passed the house of commons , the one against provisors , the other against procurers of process from the court of rome ; these bills were violently opposed by the clergy in the house of lords , but notwithstanding the bills passed the house , the clergy in a great rage depart the house , and protest against the bills , as abridging the authority and priviledges of the holy church ; which the lords suffered to be entred , and yet did not agree to those allegations of the clergy ; for the royal assent was given , and they were always accounted good and firm laws , 13 r. 2. c. 2 , and c. 3. we find also that in the time of his late majesty , twelve bishops departed the house , and protected against 〈◊〉 orders , 〈…〉 &c. that should be made in their absence , which protestati●●… at their request was entred upon the journal , and 〈◊〉 was so far against the sense of the house , that they voted it prejudicial to the government , and destructive of the very being of parliaments ; for which some of them were put into the t●●…er : this i mention , to shew that although the matter of protestation do 〈…〉 thwart the genius and disposition of the whole house , yet the request of having ●…ntred , is never denied . in the next , place , i shall consider the roll of 21 rich. 2. where the first petition that the commons made that parliament to the king , was ; for that divers judgments were heretofore undone , for that the clergy were not present , the commons prayed the king , that the clergy would appoint some to be their common proctor , with sufficient authority thereunto . — the prelates therefore being severally examined , appointed sir thomas de la percie their proctor to assent , as by their instrument appeareth . thus was the practice of constituting proxies begun . it is apparent to all men of common sense , that if the clergy were forbidden to give judgment of death by any law or rules whatsoever , that law was violated by their constituting a proxy , as much as if they had been personally present : whether or no their personal presence was prohibited by the law of england at this time , i leave to the judicious reader to determine from what hath been said before : if they were prohibited , then certainly this petition of the commons was unwarrantable , and contrary to law. it is not impossible that the house of commons being but fallible , men spurred on by too precipitant a zeal and eagerness for the accomplishment of a business , should be endeavouring to make sure work , fall inconsiderately into another extream , and through the want of due examination of precedents , become guilty of a mistake . i shall not trouble my self much in discoursing about the possibility of the thing , for i shall make appear , that it was actually so in our case : for , 1. that which was the ground of the petition of the commons ; viz. that divers judgments have been heretofore undone , &c. was a palpable mistake de facto : it is true , the two judgments that were given against the two spencers , 15 e. 2. were reversed for this cause , through the great favour and interest that they then had at court : and there is no question , but these two judgments were the ground of the commons petition made . 21 r. 2. for there are no other judgements to be found that were ever reversed for this cause ; but how well their petition was grounded you may learn from 〈◊〉 e. 3. c. 1. where this same judgment is declared in parliament to be good , and that the aforesaid reversal was null and void ; and the two spencers upon this affirmance of the judgment were executed . i suppose if the forwardness and zeal of the commons had given them time to search the records with so much diligence that they might have found this , they had not said ; for that divers judgments have been heretofore undone , &c. 2. that in point of law the absence of the prelates makes not a judgment erronious , besides the authority of that record , 1 e. 3. is further proved : 1. from the earl of salisbury's case , 2. h. 5. who petitioned that the judgment that was given against his father might be reversed , and assigns for errour , that it was not with the assent of the lords spiritual , who are peers of the realm : the house of lords upon debate resolved , that it was not errour , and therefore the judgment was good . 2ly , if the consent of the clergy be absolutely necessary to every judgment that passeth the house of lords , then consequently it must be necessary to every act of parliament : there can no manner of difference be assigned between the two cases as to this matter , for their power and jurisdiction in legislation , is every whit as ample as their power of judicature ; and therefore their concurrence is equally necessary in both cases . but it is a thing of dangerous consequence to assert , that an act of parliament cannot be made without the consent of the clergy , for it will make some of the best laws that ever were made in england before the reformation , and which have ever been to this day accounted firm and established laws , of no force at all . most of the statutes of mortmain were made against the will of the clergy , and their dissent is recorded . the statute de a●●…rtatis religiosorum , is enacted by the king , de concilio , comitum , baronum , magnatum , procerum , & regni sui constatuum in parliament●… , &c. and yet proved by my lord cook in his exposition of this statute to be a good law , from the testimony of many records and acts of parliament that recite this statute . the statute of 3 rich. 2. c. 3. was made against the clergy , for the ill disposition of dignities , offices , canonries , prebends , and parsonages , and other ecclesiastical preferments , upon lewd and licencious persons , to the scandal of religion , and the neglect of divine service , &c. the clergy being somewhat displeased that any should undertake to reform them , at the first reading of the bill departed , but notwithstanding the bill past , and is said to be enacted by the king , nobles of the land , and the commons , leaving out the clergy : and yet this hath been allowed for an established law by all the judges . see roll 3 r. 2. n. 38. — 40. the statute of 7 r. 2. c. 12. was made to impower justices of peace to enquire of several grievous extortions committed by the bishops and their officers , to the great grievance and oppression of the kings liege people , &c. the bringing in of this bill offended the clergy more than the former , insomuch that they left the house in a great huff , protesting against the bill as injurious to the franchises and jurisdiction of the church , yet notwithstanding it passed into a law. the clergy were absent all the parliament that was held 11 r. 2. and yet divers good and profitable laws were made that parliament never questioned for their validity , but always put in use , as 11 r. 2. c. 7. about merchants , c. 8. concerning the granting of annuities , c. 9. concerning new impositions , c. 11. of assizes ; and several others made in the absence of the clergy . i might for this enumerate all the statutes of provisors and the statutes of premunire , for suers of appeals , and other process from rome , as 25 e. 3. c. 1. and 22. where the names of the clergy are left out : and 13 rich. 2. c. 2. and c. 3. where they were so far from assenting , that they entred protestations against them , because they abridged the popes authority , as is before observed : and the 16 r. 2. c. 5. passed against the will of the whole clergy . and so the statute that was made in the same year about the queens marriage , without the kings consent , was made without the concurrence of the clergy ; for their assent to it was special in this manner : so far as it is agreeable to the law of god and the holy church . which being conditional and under a restraint , was according to the course of parliaments accounted as no assent at all , and so it was specially entred ; and yet none did ever question the strength and force of this act. these statutes being allowed by the judges of england as good and authentick laws , although they were not agreed to by the lords spiritual , do prove that the concurrence of the lords spiritual is no more necessary to the essence and perfection of an act of parliament , than the concurrence of as many temporal lords . upon the whole matter , it appears to have been a very strange and unaccountable over-sight in the house of commons at that time , that they should be the first introducers of an innovation upon so false a ground as theirs was . but however this practice being built upon so sandy a foundation , it seems had , no long continuance ; for there doth not occur in any author , nor in the abridgments of the records , any mention of more than two proxies ; the first was sir thomas de la percie , the second was sir william de la scroope , who immediately succeeded him in this his new office : but seeing it is rash to assert a negative in a matter of fact , it will be very satisfactory if any will inform us of any more , and that may easily be done , if there were any ; because none can act as a proxy , except his procuratorship be entred upon the roll. most of those records that are cited in the behalf of the spiritual lords , are either such as were in those times when the clergy put in proxies , as all those that are upon or after the 21 rich. 2. and about the beginning of hen. 4. such is the case of the earl of arundel ; for it appears by the record , that the constitution of the proxy was in n. 9. and the arraignment of the earl was not till n. 15 , or 16. and therefore after the proxy ; so that there was reason that the records should be entred by the king , bishops , and lords , seeing the bishops deputy was present ; but it is no argument of their personal presence : or else they are cases of bills of attainder , and that is not much to our purpose ; for those will as well prove that the house of commons have sate judicially upon matters of life and death . a bill of attainder is reckoned the strongest way , because there is a concurrence of all the three estates , of both the judicial and legislative power ; and that is necessary for making a forfeiture of all manner of rights , titles , and interests , which otherwise are not forfeitable : and if at any time there was an opportunity for the clergy to transgress the laws both ecclesiastical and civil . ( i mean the statutes and customs of this realm ) which was connived at by the rest of the lords and commons , i hope that will not be accounted a precedent to overthrow a custom of so ancient a date , and so agreeable to the fundamental constitution of the government , and the grounds and reasons of the common law , and also confirmed by an act of parliament : so by degrees the whole method and course of parliamentary proceedings may be altered , and the very being and foundation of parliaments shaken . so we should have had the lords refusal to sequester the earl of danby from parliament , a precedent ; if they had not afterward acknowledged it to have been an errour . we may find in many cases the lords dispensing with magna charta : 4 e. 3. n. 6. they passed judgment of death upon several commoners : 15 e. 3. we find several particulars enumerated , wherein the commons complained of breaches of magna charta , and we are not sure that all these particular cases were remedied , and therefore must these stand all for precedents ? at this rate there are few points of law perhaps that will escape doubt and controversie : for we shall have some of the lords pretend they can transfer their honours , and so are able to make the kings enemies his councellors , because in daincourts case , 4. inst. 126. one branch of the family sate in the house by vertue of a grant from the other branch of the family , from the raign of e. 2. to h. 6. and the earldom of chester was first granted 17 h. 3. and transferred 39 h. 3. and upon these precedents there was an attempt in the lord fitz-walter's case to make a baron by translation of interest . admitting therefore that once or twice , or such a matter , the bishops have voted in capital cases , yet they cannot controul an antient and well established custom , though i am not apt to believe there are many such cases : however it was a very pleasant humour of a gentleman that wrote lately of this matter and cited a precedent in the raign of r. 2. of the earl of arundel and wardor , whereas there was no such lord as arundel and wardor created till king james his time , vide pa. ult . so p. 30. he cites the case of the earl of salisbury , who in his petition says the prelates are peers in parliament , and assigns for error that they were absent when judgment was given against his father ; and this is a good precedent to prove the prelates right to vote in capital cases as peers in parliament : whereas the petition was disallowed , and the judgment affirmed by the resolution of the whole house . such a way of arguing deserves some special animadversion . but i shall supersede any further consideration of the matter , and shall conclude that without an act of parliament the bishops can have no right to vote in capital cases , which if this present parliament shall think fit to make , it behoves all true subjects to agree thereto . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a30974-e1790 baker 124. co. 2. inst. 654. baker 141. vide parliam . held at clarendon . 11. h. 2. fitz. tit. cor. pl. 417. 8 e. 2. 17 e. 2. 386. 19 e. 2. 233. vide co. ● . inst. 636. a second discourse of the religion of england further asserting, that reformed christianity, setled [sic] in its due latitude, is the stability and advancement of this kingdom : wherein is included, an answer to a late book, entitled, a discourse of toleration. corbet, john, 1620-1680. 1668 approx. 94 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34543 wing c6263 estc r23042 12062470 ocm 12062470 53300 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34543) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53300) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 865:11) a second discourse of the religion of england further asserting, that reformed christianity, setled [sic] in its due latitude, is the stability and advancement of this kingdom : wherein is included, an answer to a late book, entitled, a discourse of toleration. corbet, john, 1620-1680. [2], 49, [1] p. [s.n.], london : 1668. reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to john corbet. cf. bm. table of contents: p. [1] at end. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng perrinchief, richard, 1623?-1673. -discourse of toleration. church of england -customs and practices. dissenters, religious -great britain. church and state -great britain. reformation -england. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a second discourse of the religion of england : further asserting , that reformed christianity , setled in its due latitude , is the stability and advancement of this kingdom . wherein is included , an answer to a late book , entitvled , a discourse of toleration . london , printed in the year 1668. a second discourse of the religion of england . sect . i. of the foundation of our peace already laid in the religion of the nation , and the structure thereof , to be perfected by the vnity of that profession . concerning religion in this kingdom , there have been , and still are great thoughts of heart , and the troubled state thereof hath much disturbed the minds of men , and the whole course of human affairs . doubtless , religion it self is not in fault , which in its right and sound state , being an institution holy , just and good , must needs be of great efficacy to compose and quiet our minds , and to heal and settle the nations . but that which in it self is excellent , is by the errors and corruptions of men , made subject to much vanity . and the adversary of mankind being not able to raze out the deep impressions thereof that are in our nature , hath made it his master-piece so to corrupt or discompose it , as to disorder the passions of men , and the affairs of the world about it . concerning the cure of these distempers , and the redress of the evils thence arising , there is no cause of despair or despondency , if men cease from their high provocations , and god from his righteous indignation . the most effectual means of reconciliation between the disagreeing parties , is , for all of them to be reconciled to god. then would that spirit of perversness , which by the divine displeasure hath been mingled in the midst of us , be controled and vanquished ; and offences and prejudices being removed , we might discern the way of peace . god forbid that sentence should pass upon this generation , destruction and misery is in their paths , and the way of peace they have not known . next , under the divine favour and blessing , our help standeth in the wisdom and piety of our sovereign and his parliament . but this grand affair is acknowledged to be full of difficulties , caused by the passions , prejudices and interests of the several parties . nevertheless , the prudence and patience of those that sit at the helm of government , is able to master it : for , the ground-work of peace is laid to their hands , in the religion of the nation ; and the impartial may descry the opportunity of such a settlement as may accommodate all those parties in which the nation 's peace is bound up . the true interest of soveraignty , is the self-same with that of the universality , or whole body of the kingdom ; and this is founded in such a common-good , as belongs to all sorts of men , by whom the publike weal consists . and where there are , and inevitably will be different perswasions among them , the wisdom of the government is to contract and lessen their differences , as much as it is possible ; but , howsoever , to prevent or heal divisions , and to hold them united among themselves , in the common benefit , and all of them necessarily dependant upon the state. this is a firm basis of the perpetual stability of empire , as also of the subjects tranquility and prosperity ; and the present discourse rests upon this principle as its sure foundation . now in this realm , the joint stock of those several parties , for matter of religion , is reformed christianity , for which they are all jealous , even unto discomposure , upon any encroachments of the popish party . wherefore , it is the wisdom of this government , to remove or lessen the differences , and to cure the divisions which now disturb and divide the protestants , and to hold them united among themselves , and all of them in firm dependance upon this state , and consequently , to give them all their due encouragement , not indeed in loose and irregular wayes , but in a ruled order , consistent with stable polity , and agreeable to the government of this kingdom . the ground-work being already laid in the protestant religion , which is the general and grand interest of this nation , the structure and fabrick of the unity and peace of this realm , is more or less perfected , as the unity of this profession , and the peace and concord of its professors , is more or less acquired . and now this great question lyes before us , whether the vnity of religion be obtained by requiring a conformity of judgment and practice in matters of perpetual difference from the beginning of the reformation unto this very day ; or , by permitting a latitude of opinion and practice in those points ; and that not infinite and inordinate , but limited by the publike rule . sect . ii. the good of the several parties is best secured by common equity , and the good of the vniversality . how happy might the disposition of human affairs be , if that were acknowledged in mens practice , which is most clear and obvious to human understanding , that things of common equity and regard to all sorts , who are necessarily included in the publike state , be preferred by each particular party , before great advantages to themselves apart , with disregard of all others . for , all particular interests which are uncorrupt , and will hold firm , are imbarked in the interest of the universality , and must sink or swim therewith : whereupon , not onely the commonwealth , but the more appropriate concernments of men , are better secured for continuance , by this moderation and common equity . there lye before us the protestant religion , ( which is the true primitive christianity ) and the ancient , equal and happy constitution of the government of this kingdom . the conservation and advancement of both these , are infinitely more valuable than the prevalence of parties , by all true protestants , and true english men . a publike spirit is that which is truly pious and generous . but , over and above this noble and christian consideration , this also should be very prevalent , that those two great things before named , in which all do share , and by which all subsist , are the basis even of the more private and contracted benefits of the several parties ; and by disturbing these , they weaken their own hold , and disturb their own safety . those that hate moderation , and follow extremes on either hand , consider not the true state of england . it is an unhappy error when divided parties , who when all is done , in their divided state , can be but parties , and not the whole , shall so act in their turns , as if they took themselves to be the whole body of the nation , or equivalent thereunto . and it is a calamitous aversness , when such as must live together either as friends or enemies , shall refuse lawful and safe terms of mutual agreement . as for conscience , and its high concernments , if it be guided by that wisdom which is from above , which is first pure , then peaceable , it puts in no caution against the healing of this breach : for , order and peace may be obtained upon terms not repugnant to the principles of either party . his majesty's wisdom hath rightly comprehended this matter , in his declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs , where he saith , we are the rather induced to take this upon vs , ( that is , to give some determination to the matters in difference ) by finding upon a full conference that we have had with the learned men of several perswasions , that the mischiefs under which both church and state do at present suffer , do not result from any formed doctrine or conclusion which either party maintains or avows ; but from the passion , appetite , and interest of particular persons , which contract greater prejudice to each other by those affections , than would naturally arise from their opinions . it is apparent , that the avowed doctrines on either side , could not set the parties at this distance , if their spirits and interests were reconciled . sect . iii. what may be esteemed a good constitution of the state ecclesiastical . as concerning the publike order , it imports exceedingly to discern and make a difference between things desirable , but morally impossible , or extreamly improbable , and things necessary and attainable . perfect unanimity about matters of religion , and a harmony of opinion in all theological truths , is very desirable ; but it was never yet found in any age of the world , among those that owned the same religion , and consequently it cannot be necessary in all those that ought to be comprehended in the same church , or religious communion . for which cause , a precise uniformity in matters of meer opinion , will hardly ever pass with general satisfaction : neither is it of that importance , that some make it to be , for peace and edification . there is another thing not onely desirable , but the indispensable duty of all particular persons , which is brotherly love among all that receive the common faith once given to the saints . this is of far greater consequence than the former , and more largely attainable , because it is a catholick disposition , and the right spirit of true christianity ; and indeed , the failing hereof is lamentable and reproachful . howbeit , this excellent christian vertue is commonly much interrupted and impaired in many , by prejudicate opinions , and depraved affections ; and it must not be expected , but that animosities and jealousies may remain between men of different perswasions , by reason of the corruption of man's nature , and the infirmities of the best of men . aud therefore the foundation of a solid national settlement , must not , and need not be laid in mens good dispositions and inclinations : for , although the distemper of many minds continue , yet publike order , and steddy government , is in no wise impossible . things are necessary , either as the end , or the means . the things here considered , that are necessary as the end , are , the advancement of the protestant religion , and the kingdom of england , the tranquility of church and state , and the security of all sound protestants , and good subjects . that which is necessary as the means , is the publike rule and standard by which these blessed ends may be obtained ; that , notwithstanding the remainder of mens perversness , the common high concerns of reformed religion , and of this kingdom , be not disturbed , impaired , or cast back by the altercations that may chance to arise between men of different private opinions , and different partial interests . the high importance and necessity of a stated rule of such force and efficacy , evinceth the possibility thereof : for , so noble and necessary ends , cannot be destitute of all possible means leading thereunto . evil dispositions and manners are the rise of good laws : and law-makers , that are subject to like passions with other men , have the wisdom to limit themselves and others , for the universal good , wherein the good of every individual is secured . the publike rule being to be framed to the proportion of the people that are to be setled under it , the chief regard must be had to their fixed and unmovable perswasions and inclinations , lest they should break the rule , or the rule break them . in a nation whose active part is zealous of religion , and able to discern , and addicted to discourse the grounds thereof , the order of things ought , in the first place , to be directed to the satisfying of the just and reasonable demands of conscience , which being troubled , is a restless thing ; and then to the outward incouragements of piety and learning , and withall , to the bridling of ambition , avarice , faction , and all depraved appetite . it must be expected , that divers obliquities and deficiencies may remain , and troubles will arise : but if that which is wholesom and good , be so predominant as to master the evils , though not to extinguish them , it is to be esteemed a good constitution . sect . iv. the comprehensiveness of the establishment , and the allowance of a just latitude of dissents , is the best remedy against dissentions . there was lately published a discourse for a due latitude in religion , by comprehension , toleration and connivence , directed to this end , that the occasions of those discords which divide the members , and distract the whole body of the protestant profession , might cease ; and that the common concernments , wherein the disagreeing parties have a large joint stock in things of greatest moment , might be pursued . this is encountred with an adverse discourse , which is here to be examined , and the state and reason of the aforesaid latitude , is to be further cleared . toleration being commonly understood of the permission of different ways of religion , without the line of the approved way , a discourse of toleration doth not hit the discourse of the religion of england , in the main thereof , whose chief design is the extension of the established order , and the moderation therein required ; and then toleration is treated of analogically , with respect not only to common charity , but to the safety of the setled polity . it is no less besides the mark , to argue from the mischiefs of a boundless and licentious toleration , against that which is limited and well managed , and hath for the subject thereof , nothing that is intolerable . but , if under this name be comprehended also the permission of diversity of opinion in the same established order , let it be considered , whether any ample polity can consist without such permission . for , it is a thing utterly unknown , and seems morally impossible , for any numerous society of inquiring men , to be of the same judgment in all points of religion . and though the sons of the church , as they are called , agree in those points wherein they all differ from the nonconformists , yet they differ among themselves in far weightier matters , and such as have caused great schisms , and have been the subjects of the debates and determinations of some synods in the reformed churches . now if charity among themselves , and their appropriate interest , dispose them to this mutual forbearance , a more extensive charity , and the common interest of reformed christianity , should incline them to a forbearance in those other matters . there is yet a greater error committed about the subject of toleration , which the answerer , by mistake , will have to be dissentions in religion , but is nothing so in the design of that discourse to which he pretends an answer . and this hath brought forth a large impertinency , which takes up more than a third part of his book : for , those whose liberty he seeks to withstand , are not touched with that which he writes at large of the nature of dissentions , with their causes and consequences , and the magistrates duty concerning them , whether it be right or wrong , setting aside the injurious application thereof . and all that labour had been spared , if he had put a difference between dissention and dissent , words that are near in sound , and perhaps , sometimes , promiscuously used ; but in their strict and proper sense , far distant : for , dissention is no sooner presented to the mind , but it is apprehended as something either culpable and offensive , or calamitous and unhappy : but dissent is of a better notion , and is not necessarily on both sides , either a fault or a grievance . but if this author means by dissentions , no more then dissents or differences of opinion , with what truth and justice can he charge them all ( as he doth ) with such execrable causes and effects . dissentions have been , and may be remedied , and their fuel being taken away , those flames will be extinguished : but diversity of opinion seems in this state of human nature , to be irremediable . it is therefore hoped , that the state of this church and kingdom is not so deplorable , as to want a settlement while these dissents remain . moreover , there are private dissents between particular men , within the latitude of the publike rule ; and there are dissents that may be called publike , as being from the publike rule , or some parts thereof . now the broader and more comprehensive the rule is , the fewer will be the dissenters from it . and the permission of private diversities of opinion , in a just latitude within the rule , is the means to lessen publike dissents , and consequently , dissentions much more . and this was the main scope of the first discourse . the great importance of vnity in the church of christ , is acknowledged and contended for as much on this side , as on the other : howbeit , we do not believe that christ our head hath laid the conservation and unity of his church , upon unwritten and unnecessary doctrines , and little opinions , and sacred rites and ceremonies of meer human tradition and institution . but he hath set out the rule and measure of unity in such sort , as that upon dissents in those things , the members of this society might not break into schisms , to a mutual condemnation and abhorrency . the imposing of such things ( except in those ages whose blindness and barbarism disposed them to stupidity and gross security in their religion ) hath been ever found to break unity , and to destroy , or much impair charity , goodness , meekness and patience , which are vital parts , and chief excellencies of christianity . sect . v. whether the present dissentions are but so many factions in the state. one grand objection is , that the dissentions among us , are but so many several factions in the state. but , meer dissents in religion , are no state-factions at all , but proceed from a more lasting cause , than particular designs , or any temporary occasions , even from the incurable infirmity of our nature . and if it were granted , that the dissentions were state-factions ; yet , they are not so originally and radically , but by accident . some may take advantage to raise and keep up factions by them . for this cause , take out of the way the stumbling-block of needless rigors , and then dissentions will cease or languish , and consequently , the state factions ( if there be any such that are kept up by them ) will come to nothing . it is so evident , that toleration , which came not in till after the breach between the late king and parliament , did not open the avenues to our miseries , that one may wonder any should say it did . but , meet indulgence to all sound protestants , is the likeliest means of stopping such avenues . and , if it be for the interest of england to have no factions , the best way is to remove those burdens , which , like a partition-wall , hath kept asunder the professors of the same religion : then the masters of our troubles ( whosoever they be ) cannot have that advantage by their eminency in their parties , to drive on their designs in the state. factious spirits are disappointed , when honest minds are satisfied and secured . this author relates the aims of several parties on this manner : the papists are for the supremacy of the bishop of rome ; some of the other sects are for a commonwealth ; others are for the fift monarchy . but , if the true state of the nonconformists be well considered , it will be found , that in them , as well as any others , the king and kingdom is concerned , and the good of both promoted . it is not with them , as with the popish party , who have such a severed interest to themselves , that the state is little concerned in it , save onely to beware of its incroachments . but the protestant dissenters , are such as do much of the business of the nation , and have not their interest apart , but in strict conjunction with the whole body-politick . yea , they have no possible means of ensuring their interest , but by legal-security obtained from the higher power , and by comporting with the general tranquility both of the church and state of england . they cannot flye to the refuge of any foreign prince or state , ( as the papists have done frequently ) they acknowledg no foreign jurisdiction , ( which is a principle of the popish faith ) but all their stake lies at home , and they can have no sure hold that is aliene from the happiness of the king and kingdom . an impartial observer cannot but discern this . if it be lawful to name a thing so much to be abhorred , as a change of the ancient laws and government , they could not be happy , nor do their work by such an unhappy change. experience witnesseth , that their interest is not for hasty and unstable victory , or unfixed liberty ; but , for a state of firm consistence and security ; and that they cannot hold their own , but by the common safety both of prince and people . the summ of this matter is , that a party not onely comporting with the good estate of this realm , but even subsisting by it , and therefore firmly linked unto it , should not be cast off . sect . vi. whether the nonconformists principles tend to sects and schisms . some reasons were offered to shew , that indulgence towards dissenting protestants , did much concern the peace and happiness of this realm . and the prudent will judg arguments of that sort to be of the greatest weight in the affairs of government . there is no need to reinforce the cogency of those reasons : the adversary hath wrested them to an odious meaning , contrary to their manifest true intent ; but whether he hath indeed evinced them to be of little or no moment ; or , whether they stand in full force , let judicious men consider . the whole reasoning in that particular , rests upon this maxime , that it is the sovereign's true interest , to make his divided people to be one among themselves , and to keep them all in dependance upon himself , as the procurer of their common safety . the prejudices that have been conceived , and the calumnies that have been raised against the nonconformists , gave occasion of resolving this question , whether they be of a judgment and temper that makes them capable of being brought under the magistrates paternal care and conduct , to such a stated order as will comport with this church and kingdom ? this , by the answerer , is termed a dialect of canting , and is wilfully wrested into a question of another nature . whether he had occasion given him to speak so scornfully , let any judg that understand sober language . but , that they might appear uncapable of a comprehension , he sticks not to affirm , that the principles of presbyterian perswasion , do not admit of any stability , but may be drawn out to patronize the wildest sects that are or have been . and his main proof is taken from the bare word of two of their eminent adversaries . he might have remembred , that the same reproach is cast upon the principles of protestantism , by romish writers . one may well ask , where is the truth and candor of those men that write after this manner ? consider the french , dutch , helvetian churches , how intire they keep themselves in orthodox unity , from the gangrene of sects and schisms . the church of scotland , whilst it was presbyterian , was inferior to none in the unity of doctrine and church-communion . did prelacy ever effect the like unity in the church of england ? and shall the sects that now are , or lately were in this nation , be charged upon presbytery , that was never setled among us ; and against which the sectaries had the greatest indignation ? though that way never obtained in england , nor was favoured with the magistrates vigorous aid , yet it is very untrue , that the first admirers and friends thereof , grew sick of it , and hissed for the other sects to affront , reproach and baffle it . it is well known , that it received those disgraces from another sort of men . the asserting of this government , is far from the design of this or the former treatise ; yet it may be lawful to vindicate it from unjust aspersions . the answerer is pleased to stile it , no other but a sect. i hope he doth not intend to make the foreign reformed churches , but so many combinations of sectaries . if his meaning be , that is no better than a sect in england , because another government is established by law , let him tell us , whether episcopacy would be a sect , if it should appear in those countries where presbytery is the legal government ? no less will follow , if the notion of sect be extended so far , as to fetch in whatsoever dissents from the order by law established . sect . vii . of their principles touching obedience and government . another great prejudice taken up against the nonconformists , is , that they are inconsistent with any regular government : and this author reports , that it is a common maxime among the dissenters , that an indifferent thing becomes vnlawful by being commanded . but let the world hear them speak for themselves out of their account to his majesty concerning the review and alteration of the liturgy . we humbly beseech your majesty to believe , that we own no principles of faction or disobedience , nor patronize the errors or obstinacy of any . it is granted us by all , that nothing should be commanded us by man , which is contrary to the word of god : that , if it be , and we know it , we are bound not to perform it , god being the absolute universal sovereign : that we must use all just means to discern the will of god , and whether the commands of men be contrary to it : that , if the command be sinful , and any through neglect of sufficient search , should judg it lawful , his culpable error excuseth not his doing it , from being sin : and therefore as a reasonable creature must needs have a judgment of discerning , that he may rationally obey it ; so is he with the greatest care and diligence , to exercise it in the greatest things , even the obeying of god , and the saving of his soul : and that where a strong probability of a great sin and danger lieth before us , we must not rashly run on without search : and that to go on against conscience where it is mistaken , is sin and danger to him that erreth . and on the other side , we are remembred , that in things no way against the law of god , the commands of our governors must be obeyed ; but if they command what god forbids , we must patiently submit to suffering , and every soul must be subject to the higher powers for conscience sake , and not resist : the publike judgment , civil or ecclesiastical , belongeth only to publike persons , and not to any private man : that no man must be be causlesly or pragmatically inquisitive into the reasons of his superiors commands ; nor by pride and self-conceitedness , exalt his own understanding above its worth and office ; but all to be modestly and humbly self-suspicious : that none must erroneously pretend to god's law , against the just command of his superiors , nor pretend the doing of his duty to be a sin : that he who suspecteth his superiors commands to be against gods laws , must use all means for full information , before he settle in a course of disobeying them : and that he who indeed discovereth any thing commanded , to be a sin ; though he must not do it , must manage his opinion with very great care and tenderness of the publike peace , and the honour of his governors . these are our principles : if we are otherwise represented to your majesty , we are mis-represented : if we are accused of contradicting them , we humbly crave that we may not be condemned before we be heard . this is sound speech that cannot be reproved . wherefore if the clemency of their superiors shall remit those injunctions that may wellbe dispensed with , and unto which they cannot yeeld conformity for fear lest they sin against god ; their principles will dispose them with an humble and thankful acquiescence , to receive so great a benefit . sect . viii . of placing them in the same rank for crime and guilt , with the papists . the answerer hath not feared to set the papists , and the protestant dissenters , upon the same level , in the guilt of rebellion , cruelty and turbulency . for a high charge having been made good against popery , that it disposeth subjects to rebellion : that it persecutes all other religions within its reach : that wheresoever it finds encouragement , it is restless , till it bear down all , or hath put all in disorder : he comes and tells the world , that the nonconformists are no more innocent of the same crimes . can men of sound minds and temperate spirits , believe this ? and what greater advantage can be given the popish party , then that a protestant writer should declare and publish , that so great a part of protestants are equally involved with them in those heinous crimes with which the protestants have always charged them ? and that such a one should tell them , that it will seem unequal to deny a toleration to them , and grant it unto others that are here pleaded for ; which is in effect to say , they have as good reason to expect an indulgence from this state , as others that maintain the doctrine of the church of england , yea , such as communicate in her publike worship . is there no better way of exalting prelacy , and disgracing its supposed adversaries , then by this reproach and damage done to the whole protestant profession ? yea , he so far extenuates the guilt of papists , and brings it down so low , as to make it common to all other sects . in which one would think he should have been more wary , who in one place stretcheth the notion of sect so far , as to make its reason to lye in being different from the established form of church government . now for matter of practice , he imputes the same guilt to all other sects ; and if the papists ( saith he ) have any doctrines which countenance those practises , that is to be accounted as the issue of their insolency in their own greatness . and he implies , that it is onely the want of strength , that other sects are not so bad as they for such kind of doctrine , as well as practice . such passages falling from a protestants pen , may do the papists better service than their late apology . but why doth he say , if the papists have any such doctrines ? doth he not know they have ? the church of england was assured of it , when concerning the adherents of rome , she used this expression in a publike form of prayer , whose religion is rebellion , and whose faith is faction . we wish their eyes were open , who cannot see more permanent and effectual causes of the aforesaid crimes peculiar to that religion , and rooted in the principles thereof . the evidence hereof given in the former discourse , is not needful to be rehersed in this place . this author ( as others that oppose the wayes of amity and peace ) loves to grate upon a string that sounds harsh , to renew the remembrance of the late warr. those distracted times , are the great storehouse and armory , out of which such men do fetch their weapons of offence ; and the great strong-hold , unto which they always retreat when they are vanquished by the force of reason , and then they think they are safe , though therein they contradict the true intent of the act of oblivion . some of those that now so importunately urge the injury and tyranny of those times , did then suf●iciently comply with usurpers ; and left episcopacy to sink or swim ; and did partake of the chiefest favours and preferments that were then conferred . and on the other hand , such as they upbraid , and are now sufferers , did as little comply with those that subverted the government , and did as zealously appear for the rescue of our late sovereign , and for the restitution of his present majesty , as any sort of men in the realm . but to intermeddle in the differences of those times , and to repeat odious matters , and to use recriminations that will disturb the minds of men , and tend to a perpetual mischief , is aliene from , and opposite unto my pacifick endeavours . as for his charging the nonconformists with certain doctrines and positions by him there mentioned ( which i know none that maintains ) and other accusations and reports relating to the time of the warr ; the truth or falshood , the equity or iniquity , the candor or disingenuity of his testimony in those things , is left to the judgment of the righteous god , and of impartial men. sect . ix . whether their inconformity be conscientious or wilful . another part of the proceeding is very unrighteous and presumptuous . the dissenting ministers appeal to god , that they dare not conform for conscience sake . this author hence inferrs , the force of the argument is , there is a necessity of toleration , because they will not conform . is a cannot for conscience sake , of no more force than a bare will not ? but who best knows their hearts , themselves or their adversaries ? he would make the world believe , that not conscience , but obstinacy and faction , is the cause of their holding out , and that the greatest part were trapann'd into nonconformity . that trifling story of their being trapann'd , is not worthy of serious discourse . it is so evident , as not to be denied , that about the time the act of uniformity was to be put in practice , there were motions and overtures of indulgence from the king and some of the great officers of state , who were known to have high affection and esteem for the church of england , yet did approve and promote those overtures as the best expedient for the setling of this church and kingdom . but to let that pass , can men of understanding and candor think , that so many serious persons , who as well as others , may be thought to love themselves , their families and relations , should continue such egregiously obstinate fools , as to refuse the comforts of their temporal being , for a humor , and remain in a state of deprivation , into which they had been meerly trapann'd ? as for the objected unprofitableness of their returning , how doth it appear ? what hinders their capacity of gaining benefices , yea and dignities , if they could conform ? why should they not find as good acceptation as others , in their preaching and conversation ? it may be they would enter too fast , for the good liking of some , into those preferments , who therefore would set such barrs against them , as they should not be able to break thorough . sect . x. of their peaceable inclinations , and readiness to be satisfied . in the late times of usurpation , there were apparent predispositions in this sort of men to peace and concord . the longing desire and expectation that was in them , as much as in any others , of a national settlement , and general composure , did accelerate his majesty's peaceable restauration . surely they were not so stupid as to imagine that great turn of affairs , without the thoughts of their own yeilding , and such as they hoped would be effectual with those of the other perswasion . their early and ready overtures of reconciliation , which are publikely made known , will testifie their moderation , to the present and future ages . their offers of acquiescing in episcopacy regulated , and the liturgy reformed , was on their part , a good advance towards union . his majesty hath given this testimony of them in his declaration : when we were in holland , we were attended by many grave and learned ministers from hence , who were looked upon as the most able and principal assertors of the presbyterian opinions , with whom we had as much conference as the multitude of affairs which were then upon vs , would permit vs to have ; and to our great satisfaction and comfort , found them persons full of affection to vs , of zeal for the peace of the church and state , and neither enemies ( as they had been given out to he ) to episcopacy or liturgy , but modestly to desire such alterations as without shaking foundations , might best allay the present distempers which the indisposition of the time , and the tenderness of some mens consciences had contracted . i wonder at the confidence of that assertion in the answer , that it is sufficiently known , that none of the present nonconformists did in the least measure agree in the use of those little things ; and though desired by the king to read so much of the liturgy as themselves had not exception against , and so could have no pretence from conscience . for it is well known , that some of them did in compliance with the kings desire , read part of the liturgy in their churches . as for others that did not , perhaps for the prevention of scandal they might use their liberty of forbearance till some reformation were obtained . the truth is , the concessions on this side have been abused , to the reproach and disadvantage of the depressed party ; and from their readiness to yeild so far as they can , for the common peace sake , a perverse inference is made , that they might yeild throughout , if humor and faction did not rule them . is there any justice or charity in such dealing ? may not men of upright consciences , and peaceable inclinations , forbear the insisting upon some things to them very desirable , and give place to some things not approved by them as the best in that kind , if so be they might obtain their peace and liberty , by indulgence granted them in other things , wherein conscience binds them up that they cannot yeild ? moreover , some concessions made by particular men of very catholick spirits , in the earnest pursuit of peace , have been wrack'd and wrested to a sense beyond their true import ; and then they that so handle them , triumph in their own conceit , over them , as if they had given up the whole cause . certasnly they are ill employed , who from their brethrens yeelding offers , raise opposition against them , and endeavour to set them further off . sect . xi . the propounded latitude leaves out nothing necessary to secure the church's peace . to set forth the propounded latitude in the particular limits thereof , is not agreeable to a discourse of this nature : for it were presumptuous both in reference to superiors , and to the party concerned in it . and it is unnecessary ; for prejudices being removed , and the conveniency of a greater latitude being acknowledged , the particular boundaries thereof will easily be descried : and indeed , the generals that are expressed , are a sufficient indication thereunto . his majesty's declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs , hath mentioned particular concessions on both sides , and that harmony of affections therein , he calls excellent foundations to build upon . the moderation and indulgence there specified , would do the work ; i mean not so as if all dissenters would instantly be thereby brought in ; but that our wide breach would presently be healed in great part , and be in the surest way for a total and absolute healing ; and so much would be gained at present , as might be able to conquer the remaining difficulties . the former discourse had this position , that the ends of church-discipline do not require a constitution of narrower bounds , then things necessary to faith and life , and godly order in the church . the answerer saith , that this establishment is not enough for a settlement , because it doth not secure the peace . and to shew the insufficiency thereof , he giveth two instances of discord between the parties ; first , about the persons to whose care the great things of christianity should be intrusted to see them conveyed unto posterity , whether they shall be a single person , or a consistory , or each single congregation . secondly , about the means of conveying those things , the worship of god , and the circumstances thereof . from hence he draws this conclusion , therefore to preserve peace among her members , the church had need to determine more then the great things of christianity ; and to injoyn more then what is barely necessary to faith and order . verily , it may much amuse one to think what that thing should be in the ecclesiastical polity , which is not necessary to christian faith and life , and godly order in the church , and yet necessary to secure the church's peace . and if the aforesaid instances of discord between the church of england and the dissenters are not necessary to faith or order , what reason can be rendred of the inexorable imposition thereof , upon dissenting or doubting consciences ? can it be necessary to the church's peace , to exclude or deprive men for such differences in which neither faith nor order are concerned ? or is this the answerer's meaning , that the church's peace consists in the exclusion of the nonconformists ; and that the necessary use of some injunctions , stands in keeping them out ; so that not their conformity , but their exclusion is the thing therby intended ? the comprehension doth not suppose ( as it is mis-reported ) that presbytery should be permitted or encouraged . all intermedling with the form of church-government , was declined ; only the prescribed uniformity was considered . besides , for the exact presbyterial form to be comprehended in episcopacy , is contradictory ; yet that something of presbytery should be included in it , is not repugnant . and such a comprehension is approved in his majesty's aforesaid declaration . likewise king charles the first , in his discourse touching the differences between himself and the two houses , in this point , declares that he is not against the managing of the episcopal presidency in one man , by the joint counsel and consent of many presbyters ; but that he had offered to restore it as a fit means to avoid those errors , and corruptions and partialities which are incident to any one man ; also to avoid tyranny , which becomes no christians , least of all church-men . but neither this nor the former treatise , interposeth in this matter , but leaves it to the wisdom of our superiors . the desired latitude leaves not the concernments of church or state to the ingenuity of men , nor casts out any injunctions that are means of peace and unity ; yea , or of that necessary decency which the apostle requires ; only of rites and opinions long disputed , it would take in no more then needs must ; and not meerly because they have been long disputed , but because they are also of little value , ( and here confessed not to be necessary to faith and order ) yet are matters of endless controversie in this church , and occasions of great separation from it . it being asserted , that the indisputable truths of faith , and the indispensable duties of life , are the main object of church-discipline , the answerer demands , what are those indisputable truths , since there is scarce any truth of faith that hath not been disputed against ? what manner of arguing is this ? because all truths have been disputed , doth it follow , that there are no indisputable truths ? that is called indisputable , that cannot reasonably or justly be disputed , though men of corrupt minds , and reprobate concerning the faith , will call the greatest truths in question , and resist the clearest evidence . when the apostle mentions matters of doubtful disputations , he implies there be matters that are indubitable . sect . xii . of acquiescence in the commands of superiors , and the proper matter of their injunctions . in the former treatise this argument was used . the church doth not claim an infallibility , therefore the cannot settle the conscience by her sole warrant , but still leaves room for doubting . the answerer makes this to be either a piece of ignorance , or of portentous malice , and an assertion that would disturb all government both in families and in the state , that would confound all society , and extirpate faith and justice from among the sons of men . but this his strange inference rather is portentous . that the church cannot settle the conscience by her sole warrant , is it not a principle maintained by all protestants in opposition to the popish implicit faith , and blind obedience ? but is this person consistent with himself ? for after he hath a while expatiated in his imaginary hideous consequences , he comes himself to deny that the church bindeth the conscience by her own authority . and yet it is a lesser thing to bind the conscience , than to settle it , and leave no room for doubting . for conscience may be obliged , when it is not setled . and if the church cannot oblige , doubtless she cannot settle the conscience by her sole authority . how then could a man of reason draw such hideous inferences from that position ? if i may give way to conjectures , i suspect that he might take check at the word infallibility , by which i intend no more then infallible direction ; and i fear not to own this assertion , that whosoever have not infallible direction , or the certain assistance of an infallible guide , so as to be exempted from all error in what they propound for belief or practice , cannot settle the conscience by their sole warrant . i still aver , that in prescribed forms and rites of religion , the conscience that doth its office , will interpose and concern it self . and it is matter of astonishment that a learned protestant should say , this position must needs be false . for conscience guided by the fear of god , will use all just means to discern his will , and cannot resign it self to the dictates of men in the points of divine worship . if the judgment of discerning , which makes men differ from brutes , be to be exercised in any case , it is chiefly requisite in these matters wherein the glory of god , and the saving of the soul is so much concerned . it is granted , that to maintain peace and unity in the church , and to be obedient to the higher powers in those things which are proper matter for their commands , are most strictly injoined duties . but the injunctions here considered ( though to the imposers they are but things indifferent , that is , neither commanded nor forbidden of god ) in the consciences of dissenters , are unlawful . to instance in some controverted ceremonies , they think that god hath determined against them , though not in particular , yet in the general prohibition of all uncommanded worship . and they reply , whether it be right in the sight of god to hearken unto men more then unto god , judg ye . to restrain that of the apostle , he that doubts is damned if he eat , only to things wherein the church hath not interposed her authority , is a false gloss , and a begging of the question . what human authority can warrant any one to put in practice an unlawful or suspected action , or to make profession of a known or suspected falshood ? as concerning the rights of superiors , it is the church's duty and honour to teach and command her children to do whatsoever christ hath commanded . and it is the chiefest glory , and most proper work of the magistrate , who is gods minister and vicegerent , to be custos & vindex utriusque tabulae , to incourage and inforce obedience to the divine laws , whether written in the bible , or imprinted in our nature ; and in subserviency thereunto , to have power to determine such things as are requisite in the general , but in the particulars are left undetermined of god , and are to be ordered by human prudence , according to the light of nature , and the general rules of gods word . but things indifferent in their nature , and either offensive in their use , or needless and superfluous , are not worthy to be made the proper matter of his commands . it is a grave and weighty saying of a learned man ( of whatsoever perswasion he were ) if the special guides and pastors of the church , would be a little sparing of incumbring churches with superfluities , or not over-rigid , either in reviving obsolete customs , or imposing new , there would be far less cause of schism and superstition ; and all the inconvenience that were likely to ensue , would be but this , that in so doing they should yeeld a little to the imbecillity of their inferiors ; a thing which st. paul would never have refused to do . sect . xiii . of the alledged reasons of the ecclesiastical injunctions in the beginning of the reformation . the answerer relates at large the proceeding of this church in the beginning of the reformation . the sum of the relation is , that there being two sorts of men , one that thought it a great matter of conscience to depart from the least ceremony , they were so addicted to their old customs ; the other so new-fangled , that they would innovate all things , and nothing would satisfie them but that which was new ; it was necessary for the church to interpose for peace sake , and casting off neither party , to please each to their edification ; and also to injoyn some things to the common observance of all , and therefore she took away the excessive multitude of ceremonies , as those that were dark , and abused to superstition and covetousness , but retained those few that were for decency , discipline , and apt to stir up the dull mind of man to the remembrance of his duty to god. we have good warrant to call in question the truth of his narration in things of the greatest weight . first , it is not true that the party that were for ceremonies , comprehended all those who staid at home , and did not flye in the time of queen mary's persecution . for such as dissented from the ceremonies in the time of that persecution , had their assemblies for the worship of god in this land , and indured among others , in the fiery trial. and we can find but little zeal in the martyrs of those days for this kind of conformity . likewise it is not true that the party that were against ceremonies , were but small , as being but some few of those that fled beyond sea : there is clear evidence to the contrary . an historian zealous for conformity , even unto bitterness , reports in his ecclesia restaurata , that in the beginning of queen elizabeth's reign , many that were disaffected to episcopacy and ceremonies , were raised to great preferments . besides , those that were in ecclesiastical dignities , he observes , that the queens professor at oxford , and the margaret professor in cambridg , were among the nonconformists . for the multitude of dissenters in those dayes , there is a notable testimony of a friend of prelacy , in his letter to mr. richard hooker , about the writing of his ecclesiastical polity , in these words : it may be remembred , that at the first the greatest part of the learned in the land , were either eagerly affected , or favourably inclined to that way ; the books then written , savoured for the most part , of the disciplinary stile ; it sounded every where in the pulpits , and in the common phrase of mens speech ; and the contrary part began to fear they had taken a wrong course . there is as little truth and justice in that report , that the party that were against ceremonies , caused the troubles at frankford , and brought a dishonor to the reformation , and infamy upon our nation . the english congregation at frankford , was setled after the discipline of the foreign reformed churches , and enjoyed much peace , till certain eminent men , zealous of the english forms and rites , came among them , and by a high hand brought in the liturgy , and brake them to pieces , and forced away the ministers , and those members that were in the first forming and setling of that church . afterward , they that remained and received the liturgy , continued not long in unity , but in a short time an incurable and scandalous schism brake out between the pastor , and almost the whole congregation . lastly , there is a great mistake in the main business of the narrative , in representing things as setled by the church of england in the beginning of the queen's reign , to please each party in the abolishing of some , and the retaining of other ceremonies : whereas at the reviving the reformation at that time , the ceremonies then abolished were offensive to all protestants , and nothing appears to be done in favour of the anticeremonial party , about the points in difference . but things were carried to a greater height against their way , than in king edward's time , whose reformation was thought to incline more to that which was afterwards called puritanism . for which cause the historian before mentioned , hath written , that that king being ill principled , his death was no infelicity to the church of england . the truth of the matter is , that in the first times of the queen , whose reign was to be sounded in the protestant religion , the wisdom of the state intended chiefly the bringing over of the whole body of the people , and to settle them in that profession ; and therefore thought fit to make no more alteration from their old forms , then was necessary to be made . care was taken , that no part of the liturgy might be offensive to the papists , and they accordingly resorted to our divine service for the first ten years . also the retaining of the ceremonies , was a matter of condescention to the popish party , the state thereby testifying how far they would stoop to gain them , by yeelding as far as they might in their own way . now long experience hath shewed , that what was done with respect to the peace of former times , and reconciling of papists to protestants , is become an occasion of dividing protestants from one another , without hope of converting papists . sect . xiv . the alledged reasons , why the ceremonies are not to be taken away , examined . divers reasons are alledged to prove a continued necessity for these ceremonies , as , because they that are for the church , are unwilling to have them taken away : to revoke them , is to comply with those that will never be satisfied : imputations have been laid upon the things injoyned , as antichristian , idolatrous , superstitious : a warr was undertook to remove them : and it is a reproach to the church , whose foundation is upon the truth , to be various . hereunto we make answer : whosoever delight in the use of the ceremonies , may enjoy their liberty ; but let it suffice them to use it , without laying a stumbling-block before others , or intangling their consciences , or hindring all of a contrary perswasion from the ministry , from teaching school , yea , and from taking any academical degree . with what soberness can it be said , the dissenters will never be satisfied , when hitherto they were never tryed with any relaxation or indulgence , although they have given evident proofs of their unfeigned desires of accommodation ? they do indeed esteem the ceremonies an excess in the worship of god ; but suppose that some have been immoderate in disparaging those rituals ; on the other hand , shall their value be so inhansed , as to be thought more worth then the church's unity , and the exercise of mutual charity among its members ? may not the church salve her honour , by declaring , that in remitting these injunctions , she meerly yeelds to the infirmity of weak consciences ? as st. paul declared concerning abstaining from meats , who had as much power to make a canon , as any sort or number of ecclesiastical persons can now pretend unto . as concerning the late warr , it is easier said then proved , that it was undertaken to remove the ceremonies ; and it was not so declared by those that managed it . but if it were so indeed , as it is here suggested , let this argument be well weighed , a dreadful warr that had a dismal issue , was undertaken to remove certain ceremonies that at the best are but indifferent , therefore let them never be removed , but still inforced to the uttermost upon consciences that disallow them . as for the reproach of the church by the appearance of being various , we conceive the controverted ceremonies are no foundation of the church of england , nor any substantial part of her religion , and do therefore hope , that some indulgence therein will not fix upon her any brand of inconstancy . it is objected , that the popish priests would hereby take advantage . it seems then , that greater care must be taken that the papists , who are implacable adversaries , be not offended , then that many thousand honestly minded protestants should be relieved . but the strangest reason comes up last . dissentions about things indifferent , have necessitated the church to make these injunctions : that is , say the things are but indifferent , yet great dissentions have risen about them , and are like to continue without end ; therefore the church hath been necessitated to impose them with great severity upon multitudes who esteem them unlawful , and all for this end , that dissentions may be removed . we are astonished at this argument from the pen of a learned man. the truth is , these alledged reasons have more of animosity in them , then of equity ; charity , or good advice . indeed the apostle saith , mark those that cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine that ye have received ; but he doth not so brand those that scruple unwritten traditions , and needless ceremonies , but adhere to the intire doctrine of christ , and all divine institutions . sect . xv. of the diversity of opinion and practice already permitted in the church of england . the moderation of the church of england in the articles of predestination , divine grace , and free-will , being urged against the rigorous imposition of the controverted orders and ceremonies , this answer is made , that the case is not the same , for that those points are so full of difficulty , that they , and questions of that nature , have been matter of dispute in all ages , and in all religions ; but about the orders and ceremonies , this is the only thing to be resolved , whether the church hath power to injoin an indifferent ceremony ? but there is no such difference in the case . the question of things indifferent , hath been mistaken for the grand case of the nonconformists ; for those points which are the main reason and matter of their inconformity , are by them accounted not indifferent , but unlawful , and therefore not to be admitted in their practice , till their consciences be better satisfied . and it is not irrational to think , that serious doubtings may arise in sober minds about some parts of the injoyned uniformity , and particularly , about those ceremonies which seem to draw near to the significancy and moral efficacy of sacraments , and thereupon may appear to some not as meer circumstances , but as parts of divine worship , and their consciences may be struck with terror by the sense of god's jealousie about any instituted worship which himself hath not prescribed . moreover , these orders and ceremonies have been matters of dispute in all times since the beginning of protestant reformation . but under the degenerate state of the christian churches , by the great apostacy of the later times , there could be no occasion of disputing these things , when will-worship was generally exalted , and the grossest idolatries had prevailed . i question the truth of that assertion , that the dissenters cannot name one church besides ours , in which there was a schism made for a ceremony . for a great rent was made in the christian church throughout the world , about a ceremony , or as small a matter , to wit , the time of celebrating the feast of easter . but whensoever a schism is made , let them that cause it , look to it , and lay it to heart . wo to the world because of offences , and wo to that man by whom the offence cometh ▪ but we still insist upon this argument , that these rites being at the best but indifferent in the opinion of the imposers , the observation of them cannot in reason be esteemed of such importance to the substance of religion , as the different opinions about the articles aforesaid are . and who knows not with what animosity and vehemence the parties that are called arminian and antiarminian , have fought against one another ; and what dreadful and destructive consequences they pretend to draw from each others opinions ? now put case the more prevalent party in the church of england should go about to determine those controversies on the one side , or the other , ( and truly they were sometimes determined by a synod in his majesty's dominions , namely by that of dublin in the year 1615 , also by the greatest prelates , and most eminent doctors in england , in the lambeth-articles ; and what hath been , may again come to pass ) would not that side against whom the decision passeth , be ready to cry out of oppression ? yea , how great a rent would be made by it through the whole fabrick of this church ? furthermore , in ceremonies publikely used , and matters of open practice , the church of england hath thought good to indulge dissents , as in that of bowing toward the altar , or the east , unless it be required by the local statutes of particular societies . and in this the sons of the church do bear with one another , according to the direction of the canons made in the year 1640. unto which may be added , that the mode of worship in cathedrals , is much different from that in parochial churches . likewise some ministers before their sermon use a prayer of their own conceiving ; others onely ( as the phrase is ) bid prayer . if these and other varieties , be no reproach to our church , will it reproach her to suffer one to officiate with a surpliss , and another without it ? sect . xvi . men differently perswaded in the present controversies , may live together in peace . it is no vain speculation , to think we may have peace , if men perswaded in their consciences that the controverted ceremonies are superstitious , or at the best but trifles , and that the liturgy and ecclesiastical polity , need some reformation , should be joined with men far otherwise perswaded . and the preserving of peace in that case , doth not suppose or require that all these differently perswaded men , will be wise on both sides to content themselves with their own opinions : but it supposeth the state , and the chief guides of the church , to be wise , ( as it is always requisite they should be ) and that many of reputation and eminency on both sides , will be prudent and temperate , and examples of moderation to others , ( and not to suppose this is to disparage and debase our present age ) but above all , it supposeth the publike constitution so well stated and setled , as to be able to curb the imprudent and unsober , and to encourage the modest and well-advised . surely all dissenters upon conscience , will not be prevailed with by the same conscience , to endeavour the propagation of their own way in these differences , to the depression of others . if some offer to disturb the peace , can no rule of government restrain them ? it is a deplorable case indeed , if there be no remedy but for those that are favoured by the higher powers , utterly to exclude and reject those that want the like favour and countenance . at this day the church of england by her present latitude , or at least connivence , keeps peace among her sons of such different perswasions , as formerly stirred up great dissentions in this church . who is ignorant of the contentions raised about the arminian controversies in the several reigns of queen elizabeth , king james , and king charles the first ? but in the present times , the mutual forbearance on both sides , but chiefly the church's prudence , hath lay'd asleep those controversies ; whereas if one side presuming upon its power and prevalency , should go about ( as formerly ) to decry and depress the other , and to advance and magnifie themselves , and ingross the preferments , doubtless the like flames would break out again . for there is a great dislike and abhorrency setled at the heart-root of both these parties against each others opinions ; and a sutable occasion would soon draw it out to an open contestation . now if the church's peace and unity be already maintained in such seemingly dangerous diversity of opinion among her members and officers , and those not of the meanest rank , why should her prudence and polity he suspected as insufficient to maintain unity and peace in the indulging of the differently perswaded in the now disputed rites and opinions ? sect . xvii . of dissenters of narrower principles , and of toleration . the latitude discoursed in the former treatise , is unjustly impeached , as providing onely for the presbyterians , and relinquishing all other dissenters ; for it comprehends within the establishment , those of all sorts that are of principles congruous to stated order in the church ; so that no sort is excluded , whose principles make them capable . and was this capacity any where restrained to the presbyterians ? some nonconformists are for moderated episcopacy , after the form of the ancient churches ; and divers others , as to particular forms of government , are latitudinarians ; and others there are besides these , who would live peaceably under the present hierarchy , might they be spared from the personal profession or practice of some things which they think unlawful or doubtful . moreover , beyond the established order , the latitude includes a toleration for those that are of sound faith , and good life , but have taken up some principles of church-government less congruous to national settlement . i cannot yeeld to that position , that only necessity can give colour to toleration , for that it is by the confession of all , one of those things that are not good in their nature . i suppose that christians bearing with one another in tolerable differences , is a branch of brotherly love ; and therefore charity , as well as necessity , may plead for this way of indulgence . but it is objected , that we want an instance of the safety of toleration , in any nation where the supreme governour had not a standing army to circumscribe and confine the heats of dissenters in religion , to their own breasts , and keep off the destructive effects of schism . let me reply , that this maxime , that no toleration of dissenters , howsoever regulated , can be safely granted by the supreme governour that hath not a standing army , makes little for the safety and liberty of true religion . the protestants that live under the princes of the roman faith , are little beholding to one that publisheth to the world , that those princes can with safety tolerate them no longer then they keep up a standing army to keep off the destructive effects of that which they call schism . one may see by this and other instances , what bias the judgment hath , by the zeal of a party , and how it is brought to assert such things as may expose the true religion to the danger of suppression or extirpation in many countries . but hath the french king less assurance of the loyalty of his protestant subjects , then of the roman-catholicks ? would a necessity be laid upon him to maintain constant forces to keep the protestants in obedience , when he could rule the rest of his people without such terror ? or is toleration the reason of a standing army in the united provinces of the netherlands ? in this latitude no other toleration is pleaded for , then what can be made safe and secure by the ordinary ways of legal government . both duty and interest obligeth all sorts to proceed as far as it is possible in complying with their superiors ; and if the uncontrolable power of conscience inforce them to lye without the pale of the established order , they should deem that exclusion their great unhappiness . but so it is , that prudent and pious men may be of exceeding narrow principles about church-order and fellowship . christian charity pleadeth for indulgence towards them ; and we hope political prudence doth not gainsay it . for although their way may fall far short of setling a nation , yet they may have spirits and principles very consistent with publike tranquility . and their indulgence may be obtained by a good understanding and confidence between them and the higher powers , the clemency of the one shewing favour in that extent which the publike order may safely tolerate ; and the humility and discretion of the other , causing them to prise the favour , and to use it rightly . that such condescention and clemency should be used on the one side , and such humility and modesty on the other , why should it seem impossible ? for the one may see , that by granting some limited liberty , the protection of christs flock , and the satisfaction of well-minded subjects may become more universal : and the other may likewise see , that a smaller party , and those of narrow principles , are of themselves in no wise proportionable to the state of this nation ; and therefore that they cannot well subsist , but in conjunction with , and subordination unto an establishment more commensurate to the whole body of the people . this necessary subordination , may beget a mutual confidence and security . if it be said , the tolerated party may become dangerous or suspected , it is always supposed that they stand by their good behaviour , and the rulers favour . but they are not like to prove dangerous , if the establishment be large enough . for the narrowness thereof makes the dissenters numerous , and still encreaseth their number . sect . xviii . it is the interest of the nonconformists to prefer comprehension before toleration , where conscience doth not gainsay . if it can be made evident , that the nonconformists should embrace a comprehension as the surest means of their particular good , it will conduce exceedingly to evince , that the favour of rulers will not be in vain towards them ; and that their petitions , discourses , and other instances for moderation , were not feigned , because grounded on their true interest that cannot lye . were they united among themselves , and did the times highly favour them , even then it were their wisdom not to insist too far upon their own perswasions , but to comply with such moderate order as is most passable in the nation , ( their consciences not gainsaying ) much more doth it now behove them , by moderation and submission to dispose themselves for the favour of their superiors . they should chuse rather ( if it be possible for them ) to be comprehended in the approved , then to be tolerated in a severed way . for there is not so much lost thereby in point of liberty , but as much or more is gained in point of safety . it is a happiness to be secured from dangerous wanderings , perplexities , breaches , and manifold inconveniences , into which they may be led that are wholly left without the line of the established order . those persons that by their wisdom and learning can the better defend themselves from the aforesaid evils in a severed state , cannot be ignorant how precipitate and unadvisable many of their number may be , and not so easily to be governed by their more prudent guides . men of discerning and stable judgments , would do their uttermost to preserve the more inconsiderate people from falling into a full and absolute separation from all christian societies that are not of their perswasion . for they may easily apprehend into how great and dangerous errors that vortex may carry about those that fall into it . they that are best able to govern themselves , do see most need of a publike government , and how necessary it is , that both people and teachers be under the regulation and influence of authority , for the avoiding of many and great inconveniencies . and there are many and great benefits , by being comprehended in the approved order , not otherwise to be obtained . their peace is better insured , their influence is more diffusive , their instances and motions for the common good , will be more regarded . they have a larger scope for imploying their masters talent in the publike service of the gospel , and they may speak with more authority , and better success among all ranks and sorts of men , who will look upon them as theirs , when they hold their publike stations . unto all this may be added , that the ancient nonconformists earnestly opposed the separation of the brownists , and held communion with the church of england in its publike worship . and doubtless it is the ministers interest , not to have their subsistence by the arbitrary benevolence of the people , and so to live in continual dependance upon their mutable dispositions for a maintenance that is poor and low in comparison of the publike encouragements . hereby one may partly judg , whether learned and prudent men be nonconformists by the pleasure of their own will , or the constraining-force of conscience . now their consciences may be relieved , if they be not made personally to profess or practice any thing against the dictates thereof . and retaining their own private judgments , they may well hold to this catholick principle , that in a church acknowledged to be sound in doctrine , and in the substance or main parts of divine worship , and not defective in any vital part of christian religion , they are bound to bear with much which they take to be amiss in others practice , in which they do not personally bear a part themselves ▪ as concerning a form of church-government , and rule of discipline , men that understand their own interest , cannot for self-ends ( as they have been upbraided ) couet the power of such a discipline as inevitably procures envy and ill-will , without any temporal profit or dignity . and if the higher powers will not admit such a form , ( i deliver my own private judgment , without prejudice to other mens ) this may tend to satisfie the subjects conscience . that ecclesiastical government is necessarily more directed and ordered in the exercise thereof , by the determinations of the civil magistrate , in places where the true religion is maintained , then where it is persecuted or disregarded . and they that have received the power , must answer to god for it : they that are discharged from it , shall never account for that whereof they have been bereaved . sect . xix . it behoves both the comprehended and the tolerated , to prefer the common interest of religion , and the setling of the nation , before their own particular perswasions . as those dissenters , whose consciences will permit , will best comply with their own good , by entring into the establishment , if a door be open for their access : so they of narrower principles , that cannot enter into it , will be safest within the limits of such indulgence as authority would vouchsafe to grant them , with respect to the common good. men of all perswasions should rather chuse to be limited by publike rules , with mutual confidence between their governors and themselves , then to be left to the liberty of their own affections , upon terms uncertain and unsecure . besides the concernment of their own peace , there is this great perswasive , that this advice is a compliance with that state of things which will best satisfie and settle the nation , and maintain reformed religion against popery , and christianity against atheism and infidelity . true englishmen , and lovers of their dear countrey , which is impaired and reproached by these breaches , should yeeld as much to its wealth and honour , as their consciences can allow . loyal subjects and good patriots should consider what the kingdom will bear , and prefer such bounded liberty of comprehension and indulgence , as tends to union , before a loose , though larger liberty , that will keep the breaches open , and the minds of people unquiet and unsetled . and it is not of little moment to mind this , that the high concerns of conscience cannot be better secured then in the peace and safety of the excellent constitution of this kingdom . for the amplitude of reformed religion , all true protestants should promote an ample establishme●t thereof , both for the incompassing of all that be sound in that profession , as also for the more capacious reception of those that may become converts thereunto . and not onely the encrease and glory thereof , but its stability in these dominions , is promoted by such an ample establishment . witness our great defence against popery , by the common zeal of all protestants of the several perswasions , for protestancy in general . by this concurrent zeal , the insolencies of the papists have been repressed , and their confidences defeated . could the protestant conformists or nonconformists , either of them upon their own single account , if one should exterminate , or utterly disable the other , be so well secured against popery , as now they are by their common interest ? and to imagine by rigor to compel the depressed party to incorporate with the party advanced , so that one should acquire the strength of both , would in the issue be found a great error . by such proceeding ▪ indeed , a party may be wounded and broken , and rendred unserviceable to the common good , but shall never be gained as an addition of strength to those who have so handled them . but an accommodation would make both to be as one . and seeing in their present divided state , the concurrent zeal of both hath been so formidable , as to dash the hopes of the popish party , how much more in a state of union , might their strength increase against their common adversaries ! wherefore , the one should open the way , and the other should readily come in upon just terms . this should be the rather minded on both sides , because the considerate nonconformists will never promote their own liberty by such ways and means as would bring in a toleration of popery ; yea , they would rather help to bear up the present ecclesiastical state , then that popery should break in by anarchy , or the dissolution of all church-government . moreover , an ample , fixed state ecclesiastical , is necessary to uphold and encrease true religion , as well against infidelity , as against popery . the loose part of the world would turn to a weariness and contempt of divine institutions , and christianity it self would be much endangered in a state of ataxy and unfixedness . by what ordinary means hath the doctrine and institution of christ been propagated and perpetuated in large kingdoms and nations , and in the universe , but by incompassing under its external rule and order , great multitudes that may fall short of the life and power thereof . and it doth not root and spread in any sort considerable , in a region , where the external order is set by the rigid and narrow principles of a small party , and the general multitude lyes open as wast ground , for any to invade or occupy . let considerate men judg how much the ample state of a meer orthodox profession , is to be preferred before infidelity , or popery , or any other sect of the christian name , that is idolatrous or heretical . there be few converts to the power of godliness , from infidelity or popery , or any heresie , but they are generally made out of the mass of people of an orthodox profession . if it be the will of god that one must suffer for the cause of religion , it is more for the honour of christianity to suffer from infidels , then from papists ; likewise it is more for the honour of reformed religion , to suffer from papists , then from protestants . and if it were at ones own choice , one should much rather ( caeteris paribus ) suffer in defence of the main truths of christianity , then for refusing a ceremony , or for any other part of inconformity . for this cause a union is so desirable , that these bitternesses , reproaches and scandals , might cease from among us . lastly , whatsoever enlargement we have granted by the favour of our lawful superiors , we have it in the best way , and a blessing is in it . sect . xx. episcopacy will gain more by moderation , then by severity in these differences . the answerer enumerates many reasons why a form of church-government should meet with many difficulties in its return after a proscription of twenty years ; and concludes it must be a generation or two , not seven years , that can wear out all those difficulties . on the other side he saith , presbytery languished almost as soon as it had a being , &c. i perceive presbytery is a great eye-sore . peradventure i may be reckoned a presbyterian ; and to say the truth , i am not ashamed of their company that are commonly called by that name ; yet i have no pleasure in such names of distinction . i am of a perswasion , but not of a party ; and whatsoever my perswasion be , it is moderate , catholick and pacifick . neither my design nor my principles engage me to maintain the presbyterial government . nevertheless i cannot but take notice with how little reason the intrinsick strength of prelacy , or weakness of presbytery , is argued from the duration of the one and the other in this kingdom . had presbytery the strength of the civil power ? or was it ever formed in england ? was it not crush'd while it was an embryo , by the prevailing potency of its adversaries ? look into those states where it hath been established , if you would judg aright concerning it . on the other hand , hath not prelacy had all the strength of law and power engaged in its defence , by the encouragements of worldly grandure for its favourers , and by severities inflicted on its impugners for above fourscore years ? in which space of time , none could appear against it without the hazard of utter undoing , or great suffering . and though it were thus born up , not for seven years , but almost a century , yet we do not find that it had worn out the difficulties of those times , which were not so many and great as this author reports its present difficulties to be , in its return after a proscription of twenty years . but there is a more excellent and surer way , which , it is hoped , may attain to a happier end in less time then a generation or two . if the distemper of minds were healed , and unchristian enmities laid aside , then moderation being sincerely begun , would hold on , and make the disagreeing parties to be still more yeelding , and mutually obliging ; those provocations and prejudices would then cease , by which they have been mutually alienated , and hurried into such hostilities , and they would not be tempted in their own defence ( as they think ) to strengthen themselves by evil advantages . if episcopacy yeeld to a moderate course , why should any prudent dissenters go about to molest it ? for in so doing they would but perpetuate their own trouble and unquiet state , seeing that diversities of opinions , and occasions of discord are like to continue about forms of church-government , until forms shall be no more . on the other side , why should the episcopal clergy dread that moderation that would render episcopacy more generally inoffensive and acceptable , and put some end to the hitherto uncessant struglings against it ? are they jealous that the structure of their government may be weakned , and at length dissolved ? they might rather apprehend it might gain assistance and reputation from many that now either by constraint and necessity , or by provocation and prejudice are made its adversaries . who so searcheth to the root of the matter , shall find , that not so much the species of government , nor the forms that are used as weightier matters , have been the chief stumbling-block , and the occasions of the greatest disgust and aversation . neither the episcopal office nor habit , doth affright this sort of people from hearing a bishop preach to their edification . the right and sure way to establish episcopacy in a land where reformed christianity is established , is not to urge precise conformity in opinions and orders , and doubtful things of meer human determination ; but to encourage soundness in the faith , ability and industry in the proper work of the ministry , and a conversation becoming the gospel ; and to discourage pluralities , nonresidencies , licentiousness and idleness in all sorts , who serve not christ , but themselves , in their sacred functions , and whose end is onely to live in pomp , wealth and pleasure . will the church-governors say ( as it hath been answered ) they are bound up by the laws ; and if patrons present unworthy persons which have the qualifications the law requires , the bishops must not reject them ; nor can they turn them out at their pleasure , but must give an account to the laws . to this i reply , if the admission and permission of unworthy ministers , comes to pass not by the bishops administration , but by the defectiveness of the laws , why hath not their zeal excited them in the space of so many years , and several princes reigns , to endeavour the obtaining of laws effectual on that behalf , as it hath to procure and make , from time to time , stricter and stricter injunctions about conformity and ceremonies ? for we know no reason why as full and vigorous laws may not be made against ignorant , negligent and scandalous ministers , as against nonconformists . conscience , honour and safety , obligeth the episcopal clergy to turn the edg of their discipline the right way , and to shew its energy and vigor , not about ceremonies , but the great and weighty matters of christian religion . and i believe that many worthy ministers of the church of england , are so perswaded . wherefore , in the former discourse i cast no evil reflection upon the latitudinarians , or any moderate persons ; nor represented them as conforming not sincerely , and as becomes the ministers of christ. they may sincerely , according to their principles , submit to these impositions , and yet not like the imposing . the expression of their lukewarmness in conformity , signified no more but this , that they set a rate upon these matters according to the value , and that they bear but an indifferent respect to things that at the best are but indifferent . it is objected against me , that having provided a place of rest for my self and my party , in the stated order , i am little sollicitous for others . i do here solemnly profess , that i am chiefly sollicitous for the tranquility and rest of a troubled nation . as for my own concernment , my deprivation is an affliction to me ; and i would do any thing that were not sin to me , to recover the liberty of my publike service in the church : but if it cannot be , i submit to his good pleasure , by whose determinate counsel all things are brought to pass , and am contented to remain a silenced sufferer for conscience towards god. yea , i should much rejoice in such enlargement of the publike rule , as might give a safe entrance to others , though i my self by some invincible strictness of apprehension , should remain excluded ; for i have no faction to uphold , and by others gain i am nothing lessened . and in my opinion , it will be no dividing of the nonconsormists , or weakning of their interest , if a part of them might close with the approved order of the nation , enlarged to the latitude of their judgments , when others of streighter judgments are left without . indeed , if they were a faction , they might lose or lessen themselves hereby : but reformed christianity is their grand interest , and their main cause lyes not in any avowed difference of doctrines between them and the episcopal protestants , nor in any secular advantages to hold to themselves in a divided state , but in the advancement of gods kingdom by the encrease of true christian faith and piety . the answerer hath used many hard speeches against me , and charged me with malice in divers passages , which i answer not in particular , because the innocence and inoffensiveness of my words will clear it self ; and because i would not make this discourse tedious , by replying to things impertinent to the main scope . it shall suffice me to add , that i have written these things , as knowing that the judg standeth before the dore. finis . the contents . sect 1. of the foundation of our peace already laid in the religion of the nation , and the structure thereof , to be perfected by the vnity of that profession . 2. the good of the several parties is best secured by common equity , and the good of the vniversality . 3. what may be esteemed a good constitution of the state ecclesiastical . 4. the comprehensiveness of the establishment , and the allowance of a just latitude of dissents , is the best remedy against dissentions . 5. whether the present dissentions are but so many factions in the state. 6. whether the nonconformists principles tend to sects and schisms . 7. of their principles touching obedience and government . 8. of placing them in the same rank for crime and guilt , with the papists . 9. whether their inconformity be conscientious or wilful . 10. of their peaceable inclinations , and readiness to be satisfied . 11. the propounded latitude leaves out nothing necessary to secure the churches peace . 12. of acquiescence in the commands of superiors , and the proper matter of their injunctions . 13. of the alledged reasons of the ecclesiastical injunctions in the beginning of the reformation . 14. the alledged reasons why the ceremonies are not to be taken away , examined . 15 ▪ of the diversity of opinion and practice already permitted in the church of england . 16. men differently perswaded in the present controversies , may live together in peace . 17. of dissenters of narrower principles and of toleration . 18. it is the interest of the nonconformists to prefer comprehension before toleration , where conscience doth not gainsay . 19. it behoves both the comprehended and the tolerated to prefer the common interest of religion , and the setling of the nation , before their own particular perswasions . 20. episcopacy will gain more by moderation , then by severity in these differences . a common-place-book out of the rehearsal transpros'd digested under these several heads, viz. his logick, chronology, wit, geography, anatomy, history, loyalty : with useful notes. 1673 approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52130 wing m869 estc r3584 12311211 ocm 12311211 59362 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52130) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59362) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 190:4) a common-place-book out of the rehearsal transpros'd digested under these several heads, viz. his logick, chronology, wit, geography, anatomy, history, loyalty : with useful notes. marvell, andrew, 1621-1678. rehearsal transpros'd. [6], 56 p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1673. a satirical reply to andrew marvell's the rehearsal transpros'd. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -great britain. dissenters, religious -england. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a common-place-book out of the rehearsal transpros'd , digested under these several heads : viz. his logick , chronology , wit , geography , anatomy , history , loyalty . with useful notes . london , printed for henry brome , at the gun at the west end of st. pauls . m. dc . lxxiii . the reason of publishing these papers . i had purposed once to have laid by these papers , esteeming them like such which menscrible in a common-place-book , especially when i heard there was an answer to the rehearsal transpros'd in booksellers hands . the answer is now known by the title of rosemary . a grave and serious piece , that 's the greatest opposition w ch it maintains against the transproser , excepting that once he ventures at wit like an apothecarie , as far as his herbal can furnish him with the qualities of nettles and archangel . you may lay a wager on his name at once reading , if you observe how he prides himself in squirting at the royal society , like culpeper against the colledge of physitians : how he strikes at all in his reach , how he nips rosemary with the long nails of his left hand , and tears bays with his right hand and teeth . but to give him his due commendation , he and one more , who hath natural wit , though no reading parts , would make a good writer . it may ( i think ) serve as an account why this is published , that upon considering the performances of the common enemy to both , i did not perceive my labour was saved , or that this small trifle was forestalled . a common-place-book out of the rehearsal transpros'd . concerning his title-page . the worthy author , that he might not seem a plagiary , doth with much modesty call his book , the rehearsal , willing to intimate , that , what-ever may be accounted any thing in it , was taken from others ; and that he may more particularly own whence he receiv'd all his flowers ( excepting what he calls the rapping-flower ) he lets it still keep the old name of the farce . so that a rehearsal it is , and more than so , transpros'd . if you ask why transpros'd ? i say in his behalf he did it like a prince , to shew the authority he had to mint words , and with an or , to shew what this must pass for . but you will say , why doth he then discourage kings from the like sovereignty ? if you know not that , you are not fit to talk with a senator . it was that he might enjoy the whole peculiar jurisdiction to himself ; just as the man disswaded his rich neighbours from the sin of vsury , that he might have the sole trade of extortion . he is so kind , as to bestow the impression on the assigns of iohn calvin and theodore beza . it is a valuable gift , and will bring good profit , as other books which are written against government , or printed in a corner . i hope the assigns of these first fathers of the church are not ministers , if they be , happy had it been for the nation , happy for themselves if they had never been so enriched , seeing he observes so many mischiefs that happen by reason of the flourishing condition of church-men . but he meant it kindly , and has thanks due for his bounty , the more because he is not wholly of their church : yet is he not at all of that church which was mother to sibthorp and mainwaring . now that the assigns may have sale for the book , these are to give notice that you may buy it at the sign of the kings indulgence . what! do you not understand him ? you look as strange and simply , as if he had told you of the sign of the counter-tenor-voice , or of the noise in the air : whereas the sign is a fair double sign : the indulgence is a sign of the kings goodness , more than their deserts . it was a conjectural sign too , of what would follow , to wit , preaching and praying against the established church , though this was strictly forbidden . upon the same sign-post is drawn the posture of a garrison almost forced to a surrendry ; at last obtraining a cessation of arms , and in that time fitting it self to repel the besiegers . the sign is large , and hath more than that in the strand containing the several coats of the 13 cantons of switzerland . but still you are never the better , except you know at what market town this new sign is hung up . it is on the south side of the lake lemane : the town is better known by the name of pure geneva . but now i have told you , it is ten to one against you , that you find it not . it is like delos , a pretty spot of floating ground , only it is not so bold as that , to lanch out into the deep ; but like a little sneaking by-lander , it creeps and coasts about the shore of the lake ; now it is south , but by then as you can read about 50 pages of the rehearsal , whip , it 's got to the west side of the lemane ; but the next time we take it there , we will get an archimedes , or some cunning man , to remove and fix it on the south . still i am glad to hear the kings indulgence is at geneva , for then his supremacy must be in the same place : and who knows but his best subjects may do what the rest cannot , and prevail with their dear brethren : but the project is not worth pursuing , 't is a bad air for kings , and would kill them sooner than the infamous hundreds , or sheerness . but if monarchie cannot have health , yet indulgence surely will make a good shift among them , 't is not to be doubted . they will indulge themselves , and all others who profess the single and onely religion of their city ; but no other can be suffered to be believed and discoursed ; for they look upon themselves as the true protestant dominicans , and as the popish part of that order have by an old prescription the principal power of the inquisition , by the same right doth the other exercise this authority over all within their reach , who believe not that presbytery is the government , that the pope is the antichrist , and that a man is almost no man. they can further justifie themselves by their own great principle , and affirm that they ought not to shew any favour to differing opinions , no though the doubting persons should come both to their churches and sacraments . this befitting gentleness is called a halting betwixt god and baal ; a cursed neutrality , a laodicean luke-warmness , and far from an ardent zeal for the cause of god. the reason upon which they proceed so , is this ; religion , which is an imitation of him whom they profess to worship , requires that they should make their decrees against men in such a manner as the dominicans and they do ( much what alike , ) believe that god enacts in the case of absolute reprobation : which sanction is so farr from any tenderness or indulgence , that calvin himself calls his own doctrine in this article , the horrid decree . but i had almost forgot one piece of toleration , which the rehearser and others report ; though there is no toleration in the genevian church , yet after church time on sundays , they tolerate sports . this liberty is not ( i suppose ) desired by the indulged ; no , they have more loyalty sure ; they have heard it preached , that it was the wicked book of sports ( not a word of rump and army ) that brought the king to the block . as for geneva , had it not been that democracie both in church and state had made some amends , you had been told ere now that it tumbled into the lemane lake , or that it had been destroyed like sodom and gomorrah . by this time , without doubt , you have enough for a title page , now make room for the rehearsal or animadversions . the book begins like a course of university-studies , with logick , and before he hath done , you will find him as universally learned as the renowned knight in our english poet. you have page 1. a dilemma against the preface for being written after declaration that he would write no more . now a dilemma is otherwise called , a two-horned argument ; whereas most men would have believed that he could have made neither two horns nor one , since he left the colledge , but here they are ; beware of a cu●s'd ox , though his horns be short . it had been unmannerly and false to call so great a master of wit a bull. now you wi●h your preface look to your self , what can you say in your own defence ? do you plead with the casuists , that any man may dispense with his own promise , where the non-performance prejudices no one ? according to this rule you are gone , for by writing again , you have offended the sweet-temper'd author of evangelical love. you have affronted atheism , which is accounted by ricaut a considerable sect amongst the fatal turks , and which in this town , under the like patronage of leviathan and absolute necessity , is not of a despicable strength . but this is not all ; you have hereby provok'd my author to waste much precious time in an answer : for he like the humorous lieutenant , was taken up in great and important affairs of state : the parliament may sit in february , and then the good old cause , and the work of all the faithful in the land , require his counsel in cabals , and his speeches in publick , as the most sufficient states-man and exact orator that their party does afford . now would it not vex a man to be thus unseasonably diverted from the weightiest business of this nation , and of one or two besides ? certainly he has cause ●o complain in the words of his old masters wife , after the death of her husband , that the burden of three common-wealths lies upon those shoulders . i hope , sir , he hath paid you off with his logick ; and to shew you that he is good at more weapons than one , have at you with his chronology . page 5. the press , that villanous engine , invented much about the same time with the reformation . i suppose by his former kindness , that he intends the honour of the reformation for mr. calvin , who is placed in the tables of chronology to the year 1550 , and the press was invented 1440 ; a villanous engine , that it should be so much before the reformer . now , though we had but few hundreds to turn in , we shou'd have brought press and reformation nearer together than , as at present they stand , 1●0 years distant ; but for one sinister accident , had not that hindred , the reformation should have been attributed to luther ; who , though he still took his commons in a monastery , wrote against indulgences in the year 1517. let not the weak brethren mistake , as if he had been a persecutor of the sober party : it was only against the popes indulgence , which was a sort of good natur'd liberty of conscience for men to sin scot-free , paying only for it a small rent of acknowledgment to his holiness . that which must for ever exclude luther from this glorious title of reformer , is , that he was not contented , page 295. with three ceremonies , but he had the table se● altar-wise , and to be called an altar , candles , crucifixes , paintings , &c. so that calvin is your man , so useful an instrument that i could wish , for the sake of my author , he had been heard of but one hundred years sooner . but if you make the worst of it , what signifies this in comparison of so many thousands as the world is old : and if you set it over against eternity , he is not so much as one moment out in his computation . but since this chronology is a dry study , and printing very laborious , he makes a facetious transition from the printing press to the wine press . if his thirsty wit be so pretty , what may we expect from his new wine ? here it comes , page 64. he was the cock divine and cock-wit , and walked among the hens . oh how i love to see much made of a little ! some pretending wits are so lazy that they will take no pains with a joke , except it will come easily they let it alone ; they , like unskilful carvers of a calfs head , cannot find the best bits ; but our author rather than miss any , will break his own brain . he is in splitting jests as famous as those celebrated men in their several professions , of whom one is called doctor tear-text , the other the pick-lock of the law. another piece of the same wit , is page 10. where he tells us of contrary assignations , where the phansie is up and breeches down ; with the rest , of which modesty forbids to make a rehearsal , his excuse must be that of hilkiah the quaker for his plain song of window-woing , he said it when the vain spirit was upon him . whatever he says ill now , he recants page 65. he declares that he does not hear for all this , that he practised upon the honour of ladies . this is very charitable and true : but if this accusation had been just , the candor of the vindication had been wonderful . the jealous fellow in green-street was not so favourable to the blew-gown , whom he caught in that posture with his wife ; for like an ill-bred clown he used him untowardly , and so that it is a shame to tell . thus far my author hath shewed a kind of apothegmatical short wit ; now to shew that he can offer somewhat more stately and large , he performs the fear of aristotle's rarefaction , that is , he gives you much of extension upon a little of matter . he takes but two letters i. o. and with these alone he writes from page 80. to 91. never did bow-bells ring more changes than these well tuned two . say but what you would have , and here it is . i. o. is a talisman , though the owner thereof is neither conjurer nor cunning gipsie ; i. o. is paean , daughter of inachus , iudicious , iealous , oraculous , obscure . this is an abridgement of the design carried on through 10 pages , excepting some stragling digressions , one is his advice to the alphabet to fetch a warrant from justice bales against the prefacer . i think he had better advised them to another , except they meet with his clerk at home , for since the justice left practising law , he hath almost quite forgot these clients . further , if this alphabet should joyn its whole stock and lay it out to most advantage , it can only give words , which is the same as to deceive : besides that , at the best , bare words are but slender pay for a suburb-justice . when all is done , it is ( methinks ) a dishonourable and cowardly trick for four and twenty to swear the peace against one , and to desire to have a man bound who wears no sword. the letters , i am sure , had more courage in the roman empire : a few of them is those days put augustus to flight , though he was one of the most victorious emperours that the world ever saw . it shews a strange degeneracie , and is of ill consequence ; for if the letters are so timorous , they may in time shun the acquaintance of my worthy author ; but they have not served him so yet ; for in stead hereof they have furnished him with some words which are so much his propriety , that no man hath been acquainted with them besides himself ; they are great rarities every where but with him : i will give you some of them , super-inducing ornaments , page 40. vnhoopable iurisdiction , 246. pick-thankness of the clergy , 284. i have not yet sufficiently admired his mighty parts , how wonderfully they lie towards amplifications . a necessary figure if a man were to manage a parliamentary debate till three in the after-noon , in spight to a dinner bespoke at the cock or quakers : for by making sure of two ribs of cold mutton , and a speech measur'd by a brewers glass , you may perform wonders , and earn a congregational supper . he who is now rehearser of the farce , anon of the close committee , and , for length-sake of himself again , is as tough and lasting as a stone-horse in a race ; yet i have heard those who use the newmarket-course say that the colingwood-gelding would hold it out to the end as true as the best . this gentleman formerly lov'd the sport , and thereupon i hope he will not count it an impertinent tale another excellency or flower in his book , is a particular happiness in synonymous expressions . as for example , pag. 18. i knew but lately , and now learn , the sense of this , if any , is , that his knowledge is such , of which metaphysicks speak , wherein past and present is all one , but they except his , and tell us that this sort of knowledege 〈◊〉 only to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; or else the meaning is , that his knowledge and learning are two things . in this our author was very lucky , but quickly you shall se● him in full triumph , having utterly routed his adversary page 50. what a bramble that had agents abroad and an indefatigable bramble , who ever heard the like ? for my part not i , excepting once , and that was in an old piece , called the book of iudges , where one iothum speaks of a pragmatical fellow , by name abimelech , whom he represents to be a bramble , and brings in this bramble making a speech ; now that he was an indefatigable bramble , will appear if you can but meet with the book . i have heard hugh peters preach in noll's days at cambridge upon this parable , endeavouring to prove that the the bramble-government was better then none at all . i begin to think that you are alike displeased with the comparison in both places . it may be you are no friend to iotham the rightful king of sechem , but rather have an honour for the memory of abimelech the usurper . what if your adversary should find a patch'd hole about you ? page 49. you must be conjured upon the stage as oft as mr. bays will ferret you . this one line has witchcraft , play-houses and catching of rappads . o delightful variety , how soon he changes scents and hunts a fresh metaphor ! there shall be no conjuring shows ( fear not ) at the play-house , if the devil can hinder ; lest one of the poets should be perswaded that there are spirits . but still mr. bays will be a ferret , for he bites keenly : what will you then make of your self , one that mumps with a pretty seeming innocence , yet scratches and undermines the ground on which we tread ? well , now you had best carry the war into the enemies country , and assault the town at the lemane lake . this town surely was design'd for more controversies , besides those in religion and government : it is strange that it should set men together by th' ears about its scituation ; that this contention , like the leprosie ' crept into the walls , should infect the very geographical charts , you may see them divided like hostile sails , some standing southerly , and others west and by north. but if the old report of atlas be true , that he holds the world to rights , this geneva stands to the south of the lake . if you ask who this atlas is , know that he speaks english , and discourses particularly of the lemane lake , and taught heylin his skill ; he hath been shewn publickly by mercator , and is still to be seen at moxon's . i know some arbitrators who would serve you in this controversie , and award that the transproser should place it on what side the lake he pleases , provided that he do not trans — it to this side of our herring-pool . my author next presents you with his skill in anatomy , which , with great pain , he learned at the university : page 50 , 51. smiling and frowning are performed in the face with the same muscles , very little altered . if this should prove false , he is to be excus'd , seeing he meant it for a good comparison , which , except you be charitable , will be quite spoil'd ; it may be his muscles are quite different other mens , he being an extraordinary production of nature , who , as appears by his book , smiles and frowns in such quick interchanges , that for more expedition , the same instruments were made on purpose for him to serve both uses : but he seems to say it of the adversary , who , notwithstanding the strange bill of fare brought in for him , has a face like other men , and ( i believe ) just such muscles . in short then the mistake is this . he had read of the muscles of the temples descending down to the lower jaw , and there giving motion . he had likewise read in the latine poets the two words for temples and fore-head us'd often promiscuously , as raphe and ralpho for the verse sake ; but he never consider'd that anatomy was more distinct than poetry ; and that the fore-head had muscles of its own , whereby we frown at pleasure , and that these end in the eye-brows . for all this the gentleman is not discountenanc'd , but he gives anotrial of anatomical knowledge , page 67. his cerebellum was so dried up , that there was more brains in a wallnut , and both their shells were thin and brittle ; here the cerebellum and the shell of the wallnut are compar'd : it is likely he means it of a wallnut not yet fit to gather , then it is green and unripe , and such , as he would perswade , is the head of his adversary ; but it had been more according to art , to have made the resemblance betwixt the cerebellum and the kernel , save only that the cerebellum is much the softer substance , but agrees in this , that it is covered like the kernel ; but since he is displeased with the thin shell about the brain , which i thought had been a sign of a good head , as it is of a good nut ; i with him much joy of a thick scull . the author , being aware that the cerebellum was empty , raises the hypochondria page 50. into the region of the brain . beware , sir , left some quibler and anatomist , like one you know , shall say , that he has then guts in his brains : a proverb expressing a man of wit and parts . i shou'd propound another considerable instance of your learning , but that i am afraid of setting the anti-mathematician on your back . i will only give such a hint as you and i and no other can understand . you remember the square-cap , colledge-quadrangle , round world , and quadrature of circle . how would mr. hobbs take it , to be thus robb'd of his late glorious atchievements , that an vniversity capper , or any idle fellow that turns or drinks about till the ground runs round with him , shou'd , as truly as he , discover the quadrature of the circle . next come your reports out of history , which are choice like your new-found words , page 123. julian himself , who i think was first a reader , and held forth in the christian churches , before he turned apostate , &c. well , sir , if you miscarry in history , as you had a casual slip in anatomy , i would advise you to renounce the use of all in writing , except phansie and censure . it might be doubted , whether iulian were a reader in the church : socrates scholasti●us says he was design'd ; sozomen , that he was judged fit ; though theodoret affirms , that he did publickly read the scriptures ; but except this be preaching and holding forth , which certainly will not pass with you for a sermon , iulian was never a holder-forth . to be a reader as he was , is no more than to be a lay-clerk in a cathedral . the business of preaching was scarce permitted to priests in the primitive church ; for though we find that the readers at alexandria did interpret , that is , translate to them the scripture ; yet the historian who relates this , to wit , socrates , adds that arius was the first priest who did ever in that city preach to the assemblies of christians : but it may be iulian did it in the independent way , as a gifted-brother , and that would please your client i. o. or else as a reader , he was of the clergie , and in holy order , and thereby you gratifie the papists . it will do good service which way so ere it falls , seeing both of them oppose the common enemy ; the church of england . but if you could place this iulian in some cure of souls , and had once discovered that he was either parson or vicar , you wou'd easily conclude that he did hold-forth . you may conclude that you have done the business by the authority of ammianus marcellinus , who in his 22. book having spoken of the christians immediately before , adds , iulianus quinetiam exvicario earundem partium nimius fautor , &c. which you thus construed , iulian from being a vicar , became too great a favourer of that party . o brave merry andrew ! this i 'le warrant it pleases you . but what pity it is , in that age of the church there were neither vicaridges , nor impropriations . and further , this iulian was not the apostate , but a deputy under constantius , turn'd out by iulian the emperour , as is signified by exvicario , which word is by marcellinus barbarously set as the nominative in apposition to iulianus ; as is evident in the next line , where he calls artemias the exduce egypti : so that he seems to have learned his accidence , but not grammar ; he thinks that where-ever he meets with the preposition ex , the next nown , though part of the same word , must always be the ablative case . but i am now quite tir'd with these petty criticisms , so that for your farther satisfaction in the grammatical part i refer , you next see him , to blind m. who teaches school about m●re-fields . what think you of this sorry latinist , marcellinus ? was he not fit to have serv'd as latine secretary about those times when the super-reformists intended to have made masters and fellows of colledges like reformed officers ? when the gustices ( with a g ) of b — shire set their marks to a petition for suppressing universities ; doubtless at that time when latine was the language of the beast , he might have kept in office , because what he wrote differ'd much from what the beast bellow'd . if you are not weary of hearing , he shall present you with more history ; page 204. he would not , as heliodorus bishop of trissa , i take it , that renounced his bishoprick rather than his title to the history of theagenes and chariclea . if you dare believe a faithful historian , ancienter than any who affirms the contrary , the author of the aethiopicks or the history of theagenes and chariclea was not heliodorus , but theodorus , not a bishop , but at large a clergy-man , which by his translator is rendred a priest , not of trissa but of triva ; this account is given by socrates , but he says not a word of his renouncing his office in the church : he only notes that he was the ring-leader of that peculiar custom in thessaly that priests should renounce their wives . the first , who affirmed that he preferred his book above his clergy , was the fabulous nicephorus ; one , who when he does not steal , invents either gross scandals , or feign'd miracles : so that you may put up your trumpery , this ware will not pass , except with those who endure not to read the history of the primitive church , because it is so unlike their own , however it will make chat among the brotherhood . iulian the apostate , formerly a preacher of a national church , exchang'd his faith for idolatry ; and bishop heliodore chose rather to be silenc'd , than condemn his vain and frothy romance . but you afford your friends better entertainment in pointing at some of the church of england lately dead , as if they were popishly affected . he who begs the requiem , had good cause , it seems , to bespeak the favour , that his memory might be blessed , as 't is hoped he is , and that his good name might be at rest as well as his body : for you have laid the greatest blemish in the world on him , that he should accuse a church of schism before god , and still live in the communion and ministery of the same ; it had been better that you had writ his own words immediately from his book ; he says it with an if , &c. which he endeavours to disprove to be the reason of the separation ; your leaving out the supposition , and affirming it as an absolute assertion , inverts his meaning utterly , so that the accusation is like that of serapion to st. chrysostom against severianus , for saying that christ was never incarnate : whereas his words were , that if severianus died a christian , christ was never incarnate . but something is the matter that he is so offended with these episcopal men : he tells you page 209. it 's a shame they shou'd keep such a pudder for symbolical ceremonies . he cou'd have endured if they had signified nothing , for then they had been like his writing against them . o but they are made sacraments , says he , yet he affirms not that any pretend in their behalf , eiher a bestowal of grace , or a divine institution : so that it is not the church but he that makes them sacraments ; and on such terms he needs not quarrel with the 7 sacraments , but may multiply them to 77. he wou'd have it be in the church as of late in the commonwealth , that those who are placed in subjection might chuse whether they will obey or not . i doubt if he might have a child , he wou'd not reckon it his duty to yield to the tender weak one , when his commands are disputed , of how small moment or indifferency soever they be in themselves . let me advise him as lycurgus did the petitioner for democracy in sparta , to practise it first in his own family . thus he takes away all power in the church , even in the least things , not leaving as much as any petty corporation enjoys , to make by-laws not contradictory to the publick ; no , in this the thing is uncapable , and in others the persons are . page 300 he whispers though he looks another way , that the clergy are not so well fitted as others by education for political affairs . i confess indeed , they want one or two pieces of fitness with which this gentleman is plentifully furnish'd , ambition and conceitedness of sufficiency . but as to the rest , it may be said , that there were no notorious misfortunes that in former ages befel their state-ministeries ; they have been both imploy'd and approv'd by the wisest princes in christendom at their council-boards , and in weighty embassies ; and at this day it cannot be perceived that the order , either by natural endowments , or education , is more uncapable than their predecessors . but now he is making his approaches to fall upon the government of king charles i. and according to old custom , the guard of church-men must feel the first blows . how unfortunate on earth still is this blessed royal martyr ? that when his enemies are forgiven , he cannot from them obtain a pardon for his innocence , though he sought and di'd for religion and liberty of his subjects , yet to depose and murder him again his rebells deprive him of this glory of his present crown . now , sir , you shall excuse me , if i cannot so smoothly pass over your want of due loyaly , as i have your mistaken well wishes to learning . before he comes to his apology for the rebellion , he begins to throw dirt at the most resolute opposer of its contrivance , the truly great and worthy archbishop laud : pag 301 though so learned , so pious , so wise a man , he seemed to know nothing beyond ceremonies , arminianism , and manwaring . dull and unmannerly ! does it ( think you ) become the son of vicar to prate thus of an archbishop ? 't is done like a ianizary , who though he be the son of a christian , is the worst enemy to the profession . is this your complement , to embrace him , that you may stab him ? is it your protection for railing whole pages , that you preface the libel with his just titles of pious , learned , and wise ? do you think the world so dim-sighted , that they cannot discern what is under so thin a veil ? such as you , have need of a good memory ; for your little cunning and pernicious malice put you upon flat contradictions in the same period . though he was pious , learned , and wise , yet he seem'd to understand nothing beyond ceremonies , &c. what , nothing more ! seemed he to know nothing of the primitive religion restor'd ? nothing how to root out , both by disputation and discipline , the abuses and encroachments of the church of rome ? was he ignorant of these , or is all this nothing ? he knew too the dangerous correspondence between the seditious projectors of a war at home , and in scotland : to this design he put a stop , and had , if others would have done their parts , put a happy end . another of your inconsistencies is , page 301. i am confident the bishop studied to do both god and his majesty good service : yet p. 302. resolv'd what ever came on 't to make the best of him . though you change the number , yet the whole process of the discourse convinces , that the archbishop is not excepted . how do these agree ? to study to do his majesty good service , and to resolve what e're came on 't , whether to his advantage or not , to be gainers , and make the best of him . no such matter . he was assur'd that the advice which he and the noblest temporal lords gave the king , was for the interest of religion and peace . and he was in like manner sensible , that thereby he did expose himself to a storm , foretelling his friends that he saw it hanging over his head . you know not what it is to serve your prince for conscience-sake , nor what undesigning generosity lodg'd in his brest , who could propound no greater reward to himself , than the satisfaction of doing his duty aright . to make the best of a master , is a character better befitting a little fellow , who had formerly been a whissling clerk to a vsurper , and afterwards turn'd broker for all phanatick ware. now you come closer to the point , and begin the war again with a declaration of the causes drawn with as much tenderness as if it had been penn'd by a committee of the long parliament ; having first imposed silence on those who renew the memory of what hath been done against the old king , you will have the case argu'd only in behalf of his enemies . what is this but to muzzle the dogs while the wolfs do range ? would you have the indictment confessed by standing mute , when as the witnesses are the only malefactours ? your account of the original of the war which was lately , is ( thereby ) known to be untrue : however you deserve a salary from the impenitent rout of sequestrators and army-officers . alack , dear hearts ! harmless good men ! they wou'd not háve wrong'd a worm with their good will ! they had never lift up a hand against the king , or injur'd any of his friends to the value of an english penny , but that they were constrain'd to do what they did , or else lose their religion and liberty ! so that henceforth they ought not to be troubl'd , for the act of indemnity has acquit them from punishment , and the rehearsal , has absolv'd them from suspition of guilt : this is the certain meaning of that slie insinuation , page 303. whether it were a war of religion or of liberty , is not worth the labour to enquire , which soever was at the top , the other was at the bottom . now let his party get this clause without book , and by authority hereof , boldly to the very teeth call all the old royalists fighters against god , plotters against publick wellfare , and undeserving of that which they endeavour'd to overthrow ; but if they will please in this accusation to pass by the chief person that ever appeared in arms against them , they expect to have the civility acknowledg'd by his heir . but it may be thought perhaps that i am too severe and uncharitable to the author , and put too harsh a sense upon his words : as if he were an advocate , when he only plays the historian ; that he only tells us their pretences , not as if they were just grounds : or that he defends these things as a good cause of war. 't is true indeed , he says only , that it was too good a cause to be fought for . now , according to natural logick , whatsoever is too good , is good enough , and more to spare . as if i should say of the transproser , in the course way of speaking wherein he treats others , that he was too much a knave to be trusted with any office in the kingdom ; this would include that he was knave enough . now we speak of imployment in the commonwealth , he is sure to be excluded from many places , for refusing to declare that it is not lawful upon any cause whatsoever ( yea , though it be too good a cause ) to take up arms against the king. but to sweeten the harshness of what he last gave , he adds , the arms of the church are prayers and tears ; it is true indeed , but the adversaries of the church have other arms , yet they use the saying to good purpose , and sing this in mens ears till they have lull'd them asleep ; where they intend to make an an onset . it hath been observ'd that this very sentence was the subject of a papist's book in q. elizabeths reign , to make the governours more secure , whilst they were restless . yet this author pretends so much respect to government , that he fairly warns princes of the danger which may ensue again , if they invade religion and liberty . page 304. the fatal consequences of that rebellion can only serve as sea-marks unto wise princes to avoid the causes . it only serves for princes , he was not sensible that the people were losers . for his own part he does not find that he had cause then to complain , but as for princes , to them they stand as sea-marks , they shew that if they touch there abouts . they shall be split as sure as if they dasht upon a rock : as they love themselves , let them avoid giving the people these causes of a war. what if they will not take fair warning ? why then they must take what comes . how much better might he have assign'd , as the cause of the war , a wanton pride of the people , bred out of prosperity and long ease , infected with a touch of levelling principles , deriv'd over to their politicks from the new models of church government . he might farther have demonstrated , that these materials were wrought by aemulation and covetousness . not forgetting that some grandees ordered the puritan lecturers , like apothecaries , to make up , according to their prescriptions , a bolus with some counterfeit drops of gods glory , that the well-meaning multitude might more glibly swallow the poison . i have now upon the matter done with you : let me only advise you as a friend , suddenly to clap up a peace with the government upon this single article , that neither might suffer by the other . as to what you have wrote against the author of the preface , the most part has either been answered to your principal i. o. or else needs none . or if it seem so to require , it carries a solution near the difficulty . what you object against the church of england , is rehearsal ; and as it hath been repeated oft by several , so has it been oftner confuted . let me leave you with a passage in history , and the consideration in how many circumstances this is , and may be your case . the short of it is thus ; eutropius the eunuch was a busie solicitor with the civil magistracy , to have a law made against the priviledges and power of the church , not long after it happen'd that he was utterly ruin'd by the very same contrivance , which his malice against ecclesiastical politie had framed . the end . an enquiry into the measures of submission to the supream [sic] authority and of the grounds upon which it may be lawful or necessary for subjects to defend their religion. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 1688 approx. 34 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30362 wing b5809 estc r215041 09501926 ocm 09501926 43331 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30362) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43331) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1326:13) an enquiry into the measures of submission to the supream [sic] authority and of the grounds upon which it may be lawful or necessary for subjects to defend their religion. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 13 p. [s.n.], london : 1688. attributed to gilbert burnet--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng government, resistance to. church and state -church of england. great britain -history -revolution of 1688. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an enquiry into the measures of submission to the supream authority . and of the grounds upon which it may be lawful , or necessary for subjects to defend their religion lives and liberties . london , printed in the year 1688. an enquiry into the measures of submission , to the supream authority : and of the grounds upon which it may be lawful or necess●ry for subjects , to defend their religion , lives and liberties . this enquirie cannot be regularly made , but by taking , in the first place , a true and full view of the nature of civil society , and more particularly of the nature of supream power , whether it is lodged in one or moe persons . 1. it is certain that the law of nature has put no difference nor subordina●ion among men , except it be that of children to parents , or of wives to their husbands ; so that with relation to the law of nature , all men a●e born free ; and this libert● must still be supposed entire , unless so far as it is limited by contracts , provisions and laws ; for a man can ei●her bind himsel● to be a servant , or sell himself to be a slave , by which he becomes in the power of another , only so far as it was provided by the contract : since all ●hat liberty which was not expresly given away , remains still entire ; so that the plea for liberty alwayes proves it self , unless it appears that it is given up , or limited by any special agreement . 2. it is no less certain , that as the light of nature has plan●ed in all men a natural principle of the love of life , and of a desire to pr●s●rve it ; so the comm●n principles of all religion agree in this , that god having set us in this world , we are bound to preserve that being , which he has given us , by all just and lawful wayes . now this duty of self-pr●serv●tion , is exerted in instances of two sorts ; the one are in the resisting of violent aggressors ; the other are the taking of j●st revenges of those who have invaded us so secretly , that we could not prevent them ▪ and so violently that we could nor resist them . in which cases the principle of self preservation warrants us , both to recover what is our own , with just damages ; and also to put such unjust persons out of a capacity of doing the like injuries any more , either to our selves or to any others . now in these instances of self-preservation , this difference is to be observed , that the first cannot be limited , b● any slow forms , since a ●ressing danger requires a vigorous repulse , and cannot admit of delay ; whereas the second , of taking reverges or reparations , is not of such haste , but that it may be brought under rules and forms . 3. the true and original notion of civil society and government is , that it is a com-promise made by such a body of men , by which they resign up the right of demanding reparations , either in the way of justice , against one another , or in the way of war against their neighbours ; to suc● a single person , or to such a body of men as they think fit to trust with this . and in the management of this civil society , great distinction is to be made between the power of making laws for the regulating the conduct of it , & the power of executing these laws : the supream authority must still be supposed to be lodged with those who have the legisl●tive power reserved to them ; but not with tho●e who have only the executive , which is plainly a trust , when it is separated from the legislative power ; and all tru●ts by their nature imp●rt , that those to whom they are given , are accountable , even tho that it should not be expresly specified in the words of the ●rust it self . 4. it cannot be supposed by the principles of natural religion , that god has authorised any one form of government , any other way than as the general rules of order and of justice oblige all men not to subvert constitutions , nor disturb the peace of mankind , nor invade those rights with which the law may have vested some persons ; for it is certain that as private contracts lodge or translate private rights ; so the publick laws can likewise lodge such rights , ●rerogatives and revenues , in those under whose protection they put themselves ; and in such a manner that they may come to have as good a title to these , as any private person can have to his property ; so that it becomes an act of high injustice and violence to invade these , which is so far a greater sin than any such actions would be against a private person ; as the publick peace and order is preferable to all private considerations whatsoever . so that in truth , ●the principles of natural religion , give those that are in authority no power at all● , but they do only secure them in the possession of that which is theirs by law ▪ and as no considerations of religion can bind me to pay another more than i indeed owe him , but do only bind me more strictly to pay what i owe ; so the considerations of religion do indeed bring subjects under stricter obligations , to pay all due all●giance and submission to their princes ; but they do not at all extend that allegia●ce further than the law carries it . and though a man has no divine right to his property , but has acquired it by humane means , such as succession or industry , yet he has a security for the enjoyment of it , from a divine right , so tho princes have no immediate warrants from heaven , either for their original titles , or for the extent of them , yet they are secured in the possession of them by the principles and rules of natural religion . 5. it is to be considered that as a private person , can bind himself to anoth●r mans service by different degrees , either as an ordinary se●vant for wages , or as an appropriat for a longer time as an apprentice , or by a total giving himself up to another , as in the case of slavery : in all which cases the general name of master may be equally used , yet the degrees of his power are to be judged by the nature of the contract ; so likewise bodies of men can give themselves up in different degrees , to the conduct of others . and therefore though all tho●e may carry the same name of king , yet every ones power is to be taken from the measures of the authority which is lodged in him , and not from any general speculations founded on some equivocal terms , such as king , soveraign or supream . 6. i●'s certain , that god , as the creator and governour of the world , may set up whom he will , to rule over other men : but this declaration of his will , must be made evident by prophe●s , or other extraordinary men sen● of him , who have some manifest proo●s of the divine authority , that is committed to them , on such occasions , and upon such persons declaring the will of god , in favour of any others , that declaration is to be submitted to and obeyed . but this pretence of a divine delegation , can be carryed no farther than to those who are thus expresl● marked out , and is unjustly claimed by those who can prove no such declaration to have been ever made in favour of them , or their families . nor does it appear reasonable to conclude from their being in possession , that it is the will of god that it should be so , this justifies all usurpers , when they ●re successful . 7. the measures of power , and by consequence of ob●dience , must be taken from the express laws of any s●ate , or body of men , from the oaths that they swear , or from immemorial prescription , and a long possession , which both give a title , and in a long tract of time make a bad one become good , since prescription when it passes the memory of man , and is not dispured by any other pretender , gives by the common sense of all men , a just and good title : so upon the whole matter , the degrees of all civil authority , are to be taken either from express laws , immemorial customs , or from particular oaths , which the subjects swear to their princes : this being still to be laid down for a principle , that in all the disputes between power and liberty ▪ power must alwayes be proved , but liberty proves it self ; the one being founded only upon positive law , and the other upon the law of nature . 8. if from the general principles of humane society , and natural religion , we carry this matter to be examined by the scriptures , it is clear that all the passages that are in the old testament , are not to be made use of in this matter , of neither side . for as the land of canaan , was given to the iews by an immediat grant from heaven , so god re●erved still this to himself , and to the declarations that he should m●ke from time to time , either by his prophets , or by the answers that came from the cloud of glory that was between the cherubims , to set up judges or kings over them , and to pull them down again as he thought fit , here was an express delegation made by god , and theref●re all that was ●one in that dispensation , either for or against princes , is not to be made use of in any other state , that is founded on another bottom and constitution , and all the expressions in the old testament relating to kings , since they belong to persons that were immediatly designed by god , are without any sort of reason ap●lyed to those , who can pretend to no such designation , neither o● themselves nor for their ancestors . 9. as for the new testament , it is plain ▪ that there are no rules given in it , neither for the forms o● government in general , nor for ●he degrees of any one form in particular ▪ but the general rules of justice , order , and peace , being established in it upon higher motives , and more binding considerations , then ever they were ●n any other religion whatsoever , we are most strictly bound by it , to observe the constitution in which we are ? and it is plain , that the rules set us in the gospel , can be carried no further . it is indeed clear from the new testament , that the christian religion as such , gives us no grounds to defend or propagat it by force . it is a doctrine of the cross , and of faith , and patience under it : and i● by the order of divine providence , and of any constitution of governmen● , under which we are born , we are brought under suf●erings , for our professing of it , we may indeed retire and fly out of any such countrey , if we can ; but if that is denyed us , we must then according to this religion , ●ubmit to those suffe●ings under which we may be brought , considering that god will be glorified by us in so doing , and that he will both support us under our sufferings , and gloriously reward us for them . this was the state of the christian religion , during the three first centuries , under heathen emperours , and a constitution in which paganism was established by law ; but i● by the laws of any government , the christian religion , or any form of it , is become a part of the subjects property , it then falls under another consider●tion , not as it is a religion , but as it is become one of the principal rights of the subjects , to believe and profess it : and then we must ju●ge of the invasions made on that , as we do of any other invasion that is made on our rights . 10. all the pas●ages in the new testament that relate to civil government are to be expounded as they were truely meaned , in opposition to that false notion of the iews , who believed themselves to be so immediately under the divine authority , that they would not become the subjects of any other power ; particularly of one that was not of their nation , or of their religion : therefore they thought , they could not be under the roman yoke , nor bound to pay tribute to caesar ▪ but judged that they were only subj●ct out of fear , by reason of the force that lay on them , but not for conscience sake : and so in all their dispersion , both at rome and elsewhere , they thought they were gods free-men ; and made use of this pretended liberty as a cloak of maliciousness . in opposition to all which , since in a cour●e of many years , they had asked the protection of the roman yoke , and were come und●r their authority , our saviour ordered them to continue in that by his ●aying , render to caesar that which is caesars ; and both st. p●ul in his epistle to the romans , and st. peter in his general epistle , have very positively condemned that pernicious maxim , but without any formal declarations made of the rules or measures of government . and since both the people and senate of rome had acknowledged the power that augustus had indeed violently usurped , it became legal when it was thus submitted to , and confirmed both by the senate and people : and it was establisht in his family by a long prescription when these epistle● were writ : so that upon the whole matter , all that is in the new testament upon this subject . imports no more but that all christians are bound to acquiesce in the government , and submit to it , according to the cons●i●ution that is setled by law. 11 we are then at last brought to the constitution of our english government ; so that no general considerations from speculations about soveraign power , nor from any passages either of the old and new t●stament , ought to determin us in this matter ; which must be fixed from the laws and regulations that have been made among us. it is then certain , that with relation to the executive part of the government , the law has lodged that singly in the king ; so that the whole administration of it is in him : but the legislative power is lodged between the king and the two houses of parliament ; so that the power of making and repealing laws , is not singly in the king , but only so far as the two houses concur with him . it is also clear , that the king has such a determined extent of prerogative , beyond which he has no authority : as for instance , if he levies money of his people , without a law impowering him to it , he goes beyond the limits of his power , and asks that to which he has no right ▪ so that there lyes no obligation on the subject to grant it : and if any in his name use violence for the obtaining it , they are to be looked on as so many robbers , that invade our property and they being violent aggressors , the principle of self preservation seems here to take place , and to warrant as violent a resistance . 12 there is nothing more evident , than that england is a free nation , that has its liberties and properti●s reserved to it b● many positive and express laws : if then we have a right to our property , we must likewise be supposed to have a right to preserve it ; for these rights are by the law secured against the invasions of the prerogative , and by consequence we must have a right to preserve them against those invasions . it is also evidently declared by our law , that all orders and warrants , that are issued out in opposition to them , are null of themselves ; and by consequence , any that pretend to have commissions from the king for those ends , are to be considered as if they had none at all : since these commissions being void of themselves , are inde●d no commissions in the construction of the law ; and the●efore those who act in vertue of them , are still to be considered , as private persons who come to invade and disturb u● . it is also to be observed , that the●e are some points that are justly disputable and doubtful , and others that are so manifest , that it is plain that any objections that can be made to them , are rather for●ed preten●es , than so much as plausible colours . it is true , if the case is doubtful , the interest of the publick peace and order ought to ca●ry it ; ●ut the case is quite different when the invasions that are made upon liberty and property , are plain and visible to all that co●sider them . 13. the main and great difficulty here , is , that tho our governm●nt does indeed as●ert the li●erty of the subject , yet there are many express laws made , that lodge the militia singly in the king , that make it plainly unlawfull upon any pretence whatsoever to take arms against the king , or any c●mmissioned by him ; and these laws have been put in the form of an oath , which all that have born any imployment either in church or state ●ave sworn ; and ther●fore ●h●se laws , ●or the assu●eing ●ur liberties , do indeed bind the kings conscience , and may af●●ct his ministers ; y●t since it is a m●x●m of our law , t●at the king can do no wrong , these cannot be carried so far as to justifie our taking arms against him , be the trans●r●ssions of law e●er so many and so manifest : and since this has be●n the consta●t doctrine of the church of england , it will be a very h●avy imputation on us , if it appears , that tho we held these opinions , as long as the court and the crown have favoured us , ●et as soon as the court turns against us , we change o●r principles . 14. here is the true difficulty of this whole matter , and therefor it ought to be exactly considered . fi●st , all general words , ●ow large so●ver , are still supposed to have a tacite exception , and reserves in them , if the matter seems to require it . children are commanded to obe● their parents in all things : wives are declared be the scripture , to be subject to their husbands in a●l things ; as the church is unto christ : and yet how comprehensive so●ver these words may seem to be , there is still a reserve to be understood in them ; and tho by our form of marriage the p●rties swear to one another till death them do part , yet few doubt 〈◊〉 this bond is dissolved by adultery , tho it is not named ; for odious things ought not to be suspected , and therefore not named upon such occasions : but when they fall out , they carrie still their own force with them . 2. when there seems to be a contradiction between two articles in the constitution , we ought to examine which of the two is the most evident , and the most important and so we ought to fix upon it , and then we must give such an accomodating sense to that which seems to contradict it , that so we may reconcile those together . here then are two seeming contradictions in our constitution : the oneis the publick libert● of the nation ; the other is the renouncing of all resi●tance , in case that were invaded . it is plain , that our liberty is only a thing that we enjoy at the kings discretion , and during his pleasure ; if the other against all resistance is to be understood according to the outmost extent of the words . therefore since the chief design of our whole law , and all the several rules of our constitution , is to secure and mantain our liberty , we ought to lay that down for a conclusion , that it is both the most plain and the most important of the two : and therefore the other article against resistance ought to be so softned ▪ as that it doe not destroy this . 3. since it is by a law that resistance is condemned , we ought to understand it in such a sense , as that it does not destroy all other laws : and therefore the intent of this law must only relate to the executive power , which is in the king , and not to the legislative , in which we cannot suppose that our legislators , who made that law , intended to give up that , which we plainly see they resolved still to preserve intire , according to the ancient constitution . so then the not resi●ting the king , can only be applyed to the executive power , that so upon no pretence of ill administrations in the execution of the law , it should be lawful to resist him ; but this cannot with any r●ason be extended to an invasion of the legislative power , or to a total subversion of the government . for it being plain , that the law did not design to lodge that power in the king ; it is also plain , that it did not intend to secure him in it , in case he should ●et about it . 4. the law mentioning the king , or those commissionate by him , shews plainly , that it only designed to secure t●e king in the executive power : for the word commission necessarly imports this , since if it is not according to law , it is no commission ; and by con●equence , ●●ose who act in vertue of it , are not commissionate by the king in the sense of the law. the king likewise imports a prince clothed by law with the regal prerogative , but if he goes to subvert the whole foundation of the governmen● , he subverts that by which he himself has his power , and by consequence he annulls his own power ; and then he ceases to be king , having endeavoured to destroy that , upon which his own authority is founded . it is acknowledged by the greatest asserters of monarchical power , that in some cases a king may fall from his power , and in other cases that he may fall from the exercise of it . his deserting his people , his going about to enslave or sell them to any other , or a furious going about to destroy them , are in the opinion of the most monarchical lawyers , such abuses , that they naturally divest those that are guilty of them , of their whole authority . infamy or phrenzie do also put them under the guardian-ship of others . all the crowned heads of europe have , at least secretly , approv'd of the putting the late king of portugal under a guardian-ship , & the keeping him still prisoner for a few acts of rage , that had been fatal to a very few persons : and even our court gave the first countenance to it , tho of all ot●ers the late king hade the most reason to have done it at least last of all , since it justified a younger brother's supplanting the elder ; yet the evidence of the thing carryed it even against interest . therefore if a king goes about to subvert the government , and to overturn the whole constitution , he by this must be supposed either to fall from his power , or at least from the exercise of it , so far as that he ought to be put under guardians ; and according to the case of portugal , the next heir falls naturally to be the guardian . the next thing to be considered , is , to see in fact whether the foundations of this government have been struck at , and whether those e●rors , that have been perhaps committed , are only such malversations , as ought to be imputed only to humane frailty , and to the ignorance , inadvertencies , or passions to which all princes may be subject , as well as other men , but this will best appear if we consider , what are the fundamental points of our government , and the chief securities that we have for our liberties . the authorit● of the law is indeed all in one word , so that if the king pretends to a power to dispense with laws , there is nothing left , upon which the subject can depend ; and yet as if dispensing power were not enough , if laws are wholly suspended for all time coming , this is plainly a repealing of them , when likewise the men , in whose han●s the administra●ion of justice is put by law , su●h as judges and sheriffs are allowed to tread all laws un●er foot , even th●se that infer an incapacity on themselves if they violate them ; this is such a breaking of the whole constitution , that we can no m●re have the administration of justice , so that it is really a dissolution of th● government ; since all tryals , sentences , and the executions of them are become so many unlawful acts , that are null and void of themselves . the next thing in our constitution , which secures to us our laws and liberties , is a free and lawful parl●ament . now not to mention the breach of the law of triennial parliaments , it being above three years since we had a session , that enacted any law ; methods have been taken , and are daily a taking , that render this impossible . parliaments ought to be chosen with an in●ire liberty , and without either force or pre-engagements : whereas if all men are required before hand to enter into engagements , how they will vote , if they were chosen themselves ; or how they will give their votes in the electing of others ; this is plain●y such a preparation to a parliament , as would indeed make it no parliament , but a cabal , if one were chosen a●ter all that cor●uption of persons , who had pre-engaged themselves ; and after the threatning and turning out of all persons out of employmen●s who had refused to do it ; and if there are such daily regulations made in the towns , that it is plain those who manage them , intend at last to put such a number of men in the cor●orations as will certainly chuse the persons who are recommended to them . but above all , if there are such a number of sheriffs and majors made over england , by whom the elections must be conducted and returned , who are now under an incapacity by law , and so are no legal officers , and by consequence these elections that pass under their authorit● are null and void ▪ if , i say , it is clear that things are brought to this , then the government is dis●olved , because it is impossible to have a free and legal , parliament in this state of things . if then both the authority of the law , and the constitution of the parliament are struck at and dis●olved , here is a plain subversion of ●he whole government . bu● if we enter n●xt into the particular b●anches of the government , we will find the like diso●der among them all . the prote●tant religion , and the ●hurch of england , make a great article of our government , the latter ●eing secured not only of old by magna charta , but by many special laws made of late ; and there are par●icular laws made in k. cha●l●s the first , and the late king's time , securing them fr●m all commissions that the king can raise for judging or cen●ureing them : if then in oppofition to this , a court so condemned is e●●cted , which proceeds to judge and c●nsure the clergy ▪ and even to d●ssei●e them of their free holds , without so much as the form of a t●yal , tho this is the most indispensable law , of all these that secures the property of engla●d : and if the king pretends that he can ●equire the clerg● to publish all his arbitrary declarations ▪ and in par●icular one that stricks at their whole setlement , and has ord●red p●ocess to be begun against all that disobeyed this ill●gal warrant , and has treated so great a number of the bishops as ●r●minals , only for representing to him the reasons of their not obe●ing him ; if likewise the ki●g is not satisfied to pro●ess his own religi●n openly , tho even that is contra●y to law , but has sent ambassadors to rome , and received nunci●'s from thence , which is plainly treason by law , if likewise many popish churches and chapels have been publickly opened ; if several colledg●s of iesuits have ●e●n set up in ●ivers parts of the nation , and one of the ord●r has been made a privy counsellour , and a principal minister of state ; and if papists and even those who tu●n to that religion , tho de●la●ed traitors by law , are brought into all the chief employm●nts , bo●h mili●ary and civil ; then it is plain ▪ that all the rights of the church of england , and the whole establishment of the protestant reli●ion are struck at , and designed to be overturned ; since all these things , as they are notoriously illegal , so they evidently de●onstrate , that the gr●at design of them all , is the rooting out this pestilent heresie , in their stile , i mean the protestant religion . in the next place , if in the whole course of justice , it is visible , that there is a constant p●actis●ing upon the iudges , that the● are turned out upon their varying from the intentions of the court , and if men of no reputation or abilities are put in their places ; if an army is kept up in time of peace , and men who withdraw from that illegal service are hanged up as criminals , without any collour of law , which by consequence are so many murders ; and if the souldierie are connived at and encouraged in the most enormous crimes , that so the● may be thereby prepared to commit great ones , and from singl● rapes and murders , proceed to a rape upon all our liberties ▪ and a destruction of the nation : if i say , all these things are true in fact , then it is plain , that there is such a dissolution of the government made , that there is not any one part of it left sound and entire : and if all these things are done now , it is easie to imagine what may be expected , when arbitrary power that spares no man , and popery that spares no heretick , are finally established : then we may look for nothing but gabelles , tailles , impositions , benevolences , and all sorts of illegal taxes ; as from the other we may expect burnings , massacres , and inquisitions . in what is doing in scotland we may gather what is to be expected in england ; where , if the king has over and over again declared , that he is vested with an absolute power , to which all are bound to obey without reserve . and has upon that annulled almost all the acts of parliament that passed in k. iames i. minority , tho they were ratified by himself when he came to be of age ; and were confirmed by all the subsequent kings , not excepting the present . we must then conclude from thence , what is resolved on here in england , and what will be put in execution as soon as it is thought that the times can bear it . when likewayes the whole setlement of ireland is shaken , and the army that was raised , and is maintained by taxes , that were given for an army of english protestants , to secure them from a new massacre by the irish papists , is now all filled wìth irish papists , as well as almost all the other employments ; it is plain , that not only all the british protestants inhabiting that island , are in dayly danger of being butchered a second time , but that the crown of england , is in danger of loseing that island , it being now put wholly into the hands and power of the native irish , who as they formerly offered themselves up sometimes to the crown of spain , sometimes to the pope , and once to the duke of lorrain , so are they perhaps at this present treating with another court for the sale and surrender of the island , and for the massacre of the english in it . if thus all the several branches of our constitution are dissolved , it might be at least expected , that one part should be left entire , and that is the regal dignity ; and yet that is prosti●u●ed , when we see a young child put in the reversion of it , and pretended to be the prince of wales ; concerning whose being born of the queen , there appears to be not only no certain proofs , but there are all the presumptiones that can possibly be imagined to the contrary . no proofs were ever given either to the princess of d●nmark , or to any other protestant ladies , in whom we ought to repose any confidence that the queen was ever with child ; that whole matter being managed with so much mysteriousness , that there were violent and publick suspitions of it before the birth . but the whole contrivance of the birth , the sending away the princess of denmark , the sudden shortning of the reckoning , the queens sudden going to st. iames's , her no less sudden delivery , the hurrying the child into another room , without shewing it to these present , and without their hearing it cr● ; and the mysterious conduct of all since that time ; no satisfaction being given to the prin●ess of denmark upon her return from the bath , nor to any other protestant ladies , of the queens having been really brought to bed ; these are all such evident indications of a base imposture , in this matter , that as the nation has the justest reason in the world to doubt of it , so they have all possible rea●on to be at no quiet , till they see a legal and free parliament assembled , which may impartially , and without either fear or corruption , examine that whole matter . if all these matters are true in fact , then i suppose no man will doubt , that the whole foundations of this government , and all the most sacred parts of it are overturned ; and as to the truth os all these suppositions , that is left to every english-mans judgement and sense . finis . die mercurii, 19. july, 1643. the lords and commons assembled in parliament, out of the deep sense of gods heavy wrath now upon this kingdome, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82881 of text r211961 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[30]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82881 wing e1640b thomason 669.f.7[30] estc r211961 99870626 99870626 161012 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82881) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161012) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[30]) die mercurii, 19. july, 1643. the lords and commons assembled in parliament, out of the deep sense of gods heavy wrath now upon this kingdome, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] title from caption and first lines of text. imprint from wing. an order of parliament, appointing 21 july as a fast-day. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng fasts and feasts -church of england -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a82881 r211961 (thomason 669.f.7[30]). civilwar no die mercurii, 19. july, 1643. the lords and commons assembled in parliament, out of the deep sense of gods heavy wrath now upon this kingdom england and wales. parliament. 1643 220 2 0 0 0 0 0 91 d the rate of 91 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die mercurii , 19. july , 1643. the lords and commons assembled in parliament , out of the deep sense of gods heavy wrath now upon this kingdome , and more particularly manifested by the late discomfeiture of the forces , both in the north and in the west ; have for themselves resolved to set apart and keepe , and do ordaine , and command ▪ that friday the 21. of this present july , 1643. be set apart and kept as a day of publique and extraordinary humiliation by prayer and fasting , throughout the cities of london and westminster , and the suburbs , and places adjacent , within the bils of mortality ; that every soule may bitterly bewaile his owne sinnes , and the sinnes of the whole nation , and cry mightily to god for christ his sake , that he will be pleased to turne from the fiercenesse of his wrath , and heale the land . and the lord mayor of the city of london , is hereby required to give present order for the due performance of this order . to the gentleman ▪ vsher , or his deputy , to bee delivered to the lord mayor of the city of london . jo. browne cleric . parliamentorum . the svpplication of all the papists of england to king james at his first comming to the crowne for a tolleration of their religion wherein, with much impudence, they professe and protest themselves to be the onely obedient one's unto the soveraigne princes, under whom they live, out of conscience to avoid sin : when not long after they fell upon that un-exampled piece of villany, the gun-pouder treason : whereunto is added, a letter sent from bishop abbot archbishop of canterbury to the king : against toleration of the popish religion. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a61987 of text r12076 in the english short title catalog (wing s6189). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a61987 wing s6189 estc r12076 12646624 ocm 12646624 65148 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61987) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65148) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 252:e151, no 19) the svpplication of all the papists of england to king james at his first comming to the crowne for a tolleration of their religion wherein, with much impudence, they professe and protest themselves to be the onely obedient one's unto the soveraigne princes, under whom they live, out of conscience to avoid sin : when not long after they fell upon that un-exampled piece of villany, the gun-pouder treason : whereunto is added, a letter sent from bishop abbot archbishop of canterbury to the king : against toleration of the popish religion. abbot, george, 1562-1633. 6 p. printed by e. griffen, london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng church and state -england -17th century. great britain -religion -17th century. a61987 r12076 (wing s6189). civilwar no the supplication of all the papists of england, to king james, at his first comming to the crowne, for a tolleration of their religion. wher [no entry] 1642 1842 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-05 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the svpplication of all the papists of england , to king james , at his first comming to the crowne , for a tolleration of their religion . wherein ( with much impudence ) they professe and protest themselves , to be the onely obedient one's unto the soveraigne princes ( under whom they live ) out of conscience to avoid sin : when not long after they fell upon that un-exampled piece of villany ( the gun-pouder treason . ) whereunto is added , a letter sent from bishop abbot archbishop of canterbury , to the king ; against toleration of the popish religion . published for the observation of all good protestants . london , printed by e. griffin , 1642. most puissant prince , and orient monarch , such are the rare perfections , and admirable guifts of wisdome , prudence , valor and justice , wherewith the bountifull hand of gods divine majesty hath endued your majesty ; as in the depth of your most provident judgement , we doubt not but you foresee what concerneth both the spirituall , and temporall government of all your kingdomes and dominions . notwithstanding your graces most afflicted subjects , and devoted servants , the catholiques of england , partly to prevent sinister informations which happly may possesse your sacred eares , before our answer be heard ; partly as men almost overwhelmed with persecutions for our consciences , we are inforced to have speedy recourse in hope to have speedy redresse from your highnesse , and to present these humble lines unto your royall person , to plead for us some commiseration and favour . alas what allegiance , or duty can any temporall prince desire , or expect at his vassals handes , which we are not addressed to performe ? how many noblemen , and worthy gentlemen most zealous in the catholique religion , have endured some losse of land and living , some exile , others imprisonment , some the effusion of bloud , and life , for the advancement of your blessed mothers right unto the scepter of albion ? nay whole finger did ever ake , but catholiques for your majesties present title and dominions ? how many fled to the court offering themselves as hostages for their friends , to live and die in your gracious quarrell , if ever any adversary had opposed himselfe against the equity of your cause ? if this they attempted with their princes disgrace to gain your majesties grace , what wil they doe nay what will they not doe , to live without disgrace in your majesties favour ? the many of this realme if we respect religion ( setting petty sects aside ) consisteth upon foure parts . 1 protestants who have domineered all the former queenes dayes , puritans , who have crept up apace amongst them , atheists or polititians , who were bred upon their brawles in matters of faith , and catholikes who as they are opposite to all , so are they detested of all , because errour was ever an enemy to truth . hardly all or any two of the first can be suppressed , therefore we beseech your majesty to yeild us as much favour as others of contrary religion ( to that which shall be publiquely professed in england ) shall obtaine at your hands ; for if our fault be like , lesse , or none at all , then in equity our punishment ought to be like , lesse , or none at all . the gates , arches , and pyramides of france proclaimed the present king pater patriae & pacis restitutor , that is , the father of his countrey , and the restorer of peace ; because that kingdome being well neere torne in peeces with civill warres , and made a prey to forreigne foes , was by his provident wisdom , and valour , acquitted in it selfe , and hostile strangers expelled : the which he principally effected by condiscending to tollerate them of an adverse religion , to that which was openly professed . questionlesse ( dread soveraigne ) the kingdome of england , through the cruell persecution of catholiques , hath beene almost odious to all christian princes and nations , trade and traffique is exceedingly decayed , wars and blood have seldome ceased , subsidies and taxes never so many , discontented minds innumerable ; all which your princely majesties connivance to your humble suppliants the afflicted catholiques will easily redresse , especially at this your highnesse first ingresse . si loquaris eis verba levia , erunt tibi servi cunctis diebus , if you speake comfortable words unto them , or if you hearken unto them in this thing they will be servants unto you , or they will serve you all their dayes . for enlargement after affliction resembleth a pleasant gale after a vehement tempest , and a benefit in distresse doubleth the value thereof . how gratefull will it bee to all christian princes abroad , and honourable unto your majesty , to understand how queene elizabeths severity is changed into your royall clemency , and that the lenity of a man hath reedified what the mis-informed anger of a woman destroyed ? that the lyon rampant is passant , whereas the passant had beene rampant ? how acceptable shall your subjects be to all catholique princes , and countries , who are now almost abhorred of all , when they shall perceive your highnesse prepareth not pikes , or prisons for the professors of their faith , but permitteth them temples , and altars for the use of their religion ? then shall we see with our eyes , and touch with our fingers that benediction of isaiah , ch. 14. ver. 7. in this land , that swords are turned into mattocks or ploughes , and launces into sythes ; and all nations admiring us will say , hi sunt semem cui benedixit dominus ( that is ) these are the seed whom the lord hath blessed . we request no more favour at your graces hands , then that we may securely believe , and professe that catholique religion which all your happy predecessors professed from donaldus the first unto your late blessed mother martyred . a religion venerable for antiquity , majesticall for amplitude , constant for continuance , irreprehensible for doctrine , inducing to all kind of vertue , and piety , diswading from all sinne , and wickednesse . a religion beloved by all primitive pastors , established by all oecumenicall councells , upholden by ancient doctors , maintained by the first and best christian emperors , recorded ( almost alone ) in all ecclesiasticall histories , sealed with the bloud of millions of martyrs , adorned with vertues of so many confessors , beautified with the purity of thousands of virgins , so conformable unto naturall sense and reason , and finally so agreeable unto the text of gods sacred word and gospell . the free use of this religion we request if not in publique churches at least in private houses , if not with approbation , at least with tolleration without molestation : assuring your grace that howsoever some protestants , or puritans incited by morall honesty of life , or innated instinct of nature , or for feare of some temporall punishment , pretend obedience unto your highnesse lawes , yet certainly the only catholiques for conscience sake observe them . for they defending , that princes precepts , and statutes oblige no subjects under the penalty of sin , will have lesse care in conscience to transgresse them , then those who are principally tormented with the guilt of sin . but catholikes confessing merit in obeying and immerit in transgressing the lawes of their soveraignes cannot but in soule be grievously tortured with the least violation , or prevarication thereof . wherefore ( most mercifull prince ) we your long afflicted subjects , in all dutifull subjection protest before the majesty of god , and all his holy angells , as loyall obedience , and immaculate allegiance unto your grace , as ever did subjects in england , or scotland , unto your highnesse progenitors ; and intend as sincerely with our goods , and lives to serve you , as ever did the loyallest israelites king david , or the trustiest legions , the roman emperors . and thus expecting your majesties accustomed favour , and gracious bounty , we rest , your devoted suppliants , to him whose hands doe manage the hearts of kings , and with reciprocall mercy will requite the mercifull your sacred majesties most devoted servants the catholiques of england . bishop abbot archbishop of canterbury , his letter to king james his majesty , against tolleration of the popish religion . may it please your majestie , i have beene too long silent , and i am afraid , by my silence i have neglected the duty of the place it hath pleased god to call me unto , and your majestie to place me in : and now i humbly crave leave that i may discharge my conscience towards god , and my duty to your majesty : and therefore i beseech you sir to give me leave freely to deliver myselfe , and then let your majesty do with me what you please . your majesty hath propounded a tolleration of religion . i beseech you sir , take into your consideration what your act is , what the consequence may be : by your act you labour to set up that most damnable and hereticall doctrine of the church of rome , the whore of babylon . how hatefull will it be to god , and grievous to your good subjects , ( the true professors of the gospell ) that your majesty , who hath often disputed and learnedly written against those wicked heresies , should now shew your selfe a patron of those doctrines , which your pen hath told the world , and your conscience tels your selfe , are superstitious , idolatrous and detestable ? what dreadfull consequences , sr , these things may draw after them , i beseech your majesty to consider ; and above all , lest by this tolleration , and discountenance of the true profession of the gospell , wherewith god hath blessed us , and under which this kingdome hath these many yeares flourished , your majestie do not draw upon the kingdome in generall , and your selfe in particular , gods heavie wrath and indignation . thus in discharge of my duty towards god , to your majestie , and the place of my calling , i have taken humble boldnesse to deliver my conscience . and now , sir , do with me what you please . george cant. of resisting the lavvfull magistrate under colour of religion and appendant to it, of the word keima, rendred damnation, rom. 13, reprinted : also, [brace] of zelots among the jewes, of taking up the crosse, a vindication of christs reprehending st. peter, from the exceptions of mr. marshall. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45421 of text r40544 in the english short title catalog (wing h557a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 201 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45421 wing h557a estc r40544 19350334 ocm 19350334 108766 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45421) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108766) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1672:14) of resisting the lavvfull magistrate under colour of religion and appendant to it, of the word keima, rendred damnation, rom. 13, reprinted : also, [brace] of zelots among the jewes, of taking up the crosse, a vindication of christs reprehending st. peter, from the exceptions of mr. marshall. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. [2], 61 p. printed for h.h. and w.w., oxford : 1644. attributed to hammond by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng church and state -england. government, resistance to -religious aspects -christianity. zealots (jewish party) liberty of conscience. a45421 r40544 (wing h557a). civilwar no of resisting the lawfull magistrate under colour of religion: and appendant to it, of the word krima, rendred damnation, rom. 13. reprinted. hammond, henry 1644 39959 16 1185 0 0 0 0 301 f the rate of 301 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of resisting the lawfull magistrate under colour of religion : and appendant to it , of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rendred damnation , rom. 13. reprinted . also , of the zelots among the jewes . of taking up the crosse . a vindication of christs reprehending st. peter , from the exceptions of mr. marshall . oxford , printed for h. h. and w. w. 1644. of resisting the lawfull magistrate upon colour of religion . in this proposall of the point for debate , there are onely two words will need an account to be given of them : 1. what is meant by resisting . 2. why the word colour is put in . for the first , resisting , here signifies violent , forcible , offensive resistance , fighting against , as hesychius the best scripture-glossary explaines it , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} all one , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and the apostle in like manner , rom. 13. 2. using {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , promiscuously for the same , and so in other places , although it is true , it is used sometimes in a wider sense ; but that will not here be materiall , when we here set down before-hand what we meane by it . for the second , the word [ colour ] is in the title added , onely for this reason , ( not to prejudge the religion , which is fought for , to be onely a colour , but ) because it is possible for a man to fight for religion , and yet not upon colour of religion ; to wit , in case the religion for which hee fights be establisht by the law of the land , for then his colour for fighting may be the preservation of law , which the magistrate is bound by oath to maintaine , and though hee fight for religion , yet it is under that other colour : whereas hee that fights upon colour of religion , making that his onely pretence of fighting , is ipso facto supposed to fight for a religion distant or contrary to that which is established by law , and so all pretence or colour of law excluded , yea , and all supposition of falling in the magistrate ; he standing for the law present , not against it ; which i desire may be the setting of the case , to exclude the fallacy , plurium interrogationum , and to distinguish the quarrell of religion from that other of law , and so to meddle at this time onely with that which is fully within the divines spheare , and leave the other to some body else . those two termes being thus explained , and so the state of the question set , the lawfull magistrate , and the establisht law of the kingdome on one side ; and some person or persons inferiour to him , upon colour of religion , i. e. for some religion not yet established by law , on t'other side , that it should be lawfull to them to take up armes against him , would seem not very reasonable , if he were but a private man , abstracted from regall power , ( which sure doth not make it more lawfull to resist him then any body else ) having broken no established law , ( as is supposed in the case ) for what legall accusation can lie against him in a point wherein hee hath not broken the law ? but then this will be more unreasonable , it moreover it be considered , that colour of religion is so wide and unlimited a thing , that no man , that is never so much in the wrong in any opinion , but thinks himselfe in the right , ( for otherwise he would not continue in that errour ) and so that colour will be plea equally good to all sorts of errours , as well as truths : and besides , he that hath not so much religion as to be in an errour , may yet have so much wit as to make use of that apology for his sedition , ( to wit , colour of religion ) and plead it as legally as the most zealous professour ; and consequently , if that will serve turne , who ever shall but pretend to beleeve contrary to the religion established in any kingdome , shall be ipso facto absolved from all bond of allegiance in foro humano , and if hee will adventure the hazard of the judgement to come , shall have no restraint laid on him by any earthly tribunall ; and so by this meanes already , the grounds of the dissolution of any government are laid by this one unpolitick principle , and the world given up to be ruled onely by the religion ( which is in effect , the will ) of every man ; whereas before , there was a state as well as a church , policy as well as religion , a power in the magistrates hand , besides that in every mans owne brest or conscience ; and yet more particularly , a restraint for hypocrites , as well as any else , i. e. for pretenders of religion , who , if this ground would hold , were left unlimited . where , if it be interposed , that such an one that fallaciously pretends religion , though by this disguise hee escape here , yet shall surely pay for it hereafter ; and that that is sufficient , because there is no other court , but of that searcher of hearts , to which the hypocrite can be bound over : i answer , that although that be true , yet it is not sufficient ; because , although there be a judgement to come for all crimes , yet it is notwithstanding thought necessary to have present judicatures also , not to leave all offenders to terrours at such a distance : and indeed , for the continuance of the peace of communities , to provide some violent restraint at the present for those , whom those greater but future deterrements cannot sufficiently work on . this every man knowes is the originall of humane lawes , yea , and of dominion it selfe , a praevision that all men will not doe their duties for love or feare of god , ( it is apparent , the jewes would not under their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and therefore for good mens sakes , and for peace sake , and for the maintaining of communities , those superadditions have been thought necessary , as some thornes in the hedge of gods law , that may pierce the hands and sides of him that shall attempt to break over or thorough it . from whence the conclusion will be evident , that the rules for the preserving of government must be such as shall have force to restraine the atheist or the hypocrite , as well as the good christian ( which sure will lesse need those restraints ) or else they are utterly unsufficient to the attaining of their end , i. e. to the preserving of government , peace , community , or protecting any that lives under it : which being supposed , it will also follow , that nothing must be indulged upon any colour of religion , ( be his religion never so true , and himselfe never so sincere in it ; ) which will open this gap or out-let to others , that may make the ill use of it : for this will be utterly destructive of the end of government ( which is , that wee may lead a peaceable quiet life , 1 tim. 2. 2. ) yea , and of government it selfe . this argument being thus prosecuted and cleared , might be sufficient to determine this whole businesse , were it not for one rejoynder which is ordinarily made , the force of which is taken from that supreme care that every man ought to have of his owne soule , and consequently of the maintaining of his religion , on which ( to abstract from all possible disputes concerning the particular truth of it , he being perhaps not acute or artist enough to uphold it against all objecters ) he is fully convinc't , the health and salvation of that wholly depends . for the maintaining of which against all the humane power in the world , if he may not take up armes , or doe any thing , he cannot see what can be fit for him to fight for , ( nothing sure being more precious then that ; ) or consequently , why he may not take up that opinion of the beyond-sea-anabaptists , that it is not lawfull to fight at all : which if it should be yeelded to , although for the present it would produce peace , yet it would be little for the advantage of magistrates in the issue . to this i shall answer , by concession of these foure things : 1. that religion is to be every mans supreme care , the prime jewel in his cabinet . 2. that it cannot , at least in humane consideration , be expected that any man should be lesse carefull of his false religion ( if hee be really perswaded of the truth of it ) then any other is of the true . nay , 3. that if he doe not use any lawfull meanes to defend that false ( whilest he is convinc't it is the true ) religion , this is a sin of lukewarmnesse in him ; though indeed through prepossession not to open his eyes to greater light and revelation of the truth offered to him , and perhaps through sluggishnesse not to seek that light , be yet a farre greater sin in him . for though no man ought to defend the contrary to what he takes to be truth , yet ought he to be most ready to deposite his errour , not onely when it doth , but also when it may appeare to him to be so , and to seek to those helps that may be instrumentall to that end . 4. that in some cases the use of armes is not unlawfull . but then all this being thus granted , and so in effect , that all lawfull meanes may be used for the maintaining of religion , we must yet secondly deny the inference of the objection , upon this onely ground , because though armes may lawfully be used in some cases , and religion be maintained by all lawfull meanes ; yet armes are not a lawfull meanes for this end , and so may not be used in this case ; that is , by subjects against the lawfull magistrate in case of religion , at least when some other religion is by law established in that kingdome . which assertion i shall confirme onely by foure arguments : 1. taken from the nature of religion . 2. from examples of christ and christians . 3. from the very making of christianity , and particularly of the protestant doctrine . 4. from the constitution of this kingdom , which being subordinate to the other three , may deserve consideration , as farre as it agrees with them . 1. from the nature of religion , which is an act of the soule , which cannot be forced or constrained by outward violence ; and therefore , 't is apparent , needs no outward defence for the maintaining of it , much lesse invasion of others . a man may be as truly religious under all the tyranny and slavery in the world , as in the most triumphant prosperous estate ? they that have power to kill the body , are not able to commit them least rape upon the soule ; they may rob me of my life , they cannot of my religion ; the weakest creeple in the hospitall may defie the whole army of the philistines in this matter . but you will ask , is not the outward profession and publike exercise of religion some part of it , and that to be thus maintained , where any attempt to hinder it ? to which i answer , that the first of these , the outward profession , can no more be hindred then the former act of the soule , but rather may be most illustrious in the time of depression . i may confesse christ in the den of lyons , in the furnace , on the rack , on the gridiron , and when my tongue is cut out , by patient , constant suffering in that cause . religion is not so truly professed by endeavouring to kill others , as by being killed patiently our selves rather then we will renounce it . when i fight , it may be malice , revenge , some hope of gaine ( or impunity at least ) by the present service , any one of a hundred worldly interests , that may help to whet my sword for me ; or most clearly , a hope i may kill and not be killed : and so all this while here is no act of confession of christ in thus venturing my life , although i doe affirme i doe this for my religion ; because , though i so affirme , men are not bound to beleeve me , there being so much oddes against me , that i doe it for some-what else . but when i say down my life patiently , the sacrifice of my god , resigne up all possible worldly interests for the retaining of my one spirituall trust , this is to the eye of man a profession capable of no reasonable suspition of infincerity ; and indeed none so , but this . as for the second , the publike exercise of the true religion , it were by all men heartily to be wisht that it might be enjoyed at all times , for the advancing of gods glory , increase of charity , conversion of others , &c. but if it may not be had by the use of lawfull meanes , it will not be required of us by god , without whose speciall providence it is not , that hee permitteth us to be forbidden that exercise . till the same providence be pleased to remove such hinderance , and open to us a lawfull way of obtaining it , the primitive christians secret meetings will first be imitable to us ; and if those be obstructed also , their folitudes next . and however , that designe of obtaining free exercise of our religion , will never make any practice lawfull to be used in order to that , that before was utterly unlawfull . but are we not to take care of our children and posterity , as well as of our selves ? if our religion be now supprest , our poore children and progeny to the end of the world may in all probability be kept in blindnesse and ignorance , and so left to the place of darknesse irrecoverably . this objection sounds somewhat pathetically , and is apt to affect our bowels , more then our reason ; moves our compassion first , and thorow those spectacles is then represented with improvement to our judgement . but for answer to it , though the doctrine of election of particular men , as well and as absolutely to the meanes as to the end , might be to him that acknowledges it a sufficient amulet against this feare , and so no need of that their jealous care for their posterity , any farther then it is in their power to contribute toward them ( which sure is no more then to doe what is lawfull for them to doe ; ) yet the answer will be more satisfactory to all that acknowledge gods providence , however opinionated concerning decrees , that whosoever considers himselfe as a man , much more as a father of a posterity , must have many things to trust god with , and onely god ; and among those nothing more , then the future estate of those which are come from him . yet , if he be importunate and still unsatisfied , unlesse he himselfe contribute somewhat to the securing of his posterity in this matter , let me tell him , there is nothing ( after his prayers to god , and paternall blessing on them ) so likely to entaile his religion upon them , as his sealing it by his sufferings . this sure will be a more probable way to recommend his religion to them , ( when they shall heare , and be assured by that testimony , that their fathers thus hoped in god ) then that other so distant , that they died in a rebellion against the king ; or , that this religion had been in their time turned out of the land , had not they done something so unlawfull to protect it . besides , the greatest prejudice which but posterity ( of which wee pretend such care ) can suffer by my non-resistance , is onely to be brought up in a contrary religion , to heare that way first , but sure not to have their eares deafed against all others when they shall be represented , nor to bring the guilt of non-representation upon them if they be not . and if i bring forth reasonable creatures , i hope they will , by the grace of god , make use of the reason and his grace , to find out that truth that their soules are so much concerned in : and if ( through no default personall of theirs ) they should misse of it , i hope the invinciblenesse of their ignorance , and their sincere repentance for all their sinnes and errours knowne and unknowne , and their readinesse to receive the truth , if it were or might be represented to them , would be antidote sufficient , by gods mercy in christ , to preserve them from that poyson , so they were carefull according to their means of knowledge to escape all other dangers . and all this upon supposition , but not concession , that the religion of him that would fight for it , were the truth and only truth ; whereas indeed , there is not a more suspitious mark of a false religion , then that it is faine to propagate it selfe by violence : the turks and papists being the onely notable examples hitherto of that practice ; till some others , directly upon popish principles a little varied in the application , have falne upon the same conclusion . now secondly for the examples of christ and christians , but first of christ : his example ( as to this purpose ) is evident in three passages ( besides that grand transcendent copy , proposed from the aggregate of all his life and death , mat. 11. 29. learn of me ; for i am meek and lowly . ) the first is , luk. 9. 54. the inhabitants of a samaritan village would not receive christ , vers. 53. upon that , james and john remembring what elias had done in the like kind , 1 king. 18. and 2 king. 1. ask't his judgement of it , whether he , would be pleased that they should command fire to come down from heaven and consume them , as elias did , that is , in effect , whether they should not doe well to use whatever power they had ( and be confident that god would assist them in it ) to the destroying of those who-ever they were ( and yet that they were not their magistrates it is cleare ) which affronted them in the exercise of their religion , or indeed , which would not receive christ . to this christ answers sternly , the words are emphaticall , he turned ( as to peter when he gave him that check , mat. 16. 23. ) and rebuked them , and said , ye know not what manner of spirit you are of : that is , elias was a zelot , 1 mac. 2. 58. ( the full importance of which will belong to another disquisition ) & jure zelotarum , might doe somewhat against baals prophets , which will not agree with that distant calling or profession of a disciple of christ , or christian ; they are mistaken if they think they may doe as elias did . from whence , by the way , is a prohibition fully legall put in against all examples of the old testament , ( if any such there were ) from being pleadable amongst christians , upon this ground of josephus his observing , that the jewes were governed by a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , god being as it were their king on earth for a long time , presiding immediately , and interposing by his oracle , and other particular directions , as well as standing law , as in that case of phinees and elias , &c. by which those acts of theirs , though authorized by no setled or ordinary law , were yet as legall as what-ever in any other common-wealth were done by authority legally descending from the supreme magistrate . which whosoever shall now apply to christians , besides that he professes himselfe an asserter of enthusiasmes , will meet with christs check to the boanerges , you know not what spirit you are of : i have not authorized you to pretend to the spirit of elias , or to doe what a zelot among the jewes might doe . the second exemplary passage to this purpose in the story of christ is , mat. 26. 51. when christ was apprehended by those tumultuous persons , at the best but servants of the chiefe priests and elders ( not againe by any power of lawfull magistrate ) peter drew the sword , and smote off one of those servants ears ; upon that , christs answer is the thing to be observed , vers. 52. then said jesus unto him , put up again thy sword into his place , for all they that take the sword , shall perish with the sword : the speech particular to peter , a prime disciple or christian , that he having drawn the sword in defence of christ , and in him of christianity it selfe , ( a more justifiable course then ever any man since undertook under the colour of religion ) must put it up again ; but the reason added , of an unlimited universall obligingnesse to all christians ; for all they that take the sword ( as peter did , in defence of christ , &c. or else the citation had not been pertinent to him ) shall perish by the sword . and the two parallel places which are noted in the margent of our english bibles , are somewhat considerable ; the first , gen. 9. 6. where that law was given to the sons of noah , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} concerning the effusion of bloud , which sure was not any prohibition to legall , though capitall punishments of malefactors , ( but rather the investing the magistrate with that power of the sword ) and yet is by christ urged as a prohibition to saint peter ; signifying , that effusion of bloud by him in that case to be utterly illegall , and against the intention of that old law , not abrogated ( it seemeth ) by christ . the other parallel place is revel. 13. 10. where immediately upon the repeating of those words , he that killeth with the sword , shall be killed with the sword , is subjoyned , here is the patience and faith of the saints . i. e. christian martyrs , vers. 7. whose faith it seems and patience must goe together ; which sure is most irreconcileable with forcible resistance . * the third exemplary passage of christ was in his suffering , wherein many particular circumstances might be observed , especially his answer to pilate , john 19. 11. in acknowledgement of his legall power given him from above . but all that i shall observe is onely in the generall , that hee that had so many legions of angels , certainly sufficient to defend him and invade his enemies , ( whatsoever will be thought of the christians strength in tertullians time to have done so too , of which more anon ) did yet without the least resistance give himselfe up to suffer death . and if it should be objected , that this was to accomplish what god hath decreed ( ought not christ to suffer these things , and thus it is written , and thus it behoved christ to suffer ) and in obedience to that decree , not as matter of example to us , or of intimation , that it had not been lawfull for him to have done otherwise . to this i answer , that as christ was decreed to that death , and non-resistance , so are christians ( if saint paul may be beleeved ) predestinated to be conformed to the image of his son , rom. 8. that is , to that pattern of his in suffering , not fighting for religion : and that revelation of gods will in that decree being supposed , it will follow , that though christ might have lawfully done otherwise , yet wee christians now may not , especially being commanded to learne of him particularly his meeknesse ; i. e. especially that lamb-like quality of the lamb of god in his sufferings , isai. 53. 7. so much for the examples of christ . now for the like of christians ; it will be needlesse to mention any other then those of whom tertullian and saint cyprian spake , being so perfectly home to that purpose , tertul. in apol c. 37. and his book , ad scapulam , wholly to this purpose : and saint cyprian in his book against demetrianus , &c. the summe of which is this , that the christians of that age had strength sufficient , either to have resisted , or avenged themselves upon their heathen persecuting governours ; but in obedience to the lawes of christ , chose rather to die , then doe so . the severall testimonies ( of which this is the abstract ) being so fully produced by many , and known by all , it will be more to purpose to vindicate them from all exceptions , and intercept all evasions , which the wit of this last yeare ( beyond all that any former age pretended to ) hath invented to evacuate those testimonies ; witnesse goodwins anticavalierisme , p. 23. &c. and this i shall take leave to doe at large , because it is said , many have been satisfied in the lawfulnesse of their present course , by those answers and objections which that book hath helpt them to . 1. it is objected , the father ( tertullian ) might easily be mistaken , in making the estimate of the strength of christians , in comparison of the strength of them that were to oppose them . this is in civill termes , to say , tertullian wrote hee knew not what ; or at the softest , hee might be ignorant of what he affirmeth he knew ; and i am confident , was more likely to know , living then , then the objecter now , seeing or conjecturing at the distance of so many hundred years ; who hath not the least authority ( which must be the judge in matter of fact ) on his side , against so distinct and cleare affirmation , not onely of tertullian in severall places ( and that in an apologie against the gentiles , who could and would certainly have tript him in so manifest a falshood , if it had been such ; and though the negative argument be not fully convincing , that they did not thus trip him , because we doe not heare or read they did , yet will this be of as much force as any he hath to the contrary : this certainly , the writing it to the gentiles , will be able to conclude , that tertullian had been very imprudent and treacherous to his owne cause , to have affirmed a thing in defence of it , which his adversaries could so manifestly have proved a falsity , if it were not so as hee affirmed ) but of cyprian also , who lived about the same time ; and no writer of that age or since produced ( i doubt not but i may say , producible ) to the contrary . of the proofes that are offered to make it appeare possible and probable , that tertullian should be so mistaken , the first is , because this was no point of faith , &c. and therefore a devout father might fall under a misprision herein . i grant he might , but that doth not prove he did ; no nor that it is probable he should be a more incompetent judge in such a matter , then hee that now undertakes to controll him : nay sure , lesse reason is there to deny the authority of the ancients in matters of fact ( which if they were not evident to them , must needs be much lesse evident to us , who have no means to know any thing of them but their relations , nor cause to suspect such relations , but either by some impossibility in the things themselves , which is not here pretended , or by some other as authentick relation contradicting it , which is as little pretended ) then of faith , the ground of which being onely the written word of god , is common with them to us ; and therefore may enable us to judge , whether that which they affirme to be matter of faith , be so indeed , to be found really in that sacred writ , from whence they pretend to fetch it . and whereas it is farther added , that no rule of charity or reason binds us to beleeve another , in any thing which belongs to the art or profession of another , and wherein himselfe is little versed or exercised : i answer , that this saying , thus applied , will take away , the authority of a very great part of those histories which no body yet hath questioned . if it were spoken of doctrines , it might hold , and sure to that belongs the axiome quoted , unicuique in arte suâ credendum est ; but in narrations it is the unreasonablest thing in the world , to require the narrator to be of that profession of which hee relates the fact ; for then no man must adventure to write a kings life but a king : and if mr. m. mr. a. or mr. s. being ministers of the word , shall write their letters concerning the parliaments victory at keinton , and relate the number of the slaine on that side , so farre inferiour to those on the kings , we must now upon this admonition retract that beliefe we then allowed them , and begin now ( though too late ) to question whether it were indeed a victory or no , which caused such solemne thanksgiving in this city . but then secondly , why this relation should so wholly belong to the profession of another , i. e. not to tertullians , i cannot yet discerne : for the maine of tertullian's testimony was , that the christians chose rather to suffer then to resist , though they were able ; because christian religion taught the one , and forbad the other : and this sure was not without the sphere of the divine . but for their strength to resist , depending on the number of christians , not as even ballancing the heathens in the empire , but as very considerable , and able to raise an army , if they would make head , i doubt not but tertullian , a presbyter , that now laboured in converting and confirming christians , and was not alwayes in his study , nay , who had lately been a lawyer , and so not unacquainted with the publike , might know and relate with farre better authority , then any who hath dared now to contradict him . for , for the art of ballancing the power of parties in a kingdome , and grounds of precise determination of such differences , ( which as the objecter denies tertullian , so he is unwilling to yeeld to the states-man himselfe ) you shall see anon that we have no need to make tertullian master of it , his relation will stand unmoved without it . the second proofe to blast tertullians relation , is the ordinary one in fashion now-a-dayes ; if any man differs in opinion from us , presently to examine his whole life , and if ever hee did or spake any thing unjustifiable , lay that vehemently to his charge , and by that defame him , and then we may spare the pains of answering his reasons , disproving his assertion ; he once lyed or sinned , and therefore it is ridiculous to expect any truth from him . the argument is this , he might mistake and miscarry in this , for not long after he miscarried so grievously , as to turne montanist , who called himselfe the holy ghost , &c. just as if i should resolve to beleeve no relation of any minister ( present in either of the armies ) of the strength of that army , untill i had examined , and were assured that hee were not a chiliast , an arrian , nor guilty of any others heresie condemned by the church : yea and more , till i had some degree of assurance that hee would never be such . or , as if i should resolve this man knew no logick , because in this period he offends so much against grammar in these words , [ to turn montanist , who called himselfe the holy ghost ; ] where the relative [ who ] hath certainly no antecedent ; tertullian cannot , for hee called not himselfe the holy ghost , but onely used that stile so ordinary now-a-dayes [ nos spirituales , ] and all others [ animales psychici ; ] and montanist cannot , unlesse as once areopagi signified the areopagites , so now by way of compensation , montanist must passe for montanas ; for he it was that called himselfe the holy ghost , not all or any of his followers . this way of concluding , from a slip in grammar , an ignorance in logick , ( especially being backt with the suffrage of so many unconcluding arguments ) will be as faire logicall proceeding , as to inferre , because tertullian afterward turned montanist , therefore then he spake hee knew not what . but then saint cyprian was no montanist , and yet he affirmed the same that tertullian doth , contra demetrian : as for the approving of dreames and furious phantasies for true prophesies , ( which is added to be revenged on tertullian , for contradicting this objecter ) i confesse i excuse not him , but wish we might learne any thing of him , rather then that . but i hope the narration we have now in hand , was neither maximilla's nor prisca's dreames : if it was a phantasie , it was quite contrary to a furious one . and for the close of this argument , wherein the warning is given as it were from heaven , how unsafe and dangerous it is to build on the authority of men , as i desire the reader may take it home with him , and from thence resolve to beleeve no longer any thing upon this objecters authority , so denudate of all reason ; so i doe not yet see , why hee that once erred , must never be allowed to speak truth ; the making of true narrations being compatible with the greatest heresie in the world . the third argument against tertullian's testimony , is an observation of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that there is a pronenesse of inclination in much devotion , in persons devoutly given , to over-value the workes and piety of other men . to which my onely answer shall be , that yet i hope it is not observed , that devout men are so strongly inclined to tell plaine lies , to this end , that they may make themselves over-valued by others . this must be tertullian's infirmity , ( if the objecter guesse aright ) being a christian himselfe , and in his apologie labouring to raise an high opinion of christians in the gentiles , to whom hee writes ; to which purpose , if he should forge falsities , i must confesse it were a shrewd weaknesse , very ill becoming devotion , whatever the practice of later times may say in excuse of it . the fourth proofe is from a second observation , that in the pious and orthodox fathers themselves , there are some touches and streins , some fibrae of the root of bitternesse , which afterwards grew rank in the times of popery , &c. the answ. all that i can collect from hence toward the conclusion designed , is , that this objectors sense is , that for tertullian to say there were christians enough in the roman empire to work revenge on their oppressors , was a spice of popery ; and so there is one new piece of popery more added , to the many which this age hath concluded under that title , above the inventory of the trent catechisme . and so now to debate this any further , or professe my selfe to opine as tertullian did , is to acknowledge my selfe popish , and that is as bad as prelaticall ; and so from henceforth all my arguments will but passe for temptations , which none but carnall men must submit to , be they never so demonstrative . yet must i have leave to wonder , how in the close of this section these words [ the sounder and more considerate knowledge of these latter times ] can have any reference to the point in hand : for certainly , for the strength of the then christian party , our knowledge in these latter times cannot be sounder or more considerate , then theirs that then lived amongst them : or if it be , the words [ latter times ] will be improper , for sure it will be affirmed onely of that time wherein mr. j. g. wrote this part of this book ; for i am confident he was the first that ever revealed this act of more considerate knowledge to the world . the fifth and last proof is , that what ever their number was , yet it is no wayes likely they should be fuffered to have any armes , &c. to which , and to all the prudentiall state motives whereon it is grounded , ( and so to all that section ) i shall return no answer but the very words of tertullian , which if all put together , they doe not defend their author from all their assaults , neither will i beleeve the christians strength was sufficient to buckle with their adversaries . his words are plain : first , if we would hostes exertos agere , deale like profest enemies , desiisset nobis vis numerorum & copiarum ? should we have wanted force of numbers ( i. e. men ) or armed souldiers ? ( for so sure copiae signifies . ) secondly , he saith as plainly , castella vestra , castra implevimus , we have filled your castles and camps , ( there , sure they were armed ; and so the thebaean legion , which yeelded themselves to the emperours butchery , wanted neither number nor armes to have resisted . ) thirdly , he saith , cui bello non idonei ? what war had we not been fit for ? etiam impares copiis , though we had not had so many armed men as they , qui tam libentèr trucidamur . their despising of death , ( nay , gladnesse to dye ) might have put them upon any hazard unarmed ; and hee professes the onely thing that kept them from resisting , was the doctrine which they had learnt , that it was more lawfull to be kil'd , then to kill . fourthly , hee saith , they had a way of revenge without arms , to wit , by departing from them , by that secession to have brought envie upon them ; ( as for example , upon dislike of the present state , to have gone to new-england , &c. to raise an odium upon the old ) but this they would not be so malicious as to doe neither : nay , besides , amissio tot civium ipsâ destitutione puniisset , the losse of so many citizens would have been a punishment , by making them lesse able to resist other enemies ; plures hostes , quàm cives usque remansissent , there would have been a greater number of enemies , then there would have been citizens remaining . fifthly , to put all beyond exception , he puts them in mind how one night with a few fire-brands they might have wrought their revenge , if it were lawfull for them to repay evill with evill . this one last particular being considered , is so full a demonstration of the truth now in debate , that supposing there were but one christian at liberty to use that one fire-brand , there can be no longer doubt but that there was sufficient strength to work their revenge , if their religion would have permitted them to doe so . and if their religion ( as was said out of him ) were the onely restraint , then certainly their weaknesse was not . nay , though they should after all this ( by a morally impossible supposition ) be supposed weak , yet if their religion did truly restraine them , as he professes it did , this were abundantly sufficient to decide the controversie betwixt us and the objecter . having proceeded thus farre in answer to the severall exceptions against the truth of tertullian's assertion , concerning the strength of those christians , i am invited farther by a second proffer of the objecter to make appeare , that although tertullian's assertion should be supposed true , yet it were unsufficient , it would not reach the question , or case in hand . this certainly is strange at first sight , the case in hand being , whether the reason of their non-resistance were their want of strength . which in all reason must be determined negatively , when once these two things are supposed ; first , that they had strength ; secondly , that the command of christ , or making of christianity was the cause of their non-resistance , and not want of strength . but there is no truth so evident , but the cunning of such a crafts-master will be able to transforme , both from evidence and truth ; and therefore ( though in all justice a man might vow never to have commerce with such a man more , that should undertake thus to master his understanding ; that he should beleeve and not beleeve the same thing ; yeeld the want of strength to be the cause , at the very time when hee acknowledges or supposes , first , no want of strength ; secondly , somewhat else , to wit , the command of christ , to be the cause ; ) yet i shall ( to exercise that christian meeknesse which i desire to assert by my actions , as well as words ) wait on this great artificer to the second part of his answer . the summe of which , as hee first sets it , is this , that supposing the father spake truth concerning their strength , yet on some considerations he mentions , it had been in those that were called to suffer , both want of wisdome in respect of themselves , and of charity in respect of others , if they should have made the least resistance . to which my onely answer shall be , to beseech him to consider , that this is part of tertullian's testimony , that the thing that restrained them was ( not this wisdome , but ) the doctrine of their christ ; concluding it more lawfull to be kil'd , then to kill ; and utterly unlawfull to repay evill for evill . and as for charity to others , i humbly wish that were , or may yet be considered , how much burden , &c. this resistance ( of which he is the profest a better ) hath brought on others , who are no parties on either side ; nor , i hope , ill christians , if their onely punishable crime be , making conscience of non-resistance . to the next section , in answer to a supposed reply , where he saith , that it is not probable they had any sufficiency of strength . i answer , that i cannot be so tame as thus to be caught , or so wild as to imagine that improbable , at a time when tertullian's testimony is supposed to be true , ( as now it is supposed ) the speciall part of which testimony is yeelded to be , that they had sufficient strength . and where he adds 2. that 't was not necessary they should be of one mind and judgement touching this sufficiency , &c. i answer , that wee doe not assert any such necessity , nor doth our cause any way incline us to it , or want that refuge : for sure we affirme not , that they did actually resist ( to which only , that concurrence would have been necessary ) but onely that they would not , though they were able ; and to the evidencing of that , the concurrence of judgement you speak of , is not materiall ; for if they that did so think of their strength , were upon grounds of christian patience and obedience , as farre from doing or attempting it as any other , these men would certainly have continued in the same obedience , though all the world had concurred with them in the opinion of their sufficiency . for , to professe christian meeknesse first , and then upon any supervenient occurrence to be ready for resistance , though it might be a character of the temporary ( that i say not hypocriticall ) subjection of our dayes , yet must not wee be so groundlesly uncharitable , as to affix it on those christians : and though the objecter should renounce his present supposition , and again contend , that tertullian lied , and so divest him of all authority as a father , of common honesty as a relater ; yet sure he will not be so severe to deny him so much of an ordinary rhetor , as to make that an ingredient in his apologie for christians , which were the highest piece of an accusation . grant but tertullian to have any skill in any of his professions , suppose him but an oratour , if not a divine , a tolerable pleader , if not a tolerable man ; allow him but skill at the deske , ( his first trade , before he was a christian ) the reputation of a little eloquence , though no sincerity , and his very pleadings will be argumentative , though his words may not . but 't is added in the third place , that having no invitation , countenance , or command from any authority , &c. their case was differing from ours . to which i answer againe , 1. that it was not still the want of such command or invitation , that restrained them , but the contrary command of christ ; as hath been cleare . but then secondly , i pray let me ask a question , as of one which i will in reason suppose not to be unacquainted with the sense of junius , brutus , and buchanan , and it is only this , whether , if all temporall magistrates neglect the worke of reformation , the ministers may not and ought not to attempt it , if they can hope to prevaile ? if so , then though the case be not just the same now and then , yet the difference is not materiall or pertinent ; for then sure ministers there would have been to invite , if that had been the christian way . but when it is added within three lines , that we are invited , &c. by as great and as lawfull an authority as this state hath any : i must confesse , i had thought that the king and both houses had been a greater authority , unlesse the meaning be not simply , but ad hoc , as great and as lawfull an authority as this state hath any , to doe what is now done ; and then sure it shall be granted by me , who professe my selfe to suppose it impossible , that any command given to this purpose should be lawfull , or able to secure any from that sentence of saint paul's , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . yet once more , it is possible that the authour , by this state may mean a republique , which though it be a word of some signification in some other countries , yet that our lawes acknowledge any such here , i have not yet been taught ; nor sure can any part of this kingdome without the king be capable of this title , till we have moulded a new forme of government , and new lawes , as the modell of that ; for undoubtedly the old ones are not acquainted with any such . but that i will hope is not the meaning , because it is added , that inferiour magistrates , &c. which seemeth to acknowledge , that the parliament without the king are but inferiour magistrates . of the agreeablenesse of that title of magistrates and rulers , to that body without the head , i purpose not to speake ; onely to that which is added , that they should be obeyed , as well as kings . i answer , ( without canvasing of the place in saint peter , which others have done ) that if they are to be obeyed ; but as well as kings , then 1. the king that commands not to doe it , is to be obeyed , as well as they . 2. not they against the king , for that the inferiority implies . an inferiour magistrate , in that that is lawfull , and within his commission , and not thwarted by a superiour , is to be obeyed as well as if he were superiour in that , or as well as the superiour in any thing else ; but sure not to the despising of the superiours lawfull commands , when they doe interpose ; for that were more then as well . when the king commands that which god and the law doth not forbid , it may be said , that his commands are to be obeyed as well as gods ; which the apostle intimates , when he saith , you must be subject for conscience sake ; and the ground of this truth is , because indeed god the supreme , commands that subjection to the king in such matters . but sure for all this the king is not to be obeyed against god , or where any countermand of his hath intervened ; for this were , in saint peter's phrase , to obey men ( not as well , but ) rather then god . thus is it in that other case , the inferiour is to be obeyed , as well as the superiour , ( in things lawfull , and not contradictory to the superiours commands ) upon that ground of necessity of obedience to the superiour , from whom he hath his commission , and as saint peter saith , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is sent of him ; i. e. of , or by that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , supereminent person , the king ; but sure this holds not against the superiour , as in the other case it did not . 3. not they , when they command to take up armes against him whom saint paul bids me not resist , upon pain of damnation ; and by my oath of allegiance ( if it were otherwise lawfull ) i have bound my selfe that i will not . whereupon it is observable , that the assertors of this warre are now brought to undertake , that damnation , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. 13. shall not signifie damnation , ( poor men , what a weak threed doth the sword hang in , that is just over their soules ? and what a sad condition would it be , if to one that dyes a confident martyr in this warre , damnation at the day of doome should prove to signifie damnation ? ) but some temporary mulct ; and yet withall , that this warre is not against the king ; ( when yet that other against the earle of essex his army , is not doubted to be against the parliament ; ) which two so strange , and yet distant holds , ( for if it be not against the king , what need of that other evasion from the damnation that belongs to resisters ? or if resisters shall carry it away so easily , why may not warre be avowed against the king , by any that will adventure his wrath ? ) doe sure signifie mens consciences to be strangely grounded , and themselves very groundlesly confident , which are satisfied upon no better principles , and whose practices are capable of no better security . upon these grounds thus laid , of obedience due to inferiour as well as superiour ( supreme it should be , for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must here signifie , and i hope that our king amongst us is such ) magistrates , the objecter puts a case , that the inferiour governour requires that which is onely honest , &c. as to doe our best to defend our selves against those that contrary to law and conscience assault us , the superiour that which is contrary to both , viz. to sit still , &c. in this case hee resolves it is most cleare on his side , for ( whether the lawfulnesse or necessity he intimates not of ) resistance against the superiour . to this i answer , that it is hard to beleeve that the objecter did not purposely intend to deceive his reader by that phrase [ onely honest , &c. ] for that is a very doubtfull sense ; it may signifie , that nothing else were honest , and then it is in that sense apparently false ; for if it were honest to take up armes against a king , yet sure may not-taking-up arms be honest too ; for ( whatever that crime of neutrality signifie in these dayes ) it may be lawfull for a man to suffer injury , to suffer himselfe to be defrauded ( and that by a king , as well as by an equall ) 1 cor. 6. 7. i hope resistance , though it have lately commenced , and taken upon it the degree of vertue , yet hath not turned projector , got the monopoly of vertue and honesty into its hand , that it should engrosse and enclose that title , and there be no other vertue or honesty besides this : yet would the affirmations of some , out of no meaner place then the pulpit , [ that all that are for the king at this time are atheists or papists ] conclude and perswade thus much . but i would fain beleeve , that the meaning of the phrase [ onely honest , &c. ] is , [ no more then honest ] i. e. not necessary . but if that be it , then sure the superiour governour may deserve to be obeyed in forbidding it , as well as the inferiour in commanding : for it will not follow in that case , that the king commands somewhat contrary to the law of god , and nature ; but onely somewhat contrary to something which was agreeable , i. e. not against the law of god and nature ; i. e. prohibits a thing lawfull , not necessary ; as the other is supposed to command a thing lawfull , not necessary : which sure were as free for him to doe , as for the inferiour ; supposing , as the objector supposes , that the command of god indifferently extends it for obedience to either , in things that are lawfull . hence it appears , that in the case here put , the command of the superiour is falsly affirmed , to be an unlawfull command ; ( for then the matter of the inferiours command must be supposed , not onely honest , but necessary ) and if it be a lawfull one , it may and will then make void that obligation for that particular , which is supposed by the law of god to lie on us , to obey the inferiour in that which is lawfull . the short is , if that which is here spoken of , be in it selfe necessary , we must doe it , as in spight of all countermands of the superiour , so without all commands or invitations of the inferiour magistrate ; but if it be not necessary in it selfe , neither will the commands of an inferiour make it necessary to any who stands prohibited by a superiour . in the fourth section the objecter offers at a reason , why those ancient christians ( supposing strength in them ) should rather patiently suffer , because before their conversion they had consented to the emperour's power , whereby those edicts were made for the murthering of christians , &c. to which i answer , that it is ridiculous to seek out , or impose upon the reader probable or possible reasons for their non-resistance , when tertullian in their name specifies the true only reason , the gospel doctrine of christian patience and obedience . but for the particular of their consent , much might be added , to shew the vanity of that plea , if that were tanti , or pertinent . i shall only say , that if the emperour legally murthered christians , then their consent to that law ( or to the power of the emperour who made it ) would not bind or dispense with them to omit any thing necessary , or otherwise commanded by any greater power ; for if i swear to doe so , i must break my oath , non obstante what is concluded from psal. 15. 4. and if it were not otherwise necessary , or commanded by greater power then , neither is resistance now . and then , the kings prohibition will as much restrain me in any thing not necessary , as their heathenish consent could be supposed to restrain them then . nay , he that makes that consent a nullity . ( as this objecter in fine doth ) what reason can hee render , why he that gave that consent , might not plead that nullity , for such ( though carnall ) advantages as life is , if he could make good his pleading , and no other restraint lie on him , but onely that null-consent ? for the fifth section : how that may be lawfull [ for an entire body to doe , which may not be lawfull for a part , ] and so for us now , though not for them . i answer , that if the phrase [ entire body ] signifie the head and members too , then the period is true ; if not , then the whole section is fallacious : for it followes not , that though the representative body without the head is more then a party in the empire , without the representation of the rest , therefore the first may resist forcibly , though the second should not ; for he that from saint paul denies resistance of subjects indefinitely to kings , will not be moved from that hold , by discerning some other flight differences between subjects , unlesse they may appeare such that on one side they may authorize resistance . but then secondly , if the doctrine of christian patience , &c. were the cause of non-resistance , then sure was not this other consideration wherein they differ from us , the cause of it . well , having gone thus farre , in attendance on this objecter , and to exercise that patience , which we so much desire to perswade ; there is yet the greatest fort , behind unvanquished , erected in the sixth section , and rescued from all supposed assailants in six particulars following , set up like so many fortresses about it : the summe of it is ( for i would not be bound to recite what every one may read in a printed book ) that if those primitive christians had strength , and might lawfully have resisted , ( by the way , tertullian onely affirmes the first , and is so farre from supposing , that hee absolutely denies the second ) yet might god hide this liberty from them ; and so his after dispensations did require that he should hide it from them , and yet manifest it to us : and these dispensations he specifies to be gods counsell of antichrists coming into the world than , and of his being destroyed and cast out now . the hiding of this truth , of subjects power and right to resist their superiours , being necessary to help anti-christ up to his throne . and the commonalty of christians doing contrary to the will of their superiours , being the men that must have the principall hand in executing gods judgements upon the whore , revel. 18. 4 , 5 , 6 , & 9. that is , in the pulling him down . to this whole discourse ( the first i am confident that ever was written on this subject ) i must answer by degrees , ( that i may not omit any thing that is added for proofe or explication by the authour ) and first , i must desire the word may or might [ may hide ] may be changed into plaine intelligible sense . say , did god hide the liberty of resistance from those primitive christians , or no ? if he did not , then away with this whole section , and particularly that affirmation , pag. 30. that gods dispensations did require that it should be hid from them . but if god did indeed hide it , then first , this is more then a supposition ; it is a plaine concession , that those christians tertullian speaks of , might not lawfully have resisted , though they had had strength ( which was so long denyed ) ; for the light being hidden , they must have done it without faith , or against conscience ; yea , and against gods determinate counsell ; who , ( the objecter saith ) had great causes to hide it ; of which one sure must be , that it should not be used . 2. here is a great secret of new divinity , that god hides truths ( not as christ spake in parables , because they seeing see not , mat. 13. 13. but ) on purpose to help antichrist to his throne ; ( of which more anon . ) as for that instance of those that eat herbs , i pray consider , whether that be pertinent to prove that god purposely hides truths from us , or particularly this truth in hand : for sure that liberty god hid from none in the apostles time ; for the preaching of the gospel manifested the lawfulnesse of meats , as well as herbs ; onely some saw not , or considered not that that was manifested ; and thinking some old legall obligation ( as others did circumcision ) to lie still on them , submitted to it out of piety . now apply this to the point in hand . certainly , the liberty of forcible resistance against superiours ( though it should be granted ) would never be found of this kind , a liberty brought into the world by christ , which before had not been there . if hee shall affirme it was , ( as hee must , if that instance of eating be pertinent ) though by the concession of the latter part , hee must disclaime all his former old-testament pleas for resistance , from the people about jonathan , from david , and from elisha ; yet will hee never give any probable appearance for the affirmation in the first part , that christ gave any such new before-unrevealed liberty : but rather , if any such liberty before there were , it was undoubtedly taken away by christ , from whose example and precepts it was that those primitive christians , and we also , dare not make use of that supposed liberty . the onely thing i can imagine possible to be replied , is , that though the comparison hold not exactly , yet it may hold in this , that as that liberty of eating was hid to some , ( it matters not by whom , or how ) so this of resisting to others . to which i returne , that then it is confest , that this instance doth onely illustrate the objecter's meaning ; but not so much as probably confirme his assertion : and then i am sorry i have considered it so long . and therefore to bring the point to an issue , i must thirdly aske , where this liberty , or the authority for this liberty was , when it was thus hid ? was it in the old testament ? though it should be there , as it is not , yet it might be taken away in the new , ( as those things which in the old testament , or the law of nature , are nearest to giving of that liberty , are absolutely reformed by christs doctrine and practice ) and then that were good for nothing . was it in the new ? then deale plainly , shew the place in the new testament which gives that liberty , and is now found out by posterity , though hidden to them . sure we have found out no new scripture , to them unknown , ( the nazarites gospel , though it rehearse some speeches of christ not in our canon , yet is not produced for any of this nature : that famous one which it fathers on our saviour , nunquam laeti sitis nisi cùm sratrem in charitate videritis , is of another stamp ; i would to god this apocryphall precept might be canonicall among us ) and for any place of the known canon mis-understood by them , and now clearly unclouded and revealed to us in a right understanding , which inforces this , i must be so charitable to the objecter , as to think that if hee had discerned any such , hee would not have failed to have shewed it us , ( as well as his interpretations of rom. 13. and revel. 17. 17. ) if it were but to leave us unexcusable for not being his proselytes . beyond these severall wayes of revelation , if posterity have had any other , ( or indeed any but that , of understanding of scripture by scripture light , or assistance of gods spirit , which was not before understood ) from whence to fetch a liberty which is not in the old bible , or is denyed in the new , this is it which wee desire so to warne men of , under the name of enthusiasme , which is hardly ever distinguishable from a demure frenzie , and i must call it now , the dreame of the dreamers , jud. 8. that despise dominion , speak evill of dignities , but farre from divine revelation . and yet that this is the thing that this objecter hath an eye to , ( and not the understanding of scripture more clearly then before ) may appeare , in that hee affirmes this truth hid from their teachers , ( though not from all without exception ) who yet if it were hid in the scripture , were of all others most unlikely not to find it . as for that offer of proofe , that this truth might lie hid , because there was no occasion of studying it : i answer , that in tertullian's dayes , when there was occasion to study it , ( as great as ever can arise any , because the persecutions then were as heavie persecutions ) we may by that argument think they would have searcht into it , at least the light then would not in ordinary account have proved more dim , as hee saith it did , if the scripture were the candlestick where this light was held out . that which he adds in the next place , of the spirit of courage , patience , and constancy , which was by god poured out on the church in those dayes , and so made martyrdome seeme a desirable thing to them , is more like a reason indeed of their not-inquiring into this liberty : and herein , i must acknowledge the ingenuity of the objecter , or the power of truth which extorted this reason from him , so little to the advantage of his cause , and so much of ours : for this is certainly the bottom of the businesse , the want of christian courage , patience , &c. ( for that kind of courage is not in fighting , but suffering ) hath helpt us of this last age to that [ dreame , not ] revelation of liberty , which was never heard of among the ancients . but by the way , it seemes by the objecter , that now martyrdome is no desirable thing , nor taking up christs crosse , nor following of him . wee are resolved to have no more to doe with martyrdome , think that the thousand yeares for the saints to reigne on earth are now at hand , and so suffering , or conformity to the image of christ , no longer the thing wee are predestin'd to ; wee must set up a new trade of fighting , destroying , resisting , rebelling , leave enduring to those christians which were furnished with extraordinary strength from heaven . which are the objecters words of the primitive christians ; which , saith hee , kept them from studying cases and questions about lawfulnesse of escaping ( which word meere shame hath put in , utterly impertinently , instead of resisting ) i confesse , i had thought our queen mary martyrs had had this strength from heaven too ; and that it was not like miracles , an extraordinary gift onely for the infancy of the church : but now it seemes wee must expect to see no more martyrs , till wee can remove mountaines againe : this objecter , it is cleare , is resolved against it at this time , and that his actions , as well as writings , will be ready to testifie . for my owne part , i trust i shall be as ready to oppose the one , as i am to confute the other , and to think nothing more christian still , then to be crucified with my christ ; and if i might chuse the article of christian doctrine which i should most desire to seale with my bloud , i thinke it would be that of meeknesse , patience , non-resistance , peaceablenesse , charity , which i conceive christ hath been so passionately earnest to recommend unto me , as most diametrically opposite to the most unchristian damning sinnes of pride , ambition , malice , rebellion , unquietnesse , uncontentednesse , &c. fourthly , for the whole discourse about antichrist , there must many things be returned : 1. that it is not tolerable in a christian to affirme , that god purposely hid truths , that antichrist might come into the world : this so harsh sense the objecter first disguises in another phrase , that god by speciall dispensation suffered him to make many truths his footstoole ; but indeed that reaches not home to the businesse undertaken to be proved , for it followes not thence , that this of resisting superiours was one of those truths : if it were , then god suffered him to make use of it , which hee could not but by its being made known , whereas hee supposes it was then hid . if hee meane antichrist hid it , and so made the holding it , his footstoole ; then 1. it was not god that hid it , as before hee said , but antichrist . 2. it had then been manifest before , and then began to be hid , when there was most occasion to use it ; which before hee made improbable . if i were put upon the rack , i could not give a rationall account of those words of the objecter last recited , or such as may but be consonant to his present undertakings . that which followes is more cleare , that god caused a dead sleep to fall upon those truths : if hee did , i wonder who first raised them out of that dead sleep , jun. brutus , or buchan . or mr. goodwin ? but still it seemes god did on purpose hide truths , in favour and assistance to antichrist , to help him into the world ; and this , not like the spirit of slumber sent on men for their punishment , but on divine truths , which sure had not deserved it . yet more particularly , that the doctrine of liberty to resist superiours should be so opposite in a speciall manner to antichrist , that it was fain to be laid asleep to give him passage into his throne , seemeth very strange to me . 1. because one piece of antichrists pride is , to exalt himselfe above all that is called god , which is mostly interpreted kings ; and if rightly , then they that doe so enhaunce the power of the people , as to make the king universis minorem , and loose the reins of obedience so farre as to permit resistance , will i feare discerne some part of the mark of the beast upon their own brests . 2. because the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 2 thes. 26. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vers. 7. that hindred , or let antichrist , and was like to doe so still , till he were taken out of the way , was by the fathers commonly resolved to be the roman empire , or imperiall soveraignty of rome : see tert. de resurr . c. 24. ambr. com . in 2 thes. hier. qu. 11. ad algas . chrys. in 2 thes. cyr. hier. catech. 1● . aug. de civ. dei , l. 20. c. 19. lact. l. 7. c. 25. oecum . in loc. & ib. sever. & gen. and therefore on the sacking of rome by alaricus the goth , s. jerome presently expected that antichrist should come ; and in his book ad ageruchiam de monogam . wonders that any one would think of marrying at that time . hence , have learned men observed , was that custome in the most ancient times to pray in their lyturgies for the lasting of the roman empire , that so antichrist might be long a coming , tert. apol. c. 33. ad scap. c. 2. from whence , though nothing else can be demonstratively inferred , yet this certainly may , that in those many fathers opinion , the power of kings continuing intite , was not like to help antichrist in ; nor consequently , the bringing down that power , by the revelation of the doctrine of resistance , like to cause an abortion in antichrists birth , or now tend to the casting him out of the world . as for the evidence of that revelation-rule , that the communalty , in opposition to their kings , must have the great stroke in executing gods judgement on antichrist , proved , revel. 18. 4 , 6 , 9. i must answer , 5. that i shall never wonder enough at the power of prejudice evidenced in this objecter , by what hee hath put together to this purpose , pag. 32. to prove that the people contrary to their kings shall destroy antichrist , this is thought by him sufficient evidence , that the people are commanded to goe out of her , vers. 4. when vers. 9. it followes , that the kings of the earth shall bewaile her , and lament for her : the unconcludingnesse of the argument i shall not insist on , but onely looke forward to another place which hee cites immediatly , revel. 17. 17. where the ten kings are said to hate the whore , and make her desolate . now the word kings in this last place signifies , saith the objecter , not the persons of kings , but their states and kingdomes ; and to this purpose proofes are produced : but , first , i beseech him to deale ingenuously , doth the word king ever signifie the kingdome opposed to the king ; 1. any part of the kingdome excluding the king ? but then , 2. see the mystery of prejudice which i mentioned , where it is for the objecter's turne , revel. 18. the kings of the earth , must signifie their persons , in opposition to their people ; but where it is not for his turne , revel. 17. there the word kings , must signifie the people , or any but the king . would not the spirit of meeknesse have easily compounded this businesse , and have given the word [ kings ] leave in both places to signifie both their persons and their realmes ; and so have reconciled the places , that some kings with their kingdomes should bewaile her , and some againe hate her ; they bewaile her , that continued with her till her destruction , when they see the smoak of her burning , 18. 9. and others hate her , who had once tasted of her filthinesse , and repented and left her before : this were very agreeable to those texts , if wee had not peremptorily resolved to fetch some other sense out of them . 3. that first place alone by it selfe concludes onely thus much , that good men come ( or are exhorted to come ) out from antichrist , and avenge the whore ; and earthly men that have love to her , bewaile her ; but not that either the first are all common people , ( for sure kings may be called gods people , or be in that number ) or the second none but kings . as for the proofe that those people , vers. 4. are the subjects of those kings , vers. 9. because they are such as come out of babylon , sure that is very weak ; for babylon being the province of the whore , there may be kings as well as subjects there , and those kings come out too , as well as those subjects . for , suppose king and people of england all popish , why might they not all reform together ? it seems antichrist must never be cast out of a kingdome , till the people doe it in spight of the king ; and therefore it is concluded , that it was not done here in the dayes of king edward , nor queen elizabeth , nor king james : and now since the new revelations have assured men , that antichrist must now be cast out utterly from among us , it is become necessary that our soveraigne should be a papist ; and as much zeale , and as solid arguments used to perswade our friends that indeed he is so , ( though his constant word and actions now evidence the contrary ) as are produced to maintain any other article of our new saints beliefe : one of the most suspected and hated heresies of these dayes is , to doubt of the popish affections of our superiours , especially the king . well , by this doctrine , if the king should chance not to be a papist , hee must turne to be one , or else popery cannot be cast out in his time . if so hee should doe , turne papist on purpose to prepare , or dispose his kingdome to turne antichrist out , this might be but answerable to gods hiding of truths , to that end to help antichrist in . but should his majesty be so malicious as to prove protestant in earnest , then what would become of that sure word of prophecy , that so many have been perswaded to depend on , that antichrist must now be cast out of this kingdome ; which , saith the objector , cannot be , unlesse the people do it while the king bewailes . i hope i have said enough of this . as for the connexion of this observation , with the conclusion in hand , ( though it matter little now , the observation is proved so false , yet ) i shall adde , that if the people were to doe that great feat of casting out antichrist , yet it appeares not how liberty of forcible resisting their kings should be a necessary requisite to the work , unlesse the lawfull king be the antichrist in every countrey ; for otherwise it is very possible , that though they obey their kings , they may resist antichrist ; though they love and revere their lawfull superiour , they may hate and abjure their unlawfull . once more , whereas it is againe repeated , that the knowledge of the supposed subjects liberty would have kept antichrist from his throne ; i repeat again , that if it would , god sure would have revealed it to them of all others ; unlesse it appeare , that god was more angry with the sinnes of christians in tertullian's age , and so more fought against them , then hee doth in ours against us ; for though god may of mercy undeserved throw down antichrist , yet that hee should so immediately and illustriously labour to set him up , unlesse out of deserved indignation to a people , is not easily resolved ; yet if this may appeare de facto to be so , i shall yeeld ; till then , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the last blot laid on tertullian , to obliterate all whatsoever can be fetcht from him , is , that the authority of tertullian , and the submission of the christians , being both apocryphall , is too light to weigh against the practice of the great prophet elisha , &c. to which i answer , that that being supposed , yet the grounds on which tertullian saith the christians of his time did so patiently suffer , viz. the doctrine of christian patience and meeknesse , are not apocryphall , nor inferiour to that of elisha , though it were supposed to be argumentative , or concluding for resistance . for any thing else added by the objecter in this businesse , as the disproving of tertullian's relations on grounds of christian doctrine , from the contrary practice of david and elisha , though i might answer in one word , that christians are restrained from some things , which were practised without fault in the old testament ; yet because those old testament-examples have been fully cleared by many others of our writers , and indeed are not pertinent to the discourse i was upon , when this objecter first met me in the way , and led me this chace after him , i shall not be so impertinent as to adde any thing , but conceive my selfe to have vindicated the testimonies of those fathers from all possible objections , and so to have joyned the practice of christians , ( those ancient primitive ones ) and proved them correspondent to the example of christ , and so to have made good my second argument , proposed from the example of christ and christians . my third is , from the very making of christianity , and particularly of the protestant doctrine . and 1. of christianity , which as it differs from the lawes both of moses and nature , so it constantly reformes and perfects those ( dissolves not any thing that was morall in them , nor promises impunity for non-performance , but upon repentance and reformation ) elevates and raises them up to an higher pitch , at least then jewes or naturall men had conceived or understood themselves obliged to , which the ancient fathers generally resolve to be the meaning of his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mat. 5. 17. to fill up all vacuities in those former lawes , and adde unto them that perfection which should be proportionable to that greater measure of grace now afforded under the gospell . thus in that sermon upon the mount , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that top of practicall divinity , ( set down by way of particular instance of christs purpose , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) besides the third proaemiall beatitude , blessed are the meeke , which certainly though it may containe more , yet excludes not , but principally notes the meeke , obedient subjects under government , the non-resisters , and therefore hath the same promise annext which the law had given in the fifth commandement ; ( 't was there , that thy daies may be long in the land ; 't is here , they shall possesse the earth , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which psal. 37. 11. whence it is cited , refers clearely to the land of canaan , though improved into an higher sense now in the gospell . ) and againe , besides the seventh beatitude of the peace-makers , or peaceable , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being equivalent in the scripture stile , vid. jam. 3. 18. ) and the eighth , of those that are persecuted for righteousnesse sake , ( whence sure is not excluded the cause of religion and christianity it selfe ) as also of taking up the crosse ( of which i designe another discourse to speake more largely ) which sure are opposite enough to forcible resisting of lawfull magistrates , especially for religion : besides all these , i say , in the introduction to that sermon , there is in the body of the sermon it selfe , an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which sure prohibits all forcible resisting or violence even to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the injurious or ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) troublesome person , which if it should chance to be our king , would not certainly be more lawfully or christianly resisted , then any body else ; especially , when it is our religion which is invaded , which of all other things a whole army of plunderers cannot rob us of , ( as they may of the cloake , vers. 40. ) and therefore needs not our violence to retaine it ; nor is ever injured , but more illustrated by our suffering . to this may be added the consideration of the depositum left by christ with his disciples , pacem , peace , john 14. 27. ( which it seemes onely the beloved disciple had recorded ) peace i leave with you , externall peace , for the pacem meam , my peace , followes after as a gift perhaps peculiar to them that prised and kept this legacy : and if it be objected that christ came not to send peace , but a sword , mat. 10. 34. that sure refers not to christs prime counsell or purpose , but to the event ; what he foresaw it would be , or what he had determined it ought ( which manner of speech is very ordinary in all authors ) for the precept is punctuall to peter against the use of the sword , and to all the disciples for preserving of peace , mar. 9. 50. and to that it is thought the mention of falt belongs in that place , which among other qualities is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; unitive , have falt in your selves , and have peace one with another . on these texts , many effectuall emphaticall descants are added by the apostles , rom. 12. 18. if it be possible , as much as in you lieth , live peaceably with all men , and heb. 12. 14. follow peace with all men , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an agonisticall word to run for it as for a prize , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and 1 thess. 4. 11. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we render it , study ( it is , be emulous , contend , strive , make it your ambition ) to be quiet , to which i shall onely adde two places more , jam. 3. 17 , 18. the wisdome which cometh from above is first pure , then peaceable , &c. which before , ver. 13. he had called meeknesse of wisdome , then 1 pet. 3. 3. where after direction for the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} obedience of wives to husbands ( and we know the kingdomes relation to the king is besides others , that of a wife to an husband who is therefore espoused to it with the ring at his coronation ) it is added , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that her bravery consists in the sincerity ( i think it should be rendred ) of a meeke and quiet spirit , which is in the sight of god of great price . if it be objected , that these many places of peace are but generall wide illations against resistance , or however , no more pertinent to the case about resisting of magistrates , then of any other private man : i answer , that though i might thus argue , á minori , ( and also assume that no other resistance is neare so destructive of peace , as that resisting of the supreme power , that being indeed the shaking of government it selfe , which is the band of peace , and the dissolving of which returnes us to the state of common hostility , leaves us a wildernesse of beares or tygers , not a society of men ) yet i shall confesse , that i intended not to lay any more weight on this part of the argument , then any man will acknowledge it able to beare , and that therefore before i inferre my conclusion of non-resistance from the making of christianity , i must adde to these places so passionate for peace , another sort of places concerning obedience , of which ( without naming the places being so knowne already ) i shall venture this observation , that in the new testament especially the epistles of the apostles ( which were all written in time of the reigne of wicked heathen bloody adversaries of christianity , and can referre to none but those ) there is no one christian vertue , or article of faith more cleerly delivered , more effectually inforced upon our understandings and affections to be acknowledged by the one ( against all pretence of christian liberty to the contrary ) and submitted to by the other , then that of obedience to kings , &c. it were most easie to vindicate those places from all the glosses and scholia's that the writers of this yeare , mr. goodwin in anticav . mr bur. mr. bridges , &c. have invented to free themselves and others from the obedience most strictly required there , but i would not againe trouble any ingenuous man with such extravagant discourses as even now i learnt by experience would be necessary to answere such exceptions , which mens wit or somewhat worse hath produced ; besides , those places have beene by others vindicated already . i shall onely say , whosoever can without coloured spectacles find ground for the present resistance in those places of scripture , rom. 13. 1 pet. 2. 13. 18 , &c. so farre as to settle and quiet a conscience , i shall not conceive my understanding fit to duell with his , any more then i would wrestle with a fiend , or combate with the fire , which pythagoras tels me would availe little ; he that can be sure that damnation ( rom. 13. 2. ) signifies not damnation , but some temporary mulct onely ( if the king should proveable to inflict it ) when , vers. 5. it is added we must needs be subject , not onely for wrath , ( i. e. feare of temporary punishment ) but also for conscience sake , ( which when it accuses , bindes over to eternall wrath , or damnation ) i professe i know not what camell he may not swallow ; i shall onely in the bowels of christ desire him to consider , what a sad condition it would prove , if being on this confidence engaged , and by gods hand taken away in this warre he should at gods tribunall heare saint paul avouch , that by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or damnation in that place , he did meane no lesse then eternall damnation without repentance : o how would his countenance change , his thoughts trouble him , the joynts of his loynes be loosed , and his knees smite one against another , one generall {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} possesse all his faculties , and mr. bridg : &c. be unable to settle him or give him confidence any longer , when the tekel shall come out of the wall over against that interpretation of his , that it is weighed in the ballance ( of truth and judgement ) and found wanting ; of this word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i designe another disquisition : onely i could not deferre to forewarne the reader of his danger in this place , and now i shall not doubt from the making of christianity to inferre my conclusion of non-resistance , not doubting but the premises will beare it . for the other part of this third argument from the making of the protestant doctrine , i would faine be very briefe by way of compensation for my former importunity , and therefore shall engage my selfe not to trouble the reader with citations or names , which yet might be brought by hundreds of reformed writers for every junius brutus , and buchanan that hath appeared for the contrary since the reformation . though the truth is , suchas these if they must be called protestants , are yet in this somewhat more then that title ever imported , i may say perfect jesuits in their principles , and resolutions concerning kings ( no papists of any order hath gone so farre ) although they differ somewhat in the seat of that power of making such resistance . that which i designed to say on this point is onely this ; that the doctrine of allegiance to kings , and of their supremacy in all causes , hath alwayes beene counted a principall head of difference betweene the protestants and the worst of papists , and a speciall evidence , which most men have used , to conclude the papacy to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the antichrist , is this that the pope exalteth himselfe above all that is called god : 1. the kings of the earth , that he in case the king be not a catholicke , absolves subjects from their allegiance to him , that he pretends power over them in spirituall things , and in temporall in ordine ad spiritualia . it is not unknowne to any that the oath of supremacy if not of allegiance among us is principally designed to discerne and discover papists , of whom , one of the prayers appointed for the fifth of november affirmes , that their religion is rebellion , that sure is , that one maine difference betwixt romish and english , popish , and protestant doctrine , is that of liberty to rebell in some cases , particularly in that of religion : in opposition to all which doctrines or insinuations of theirs , there is no church that ever-exprest their sense in any article more fully and largely , then ours hath in this particular , witnesse the severall parts of the homily of disobedience and rebellion , printed in queene elizabeths time . and if herein all other parts of the reformed church have not gone as farre as we , yet shall i not retract my asserting this doctrine purely protestant , 1. because this kingdome hath alwayes beene esteemed a prime part of the reformation , wherein the papacy was legally cast out , not by violence or tumults of the people , and so nothing rejected but what in sobriety was necessary to be rejected , and therefore our church hath generally beene the norma , or rule , by which others have desired to compose themselves , and never yet any other so preferred before us , as that our ancestours could thinke sit to conforme to them . 2. because in many other countries the government is not regall , or monarchicall , as here it is , bodin . l. 2. c. 5. de rep. can finde none of this nature in europe , but france and spaine , and england and scotland ( i conceive ireland he contained under the word angliam ) in which , saith he , reges sine controversiâ jura omnia majestatis habent per se : singules civibus nec universis fas est ( it seemes master dale our embassadour , from whom he had received his advertisements of the state of this kingdome had not then heard that our king , though singulis major , is universis minor , which certainly had divested him of all soveraignty , it being impossible that the soveraigne or supreme of all should be minor then any ) summi principis vitam , famam aut fortunas in discrimen vocare , seuvi , seu judicio constituto id fiat , &c. as for the emperour of germany , charles the fifth by name , he saith plainly , tyrannide cives ad rempublicam oppressit , cùm jura majestatis non haberet , which if it be true , will be some excuse to the germane princes in what they did at that time in taking up armes for religion , though it is most certaine what he affirmes , that when those princes consulted m. luther about it , num id jure divino liceret , whether it were lawfull in the sight of god , ille negavit , he resolved it utterly unlawfull : this answer , saith bodin , luther gave perinde atque si carolus summam imperii solus haberet , and therefore much more must it be given when the case is of a monarch indeed , as he concludes ; and though he acknowledge that distinction , which it seemes luther did not , betwixt that emperour and true monarchs , yet is he faine to passe a sad observation upon the fact of those princes , in taking up armes for religion , against luther's advice , ita funestum bellum reique publicae calamitosum susceptum est , cum ingenti principum ac civium strage , quia justa causa nulla videri potest adversus patriam arma sumendi . i would to god those words were englisht in every of our hearts : a direfull and calamitous warre with the slaughter of all sorts , because ( though it were for religion ) yet no cause can be counted just of taking up arms against one's country . the truth is , what was done there though , 1. very unhappily , and 2. against no monarch , hath been thought imitable by knox and buchanan in scotland , and from thence infused into some few into england , as penry , &c. but by gods providence hath formerly beene timously restrained , and not broken out to the defaming of our protestant profession . it seemes now our sinnes are ripe for such a judgement , the land divided into two extreame sinfull parts ; one by their sinnes fitted to suffer under this doctrine , others sinfull enough to be permitted to broach and prosecute it . i meekly thanke god , that though my sins are strangely great , yet he hath not given me up to that latter judgement . i conceive i have also given some hints at least of proving my position from the making of the protestant doctrine . now for the last topicke , taken from the constitution of this kingdome . though that be the lawyers taske , very prosperously undertaken by others , yet one generall notion there is of our laws , which from my childhood i have imbibed , and therefore conceive common to all others with me ; and it is this , that the lawes of this kingdome put no man ( no papists i am sure ) to death for religion . when jesuits and seminary-priests have suffered , every man is so perfect in the law , as to know that it is for treason , by a statute that makes it such for them to come into this kingdome . the truth of this , and the constant pleading of it against all objecters , hath made me swallow it as a principle of our law , that even popery strictly taken ( and not onely as now this last yeare it hath learnt to enlarge its importance ) is no capitall crime . from whence , i professe , i know no impediment to forbid me to conclude , that in the constitution of our state no warre for religion is accounted a lawfull warre ; for that it should be lawfull to kill whole multitudes without any enditement , yea , and by attempting it , to endanger , at least , our owne , 1. many good protestants lives , for that , which if it were proved against any single man , would not touch his life in the least degree , is , i must acknowledge , one of the arcana belli which i cannot see into . and therefore sleidan tels us of m. luther , that he would not allow a warre , though but defensive , with the turke himselfe , com . lib. 13. pag. 403. and though after he had mitigated his opinion upon a new state of the question , and perswaded the emperour to it , yet it was with this limitation , modò nec vindictae , nec gloriae , nec emolumenti causâ subeatur , ( three things that are very rarely kept out of warre ) sed tantùm ut sparcissimum latronem , non ex religionis , sed furti & injuriarum actione aggrediantur . it seemes the cause of religion , although it were of christianity against mahometisme , was not to him a sufficient warrant for a defensive war . but then 2. for this warre to be waged against the prince , ( or by any one but the prince , in a monarchie , as this is ) who whatsoever he hath not , hath certainly the power of the sword immediatly from god ( or else must be acknowledged not to have it at all , for this power cannot be in any people originally , or anywhere but in god , and therefore it may be most truly said , that though the regall power were confest to be first given by the people , yet the power of the sword , wherewith regality is endowed , would be a superaddition of gods , never belonging to regall or whatever other power , till god annext it : in gen. 9. 6. which also seemes to be out of all dispute in this kingdome , even at this time , where the universall body of the commonalty , even by those that would have the regall power originally in them , is not yet affirmed to have any aggregate power , any farther then every man single out of government was presumed to have over himselfe , which sure was not power of his owne life ; for even in nature there is felonia de se , and therefore the representative body of the commons , is so farre from being a judicature in capitall matters , that it cannot administer an oath ) and therefore is not justly invasible by any subject , or community of subjects , who certainly have not that power , nor pretend to have it , and when they take it , thinke it necessary to excuse that fact by pretence of necessity , which every body knowes , is the colour for those things which have no ordinary meanes of justifying them ( like that which divines say of saving of children and ideots , &c. by some extraordinary way . ) nay , 3. for this warre to be waged , not against popery , truly so called , but against the onely true protestant religion , as it stands ( and by attempting to make new lawes is acknowledged as yet to stand ) establisht by the old lawes of the land , and therefore is faine to be called popish ( and our martyr-reformers not able , by those fiery chariots of theirs , to get out of the confines of babylon ) that it may be fit to be destroyed ; just as the primitive christians were by the persecuters put in wilde beasts skins , that in those shapes they might be devoured : this i confesse is to me a complication of riddles , ( and therefore put by some artist under that deep-dark-phrase , and title of fundamentall lawes of the kingdome ) to which certainly no liberty or right of the subject in magna carta , no nor legislative power , will enable any man to give any intelligible , much lesse legall name : at which i professe i am not ill pleased , because this i hope will keepe it from being recorded to posterity . i have done with my fourth argument , and am heartily sorry i have kept my reader so long from his prayers , which must set an end to this controversie , for sure arguments are too blunt to doe it ; i beseech god to direct all our hearts to a constant use of those meanes ( together with fasting and abstinence , at least from farther provoking sins ) to exorcize that evill spirit that hath divided his titles ( of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and now at length , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) among us , and by those meanes infused his mortiferous poyson into the very veines of this whole kingdome . [ i create the fruit of the lips , peace , peace to him that is farre off , &c. and i will heale him . thou hast moved the land , and divided it , heale the sores thereof , for it shaketh . ] the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to its origination signifies censure , judgement , and in its making hath no intimation , either of the quality of the offence to which that judgement belongs , or of the judge who inflicts it : that it belongs to humane judgements , or sentences of temporall punishments sometimes , is apparent by luke 23. 40. where one thiefe saith to the other , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , meaning it seemes , the same sentence of death , or capitall punishment , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , c. 24. 20. judgement of death , temporall ; and that at other times it signifies also divine judgement , is as apparent , act. 2● . 26. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , judgement to come , that is , certainly at the end of this world , at the day of doome . so rom. 2. 2. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the judgement of god , and so againe , vers. 3. which vers . 5. is explained to be wrath or punishment against the day of wrath , &c. so heb. 6. 2. resurrection of the dead , and eternall judgement . the truth is in this sense it is most-what taken in this booke , see matth. 23. 14. mar. 12. 40. luke 20. 47. rom. 3. 8. and therefore hesychius , the best glossary for the new-testament , renders it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods retribution or payment , or rendering according to works . it will not be worth while to survey and consider every place where the word is used , he that shall doe so , will perhaps resolve with me to accept of that glossary , and understand it constantly of gods judgment ; unlesse , when the circumstances of the place shall inforce the contrary , as they doe in the places first mentioned , and 1 cor. 6. 7. but then when the context rather leades to the second sense , there will be great danger for any man to apply it to humane judgements , for by so doing , hee may slatter himselfe or others in some sin , and run into that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as it signifies eternall judgement , when by that mis-understanding he doth not conceive himselfe in any danger of it . of places which without all controversie thus interpret themselves ; i will mention two , 2 pet. 2. 3. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wee render it , whose judgement of a long time lingereth not : which that it belongs to eternall vengence , appeares by the next words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wee render it , their damnation , it is literally , their destruction sleepeth not . the second place is , 1 tim , 3. 6. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fall into the condemnation of the devill ; that is , sure into that sentence that fell upon lucifer for his pride ( being cast out of heaven , and reserved to chaines of eternall darknesse ) for the person spoken of here , is the novice , or new convert , lifted up with pride , just parallel to the angells newly created , lifted up with pride also , the crimes and the persons parallel , and so sure the punishment also . now three places more there are which appeare to me by the same meanes of evidence , or rule of interpreting , to belong to the same sense , though i cannot say of them as i did before , [ without controversie ] for i see it is not onely doubted by some , whether they doe belong to this sense or no , but that it is resolved they doe not : which resolution sure must be obnoxious to some danger , that i say no worse of it . the first of these places is , rom. 13. 2. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : we render it , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation : but say others , it must be rendred judgement , as that signifies some temporary punishment which the higher powers may inflict , and nothing else : and this they labour to make appeare by the words following : for rulers are a terrour to evill works , and he beareth not the sword in vaine , &c. to which i answer , that there is no doubt made by me or any , but that rulers are to punish men for evill works , particularly that of resistance against them , and not onely that , but also crimes against our brethren , and god ; and in that respect it is added , vers. 4. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the minister or officer of god he is , and executioner for wrath , that is , punishment temporall to him ( indefinitely ) that doth evill . but doth it follow from hence , that either he that makes forcible resistance against the superiour or supreme power , or that commits any other sinne ( which the supreme power is set to avenge or punish temporally ) shall incurre no eternall punishment ? if this new divinity should be entertained , it must be priviledge and protection to other sins , as well as resistance and rebellion , even to all that any judiciall lawes have power to punish , for in these also he is the minister of god , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an avenger , or executioner for punishment , and there is no avoiding it ; but this must be extended indefinitely , or vniversally , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to any malefactour punishable by that power , or that comes under this cognisance ; and so by this logicke , he that is hanged , may not be damned , what ever his crime be ; an execution on earth shall be as good as a purgatory to excuse him from any other punishment . but then secondly , suppose a rebell escape the hand of justice here below , by slight , &c. nay , that he prosper in his rebellion , and get the better of it , that the king be not able to punish him ; nay , yet farther , that he proceed higher , despose the king , and get into his place , what {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is he like to receive , if that signifie onely the kings wrath or temporall punishment ? sure this prosperousnesse of the crime must make it cease to be a crime , make it commence vertue , as the turkes on their principles are wont to resolve it , saith busbequius , ep. 4. — ex opinione quae turcis insedit ut res quocunque consilio institutas , si bene cadunt , ad deum authorem referant , &c. or else give it , ( though it be a sinne never so great , and unrepented of ) perfect impunity both in this world , and in another : and certainly this is no jest , for he that observes the behaviours of many men , ( the no manner of regrets or reluctancies in their course of forcible resistance , ( save onely when they conceive it goes not on so prosperously as it was wont ) and the great weekly industry that is used to perswade all men of the continued prosperity of the side , as being conceived farre more usefull and instrumentall to their ends , then the demonstration of the justice of it , mens consciences being resolved more by the diurnall , then the bible , by the intelligencer then the divine , unlesse he turne intelligencer also , i would we had not so many of those pluralists . ) will have reason to resolve that this divinity is the principle by which they move ; which if it be not yet brought to absurdities enough , then looke a little forward to the conclusion , deduced and inferr'd vers . 5. wherefore ye must be subject , not onely for wrath , but also for conscience sake . words by prophetick spirit added by the apostle , as it were on purpose to contradict in terminis , that new interpretation . wrath signifies that temporall punishment , vers. 4. which if it were the all that is meant by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , then how can it be true , that we must be subject not onely for wrath ? certainely he that resists is not subject ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and both directly contrary to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the word used both in the third and fifth verse ) and therefore if we must be subject not onely for wrath , as that signifies temporall punishment , then he that resists , shall receive more then wrath , as that signifies temporall punishment , viz. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in our rendering , condemnation , if he doe not prevent it timously by repentance : which sure is the importance of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but also for conscience sake ; that if he doe it not , it will be sin to him , wound his conscience , bind him over to that punishment which belongs to an accusing conscience , ( which sure is more then a temporall mulct ) which is farther cleare from the first verse of that chapter , the command of subjection . for sure , every divine or apostolicall command entred into the canon of scripture , doth bind conscience ; and the breach of it , knowne and deliberate , is no lesse then a damning sinne , even under the gospel , mortiferous and destructive without repentance ; which is just equivalent to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he shall receive damnation , in our way of interpreting it . so much for that first place . the second is , 1 cor. 11. 29. he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation ( or as our margent , judgement ) to himselfe , &c. this place i find avouched for the confirming of the former interpretation , rom. 13. that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies onely temporall punishment ; and thus it is known the socinians commonly interpret this place , per {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} non sempiternam damnationem nominatim , sed supplicium in genere intelligendum esse . volkelius l. 9. de ver. rel. . l. 4. c. 22. that which is used to perswade this to be probable , is that which followes vers. 30. for this cause many are weak and sickly among you , and many sleep ; which belonging onely to temporall punishments , is conceived to be a periphrasis of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , judgement , which should seem consequently to be so also : and , indeed , volkelius hath added other proofes , 1. because the apostle speaks of any one single act of this sin of unworthy receiving , ( not of any habit , or custome ) which hee conceives not actually damning now under the second covenant . 2. because it is vers. 32. and when we are judged , we are chastened of the lord , that we should not be condemned , &c. to these three ( and i know not that there are produced any more ) probabilities , i conceive cleare satisfaction may be given by those who affirme {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to contain in it eternall punishment : though if it were onely temporall punishment , yet being sicknesse , &c. which are not inflicted by the magistrate , but by the hand of god , it will not come home to that which was by master br. affirmed of the word in rom. 13. for this must be premised , that wee doe not conceive it to signifie eternall punishments , exclusivè , or so as to exclude temporall , but eternall and sometimes temporall too ; ( for so sure hee that for his rebellion receives damnation , hereafter , is not secured from being hang'd , drawn , and quarter'd here ) or else eternall if hee repent not , and perhaps temporall though hee doe : by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as i said , i understand with hesychius , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods vengeance , whether here , or in another world ; but , i say , in this place both of them , ( and so ordinarily in the former also . ) this being premised , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may still containe in it eternall punishments , vers. 29. though many for this cause of unworthy receiving did fall sick and die , vers. 30. for 1. they might both die and be damned too ; or if , as volkelius saith , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , obdormiscunt , sleep , be never used in the new-testament , of those that are destined to eternall destruction , then still may this be very reconcileable with our interpretation , that many for this cause are weak and sickly , and many others sleep , god chastising some by diseases to reforme them , and punishing others , who , as volkelius acknowledges , were guilty onely of some single act of the sinne onely , with death temporall , or shortning their dayes ; which certainly hinders not but that god might punish others that did customarily commit this sinne ( and perhaps with greater aggravations ) with no lesse then eternall death , however that it were just for him to doe so , whatever hee did , it is plaine by vers . 27. which is parallel to the 29. whosoever shall eat and drink unworthily , shall be guilty of the body and bloud of the lord ; that is , in volkelius his own words , ipusm christi corpus ac sanguinem contemnere & ignominiâ afficere , ac quantam in ipsis est profanare proculcareque censendi sunt , shall be thought to contemne and disgrace , and as much as in them lies to profane , and tread under feet the body and bloud of christ ; which , what is it but to count the bloud of the covenant an unholy thing , heb. 10. 29 ? which yet there is used as a maine aggravation of that sinne , for which , saith the apostle , there remaines no more sacrifice , vers. 26. it is apparent that the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , guilty of the body , &c. is parallel to the latine , reus majestatis , used for a traitour , and sure signifies no lesse then a guilt of a great injury to christ ; which how any man can affirme to be a sinne to which no damnation belongs , ( supposing no antidote of invincible ignorance or weaknesse , nor recovery by repentance , nor gracious pardon of god in not imputing some single act of it ) i professe my selfe not to discern , though i think i have weighed impartially all that is said of it . this sure will keep the first proofe from being any longer probable ; and for the second , ( or first of volkelius ) it is already in effect answered too ; for though hee that is guilty onely of some one act of this sinne found mercy , yet sure they that are guilty of the customary sinne , may speed worse : and indeed of all indefinitely the apostle speaks according to the sinne ; as when hee saith , the drunkard and adulterer shall not inherite the kingdome of god : where yet perhaps he that is guilty onely of one such act , may find mercy . for the last proofe , i conceive it so farre from being a probable one against me , that i shall resolve it a convincing one on my side ; for if those that were sick , &c. were chastened of the lord , that they should not be condemned , then sure if they had not been so chastened , nor reformed by that chastening , they should have been condemned with the world ; and so their temporall judgements may be a meanes , through the mercy of god in christ , to free them from their eternall , but not an argument that eternall was not due to them , but a perfect intimation that it was . the third place ( which is not indeed of much importance in it selfe , but only is used to give countenance to the interpretation in the two former places ) is 1 pet. 4. 17. the time is come that judgement must begin at the house of god . here , say they , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} judgement , is that that befalls the house of god , the godly ; therefore but temporall judgements . to which i answer in a word , that here is a mistake in applying judgement in its latitude to the house of god , when onely it is affirmed by saint peter {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the beginning or first part of judgement : for of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or judgement , in this verse , there are specified two parts , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the first part , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the end ( or as the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} seems to sound in our english , the taile ) of it ; as psal. 75. 8. the cup of gods displeasure , or punitive justice , is supposed to consist of two parts , 1. red wine , ( or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and 2. mixture of myrrhe and other poysonous bitter spices , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , apocal. 4. 10. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mat. 24. 17. and both together , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , myrrhate wine , mar. 15. 25. now , this cup is poured out , and tasted of indefinitely , by the godly some part of it ; but the dregs thereof , i. e. the myrrhe-bitter part , that goes to the bottome , is left for the wicked to wring out and drink : so that onely the tolerable , supportable , easie part of the judgement belongs unto the godly ; but the end , the dregs , the unsupportable part , to those that obey not the gospel of god . or yet a little further , the beginning or first part , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of the judgement , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from the godly , ( and so it was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) intimating , that the judgement doth not stay upon them , but onely take rise from them : but the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the second , sadder part of it , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of them , ( or belongs to them ) that obey not , &c. so that still in this place also , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies gods judgement of this life and another both ; not of this life onely , to the excluding of the other , but one part in this life , another in that other : and though the godly had their part in it , yet there was somewhat in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that the godly never tasted of , but only the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they that disobeyed the gospel of god : and this is apparent by vers . 18. for if the righteous {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wee read it , scarcely be saved ; it signifies ( by comparing that place with pro. 11. 31. where instead of recompensed on the earth , the greek translation reads , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) be rendred unto , or recompensed , i. e. punished in the earth , then where shall the ungodly and sinners appeare ? there are againe the two parts of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , one {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods retribution to sinne here , wherein the godly have their part ; and the other , his rendring to the wicked hereafter ; and so neither of them the punishment of the magistrate in this life , as mr. bridg. out of piscator , contends to have it , rom. 13. and as it must be here also , if others speake pertinently , who use it to avoid that interpretation , which i confesse mr. bridg. doth not . they that are unlearned and unstable wrest the scriptures to their owne destruction . yee therefore beloved , seeing yee know these things before , beware lest you also be led away with the errour of the wicked , and fall from your owne stedfastnesse , 2 pet. 3. 16 , 17. of the zealots among the iewes , and the liberty taken by them . there was among the jewes , either truly or pretendedly , a judicium zelotarum , a peculiar liberty or power of zelots , ( i. e. of private men led by zeale ) to punish or execute malefactors , whether with death , or any lower punishment . these they stile pious-men inflamed with the zeale of god : and these were wont , when they found any man in the fact , guilty of sedition , blasphemy , or any other crime of the greater size , openly and publikely committed , presently to set upon him , to smite , and if need were , to kill him , without any processe of law against him . the originall of these came from the fact of phinees , num. 25. 7. of whom mattathias , in his dying oration to his sonnes , hath these words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . phinees our father ( by zealing the zeale of god , saith the vulgar latine ) by behaving himselfe zealously , received the promise of an eternall priesthood , 1 mac. 2. 54. which is also affirmed of elias , vers. 58. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . elias by zealing the zeale of the law , or behaving himselfe zealously for the law , was received up to heaven ; ( which belongs to that fact of elias , immediately before his assumption , when he call'd twice for fire from heaven on ahaziah's messengers , 2 king. 1. 10 , 12. unlesse you will rather apply it to that fact of his , 1 king. 18. 40. against the prophets of baal , whom hee apprehended and slew together every man of them : ) by which examples hee there stirres up and incites his sonnes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to be zealous for the law , vers. 50. though not to commit any such particular act of that nature , as that which those had done . testimonies of jewish writers to this purpose , master selden hath put together in his book , de jure natur. & gent. ad heb. plac . lib. 4. cap. 4. and given some hints of explaining some difficulties in the new-testament from thence . to this belongs that fact of christ , joh. 2. 15. as appeares by the disciples ; of whom it is said , vers. 17. that upon that occasion they remembred how it was written by the psalmist , psal. 69. 9. the zeale of thy house , or for thy house , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , hath fed on me , or carried me with a kind of fury . that christ did not take upon him to be a magistrate , or a judge , or a publike person here on earth , is sufficiently acknowledged : as also , that as a private man hee neither did , nor attempted any thing contrary to the lawes or customs of the jewes or romans : or if hee had , that the jewes who had a competent measure of animosity against him , would not probably have suffered him to have done it scot-free . from all which it will follow undoubtedly , that this was done by christ , jure zelotarum , by the power that belonged to the zealots , for whom onely the law allowed this liberty . the same is to be said of that attempt of the jewes , joh. 10. 31. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the jewes therefore carried stones again that they might stone him , no legall processe having preceded . the same master selden notes of the servant of the high priest that struck christ , joh. 18. 22. whose answer is a seeming argument of it , vers. 23. if i have spoken well , why smitest thou me ? intimating , that if hee had said any thing amisse , or irreverently of the high priest , hee should not have questioned his striking him : and yet the truth is , the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , beare witnesse of the evill , seems an advertisement , that if christ had offended , it would have better become the servant to have accused and witnessed against him , proceeded legally , then thus , jure zelotarum , to have stricken him . on the same ground was the fact of ananias , act. 23. 2. though sitting in the sanhedrin , when he appointed paul to be smitten , though without any just crime also . the like proceedings the scribes were , it seemes , affraid of , luk. 20. 6. the people will stone us : which must have been an act of popular zeale , without publike judgement . that saint steven , act. 7. 57. was stoned after this manner , is observed by hugo grotius , and certainly upon good reasons ; for although hee were accused of blasphemy , c. 6. and false witnesses brought to that purpose , yet after that , there was nothing legally past against him through all the seventh chapter , beside his apology for himselfe to the high priest . in the conclusion of which ( no sentence passing against him ) it followes , that the people {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vers. 54. which hesychius will help us to render thus , they were very angry , they were madded with fury or zeale against him , and gnashed their teeth ( it seems that flame of zeale produced the same effect in them that the flames of hell are said to doe , mat. 8. 12. ) against him , and crying with a loud voice , they stopp'd their eares , and ran with one accord upon him , ( all which , were evidences of a most violent zeale ) and cast him out of the city , and stoned him ; which out of doubt was not now lawfull for the jewes , ( all power of capitall punishment being before this taken from them , joh. 8. 31. ) nor before legall condemnation ever lawfull by the common way of proceeding ; no nor after condemnation , to be done thus tumultuously by the people : save onely that by the liberty of zealots it was permitted . so act. 14. 19. it befell saint paul , ( god in his providence permitting him to be thus dealt with , by way of retaliation , for his having an hand in stoning saint steven , when barnabas met not with the like adventure ) certaine jewes that came from antioch and iconium having stoned paul , &c. by this judgement onely of zeale , which we now speake of . hither perhaps we may referre that of the jewes , who brought the woman taken in adultery to christ , that she might be stoned ; not desiring , as it appears , that christ should give sentence of death on her by ordinary legall judicature , ( for neither was christ a judge , nor had the jewes now power of capitall punishment ) but by the liberty of zealots , which was thought principally to belong to that case of one taken {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in the very fact , as appeares by the example of phinees . so act. 23. that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , great cry ( such as was observed in the story of saint steven ) was the beginning of the flaming of zeale , and vers. 10. it followes , that the chiefe captaine , or tribune , sent souldiers to rescue and defend paul , that hee might not be taken by that party of zealots , who , vers. 12. had bound themselves under a curse , that they would neither eat nor drink untill they had slain paul ; who sure could not have done so impunè , had it not been thus indulged to them , as zealots . so when james and john demand of christ , whether they should command fire from heaven to descend on a village of the samaritanes , luk. 9. 54. this they did by the liberty of zealots , for the legality of their action taking their pattern from the example of elias , and presuming of the power to doe it , because elias had . ( in reference to both which , wee read of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , luk. 1. 17. the spirit and power of elias ; that spirit , by which hee was incited to that act of zeale , and that power by which hee could call for fire from heaven ; whereupon it is procopius his expression of elias , that hee was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , accended with divine zeale , or set on fire by it . ) now when christ reprehendeth those disciples , telling them they knew not , i. e. considered not , what spirit they were of , hee advertiseth them that this practice of zealots is not agreeable to the spirit of the gospel , nor generally to the temper which hee came to plant among christians . and having now among the apostles of christ themselves found some footsteps of the jewish zeale , 't will not be amisse to interpose a conjecture , that from the same originall sprung that bloudy fact of peter , cutting off malchus his eare , mat. 26. 51. for that this was not lawfull for him to doe , or justifiable by the ordinary rule , may be guest by christs answer of reproofe and vouching the law , ( all they that take the sword , shall perish by the sword ; ) and yet that it was not a fact very enormous among the jewes , or being compared with their avowed practices ( though clearly forbidden by the gospel ) origen and theophylact seem to intimate . origen on mat. 26. unus eorum qui erant cum jesu nondum manifestè concipiens apud se evangelicam patientiam illam traditam sibi à christo , nec pacem quam dedit discipulis suis , sed secundùm potestatem datam judais per legem de inimicis , extendens manum accipit gladium , &c. one of them that were with jesus , having not yet any full cleare conception of that evangelicall patience delivered them by christ , nor of that peace which hee gave to his disciples , but according to the power given the jewes by the law of enemies , took out his sword , &c. theophylact yet more clearly in mat. 26. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . let us not find fault with peter ; for what hee did , hee did out of zeale , not for himselfe , but for his master : but the lord reducing him to the gospel-discipline , teaches him not to use the sword , though thereby a man should seeme to defend or vindicate god himselfe . and in another place in luk. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the disciples are mov'd with zeale , and draw swords . and in a third place in mark . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , intimating , that peter himselfe counted this fact of his a piece of zeale , for which hee might be commended . thus much was not amisse to produce in behalfe of this conjecture , that what peter did in defence of christ , hee did as a zealot ; and yet to see , christ is so farre from approving it , that it incurres the same reprehension which james and john before had met with ; nay , somewhat a severer , that all might discerne how distant the spirit of zealots was , from that other of disciples ; the judaicall fervour , from the meeknesse of the gospel : though the apostles themselves had not yet perfectly learn't this truth at christs death , nor untill the holy ghost came to teach them all things , and to bring to their remembrance whatsoever hee had in person being present said unto them . a plaine mention of these zealots we find , act. 21. 20. where of some of the jewes 't is said , they are all {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , zealots of the law , that were like to be very hot if they saw any thing done to the prejudice of the law : of whom therefore saint paul is advised to beware . so of paul himselfe before his conversion , act. 22. 3. 't is said hee was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a zealot of gods , or in gods cause ; and presently it followes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i persecuted to death , &c. for so the zealots were wont to doe . so act. 17. 5. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the zealots of the jewes , or , the jewes inflamed with zeale , ( as the old translation reads it , zelantes , better then the new , invidiâ commoti ) of whom 't is added , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , took unto themselves certain lewd fellowes of the baser sort , and made a tumult , and set all the people in an uprore . of which kind master selden has observed , that simon was one , luk. 6. 15. act. 1. 13. called by saint luke , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , simon the zealot ; but by the other evangelists , saint matthew and saint marke , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or ( as schindler and other learned men are bold to mend it ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which we render , the cananite ; but 't is apparent the word is to be fetcht from the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , canna , which signifies , zealot ; not from the name of the place : and so is all one with the greek {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as perfectly the same as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and cephas , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and tabitha , and many the like . and thus farre by scripture light have we past in this disquisition . now what tumults and riots have been wrought by the rude multitude among the jewes , ( or those at least who had no lawfull power in their hand ) under the pretence of the priviledge of zealots , no man can be ignorant , who is not wholly unacquainted with josephus story . for in his relation there is nothing more ordinary , then to find all things disturbed by them , the temple or holy place defiled , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by their prophane feet , to the reproach of god ; chiefe priests removed , and others placed in their roome without all respect of bloud , elected by them either according as they pleased , or else by lot ; ( as it was in the election of one phannias the son of samuel to the high priesthood ) a man , saith josephus , who {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , was not onely unworthy to be high priest , but that did not so much as know what the high priesthood was , such was his rusticity . many passages we find scattered in this authour , in his books of the captivity , and large stories of the seditions , and uprores , and massacres , by two sorts of men among the jewes , the one called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , sword-men or cutters ; ( of whom saint luke makes mention , act. 21. 38. we render them , murtherers ; and it seemes foure thousand of them got together in a company ) the second {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , zealots ; of whom hee makes relations , especially lib. 4. c. 11. where hee saith of them , that they killed many of the chiefe men of the nation , and still when they did so , boasted and bragg'd of themselves , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that they were become the benefactors and preservers , or saviours of the city . and by the timidity and basenesse of the people concurring with their insolence , advanced so farre , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that they took to themselves the election and constitution of the high priests . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and contemning the rules of birth by which the high priests were to succeed , they constituted ignoble obscure men in those places , that by that means they might have some abetters and partners of their villainies . and cap. 12. hee saith , the name of zealots was of their owne imposing , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as if all that they did ( murthers , sacriledges , profanations , before mentioned ) were by them done in good intentions , and not , as indeed they were , in emulation , and even to the out-stripping and exceeding the worst actions that had bin recorded . thus far josephus . that these zealots were a fourth sect of the jewes , ( added to sadduces , pharisees , essens ) having its originall from judas gaulonita and sadduchus , is the affirmation of bonaventura cornelius bertramus , in the end of his book de polit. jud. a sect , saith hee , judaeis ipsis omnibus perniciosissima , ut quae judaeorum omnium excidium totiusque reip. judaicae prostrationem non modo accelerârit , sed & eam tam miseram & calamitosam effecerit : a sect most sadly pernicious to the jewes themselves ; the destruction of all whom , and the prostration of their whole common-wealth , it did not onely hasten and precipitate , but made it so miserable and calamitous when it came . having proceeded thus farre by way of narration , it may chance to be worth the paines to present unto the reader a conjecture upon the twelfth verse of , the fourth chap. of the 1 epistle of saint peter , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the vulgar latine renders it by words utterly unintelligible : nolite peregrinari in fervore . beza , ne tanquam peregrini exploratione illâ per ignem percellimini : as if {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signified a strangers being stricken or amazed : and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} triall by fire : which whatsoever it may in some other place , it cannot doe here : because here is added {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which is befallen for your triall , which word would be superflous , if {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} noted triall by fire . the more simple and cleare rendring will be to set the words so , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may signifie a combustion , or fire , or burning , ( so both the vulgar and beza , revel. 8. 9. render {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} fumum incendii , and the smoke of her burning ) and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may denote these 3 things . 1. to wonder ( so the greeke scholiast , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) 2. to be affrighted : ( so tertullian , ne expavescite ) 3. so as it may be all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to be stricken as with an accident wherewith we are unacquainted . these three senses each , as all of them , may be allowed their places here . now the conjecture is , that by the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the combustion or burning , &c. should be meant , that notable combustion of the zealots before mentioned , ( for indeed the words are of some affinity , the one comming from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fire , the other from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , growing fervently hot or burning . ) the grounds of the conjecture are these ; 1. because that last fatall day , the destruction of jerusalem is spoken of in that very chap. ver. 7. as that which for some time had been at hand : for i conceive i can make it plaine by comparing of places of the new test. that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the end of all things is ( not the finall period of the world , but ) that destruction of jerusalem or the jewish common-wealth , and of that it is said , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , it is , or hath for some time beene at hand , it was not yet comen : but of this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or combustion , that it was then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , already come ; which is directly agreeable to the observation of josephus , and others conversant in the jewish , who affirme that that raving and rioting of , ( and sad civill combustion wrought by ) the zealots , was antecedent and precursory to the finall destruction of the jewes by titus . 't is affirm'd of this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that it was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i. e. among you , in your land , in the midst of you , ( as that phrase frequently signifies in the new test. ) by which is marked out some remarkable thing , which was fallen out among the jewes , as that time when peter wrote ; to which time that the raving of the zealots endured , is apparent by mention of them , act. 21. 20. act. 22. 3. and that by their stirres these christian jewes of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or the dispersion to whom he writes , had beene first scattered abroad , may be conjectured by act. 8. 1. this may suffice for a conjecture , which whether it stand or fall , will not be much concernant to the businesse which occasioned this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . to conclude this historicall uneven discourse , i shall onely annex these few animadversions by way of corollary . 1. that this law , or power , or custome , or liberty of zealots , was never of force but among the jewes . 2. that the originall and ground of it among them is to be fetcht from hence , that among that people , god immediately presided , and reserved many things to be manag'd and ruled by his peculiar and extraordinary incitation and impulsion , not by any rule of standing publicke law ; that so that common-wealth might be truly capable of that title which josephus bestowed on it , none of the kinds of humane governments , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the government of god . 3. that it followes not from hence , that all things which were by the jewes themselves done under pretence of this right , and passed unpunished , were therefore well done ; but onely those which were undertaken by men truly incited by god , ( such as phineez and elias ) for that priviledge is not therefore stil'd zeli privati , of private zeale , because private men by their owne incitation ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as that is opposed to gods ) did what they did ; but because they did it without legall processe , or publike judicature . and though i should be so scepticall , as not to dare peremptorily to affirme , that nothing was well done or justifiable in that kinde , but what they did who were truly and immediately incited to it by god ; yet should i not be so cowardly as to doubt , but that all those jewes were so bound to observe those examples of phineez and ellas , that if they were not immediately incited by god , yet they should not dare to exceed the limits of those patterns commended by god , either in respect of the manner of doing , or matter of the action . in one of which you shall finde all the examples mentioned in the new testament , except that of christ , to have miscarried . and therefore i hope no man will be so unjust to the charitable designe of this paper , so treacherous to his readers , so unkinde to his owne soule , as to borrow from these premises new hints of arguments to susteine a desperate cause by his pretence of zeale ; for that would be to extract rosacre out of treacle , poyson from that which was designed for antidote . and he must withall resolve , that if the practice of christ first mentioned , be his president , he must also prescribe to christs power ; or if any of the other new testament examples ; he must be content to fall under their condemnation , for not one of them that i ever yet heard of , was excused by any . 4. that this sect of zealots when they thus got together into a body was by the jewes themselves ( among whom the priviledge of zealots was yet in force ) taken for the most unlawfull , yea pernicious and fatall , most eminently destructive to that common-wealth ( as appeares by josephus and bertram ) and that those things which they did under pretence of law and colour of zeale , were violations of law and meere sacriledge . 5. that all use of this liberty , all imitation of that jewish priviledge of zealots in the old testament , is cleerly interdicted all christians ; first , because the written word is the onely oracle wherein god constantly reveales himselfe to christians now under the new testament , neither are any other incitations to be expected from god , but what in the gospell or new test. the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the administration of the spirit ( as preaching the gospell is call'd ) doth yeild or afford us ; what is more then this , yea , though it come to us from the pulpit , savours of enthusiasmes and seducing spirits ; secondly , because christ hath both by his doctrine and example commended to his disciples all manner of meeknesse ( and saint peter , the meeke and quiet spirit , as most precious in gods sight under the gospell , and this a grace most directly contrary to that spirit of zealots ) yea and hath forbidden all private revenge of injuries ( done not onely to our selves , but god ) referring all to the magistrate ( whom saint paul calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. 13. 4. the minister of god to execute wrath , or an executioner for wrath ) and therefore himselfe medled not with the woman taken in adultery ; thirdly , because he interdicted james and john the use of this power , adding a reprehension , and words emphaticall to this purpose , he turned and rebuked them , saying , you know not what spirit you are of ; intimating , the christian spirit to be very distant from that of the zealots among the jewes . i shall adde no more , but my prayer , that as many as have zeale , may have it according to knowledge , and that knowledge , according to the directions of the gospell . of taking up the crosse . many places of the new testament there are that require this duty of a christian , ( of which i thinke i may truly say , that 't is a duty never so much as in kinde required before by god in the old testament , nor by the lawes of nature , or canons of any other religion , and so a peculiar christian duty ) the chiefe places are these , matth. 16. 24. if any man will come after me , let him deny himselfe and takeup his crosse , &c. and in the same words in the parallel places , mark 8. 34. and luk. 9. 23. so againe , to him who desired to be put in a course by christ to inherit eternall life , mark . 10. 21. in the close , come , take up the crosse , and follow me . in all these places 't is a duty of plaine command ; yet somewhat farther , mat. 10. 38. he that taketh not his crosse and followeth not after me , is not worthy of me : and in luk. 14. 27. the words are most punctuall , and of unlimited extent , from whence 't will be hard for any man to obtaine any dispensation , or excuse , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} — whosoever doth not beare his crosse and come after me , cannot be my disciple . no man will be exempted from the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} — and no christian it seemes can be without it ; for that is the meaning of [ my disciple , ] not onely those peculiar twelve of his , and their successours in the ministry , for that relation belongs to them , considered under another notion , as apostles sent out after by christ , answerable to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} among the jewes under the temple , but the disciples are all true followers of christ , all sincere christians , and so the doctrine is most plaine , that whosoever doth not beare ( which as from those other former places appeares , implyes a taking up ) the crosse of christ , cannot be a true christian . now the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , taking up the crosse , will be easily explain'd what it 's full importance extends to , the voluntary embracing of shame , contumely , ( for the crosse was a contumelious death heb. 12. 2. ) and consequently all other losse of goods , liberty , &c. and beyond that , paine of body and death it selfe : which are said , to be taken up , not when we bring them unnecessarily upon our owne shoulders , ( for that is to pull the crosse upon us ) but when by the providence of god they are laid , or permitted to lye in our way to christ , or christian obedience , so that we cannot serve christ perfectly , but it must become detriment or dammage to us , then voluntarily to undergoe that detriment , whatever it is , is to take up the crosse ; and patiently and cheerfully to beare it , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to carry or beare the crosse of christ , which is the duty , without which a man cannot be a christian . there is now one thing to be a little more punctually considered , the strict and neere dependance and connexion betwixt christianity and the crosse ; and that from the pleasure and providence of god , and dispensation of things under the gospell , so ordering it generally that we should not serve the lord our god of that that costs us nothing , but that true christian piety should bring endurances and sufferings upon us . thus it is plaine it did to christ our elder brother ; the discharge of the office he had undertaken , brought him to the crosse , and that crosse was the onely way to his consecration to the office of high priest , to which at his resurrection he was inaugurate ; vid. heb. 2. 10. it became him , &c. i. e. god {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( not in bringing , but ) bringing , ( or being about that most gratious and mighty designe of bringing ) many sonnes unto glory , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by sufferings to consecrate or inaugurate , ( for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} critically signifies , being the word solemnely used by the septuagint to signifie the legall consecration of the priests under the law ) the captaine of our salvation , that is christ , who {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being so consecrated , became the author of eternall salvation , &c. heb. 5. 9. from hence , without more places it would follow , that we christians are to expect our {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( whether consecration to our {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} our dignity of being kings and priests , i. e. christians here ; or consummation and crowning hereafter , as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} also signifies ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . nyss. ) by the same method and means that our captain had his , which is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by sufferings : which course of divine oeconomy is so generall and without exception , ( 2 tim. 3. 12. yea , and all that will be godly in this world , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , shall be persecuted ) that heb. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. the words are very remarkeable , whom god loveth , he chastneth , and scourgeth every sonne whom he receiveth , if you endure chastning , god dealeth with you as with sonnes , for what sonne is he whom the father chastneth not ? but if you be without chastisement whereof all are partakers , then are you bastards , and not sonnes . words of a large unlimited latitude , which i cannot discerne any way in the world to soften , so as they may be supportable to him , that ( as the psalmist saith ) hath no changes , hath enjoyed an age of an uninterrupted continued prosperity , without ever having the crosse on his shoulders . i confesse i would faine finde out some {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or mollifying distinction , as that of the animus martyris , the preparation to suffer , though god never send occasion , that that might suffice for his qualification , who hath no other , but sure that will not be able to allay or take off the force of [ and chastneth every sonne , &c. ] and if yee be without , not onely if you be not prepared to beare , but if you be without chastisement , then are you bastards , &c. which when it is set downe as an aphorisme of divine observation under the kingdome of christ , an axiome of gods gospell-providence , there will be no safety in disputing or labouring to avoyd the literall importance of it . to that purpose i conceive those words tend rom. 8. 28. where to prove the conclusion premised , vers. 28. that all things tend to the good of them that love god , ( and what those all things are , is specified , vers. 35. tribulation , distresse , persecution , famine , nakednesse , danger , sword , ) the apostle thus argues : from whom he hath foreknown , i. e , fore-appointed , the lovers of god premised , those he hath also predestin'd to be conformable to the image of his sonne , i. e. in suffering ; and whom hee hath predestined , those he hath also called ; to wit , to that conformity to which he hath predestined them , ( as 1 pet. 2. 21. the phrase is used , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for to this ye were called , i. e. to this suffering as christ did , and c. 3. 9. ye are thereunto called , that you should inherit {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , blessing ( not as we render it , a blessing ) i. e. that yee should blesse enemies as christ did , and so inherit that exemplary grace of his , which as a grace may as properly be said to be inherited ; thus the context seemes to inforce it [ not rendring evill for evill , but blessing , knowing that you are thereunto called , that you should inherit blessing , &c. i. e. possesse that grace after him , so eminently discernible in him . ] and whom hee hath thus called , he justified and glorified . where the first and second proposition must be acknowledged universall , that all whom he hath foreknowne , all lovers of god , are thus predestined , and all that are predestined , called ( by their very title or profession of christians ) to this conformity with christ in sufferings . adde to these 1 pet. 4. 18. if the righteous hardly be saved ; which must be understood by the sense of the hebrew phrase , prov. 11. 30. rendred by the 72. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and here retained by saint peter , and then the sense will be [ and if the righteous be recompenced , i. e. by an hebraisme , punisht in the earth , &c. or more literally to the greeke , if he escape hardly or with difficulty . ] ( as 1 cor. 3. 15. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he shall bee mulcted or suffer losse , but shall escape ) which interpretation the former verse in saint peter , confirmes [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] for it is the season of that act of divine dispensation , viz. of judgements beginning from the house of god , i. e. of gods inflicting judgements of this life ( which are the beginning or first part ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as it followes ) of gods retribution for sinne ) on the godly ] which signifies that the state of the gospell , is that season , though the law was not : and to the same purpose , the verse following also , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. they that suffer according to the will of god , it seemes by all put together , that the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} [ scarcely saved ] is spoken of suffering , and the will or providence of god is that that disposes it so , and so the conclusion from thence is cleare , and universall . the righteous shall be punisht in the earth . 't is true indeed , under the old-testament we finde not any such oeconomy , but promises of a long and happy life , in a temporall canaan to the obedient servants of god , ( though sometimes , god was pleased to interpose some variety in this kind , many troubles of the righteous in davids time ) but under the gospell 't is quite contrary , even those duties which are promised a reward on this earth , as mercifulnesse or almesgiving , are yet to expect the payment of this reward with some mixture ( like homers good cup powred out alwayes with a dash of the bad ) the hundred-fold which such men are promised to receive {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in this time , this first inferiour harvest of retributions , though they be secular blessings , houses , and lands , &c. yet must they be with persecutions , mark . 10. 30. which particular though neither s. matthew nor s. luke records , yet s. peter ( who had most reason punctually to observe those words of christ , being an answer directed to a question of his proposing , as all the three evangelists acknowledge ) remembred them , and so we finde them in s. markes gospell , which is resolved to have been dictated by saint peter . having thus farre in the passage briefly pointed at this piece of gospel-providence , 't will not be amisse as briefly to guesse at the ends of this divine oeconomy . 1. to administer occasion of the practice and exercise of many christian duties , and graces , as of patience , meeknesse , waiting on christ , of loving our enemies , of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the non-resisting evill , we render it , or not using any violence against him that molests us , ( rendring [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] of the person , &c. ) which if we have in seed or habit , 't is certainly a great felicity to us , to meet with oportunities to actuate them , both inrespect of the evidencing the sincerity of them to god , to our brethren , to our own soules ; and in respect of that reward , or crowne promised , the great degree of glory , math. 5. 12. that is proportioned to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} according to his worke , psal. 62. 12. 2 cor. 5. 10. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} according to the nature and number of the acts , or operations of those gifts or graces , as on the other side , a greater portion of the torments of hell is allotted to the more multiplyed acts of wilfull winne . 2 to helpe to mortifie any remainders of sinne in us , which by continued prosperity are ready and apt to take root , and reflourish in us . 3 to assimilate , or make us like to christ , to conforme us to the image of his son , rom. 8. 29. that is the image of the crucified saviour , as was said , that he might be the first borne of many brethren , that is , might have a church or family , a multitude of brethren like himselfe , all sufferers as he was . 4 that our sins being punished here , there might remain no arreare to be paid in another world ; having had all our purgatory here , there might remain nothing but heaven hereafter ; which the apostle expresseth 1 cor. 11. 32. we are chastned of the lord , that we should not be condemned with the world : to which father abraham referres luke 16. 25. lazarus received his evill things in this life time , and now he is comforted . these and such like being the designes of this act of gods gospell-providence ; it is next observable what a character the spirit of god sets upon the crosse , i. e. tribulation or affliction here , that it is the happiest , blessedest estate , the most comfortable joyfull condition that a christian can meete with . this riddle and paradox , or prodigy to carnall reason , is become the most ordinary beaten acknowledged truth in the new testament . 't is the close of the beatitudes , in that institution of christians , the sermon in the mount , matth. 5. 10. blessed are they that are persecuted , and vers. 11. reviled : and the exhortation in this case {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} rejoyce , and be exceeding glad , so luke 6. 22. ( which there is some reason to thinke was spoken by christ at another time ) blessed are you when men shall hate you , and separate you , and reproach you , and cast you out , &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rejoyce ye in that day , and leape for joy , &c. saint paul had learnt this , col. 1. 24. who now rejoyce in my sufferings , yea , and glory too . 2 cor. 11. 30. 12. 5. 9. saint james his exhortation is remarkable in the front of his ep. 1. 2. my brethren , count it all joy when ye fall into divers temptations , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , all joy ; i. e. the most joyous accident possible , and vers. 12. blessed is the man that endureth temptation , &c. & cap. 5. 11. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , behold we count them happy , wee render it ; it signifies more ; behold we account them as a kinde of saints in heaven , ( for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} usually signifies ) and aristotle speaking of some heroicall super-humane excellencies , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith he , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) it seemes that of suffering , a most blessed condition . to these adde saint peter , 1. ep. 3. 15. but sanctifie the lord god in your hearts ; where the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is to sanctifie , as that is all one with glorifying , or hallowing , or praising ; a consequent of the generall rule , verse 14. if ye suffer for righteousnesse sake , happy are yee ; and perfectly opposite to [ being afraid of their terror , and being troubled , ] in the end of that vers . and so is an expression of this duty of praising , thanking , blessing god for our sufferings in this life . so againe , 1 ep. 4. 13. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vers. 12. be not frighted or stricken , &c. but rejoyce in as much as you are partakers of christs sufferings , and vers. 14. if yee be reproached for the name of christ , happy are you , &c. and vers. 16. if any suffer as a christian ( not as a murtherer , a thiefe , an evill doer , a busie-body in other mens matters , vers. 15. no great joy or comfort in any of those sufferings ) let him not be ashamed but let him glorifie god on this behalfe , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that it is the season for judgement to begin , or of judgements beginning , at the house of god , as hath beene explained ; 't is seasonable that the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the first part of gods {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; retribution to sinne , that which is in this life , should befall the house of god , christians , and the most obedient of them ; and being so , this is matter of rejoycing , and glorifying god . other places ye will observe easily to the same purpose , let these for the present suffice , to soften this carnall paradox . but now having proceeded thus far in a matter , to him that is conversant in the new testament , so obvious and vulgar , that i shall presume it matter of wonder to him , what should move me to so superfluous and unnecessary an undertaking ; i must now take confidence to proceed to that which arrian cals the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the applying of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} known and granted principles , to particular persons , or cases , or practices . for therein as that excellent philosopher observes , consists the ground and beginning of all strife and difficulty , and difference betwixt men ; no man having any considerable temptation , to keep him from consenting to the truth of a generall proposition sufficiently assert , as long as he appeares not concern'd in it , and yet every man almost having some irreconcileable quarrell to it , when his actions are required to be ruled by it ; hence is it , that the speculative part of knowledge , is farre easier then the practicall ; and as aristotle saith , the mathematicks which are the most abstruse science , are most easie to be learnt by a young man , or a dissolute , of any the most untamed affections , so he have but an ordinary naturall capacity , ( and 't is evident by his organon , that he supposed children to have learnt geometry before they came to logicke ) whereas of the precepts of morality , such are utterly uncapable {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : they can recite them by rote , but beleeve not a word of them . i wish it were now uncharitable to affirme the same , of many that have taken upon them , to be the best , and most reforming christians amongst us ; that it continued still to be but our jealousie , what is now proved our sense , that some of those who have hitherto been admired for our strictest christians , have at length confest themselves farthest from the merit , and true desert of that title , if the doctrine of the crosse which hitherto we have laid down for acknowledged truth , doe not at last prove a fable . the apostle phil. 3. 18. tels us even weeping , that there are many walkers , ( i thinke he meanes by that phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , christian professors ) whom judging by their actions , he cannot chuse but call {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( of whom it seemes he had oft admonished them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) enemies of the crosse of christ ; what those were in the apostles time will not be pertinent now to examine , i shall onely with a sad heart ( not desiring to judge my brother , but if it were possible , to direct him to prejudge , or at least examine himselfe , and so either anticipate and prevent , or else prepare himselfe to approach with confidence gods judgement , and withall , to helpe undeceive others whom we finde ductile to some moderne sinnes , much-what upon that dangerous prepossession which the apostle cals having mens persons in admiration ) make these few quaere's , and leave every mans owne soule to answer them . 1. supposing our grounds layd to be true , i demand whether it be the temper of a true christian , and not rather of an enemy of the crosse of christ , instead of rejoycing , to repine and murmure under the crosse , and evidence that by speaking evill of those powers who have layd it on our shoulders ? 2. to be more refractary after such sufferings , ( instead of being more meek and more humble ) more violent in matters of indifferency , ( by our own continued practice acknowledged to be so in our account , till after such sufferings our judgements or rather our practice altered ) and more resolv'd not to yeeld obedience in them , then before we thought our selves bound to be . 3. to plot and project , and to that purpose to hold correspondence with other men , ( whom we conceive already moved with discontents , or our selves have labour'd so to move ) to find out the most probable way of delivering us from the crosse , whatsoever that way be , beside our addresses to god in prayer to remove it , if he see it best for us in all respects . 4. to make use of any meanes to this purpose , which wee are not assured is administred and offered unto us by god , of which wee can no way possibly be assured , but by the evident goodnesse and justifiablenesse , at least , lawfulnesse in all respects of that meanes which we thus designe to make use of . 5. to move or stirre the quiet and peace of one or more kingdoms , ( though not principally , yet collaterally , or at all ) in this contemplation , that we shall get the crosse off from our own shoulders , come to a more prosperous condition , yea , though it be but to a more peaceable enjoying of our manner of religion , then hitherto we have attained to . 6. to venture on , and ( though not primarily to designe , if it may be done without it , yet if it may not , then secondarily and consequently ) to resolve on the shedding of any one mans bloud , which wee know would not otherwise be shed , especially if it proceed further , to the waging or but occasioning of a warre , in which ( whether offensive or defensive on our parts ) it cannot be hoped but a great effusion of christian and protestant bloud will follow . 7. to attempt or desire the removing of the land-marks , the altering of the government of church and state , the working of any considerable change in either , ( which wee can have no revelation to assure us may not prove authour of some inconvenience which wee fore-see not ) the better to secure our selves or others , that the crosse shall not returne to our shoulders again . 8. to thinke it just and reasonable ( and our selves injur'd if it be not so ) that wee should have the greater portion of secular dignities for the future , in regard of some former sufferings of ours ; which if it should befall us , would be parallel to that curse , mat. 6. mercedem habent , they have their reward , in this life . 9. to endeavour to lay this crosse on other mens shoulders , of which wee have freed our own , whether those other men be such as were not guilty of our former sufferings , but perhaps pitied and mourned , and prayed for us , ( for that were rewarding good with evill ) or whether they be our greatest persecuters , ( for that will be rendring evill for evill ) most perfectly contrary to christs doctrine , mat. 6. 44. rom. 12 , 17 , 19 , 20 , 21. secondly , supposing things to be as now they are in this kingdome , my question is , first , whether we have no great reason to beleeve , that ( the doctrine of the crosse being not so well laid to heart by those who three yeares since conceived themselves the principall schollers in that schoole ) god is now pleased to call another sort of men into that forme , to try whether they will prove better proficients then their predecessours have done . secondly , whether those on whom that lot is now falne , be not most eminently bound to glorifie god in this behalfe , 1 pet. 4. 16. thirdly , whether by the experience of other mens failings in this kind , they have not reason to be earnest in prayer to god , and diligent in using and improving all gods directions , for the due christian discharging of so glorious , and withall , so difficult a task ; that when they are proved to the utmost , are brought forth to resist to bloud , they may be found faithfull . fourthly , whether the obtaining of this grace from god be not more highly conducible to every mans owne individuall interests , then the removing of the crosse from us , though wrought most directly , and by meanes administred undoubtedly by god himselfe . fifthly , whether it can become a christian to make use of any meanes which he is not on sure grounds satisfied to be purely and perfectly lawfull ( i. e. agreeable first to the gospel-rule of obedience to christ in every particular , and second to the lawfull commands , of our undoubted superiours , not contradicted by any law or power higher then they ) to get now either totally or in part from this crosse , i. e. from any pressure which in the discharge of a good conscience god shall permit to fall on any of us . when every man in this broken state and church , most sadly militant , of what perswasions soever hee be , hath laid the severall parts of these two quaeries to his heart , and examined himselfe by them , ( which truly i should not have laid thus plainly before him , had i had any other thought or aime , but this one of making it impossible for him to be blinde in judging himselfe ) i shall hope hee will pardon his monitor , and save this paper the labour of proceeding further to beare witnesse against him at any other tribunall then this of his owne conscience . the lord prosper this short discourse to the end to which it is designed . a vindication of christs reprehending saint peter , from the exceptions of master marshall . there is nothing more unjust and uningenuous , then master marshall's dealing about christs reprehension of saint peter's using the sword ; whilst hee labours to answer the objection , which from thence is brought against the use of armes , though but defensive , taken up against a lawfull magistrate . the argument is briefly this : saint peter , in defence of his master ( christ himselfe ) drew his sword , and cut off the eare of malchus , one of the high priests servants , sent by commission from their masters , to apprehend jesus : and our saviour commands him to put up his sword ; adding by way of reason , for they that take the sword ( take it not when 't is put into their hands by god , or the supreme magistrate , or any delegate of his , who hath the power of the sword ; but take it , usurpe it , without legall authority or concession , giving or permitting it to them ) shall perish by the sword . which reason , or backing of christs reprehension , is brought to inferre , that 't is a sinne for any to use the sword against the supreme magistrate , though for defence of christ , or christian religion . to this master marshall's answer is three-fold : 1. that the speech of christ to peter , is not a reproofe of the sword taken for a just defence ; but of the sword taken for unjust oppression , and a comfort to those who are oppressed with it . for origen , theophylact , titus , euthymius , interpret the meaning to be , that christ doth not rebuke peter for using defensive armes ; but to let peter know , that hee need not snatch gods worke out of his hands ; for god would in time punish those with the sword , that came thus with the sword against him . and that these words are a prophecy of the punishment which the roman sword should exact of the bloudy jewish nation , according with the like expression , revel. 13. 10. hee that kills with the sword , must be killed with the sword : here is the patience and faith of the saints ; i. e. this may comfort the saints in their persecutions , that god will take vengeance for them : and for all this , the margine advises the reader to consult grotius de jure belli , l. 1. c. 3. n. 3. this is the place at length in master marshall his letter to a friend , which ( being of some concernment and importance to the present controversie of the times , though not to confirme his cause by this exposition , yet to dispatch one of his speciall adversaries out of the way ) i shall now beg leave to examine ; and of all together , observe these foure things : first , that the ancient writers , vouched by him , are not vouched from his owne reading , but taken upon trust from grotius , as also the observation of the roman sword , and the place in the revelations . secondly , that the interpretation , asserted by him out of them , is not asserted by them . thirdly , that it is not asserted by grotius . fourthly , that grotius , to whom hee owes all this seeming aid to his cause , is the most declared enemy of this whole cause of his , in behalfe of defensive resistance of the magistrate , that hee could possibly have falne on ; and upon occasion of these words of christ to peter , hath said as much against it . if these foure things be made good , i cannot guesse what could be further added , to prove the injustice and uningenuousnesse , i shall adde , the untowardnesse and unluckinesse of this answer . and for the particulars , i shall but require a reader with eyes in his head , and suppose him not possest with a beliefe of an absolute infallibility in master marshall , and then i shall be confident to demonstrate them . for the first , the proofe will be short , if you please but to look on grotius in the place directed to in his annotations on the gospels , pag. 465. almost verbatim transcribing what hee had before published de jure belli ; you shall in each find every of the particulars mentioned : but for this i would not charge master marshall , i wish hee would alwayes gleane out of so good writers . the onely fault here is , that having borrowed so much from him , and digested it into nourishment of his owne errour , hee did not also take the paines to borrow what was present to be had , a most soveraigne antidote for his owne poyson , meanes of rectifying his mistake : but like the man in gellius , that had eat so much poyson , and therewith so invenom'd his bloud , that hee could poyson the flea that came to bite him : so , hee the grotius , that came to prick and wound ; or , if hee had pleased , to convert , to b●ing him to repentance . for the second , i shall not expect to evince it against so great an authority of master marshall , without transcribing the very words of those writers in this matter . origen upon the place in mat. 26. tr . 35. p. 118. explaines the whole period in these words , ( i shall omit no word that is pertinent to the matter in hand : ) unus eorum qui erant cum jesu , nondum manifestè concipiens apud se evangelicam patientiam illam traditam sibi à christo , nec pacem quam dedit discipulis suis , sed secundùm potestatem datam judaeis per legem de inimicis , extendens manum accepit gladium , &c. peter it seemes had not perfectly learned the doctrine of christian patience , and the peace which christ commended to his disciples , but proceeded according to the jewish law of dealing with enemies . this concludes peter's act contrary to christian patience and peaceablenesse , and so makes him capable of christs reproofe , which master marshall will wholly divert from him , and cast upon the jewes . then hee goes on , mox jesus ad eum , converte gladium in locum suum : est ergo gladii locus aliquis , ex quo non licet excipere eum , qui non vult perire maximè in gladio . ( this clearly of saint peter againe , and not the jewes , that hee must not take the sword out of its place , unlesse hee will be content to perish by the sword : ) pacificos enim vult esse jesus discipulos suos , ut bellicum gladium hunc deponentes , ( o that master marshall would remember this , and after so faire an admonition , put the military sword out of his mouth also . ) alterum pontificium accipiant gladium , quem dicit scriptura gladium spiritûs . simile autem mihi videtur quod dicit , omnes qui accipiunt , &c. i. e. omnes qui non pacifici , sed belli concitatores sunt , in eo bello peribunt quod concitant , &c. et puto quòd omnes tumultuosi & concitatores bellorum , & conturbantes animas hominum , maximè ecclesiarum , accipiunt gladium , in quo & ipsi peribunt . excellent seasonable doctrine for these times , if it might be laid to heart ; but no way excusing saint peter . againe , qui accipiunt gladium , &c. cavere nos convenit , ut ne occasione militiae , vel vindictae propriarum injuriarum ( remember , not for revenge of ones owne injuries ) eximamus gladium , aut ob aliquam occasionem , quam omnem abominatur haec christi doctrina , praecipiens ut impleamus quod scriptum est , cum his qui oderunt pacem , eram pacificus . si ergo cum odientibus pacem debemus esse pacifici , adversus neminem gladio uti debemus . these are the words of origen ; out of which , he that shall inferre that origen conceived the meaning of the scripture to be , that christ did not rebuke peter for using defensive armes against malchus , i shall resolve , he hath gotten the philosophers stone , is alchymist enough to extract fire out of water ; any the most contrary sense out of any words . not so much as one word here of the jewes or the roman sword that should give them their payment ; but all of peter's sword , and the miscarriages of that . and so much for origen . then for theophylact ; hee is also punctuall enough to this purpose : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . let us not find fault with peter , ( make not too much haste master marshall to catch that , till you see the consequents ) for hee did this not for himselfe , but in zeale for his master : herein i shall interpose my conjecture , that theophylact might think peter did this , as a zealot ; as james and john would have destroyed the village of the samaritanes , jure zelotarum : so his words also sound on luke , pag. 518. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : and then though that were unlawfull for a christian , a piece of judaisme out-dated by christ ; yet in peter , as a jew , not perfectly illuminate , or instructed in the christian doctrine , ( as origen before observ'd ) it was not so blameable yet , till after the coming of the holy ghost , who was to bring all things to their remembrance which christ had taught them . and therefore perhaps it is , that , although saint augustine calls this of peter , earnalem amorem ; yet , amorem magistri still . the same authour upon saint marke hath these words , upon this same occasion , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . counting this zeale , as in a jew , rather a commendable thing . if all this be yeelded , yet will it be no justification of the like in a christian ; because now christ hath reformed that law , and checkt that peter , and therefore , the same theophylact goes on ; that though wee should not aggravate peter's fault , nor chide him for it , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ yet christ reformes him , turnes him to the gospel-discipline , and teaches him not to use the sword , though by so doing hee seeme to defend or vindicate god himselfe . could any man have spoken more expresly or prophetically against master marshall his doctrine , then this father doth . ( so likewise in other places upon saint lukes gospel , pag. 518. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ hee confesses peter was chid for his zeale . and on saint john's gospel , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. the lord reprehends peter , and threatning , saith , put up , &c. threatning whom ? sure that person , in theophylact's opinion , to whom hee said , put up : and that sure was peter , not the jewes . ) but to shew you the occasion of master marshall's mistake : it followes indeed in theophylact on matthew , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . insinuat autem , as oecolampadius renders it : christ insinuates that by the romans sword , the jewes that took the sword against him , shall be destroyed . this acknowledged truth , ( that the romans should destroy the jewes , the apprehenders and crucifiers of christ , i. e. that were guilty of crucifying him , ) was , saith hee , insinuated in those words of christ , wherein , as before wee shewed out of theophylact's words , hee reproved saint peter . now wee know that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or insinuating , or intimating , signifies a secundary or allegoricall sense of a scripture , as it is frequent in that authour . speaking of the cutting off malchus his eare , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith hee , hee insinuates , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that the jewes did not heare and obey the scripture , as they should : a meere allegoricall interpretation . so when christ bids him that had no sword , sell his garment and buy one , luk. 22. 36. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. hee speaks aenigmatically ; and tells them by way of insinuation , what warres and dangers should betide them . which insinuated or aenigmaticall sense , though it be acknowledged true , will not evacuate that other literall . for i hope , in master marshall his owne judgement , that 't is lawfull to use a sword in ones owne defence , in time of warre and danger , and that that lawfulnesse is authorized by christ , in those words : which i shall not doubt to acknowledge with him , if it be not against the lawfull magistrate . the product then of theophylact's interpretation will be this ; that by those words , ( for all they that take the sword , shall perish by the sword ) christ reprehends and chides peter for drawing his sword , and using it , as hee did : and withall , insinuates aenigmatically the destruction of the jewes by the romans . which if it be acknowledged true in both senses , 't will no way prejudice us , or serve master marshall , whose cause depends upon rejecting of the former sense , not on asserting the latter : and doth not onely affirme , that it is a reproofe of the sword taken for unjust oppression , but also that it is not a reproofe of the sword taken for just defence : which is absolutely false in theophylact's opinion , if defending of christ be just defence , or chiding be reproving ; or if teaching not to use the sword , though one seeme to defend god himselfe , be rebuking peter for using defensive armes for christ . the short is , though theophylact's interpretation bring the jewes under christs threatning and reprehension , yet doth it no way free peter from the same ; but primarily subjects him to it : the contrary to which is the onely thing would be for master marshall his purpose . 't is true indeed , in his scholia on saint john , hee saith , christ comforted peter , which seemes opposite to rebuking ; but that was not in those words , for they that take the sword , &c. but in those , the cup , &c. ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. ) which saint john immediatly adds , omitting the words of the threatning out of the law . and so much for theophylact also . now that which hath been thus largely set down out of theophylact , will sufficiently cleare this whole businesse , without proceeding to examine what may be found in titus bostrensis , or euthymius , to this purpose . the former of these , in his exposition of saint luke , in the bibliotheca patrum graec. hath not the least word sounding that way , but rather contrary ; interpreting christs command of buying a sword , as a designation onely of the jewes preparation against him , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and that they were about to apprehend him : which ( as theophylact did , so ) hee calls , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the intimation of the sword ; and saith , that therefore christ adds , that the things written of him must be fulfilled . and againe , that if christ would have had his disciples use any humane help at his apprehension , a hundred swords would not have been sufficient , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and if hee would not , even these two would be too many . but all this hee saith upon the passage of the two swords . the truth is , in the exposition of the gospel , hee saith nothing of this reprehension of peter , but passes it over in silence . and for his notes on saint matthew , as also for euthymius his , though , i confesse , that i have them not by me , yet ( besides that i find nothing that way in those excerpta that lucas burgensis hath out of them , who would not probably have omitted the mention of such a rarity , if it were there , ) i thinke i may take upon me at a venture to say , that hee that examines those bookes , shall not possibly meet with more then out of theophylact was cited : these three expositors running generally on the same notions , and all of them for the most part gleaning from chrysostome , ( euthymius being his scholler , titus his profest epitomater ) who i am sure hath nothing in favour 〈◊〉 this exposition . out of him , as the homes of those after-expositors , i shall transcribe these few passages , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in his homil. 54. on mat. c. 26. why did hee bid buy a sword ? to give them assurance that hee should be betray'd : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} not that they should be armed on that occasion , ( away with that ) but to signifie his betraying . then , that their having those two weapons at that time , was upon occasion of killing the lambe for the passeover , and the disciples then coming from supper , and hearing that some would come to apprehend him , took them out from thence with them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , meaning to fight for their master ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which was their opinion onely , not christs intention : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wherefore peter is chid for using of it : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and that with a sound threat ; which what can it be , but that about which wee now contend , they that take the sword , & c ? upon the hearing of which words , saith hee , hee straight obeyed , and did so no more . againe , citing the passage in saint luke , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , hee chid and threatned the disciples into obedience ; and then sets down the words of the threat , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. for all that take , &c. and yet after all these plaine words of reprehending and threatning peter , in those words ( all they that take the sword , shall perish by it ) hee yet adds , that hee comforted his disciples by two things , first the punishment of the betrayers , applying to that the same speech in a parenthesis ( they that take , &c. ) and that hee suffered not unwillingly . all which together signifie clearly the same that wee found in theophylact , ( and presume the utmost either of titus or euthymius their exposition ) that in that threatning of peter , is intimated also or insinuated aenigmatically a threat of those other sword-men that came out with swords and staves to take jesus : which will not be denyed by any , or disputed of by me , so the other be granted , viz. that peter was here reprehended and threatned ; which is the onely thing we quarrell in mr. marshall . and so much for the second under-taking . now that , in the third place , grotius himselfe who cites these foure ancients , and is here cited by master marshall , de jure belli , l. 1. c. 3. n. 3. doth not in this place , or any other of his writings , assert this interpretation , i shall thus prove : the thing that in that place hee hath in hand is to enquire , whether all use of the sword , for a mans owne defence , be unlawfull under the gospel ? and hee resolves , that in case of one private mans being invaded by another , 't is lawfull by the law of christ , ( not necessary , but lawfull ; a man is onely not obliged to the contrary ) or notwithstanding the prescribed rules of christian patience , to kill another in defence of my owne life . against this , three objections hee mentions out of the new testament , mat. 5. 39. rom. 12. 19. and the saying of christ to peter , put up thy sword , &c. for all they that take the sword , &c. to those three hee answers : 1. by opposing some other places of scripture ; that of christ to his followers luk. 22. 36. that to buy a sword , they should sell a coat . in which company of his auditors there were , saith hee , at that time none but his disciples ; and although , saith hee , it be a proverbiall speech , signifying the great dangers approaching , yet it referr'd to the ordinary use of swords at that time , for private mens defence in time of danger , not there prohibited by him : applying that of cicero , gladios habere certè non liceret , si uti illis nullo pacto liceret : wee might not be allowed to have swords , if it were in no case lawfull to use them . which still confirmes his point in hand , that in some case , the use of the private sword is lawfull . 2. hee proceeds to the particular places , saith , in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , there is some exception allowed , that it binds onely in tolerable injuries ; such as the box on the cheeke , &c. there mentioned : in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies not defence , but revenge . then for that of peter , it containes , saith hee , a prohibition of using the sword , but not in case of defence : for hee needed not defend himselfe ; for christ had said , let these goe , joh. 18. 8. nor christ , for hee would not be defended , &c. besides , saith hee , peter took up the sword ( in eos qui nomine publicarum potestatum adventabant , quibus an ullo casu resistere liceat , peculiaris est quaestio , infra à nobis peculiariter tractanda ; ) against those that came in the name of the publike powers ; against whom , whether it be lawfull to make resistance in any case , is a peculiar question , to be handled afterward peculiarly . ( and , let me pawne my faith for it , stated negatively . ) as for that which christ adds , all they that take the sword , &c. that is , either a proverb , or ( which is the opinion of origen , theophylact , titus , and euthymius , ) indicat , it shewes or intimates , that wee should not snatch revenge out of gods hands : and to this applies the place in the revel. a place in tertull. adeò idoneus patientiae sequester deus , &c. and adds , simúlque his christi verbis vaticinium videtur inesse de poenis , quas à sanguinariis judaeis erat exacturus gladius romanus : and also in the words there seemes to be included a prophecy of the punishment , that the romane sword should exact of the bloudy jewes . from all which put together , this will be the utmost that master marshall can conclude , that grotius conceived , that the speech of christ to peter prohibited not all use of the sword , for private defence ; ( no man saith it did ; or that all such defence is unlawfull ; our case is onely of resisting magistrates ) that origen , theophylact , &c. owned an exposition of it , that thereby wee should be taught , not to take gods office of revenging out of his hand ; ( which wee also make a speciall part of the importance of that speech , both there , and in the revel. and so a plaine check of peter , who did take it ; ) and that withall in these words a prophecy seems to be implied , of the revenge of christs death , wrought by titus upon the jewes ; ( and wee can acknowledge the scripture so rich a mine of variety , that it may have this propheticke sense also : though by the way , grotius cites not this out of those foure writers , ( nor could hee , for in origen we find it not ) but as from himselfe , simúlque vaticinium videtur inesse , &c. but for the literall sense , that peter should not be rebuked by christ , for using defensive armes against the magistrate , ( when with the use of those , the leaving vengeance to god is utterly unreconcileable ) and christians conceive themselves bound not to use those armes against the magistrate , for this very cause , because hee is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , punishable , revengeable by god alone : ) and yet be rebuked for snatching gods work out of his hand : or that these words should not belong in the prime sense to peters fact , as well as in a secundary propheticall seeming one to the jewes , there is not any appearances of sound of any word in grotius there , or in any other place in that book , or his large annotations on the gospels : which if master marshall had read with his own eyes , hee would confesse with me . and so much for his citation of grotius . now , in the last place , for the opinion of this learned man grotius , ( an excellent casuist , exactly distinguishing the severall obligations of nature , of moses , and of christ ; a protestant , and , if an arminian , farre from deserving that part of the censure which master cheynel layes on such , of being as lawlesse as that faction at munster , whose law it was , magistratibus ac principibus nullus subjiciatur ) in the businesse of taking up armes against a king for just defence , i shall referre you to his first book de jure belli , & cap. 4. ( not that i can hope you will be moved with his authority , when hee appeares against you , that is not the manner of men now-a-dayes , to be content to be tried by your owne witnesses ; but for the satisfaction to conscience , which this authours reasons and perspicuity will yeeld any christian reader ) the very place whereto hee referr'd the reader even now for his resolution in that point ; and the state of this question being set ( an aut privatis aut publicis personis bellum gerere liceat in eos , quorum imperio subsunt ; ) whether any private or publike persons may lawfully wage warre against them , under whose command they are ; hee defines , that by the very law of nature ( so much now talkt of ) 't is not lawfull . 2. that by the law of the jewes it was not allowed . 3. that it was lesse allowed , but become more unlawfull by the evangelicall law , rom. 13. 1. & 1 pet. 2. 12 , &c. and practice of ancient christians . 4. confutes the opinion of those that affirme it lawfull , for inferiour magistrates to wage warreagainst the supreme , by reasons and scriptures . 5. proposes the case of extreme and inevitable necessity , when the king goes to take away a mans life unjustly : and ( whatsoever might from nature or practice of the jewes , as of david , or of the macchabees , be brought to assert resistance in this case ) hee defines from the christian law , ( which commands so oft to take up the crosse ) an exacter degree of patience ; and particularly , when for religion our superiours goe about to kill us , though hee will allow flight to some sort of men , yet to no man more then flight ; but rather rejoycing when wee suffer as christians . this , saith hee , was the course that brought christian religion to such an height in the world : and resolves it the greatest injury that can be done to the ancient christians , to say , that it was want of strength , not of inclinations that way , that they defended not themselves in time of most certaine danger of death . tertullian , saith hee , had been imprudent and impudent , if in a writing presented to the emperours ( who could not be ignorant of the truth ) hee had dared to lye so confidently , when hee saith , non deesset nobis vis numerorum , &c. most admirable passages out of ancient writers hee there cites , for a leafe together to the same purpose , of dying for the truth of religion ; and never defending themselves by arms , against the illegall will of the lawfull magistrates . ( i beseech master marshall to send to the shop and read the passages , and consider how farre hee hath departed from the primitivenesse , and christianity of those examples . ) and to conclude , though grotius ( according to his manner ; which is to say all that can be wisht in any subject ) mentions some cases wherein a king may be resisted , yet if you read them , you will find little joy in any of them : as in case a king shall abdicate his kingdome , and manifestly relinquish his power , then hee turnes private man , and so may be dealt with as any other such . and some other the like . well , i have said enough of grotius in the businesse , and should adde no more ; but , i remember , i promised to shew that on occasion of these words of christ to saint peter , hee hath as much against the exposition pretended to be his , and the whole doctrine of resistance , as the kings friends could desire ; and that is in his annotations on the place , mat. 26. 52. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. neque vero ad petrum tantùm admonitio ista pertinet , sed & ad christianos omnes , qui à publicis potestatibus ad poenam expetuntur ob pietatis professionem : the admonition belongs not to peter onely , but to all christians , when they are called by the magistrate to suffer for the profession of piety : and sets the rule in that case , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to commit our soules to god , to expend our lives in his cause that gave us them ; alledging to this purpose , what this peter had learned from this master , 1 pet. 4. 16 , 19. and answering the common frivolous objection , fetch from the law of naturall defence , or selfe-preservation , shewing the difference between the use of that liberty against theeves , &c. ( against which the lawes and magistrates give us the liberty ) and against the commands of the supreme magistrate ; whom if in any case of injury , &c. private men may have permission to resist , or repell force with force , omnia erunt tumultuum plena ; nulla legum , nulla judiciorum authoritas : the perfect image of our kingdom at this time , when the words are englished , as god knowes the sense is : and then hee concludes with the case of religion , wherein there is no place of resisting the higher powers , be their violence never so unjust . i have undoubtedly made good my foure under-takings in this businesse ; and shall beseech master marshall hereafter to write more cautiously , lest hee provoke men to put him and the world in mind of other unjustifiable passages in his writings ; to tell him of ( that which in meere charity to him i desire hee should know men doe take notice of ) his dealing in a sermon of his , about josiah's reformation , preacht before the house of commons long since : and of the applying of the curse that fell on the inhabitants of meroz , judg. 5. ( for not helping their soveraigne , namely deborah , against a forraigne enemy , jabin ) to those that will not joyne with himselfe against his soveraigne , and his cavaleirs ; i. e. those forces raised by him . i wish heartily that master marshall , having gotten so much authority as to be the augustine , the truly polemicall divine of our times , would be so charitable to his disciples , as to imitate him , in retracting so many of his misadventures , as hee cannot chuse but know to be such ; and not to impose too intolerably on their credulity : or so tender of his owne reputation , as to acknowledge those himselfe , which every man that hath eyes doth discerne in his books ; and would , were it not for meere pity , and the duty of loving enemies , give a large account of . but i must remember , that master marshall adds two appearances of answer more to that allegation from christ to saint peter ; a word or two of those . secondly , saith hee , supposing it was a reproofe of peters using the sword , then the plaine meaning is to condemne peters rashnesse , who drew his sword , and never staid to know his masters mind whether hee should strike or not ; and so reproves those who rashly , unlawfully , or doubtingly use the sword . but , i pray sir , are those the words of christ , they onely that take the sword without asking , or knowing my mind , shall perish , &c. or have we any reason to think , that christ would have then dispensed with a known law if hee had answered him , and not rather have referred him to be regulated by it , as you see hee doth , for all that take , &c. 2. to see the unluckinesse of it againe , the text luk. 22. 49. saith expresly , that they did ask him , said unto him , lord , shall wee smite with the sword ? so that the question was aske before hee smote : and sure , if it had been christs pleasure they should smite , one syllable would have exprest it , and justified them ; and that might have intervened before his striking : and that it did not intervene , is no argument of the lawfulnesse of that striking in him , or the like in us ; especially when so sharp a reprehension immediately followes . 3. i shall grant the meaning is to condemne peter's rashnesse , in doing a thing so unlawfull , without any commission ; especially , when it was denyed by christ upon asking ; but not that the matter of the fact was perfectly justifiable , if abstracted from that rashnesse : or that now christs judgement being declared by his answer to him , it should be more justifiable in us , who have his example for our document . 4. i shall aske master marshall , whether hee hath asked and received knowledge of his masters mind or no ? hee must not meane any of his great earthly masters , ( that joyne with him in the warre against the supreme ; for sure , if such tell us wee may , or be so minded , that doth not prove that 't is lawfull ; for then i must aske them what master they asked ? and so , if they have none , conclude them in the number of the rash smiters ; ) but christ , ( for sure hee was peter's master ) or some taught by him in his word , who may give him assurance of the mind of christ : and if this be produc'd wee will be his disciples also . for , for his supreme master on earth , the meer-humane christ , the lords anoynted , i beleeve hee meanes not that hee should be asked , whether hee may be , and should be resisted ? and as little reason is there for us to be satisfied by being told by any others inferiour to him , ( especially by the chiefe resisters ) that wee may lawfully resist . 3. master marshall adds a consideration , that now was the houre come of christs suffering , and not of his apostles fighting , wherein christ would not be rescued , no not by twelve legions of angels , much lesse then by the sword of man : therefore hee saith to peter , put up , &c. but intended not , that it should alwayes be unlawfull for his people to use the sword in their just defence against unjust violence ; for then hee would never have commanded them but a little before , that hee that hath two coats , let him sell one and buy a sword . to this i answer , 1. that christ might suffer , though peter did resist ; as wee know hee did ; and consequently , the houre of his suffering being come , could not make it in him a crime to resist , if otherwise it were not : it might make christ refuse the help of his sword , but not produce the text proper to man-slayers against him , unlesse the fact in it selfe were of that nature . 2. this patient manner of christs suffering , and prohibiting resistance in his just defence , though it were then peculiar , and by decree necessary to christ ; yet is it since become matter of example , and necessary imitation to us , by force of that observation past upon it by saint peter , and entred into the canon of our scripture , 1 pet. 2. 21. christ suffered for us , leaving us an example that wee should follow his steps , &c. and this used as an argument to enforce on us that duty , vers. 18. of being subject not onely to good and gentle , but also to froward masters . so that now , thirdly , though that checke had been peculiar to saint peter's act , clothed with those circumstances , of being done when 't was christs houre of suffering ; yet it will be obliging to us also , who are hereunto called , vers. 21. to suffer as patiently as christ did . but then fourthly , wee conclude not from any or all of this , that it should be alwayes unlawfull for christians to use the sword in their just defence : nor indeed , that it was unlawfull then ; kings may and might subdue by the sword their rebellious subjects : and private men might defend themselves from private invaders , and besides the proverbiall meaning of that speech ( of selling a coat and buying a sword , whereby , say the fathers , hee foretold them the dangers impendent over their heads , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} chrys. and advised them to provide for their owne security ) i shall not doubt to acknowledge that this liberty of private defensive resistance is authorized by that same scripture : but the resisting of the magistrate by the subject , is the thing that from christs words to peter wee undertake to shew unlawfull , and not any other resistance ; and that the swords were appointed by christ to be bought to that purpose , is not attempted to be proved by master marshall ; and to suppose it without proofe , is to affirme , that no man could invade , or be fit to be killed , but magistrates . the truth is , here is some art used , either by master marshall , or some other artificer ( interest , prejudice , or the like ) by master marshall to deceive the reader ; or by that other to deceive the composer , by using the phrase of just defence against unjust violence , ( which every man grants lawfull among private men ) and concluding that not to be made unlawfull by this text , ( which we doe not affirm , ) whereas all the dispute is , of resisting ( not simply any man , but peculiarly ) the magistrate ( and those that come with authority from him , ) which wee doe affirme to be the very thing exemplified and rebuked in this text , and so still stands ( by that reprehension of christ ) forbidden to us , in despight of master marshall's evasions . 't will be now matter of wonder to any , that all this paper should be spent in defence of this one argument , so briefly confuted and dispatcht by master marshall ; but i shall answer that wonder too : first , that at the entring on this examination of those few , the necessity of this length of words was not fore-seen . secondly , that though the escaping the force of this place would not be matter of triumph to master marshall , because there be other places of the new testament produced by his adversaries , yet unanswered , and one is enough to establish a christian truth ; yet the vindicating and clearing of this one from all exceptions , is the absolute carrying the cause against him by that one : and therefore if this may be compassed , ( which i am confident is by this discourse ) wee may spare all further travell in this business ; and command the subjects sword taken out ( though upon supposition of just defence , how unjustly soever that be pretended ) against the lawfull magistrate , to returne to its sheath againe . i wish to god it would obey the command . tu verò discipuli & amorem pium & humilitatem considera : alterum enim ex diligendi fervore ; alterum ex obedientiâ fecerat . nam cùm audisset , mitte gladium tuum in vaginam , statim obtemperavit , & nusquam postea istud fecit . titus bostr. in matth. non se sed magistrum est ultus , praeterea nondum perfectae & consummatae virtutis erat . quod si vis petri sapientiam intelligere , videbis posteà caesu● & sexcentas injurias passum , nullis malis , nullis calamitatibus pertur●●●● 〈◊〉 omnia tolerantem . euthym. in johan . ille utitur gladio , qui nullâ superiori ac legitimâ potestate vel jubente vel concedente , in sangninem alicujus armatur . nam utique dominus jusserat , ut ferrum discipuli ejus ferrent , sed non jusserat ut ferirent . quod ergo incongruum , si petrus post hoc peccatum factus est pastor ecclesiae : sicut moyses post percussum aegyptium factus est rector istius synagogae ? uterque enim non detestabili immanitate , sed emendabili animositate justitiae regulam excessit , uterque odio improbitatis alienae ; sed ille fraterno , iste dominico , licèt adhuc carnali , tamen amore peccavit . aug. lib. 22. cont. faust . man. cap. 70. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45421e-240 * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * the fo●… of this ●lace of christ to st. peter , see m. m hath labour'd to delude , an● therefore 〈◊〉 have labour'd to vindicate in anoth●● discourse hereto appendant , to which i referre the reader . of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes for div a45421e-5570 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes for div a45421e-9210 vid. suprà pag. 7. what if a man should construe this ( not o●… occasion of the militi● in matth●… p. 162. ●…f socin. ●…3 . in luk. p. 464. episcopacy (as established by law in england) not prejudicial to regal power a treatise written in the time of the long parliament, by the special command of the late king / and now published by ... robert sanderson ... sanderson, robert, 1587-1663. 1661 approx. 137 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 77 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61839 wing s599 estc r1745 13173416 ocm 13173416 98327 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61839) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98327) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 777:19) episcopacy (as established by law in england) not prejudicial to regal power a treatise written in the time of the long parliament, by the special command of the late king / and now published by ... robert sanderson ... sanderson, robert, 1587-1663. [16], 136 p. printed by r. norton for timothy garthwait ..., london : 1661. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. divine right of kings. episcopacy -early works to 1800. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion episcopacy ( as established by law in england ) not prejudicial to regal power . a treatise written in the time of the long parliament , by the special command of the late king . and now published by the right reverend father in god robert sanderson lord bishop of lincoln . london , printed by r. norton , for timothy garthwait in st. pauls church-yard , 1661. to the most high and mighty king charles the ii d , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. most gracious and dread soveraign , that i take the boldness humbly to present this short discourse to your majesties sacred hand and piercing eye ; it is upon this one and onely account , that how mean soever the performance be , the undertaking was in obedience to the command of a most gracious master , your majesties royal father of blessed memory . the occasion this . when the army had gotten the king into their own custody out of the hands of those that had long holden him in durance at holdenby : to put a blind upon the world , they made a shew of much good towards him , which ( as soon after appeared ) they never meant him . amongst other the pompous civilities , wherewith ( the better to cloak their hypocrisie ) they entertained him ; it was their pleasure to vouchsafe him the attendance of some of his own chaplains : which , though it could merit little ( for such a kindness could not with justice have been denyed to a far meaner person ; ) was yet a boon his former goalers thought too big for him . in that summer progress ( such as it was ) four of us of his own naming , with the clerk of his closet , were suffered to wait upon him . in which time of waiting , ( which was in august mdcxlvii . ) his majesty , being then at hampton-court , one day called me to him , and told me he had a little work for me to do . some about him , it seems , had been often discoursing with him about episcopacy , as it was claimed and exercised by the bishops within this realm . which ( whether out of their good-will to him , or their no-good-will to the church , i am not able to say , ) they had endeavoured to represent unto him , as not a little derogatory to the regal authority , as well in the point of supremacy , as of prerogative : in the one , by claiming the function as of divine right ; in the other , by exercising the jurisdiction in their own names . his majesty said farther , that he did not believe the church-government by bishops as it was by law established in this realm , to be in either of the aforesaid respects , or any other way prejudicial to his crown ; and that he was in his own judgement fully satisfied concerning the same : yet signified his pleasure withal , that for the satisfaction of others i should take these two objections into consideration , and give him an answer thereunto in writing . in obedience to which his majesties royal pleasure , after my return home , i forthwith ( according to my bounden duty ) addressed my self to the work ; and was drawing up an answer to both the objections , as well as i was able ; with a purpose to present the same ( as soon as it should be finished ) to his majesty in writing , upon the first offered opportunity . but behold , before i could bring the business ad umbilicum , and quite finish what was under my hand , the scene of affairs was strangely changed . the king trepann'd into the isle of wight ; the mask of hypocrisie , by long wearing now grown so thin and useless , that it was fit for nothing but to be thrown by ; no kind of impiety and villany , but durst appear bare-faced and in the open sun ; high insolencies to the contempt of authority every where committed ; majesty it self trampled upon by the vilest of the people ; and the hearts of all loyal honest men sadly oppressed with griefs and fears . yet had the men who steered the publick as they listed , ( that they might give themselves the more recreation , amuse the world anew , and grace the black tragedy they were acting with the more variety , ) a mind to play one game more the next year ; to wit , the treaty at the aforesaid isle of wight . where , assoon as i understood , that by his majestie 's nomination , i was to give my attendance ; i looked out the old papers which i had laid aside a good while before ; made up what was then left unfinished , and took the copy with me to the isle ; thinking that when the treaty should be ended ( for whilest it lasted his majesty was taken up with other thoughts and debates of higher concern ) i might possibly have the opportunity to give his majesty an account thereof . what became of that treaty , and what after ensued , is so well known to the world , that there is no need , and withal so sad , that it can be no pleasure , to remember . but thenceforward were those papers laid aside once again , and destined to perpetual silence , had not a debate lately started , concerning one of the principal points therein handled , occasioned some persons of eminent place and esteem in the church ( and one of them conscious to the aforesaid command laid upon me by the late king , ) to desire a sight of those papers . which being by their encouragement now made publick ( though having little other to commend them , either to the world but truth and plainness , or to your majesty but that they had their first rise from his command whose throne and vertues you inherit ; ) i humbly beseech your majesty graciously to accept ; together with the prayers of your majesties most loyal subject and devoted servant robert lincoln . london , august 10. mdclxi . by the king . a proclamation , declaring that the proceedings of his majesties ecclesiastical courts and ministers , are according to the lawes of the realm . whereas in some of the libellous books and pamphlets lately published , the most reverend fathers in god , the lords arch-bishops and bishops of this realm , are said to have usurped upon his majesties prerogative royal , and to have proceeded in the high commission and other ecclesiastical courts , contrary to the laws and statutes of this realm ; it was ordered by his majesties high court of star-chamber , the twelfth day of june last , that the opinion of the two lords chief iustices , the lord chief baron , and the rest of the judges and barons should be had and certified in those particulars , viz. whether processes may not issue out of the ecclesiastical courts in the name of the bishops . whether a patent under the great seal be necessary for the keeping of the ecclesiastical courts , and enabling citations , suspensions , excommunications , and other censures of the church . and whether citations ought to be in the kings name , and under his seal of arms , and the like for institutions and inductions to benefices , and correction of ecclesiastical offences . whether bishops , arch-deacons and other ecclesiastical persons may or ought to keep any visitation at any time unless they have express commission or patent under the great seal of england to do it , and that as his majesties uisitors only , and in his name and right alone . whereupon , his majesties said iudges having taken the same into their serious consideration , did unanimously concur and agree in opinion , and the first day of july last certified under their hands as followeth , that processes may issue out of the ecclesiastical courts in the name of the bishops ; and that a patent under the great seal is not necessary for the keeping of the said ecclesiastical courts , or for enabling of citations , suspensions , excommunications and other censures of the church ; and that it is not necessary that summons , citations , or other processes ecclesiastical in the said courts , or institutions , or inductions to benefices , or correction of ecclesiastical offences by censure in those courts , be in the kings name or with the style of the king , or under the kings seal , or that their seals of office have in them the kings arms ; and that the statute of primo edvardi sexti , cap. secundo , which enacted the contrary , is not now in force : and that the bishops , arch-deacons and other ecclesiastical persons , may keep their uisitations as usually they have done , without commission under the great seal of england so to do : which opinions and resolutions being declared under the hands of all his majesties said iudges , and so certified into his court of star-chamber , were there recorded : and it was by that court further ordered the fourth day of the said moneth of july , that the said certificate should be inrolled in all other his majesties courts at westminster , and in the high commission , and other ecclesiastical courts , for the satisfaction of all men , that the proceedings in the high commission and other ecclesiastical courts are agreeable to the laws and statutes of the realm . and his royal majesty hath thought sit , with advice of his councel , that a publick declaration of these the opinions and resolutions of his reverend and learned iudges , being agreeable to the iudgement and resolutions of former times , should be made known to all his subjects , as well to vindicate the legal proceedings of his ecclesiastical courts and ministers , from the unjust and scandalous imputation of invading or entrenching on his royal prerogative , as to settle the minds and stop the mouths of all unquiet spirits , that for the future they presume not to censure his ecclesiastical courts or ministers in these their iust and warranted proceedings : and hereof his majesty admonisheth all his subjects to take warning as they shall answer the contrary at their perils . given at the court at lyndhurst the 18. day of august , in the 13. year of his majesties raign . god save the king. imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and by the assignes of iohn bill , 1637. primo julii 1637. the iudges certificate concerning ecclesiastical iurisdiction . may it please your lordships , according to your lordships order made in his majesties court of star-chamber the twelfth of may last , we have taken consideration of the particulars , wherein our opinions are required by the said order , and we have all agreed , that processes may issue out of the ecclesiastical courts in the name of bishops , and that a patent under the great seal is not necessary for the keeping of the said ecclesiastical courts , or for the enabling of citations , suspensions , excommunications or other censures of the church . and that it is not necessary that summons , citations , or other processes ecclesiastical in the said courts , or institutions , or inductions to benefices , or correction of ecclesiastical offences by censure in those courts , be in the kings name , or with the style of the king , or under the kings seal , or that their seals of office have in them the kings arms. and that the statute of primo edvardi sexti cap. 2. which enacted the contrary , is not now in force . we are also of opinion , that the bishops , archdeacons and other ecclesiastical persons may keep their visitations as usually they have done without commission under the great seal of england so to do . io. bramstone . io. finch . humfrey davenport . will. iones . io. dinham . richard hutton . george croke . tho. trevor . george vernon . ro. berkley . fr. crawley . ric. weston . inrolled in the courts of exchequer , kings bench , common pleas , and registred in the courts of high commission and star-chamber . episcopacy not prejudicial to regal power . sect . i. the two great objections proposed . i. he that shall take the pains to inform himself rightly , what power the kings of england have from time to time claimed and exercised in causes and over persons ecclesiastical ; as also by whom , how , and how far forth their said power hath been from time to time either opposed , or maintained : shall undoubtedly find that no persons in the world have more freely acknowledged , and both by their writings and actions more zealously , judiciously and effectually asserted the soveraign ecclesiastical power of kings , then the protestant bishops and divines ( whom our new masters have been pleased of late to call the prelatical party ) in the church of england have done . yet so far hath prejudice ( or something else ) prevailed with some persons of quality in these times of so much loosness and distraction ; as to suffer themselves to be led into a belief , or at leastwise to be willing the people should be deceived into the belief of these two things . first , that the opinion which maintaineth the ius divinum of episcopacy is destructive of the regal power . and secondly , that episcopal iurisdiction , as it was exercised before and at the beginning of this present parliament , was derogatory from the honour of the king , and prejudicial to the just rights and prerogatives of his crown ii. truely , they that know any thing of the practises and proceedings of the anti-prelatical party , cannot be ignorant , that their aims ( these or whatsoever other pretensions notwithstanding ) are clearly to enlarge their own power by lessening the kings , and to raise their own estates upon the ruines of the bishops . and therefore howsoever the aforesaid pretensions may seem at the first appearance to proceed from a sense of loyalty , and a tenderness of suffering any thing to be continued in the kingdom which might tend to the least diminution of his majesties just power & greatness . yet , ( till their actions look otherwise then for some time past they have done ) the pretenders must give us leave to think that their meaning therein is rather to do the bishops hurt , then to do the king service ; and that their affections ( so far as by what is visible we are able to judge thereof ) are much what alike the same towards them both . but to leave their hearts to the judgement of him to whom they must stand or fall : for the just defence of truth , and that ( so far as we can help it ) the people be not abused in this particular also , as in sundry others they have been , by such men , as are content to use the kings name when it may help on their own designs ; i shall first set forth the two main objections severally to the best advantage of the objectors ; and then endeavour by a clear and satisfactory answer to discover the weakness and vanity of them both . iii. the former objection . whereas in the oath of supremacy the supreme power ecclesistical is acknowledged to be in the king alone ; and by the statute of 1. eliz. all jurisdictions and preeminencies spiritual and ecclesiastical within the realm of england are restored to the crown as the ancient right thereof , and forever united and annexed thereunto : the bishops claiming their power and jurisdiction to belong unto them as of divine right , seemeth to be a manifest violation of the said oath and statute , and a real diminution of the regal power in and by the said oath and statute acknowledged and confirmed . for whatsoever power is of divine right , is immediatly derived from god , and dependeth not upon any earthly king or potentate whatsoever as superiour thereunto . these two tearms , to be from heaven , and to be of men , being used in the scriptures as terms opposite and inconsistent , and such as cannot be both truly affirmed of the same thing . iv. the latter objection . setting aside the dispute of jus divinum , and whatsoever might be said either for or against the same : the very exercising of episcopal jurisdiction in such a manner as it was with us , the bishops issuing out their summens , giving censures , and acting every other thing in the ecclesiastical courts , in their own and not in the kings name , seemeth to derogate very much from the regal power in the point of ecclesiastical soveraignty . for whereas the judges in the kings bench , common plees , and other common-law-courts do issue out their writts , and make all their iudgments , orders , decrees , &c. in the kings name ; thereby acknowledging both their power to be depending upon , and derived from the kings authority , and themselves in the exercise of that power to be but his ministers sent and authorzied by him ; and so give him the just honour of his supremacy temporal : the bishops on the other side exercise a spiritual power or jurisdiction in their own names , and as it were by their own authority , without any the least acknowledgment of the effluxe or emanation of that power or jurisdiction from the king. which custome as it had undoubtedly its first rise , and after-growth from the exorbitant greatness of the bishops of rome , who have usurped an unjust authority as well over kings and princes , as over their fellow-bishops , laboured all they could to lessen the authority of kings , especially in matters ecclesiastical : so is the continuance thereof no otherwise to be esteemed then as a rag or relique of that anti-christian tyranny , which was retained ( as some other things also of evil consequence were ) in those imperfect beginnings of reformation , when the popes power was first abrogated under king henry the eighth . but it was afterwards in a more mature and perfect reformation taken in to consideration in the raign of king edward the sixth : and remedy provided there-against by an act of parliament made in the first year of his raign . wherein it was enacted , that all summons , citations , and other processes ecclesiastical should be made in the kings name and with the style of the king , as it is in writts original and judicial at the common laws ; and that the teste thereof only should be in the name of the bishop . v. it is true indeed that this statute of king edward was within a few years after repealed , and so the old usage and form again restored primo mariae , and hath ever since so continued during the raigns of the said queen , of queen elizabeth , of k. iames , and of his majesty that now is until this present parliament , without any alteration or interruption . but the repealing of the statute of primo edw. 6. and the reception of the former usage insuing thereupon , ought not to be alleaged by the bishops , or to sway with any protestant : inasmuch as that repeal was made by queen mary , who was a professed papist , and who together with that form of proceeding in the ecclesiastical courts restored also the whole popish religion , whereof that was a branch . neither ought the un-interrupted continuance of the said form under queen elizabeth and the succeeding kings , ( whether it happened through inadvertency in the state , or through the incessant artifices and practises of the more active bishops , some or other whereof had alwayes a prevalent power with those princes in their several raigns ) to hinder ; but that , as the said manner of proceeding was in the said first year of edward 6. by the king and the three estates in parliament adjudged to favour the usurped power of the bishops of rome , and to trench upon the kings just and acknowledged authority in matters ecclesiastical ( as by the preamble of the said act doth sufficiently appear ; ) so it ought to be still no otherwise esteemed then as a branch of the papal usurpation , highly derogatory to the honour of the king , and the rights of his crown . this is ( as i conceive ) the sum of all that hath been , and the utmost of what ( i suppose ) can be said in this matter . the ii. section in answer to the former objection . i. whereunto i make answer as followeth . to the former objection , i say first , that it is evidently of no force at all against those divines , who for the maintenance of episcopacy lay their claim under another notion , and not under that of ius divinum . which expression , for that it is ( by reason of the ambiguity thereof ) subject to be mistaken , and that captious men are so willing to mistake it for their own advantage ; might peradventure without loss of truth , or prejudice to the cause , b● with as much prudence laid aside a● used , as in this , so in sundry other disputes and controversies of these times . ii. if it shall be replyed , that then belike the proctors for episcopacy are not yet well agreed among themselves by what title they hold : and that is a shrewd prejudice against them , that they have no good title . for it is ever supposed he that hath a good title , knoweth what it is : and we are to presume the power to be usurped , when he that useth it cannot well tell how he came by it . i say therefore secondly , that the difference between the advocates for episcopacy is rather in the different manner of expressing the same thing , then in their different judgement upon the substance of the matter . the one sort making choise of an expression which he knoweth he is able to make good against all gainsayers , if they will but understand him aright : the other out of wariness or condescension forbearing an expression , ( no necessity requiring the use of it , ) which he seeth to have been subject to so much mis-construction . iii. for the truth is , all this ado about ius divinum is in the last result no more then a meer verbal nicety : that term being not alwayes taken in one and the same latitude of signification . sometimes it importeth a divine precept ( which is indeed the primary and most proper signification : ) when it appeareth by some clear express and peremptory command of god in his word , to be the will of god that the thing so commanded should be perpetually and universally observed . of which sort , setting aside the articles of the creed , and the moral duties of the law ( which are not much pertinent to the present enquiry ) there are , as i take it , very few things that can be properly said to be of divine positive right under the new testament . the preaching of the gospel , and administration of the sacraments are two : which when i have named , i think i have named all . iv. but there is a secondary and more extended signification of that term , which is also of frequent use among divines . in which sense such things , as having no express command in the word , are yet found to have authority and warrant from the institution , example , or approbation either of christ himself , or his apostles ; and have ( in regard of the importance and usefulness of the things themselves ) been held , by the consentient judgement of all the churches of christ in the primitive and succeeding ages , needful to be continued : such things i say are ( though not so properly as the former , yet ) usually and interpretativè said to be of divine right . of which sort i take the observation of the lords day , the ordering of the keys , the distinction of presbyters and deacons , and some other things ( not all perhaps of equal consequence ) to be . unto ius divinum in that former acception is required a divine precept : in this later , it sufficeth thereunto that a thing be of apostolical institution or practice . which ambiguity is the more to be heeded , for that the observation thereof is of great use for the avoyding of sundry mistakes that through the ignorance or neglect thereof daily happen to the engaging of men in endless disputes , and entangling their consciences in unnecessary scruples . v. now , that the government of the churches of christ by bishops is of divine right in that first and stricter sence , is an opinion at least of great probability , and such as may more easily and upon better grounds be defended then confuted : especially if in expounding those texts that are alleaged for it we give such deference to the authority of the ancient fathers and their expositions thereof , as wise and sober men have alwayes thought it fit we should do . yet because it is both inexpedient to maintain a dispute where it needs not , and needless to contend for more , where less will serve the turne : i finde that our divines that have travailed most in this argument , where they purposely treat of it , do rather chuse to stand to the tenure of episcopacy ex apostolicâ designatione , then to hold a contest upon the title of jus divinum , no necessity requiring the same to be done . they therefore that so speak of this government as established by divine right , are not all of them necessarily so to be understood , as if they meant it in that first and stricter sense . sufficient it is for the justification of the church of england in the constitution and government thereof , that it is ( as certainly it is ) of divine right in the latter and larger signification : that is to say , of apostolical institution and approbation ; exercised by the apostles themselves , and by other persons in their times , appointed and enabled thereunto by them , according to the will of our lord iesus christ , and by vertue of the commission they had received from him . vi. which besides that it is clear from evident texts of scripture , and from the testimony of as ancient and authentique records as the world hath any to shew for the attesting of any other part of ecclesiastical story ; it is also in truth a part of the established doctrine of the church of england : evidently deduced out of sundry passages in the booke of consecration , ( which book is approved in the articles of our religion art. 36. confirmed by act of parliament , and subscribed unto by all persons that have heretofore taken orders in the church , or degrees in the university ; ) and hath been constantly and uniformly maintained by our best writers , and by all the sober , orderly and orthodoxe sons of this church . the point hath been so abundantly proved by sundry learned men , and cleared from the exceptions of novellists ; that more need not be said for the satisfaction of any intelligent man that will but first take the pains to read the books , and then suffer himself to be master of his own reason . vii . only i could wish , that they who plead so eagerly for the jus divinum of the lords day , & yet reject ( not without some scorn ) the jus divinum of episcopacy , would ask their own hearts ( dealing impartially therein ) whether it be any apparent difference in the nature of the things themselves , or in the strength of those reasons that have been brought for either , that leadeth them to have such different judgments thereof ; or rather some prejudicate conceit of their own ; which having formerly fancied to themselves even as they stood affected to parties , the same affections still abiding , they cannot easily lay aside . which partiality ( for i am loath to call it perversness ) of spirit , is by so much the more inexcusable in this particular ; by how much episcopal government seemeth to be grounded upon scripture-texts of greater pregnancy and clearness , and attested by a fuller consent of antiquity to have been uniformly and universally observed throughout the whole christian world , then the lords day hath hitherto been shewen to be . viii . but should it be granted that all the defenders of episcopacy did indeed hold it to be jure divino in the strictest and most proper sence ; yet could not the objectors thence reasonably conclude , that it should be eo nomine inconsistent with the regal power , or so much as derogatory in the least degree to that supream power ecclesiastical , which by the laws of our land is established , and by the doctrine of our church acknowledged to be inherent in the crown . as themselves may easily see , if they will but consider . ix . first , that regal and episcopal power are two powers of quite different kinds : and such as considered purely in those things that are proper and essential to either , have no mutual relation unto , or dependence upon , the one the other ; neither hath either of them any thing to do with the other . the one of them being purely spiritual and internal , the other external and temporal : albeit in regard of the persons that are to exercise them , or some accidental circumstances appertaining to the exercise thereof , it may happen the one to be somewayes helpful or prejudicial to the other ; yet is there no necessity at all that the very powers themselves in respect of their own natures should be ( at that distance ) either of them so destructive of other , but that they might consist well enough together . yea although either of them or both should claime ( as indeed they both may do ) to be of divine right independently upon the other . let any man come up to the point , and shew if he can , how and wherein the episcopal power is any thing at all diminished by affirming the regal to be of divine right ; or how and wherein the regal power is at all prejudiced , by affirming the episcopal to be of divine right . the opposition between those two terms , to be from heaven and to be of men , which was objected , cometh not home enough : unless we should affirm them both of one and the same power in the same respect . which since we do not ; that opposition hindereth not , but that the same power may be said to be of both in divers respects , viz. to be from heaven , or of god , in respect of the substance of the thing in the general ; and yet to be of men in respect of the determination of sundry particularities requisite unto the lawful and laudable exercise thereof . x. secondly , that the derivation of any power from god doth not necessarily infer the non-subjection of the persons in whom that power resideth to all other men . for doubtless the power that fathers have over their children , husbands over their wives , masters over their servants , is from heaven , of god and not of men. yet are parents , husbands , masters in the exercises of their several respective powers subject to the power , jurisdiction and laws of their lawful soveraigns . and i suppose it would be a very hard matter for any man to find out a clear and satisfactory reason of difference between the ecclesiastical power and the oeconomical ; why the one , because it claimeth to be of divine right should be therefore thought to be injurious to regal power , and the other ( though claiming in the same manner ) not to be injurious . xi . thirdly , the ministerial power , in that which is common to bishops with their fellow-presbyters , viz. the preaching of the vvord and administration of the sacraments , &c. is confessed to be from heaven and of god ; and yet no prejudice at all conceived to be done thereby to the regal power : because the ministers who exercise that power are the kings subjects , and are also in the executing of those very acts that are proper to their ministerial functions to be limited and ordered by the kings ecclesiastical lawes . a man might therefore justly wonder , ( but that it is no new thing to find in the bag of such merchants , as we have now to deal with , pondus & pondus , ) how it should come to pass that the episcopal power , in that which is peculiar to bishops above other their brethren in the ministery , viz. the ordaining of priests and deacons and the managing of the keyes , cannot be said to be of god , but it must be forthwith condemned to be highly derogatory to the regal power : notwithstanding the bishops acknowledge themselves as freely as any others whosoever , to be the kings subjects , and submit themselves , with as much willingness ( i dare say , and some presbyterians know i speak but the truth ) as the meanest of their fellow-ministers do , to be limited in exercising the proper acts of their episcopal functions by such lawes as have been by regal power established in this realm . the king doth no more challenge to himselfe as belonging to him by vertue of his supremacy ecclesiastical , the power of ordaining ministers , excommunicating scandalous offenders , or doing any other act of episcopal office in his own person ; then he doth the power of preaching , administring the sacraments , or doing any other act of ministerial office in his own person : but leaveth the performance of all such acts of either sort unto such persons , as the said several respective powers do of divine right belong unto ; viz. of the one sort to the bishops , and of the other to all preists . yet doth the king by virtue of that supremacy , challenge a power as belonging unto him in the right of his crown , to make laws as well concerning preaching , administring the sacraments , and other acts belonging to the function of a priest , as concerning ordination of ministers , proceedings in matters of ecclesiastical cognisance in the spiritual courts , and other acts belonging to the function of a bishop . to which lawes , as well the priests as the bishops , are subject , and ought to submit to be limited and regulated thereby in the exercise of those their several respective powers ; their claim to a ius divinum , and that their said several powers are of god , notwithstanding . i demand then : as to the regal power , is not the case of the bishops and of the ministers every way alike ? do they not both pretend their powers to be of god ? and are they not yet for all that both bound in the exercise of those powers to obey the king and his laws ? is there not clearly the same reason of both ? how then cometh it to pass , that these are pronounced innocent , and those guilty ? can any think god will wink at such foul partiality ? or account them pure with the bag of deceitful weights ? xii . fourthly , that there can be no fear of any danger to arise to the prejudice of the regal power from the opinion that bishops are jure divino , unless that opinion should be stretched to one of these two constructions : viz. as if it were intended either 1. that all the power which bishops have legally exercised in christian kingdomes did belong to them as of divine right ; or 2. that bishops living under christian kings , might at least exercise so much of their power as is of divine right after their own pleasure , without , or even against the kings leave , or without respect to the laws and customes of the realm . neither of which is any part of our meaning . all power , to the exercise whereof our bishops have pretended , cometh under one of the two heads : of order , or of iurisdiction . the power of order consisteth partly in preaching the word and other offices of publique vvorship ; common to them with their fellow-ministers ; partly in ordaining preists and deacons admitting them to their particular cures , and other things of like nature , peculiar to them alone . the power of iurisdiction is either internal in retaining and remitting sins in foro conscientiae , common to them also ( for the substance of the authority , though with some difference of degree , ) with other ministers : or external for the outward government of the church in some parts thereof peculiar to them alone . for that external power is either directive in prescribing rules and orders to those under their jurisdictions , and making canons and constitutions to be observed by the church ; wherein the inferior clergy by their representatives in convocation have their votes as well as the bishops ; and both dependently upon the king ( for they cannot either meet without his vvrit , or treat without his commission , or establish without his royal assent : ) or iudiciary and coercive , in giving sentence in foro exteriori in matters of ecclesiastical cognisance , excommunicating , fining , imprisoning offenders , and the like . of these powers some branches , not onely in the exercise thereof , but even in the very substance of the power it selfe , ( as namely that of external jurisdiction coercive , ) are by the laws declared , and by the clergy acknowledged to be wholly and entirely derived from the king , as the sole fountain of all authority of external iurisdiction whether spiritual or temporal within the realm ; and consequently not of divine right . other-some , although the substance of the power it self be immediately from god and not from the king , as those of preaching , ordaining , absolving &c. yet are they so subject to be inhibited , limited , or otherwise regulated in the outward exercise of that power by the laws and customes of the land , as that the whole execution thereof still dependeth upon the regal authority . and how can the gross of that power be prejudicial to the king or his supremacy , whereof all the parts are confessed either to be derived from him , or not to be executed without him ? xiii . fifthly , that if episcopacy must be therefore concluded to be repugnant to monarchy , because it claimeth to be of divine right : then must monarchs either suffer within their dominions no form of church-government at all ( and then will church , and with it religion , soon fall to the ground ; ) or else they must devise some new model of government , such as never was yet used or challenged in any part of the christian world ; since no form of government ever yet used , or challenged , but hath claimed to a ius divinum as well as episcopacy : yea , i may say truly , every one of them with far more noise , though with far less reason then episcopacy hath done . and therefore of what party soever the objectors are , ( papists , presbyterians , or independents ) they shew themselves extreamly partial against the honest regular protestant ; in condemning him as an enemy to regal power for holding that in his way , which ( if it be justly chargeable with such a crime , ) themselves holding the very same in their several wayes , are every whit as deeply guilty of , as he . xiiii . lastly , that this their partiality is by so much the more inexcusable , by how much the true english protestant for his government not onely hath a better title to a ius divinum then any of the other three have for theirs ; but also pleadeth the same with more caution and modesty , then any of them do . which of the four pretenders hath the best title , is no part of the business we are now about . the tryal of that will rest upon the strength of the arguments that are brought to maintain it : wherein the presbyterians perhaps will not find any very great advantage beyond the rest of those that contest for it . but let the right be where it will be ; we will for the present suppose them all to have equal title ( and thus far indeed they are equal , that every one taketh his own to be best : ) and it shall suffice to shew , that the ius divinum is pleaded by the episcopal party with more calmeness and moderation , and with less derogation from regal dignity , then by any other of the three . xv. for first , the rest when they spake of ius divinum in reference to their several waves of church-government , take it in the highest elevation , in the first and strictest sense . the papist groundeth the popes oecumenical supremacy upon christs command , to peter to execute it , and to all the flock of christ ( princes also as well as others ) to submit to him as their universal pastor the presbyterian cryeth up his model of government and discipline , ( though minted in the last by-gon century , ) as the very scepter of christs kingdome , whereunto all kings are bound to submit theirs ; making it as unalterable and inevitably necessary to the being of a church , as the word and sacraments are . the independent separatist also , upon that grand principle of puritanisme common to him with the presbyterian ( the very root of almost all the sects in the world ) viz that nothing is to be ordered in church-matters , other , or otherwise then christ hath appointed in his word ; holdeth that any company of people gathered together by mutual consent in a church-way is iure divino free and absolute within it self , to govern it self by such rules as it shall judge agreeable to gods word , without dependence upon any but christ iesus alone , or subjection to any prince , prelate , or other humane person or consistory whatsoever . all these you see do not onely claim to a ius divinum , and that of a very high nature ; but in setting down their opinions weave in some expresses tending to the diminution of the ecclesiastical supremacy of princes . whereas the episcopal party , neither meddle with the power of princes , nor are ordinarily very forward to press the ius divinum , but rather purposely decline the mentioning of it , as a term subject to misconstruction ( as hath been said ) or else so interpret it , as not of necessity to import any more then an apostolical institution . yet the apostles authority in that institution , being warranted by the example , and ( as they doubt not ) the direction of their master iesus christ , they worthily esteem to be so reverend and obligatory ; as that they would not for a world have any hand in , or willingly and deliberately contribute the least assistance towards ( much less bind themselves by solemn league and covenant to endeavour ) the extirpation of that government ; but rather on the contrary hold themselves in their consciences obliged , to the uttermost of their powers to endeavour the preservation and continuance thereof in these churches , and do heartily wish the restitution and establishment of the same , wheresoever it is not , or wheresoever it hath been heretofore ( under any whatsoever pretence ) unhappily laid aside , or abolished . xvi . secondly , the rest ( not by remote inferences , but ) by immediate and natural deduction out of their own acknowledged principles , do some way or other deny the kings supremacy in matters ecclesiastical : either claiming a power of iurisdiction over him , or pleading a priviledge of exemption from under him . the papists do it both wayes ; in their several doctrines of the popes supremacy , and of the exemption of the clergy . the puritances of both sorts , who think they have sufficiently confuted every thing they have a mind to mislike , if they have once pronounced it popish and antichristian , do yet herein ( as in very many other things , and some of them of the most dangerous consequence ) symbolize with the papists , and after a sort divide that branch of antichristianisme wholly between them : the presbyterians claiming to their consistories as full and absolute spiritual iurisdiction over princes , ( with power even to excommunicate them , if they shall see cause for it , ) as the papists challenge to belong to the pope : and the independents exempting their congregations from all spiritual subjection to them , in as ample manner , as the papists do their clergy . whereas the english protestant bishops and regular clergy , as becometh good christians and good subjects , do neither pretend to any iurisdiction over the kings of england , nor withdraw their subjection from them : but acknowledge them to have soveraign power over them , as well as over their other subjects ; and that in all matters ecclesiastical as well as temporal . by all which it is clear , that the ius divinum of episcopacy , as it is maintained by those they call ( stylo novo ) the prelatical party in england , is not an opinion of so dangerous a nature , nor so derogatory to the regal powers , as the adversaries thereof would make the world believe it is : but that rather , of all the forms of church-government that ever yet were endeavoured to be brought into the churches of christ , it is the most innocent in that behalf . the iii. section in answer to the later objection . 1. having thus cleared the opinion held concerning episcopacy in the church of england from the crime unjustly charged upon it by the adversaries , ( but whereof in truth themselves are deeply guilty ) in their former objection : our next business will be the easier , to justifie it in the practise also from the like charge laid against it in the later objection , by shewing that the iurisdiction exercised by the bishops within this realm , ( and namely in that particular which the objectors urge with most vehemency , of acting so many things in their own names , ) is no way derogatory to the kings majesties power or honour . wherein it were enough for the satisfaction of every understanding man , without descending to any farther particularities , to shew the impertinency of the objectors from these two general considerations . ii. first that the bishops have exercised no iurisdiction in foro externo within this realm , but such as hath been granted unto them by the successive kings of england ; neither have challenged any such iurisdiction to belong unto them by any inherent right or title in their persons or callings , but onely by emanation and derivation from the royal authority . the very words of the statute primo . edw. 6. in the objection mentioned run thus , seeing that all authority of jurisdiction spiritual and temporal is derived and deducted from the kings majesty as supream head — and so justly acknowledged by the clergy of the said realms , and that all courts ecclesiastical be kept by no other power or authority either forraign or within the realms , but by the authority of his most excellent majesty &c. now the regular exercise of a derived power is so far from destroying , or any way diminishing that original power from whence it is derived , as that it rather confirmeth and establisheth the same . yea , the further such derived power is extended and enlarged in the exercise thereof , so as it be regular , ( that is , so long as it containeth it self within the bounds of its grant , and exceedeth not the limits prefixed thereunto by that original power that granted it ) the more it serveth to set forth the honour and greatness of that original power ; since the vertue of the efficient cause is best known by the greatness of the effect : for propter quod unumquodque est tale , illud ipsum est magis tale . as the warmth of the room doth not lessen the heat of the fire upon the hearth , but is rather a signe of the greatness of that heat : nor doth the abundance of sap in the branches cause any abatement in the root , but is rather an evident demonstration of the greater plenty there . iii. secondly , that it is one of the greatest follies in the world , to endeavour in good earnest to maintain any thing by argument when we have the evidence of sence or experience to the contrary . for what is it cum ratione insanire , if this be not ? to deny fire to be hot , or water to be moist , or snow to be white ; when our sences enform us they are such ? or to prove by argument that life may be perpetuated by the help of art and good dyet , or that infants are capable of faith or instruction by ordinary means ; when experience sheweth the contrary . now the experience of above fourscore years , ever since the beginning of queen elizabeths raign , doth make it most evident , that the exercise of episcopal iurisdiction by the protestant bishops here , was so far from diminishing the power , or eclipsing the glory of the crown , that the kings and queens of england never enjoyed their royal power in a fuller measure , or flourished with greater lustre , honour and prosperity , then when the bishops ( by their favour ) enjoyed the full liberty of their courts , jurisdictions , honours and priviledges according to ancient grants of former kings and the lawes and customes of england . on the other side ; in what condition of power and honour ( otherwise then in the hearts of his oppressed subjects ) our most pious and gracious soveraign that now is hath stood , and at this present standeth , through the prevalency of the smectymnuan faction ; ever since they had the opportunity and forehead from lopping off ( as was at first pretended ) some luxuriant superfluities ( as they at least imagined them to be ) in the branches of episcopal jurisdiction ( as high commission , oath ex officio , &c. ) to proceed to take away episcopacy it self root and branch : it were a happy thing for us , if the lamentable experience of these late times would suffer us to be ignorant . so as we now look upon that short aphorisme so usual with his majesties royal father [ no bishop , no king ] not as a sentence onely full of present truth when it was uttered ; but rather as a sad prophecy of future events , since come to pass . the miseries of these wasting divisions both in the church and common-wealth we cannot with any reason hope to see an end of , until it shall please almighty god in his infinite mercy to a sinful nation , to restore them both ( king and bishops ) to their antient , just and rightful power : and in order thereunto graciously to hear the weak prayers of a small oppressed party , ( yet coming from loyal hearts , and going not out of feigned lips ) beyond the loud crying perjuries , sacriledges , and oppressions of those that now exercise an arbitrary soveraignty over their fellow subjects without either iustice or mercy , together with the abominable hypocrisie and disloyalty that hath so long raigned in them and their adherents . iv. those two general considerations , although they might ( as i said ) suffice to take away the force of the objection , without troubling our selves , or the reader with any farther answer thereunto : yet that the objectors may not have the least occasion given them to quarrel the proceedings , as if we did purposely decline a just tryal , we shall come up a little closer , and examine more particularly every material point , in the order as they lye in the objection aforesaid . and the points are three . 1. that the manner used by the bishops , in sending out their summons , &c. in their own names , is contrary to the form and order of other courts . 2. that such forms of process seem to have at first proceeded from the usurped power of the bishops of rome , who laboured by all possible means to bring down the regal power , and set up their own . 3. that upon these very grounds the custome was altered by act of parliament , and a statute made 1. ewd. vi. ( howsoever since repealed and discontinued , ) that all processes ecclesiastical should be made in the kings name , and not in the bishops . v. as to the first point , true it is that the manner used by the bishops in the ecclesiastical courts , ( viz. in issuing out summons , citations , processes , giving iudgments &c. in their own names , and not in the kings , ) is different from the manner used in the kings bench , exchequer , chancery , and sundry other courts . but that difference neither doth of necessity import an independency of the ecclesiastical courts upon the king , nor did in all probability arise at the beginning from the opinion of any such independency ; nor ought in reason to be construed as a disacknowledgement of the kings authority and supremacy ecclesiastical . for vi. first there is between such courts as are the kings own immediate courts , and such courts as are not , a great difference in this point . of the former sort are especially the kings bench and chancery : as also the court of common pleas , exchequer , iustices of goal-delivery &c. in the kings bench the kings themselves in former times have often personally sate ; whence it came to have the name of the kings bench ; neither was it tyed to any particular place , but followed the kings person . at this day also all writs returnable there run in this style , coram nobis , and not ( as in some other courts ) coram iustitiariis nostris or the like : and all judicial records there are styled , and the pleas there holden entred , coram rege , and not coram iustitiariis domini regis . appeals also are made from inferiour iudges in other courts to the king in chancery ; because in the construction of the lawes the kings personal power and presence is supposed to be there : and therefore sub-poena's granted out of that court , and all matters of record passed there run in the same style coram rege &c. forasmuch as in the iudges in these two courts there is a more immediate representation of the kings personal power and presence , then in the iudges of those other courts of common pleas , exchequer , &c. which yet by reason of his immediate virtual power and presence are the kings immediate courts too . in regard of which his immediate virtual power , although the style of the writs and records there be not coram nobis , coram rege , as in the former , but onely coram iustitiariis , coram baronibus nostris , &c. yet inasmuch as the iudges in those courts are the kings immediate sworn ministers to execute justice , and to do equal right to all the kings people in his name , therefore all processes , pleas , acts and iudgements are made and done in those courts , as well as in the two former , in the kings name . but in such courts as do not suppose any such immediate representation or presence of the kings either personal or virtual power , as that thereby they may be holden and taken to be the kings own immediate courts , the case is far otherwise . for neither are the iudges in those courts sworn the kings iudges , to administer justice and do right to the kings subjects in his name and stead : nor do they take upon them the authority , to cite any person , or to give any sentence , or to do any act of jurisdiction in the kings name ; having never been by him authorized so to do . of this sort are amongst others ( best known to them that are skilled in the laws of this realm ) all courts-baron held by the lord of a manner , customary courts of copyholders , &c and such courts as are held by the kings grant , by charter to some corporation , as to a city , borough , or vniversity ; or els by long usage and prescription of time . in all which courts , and if there be any other of like nature , summons are issued out , and iudgements given , and all other acts and proceedings made and done in the name of such persons as have chief authority in the said courts , and not in the name of the king : so as the styles run thus , a. b. major civitatis ebor. n. m. cancellarius vniversitatis oxon. and the like ; and not carolus dei gratia , &c. vii . upon this ground it is that our lawyers tell us out of bracton , that in case of bastardy to be certified by the bishop , no inferiour court , as london , yorke , norwich , or any other incorporation can write to the bishop to require him to certify : but any of the kings courts at westminister ( as common pleas , kings bench &c. ) may write to him to certify in that case . the reason is , because nullus alius praeter regem potest episcopo demandare inquisitionem faciendam . which maketh it plain that the kings immediate powe ( either personal , or virtual ) is by the law supposed to be present in courts of the one sort , not of the other : the one sort being his own immediate courts , and the other not . viii . now that the ecclesiastical courts wherein the bishops exercise their jurisdiction , are of the latter sort , i doubt not but our law-books will afford plenty of arguments to prove it , beyond all possibility of contradiction or cavil . which being little versed in those studies i leave for them to find out who have leisure to search the books , and do better understand the nature , constitution , differences and bounds of the several courts within this realm . one argument there is , very obvious to every understanding , ( which because i shall have fit occasion a little after to declare , i will not now any longer insist upon , ) taken from the nature of the iurisdiction of these courts so far distant from the iurisdiction appertaining to those other courts , that these are notoriously separated and in common and vulgar speach distinguished from all other by the peculiar name and appellation of the spiritual courts . but another argument , which those books have suggested , i am the more willing here to produce , for that it not only sufficiently proveth the matter now in hand , but is also very needful to be better known abroad in the world then it is , for the removing of a very unjust censure , which meerly for want of the knowledge of the true cause , hath been laid upon the bishops in one particular , to their great wrong and prejudice . it hath been much talked on , not only by the common sort of people , but by some persons also of better rank and understanding , and imputed to the bishops as an act of very high insolency , that in their processes , patents , commissions , licences , and other instruments whereunto their episcopal seale is affixed , so oft as they have occasion to mention themselves , the style runneth ever more in the plural number [ nos g. cantuar-archiepiscopus , coram nobis , salvo nobis — &c. ] just as it doth in his majesties letters patents and commissions : thereby shewing themselves ( say they ) as if they were his fellows and equals . all this great noise and clamour against the pride of the bishops upon this score , proceedeth ( as i said ) meerly from the ignorance of the true original cause and ground of that innocent and ancient usage ; and therefore cannot signify much to any reasonable and considering man , when that ground is discovered : which is this , viz. that every bishop is in construction of our laws a corporation . for although the bishop of himselfe and in his private and personal capacity be but a single person as other men are , and accordingly in his letters concerning his own particular affairs , and in all other his actings upon his own occasions and as a private person writeth of himselfe in the singular number , as other private men do ; yet for as much as in his publike and politick capacity , and as a bishop in the church of england , he standeth in the eye of the law as a corporation ; the king not only alloweth him acting in that capacity , to write of himselfe in the plural number , but in all writs directed to him as bishop ( as in presentations , and the like ) bespeaketh him in the plural number [ vestrae diocesis , vobis praesentamus &c. ] the bishop then being a corporation , and that by the kings authority , as all other corporations ( whether simple or aggregate , whether by charter or prescription ) are : it is meet he should hold his courts , and proceed therein in the same manner and form ( where there is no apparent reason to the contrary ) as other corporations do . and therefore as it would be a high presumption for the chancellour and scholars of one of the universities , being a corporation , to whom the king by his charter hath granted a court , or for the major and aldermen of a city for the same reason , to issue writs or do other acts in their courts in the kings name , not having any authority from the king or his grant , or from the laws and customs of england so to do : so doubtless it would for the same reason be esteemed a presumption no less intolerable for the bishops to use the kings name in their processes and judicial acts , not having any sufficient legal warrant or authority for so doing . ix . which if it were duly considered , would induce any reasonable man to beleive and confesse that this manner of proceeding in their own names used by the bishops in their courts , is so far from trenching upon the regal power and authority , which is the crime charged upon it by the objectors , that the contrary usage ( unless it were enjoyned by some law of the land , as it was in the raign of king edward the sixth ) might far more justly be charged therewithal . for the true reason of using the kings name in any court , is not thereby to acknowledge the emanation of the power or jurisdiction of that court from , or the subordination of that power unto , the kings power or authority , as the objectors seeme to suppose ; but rather to shew the same court to be one of the kings own immediate courts , wherein the king himselfe is supposed ( in the construction of the law ) either by his personal or virtual power to be present . and the not using of the kings name in other courts , doth not infer , as if the iudges of the said courts did not act by the kings authority , ( for who can imagine that they who hold a court by virtue of the kings grant only , should pretend to act by any other then his authority ? ) but only that they are no immediate representatives of the kings person in such their jurisdiction , nor have consequently any allowance from him to use his name in the exercise or execution thereof . x. secondly , there is another observable difference in this point , between the kings common-law-courts , such as are most of those afore-mentioned , and those courts that proceed according to the way of the civil law. if the king appoint a constable , or earle-marshal , or admiral of england : for as much as all tryals in the marshals court ( commonly called the court of honour ) and in the admiralty are according to the civil law ; all processes therefore , sentences , and acts in those courts go in the names of the constable , earle-marshal , or admiral , and not in the kings name . which manner of proceeding constantly used in those courts , sith no man hitherto hath been found to interpret , as any diminution at all or dis-acknowledgement of the kings soveraignty over the said courts : it were not possible the same manner of proceeding in the ecclesiastical courts should be so confidently charged with so heinous a crime , did not the intervention of some wicked lust or other prevail with men of corrupt minds to become partial judges of evil thoughts . especially considering that xi . thirdly , there is yet a more special and peculiar reason to be given in the behalf of the bishops for not using the kings name in their processes , &c. in the ecclesiastical courts , then can be given for the iudges of any other the above-mentioned courts ( either of the common or civil laws ) in the said respect ; arising ( as hath been already in part touched ) from the different nature of their several respective iurisdictions . which is , that the summons and other proceedings and acts in the ecclesiastical courts are for the most part in order to the ecclesiastical censures and sentences of excommunication , &c. the passing of which sentences and other of like kind , being a part of the power of the keyes which our lord iesus christ thought fit to leave in the hands of his apostles and their successors , and not in the hands of lay-men ; the kings of england never challenged to belong unto themselves : but left the exercise of that power entirely to the bishops , as the lawful successors of the apostles , and inheritours of their power . the regulating and ordering of that power in sundry circumstances concerning the outward exercise thereof in foro externo , the godly kings of england have thought to belong unto them as in the right of their crown ; and have accordingly made laws concerning the same , even as they have done also concerning other matters appertaining to religion and the worship of god. but the substance of that power , and the function thereof , as they saw it to be altogether improper to their office and calling : so they never pretended or laid claim thereunto . but on the contrary when by occasion of the title of supream head , &c. assumed by king henry the eighth , they were charged by the papists for challenging to themselves such power and authority spiritual ; they constantly and openly disavowed it to the whole world , renouncing all claim to any such power or authority : as is manifest ; not onely from the allowed writings of many godly bishops , eminent for their learning in their several respective times , in vindication of the church of england from that calumny of the papists ; as archbishop whitgift , bishop bilson , bishop andrews , bishop carleton , and others : but also by the injunctions of queen elizabeth , and the admonition prefixed thereunto ; by the 37 th art. . of the church of england required to be subscribed by all that take orders in the church , or degrees in the universities ; and by constant declared judgement and practice of the two late kings of blessed memory , king iames and king charles the i st . they who thus expresly disclaimed the medling with spiritual censures and the power of the keyes , cannot be rationally supposed to have thought their own presence ( either personal or virtual ) any way requisite in the courts where such censures were to be pronounced , and that power to be administred and exercised : and therefore doubtless could not deem it fit or proper , that in the juridical proceedings of such courts their names should be used . xii . the second point in the charge objected is , that this custome used by the bishops in acting all things in the ecclesiastical courts in their own names grew at first from the exorbitant power of the popes , who laboured what they could to advance their own greatness by exempting the clergy from all subjection to temporal princes , and setting up an ecclesiastical power of jurisdiction independent upon the secular : and that the parliament had that sence of it in the raign of king edward the sixth , as the words of the statute made i. edward vi. for the altering of the said custome , do plainly intimate . xiii . in which part of the charge there is at the most but thus much of truth . 1. that the bishops of rome did not omit with all sedulity to pursue the grand design of that see , which was to bring all christian princes into subjection to it self . 2. that all the labouring for the exemption of the clergy from the secular powers , was in order to that design . 3. that the bishops manner of using their own names in all acts of their iurisdiction , ( looked upon alone and by it self without any consideration of the true reasons thereof ) doth carry , by so much the more , shew of serving the papal interest , then if they should do all in the king's name , by how much the acknowledging the kings supremacy-ecclesiastical is less apparent therein , then in the other . 4. that the want of such an express acknowledgement of the king's supremacy , together with the jealousies the state had in those times over any thing that might seem to further or favour the usurped power of the pope in the least degree ; might very probably in this particular ( as well as it did in some other things ) occasion such men as bear the greatest sway in managing the publick affairs in the beginning of that godly ( but young ) king 's raign , out of a just detestation of the papacy to endeavour overhastily the abolishing of whatsoever was with any colour suggested unto them to savour of popery , without such due examination of the grounds of those suggestions as was requisite in a matter of so great importance . xiiii . this is all we can ( perhaps more then we need ) yield unto in this point of the charge . but then there are some other things which we cannot easily assent unto : as viz. 1. that this custome had undoubtedly its original and growth from the popes usurped power . which as we think it impossible for them to prove ; so it seemeth to us the less probable , because by comparing of this course used in the ecclesiastical courts with the practise of sundry other courts , some of like , some of different nature thereunto , we have already shewed the true reasons and grounds of the difference between some courts and othersome in this particular . 2. that it is a rag or relique of antichristian tyranny . which we believe to be altogether untrue . not only for the reasons before specified , and for that the same is done in sundry other courts , holden within this realm without any note of antichristianisme or popery fastened thereupon : but also because it hath been constantly continued in this kingdome ( the short raign of king edward the sixth only excepted ) with the allowance of all the protestants kings and queens of this realm ever since the reformation . who , although they be ever and anon taxed by the puritane-faction ( unjustly and insolently enough ) for want of a through-reformation , and leaving so much popish trash unpurged in the point of worship and ceremonies : yet have not usually been blamed by that party for being wanting to themselves in vindicating to the uttermost their regal authority and supremacy ecclesiastical from the usurped power of the bishops of rome in any thing wherein they conceived it to be many wise or degree concerned . as also because this manner of proceeding in the courts ecclesiastical hath been constantly and without scruple of conscience or suspition of popery used and practised by all our godly and orthodoxe bishops ; even those , who have been the most zealous maintainers of our religion against the papists , and such as have particularly written against the antichristian tyranny of the pope , or in defence of the kings supremacy in matters ecclesiastical ; as iewel , bilson , abbots , buckridge , carleton , and many others . xv. but against all this that hath been said , how agreeable soever it may seem to truth and reason , may be opposed the judgement of the whole realm in parliament ( the bishops themselves also then sitting and voting as well as other the lords and commons ) in the first year of the raign of king edward the sixth , who thought fit by their act to alter the aforesaid form , and that upon the two aforesaid grounds , viz. that it was contrary to the form and order of the common law-courts , and according to the form and manner used in the time of the usurped power of the bishop of rome . which being the last and weightiest point in the charge , is the more considerable , in that besides its own strength , it giveth also farther strength and confirmation to the other two . xvi . but for answer unto this argument drawn from the judgement of the parliament , as it is declared in the statute of ● edw. 6. i would demand of the objectors , where they place the chief strength of the argument : whether in the authority of the persons ( viz. the great assembly of state convened in parliament so judging ; or in validity of those reasons , which led them so to judge . if in this later , their judgment can weigh no more , then the reasons do whereon it is built ; the frailty whereof we have already examined and discovered . if in the authority of the judges ; we lay in the ballance against it the judgment of the kingdome in all the parliaments after the decease of king edward for above fourscore years together : the first whereof repeated that statute ; and none of those that followed ( for ought appeareth to us ) ever went about to revive it . xvii . if it shall be said first , that the enacting of that statute by king edward was done in order to the farther abolishing of popery , and the perfecting of the reformation begun by his father : i answer , that as it was a very pious care , and of singular example in so young a prince , to intend and endeavour the reformation of religion and the church within his realms ( for which even at this day we have cause to acknowledge the good providence of almighty god in raising him up to become so blessed an instrument of his glory and our good : ) so on the other side we cannot doubt but that the business of reformation under him was carried on with such mixture of private ends and other human frailties and affections , as are usually incident into the enterprising of great affairs , especially such as cannot be effected without the assistance of many instruments . all of which in likelyhood being not of one judgement and temper , but having their several inclinations , passions and interests with great difference ; the product of their endeavours ( whatsoever sincerity there were in the intentions of the first mover ) must needs be such , as the constitution of the most prevalent instruments employed in the work would permit it to be . the very name of reformation of religion and manners , and of abuses crept into the church or common-wealth , carrieth with it a great deal of outward glory and lustre , filling the hearts of men with expectations of much happiness to ensue , and in that hope is evermore entertained with general applause , especially of the vulgar sort : because men look upon it as it were in the idea , ( that is to say , as it is fancied and devised in the mind and imagination ) and abstractedly from those impediments and inconveniences , which when they come ad practicandum and to put their thoughts in execution , they shall be sure to meet withal more or less , to render the performance short of the promise and expectation . xviii . now because reformation is so much talked of in these evil dayes of ours , wherein thousands of well-meaning people have been seduced into dangerous by-paths by that specious name : it will not be amiss , ( though we may seem perhaps to digress a little for it ) to prompt the reader to some considerations , that may incline him rather to suspect a thing to be ill done , then to be confident that it is well done , if he have no other reason of that confidence but this , that it is pretended to be done by way of reformation . xix . it is considerable first , that reformation is the usual vizard , wherewith men of insatiable avarice or ambition disguise their base unworthy intentions , that the ugliness thereof may not appear to vulgar eyes . seldome hath any sacrilegious or seditious attempt appeared abroad in the world , and been countenanced either by the great ones or the many ; which hath not been ushered in by this piece of hypocrisie . not to look further ( backward or forward ) for instances in both kindes , then to the raign of that king wherein the statute so much insisted upon was made ; it cannot be denied , but that during the raign of that religious and godly young king ( without his knowledge as we verily hope and believe , or at most through the malitious suggestions and cunning insinuations of some that were about him ) such sacriledges were acted , and that under the name & pretence of reformation , as have cast a very foul blemish upon our very religion , especially in the eyes of our adversaries , who have ever shewed themselves forward enough to impute the faults of the persons to the profession . and under the same pretence of reformation were also masked all the bloodshed , mischiefs and outrages committed by kett and his seditious rabble in the same kings raign : insomuch as a great oak whereat they appointed their usual meetings , and whereon ( by the just judgement of god ) himself the ringleader of that rebellion was afterwards hanged , was by them called the oak of reformation . by what was done in those times , ( ill enough indeed , yet modestly in comparison of what hath been done in ours ) we may have a near guess what their meaning is , that are so eagerly set upon a thorow-reformation ( as they call it ) in the church , in the commonwealth , in the vniversities : even to get into their own hands and disposal all the haces and offices of power or profit in them all . i dare not say , ( for truly of some i believe the contrary , and hope the same of many more ) that all those that joyn in vote or act with those plansible pretenders of reformation , or wish well unto them in the simplicity of their hearts , are guilty of their abominable hypocrisie . but sure all experience sheweth , that in great councels there are evermore some one or a few 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , active and cunning men that are able by the reputation of their wisdome and abilities of speech to carry all businesses in the vogue even as themselves have before-hand closely contrived them : leading on the rest , as a bell-weather doth the whole flock , or as a crafty fore-man of a iury doth the whole dozen , which way soever they please ; who follow tamely after ( quâ itur , non quâ eundum ) in an implicit belief , that that must needs be the right way , which they see such skilful guides to have taken before them . xx. but say there were no such reserved secret sinister ends either in the chief agents or their ministers , but that a just reformation were as really and sincerely intended by them all , as it is by some of them speciously pretended : yet is it considerable secondly , how very difficult a thing it is , in the business of reformation to stay at the right point , and not to overdo , by reason of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby we are very apt in declining one of the extreams to fall into the other , either in point of opinion or practice . in detestation of the heresie of nestorius , who distinguished the persons in christ , because he knew there were two natures ; eutyches went so far as to confound the natures , because he knew there was but one person . and because the papists by the multitude and pompousness of their ceremonies had taken away much of the inward vigour of gods publick worship , by drawing it too much outward ; the puritanes in opposition to them , and to reform that errour , by stripping it of all ceremonies have left it so bare , that ( besides the unseemliness ) it is well nigh starved for want of convenient clothing . it is in the distempers of the body politick in this respect not much otherwise then it is in those of the body natural . in an ague , when the cold sit hath had his course , the body doth not thence return to a kindly natural warmth , but falleth speedily into a burning preternatural heat , nothing less ( if not rather more ) afflictive then the former . and how osten have physicians , ( not the unlearned empericks onely , but even those best renowned for their skill and judgement , ) by tampering with a crazy body to master the predominancy of some noxious humour therein , cast their patients ere they were aware under the tyranny of another and contrary humour as perillous as the former : or for fear of leaving too much bad blood in the veins , have letten out too much of the vital spirits withall ? onely the difference is , that in bodily diseases this course may be sometimes profitably experimented , and with good success ; not onely out of necessity , when there is no other way of cure left , ( as they use to say , desperate diseases must have desperate remedies : ) but also out of choice , and in a rational way ; as hippocrates adviseth in the case of some cold diseases to cast the patient into a burning feaver , which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and i remember to have read somewhere to that purpose such an aphorisme as this , vtile est innasci sebrem in spasmo . but for the remedying of moral or politick distempers , it is neither warrantable nor safe to try such experiments : not warrantable ; because we have no such rule given us in the word of god whereby to operate : nor safe ; because herein the mean onely is commendable , all extreams ( whether in defect or excess ) vitious . now what defects or excesses there might be in the reformation of religion and the church within these realms during the raigns of k. henry the eighth , king edward the sixth , and queen elizabeth ; it doth not become me , neither is it needful , to examine . but sure it is , they that had the managery of those affairs in their several respective times were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made of the same day with other men , subject to infirmities and passions , and to be byassed with partial affections , and those affections capable to be enflamed with zeal , cooled with delayes , enraged by opposition , and allayed by seasonable applications . and therefore although we cannot say for certain with what affections those reformers in the beginning of edward's raign were steered in the whole business : yet it is very possible , and in this particular of the statutes , ( from the weakness of the reasons therein expressed ) not improbable , that the jealousies they had of the papal power so lately ejected might make them more abundantly cautelous and sollicitous to secure themselves thereagainst , then need required . verily the temper of those times and men , and the reformation made about those times in other countreys considered ; we have far greater cause to bless god that in their then ▪ reformation in very many things they did not a great deal worse , then to blame them that in some few things they did not a little better , then they have done . xxi . it is further considerable thirdly , that where a reformation is truly intended , and the thing it self intended by that reformation to be established is also within a tolerable compass of mediocrity ; there may yet be such errour in the choice of the means to be used for the accomplishing of those intentions , as may vitiate the whole work , and render it blame-worthy . for although it be a truth so expresly affirmed by the apostle , and so agreeable to the dictates of right reason [ that we may not do any evil thing for any good end ] as that i should scarce have believed it possible that any man that pretended to be christian or but reasonable should hold the contrary , had i not been advertised by very credible persons that some men of eminent place and power did so , by distinguishing ( but beside the book , and where the law distinguisheth not ) between a publick and a private good end : yet the eagerness of most men in the pursuance of such ends as they are fully bent upon , and their pride of spirit disdaining to be crossed in their purposes , and impatient of meeting with any opposition ; putteth them many times upon the use of such means as seem for the present best conducing to the ends they have proposed to themselves , without any sufficient care to examine whether such means be lawful or not . for either they run on headlong and are resolved not to stick at any niceties of conscience , but being ingaged in a design to go through with it per fas & nefas ; measuring honesty by utility : or els they gather up any thin fig-leaves where they can meet with them to hide the deformity of their actions if it were possible even from their own eyes ; and are willing their affections should bribe and cheat their judgements with any weak reasons to pronounce that lawful to be done which they have a mind to do , the secret checks and murmurings of their consciences to the contrary notwithstanding . hence it is , that whereas men ought to conform all their wills and actions to the exact rule of gods word , they do so often in stead thereof crooken the rule to make it comply with their actions and desires : raising such doctrines and conclusions from the sacred texts of scripture by forced inferences , as will best serve to give countenance to whatsoever they fancie to be , or please to call reformation ; and to whatsoever means they should use for the effecting of such reformation , though it were by popular tumults , civil war , despising governours , breaking oaths , open rebellion , or any other act how unjust soever and full of disloyalty . which made learned zanchy , observing in his time how anabaptists and all sorts of sectaries , that attempted to bring in any new and unheard of alteration in religion into the churches of christ , by any means though never so seditious and unlawful , did yet justifie all their enterprises by this , that they were done in order to a more perfect reformation , to cry out , ego non intelligo istam reformatorum mundi ●●elogiam . whether this observation be so sitly applyable to those times of king edwards reformation , as the two former considerations were , i know not : i am sure it sitteth but too well to these evil times of ours , wherein the pretence of a thorow-reformation serveth as a foile to set off the blackest crimes that ever the christian world was guilty of . xxii . lastly , say there should be nothing amiss in any of the premisses , but that the intentions were sincere , the proceedings moderate , and the means lawful : yet since no wit of man is at the present able to foresee all the inconveniences that may ensue upon any great and suddain change of such lawes and customes as have been long and generally observed , till time and experience discover them ; it may very well ( and not seldome doth ) come to pass , that the reformation intended for the remedying of some one abuse , or the preventing of some present apparant inconvenience , may open a gap to let in some other abuses or inconveniences , which ( though yet undiscerned ) may in time prove to be more and greater , then those that were sought to be remedyed . physicians tell us that all sudden changes in the body are dangerous : and it is no otherwise in the church and state. which is the ground of that maxime , well approved of all wise men , if rightly understood , malum benè positum non movendum : and of that other , so famous in the ancient councels , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let the old customes be observed . and therefore aristotle gravely censureth that law made by hippodamus the milesian law-giver , that whosoever should devise any new law for the common good should be rewarded by the state , as a law indeed foolish and pernicious , how specious and plausible soever it seemed at the first appearance : because ( saith he ) it would but encourage busie & active spirits to be alwayes innovating some thing or other in the state , which might finally tend to the subversion of all ancient lawes and customes , and consequently of the whole government it self . now that the reformation in king edwards dayes , as to this particular in that statute concerned , was subject at least to this frailty , we may very probably gather ( a posteriori ) from this ; that after it was once repealed , they that had to do in the reformation ever since , thought it sit rather to let it lye under that repeal , then to revive it . xxiii . there can be no doubt , but that to an objection made from the force of a statute , it is a sufficient answer ( if it be true ) to say that the said statute hath been repealed and so continueth . yet the adversaries of episcopacy are so pertinaciously bent to hold their conclusion in despite of all premisses , that they seem to be nothing satisfied there withal , but dividing the answer , turn the former part of it ( viz. that of the repeal ) to their own advantage . for say they , that repeal being made by queen mary , who was a professed papist , and a persecuter of the protestant religion , was certainly an act of hers done in favour of popery ; and so is a strong confirmation , that the form of proceeding formerly used by the bishops in the ecclesiastical courts , prohibited by the statute of king edward , but restored by that her repeal , was a popish practice , and more besitting papists then protestants to use . xxiv . to return a full answer hereunto ; first it shall be willingly granted , that queen mary , being a zealous papist , did cause that statute made in the first of her brothers raign to be repealed out of pure zeal to the romish religion , and in favour of the pope and of his iurisdiction . both bee use she conceived ( which was true ) that her late brother being a protestant had by that statute prohibited the bishops to do sundry things in their own names , of purpose thereby to lessen the popes authority within his realms : as also because their using of the kings name in their processes and acts carried with it ( as we formerly granted ) a more express and evident acknowledgment of the kings supremacy ecclesiastical , then the contrary custome doth . xxv but then secondly , this being granted , it will by no means follow either first , that the repeal of that statute is not to be valued by any protestant ; or that secondly the custome of the bishops prohibited by the statute and restored by the act of repeal was popish ; or thirdly , that our former answer was unsufficient : not the first , because we are not to look upon the statute and upon the act of repeal , as they were made , the one by a protestant the other by a papist ( for that were to judge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and with respect of persons ; ) but to consider whether the reasons whereupon the statute was grounded were in veritate rei such , as that it ought not to have been repealed either by papist or protestant . which reasons how they have been valued , appeareth upon the post-fact in this ; that a papist princess by the principles of her religion could do no less then repeal that statute , and a protestant princess without prejudice to the principles of her religion might continue that repeal . xxvi . not the second : because that very statute of i. edward the sixth , by which it is ordained that all summons , citations and other processes ecclesiastical be made in the name and with the style of the king , doth it self sufficiently absolve the contrary custome formerly used by the bishops acting in their own names , from being either popish or otherwise derogatory to the kings supremacy . inasmuch as by proviso's in the said statute the bishops are still permitted in some cases to use their own names without any mention at all to be made of the king : as namely the archbishop of canterbury to grant faculties and dispensations ; and every other bishop to make collations , presentations , institutions and inductions of benefices , letters of orders and dimissories &c. under their own names and seals , as by the words of the said statute doth plainly appear . which sure would not have been permitted in any case , had the thing it self been by them conceived to have been simply and de toto genere either popish or prejudicial to the regal power . xxvii . not the third : because they disjoynt our former answer , that they might make their advantage of the one piece of it severed from the other . for the strength of the answer ( it being copulative ) was not to lye in either part alone , but in both together taken joyntly ; and indeed more principally in the later part which they slightly put off , then in the former whereat they take advantage . we do not say that the objecting of that statute is of little moment against us , because it was repealed by queen mary ( though that repeal alone is sufficient to make it void and invalid as to all effects in law : ) but because being then repealed it was never after revived in the raigns either of queen elizabeth , king iames , or his majesty that now is : which sheweth that the act of repeal ( as to the point now in dispute ) was by them approved of , and intended to continue in force . and it will thence follow further and most clearly , that in the judgement of all these wise and religious princes , there was a great difference between the papal and the episcopal iurisdiction , as they had been either of them exercised within these realms : and that the papal was prejudicial to the regal power and supremacy , but the episcopal was not . xxviii . neither doth that suffice which is put in by way of reply hereunto , to alledge that the continuance of the old custome ( after the repeal made ) happened either through inadvertency of the state , or by reason of the great power some or other of the bishops ever had with those princes . for it cannot be doubted but that the state , having before them a precedent of so late and fresh memory as the statute of 1. edw. 6. would at some time or other within the space of fourscore years ( especially there being no want in those dayes of enough greedy great-ones and factious disciplinarians to remind them of it ) have taken a time to frame and pass a bill for the reviving of that statute : if they had deemed the custome , therein forbidden , popish or derogatory either to the kings honour or power , or had not rather found sufficient reason to perswade them that the said statute was inconvenient , or at leastwise useless . and as for the bishops , they that understand the condition of those first times well know that ( under god and his good providence ) they stood in a manner by the immediate and sole favour of queen elizabeth . the papists on the one side hated them above all other sorts of men , because of their religion , and their abilities above all other men to defend it . on the other side the puritanes who envied their power , and some great ones about the court , who having tasted the sweet of sacriledge in the times of the two last kings , thirsted after the remainder of their revenues , complyed either with other , for their several respective ends , against the bishops . which being so , it had been the foolishest thing in the world for the bishops , to have used that power or interest they had with the queen ( upon whose favour or displeasure their whole livelyhood depended ) for the procuring of her consent to any act to be done in favour of them , that malice it self could with any colourable construction interpret either to savour of popery , or to trench upon the royal supremacy : that queen having both by her sufferings before , and actions after she came to the crown , sufficiently witnessed to the world her averseness from popery : and being withall a princess of a great spirit , and particularly jealous in the point of prerogative . xxix . whence i think we may ( with good reason ) conclude , that the ancient custome of the bishops in making summons , &c. in their own names , after it was by the act of repeal 1. mar. restored , was continued by queen elizabeth and her successours ever since without interruption , or reviving of the statute of king edward : neither out of any inadvertency in the state , nor through any importune or indirect labouring of the bishops , as by the objectors is weakly presumed ; but advisedly and upon important considerations , viz. that the devising of such a new way , as is set forth and appointed in the said statute , was not only a needless thing , ( and laws should not be either made , or altered , but where it is needful so to do , ) but subject also to manifest both inconvenience , and scandal . xxx . that it was altogether needless to change the old custome may appear by this , that all the imaginable necessity or utility of such a change could be onely this : to secure the king by using his name in their processes &c. ( as a real acknowledgement that their iurisdiction is derived from him and no other . ) that the bishops had no intention in the exercise of their episcopal power to usurp upon his ecclesiastical supremacy . which supremacy of the king , and superiority of his jurisdiction & authority over that which the bishops exercised , being already by so many other wayes and means sufficiently secured ; it could argue nothing but an impertinent jealousie , to endeavour to strengthen that security by an addition of so poor and inconsiderable regard . xxxi . the kings of england are secured against all danger that may accrue to their regal power from episcopal iurisdiction as it hath been anciently and of later times exercised in this realm : first by the extent of their power over the persons , and livelihoods of the bishops , and over the whole state ecclesiastical , as in the ancient right of the crown , which how great it was , may appear by these three particulars . xxxii . first , the collation and donation of bishopricks together with the nomination of the persons to be made bishops , in case they did by their writ of conge d'eslier permit the formality of election to others , did alwayes belong to the kings of this realm , both before and since the conquest , as in right of their crown . our learned lawyers assure us , that all the bishopricks of this realm are of the kings foundation : that they were originally donative , and not elective : and that the full right of investiture was in the king , who signified his pleasure therein per traditionem baculi & annuli , by the delivery of a ring and a crosier-staff to the person by him elected and nominated for that office . the popes indeed often assayed to make them elective , either by the dean and canons of the cathedral , or by the monkes of some principal abbey adjoyning : but the kings still withstood it , and maintained their right as far as they could or durst . insomuch as king henry the first being earnestly sollicited by the pope to grant the election of bishops to the clergy , constanter allegavit ( saith the story ) and verbis minacibus , he stoutly and with threats refused so to do , saying he would not for the loss of his kingdome lose the right of those investitures . it is true that king iohn , a prince neither fortunate nor couragious , being overpowred by the popes , did by charter in the seventeenth year of his raign grant that the bishopricks of england should be eligible . but this notwithstanding in the raign of king edward the third , it was in open parliament declared and enacted , that to the king and his heirs did belong the collation of archbishopricks , &c. and all other dignities that are of his advowson ; and that the elections granted by the kings his progenitors were under a certain form and condition , viz. that they should ask leave of the king to elect , and that after the election made they should obtain the kings consent thereunto ; and not otherwise . xxxiii . secondly , the king hath power , if he shall see cause , to suspend any bishop from the execution of his office for so long time as he shall think good : yea , and to deprive him utterly of the dignity and office of a bishop , if he deserve it . which power was de facto exercised both by queen mary and queen elizabeth in the beginning of their several raigns upon such bishops as would not conform to their religion . xxxiv . thirdly , the kings of england have a great power over the bishops in respect of their temporalties , which they hold immediately of the king per baroniam ; and which every bishop elect is to sue out of the kings hands ( wherein they remained after the decease of the former bishop during the vacancy , ) and thence to take his only restitution into the same , making oath and fealty to the king for the same upon his consecration . yea , and after such restitution of temporalties and consecration , the king hath power to seize the same again into his own hands , if he see just cause so to do . which the kings of england in former times did so frequently practice upon any light displeasure conceived against the bishops ; that it was presented as a grievance by the arch-bishop of canterbury and the other prelates by way of request to king edw. 3. in parliament , and thereupon a statute was made the same parliament , that thenceforth no bishops temporalties should be seized by the king without good cause . i finde cited by sir edward coke out of the parliament rolls 18. h. 3. a record , wherein the king straightly chargeth the bishops not to intermeddle in any thing to the prejudice of his crown ; threatning them with seisure of their temporalties if they should so do . the words are , mandatum est omnibus episcopis quae conventuri sunt apud gloucestr ' ( the king having before summoned them by writ to a parliament to be holden at gloucester ) firmiter inhibendo , quod sicut baronias suas quas de rege tenent diligunt , nullo modo praesumant concilium tenere de aliquibus quae ad coronam pertinent , vel quae personam regis vel statum suum , vel statum concilii sui contingunt ; scituri pro certo quod si fecerint , rex inde capiet se ad baronias suas , &c. by which record , together with other the premisses , it may appear , that the kings by their ancient right of prerogative had sundry wayes power over the bishops whereby to keep them in obedience , and to secure their supremacy from all peril of being prejudiced by the exercise of episcopal iurisdiction . xxxv . yet in order to the utter abolishing of the papal usurpations and of all pretended forraign power whatsoever in matters ecclesiastical within these realms , divers statutes have been made in the raign of king henry the eighth and since for the further declaring and confirming of the kings supremacy ecclesiastical . wherein the acknowledgement of that supremacy is either so expresly contained , or so abundantly provided for ; as that there can be no fear it should suffer for lack of further acknowledgement to be made by the bishops in the style of their courts . amongst other , first , by statute made 25. h. 8. 19. upon the submission and petition of the clergy it was enacted , that no canons or constitutions should be made by the clergy in their convocation without the kings licence first had in that behalfe , and his royal assent after : and likewise that no canon &c. should be put in execution within the realm that should be contrariant or repugnant to the kings prerogative royal , or the customes , lawes , or statutes of the realm . then secondly , by the statute of 1. eliz. cap. 1. all such ecclesiastical iurisdictions , priviledges , superiorities and pre-eminences , as had been exercised or used , or might be lawfully exercised or used by any ecclesiastical power or authority was ( declared to be ) for ever united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm . and thirdly , it was also in the same statute provided , that the oath of supremacy ( wherein there is contained as full an acknowledgement of the kings ecclesiastical suprenacy as the wit of man can devise ) should be taken by every archbishop and bishop &c. which hath been ever since duely and accordingly performed . xxxvi . lastly from receiving any prejudice by the bishops and their iurisdiction , the regal power is yet farther secured , by the subordination of the ecclesiastical laws and courts to the common law of england , and to the kings own immediate courts . for although the ecclesiastical laws be allowed by the laws of this realm , and the proceedings in the ecclesiastical courts be by the way of the civil and not of the common law : yet are those laws and proceedings allowed with this limitation and condition , that nothing be done against the common law whereof the kings prerogative is a principal part ) nor against the statutes and customes of the realm . and therefore the law alloweth appeales to be made from the ecclesiastical courts to the king in chancery : and in sundry cases , where a cause dependeth before a spiritual iudge , the kings prohibition lyeth to remove it into one of his temporal courts . xxxvii . having so many several ties upon the bishops to secure themselves and their regal authority from all danger that might arise from the abuse of the ecclesiastical power and iurisdiction exercised by the bishops in their courts ( by the ancient prerogative of their crown , by the provisions of so many statutes and oaths , by the remedy of the common law : ) the kings of england had no cause to be so needlesly cautelous as to be afraid of a meere formality , the style of a court. especially considering the importance of the two reasons expressed in the statute of king edward , as the onely grounds of altering that style , not to be such as would countervaile the inconvenience and scandal that might ensue thereupon . xxxviii . for whereas it was then thought convenient , to change the style used in the ecclesiastical courts , because it was contrary to the form used in the common-law-courts within this realm , ( which is one of the reasons in the said statute expressed : ) it might very well upon further consideration be afterwards thought more convenient for the like reason to retain the accustomed style , because otherwise the forme of the ecclesiastical courts would be contrary to the form of other civil-law-courts within the realm ( as the admiralty , and earle-marshals court , ) and of other courts of the kings grant made unto corporations ; with either of which , the ecclesiastical courts had a nearer affinity , then with the kings courts of record , or other his own immediate courts of common law. nor doth there yet appear any valuable reason of difference , why inconformity to the common law-courts should be thought a sufficient ground for the altering of the forms used in the ecclesiastical courts ; and yet the like forms used in the admiralty , in the earle-marshals court , in courts baron , in corporation-courts &c. should ( notwithstanding the same inconformity ) continue as they had been formerly accustomed without alteration . xxxix . if any shall alledge as some reason of such difference , the other reason given in the said statute ; viz. that the form and manner used by the bishops was such as was used in the time of the usurped power of the bishop of rome : besides that therein is no difference at all , ( for the like forms in those other aforesaid courts were also in use in the same time ; ) there is further given thereby great occasion of scandal to those of the church of rome . and that two wayes : first , as it is made a reason at all ; and secondly , as it is applyed to the particular now in hand . first , whereas the papists unjustly charge the protestant churches with schism for departing from their communion : it could not but be a great scandal to them , to confirm them in that their uncharitable opinion of us , if we should utterly condemn any thing as unlawful , or but even forbid the use of it as inexpedient , upon this onely grouud or consideration , that the same had been used in the times of popery , or that it had been abused by the papists . and truly the puritanes have by this very means given a wonderful scandal and advantage to our adversaries , which they ought to acknowledge and repent of : when transported with an indiscreet zeal they have cryed down sundry harmeless ceremonies and customes as superstitious and antichristian , onely for this that papists use them . whereas godly and regular protestants think it agreeable to christian liberty , charity and prudence , that in appointing ceremonies , retaining ancient customes , and the use of all other indifferent things such course be held , as that their moderation might be known to all men ; and that it might appear to their very adversaries , that wherein they did receed from them or any thing practised by them , they were not thereunto carried by a spirit of contradiction , but either cast upon it by some necessity of the times , or induced for just reasons of expediency so to do . xl. but then secondly , as that reason relateth to the present business in particular , the scandal thereby given is yet greater . for we are to know , that when king henry the eighth abolished the papal power , resuming in his own hand the ancient rights of the crown , which the bishops of rome had unjustly usurped : he took upon himselfe also that title which he then found used by the bishops of rome , but which none of his progenitors the kings of this realm had ever used , of being the supream head of the church within his dominions . this title continued during the reign of his son king edward the sixth , by whom the statute aforesaid was made , and is mentioned in that very statute . now albeit by that title or appellation was not intended any other thing , then that supremacy ecclesiastical which the kings of this land have , and of right ought to have , in the governance of their realms over all persons and in all causes ecclesiastical as well as other , and which is in the oath of supremacy ackowledged to belong unto them : yet the papists took scandal at the novelty thereof , and glad of such an occasion made their advantage of it , to bring a reproach upon our religion ; as if the protestants of england were of opinion , that all spiritual power did belong unto the king , and that the bishops and ministers of england had their whole power of preaching , administring the sacraments , ordaining , excommunicating , &c. solely and originally from the king , as the members of the body live by the influence which the head hath into them . upon their clamours , that title of supream head and governour was taken into farther consideration in the beginning of queen elizabeths raign . and although that style in the true meaning thereof was innocent and defensible enough : yet for the avoiding of scandal and cavil , it was judged more expedient that the word head should thenceforth be laid aside , and the style run only supream governour ; as we see it is in the oath of supremacy and otherwhere ever since , without mentioning the word head ; according to the intimations given in the queens injunctions and elswhere in that behalfe . and it seemeth to me very probable , that for the same reason especially ( besides those other reasons already given ) it was thought fitter by her then , and by her successours hitherto ; that the bishops in all their ecclesiastical courts and proceedings should act in their own names as formerly they had done , then that the statute of king edward should be revived , for doing it in the kings name . for the sending out processes &c. in order to excommunication and other church-censures in the kings name , would have served marvellously to give colour , ( and consequently strength , in the apprehension at least of weaker judgements ) to that calumny wherewith the papists usually asperse our religion , as if the kings of england took themselves to be proper and competent iudges of censures meerly spiritual in their own persons , and the prelates accordingly did acknowledge them so to be . thus have i shewen to the satisfaction ( i hope ) of the ingenuous and unprejudiced reader , that episcopacy is no such dangerous creature either in the opinion or practice , as some would make the world believe it is : but that the kings crown may stand fast enough upon his head , and flourish in its full verdure , without plucking away or displacing the least flower in it , notwithstanding episcopacy should be allowed to be of divine right in the highest sence , and the bishops still permitted to make their processes in their own names and not in the kings . by this time i doubt not , all that are not willfully blind ( for who so blind , as he that will not see ? ) do see and understand by sad experience , that it had been far better both with king and kingdome then now it is , or ( without gods extraordinary mercy ) is like to be in haste : if the enemies of episcopacy had meant no worse to the king and his crown , then the bishops and those that favoured them did . a post-script to the reader . whereas in my answer to the former of the two objections in the foregoing treatise , i have not any where made any clear discovery what my own particular judgement is concerning the jus divinum of episcopacy in the stricter sense , either in the affirmative or negative : and for want of so doing , may perhaps be censured by some to have walked but haltingly , or at least wise with more caution and mincing , then became me to do in a business of that nature ; i do hereby declare , 1. that , to avoid the starting of more questions then needs must , i then thought it fitter ( and am of the same opinion still ) to decline that question , then to determine it either way : such determination being clearly of no moment at all to my purpose , and for the solving of that objection . 2. that nevertheless , ( leaving other men to the liberty of their own judgements ) my opinion is , that episcopal government is not to be derived meerly from apostolical practise or institution : but that it is originally founded in the person and office of the messias , our blessed lord jesus christ . who being sent by his heavenly father to be the great apostle , [ heb. iii. 1. ] bishop and pastor [ 1 pet. ii. 25. ] of his church , and anointed to that office immediately after his baptisme by john with power and the holy ghost [ act. x. 37-8 . ] descending then upon him in a bodily shape [ luk. iii. 22. ] did afterwards before his ascension into heaven , send and impower his holy apostles , ( giving them the holy ghost likewise as his father had given him ) in like manner as his father had before sent him [ joh . xx. 21. ] to execute the same apostolical , episcopal and pastoral office for the ordering and governing of his church until his coming again : and so the same office to continue in them and their successours , unto the end of the world . [ mat. xxviii . 18 — 20. ] this i take to be so clear , from these and other like texts of scripture ; that if they shall be diligently compared together , both between themselves , and with the following practise of all the churches of christ , as well in the apostles times as in the purest and primitive times nearest thereunto ; there will be left little cause , why any man should doubt thereof . 3. that in my answer to the later objection i made no use at all ( nor indeed could do ) of the opinion of the reverend judges in that point , nor of his majesties proclamation grounded thereupon . for although the proclamation had been extant ten years before this task was imposed upon me ; yet i had never seen , nor so much as heard of the same in all the time before , nor yet in all the time since ; till about ten dayes ago i was advertised thereof , when these papers were then going to the press . which , since they give so much strength to the main cause , and so fully avoid the objection ; i have followed the advise of some friends , and caused them to be printed here withal . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61839-e1990 see stat. 25. h. 8. 20 ; 1. edw. 6. 2. cok. 1. instit. 2. sect. 648. stat. for the clergy 14. ● . 3. cap. 3. a just vindication of the questioned part of the reading of edward bagshaw, esq; an apprentice of the common law. had in the middle temple hall the 24th day of february, being munday, anno dom. 1639. upon the statute of 25 e.3. called, statutum pro clero, from all scandalous aspersions whatsoever. with a true narrative of the cause of silencing the reader by the then archbishop of canterbury: with the arguments at large of those points in his reading, for which he was questioned at the council-board. bagshaw, edward, d. 1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67871 of text r208288 in the english short title catalog (wing b396). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 97 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67871 wing b396 estc r208288 99867248 99867248 119553 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67871) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 119553) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 151:e1019[6]) a just vindication of the questioned part of the reading of edward bagshaw, esq; an apprentice of the common law. had in the middle temple hall the 24th day of february, being munday, anno dom. 1639. upon the statute of 25 e.3. called, statutum pro clero, from all scandalous aspersions whatsoever. with a true narrative of the cause of silencing the reader by the then archbishop of canterbury: with the arguments at large of those points in his reading, for which he was questioned at the council-board. bagshaw, edward, d. 1662. [2], 42 p. printed in the year 1660. and are to be sold in westminster-hall and fleetstreet, london : [1660] annotation on thomason copy: "march. 30"; "marsh. 30". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng laud, william, 1573-1645. church and state -england -early works to 1800. common law -early works to 1800. a67871 r208288 (wing b396). civilwar no a just vindication of the questioned part of the reading of edward bagshaw, esq; an apprentice of the common law. had in the middle temple h bagshaw, edward 1660 18007 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 b the rate of 1 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a just vindication of the questioned part of the reading of edward bagshaw , esq an apprentice of the common law . had in the middle temple hall the 24th day of february , being munday , anno dom. 1639. upon the statute of 25 e. 3. called , statutum pro clero , from all scandalous aspersions whatsoever . with a true narrative of the cause of silencing the reader by the then archbishop of canterbury : with the arguments at large of those points in his reading , for which he was questioned at the council-board . london , printed in the year 1660. and are to be sold in westminster-hall and fleet street . a just vindication of the questioned part of the reading of edward bagshaw , esq an apprentice of the common law . had in the middle temple hall the 24th day of february , being munday , anno dom. 1639 upon the statute of 25 e. 3. called , statutum pro clero , from all scandalous aspersions whatsoever . it was a wise and witty saying of tertullian , that truth never blusheth but when her face is hid : and therefore the egyptian judges wore the picture of truth about their necks in a chain , like as the jews did their philacteries , as things which they greatly gloried in , not only openly to weare , but publickly defend when there should be cause . the pulling off this mask from the face of truth , and the vindication of it from obloquy and reproach , and of my owne name and reputation from scandal and detraction ; and to the intent no stayns of that nature might cleave to my winding-sheet when i am dead ; are become the only motives why i now yield , after so long tract of time since my reading , to those strong importunities which i formerly neglected , by publishing , to the common view , my arguments upon foure points of my reading , for the last of which only i was suspended and silenced , by the means of the then archbishop of canterbury , of whom , being dead , and suffering as he did , i shall speak no ill ; and shall not so much blame him as that accusator fratrum , who , to curry favour , misreported my reading to him , and made me to speak things which i never thought , and him to do things that were never done before , as to silence a reader of law before he had committed an offence , or was heard to speak for himself : si accusasse sat est , quis erit innocens , was a most just saying , though of an unjust emperor . this sudden and uncouth act of his made a loud noise throughout the cities of london and westminster . a great peer of the realm merrily told him at their next meeting , that he had often heard of a silenc't preacher , but never of a silenc't reader before . and the vulgar people , at that time espousing a scottish quarrel increased in their clamour and hatred against him . this trouble he brought upon himself in medling with things wherein he had no skill , and with persons over whom he had no jurisdiction : for reading of law in the inns of court and chancery ( in both which i have been reader ) are , as they speak in schools , rather problematae then dogmata , mootes and questions of law ( though of the prerogative it self , the highest of things ) for the ventilation of truth , and extricating the obscurities of law , for the benefit of the students in those societies , then resolutions and judgments of law in westminster hall . and readers , if they do amiss , are answerable to the governours of that society , at their next parliament , where the reader and his assistants ( being alwayes benchers ) do give an account of that reading , as i did ( as shall be declared hereafter ) and had thanks from them all . and such acceptation my reading found with the gentlemen of that society ( which i shall with thankfulness ever acknowledg ) that scarce any reader before was ever attended out of town with such a number of gentlemen of the same house . and as the archbishop brought this trouble upon himself , so did he thereby no small injury unto me : for by his complaint to the king and councel , that i read against bishops ( occasioned by my misreporter , for i shall still lay the load on him ; ) it was by that means strongly infused into the heads of the people , that i read against bishops , whom they then perfectly hated : whereupon , the year following , without asking , or seeking , or stepping one foot out of my chamber in the middle-temple to that intent , i was by the unanimous vote of the people chosen burgess of southwark in the first place . presently after my choosing , a petition was brought to me by some of the chief of that borough , containing in it the total extirpation of episcopacy , root and branch , as likewise of the book of common prayer , and that i would commend it to the commons house ( i being their senior burgess , and having the first choice ) . by this petition i understood them , but they understood not me , and therefore i dealt clearly with them , that if the present episcopacy , which had so much exceeded the bounds of law in the exercise of their jurisdiction to the grievance of the people , was reformed and regulated according to the law of the land , it would be better accepted , then in their utter abolition ; and this way , i thought the parliament would go , and so convinced them with reasons for the same , that they seemed to me fully satisfied , and the petition stopped . but they consulting afterward with mr. john white , my fellow burgess , he approved of the petition , and hereupon it was delivered into the hands of alderman pennington ( one of the knights for london ) who brought the petition into the house with sixteen thousand hands , which being read and debated in the house , mr. john pym ( a gentleman with whom i had familiar acquaintance , and knew his mind in that point ) spake to this purpose , that he thought it was not the intention of the house to abolish either episcopacy or the book of common prayer , but to reform both , wherein offence was given to the people . and if that could be effected , and assented to by them , with the concurrence of the king and lords , they should do a very acceptable work to the people , and such as had not been since the reformation , which was then about eighty years . divers members of the commons house agreed with him in a reformation , instancing in those famous and most pious bishops and ministers of the praelatical party in the dayes of queen mary , which purchased to us that reformed religion we now enjoy , with no less price then their own hearts blood . as for example , cranmer , ridley , latimer , hooper and ferrar were all of them bishops . john philpott was archdeacon of winchester , john rogers and john bradford were prebends of pauls , and laurence sanders prebend of lichfield , with divers more ; these were all of them very godly men , and eminent preachers , and most gracious with the people . for my own part , being then at that debate a member of the house , i openly declared my opinion concerning bishops , for establishing them in their function and jurisdiction , agreeable to law ( according to what i had done and held in my reading , without wavering or warping at all ) . and told the house , that by the ancient laws of the land the crown of england was founded in the state of prelacy ; and ever since there was a christian king of england , there was a bishop . that it was so incorporated into monarchy , that the ruine of one would hazard the ruine of the other : that it was so interwoven with the common law , in so many original writs , that the destruction of it would take away one of the chiefest , peers of the common law for learning and pleading in ecclesiastical matters : that as the common law was favourable to clergy-men , and gave them more priviledges then any humane law they could name , so it was strict in correcting and punishing them ( of what rank soever ) if they transgressed that law . and had judges done their duties according to their oaths and places , by granting prohibitions to the high commission in causes wherein they had no power to hold plea ; and writs of habeas corpus to such persons , whom they had fined and imprisoned without cause , bishops and presbyters might , for ought i know , have been long since happily agreed , who clashing together like two flints , and thereby striking fire , some sparks of that fire falling , against both their wils , upon the black tinder of independency , inflamed such a violent and furious party of unreasonable men , quite of another shape , as that ( by the just judgment of god for these their unnatural contentions , joyned with the sins of the nation ) they became instrumental quite to ruine the one , and almost destroy the other . and i was then , and am still of opinion , that the crown of england , being a monarchy bound up by such apt laws , for the benefit and peace of prince and people , and so apted for the order and jurisdiction of bishops , that i hold it the fittest for this nation of any in the christian world . and i think i am able , within my sphere and profession , to maintain it against any adversary : et cedo mihi quemvis arbitrum . and here i have just occasion to profess to all the world , as in truth i do , that i was so far from the very thoughts of destroying bishops , that observing at the time of my reading , and divers years before , the great invasions that were made by them upon the common law of england , and the courts of westminster hall , and the scorn and contempt at that time cast abroad upon professors and the very profession of the law ; i knew no other way how to hold them up in their functions and just jurisdictions , and in esteem and honour amongst the people ( which once they had ) as by reading upon that law which gave them their just bounds and limits , which if once they should break down , i ever feared their ruine and destruction ; that , like deare , breaking the pale , they exposed themselves to the fury of the people , to be by them hunted , chased , and at last destroyed ; and the whole clergy of england , from whom they received their orders , eminently endangered . and in this opinion of my fear , i had the concurrence of a most honourable person , whom i much honoured living , and lamented dead , edward lord mountague of boughton , scarce then to be parallelled for piety , wisdom and gravity in the whole nation . and how sad experience hath brought to pass what i then feared ; i shall say no more , but silence my self in the words of that kingly prophet , obmutui , quia tu domine fecisti . and thus have i cleared my self from the aspersions and scandals of two opposite parties whom it was impossible for me to please . the one accusing me of faction , that i set bounds and limits to episcopacy ; the other of apostacy , that , contrary to law , i would not take it quite away . and my sticking close to this opinion , & abhorrency of taking the scotch covenant , tending to the utter abolition of episcopacy , was the alone ground of that load of afflictions which lay long upon my body and estate , which had quite overwhelmed me , had not god been a most gracious father then unto me , by supporting and comforting me with his staff under that rod of his corrections , giving me patience to suffer rather then to sin ; and to resolve , in the words of zuinglius , mallem mille mortes obire : quam contra conscientiam attestari . and in this my just vindication , i acknowledge my self much beholden to that learned and ingenious gentleman , who lately hath printed the life and death of the late king charles , wherein he hath acquitted me from such misreports and scandals cast upon me for my reading ; and hath truly , for substance , related those points of law for which i was questioned in my reading , only he hath failed in some circumstances in that relation , and in the causes of my silencing by the archbishop , which i shall now rectifie , that best can do it , that in case that gentleman shall have occasion , hereafter , to revise his history , by a second edition , he may correct the same according to that narrative i shall now declare ; wherein i shall pursue his own method from the beginning to the end , touching that relation , and so conclude . it is very true , as he there saith , that my reading in the middle temple hall was the 24 day of february , anno dom. 1639. in that very year the troubles were in scotland , and the scots were preparing an army for england , masking their misdeeds , against their native prince , under specious pretences of religion , which mockery of almighty god , he hath since avenged on them with a witness , which they both find and feel at this day . but yet my reading was compiled two years before , and so compleated as that i could not alter it , finding no cause so to do , in that my reading had no manner of reference to the pretended matters of that impious quarrel . he proceedeth , and saith thus , mr. bagshawe intended to meddle with prohibitions , but not with tacitus , to follow truth too near the heeles , for feare of his teeth , nor too far off , least he loose it : and so neither to offend nor to be offended . this , i confess , was in substance much to the sense of what i spake , though not in those words ; and therefore i will repeat that part of my speech which i made to the benchers , barresters and gentlemen of the middle temple , at the beginning of my reading , in these very words : in the choice of my statute i was much perplexed , i first pitched upon the stat. of articuli cleri , 9 e. 2 the five first chapters , concerning prohibitions , an excellent , but an angry law , especially to such men who love not to be restrained in their jurisdiction , and therefore i left it and fell upon a more pleasing law , the statute of 13 e. 1 called circumspectè agatis , of consultations , which gave the clergy such jurisdiction that no prohibition could take from them : herein i rested long ; i divided that statute , gathered many cases upon it , fully determining to deliver the law of the land concerning all ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the kingdom , not only in the inferior courts of ordinaries , but in that great court of the high commission . the common law of england speaking to all those courts in the language of the supreme lawgiver , hither shall you pass and no further : and here shall you stay your proud waves . but i considered the title of my statute was circumspectè agatis which put me in mind of the saying of an excellent historian , that a man might follow truth so neer the heels , that it might at last dash out his teeth . i do not say this was any argument to me of parting with so good a statute , for it had savoured of fear and base affection : et viro cordato indigno . the only reason why i waved those two former statutes , and resolved upon this law i have now chosen , was my respects to the students of this society , for whose benefit i had chiefly destinated these my poor labours , by reading upon such a law as was larger in extent , comprehending in it self the two former more frequent in our books and in westminster hall , and of better learning and use : et hic baculum fixi , i never wavered more . but finding the whole little for words , but a volume for learning and matter , i was forced to confine my thoughts only to the seventh chapter of this statute ; and although i had not the happiness to have the help of other mens labours upon this law ( as not knowing it was ever read on before ) yet i have adventured to read upon it , choosing rather to fall alone where i might happily find either your pardon or pity , then , through the arms of a guide , where i could expect neither . and because i talk of falling , i have no other course then to chuse such a supporter as will never fail me , and that is your love , which is of such a composition , that where it finds out desert it can make it like the philosophers stone , it can turn a base mettal into perfect gold . this i earnestly seek for , and hope to find at all your hands : et sub hac spe ductus rem aggredior ; and come to my statute . after which i expounded my whole statute , being an ancient law , according as all ancient readers were wont to do , being nine chapters in the printed statute , but are twelve chapters in the part read , consisting upon petitions of the lords and commons to the king , and his answers thereupon , whose answers made the law . out of which petitions and answers entred in the parliament roll , the judges , at the end of the parliament , did in form of law , frame an act of parliament , which was proclaimed and published , and afterward printed , when printing came in use , which was about the time of h. 6. and this was the manner of parliaments in e. 3 time and long before . after i had expounded my whole statute , according to the old manner , i thereof made ten divisions , according to the then manner of readers ; upon every division put ten cases , as the historian truly relates ; who goeth on and saith , that my first case was this , whether or no it be a good act of parliament without the lords spiritual . here is some mistake , for this was not my first case , for my first case , upon my first division , consisted of fourteen points : but this was the first point of my first case , and it was thus , whether an act of parliament may pass and be good by the assent of the king , his temporal lords and commons ( all the spiritual being absent , or if present , wholly disassenting ? ) and i held it might . and here a man would wonder ( that by a clergy man especially ) so clear a point , as the law makes this to be , should be brought into question , when i had so great a champion on my side , as that famous , learned and pious man bishop jewell , in the defence of his apology against dr. harding , who , with the rest of the jesuits , held the statute of 1 eliz. for uniformity in religion , to be no act of parliament , because no bishop or spiritual lord assented to that act ; but it then passed only by the assent of the queen , the temporal lords and commons ; bishop jewel stoutly maintains it to be a good act , and gives divers reasons and authorities for the same , which in my argument of this point herein after expressed , i shall cite at large . and i thought it a most needful point to be known to the students of law , when as the establishment of the reformed religion of the church of england lay at the stake upon it ; for i read it only for the middle temple hall , not for lambeth , and could not imagine that any charon could have been found that would have ferryed it over the water . the historian goeth on and saith , the second case thus , if any benificed clerk was capable of temporal jurisdiction at the making of that law ? this was not a case , but an other point of my first case upon the first division , it was thus , whether a benificed clerk may by my statute exercise civil jurisdiction , and be a justice of peace ? i put not this case of a bishop at all ; as being of a higher sphear then a clark ; but only of a benificed clerk . a needfull point to be known to young students , to whom alone i intended my reading . for at the time of making my statute , there was not in england a beneficed clerk , a justice of peace ; but yet at the time of my reading there were never more . in the argument of which points , i did not at all ( as i shall hereafter make appear ) speak against their being justices of peace , for that they might be so by law , by virtue of the kings commission . only by way of caution , in that they might refuse , in respect of their orders ; and i only declared how the law of the land , and the law of the church stood heretofore in that point , and that according to the rule of our saviour , ab initio non fuit sic . the historian goeth on and saith , his third case thus , whether a bishop , without calling a synod , hath power as diocesan , to convict an heretick ? that which i put was the fourth point of my third case upon the third division , and it was this , whether a clerk that is an heretick may , at this day , be convicted and condemned for heresie , by his own ordinary alone ? and i thought he could not . this was a most needful point to be known to the students of law , by reason of the obscurity of the law in it , not only in respect of the definition of heresie , and what it shall be said to be , wherein the law was dark ; but likewise how a heretick should be convicted . and the statutes concerning heresie being repealed by king edw. 6. and revived again by q. mary , and afterwards all of them repealed again by q. elizabeth . but for none of these was i silenced , but upon another point , upon touching the jurisdiction of the high commission , my fourth division ; which i shall after likewise mention , and set down the argument of it at large , which puts me upon that narrative of my silencing , which i shall , as briefly as i can , perform , and then conclude . i read three lectures three several dayes , being the 25. the 27. and the 29. of march , without any interruption , and with the approbation of the students to whom i read . but on saturday following , being the 30 of march , the lord keeper finch sent to speak with me , and in a very friendly manner told me what reports there were abroad touching the two former points above mentioned , which i then related to him what they were , and how consonant to law ; for the manifestation whereof , i told him , i would give him the arguments of both those points , and attest them under my hand : and presently went to my chamber and brought him my arguments to which i set my hand , which after he had read , he spake to me to this effect , mr. reader , i see you have been misreported , and have had wrong ; and seeing you have dealt so freely and fairly with me , i will do you right to the king and council : to whom that day he shewed the notes i gave him , which were examined by them and approved : and that afternoon , towards night , the lord keeper sent for me again , and told me , that my opinion concerning those two points were approved of by the king and councel , only his majesty desired , that i would declare my opinion in one question , which was this , quest . what if the king and spiritual lords , with the commons , did pass an act , all the temporal lords disassenting , or not being there , whether this be a good act of parliament ? answ. i told him , that it was : and the votes of the temporal lords were included in the votes of the spiritual . why then , mr. reader , said he , you have given full satisfaction : and i am commanded to tell you , that you may go on in your reading . whereupon i went home and prepared to read on monday following upon the fifth case of my fourth division . but this case was likewise carried to the archbishop , in which there was this point , wherein i held , that a beneficed clark imprisoned , deprived and excommunicated by the high commission for enormous offences ( not naming the particular offence , ) that this clark ; notwithstanding , was such a possessor of a church as might plead , counter-plead and defend his right within my law . this kind of learning being not within the conusance of the archbishop , was so heightned to him by my misreporter , that the same afternoon , the king sitting in council , my case was brought by the archbishop to the council board , and that point found in it , and much complained of . the earl of manchester being there , and formerly a reader of the middle temple , and knows that it was the manner of readers to lay the points of their case so close , that what seemed strange to the hearers , when the readers came to argue , he made those things so clear , that usually the reader came off well ; and then told the king , that he thought i grounded my point upon a case in law in the 5 report , fol. 57 where one spewit brought a q. imp. against the bishop of exceter for refusing his clerk , to which the bishop pleaded that he was schismaticus inveteratus , not naming the particular schism ; this was held by the judges no good plea . and thereupon judgment was given against the bishop for the plaintiff , who thereupon had his clerk admitted . and because readers were accountable to their governours , the masters of the bench , and if they did amiss , would severely punish them , he advised that no such thing might be done to a reader , as to silence him from reading , and thereby make a great noise and disturbance , but to let him go on , and if he did amiss , then to think of punishing him afterward ; and to this the king and council assented . but the archbishop , fearing i would fall foul upon the high commission ( which i never intended , but in as fair and good terms as i could , deliver the law , as will appear by my argument of that point , which i have likewise hereunto annexed , as i have done the rest ) made it his most earnest suit to the king , that i might be suspended from reading ; who at the rising of the board , willed my lord keeper to tell me from him , that i should desist , which the lord keeper did the same day : but withal , advising me , as from himself , to go to the archbishop and give him satisfaction . after this speech with the lord keeper , i returned home and acquainted my masters of the bench with the kings pleasure , who the next morning went to the lord keeper , who confirming the same , i was by them advised to desist from reading . and whereas the historian saith , that after the reader had been twice at lambeth , without admittance , the third time he spake with the archbishop . herein it a great mistake , and not without some wrong both to the archbishop and me , which i shall thus make appear ; readers of law , during the time of their reading , do hold up the ancient honour and dignity of a reader , on whom , for that time , is devolved the government of the house . they have four cubbard men , ancient barresters of the house to attend them in their reading , and four stewards to attend them in their feasting , for the inviting their guests of noble ranck , and ten or twelve men of his own to attend his person . in the maintenance of which dignity , on tuesday the fourth of march ( the natural course of my reading not ending till friday following ) i sent two of my men to the archbishop , to know his pleasure when i should wait on him , he sent me word by mr. dell his secretary , on thursday the 6 of march , that he did appoint eight a clock in the morning ; according to which hour i took with me mr. rog. pepys ( late chief justice in ireland ) the next summer reader , and other my cubbard men , with my servants , and went with them in a barge to lambeth : and so far was the archbishop from making me dance attendance , that as soon as the archbishop had notice i was come , he presently came out of his chamber , with his hat off , and met me in the great chamber there , and walked with me in that posture from thence , almost to lambeth stairs . the first question he asked me was this , quest . mr. reader , had you nothing else to do but to read against the clergy ? answ. i answered , my lord , my statute was pro clero , and i read not at all against them , but for them . well , saith the archbishop , you shall answer it in the high commission court . my answer was this , that i knew the utmost power and jurisdiction of that court by law , and that i had neither spake or done any thing that that court had jurisdiction to punish . quest . but had you no other time ( saith he ) to do it but in such a time ? answ. my reading was made long before the troubles in scotland , and was not made for them but for england ; and i was confident there was nothing in it that could have offended him , if his lordship had been rightly informed . after this speech he was very silent , and walked with me without speaking a word until he came near lambeth stairs , and then i spake thus to him , my lord , if you have any thing else to say to me , i am ready to give you satisfaction , for i was sent to you by some of my honourable friends for that purpose . his answer to me was this , farewel , mr. reader , and much good do it you with your honourable friends . and so we parted and never spake together afterward : he taking water in his barge to whitehall , and i in mine to the middle temple . i was sorry for the many troubles that fell upon him afterwards , though they were in no sort occasioned by me : for such was the malice and hatred then , and after , of the scots against him , and such influence it had upon the people , that they never left prosecuting of him till he had quenched their fury with his blood on tower hill . on the 15 of may following , according to the manner of readers before they are made benchers , in the parliament chamber in the middle temple , when the benchers of the house were there all assembled , and the barresters called in ( it being a parliament of attendance ) i then , according to the manner of readers , after my assistant had made a report of my statute , of my divisions upon it , and of my cases upon those divisions , and what acceptation it had in the house , i gave to their masterships this account of my reading , in manner following : i chose for my statute 25 e. 3 called , statutum pro clero , waving two former statutes wherein i had much laboured , articuli cleri , made 9 e. 2 and circumspectè agatis , made 13 e. 1 because i found the statute of e. 3 late law , and one of the best that ever was made for the clergy . i gave divers reason of my choice , the main was this , the honour i bare to my profession of the common law , by advancing it above the civil and canon laws , and all other ecclesiastical laws exercised within this kingdome , from which they all have their being and foundation , as the lord prisot truly notes , 34 h. 6 fol. 40. to this performance i was invited by a law of gratitude which i owed to my education , being bred at the feet of a * gamaliel in the law , that married my mother , and to my alliance to three judges more , all of them readers of the middle temple , and all northamptonshire men , where from my childhood i have lived . besides , in the choice of this statute i thought i should deserve thanks from the clergy , by the discovery to them of the many favours and priviledges they received , chiefly , and principally by the common law , to which law , above all men in the kingdome , they are most beholden . for i do not only speak it here , but i dare write it under my hand , that four of the nearest and dearest things clergy men have at this day , viz. the blessing and happiness of true religion : the enjoyment of their lives and liberties : the society of their wives , and the benefit of their church-livings in glebe and tythes ( to speak in a lawyers phrase , though , as the times are , i be jeered for it ) they have , hold , and enjoy them all by , from , and under the common law . sed quanta de spe decidi : i little thought that by explicating and unfolding the priviledges and liberties of the clergy , i should tye a knot upon my own , which afterwards fell out : for upon the discovery of one of my cases , touching the high commission , in the points of fine and imprisonment , proper for a lawyer to handle ( the statute of 1 eliz. and the kings commission upon it being both within the verge of the common law ) it so came to pass , that a hercules pillar was set upon my reading , and a ne plus ultra engraven on them . whereupon i desisted , remembring that of solomon , in the word of a king there is power , and who may say unto him , what dost thou ? but yet that hawley or fonel that revealed my case to my prejudice , and caused the first abortion to a reader that ever was , sit nigri carboni notandus : and let that be hispunishment . there ended my reading , of which i may say as lipsius said of one of his works , that it was omne meum , & nihil meum . it was omne meum , in respect of the frame and composition , having no help from any reader upon that law : and it was nihil meum , in that i founded it upon reasons and authorities of law , which saved me from ruine , and gave me a publick clearing for uttering any thing that was not according to law . but though i have done with my reading , i have not done with my speaking , for i was not silenced from that . i have something to speak , by way of thankfulness , to this honourable society , and so conclude . and in this respect i am not ashamed to tell you of my debts , that i owe is much to this society , as , in the relation of a reader , i am really worth . for , consider a reader in both his capacities , in his reading , and in his feasting , they were virtually , and in a manner both from you . my reading was but a repeating a lesson of law which i have been learning in this house this 30 years , and my feasting , in respect of the many gifts i received from your masterships , my companions of the cubbard , the ancients of the bar , and others of this society , was but a kind of orderly and solemn distribution of all your bounties . and in dividing my obligations per seperalia capita , to your masterships , to my cubbardmen , to the gentlemen of the bar and under , my debts are rather increased then made less . to your masterships , for your free choice and calling me to this place : for had you not called i had never come ; and had you not encouraged after you had called , i should have fallen back . to my assistant and companions of the cubbard for their learned arguments of my cases , and defence of them afterwards from injury and misconstruction . to all the gentlemen , for their virtuous deportment in the church of god , in the hall , in the whole house , which was so orderly and generous , that i thought them so many ancients ; juvenes aetate : sed senes moribus . and therefore when a complaint came to me against any gent. i knew not how to admit of any fault by my eare , that could not see any by mine eye . and that honour they did me in their ultimum vale , beyond my desert , and as they well know , beyond my expectation , i shall never forget . i will close up all in this one period ; i have rendred my thanks to you all voce , my conscience tells me i owe it much more corde : and my conversation shall teach me to do it opere habent , & opera suam linguam . and though you have by these favours to me made me your companion in company , in conference , and now in council , yet my love , my duty , my thanks shall make me a servant to you , and to this whole society for ever . after this speech i had thanks from them all seriatim , and was made and confirmed a bencher . and now , having finished this narrative , i shall , according to my promise , publish all my arguments at large touching those four points mentioned before in the narrative . the readers arguments upon the four points mentioned before in his vindication . point i. whether an act of parliament may pass and be good by the assent of the king , his temporal lords and commons , and all the spiritual lords being absent , or if present , wholly disassenting ? and i hold it may . a jove principium : this is a point which mainly concerns our religion , established by the act of 1 eliz. which passed by the assent of that queen , her temporal lords and commons ( all the spiritual lords disagreeing ) which , if no good act , then is not our religion confirmed by parliament . this point i framed from the opinion of as learned a bishop as ever this nation enjoyed since the hour it enjoyed him , i mean bishop jewel in the defence of his apology against dr. harding , lib. 6. c. 2. divis . 1. where the said act of 1 eliz. for the uniformity of prayer and sacraments is denyed to be a good act for want of the concurrence of the bishops . the bishop affirms it to be a good act : and his words are these verbatim : where you would seem to say , that the parliament holden in the first year of the q. majesties raign was no parliament , for that the bishops wilfully refused to agree to the godly laws there concluded , you seem therein to bewray some want of skill . the wise and learned could have told you , that in the parliament of england , matters have evermore used to pass not of necessity by the special consent of the bishops and archbishops , as if without them no statute might lawfully be enacted , but only by the more part of voices ; yea , although all the archbishops and bishops were never so earnestly bent against it . and statutes so passing in parliament , only by the voices of the lords temporal , without the consent and agreement of the lords spiritual , have nevertheless alwayes been confirmed and ratified by the royal assent of the prince , and have been enacted and published under the names of the lords spiritual and temporal . read the statutes of king edw. the first , there you shall find that a parliament solemnly holden by him at st. edmondsbury , the archbishops and bishops were shut forth , and yet the parliament held good , and wholesome laws were there enacted , the departing , or absence , or malice of the lords spiritual notwithstanding . in the records thereof it is written thus , habito rex cum suis baronibus parliamento & clero excluso statutum est &c. likewise in provisione de martona , in the time of king h. 3. where matters were moved of bastardy , touching the legitimation of bastards born before marriage ; the statute past wholly with the lords temporal , whether the lords spiritual would or no ; yea , and that against the express acts and decrees of the church of rome . the like hereof , as i am informed , may be found anno 11 r. 2. cap. 3. howbeit in these cases i walk somwhat without my compass : touching the judgment hereof , i refer my self wholly to the learned . thus far goeth that famous bishop . this opinion of the bishop i shall confirm by considering the law in two points . point 1. whether an act of parliament may pass by the temporal lords onely , the spiritual lords being all present , but disagreeing ad disassenting to the act . and this was the very case in passing of that act of 1 eliz. for in the journal of that parliament , it is said , that all those matters which in that parliament concerning the church service and sacrament , the bills passed dissentientibus episcopis , with a particular enumeration of their names which dissented ; as likewise two orations are recorded in the journal to be made by dr. scot bishop of chester , and dr. fecknam abbot of westminster , against that act . now that this was a good act of parliament , though all the bishops disagreed , it is manifest by the course of all parliaments ; for the bishops sit in parliament , not as they are spiritual men , but by reason of their temporal baronies annexed to their dignities ; nonratione nobilitatis , as stamford speaks pl. coron . fol. 153. sed ratione officit . and therefore if the voices of the greater number of temporal lords exceed theirs , the act shall pass as the act of the whole lords house , and their voices shall be involved in the greater number of the temporal lords ; and so shall be the act of all the lords , as well temporal as spiritual : andso is the book of 11 h. 7. fol. 27. bro. parl. 107. and so is the act-roll of 1 eliz. ex assensu omnium dominorum tam spiritualium quam temporalium . and so is likewise the printed act , and so it ought to be . this will better appear , by considering the divers forms of penning of statutes from the time of magna charta to this day . 1. rex statuit , as magna charta , and other old statutes . 2. statuimus & ordinavimus , as 27 e. 1. stat. de finibus , and both these forms are good ; for in them both are implied the lords and commons . 3. be it enacted by the king , with the assent of the lords and commons , according to the book in 11 h. 7. 4. but the best form of all is , be it enacted by the authority of parliament : and so are the books of 7 h. 7. fol. 14. bro. parl. 76. and crompton , jurisdict. . of court , f. 12. the proofs of this point will further appear in handling the second point , which i now come to . point 2. whether an act of parliament may pass , all the spiritual lords absenting themselves from the house of peers ? and i think it may . that this may not seem strange , i will back it by authority in law , by example , and reasons . 1. for authority in law . it is the resolution of all the judges of england , 7 h. 8. 184. kelwayes reports , in these words ; nostre sur l'roy port assets bien tener son parliament per luy ses surs temporall & commons tout sans l'spirituall surs . i. e. our lord the king may well enough hold his parliament by himself , his lords temporal , and commons , without the spiritual lords at all . according to this resolution , there are many examples . the parliament summoned at edmonds-bury , which the bishop mentioneth , was a good parliament , and yet all the prelates were excluded , and upon very great reasons ; which is not mentioned by the bishop . that k. e. 1. being exercised in martial affairs , levied a great sum of money of laity and clergy for the supply of his wants , the whole clergy refused , upon a constitution of pope boniface the 8th . that if any clerk gave to a lay-man any part of his spiritual goods , he should forthwith stand excommunicate : whereupon at this parliament , by the king , the temporal lords and commons , ( all the bishops and clergy excluded ) it was enacted , that their persons should be out of the kings protection , and their goods subject to confiscation , till they submitted themselves to the kings favour , and yielded their obedience so in the parliament of 11 rich. 2. the appeals , judgments and executions of that parliament , were approved , notwithstanding all the spiritual lords were absent . and rot. parl. 11 r. 2. m. 6. artic. 9. the cause of their absence is there at large set down by a notable protestation of william archbishop of canterbury , in the behalf of him and his clergy . stat. 38 e. 3. c. 1. against provisors and provisions of the pope , it is there said to be made by the king , with the assent of his dukes , earls , barons , and commons , without mentioning the prelates , which it seems did purposely absent themselves . for rot. parl. 38 e. 3. m. 2. the prelates make an express protestation of their disassent to the ordinances made against the church of rome , which may turn to the prejudice of their estate and dignity . so the statutes of 3 r. 2. cap. 3. & 7 r. 2. cap. 12. were enacted and passed by the king , the lords temporal and commons onely , without the prelates . the reasons of this are these : 1. the first is given by the judges , 7 h. 8. cited before : for that , say they , the spiritual lords have not a place in parliament by reason of their spiritualties , but by reason of their temporal possessions ; which is the reason that the bishop of man comes not to the parliament , because he hath no temporal barony annexed to his bishoprick : and diver abbots and priors , to the number of 27. that had baronies annexed to them , came to the parliament , until the statute of dissolution of monasteries . and the time when both bishops and abbots were first made barons of this realm , is said to be in the 4th . year of william the conquerour , as appears by the late irish report , case of tenures , p. 34 , 35. 2. it would be mischievous , if in some cases acts should not be made without the bishops ; for no bishop is by his order to come to the parliament when judgment of death is given upon any man , as notably appears by the statute of 11 r. 2. cap. 2. and the parliament roll i cited before . and at this time the baronage is wholly in the temporal lords to pass such an act : for no bishop is a baron in respect of his person , but of his temporalties ; which is the reason that he is not tried by his peers , as the temporal barons are , but by ordinary juries , as fell out in the case of fisher bishop of rochester , temp. h. 8. and cranmer archbishop of canterbury , 1 mar. who were both tried by common juries . so hill. 17 e. 2. rot. 87. dors . adam bishop of hereford , being indicted for divers felonies , and joyning with roger mortimer , was arraigned in the kings bench . and tryed by a common jury . the like was of john de ile bishop of ely , trin. 30 e. 3. rot. 11. the readers argument upon the second point . whether at the time of making my statute 25 e. 3. a. beneficed clerk might by law exercise civil jurisdiction , and be a justice of peace ? and i think he could not . i put the case of a beneficed clerk , not of a bishop ; and how the law was in this point , at the time of my statute . which , because the practise is otherwise at this day , i will fully and clearly prove it . i will first begin with the law of the church , called in our books , the canon law . look the decrees of gratian , caus. 21. q. 2. c. pervenit & distinct . 88. extra . de vita & honestate clericorum ; and extra . ne clerici vel monachi , &c. and you shall find these things expresly decreed , that they are not to take lands to farm , nor to traffique and trade , ( with which agrees the statute of 21 h. 8. cap. 13. still in force , ) nor to be stewards and bailiffs of great men , nor to be sheriffs or justices , nor to meddle in secular affairs , upon this ground of the apostle paul to timothy , nemo militans dei implicat se in negotiis hujus seculi : they are spiritual souldiers , and may not meddle in worldly businesses . object . but it will be said , this is the popes law , which is now abrogated . answ. i will therefore prove it by much better law . and first , by the canons of the apostles , can. 6. thus , episcopus , aut , presbyter , aut diaconus seculares curas non suscincto aliter deponitur . the imperial constitutions , code lib. 1. tit. 3. sect. 17 placet nostrae clementiae ut nihil commune clerici cum publicis actionibus habeant vel ad curiam pertinentibus cujus corpori non sunt annexi . the provincial constitutions which in our ecclesiastical courts are of as much authority as aristotle in the schools . in a constitution of stephen langhton , archbishop of canterbury , it is thus said , praesenti decreto statuimus ne clerici beneficiati sivè in sacris ordinibus , sint senescalti aut balivi nec jurisdictiones exerceant seculares praesertim illas quibus judicium sanguinis sit annexum . linwood de immunitate ecclesiae , fol. 194. put more fully by the legantine constitutions of othobon , which i will repeat verbatim : grave ac sordidum reputamus : quod clerici quidem terrena lucra foeda petulantia & avida voracitate jurisdictionem à laicis recipiunt secularem ut justitiarii nuncupentur sivè ministri justitiae quam non possunt sine clericalis ordinis injuria ministrare . nos igitur horrendum hoc vitium extirpare volentes , &c. and then provides that the man which committeth such offence ipso facto , ab officio & beneficio sit suspensus . and that the common law of england excluded clergy-men from being justices of the peace , at or about the time of making my statute , it appears by the stat. of 34 e. 3 cap. 1 in every county of england shall be assigned , for the keeping of the peace , one lord , and with him three or four of the most valiant men of the county , with some learned in the law : not a word is here spoken of clergy-men . and what is meant by valiant men , is well expounded by the statute of 13 r. 2 c. 7 that justices of peace shall be made in all the counties of england of the most sufficient knights , esquires and gentlemen of the law of the said counties . and it appears rot. par. 13 r. 2 n. 13 that this statute was made at the prayer of the commons , and with the assent only of the king , the lords temporal and commons , the spiritual lords having formerly protested in parliament , 6 r. 2 rot. parl. nu . 5 that they had not to do with matters of the peace . the first clergy-men that i find to be justices of peace by any statutē , are the bishops of ely and durham , for the i le of ely and durham , and the archbishop of yorke , for the liberty of hexam , 27 h. 8 cap. 25. but then there is a provision by that statute , to make their temporal chancellers to be justices , for the excusing them , as i conceive , from their personal attendance at the sessions . object . but it will be objected , they are made justices of peace by the kings commission , and may be punished if they should refuse . answ. it is rara avis to heare of a minister punished for refusing to be a justice of peace : for by law he may refuse . by his orders he may refuse , as i conceive , and by virtue of his consecration . for in the book of ordination of priests and deacons , confirmed by the parliaments of 1 ed. 6 and 1 eliz. he is there charged by the bishop , to give himself wholly to his spiritual vocation , and wholly to apply himself to that one thing , and to draw all his cares and studies that way , and to that end . and this not all , but the bishop doth require a promise of the ordained priest to that purpose ; for the bishop asketh him , if he will be diligent in prayers , and reading holy scriptures , &c. laying aside the study of the world and the flesh : and the minister answers , that he will endeavour himself so to do . all which said together , will amount to a good excuse of a clergy-man from secular imployment . as in truth it did of late to the lord keeper coventry , in the case of one mr. samuel johnson , clerk , son and heir of that johnson that was the extraordinary kind husband , from whence was the proverb of drinking to mr. johnson . this man was lately made high sheriff of rutland shire , and pleading his orders of a clergy-man to the lord keeper , he was forthwith discharged , and another sheriff chose in his place . there is a writ in the register , and in fitz. nat. brev. 175 b. named , breve quod clerici non eligantur in officio ballivi pro terris suis , which lyeth in a stronger case then this is . as if a man holdeth divers lands of a lord of a manor , to be a bailiff , bedel , or receiver , if this man be once made a clerk , and afterward chosen unto such an office , the lord may distrain , in case the child should refuse ; yet this writ will compel the lord to let him alone and to dismiss him . and the reason is given in the writ it self , because the law supposeth him to be so continually imployed in works of piety and hospitality , that he is not at leisure to attend no secular affairs . the same reason may be given for a clerk made a justice of peace . object . but it will be objected , that my statute is for the clergy , but i seem in this opinion to be against it . answ. i answer , that in this i am for the honour and honesty of the clergy : for in those provincial constitutions which i mentioned before , the clergy are there enjoyned to abstain ab omnibus eis quae honestatem corum deformant . and linwood , a principal author of the canon law , gives this instance of that deformity , deformatur haec honestas cum clericus se immiscet in negotiis secularibus , linw. lib. 3. de vita & honestate cler. fol. 87. so that by their law it is a dishonest thing for clergy-men to meddle in secular affairs . the readers argument upon the third point , being the fourth point of his third case , upon the third division of his statute . whether an heretick may , at this day , be convicted and condemned for heresie by his own ordinary alone ? and i think he cannot . it is a great question and mainly concerns the life and liberty of the subject , and deserves a much larger debate then i can now afford it . i being opposed herein by a learned civilian , sometimes dean of the arches , in the first part of his apology for ecclesiastical proceedings , fol. 81. who denies fitz herberts opinion , nat. brev. 269 d. to be law , who saith , that a man cannot be convicted for heresie but by the archbishop and the whole clergy of the province in their general council of convocation . but this civilian ( with divers more of his mind ) doth hold , that an heretick , both before the statute of 2 h. 4 c. 15 and now at this day , may be both convicted and condemned to be burnt by his own proper ordinary . for the clearing this , three questions do naturally arise , 1. what shall be said such an heresie for which a man shall be condemned to the fire ? 2. who shall be the judge that shall convict for heresie ? 3. by what law is it , common or canon , that an heretick , after conviction , shall be burnt ? quest . 1. for the first , it appears by the canon law , linw. cap. de hereticis , fol. 213. that there are no less then 88. sorts of heresies , which is the cause that the canonists cannot agree about the definition of an heretick . i will name but two of their best definitions . 1. the first is in the fourth book of the institutes of the canon law , cap. de hereticis , fol. 248. hereticus est qui vanae gloriae principatus sui causa falsas opiniones gignit vel sequitur . if this were law , how many scholers would at this day be burnt for hereticks ? 2. i come therefore to a second definition , given at home in our provincial constitutions , cap. de hereticis , fol. 211. where linwood having toil'd himself with about twenty descriptions of an heretick , falls upon this as the best , omnin , ( saith he ) censetur hereticus qui non tenet id quod docet & sequitur sancta rom. ecclesia . hence it was , that by their law a man was questioned for an heretick for very small things , viz. for eating flesh in lent ; for standing out an excommunication , though it was perhaps for some extorted fees of the court . nay , you shall find , 1 h. 7. fol. 17. that a man was questioned for heresie , upon the statute of 2 h. 4. c. 15. because he held an opinion , that one might pay his tythes where he pleased , and not to his own vicar ; when as by the counsel of lateran , tythes were only to be paid to parsons and vicars of the proper parish : and so he , as an heretick , offended contra sanctiones ecclesiae . and i dare be bold to say , that in that bloudy roll of martyrs , which began from the first year of h. 4. to the làst year of q. mary , there was not a man burnt for holding any thing contra canonem scripturae ; not an old arrian , which is the socinian at this day ; nor an old pelagian , which is now the arminian : but for holding opinions contra sanctiones canonicas , as saith the writ de haeretico comburendo , founded upon that statute of 2 h. 4. which was the reason that upon the grievous complaint of the commons , 25 h. 8. cap. 14. that the cruel statute of 2 h. 4. and a proviso in the act , that men should not be questioned for heresie , for maintaining opinions against the humane laws and policies of the bishop of rome ; but for opinions that were contrary to holy scripture . and accordingly was the resolution of the judges , trin. 9. jac. rot. 2248. in a prohibition to the high commission in sir henry vinor & pellings case : that heresie shall not be understood all that which the canon-law makes heresie ; but that which is contrary to the holy scripture , and the four first general councels , according to the statute of 1 eliz. cap. 1. and with this agreeth that true and ancient definition of heresie by old grosted bishop of lincoln in h. 3. time ; haeresis ( saith he ) in greek , is electio in latine ; et est sententia humana sensu electa sacrae scripturae contraria palam acta & pertinaciter defensa . quest . 2. the second question , and which fully decides the point of my case , is this , who shall be judge in the conviction of an heretick ? whether the proper diocesan , according to the opinion of this civilian , and other civilians agreeing with him ? or according to the opinion of fitz herbert , it must be by the convocation of the clergy of the province . and i hold , that the bishop of the diocess is not to be the onely judge , but that it must be done by the convocation of the clergy of the province . which because of this opposition against me , i will prove , first by reason , secondly by authority , thirdly by example . 1. for the first . the ancient ecclesiastical laws of england never gave further power to the bishop or ordinary , but according to his calling to proceed to ecclesiastical censure , not to fine and imprison , much less to kill or burn , which are temporal acts , not spiritual , until this power was given them by the statute of 2 h. 4. onely i find , that before this time a bishop had a greater priviledge over a clergy-man , than over a lay-man : for , by the constitutions of boniface archbishop of canterbury , temp. h. 3. lind. fol. 141. a clergy-man might be imprisoned by his own ordinary in two cases ; spiritual fornication , as heresie , and corporal fornication , as incontinency , as appears by that constitution , and the statute of 1 h. 7. cap. 4. still in force . but when as heresie came to be punished with death , the law would not trust the ordinary alone in such a case , but referred it to the whole province of the clergy , for these two reasons . 1. the power which the law gave to the proper ordinaries , was that of the master to the servant , or rather of the husband to the wife , to admonish and correct , not to kill and burn . 2. for avoiding of partiality and ignorance , which might be in one man , but could not so easily be suspected to be in many ; and therefore the condemnation of an heretick was done with great solemnity , as the writ supposeth , n. bre . 269. thomas archiepiscopus cant. &c. de consilio & consen su omnium coepiscoporum nec non totius provinciae suae in concilio suo provinciali congre gati , &c. 2. and according to these reasons are , in the second place , the authorities of law . fitz herberts opinion , fol. 269. d. the form of the writ , mentioning it to be done by the clergy of the province . neither is there any writ to be found , which gave the power to the bishop alone . it is the resolution in cawdries case , 5. rep. fol. 23. and 2 mar. little brooke , that the conviction of an heretick must be by the clergy in their convocation ; for all the while the statute of 2 h. 4. was in force , this writ was not used , by reason of the act ; for the sheriff might , by that act , meerly by the command of the bishop , without the kings writ , burn hereticks : which was for that reason taken away by the statute of 25 h. 8. and afterward revived by 1 mar. whereupon , in her days , two cruel bishops , gardiner and bonner , did burn more hereticks then were burned from h. 4. time , till 1 mar. and a very strange and lazie reason is given by the judges 2 mar. br●●●it . heresie , why a bishop should convict and burn an heretick without a writ , purcee q. fuit troublesom de appellex convocation de tout l' province ; because it was troublesome to call a convocation . 3. i will prove it by the aptest example which can be named ; viz. william sawtree , so named in the writ , who was burnt in the time of the statute of 2 h. 4. and was the protomartyr , the first in england that was burnt for heresie ; who was convicted by the whole convocation of the clergy , as appears by the writ , fitz. nat. bre . 269. and the acts of the church at that time . this william sawtree was of pembrook-hall in cambridge , which hath this honour , that martyrum primus martyrum doctissimus , and martyrum piissimus , were all of pembrook-hall : martyrum primus was william sawtree ; martyrum doctissimus was bishop ridley , bishop of london ; and martyrum piissimus was john bradford , prebend of pauls , both burnt in queen maries days . william sawtree was parson of st. margarets in lynne , within norwich diocess . the bishop of norwich quickly met with him , before whom he did abjure ; and afterward relapsing , upon the certificate of his own bishop , he was by thomas arundel , then archbishop of canterbury , ( the framer and contriver of that act of 2 h. 4. as i can prove , ) and the whole province of canterbury , convicted of heresie : and although the statute of 2 h. 4. was made ere he was burnt , yet the prelates were fearfull to proceed according to the new form in that new act ; but proceeded against him according to the ancient course of law , by conviction in the convocation . his notorious heresies were these . 1. that he would sooner worship a temporal king , or any other man , rather then a wooden crossor crucisix . 2. that a priest or deacon was more bound to preach the word of god , then to say the canonical hours . 3. that after the words of consecration , the bread was bread us it was before , and not the body of christ . the objections against this my opinion by that learned dr. of law , are two authorities cited by him , but no reason of them given at all . object . the first is 10 h. 7. fol. 17. b. to prove that a bishop may convict for heresie before the act of 2 h. 4. answ. to which i answer , there is no such thing , but rather the contrary : for that which is there said , is onely the opinion of frowick , viz. that a bishop may , by the statute , arrest for heresie , whereas before he could but , for that or any other ecclesiastical matter , send out onely a citation . certainly , if he could not arrest , which is the less , he could not condemn to the fire , which is the greater . object . that he heard in queen elizabeths time , the two chief justices , the chief baron , and divers judges , with other of that queens learned councel , to be of opinion , that at this day the bishop of the diocess may convict for heresie . answ. to which i answer , that it is but his hear-say ; and seeing he names not the time , nor the judges , nor their reasons , the old rule may be applied to him , quae sine ratione objiciuntur pari facilitate rejiciuntur . quest . 3. by what law is it that a man is burnt for heresie , the common law , or by the canon law , called , in our books , the law of the church ? i answer , that it is by the canon law , not by the common law . object . but it is said by briton , lib. 1 cap. 17 and by 2 mar. littte brook , that an heretick shall be burnt b the common law . answ. to which i give this answer , the common law is taken two wayes , 1. strictly . 2. largely . the common law strictly taken are those ancient grounds and maxims of law which agrees with the fundamental law of reason : largely taken , it is the allowance and approbation of the grounds and customes of another law . this destinction is warranted by dr. and student amongst his six grounds of law . as for instance : it is said in our books , 9 e. 4 19 h. 6 21 1 e. 4 and divers other books , that such and such men shall not have their clergy by the common law , as you may read at large , stamf. pl. cor. lib. 2 cap. 42 and yet cap. 41 that clergy was an ancient priviledge of holy church , and had his beginning by the canon law , and not by the common law , saith stamford . so i say in our case , this burning for heresie , being nothing else in that law but a breach of the decrees of the church , was a brat of the canon law , and had its original meerly from that law , anno dom. 1184 by pope luoius the third , and confirmed by pope gregory the ninth , in the fifth book of the decretal epistles , cap. 9 fol. 360 as you may reade there at large . and therefore for the honour of the law of england , when at the time of the first hatching of this cruel law many of the paterini and publicani who held the opinions of the waldenses were by multitudes burnt in france ; and the same course was much pressed upon king henry the second , then king of england : rex anglorum henricus seiundus ( saith roger hovenden an ancient historian ) id nullo modo fieri permisit in terra sua , licet ibi essent quamplurimi . neither was any burnt in england till the statute of 2 h. 4 was made , if i may call it a statute , for the truth is , both the statute printed in english amongst the statutes , and the statute in latine amongst the provincial constitutions of tho. arundel , differ much from the parliament roll ; for the truth is , that act of 2 h. 4 was never assented to by the commons , as may appear by the title of the roll , which is , petitio cleri contra hereticos , tit. 48. and whereas in the act it self it is said , praelati & clerus supradicti ac & etiam communitates dicti regni supplicarunt . these words , ac etiam communitates dicti regni , are not in the parliament roll which i have seen ; for both in that roll , and in the latine printed act , when the law comes to be enacted , it runs in this form of words , qui quidem dominus rex ex assensu magnatum & aliorum procerum ejusdem regni concessit & statuit , &c. where there is no mention made at all of the commons . and therefore to help this fault , the words of aliorum proceruns are thus rendred in our english statute , and other discreet men of the realm , whereby is implyed the assent of the commons ; which word proceres was never so englished before , till the clergy made this construction of it . and therefore by the grievous complaint of the commons against the injustice and cruelty of that law , it was upon their complaint , by the statute of 25 h. 8. c. 14 quite repealed and annulled , as you may see in that printed statute , and in fitz. nat. brev. fol. 269 d. the readers argument of the fourth point , put in his fifth case , upon the fourth division of his statute . whether the fine , imprisonment , deprivation and ex-communication of a clerk for enormous offences ( and no particular offence named ) be good or void in law ? and i think the sentence to be void and against law . this is a great and a high question , and much concerns the liberty of the subject ( a most precious thing ) . libertas est res inestimabilis , was the motto of the emperor justin. upon the reverse of his coyn. and in this point magna charta is broken in two chapters , cap. 1 habeat & ecclesia anglicanae libertates suas illaesas , and here is an english clergy-man undone : and cap. 29. nullus liber homo imprisonetur nisi per legem terrae , and here is a free subject quite destroyed in his goods , by his fine ; in his land and living , by his deprivation ; in his body , by his imprisonment , take him goaler ; in his soul , by his excommunication , take him devil ; for that is the meaning of that sentance , tradatur satanae . in the discussion of this great point there will arise four material questions , needful to be handled . 1. whether the high commission can inflict this punishment , or any part of it , but for high and enormous offences ? and i think it cannot . 2. whether the high commission can fine and imprison for all enormous offences , or only some ? and what those are ? and i think it can fine and imprison ( being meer temporal acts ) but only for some enormous offences . 3. whether the high commissioners in their sentence of fine and imprisonment , &c. are to express the particular enormous offence , that the kings court may judge of it ? and i think they are in their sentence to express the particular offence , or else their sentence is void . 4. whether the construction of the stat. of 1 eliz. c. 1 for fining and imprisoning for enormous offences , belongeth to the kings temporal judges , or to the judges ecclesiastical ? and i think the exposition of that statute belongs to the kings temporal judges . there are five more questions concerning the high commission , which i will omit to speak of , as being not so pertinent to my point , and too long to be handled , though otherwise of great use to be known . 1. when the first ecclesiastical commissioners went forth ? for at the time of making my statute they were not used , all ecclesiastical jurisdiction , being then in the ordinaries courts . 2. what was the nature of the oath , ex officio , which was used upon some of those ecclesiastical commissions ? and for what reason the oath was taken away by the stat. 25 h. 8 cap. 15. 3. what was the forme and manner of proceeding in those ecclesiastical commissions ? a needful question , and very useful to be known at this day : for , misera est servitus ubi jus est vagum aut incognitum . 4. what fees were due to pursevants , clerks , registers , or other officers imployed in such ecclesiastical commissions ? 5. because those ecclesiastical commissions were by the king granted sometimes to meer laymen , as 31 h. 1 cap. 14 to thomas cromwel earl of essex , &c. sometimes to laymen and clergy men , as at this day , whether common lawyers did not then , and might not now plead at those ecclesiastical commissions as they do now before the judges delegates ? but these are not so pertinent to my present point , and therefore i will only speak of the first four . quest . 1. whether the high commission can inflict this grievous punishment , put in my case , or any part of it , but for high and enormous offences , and not for all offences ? and i think and do hold , that the high commission cannot punish but for high and enormous offences , upon these words of the statute of 1 eliz. c. 1 ( errors , heresies , schismes , abuses , contempts and enormities ) and that for these reasons : reas. 1. from the signification of the words high commission , and enormous offences , or enormities . it is called , high commission , not that one commission of the kings is higher then an another , for the king is the same in all his commissions . neither is it called , high commission , by reason of the greatness of the persons to whom it is directed , for in the commissions of oyer and terminer of the peace , and of the sewers , the persons are equally as high and as great : but it is called high commission , as the late bishop of london , dr. king expounded it in mr. fermers case , parson of charwelton in our county , because they had jurisdiction of high and great offences , and not of petty and slight omissions , as he was then questioned for . the word enormity , or enormous offence , is well expounded by the statute of 2 e. 3. c. 2. to be a great and horrible trespass , as it is there called : for the commissions issued forth upon that statute of oyer and terminer , were to be revoked when the trespass was but pettie and slight , and was not enormis seu horribilis transgressio . and this appears plainly in the register , fol. 125. a. by the writ there , de revocatione brevis de audiendo & terminando ; and the reason is given in the writ , quia non est enormis laesio . reas. 2. the second reason is taken from the foundation of the high commission , grounded upon the statute of 1 eliz. it appears by the main scope and intent of that act , that the commission founded upon that act , was to issue forth principally for the visitation of the ecclesiastical estates and persons of that time , and for the correction , reformation and ordering of the same . now the ecclesiastical estate of that time stood thus . queen mary died novemb. 17. 1558. queen elizabeth called her parliament jan. 23. following , with a full purpose to restore and establish the reformed religion , happily begun by her brother k. edward the 6th . and to abolish the jurisdiction of the pope ; all her bishops at this time forsook her , but only anthony kitchin , bishop of landaff ; cardinal pool , archbishop of canterbury , died the same day q. mary died ; heath , archbishop of york , that should in that vacancy have set the crown upon her head , refused to do it , onely owen oglethorp bishop of carliel performed that solemnity . hereupon that parliament , consisting of the temporal lords , provided for the good and safety of the queen , and of true religion , by petitioning her for this ecclesiastical commission . by which commission which went out in the first year of her reign , being but twenty sheets of paper ( but now above an hundred ) fourteen bishops were deposed , and many more of the popish clergy deprived : and in this first commission , the chief persons named in it ( if not all ) were temporal men ; and the offences and enormities which that statute principally intended and enquired of , were the denying of the queens supremacy , and the withstanding the reformed religion then established , and other crimes in a second respect . reas. 3. the third reason is taken ab incommodo : for if the high commission should have jurisdiction of all causes whatsoever , great and small , then will the ordinary jurisdiction of bishops in their several diocesses quickly vanish and be extinguished , and the subject grievously vexed , in being fetched up one hundred or two hundred miles , and more , from his abode , whereas he might have justice in the ordinaries courts nearer home : for the high commission hath its jurisdiction all over england , and ireland , ( scotland being not then united to the english crown , and therefore not extending to it ) which was never the intent and meaning of that act of 1 eliz. and for these reasons , many prohibitions have been granted to the high commission , out of the kings courts of westminster , when they have meddled with inferiour offences . as , mich. 44 & 45 eliz. c. b. between taylor and massie , for carrying corn on holy-days , and giving irreverent speeches to the minister , and whistling and knocking at his door , and saying , he made musick for his daughters wedding : a prohibition was granted for these things , as too light for the high commission . the like prohibition was granted out of the court of common-pleas , mich. 42 & 43 eliz. rot. 503. trin. 44 eliz. c. b. between robert pool clerk , and thomas guy ; a prohibition was granted to the high commission for holding plea for the assaulting and laying violent hands on the said pool , being a parson , upon this reason , for that they were not offences proper for the high commission , but for the bishop of the diocess to meddle with . and in all these prohibitions , and many more that i could vouch , the words in the record inducing the prohibition are these : licet omnia & singula premissa in articulis praedict. specificat non sunt laesiones enormes , nec offensa adeo gravia unde praedict. commissionarii dicti domini regis virtute actus praedict. de anno primo dicto dominae reginae eliz. cognitionem habere possint seu debeant . as it appears in the case between vivers and pellings in the common-pleas , sexto iacobi , cok , entry's fol. 465. quest . 2. whether for all those enormous offences of which they have cognisance and iurisdiction by the letters patents , they can fine and imprison ? and i think they cannot . my reasons are these . reas. 1. the first reason is this , the ecclesiastical jurisdiction restored by the statute of 1 eliz. to the crown , was that which was then usurped by the pope : now it is confessed to my hands by all the civilians , that the pope did not at that time , nor any time else , exercise any ecclesiastical jurisdiction within this kingdome by fine and imprisonment , which are temporal acts , belonging to the temporal sword ; but only by the spiritual censures of the church , belonging to the keys , which are six in number , suspension , sequestration , deprivation , degradation , interdiction , and excommunication . and therefore i do conclude , that the law of fining and imprisoning was never given to any clergy-man , by any spiritual law of this realm , and used at the time of the statute of 1 eliz. was made ; of which i will speak of anon . reas. 2. the second reason is taken out of dr. and student , lib. 2. cap. 29. which is of singular authority in this case , he being as well an excellent canonist , as a common lawyer : where he puts the case , that if the church should decree that an heretick should forfeit his goods , that decree were void , because the goods of men be temporal , and belongs to the kings courts . and i think ( saith he ) that the ordinary could not have set a fine upon an heretick , until it was so ordained by the statute of 2 h. 4. c. 15. whence i infer , that if an ecclesiastical court cannot fine by their law , a fortiori it cannot imprison . now that the high commission court is a meer ecclesiastical court , it appears by the form of the prohibitions directed to them , by which it is called curia christianitatis commissionariorum dom. regis in causis ecclesiasticis . cok. entries , f. 465. we must therefore enquire , what the law was of fining and imprisoning at the common law by the high commission , at the time of the making of the statute of 1 eliz ? for no law or statute since that act hath given them that power . and i find but two cases , in all my reading and study in it , wherein the high commission have power to fine and imprison : 1. the one is by the statute of 2 h. 4. cap. 15. 2. the other is by the statute of 1 h. 7. cap. 4. by the statute of 2 h. 4. every bishop might fine and imprison in his diocess for lollardy , then counted heresie and schism , which is now repealed by the statute of 1 eliz. cap. 1. and therefore i will speak no more of it . the other is the statute of 1 h. 7. which is still in force ; by which clerks only , and not lay-men , convicted before their ordinaries of adultery , fornication and incest , or other fleshly incontinency , shall be by them committed to prison ; and that no bishop shall be chargeable by action of false imprisonment , for such commitment . wherein this plainly appears , that an action of false imprisonment had lain at the common law , for imprisonment by the ecclesiastical court , though it had been of a clergy-man only , who oweth subjection to his ordinary . out of these two cases , i know no law for fining and imprisoning by the high commission . and of this opinion were all the judges of the common-pleas , delivered under all their hands to king james , in answer to the lord hubbarts argument for the high commission , wherein he spake as much for their jurisdiction , as could possibly be spoken by man . there are three strong objections against me , which being answered , will make my opinion more clear . obj. 1. the kings commission by his letters patents , which reckons up all ecclesiastical causes , gives power to fine and imprison without restriction . answ. 1. this i deny ; for i have read the commission over and over . it is 17 decemb. 9 car. 1 pars . in dorso num . 5. in the rolls , it is directed to many temporal lords , to all the bishops , to all the judges then in being ( except judge crook . ) i have seen the docket under the attor. . gen. noyes hand , with the large additions which never any high commission had before . and yet where it speaks of punishment for crimes , it hath such restrictive words as these , viz. by lawfull ways and means , according to the tenor of the laws , according to the statutes aforesaid , &c. answ. 2. but admitting there were none of these restrictions by the commission , yet the law of the land gives this exposition to all the kings letters patents , that if they be contrary to the laws of the land , the letters patents are void . and therefore the express book is 8 h. 6. 19. that letters patents contra legem & justitiam are void . and agreeable to this are the books 11 h. 4. fol. 73. 7 h. 6. 27. 1 h. 7 , 23. 3 h. 7. 15 , 20. 1 e. 4. 11. 18 e. 4. 7. 10 h. 7 cromp. jur. f. 13 , &c. upon this maxime in law it directs potest , quod de jure potest . now fining and imprisoning being though so penal to the subject , as by the great charter of liberties , c. 29 provided to be per legem terrae , which is the common law ; and therefore all the commissions of the king , which give power to fine and imprison , are ever backed with some maxime of law or act of parliament to warrant them ; as the commission of sewers , which gives power to fine and imprison , is by the stat. of 23 h. 8 c. 5 the commission of banckrupts , which gives power to fine and imprison , is by the statutes of 13 eliz. c. 7. 1 jac. c. 15. & 21 jac. so are the commissions of oyre and terminer , and of the peace too long to remember : for if it should be otherwise the liberty of the subject would soon be destroyed , in which the prerogative of the king chiefly consisteth , according to the kings own declaration , in his answer to the petition of right , 3 car. obj. 2. the high commssion is an ecclesiastical court , where the civilians are only admitted to be pleaders ; and in their law it is a rule , quicquid placuit principi legis vigorem habet . and it is true , there is such a rule in their law , upon the misunderstanding whereof tho. harrison , clerk , who at common pleas bar called judge hutton traytor , seems to excuse himself at his arraignment in the kings bench , saying , the king when he saw cause , might , by his absolute power , dispose of our goods , &c. and we ought not to defend our selves by law ; and so , said he , was the opinion of the best orthodox divines in the kingdome . answ. to which i answer , that that law hath no such sense , but the quite contrary ; and that appears by bracton an excellent civilian , and chief justice of england , lib. 2 c. 9 and stamf. pl. cor. fol 99 & 100 nihil rex potest cum sit dei minister & vicarius quam quod de jure potest : nec obstat id quod dicitur ; quod principi placuit legis vigorem habet ? quia sequitur in fine legis regiae quae de imperio ejus lataest ? non quicquid de voluntate regis est praesumptunt : sed quicquid magnatum suorum concilio & habita super hoc deliberatione & tractatu rectè fuerit definitum : and with bracton agrees vlpian a learned civilian . and therefore i will conclude this objection with king james , in a parliament speech of his 1609. they that shall perswade kings not to bound themselves within the limits of their own laws , are vipers and pests both against them and the commonwealth . object . 3. the third objection is , that there are many presidents of fining and imprisoning by the high commission besides those cases of heresie , schism and incontinency . answ. 1. to which i answer , first , for 40 years the law of the high commission was not known to the subject , by reason the letters patents were not inrolled . the first inrollment of them was done in chancellor egertons time , and by his command . answ. 2. it may be true , that fines were imposed by the high commission for adultery , fornication , usury , &c. but it appears upon search , that in all q. elizabeths time none of these fines were levyed upon any judicial process out of the exchequer . answ. 3. many writs of habeas corpus have been granted out of the kings courts , out of those cases of heresie and incontinency . as mic. 9 & 10 eliz. rot. 1556 thomas lee , an atturney of that court , was imprisoned for hearing mass ( a great crime ) by the high commission , and delivered by habeas corpus by the lord dyer and the other judges then living , and present at the making of the act , because they had not authority to imprison . for to what purpose was the statute of 23 eliz. c. 1 made for fining and imprisoning those that heard mass , and for 20. l. a month for absence from church , if the high commission had power to fine or imprison in either of those cases ? so mic. 18 & 19 eliz. c. b. one hinde was imprisoned by the high commission for refusing to answer articles upon usury , and delivered , by habeas corpus by my lord dyer and the rest , because that court had no jurisdiction in that case so to do : both which cases are reported in the first edition of my lord dyer , though left out in the second edition . the like president of hearing mass was trin. 7 jac. in banco regis , in warringtons case . mic. 42 eliz. simpsons case , imprisoned by the high commission for adultery : but resolved by the judges , that the high commission could not imprison a lay-man for adultery , but only proceed to ecclesiastical censure . the like for adultery was pas. 8 jac. meltons case . 12 jac. b. r. bradstons case , adjudged that the high commission could not , by the statute of 1 eliz. upon orders for alimony between husband and wife , fine and imprison men . 11 jac. the like for alimony in one brocks case , a herald at armes . i could vouch many more presidents , but these are sufficient ; i come therefore shortly to the third and fourth questions . quest . 3. whether the h. commission ought not in their sentence to have expressed the particular offences , and not to say in general enormous offences ? ans. i think they ought , or else their sentence is void . and the reason is , because it hath been resolved in that famous case , 3 car. in the habeas corpus , by sr. edmund hampden , and upon further debate in parliament upon the petition of right , that a general cause is no cause for an imprisonment . for it is requisite when men are fined , deprived , imprisoned and cast out of their free-holds , that the judges of the realm , who have conusans of such punishments , should be certified of the particular cause , that they may consult with divines whether the offences be enormous or no . and so is the resolution of the judges in 5 rep. specots case . f. 58. the general sentences of the ecclesiastical judges , have in all ages been found fault with . in 25 h. 8 c. 14. the commons complained in parliament , that men were condemned upon the stat. of 2 h. 4 c. 15 to be burnt for heresie in general , and not what heresie , and so was the writ de heretico comburendo , without expression of any particular heresie , which was held to be a cruel and an unjust law , and therefore repealed by the said act of 25 h. 8. l 5 jac. fullers case of grayes inne , who was imprisoned by the high commission for schism in general , without saying what schism , and resolved upon the return in the habeas corpus , that it was void ; and therefore they made a special return , that he said , the proceedings in the high commission were papistical . the like mic. 3. jac. b. r. berryes case upon a habeas corpus ; the return was , that he was committed by the h. commission for certain causes ecclesiastical . this was adjudged to be naught and too general , and then they make a second return , that he was committed for giving sawcy speeches to dr. newman , which was likewise adjudged void , as too general . but our very question , with which i will conclude , was mr. george huntleys case , a kentish minister , who was fined , imprisoned and deprived by the h. commission , for refusing to preach a visitation sermon upon the command of the archdeacon : and the sentence was for grievous and enormous offences . and upon an ejectione firme , brought by the said huntley against austin in the kings bench for his parsonage : all the judges there , upon a solemn debate , and in my hearing , adjudged the sentence to be void for the generality and incertainty . quest . 4. whether the judges of the realm , or the ecclesiastical judges have the power and authority of expounding enormous offences within the stat. of 1 eliz. c. 1. ans. and i think it clearly belongs to the temporal judges , as clearly as the exposition of texts of scripture belong to clergy-men , as the now attorney general told harrison at his inditement 13 car. in the kings bench for calling judge hutton traytor . it is very true , the civilians grant this power to the kings judges for expounding statutes concerning temporal things , but deny it concerning spiritual things . this thing dr. ridley in his view of civil and ecclesiastical law ( a book much cryed up amongst them ) takes upon him to prove , but fails in it . for the truth is , only the judges of the common law have this power : and to prove it is to prove a principle . for from the beginning of magna charta to the end , all the statutes and laws , concerning the clergy , are expounded by the judges . nay , in 10 h. 7. f. 17. in the matter of heresie , the highest ecclesiastical cause , the judges do adjudge , that the saying a man may pay his tythes to other than his own vicar , contrary to the decree of the church by the council of lateran , was not heresie . and therefore the imprisonment of the party for saying so was against law . so the judges , 2 r. 3. decided a point of the civil law by the common law . and in the parliament of 3 car. in the petition of right , concerning ecclesiastical liberty as well as temporal , it is acknowledged by the king , that the exposition of the laws and statutes of the realm belongeth to the kings judges and to none else . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67871e-220 nihil veritas , crubescit nisi solummodò abscondi . julian . vid. stat. of carliel 25 e. 1 and cawdryes case . 5. rep. william sanderson , esq. part of the speech . sir w. raleigh narrative . part of the readers speech in the parliament chamber in the middle temple may 15 following . * judge nicoili chief birron sanders . judge morgan . judge harvey . an. dom. 1296 anno dom. 1273. stat de marton . cap. 9. 24 ed. 1. lamb . p●●amb . of kent , fol. 276. chartim . stefhen langhton . tem. johan . r. const'tut . othobon . dr. cosens . launcellot . vide stat. 24 h. 8. c. 12. b. r. about 7 car. sir jo. banks the life of william now lord arch-bishop of canterbury, examined. wherein his principall actions, or deviations in matters of doctrine and discipline (since he came to that sea of canturbury) are traced, and set downe, as they were taken from good hands, by mr. robert bayley, a learned pastor of the kirk of scotland, and one of the late commissioners sent from that nation. very fitting for all judicious men to reade, and examine, that they may be the better able to censure him for those thing [sic] wherein he hath done amisse. reade and judge. ladensium autokatakrisis, the canterburians self-conviction baillie, robert, 1599-1662. 1643 approx. 368 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 82 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67904 wing b462 estc r22260 99871680 99871680 130835 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67904) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 130835) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 12:e72[3], 12:e72[4]) the life of william now lord arch-bishop of canterbury, examined. wherein his principall actions, or deviations in matters of doctrine and discipline (since he came to that sea of canturbury) are traced, and set downe, as they were taken from good hands, by mr. robert bayley, a learned pastor of the kirk of scotland, and one of the late commissioners sent from that nation. very fitting for all judicious men to reade, and examine, that they may be the better able to censure him for those thing [sic] wherein he hath done amisse. reade and judge. ladensium autokatakrisis, the canterburians self-conviction baillie, robert, 1599-1662. [22], 131, [1]; [18], 17-38, 41-48, 51-70 [i.e. 80], [2]; 37, [1] p. printed for n b, london : in the yeare of grace. 1643. anonymous. by robert baillie. lysimachus nicanor = john corbet. a reissue, with cancel title page, of: ladensium autokatakrisis, the canterburians self-conviction. "a large supplement of the canterburian self-conviction" (wing b462) has separate pagination and register, and separate title page dated 1641; "a postscript of the personate iesuite lysimachus nicanor" (caption title), a reply to "the epistle congratulatorie of lysimachus nicanor of the societie of jesu, to the covenanters in scotland", has separate pagination and register. second p. 80 misnumbered 70. errata leaf bound before the postscript. "the life of william now lord arch-bishop of canterbury, examined" is identified elsewhere as wing l2040. annotation on thomason copy: "octob: 24". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng laud, william, 1573-1645 -controversial literature -early works to 1800. nicanor, lysimachus, 1603-1641. -epistle congratulatorie of lysimachus nicanor of the societie of jesu, to the covenanters in scotland -controversial literature. church of england -controversial literature -puritan authors -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. arminianism -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-02 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-02 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the life of william now lord arch-bishop of canterbvry , examined . wherein his principall actions , or deviations in matters of doctrine and discipline ( since he came to that sea of canturbury ) are traced , and set downe , as they were taken from good hands , by mr. robert bayley , a learned pastor of the kirk of scotland , and one of the late commissioners sent from that nation . very fitting for all judicious men to reade , and examine , that they may be the better able to censure him for those thing wherein he hath done amisse . reade and judge . london , printed for n b in the yeare of grace . 1643. summa capitum . the preface showeth the unreasonablenesse of this new warre , that we have committed nothing against the late pacification : that compasson , hope , and all reason call now for peace at home ; that at 〈◊〉 we may get some order of our enemies abroad , that the canterburian faction deserves not so well of england , that armes in their favour ought to be taken against scotland : we offer to instruct their insupportable crimes by their owne writs : if armes be needlesly taken in so evill a cause , they cannot but end in an untimous repentance : in this nick of time very poore wits without presumption may venture to speake even to parliaments : the obstinate silence of the english divines is prodigious . chap. i. the delineation of the whole subsequent treatise . ovr adversars decline to answere our first and chiefe challenge : the scope of this writ , all our plea is but one cleare syllogisme , the major whereof is the sentence of our iudge , the minor , the confession of our party , the conclusion a cleare and necessar consequence from these two premisses . chap. ii. the canterburians avowed arminianisme . arminianisme , is a great and dangerous innovation of our religion : king james his judgement therof : the great increase of arminianisme in scotland by canterburies meanes : king charles his name stolne by canterburie , to the defence of arminianisme : the irish church infected with arminianisme by canterburie : the canterburians in england teach the first and second article of arminius : why king james stiled arminians atheists : they teach the third and fourth article : also the fifth : the arminians in england advanced : their opposites disgraced and persecuted : canterburie and his fellowes , contrare to the kings proclamation , goe on boldly to print , let be to preach arminian tenets : a demonstration of canterburies arminianisme in the highest degree : they make arminianisme consonant to the articles of england , and so not contrare to the proclamation . chap. iii. the canterburians professed affection towards the pope and popery in grosse . once they were suspected of lutheranisme , but at last poperie was found their marke : to make way for their designes , they cry downe the popes antichristianisme : they are content to have the popes authoritie set up againe in england : their mind to the cardinalat : they affect much to be joined with the church of rome as shee stands . chap. iiii. the canterburians joine with rome in her grossest idolatries . in the middes of their denyalls , yet they avow their giving of religious adoration , to the very stock or stone of the altar : as much adoration of the elements they grant as the papists require : in the matter of images their full agreement with rome . about relicts they agree with papists : they come neere to the invocation of saints . chap. v. the canterburians avow their embracing of the popish heresies and grossest errours . they joine with rome in setting up traditions in prejudice of scripture : in the doctrine of faith , justification , fulfilling of the law , merit , they are fully popish : in the doctrine of the sacraments behold their poperie : they are for the reerection of monasteries , and placing of monks and nunnes therein as of old : how neere they approach to purgatorie and prayer for the dead . chap. vi. anent their superstitions . few of all romes superstitions are against their stomack : they embrace the grossest not only of their privat , but also of their publick superstitions . chap. vii . the canterburians embrace the messe it selfe . they cry downe so farre as they can all preaching : they approve the masse both for word and matter : the scotish liturgie is much worse then the english : many alterations into the scotish , specially about the 〈◊〉 , the consecration , the sacrifice , the communion . cap. ult. the canterburian maximes of tyrannie . the tyrannous usurpation of the canrerburians , are as many and heavie as these of the romish clergie : king charles bates all tyrannie the canterburians flatter him in much more power then ever he will take : they enable the 〈◊〉 without advice of the church , to do in allecclesiasticall affairs what he thinks meet : they give to the king power to doe in the state what ever he will without the advice of his parliament : in no imaginable case they will have the greatest tyrants resisted : what they give to kings is not for any respect they have to majestie , but for their owne ambitious and covetous ends . the chiefe witnesses which in the following action are brought in to 〈◊〉 . william lad archbishop of canterbury in his speach before the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his relation of his conference with 〈◊〉 fisher , is it was the last yeare amplified and reprinted by the kings direction : in andrewes opuscula posthuma , set out by him , and dedicated to the king. b. whyt of eli in his treatise vpon the sabbath , and his answere to the lawlesse dialogue . b. montagu of chichester in his answer to the gagger , in his appeale , in his antidiatribae , in his apparatus , in his origines . b. hall of exeter , in his old religion set out with his owne apologie , and the apologie of his friends m. chomley , and m. butterfield : in his remedie of profainnesse : peter heylen chaplane in ordinar in his answer to burton set out , as he sayes , by the command of authority , as a full and 〈◊〉 reply to be expected , against all the exceptions which commonly are taken at my lord of canterbury his actions , in his antidotum lincolinense subscribed by canterburies chaplane . d. pottar , chaplane in ordinar , in his charity mistaken , as he prints , at the command of authority . d. laurence chaplane in ordinar , in his sermon preached before the king , and printed at the command of authority . d. poklingtoun in his sunday no sabbath , in his altare christianum , subscribed by canterburies chaplane . christopher dow in his answere to burton , subscribed by canterburies chaplane . couzine in his devotions , the fourth edition , subscribed by the b. of london his owne hand . chounaeus in his collectiones thelogicae ; dedicated to my l. of canterburie , and subscribed by his chaplane . shelfoord in his five pious sermons , printed at cambridge , by the direction of the vice-chanceler d. beel , set out with a number of epigrames latine & english , by divers of the university fellowes , defended yet still by heylene , and 〈◊〉 , in their bookes , which canterbury hath approved . anronie stafford in his female glory , printed at london , and not withstanding of all the challenges , made against it , yet still defended by heylene & dow in their approved writs . william wats in his sermon of apostolicall mortification . giles widowes in his schismaticall puritan . edward boughen in his sermon of order and 〈◊〉 . mr. sp. of queenes colledge in cambridge , in his sermon of confession . samuel hoards an his sermon at the metropoliticall visitation . mr. tedders in his sermon , at the visitation of the b. of norwitch , all subscribed by the hands of my l. of canterburies chaplane , bray , oliver-baker , or some others . the preface it is fallen out much beside our expectation that the storme of war should now againe begin to blow , when we did esteeme that the mercy of god , and justice of our prince had setled our land in a firme peace for many generations , at least for many days , and ever while some appearance of provocation should have arisen from us , for the kindling of 〈◊〉 wrath of our enraged enemies ; whose fury though we know well not to be quite extinguished , yet we did surely think itwould not break forth in haste in any publick and open flame , till some new matter had bin furnished , or some probable colour of a new quarrell could have beene alledged against us . when we have scattered that cloud of calumnies , which bytheir 〈◊〉 and pens they had spread abroad of our rebellion , and many other odious crimes , when by our frequent supplications , informations , 〈◊〉 , declarations , and other writs , we have cleared 〈◊〉 the justice of our cause , the innecency of our proceedings to all the ingenuous mindes of the i le , and to so many of our neighbour nations , as have bin desirous to 〈◊〉 of our affairs ; when our gracious and just prince , in the very heat of his wrath 〈◊〉 alone by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , even while armes were in his hand , hath beene moved with the unanimous consent of all his english counsel , of all his commanders & whole army , to acknowledge us good and loyall subjects : and after a full hearing of our cause in his campe to professe his satisfaction , to pronounce us free of those crimes which before were falsly blazed of us , to send us all home in peace , with the tokens of his favor , with the hearty embracements of that army which came against us for our ruine : when we in a generall assembly of our church , with the kwowledge & full consent of his majesties highcommissioner & whole 〈◊〉 have justified our opposition to the innovation of our religion & lawes by the prelates , our excommunication of them therefore , the renewing of our covenant , and all the rest of our ecclesiasticall proceedings ; when our states in parliament were going on in a sweet harmony to confirm the weaknesses & set right the disorders of our estate , and that no farther then cleare equity , reason , law , yea the very words of the pacificatory edict did permit ; when our whole people were minding nothing but quietnesse , having cast their 〈◊〉 under the feet of our reconciled king , put all their castles & canons in his hand , without any security , but the royall word , & received heartily all those fugitives who had taken armes in the prelates cause , against theircountry , having no other mind , but to sit down with joy , and go about our own long neglected businesse ; praising god , & blessing the king : the martiall minds among us , panting for languor to be imployed over sea , for the honor of the crown ; in spending their bloud against the insolent enemies of his majesties house . while these are our onely thoughts , it was more then marveilous to us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the dumbe and obscure whisperings , and at once the loud blasts , the open threats of a new more terrible & cruell war then before should come to our ears , that our castles should be filled with strangers , be provided with extraordinary victuals and munition , 〈◊〉 against a present assault , or long siege : many of our nobles tempted to leave our cause ; numbers of assays made to break the unity of all our estates : and at last our parliament commanded to arise , the commissioners therof , after a long & wearisome journy to court , for the clearing of some surmised mistakes about moods & forms of proceeding , refused presence : a 〈◊〉 in england indicted ( as the rumour goeth ) to 〈◊〉 that nation , our dearest neighbors , with whom our cause is common , to imploy their means and armes against us , that so our old nationall and immort all wars may be renewed to make sport to prelates , & a bridge for the spaniard or french to come over sea and sit downe masters of the whole i le , when both nations by mutuall wounds are disabled for defence against the force of 〈◊〉 enemy , so potent as either france or spain are this day of themselvs , without the assistance which too like shall be made them by the papists of the i le , and many moe , who will not faile to joyne for their own ends with any apparent victor . we admire how it is possible that intestine armes without any necessity should be taken up at this season when all the forces the whole 〈◊〉 can spare are most earnestly called for , by the tears of his majesties only sister , by the bloud and long desolation of her most miserable subjects , by the captivity and banishment of all 〈◊〉 hopefull children , prince charles , lying daily under the hazard of the french kings mercie at 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 prince robert of the emperors at vienne , the rest of that royall bloud lying so many yeares with their mother ; 〈◊〉 in a strange country : pitty would command us to put up all our homeward quarrels , though they were both great and many , let be to 〈◊〉 any , where 〈◊〉 reall can be sound : yea , hope would allure us to try 〈◊〉 , if ever , our armes on those spitefull nations , the hereditary enemies of our religion and of our ile , when 〈◊〉 hath made them contemptible by the cleere successe he giveth daily 〈◊〉 every one that riseth against them : bannier with a wing of the swedish army , dwelling in spite of the emperor all this yeare in the heart of his countries , a part of weymers forces with a little helpe from france triumphing on the rhene , for all that baviere , culen , the emperor or spaniard can doe against them : that very strong and great armado all utterly crushed in our eyes by the hollanders alone , without the assistance of any : the very french , not the best sea-men , having lately beaten oftner then once the spanish navies in the mediterran , the spanish empire labouring of a dangerous fever both at home and abroad , the portugallians in spite of philip , crowning iohn of braganza for their king , the catalonians putting themselves in subjection to the french crown , naples and west-flanders brangling , the fleet of the states almost domineering in the westindian seas . shall we alone sit still for ever ? shal we send always 〈◊〉 but base contemtible & derided 〈◊〉 to these 〈◊〉 princes ? shal we feed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with their scornfull promises , which so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have sound , to our great disgrace , 〈◊〉 false ? yea , rather then to beat them by that aboundance of power which we have , if god will give us an heart to imploy it , rather then to pull downe those tyrants who have shed rivers of protestants bloud , who have long troden on the persons of our nearest friends , & in the , on our honour ! is it now meet we should choose to goe kill one another , alone for the bearing vp of prelats tailes , and that of prelates as unworthy of respect as any that ever wore a mytre . let our kindred , let our friends , let all the protestant churches perish , let our own lives & estates run never so evident an hazard , yet the 〈◊〉 pride must be borne vp , their furious desire of 〈◊〉 must be satiate ; all their mandamus in these dominiōs must be executed with greater severity & rigour then those of their brethren are this day in italy or spaine , or those of their grand-father at rome . to us surely it is a strange paradox , that a parliament of england so wise , grave , equitable a court , as inall bygon times it hathever proved , should be thought in danger at any time , let be now to be induced by any allurement , by any terrour , to submit themselves as vallets and pages to the execution of the lusts , the furies and outragious counsels of canterbury and his dependers , for they know much better then we , that the maine greevances both of their church and state , have no other originall , no other fountaine , on earth but those men . who other but they have keeped our most gracious prince at a distance from the countrey almost ever since he came to the crowne ? for whose cause have parliaments these many yeares bin hindred to meet , and when they have met , beene quickly raised , to the unspeakable griefe and prejudice of the whole land , & of all our friends abroad . by whose connivence is it that the idolatrous chappels of both the queens in the most conspicuous places of the court are so gorgeous & much frequented ? whose tolerance is it that at london three masse-priests are to be found for one minister , that three hundreth of them reside in the city in ordinar , & six thousand at least in the country ; if ye trust the iesuits catalogues to rome ? whence comes their immunity fro the laws , who have set up cloisters for monks and nuns , let be houses for open masses in divers cities of the kings dominions ? why is our correspondence with the pope no more secret , but our agents avowedly sent to rome , & his holinesse nuntioes received here in state , & that such ones as in publik writs have lately defamed with unspeakable reproaches the person and birth of that most sacred q. elizabeth . such actions , or at least long permission of such abominations doe they flow from any other but his grace , the head and heart of the cabbin counsel ? did any other but he and his creatures , his legs and armes hinder alwayes our effectuall allyance with the swedes & french , when their armies did most flourish in germany for the relief of the oppressed churches ? why was that poore prince the king of boheme to his dying day kept from any considerable helpe from britaine ? how was these young princes the other year permitted to take the fields with so small forces , that a very meanpower of a silly commander beat them both , tooke the 〈◊〉 captive , and put the other in his slight to an evide at hazard of his life : who moved that innocent prince , after his 〈◊〉 , to take so strainge a 〈◊〉 as the world now speaks of , and when he was engadged , who did betray both his purpose and person to the french king , could any without the cabbine understand the convey of such matters , and within that 〈◊〉 does any come without his graces permission ? is not that man the evident author of all the scotish broyles ? are not his letters extant , his holy hands 〈◊〉 of the scotish service to be seen , his other writtes also are in our hands , making manifest that the beginning and continuance of that cursed worke hath no spring without his braine ? when the king himselfe after ripe advisement and all about him both english and scots had returned in peace , who incontinent did change the face of the court and revive that fire , which in the heart of the prince and all his good subjects was once closse dead . that a 〈◊〉 of england will not only let such a man and his complices goe free , but to serve his humour , will be content to ingadge their lives and estates for the overthrow and inslaving of us their best neighbors , that over our carcases a path-way may be made for bishops now , and at once for the pope and spaniard to tred on the neck both of their bodies & souls , we cannot beleeve . yet if any such things should be propounded ( for what darenot effronted impudence attempt ) we would require that sage senat before they passe any bloudy sentence of war against us to consider a little the quality of that party for whose cause they take armes , we offer to instruct to the full satisfaction of the whole world offree & imprejudicate minds , not by fleeing reports , not by probable likelihoods , not by the sentences of the gravest and most solemne judicatories of this land , our two last generall assemblies & late parliament , who at far greater length & with more mature advisement did cognosce of those causes , then ever any assembly or parliament amongst us , since the first founding of our church and kingdome did resolve upon any matter whatsoever : all those means of probation we shall set aside and take us alone to the mouth of our very adversaries . if by their owne testimony we make it evident , that beside books , ceremonies , and bishops which make the proper and particular quarrell of this nationall kirk against them , they are guilty of grosse arminianisme , plain popery , and of setting up of barbarous tyrannie , which is the common quarrell of the kirk of england , of all the reformed kirks , and of all men who delite not to live and die in the fetters of slavery . if we demonstrate , not so much by their preachings and practises amongst us , 〈◊〉 by their maximes printed with 〈◊〉 among your selves , which to this day , though oft pressed thereto , they have never recanted . if we shew that yet still they stifly avow all the articles of arminius , a number of the grossest abominations of popery , specially the authority of the sea of rome , that they vrge conclusions which will 〈◊〉 you without any 〈◊〉 , so much as by a verball protestation , not onely to give way unto any iniquitie whatsoever , either in kirk or state , whereto they can get stolen the pretext of the kings name ; but also to lay downe your neck under the yoke of the king of spaine , if once he had any footting in this i le , without any farther resistance ; though in your church by force that tyrant should set up the latine messe in place of the bible , and in your state for your magna charta and acts of parliament , the lawes of castile , though in your eyes he should destroy the whole race of the royall family , though the remainder of the nobility and gentry in the land should be sent over by him , some to worke in fetters in his mines of peru , others in chaynes to row all their dayes in his gallayes in the mediterrane , for all these or any other imaginable acts of tyrannie that could escape the wicked head of any mad nero , of any monstrous caligula ; these men doe openly take upon them to perswade that no kind of resistance for defence can be made by the whole states of a land , though sitting in parliament , with a most harmonious consent , no more nor the jewes might have done against nabuchadnezer , or the christians of old against the pagane emperours , or the greek church this day against the grand signieur in constantinople , that all our forbeares both english and scots in their manifold bickerings against the misleaders of their princes , against the tyrannizing factions of court , were ever traytors and rebels , and ought to have losed their heads and lands for their presumption to defend their liberties , against the intolerable insolencies of a pack of runigat villanes , and for their boldnesse , to fasten the tottering crowne upon the head of their kings : all such services of our antecessours to king and country , were treacherous insurrections . if for all these their crimes i make speak before you no other witnesses then their 〈◊〉 tongues , j trust there shall not remain in your minds the least shadow of any scruple to believe my allegations , nor in your wils the least inclination to joine with the counsels of so polluted and self 〈◊〉 persons : and if to men whose open profession in their printed bookes , let be secret practises , leades to so wicked ends so far contrare to the glorie of god , to the honour and safety of our king , to the well of us all , whether in soule , body , 〈◊〉 , children , or any thing that is deare to 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lead your armes against us ; we believe the lord of 〈◊〉 , the righteous judge would be 〈◊〉 to you , and make hundreds of your 〈◊〉 in so 〈◊〉 a cause 〈◊〉 before ten of ours : or , if it were the profound and unsearchable pleasure of the god of armi s , to make you for a time a scourge to beat us , for our manifold transgressions , yet when yee had obtained all the prelats 〈◊〉 , when wee for our other sins were tred under your 〈◊〉 , we would for all that hope to die with great comfort 〈◊〉 courage , as defenders of the truth of god , of the liberties and lawes of our 〈◊〉 , of the true good and honour of the 〈◊〉 and royall familie : all which as wee take it , one of the most wicked and unnaturall 〈◊〉 that ever this isle did 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 manifestly 〈◊〉 : yet certainly , we could not but leave in our testament to you our unjust oppressors the legacie of an untimous 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for when yee have killed thousands of us , and banished the rest out of the isle , when on the back of our departure , your sweet 〈◊〉 the bishops have brought the pope upon you and your children ; when a french or spanish invasion doth threaten you with a slavish conquest ; will yee not then all , and above all our gracious prince regrate , that he hath beene so evill advised , as to have put so many of his brave subjects to the cruell sword , who were very able & most willing to haue done him noble service against these forraine usurpers ? would not at such a time , that is too likely to be at hand , if our prelates advises now be followed , both his majestie , and all of you who shall 〈◊〉 in life , he most earnest recallers not onely of your owne country-men , ( many thousands whereof yee know have lately by episcopall tyranny beene cast out from their 〈◊〉 , as far as to the worlds end , among the savadge americans ) but also the reliques of our ruine from their banishment , with as great diligence as in the time of fergus the second , the inhabitants of this land did recall our ancestors , when by the fraud and force of a wicked faction they were the most part killed , and the rest sent over sea in banishment . it were better by much , before the remedilesse stroke be given , to be well advised , then out of time to sigh , when the millions of lost lives , when the happinesse of our true religion , when the liberties of both the nations , once thrown away by our owne hands , can not againe bee recovered . to the end therefore that such lamentable inconveniences may be eshewed , and your honors the more animate to deny your power to those , who now possibilie may crave to have it abused against us without cause , beside numbers of pressing reasons , wherewith i doubt not every wise man amongst you is come well enough 〈◊〉 from his owne considerations , and which j trust shall be further presented in plenty by these of our nation , who have ever beene at the head of our affaires , whom god hath still enabled to cleare the justice and necessitie of all our proceedings hitherto , to the minds of all , save our infatuat adversaries , whom superstition and rage hath blinded . if it might be your honours pleasure when all the rest have ended , i could wish that euen vnto me , a little audience were given : my zeale to the truth of god , to the peace of this isle , to the honour of our deare and gratious soveraigne , imboldeneth me to offer even my little myte of information . this is a period of time , when the obstinate silence of those who are most obliged by their places and gifts to speake , must open the mouths of sundrie , who are not by much so able ; verie babes , yea stones must finde a tongue when pharisees deny their testimonie to christ : ` dumbe men will get words when a father , when a king , let bee a whole kingdome , by the wickednesse of a few , is put in extreme perrill of ruine : an asse will finde 〈◊〉 when the devouring sword of an angel if drawne against the master . nothing more common in the roman annals , then the speaches of very oxen , before any calamitie of the common-wealth : the claiking of geese did at a time preserve the 〈◊〉 : amiclae was lost by too much silence : the neglect of the voice of a damosel , the contempt of cassandraes warning , the casting of her in bands , for her true but unpleasant speach , did bring the trojane horse within the wals , and with it the quick ruine both of the city and kingdome . j hope then that the greatnesse of my undertaking may 〈◊〉 me a little audience : for j offer to make you all see with your owne eyes , and heare with your owne eares the canterburians to declare by their owne tongues , and write downe under their own hands their cleare mindes , to bring in our church arminianisme , and compleet popery , and in our state a slavery no lesse then turkish . if yee finde that i prove my offer , i trust i may bee consident of your wisedomes , that though cicero himselfe , and with him demosthenes as a second , and orpheus with the 〈◊〉 of his tongue and harp , as a third marrow , should come to perswade , yet that none of you shall ever bee moved by all their oratorie , to espouse the quarrels of so unhappy men . if i faile in my faire undertaking , let me bee condemned of temeritie , and no houre of your leasure be ever again imployed , in taking notice of any more of my complaints : but till my vanity bee found , i will expect assuredly from your honours one hearing , if it were but to waken many an able wit , and nimble pen , in that your venerable house of convocation ; numbers there , if they would speake their knowledge , could tell other tales then ever i heard in an out-corner of the isle , farre from the secrets of state , and all possibilitie of intelligence how many affaires in the world doe goe . it is one of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the world , how many of the english divines can at this time be so dumbe , who could well , if they pleased , paint out before your eyes with a sun-beame all the crimes ispeake of 〈◊〉 that head and members . it is strange that the pilloring of some few , that the slitting of bastwickes and 〈◊〉 nose , the branding of prinnes cheeke , the cutting of lightouns eares , the scourging of lylburne through the city , the close keeping of lincolne , and the murthering of others by famine , colde , vermine , stinke , and other miseries in the caves and vaults of the bishops houses of inquisition , should bind up the mouthes of all the rest of the learned . 〈◊〉 wont not in the dayes of hottest persecution , in the very marian times , to be so scant of faithfull witnesses to the truth of christ , we can not now conjecture what is become of that zeale to the true religion , which we are persivaded lyes in the heart of many thousands in that gracious kirk ; we trust indeed that this long lurking , and too too long silence of the saints there , shall breake out at once in some hundreths of trumpets and lampes , shining and shouting , to the joy of all the reformed churches , against the campe of these enemies to god , and the king ; that quickly it may be so , behold i here first upon all hazards doe breake my pitcher , doe hold out my lampe , and blow my trumpet before the commissioners of the whole kingdome , offering to convince that prevalent faction by their owne mouth , of arminianisme , poperie , and tyrannie . the main scope and delineation of the subsequent treatise . chap. i. our adversaries are very unwilling to suffer to appeare , that there is any further debate betwixt them and us , but what is proper unto our church , & doth arise from the service book , canons , & episcopacie , which they have pressed upon us with violence , against all order ecclesiasticall and civill : in the mean time , lest they become the sacrifices of the publike hatred of others , in a subtle sophistication they labour to hide the 〈◊〉 wrongs and assronts which they have done openly to the reformed religion , to the churches of england , and all the reformed churches in the main and most materiall questions debated against the papists ever since the reformation : for such as professe themselves our enemies , and are most busie to stirre up our gracious prince to armes against us , do wilfully dissemble their knowledg of any other controversie betweene them and us , but that which properly concerneth us , and rubbeth not upon any other church . in this their doing the judicious may perceive their manifold deceit , whereby they would delude the simple , and many wittie worldlings do deceive themselves : first , they would have the world to think that wee obstinately refuse to obey the magistrate , in the point of things indifferent , and therefore unnecessarily , and in a foolish precisenesse draw upon ourselves the wrath of the king. secondly , when in our late assemblies , the order of our church is made known , and the seeds of superstition , heresie , idolatrie and antichristian tyranny are discovered in the service booke and canons , they wipe their mouth , they say , no such thing is meant ; and that wee may upon the like occasion blame the service booke of england . thirdly , when by the occasion of the former quarrellings , their palpable poperie and arminianisme are set before their eyes , and their perverse intentions , desires , and endeavours , of the change of religion and lawes are upon other grounds then upon the service booke and canons objected against them ; they stop their eares , or at least shut their mouths , and answer nothing . this challenge they still decline and misken ; they will not let it be heard , let bee to answer to it ; and for to make out their tergiversation , for to dash away allutterly this our processe , they have bin long plying their great engine ; and at last have wrought their yondmost myne to that perfection , that it is now ready to spring under our wals . by their flattering calumnies they have drawne the prince againe to arms , for the overthrow of us their challengers , and for the affrighting by the terrour of armies on foot all others elswhere , from commencing any such action against them . as for us , truly it were the greatest happinesse we do wish for out of heaven , to live peaceably in all submission and obedience , under the wings of our gracious soveraigne , and it is to us a bitternesse as gall , as wormwood , as death to be necessitate to any contest , to any contradictory tearms , let be an armed defence , against any whom hee is pleased to defend : yea certainly , it were the great joy of our hearts , to receive these very men , our mortall enemies , into the arms of our affection , upon any probable signes in them , of their sincere griefe , for the huge wrongs they have intended , and done to their mother church and country . but when this felicity is denied , and nothing in them doth yet appeare but induration , and a malicions obstinacie ; going on madly through a desperate desire of revenge , to move a very sweet prince for their cause to shed his own bloud , to rent his own bowels , to cut off his own members , what shall wee doe but complain to god , and 〈◊〉 to the worlds eyes the true cause of our sufferings , the true grounds of this episcopall warre , or rather not episcopall but canterburian broyle ? for wee judge sundry bishops in the isle to be very free of these mischiefs , and believe that divers of them would gladly demonstrate their innocency , if so be my lord of canterbury and his dependants , were in any way to receive from the kings justice some part of their deserveings . howsoever , that wee may give a testimony to the truth of god , which wee are like at once to seale with our bloud , wee will offer to the view of all reformed churches , and above the rest to our neerest and sibbest sister of england , as it were in a table , divers of these errours , which our party first by craft and subtilty , but now by extreame violence of fire and sword , are labouring to bring upon us ; to the end that our deare brethren understanding our sufferings in the defence of such a cause , may be the more willing at this time to contribute for our assistance from god , the helpe of their earnest prayers , and for ever hereafter to condole with the more hearty compassion , any misery which possibly may befall us , in such a quarrell . albeit truly our hopes are yet greater then our 〈◊〉 , if we could become so happy as once to get our plea but entred before our prince ; for wee can hardly conceive what in reason should hinder our full 〈◊〉 of a favourable decision from that sacred mouth , whose naturall equity the world knows in all causes whereof he is impartially informed , since our whole action is nought but one formall argument , whereof the major is the verdict of our judge , the minor shall be the open and avowed testimony of our party , need wee feare that either our judge or party will be so irrationall as to venture upon the deniall of a conclusion , whereof both the premisses is their own open profession ? our major is this : who ever in the kings dominions spreads abroad popery or any doctrine opposite to the religion and laws of the land , now established , ought not to be countenanced , but severely punished by the king. this major the king hath made certaine to us in his frequent most solemne asseverations , not only at his coronation both here and in england , in his proclamations both here and there , a but also in his late large declaration , oftimes giving out his resolution to live and die in the reformed protestant religion , opposite to all popery ; to maintaine his established laws ; and in nothing to permit the enervating of them : yea , this resolution of the king is so peremptory , and publikely avowed , that canterbury himselfe dare not but applaud thereto ; b in his starre-chamber speech , who can see me more forward then hee for the great equity , to punish condignely all who would but mint to bring in any popery in this isle , or assay to make any innovation in religion or lawes ? wee believe indeed that the man doth but juggle with the world in his faire ambiguous generalities , being content to inveigh as much against popery and innovation as we could wish , upon hopes ever when it comes to any particular of the grossest popery wee can name , by his subtile distinctions and disputations to slide out of our hands : but wee are perswaded what ever may be the juggling of sophisticating bishops , yet the magnanimous ingenuity , the royall integrity of our gracious soveraigne is not compatible with such fraudulent equivocations , as to proclaime his detestation of popery in generals , and not thereby to give us a full assurance of his abhorring every particular , which all the orthodox preachers of this isle since the reformation , by queene elisabet and king james allowance have ever condemned as popish errours . our major then wee trust may be past as unquestionable . wee subjoine our minor , but so it is that canterbury and his dependars , men raised , and yet maintained by him , have openly in their printed bookes , without any recantation or punishment to this day spread abroad in all the kings dominions , doctrines opposite to our religion and lawes , especially the most points of the grossest poperie . in reason all our bickering ought to be here alone . this minor i offer to instruct , and that by no other middes then the testimony of their own pens . if i doe so to the full satisfaction of all , who know what are the particular heads of the reformed religion , and what the tenets of popery opposite thereto , what are the lawes standing in all the three dominions , and what the contrary maximes of the turkish empire , where with machiavelists this day every where are labouring to poyson the eares of all christian princes , for enervating the laws and liberties of their kinngdomes : i hope that reason and justice which stand night and day attending on either side of king charles throne will not fail to perswade the chearfull embracement of the conclusion , which follows by a cleare and naturall necessity , from the forenamed premisses , to wit , that canterbury and his dependars in all the three dominions ought not to be countenanced by the king , but severely punished : let be that for their pastime a bloody and hazardous war should be raised in so unseasonable a time , for the undoing of that countrie and church which god hath honoured with the birth and baptisme , both of his majesties owne person , and of his renowmed father , and to the which both of them as all their hundreth and six glorious predecessors , are endebted before god , and the world , all their prerogatives both of nature , 〈◊〉 , and estate , so much as any princes were ever to their mother church and native country . chap. ii. the canterburians avowed arminianisme . arminianisme how great and dangerous an innovation of the reformed religion it is , we may learne by the late experiences of our neighbours , when that weed began to spread among them . the states of holland have declared in many passages of their dordracen synod , that they found it a more ready meane to overthrow both their church and state , then all the engines , policies , armes which the pope , and spaniard , in any bygone time had used against them . the church of france the other yeare , when amirot , and testard , and some few of their divines , were but surmised to incline a little towards some small twigs of one article of arminius , was so affrighted , that they rested not till in a generall assembly at alenzon , they did run together for the extinguishing of the first sparkes as it were of a common fire . when p. baro in cambridge began to run a little on this rock , how carefull was my lord of canterbury and the bishops then in their meeting at lambeth for the crushing of that cockatrice in the 〈◊〉 when that serpent again in the same place began to set np the nose in the writtes of thomson , how carefull was the bishops then by the hand of their brother of salisbury doctor abbots to cut of the head of that monster ? but what speake wee of the churches reformed ? the very synagogue of rome whose conscience is enlarged as the hell to swallow downe the vilest morsels of the most lewd errours that antichrist can present , yet did they sticke much at this bone , when the jesuit molina began to draw out these dregs of pelagianisme from the long neglected pits of some obscure schoolmen , what clamours were raised there , not only by alvarez and his followers , but also by numbers of prelats and some great princes , till the credit of the jesuits in the court of rome , and the wisdome of the consistory prognosticating a new rent in their church did procure from the pope a peremptory injunction of silence to both sides , on all highest paines : hoping if the dominicans mouthes were once stopped , that the jesuits by their 〈◊〉 arts , and silent policies would at last worke out their intended point , which indeed since that time , they have wel-neare fully gained . but to king charles eye no evidence useth to be so demonstrative , as that which commeth from the learned hand of his blessed father . would wee know how gracious a plant arminianisme and the dressers of it will prove in england , or any where else , advise with king james , who after full tryall and long consultation about this emergent , with the divines of his court , especially the late archbishop abbots , gave out at last his decree in print , and that in latine , not only for a present declaration to the states of holland , of his minde against vorstius , and a cleere confession of his faith in those points to the christian world , but above all to remayne a perpetuall register for his heires and succ essors , of his faithfull advise , if after his death 〈◊〉 kingdomes should be ever in danger to be 〈◊〉 with that wicked seed . in that treatise , his majesty doth first a avow all them to be grosse lyers , who do not blush to affirme that any of the arminian articles , even that most plausible one of the saints 〈◊〉 are consonant with the doctrine or articles of the church of england . b he styleth bertius for such a slander , a very impudent and brazen-faced man. secondly , c hee pronounceth these doctrines of arminius to be heresies lately revived and damnable to the hels from whence they come . thirdly , d that bertius for the very title of his booke , the saints apostasie deserved burning fourthly , e that arminius and his scholars were to be reputed pests , enemies to god , proud , 〈◊〉 , hereticall , atheists . fifthly , f hee affirmeth that their toleration would not faile to bring upon the heads of their tolerators let be favourers , gods malediction , an evill report , slander and infamy with all the churches abroad , and certaine schisme , division and tumults at home . shall wee then make any doubt of king charles full contentment , that wee avow arminianisme , to be such a dangerous innovation of our religion as the reformed churches abroad , and his father at home hath taught us to count it where ever it is found . notwithstanding this bitter root amongst us was setting up the head of late very boldly in all the prime places of our kingdome , wee have had since the reformation many bickerings about the church government and ceremonies , but in matters of doctrine neverany controversie was knowne , till some yeares agoe a favourable aire from the mouth of doctour lad at court began to blow upon these unhappy seeds of arminius . no sooner was those southwinds sensible in our climate , but at once in s. andrews , edinburg , aberdeen , and about glasgow , that weed began to spring amaine . doctour wederburn in the new colledge of saint andrews did stuffe his dictates to the young students in divinity with these errours . this man upon the feares of our churches censure , having fled the countrey , was very tenderly embraced by his grace at court and well rewarded with a faire benefice in england , for his labours : but to the end his talents should not lye hid , although a man very unmeet either for preaching or government , hee was sent downe tous , without the knowledge of our church , by canterburies only favour , to be bishop of dumblane , for this purpose mainly , that in the royall chappell , whereof that bishop is alwayes dean , hee might in despite of all our presbyteries weave out the web he had begun in saint andrews . so quickly there was erected a society of twenty foure royall chaplains , who were thought fittest of the whole clergie of the kingdome , to be allured with hopes of favour from court , to preach to the state the deans arminian tenets . in edinburgh , master sydserfe did peartly play his part , and for the reward of his boldnesse , had cast in his lap in a trace the deanry of e. dinburgh , the bishoprick of brechen , and last of 〈◊〉 , with full hopes in a short time of an archbishops cloake . in the north , doctour forbes the only father of the most of those who fell away from the doctrine of our church , came too good speed in his evill labours , and for his pains was honoured with the first seate in the new erected chaire of our principall citie . others about glasgow made their preaching of the arminian errours the pathway to their assured advancement . in our generall assembly wee found that this cockle was comming up apace in very many furrows of our field : some of it we were forced , albeit to our great griefe , to draw up and cast 〈◊〉 the dyke , which at once was received and replanted in england , in too good a soyle . wee confesse , that it happened not much beside our expectation , that our arminians after the censure of our church should at court have beene too graciously received and sheltered in the sanctuary of his grace at lambeth ; but , this indeed , did and doth still astonish us all , that any should have been so bold as to have stolne king charles name to a printed declaration , wherein not only our generall assembly is condemned for using any censure at all against any for the crime of arminianisme : g but also arminius articles are all-utterly slighted and pronounced to be of so obscure & intricate a nature that both our assembly was too peart to make any determination about them , and that many of our number were altogether unable by any teaching ever to winne so much as to the understanding of the very questions : h yea , those articles are avowed to be consonant , and in nothing to be opposite to the confession of our church , and are freely absolved of all poperie . i because indeed ( for this is the onely reason ) some learned papists finde divers of arminius points to bee so absurd that their stomacks cannot away with them , and some of the lutheran divines agree with the arminians in certaine parcels of some of their articles : they must bee strangers in these questions , who are ignorant in how many things the dominicans and all papists agree with arminius , and in how many the lutherans disagree from him . however wee were and are amazed to see canterbury so malapeart , as to proclaime in the kings name , beside many other strange things , the articles of arminius , to bee so far above the capacitie of our generall assembly , that it deserves a royall reproofe for minting to determine any thing in them , and that they are no wayes contrarie to the doctrine of onr church , neither any ways popish , and that for a reason , which will exeeme from the note of poperie every errour which is so grosly absurd , that some learned papists are forced to contradict it ; or some grosse lutheran can get his throat extended to swallow it downe . this boldnesse cannot in any reason be imputed to our gracious soveraigne : for how is it possible that he upon any tolerable information , should ever have suffered himselfe to be induced to write , or speak in such a straine of these thinge , which so lately by his learned father was declared in print , and that in latine to be no lesse then heresies worthy of burning ; yea , damnable to the very infernall pit whence , as he sayes , they did first come up . neither is it like that these sentences come from the heart of doctor balcanquel the penman of them ; for he was a member of dort synod , and brought up in the church of scotland , the man is not unseene in the popish tenets ; how is it possible that his conscience should absolve the arminian errours of all popery , and all contrarietie to the scottish confession . may any be so uncharitable , as to suspect his late promotion in durham , hath altered so soon his minde ? sure not long since , both in england and scotland , hee did desire to be esteemed by his friends , one of those whom canterbury did maligne , and hold downe for his certain and known resolutions , and reputed abilities to oppose his graces arminian , and popish innovations . his majesty being certainly cleer of this imputation , and readily also balcanquel , the amanuense , on whom can the fault ly but canterbury , the directors back ? for the world knowes , that on his shoulders for common alone , the king doth devolve the trust of all bookish and ecclesiasticall affaires that concerne him , that at his commandement 〈◊〉 hath written in the kings name that part at the least of the declaration , which patronizeth the arminian persons and cause , we doe not conjecture but demonstrate by the constant and avowed course of his graces carriage in advancing arminianisme at all occasions ; in all the kings dominions . that this may appeare , consider his practises , not so much amongst us , and in the irish church , where yet his hand is very nimble , to set these ungracious plants , and to nippe off all the overspreading branches of any tree that may overtop them : for who else in a moment , hath advanced doctor bramble , not only to the sea of derrie , but to the kings 〈◊〉 generall ? who sent doctor chappell first to the university of dublin , and then to his episcopall chair ? who holds 〈◊〉 the head of that orthodox primat , and of all who kyth any zeale there to the trueth of god ; who caused not onely refuse the confirmation of these arminian articles of ireland , in the last parliament , but threatned also to burne them by the hand of the hangman ? whose invention are these privy articles , which his creature derry presents to divers , who take orders from his holy hands ? wee will passe these and such other effects , which the remote rayes of his graces countenance doe produce in so great a distance ; onely behold ! how great an increase that unhappy plant hath made there in england , where his eye is neerer to view , and his hand to water it . in the 25 yeare , at the very instant of king james death , doctor montague , with doctor whites approbation , did put to the presse all the articles of arminius in the same termes , with the same arguments and most injurious calumniations of the orthodox doctrine , as spalato and the remonstrants had done a little before , but with this difference , that where those had dipped their pens in inke doct. montagu doeth write with vinegar and gall , in every other line , casting out the venome of his bitter spirit , on all that commeth in his way , except they be fowles of his own feather ; for oft when hee speakes of jesuites , cardinals , popes , hee anoints his lips with the sweetest honey , and perfumes his breath with the most cordiall tablets . if any doe doubt of his full arminianisme , let them cast up his appeale and see it cleerely , k in the first and second article of election and redemption , hee avoweth his aversenesse from the doctrine of lambeth and dort which teacheth , that god from eternity did elect us to grace and salvation , not for any consideration of our faith , workes or any thing in us as causes , respects or conditions antecedent to that decree , but onely of his meere mercy ; and that from this election all our faith , works , and perseverance doe flow as effects . hee calleth this the private fancie of the divines of dort , opposite to the doctrine of the church of england : for this assertion he 〈◊〉 the synod of lambeth , as teachers of desperate doctrine , and would father this foule imputation ; but very falsely on the conference at hampton court. l againe hee avoweth positively that faith goeth before election , and that to all the lost race of adam alike , gods mercy in christ is propounded till the parties free-will , by believing or mis-believing , make the disproportion antecedent to any divine either election , or reprobation . one of the reasous why king iames stiled arminius disciples atheists , was because their first article of conditionall election did draw them by an inevitable necessitie to the maintenance of vorstian impiety : for make mee once gods eternall decree posterior , and dependant from faith , repentance , perseverance , and such works , which they make slow from the free will of changeable men ; that decree of god will be changeable , it will be a separable accident in him ; god will bee a composed substance of subject , and true accidents , no more an absolute simple essence , and so no more god. vorstius ingenuitie in professing this composition is not misliked by the most learned of the belgick arminians , who use not as many of the english , to deny the cleare consequences of their doctrine , if they be necessary , though never so absurd . however in this very place montagu maintaines very vorstian atheisme as expresly as any can do making the divine essence to be finite , his omni-presence not to be in substance , but in providence , m and so making god to be no god. this thought long agoe by learned featly objected in print to montagu , lyes still upon him without any clearing . certainly our arminians in scotland were begun both in word and writ to undertake the dispute for all that vorstius had printed : i speak what i know , and have felt oft to my great pains . arminianisme is a chaine , any one linke whereof , but specially the first , will draw all the rest ; yet see the other also expressed by montagu . in the articles of grace and freewill , not only hee goes cleare with the arminians , teaching that mans will hath ever a faculty to resist , and oft times according to the doctrine of the church of england actually doth resist , reject , frustrate , and overcome the most powerfull acts of the spirit and grace of god , even those which are employed about regeneration , sanctification , justification , perseverance . n not onely doth hee thus far proceed , but also hee avowes that all the difference which is betwixt the church of england and rome , in this head of freewill , is in nothing materiall , o and really long agoe to be ended and agreed amongst the most judicious and sober of both the sides . for the fifth of perseverance hee is as grosse as any either remonstrant or molinean jesuite , professing , that no man in this life can have more assurance not to fall away both totally and finally from all the grace he gets , then the devils p had once in heaven , and adam once in paradise . behold the arminian ensigne fairly now displayed in england by the hands of montagu and white , under the conduct of doctor lad bishop of saint davids , even then the president , the chiefe in ecclesiasticall affaires of the duke of buckinghams secret councell . at the first sight of this black banner a number of brave champions got to their armes ; pulpits over all england rang , presses swate against the boldnesse of that but small handfull then of courtizing divines . their crafty leader seeing the sloud of opposition , and finding it meet for a little to hold in , and fold up his displayed colours , did by the duke his patron perswade the expediencie of that policy , which the jesuites had immediately before , for that same very designe moved the roman consistory to practice . hee obtained a proclamation , commanding silence on both sides , discharging all preaching , all printing in these controversies , astricting to the cleare , plaine and very grammaticall sense of the articles of england in these points , without all further deductions . by this meanes his intentions were much promoved , open avowers of arminianisme were by publique authority so exempted from any censure , a reall libertie was thus proclamed over all the land , for any who pleased to embrace arminianisme without oppotion . hereby in two or three years the infection spread so far and broad , that the parliament was forced in the 28. to make the encrease of arminianisme their chiefe grievance to his majestie ; but at that time doctor lad was growne greater . he had mounted up from the bath to london , and to make a shew there in parliament of his power in the eie of all the complainers , he raised up montagu to the episcopall chaire of his own diocesan , doctor carleton , who had lately chastised him in print for his arminian appeale . d. white his other 〈◊〉 , that all great spirits might be encouraged to run the wayes which doct. lad pointed out to them , in despight of these parliamentarie remonstrants , was advanced from bishoprick to bishoprick , till death at the step of elie did interrupt the course of his promotion , that to wren a third violent follower of his arminian tenets , way might bee made for to clime up the remaining steps of the ladder of his honours . now to the end 〈◊〉 the world may know , that my lord of canterbury doth nothing blush at the advancement of such men , heare what a publique testimony of huge worth and deserving , hee causeth his herauld peter 〈◊〉 to proclame to that triumvirat , not onely at his own directions , ( for that moderate answer of heylens is the iusto volumine which his g. did promise to the world in his starre-chamber speech ) but also in name of authority , if heylen lie not , who sayes , he writes that book at the commandement of the state : there , after the cryasse of canterburies owne extraordinary prayses q the renowme of his three underleaders , is loudly sounded as of plain non-suches r . all these his graces favours to his followers would have been the more tolerable , if he would have permitted his orthodox opposites to have had some share in their princes affection , or at least to have lived in peace in their own places . but behold , all that crosses his way must downe , were they the greatest bishops in the dominions . for who else wrought the 〈◊〉 archbishop so farre out of the kings grace , that he remained some yeers before his death well-neere confined to his house at lambeth ? who hath caused to cage up in the tower that great and learned bishop of lincolne ? what ever else may be in the man. what fray makes that worthy primate vsher , to foretell oft to his friends his expectation , to be sent over sea , to die a pedant teaching boys for his bread , by the persecution of this faction whose ways he avows to many , doth tend to manifest arminianisme , and popery . this their resolution to persecute with all extremity , every one who shall mint to print or preach any thing against arminianisme , they avow it openly not only by deeds ( for why else was master butter the stationer cast by canterbury in the fleet for printing bishop davenants letter to bishop hall against some passage of arminianisme at the authors direction , as we see it set down by huntley in his breviat ? ) but even in open print , for when master burton complains to the king that hee was silenced by canterbury , for expounding of his ordinary text , rom. 8 whom god hath predestinate , those he hath called , and applying it to the present pelagianisme and popery of the arminians , christopher dow s approved by canterburies chaplain , and peter helyn directed to speak by canterbury himselfe doth not stand to affirme , that this was a cause well deserving all the sufferings hee complained of . could any here but expect of his graces wisedome and loyalty , when his solicitude appeareth to disgrace and punish , without respect of persons , all who in contempt , as he saith , of the kings proclamation will not desist from the publike oppugning of arminianisme , that on the other hand the preachers and printers for arminianisme according to that same proclamation should be put to some order ? yet this is so farre neglected , that all who are so affected , cousins , colines , beal in cambridge , potter and jackson in oxford , and many more prime doctours in both universities , in the citie , in the court , and over all the land , boldly give out their mind to all they meet with for the advancement of the new way ; yea boldnesse in running those paths hath beene knowne to have beene the high way in all the three dominions these yeeres bygone to certain promotion in many men , who to the worlds eyes had no other singular eminencie of any good parts . but that his graces tramping upon the kings proclamation may bee yet the more evident , behold how hee doth daily dispense both with his owne pen and those also of his friends to write and print for arminianisme , what they please . white being taxed by master burton for his subscription to montagues appeale , is so farre from the least retractation , that the fift article of apostasie and uncertainty of salvation which master burton did single out of all montagues errours as most opposite to christian comfort , hee maintaines it in his owne answer to the dialogue ; but as the custome now is under the covert of some fathers name , at great length with much bitternesse , and casts out without provocation in his treatise of the sabbath , the first and second article : t master dow and schelfoord use the same plainnesse . yea , in the one and thirtieth yeare that faction was so malepeart as to set out the historicall narration by one aileward wherein all the articles of arminius at length with these false and bitter calumniations of our doctrine , which are usually chanted and rechanted by the remonstrants are not onely set downe as truths , but also fathered upon the first reformers and martyrs of england . that booke when it had beene out a while was called in , not because the doctrines were false , not because the story was forged , as that learned knight sir vmphrey lyne by the ocular inspection of that originall manuscript did since demonstrate , but the onely reason of the calling of it backe , as his grace makes heylen declare to us , was , the dinne and clamour which mr. burton , then one of the ministers of london , made against it . w conterbury himselfe is nothing afraid to lend his owne hand to pull downe any thing that seemes crosse to arminianisme . the certainty of salvation , the assurance of election , is such an eye-sore , that to have it away , hee stands not with his owne hand to cut and mangle the very liturgie of the church , otherwise a sacred peace , and a noli me tangere in england in the smallest points , were they never so much by any censured of errour : yet if any clause crosse arminianisme or poperie , his grace doth not spare without dinne to expurge it , did it stand in the most eminent places thereof in the very morning prayers for the kings person . here was this clause fixed since the reformation ( who are the father of thine elect and their seed ) this seemed to bee a publike profession that it was not unlawfull for king charles to avow his certainty and perswasion that god was his father , and hee his adopted childe elected to salvation . his grace could not endure any longer such a scandalous speech to bee uttered , but with his own hand scrapeth it out . being challenged for it by master burton , and the out-cryes of the people , he confesseth the fact ; only for excuse , bringeth three reasons of which you may judge : x first , he saith , it was done in his predecessours time : doth not this make his presumption the more intolerable , that any inferiour bishop living at the very eare of the archbishop , should mint to expurge the liturgie ? secondly , hee pretends the kings command for his doing . doth not this encrease his guiltinesse , that hee and his followers are become so wicked and irrespective , as to make it an ordinary pranke , to cast their owne misdeeds upon the broad back of the prince ? dare hee say , that the king commanded any such thing motu proprio ? did hee command that expunction without any information , without any mans advise ? did any king of england ever assay to expurge the publike bookes of the church , without the advise of his clergie ? did ever king charles meddle in any church matter of far lesse importance without doctour lads counsell ? the third excuse , that the king then had no seed : how is this pertinent ? may not a childlesse man say in his prayers , that god is the father of the elect , and of their seed , though himselfe as yet have no seed ? but the true cause of his anger against this passage of the liturgie , seemeth to have been none other then this arminian conclusion ; that all faith of election in particular , of personall adoption or salvation , is nought but presumption . that this is his graces faith , may appear by his chaplains hand , at that base and false story of ap-evan by studley , wherein are bitter invectives against all such perswasions as puritanick delusions , y yea , hee is contented that chouneus should print over and over again his unworthy collections , not onely subscribed by his chaplain , but dedicated to himself , wherein salvation is avowed to be a thing unknown , and whereof no man can have any further , or should wish for any more then a good hope . z and if any desire a cleare confession , behold himselfe in those opuscula posthuma of andrewes , which hee setteth out to the world after the mans death , and dedicates to the king ; avowing that the church of england doth maintaine no personall perswasion of predestination , which tenet cardinall peroun had objected as presumption . * white also in his answer to the dialogue , makes mans election a mysterie , which god hath so hid in his secret counsell that no man can in this life come to any knowledge , let bee assurance of it , at great length from the ninety seventh page to the hundred and third , and that most plainly . but to close this chapter passing a number of evidences , i bring but one more which readily may bee demonstrative , though all other were laid aside . by the lawes and practises of england , a chaplains licencing of a booke for the presse is taken for his lord the bishops deed : so heylen approven by canterbury teacheth in his antidotum , a and for this there is reason , for the lawes give authority of licencing to no chaplaine , but to their lords alone , who are to be answerable for that which their servant doth in their name . also the chaplaine at the licencing receives the principall subscribed copie , which hee delivereth to his lord , to bee laid up in his episcopall register . william bray , one of canterburies chaplaines , subscribed 〈◊〉 collectiones 〈◊〉 , as consonant to the doctrine of the church of england & meet for the presse . the authour dedicated the treatise to my l. of canterbury , it was printed at london 1636. into this booke , the first article , which by the confession of all sides , draws with it all the rest , is set downe in more plain and foul tearmes then molina or any jesuite ; sure i am then arminius , vorstius , or any their followers ever did deliver , b teaching in one these those three grosse errours . 1. that mens faith , repentance , perseverance , are the true causes of their salvation ; as misbeleefe , impenitencie , apostasie are of damnation : doth bellarmine goe so farre in his doctrine of justification and merit ? 2. that those sinnes are no lesse the true causes of reprobation then of damnation . 3. that mens faith , repentance , perseverance are no lesse the true causes of their eternall election , then misbeliefe or other sinnes of their temporall damnation . let charity suppone that his grace in the midst of his numerous and weightie imployments hath been forced to neglect the reading of a booke of this nature , though dedicate to himselfe , albeit it is well known that his watchfull eye is fixed upon nothing more then pamphlets which passes the presse upon doctrines now controverted , yet his grace being publikly upbraided , for countenancing of this book by doctor bastwick in the face of the starre-chamber , and being advertised of its dedication to himselfe , of the errours contained in it , yea of injuries against the king of the deepest staine , as these which strooke at the very roote of his supremacie , and that in favour of bishops . when in such a place canterbury was taxed for letting his name stand before a booke that wounded the kings monarchicall government at the very heart , and did transferre from the crowne to the miter one of its fairest diamonds which the king and his father before him did ever love most dearely , no charity will longer permit us to believe , but his grace would without further delay lend some two or three spare howers to the viewing of such a piece which did concerne the king and himselfe so neerely . having therefore without all doubt both seen & most narrowly sifted all the corners of that small treatise , and yet been so farre from reproving the authour , from censuring the licencer , his chaplain , from calling in the booke , from expurging any one jot that was in it , that the treatise the second time is put to the presse at london with the same licence , the same dedication , no letter of the points in question altered : may wee not conclude with the favour of all reasonable men , that it is my lord of canterburies expresse minde to have his owne name prefixed , and his chaplaines hand subjoined to the grossest errours of arminius , and so to professe openly his contempt of the kings proclamation , for the pretended violation where , of he causeth stigmatize , mutilat , fine excessively , imprison for time of life , very vertuous gentle-men , both divines , lawyers , physitians , & of other faculties . what there can be said for his graces apologie nothing commeth in my mind , except one alledgeance , that the point in hand crosseth not the proclamation , discharging toproceed in those questions beyond the grammaticall construction and literall sense of the articles of england . the authour indeed in the epistle dedicatory avowes to his grace that the these alledged , and all the rest of his booke doth perfectly agree with the english articles , in the very first and literall sense , whereof the proclamation speaketh , c and to this assertion the licencers hand is relative as to the rest of the booke : but of this miserable apologie , which yet is the onely one which i can imagine possible , this will be the necessary issue , that the grosse lie , which good king james put upon the bold brow of impudent bertius , for his affirming that one article of the saints apostasie , let bee other more vile arminian tenets , was consonant with the articles of england , must bee throwne back from bertius on the kings face , and that in as disgracefull a way as it was first given : montague and white , with his graces permission , did give that venerable prince long agoe the lie at home in english , affirming the perfect agreeance of the arminian apostasie with the doctrine of england . but this afront contents not his grace except the barbarous medicine , under the shelter of his archiepiscopall name belie his majesty over sea , and over the whole world , where the latine is understood . beside this shamefull inconvenience , another dangerous evill will necessarily follow from this apologie , to wit , that the arminian doctrine may not onely be tollerat in england , which yet if king james bee trusted , cannot faile to draw downe upon england a curse from god , shame from abroad , horrible schisme at home , but also since their grossest articles are declared in print and in latine , under the shadow of canterburies name , to be fully consonant to the very literall sense of the articles of england , all the members of that church may bee compelled presently without more delay to embrace those doctrines ; and that any manis permitted in england , to believe in peace the antiarminian articles , wherein queene elisabet and king james did live and die , it is of meere favour and the princes mercy , who readily by the arch-bishops intercession is diverted from pressing the profession of those articles ; according to the first and most literall sense , which now is clearly avowed to be after arminius ; yea , molina his mind . chap. iii. the canterburians professd affection towards the pope and popery in grosse . it was the opinion of many among us for a long time , that the innovating faction did minde no more nor arminianisme , but at once , those who touched their pulse neerer , did finde a more high humour working in their veines . with arminius errours they began incontinent to publish other tenets , which to all meere arminians were ridiculous follies . the elements of the lords supper began by them to bee magnified , above the common phrase of protestant divines , a corporall presence of christs humanitie in and about the elements to bee glanced at , a kind of omnipresence of christs flesh to bee preached , a number of adorations before those elements , and all that was neere them , both the altar , bason , chalice , and chancell to bee urged ; many new ceremonies , which for many yeares had beene out of use , to bee taken in , a great bitternesse of spirit , against all who ran not after these new guises to appeare . this made us thinke they intended to step over from arminius to luther . in this conception wee were somewhat confirmed , considering their earnest recommendation , to the reading of young students the late lutheran divines , such as hutter , meisner , gerard , with their crying down , both in private and publike , of calvine , beza , martyr , bucer , and the rest of the famous writers both ancient and late of the french and belgicke churches . their giving it out also that their martyred reformers , cranmer , ridley , latimer , were of luthers schoole , and from him had learned those things , wherein the english church did differ from the other reformed of calvines framing . but most of all , by my lord of canterburies great diligence under-hand , to promove and reward that late negotiation of master duries with the churches over sea , for the extenuating of the lutheran errours , and procuring with their churches , not only a syncretisme , which all good men did ever pant for , but also a full peace in tearms so generall , so ambiguous , so slippery , that are very suspitious to many , other wayes very peaceable mindes . this i speak without any intention of putting the least note of blame either upon the person or pains of master durie , or any of the divines of either side , who have been ready to declare their inclination , and employ their labours towards that more desired then hoped for union of the protestant churches , whom evill instruments have keeped too too long asunder in a lamentable , dangerous , and disgracefull distraction . master duries labours in this kind were ever by mee esteemed worthy of great prayse , honour , and reward : i wished alwayes in my heart to them a most happy successe ever rejoycing when in any of his informations , i did perceive the lest step of advancement . my remarke only is upon the malice of the canterburians , who to their wicked designe of re-uniting to rome , and so overthrowing all the protestant churches , doe most perversly abuse as all , whatsoever at any time hath falne from the pen of any reformed writer , tending towards mutuall peace or moderation , so especially the negotiations which of old or late , hath beene in hand for the drawing of us and the lutherans , into one body : these treaties whether for a full agreement , or a friendly toleration , are laid by them as the principall ground-stones of their negotiation with rome , for to them both the persons and doctrine of the lutherans are more odious than these of the papists , as you will see it hereafter demonstrate from the writs of forbes and kellet ; so that all the countenance they have showne hitherto towards the negotiations of our peace with the lutherans did not proceed from any true affection , they carried either to the men or to their negotiation in it selfe : but their ayme mainly was to have these treaties abused as plausible means to advance their own greater designe . this for a time , while their mysteries lay vailed , was not well perceived : the most of men did suspect no more in all their seeming favours towards the lutheran party , then that a kind of lutheranisme had beene there uttermost intension , hoping that the motion of their violent minds might have consisted here , without any further progresse . but it was not long , while every common eye did observe their bowle to roll much beyond that 〈◊〉 . they published incontinent a number of the romish errours , which to the lutherans were ever esteemed deadly poyson , the popish faith , the trident'ne justification , merit of works , works of sup 〈◊〉 , doctrinall traditions , limbus patrum , the sacrifice of the masse , adoration of images , monastick vows , abbeys and nunneries , the authority of the pope , a re-union with rome as shee stands . finding it so , wee were driven to this conclusion , that as ordinarily the spirit of defection doth not permit any apostates to rest in any midde tearme , but carrieth them along to the extreams of some palpable madnesse , to some strong delusion for the recompence of the first degrees of their fall from the love of the truth , so also our faction was carried quite beyond the bounds both of arminius and luther , yea of their owne so much once beloved cassander and spalato , and all the lists of that which they were wont to call moderation , to drinke of the vilest abominations , and the lowest dregs of the golden cup of that romish whore : for now canterburie and his followers , are not ashamed to proclaime in print their affection to popery both in grosse and retail . let no man in this cast up to me any slander till hee have heard and considered the probation of my alleageance . popery is a body of parts , if not innumerable , yet exceeding many . their is scarce any member great or smal in this monster , wherto the faction hath not kythed too passionate a love . but for shortnesse , i will shew first their affection to the whole masse of popish errours , their respect to the church of rome , and to the pope the head thereof , than in particular to the most principall and abominable parts of that chaos . as for the whole of that confused lumpe , that they may winne the more easily to the embracement of it , they cast downe in the entry the chiefe wall , they remove the mayne impediment , whereby protestants were ever keeped there from . what ever wee speake of some very few private men , yet all protestant churches without exception made ever the popes antichristianisme , their chiefe bulwarke to keepe all their people from looking backe towards that babylonish whore. no church did make greater state of that fort than the english , and no man in that church more than king charles blessed father . hee was not content himselfe to believe and avow the pope that great antichrist , but also with arguments invincible drawn mainly from some passages of the revelation , cleared now as light , by the commentary of the popes practices , to demonstrate to all neighbour princes and states of christendome in a monitory treatise this beliefe , for that expresse end , that from this truth cleerly proved , they might not only see the necessity hee had to keepe himselfe and his subjects for evermore from returning to rome , but they also by this one argument might be forced to cast off the yoke of the pope , when they saw him clothed with the garments of antichrist . it was the the continuall song of all the bishops and clergie in england , till doctor lad got absolute credit wjth the duke of buckingham , that the popes antichristianisme was an engine of such efficacie as was able of it selfe alone , if well manadged to overthrow the wals of rome . for this i give but two witnesses , two late english bishops both of them deponing before all england to king james and hee accepting their testimony , a abbots of salisbury in his dedicatory epistle to king james before his treatise of antichrist , and downame of derry in the first paragraph b of his booke dedicated also to k. james upon that same subject . notwithstanding my lord of canterburyi for making the way to rome more smooth , spareth not to cause raze downe to the earth this fort . montague and white his non-such divines , as wee heard them stiled at his graces direction by his herauld heylene , will have the kings unanswerable arguments proponed by him even to sorreine princes ; not onely counted-weak but 〈◊〉 frensies . this word doth feately cite from their appeale . c christopher dow is licentiat by canterbury , to affirme that howsoever our divines at the beginning of the reformation in the heat of dispute did upbraid the pope with antichristianisme , yet now that heat being cooled , the matter to men in their sober bloud appeares doubtfull , d his graces herauld appointed to speake for his lord by the state , doth correct this simple dow and puts the matter out of all doubt , assuring by good scripturall proofe , by a text miserably abused , that the pope is not , was not , and cannot bee antichrist . e and that in this matrer there may hereafter betwixe rhe canterburians and rome remaine no shadow of controversie , their man shelfoord , comes home to bellarmine , well nere in omnibus : making antichrist one single man ; a jew preaching formall blasphemies against christs natures and person thre yeeres and an halfe , killing by his hands enoch and elias , and least any footstep of this belief should ever appeare in the church of england ; canterbury confesseth that the place of the publick liturgie wherein it was imported , was changed by his own hand . g this scarre-crow being set aside , at once the pope , the cardinals and all their religion began to looke with a new face . anent the pope they tell us first , h that the reformers did him pittiful wrong in spoiling him , not onely of those things he had usurped , but of many priviledges which were his owne by due right , and should have beene left to him untouched . againe they will have us to believe , that the see of rome was truely peters apostolick chaire , that peter was truely a prince among the apostles , that the pope is i peters onely successour , that within the bounds of his owne patriarchat hee is a prince , hee is a monarch . thirdly , that order and unity doe necessarily require one bishop to have the inspection and superioritie ouer all bishops , and that this prerogative by good ecclesiasticall right is due to the pope . k fourthly , that all the authoritie which the english bishops have this day , specially his grace of canterbury , is derived to them from the pope and peters chaire , that if this derivation could not be clearlie demonstrate , the clergie of england might justly refuse all obedience to their bishops jurisdiction . l fifthly , that divers of the late popes have beene very good men , yea , among the best of men , that those of them who have beene verie monsters of men , yet for that veneration which their high and eminent place in the church of god , doth require all the stiles of honour in justice is due to them , even holinesse it selfe in abstracto , that to refuse them this , or their other titles is but brain-sick puritanisme . m sixthly , that the dignity of the episcopall office specially the bishop of rome his eminencie was as far above the dignitie of the emperors and kings , as the soule is above the body , or god above the creature , yea , that the stile of god was but the popes due : n seventhly , that emperours and kings dld but their duety in giving reverence ; yea , adoration unto the pope with great summes of money by way of tribute : o eighthly , that the temporall principalities which the pope enjoyeth this day in italie , or elsewhere are buthis just possessions , which none ought to envy him : p ninthly , that the restitution of the popes ancient authority in england , and yeelding unto him all the power that this day he hath in spaine or france , would bee many wayes advantageous , and in nothing prejudiciall to the king : q 10 the old constitution of the emperour , whereby all the westerne clergie is so farre subjected to the bishop of rome , that without him they are disabled to make any ecclesiasticall law , and obliged to receive for lawes what hee doth enjoyne , was very reasonable : yea , if the king would be pleased to command all the church men in his dominions to be that far subject to the pope , they would be unreasonable to refuse present obedience : r onely by all meanes my lord of canterburies prerogative behoved to bee secured , his ancient right to the patriarchat of the whole isle of britaine behoved to be made cleare , that to his rod the whole clergie of the isle might submit their shoulders , as to their spirituall head and monarch , from whom to rome there could bee no appeale , s in any cause which concerned onely the churches of the kings dominions ; for in causes more universall of the whole catholicke church , willingly they are contented that the patriarch of britaine and all others should submit to their grand apostollcke father of rome . t every one of these pontificall positions since the midst of henry the eights raigne , would have beene counted in england great paradoxes , yet now all of them are avowed by canterburie himselfe , in that very booke which the last 〈◊〉 at the kings direction hee set 〈◊〉 , for to satisfie the world anent their suspition of his popery , or else by d. montagu in his bookes yet unrepealed , and cleanged of all suspition of poperie by m. dow , under the seale of his graces licensing servant . this much for the pope . about the cardinalls they tell us that their office is an high and eminent dignity in the church of god ; for the which their persons are to be handled with great reverence and honour , w that their office is a 〈◊〉 due to high graces and 〈◊〉 , that some of them though the greatest enemies that ever the reformed churches have felt , such as 〈◊〉 that spent all his time in opposing the truth and advancing antichristianisme , and barromaeus x a bloudy persecutor of our religion and one of the fathers of trent , that even such men are so full of grace and piety , that it is a great fault in any protestant to break so much as a jest on their rid hattes . where the head and shoulders are so much affected it is hard to restraine charity from the 〈◊〉 of the body . these good men vent their passion no lesse towards the body of the present church of rome , then towards the pope and the cardinails . for first his grace avowes over and over againe that the papists and we are of one and the same religion , that to speake otherwaies , as the liturgie of england did all king iames dayes , were a matter of very dangerous consequent , and therefore he consesseth his helping that part of the liturgie which puts a note of infamy upon the popish religion , least that note should fall upon our owne religion which with the popish is but all one . y 2. they will have us to understand though wee and the papists differ in some things , yet that this very day there is no schisme betwixt papists and protestants , that protestants keepe union and communion with the church of rome in all things required for the essence of a true church and necessary for salvation , that though they communicate not with some of her doctrines and practices , yet this marres not the true union and communion of the two churches both in faith and 〈◊〉 . that these who passe harder censures upon rome are but zelots in whom too much zeale hath burnt up all wisedome and charity . z 3. that the points wherein the two churches doe differ are such as prejudge not the salvation of either party , that they are not foundamentall , and albeit they were so : yet the truths that the papists doe maintaine are of force to hinder all the evill that can come from their errours . & 4. that the popish errours , let bee to bee fundamentall , are of so small importance as they doe not prejudge either faith , hope , or charity , let be salvation . a fistly , that a generall repentance for all unknowne sinnes is sufficient to secure the salvation not only of these who have lived and died in the popish tenets before the councell of trent , but even to this day not onely their people , but their most learned clergie , popes , cardinalls , jesuits , living and dying in their bitter oppositions and persecutions of protestants , are in no hazard of damnation , though they never come to any particular acknowledgement of their sinfull opinions or practises following thereupon . b sixtly , they teach us that papists may not in reason bee stiled either idolaters , or hereticks , or shismaticks . his grace in that great large folio set our the last yeare , to declare to the world the farthest that his minde could bee drawen for to oppose popery , is not pleased to my memory , in his most vehement oppositions to lay to then charge any of these three crimes , neither doe i remember in all the search my poore lecture hath made , that any of his favourits in their writtes these twelve yeares bygone hath layed to the charge of rome in earnest , either idolatry heresie or shisme , but by the contrary hath absolved them clearly in formall tearmes all those three crimes . c of idolatry because they teach not the giving of 〈◊〉 to any image or any creature , d of heresie , because their errours taketh no part of the foundation away , but are onely excesses and additions consisting with all 〈◊〉 trueth . e of shisme , because they goe on in the practice of their forbeares without introducing any late novations . 7. they declare it were very good wee had present peace with rome as shee stands , her errors being but in opinions which charity ought to tolerate , that the church of england would gladly embrace this peace , that cassander and the like who further this reconciliation are the men of the world most worthy of praise , that the jesuits and calvinists both puritanes who hinder this peace are the most flagitious and intollerable f persons of this age . all this and much more of such stuffe you may see printed not onely with allowance but with applause by the chiefe of that faction his grace himselfe , montagow the first of the three none-suches , pottar in that his much beloved piece put out as hee saith at the command of authoritie . g shelfoord in his pious sermons printed by the university of cambridge presse at the direction of the vice-chancellour , d. beel dedicated to the lord keeper of england , adorned with many triumphing epigrammes both latine and english by a number of the fellows , and although called in , yet no censure to this day for all the eomplaints against it , to our hearing hath beene put either on the author or printer , or licencer , or adorners or any doctrine contained therein , but the worst that burton could pick out of it , is all defended by dow and heylen , at his graces speciall direction , and subscribed licence , as we shall heare anon . i hope now that all true protestants pondering the passages i have brought , besides many moe , wherewith themselves from their owne readings are acquainted , will not onely absolve my alledgeances of rashnesse and slander , but also wonder at the incredible boldnesse of those men , who in these times wherein the prince and state are by so many and deep tyes obliged , and according to their obligations hath so oft declared themselves passionately zealous for the maintainance of protestant orthodoxie , that yet they should bee so peart as to print in the royall city , and that after the long and great grumblings of the people and formal challenges of divers of the learned to reprint their clear affection to the pope and cardinalls , and the whole romish religion , albeit truely this their ventorious boldnesse seemes not more marveilous then their ingenuity commendable : for they have said nothing for the pope , or rome , but that which conscience would pouse any man upon all hazards to avow , who was so perswaded in the particular heeds of controversies betwixt papists and protestants , as they confesse themselves to be ; to the end therefore that we may see the former strange enough passages not to have dropped from their pennes by any inadvertance , but upon plaine designe and deliberate purpose , we will set downe in the next roome the affection they professe to the speciall heads of popery , very consonant to that which they have already said of that which wee count the whole lumpe and universall masse 〈◊〉 antichristianisme . the speciall heads of popery are moe then i have leasure to relate , or you can have patience to heare enumerate . take notice therefore but of some prime articles which protestants use most to detest in papists , foure by name ; their idolatries , their heresies , their superstitions , their abomination of desolation the masse . if from their owne mouths i make cleare that in these foure they joyne with rome against us , it is like none hereafter shall wonder of any thing that yet they have done or said for the advancement of the popish party , and the subverting of the protestant churches either at home , or over sea , but rather embrace their sobriety and moderation , who being minded , as they professe , doe not breake out in many moe both words and deeds , for the destroying of the protestant schisme , and bringing all backe to the catholick apostolick mother church of rome , and unto the feet of his holinesse the vicar of christ , the successor of peter , under whose obedience our holy and blessed antecestors did live and die . chap. iiii. the canterburians joine with rome in her grossest idolatries . the acts of romes idolarry be many and various : none more open to the eie of beholders then these five , their adorations of altars , images , relicts , sacramentall bread , and saints departed : for the first , their worshipping of the stocke or stone of the altar ; if wee would impute it unto the canterburians , they will deny it alluterly , and avow , that they may well worship god before the altar , but to worship the altar it selfe , to give to it that worship which is done before it , to give to it any religious worship any 〈◊〉 , any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any adoration , they dodetest it , as palpable idolatry . so his grace , so pocklingtoune , so heylene , so lawrence , so 〈◊〉 do oft professe : but that you may see how little faith those mens prorestations doe deserve , and that all may know either their desperate equivocating , or else their spirit of giddinesse , which makes them say and unsay the same things in the same pages ; consider all of the five named authors , for all their deniall , printing with approbation and applause as much worshipping and adoration even of the altar , as any papists this day living will require . begin with his grace , you shall finde him in his star-chamber speech , for all his deniall , yet avowing within the bounds of two pages , once , twice , thrice , a the giving of worship to the altar , and that such worship , which is grounded upon that place of scripture , venite 〈◊〉 , which we suppose none will deny to be divine adoration : but we must understand , that the king , and the church of england here , as in all things must bear the blame of his graces faults , that the king and his most noble knights of the garter must bee patrons to this practice , and the english liturgie the enjoiner of it : but his grace and those that have the government of the church must bee praised for their moderation , in not urging this practice upon all their brethren . b d. pocklingtoune with his graces licence , 〈◊〉 the bending of the body and the prostration even to it . 〈◊〉 comes up at last to his masters backe , and tels us that the adoration before the altar , is the honour of the altar it selfe , and that falling downe and kissing of the altar ; for the honouring of the altar was a very commendable practice . c laurence as he prints with canterburies licence , but undoubtedly by an impudent lie , at the kings speciall commandement , doth maintaine not onely veneration , but religious worshipping adoration , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and all , d not only by a relative and transient worship as he speakes , e but also , which is a degree of madnesse , beyond any thing that ever i have marked in any 〈◊〉 , he will have a divine adoration given to the altar it selfe without any relation , or mentall abstraction ; because of the union of christs body with it , which sits there as in a chaire of estate even as without scruple or relations , or mentall abstractions wee give to the humane nature of christ , for that personall union of the godhead with it , divine adoration whereof in it selfe it is not capable . f for the adoration of the communion elements , which protestants count an idolatrie so horrible , that for it alone they would not faile to separate from the church of rome , though she had no other fault , g their minde is plaine by the practice which his grace maketh 〈◊〉 in his state answer to defend , we doe passe their adoration in the act of communicating , 〈◊〉 wee thinke it strange to see men who once were counted moderate and wise , by the touch of his graces panton , to become so insolent , as to hisse and hout at the doctrine and practice of the best reformed churches , as vile and monstruous , h who in the act of receiving hath thought meet to sit or stand , rather than to kneele . we speake onely of these their new adorations , which against the constant practice of the english church they are now begun to use , without the act of receiving a number of low cringes towards these elements , when they take the paten in their hand , a low inclinabo before the bread , when they set it downe , another ; when they take up the chalice , a third ; when they setit downe a fourth . i that these avowed adorations before the elements , without the act of receiving , are directed by them , not only as they say to the person of christ , whom they make there essentially present , but also unto the elements themselves ; we prove it by no other reason but their former confession . their adoration before the altar is done as they confesse unto the altar , much more their adoration before the elements , without the act of receiving must bee unto the elements : for i hope they will bee loath to affirme , that there is in the altar any worthinesse or aptitude , or any other cause imaginable , which can make it capable of adoration , but the same causes are in the elements in a farre higher degree : the relation to christs body and person , which they make the only foundation of those worships being much more true , more neare , more cleare in the elements , then in the altar , howsoever the popish prostrations , and adorations , before the hostie , which to all protestants are so abominable idolatries , are absolved by these men ; not onely by the clearing of papists of all idolatry every where , but particularly by their impatience , to have the adoration of the elements to be called popish . for in our book of canons when in the copie sent up to the king , the adoration of the bread , chap. 6. was styled by our bishops the popish adoration , my lord of canterburie on the margine with his owne hand directeth to scrape out the word popish , as we can shew in the authentick manuscript of that booke now in our hands . concerning images , behold their assertions , first they tell us that the pullers downe of images , out of their churches , were but lowns and knaves , pretending onely religion to their prophane covetousnesse , that they were truly iconoclasticke and iconomachian hereticks . k 2. that those who doe pull downe or breake , or offereth any indignity to a crosse , to a crucifix , to a saints image , are but madfooles , that those injures reflect upon christ and the saints ; and are revenged sundry times with plagues from heaven . l 3. that the church of england , ( they take that church commonly by a hudge mistake , for their owne prevalent faction therein ) doth not onely keepe innumerable images of christ , and the saints in the most eminent and conspicuous places of their sanctuaries , but also daily erect a number of new long and large ones , very curiously dressed , and that heerein they have reason to rejoice and glory , above all other reformed churches . m 4. that these their manifold images they use not onely for ornament , but also to bee bookes to the laicks , both for their instruction and kindling of their affections to piety , zeale , charity , imitation of the saints ; n 5. that towards the images of christ and the saints , the hearts of the godly ought to bee affected with a pious devotion , with a religious reverence , and that this reverence may very lawfully bee expressed , with an outward religious adoration ; yea , prostration before the image , as well as before the altar , with the eies of the adorer fixed upon the image ; o 6. that the popish distinction of duleia and latreia is good , and well grounded , that the onely abuse of images is the worshipping of them with latreia ; that the papists are free of this fault , that all their practice here is but iconoduly , not idolatrie , that all our controversie with them about the worshipping of relicts , and so much more of images , ( for to images , they professe a farre lesse respect then to reliques ) is but the toying of children , the striving about shadowes , that long agoe both sides , are really agreed , though some for their owne pride and greed delight to keep this contraversie about ambiguous words still upon foot . p concerning reliques they teach first that the 〈◊〉 of them about in cloaths by devout people is tollerable . q next that those bones or that dust of the deceased saints ought justly to bee put in a casse of silke or of gold that they may bee well hung about our necke and oft kissed , that they may bee layed up amongst our most pretious jewels . r 3. that in those reliques there is 〈◊〉 found so much grace , holinesse , vertue , that all who touches them are sanctified by that touch . s 4. that to these relicts a great honour yea a relative worship is due albeit not a latria or divine adoration . t fifthly , that pilgramages to the places where those relicts stand are very expedient , that protestants doe reprove onely these pilgramages towards the churches of the saints which are made for greed or superstition , that papists doe disallow all such as well as we w 6. that all the controversie which here remaines betwixt papists and protestants is about just nothing even about goates woll and the shadow of an asse . x about the invocation of saints whereof the learned of the papists are so ashamed that they disavow their owne practice thereof y yet our men tell us first that the saints in heaven are truely our mediators with god of intercession , as chtist is of redemption . z againe , that wee ought carefully to keepe the saints festivalls , to this end , that wee may be partakers of their intercession . a 3. that albeit for common their intercession bee universall , yet that sundry times they descend to particulars : they remember the estates of their friends and acquaintance as they left at it their death , they are informed of many new particulars by the angels which hath been upon earth , and by the saints which after their death hath newly come to the heaven , and that according to their particular informations they frame their intercession . a 4. o if we were certaine that the saints in heaven knew our estate it were no fault at all but very expedient to make our prayers to them that they might interceed with christ for us . and though we bee not certaine of their knowledge , yet all the fault that is in our prayers to them is onely some idlenesse and curiosity but no impiety at all . b 5. that none ought to reprove our prayers unto our angel keeper . c the saint in heaven which the papists doe most idolize is our blessed virgine to whom it is well knowne they give much more false worship , then true to the whole trinity , concerning her the canterburians affirme first , that she is created in another way then any of the race of adam , that god did meditate fifty ages upon the worke of her perfect creation , that she did live all her daies without mortall sin yea without all actuall sinne , yea without all originall . d that she is now advanced above all the angels to the highest created perfection that is possible to be daughter , mother , and spouse of god , and that her very body is already translated to the heavens . e 3. that god hath made her to bee true lady and empresse of the catholike church , of all the earth , and of the heaven , and that all these honours shee hath obtained by her due deservings and merits . f 4. that all the angels and saints in heaven , let bee men upon earth are obliged to adore her , and bow their soules unto her . g 5. that shee knoweth all thinges perfectly heere beneath upon the earth : for in the face of god in the glasse of the trinity shee doth behold all creatures . h 6. that it is but prophane puritans who refuse to say the ave maries and to follow the example of their pious predecessors who wont so to pray . i 7. that the devotions of the present monks , nunnes , and princes , who have enrolled their names in the sodality of the virgin mary is worthy of imitation . k 8. that the old pious ceremony of burning of wax candels in all the churches of england through the whole cleare day of her purification ought to be renewed . l 9. that the christians obtained that famous victory over the turkes in lepanto by her intercession at their prayers with christ her sonne . m all this his grace hath permitted under his eye to bee printed at london without any censure , and when this doctrine was challenged by burton , hee was rewarded with the losse of his eares and perpetuall prison . the booke which he inveighed against let bee to bee recalled , is openly excused in print at his graces direction as containing no evill but only innocent retorications . n yea m. dow with his graces licence pronounceth that booke to bee free of all popery , and that upon this reason , because the author professeth his tracing the steps of doctor montagu whom all england must know to be above all suspition of popery . chap. v. the canterburians avow their embracing of the popish heresies and grossest errours . the nature of heresie is so subtilized by our faction , that so farre as in them lies , it is now quite evanished in the aire , and no more heresies are to be found on the earth . with the socinian remonstrants , they exeeme all 〈◊〉 controverted this day among any christians , from being the subject of heresie : for they tell us , that the beleefe of the doctrines uncontroverted by all is sufficient for salvation . a and howsoever some of them will bee content to count the socinian arianisme and macedonianisme to bee true heresies ; yet , as we shew before , and all of them do clearethe popish errors of this imputation . alwayes not to strive for words , our assertion is , that the grossest of the roman errours which in the common stile of protestants , wont to goe for heresies , are maintained by the canterburians for catholick truths . for to 〈◊〉 this , cast over the bookes of bellarmine , and see if his grossest tenets bee not by them embraced . in his first tome , his errours about the scriptures imperfection , and doctrinall traditions , seemes to be most weighty . in his second , besides these already named , his defence of the monastick vowes of limbus patrum and purgatory are very palpable . in the third , his ascribing too little to the sacraments of the old testament , and too much to the sacraments of the new , his making all infants in baptisme to bee regenerate , and all nonbaptised to bee damned , his corporall presence of christs body on the altar , his sacrifice of the masse , auricular confession , extreame unction , are very grosse corruptions . in the last tome , his errours about faith , justification , merit , free-will , are among the chiefe . in all those , consider how farre our party is long agoe declined to the left hand . begin with scripture and traditions : the reformed churches in the harmony of their confessions lay all down one common ground , for their mutuall consent ; the scripures absolute perfection , without the helpe of any doctrinall tradition : hogh me once this pillar , the whole edifice of the reformation must fall . to batter downe this fort , the papists plant two engines : one that there is divers apostolicke and ancient traditions , both rituall and dogmaticall , which beside scripture with a divine faith must be firmely beleeved : an other , that scripture must not be taken in any sense by us , but 〈◊〉 wherein the ancient fathers of the church have understood it , or the present church do take it . in both these very dangerous corruptions our party joines with rome : they glory b and triumph above all other reformed churches , that they doe embrace doctrinall traditions , for which in scripture there is no ground ; and of this kinde they reckon out some of great importance ; such as are , the baptisme of infants , the sanctifying of the sabboth , the apostles creed , the giving of the cup to the people , praying in a knowne tongue , our knowledge of scripture to be scripture , the names and number of the canonicall bookes and their distinction from apocrypha , of this kinde they maintaine large as many as rome . for at the first word they speake to us of six hundreth . c among these traditions , which wee must embrace with an undoubted faith : they reckon up the authority of bishops above priests , prostration before the altars , worshipping towards the east , crosse in baptisme , crossing of our faces at all occasions , the standing of a crucifix upon the altar , and what else they please to urge , for which they can get no scripture warrant . to this head they referre the very customes of the popish church in latter times , for which they have no syllable in any writer let bee in any father : d yea , all the injunctions of the bishops must bee ecclesiastick traditions , whereto the conscience must submit no lesse then to the precepts of god. e in the meane time scripture must bee stiled the booke of hereticks , f a lesbian 〈◊〉 g in no controversies no not in sermons any use may bee made of it , except so farre as wee can backe our deductions from scripture , by consent of the ancient fathers , or present church . h in our most important controversies anent faith , justification , fulfilling of the law , merite , &c. they teach first , that faith is no more but a bare knowledge , and naked assent , that in the nature of it there is no confidence , no application at all , that the soules confidence and application of gods promises , are the acts onely of hope and charity , that justifying faith is the catholicke faith , a generall assent to the articles of the apostolicke creed , that particular personall applying faith , is but presumption and fantasie . i againe , they teach that justification is ascribed by the apostle to faith onely , by way of beginning inchoative , because assent to the truth of god , is that first vertue which the chaine of all other vertues , whereby wee are compleatly justified , for common , doth follow . k 3. that charity is the forme of faith , and that to it , the act of justification is much more reasonably ascribed then to faith . l 4. that saint pauls justification whereby wee stand before the barre of god is nought , but our conversion and sanctification by our inherent righteousnesse . m 5. that the fulfilling of gods law to us in this life is both possible and easie , that if god did command us any thing which were impossible , hee should bee both unjust and a tyrant . n 6. that not onely manyidoelfulfill the law without all mortall sinne , but sundry also doe supererogat by doing more then is commanded , by performing the counsels of perfection , of chastity , poverty , and obedience : o 7. that our good workes doe truely deserve and merit eternall life : p 8. that our obeying the counsels of perfection doe purchase a degree of glory above the ordinary happinesse , q all this lately is printed by the faction , neither that onely , but ( which to us seemeth marvellous ) when great popular grumblings and sundry publicke challenges hath beene made against the authours of such writs . these whom canterburie hath employed to apologise for the worlds full satisfaction , hath not yet beene pleased to disavow any of those writers , nor to expresse the least signe of their indignation against any of their abominations , r but rather by sweetning all with excuses seeme to vent their desire to have all swallowed downe . in the doctrine of the sacraments , from bellarmins third tombe , they tell us first , that the sacraments of the old testamenr differ from the new , that the one confers grace , the other foresignes grace to bee conferred , that the same distinction must be holden betwixt iohns and christs baptimse . s 2. they tell us that all baptised infants as well reprobat as elect are in baptisme truely regenerat , sanctified , justified , and put in that state wherein if those who are reprobate and thereafter damned should die , they would be infallibly saved . t and on the ot her hand they avow that all those who die in their infancy without baptisme , by whatsoever misse , by whosoevers fault , are certainly damned so farre as men can judge : for baptisme is the onely ordnary meane which god hath appointed for their salvation , which failing , salvation must be lost , except we would dreame of extraordinary miracles of the which we have no warrant . w 3. that the manifold ceremonies of papists in baptisme and all other sacraments are either to be embraced as pious ancient rites , or no to be stood upon as being only ceremoniall toyes . x for their tenets in the sacrament of the supper , wee shall speake anone of them in the head of the masse . 4. they tell us that our dispute about the five bastard sacraments is a plaine logomachy . y 5. they tell us that not only infants after their baptisme but even men baptised in perfect age who before baptisme gave a sufficient count of their faith , yet they may not bee esteemed full christians while they have received confirmation by the imposition of hands , and that alone by a bishop . z about the orders , they tell us that they agree with papists in their number , that the reason why they want their acolits , sub-deacons and the rest , is but their churches poverty : zz which can scarce well maintaine the two orders of priests and deacons . but which in their questions is worst of all , they side here with the papists in giving to all the protestant churches a wound which our enemies proclame to be mortall , fatall , incurable . they tie the conferring of ordours by a full divine right to the office of bishops , they avow that the lawfull use of all ordination and outward ecclesiasticke jurisdiction is by god put in the hands of their persons alone . other reformed kirkes therefore wanting bishops , their ministers must preach , celebrate the sacraments , administer discipline not only without a lawfull warrand , but also against the ordinance of god. when they are put in minde of this great wound given by them to all other reformed churches , they either strive to cover it with the fig-tree leaves of an imagined case of necessity which never was , or else plainely to passe over it as immedicable . no marvaile if the bishops of england refuse to admit without a new ordination , these who has beene ordained in holland or france , and they make no scruple to admit without new orders , these who has beene ordained at rome . &c. 6. in matrimony they will keepe not only the popish sacramentall words and signes , the popish times of lent and other dismall daies , except the bishops give their dispensation , but also they will have the whole matrimoniall causes ruled by the popes 〈◊〉 , yea , which is more , they avow that the cannon-law by acts of parliament yet unrepealled stands in vigour amongst them . a except in some few things which are directly opposit to some late lawes of the land and that cannon-law they will have extendit as far downe as the very councell of basile . b and as far up as the constitutions of the first popes . c which divers of the papists themselves acknowledge to bee supposititious , yet our men will defend them all , and with them the canons ofthe of the apostles , the constitutions of clemence and all such trash . d in the sacrament of pennance they 〈◊〉 first , that auricular confession was evill abolished , and is very expedient to be restored . e 2. that god hath given a judiciall power of absolution to every priest , which every one of the people is obliged to make use of , especially before the communion by confessing to the priest all their sins without the concilement of any . f 3. that god in the heaven will certainly follow the sentence of the priest absolving on earth . g 4. beside a private confessor , it were very expedient to have in every congregation a publick penitentiarie , who in the beginning of lent on ashe-wednesday might in the kirk sit in his reclinatory , and sprinkling dust on the head of every parishioner , enjoyn them their lent-pennance , whereby they may truly satisfie gods judgement for their sins , and in the end of lent or shrif-thursday before pasche give his absolution to those who have fully satisfied . h extreame unction , if reports may be trusted , is already in practice among them , but howsoever , they avow in print their satisfaction with the papists in this point , if so be the ceremony be no made absolutely necessary . i anent the monastick life , consider how farre our men are from popery , they tell us first , that the putting downe of the monasteries in england by henry the eight , let be by other protestant princes else-where , was a worke exceeding impious , and very prejudiciall both to the church and crowne : k 2. that the monks for the paterne of their orders have the prophets and the apostles , and specially iohn the baptist : l 3. that their habits to their very tree-shoone hath scripture warrant : m 4. that the virgine mary was truely a nunne , and that the nunnes this day are much to bee commended for the following of her paterne : n 5. that the present carthusians , franciscans , and the rest of the fraternities are very good and holy people , worthy in their very orders of monastick life of our imitation : o 6. that their barefooted processions through the streets , that their canonicall houres of devotion , at midnight in their cloisters , that in great festivall eves , their going at mid-night , with confluence of people to towne-churches is all commendable service . p in the head of purgatorie and prayer for the dead , thus farre long agoe are they proceeded , first , they avow openly limbus patrum , telling us , that the saints before christ were not onely not in heaven , but truely in an infernall place , even in a lake , where in one nooke the godly were in peace , and the wicked in torments , that abrahams bosome was here , betweene which and hell a certaine gulfe made but a tolerable distance , that iacob , samuel , and david , and other of the ancients were mourned for at their death , because their soules went not to heaven , but truely to a kind of hell : their minde in these things , as their custome is , they propone in the words of some father , that by the shelter of their authoritie they may keep off their owne head the indignation of the people : q again they tell us that christ before he opened heavens gate to any soule , he went first downe , and loosed the soules in prison : yea , if yee beleeve m. maxwell ( who hath written much for the drawing of our church the factions way ) hee went downe to the lowest hells , and delivered thence a number of pagans such as aristotle , plato , socrates , and a world of mo : r . our maine pillers against purgatory they hew downe with the popish axes : when wee reason that scripture makes no mention of any third place betwixt hell and heaven ; they reply , that there are many things whereof scripture makes no mention . when we reason that scripture makes mention expressely of two places for soules after death , they use the popish distinction , that after the resurrection there is but two eternall places , but that before the resurrection there may be three temporall : s 4. when papists urge upon us prayer for the dead , they will not contradict them ; yea , they commend oblations in the lords supper , and prayers there for the dead in particular . t chap. 6. anent their superstitions . in the church of rome , the canterburians use to professe corruptions of two kinds , errours and superstitions ; as for heresies or idolatries , they are loath that any such crimes should be laid to the charge of their mother church , how many , and how grievous errors they finde rome guilty of , they had need to declare ; for in the most of those wherein the protestants place the chief of the romish errours , you have heard them plainly take their part , readily it will prove no otherwise when wee come downe to trie them in the particular heads , wherein papists are reputed most superstitious . the superstitions which in papists are most remarked in their private carriage are these four : in their frequent saining of themselves with the signe of the crosse : in wearing about their neck a crucifix or some such toy of an image or relique : in saying their praiers on their beads : in abstaining from flesh on friday , wednesday , lent , or some great festivalls eave ; our men are farre from disproving of any of these practises . for the first , they avow that saining with the signe of the crosse at rising or lying down , at going out or comming in , at lighting of candles , closing of windowes , or any such action is not only a pious and profitable ceremony , but a very apostolicke tradition . a 2. they avow expressely the carrying of these holy trincats about their neck , in cases of silver or gold . b 3. the saying of their prayers ; yea , their ave maries upon their beeds is to them an holy 〈◊〉 worthy of praise and imitation . c 4. wednesday , friday , and lent-fasts , are to them not only lawdable practises of the ancient church , but also traditions come from christ and the apostles , which for religions cause all are obliged to embrace . d the popish publick superstitions are very many , but of these which that whole church doth allow , very few comes to my minde which stand much against the stomack of our men : those that come first to my thoughts are all pleasantly digested ; protestants wont to deride the popish conceats of their holy ground , of their consecrate walls , and the sanctuarie of their chancels , their turnings towards the east , their manifold toyes in baptisme , and the lords supper joyned with the sacramentall elements , their gesticulations in time of publicke service , their hallowing above the sabboth a multitude of festivals , their pilgrimages , their processions , and many such their practises . in this behold the minde of our men , they tell us first that kirk-yards by prayers , and conspersion of holy water must be made holy ground ; that before these episcopall consecrations , no christian buriall may bee made therein , but after that the bishop hath used the pontificall ceremonies thereupon , no heretick , no schismaticke , no excommunicate person may bee brought there , no worldly , no common action there performed without the profanation of the holy place . e again they shew us that the church by the bishops anointing some stones thereof with oyl and sprinkling others with water , and using from the roman pontificall some mo prayers , some mo ceremonies upon it , becomes a ground more holy : that before these consecrations though the people of god for many yeares have met into a church for divine service , yet it is no more holy than a 〈◊〉 , a 〈◊〉 , a tolbooth ; but after these consecrations there is such holinesse in the walls , that even when there is no divine service , men at their comming in , and going out must adore and all the time of their presence stand discovered , and never so much as sit downe were the service never so long , except upon great infirmitie . f 3. that the chancell and the altar must not onely bee dedicate with prayers and unctious , but with lighted candles , burning incense , and many other such toyes ; that it must bee divided from the church with vailes to keep not only the bodies , but the eyes of the laicks from beholding the arke and throne wherein the body of the sonne of god doth sit , as in a chaire of state , that none but priests must enter there , & that with their triple low adorations at their approaching : that it is a favor for the king or the emperour to win near that place for the short time of his offering . g 4. that none of the ceremonies of the popish baptism , neither their salt , their spitle , nor exsufflation are superstitious . h 5. that a number of the masse toyes , which yet are not in practise in england , yea all the guises of the masse , which can be proven to be ancient are all to be embraced . i 6. that who ever in the publick prayers hath their face toward the north , south , and west , must be publickly called upon to turne themselves ever towards the east . k 7. that in the church not onely in the time of prayer , but at the reading of the ten commands , all must fal on their knees , but when the creed is read all must stand upright on their feet , when the epistle commeth , all may sit downe , but when the gospell beginneth , all must again arise , during the time of sermon all must stand discovered . that to these and all such pious practises we are oblidged by the sole example of the bishops or some sew of them , even before the inacting of any law , either of church or state . l 8. that the conscience is oblidged not only to keep religiously the greater festivities of yule , pasch , pentecost , and the rest which are immediately referred to the honour of the trinitie , but also a number of the festivals of the blessed virgin , of the saints and angels : those must not bee polluted with any worke or secular affaire , as wee desire to bee helped by these glorified persons intercession . m yet christs sunday must bee no sabboth ; bowling , balling , and other such games may well consist with all the holinesse it hath ; yea , no law of god , no ancient canon of the church doth discharge shearing of corne , taking of fish , or much other husband labour upon that day ; but by the contrary acts both of church & state do warrand such labour ; yea , there is so great jewish superstition in the land about christs sunday , that all preachers must bee obliged in their very pulpits to proclame the new book of sports , for incouragement of the people to their gaming 's , when the short houre of divine service is ended , and that under no lesse paine than ejection from the ministerie . n 9. pilgrimages to saints reliques , and bare-footed processions to their churches are preached and printed . o those throats which are so wide as to swallow downe all these it seemes they will not make great bones in all the other trash which in the romish church we challenge as superstitious . chap. vii . the canterburians embrace the masse it selfe . of all the pieces of popery , there is none so much beloved by papists , nor so much hated by protestants , as the masse , since the reformation of religion , the masse hath ever beene counted the great wall of division , keeping the parties asunder , who ever could free that ditch , whose stomack could digest that morsell , no man of either side was wont to make any doubt of his name , but that with consent of all , hee might passe for a true papist ; and no waies in any reason stand for a moment longer in the catalogue of protestants : if then i bee able to demonstrate the canterburians minde to be for the masse , i hope no man of any understanding and equity will require of me any further proofe of their popery , but with good leave of all i may end my taske , having set upon the head therof this cape-stone . in the mouth of both sides reformed and romish , preaching , and the masse goe for reall opposites , the affection of papists to their masse maketh them value our preaching at the lesser rate ; the affection of protestants to preaching , maketh the masse to them the lesse lovely : our faction to make roome for the masse so farre as they dare , so fast as they can , are crying downe preaching . they tell us first , that much of the preaching which now is at london , and over england is not the word of god , but of the devill , a because indeed the best and most zealous preachers in their sermons doe oft taxe arminianisme and popery , and the waies whereby his grace is in use to advance both : this to him and his followers is doctrinall puritanisme , much worse than disciplinarie ; yea , it is sedition taught by the devill : 2. they tell us , that the most of preachers , though voyd of the former fault , are so ignorant , idle , impertinent , clamorous fellowes , that their silence were much more to be wisht than their speech . b because indeed grave and gracious ministers are not either able or willing to stuffe their sermons with secular learning , and imploy extraordinarie paines for to gather together a masse of tinkling words , as andrewes was , and his admirers are wont to doe , for to spoyle preaching of that life , spirit , and power , which ought to shine into it . 3. that the preaching which themselves approve and praise , is but sermonizing in pulpits , no necessary part of the ministeriall charge , but a practice to bee used of some few of singular learning & eloquence , and that only at rare and extraordinary times , as the bishop , or the star-chamber court shall be pleased to give licence . c 4. that the onely ordinary , profitable , and necessary preaching which god hath appoynted , and the church laid upon the backe of pastours , as their charge for which their tithes and stipends is due to them , is nothing but the distinct and cleare reading of the service booke . d as for sermonizing in pulpits , when so it is permitted , it ought to be very short , and after the popish form , without any prayer at all , either before or after : that the custome of english preachers , who before sermon pray for the help of the spirit of god to themselves and their hearers , or after sermon crave grace to practice what hath beene spoken is all but idle ; yea , intollerable novations to bee abolished : e neither this onely , but that the most able pastors are not to bee suffered so much as in their private studies to recommend their soules to god in their owne words , but in their very private prayers , are to bee tyed precisely to the words of the service booke . f 5. that the sermonizing which themselves permit , must bee in the greatest townes in the most solemne times but once a day , that the practice of hearing two sermons in one day is to be corrected , that one in a month is abundant , and all the english canons doe require . g 6. that over all england , lecturers whose sermons wont to be the farre best , must be presently silenced , as those whose calling the canons ecclesiasticall of england cannot permit . h in a word , that sermons are the great occasion of the division and heart-burnings , which now trouble the church and state , of the presumption and pride , and most sins among the people : that therefore it were verie good to returne to the old fashion in the dayes of popery , before the 19. yeare of henry the eighth , where there was none , or but few preachings , that this is the only means to reduce the land to that old honest simplicitie , equitie , pietie , and happinesse , which was in our antecessors dayes ; i even to that old blindnesse , wherein of necessity , wee must give our soule to bee led by the light of sir john the priest , our father confessor , for all this behold on the margine their expresse declaration . preaching being thus far cryed down , there will be the lesse adoe to get up the masse : for the word of the masse is so lovely to them , that they are delighted to stile their service booke by that name . k and least wee should thinke that it is but with the word of the masse , that they are reconciled , they shew us next , that they find no fault with the very matter of the masse , if you will give unto it a charitable , and benigne interpretation . l neither here doe they stand , but goe on to tell us , yet more of their minde , that if transubstantiation onely were removed from the masse , they would make no question , for any thing it hath beside . and this , but most falsly , they give out for king james judgement . m yea , they goe on further to embrace transubstantiation it selfe , so farre as concernes the word : and how much the matter of it displeaseth them wee shall heare anon . n but to shew their minde more clearely towards the masse , consider the scottish liturgie ; this unhappy book was his graces invention : if he should denie it , his owne deeds would convince him . the manifold letters which in this pestiferous affaire have passed betwixt him and our prelates are yet extant . if we might bee heard , wee would spread out sundrie of them before the convocation house of england , making it cleare as the light , that in all this designe his hand hath ever been the prime stikler ; so that upon his back mainly , nill he will hee , would be laid the charge of all the fruits good or evill which from that tree , are like to fall on the kings countries . but of this in time and place ; onely now we desire to bee considered , that to this houre , his grace hath not permitted any of his partie to speak one crosse word against that booke , but by the contrarie lets many ofthem commend it in word and writ for the most rare and singular piece , that these many ages hath beene seene in any church , for all gratious qualities that can bee found in any humane writ . heare how the personate jesuite 〈◊〉 nicanor , that is , as we conjecture by too probable signes his graces creature , lesly of dun , and conner extolls that booke above the skies : o and yet we did undertake to shew into it the maine , yea all the substantiall parts of the masse , and this undertaking to the satisfaction of our nation was performed in our generall assembly ; but to those men the judgements of nationall churches are but vile and contemptible testimonies . i have seene a parallel written by a preacher among us , comparing all and every particular portion of the masse , as they are cleared by innocent , durand , walfrid , berno , and the rest of the old liturgick rationalists , with the parts of our liturgy , as they may bee cleared by the late writs of the canterburians , which ends not , till all the parts great and small of the masse bee demonstrate in our book either formally , in so many words , as the most considerable are , and that in the very 〈◊〉 ( if you will joyne to our book the canterburian commentars ) or virtually a necessity being laid uponus , upon the same grounds which perswades to embrace what in those bookes is formally expressed , to embrace also what of the masse is omitted , 〈◊〉 it shal be their pleasure in a new edition to add it . this parallel is ready for the publick when ever it shall be called for . for the present , because those men make our gracious soveraigne beleeve , and declare also to the world in print , that what we challenge in that book , doeth strike alike against the liturgie of england , as if the scots liturgy were altogether one with the english , and the few small variations , which possibly may be found in the scottish , were not onely to the better , but made for this very end , that this new booke might better comply with the scots humour , which now almost by birth or at least by long education is become naturally antipathetick to the masse , to make this their impudent fraud so palpable that hereafter they may blush ( if it bee possible for such foreheads to blush at any thing ) ever againe before our king to make any such allegeance passing all the rest of that booke for shortnesse , wee shall consider some few lines in some three or foure leafes of it at most , wherein the world may see their malapart changing of the english liturgy in twentie particulars and above , every one whereof drawes us beyond all that ever was allowed in england , and diverse of them lead to those parts of the masse which all protestants this day count most wicked . if this be made cleare , i hope that all equitable men will bee the more willing to free our opposition thereto , of all imputations , and specially of all intentions to meddle with any thing that concernes the english church , except so farre as is necessary for our present defence , and future peace , and makes cleerely fortheir good also . for albeit we are confident the world would have excused us to have opposed with all vehemency the imposition upon us ( a church and kingdome as free and independant upon any other nation as is to bee found this day in christendome ) without our consent , or so much as our advice , the heavie burden of foure forraigne books , of liturgie , canons , ordination , homilies : ofa number ofstrange judicatories ; high commission , episcopall visitations , officiall courts , and the like , though they had bin urged in no other words , in no other sence then of old they wont to be used in england : for it is well known that those things have bin the sole ground and onely occasion of the 〈◊〉 schismes , and heavie troubles wherewith almost ever since the reformation , that gracious church hath beene miserably vexed . but now all those things being laid upon us in a far worse sence as they are declared by the canterburian imposers in their owne writs , yea in farre worse words , as all who will take the paines to compare , may see : wee trust that our immoveable resolution to oppose even unto death all such violent novations shall be taken , by no good man , in evill part , let be , to be throwne , far against our intentions , to the disgrace of our neighbour church , or any well minded person therein . we have with the english church nought to doe , but as with our most deare and nearest sister , wee wish them all happinesse ; and that not onely they , but all other christian churches this day were both almost , and altogether such as wee are , except our afflictions . we have no enemies there but the canterburian faction , no lesse heavie to her than to us . what we have said against the scots liturgie may well reflect upon them , and so farre as we intend , upon them alone , and that for three of their crimes chiefely . first their forcing upon us , with whom they had nought to do , so many novations , even all that is england at one draught , and that by meere violence . 2. their mutation of the most of those things to a plaine popish sence , which in the best sence that ever was put upon them , did occasion alwayes to england much trouble . 3. their mutation of the english books not onely to popish sences , but even to popish words , and that in a number of the most important passages of the masse . this last here wee will shew , holding us within the bounds of our few forenamed leafes , by which , conjecture may bee made of the rest . of all the limbes of the masse , the most substantious for many evill qualities are those three , which lie contiguous together , the offertorie , the canon , the communion : the english at the reformation , howsoever for reasons of their owne , thought meet to retaine more of the masse words than our church could ever be induced to follow , yet in those three portions of the masse they were very carefull to cast out what they knew protestants did much abhorre in the church of rome . but at this time the canterburians having gotten the refraiming of the liturgy in their hands , for to manifest their affection openly to rome do put in expressely that , which the english reformers put out , as wicked scandalls . that this may bee seene , consider severally the three named portions . the popish offertorie in it selfe is a foule practice , even a renovation in the christian church of a jewish sacrifice , as durand confesseth . p but as it stands in the masse , it hath yet a worse use , to bee a preparatorie peace offering making way for that holy propitiatorie , which in the canon followes . it is pretended to bee a sacrifice for the benefit both of quicke and dead , for the good of the whole church universall , for the helpe of these in purgatorie ; but it is really intended to be a dragge , a hook to draw in money to the priests purses . this piece of the masse the english did cleane abolish , but behold how much of it our present reformers are pleased to replant in our booke : first , they professe in plaine tearmes the reduction of the offertorie , and that not once alone , but least their designe should passe without observation , they tell us over againe of the offertory : 2. in the very forefront of this their offertory , they set up unto us whole five passages of scripture , whereof the english hath none , all directly in the literall sence carrying to a jewish oblation . 3. for the waking of the priests appetite ( which of it selfe uses to be sharpe enough ) upon the hope of present gaine to sing his masses with the better will , they set up a rubrick , seasing and infefting the officiating priest in the halfe of all the oblations , which hee can move the people to offer , and giving a liberty to him with his church-warden , to dispose on the other halfe also as he thinks good , expresly contrary to the english , which commands all the almes of the people to bee put up in the poores boxe . 4. they will not have us to want the very formality of a jewish offering , for they ordaine the deacon to put the bason with the peoples devotions in the hands of the priest , that hee may present it before the lord upon the altar , just as the papists in this place ordaine to bring the paten with their oblations unto the priest ; that hee may set it before their altar . q 5 the priest is ordained to place and to offer up the bread and wine upon the lords table , that it may be ready for that service , just the popish offering in that place of the masse , of the bread and wine , as a preparatory sacrifice for the propitiatory following . 6. the english prayer for the catholick church , is in our book cast immediately at the back of the offering of bread and wine , and that we may know it must be taken for the offertory prayers that stands there in the missall , and that for the benefit not onely of the living , but also of the dead : the masse clauses for the honour of the saints , and helpe of those who are in purgatorie , which the english scraped out , they put in againe : for as the papists say , these offertorie prayers for the honour of the saints , especially of the blessed virgin , and apostles , and martyrs , so they in this their offertorie prayer commemorat all the saints , who in their severall generations were the lights of the world , and had wonderfull grace and vertue , they might have put in particularly , as couzins in his devotions doeth , page . 371. the blessed virgin 〈◊〉 , the holy patriarchs , prophets , apostles , and martyrs : also they mention among the dead not onely these glorious saints , but the rest of gods servants , who have finished their course in 〈◊〉 , and now doe rest from their labours , the best description that can be , if bellarmine may be believed , of the soules in purgatory , for whom not only thanks is given , but also prayers made , as couzins who is suspected to be one of the maine pen-men of our booke , doth comment this passage in his devotions , page 372. that at the last day , we with them , and they with us may attaine to the resurrection of the just , and have our perfect consummation both of soule and body in the kingdome of heaven : there is no footestep of any of these things in the english book . the piece which followes the offertorie in the missall , and in our booke also , is the canon , no lesse detested by all protestants , then admired by papists , as bellarmine telleth us ; r many of the prefaces and prayers thereof wee have word by word , and what ever we want , these men in print are bold to justifie it all , as in nothing opposite to the truth or protestant doctrine : so the appendix to d. fields third booke , chap. 1. but wee must consider the time wherein d. field is made to utter such speeches , it is in the twenty eight yeare , long after the death of that learned and reverend divine : it is in that yeare when his grace sitting in the chaire of london , had 〈◊〉 now the full superintendence of all the presses there , and could very easily ( for the promoving of his designes ) put in practice that piece of policie among others , to make men after their death speak in print , what they never thought in their life ; or at least to speake out those thoughts which for the good and peace of the church , they keeped close within the doors of their owne breast , and withdrew from the notice of the world ; it would then seeme reason to father these strange justifications of the masse , which are cast to fields booke so long after his death , as also many passages in these posthume works of andrewes , which his grace avowedly sets out in the twentie ninth yeare , and those new pieces never heard of , which in the thirtie one yeare are set out by m. aylward , under the name of the english martyrs , as also that writ of overall , which montagu puts out with his owne amplifications , in the thirty six yeare : these and the like pieces , must in reason be ratherfather'd on those who put them forth , then upon their pretended authors , who readily did never know such posthume children , or else did take them for such unhappy bastards as they were resolved , for reasons known to themselves to keep them in obscurity , and never in publike to avow them as their owne . in this canon there are two parts most principall , which the papists call the heart , and head thereof . s the prayers of consecration , and of oblation , this head the english strikes off , this heart they pull out of their booke , that the wicked serpent should not have any life among them . but our men are so tender and compassionate towards that poore beast , that they will again put in that heart , and set on that head. the consecration and oblation they will bee loth 〈◊〉 want . consider then these mens changing of the english booke towards both those , the two incomparable worst parts of the whole masse . first , the english scrapes out all mention of any consecration : for however we delight not to strive with the papists any where about words , yet in this place while they declare expressely , that by consecration of the elements they doe understand not the sanctification of the elements by the word and prayer , but a secret whispering of certaine words upon the elements , for their very transubstantiation : t consecration in this place being so taken by the papists , the english rejects it , and will have nothing to do therewith ; but our men being more wise , and understanding their owne ends , put up in their rubrick in capitall letters formally and expressely their praier of consecration . 〈◊〉 . the papists to the end that their consecratory words may bee whispered upon the elements for their change , and no wayes heard of the people , who perchance if they heard and understood them , might learne them by heart , and in their idlenesse might pronounce them over their meales , and so , which once they say was done , transubstantiate their ordinary food into christs body : for the eschewing of these inconveniences , they ordaine the consecration to bee made in the outmost corner of the church , so far from the eares of the people as may be ; and for the greater security , they ordaine their priests in the time of consecration , both to speake low , and to turne their backs upon the people : for to remedy these wicked follies , the english expressely ordained their communion table to stand in the body of the church , where the minister in the mids of the people might read out openly all the words of the institution . but our men to returne to the old fashion , command the table to be set at the east end of the chancell , that in the time of the consecration , the priest may stand so farre removed from the people , as the furthest wall of the church can permit , and as this distance were not enough to keep these holy words of 〈◊〉 from the prophane eares of laicks , our book hath a second rubrick , enjoyning expressely the priest in the time of consecration to turne his backe on the people , to come from the north end of the table , and to stand at such a place where bee may use both his hands with more decencie and ease , which is not possible but on the west side alone ; for on the south side the commoditie is just alike as in the north. on the eastnone can stand , for the table is joyned hard to the wall , and whosoever stands at the west side of the altar , his back is directly to the people that are behind him . they say for this practise many things , first , that in the good holy liturgie of edward the sixth , the priest was ordained to stand with his back to the people . u againe , that alwayes in the ancient church the priests stood in the uppermost end of the church , divided from the people behind them , with railes , and vailes , and other distinctions . x 3. that scripture is the ground of this practice , for so it was in the jewish church , the priest when hee went into the sanctuary to pray , and offer incense for the people , they stood without and never did heare what he spake , nor saw what he did . y if from this practice wee would inferre with bellarmine , that the priest in the consecration might speake in latine , or in a language unknown to the people , since god to whom he speaks understands alllanguages , the elements upon which the consecratorie words are murmured , z understands none , and the people for whom alone the vulgar language is used , is put backe from the hearing of the consecration ; we know not what in reason they could answer : but this weknow , that the maine ground whereupon we presse the use of the vulgar language , not onely in the consecration as they call it , but in the whole service of god , i meane the warrant of scripture , they openly denie and for it gives no ground , but the old tradition of the church . & 3 when our priest is set under the east wal within his raile his backe upon the people , he is directed to use both his armes with decency and ease , what use here can be made of the priests armes , except it be for making oflarge crosses as the masse rubricks at this place doth direct , we doe not understand : only we bave heard before , that they avow the lawfulnesse of crossing no lesse in the supper than in baptisme . 4. the prayer which stands here in the english booke , drawne from the place wherin it stood of old in the masse to countenance the transubstantiation of the bread and wine into christs body and blood , but standing in this place before the consecration it is clear of all such suspition : our men are so bold as to transplant it from this good ground to the old wicked soyle at the backe of the consecration where it wont to stand before in the old order of sarum . 5. in the next english prayer , we put in the words of the masse , whereby god is besought by his omnipotent spirit so to sanctifie the oblations of bread and wine , that they may become to us christs body and bloud , from these words all papists use to draw the truth of their transubstantiation , wherefore the english reformers scraped them out of their booke , but our men put them fairely in , and good reason have they so to do : for long agoe they professed that about the presence of christs body and blood in the sacrament after consecration , they are fully agreed with lutherans and papists in all things that is materiall and needfull , as for the small difference which remaines about the formalitie and mode of presence , it is but a curious and undeterminable question , whereabout there would bee no controversie , did not the devilish humour of the puritans and jesuites make and entertaine it . a yea they seeme to have come a step further , to the embracing of the very mode of the popish presence , for they 〈◊〉 of a corporall presence ibi that the body is there on the altar , and that essentially ; yea so grossely , that for its presence there , the altar it selfe , let be the elements , must bee adored . 6. they make an expresse rubrick for the priests taking of the patin and chalice in his hand in the time of consecration , which taking not being either for his owne participation or distribution to others , why shall wee not understand the end of it to be that , which the masse there enjoynes the 〈◊〉 and chalice , their elevation and adoration ; for the elevation it waslong ago practised and professed by som of our bishops , and the adoration when the chalice and paten are taken in the priests hands is avowed by heylin . the practice of wren does declare their intention : this man as the citizens of ipswich complaines to the parliament , when he consecrat at their new altar , did alwayes turne his back on the people , did elevate the bread and wine above his shoulder , that it might be seene , did set downe every one of the elements , after they were consecrate , and adored lowly before them . b 7. in another rubrick of our consecration we have the cautels of the masse , anent the priests intention to consecrate , expressely delivered unto us . as for that wicked sacrifice of the masse , which the canon puts at the back of the consecration , the english banisheth it all utterly out of their book ; but the faction to shew their zeal in their reforming the errours of the english church , their mother , puts downe here in our booke ; first at the backe of the consecration their memento and prayer of oblation . 2. that prayer of thanksgiving which the english sets after the communion in a place , where it cannot be possibly abused , as it is in the masse for a propitiatory sacrifice of christs body and blood , they transpose and set it just in the old place where it stood in the order of sarum , at the back of the consecration before the communion . 3. the clause of the missall , which for its savour of a 〈◊〉 presence , the english put out of this prayer ( may worthily receive the most precious body and blood of thy son christ iesus ) they have here restored . 4. that wee may plainly understand , that this prayer is so transpianted and supplyed for this very 〈◊〉 , that it may serve as it did of old in the missall for a prayer of oblation of that unbloudie sacrifice by the priest for the sinnes of the world . behold the first eighth lines of it , which of old it had in the missall , but in the reformation was scraped out by the english , are plainly restored , wherein we professe to make and over againe to make before 〈◊〉 divine majestie a memoriall as christ hath commanded . this making not only the papists , but heylene speaking from canterburie , expones farre otherwise then either andrewes , hooker , montagu , or the grossest of the english divines for a true , proper , corporall , visible , unbloody sacrificing of christ , for which first the apostles , and then all ministers are as truely priests though evangelicall , and after the order of melchisedeck , as ever the sons of aaron were under the law , and the communion table becomes as true and proper an altar , as ever was the brazen altar of moses . c 5. after the consecration and oblation they put to the lords prayer , with the missalls preface , audemus dicere . here the papists 〈◊〉 , that their priest by consecration having transubstantiate the bread , and by their memoriall of oblation having offered up in an unbloody sacrifice the body of christ , for the reconciliation of the father , doth then close his quiet whisperings , his poore pipings , and becomes bold to say with a loud voyce , having christ corporally in his hands , pater noster . the english to banish such absurdities , put away that naughty preface , and removed the prayer it selfe from that place : but our men to shew their orthodoxie , repone the prayer in the owne old place , and set before it in a faire rubrick the whole old preface . 6. the first english prayer which stood before the consecration , where the passages of eating christs bodie , and drinking christs blood , could not possibly , by the very papists themselves , be detorted to a corporall presence , yet now in our book , it must change the place , and bee brought to its owne old stance , after the consecration and oblation , immediately before the communion , as a prayer of humble accesse . the third part of the masse i spake of , was the communion ; see how here our men change the english booke : the english indeed in giving the elements to the people , retaine the masse words , but to prevent any mischiefe that could arise in the peoples minde from their sound of a corporall presence , they put in at the distribution of both the elements , two golden sentences , of the hearts eating by faith , of the soules drinking in remembrance . our men being nothing afraid for the peoples beliefe of a corporall presence , have pulled out of their hands and scraped out of our booke both these antidotes . 2. the masse words of christs body and blood in the act of communion , being quite of the english antidots against their 〈◊〉 , must not stand in our booke simply ; but that the people may take extraordinary notice of these phrases , there are two rubricks set up to their backs , obliging every communicant with their owne mouth to say their amen to them . 3. the english enjoynes the minister to give the people the elements in their owne hand ; ours scrapes out that clause , and bid communicate the people in their owne order , which imports not onely their removall from the altar , their standing without the rail , as prophane laicks farre from the place , and communion of the priests , but also openeth a faire doore to the popish practice , of putting the elements not in the prophane hands , but in the mouthes of the people ; this as the report goes , they have well neer practised ; and no marvaile , since already they professe that the people ought not with their fingers to touch these holy mysteries : see in the supplement , d. kellets tenets . 4. the english permit the curate to carry home the reliques of the bread and wine for his private use , but such profanity by our booke is discharged : the consecrate elements are injoyned to be 〈◊〉 in the holy place by the priest alone , and some of the communicants that day , whose mouths he esteemeth to be most holy : yea , for preventing of all dangers the cautele is put in , that so few elements as may , be consecrate . 5. our booke will have the elements after the consecration covered with a corporall , the church linnings were never called corporalls any where , till transubstantiation was borne , neither carryed they that name in england , till of late his grace was pleased by the pen of his man pocklingtonne and the like , to disgrace them with that stile . 6 the english will have the ministers and people to communicate in both kinds ; our booke enjoynes the priest to receive in both kindes , but the people onely in due order : this due order of the people , opposite to the communion of the priest in both kindes , may import the removall of one kinde from the people , so much the more may wee feare this sacriledge from their hands , since they tell us , that our onely ground for communicating of the people in both kindes is stark naught , that for this practice there may well be tradition , but scripture there is none . d also that in divers cases the ancient church did lawfully give to the people the bread alone , that the sacrament after the publick communion , was oft reserved to be sent to the sick , to be taken at private occasions , and laid up in the church in a publicke repository . now it is well knowne , and the papists presse this upon us , when they would rob the people of the cup ; that the wine was not sent to the sicke in a farre distance from the church , nor taken home by the people to be used with the bread in the times of straight , nor set up in the church in the ciboir or repositorie . these changes of the english liturgy , which the canterburians have made , in some few pages lying together of the scottish service , if they be either few or small , your selfe pronounce the sentence . the last chapter , containing the canterburian maximes of tyrannie . one of the great causes of protestants separation from rome , is the tyranny of the romish clergie , whereby they presse upon the verie conscience of their people , a multitude of their own devices , with the most extreame and rigorous censures which can be inflicted either upon bodies or soules . and for the more facilitating of their purposes , they advance the secular power of princes , and of all soveraigne estates above all , that themselves either crave or desire : alone for this end , that their clerks may ride upon the shoulders of soveraignty , to tread under the feet of their domination ; first the subjects , and then the soveraignes themselves . how much our men are behinde the greatest tyrants that ever were in rome , let any pronounce , when they have considered these their following maximes : they tell us , first , that the making of all ecclesiastick constitutions doth belong alone to the bishop of the diocesse , no lesse out of synod than in synod : that some of the inferiour clergy may be called ( if the bishops please ) to give their advice , and deliberative voyce ; that the prince may lend his power , for confirming and executing of the constitutions made ; but for the worke of their making , it is the bishops priviledge , belonging to them alone by divine right . a 2. that in a whole kingdome , the bishops alone , without the privatie of any of the clergie , of any of the laity , may abolish all the ecclesiasticall judicatories , which the standing and unrepealed lawes , which the constant customes , ever since the reformation had setled , and put in their roomenew forraigne courts , which the kingdome had never knowne , scarce so much as by their name . b that at one stroke they may annull all the acts of three or fourescore nationall assemblies , and set up in their roome a book of canons of their owne devising . c that they may abolish all the formes used in the worship of god , without any question for threescore yeeres and above , both in the publicke prayers , in the administration of the sacraments , in singing of psalmes , in preaching the word , in celebrating of marriage , in visiting the sicke , and in ordination of ministers : neither this alone , but that it is in their hand to impose in place of these accustomed formes , foure new bookes of their owne ; of service , of psalmes , of ordination , of homilies . all this our bishops in scotland have done , and to this day , not any of them to our knowledge can bee moved to confesse in that deed , any faile against the rules either of equity or justice , what ever slips of imprudence there may bee therein . and all this they have done at my lord of canterburies direction , as we shall make good by his owne hand , if ever we shall bee so happy as to be permitted to produce his owne authentick autographs , before the parliament of england , or any other judicatorie that his majestie will command to cognosce upon this our allegeance . readily rome it selfe cannot be able in any one age to parallell this work which our faction did bring forth in one yeare . it is a bundle of so many , so various , and so heavie acts of tyrannie . certainly , england was never acquaint with the like ; we see what great trouble it hath cost his grace , to get thorow there one poore ceremonie of setting the communion table altar wayes ; for there themselves dare not denie , that it is repugnant to the established lawes of their church and state for any bishop ; yea , for all the bishops being joyned , to make the poorest canon without the voyces of their convocation house , or nationall assembly ; yea , without the parliaments good pleasure . d 3. they avow that all their injunctions though so many and so new , yet they are so holy and so just , that the whole kingdome in conscience mustembrace them all as the commands of god. e that whoever will be so peart as to affirme in any one of them , the least contrariety to the word of god , he must have no lesse censure then the great excommunication , from which he must never be relaxed but by the bishops own mouth , after his publick repentance and revocation of so vile an errour . f that his bodily and pecuniall penaltie shall be at the free-will and discretion of the bishop . g that the worthiest men of any liberall profession get favour to lose but their eares , to have their nosesslit , and cheeks burnt for contradicting their innovations . h that the furthest banishments for tearme of life , is a priviledge which their indulgence may grant but to few . i that the vilest dungeons , irons , whippings , bread and water , chaining to posts without all company , day or night in the coldest and longest winters , is but a part of their opposers deserving . k that the greatest nobles of the land , ought in law to forfeit their life and estate , if they be so bold as to put their hand to a supplication unto their gratious prince against their practices . l that all this is but just severity , and the very expedient meane to advance their cause , which they glory hath well neere already close undone their opposites , m and which they boast shall still bee used . n but alas it is gone now beyond boasts , when they are the second time upon the very poynt to kill millions of the kings best subjects , to dash together all his dominions in a bloody warre , as pitchers one upon another , for the confirmation of their intollerable tyranny , where long it hath beene tottering , and the reerection of it where it s owne unsupportable weight hath caused it to fall . as for the power of princes , the most of those this day who are christians , and especially our gracious soveraigne , are very well content to bee limited within the bounds of the lawes which themselves and their predecessors have setled in the church and state of their dominions , to make the preservation of those lawes and of their subjects liberties ecclesiastick and civill , according to them , the greatest glory of their prerogative royall . o to give assurance of their resolution never to abolish any old , or bring in any new act , either in church or state without the concurrence of assemblies and parliaments . p neither to impose any taxation on their subjects goods without their free consent thereto given by their commissioners in parliament , q the extending of the prerogative to the making of new lawes , or abolishing of old , to the imposing of taxes by simple proclamation without parliament , our prince doth so farre abhorre , that he condemned a certaine writ for importing his majesties entertainment of such motions ; yea , his majestie by his attourney generall called the earle of bedford and other noble personages to censure , for keeping such a writ wherein did lye so pernicious positions . r where some princes misled through passion and mis-information have deviat so far from the path of justice , as to intend by violence and armes the overthrow of the true religion and ancient liberties of their subjects , the opposition which the subjects are forced to make in this case against the oppression of their prince , our gracious soveraigne hath been so farre ever from counting of it rebellion , of which crime the greatest royalists in england wont alway to absolve it , s that his majestie hath thought meet before all europe after the example of his glorious father , and renowned predecesrix elizabeth , to give his countenance , aid , and powerfull assistance to them all , when their just grievances and feares were laid out before his throne . if so be king charles had esteemed the late wars in france of the protestants against their king , the present wars of holland , and of the high dutches against the spaniard and emperour an unlawfull defence , let be a trayterous insurrection of subjects against their soveraignes ; weepresuppone his majesties justice would have beene loath ever to have defiled his scepter by supporting them all with men and moneyes , as oft he hath done , and yet doth avow the deed . while our gracious prince is so farre inflamed with hatred against all tyranny , yet behold this wicked fiction how carefully they goe about by all the meanes they can , to draw his royall mind to that which naturally it doth so much abhorre : for they tell us first , that the power of all true kings is so simply absolute and illimitate , that for any man to reason what they may not , is a crime no lesse than treason ; that they are far above all law. t 2. that the oath which a prince makes to keepe the lawes is but a personall deed , which cannot oblige his successor , that his oath and promise at his coronation to keepe the lawes , is to be exponed of his resolution to make his lawes to be keeped by others : that all the oathes and promises he makes at his coronation are but of his meere free-will and arbitrement , that by them all no true covenant or paction can bee inferred betwixt the king and his subjects . w 3. that the prince alone is the law-giver , both in church and state. x 4. that in matters ecclesiasticall they themselves alone without the advice of any of the clergie may lawfully make what canons they please , and compell their clergie to embrace them . y 5. that it is a part of the kings prerogative to have power to impose upon all his subjects such confessions of faith , such liturgies , such canons as he thinks meetest without the advice of any church assembly . z 6. when it is his pleasure to call an assembly , the members of that ecclesiastick court are onely such as hee is pleased to call , whether of the clergie or of the laity . & 7. that when they are called onely the princes voyce is decisive , the voyce of all the rest at most but consultive , or if any of them become decisive , it is by the princes favour , or at least permission . a 8. that church assemblies are onely politick conventions , not grounded upon any divine right , and so to bee used , or disused as the prince shall thinke expedient . b 9. that it is in the power of all soveraignes , whether monarchick , aristocratick , or democratick , to appoynt for the government of the church in their dominions such officers and spirituall courts , as they finde most meet , and agreeable to their temporall estates , to erect bishops , and put downe presbyteries , to erect presbyteries , and put downe bishops . c 10. that all this power to conclude every ecclesiastick affaire which can bee subject to the jurisdiction of any ecclesiasticall synod doth belong alike to all soveraignes , whether turkish , iewish , pagan , hereticall , or christian and orthodox . d concerning the kings power in matter of state , they teach first , that a parliament is but his arbitrarie councell , which in making or annulling of his lawes hee may use or not use as hee pleaseth . e 2. when hee is pleased to call a parliament , it is his due right by his letter to ordaine such barons to be commissioners for the shires , and such citizens to bee commissioners for burrowes as hee shall bee pleased to name . f 3. that hee may lawsully exact when he hath to doe what portion of his subjects goods hee thinks meet , and by himselfe alone , may make such lawes for exactions in times to come , as seemes to him best . g 4. that no subject of his kingdome can have any hereditarie jurisdiction , but any jurisdiction that either any of the nobilitie , or any other magistrate or officer possesseth , they have it alone during his pleasure ; that at his presence , the power of all others must cease , and at his death evanish , and be quite extinguished , till by his successors by new gift it bee renewed . h 5. that scotland is a subdued nation , that fergus our first king did conquer us by the sword , and establish an absolute monarchie for himselfe and his heires , giving to us what lawes he thought meetest . i 6. that all the lands in scotland were once the kings propertie , and what thereof hath beene given out for service , yet remaines his owne by a manifold right . k 7. that to denie any of the named parts of this power to the king , is to destroy his monarchike government , to dethrone him and make him no king , to subject him to his people , and make them his masters , or at least collegues in the empire . l but thankes be to god that our gracious prince hath so oft declared himselfe to bee farre from all such thoughts ; yea , that my lord of canterburie himselfe , is forced whiles to let drop from his fingers cleane contrarie maximes . m lastly , they teach us in the matter of resistance , first , that doe the prince what hee will , he may never be resisted by any or all his subjects , that not onely a private man must give over all defence , though most innocent of his owne life against the prince his unjust violence ; n but the whole state can doe nought without rebellion against god , but flee or suffer , when the prince , whether by himselfe or his officers doth destroy the true religion established by all lawes , and the liberties of the land , deare bought of old , and peaceably brooked in many ages , also the lives of many thousands of the best subjects , without the pretence or colour of any just cause . o againe , that all this subjection must be used , not onely to our native king , but to any forraine usurper who can get footing among us , and it were the kings of spaine , as their predecessors the hereticall gothish kings got footing in the roman empire . p that even against them , the states of a land with a good conscience could use no defence , though before their eyes , they should see them execute the cruell tyrannies of nebuchadnezzar , put out the eyes of the king , kill 〈◊〉 children , lead himselfe and his nobles away to a far land in fetters : though with nero , q for their mere pleasure they should set the royallcitie in a faire fire , or execute the plot of 〈◊〉 by murthering all the seed of the iewes , all zealous protestants up and downe the land in one day . such maximes exceedingly opposite to the honour of god , the safetie of the kings person and crowne , the welfare of the people , these men cause to bee printed and let them goe athort without any censure at these times , when by royall decreets , they have pulled into their hands the full commandement of all the presses , and the absolute jurisdiction over all the book-sellers shops in the kingdome , and 〈◊〉 frequently theirzeale against any bookes that give but the least touch to their mitres , by inflicting no lesse censure than fire upon the books , pilloring and nose-slitting on the authors , and whipping thorow the streets on the carriers . all these extraordinarie prerogatives , whereby the faction advanceth supreme magistrates so neere unto god , and their favourites so far above the skies , r seeme to flow not from any love they carrie either to their crowns or the royall heads that beare them , but meerely out of their selfe-respect to their owne ambition and greed , that soveraignty being advanced to an unmeasurable height , may be a statelier horse for them to ride upon , in their glorious triumphings above all that is called god. for otherwise , yee may see how farre they depresse all soveraignes when they are layed in the ballance with themselves ; they tell us that the king can bee no more the head of the church , than the boy that rubs their horse heeles . s 2. that the heart whence the native life and vigour of the ecclesiastick lawes doth flow , is alone the bishops , and not the king. t 3. that kings and emperours ought to reverence ; yea , to adore bishops , and to pay them tributes . w 4. that everie bishop is a prince and a monarch , as farre in dignitie above the greatest secular prince , as the soule above the body , or god above man. x finis . revised according to the ordinance of the generall assembly , by me mr. a. jhonston clerk thereto . edinb . 1. of april 1640. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67904-e1530 wee did expect nothing lesse then war. wee have committed no 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 with any goodly colour 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the late 〈◊〉 . compassion , hope , and all reason call now for peace at home , 〈◊〉 at last we may get some order of our 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 . the canterburian faction 〈◊〉 veth not so well of england that armes in their favour ought to be taken against scotland . wee 〈◊〉 to instruct by the 〈◊〉 of our partie their unsupportable crimes . arme , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken in so evill a cause can not but end in an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in this 〈◊〉 of time very poore 〈◊〉 without presumption may venture to speake to parliaments . an offer de . serving 〈◊〉 audience . the silence of the 〈◊〉 divines is 〈◊〉 . notes for div a67904-e2650 our adversaries de cline to answer ou greatest challenge . the scope of the treatise . all our 〈◊〉 , but one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the major thereof . a neither shall we ever give way to the authorizing of any thing , whereby any innovation may steale or 〈◊〉 into the church , 〈◊〉 shall preserve that unitie of doctrine and discipline , established in queen 〈◊〉 reigne , whereby the church of england have stood and flourished , since 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of england , 1628. and therefore once for all , we have thought sit to declare , and hereby to assure all our good people , that we neither were , are , nor ever ( by the grace of god ) shall be stained with popish superstition , 〈◊〉 by the contrary , are resolved to maintain the true protestant religion , already professed within this our ancient kingdome . we neither intend innovation in religion or laws , proclam . 〈◊〉 8. 1638. 〈◊〉 all our good subjects of the least suspition of any intention in us , to innovate any thing either in religion or laws , and to satisfie not only their desires , but even their doubts . wee have discharged , &c. proclam . septemb. 22. 1638. and to give all his majesties people full assurance , that hee never intended to admit any alteration or change in the true religion professed within this kingdome , and that they may be truly and fully satisfied of the reality of his intentions , and integrity of the same , his majesty hath been pleased to require and command all his good subjects , to subscribe the confession of faith , formerly signed by his deare father , in anno 1580 : and it is his majesties will that this be insert and registred in the books of assembly , as a testimony to posterity , not only of the sincerity of his intertions to the said true religion , but also of his resolution to mayntain and defend the same , and his subjects in the profession thereof , proclam . decemb. 13. 1638. b if any prelate would labour to bring in the superstitions of the church of rome , i doe not only leave him to gods iudgment , but if his irreligious 〈◊〉 can be discovered , also to shame and severe panishment from the state , and in any just way , no mans hands should be sooner against him then mine . the minor. the conclusion . notes for div a67904-e3070 〈◊〉 a great and dangerous innovation of 〈◊〉 king james judgment of 〈◊〉 . a declarat . contra 〈…〉 p. 15. 〈…〉 b ibid. p. 12. 〈…〉 c ibid. pag. 18 〈…〉 d ibid. pag. 12. 〈…〉 e ibid. pag. 14. 〈…〉 f ibid. pag. 15. 〈…〉 the great increase of arminians in scotland , by canterburies mean. the kings name stolne by 〈◊〉 to the defence of 〈◊〉 . g large declar. pag. 74. according to their weake and 〈◊〉 power they did determine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 predestination , universall grace , irresistibility of grace , concurrance of free will with grace , totall and finall perseverance in grace , and other such like intricate points , that some men would be loth to live so long as they could make them understand them . h p. 16. some ministers were deprived for 〈◊〉 , a course never heard of in any place where any rule of justice was observed , that a minister should bee deprived for holding any tenet which is not against the doctrine of that church wherein hee liveth , and that before it bee prohibited and condemned by that church . now there is nothing in the 〈◊〉 of that church against these tenets . i pag. 303. they could make no answer when it was told them these tenets could not be counted popish , concerning which , or the chiese of which as learned papists as any in the world , the 〈◊〉 and jesuits did differ as much as the protestants , and that those which doe adhere to the augustan confession did hold that side of those tenets which the arminians did hold , and yet they were very farre from being papists , being the first protestants , and therefore it was against all sense to condemne that for popery which was held by many protestant churches , and rejected by many learned papists . 〈◊〉 is the author of this part of the declaration the irish church infected with 〈◊〉 by canterburie . the canterburians in england , teach the first and second article of arminianisme . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 60 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 my through and sincere 〈◊〉 from the faction of novellizing 〈◊〉 , but in no point 〈◊〉 then in the 〈◊〉 of desperate predestination . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 70. i see no reason why any divines of our 〈◊〉 present at the syned of 〈◊〉 , should take any 〈◊〉 at my 〈◊〉 , who had no authority that i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to conclude me , 〈◊〉 then i doe at them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from mee in their 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. pag. 71. i am sure the church of england never 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in her 〈◊〉 . ibid pag 72 , at the conference of hampton court , before his majesty , by doctor 〈◊〉 , that doctrine of irrespective predestination was stiled against the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , then urged by the 〈◊〉 , a desperare doctrine without reproofe or taxation of any . ibid. 〈◊〉 50. your absolute , necessary , determined , irresistible , irrespective decree of god to call , save , and 〈◊〉 saint 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without any consideration had of , or regard unto his 〈◊〉 , obedience , 〈◊〉 : i say it truly , it is the fancie of some 〈◊〉 men . l ibid. 〈◊〉 61. 64. i shall as i can briefly set downe what i conceive of this act of gods decree of predestination , setting by all execution of purpose : thus far we have gone , and no word yet of predestination , for how could it be in a paritie ? there must be first conceived a disproportion , before there can be conceived 〈◊〉 election or dereliction : god had compassion of men in the masse of perdition , upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & genera 〈◊〉 , and out of his mercy in his love motumero , no otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out to them deliverance , in a mediatour the man iesus christ , and drew them out that took hold of mercy , leaving them there that would none of him . why king iames styled them atheists . m appeal , pae . 49. the 〈◊〉 among others 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 of old , 〈◊〉 to . they meant it substantially , and so 〈◊〉 : christians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it too , but disposively in his providence . they teach the third and 〈◊〉 article . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 89. st. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 hath the very word antipiptete , you resist , nay , fall crosse with the holy ghost , not suffering him to 〈◊〉 grace in you . if the councell meaned it , operante : i thinke no man will deny it , de gratia 〈◊〉 , subsequente , cooperante ; there is without question in the naturall will of a regenerate man so much 〈◊〉 concupiscence , as may make him resist and rebell against the law of the spirit . and if a man justified may fall away from grace , which is the doctrine of the church of england , then without question , your selves being judges , he may 〈◊〉 the grace of god offered . o ibid. 〈◊〉 95. thus having with as great diligence as i could examined this question inter partes of free-will , i doe ingenuously confesse , that i cannot finde any such materiall 〈◊〉 between the 〈◊〉 , at least of better temper , and our church . also the fifth . p antigag . p. 161 man is not likely in the state of grace to be of an higher alloy then angels were in the state of glory , then adam was in the state of innocencie : now i adam in paradise , and 〈◊〉 in heaven did fall and lost their originall estate , the one totally , 〈◊〉 and the other eternally , what greater assurance hath any man in the state of proficiencie ; not of consummation . silence by proclamation enjoyned to both sides . the arminians in england advanced . q a moderate answer , pag. 78 you will be troubled to finde canterburies equall in our church , since king edwards reformation , whether yee looke to his publike or private demeanours . r ibid pag. 84. white , montagne , and 〈◊〉 , whom you so abuse , are such , who for their endeavours for this churches honour , fidelity in their service to the king , full abilities in learning , have had no equals in this church , since the reformation . their opposites disgraced and persecuted . albeit to this day fleshly feares have made him to let passe with silence in publike the most wicked of their courses . s chr. dow. answer to master burton , m. burton did preach on the highest point of predestination in a cōtroverted way with disputes and clamorous invectives against those who dissented from him in opinion , his questioning and suspending for this cause , was nothing contrary to his majestics declarations . ibid pag. 40. be it so that the doctrine of election , effectuall vocation , assurance of 〈◊〉 , are by the declaration suppressed , rather then the peace of the church should bee disturbed , wee might truly say of that time when his 〈◊〉 declaration was published , that men were uncapable of these doctrines , when men began to chide , and to count each other 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 it was with our neighbours , it began to be with us , was it not time to enjoyne both sides silence ? by this meanes you say , there is no minister , not one among a thousand that dare clearly preach of these most comfortable doctrines , and so soundly confute the 〈◊〉 heresie . blessed be god , that there are so few who dare , and i with those few who dare , had shewed more obedience to his majesty . canterbury and his 〈◊〉 contrary to the proclamation goe on still to print , let be to preach their tenets . t pag 82. the benefit of redemption by the antecedent will of christ is intended to all men living , though all men by reason of their own demerits doe not actually receive the fruit of it . volūtas antecedens est voluntas 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 dei ex ejus nativa 〈◊〉 existens , 〈◊〉 sumens occasionem ex nobis . w moderate answer , pag. 121. the historicall narration was called in also for your pleasure . x star-chamber , speech , p. 28. it was delet at the king , direction in my predecessors time , when theking had no children y satan like an angell of light stirring up in the heart of immort fied persons , a spirituall pride in a high conceit of their 〈◊〉 , the assurance of their election , illumination , conversion , imaginary sense of their adoption , &c. z pag. 82. salus 〈◊〉 satis certa quāvis ipsis ignota , ex gratia & 〈◊〉 sua misericordia det deus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suavissimam & 〈◊〉 spei 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 non expectamus . * stricturae , wee thinke it not safe for any man peremptorily to presume himselfe predestinate . a demonstration of canterburies arminianisme in the highest degree . a pag. 3. 〈◊〉 if you bee so 〈◊〉 as not to apprehend that , yet must the publishing of this libell 〈◊〉 in conclusion , on my lord high treasurer the bishop of london , at whose house the booke was licentiat , which is so high a language against authority , against the practice of this realme , for licentiating of bookes against the honour of the star-chamber on whose decree that practice is founded , &c. b pag. 18. non video 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 quare cum quae est ex deo per 〈◊〉 eandemque actionem bonitatis à seipso emanantem , recta 〈◊〉 fidei in christum resipiscentiae , obedientiae , perseverantiae , sit causa salvationis , perversa quae 〈◊〉 hominibus est damnationis , in eadem unitatis ratione , electinis & reprobationis 〈◊〉 causae 〈◊〉 . arminianisme is consonant to the articles of england , and not contrary to the proclamation . c nec videantur sensum articulorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in literali & grammaticali nedum in 〈◊〉 verborum sensu transgredi . notes for div a67904-e7240 the faction once suspected of luthcranisme . but at last 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 to be their marke . f his fifth sermon through the whole . to make way for their designes , they cry downe the pope . antichristianisme . a caeterum agendo quam nihil agent , & 〈…〉 disputatione ista de antichristo , liquido constare poterit ; quia si causam hanc obtinuerimus esse romanum pontificem antichristum , de reliqua controversii dubitandi no erit 〈◊〉 locus , quia de antichristo doctrina quin perniciosa sit et impia dubitari non potest . b illa mihi imprimis quaestio , quae est de antichristo , dignissima semper est 〈◊〉 , in qua docti determinanda omnes tum ingenii , tum industriae nervos contenderent : illa enim de veritate quam nos in hac causa singulari dei beneficio tenemus , si inter omnes semel conveniret , de reliquis statim controversiis actum esset , debillatumque , neque aliquid in posterum periculi foret , quemquam omnino christianum , cui sua cara esset salus , detecto jam antichristo , agnitoque 〈◊〉 . c pelag. rediv. 2. tab . pag. 39. as for the protestant arguments taken out of the apocalypse , to prove the pope to be the antichrist . 〈◊〉 calleth them deliramenta , dotages : and the appealer to shew more zeale to the popes cause straineth further , aad tearmeth them apocalypticall phrensies . d p. 53. many 〈◊〉 in our church especially when the greatest heat was stricken betweene us and rome , have affirmed the pope to be the antichrist , yet to them that calmely & seriously consider it , it may not without good reason be disputed as doubtfull . e pag. 128. i have yet one thing more to say to you in this point , st. iohn hath given it for a rule , that every spirit that confesseth not that jesus christ is come in the slesh , is not of god , but is that spirit of antichrist , whereof yee have heard . so that unlesse you can make good ( as i thinke you cannot ) that the pope of rome confesseth not that jesus christ is come in the flesh , you have no reason to conclude that hee is that antichrist . g star-chamber speech , pag. 32. the first place is changed thus , from , root out that babylonish and antichristian sect , which say of jerusalem , into this forme of words , root out that romish and babylonish sect , of them , which say , this alteration is of sosmall consequence that it is , not worthy the speaking . or if there be any thing of moment in it , it is answered in the next , where the chiefe thing hee sayes , is , that hee was commanded to alter it by the king for to remove scandall from the papists . they are content to have the . h 〈…〉 i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 pag. 183. a primacie of order was never denied to st. peter , that rome had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 other churches : the protestants grant , and that not only , because the roman 〈◊〉 was ordine primus , first in order and degree , which some one must be to avoid confusion , but also , &c. ibid. pag. 154. 〈◊〉 saith indeed , that in the church of rome there did ever 〈◊〉 the principalitie of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this no man denies . ibid. pag. 133. no man of learning doubts but the church of 〈◊〉 had a powerfull 〈◊〉 within its own 〈◊〉 . montag . antid . p. 51. damus à 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 . augustini in 〈◊〉 romana apostolicae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 princ patum . ibid. pag. 57. quae ratio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 singulorum in suis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ep scoporum , cadem erat in provinciis 〈◊〉 , in , recte autem ( quis negat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & cautum per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut 〈◊〉 ille 〈◊〉 ( nec hoc 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 , cui tot per occidentem , ubi fides universalis , at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in rebus ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & quicquid 〈◊〉 suo 〈◊〉 confirmaret , 〈◊〉 ratum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 legis vim & essicaciam per 〈◊〉 un versal mobtincret . ibid. pag. 80. monarchae sunt 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , monarchae in suis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 metropolitae , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 augustiores , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per unam 〈◊〉 catholicam : praecipuae 〈◊〉 parti christiani orbis hoc est , cunctis ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum 〈◊〉 quadam non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praesuit pontisex , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obstaret illa 〈◊〉 ambitio etiam hedie 〈◊〉 . k cant. relat . pag. 183. the roman prelate was ordine primus , first in order or degree , which some one must bee to avoid confusion . 〈◊〉 . antid . p. 116. certum est ratione vinculi 〈◊〉 inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inter patriarchas universalis 〈◊〉 curam ad 〈◊〉 sed m const 〈◊〉 . ibid. pag. 51 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordinata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constitu a. 〈◊〉 ; multi & 〈◊〉 , ut 〈◊〉 eluceat , & harmonia conservetur ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est origo 〈◊〉 . vnde ab , & illum ord 〈◊〉 , & beat , si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pontiser . inter 〈◊〉 sacerdotes 〈◊〉 & societas quoad 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 executionem non fieri & 〈◊〉 ; inde 〈◊〉 per consensum 〈◊〉 ani orbis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , à romano 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. pag. 158 illi 〈◊〉 principatum 〈◊〉 , super 〈◊〉 anti quitas tribui , . l pokling . 〈◊〉 p. 50. miserable were we , if he that now 〈◊〉 archbishop of canterbury , could not derive his succession from st. 〈◊〉 , st. augustine 〈◊〉 st gregory , st. gregory from st. 〈◊〉 . what a comfort is it to his grace , that he can say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apostolorum , i , and my preducessours have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . sunday at the beginning . our diocesan can derive himselfe the successour of an apostle , otherwise we should have taken his call for the voice of a stranger , and not have here appeared . it is st. 〈◊〉 resolution , 〈◊〉 episcoporum ab ipsa sede petri , is that which among other things by 〈◊〉 named , keep , us in the bosome of the church , and subjects us to our bishops jurisdiction m montag orig eccles. pag. 114. patrum nostrorum vel avorum memoria duo summi pontisices viri 〈◊〉 & doct 〈◊〉 , hadrianus sextu , & bellarmini avunculus marcellus secundus . an id . pag. 47 . 〈 ◊〉 〈◊〉 pontisex maximus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , scio vocatum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 papam & pastorem 〈◊〉 , quid si hec . orig. p. 417 certis quibusdam titulis , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viri 〈◊〉 etiam & 〈◊〉 honorarunt , isto honorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed nec 〈◊〉 reprehendere , aut 〈◊〉 derogare id quod solent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , indigitare certissimus est character 〈◊〉 adorator , cum 〈◊〉 portan paulo al cui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sexto , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & caeteris , si qui sunt . n montag . 〈◊〉 . pag. 166. est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut recte observat philo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 itaque ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iesu christi ut dei atque hominum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 summus à christianis omnibus , divino instituto debetur honor & reverentia singusaris , ibid. p. 40. fatetur ultro 〈◊〉 aliquo modo in 〈◊〉 supra regiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cum vetusti & orthodoxis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( inquit chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 prius 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & nazian . in apologia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid pag. 161. allusum est a pussimo rege ad illud exodi , constitui te deum pharaonis , communicat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seu pontificio , seu civili , sui ipsi is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dii 〈◊〉 quis vingatur ob hanc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & merito quos locum ille suum 〈◊〉 inter 〈◊〉 sustinere . o montag . antid . pag. 40. non est mirum si constantinus , olim 〈◊〉 , carolus , & alii 〈◊〉 , de equis descenderint , venientes exceperint , religionis antistites christianae venerationemque exhibuerint . quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non ita pridem lot sultanos tautam observantiam exhibuisse tam ampla 〈◊〉 persolvi se : non minora quondam principes & populi christiani christianis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ramanis 〈◊〉 exhibuerunt , exhibebunt 〈◊〉 ad pristinos illos mores , si tantum revertatur , & exempla pietatis 〈◊〉 . ibid. pag. 158. adoravit johannem justinus , sic & constantinus inferiores joanne sacerdotes , adoravit autem , dicit autor ille tuus dans gloriam deo. p montag . antid . pag. 95. habeat ille suas sibi opes & facultates , fundos habeat & latisundia principatum & dom nium per ecclesiae terras , & petri possessiones obtineat , dummodo contentus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 liberalitate , alienam non invadat possessionem . q cant. relat . pag. 202. hee that is not blinde may see , if hee will , of what little value the popes power in france and spaine is this day further then to serve the turns of their kings therewith , which they doe to their great advantage . r montagantid . pag. 156. quod è codice allegatur theodosiano decernimus ne quid tam 〈◊〉 gallicanis quam alierum 〈◊〉 , contra 〈◊〉 veterem liceat 〈◊〉 viri venerabilis 〈◊〉 urbis 〈◊〉 authoritate tentare , sed illis omnibusque legis loco sit , quisquid sanxit sanxeritve sedis 〈◊〉 authoritas . quicquid 〈◊〉 pontifici ( saith montagow ) arrogatur id totum edicto debetur theodofiano vel vetustae consuetudini , quicquid autem per rescriptum 〈◊〉 imperatoris ad occidentales 〈◊〉 solos pertinebat , & nec 〈◊〉 quibus juxta veterem 〈◊〉 pontifex , praesidebat ut 〈◊〉 : decernat imperator de 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 , rex angliae de 〈◊〉 suis , francorum de gallicanis , quod olim theodosius decrivit , dicto 〈◊〉 omnes obediantes . s cant. relat . pag. 171. it is 〈◊〉 , that in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 times , in the church government , britaine was never subject to the sea of rom ; for it was one of the six dioces of the west empire , and had a primat of its own : nay 〈◊〉 capgraw , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tell us , that pope 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 in the councel at bari in 〈◊〉 , accounted my worthy 〈◊〉 s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and said , he was as the 〈◊〉 and apostolick of the other world , 〈◊〉 comparem , & veluti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 orbis & patriarcham . now the britains having a primate of their 〈◊〉 , which is greater then a metropolitan ; yea , a patriarch , if ye will , he could not be 〈◊〉 from to rome . t 〈…〉 their minde to the cardinalat . w montag . ap . pag. 56. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potuit $$para$$. x 〈◊〉 . alt. p 34. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his jearing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cardinall baromaeus , whereas , if he 〈◊〉 to read his life , he may not be 〈◊〉 that the cardinall was a man of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and spent the greatest part of his life in fasting , prayer , 〈◊〉 , preaching , 〈◊〉 , and doctrine , and did 〈◊〉 both impiety and vanity both in word and deed . me thinkes his 〈◊〉 should check him for his scornfull usage of a man who had the report of so vertuous and pious a bishop . they affect much to bee joyned with the church of rome , as she stands . y cant. relat . p. 36. the church of rome & protestants set not up a different religion , for the christian religion is the same to both , but they differ in the same religion , and the difference is in certain grosse corruptions to the very endangering of salvation , which each side saith the other is guilty of . star chamber speech . p. 36. my second reason is , that the learned make but three religions to have been of old in the world , paganisme , judaisme , and 〈◊〉 , and now they have added a fourth which is 〈◊〉 . now if this ground of theirs be true , as it is generally received , perhaps it will bee of dangerous consequence sadly to 〈◊〉 that the 〈◊〉 religion is rebellion , though 〈◊〉 clause passed in the 〈◊〉 through 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in king 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this reason well 〈◊〉 is taken from the very foundation of religion it self . ibid. page 34. his majesty 〈◊〉 commanded 〈◊〉 to make the alteration , and to see it printed . z 〈◊〉 . pag. 3. 06. we dare not communicat with rome , either in her publick 〈◊〉 which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with grosse superstition , or in these corrupt and ungrounded opinions , which shee hath added to the faith . these make up the 〈◊〉 , but not the church of rome . in them our communion is dissolved , but 〈◊〉 have still a true and reall union with that and all other members of the church universall in faith and charity . ibid. p. 74. to depart from the church of rome in some 〈◊〉 and practices , we had just and necessary cause though the church of rome 〈◊〉 nothing necessary to salvation . there is great difference betwixt shisme from them and reformation of our selfe . it is one thing to leave communion with the church of rome , and another to leave communicating with her errors , whosoever professeth himselfe to forsake the communion of any one member of christs body , must confesse himselfe consequently to forsake the whole . and therefore we forsake not romes communion more nor the body of christ whereof we acknowledge the church of rome to be a member , though corrupted . if any zelots 〈◊〉 proceeded among us to heavier censures , their zeale may be excused , but their charity and wisdome cannot be justified . cant. relat . p. 192. the protestants have not lest the church of rome in her essence , but in her errors , not in the things which constitute a church , but only in such abuses and corruptions which work toward the dissolution of a church . & can. 〈◊〉 . 1. p. 249. the foundation is & 〈◊〉 whole in the midst of their superstitions . 〈◊〉 answer , p. 124. suppose a great prelate in the high commission court had said openly , that we and the church of rome differed not in fundamentalibus , yet how commeth this to be an innovation in the doctrine of england for that church telleth us in the 19. article , that rome doth 〈◊〉 in matters of faith , but it hath not told us that she doth erre in fundamentalibus . 〈◊〉 old religion after the beginning : it is the charitable profession of zealous 〈◊〉 , that under the popery there is much christian good , yea , all , that under the papacy there is true christianity , yea , the kernell of christianity ? neither doe wee censure that church for what it hath not , but for what it hath . fundamentall truth is like the 〈◊〉 wine , which if it be mixed with twenty times so much water , 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 . rome as it is babylon , we must come out of it , but as it is an outward visible church , we 〈◊〉 did nor would , 〈◊〉 maskel . popery is 〈◊〉 , but fundamentall truth is an antidote . a little quantity of antidot that is soveraigne , will destroy much poyson . pottar . p. 62. the most necessary and fundamentall truths which constitute a church , are on both sides unquestioned , ibid. by fundamentall points of 〈◊〉 we understand these prime and capitall doctrines of religion , which 〈◊〉 up the holy catholick faith , which 〈◊〉 constitutes a true church and a 〈◊〉 christian. the apostles 〈◊〉 taken in a catholick sense that is as it was 〈◊〉 opened in some parts by occasion of emergent 〈◊〉 in the other catholick creeds of nice , 〈◊〉 , epbesus , chalcedon and 〈◊〉 is said generally by the schoolmen and fathers to comprehend a perfect 〈◊〉 of fundamentall truths and to imply a full rejection of fundamentall 〈◊〉 . ib. p. 109. it seemed to some men of great learning and judgement , such as hooker and 〈◊〉 , that all who prosesse to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lord 〈◊〉 , are 〈◊〉 , and may be 〈◊〉 , though with errors , even fundamentall . hereticks do imbrace the principles of 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 onely by misconstruction . whereupon 〈◊〉 opinions , albeit repugnant indeed to faith , yet are held otherwise by them , and maintainedas consonant to the faith. a cant. relat . pag. 361. holcat . non omnes error in his quae fidei sunt est aut 〈◊〉 , aut 〈◊〉 , in things not necessary , though they bee divine truths if about them men differ , it is no more then they have done , more or lesse in all ages , and they may differ and yet preserve that one necessary faith intire , and charity also , if they be so well 〈◊〉 , for opinions which fluttereth about that one soules saving faith , there are dangerous differences this day . pottar . pag. 38. it is a great vanity to hope or expect that all learned men in this life should absolutely consent in all the 〈◊〉 of the divine truth , so long as the faith once delivered to the saints , and that common faith containing all necessary verities is keeped . so long as men walke charitably according to this rule , though in other things they be otherwise minded , the unity of the church is no wise violated : for it doth consist in the unity of faith , not of opinions , in the union of mens hearts by true charity , which easily tolerateth unnecessary differences . some points of religion are 〈◊〉 articles essentiall in the object of faith. dissention in these is pernitious , and destroieth unity . other , are secundary probable obscure and accidentall points : 〈◊〉 in these are tolerable . unity in these is very contingent and variable . as in musicall consort , a discord now and then , so it bee in the discant , and depart not from the ground sweetens the harmony : so the variety of opinions and rites in divers parts of the church , doth rather commend then prejudice the unity of the whole . montag . antigag pag. 14. truth is of two sorts among men , manifest and confessed truth , or more obscure and involved truth . plainly delivered in scripture are all these points which belong unto faith , and manners , hope and charity . i know none of these contraverted inter partes . the articles of our creedare confessed on both sides , and held plaine 〈◊〉 . the contraverted points are of a larger and inferiour alloy . of them a man may bee ignorant without any danger of his 〈◊〉 at all . a this way or that way without 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cant. 〈◊〉 . about the 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of rome 〈◊〉 , and in the very kinde and nature , are 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , hay , and stuble , yet the bishop thought that 〈◊〉 as were 〈◊〉 by education , or long custome , or overvaluing the soveraignty of the 〈◊〉 church , and did in 〈◊〉 of heart imbrace 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 by their generall 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 of christ , attended with charity and other vertues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at gods hand . 〈◊〉 pag. 235. though there be some difference among us in ceremonies and 〈◊〉 , which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet still our head christ by 〈◊〉 stands upon our body , and the substance of the gospel is intire and whole among us by 〈◊〉 the articles of the faith , the volume of the new-testament , and the practice thereof by faith and good workes . ibid. 239. there bee 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 our agreement . what then ? among the greekes there were divers 〈◊〉 , and yet 〈◊〉 but one language , they 〈◊〉 together in the maine . so though papists have a letter more then wee , and we one letter for another , yet we hold together in the 〈◊〉 . paul could beare 〈◊〉 differences , expecting gods reformation . 〈◊〉 you be otherwise minded god shall 〈◊〉 . for the present let us be patient , and after 〈◊〉 god will shew where the 〈◊〉 heth . why should we presume so 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wee are in our none-age , and know 〈◊〉 in part ? have not better men then we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have not 〈◊〉 fathers and slyding schoolists been alwaies borne with in 〈◊〉 of religion ? b pottar pag. 77. we hope well of these holy 〈◊〉 , who 〈◊〉 ages lived and 〈◊〉 in the church of rome , for though they 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 sinfull 〈◊〉 , yet because they did it ignorantly through 〈◊〉 , not knowing them either to be 〈◊〉 or sinnes , and repented in generall for all 〈◊〉 knowne 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 doubt not , but they obtained pardon of all their ignorances . nay , our charity 〈◊〉 further to all these this day , who in 〈◊〉 of heart 〈◊〉 the roman 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 it . but we understand onely them who either have no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 such as after the use 〈◊〉 the best meanes they can have , 〈◊〉 things 〈◊〉 , find no sufficient motives to hall , i dare bee bold to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 church of rome had years before the councel of 〈◊〉 , to good a 〈◊〉 of doth 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 , page 300. i am not in the 〈◊〉 that all images are idols , but only when they are 〈◊〉 for gods . this the the 〈◊〉 shipping of 〈◊〉 , with 〈◊〉 , that is divine worship , as it is used by 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p. 299 they keepe close to that which is superstition , and in the case of images come 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 79. et 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 palam non 〈◊〉 : à pretate & moribus in 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 quam milvus & corvus 〈◊〉 animalierant in area 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 singulari , at nullus in area erat idololatres , quia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quatenus christianam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . montag . orig. p. 309. 〈◊〉 cultum latriam quam appellant , nec debemus sive 〈◊〉 sive 〈◊〉 quamvis excellentissimae impend re . pontificius & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , modo 〈◊〉 creaturae 〈◊〉 ne . montag . antigag . p. 319 yousay , that images must not have 〈◊〉 so we : let your practice and doctrine 〈◊〉 together , and we agree . dow against burton . p. 142. when burton objecteth that 〈◊〉 did 〈◊〉 out of the publick 〈◊〉 of fasts , this sentence , thou hast delivered us from superstition and 〈◊〉 wherein we were 〈◊〉 drowned , his chiefe answer is , that men may be good protestants , and yet not 〈◊〉 all their sorefathers , who lived before the reformation , as he must doe , who saith of them , they were wholly drowned in idolatry , which though m. 〈◊〉 perhaps will not , yet some men may think it to be a reason sufficient for the leaving out of that sentence . d 〈◊〉 . page 306. non omnis error in his quae insidelitas aut heresis . pottar . p 102. every so passionately in love with their owne opinions that they condemne all other differing from them to bee hereticall , so there 〈◊〉 not a 〈◊〉 on earth who in the judgement of many other is not an 〈◊〉 , ibid. page the giant in gath was a true man , though much deformed with 〈◊〉 sing is and toes , but if one lose any vitall part , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man no longer , there is not so much danger in adding super 〈◊〉 , as is in 〈◊〉 , what is essentiall and 〈◊〉 , that the church shall never bee robbed of any 〈◊〉 , necessary to the being of the church , the promises of christ assureth us , but that she 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 truth wee have no warrant e cant relat . page 316. if any will bee a leader and teaching 〈◊〉 , and adde 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 , and bee 〈◊〉 in both , 〈◊〉 without repentance must needs be lost , while many that succeed him in the errour onely , and notobstinacy may bee saved : i say , those , howsoever 〈◊〉 , are neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor hereticks before god and are therefore in a state of salvation . montag apar . p. 283. 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui constanter retinent doctrinam 〈◊〉 , necenim ille haereticus dicetur , qui per omnia romanam fidem integerrimè prositetur . ibid. p. 389. schismatici & singularitate rapti in transversum quales scaliger , 〈◊〉 , pareus , & 〈◊〉 opinatores , quaero autem an quis ferendus fit homo novus terrae filius , 〈◊〉 contempto spretoque consensu majorum suas phreneticas observationes 〈◊〉 serit f shelford p. 238. let us christians leave off our divisions , the papists and we call upon one god our father , upon one christ our sav our , 〈◊〉 holy ghost our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we have but one mean to unite us to this holy 〈◊〉 , which is baptisme , how then should we not be brethren ? o blessed 〈◊〉 raise up one to bid the people returne , blessed be that peace-maker among men , nulla 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pacem te 〈◊〉 omnes . ibid. p. 296. why judge we so eargerly others for holding of errours , are any without them ? some errours we may beare with , charity 〈◊〉 me to judge that errours of christians are not of intention but ignorance . for i beleeve that 〈◊〉 , and willingly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , protestant nor lutheran would wrong their head christ , whom daily they professe . montag 〈◊〉 . p 45 citius inter bono , quam inter protestantes & papistas inaudita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 nuper inauspicato 〈◊〉 controversis inter 〈◊〉 questionibus conveniet , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 istis quae penè 〈◊〉 sani , 〈◊〉 , in vita & 〈◊〉 bus nobis 〈◊〉 , cum prophani homines & politici sub 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 religionis suas 〈◊〉 actiones , enormiz desideria soleant 〈◊〉 . post mota 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inter 〈◊〉 odiis decertatum vatinianis , atque eo 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & excessus ut ferre eos nequeant zelota & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i heologi qui non una cum ipsis velint 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cassander vir usque ad miraculum eruditus 〈◊〉 modestia & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab importunis utrinque censoribus , calvino nimirum propter editum 〈◊〉 aureum libellum de officio viri pii , & 〈◊〉 inter 〈◊〉 propter consultationem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nemo , quam fortunae 〈◊〉 subeite 〈◊〉 fricius 〈◊〉 qui impudenter noluerunt esse 〈◊〉 . ibid pag. 78. hoc tempore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 protestantium & papistarum variantibus de fide ac pietate sententiis distraxerunt in diversum christianum otbem , si qui 〈◊〉 qui bellum malint 〈◊〉 , qui velint odia exerceri im nortalia traducant illi nostram quae solet odiosius exagitari tepeditatem vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ego filius illius pacifici & 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 utraque unum 〈◊〉 materie separationis ; neque certè arbitror ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 abhorret nostrae anglicanae ecclesiae 〈◊〉 & voluntas , quod nonnulli 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 contendunt , ibid. p. 245. in pharisaeis ad vivum depictas imagines intueamur corum 〈◊〉 qui pharisaica nobis institu ta in christianismum retulere , 〈◊〉 intelligo & jesuitas , sive ut verius dicam utrinque puritanos honestatis etiam civilis reduvias , pietatis carcinomata , & christianismi dehonestamenta pacis & concordiae alastoras & pernities . g pottars epistle to the king , it was undertaken in obedience to your majesties particular commandement . notes for div a67904-e11430 in the midst of their deniall , yet they avow their giving of religious adoration to the very stock or stone of the altar . a pag. 47. a great 〈◊〉 is due to the body , and so to the throne where his body is usually present . ibid. pag. 49. do mino & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the lord your god , and to his altar , for there is a 〈◊〉 due to that too . ibid. pag. 45. therefore according to the service booke of the church of england , the priest and the people are called upon , for externall and bodily worship of god in his church ; therefore they which do it not , innovat , and yet the government is so moderate , god grant it be not too loose , that no man is constrained , no man questioned , only religiously called upon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b pockling altare p. 160. i shall intreat the pious and 〈◊〉 reader , to consider with meet reverence , what is recorded among the statutes of that most noble order ; , in his sunday no sabbath at the end , if wee doe not onely bend or bow our body to his blessed board , or holy altar , but fall slat in our faces before his footstooll so soon as ever wee come in sight thereof , what apostle or father would condemn us for it , and not rather be delighted to see the lord so honored . c antidot . 〈◊〉 preface to the king , altars were 〈◊〉 so sacred that even the barbarous souldiers honoured them with affectionate kisses . ibid pag. 86. the altar being thought to be 〈◊〉 sacred , had a farre greater measure of reverence and devotion conferred upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a reverend salutation of the table , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both pag. 142. commends that exhortation of the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 in the fifth councell , ado emus primum 〈◊〉 altare . idem , in his answer to 〈◊〉 , pag. 〈◊〉 . if you look 〈◊〉 unto the use and practice of the ancient church , you 〈◊〉 raisse a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an honor to the altar , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an ad . d pag. 25. we finde in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a honor due to the altar : and in tertullian ad geniculariaris a kneeling to the altar : and in the fifth councel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an adoration of the altar ; and in the synoldals of odo 〈◊〉 altaribus 〈◊〉 , & in 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in another , divine altaria ; and in the life of 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , casting my self to the earth , and worshipping the 〈◊〉 ground , & the grecians triple prostrations tria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before the altar in the old 〈◊〉 . e ibid. although they gave a religious reverence to these places , yet they determine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reverence in god not in the place : the throne is honoured for the king ; he that 〈◊〉 cts the house for the owners sake , respects not the house but him . f ibid. pag 30. so much they said , but to justifie the practice of our church , i need not say so much : for as although the humane nature of christ receive all from the 〈◊〉 , yet we adore the whole suppositum in grosse , which consists of the humane as well as of the divine . so because of gods personall presence in the place , wee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without abstraction of his person , from the place , to wit , the altar . 153. altars have beene in all ages so greatly honoured , because they are the seats and chaires of estate , where the lord 〈◊〉 to place himselfe amongst us . quid est enim altare ( as optatus speaks ) nisi sedes 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 christi ? as much adoration of the elements they grant as the papists require . g apologie des 〈◊〉 reformes par loan daille chap. 20. h 〈◊〉 remedy of profainnesse , pag. 1 2 8. away with these monsters of opinion and practice in this sacrament , christ jesus is here really tendered to us , and who can , who 〈◊〉 take him but on his knees ? i 〈◊〉 moderate answer , p. 137. 〈◊〉 bowing towards the communion table be offensive to you at the administration of the sacrament , i would 〈◊〉 know upon what reasons 〈◊〉 stomack , that men should use their greatest reverence in so great an action , thinke you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the priest should take into his hands the holy 〈◊〉 without lowly reverence , or that it is an innovation so to do ? in the matter of images their full agreeance with rome . k montag . orig . 〈◊〉 . 162. imagines illae per ecclesias constitutae quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iconoclastarum , ibid. p. 174. sub praetextu reformatae 〈◊〉 , deum , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eversis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , templis , sa 〈◊〉 , & redactis infiscum lones , &c. l 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p 28. 〈◊〉 est omnino quod affirmas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 caesaris imago in numilmate , 〈◊〉 meletii character in pala annuli , quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caesarem in 〈◊〉 suo & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in archerypum transit ea 〈◊〉 , quo modo si quis sancti 〈◊〉 imaginem 〈◊〉 afficiat , illum ego & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , & suae temeritatis peaenas dare . studley in his glasse for 〈◊〉 about the end , tels us , that he knew a churchwarden for the taking downe of a 〈◊〉 which he conceived to have been by his neighbours idolized , to have had his swine 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 , and thereafter the man in desperation to have drowned himselfe whence he exhorts all men to beware so much as to censure their antecessors of idolatry , for 〈◊〉 such monuments of their devotion m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 24. debemus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , asservamus enim diligenter , & cum cura 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 virginis , sanctorum 〈◊〉 innumeras imagines , praesertim vero jesu etiam in templorum cryptis , & 〈◊〉 in parietibus , & non adoramus . ib. p. 26 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sunt apud nos quod aliquoties dicendum 〈◊〉 imagines in 〈◊〉 per stallos , ut vocant , canonicorum , per fenestras , ambones , vasa , vestimenta , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pocking . 〈◊〉 pag. 87. in my lord of 〈◊〉 private chappel , are to be seen 〈◊〉 the altar , most richly furnished close to the wall under the east window , many goodly pictures which cannot but strik the beholders with thoughts of piety , and devotion at their entrance into so holy a place , as the picture of the 〈◊〉 , and likewise of the holy apostles , together with a fair crucifix , and our blessed 〈◊〉 , and s. iohn set up in painted glasse in the east window , just over the holy table , or sacred altar ; so that i must say , that who so lives in this diocie , must be condemned of great impiety , that will desert his lord , and not follow him giving a precedent of such devotion , so conformable to the rubrick of our church . heylens answer , pag. 174. for your particular instances in the cathedrals of durham , bristow , pauls , &c. the most that you except against , are things of ornament , which you are greeved to see now more rich or costly , nor they have been formerly . 〈◊〉 altare page 24. our churches ( by gods mercy ) are a glory to our religion , beautified with goodly glasse windowes . ibid page 87. a faire crucifix , and our blessed lady , and st. iohn set up in painted glasse in the east window , just over the sacred altar . n widowes schismaticall puritan , page 10. church pictures are an externall beauty , of the church , a memory of honour to the dead , and saint gregory cals them 〈◊〉 mens books . pockling . altare page 87. there are to be seen many goodly pictures , which cannot but strike the beholders with thoughts of piety and devotion . montag . antig. page 318. the pictures of christ , of the blessed virgin , and saints , may be made , had in houses , set up in churches , respect and honour may be given to them the 〈◊〉 do it , and use them for helpes of piery , in rememoration , and effectuall representing of the prototyp . ibid. page 300. imager have three uses , assigned by our schooles instruction of the rude , commonefaction of story , and 〈◊〉 up of devotion , these you and we also give unto them . o montag . antid . page 30. christiani omnes adoramus christum imagini & simulachro , non prosternimur coram imagine forsan , quid ad rem vero ? invitatio est mensam dominicam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in genua procumbimus , venerationem 〈◊〉 , . p montag . antid . p. 16. 〈◊〉 , illum cultum solens 〈◊〉 , neque ego nomen a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rationem , vel subjectum improbavero , eum à 〈◊〉 soletis 〈◊〉 re , non also 〈◊〉 , quam quod 〈◊〉 subjectarum 〈◊〉 , secundum 〈◊〉 & minus 〈◊〉 se distinguantur . pag. 27. tantummodo taxamus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , usum & 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 ullo pacto . p. 24. 〈◊〉 ad ecclesiae romanae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . montag . 〈◊〉 p. 40. nolunt illi quovis pacto 〈◊〉 cuicunque 〈◊〉 ne 〈◊〉 cultu relativo exhiberi , sed non constat quis deo 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 debitus , quibus terminis 〈◊〉 , quis ille qui solus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quis ejus modus , gradus , mensura , pattes , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nec illud agitur ut constare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est in hac questione & nempe vel contendendi vel , & 〈◊〉 conveniet 〈◊〉 nos . magnam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 christi , & 〈◊〉 inter se contendentibus 〈◊〉 , qui in hoc 〈◊〉 cultu , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possumus sine justo 〈◊〉 , animae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . about reliques they agree with 〈◊〉 . q andrew stri 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 sure they were true wee would carry to them the regard 〈◊〉 becomes . it was 〈◊〉 and un discreetly done of vigilantius so to 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 co 〈◊〉 them , had they power of doing miracles we would have esteemed them so much the more but in their 〈◊〉 degree : yet the carrying of them about in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did object , if he did it 〈◊〉 , we would 〈◊〉 beare with it , and excuse it as 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 devotion which will end it . r montag . antid . p. 17. vase convolvebant ego certe cum 〈◊〉 illas reliquias fascus , admovebo . s 〈◊〉 antid . p. 16. 〈◊〉 corpori insidentem , fit quandam tenus particeps sanctificationis . t monta . antid . p. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veterem sanctorum 〈◊〉 & cineribus 〈◊〉 honorem detulisse & veneratione quadam relativa 〈◊〉 . w montag . antid . p. 44. 〈◊〉 peregrinationem religiosam ad loca ut appellant 〈◊〉 quisquam 〈◊〉 qui in rebus ecclesiae christianae veteris non est hospes : improbat molinaeus & merito peregrinationes ut appellant malas , inventas vel ad superstitionem , vel ad questum , vel ad tyrannidem , quas & ipsas nemo sanus inter catholicos romanos non improbaverit . x montag . orig . p. 45. ut de lana caprina , vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hic 〈◊〉 videantur contendentes . 〈◊〉 come very neare to the invocation of saints . y andrews stricturae p. 57. the 〈◊〉 freely confessed to m. causabon that he had never prayed to a saint in all his life save onely when 〈◊〉 happened to follow the 〈◊〉 , and that then he sung ora pro 〈◊〉 with the clerks but else not . z montag . 〈◊〉 . p 20. non 〈◊〉 sanctos esse orationis & 〈◊〉 ut 〈◊〉 soletis mediatores sed 〈◊〉 universis : precibus suis apud deum 〈◊〉 & orationibus mediantur . christus 〈◊〉 & absque aliis 〈◊〉 mediator redemptionis & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intercessionis 〈◊〉 . a andrews 〈◊〉 pa. 8. we agree with saint augustine , we celebrate the memories and hold the feasts of the blessed martyrs as well for imitation , as that we may be 〈◊〉 of their intercession . shelfords first sermon page 44. upon the saints dayes the saints in heaven 〈◊〉 with us , now if the saints in heaven 〈◊〉 their manner 〈◊〉 us with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shall wee be so base minded as not to 〈◊〉 with them ? ibid 〈◊〉 27. in and in dedicating tem ples to god in their names these who neglect this holy fellowship have a great losse , which none can see but they who have spirituall eies a andrews answer to cardinall pirron . 20. chap. we will hope well that theodosius might interceed with god for his children , we see no cause to the contrary . they idolize the blessed virgin as much as any papist . montag . antid . p. 22. meminerunt amicorum suorū & rerū à se quondā in terris gesta tum quocirca ad christum in coelo recollecti poterint de via ordinaria per jesum christum apud deum patrem amicos , familiares 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , precibus commendare & adjuvare . o m. dow p. 54. in all these 〈◊〉 straines of rhetorick ( for such for the most part they seeme rather then positive 〈◊〉 ) stafford hath not deviat so much to the one extreame as m bortouns marginall hath to the other in 〈◊〉 and calling her the new great goddesse 〈◊〉 . and if it be true that he hath not digressed in any particular from d. 〈◊〉 the bishop of 〈◊〉 as m. burtoun makes him affirme , i dare boldly say m burtoun will never be able to finde the least point of popery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for it is well knowne , that bishop hath approved himselfe such a champion against rome , that they who have tryed his strength durst never yet come to a second encounter . b montag . antid . p. 229. save all other labour in this point . prove only their knowledge of any thing ordinarily i promise you streight i willl say holy s. mary pray for me . ib. antid . p. 23. tu 〈◊〉 proba & demonstra posse me certum esse de scientia sanctorum particulari quocunque tandem modo acquisita ego certe quod ad me ipsum attinet sanctos defunctos beatam puta 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 apostolos gloriosissimos martyres non verebor adire interpellare , alloqui , 〈◊〉 precibus deprecari habeant me commendatum & adjutum suis 〈◊〉 apud deum patrem per filium . idem antid . p. 200. perhaps there is no such great impiety in saying holy s. laurence pray for me . c montag . invocation of saints p. 99. if thus my selfe resolved to do infer ( holy angel keeper pray for me ) i see no reason to be taxed with point of popery or superstition much lesse of absurdity or impiety . ib. ant . p. 203. the case of angels keepers in point of advocation is much different from other angels not guardians , as being continually attendants alwaies at hand though invisible , and therefore though we may say s. angel keeper pray for me , it followeth nor , we may say s. gabriel pray for me . d anthony stafford female glorie . p. 3. others of these first and purer times not without admiration observe that god was almost fifty ages in the meditation of the structure of this stately palace . mon. 〈◊〉 . p. 301. magno procul dubio opere templū illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aparabatur , nec ut unade multis mater domini in hune mundum processit è materno utero . ibid. p. 338. utcunque conceptum in originali peccato ' , vixisse tamen immunem à mortali peccato cum 〈◊〉 putaverim . staffords female glorie in his proemiall verses , for eves offence ' , not hers she did begin , to learne repentance ere she knew to sinne . idem p. 20. she sent forth many a sigh for sin not having committed any , and bewailed that of which she was utterly ignorant . idem p. 8. the apostles sometimes were obscured with the fog of finne , but her brightnesse nothing vitious could lessen , much lesse alutterly extinguish . e femal glorie . p. 28. nothing in her was wanting but the 〈◊〉 it selfe . idem in the preface , whether we regard her person or her divine gifts , shee is in dignity next to god himselfe . ib. great queen of queens , daughter , and mother , and the spouse of god. idem p. 210. her assumption by many of the fathers , by all the romish church , and some of the reformed is held for an undoubted truth . f montag . apar . p. 212. dominum profecto indicat 〈◊〉 nomen , nam revera facta est domina omnium creaturarum , 〈◊〉 ait , cum conditoris omnium effecta fuerit mater . ibid. p. 302. certe nulli sanctorum dedi deus plura , nulli majora , 〈◊〉 ne omnibus quidem ne sanctis , tanta , hoc est elogia matris dei deus 〈◊〉 qui titulus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , omnes omnium creaturarum dignitates illud unicum privilegium supergreditur recte ait b. thomas , beata virgo ex hoc quod est mater dei habet quandam dignitatem infinitam . ex his licet colligere ( inquit baradas ) sanctissimam virginem infinitam 〈◊〉 quondam dignitatem ex deo , qui & 〈◊〉 bonaventura recitat , majorem mundum deus facere potest , majus coelum deus facere potest majorem autem matrem quam est mater dei 〈◊〉 facere non potest . fem. gl . p. 21. she undoubtedly deserved to be rapt up , if it were possible , a story higher than was s. paul. ib. p. 80. certainly all the ancient fathers with one consent affirme that she deserves to be empresse of all others who humbled her selfe below them all . g femal glorie . in the panegyrick , to whom do bow the souls of all the just , whose place is next to gods , to whom the hierarchie do throng , and for whom heaven is all one 〈◊〉 , ib. p. 3. truly our beleef may easily digest this 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 would 〈◊〉 her fit to be 〈◊〉 of this lower world . ib. pa. 17 there were no doubt some of 〈◊〉 children who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. page 32. the 〈◊〉 glorious 〈◊〉 . h femal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whose place is next to god , and in his face all creatures and delights doe see as 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 . i ibid. p. 220. the 〈◊〉 of this land are 〈◊〉 i mean , they reject all testimonies of her worth as haile mary full of 〈◊〉 , &c. they abhor to hear her called domina , because forsooth they chalenge to themselves a greater measure of knowledge but a lesser of piety , than did their 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 words and 〈◊〉 familiar to antiquity . of one thing i will assure them till they be good 〈◊〉 they shall never be good christians . k page 23. my arithmetick will not serve me to number all those who have registrate their nam 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 , of 〈◊〉 our blessed lady . the princes of this 〈◊〉 have not beene defective in doing her all possible honour , and in consecrating chapels and temples to her memory . 〈◊〉 holy orders also are of this 〈◊〉 as the 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 , the franciscans , the cartusians , and many others . if all those testimonies and examples of great worthy and pious people will not move us to honour her , we shall be judged both unworthy of this life , and ignorant of that better to come . l ib. p 153. this day the celebration whereof is institute by the church is called candlemes , as much as to say , the day of lights , on which while masse was singing very many tapers were burning in the church . montag . orig . p. 157. diem ab illa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cant 〈◊〉 vel purificationis : nos anglue the purification of our lady , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 candlemes day à distributione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . couzins did put all this in practice in the cathedral of durham made burne in day light some hundreths of wax candles . peter smart for preaching against him was deposed and 〈◊〉 , but couzins for his devotion advanced from a prebend to a provest of a colledge and a royall chaplane in ordinary . m femal glorie p. 226. the originall of the sodality of the blessed virgin is derived from the battell of naupactum gained by john of austria and the christians , which victory was attributed to her intercession with her son. n 〈◊〉 answer . p. 123. as for 〈◊〉 booke intituled the femal glory you finde not in it that i see by your collections any thing positively or 〈◊〉 delivered contrary unto any point of doctrine established and received in the church of england . some swelling language there is into it and some apostrophees i perceive by you to the virgin mary which if you take for invocations you mistake his meaning , no innovation hitherto 〈◊〉 of doctrine . notes for div a67904-e14570 a 〈◊〉 cites from causabon these words : put by controversies these things wherein all sects universally do agree , are sufficient for salvation . they joyne with rome in 〈◊〉 up traditions in prejudice of scripture . b 〈◊〉 anti . d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . sect . 2. things that have been generally received in the church of christ are 〈◊〉 to have been derived from apostolicall tradition , without any speciall mandat left in scripture for the doing of them . praying directly towards the east is conceived to be of 〈◊〉 condition , why may wee not conclude the like of 〈◊〉 up the 〈◊〉 along the 〈◊〉 ? many things come into our minde by a successionall tradition , for which we cannot finde an 〈◊〉 command , which yet 〈◊〉 ought to entertaine , ; of which traditions there are many , which 〈◊〉 retaine their force among us in england . this church ( the lord 〈◊〉 thanked for it ) hath stood more firme for apostolicall 〈◊〉 , than any other whatsoever of the reformation . samuel 〈◊〉 sermon , p. 15. we yeeld that there are apostolicall traditions rituall and dogmaticall , which are no where mentioned or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the scriptures , but delivered by word of mouth , by the apostles to their followers ; for some of which these are reputed the number of canonicall books , the apostles creed the baptisme of 〈◊〉 , the fast of lent , the lords day , the great festivalls of easter and whitson day , beside these we 〈◊〉 , there are and have been many ancient 〈◊〉 traditions , from which as foundations grew those noted practices of not fasting on the sunday , of adoring towards the east , 〈◊〉 before the altar , of signing the baptised with the crosse , of exorcising the party baptised , and putting a white garment upon them , of receiving the 〈◊〉 fasting , of mixing water with the wine , of sending it to such as were absent , of eating the confecrate bread in the church , or carrying it home , of crossing themselves when they went out , or when 〈◊〉 went in , when they went to bed , or when they rose , when they sate downe to meat , when they lighted candles , or had any businesse of moment to doe , that ceremonies and rites of this nature are 〈◊〉 the power of the church to ordaine , we generally grant to our adversaries . white on the sabboth , page 97. the reformed churches reject not all traditions , but such as are spurious , 〈◊〉 , and no consonant to the holy scripture , but genuine traditions agreeable to the rule of faith , derived from the apostolicall times by a successive current , and which have the uniforme testimony of pious antiquity , are received and honoured by us . now such are these which follow the historicall tradition , concerning the number , integrity , dignity , and perfection of the books of canonicall scripture , the catholick exposition of many sentences of scripture , the apostles creed , the baptisme of infants , the observation of the lords day , and some other 〈◊〉 , as easter , 〈◊〉 , &c. baptising and administration of the supper in holy assemblies , the service of the church in a known language , the delivering of the communion to the people in both kindes , the superiority of bishops over priests and deacons in jurisdiction , and power of ordination . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 396. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tur in scripturis infantes batizari , aut in coena domini sub utraque specie communicantes participare . 600. sunt ejusmodi in rebus sacris à deo institutis , 〈◊〉 mandatis & usurpatis ab ecclesia , de quibus possumus pro 〈◊〉 , nihil tale docet scriptura , scriptura haec non aedicat . d mon. orig . p. 276. nihil est memoriae proditum , quod ego quidem sciam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud vetustiores , sive historicos five 〈◊〉 , probabile tamen est 〈◊〉 receptam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de traditione vetustiore , aut scriptis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vetustioribus nunc deperditis dimanasse . montag . apar . 389. ad me quod attinet , si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sanctis patribus per illa tempora inventum , primo & 〈◊〉 , nulla traditione priore commendatum , nullo usu veterum , ne quidem vestigiis leviter 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 annorum decursum ad nostra usque tempora sine contradictione 〈◊〉 , non video cur non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vim suam obtineat & authoritatem . absit enim ut 〈◊〉 ecclesia vel in rebus de facto , & ecclesiasticis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diu aberraverit . ibid. p. 382. meminerimus 〈◊〉 olim statuisse cum applausu de hujusmodi consuetudinibus , si legem expostules scriptam , nullam invenies , sed traditio praetenditur autrix , consuetudo 〈◊〉 , & fides observatrix . et irenaeus , quid autem si neque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nobis scripturas , nonne oporteret 〈◊〉 traditionis . idem antig . p. 42. that author saies no more then is justifiable touching traditions : for thus he 〈◊〉 , the doctrine of the church is two waies delivered unto us ; first by writing , then by tradition from hand to hand . both are of alike value or force unto piety . e white in his examination of the dialogue 〈◊〉 not only this testimony of 〈◊〉 , etiamsi scripturae authoritas non subesset , totius tamen orbis in hanc partem consensus , instar praecepti obtinet , 〈◊〉 & alia multa quae per traditionem in 〈◊〉 observantur , authoritatem sibi scriptae legis 〈◊〉 , but also that of eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in sanctis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decernitur , id universum divinae voluntati debet attribui : and this of bernards . sive 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 homo vicarius dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit , pari profecto obsequendum est cura , pari reverentia 〈◊〉 , ubi tamen deo contraria non praecipit homo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 31. sensum scripturarum ex patribus & doctoribus ecclesiae 〈◊〉 , traditum & conservatum in ecclesia , & approbatum , quidni pro tali traditione agnoscamus , in 〈◊〉 veritate acquiescendum , & à qua minimè 〈◊〉 sit . f montag orig . p. 353. eusebius de severianis hereticis loquens , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 prophetis & 〈◊〉 utuntur sacrarum scripturarum sensus & sententias , ut nostri solent puritani & novatores pro suo arbitratu interpretantur . mon. orig . p. 318. neque enim insanire solent sine scripturis haeretici & mir 〈◊〉 casdem ad suos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , solent applicare defendendos persusdendosque . g mont apar . 382. non ut nostri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quibus 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 resipit & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ideo 〈◊〉 est vel ut amant 〈◊〉 reformandum ad dei verbum , hoc est ad lesbiam plane regulam ipsorum cerebrositatem amussitandum . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 129. the godly and learned fathers of our church , give strick charge to private preachers , that they preach nothing in their preachings which they would have the people 〈◊〉 to beleeve and observe , but that which is agreeable to the doctrine of the old and new testament , and that which the catholick fathers , and ancient bishops have formerly taught and collected from thence . white upon the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 12. the holy scripture is the fountaine and living spting , containing in all 〈◊〉 and abundance whatsoever is necessary to make gods people wise unto salvation . the 〈◊〉 and unanimous 〈◊〉 of the true church of christ 〈◊〉 the primitive ages thereof is the 〈◊〉 , or a 〈◊〉 pipe to derive and convoy to 〈◊〉 generations the 〈◊〉 water 〈◊〉 in the holy scripture . ibid. from 〈◊〉 he saith , injuriam nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nos 〈◊〉 solam 〈◊〉 esse 〈◊〉 & judicem 〈◊〉 siarum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & spiritum 〈◊〉 , p. 14. the ecclesiasticall 〈◊〉 reporteth of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , that in their studying the holy scriptures 〈◊〉 collected the sense of them , not from their owne judgement or presumption , but from the testimony and authority of the ancients , who had received the rule of the true intelligence of scripture from the holy apostles by succession . in the doctrine of faith , justification , fulfilling of the law , merit , they are fully popish . i 〈◊〉 pag. 46. this one faith is called by divines the catholike faith , contained in the three creedes of the apostles , nice and 〈◊〉 . the false faith is contrary to this , the private faith , or fancy rather , by which men beleeve to be saved by themselves that which is the mother and nource to vice , an enemy to all good life ; & that this is not the catholick faith , shall appear , because that faith hath not a special object , as a mans selfe , or gods speciall favour to this or that particular man , which is hopes object , but catholick object , which is the whole first truth , and every member of gods book , as the school teacheth , this faith goeth but to the truth and esse of divine things . faith giveth these truths a being & substance in our mind , but after hope layeth hold on them in the wil and affections , and applyeth them to our selves , & charity goeth in unto them . the apostle saith , that he who commeth to god must believe that he is a rewarder of them that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him , not a 〈◊〉 of me or thee , as if the article of 〈◊〉 were personall . idem pag. 106. in the love of the heart lyeth the greatest apprehension . the greatest meane of our apprehending of him , is by charity , which layes hold on him in the will and reasonable affections . 〈◊〉 collect. 82. applicatio ex parte hominis ; non ex alia ratione procedit , quam ex amplexu amoris & desiderii . ibid. pag. 97. 〈◊〉 deus hanc spem , & 〈◊〉 hujus spei 〈◊〉 . k 〈◊〉 collect . p. 69. inchoative per 〈◊〉 justicfiat deus , dat 〈◊〉 . propter christum cognitionem , ex cognitione fidem , ex fide spem sive 〈◊〉 , ex fiduciacharitatem , ex chatitate adhae sionem , obediendi & complacendi desiderium , ex isto desiderio meritorum 〈◊〉 salubrium applicationem , ex 〈◊〉 applicatione sanctificationem , seu observantiam mandatorum , ex istis omnibus in actu scilicet consummato just 〈◊〉 , ex illa salvationem quae omnia quum 〈◊〉 per canalem dei gratiae , ex fide tanquam ex principio seu radice , per connaturalitatem omnium ad fidem , & adse invicem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quaecunque ab aliquibus 〈◊〉 ad fidem , tanquam ad omnium originem referenda sunt , & in hoc sensu arbitramur apostolum . 3. ad rom. vers . 28. locutum fide homines justificatum 〈◊〉 scilicet per fi lem 〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉 suis operationem . l shelfoord pag 〈◊〉 . charity is called of schoole divines grace it selfe . it is that law of the spirit which freeth from death and sinne . it is the maine refuge of a distressed conscience . it covereth a multitude of sins , it will not suffer them to appear : without 〈◊〉 workes are dead , as well as faith and other vertues . hence the schoole 〈◊〉 charity the forme of vertues . ibid pag. 106. faith converteth the minde to god , but it is love that converts the heart and will to god , which is the greatest and last conversion ; for we never seck anything till we desire it . 〈◊〉 conversion is begun in the minde by faith , but it is only halfe conversion , yea no conversion of the whole man , except the love of the heart ( where heth the greatest apprehension ) follow it . we see salvation by faith , but we obtaine it not , till we seek it by 〈◊〉 desire . wherefore i conclude , that for as much as charity is the most near and immediate cause of our conversion , that it is also the most pretious grace of god for our good , and the greatest mean of our 〈◊〉 him is by charity , which layeth hold on him in the will and reasonable affections , 〈◊〉 his must be the greatest meane of our justification . ibid. p. 109. the sulfilling of the law justifieth , but charity is the fulfilling of the law , where the apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to justifying faith , he compareth them in the most excellent way and it is most manifest that the most excellent way , is the way of our justification & conversion to god. m shelsoord pag. 107. justification & conversion to god is all one . idem . 〈◊〉 . 102. charity is the maine refuge of a distressed conscience . montag . 〈◊〉 . pag. 142. a sinner is then justified when he is made just , when he is transformed in minde , tenewed in soule , 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 answer for hall to burtoun , is not only content to exeeme the 〈◊〉 justification from all blot of a fundamentall error , but 〈◊〉 also to make all our 〈◊〉 in this point to be but a jugling about words ; yea , at last he seemes to 〈◊〉 with the counsell of trent in anathematizing our doctrine : for thus , if i remember well , doth he speake . if any man shall 〈◊〉 that men are so justified by the sole imputation of christs righteousnesse , or by sole remission of sinnes , 〈◊〉 they are not also 〈◊〉 fied by inherent grace or charity , or also that the grace whereby we are justified is only the favour of god , let him be accursed , and let him be so indeed for me . you will say this is nothing but meere jugling , i grant it , 〈◊〉 yet it is not the direct deny all of the foundation , for here is both remission of sins , and imputation of christs righteousnesse included , which though it be sufficient to justification in the protestant sence , yet in the popish sence , wherein 〈◊〉 is also required , it is not sufficient . n 〈◊〉 pag. 121. that there is a fulfilling of the law in this life : iames teacheth , if you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 law , you doe will. were gods law no possible to be 〈◊〉 , the supposition should be idle , 〈◊〉 fit for gods word , a caption unbeseeming a man 〈◊〉 by divine inspiration . to the keeping of this we must strain our soule , we must not flee to a naked 〈◊〉 , where is required our conformation . he hath predestinate us to be conform to the image of his son. he hath fulfilled the law and so must we too . ibid. pag. 127. christ hath merited , that the righteousnesse of the law should be fulfilled in us , not by faith only , or by sole imputation , as the ignorant understand it , but by our actuall walking in the divine precepts . ibid. pag. 136. to binde a man to things impossible , were a wrong both to nature and grace , therefore the schoole verse 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viri non 〈◊〉 deus ulla 〈◊〉 . god can no more in 〈◊〉 now require impossibilities at our hands , then he could at first at 〈◊〉 : neither doth he , if we beleeve s. 〈◊〉 , who saith , i can doe 〈◊〉 things by christ , who hath loved me . ibid. pag 139. if god should command things impossible , then should he be more cruell then a tyrant , who 〈◊〉 not offer to exact of his subjects such a tribute which he knowes cannot be 〈◊〉 : it is tyrannical and cruell , and therefore impossible to god to require the ability which he himselfe took away , and of those too that are his friends , and in league with him . ibid. pag. 147. to say that the very best workes of the saints are uncleane , 〈◊〉 , mortall sins , is extreame blasphemy . can the workes of the holy ghost be impure ? the least addition of evill in a good worke makes it sinfull , because bonum est ex integracausa , malum ex 〈◊〉 defectu . white on the sabboth , pag. 157. 〈◊〉 those sayings , as from s. austine , neque impossible aliquid 〈◊〉 potuit deus 〈◊〉 justus est ; neque damnaturus est hominem pro eo quod vitare non potest , quia 〈◊〉 est . execramur blasphemiam eorum , qui dicunt aliquid impossibile homini à deo esse praeceptum . o 〈◊〉 pag. 184 by his 〈◊〉 he informeth us of all the meanes that leads toward life eternal by his counsels , which goe beyond his 〈◊〉 ( because g o d hath given man free-will to get what he can in the state of grace for the state of glory ) he shewes some exceeding meanes to grow to this lifes perfection , and to improve the common reward of glory for the next life , as sell what thou hast and give it to the peore , and 〈◊〉 shalt have 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ; here wee have counsell to change temporall riches for eternall , which are better . 2. wee are counselled to change permitted fleshly pleasures for heavenly pleasures , where it is said , qui 〈◊〉 capere 〈◊〉 . 3. wee are counselled to deny our selves and our lawfull libertie , to follow christ through the worlds difficulties ; these are gods counsels which in the primitive church were put in practice , but in our times they are put off with a non placet . ibid. p. 129. of the counsels of the gospel which goe beyond the counsels of the law. s. 〈◊〉 . sayes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 christ hath commanded nothing impossible yea , many have gone above his commandements . p 〈◊〉 . appeal . p. 233. the wicked go to enduring of torments 〈◊〉 , the good to enjoying of happinesse without end ; thus is their estate diversified to their deserving , 〈◊〉 p. 120. setteth downe the comitiall verses of cambridge which in merite goeth as farre as 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & speciosa 〈◊〉 , salutem divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dabunt . 〈◊〉 p. 18. goes yet further , that our workes are as true efficent causes of our salvation , as our wickednesse can be of our damnation , as we heard before . montag . 〈◊〉 . pag. 153. that a worke may be said to be meritorious , ex 〈◊〉 , these conditions are required , that it be morally good , that it be freely wrought by a man in this life in the estate of grace and friendship with god , that it have annexed gods promise of reward . all which conditions i cannot conceive that any protestants doth deny to good workes . q 〈◊〉 p. 198. in that blessed estate there are degrees of joy and glory , a starre differs from another in glory , some ground bringeth foorth thirty , some sixty , some a hundred fold . to this agreeth s. gregory , quia in hac vita est discretio operum , erit procul dubio in illa discretio dignitatum , ut quo hic alius alium merito superat , illic alius alium retributione transcendat . and s. cyprian , in pace coronam vincentibus candidam pro operibus dabit in persecutio ne purpuream pro passione geminabit ; certēt nune sin guli ad utriusque honoris amplissimam dignitatem , accipiant coronas vel de operibus candidas , vel de sanguine purpureas . here shineth gods justice in distributing rewards according to the variety of his owne grace in this life bestowed , and christians works by their own free wil to the best end imployed , and because there are certaine excellencies of workes in overcomming the greatest difficulties , therefore the scoole after the former demonstration argueth priviledged crownes which they call 〈◊〉 to bee due to them which have conauered best to martyes for overcomming persecutions , to virgins for conquering the 〈◊〉 , qnd to doctors for putting the divell to flight from their flockes : r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 127. for shelsoords booke whatever is in that mentioned should not trouble you , if he ascribe a speciall eminency unto charity in some cerraine things , it is no more then 〈◊〉 taught to him by s. paul , who doth preferre it , as you cannot but choose to know , before faith and hope : nor doth he attribute our justification 〈◊〉 in any other sence then was taught him by s. iames m dow p 52. and i believe if m. shelsoords justification by 〈◊〉 be well examined , it will prove no other then that which s. iames saies , yee see how that by works a man is justified and not by faith onely , and i would demand of any reasonable man , whether the expresse words of that 〈◊〉 may not without aspersion of popery be even openly and publickly maintained , if there be no sence obtruded upon them which may crosse s. pauls doctrine , which m burtoun can never prove that they did whom he charged with that assertion . in the doctrine of the sacraments see their popery . s montag . orig . p. 72. de circumcisione quaeritur quamgratiam 〈◊〉 & primo ponitur non 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 verum sacramentum veteris politiae in statu legis & 〈◊〉 , ideo esse operativū illius gratiae qua ab . luuntur 〈◊〉 ut fit in baptismo novae legis . 2. si quaeratur an ut baptismus 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 quae figurat 〈◊〉 olim peccata visua sacramētali ex institutione divino opere operato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 operantis aut alio quovis modo abolere & mundare poterit , qua de re sunt diversae sententiae . hereafter he hath brought at length the fathers , to prove that sacramēta veteris testamēti non causabant gratiam sed cam solum per 〈◊〉 christi 〈◊〉 esse significabant , nostra vero & gratiam continent & digne suscipientibus conferunt , 〈◊〉 closes , inanes 〈◊〉 illae disputationes & acerbae contentiones 〈◊〉 lorum , quae apud scholasticos & doctores nonnullos ventilantur , quas sopitas optamus nos . ibid. p. baptismus joannis rudimentarius ait damascenus : imperfectus , & isagogicus , 〈◊〉 : ut & lex vetus , 〈◊〉 novum baptisma post illud necessarium inquit augustinus , post johannem baptizabat paulus , post hereticos non baptizat ecclesia , christi baptismo actu remittebantur peccata , non remittebantur actu post iohannis . then in his owne words , quid ergo ? an dabat gratiam baptismus ille ; 〈◊〉 visum non nullis perperam omnino , nam ubi tum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 baptismatis christi & sacramentorum novi faederis , quibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gratiam 〈◊〉 quam significant , preparatoriè hoc agebat non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in spe tantum cum re ipsa in domini baptismo illud 〈◊〉 , ab 〈◊〉 sententia quae est 〈◊〉 omnium antiquorum , si calvinus recesserit cum sequacibus , aetatem habent , ipsi respondeant , privati cujuscunque hominis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non est communi protestantium sententiae ascribendum . obtineat ergo per me tridentinae synodi canon primus sessionis septimae : si quis dixerit baptismum iohannis habuisse eandem vim cum baptismo christi anathema sit . t mon. opeal p. 35. we 〈◊〉 aught in the liturgie earnestly to beleeve , lest it should be left to mens 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 hath received favourably these infants that are baptised . and to make this doctrine 〈◊〉 more sure against our novellists , it is again repeated in the 〈◊〉 , that it is certainly true by the word of god , that children being baptised have all things necessary forsalvation , and if they die before actuall sin , shall be undoubtedly saved , according whereunto all antiquity hath also taught us let this therefore be acknowledged to be the doctrine of our church . white against the 〈◊〉 p. 95. avowes it as the doctrine of england , that all infants baptised have the holy spirit , & are made the children of god by adoptiō , pressing that of s. 〈◊〉 of all infants baptised . quid dicturus est de infantibus parvulis qui plerique accepto in illa aetate gratiae sacramento , qut 〈◊〉 dubio pertinerent ad vitam aeternam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , si continuo ex hac vita 〈◊〉 , sinuntur crescere & nonnulli etiā apostatae sunt . albeit this same white makes this tenet in his conserence with fisher to be the judgement only of papists and lutherans pag. 176. they differ from lutherans and 〈◊〉 first , in that they 〈◊〉 the grace of sanctification only to the elect . 2. in that they deny externall baptisme to be alwayes effectuall at the very 〈◊〉 time when it is administrate . w cant. relat . p. 56. that baptisme is necessary to the salva tion of infants in the ordinare way of the church ( without binding god to the use and means of that sacrament to which hee hath bound us ) it is expresse in saint john , chap. 3. except a man be born again by water he cannot enter , no baptisme , no entrance , nor can infants creep in any other ordinare way . and this is the 〈◊〉 opinion of all the ancient church infants are to be baptised that their salvation may be certain , for they which cannot helpe themselves must not be left only to extraordinare helps of which we have no assurance , and for which we have no warrant at all in seripture , 〈◊〉 . p. 66. i can shew you of none saved ordinarly without the sacraments in regard of our saviours exception in the 3. of iohn , except a man be born againe of the water and the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdome of heaven . montag . orig . p. 397. adeo huic usui inserviunt aquae ut si tollatur lavacrū aquae alieni a deo & soedere promissionis aeternae excludantur illi in tenebras exteriores , cum edicto divino 〈◊〉 sit nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua & spiritu sancto non introibit in regnum coelorum . 〈◊〉 hoc elusum a novatoribus , sed & christi divinitatem ab haereticis negatam 〈◊〉 utrumque in contemptum dei & dispendium animarum . x samuel hoards sermon supra , puts crosse in baptisme and sindry other ceremonies of it among his rituall traditions . montag . 〈◊〉 . pag. 16. vestis alba oleum , sal , lac , chrisma , additamenta quaedam sunt ornatus causa . ib. p. 15. cum concilio quodam nupero non veremur profiteri ceremonias à majoribus hominibus religiosissimis usurpatas quod ad varios pietatis usus valeant & exercitia quaedam fint quibus mens externarū rerum sensu & significatione ad divinum cultum 〈◊〉 deum attrahitur in ecclesia retinendas & ubi abrogatae fuerant restituendas esse statuimus . andrews stricturae , p. 13. chrisme , salt , candles , 〈◊〉 , signe of the crosse 〈◊〉 , and the consecration of the water , those being all matter of ceremony , are therefore in the church power on good reasons either to retaine or to alter , y andrews 〈◊〉 . p. 11. the whole matter about the five sacraments is a meer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 z pokling altare p. 65. and because the competents were persons of full age they received also confirmation by imposition of hands 〈◊〉 pleni 〈◊〉 inveniantar . zz andrewes 〈◊〉 . pag. 12. the five orders is a point not 〈◊〉 the standing on , while the revenues of the church were able to maintaine so many degrees it cannot be denyed but that there were so many , but by the churches owne order neither by commandement nor example of scripture , but what is this to the present estate of the church scarce able to maintaine two ? &c. 〈◊〉 antid . sect . 3. p8 . let the bishops stand alone on apostolicall right and no more then so , and doubt it not but some wil take it on your word & then plead accordingly , that thingsof apostolicall institution may be laid aside . when bishop andrews had learnedly asserted the 〈◊〉 order to be of christs institutiō i have heard that some who were then in place did secretly interceed with king 〈◊〉 to have had it altered , for feare forsooth of offending our neighbour churches . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. 〈◊〉 . p. 195. dixi abesse ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquid quod de jure divino sit , culpa 〈◊〉 vestra non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 injuria temporum , non enim tam propitios habuisse reges galliam vestram in ecclesia reformanda quam habuit britannia nostra : interim ubi dabit meliora deus , & hoc quoque quod jam abest per dei gratiam suppletum iri . relatum inter hereticos aerium qui epiphanio credat vel augustino necesse est fateatur , & tu qui 〈◊〉 aerium quo nomine damnas ? an quod se 〈◊〉 consensui universalis ecclesiae . idem qui sentit an non itidem se opponit ac eo nomine damnandus erit montag . 〈◊〉 . p. 138. 〈◊〉 jus & autoritatem ita credimus annexam episcoporum personis ut a nemine non episcopo ordinato & consecrato possit aut debeat adhiberi , 〈◊〉 ordinationem vel 〈◊〉 omnem pronunciamus quae non a legitimo & canonico more 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 se 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & non missi ingerant caelesti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viderint 〈◊〉 quid sint responsuri olim summo sacerdoti cujus partes usurpant , 〈◊〉 nostros non aliorum 〈◊〉 vocationes . yea , not only they tye ordination and jurisdict on to the person of bishops , but of such bishops who must of necessity shew the derivation of all their power , from the pope as was shown before . a dew p. 184. by his favour i must tell him that neither the law of god nor of the king disallowes the use of the old canons and constitutions , though made in the time of popery and by the pope or popish prelats , which are not contrary to the law of god or the king : if hee desire proofe of this , let him consider whether the statute 25. hen. 8 19. do not say as much as i affirme , which having regulated divers things touching the exercise of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction . at last the statute concludes with this 〈◊〉 provided also that such canons constitutions , ordinances , and synodals provinciall being already made not repugnant to the lawes and customes of this realme , nor to the hurt of the kings prerogative royall , shall now still be used and executed as they were before the making of this act , till such time as they be viewed , searched , or otherwise ordered by the said two and thirty persons or the more part of them according to the tenour of this present act. it followes then that till these thirty two persons determine otherwise , old canons may bee still executed and retaine their ancient vigour and authority , and when that will be i know not but as yet i am sure it hath not beene done . b femall glory , pag. 128. with this pious and gratefull ordinance , i conclude the visitation of our incomparable lady , 〈◊〉 meanes the act of the late councell of basile , which ordained a festivall for that visitation . c 〈◊〉 altar pag. 52. there is mention madeof the dedication of churches unde 〈◊〉 , an. 〈◊〉 12. and under 〈◊〉 , 154. under calixtus 221. and before them all in saint clemence his epistles . these testimonies of roman bishops the centurists doe suspect : where the doctrine and decrees of popes , and those in the first and best times are confirmed by the doctrine and constant practice of the holy catholicke church , it 〈◊〉 great boldnesse in three or foure men to condemne and to brand their authority with the ministery of iniquity . d laurence , sermon , pag. 18. the apostles in their canons , and these too , which are undoubtedly theirs . montag . apart . pag. 390 ex antiquissimis illum 〈◊〉 principem & primariae authoritatis , 〈◊〉 erat apostolorū 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 nimerum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non preteribo , quem licet delicatuli nescio qui , ex 〈◊〉 parte contendentium falsi postulant , & tanquam falsarium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nos tamen ipsius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quosvis suscipere patrocinium audemus , doctissimum post virum turrianum . e white on the sabboth in the preface . there might also my reverend good lord , be a very profitable use of some private of pasturall collation with their 〈◊〉 , for their direct on and information in 〈◊〉 spirituall duties , such as was , private confestion in the ancient church : now the presbyterian censures by their paralogisme taken from abuse have with such loud and impetuous declamations , filled the cares and possessed the mindes of many people that they are exceeding averse from this soveraigne and ancient medecine of consolation , prevention , and curing of the 〈◊〉 of the soule . he approueth that of gerardus , privata coram ecclesiae ministro confessio , quam auricularem vocant , quamv is non habeat expressum & peculiare mandatum 〈◊〉 non fit absolutae necessitatis , tamen cum plurimas praester utilitates & disciplinae ecclesiasticae 〈◊〉 sit non postrema publico ecclesiae consensu recepta , ideo nequaquam timere vel negligenda vel abolenda , 〈◊〉 piè & in vero dei timore , praesertim ab 〈◊〉 qui ad sacram synoxin accedunt usurpanda . m. sp. sermon printed with approbation . p. 18. confesse as the church directs , confesse to god , confesse also to the priest , if not privately in the 〈◊〉 since that is out of use . 〈◊〉 saith a devout bishop , it is almost quite lost , the more pitty . f dew p. 35. it cannot be denied , but that the church of england did ever allow the private confession of sinnes to the priest , it were very strange , if our church ordaining priests and giving them power of absolution , and prescribing the forme to be used for the exercise of that power upon confession , should not allow of the private confession . m. sp. sermon page . 16. since the priest can in the name of god forgive us our sinnes , good reason we should make our confession to him : surely god never give the priest this power in vaine , he expects we should make the best use of it we can . he requires we should use the meanes we can to obtaine that blessing ; now the onely meanes to obtaine this absolution is our confession to him 〈◊〉 . p. 19. if we confesse in humility with griefe and sorrow for them , if we confesse them faithfully not concealing any ( ibid ) p. 15. there is another confession that would not be neglected . he that would be sure of pardon , let him seek out a priest , and make his humble confession to him : for god who alone hath the prime and originall right of forgiving sins hath delegat the priests here upon earth his judges , and hath given them the power of absolution , so that they can in gods name forgive the sinnes of those that confesse to them . but is not this popery , would some say , now take the counsell that is given in the eight of iob , aske the fathers , and they shall tell thee : aske then s. 〈◊〉 on esay , and he will tell thee , that heaven waites and expects the priests sentence here on earth : for the priest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on earth , and the lord followes the servant , and when the servant bindes or looses here on earth , clave non errante , the lord confirmes it in heaven , words , saies he , so cleare for the judiciall and formall absolution of the priest , that nothing can be said more plaine . h pockl. alt . pag. 57. the bishops made an addition to the ecclesiastick canon , that in every church a penitentiarie should be appointed to admit penetents in the church , after they have done publick pennance . this kind of confession 〈◊〉 abolished in the church of 〈◊〉 , how beit the confession , whereof tertullian and cyprian speaks , was never abolished , but did ever continue in the greek church , and in the latine likewise : and to this purpose a solemne day was set apart for taking of publick pennance , for open faults , by imposition of hands , and sprinkling of ashes , namely ashwednesday . this is the godly discipline whereof out church speaketh , and wisheth that it might be restored . and as ashwednesday was appointed for penetents to receive absolution . this absolution they took upon their knees by the imposition of the priests hands . ibid. p. 63. and 67. the competents beginning on ashwednesday in sackcloth and ashes to humble themselves , they were all lent long purged with fasting and prayer : they were to stand barefoot on sackcloth , and watch on good fryday all night . how fand a thing it is , saith 〈◊〉 , to thinke to carry away with us the 〈◊〉 of sinne , and not first of all to pay for our commodity . the merchant before he deliver his wares will look to your coyne , 〈◊〉 soulptilis , ne rasus , that it be neither washed nor shaved ; and doe not thinke but the lord will looke well to your repentances and turne it over and over , before ye receive . the church caused those to take so strict pennance , that by their great humiliation they might make some amends for that liberty which some took to sin . ibid. p. 24. our churches are a glory to our religion . to the 〈◊〉 elongeth the 〈◊〉 lavaiorie and 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 heating confessions . shalfoord p. 126. if the just shall transgresse while they are within the law they are bound to make satisfaction by pennance , which is , ibid. pag. 〈◊〉 . the law is oft broken by sins of omission and commission . i answer , as it is oft broken of us , so it is as oft repaired and satisfied , and so all is made whole againe , and so he is , 〈◊〉 quo 〈◊〉 : he riseth againe so oft as he falleth ; either in number or vertue our sins of commission are repaired by repentance , our sins of omission are supplied by prayer . i montag . antig . pag. 267. that sacramentall unction is not to be used to the sick , use it if you will , we hinder you not , nor much care or enquire what effects ensue upon it , but obtrude it not upon us as in 〈◊〉 of the sacraments in the time of grace . they are for the recrection of monasteries , and placing of monks , and nuns therein as of old . k montag . orig . p. 303. in ecclesia anglicana sacerdotes 〈◊〉 magis gaudere , & soleant & debeant immunitatibus , tamen & frequentius & exuberantius , & libentius quam laici decimarum decimas , subsidia , annatas primitias , solvunt principi , ut vel inde 〈◊〉 discerni possit quantum detrimenti regiis accesserit 〈◊〉 per illam desolationem monasteriis invectam per importunum henrici octavi rigorem , & per parliamentarias impropriationes . ibid. p. 384. quales quales reformare potius , & ad normam veterum reducere debebant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non quod factum facinore flagitioso , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuerunt ad haras , altaria ad lupanaria transferenda , sed reprimam 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. 174. sub pretextu reformatae pietatis . deum , ecclesiam , pietatem , per nefandistima sacrilegia , eversis ubicunque monasteriis , &c. l montag . orig . p , 370. 〈◊〉 primus hanc viam insistebat , illum 〈◊〉 ut in aliis sequebantur 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. 382. ejusmodi vitae genere 〈◊〉 jecisse fundamenta monasticae vitae , cum illustrissimo barono non abnuerim . m montag . orig . p 369. 〈◊〉 & interula & tunica , & quocunque amictu vestiebatur , de camelorum pilis id gestabat vestimentum , ut ipsa asperitas ad virtutem patientiae animum exerceret , nec princeps hoc institutum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ab omni retro antiquitate prophetarum filii elias , 〈◊〉 alii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ute bantur , quin & positum in more qui rem quamcunque persuadere vellent , habitu ipso se componerent ad 〈◊〉 rem efficacius insinuandam . william 〈◊〉 sermon p. 20. the sackcloth and ashes they received from daniel and the ninivites , and to live according to a 〈◊〉 rule , and order from s. mark and other apostles . so saith cossian ibidem p. 28. those if you censure for will-worship or superstition take heed ye condemne not the authors of them , even our blessed saviour , with his prophets and apostles . ibid. pag. 44. whereas our blessed saviour hath forbidden shooes to his disciples , he was herein obeyed by the primitive mortifiers , sandals were meere solls tyed with strings : n femal glory page 22. the same author affirmes that there she lived a 〈◊〉 nunne . ibid. 23. let us then imagine that this holy 〈◊〉 confined her body to this sacred solitude , that shee might the more freely enjoy the inconceivable pleasure shee tooke in her 〈◊〉 virginity . ibid. page she was a votary never to know man. ibid. page 148. you who ply your sacred arithmetik and have thoughts cold and cleare as the cristall beeds you pray by . you who have vowed virginity , mentall and corporall , approach with comfort , and kneel downe before the grand white immaculate 〈◊〉 of your snowie nunries , and present the alsaving babe in her armes with due veneration : o ibid. page 236. many holy orders also are of this sodality as the 〈◊〉 , the 〈◊〉 , the franciscans , 〈◊〉 , and many other . if these examples of pious and worthy people will not move us , &c. p william wats sermon . page 3. 〈◊〉 bishop of vienne did not uncannonically , to appoint a solemne 〈◊〉 of three daies fast , and to make a letany to be sung in a barefooted procession . 〈◊〉 . page 20. to goe barefooted , they received from david and esaias . 〈◊〉 . page 45. 〈◊〉 maketh goers barefoote to be imitators of apostolick spirited people . ibid. page 48. in the third , fourth , and fifth ages , are examples plentifull of the nightly processions of the christians ; yea , they went from their houses in the cities to some of their churches in the fields , singing psalmes all the way through the streets in the hearing of the gentiles . ibid. minutius felix mentioneth necturna & 〈◊〉 sacra . for this purpose the night was devided into canonicall houres or certaine times of rising to prayer , whereof midnight was one , the morning watch was another canonicall houre . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notwithstanding our devotion serveth us not 〈◊〉 the prophets and apostles , and the primitives , yet we will forbeare to take part with the old hereticks in reprehending them . ibid. before a greater festivall all the devouter sort of christians constantly repaired to their churches at midnight . how neere they approach to purgatorie , and 〈◊〉 for the dead . q montag . orig . pag. 286. his qui in carcere erant spiritibus , hoc est defunct is , suo fato & inferno addict is praedicavit , quo in loco puritani , & novatores spiritum , non animam christi intelligunt ibid. apar . p. 476. communem esse patrum sententiam , 〈◊〉 doctissimorum scriptorum nostrae aetatis & confessionis , sanctorum animas ante christi resurrectionem non fuisse in coelo . olim ( inquit chrysostomus ) ad infernum deducebat mors , sed nunc assumit ad christum . ideo dicebat olim iacob , deducet is senectutem meam ad infernum cum lachrymis ideo olim lugebantur mortui , at nunc cum psalmis & hymnis efferuntur . hieronymi testimonia sunt innumera , ante adventum christi omnes ad inferos ducebantur ; inde iacob ad inferos discensurum se dicit , & iob pios & impios in inferno queritur 〈◊〉 , & euangelium docet magnum chaos interpositum apud inferos , & revera antequamflammeam illam rotam , & igneam rompheam ad 〈◊〉 fores christ us 〈◊〉 one reseraret , clausa erant caelestia , nota quoque ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quoque in inferno fuisse credas , & ante adventum christi , quamvis sanctos 〈◊〉 lege detentos : locum esse ait , qui lacus 〈◊〉 & abyssus , in qua non erant aquae in qua animae 〈◊〉 , sive ad poenas . r montag . a par . pag. 476. postquam eo descendit , christus , inferorum claustra perfodit , diripuit , vastavit , spoliavit , vinctas inde animas liberando . m. maxwels demonstration , pag. 9. whether the places of scripture wherein mention is made of our saviours spoyling of hell , and leading captivitie captive , may perhaps be understood of his powerfull & mercifull delivering from hell , of some of the soules of vertuous pagans , as of their philosophers , lawgivers , governors , kings , queens , & other private persons renowned for their wisdome , prudence , fortitude , temperance , bounty , chastity , justice , mercy ; and generally for their civill carriage , & morall conversation , 〈◊〉 as were hermes trismegistus , zoroaster , socrates , plato , aristotle , pythagoras , homer , phocyllides , theognis , epictetus , cicero ; and such as were hercules , thesem , cyrus , solon , lycurgus , aristides , simon , 〈◊〉 , epaminondas , tarrina , camilla , 〈◊〉 , panthea , penelope , artemisia , and others the like : for my owne part , i do professe such love to those vertuous wights , for their vertues sake , as i had rather condemne twentie such opinions as that of limbus patrum , than to damne eternally the soule of one socrates , of one cyrus . s montag . apar . 〈◊〉 . 135 objiciunt , nullus tertius 〈◊〉 indicatur in scriptura praeter infernum damnatorum & coelum . resp. licet non indicaretur in 〈◊〉 esse alium locum tertium , non tamen inde sequeretur non fuisse tertium , quia multa sunt quae non indicantur in scripturis . locus ille matthaei 25. loquitur non de loco aut statu animarum ante christum , sed de statu & loco finali post finem saeculi , cum 〈◊〉 tantum erunt absque dubio hominum societates sempiternae . t andreus stricturae , pag. 56. anent offering and prayer for the dead , there is little to be said against it , it cannot be denyed but it is ancient . dow. pag. 56. that the ancient church had commemorations , oblations , and prayers for the dead , the testimonies of the fathers , ecclesiasticall stories & ancient liturgies do put out of all question . pokling . alt . p. 83. commends that canon whereby a priest after his death was ordained to be punished , for making another priest his executour , with this paine , that at the altar for such an one , non offerretur , nee sacrificium 〈◊〉 dormitione ejus 〈◊〉 . notes for div a67904-e17850 few of all romes superstitions are against their stomack . a samuel hoards sermon , pag. 15 : reckons out among his traditions the crossing of themselves when they went out , or when they came in , when they went to bed , or 〈◊〉 they rose , 〈◊〉 they sat down to meat , or lighted candles , or had any businesse of moment to doe . montag . apeal . p. 268. what hinders but that i may signe my self with the 〈◊〉 of the crosse in any part of my body , at any time when i goe to bed , in the morning when i rise , at my going out , at my returning home , the ancient church so used it , and so may we ( for ought i know ) without just scandall or superstition . b montag . antid . p. 17. ego certe illas 〈◊〉 fasciis involvam ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , admovebo labiis ac collo suspensas 〈◊〉 oculisque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 pag. 24. imagines praesertim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diligenter & cum cura : sunt apud nos per fenestras , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . c female glory , pag. 148. among the other praises of his holy nuns , this is one , you who ply your sacred arithmetick , and have your thoughts cold and cleare as the crystall beeds you pray by : and in his proemials , 〈◊〉 terra revibrat ave . d montag . antid . pag. 164. quadragesimale jejunium libenter ego concesserim ab apostolis constitutum , & apud vetustissimos 〈◊〉 proceres usurpatum . ibid. p. 9. doceatur esse aliquid ab ipsis apostolis institutum , utpote jejunium quadragesimale ; causam non dicam quin haereseos accuser , si non ut ab apostolica authoritate sancitumpropugnavero . william wats sermon , p. 50. most precise and severe observers were they of lent-fast , which the whole primitive church did believe to be of apostolicall institution , so that they had their saviours and his apostles example for that strictnesse . i passe their observation of wednesdayes and fridayes fast weekly , which epiphanius among many others assureth to be of apostolicall 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 devotion : it hath also beene an ancient and religious custome , to fast all the fridayes in the yeare , except those which fall within the twelve dayes of christmasse . the lent which now is , and ever hath beene reputed an apostolicall constitution , and wee adde out of chrysologus that it is not an humane invention , as they call it , but it comes from divine authoritie that we fast our fourtie dayes in lent , pag 221. they embrace the grossest not only of their private , but also of their publick 〈◊〉 , e laurence sermon p 9. christians distinguished their oratories into an atrium , a church yard , a sanctum , a church a sanctum sanctorum , a chancell , they did conceive a greater degree of 〈◊〉 in one of them , than in another , and in one place of them than another , churchyards they thought profaned by sports , the whole circuit both before and after christ was 〈◊〉 ledged for refuge , none out of the communion of the kirk permitted to 〈◊〉 there , any 〈◊〉 ground 〈◊〉 for interment before that which was not 〈◊〉 , and that in an higher esteem which was in a higher degree of consecration , and that in the highest which was neerest the altar . halls sermon at the consecration of a buriall place , p. 38. out of the consideration of the holy designation of these peculiar places came both the title and practice of consecration of 〈◊〉 , which they say is no lesse ancient than the dayes of calixtus the first who dedicated the first cemiteries , albeit it was decreed by the councel of arles , that if any church were consecrated , the churchyard of it should require no other hallowing but by simple conspersion , p. 40. it is meet & necessary that those places should be set aside to this holy use by a due & religious dedication , by praiers & holy actions tending therunto , if the jews used these dedications , how much more we ib. in the preface , an act worthy both of this common celebration & of that episcopall service of mine . f tedders sermon , p. 8. it is the consecration that makes them holy & makes god esteem them so , which though they be not capable of grace , yet receive by their consecration a spiritual power , wherby they are made fit for divine service , and being consecrate , there is no danger in ascribing holinesse unto them , if we beleeve s. bernard , quis parietes istos sanctos dicere vereatur , quos manus sacratae pontificū 〈◊〉 sanctificavere mysteriis . when we come to church , say the holy fathers of the devotion of those primitive times , corpora humi 〈◊〉 , they that shewed the least devotion did bow , all the time that they were there none presumed so much as to sit , as being too 〈◊〉 & lazie a posture in gods house , but only for infirmitie or some other cause were 〈◊〉 with . there were some that would not have their shooes on their feet in the temple , a shame to them that have their hats on in gods house . shelf p. 51. some profane gods house by going out with headscovered , as if god were not present , & it were not his house when service was ended . pokling . 〈◊〉 . p. 141. hurches when they were made they were consecrate , for a man may as lawfully and christianly administer the sacrament in a barn or town hal as in any place that is not consecrate to such holy uses , queen scoole p. 223. s. giles church in the fields being newly repaired after two years service , sermon & sacraments in it in d. montary b. of londons time , was required to be consecrate by his successor d. laud , the parochin refusing , the bishop caused sequester , & 〈◊〉 up the house for a month , & forces the parish after 50 pound fine to put up a 〈◊〉 upon the east window , & receive the other orders of consecration . the foundatiō stons of there air of pauls were solemnly blessed by the bishop , his main reason for urging of the visitation of cambridge was , that two chappels there was not yet consecrate , notwithstanding of divine service in them for some score of years past . g pokl alt p. 141. was not the altar the chiefest place which with most ceremony & devotion was hallowed ? was there not a feast annuall kept in joyfull remembrance of the dedication of every church . doth not s. austine say , novit sanctitas vestra fratres , corsecrationem altaris celebrareus in quo unctus vel benedictus est lapis , as he cites the place in his sunday . quenscoole , p. 198. in the collegiat church of wolverhampton in the countrey of stafford , the altar & cloaths therof were consecrate 11. octob. 1635. as soon as the priests come to the church , each of them made a low congie at their first entring in at the church door , & after that three congies a peece towards the altar , so they went unto the chancell , where a bason with water & a towel was provided for the priests to wash in , where also was incense burning ; after they returned making three 〈◊〉 a peece . after the sermon every one of them had a paper in his hand , which they tearmed a censer , & so they went up again to the altar : as they went they made 〈◊〉 congies a peece , the communion being ended they washed their hands , and returned giving three congies as before . ib. 220. there are divers high 〈◊〉 solemnly dedicated of late in divers 〈◊〉 of cambridge and oxford , adorned with tapers , candlesticks , crucifixes , basons , crosses , rich altar-clothes , crimson cushions , rich hangings . pokl . alt . p. 24. optatus saith that erant ecclesiae ex auro & argento quam plurtma ornamenta . ib p 80. at the upper end of the chancell was a place railed in , whereunto none were permitted to enter but the priests . the canon is cleare , nulli omnium qui sit in laicorum numeroliceat intra sacram altare ingredi . a dispensation indeed there was for the emperor to enter inhither when he would creatori dona afferre , but stay there he might not . laurence , p. 10. beyond these railes duo cancelli , which distinguished the body of the church from the oracle , none out of orders came . a more awfull reverence was commanded to this part being barred from common view . ib. p 29 we have the grecians triple prostrations from their liturgies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. p. 12. the same god is thorow all the parts of the church , but not in the same manner thorow all the parts therof , for as they are different degrees of sanctitie in them , so is there a different dispensation of his presence in them . ib. p. 15. this followes upon the consecration , as there was a greater communication of the divine presence in those places than in others , so was there a greater communication of the same presence in some part of the temple of solomon than in others . and as that distinction in holy places continued after christ , so did the reason of that distinction too . the whole indeed is the house of god , for albeit the lord be without these wals , yet is he more within , as we are not presumed to be so much abroad as at home , though the church conceived him to be present in all parts of this house , yet it concerved him to be present more in one part of it than another , in respect of that 〈◊〉 dispensation of his presence to that place of the church , as of old to that place of the temple which was within the 〈◊〉 , we having an altar here answerable to a mercy 〈◊〉 there , as also in respect of that union 〈◊〉 this place and 〈◊〉 humane nature . 〈◊〉 . star-chamber speech , p. 47. the altar is the greatest place of gods residence upon 〈◊〉 , i say the greatest , 〈◊〉 greater than the pulpit , for 〈◊〉 it is hoc est corpus meum , but in the pulpit is is 〈◊〉 hoc est verbum meum , and a greater reverence no doubt is due to the body than to the word , and so in 〈◊〉 answerable to the 〈◊〉 where his body is usually 〈◊〉 then to the seat whence his word uses to be proclaimed . h vide supra cap. 5. ( 〈◊〉 ) i 〈…〉 i was shewed a latine determination 〈◊〉 in one of our universities 〈◊〉 to prove , that looke what ceremonies were used about the altar before the reformation by power and force of any generall custome , though past over in deep silence by our liturgie , are notwithstanding commanded us by a kind of impli●● 〈◊〉 , even unto us , that live under the discipline of the english liturgie . 〈◊〉 authour therein , onely leaves him as a man most able to justifie that writ . 〈◊〉 are his words , as for your sally on the author of the latin determination , i leave him to himselfe : he is of age to do you reason in this , as well as in that other quarrell you have against him . k vide supra , cap. 5. b. l 〈◊〉 bughen , serm . pag. 9 we 〈◊〉 not think 〈◊〉 enough that we stand at the 〈◊〉 , except wee say it also with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a loud voice , nor is it enough 〈◊〉 us to stand up at the gospel , but at the name of jesus , not as if we were ashamed of what we did , but , neither is it 〈◊〉 to be bare in time of divine service , kneell on our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commands & letanie are 〈◊〉 . shelfoord , pag. 20. let us learne of our cathedrall churches , for there our reverend fathers , the prelats , maketheir reverence to god in this wise , both at their entry and their returne , wherefore to follow their good & holy patterne , we are to do the like , both at our comming into gods house , and at our going out . ib. p. 22 the fifth office of holinesse is to rise up from our seats when the articles of our faith are read , wee also doe more reverently to stand up at the reading of the psalmes , before , after , and behind the holy lessons . we are also to stand at the reading of the gospel . the reason that the old lyturgick writers gives of this superstitious standing at the creed & gospel more than at the reading of the lessons & epistles is , because these epistles among which they put the revelation , the pentateuch , and sundry other parts of the old restament , contains more base doctrine than the gospel which comes behind them , as the master comes after his servant which goes before to make way . m couzins devotions , they offend against the fifth command that obeyes not the precepts of the ecclesiastick governors . the precepts of the church are first to observe the festivals and holy dayes appointed in the church calendar , vide supra cap. n whits examinat . p. 118. the injunction maketh no difference betwixt sunday and the other holy dayes concerning working in harvest , no speciall priviledge is given it more than the 〈◊〉 . for king edwards statute repeated by queen elizabeth saith , it shall be law full to every husband-man , labourer , fisher-man , &c. upon the holy dayes aforesaid in harvest , or at any other time of the yeare when necessity shall require , to labour , ride , fish , or work any kind of work at their free wils and pleasure . ib. on the sabbath . p. 217. in the new testament we read of no prohibition concerning abstinence from secular actions upon the lords day more than upon other dayes , et quod non prohibetur ultro permissum est . the catholike church for more than 600 yeares after christ , gave licence to many christian people to work upon the lords day at such houres as they were not commanded to be present at the publike service by the precept of the church . in s. jeroms dayes the devoutest christians did ordinarily work upon the lords day . in gregory the greats time it was reputed antichristian doctrine to make it a sin to work on the lords day . helenes answer , p. 111. his majestie having published his declaration about lawfull pastimes on the sunday , gives order to his bishops that publication thereof be made in all their severall diocesses , the bishops hereupon appoint the incumbent of every church to read the declaration to the people , and finding opposition to the said appointment , presse them to the performance of it by vertue of that canonicall obedience , which by their severall oaths they were bound to yeeld unto their ordinaries ; but seeing nothing but contempt upon contempt , after much patience and long suffering , some of the most perverse have been suspended , as well 〈◊〉 beneficio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for an example to the rest . o vide supra caput 5. w. notes for div a67904-e19280 they cry downe so far as they can all preaching . a cant. star-chamber speech , pag. 47. but in the pulpit it is at most , hoc est verbum meum , and god hold it there at his word : for as too many men use the matter , it is , hoc est verbum diaboli , this is the word of the devill in many places , witnesse sedition , and the like to it . b and. posthuma , pag. 32. ex quo nuper hic apud nos vapularunt canes muti , exclusi sunt clamatores 〈◊〉 as molesti , ex quo pessimus 〈◊〉 mos invaluit , ex quo pruriginoso 〈◊〉 editus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bic quicquidlibet effutiendi , ecclesia in tonstrinam versa est , non plus ibi ineptiarum quam bic , theologia in battologiam , canes 〈◊〉 latrantes mutati in catulos 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 fere scias 〈◊〉 opt ādum fit , illudne 〈◊〉 , an bi latratus absoni , illudne jejunium , an baec nausea . c shelfoord , pag. 91. beside these ten kinds of preaching , which are able to stop the mouth of all itching 〈◊〉 professours , there is yet another kind of preaching not fit for every minister , but for extraordinary and excellent men , called by god and the church , to reforme errors and abuses , to promulge to the world new lawes & canons . and as this kind is to be performed by extraordinary men , 〈◊〉 it is not alwaies so needfull , but when necessity required : for when things are setled , there needs no more setling , but only preserving . we ought not to have many 〈◊〉 , or many evangelists , nor many apostles ; were people now to be called and converted to the gospel , then not 〈◊〉 this kind of preaching , but miracles also were needful , when much needlesse and some unsound teaching by tract of time had sued into the ark of christs church , by the 〈◊〉 & priests thereof : 〈◊〉 in the 19 year of king henry the eighth , began licences to be granted by the court of star-chamber , to preach against the corruptions of the time ; but now the corruptions are 〈◊〉 the ancient & true doctrine of the primitive church by setled articles is restored ; therfore this extraordinary kind is not now so necessary , except it be upon some 〈◊〉 crimes , breaking forth among people . d shelfoord , pag. 35. the principall part of the ministers office is the true understand 〈◊〉 , distinct reading , and decent ministrie of the church service , contained in the book of common prayer . this is the pith of godlinesse , the heart of religion , the spina or 〈◊〉 , the backbone of all holy faculties of the christian body . ibid. pag 39. were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the canons 〈◊〉 aptly , that is , by just distinctions , and by a sensible reader , observing all the rules of reading , with 〈◊〉 fit 〈◊〉 the matter , and with due attention of the hearer , there would bee much profit and edifing . jbid. pag. 76. gods minister 〈◊〉 thy preacher , and the divine service of the church book is his sermon . in this service & this sermon is contained whatsoever is necessary for salvation . ibid. p. 78. the 〈◊〉 reading is preaching ; yea , a lively & effectuall kind of preaching . e heylens answer , pag. 165. whereas formerly you used to mangle and cut short the service , that you might bring the whole worship of god to your extemporary prayers and sermons , now you are brought againe to the ancient usage of reading the whole prayers , without any diminishing in regard of preaching . as for your other cavils about the using of no prayer at all after sermon , the innovation here is on your part , who have offended all this while , not only against the canon , but act of parliament , by bringing in new formes of your owne devising . as for the forbidding of any prayer before the sermon , if any such be , it is but agreeable unto the canon , which hath determined so of it long ago . the preachers in king edwards dayes used no forme of prayers , but 〈◊〉 exhorting which is now required in the canon . f couzins devotions in the preface . let no prayers be used , but these which are allowed by the church : what prayers 〈◊〉 ever any man hath framed for himselfe , let him first acquaint these that are wise & learned 〈◊〉 them , before he presume to use them : and that men may not think those rules are to be applied to publike praiers only , & not to privat , let them weigh those words in the councell of 〈◊〉 , quascunque 〈◊〉 preces , &c. when we speak to the awfull 〈◊〉 of god , we would be sure to speak in the 〈◊〉 and pious language of the church , which hath ever been guided by the holy ghost , & not to lose our selves with confusion in any sudden abrupt or rude dictates , which are 〈◊〉 by private spirits , & ghosts of our own , in regard whereof our very priests & deacons themselves are in their private and 〈◊〉 prayers enjoyned to say the morning & evening devotions of the church , and when at any time they pray , there is a set forme of words prescribed to them to use , that they also might now it is not lawful for them to pray of their own heads , or suddenly to say what they please themselves . g pokling 〈◊〉 . our saviour in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the sabbath , preached but once a day , for immediatly after he went to dinner . 〈◊〉 answer , 〈◊〉 . 168. if in the great cities and 〈◊〉 , sermons are 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 time of the day , or as 〈◊〉 owne phrase is , to an 〈◊〉 onely , assuredly it is neither 〈◊〉 nor strange , nor need 〈◊〉 bee offended at it , if by that meanes the people in those place , cannot heare but one sermon in the day , it being not many , but good sermons ; not much , but profitable hearing , which you should labor to commend . shelford , p. 93. better were it for our church and people to have but one sermon well premeditated , in a moneth , which is insinuated by the canon , than two on a day , proceeding from a rolling braine and mouth , without due preparation . heylens answer , pag. 166. your afternoone sermon on the sunday , if performed by lecturers , are but a part of your new fashion , and having no foundation in the church at all , it cannot be any innovation to lay them by , and if the curate performe his dutie in catechizing , you have no reason to complaine for want of sermons in the afternoone . h heylens answer , 163. why count yee the suppressing of lectures for an innovation , whereas the name of lecturers and lectures are in themselves a new and 〈◊〉 invention , borrowed from the new fashions of geneva ? i shelford , pag. 71 when men had more of inward teaching , and lesse of outward , then was there far better living ; for then they lived alwayes in feare of offending , and as 〈◊〉 as they had done any thing amisse , their conscience by & by gave them a nip , and a memento for it , then they confessed their sins to god & their minister , for spirituall comfort and counsell ; then they endevoured to make the best temporall satisfaction they could by almes , prayers , & fasting , & other good works ofhumiliation ; but now outward teaching not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understood , hath beaten away this . ibid. pag. 82. the besotted negligence of our delicate puritans , is that which makes them to run so after sermons ; what doth this singularitie work in them , but a contempt of government ? as weak stomacks cannot well digest much meat , so the common people cannot governe much 〈◊〉 ; & when they can not digest it well , they vomit it up , they wax proud , and will contest with their ministers . at what time were most heresies broached ? was it not in the primitive church , when there was most preaching ; 〈◊〉 thereafter they did slake it . ibid pag. 99. preaching by reading is the ordinarie preaching ordained by god himselfe , and his church , and this was the ordinarie preaching in our church before king henry the eighth . they approve the masse both for word & matter . k 〈◊〉 . sunday , missam facere coepi , saith s. ambrose , he began the second service , as our church calleth it , quidam cogunt sacerdotem 〈◊〉 abbreviet 〈◊〉 , saith s. augustine , that is , they make the priest to curtaile divine service . l montag . antid . pag. 10. missam ipsam non damnamus , quoad vocem , quin neque missae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sano & recto sensu intellectum m pockling . alt . pag. 138. the king would like well enough of the masse , if the priests would shrive her of 〈◊〉 . n montag . antid . pag. 10. de vocibus , ne missae quidem , 〈◊〉 ne transubstantiationis certamen moveremus . o pag. 28. i 〈◊〉 no church 〈◊〉 celebrate the sacrament with more puritie , 〈◊〉 , gravitie , and none with more majestythan by thi book : certainly it is purged from all 〈◊〉 , which you call superstition , or the 〈◊〉 of the masse , it is restored to the ancient 〈◊〉 , the least thing that 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 , being thrust out of doores , as amnon did tamar , without hope of returne : and if any superstitions would dare to enter , the doore is so 〈◊〉 shut , that 〈◊〉 must despaire of any entrie . what needs all such uproare then without cause ? i shall 〈◊〉 my selfe to make good these particulars : first , that you shall never bee able to find any thing in that booke , contrarie to the word of god. 2. that it containeth nothing contrarie to the practice of the primitive church , but which is most agreeable thereto . 3. that all the points which you condemne are not contraverted betweene our classicall divines and 〈◊〉 , but agreed upon on both sides . 4. that there is nothing in it , contrarie to our confession of faith in scotland ; yea , which is much , yee shall not shew mee a 〈◊〉 divine of any note , who ever did condemne this book of the least point of poperie , but on the contrarie , did defend and commend it . the scottish liturgie is much worse than the english. our alteration in the offertorie . p durand . ration . lib. 4. fol. 65. ritus igitur 〈◊〉 transivit in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & sacrificia 〈◊〉 populi 〈◊〉 sunt in observantimpopuli 〈◊〉 . q durand . lib. 4 〈◊〉 . 64. subsequens dtaconus ipse patinam cum hostia pontifici 〈◊〉 , & pontifex seu sacerdos 〈◊〉 collocat super altare . ibid. fol 66 sacerdos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manu targit , repraesentans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 14. 4. ponetque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super 〈◊〉 hostiae , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & in expiationem 〈◊〉 . our changes in the consecration . r de missa , lib. 2. cap 17. 〈◊〉 canonem ut summa reverentia semper catholici retinuerunt , it a incredibili furore haeretici hujus temporis lacerant . s innocent . lib. 4 〈◊〉 . 1. 〈◊〉 nuno 〈◊〉 summam sacramenti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad ipsum 〈◊〉 divini sacrificii penetramus . t durand . lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 ; sed 〈◊〉 : differt autem inter 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 consecrare , est 〈◊〉 transubstantiare : 〈◊〉 est , sanctum & reverendum efficere , ut 〈◊〉 in aqua 〈◊〉 . u heylens antid . pag. 45. and 46. the church of rome enjoyneth the priest to stand in medio altaris , with his face to the east , and back to the people ; but the church of england at the north side of the table , albeit 〈◊〉 king edwards lyturgie , the priest was appointed to stand at the midst of the 〈◊〉 . x 〈◊〉 saepe . y pokling alt . pag. 99. the people might see the priest going into the sanctuarie , they might heare the noyse of his bels ; himselfe , his gesture , his actions 〈◊〉 saw not , yet all this was done in medio 〈◊〉 , but not among the people in the outward 〈◊〉 inward court , whereunto onely the people were permitted to come . z scottish service the words of 〈◊〉 may be repeated againe over more either bread or wine . & white on the sabbath , pag. 97. such traditions are those that follow the service of the church in a knowne language , &c. a monr . apeal p. 289. if men were disposed as they ought unto peace , there needed bee no difference in the point of reall presence : for the disagreement is only de modo 〈◊〉 ; the 〈◊〉 it self , that there is in the holy eucharist a reall presence , is 〈◊〉 to on either side . for andrews professeth to bellarmine , nobis vobiscum de objecto convenit , de modo lis est . praesentiam inquam credimus non minus 〈◊〉 vos veram , de modo praesentiae nil temere 〈◊〉 . there is no such cause therefore saith he , why in this point of the sacrament we should be so distracted , seeing we both confesse that which is enough , this is my body , and contend meerly about the mean , how it is my body , a point of faith undeniable though it be unsearchable and incomprehensible : from hooker he pronounceth , that there is a generall agreement about that which is alone materiall , for the rest he avoweth himselfe to be for peace and 〈◊〉 , and all to be so but puritans and jesuites , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 doth nourish up in a faction . 〈◊〉 , p. 18. i like s. ambrose , lombard , roffensis & harding , who advise in this argument to forbeare the 〈◊〉 nation of the 〈◊〉 of presence , and to cloath our 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 & general expressions . as i like not those that say he is 〈◊〉 there , so i 〈◊〉 not those that say his body is not there . for s. paul saith it is there , 〈◊〉 the church 〈◊〉 england saith it is there and the church of god ever said , it is there , and that truly , substantially , essentially . we must beleeve it is there . we must not know how it is there . it is a mysterie they all say . the presence they determined , the 〈◊〉 of his presence they determined not . they said he is there , but the lord knows how . b 〈◊〉 answer , pag. 137. think you it 〈◊〉 the priest should takeinto his 〈◊〉 the holy mysteries without lowly reverence , and that it is an innovation to do so . our 〈◊〉 about the 〈◊〉 . c heylens antid . 〈◊〉 . 6. 〈◊〉 . 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our 〈◊〉 , as by the lords owne 〈◊〉 , it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 in the legal by christs 〈◊〉 , it is to by us 〈◊〉 in the holy . a 〈◊〉 it was in figure , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in fact , 〈◊〉 so by consequence a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the commemorations , or immediately upon the post fact a sacrifice there was among the jewes , a sacrifice 〈◊〉 must be amongst the christians : and if a sacrifice must bee , there must be priests also to do , and altars whereupon to do it : for without a priest and an altar there can be no sacrifice . there was a bloudy sacrifice then , an unbloudy now ; a priest derived from aaron then , from melchisedeck now ; an altar for mosatcall sacrifices then , for evangelicall now . the apostles in the institution were appointed priests by christ , where they received a power for them and their successors to celebrate these holy mysteries . hoc facite , is for the priest , who hath power to consecrate ; hoc 〈◊〉 , is both for priest and people . ibid pag. 17. he maintained at length , that in the lords supper there is a true , proper , corporall , visible , and externall sacrifice . our changes in the communion . d white on the sabbath , pag. 97. such traditions are those that follow the deliverie of the communion to the people in both kinds . montag . orig . pag. 396. vbi 〈◊〉 in scripturis infantes baptizari , aut in coena domiui sub utraque specie communicantes participare ; de his 〈◊〉 profiteri , nihil tale docet scriptura , scriptura 〈◊〉 non praedicat . andrews stricturae pag. 5. it cannot be denyed , but roserving the sacrament was suffered a long time in the primitive church , in time of persecution , they were permitted to carrie away how great a part they would , and to keep it by them , and to take it at times to comfort them ; but for the sick , it was alwayes sent them home , were the distance never so great , and against the time of extremitie , it was thought not amisse to have it reserved , that if the priest should not then be in state to go to the sick partie , and there to 〈◊〉 it for him , yet at least it might be sent him , as in the case of serapion . pokling . as we have heard , made it one of the matters of that churches glorie , that they yet 〈◊〉 retaine in their 〈◊〉 the old repositories . notes for div a67904-e21870 the tyrannous 〈◊〉 of the canterburians , are as many and 〈◊〉 as these of the 〈◊〉 clergie . a samuel hoards sermon , pag 7. by the church i meane the churches pilots , who sit at the sterne ; heads and members divide al bodies ecclesiasticall and civill , what ever is to bee done in matters of direction and government , hath alwayes beene , and must bee the sole prerogative of the heads of these bodies , unlesse we will have all common-wealths and churches broken in peeces . ibid. pag. 8. the key of jurisdiction , which is a power of binding and loosing men , in foro exteriori , in the courts of justice , and of making lawes and orders , for the government of gods house , is peculiar to the heads and bishops of the church . ibid. p. 31. what was ignatius and ambrose , if we look at their authoritie , more than other bishops of the church : that libertie therfore which they had to make new orders , when they saw 〈◊〉 , have all other prelates in their churches . edward boughanes serm. pag. 17. submit your selves to those that are put in authoritie by kings , so then to bishops , because they are put in authoritie by kings , if they had no other claime . but blessed be god , they hold not only by this , but by an higher tenure , since all powers are of god , from him they have their spirituall jurisdiction what ever it be . s. paul therefore you see assumes this power unto himselfe , of setting things in order in the kirk , before any prince become christian , 1 cor. 11. 34. the like power hee acknowledgeth to be in 〈◊〉 . 1. 5. and in all bishops , heb. 15. 17. ibid. pag. 18. kings make lawes , and bishops make canons . this indeed it was of necessitie in the beginning of christianitie , kings made lawes for the state , and bishops for the kirk , because then there was no christians kings , either to authorize them to make such laws , or who would countenance the when they were made . but after that kings became nourishing sathers to the church in these pious & regular times , bishops made no canons , without the assent & confirmation of christians kings , & such are our canons , so made , so confirmed , chounei collect . p. 53. reges membra 〈◊〉 & filios ecclesiae se esse habitos , rejecisse , contempsisse non 〈◊〉 audivimus ; obediunt , simulque regnant : jura quibus gubernari se permittunt , sua sunt , vitalitatem nativam ex praepositis ecclesiae , tanquam ex corde recipiunts & 〈◊〉 ex ipsis tanquam ex capitibus derivant . sam. hoards p. 9. nor did they exercise this power , when they were in counsell only , but when they were asunder also : speaking of apostles as they are paterns to all bishops . b our church sessions , our weekly presbyteries , our yearly generall assemblies , whereof by our standing lawes we have been in possession , are close put downe by our book of canons , and in their roome church-wardens , officiall courts , synods for episcopall visitation , and generall assemblies to bee called when they will , to be constitute of what members they please to name , are put in their place . c so is their booke entituled , canons and constitutions ecclesiasticall ga hered , and put in forme , for the government of the church of scotland , and ordained to bee observed by the clergie , and all others whom they concerne . d whites examination of the dialogue , pag. 22. by the lawes of our kingdome , & canons of our church , many learned persons are appointed to be assistants unto bishops , & in our nationall synods , in which al weightie matters concerning religion are determined , nothing is , or may be concluded , but by the common vote and counsell of the major part of the convocation which consisteth of many other learned divines , besides bishops . andrews sermon of trumpets , dedicated to the king by canterburie . as for the churches lawes , which we call canons or rules , made to restraine or redresse abuses , they have alwayes been made at church assemblies , and in her owne councels , not elsewhere . heylens antid . pag 29. i trow you are not ignorant that the kirk makes canons , it is the work of 〈◊〉 men in their convocations , having his majesties leave for their conveening , and approbation of their doings . his majestie in the declaration before the articles hath resolved it so , and the late practice in king james his raigne , what time the book of canons was composed in the convocation , hath declared it so too . e whites examination , pag. 20. telleth us as it were from eusebius , quicquid in sanctis episcoporum 〈◊〉 decernitur , id universum divinae voluntati debet attribui . and from bernard , sive deus , five homo vicarius dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit , pari profectò obsequendum est oura , pari reverentia suscipiendum : ubi tamen deo contraria non praecepit homo . f book of canons , pag. 8. whosoever shall hereafter affirm , that the forme of worship contained in the booke of common prayer , that the rites and ceremonies of the church , that the government of the church by arch-bishops , bishops , and others , that the forme of consecrating arch-bishops , bishops , presbyters , and deacons , as they are now established under his majesties authoritie , doe containe in them any thing repugnant to the scriptures , or are corrupt , superstitious , or unlawfull in the service and worship of god , let him bee excommunicate , and not restored , but by the bishop of the place , or arch-bishop of the province , after his repentance , and publike revocation of such his wicked errours . g book of canons , pa. 37. in all this book of canons , wheresoever there is no penaltie 〈◊〉 set downe , it is to bee understood , that , 〈◊〉 the crime or offence be proved , the punishment shall bee arbitrary , as the ordinary shall think fittest . h canterhuries starre chamber speech in his 〈◊〉 to the king , i shall rather magnifie your elemencie , that proceeded with those offenders , burton , bastwick , prinne , in a court of mercie , as well as justice ; since as the reverend judges then declared , yee might have justly called the offenders into another court ; and put them to it in a way that might have exacted their lives . i the world 〈◊〉 , that numbers who have beene flying from episcopall tyrannie out of england , to the very new found lands , never to returne , have been by violence kept back , and cast in their prisons : and we see daily , that numbers not onely of men , but even of silly women are drawne back in ireland from their flight out of the kingdome , to close prisons . k huntly in his breviate reports , as a known case among many other , this one also , that m. john hayden , a poor devonshire minister , for preaching at norwich a sermon , wherin he let fall some passages against setting up of images , and bowing at the name of jesus , was apprehended like a traytour , with the constables bils and halberds by d. harsnet then bishop , and brought manacled to him like a felon , and committed to the common jayle close prisoner , above thirteene weeks , where he was like to starve ; the bishop having taken from him his horse , papers , and all , thereafter he was sent by a pursevant to london , and kept two full terms . at last , by the high commission he was deprived of his orders , therafter the high commissioners imprisoned him in the gate house common dungeon , & canterbury sent him to be whipt to bridewell , and there kept him all the long extreme cold winter in a dark cold dungeon , without fire or candle-light , chained to a post in the midst of the roome , with heavie 〈◊〉 on his hands and feet , allowing him onely bread and water , with a pad of straw to lye on : and since on his reliefe hath caused him to take an 〈◊〉 , and give band to preach no more , and to depart the kingdome within three weeks , without returning ; and all this for preaching after his first unjust deprivation , though 〈◊〉 exception was taken against his doctrine . thu much in the breviate is printed of hayden : if the man be roguish , as some indeed say he is , i am utterly ignorant of his manners : but hereof no man is ignorant , that the episcopall censures le ts slip in men who loves their cause , manners of the most vile villains , as appears well this day in many a black be presented to the committee of parliament for scandalous ministers : also that the cruelty of bishops hath crusht to the verie death , with povertie , banishment , cold and famine in prisons , many whose lives were never spotted with the allegeance of any crime , but opposition to their ungratious lordships ; the remonstrants can make it appeare by too too many examples . l sundry of our prime earles and lords did present a supplication to our king , after his coronation , wherein the matter of their greatest complaint was , so far as ever wee heard , their challenging of the bishops for what they had done , and were likely to doe . the double of this privie supplication being privily convoyed by an unfriend , some two or three yeares thereafter , out of my lord balmerinochs chamber , was a ditty for which he was condemned to dye , for an example to all other noble men to beware of the like rashnesse , especially his fellow-supplicants , who are all declared to have deserved by that fault the same sentence of death . large declaration , pag. 14. nor could they have found the least blemish in our justice , if we should have given warrant both 〈◊〉 his sentence and execution , whose life was now legally devolved into our hands . ibid. p. 13. we were graciously pleased , that the feare and example might reach to all , but the punishment only to one of them , to passe by many , who undoubtedly had been concluded , and involved by our lawes in the same sentence , if we had proceeded against them . m studley about the end of his wicked story avowes , that since by severe punishment the number of the unconformists have decayed , that their cause cannot be from god n canterburie in his epistle to the king before the star-chamber speech , having magnified the kings mercie , for saving the life of burton and his companions , is bold to advise the king not alwayes to be so mercifull , in these words , yet this i shall be bold to say , that your majestie may consider of it in your wisdome , that one way of government is not alwayes either fit or safe , when the humours of the people are in a continuall change , especially when such men as those shall work upon your people , and labour to infuse into them such malignant principles , to introduce a paritie in the church or common-wealth . 〈◊〉 non satis sua sponte 〈◊〉 instigare . heylen in his moderate answer , pag. 187. 〈◊〉 many reasons and examples , to prove that bourton and his like deserved no lesse than publike execution : and yet these men are so gentle to papists , that they glorie in their meeknesse towards them , professing that to the bitterest of the jesuites they have never given so much as a course word . so canterburie in his epistle the other yeare to the king , before the relation of the conference , god forbid that i should ever offer to perswade a persecution in any kind against the jesuites , or practise it in the least , for to my remembrance i have not given him or his so much as 〈◊〉 language . king charles hates all tyranny . o his majesties speech in parliament 28. p. 75. the peoples liberties strengthen the kings prerogative , and the kings prerogative is to defend the peoples liberties . p proclamation at york , april 25. 1639. we heartily declare and faithfully promise , that although wee bee now in armes , they shall be no wayes used either to force upon that our native kingdome any innovation of religion , or to infringe any of the civill liberties , or the lawes thereof , accounting it our glorie to preserve libertie and freedome among them , according to their lawes . therefore wee 〈◊〉 once againe by this renew our former promises for the maintenance of religion and lawes , and this we doe in all sinceritie of heart , we take god the searcher of all hearts to witnesse , that as we are defenders of the true protestant religion , which we from our heart professe ; so we trust , we shall by his goodnesse continue in the same , and never shall permit any innovation to 〈◊〉 in this , or any other of our kingdomes . one of the articles of dunce pacification is this : we are further graciously pleased , that according to the petitioners humble 〈◊〉 , all matters ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the assemblies of the church , and matters 〈◊〉 by the parliament , and other inferiour judicatories established by law , which accordingly shall be kept once a yeare , or so oft as the affaires of the church and kingdome shall require . q cant. relat . p. 112. in some kingdomes there are divers 〈◊〉 of greatest consequence , which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered , but in and by parliament ; and particularly the statute lawes , which must bind all the subjects , cannot bee made or ratified but there , the supreme magistrate in the civill state may not abrogate lawes made in parliament , thogh hee may cispense with the penaltie of the law quoad hic & nunc . r the which seditious discourse and writing , the authors therof intended should bee dispersed , as if the same had beene entertained by your 〈◊〉 , with purpose to put it in execution , and to alter the ancient laws of this kingdom , and to draw all things to your majesties absolute will and pleasure , and to dispose of your subjects goods without their consent , and to make and repeale lawes by your majesties proclamation only , without consent of parliament , which if it should be beleeved by your people , could not but raise infinite discontent amongst them , the consequence whereof might be of extreme and almost inevitable danger to your majesties person , and to the whole frame of the kingdome . s bilson of subjection , p. 280. neither will i rashly pronounce all that resist to be rebels : cases may fall out even in christian kingdomes , where people may plead their right against the prince , and not be charged with rebellion : as for example , if a prince should go about to subject his kingdome to a forraine realme , or change the forme of the common-wealth from emperie to tyranny , or neglect the lawes established by common consent of prince and people , to execute his owne pleasure ; in those and other cases which might be named , if the nobles and commons joyne 〈◊〉 , to defend their ancient and accustomed libertie , regiment , and lawes , they may not well be counted rebels . ib. by superiour powers ordained of god , we do not meane the princes private will against his lawes , but his precepts derived from his lawes , and agreeing with his lawes ; which though it be wicked , yet may it not be resisted by any subject with armed violence ; but when princes offer their subjects no justice but force , and despise all lawes to practise their lusts , not any private man may take the sword to redresse the prince ; but if the lawes of the land appoint the nobles , as next to the king , to assist him in doing right , and withhold him 〈◊〉 doing wrong , then bee they licenced by mans law , & so not prohibited by gods law for to interposethemselves for the safeguard of equitie and innocencie , and by all lawfull and needfull meanes to procure the prince to bee reformed , but in no case to deprive him where the scepter is inherited . ibid. pag. 94. spoiles , massacres , conspiracies , treasons , even to the destruction and murther of princes by their owne servants , if a priest say the word , you count in your selves to bee just , honourable , and godly war : if others do but 〈◊〉 on their guard to keep their lives and families from the blinded rage of their enemies , seeking to put whole townes and provinces to the sword , against all law and reason , and to disturb kingdomes in the minoritie of the right governours , or if they defend their christian and ancient liberties , covenanted and agreed upon by those princes to whom they first submitted themselves , and ever since confirmed and allowed by the kings that have succeeded . if in either of these two cases the godly require their right , and offer no wrong , neither impugne their princes , but onely save their owne lives , you crie rebellious hereticks , rebellious calvinists , surie , frenzie , mutinie , and i know not what , yee may pursue , depose , murther princes when the b. of rome bids you , and that without breach of duty , law , or conscience to god or man ; as you vant . and that when neither life nor limme of you is touched , we may not so much as beseech princes that we may be used like subjects , not like slaves , like men , not like beasts , that we may be convented by lawes before judges , not murthered by inquisitors in corners , but incontinent the fume of your uncleant mouth is ready to call us by all the names you can devise . the canterburians flatter the king in much more power than ever he will take : and 〈◊〉 him without advice of the clergy , to doe in the church what he pleaseth . t h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answer , p. 28. what spirit leads you that you are 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 power , which men of better understanding than you , have given to princes . ib. p. 32. princes are gods deputes , of whom should they be limited ? if ye say by the laws of the land , those themselves have made , a prince in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is above the lawes , though in concreto , a just prince will not breake the lawes which himselfe hath promised to observe , otherwise wee say of princes : principi lex non est posita , that they doe not governe onely by the 〈◊〉 , but are above it , that he is sure and hath an absolute authority . ibid. p. 〈◊〉 . i will be bold to tell you that as it is a kind of atheisme to dispute pro & contra , what god can doe , and what he cannot , though such disputes are raised sometimes by unquiet 〈◊〉 ; so it is a 〈◊〉 of disobedience and disloyalty to determine what a king can , and what he cannot . 〈◊〉 p. 3. hence it is , that princes being legislators are above their laws , and dispence with them as they thinke expedient . a prince is not bound to his owne lawes , because no man can impose a law upon himselfe . aberdeen duplyes p. 22. the king is above the law as both the author and giver of strength thereto . w dominus joannes wemius de craigtoun , a man advanced by our bishops to be a lord both of councell and session in his booke de primatu regis printed at edinburgh 1623. and going among them to this day with applause p. 18. sed quid si princeps leges statuat adhibito etiam jurisjurandi sacramento , velin sua inauguratione promittat , se leges non 〈◊〉 absque populi ordinumque non modo consilio , sedetiam consensu ac determinante sententia , fiquidem non suerit haec in prima regni constitutione conditio & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ac 〈◊〉 regni 〈◊〉 non sit ( quo casu dicerem non proprie esse regnum , sed 〈◊〉 ocratiam , vel democratiam ) sed post regni constitutionem pactum 〈◊〉 sit regis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , etiam si forsan pollicentem 〈◊〉 obliget , quoniam praestanda est fides data 〈◊〉 sine fide licet , non fine 〈◊〉 regnet : successores tamen in regno quomodo constringet vix intell gimus , 〈◊〉 si 〈◊〉 a quoque sit ut ait 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 omn is ea pactio quae inter patrem & filium , maritum & 〈◊〉 . dominum & 〈◊〉 regem & 〈◊〉 celebratur , quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hos audientes esse . lb. p. 39. audemus dicere in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supra leges esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nemo enim fibi legislator , virdex aut 〈◊〉 , d stinctio non probanda principem quoad vim legum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coactivam legibus subditum esse , non enim mag is dirigere quam cogere seipsum 〈◊〉 quis , 〈◊〉 actio omnis sit inter agens & patiens . lb. 41. si 〈◊〉 suas se observaturum 〈◊〉 obligaverit princeps , quod raroaut nunquam fit , eriamsi soleat princeps quisque legum suarum observationem hoc sensu promittere , id est , 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 observentur se effecturum , ad earum observationem teneri eum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 religion is potius quam justitiae legalis observatione . x 〈◊〉 wemius , p. 26. legum latio pr 〈◊〉 est supremae dominationis ac majestat is caput . lb. p 74. legum ecclesiasticarum principes latores sunt , nec differunt à civilibus ecclesiastica ratione causae efficient is . y iohannes wemius , p. 59. potestatem in ecclesiasticis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 posse a principibus jure suo extra concilia exerceri decent , quas ita tulerunt leges 〈◊〉 atque 〈◊〉 regis legibus ecclesiasticis quae legi divinae non repugnant , nequit quis bona cum conscientia obedientiam detrectare , quam vis non 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 constitutionem pastorum ecclesiae corsensus . ib. p. 93. etiamfi extra concilia jubendi autoritatem habeat princeps , tamen libentius obsequuntur 〈◊〉 principum statut is , quibus past orum in conciliis honorantur judicia . z large declaration , p. 222. did not we and our councell by equall authoritie command these innovations of canons and liturgie ? was not then the prelates practice of them as well warranted as this confession of faith , and the band annexed , which were never brought in by acts of parliament , or assembly ; but meerely by our royall fathers 〈◊〉 , and put in execution by the authoritie of his councell ? & iohannes wemius , pag. 66. laicos saepè a principilius advocatos in concilia videre est ; quibus non modo consultivam , sed & difinitiv im 〈◊〉 permitterent . iste fuit electionis mittendorum ad conciliae modus , ut 〈◊〉 praesulibus quos 〈◊〉 mittendi liberam plerumque potestatem permitteret princeps , quod illis exploratius quam sibi esset qui ad eam 〈◊〉 aptiores : non quod princ pi penitus neganda sit , quod autumant nonnulli , particular is personarum quae 〈◊〉 eum leges ecclesiasticas laturum adjuvent designatio . 〈◊〉 ud enim esset principum juri detrahere . ex singulis 〈◊〉 moderatus 〈◊〉 numerus eruditorum ac prudentiorum presbyterorum , diaconorum , & laicorum a principe aut metropolita principis delegato 〈◊〉 . a iohannes wemius , p. 89. 〈◊〉 habent vocem pasto 〈◊〉 tanqu im juris divini consulti , desinitivam princeps ut judex ; dante illis consilii , his judicii potestatem legislatore deo , penes quem solum summa in spiritualibus imperii residet . lb. p. 70. vocem habere qui congregartur presbyteros non qua presbyteri , 〈◊〉 qua ecclesiarū sunt legati a principe vocati . ibid. pag. 74. definitiva 〈◊〉 dictio corum est , qui a principe summo moderatore cos corsulente , vocemque 〈◊〉 dante vocantur . lb. asserimus non agitata in conciliis fuisse saltem quae majoris momenti essent negotia , nisi quaterus ca princeps per legatos proponeret , aut patribus descripta 〈◊〉 . b iohannes wemius , p. 126. 〈◊〉 in scriptura mandato 〈◊〉 concilia celebrandi mos ; sed a principibus 〈◊〉 curam 〈◊〉 bus , & cum non essent principes , a pastoribus ipsis volentibus ortum habuit . c iohannes wemius , p. 78. & 79. officiorum ecclesiae modus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est , & a principe pastores ecclesiae non corsulente 〈◊〉 posse affirmamus , 〈◊〉 cum serenissimo nostro 〈◊〉 sammis quibusque imperitantibus concessum esse externam in ecclesiasticis regiminis formam suis pra scribere , quae ad civilis administrationis modum quam proxime accedat , dummodo a fide veraeque religionis fundamentis ne tantillum abscedat . d iohannes wemius , p 124. 〈◊〉 confertur 〈◊〉 jurisdictionis potest as per regium quod a deo habet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 regi tantum christiano aptitudo eâ recte utendi christi gratia donetur . tametsi primatus 〈◊〉 administret rex 〈◊〉 : primatus tamen jus , officii seu vecatioris , 〈◊〉 facultatis aut exercitii ratione rex obtinet . quae regi supervenit gratia regiam in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non facit potestatem , non 〈◊〉 , nec expellit gratiae internae , nedum professionis externae defectus . they give to the 〈◊〉 power to do in the state what ever he will , 〈◊〉 the advice of his parliament . e 〈◊〉 wemius , page 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 putandum est , quia solet 〈◊〉 ex modesta & prudenti virium suarum dissidentia non nisi de or dinum 〈◊〉 leges ferre , absolutam ideo ei imponiejusque successoribus necessitatem illorum 〈◊〉 corsersus , ac si nullo modo 〈◊〉 perse , sine corundē 〈◊〉 , bonas edere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quibus qua quaeso conscientia non parebunt omnes , 〈◊〉 pag. 19. in monarchia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluntas de substantialegis est : praevia cum populo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & si utilis imò 〈◊〉 sit , 〈◊〉 tamen non est . 〈◊〉 cum imperatore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicendum videtur ; explosis ridiculosis ambiguitatibus , verum conditorem & interpretem legum esse solum 〈◊〉 , & ligem legislatoris , non 〈◊〉 , non ex vi con sensus & 〈◊〉 , sed ex regia 〈◊〉 viobligantem . 〈◊〉 . pag. 8. non 〈◊〉 juristarum 〈◊〉 , qui 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ron obligare legem nisi à 〈◊〉 acceptetur , cum mon 〈◊〉 fit legislator , & lex 〈◊〉 qua lex obliget , 〈◊〉 ut ad eam 〈◊〉 , dam , cogendi fint 〈◊〉 post legis à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publicationem , temporisque quoad populi notitiam 〈◊〉 sufficientis lapsum , potest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publica legis observatio praecise ingeri heylens 〈◊〉 . p. 66. the declaration of his 〈◊〉 pleasure in the case of s. gregorie is to bee extended to 〈◊〉 other cases of the same nature . it is a maxime in the civill law , sententia principis , jus dubium declarans , jus sacit quoad omnes . item quodcunque imperator per 〈◊〉 constituit , vel 〈◊〉 decrevit , legem esse constat . id in his moderate answer pag. 29. onely these commands of the king are to be refused , which are directly against scripture , or include marifest impiety . he learned this from his opposite the lincolneshire minister , pag. 68. i say that al commands of the king that are not upon the clear and immediate inference without all prosyllogismes , contrary to acleare passage of the word of god , or to an evident sun-beame of the law of nature , are precisely to bee obeyed ; nor is it enough to finde a remote and possible inconvenience that may ensue . f 〈◊〉 wemius page 23. 〈◊〉 ut & civium ad comitia delegatos , non ita absolutè à baronum vel civium 〈◊〉 pendere volumus , ut non possit rex , quos 〈◊〉 maxime idoneos censuerit eligendos 〈◊〉 , praesertim 〈◊〉 pro legibus ferendis 〈◊〉 quae administrationis 〈◊〉 publicae statuendis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt , in quibus liberum denegare regi 〈◊〉 quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quibuscum deliberet sibi in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , esset ex rege non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , statuumque voluntati ad regiae depressionem eminentiae nimis 〈◊〉 . g joannes wemius page 19 omnia fatemur 〈◊〉 in regno sunt regis esse , quarex est , 〈◊〉 est , qua 〈◊〉 regui dominus , adeoque qua 〈◊〉 ipsius qua rex est , aut publica regni conditio , posse regem de 〈◊〉 bonis disponere , praesertim ubi omnes in regno terrae in feuda concessae fuerint à rege , aliquod penes se dominium retinente . id. p. 17. licet non de jure omnium bona exigendo , tamen dejure in omnes leges ferendo , sine omnium consenso statuere potest . montag . orig . p. 320 omni lege , divina , naturali , nationali , vel politica licite semper reges & principes suis subditu tributa & 〈◊〉 , & licitè quoque exegerunt , cum ad patriae , & reipublicae defensionem , tum ad ipsorum & familiae honest amprocurationem . hanc doctrinam accurate tuetur ecclesia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in qua sacerdotes licet magis gaudere & soleant , & debeant , immunitatibus tamen & frequentius , & exuberantius , & libentius , quam 〈◊〉 dec marum decimas , subsid a , annatas primitias 〈◊〉 . h joannes wemius , page 136. cum regis sit insuo regno judices , & magistratus constituere , qui ipsius sint in judicando , & jubendo vicarii , potest rex 〈◊〉 judicandique jus ac mag stratus judicesque constituendt potestatem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prout regno utile esse visum ei fuerit abutent 〈◊〉 us auferre , & nulla 〈◊〉 est sub rege patr monialis & haereditaria jur sdictio , rege solo jurisdictionem tanquim propriam habente , aliisque quibus eam non dat , sed communicat , tanquam depositam 〈◊〉 . igitur non ut terras , ita & jurisdictionem simpliciter , & ut loquuntur privative , rex alienare potest , nisi rex esse 〈◊〉 . ibid. page 157. siiudices sint principum vicarii , 〈◊〉 est eorum principe praesente potest as , cum solius absentis teneat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & si quae est alicubi , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ron nisi jus est , judicium regium volente rege declarandi ; ut ita ex jud 〈◊〉 ore proferatur regis sententia . ibid. page 17. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 psis quam ass stent bus imperium exercet rex , quandoquidem praesente 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnium 〈◊〉 derivata , ut fluviorum 〈◊〉 nomen & potestas , cum in mare 〈◊〉 ibid. pag. 143. principis occasu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnium tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam delagatorum jus . negari non potest tam apud romanos quam altos in usu suisse , ut qui in demortuorum succederent locum reges , 〈◊〉 regnorum guberracula capesserent , 〈◊〉 iudicumque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut ostenderetur 〈◊〉 regibus nullam esse inferiorum authoritatem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tacitè 〈◊〉 . i corbet , p. 45. there was no law in the kingdome of scotland before 〈◊〉 gave it : for 〈◊〉 fergus his 〈◊〉 wee were 〈◊〉 hominum agreste , sine legibus , 〈◊〉 imperio . hee and his successors gave lawes . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did conquer us . k corbet , p. 25. fergus & his successours divided the whole land which was their owne , and distinguished the orders of men , & did establish a 〈◊〉 t : this is cleare ex 〈◊〉 regiis , ubi satis constal regem esse dominum omnium 〈◊〉 directum , omnes subditos esse ejus vassallos , qui latifundia sua ipsi domino referant accepta , sui 〈◊〉 obsequii , & servitii praemia . l ioannes wemius , p. 18. quo casu dicerem nonpreprie esse regnum , sed ar stocratiam vel democratiam . ibid. p. 23. hoc esset ex rege non regem cum facere . ibid. p. 38. quodsi alicubi non habeat rex potestatem leges ferendi , nisi ex 〈◊〉 comitiis consensu , & sic fundamentaliter limitata , proprie rex non est , ac non tam acceptans est populus quam cum rege , 〈◊〉 collega legem ferens . ibid. p. 53. non est imperium illud vere 〈◊〉 , sed principatus quidam , & imperans ille , non monarcha aut . rex , sed tantum princeps , & ut venetorum dux residente in opt matibus , aut populo 〈◊〉 summa . m relat. of the conference , pag. the statute lawes which must bind all the subjects , cannot be made but in , and by parliament : the supreme magistrate in the civill state , may not abrogate lawes made in parliament . ibid. pag. 158. tiberius himselfe , in the cause of silanus , when dolabella would have flattered him into more power than in wisdome he thought 〈◊〉 then to take to himselfe , he put him off thus : no , the lawes grow lesse when such power enlargeth , nor is absolute power to bee used , where there may be an orderly proceeding by law. in no imaginable case , 〈◊〉 wil have tyrants resisted . n ioannes wemius , pag. 21. teneri videtur subditus seipsum fame 〈◊〉 , ut principem salvaret , propter conservationem boni publici . singulis adempta est adversus principem quae naturalis dicitur iuris defensio , scu iniuriae depulsio . o canterb , relat . p. 205. where the foundations of the faith are shaken by princes , there there ought to be prayer and patience , but no opposition by force . aberdeens duplys , pag. 25. the way for all christian subiects to conquer tyrants , and the remedy provided in the new testament against all persecutions , is not to resist powers which god hath ordained , lest we be damned , but with all 〈◊〉 to suffer that we may be crowned . it is evident by scripture , that it is unlawfull for subiects in a monarchicall estate , to take armes for religion , or for any other pretence , without warrant from the prince . the renow ned thebaean legion of 6666 christian souldiers , without making resistance as they had strength to have done , suffered themselves rather to be slaine for their christian profession by the officers of maximinian , the emperours executors of his cruell commandements against them . corbet , p. 42. for your examples from reformed churches , since we live not by examples but by 〈◊〉 , i will not stand upon them , from facts to prove the lawfulnesse of resisting is ridiculous ; none of those by resisting , gained so much as by suffering , as experience too late doth thew . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pag 29. such was the doctrine and practice of many other great lights , which shined in the 〈◊〉 of iulian the apostate , and in the dayes of the arrian 〈◊〉 , and gothick arrian kings . q corbet , pag. 26. qui 〈◊〉 , caio 〈◊〉 , qui augusto , ipse & 〈◊〉 , qui 〈◊〉 , vel patri , vel filio , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; & ne per 〈◊〉 ire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui constantino christiano , ipse & apostatae iuliano . ibid. pag. 36. if the iewes in the dayes of assuerus had beene of this new scottish humour , when an utter extirpation was intended by haman , both of themselves and theirreligion , they would have taken armes : but their prayers and teares were their defence in their greatest 〈◊〉 . what they give to kings , is not for any respect they have to maiestie , but for their owne ambitious and 〈◊〉 ends . r ioannes we 〈◊〉 in his preface to the duke of buckingham , reges in 〈◊〉 sortem transcripti , cute & 〈◊〉 tenus homines , reipsa boni genii censendi sunt , in quos ut bumanos ioves divini honoris 〈◊〉 pene & consortes , oculos animosque nostros desigi convenit . tu heros nobilissime coruscas , velut inter ignes luna minores , quem in 〈◊〉 augustioris gloriae 〈◊〉 divina prorsus virgula constitutum nemo potest dissiteri . s smart sermon , pag. 1. m. couzins uttered these trayterous speeches in an open and affirmative manner , that the kings highnesse is no more supreme head of the church of england , than the boy that rubs his horse heeles , and this as we are credibly informed , hath beene proved against him by the 〈◊〉 of two sufficient witnesses . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . supra cap. ult . a. w 〈◊〉 . supra cap. 3. o. x montag . supra cap. tertio . ( z ) clavi trabales, or, nailes fastned by some great masters of assemblyes confirming the kings supremacy, the subjects duty, church government by bishops ... : unto which is added a sermon of regal power, and the novelty of the doctrine of resistance : also a preface by the right reverend father in god, the lord bishop of lincolne / published by nicholas bernard ... bernard, nicholas, d. 1661. 1661 approx. 339 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 99 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27494 wing b2007 estc r4475 12019772 ocm 12019772 52606 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27494) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52606) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 884:12) clavi trabales, or, nailes fastned by some great masters of assemblyes confirming the kings supremacy, the subjects duty, church government by bishops ... : unto which is added a sermon of regal power, and the novelty of the doctrine of resistance : also a preface by the right reverend father in god, the lord bishop of lincolne / published by nicholas bernard ... bernard, nicholas, d. 1661. [40], 152 p. printed by r. hodkginson, and are to be sold by r. marriot ..., london : 1661. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. errata: p. [39] (from t.p.) i. two speeches of the late lord primate ushers, the one of the kings supremacy, the other of the duty of subjects to supply the kings necessities -ii. his judgment and practice in point of loyalty episcopacy, liturgy and constitutions of the church of england -iii. mr. hookers judgment of the kings power in matters of religion, advancement of bishops &c. -iv. bishop andrews of church-government &c. both confirmed and enlarged by the said primate -v. a letter of d'hadrianus saravia of the like subjects. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ussher, james, 1581-1656. church of england -government. church and state -great britain. episcopacy. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion clavi trabales ; or , nailes fastned by some great masters of assemblyes . confirming the kings supremacy . the subjects duty . church government by bishops . the particulars of which are as followeth i. two speeches of the late lord primate ushers . the one of the kings supremacy , the other of the duty of subjects to supply the kings necessities . ii. his judgment and practice in point of loyalty , episcopacy , liturgy and constitutions of the church of england , iii. mr. hookers judgment of the kings power in matters of religion , advancement of bishops &c. iv. bishop andrews of church-government &c. both confirmed and enlarged by the said primate . v. a letter of dr hadrianus saravia of the like subjects . unto which is added a sermon of regal povver , and the novelty of the doctrine of resistance , also a preface by the right reverend father in god , the lord bishop of lincolne . published by nicholas bernard , doctor of divinity , and rector of whit-church in shropshire . si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret , ut quid quam moliret adversus regiam majestatem , ego tamen deum 〈◊〉 & ordinatum ab eo regem offendere temere non auderem . bern. ep. 170. ad ludovicem regem . an. 11●0 london , printed by r. hodkginson , and are to be sold by r. marriot , at his shop in st. dunstans church-yard in fleetstreet . 1661. the preface . these two learned speeches of the late lord primate usher have been by some prudent persons judged seasonable to be thus published together . the one , of the kings supremacy , may not only be instructive to those of the church of rome , but to some of our own communion , who have been and are too scanty in the acknowledgment of it . the other , of the duty of subjects to supply the kings necessities , was occasioned by the slowness in ireland of contributing to the king , for the maintenance of the army , continued there for their own defence , the great imprudence of which parsimony , we felt , to our own loss not many years after ; wherein that distinction in point of loyalty , made between those descended of the antient english race ( though differing from us in point of religion ) and those of the meer irish ( which is there much enlarged ) may be now worthy of observation . the whole speech is full of loyalty , prudence and learning , for which , as he had his late majesties ( of blessed memory ) gracious thanks , so he had as little from others , who were then as backward in assenting to the like propositions here , conceiving he had pressed their duty too high in that point . both these speeches thus tending to the defence of regal power , and the duty of subjects , hath ( in submission to the judgments of those whom i much reverence ) occasioned the putting forth a sermon of mine upon the like subject , which i have the rather adventured so near this eminent primate , as having had his approbation occasioned by the censure of some at dublin , anno 1642. when it was first delivered ; of which more is said in an advertisement before it . hereupon i have been further induced unto a vindication of the said most eminent prelate not only of his judgment in this subject , but in point of episcopacy , liturgy , and constitutions of the church of england , from the various misapprehensions of such , who being of different opinions , the great respect given him by the one , hath been a scandal to the other : but by this impartial relation of his judgment and practice in each , it may be hoped that both sorts will be so fully satisfyed as to unite in the exemplary observance of that piety , loyalty , conformity , and humility found in him . and whereas some do much appeal to that accommodation of his in relation to episcopacy ( wherein he was not single ) proposed anno 1640. ( which then they did not hearken unto ) they are herein remembred what was that which caused it , even the pressing violence of those times , threatning the destruction of the whole , with the sole end of it , a pacification , whose readiness in yielding up so much of his own interest then , for the tranquility of the church ( like jonas willing to be cast overboard for the stilling of the tempest ) would be worthy of all our imitations now . the appeale here is from that storm , unto what his practice was in calme and peaceable times , which if followed , would give a check to most of those disputes which have of late taken up so much time amongst us . the fruite expected to be reaped from this declaration ( besides the satisfaction of mine own mind , which was not at rest without it ) is the due honor of him , for whose i am oblieged to sacrifice mine own . that as he is admired abroad , so he may not want that love and general esteem he hath deserved at home . and as the peace and unity of the church was studied by him in his life time , so there might not be the least breach continued by a misapprehension of him after his death . and surely if such of us who think him worthy of being our copy , would but now upon the sight of this , writ after him the arke of our church would cease to be tossed too and fro in this floating uncertain condition , and immediately rest upon firm ground . heretofore , having an occasion to vindicate this most learned primate in point of doctrine ( so unhappy often are persons of his eminency , as after their deaths to be challenged patrons to contrary partyes ) i had an. 1658. a letter of thanks from the late reverend bishop of durham ( bishop morton ) in these wordes , viz. i acknowledge hereby my obligation of thankfulness to you , not only for the book it self , but especially for your pains , in vindicating that admirable saint of god , and starr , primae magnitudinis , in the church of god , the primate of armagh , &c. in which high esteem of the primate , the now reverend bish. of durham succeeds him , who hath often signified it , in divers of his letters which i receiued from paris to that purpose . hereunto two other treatises have been thought fit to be added ( mentioned in the foresaid vindication ( but then not intended to be published ) which the eminent primate had a hand in . the one , mr. hookers judgment of regal power , in matters of religion , the advancement of bishops , and the kings exemption from censure &c. left out of the common copyes inlarged and confirmed by the primate , all the marginal notes of the quotations out of the fathers , being under his own hand , are noted with this mark* the other a treatise of the form of church government before and after christ , &c. the main aime of it is to shew , that the government of the christian church established by the apostles under the new testament was according to the pattern of that in the old , then which scarce any book in so little , speaks so much , for the preheminency of episcopacy . it first appeared anno 1641. under the title of the rude draughts of bishop andrews , ( which though i was in doubt of , by the contrary opinion of an eminent person , ( heretofore near unto him ) yet i am confirmed in it by what i find written by that learned bishop in answer to peter de moulin , wherein is found not only the substance , but the very words that are used both within this treatise , and the emendations . vid. resp . ad 3. epist. p. 193. 194. vis arcessam adhuc altius , vol è veteri testamento , atque ipsâ adeò lege divinâ ? facit hieronymus , & ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas ex veteri testamento , quod aaron , & filii ejus , atque levitae in templo fuerunt , hoc sibi episcopi , presbyteri , atque diaconi vendicant in ecclesiâ ▪ facit ambrosius , utrobique , in 1. co. 12. & 4. ad ephes , de judaeis loquens ; quorum , inquit , traditio ad nos tranfitum fecit , aaronem mitto ne quasi christi typum rejicias . filiis ejus sacer dotibus nonne in singulis familiis suus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est praelatus , sive ut alibi dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. episcopus ? gersonitis , num. 3. 24. kaathitis v. 30. meraritis , v. 30 ? nonne vivente adhuc patre suo , eleazar ibi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi dicas praelatus praelatorum v. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi dicas archiepiscopus , sunt ergo in lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in evangelio apostoli , septuaginta duo , septem illi , act. 6. in apostolorum praxi de duohus illis sumpta , episcopi , presbyteri , diaconi . again it hath been assured me by a reverend bishop , that the abovesaid rude draught was wrote by the hand of bishop andrews own secretary , and that the said bishop did deliver it himself to the primate , anno 1640. who , though it came in that imperfect condition , yet finding so many excellent observations wrought out with very great industry , he judged it forth with , as it was , worthy of the press : but afterwards upon a further review , he added his strength to the perfecting of it , which i found amongst his papers done throughout with his own hand , and with it a manuscript of the same , corrected accordingly by him . and in the conclusion of that , a very learned hand had contributed to it also , signifying by markes refering to several pages , what he would have added , altered , or further enquired into , now whether the author of that be bishop andrews , or some other learned person , i shall not determine , only seeing it was his custom in what he published ( as i am assured ) first to write a rough draught , then after some distance of time to take a review , and a third before it passed his hand , this might be the second , and the third supplyed by the lord primate , wherein the last desire of the author hath been satisfied , he not only inquiring into , but clearing those difficulties in chorography and chronology , which i have in their due places inserted , with the learned additions before mentioned . so that whether the whole be the labour of those two eminent prelats ( the one laying the foundation , the other building upon it ) or be a three fold cord , it is here faithfully presented without any dimunition or addition , even where there seemed to be some small imperfection which in a few places do occurre , all which some years agon doctor brounrigg the late bishop of exeter , upon the view of gave me his judgment for the publishing of them . i have only this to add , that for every particular passage in the whole , i have no warrant to intitle the primates judgment to it . only it is apparent by his great pains in the double correction , and supply made by himself in some specialties , he had a very great valew of it . the primates annotations are noted with this marke* . and the supposed authors additions and changes are noted with this mark [ ] though in some omitted . lastly , finding among the said primates papers a letter of d. hadrianus de saravia to the ministers of the isle of garnsey , ( which i cannot hear was ever published . ) i have thought fit to add also , the subject being so near a kin to the former , concerning both the kings power , episcopacy , and the constitutions of the church of england , whose advice to them many years agon , may be of good use to others now . i have no more , but to wish that the judgment of these eminent authors may be so prevalent with others , much inferior to them , that they may be moved accordingly to study quietness , and seek those ways of peace , which of latter years we have not known . the bishop of lincoln's preface to the reader . courteous reader , the four authors of these scattered ( and some of them imperfect ) pieces , by the care and diligence of the learned publisher gathered up , preserved from perishing , and presented to the world here altogether in one view , were all of them men famous in their times , and of so high esteem , that common opinion had set them up ( which is not alwaies the lot of worth and vertue ) above the reach of calumny and envy , even whilst they were yet living , much reverence every where paid , not to their persons only , but to their very names : their writings carried authority with them , as well as weight ; and the evidence of truth ( which hath a marvelous strength to cast down every imagination that exalteth it self there against ) shining forth in their works , subdued all men ( that had not to serve interests laid aside their reason ) to their judgments , insomuch as the adverse party finding themselves not so well able to stand upon their own bottom , nor likely to hold up the reputation they had gained among the vulgar without a juggle , have been sometimes put to the pittifull shift of setting forth suppositious pamphlets in favour of their cause , under the counterfeit names of other men of known piety and parts , whose former writings having been entertained with general approbation abroad in the world , their very names ( they thought ) would give some countenance to any cause which they could seem in any degree to own . so sometimes poor mens bastards are fathered upon those that never begat them ; only because it is known they are well able to maintain them . this is one of their piae fraudes or godly cheats , a practice common to them with the jesuites , as many other of their practises ( ey and of their doctrines too ) are . such an unhappy fatal coincidence , not seldom there is of extreams . thus dealt they with the reverend primate of armagh , printing in his name , and that in his life time too , ( such was their modesty and tenderness of conscience ) two severall pamphlets , the one called vox hiberniae , and the other , a direction to the parliament , &c. see pag. 151. and sure , if they had the forehead to make thus bold with him , when he was alive , able to complain of the injury done him , and to protest against it : we cannot doubt but that if need were , they would make at least as bold with him and his name after he was dead , when they might doe it with greater security and less fear of controll . see pag. 60. they that betake themselves to these un worthy arts , though they may please themselves for a while with an imagination , that by this means the people will fall to them apace , and thereout they shall suck no smal advantage to their cause and party ; yet as it mostly cometh to pass , such their rejoycing is but short : for the imposture once discovered ( nor is it often long before that be done ; for a lying tongue is but for a moment ) the imposters are forced to lye down in sorrow , and that ( if they could be found out ) with shame enough . for , such discovery once made , wisemen fall off faster from them , then ever fools came on ; concluding the cause to be desperately crazy , that must be beholding to such weak props as these to shore it up , and support it . how they that are guilty of such foul play will be able to make answer for their insincerity before the tribunal of the great judge at that his day ( if yet they that do such things can really believe there is any such thing as a day of judgment to come ) i leave to their own judgments in this their day to consider . as for us qui leges colimus severiores , as we profess our utter abhorrency of all forgery and other like un worthy & unchristian attempts in any person of whatsoever perswasion he be , or for what soever end it be done , so we hold our selves religiously obliged to use all faithfulness and sincerity in the publishing of other mens works ; by suffering every author to speak his own sense in his own words , nor taking the boldness to change a phrase or syllable therein , at least not without giving the reader , both notice where , and some good account also why we have so done . such faithfulness and ingenuity the learned publisher of these treatises professeth himself to have used , in setting them forth , neither better nor worse , but just as he found them in the reverend primate's paper , some perfect , and some imperfect , according as they were , and still are in the copies which are in his custody , and which he is ready upon all occasions to shew , if need shall require . the primates two speeches , and dr. saravia's letter , are set forth perfect , according as they are in the original copies to be seen . the treatise of the form of church-government heretofore published , and ( very probably ) supposed to have been some collections of the most learned and reverend bishop andrews , but whereunto the author had not put to his last hand , is a piece though little in bulk , yet of huge industry , and such as neither could the materials thereof have been gathered without very frequent reading , and attent observing of the sacred text , nor being gathered could they have been easily contrived or digested into any handsome form so compendiously without the help of a methodical and mature judgment ; which doubtless had the author polished and finished according to his own mind , abilities , and exactness in other things , would have given very much satisfaction to the impartial reader , and done good service to the church of god. yet rather then a tract of so much usefulness should not be publickly known to the world , the publisher in order to the publick good , thought fit ( notwithstanding whatsoever defects it may have for want of the authors last hand thereunto ) to joyn it with the rest in this edition , especially the learned primate having had it under his file , as by the notes and other additions written with the primates own hand ( which i have seen and can testifie ) doth plainly appear . the same also is to be said of the three pieces of the renowned hooker , and of what is written with the same hand in the margent of the manuscript copie , whereof some account is given , pag. 47. great pity it is , if it could be holpen , that any thing which fell from the pen of any of these four worthies should be lost . but where the entire work cannot be retrived ; it is pity but ( as in a shipwrack at sea , or scath-fire by land ) so much of it should be saved as can be saved , be it more or lesse . those men have been always thought to have deserved well of the commonwealth of learning , that have bestowed their pains in collecting out of the scholiasts , grammarians , lexicons , and other antient authors , the fragments of ennius , lucilius , cicero , the dramatike poets , and of other learned , though but heathen writers , whether greek or latine . how much more then ought the very imperfest fragments and relikes ( so they be genuine ) of such excellent persons , that tend so much to the advancement , not of the knowledge only , but of the power also of christianity , and of godliness as well as truth , be acceptable to all those that are true lovers of either ? of gold quaevis bracteola , the very smalest filings are precious , and our blessed saviour , when there was no want of provision , yet gave it in charge to his disciples , the off-fall should not be lost . the more commendable therefore is , and the more acceptable to the men of this generation should be , the care of the reverend preserver and publisher of these small but precious relikes of so many eminent persons , men of exquisite learning , sober understandings , and of exemplary piety and gravity , all concurring in the same judgment , as concerning those points ( factious spirits in these latter times so much opposed ) of regal soveraignty , episcopal government , and obedience in ceremonialls . what the reverend doctor hath added of his own , as touching the learned primates judgment in the premises , and confirmed the same by instancing in sundry particulars under those three generall heads ; and that , from his own personal knowledge , and long experience ( having for divers years lived under or near him ) is in the general very well known to my self and many others , who have sundry times heard him , as occasion was given , deliver his opinion clearly in every of the aforesaid points , which were then grown to be the whole subject ( in a manner ) of the common discourse of the times . but one particular i shall mention , which above the rest i perfectly remember , as taking more special notice of it when it was spoken then of the rest , because i had never heard it observed by any before , and having my self oftentimes since spoken of it to others upon several occasions ; which for that it hath given satisfaction to some , i think it my duty to make it known to as many others as i can , by acquainting the reader with it , and it concerneth the ceremony of the cross after baptisme , as it is enjoyned by law , and practised in the church of england . the use of this ceremony had been so fully declared , and ( as to the point of superstition where with some had charged it ) so abundantly vindicated , both in the canons of the church , and other writings of learned men , that before the beginning of the long parliament , and the unhappy divisions that followed thereupon , there were very few in the whole nation ( scarce here and there one ) either of the ministers that made scruple to use it , or of the people that took offence at it . but after that some leading men of the house of commons in that parliament , for the better driving on the design they had upon the king , had let all loose in the church , whilst some few stood fast to their honest principles ( and were most of them undone by it ) the greatest part of the clergy ( to their shame be it spoken ) many for fear of loosing their own , more in hope to get other mens livings , and some possibly out of their simplicity beguiled with the specious name of reformation , in a short space became either such perfect time-servers as to cry down , or such tame complyers with the stronger side , as to lay down ere they needed , the use of the whole liturgy , and of all the rites and ceremonies therein prescribed . but among them ail none in the whole bunch so bitterly inveighed against , nor with such severity anathematized , as this of the cross , as smelling ranker of popery & superstition then any of the rest , as it is even at this day by the managers of the presbyterian interest represented as of all other , the greatest stone of offence to tender consciences , and the removal of it more insisted upon , then of all the other ceremonies , by such men , as having engaged to plead in the behalf of other mens tender consciences , do wisely consider withall , that it will not be so much for their own credit , now to become time-servers with the laws , as it was some years past for their profit to become time-servers against the laws . these out-cries against a poor ceremony , to us ( who were not able to discerne in it any thing of harme or superstition , worthy of so much noise ) afforded sometimes , when two or three of us chanced to meet together , matter of discourse . it hapned upon a time , that falling occasionally upon this theme , the learned primate among other things said to us that were then casually present with him , that in his opinion the sign of the cross after baptisme , as it is appointed in the service-book , and taken together with the words used there withall , was so far from being a relike of popery , that he verily believ'd the same to have been retained in the church of england at the reformation , of purpose to shew that the custom used in the church of rome , of giving the chrisme to infants immediately after their baptisme , was in their judgments neither necessary to be continued in all churches , nor expedient to be observed in ours . which his opinion , as it is most certainly true in the former , so to me it seemeth very probable in the latter branch thereof . for first , how can that be with any truth affirmed , or but with the least colour of reason suspected to be a popish custom , or a rag or relike of rome , that hath been for above a hundred years used ( and that use by law established ) in the protestant church of england , but is not at all used , nor ( for ought i can learn ) ever was used by the papists in their churches , nor is it by any order or authority of the church of rome enjoyned to be used in any church in the world that professeth subjection thereunto . true it is , that in the office of baptisme , according to the romane ritual , the signe of the cross is very often used , from first to last , at least twenty times ( viz. in the benediction of the salt , in the exorcismes , in the formal words of administration , and otherwise ) yet as luck would have it , that signe is not made , nor by the ritual appointed to be made upon the childs forehead , as with us is used : nor are those very words therewithal used , nor other words to the like purpose by the said ritual appointed to be so used ( shewing what the intent , meaning and signification of that sign is ) as in our service book is done . and true it is also ( for i wil not , as i think iought not dissemble any thing that i can imagine might be advantagiously objected by an adversary ) that according to the romane order the minister as soon as he hath finished the baptisme ( ego baptizo te &c. ) is in the next place to annoint the infant cross-wise , with a certain prayer ( or benediction rather ) to be said at the same time , as by the ritual printed at antwerp , an. dom. mdclii . pag. 23. may appear . but so far distant is that rite of theirs from this of ours in many respects , as may also by comparing their ritual with our service book appear ; that ours cannot with any congruity be thought to have been drawen by that patterne , or to have been borrowed or taken from their practice . for first , 1. theirs is actus immanens , a material annointing and so leaveth a real effect behind it , the visible form or figure of a cross , to be seen upon the childs head , after the act is done . but ours is a meer transient act , an immaterial sign of a cross made in the aire , without any sensible either impression or expression remaining when the act is over . 2. theirs is done upon the top or crown of the head ( in summitate capitis . ritual p. 23. ) which is else where expressed by vertex ( see pag. 49. & 51. & 56. ) which sure must needs have some other signification , if it have any , then ours hath . which is done upon the childs forehead , the proper seat ( by the common judgment of the world , and according to the grounds of phisiognomy ) of shamefastness and boldness , and so holdeth a perfect analogy with that which the church intended to signifie by it in token that he shall not be ashamed &c. 3. their cross belongeth precisely to the annointing with the chrisme , whereunto it relateth , and hath such a dependance thereupon , that supposing there were no such chrisme used in the church of rome , there would be no place left for the cross in all that part of the office that followeth after the formal words of baptisme , as from the frame and order of their ritual is most evident . it cannot therefore be the same with the cross used in our church , where the chrisme is not at all used , but thought fit rather at the reformation to be ( i dare not say condemned as unlawful and superstitious , but ) laid aside , as at least unnecessary and useless , as many other ceremonies ( still retained in the church of rome ) were , because , though some of them were guiltless , yet they were grown so burdensome by reason of their multitude , that it was fit the number of them should be abated . and yet secondly there might be , and ( in the primates judgment ) probably there was a more peculiar reason why after baptisme our church did substitute the signe of the cross with the words thereto appertaining , in stead of the chrisme and the cross attending it , used in the church of rome . the ceremony of giveing the chrisme to infants in all likelihood came into the church about the same time , when ( through the misunderstanding of a passage in john 6. 53. ) the opinion of the necessity of administring the lords supper to infants had obtained in the christian church . and that ( as it seemeth ) to supply in some sort the want of confirmation wherein the like ceremony of annointing with the chrisme was used ) of which young children were not capable , and which yet was in all reason to precede the receiving of the lords supper . that opinion in time vanished as an error , and with it the practise of communicating infants ceased . but still the custom of giving them the chrisme continued , as a kind of initial confirmation ( if i may so call it ) as if by it were conferred some degree of that grace , which in their account ) is the proper effect of the sacrament of confirmation , to wit , the grace of spiritual strength , to fight against the spiritual enemie of the soul , the flesh , the world and the divel : now to prevent the imagination of any such efficacious vertue in the chrisme , and to shew that by baptisme alone ( which is sacramentum militare ) without the addition of the chrisme , the person baptized receiveth all that benefite of grace and strength , whatsoever it be , which he should do , if the chrisme were joyned with it ( for by baptisme he is not only received into the church as a member of christ , but matriculated also into the militia as a soldier of christ ) it might very well be thought convenient , laying aside the annointing with the chrisme ( per modum crucis ) cross-wise , that the minister as soon as he hath baptized the child , should in express words signifie to the congregation , that he is now become the soldier of jesus christ , as well as a member of his church , with the sign of the cross also used there withall as a significant ceremony in token that the person so baptized being now the soldier of christ , should not be ashamed of his profession , nor behave himself cowardly therein . this is the substance of what the learned primate declared to us to be his judgment concerning the use of this ceremony , and the place it hath in our liturgy . in the setting down whereof , if for the readers fuller satisfaction i have allowed my self a good liberty of enlargement , either for the farther confirming , or the better clearing of ●is opinion : i hope none will therefore charge me to have misrepresented it , having gone all along upon his grounds , and perfectly to his sense . this story , of what discourse we had with the primate at that time ( as i had to others heretofore , so ) i told very lately to the reverend doctor , the publisher of these treatises , who told me back again , that himself had also heard him declare his opinion to the same effect as aforesaid , and remembreth particularly ( which i here publish , having the doctors warrant so to do ) that he so declared it in a publick speech ( mentioned pag. 63. ) before a great auditory at drogheda in ireland , when he first confirmed children there . i am unwilling , having gone thus far already to weary the reader or my self with proceeding any farther , nor indeed is it needful i should . for ( since only by pride commeth contention , prov. 13. 10. if all men that pretend to be wise and honest would be humble ( and truly he that is not so , is neither honest nor wise ) and make that their business which is certainly their duty : that is to say , if they would study quietness more , and parties less , bear a just reverence to antiquity and to their betters , allow as favorable a construction to things established as they are capable of , suspect their own judgment , wherein it differeth from the publick , submit to reason , and yield when they are convinced , obey cheerfully where they may , and where they dare not , suffer without noise , a little saying and writing would serve the turn . but when men are once grown to this , to make it their glory to head or hold up a party ; to study wayes how to evade when they are called to obey ; to resolve to erre , because they have erred , and to hold their conclusion in despite of all premises ; to preferre their private opinions before wiser mens judgments , and their reputation with the vulgar before obedience to superiors ; in a word , to suffer themselves to be swayed with passions , parties , or interests ; all the writing and saying in the world , as to such men ( untill it shall please god to put their hearts into another frame ) is to no more purpose , then if a man should go about to fill a seive with water , or to wash a blackamore white . when we have tried all the ways and conclusions we can , we shall in the end find the best expedient for peace , and the best service we can do the church , our selves , and our brethren , to be our constant and instant prayers to almighty god ( with our subservient endeavors ) that he would give to every one of us , a discerning judgment to see the truth , and a willing mind to embrace it , conscience to do what we ought , and patience to suffer what wee must , humility to acknowledge our own , and charity to bear with other mens infirmities , that so we may keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , and fulfil the law of christ , which is the unfeigned hearty wish of london aug. 10. mdclxi . the unworthy servant of jesus christ ro. lincoln . the contents of each treatise . i. of the oath of supremacy . the distinct power of the sword and keys . that the sword is not restrained to temporal causes only . that there is a civil government in causes spiritual , and a spiritual government in causes civil . the right sense of the oath . four arguments against the bishop of romes title , to an universal supremaey . king james his gracious thanks to the primate for it . ii. of the duty of subjects to supply the kings necessities . the pretensions of spain to the kingdom of ireland . the distinction in point of loyalty between those of the ancient english race , and the meer irish. the hatred shewn by the latter to the former in the colledges abroad . the moderating and answering objections on both sides , for and against the contribution propounded . divers records produced as presidents for it his iudgment , as a divine , in the ●ase , not to be an arbitrary act , but a matter of duty and conscience . that the denying of the king what is necessary for the support of his kingdom , is no less a robery of him then a subtracting of tithes and oblations is called a robbery of god by the prophet . iii. of the late lord primate ushers judgment and practice . 1. in point of loyalty . the occasion of his writing of that book of the power of the prince , &c. his joy or sorrow , according to the success of his majesties affairs . his compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his majesty . 2. in point of episcopacy . his writing for it . exercise of the iurisdiction of it . the occasion and end of those proposals concerning it , an. 1641. his censure upon the omission of the form of words used by the bishop in the ordination of the church of england . his sufferings for it . the right sense of that gradual superiority of a bishop above a presbyter . his confirmation of books tending to the preheminency of episcopacy . 3. of the liturgy . his dayly observing of the book of common-prayer . at drogheda the service sung upon sundays before him , as in cathedrais of england . his observing of the ceremonies and causing them so to be . his pains in reducing and satisfying the scrupulous . his constancy in the above-mentioned to the last . the falsehood of some pamphlets since his death . some specialties observed in him as to decency and reverence in the church at publick prayer , &c. 4. the constitutions and canons , &c. his subscription to the 3. articles in the 36. cap. of the book of the canons of england . the severity , put in with his own hand , in the first canon of ireland against such as should refuse to subscribe to the articles of england , observation of the annual festivals , good-friday , &c. confirmation of children , church catechisme . canonical decency of apparrel in the clergie . consecration of churches , &c. iv. mr. hookers judgment confirmed by the primate . 1. the kings power in matters of religion . 2. of his power in advancement of bishops to their rooms of prelacy . 3. the king exempt from censure and other iudicial power . v. bishop andrews judgment , ( as it is conceived ) of church government before and after christ , &c. confirmed and enlarged by the primate . in the old testament . 1. before the law. 2. under moses . 3. among the priests . 4. under joshua , 5. under david ( where is much added by the primate . ) 6. under nehemiah . a recapitulation of the whole , &c. with some new enlargements by the supposed author , answering the objections made against having the like government now , and giving reasons why it may be now . in the new testament . 1. in the time of our sáviour . 2. in the dayes of the apostles and after . of deacons , evangelists , priests and bishops . of the persons executing those offices . of the promiscuous use of their names . the use of the bishops office , and the charge committed to him . the choice of persons to their callings . vi. a letter of dr. hadrianus de saravia to the island of garnzay . of the first reformation in the island . subjection to episcopal iurisdiction . difference in the case , between them and france and the low-countries . their synodicall meetings not justifiable . the kings power in making of a law. of ordination otherwise then by bishops . of the scotch reformation . d. hadr. saravia with other learned mens subscriptions to the articles , and liturgy of the church of england . a pamphlet printed under the name of the late archbishop of armagh coucerning the liturgy and church government , declared to be none of his . as he hath been also injured and is still by another book intituled , a method of meditation , or a manual of divine duties , which though by his own direction in his life time 1651. i did in his name declare , to be none of his , but falsly put upon him , and have done so twice since his death , yet is still reprinted , and sold up and down as his , to the great injury of him . the late lord primate ushers iudgment of the signe of the cross in baptisme , confirmed by the bishop of lincoln in his preface . vii . the contents of the sermon regal power of gods ordination that of 1 pet. 2. 13. submit your selves to every ordinance of man &c. answered , sauls election not by the people : difference in religion quits not the due of obedience . the novelty of the doctrine of resistance . the pharisies the first among the iews the arguments for it , taken out of bellarmine and the jesuites , which many other writers of the church of rome do contradict . the antient fathers loyalty to the worst of emperors 1. constantly praying for them tertullian , &c. 2. not giving the least offence in word or writing , st. hillary nazianzen &c. 3. not stirring up the people in their own defence . st. augustines commendation of the christians under julian , tertullians under severus . st. ambrose , athanasius and others . that evasion viz. that the christians then wanted power to resist , cleared out of eusebius , tertullian , st. ambross , theodoret . rebellion always found the ruine of the actors . the speech of rodolphus upon his mortal wound in taking up armes against the emperor . a conclusive application . an animadvertisement . such of the bishops and clergy as by gods mercy escaped with their lives to dublin , in that bloody rebellion in ireland anno 1641. and 1642. did conceive fitting at a so great , though sad meeting , to have somewhat like a commencement in that university . the doctors part ( pro gradu ) was the concio ad clerum . the text rom. 13. 2. was taken out of the epistle appointed for the day , being the tuesday after the fourth sunday after the epiphany . the day ( according to that account ) of the late kings ( of blessed memory ) murder . the doctrine delivered , was then so offensive to some potent persons newly landed , that he was forced to send a copy to the l. primate usher , who gave his approbation of it . and upon the thirtieth of ianuary last , 1660. ( the day of humiliation for the abovesaid murder ) it was preached in english at the honorable society of grayes-inn london . the intention was to have published it in that language it had its first being , but by the printers experiment of the slowness of the sale in that , as the better suiting with these other tracts , and that the profit intended would be of a farther extent , the latter was resolved of . errata . page 24. line 29. read the. p. 25. l. 8. r. 2. marg . l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 27. l. 3. r. him . l. 4. thee p. 29. l. 19 r. thus . p. 31. 10. jehu . p. 39. marg . l. 1. r. julianus l. 5. r iniquus . p. 40. marg . l. 27. r. fletibus . l. 35. r. injuriam . p. 45. marg . l. 6. r. pontisicumque . p. 43. l. 24. dele for . marg . l. 8. r. per regiam . 52. l. 31. r. waited . p. 56. l. 20. r. calls . p. 60. l. 9. r. commendam . p. 81. 6. r. consecratus . l. 7. r. gratias . p. 90. l. 9. r. scarce . l. 10. r. inexcusablae . p. 95. 11. r. potiphera job . 1. 5. 42. 8. p. 96. l. 3. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 97. 16. r. fisties . l. pen. merari . l. ult . after these r. the. p. 100. l. 14 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 101. l. 5. r. camp . l. 15. r. asher . p. 102. l. 12. r. further. p. 103. l. 9. r. gibethon . p. 105. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 107. l. 22. r. gershon . l. 23. r. ethan . l. ult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 109. l. 12. r. benaiah . l. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 112. l. 7. r. governors of the. p. 113. l. 25. r. priest. p. 114. l. 3. dele the. l. 20. r. are . l. 30. dele , p. 115. l. 24. r. they . p. 116. l. 19. r. of this mind . l. ult . dele ut . p. 117. l. r. degrees . p. 122. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 128. l. 6. r. scythia . p. 130. l. 26. r. these . p. 132. l. 26. r. pam . l. ult . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 133. l. 18. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in marg . p. 134. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — p. 150. l. 12 dele 2. p. 147. l. 2. r. christi . recensui librum cui titulus , clavi trabales . imprimatur tertio nonas sext. 1661. ma. franck . s. t. p. reverendo in christo patri episcopo londinesi à sacris domesticis . a speech delivered in the castle-chamber at dublin . 22. of november , anno 1622. at the censuring of some officers who refused to take the oath of supremacy . by the late lord primate usher then bishop of meath . what the danger of the law is for refusing this oath hath been sufficiently opened by my lords the judges , and the quality and quantity of that offence hath been agravated to the full , by those that have spoken after them . the part which is most proper for me to deal in is the information of the conscience , touching the truth and equity of the matters contained in the oath ; which i also have made choice the rather to insist upon , because both the form of the oath it self requireth herein a full resolution of the conscience ( as appeareth by those words in the very beginning thereof ; i do utterly testifie and declare in my conscience &c. ) and the persons that stand here to be censured for refusing the same have alledged-nothing in their own defence , but only the simple plea of ignorance . that this point therefore may be cleered , and all needless scruples removed out of mens minds : two maine branches there be of this oath which require special consideration . the one positive , acknowledging the supremacy of the government of these realms in all causes whatsoever , to rest in the the kings highness only ; the other negative , renouncing all jurisdictions and authorities of any forraigne prince or prelate within his majesties dominions . for the better understanding of the former we are in the first place to call unto our remembrance that exhortation of st. peter , submit your selves unto every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be unto the king , as having the preheminence , or unto governors as unto them that are sent by him , for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well . by this we are taught to respect the king , not as the only gove nor of his dominions simply ( for we see there be other governors placed under him ) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as him that excelleth , and hath the preheminence over the rest , that is to say ( according to the tenure of the oath ) as him that is the only supream governor of his realms . upon which ground we may safely build this conclusion , that whatsoever power is inetdent unto the king by vertue of his place , must be acknowledged to be in him supream , there being nothing so contrary to the nature of soveraignty , as to have another superior power to over-rule it . qui rexest , regem ( maxime ) non habeat . in the second place we are to consider , that god for the better setling of piety and honesty among men , and the repressing of prophaneness and other vices hath establisted two distinct powers upon earth , the one of the keys committed to the church , the other of the sword committed to the civil magistrate , that of the keys is ordained to work upon the inner man , having immediate relation to the remitting or retaining of sins . that of the sword is appointed to work upon the outward man , yielding protection to the obedient , and inflicting external punishment upon the rebellious and disobedient . by the former the spiritual officers of the church of christ are enabled to govern well , to speak , and exhort , and rebuke with all authority , to loose such as are penitent , to commit others unto the lords prison until their amendment , or to bind them over unto the judgment of the great day ) if they shall persist in their wilfulness and obstinacie . by the other , princes have an imperious power assigned by god unto them , for the defence of such as do well , and executing revenge and wrath upon such as do evil , whether by death or banishment , or confiscation of goods or imprisonment , according to the quality of the offence . when st. peter that had the keys committed unto him , made bold to draw the sword , he was commanded to put it up , as a weapon that he had no authority to meddle withall ; and on the other side , when uzziah the king would venture upon the execution of the priests office ; it was said unto him it pertaineth not unto thee uzziah to burn incense unto the lord , but to the priests the sons of aaron , that are consecrated to burn incense . let this therefore be our second conclusion , that the power of the sword and of the keys are two distinct ordinances of god , and that the prince hath no more authority to enter upon the execution of any part of the priests function , then the priest hath to intrude upon an● part of the office of the prince . in the third place we are to observe that the power of the civil sword , ( the supreame managing whereof , belongeth to the king alone ) is not to be restrained unto temporal causes only , but is by gods ordinance to be extended likewise unto all spiritual and ecclesiastical things and causes ; that as the spiritual rulers of the church do exercise their kind of government in bringing men unto obedience , not of the duties of the first table alone , ( which concerneth piety and the religious service which man is bound to perform unto his creator ) but also of the second ( which respecteth moral honesty , and the offices that man doth owe unto man : so the civil magistrate is to use his authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first table , as well as against the second , that is to say as well in punishing of an heretick or an idolater or a blasphemer , as of a thief , or a murtherer , or a traytor , and in providing by all good means , that such as live under his government may lead a quiet and peaceable life , in all piety and honesty . and how soever by this means we make both prince and priest to be in their several places custodes utriusque tabulae . keepers of both gods tables , yet do we not hereby any way confound both of their offices together ; for though the matter wherein their government is exercised , may be the same , yet is the form and manner of governing them alwayes different , the one reaching to the outward man only , the other to the inward ; the one binding or loosing the soul , the other laying hold on the body , and the things belonging thereunto : the one having speciall reference to the judgment of the world to come , the other respecting the present , retaining or loosing of some of the comforts of this life . that there is such a * civil government as this in causes spiritual and ecclesiasticall no man of judgment can deny ; for must not heresie ( for example ) be acknowledged to be a cause meerly spirituall or ecclesiasticall ? and yet by what power is an heretick put to death : the officers of the church have no authority to take away the life of any man , it must be done therefore per brachium seculare , and consequently it must be yeelded without contradiction , that the tempor all magistrate doth exercise therein a part of his civil government in punishing a crime that is of its own nature spiritual or ecclesiasticall . but here it will be said , the words of the oath being generall that the king is the only supreme governor of this realm , and of all other his highness dominions and countries . how may it appear , that the power of the civil sword is only meant by that government , and that the power of the keys is not comprebended therein ? i answer , first that where a civil magistrate is affirmed to be the governor of his own dominions and countries ; by common intendment this must needs be understood of a civil-government , and may in no reason be extended to that which is meerly of another kind . secondly , i say , that where an ambiguity is conceived to be in any part of an oath , it ought to be taken according to the understanding of him for whose satisfaction the oath was ministred . now in the case , it hath been sufficiently declared by publick authority , that no other thing is meant by the government here mentioned but that of the civil sword only . for in the book of articles agreed upon by the arch-bishop and bishops , and the whole clergie in the convocaetion holden at london ▪ anno 1562. thus we read . where we attribute to the queens majesty the chief government ( by which titles we understand the minds of some standrous folkes to be offended ) we give not to our princes the ministring either of gods word or of the sacraments ( the which thing the injunctions also lately set forth by elizabeth our queen , doth most plainly testifie ) but that only prerogative which we see to have been given alwayes to all godly princes in holy scriptures by god himself , that is , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by god , whether they be ecclesiasticall or temporall , and restrain with the civil sword the stubbornand evill doers . if it be here objected , that the authority of the convocation is not a sufsicient ground for the exposition of that which was enacted in parliament : i answer that these articles stand confirmed , not only by the royall assent of the prince ( for the establishing of whose supremacy , the oath was framed ) but also by a speciall act of parliament , which is to be found among the statutes , in the thirteenth yeer of queen elizabeth , cap. 12. seeing therefore the makers of the law have full authority to expound the law , and they have sufficiently manifested , that by the supream government given to the prince , they understand that kind of government only which is exercised with the civil sword : i conclude that nothing can be more plaine then this , that without all scruple of conscience the kings majesty may be acknowledged in this sense to be the only supream governor of all his highness dominions and countrys , as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as temporal , and so have i cleered the first main branch of the oath . i come now unto the second which is propounded negatively : that no forreign prince , person , prelate , state or potentate hath or ought to have any jurisdiction power , superiority , preheminence or authority , ecclesiastical or spiritual within this realm . the forreiner that challengeth this ecclesiastical or spiritual jurisdiction over us is the bishop of rome : and the title whereby he claimeth the power over us , is the same whereby he claimeth it over the whole world , because he is st. peters successor for sooth . and indeed if st. peter himself had been now alive , i should freely confess that he ought to have spiritual authority , and superiority within this kingdom , but so would i say also if st. andrew , st. bartholomew , st. thomas , or any of the other apostles had been alive , for i know that their commission was very large , to go into all the world , and to preach the gospel unto every creature . so that in what part of the world soever they lived , they could not be said to be out of their charge , their apostleship being a kind of an universal bishoprick . if therefore the bishop of rome , can prove himself to be one of this rank , the oath must be amended ; and we must acknowledge that he hath ecclesiastical authority within this realm . true it is that our lawyers in their yearly books , by the name of the apostle do usually designe the pope . but if they had examined his title to that apostleship , as they would try an ordinary mans title to a piece of land , they might easily have found a number of flaws and main defects therein ; for first it would be enquired , whether the apostleship was not ordained by our saviour christ , as a special commission , which being personal only was to determine with the death of the first apostles . for howsoever at their first entry into the execution of this commission , we find that matthias was admitted to the apostleship in the roome of judas ; yet afterwards when james the brother of john was slain by herod , we do not read that any other was substituted in his place . nay we know that the apostles generally left no successors in this kind : neither did any of the bishops ( he of rome only excepted ) that sate in those famous churches wherein the apostles exercised their ministry , challenge an apostleship or an universal bishoprick by vertue of that succession . it would secondly therefore be enquired what sound evidence they can produce , to shew that one of the company was to hold the apostleship , as it were in fee , for him and his successors for ever , and that the other eleven should hold the same for term of life only . thirdly , if this state of perpetuity was to be cast upon one , how came it to fall upon st. peter , rather then upon st. john , who outlived all the rest of his fellows , and so as a surviving feoffee , had the fairest right to retain the same in himself and his successors for ever ; fourthly if that state were wholy setled upon st. peter , seeing the romanists themselves acknowledge , that he was bishop of antioch before he was bishop of rome ; we require them to shew , why so great an inheritance as this , should descend unto the younger brother ( as it were by borough-english ) rather than to the elder ( according to the ordinary manner of descents ) especially seeing rome hath little else to alledge for this preferment , but only that st. peter was crucifyed in it , which was a slender reason to move the apostle so to respect it . seeing therefore the grounds of this great claime of the bishop of rome appear to be so vain and frivolous , i may safely conclude that he ought to have no ecclesiastical or spiritual authority within this realme , which is the principal point contained in the second part of the oath . king james his gracious letter of thanks to the primate for his speech . james r. right reverend father in god , and right trusty and well beloved counsellor we greet you well , you have not deceived our expectation , nor the gracious opinion we ever conceived both of your abilities in learning , and of your faithfulness to us and our service ; whereof as we have received sundry testimonies both from our precedent deputys , as likewise from our right trusty and well-beloved cousin and counsellor the viscount falkland , our present deputy of that realm , so have we now of late in one particular had a farther evidence of your duty and affection well expressed by your late carriage in our castle-chamber there , at the censure of those disobedient magistrates , who refused to take the oath of supremacy , wherein your zeale to the maintenance of our just and lawfull power , defended with so much learning and reason , deserves our princely and gracious thanks , which we do by this our letter unto you , and so bid you farewel , given under our signet at our court at white-hall the eleventh of january 1622. in the twentieth year of our reign of great brittain , france and ireland . to the right reverend father in god , and our right trusty and well-beloved councellor the bishop of meath . a speech delivered by the lord primate usher before the lord deputy and the great assembly at his majesties castle in dublin , april the last 1627. my lord , the resolution of these gentlemen in denying to contribute unto the supplying of the army sent hither for their defence , doth put me in mind of the philosophers observation , that such as have respect unto a few things , are easily misled ; the present pressure which they sustain , by the imposition of the soldiers , and the desire they have to be eased of that burthen , doth so wholly possess their minds , that they have only an eye to the freeing of themselves from that incumbrance , without looking at all to the desolations that are like to come upon them by a long and heavy war , which the having of an army in readiness might be a means to have prevented . the lamentable effects of our last wars in this kingdom , doth yet freshly stick in our memories . neither can we so soon forget the depopulation of our land , when besides the combustions of war , the extremity of famine grew so great , that the very women in some places by the way side , have surprised the men that rode by to feed themselves with the flesh of the horse or the rider ; and that now again here is a storm towards wheresoever it will light , every wise man will easily foresee , which if we be not carefull to meet with in time , our state may prove irrecoverable , when it will be too late to think of . had i wift . the dangers that now threaten us are partly from abroad , and partly from home ; abroad , we are now at odds with two of the most potent princes in christendom , and to both which , in former times the discontented persons in this country have had recourse , proffering the kingdom it self unto them , if they would undertake the conquest of it . for it is not unknown unto them that look into the search of those things , that in the days of king henry the eighth , the earl of desmond made such an offer of this kingdom to the french king , ( the instrument whereof yet remain's upon record in the court at paris ) and the bishop of rome afterwards transferred the title of all our kingdoms unto charles the fifth , which by new grants was confirmed unto his son phillip , in the time of queen elizabeth , with a resolution to settle this crown upon the spanish infanta ; which donations of the popes , howsoever in themselves , they are of no value , yet will they serve for a fair colour to a potent pretender , who is able to supply by the power of the sword whatsoever therein may be thought defective . hereunto may we adde that of late in spain , at the very same time when the treaty of the match was in hand . there was a book published , with great approbation there , by one of this countrey birth phillip o sullevan , wherein the spaniard is taught , that the ready way to establish his monarchy ( for that is the only thing he mainly aimeth at , and is plainly there confessed ) is first to set upon ireland , which being quikcly obtain'd , the conquest of scotland first , of england next , then of the low-countreys , is foretold with great facility will follow after . neither have we more cause in this regard to be afraid of a forreign invasion , than to be jealous of a domestick rebellion , where lest i be mistaken , as your lordships have been lately , i must of necessity put a difference betwixt the inhabitants of this nation ; some of them are descended of the race of the antient english , or otherwise hold their estates from the crown , and have possessions of their own to stick unto , who easily may be trusted against a forreign invader , although they differ from the state in matter of religion ; for proof of which fidelity in this kind , i need go no further than the late wars in the time of the earl of tyrone wherein they were assaulted with as powerfull temptations to move them from their loyalty as possibly hereafter can be presented unto them for at that time , not only the king of spain did confederate himself with the rebels , and landed his forces here for their assistance , but the bishop of rome also with his breves and bulls , solicited our nobility and gentry to revolt from their obedience to the queen ; declaring that the english did fight against the catholick religion , and ought to be oppugned as much as the turks , imparting the same favours to such as should set upon them , that he doth unto such as fight against the turk , and finally promising unto them that the god of peace would tread down their enemys under their feet speedily ; and yet for all the popes promises and threatnings which were also seconded by a declaratian of the divines of salamanca and valledolid , not only the lords and gentlemen did constantly continue their allegiance unto the queen , but also were encouraged so to do , by the priests of the pale , that were of the popish profession who were therefore vehemently taxed by the traytor o sullevan , for exhorting them to follow the queens side , which he is pleas'd to term insanam & venenosam doctrinam & tartareum dogma , a mad and venemous doctrine , and a hellish opinion ; but besides these , there are a great number of irish , who either beare a secret grudge against the english planted among them , or having nothing at all to loose upon the first occasion , are apt to joyn with any forreign invader , for we have not used that policy in our plantations , that wise states have used in former times . they when they setled new colonys in any place , did commonly translate the antient inhabitants to other dwellings ; we have brought new planters into the land , and have left the old inhabitants to shift for themselves , who being strong in body , and daily increasing in number , and seeing themselves deprived of their means and maintenance , which they and their ancestors have formerly enjoyed , will undoubtedly be ready when any occasion is offered to disturb our quiet , whether then we cast our eyes abroad , or look at home , we see our danger is very great . neither may you , my lords and gentlemen , that differ from us in point of religion , imagine that the community of profession , will exempt you more then us from the danger of a common-enemy ; whatsoever you may expect from a forraigner you may conjecture by the answer which the duke of medina sidonia gave in this case in 88. that his sword knew no difference between a catholique and a heretique , but that he came to make way for his master ; and what kindness you may look for from the countrey-men that joyn with them , you may judge as well by the carriage which they ordinarily use towards you and yours , both in the court , and in the colledges abroad , as by the advice not long since presented by them unto the councel of spain , wherein they would not have so much as the irish priests and jesuites that are descended of english blood to be trusted , but would have you and all yours to be accounted enemys to the designs of spain . in the declaration publisht about the beginning of the insurrection of james fitz-morice in the south , the rebels professed it was no part of their meaning to subvert , honorabile anglorum solium . their quarrel was only against the person of queen elizabeth , and her government ; but now the case is otherwise , the translating of the throne of the english to the power of a forreigner , is the thing that mainly is intended , and the re-establishing of the irish in their antient possessions , which by the valour of our ancestors were gained from them . this you may assure your self , manet alta mente repostum , and makes you more to be hated of them than any other of the english nation whatsoever . the danger therefore being thus common to us all , it stands us upon to joyn our best helps for the avoiding of it , only the manner how this may be effected is in question . it was wont to be said , iniquum petas ut aequum feras , and such perhaps might be the intent of the project , the other day propounded unto you ; but now i observe the distaste you have conceived against that , hath so far possossed you , that you can hardly be drawn to listen to any equal motion . the exceptions taken against the project , are partly general , made by all ; partly special that toucheth only some particulars , of the former there are two , the quantity of the sum demanded , and the indefiniteness of the time , which is unlimited ; for the proportion required for the maintenance of five thousand foot and five hundred horse you alledge to be so great , and your means so small , that in undertaking that which you are no ways able to perform , you should but delude his majesty , and disappoint the army of their expected pay . and although the sum required were far less , and for a time able to be borne by you , yet are you fearful that the payment being continued for some number of years , may afterwards be continued , as a constant revenue to his majesties exchequer with which perpetual burden you are unwilling to charge your posterity . the exceptions of the second kind are taken against the grants annexed unto the former demands , the granting whereof seemed rather to hinder then further the service , as not so agreeing with the rules of equity ; for first some have the full benefits of the grants , and have their charge little augmented , as the countrys which pay composition rents , which by those grants during the time of the new payments are suspended . secondly , others that have the charge of the payment imposed upon them to the full , are not partakers at all of the benefit of the grants , as the brittish planted in the six escheated countys of ulster . thirdly such as are most forward to further his majesties service , and to contribute with the most , are troubled in conscience for yielding thereto upon the terms proposed , especially for that condition whereby the execution of the statute against recusants is offered to be forborne . wherein if some of my bretheren the bishops have been thought to have shewed themselves more forward then wise in preaching publiquely against this kind of toleration ; i hope the great charge laid upon them by your selves in parliament , wherein that statute was enacted will plead their excuse . for there the lords temporal , and all the commons do in gods name earnestly require and charge all arch-bishops and bishops and other ordinaries , that they shall endeavor themselves to the utmost of their knowledge , that the due and true execution of this statute may be had throughout their diocesses , and charged as they will answer it before god , for such evils and plagues as almighty god might justly punish his people for neglecting those good and wholesome laws , so that if in this case they had holden their tongues , they might have been censured little better then atheists , and made themselves accessary to the drawing down of gods heavy vengance upon the people . but if for these and such like causes the former project will not be admitted , we must not therefore think our selves discharged from taking further care to provide for our safeties . other consultations must be had , and other courses thought upon which need not to be trable to the like exceptions ; where the but then is borne in common , and the ayde required to be given to the prince by his subjects that are of different judgments in religion , it stands not with the ground of common reason , that such a condition , should be annexed unto the gift , as must of necessity de●er the one party from gi●ing at all , upon such tearms as are repugnam to their consciences . as therefore on the one side , if we desire that the recusants should joyn with us in granting of a common aid , we should not put in the condition of executing the statute , which we are sure they would not yield unto ; so on the other side , if they will have us to joyn with them in the like contribution they should not require the condition of suspending the statute to be added , which we in conscience cannot yield unto . the way will be then freely to grant unto his majesty what we give , without all manner of condition that may seem unequal unto any side , and to refer unto his own sacred breast how fat he will be pleased to extend or abridge his favours , of whose lenity in forbearing the executing of the statute , our recusants have found such experience , that they cannot expect a greater liberty , by giving any thing that is demanded , then now already they do freely enjoy . as for the fear that this voluntary contribution may in time be made a matter of necessity , and imposed as a perpetual charge upon posterity , it may easily be holpen , with such a clause as we find added in the grant of an ayde made by the popes council an 11. h. 3. out of the ecclesiastical profits of this land , quod non debet trahi in confuetudinem , of which kinds of grants , many other examples of later memory might be produced , and as for the proportion of the sum which you thought to be so great in the former proposition , it is my lords desire that you should signifie unto him , what you think you are well able to bear , and what your selves will be content voluntarily to proffer . to alledge as you have done , that you are not able to bear so great a charge , as was demanded may stand with some reason , but to plead an unability to give any thing at all , is neither agreeable to reason or duty . you say you are ready to serve the king as your ancestors did heretofore with your bodys and lives , as if the supply of the kings wants with monys , were a thing unknown to our fore-fathers . but if you will search the pipe-rolls you shall finde the names of those who contributed to king henry the third for a matter that did less concern the subjects of this kingdom , then the help that is now demanded , namely for the marrying of his sister to the emperor . in the records of the same king kept in england , we finde his letters patents directed hither into ireland , for levying of money to help to pay his debts unto lewis the son of the king of france . in the rolls of gasconie we finde the like letter directed by king edward the second unto the gentlemen and merchants of ireland , of whose names there is a list there set down , to give him ayd in his expedition into aquitain , and for defence of his land ( which is now the thing in question . ) we finde an ordinance likewise made in the time of edward the third , for the personall taking of them that lived in england , and held lands and tenements in ireland . nay in this case you must give me leave as a divine to tell you plainly , that to supply the king with means for the necessary defence of your country , is not a thing left to your own discretion , either to doe or not to doe , but a matter of duty , which in conscience you stand bound to perform . the apostle rom. 13. having affirmed that we must be subject to the higher powers , not only for wrath but for conscience sake ; adds this as a reason to confirm it , for , for this cause you pay tribute also , as if the denying of such payment , could not stand with conscionable subjection ; thereupon he inferrres this conclusion . render therefore unto all their due ; tribute to whom tribute , custome to whom custome is due . agreeable to that known lesson which he had learned of our saviour render unto caesar the things which are caesars , and unto god the things which are gods : where you may observe that as to with-hold from god the things which are gods , man is said to be a robber of god : whereof he himself thus complaineth in case of subtracting of tythes & oblations : so to deny a supply to caesar of such means as are necessary for the support of his kingdom , can be accounted no less then a robbing of him , of that which is his due , which i wish you seriously to ponder , and to think better of yielding somthing to this present necessity , that we may not return from you an undutifull answer , which may justly be displeasing to his majesty . rom . 13. 2. whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god ; and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . the former chapter may be called the apostles ethicks ; this his politicks ; in the former he had taught them their dutys one to another , in this , towards the magistrate . and for this subject , de officio subditorum both st. peter , and this our apostle are very often and copious upon , not only in this epistle , but in divers others , inculcating it as his last words to timothy and titus , chargeing them to teach it to the generation succeeding , 1 tim. 2. 1. & 3. 1. and ( a ) some expositors conceive one cause to be the rumor then falsly raised upon the apostles , as if they had been seditious innovators of the roman laws , and the kingdom of christ preached by them , tended to the absolving subjects from their obedience to any other . whose mouths he here stops in shewing that the laws of christ were not induced for the overturning the civil , but confirming ; not abolishing , but establishing and making them the more sacred . abhorring those tumultuous spirits who under pretext of religion and christian liberty , run into rebellion as if there could be no perfect service of christ , nisi excusso terrenae potestatis jugo , without casting off the yoak of earthly power . in the text it self he exhorts to a loyall subjection from these two principall arguments . first from the originall of regall power , ordained of god ; secondly the penalty of resisting it , threatned as from god himself ; they shall receive to themselves damnation . every word in the text hath its emphosis . whosoever ] see how he commands a subjection without exception as in the former verse , let every soul ; omnis anima , si apostolus sis , si evangelista , si prepheta , sive quisquis tandem fueris ( as s. chrysostom upon the place . ) resisteth ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which implies how all preparative ordering of forces & risings to that end ( as the syriack renders it qui insurgit ) are condemned , as a violation of gods ordinance ; not only an actuall resistance by open force in the field , commonly called rebellion ( like that of absolom against david , jeroboam against rehoboam ) but all secret undermining of a prince by fraud and falsehood tending to it . the power ] 't is observable the apostle rather mentions the power then the person armed with it , to teach us we should not so much mind the worth of the person as the authority it self he bears . we acknowledge that sacred apothegme of the apostle ( acts 5. 29. ) 't is better to obey god then man : but both may be at once obeyed : god actively , and the magistrate passively , as the apostles themselves then did . the ordinance of god ] as if rebellion were giant-like , b a waging of war with god himself , as st. chrysostome hath it , which fully checks that proud conceit of some ( viz. ) that being made heirs of god , they are no longer to be made subject to man. receive to themselves damnation . ] as the rebellion is against god , so from god the penalty is threatned , and that not c a common one , but exceeding heavy , as st. chrysostom upon it . the vulgar latin reads it , ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt , implying the vanity & madness of it , nemo enim sanus seipsum laedit , men that run their heads against a rock , hurt themselves , not it : and so in conclusion rebels seek their own ruine , and bring upon themselves swift damnation 2 pet. 2. by this short paraphrase upon the words , these two observations may be deduced : first , that regal power is derived from god : secondly , that it is not lawfull for subjects to take up arms in the resistance of it without being fighters against god , and in peril of damnation . the first is so apparent that i need not insist upon it : 't is acknowledged even by heathens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. you see it de facto in the old testament moses ( who was ● king in jeshurun ) was appointed of god , and joshua succeeding him , the judges as elective kings were raised by him also : saul , david , &c. 't is the complaint of god ( hoseae the 8. ) fecerunt reges , sed non ex me ; they have made themselves kings , but not by me . god , who is the god of order , and not of confusion , was pleased from the very first to take care of constituting a successive monarchy ; the first-born was his own establishment in his specch to cain ( though a bad , and his brother abel a righteous person ) only by right of his primogeniture ( gen 4. 9 ) his desire shall be subject to thee , and thou shalt rule over him , from whence it succeeded in jacobs family ( gen. 49 28 ) ruben thou art my first born , the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honor and authority ▪ ( i , e. ) the supremacy of both , and when he with symeon and levy for their severall crimes were disinherited by their father , and the primogeniture fallen to judah ; to him it was said , thou art he whom thy brethren shall honour , thy fathers children shall bow down unto thee ( ver . 10. ) to whom the scepter was given , and the gathering or assemblies of the people . that as in the creation in the natural government of the world god made one ruler of the day , the sun , the sole fountain of light ( for the moon and starres are but as a vice roy of subordinate governors , deriving theirs from him : ) so was it in the civil government also . as god by whom kings reign , and who have the title of god given them , i have said ye are gods ) is one ; so was he pleased to represent himself in one accordingly , and in the text ordained by him . object . 1 there is a place which the adversaries of this doctrine much insist upon , 't is out of s. peter 1. epist. c. 2. 13. where he calls a magist●ate an ordinance of man : submit your selves to every ordinance of man ( as we render it ) for the lords sake , whether to the king as supreme , or governors sent by him , &c. the answer is ready , that this is no ways a contradiction to st. paul in this text ; for , 1. by an humane ordinance he doth not meane an humane invention , but quia inter homines institutam , because it was ordained or appointed among or over men , called humane , respectu termiiii sive subjecti , but yet divine , respectu authoris primarii . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render ordinance ( being , as e rivetus observeth ) never so taken throughout the scripture were better rendred creature ( which it properly signifies ) as the vulgar latine doth it , omni humanae creaturae , to every humane creature . now creature is frequently taken for what is eminent and excellent , as if the sense were , submit your selves to all that do excell , or are eminent amongst or over men , according to the next words , whether to the king , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that excelleth : and the hebrews do sometimes by a creation imply a rare and eminent thing , num. 16. 30. si creationem creaverit deus . i. e. if the lord make a new or rare thing , to which agrees that of our saviour in his last words to his apostles , mark 16. 15. preach the gospell to every creature , i. e. man : because of his excellencie above all sublunary creatures . f and thus why may not the king for the same cause , be so called here . so that st. peter is so far from denying regal power to be ordained of god , that he rather confirms it . g a creature , therefore the act of the creator , and by way of excellency , therefore of god the sole original of it , and for the lords sake , i. e. who hath so ordained him , or whom herepresents . object . 2 for that objection of saul's being elected by the people ; the contrary appears ( 1 sam. 12. 8. 5. ) where samuel saith thus to them , answer . dominus constituit regem super vos , and they to samuel as a delegate from god , constitue nobis regem , who in the name of god proposed to them jus regis . and though saul was elected by a sacred lot , yet ye have not the like again after him in david , solomon , or any other , but they succeeded jure hereditario . object . 3 but have evil kings their power from god , answer . indeed as evil , they are not of him , because no evil can descend from him , from whom every good and perfect gift doth , ( though for the sins of people , god may justly permit such ) but we must sever their personal staines as men , from their lawfull authority received of god , which looseth not its essence by such an accession , 't is no true maxime , dominium fundatur in gratia , st. paul applys that of exod 22. to ananias , acts 23 , thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people , though he commanded him unjustly to be smitten . pilate condemning innocency it self , our saviour acknowledgeth his power to have been from above , thou couldst not have any power over me , nisi tibi data esset desuper . claudius or nero ( whom elsewhere st. paul calls a lyon ) reigned when he writ this epistle , and is doubtless included in the verse before the text : the powers that be ( i. e. now in being ) are ordained of god , and exhorts to pay unto him as the minister of god the due of tribute , custome , fear , honour , &c. daniel acknowledgeth nebuchadnezzars dominion and kingdom to have been given him of god , which copy the fathers of the primitive church under christianity we find to have wrote after . constantius was an arrian , and had exiled many of the orthodox bishops , yet * athanasius in his apology to them saith thus , god hath given the empire to him , whosover shall with an evil eye reproach it , doth contrary to gods ordinance . h tertullian faith thus to the emperor severus in his apologie for the christians , we must needs have him in great honor whom our lord hath chosen , that i may truly say caesar is rather ours then yours , as being constituted by our god , acknowledging him next to god , and less then god only , according to that known speech of optatus * super imperatorem non est nisi solus deus qui fecit imperatorem : there is none above the emperor but god only , who made him emperor . and surely in the text st. paul can mean no other by the powers , but the roman empire and heathens , for none that were christians had then any dominion . and so much for the first , that kings and their royal power are of gods ordination . this supposed , the second point necessarily follows ( which we shall a little longer insist upon ) viz. that it is not lawfull for subjects to take up arms. against their lawfull prince without being fighters against god , and running the hazard of damnation , according to the text , they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . the k pharisees ( as josephus tells us ) a subtle kind of men , proud , scrupulous about the law , wherein they placed their religion having a seeming shew of piety , took themselves to be of exempt jurisdiction , and being about 6000. besides their party among the people which they had influence upon , stiffly refused to take the oath of allegiance to caesar , ( and indeed were the first we read of that did so , for the whole nation of the jews had done it ) and were great opposites to regal power . there are too many who of late years have trod in their steps , one writes a seditious book , as an anonymus , another puts a feigned name to it , by which dissimulation they shew what is to be thought of the thing it self : nam ●ui luce indigna tract at , lucem fugit , some of whom being of the vulgar , ( and each are most apt to advance their own order ) have so promoted the pretended right of the people , that not being satisfied in quitting of subjects from their obedience to their king , they have also ( subverting the very course of nature ) given the people power over their king , and i wish the jesuites only had given their votes to these paradoxes , but ( which is the more to be lamented ) there are some of our own , at least bearing the name , who either out of an overmuch desire to be heads of parties , or drawn to it like baalam for the wages of unrighteousness , have to the scandall of our profession ) delivered the same opinion with the jesuits , and have taken their arguments out of them . l bellarmine in his first book de pontifice romano cap. 8. affirms , that the prince was made for the people , that principality is from humane law and authority , that the people can never so farre transferre their power over to a king , but they retain the habit of it still within themselves , and in some cases may actually reassume it ; which he confirms ( in his 5. book cap. 8. ) by the examples of ozia and athalia , who were deposed by the people ; these have been the assertions of some of our own , urged in the same sense and manner . who hath not heard of these maximes m so long as a king keeps his obligation , the people are obliged to theirs ; he that governs as he ought , may expect to be accordingly obeyed . they that constitute may depose , &c. but are not these transcribed out of the aforenamed writers . it was the speech of the * bishop af ments when the emperor henry the fourth's deposing was agitated . quem meritum investivimus quare non immeritum devestiamus , i. e. him while wel meriting we invested with the empire , why may not we for his unworthiness disinvest again ; n gregory the seventh ( vulgarly hildebrand ) the patron of rebellious subjects endeavoured to draw them away from the emperor , quemadmodum militem ignavem imperator , &c. i. e. as the emperor may cashier a sluggish souldier that neglects his duty in the camp : so may the souldiery put off or desert an unfit king or emperor . the obligations of subjects are quitted if princes recede from theirs . thus much to shew how neer of kin such are to the sea of rome , which is a professed adversary to regall power , according to st. pauls description of that man of sin , 2 thes. 2. 10. who opposeth himself against all that is called god , i. e. kings so called in psalms . but now leaving these parallels , let us come to the matter it self , and prove what we have asserted , both out of holy writ , the ancient fathers , and practice of the primitive church , who we shall finde have not limited their loyalty within that narrow compass , viz. the kings defence of the true relogion , but continued it under their opposition to it . first , that those who have or shall presume thus to resist , doe tread under feet the holy scriptures ; appears by the whole current of them . suppose an unjust , cruel , bloody act in a king. was not david in that sense vir sanguinis in the perfidious murther of uriah , after his adultery with his wife bathsheba : and for my part i see not wherein that of ahab in the murther of naboth doth exceed it , both unjustly caused a subject to be slain ; ahab only out of a desire to his vinyard , but david to his wife . did not solomon apostatize when to please his wives and concubines ( whom he married out of the nations whereof god had given him a charge to the contrary ) he tollerated the worshipping of idols , in building houses for each of them , and went after them also himself . asa oppressed the people , cast the prophet into prison that came with a message of god unto him . yet we never read that god gave any commission to the people , either for these or any other ( farre more degenerating ) any liberty to disturb them in their regall government : for david , god punished him in his son absolon . solomon was disturbed by hadad the edomite , and rezon a servant of hadadazer king of zobah . against asa god sent some forreign kings ; against ahaz came the kings of ass●ria : hezekiah's pride was punished by sennacherib , manass●s idolatry & bloodshed by the babylonians , ahab slain at ramoth gilcad by the king of syriah : but for the people , either some or the whole , ye find not an instance where power was given them , to the offering any violence to them . who was ever worse and more obstinate then ahab to all rapine , murther and idolotry , who gave himself to work wickedness ; but were ever the people exhorted by any prophet to withdraw their obedience from him , or gather head against him ? for his posterity god indeed extraordinarily gives a special commission by elisha to john to destroy it , but ye doe not find the people of themselves here , or elsewhere so much as attempting it , or encouraged by the prophets persecuted by them so to do ; which if it had been in their power , we should have found some president or other for it . what was the cause david was so carefull that his hand might not be upon saul , though doubtless he had the hearts of the better , if not the greatest part of the people , and sometimes saul was , as from god himself given up into his hands : and he was not altogether a private subject ; but was heir of the crown after him , being already annointed to it , and none could have a better pretence : saul was now seeking his life , and injuriously persecuting him by force and fraud , yet he would not lay his hands upon him ; what can be imagined to be the cause , but that it was against the doctrine then received . who knows not , that saul was become an absolute tyrant ( which some think to be the sense of 1 sam. 13. saul reigned two yeers ; &c. i. e. quasi biennium tantum ut rex reliquum temporis ut tyrannus . ) rejected by samuel : the kingdome rent from him given to david , yet ye never read of samuel moving david to get possession by force of armes ; he mourned for saul , but never stirred up any disturbance in the kingdome against him , but patiently expected gods determination . o optatus elegantly enlargeth himself thus upon it , david had saul his enemy in his hands , might have securely slaine him , without the blood of any others , his servants and the opportunity moved him to it , but the full remembrance of gods commands to the contrary with-held him , he drew back his hand and sword , and whilest he reverenced the oyntment he spared his enemy , and when he had compleated his loyalty , revenged his death ( i. e. ) in the amalekite . ) we doe not say men are bound to doe whatever the prince shall command against the law of god and nature , but yet neither doe we say , we may by force take up armes against him : he said well scutum dandum est subditis , non gladius : the three children refused to obey the command of nebuchadnezzar in worshipping his golden image ; and daniel darius his edict in praying for thirty dayes to none but to him , ( as a new erected numen ) but yet they resisted not when they were questioned and call●d to suffer for it . elias withdrew himself from jezebell and ahabs bloody fury , yet ye doe not read him tampering with those many thousands hid in samaria , by any secret machinations against him , but were all patiently passive , and committed themselves to god that judgeth righteously : when peter drew his sword against the present power , though under the best defensive pretence , yet was bid to put it up , with a check as if it had been upon a private quarrell , qui accipit gladium gladio peribit . rossaeus a romanist hath indeed published a book , de justa reipublicae in principem haereticum potestate , not blushing to ( a ) averre the contrary to what we have asserted , viz. that the israelites did often make insurrections against their kings , even of the stock of david , and with gods approbation , but instanceth in none to any purpose . 't is true ( as he saith ) atheliah was deposed , but 't was from her usurpation . hezekiah shook off the yoak of the king of assyria , to the service of whom he had no just obligation . the judges before samuels time did the like in delivering themselves and the israelites from their several servitudes . absolon was suppressed by the same way of force , he had most perfidiously and wickedly attempted his fathers crown , but what are these instances to a lawful prince , or to such as are subjects . some i find thus endeavoring to evade the text , by distinguishing between the power and the person ; as if this and the like were to be understood , only de potestatein abstracto . but certainly st. peter applys it cleerly in co●creto , to the person of the king : regi quasi praecellenti & magistratibus ab eo missis , as in the next , fear god , honor the king. neither can that speech of davids be otherwise meant then of the person of saul . god forbid that i should do this thing unto my master the lords annointed , to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the annointed of the lord ; 't is not the power that is annointed ; but the person who by it is resigned to the power . again 't is very probable , that st. paul writing to the romans , in this expression here of powers , conformed himself to their stile . who as berclaius observes out of pliny , suetonius and tertullian , do very frequently take , the abstract , for the concrete , i. e. the power for the person armed with it . there is another argumentation still in the mouths of many , viz. that princes receive their power from the people , and so may be abridged accordingly by them . but first let such know from whence they had this , even from the jesuites , or the like ( for many other authors of the church of rome are against it . ) alphonsus de castro ( de potestate leg. paen. lib. 1. ) and vasques ( lib. 1. controvers . cap. 47. ) averre it , and call all power tyrannical , that comes not by the people . it was that which pope zachariah suggested to the french for deposing of childerick their king. b that the people who constituted him may as well depose him ; the prince is obnoxious to the people , by whom he possesseth that honor. unto which agrees that of c augustinus triumphus de anchona , ( who by the sea of rome hath the title of beatus given him . ) that th pope may depose the emperor who can deny it , for he that constitutes can depose , whose practice in story hath been accordingly , henry the fourth the emperor , and d childerick the third , the french king , were by pope gregory the seventh , the latter of which was deposed , as the historian saith , non pro suis iniquitatibus , sed quod inutilis esset tantae potestati , as e carolus crassus , the germans and italians withdrew their obedience from him , by the papal approbation , only ob segnitiem corporis ingeniique traditatem , though otherwise a most pious , devout and vertuous prince , according to which is the argument and application of f brllarmine , constituens est prius constituto ; subditi vero constituunt reges● principes sunt propter populum , ergo populus est nobilior . but secondly t is of no force in it self . the pastor is for the good of the flock . the master of the family is for the welfare of it : forma est propter actionem , is therefore actio nobilior formâ ? again a servant voluntarily binds himself to a master , and after a manner constitutes him over him , what ? can he at pleasure withdraw himself again . again these men consider not of the oath of god taken of subjects to their king , which solomon mentions , eccles. 8 , 2. i councel thee to keep the kings commandements , and that because of tht oath of god. they have likewise but little esteem of st. pauls judgement in the text , viz. that the powers are of god , and ordained of god ; that they bear the sword of the lord , and are his ministers . and indeed few kings have originally come to their crowns by the people , but most frequently as one observes , invitis subdi●is , belli jure ( si hoc jus sit dicendum ) prima regnandi fecisse fundamenta : but after an oath of an allegiance the bonds are deposited in gods hand ; so that the whole argumentation is both unchristian and irrational , and rejected by us as the doctrine of some romanists , which such as are so afraid to come neer them in any thing else , should be as much deterred in this . in a word , as kings receive their power from god : so are we to leave them only unto god , if they shall abuse it , not but that they may and ought to be prudently and humbly reminded of their duties ( for which we have the example of the primitive fathers & bishops to the emperors , constantius , constans , and others , introducing arianism ) but yet without lifting up our hands against them in the least resistance of them , which is the judgement also of most of our modern orthodox divines and even divers of the writers of the church of rome , who have stiffey contradicted the jesuites assertions of the contrary , one of each shall suffice . 1. for those of ours , g franciscus junius thus determines : all good men should bear even the most cruel injury from the magistrate , rather then enveigh against him by word , pen , or action , to the disturbance of order and the publick peace , according to which see luther ( lob . de offic . magistr . tom. 2. ) brentius ( hom. 27. in cap. 8. lib. 1. sam. ) melanthon , bucer , musculus , mathesius erasmus , and others . 2. for those of the church of rome h gregorius tholosanus : governours ( saith he ) are rather to be left to the judgement of god then to defile our hands by a rebellion against them . god wants not means whereby he can ( when he pleaseth ) remove or amend them . if there be an evil government , farre be it from us to revenge it by an evil obedience , or to punish the sins of the king by our own sins , but rather by a patient bearing , to mollify the wrath of god , who governs the hearts of kings with his own hands , &c. and surely if it be a h terrible thing for any man to fall into the hands of the living god , much more is it to them , who are only accomptable to him , and the justice of god hath been often notoriously manifested upon them , in sacred story . abimelec , jeroboam , baasa , ahab , both the herods . in ecclesiasticall story . anastasius , julian , valens , and others . so much for holy writ . now secondly let me demonstrate this out of the antient-fathers , and practise of the primitive church in these three things . 1. after the example of jeremiah and daniel for nebuchadnezzar , and st. paul for nero. 1 tim. 2. we find the antient fathers praying for the emperors ( though of a different religion , and persecutors of the true ) now to be at the same time praying for them and conspiring in any combinations against their government , are inconsistent . i tertulliau who lived under severus the emperor , saith this in the name of the christians , we pray daily for the health of the emperors , &c. that of marcus aurelius distress in his expedition into germany , when by the prayers of the christian legion ( as it was acknowledged by the heathen ) rain was obtained in a great drought , and consequently a victory is sufficiently known : they called not for fire from heaven to consume him and his army , according to that advice of sanders the jesuit , in the like case ( lib. 2. cap. 4. de visib . monarch . ) but for water to refresh both . the letters of the fathers synodi ariminensis written to constantius an arrian are observable , who asking him leave to return to their severall diocesses , give this for their reason , * that we may diligently pray for thy health , empire , and peace , which the mercifull god everlastingly bestow upon thee . and in their second letters , asking the same request of him : they say thus : * again most glorious emperor , we beseech thee that before the sharpness of the winter , thou wouldst command our return to our churches , that we may , as we have done and doe earnestly pray unto the almighty god for the state of thy might with thy people . how are they then to be abhorred who to a christian , pious , orthodox king stained neither with vice nor heresie , temperate , meek , prudent , gracious , instead of prayers have returned menacies , for a dutifull subjection , arrogant language , if he yield not to every particular of their peremptory demands . you shall not find the antient fathers either by word or writing giving the least offence to the emperors , though hereticks . st. hillary wrote two books against constantius the arrian , yet stiles him gloriosissimum , beatissimum ; nay sanctum i. e. ratione imperii , non religionis &c. k nazianzen is found of the like temper in his orations against valens and valentinian , which are written throughout with all the reverence and subjection that can be ezpected from a subject to a prince ; and yet valens burnt fourscore orthodox bishops and presbyters together in a ship , and did other horrid acts , which l socrates tells us . oh the distance between the spirits of some men now dayes and those of the antient church , even as as far those excelled these , in sanctimony of life , integrity of conversation , piety and truth of doctrine . you shall ever find them exemplary in their obedience and subjection to the emperors , never stirring up the people to the least resistance or mutiny , but appeasing them . excellently is that of st. augustine m of the christians under julian ; an infidel emperor , a wicked apostate . the faithfull souldiers served a faithless emperor ; when it came to the cause of christ , then they acknowledged no other then him that sits in heaven ; but in millitary affairs , when he said unto them , bring forth your forces into the field goe against such a nation presently they obeyed , they distinguisht the lord who is aeternal from him that is only temporall , and yet were subject to the temporall lord for his sake who is aeternall . n tertullian affirms it as a high honour to christianity , that they could never find a christian in any seditious conspiracy : we are ( saith he ) defamed in relation to his imperiall majesty , but yet they could never find any of us among the albiniani , nigriani , or cassiani ( who had been some seditious parties against the emperor . that o of st. ambrose was both becomming a good bishop and a loyall subject , when he was commanded ( by the means of justina the empress , who was an arrian ) to deliver up the churches of millain to the use of the arrians , returned this answer to his people , and to the emperor ; willingly i shall never do it , but if compel'd i have not learned to fight , i can weep , my tears are my arms , i neither can nor ought to resist otherwise . indeed by the desire of the orthodox party he refused to give up the chief church or his cathedral to them , but the detaining of it was with all possible humble representation by way of petition for it , with all the solicitous care that might be , of preventing the least misinterpretation of contumacie , and the people went into it with him , and there continued night and day , in fasting and prayer , that god would move the emperor , not to disturb them ( which as some observe ( to prevent a weariness in it ) occasioned the use of anthemes in these western parts , though long before in the east ) he offered all his p own proper goods to the pleasure of the emperor : were it my land , i should not gain-say it , doth the emperor require my body , i shall meet him , would he have me to prison , put me to death , i am pleas d with it , i shall not enclose my self with a guard of the multitude of the people , nor will i take hold of the altar to ask my life , but i shall freely be sacrificed for the altars , ( or the service of god. ) thus saith another father many hundreds of years after him . q we will fight for our mother the church , but with what arms , not with swords and shields , but with prayers and tears , to god. athanasius was four or five times banished by several emperors , but in each he quietly yielded , r as conceiving it more consenant to the religion professed by him , to overcome that injury by a patient suffering , then to have made his defence by an unwarranted seditious opposition by the people , and therefore in his apology ye shall not find a word tending that way , but on the contrary , upon any tumult of them whose zeale to him might possibly have carried them beyond their limits ) he ever exhorts them to be quiet , and to retire to their homes , telling them that for those of his order , no ways was allowed them in their defence , but preces , fuga , & humiles supplicationes . i. e. prayers to god , petitioning the emperor , or a flight , and for petitions to the emperor , ye have the example of ebedmelech for jeremiah to the king of israel ; esther for her nation to ahasuerus , jonathan for david to saul ; in ecclesiasticall story plinius secundus for the christians ( in the province of bythinia ) to trajan . and as each of these in some measure prevailed , so can they be hardly rejected by any person who is not wholly a stranger both to piety and humanity . for a flight , when petitions will not prevail , the same athanasius ( in his apologie for his from the arrians ) produceth a great catalogue of examples . jacob from esau , moses from pharaoh , david from saul , elias from jezabel , st. paul from the conspirators against him at damascus , acts 9. nay , the example of our blessed saviour in his fight from herod into egypt in his infancy , afterwards from the fury of the jews and pharisies , and the other herod , till his time was come , according to which is his command to his disciples , mat. 10. when ye are persecuted in one city flye to another ; but no warrant or example from him or his for a resistance , or in the primitive times succeeding for many hundred years , as a sigebert tells us , that doctrine , or heresie rather , was a novelty in the world till the year 1088. after christ. there is this one evasion pretended against these quotations of the fathers , which must be answered ( viz. ) that this their patience then , was to be attributed rather to their ( b ) necessity then virtue , their number and strength being so smal , that they could not help it , and so were compelled to yield . this indeed is the very objection of the jesuites , bellarmine against barclay saith the same , facultatibus non fuerint prediti satis idoneis , i. e. they wanted sufficient forces to resist , and would have that of nazianzen , lachrymas solas superesse christianis contra juliani persecutiones , &c. ( i. e. that tears was all the christians had to defend themselves against the persecutions of julian ) thus to be understood , as b if julian had by his tyranny cut off all their forces , which else it had been lawfull for them to have made use of against the apostate , against whom in that , many of the church of rome have written , gregorius thelosanus , c bercliaus ( whom we named before ) d widringtonus . this is the objection of bellarmine . but the contrary is evident , that the number and strength of the christians was then very great , not only to have resisted , but overthrown , and even shaken the foundations of the empire . they were as the israelites in egypt , stronger then their enemies . see what eusebius saith , that when constantine the first professed to be a christian , who succeed dioclesian , that had made such havock of them ) the e whole world rose with him , and forsaking their idols , joyned themselves unto him . f tertullian who lived an hundred years before him , sets so th thus the number of the christians in his time . we fill the whole empire , your cities , castles , corporations , councels , your very camps , courts of justice , palaces , market-places , your senate , with whom are not we able to make a warre , who so willingly offer our selves to the slaughter , but that our religion teacheth us , that 't is better to be killed then-to kill in such cases . it was so in st. ambrose his time , the army and people were ( at least the major part of them ) at his beck . i ( saith he ) upon all occasions am still desired , ut compecerem populum , ego tyrannus appellor & plus quam tyrannus . the emperor often tells his courtiers , he must doe what ambrose will have him , the whole implying the great number of the orthodox christians then , and yet alwayes submitted to the government . now no man can conceive that in this the christians wanted courage . that passage g which theodoret tels us of sufficiently satisfies , viz. that when many of the souldiers had been deluded by julians impostures to have offered some incense to the idols , they ran to and fro the cities , offered not only their hands , but their bodies to the fire , that being polluted by fire , they might be purged by the fire . can any in reason think that they who were so fearless of death in the profession of what they were taught by the fathers , if they had been also by the same teachers assured what a merit it had been to have fought for them , and themselves against the emperor and his edicts made for their destruction , can we think them so senseless and heartless as not to have appeared accordingly ? no , it was only for the fear of god , and this text with-held them , as tertullian hath it ; reprimebant manus quia non ignorabant quod leg ssent , qui resistit potestati dei , ordinationi resistit . &c. there was then no such jesuiticall doctrine known ( contrary to the doctrine of the church of england ) that men may in the like cases take up arms in rebellion against their lawfull princes . and surely it not in case of heresie , i. e. if the prince shall exemplo vel praecepto compel , or endeavour to draw his subjects to it ( which is the assertion of h bellarmine , fideles heretico non obligari ; licite posse veneno aut quacunque ratione è mediorollere , &c. ) surely much less may this be in cases of less consequence , which do not touch upon the foundation , but are only circumstantials . the ancient christians held not these things worthy of blood , but submitted to them after st. pauls example in the like . and now 't is high time to apply my self to the consideration of that horrid fact which , as fruit sprung from those deadly seeds of doctrine , we lament this day . this was the day when out of pretence of relieving the mother ( as they call the common-wealth ) children destroyed the father , and so at once both , the casuists say , si filius patrem in ultionem matris occidat , haec pietas erit scelus , but for a son to slay both parents at once is a monster indeed . this was the black work of this day , rather to be trembled at the thought of , then uttered , when the most wise , pious , prudent , meek , mercifull king was put to death by pefidious sons of belial , faithless and merciless men : and this not in the dark , but in the face of the sun , at his own gates , a thing unparalleld in any story . that which hitherto hath been urged , is from what the ancient church abhorred even to a heretick , a persecutor , a heathen ; how much then is this cruelty and hypocrisie to be loathed when exercised against the life and soveraignty of a pious , orthodox , just , and christian prince , not only to a dreadfull rebellion , but a bloody murther . all history shews that rebellion hath ever in conclusion been the ruine of the authors ; take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the text , as some render it poenam , judicium , i. e. ) for some corporal vengeance from god or man here . that known speech of i rodolphus to those that were about him when he was nigh unto death after his taking up arms against his master the emperor , is worthy to be remembred : see ye my right hand maimed by a wound , with this i sware to my lord henry ( the emperor ) that i would doe him no hurt , nor treacherously entrap him in his dignity , but the apostolick command ( or that of the pope ) hath enduced me to it , that as a perjured person , i have usurped an honor not due unto me . ye see in that very hand with which i violated my oath , i have received my mortall wound , let them look to it , who have invited us , to what a condition they have brought us , even to the very hazard of everlasting damnation ; according to the text , ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt . i shall conclude with that sentence of st. jude and st. peter ( cap. 2. ) upon the like ( then which ye have not a more full execration in the whole bible ) these are they that despise dominion , and are so presumptuous , as to speak evil of dignities ( i , e. kings and princes , ) wo unto them for they have gone in the way of cain , and ran greedily after the error of baalam , and perished in the gain-saying of core , these are spots in your feasts , clouds without water , trees without fruit , withered , plucked up by the roots , raging waves of the sea , foaming out their own shame , wandring stars , to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever : let us all say amen to that which fell from a royal pen , king james of ever happy memory , in his maledictus qui maledicit uncto domini , pereatque interitu core , qui peceavit in contradictione core : let him be accursed that shall curse the lords annointed , and let him perish with the perishing of corah who hath sined in the gain-saying of korah : and let us earnestly pray for the safety of the kings majesty according to that of the christians for the emperour in tertullian . det deus illi vitam , exercitus fortes . senatum fidelem , populum probum , orbem quietum , i. e. god give him a long life , a secure empire , a safe house , valiant forces , a faithfull councell , loyall people , and a quiet state , &c. even for his sake who is king of kings and lord of lords , to whom with the father and holy spirit be all honor and glory now and for ever amen . the late lord primate usher's judgment and practice in point of loyalty , episcopacy , liturgy , and ecclesiasticall constitutions of the church of england . the various interpretations which have been made of the judgement and practice of this most eminent prelate in these particulars and the mis-applications the eupon pread , by some of different judgments to his great prejudice , hath occasioned this brief vindication of him , by declaring my own knowledge therein ; as followeth . 1. his judgement and practise in point of loyalty . for his judgement , it hath been most fully manifested by a most learned treatise , lately published of the power of the prince and 〈◊〉 of the subject : the writing of which was thus occasioned . about the beginning of those unhappy commotions in scotland , 1639. sir george radoleife desired me very earnestly to let him know , what the lord primats judgment was of them , and not being contented with my verball assurance of it , desired to have it more punctually under my hand , which i had no sooner communicated to the lord primate , but hereadily and instantly dictated unto me his sentence upon them , which was accordingly returned , & for which i had a letter of very great thanks . now as soon as the primate came to dublin the earl of strafford , ( then lord deputy of ireland ) desired him to declare his judgment publiquely concerning those commotions , which he forthwith did at christ-church dublin , before the state in two sermons , to all mens satisfactions , from this text eccles. 7. 2. i councel thee to keep the kings commandement , and that because of the oath of god. after this , the lord deputy ( besides his own desire ) signified unto him that it would be acceptable to his late majesty ( of ever blessed memory ) that he should either print his sermons , or write a treatise of the like subject , the latter of which he made choice of : and having with much labour and industry finisht it , and caused it to be fairly transcribed , he came over with it into england with an intention to commit it to the presse , as hath been declared by the learned and reverend father in god , the lord bishop of lincoln in his preface to that treatise . to which give me leave to add : that his judgement was alwayes the same and so declared by him upon all occasions , since i had the happynesse to be known to him : as annually upon the kings inauguration day ( which was constantly observed by him at drogheda with great solemnity : ) and occasionly in some learned sermons preacht by him at the opening of two parliaments . and especially upon the first solemnity for his present majesties birth day , anno 1630. at dublin , being sent for of purpose by the state then to preach , which he did upon this text , psalm 45. 26. instead of thy fathers shall be thy children , whom thou mayest make princes in all the earth . but most fully in those two speeches of his herewith revived . the one whereof he made while he was bishop of meath , anno 1622. in the castle-chamber of dublin , in defence of the oath of supremacy , and in special making good that clause that the king is the only supream governor of these his realms and dominions . for which king iames ( of happy memory ) sent him a letter of thanks hereunto annexed , the original of which i have now in my custody . the other he made anno 27. before the lord deputy falkland , the councel , and a great assembly of the lords , and other persons chosen out of each county at his majesties castle of dublin , occasioned by their slowness to contribute to the maintenance of the army , the main scope of which , is to declare the duty of subjects to supply the kings necessities for the defence of his kingdom , from strength of reason , antient records , and grounds of divinity , a copy of which being by the lord deputy then desired of him to be sent unto his late majesty , ( for which he received his royal thanks ) i took a transcript thereof ; unto which i shall only add this , that i have found among the primat's papers a manuscript , containing mr. hookers judgment of these three things , 1. of regal power in ecclesiastical affairs . 2. of the kings power in the advancement of bishops unto the rooms of prelacy . 3. of the kings exemption from censures and other judicial power . all which ( as the primate notes with his own hand ) are not found in the common copys of mr. hookers m. s. ( though by what art , and upon what designe so much was exspunged i know not ) only thus far the primate hath joyn'd his testimony with mr. hooker in these ( which seem to be the true ) that he hath corrected and perfected the copy throughout with his own hand , and not only found out the several quotations , and put them down in the margent , which had been before omitted , but added many of his own , with some other large annotations , by which his zeal for the defence of regal power is the more evident . and what his freedom of speech was frequently here in his sermons to that purpose , and in speciall before his late majesty ( of blessed memory ) upon his birth-day at the isle of wight upon this text , genes . 49. 3. reuben , thou art my first-born , my might , and the beginning of my strength , the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power , i suppose is sufficiently known . this for his judgement . secondly , his practice hath appeared by what his sufferings have been upon that account , as his forced flight from london to oxford : his ruff usage in wales or thereabouts , by the army then in the field against the king , to the loss of some of his books and principall manuscripts never recovered : the taking that away from him which had been given him by the king for his maintenance , and at length being necessitated to return to london , he was silenced a long time from preaching , unless in a private house ; and when with much adoe he was permitted to preach at lincolns inne , it was that honorable society which gave him a competent maintenance ; but upon the failing of his eye-sight , being compelled to give it up , his small subsistance after that ( besides the continuance of the countess of peterburroughs respects to him in her house ) came ( with much difficulty ) through my hands unto him . and as his prayers ( whtch were all the arms he had ) were daily lifted up ( like moses hands ) for the prosperity of his majesties affairs , notwithstanding the hazzard he ran by it , like that of daniels ; by a prohibition to the contrary : so was his joy or sorrow perpetually shown according to the success of them . i shall instance in one particular . anno 1649. ( till when , the book of common prayer was in my charge of drogheda , to his great content , continued , notwithstanding many lords of the parliament forces interchangeably had dominion over us ) the now lord duke of ormond then appearing with an army for the king , and taking the town , with that part of his forces under the command of the earl of inchiquin , the same day i attended his lordship in the proclaiming of his majesty , and immediately went to the church , and used the common prayer for his majesty : and afterwards upon the dukes comming himself thither , we had a fast for the good success of his majesties forces ( at which i preached : ) and a communion was appointed the next sunday , though oliver cromwels landing with so great a force at dublin interrupted us ( the event of which in that bloody storme , and the hazzard of my self for the above-mentioned matters , would be impertinent here to relate ) only thus much : i may not omit as to this good lord primate , that as his letters were full of encouragement , and approbation of me for it ; so at my coming over he embraced me with much affection , upon that accompt , often rejoycing at the constancie of that town , where himself had refided , and had sown so much of that doctrine of loyalty , which by his order four times a year ( according to the canon ) was preached unto them . and with many tears he lamented the retarding of his majesties affairs , by the loss of so many faithfull servants of his , slain there in that massacre in cool bloud . in one thing more , the demonstration of his loyall affection to his majesty was manifested by his passionate commiseration of those of the distressed sequestred clergy , who had suffered for him , and by his appearing to his utmost for them ( which was more commendable , then by hiding himself , to have take no more care , but to preserve one . when that merciless proclamation issued forth against such that they might not so much as teach a school for their livelyhood ; when my soliciting for them ( by his encouragement ) representing their petitions , and petitioning for them is my own name subscribed , only to have had them capable of a contribution , throughout england ( for which as feoffees in trust , doctor bromrigg then the learned bishop of exeter and my self , were nominated ) could not prevail , and an elegant apologie for them written by doctor gauden the now reverend bishop of exeter , which i delivered with my own hand , proved also ineffectuall . then this eminent primat out of a compassionate sense of their miseries was perswaded by me to make a tryall how farr his own personal presence might prevail in their behalf , and so ( much against his own genius and with great regret within himself to go into whitehall , he having no other occasion in the world besides ) he went , and i wated on him thither for that end , where he spake at freely and fully , as some impertinent interpositions of discourses would permit him ; but to his great grief returned fruitless , and i think he never resented any thing more deeply , not living many moneths after unto which the ungrateful censures and rash extravagant language of such , whom he thus endeavored to serve , added the more to it ; which in some hath not been abated to his very memory : now in regard their ignorance of thus much , might still occasion it , is one cause of my enlargement upon it ; but so much in relation to his loyalty , whereof he was an eminent patterne . his judgment and practice in point of episcopacy . for episcopacy , first in his judgment , he was a full assertor of it , which appears in those learned tractates of the original of bishops , and that of the lydian asia , where he doth not only deduce episcopacy from the apostolique times , but also the metropolitans or arch-bishops to have been accordingly , from the superscription of st. john to the seven churches , each of which citys being metropolitical , and the rest of the citys of asia , as daughters under them ) for the confirmation of which , he hath given such strong probabilities , that 't will be hard to gainsay them . secondly , for his practice , i can witness his constant exercise of the jurisdiction of it , or his causing it so to be exercised throughout his diocess and province , while those quiet times in ireland did permit it . in all which a learned and prudent divine was his chancellor or vicar-general , and afterwards a bishop ( bishop sine ) one known to have been as much for the government and constitutions of the church of england , as any person whatsoever . as for that of his reduction of episcopacy to the form of synodical government &c. presented to his late majeof blessed memory , anno 1641. it is to be considered , how it was occasioned by the present tempestuous violence of the times , as an accommodation by way of prevention of a totall shipwrack threatned by the adversaries of it , as appears sufficiently by the title before it , viz. proposed in the year 1641. as an expedient for the prevention of those troubles which afterwards did arise in matter of church government , &c. now what can this , in the sense of any prudent unbiassed person prejudice him in his judgment or affection to episcopacy it self , which rather confirms it . the marchant parts with that in a storme , that he would not have done in a calme , and at shore recruits himself with the like goods again . st. paul in that wracke , acts 27. consented not only to the lightning of the ship of the lading , but of the tackling also , we cast them out ( saith he , or st. luke ) with our own hands , and all for the saving ( if it were possible ) of the ship , and the passengers in it . that of the same apostle in another case , i think it fit for the present necessity , might in some measure in this particular be the primates application , wherein he was not singular neither . unto which i can add this further confirmation , that for those many years i had the happines to be known unto him in those serene times , before these troubles arose , to the disturbance of episcopacy , i never heard him mentioning any thing by way of alteration that way in those proposals there specified , so that the sole occasion and end of them must be as afore-said . and for these 4. propositions , they were only present prudentiall representations , left to the judgment and correction of others , without any magisterial imposition of them , as a copy to be writ after , and as they were not published till an imperfect copy invited unto it , so the real intent of it was by that conjunction of both parties in ecclesiasticall government to have the easier way prepared to their union in the civil , even an unanimous endeavour for his majesties happy restauration ( now through gods great goodness wonderfully accomplished ) for which , as none prayed more zealously , so none could have exceeded the primates in the joy for it , had he lived to see it . for the form of words used by the bishop in the ordination of the church of england , he did much approve thereof , viz. receive the holy ghost , whose sins thou remittest are remitted , and whose sins thou retainest are retained , and be thou a faithfull dispenser of the word and sacraments , &c. and the delivering of the bible into the hands of the person ordained , saying , take thou authority to preach the word of god , and administer the sacraments , &c. which being wholly omitted in that of the presbyterian way , and no other words to that sense used in their room , and thereupon no express transmission of ministeriall power , he was wont to say , that such an imposition of hands ( by some called the seal of ordination ) without a commision annexed , seemed to him to be as the putting of a seal to a blank , that the scruple was not only in the instrumentall cause , but in the formall : and that if a bishop had been present , and done no more , the same query might have been of the validity of it : and in his letter to me ( which hath been published ) he hath declared , the ordination made by such presbyters as have severed themselves from their bishops , unto whom they had sworn canonicall obedience cannot be excused from being schismaticall . for that of a gradual superiority of a bishop above a presbyter which some have been offended at : 1. it is the language of archbishop whitgift in the defence of the answer to the admonition , tract . 8. p. 383. that episcopus is commonly used for that priest that is in degree over and above the rest , &c. but secondly , howsoever if so that the gradus be granted to be of apostolicall constitution ( which is the primats sense ) i do not see how it any more takes off from the preheminence and authority of episcopacy , then the denomination of lights , given in common by moses to all in the firmament , detracts from the sun whom he call only the greater , from whom the rest derive theirs , and is the ruler of the day : or that of the first-born among his brethren , who by his primogeniture , had the supremacy of dignity and power to whom the rest must bow , and he was to rule over them : the distinction in both is but gradual . the primate hath also elsewere derived the form of church government under the new testament from the pattern prescribed by god in the old , and shews how it was from the imitation thereof brought in by the apostles . now though the distinction of the chief , or high-priest , and the other inferiour priests was but gradual , yet there being so great a distance between them , the chief-priest having rule over the rest ( called by the 70. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) there shall not need any further instance to illustrate it . and whereas there hath been a learned tractate some years agone published , entitled the form of church government before and after christ , as it is expressed in the old and new testament , which then went under the name of bishop andrews . i found a manuscript of it among the primates papers , wherein the author upon a review hath ordered some things to be altered , added , or taken away , and some to be further inquired into , according as the marks make reference unto several pages of it . this i found accordingly noted by the primate throughout , and some passages which the learned author desired to be farther inquired into , are at large perfected under the primats own hand , and i know no book more full for the preheminency of episcopacy ; so that what he did , or was willing to have yielded unto out of a calme temper of moderation , in such times of extremity , to preserve the unity and peace of the church , then in great hazard to be shattered , ought not in reason so to be stretched , as to inferre it was his absolute desire , or free choice , but only upon the present distress to keep the chariot upon its wheels from a precipice of a total overturning . so much for episcopacy . 3. his judgement and practice of the liturgy of the church of england . for the liturgy of the church of england he was a constant assertor and observer of to the last . at drogheda in ireland ( where i had the happiness for many years to live under him ) he had the common-prayer read twice every day in his chappel , from which nothing but sickness excused his absence . and in the church it was ( by his approbation ) as duly observed by my self ; we had there an organ and a quire ; on sundayes the service was sung before him , as is used in cathedrals in england . anthems were sung very frequenly , and often , instead of a psalm , before sermon . he came constantly to the church in his episcopal habit , and preacht in it , and for my self ( by his approbation ) when i officiated i wore my surplice and hood ; administred the communion , and at such occasions preached in them also . the surplice was accordingly observed constantly by the reader , and some of the quire every sunday . and for all other administrations they were fully observed in each rite and ceremony according to the rubrick or rule of the book of common-prayer , which many years after his leaving of ireland , was ( according to his trust committed to me ) continued , till my church in that bloody storm of drogheda 1649. was blown up with gun-powder , and for my refusing to obey the command of his nephew colonel michael jones , sent by an officer unto me in writing , to forbear the use of the common-prayer ; i had much thanks from the primate , being much displeased at his presumption in it , though thereupon the little means i had remaining there , was by the colonels order taken from me ; and in the storme of the town he did not forget it , in his designing my death , as i was assured by an ear-witness . and indeed while the primate continued in drogheda , i doe not remember there were any protestant inhabitants there that so much as scrupled at the crosse in baptism , or kneeling at the communion , with the like , but in all things conformed and submitted to what they saw was approved by him ; and for such as were refractory in the northern parts of ireland ( where the scotch had mingled themselves with the english ) he did his utmost to reclaim them in his provincial visitation , which i was a witness of , and imployed by his directions among them for that end : wherein ( craving leave for this short digression ) i have observed , that such who had so geat a prejudice to the liturgy , as to run out of the church when it was offered to be read out of the book , when i used the very same form in several administrations by heart , without the book , baptism , communion , matrimony , burial , and the like , they have highly commended it , as conceiving they had been my own present conceptions ( the younger sort having never heard it , and the other almost forgotten it ) which guile , both at drogheda ( when several parliament regiments were sent thither successively to suppress it , like the messengers of saul to destroy david at ramah , they have accordingly prophesied with us ) and in other places since my coming over i have continued , who at first being praeingaged without the book in the commendation of it , the next time upon the use of it , finding it to be the same , they have confessed their former delusion , and have been fully satisfied . and what the primates practice had been in ireland , he continued in england to his last , which in the countess of peterboroughs house ( where he lived and died ) i have been often a witness of . and upon a false rumour raised of his remisseness that way , he shewed me ; not long before his death , what he then had written to an eminent person ( who had told him of it ) signifying his high approbation and commendation of the said book of common-prayer . and when ( after his being destroyed in ireland ) the late king of blessed memory had for his subsistence given him the bishoprick of carlile in commerdam . he did at a visitation of the diocess ) unto which the remoteness of the place did not permit himself to travel ) writ a letter unto the ministers thereof , charging them to use constantly the book of common-prayer , and the publick catechism in their several churches . some pamphlets , which of late years have been published in his name , containing ( as they pretended ) his opinion for the omission and change of divers things in it , as i did at their first comming forth protest against them , to be fictitious papers , so i doe here confirm it ; and whatsoever he might now have yeilded unto for the peace and unity of the church , that we might all speak the same thing ; i can assure it ( if he were alive ) in these late disputes of it , he would have been for the defendant . and for some other particulars observed by me of him at drogheda may not be impertinent herewith to relate . at the creed he stood up constantly , repeated it with the minister , alwayes received the communion kneeling ; at the publick prayers he kneeled also : at his entrance into the pulpit he addressed himself with some short prayer unto god for his assistance , not steping in irreverently with a rude confident boldnes as the manen of some is ) but rather with some fear and trembling . at his entrance into his seat both in the church and in his chappel , he kneeled down , with some short prayer also , and as he always came reverently into the church and went out of it uncovered , so did he continue all the time of divine service . and though he had as great an ability as the chief pretenders to an extemporary expression , yet he constant ly used a set form of player before his sermon , and that with a decent brevity , which in private families ( as most profitable he commended accordingly , and even at their tables , which was his own practice also , when he did not omit to pray ( according to the usuall form ) for the kings majesty and royal issue , ( now commonly omitted . ) in a wotd , this was his often assertion that as the affecting and imposing of a daily sudden conception at prayer , was a novelty and a singularity ( not being practised in any other reformed church ) so the immethodical impertinencies , and other indiscreet extravagancies both for measure and matter , frequently occasioned by it , were of greater scandal to the church , then that aptitude , habitually attained unto by some , could be of profit . his judgment of the articles of religion and practice of the eeclesiastical constitutions of the church of england . the articles of the church of england , as the primat had long agon subscribed them , so have i often heard him highly commending them . the reception of which articles in the first canon of ireland , anno 1634. he drew up himself with his own hand , with an addition of a very severe punishment to such as should refuse to subscribe them , as may appear in it . anno 1614. he was a principal person then appointed for the collecting and drawing up such canons as might best concern the discipline and government of the church of ireland , taken out of queen elizabeths injunctions and the canons of england , to be treated upon by the arch-bishops and bishops and clergy of that kingdom , some of which i have , which were written then with his own hand , and presented by him ; the two first of them were these , 1. that no other form of liturgy or divine service shall be used in any church of this realm , but that which is established by law , and comprized in the book of common-prayer , and administration of sacraments , &c. 2. that no other form of ordination , shall be used in this nation , but which is contain'd in the book of ordering of bishops , priests , and deacons , allowed by authority , and hitherto practiced in the churches of england and ireland , &c. and in his subscription ( in relation to the above mentioned ) it is in these words , viz. i do acknowledge the form of gods service prescribed in the book of common-prayer , is good and godly , and may lawfully be used , and do promise that i my self will use the form in the said book prescribed in celebration of divine service , and administration of the sacraments , and none other . i do also acknowledge , that such as are consecrated and ordered according to the form prescribed in the book of ordination , set forth by authority , have truly received holy orders , and have power given them to exercise all things belonging to that sacred function , whereunto they are called &c. for the now more perfect canons of the church of ireland , constituted anno 1634. in the convocation there ( whereof i was a member ) most of them were taken out of these of england , and he being then primate , had a principal hand in their collection and proposal to the reception of them , the methodizing of all which into due order , i have seen , and have it by me written with his own hand throughout : whereby 't is apparent what his judgment was in relation to them . the annual festivals of the church he duly observed , preaching upon their several commemorations : on christmas-day , easter , whitsunday , he never fail'd of communions , that excellent treatise of his entituled , the incarnation of the son of god , was the substance of two or three sermons which i heard him preach in a christmas time . good-fryday , he constantly kept very strictly , preaching himself then upon the passion beyond his ordinary time , when we had the publick prayers in their utmost extent also , and without any thought of a superstition , he kept himself fasting till the evening . confirmation of children was often observed by him , the first time he did it ( when a great number were presented to him by me ) he made a speech to the auditory , to the satisfaction of all sorts of persons , concerning the antiquity and good use of it . the publick cathechism in the book of common-prayer , was enjoyned by him to be only observed in the church , a part of which for a quarter or half an hour was constantly explained by me to the people every sunday before evening prayer , himself being present , which was also accordingly enjoyned throughout his diocess . he was much for that decent distinctive habit of the clergy ( cassocks , gowns , priests-clokes , &c. ) according to the canon in that behalf provided , to be used by them in their walking or riding abroad , which himself from his younger years always observed . and in anno 1634. that canon of england of the decent apparrel of ministers was by his special approbation , put in among those of ireland . lastly though in our constitutions , there is no form appointed for the consecration of a church or chappel , yet he was so ready to apply himself to what had been accustomed in england , that at his consecration of a chappel not far from drogheda in ireland , he framed no new one of his own , but took that which goes under bishop andrews name , and used it , ( with little variation ) which i have in my custody . and thus i have endeavored by this declaration of his judgment and practice in these particulars , to give satisfaction to all such , who by their misapprehensions have had their various censures and applications to the great injury of him . i shall only wish that not only they but all others that hear this of him , were both almost and altogether such as he was . mr. hookers judgment of regal power in matters of religion , and the advancement of bishops ( wholy left out of the common copies in his eighth book ) here confirmed by the late lord primate usher's marginal notes , and other enlargements with his own hand . the service which we do unto the true god , who made heaven and earth , is far different from that which heathens have done unto their supposed gods , though nothing else were respected , but only the odds between their hope and ours . the office of piety or true religion sincerely performed have the promises both of this life and of the life to come , the practices of superstition have neither . if notwithstanding the heathens reckoning upon no other reward for all which they did , but only protection and favour in the temporal estate and condition of this present life , and perceiving how great good did hereby publickly grow as long as fear to displease ( they knew not what ) divine power was some kind of bridle unto them ; did therefore provide that the highest degree of care for their religion should be the principall charge of such , as having otherwise also the greatest and chiefest power , were by so much the more fit to have custody thereof : shall the like kind of provision be in us thought blame-worthy ? a gross error it is to think that regal power ought to serve for the good of the body , and not of the soul ; for mens temporal peace , and not their eternal safety ; as if god had ordained kings for no other end and purpose , but only to fat up men like hogs , and to see that they have their mast ? indeed to lead men unto salvation by the hand of secret , invisible , and ghostly regiment , or by the external administration of things belonging unto priestly order ( such as the word and sacraments are ) this is denied unto christian kings : no cause in the world to think them uncapable of supreme authority in the outward government , which disposeth the affairs of religion , so farre forth as the same are disposable by humane authority , and to think them uncapable thereof only for that , the said religion is everlastingly beneficiall to them that faithfully continue in it . and even as little cause there is , that being admitted thereunto amongst the jews , they should amongst the christians of necessity be delivered from ever exercising any such power , for the dignity and perfection which is in our religion more then theirs , it may be a question , whether the affairs of christianity require more wit , more study , more knowledge of divine things in him which shall order them , then the jewish religion did : for although we deny not the forme of external government , together with all other rites and ceremonies to have been in more particular manner set down ; yet withall it must be considered also , that even this very thing did in some respects make the burthen of their spiritual regiment the harder to be born , by reason of infinite doubts and difficulties , which the very obscurity and darkness of their law did breed , and which being not first decided , the law could not possibly have due execution . besides in as much as their law did also dispose even of all kind of civill affairs , their clergy being the interpretors of the whole law , sustained not only the same labour which divines doe amongst us , but even the burthen of our lawyers too : nevertheless be it granted that more things do now require to be publickly deliberated and resolved upon with exacter judgment in matters divine , then kings for the most part have ; their personal inhability to judge in such sort as professors do , letteth not but that their regal authority may have the self same degree or sway which the kings of israel had in the affairs of their religion , to rule and command according to the manner of supreme governors . as for the sword wherewith god armed his church of old , if that were a reasonable cause why kings might then have dominion , i see not but that it ministreth still as forcible an argument for the lawfulness and expedience of their continuance therein now . as we digrade and excommunicate , even so did the church of the jews , both separate offendors from the temple , and depose the clergie also from their rooms when cause required . the other sword of corporall punishment is not by christs own appointment in the hand of the church of christ , as god did place it himself in the hands of the jewish church : for why ? he knew that they whom he sent abroad to gather a people unto him only by perswasive means were to build up his church even within the bosome of kingdomes , the chiefest governors whereof would be open enemies unto it , every where for the space of many years : wherefore such commission for discipline he gave them as they might any where exercise in a quiet and peaceable manner , the subjects of no common-wealth being touched in goods or person by virtue of that spirituall regiment whereunto christian religion embraced did make them subject . now when afterwards it came to pass that whole kingdomes were made christian , i demand whither that authority served before for the furtherance of religion , may not as effectually serve to the maintenance of christian religion ? christian religion hath the sword of spiritual discipline . but doth that suffice ? the jewish which had it also , did nevertheless stand in need to be ayded with the power of the civil sword . the help whereof , although when christian religion cannot have it , must without it sustain it self as far as the other which it hath will serve , notwithstanding where both may be had : what forbiddeth the church to enjoy the benefit of both ? will any man deny that the church doth need the rod of corporall punishment to keep her children in obedience withall ? such a law as macabeus made amongst the scots , that he which continued an excommunicate two years together , and reconciled not himself to the church , should forfeit all his goods and possessions . again , the custom which many christian churches have to fly to the civil magistrate for coertion of those that will not otherwise be reformed , these things are proof sufficient , that even in christian religion , the power wherewith eeclesiastical persons were indued at the first , unable to do of it self so much as when secular power doth strengthen it , and that not by way of ministry or service , but of predominancie , such as the kings of israel in their time exercised over the church of god. yea but the church of god was then restrained more narrowly to one people and one king ; which now being spread throughout all kingdoms , it would be a cause of great dissimilitude in the exercise of christian religion , if every king should be over the affairs of the church , where he reigneth supream ruler . dissimilitude in great things , is such a thing which draweth great inconvenience after it , a thing which christian religion must always carefully prevent . and the way to prevent it is not , as some do imagine , the yielding up of supream power over all churches into one only pastors hands , but the framing of their government , especially for matter of substance , every wher according to one only law , to stand in no less force then the law of nations doth to be received in all kingdoms ; all soveraigne rulers to be sworn no otherwise unto it , then some are to maintain the liberties , laws , and received customs of the country where they reign : this shall cause uniformity even under several dominions , without those woful inconveniencies whereunto the state of christendom was subject heretofore , through the tyranny and oppression of that one universal nimrod , who alone did all . and till the christian world be driven to enter into the peaceable and true consultation about some such kind of general law concerning those things of weight and moment wherein now we differ ; if one church hath not the same order which another hath , let every church keep as near as may be the order it should have , and commend the just defence thereof unto god , even as judah did when it differed in the exercise of religion from that form which israel followed . concerning therefore the matter whereof we have hitherto spoken , let it stand for our final conclusion , that in a free christian state or kingdom , where one and the self same people are the church and the common-wealth , god through christ directing that people , to see it for good and weighty considerations expedient , that their soveraign lord and governor in causes civil , have also in ecclesiastical affairs a supream power ; forasmuch as the light of reason doth lead them unto it , and against it , gods own revealed law , hath nothing ; surely they do not in submitting themselves thereunto , any other then that which a wise and religious people ought to do ; it was but a little over-flowing of wit in thomas aquinas , so to play upon the words of moses in the old , and of peter in the new testament ; as though because the one did term the jews a priestly kingdom , the other us a kingly priesthood : those two substantives kingdom and priesthood , should import that judaisme did stand through the kings superiority over priests , christianity through the priests supream authority over kings . is it probable that moses and peter had herein so nice and curious conceits ? or else more likely that both meant one and the same thing , namely that god doth glorifie and sanctifie his , even with full perfection in both ; which thing st. john doth in plainer sort express , saying that christ hath made us both kings and priests . wherein it is from̄ the purpose altogether alledged that constantine termeth church-officers overseers of things within the church , himself of those without the church ; that hilarie beseecheth the emperor constance to provide that the governor of his provinces should not presume to take upon them the judgment of ecclesiastical causes , unto whom commonwealth matters only belonged . that ambrose affirmeth palaces to belong unto the emperor : but churches to the minister ; the emperor to have authority of the common walls of the city , and not over holy things ; for which cause he would never yield to have the causes of the church debated in the princes consistory , but excused himself to the emperor valentinian for that being convented to answer concerning church matters in a civil court , he came not . that augustine witnesseth how the emporor not daring to judge of the bishops cause committed it unto the bishops , and was to crave pardon of the bishops , for that by the donatists importunity which made no end of appealing unto him , he was , being weary of them , drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs , all which hereupon may be inferred reacheth no further then only unto the administration of church affairs , or the determination of strifes and controversie , rising about the matter of religion : it proveth that in former ages of the world it hath been judged most convenient for church-officers to have the hearing of causes meerly ecclesiasticall , and not the emperour himself in person to give sentence of them . no one man can be sufficient for all things . and therefore publick affairs are divided , each kind , in all well ordered states , allotted unto such kind of persons , as reason presumeth fittest to handle them . reason cannot presume kings ordinarily so skilfull as to be personal judges meet for the common hearing and determining of church controversies . but they which are hereunto appointed and have all their proceedings authorized by such power as may cause them to take effect . the principality of which power ( in making laws , whereupon all these things depend ) is not by any of these allegations proved incommunicable unto kings , although not both in such sort , but that still it is granted by the one , that albeit ecclesiastical councels consisting of church officers did frame the lawes , whereby the church affairs were ordered in ancient times ; yet no canon , no not of any councel had the force of law in the church , unless it were ratified and confirmed by the emperour , being christian. seeing therefore it is acknowledged that it was then the manner of the emperor to confirm the ordinances which were made by the ministers , which is as much in effect to say that the emperour had in church ordinances , a voice negative , and that without his confirmation they had not the strength of publick ordinances ; why are we condemned as giving more unto kings then the church did in those times , we giving them no more but the supreme power which the emperor did then exercise with much larger scope then at this day ) any christian king , either doth ar possibly can use it over the church ? the case is not like when such assemblies are gathered together by supreme authority concerning other affairs of the church , and when they meet about the making ecclesiasticall lawes or statutes . for in the one they only are to advise , in the other they are to decree : the persons which are of the one the king doth voluntarily assemble as being in respect of gravity fit to consult withall ; them which are of the other he calleth by prescript of law as having right to be thereunto called . finally , the one are but themselves , and their sentence hath but the weight of their own judgement ; the other represent the whole clergie , and their voices are as much as if all did give personal verdict . now the question is whether the clergie alone so assembled ought to have the whole power of making ecclesiasticall laws , or else consent of the laity may thereunto be made necessarie , and the kings assent so necessary , that his sole deniall may be of force to stay them from being laws . if they with whom we dispute were uniform , strong and constant in that which they say we should not need to trouble our selves about their persons to whom the power of making laws for the church belongeth ; for they are sometimes very vehement in contention , that from the greatest thing unto the least about the church all must needs be immediatly from god : & to this they apply the patern of the ancient tabernacle which god delivered unto moses , and was therein so exact , that there was not left as much as the least pin for the wit of man to devise in the framing of it . to this they also apply that strict and severe charge which god so often gave concerning his own law ; whatsoever i command you take heed you doe it ; thou shalt put nothing thereto , thou shalt take nothing from it ; nothing , whether it be great or smal . yet sometime bethinking themselves better , they speak as acknowledging that it doth suffice to have received in such sort the principall things from god , and that for other matters the church hath sufficient authority to make laws ; wherupon they now have made it a question , what persons they are , whose right it is to take order for the churches affairs when the institution of any new thing therein is requisite . laws may be requisite to be made either concerning things that are only to be known and believed in , or else touching that which is to be done by the church of god. the law of nature and the law of god are sufficient for declaration in both , what belongeth unto each man separately as his soule is the spouse of christ ; yea so sufficient that they plainly and fully shew whatsoever god doth require by way of necessary introduction unto the state of everlasting bliss . but as a man liveth joyned with others in common society , and belongeth unto the outward politique body of the church , albeit the said law of nature and of scripture , have in this respect also made manifest the things that are of greatest necessity , nevertheless by reason of new occasions still arising , which the church , having care of souls must take order for , as need requireth ; hereby it cometh to pass , that there is , and ever will be so great use even of humane laws and ordinances deducted by way of discourse , as conclusions from the former divine and natural serving for principles thereunto . no man doubteth but that for matters of action and practice in the affairs of god , for manner in divine service , for order in ecclesiastical proceedings about the regiment of the church , there may be oftentimes cause very urgent to have laws made : but the reason is not so plain , wherefore humane laws should appoint men what to believe . wherefore in this we must note two things : first , that in matter of opinion , the law doth not make that to be truth which before was not , as in matters of action it causeth that to be duty which was not before ; but it manifesteth only and giveth men notice of that to be truth , the contrary whereunto they ought not before to have believed . secondly , that as opinions doe cleave to the understanding , and are in heart asserted unto , it is not in the power of any humane law to command them , because to prescribe what men shall think , belongeth only unto god corde creditur ore fit confessio , saith the apostle : as opinions are either fit or inconvenient to be professed , so mans law hath to determine of them . it may for publick unities sake require mens professed assent , or prohibit their contradiction to speciall articles , wherein as there happily hath bin controversie what is true , so the same were like to continue still , not without grievous detriment unto a number of souls , except law to remedy that evil should set down a certainty , which no man afterwards is to gain-say . wherefore as in regard of divine lawes , which the church receiveth from god , we may unto every man apply those words of wisdom in solomon , conserva fili mi praecepta patris tui , my sonne keep thou thy fathers precepts : even so concerning the statutes and ordinances which the church it self makes , we may add thereunto the words that follow : et ne dimittas legem matris tua , and forsake not thou thy mothers law. it is undoubtedly a thing even naturall , that all free and independent societies should themselves make their own lawes . and that this power should belong to the whole , not to any certain part of a politique body , though happily some one part may have greater sway in that action then the rest . which thing being generally fit and expedient in the making of all lawes , we see no cause why to think otherwise in lawes concerning the service of god , which in all well-ordered states and common-wealthes is the first thing that law hath care to provide for : when we speak of the right which naturally belongeth to a common-wealth , we speak of that which must needs belong to the church of god ; for if the common-wealth be christian ; if the people which are of it do publickly imbrace the true religion , this very thing doth make it the church , as hath been shewed ; so that unless the verity and purity of religion doe take from them which imbrace it , that power wherewith otherwise they are possessed : look what authority , as touching laws for religion a common-wealth hath simply — here this breaks off abruptly . the princes power in the advancement of bishops , unto the rooms of prelacy . touching the advancement of prelats unto their rooms by the king : whereas it seemeth in the eyes of many a thing very strange , that prelates the officers of gods own sanctuary , then which nothing is more sacred , should be made by persons secular ; there are that will not have kings be altogether of the laitie , but to participate that sanctifyed power which god hath indued his clergy with , and that in such respect they are anointed with oyle . a shift vain and needless for as much as if we speak properly , we cannot say kings do make , but that they only do place bishops , for in a bishop there are these three things to be considered ; the power whereby he is distinguished from other pastors ; the special portion of the clergy , and the people over whom he is to exercise that bishoplie power ; and the place of his seat or throne , together with the profits , preheminencies , honors thereunto belonging . the first every bishop hath by consecration , the second the election invested him with , the third he receiveth of the king alone . which consecration the king intermedleth not farther then only by his letters to present such an elect bishop as shall be consecrated . seeing therefore that none but bishops do consecrate , it followeth that none but they do give unto every bishop his being : the manner of uniting bishops as heads unto the flock , and clergy under them , hath often altered ; for if some be not deceived , this thing was somtime done even without any election at all . at the first ( saith he to whom the name of ambrose is given ) the first created in the colledg of presbyters was still the bishop , he dying , the next senior did succeed him . sed quia coeperunt sequentes presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenēdos , immutata est ratio , prospiciente concilio , ut non ordo sed meritū crearet episcopum multorum , sacerdotum constitutum , ne indignus temere usurparet & esset multis scandalum ; in elections at the beginning the clergy and the people both had to do , although not both after one fort . the people gave their , testimonie and shewed their affection either of desire or dislike concerning the party which was to be chosen . but the choice was wholy in the sacred colledg of presbyters , hereunto it is that those usual speeches of the antient do commonly allude , as when pontius concerning st. cyprians election saith he was chosen judicio dei & populifavore , by the judgment of god , and favor of the people , the one branch alluding to the voices of the ecclesiastical senat which with religion , sincerity chose him , the other to the peoples affection , who earnestly desired to have him chosen their bishop . again , leo , nulla ratio sinit , ut inter episcopos habeantur qui nec a clericis sunt electi nec applebibus expetiti . no reason doth grant that they should be reckoned amongst bishops whom neither clergy hath elected , nor laitie coveted , in like so●t honorius . let him only be established bishop in the sea of rome , whom divine judgment and universal consent hath chosen . that difference which is between the form of electing bishops at this day with us , and that which was usual in former ages riseth from the ground of that right which the kings of this land do claim in furnishing the places where bishops elected & consecrated are to reside as bishops : for considering the huge charges which the ancient famous princes of this land have been at , as well in erecting episcopal seas , as also in endowing them with ample possessions , sure of their religious magnificence and bounty , we cannot think but to have been most deservedly honored , with those royall prerogatives , taking the benefit which groweth out of them in their vacancy , and of advancing alone unto such dignities what persons they judge most fit for the same . a thing over and besides , even therefore the more seasonable , for that as the king most justly hath preheminence to make lords temporal , which are not such by right of birth , so the like preheminence of bestowing where pleaseth him the honour of spiritual nobility also cannot seem hard , bishops being peers of the realm , and by law it self so reckoned . now whether we grant so much unto kings in this respect , or in the fomer consideration , whereupon the lawes have annexed it unto the crown it must of necessity being granted both make void whatsoever interest the people aforetime hath had towards the choice of their own bishop , and also restrain the very act of canonical election usually made by the dean and chapter , as with us in such sort it doth , that they neither can proceed unto any election till * * * leav be granted , nor elect any person but that is named unto them . if they might doe the one it would be in them to defeat the king of his profits : if the other , then were the kings preheminences of granting those dignities nothing . and therefore were it not for certain canons requiring canonical election to be before consecration , i see no cause but that the kings letters patents alone might suffice well enough to that purpose , as by law they doe in case those electors should happen not to satisfie the kings pleasure . their election is now but a matter of form ; it is the kings meer grant which placeth , and the bishops consecration which maketh bishops : neither do the kings of this land use herein any other then such prerogatives as foraign nations have been accustomed unto . about the year of our lord 425. pope boniface sollicited most earnestly the emperour monorius to take some order that the bishops of rome might be created without ambitious seeking of the place . a needless petition if so be the emperour had no right at all in the placing of bishops there . but from the days of justinian the emperour about the year 553. onuphrius himself doth grant that no man was bishop in the sea of rome whom first the emperor by his letters-patents did not licence to be consecrated , till in benedicts time it pleased the emperor to forgoe that right , which afterwards was restored to charles with augmentation , and continued in his successors till such time as hildebrand took it from hen. 4. and ever since the cardinals have held it as at this day . had not the right of giving them belonged to the emperours of rome within the compass of their dominions what needeth pope leo the fourth to trouble lotharius and lodowick with those his letters whereby having done them to understand that the church called reatina was without a bishop , he maketh suit that one colonus might have the rome , or if that were otherwise disposed , his next request was , tusculanam ecclesiam quae viduata existit illi vestra serenitas dignetur concedere , ut consecratis à nostro presulatu deo omnipotenti vestroque imperio grates peragere valeat : may it please your clemencies to grant unto him the church of tuscula , now likewise void , that by our episcopal authority , he being after consecrated may be to almighty god and your highness therefore thankfull . touching other bishopricks extant , there is a very short , but a plain discourse written almost 500. years since , by occasion of that miserable contention raised between the emperor henr. 4. and pope hildebrand . named otherwise gregory the seventh , not as platina would bear men in hand for that the d. of rome would not brook the emperors symoniacall dealing , but because the right which christian kings and emperors had to invest bishops , hindred so much his ambitious designments , that nothing could detain him from attempting to wrest it violently out of their hands . this treatise i mention for that it shortly comprehendeth not only the fore-alledged right of the emperour of rome , acknowledged by six several popes , even with bitter execration against whomsoever of their successors that should by word or deed at any time goe about to infringe the same , but also further these other specialties appertaining thereunto : first , that the bishops likewise of spain , england , scotland , hungary had by ancient institution alwaies been invested by their kings without opposition or disturbance . secendly , that such was their royal interest partly for that they were founders of bishopricks , partly because they undertook the defence of them against all ravenous oppressions and wrongs , part in as much that it was not safe , that rooms of so great power and consequence in their estate , should without their appointment be held by any under them . and therfore that ev'n bishops then did homage , and took their oathes of fealty unto the kings which invested them . thirdly , that what solemnitity or ceremony kings do use in this action it skilleth not ; as namely whether they doe it by word or by precept , set down in writing or by delivery of a staffe and a ring , or by any other means whatsoever only that use and custome would , to avoid all offence , be kept . some base canonists there are which contend that neither kings nor emperours had ever any right hereunto saving only by the popes either grant or toleration . whereupon nor to spend any further labour we leave their folly to be controlled by men of more ingenuity & judgment even amongst themselves : duarensis , papon , choppinus , aegidius , magister , arnulphus , ruzaeus , costvius , philippus probus , and the rest , by whom the right of christian kings and princes herein is maintained to be such as the bishops of rome cannot lawfully either withdraw , or abridge or hinder . but of this thing there is with us no question although with them there be ; the laws and customes of the realm approving such regalities in case no reason thereof did appear , yet are they hereby aboundantly warranted unto us , except some law of god or nature to the contrary could be shewed . how much more when they have been every where thought so reasonable , that christian kings throughout the world use and exercise , if not altogether : yet surely with very little odds the same ; so far that gregorie the tenth forbidding such regalities to be newly begun , where they were not in former times , if any doe claim those rights from the first foundation of churches , or by ancient custome of them , he only requireth that neither they nor their agents damnifie the church of god , by using the said prerogatives : now as there is no doubt but the church of england by this means is much eased of some inconveniences , so likewise a speciall care there is requisite to be had , that other evils no less dangerous may not grow . by the history of former times it doth appear , that when the freedom of elections was most large , mens dealings and proceedings therein were not the least faulty . of the people st. jerome complaineth , that their judgements many times went much awrie , and that in allowing of their bishops , every man favoured his own quality , every ones desire was not so much to be under the regiment of good and virtuous men , as of them which were like himself . what man is there whom it doth not exceedingly grieve to read the tumults , tragidies , and schismes which were raised by occasion of the clergy at such times as divers of them standing for some one place , there was not any kind of practise though never so unhonest ot vile left unassaied , whereby men might supplant their competitors , and the one side foil the other . sidonius speaking of a bishoprick void in his time : the decease of the former bishop ( saith he ) was an alarm to such as would labour for the room : whereupon the people forthwith betaking them selves unto parts , storm on each side , few there are that make suit for the advancement of any other man ; many who not only offer but enforce themselves . all things light , variable , counterfeit . what should i say ? i see not any thing plain and open but impudence only . in the church of constantinople about the election of s. chrysostome by reason that some strove mightily for him and some for nectarius , the troubles growing had not been small , but that aroadius the emperor interposed himself ; even as at rome the emperor valentinian , whose forces were hardly able to establish damasus bishop , and to compose the strife between him and his competitor urficinus , about whose election the blood of 137 was already shed . where things did not break out into so manifest and open flames ; yet between them which obtained the place , and such as before withstood their promotion , that secret hart burning often grew , which could not afterwards be easily slaked ; insomuch that pontius doth note it as a rare point of vertue in cyprian , that whereas some were against his election , he notwithstanding dealt ever after in most friendly manner with them , all men wondering that so good a memory was so easily able to forget . these and other the like hurts accustomed to grow from ancient elections we doe not feel . howbeit least the church in more hidden sort should sustain even as grievous detriment by that order which is now of force ; we are most humbly to crave at the hands of soveraign kings and governors , the highest patrons which this church of christ hath on earth , that it would please them to be advertised thus much . albeit these things which have been sometimes , done by any sort may afterwards appertain unto others , and so the kind of agents vary as occasions dayly growing shall require , yet sundry unremovable and unchangeable burthens of duty there are annexed unto every kind of publique action , which burthens in this case princes must know themselves to stand now charged with in gods sight , no lesse than the people and the clergy , when the power of electing their prelates did rest fully and wholly in them . a fault it had been if they should in choice have preferred any , whom desert of most holy life and the gift of divine wisedome did not commend , a fault if they had permitted long the rooms of the principal pastors of god to continue void , not to preserve the church patrimony , as good to each successor as any predecessor enjoy the same , had been in them a most odious & grievous fault . simply , good and evil doe not loose their nature . that which was is the one or the other , whatsoever the subject of either be . the faults mentioned are in kings by so much greater for that in what churches they exercise those regalities , whereof we do now intreat , the same churches they have received into their speciall care and custody , with no lesse effectual obligation of conscience then the tutor standeth bound in for the person and state of that pupill whom he hath solemnly taken upon him to protect and keep . all power is given unto edification , none to the overthrow and destruction of the church . concerning therefore the first branch of spiritual dominion , thus much may suffice , seeing that they with whom we contend doe not directly oppose themselves against regalities , but only so far forth as generally they hold that no church dignity should be granted without consent of the common people , and that there ought not to be in the church of christ any episcopall rooms for princes to use their regalitie in . of both which questions we have sufficiently spoken before . as therefore the person of the king may for just consideration , even where the cause is civil , be notwithstanding withdrawn from occupying the seat of judgment and others under his authority be fit , he unfit himself to judge ; so the considerations for which it were happily not convenient for kings , to sit and give sentence in spiritual courts , where causes ecclesiastical are usually debated , can be no bar to that force and efficacie which their sovereign power hath over those very consistories , and for which we hold without any exception that all courts are the kings . all men are not for all things sufficient , and therefore publick affairs being divided , such persons must be authorised judges in each kinde as common reason may presume to be most fit ; which cannot of king 's and princes ordinarily be presumed in causes meerly ecclesiastical ; so that even common sense doth rather adjudge this burthen unto other men . we see it hereby a thing necessary to put a difference as well between that ordinary jurisdiction which belongeth to the clergy alone , and that commissionary wherein others are for just considerations appointed to joyn with them , as also between both these jurisdictions and a third , whereby the king hath a transcendent authority , and that in all causes over both . why this may not lawfully be granted unto him , there is no reason . a time there was when kings were not capable of any such power , as namely when they professed themselves open adversaries unto christ and christianity . a time there followed when they being capable , took sometimes more , sometimes less to themselves , as seem'd best in their own eyes , because no certainty touching their right was as yet determined . the bishops who alone were before accustomed to have the ordering of such affairs , saw very just cause of grief when the highest , favoring heresie , withstood by the strength of soveraign authority , religious proceedings ; whereupon they oftentimes against this unresistable power , pleaded that use and custom which had been to the contrary ; namely , that the affairs of the church should be dealt in by the clergy and by no other , unto which purpose the sentences that then were uttered in defence of unabolishing orders and laws , against such as did of their own heads contrary thereunto , are now altogether impertinently brought in opposition against them who use but that power which laws have given them , unless men can show that there is in those laws some manifest iniquity or injustice . whereas therefore against the force judicial & imperial which supream authority hath , it is alledged how constantine termeth church officers , overseers of things within the church , himself of all without the church ; how augustine witnesseth that the emperor not daring to judge of the bishops cause , committed it unto the bishops , and was to crave pardon of the bishops , for that by the donatists importunity , which made no end of appealing unto him , he was ( being weary of them ) drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs , how hilarie beseecheth the emperor constance to provide that the governors of his provinces should not presume to take upon them the judgment of ecclesiastical causes , to whom commonwealth matters only belonged ; how ambrose affirmeth that palaces belong unto the emperor , churches to the minister , that the emperor hath authority over the commonwealth of the city , and not in holy things , for which cause he never would yield to have the causes of the church debated in the princes consistory , but excused himself to the emperor valentinian , for that being convented to answer concerning church matters in a civil court , he came not . [ besides these testimonies of antiquity , which mr. cart. bringeth forth , doctor stapleton who likewise citeth them one by one to the same purpose , hath augmented the number of them , by adding other of the like nature ; namely , how hosius the bishop of corduba answered the emperor , saying , god hath committed to thee the empire ; with those things that belong to the church , he hath put us in trust . how leontius bishop of tripolis also told theself same emperor as much . i wonder how thou which art called unto one thing , takest upon thee to deal in another , for being placed in military and politique affairs , in things that belong unto bishops alone thou wilt bear rule . ] we may by these testimonies drawn from antiquity , if we list to consider them , discern how requisite it is that authority should always follow received laws in the manner of proceeding . for in as much as there was at the first no certain law determining what force the principal civil magistrates authority should be of , how far it should reach , and what order it should observe , but christian emperors from time to time did what themselves thought most reasonable , in those affairs , by this mean it cometh to pass , that they in their practice varie , and are not uniforme . vertuous emperors , such as constantine the great was , made conscience to swerve unnecessarily from the customes which had been used in the church , even when it lived under infidels . constantine of reverence to bishops , and their spiritual authority , rather abstained from that which himself might lawfully do , then was willing to claim a power not fit or decent for him to exercise . the order which had been before he ratifieth , exhorting bishops to look to the church , and promising that he would do the office of a bishop over the common-wealth . which very constantine notwithstanding did not thereby so renounce all authority in judging of spirituall causes , but that sometimes he took , as st. augustine witnesseth , even personall cognition of them . howbeit whether as purposing to give therein judicially any sentence , i stand in doubt ; for if the other , of whom st. augustine elsewhere speaketh , did in such sort judge , surely there was cause why he should excuse it as a thing not ususally done . otherwise there is no let but that any such great person may hear those causes to and fro debated , and deliver in the end his own opinion of them , declaring on which side himself doth judge that the truth is . but this kind of sentence bindeth no side to stand thereunto : it is a sentence of private perswasion , and not of solemn jurisdiction , albeit a king or an emperour pronounce it . again on the contrary part , when governors infected with heresie were possessed of the highest power they thought they might use it , as pleased themselves to further by all means therewith that opinion which they desired should prevail . they not respecting at all what was meet , presumed to command and judge all men in all causes without either care of orderly proceeding or regard to such laws & customs as the church had been wont to observe . so that the one sort feared to doe even that which they might , and that which the other ought not they boldly presumed upon : the one sort modestly excused themselves when they scace needed , the other though doing that which was inexsable bare it out with main power , not enduring to be told by any man how far they roved beyond their bounds . so great odds between them whom before we mentioned , and such as the younger valentinian , by whom st. ambrose being commanded to yeild up one of the churches under him unto the arrians , whereas they which were sent on his message , alledged that the emperour did but use his own right for as much as all things were in his own power , the answer which the holy bishop gave them was , that the church is the house of god , and that those things which be gods are not to be yielded up and disposed of at the emperors will and pleasure ; his pallaces he might grant unto whomsoever . a cause why many times emperours did more by their absolute authority then could very well stand with reason , was the over-great importunity of wicked hereticks , who being enemies to peace and quietness cannot otherwise then by violent means be supported . in this respect therefore we must needs think the state of our own church much better settled then theirs was , because our laws have with farr more certainty prescribed bounds unto each kind of power . all decisions of things doubtfull , and corrections of things amiss are proceeded in by order of law , what person soever he be unto whom the administration of judgement belongeth : it is neither permitted unto prelate nor prince to judge and determin at their own discretion , but law hath prescribed what both shall do . what power the king hath , he hath it by law , the bounds and limits of it are known . the entire community giveth general order by law how all things publickly are to be done , and the king as the head thereof the highest in authority over all , causeth according to the same law every particular to be framed and ordered thereby . the whole body politick maketh lawes , which lawes give power unto the king , and the king having bound himself to use according unto law that power , it so falleth out that the execution of the one is accomplished by the other in most religious and peaceable sort . there is no cause given unto any to make supplication as hilary did , that civil covernors to whom common-wealth matters only belong , may not presume to take upon them the judgment of ecclesiastical causes . if the cause be spiritual , secular courts doe not meddle with it , we need not excuse our selves with ambrose , but boldly and lawfully we may refuse to answer before any civill judge in a matter which is not civill ; so that we doe not mistake the nature either of the cause or of the court , as we easily may doe both , without some better direction then can be had by the rules of this new-found disciplines but of this most ceertain we are that our lawes doe neither suffer a * spirituall court to entertain those causes which by law are civil ; nor yet if the matter beindeed spirituall a meer civil court to give judgement of it . touching supreme power therefore to command all men , and in all manner of causes of judgement to be highest . let thus much suffice as well for declaration of our own meaning , as for defence of the truth therein . this is added by the lord primat usher . * the kings exemption from censure , and other judiciall power . the last thing of all which concerns the kings supremacie is whither thereby he may be exempted from being subject to that judiciall power which ecclesiasticall consistories have over men . it seemeth first in most mens judgements to be requisite , that on earth there should not be any alive altogether without standing in aw of some by whom they may be controled and bridled . the good estate of a commonwealth within it self is thought on nothing to depend more then upon these two speciall affections feare and love : feare in the highest governour himself , and love in the subjects that live under him. the subjects love for the most part continueth as long as the righteousness of kings doth last , in whom vertue decaieth not as long as they feare to do that which may alienate the loving hearts of their subjects from them . feare to do evill groweth from the harm which evill doers are to suffer . if therefore private men which know the danger they are subject unto , being malefactors , do notwithstanding so boldly adventure upon heinous crimes , only because they know it is possible for some transgressor sometimes to escape the danger of law . in the mighty upon earth ( which are not alwaies so virtuous and holy that their own good minds will bridle them ) what may we look for considering the frailty of mens nature , if the world do once hold it for a maxime that kings ought to live in no subjection , that how grievous disorder soever they fall into , none may have coercive power over them . yet so it is that this we must necessarily admit as a number of rightwell learned men are perswaded . let us therefore set down first what there is which may induce men so to think , and then consider their severall inventions or ways who judge it a thing necessary even for kings themselves to be punishable , and that by men . the question it self we will not determine , the reasons of each opinion being opened it shall be best for the wise to judge which of them is likeliest to be true . our purpose being not to oppugne any save onely that which reformers hold and of the rest rather to enquire then to give sentance . inducements leading men to think the highest majestrate should not be judged of any saving god alone , are specially these . first , as there could be in naturall bodies no motion of any thing unlesse there were some which moved all things and continueth unmoveable , even so in politick societies , there must be some unpunishable or else no man shall suffer punishment , for sith punishments proceed alwaies from superiors to whom the administration of justice belongeth , which administration must have necessarily a fountain that deriveth it to all others , and receiveth not from any , because otherwise the course of justice should go infinitely in a circle every superiour having his superior without end ; which cannot be ; therefore a well-spring , it followeth there is , and a supreme head of justice whereunto all are subject , but it self in subjection to none . which kind of preheminence if some ought to have in a kingdome , who but the king shall have it ? kings therefore no man can have lawfull power and authority to judge . if private men offend , there is the majestrate over them which judgeth ; if majestrates they have their prince . if princes there is heaven , a tribunall , before which they shall appeare : on earth they are not accomptable to any . here it breaks off abruptly . the form of church government , before and after christ. as it is expressed in the old and new testament . of the form of government in the old testament . therewere priests before the law. melchisedech genes . 14. 18. in egypt 46. 20. 41. 50. patiphera . in the east , job . 12. 19. exod. 2. 16. madian . among the jews . exod. 19. 22 , 24. these were young men of the sons of israel exod. 24. 5. the eldest sons or first-born numb . 3. 12. 8. 16. under moses . the commonwealth of israel was either personal , containing all the whole people , not a man left . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . or representative in which the estate , tribes , cities , whose daughters the towns adjacent are called . i. the estate had ever one governor , 1. moses , 2. joshua , 3. judges , 4. tirshathaes or ( vice-roys ) ezra 2. 63. with whom were joyned the lxx . elders called ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) ii. the tribes had every one their prince , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phylarcha ( num. 2. ) with whom were joyned the chief of the families , patriarchae ( num. 1. 4. ) iii. the cities had each likewise their ruler : judg. 9. 30. 1 kings 22. 26. 2 kings 23. 8. with whom were joyned the elders , or ancients ( ruth 4. 2. ezra 10. 14. these last , not before they came into canaan , ( and were setled in their citys . ) it appeareth , that moses sometime consulted only with the heads of the tribes , and then one trumpet only sounded , num. 10. 4. in some other causes with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or assembly of the lxx . ) and then both trumpets called ( num. 10. 3. ) * when all did meet it represented the whole body of israel : [ so then sometimes all the people , the whole body of israel met ; sometimes the whole people were represented by the chief men of the several tribes . ] the highest bench , or judgment for causes of greatest difficulty was that of the lxx , who at the first were the fathers of each family that came down to egypt ( gen. 46. ) which number did after that remain , exod. 24. 1. 9. and was at last by god himself so appointed num. 11. 16. see ( 2 chron. 19. 8. ) the inferiour benches , for matters of less importance were erected by jethroes advice . of rulers of thousands hundreds fiftiss tithings exod. 18. 21 , 26 , and after established by gods approbation ( deut. 16. ) in every city , wherein ( as josephus saith ) were seven judges , and for each judge two levites , which made together the bench of each city . the forme of ecclesiasticall government [ amongst the priests . the priesthood was settled in the tribe of levy by god. levy had three sons , cohath , gershom , and 〈◊〉 . of these , line of cohath was preferred before the rest . from him descended four families , amram , izhar , hebron , and uzziel . of these the stock of amram was made chief . he had two sons , aaron and moses . aaron was by god appointed high-priest , so that there came to be four distinctions of levites : 1. aaron as chief . 2. cohath . 3. gershon . 4. merari . the common-wealth of israel was at the beginning in the desert , a camp in the middest whereof the ark and tabernacle were pitched ; and according to the four coasts whereof they quartered themselves , on every side three tribes . on the east side judah , issachar , zabulon , num. 2 verse 3 south reuben , simeon , gad , 10 west ephraim , manasses , benjamin . 18 north dan , asher , napthali . 25 these four quarters were committed to those four divisions of levites . the east quarter to aaron and his family , numb . 3. verse 38. south the cohathites , 29. west the gershonites , 23. north the merarites , 35. who lodged among them , and took charge of them as of their several wards . but there was not an * equality in these four ; for , 1. aarons family , which bare the ark it self was chief . 2. cohaths , which bare the tabernacle , and vessels next . 3. gershons , which bare the veile and hangings of the court , third 4. meraries , which bare the pillars and posts , last . neither were all the levites of each of these several houses equal , but god ordained a superiority among them . over the priests eleazar numb . 3. ver . 30. cohathites elizaphau gershonites eliasaph 24. merarites zuriel 35. whom he termeth nesiim , that is , prelates or superiors . no , nor did he permit these four to be equals among themselves ; but appointe● ithamar ( exod. 38. 21. to command over eliasaph with his gershonites num. 4. 28. zuriel with his merarites , num. 4. 33. eleazar ( nu. 4. 16 ) to have jurisdiction over his own family . elizaphau with his cohathites . note . yea he maketh not eleazar , and ithamar to be absolute equalls , but giveth eleazar preeminence over ithamer , and therefore termeth him nasi nasiim , princeps principum , or praelatus praelatorum , num. 3. 32. and all these under aaron the * highest . so that 1. aaron was the high priest. 2. under him eleazar ; who as he had his peculiar charge to look unto , so was he * also generally to rule both ithamars jurisdiction and his own . 3. under him ithamar , over two families . 4. under him the three prelates . 5. under each of them their several chief fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are termed ( exod. 6. 25. ) under elizaphau foure , under eliasaph two , under zuriel two . num. 3. 18. &c. 6. under these the several persons of their kindred . note . this is here worth the noting , that albeit , it be granted that aaron was the type of christ , and so we forbear to takeany argument from him , ( yet eleazar ) who was no type , nor ever so deemed by any writer ) will serve sufficiently to shew such superiority as is pleaded for , that is a personal jurisdiction in one man resiant over the heads or rulers of divers charges [ in one kingdom state or national government , as here in israel under moses , who was ( as kings now are ) custos utriusque tabulae , and took care of all matters civil and ecclesiastical . ] the form of government under joshua . the commonwealth being changed from the ambulatory form , into a setled estate in the citys of caanau , as before the levites were divided according to the several quarters of the campe , so now were they sorted into the several territories of the tribes , so god commanded , num. 35. 2. 8. the lot so fell , that the four partitions of the xii . tribes were not the same , as when they camped before together , but after another sort , for the tribes of 1. juda , simeon , and benjamine made the first quarter . 2. ephraim , dan , and half the tribe of manasses , the second quarter . 3. izachar , ashur , napthali , and the other half of manasses , the third quarter . 4. zebulun , reuben , and gad the fourth quarter . now in these four. 1. the charge , or over-sight of the first was committed to aaron and his family , and they had therein assigned to them xiii . cities , in judah and simeon ix . and in benjamin iv. ( joshua 21. 10. &c. ) 2. of the second the care was committed to the family of the cohathites , and they had * therein assigned to them x. cities ; in ephraim iv. in dan. iv. and in the half of manasses ii. ( joshua 21. 20. ) 3. the third was committed to the family of gershon , and they had therein assigned to them xiii . cities ; in issachar iv. in asher iv. in napthali iii. in the other half of manasses ii. ( joshua 21. 27. ) 4. the oversight of the fourth partition was committed to the merarites , and they had therein assigned to them xii . cities ; in zebulun iv. in reuben iv. in gad iv. ( joshua 21. 34. ) these were in all xlviii cities , whereof the chief ( as may appear ) were cities set on hills , and all scituate in such proportion of distance , as they most equally parted their tribe among them , to perform unto them their duties of attendance and instruction . further , there were in joshua's time added by decree of the princes , the nethinims of the people of gibeon for the lowest ministeries , and for the service of the levites ( joshua 9. 27. ) so that now the order was thus . 1. eleazer . 2. phineas . 3. abisa. 4. the three nesilm . 5. the rase aboth ( or heads of the families . ) 6. the levites . 7. the nethinims . note . if this power and superiority was necessary , when all the people and priests were within one trench , even within the view of aarons eye , much more in canaan , when they were scattered abroad in divers cities farre distant , was the retaining of it more then necessary . * now the abovesaid 48. cities of the levites were these , in judah and simeon ix . viz. " hebron , libna , jattir , estitema , holon , debir , ain , jutta , bethshemesh . in benjamin iv. viz. " gibeon , geba , anathoth , almon. in ephraim iv. viz. " sichem , gezer , kibraim , beth-horon . in dan iv. viz. " eltekah , tekoa , gibethorn , aialon . in the half of manasses ii. viz , " taanach , gathrimmon . in issachar iv. viz. " kishon , dabera , jarmath , engamin . in aser iv. viz. " mishall , abdon , helka , rehob . in nepthali iii. viz. " kedish galilaae , itamoth dor , kiriathaim . in the half of manasses ii. viz. " golau ashtaroth . in zabulon iv. viz. " jockmea , karta , dimna , nahalal . in reuben iv. viz. " bezer , jahaza , kedimoth , nephaath . in gad. iv. viz. ramoth gilead , mahanaim heshbon , and jazer . the forme of government under david . note . albeit under sauls government small regard was had to the church , yet david found at his coming a superiority among them . for besides the priests , he found six princes or rulers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over six families of the levites ( 1. chron. 15. 5 , 6. &c. ) uriel . over cohath . asaiah . merart . joel . gershom . shemaiah . elizaphau . eliel . hebron . aminadab . uzziel . likewise between the two priests an inequality , the one abiathar , attending the ark at jerusalem : the higher function , the other zadock , the tabernacle at gibeon ( 2 sam. 20. 25. 1 chr 16. 37. 39. ) but after the arke was brought back , he set a most exquisite order among the levites , and that by samuels direction . 1. chron. 9. 22. so that he is there reckoned as a new founder . of them he made six orders . 1 chron. 23. 1. priests . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 24000. vers. 4. 2. ministers of priests . 3. judges . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 6000. vers. 4. 4. officers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. singers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4000 vers. 5. 6. porters . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4000 1. of priests , zadock was the chief of the family of eleazar , and abimelech the second of the family of ithamar ( 1 chron. 24. 3. ) * besides and under these were xxiiii other courses . of the posterity of eleazar . xvi . ithamar . viii . 1 chron. 24. 4. which 24 are called in the 5. verse rulers of the sanctuary , and rulers of the house of god , to whom it is thought by learned interpreters , that the 24. elders apoc. 4. 4. have reference . 2. of levites that ministred to the priests in their function , likewise 24. courses , out of the 9. families the heads of whom are set down in the first of chron. 23. 6. & 24. & 20. and the genealogy of them is thus as followeth . all this was written with the l. primats own hand . of cohath 4. amram . moses gershom . shubael . i. iohdeia . eleazar . rehabiah . ii. eshiah izhar . shelomith . iii. iahath . hebron . iiii. ieriah . v. amariah . vi. iahaziel . vii . iekameam . uzziel . micha . viii . shamir . iesiah , or isshiah . ix . zechariah . gershom 2. laadan . or libni . x. iehiel . xi . zetham . xii . ioel. shimei xiii . shelomith . xiiii . haziel . xv. haran . xvi . iahath . xvii . ziza or zina . xviii . ieush and beriah , who were counted for one ( 1 chr. 23. 11. ) merari 3. mahli . eleazar . ( obiit sine filiis 1 chr. 23. 22 ) kish . xix . ierahmeel : mushi xx. marli . xxi . eder . xxii . ierimoth . iehazia . beno . xxiii . shoham . xxiiii . zaccur . xxv . ibri . * * iii. of judges that sate for causes as well of god as the king there were appointed 1. on this side jordan upwards towards the river . ashabiah the hebronite ( 1 chron. 26. 30. ) 2. on this side jordan downwards towards the sea chenaniah the isharite ( 1 chron. 26. 29. ) 3. beyond jordan over the two tribes and the half , jerijah the chief of the hebronites ( 1 chr. 26. 31. ) iv. of officers . scribes . shemajah ( 1 chron. 24. 6. ) serajah ( 2 sam. 8. 17. ) shevah ( 2 sam. 20. 25. ) scribes of the levites ( 1 chron. 24. 6. ) temple ( 2 kings 22. 3. jerem. 36. 10. ) people ( matt. 2. 4. ) king. 2 kings ( 12. 10. ) v. of the singers , likewise he set xxiv . courses , over which he placed three chief out of the three families chro. 15. 17. & 25. 2 , 3 , 4. out of cohath , heman samuels nephew ( 1 chron. 6. 33. ) gershoni , asaph ( 1 chron. 6. 30. merari , ethau , or jeduthun ( 1 chro. 6. 44. ) of these heman was the chief ( 1 chron. 25. 5. ) under these were divers others * ( chron. 15. 18. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vi. of porters who were divided into the keepers of the watch of the temple ( matt. 27. 65. ) psal. 134. 1. ) who were placed on each quarter of the tabernacle ( 1 chr. 26. 13. 14. &c. ) on the east side vi. over whom was shelemiah . south iv. ( for the tablernacle ii. for asuppim ) over whom was obed-edom . west iv. over whō was hosa . north iv. over whom was zechariah . over all these it seemeth benajah , the son of jehoiadah the priest was the chief ( 1 chron. 27 5. ) * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the captain of the temple ( acts 4. 1. ) treasurers for the revenues of the house of god ( 1 chr. 26. 20. ) cohath , shebuel of moses , gershon , jehiel , merari , ahiah , things dedicated by vow , & c. shelomith ( 1 chr. 26. 26. ) cohath , shebuel of moses , gershon , jehiel , merari , ahiah , over all the porters was chenaniah ( 1 chron. 26 , 29. 15. 22 , 27 , ) it is to be remembred that besides zadock the high-priest , and abimelech ( the second ) we find mention of hashabiah the sonne of kemuel , as chief of the whole tribe ( 1 chro. 27. 17. ) so that there was one over the ark , zadock . the second over the tabernacle , ahimeleck . the third over the tribe . hashabiah . as over the levits ministers , jehdaiah . judges , chasabiah . officers , shemaiah . singers , heman . porters , chenaniah or benaeiah . agreeable to this form we read , that under . josias there were three * rulers of the house of god , that is hilkiah , zachariah , and jehiel ( 2 chron. 35. 8. ) and that the levites had over them six 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 2 chron. 35. 9. again under zedekiah , that there were carried into captivity seraiah the chief priest , and zephaniah the second priest ( 2 king. 25. 18. ) likewise under ezekiah , at the provision for the levites portions , there were 10. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — or overseers of the levites : over whom was cononiah the * chief , and shimei the * second : and so kore over voluntary offerings ; and six levites under him ( 2 chro. 31. 12 , 13 , &c. the form of government under nehemiah . of whom , and esdras it is recorded , that they did all according to moses institution ( ezra 6. 18. ) ( nehemiah 10. 34. 36. ) there was then eliasha , the * high priest ( nehemiah 3. 1. ) seraiah , the * ruler of the house of god. 11. 11 ) zabdiel , the * overseer of the priests . 11. 14 ) the courses were then but xxii ( nehemiah 12. 12. ) there was then uzzi , * the overseer of the levites ( nehemiah 11. 22. jezrahia , * the oveseer of the singers ( nehemiah 12. 42. shallum , the chief of the porters ( 1 chro. 9. 17. under zabdiel at his hand adaiah amasai ( nehem. 11 , ver . 12-13 . ) under uzzi shemaiah sabbethai jozabad ( nehem. 11. 15 , 16. ) under jezrahiah mattaniah bakbukiah abda ( nehem. 11. 17. under shallum akkub . ( 1 chron. 9. 17. ) talmon . ( nehem. 11. 19. ) so that there was 1. the high-priest , 2. the second , and third , overseers of the priests , 3. the princes of the priests * ezra 8. 29. 4. the priests . 5. the overseer of the levites , 6. the princes of the levites , 7. the levites , 8. the heads of the nethinims , 9. the nethinims of the gibeonites , solomons servant . a brief recapitulation of the degrees observed under the government of the old testament , with an accommodation thereof unto the new. out of these we gather this form to have been i. moses in whom was the supream jurisdiction ; to visit aaron ( numb . 3. 10. ) ii. aaron the high priest ( levit. 21. 20. numb . 35. 28. nehem. 3. 1. ) head ( 2 cron. 19-11 . prince of the house of god ( 2 chron. 9. 11. ) iii. eleazar the second ( 2 king. 25. 18. ) as there zephaniah is said to be . prelate of prelates ( num. 3. 22. ) chief overseer , or bishop ( jer. 20. 1. ) at his hand ithamar . iv. prince of the tribe ( 1 chron. 27. 17 ) v. elizaphau , eliasaph , zuriel . prelates ( num. 3. 24 &c. ) overseers or bishops ( nehem. 11. 14. 22. ) c. 12. 32. vi. in the xxiv . courses set by david ; the princes of the priests . ezra 8. 29. the house of god. of the sanctuary . 1 chron. 24. 5. elders of the priests , jeremiah 19. 1. ( 2 kings 19. 2. ) heads of the families , ( nehemiah 12. 12. ) chief priests ( acts 19. 14. ) vii . the priests themselves . whether at jerusalem , or in the country towns ( 2 chron. 3. 19. ) viii . the overseer of the levites ( nehem. 11. 22. ) ix , the princes of the levites ( 1 chron , 15 , 5 , ) ( 2 chron , 31 , 12 , and 35 , 9 , ) nehem , 12 , 22 , ) x. the head of the levites officers . the scribe , * ( 2 chron , 31. 13. ) * of the singers , ( 1 chron. 16. 5. ) nehem. 12. 42. of the porters , ( 1 chron. 9. 17. and 15. 22. ) of the treasurers , ( 1 chron. 26. 24. 2 chron. 21. 11. ) xi . the levites themselves . xii . the chief of the nethinims , ( nehem. 11. 21. ) xiii . the nethinims gibeonites , ( josua 9. 21. ) solomons servants , ( 1 king. 9. 21. nehem. 7. 60. ) it is not only requisite that things be done , but that they be diligently done , against sloth , and that they be done continually and constantly , * not for a time ( against schism , and if they be not , that redress may be had . to this end it is , that god appointeth overseers . 1. to urge others if they be slack , ( 2 chron. 24. 5. & 34. 12 , 13. 2. to keep them in course , if they be well , 2 chron. 29. 5. & 31. 12. & 34. 12 , 13. 3. to punish , if any be defective ( jerem. 29. 26 ) for which cause a power of commanding was in the high priest ( 2 chron. 23. 8. & 18. & 24. 26. & 31. 13. a power judicial , if they transgressed ( deut. 17 , 9. zach. 3. 7. ezek. 44. 24. ) under paine of death , ( deut. 17. 12. ) punishment in prison , and in the stocks , ( jer. 29. 26. in the gate of benjamin , ( jer. 20. 2. ) officers to cite and arrest . ( john 7. 32. acts 5. 18. ) this corporal . to suspend from the function , ezra 2. 62. to excommunicate , ezra 10. 8. john 9. 22. & 12. 42 , 16. 2. this spiritual . 1. why may not the like now be for the government of the christian church . there is alledged on only stop . that the high priests was a figure of christ , who being now come in the flesh , the figure ceaseth , and no argument thence to be drawn . answ. there is no necessity we should press aaron , for eleazar being princeps principum , that is , having a superior authority over the superiors of the levites in aarons life time , was never by any in this point reputed a type of christ , so that though aaron be accounted such , yet eleazar will serve our purpose . as also the ( 2 chron. 35 , 8. ) we read of three at once , one only , of which was the high-priest , and a type of christ , the rest were not , let them then answer to the other twaine , who were rulers , or chief over the house of god. thus we grant , that aaron and the high priests after him were types of christ , and that christ at his death ended that type ; yet affirm , that eleazar being praelatus praelatorum , governing and directing the ecclesiastical persons under him , and being subject to moses was not any type of christ ; further we say , that the twelve apostles as so many several eleazars under christ , were in the primitive times sent to several coasts of the world to govern , direct and teach fcclesiastical persons and people in their several divisions . we say also that many primates now , as so many eleazars under christ , and in several kingdoms and states of the world , to govern , direct , and teach ecclesiastical persons , and people in their several divisions ; and yet be under and responsible to christian princes and states , who have the chief charge of matters both civil and ecclesiastical . object . if it be further alledged , that eleazar and all sacrificing priests ( quatenus sacrificers ) were types of christ , who sacrificed himself for us , and put an end to all sacrifices typing himself . answ. answ. this we grant , and further say , that the popish sacrificing priests , office and other performance in this regard , is utterly unlawful and sinful . but the other imployments of eleazar , viz. his governing , directing and teaching both the ecclesiastical persons and the people , were not typical nor ended , but are still of use , for the apostles practiced the same ; so have their successors to these very days . and that this is most true , the presbyterial classes cannot but grant ; for this very authority over ministers and people , they use , and therefore judg it not typical . besides st. paul appearing before one , but a weak resemblance of the old high priest , yielded him obedience , and acknowledged him a governor of the people , which had been meerly unlawful , if there had not remained in him something not tipical , and not made to cease by christ. hence we see the anabaptists shifts to be vain and gross , when they say we ought to have no wars , for the jews wars were but figures of our spiritual battle ; no magistrates , for the jews magistrates were but figures of our pastors , doctors and deacons ; and as no magistrates , so no oaths , pretending these to be abolished by christ. answ. as in the priests office there were some things not typical , not ended : so kings , types of christ , in somthing only prefigured , and typed him . in many things their office is still of singular use , for they become nursing fathers of the church and provide that we may live a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . the lawfull use of wars and oaths hath been often vindicated . if the pope here claim authority over all the world , as eleazar over all his brethren , his plea is groundless , wicked and insolent . for , first , each chief bishop in any kingdom , must be subject to the king , as aaron and eleazar to moses . 2. the apostles sent into several kingdoms of the world were all of equal power , no one had authority above the rest in their line , or division , which shews that no primate ought to be of authority over any other primate under a several prince . but each primate subject to christ as eleazar to aaron , and each primate subject to his several king. as eleazar to moses . 2. why it may be . i. out of dic. ecclesiae , the new reformers tell us , we are to fetch our pattern from the jewish sanhedrim therefore it seems they are of opinion , that one form may serve both us and them . ii. except there should be such a fashion of government , consisting of inequality . i see not in the new testament , how any could perish in that contradiction of core , which st jude affirmeth , for his plea was for equalitie ; and against the preferring of aaron above the rest . iii. the ancient fathers , seem to be of mind , that the same form should serve both . so thinketh st. cyprian lib. 3. epist. 9. ad rogatianum . so st hierome . epist. 85. ad evagrium , traditiones apostolicae sumptae sunt de veteri testamento , & ad nepotianum : de vita clericorum . so st. leo. ita veteris testamenti sacramenta distinxit , ut quedam ex iis , sicut erant condita , evangelicae cruditioni profutura decerperet , ut quae dudum fuerant consuetudines judaicae , fierent obsevantiae christianae . so rabanus , ut de institutione clericorum ( lib. 1. c. 6. ) they ground this their opinion upon that they see i. that the synogogue is called a type , or shadow , and [ an image of the church now heb. 10. vers . 1. ] ii. that god himself saith of the christian church , under the gentiles that he will take of the gentiles , and make them priests and levites to himself ( esa. 66. 22. ) there calling our presbyters and deacons by those legall names . iii. that there is an agreemen in the numbers xii . numb . 1. 16. and luk. 9. 8. lxx . numb . 11. 16. and luk. 10. 1. names angell , mal. 2. 7. and rev. 1. 10. degreers aaron . answerable unto christ. eleazar . archbishops . princes of priests . bishops . priests . presbyters . princes of levites archdeacons . levites . deacons . nethinims . clerks & sextons . * and their often enterchange , and indifferent using of priest or presbyter : levite or deacon , sheweth they presumed a correspondence , and agreement between them . the form of church government , in the new testament . and first in the days of our saviour christ. 1. the whole ministrie of the new testament was at the first invested in christ alone . he is termed our apostle ( heb. 3. 1. ) prophet . ( deut. 18. 15. act. 3. 22. ) evangelist ( esa. 41. 27. ) bishop and * pastor ( 1 pet. 2. 25. ) doctor ( mat. 23. 10. ) deacon . ( rom. 15. 8. ) ii. when the harvest was great ( mat. 9. 38. ) that his personall presence could not attend all , he took unto him xii . as the xii . patriarchs or xii . fountains , as st jerome , or the xii . princes of the tribes ( num. 1. ) gathering his disciples mat. 10. 1. choosing out of them . luke 6. 13. whom he would mark. 3. 13. he called them to him . luke 6. 13. made them . mark 3. 13. named them apostles . luke 6. 13. these he began to send ( mark 6. 7. ) gave them in charge ( matt. 10. 1. and 11. 1. ) to preach the gospel ( luke 9. 2. ) to heal ( matt. 10. 1. luke 9. 2. ) to cast out devils ( matt. 10. 1. ) gave them power , to take maintenance ( matt. 10. 10. luke 9. 2. ) to shake off the dust , for a witness ( matt. 10. 14. ) so he sent them ( matt. 10. 5. luke 9. 1. ) they went and preached ( luke 9. 6. ) they returned and made relation , what they had done taught mark. 6. 30. iii. after this , when the harvest grew so great , as that the xii . sufficed not all , luke 10. 1 , 2. he took unto him other lxx , as the 70. palm trees , num. 33. 9. the fathers of families , gen. 46. the elders , num. 11. these he declared , ( luke 10. 1. ) sent by two and two into every city and place whether he himself would come , ibid. gave them power , as to the apostle , to take maintenance , luke 10 7. shake off dust , luke 10. 11. heal the sick , preach , ( luke 10. 19. ) tread upon serpents and scorpions , and over all the power of the enemy ( luke 10. 19. ) these two orders ( as i think ) st. paul ephes. 3. 5. doth comprehend under the name of apostles and prophets , by the lxx . understanding prophets , as wheresoever they are both mentioned together , next to the apostles he placeth prophets ( 1 corinth . 12. 28. eph. 4. 11. ) none of the fathers ever doubted , that these two were two several orders or sorts , nor that the apostles were superior to the lxx . it appeareth also that ( the apostles ) had in them power to forbid to preach , luke 9. 49. and that matthias was exalted from the other order to the apostleship . this was then the order while christ was upon the earth . i. christ himself . ii. the xii . were sent to all nations . their successors were bishops placed and setled in several nations . iii. the lxx . were sent by christ to the particular cities of the jewes , to prepare them for christ , with his apostles comming to them . their successors were presbyters placed in particular cities and towns by the apostles , that they might prepare the hearts of many christians for the receipt and employment of an angel or bishop over the severall presbyters . iv. the faithfull people , or disciples , of whom 500. and more are mentioned in ( 1 corinth . 15. 6. ) * though at the time of the electing of matthias , and the holy ghost's descending , there were but cxx . present ( acts 1. 15. ) the form of government used in the time of the apostles . albeit christ saith , the people were as sheep without a shepheard ( mat. 9. 38. ) yet he termeth his apostles harvest-men , not shepheards ; for while he was in person on earth , himself only was the shepheard . and they but arietes gregis , but at his departure he maketh them shepheards ( john. 21. 15. ) as they likewise others at theirs ( 1 pet. 5. 2. acts 28. ) of the apostles themselves , and first of their names . shelicha , which is the syrian name , was the title of certain legats or commissioners sent from the high-priest , to visit the jews and their synagogues , which were dispersed in other countries , with authority to redress things amiss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among the greeks were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into delphos , an office of great credit , as by herodotus and demosthenes appeareth . secondly of their form what it is . not to have been with christ all his life time , acts 1. 21. so were others more . not to be sent immediately of christ , gal. 1. 1. so were the lxx . ( luke 10. ) not to be limitted to one place ( matt. 28. 19. ) sowere others , luke 24. 33. 50. not to be inspired of god , so that they did not erre , so were mark and luke . not to plant churches , so did phillip the evange-list ( acts 8. 5. ) not to work signes and miracles : so did stephen . ( acts. 6. 8. ) and philip ( acts 8. 6. ) but over and above these , or with these that emnient authority or jurisdiction which they had over all , not only joyntly together , but every one * severally by himself . i. of imposing hands in ordination ( acts 6. 6 ) confirmation ( acts 8. 17. 18. ) ii. of commanding ( the word of the bench acts 4. 18. & 5. 28. of caesars , acts 18. 2. ) the word of gods command , 1 cor. 9. 14. 1 thess. 4. 11. 2 thess. 3. 6. 12. of christs acts 1 , 2 , 4. [ of the prophets , acts 5. 32. of the apostles phil. 8. the apostles ordained matters in churches , 1 cor. 7. 17. & 11. 34 the commandments of the apostles of christ the lord are to be kept 1 cor. 14. 37. 2 pet. 3. 2. ] iii. of countermanding ( luke 9. 49. acts. 15. 24. 1 tim. 2. 12. ) iv. of censuring , virga 1 cor. 4. 21. 2 cor. 13. 10. gladius , gal. 5. 12. tradendi satanae , 1. cor. 5. 5. 11. 1 tim. 1. 20. claves , matt. 16. 19. sit tibi with 18. 18. and john 20. 23. ) in this power it is , that the bishops succeed the apostles , 1. iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. 2. tertul. de praescript . 3. 3. cyprian ad plorent . 3. 9. 4. epiphan . haeres . 27. romae fuerunt primi pettus & paulus apostoli udem ac episcopi . 2. chrysost. in act 3. jacobus episcopus fuit hierosolimae . 6. hieronym . epist. 85. & 54. ad marcellam de montano , & de scriptoribus , ecclesiast . in petro & jacobo . 7. ambrose in 1 corinth . 11. ( de angelis ) & in eph. 4. ( apostoli episcopi sunt ) . of deacons . at the beginning the whole weight of the churches affairs lay upon the apostles . the distribution as well of the sacrament ( act 2. 42. ) as of the oblations ( acts 4. 35 ) the ordination ( acts 6. 6. ) the government ( acts 5. 3. ) but upon occasion of the greeks complaint whose widdows were not duly regarded in the daily ministration , which was as well of the sacrament as of the oblations , otherwise the apostles would not have left out ( the mention of ) the sacrament in act. 6. 4. they transferred that part upon the 7. deacons whom they ordained for distribution of the sacrament , not for consecration . * for that the deacons dealt not only with alms , 't is acknowledged by all the primitive church . justin apolog. 2. ignatius ad heron. tertull. de baptismo , cyprian de lapsis , & lib. 3. epist. 9. chrysost. hom . 83. in . matth. hieron . epist. 48. ad sabinam , & contra lucifer . ambr. offic. lib. 1. c. 41. greg. 4. 88. concil . nicaen . 1 can. 14. 1 tim. 3. 12. of evangelists . upon occasion of the scattering of the disciples , by means of the persecution after the death of st. stephen * grew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( acts 8. 4. & 11. 19. ) of which number st. phillip is reckoned ( acts 8. 21. ) and divers others acts 11. 19 , 20. of whom eusebius maketh mention lib. 3. cap. 37. and lib. 5. cap. 10. upon these was transferred that part of the apostles function which consisted in preaching from place to place . electio per sortes , acts 1. 10. per populi suffragia , acts 6. 6. per spiritum sanctum , act. 13. 2. of priests . when the church was in some sort planted by the preaching of the apostles , prophets and evangelists , that they might continually be watered , and have a standing attendance , the apostles ordained them priests by imposition of hands in every church , acts 14. 23. & 11. 30. & 21. 18. and they made choice of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rather then of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . more in use with the greeks , because it includeth an embassie , and that chiefly of reconcilation , which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expressed by st. paul in 2 cor. 5. 20. with luke 14. 32. [ and thence they were called presbyters . ] of bishops . last of all , that the churches thus planted and watered might so continue , the apostles ordained overseers to have a generall care over the churches , instead of themselves , who had first had the same , which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts 15. 36. and containeth in it , as a strengthening or establishing in that which is already well ( acts 14. 22. & 15. 41. rev. 3. 2. ) so a rectifying or redressing if ought be defective or amiss , tit. 1. 5. these are called by the apostles , acts 20. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the syrrian , that is episcopi , by st. john rev. 1. 20. the angels of the churches . these were set over others both to rule and teach , 1 tim. 5. 17. 1 pet. 5. 2. upon these was transferred the chief part of the apostolick function . the oversight of the church . the power of commanding , correcting , ordaining , the occasion which caused the apostles to appoint bishops ( besides the pattern set by gods ordinance in the time of the law ) seemeth to have been schisms , such as were in the churches of rome , rom. 16. 17. corinth , 1 cor. 1. 11. and 3. 3 , 4. galatia , gall. 5. 12. ephesus , eph. 4. 2 , 3. phillippi , phil. 4. 2. colossi , col. 3. 13. thessalonica , 2 thess. 3. 11. the hebrews , heb. 13. 9. james 3. 1. for which st. cyprian , s. jerome , and all the fathers take the respect to one governor , to be an especiall remedy ( for which also see calvin . instit. lib. 4. cap. 4. 8. 2. ) this power even in the apostles time was necessary , for god chargeth not his church with superfluous burdens , yet had they such graces ( as power of healing , doing signes , sundry languages , &c. that they of all other might seem best able to want it ; for by these graces they purchased both admiration and terrour sufficient for crediting of their bare word , in the whole church . if necessary then in their times that were so furnished , much more in the ages ensuing , when all these extraordinary graces ceased , and no means but it , to keep things in order . so that were it not apparent to have been in the apostles times , yet the necessity of the times following , destitute of these helps , might enforce it . seeing then god hath no less care for the propagation and continuance of his church , then for the first settling or planting of it , eph. 4. 13. it must needs follow , that the power was not personal in the apostles , as tyed to them only , but a power given to the church , and in them for their times resident , but not ending with them as temporary , but common to the ages after , and continuing , to whom it was more needfull then to them ) to repress schism , and to remedy other abuses . so that the very same power at this day remaineth in the church , and shall to the worlds end . of the persons * ( that executed these offices . i. albeit the commission were generall over all nations , which was given to the xii . yet was that generality only by permission , not expresly mandatory . else should they have sinned , that went not through all nations . therefore how soever the commission was to all nations , yet was it left to their discretion how , and in what fort they would dispose themselves , as the holy ghost should direct them . therefore that partition gal. 2. 9. betwixt st. peter and st. paul was lawfull and good , and no wayes derogatory to ite praedicate , goe teach all nations . further the ecclesiasticall history doth testifie , that they parted the coasts and countries of the world among them by common advice , and so sundred themselves . peter to pontus , galatia , capadocia . john to asia , parthia . andrew to cythia , pontus , euxinus & bizantium . phillip to upper asia , unto hierapolis . thomas to jndia , persia , and the magi. bartholomew to armenia , lycaonia , india citerior . mathew to ( ethiopia . ) simeon to mesopotamia , persia , egypt , afrique , britany . thaddeus to arabia , jdumea , mesopotamia . matthias to ethiopia . soc. 1. 15. 2. again albeit their preaching was for the most ambulatory ; yet do the same histories witness that having setled religion , and brought the church to some stay , towards their end , they betook themselves to residence in some one place , divers of them , as st james at jerusalem ( euseb. lib. 2. cap. 1. epiphan . haeres . 66. chrysost. in act. 15. hierom. chrysost. in acts 15. st. john at ephesus , euseb. 3. 26. tertul. lib. 4. contra marcion . hierom. st. peter first at antioch , and after at rome . which places were more specially accounted their sees , and the churches themselves after a more special manner were called apostolick . sedes apostolorum . august in epist. 42. ecclesiae apostolicae . tertullian . 3. it is also plain , that the apostles * while they lived chose unto them as helpers ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) divers who were companions with them in their journies ministred unto them , and supplyed their absences in divers churches , when they were occasioned * themselves to depart . such were . * androniours ( rom. 16. 17. ) apollos ( acts 19. 1. ) 1 cor. 3. 6. aquila ( rom. 16. 3. ) archippus phil. 2. ( col. 4. 17. ) aristarchus ( acts 20. 4. ) clemens ( phil. 3. 4. ) crescence ( 2 tim. 4. 10. ) demetrius ( 3 john 12. ) epaphras ( col. 4. 12. &c. 1. 7. & philem. 24. ) epaphroditus ( phil. 2. 23. ) epaenetus ( rom. 16. 5. ) erastus ( acts 19. 22. ) gajus ( acts 20. 4. ) jesus justus ( col. 4. 11. ) john marke ( acts 13. 5. & 15. 37. &c. philem. 24. ) lucas ( philem. 24. col. 4. 14. secundus ( act. 20. 4. ) silvanus ( 1 pet. 5. 12. ) ( 1 thes. 1. 2. 2 thes. 11. ) sopater ( acts 20. 4. ) sosttheues ( 1 cor. 1. 1. ) * stachys ( rom. 6. 9. ) stephanus ( 1 cor. 16 , 15. tertius ( rom. 16. 22. ) timotheus ( acts 19. 22. & 20. 4. ) titus ( 2 cor. 8. 23. ) trophimus ( acts 20. 4. ) tychicus ( acts 20. 4. ) * col. 4. 7. urbanus ( rom. 16. 9. ) of whom eusebius , lib. 3. hist. cap. 4. euthymius in tertium johannis . isydorus de patrib . derothei synopsis . * to these , as namely to timothy and titus ( two of these ) one at ephesus , the other in crete , euseb. lib. 3. cap. 4. the apostles imparted their own commission while they yet lived ; even the chief authority they had . to appoint priests , titus 1. 5. & hieron . in eum locum . to ordain them by laying on of hands , 1 tim. 5. 22. 2 tim. 2. 2. to keep safe and preserve the depositum , 1 tim. 6. 14. 20. 1 tim. 1. 14. to command not to teach other things , 1. tim. 1. 3. titus 3. 9. 2 tim. 2. 16. to receive accusations , 1 tim. 5. 19. 21. to redress or correct things amiss , titus 1. 5. to reject young widdows , 1 tim. 5. 11. to censure hereticks , and disordered persons ; titus 1. 11. and 3. 10. 1 tim. 6. 5. 2 tim. 3. 5. and these after the apostles deceased , succeeded them in their charge of government , which was ordinary , successive , and perpetual . their extraordinary gifts of miracles and tongues ceasing with them . so irenaeus lib. 3. cap. 3. quos & successores relinquebant , suum ipsorum locum magisterii tradentes . of the promiscuous use of their names . hese were they whom posterity called bishops , but in the beginning regard was not had to distinction of names , the authority and power was ever distinct , the name not restrained either in this or others . the apostles called priests , or seniors 1 pet. 5. 1. deacons or ministers 1 cor. 3. 5. teachers or doctors 1 tim. 2. 7. bishops or overseers acts 1. 20. prophets acts 13. 1 rev. 22. 9. evangelists 1 cor. 9. 16. 9. the name of apostle was enlarged and made common to more then the xii . to barnabas act. 14. 4. 14. andronicus rom. 16. 7. epaphroditus phil. 2. 25. titus and others 2 cor. 8. 23. timothy ( hierom. in cantic . chro. euseb. ) the priests were called prophets ( 1 cor. 14. 32. bishops phil. 1. 4. titus 1. 7. so chrysost. in phil. 1. quid hoc ? an unius eivitatis multi erant episcopi , nequaquam sed presbyteros isto nomine appellavit , tunc enim nomina adhuc erant communia . hierom. hic episcopos , presbyteros intelligimus ; non enim in una urbe plures episcopi esse potuissent . theodoret. * ne fieri quidem poterat , ut multi episcopi essent unius civitatis pastores , quo fit ut essent presbyteriquos vocavit episcopos . et in 1 tim. 3. eosdem olim vocabant episcopos & presbyteros ; eos autem qui nunc vocantur episcopi , nominabant apostolos . oecumenius : non quod in una eivitate multi essent episcopi , sed episcopos vocat presbyteros , tunc enim nominibus — adhuc communicabant . for in the apostles absence in churches new planted , the oversight was in them , till the apostles ordained , and sent them a bishop , either by reason of some schisme , or for other causes . the bishops as the ecclesiastical history recounteth them , were called , apostles phil. 2. 25. evangelists 2 tim. 4. 5. deacons 1 tim. 4. 6. priests 1 tim. 4. 17. for it is plain by the epistle of irenaeus to victor in eusebius lib. 5. cap. 25. that they at the beginning were called priests , that in very truth , and propriety of speech were indeed byshops , and by theodoret , phil. 2. 25. that they that were bishops were at first called apostles . the name ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) saith suidas was given by the athenians to them , which were sent to oversee the cities that were under their jurisdiction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ rodigin . 18. 3. ] the name episcopus was given among the romans to him qui praeerat pansi , & voenalibus ad victum quotidianum f. de muneribus & honoribus , cicero ad atticum lib. 7. epist. 10. vult me pompeius esse quem tota haec campania , & maritima or a habeat episcopum . the name in hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gen. 41. 34. seemeth to have relation to the second use , for they were such as had charge of the grain , laying up and selling under joseph . the use of the bishops office , and the charge committed to him . the party , who in the new testament is called episcopus , is in the old , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the office in the new 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 tim. 3. 1. in the old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 psalm . 109. 8. with acts 1. 20. in a house or family it is affirmed of joseph , gen. 39. 4. who had the oversight and government of the rest of the servants . in a house there be many servants which have places of charge * matt. 25. 14. but there is one that hath the charge of all * luk. 12. 42. that is occonomus the steward . so doe the apostles term themselves , 1 cor. 4. 1. and their office 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 9. 17. and their successors the bishops , tit. 1. 7. 9. vide hilar. in matt. 24. 45. in a flock the pastor , john 21. 15. acts 20. 28. matt. 25. 32. 1. pet. 3. 2. eph. 4. 11. in a camp , * the captain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , matt. 2. 6. heb. 13. 7. 17. 24. in a ship the governor * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 cor. 12. 28. under whom there are * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts 13. 5. in the common-wealth they be such as are set over officers , to hasten them forward , and so they doe their duties , as in 2 chron. 34. 13. & 31. 13. nehemiah 11. 22. & 12. 42. so that what a steward is in a house , a pastour in a flock , a captain in a campe , a master in a ship , a surveyor in an office , that is a bishop in the ministery . upon him lieth first * ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the eare of the churches under him , 2 cor. 11. 28. phil. 2. * concil . antiochen . can . 9. * act. 9. 32. & 15. 36. ( and to be observant . ) * ii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the visiting of them , acts 9. 32. & 15 , 16. * and in both these i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( tikkun ) * the confirming of that which is well and orderly acts 15. 41. rev , 3. 2. ii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( manatseach ) the redressing which is otherwise ( tit. 1. 5. ) to him was committed principally i. authority of ordaining , tit. 1. 5. and so of begetting fathers , epipha . haeres . 75. see ambros. theodoret and oecumentus in 1 tim. 3. damasus epist. 3. jerem . epist. 85. ad evagr. leo epist. 88. concil . ancyran . can. 12. al. 13. for though st. paul should mention a company * together a with him at the ordaining of timothy , 1 tim. 4. 14. yet it followeth not but that he only was * the ordainer . no more , then that christ is the only judge , although the xii . shall sit with him on thrones , luke 20. 30. ii. authority of enjoyning or forbidding ; 1 tim. 1. 3. ignatius ad magnesia , cyprian epist. 39. iii. authority of holding courts , and receiving accusations 1 tim. 5. 19. 1 cor. 5. 12. revel . 2. 2. augustin . de opere , monachor cap. 24. iv. authority of correcting , 1 tim. 1. 3. m●cro episcopalis tit. 1. 5. hieron . contra lucifer cap. 4. & epist . 53. ad riparium , cyprian epist. 38. ad rogatianum . v. authority of appointing fasts . tertullian adversus psychicos . the choice of persons to their calling . [ 1. the apostles were immediately called by christ. 2. for the calling of matthias the apostle peter gave direction ; two persons were propounded by the 120. the chief and constant disciples of christ , but he was designed to his place by a sacred lot. 3. some were chos●n and appointed to their callings by the holy ghost , acts 11. 12. acts 13. 2. acts 8. 29. acts 20. 28. 4. in choice of the seven deacons who were credited with the provision for such as wanted , the multitude of the chief , and constant disciples of christ , and the apostles who were contributers of the same , present 7. persons , the apostles ordain them deacons . 5. the apostles chose to themselves helpers , fellow servants of christ , fellow-souldiers , and the like , acts 15. 5. rom. 16. 9. 2 cor. 8. 23. coll. 4. 7. tit. 1. 5. so timothy well reported of is taken by paul , act. 16. 2. 3. 6. the apostles chose such as were their attendants , or ministers , and sent them to severall churches and people , acts 19. 22. 2 tim. 4. 10. 12. 2 cor. 12. 17. 1 thess. 3. 2. and left some to abide in churches where was need of their help . tit. 1. 5. col. 20. acts 18. 19. 1 tim. 1. 3. ] a letter of dr. hadrianus saravia , to the ministers of the isle of garnsay ; written in french and translated into english. grace and peace from jesus christ our lord. gentlemen and wel-beloved brethren in the lord , my calling doth oblige me to procure the good and the true edification of the churches of christ jesus , and chiefly of those which i have formerly had to doe with as their minister ; such are those of the islands , where i was one of the first , and know which were the beginnings , and by which means and occasions the preaching of gods word was planted there . but you hold now ( to my thinking ) a course quite contrary to that which we have held . all the favour we then obtained was through the bishops means , and without them i dare confidently assure you , that you will obtain nothing of what you look for . in the beginning there was no other reformation in the islands then that common throughout the whole kingdome of england . the priests which a little before had sung mass , became suddenly protestants ; but yet not one of them was appointed to preach the word of god. they were but ignorant blockheads , continuing still in ●eart and effection papists , and enemies to the gospel . now such as were sincerely affected to the gospel , prevailed so far as that they obtained ministers , with whom the priests could not agree : they retained their service , and the ministers preached , and had the exercise of religion asunder , following the order of the churches of france . in those beginings at the pursuit of mr. john after , dean , i was sent by my lords of the councell to the islands , as well in regard of the school that was newly erected , as to be a minister there . at that time the bishop of constance was sent ambasadour from the french king to queen elizabeth , from whom , and from her councell he obtained , letters to the governors of the islands , whereby they were enjoyned to yeild unto him all authority and right , which he pretended did belong unto him , as being the true bishop of the islands . but how this blow as was warded let your fathers tell you . upon this occasion the bishop of winchester ( as their true bishop ) took upon him the protection of the churches of both islands , representing to the queen , and unto her councel , that of old the islands did belong to his bishoprick , and that he had ancient records for it ; yea an excommunication from the pope against the bishop of constance , whenever he would challenge any episcopall jurisdiction over the islands . so through the means of the said bishop , and mr. john after , dean , two places only were priviledged of my lords of the councell , st. peeter-haven for garnzay , and st. helier for jarnsay , with prohibition to innovate in ought in the other parishes . then were the court and chapter of the bishop held , which afterwards were supprest , how , by whom , and by what authority , i know not : i fear the authors have run themselves into premunires ( if premunires have power within the islands ) the consistories , classes and synods of ministers have succeeded them , yet without any episcopall jurisdiction . now so it is , that your islands want episcopall courts for proving of wills , for divorces , and marriages , and for the tythes which are causes , and actions , ecclesiasticall , and have so been these 600. years and upwards , as well under the dukes of normandy , as the kings of england . the reformation and change of religion hath altered nothing ; neither is there any one that hath power or authority to transferre the said causes to any other judges then to the bishop , but the kings majesty : so that your civil magistrates have nothing to doe with such causes ; if they meddle with them 't is usurpation . the french ministers are so rash as to say , that the bishops of england have usurpt this jurisdiction , and that it belongeth not unto them , because it is civil , making no difference between what some bishops have heretofore usurpt , & what the king and soveragn magistrates have freely given ( for certain reasons moving them thereunto ) and conferred upon bishops ; therefore though the matter be civill , yet can they not be held for usurpers . truly the present state and condition of the kingdom of england doth bely such slanderers of our bishops . i fear that your magistrates being seasoned with this doctrine , have carried themselves in this point more licentiously then the laws of this kingdome and of their islands will warrant them . i pass over the debates that might be made upon this matter , as a thing impertinent in the place and government under which we live . i consider the state of england . and that of the islands , and the dignity of bishops , and the condition of the other ministers of the church , such as it is at this day . in scotland for the time present the state hath otherwise provided , but not in england , and therefore ye ought not to take example by them , as though your state were like theirs . i hear that your governor hath taken order about wills , and appointed one to prove them . but i cannot conceive how that may be done without episcopal jurisdiction conferred by the bishop . your governour i know hath power to present to the bishop a man proper to execute this authority of the bishop in his name . likewise the governor as patron of the churches and parishes of his government , upon the vacancy of any living , ought to present by such a time a man well qualified to succeed in the office of a pastour , but the admission and induction of such a charge , belongs to your bishop , and to no body else . if i be well informed , you observe nothing of all this : which if it be so , you 'l never be able to justifie it . the example of the french churches , and of the low-countries doe you no good . your case is quite another : they have laws from their soveraigns , and particular places for themselves , but all that you doe is contrary to the laws and ordinance of the king your soveraign . you hold synodicall meetings , wherein you make statutes about the government of the church , unto which you bind your selves and the rest that are naturall subjects to the king : wherein you ( unsensibly derogate from his authority . the synods of the arch-bishops and bishops , together with the rest of the clergy of this realm dare not presume that which you doe , nor attribute to their canons and statutes what you attribute to yours . yet the assembly of bishops and of their clergie , is of men far otherwise qualified then some dozen of the ministers of your islands to judge and discern what belongs to the edification of the church ; their decrees nevertheless are of no authority to tye unto them those of this realm , till the king , yea in his own person , have approved them , and by proclamation made them his : there is no body in his realm , nor in any of his dominions that hath power to enact laws and decrees but himself : the parliaments authority is great , but without the kings assent nothing takes the rigour of law. i know very vell , that at the perswasion of the ministers , your governours and others that were present to your synods , have subscribed and acknowledged your synodicall acts , they did it even in my time : but their power doth not stretch so far . that may bring a greater prejudice to themselves , then give force of ecclesiasticall law to your decrees . i doe not think that his majesty being well informed will grant unto your ministers or governours of your islands such authority : they will be more pernicious to you then youthink . you 'l alledge me , i know , your priviledges ; but i dare boldly answer you ; that you never had any such priviledges : i have read them , and have the copies of them ; and they say ; that in matters civil you shall be governed by the ancient coustumier of normandy , and that you are not subject to the statutes of the parliament in such matters , nor to the subsidies , other charges and impositions that are raised in england , except ( which god forbid ever should come to pass ) the king were detained prisoner by the enemy . in matters ecclesiasticall you are freed from the bishop of constance , and under that of winchester , yea even of old by the popes authority and consent of the two kings , from whom also in part , your neutrality in times of warre is approved , excommunicating all such as would molest you . ye cannot shew concerning your priviledges , but only what is renewed as often as there is a new king. and for the patent which you say you have procured from his majesty for matters of religion ; first , it is in generall terms , and without any clause derogating from the authority of your bishops . secondly , if it be questioned , it may be told you , that it was surreptitious , and granted you before the king was well informed of the business . to conclude you must understand that in matters of religion the kings majesty will doe nothing without the counsell and advice of the arch-bishop and your bishop of winchester ; wherefore you may doe well to insinuate your selves in their favour , and conform your selves to them , as we have done in the beginning . you may reduce the decrees of the church of england , and the use of the book of prayers to a good and christian discipline , farre more solid , and better grounded then that for which ye so earnestly bestirre your selves . i must addone word more which will be hard of digestion . this is it , that you may be upbraided , that as many ministers that are naturall of the countrey , being not made ministers of the church by your bishop , nor by his demissories , nor by any other according to the order of the english church , you are not true and lawfull ministers . likewise that as many among you as have not taken institution and induction into your parishes from the bishop , nor from his substitute lawfully ordained and authorised so to doe , ye are come in by intrusion and usurpation of cure of souls , which no body could give you but your bishop , that is , in terms and words evangelicall , that you are not come into the sheep-fold by the door , but by elsewhere , and that by the ecclesiasiastical laws you are excommunicants and schismaticks . i know well enough you do not regard such laws , and think that your priviledges will exempt you from them , wherein you greatly deceive your selves . for a man may tell you , who are yee that would have your ecclesiastical decrees made by private authority , to have force of laws , and dare scorn and reject those of the english church , made by publick authority , by farre honester men , greater scholars ( without comparison ) more learned , and farre more in number then you are ? the kings majesty by his royall authority hath approved them , this realm hath received them . but what are your synodall decrees ? who be the authors of them , and who be they that have approved them ? 't is winkt at , and your ignorance is born with , but think not , that that which is born in you be any such thing as vertue . your priviledges do not stretch so far as that you may make ecclesiasticall decrees : had it been so , the priests had retained mass and poperie : in that you hold a contrary course to that of the english church whereof you are and must be ( if you be englishmen ) members , it proceeds from nothing else but from the connivence and indulgence of your governors , who have given too much credit to the french ministers , and partly in the beginning , to the stubborness of the papists of the islands . when your governors shall have a liking to the english reformation , then will they make you leave the french reformation : you fail against wind and tyde ; you think that the governors you shall have hereafter will be like sir tho. layton , you are deceived . though this day you had compassed your wish , to morrow or the next day after , at your governors pleasure , all shall be marred again . finally , the ecclesiasticall government which you aske , hath no ground at all upon gods word . 't is altogether unknown to the fathers , who in matter of christian discipline , and censure of manners , were more zealous and precise then we are , but you cannot , of all the learned and pious antiquity ▪ shew one example of the discipline or ecclesiasticall order , which you hold , as your bishop in his book of the perpetuall government of the sonne of gods church , doth learnedly teach . i pass over what i have my self written concerning it in my book , de diversis ministrorum gradibus , and in my defence against the answer of mr. beza , and more largely in my confutation of his book de triplicigenere episcoporum . i cannot wonder enough at the scotchmen , who could be perswaded to abolish and reject the state of bishops , by reasons so ill grounded , partly false , partly of no moment at all , and altogether unworthy a man of such fame . if the scots had not more sought after the temporal means of bishops , then after true reformation , never had mr. beza's book perswaded them to do what they have done . and i assure you , that your opinion concerning the government of the church , seems plausible unto great men , but for two reasons , the one is to prey upon the goods of the church , the other for to keep it under , the revenues and authority of bishops being once taken away . for the form of your discipline is such , that it will never be approved of by a wise and discreet supreme magistrate , who knows how to govern . ye see not the faults you commit in your proceedings as well consistoriall as synodals , men well versed in the lawes , and in government do observe them . but they contemn them so long as they have the law in their own hands , and that it is far easier for them to frustrate them , & regard neither consistorie nor synodes , then for you to command and make decrees . were your discipline armed with power , as the inquisition of spain is , it would surpass it in tyranny . the episcopall authority is canonical , that is , so limitted and enclosed within the bounds of the statutes and canons [ of the church ] that it can command nothing without law , much less contrary to law. and the bishop is but the keeper of the lawes , to cause them to be observed , and to punish the transgressors of your consistories and synodes . for the present i will say no more , only take notice of this , that it is not likely the king who knows what consistories and synodes be , will grant that to the islands which doth displease him in scotland . this , gentlemen and brethren , have i thought good to write vnto you , intreating you to take it well , as comming from him that loves the islands , and the good and edification of the church of christ , as much as you can doe . upon this occasion i have thought fit to add thus much concerning dr. hadrianus saravia . his learning is sufficiently known by his works , his judgement in relation to the liturgy and discipline of the church of england is declared by this letter , which doth further appear by his subscriptions following . 1. in queen elizabeth's time the form required was in these words , we whose names are here underwritten , do declare and unfainedly testify our assent to all and singular the articles of religion , and the confession of the true christian faith , and the doctrine of the sacraments comprized in a book imprinted , intituled articles , whereupon it was agreed by the arch-bishops and bishops of both provinces , and the whole clergy in the convocation holden at london in the year of our lord god 1562. according to the computation of the church of england , for the avoiding of the diversities of opinions , and for the establishing of consent touching true religion , put forth by the queens authority . and in testimony of such our assents we have hereunto subscribed our names , with our own proper hands , as hereafter followeth . unto this doctor hadrianus de saravia ( the sixth prebend of the church of canterbury being conferred upon him ) subscribes in these words : per me hadrianum de saravia sacrae theologiae professorem , cui sexta prebenda in ecclesia cathedrali christi cantuariens conferenda est sexto december is 1595. wherein i find he did immediately succeed doctor whitaker , whose subscription is in these words , viz. per me gulielmum whitaker sacrae theologiae doctorem ejusdemque professorem regium in academia cantabrigiensi , cui sexta praebenda in ecclesia cathedrali chrstl cantuarens . conferenda est , decimo maii 1595. according unto which i find mr. john dod of hanwell in oxfordshire ( who wrot upon the commandements ) to have subscribed in these words : per me johannem dod , in artibus magistrum praesentatum ad ecclesiam de hanwell oxon. dioces . 28. julii 1585. unto whom abundance more ( and about that time ) might be added mr. richard rogers , doctor reynolds of oxford , &c. among whom it pleased me to find the hand of the reverend and learned mr. hooker thus subscribing : per me richardum hooker clericum in artibus magistrum praesentatum ad canonicatum et praebendam de neather-haven in ecclesia cathedrali sarum . 17. julii 1591. 2. in king jame's time , and since , the form of the subscription was thus , to the three articles mentioned in the 36. chapter of the book of canons . first , that the kings majesty under god is the only supreme governor of this realm , and of all other his highness dominions and countries , as well in all spirituall or ecclesiasticall things or causes as temporall , and that no foraign prince , person , prelate , state or potentate hath or ought to have any jurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence or authority ecclesiasticall or spirituall within his majesties said realms , dominions and territories . that the book of common prayer and of ordering of bishops , priests and deacons , containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of god , and that it may lawfully so be used , and that he himself will use the form in the said book prescribed in publick prayer , and administration of the sacraments , and none other . that he alloweth the book of articles of religion agreed upon by the arch-bishops and bishops of both provinces and the clergy in the convocation holden at london in the year of our lord , one thousand five hundred sixty and two . and that he acknowledgeth all and every the articles therein contained , being in number nine and thirty besides the ratification to be agreeable to the word of god. to these three articles , doctor hadrianus de saravia being instituted unto the rectory of great chart in the diocess of canterbury anno 1609. subscribes in these words . ego hadrianus de saravia sacrae theologiae professor , cui ecclesia parochialis de charta magna cantuar. dioces . conferenda est , his tribus articulis supra scriptis , & omnibus & singulis in iisdem contentis , lubens & ex animo subscribo , vicessimo quinto die mensis februarii , anno dom. juxta computationem ecclesiae anglicanae , 1609. hadr. de saravia . according unto which in succeeding years i find very many of our reverend divines , famous in their times for learning and piety have subscribed also , which would be needless here to mention , in regard their judgments are sufficiently known that way : only there are some other learned men , and of a pious estimation ( whom the vulgar possibly have misapprehended ) i have thought fit to doe them that right , as to vindicate them in it , having found them there as fully and heartily subscribing also : each of which being various in some expressions i have put them down distinctly . mr. nicholas bifeild ( whose many pious works hath made him famous ) subscribes in these words : mart. ult . 1615. ego nicholaus bifeild verbi divini praedicator , admittendus & instituendus ad vicariam de isleworth in comitatu middlesex , hisce tribus articulis & omnibus in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo subscribo . mr. jeremiah dike of epping in essex , ( an able and constant preacher , and of great esteem in his time ) subscribes thus : mart. 21. anno 1609. ego jeremiah dike in artibus magister legitime praesentatus ad vicariam de epping in essex , his tribus articulis supra scriptis , & omnibus in iisdem contentis , lubens , & ex animo subscribo . which two i find subscribing accordingly twice . mr. daniel caudery . april . 25. 1616. ego daniel caudery in artibus magister admissus ad docendam grammaticam in ecclesia parochiae de berkin in comitatu essexiae , his tribus articulis , & omnibus , in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo , non coactus , subscribo . mr. william jenkyn . jan. 2. 1640. ego gulielmus jenkyn clericus in artibus magister , jam admittendus , & instituendus , ad & in rectoriam sancti leonardi in vico colcestriae in comitatu essexiae , hisce tribus articulis praescriptis , antea a me lectis , & omnibus , in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo , subscribo . guil. jenkyn . mr. calamy . novemb. 9. 1637. ego edm. calamy sacrae theologiae bacch . jam admittendus & instituendus , ad & in rectoriam de rochford in comitatu essexiae , hisce tribus articulis praescriptis antea a me lectis , & omnibus in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo , subscribo . edm. calamy . and what is here subscribed as to the book of common-prayer , was heretofore ( to my own knowledge ) as diligently attended by persons of the like eminency being so farre from absenting themselves , that they were carefull to come to the beginning of it . and it is also as fully defended by mr. hildersham in his 26. lecture upon cap. 24. of st. john ) ( a man of as much learning and piety as any before mentioned ) to be according to gods institution , ordinance and commandement ; which in another treatise i have more largely declared ( with the testimonies of divers others . ) and in his 27. and 29. lect. exhorts unto kneeling at it , and being bareheaded even at the reading of the psalms and chapters , as of the rest of divine service , defends the custome of our church therein , as well becomming every one of gods people to conform themselves unto it . in the view of the registry of subscriptions of later years , i find that till the year 1641. all subscribed as abovesaid , and continued it , to the articles of religion , though with several expressions and provisoes , in an . 1643. thus , tertio articulo praescripto , &c. or thus , articulis religionis praescriptis juxta formam statuti in eodem casu editi , & provisi , i. e. to the articles of religion before written , according to the form of a statute ( or ordinance ) in that case provided and published . in 1644. the form was thus , articulis religionis ecclesiae anglicanae juxta formam statuti in ea parte editi , &c. quatenus non regugnant foederi nationali , &c. i. e. to the articles of religion of the church of england , &c. as far as they are not repugnant to the national covenant , &c. and about 1646. thus : salvo foedere nationali , then about octob. 1648. that clause was left out ( there being it seems in the covenant somewhat contradicting that horrid act intended unto the late king of blessed memory ) and the form was then only artioulis religionis ecclesiae anglicanae , and so continued till this late happy change of government , when the subscriptions returned to the first form . a postscript . one thing more in relation to the lord primate usher , there hath been a pamphlet of late revived which had been printed before in his name , intituled the bishop of armaghs direction to the parliament concerning the liturgy and episcopal government , &c. against which , as himself had declared in his life time , so have i since his death , to be a false fictitious paper ; yet notwithstanding it is reprinted , and sold up and down as his , and accordingly produced at this day , by many upon all occasions to his great injury . for the further clearing of which let the reader take notice that in anno , 1640. when it came first out , the primate petitioned the house of commons for the suppressing of it ; upon which this order was conceived as followeth . an order of the commons-house of parliament , for the suppessing of * another pamphlet falsely fathered upon the said arch-bishop of armagh , die martis 9. feb. 1640. whereas complaint hath been made unto us by james lord archbishop of armagh , and priof all ireland , that a certain pamphlet hath been lately most injuriously fathered upon him , and spread under the false title of the bishop of armaghs direction to the house of parliament concerning the liturgy and episcopall government . it is this day ordered in the commons house of parliament , that the master and company of stationers , and all others whom it may concern , shall take such course for the suppressing of the said book , that they shall not suffer it to be put in print ; or if it be already printed , not permit the same to be divulged ; and if any man shall presume to print or publish the book above mentioned , that he or they shall be then lyable to the censure of the said house . h. elsyng cler. dom. com. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a27494-e7440 ☞ notes for div a27494-e10330 1 pet. 2. 13 , 14. john 20. 23. 1 tim. 5. 17. tit. 2. 15. mat. 16. 19. & 18. 18 rom. 13. 4 : ezra 7. 26. math. 20. 52. 2 chron 26 18 1 tim. 2. 2. * as on the other side , that a spirituall or ecclesiasticall government is exercised in causes civill or temporal : for is not excommunication a main part of ecclesiastical government , and forest laws a special branch of causes temporal , yet we see in sententiâ , lat● super chartas , an. 12 r. h. 3. that the bishops of england pronounce a solemn sentence of excommunication against the infringers of the liberties contained in chartâ de forestâ . mark 16. 15. acts 1. 25 , 26. notes for div a27494-e12710 o sullevan hist. cathol . hib. sol . 20. & 2●3 . stat. hyb . 20. eliz. pat. an. 11. hen. 3. 10. tu●r . lond. pat. an. 3. hen. 3. membran . 9. pat. gascony in 18 edw. 2. m●mbr . 25. indo . s. pat an . 44. edw. 3. ●n arch ●● tu●r . lond. math. 22 , 21. mal. 3. 8. plurima tune tempor is circumserebatur sama traducens apostolos veluti seditiosos rerumque novatores , &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in rom. ●om . 23. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in rom. 〈◊〉 . 23. ( d ) deut. 33. 5. e in decalog . praer . 5. nome● creaturae , ( sio enim malim vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reddere , quam per ordinationem , cum nullibi in scriptura tali sensu reperiatur usurpata ) accipi potest pro eminentia ut sensus sit , subjecti esto●e eis qui inter homines eminent , sicut immedtate ●●idit sive regi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quasi explicare volu sset ambiguam vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f sic quid n● á petro hic per excellenti●m rex dicitur , humana creatura q●ia inter reliquos homines eminet . ibidem . g ibid. quia d●catur creatura ideo actus creatoris & humana per excellentiam , ideo a deo originem traxisse qui origo est omnis excellentiae , quod sequentia etiam confirmant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 propter dominum . i. e. quia cum instituit dominus . * apol. ad constant . tibi deus imperium commisi qui tuum imperium malignis occulis carpit contradicit ordinationi divinae . h apolog. necesse est ut suspiciamus eum quim dominus noster elegit , & merito dixerim , noster est magis caesar ut a nostro deo constitutus . ( i ) colimus imperatorem ut bominem a deo secundum , & solo deo minorem . ad scapul . k pharisaei ●●nus hominum astutum , arrogans , de scrupu ofitate paternae legis gloriantes , & spectem p●etatis simulantes , caesari ( etsi cunct● gens ju laica , jurejurando jurasset ) sidelitatem ju are recusaverunt , imo , qui numero erant supra sex millia , regibus adeo in●e●●i suerunt ut eos aperte opp●gnare ausi fuerint josephus . antiq 17. cap. 3. l principem esse propter populum princ●p● tum esse ex lege & au h●r●tate humana . populum nunquam ita suam ●otestatem in regem transfe●re , quin illam sibi in habitu retineat , & in cer●●●●si●a , etiam a ●u recipire possit l. 5. de pontif. c. 8. quod lib. c. 8. confirmat exemplis oziae & athalia , qui o●e populi , a solio sue●unt dejecti . m si princeps promissa servet , & no● servabimus : bene im●erant● , bene obtemperandū : ad quem per●n●● institutio ad eundem destitutio . * helmold in chron. slau . n avent . 5. annal . si ab articulis recedant princip●s non debet obligatiatio nocere subtis , ibid. 2 chron. 16. 2 chron. 16. 2 chron 28. 2 chron. 22. oap 33. kin. 9. & 10. o lib. 2. advers . parmen . david . inimicum habebat in manibus in cautum & securum adversarium , sine labore potuti jugulare , & sine sanguine , multorum bellu mutare in caedem , preri ejus & opportui●as suadebant ad victoriam , &c. sed obstabat plena divino●ū memoria mandatorum : repressit cum gladio manum , & dum timu● oleum servav●t inimicum , &c. & cum comple ret observantiam , vindicavit occisum . ( * ) cap 9. ju●ae● , sepecon●ra proprios reg●s , e●●am á davidica stirpe , approbant● deo ●s●rrexisse ●le-gumur . 1 pet. 2. 13. 1 sam. 24. 6. lib. 3. cap. 10. b avent . lib. 3. annal. regem cum piebs constituit , eunden . & deslituere potell . prince s●op●lo , cujus beneficio posst . ● . obnoxius est . c de potestate eccles. q. 22. art. 3. imperatorem à papa posse depo●i●jui● ibit infic as , ejus en●m est 〈…〉 cujus e●t constituere . d trithem . lib 1. compend . annal. de 〈◊〉 . reg & gent. franc. e platina in stepb . 6. princeps qui alias suit christianissimus deum timens , ecclesiasticis sanct o●ibu● devous●ame parens in elce . mo●ynts largus nationibus in desiu●nter 〈◊〉 & . ●● tamen cum his tot , & tantis virtutibus non effugit carolus notam tyranni & deposit us ●u●ta subditis . f in recognit . lib. 3. q. de latcis . g de. translat . imp . lib. 1 c 2. omnes injuria● a mgist ata po tius serunt boni , quam atrocissimus , quàm ut in eum invehunt , sermone , scr●p●c ; opere , ad ordinis & pacis public per ▪ turbationem . h potius relinquendi sunt mali regnantes judicio dei quā polluendae manus per rebellioonem ; non caret deus modis quibus possit , quando voluerit hujusmodi malos principes tollere , vel emendare : malum si sit imperium non est quod male obedienda ulcisci debeamus , eut peccatum regis peccatis nostris pu●ire , sed potius patienter serendo iram dei tmolliere , qui corda regum suâ gubernat . manu , &c. lib. 26. derepub . c. 5. h potius relinquendi sunt mali regnantes judicio dei quā polluendae manus per rebellioonem ; non caret deus modis quibus possit , quando voluerit hujusmodi malos principes tollere , vel emendare : malum si sit imperium non est quod male obedienda ulcisci debeamus , eut peccatum regis peccatis nostris pu●ire , sed potius patienter serendo iram dei tmolliere , qui corda regum suâ gubernat . manu , &c. lib. 26. derepub . c. 5. ( i ) heb. 10. 31. i lib. ad scapul . nos prosalute imperatorum deum invocamus , &c. * sozom lib. 4. cap. 17. ut oremus sedulo pro tua salute imperio & race quam deus tibi sempiternam benignus largiatur . * theodor. lib. 2. cap. 20. rursumte , gloriosissime imperator obsecramus ut ante hyemis asperitatem jubeas nos ad ecclesias nostras redire , ut omnipotenti deo , pro statu potentiae tuae una cum porulo , quemadmodum serimus & sacimus magno s●udio supplicare possemus . k orat 8 18. 22. 24. 25. 27. l socrat. lib. 4. cap. 13 m in psalm . 124. iulianus , infidelis imperator , apostata in qus , milites fideles servie●unt impe atori infideli quando d●ceat , producite aciem ite contra illam 〈◊〉 , statim obtem●eraba●t , ●●●ting●ebant , dem●n●m ●●ernuon a domino temporali , & tamen sui diti erant propter dominum aeternam , etiam domino temporali . n ad sca●● . ●n●a majestatē imperatora insamamur tamea nunquam t●ter alb●anos , niga●os , vel cassianos nos in venire potu●runt . o in orat , de busilic , non tradend . volens nunquam deseram coastus repugnare non novi . fle epot●ro , l●●b●ymae m●ae mea armi sunt , al●ter nec deb●o , nec possum resisse●e . p quod me um est . i. e. sundum meum , non refragarer , si co . pus petit occu●ram , vultis in unicula rapere vultis in mortem voluptati est mihi non ego me vallabo circumfusione populorum , nec altaria teneb● vitam obsecrans sed pro altaribus gratis immolabor . ibid. q bern ep. 221. ad ludon reg. pro matre nostra ecclesia propugnabimus sed quibus armis non scutis , non glad●s sed precibus fl●ctibusque ad deum . r religioni quam profi ebatur , putavit magis consen●a neum patientia quam injusta seditione conjuriam imperatoris superare . apol. a haec sola novitas ne dicam haeresi● , nec dum in mundo emenserat : sigeb . chronol . ann. 1088. object . necessita●i magic quam vi t●●● & valun●ati ●a●ctorum pat●um , &c. b julianus tyranide sua vi res omnes praeciderit quibus alids its contra apostatam uti fas fuisses . c lib. 6 de regn . c. 26. & depo●est . papae . d in apol. b●ll . a n. 249. usque ad u. 267. answer . e fere om●e● mortales ●un● denrum cultu reli . to , christianorum genit . &c. euseb. l b. 9. c. 9. f apol. exter●●●umus , & vestra omnia in p●cvimus , urbes insulas , ca●●ella , m●●n●ci p●a , conciliaba la. castra ipsa , decarias , p●la ita , sorum , se nals●● : cui bello non . 〈◊〉 non prem ●● suissexiu● , ●●i tam 〈…〉 , si nan apud discipliam nostram . magis ctcid . li●●re● quam 〈…〉 . g theod. lib. 3. cap. 17. cum multi militum qui exer●ore thus adoleverunt , imposturis juliani decepti , peregiam discurrences , non tantum manus , sed corpor a ad ignam offerent ut igne polluti igne repurgarentur . h lib. 5. de pontifice c. 7. i helmold . histor . sclau . cap. 28 , 29 , 30. lib. 1. spectate manum meam dextram de vulneie cauciam , haec ego iuravi domino henrico , ut non nocerem et , nec insidtarer gloriae ejus , sed jussio apostolica po●tificamus mandatum me ad id dedu●i● , ut juramenti transgressor honorem mihi 〈◊〉 usorparem : videtis quod in manu unde jura menta violavi mortale hoc vi●lnus accepi . viderint ii qui nos ad 〈◊〉 instigave●unt , qualiter nos duxerint ne forte deducti simus in praecipitium aeier●ae damnationis praesat . apol. apol. notes for div a27494-e24150 occasion of writing that book of the power of the princes , &c. his speech of the oath of supremacy . his speech of supplying the kings necessiries . mr. hookers judgment of regal power confirmed by the primate . his sufferings for it . his prayers , joy , and sorrow according to the success of his majesties affairs . his compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his majesty . his judgment . his practice . the reduction of episcopacy . &c. the occasion and end oft it . ordination of the church of england . episcopal superiority over presbyters . as the sun to the other lights . the dignity and power of the first-born . a● the distance beween the high-priest , and the other inferiour priests . his approbation of books tending to the preheminence of episcopacy . the liturgy . the service song . the ceremonies . his reducing the scrupulous 〈…〉 the falshood of some pamphlets put out in his name since his death . some particulars observed by him , the articles of religion of england . the canons of ireland , 1614. taken out of q. eliz. injunct and can of engl. the common prayer . book of ordination . his subscription . canons of ireland . anno 1634. taken out of those of england . the festivals . good friday . confirmation of children . catechism . apparrel of the clergy . consecration of churches . notes for div a27494-e29560 * this is wanting in the common books of mr. hookers m. s. cor. 3. 7 , 8. ad. 2. ad. 3. exod. 19. 1 pet. 2. * thom. in cum locum . revel . 1. 6. * this is also wanting in the common copy . ) * euseb. l. 4. de vit . constant. * dib . ad const. * lib. 5. epi. 33. * ep. 166. 162. t. c. l. 1. p 193. this is in the common copies . that is , in the copies which the primate then saw , but not in that which is now printed of their power in making ecclesisticall laws . what laws may be made for the affairs of the church , & to whom the power of making them appettaineth deut. 12. 32 ▪ 4. 2. jos. 1. 7. * tho. 2. quaest . 1 c 8. artic . 2. prov. 6. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . archit . de le●e & justit . * this is wanting in the common books of mr hooker's m. s. in vit . cypy . nulla ratio dist. 63. * ep. hono● imp. ad bonif. concil . tom. 1. * 25 ed. 3. * 25 ed. 3. * 25 h. 8. c. 20 * c. nullu● , dist. 63. * tom. 1. concil . * onuph . in pelag . 2. * ●rea in . dist. 63. * w●tthramu● naumburgensis , deinvestit episcoporum per imperat . saciendâ . * cap. general . de elect . l. 6. * adver . jovin . l. 1. * l. 7. epist 5. * theod. lib. 5. cap. 27. * sozom. lib. 8. cap. 2. * marcel . l. 15. * socr. 2. c. 27. & l. 4. c. 29. * theod. l. 2. c. 15 , 16 , 17. * sozom. lib. 4. c. 11. & l. 6. c. 23. * in vit . cypr. * c. sacrorum canon . dist . 63. * c. lectis dist. 63. * this is in the common copy of mr. ho●ke , m. s. that is , in the copies which the primate then saw , but not in the now printed ones . * t. c. lib 3. pag. 155. * euseb. de vita constant. lib. 4. * epist. 162. 166. * lib. ad constant . * lib. 5. ep 33 * inclusa desunt in vul●atis exempl● ib. * doctrin . ●iccip . lib 5. cont. 2 cap. 18. * apud athanos in epist. ad solit . vit . agentes . * suid. in verb. leontius . * epist. 68. * see the stature of edward 1. and edward 2. and nat. bren. touching prohibition . see also in bract n these sentences l. 5. c. 2. est jurisdictio quaedā ordinaria quaedam delegata , quae pertinet ad sacerdotium & forum ecclesiasticum , sicut in causis spiritualibus & spiritualitati annexis . est etiam alia jurisdictio , ordinaria vel delegata , quae pertinet ad coronam & dignitatem regis . & ad regnum , in causis & placitis rerum temporalium in so●o seculari . again , cum diversae sint binc inde jurisdictiones , & diversae judices , & diversae causae ; debet quilibet ipsorum inprimis aestimare , an sua sit jurisdictio , ne falcem videatur ponere in messem alienam . again , non pertinet ad regem injungere poenitentias , nec ad judicem secularem . nec etiam ad eos pertinet cognoscere de iis quae sunt , spiritualibus annex asecut de decimis & aliis ecclesiae proventionibus . again , non est laicus conveuiendus coravs judice ecclesiastico de aliquo quod in soro seculari terminari possit & debeat . * none of all this which follows is to be found in the common coppy of mr hookers ms notes for div a27494-e34860 * antiquit. l. 4. c. 8. 2 sam. 2 , 3. nehem. 11. 25. all this is writ with the lord primat ushers own hand . 2 sam. 17. 24. 1 of priests . 2 of levites . 1 chron. 24. vers . 26. 27. * ibri the author in his review and emendations hath in this place made this querie . seeing the courses were but 24. why should ibri 25. be reckoned jedeiah was chief . quer. whether he was not to be connted one of the 24. because of his generall superintendency over the rest . this querie seems to be resolved by the primate , and was the occasion of setting down the bove mentioned genealogy . * it seemeth the first of these jedeiah is to be omitted in the reckoning ( as chief over them all ) in respect of his generall superintendency over the rest . 3 of judges . 4 of officers . 5 of singers . 6. of porters . officers and judges . this answer i find ordered by the author to be thus put instead of that which had been in a former copy . this also the author hath added to be put unto the former answer exod. 14. 27. numb . 33. 9. the supposed author in his advertisments concerning this passage , saith , this i know not well what way to make more clear . the supposed author in his advertisments put this out here , saying [ this i thought might better make a chapter of it self : see infra , the last chapter of all . ] acts 5. 5. 15. 13. 11. 19. 2. 1. 16. 46 , acts 14. 11. 8. 13. 5. 11. 13. vid. hierem. epist. 4. ad rusticum . c. 6. et epist. ad . eva● ium . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theodorat , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( b ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 tim. 1. 6. this is added by the supposed author . notes for div a27494-e57930 there was one called vox hy berntae , published in his name , for the suppressing of which he had an order from the house of pe●rs . the casuist uncas'd, in a dialogue betwixt richard and baxter, with a moderator between them, for quietnesse sake by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1680 approx. 235 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 44 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47813 wing l1209 estc r233643 12730926 ocm 12730926 66487 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47813) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66487) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 695:10) the casuist uncas'd, in a dialogue betwixt richard and baxter, with a moderator between them, for quietnesse sake by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. the second edition. [8], 80 p. printed for h. brome ..., london : 1680. includes bibliographical references. a satire on richard baxter. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng baxter, richard, 1615-1691. church and state -england. dissenters, religious -england. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2004-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the casuist uncas'd , in a dialogue betwixt richard and baxter , with a moderator between them , for quietnesse sake . by roger l' estrange . the second edition . london , ●rinted for h. brome at the signe of the gun in s. pauls church-yard . 1680. upon the manners , as well as the services of the royall party . what can i do better , then to face him with the acts of the assembly , and the proceedings of the two houses , to the contrary ? and to produce his own act and deed in evidence against his profession ? on the one hand , you have mr. baxter valuing himself up●● his principles of loyalty , and obedience ; and on the other ha●● , you have the very same mr. baxter , ( according to the outward man ) not only pleading the cause , but celebrating the justice , and canonizing ( as in his saints rest , pa. 101. of the old editions ) the prime directors and instruments of the late rebellion : asserting the very doctrine of those positions , whereupon it was founded . when mr. baxter sets up for a toleration ; wh●● can be fairer then to shew him his own arguments against it ? or to ask him , how he , ( a kinde of heteroclite in his opinions , ) that has chalk'd out so singular a plat-form of church-regiment 〈◊〉 himself , comes now to be a common advocate for all the dissenting parties ? take him in one mood , ( as in his five disputations , and elsewhere ) and he tells ye , that a diocesan prelacy is plainly antichristian , and intolerable . and yet in his no●-conformists plea , and other parts of his writings , he tells ye aga●n , that the nonconformists would have submitted to it . now if the constitution was so abominable , why should they submit to it ▪ and if it was not so , why does mr. baxter say that it was ? an● why does he still persist , in debauching and alienating the hea●● of the people from their rulers , in matters which he himself acknowledges to be warrantable , and established by law ? and so for 〈◊〉 liturgy and ceremonies , he 's at the same variance with himself , about the lawfulnesse , or vnlawfulnesse of those points also . now since mr. baxter has been pleased to take upon himself , the patronage of the non-conformists cause , and to put forth his plea , and his plea again for that interest ; what can be more ob●iging then to take him at his word , and consider him under the publick character of their representative ? at this rate , mr. baxters works will be as good as a non-conformists dictionary to us : and assist the world toward the vnderstanding of the holy dialect , i● a wonderful manner . for the purity of the gospell ; the ways of christ : the ordinances of the lord ; the power of godlynesse ; the foundations of faith ; the holy discipline : a blessed reformation , &c. these are words , and expressions , that signify quite another thing to them , then they do to us. faithful pastors ; laborious ministers ; heavenly guides ; zealous protestants ; the upright in the land : humble petitioners ; just priviledges ; higher powers ; glorious kings ; holy covenanting unto the lord , &c. this is not to be taken now , as the language c●rrant of the nation , but only as a privy cypher of intelligence betwixt themselves , and the cant , or jargon of the party . nay , they fly from us in their speech , their manners , their meaning , as well as in their profession . the very christ-crosse in the horn-book is as much a scandal to them , as the crosse in baptisme ; and they make it a point of honour to maintain the freedome of their own tongue , in token , that they are not as yet a conquer'd nation . but are the non-conformists agreed upon it , or not ; that mr. baxter shall be their speaker ; and that what he delivers in their name , shall be taken and deemed as the sense of the party ? if it be so ; we have no more to do then to consult mr. baxter himself , and from his o●n writings , ( which i have here cited , and apply'd , with exact faith , and justice ) to take our measures of the dissenting brethren . no man presses obedience to the higher powers , more imperiously then he does : but then he makes those higher powers to be still the usurpers , one after another , as they get into actual possession . [ prove ( says he ) in the preface to his holy common-wealth ) that the king was the highest power , in the time of division , — and i will offer my head to justice , as a rebell . ] his meaning must inevitably be this ; either that the king had no right to the crown before the divisions , or that he forfeited his title , by the rebellion ; which is an admirable way of transition , from rank treason , to lawfull authority . but in all th●se cases , he has still a recourse for a salvo to his box of distinctions : and tells ye , that they shot at charles stuart in the field , for the honour and safety of the king in the two houses : and then , good lord ! how he runs himself out of breath with detesting , and renouncing , and renouncing , and detesting king-killing ! and yet upon occasion when oliver the king-killer falls in his way ; how does he lay himself out in euloyges , upon the pious defunct ! praying , ( as the highest instance of the veneration he had for that usurper ) that the spirit of the father might descend upon the son. [ we pray ( says he to richard ) that you may inherit a tender care of the cause of christ ] key for catholicks , ep. ded. but then in another fit , he shall advance ye into , his politicks , with a troop of aphorismes ; lay principalities and powers levell with the ground , and tear up the very ordinance it self of government by the roots . [ if providence ( says he ) statedly , disable him that was the governour &c. ] ho. com. thes. 136. [ and yet he does not down-right ●vow the doctrine of king-killing ; he does indeed approve of giving battle to the kings will : but whether to aym at it , in his maiestys head , or in his heart , is not , as yet , statedly determin'd . now t● moderate the matter , the presbyterians only cut off his majestys hands , and feet , so that he could neither help nor shift for himself , and then gave him ( sold him i should say ) to the independents , who cut off his head. if mr. baxter speaks the sence of the non-consormists , as he pretends to do , then must this serve for an exposition of their loyalty ; but if not ; why does not the party either disown or take away his commission ? this is it , which the restlesse , and implacable adversaries of our common repose , make such a noyse in the world with , as the work of the spirit of persecution ; the enflaming of differences ; the widening of breaches ; and the violation of the act of oblivion . whereas , in truth , there 's nothing in it of a spiteful invective , but on the other side , it is only a playn , and a necessary defence . mr. baxter , in his non-conformists pleas , delivers ( in his way ) a kind of deduction of the war. particularly , under the head of [ matters of fact to be fore-known , to the true understanding of the cause . ] 2d part. pag. 120. in this chapter , from the question of the constitution of churches ; the powers of princes , and pastors in eccclesiastical matters , and cases of lawful separation ; he makes a sally , without any manner of connexion , or provocation , into the state and right of the war. pa. 123. he charges it upon a faction among the bishops , and the falling in of the majority of the parliaments , to the popular part of them ; in that division : which is a calumny , as remote from the subject of his discourse as it is from truth . if it had been as he woud have it ; how comes the whole order of bishops to be assaulted ? their persons affronted ; and their votes in parliament taken away ; without distinction ? was the feud so deadly , as to make them destroy themselves ; and ruine the whole hierarchy in revenge ? how came it to pass , that bishop hall , a person celebrated even by mr baxter himself for his piety and moderation : how came this reverend prelate i say , te be so coursly handled by the corporation of the smectymnuans , marshall , calamy , young , newcomen , and spurstow : and treated by five of the most eminent men of the par●y , with scurrilitys fitter for the priests of priapus , then the ministers of the gospell . pa. 124. he goes on with his remarks upon bishop laud , over and over . the book of sports , on the lords day , the business of [ altars , rayls , and bowing towards them . afternoon-sermons and lectures put down ; imprisonments , stigmatisings , removals , &c. ] and then pa. 125. he p●oceeds to [ the new liturgy imposed on the scots , &c. ] but says he , ( a little below ) we are vnwilling to be the mentioners of any more then concerneth our present cause , and the things are commonly known . ] which is such a way of mentioning no more , as gives to understand without speaking , all the ill imaginable that was left unsaid . methinks mr. baxter might have let this most reverend , pious , loyal and antipapal arch-bishop have slept quietly in ●is grave , and out of pure gratitude to our present sovereign , to whose mercy this very gentleman owes his life , setting aside the veneration that belongs to majesty , and truth ; m●thinks mr. baxter might have spared this l●bell , ander the government of the son , against the administrations of the father . but it is no new thing , ●or criminals to arraign innocents ; or for those that a●e pardon'd for subverting the government , to shoot th●ir arrows ( ●v●n ●itter words ) against those that h●ve been persecuted and murther'd for endeavouring to defend it . and now after all thes● imputations upon the king , the church , and the loyall party , ●v●n to the degree of making them a●swera●le for all the blood that has been spilt : we must not so much as presume to say that we are innocent . but every vindication of the king , the church , and the law from the insults of the common enemy , is exclaimed against as an inrode upon the act of indemnity . if mr. baxter will needs be laying the r●b●llion at the wrong d●or , and discharging the presbyterians : why m●y not any honest man reply upon him ; and say , ( in agreement with mr. baxter himself , non-conformists plea , i. part. pa. 127. that it was the solemn league and covenant that did the work : which solemn league was not only an expr●sse oath of allegianc● to presbytery , but to the most tyrannical of all presbyteri●s , th●t of t●e scottish kirk it self . but why do i call it an oath of allegiance to presbytery ? when it was in truth , a direct conjuration against the government , both ecclesiastical , and civil , for the introducing of it ? it would be tedious , and superfluous , to crowd all the particulars of this pamphlet into a preface ; so that i shall rather refer the reader , to the book , for the rest ; where he may compare mr. baxter with himself : for it is , effectually , but an abstract out of mr. baxter's writings . by the paradoxes , disagreements , and contradictions he will be able to iudge of the authour ; and by the authour , in a great measure of the party . he that would see them drawn more to the life , may repair to the original of our saviours for the pharisees , in the gospell . examin them narrowly and you shall not find so much as the semblance of a colourable argument ; but they are still changing their battery , and pretense , according to the various accidents , and dispositions of state : and it is but tracing the history of the late times to find every round of the ladder , that advanc'd them from petitioners to rulers . they plead the cause of thousands in the land , they tell us , and yet there 's not a single man in all those thousands , that understands one bit of the controversy . they cry aloud against idolatry , superstition , abominations , symbolical ceremonies , will-worship , humane inventions , and order their disciples just as they do their children : they dresse up a terrible thing of clouts , and call it a bull-begger , which is no other then a mormo of their own creating . they have a certain routin of words , and sayings , that have the tone of magique in the very sound of them , and serve only ( without any other meaning ) like the drum , and the trumpet , to rouse up the multitude to battle . but the lords ordinance , and the primitive pattern stand them in mighty stead . for though they have been foyld as often as encountred upon this question ; yet the very terms of the controversy being is good as syriack , to the common people ; there is a mist cast before their eyes , and they are never in so good time , to see visions as when they are stark blind . to conclude , i have exposed these she●●s to the ●●●●ck , rather as mr. baxters work , then my own . if 〈…〉 , it was none of my fault that my authour would not me 〈…〉 . nor have i any more to say upon the whole matter , but that i have been as fair to mr. baxter , as he hath been to himself . a dialogue , &c. moderator . richard and baxter . moderator . yes , yes . i remember the conference at the savoy perfectly well ; by this token , that dr. gunning and dr. pearson ( the bishops of ely and chester ) deliver'd you this very proposition . that command which commandeth an act in it self lawfull , and no other act whereby any unjust penalty is enjoyned , nor any circumstance whence directly , or per accidens , any sin is consequent which the commander ought to provide against , hath in it all things requis●●● to the lawfulnesse of a command , and particularly cannot be guilty of commanding an act per accidens unlawfull ; nor of commanding an act under an unjust penalty . [ b of worcesters letter , in his vindication against m. baxter . p. 36. ] ri. very good ; and i gave them under my hand my opinion to the contrary . [ because ( said i ) the fi●st act commanded may be per accidens unlawful , and be commanded by an vnjust penalty ; tho' no other act or circumstance commanded be such . ] ibid. pa. 36. ba. nay hold you brother , i 'm of another opinion . [ if the thing commanded be such as is simply ill , and forbidden us by god in all cases whatsoever , then no ones commands can make it lawfull : but if it it be a thing that is only inconvenient , or unlawful by some lesser accident ; then the command of authority may pre-ponderate , as a more weighty accident ] r. b's church-divisions , p. 194. nay [ many a ruler sinneth in his commands , when it is no sin , but a duty of the inferior to obey them . as if a magistrate command religious duties in meer policy : or if he force a lawful command with unlawful penalties ; and yet it will be the subjects duty to obey . ] ibid. [ nor is any ruler bound to suspect , and prevent such unusual dangers of mens sin , or ruine , as fall out beyond all rational foresight , or expectation ; of whose probable event ( or possible at least ) , there was no just evidence . ] r. b's non-conformists iudgment . p. 60. mo. your argument ( mr. richard ) has cut off all magistracy at a blow : for there is not any command imaginable that falls not within the reach of your exception . and mr. baxter is in the right on 't . but what do ye think now ( gentlemen ) of the operation , or further extent of such a power ? ri. if you mean as to matters concerning religion [ no man 〈◊〉 any authority to make laws about gods worship , but 〈◊〉 christ hath given him . ] non-conformists plea 2d part. p. 28. ba. pray'e hold me a little excus'd there too ; for [ we renounce the opinion of them that hold that circa sacra the king hath no power to command the circumstances of worship . ] n●●-conformists plea. part 2 d. p. 73. mo. there is but a right and a wrong in the case ( my masters ) and you have hit them both again , i make no doubt on 't , but your circa sacra comprehends liturgies , ceremonies , and other circumstances of order , relating to the church , pray'e tell me how your consciences stand affected that way : not as to the merits of the cause ( for the world is allready clogg'd with that controversy ) but i would willingly know what thoughts , you , and the party you plead for , entertain of our ecclesiastical matters . ri. [ when the king call'd us to signify our desires in 1660. the ministers of london were commonly invited to come to sion colledge , that their common consent might be known : and there we agreed , to desire or offer nothing for church-government but a.b. ushers modell of the primitive episcopal government . when his majesty would not grant us that modell , nor the bishops once treat about it , he was pleased in his gratious declaration about ecclesiastical affairs to offer and prescribe the episcopacy of england as it stood , with little alteration , &c. ( a government ( says his majesty ) fol. 10. which is established by law , and with which the monarchy hath flourished through so many ages , and which is in truth as ancient in this island as the christian monarchy thereof . ) [ this declaration we ioyfully and thankfully accepted , as a ●opefull means of a common conformity and concord . ] non-con's plea , 2d . part pref. ba. [ the english prelacy ( i tell you ) is the product of proud ambition and arrogancy ; and contrary to the expresse command of christ. ] r. b's . five disputations p. 45. bishops are thorns and thistles , and the military instruments of the devil . ] r. b's . concord . p. 122. how could you ●ustify then a submission to such a prelacy ? mo. if an angel from heaven i perceive were employ'd to bring 〈◊〉 two to an agreement , he shoul● lose his labo●r ; fo● that which is highly acceptable to the one , and the hopefull foundation of a common concord , is ant●christian , diaboli●al , and uns●fferable to the other . you a●e up ( i find ) at every turn with the 〈◊〉 projectpunc ; and in such a manner too , as if the most ●●●●onable thing in the world ●ad been offer'd o● the one 〈◊〉 ▪ and refused on the other : whereat that 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 accommodated to the ●ard 〈…〉 the kings affairs , at the time of framing 〈…〉 any man , in a case of extremity , 〈…〉 of an arm ●r a leg , for the 〈…〉 yet he a very strange request to ask a man in a state of freedome , and safety , to part with a leg or an arm from his body : and as wild a thing , on the other side , to grant it . but the very offer at it under a pretense of conscience , was highly disingenuous , especially when upon the issue the scruple was remov'd by the ref●sal ; and this satisfaction given to the world , by your own acknowledgment , that conformity and episcopacy may stand well enough together , when you please . ri. i c●nnot deny but that [ ma●y proposed to have yi●lded to prelacy , liturgy , and ceremonies . ] non-con . plea , part i. p. 136. ba. why truly [ a certain episcopacy may be yielded to , for the peace ( if not for the right order ) of the church ; ] [ but the diocesan episcopacy which was lately in england , and is now laid by may not be lawfully reassumed , or readmitted , as a means for the right order or peace of the church . ] r. b's . five disputation , p. 2. 1659. [ a government which gratif●eth the devil , and wicked men . ] ibid. p. 36. mo. still upon the contradiction . but if they were so well dispos'd to come in , what was it i beseech you that put them off again ? ri. when they saw the new act for uniformity , th●ir deliberations were at an end. ibid. p. 26. ba. [ after proving prelacy to be against the ●ill of christ ▪ and the wellfare of the churches , five disp. pref. 1● . and contrary to the word of god , and apostolical institution , ibid p. 51. what need was there then of any further disswasion ? mo. pray'e tell me mr. richard ; was prelacy lawfull before the act for uniformity , and not after ? you are angry at the one , and therefore you renounce the other ; for it was no longer prelacy , liturgy , or ceremonies , it seems that you boggled at , but the new act. now since you your selves were convinc'd , that such a conformity as aforesaid would have been warrantable , and only transfer'd your exceptions to the new act ; how comes it that you go on still decrying the state , rites , and offices of the church to the multitude ; and make that a matter of conscience in one breath which you left at liberty in another ? the uniformity does not alter the case one jot to the common people ; but the layety may as lawfully submit to prelacy , liturgy and ceremonies , after the act , as they did before . ri. [ the people who now adhere to the non-conformists , who were at age before the wars , had very hard thoughts of the bishops persons ; and some , of episcopacy it self ; because of the silencing of ministers , and ruining of honest men about sundays-sports , reading that book , and other su●h things , beside nonconformity , &c. non-con . plea. part i. p. 139. mo. the bishops and episcopacy it self you say were thought hardly of ; partly for s●lencing your mi●isters . which was yet a way of proceeding conformable to the directions of the law ; and in part , ( among other provocations ) for the book of sports upon the lords day . be it spoken with reverence to the honour and duty of that holy day ; i should have thought that the rebells assaulting of their sovereign at edge hill upon that day , might have given your scrupulists as hard thoughts of the faction that did it , and of those sanguinary casuists that sounded the trumpet to that battle . but how came they off i beseech you , from that froward humour ? ri. [ when the ministers that guided them , began to seem more reconciled to the episcopal party , and upon the r●ports and promises which they had heard , that the next bishops would prove more moderate , pious , and peaceable then the former , and would by experience avoid divisions and persecution ; the said people began to be inclin'd to more reverent and favourable thoughts of the bishops , and were upon experience of the late confusions in a far fairer way to vnion and submission to them then before . non-con . plea , part i. p. 139. mo. if it be true that the people were induced to have a more charitable opinion of the prelates , by the hopes which their guides gave them of having better bishops next bout ▪ it appears , fi●st that the quarrel was not to the office , but to the persons . and secondly , it shews that the ministers menage the multitude , for or against their superiours , as they please : which lays a stronger obligation upon the government , to secure a well-affected ministry , when the publique peace lyes at the mercy of the dissenting clergy . but what becomes of us next ? ri. when they saw their teachers taken from them , and some 〈◊〉 set over them against their wills who were better known to them th●●●o the obtruders : and when they heard of about 2000 , silenced at once , this so much alienated them from the bishops , that it was never since in our power to bring them to so much esteem of them , and re●●rence for them as might have been . non-con . plea , part i. p. 140 mo. so that upon the upshot , there pass'd an act for uniformity , ergo , episcopacy and common-pray●r are vnlawfull . see now what it is that you call silencin● of so many ministers . it is no more then a fair revival of those necessary provisions for the safety of the government , which had been viol●ntly overborn and discontinu'd in our late troubles : upon which violation , ensued our deplor●ble confusio●s and to take the businesse aright , ●he law does not s●e●ce your ministers more then it does ours : but holds forth one comm●n rule indifferently to all men , with a respect to politicall , as well as eccl●siast●●al-concord . every man sees before him the conditions of his freedom ; and he that either cannot , or will not comply with the terms of a general rule , silenceth himself . and is not the man neither that is silenced by this law , but this or that incongruous practice or opinion . if richard thinks fit to come in , there 's no body hinders him ; and if iohn will not come in , who can help it ? in short , this way of silencing amounts to no more then a very gentle expedient for the stopping of those mouthes that would be blowing the coal towards a rebellion . wherefore i beseech ye gentlemen for the act of oblivions sake , which has done a great deal more for you then this comes to , have some pitty for the poor act of uniformity . as to your account of about two thousand silenc'd ministers , a matter of 8● or 900. difference shall break no squares betwixt you and me . but what yet if they were two thousand ? must the divine ordinance of government be prophan'd , and the harmony of order dissolv'd , in favour of that inconsiderable party of irregulars ; and to the scandal of six times as many consciencious and obedient subjects of the state both ecclesiastical , and civill ? ri. for my own part [ i do not know that i differ in any point of worship , ceremonies , or discipline , from the learned dr. john reignolds ] r. b's letter to mr. hinckley , p. 89. and my judgement is , that [ a peace with the divines of the episcopal judgement is much to be desired , and earnestly endeavour'd . ] five disp. pag. 1. mo. if you agree in the conclusion with that reverend dr. you are safe ; and take this for a rule ; out of the ways of love and peace there can be no comfort . ri. alas [ it is a sect , as a sect , and a f●ction , as a faction , and not this or that sect or faction which i blame : it is unity , love , and peace which i am pleading for ; and he that is angry with me for calling men to love , is angry for calling them to holynesse , to god , and heaven . holynesse which is against love , is a contradiction ; it is a deceiptfull name which satan put●eth upon unholynesse . church divisions . ●ref . ba. your churches bear with drunkards , whoremong●●● , railers , open scorners at godlynesse , five disp. p. 37. [ t●e most ungodly of the land are the forwardest for your ways . you may have allmost all the drunkards , blasphemers , and ignorant haters of godlynesse in the country to vote for you . ] five disp. pref. pag. 17. to the adherers to prelacy . ri. [ he is as mortal an enemy to love , who back-biteth , and s●ith he 's profane ; or he is an e●●ty formalist , or he is a luke-warm , temporizing , complying man-pleaser ; as he that sait● he is a peevish , factious hy●ocrite . ] to preach without love , and to hear without love , and to pray without love , and to communicate without love to any that differ from your sect , oh what a loathsome sacrifice is it to the god of love ! ] church-divisions . preface . love is the fulfilling of all the law ; the end of the gospel ; the nature , and mark of christs disciples , the divine nature ; the su● of holynesse to the lord ; the proper note by which to know what is the man , and what his state ; and how far any of his other acts are acceptable unto god. ibid. ba. how many years have we beg'd for peace of those that should have been the preachers and wisest promoters of peace ; and cannot yet obtain it ; nor quiet them that call for fire and sword , not knowing what spirit they are of ? non-con . ●lea , pref. [ the declaration about ecclesiastical affairs telleth us , that the king would have given the people peace , but with vnpeacea●●● clergy-men , no petition could prevail . ] ibid. [ and all this is out of a bitter ●nmity to gods word and ways ; for they will be at more pains then this , in any way that is evill ; or in any worship of mans devising . they are as zealous for crosses and surpl●ces , processions , and p●rambulations , reading a gospell at a crosse-way , the observa●ion of holy days , the repeating of the litany , or the like forms in the common prayer , the bowing at the name of the word iesus , ( while they reject his worship ) the receiving of the secrament when they have no right to it , and that upon their knees , as if they were more reverent and devout then the true laborious servants of christ ; with a multitude of things which are only the traditions of their fathers ; i say they are as zealous for these , as if eternal life consisted in them . where god forbids them , there they are as forward as if they could never do enough , and where god commands them , there they are as backward to it ; yea as much against it as if they were the commands of the devil himself . and for the discipline of christ , tho all parts of the world have much opposed it , yet where hath it been so fiercely and powerfully resisted ? the lord grant that this harden'd , willful , malicious nation fall not under that heavy doom , luke 19.27 . but those mine enemies which would not that i should reign over them , bring them hither and slay them before me . r. b's . saints rest , part. 3. p. 91. mo. to see the difference now gentlemen , betwixt your two spirits ! the one , so meek , and like a christian , the other , so clamorous , and so uncharitable . what hopes of unity and peace ; or what pretence to 't ; so long as these dividing and defaming liberties are kept a foot ? your friend richard tells you very well ( mr. baxter ) that such holynesse is a deceiptfull name that s●tan puts upon unholynesse , and a loathsom sacrifice to the god of love. you revile the government , and those that conform to it , and yet at the same time you tell the people that you are persecuted . you would be thought kinder to his majesty however , in devolving the severity from the king upon the clergy ; and yet his majesty is pleased to minde you that [ since the printin this declaration , severall seditious pamphlets and quaeres have been published , and scatter'd abroad , to infuse dislike and iealousies into the hearts of the people ; and of the army , and some who ought rather to have repented the former mischief they have wrought , then to have endeavour'd to emprove it , have had the hardynesse to publish that the doctrine of the 〈◊〉 ( against which no man with whom we have conferred 〈◊〉 excepted ) ought to be reformed as well as the discipline . ● so that all this yielding was too little , it seems to stop the mouths of an insatiable faction . but what is it at last that you would be at ? ri. i beg of the clergy that before they any more render odi●●s these whom they never heard , and vrge rulers to execute the laws against them ; that is , to confine , imprison , excommunicate , sil●nce , and vndo th●m , they would be sure , what manner of spirit they are of . non-con . plea , part i. epistle . mo. [ sure of what spirit you are ] do ye say ! why certainly your own conscience tells you that we are sure of that , as hearing , seeing , feeling , and understanding can make us . you are by your own professions of the presbyterian spirit . the spirit that made perjury the condition of life , liberty and estate , to every man in the case of your covenant . the spirit that entred upon sequestred livings , and left not the loyal clergy the freedome , so much as of teaching a school , to supply themselves , and their miserable families with bread. the spirit that deny'd the king in his distresses , the comfort of so much as a common-prayer book , or the assistance of his own chaplains . [ a greater rigour and barbarity then is ever used by christians , to the meanest prisoners , and greatest malefactors ; whom though the iustice of the law , deprive of worldly comforts , yet the mercy of religion allows them the benefit of their clergy , as not ayming at once to destroy their bodies , and to damn their souls , eik. bas . 207. [ they that envy my being a king , are loth i should be a christian ; while they seek to deprive me of all things else , they are affraid i should save my soul. ibid. ] behold here in a few words the spirit that you plead for . 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 poor creatures , [ we would [ only ] have a toleration of all ●ha●'s tolerable [ he that will tol●rate all , is bad ; and he that will tolerate ▪ none that differ , is madd . ] r. b's . answer to dr. stillingfleet . p. 84. mo. if the church may be iudge , all that are tolerable are tolerated allready ; if the people must be the iudges , the intolerable must be tolerated for company . for so long as every party makes , or pretends it self , to be in the right , all the dissenters have one common plea. but in case of any indulgence to be allow'd , it is certainly due to these in preference , that are quietest without it . i cannot but have great compassion for any party that labours under a religious and invincible disagreement , and modesty applies to authority for relief : for so long as they only tell their own tale , i cannot but in ●harity believe that they have no other design then to do their own businesse . but when a conscientious pretense comes to be carry'd on by scandall , invective , reproach , and such methods as are directly irreligious ; the dispute is no longer matter of scruple , or worship , but superiority , and power . there may be religion in telling the government what you desire , but the exposing of your superiours to the people ▪ is down right sedition . and , as you have handled the matter , you might e'en with as good a grace tell the rabble in plain english : look ye my mas●ers , here 's a company of anti-christian swearing , drinking fellows , that will not let us have liberty of conscience ; but i would fain hear you two debate the business of tolera●on a little betwixt your selves . ri. what [ if you shall smite or cast out a supposed schismatique , and christ shall find an able , holy peaceable minister , or other christian wounded , or mourning out of doors . pet. for peace . p. 12. [ or see a schismatique wounded and a saint found bleeding , &c. saints rest. p. 1●● . ba ▪ and now you talk of saints , richard [ to think of such a friend dyed at such a time , and such a one at another time , such a pretious christian slain in such a fight , and such a one at ●uch a fight , ( o what a number of them could i name ) and that all these are enter'd into rest ; and we shall surely go to them , but they shall not return to us. saints rest. p. 100. in that state of rest , angells as well as saints will be our bless●d associates . ibid. p. 101. [ i think christians , this will be a more honourable assembly then you ever here beheld , and a more happy society then you were ever of before . surely py● and white , &c. are now members of a more knowing , vnerri●g , well-order'd , right-aiming , self-denying , vnanimous , honourable , tryumphant senate , then this from whence they were taken , is or ever parliament will be . it is better to be door-keeper to that assembly whither twisse &c. are translated ; then to have continu'd here the moderator of this. saints rest. p. 101. [ nay how many professors will rashly rail and lye in their passions ? how few will take well a reproof , but rather defend their sin ? how many in these times that we doubt not to be godly have been guilty of disobedience to their guides , and of schism , and doing much more to the hurt of the church , a very great sin. peter , lot , and 't is like david did oft commit greater sins , r. b's five disdutes ▪ of right to sacraments p. 329. but a man must be guilty of more sins then peter was in denying and forswearing christ , that is notoriously ungodly ; yea , then lot was , who was drunk two nights together , and committed incest twice with his own daughters ; and that after the miraculous destruction of sodom , of his own wife , and his own miraculous deliverance . nay , a man that is notoriously ungodly ( in the sense in hand ) or unsanctify'd , must be a greater sinner then solomon was with his seven hundred wives , three hundred concubines , and gross● idolatries , p. 326.327 . mo. and are these the saints ( gentlemen ) that you are afraid should be cast out , for schismatiques ? they must be of your own canonizing then , for i assure you i finde no such saints in our kalendar . but let me hear i beseech you whom we are to keep out , and whom to take in . ri. we must either tolerate all men to do what they will , which they will make a matter of conscience or religion ; and then some may offer their children in sacrifice to the devil ; and some may think they do god service in killing his servants , &c. [ or else you must tolerate no errour or fault in religion ; and then you must advise what measure of penalty you will inflict . church-divis . p. 363 , 364. mo the two great difficulties will be to say what errours are tolerable , and what not ; and then to bring the magistrate and the people to an agreement upon the matter . ri , [ if no errour were to be a tolerated , no men were to be tolerated and the wisest in the world must be numbred with the intolerable , as well as the rest . church divis. p. 348. ba. [ but some people make those things to be duties which are no duties , and sins which are no sins , calling evil good , and good evil ; and having made a religion of their own , confidently think that it is of god , valuing all men that they have to do with according as they are nearer or further off from this , which they account the way of god ; chusing a church or party to joyn with , by the test of this religion , which their pride has c●osen . church divis. p. 11. [ thus they divide the kingdom and family of christ ; destroying first the love of brethren and neighbours in themselves , and then labouring to destroy it in all others ; by speaking against those that are not in their own way with contempt , and obloquy , to represent them as an unlovely sort of men ; and if the interest of their cause and party require it , perhaps they will next destroy their persons : and yet all this is done in zeal of god , and as an acceptable service to him . ibid. p. 12. [ and they think it a resisting of the spirit to resist their judgment . p. 13. [ i have known too many very honest-hearted christians , especially melancholique persons and women who have been in great doubt about the opinions of the millenaries , the separatists , the anabaptists , the seekers , and such like ; and after earnest prayer to god , they have been strongly resolved for the way of errour , and confident by the strong impression that it was the spirits answer to their prayers , and thereupon they have set themselves into a course of sin. ibid. p. 162. and [ in truth it is very ordinary with poor phancyfull women , and melancholy persons to take all their deep apprehensions for revelations . ibid. p. 167. mo. well ; but these people all this while take themselves to be in the right . ba. but as for that which is contrary to scripture , i am sure it is contrary to the will of god. church divis. p. 166. mo. out of all doubt ; but what if they expound the scripture one way , and you another ? ba. [ why if they believe that themselves which they can give you no reason to believe , they must be content to keep their belief to themselves ; and not for shame perswade any other to it without proof . if they say that god hath revealed it to them , tell them that he hath not revealed it to you , and therefore that 's nothing to you , till they prove their divine revelation . if god reveal it to them , but for themselves they must keep it to themselves . ibid. p. 166. [ if they say that the spirit hath told them the meaning of the scripture , say as before that it is not told to you which is not proved to you . ibid 167. [ but if we do through weaknesse or perversnesse take lawful things to be unlawfull , that will not excuse us in our disobedience . our errour is our sin , and one sin will not excuse another r. b's . five disput. p. 483. [ he that mistakingly thinks any thing is good or bad , duty or sin which is not so , will be zealous in persute of his mistake if he be serious for god. cath. theol. pref. [ it is an ill sign when your zeal is beyond the proportion of your understanding : and your prudence and experience is much lesse then other mens , as your zeal is greater . church divis. p. 123. [ beside that the more weak and worthlesse , and erroneous any ones judgment is , usually the more furious are they in the prosecution of it , as if all were most certain truth which they apprehend . these are the boldest both in schisms , and persecutions . ibid. 357. mo. but you will say , that in cases where the common people may be imposed upon by cred●lity , phancy , or weaknesse , they may repair to their teachers to set them right . ba. even the most of teachers take abundance of things for true and good that are false and evill , and for false and bad , which are true and good : much more are godly vulgar people ignorant , and consequently erre in many things , cath. theol. pref. [ and i my self was mistaken in my aphorisms of iustification and the cov●nants , as i have acknowledged in the same preface . mo. you have had very ill luck , sir , with your aphorisms . ri. [ i must confess that when god had first brought me from among the more ignorant sort of people , and when i heard religious persons pray without form , and speak affectionately , and seriously of spiritual and heavenly things , i thought verily that they were all undoubted saints , till e're long , of those whom i so m●ch honoured , one fell of to sensuality , and to persecuting formality ; and another fell to the foulest heresy , and another to disturb the churches peace , by turbulent animositys and divisions . church divil . p. 23.24 . &c. ri. [ i thought once , that all the talk against schisme and sects , did but vent their malice against the best christians , u●der those names ; but since then , i have seen what love-killing-principles have done . i have long stood by while churches have been divided , and subdivided ; one congregation of the division labouring to make the other contemptible , and odious ; and this called , the teaching of truth , and the purer worshiping of god ; church-divisions . pref. ba. [ when so great a man as tertullian was deceived by montanus , and his prophetesse : when such a one as hacket could deceive not only coppinger , and arthington , but abundance more ; when david george in holland , iohn of leiden in munster , &c. could deceive so many persons as they did ; when the pretended revelations of the ranters , first , and the quakers after , could so marvellously transport many thousands of professors of religion in this land , i think we have fair warning to take the counsell of st. iohn . believe not every spirit , but try the spirit whether they be of god. church divis. p. 164. [ alas ? how common was this in the army , to set up and pull down , do an undo , own and disown , as by the spirit of god! there was mr. erbery , mr. saltmarsh , mr. dell , mr. william sedgwick , who as from god wrote one week to the army , against their putting the king to death , and the next week wrote to them quite on the other side , and that set london by a prophecy or vision on looking for the day of judgement , on a set day . second . admon . to bagshaw . p. 68. vavasor powell at clifton upon thame in worcestershire , quickly after worcester fight , said in his sermon that he would tell them these things as from god that they should have no more kings , nor any more taxes , nor pay any more tithes . ibid. p. 69. mo. pray'e do but consider now , if your particular pastors disagree among themselves ; if you your self , mr. baxter , have been mistaken in your judgement as well of truth in notion , as of persons ; if those that you took for saints , proved schismaticks ; and persecutors , those that you took for conscientious professors , are we not much better in the hand of a known and impartiall law that cannot deceive us , then at the mercy of a wilde multitude , unknown and prepossess'd , who in all probability will impose upon us ? ri. a fear of sinning is necessary in all that will be obedient to god , and will be saved : it is that fear of god which is the beginning of wisdom . it is therefore to be loved and cherished , even when scrupulousness mistaketh the matter . non-con . plea. 2d . part. p. 163. ba. there 's no trusting to scruples . [ i have known some that have liv'd long in douhts and fears of damnation who have turn'd anabaptists , and sodainly had comfort ; and yet in a short time they forsook that sect , and turn'd to another . i have known those also that have liv'd many years in timorous complaints , and fears of hell , and they have turned to the antinomians , and sodainly been comforted ; and others have turned arminians ( which is clear contrary ) and been comforted ; and others have but heard of that doctrine of perfection in this life , and sodainly been past their fears , as if hearing of perfection had made them perfect : and from thence they have turned familists , and at last shew'd their perfection by fornication , , and licentiousnesse and mere apostacy ; who yet liv'd very conscientiously and blamelessely , as long as they liv'd in their fears and troubles , p. 170. chu●ch divis. [ could i have believed him that would have told me five years ago ( this bearing date ian. 15. 1649. ) that when the * scorners of godlinesse were subdu'd , and the bitter persecutors of the church overthrown ; that such should succeed them who suffered with us , who were our intimate friends , with whom we took sweet counsel , and went up together to the house of god ? did i think it had been in the hearts of men professing such zeal to religion , and the ways of christ to draw their swords against each other : and to seek each others bloud so fiercely ? alas ! if the judgment be once perverted , and errour hath perverted the supreme faculty , whether will men go , and what will they do ? o what a potent instrumen● for satan is a misguid●d conscience ! it will make a man kill his dearest friend , yea father or mother , yea , the holyest saint , and think he doth god good service by it : and to facilitate the work , it will first blot out the reputation of their holinesse , and make them take a saint for a devil ▪ saints rest. p. 133. [ whence can it be , but for want of self-denyall , that magistrates pro●●ssing a zeal for holynesse r●gard no more the interest of christ ; but that the name ( and but the name ) of liberty , ( a liberty that hath neither moral good , or evill in it ) is set in the ballance against the things of everlasting consequence , and thought sufficient to over weigh th●m ; and that the meer pretense of this indifferent carnal liberty is thought an argument of sufficient weight for the introduction of a wicked , damning liberty , even a liberty to deceive , and destroy as many as they can , and to hinder those that desire mens salvation . r. b's self-denyal epist. monitory . [ shall every man have leave to do evill , that can be ignorant enough to think ( or say he thinks ) that he doth well ? and must magistrates rule as men that are uncertain whether there be a christ , or a church , or heaven , or hell ; because some are found in their dominions so foolish , or impious as to be uncertain of it ? ibid. [ will mercyfull rulers set up a trade for butchering of souls , and allow men to set up a shop of poyson , for all men to buy and take that will , yea to proclaim this poyson for souls in streets , and church assemblies ? &c. i●i● . but the same argument that tempts the sensuall to hell ; doth tempt such magistrates to set up liberty for drawing men to hell. ibid. is faith and holynesse propagated by perswasion , and not by force ? surely then infidelity , popery and ungodlynesse ar● propagated by perswasion too ; again i tell yo● , self-love doth make such rulers wiser then to grant commission at liberty to all that will , to tice the souldiers to mutinies and rebellion , &c. ibid. liberty , in all mat ers of worship , and of faith , is the open and apparent way to set up popery in the land. n●●-con . plea. pref. m● . well mr. richard : after this frank and sensible d●claration of your self upon this chapter , do but teach me which way in the world to reconcile your practice and your conscience ; for you are a person certainly of all men living , the most improper advocate for a toleration ; and the most unfit sollicitor of a popular petition . first , as your iudgement lie● directly against the thing you pleade for . secondly , as you are conscious of the danger , as well as the injusti●● of such a license . thirdly , you have been a very u●happy instrument already betwixt his majesty and his subjects . and lastly , in demanding that over again from this king , by which his father was destroy'd , you make your self suspected to have some ill designe : for to triumph and rejoyce ( as you do ) after the thing is done , is lesse , a great deal , then to forethink the doing of it . and it is not only that you are sufficiently convinc'd of the mischiefs of a toleration , but your conscience ( if i be not much mistaken ) will make as good a shift as any mans without it . ri. w● are against no bishop or church-government of gods appointment . prof. of non-consormists p. 89. [ we hold it not unlawful to take oathes , and make covenants , subscriptions , or declarations of things lawfull , when authority commandeth us . ibid. p. 98. we readily subscribe the doctrine of the 39. articles . ib. 98. we are far from condemning all forms of prayer , and publick liturgy , p. 100. we pick no quarrells about forms and words . church-div . p. 176. [ tell me if you can , where god forbids you to use good and lawfull words in prayer , meerly because the magistrate , or pastor bids you use them . is this the meaning of all the precepts of honouring , and obeying your superiours ? [ do nothing which they bid you do , though otherwise lawful ] o strange exposition of the 4 th commandement ? p. 178. [ i take the common prayer to be incomparably better then the prayers or sermons , of many that i hear ; and to be the best that i expect in many places when i go to church . r.bs. letter to mr. hinckly p. 78. [ it 's like , the pharisees long liturgy , was in many things worse then ours , though the psalmes were a great part of it : and yet christ , and his apostles oft joyned with them , and never condemned them . ch. div. p. 176. [ he is void of common sense that thinketh that his extemporary prayer is not as truly a form to all the people , as if it had been written in a book . and every publick minister imposeth a form of prayer upon all the congregation . ibid. 179. [ we hold , not all the use of images , even the images of holy persons , to be vnlawfull . profession of nonconformists . p. 104. [ we hold not a gown , or other meer distinctive garment for ministers to be vnlawful . and some of us hold a surplice rather to be used , then the ministry forsak●● . ibid. [ many of us hold it lawfull to communicate kneeling ibid. p. 105. [ we all hold that god must be orderly , and decently worshipped with the body , as well as spiritually , with the minde . and that reverend gestures , and behaviours are fit , not only to expresse mental reverence to god , but also to excite it , in our selves and others . ibid. 105. we are for the use of the creed , commandements , and lords prayer . p. 106. ba. [ it is now about twenty years since i preach'd at a fast to the parliament for loyalty ; the king the next morning was voted home to his crown , and government , 2 d part● of non-con . plea. preface . in this sermon , i have given the world a tast of my affections to the church . [ gentlemen , i have nothing to ask of you for my self , nor any of my brethren , as for themselves ; but that you will be friends to serious preaching , and holy living , and will not ensnare our consciences with any vnscripturall inventions of men . this i would beg of you as on my knees . 1. as for the sake of christ. 2. for the sake of thousands of poor souls . 3. for the sake of thousands of the dear friends of the lord. 4. for your own sakes . 5. for the sake of your posterity . 6. for the honour of the nation and your selves . 7. for the honour of sound doctrine , and church-government . &c. pa. 45. and 46. for if you frown on godlynesse , under pretense of vniformity in vnnecessary things ; and make things worse then when libertinism , and schisme so prevail'd : the people will look back with groans , and say ; what happy times did we once see! and so will honour schisme , and libertinisme , and vsurpation , through your oppression . 8. i beg this of you for the honour of sovereignty , and the nations peace . ibid. and then for your [ new-made religions , and needless scandalous inventions , and an adoring of your titles and robes of honour , covering your ignorance , pride , and sensuality , which church tyrants call the order of the church . &c. [ all the images of piety , government , unity , peace , and order , which hypocrites and pharisees sat up , are despised engines to destroy the life and serious practi●e of the things themselves , and are set up in enmity against spirituality , and holyness , that there might be no other piety , government , unity , peace , or order in the church , but these liveless images . ch. div. pa. 105. & 106. ri. [ though we are not satisfied of the lawfullness of using the transient image of the crosse , as a dedicating sign , and symbol of christianity , so much sacramental ( much lesse to refuse from baptisme , and christendome , all christian infants , unlesse they will have them so crossed , no more then if a crucifix were so imposed , and used ) yet do we not condemn all use of either crosse , or crucifix . nor do we presume conscientiously to reproach , and dishonour the antient christians , who living among pagans that derided christ crucify'd , did shew them , by oft using this sign , that they were not ashamed of the crosse. and though we find , that they used more rites , and significations , devised signs , and ceremonies , then we think they should have done , yet we judg it our duty to love and honour their memorial ; nor do we take all rites to be sinfull that are significant . non-conformists profession pa. 103.104 . ba. you are not satisfy'd of the lawfulnesse , &c. you say . but are you convinc'd of the vnlawfulnesse ? for [ we must obey magistrates though we know not that their commands are lawful , so long as they are so indeed , and we have no sufficient reason to believe them unlawfull . holy c●m . thesis . 323. for [ it is not our erroneous conceits , that a lawfull command is unlawfull , that will excuse any man from the guilt of disobedience . ibid. 357. [ but if a thing seem to you very needfull to a good end , and yet the word be against it , avoid it : &c. [ and if you ●hink that the scripture commandeth you this or that positive means , if nature and true reason assure you that it is against the end , and is like to do much more harm , then good , be assured that you mistake that scripture ▪ ch. divis. pa. 205. mo. it is a strange thing mr richard , that your consci●nce should be so easy to your self , and yet so troublesome to the government . but your reserve of leaving every pivate man to judge , first , of the condition of the law , by the word ; and then , of his iudgment of that scripture , whether it be right or wrong , by nature and right reason : this reserve i say undoes all again : for every man that does ill , with a good intention , reckons that he has nature and right reason on his side . now for you mr. baxter ; you tell us over and over so often of your fast s●rmon to the h●●se of commons , and the kings being called in the n●xt day , as if that very sermon had wrought his majestiss restauration , but i find up●● perusall of it ●hat you are just as kind to the church in this piece of 1660. as you were a litle before to his majesty in your holy common wealth of 1659. that is to say ; you are begging , arguing , and casing of it all that is in you , to keep them both out ; and truly this particular piece of yours makes almost as bold with the king himself , as with the episcopal clergy : as you shall hear by and by . was it not enough for you to adjure the commons into an opposition o● that order in the church , which ( as he t●lls you ) is as antient as the monarchy of this island ? an order , that you and your confederates most undu●ifully destroy'd ? but could you now have the confidence to demand the spoyls again , which you first ravish'd from the church , and the independents afterward took from you , as the reward of your sedition , and schism ? and could you yet have the greater confidence , in case of a disappointment , to break out into this most unchristian excl●mation , on the behalf of the people ? oh : [ what happy times did we on●● see ! that is to say ; when the kingdome was laid in bl●od , and ashes ; all that was sacred , trampled under foot , and all this confusion , only to heave the presbyter into the saddle . ri. i have described the iudgment of such non-conformists 〈◊〉 i have conversed with , ( not undertaking for every odd person wh●● i know not ) i do desire those that seek our bloud , and ruine , by the false accusation of rebellious principles , to tell me if they can , [ wh●t bodies , or party of men on earth have more sound and loya●● principles of government , and obedience . 2d . part. non-co● . plea. pref. [ our accusations are . 1. that we are presbyteria●s , and phanatiques . 2. that we began the war in 1641. and 16●● ▪ 3. that we destroy'd the king. 4. that our principles are disl●●al . 5. that we are plo●ting a rebellion . ibid. but what is a pr●●byterian ? mo. a presbyterian is a member of a state faction , under a religious denomination . for by that 〈◊〉 we do not understand such as are really of that cl●ss●cal and whymsical profession ; but a sort of people tha● drive on a political design , under the colour of an ecclesiastical scruple of perswasion . and in as extensive a latitude do you take the word , your selves . for all the sects are presbyterians ( or dissenting protestants , as you call them ) when you have need of them in con●●ederacy against the government ; though the presby●terians spews all the rest up again , ( as they did in 1647. when they had done th●ir work ; ) but pray what say ye to the b●ginning o● the war ? ri. [ in 1642. the lamentable civil war ●●ok● out ; at which time as far as ●ver we could l●arn by a●qu●intance with s●m● of them , and report of others , excepting an in●onsid●rable number , the houses of lords and commons consisted of those that had still lived in con●ormity to the church of england , and the episcopa●l government , &c. 1 part. non-conform . plea. p. 126. [ the lord li●utenants whom the parliament chos● , were almost all epis●opal conformists , ibid. [ the ●ar greater part of the gene●all officers , colonells , li●utenant-colonells , and majors of the earl o● essex his army ; and of the sea-cap●ai●s , and of the m●jor-g●nerals of brigades , and counties about the land , bid [ the assembly of divines at westminster also , were m●n that had liv●● in conformity , except about 8. or 9. and the scots , p. 12● . mo. you do well richard to say that ●hey had lived in conformity , for the complying humour was now going off apace ; insomuch that a profe●t opposition to the orders of the church became q●●ckly a distinguishing mark of the disloyal party : and all those parliament men , o●●icers , and assembly-div●nes , contributed unanimously in their several s●at●●n● toward the common ruine . on [ fryd●y d●c . 1● . 1640. a petition was brought into the 〈…〉 all●derman pennington from the citizens of lon●●n ▪ in 〈◊〉 name of 15000. complaining of the church 〈◊〉 , in having arch-bishops , b●shops , &c. usin● the cr●sse in baptisme ; kneeling at the communion-table , 〈◊〉 unlawfull in the protestant church . diurnal occurrences . pa. 12. ian 13. petition against the government of bishops from several counties . p. 16. ian. 13. the remonstrance with 700. hands against the bishops and their prelacy was read , p. 33. march 7. a bill against episcopacy read in the house of commons , &c. pa. 47. mar. 10. 1640. bishops votes in parliament taken away , pa. 49. in novem. 1641. several tumults against bishops , and dec. 11 , 12. bishops accused of high-treason . the bishops in the mean time petitioning his majesty , and entring a protest of their priviledges , and against tumults . apr. 2. 1642. a due and necessary reformation of the government and liturgy of the church pretended . ex. col. p. 135. it is to be hoped , that all these violences upon the ecclesiastical state , and the persons of the bishops , were not acted by conformists . and it will not be deny'd , i suppose that after the posting and proscribing of the greater part of the clergi●s friends , ( as well as the kings ) the schismatical int●rest was carry'd on by the major vote of the rem●ining fragment ; and all this was before the eruption of the war ; the earl of essex not receiving his commission , till iuly 12. 1642. unless you 'le say that epis●opal men themselves , were for the extirpation o● bishops . ri. [ when the parliaments armys were worsted and weakned by the king , and they found thems●lves in dang●r of being ov●rcome , th●y intreat●d help from the ●cots ( 't is true ) who taking advantage of thei● streights , brought in the covenant , as the condition of their help . non-conf . 1 part . p. 27. and ●or the assembly 1 [ i think i have not read of m●ny assemblies o● worthier men since the apostles days . answ. to dr. stillingfle●t . p 84. the covenant ●●d vow , was taken by the parliament , and by their garisons , ●nd soldiers that would voluntarily take it as a test whom they mig●● trust non-conf . plea. p. 128. [ the assembly never endeavoured to turn the independents out of the parish-churches , and benefices , nor to silence them ; forbidding them publick preaching , as you do us , &c. answ. to dr. stillingf . p. 14. they imposed no liturgy , no one ceremony ; no practice on them , contrary to their conscience , p. 85. the presbytery being only a tolerated , or intended thing , without any imposition that ●ver we knew of . mo. it is very well known what pains your celebrated assembly took to make the city bleed for that scottish expidition , and we have the guild hall harangues on that occasion , still upon record . but i shall rather mind you of some proceedings which you would be thought to have forgotten ; to the immortal honour of your confederates . only half a dozen words in the way to it it is no wonder for men that have so low an esteem for generall counsells , as both you sir , and mr. baxter professe to have , in several of your writings , to entertain yet very reverend thoughts of the pybald assembly . his late majesty had quite another opinion of them . see his proclamation , inhibiting the assembly of divines , an● others summoned to westminster , by an ordinance of both houses of parliament . bibliotheca regia . p. 328. iun. 22. 1643. whereas there hath been a long time , a desperate and seditious design amongst diverse factious persons , to alter the whole frame , constitution , and government of this church ; so long and so happily established within this kingdome ; in pursuance whereof they have discountenanceed , and in a manner suppressed the book of common prayer , settled by law ; driven away , imprisoned , removed , very many learned , orthodox , godly divines , and ministers from their cures , for discharging their duty and conscience in preaching : and in their places , without the least colour or shadow of lawfull authority , have instituted , or deputed mean factious persons unqualify'd with learning or virtue ; to corrupt and poyson the minds of our good subjects , with principles of reason and rebellion , and have seized the rents and revenues of our bishops , deans , and chapters , for their own private lucre , or benefit , and for the maintenance of the army in rebellion against us . pray observe my friends , that this was before the scots were call'd in ; and the work of men too in opposition to the church : i come now to your apostolical assembly . since these bloudy distempers , and when so many armies are on foot in several parts of the kingdom , a bill hath been presented to us for the calling of an assembly , of such divines , as are mentioned in the said bill , the far greater part whereof are men of no reputation or learning ; and eminently disaffected to the government of the church of england ▪ and very many of them are persons who have openly pr●ached rebellion , and incited the people to take up armes against us , and so are not like to be proper instruments of peace , in church , or state ; which bill having many claus●s in it very derogatory to our honour , and iust rights , and very scandalous to the reformed protestant religion : not so much as any part being left to us , either in the choice of the persons , or in adjo●rning or dissolving the assembly . bib. regia . pa. 329. what do you think now of the worthy assembly ? your [ men of sound , and loyall principles of government , and obedience . these are the men that you declare your selves resolved to stand or fall by ; ( and out of your own mouths a man may warrant this assertion ; that you are no better friends to this king , then that parliament and that assembly were to the la●● . methinks this testimony of his late majesty against your designes , and proceedings , should move your consciences and stare you in the faces , as if it were his ghost . you would have the world believe that the covenant was never imposed , but that people might take it , or let it alone , as they pleased ; that the assembly silenced no body ; forced nothing ; and that presbytery was only as a tolerated , or intended thing , &c. now how great an abuse this is upon that part of the nation that does not know the story , will appear out of the memorials of these times , under the authority of the faction it self . the lords and commons took the vow and covenant iun. 6. 1643. husbands collections . fol. 203. and thought fit to have it taken by the ar●ie● , and kingdome . ibid. arch-bishop of canterbu●●●● temporal livings , dignities , and ecclesi●st●●●● p●●motions sequestered , iune 10. 1143. 〈…〉 for calling an assembly of learned 〈…〉 ( thirty of the layety , in the commission . ) iune 24. 208. an order for ministers upon the fast-day to pray for a blessing on this assembly . iune 27.43 . the assembly petitions both houses for a fast , and the removing of blind guides , and scandalous ministers ; destroying monuments of idolatry , &c. iuly 10. 19●3 . fol. 240. [ an order for divines that attend the assembly , to go into the country to stir up the people to rise for their defense . aug. 10. 1643. fol. 285. [ an ordinance for taking away of superstitious monuments . aug. 28. 1643. fol. 307. an ordinance to examine witnesses against scandalous ministers , sep. 6. 164● . fol. 311. souldiers to take the covenant , octob. 10 fol. 359. an order for the assembly of divines , to treat of a discipline and government , the present to be abo●ished , and to prepare a directory ▪ octo. 1● . 16●● . 〈…〉 an order for returning the names of such as take not the covenant to the house of commons , nov. 30. 1643. fol. 390. an order for diverse persons to take the covenant at margarets westminster . dec. 12. 1643. fol. 399. an ordinance disabling any person within the city of london , from any place of trust , that shall not take the covenant . dec. 20. 1643. fol. 404. an exhortation for taking the covenant , &c. feb. 9. 1644. fol. 422. an order for taking it throughout the kingdomes of england , and scotland , with instructions ▪ feb. 9. 1644. fol. 420. a second order for demolishing superstitious monuments . may 9. 1644. fol. 487. an order for none to preach , but ordained ministers , except allowed by both houses of parliament , may 6. 1645. fol. 646. an order for putting the directory in execution . aug. 11. 1645. fol. 715. severall votes for choice of elders throughout all england , and wales . feb. 20. 1646. fol. 809. an order for taking the negative oath , and national covenant . iun. 2. 1646. fol. 889. an order for putting the orders of church-government in execution . iun. 9. 1646. fol. 889. an order for dividing the county of lancashire , into 9. classes , octob. 2. 1646 , fol. 919. an order for abolishing arch-bishops , and bishops , and settling their lands upon trustees for the use of the common-wealth . octob. 9. 1646. fol. 992. an order for the speedy dividing and settling of several counties of this kingdome , into distinct classical presbyteries , and congregational elderships . ian. 19. 1647. scobells acts , 139. the form of church-government to be used in the church of england , and ireland , agreed upon by the lords and commons , assembled in parliament , after advice had with the assembly of divines . aug. 29. 1648. fol. 165. by this time i hope you are satisfy'd that it was a presbyterian war according to the very letter , or if the nonconformists did not begin the war , pray'e who bid ? ri. our calamities began in differences about religion , and still that 's the wound that most needs closing , &c , r. b's . fast sermon . 1660. p. 41. ba. do not you know , that write about the cause , that the war was not founded in theologicall differences , but in law differences ? r. b's . letter to mr. hi●ckly . p. 25. ri. the first open beginning was the militia , non. conf. plea. p. 126. ba. i know how unsatisfy'd many are concerning the lawfullnesse of the war ; i cannot yet perceive by any thing which they object , but that we undertook our defence upon warrantable grounds . the extirpation of piety was the then great designe , which had so far succeeded , that very many of the most able ministers were silenced ; lecturers , and evening-sermons on the lords day suppressed ; christians imprisoned , dismembred , and banished ; the lords day reproached , and devoted to pastimes ; that it was as much as a mans estate ( at least ) was worth , to hear a sermon abroad , when he had none , or worse at home ; to meet for prayer , or any godly exercise ; and that it was a matter of credit , and a way to perferment to revile at , and be enemies against those that were most conscientious ; and every where safer to be a drunkard , or an adulterer , then a painfull christian : and that multitudes of humane ceremonies took place , when the worship of christs institution was cast out , besides the slavery that invaded us in civil respects : so am i most certain that this was the work which we took up arms to resist : and these were the offenders whom we endeavoured to offend . and many of those that scruple the lawfulness of our war , did never scruple the lawfullness of destroying us ; nor of that dolefull havock , and subversion that was made in the church of christ amongst us . the fault was , that we would not more willingly change the gospel for ignorance , and our religion for a fardel of ceremonies . r. b's . saints rest. p. 257.258 . ri. [ but the kings subjects may not enter into leagues , c●●●nants and arms against him , without his consent , and laws , m●●ly to propagate religion and reformation in the kingdom . non-conf . plea , 2d . part , pa. 77. [ if governors command us to sin against g●● , subjects must not obey , but yet not resist ; much less take up arm● 〈◊〉 reform others , or even to bring in a true religion by vnauthoris●● violence . ibid. p. 56. ba. it is but a delusory course of some in these times t●●t write many vol●mns , to p●ove , that subjects may not be●t arms against th●i● pri●ces fo● religion . ho. common-wealth , p. 4●1 . [ it is either confusion and ignorance of the state of th●●uestion , or pal●a●le errour in them that maintain , that it is 〈◊〉 lawfull to fight for religion . it is one thing to fight to ma●e o●●ers religious , and another thin● to sight to preserve 〈◊〉 ●wn religion , and to preserve t●e means of religion , to us , ●nd the nation , and our posterity , ibid. persecutors 〈◊〉 ta●e away our lives or liberties , if we worship god accordi●●●o his will , and use the necessary means of salvation . it ●●ghting a●●inst this persecuti●n ▪ we sight principally , and ultimately , for our own , and posterities salvation , and nex● , for the necessary means the●eto , and proximately for 〈◊〉 lives and liberties . ibid. mo. the rancour , and inhumanity of this scandal makes me take the lesse notice of your shifts and contradictions ; so that i shall wave the course of your reasoning , and speak a word to your conscience . pray'e cast a back thought upon the piety , the modera●ion , the unexampled sufferings and constancy of that incomparable prince , whose government , and administration is here so diabolicall ▪ traduc'd . it is a wonderfull thi●g to me , that th● legal justice that was exec●●ed upon two or thr●● contumacious schismatiques , should be so fresh in your memory , and yet the tragedy of that royal , and protestant martyr that fell a sacrifice to the idol of your enthusiastical reformation should be so utterly forgotten . how can you so call to mind the silencing of a stubborn cabal of lawless mutineers ; and the bloud of canterbury , your sacrilegious robbing , and taking possession , not fly in the ●aces of your complices ? especially considering how much you your selves have contributed to the common fate . ri. [ how far the ●arliament was f●om being presbyterians , may b● s●●n in t●e propositions sent from them by the earl of essex , to the king at ●otin●ham , and pa●tly their defeating all the desires and endeav●urs of ●hose that would have presbytery settl●d thorow the land. we know of no places , but london and lanca●hire , where it was commonly taken up , and some little of 〈◊〉 at coventry , and some few such places , non-cons . plea , ●st . part , 128. ba. [ it is not known that the presbyterian government hath been exercised in london , in lancashire , and in many counties these many years ? 5. disp. pr●f . 28.29 . [ look into this county where i live , and you shall finde a faithful , humble , laborious ministry , associated , and walking in as great unity as ever i read of since the apostles days : no difference , no quarrels , but sweet and amicable correspondency , and communion , that i hear of . was there such a ministry , or such love and concord , or such a godly people under them in the prelates reign ? there was not : where we had ten drunken readers then , we have not one now ; and where we had one able , godly preacher then , we have many now : and this is our loss and misery in these times , which yo● so much lament . ibid. mo. this last passage i finde in a preface entitled [ to those of the nobility , gentry , and commons of this land that adhere to prelacy : publ●shed in the year 1659. and usher'd in , by an epistle dedicatory , [ to his ●ighness richard lord protector of the common wealth of england , scotland , and ireland : with this expression in the last page . [ your zeal for god will kindle in your subjects a zeal for you : and for a farewell , [ a faithfull subject to your highness , as you are an officer of the universal king. richard baxter . it is worthy of a note mr. baxter , that your pen cuts more still in 1659. then it did in seven years before , and that your humour runs much , ( about that season ) upon casuistical points , and the collation of affairs , and times . now all the reason i can discern for your change of topique still upon that crisis , is this. the wheel was almost come round again , and rebellion upon the very point of finishing its course . ●or they had run the monorchy down , into an aristocracy ; that , into a democracy ; cromwell took up the government next , in a single person . but all these successive usurpations were so grievous , and insupportable to the people , that necessarily the next remove must be the restoring of the king , to perfect the revolution . now so soon as ever you discover'd the dawning but of the least hope for his majesties restauration . what mists did you presently cast before the peoples eyes in your political aphorismes , upon the question of authority , and obedience ? what pains did you take to possesse the nation with an opinion of the blessed differences betwixt the state of matters uoder richard the usurper , and charls the martyr ? and to hammer into the heads of the multitude , the danger of re-admitting their lawfull soverei●n ? pray'e tell me sir , was mr. dance's sequestred living , and your little worcestershire association so inestimable a prize , that you could part with the bloud of a most religious prince ; the lives of at least fourscore thousand christians ; the order of the government , both in church and state ; your lives , liberties , and estates ; the peace , honour , and well being of three kingdoms , and all this , in exchange for infamy , beggery , and bondage , and yet reckon your self a gainer by the bargain ? ri. the common-wealths-men persecuted me and others , so far as to make orders to sequester us , for not taking the engageme●● ▪ and for not keeping their fasts and thanksgivings for the 〈◊〉 ●●gainst scotland . r. b's . 2d . admonition to bagshaw . p. 9● . ba. [ it is a dreadfull observation to see so much of the spirit of malignity possessing those that once said they sought against malignants ; and that the ●inisters and servants of the lord , are rayled at by 〈…〉 as ●orme●ly they were by the worst of those 〈…〉 ●es●royed ; and with this d●●●dfull aggravation , that then it ●as but some that were reviled , and now , wi●h many , 〈◊〉 is all. th●● , it was but under the name of puritan● , and roun●●eads ; and now it is openly , as ministers , under the name of priests , and black-c●ats , and presbyters and pulpiteers . s●lf-d●●yal , ep. monitory . mo. this is to intimate that the p●●sbyterians were under a persecution , who were the persecutors , i beseech ye ? even your own io●rney men ; who when they had wrought sedit●●n long enough under you , took the trad● into their own hands , and set up for themselves . and that you may not value your selves upon the merits of your sufferings ; pray'e what was it that you suffer'd for ? presbytery is too tyrannical for the spirit of an indepe●dent to bear . the stomack of that party would not brook it , and so they cast it up again : for there is , though a licentious , yet somewhat of a practical , and accomodable generosity in that party . but are not you aware , gentlemen , that the worse you speak of these people , the greater is your condemnation ; for making the episcopal party still , more insupportable then these , at the very worst ? ri. [ was it not persecution , when many anabaptists and separatists made such work in england , scotland , and ireland , in cromwells time , and after , as they did ? when so many were turn'd out of the universities for not engaging , and so many out of the magistracy , and corporation-priviledges ? and when an ordinance was made to cast out all ministers who would not pray for the success of the wars against scotland , or that would not give god thanks for their victories . when i have heard them pro●ess , that there were many thousand godly men , that were kill'd at dunba● ( 〈◊〉 instance in no other ) and yet we were all by their ordinance to be cast out , that would not give god thanks for this. ch. div. pa. 256. 1668. what more harsh kinde of persecution could there be then to force men to go hypocritically to god against their consciences , and take on them to beg for the success of a war which they iudg'd vnlawfull . and to return him a publick counterfeit thanks for bloodshed ; yea , for the bloud of thousands ? &c. ibid. ba. only see to this brethren , that none of you suffer as an evill-doer ; as a busy-body in other mens matters ; as a resister of the commands of lawfull authority ; as ungratefull to those that have been instruments of our good ; as evill-speakers against dignities ; as opposers of the discipline , and ordinances of christ ; as scornfull revilers of you● christian brethren ; as reproachers of a laborious , judicious , conscientious ministry , &c. saints rest. pa. 131. mo. you do not speak i suppose of the seven or eight and twenty cathedralls that were defaced ; the 115. ministers forced out of their livings within the bills of mortality : nor of the history of querela cantabrigiensis . you accounted it no persecution the forcing of men to pray for the successe of a rebellion against their sovereign ; and to give god thanks for the victories over the king , and the loyal assertors of his majesties , and the churches rights and government . as for you , mr. baxter , your counsell is very good , if it were not that in the dignities , and lawfull powers you have plac'd the crown upon the wrong head : and directed an obedience to the faction , in stead of the king : after your usual method of crushing the one , to advance the other . but it will be a hard matter i believe to convince you that the presbyterians destroy'd the king , and that they did it as presbyterians too , though i reckon it to be very easily probable both from their practises , and positions . and t●is i should not at this time have made the question , but that your self mr. baxter , have been pleased to bring it upon the carpet . ba. [ the generality of the orthodox , sober ministers , and godly people of this nation , did never consent to king-killing , and resisting sovereign power , nor to the change of the antient government of this land. but they have been true to their allegiance , and detesters of unfaithfullness and ambition in subjects ; and resisters of heresy and schisme in the church , and of anarchy , and democraticall confusions in the common-wealth . r.b. sermon before the commons , anno. ●0 . 1660. pa. 44. ri. it is most certain brother , that we did never directly consent , ( as you say ) but vnhappily there hath been a difference among us which is the higher power , when those that have their share in the sovereignty , are divided : but whether we should be subject to the higher power , is no question with us . ibid. 45. mo. if by your orthodox , sober ministers you mean , the episcopal divines , your assertion holds good , or in a litterall construction either ; but if you intend the non-conformists , under these two epithets of orthodox , and sober ; what do ye think of mr , manton , calamy , case , douglas , burton , herle , goodwyn , woodcock , brooks , bridges , marshall , cockayn , faircloath , saltmarsh , sterry , strictland , newcomen ? and for brevity sake , i. o. w. i. and r. b. shall make them up an even score . i could shew ye how these reverend authors have traced the king killing cause , from the very egg to the apple ; ( as they say ) preach'd the lawfullness of the war ; the people into a rebellion ; the kings head to the block ; and then justify'd all when they had done . and yet who but these men of bloud , to quarrell with the government , because they cannot get themselves priviledg'd above the peaceable and obedient sons of the church ? what do ye think of the author of celeusma ; that told the commons in a sermon sept. 25. 1656. [ that the remove of prelatical innovations countervail'd for the bloud and treasure shed and spent in the late distractions : ] is not this person now with his clamor ad coelum , a very hopefull solicitor for a second reformation ? he that has solemnly declared , that [ if the re-imposing of ceremonies could have brought the late king to life again , he would never have yielded to it . ] at the rate of computation , why shall not a ceremony at this day , out-weigh the life of the son , as formerly it did that of the father ? but what needs more proof then the very order of aug. 10. 1643. for the assembly-divines to 〈◊〉 the people to rise for their defence ? there is another person also who is engaged i● this present controversy , to whom i would gladly recommend a due consideration of this following extract . [ when kings command unrighteous things , and people suit them with willing commplyance , none doubts but the destruction of them both , is just and righteous ] a fast sermon to the house of commons . ian. 31. 1648. pa. 5. he that is entrusted with the sword , and dares not do justice , on every one that dares do jnjustice , is affraid of the creature , but makes very bold with the creator . pa. 15. [ the kings of the ea●th have given their power to anti christ. how have they earn'd their titles ? eldest son of the chuach ; the catholick , and most christian king ; defender of the faith ; and the like . hath it not been by the bloud of saints ? is there not in every corner of these kingdomes , the slain and the banish'd ones of christ to answer for ? a fast sermon of apr. 19. 1649. pa. 22. do not the kings of all these nations stand up in the room of their progenitors ; with the same implacable enmity to the power of the gospel ? pa. 22. there are great and mighty works in hand , in this nation . tyrants are punish'd ; the jaws of oppressors are broken ; bloudy revengefull people in wars , disappointed , a thanksgiving sermon for the scots defeat at worcester , octo , 24. 1651. p. 2. [ what is this prelacy ? a meer antichristian encroachment upon the inheritance of christ , pa. 5. [ a monarchy of some hundred years continuance , allways affecting , and at length wholly degenerated into tyranny ; destroy'd , pull'd down . swallow'd up a great mighty potentate that had caused terrour in the land of the living , and laid his sword under his head , brought to punishment for blood , p. 6. [ if any persons in the world had cause to sing the song of moses , and the lamb , we have this day . the bondage prepared for us was both in spirituals , and temporalls , about a tyrant full of revenge ; and a discipline full of persecution , hath been our contest : whether the yoke of the one and the other , should by the sword and violence , be put upon our necks , and consciences , is our controversy , pa. 7. is it not a prodigious boldness for such spirits as these , to obtrude themselves , either upon the government , or the people , as men of scruple , and the most competent agents for the promoting of vnity , and peace ? and you your self mr. baxter , have not been out neither at this great work of reforming confusion , as your own confessions in some measure , but your conversation and writings do abundantly bear witness . mr. richard here i must confess , furnishes you with a salvo that ignatious loyola himself would have blush'd at . you were ever true to the king , you say , but you did not know who was king. some would have him to be where he was not , and others would not allow him to be where he was. sir , this doctrine might have done well enough in a pulpit at coventry , when you were helping the lord against the mighty ; but from such a restauration sermon , the lord deliver us ! there is first not one word of restoring the king in 't , though it was a fast that had a particular regard to that debate . 2. it asserts the loyalty of the presbyterians , and yet at the same time , supposes the supreme power in the two houses , which , in few words makes the late king both a subject , and ( with reverence ) a rebell . 3. the setling of the presbytery , for that 's allways the english of their sound doctrine , and church government , pa. 46. ) is violently prest as the first thing to be done . give first to god , the things that are gods. 43. with a pharisaical ostentation of the conscionable , prudent , godly , people of the land , pa. 46. in opposition to the prophane . you could not do any thing in the world more to obstruct his majestys return , and yet you are pleased to make this sermon an instance of your zeal to advance it . ri· [ the parliament did not raise war against the person or authority of the king , nor did i ever serve them on any such account : but to defend themselves against the kings mis-guided will. holy common-wealth . pa. 476. their commissions , ( all that ever i saw ) were for king and parliament . we had two protestations , and a solemn league and covenant impos'd upon the nation , to be for king and parliament . and if d●cla●ations , professions , commissions , and national oaths and covenants will not tell us , what the cause of the war was , th●n there is no discovery . ibid. pa. 477. mo. these commissions , oathes and covenants tell you the pretext of the war , but you must go to their proceedings , and practices to find the cause of it . the two houses seize the kings towns , magazins , forts , and shipping . they violently take the militia into their own hands ; vote an ordinance of both houses as binding as an act of parliament . declare his majestys commissions voyd , issue out orders for securing the kingdome : vote the maintaining of a war , and the seizing of his majestys magazins ; sequester the church and crown revenues : and justify all these injuries , as done in pursuance of their protestations , and covenants , and this is your way now of being for the king. suppose that any man had beaten you , and plundred ye , and imprison'd ye , and abus'd your friends for your sake , and a body should tell you all this while that this man was for mr. baxter . if you were really for the king : why would not for the king according to the oath of allegiance do the businesse as well as for the king according to the covenant ? or how came you to alienate your self from his majesties iurisdictino , and to turh subject , to the two houses ? who absolv'd you from the one oath , or who authoris'd you in the other ? or when you found that the king in the covenant clash'd with the king in the oath of allegeance , why did you not rather comply with the law , then with the usurpation ? for it is impossible to be true to both interests , under so manifest an opposition . you see the colour of the war , and i shall not need to tell you that the cause of it was ambition , of dominion , which was exercised to the highest degree of tyranny . ri. if a people that by oath and duty are obliged to a sovereign , shall sinfully dispossess him , and contrary to their covenants , chuse and covenant with another ; they may be obliged by their latter covenants , notwithstanding the former . holy-common-wealth . pag. 188. ba. that cannot be , my friend ; for we hold it [ impious and papal to pretend to absolve subjects from their oaths to their sovereign . holy com. pa. 359. [ it is not in subjects power , by vows to with-draw themselves from obedience to authority . non-confor . plea. p. 213. mo. but why can ye not now dispense with your covenants , as well as you did formerly with the oath of allegeance ? ri. part of this covenant is [ against popery , superstition , and profaneness ; and all that is against sound doctrine and godlinesse , &c. which the non-conformists take to be lawful and necessary things . non-conf . plea. 1st . part. p. 142. but the controversy is not this , and that , but whether as a vow made to god , it binde to things necessary . p. 143. ba. soft a little . this that you speak of is the league and covenant , not the vow , and covenant . the latter was only a bond of confederacy to assist the parliaments forces against the king ; and taken by the lords ane commons iun. 6. 1673. and then ordred iun. 27. to be taken all over the kingdome . but the other was composed afterwards and upon closing with the scots accomodated to the scottish model , and order'd , feb. 2. 1643. to be taken throughout england and wales , and entitled , for r●formation , and d●fence of reli●ion ; the honour and happiness of the king , &c. [ by this covenant , you are bound , not only to an extirpation of bishops , but to endeavou● the introducing of a scottish presbytery : how can you then dispence with an admittance of the primates episcopacy , as you propounded , in contradiction to the terms of that engagement ? mo. favour me with a word i pray'e . did ye not covenant [ to preserve and defend the kings majestys person , and authority ? ] ri. yes , [ in the preservation and defence of the true religion . ba. but in case of the kings opposing it , we are still obliged [ to continue therein , against all opposition , and ●o promote the sam● , according to our power , against all lets , and impediments whatsoever . see the covenant . mo. let it suffice gentlemen that your party destroy'd the king ; it is no great matter how. ri. [ as to the death of the king , i have in the times of vsurpation , proved that the presbyterians detest●d it . that it was a proud conquering army , by the contrivance of ol. cromwell , and the applause of a few phanatiques that did it by the consent of a small care of the old parliament , called the rump , that durst not trust the king in power . non-conf . plea. part . 2. preface . ba. prethee dick speak truth and shame the devil . what did we raise armyes for ? and attaque the king himself in the head of his troops ? wee 'l maintain that , by our principles , and aphorisms . [ war is not an act of government , but hostility . men are not in reason to be supposed to intend their enemies good , if they fight we are to b●lieve , they would kill : and nature believeth not killing to be an act of friendship . holy common-wealth . pa. 422. ● do unfeignedly repent that i did no more for ●eace in my place then i did ; and that i did not pray more heartily again●t con●●ntion ▪ and w●r , b●for● it cam● : and spake no more against it th●n i 〈…〉 that i spa●e so much to blow the coals . for ●his 〈…〉 for●iven●sse of the lord , through the pretious b●o●d of t●● gr●●t reconciler . the hatred of strife , and war , a●d love of p●a●e , and obs●rvation of the lamentable miscariages si●ce , have call'd me often to search my heart , and try my ways by the word of god ; whether i did lawfully engage in that war , or not : ( which i was confident then , was the greatest outward service that ever i performed to god. and whether i lawfully encouraged so many thousands to it . holy common-wealth . pa. 485.486 . [ but yet i cannot see that i was mistaken in the main cause ; nor dare i repent of it , nor forbear the same , if it were to do again , in the same state of things . i should do all i could to prevent such a war , but if it could not be prevented , i must take the same side as then i did . and my judgment tells me , that if i should do otherwise , i should be guilty of treason or disloyalty against the sovereign power of the land , and of per●idiousnesse to the common-wealth , and of preferring offending subjects , before the laws , and justice ; and the will of the king above the safety of the common-wealth , and consequently above his own wellfare . ibid , and then for you so impudently and impertinently — mo. nay , let 's have none of this , gentlemen i beseech ye , why you two are old acquaintances ; fellow-labourers , fellow-sufferers , and one womans children as we say . — ba. i shall not eat my words i assure ye ; i may forget my self perhaps , but i am not a man for recantations . i say again , that it was impudently and impertin●●tly done to reflect upon oliver cromwell , as if he had done an ill thing . my holy common-wealth [ was written while the lord prot●ctor ( ●rudently , piously , faithfully , to his immortal horrour , how ill soever you have used him ) did exercise the government . holy common wealth , preface to the army . [ and i have forborn to change any one word of it all , that you may see the worst of my intendments . and that true principles will stand in all times , and changes , though to the shame of those changes that make bad times . ibid. these are my own words , and do you think that i would ever have bestowed upon a detestable wretch , the epithetes of prudent , pious and faithful ? and again ; if oliver had not been a religious , and gratious prince , can you imagine that i should ever have treated his son richard with this complement ? [ we pray that you may inherit a tender care of the cause of christ. key for catholiques , ep. ded. which shews both that oliver had a tendernesse for christs cause ; and necessarily implys that the cause he managed was the cause of christ. and then you shuffle it again upon the phanatiques , and the rump , that durst not trust the king with power . why prethee what power did we allow him ? we took away his arms and his men , and his money , and his credit , and his towns , and his ships , and his laws , and his liberty , and all the ensignes of royalty : and the maxims whereupon we supported our proceedings , did his besinesse . the two houses and the army were no more then the gun and the ball ; the one gave fire and the other kill'd him . mo. mr. baxter ; i ( as you say ) you do vnfeignedly repent , that you spake so much formerly to blow the coals . why are ye blowing of them again ? you carry'd thousands you say , into the war , and eng●ged in it your self , and would do the same thing over again upon the like occ●sion : and your judgment tells you that it were treason against the sovereign power of the land to do otherwise . according to this doctrine , a remnant of the lords and commons may do as much to this k●●g as they did to his father , and the presbyterians pulpi●s shall justify the prooc●eding . you do generously however to own your positions . but yet methinks you should have some regard to the dismal consequences that have ●nsu'd upon this controversy . ba. [ it were too great folly , by following accide●ts , that were then unknown , for me to judge of the former cause . that which is calamitous in the event , is not allways sinfull in the enterprize . should the change of times make me forget the state that we were formerly in , and change my judgment , by losing the sense of what then conduced to it's enformation , this folly and forgetfullnesse would be the way to a sinfull , and not an obedient repentance . nor can i be so unthankful as to say , for all the sins and miscarriages of men since , that we have not received much mercy from the lord : holy common-wealth . pa. 487. when godlynesse was the common scorn , the prejudice , and shame most lamen●ably prevail'd to k●ep men from it , and so encouraged them in wickednesse : but through the great mercy of god , many thousands have been converted to a holy , upright life , proportionably more then were before , since the reproach did cease , and the prejudice was removed , and faithfull preachers took the place of scandalous ones , or ignorant readers . when i look upon the place where i live , and see that the families of the ungodly are here one , and there one in a street , as the families of the godly were heretofore ( though my own endeavours have been too weak and cold ) it ●orceth me to set up the stone of remembrance , and to say [ hitherto hath the lord helped us . ibid. [ oh the sad , and heart-piercing spectacles that mine eyes have seen in four years space . [ this was jan. 15. 1649. ] [ in this fight , a dear friend falls down by me : from another , a pretious christian b●ought home wounded , or dead : scarce a month , scarce a week , without the sight or noise of bloud . saints rest , p. 139. mo. here 's first a most evangelicall accompt of the blessed effects of a civill war : [ the propagation of holynesse . and then , a most remarkable calculation of the date of your calamities , which commences precisely from the armies getting the ascendent of the two houses , without any respect to the outrages both upon the church and state , while the presbyterians govern'd . ri. pray'e will ye [ patiently read over the representation , ●r letter of the london ministers to the lord generall , jan. 18. 1648. mo. very well , and since you are pleas'd to cast the cause , and the integrity of your party upon that issue , wee 'l see what they say . [ it is allready sufficiently known ( besides all former miscarriages ) what attempts of late have been put in practice against lawfull authority : letter p. 3. [ this lawfull authority was a faction of the two houses ] especially by the late remonstrance , and declaration , published in opposition to the proceedings in parliament . [ h●re's the crimen lesae majestatis . ] [ as also by seizing , and imprisoning the kings person without the knowledge , and consent of parliament . ibid. [ here 's only a plain seizure of the kings person , without the parliaments privity or leave ; no cond●mnation of the thing it self , furth●r then as it was done without his masters consent . nor was the king more a prisoner in the hands of the army , then he had been at newcastle , in the hands of the presbyterians . ] but now they come to [ that late vnparall'd violence offer'd to the members of it ; forcibly hind●ing above one hundred of them ( if we mistake not the number ) from sitting in parliament : imprisoning many of their persons ; though many of them are known to us to be men of eminent worth , and integrity ; and who have given most ample testimony of their real affection to the good of the kingdome . ibid. pray'e take notice , that it was upon the members , an unparallel'd violence ; upon the king , no more then a simple seizure ; and methinks they might have bestowed some kind epithete upon his majesty , as well as upon the eminent and worthy members . but 't is only the bare king ; and that 's all. [ and besides all this , [ there is an intent of framing and contriving a new model , as well of the laws , and government of the kingdom , as of the constitution of a new kind of representative . all which practices we cannot but judge , to be manifestly opposite to the lawfull authority of those majestrates which god hath set over us ; and to the duty and obedience , which by the laws of god and man , and by our manifold oaths , and covenants , we stand obliged to render to them . ibid. you are not aware , mr. richard , that to justify the doctrine of these letters falls very little short of justifying downright treason ; unlesse you can shew a law that places the supreme power in the two houses . [ the fear of god therefore , ( whose ordinance is violated , when magistracy is opposed ) makes us affraid of medling with those who without any colour of legal authority , meerly upon the presumption of strength , shall attempt such changes as these are . and we ●annot but be deeply affected with grief and astonishment , to see that an army raised by authority of parliament , for the preservation of the priviledges thereof , and of our religion , laws , and liberties , should contrary to their trust , and many engagements , do that which tends to the manifest subversion of them all. p. 4. pray'e where was the fear of cod , when the king was opposed ? what legal authority had the two houses over his majesty , more th●n the army had over the two houses ! or by what law did that parliament raise that army ? [ we have not forgotten those declared grounds and principles , upon which the parliament first took up arms : and upon which we were induced to joyn with them : ( from which we have not hitherto declared , and we trust through gods grace , we never shall . ) pa. 5. we have here in few words , the judgment , and the resolution of the presbyterian divines , and the standard of their loyalty , from the lips of the very oracle of the party . i would fain know now which wa● the fouler breach of trust , that of the two houses toward his majesty , to whom both by law and conscience they were obliged , ( besides so many gratious concessio●s ) or that of the army , to the two houses ! the one being like the robbing of an honest man , and the other , the pillaging of that thief : over and above that the army was trayn'd up in the trade of turning out their masters . [ and moreover ; although the parliament thus too● up arms for the defence of their persons & priviledges , and the preservation of religion , laws , and liberties ; yet was it not their intention , thereby to do violence to the person of the king , or divest him of ●is regal authority , and what of right belongeth to him . pa. 7. do but shew me now any one essential of sovereignty which those people left hi● , if they could take it away , and i will be answerable to forfei● my head for 't . but still it is but what [ of righ● ] b●longeth to him ; and that 's a salvo for all the violences imaginable . [ we disclam , detest , and abhor the wicked , and bloudy te●ents , and practices of iesuits ( the whrst of papists ) concerning the opposing of magistrates , by private persons , and the murthering of kings by any , though under the most specious , and colourable pretenses . pa. 11. this is all , which upon that desperate crisis of state was said for that pious and unfortunate prince : the saving of the king , being ( if any ) incomparably the least part of the ministers business . beside that the dethroning of him was more criminal then the beheading of him . and in such a case , it would have been no longer a murther , when they should once have voted the fact to be an execution of justice . [ we desire ( say they ) that you would not be too confident on former successes . if god have made you prosper while you were in his way , this can be no warrant for you to walk in ways of your own. p. 12. [ so that the old cause is gods still , to this very day . ] and besides ; [ you have e●gaged your selves by an oath to preserve his majestys person , and the priviledges of parliament ; and this is most clear , that no necessity can justify perjury , or dispense with lawfull oaths . pa. 15. i should be glad to know now , how you came to be absolv'd of the oath of allegiance , or how you can honestly pretend to stand up for any interest , that renders the king accountable to his subjects . ba. [ yet if i had taken up arms against the parliament in that war , my conscience tells me i had been a traytor , and guilty of resisting the highest powers . holy com. pa. 433. mo. at this rate , the king was a traytor on the other side . ba. why do you cite the holy common wealth , so often ? for i have desired that the book be taken as non scriptus . non-con . ●lea 2 d part . pref. mo. and would not any malefactor that were deprehended in the manner , say as much as this amounts to ; and wish that the thing might be taken as non factum ? this is rather a shift , then a retractation . and then again ; it is a wonderfull thing that you should overshoot your self so much upon a subject that was expresly [ suited to the demands , and doubts of th●se tim●s , ] holy com. pa. 102. that is to say ; the restoring of the king was the point then in agitation , and out comes your book of aphoris●s expresly to possesse the people against it . ba. if you would have a recantation more in form , [ i do here freely profess that i repent of all that ●●er i thoug●t , sayd , wrote , or did , since i was born , against the ●●ace of church or state , against the king , his person , or ●●thority , as s●preme in himself ; or as d●●●vative in any of his officers , m●gistrats , or any commissioned by him . 2 d admonition to bagshaw . pa. 52. mo. this mock repentance is a trick that will not pass either upon god or man. the kings headsman might have sayd as much , and yet account that execrable office a meritorious work . you are at your fast sermon again ; always obedient to the highest powers , but divided somewhere about the receptacle of the sovereignty . you ask god forgivenesse for all that ever you thought , sayd , wrote , or did , against the king , and the publick-peace . and what signifies this repentance , so long as you persist in maintaining , that all the violences acted upon the person , crown and dignity of his sacred majesty , in the name of the king and parliament , were not against the king , but for him , this is all , but the hypothesis of a transgression . lord forgive me all that ever i did amiss . that is to say , if ever i did any thing amiss . but i charge my self with no particulars . why do ye not touch the thesis that you condemn ; and say this , that , and tother aphorisme i renounce ? nay , why do ye not reform and correct your mistakes , and state the matter aright , toward the bringing of these people into their wits again , that have been intoxicated by your false doctrine , and poyson'd from your very pulpit ? ba. [ if you quarrell with my repentance as not in particulars enow ; i answer you , that as in the revocation of the book , i thought it best to revoke the whole , ( though not as retracting all the doctrine of it ) because if i had named the particular passages , some would have said i had mentioned too few , and some too many , and few would have been satisfi'd . admon . to bagshaw . pag. 53. mo. you have mark'd [ revoke , ] and [ retract ] with an emphatical character , to give to understand , that you do not retract , though you do revoke , and you have put them in italique , to shew that there lies a stresse upon those two words . you revoke the whole [ book ] you say , not as retracting all the doctrine of it : if by revoke you mean call in , or suppr●ss ; you might as well call back your breath again , as the venome that was diffused by those aphorisms . and then to say that you do not [ retract all the doctrine of it ] does not necessarily imply , that you retract any part of it . or if you do , your repentance is yet frivolous , for want of distinguishing the right from the wrong ; that your disciples may not take the one from the other . your apprehension indeed of saying too much , or too little if you should come to particulars , is very reasonable : for to please the lovers to their prince , church , and countrey , you must not leave one seditious , or schismatical principle behind ye . but then on the other side , if you come to pronounce the levying of arms , the making of a great seal , and exercising other acts of sovereignty , without , and against the kings commission , to be high treason by the established law , you are lost to all intents and purposes , with your own party . so that for fear of disobliging the one side or the other , by confessing too much , or too little , you have resolved upon the middle way of confessing just nothing at all . ba. [ i do repent ( again ) that i no more discouraged the spirit of p●evish quarrelling with superiours , and church-orders ; and ( though i ever disliked and opposed it , yet ) that i som●times did too much encourage such , as were of this temper , by speaking too sharply against those things which i thought to be church-corruptions : and was too loth to displease the contentious , for fear of being uncapable of doing them good , ( knowing the prophane to be much worse then they ) and meeting with too few religious persons , that were not too much pleased with such invectives . ibid. mo. this clause of repentance , is every jot as much a riddle to me as the former . you did not sufficiently discourage the spirit of quarrelling with superiours . [ which spirit you your self raised . ] you were a little too sharp upon what you thought to be church-corruptions , [ so that here 's a bit , and a knock , you were a little too sharp ; but it was against corrup●ions in the church ; your very repentances are calumnies . but you were willing to oblige a contentious religious party that was pleased with invectives , you could have done them no good else . and what good i beseech ye did you do them by it , but mislead , and confirm them in principles of disobedience ? only you consider'd you say , that the prophane were much worse then the other . what is the reason that mr. baxter will be perpetually thus inconsistent with himself ; first you repent for no more discouraging , and then ( by a side wind ) for encouraging ; and before the repentance is out of your mouth , you are at it again , with your church-corruptions , and your opposition of the prophane forsooth to the godly , to enflame the d●vision , and to harden the non-conformists in their dissent . now as to your stigmatizing character of prophane , there is a personal prophanenesse , and there is a prophanenesse of association , and confederacy . there are many men i know , that have gotten so diabolical a habit of swearing , cursing and blaspheming the holy name of god , that they can hardly speak ten words without an oath , or a curse : this is witho●t dispute a most abominable sin ; but it is withall so disagreeable , and so offensive , that it gives a man a horrour for the imitation , and practice , of so unprofitable , and so monstrous a crime ; and though it be a grievous wickedness , it is not of so dangerous an example . but what say you to sacramental leagues against order , and law ? to the forcing of a whole nation either to swear or starve ? to the calling god into a conspiracy against government and religion ? to the robbing of altars ; demolishing of temples ; dethroning of kings ; degrading of bishops ? &c. and all this , in the name of the most high god , and with hands held up unto the lord. but go on with your repentance . ba. [ i do repent ( also ) that i had not more impartially and dilligently consulted with the best lawyers that were against the parliaments cause , ( for i know of no controversy in divinity about it , but in politiques and law ; ) and that i did not use all possible means of full acquaintance with the case . ibid. [ and that for a little while the authority of such writers as mr. richard hooker , lib. i. eccles. polit. and bishop bilson , and other episcopal divines did too much sway my judgment toward the principles of popular power . [ and seeing the parliament episcopal , and erastian ; and not hearing when the war began , of two presbyterians amongst them all , nor among all their lord li●utenants , generalls , major generalls , or colonells , till long after ; i was the easilyer drawn to think , that hookers political principles had been commonly received by all ; which i discerned soon after upon stricter enquiry , to be unsound , and have my self written a confutation of them . pa. 53. mo. this way of dodging , in one of the prophane ( as you stile us ) would have been iesuitical . here 's only a bare wish that you had made a stricter enquiry into the cause , but no acknowledgment that you were in the wrong . and again , if you knew of no controversy in divinity about it ; why are all your writings stuffed with such a huddl● of texts for obedience to the two houses ? what did you search the word of god for , in the case ? holy com. pa. 486. 〈…〉 were misled by mr. hookers first book of ecclesiastical 〈…〉 favour of popular power ; why would ye not let him set the right in your ecclesiastical ●olitiques , and in your duty to the authority , and discipline of the church , to make ye some amends ? the biasse which you will have him to take , in favour of popular power , being not one jot to your purpose , but regarding only the specification of government , and not the fountain ; and who●ly forrein to your phansy of a co-ordination : whereas that great mans discourse in vindication of the rites and injunctions of the church comes directly to your point : and stands as sirm as a rock against all the insults of calumny , and opposition ; without any pretense to a reply . but you serve mr. hooker in this , and the king himself , and the english clergy in oth●r cases , as you do the bishops in your church-history : you turn over indexes and common-places for matter of reproach against them , and then obtrude upon the world , the frailties of some , and your own most uncharitable mistakes of others , for the history of the order ; but not one word of their virtues . ( it would make a black book , the story of the presbytery drawn up at the same rate . ) it is your way still , under a pretext of advancing the mistical church , to depress the visible , and to put the people out of love w●th both civill and ecclesiastical constitutions . ba. [ pray'e do but observe and see of what manner of persons the visible church hath be●n constituted , in all ages of the world , till now . in the first church , in adams family , a cain , in a church of eight persons , the father and pastor overtaken with grosse drunkenness , and one of his sons was a cursed cham. in a church of six persons , two of them perish'd ( in sodom ( in the flames among the unbelievers , and a third turn'd into a pillar of salt : the two remaining daughters , committed incest . in abrahams family , an ishmael ; in isaac●s , an esau : even rebecca , and iacob guilty of deceitfull equivocation ; an abraham and isaac deny'd their wives to save themselves in their unbelief . in iacobs family a simeon and levi , that sold their brother ioseph . of the church of the isralites in the wilderness but two permitted to enter into the land of promise , &c. [ the ten tribes were drawn by ieroboa● to sin , by setting up calves at dan in bethel , and making priests of the vilest of the people ; and forsaking the temple , and the true worship of god and the lawfull priests . and these lawfull priests at ierusalem were ravening wolves and greed● dogs , and careless , and cruell shepherds . the false pro phets who deceived the people were most accepted . ] ch div. pa. 35. ●6 . 37 . and if you run through the churches of rome , corinth , galatia , colosse , ephesus , pergamus , thyatira , sardis , laodicea . ] pa. 39.40.41 . you 'le finde it to be the same case . mo. but what 's your end in all this ? ba. [ not to make sin less odious , nor the church or godly less esteemed : but to shew you the frame of the visible church , in all generations , and how it differeth from the iewish ; lest you should take on you to be wiser then god , and to build his house after a better rule then his gospel and the primitive pattern . ibid. pa. 36. mo. this is by interpretation , the non-conformists are the invisible church ; and the episcopall clergy are the ravening wolves , and the greedy dogs , and all the sons of the church of england , are the church visible , according to your most obliging way of allusion . but there 's one thing i forgot . you say , the presbyterians did not begin the war ; which with your favour is a great mistake , and yet not a pin matter to the case in question ; whether they did or not . did not the kirk lead the dance , and the republican faction in england pay them their wages , and call them their dear brethren for their pains ? and then the presbyterian war was denounc'd in the pulpi● , and in the parliament-house too , long before the republican broke out openly in the field . what if the first publick sticklers , were not at that time declar'd presbyterians ? they were yet in the conspiracy against bishops , though under another notion ; and quickly after they listed themselves under that very profession , as the best cover in nature for their purpose ; for that schisme was never without a state-faction in the belly on 't . but nothing is more notorious , then the intelligence that was held , from the beginning , betwixt the republican caball , and the presbyterian divines ! the one drew the bellowes , and the other play'd the tune . and take notice likewise , that presbyterian was a mark of the faction rather then a note of the religion , and used in contradistinction to royallist . but pray'e finish your repentance . ba. for [ all the rest of my sins in this business , which i know not of particularly , i do implicitly and generally repe●● of , and ask of god to give me a particular conversion , &c. ] ibid 53. mo. if you have told all the particulars you know of , yo●● account , mr. baxter , is soon cast up . you begin with a gen●rall supposition . all that ever i thou●●● , said , &c. without any one instance ; or acknowledgement . if you had sayd , i have committed many sins of this kinde , and 〈◊〉 that , it had been something . your second branch of repentance , is for no more discouragi●● peevishnesse toward superiours ; and then sometimes too 〈◊〉 encouraging it by being too sharp your self against what yo● took to be church corruptions . why sorry for no more discouraging , when you were so far from discouraging at all , th●● on the contrary , you repent in the same period , for too 〈◊〉 encouraging ? this is , at the best ; but a lame and a gene●●● particular repentance . that which you make no more of th●● the spirit of peevish quarrelling ( as if the people had only 〈◊〉 upon a nettle ) you should have spoken out , and call'd it the spirit of contumacy , and rebellion . and what is it that yo● charge upon your self here , more then that you were a little too mealy-mouth'd ? but wher 's your vindication of the ch●r●●-orders you mention ? where 's your determination which 〈◊〉 the right superiours . why do ye not tell the people that yo● were mistaken in the opinion of our church-corruptions ; and instruct them in their duties of obedience to god , and the king ? without so doing , that which you call repentance , is o●l● a snare to the multitude , and a scandal to the government . your next pang of repentance , is for not consulting t●e best lawyers that were against the parliament , more impartially and dilligently then you did . is this the repentance , mr. baxter , of a confessor ? a r●pentance , without a confession : an arrant peice of artifice , a●d design , to put on the disguise of a recantation , and witho●● any charge or discharge of conscience , to keep in with bo●h parties . the sin does not ly in your not advising with lawyers concerning the state of the controversy , but in plungi●g your self and others into bloud , hand over head , contrary to the laws of god and man , without so much as consulting the grounds of the quarrell . to the royallists it looks like an excuse of your disloyalty to the king ; as who should say ; 't is true , i was to blame : it was a poynt of law , and i should have taken better advise upon 't . and if the other side accuse you as a desertor of the cause , you can acquit your self there too , that you have not repented of any one poynt to their prejudice . if it be not as i say , and that you mean good faith , do but publish your loyalty to the world , in the manner , or to the effect following , and i 'le ask your pardon . i do declare , that the lords and commons assembled in parliament , are still the kings subjects , and that it is not lawfull for them to exercise any act of sovereign power , without or against the kings command , or consent . i do l●kewise declare that the war , raised by the pretended authority of the lords and commons in 1642. with all their orders , ordinances , and impositions in pursuance thereof , were also unlawfull : and that all acts of hostility done by them or their order , against the king , or the party commssioned by h●m , during the command of the earl of essex , were acts of disloyalty , and rebellion . if you be really the man that you would be thought to be , you 'le never boggle at this test : but if this will not down with ye , ( let me tell you sir , that to my knowledge worse then this , has ) you will make me think of the lady in the proverbs , that [ eateth , and wipeth her mouth , and saith i have done no wic●ednesse . ba. you reflect in these reproaches either upon my particular principles , or upon the principles of the party , or upon both. as to my self ; [ if any man can prove , that i was guilty of , hurt to the person , or destruction of the power of the king , or of changing the fundamental constitution of the common-wealth ] &c. holy com. pa. 489.490 . [ i will never gain-s●y him if he call me a most persidious rebell ; and tell me that i am guilty of far greater sin , then murther , whoredome , drunkenesse , or such like . ibid. or if they can solidly confute my grounds , i will tha●● them , and confesse my sin to all the world. ibid. ri. nay brother baxter , you must give me leave to put in ● word now ; and first to your practice , then to your grounds . di● not you animate the party that was in arms against the king ; 〈◊〉 much as any man , and was that no hurt to his person ? [ remem●● ( say you to the army ) how far i have gone with you in the w●● — and shall i be affraid of my old most intimate friends ? &c. holy com. pref. will you have it now that this army , your o●● , and intimate friends , did no hurt to his majesties person ? a●● now bethink your self , of your challenge in the preface to your ho●● common wealth . [ prove that the king was the highest pow●● , in the time of divisions , and that he had power to make 〈◊〉 war , which he made , and i will offer my head to iustice as a ●●bell . ] is not this destructive of the kings power ? and is not 〈◊〉 a change of the fundamental constitution of the common-wea●●● , 〈◊〉 say that [ the members of parliament considered disjunctly , 〈…〉 subjects , but that conjunctly , as a house or body , they 〈◊〉 the sovereignty . ] holy com. pa. 433. and again , pa. 462. [ te●● the parliament hath a part of the legislative power , ( eve● 〈◊〉 enacting , and not only of proposing ) is undoubted . ba. nay if you go to that richard , i shall call you to a●compt for your practises and propositions too . do not you remember a certain dedicatory epistle , to richard protector , i● your key for catholiques , where you have these words ? [ gi●● not leave to every seducer to do his worst to damn mens so●l● when you will not tolerate every traytor to draw your am●ie● or people into rebellion . ] and again , [ this is one th●t rejoyceth in the present happiness of england , and honoureth all the providences of god , by which we have been brought 〈◊〉 what we are . ] do not you here acknowledge richard the pr●tectors sovereignty ? and blesse all the providences that have brought matters so comfortably about ? ri. ay , ay , baxter ; that 's a doctrine you taught me in your commonwealth . [ i am bound to submit to the present government , as set over us by god , and to obey for conscience-sak● , and to behave my self as a loyal subject towards them. for a full and free parliament hath own'd it , and so there is notoriously the consent of the people , which is the evidence that former princes had to iustify their best titles . pa. 484. whereas in truth neither was this a free parliament , nor any parliament at all ; neither w●s your submission to the present power , an act of conscience , for the same conscience would have oblig'd you as well to the king , upon the same grounds . ba. in good time mr. richard : and who taught ye , i wonder your complements to prince richard in the five disputations ? where you addresse your self [ to his highnesse , richard , lord protectour of the common-wealth of england , scotland , and ireland . ] ep. ded. and further [ your zeal for god will kindle in your subjects , a zeal for you . the more your life & government is divine , the more divine will you appear ; and therefore , the more amiable , and honourable to the good , and reverend to the evill . parliaments will love and honour you , and abhor the motions that tend to a division , or your iust displeasure . ministers will heartily pray for you , and prayse the lord for his mercies by you , and teach all the people to love , honour and obey you . the people will rejoyce in you ; and you will be lov'd or fear'd of all. such happinesse attendeth serious piety , when impiety , selfishnesse , and neglect of christ , is the shame and ruine of prince and people . i crave your highnesse pardon for this boldness , and your favourable acceptance of the tender'd service of , a faithfull subject to your highness , as you are an officer of the universal king , richard baxter . ri. i' keep still to my old master doctour of the aphorisms , [ if a person enter into a military state against the people , and by them be conquered , they are not obliged to restore him , unless there be some other special obligation upon them , beside their allegeance . ] thes. 145. and moreover [ if the person dispossest , though it were vnjustly ▪ do afterward become vncapable of government , it is not the subjects du●y to seek his restitution . ] thes. 146. and yet again [ whosoever exp●lls the sovereign , though injuri●usly , and resolves to revive the common-wealth , rather then he shall be restored : and if the common-wealth may prosper without his restauration , it is the duty of such an injur'd prince , for the common good to resign his government ; and if he w●ll not , the people ought to iudge him as m●de incable by providence , and not to seek his restitution to the apparent ruine of the common-wealth . ] thes. 147. mo. praye let me put in a word betwixt ye . what do you call incapacitys ? ba. [ when providence depriveth a man of his vnderstanding , he is materia indisposita , and vncapable of government , though not of the name . ] thes. 135. [ if god permits princes to turn so wicked , as to be uncapable of governing , so as is consis●ent with the ends of government , he permits them to depose themselves . ] thes. 136. again ; [ if providence statedly disable him that was the sovereign , from the executing of laws , protecting the just , and other ends of government , it maketh him an uncapable subject of the power and so deposeth him . ] for a government so impotent , is none . a capacity for the work and ends is necessary in the person ; and when that ceaseth , the power ceaseth . ] h●l . comm. pag. 137.138 . ri. and then you say further , thes. 153. that [ any thing that is a sufficient sign of the will of god , that this is the person , by whom we should be governed , is enough ( as ioyned to gods laws ) to oblige us to consent , and obey him , as our governour . ) vpon which ground , you your self do iustify all that i have either said , or do●e , in submission to richard. and so you do likewise in your thesis 149. [ if the rightfull governour be so long dispossest , that the common-wealth can be no longer be without government , but to the appar●nt hazzard of it's ruine , we ought to iudge that providence has disp●●sest the former , and presently consent to another . ] we must not say , that [ because we cannot have such a man , wee 'l have none , but be vngoverned ; this is to break an express commandement , and to cast off the order and ordinance of god , for a persons sake . ] p. 162. and then there 's another thing ; you put all the cases that ever you could muster up , against the kings return . [ if a king ( you say ) dissolves the government he can be no governour . if an enemy , no king. a destroyer cannot be a ruler , and defender ; he proclaimeth hostility , and is therefore not to be trusted . ] pa. 539. ba. well , well ? richard. if you had pleased , you might have found out some other aphorismes , where i have done as much right i 'm sure to sovereign power as any man living . do not i say thes. 326. that [ it is the subjects duty to defend their prince , with their strength , and hazzard of their lives , against all forreign and domestique enemies , that seek his life , or ruine ? ] ri. if you speak this to the cause in question ; how will you come off where you say [ if i had known that the parliament had been the beginners ; and in most fa●●t , yet the ruine of our trustees , and representives , and so of all the security of the nation , is a punishment greater then any fault of theirs against a king , can from him deserve : and that their saul●s cannot disoblige me from defending the common-wealth . ● owned not all that ever they did : but i took it to be my duty to look to the mayn end. and i kn●w that the king had all his power for the common good , and therefore had none against it ; and therefore that no cause can warrant him , to make the common-wealth the party , which he shall exercise hostility against . ] ho. com. pa. 480. [ all this s●●med plain to me ] and [ when i found so many things conjunct , as two of the three estates against the will of the king alone , the kingdoms representatives and trustees assaulted in the guarding of our liberties , and the highest court defending them against offending subjects , and se●king to bring them to a legal tryal ; and the kingdoms safety , and the common good , involved in their cause ( which may be more fully manifested , but that i would not stir too much in the evils of times past ; ) all these , and many m●re concurring , perswaded me , that it was sinfull to be neutrals , and treach●rous to be against the parliament in that cause . ] — [ it were a wonder if so many humble , honest christians , fearful of sinning , and praying for direction , should be all mistaken in so weighty a case , and so many damme's all in the right . ] pa. 481. ba. very learnedly apply'd . but do not i say pa. 437 ▪ that [ if a parliament would wrong a king , and depose him unjustly , and change the government , for which they have no power , the body of the nation may refuse to serve them in it , yea , may forcibly restrayn them ? if they not●riously betray their trust , not in some tolerable matters , but in the fundamentalls , or points that the common good dependeth on , and engage in a cause that would destroy the happynesse of the common-wealth ; it is then the peoples duty to forsake them , an● cleave to the king against them , if they be enemies to the common-wealth . ] pag. 438. ri. now i beseech ye mr. baxter be pleased to compare pa. 43● . with pa. 424. where you lay down this thes●● [ though some inj●ry to the king be the occasion of the war , it is the duty of all the p●●ple to defend the common-wealth against him ; y●t so , as th●t t●●y protest against that injury . ] ba. but what say ye all this while to the case of making co●nt to an usurper ? [ when it is notorious ( say i ) that where a ma● has no right to govern , people are not bound to obey him , unlesse by accident . ] thesis 339. ri. [ we detest their o●inion , who think that a strong and pr●sperous vsurper , may be defended , against the king , or that the ki●g is not to be def●nd●d against him , to the hazzard of our estates , 〈◊〉 lives . ] non-conf . 2d . part . pa. 77. [ meer conquest with●●● consent , is no just title . ] ibid. p. 108. and again , [ vs●rp●● have no true power , nor do their commands bind anb one in consc●ence to formal obedience : nor may they be set up and defended agai●●● the lawfull governour . ] pa. 55. [ and those are vsurpers 〈◊〉 by force or fraud depose the lawfull governour and take his place . ibid. [ if vsurpers claim the crown , the su●ject must iudge wh●● is their king and must defend his right . ] non-con . plea. 70. ba. but what if the people shall miss-judge ? [ all things are not destructive to the common-wealth , that are judg'd so by dissenting subjects . ] holy com. pref. [ nor are subje●ts allow'd to resist , whenever they are consident that rulers would destroy the common-wealth . ] ibid. [ oh how happy would the best of nations under heaven be , if they had the rulers that our ingratitude hath cast off . ] [ our old constitution , was king , lords , and commons , which we were sworn and sworn , and sworn again to be faithfull to , and to defend . the king with-drawing , the lords and commons ruled alone , though they attempted not the change of the species of government . next this , we had the major part of the house of commons in the exercise of sovereign power , the corrupt majority , ( as the army call'd them ) being cast out . ] ibid. &c. 't is no matter for the following revolutions ; [ to resist , or depose the best governours in all the world , that have the supremacy , is forbidden to subjects on point of damnation . ibid. ri. pray'e hold your hand a little mr. baxter . if the government was i● king , lords , and commons , how came the two houses ●o rule alone , with an vsurpation ? and without changing the species of the government ? or how came we , that you say were sworn over and over to all three , to depose the head , and submit to the other two ; and to let the government sink from a mona●chy , into a● aristocracy ? and why might not the commons , cast out the lords , and the army the commons , as well as the two houses cast off the king ? especially by your own comment upon , [ let every soul be subject to the higher powers . ] ho. com. 3e9 . where you expound the higher power , to be intended of the governours in actual possession . what hindred this a●gument from holding , when the king was in actual possession ? ba. [ a people may give an honourary title to the prince , and not give the same to others , that have part in the sovereignty . ] [ so that names are not the only notes of sovereignty . wherefore one must not judge of the power of princes by their titles , or names . ] ho. com. pa. 432. [ the law saith the king , shall have the power of the militia , supposing it to be against enemies , and not against the common-wealth , nor them that have part of the sovereignty with him . to resist him here is not to resist power , but usurpation , and private will. in such a case , the parliament is no more to be resisted then he , because they are also the higher power . ] ho. com. pa. 431. and there 's more in 't yet . [ if a prince be statedly made a begger , or forsaken , or ejected by a conqueror , and so uncapable of governing , if it be but pro tempore , the subjects for that time , ( that have no opportunity to restore him ) are disobliged from his actual government . [ pa. 139. ri. so that the s●izing of a prince's revenue , deposes him from 〈◊〉 sover●ignty , and descharges his subjects of their obedience . but i took [ inferior magistrates to be subjects of the king as well as the meanest men ; and to have no more power to depose , or take up arm● against him , then other subjects . ] non-con . plea , 2d . part p. 5● . and [ in all the times of vsurpation , and since , i said , and wrote , that the kings person is inviolable , and to be iudg'd by none , either pe●r , or parliament , and that it is none but subjects , that they m●y call to account , iudge , and punish . ] pref. ba. i shall leave [ others to judge , in what cases subje●●s may resist kings by arms ; we shall only conclude , that no humane power can abrogate the law of nature , non-c●● . plea. 2 d. part pa. 57. ri. and may not the two houses be resisted by the law of nature as well as they oppo●●● the king ? [ mod●●● subj●cts should rather study what laws god hath made for themselves , then what 〈◊〉 he hath made for kings ; and what 〈…〉 own duty th●● wh●t i● the kings : [ th●ugh 〈…〉 are not bound to be 〈◊〉 . ] non-con . plea , 2 d. part. pa. 48. ba. nay i am as little for restraining of sovereign power as any ●lesh breathing . [ it is not sa●e or lawfull for the people to limit , or restrain the sovereign power , from dispos●●g so far of the estates of all , as is necessary to the safety of a●l , which is the end of government . ] thesis 115. nay [ a governour cannot law●ully be restrayned by the people from preserving them . ] thes. 120. [ for the multitude are covetous , tenacious , injudicious , and incompetent judges of the necessities , or commodity of the common-wealth . ] pa. 115. ri. but what was it you were saying e'en now of the best governours in the world ? ba. i was saying , that [ the best governours in all the world that have the supremacy have been resisted or deposed in england . i mean 1. them that the army called the c●rrupt majority : or an hundred forty and three imprison'd , and secluded members of the long parliament , who , as the majority , had , you know what power . 2. the powers that were last layd by . i should with great rejoycing give a thousand thanks to that man , that will acquaint me of one nation upon all the earth , that hath better governours in sovereign power ( as to wisdome and holyness conjun●t ) then those that have been resisted , or deposed in engl●●● . ho. com. pref. ri. you speak of the secluded members , and the two cromwells . but they all came in by violence ; and [ i know none of the non-conformists that take it not for rebellion , to pull down or s●t up ●orcibly by the sword , any thing against the supreme r●ler , or without him ] r. bs. letter to mr. hinckly . pa. 8● . ba. [ the parliament did remonstrate to the kingdom , the danger of the subversion of religion , and liberties , and of the common good and interest of the people whose trustees they were ] ho. com. pa. 471. and [ if a nation regularly chuse a representative body , of the most noble , prudent , interested members , to discern their dangers and the remedies , and preserve their liberties and safety , the people t●emselves are to discern these dangers , and remedies by their eyes . ] thes. 356. and i think [ it was time for us to believe a parliament concerning our danger , and theirs , when we heard so many impious persons rage against them ] pa. 472. [ the irish professing to raise arms for the king , to defend his prerogative and their own religion against the parliament . i say , in such a time as this , we had reason to believe our entrusted watchmen , that told us of the danger , and no reason to suffer our lives and libertyes to be taken out of their trust , and wholly put into the hands of the king. we had rather of the two , be put upon the inconvenience of justifying our defence , then to have been butcher'd by thousands , and fall into such hands as ireland did . ] pa. 473. but [ all the wars that have been since the opposition to the parliament , and violence done to the person of the king : were far from being own'd by the common sort of the now non-conformists , &c. ] non-conf . plea. pa. 138. ri. you were saying a while agoe as i remember , that a parliament that destroys fundamentals , is an enemy to the common-wealth , and the people ought to oppose them . pray'e say : 〈◊〉 not the freedome and right of the electors , as much a fundamental , as the priviledge , and trust of the elected ? how comes it then that you propound the reducing of elections to the faithf●●l , honest upright men , ] &c. pref. to the ho. com. ba. let me speak afterwards of the necessity , and of the utility of this cause . 1. [ it is known that parliaments quà tales , are not divine , religious , protestant , or just. the six articles by which the martyrs were burnt , were made by a parliament . all the laws for the papal interests in the days of popery ▪ have been made by them . they have often followed the wills of princes to and fro , and therefore they are not indefectible , nor immutable , as such . ho. com. pa. 243. mo. very right ; and all the late orders and ordinances 〈◊〉 sequestring crown and church-revenues , commitments , plunders , decimations and the like , were made by that which you call a parliament . but see now in what a condition th●t people must be , that sees with the parliaments eyes , in ca●● of such parliaments , as you suppose : and the remedy you prescribe , is worse then the disease ; for take away the freedome of choyce , and the persons chosen are a faction rather then a parliament . ba. 2. [ it is known that there are mambers of vario●● minds in them all , and sometime , the miscarrying party is so strong , that by a few more voices they might brsng misery o● the common-wealth . ] ibid. mo. this we have found in severall cases upon experiment ; to the ruine of three kingdomes . ba. 3. [ it is well known that in most parts , the majo●-vote of the vulgar that are chusers are ignorant , selfish , of private spirits , ruled by mony , and therefore by their landlords , and other great and powerful men , and withall , they are bitterly distasted against the serious , diligent practice of religion , according to the rules of christ. ] ibid. 4. [ it is therefore apparent , that if they had their liberty , they would chuse such as are of their minds ; and it was by providence , and accident that heretofore they did not so . ] ibid. mo. here 's a compendious model mr. baxter of your project [ for the due regulation of the electours , and elections of parliament ] thes. 211. first , you propound to take away from the people of england , their ancient , and undoubted right of chusing their own representatives . 2. to unqualify all the nobility , gentry , and commonalty of the land that are well affected to the government of church and state. and 3ly . to pack a faction under the name of a parliament of your own leaven . or if that will not doe , 't is but employing the rabble again to give the house a swinging purge , and you are at your journeys end. proceed . ba. 5. [ it is certain , that the wars , the change of church-government , and forms of worship , the differences of religious men , and the many sects that have lately risen up among us , and the strict laws of parliament about the lords day , &c. and specially their taxes , have deeply discontented them , and exasperated them against such as they think have caused these , so that many would now purposely design their ruine . ] ibid. in fine , [ without regulating elections , what probability is there , but the next that is chosen by a majority of votes , with absolute freedom , will undoe all that hath been done ; and be revenged to the full on all that were so odious to them , and settle our calamity by a law ? mo. this is a more candid account mr. baxter , then you intended it . for the people may well be allow'd to have cursed the authours of those bloudy broyles ; the prophaning of our temples ; the suppressing of our church-government , and liturgy , the propagating of so many sects and schisms ; and bringing the nation to grone under their taxes , like the asse under the burthen . but how is that the peoples representative , that shuts the people out of the election , and acts both without , and against their consent ? the tenth part of this encroachment upon the common liberty , from the king , would have been cry'd out against , as arbitrary and tyrannicall . but what way would you direct for the limiting of the qualifications ? ba. [ let all pastors in england , that are approved , have an instrument of approbation , and all that are tolerated , an instrument of toleration ; and let no man be a chuser or a ruler that holdeth not communion with an approved or tolerated church , and is not signify'd under the pastors hand , to be a member thereof . ] thes. 219. mo. a most excellent invention to advance the empire of presbytery , and enslave all other degrees and perswasions of men whatsoever . ba. [ the humble petition and advice determineth , that under the penalty of a thousand pounds , and imprisonment till it be paid , no person be elected and sit in parliament but ] [ such as are persons of known integrity , fear god , and of good conversation . they are sworn also for fidelity to the protector , &c. ] a more excellent act hath not been made , for the happynesse of england , concerning parliaments , at least , since the reformation . ] ho. com. 257.258 . mo. but what is it that you mean by this known integrity ? or who are to be the iudges of it ? i take that man that publickly sacrifices his life , his fortune , his family , and his freedome to the service of his prince and countrey , according to the law , to be a man of known integrity : and him that acts in opposition to the law , and to his duty , to be clearly the contrary . i take the publican , that smites his breast , and crys , lord be merciful unto me a sinner ; to have more of the fear of god in him , then the pharisee , that prays in the market place , and thanks god that he is not as other men are : and i take him to be of as good a conversation , that submits quietly to the rules of the government ; reverences authority , and contents himself with his lawful lot , as he is that values himself upon out-braving publique order , reviling his betters ; living upon the spoil , and devouring the bread of the oppressed . what would you say now to the turning of the tables , and setting up of your qualifications on the other side ? and to the kings excluding of the non-conformists by an oath of fidelity to himself , as your richard [ excluded delinquents in the late eections . ] ho. com. p. 244. [ so that the people durst not go according otheir inclinations . ] ibid. but why do i argue from your practises , when your positions do naturally leade to the same undutyfull ends ? ba. [ my dull brain could never find out any one point of difference in theology , about the power of kings , and the duty of obedience in the people , between the divines called presbyterians , and episcopal . if you know any , name them me , and tell me your proofs . r. b's . letter to mr. hinckly , ] pa. 26. ri. 't is a confounding of your metaphysicks methinks with your politiques , to talk of points of theology , in matters of civil power and obedience ; without distinguishing between our credenda and agenda , notion and practice ; supernaturall truths and moral duties . and why [ the divines called presbyterians ] and not rather the presbyterian divines ? for they are not all , presbyterians , that are so called ; and there 's a great deal of difference betwixt the principles of presbyterian divines , as presbyterian , and the 〈◊〉 of those very presbyterians , as they are range● und●r ●he b●nner of a civil interest . but over and above all thi● , you have carry'd it a great deal ●oo far , to say that the episcopal , and the presbyterian divines hold the same principles in the point of king and subject . you sh●uld rather have acknowledg'd ▪ the disagreements , and maintain'd the p●i●ciple . we hold , 1. [ th●t the parliament by the constitution , have part of the sovere●●●t● . ] ho. com. pa. 457. [ 2. that the sovereignty is joyntly i● k●●g , lords and commons , as three estates . ] 465. [ 3. the parlia●ent have a power of enacting laws as well as of ●roposing them . ] pa. 462. whereas the episcopal party prono●●ce the sovereignty to be only in the king ; 2. they assert the kings sole supremacy in all causes , and over all persons , whatsoever as well ecclesiastical , as civill , and 3. that the two houses have no share at all in the sanction . we hold likewise that it was treason to resist the parliament , as the enemy did , apparently in order to their subversion . ] ho. com. 478. [ that the parliament was the highest interpreter of laws that was then existent , in the division . ] ibid. and so we find that every step of the parliamentary war was iustify'd by the assembly , and the whole current of the presbyterian-divines : the episcopal clergy vnanimously declaring themselves to the contrary . who but the assembly july 19. 43. in the names of themselves and others , to call for the execution of iustice , on all delinquents ? husband 2d . vol. of collections , 241. and who again , aug. 10. 1643. but the divines of the assembly that are re●iants of the associated counties , and now attending the assembly , are desired to go down into their several counties , to stir up the people in those severall counties , to rise for their defence . ] ibid. 285. so that in the main , we differ upon the very constitution of the government ; the power of the prince , the duty of the subject , and upon every point of the parliamentary war : and we are no lesse divided upon the scheme of forms , and ceremonies . ba. [ prove that i or any of my acquaintance ever practised ejecting , silencing , ruining men for things unnecessary ; yea or for greater things . whom did we ever forbid to preach the truth ? whom did we cast out of all church-maintenance ? whom did we imprison ! ] r. r's . answ. to dr. stillingfleet . pa. 97. ri. you forget your self brother : and i am for speaking the truth , though i shame the devill . pray look into mercurius rusticus his accompt of the london clergy that were ejected , silenced , and ruin'd by order of parliament : see his querela cantabrigiensis , for the heads , fellows , and students , of colledges , that were there ejected , plunder'd , imprison'd , or banish'd for their affections to the king , and the establish'd religion . consider th●● you your self took the liberty to graze upon another mans past●re : and all these violence were carry'd on by your encouragement , influenced by your approbation ; and the principal directors of the● , extold to the skyes , as the [ best governours for wisdome a●d holynesse , ] ho. com. pref. under the cope of heaven . ba. but however , [ either they must prove that we hold rebellious principles , or they shew that they do but in plot accuse us . ] i know very well that [ the transproser rehearsed , pa. 48. saith mr. baxter in his holy common-wealth mayntainteth that he ( the king ) may be called to account by any single peer . ] [ must we say nothing to such bloudly slanders ? never such a thought was in my mind , nor word spoken or written by me . but ▪ all is a meer false-fiction : nay in all the times of usurpation , and since , i said and wrote , that the kings person is inviolable , and to be judg'd by none , either peer , or parliament , and that it is none but subjects that they may call to accompt , and judge , and punish ; and that neither the king may destroy or hurt the kingdome , nor the kingdome the king , ( much lesse a peer ) but their union is the kingdomes life . and the very book accused , goeth on such principles , and hath not a word meet to tempt a man in his witts to this accusation . judge now by this one instance , and by the cry of the plotters now against us , [ catilina cethegum , ] seeking our destruction , and the parliaments , as supposed to favour us ( which for ought i know never did any thing for our relief , or ease ) whether it be meet , that i should dye in silence under such horrid accusations : against which i appeal to the great and righteous judge , before whom i am shortly to appear , begging his pardon and reforming conviction whereever i erre . ] apr. 16. 1680. non-con . plea , 2 d part. preface . last page . mo. be not so transported mr baxter at the bloudy slander , as you call it : for the very excusing of your self after this manner , falls heavier upon you , then the accusation it self . there was a gentleman of a good family , that had stol'n a silver-spoon ; and it was layd home to him , as a mighty aggravation of the crime , t●at a man of his quality could let himself so low , as to pilfer for such a trifle . ay sir , says he , you say very right , if that had been all ; but in good faith sir , my aym was at the great tankard , if it had been a single peer , it had been indeed a bloudy slander ; but your ayme was the calling of the king to an account , by the authority of the two houses . and then you are pleased to blesse god for the next change that call'd them to account too : for you give the two vsurpers much better words , then any you could afford to the lords annoynted . you call them the higher powers , and enjoyn obedience to them upon the pain of damnation ; which is a favour you would never allow to his late majesty . any government but the right will down with ye , and still that which was a rebellion in the enterprize , proves to be a providence in the execution . but do you say mt baxter , that you have allways asserted the kings person to be inviolable , &c. and that the very bo●● accused goeth on such pronciples ? why then it is no hurt to the king , to be assaulted , despoyl'd of his regalitys ; deposed , imprisoned , try'd , condemn'd and executed . for the king you say is but a title of respect , not a character of power : a nominal , empty businesse . a kinde of dignity , party-perpale , half-prince , half-subject ; and 't is but taking him on the popular side , and you may do what you will with him . this is the chimera of a prince , according to your aphorismes : a kind of mock-majes●● set up , for every seditious libertine to throw a cudgell at . you make his authority to be so conditional , and precarious , that he is upon his good behaviour for his crown . if his administration be not answerable to the ends of government : if he wants either power , or money , or grace , or vnderstanding ; or ( which is worst of all ) if the licentious rabble will but say , that he wants this , or that , hee 's gone , and deposed , ●pso facto , as an unqualifi'd person . for according to your thes● , the multitude are to be the judges of these incapacities ▪ i● is a hardy adventure , m. baxter ( unless you can make alm●nacks ) to set up such positions as these , at this time of day . 't is true , they were printed in fifty-nine , but they are no● resum'd , and avow'd in eighty . but your patience yet a little further sir. is it such a horrid accusation , to say that mr baxter m●i●tains the king , may be call'd to account by a single peer ? cons●der first , that it is a church-man charges it upon you , and yo● are before-hand with him : for you have over and over , set forth those of the church-way ( without exception either of king , lords , or commons ) to be a crew of superstitious , form●l , prophane wretches that out of a meer enmity to godlynesse , set themselves in opposition to the ways of christ. take notice again , if you have not deliver'd the doctrine aforesaid in expresse termes , it is already made appear that you have said as much as that amounts to . and over and above the whyms●● of your aphorismes ; your thirteenth chapter , of the late wars is one of the rudest and the falsest pieces of calumny against the late king , that i know anywhere extant . your appeal upon this one instance ( as you call it ) for equity of iudgement , and liberty of speech , would move the very stones in the walls , to give you a hearing . and yet if , i had been of your counsell mr. baxter , you should have bethought your self , before you exclaim'd , whether the enquiry into the subject-matter of your complaint , might not possibly lay open something that was worse , as undoubtedly it has ; for this holy commonwealth of yours , is a kind of ( send me well deliver'd of the word ) a kind of theologico-political whole-sale shop ; and furnished with cases , of all sorts and sizes . for the consciences of the weak , and the pretentions of the malitious . in one case , the king is dispossest by providence ; in another , he is deposed for incapacity ; in a third , he must not so much as dare to return , even if the door wer set open to him : in such or such a case , the people are bound not to re-admit him ; and in such another , they may if they please , but they are not oblig'd to 't : and every one of these cases , calculated for this very poynt , which was at that time in agitation . insomuch , that the application of your arguments was yet more criminal then the errour of them . but what do ye mean , i beseech ye , by the cry of the plotters against ye ? as if they knew their friends no better then so. their business is the subversion of the government , and of the protestant religion , that falls with it . what should they cry out for against the separatists , that are all this while , doing the papists business to their hands ? the kings wittnesses speak no such matter ; but on the contrary ; that the priests and jesuits make use of the schismatiques toward our common ruine . so that by plotters in this place mr. baxter , it is intended ( i presume , ) according to your wonted benignity ) not the popish plotters , but the episcopal plotters against ye ; which ( as you would gladly have the world to believe ) seek your destruction , and the parliaments , as supposed to favour ye &c. now to my thinking , the parliaments destruction , and ours , would have run every jot as well , as our destruction and the parliaments . beside that it is not yet come to that pass i hope , that parliaments , and schismatiques , must stand or fall together . neither can i imagine why this parliament should be suppos'd more inclinable to favour ye , then former parliaments have been . the reasons for vniformity are the same now that ever they were ; and the same , here , as in other places . and then the boldnesse , and importunity of the dividers encrease the necessity of the injunction . if you have forgotten the common votes , and addresse of feb 25. 1662. upon this subject , pray let me remember you of them . resolved , &c. nemine contradicente . that the humble thanks of this house , be returned to his majesty , for his resolution to maintain , the act of vniformity . resolved , &c. that it be presented to the kings majesty , as the humble advise of the house , that no indulgence be granted to the dissent●● from the act of vniformity . for these reasons . 1. it will establish schisme , by a law , amd make the 〈◊〉 government of the church precaeious , and the censures of it , of no moment or consideration at all . 2. it will no way become the gravity or wisdome of a parli●ment to passe a law at one session for vniformity , and 〈◊〉 the next session , ( the reasons of vniformity continuing still the same , ) to passe another law to frustrate , or weaken the execution of it . 3. it will expose your majesty to the restlesse importunity of every sect or opinion , and of every single person also , who shal presume to dissent from the church of england . 4. it will be a cause of encreasing sects , and sectaries , 〈◊〉 numbers will weaken the true protestant religion so far , th●t it will at least be difficult for it , to defend it self against the● . and which is yet further considerable , those numbers which by being troublesome to the government , find they can arrive to 〈◊〉 indulgence , will as their numbers encrease , be yet more troub●●some , that so at length they may arrive to a general toleration ; which your majesty hath declar'd against ; and in time , some pre●●lent sect , will at last contend for an establishment , which for 〈◊〉 can be fore-seen , may end in popery . 5. it is a thing altogether without precedent , and will take away all means of convicting recusants , and be inconsistent with the method , and proceedings of the laws of england . lastly , it is humbly conceived , that the indulgence proposed will be so far from tending to the peace of the kingdome , that it is rather likely to occasion great disturbance . and on the contrary ; that the asserting of the laws , and the religion established , according to the act of uniformity , is the most probable means to produce a settled peace , and obedience throughout your kingdome : because the variety of professions in religion , when openly divulged , doth directly distinguish men into parties , and withall gives them opportunity to count their numbers ; which considering the animosities that out of a religious pride will be kept on foot , by the severall factions , doth tend directly , and inevitably to open disturbance . nor can your majesty have any security , that the doctrine or worship of the severall factions , which are all govern'd by a severall rule , shall be consistent with the peace of your kingdome . and if any persons shall presume to disturb the peace of the kingdome , we do in all humility d●clare , that we will for ever and in all occasions , be ready with our utmost endeavours , and assistance , to adhere to , and serve your majesty , according to our bounden duty , and allegiance . only one word more : and that must be to tax you with infinite ingratitude ; in saying , that [ parliaments , for ought you know , never did any thing for your relief or ease ] what do ye think of the act of indemnity , i beseech ye ? was it nothing ? to give you your lives , liberties , and estates again , when all was forfeited ? nay and it is come to that point now too ; that those very instruments that were forgiven by the king , for the ruin of the church and three kingdoms , will not at this day forgive his majesty , for endeavouring according to the advice of his parliament , to re-establish and preserve them . ri. if you would understand us aright , you must repair to our [ declarations , professions , commissions , national oaths and covenants , ] and the like . ho , com. pag. 477. and pray observe the tenor of our stile , addresse . protestations , and other proceedings . [ your majesties most humble , and loyal subjects , the lords and commons , dec. 14. 1641. [ most humble and faithf●●● subjects , ] dec. 15. [ most humble and obedient subjects , ] exact collections . ●a . 2. mo. and now put that libellous remonstrance of dec. 15. in the scale against three or four words of course , of the same date . ri. the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the house of commons , your faithful and loyall subjects , &c. ibid. pa ▪ 44. dec. 31. 1641. mo. this was a message to his majesty for a guard , which the king most graciously offer'd them , but one of his chusing it seems would not do the businesse . ri. [ your most faithful and obedient subjects , the lords and commons in this present parliament . ] &c. ibid. pa. 65. jan. 29. mo. they petition'd to have the tower of london , and all oeher forts , and the whole militia of the kingdom to be forthwith put into the hands of such persons , as both houses should recommend , &c , ex. coll. jan. 29. 1641. and what did his majesty now get by the complement ? ri. [ your humble and loyal subjects , the lords and commons , ] &c. ibid. feb. 22. 1641. pa. 80. mo. his majesties humble and loyal subjects , are pleas'd to declare in this petition ; that if the king does not instantly grant them their petition about the militia , they are bound by the laws of god and man to take the militia into their own hands . ri. your majesties most loyal , and obedient subjects , the lords and commons ; ] &c. ib. mar. 1. 1641. pa. 92. mo. in this petition they threaten to dispose of the militia by the authority of the two houses . they order his majesty where to dispose of his person : and absolutely deny the kings pow●● of the militia , but by authority and consent of parliament . ri. your most dutyful and loyal subjects , the lords and commons , ] &c. ib. 138. apr. 1642. your majesties most loyal and faithful subjects , the lords and commons , &c. ] ib. apr. 8. 1642. pa. 141. mo. very good ! and the former of these was for leave to remove the magazin at hull , to the tower of london : and the other was to divert the king from going into ireland to supptesse the irish rebellion : ( which had certainly been done ) and to tell him , that if he went contrary to the advice of his parliament , they were resolved , in his absence , not to submit to any commissioners he should appoint : but to preserve , and govern the kingdome by the counsell and advice of parliament . ] &c. ri. your majesties loyal subjects the lords and commons in his parliament . ] ibid. 258. may 1642. mo. here his majesties loyal subjects presse the king to disband his troops at york , or otherwise they 'le take the quiet of the kingdome into their own care. and passe these following votes . resolved upon the question . 1. that it appears that the king ( seduced by wicked counsells ) intends to make war against the parliament . &c. 2. that whensoever the king maketh war upon the parliament , it is a breach of the trust reposed in him by his people , contrary to his oath , and tending to the dissolution of this government . 3. that whosoever shall serve , or assist him in such wars , are traytors by the fundamental laws of this kingdome , and have been so adjudg'd by two acts of parliaments , and ought to suffer as traytors . ] &c. ri. your majesties most humble and faithful subjects , the lords and commons in parliament . ] &c. ib. jun. 2. 1642. pa. 307. mo. this was the petition that accompanied the nineteen propositions : demanding from the king [ the discharge of all his ministers and embassadors , and none to be taken into their places but what the parliament shall approve . that all matters of state may be transacted only in parliament ; the privy counsell to be by them approved from time to time and supply'd . all great officers to b● chosen by their approbation : they to have the education of the kings children , and the choyce of their servants . no ma●ch to be treated of without them . a reformation of church-government and liturgy to be contrived by their advice : the militia to be settled in them till settled by a bill ; and all proclamations against it to be recalled . new oaths for privy councellors , and iudges . all iudges and officers to hold their places , quamdi● se bene gesserint : parliament-iustice upon all delinquents . an amnestry with such exceptions as the parliament shall advise . all forts and castles under gouernours approved by parliament . all forces to be disbanded ; and a prohibition of any peers hereaft●● to be made , from sitting or voting in parliament , without the consent of both houses . ] are not these the propositions think ye , of most humble and faithful subjects ? ri. yo ur majesties loyal subjects , the lords and commons in parliament , ibid. sept. 24. 1642. pa. 617. mo. his majesties loyal subjects had now sent the earl of essex to fall upon the kings army , and desired his majesty to leave them and come to his parliament : and they petition'd his majesty to the same purpose again . pa. 630. and so as the humour took them , to the very treaty at the isle of wight : but whether these were the actions of rebells , or loyall subjects , be you your self the judge . ri. well , but what say ye to the stile of [ we your humble and loyal subjects of both kingdomes . ] appendix to husbands ex. coll. 2 d. part. fol. 22. jan. 13. 1645. mo. these were the humble , and loyal subjects , that , in the same paper , refused his majestys proffer of a personal trea●● with them at westminster . [ your majesty ( say they ) desires 〈◊〉 engagement , not only of the parliament , but of the lord mayor , alderm●n , common-councill and militia of the city of london ; 〈◊〉 chief commanders of sir. tho. fairfaxes army ; and those of the scots army ; which is against the privileges and honour of the p●●liamen● , those being ioyn'd with them , who are subject and subordinate to their authority . at the same rate they proceeded in their professions ; [ they desire only to lay a foundation of honour , safety , and happiness to the kings person and throne . ] ex. coll. dec . 14. 1641. [ the greatnesse and prosperity of his majesty , and his royal posterity . ] ib. dec. 15. pa. 2. [ his majestys greatnesse and honour ] ●b . mar. 1.41 . pa. 94. [ honour and greatn●sse ] mar. 2. p. 102. [ honour , safety , and prosperity of your majesty ] mar. 16. p. 118. [ we seek nothing but your majesties honour ] mar. 15. p. 123. [ the safety of his majesties person , and his royal posterity ] may 5. 42. pa. 173. [ our most dutyfull care for the safety of your royal person ] may 9. p. 180. [ for the preserving and mayntaining the royal honour , greatness , and safety of your majesty , and posterity ] jan. 2. 42. p. 310. and then see their remarkable protestation of octob. 22. 1642. [ we the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , do in the presence of almighty god , for the satisfaction of our cons●i●nces , and the discharge of that great trust which lyes upon us , make this protestation and declaration to the kingdome and nation , and to the whole world ; that no private passion or respect , no evill intention to his majestys person , no design to the prejudice of his iust honour and authority , engaged us to rayse forces , and take up arms against the authours of this war , wherewith the kingdome is now enflamed ] ibid. pa. 663. [ without any intention or desire , ( as we do here professe before the ever-living god ) to hurt , or injure his majesty , either in his person , or iust power . ] b. p. 666. i could give you instances of this kind , without end , and as many , of the gross and unquestionable violations of these professions ; for every order they past , and every ●istol that they fired , was a poynt-blank contradiction , to their pretensions . beside that in the same breath , they usurped all the regalities of the crown , and yet wrote themselves , his majesties most obedient subjects . so that this stile of loyalty was at the same time a blind to the well-meaning multitude , and a note of confederacy among themselves : a loyal subject , according to the covenant , importing , in plain terms , a traytor , in the eye of the law. and yet the cause , and the obligation of this covenant , and the proceedings upon it , are openly asserted at this very day . ba. yes , yes ; there 's the counterminer , the popish dialogue , and many others , that continue lowdly to accuse us , and make men believe that we are plotting a new war , and that our principles are rebellious &c. ] non conf. plea. 2d part. pref. mo. what do ye think of maintaining , that [ whatsoever the tw● houses declare for law , must pass for law , without controul , both upon king and people ] ex. coll. 297. [ that they may do whatever they please ] ibid. [ that the major part of both houses are the absolute masters of the lives and liberties of the subject ? ] ibid. [ that no member of the house of comm●ns be medled with for treason , felony &c. without leave of the house . ] ibid. [ that th● s●v●reignty resides in the two houses , and that the king has no neg●tiv● voice ] ibid. that there lyes no treason against the person of the king. ibid. [ that the two houses may depose the king and not be blame● for so doing . ibid. now in calling those people that did all this , [ the bell governors in the world ] as in the preface to your holy common-wealth : and in vindicating that book , from any principles of disloyalty toward the person of the king , as you do , toward the close of your preface as to the 2 d. part of the non-conformists ple● apri . 16. 1680. what is this , but the asserting of rebellio●● principles ? and the preaching of the old doctrine to the people over again , what is it but the preface to another war ? ba. [ what have we done these twenty years against the king or state ? unless it be our crime to live under reproach , and scorn , and poverty . and sometime imprisonments ; and never once so much as petition a parliament , either to pitty us , or to hear us once speak for our selves &c. ] ibid. if any odd persons , or whosoever have said or done any thing against the king or kingdome , or their neighbours right or peace , or have been guilty of any fraud , drunkennesse , perjury or immorality besides their vnavoidable non-conformity , let them be punisht as the law requires , but let not the innocent , yea thousands be slandered , and designed to destruction for them. ] ibid. mo. if you speak of the nonconformists , they have justifi'd , from sixty to eighty , all the indignities that were put upon the government , from forty , to sixty : and there is not any one seditious , or schismatical principle of the old stamp , which they have not afresh , reviv'd , and recommended to the people . and for the moderation you boast of , i dare be answerable to produce almost as many hundreds of clamorous libels against a●thority from the dissenting party , as you reckon years of silence , and forbearance . but these are odd persons you say ; and so is every dissenter in the kingdom : for ten millions of men , are but as so many individuals , when disencorporate , and l●pp'd off from the body . if i durst be so bold sir , i should venture to say that mr. baxter himself is one of the oddest persons that i know in the whole party . you have first , a perswasion , to your self ; for you are neither a presbyterian , nor an independent , nor an anabaptist , nor of any tribe of the division that ever yet had a nam● to be known by ; but a pure original , and a ●●ristian of your own making : you have secondly , as peculiar a conscience too ; that had rather leap a precipice , then keep the kings high-way . it rises and falls like a weather-glasse , upon change of ayre : and makes st. paul blow hot or cold at pleas●re : [ let every soul be subject to the higher powers ] requires obedience to dick cromwell , upon pain of damnation , and disobedience to charles the first , upon the same penalty , ( as we have had it already . ) and then you have this further advantage , sir , that you are your own king , and your own pope ; you prescribe your own laws , and grant your own pardons . ba. you may prate as long as you will. [ i am against the imposing of mystical ceremonies , as crossing , or surplice ] &c. five disp. pa. 467. [ for to impose new symbolicall rites upon the church , which christ hath not imposed , doth seem to me an vsurpation of his sovereign power . ] ibid. [ and to accuse christ of ignorance , or negligence , in that he himself hath not imposed them . ] and so doth it imply an accusation of his laws , and of the holy scriptures , as if they were insufficient , ] ibid. 468. [ and these impositions seem to be plain violations ●f these prohibitions of god , in which we are forbidden to add to his worship , or diminish from it . ] 469. and moreover ; [ god hath allready given us so perfect a directory for his worship , that there is nothing more that we can reasonably desire . ] ib. 481. ri. now for my part , i am for the amiable way . [ christians should not be over-busy in prying into the work of their governours ; nor too forward to suspect their d●terminations . ] [ the duty of obeying them being certain , and the sinfulnesse of the thing commanded , being uncertain , and unknown , and only suspected ; we must go on the surer side . ] ibid. 484. [ in disobeying the lawfull commands of our superiours , we disobey christ. ] ibid. 485. beside that [ disobedience in matters of circumstance , will exclude , and overthrow the substance of the worship it self . pa. 486. postscript , to the reader mr. baxter has certainly given , in this extract , the 〈◊〉 blow to the non-conformists that ever they 〈◊〉 for there are no arguments against that party like their 〈…〉 against themselves . to the clearest evidences of 〈◊〉 , and reason , they 'le oppose clamour , and passion ; 〈◊〉 make a shift to wriggle themselves off and on , with 〈◊〉 drawn texts and riddling distinctions . but when the very 〈◊〉 of that interest comes to play fast and loose , and shift 〈◊〉 conscience with the season , the masque is then taken off ; 〈◊〉 there can be no denyal of the fact , so there can be no 〈◊〉 the hypocrisy . how comes toleration to be a sin , under 〈◊〉 presbyterians , and a duty under the bishops ? how comes it 〈◊〉 be damnation , in the case of the late king , and richard 〈◊〉 well , to obey the former , and destroy the latter ? even 〈◊〉 to mr. baxters own exposition , which is , that by st. 〈◊〉 higher powers , is intended those in actual poss●ssion ? how 〈◊〉 bishops to be antichristian , at one time , and warrantable at 〈◊〉 ? or the civil magistrate to have more power in 〈◊〉 matters , under an vsurper , then under a lawful 〈◊〉 how comes an episcopal vniformity to be more a persecution 〈◊〉 a presbyterian ? or a common prayer-book more intolerable 〈◊〉 a directory ? what can more expose the credit of the 〈◊〉 then this double-dealing in the foreman of the party ? to 〈◊〉 mr. baxter lye down in one opinion , and rise , in another ▪ 〈◊〉 accomodating his scruples to every crisis of state ? and consummate the iniquity of the pretense ; he has no soone● veigled the people into a schisme , but he presently 〈◊〉 with a plat-form of sedition : and having wrought a 〈◊〉 from the ecclesiastical , he falls to work , in his cases and 〈◊〉 , upon the foundations of the civill government . the end. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47813-e3520 the proposition at the savoy about the command of lawful superiours . richards resolution ●●●●er his hand . baxter of another opinion . many commands anlawful which the subject ought yet to obey . no rule● is bound ●o provide against events not to be foreseen . magistracy cut off at a blow . the civil power must not make laws about gods worship . but baxter says , that circa sacra he may . richard and baxter still at variance . richards account of the savoy-conference . vshers primitive episcopacy offer'd , but rejected , the english episcopacy submitted to by richard , &c but held antichristian and diabolica● by baxter . richard and baxter never 〈◊〉 ●e reconcil'd . the ground of a.b. vsher project of episcopacy . many would have yielded to prelacy , &c the diocesan episcopacy gratifies the devil , says baxter , and not to be re-admitted . r. and b. still clashing . the new uniformity spoil d all . prelacy unlawful in it s●lf says baxter . why not prelacy as ●awful after the act , as before ? it is the same case still to the people . hard thoughts of epi●copacy and bishops , and upon what groun●● a gr●●ter scandall to tr●vell upon the lords day then to give theking ba●●le . richard confesses that the mini●ters gu●ded the peo●le ▪ and says that the non-conformists undertook for the next bishops good behaviour . the quarrel not to the office of bishops but to the persons . richard● reasons why the people sell from the chu●ch again the uniformi●y made episcopacy and common-p●ayer unlawf●ll . 't is the law that silences , an● not the bishops . non-conformists silence themselves . berter particulars suffer then 〈◊〉 order o●●●vernment be dissolved . richard ag●ees with dr ▪ reynolds 〈◊〉 conform'd . richard pleads altogether for love. ba●ters way of e●pressing . ●ichard against rash ●●nsuring 〈…〉 . baxter ag●inst rich●rd mr ba●ters cha●ity to the clergy and discip●ine of ●he chu●ch his brotherly love. church ann state arraign d. richard and baxter of two quite different spirits . the persecuted are the perssecutors . be sure first of what spirit ●he non-confo●mists are . the spirit of the non-conformists . his late majesties judgement & experience upon it . the spirit that richard pl●ads , ●or . richards ●oleration . who are the judges , the government , or the people . modest dissenters deserve pity . the dispute is not scruple but power . plain ▪ dealing . richard puts the case of a saint and a schismatick . baxters saints baxter sully resolved to go to them that dy'd in rebellion . he joys to think what company he shall have . baxter says , that professors will rail , and lye , &c. but that neither perjury , drunkennesse , incest , concubines , nor idols , can make them dotoriously ungodly . the saints that are cast out for hereticks . either tolerate all or none , but upon a penalty ▪ no men must be tolerated , if no errour . baxter shews the inconveniences of toleration . pride makes one mans religion . faction anothe●s . which ends in bloud . and yet pass●● for doing god good service . and the motion of the spirit . enthusiastick ▪ zea● ▪ dotage●●a●en fo● re●elations . scripture the ru●e . but who must expound it ? one mans faith must not impose upon anot●ers . mistake will not justifie the errour , nor ex●use a disobedience . men will be zealous even in errour . more zeal then understanding is not good . none so fierce and bold as ●he ignorant . even teachers themselves are false guides . m● . baxter himself has been mistaken ▪ ill luck with his aphorisms . how richard was wheedled in . i. e. he was reconci ' d to the church . richards best christians found to ●e schismaticks . great m●n misled , and why not 〈…〉 . believe not every spirit . t●e dissenters cause is still gods cause . their false prophets . t●e kings death directed by a revelation . sedgwicks day of judgment . vavas●r powe●s prophecy of no more kings or taxe● . rather the law of the land then the humour of the people . a fear of sinning ought to be cherished , even in a mistake . dangerous trusting to scruples . who would have thought it ? th● episcopal clergy . simeon and levi. o the force of a misguided con●cience ! the very case of the seduced mu●●i●ude . the name of libe●ty does mo●e ●●en ●he conside●atio● 〈◊〉 heaven it self . baxt●r against liberty . and toleration . liberty the way to set up popery ▪ mr. richard an improper advocate for toleration . richard is a conformist . mr. baxters sermon that brought the king in . presbytery for the lords sake oh the happy times when presbyterians rul'd . have a care of scandalous inventions . the ignorant church-tyrants . richard not absolutely against the cross. ●axters a loyallist . errour is no e●cuse for disobedience . the pre●eoce of natu●e , and true reason avoids ●ll law a popu●ar fallacy . the presby●eri●n way of b●in●ing in ●he king. richards challenge , in justification o● the non-conformis●s . the non-conformists charge . a presbyterian defin'd . presbyterians swallow ap all othe● sect● at ●irst , and t●en sp●w the● up ag●in . richard say● that the episc●pal m●n b●gan ●he war. t●e two hous●s , lord ●ieu●e●●n●s . o●●ic●r , civil and mi●i●●●y , assemb●y 〈◊〉 divine● , a●m●st all episcop●l m●n . the kings ●●gag'd enem●●●●ere all 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 the parliament b●ought in the scots . few worthier assemblies since the apostles days . their good na●u●e toward the independents . the guild-hall ha●●ngue● 〈◊〉 brought in the scots . his majesties proclamation against the assembly of divines . jun ▪ 22. 1643. painful , able , laborious ministers . the loyall presbyterians . the 〈…〉 . kings proclamation . a dutiful proposition . the worthy 〈◊〉 . the 〈…〉 an abuse put upon the nation . an extract of par●iament proceedings 1643. the assembly stir up the people to rise . prov'd to he a presbyterian war. richard says , the war began about religion . baxter says , it began about matter of law. richard says , 't was about the militia . baxter says , the war was made for reformation . a lewd scandal upon the late kings government . r●c●ard will not allow of war ●ot religion . baxter i● for a re●igious wer. they are fools that think ●ther 〈◊〉 . in ca●● o● p●r●secuti●● we figh●●or our own , and our pos●eri●●●●●al●ation . the late kings s●ffe●ings forgot en among g●eater 〈…〉 . pryn , burton , and bastwick lamented , but not a word ●f the royal mar●yr . presbytery not setled , say● rich●rd . baxter contradicts hi● , and co●fo●●s himsel● with comparing 〈◊〉 day of richard p●otector wi●h charle . ● . ten 〈◊〉 hypocrites now 〈◊〉 one 〈◊〉 baxters comp●e●en● to the sons of the 〈◊〉 . 1659 richard cromwells fait●full subiects . mr. baxters , political aphorismes composed expresly to keep out the king. poor r●chard like 〈…〉 and pr●ying again●t the scots . the spirit of malignity has taken 〈◊〉 the army . the presbyterians per●ecuted . the presbyterians journey-men ( the army ) se● up for themselves . somewhat of an accomoda-generosi●y in the independents . the poor presbyterians persecuted by the army , for not joyning against the scots . oh the persecution o● forcing men against their conscien●es . but so long as ●hey do not suffer as evil-doers . no persecution to oppresse the church and all that love it . mr. baxt●r places the crown upon the wrong head. the king destroy'd by presbyterians , as presbyterians . the loyalty of ●axters orthodox sober ministers . richard subject to the higher power , but not resolv'd which it is . an even score of orthodox sober divines . the last kings bloud not valu'd at a ceremony . ☞ the kings murther justify'd the day after it was committed . all christian kings anti-christianiz'd ▪ ☜ a reflection upon ●is majes●y a●●er his de●e●t at wo●cester . prelacy anti-christian . a pedant triumphing over charles the ii. and monarchy it self . and calling the king tyrant . are these fit agents for unity and peace ? richard true to the king , but he mistook the king. baxters re●stauration sermon . asserts the presbyterian loyalty . makes the king a subject , and worse . pleads for presbytery , without a word of restoring the king. the war rais●d for king and par●ia●ent . their oaths & covenants were fast and loose at pleasure . the pretext of the war , religion ; the cause , ambition . the loyal presbyte●ians usurp sovereign power . the two houses were the king in the covenant . no reconciling of the covenant king & the legal . richard holds oaths to princes to be dispensable baxter holds oaths of allegiance to be indispensable . richard will hate the covenant binding as it is a vow . the league and covenant and vow and covenant . the league and covenant impos d. baxter is his own on●essor ●nd bsolves himse●f . the covenan● for the king , qualify'd for re●igion . if the king be against religion the covenant is against him . richard lays the death of the king to oliver . the baxterians attack'd the king. and they fough● to kill . baxt●rs unfeigne● repen●ance . mr. baxter consulted the word of god about opposing the king. mr baxter would be the same man if another king were to be depos'd and murthered . mr. baxter very cautious of treason against the two houses . baxter fails foul upon richard . the moderator interposes baxter vindicates oliver . a prudent , pious , faithful prince . baxter prays that richard cromwell may ▪ inherit the piety of his father . the presbyterians disarm'd the king , and the independents kill'd him . baxter repen●s , and then ●epents of his repentance . baxter thanks god for his blessings upon this nation in consequence of the rebellion . the blessed difference betwixt the government of the late king , & of cromwell baxters comfortable effects of a civill war. the blessed times we had till the army got the better of the two houses london-ministe●s letter to the lord-general . ian 18. 1648. the armies crime wa● the opposing of the parliament , and imprisoning t●e king without leave . only a s●izure of the kings person . but an vnparall●l'd violen●e upon t●e members of the house . being men of eminent worth and in●eg●ity . a factious re●nant , th● magistra●es which god h●t● set ove● us . the london· ministers mediation little lesse then treason . gods ordinance violated when magistr●cy is oppos'd . the divines fear ull of opposing god , in an ordinance of the two houses . none of these scruples in the case of the king. th● presbyterians ●rue to the faction from the beginn●ng . the standard of the presbyte●ian loyalty why not as tender of a breach of trust , according to law , as against it ? there was no intent to divest the king of hi● legal right . but he had a righ● to nothing then , for t●e●●ook all away . the presbyterians ●ell us they are no jes●it● . not one word for the king in the whole letter . the army in gods way w●ile they joyn'd with the presby●erians . sworn to preserve his majesties· perso● and priviledges of parliament . w●o absolv'd the presbyteri●ns of their former oaths . if baxt●r had serv'd the king he had been a traytor . baxters holy com. wealth , to ●e taken as non-scriptus . a sh●ft , not a recantation . for the apho●isms ●ere ●e●el'd directly against the king. ba●te●● recantation . a repentance that will passe neither upon god , nor man baxter re●sons why his repen●ance is not particular mr. baxters pi● fraus . a jesuitism . for fear of too much or too little , mr. ba●ter confesses just nothing at all . mr. baxter proceeds in ●is repentance he ever opposeth what he sometimes encouraged . a baxterism . ●'s very repentances are calumnies . he repents and relapses in the same breath . prophanness in habit , and in conspiracy a covenanting prophannesse worse then a personal . he repents that he did not advise with lawyers . an invidious refle●ion upon hooker . jesuitical dodging ▪ why could not hooker set him right to the church , as well as wrong to the state. hookers popular po●er nothing to co-ordination . baxters writings a●e a direct satyr upon government . b's quarrel to the visible church . the reasons of b's unkindness to the visible church ▪ he makes dissenters the invisible church and conformists the visib●● . presbyterians began the war a state faction as well as a schisme . b's implicite repentance . b's account soon cast up . a general particular repentance . rebellion and peevishnesse . b. repents of being too mealy-mouth'd . a repentance wi●hout a confession . and an abuse upon both parties . mr. baxter's test. mr baxter's challenge . richard takes him up and proves him guilty as ●o the kings person . an opposer of the kings power . and the fundamental constitution . he acknowl●dgeth the protectors soveraignty . and blesseth the providences that brought richard to the government . richard had his principles from baxter . baxter make● the protect●rs title as good as the kings . baxters addresses to richard protector . ba●ters resolution in ●●ree cases , expresly to keep out the king. baxters incapaci●ies for government . dominion is founded in grace . want of power deposes a prince . a case against his majesties ●estauration . cases of forfeiture . baxter asserts obedience at all hazzards . baxter against the king though the parliament had been in the wrong . ● . does n●● love to rub old sores . neutrality a sin , and treachery ●o serv● the king. t●e praying rebels against the loyall damme's . a just way of deposing a king imply'd . a parliament may betray their trust 100. tho a prince be injur'd , the people may joyn with his enemies . no obedience due to an usurper . usurpr rsmust be oppos'd they have no true power . who are usurpers . the people to be judges . the people may mis-judge . baxt. laments the losse of the late rule●s . sworn , and sworn , to king lords ●nd commons . the lords & commons rule alone , and ●he government not changed . baxter charg'd wi●h con●radiction . the higher po●ers 〈◊〉 the gove●nor● in possession . 't is not th● n●me th●t makes the king. the peop●e judges of the king and o● the law. seize the kings revenue , and ●e is no longer a king. inferiour magistr●tes still subje●●s . richard e●er true to t●e crown . the law of natu●e i● above the law of the land. modest subjects study their own duty not t●e kings . sovereign power not to be re●tr●ined by t●e people . the multitude no judges of government . the seclu●ed members and the ●wo cr●mwells t●e be●t governors . rebellion to oppose the s●preme rulers . the par●iame●● to●d us our danger . and we we●e b●und to 〈◊〉 with their eyes ▪ theking himsel● opposed and baxte● ●e●o●ved to jus●ify it . a fundamental de●troy'd . baxter defends it . parliaments may be corrupt . instances of parliamentary co●ruptions . votes may be c●rried by faction . a● appe●rs to our cost . the major part of electors are ill me● . and will chuse others like thems●lves . baxter's model for reg●lation of elections . the peoples right of election taken away by partial qualifications . a faction packt under he name of a parliament . the people are disoblig'd , and not trusted with chusing their own representative . the peo●le sick of their representative . the pastors to approve of the electors . the empire of presbytery . the petition and advice concerning elections . baxters admirable expedient . ☞ his qualifications accepted . the pharisee and the publican . what if the king should take upon him so ? baxt●r f●●des presbyterian and episcopal loyalty the same . baxter confounds hism●taphsiycks with his poli●icks . presbyterian positions . episcopal positions . presbyt . posit . episc. posit . the assembly crys out for bloud . and stir up the people . mr. ●axter never wrong'd any man. richard refreshes his memory . mr. baxters governours . a plot upon the presbyte●ians . a bloudy slander . alas ! the ho. com. a most innocent book . mr. baxter lies under horrid accusations . mr. baxter transported . any government but the right . a king is a name of respect not power . the kings authority made precarious . and under several incapacities . baxters horrid accusation . his character of ou● church-men . baxters damnable cases of conscience . baxt. dreams of a plot upon him . the cart before the horse votes for uniformity . reasons against to●eration . ☜ mr baxters ingratitude . how to understand the presbyterians . words . practises . words . practises . words . practises . words . practises . words . practises . words . practises ▪ words : practis●s . the war charg'd upon the king. treason to serve the king. words . the 19. deposing propositions . words . practises . words . pract●ses . their professions . in the presence of the almighty . a rebellion in t●ename of the everlasting god. covenant . loyalty . slanders upon ●he ha●m es● presbyterians . presbyte●i●ns positions . mr. baxters best go●ernors in the world . the innocent non-conformists . the principles of the late rebellion revived . mr. ●axters odd persons . he himsel● one. mr. baxter his o●n king and pop● . baxters agument against ce●●monies . the c●se w●ll resolved . parliaments power in lawes for religion, or, an ansvvere to that old and groundles [sic] calumny of the papists, nick-naming the religion of the church of england, by the name of a parliamentary-religion sent to a friend who was troubled at it, and earnestly desired satisfaction in it. heylyn, peter, 1600-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43547 of text r200234 in the english short title catalog (wing h1730). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 98 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a43547 wing h1730 estc r200234 12137481 ocm 12137481 54783 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43547) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54783) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 105:6) parliaments power in lawes for religion, or, an ansvvere to that old and groundles [sic] calumny of the papists, nick-naming the religion of the church of england, by the name of a parliamentary-religion sent to a friend who was troubled at it, and earnestly desired satisfaction in it. heylyn, peter, 1600-1662. [6], 36 p. printed by henry hall ..., oxford : 1645. attributed to peter heylyn. cf. bm. signed: e.y. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng england and wales. -parliament. church of england -government. church and state -great britain. a43547 r200234 (wing h1730). civilwar no parliaments power, in lawes for religion. or, an ansvvere to that old and groundles calumny of the papists, nick-naming the religion of the heylyn, peter 1645 17265 14 0 0 0 0 0 8 b the rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion parliaments power , in lawes for religion . or , an ansvvere to that old and groundles calumny of the papists , nick-naming the religion of the church of england , by the name of a parliamentary religion . sent to a freind , who was troubled at it , and earnestly desired satisfaction in it . oxford , printed by henry hall printer to the universitie . 1645. the preface . syr , at my being with you last , you seemed to bee much scandalized for the church of england . you told me you were well assured that her doctrine was most true and orthodox , her government conform to the word of god , and the best ages of the church ; her liturgy an extract of the primitive formes : nothing in all the whole composure but what did tend to edification , and increase of piety . but that you were not satisfied in the waies and meanes by which this church proceeded in her reformation : that you had heard it oft objected by some partisans of the church of rome , that our religion was meere parliamentarian ; or , as doctor harding said long since , that we had a parliament-religion , a parliament-faith , and a parliament-gospell ; to which sanders and some others added , that we had none but parliament bishops , and a parliament-clergy . that you were apt enough to think , the papists made not all this noise without some ground for it , in regard you see the parliaments in these latter times so bent to catch at all occasions whereby to manifest their power in ecclesiasticall matters . and finally , that you were heartily ashamed , that being so often choaked with these objections , you neither knew how to traverse the inditement , or plead not guilty to the bill . this was the sum of your discourse ; and upon this you did desire me to be think my selfe of some fit plaister for this sore , to satisfie you ( if i could ) of your doubts and jealousies , assuring me that your desires proceeded not from curiositie , or an itch of knowledg , or out of any disaffection to the high court of parliament ; but meerly from an honest zeale to the church of england , whose credit and renown you did far prefer before your life , or whatsoever else could be deere unto you ; adding withall , that if i would take paines for your satisfaction , and help you out of those perplexities which you were involved in , i should not only doe good service to the church it selfe , but to many a wavering member of it , whom these objections mainly stagger in their resolution . in fine , that you desired to be informed how far the parliaments of england have been interessed , in the former times , in matters which concern religion , and god's publique worship ; what ground there is for all this clamour of the papists ; and whether the two houses , or eyther of them have exercised , of old , any such authority in things of ecclesiasticall and spirituall nature , as they now pretend to . vvhich , though it be a dangerous and invidious subject ( as the times now are ) yet for your sake , and for the truths , and for the honour also of parliaments , which seeme to suffer much in the accusation , i shall undertake it ; premising first , that i intend not to say any thing to the point of right , whether or not the parliament may lawfully meddle in such matters as concern religion , but shall apply my selfe only unto matters of fact , as they relate unto the reformation here by lawe established . and for my method in this businesse , i will begin with the ejection of the pope and his authority ; descending next to the translation of the scriptures into the english tongue , and the reformation of the church in doctrinals and formes of worship ; and so proceed unto the power of making canons for the well ordering of the clergy , and the direction of the people in all such particulars as doe concern them in the exercise of their religion . and in the canvasing of these points , i shall make it good , that till these busie and unfortunate dayes , in which every man intrudeth on the preistly function , the parliaments did not any thing at all either in matters doctrinal , or in making canons , or in translating of the scriptures ; and that concerning formes of worship they did nothing neyther , but strengthen and establish what was done before in the clergy-way , by adding the secular authority to the constitutions of the church , according to the usage of the best and happiest times of christianity . parliaments power , in lawes for religion . 1. of the ejection of the pope . and first , beginning with the ejection of the pope and his authority , that led the way unto the reformation of religion which did after follow : it was first voted and decreed in the convocation , before ever it became the subject of an act of parliament . for in the yeare 1530. 22o . h. 8. the clergy being caught in a premunire were willing to redeeme their danger by a summe of money , and to that end the clergy of the province of canterbury bestowed upon the king the summe of 100000 pounds , to be paid by equall portions in the five yeares following . but the king would not so be satisfied unlesse they would acknowledge him for the supreme head on earth of the church of england , which though it was hard meate , and would not easily downe amongst them , yet it passed at last . for , being throughly debated in a synodicall way , both in the upper and lower houses of convocation , they did in fine agree upon this expression . cujus ( ecclesiae sc. anglicanae ) singularem protectorem , unicum et supremum dominum , et ( quantum per christi leges licet ) supremum caput , ipsius majestatem recognoscimus . to this they all assented and subscribed their hands , and afterwards incorporated it into the publique act or instrument , which was presented to the king in the name of his clergy , for the redeeming of their error , and the graunt of their money , which as it doth at large appeare in the records and acts of the convocation , so is it touched upon in an historicall way in the antiq. britan : mason de minist. anglic. and some other authors ; by whom it also doth appeare , that what was thus concluded on by the clergy of the province of canterbury , was also ratified and confirmed by the convocation for the province of yorke ( according to the usuall custom ) save that they did not buy their pardon at so deare a rate . this was the leading card to the game which followed . for on this ground were built the statutes prohibiting all appeales to rome , and for determining all ecclesiasticall suites and controversies within the kingdome 24. h. 8. c. 12. that for the manner of electing and consecrating of archbishops and bishops . 25. h. 8. c. 20. and , the prohibiting the payment of all impositions to the court of rome ; and for obtayning all such dispensations from the see of canterbury which formerly were procured from the popes of rome . 25. h. 8. c , 21. which last is built expresly upon this foundation ; that the king is the only supreme head of the church of england , and was so recognized by the prelates and clergy , representing the said church in their convocation . and on the very same foundation was the statute raised 26. h. 8. c. 1. where in the king is declared to be the supreme head of the church of england , & to have all honors & preeminencies which were annexed unto that title , as by the act it selfe doth at full appeare , which act being made ( i speake it from the act it selfe ) only for corroboration and confirmation of that which had beene done in the convocation , did afterwards draw on the statute for the tenths and first-fruits , as the point incident to the headship or supreme authority , 26. h. 8 , c. 3. the second step to the ejection of the pope , was the submission of the clergy to the said k. henry , whom they had recognized for their supreme head . and this was first concluded on in the convocation , before it was proposed or agitated in the houses of parliament ; and was commended only to the care of the parliament , that it might have the force of a law by a civill sanction . the whole debate with all the traverses and emergent difficulties which appeared therein are specified at large in the records of convocation , anno 1532. but being you have not oportunity to consult those records , i shall prove it by the act of parliament , called commonly the act of the submission of the clergy , but bearing this title in the abridgement of the statutes set out by poulton , that the clergy in their convocations shall enact no constitutions without the kings assent . in which it is premised for granted that the clergy of the realm of england , had not only acknowledg'd according to the truth , that the convocation of the same clergy , is , alwaies hath beene , and ought to be assembled alwaies by the kings writ ; but also submitting themselves to the kings majesty , had promised in verbo sacerdotii , that they would never from henceforth presume to attempt , alleage , claime , or put in ure , enact , promulge or execute any new canons , constitutions , ordinances provinciall , or other , or by whatsoever other name they shall be called in the convocation , unlesse the kings most royall assent may to them be had , to make , promulge and execute the same , and that his majestie doe give his most royall assent and authority in that behalfe . upon which ground worke of the clergies , the parliament shortly after built this superstructure , to the same effect : viz. that none of the said clergy from thenceforth should presume to attempt , alleage , claime or put in ure any constitutions or ordinances , provinciall or synodals , or any other canons ; nor shall enact , promulge , or execute any such canons , constitutions , or ordinances provinciall ( by whatsoever name or names they may be called ) in their convocations in time comming ( which alwaies shall be assembled by the kings writ ) unlesse the same clergy may have the kings most royall assent and licence to make , promulge and execute such canons , constitutions and ordinances provinciall or synodicall , upon paine of every one of the said clergy doing the contrary to this act , and thereof convict , to suffer imprisonment and make fine at the kings will . 25. h. 8. c. 19. so that the statute , in effect , is no more than this , an act to bind the clergy to performe their promise , to keepe them fast unto their word for the time to come , that no new canon should bee made in the times succeeding in favour of the pope , or by his authority , or to the diminution of the kings royall prerogative , or contrary to the lawes and statutes of this realme of england , as many papall constitutions were in the former ages : which statute i desire you to take notice of , because it is the rule and measure of the churches power in making canons , constitutions , or whatsoever else you shall please to call them in their convocations . the third and finall act conducing to the popes ejection , was an act of parliament 28. h. 8. c. 10. entituled an act extinguishing the authority of the bishop of rome . by which it was enacted that if any person should extoll the authority of the bishop of rome , he should incurre the penalty of a praemunire ; that every officer , both ecclesiasticall and lay , should be sworne to renounce the said bishop and his authority , and to resist it to his power , and to repute any oath formerly taken in maintenance of the said bishop , or his authority , to be void ; and finally that the refusall of the said oath should be judged high treason . but this was also usherd in by the determination first , and after by the practice of all the clergie . for in the yeare 1534 , which was two yeares before the passing of this act , the king had sent this proposition to be agitated in both vniversities , and in the greatest and most famous monasteries of the kingdome , that is to say , an aliquid authoritatis in hoc regno angliae pontifici romano de jure competat plus quam alii cuicunque episcopo extero ? by whom it was determined negatively , that the bishop of rome had no more power of right in the kingdome of england , than any other forraigne bishop : which being testified and returned under their hands and seales respectively ( the originals whereof are still remayning in the library of sir robert cotton ) was a good preamble to the bishops and the rest of the clergy assembled in their convocation to conclude the like . and so accordingly they did , and made an instrument thereof subscribed by the hands of all the bishops , and others of the clergie , and afterwards confirmed the same by their corporall oathes : the copies of which oathes and instrument you shall finde in foxes acts and monuments vol. 2. fol. 1203. and fol. 1210. & 1211. of the edition of iohn day , an. 1570. and this was semblably the ground of a following statute 35. h. 8. c. 1. wherein another oath was devised and ratified , to be imposed upon the subject , for the more cleare asserting of the kings supremacy , and the utter exclusion of the popes for ever ; which statutes though they were all repealed by one act of parliament 1. & 2. of phil. & mary c. 8. yet they were brought in force againe 1. eliz. c. 1. save that the name of supreme head was changed unto that of the supreme governour , and certaine clauses altered in the oath of supremacy . where ( by the way ) you must take notice that the statutes which concerne the kings supremacy , are not introductory of any new right , that was not in the crown before , but only declaratory of an old , as our best lawyers tell us , and the statute of the 26. of h. 8. c. 1. doth clearly intimate . so that in the ejection of the pope of rome , which was the first and greatest step towards the worke of reformation , the parliament did nothing , for ought yet appeares , but what was done before in the convocation , and did no more than fortifie the results of holy church by the addition and corroboration of the secular power . 2. of the translation of the scriptures , and permitting them to bee read in the english tongue . the second step towards the worke of reformation , ( and indeed one of the most especiall parts thereof ) was the translation of the bible into the english tongue , and the permitting all sorts of people to peruse the same , as that which visibly did tend to the discovery of the errors and corruptions in the church of rome , and the intolerable pride and tyranny of the romane prelates , upon which grounds it had beene formerly translated into english by the hand of wickliff , and after , on the spreading of luther's doctrine , by the paines of tyndall , a stout and active man in king henries daies , but not so well befreinded as the worke deserved : especially considering that it happened in such a time when many printed pamphlets did disturbe the state ( and some of them of tindals making ) which seemed to tend unto sedition and the change of government . which being remonstrated to the king , he caused divers of his bishops , together with sundry of the learnedest and most eminent divines of all the kingdome to come before him : whom he required freely and plainly to declare aswell what their opinion was of the foresaid pamphlets , as what they did thinke fit to be done concerning the translation of the bible into the english tongue ; and they upon mature advise and deliberation , unanimously condemned the aforesaid bookes of heresie and blasphemie ( no smaller crime . ) then , for translating of the scriptures into the english tongue , they agreed all with one assent , that it depended wholly on the will and pleasure of the soveraign prince , who might doe therein as he conceived to be most agreeable to his occasions ; but that with reference to the present estate of things , it was more expedient to explaine the scripture to the people by the way of sermons , then to permit it to be read promiscuously by all sorts of men : yet so that hopes were to be given unto the laity , that if they did renounce their errours , and presently deliver to the hands of his majesties officers all such bookes and bibles ( which they conceived to bee translated with great fraud and falshood ) as any of them had in keeping , his majesty would cause a true and catholick translation of it to be published in convenient time , for the use of his subjects . this was the summe and substance of the present conference , which you shall finde laid downe at large in the registers of archbishop warham . and according to this advice the king sets out a proclamation not only prohibiting the buying , reading , or translating of any the aforesaid bookes , but straitly charging all his subjects which had any of the bookes of scripture , eyther of the old testament or of the new , in the english tongue , to bring them in without delay . but for the other part , of giving hopes unto the people of a true translation , if they delivered in the false ( or that at least which was pretended to be false ) i finde no word at all in the proclamation . that was a worke reserved unto better times , or left to be sollicited by the bishops themselves , and other learned men who had given the counsell ; by whom ( indeede ) the people were kept up in hope that all should bee accomplished unto their desires . and so indeed it proved at last . for in the convocation of the yeare 1536. the authority of the pope being abrogated , and cranmer fully setled in the see of canterbury , the clergy did agree upon a forme of petition to be presented to the king , that he would graciously indulge unto his subjects of the laity the reading of the bible in the english tongue , and that a new translation of it might be forth with made for that end and purpose . according to which godly motion , his majesty did not only give order for a new translation , which afterwards he authorized to be read both in publique and private ; but in the interim he permitted cromwell his vicar-generall to set out an injunction for providing the whole bible both in latine and english , after the translation then in use , ( which was call'd commonly by the name of matthew's bible , but was indeede no other , than that of tyndall somewhat altered ) to be kept in every parish church throughout the kingdome , for every one that would to repaire unto , and caused this marke or character of authority to be set upon them in red letters set forth with the kings most gracious licence , which you may see in fox his acts & monum. p. 1248. & 1363 ▪ afterwards , when the new translation so often promised , and so long expected , was complete and finished , printed at london by the kings authority , and countenanced by a grave and pious preface of archbishop cranmer ; the king sets out a proclamation dated may . 6. an. 1541. commanding all the curates and parishioners throughout the kingdome , who were not already furnished with bibles so authorized and translated as before is said , to provide themselves before alhallowtide next following , and to cause the bibles so provided to be placed conveniently in their severall and respective churches ; straitly requiring all his bishops and other ordinaries to take speciall care , to see his said commands put in execution . and therewithall came out instructions from the king to be published by the clergy in their severall parishes , the better to possesse the people with the kings good affection towards them in suffering them to have the benefit of such heavenly treasure ; and to direct them in a course by which they might enjoy the same to their greater comfort , the reformation of their lives , and the peace and quiet of the church . which proclamation and instructions are still preserved in that most admirable treasury of sir robert cotton . and unto these commands of so great a prince , both bishops , priests and people did apply themselves with such cheerefull reverence , that bonner ( even that bloody butcher , as he after proved ) caused sixe of them to be chayned in severall places of saint paul's church in london , for all that were so well inclined to resort unto , for their edification and instruction , the booke being very chargeable , because very large ; and therefore called commonly ( for distinctions sake ) the bible of the greater volume . thus have we seene the scriptures faithfully translated into the english tongue , the bible publickly set up in all parish-churches , that ev'ry one wch would might peruse the same , and leave permitted to all people to buy them for their private uses , and reade them to themselves , or before their families , and all this brought about by no other meanes than by the kings authority ▪ only grounded on the advice and judgement of the convocation . but long it was not i confesse , before the parliament put in for a share , and claimed some interest in the worke ; but whether for the better or the worse ▪ i leave you to judge . for in the yeare 1542 , the king being then in agitation of a league with charles the emperour , he caused a complaint to be made unto him in his court of parliament that the liberty granted to the people in having in their hands the bookes of the old and new testament , had beene much abused by many false glosses and interpretations which were made upon them , tending to the seducing of the people , especially of the younger sort , and the raysing of sedition within the realme . and thereupon it was enacted by the authority of the parliament ( on whom he was content to cast the envy of an act so contrary to his former gracious proclamations ) that all manner of bookes of the old and new testament of the crafty , false , and untrue translation of tyndall , be forthwith abolished , and forbidden to be used and kept . as also , that all other bibles not being of tyndalls translation in which were found any preambles or annotations , other than the quotations or summaries of the chapters , should be purged of the said preambles and annotations , eyther by cutting them out , or blotting them in such wise that they might not be perceived or read . and finally that the bible be not read openly in any church , but by the leave of the king or of the ordinary of the place ; nor privately by any women , artificers , prentices , iourneymen , husbandmen , labourers , or by any of the servants of yeomen or under , with severall paines to those who should doe the contrary . this is the substance of the statute of the 34. & 35. h. 8. cap. 1. which though it shewes that there was somewhat done in parliament , in a matter which concern'd religion ( which howsoever if you marke it , was rather the adding of the penalties , than giving any resolution or decision of the points in question ) yet i presume the papists will not use this for an argument , that we have eyther a parliament-religion , or a parliament-gospell ; or that we stand indebted to the parliament for the use of the scriptures in the english tongue , which is so principall a part of the reformation . nor did the parliament speede so prosperously in the undertakiug ( which the wise king permitted them to have an hand in for the foresaid ends ) or found so generall an obedience in it from the common people , as would have beene expected in these times , on the like occasion ; but that the king was faine to quicken and give life to the acts thereof by his proclamatiom . an. 1546. which you shall find in fox his booke . fol. 1427. to drive this nayle a little farther . the terror of this statute dying with h. 8. or being repealed by that of k. e. 6. 1 e. 6. c. 12. the bible was againe made publique ; and not only suffered to be read by particular persons , either privately , or in the church ; but ordered to be read over yearely in the congregation , as a part of the liturgy , or divine service ; which how farre it relates to the court of parliament we shall see anon . but for the publishing thereof in print for the use of the people , for the comfort and edification of private persons , that was done only by the king , at least in his name , and by his authority . and so it also stood in q. elizabeths time , the translation of the bible being againe reviewed by some of the most learned bishops appointed thereunto by the queenes commission ( from whence it had the name of the bishops-bible ) and upon that review , reprinted by her sole commandement , and by her sole authority left free and open to the use of her well affected and religious subjects . nor did the parliament doe any thing in all her reigne with reference to the scriptures in the english tongue , otherwise than as the reading of them in that tongue in the congregation , is to be reckoned for a part of the english liturgy , whereof more hereafter . in the translation of them into welch or british , somewhat indeed was done which doth looke this way . it being ordered in the parliament 5. eliz. c. 28. that the b. b. of hereford , st. davids , bangor , landaffe , and st. asaph , should take care amongst them for translating the whole bible , with the booke of common ▪ prayer into the welch or british tongue , on paine of forfeiting 40 a peece , in default hereof . and to encourage them thereunto , it was enacted , that one booke of either sort being so translated and imprinted , should be provided and bought for every cathedrall church , as also for all parish churches and chappells of ease , where the said tongue is commonly used : the ministers to pay the one halfe of the price , and the parishioners the other . but then you must observe withall , that it had beene before determined in the convocation of the selfe same yeare . an. 1562. that the common-prayer of the church ought to be celebrated in a tongue which was understood by the people ( as you may see in the booke of articles of religion . art. 24. which came out that yeare ) and consequently as well in the welch or british , as in any other . and for the new translation of k. iames his time , to shew that the translation of scripture is no worke of parliament , as it was principally occasioned by some passages in the conference at hampton court without recourse unto the parliament , so was it done only by such men as the king appointed , and by his authority alone imprinted , published and imposed ; care being taken by the canon of the yeare 1603. that one of them should be provided for each severall church , at the charge of the parish . no flying in this case to an act of parliament , either to authorize the doing of it , or to impose it being done . 3. of the reformation of religion in points of doctrine . next , let us look upon the method used in former times in the reforming of the church , whether in points of doctrine , or in formes of worship , and we shall find it still the same . the clergy did the worke as to them seemed best , never advising with the parliament , but upon the post fact , and in most cases not at all . and first for doctrinals , there was but little done in king henries time but that which was acted by the clergie only in their convocations , and so commended to the people by the kings sole authority , the matter never being brought within the cognizance of the two houses of parliament . for in the yeare 1536 , being the yeare in which the popes authoritie was for ever banished , there were some articles agreed on in the convocation , and represented to the king , under the hands of all the bishops , abbats , priors , and inferiour clergy usually called unto those meetings ; the originall whereof being in sir robert cottons library i have often seene : which being approved of by the king , were forthwith published under the title of articles devised by the kings highnesse to stable christian quietnesse and unity amongst the people . in which it is to be observed , first ; that those articles make mention of 3 sacraments only , that is to say of baptisme , penance , and the sacrament of the altar . and secondly , that in the declaration of the doctrine of iustification , images , honouring of the saints departed , as also concerning many of the usuall ceremonies , and the fire of purgatory , they differ'd very much from those opinions which had beene formerly received in the church of rome , as you may partly see by that extract of them which occurres in fox his acts and monuments , vol. 2. fol. 1246. for the confirming of which booke , and recommending it to the use of the people , his majesty was pleased in the injunctions of the yeare 1536. to give command to all deanes , parsons , vicars and curats , so to open and declare in their sermons and other collations the said articles unto them which be under their cure , that they might plainly know and discerne , which of them be necessary to be beleeved and observed for their salvation , and which doe only concerne the decent and politique order of the church . and this he did upon this ground , that the said articles had beene concluded and condiscended upon by the prelates and clergy of the realme in their convocation , as appeareth in the very words of the injunction : for which see fox his acts and monuments fol. 1247. i finde not any thing in parliament which relates to this , either to countenance the worke , or to require obedience and conformity from the hands of the people . and , to say truth , neither the king nor clergy did account it necessary , but thought their owne authority sufficient to goe through with it , though certainly it was more necessary at that time then in any since , the power and reputation of the clergy being under foot , the king scarce setled in the supremacy so lately recognized unto him , and therfore the authority of the parliament of more use than afterward , in times well ballanced and established . 't is true that in some other yeares of that princes reigne , we finde some use and mention of an act of parliament , in matters which concern'd religion , but in was only in such times when the hopes of reformation were in the wane , and the worke went retrograde . for in the yeare 1539. being the 31 h. 8. when the lord cromwel's power began to decline , and the king was in a necessitie of compliance with his neighbouring princes , there passed an act of parliament commonly called the statute of the six articles ( or the whip with six stringes ) in which it was enacted . that whosoever by word or writing should preach , teach , or publish , that in the blessed sacrament of the altar , under forme of bread and wine , there is not really the naturall body and blood of our saviour jesus christ , conceived of the virgin mary , ( or affirme otherwise thereof then was maintained and taught in the church of rome ) should be adjudged an heretick , and suffer death by burning , and forfeit all his lands and goods , as in case of high treason . secondly , that whosoever should teach or preach , that the communion of the blessed sacrament in both kindes is necessary for the health of mans soule , and ought so to be ministred . thirdly , or that any man after the order of priest-hood received might marry , or contract matrimony : fourthly , or that any woman which had vowed and professed chastity , might contract marriage . fifthly , or that private masse were not lawfull and laudable , and agreeable to the word of god . or , sixthly , that auricular confession was not necessary and expedient to be used in the church of god , should suffer death , and forfeit lands and goods , as a felon . 31 of h. 8. c ▪ 14. the rigour of which terrible statute was shortly after mitigated in the said kings reigne , 32. h. 8. c , 10. and 35. of h. 8. c. 5. and the whole statute absolutely repealed by act of parliament , 1. ed. 6. c. 12. but then it is to be observed first , that this parliament of king henry the eighth , did not determine any thing in those six points of doctrine which are therein recited , but only tooke upon them to devise a course for the suppressing of the contrary opinions , by adding by the secular power , the punishment of death , and forfeiture of lands and goods , unto the censures of the church , which were grown weake , if not invalid ; and consequently , by degrees became neglected ever since the said king henry tooke the headship on him , and exercised the same by a lay vicar-generall . and secondly , you must observe that it appeareth evidently by the act it selfe , that at the same time the king had called a synod and convocation of all the archbishoppes , bishoppes , and other learned men of the clergy , that the articles were first deliberately and advisedly debated , argued and reasoned by the said archbishops , bishops , and other learned men of the clergy , and their opinions in the same declared and made knowne , before the matter came in parliament , and finally that being brought into the parliament , there was not any thing declared and passed as doctrinall , but by the assent of the lords spirituall , and other learned men of the convocation , as by the act it selfe doth at large appeare . finally , whatsoever may be drawne from hence , can be only this , that king henry did make use of his court of parliament for the establishing and confirming of some points of popery , which seemed to be in danger of a reformation . and this compared with the statute of the 34. & 35. prohibiting the reading of the bible by most sorts of people , doth clearely shew that the parliaments of those times did rather hinder and retard the worke of reformation , in some especiall parts thereof , than give any furtherance to the same . but to proceede . there was another point of reformation begunne in the lord cromwel's time , but not produced , nor brought unto perfection till after his decease , and then too , not without the midwifery of an act of parliament . for in the yeare 1537. the bishops and others of the clergy of the convocation , had composed a booke entituled the institution of a christian man , which being subscribed by all their hands , was by them presented to the king , by his most excellent judgement to be allowed of , or condemned . this booke , conteyning the cheife heads of christian religion , was forth with printed , and exposed to publique view . but some things not being clearely explicated , or otherwise subject to exception , he caused it to be reviewed , and to that end ; as supreme head , on earth , of the church of england ( i speake the very words of the act of parliament . 32. h. 8 ▪ c. 26. ) appointed the archbishops and bishops of both provinces , and also a great number of the best learned , honestest , and most virtuous sort of the doctors in divinity , men of discretion , judgement , and good disposition , to be called together , to the intent that according to the very gospell and law of god , without any partiall respect or affection to the papisticall sort , or any other sect or sects whatsoever , they should declare , by writing , and publish , as well the principall articles and points of our faith and beleife ; with the declaration , true understanding and observation of such other expedient points , as by them , with his grace's advise , counsaile and consent , shall be thought needfull and expedient : as also for the lawfull rites , ceremonies , and observation of gods service within this realme . this was in the yeare 1540. at what time the parliament was also sitting , of which the king was pleased to make this especiall use , that whereas the worke which was in hand ( i use againe the words of the statute ) required ripe and mature deliberation , and was not rashly to be defined and set forth , and so not fit to be restrained to the present session : an act was passed to this effect , that all determinations , declarations , decrees , definitions and ordinances , as according to god's word and christs gospell should at any time hereafter be set forth by the said archbishops and bishops , and doctors in divinity , now appointed , or hereafter to be appointed by his royall majesty , or else by the whole clergy of england , in and upon the matter of christ's religion , and the christian faith , and the lawfull rites , ceremonies , and observations of the same , by his majesties advice and confirmation under the great seale of england , shall be by all his graces subjects fully beleeved , obeyed , observed and performed to all purposes and intents , upon the paines and penalties therein to be comprized , as if the same had beene in expresse words and sentences plainly and fully made , set forth , declared and conteined in the said act. 32. of h. 8. c , 26. where note that the two houses of parliament were so farre from medling in the matter which was then in hand , that they did not so much as require to see the determinations and decrees of those learned men whom his majesty had then assembled , before they passed the present act to binde the subject fully to beleeve , observe and performe the same ; but left it wholly to the judgement and discretion of the king and clergy , and trusted them besides with the ordaining and inflicting of such paines and penalties on disobedient and unconformable persons , as to them seemed meete . this ground worke laid , the worke went forwards in good order , and at last being brought unto as much perfection as the said archbishops , bishops , and other learned men could give it , without the cooperation and concurrence of the royall assent , it was presented once againe to the king's consideration , who very carefully perused it , and alterd many things with his owne hand , as appeareth by the booke it selfe still extant in the famous library of sir robert cotton , and having so altered and corrected it in some passages , returned it to the arcbishop of canterbury , who bestowed some further paines upon it , to the end that being to come forth in the kings name , and by his authority , there should be nothing in the same which might be justly reprehended . the businesse being in this forwardnesse , the king declares in parliament , an. 1544. being the 34 yeare of his reigne his zeale and care , not only to suppresse all such bookes and writings as were noysom and pestilent , and tended to the seducing of his subjects : but also to ordaine and establish a certaine forme of pure and sincere teaching , agreeable to gods word , and the true doctrine of the catholick and apostolick church , whereunto men may have recourse for the decision of some such controversies , as have in times past , & yet doe happen to arise . and for a preparatory thereunto , that so it might come forth with the greater credit , he caused an act to passe in parliament for the abolishing of all bookes and writings comprizing any matters of christian religion , contrary to that doctrine which since the yeare 1540. is ▪ or any time during the kings life , shall be set forth by his highnesse , and for the punishment of all such ( and that too with most grievous paines ) which should preach , teach , mainteine or defend any matter or thing contrary to the booke of doctrine which was then in readinesse 34.35 . h. 8. c. 1. which done he caused the said booke to be imprinted in the yeare next following , under the title of a necessary doctrine for all sorts of people ; prefixing a preface thereto in his owne royall name , to all his faithfull and loving subjects , that they might know the better in those dangerous times , what to beleeve in point of doctrine , and how they were to carry and behave themselves in point of practice . which statute , as it is the greatest evidence which those times afford , to shew , that both , or either of the houses of parliament had any thing to doe in matters which concern'd religion ; so it entitles them to no more ( if at all to any thing ) then that they did make way to a booke of doctrine which was before digested by the clergy only , revised after and corrected by the kings owne hand , and finally perused and perfected by the metropolitan . and more than so ( besides , that being but one swallowe , it can make no summer ) it is acknowledged and confessed in the act it selfe ( if poulton understand it rightly in his abridgement ) that recourse must be had to the catholick and apostolick church , for the decision of controversies . which as it gives the clergy the decisive power , so it left nothing to the houses but to assist and ayde them with the temporall sword , when the spirituall word could not doe the deede , the point thereof being blunted , and the edge abated . next let us looke upon the time of king ed. 6. and we shall find the articles and doctrine of the church ( excepting such as were conteined in the booke of common-prayer ) to be composed , confirmed and setled in no other way than by the clergy only in their convocation , the kings authority cooperating and concurring with them . for , in the synod held in london an. 1552. the clergy did compose and agree upon a booke of articles , conteining the chiefe heads of the christian faith , especially with referrence to such points of controversie as were in difference betweene the reformators of the church of england , and the church of rome , and other opponents whatsoever ; which after were approved and published by the kings authority . they were in number 41 , and were published by this following title , that is to say , articuli de quibus in synodo london , an. 1552. ad tollendum opinionum dissentionem , et consensum verae religionis firmandum , inter episcopos & alios eruditos viros convenerat , regia authoritate in lucem editi . and , it is worth our observation , that though the parliament was held at the very time , and that the parliament passed severall acts which concerned church-matters , as viz. an act for uniformity of divine service , and for the confirmation of the booke of ordination , 5. & 6. ed. 6. c. 1. an act declaring which daies only shall be kept for holy-dayes , and which for fasting dayes , c. 3. an act against striking or drawing weapon either in the church , or church-yard ▪ c. 4. and finally another act for the legitimating of the marriages of priests and ministers , c. 12. yet neither in this parliament , nor in that which followed , is there so much as the least syllable which reflects this way , or medleth any thing at all with the booke of articles . where , by the way , if you behold the lawfullnesse of priests marriages as a matter doctrinall , or thinke we owe that point of doctrine , and the indulgence granted to the clergy in it , to the care and goodnesse of the parliament , you may please to know , that the point had beene before determined in the convocation , and stands determined by and for the clergy in the 31. of those articles , and that the parliament looked not on it as a point of doctrine , but as it was a matter practicall , conducing to the benefit and improvement of the common-wealth . or if it did , yet was the statute built on no other ground-worke , than the resolution of the clergy , the marriage of priests being before determined to be most lawfull ( i use the very words of the act it selfe ) and according to the word of god , by the learned clergy of this realm in their convocations , as well by the common assent , as by subscription of their hands . 5.6 ▪ ed ▪ 6. c. 12. and , for the time of q. elizabeth , it is most manifest that they had no other body of doctrine in the first part of her reigne , then only the said articles of k. edward's booke , and that which was delivered in the booke of homilies of the said kings time ; in which the parliament had as little to doe , as you have seene they had in the booke of articles . but in the convocation of the yeare 1562. being the fifth of the queenes reigne , the bishops and clergy taking into consideration the said booke of articles , and altering what they thought most fitting , to make it more conducible to the use of the church , and the edification of the people , presented it unto the queene , who caused it to be published with this name and title , viz. articles whereupon it was agreed by the archbishops and bishops of both provinces and the whole clergy in the convocation holden at london an. 1562. for the avoiding of diversitie of opinions , and for establishing of consent touching true religion , put forth by the queenes authority . of any thing done or pretended to be done by the power of parliament , either in the way of approbation , or of confirmation , not one word occurres either in any of the printed bookes , or their publique registers . at last indeed in the thirteenth of the said queenes reigne ( which was eight yeares full after the passing of those articles ) comes out a statute for the redressing of disorders in the ministers of holy church ; in which it was enacted . that all such as were ordeined priests or ministers of god's word and sacraments , after any other forme than that appointed to be used in the church of england ; all such as were to be ordeined , or permitted to preach , or to be instituted into any benefice with cure of soules , should publiquely subscribe to the said articles , and testifie their assent unto them : which shewes ( if you observe it well ) that though the parliament did well allow of and approve the said booke of articles , yet the said booke owes neither confirmation nor authority to the act of parliament . so that the wonder is the greater , that that most insolent scoffe which is put upon us by the church of rome , in calling our religion by the name parliamentaria religio , should passe so long without controle , unlesse perhaps it was in reference to our formes of worship , of which i am to speake in the next place . but first we must make answere unto some objections which are made against us , both from law and practise . for practise , first it is alleaged by some out of bishop iewell , in his answere to the cavill of dr. harding , to be no strange matter to see ecclesiasticall causes debated in parliament ; and that it is apparent by the lawes of k. inas , k. alfred , k. edward , &c. that our godly forefathers the princes and peeres of this realme , never vouchsafed to treate of matters touching the common state , before all controversies of religion , and causes ecclesiasticall had beene concluded . def. of the apol. pt. 6. c. 2. § . 1. but the answere unto this is easy . for first , if our religion may be called parliamentarian , because it hath received confirmation and debate in parliament , then the religion of our forefathers , even papistry it selfe ( concerning which so many acts of parliament were made in k. henry 8. and q. maries time ) must be called parliamentarian also . and secondly , it is most certaine , that in the parliaments or common councels ( call them which you will ) both of king inas time , and the rest of the saxon kings which bishop iewell speakes of , not only bishops , abbats , and the higher part of the clergy , but the whole body of the clergy generally had their votes and suffrages , eyther in person or by proxy . concerning which , take this for the leading case , that in the parliament or common councell in k. ethelbert's time , who first of all the saxon kings received the gospell , the clergy were convened in as full a manner , as the lay subjects of that prince ▪ convocato cōmuni concilio tam cleri , quàm populi , saith sr. h. spelman in his collection of the councels . an. 605. p. 118. and for the parliament of king ina which leades the way in bishop iewell , it was ( saith the same sr. h. spelman p. 630. commune concilium episcoporum , procerum , comitum , necnon omnium sapientum , seniorum , populorumque totius regni ; where doubtlesse sapientes and seniores ( and you know what seniores signifieth in the ecclesiasticall notion ) must be some body else then those which after are expressed by the name of populi , which shewes the falshood and absurdity of the collection made by master prynne , that in the epistle to his booke against doctor cousins , viz. that the parliament ( as it is now constituted ) hath an ancient , genuine , just and lawfull prerogative , to establish true religion in our church , and to abolish and suppresse all false , new , and counterfeit doctrines whatsoever : unlesse he meanes , upon the post-fact , after the church hath done her part , in determining wh●t was true , what false ; what new , what ancient ; and finally what doctrines might be counted counterfeit , and what sincere . and as for law , 't is true indeed , that by the statute 1 eliz. cap. 1. the court of parliament hath pawer to determine and judge of heresie ; which at first sight seemes somewhat strange , but on the second view , you will easily finde that this relates only to new and emergent heresies , not formerly declared for such in any of the first foure generall councells , nor in any other generall councell adjudging by expresse words of holy scripture ; as also that in such new heresies , the following words restraine this power to the assent of the clergy in their convocation , as being best able to instruct the parliament what they are to doe , and where they are to make use of the secular sword for cutting off a desperat heretick from the church of christ , or rather from the body of all christian people . 4. of the formes of worship . this rub removed , we now proceed unto a view of such formes of worship as have beene setled in this church , since the first dawning of the day of reformation ; in which our parliaments have indeed done somewhat , though it be not much . the first point which was altered in the publique liturgies , was that the creed , the pater-noster , and the ten commandements , were ordered to be said in the english tongue , to the intent the people might be perfect in them , and learn them without book , as our phrase is . the next ; the setting forth and using of the english letanie , on such daies and times , in which it was accustomably to be read as a part of the service . but neither of these two was done by parliament , nay ( to say truth ) the parliament did nothing in them . all which was done in eyther of them , was only by the kings authority , by virtue of the head ship or supremacy which was vested in him , eyther cooperating and concurring with his convocation , or else directed and assisted by such learned prelates , with whom he did advise in matters which concern'd the church , and did relate to reformation . by virtue of which head-ship or supremacy he ordained the first , and to that end caused certain articles or injunctions to be published by the lord cromwell , then his vicar-generall . an. 1536. and by the same did he give order for the second , i meane , for the saying of the letany in the english tongue , by his own royall proclamation . an. 1545. for which , consult the acts & mon. fol. 1248. 1312. but these were only preparations to a greater worke which was reserved unto the times of king ed. 6. in the beginning of whose reigne there passed a statute for the administring the sacrament in both kindes to any person that should devoutly and humbly desire the same . 1 ed. 6. cap. 1. in which it is to be observed , that though the statute doe declare , that the ministring of the same in both kinds to the people was more agreeable to the first institution of the said sacrament , and to the common usage of the primitive times . yet mr. fox assures us ( and we may take his word ) that they did build that declaration , and consequently the act which was raised upon it , upon the iudgement and opinion of the best learned men , whose resolution and advise they followed in it . fol. 1489. and for the forme by which the said most blessed sacrament was to be so delivered to the common people , it was commended to the care of the most grave and learned bishops , and others , assembled by the king at his castle of windsor ; who upon long , wise , learned and deliberate advice did finally agree ( saith fox ) upon one godly and uniform order for receiving the same , according to the right rule of scriptures , and the first use of the primitive church . fol. 1491. which order , as it was set forth in print . an. 1548. with a proclamation in the name of the king , to give authority thereunto amongst the people , so was it recommended by especiall letters writ unto every bishop severally from the lords of the counsell , to see the same put in execution ; a copy of which letters you may find in fox . fol. 1491. as afore is said . hitherto nothing done by parliament in the formes of worship , but in the following yeare there was . for the protector and the rest of the kings counsell being fully bent for a reformation , thought it expedient that one uniform , quiet and godly order should be had throughout the realm , for officiating god's divine service . and to that end ( i use the very words of the act it selfe ) appointed the archbishop of canterbury , and certain of the most learned and discreet bishops , and other learned men of the realm to meet together , requiring them , that having as well eye and respect to the most pure and sincere christian religion taught in scriptures , as to the usages in the primitive church , they should draw and make one convenient and meet order , rite and fashion of common prayer , and administration of sacraments to be had and used in this his majesties realm of england . well , what did they being thus assembled ? that the statute tells us : where it is said , that by the ayd of the holy ghost ( i pray you marke this well ) and with one uniform agreement they did conclude upon and set forth an order , which they delivered to the kings highnesse , in a book entituled , the booke of common-prayer and administration of the sacraments , and other rites and ceremonies of the church , after the use of the church of england . all this was done before the parliament did any thing . but what was done by them at last ? why first , considering the most godly travaile of the kings highnesse , and the lord protector and others of his highnesse counsell , in gathering together the said bishops and learned men . secondly , the godly prayers , orders , rites and ceremonies in the said book mentioned . thirdly , the motives and inducements which inclined the aforesaid learned men to alter those things which were altered , and to reteine those which were reteined ; and finally , taking into consideration the honour of god , and the great quietnesse which by the grace of god would ensue upon it ; they gave his majesty most hearty and lowely thanks for the same , and most humbly prayed him that it might be ordeined by his majesty , with the assent of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , and by authority of the same , that the said form of common-prayer and none other , after the feast of pentecost next following , should be used in all this majesties dominions with severall penalties to such , as either should deprave or neglect the same . 2. & 3. ed. 6. cap. 1. so far the very words of the act it selfe . by which it evidently appeareth that the two houses of parliament did nothing in the present businesse , but impose that form upon the people , which by the learned and religious clergie men ( whom the king appointed thereunto ) was agreed upon , and made it penall unto such as eyther should deprave the same , or neglect to use it . and thus doth poulton ( no meane lawyer ) understand the statute , who therfore gives no other title to it in his abridgement published in the yeare 1612 ▪ than this the penalty for not using uniformity of service , and ministration of the sacraments . so then , the making of one uniform order of celebrating divine service , was the worke of the clergy , the making of the penalties , was the worke of the parliament . and so much for the first liturgy of king edwards reigne ; in which you see how little was done by the authority or power of parliament , so little , that if it had beene lesse , it had been just nothing . but some exceptions being taken against the liturgy by some of the preciser sort at home , and by calvin abroad , the book was brought under a review : and though it had been framed at first ( if the parliament which said so erred not ) by the ayd of the holy ghost himself , yet to comply with the curiositie of the ministers , and mistakes of the people , rather then for any other weighty cause , as the statute 5. & 6. ed. 6. cap. 1. it was thought expedient by the king , with the assent of the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that the said order of common-service should be faithfully and godly perused , explained and made fully perfect . perused and explained ; by whom ? why , questionlesse by those who made it ; or else , by those ( if they were not the same men ) who were appointed by the king to draw up , and compose a form of ordination for the use of the church . and this assent of theirs ( for it was no more ) was the only part that was ever acted by the parliament , in matter of this present nature , save that a statute passed in the former parliament , 3. & 4. ed. 6. c. 12. unto this effect , that such form and manner of making and consecrating archbishops , bishops , priests , deacons and other ministers of the church ( which before i spake of ) as by six prelates , and six other men of this realm , learned in gods lawes , by the king to be appointed and assigned , shall be devised for that purpose , and set forth under the great seale , shall be lawfully used and exercised , and none other . where note , that the king only was to nominate and appoint the men , the bishops and other learned men were to make the book , & that the parliament in a blinde obedience , or at the least upon a charitable confidence in the integrity of the men so nominated , did confirm that book , before any of their members had ever seene it , though afterwards indeed , in the following parliament , this book , together with the book of common-prayer , so printed and explained , retained a more formall confirmation , as to the use thereof throughout the kingdome , but in no other respect , for which see the statute 5. & 6. ed. 6. c. 1. [ as for the time of q. elizabeth , when the common prayer book now in use ( being the same almost with the last of king edward ) was to be brought again into the church , from whence it was cast out in q. maries reigne ; it was committed to the care of some learned men , that is to say , to master whitehead ( once chaplain to q. anne bullen ) doctor parker , after archbishop of canterbury , d. grindall after bishop of london , d. coxe after bishop of ely , d. pilkinton after bishop of durham , d. may deane of s. paules , d. bill provost of eaton , after deane of westminster , and sr. tho. smith . by whom being alter'd in some few passages which the statute points to 1 eliz. cap. 21. it was presented to the parliament , and by the parliament received and established without more adoe , or troubling any committee of both or either houses to consider of it , for ought appeares in their records . all that the parliament did in it ; being to put it into the condition in which it stood before in king ed. reigne , partly by repealing the repeale of king ed. statutes , made in the 1 of q. mary cap. 2. and partly by the adding of some farther penalties on such as did deprave the book , or neglect to use it , or wilfully did absent themselves from their parish-churches . and for the alterations made therein in king iames his time , being small and in the rubrick only , and for the additions of the thanksgivings at the end of the letany , the prayer for the queen and the royall issue , and the doctrine of the sacraments at the end of the catechisme , which were not in the book before ; they were never referred unto the parliament , but were done only by authority of the kings commission , and stand in force by virtue only of his proclamation , which you may find before the book , the charge of buying the said book so explained and altered , being layd upon the severall and respective parishes , by no other authority than that of of the eightieth canon , made in convocation . an. 1603. the like may also be affirmed of the formes of prayer for the inauguration day of our kings and queenes , the prayer-books for the fifth of november , and the fifth of august , and those which have beene used in all publique fasts : all which , without the help of parliaments , have been composed by the bishops , and imposed by the king . now unto this discourse of the formes of worship , i shall subjoyn a word or two of the times of worship , that is to say , the holy daies observed in the church of england ; and so observed , that they doe owe that observation cheifely to the churches power . for whereas it was found in the former times that the number of the holy daies was grown so great , that they became a burden to the common people , and a great hindrance to the thrift and manufactures of the kingdome ; there was a canon made in the convocation . an. 1536 , for cutting off of many superstitious and superfluous holy daies , and the reducing them unto the number in which now they stand ( save that st. georges day , and mary magdalens day , and all the festivals of the blessed virgin had their place amongst them ) according to which canon , there went out a monitory from the archibishop of canterbury to all the suffragans of his province , respectively to see the same observed in their severall diocesses , which is still extant on record . but being the authority of the church was then in the wane , it was thought necessary to confirm their acts , and see execution done upon it by the kings injunction : which did accordingly come forth with this form or preamble , that the abolishing of the said holy daies was decreed , ordained and established by the kings highnesse authority , as supreme head in earth of the church of england , with the common consent and assent of the prelates and clergy of this his realm , in convocation lawfully assembled and congregate , of which see fox his acts and monuments fol. 1246.1247 . afterwards in the yeare 1541. the king perceiving with what difficulty the people were induced to leave off those holy daies , to which they had been so long accustomed , published his proclamation of the twenty third of iuly , for the abolishing of such holy daies ( amongst other things ) as were prohibited before by his injunctions : both built upon the same foundation , namely , the resolution of the clergy in their convocation . and so it stood untill the reigne of king e. 6. at what time the reformation of the publique liturgy drew after it by consequence an alteration in the present businesse , no daies being to be kept or accounted holy , but those for which the church had set apart a peculiar office , and not all those neither . for , whereas there are severall and peculiar offices for the day of the conversion of saint paul , and the day of st. barnabas the apostles ; neither of these are kept as holy daies , nor reckoned or esteemed as such in the act of parliament , wherein the names and number of the holy daies is precisely specified , which makes some think the act of parliament to have had an over-ruling power on the common-prayer book ; but it is not so , there being a specification of the holy daies in the book it selfe , with this direction , these to be observed for holy daies and none other ; in which the feasts of the conversion of st. paul , and the apostle barnabas are omitted plainly , and upon which specification the stat. 5. & 6. ed. 6. cap. 3. which concerns the holy daies seemes most exprestly to be built . and for the offices on those daies in the common-prayer book , you may please to know that every holy-day consisteth of two speciall parts , that is to say , rest , or cessation from bodily labour , and celebration of diuine or religious duties ; and that the dayes before remembred are so far kept holy , as to have still their proper and peculiar offices , which is observed in all the cathedralls of this kingdome , and the chappels royall , where the service is read every day ; and in most parish churches also as oft as eyther of them fals upon a sunday , though the people be not on those daies enjoyned to rest from bodily labour , no more then on the coronation day , or the fifth of november , which yet are reckoned by the people for a kind of holy daies . put all which hath been said together , and the summe is this , that the proceedings of this church in the reformation were not meerly regall , ( as it is objected by some puritans ) much lesse that they were parliamentarian in so great a work , as the papists falsely charge upon us , the parliaments for the most part doing little in it , but that they were directed in a justifiable way , the worke being done synodically , by the clergie only , according to the usage of the primitive times , the king concurring with them , and corroborating what they had resolved on , eyther by his own single act in his letters patent , proclamations and injunctions , or by some publique act of state , as in times , and by acts of parliament , 5. of the power of making canons for the well ordering of the clergy , and the directing of the people in the publique duties of religion . we are now come to the last part of this designe , unto the power of making canons , in which the parliament of england have had lesse to doe than in eyther of the other which are gone before . concerning which i must desire you to remember , that the clergy , who had power before to make such canons and constitutions in their convocations as to them seemed meet , promised the king in verbo sacerdotii , not to enact or execute any new canons , but by his majesties royall assent , and by his authority first obteined in that behalfe : which is thus briefly touched upon in the antiq. britan. in the life of william warham archbishop of canterbury . clerus in verbo sacerdotii fidem regi dedit , ne ullas deinceps in synodo ferrent ecclesiasticas leges , nisi & synodus authoritate regiâ congregata , & constitutiones in synodis publicatae eadem authoritate ratae essent . upon which ground i doubt not but i might securely raise this proposition , that whatsoever the clergy did , or might doe lawfully before the act of submission , in their convocation , of their owne power , without the kings authority and consent concurring , the same they can , and may doe still , since the said act of their submission ; the kings authority and consent cooperating with them in their counsailes , and giving confirmation to their constitutions . further , it doth appeare by the aforesaid act. 25. h. 8. c. 19. that all such canons , constitutions , ordinances , and synodalls provinciall , as were made before the said submission , which be not contrariant nor repugnant to the lawes , statutes , and customes of this realm , nor to the damage or hurt of the kings prerogative royall , were to be used and executed as in former times . and by the statute 26. h. 8. c. 1. of the kings supremacy , that ( according to the recognition made in convocation ) our said soveraigne lord , his heires and successors kings of this realm , shall have full power and authority from time to time , to visit , represse , reform , order , correct , &c. all such errors , heresies , abuses , offences , contempts , and enormities whatsoever they be , &c. as may be most to the pleasure of almighty god , the increase of virtue in christs religion , and for the peace , unity and tranquillity of this realm , and the confirmation of the same . so that you see these severall waies of ordering matters for the publique weale and governance of the church ; first , by such ancient canons and constitutions , as being made in former times , are still in force . secondly , by such new canons as are , or shall be made in convocation , with and by the kings consent . and thirdly , by the sole authority of the soveraigne prince , according to the precedents laid down in the book of god , and the best ages of the church . concerning which you must remember what was said before , viz. that the statutes which concern the kings supremacy , are declaratory of an old power only , not introductory of a new ; which said , we shall the better see whether the parliament have had any thing to doe either in making canons , or prescribing orders for the regulating of spirituall and ecclesiasticall matters , and unto whom the same doth of right belong according to the lawes of the realm of england . and first , king henry being restored to his head-ship or supremacy ( call it which you will ) did not conceive himself so absolute in it ( though at first much enamor'd of it ) as not some times to take his convocation with him , but at all times to be advised by his prelates , when he had any thing to doe that concerned the church ; for which there had been no provision made by the ancient canons , grounding most times , his edicts and injunctions royall , upon their advise and resolution . for on this ground , i mean the judgement and conclusions of his convocation , did he set out the injunctions of the yeare 1536. for the abolishing of superstitious and superfluous holy daies , the exterminating of the popes authority , the publishing of the book of articles , which before we spake of num , 8. by all parsons , vicars and curats ; for preaching down the use of images , reliques , pilgrimages and superstitious miracles ; for rehearsing openly in the church , in the english tongue , the creed , the pater-noster , and the ten commandements ; for the due and reverent ministring of the sacraments and sacramentals , for providing english bibles to be set up in every church for the use of the people ; for the regular and sober life of clergy men , and the releefe of the poore . and on the other side the king proceeded some times only by the advice of his prelates , as in the injunctions of the yeare 1538. for quarterly sermons in each parish ; for admitting none to preach but men sufficiently licensed : for keeping a register book of christnings , weddings and burialls ; for the due paying of tythes , as had been accustomed : for the abolishing of the commemoration of st. tho. becket : for singing parce nobis domine , instead of ora pro nobis , and the like to these . and of this sort were the injunctions which came out in some yeares succeeding , for the taking away of images and reliques , with all the ornaments of the same : and all the monuments and writings of fained miracles , and for restraint of offering or setting up lights in any church , but only to the blessed sacrament of the altar , in which he was directed chiefly by archbishop cranmer : as also those for eating of white-meates in the time of lent , the abolishing the fast on st. marks day , and the ridiculous ( but superstitious ) sports , accustomably used on the dayes of saint clement , st. catherine and st. nicholas . all which and more was done in the said kings reigne without help of parliament . for which i shall refer you to the acts & mon. fol. 1385. 1425. 1441. the like may also be affirmed of the injunctions published in the name of k. ed. 6. an. 1547. and printed also then for the use of the subjects : and of the severall letters missive which went forth in his name , prohibiting the bearing of candles on candlemas day : of ashes in lent , and of palmes on palm-sunday : for the taking down of all the images throughout the kingdom : for administring the communion in both kinds , dated march 13. 1548. for abrogating of private masses iun. 24. 1549. for bringing in all missals , graduals , processionals , legends and ordinals , about the latter end of december of the same yeare : for taking down of altars and setting up tables instead thereof an. 1550. and the like to these : all which particulars you have in foxes book of acts & mon. in king edwards life , which whether they were done of the kings meer motion , or by advice of his counsell , or by consultation with his bishops ( for there is little left upon record of the convocations of that time , more than the articles of the yeare 1552 ) certain i am that there was nothing done , nor yet pretended to be done in all these particulars , by the authority of parliament . thus also in q. elizabeths time , before the new bishops were well setled , and the queen assured of the affections of her clergy she went that way to work in the reformation , which not only her two predecessors , but all the godly kings and princes in the iewish state , and many of the christian emperours in the primitive times had done before her , in the well ordering of the church and people committed to their care and government by almighty god . and to that end she published her injunctions an. 1559. a book of orders an. 1561. another of advertisements an. 1562. all tending unto reformation , unto the building up of the new ierusalem , with the advise no doubt of some godly prelates , as were then about her . but past all doubt , without the least concurrence of her court of parliament . but when the times were better setled , and the first difficulties of her reigne passed over , she left church-work to the disposing of church-men , who by their place and calling were most proper for it . and they being met in convocation , and thereto authorized as the lawe required , did make and publish severall books of canons , as viz. 1571. an. 1584. an. 1597. which being confirmed by the queene under the broad seale of england , were in force of lawes to all intents and purposes , which they were first made ; but being confirmed without those formall words , her heires and successors , are not binding now , but expired together with the queene . no act of parliament required to confirm them then , nor never required ever since on the like occasion . a fuller evidence whereof we cannot have , then in the canons of the yeare 1603. being the first yeare of king iames , made by the clergy only in the convocation , and confirmed only by the king . for , though the old canons were in force , which had been made before the submission of the clergy as before i shewed you , which served in all these wavering and unsetled times for the perpetuall standing rule of the churches government ; yet many new emergent cases did require new rules , and whilest there is a possibility of mali mores , there will be a necessity of bonae leges . now in the confirmation of these canons we shall find it thus , that the clergy being met in their convocation according to the tenour and effect of his majesties writ , his majesty was pleased by virtue of his prerogative royall and supreme authority in causes ecclesiasticall , to give and grant unto them by his letters patents dated apr. 12. & iun. 25. full , free , and lawfull liberty , licence , power , and authority , to confer , treate , debate , consider , consult , and agree upon such canons , orders , ordinances , and constitutions , as they should think necessary , fit , and convenient , for the honour and service of almighty god , the good and quiet of the church , and the better government thereof from time to time , &c. to be kept by all persons within this realm , as far as lawfully , being members of the church , it may concern them : which being agreed on by the clergy , and by them presented to the king , humbly requiring him to give his royall assent unto them , according to the statute made in the 25. of k. h. 8. and by his majesties prerogative and supreme authority in ecclesiasticall causes , to ratifie and confirm the same : his majesty was graciously pleased to confirm and ratifie them by his letters patents , for himselfe , his heires and lawfull successours ; straitly commanding and requiring all his loving subjects , diligently to observe , execute and keep the same in all points , wherein they doe or may concern all or any of them . no running to the parliament to confirm these canons , nor any question made till this present , by temperate and knowing men , that there wanted any act for their confirmation , which the lawe could give them . but against this , and all which hath been said before , it will be objected , that being the bishops of the church are fully and wholly parliamentarian , and have no more authority and jurisdiction , nisi a parliamentis derivatam , but that which is conferred upon them by the power of parliaments , as both sanders and schultingius doe expresly say ; whatsoever they shall doe or conclude upon , either in convocation , or in private conferences , may be called parliamentarian also . and this last calumny they build on the severall statutes 24. h. 8. c. 12. touching the manner of electing and consecrating archbishops and bishops . that of the 1. ed. 6. c. 2. appointing how they shall be chosen , and what seales they shall use . those of the 3 & 4 ed. 6. c. 12. and 5 & 6 ed. 6. for authorising of the book of ordination . but chiefly that of the 8 eliz. c. 1. for making good all acts since 1 eliz. in consecrating any archbishop or bishop within this realm . to give a generall answer to each severall cavill , you may please to know ; that the bishops , as they now stand in the church of england derive their calling together with their authority and power in spirituall matters , from no other hands , than those of christ and his apostles , their temporall honors and possessions , from the bounty and affection only of our kings and princes ; their ecclesiasticall jurisdiction in causes matrimoniall , testamentary and the like , for which no action lieth at the common-lawe , from continuall usage and prescription ; and owe no more unto the parliament than all sort of subjects doe besides , whose fortunes and estates have been occasionally and collaterally confirmed in parliament . and as for the particular statutes which are touched upon , that of the 24 h. 8. doth only constitute and ordain a way by which they might be chose and consecrated , without recourse to rome for a confirmation , which formerly had put the prelates to great charge and trouble : but for the form and manner of their consecration , the statute leaves it to those rites and ceremonies wherewith before it was performed ; and therefore sanders doth not stick to affirm , that all the bishops which were made in king henries dayes were lawfully and canonically ordained and consecrated , the bishops of that time , not only being taken and acknowledged in queen maries dayes , for lawfull and canonicall bishops , but called on to assist at the consecration of such other bishops ( cardinall poole himselfe for one ) as were promoted in her reigne , whereof see mason's book de minist. ang. l. 3. c.. next for the statute 1 ed. 6. cap. 2. besides that it is satisfied in part by the former answer as it relates to their canonicall consecrations , it was repealed in terminis in the first of q. maries reigne , and never stood in force nor practice to this day . that of the authorizing of the book of ordination in two severall parliaments of that king , the one a parte antè , and the other a parte pòst , as before i told you , might indeed seem somewhat to the purpose , if any thing were wanting in it which had been used in the formula's of the primitive times ; or if the book had been composed in parliament , or by parliament men , or otherwise received more authority from them , then that it might be lawfully used and exercised throughout the kingdom . but it is plain that none of these things were objected in queen maries dayes , when the papists stood most upon their points , the ordinall not being called in , because it had too much of the parliament , but because it had too little of the pope , and relished too strongly of the primitive piety . and for the statute of the 8 of q. elizabeth , which is cheifly stood on , all that was done therein was no more than this , and on this occasion . a question had been made by captious and unquiet men , and amongst the rest by dr. bonner , sometimes bishop of london , whether the bishops of those times were lawfully ordained , or not ; the reason of the doubt being this ( which i mervaile mason did not see ) because the book of ordination which was annulled and abrogated in the first of q. mary , had not been yet restored , and revived by any legall act of q. elizabeths time : which cause being brought before the parliament in the 8. yeare of her reigne , the parliament took notice first , that their not restoring of that book to the former power in termes significant and expresse , was but casus omissus ; and then declare that by the statute 5 & 6 ed. 6. it had been added to the book of common prayer , and administration of the sacraments , as a member of it , at least as an appendant to it , and therefore by the statute 1 eliz. c. 2. was restored againe together with the said book of common prayer , intentionally at the least , if not in terminis . but being the words in the said statute were not cleare enough to remove all doubts , they therefore did revive it now , and did accordingly enact , that whatsoever had been done by virtue of that ordination , should be good in lawe . this is the totall of the statute , and this shewes rather in my judgement , that the bishops of the queenes first times had too little of the parliament in them , then that they were conceived to have had too much . and so i come to your last objection which concernes the parliament , whose entertayning all occasions to manifest their power in ecclesiasticall matters , doth seem to you to make that groundles slander of the papists the more faire and plausible . 't is true indeed , that many members of both houses in these latter times , have been very ready to imbrace all businesses which are offered to them , cut of a probable hope of drawing the managery of all affaires as well ecclesiasticall as civill into their own hands : and some there are who being they cannot hope to have their fancies authorised in a regular way , doe put them upon such designes , as neither can consist with the nature of parliaments , nor the esteem and reputation of the church of christ . and this hath been a practice even as old as wicklef , who in the time of k. rich. 2. addressed his petition to the parliament ( as we reade in walsingham ) for the reformation of the clergy , the rooting out of many false and erroneous tenents , and for establishing of his own doctrines ( who though he had some wheat , had more tares by ods ) in the church of england , & lest he might be thought to have gone a way , as dangerous and unjustifiable , as it was strange and new , he laid it down for a position , that the parliament or temporall lords ( where by the way , this ascribes no authority or power at all to the house of commons ) might lawfully examine and reform the disorders and corruptions of the church , and on discovery of the errors and corruptions of it , devest her of all titles and temporall endowments , till she were reformed . but for all this , and ( more than this ) for all he was so strongly backed by the duke of lancaster , neither his petition nor his position found any welcome in the parliament , further than that it made them cast many a longing eye on the churches patrimony , or produced any other effect towards the worke of reformation , which he chiefly aymed at , then that it hath since served for a precedent to penry , pryn , and such like turbulent innovators to disturbe the church , and set on foot those dreames and dotages , which otherwise they durst not publish . and to say truth , as long as the clergy were in power , and had authority in convocation to doe what they would in matters which concern'd religion , those of the parliament conceived it neither safe nor fitting to intermeddle in such businesse as concern'd the clergy , for feare of being questioned for it at the churches barre . but when that power was lessen'd , if it were not lost , by the submission of the clergy to k. h. 8. and the act of the supremacy which ensued upon it ; then did the parliaments begin to intrench upon the church's rights , to offer at and enterteine such businesses , as formerly were held peculiar to the clergy only ; next , to dispute their charters , and reverse their priviledges , and finally to impose some hard lawes upon them : of which matt. parker thus complaines in the life of cranmer , qua ecclesiasticarum legum potestate abdicata , populus in parliamento coepit de rebus divinis inconsulto clero sancire , tum absentis cleri privilegia sensim detrahere , juraque duriora quibus clerus invitus teneretur , constituere . but these were only tentamenta , offers and undertakings only , and no more than so . neither the parliaments of k. edward , or q. elizabeths times knew what it was to make committees for religion , or thought it fit that vzzah should support the arke , though he saw it tottering . that was a worke belonging to the levites only , none of the other tribes were to meddle with it . but as the puritan faction grew more strong and active , so they applied themselves more openly to the houses of parliament , but specially to the house of commons , putting all power into their hands as well in ecclesiasticall and spirituall causes , as in matters temporall . this , amongst others , confidently affirmed by mr. prynne , in the epistle to his book called anti-arminianisme , where he averres , that all our bishops , our ministers , our sacraments , our consecration , our articles of religion , our homilies , common-prayer-book , yea and all the religion of our church , is no other way publiquely received , supported , or established amongst us , but by acts of parliament . and this not only since the time of the reformation , but that religion , and church affaires were determined , ratified , declared and ordered by act of parliament , and no wayes else , even then when popery and church-men had the greatest sway . which strange assertion falling from the pen of so great a scribe , was forthwith cheerfully received amongst our pharisees , who hoped to have the highest places , not only in the synagogue , but the court of sanhedrim , advancing the authority of parliaments to so high a pitch , that by degrees they fastned on them , both an infallibility of judgement , and an omnipotency of power . nor can it be denied ( to deale truly with you ) but that they met with many apt schollers in that house , who eyther out of a desire to bring all the grist to their own mill , or willing to enlarge the great power of parliaments by making new precedents for posteritie , or out of faction , or affection , or what else you please , began to put their rules in practise , and draw all matters whatsoever within the cognizance of that court ; in wch their embracements were at last so generall , and that humour in the house so prevalent , that one being once demanded what they did amongst them , returned this answer , that they were making a new creed : another being heard to say , that he could not be quiet in his conscience , till the holy text should be confirmed by an act of theirs , which passages if they be not true and reall ( as i have them from an honest hand ) i assure you they are bitter jests . but this , although indeed it be the sicknesse and disease of the present times , and little to the honour of the court of parliament , can be no prejudice at all to the cause of religion , or to the way and meanes of the reformation , amongst sober and discerning men : the doctrine of the church being setled , the liturgie published and confirmed , the canons authorized and executed , when no such humor was predominant , nor no such power pretended to , by both or eyther of the houses of the high court of parliament . thus , syr , according to my promise , and your expectation have i collected my remembrances , and represented them unto you in as good a fashion as my other troublesome affaires , and the distractions of the time would give me leave ; and therein made you see , if my judgement faile not , that the parliament hath done no more in matters wch concern'd religion , and the reformation of this church , then what hath formerly been done by the secular powers , in the best and happiest times of christianity ; and consequently ▪ that the clamour of the papists , which hath disturbed you , is both false and groundlesse . which if it may be serviceable to your selfe , or others , whom the like doubts and prejudices have possessed or scrupled , it is all i wish : my studies and endeavors ayming at no other end , then to doe all the service i can possibly to the church of god ; to whose graces and divine protection you are most heartily commended in our lord and saviour jesus christ . by sir your most affectionate freind to serve you . e. y. covent-garden iun. 29. 1645. a sacred panegyrick, or a sermon of thanks-giving, preached to the two houses of parliament, his excellency the earl of essex, the lord major, court of alderman, and common councell of the city of london, the reverend assembly of divines, and commissioners from the church of scotland. vpon occasion of their solemn feasting, to testifie their thankfullnes to god, and union and concord one with another, after so many designes to divide them, and thereby ruine the kingdome, ianuary 18. 1643. by stephen marshall, b.d. minister of gods word at finching-field in essex. published by order of the lords and commons. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a89577 of text r9118 in the english short title catalog (thomason e30_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 97 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a89577 wing m772 thomason e30_2 estc r9118 99873470 99873470 125946 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a89577) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 125946) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 6:e30[2]) a sacred panegyrick, or a sermon of thanks-giving, preached to the two houses of parliament, his excellency the earl of essex, the lord major, court of alderman, and common councell of the city of london, the reverend assembly of divines, and commissioners from the church of scotland. vpon occasion of their solemn feasting, to testifie their thankfullnes to god, and union and concord one with another, after so many designes to divide them, and thereby ruine the kingdome, ianuary 18. 1643. by stephen marshall, b.d. minister of gods word at finching-field in essex. published by order of the lords and commons. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. [4], 34 p. printed for stephen bowtell, and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the bible in popes-head-alley, london : 1644. annotation on thomason copy: "january. 24. 1643". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng bible. -o.t. -chronicles, 1st, xii, 38-40 -sermons -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -sermons -early works to 1800. sermons, english -17th century. a89577 r9118 (thomason e30_2). civilwar no a sacred panegyrick, or a sermon of thanks-giving, preached to the two houses of parliament,: his excellency the earl of essex, the lord ma marshall, stephen 1644 18090 66 0 0 0 0 0 36 d the rate of 36 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-02 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sacred panegyrick , or a sermon of thanks-giving , preached to the two houses of parliament , his excellency the earl of essex , the lord major , court of aldermen , and common councell o● the city of london , the reverend assembly of divines , and commissioners from the church of scotland . vpon occasion of their solemn feasting , to testifie their thankfullnes to god , and union and concord one with another , after so many designes to divide them , and thereby ruine the kingdome , ianuary 18. 1643. by stephen marshall , b. d. minister of gods word at finching-field in essex . published by order of the lords and commons . psalme 133. 1. behold , how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity . psalme 144. 15 , happy is that people that is in such a case : yea , happy is that people , whose god is the lord . london , printed for stephen bowtell , and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the bible in popes-head-alley . 1644. to the ●●ight honovrable he lords and commons assembled ●n parliament ; his excellency the earle of essex , with the rest of the noble and worthy commanders : the right honourable the lord major , the court of aldermen , and common councell of the city of london : the reverend assembly of divines : the honourable and reverend commissioners from the church of scotland . this worke was too high for me , but as it s now done by so weake an hand , is too low , for so many judicious eyes with any favourable respect to look down to : but 〈◊〉 own children , though lesse beautifull , we can behold with ●●ve ; and even stoope to take them by the hand , that wee may hold and lead them , that cannot goe or stand by themselves : ●●ch a weakling is this , that is now before you , the defects ●●d weaknesses whereof , i acknowledge are mine , but the ●●rth is gods , and yours ; to him i humbly present it , for 〈◊〉 blessing ; and to you , for your acceptance and helpe , that may better goe abroad ; whilst all shall know , that it is ●●rs more then mine , and therefore to bee disposed of rather by you , then by my selfe . by your command , ( for so i interpret all your requests to me ) it was preached , and is now published ; and this with the more boldnesse , because with some confidence , that it will passe the better without others censure , because it hath already passed your scrutiny with allowance and acceptance . but whatever the lot of it in that kind shall be , it will be abundant satisfaction to me , if the main end be attained by it , which by you and me was intended in it ; viz : the help of our selves and all , the more to adore the infinite wisdome , and power , and goodnesse of our god , who can make light to shine out of darknesse ; discords intended by enemies , to make up our more harmonious consent , and divisions of tongues that scatter the builders of babel , to help up the more compact building of his church . hee once turned the day of his peoples griefes and feares to the quite contrary , so that they had then joy and gladnesse , a feast , and a good day , insomuch that many of the people of the land became jewes for the feare of the iewes fell upon them . now hee that hath wrought for us the like turne of things , be pleased in mercy to worke a greater turne in all our enemies hearts , that so now and ever , our lord iesus may appeare to be the wonderfull counsellor , the mighty god , the everlasting father , whilst thus , the prince of his peoples peace : so prayeth , his and your most unworthy servant . stephen marshall . the preface to the sermon . right honourable and beloved in the lord , this day is a day purposely set apart for feasting ; and it is like one of the lords feasts , where you have a feast and a holy convocation : and you are first met here to feast your soules with the fat things of gods house , with a feast of fat things full of marrow , and wine on the lees well refined : and afterward to feast your bodies , with the fat things of the land , and the sea , both plenty and dainty . but if you please you may first feast your eyes ; doe but behold the face of this assembly , i dare say it will be one of the excellentest feasts that ever your eyes were refreshed with : here in this assembly you may first see the two houses of parliament , the honourable lords and commons , after thus many yeares wrastling with extreme difficulties , in their endevouring to preserve an undone kingdome , and to purge and reforme a back-sliding and a polluted church , you may behold them still not only preserved from so many treacherous designes , secret treasons , and open violences , but as resolved as ever cheerfully to goe on with this great worke , which god hath put into their hands . here you may also see his excellency ( my most honoured lord ) the generall of all our forces by land ; and neare him that other noble lord , the commander of our forces by sea ; and with them abundance of noble and resolute commanders al of them with their faces like unto lions , who after , so many terrible battells , and abundance of difficulties , and charging in the face of so many thousand deaths , are all of them still preserved , and not a haire of their heads fallen to the ground . here also you may behold the representative body of the city of london , the lord mayor , the court of aldermen , the common councell , the militia , and in them the face and affection of this glorious city ; this city , which under god hath hitherto had the honour of being the greatest meanes of the salvation of the whole kingdome ; and after the expence of millions of treasure , and thousands of their lives , still as faithfull and resolute to live and die in the cause of god as ever heretofore . here you may likewise see a reverend assembly of grave and learned divines , who daily wait upon the angel in the mount , to receive from him the lively oracles , and the patterne of gods house , to present unto you . all these are of our owne nation ; and with them you may see the honourable , reverend , and learned commissioners of the church of scotland ; and in them behold the wisdome and affection of their whole church and nation , willing to live and dye with us . all these you may behold in one view ; and which is more , you may behold them all of one heart , and one minde , after so many plots and conspiracies to divide them one from another , and thereby to ruine them all : and which is yet more , you may see them all met together this day on purpose , both to praise god for this union , and to rejoice in it , and to hold it out to all the world , and thereby to testifie , that as one man they will live and dye together in this common cause of god , of our lord iesus christ his church , and these three kingdomes . o beloved ! how beautifull is the face of this assembly ? verily i may say of it , as it was said of solomons throne , that the like was not to be seene in any other nation ; i question where ever the like assembly was seene this thousand yeeres upon the face of the earth : me thinkes i may call this assembly the hoste of god ; i could call this place mahanaim ; and i beleeve there are many in the assembly who could say as old jacob did , when he had seene his son josephs face , let me now dye , because i have seene this assembly , and that it is yet thus with our unworthy england : and for my owne part , i professe i am almost like the queene of sheba , when she had seen the court of solomon , that she had no spirit left in her , and could presently send you away , and command all of you not to weepe to day , nor to mourne , but to goe home , and eat the fat , and drinke the sweet , and send portions to them for whom nothing is prepared ; i should in the joy of my heart say this presently , but that i have first some banqueting stuffe for your soules , such as god hath brought to my hand , to set before you for your inward refreshing ; the ground whereof you shall finde , if you please to turne to the first of the chronicles the twelfth chapt ▪ and the three last verses . 1 chron. 12. 38 , 39 , 40. all these came with a perfect heart to hebron , to make david king over all israel ; and all the rest also of israel were of one heart to make david king : and there they were with david three dayes , eating and drinking for their brethren had prepared for them . moreover , they that were nigh them , even unto issachar , and zebulun , and naphtali , brought bread on asses , and on camels and on mules , and on oxen , and meat , meale , cakes of figges , and bunches of raisins , and wine , and oyle , and sheep abundantly ; for there was joyin israel . i laboured to finde out a text , which might every way be suitable to the occasion of this our present meeting , because a word spoken in season is like apples of gold in pictures of silver ; a sermon suited to the circumstance of time , place , persons , and occasion , is not onely more acceptable , but more usefull : and truly i thinke the lord hath brought to hand one of the most paralell portions in the whole bible ; for if you please but to looke into it , and into the whole chapter upon which this depends , you shall finde , first , they were doing the same thing , that is , rejoicing abundantly : secondly , expressing their joy the same way , in feasting , eating , and drinking : thirdly , you shall finde the same manner of persons , that is , the heads of all their tribes , the nobles , the commons , the souldiery , the ministry ; you shall find them , fourthly , met on the like occasion , because their hearts were united in one , and that in the way to obtaine a blessed peace to a kingdome , which had been long wasted with a civill warre : fifthly , you shall find also , that the persons who met here , were the same which had adhered to the right side , to the cause which god did own & blesse ; and sixtly , who the longer their wars continued grew stronger & stronger , & their enemies grew weaker and weaker ; you shall finde all these met upon the same occasion , upon a businesse of the highest consequence , all of them feasting ; and seventhly , at the charge of their brothren , in whose precincts their solemn meeting was . looke but into the chapter , and you 'll see all these ; looke but into this assembly , and you may behold them all in this church . but it may bee you will say , we want a david , to make the paralell full ; we want a david to bee with us , a king who might concurre with us , and we with him in the same busines ; i confesse indeed , that in the literall sense god hath not yet made us so blessed , the sonnes of belial have stollen away both his majesties person , and affection from us , but even that is the thing which we contend for , that we might recover him out of their hands ; the expence of all our treasure , and all our blood hath bin to that end that he might have the wicked removed from his throne , that as another david , hee might rule over us in the feare of god , that hee might be as the light of the morning when the sun ariseth , even a morning without clouds : and as we have in our covenant solemnly sworne ( so much as in us lies ) to preserve and maintain his person and authority , in the defence of libertie and religion , so if god have any delight in him , and to doe us good by him , hee will in the end incline his heart unto such counsels , that hee shall come home , and make this paralell full , and even bee the light of our israel , and the breath of our nostrills : but in the meane time , wee doe not want a david to suit this david in the text , we have here the true david , of whom that david was in this very thing a type , that is , the lord jesus christ , whom wee are endeavouring to set upon his throne , that hee might bee lord and king in his israel , over his church , amongst us : and as davids person , and kingdome , were but types of our lord christ and his kingdome ; so this great joy and unanimity of heart , which met in all these at davids coronation in hebron , was but a type of that rejoycing and gladnesse of heart , which should be among the nations , when there should bee the like concurrence of the nobles , and commons , and princes , and ministers , and citizens , with one heart , to set up the lord christ , to be lord and king over them : all learned men know this to be true , and therefore by this time i beleeve , you see that my text is most suitable to our meeting , and withall the scope of it so plaine before you , that i need not spend any more time in the clearing of it , but shall hasten to some matter of instruction ; because ( though i conceive your feast for your bodies will bee long ) i would not willingly make the sermon so long , as to have it tedious to you ; and before i come to the maine lesson which i shall insist upon , i would intreat you to looke a little back into the whole chapter , where you will find davids case , and our present condition , in many things to be exceedingly alike , and in it find much to incourage and comfort you in your saddest exigence ; be pleased when you are at home to read over this chapter seriously , & you will find such observations as these : first , that david when hee was persecuted by saul unjustly , did not onely take up armes for his owne defence , but many of the choisest men of the tribes did joyne with him , and adventure their lives in his defence ; yea , and his adherents increased , till his army grew to be like an host of god ; and all this while king saul was alive , and david but a private man , and one that had sworne allegiance to him : you will in this chapter find also , that although david and his adherents in the defence of his innocent righteous cause , were oftentimes brought very low , to a dead low ebbe , yet in the end , god brought all about againe ; and davids party grew stronger and stronger , and their malignant enemies grew weaker and weaker . you will find also in this chapter , that such as did adhere to david in his low condition , ( when the lord had tryed and humbled them all ) found to their comfort in the end , that they were no losers by it ; they afterwards being made his worthies , his counsellors , and princes . and this , that in the end god open'd the eyes of many of those who were most malignant and opposite , not only to see the righteousnesse of davids cause , but their hearts came cordially to joyne with him . and this also , that among all the nobles , & princes , & rulers , and leaders ; the more godly , the more wise , the more cordiall any were to davids cause , the greater power they had , and the more their brethren were at their command . this also you will find , that no cost , danger pains or difficulties , were ever stuck at by them whose hearts were rightly affected to davids cause . and this also you may observe , that god gave to davids helpers such courage and strength , that oftentimes ten of them could chase a thousand & an hundred put ten thousand to flight . these , & many more such things as these ( which would be very profitable for our meditation , in these our distressed times ) you may find in reading this chapter ; but i am resolved to confine my selfe to two observations ; the one shall be from that , which was the matter of their joy at this time ; the other from the manner of expressing their joy ; the matter of their joy , you have in these words , that they were of one heart , and one mind , to set david to be their king ; the manner of expressing their joy was this , they were eating , and drinking , and feasting , at the cost of all the tribes in whose precincts their meeting was ; those of zebulon , and napthali , and issachar , did in abundance expend their oxen , and sheepe , and wine , and oile , and all the delicates , to refresh their brethren ; for the army was i thinke no lesse then two or three hundred thousand of them , who upon this occasion were come together : from these two , i shall endeavour to handle these two lessons . the first is , that it is the greatest matter and cause of joy that can bee to any people , to find a concurrence of nobles , and commons , and souldiers , and citizens , and divines , to set up david for their king ; such an union and concurrence is a matter of the greatest joy in all the world . secondly , that this joy springing from such a concurrence to set up david to bee their king , may very lawfully , and comely be express'd in feasting , eating , and drinking . i begin with the first of these , that it is a matter of the greatest joy in all the world , that can bee to any people , to finde such a concurrence as there was in this chapter , to set up david to be their king : where first we must inquire , what is here intended by setting up david to bee their king : know therfore ( beloved ) that david is to be considered two wayes , he stands in a two-fold relation , even in this his coronation : the first is typicall ; the second is politicall ; typicall , and so david is christ : politicall , and so david is intended by god to be the pattern of a good king , the patterne and the copy that all true kings should write after ; and both these are so plaine , i dare say i might give you twenty severall places of scripture for proof of both the branches : first , david was a type of christ ; christ is ordinarily called david ; you will not find any one person ( who was a type of christ ) by whose name christ is expresly called in his kingly office , but only david ▪ i will give them david their king ; upon the throne of david he shall sit : so david in the typicall relation is christ . then in the politicall relation , the lord in tended him the patterne of a good king , and therefore you shall finde that all the kings that for foure or five hundred yeares did succeed in israel and judah , when the lord came to give any one their testimony , who they were , how neare they came to the standard , this is the rule by which hee judged of them ; such an one walked in the way of david ; such an one did that which was right in gods sight as david ; such an one did well ; but not with such a heart as david ; such an one walked not in the wayes of david ; such an ones heart was not like unto davids : so that david was in all intended by god to be the patterne o● a good king now this first lesson thus opened . i must therefore divide into two branches : the first is , that there can be no greater matter of joy and rejoicing to any people in the world , then to finde a concurrence of heart in the nobles , and princes , and souldiers , and ministers , and the heads of their tribes , to set up the lord jesus christ to bee the king of the church among them : that shall bee the first . the second is this , that there can be no greater ioy to a nation for aniething that concernes this present life , then to finde concurrence of hearts in these nobles , and those that are named in the chapter to set up a david ; that it , to have the prince that should rule over them like into david . in these two things god willing ) i shall spend the most of this time , the other part of the text i shall only point at . for the first , that to finde such a concurrence to set up the lord christ to be king ; is a matter of the greatest joy and rejoicing in the world : you may see it first , in the 〈◊〉 : secondly , in gods promise : thirdly , in the church●s performance . first , you shall see it in the type , in david bringing up the arke 2 sam. 6. 12 , first , he called all his parliament together and the convocation of the ministers also , and there they consulted to goe and bring up the arke of god from kiriath-jearim ( which arke of god was a type of the lord jesus christ ) they all agree to bring it up to set it in his owne place , in a better state then formerly it had been , for the glory of it , and the welfare of the church : now when they concurred in this action , you shall finde that david and all the house of israel plaied before the lord on all manner of instrument , on harps and psalteries , on timbrels and on cornets and on cimbals , with shouting and sound of trumpets , and the king himselfe being cloathed with a linne ephod danced with all his might , and gloried in his dancing , though we know michal his wife despiled him for it , as if he had played the foole ; and all this because they so well agreed in bringing the arke , and setting it up in his place , in the tabernacle that david had pitched for it , which was nothing in effect , but the setting up the lord iesus christ , both god and man , to be acknowledged as lord and king in the midst of the church . so likewise when solomon had builded the temple , in 1 king. 8. when the arke was to be set upon the table in the holy of holiest , which was properly the type of setting the lord iesus christ upon the throne of maiestie on high , at the right hand of god , and so to be lord and ruler over the church . when there was a concurrence of the princes and nobles , who joined with him to doe this , there was such a holy feast made , that solomon for his share spent twenty thousand oxen , and a matter of an hundred and twenty thousand sheep in sacrifices : and after all this holy feasting upon sacrifices , hee and all israel with him held a feast , from the entring in of hamath unto the river of egipt before the lord , seven daies , and seven daies , even fourteen daies ; and then all the people departed home to their houses , joifull and glad of heart for all this goodnesse of the lord iehovah , in giving them the lord iesus christ to reigne over them . see this likewise promised that it should and ought to be so : and for this though i might name many scriptures , i will satisfie my selfe with two : the one is in the ninth of esay and the beginning of it , the lord there spake of a very sad affliction which the church should lie under , very uncomfortable times they should live in , but yet hee saith that there should be joy , they should joy before him like the joy in harvest , and as men rejoyce who divide a spoile . you all know that souldiers when they are sacking a rich town , every one filling not onely their knapsacks , but loading their horses and waggons with rich spoile : and countrey-men when they have gathered-in all their harvest , if ever they are merry it is then : now the lord promiseth such a joy to his afflicted church , which should bee like the joy of harvest , and the dividing the the spoile , upon what occasion was that thinke you ? you shall find at the 6. verse ▪ or unto us a child is borne , to us a son is given , on whose shoulders the government shall bee laid , who shall be set upon the throne of david his father , to order and rule it ; that is , the lord jesus christ shall be exalted to be their king , and then shall the people joy before him , like the joy in harvest , so likewise in the 9. of zachary ver. 9. rejoice greatly o daughters of zion , shout for joy o daughter of jerusalem ; what is the matter ? behold thy king commeth to thee , and if you marke it , when christ first came to them in that place , he came poore and meeke , riding upon an asse , yea , to be hang'd upon the crosse to be crucified ; but yet afterward it followes , that his dominion should be from sea to sea , and from the river to the end of the earth ; this entertaining of christ their king , should make them reioyce greatly , and shout for joy . see also one or two evidences for the performance of it , what infinite joy there hath bin at the setting of christ on his throne : in act. 8 : when the city of samaria ( which before had been besotted with superstition and idolatry , and all kind of beastlines of that kind ) upon philips preaching jesus christ among them , had submitted to him , and received him for lord and king it is said , there was great joy throughout the city ; but especially out of the book of revelation . i could give you many evidences , be pleased to turne to one only , chapter 19. from the first verse to the eight , where you will find a panegyrick celebrated with great joy , by a great multitude of people , a great voice from the throne calling upon them ; to praising and rejoicing ; and all this great multitude cryed halelujah , salvation , glory and honour unto the lord our god , let us reioice and be glad ; and again they said halelujah , and again & again halelujah making it the foot of the song ; what was the occasions wherby the lamb was to be married , and his wife had made her selfe ready , the new ierusalem was comming down from heaven ; jew and gentile to be made one church : antichrist the beast and fals-prophet to be destroyed , and christ jesus to bee gladly received as lord and king : for the lord god omnipotent reigneth . but to make it yet more plaine , you know that joy is , acquiescentia voluntatis in bono sibi congruenti , a pleasure or delight from some good thing we possesse or certainly expect , which breeds satisfaction in the will and pleasure in the sensitive soule , upon the delating the heart in the breast , when the object and faculty-suits one another , as the cup and cover ; which while it is onely comtemplated or meditated upon ; is after a sort made perfect , and accordingly the soule united unto it ; or while expected upon strong and unerring grounds , the soule comtortably and cheerfully works for the accomplishment of our desire ; but when it s possessed the good really present and united to us , when we have it face to face , then is the heart satisfied indeed . now i shall fhew you ( god willing that the setting up of jesus christ after their manner , is the most excellent , suitable , congruous good that which will and may most satisfie and dilate the heart of any thing else whatever . and to this i shall demonstrate these two things : first , that the setting up of christ to bee king is the greatest , the most desirable good that ever can betide any nation . secondly , that the concurrence of the nobles and commons , and souldiers , and ministers , and citizens to this work , their concurrence i say in this worke , is the most glorious , the most aimiable , the most desirable means of attaining this great good that any soule can wish ; and if both these be manifested , that the one is the greatest , and the other the most desirable meanes to attain it ; where these two things meet there must needs bee matter of great joy . for proofe of the first , i desire you but to compare it with all those things which make any nation happy in their prince or government , and i doubt not but you will see , that the sitting up of christ to bee king doth infinitely goe beyond them all ; and in this comparison i will confine my selfe to foure things . the glory and honour that commeth to that nation , where christ is set up to be their lord and king ; the glory that thereby by comes to a nation , you know is the thing w●ich maketh a people rejoice in their king , when their king is an ornament to them : the kingdomes and princes who liv'd round about solomon ; accounted it no dishonour to them , to be solomons tributaries and servants ; because he was such an accomplish't excellent man : hyram the wealthy king of tyrus wrote a letter to him , wherein he calls himself his servant and saith , because the lord loved his people , he set up thee to bee king over them . to have a king who is such a glory to a nation , that ( when any of the people shall bee named in any forraine place ) the strangers shall say ; o they are happy in their prince . or as the queene of sheba or 〈◊〉 and his people , happy are thy men , happy are these thy subiects and servants , which 〈…〉 continually before thee because god loven israel to establesh him for ever , therefore made he thee king over them ; this is a glory to a nation . now thinke i beseech you , whether there can bee any glory like to this to have the sonne of god ; the second person in the trinity made man , now exalted to the throne of majesties on high , to whom the angels and archangels , and all the most of heaven doe stoope , and all the creatures did bow the knee before him , whether ( i say ) can there be any glory to a people like unto this , to have this lord christ set up to bee their king ? 2. consider the advantage that commeth to a state and people governed by him , the infinite gaine and happinesse of all his subjects under him , david bid them all weepe for saul , because hee cloathed them all in scariet ; with other delights and put ornaments of gold upon them , they might grow rich under him . but let mee tell you , it is onely the lord jesus christ and his government that maketh a nation or a people furnished with an all-sufficiency of all things , as first , in the things of this life ; christ hath all things delivered into his hands , the father hath given them all up unto him , and h●e giveth them to whom he pleaseth , and his kingdom hath the promise of this life as well as that which is to come . so that if gold , or silver , or wealth , or ease . or pleasure , or liberty , or any of these things bee good for them the subjects of christ must needs injoy it from their beloved king : but these are scarce worth the naming ; the glory of christs government to his people stands in this , that the maketh their souls their best part , their spirituall-part , their eternall part ; he maketh their soules i say , infinitly happy in being a king over them , which no other government reacheth to , no not in any degree , further then it is in subordination to christ , and endeth in him ; but now where christ is set up to be king , he giveth his subjects such things as these : the pardon and forgivenesse of all their sinnes ; the blood of jesus christ their king , wherein they are all washed cleanseth them from all their sinnes , so that not a man of them shall ever be called to an account before god for any thing they have done against him , he maketh all of them righteous , the lord saith to him , thy people shall be all righteous he doth adopt them all to be his children ; all his subjects are his children , yea coheires ; yea they are all his brethren , they may all enjoy communion with his father , and with himselfe , and with his holy spirit ; all his kingdome is his court , all his subjects his courtiers , they may all as his favourites stand before him , and see his face , they may all present their supplications to him for themselves and others , with assurance to be heard and answered in all things according to his will : in one word , he is such a king who maketh all his subjects to be kings ; there is not one of all those where he is set up to be lord and king over ; but he maketh them all to be kings and priests to god his father : it is in fiers , in beginning and degree here in this world , but afterwards shall to all eternity bee manifested and made good of them all in the highest heavens ; where when they have overcome , they shall fit down with him on his throne , as hee hath sat down upon his fathers throne . now ( brethren ) so farre as the soule is more excellent then the body , so farre as heaven is above earth , as grace is above gold , and silver , or drosse , as eternity is above a moment , so much more excellent are the advantages that christ jesus giveth to his subjects , then any that can be received from any other prince in the world : now the happinesse of the soule is so excellent , and so desirable to all men , that you know , that the very heathen by the light of nature did account this the greatest happinesse of all to any state , to have religion on set up , which was for their soules happinesse as they conceived . it is observable , that you can hardly meet with one philosopher , or any one law-giver among all the heathen , who did not make religion ( which was for the worship of their gods , and the welfare of their souls ) to be the prime worke of all : yea , so sacred a thing it was among them , that cul●us deorum , the worship of their gods , was the principall care and charge of their princes , who therefore were their chiefe priests : and that so universally , as tullie saith there is no nation so barbarous but you will finde religion chiefly regarded : and plutarch writing to an atheist , tells him that possibly he may finde some cities without learning and some without wealth , and some without a well framed government , but should never finde any without temples , altars , the worship of their gods , and consequently of the care of their soules welfare . true it is indeed , these poore blind wretches groped after the welfare of their soules to no purpose , because they knew not god : but worship't devills instead of god : but yet thus much wee learne from it , that in their judgments which c●n procure the eternall happinesse of mans immortall soule , is the greatest gaine the greatest advantage of all other ; and therfore because the setting up of jesus christ to be lord & king , is alsufficient for this ▪ what greater good can come to any people . a third priviledge of christs being set up as king , is the safety of his people ; let a prince be never so wise , so good & loving to his subjects ; let them be never so happy in him , yet if they want power to defend his kingdome from violence of other states , both he and they may soon prove miserable ; as we see in all the flourishing empires of the world in times past , another prince hath violently come and spoiled all : but now where the lord christ is set up to bee a king : i need not in this assembly tell you what strength they have , salvation is prepared for walls and bulwarks , he himselfe is a wall of fire round about , so that no enemies shall dare come nigh to them ; there enemies have none of them any power but what christ himselfe hath given them . all power is his both in heaven and in the earth , if he speake but the word all his enemies are overthrown , let god arise ( speaking of christ ) psal. 68. let god arise , and his enemies shall be scattered , they fly as the dust before the wind , as the wax before the fire , as stubble before the flame , so doe his enemies fall if christ will but appeare against them . in one word , by him were all things created , by him they are upheld , and subject , and all things disposed of according to his pleasure ; and therefore under his shadow , under his protection they may quietly rest , and none can hurt them . and lastly adde one more , that this king lives for ever , and reignes for ever ; make him once a king over a people , and hee will ever bee a king ; they who are once his subjects , will ever be his subiects ; yea , and while they are under his government , his government shall grow more glorious , more vict●●ious ; of the increase of his government and peace , there shall be no end ; be shall sit upon the throne of david his father , to order it , and establish it ; the lord hath spoken it , and it must be so . i hope this is now cleere , that the setting up of christ to bee lord and king , is the greatest happinesse that can beside any nation . the second is , that such a concurrence to find princes , nobles , captaines , &c. ( for all these are in my text ▪ ) to find the heads of all the tribes thus concurring to doe it , is the most glorious , amiable and desirable meanes for effecting this work , which to make plaine , i beseech you to consider it two wayes first , looke upon it , as it is signum , what this concurrence holdeth forth as its a signe . secondly , as causa look upon in that which it worketh for the effecting of it . first , as it is a signe , and so it expresseth , first the greatest love and favour of god to that people ; never did the lord from heaven expresse to any nation , a greater token of his owning that nation and people , then when he maketh such a concurrence in their princes , and nobles . and leaders , to set up the lord christ to be their king ; of god in the prophesie of ieremiah and zephaniah , that he would them one heart and one way , all of them should agree in one to serve him & subiect to him with one consent . this made david so ravished in his spirit , when there was such a union and unanimity in his princes and nobles , to joine with in preparing for the temple ; who am i lord ? and what i● my people that wee should be able to offer thus willingly after this sort ? now therfore o lord , we thank and blesse thy glorious name for it : and argues it there , as one of the greatest pledges of gods accepting them , that there should bee such a concurrence in such a worke . secondly , it 's also the greatest signe that can be of a peoples love to christ , and of the greatest glory which they can possibly put upon him to be such a willing people to set him up upon his throne . this was promised as the great glory of christs kingdom , that kings and princes should bring his children upon their shoulders ; that they should bring their own glory , and lay it and then scepters at his feet ; be nursing fathers unto his church ; that whole nations should flow in unto him : and certainly its the greatest expression they can make , and the greatest glory which the lord can receive from poore men to have the heads of a people thus oind to set up christ upon his throne : it was much more glorious to david to be crowned after this manner , then to have conquerred them by his sword , and for salomon to have all the kings about him to offer themselves , to be his servants out of that inward reverence and love they bore unto him , then to have subdued them as ioshua did the kings of canaan : and even so is it here , it 's a great exaltation of christs glory to find whole states thus willing to submit unto him . thus it doth it as signum . 2 book upon it ut causa , as it works towards the effecting of it : nothing which men can doe carryes such an energie as this joynt consent doth , and that 3. severall wayes . first such a publique concurrence of all these , is a marvellous engagement of that people to adhere to the lord without sliding back . when david had sworne unto the lord to find out a place for the lord , an habitation for the mighty god of jacob , he would give no sleepe to his eyes , nor slumber to his eye lids , untill hee had done what he could to effect it . so when they have sworne a covenant , and their princes and rulers , and all of them joyne together with such an vnanimous consent , it averreth & holdeth out to the world their full and unchanged resolution to spend , and to be spent , and to do all that ever they are able for the promoting of this worke ; now this ingageing of a nation to the lord is an infinite meanes of effecting it , and ingaeth the lord to sware to them , as he did to david in the like case . secondly , this concurrence in the princes and leaders of the people is a marvelous meanes to draw all the people on as one man without any opposition , when they that are their leaders doe thus goe before them , there is a notable example in this text of the tirbe of issachar . v. 32. of the rest of the tribes it 's said how many there came ; of some tribes 10 thousand , of some 20. thousand , of some 40. thousand but of the tribe of issachar , it is not said how many came , but only 200. that were the leaders and lords of that tribe with perfect heart , and the text addeth , all their bretheren were at their command , all the whole tribe ; if the tribe of issachar were 40. 50. 100. thousand , set but the 200. leaders right , and they cary all the rest right infallibly whether they will or no : and you all know by experience the infinite power leaders have to cary the people to any thing , be it good or evill ; jeroboam and his princes may lead the people to worship golden calves , joash and his princes may draw the people to forsake god ; and againe jehosaphat , hezechiel , iosiah , and their princes and rulers may draw the people of the lord into a covenant to serve the lord . that is the second way to effect it , by leading the people to submit unto christ also . thirdly , this vnity and concurrence of heart and spirit , doth infinitely daunt and dampe the spirit of their enemies who would hinder the worke , neither is any thing such a terrour to those that would destroy and hinder the setting up of christ , as to see an vnity and concurrence of heart and hand of those that are the prime leading men to carie on the worke : this is notably set forth in the booke of nehemiah , when tobias and sanballat , and the rest of them had tried all their wits to devide and scare them , and yet saw , they went on with the worke , that they would build , though they built with the sword in one hand and a trewell in the other , and though they wrought both night and day , and that some slept whilst others waked , and on they would goe the rulers and heads being the forwardest of all , when the enemie saw that , the text saith , they were extreamly cast downe , because they saw the worke was wrought by the hand of god : so that enemies faile in their spirits , when they see without changing the nobles and leaders are resoluedly set to carie on this worke , that christ shall be set vp for lord and king . and thus beloved i have cleared the first branch of this observation : that the greatest joy that can be to any people is to see such a concurrence of heart , to have the lord christ set vp for lord & king . for the application of it i shall insist only vpon two things . first , what infinite cause have all wee that are here gathered together , to blesse the lord for this day , for this very day , and all these dayes wherein we now live : i confesse beloved , i discerne there are very many with whom you shall never talke , but they are complaining of the miserablenesse of our dayes , oh the times are miserable ! what glorious times had we three or four yeares , or five or seaven yeares agoe , for then they had trading , plenty , and ease , and every one could sit vnder his owne vine , and his figge tree , no adversary nor evill occurrent , and now they heare of nothing but warres , and blood , and exhausting of treasure , and losse of their children and kinred , and plundering their goods every where , so that there is nothing but complaining amongst a world of people , as if our dayes were most miserable : now beloved , give me leave to speake my thoughts freely , i will set aside my text , and the matter i am in hand with , and yet i will cofidently affirme , that our dayes now are better then they were seaven yeares agoe : because it is better to see the lord executing judgment , then to see men working wickednesse , and to behold a people lye wallowing in their blood , rather then apostating from god , and embracing of idolatry , and superstition , and banishing of the lord christ from amongst them : set the worke of this text aside , and the dayes are not so miserable now , as they were then , but take this in , which i am handling , and i will here ( in the wisest and greatest auditory that any man in this age hath preached unto ) not feare to say , that since england was england , since any booke was written concerning england , never was their that cause of joy and rejoyceing as there is this very day in england : was there ever a parliament in england knowne , which laid the cause of christ and religion so to heart as this parliament hath done ; did ever any parliament till now with david , sware as in the 132. psalm , that they will never give rest to their eyes , nor slumber to their eye-lids , till they have found out a place to set the ark of christ upon , to set up christ for their king , did ever parliament call such an assembly of divines and make them by solemne vow , or oath ingage themselves to present nothing to them , but what should be ( to their best understanding ) the very will of the lord god ; was there ever parliament and nobilitie , and ministers , and citizens , and so many ten thousands of all sorts in england till now , who did joyne in such a covenant , yea , the two nations together , that they will to their uttermost , indeavour the reformation of religion , in the purity of it , and preservation of it according to gods word ; did ever ( when heretofore england hath been engaged in warre and blood ) the city of london , the rest of the tribes , the godly party throughout england , so willingly exhaust themselves , only that christ might be set up , and willingly , saying every day to the lord god , lord take all , so christ may be but king ; did ever any of you reade it to be thus with england till now ? my heart is towards the governours of england , which thus willingly offer themselves , and i cannot but tell you , that i think you should all doe as david and the nobles did , when they fetched up the ark of god from kiriath-jearim : and i the father instance in it , because their case and ours were very like , for there the ark had been in captivity amongst the philistines , and when it was brought out of captivity ▪ and placed at kiriath-jearim , ●it was but in confinio philisti●●●um , neere the border of the philistines , whither when gods people went to worship , they went in danger , they were sub●ect to the incursions of the philistines , and therefore it is said , all is●●el mourned after the lord , that is , they could never goe to worship , but they went in fear of some mischief , but now when david and the nobles joyne together , to bring up the ark of god , and to set it in a fit place for the glory of it , they all danced and skipped for joy , and king david the most joyfull dauncer among them . though michal scoffed at him ; and if this be to be vile ( saith hee ) i will be more vile then thus : i will daunce againe before the lord : thus should we doe . when jehoiada the high priest on a suddaine brought out young king joash , when the people thought they should have alwayes laine under the tyranny of athalyah , and never seen a prince more of davids race , when such an unexpected favour was bestowed upon them , how did they shout and joy ? thus should our souls doe ; honourable and beloved , had you ever more cause of joy ? verily , if there be any in this assembly , that thinks not this a sufficient retribution and satisfaction for all his twentieth part , for all his contributions , for all his payments , and hazards , if he think himself not well appayed to see the lord doing all this , i say he is blinde , i say his heart is not right with god , hee hath no share in this present businesse : but to the rest of you , who know the glory and excellency of this worke which the lord god is doing amongst us , i beseech you rejoyce in it , and goe your ways , and eat the fat , and drink the sweet , praise the lord for all the good he is doing to this our israel , and now that the walls are setting up , doe as they did in nehemiahs dayes , when they had built them , they shouted and rejoyced , so that the noyse was heard , i know not how many miles off : so let all england cry , that our blood , our armies , our poverty , our millions wherein wee are ingaged , are all abundantly repayed in this , that there is such a concurrence to set up the lord christ upon his throne , to be lord and king over this our israel . and then secondly , let me exhort you all , to goe on in this work , which you have set your hearts and hands unto ; and wherein the lord hath mercifully carried you on thus farre , and let me be bold first to speak to you , right honourable , the lords and commons of the parliament of england , wee have infinite cause all of us , every day to blesse god for your unwearied labours , that thus you stick to it night and day , and are not discouraged ; but goe on still , i beseech you , make england a happy nation , and though many have disserted you , be not dismayed , i tell you their names shall be written in the dust , when yours shall be written in letters of gold , and the generations to come shall say , that these glorious walls of hierusalem were built in a troublesome time , these foundations of gods house were laid , and the building reared up in times of calamity , but blessed be god , for such lords for such commons , which would not be taken off ; carry on the work still , leave not a ragge that belongs to popery , lay not a bit of the lords building with any thing that belongs to antichrist , or antichrists stuffe , but away with all of it , root and branch , head and tayle , throw it out of the kingdome , and resolve not to leave , till you can say , now christ is set upon his throne , and england is subdued to him , and the good lord carry you on to doe so . and you my righ honourable and excellent lord , and the rest of the noble commanders that are ingaged in this service , let me speak a word unto you , i acknowledge what cause england hath to blesse god ; i hope your hearts beleeve , how deere your labours are unto all that love god , and your unwearied paines , which you take , how they are presented at gods throne every day , goe you on , noble and resolute commanders , goe on and fight the battells of the lord jesus christ , for so i will not now fear to call them , for although indeed at the first , the enemy did so disguise their enterprises , that nothing cleerly appeared , but only that you were compelled to take up armes for the defence of your liberties , and to bring rebells and traytors to condigne punnishment , but now they have ingaged all the antichristian world so farre , that all christendome , except the malignants in england , doe now see , that the question in england is , whether christ or antichrist shall be lord or king , all in the world , i say again , except our malignants see it ; the protestants owning the one , and the papists and popish-affected the other , as their cause . goe on therefore couragiously , never can you lay out your blood in such a quarrell , christ shed all his blood to save you from hell , venture all yours to set vp him vpon his throne , that you may be made happy under him , that you may preserve your liberties and lawes , and preserve us out of the hands of them who would destroy all : and you likewise reverend fathers and bretheren , you the assembly of divines , and the reverend and honourable commissioners of the church of scotland joyned with them for the effecting of this worke , goe you on i beseech you , wait upon god , humble your selues for former pollutions , endeavour to see the patterne of the lords house , that you may hold out the true discription of the lambs wife , that england may be in love with it , that you may have in due time the glory and praise of being masierbuilders in this great worke of god : and thou right honourable and welbeloved city of london of whom i utterly want words when i would speake , goe on , and be a patterne to all the cities in the world , as thou art this day in expending all for thy glorious king the lord christ , whom thou hast thus farre owned , and whom thou lovest , the lord hath given thee great weatlh and estate , grudge not still to lay it out in his cause , if he had tooke it an other way , thou wouldest have been contented , if fire had burnt it , if pestilence had wasted thy inhabitants , if famine or plunder , or any thing , thou wouldest have been contented ; but now though there goe pound after pound , and thousand after thousand , and regiment after regiment , when it is for the lord christ , and purity of religion which the enemy would deprive thee of together with thy civill liberties ▪ never could it goe so honourably , so nobly for his glory , and thy owne comfort : goe on therefore i beseech you all , and cary on the worke , and for your incouragement remember and observe how the lord your god goeth before you , observe him in all his goings , how he watcheth over you every day , no weapon can prosper , that is forged against you , no tongue ariseth up in judgment against you , but the lord condemnes it , every one that pleads against you the lord pleads against him , & though you loose many of your noblest and wisest men , the lord supplies all to you , if you had all the intelligence in the world , i know not how you should have things discovered to you , so as the lord hath discovered them , so that if you have raine one day , you have sun-shine another , and sometimes both of them mingled together , and although as yet this day of our visitation is like that day in zacharie , neither darke nor light , but between them both , in the evening you shall have light abundantly , attend therefore upon the worke , and resolve ( the lord assisting you ) never to give over , till you have set up david ▪ to be your king , that is , christ upon his throne and for your helpe in it , i will commend to you certaine quallifications , which you shall finde in this very chapter , amongst them that came thus to set up david to be king . i shall name you six or seaven of them , but i will insist only upon one of them . 1. look into the chapter , and you shall finde that they were many of them wisemen , that knew the times , and what belonged to every one of their dueties labour for that , you have a promise , that god will grant wisedome to those that seek it . secoondly , they were skillfull men every one of them , able to doe that which belonged to his place : doe not you undertake any thing but what god hath fitted you for . thirdly , they were couragious men , their faces were like lyons , they abhorred any danger , when it was in davids cause ; labour for such a spirit ; say as nehemiah did , should such a man as i flie , no not to save my life ; flie when i am ingaged for christ . fourthly , they had a spirit of love , infinite love to david , and his cause , you shall finde , when some of those that david most suspected , came unto him when hee was at a very low ebbe , he asked them whether they came friendly and heartily , they answered presently , thine we are , david , peace be unto thee , &c. so say , thine we are , lord christ , thine we are , peace be to thy cause ; oh come with love , that is the greatest means of all , it is the band of perfection , and the only way to build up the church of christ : i will , saith paul , shew you a more excellent way , and that is love , a more excellent way then coming wth interpretation of tongues a more excellent way then prophecying , the most excellent of all others they came with infinite readinesse of spirit , so ready , that no man should need to call , goe ye , and goe ye , but let us goe , every one striving which should be first . another ( which indeed was a great one ) was singlenesse of heart , sincerity , no man driving any work or designe of his own ; verily , the doing of that , the looking of self-ends hath been the way of them who have built up anti-christs kingdome , but an abhorred thing among them that build up christs kingdome , they desire no other reward , but only to see christ on his throne ; set up that , and you give them peace enough , gold enough , honour enough , you give them enough of all , so the worke may be done , for which they are imployed , all these are in that chapter . but the greatest of all is that which i would more fully speak of , and commend unto you , even the concord and unitie of heart , and unitie of minde , of spirit , free from devisions and dissentions among themselves , so my text saith , all these came with one heart , and one minde , and again , all of them with one perfect heart , to set up david to be their king : this i would commend to you , as the greatest means of all the rest , beloved , there is innumerable arguments for the perswading of you to it , it is the work of this day , you are this day met together to praise god for it , and therefore it will be very seasonable for me to commend it to you . 1. this vnity of heart , and concurrence of spirit to this worke , is the beautifullest thing in all the world ▪ behould how comely a thing it is for bretheren to dwell together in vnity , nothing more beautifull then vnity and concord in a good worke : all that write of beauty , say , that symotry is the best part of it , to have a sweet joyning of spirits and hearts together to set vp christs kingdome is the loveliest thing in the world . 2ly , it is vtile aswell as jucundum , strong aswell as lovely , it is the greatest meanes of safety in all the world to have vnion and concord among them that are engaged in christs cause , an arch is the strongest building , and a circle the strongest figure , because in both each part supports and strengthens one another in truth , it is the greatest meanes of safety to any weake people : it is well observed by one , that a few despised jewes when they are but of one heart and one minde , resolved every man to stand close to other for their lives , they have strength enough against their enemies of 127 provinces , that they dare not stir against them , yea it strikes terror into their enemies , when they see how resolutely and boldly they will stand out in it ; so when the lords people , they that own christs cause are , as solomon saith , the church of christ is terrible like an army with banners , with their banners displaied and well ordered ; there is no strength of enemies able to stand before them : and it is observed of france , that if it do not combat it self , all the world cannot conquer it : and tacitus observed it long since , that the romans had never conquered england , if their petty princes had not been divided among themselves ; and some historians shew , how that all the times , when england was conquered by the romans , saxons , normans , it was alwayes caused by the divisions that were among themselves ; o therefore i beseech you , since this unity and concord is such a strength , labour to be all of one heart , and all of one mind in this work . and there are three things before your eyes , which may extremely whet up your spirits to it : the one is the practice of your adversaries ; do but mark what combinations they make , the tabernacles of edom and the ishmalites , of moab and the hagarens , gebal and ammon , and amalech , the philistims , and they that dwell at tyre , ashur joyned with them , and the children of lot , all of them in one ; look upon them in ireland , in england , you shall see them bound by oaths , by covenants , you shall see them sending into france , offering offensive and defensive leagues to antichristian people : so they will but joyne to come and help to ruine us ; shall there be this care among them to destroy us , and shall not we be united ? secondly , you see , and this dayes work sets it before your eyes , what infinite indeavours they use to oppose all our union , if the city and parliament be united , if the two houses be united , if england and scotland be united , what extreme indeavours are used , what stone is not rolled , what sort of men is not attempted , what profession soever they be of , be they jesuites , be they friers , be they priests , be they professors , be they such as they call puritanes , they try them all , to see if they can but divide the city from parliament , the houses one from another , the english from the scots , what would they not buy it at ? hoc illiacus velit & magno mercentur atridae , millions of gold would they give to effect it . thirdly , consider their greatest hope , and our greatest danger is in our divisions : a diamond ( they say ) is easily cut with its owne dust , and a house is then most like to fall , when all the joynts of it begin to part one from another : unity and concord among brethren , are well compared to the bars of a castle , not easily broken , and while they remain firme , give safety and security , but when they are once broken , they will hardly be made whole : they are also fitly compared to a cable roap , which will not easily break , but if once cut asunder , its hard to tye a knot upon it again . i beseech you therefore , you honourable lords , and nobles , and commons , you reverend divines , you valiant souldiers , you worthy citizens . i know you cannot in all things be all of one minde , but in what you can , be all of one heart , though you cannot in all things be of one minde ; let confusion and division belong to them that build babel ; let there be no noise heard at the rearing of the lords temple . next to the guilt of our sinnes , i feare nothing so much as our divisions , but could we first be reconciled to our god by faith , in the blood of christ , and be firmely united together , and set all our shoulders as one man to this work , our enemies designes would all faile , and the work of god would prosper in our hands ; i will conclude this first branch with that councell of the apostle , phil. 2. 1. if there be therefore any consolations in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels & mercies , fulfill my ioy ; that ye be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord , and of one mind . and with that 1 cor. 1. 10. now i beseech you brethren , by the name of our lord jesus christ , that ye all speak the same thing , and that there be no division among you , but that you be perfectly ioyned together , in the same minde , and in the same iudgement , and whereto we have attained , let us walk by the same rule , let us minde the same thing . and so much for the first branch of the matter of their joy ; they met together to set up david to be king , that is , david as he was a type of our lord iesus christ , whom we are endeavouring to exalt upon his throne . the time commands me to be very short in the other branch , and i may very well , for if the lord should not prosper us in this , that we should not ioyn togethee to set up christ , in vaine shall we attempt the other ; and if the lord blesse this work in our hands ; this will either in due time bring about the other , or infallibly supply the defect of it , and make us happie without it . briefly , the lesson from it is this : that such a concurrence ( as is aforementioned ) to set up a prince in this common-weal , like to david , is a matter of great ioy and reioycing . i shall according to promise be very brief in it : had not the time prevented , i would have produced & opened unto you divers examples out of the scripture , of the great content & joy which hath bin , where there hath met a concurrence of the nobles & leaders of the people , to set up a good magistrate over them ; viz. in david , in solomon , in ioash , in nehemiahs , and divers others , where when good governours and governments have been set up , the people have infinitly rejoyced ; but you 'l understand it fully , by that time i have but a little shewed you the relation , betwixt a prince and his people ; he is their head , their lord , their father , they are his children , he is ( so the scripture cals it ) to be the light of their eyes , the breath of their nostrils a kind of fountaine to derive all good to them ; this he is ex officio ; and therefore it follows , that the goodnesse , or ilnesse of princes , is not to themselves alone , but all their people do share with them , either in blessednesse , or in misery , according as the prince is in goodnesse , or in badnesse : let the prince be a good man , a david , he is then like unto nebuchadnezzars tree , which he saw in his vision , that had meat for all , the fruit thereof much , and boughs for birds to make their nests in , and shelter for all beasts , that they might dwell under it ; that is , affording reliefe and comfort to all : hee is the light of the eyes to his people , the breath of their nostrils , he is worth 10000. of them : and to such an one , the people do most joyfully ( as they ought to do ) yeeld reverence , ( even the greatest next unto god ) and allegiance to their person , and authority , subiection and obedience to their laws , maintenance out of their own estates , and furnish them with counsell , and all manner of prayer , cheerfully as they ought to do ; because under such a prince , religion is preserved , if it be corrupt , it is purged , reformed , iustice is administred without partiality , good men are incouraged , peace is procured , and preserved ; trades are likewise enriched ; learning , and all such like promoted , the poor are relieved , all made happy : can you wonder then , that where there is a concurrence to have such an one set up , there is great ioy : on the other side , let the prince be either weak and foolish , or wicked , and ungodly , riotous and luxurious , let him be cruell and tyrannicall , o how miserable are that people under him ? how great is the darknesse , where the light is turned into darknesse ? how miserable is the body , where the very organs of their breathing , the breath of their nostrils comes to be corrupted , or taken from them ? how miserable are they , when the very fountain , that should afford them comfort is poysoned ? such a prince is like to ieroboam , that compels the people to sin and misery ; like unto the dragon who when he fell from heaven , drew the very starres from heaven to the ground with him ; like to great cedars which when they fall , break all the woods that are round about them ; thus by their prince are a people made happy or miserable , and so solomon expresses it in his ecclesiastes , happy art thou o land , if they prince be thus , miserable art thou o land , if thy prince be thus ; must you not then count it a matter of great joy , to have a good king set up to rule over you ? i adde secondly , that this is a greater matter of joy , when the nobles , the parliament , the leading men of the citie and tribes concur to have such a one , both because that is the most likely meanes to obtaine it , god promising his blessings to such indeavours ; and they likewise having some beames of gods authority put upon them , may by their councell and example , make the prince to be good , and inable him to carry out the publike good ; or if that cannot be attained , ( through gods mercy ) by their meanes , there may be a supply of what is wanting in him to make the people happie , though they faile of it in the other ; i shall make a brief application of this second branch , and so passe over it . first , if to have a david to be our king , is such a blessednesse ? then how cursed , and ten thousand times cursed are they who endeavour for ever to rob us of that happinesse : who as they would rob us of christ , the greatest happinesse for our souls , so they would for ever deprive us , of having any hope to be blessed under a prince , that should be like unto david ; who have rent off the person , and the affection of our soveraign from us ; who endeavour to instill principles of crueltie into his breast , against us , and foment them in him , who have provoked him to raise armes to destroy his nobles , and commons , and divines , and this most honoured city , and even all who have beene most faithfull , have put him into armes to ruin us ; and when we but stand up for our own defence , represent us to him as traytors , and rebells , because we will not give up our throates to be cut by them , at their pleasure , and our goods to be wholly possessed by them ; if i had all rhetorick , it would yet be short of speaking of these men , what they do deserve . i can more fitly compare them to none , then to the iewes long since in england , who ( before they were banished hence ) threw bags of poison into the fountains and wells , that the people were to drink of , and so indeavoured to poison them all . accursed men there are who labour to make the breach so wide , that we should never hope to sit under the shadow of our prince , with any hope and confidence ; who would rather have our streetes run with our blood , and venture their own too , then that we should have a prince like unto david , that is , iust , ruling in the feare of the lord , to be like the morning light , and the morning without clouds when the sun ariseth : i suppose none of these men are here present , and i love not to speak much of absent men , but onely tell you , what cause we have ( as to curse them ) so to blesse , the lord god , who hitherto hath delivered us out of their hands , and let the lord , the righteous lord , be iudge between us and them . the other use of it is , to you , honourable , reverend and beloved , who next unto the setting up of christ , have hitherto indeavored by your petitions , your remonstrances , your supplications , and by all means possible , so rescue our soveraign out of their hands , that not only there might be a right understanding betwixt us and him , but that he might in truth raign over us as david , and his throne made like unto davids ; i humbly pray you , go on in these indeavours , that if the lord see it good , it may be so ; if he will have it otherwise , we shall have the more comfort , what ever betides us , in the unfeignednesse of our desires , and indeavours after it . if you demand what hope is there of it ; or what further means may we use for the attaining of it ? i shall speak only as a divine , in commending these three things : the first is ; be all of you humbled before god for your own sins , and for all the sins that england lies guilty of ; for though we are ready enough to impute it to such and such that are about him ; or it may be to some principles of his own , believe it ( beloved ) what salomon saies of the change of princes ; for the iniquity of a land , many are the princes of it : so for the iniquity of the land , it is thus with us this day ; and that is in truth the greatest cause of it ; the lord could blow all this over presently , and certainly , would , if hee were but reconciled to england ; david did one act , which cost a matter of three score and ten thousand mens lives in a few dayes , a vain-glorious act , in numbring the people ; but if you mark the text , it saith , that israel had provoked god to wrath , and then god let satan loose upon david , to move him to that vile act , and the lord did but take that as an occasion ; and so when the lord had an intent to destroy the men of shichem , who had set up abimelech to be their king , is said , the lord sent an evill spirit between abimelech and them , that they might devoure and tear one another ; why was it ? even for the wickednesse that the people as well as their king had been guilty of ; so then , if ever you would have your prince restored as a david , to be a blessing to you , labour all to be humbled every one for the iniquity of his own heart and life , and for all the prodigious wickednesses that this kingdome stands guiltie of . secondly , commend him to the lords working upon his heart , by your daily prayers : the kings heart ( saith salomon ) is in the hand of the lord , as the rivers of water , hee turns it which way he pleaseth ; meaning plainly , there is no way in the world to alter the spirit of a prince , but only by the work of god , and god can do it in a moment : esau came against his brother with four hundred armed men , full of deadly rage , resolving to destroy him ; iacob spent a night in prayer , on a sudden god turned esau's heart , that hee fell upon his brothers neck , and kissed him , as if hee had been the dearest brother in the world to him ; and had the king forty thousand of the bravest souldiers under heaven , were all our armies dissolved , were our gates opened , were they marching in with a resolution to plunder our cities , to ravish our wives , and make our city flow with blood , if the lord did but speak the word , their hearts would be turned presently , therefore do as nehemiah did , when hee was to deal with a king , that was of a nature rugged enough , when he was to goe to him , he first made his prayer to god , and the lord turned the heart of the king toward him ; do as the good people did in the psalme , beg of god that the king might heare : save lord , let the king heare us when we call ; commend it to the lord , and the lord can bring it about easily . thirdly , especially you that are in great place , that are the lords and commons , our senators , if ever you would have it well , you must do your utmost to remove all the wicked from his throne , and in stead of them , you must indeavour to have men of wisdome and godlinesse placed about him ; this must be done , if you will hope for a blessing in gods way ; take away ( saith salomon ) the drosse from the silver , then there shall come forth a vessell for the refiner , a choyce vessel , fit for an honourable use ; but otherwise let him make up a vessell of drosse and silver together , who will regard it ? so ( saith he ) take away the wicked from the king , and his throne is established in righteousnesse ; and certainly , if wicked men be pests and plagues , in what part of the land soever they are found , they are much more so , when they are found in the courts of princes ; labour therefore to remove them , and to set others in their room : salomon saith excellently in that place of the proverbs , for the iniquity of the land , many are the princes of it ; then it followes , but by a man of understanding and knowledge , the state thereof shall be prolonged ; i think he means it not only of a wise prince , but he means this ; that as the wicked men corrupts their princes , drawes them to dissolutenesse , tyranny , &c. and so to ruine them and the land : so grave and good counsellors , prudent men about him , are great means to prolong the tranquillity of it : i could shew you by examples how , not only wise and good princes , wise and good states-men , but even women ( as some of them have been the ruine of many princes ; so by the seasonable advice of women ) princes and cities have been preserved : you know the wise advice of abigail kept david from shedding innocent blood . and there was a poor woman in the city of abel , who by speaking to ioab , delivered all the city ; and solomon tels you , in the ninth of ecclesiastes , of a poor , wise , good man , who delivered a small city , when a great king came against it , with a great army ; i beseech you therefore let it be in your indeavours , to get such about him ; i hope you imagine not that i would have such set about him for their own preferments or gain , no , no , the man that aims at such things , will never be good for any thing ; hee who once sets up mammon to be his god , is not fit to serve either god or his prince , or church or state ; but i speak of men of integrity and faithfulnesse , of goodnesse , who will trample all under their feet ; so that christ might raign , and that a kingdome might be made happy ; such men set about a prince , may make a king like david , and preserve him such a one , if he be so ; and so ( right honourable ) have i done with the first part of my text , the matter of their joy ; the concurrence of them , to set up david to be their king . i should now have come to the second , the manner of expressing their joy , which was by feasting ; you 'le have enough of that anon : all that i shall say shall be , to perswade you to take heede that you have not too much of it ; i have not time to handle it , otherwise i could have shewed you , how gods people used on such occasions as these , to have feasting and rejoycing : but i must confesse our dayes are such in regard of the manifold distresses , that this kingdom and poore ireland are wrapped in , that were it not upon such an occasion as this feast is , i should say to all feasters as vriah said to david , when he would have him go home to his wife , the arke ( said he ) and israel , and my lord ioab , and all lye in the open field , and shall i go home to be merry with my wife , as the lord liveth i will not doe it ? so i would say else to all feasters , is ireland undon ? and so many counties in the kingdom in that distresse , are there so many hundreds , so many thousands that lived heretofore like nobles , like gentlemen , who now have hardly bread to put into their bellies , and canst thou finde money and cost in needlesse and prodigall feasting ? this i should else have said ; but i confesse ( beloved ) to my poore observation , never was there a feast upon a better occasion among us , nor for a better end , then the feast of this day ; not upon a better occasion , that when the enemie did endeavour to ruin us , by our division , that this should be made an occasion of our feasting and rejoycing together ; and for such an end , that whereas they would faine blow it over all the kingdom , over all the world , that we are rent and divided a sunder , the lords from commons , and both houses from the citie , &c. we purposely feast to praise god , and tell all the world there is no such matter ; that we are all one , of one heart , and one minde ; that our eating and drinking should speake this out , that all the world should heare it ; it is a blessed opportunitie , and the lord guided them who ever first perswaded to it ; i onely pray you ( lords and gentlemen ) in your feasting , do onely what becomes a feast , which followes a holy convocation , a day of rejoycing in the lord ; and therefore in it , observe these few rules . remember , ( first ) god must be regarded , banish not christ out of your company ; let there be no carriage at your table which may grieve him , and make him say , this roome i delight not to be in ; remember all the feasts of gods people in the old testament , they were sacrifices , or feasts which were accompanied with sacrifices , yea the very heathen counted them prophan men , who would offer to make a feast of that , that was not first offered to their gods , hereby to make it blessed to them ; so do you eate and drink as in the presence of the lord , that you may praise the name of the lord , who hath shewed this mercy to you ; doe as the little birds , who take not one drop , but they lift up their heads to heaven , as if they would tell all the world , whence they received their food ; so do you acknowledge the lord , give him his glory and his praise ; let there be no uncomely carriage among you ; i should justly be blamed if i should think you needed any perswasion to keepe you from drinking healths , from riot and excesse ; i know you abhor it , but i beg that none of your servants , nor attendants may do it , that nothing may be done which would grieve the lord . secondly , let the maine end of your feasting be symbolum & vinculum charitatis , a pledge and bond to shew , and more , to make you all one , of one heart , and one minde ; that you may pledge one another in such a cup , as may not only speak you all to be one , but may attaine the very end , for which this feast is made , more to ingage you in this common cause . that this feast , may be as a feast , which ( i think ) lucian speakes of it , where a poore wronged man made a feast of an oxe , and every one who tasted of his meate , did thereby engage himselfe to live and dye with that poore man to recover his right , in somewhat that he was wronged in ; and so let this engage your spirits , that now you have eaten and drunk of their cup , that your and their spirits , and prayers , and hearts , and purses shall be all one ; o if this might be the carriage of it , this day would be a blessed day . there is one thing more , that must not be forgotten , you must in such feastings as these , remember the poore , for whom nothing is provided ; alwayes did gods people make at their feasts collections or contributions in hester , in nehemiah , &c. go your wayes and eate and drinke , and remember them , for whom nothing is provided ; and the very heathens upon such occasions would send portions at their festivall times to the poore and needy . and for that very end i confesse i was in hope that at such a great meeting as this is , there would have been some publike contribution and collection , that there being so many poore brethren in the town , plundred , and undone , and distressed , our feasting might have given them a refreshing also ; but it did not appeare fit ( as i am informed ) to the wisdome of this noble citie , when they had invited the honourable houses of parliament and others , to refresh the poore at the cost of their ghests , but what is to be done for the poore , they will do it at their own proper costs and charges , i know they will not forget them ; but i beseech you all not to omit this duty upon this festivall day ; though there be no basons at the door , before you sleep , finde some bason or other , finde some poore , to whom you may do somewhat , that they may know that your hearts have remembred the afflicted in this day , wherein god hath refreshed you : and so much for this time . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a89577e-240 2 cor. 4. 6. gen. 11. acts 2. ester 8. ult. 9. 1. notes for div a89577e-520 lev. 23. 2. esa. 25. 6. gen. 32. 2. especially these la●t ●●o●●s . sui●● 〈…〉 sse of the t●xt t● the occa●i●n . p●● . 25. 11. 2 sam. 23. 3. 4. some generall observations out of this whole chapter . vers . 1. to 23. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , &c. compare the first part of this chapter , with 2 sam. 23. 8. ad finem . verse 29. verse 32. ver. 15. 20. &c. this chapter compar'd with 2 sam. 23. obs. 1. the maine doctrine . no greater mattter of joy to any people , then to find a concurrence of hearts , to set up david to bee their king . 2. explained in two branches . ezek. 34. 23 : 37 : 24. esay 9 67 : 55. 3 : ier. 30 9 : psal 8. 9 : 1 king 14 8 : 2 king. 14. 3 : 16 , 2 : 18 , 3 ; 22 , 2 : 15 , 3 , 11 : 2 ch , 28 , 29. 2 : 34 2. first david is christ , and hence , the greatest j●y to any na●ion , to find such a concurrence to set up the kingdome of c●●ist . proved by the type . 2 sam. 8 12 ad finem : 1 king 8 : 2 by gods promise that it should be so . esay 9. 3 : 6 7 , zach , 9 , 9 : math , 21 ; 5 : by experiences shewing it both being so ; acts 8 , 8 , rev , 4. per t●t : 7 , 9 , &c. 11 , 15 , 15 ▪ 3 : ladovecns vives . ●●m 12 , 12 , because chris●s government is the greatest g●oa t● any nations being the greatest hon●ur to a people : 2 crom , 2 , 11 : 2 chron , 9 , 7 , 8 ▪ 2 bringing all advantages to his oubjects , 2 sam ; ●● , 24 , 1 for this present life : 2 and above all for their soules here and for ever . iohn 1 ▪ 7 ▪ rev ▪ 1. 5 , esa , 60 : 21 : rom. 8 : 14 : 15 ▪ 16 : 17 : heb. 2 : 12. 1 iohn 1 , 3 rev , 1 , 6 , 5 , 10 : rev , 22. 5 : 1 iohn , 5 : 14 : re , 3. 21 , socrates , plato , plutarch , cicero . &c : minor zalincus solon nu●●● &c. cicero li : 1. quin tuscul ; et de natura deorum lib : 1 , plutarch adversus colorem : 3 safety from enemies . esay 26. zach : 2 : 5 : iohn 19 , 11 : mat : 28. psal , 68 , 1 : col : 1 16 : 17 : 4 perpe●●ity of all their happines : 2 concurrence of the weal of a people to set up christ , the most excellent and desirable means . 1 as such a concurrence is a signe of gods leve to that people : ier , 33. 35 : zep . 3 9 : 1 chron , 29 , 10 : 1 their ▪ love to christ , esay 49. 7 , 60 , 3 , 10 11 , 55 5. 2 , 2 : 2 as a cause working it , psa 17 2 27. psal. 132. 11. 2 1 kings 12. 28. 2 chron. 23. 28. nehemiah 6. vse 1. of thanksgiving : thus being our present condition . nehem. 8. 20. 2. exhortation to proceed on in this work . to the parl. to his excellence , and the rest of the commanders . to the assembly of divines . to the citie of london . encouragements thereunto . esay 54. 17. zach. 14. 6 , 7 : helpes and means to effect this all : taken out of this chap. 1 vvisdome . vers. 32. 2 skill . vers. 2. 33. 35 , 36. 3 courage . vers 8 , 21 : 4 love . vers. 18. 1 cor. 12 , ule . reddinesse of minde . v. 24. vers . 33. 38. 6. singlenesse of heart . 7. and above all , vnity and concord . psal. 133. 1. the strongest and most effectuall means . hester . 8. 11. dum pugnent singuli vincuntur universi . motives to unity and concord . 1. first from the example of the enemy . psal. 83. 6. 7. 26. 2. from their indeavours to to divide us . prov. 18. 19. 3. from the danger of divisions . phil. 2. 1 , 2. 1 ▪ cor. 1. 10. 2. branch . a great happinesse in a good king . proved by scripture . 1 cor. 29. 21. 1 king. 1. 4● . 2 king. 11. 17 &c. nehem. 12. 4. 3 and from the relation between a king and his people . iudg. 11. 87. 1 king 2. 43. esay 49. 23. people happy in a good king . iob 29. 16. iudg. 5. 7 2 sam. 21. 12. lament. 4. 20. eccles. 10. 16. dan. 4. 21. ▪ 2 sam. 18. 3. prov. 24. 21. 2 pet. 2. 16. 1 chron. 12. 18. tit. 3. 1. act. 4. 19. rom. 13. 1. 2 1 kin. 21. 23. ezra . 10. 1 tim. 2. 12. 2 chron. 15. 12. lev. 19. 15. rom. 13. 34. 1 tim. 2. 2. iob 29. 16. neh. 5. 1. &c. miserable in a bad king . ● king. 26. 16 revel. 12. 4. eccles. 10. 16 , 17. 2. such a concurrence a great meanes to effect it . 2 king 11. 4. &c. or supply the want of it . application . 1. they are therfore cursed who hinder this . 2. exhortation to indeavour after this happinesse . means how to effect it . prov. 28. 2. 2 sam. 24. 1. ●udg . 9. 23 , ●6 , 57. 2. p●o . 21. 1. nehem. ● . psal. 20. ult. prov. 25. 4. prov. 28. 2. 1 sam. 25. 1. 2 sam. 20. eccles. 9. 13. 2. obs. ●uch joy may be expressed by feasting . rules for feasting . 3. hester 9. nehem. 8. a short ansvver to a. s. alias adam stewart's second part of his overgrown duply to the two brethren. together with certaine difficult questions easily answered; all which a. stewart is desired to consider of, without replying, unlesse it be to purpose. a. steuart [sic] in his second part of his duply to the two brethren. page 166. the civill magistrate cannot bee orthodox, and tollerate a new sect, (hee meanes independencie, and may as well say presbytery) unles hee tollerate us to beleeve that hee is either corrupted by moneys, or some other waye, so to doe. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85414 of text r8324 in the english short title catalog (thomason e27_6). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 98 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85414 wing g1201 thomason e27_6 estc r8324 99873278 99873278 125743 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85414) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 125743) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 5:e27[6]) a short ansvver to a. s. alias adam stewart's second part of his overgrown duply to the two brethren. together with certaine difficult questions easily answered; all which a. stewart is desired to consider of, without replying, unlesse it be to purpose. a. steuart [sic] in his second part of his duply to the two brethren. page 166. the civill magistrate cannot bee orthodox, and tollerate a new sect, (hee meanes independencie, and may as well say presbytery) unles hee tollerate us to beleeve that hee is either corrupted by moneys, or some other waye, so to doe. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. [4], 36 p. s.n.], [london? : printed in the yeare 1644. annotation on thomason copy: "london. feb. 3d". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng steuart, adam. -second part of the duply to m. s. alias two brethren. church polity -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. a85414 r8324 (thomason e27_6). civilwar no a short ansvver to a. s. alias adam stewart's second part of his overgrown duply to the two brethren.: together with certaine difficult que goodwin, john 1644 17320 122 0 0 0 0 0 70 d the rate of 70 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2008-07 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short answer to a. s. alias adam stewart's second part of his overgrown duply to the two brethren . together with certaine difficult questions easily answered ; all which a. stewart is desired to consider of , without replying , unlesse it be to purpose . a. steuart in his second part of his duply to the two brethren . page . 166. the civill magistrate cannot bee orthodox , and tollerate a new sect , [ hee meanes independencie , and may as well say presbytery ] unles hee tollerate us to beleeve that hee is either corrupted by moneys , or some other waye , so to doe . proverb . 12. 13. the wicked is snared by the trasgression of his lips : but the iust shall come out of trouble . printed in the yeare 1644. three of a stevart's conclvsions , with their paralells , which are added for better explanation of them ; their contradicting of themselves and their rebellious doctrine . conclusion . 1. pag. 105. the supreame ecclesiasticall judicature itselfe may fear that if they judge any thing amisse , their judgements will not bee approved , and put in execution in perticular churches ; and in all probability they are like to bee crossed [ iust as much as independents aske for , by this ensuing paralell . ] paralell . particular churches or congregations may examin the iudgements of the supreme ecclesiastical iudicature , and if they find them to bee amisse ▪ they may refuse to put them in execution , they may crosse them . conclvsion . 2. pag. 30. the civil magistrate is subject in a spirituall way unto the church ; hee must learne gods will by the ministers of the church who are gods ambassadours sent to him : hee must bee subject unto ecclesiasticall censures . conclvsion . 3. pag. 166. whatsoever the ecclesiasticall senate or presbiterie is bound not to tolerate , but must suppresse in the church ; that , the civil magistrate is bound not to tolerate , but must suppresse in the state : neither is the civil magistrate lesse bound to put it out of the state ; than the presbyterie is to put it out of the church ▪ [ exquisite poperie ; pestilent doctrine as appeares yet more clearely by this following paralell . ] paralell . if the presbytery shall think good to excommunicate king or parliament ; the civil magistrate , the people in whom the soveraign power resid●s originally , pag. 167. is absolved from all obedience , and bound to put them out of the civil state . a tast of a. stevart's extravagancies and contradictions in the second part of his duply to the two brethren . page 13. the civill magistrate [ even ] as christian , has power not to admit the true religion , to reject it , yea when it is receaved or approved , and confirmed by his secular and civill authority , to reject it and exile it . if the church bee corrupt ▪ and church officers negligent in their charge , and will not reforme it [ as the magistrate thinks good ; ] hee may command , yea compell them to do it . when the church is reformed , hee may command them , when they are negligent to bee diligent in their charge . if [ hee conceave ] they oppres any man in their ecclesiastical judgements and censures ▪ against the lawes of the kingdome , hee may desire them , yea command them to reverse their judgements ; and in case they reforme them not , [ againe ] command them , yea compel them by his civill power , to give him satisfaction , according to the lawes of the kingdome ▪ if [ hee conceave ] they derogate not from the lawes of god , [ which neither popish nor turkish magistrates will acknowledge , though their lawes bee never so contrary to the word of god . ] page . 166. the civill magistrate if hee follow gods word cannot grant a tolleration [ of independent churches ] without consent of the church , if hee judge it is not corrupted : [ as if the church being corrupted ; the magistrate may bee corrupt too , and tolerate what hee will . ] page . 47. how be it , the church compel not to subscribe ; yet the civill magistrate after sufficient conviction may compell to subscribe or to begon . pag. 179. what power hath the king or parliament to intrude and force upon the kingdome new religions or a tolleration of all sects ? the parliament assume no such power unto it selfe . a short answer to a. s. alias adam stewarts second part of his overgrown duply to the two brethren . sir ; had you concealed your selfe under the two first letters of your name , all the a. s'es in towne and country would never have beene able to cleare themselves ; for what you make but words of ; however , i may not adde a tittle in commendation of you for preamble to this pamphlet , as you tell us ( and is no more then requisite to justifie your own epistle ) is ordinary with writers in dedication of their bookes , least i bee put to a more shamefull recantation then a. s. was , and that for nothing but what charitie , as himselfe confesses , induced him to acknowledge in behalfe of the apologists . give mee leave then to observe first , that pag. 21. 23. you say idolatry is a sin against the second commandment . juris naturalis & perpetui ; insinuating that the power and duty of punishing both idolatrie and heresie is such also : if so ; then it obliges all nations of the world , and consequently supposes them capable to judge of all manner of idolatrie and heresie , which we see to bee notoriously false , and that , besides the confounding ecclesiasticall with civil power , whilest one state punishes this or that for heresie , it cannot possibly bee otherwise , ( since they are not onely different but diametrically opposite in profession ) but that another must canonize it for a sacred truth : secondly if states and powers must punish hereticks , they are bound to punish those for such onely , who in their owne judgements are such : and if you will engage states in punishing of hereticks , and they punish onely such as they find themselves obliged to punish in their own consciences and understandings , how can you according to your doctrine , blame them for punishing gods dearest children instead of hereticks , since they tooke them to bee hereticks , and thought they had done god and you good service to punish them ? if wee may not suffer hereticks to live amongst us ; then is the parliament to blame for suffering german , french , spanish , and portugal papists or dutch brownists and anabaptists to live here amonst us , though as marchants , onely for a time ; since their marchandizing gives them greater advantage of working people to their opinions by the respective civil conveniences and benefits , which they bring both to the whole nation in generall , and to some in particular ; nay , the very ambassadours of what states or potentates soever of different religions , ought not to bee permitted to reside ledgers amongst us under any pretence , if this doctrine bee evangelicall : so likewise may not wee under pretext of marchandize , live in turkish popish lutheran or other countreys differing from us in religion , travel into such parts for fashion sake as is usuall , nor keepe ambassadours there , nor bee by forrain states permitted to remain amongst them , if we would , or on any termes joine with such in wedlock ; man may by no meanes dispence herewith , if the command for punishing herecie and schisme bee naturall and perpetuall as is pretended &c. pag. 29. you quote out of deut. 17. 12. the man that doth presumptuously and will not hearken unto the priest , or unto the iudge , even that man shall dye ; aleadging , that there is the sa●e reason for the ministers of the new testament &c. but that wee may clearely see what dangerous consequences would follow hereupon , it may bee best to returne back unto the place in deut. 17. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. the text sayes ; if there arise a matter too hard for thee in iudgement between bloud and bloud , between plea and plea , and between stroake and stroake , being matters of controversy within thy gates : then shalt thou arise and get thee up into the place which the lord thy god shall chuse : and thou shalt come unto the priests and levites , and unto the iudge which shall be in those dayes and enquire , and they shall show the sentence of iudgement : and thou shalt doe according to the sentence which they of that place ( which the lord shall chuse ) shall shew thee , and thou shalt observe to doe according to all that they enforme thee : according to the sentence of the law which they shall teach thee , and according to the iudgments which they shall tell thee , thou shalt doe : thou shalt not decline from the sentence which they shall sh●w thee to the right hand nor to the left : then follows how the man that will do presumptuously and will not hearken unto the priest ( that standeth to minister there before ●●y lord thy god ) or unto the iudg , even that man shall dye and then shalt put away the evil from israel : and all the people shall ●eare , and feare , and doe no more presumptuously : to let passe all other exceptions to as . his misapplication of this text which was directed peculiarly to the iewes , and cannot concern any other people except papists who interpret rome to bee the place spoken of , verse 18. which god did chuse , and the pope to bee sole supreme infallible judge , priest and levite of these dayes to bee enquired after in matter of such difficulty and moment : if this law bee of naturall and perpetual obligation , as is insinuated by saying ; there is the same reasons for the ministers of the gospel , it will follow , that upon all matter of difference whether for blood , plea , or controversie verse 8. though any people , even gods owne , bee never so uniustly sentenced , ty●a●●i●ally enslaved , and most antichristianly persecuted ; they must by no meanes decline such sentence all the dayes of their life , least they bee thought to do presumptuously and so be put to death : what if a good number of the great turkes subjects should have their understandings enlightned to see the captivity and bondage they are brought into ? what if god should open the eyes of papists in spaine , italy , and france ▪ to see the spirituall fornication they are ravished into , and each of these nations in a submissive godly manner humbly implore their princes both for all common priviledges of nature , and christian liberties of the gospel ; if the respective priests and iudges instead of redressing their just grievances shall say as pharaoh did , exod. 5. 8. 9. 17. t ▪ is idlenesse which makes them seeke for lawfull priviledges and christian liberties , commanding their egyption task-masters to encrease both their civil and spiritual slavery ; must they not according to as . his divinity and pollicy still suffer themselves and their posterity to continue turkish bond-slaves and antichristian idolaters , lest they be judged to do presumptuously and so be put to death ? can as . avoyd this consequence ? will the priests levites and judges appointed in these times and countries unto which as . binds them over remedilesse , give other sentence ? deut. 17. 9. surely if the case bee so , wee might well desire that god would make us jewes to whom as i said those laws were given ; or send us christian laws to govern us withall . tell me a little ; when jereboam set up two calves of gold in dan and bethel , crying out behould your gods o israel , which brought you up out of the land of egypt : 1. king. 12. 28. 29. 30. &c. doe you not think hee did conjure the people not to go up so farre unto ierusalem to sacrifice , alleadging from your text in deut. 17. 8. 9. 12. that it was the sentence of the priest and judges it should bee so , from which they might no whitt decline , lest they were found to do presumptuously ? doubtlesse his plea was this ; from hence hee enforced his commandment for the peoples joyning with him in worshipping his gods , his calves ; and had as good a warrant for it then , as as . has now to say , there is the same reason for the presbyterian ministers of the gospel to legitimate their own inventions , their idolatry , the 12. and 13. chapters of the first of the kings are worth reading , that beholding their own , in iereboams sinnes , and calling to minde gods judgments on him , they may in time repent , lest a worse thing befall them . but wheras you would oblidge us unrepealably to stand to whatsoever your presbyterie degree concerning us , by sacriledgiously producing and blasphemously applying those reasons and effects which were only appliable at such a time , and to such a people as god was pleased to discover doubtfull cases to , as by oracle in the mouth of the high priest , chiefe judge , or levites ; i may not forbeare to tell you that your presbiterians are now noe better southsayers then their neighbours , they must either confesse to be of the same royall priesthood with their brethren in the masse 1. pet. 2. 9. and so pretend no more than others , or else be out of it , and so be baals priests , if any . but that wee may clearely understand the full ground , whereupon god required obedience from the people unto the sentence of the priests judges and levites , as also a commensurate reason , why the people might not onely without scruple , but with full and entire satisfaction yeeld such obedience , as was expected from them , it may bee exceeding requisite to make search into gods originall proceedings , as well before , as after , that hee imposed his commands upon the jewes in this behalfe . first , god calls upon moses saying , that hee would send him unto pharaoh to bring his israel out of egypt . exod. 3. 10. moses excuseth himselfe unto the lord , saying , they would not beleave him nor hearken 〈◊〉 him , alledging , that the lord had not appeared unto him . chap. 4 , 1. hereupon the lord furnished him with miracles from verse . 3. to 9. and 17. 21. ordering him to take aaron unto his assistance , saying , that he would bee with both their mouthes and teach them what they should say . verse , 12. 15. that aaron should put upon his heart the breast-plate of judgement wherin was vrim and thuminim , that he should beare the judgement of the children of israel upon his heart before the lord continually exod. 28. 30. lev. 8. 8. according whereunto iethro ( prophetically no doubt ) counselled moses his sonne in law not to ware out himselfe with continuall attendance of the people from morning untill evening to enquire for them of god , but that hee would provide able men out of all the people , who might judge of all smaller matters themselves , and bring the greater unto moses , who was to bee for the people to god-ward , and bring the causes unto god . exod. 18. from verse , 8. 13. to 22. and when moses was to bee gathered to his people , the lord required him to lay his hands on joshua , in whom was the spirit , that hee might bee enabled to goe in and out before the people , and stand before the priest who should aske counsell for them in all doubtfull matters . numb. 27. 13. 17. 18. 21. the priests and iudges being thus miraculously qualified , god commanded the people in all streights and controversies of difficulty to have recourse unto them for sentence or direction ; according whereunto they were required to yeeld absolute obedience without gain-saying or murmuring , lest they were put to death as those that did presumptuously , deut. 17. 8. to 13. and 19. 7. 2. ch. 19. 11. 1. sam. 9. 9. 2. sam ▪ 24. 11. 1 , king. 14. 3. 2. king. 8. 8. with diverse others : and well they did deserve it doubtlesse , when they might see such infallible evidence in these ministeres of the lord , that it was his divine pleasure it should be so , and that for their advantage too ▪ the children of israel therefore had recourse unto them upon all occasion , and the lord kept good correspondence with them , not answering them by amphibologies , doubtfull and delusive oracles , but by discovering to them , his will his purposes and intentions about whatsoever they enquired of him 1. sam 22. 13. 14. 15. jer. 23. 37. amos 3. 7. judg. 1. 1. and 20. 18 so on the contrary , when they tooke in hand an enterprise without asking his counsell and advice , we may observe it did not thrive with them , it proved otherwise than they desired , as when joshua made league with the gibeonites joshua 9. 14. and now not to send you againe to the jewes , though you will have much a doe to finde an other nation to which you may apply your text of deut. 17. 8. 9. in which the sentence spoken of , must either bee fallible , or infallible ; if fallible , then it followes that god required the people to hearken , and bee subject unto such sentences as might bee sinfull ; such as they apprehended to be unjust and sinfull ; such as were in themselves absolutely sinfull , ( for all these cases might possibly have hapned upon such a supposition ) which were blasphemy to imagine : if the sentence bee to bee presumed infallible , then questionlesse god might very justly require the people to bee subject to it and impose a law unalterable after the manner of the meades and persians , that such as would not harken to it , might bee condemned to dye , as one that did presumptuously : doe but prevaile then with your presbyters , in cortesie , to discover to us some gleanings of their prophetick spirit ; or let us see what signes and wonders god is pleased to do by their mediation , more then by other mens ; and then whosoever will not yeeld a proportionable honour and obedience to them , for my part , let artaxarxes his decree be put in execution against him , whether it be to imprisonment ▪ confiscation of goods , banishment , or death : ezra . 7. 26. in the mean time if there bee any thing of godlinesse , or understanding of a man in you , dispence with such as cannot make idolls , fall downe and worship them . pag. 30 ▪ sayes the civil magistrate is subiect in a spirituall way unto the church , and that the church is subiect to the civill magistrate in a civill way : but what if these different judicatiories will not bee subject to each other in their respective spher's ? what if the civill magistrate will not learne gods will by the ministers of the church ? as as . sayes hee must . pag. 30. what if hee become heretical , schismaticall ● must he● not bee proceeded against by the utmost of church censures , to wit , excommunication ? and if hee bee not worthy to remaine in the church ; must hee not by as . his doctrine bee turned out , or cut off from the civill state ? but some perhaps will be so court affected as to say , if the magistrate will be so , who can help it ▪ w●● must suffer what we cannot remedie : 't is true we must ; but pag , 166. you say that whatsoever the ecclesiasticall senate or presbyterie is bound not to tolerate but must suppresse in the church ; that , the civill magistrate or senate it bound not to tolerate , but must suppresse in the state , since he is a nurse of the state , and keeper of the two tables : and since whatsoever power the civill magistrates have , is derived from the people ; who sayes there is no remedie against a magistrate thus offending ? are not both houses of parliament , are not millions of the people enough to do justice in such a case ? but what if the civill magistrate be without , not of the church ? can you not with paul be contented that god should judge him ? 1 cor. 5 13. if you say 't is now too late to make such a querie , and that he was admitted into the church by baptisme so long since , will he not , think you , repent his baptisme , and co●● such little thanks as promised submission for him unto the church without his order and consent ? nay , will he not plead non-age ? you know there are many good lawes provided for relieving of the pupillage in money matters ; having then thus m●●acled the civil magistrate whilst he was in swadling cloutes , you say he must now be subject to the church ; and that if he be once turn'd out of the church , he must likewise be turn'd out of the civil state ▪ is not this the popish doctrin of l●●●ing subjects from their obedience to prince or parliament ? are we thus leap't out of the popish frying-pan into the midst of presbyterian firebrands ? but , i dare say , you●●● stagger , & deny the words , beeing laid unto your charge ; the truth is , i find by this discourse , that you haue a trecherous memory , which hath led you into such a company of unreconcileable contradictions , far worse than many theeves and harlots , but if your heart or understanding had been better than your memory , this doctrin had never issued : turn then to p● . 166 ▪ where you say that whatsoever the presbytery may not tolerate in the church , the civil magistrate must not tolerate in the state ; then turn to p. 179 where you say that al power is originally in the people , which makes them the supremest magistrate of al , above both king & parliament ; as king & parliament are above other inferiour and subordinate magistrates ▪ now if you know how to spel & put these together , this popish doctrin besides others will clearly arise from thence , to wit ; that if primes and magistrates become hereticks , they may be excommunicated ; if excommunicated , the subjects are freed from their obedience to them ; and the people which having al power in themselves originally , become the supremest magistrate of al , are bound to cut them off from the civill state , whether they be kings or parliaments . but let us beware of such infernal tenets , according unto which there would be found no safety , neither for prince nor parliament ; but each of them , and everie body else , all alike , be forced to be of whatsoever religion shall by most voyces in a consistorie or synod , be thought to be the true one ( which is too great a hazard ) or else be deemed to doe presumptuously , and so loose their lives : but ch. 3. you say , if the church be corrupt , and the church officers negligent in their charge , and will not reforme it , the civill magistrate may command , yea , compell them to do it ; or if they will not , he may extraordinarily do it himselfe ▪ good now ; who shall here reach the civil magistrate whether the church be corruptor no ? at what time the church officers be negligent in their charge , not willing to reforme ; and when they oppresse any man with ecclesiasticall censures ? if you say the civil magistrate himselfe may see it by bringing them to the rule of gods word ; do you not contradict your selfe in page 30. and elsewhere saying , the civil magistrate must learn gods will by the ministers who are gods ambassadours sent unto him ? is it possible to reconcile the civil magistrate unto the spirituall office-bearers in such a case as this ? nay , is it ever possible for as . to make his atonement with this present assembly for frustrating so many yeares endeavours as they are like to make of it , in saying the civil magistrate hath power not to admit the true church , to reject it , yea , when it is received or approved , and confirmed by his secular and civil authority , to reject it and exile it ibid ? which yet is true enough ; but do you think the synod would have taken soe great paines , and our scotch brethren have sacrificed so much of their own blood , if even at best it should have been so hazardous whether ever their presbyterian discipline should be received or no ; or when received ▪ rest in ●uch dayly danger to bee turned out againe with shame ? is it not an ea●●y matter for the civil magistrate to say , these presbyterian churches are growne corrupt , their way of government was never apostolical and good , they ▪ tyrannize over their brethren insted of feeding them ▪ aiming at no reformation soe much as to get themselves into the fattest , benifices , and so banish them into america or some worse place ? woe would it have beene for any independent to have beene knowne to publish such theologie such heresie : page 47. you say how be it the church compell men not by externall vi●l●●ce to subscribe contrary to their judgements , yet the civil magistrate after sufficient conviction may compell you to subscribe or to be gon &c. the church you say compels not externally , but the civil magistrate may : but whence hath the civil magistrate this power in church affaires ? or why may not the church use the civil externall armes in church matters , rather then the civil magistrate should e●terpose with his owne weapons in church affaires ? is it not all one , think wee , in the sight of god , for church-men , church officers themselves to hang such a one whom they deeme a heretick , as to set a crosse a gallowes , a marke upon him , out of a tacit compact with the civil magistrate to hang him whensoever , or wheresoever he should meet with him ? if a combination of any people should thus compasse the death of any man , would they not all equally bee found guiltie ? shall a politick reservation of popish canon or civil law to keepe the clergie from the peoples odium , thus delud all christians to the end of the world ? may church-men connive ▪ approve , teach , and applaud the civil magistrate in punishing whosoever they suppose to be hereticks by imprisonment or death ; and not as innocently as christianly bee executioners themselves ? perhaps they will say they have no authority nor call to become executioners , to banish ▪ imprison or put to death ( and yet they have as good a call as to approve it in the civil magistrate ; ) but this is not the poynt wee stand upon : what if a towne or principality were giuen unto a company of presbyterian clergie-men ? ( i cannot think they will refuse it ) would they in such a case imprison banish or cause hereticks to die in this their principality ? if they say ( as the pope in the same case ▪ as pilate when he crucifide iesus ▪ and bishop b●nner whilst he made so many protestane martyrs ) they may not wash their hands in the blood of hereticks ; i reply neither in the blood of civil delinquents by the selfe same principle of theirs ▪ if they referre such judicature and executing of spirituall or civil offenders unto laymen to be their deputies within this principality of theirs ; i answere that this is but a popish eua●ion ; and such blood being shed by their authority or approbation ; must be accounted for by them ▪ as if they themselves had sat upon the bench , passed sentence , and beene executioners : if hereticks were punishable by death as murderers and traitors , i know no cause but that clergie-men ▪ if neede were , might as actually assist at execution of the one , as of the other : but if any man should expect my opinion of what these presbyterian clergie-men may doe upon the proffer of such a principality ; i confesse the refusall thereof might seem a verie great degree of evangelicall perfection , and the excessive care and travel which is required to govern it , though by a substitute , are altogether inconsistent with the ministerie of the gospel ; but to interpret the passing sentence and execution of death by such deputies or their officers , to be so intirely the peculiar acts of such deputies only , as that the said presbyterian clergie-men from whom the jurisdiction is derived , had not even as great a share therein ▪ as if they had beene present upon the bench , is a meere popish invention and delusion . our saviour and his apostles did neither tell the magistrates that then were , that it concerned them so much more to become christians that they might compel their subjects to be so too ; nor yet gave the christians instructions , or left upon record any such order or warrant ▪ that when ever the magistrate did become christian they might constraine the people to christianity &c. but in the same pag. 74. you graunt these spiritual delinquents must be first sufficiently convinced , alleadging that after a sufficient conviction , it is , morally , and should be supposed that they know the truth ; or should know it ; or if they know it not , that nothing can have bl●dered them , but their owne pertinaciousnes , which cannot excuse , but rather aggravates their ●in : but what , i pray , or how much do you call sufficiently convinced ? how can any one do otherwise , than yeeld unto whatsoever you have convinced him of ▪ how can you bee infallibly assured that a man ●s sufficiently convinced , if he himselfe denyes it ? how know you which is gods ●●oure for convincing of a man ? may not you likewise possibly interpret a dulnesse of apprehension in him , or your owne want of truly and well informing him , to bee his obstinate wilfull rejecting of the truth ▪ are there not above 24 degrees of capacity and understanding between some men , and shall such whom god and nature have made more dull or lesse ingenious in judging of presbyterian discipline or doctrin be condemned to banishment or death for these defects of nature , beleeving , or discoursing about matters of beleefe , or but opinion only ? such you say the civil magistrate may compel to subscribe , [ against their conscience ] or to bee gon : but who gives the civil magistrate this authoritie ▪ or how comes hee to know or understand them to bee hereticks ? the presbyterian clergie-men , i hope , will be no more informers than executioners ; i am sure in most ( of such as are aleadged to bee ) christian countryes , the informer is counted more infamous than the executioner , because the one does all the busines for the most part in darknesse and under board ; whereas the other exposes his actions to the publick view ▪ but why may not church officers themselves as well hang or cut the throat of such a heretick , whom they have prepared and designed for the shambles of the civil magistrats execution , by their excommunicating of him ? if the putting him to death were just , they need not use any machivillian stratagem to prevent the peoples censuring them of cruelty , or make so nice to ●owle their fingers with the blood of such as they put to death deservedly : the levites when moses required them everie man to kill his son , his brother , companion , and his neighbour , were not so scrupulous exod. 32 27. 28. 29. and why may not the civil magistrate as well excommunicate , as banish or otherwise punish any hereticks ? doe not all punishments inflicted for spiritual offences , equally become spiritual ? or is it not necessary they should be spiritual to work a spiritual effect ? doubtlesse they bee , or ought to be so ; and if hanging of a spiritual offender bee as lawfull as excommunicating of him , surely , both the civil magistrate , and the presbyterian church officers may execute him , both alike . please then to satisfie me concerning these three queries : 1. by what authoritie does the civil magistrate punish a heretick ? 2. what is it he punishes him for ? 3. and thirdly , vpon what ●●●all and inditement ? if the few perticular warrants upon special occasion for punishing some certain idolaters expressy poynted it in the old testament , obliged all magistrates then ▪ and ever since to do the like ; you must condemne the greatest part of godly ▪ magistrates for omitting it ▪ and if you wil ha●● extraordinary 〈◊〉 to ●●gage th●● there unto upon all ordinary 〈◊〉 you must in●er that 〈◊〉 the people of the land who have entered into the la●e solemne league and covenant are bound with one accord to assault & cut the throats of al the papists they should meet withall , without any farther proces or impeachment , just as the israelites served mattan , b●als priest after that jehoida had made a covenant between the lord , the king , and the people 2. king 11. 17. 18. secondly , for what cause does the civil magistrate punish this church offender ? were it for civil delinquency , then is he no longer a meer heretick a bare church offender ; the church would have no jurisdiction to punish him for such civil delinquency : but that you may see it was for spiritual , for church offences for which he is unjustly banished , imprisoned or put to dea●h ; it wil appear upon the third query or inquiry , that the civil magist●ate proceeds against him after an implicit manner , by passing sentence by putting him to death upon the church triall and inditement only ; or else arraignes him the second time for the selfe same offence , ( a double injurie and injustice ) which , besides , being spiritual , the civil magistrate has no cognizance , is no competent judge thereof , nor can take upon himselfe any such authority without confounding the ecclesiasticall judicature with the civil . but i must trouble your patience a little longer with an other touch upon this string , this whipcord which you graunt the magistrate to scourge your brethren withal , in confidence your selves for this benevolence shall scape scotfree , and passe for white boyes , whatever offences you commit ; this no doubt wil expiate them all , and make attonement for them though they be never so many : you say the civil magistrate may compel [ men of different opinions ] to subscribe or to be gon ; nay , you say the civil magistrate may command and compel a corrupted church and negligent church officers into a reformation ; and that even when they are reformed , hee may command and compel them by his civil power , to give satisfaction , and reverse such ecclesiasticall censures and judgements , as the civil magistrate shall apprehend to bee oppressing unto any man , or contrary to the civil lawes : tell me , is this power which you present the civil magistrate withall in spirituall matters , a lesser , lesse spiritual or efficacious power , than what you reserve as peculiar to the church ? if it bee lesse , the civil magistrate surely is much beholding to you that you are so bountifull to him of such scrapps ; that you will set him ● work ( as the egyptian task-master did the israelites exo. 5. 18. ) with such leavings and shredds of discipline , and yet expect hee should doe that for you , which all your broad sides and batteries of decrees , ordnance , and canons of excommunication &c. could not effect ; and why i pray may not the church her selfe make use of small shot as well as greater ? but if you meane really side publica , and this power which you attribute to the civil magistrate concerning spiritual offenders and offences , be greater , more spiritual and efficacious to win and gain men unto true piety and godlinesse by fining , banishing , imprisonment or death ; can you not give him in the vantage ? can you not let him have the lesser of excommunication and other ceremonious ( in comparison of civil coercive ) censures ? briefly then ; if this power which you give the civil magistrate about the church , bee a toy or trifle , bate it him , and let not so many thousand ind●pendents your brethren be longer scandalized thereat ; but if you insist still to make it of so great concernment and necessity , teaching the people that the civil magistrate must likewise bee a terrour to spiritual offenders ; assure your selfe that both magistrate and people , will likely ere long see the injustice and absurdity , of having two magistrates to punish one offender for one fault , which also may disagree , may possibly contradict each other in their sentences , resolving through the corrupted principles which you instil , that the civil magistrate has power and understanding sufficient to discipline and govern both church and state . but perhaps you 'l say there is an act of parliament , a civil law declaring heresie , or any different , from the state opinions , such as for the present are in fashion to be censurable by the civil power : i answer not without all due respect unto the lawes and such as made them , that if there be any distinction betwixt a church state and a civil state , which all christians ●itherto acknowledged , the enacting civil lawes to punish spiritual offences , is not only a soloecisme an improprietie in state , but an incroaching on the churches power , a prophaning of the keyes , and injurious to the offender , who by this meanes is punished both beyond the degree and nature of his offence . but if you remember , as i put you in mind of before ; pag. 1●● , you say , whatsoever the ecclesiastical senate or presbyterie is bound not to tolerate , but must suppresse in the church ; that the civil magistrate is bound not to tolerate but must suppresse in the state : but if this bee true , must not the civil magistrate joyne with the ecclesiastial in judging of heresie , schisme and all church offences ? or if , forsooth , your meaning be the presbyterial officials shall have the preheminence and passe their verdict first ; are not the civil powers obliged to passe the like implicitly , to do the same good justice whether it bee right or wrong , or else set at large , to give a different judgment , and so , ips● fact● , condemne your doctrin as arrogant and heretical ? oh that you would but ba●e us these impertinencies , these inconsistencies ▪ how many fair sheetes of paper would it have saved from fowling ? but whereas you enthraule the magistrate hereunto as nursing-fathers and mothers ; you may as well engage your nurse to knock all children on the head , because they speake not so readily or plainly as your owne , though sublimated , extracted from mercuries braine : and yet this rule of yours needs not bee so stout to admit of no exceptions no qualifications ; since the off-spring of fornication or adultrie are forward imps , and forwardnes a character of such imps , though otherwise undiscovered to the world : but for the text in esa. 4● . 23. which propheside that the king● of the gentiles should become nursing fathers and their queens nursing mothers unto the church : mean you by their fighting for it ? by their cruel persecuting or tormenting christians ? 't is clearly by submitting themselves unto the churches spiritual yoake , by whose example their subjects might bee encouraged to do the like , of their owne free accord and godly disposition , without the least cullour of compulsion , in that the blessed spirit in the end of the same verse , brings for a reason of these kings and queens administring to the church , that they shall not be ashamed that waite for him ? now there would want a just capacity in them of being ashamed , for waiting on the church , or on christ the head thereof , if they were constrayned to wait . pag. 60. you say an ecclesiastical judicatore is nothing else but a certain n●mber of men endowed with an authoritive power according to gods word to judge of church ●usinesses according to gods glorie , and the weak of the church ; or in a word , the representative church of one parish , ●l●sse province , nation or of all the world : but where meet you with any such chimera of an ecclesiastical indicatorie in all the word of god ? where find you such an authoritive power as is by you insinuated ? where find you that it would be either for gods glorie , or the churches weale it should be so ? and last of all , where find you that a certain nomber of ecclesiasticall men , may be the representative church of the whole world ? though you rack and torture the 15th . and all other acts of the apostles by all the ecclesiasticall judicatories and authoritative powers which you can muster up , you will never bee able to get so much as a distinguishable eccho from them to this purpose : however , please your owne imagination ; erect as many consistorial babels as you will ; hammer out what decrees your selves think good ; and if you can , with a good conscience , tell us , wee may do well if wee observe them : but goe no farther ; since the church of jerusalem ( which you will , i beleeve , acknowledge your only president for assemblies ) did noe more ; and yet there were present there , apostles inspired men ; whereas if there be any thing else in the very best of your ecclesiasticall judicatories , as you call them , besides such infirmities a● are common to you , with any other nomber of your brethren , 't is more than all the world beleeves ; and therefore blame them not if they cannot run ●udwink'd with you into limbo , purgatorie or hell , since the way to heaven is too straight for men of implicit faith , blind zeale , orignorant devotion ( which are the best fruites your presbyterian disciplin can produce ) to light upon : and besides the manifold weighty exceptions which have been made already , and may yet bee farther multiplide , to prove that to bee no synod or ecclesiastical judicatorie in act. 15. tell mee , good sir , whether if they will make that a president ; the assembly which sits now at westminster may not according to the same grounds send their synodal decrees into germany , france , spaine , italie and other pretended christian countries , as well as they of jerusalem did into syrio , cilicia , who had noe r●presentatives in jerusalem , that we heare of , at the making of those decrees ? and by consequence , any certain nomber of men who have but confidence ●nough , and the civil sword to fight for them , ( else they will bee thought to say and do a● little to the purpose as their neighbours ) may take upon them to be an ecclesiastical judicature , the representative church , and so condemne the whole world into spirituall captivity , because their phansies tell them it is for gods glory and the churches weale it should bee so ? but suppose that antioch , syria and cilicia were willing to receive and yeeld obedience unto the decrees which were made by the church of jerusalem where there were present inspired apostles ; must this needs oblige all other churches now to do the same towards such as have no more infallibility than their brethren ? especially whether they will or no ? were not this to hang the christian libertie of the whole church militant upon the arbitrary proceedings of some few perticular congregations only ? good sir consider of it . to the exceptions which are justly alledged against the peremptorinesse of some ecclesiastical synods and assemblies which think they may parallel their own decisious with those of the apostolical church of jerusalem act. 15. which were infallibly certaine of the holy ghosts assistance , or else might possibly have erred , and consequently seduced all christians unto the end of the world , which would bee blasphemy of the greatest magnitude to imagine ; you aske wherefore may not every perticular minister say it seemeth good to the holy ghost and me ? to which i answer , that your ministers and you too , may bee rash in saying so , as you are in other matters : who can hinder you ? but must all the world bee mad or sottish to beleeve you ? because you are rash to say you know not what ? you say , that what seemeth good to the holy ghost , should likewise seeme good to all ministers ; i say so too ; but not contrariwise ? which rests on you to prove , or not require obedience as though the holy ghost were in your bosom , were at your beck : it is true , that whatsoever the church does rightly bind or loose on earth , is infallibly confirmed in heaven ; but that upon this presumption , every a s. a synod or assembly may take upon them to bind and loose , such as are not of their congregation prescribing both disciplin and doctrin unto their brethren , according to their owne imaginations ; much lesse expect that others should take their decisions to be oracles , and themselves little god almighties ; is a character of such high floane conceitednes and presumption , as since the creation was never equalized by any , except the son of the morning , lucifer himself es. 14. 12. 13. surely if god should say of these men ( as he did ironically of adam ) behold they are becom like us ; they can make new scriptures , new religions ; they are like enough to take him at his word , still soothing themselves in their fond attempts , until with adam they were excluded paradise : you think you may say it seemeth good to the holy ghost and you ; and what if i should graunt you may possibly in some sence ▪ say so unto your own heart with a good conscience ? must your conscience therefore become a rule , a yoake to other mens ? and if the blessed spirit should at any time be are witnes unto your spirit , or unto the spirit of a whole parliament and synod , what were this to the spirits of other men ? must not they waite with patience untill the blessed spirit bee pleased to visit their spirits likewise , before they can joyne with yours or the assemblies spirit ? but if the synods determination of this or that controversie should seeme good unto the holy ghost , as the churches decrees of ierusalem did ; must they therefore bee imposed upon the country , the whole world ? is not this to equalize your synodal canons with those decrees of the apostolical church of ierusalem , and so make scripture of yours as well as theirs ? is not this to adde to scripture ? nay , to alter it ? for adding to it is ipso facto altering , and it is said thou shalt not adde thereto ? deut. 4. 6. revel. 22. 18. can you or any synod say they are , or will be at any time , at their pleasure infallibly assisted by the holy ghost ? if not ; why doe you take so much upon you ? but you will say , you fast and pray ; you mean and hope well ; may not a companie of tinckers and coblers say the like ? but you are more wise , learned , noble , and therefore think it fitting that others should yeeld to your determinations ; rather than you to such as are rustick , illiterate , and obscure ; this in curtesie , may bee granted you , in part , that is , the not submitting your consciences to independents ; they seeke nothing lesse , beeing still willing to expect and pray for you with all long suffering and patience : what postumate dispensation then since ▪ the apostles leaving us , have you , not to doe the like ? they are the presbyterian doctors whose asses must passe for trumpeters , and whose geese are swans ; whose war a● must be thought better , and payde for deerer than any of their neighbours ; whatever they say must be accounted seraphical ; and mechanicks , all lay-men wave their owne reason and religion whilst they worship their's : 't is true , that jesus does tacitly commend nathaniel for beleeving in him , because he heard him only say , that hee saw him under the fig-tree ; yet withall he tels him that hee should see greater things than those ioh. 1. 50. that is , hee should see that , which would be a full and just ground of a higher degree and measure of faith in christ : in like manner , paul when he falls upon intergatories with the iewes his brethren after the flesh saying , how shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation ? he tells them withall that it was such a salvation as first began to be preached by the lord himselfe , and afterwards was confirmed unto us by them that heard the lord , god bearing witnes thereunto both with signes and wonders and with diverse miracles and gifts of the holy ghost hebr. 2. 2. 3. 4. from whence it followes , that wee may now much lesse beleeve new gospels , new doctrins which are not evident in scripture within the reach of our own capacities , and apprehensions ; or upon slender grounds , such as may possibly deceave us ; or upon any other lesse grounds than what are aboundantly able to satisfie both the strongest and weakest reasons and understandings of those from whom faith is required . it is said in pauls epistles to the ephesians that christ gave some to be apostles , some prophets , evangelists , pastours and teachers for the perfecting the saints , for the worke of the ministerie , for the edifynig of the body of christ , till we all come in the unity of the faith ; some whereof we find to have been more immediatly and largely gifted than the rest , as apostles prophets and evangelists , to whom in their rare indowm●nts and power of miracles , wee do not know any to have succeeded since the apostles dayes : but whether may wee not take the want of them as a grievous curse upon all christians with the rest of the world ever since ? whether can the gospel bee truly and throughly propagated without such infallible officers ? how can wee be assured that the gospel has beene inviolably conserved and preached unto ●● without such glorious witnesses to bare testimony thereto by signes and wonders ! how can the jewes bee certaine that they have the law and proph●ts conveyde unto them without beeing adulterated considering their severall captivities and persecutions ? who knowes whether ezra his memory might not faile him , in restoring unto them the scriptures , as is reported of him , after they were said to be almost all consumed by fire , when the chaldea●s tooke ierusalem ? sixtus senensis bibl : sanct. l. 1. ezra . pray , must their own or other mens reason be the handmaid to lead them through these laberinthes . wee see in genesis 27. that when isaack had an intension to blesse esauh ; jacob by his mother reb●ckah's counsell , having covered his hands and neck with kidskins , subtilly counterfetted himselfe to bee esauh , and so beguiled him of his blessing ▪ in the carriage whereof we see that isaack conceived it was iacob's voice , but that the hands were the hands of esauh ; whereof though he doubted , yet he suffered himselfe to beswaid that way , in regard that iacob affirmed himselfe to bee esauh ; verse 24. even so is it with multitudes of christians in many poynts of controversie , whilst the scriptures furnish us with testimonies which in some respect seeme to make for both sides ; however , in regard we cannot beleeve them both , i conceave a man may safely betake himself to that wherein he apprehends more evidence of the two ; and though it prove the wrong , yet god may accept of his indeavours and good intension , who did not blame isaack for thus blessing jacob through an errour , who yet since he had suspition of him by his voice , might have satisfyde himselfe concerning him , had he but felt the other parts of his body which were not counterfetted . paul likewise although he was a great blasphemer and persecuter 1. tim. 1. 13. act. 26. 9. 10. 11. yet he said of himselfe that hee had lived in all good conscience before god untill that day act. 23. 1. it is a very smale thing that i should bee judged of mans judgement ; i judge not my selfe , for i know nothing by my selfe 1. cor. 4. 3. 4. and rom. 14. 6. it is said hee that regardeth a day regardeth it to the lord , and hee that regardeth not the day unto the lord , he doth not regard it : hee that eateth , eateth to the lord for he giveth god thanks , and hee that eateth not , to the lord he eateth not and giveth god thanks : from all which way he gathered , that a good meaning and intention is greatly excusable before god , though it were in an erroneous way of fearing him : for all which respects the presbyterians do not only show themselves injurious in distip ●●ing , and ruling over their brethren , over whom they have no power , being freemen , free-christians equall to themselves ; but sacriledgious to gods bountifulnesse and long suffering , who like the scribes pharises hypocrites lay heavie burthens upon others , but they themselves will not put a finger to : luk. 11. 46. who streighten , if not quite dam up the way to heaven , not suffering others to enter , nor yet goe in themselves . math. 23. 13. good now let us fast or feast ; let us observe holy-dayes or not ; and so for other matters , according as gods spirit shall guide us thereunto , and not the spirit of a presbyterie , unlesse wee could see more in it than in our own . pag. 105. you say the supreame [ church ] iudicatorie may feare that if they judge any thing amisse , their judgments will not be approved , and put in execution with perticular churches ; and in all human probability they are like to be crossed : pray demur a little , and consider whether in these few lines you have not utterly demolished that mighty ( but imaginary ) babel of unlimmited authoritative jurisdiction which you had raised unto your classical presbyteries or superlative ecclesiastical assemblies ? doe you not here of your own accord acknowledge that in some cases , i. e. if they judge any thing amisse , the supreme church judioature it selfe may feare ●er judgements will not be approved and put in execution ( so much as ) in perticular congregations ? yea , and that in all humane probability they are like to be crossed ? since then you graunt your synods and highest church assemblies may judge amisse ; and that in such cases perticular churches may refuse to yeeld obedience ; will it not follow by undenyable consequence that such perticular churches must have power to examin and even judge the judgements of such assemblies according to their owne reasons and understandings ? and that whatsoever shall appeare to bee decreed or ordered amisse by such ecclesiastical assemblies , according to the light of their own reason and understanding which god has given them , and not to be submitted unto with a good conscience , ought and must not be put in execution by perticular congregations ? this is your owne doctrin sometimes though unawares ; for even on the top of the next page , 109. where you bring m. s. enquiring what should be done in case an oecumenical or general counsel erre ; you say you wil returne him answer , when hee tells you what must bee done in case the parliament should erre , or if the great sanedrin of the old testament or the councel of jerusalem had erred ; and yet you might remember to have objected thrice in this frivolous discourse of yours upon the like occasion , that quaestio non solvit qu●stionem : but do you not perceive a little spirit of perversenes in your selfe , that you can thus prevaricate ? thus play at fast and loose ? did you not just now confesse ( oh the power of truth ! that if the very supreme church judicature should judge amisse shee may feare her judgement will not be approved and put in execution by perticular congregations ? and doe you so soone boggle at the same querie afterwards ? will not this smal pittance of ingenuity reconcile you ( how fierce soever ) unto the independents ? either then recant this and such other passages ; or stand to them , and burn that confused volumne of sophistical distinctions and meere contradictions . pag. 170. 171. you say the example of the protestants in france suing for a toleration of their religion serves nothing towards the obtaining the like for independents in england : but why pray so magisteriall and peremptory ? have not the independents fought for the parliament against the cavaleers ? did they not refuse to joyn with the cavaliers in fighting against the scots ? your presbyterian disciplin had scarce been setled in scotland by civil and ecclesiastical authority , which you so much boast of in page 160. if independents had not done that for you which you were not able to do for your selves ? and doe you thus require them ? was there not the same reason for the scots some few yeares since to have submitted themselves unto the english service-booke , then adored by such an english uniformity , and sent , yea attempted to bee imposed upon them by the ecclesiastical authority of england ; as that the english and irish , two numerous and renowned nations , must now be subjugated by fire and sword unto a scotch directory ? surely if there be a god in heaven , or any conscientiousnesse on earth , it will never bee , or never long endure ; nescis quid serus vesper trabat : you say the protestants of france were compelled to idolatry and to bee actors in the damnation of their owne soules against the light of their consciences : and what if it be said the presbyterians professe and practise the same against the independents , against all that differ from them barely in opinion ? all the principles which concerne coercive discipline in , about , or for the church are common both to papists and presbyterians ? insted of arguments and reason , will you not say 't is false , foolish , fond , idle , ignorant , childish , currish , contradictorie , impertinent , non sence , nothing but wind and words of goodwin ? page 169. &c. how long will this great goliah of the presbyterians thus boast himselfe ? how long will the braying of this fowle mouth'd as . disquiet the people of god ? pack up your pedl●rs budget of such absurd distinctions abominable contradictions , unsufferable tautalogies , ( to say no worse ) and be gon , even anywhere , that we may be quit of you ; speake or write to instruction or edifying hereafter , or else hold your peace for shame of god and men : but do you not know that it shall be more tolerable for sodom and gomorrah , than for many people amongst whom christ wrought most of his miracles ? know you not that many who live and dye papists because through ignorance , ( as paul whilst he persecuted the saints 1. tim. 1. 13. whom god therefore had mercie on ) shall rise up in judgement against all protestants which know gods will and do it not ? doe you not take it to be mad doctrin of pauls when he presupposes there may bee a case when the best christians ( i say not presbyterians ) may , nay , ought never more eat flesh drinke wine , nor anything where at a brother stumbleth , is offended or made weake ? and yet if you beleeve rom. 14. 21. 1. cor , 8. 13. you may finde it evangelical , a little othergates , than such stuffe as you baptize with orthodox , and then think it pleaseth the holy ghost , ( because such men , such dust and ashes as your selfe know no better , ) that all the world , will they , nill they , must fall down and worship it : if independents say , they have no faith in communicating with your mixt multitude , and joyning in an english directory , alias a scotch common-prayer-booke ; and you notwithstanding by imprisoning or discountenancing compel them to it ; doe you not make them commit idolatrie ? are they not damned because they doubt thereof ? rom. 14. 23. can the priests in frame , the divels in hell , or presbyterians anywhere , do worse by protestants ? but you promise largely ; you say the presbyterians will not compel the independents to act against their consciences : only you will not suffer them to seduce other mens consciences : what an agrippa-like halfe christian paradox is this ? doth the truth constraine you to acknowledge that compelling independents to joyn with you in your mixt communions and stinted worship against their consciences , would amount unto idolatrie ? and may they not instruct their famelies , friends , brethren , and all such , who gaspe after a word of knowledge , or but desire to be instructed by them how to decline idolatrie , and worship god in sincerity and truth ? did not nature engrave it in the hearts of al men , that it is better to obey god than man ? did not the apostles for our clearer understanding resolve it when 't was made a question ? act 4. 19. are not all such condemned for unproffitable servants who put a candle under a bushel ? for lapping up their tallent in a napkin ? for not strengthning others after they themselves are converted ? and though you so often upbraid this as a licentious course and way , to let in all heresie and impiety ; have patience if i tell you the papists say the verie same for excluding protestantisme out of their dominions ; and neither you as profownd an as . as you take your selfe to be , nor all the presbyterians in the world , can say one tittle more than papists doe in this behalfe : now , wherein your divinity , your disciplin , your righteousnes exceeds not that of papists ; take it not so hainously , that independents who have not so learned christ , may not , dare not joyne with you : yet if upon a second consideration hereof you shall still remain head-strong , banishing all farther truth , left some heresies should creepe in therewith ; good now , do but discover to us a possibility how after the presbyterian rule , ( which , according to as . sayes the civil magistrate has power not to admit the true church , or to turne it out , though it had beene admitted and established by low . ) the roman church can ever be reformed , or the iewes converted to the gospel : concerning the churches of new-england , you say their independency is worse than heresie ; you strengthen your selfe in denying them a toleration in old-england , because they will not graunt you one in new-england , and yet you bid them begon thither and live in peace : but tell me a little ; how can they be secure in new-england from the omnipotency of the presbyterian disciplin which is as covetuous and ambitious as rome it selfe which claim 's no lesse than all the world ? ought you not to endeavour their conversion equal to your brethrens of old-england , and that as well unto your disciplin as to your doctrin ? are their soules not worth saving ? or their country not worth living in ? the soile is thought no whit inferiour , if not better then the best in old-england ; though there be not so good plundering for money and rich moveables : but why should not the soules of your new-english brethren bee as deare unto you , as those of old-england ? or though your brethren of new-england should know the way to heaven of themselves ; how can you with a quiet mind endure they should get thither without your passe , your mittimus , your peter-pence ? or why may not the old-english be thought as charitably on , or find the like favour from your over dilligent presbyerie ? but put the case you did really desire the new-english their conversion ? you approve of them in suffering no opinions to be published but their owne ? if this disciplin be strictly observed ; how can they possibly attaine to better light and knowledge ? what course will you take for their informing , for convincing them of this worse than heretical tenet as you call it , if to their's , and your church pollicy , they should lykewise attaine as sharp a civil sword as yours ? or put case that even your own most excellent doctorship were not so sound or orthodox as self conceited , which many have strong presumptions for , who are thought better able to judge thereof than as . himselfe , will you put your selfe in an impossibilitie of ever being reformed except tumultuously or illegally , both waies compulsively ? was ever any as . so dull , so stupid , so voide both of civil and christian policie ? but what shall i say unto you , since according to your theologie , nothing is so likely to prevaile with you as cudgelling ? page 172. you say that refusing to tolerate the independents will helpe to confirme the churches and people in the truth of presbyterian diciplin and doctrin ; that many men are led by authority , and take many things upon the trust of great men &c. phy as ! are you not asham'd thus to uncover the nakednesse of your churches ? to tell us and them that the presbyterian world takes up a religion and government upon trust ? and if the venerable and learned assemblie , as you stile them , should not graunt a toleration of any thing but poprie or turcisme , would not your good people whom you speake of , be as easily confirmed of the truth thereof ? surely they will , unlesse they bee wiser than their anchesters , which will not be beleeved . page 179. you ask what power hath either king or parliament to intrude and force upon the kingdome new religions or a toleration of all sects ? and say the parliament assumes no such power to it selfe : if this bee true ; how can it settle ( not to say intrude as as . does improperly and unmannerly ) the scotch presbyterian disciplin in england , more than the independency of new-english churches ? for since the churches of scotland and new england for doctrin agree in fundamentals , differ onely in disciplin , and as as . aleadges , doe persecute all opinions but their own ; how come the new-english and scots not to be both sects alike , since as . calls the apologists a sect ? but hee saies the presbyterian government is already established in england in the dutch , french , italian and spanish churches page 160. and i answer that hee may as well say the popish government was setled in england , because permitted to be made use of in in the queens chappells and so many ambassadours houses , little otherwise than was the presbyterian : but if the presbyterian government bee already established , what needs all this imprecating , this conjuring of as . yet for a farther setling of it ? but if the parliament may not , as as . saies , intrude and force upon the kingdome new religions ; and since the civil magistrate as you likewise say page 166. if he follow gods word cannot graunt a toleration without consent of the church if he judge it bee not corrupted : why doe you not then betake your selfe to the synod , forbearing to be farther troublesome unto the civil magistrate , untill it bee at leisure to talke with you for stigmatizing of it worse than mad , corrupted by bribery , or some other way , page 166. unlesse it descend unto such notions only as as . arrives to : and why , i pray , must the parliament needs tolerate all as . ' ses to think they are worse than madde , corrupted with money or some other way , if they should tolerate a new sect , you mean independents , i. e. any that but differ from one another in opinion , and such are all , as will not upon any occasion say , black is white , and white is black , or seeme to beleeve any thing else implicitely ? i know your meaning , your grand and common ( more than understood ) objection ; that there is but one true religion , but one faith , one way to heaven ; and why should wee then suffer men and women to bee of so many different waies faith's and religions ? for answer hereunto i can bee contented to graunt that there is but one true religion , one true faith and way to heaven ; but who can tell mee the precise and just precincts thereof ? what mean they by one true religion , one way , one faith ? the papists , luthrans , calvinists , all episcopal and presbyterian disciplind men generally are of this opinion ; each of them , whole nations and people , damn for the most part hand over head , all other professions but his own ; and even amongst these who by compulsion they will bee sure to make as good christians as themselves , to any mans thinking but their own , how few of them notwithstanding will they allow to get into heaven with them ? would it not be wonder if this circumference , this little continent of earth , should satisfie the vast desires of such , who seeme to think , that the heavens so infinitely more capacious , were only made for them and some few of their familiars ? o the malecontednesse of such spirits ! to say nothing of mahumetans nor any sort of pagans , no nor jewes who yet were the beloved nation of the lord , who promised to make all their enemies his owne ; to say nothing neither of papists , nor millions of christians , especially in the east which never heard more of poprie , than england had of presbyterie five yeares agoe ; ( which you may say was but a little , though since too much ) would it not be a harsh sentence for men of the classicall presbyterian-way to passe , which must send hedlong to hell all lutherans , calvanists , independents with sundry other differing protestants ? perhaps you will say though they live lutherans or independents , they may die converts , or well-willers to the presbyterian disciplin and doctrin : i answer , that this is such a may-bee , that if it come not whilst they live , i 'le passe my word 't will never happen afterward : you may as well say or think they may die jewes or papists , were you not apt to flatter your selfe , or glad to say any thing , rather than by plaine argument be made appeare as if you thought , god had first made the joyes of heaven , and in the fulnesse of time sent his son to repurchase them , for your fond opinions onely to vapour in ; but in case you doe not thus reprobate all lutherans , independents and such as differ from you in opinion , allowing them a possibilitie , even whilst they live and die lutherans or independents , to find the way to heaven ; why will you then not let them goe their own way ? what if it should seeme to you the farthest way about ? may it not prove the neerest home , according to the proverb ? i am certain it must be the surest way to them that know and apprehend no other : if then you cannot possibly decipher or chaulke out unto me exactly this only true religion and way to heaven , without imminent danger of streightning or enlarging it , do not take upon you to make enclosure of it , or compell others to leaue their owne way , unlesse you could bee infallibly assured , that were a better which you put them in , or were able to make them reraration , if it prove a worse . there are two great controversies which have set both state and church on fire , about which so many pamphlets have beene scribled , and not a few continued musing untill their heads grew addle , which yet , in my slender judgement , may be fully stated in a verie few lines only : that in the civil state , is betwixt magistrate and subject ; on the one side it is alledged , that if everie soule , the whole bodie of a people or nation must be subject unto the higher powers in all cases , whether they govern justly or tyrannically , then would it rest in the magistrates breast and power to ruin and destroy the whole nation at his pleasure : on the otherside , if the people may in some case deny subjection , it must bee in such as they apprehend themselves in imminent danger of destruction ; and then it will follow , that so often as they apprehend this imminent destruction , this necessitie ; soe often they may deny subjection , which would render the higher powers obnoxious unto the bare pretentions of the people , if they did but withall alledge their feares were reall : both these i confesse are great stumbling blocks , yet the latter , as i conceive , is to be adhered unto ; because it is a greater evil , to expose a whole nation to destruction , than a magistrate only : and lest it should be thought this tenet does expose the magistrate unto the inconstancie and violence of the people ; let such remember that magistrates are gods vice-gerents and as many times it happens that some scape better , for the present , for offending god than man but pay for it with a witnes afterwards ; soe if a people shall injuriously imploy that naturall power and might , which god has given them only for their defence , against the magistrates just commands and priviledges ; god becomes so much more engag'd to vindicate them , by how much being few in nomber , in comparison of the people , they want an arme of flesh to helpe themselves . as for the church controvesie , it may bee said in behalfe of independents , that unlesse differing and erroneous opinions bee tolerated ; the most orthodox and rectified are equally subject to bee persecuted : on the other side , presbyterians say , that the permitting differing opinions in a state , is to open a flood-gate to all manner of heresies and schysmes : what if wee did suppose these to bee the two great rocks of offence , which in some sense were no otherwise than scylla and charibdis ; one of which you could not avoide without adhering unto the other ? does it not remaine then , that wee should consider which of them is accompained with the greatest inconveniences ? the latter presupposes a possibilitie of entrance unto all heresies ; the former concludes a certainty of with-holding a great measure of truth , and even a possibility of keeping out the whole truth : now , this truth is like god himself ; even verie god himselfe , invallewable ; we may not hazard the least attom , the smalest proportion thereof , for al other possibilities or impossibilities whatsoever : what ? shall we put our selves into such a condition , that if we be in an errour it shall be impossible for us to get out of it againe , unlesse the whole civil state , the men of war , the world doe see it as clearely as our selves ? that if as yet wee have but some degrees of truth and knowledge , it shall be impossible for us to attain to greater ? that though we were in possession of the true religion , wee should bee liable to have it taken from us by everie sharper civil sword than our owne ? this is your doctrin page 13. where you say the civil mgistrate though christian has power to admit christian religion ; or when admitted to exile it afterwards ; but god keepe such presbyterian principles from farther taking root in england . but if king and parliament may not force a new religion or sect , suppose presbyterian , upon the kingdome ; much lesse can the synod which neither has , nor yet pretends , as is alleadged , to use the materiall sword ? and if for matters of religion , all power originally is in christ , as you sometimes acknowledge page 179. how can king , parliament , or synod wrest it from him ? nay , what thinke you ? is it not secondarily in the people , as well as civil power which you affirme in the same page ? and so doubtlesse is spiritual power ; unlesse you will make god to have provided mankind better of a safegard , or libertie to defend their bodies , than their soules : if then the spirituall power be so inherently in the people next under christ , as that they cannot so well renounce and part from it in many respects , by what they may of civil ; how can it be thought by any one that the king parliament or synod though never so much importun'd by a thousand such as . ses , should goe about to settle a n●w presbyterian scotch government , with an intention to force a conformity of the whole kingdome , three quarters whereof cannot , as yet be thought to submit unto it willingly , or for conscience sake ? page 180. and elsewhere , you advise the independents to quit their fat benefices ; but presbyterian know how to quit the leane benefices without your counsel : and where doe you find the independents in such fat benefices ? what if you cannot find one of them in a fat benefice ? will you not say good cause why , because the presbyterians would quickly heave them out , and get themselves ●n ? if they find any fatter than an other , and bee so liquorish ; if they regard neither flock nor the great shepheard of the flock christ jesus , but with esa●h or judas prefer 30. pence or a fat benefice before them both ; let them at least carry it more cau●elo●sly , and not ●●● skipping so , from one fat benefice or lecture unto a fatter , that all the world cry shame of them ; i need not name them , they are knowne to everie bodie but themselves . but prithee a. s , tell mee , do'st thou not intend this as a pious plot and master-peece of thine to accuse the independents of fat benefices , that they may bee provok'd to vindicate themselves by discovering who they were amongst the presbyterian rabbies that solicited so actively and dextrously , obtaining such an ordnance for tithes as all the subtle invention● of antichristian bishops could never get the like ? who they were that had more than a finger in helping sundrie ministers out of their livings partly for not paying the twentyeth part and other taxes ; and so soone as presbyterians had filld all benefices and lectures , to move , that ministers might then bee totally freed from all manner of ●essment● ; and is it not fitting it should bee so , think you ? that they should set and keepe the kingdome on ● fire , in ● desparate bloody civil warre , and yet bee totally exempted from contributing towards quenching , towards obtaining of a blessed peace ? i know these heathenish , jewish , popish notions of tythes , offerings , and 〈…〉 ons , were long since abominated ▪ and abolished amongst our scottish brethren ; and a. s. does well in not flattering the english presbyterians therein , lest independents should be farther scandaliz'd at him , who , it is well knowne , are not guilty of such si●oni● ; they 〈…〉 bargaine of the ministerie of the gospel , as if it were an unholy thing ; or themselves like so many coblers or shoe-makers to prostitute their labours , to them that proffer most ; they compel noe man to buy of them whether they will or no , much lesse at what price they themselves will , what god requires to be given for nothing , esa. 55. 1. 2 ; they force no man to pay for that he never had , as presbyterians doe such as cannot with a good conscience communicate with them in their ordinances ; as if a tayl●r or hatter should wrench your money from you though you lik'd not , would not have his wares , his service : who will , may see the bloody tenet , and iohn baptist concerning tythes more largely . pag. 181. you say the power of the ministerie , or ecclesiastical power is able and sufficient to beat down all fin spiritually : but pray tell me ; can fin be sin politically , and not be fin spiritually ? now if ecclesiasticall power can beat down sin spiritually as you acknowledge ; will it not follow , that fin so beaten down spiritually , ceases to bee sin at all either spiritually or politically , and consequently no neede of civil power to punish it ? but to be briefe , as the title promised for me ; our saviour bids us do as we would be done to ; that is , love our neighbours as our selves , on which commandment hangs the law and prophets , math. 7. 12. and 22. 39. 40. and paul tels us that love is the fulfilling of the whole law ; rom. 13 10. nay our saviour would not have us dare to aske forgivenesse of our heavenly father , otherwise , than as we forgive our brethren . math. 6. 12. 14. 15. now , amongst all sorts of transgressours , there is no one offendeth so highly , so undoubtedly against this law of loving his neighbour as himselfe ; or doing as hee would bee done to ; as he that persecutes , that but disturbs his neighbours welfare , because he differs from him in opinion , for cause of conscience though erroneous ; which i prove thus : every man hath so much of an athist in him , by how much he esteemes not the enjoyment of his conscience , above all enjoyments under heaven ; and though we have known many turne , some with more facility , others perhaps not without some difficulty , from popish opinions unto episcopal , and then from episcopal to presbyterial , according as either of them became more commodious , gainsome or fashionable ; yet , if athisme not having totally taken possession of their hearts , they began at any time to demur or scruple , according to the remnant of conscience which might be remaining in them ; it was never knowne that such were contented to have even these reliques of conscience persecuted or disquieted , howsoever absurd and heretical they might seeme to other men ; and therefore such as raise any manner of persecution against their brethren for conscience sake , which they could not be contented to have done unto themselves , unlesse they were very athists , must necessarily be the greatest offenders against this law of loving our neighbours as our selves , of any in the world : and although i am enforced at present to apprehend you in this gall of bitternesse , yet my prayers and hopes shall be , that with the apostle 1 cor. 6. 10. 11. it may be only said hereafter , that such were you once ; but you are now enlightned ; you are washed ; you are sanctify'de ; which god graunt in his good time and pleasure . twenty six difficult qvestions easily answered concerning a toleration of differing opinions . quest . 1. is it not the greatest presumption for a man to bee overswayde with his owne opinion , when others for the most part submit themselves to be governed by most voyces ? ans no : but far more presumptuous are they , who not content to injoy quietly their own opinions , proceed in compelling others to joyn with them therein , which yet may possibly bee as erroneous as other mens . q. 2. is it not the greatest hazard for men to build their faith upon their own private interpetations contrary to the decrees of synods and established lawes of kingdomes ? an. no : because broad is the gate which leadeth to destruction , and narrow is the path which leadeth to salvation ; though many bee called , few are chosen ; and every man must be saved by his own faith , not by the faith of parliaments or synods . q. 3. is it not great indiscretion to bee led away by a mans private reason and understanding contrary to the judgement and sense of many , and those perhaps the wise and learned ? an. no : because a man is to bee guided by his owne reason in all things and at all times ; and it would be a double errour , a sin against the holy ghost , not only to erre , but also to erre against his own reason and understanding . q. 4. may it not seeme singularity for some one , or a few inferiour people , to be totally governed by their own judgements and opinions , when the whole nation is uniforme ? an. no : because there is no mean betwixt beeing governed by a mans own reason , or that which is his implicitly , his ignorance . q. 5. is it not an ungodly thing to suffer men to be of any religion ? an. no : for both our saviour , his apostles and the primitive christians did the same , neither is it in the power of flesh and blood to hinder it . q. 6. is it not the most unseemly sight to see the people of one citty run scambling from their parishes to 20. conventicles where so many several doctrins are taught ? an. no : but far more monstrous and abominable in the eyes of god , for people of 20. severall opinions for feare or favour to assemble and joyn together hypocritically in one way of worship or church discipline . q. 7. but may wee not yeeld conformity of the outward man as a matter of great decencie and order in such cases which wee doe but doubt of , not certainly know to be forbidden ? an. no : because it makes us hypocrites , twofold more the children of the divel than we were before , and worse than they , who , yet unjustly , did overpresse us ro conformity . q. 8. ought we not then at least to keepe our different opinions and religion unto our selves in obedience to the civil magistrate that co●maunds it ? an. no : because it is better to obey god than man ; and christ sayes we must not feare them who can kill the body only ; bidding his disciples speake that in the light which he had told them in darknesse , and on the house tops what he had told them in the eare , affirming that he would deny whosoever should bee ashamed or deny him ; act. 4. 19. mat. 10. 27. 28. marke 8. 38. 2. tim. 2. 12. q. 9. if jesuited papists and other subtle hereticks be suffered , will they not likely seduce many unto their erroneous by-pathes ? an. though a toleration of erroneous opinions may gaine some to sathan , yet truth being therewith permitted to be published and improved , will in all probability , not only gain so many more to god ; but any one thus won to god , unto his truth , is worth thousands of those that fall from it , or rather from the seeming profession which they made thereof . 1 ioh. 2. 19. q. 10. but may not the multiplying of heresies stifle or expel the truth , like as the abounding of tares and weeds often choake the wheat , and for this cause not be permitted ? an. though it seeme so to many at the first , yet our saviour in the parable of the tares math. 13. teaches us a quite contrary doctrin , and forbids [ heresies ] the tares to bee pull'd up before [ the day of judgment ] the the harvest verse 30. 39. least the wheat [ the children of the kingdome true professours ] verse 30. 39. bee therewith rooted up . q. 11. is it not wonderful extravagant that men & women should have a latitude to yeeld obedience to no manner of disciplin or doctrin than what they themselves list ? an. no : unlesse you will have them obliged to yeeld unto whatsoever disciplin and doctrin others list , though they neither understand nor know it . q. 12. but may it not likely prove a subvertion of the civil state whilst such scrupulous people may upon all occasion pretend out of conscience to deny obedience to the civil powers ? an. no : for such as are truly conscionable in gods , though but supposed work , and seruice , are also more exact and conscientious in rendring all due obedience unto man , unto the lawes and magistrate , not only for feare , but more for coscience sake . q. 13. may not diversity of opinions cause dissentions or breach of love in a country or cyttie ? an. no : but rather the contrary , whilst the civil magistrate countenanceth all alike and each man finds his neighbour not only permitting , but in some manner assisting him out of love , in such a way to heaven as he apprehends to be the only true way . q. 14. is it not equally impossible for a church-society as for a cytie to continue long without a government ? an. yes : if you meane spirituall government with its spirituall relations ; for as a church society is spiritual ; so must bee the government in all relations and respects . q. 15. but do we not by dayly experience in all places and houses find the independents wrangling with the presbyterians about church controversies ? an. no : but rather the contrary ; for if you marke it well , you may see they are still the presbyterians who generally begin first to find fault , and pick quarrells with the independents opinions , not the independents with the presbyterians . q. 16. may not the permitting men to teach and imbrace new opinions be occasion that we quite loose old truthes ? an. no : for if all opinions be permitted , the true ones must necessarily be included . q. 17. but is it fitting then for everie man to be of what religion he will ? an. yes surely ; and far better so , than to bee of whatsoever religion an other will have him to be of , since one of them must necessarily fall out . q. 18. must we then suffer men to run headlong in the way to hell , if they have neither will nor understanding to prevent it of themselve● ? an. surely yes : wee must suffer what we cannot hinder . q 19 ▪ but may it not be hindered by hindering so many erroneous doctrins to be published , which if they never heare of they cannot long after , nor beleeve in to damn themselves ? an. n : because a mans own phansie , imagination and discourcive facul●y of themselves suggest and present unto his memory variety of opinions , though not so clearly perhaps at first ; which if it bee not graunted him freely to debate , aske counsel , judge and make choice of , his condition were worse than beasts , incapable of doing either good o evil ; and such as are carried away with every wind of novelty and false doctrin , were never sound in the true doctrin , though they might seeme so before , for want of oppertunity to show the contrary . qu. 20. if there be but one true religion , why should we suffer above one religion in a country ? a. if there be but one true religion we ought to be the more carefull how to get and keep it in the country ; not banishing any religion which in opinion of different judges may possibly be the true one , and by such as make profession of it , ( both , as wise learned and conscientious as our selves ) is proemptorily affirmed to be the only true one . q. 21. is it not a pious act to compel a companie of carelesse idle people to hear a good sermon , to do a good work whether they will or no ? an. no more pious an act , then for papists to use the like compulsion towards jewes and protestants in forcing them to heare their sermons , masse , or vespers . q. 22. yea : but though they bee thus compelled to heare good sermons at fi●st against their wills , the power and efficacy of truth is such , as that in likelihood it will win upon their affections , and work in them afterwards a desire to heare and practise them of their owne accord . an. this is not likely ; because we do not find in all the gospel , that such unwarrantable means were ever sanctifide to produce so good effect . q. 23. but have we not seen it by experience , that whilst the papists in england were made go to church , many of them were converted , and dyed protestants . an. the conversion of such papists was rather to be suspected counterfeit to save their purse ; and if it had been real at any time , we must attribute it to some private illumination , or other handy-work of god , and not to such means as are so contrary , both to the doctrin and practise of our saviour and his apostles . q. 24. may not the civil goverment interpose to punish such church-members with whom the spiritual , by reason of their refractorines cannot prevaile ? a. nothing lesse ; since the civil state or government has no more power nor virtue to make a papist turn protestant in england , than it can prevaile to make a protestant become a papist in spaine . q. 25. because papists do ill in compelling protestants to heare an idolatrons masse ; may not protestants do well to force papists to heare godly sermons ? an. a protestant sermon is as idolatrous to a papist , as a popish masse is to a protestant ; and neither of them can more judge with the understanding , than see with the eyes of the other , besides that god regards only such as serve him willingly . q. 26. but can there be any hurt in forcing refractory people to be present ●● religions orthodox assemblies , where , if they will , they may be informed of the truth ? an. yes : 1. because there can come no good thereof through want of willingnes , which god only regards , in him ▪ which i● thus compelled ; and 2. because this [ forcing ] is a doing evil that good may come thereof , which is prohibited , rom , 3. 8. finis . an historical relation of the late general assembly held at edinburgh from octob. 16, to nov. 13 in the year 1690 in a letter from a person in edinburgh to his friend in london. cockburn, john, 1652-1729. 1691 approx. 207 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69769 wing c4809 estc r5062 12499874 ocm 12499874 62662 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69769) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62662) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 310:6 or 348:6) an historical relation of the late general assembly held at edinburgh from octob. 16, to nov. 13 in the year 1690 in a letter from a person in edinburgh to his friend in london. cockburn, john, 1652-1729. [2], 78 p. printed for j. hindmarsh ..., london : 1691. attributed to john cockburn. cf. nuc pre-1956. "licensed april the 20th, 1691" reproduction of original in huntington library. "a proclamation anent a solemn national fast and humiliation": p. 78. imperfect: p. 65-68 are lacking on reel 348. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -scotland -history -17th century -sources. scotland -church history -17th century -sources. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an historical relation of the late general assembly , held at edinburgh , from octob. 16. to nov. 13. in the year 1690. in a letter from a person in edinburgh , to his friend in london . licensed april the 20th . 1691. london , printed for j. hindmarsh , at the golden-ball in cornhill , near the royal-exchange . mdcxci . a letter from edinbvrgh . to one in london , &c. sir , i received yours , and do not think it strange , that those of england are so desirous to know the acts and proceedings of our general assembly in scotland ; for not only curiosity but interest may prompt them thereto : i will readily serve you in this matter , and intended , though you had not required it , to have given you an account of it , that you might have occasion of gratifying your worthy friends and acquaintance . it 's true , i was not eye-witness of what past ; for you know my circumstances would not allow that ; and the brethren ( as they call themselves ) endeavoured to keep out all that were not of their own party , or who might tell tales ; forbidding the keepers of the door to admit any without a leaden ticket in the shape of a heart , which was the pass given them , which was not so easily obtain'd , except for their particular friends ; and if any of the episcopal party were discovered , there was a cry presently , conformists are here ; and the officers were sent to thrust them out . however notwithstanding of this strictness , there were always two or three discreet and intelligent persons of my acquaintance present at every session , from whom i have what i write to you . and i assure you that you may trust the ingenuity and faithfulness of the relation . but before i come to the assembly it self , there be some things previous to it which you ought to be informed of ▪ a general assembly in scotland ( you know ) is much of the same nature with the convocation in england , or a national council ; and of no less authority here : nay , our presbyterians exalt the authority of their assemblies aboue that of king or parliament ; and there be some standing acts of their assemblies against acts of parliament , and which discharge obedience to them : whereupon our presbyterians being not content with what the parliament had done for them , nor thinking their authority sufficient for setting up their government ; they required a general assembly , by whose authority ( which with them is supreme , and next to that of jesus christ ) their government might be firmly established , and all their actings and proceedings ratified and approved by it . yet they knew that a free assembly of the clergy and laity throughout the kingdom would rather defeat than advance their designs ; therefore they consider'd how they might prevent that by some method , which would exclude all who were not well affected to their interest , or zealous for the good old cause . in order hereunto they prevailed with the parliament , to lodge the whole government and management of church affairs in the hands of those few old preachers who went off when episcopacy was reestablished an. 1661. and such as should be admitted and approved by them . when these ministers off the episcopal perswasion who had complied with the present civil government heard this , they thought themselves injured , and therefore addressed to the parliament to be admitted to a share of the government , or at least not to be absolutely subjected to them , who were their stated and professed enemies . this they claimed as due to them , not only upon the account of their being lawful ministers of the gospel , but also upon the account of the publick faith , which promised them protection upon their compliance with the civil government : notwithstanding which , their petition was disdainfully rejected , and the act continued as before , in favour only of the above-mentioned presbyterian preachers . by which means all the present episcopal clergy and such of the laity as favoured their interest , and had complyed with them , were rendred incapable of bearing any office in the kirk , and of sitting and voting in their meetings . this the episcopal party justly complained of , and said ; that though episcopacy was abolished merely upon an unjust and false pretence , that that government exercised tyranny over the church , yet now a real presbyterian tyranny was established , that instead of fourteen bishops sixty were set up , who would lord it over their brethren more imperiously than they either did or pretended to do ; and that presbyters were subjected to them who own'd themselves to be no more than presbyters , which had no precedent in the catholick church , but also they who could not be denyed to be lawful ministers were excluded from any share of the discipline and government of the church ; which was contrary to the very principles and tenets of the presbyterians themselves ; who make every private minister to be invested with the authority of ruling as well as of teaching ; and who affirm it unlawful for any minister to part with that right ; and who therefore were wont to exclaim against bishops , because they seemed to usurp it wholly to themselves . all the excuse made for this was , that they could no otherwise make their government sure , and that the episcopal party deserved to be thus treated for their apostacy , in betraying and renouncing the true rights and interests of the church by complying with episcopacy . hence it was inferr'd that presbyterians do juggle both with god and man : for whereas they would have the world believe , that their model of government and forms of discipline are so much of divine right that they can submit to no terms of composition with men about them ; so when it makes for their interest , they can without any scruple introduce essential alterations thereof : for parity ( which they make the institution of christ ) was now taken away , and out of the pretended exigence of the church nine hundred ministers were suspended from one half of that power given them by christ , which at other times is said to be so essential to them that they cannot be ministers of the gospel without it . shortly after the passing that act of parliament , for setting up the presbyterian government , and committing the care and management thereof to these few surviving presbyterian ministers , who had not complied with episcopacy ; there was a meeting at edinburgh of presbyterian ministers and lay-elders to advise about the affairs of the kirk , and to lay down methods how a general assembly should be call'd and constituted ; because ( as i have observed ) one could not be had according to their minds , after the old manner and standing rules of general assemblies . by virtue of the act of parliament , none had the right to meddle with the government and affairs of the church but such ministers as had been removed by the restoration of episcopacy ; and certainly these men were greatly overseen when they parted with that privilege , and admitted others to share with them before they had setled the church according to their minds : for by these means they were overpower'd and outvoted , and forced to yield to other things than what they first intended ; but they were not sensible of this their errour till it was past remedy . first , the remnant of the remonstrator party , who had been actually deposed in the time of presbytery , and some of them for scandalous and gross crimes , came to sit in this meeting ; they were very active and useful , and therefore it was thought fit to receive them ; but some being sensible of the irregularity of admitting persons lying under the sentence of deposition by their own kirk , it was therefore moved that the sentence of deposition might be first taken off : but the debate was laid aside and supprest , because these men urg'd and pressed that their sentence of deposition might be declared void and null , being done clave errante , by a factious party ; wherewith some of the old publick resolutioners were pricked , and therefore proceeded to defend themselves , and particularly one mr. alexander pitcarne protested against their proceedings , and threatned to print his protestation , and to declare their meeting unlawful , while such incapacitated members were allowed to sit in it : but such early heats being unseasonable and prejudicial , they prevail'd with him to take up his protestation and to forbear the publishing it . into this assembly also were received all these younger brethren , who had been admitted to the ministry clandestinely in the time of the last reign , or avowedly and openly since the receiving their indulgence from king james . these were hurried on with more fierceness and zeal than the former , who indeed wanted not sincerity and concernment enough for the cause . — gelidus tardante senectâ sanguis hebet , frigentque effoetae in corpore vires . the old men thought that they ought to rule , and bear the greatest sway because of their age and experience , and that the act of parliament was especially in their favours ; but the younger brethren would not be impos'd upon , seeing parity was the constitution of their government . and it was said that one mr. webster told mr. gilbert rule very bluntly , that tho he was a younger man he merited more than he , having taken the ministry upon him in the time of persecution , when no temporal * interest did encourage him to it ; whereas the other entred into it in the time of peace , and deserted it in time of trouble . mr. gabriel cunningham was chosen moderator of this meeting , which was extraordinary as to its nature , neither was there a proper name for it ; for it was neither session , presbytery , provincial , nor diocesan synod , nor general assembly , nor commission of the kirk , which are all the church judicatures ever have been since the reformation ; but ever since it bears the name of the general meeting . here they appointed ministers for the several corners of the country , divided them into presbyteries , prescrib'd the rules of trying episcopal ministers , and ordained that where the presbytery consisted but of four or fewer , the next presbytery should be joyned to it , which yet in many places made not a competent number for so weighty a business , as the examining and censuring ministers for their doctrine and manner : for the two presbyteries of hidingtoun and dumbar , where ( you know ) there be near thirty parishes , consisted but of five presbyterian ministers . there was the like number in the presbyteries of dunse and churnside , where there were about as many parishes . in the presbytery of aughterarder there was but one presbiterian minister , and when the next was joyn'd to it , they made but three ; so that when it was debated in the assembly , whether one of them , to wit mr. william spence ( of whom you will hear more afterward ) should go for angus ; they pleaded against his going , because that without him they could not have a quorum in the country where he then lived ; and at the same time sir colin campbell and ardbruchill stood up and said , in the face of the assembly , that for twenty miles westward of perth , there were but two or three ministers , meaning these of the presbyterian perswasion , which shews how little agreeable either their persons or government are to the people . here also they laid down the method and manner of constit uting the next assembly , which was to sit in october , viz. that where a presbytery consisted of eight ministers , they should send four ministers and three ruling elders to the assembly ; where they were under eight and above four , three ministers and two ruling elders ; four should send two ministers and one ruling elder ; and where there was but one , that one and a ruling elder should come : by which you see that the old method of constituting general assemblies was quite alter'd , and that as many parts of the kingdom were not allowed representatives in that assembly , so others were not represented equally , nor could they bear a sutable proportion therein ; but the smalness of their number was admitted as a defence for this irregularity . at this meeting they appointed a general fast before the sitting down of the assembly , to be kept on sunday the 5th . of october , which was the third fast had been observed on sundays within the space of a year , which is neither agreeable to the nature of the day , nor the practice of the primitive times ; but our presbyterians are above these things ; they have more regard to the practice of their own predecessors , than either to reason or antiquity ; and you know it was the custom of the old presbyterians to keep all their fasts on the lords day : at this time also we had another instance , whereby they shewed themselves the true sons of their fathers , who did not confine themselves to matters purely ecclesiastical , but who also were always catching ▪ at the power of the magistrate ; whose priviledg it is in this kingdom to license books , and in their licences to grant the monopoly of them : this privilege was assumed by the general meeting ; for they order'd an old treatise of ruling elders to be reprinted by the heirs of andrew ▪ anderson , and discharged any other to meddle therewith ; this is the form of their licence word for word . the general meeting of ministers and elders of this church have appointed this treatise of ruling elders and deacons to be printed by the heirs of andrew anderson and none other . extracted by john spalding , clerk. this was a small beginning , however the privy council thought fit to take notice thereof , and to give a check to these encroachments on the civil power , and therefore order'd the copies to be call'd in , and the licence to be torn away ; so that after the first day all the copies were sold without the imprimatur ; and two friends of mine ( who otherwise cared not for the book ) were forced to pay a triple rate for one with the forementioned licence , which was a new proof of the presbyterian usurpation . after the meeting the brethren went home , and fell to their work with all their might , according to the instructions given them in their general meeting . it was expected that they would first have planted the churches made vacant by the council and the rabble , which were more than could be supplied by all the ministers of that perswasion : but they were not so zealous to plant , as to pluck up what was already planted ; they would not begin to build , until what was already built was overthrown to the ground . more than a third part of the churches in the kingdom wanted ministers , and the most of them for more than a year . but as if that was only a small matter , it was overlooked ; and all pains and care laid out in emptying these churches where the episcopal ministers continued to preach . their beloved west was destitute of ministers , the churches there and in galloway were almost all shut up . so that when the assembly met , two ministers declared before them , that where they liv'd there was not so much as the face of a church , there being no ministers but themselves and one other : yet none were sent thither , but they shew'd greater inclination to seat themselves in the lothians and south , which is indeed a better country , but where there was less room for them , and where they were not so acceptable to the people . many were indeed astonished at this , nor could they either justify it , or well understand the politick thereof . strange ! there were already more churches vacant , than there were presbyterian ministers to put in them , and yet so many more were aimed at , and coveted . it was sad and lamentable to see so many desolate congregations in all parts of the land , such multitudes of people without the gospel , and without the direction of pastors , and yet they would endeavour to deprive them of this blessing , who by the good providence of god had it still continued with them . however they did this either to force the people to joyn with them when none other could be had , or being conscious of their own ignorance and inability , they thought it neither fit , nor their interest to tolerate them who were more judicious , and who would accustom the people to sense and solid discourses , which held forth the true nature and design of the gospel , and which armed people against sanatical delusions . when some were ask'd why they studied to cast out all the episcopal clergy , seeing they could not yet supply their churches , and why they would preach in a meeting-house , where there was an episcopal minister unblameable in his life and doctrine , and draw the people from him , rather than go to another parish which wanted a pastor altogether . it was answered , that there was less prejudice both to church and people by the want of preaching , than by the preaching of men of episcopal principles and persuasions : and mr. frazer of bray said in a sermon before the parliament , that it was better that the temple of the lord , did lie sometime unbuilt and unrepair'd , than be rear'd up by gibeonites and samaritans . but to return , nothing came before the presbyteries , except citations and libels against episcopal ministers , and to make the greater dispatch , they sat every week . the presbyteries were a perfect inquisition , who sent out spies to inform them not only of the publick sermons and open practices of the episcopal clergy , but also what they spoke and did in private ; neither did they search only into their present behaviour , but also they made enquiry into the former actions of their lives , and if they upon diligent search made any discovery of any little blemish or failure , though before forgotten , it was made a part of their indictment . mr. c. an old man of eighty years at lady-kirk , was libell'd among other things for drunkenness , alledging an instance fifteen or sixteen years ago , who as he prov'd the alledg'd instance to be false , so he said very well , that seeing a latter instance could not be produc'd , it did appear , that he was neither scandalously drunken , nor guilty of the habit thereof . there was a form'd design of disgracing the episcopal clergy , and of rendring them infamous for immorality ; but it will be much for their advantage , that after earnest desires and endeavours to blacken them , there was little or nothing made out against them ; when any real scandals were found , they were loudly talked of , and publickly proclaim'd , and laid to the charge of the whole party , as if it were a matter extraordinary to find some unworthy persons among nine hundred or a thousand : the least defects of behaviour were heightened and aggravated as if they had been gross crimes , and what was no fault was made one by a perverse and sinister interpretation and uncharitable construction . when more heinous crimes were wanting , the libels were stuff'd and swell'd with articles , which of themselves amounted to nothing ; but accumulated together , were by them look'd upon and sustained as amounting to a great guilt . and when nothing could be devised against the minister himself , he was accused for his elders and parishioners , if they could be tax'd for any real or apparent crimes ; for then it was said , that he prophaned the holy ordinance of the lords supper , because he was assisted by such elders , in the administration of it ; and that he admitted such persons , whereas yet neihter the one nor the other were under church censure or legal conviction . the libels were generally so frivolous and impertinent that they ought to have been rejected with scorn ; but whatever was offered by the bygots was admitted , and all care and caution us'd not to discourage them . the great scandals of mr. couper and mr. graham ministers at dumfermline were the admitting persons promiscuously to the sacrament ; the profaning the lords day in suffering people to bring in kail , and fan barly for the pot that day ; and by allowing their children to play with others , though they were very much under that age , which even in the opinion of jewish doctors was obliged to the strict observation of the sabbaoth . another minister was design'd to be libelled for plucking a few pease on sunday ; but that being so parallel to the case of the disciples , which our saviour defended , it was not permitted to be made use of . one was accused because he sometimes whistled ; and another because one time playing at bowls , he broke an innocent jest , which none could have construed prophane , but they who were impure . if any had at any time publickly or privately express'd any zeal for episcopacy , or reflected on the covenant , and the principles and practices of the presbyterians , who now always assume the names of the godly , and the peculiar people of god , or if it could have been alledged , that they had any ways , tho never so indirectly , or even in obedience to the magistrate , been the occasion of any trouble or uneasiness to them , this was never omitted ; but was sure to be made a main article of their libel . thus mr. crawford ( the old gentleman mentioned before ) was accused for calling the covenant a band of rebellion . mr. heriot , minister at dalkeith was libelled , as calling monmouth and argyle rebels and traitors , because he read the proclamation set forth against them , and which was appointed to be read in churches * by the king and council . and a certain great man was so picqu'd at him upon this account , that he would neither hear his defences against the other articles of the libel , nor yet interpose his authority ( which was then the highest in the state ) for keeping him in the exercise of his ministry , though it was desired by the generality , and the best of his parish . mr. wood of dumbar was charged in his libel with cruelty , and a persecuting spirit , because he persuaded a friend of his to put away a servant who would not keep the church , and thereby made both her self and her mistress liable to the law : he was also accused for saying to one who exprest his fears , as if the liturgy of the church of england would be introduced among them , god send us no worse ; and that he had never exprest his thankfulness to god , for the deliverance of the land from popery and prelacy . to the first he reply'd , that he was indeed sorry if any such expression had dropt from him , because he was sensible it was too mean for so great and so glorious a church as that of england : to the other he said , that he thanked god heartily for any deliverance that the land had from popery , but he could not do so for the overthrow of prelacy , unless he either acted the hypocrite , or was convinced that presbytery was the greater blessing , and the more ancient and apostolical government ; which he never yet saw made out . mr. graham ( whom i mentioned before ) had in his libel imputed to him , the taking the oaths of allegiance and canonical obedience , which , they said , shewed him incorrigibly episcopal . mr. couper had added to his libel his taking the oath of the test . mr. johnstone of salin was accused for being too much affected to the episcopal government , and for recommending superstitious and erroneous books to the people , as they were pleas'd to call the whole duty man , which was expresly mentioned . another mr. johnstone minister of burnt island was libell'd , for conversing with some persons whom they alledg'd to be no friends to the government either of church , or state ; and for using the doxology , &c. which , &c. could only refer to the creed and lords prayer . the minister of abbots-hall was accused for neglecting the catechism of the westminster divines , and using that which was first set forth by the synod of edinburgh , and afterwards enlarged by the reverend and pious bishop scowgal : the catechism ( i must tell you ) is as well as the whole duty of man much spoken against , and severely condemn'd as erroneous ; but what are the particular errours of it which make it so dangerous , i could never learn , nor do i believe you could guess them , except they were told you . by these instances you may understand the nature of our presbyterian libels ; i forbear to give you more , because i suppose there will be a collection of them published : but you must know that they would never give any of the episcopal clergy the title of minister , but only that of incumbent . mr. graham complain'd of this , and demanded a reason , who was told by way of answer by one that preach'd at innerkeithing that there were no true ministers but presbyterian ministers ; and as they denied them the title of ministers ; so to take away their right to their respective parishes , one article of their libel was , their entring by presentation from a patron , and by ordination , collation , and institution of the bishop , contrary to the word of god ; the constitution of this church , acts of assemblies , and the lands solemn engagements . when the leading men of that party were upbraided for making episcopal ordination a ground of a libel ; they excus'd themselves and laid the blame of it upon the people ; but in this they shewed their hypocrisie and deceitful dealing . for it was well known that the presbyterian ministers were always consulted in the forming of the libels , and many of them were drawn up by themselves , and that all them were every where of the same strain , which makes it evident that it was a concerted business among them , to beget in the peoples minds an aversion to episcopal ministers , as not true ministers , nor entring in at the right door ; though they were also careful to foist in some other thing to excuse their censures with the more judicious , who could not be so easily deluded and imposed upon . as the articles of the libels were for the most part frivolous and impertinent , so the manner of their process was neither legal nor reasonable ; for seldom did they let the minister accused know his accuser , and so he might have been made a witness against him , which is contrary to the laws of all nations : beside , they always received the libel , and sustained the validity of it , before he was heard , and not regarding what defences might be opponed , caused him to be cited to hear and see himself deposed : nor was he suffered to be present at the examination of the witnesses ; but in many places , if not every-where , the witnesses were allowed to be present all together , when they gave in their evidence : by the civil and canon law , and the reasonable practise of all nations , they who bear hatred , malice , or have discovered any prejudice against the accused , cannot witness in judgment against him ; but this was wholly neglected and past by , and the most avowed , profest , and open enemies received as witnesses , and such also allowed to sit as judges . thus mr. calderwood a profest , and bitter enemy of mr. heriot minister of dalkeith , who was the chief if not the only informer against him , sat and judged him in the presbytery in the quality of a ruling elder ; and when the said mr. heriot desired that he might be removed , it was utterly refused him . so when mr. george purves minister at glencorse appeared before the same presbytery at dalkeith , he objected against some of the witnesses as carrying heart-malice and ill will towards him ; they having sometime before assaulted him in the pulpit with swords and staves , and taking him by the throat , had gone near to have strangled him , if he had not got present relief ; therefore ( said he ) they ought not to be allowed as witnesses against me , for they that did so , what will they not do to procure my ruin ? upon which the very reverend and worthy matthew selkirk , who is now setled minister at crighton , rose up and spoke to the moderator ; that if these men had done so out of malice and personal prejudice , they ought not to be received as witnesses ; but if they had done it for the glory of god , he saw no reason why they might not be admitted . if one part of the deposition seemed to prove the libel , or any article of it , though the other did exculpate the minister or extenuate his fault , the first was marked , and the other left out ; so i was told of one who is since dead , who was accused for saying ▪ that women wanted souls ; the witness declar'd he had heard him say so , but that he only deliver'd as the opinion of another , and yet upon this the article was look'd upon as proved : when the witnesses cleared the minister or asserted his innocence , they were dismiss'd as knowing nothing of the matter ; but such were greatly encouraged and cherished as shewed themselves earnest and forward to divest him of the character of a faithful , pious and upright pastor : and when they passed the sentence of suspension or deposition against any , at the intimation of it , from the pulpit in his own church , the whole libel was read , though several of the articles were so frivolous and trivial as not censurable by law , and others of them that contained matter of scandal were no way proved . as for the episcopal clergy , some of them disown'd their authority , and would not appear ; others appeared , and gave in their defences ; and some perceiving the partiality of the particular presbyteries appeal'd to the next general assembly , hoping to meet with greater moderation there , or at least that before that time the civil government would put a stop to these rigid and unreasonable proceedings . thus matters went till the sitting of the assembly , and by these proceedings the presbyterians not only encreas'd the prejudices of those who differed from them , but they also disgusted many of their friends . the presbyterians you know were much inferiour to the episcopal party in number , quality , learning or good sense ; and i assure you , that now they have lost much even of that interest which they had in this nation , many who thought well of them while they were kept under , are now ashamed of them , and have deserted them : i am told that many ( even in the west ) abominate them : it is most certain that in other places of the kingdom , they are fear'd and dreaded as a plague to mankind , just as the jesuits are . when the time of the assembly drew near , the several presbyteries set about the chusing commissioners for it , and things were so laid , that the most bigotted and hot-headed were generally chosen , and those of a more moderate temper put by . if there had been any respect to the qualifications of men , none in that part of the country he lived in would have been preferr'd to honest dr. hardy ; but because heretofore he had kept correspondence with the episcopal party , and still prest moderation towards them , he was excluded . in like manner mr. alexander pitcairn of dron was put by , because of his carriage at the last general meeting , though he is said to have more learning than the most of them ; and there were but three others in the presbytery with him , and none of them , of these old men to whom the government of the church was entrusted by the late act of parliament : he indeed came to the assembly , sat in it , and interposed his judgment , but was no member of it , and so consequently had no vote . when these measures were perceived , it was concluded , that mr. george campbel should be also shuffled out of the assembly ; but that would have made their designs too apparent , there being none of his presbytery whom they could bring in competition with him , as also they had not much reason to fear any opposition from him because of his modesty and quietness , which makes him averse to contests and jangling . he hath indeed the character of a learned , good , and discreet man ; and by his moderation at first he did very much displease his brethren , which ( as i am informed , but am loth to believe ) hath obliged him for removing their jealousies to express himself of late more severly against the episcopal party than he us'd to do formerly . as for lay-commissioners , such were pick'd out as either were most bygottedly affected to their interests , or whom they desir'd and design'd to make fast friends to their party . in the presbytery of churnside the laird of — was chosen , and in dunse the competition lay betwixt the laird of lanton and m. the last was like to have carried it , but some one suggested to the moderator , that it would very much reflect upon them to have both the commissioners for the merse stain'd with the scandal of adultery ; upon which the commission was giv'n to lanton , and the other was put by , whom yet they would fain have obliged , he being one who has at present a considerable place in the kingdom . the king you know ought to have a commissioner at every assembly , to see that affairs of state be not medled with by the brethren , who indeed still retain the strong inclinations , which they as well as the church of rome have always shewed to meddle with them , pretending they only do this in ordine ad spiritualia . every one look'd that the earl of crawford should have been the person , whom the king should have honoured with that employment , and his lordship himself rejoyced in expectation of it : but ( to the surprizal of all ) some few days before the assembly sat , a commission came down for my lord carmichael , which made the zealous brethren hang down their ears : and my lord crawford gave an indication of his secret grudg at the disappointment , by his entertaining every body who came to see him with protestations , that he did not desire it , and with reasons and excuses why he would not have accepted of it , if it had been offered to him : but we may justly suspect that his lordship would not have refused it , seeing he frequented the assembly , and officiously meddled in all the concerns of it , even before he was made a member ; and upon carmichael's advancement , there were letters immediately dispatched to procure a commission for his lordship from some burgh or other , because a commission from a presbytery had been neglected , upon an expectation that his lordship should have represented the king himself in the assembly : his lordship was so humble , that having miss'd of the highest station , he would rather serve in the meanest , than not have an hand in advancing the good cause ; or be deprived of the occasion of perfecting what he had so zealously begun : he had indeed merited the highest honour in the kirk , but all except the very bygots of that side approved the king's choice as best and wisest for himself , and the interest of the state. for my lord carmichael was look'd upon as a man of good sense , and he had lately giv'n proofs of his discretion and moderate temper , at the visitation of the colledg of glasgow ; whereas my lord crawford kept within no bounds of moderation at the visitation of the university of s. andrews , and was much taken notice of for his rough usage of the masters , particularly the reverend old dr. weemse dean of s. andrewes , and principle of s. leonard's college , who had been a master in the said university for the space of 45 years , under whom my lord crawford studied philosophy , and to whom he was then particularly obliged ; the dr. had also been a zealous assertor of the protestant religion , and design'd to have made the university his heir ; notwithstanding all which , my lord would not suffer him to have favour of a seat , when he attended that visitation , and when the honest gentleman's age and infirmity obliged him to rest himself on the step of a stair in the room , because other conveniency was deny'd him ; his lordship sent an officer and raised him ; such roughness and incivility you may think incredible , but i had it from the old gentleman himself ; of the which , with all other particulars of that visitation , as also of the visitation of the other colleges , i am told that the world may expect a full account . but to return from whence my respect to my lord crawford carried me . all the members of the assembly being duly couven'd on the appointed day , viz. the 16th . of october , they went to the high church where mr. gabriel cunninghame moderator of the last general meeting did preach on s. john 2. 17. and his disciples remembred that it was written , the zeal of thine house hath eaten me up . in which the old man gave a greater proof of his memory than his judgment , for the same sermon had been preach'd on the same text by mr. oliver bowlis , an . 1643. before the lords and commons assembled in parliament at lond. i have seen the printed sermon compared with the notes of what was preach'd , and i assure you mr. gabriel made an exact repetition , and followed his authour verbatim so far as was fit for his purpose , only he left out some things in the close of mr. bowlis's sermon , and added some bitter reflections on the episcopal party . there was a parallel carried on betwixt presbytery and that miracle of our saviour in whipping the buyers and sellers out of the temple ; the setting up presbytery at this time was compared to the work of the reformation , and was made a more wonderful and signal act of providence . the episcopal party were called formal and nominal protestants , who professing to retain the fundamentals , did pervert and corrupt the very doctrine and all the ordinances of jesus christ . the presbyterians you know can never have their fill of preaching , and therefore a single sermon was not thought sufficient to open their assembly , but they returned in the afternoon , where mr. patrick simson preached , on 3. zach. 7. thus saith the lord of hosts , if thou wilt walk in my ways , and if thou wilt keep my charge , then thou shalt also judg my house , and shalt also keep my courts , and i will give the places to walk among these that stand by . when his matter and expression were considered , no body thought his sermon was borrowed as that in the forenoon had been , for it was presbyterian stuff course enough . he ascribed to their meeting a supremacy absolute and immediate next under christ . after both sermons they went to the place appointed for the assembly ; mr. gabriel cunninghame opened the meeting with a prayer , after which he made a complement to the king's commissioner , and desired that his commission might be seen and read . the commissioner having produc'd his commission , he desired that every one might also shew theirs ; which occasioned a confused jangling for some time . the next thing they fell upon was the chusing of the moderator , for mr. gabriel could no longer preside , it being against their principles to allow a constant moderator . for persons were in nomination , the first was mr. george campbel minister at drumfries , whose character i have given you before ; the next was mr. gilbert rule , who formerly pass'd under the name of dr. rule because of his practising medicine ; he sat in the asembly as commissioner from the colledg at edinburgh ; where he was lately installed principal , in the room of the reverend and learned dr. monro . in the last times of presbytery he was an independent , but now he seems to own no such thing , but presseth the presbyterian government as of divine institution : he is of great authority among his party , and is reckoned by them a learned and judicious man ; but first he seems not to have the latine tongue , for he oft woundeth priscian , and hath so little command of that language , that he dare not extend his prayers before the students above two or three sentences , which when observed made one wish that all the presbyterians were obliged to pray in latin , and then they would not be so tedious , nor vent so much nonsense in their prayers , as most of them now use to do : again , the things he hath published discover no small ignorance ; witness , his silly gloss on that expression of s. jerome ; quid facit episcopus , exceptâ ordinatione , quod presbyter non faciat : where he maketh ordinatio to be the ordering of the meetings of the clergy . * he also published a pamphlet , wherein he represented the principles and practices of presbyterians ; which is a very weak and empty paper full of contradictions , wherein the scripture is grosly wrested , and wherein several things are obtruded as certain and of great importance , which have no foundation either in scripture , reason , or antiquity . as by this it appears that his learning is not great , though he hath had the boldness to enter the lists with dr. stillingfleet , so he hath often in his sermons vented himself bitterly against the episcopal party . a third person was mr. meldrum once minister at aberdeen , but who hath preach'd at a meeting-house in the west ever since the indulgence granted by king james . he indeed entred the ministry in times of presbytery , but he also complied with episcopacy when it was restored . he at first together with mr. john menzies professor of divinity at aberdeen , did hesitate upon the oath of canonical obedience ; which bishop mitchel of aberdeen would by no means allow ; so that they both ran a risque of being depriv'd . but afterwards upon a conference at s. andrews with the archbishop of that see , who it seems dealt somewhat smoothly with them , they both subscribed the oath of canonical obedience , and were sent back to the bishop of aberdeen with recommendatory letters from the primate ; upon which they were admitted to their places , which the one kept till his death , and the other till the oath of the test . i am told that mr. meldrum denies the matter of fact , and will not acknowledg that ever he took the oath of canonical obedience , but the thing is too notorious to be denyed ; for as the primate of s. andrews assur'd the bishop of aberdeen of it by a letter under his hand , of which mr. meldrum himself was the bearer ; so the bishop of aberdeen to make their compliance as publick and exemplary as he thought their demurring and refusal had been scandalous , before he remitted them to the exercise of their ministry , caused a publick intimation of their subscription to be made in the old church of new aberdeen , which intimation was made by dr. keith afterwards professor of divinity at edinburgh , which certainly would not have been done , if the matter of fact had not been certain : especially if it be consider'd that they themselves , tho present , did not offer to contradict it . when this rigorous proceeding of the bishops against them was in ordinary discourse complained of , he defended himself by an old scotch proverb , which is , that a fidging mare should be well girded : and it has been told me the subscriptions both of mr. menzies and mr. meldrum are still extant . however mr. meldrum payed true canonical obedience , as much as any other minister , to the bishop of aberdeen , and lived in particular friendship with bishop scowgal , who succeeded in that see : he frequented the presbyteries and synods , submitted to their acts , and assisted several times when the bishop ordained , and so far deserted the principles of the covenant and our scottish presbiteryans , that he swore and subscribed the declaration , when he was admitted rector of the marishal college of aberdeen . it cannot be denied but that he carried himself well , and gained the good opinion of all , while he kept his place , and even after he had left it for not taking the test , he did not desert the church , nor renounce communion with the episcopal party , until the time that king james discharged the taking of oaths , and suspended the laws which enacted them , and then because he was not permitted to return to the exercise of his ministry at aberdeen , tho he was allowed to go any where else , he became so picqu'd and offended at the bishops , whom he apprehended were the cause thereof , that he presently struck in with the presbyterians , and either to make his change appear the more sincere , or because he had really alter'd his judgment and the principles he formerly profess'd , he hath broke of all correspondence with the episcopal party , though some of them were his most intimate acquaintance , and as occasion offer'd vented himself as bitterly and severely against them , as any presbyterian whatsoever . and when he was last at aberdeen , tho he was kindly and civilly invited by his old colleagues to take their pulpit , yet he would never preach for them , nor so much as hear them ; but chose rather to go preach in the meeting-house , where he exhorted the people to thankfulness for the deliverance of the land from prelacy , and to be earnest in their prayers that it might never return again . in him we have an apparent instance , how great a temptation even to a judicious man picque and interest and popularity do oftentimes prove . at first he pretended that he would only attempt to reclaim the deluded people of the west from their errors and extravagancies , who ( he said ) had been lost for want of good and knowing ministers amongst them ; but it was plainly foretold by a person of quality and great worth , that it would appear he could not work upon them , but that they would insnare him , and bring him over to all their fooleries . the fourth and last person was one mr. hugh kennedy , who is usually called father kennedy by the phanaticks here , and by others bitter beard : he is of a little stature , but such a one as has made a great bustle in his time ; he was a ring-leader of the remonstrator-party , and with the scottish army at newcastle , when they delivered up king charles i. and received a part of the price of his blood , as is commonly reported six thousand marks . in the year 1660 he was deposed by a synod of presbyterians for several crimes ; especially for being a firebrand among his brethren , and for a book entituled the causes of gods wrath upon scotland , which sentence of deposition was never taken off , till the last day but one of this assembly , as you shall hear afterwards . these were the four persons nominated to preside in the assembly ; when it came to the vote , mr. gilbert rule had four or five ; mr. geo. meldrum one ; mr. george campbel forty eight ; but the most were in favour of mr. hugh kennedy , and so the chair was assign'd to him , who came short of the rest in learning , yet surpassed them in subtilty and malice . having chosen a moderator , the next thing requisite was a clerk , they appointed mr. john spalding , who had been clerk to the general meeting , to officiate in the interim till they should chuse one , but he continued all the time of the assembly , for there were so many competitors for the clerkship , and each of them had such interest by their friends in the assembly , that they durst never put it to the hazard of a vote , for fear of dividing the assembly ; the competitors were as we heard , mersington , corsrigge , two lords of the session ; park hay , the famous james stewart , and one kerr . in this assembly there was an hundred and eighty persons , clergy and laity . there were no commissioners from the shires of angus , merns , aberdeen , or any of the more northern parts of the kingdom ; and even several places on the north side of tay had none ; only here and there in a corner , where the presbyterians had seated themselves , and assumed the name of a presbytery , there were one or two chosen and commissionated to represent them in the assembly . none of the universities or colleges had any representatives there , save that of edinburgh , whom mr. gilbert rule represented ; so that this was no more a general assembly of the church of scotland , than that of trent can be called a general council of the catholick church ; nor did any other spirit rule in the one than what prevailed in the other , i mean a spirit of faction , interest and prejudice , as will appear by the consideration of their proceedings , though there were prayers enough put up for another spirit , if they had been disposed for it . the presbyterians of scotland have always contested with kings about the power of calling , adjourning and dissolving assemblies . they pretend to an intrinsick power in themselves in this matter , to which ( as mr. rule says in his representation , &c. ) that of the magistrate is cumulative , and not privative . the adjusting of this matter therefore was the first difficulty brought before the moderator , and no small tryal of his skill ; for as in the one hand they had all the reasons in the world to complement and gratify the king ; so on the other it is well known the presbyterians are very tenacious of their pretended rights , and very jealous of encroachments upon them , which makes them cautious of giving precedents . now this difficulty he resolved thus , he suffered the commissioner to appoint the time of their meeting , and without taking notice of what the commissioner had done , he himself adjourned them to the same time ; sometimes also to complement the commissioner be would so cunningly smooth the business , as when he had resolved upon the time of their meeting , he would first ask the commissioner if his grace could attend them at such a time , and then adjourn to the said time ; so they always agreed about the time of their meetings , and by this means the debate betwixt them and the king was waved , and never decided . there happened a pleasant passage to this purpose , which i must not omit ; mr. gabr. cunninghame presiding one day in the absence of the ordinary moderator , he asked the commissioner what should be the next time of their meeting ; but whether it was out of forgetfulness that he did so or not , he corrected himself in his prayer . for he began with an acknowledgment of christ jesus being supreme head and governour of the church , and then said these words , thou knowest , o lord , that when we own any other , it is only for decency sake . the next day they met , and only heard the king's letter read , and appointed some persons to draw up an answer . we expected to have seen both in print , as is usual , but neither of them has been as yet published , because , as is supposed , there was something in the king's letter a little checking , which they would not have every one to know , viz. that he favoured their government , because he was made to understand it was most agreeable to the inclinations of the people ; that he would have them very moderate in their proceedings , and do nothing which might displease their neighbour church : this last did not go down well with them , for it troubled them to be made in any ways accountable to a church , which in all their discourses they exclaimed against as superstitious and idolatrous , and into which they are designing to introduce their glorious reformation . neither was the first very acceptable , for if the inclinations of the people were the motive of setting up presbyterian government , when it should ( as it very easily might ) be represented , that the inclinations of the people were against presbytery , and the spirit and ractice p of the present presbyterians , his majesty might be moved to remove this , and set up another government . therefore in their answer they asserted that their government was not only suteable to the inclinations of the people , but also most agreeable to the word of god , and that this might not be looked upon merely as the flourish of an epistle , they design'd to back it with the authority of an act ; which should declare their government both of divine right , and also the true legal government of this church , which they pretended had never suffered any alteration , except in time of usurpation , tyranny and great oppression . but the commissioner apprehending the consequences of such an act , thought it not fit to let the same pass , without advice from court ; and therefore desired a copy of it to send to the king his master , who it seems did not approve of it : for it never more appeared here , at which the brethren have not a little murmured . and if it had passed , as it would not have contributed much to the establishment of their government , it being the act of so inconsiderable an assembly ; so it would only have discovered their ignorance , falshood and impudence : for it is clear from our histories ( as was declared in a late discourse ) that presbytery heretofore was never setled but in times of rebellion ; and what enemies our scottish presbyterians have been always to kings , and how much they were wont to encourage rebellion king james vi. has from his experience fully and plainly declared , in his basilicon doron , where he cautions his son against them as the most barbarous , treacherous and perfidious sort of people , who are less to be trusted than the thieving borderers , or the wildest uncivilized highlanders . the argument also , which sir james montgomery of skelmorly used for presbytery in the parliament , shews how much it favours monarchy and kingly power , which was this , that it was the peoples only security against the encroachment of kings , and a proper curb to restrain their insolence and extravagancy ; and indeed when they are encouraged , they so restrain them as to make them signify nothing , as appears by their behaviour to king james vi. before he went to england , and what they did to king charles i. whom they persecuted and pursued to death . as to the moderation which his majesty required of them , they promised with a solemn attestation , that they would shew all the moderation that his majesty could expect ; which when considered was not a very great obligation on them ; for if the king understand them aright , his expectation will be very small , moderation being very rarely to be found among presbyterians . it being an old custom of general assemblies to ease the ministers of the place where they meet from preaching , they ordered this day who should preach the following sunday , and when they were appointing preachers for the rest of the churches and meeting-houses in edinburgh , one † stood up , and said ; it was fit to send ministers to the conformists kirks too : but the moderator perceiving the commissioner displeased at the proposal , replyed ; that they sought none of their help , and they should get as little . the first that preached in the high church before the commissioner , was mr. geo. meldrum , whose text was philip. 4. ver. 5. the sermon was framed to please the various humours of men , and to recommend himself to persons of different tempers , for the general drift of it seemed to be for moderation , which both the court and all good discreet people called for ; yet he caution'd it with such restrictions and exceptions as that he might justifie himself with the more rigid , and prevent their jealousies and suspicions of him : he who preached the sunday following ( if my memory fail not ) was one hamilton , who was somewhat singular in his reckoning the years during which we of this nation have been deprived of the gospel ; for whereas the rest of the presbyterians reckon but 28. viz. from the restauration of the royal family and episcopacy , he ran ten years farther backward , and made it 38. leaving people to guess his reason , and when the matter was enquired into , it was found that he dated the want of the gospel from the year 1652. because since that time they never had a general assembly , and then too they were not suffered to sit , for the english governor here raised them , because they had no warrant from cromwel , and carried them out surrounded with guards to bruntsfield-links , where he dismissed them with a severe threatening , if any three of them should be found together . it would be tedious to give you a particular account of all the sermons which were preached here in the time of the assembly , but in general i assure you they were very nauseating to all rational persons , for except one or two preached by mr. carstairs and mr. robert wyllie , they were either miserably flat and dull , or else full of bitter zeal against the episcopal party ; instead of the doctrins and duties of christianity , the excellency and divine institution of their government was the subject of their discourses , and when they happened on any necessary or weighty point of religion , they treated them in such a manner , as if they had design'd to burlesque religion , and render it ridiculous , which gave a great advantage to atheistical and profane men : so it is observed that religion doth suffer more now by the setting up of the presbyterians , than it did or was like to have suffer'd in this nation by the attempts of the jesuits and other papists a little while ago ; for then it fell out that people search'd and considered the points of their religion , and they that were ignorant of the truth or dis-believed it , came to understand it , and to be convinced of it , and were resolved to be stedfast in the defence of it , whereas now the contest being about forms of government , and discipline , which generally people look upon as matters of lesser moment , all enquiry into the important points is laid aside , and seeing there is such hypocrisie and ignorance among these very men who set up themselves for the peculiar people of god , and that they who would be thought as it were inspired , or at least of all others most acted by the spirit of god , are guilty of base and unworthy actions ; this tempts people to think all religion a sham and cheat . on monday the twenty fifth they met at eight a clock of the morning for prayer only . some say eight , others ten , and some that eleven prayed successively : one told me he stayed till five of them prayed , however they continued to pray from eight to twelve . the moderator began , and when he ended he named the person who should pray next , and every one did the like till dinner time . among others who were desired to pray there was an old man who at first declined it , pretending a bodily indisposition , but when it was voted he should pray , he fell to it , and prayed longer a great deal than any of the rest . this exercise of long and continued prayer was so unusual , that it became presently the talk of the town , and people had different sentiments about it , and put various constructions upon it : some said they were practising what our lord condemned , s. matth. 6. considering that their prayers generally are but babling and vain repetitions . others that they were imitating the * popish masses . some dreaded the effects of these prayers when they called to mind the custom of their predecessors , who used to usher in some villany by fasting and such solemn prayers , as tacitus reports of nero , that when he solemnly consulted the gods , it was a certain sign that he intended some cruel and bloody enterprize : but the more probable seemed to be that this was to pray themselves , if possible , into a moderate temper , as the king's letter required , or to vindicate their want of it , as being more agreeable to the mind of god , seeing it was deny'd them after so many prayers . to this purpose one of them had a very remarkable expression in his prayer ; for , having in compliance with the rest put up some petitions for moderation , at last he concludes with these words , but , o lord ! to be free , it would be better to make a clean * house . this week they appointed committees for the several affairs that were before them , which sat at their own convenience , and now and then they met in full assembly , but they pass'd away the time without doing any thing considerable , so that some began to apply to them , parturiunt montes , &c. the moderator laid the blame of it on the ill attendance of the members of the assembly , and the slow proceedings of the committee ; but the true reason was , that they were restrained by the instructions sent from court , and the fears of encreasing the clamours and prejudices of the country , as also they were somewhat retarded by the unskilfulness of their brethren in managing affairs of this nature . the old men having for a long time been disused , and the younger sort wanting experence ; there were besides some little differences among the brethren , tho the moderator did all he could to smother them ; for when there was any appearance of the least jar , he referred the matter which was like to occasion it , back to the committee to be further considered , and then as on all other occasions in his prayer he thanked god for the oneness that was among them . for they endeavour'd to make the world believe that there was great harmony in their assembly which they talked of with a great deal of fondness and vanity , especially when the cameronian party joyn'd themselves to them , tho it may be justly said that matters were rather hudled up betwixt them , than any true union effected , and if the cunning of the moderator had not prevented it , the breach was like to have been wider ; for the two persons that appear'd for the cameronians , viz. mr. shiels , and mr. linnen gave in two papers , one of overtures , and another defending their practices as being most agreeable to the practices of the true presbyterians , and upbraiding the rest as deserting and apostatizing from them , which reflected on all that sat there , and yet they offered in the face of the assembly to make good and justifie the same . at first the moderator checkt and rebuk'd them , but perceiving they would not submit themselves , they were first sent out , and then after some time call'd in again , and taken by the hand and desired to sit down with the rest , without entering upon any debate . he told them upon their second appearance , that he knew they meaned well , and had done them service , and that they did expect good from them , tho at first he said they were rash young men , who had done much hurt to the church . the sunday following both the cameronians at restalridge , and the other brethren in the pulpits of the town , preach'd upon this agreement and union of the parties . the latter gave god thanks for it , and the former justified themselves , and declared that thereby they had neither condemned their own former practices , nor yet approved of the corruptions that were among their brethren . the cameronians in the country having got information of this union , sent some of their number to the assembly with some papers , who were not allowed to come in before the assembly , but some of the brethren were sent out to confer with them , who received their papers , and giving them fair words , dismissed them . the papers having never been publickly produc'd , the contents of them were not known . as to the affair which came before the assembly , the first thing remarkable was the business of mr. gabriel simple which took up some days ; he had received a call ( as the word is ) both from the people of jedburgh , and also from those of killpatrick , and each of them petition'd the assembly for him , because of spiritual sibness and pastoral relation which they had to him ; at the same time there was an address read from no less than twelve parishes in northumberland , as was pretended , desiring that the said mr. gabriel might not be taken from them , he having taken compassion on them when they lay weltering in their blood , and no eye to pity them , and shewing that england was over-gone with briars and thorns which would over-run scotland too if mr. gabriel did not weed them out , that by mr. gabriel's care twelve parishes were well provided , which could not be so well done by any ordinary man ; that he had been twenty four years among them which was sufficient to found a pastoral relation . mr. gilbert rule seconded this address , and pleaded for those of northumberland , that they might have the benefit of mr. gabriel ; alledging , that it was charity to plant the gospel in england , and he declar'd thaet he knew not only twelve parishes , but that for fifty miles they wanted the word of god ; for ( said he ) betwixt berwick and new-castle there was less practice of piety , than amongst papists , or heathens , and therefore it was fit to send ministers among them , he concluded his discourse thus , that as we ought to plant the gospel where-ever we can , so the presbyterians of england having now a liberty granted them by king and parliament they might very well call back such as had been driven in amongst them in time of persecution . to this last the moderator reply'd , mr. gilbert , what if they should call you ? and when he answer'd , that perhaps he would then go , he said to him , mr. gilbert , i do not think you so great a fool. but as to mr. gabriel the moderator and the generality of the assembly were for calling him back to scotland , alledging that charity began at home , when they had reason'd a long while upon the matter too and again , mr. kirkton stood up and said , what needs this ado ? for he had heard that mr. gabriel durst not return to northumberland , there being an order from several justices of peace to apprehend him , which mr. gabriel confess'd to be true . this decided the matter as to northumberland , and shewed that mr. gabriel would have had his forc'd return coloured with a solemn invitation ; and when it came to be consider'd , whither jedburgh or killpatrick should have him ; he discovered his own inclinations before it came to a vote , telling that kirkpatrick had no manse for him , neither could he maintain a horse at it , when the votes were a stating mr. gabriel cunningham desired the moderator to pray for drowning the noise of the assembly . but mr. kirktoun answered , what needs all this fool praying , it was not the custom to pray at every thing , so they past immediately to voting , and the votes carried it for jebburgh , which no doubt was according to mr. gabriel 's own desire . the next great affair was the removing mr. george campbel from being minister at drumfries to be professor of divinity at edinburgh , which was made vacant by the visitation of the college , for that dr. strachan could not comply with the terms requir'd in the act of parliament . the magistrates of edinburgh being patrons of the place gave a call to mr. campbel , which was backed by the earnest invitation of some others about the town . he indeed deserves the place better than any of that party having qualifications of learning and modesty beyond what is usual to be found amongst them . but as the people of drumfries were not willing to part with him , so neither was he willing of himself to settle at edinburgh in his old decaying years , especially when he perceived such strong prejudices against the presbyterian party to encrease . the matter was referr'd to the assembly where it was long and hotly debated . the necessity and importance of training up youth was alledged for his coming to edinburgh , but he on the other hand said , he was more capable of doing good at drumfries , and had stronger ties and obligations to that place , and at last added that he not only had not the inward call to accept of the profession of divinity , but did find in himself an inward aversion and backwardness thereto , which he thought should not be slighted ; for there was in it not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which occasion'd the matter of the inward call to be considered and debated . mr. rule said , that it consisted in the internal qualifications for the place , and the outward harmonious call of the church , and that as they were judges of the first , so the last would be known by putting it to a vote : adding , that the spirit of god was a harmonious spirit , and that the spirit of the prophets was subject to the prophets . mr. campbel reply'd , that he put a wrong gloss on the place , but however he would not debate it now . it was referred back to the committee and considered again in a full assembly , and at last th● matter was put to a vote , having before they collected th● votes prayed for direction therein . by the votes it was carried that he should come to edinburgh ; tho it was observed that the more judicious part were against his coming , being prevail'd upon by the weight of his own arguments . however after they had resolved upon his coming , they allowed him till lammas following to remove himself and his family ( as some say ) as others would have , that he might in this time bring his mind to close with the call of the assembly , because he had said , he would leave the kingdom rather than obey . a day or two after the decision of this business concerning mr. campbel , there came a commission from the town of s. andrews to my lord crawford to represent them in the assembly : the moderator usher'd it in with a great commendation of his lordship , and the manifold obligations which they had to him , and regreted he had not been a member of their assembly sooner , and that he had not his commission from a presbytery ; for which , he said , the presbytery of couper particularly should be rebuked , in that they had neglected him . but the reason was , ( as i told you before ) that it was expected he should have been commissioner for the king. when this commission was read , my lord crawford , ( whose joy for which was to be seen in his countenance ) stood up , and made a discourse about the weight and importance of that trust , and of his unworthiness to be a member of that venerable assembly , and desired that they might allow him the favour which they had granted to mr. george campbel , which was to have till lammas next to advise on it : his lordship not knowing well what to say , but thinking he was obliged to say something , fell on this impertinence ; which moved the spleen of the assembly , and made them spoil the gravity of their meeting : and indeed who could forbear laughing , to hear one make a scruple of acting by commission , when he had made none to act without one ; officiously attending the several sessions of the assembly , and particular committees , and giving his opinion in all the matters that came before them . and what a ridiculous thing was it , to ask nine months time to advise whether he should be a member of a meeting which was to be intirely dissolved within a fortnight . after they had sat ten or twelve days , they received a petition from two persons , the one was called smith , the other grieve , in name of the town of dundee . in the petition , which was drawn up according to their usual canting stile , they complain'd of their want of the ministry there , and desired that some might be sent to them to preach the gospel ; upon this the commissioner asked if the episcopal ministers of that place were legally turned out ; and it being replyed that they were deprived by the privy council a year ago ; the moderator was suffered to proceed in the business , who pressed it with great earnestness , telling the assembly , that he knew that not only in dundee , but that in all angus the gospel was not preach'd , and that there was no true minister there , tho he and all the world besides knew , that except one or two churches all the rest of that shire have ministers setled in them , who daily exercise their functions , but indeed they are episcopal ministers ; whom neither he , nor others of that party make any account of , for on all occasions they so express themselves , as if the gospel and ministry were confin'd to the presbyterian kirk . but to return to the business of dundee and angus , mr. andrew bowie , and one mr. reiel declared to the assembly , that they had been in that country already by an order from the general meeting , but that they had no incouragement from that people , on the contrary they had met with great discouragements , and perceived that they were so averse and indisposed for receiving the gospel , that it was needless to send any to them ; for they would not get an auditory except in a kirk , and the people would not give them the keys of the kirk doors , nor admit of them except they were compell'd by authority . to which the moderator replyed , brethren , as you have made an offer of the gospel to them in the name of the general meeting , so you must now go and offer it in the name of the general assembly ; and added , that they would recommend the affair to the privy council , who would certainly see to their encouragement , and to have the keys of some kirk or other given them . as for dundee , which was said to be generally refractory , the moderator said , they could and would plant ministers and elders therein , whether the town council would or not . which if it be not an intrusion , let the world judg : when it was desired that some others might be added to these two brethren , mr. william spence sometime minister of glendoven was named by several , which was opposed by others , because the removing of him would leave the presbytery of aughterarder without a quorum , as i mentioned before ; however after some debate , it was carried he should go : and other three also were appointed to be in readiness upon advertisement of the success and encouragement of these brethren . as for this mr. william spence , one of the apostles for angus he served some years under episcopacy , but having desired an augmentation of his stipend , and it being refused ; he conceived a picque at the bishops , because they gave him not ( as he judged ) due assistance before the commission of the kirk , which he first vented by passing severe reflections upon them , and afterwards he grew to that height , that he dispersed papers bespattering both them and the government , and addressed to the presbytery for a reformation : his fellow presbyters endeavoured to reclaim him , and to suppress his libels , but their attempts being in vain , the matter was carried before the bishop and synod of dumblane , who finding him obstinate deposed him , and afterwards upon his further contumacy and disobedience excommunicated him , which censure was never yet taken off , because he never shewed any repentance , neither made any application about it . shortly after the receiving of this petition from dundee , there came a letter to the assembly from aberdeen subscribed by some phanaticks there ; who , i assure you , in that place are neither considerable for number , nor quality . the letter was to the same purpose , desiring the assembly to send them ministers , and complaining that they had wanted the gospel for thirty years . mr. george meldrum was present when this letter was read , and neither contradicted the assertion nor qualified it ; but suffered it to pass without any reflection or censure . which silence of his was admired by those that knew him , neither could they excuse it , considering that he both knew the place particularly , and could not but be convinced that the gospel had been preached there , in as great purity as in any place in the kingdom : for not to speak of the present ministers of that city , who have the approbation of all wise and judicious persons , both for preaching and other qualifications . mr. david lyall , now at montross , was a long time minister there , and is esteemed to have a good talent of popular preaching . mr. john menzies professor of divinity , who was ever esteemed an eloquent preacher , as well as a learned man , continued in the exercise of his ministry there , till the year 1684 , and mr. meldrum himself was twenty of these years minister there also ; and dr. garden who succeeded him must be acknowledged to be both a knowing man and an able preacher ; one who teacheth the truth in sincerity , without respect of persons . so that mr. meldrum's new interest must have strongly perverted his judgment , or he may be justly charged with hypocrisie and cowardice ; seeing , for fear of displeasing a party , he would not own the truth on so fair an occasion . the presbyterians speak much against a sinful silence , and certainly such was his at this time . some alledged , that the sending of this letter was a device of his own , to get himself sent back to aberdeen ; for one would have thought that the assembly would rather have sent him than another , because he might be supposed to know both the place and the people best where he had been so long minister ; but the assembly took no notice of him , and appointed two to go thither to preach the gospel , of which one was mr. shiel a cameronian . so that as mr. meldrum fell off from the episcopal party because he was not permitted to return to his place at aberdeen , for the same reason he should now desert the presbyterians , seeing they would not restore him unto it . upon some other occasion it was proposed by the moderator to send some other persons to make an offer of the gospel to the rest of the northern-shires ; accordingly an act past , appointing several ( i know not the exact number ) who were commended to the council for their viaticum , as the moderator worded it , which mr. fraser of brae found fault with as sordid , and then he wisht them to call it maintenance or provision , or what they pleased , for they knew his meaning well enough . but that which is most remarkable , is , that in this as well as the two former instances , persons were commissionated to preach and make an offer of the gospel ; for in these very terms it was proposed , stated , voted and determined , as if they were going to convert pagans and infidels ; this shews their ignorance and uncharitableness , and is to some a just ground ( tho there were no other reason ) for separating from them , and refusing communion with them , because they divide from the catholick church in all ages , they pervert and alter the nature of the gospel , and teach another gospel than what is to be found in scripture . indeed they cannot justifie their present proceedings , and all this noise they make in setting up themselves , unless their way ( as they use to speak ) be of equal importance with the gospel it self ; but if the gospel be in the scripture , the episcopal party have preached it more plainly and purely than they . and if they teach another gospel than what has been taught by the former , they must leave the scriptures , and with the papists have recourse to vain and uncertain traditions , or to the more vain imaginations of enthusiasts . before i relate to you any more of their acts , i 'll divert you with an account how the assembly dealt with such ministers as had appealed to them upon the hope of milder treatment and greater justice than what had been found in the particular presbyteries . if you had seen the last letter they sent to the king , as it was first presented to the assembly to be approved and subscribed , you would have concluded that all grievances had been redressed , and that the episcopal clergy had received a reparation of all the wrongs which they had complained of , for the letter expresly contain'd so much , but the libel was so gross that it could not pass tho the moderator urged it , wherefore the amendment of it being referred to mr. gilbert rule and mr. robert wyllie , they made it run thus ; that the same was recommended to the commissioners of the assembly , and several synods to be redressed . how true even this is , i cannot tell , time will shew , but sure i am 't was not done by the assembly , for they shifted off the examination of these appeals , saying it was injurious to the presbyteries to question the justice and legality of their proceedings , and pressed that the complainants might be referred back to the particular presbyteries and synods from which they had appealed , which was done , and that was equivalent to the approving all that was done , because none would condemn their own proceedings . the affair of peebles is an evident proof that the assembly was not willing to canvass the actings of any presbytery , far less to renverse their orders and sentences . the duke of queensberry being not only patron , but also a very considerable heritor of the parish , was as well as others both in point of honour and interest concerned to have the matter discussed ; and mr. knox who was called to be minister there righted . wherefore the duke recommended the business with great earnestness to the commissioner , that it might be brought before the assembly , being confident that the assembly would not take upon them to approve the proceedings of the presbytery , who had governed themselves neither by reason , justice , nor equity in the matter ; as was made appear in a printed information which i have herewith sent you ; whereupon the commissioner interposed so far as to get it one day proposed in a full assembly ; but when the clark took up the process to read it , there was such murmuring among the brethren , that what he read could neither be heard nor understood , and some two or three whispered the moderator in the ear ; so that before the clark had read six lines , he stood up , and addressing to the commissioner told his grace , that it was fit to wave this affair for the present , that the brethren were displeased that it was brought in so abruptly before the assembly , when it had not been considered in the committee , that they were not ripe enough as yet to take cognizance of it , and that there were several particulars in that affair which were not fit to be spoken of in publick ; to which the commissioner yielded either out of too much good nature , or out of fear that the stubborn and forward men would have baffled his authority if he had offered to oblige them to do any thing against their will. to save his credit in yielding to the assembly , he required them peremptorily to fall upon it at the next meeting ; the moderator promised it , but there was never a syllable more of it , nor it seems did the commissioner think sit to start it again . before i leave this matter , i must tell you a remarkable passage in mr. veatch his answer which he publish'd to that printed information which i spake of before : that whereas it was objected that he had not a popular call to the parish of peebles . this , saith he , ought not to militate against me ; for if by such a call be meant an unanimous call of all , or the greatest part of the parish ; it can be expected but in very few places of the country ▪ to a presbyterian minister , and never at all , saith he , to be hoped for in the parish of peebles . this indeed is a certain truth , but it was thought strange to see a presbyterian so plainly confess it , seeing hitherto they would have the king , and all the world believe , that both their persons and government were most agreeable to the inclinations of the people ▪ mr. veatch had not his wits about him when he let fall this declaration , and it seems was more intent upon his own particular , than the general interest of the party he belongs to ; for hereby he gives a lie unto the parliament , lover turns the ground whereon the government was built , and plainly intimates that he and his brethren are , and must be intruders , seeing they cannot have the call and consent of the people . the want whereof was charged heavily on the episcopal clergy in the west by mr. george meldrum in a sermon before the parliament , who thought it so heinous a crime , that he said , before he obtruded himself upon a people against their own will , he would chuse rather to beg his fraught and go to america : it were to be wished that all his brethren were of that mind , for then the nation would be soon rid of them ; and i assure you they might have their fraught without begging it ; for both gentry and commons would pay that more chearfully than their stipends . now if it was a crime in the episcopal clergy to take the cure of a parish without the express formal consent of the people , what may it be thought in a presbyterian to come in upon a people when they expresly declared and protest against him . i know no other way of justifying this , but by asserting the doctrine which one of their laicks raised from ver . 6. psal . 119. while he was lecturing to the neighbour-hood , viz. the people of god may sin , but the wicked must not sin , and there is a heavy vengeance waiting them if they do ; but we will leave this , and return to the point we were upon . the assembly was just so puzzled with the appeals of the episcopal clergy , as their ancestors the pharisees were with the question about john's baptism ; for on the one side they feared the court who desired and required them to be moderate , and indeed they perceived that it was their interest at this time to make some shew of moderation . but on the other hand it was against their interest to condemn the proceedings of the presbyteries , nor could they do it because they were agreeable to the rules concerted and prescribed by the general meeting ; so following the policy of the pharisees they waved the difficulty by remitting all to the commission and particular synods . by this means they secured what was already done from being renverst , and also freed the assembly from the blame of any injury or injustice done , or to be done ; for then these things might be charged on particular persons , and not on the whole party . however they ventured upon three or four processes , and by them you may guess what they would have done with the rest . the first was , that of mr. lesk minister of turreff within the diocess of aberdeen , whose church was claimed by one mr. arthur mitchell by vertue of that act of parliament , which restored the old presbyterians to their churches whether they were vacant or possessed by others . mr. lesk first made application to the council , and thought to have suspended mr. mitchell , as not being comprehended within the act of parliament , which only was designed in favour of these , who had left their ministry for not complying with episcopacy ; whereas mr. mitchell was deposed , and deprived long before that time : but that not taking effect , the matter was brought before the assembly , where mr. lesk instructed , that mr. arthur mitchell was never legally settled minister of turreff ; that about the year 1655. he was actually deposed , and that tho he continued to preach there by means of a prevailing faction of remonstrators under the usurper , he was never look'd upon as minister of the place : and that in the year 60. the synod of aberdeen being freed of the force and restraint that was formerly upon them , did ratifie the former sentence of deposition . and as for himself he pleaded that he had been legally setled minister according to the laws of the land , that he had submitted to the present civil government , which had promised protection to them who did so ; and that the heritors , and people of his parish were for his continuance among them , and altogether averse to mr. arthur mitchell . to prove this last , he produced a declaration and petition subscribed by the gentlemen and others of the parish . mr. mitchell alledged that one or two of the subscriptions were not genuine , and therefore that the whole ought to be neglected as a forgery . mr. lesk replyed , that he laid not the stress of this cause on that paper , that he only produc'd it as an adminicle , that he had not gone about seeking subscriptions , for he looked upon that as below the character of a minister ; but that it was given him by honest men , and therefore he had reason to believe the subscriptions genuine . and if they laid any stress on the inclinations of the people , if a competent time were allowed him , he would easily prove that they were for him ; but at present it was to be considered whether he was legal and rightful minister of that place . after two days debate it came to a vote ; and the vote was not whether mr. lesk or mr. mitchell should be continued minister at turreff ; but whether mr. mitchell was not rightful minister anno 1661. and only turned out by the unjust courses of the times , and whether he was not now to be looked upon as rightful minister there ; which vote was carried in the affirmative , and mr. lesk being called in , was told that the assembly had deprived him , and ordained mr. arthur mitchell to be minister at turreff . he asked the reasons of their sentence , which were refused ; but what ever might have been pretended , the true reason was , that they were glad of any pretence for casting out episcopal ministers , who were always in their sermons and discourses called the priests of baal . by virtue of that act of parliament i just now mentioned , all the churches were taken from the episcopal ministers , to which any presbyterian had the least pretence , tho the former had complyed with the civil government , and the other were setled in other places which they were not resolved to leave . so for instance , mr. james kirkton who hath a meeting-house in edinburgh , and is called to be one of the ministers of that city went out to the parish of martine , where he had been formerly minister , and forced away mr. andrew meldrum present minister without allowing him time to dispose of his goods ; and after he had performed this noble and heroick exploit , and preached a sunday or two to get a right to the stipend , he returned to his charge at edinburgh , and turned his back upon that in the country , as if there had been no more to be feared , seeing the curate was driven away . the next appeal which i suppose was considered , was that of mr. sleery from the presbytery of linlithgow , he was a minister of the west , who had been rabbled out of his own church , and thereafter was desired by the minister of falkirk to serve his cure during his sickness , which he did ; and when that minister died , the heritors and people of the parish upon the experience they had of him , desired that he might continue to preach to them , promising that when the government was setled , they would take care to get him a legal title to the parish : but it being firmly resolved on by all possible means to put out and disable all episcopal ministers ; the presbytery of linlithgow caused the said mr. sleery to be cited before them , who compeiring , was interrogated by what authority he preached at falkirk , and how he came to use the doxology . the last , he said , was the custom of the place , and that he did the first at the desire of the people . the presbytery not being satisfied with his answers to these , and some other questions , discharged him from preaching there any longer , and declared the church vacant , to which sentence he refused to submit , and appealed ; therefore it was necessary to interpose the authority of the assembly , for dispossessing him of that church which was the reason why he was called upon . when he compeired , the moderator askt him if he acknowledged the civil government , and if he would submit to that of the church , to both which he answered affirmatively ; but when it was askt him if he repented of his compliance with episcopacy , he said , if it was a sin he would repent of it . his answer did neither please nor satisfie them ; for the moderator told him it seemed he yet doubted whether it was a sin or not . so finding by this and some other things , that he was not yet a through convert , they deprived him of his church , and discharged him the exercise of his ministry . a third person brought before the assembly was one mr. forseith minister at st. ninians , he was accused for marrying a man to his first wives neice , which he confessed before the assembly ; and also that he had been informed of the relation , and diswaded from doing it by the episcopal clergy , amongst whom he lived . all his excuse was , that he was not much himself when he did it , being in great confusion and consternation because of the rabble that was then up , and who continually threatned him as they had fallen upon his neighbour ministers . and he further alledged , that it was the only miscarriage he could be charged with in thirty five years exercise of the ministry , and therefore he desired the assembly to pardon him , and to restore him . this they refused , and confirmed the sentence of his deposition , which was very just , and the only justifiable act of the assembly from its sitting down to its rising . a fourth affair which the assembly had before them , was that of mr. john mekenzie at kirkliston . i suppose you have seen an account of his process before the presbytery of linlithgow , for he carried it up with him to london to shew it to his friends there . but in case you have not met with him , nor received an account of the whole matter , take it in short thus . when rabbling was practised and in fashion here , he amongst many others of his brethren had the church doors shut against him , and by this means was hindred from the exercise of his ministry in that parish ; but having complyed with the civil government , he made an interest by his friends to maintain his legal right and title to the said church , which vexed and gall'd the presbyterians , who by this means were kept from setling a minister of their own perswasion there . all endeavours were used to remove him : first , they set him upon him to dimit voluntarily , which he refusing , they next threatned to force him to it upon articles of scandal . but his innocence , and unblameable conversation being sufficient proof against that ; they at last pursued him before the presbytery of linlithgow , upon the pretence of deserting his people . he appeared before them , and defended himself , declaring he was always ready and willing to exercise his ministry if the rabble would have suffered him , and allowed him access to his church , and therefore the fault did not lie at his door . upon this he was blamed for speaking contemptibly of the rabble who were said to be the necessary preliminaries to the government both of church and state , and from that they would have been infering his secret disaffection to both . the presbytery were forced to vindicate him from all imputation of scandal , and for a mark of their singular and extraordinary favour , they said they would give him recommendatory letters to put him in capacity of being elected minister of another parish ; but still they urg'd his quitting of that of kirkliston : and when he perceived that they had firmly resolved to declare his church vacant to gratifie the rabble , and some few other unreasonable persons who were dissatisfied with him , he appealled from them to the king , and the next lawfully called general assembly . this being the tenor of his appeal , many of the assembly spake against the receiving or sustaining it , alledging that it was not to them he appealed , for his expression did imply that this assembly was not lawfully called , seeing it was called before he appealed , and yet he made no particular reference to it . besides , said they , it 's clear he means an episcopal assembly by his appealing to the king joyntly with the assembly ; for these episcopalians do make the king the head of the church , whereas we cannot own any such thing . my lord arbruchel desired the assembly to be favourable to him , for he knew him to be well affected to the government , and that he had served the king abroad for the space of seven years . to which one replyed , that he was as well paid for it : he served him for wages , and so would he have done the turk too . they were much irritated by his going to london to represent their proceedings , and to clamour against them ; every man took occasion to vent his passion and pique at him ; some said he was scandalous , and called him a drunkard and swearer ; some called him one thing , and some another , and one said he should be deposed because he was a proud , stubborn and insolent fellow . the commissioner apprehending there would be little justice where there was so much pique and prejudice , desired the moderator to delay the affair , and to allow the young man time to appear and answer for himself : but the moderator replied , that it was best to proceed now , and more for the young man's reputation , for if he were present they would be obliged to take notice of some crimes , and scandals which now they would pass over without inquiring into them , forgetting that the presbytery had acquitted him of all such guilt , and that he himself had given him a good ▪ testimony when the affair was first brought before the assembly . the commissioner still urging that they would deal tenderly and gently with him ; indeed ( replied the moderator ) your grace shall find that we will use great tenderness towards the young man , and we shall be very discreet , for we shall only take his kirk from him , which they did immediately . so that you have a sample of the presbyterian tenderness , which i think is very near a kin to the tender mercies of the wicked , which solomon declareth to be cruel ; for when they deprive one of his livelihood and good-name , they call it tenderness ; and if it be so , i pray god save us from their cruelty . except these four , i heard of no other processes wherein the episcopal clergy were concerned , that were revised and discussed before the assembly , there were indeed one or two more mentioned , by the interest made by the persons concerned : ‖ as the business of mr. heriot in dalkeith , and mr. wood in dumbar , but they with the rest were referred back to particular synods and presbyteries . all this while the presbyterians had been intent upon the emptying of churches , now at last they began to consider how churches should be filled , and vacancies supplied . they wanted labourers for their harvest , and therefore they first passed an act , for calling home such of their party as were serving in other places abroad ; and appointed the drawing up , and directing of letters for acquainting those in holland particularly with the mind of the assembly and the necessity of the church : it happened that of these who were spoken of , one was dead , and another detained prisoner in dunkirk . wherefore one said at the reading of the letter , that the assembly needed the power of miracles , for bringing back the one , and that they ought to address to the french king to obtain the other . in the next place for the encreasing the number of the brethren , they appointed some to search out , and to give in lists of such as were thought fit to be called to the ministry . and indeed they may come to have enough of them , by the measures and methods which they lay down and follow ; but they are not like to have many learned and knowing men ; for they set light of learning and knowledg , and do often run it down : zeal for the good cause is the chief qualification , and serves instead of learning and other accomplishments . the episcopal candidates are thought as dangerous as those who are actually in office : therefore instead of these who have been several years fitting themselves for the holy ministry by proper and useful studies , they are putting others upon the design who never studied at all , neither have any competent measure of learning for it . brewers and illiterate tradesmen are setting up to be ministers . not to trouble you with other instances ; one russel a coalgrieve in fife is made minister at kennaway : what talent of learning he has you may easily guess , when you may understand that he is altogether ignorant of the latine : when he was passing his tryals before the presbytery , they according to their custom prescribed him a latine exercise in some head of divinity , which he earnestly declined ; and when they would needs keep up the formality , he complained for obliging him to pray and preach in an unknown tongue : having miserably bungled through the discourse , when it came to the disputes , mr. mitchel at leslie proposed an argument by way of enthymema , and he denyed the major , having been at pains to conn the terms major and minor before he came there , and his instructer having forgot to tell him the different ways of argumentation : then mr. mitchel putting his terms in the ordinary form of an hypothetick syllogism , fancying he might understand that : when the syllogism was repeated he said to the proponent explica terminos minoris , which was sed verum prius . having gotten this specimen of his learning , the presbytery acknowledged that he indeed wanted gifts , but he had grace , and that was sufficient ; and therefore they approved of him and received him into the ministry . mr. russel hearing that he was so much upbraided with ignorance , to wipe off that stain , he offered to make some ostentation of learning in a sermon , by the repetition of a latine verse . the verse he chose was this common one ; regis ad exemplum , &c. but alass , the way he took to save his reputation ruined it for ever , for he blundered it thus , regos ad exemplas totis componitur orbos . and as their clergy are at present without learning , so it cannot be expected that their successors ( if they shall have any ) will be any whit better , ; for they have laid , our colleges wast , driven away our learned men , and have not qualified persons of their own party to put in their places . the university of s. andrew is altogether laid wast , there is neither principal nor regent there , and those who have succeeded to the vacancies in the colleges of glascow and edinburgh are known to be persons neither skilled in books , nor any part of good and useful learning : so that they are not capable of directing the studies of the youth which resort thither ; nor is it to be supposed the youth will much regard their advices , when 't is evident that the chief of them have need to be put back to learn their grammar . the narrowness of the presbyterian spirit is an enemy to knowledg , and will obstruct all learning ; for they not only count it impiety to call their commonly received principles into question , but also they reckon a free and rational inquiry into the grounds and reasons of them to be very dangerous : they are no less friends to implicite faith , than the church of rome , and do not regard the advice of s. peter , which is , that we should be ready always to give an answer to every man that asketh a reason of the hope that is in us . you may easily guess how squeamish they are about points of divinity , when they make the cartesian , and other systems of new philosophy to be gross and damnable heresies . so that if presbyterianism prevail , all freedom of spirit , all improvements of reason and knowledge will be banish'd , and the world must be condemned again to hear both in schools and pulpits impertinent chat , a clutter clutter of words and canting phrases which cannot be understood . they are great enemies to mr. gregory the learned professor of mathematicks in this place , they seek by all means to turn him out , and say that these sciences are not only useless but dangerous : and indeed they have reason , for they are no friends to ignorance and nonsence their peculiar properties . but the want of kindness to mr gregory , and the mathematicks is somewhat more excusable in them ; but that they should slight the knowledge of the hebrew , and other orientall tongues is a little strange , and cannot be justified seeing the right understanding of the scripture does so much depend thereupon . they have thrust out mr. alexander douglass the professor of these languages here , who as he was a person of a most peaceable disposition , so he was an ornament to the society he lived in by his skill and knowledge in these matters : he cannot have a true successor here , for he hath scarce his equall in this kingdom , nor perhaps are there many in other places who do exceed him in the thing he professeth . but perhaps the jewish synagogue would have been found so favourable for episcopacie , and therefore it is fit and wisely done to keep both clergy & laity in ignorance of it . their kindness for the dead is as smal as for the living , & they encourage learned books as little as learned men . the trade of books is fallen so low since the presbyterian reign was set up , that our stationers are thinking either to quit their employments , or to go and live elsewhere , for they have not made the rent of their shops these two years . the episcopall are not in circumstances for buying and the other crave no other books then durham on the canticles and revelation , dickson and hutcheson , dyar and gray , these are their classicall authors and the standard of their learning : and 't is from those that they take the heads of their sermons , and the instructions which they tender the people . but tho' learning be not the talent of a presbyterian , yet they have arrogated to themselves the gift of preaching ; they have the name of powerfull soul-searching-preachers : whereas the episcopall ministers are only named dry moral lecturers , and under this name slouted and abused both in sermons and pray●rs . so vain were they of this gift of preaching that for some time we had a new sermon published by them every week ; they thinking thereby to gain and proselite the whole nation , but the stratageme failed them , nay it prov'd to their prejudice ; for thereby peoples curiosity was diverted from hearing them in the churches , where they could not expect other than noise and nonsense , seeing there was so much babble & in their printed , & consequently more deliberate discourses . an acquaintance of yours hath made a rare collection of notes of their sermons both printed and unprinted . to which i refer you for instances to prove the truth of what i have been saying : the last sermon that was published came forth the first week of the ass . the author is one mr. james clark who preached in the meeting house at dumbar . it was a sermon ad clerum ; preached , as was said , at the deposing of the parson of old-hamstocks , which being an extraordinary occasion , something better then ordinary , was expected : but there never appeared a more silly and empty discourse , nor is it possible that you can conceive so meanly of it , as it deserves . it was even far below mr. andrew gray's sermons . the very presbyterians whose gust craves no fine things , were ashamed of it . my lord czawford to excuse it laid the blame on the printer and complained of him at the councill table , for offering to publish it without a license , alledging also that it was without the authors consent , and that the copy was an imperfect uncorrect one , which some ignorant or malicious person had taken from the authors mouth : but when the printer was examined , he produced an authentick copy from the author himself , and declared that he revised the sheets as they came from the press , so the printer was free of the faults that were in it ▪ and they could be only charged on mr. clark , who it 's believed shew'd all the learning and eloquence he was master of . but it is fit now we return to the ass . and give you an account of what acts they pass'd for regulating the discipline of the church for the future . the first of this kinde and the first also of any other that passed in the ass . was an act against marriages without publick proclamations ; as also against the private administration of the two sacraments , baptisme and the lords supper . mr. gilbert rule press'd that the sacrament of baptisme might not at all be administred but in publick and after sermon , and called the private administration not only superstitious but also sorcerie and charming , and said further that the same was contrary to scripture and antiquity . mr kirkton took him up briskly and said that was disputable , that he could buckle him , or any man upon that point , but would not debate it now . he added that by their rigorous imposition of indifferent things he had lost five men of considerable note the last week , and concluded tho ▪ there were a thousand acts against it , he would rather baptize in private then suffer the children to go to the curates . some highland ministers crayed that they might not be lyable to that act because it was impossible to bring all the children of their parishes to the kirks by reason of the vast distance some of their people lived at from them ; but whether they intend to give a dispensation was not expressed . the moderator to excuse their own practises heretofore said , there was a distinction both of times and places , for , said he , in times of persecution i think an honest minister riding on the way , may go into a mans house , baptize a bairn and come out and take his horse again . tho' while they were under restraint , they made no scruple of baptizing privately the children of those of their own perswasion , yet now they refuse to baptize any except in publick ; nor will they do it but when there is a sermon : and they are so strict upon the point that they suffer the children to dye rather then slacken their rigour . in the country the benefit of baptisme can be only had on sundays because then only there is preaching ; and if children cannot live so long they must take their hazard of departing without that sign and seal of their salvation . i know a parish where two or three persons importuned the minister to baptize their children publickly or privately as he pleased : but he peremptorily refused to do it on a week-day , tho' they who intended to have been present at the baptisme would have made a competent number for an ordinary country sermon , and before sunday two of the children dyed : we had lately in this city a more notable instance of the stiffness of their humour in this particular . a certain citizen designed to have his child baptized on a week day at the ordinary time of sermon : he with the gossips came in time enough to the church , but because the child was brought in about the close of the sermon , neither mr. kennedy who preached , nor mr. erskine the minister of the parish could be prevailed with to administer the sacrament to the infant , but they caused it to be carried home again without baptism . the people generally take this very ill , and are very much displeased with the presbyterian ministers on this account . wherefore to justify themselves , they frequently preach against the necessity of baptism , and to talk of it as if it were an ordinance neither necessary nor much to be regarded , and do account the esteem and value which is ordinarily put upon it , and earnest desires the people have after it , to be the dregs and reliques of popery among us . when a child was brought to mr. kirkton he took occasion to shew the superstition of that ceremony , and said to the people , you think it necessary to have your children baptized , but i tell you ( said he ) i know a good godly minister who lived till he was fourscore that was never baptized all his life time . in the next place , they renewed an act of a generall assembly appointing pedagogues , chaplains , preachers , and students to take and subscribe the confession of faith ; and further they commissionated some to draw up a list of all these acts of assemblies which were fit to to be observed and put in use , wherein they acted very cunningly , for tho' it be well known that they receive all the acts of assemblies as if they were scripture , and pay no less regard to them ▪ yet because some of these incroach upon the power of the civil magistrate , therefore to prevent the jealousies of the king they would not make a generall act ratifying and approving them in cumulo , nor yet would they condemn or censure any of them . but they enforced such as were proper and suitable to the present state of affairs , and waved the declaration of their sentiments concerning the rest . fourthly , because the ass ▪ could not sit so long as was necessary to determine all particulars and to give rules and measures for the setling of the church in this juncture , nor was it sit it should do it ; therefore they resolved to chuse a committee who might sit after the dissolution of the ass . who should have full and supream power to act in all things that related to the church . it 's said , that this overture was first made by the moderate men , who thought by this means to reduce affairs to a better temper then the ass . was like to do , by reason of the many rigid and indiscreet men who were in it . therefore six were proposed to be a part of this committee , and to name the other persons of whom the committee should consist . four of these six went under the character of moderate men , the other two were of another temper , and were joyned to them on purpose to prevent suspition : but the high flown brethren soon smell'd out the design , and therefore they first voted two more of their own side , and because that only put them in aequilibrio , they again got four more to be added , so that they were double the number of the other , and by this means the committee consisted most part of the strictest and most rigid presbyterians , their names are as follow , for the south . ministers . john veith gab. simple gilbert rule m. james kirkton john spalding michael bruce gab. cuninghame william erskine william weir alex. pitcairn m. richard howison james veitch patrick simpson mathew crawford george campbell james laurce archibald hamilton m. patrick peacock rob. duncauson john balandine william ker patrick venier m. john hutchison william eccles neil gitless m. andrew morton thomas forrester william violin m. david blair samuel nairn elders . earle of crawford earle sutherland visc . of arburthnet la. halleraig laird of ormestone sir john hall sir james riddel balife muir lairds balife macklurg george stirling coltness glanderston lammington [ air john muir provost of hamilton of grange for the north. ministers . john law hugh kennedy m. will. crighton john anderson alex. forbes william legget robert rule m. james frazer goe . meldrum edward jenuson james rymer thomas ramsay m. robert young william mack andrew buey elders . ia. ardbruchill green know naughton meggins lewchatt afterwards it being represented that the visitors for the north were too few , there were added these following ministers . james stewart james vrquhart m. alex. dumbar alex. frazer thomas hog hugh anderson william machay m. walter denune geo. meldrum at glasse arthur mitchel william ramsay m. francis melvil john maccullork elders . brodie grant grange dumber eight colloden dalfolly parkhay sir john monro sir george monro embo sir david frazer m. john campbell of moye this committee was appointed to keep quarterly sessions viz. on the third wednesday of january , and the third wednesday of april , and to appoint afterwards their meetings as often as they shall think fit . that a quorum should be ten ministers and five ruling-elders , and they were allowed to choose their own moderator , and clerk. the instructions prepared for them by the committee for overtures , were first read and debated on thursday before the ass . rose , but they were not agreed to till the tuesday thereafter . on munday they were read with some alterations : but mr. kirkton and a great many more adhered to the exceptions which they made at the first reading , and said , that the alterations were not considerable . he alledged also , that what was then read was not a true copy of that which the committee had agreed to , and offered to the moderator a true double of it , but the moderator refused it , saying , he knew nothing of the matter : and because the ass . was not like to come to an agreement at that time , therefore the matter was referred back again to the committee , and all who had any thing to say about it were appointed to attend them . the next day it was brought back again to the ass . and concluded ; mr. kirkton and some others who press'd alterations being absent . to satisfy your , and my own curiosity i used means to procure a copy of the instructions , and got them with some difficulty which i here set down . instructions for the committee or commission of the kirk . first , they are to take into their cognizance all references and appeals not discuss'd in the assembly and such matters as have been stated before the ass . and referred to them , and to discuss and determine the famine . secondly , they are to give their advice to all synods and presbyteries when required , and tho' not required , yet upon information of any irregularity or precipitancy of proceedings in presbyteries they are to interpose their advice for sisting processes till the next synod or ass . when this 2d . article was read , some asked if the commission had power to call before themselves any business , and to take the same out of the hands of presbyteries . to which the moderator answered , no ▪ but they are only to give their advice , and said he , i think no presbytery will refuse it , which if they do , it must be cum periculo , and the church of scotland will be free from any imputation of their actings . thirdly , they are to have power to visit all ministers in presbyteries as well presbyterian as others . fourthly , they are to purge out of the church all who upon due tryall shall be found insufficient , scandalous , erroneous or supinely negligent . it was moved that the words supinely negligent might be left out , but the same was refused . fifthly , they are to be carefull that none be admitted by them to ministerial communion , or to a share in the government , but such as upon due tryall ( for which the visitors shall take a competent time ) shall be found to be orthodox in their doctrine , of competent abilities , having a pious , godly and peaceable conversation as becometh a minister of the gospel , of an edifying gift , and whom the commission shall have ground to believe will be faithfull to god and the government , and diligent in the discharge of their ministerial duty , and that all who shall be admitted to the ministry or shall be received into a share of the ●overnment shall be obliged to own and subscribe the confession of faith , and to profess their submission and willingness to joyn and concur with the presbyterian church-government . at first it was presbyterian communion , and only faithful to the government . mr. kirkton said that this article was a matter of very great consequence , and desired it might be well considered , for in hoc vertitur fortuna scotia , and complained that there was not one word of the scandal of conforming , which he said was the greatest of all scandals . mr. frazer of brae proposed that the clause of repentance might be inserted ; the moderator answered , that in effect it was there already , if they look't upon the commissioners as discreet and judicious men ; for so ( said he ) they will admit none without repentance , for without that they cannot have ground to believe that ever they will be faithfull to the government . mr. kirkton replyed , that they could never be sure of episcopall ministers , for many of them ( says he ) has changed three or four times already , and they will do it at every turn : mr. william weir moved that they might be obliged to declare that they should neither by advice nor any other way endeavour the alteration of the presbyterian government . sixthly , that they be very cautious in receiving in informations , and forming libels against the late conformists , and present incumbents , and that they proceed in the matter of censure very deliberately , so as that none may have just cause to complain of their rigidity , yet so as to omit no means of information , and that they shall not proceed to censure but ▪ upon relevant libels and sufficient probations . seventhly , that this commission do not meddle in publick affairs or in any thing not expressed in their commission , which is hereby declared to be given them in hunc finem only & pro presenti ecclesiae statum . eightly , they shall be answerable , and censurable by the next generall assembly , and shall continue till the first of nov. next , if there be no generall ass . before that time . by these instructions it appears that the committee was mainly designed against the episcopal clergy , who as yet kept their places because of their compliance with the civil government ▪ presbyterians can never be brought to have true kindness for episcopal ministers had they never so many recommendations for their parts , piety , or their interest in the favour of great men . but on all occasions they do draw back from them , and do refuse to concur with them in advancing even the common ends of religion and truth . and at this time they not only had an aversion to them on the account of their different principles , but also they were afraid to receive them into their communion , and especially into a share of the government , because the episcopal clergy was double their number , and therefore it was dangerous to admit them , lest by the plurality of their number on some fit occasion they should forge a change of the government . they considered that the compliance and submission to presbyterian government , which such would give at this time , would not be free and willing , but only out of a necessity to serve the present turn till they should be better stated : wherefore either to revenge themselves upon the enemies of their government , or the better to secure it , it was from the very first resolved upon to lay aside all episcopal ministers , unless they evidently testified a change of mind as well as of outward behaviour . but how to compass this was the difficulty , for a direct act for this would make their design plain and shew their malice bare fac'd , it would encrease the clamours and prejudices of the people , nor could the state in equity suffer it to pass . the only expedient then was , to do it by some indirect by-blow , by putting something to them which they could not do ; & by this means render them lyable to their censures , or which , if they did , would prostitute their reputation with the people , & turn them odious as men of no principles , honesty , or stedfastness . and as they envyed them their reputation and favour , so they thought if they could bring them to forfeit that , there would be little difficulty in turning them out , neither needed they fear the doing of it as occasion offered . it was observed that the fasts formerly appointed went ill away with the episcopal clergy ; some ministers would not observe them at all , others would not read the proclamation appointing them , because of some insinuations which reflected on episcopacy , and those who complyed with it , and generally the people censured those who read & observed the same . another fast therefore more plain and particular then the former was thought the fittest stratagem for procuring the ruine of the episcopal clergy . the motion was no sooner proposed then entertained , and a committee appointed for the drawing up the reasons of it , which were publickly read in the assembly novemb. 11th . when the clerk had done , the moderator said , brethren , this is a savoury paper , indeed it is a most savoury paper , and worthy to be heard over again . after a second reading , mr. frazer of brae asked who was to observe the same , whether presbyterian ministers or curates also brother , said the moderator , that is not timely stated , for we must first consider the thing , and conclude that , and then we shall consider the persons who shall observe it . others said , that what mr. frazer had proposed ought first to be considered . when they had for some time exercised their wit about the reasons of the fast , and the way of wording it , the moderator ask'd the commissioner if his grace had any thing to say about it , who answered , yes , and therefore desired it might be delayed till the next day , which was accordingly done : the next day being the 12th . of nov. the business of the fast was again brought before the ass . and the paper containing the reasons of it read with this alteration , that the declaration , oaths of allegiance , supremacy , and test , and some such particulars were left out : it would seem that the commissioners refused to suffer it to pass if these had been expresly mentioned : wherefore to get the commissioner to condescend to the thing , they dasht out the names : but he is an ignorant reader , and has little skill in spelling who doth not perceive that they are all couch'd & implied . so this day the reasons were approved , and an act pass'd , requiring all persons throughout the kingdom whether in kirks or meeting houses punctually to observe the same . i should detain you too long , if i should give you an account of the reasons here , and pass observations thereon . i chuse rather to send you the paper it self that you may see it and consider it with your own eyes , and at the first view of it you may be convinced how choaking it will be to the episcopal clergy , who can neither in credit or conscience observe it ; nor can any who are less interessed in the episcopal government go along with it , unless they could be perswaded that episcopacy , is not only unlawfull but the cause and occasion of much wickedness and impiety , and the setting it up is to apostatize from god , & to make defection from the truth . none can observe this fast for the reasons enjoyned , but at the same time they must condemn the church of england and other protestant churches , nay the catholick church of christ from the apostles days down to calvin . the ass . understood well enough how contrary the design and reasons of this fast were to the sentiments of those who were commanded to observe it , & that they could not keep it without being guilty of the greatest hypocrisy and mocking of god : and therefore for them , for their own particular ends to require men thus to mock god and play the hypocrite , was a horrid and most unjustifiable voice of villany , this shews that they fast for strife and envy , and not to please god , but to ensnare men not to avert the divine judgements but that they may have occasion of executing their wrath and malice under the colour and shaddow of zeal against sin. with the act of the ass . for the fa●● i have sent you also the act of councill annexing the civil sanction to it procured by my lord crawford's means : and i desire you to take notice of the close of it , where the observation of the fast is urged out of fear of gods wrath , and after that is subjoyned the highest perils from them , which some said was like the proclamations of one borthwi●k sometimes a bayliff in this city , which were wont to be under the pain of death , and fourty pound besides . the mentioning of these printed acts brings to my memory a passage of the printer ; some in hopes of getting gain thereby petitioned the ass . for the gift of publishing their acts. mrs. anderson claim'd the priviledge by vertue of a gift from the king to print all publick acts and proclamations ; and withall she might have deserved such a savour from them having ever heretofore favoured their party , and allowed them the use of her press for publishing their pamphlets , and even such as durst not be well avowed . but either because they would have a printer of their own distinct from the kings , or that they would not shew kindness to her , who had accession to the guilt of the late reigns , by printing their sinfull acts and proclamations : for one or both these reasons they denied her the favour , and bestowed it on george mosman who represented in his petition , that he was not only always a true friend to their interest , but also a sufferer for the cause . and it 's true he was ever whig enough , but what his sufferings were it is not well known , seeing he ever lived peaceably at edenburgh , and had the freedome of a good trade , whereby he is become fat every way . other men lose by their sufferings , but they gain by theirs even in this life . so mr. johnston died two thousand pound sterling rich who was not worth forty or fifty pound when he left his charge . tho' mrs. anderson was repulsed by the ass . yet she would not give over , but next tried her interest with the councill , that at least she might have the printing of those acts which had the civil sanction added to them , they being comprehended within her gift . crawford who thinks all the acts of the presbyterians should be like the laws of the medes and persians stood up for mosman , others pleaded mrs. andersons right , it not being in the power of the councill , far less of the ass . to take away their right and property or any part of it . but one said smartly , that the case should be stated not betwixt mrs. anderson and mosman , but betwixt the king and the ass . whether the king should yield to the ass . or the ass . to the king my lord crawford thought the first no absurdity , and offered to produce instances of it in former times . but the rest of the councellors thought they were obliged in civility to prefer the king , and so mrs anderson carried it . i believe i may have wearied you with the length of my letter , i crave pardon only to add two or three particulars more , and i shall close . the first was , their appointing an answer to be made to the printed accounts of the persecution of the episcopal clergy in this kingdom . at the generall meeting it was laid on mr. meldrum who declin'd it . then it was recommended to mr. alexander pitcairine who did nothing in it . he excused himself before the ass . in that he knew not the matters of fact and the true information was not sent him . the ass . ordered him again to go on in it , and appointed mr gilbert rule , and some others to assist him in the work , and required all the members to furnish them with instructions proper for it . mr. meldrum in a sermon before the ass . offered to justify the barbarities of the rabble , and the ill usage which the episcopal clergy met with , alledging that their errors , vices and scandals deserve no better at the peoples hands : but what justification & defence will be made by those who are appointed to do it , in name of the ass : i do not know , but this i am confident , that they will never prove any material circumstance in matter of fact to be false . a second particular i am to make you acquainted with , is an act for taking off the sentence of deposition which was pronounced against some ministers , especially those of the remonstrators party anno 1660 i told you before that it had been proposed at the general meeting , but was then laid aside by reason of the mistakes that were like to arise among the brethren about it now the moderator who was mainly concerned in the business finding himself a little better stated made an overture of it to the ass ▪ the day it was dissolved : and to obtain it the more easily , he brought it in by way of a surprize : brethren , said he , you may remember there were once some unhappy differences among us , which some carried so high as to proceed to inflict the sentence of deposition upon some on that account ; now i think it sit before we part , that this sentence be revoked ; that as we are all one mans bairns so we may be all alike stated . mr. gilbert rule replied , that he judged it better to bury these matters in oblivion , that they could not pass a generall act for reponing these men without re-examining their processes , which was no ways fit ; & perhaps they would not be found all alike , for some might be deposed for scandall and other crimes , and not only for these unhappy heats and differences . the moderator answered him , brother there is no need of condescending or particulars , and i believe they will be found all alike , and that they are all very honest men that are concerned : so he named mr. wier and some others , and among the rest himself in the third person , saying , there is one mr. hugh kennedy , whom i warrant you ken all well enough . to conclude , the act passed , the sentence of deposition lying upon these persons was made void , and they declared to be true and lawfull ministers . and herein truly the moderators wit fail'd him , for instead of righting himself which he designed , he raised objections against himself which otherwise would have been forgotten ; and by this act brought an indelible tash both upon his own publick ministry these two three years , and also upon the present ass . in that the moderator and many of its members were both legally and canonically incapable . now that they hear this , they pretend that the sentence was taken off formerly , and that the ass . only ratifyed and confirmed what was formerly done in these mens favour , and that it was usuall to ratify in the first generall ass . the acts of inferiour judicatories . but as they cannot instance the time nor the meeting in which these persons were reponed , so they never had any proper or avowed meeting for such a business till the indulgence granted by king james ; and we never heard it so much as proposed before in any of their avowed meetings till the last general one as was already declared ; and either the sentence lying upon these persons was valid or not : if it was not , then what needed such a solemn annulling of it by an act of the generall ass . but if it was valid , then the ass , approved of men who were contumatious to the discipline & government of their own church ; for they received such to be members of the ass . and also choosed one of that gang to pr●side in it , whatever may be said as to the deposition of these men , if it was found expedient that the ass . should pass a verdict on it , it had been prudent and proper to have done it before their admission as members ; and if the credit of the ass . had been regarded , they would not have chosen a moderator against whom there was such a considerable exception ? certainly a less reason may invalidate the authority of the ass . render it unlawfull and unworthy to be owned and submitted to . the last particular i shall trouble you with is about the choosing commissioners to go from the ass . to the king to make a true representation of their proceedings , to intreat the continuance of his favour , and to vindicate themselves from the aspersions of their enemies . it 's said that mr. carstairs whom the king had sent down with letters of instruction to the ass . expected that they would have honoured him with that trust , but whether it was out of any jealousy of his conduct or faithfullness or if it was to gratify others who might have had particular designs of their own they passed by mr. ●arstairs , and gave the employment to mr. gilbert ride and mr. david blair . the first i have often had occasion to mention , the other preached in a meeting house here ; he is said to be not so course but something better polished than other common presbyterians : he is son to mr. robert blair minister at st. andrews , who was famous for many things but especially his civility to king charles the 2d . when he made him a visit at his own house . mr. blair when the king came in was sitting in a chair , and it seems at the time under a bodily infirmity which both kept him from rising and excused it , when mrs. blair ran to to fetch a chair to the king , he said , my heart do not trouble your self , he is a young man he may draw in one to himself . at last i come to the dissolution of the assembly , which was talked of severall days before , and actually concluded and resolved upon nov. 13. their last sederunt was in the afternoon , and continued till it was night . there they debated the calling of another ass . and the time of its sitting ; some were for one month , some were for another , and there were few months of the year but was favoured by one or other as sittest for an ass . in the midest of these debates among themselves , the commissioner ( whose advise they never sought in the affair ) stood up and dissolved them in the kings name , and by the same authority called and appointed another to meet on the first of nove. next to come , 1691. the assembly was surprized with this , but it would seem they thought not fit to call it in question , therefore they submitted : and all was concluded with a prayer and psalm : the psalm they sung was the 133. thus ended our famous assembly : an account whereof i have given you as fully and exactly as i could : i was not overhasty to believe any information till i found it confirmed by two or three others : if i be mistaken in some small circumstances , which the best historians may erre in ; i am sure no material falshood can be charged upon me , let it be no prejudice against the truth of my relation , that i sometimes appear no friend to the party ; but tho' i be not , i will not willingly and wittingly lye upon them . i need not assure you of my ingenuity who knows that i hate to utter a lye , either for advancing the best cause or destroying the worst . but i confess i can hardly bridle my passion when i consider the errour and injustice , the unreasonableness and hypocrisy which these people are guilty of , who if you will take their word for it are the only true godly , and who only have a sense of religion and the practise of it : but i am confident neither church nor religion will prosper till that spirit be cast out which possesses them . i pray god convert them , and let out much of his spirit upon them , and all others , that our land may have peace , and that the divisions of our church may be healed ; that our confusions may be wholly removed , and order and good government restored , and that the worship of god may be duly and decently performed as may best tend to the advancement of his glory , and the good and edification of the souls of his people , with this prayer for the church , and my hearty wishes for your self , i take my leave at this time . december 1690. finis . information for the heritors , elders . &c. of the parish of peebles ; against m r. william veatch . the late mr. john hay minister of the gospel at peebles , being by bodily pain and sickness utterly disabled for the publick exercise of his ministry , and apprehending the time of his departure to be approaching ; out of a deep concern for his flock , after the example of good and faithful pastors in all ages , resolved to look out for a successor ; and for that effect , wrote to the duke of queensbery , ( then undoubted patron of the parish of peebles ) to nominate some able and godly minister , who might assist him as a helper during his life , and to whom he might recommend and leave his charge at his death . his grace being well satisfied with so pious a desire , remits the choice to himself , whereupon he calls and invites mr. robert knocks , one of the ministers of the city of glasgow , who having accepted the call , and to the great comfort of the pastor and people , served the cure for sometime : the sick man had his peaceable exit in the lord , solacing himself in this ; that he had not left his flock as sheep without a shepherd ; immediately after whose decease , the heritors , elders , and parochioners , did apply themselves to the duke's factor , to petition the duke then at london , and to acquaint him , that they unanimously desired mr. robert knocks to be their minister , in place of the deceast mr. john hay , which accordingly the duke agreed to , and ordered mr. knox to continue in the exercise of his ministry there . and thereafter upon the 17th of november 1689 , being the lord's day after sermons , the session being sitting , and the duke's letter read unto them , the whole heritors , elders , and parochioners then present , did unanimously and cheerfully receive the said letter and nomination , and promised to mr. knox all the encouragement that could be expected from a dutiful people ; and the session did order the lairds of haystoun , and halkshaw , william plenderleith , john hope , and john gevan , late provosts of peebles , to wait upon the duke at his return , and give him thanks in all their names for his care of them . after which time mr. knox having all the right to be minister at peebles , which the state of the church could then admit of , viz. designation and appointment of the patron , with the consent and concurrence of the heritors , elders , and by far the greatest and most substantial part of the people , and wanting only the formality of an induction or institution , in regard there was no legal ecclesiastical judicatory then in being to confer it on him , continued in the free and peaceable exercise of his ministry , until the sixteenth of february 1690 , when some violent interruption being offered unto him by a company of unruly people , as he was coming to the church on the lord's day in the morning ; the heritors , elders and people as aforesaid , were so much concerned , that by an express obligation subscribed under their hands , they declare their resolution to adhere to the said mr. knoks as their minister ; and commissioned some of their number to pursue that high riot , before the most honourable lords of their majesties privy council ; upon whose complaint and application , the lords of council finding mr. knox to have good right to serve the cure at the church of peebles , did justly punish the author of the tumult , and oblige the magistrates of peebles , to take such care of the peace , that there might be no interruption offered to him for the future , and thereafter he enjoyed his ministry comfortably and peaceably , until the presbytery having as would seem by all their posterior acts , resolved to thrust him out , and obtrude another on the parish , did by their act of the 24th of july last at kirkurd , without ever examining his right and title , or giving him any citation , proceeding upon a false supposition , as if he had possest himself wrongously of the church , required him to forbear preaching , till he should be allowed by them . the extract of which act , being delivered to him by the present provost of peebles most unseasonably upon the lord's day thereafter , just as he was going to the pulpit ; he taking it as the act plainly bears , to be only a temporary restraint , till such time as he should apply himself to the presbytery for their allowance , did patiently and pleasantly obey it , taking his seat among the auditors , while the provost fetcht a minister from the meeting-house to preach in the church , who after sermons by an order ( as he said ) from the presbytery , surprized the parish , by declaring the church to be vacant , for the supply of which pretended vacancy , the said presbytery sent mr. robert eliot one of their own number , upon the 24th of august being the lord's day , to preach and hold a meeting for the calling of one mr. william veatch ; which meeting being called after sermons , the heritors , either by themselves , or their proxies , together with all the ordinary elders of the parish , and the generality of the whole people , compeered and protested against the calling of mr. veatch , appealing from the presbytery to the next provincial , or general assembly that should happen to be , promising to give in the double of their protestation and appeal , with the reasons thereof to the presbytery the first day of their meeting ; whereupon they took instruments . the said mr. robert elliot in a strange and unbecoming heat and transport , insolently presuming to take instruments against them in the name of jesus christ , and without any regard to their protestation , he with his associates proceeded to nominate so many pretended commissioners , to go the next day with mr. william russel who was sent by the presbytery , and in the name of the parish of peebles , to offer a pretended call to the said mr. veatch , among which commissioners the notorious villain beatty , who occasioned the former tumult , was one , who for his horrid prophanation of the lord's day , and villanous attempt thereupon against mr. knox , had been lately and deservedly punished by the privy council , to which call , albeit only signed by cardronno , who has but small interest in the parish , and two or three mean heritors who have but two aikers of ground a piece almost , mr. veatch cordially imbracing , came and presented it to the presbytery of peebles , at and within the chappel thereof upon the 〈◊〉 day of september following ; the which day and place , the heritors &c. by themselves and their proxies , compeared and gave in their protestation and appeal in writing , with the most grave and weighty reasons thereof , viz. that the church could not be reputed vacant , mr. knox who had beside possession , a good right and title thereto , and to whom they were firmly resolved to adhere , not being either deposed , or deprived , but only inhibited for a time , by the act of the presbytery , and his right not examined , and discussed either by the presbytery , or any other competent judicatory ; and suppose the church had been vacant , as it was not ; yet the said pretended call of mr. veatches was ipso facto void and null , in regard of several essential defects and informalities of it , such as the call had not been made in a regular way by a publick meeting of heritors , elders , and town council , but by private subscriptions , which the magistrates of peebles by menaces and promises had secretly collected from a multitude of persons legally uncapable of any vote in the election ; some of them having no interest at all in the parish . that there were none of the elders consenting thereunto , and of a multitude of considerable heritors in the parish , only two or three petty and obscure ones consented . all which reasons are more fully exprest in the appeal , whereupon they took instruments , but the whole presbytery ( except an old grave man who dissented all along ) taking no notice thereof , nor to vouchsafe in the least any answer thereto , accepted of and sustained the aforesaid pretended call , exhibited unto them in favours of mr. veatch , ordering an edict to be serv'd for him the next lord's day ; which edict being returned to the presbytery , upon the 17th of september , and called at the chappel door , compeared again the heritors , elders , &c. and declared their adherence to their former protestation and appeal , with the whole reasons thereof , and subjoyning some more pregnant reasons thereto ; viz. that the said mr. veatch was a person utterly unknown to them ; and that they ought not to be constrained with an implicite faith , to intrust the care of their souls to a man of whom they had no competent knowledge ; yea , that he was a stranger to the presbytery it self , and that they had never been at the pains to hear him preach ; that they might judge of his qualifications for so eminent a place ; that the little tryal the parish had of him in two or three sermons , they were in their private judgement of discretion not well pleased with his way of preaching , for several grave and weighty exceptions which they had ready to produce . that for the prospect of a more lucrative place , he had by indirect methods got himself loosed from other calls , that he might force himself in upon the parish of peebles . and finally , that the presbytery had in many instances behaved themselves very partially in this whole affair , for all which reasons more amply enlarged by them at that time , and contained in their instruments ; they did de novo protest and appeal against any further procedure of the presbytery upon the said edict , giving in a copy of this their new appeal , with the reasons of it , and taking instruments thereupon , in contempt of which repeated appeals , with the most irrefragable reasons thereof ; the presbytery having determined before hand to institute mr. veatch ; and for that effect ingaged mr. robert elliot to preach at his institution , proceeded the very next day , being the 18th of september , actually to institute him , in most illegal and disorderly way , contrary to an express act of the general assembly , holden at glasgow , december 17. 1638. whereby it is expresly provided , that no person be obtruded into any office in the kirk , contrary to the will of the congregation . at which pretended institution , there were none of the heritors of any worth , or esteem , nor of the standing eldership of the parish , ( and excepting the present magistrates , ) none of the substantial parishioners ; yea , in proportion of the body of the parish , few at all to accept of or imbrace him ; in so much that it 's informed , mr. elliot publickly expressed his grief , that there were so few honest men in the parish to receive their pastor . in respect of all which , and that the heritors consenting to mr. veatch his call , are but very few , and against severals of whom there are competent and relevant exceptions ; viz. that some of them are not heritors , and others by promise of case of their stipends , and some by threatnings if they did not consent ; and that the heritors who have protested against the said call , are not only the most considerable heritors , and have the most considerable interest in the parish , but are double the number of the other , beside the whole eldership . it is therefore hoped , that his grace , his majestie 's high commissioner to the assembly , the right reverend moderator , and the reverend brethren of the general assembly of the kirk of scotland now sitting , may examine , and take into their grave and godly consideration , the whole progress of this affair , together with the parishes protestations and appeals , which they humbly crave may be publickly read , hoping by their pious wisdom , to have their lawful pastor restored unto them ; and in order thereunto , to be relieved of such an illegal intruder , who upon many accounts has rendered himself unfit to be continued in such a charge , particularly , because being conscious to himself of the weakness and insufficiency of his call , partly by his own solicitations , partly by other undirect motions , he did influence some few heritors of note , to sign it after an edict had been served thereupon ; again to shake himself loose from the calls , which were referred to the synod of kelso , he had prevailed with some of his friends , to represent his call to peebles , as the effect of an immediate and extraordinary providence , which they did so flourish out in the several circumstances , that it might appear equivalent to a voic● from heaven , which he ought not to disobey . whereas it can be evinc'd , by clear evidences , that it was a draught and design of men , carried on underhand for a considerable time . and it is left to the assembly to judge what a gross hypocrisie and abuse of the sacred name of providence , it is to pretend an immediate hand of god , to the cobweb-plots and contrivances of sinful men ; sure , for as well as this providence was painted forth to gain this point before the synod , there were some of that meeting , who could see thorow the vanity of that pretence ; and in special , one grave and wise member , could not let it pass without a tart reflection on it ; siklike , upon the day of his admission , he was not afraid publickly to take god to witness , that no prospect of a great benefice had induced him to come to peebles , whereas it transcends the comprehensions of the most vast and extensive charity , to fancy what other motive could prevail with him , to reject calls of people that were zealous and unanimous for him ; and thrust himself in upon a parish who desired him not , and can expect no spiritual comfort from his ministry . and finally , he has since that time imposed conditions of admitting children to baptism in that parish , which neither the law of the land , nor the late general meeting of this church has warranted him to do ; whereupon several persons were necessitate to take their children to be baptised by others , and some have taken instruments against him . and not a few infants have been in apparent danger of dying without baptism , to the great grief of their parents ; among whom were weak twins belonging to one of the late magistrates . all which can clearly be proved against him , together with several other articles which they have to produce , and can prove , competent time being allowed unto them for the citation of witnesses , but which they have hitherto forborn to make use of , out of tenderness to his character , and will always forbear till they be constrained to take this last remedy . this is the exact copy of the information and petition given in by mr. heriot , minister of dalkeith , in print , to the privy council at edenburgh . information for mr. alexander heriot , minister at dalkeith . in relation to the label against him , before the presbytery at dalkeith , and the sentences thereon . and petitions to the lords of their majesties privy council . the appeal given in by the said mr. alexander heriot to the synod of midlothian , containing a short information of the progress of that process , to that time , is as follows . moderator , being conscious of my innocence , and finding my self wronged , and injured , i here appeal from this synod , to the first general assembly , when it shall meet ; and in the mean time to their majesties protection , for justice and relief ; and since the law allows the liedges a competent time to give in the reasons of their appeals , i here protest within twenty four hours , to give in the reasons of this my appeal to your clerk ; and withall , i protest that this be recorded by him . and upon all i take instruments . the reasons of appeal of mr. alexander heriot minister at dalkeith , from the synod of midlothian , to the next lawful general assembly , and to their majesties protection for justice , and relief in the mean time . there being an indictment given in to the presbytery of dalkeith against the said mr. alexander heriot , and the libel bearing it to be given in in the name of the parochiners , the said mr. alexander heriot and parochiners compeered , and craved that his accusets might be named to him , and that they might subscribe their charge against him ; and that in regard that the said heritors and parochiners did not only viva voce , but by a writ under their hands disclaim and disown it , except alexander calderwood , and a few others , ex faece populi . and albeit no libel ought to be admitted without a pursuer ; yet the presbytery refused to condescend upon the ingivers of the libel , or to ordain them to own and subscribe it . like as , none had the confidence to own it , except the said alexander calderwood , who sat among them as one of the ruling elders , and who is notourly known to be the said mr. alexander heriot's declared enemy ( although without cause ) and who invented and reported most false calumnies against him , of which when he was challenged , his answer was , that whether they were true or false , he had thereupon taken two hundred of the parochiners from his communion ; mr. heriot declined him as judge in this matter , wherein he both informed and accused ; which not only consisted in the knowledge of the presbytery ( who had no other information but his ) but which was likewise offered to be proved by his oath ; yet notwithstanding thereof , against all law , reason , and good order , the presbytery would not remove him , but allowed him to fit as one of mr. heriot's judges , and appointed him one of the examinators of the witnesses : and he forgetting that station , informed and tampered with some of them , and threatned others , as to what they should depone ; and the witnesses being overawed and interrupted in their examinations , and not allowed to declare the whole truth in complext matters of fact , whereby the depositions may be lame and weak , and carry a quite contrary meaning of the truth , of what the witnesses offered to depone ; and some of the witnesses having desired that they might see and read their own depositions before they subscribed them , the same was absolutely refused , with this expostulation ; what ? do you distrust us ? and do you question our clerk's honesty ? and thus they caused these witnesses subscribe what was written , so that there may be left out the material parts of their depositions , which cleared their ministers . and not only are there several articles of the libel , which are not upon these heads , to which the trial of the regualr clergy is restricted by act of parliament , and which are in themselves alterius sori , but likewise there was an additional libel raised against the said mr. alexander , and without any citation given to him thereupon , or copy , sight or notice given to him thereof ; witnesses are examined , than all which there can be nothing in judicial procedures more partial , pernicious , and unjust . and mr. alexander heriot having appealed from the presbytery to the general assembly , the presbytery notwithstanding thereof proceeded , and found the libel valid , and proved ; and therefore , and in regard of mr. heriot's contumacy ( as they termed his appeal to the general assembly , which sat in october last ) they suspended him from the ministry , and referred him for further censure to the general assembly . but the general assembly having found no contumacy in the appeal , they referred him back again to the synod . and now the said mr. alexander does again appeal from the synod , and from any sentence they shall give in this matter , to the next lawful general assembly , and in the mean time , to their majesties protection for justice and relief . for thir grounds and reasons . first , there being a petition given in by the heritors and parochiners of dalkeith to the synod , attesting , the said mr. alexander his faithfulness in the ministry , and his innocency as to the things libelled against him ; and craving , that according to the act of parliament , the depositions of the witnesses might be made parent , that they might be the better redargued ; yet the synod suffered not the said petition to be read . secondly , the said mr. alexander having represented to the synod the foresaid procedure of the presbytery against him , and having craved that the depositions of the witnesses , might be read before him , and that he might have a copy of the aditional libel , which he had never seen ; and that conform to the act of parliament , the depositions of the witnesses might be made patent to him , to the end that he might have a copy thereof , to the effect he might the better clear himself , from any thing that may seem to be deponed against him ; yet notwithstanding thereof , ( and contrare to law ) the same was also refused by the synod , and undoubtedly for this reason , that the probation was weak , and might not abide the light nor trial , for veritas non quaerit angulos . thirdly , the said mr. alexander represented to the synod , that he was informed that one of the articles deponed against him , was , that he should have danced about a bonfire the 14th of october 1688 ; and that the same was the only article proved against him , which he instantly redargued , for the said 14th day of october 1688 fell upon a sunday , and that the witnesses and whole inhabitants of dalkeith cannot but declare , that there was never bonfires at dalkeith upon a sunday , so that they deponed flalsly . and the dancing about a bonfire being so publick an act , that not only the witnesses that have deponed it , but likeways many others would have seen it , and all the inhabitants of dalkeith would have heard of it , if it had been true : yet notwithstanding thereof , all the neighbours to that bonfire , and whole inhabitants of dalkeith will declare and depone , that they neither saw nor heard of their minister dancing at that , or any other bonfire ; yet notwithstanding of that clear conviction , and redarguing of that article , the synod had no regard thereto , affirming that there was no help for it now , it being so deponed , which is no other thing than as if they had said , that they were not concerned tho' it were false , for it was so deponed ; and which is so consequential to a clear and positive redarguing , and improbation of the article , and probation thereof , that the prejudice and design of the synod to proceed against the said mr. alexander upon whatever was alleadged , altho' without probation , or upon a redargued probation , is evidently manifest . 4thly . the said mr. alexander represented to the synod , that he had formerly appealed from the presbytery , and that it was but too evident from what is above narrated , that they were party against him . and which was further demonstrate from this , that the said presbytery and alexander calderwood , did in face of the synod not only interrupt the said mr. alexander when he was speaking ; but likeways debated and reasoned against him as his opposite parties , so that it could not be expected , but that they would do more when he was removed out of the synod , and therefore the said mr. alexander declined the presbytery , and alexander calderwood as his judges , and craved that they might not sit to judge him ; yet notwithstanding thereof , against all law and justice , they were not removed . 5thly . several members of the synod interrupted the said mr. alexander , while he was vindicating himself , in the face of the synod , and craving a sight of the additional libel , and deposition of the witnesses ; and cried out , that the same should not be granted to him , as if every one of them had had a decisive voice , and which is without example in any judicatory , for any of the judges to interrupt the defenders speaking , and to cry out their opinion , or rather sentence , before the defender be removed ; and which openly discovers their prejudice , design and resolution of proceeding against the said mr. alexander , altho' without just cause . 6thly . the prejudice and design of the synods proceeding against the said mr. alexander , on the said lame , weak , and null probation , is evident , in so far as several members of their number did speak and deal with him to demit , or that otherways they would depose him . and there is nothing more certain , than that they would never have dealt with him to demit , if the probation against him had been good ; their malice to the regular clergy being such , as that they would rather depose them for immoralities , and errors in doctrine , to expose them , than suffer them to demit , and get off without stain , when they are guilty of the same . but mr. alexander being conscious of his own innocency refused to demit , but rather to suffer their extremity , from which he hoped god in his good time would vindicate him . and therefore it being evident from the grounds foresaid , that the synod has behaved themselves most partially , and against all law and form : the said mr. alexander does therefore protest against the synods further proceeding in the said matter , and appeals from them , and from any sentence they shall give therein , to the next lawful general assemblie ▪ and to their majesties protection , for justice , and relief in the mean time ; and protests , that the said libels , and witnesses depositions taken thereupon , may be preserved , and not put out of the way , that so the ●●me ( and not copies thereof ) may be produced to the next general assembly ; or to any their majesties shall be pleased , out of their royal authority , to appoint to consider the same : and that as the said mr. alexander will publish and disperse his appeal , and his answers to the first libel ; which he only did see for his own vindication from any sentence that shall follow hereupon ; so he expects , and earnestly desires , that the said synod may print both the libels against him , and depositions taken thereupon , for vindication of their justice , ( if they can conceive they have done right : ) but which mr. alexander hopes will rather vindicate his innocency . and further , mr. alexander craves , and protests , that this his appeal may be insert in the books of the synod . notwithstanding of the appeals foresaid , the synod proceeded , and deposed the said mr. alexander from his ministry , and thereupon the eldership of the parish was invaded , and some few ( severals of them scarce worth to be noticed as residenters ) have usurped the power of electing elders , and have elected many moe than the number formerly used , purposely as they think , to make the greater figure ; altho' but of the most inconsiderable of the parish ; and of design to call , impose , and obtrude a minister upon the rest against their will , contrary to the laws of charity , practices of christian churches , and profession of presbyterians . notwithstanding that the said mr. alexander heriot his appeal does in law preserve his right , and keeps all in statu quo , the time of the appeal , while it be discust . whereupon , not only the said mr. alexander heriott , but likewise the heritors and parishioners of dalkeith have given in a petition to the lords of their majesties most honourable privy council , that they may be pleased to forbid the calling of a minister until the appeal be discust ; and that in the mean time , he may be restored to the exercise of his ministrie . and that the presbytery of dalkeith ; and others who had the libels given in against him , and depositions of the witnesses , may make the same known to him , as law appoints ; that he may know what is libelled , or may seem to be proved , to the effect he may the better clear himself of the same , which is nothing but false lies and calumnies : and whereof several of the presbyterian ministers , who have seen the libels and depositions , affirm , that there is nothing pretended to be proved , but the dancing about the bon-fire ; which is not only clearly redargued to be false as said is , there being no bonfires either on the foresaid day , nor for several months either before or after ; but likewise if the persons who have deponed it were known , and re-examined , it will be found , they have deponed falsly ; and that they have been dealt with so to depone ; and that this falshood may not be discovered , not only are the depositions kept up , contrary to express law and acts of parliament ; but likewise , no notice can be gotten who were the persons who have deponed it , that they may be insisted against . whereas it is pretended , that the lords of their majesties privy council , are not judges competent to the sentences of ecclesiastick courts , and that as they cannot put in ministers in churches , so they cannot meddle with sentences of depositions . it is answered , that by the 1. act 8 parl. ja. 6. it is statute and ordained , that his majestie , and council shall be judges competent , to all persons spiritual and temporal , in all matters . and to pretend , that the council is not judge competent to sentences of ecclesiastick courts , is no other them to affirm , that these courts have an arbitrary power , and may do wrong at their pleasure without remeed or control . for it is evident , that mr. herriott is most unjustly pursued and deposed . and it is also evident , that if it be not redressed by the council , he will never be restored by those ministers , who have dealt so unjustly with him . and whereas , it is alleaged , that as the council cannot put in ministers , so they cannot meddle with sentences of deposition . it is answered , that the council has not the power of admission and ordination of ministers . but if a minister having a lawful call , the presbyterie should refuse to admit and ordain him , albeit they have nothing to object against him , upon application to the council or session , letters will be directed to charge the presbyterie , to admit and ordain him , but multo magis in this case , where a minister is deposed from his ministrie , as likewise from his benefice , ( which is his livelyhood and maintenance ) and yet most unjustly , and without ground or reason ; the council is most proper judges , for restoring him against the foresaid oppression , injurie , and unjust sentence . and for a further evidence of this unjust sentence , it is humbly desired , that the lords of their majesties privy council will be pleased to take notice , that in the first libel there are many articles which are not to be admitted in law ; and it is said , that there is none of them proved , but the dancing about the bonfire : and yet the presbytery by their sentence , found the libel relevant and proved , which must be understood as to the whole articles of the libel complexlie , than which there is nothing more false , as will appear by the libels and depositions , if they were produced . and yet thereupon mr. heriott is first suspended by the presbytery , and referred by them to the general assembly for further censure , as if great immoralities in life , and errors in doctrine , had been proved against him . and the synod ( to which the assembly remitted him ) following the steps of the presbytery , deposed him . now when presbytery and synod , have acted thus contrary to express law , and have done open and manifest unjustice ; ( and whereof all that heard of it are convinced and sensible ) and having stated themselves parties against him , there can be no remedy expected from the said unjustice , injury , and oppression , unless the lords of their majesties privy council interpose their authority . if it be alleaged , that the late act of parliament , the act of supremacy in church matters is repealed ; it is answered , that the act of parliament 1669 is rescinded , which extended the supremacy , to the ordering and disposal of the external government and policy of the church , and to the enacting of constitutions , acts , and orders in the church . but the foresaid act of k. ja. 6. his 8 parliament , is not rescinded , which is only as to the judging of ecclesiastick persons in matters complained upon ; and which power is inherent in the crown , otherways there should be regnum in regno ; and church judicatories should have arbitrary power , without redress or control , as said is . in regard whereof , the lords of their majesties privy council are judges competent , to this injurie , vnjustice and oppression ; and the desire of the petitions ought to be granted . act of the general assembly , anent a solemn national fast and humiliation , with the causes thereof . at edinburgh , november 12. 1690. postmeridiem , sess . 25. the general assembly , having taken into their most serious consideration , the late great and general defection of this church and kingdom , have thought fit to appoint a day of solemn humiliation and fasting , for confession of sins , and making supplication to our gracious god , to forgive and remove the guilt thereof : in order whereunto , they have ordained the confession of sins , and causes of fasting following , to be duly intimat and published ; recommending it most earnestly to all persons , both ministers and others , that every one of us may not only search and try our own hearts and ways , and stir up our selves to seek the lord ; but also in our stations , and as we have access , deal with one another , in all love and tenderness , to prepare for so great and necessary a duty , that we may find mercy in god's sight , and he may be graciously reconciled to our land in our lord jesus , and take delight to dwell among us . although our gracious god hath of late , for his own names sake , wrought great and wonderful things , for britain and ireland , and for this church and nation in particular ; yet the inhabitants thereof have cause to remember their own evil ways , and to loath themselves in their own sight for their iniquities . alas ! we , and our fathers , our princes , our pastors , and people of all ranks have sinned , and have been under great transgression to this day : for though our gracious god shewed early kindness to this land , in sending the gospel amongst us , and afterward in our reformation from popish superstition and idolatry ; and it had the honour , beyond many nations , of being after our first reformation , solemnly devoted unto god , both prince and people , yet we have dealt treacherously with the lord , and been unstedfast in his covenant , and have not walked suitably to our mercies received from him , nor obligations to him : through the mercy of god this church had attained to a great purity of doctrine , worship , and government , but this was not accompanied with suitable personal reformation , neither was our fruit answerable to the pains taken on us by word and work ; we had much gospel-preaching , but too little gospel-practice ; too many went on in open wickedness , and some had but a form of godliness , denying the power thereof ; many also who had the grace of god in truth fell from their first love , and fell under sad languishings and decays ; and when for our sins the anger of the lord had divided us , and we were brought under the feet of strangers , and many of our brethren killed , others taken captive and sold as slaves , yet we sinned still , and after we were freed from the yoke of strangers , instead of returning to the lord , and being led to repentance by his goodness , the land made open defection from the good ways of the lord : many behaved as if they had been delivered to work abomination , the flood-gates of impiety were opended , and a deluge of wickedness did over-spread the land , who can without grief and shame remember the shameful debauchery and drunkenness that then was ? and this accompanied with horrid and hellish cursing and swearing , and followed with frequent filthiness , adulteries , and other abominations , and the reprover was hated , and he that departed from iniquity made himself a reproach or prey . and when by these , and such like corrupt practices , mens consciences were debauched , they proceeded to sacrifice the interest of the lord jesus christ , and priviledges of his church to the lusts and will of men ; the supremacy was advanced in such a way , and to such an height , as never any christian church acknowledged ; the government of the church was altered , and prelacy ( which hath been always grievous to this nation ) introduced , without the churches consent , and contrair to the standing acts of our national assemblies , both which the present parliament hath ( blessed be god ) lately found ; and yet nevertheless , of the then standing ministry of scotland , many did suddenly and readily comply with that alteration of the government , some out of pride and covetousness or man-pleasing , some through infirmity or weakness , or fear of man , and want of courage and zeal for god , many faithful ministers were thereupon cast out , and many insufficient and scandalous men thrust in on their charges , and many families ruined , because they would not own them as their pastors . and alas ! it is undenyable , there hath been under the late prelacie , a great decay of piety , so that it was enough to make a man be nicknam'd a phanatick , if he did not run to the same excess of riot with others . and should it not be lamented , for it cannot be denyed , there hath been in some a dreadful atheistical boldness against god , some have disputed the being of god , and his providence , the divine authority of the scriptures , the life to come , and immortality of the soul , yea and scoffed at these things . there hath been also an horrid prophanation of the holy and dreadful name of god , by cursing and swearing : ah! there hath been so much swearing and forswearing amongst us , that no nation under heaven have been more guilty in this than we ; some by swearing rashly or ignorantly , some falsly , by breaking their oaths , and imposing and taking ungodly and unlawful oaths and bonds whereby the consciences of many have been polluted and seared , and many ruined and oppressed for refusing and not taking them . there hath also been a great neglect of the worship of god , too much in publick , but especially in families , and in secret . the wonted care of religious sanctifying the lord's day is gone , and in many places the sabbath hath been , and is shamefully prophaned . the land also hath been full of bloody crimes , and cities full of violence , and much innocent blood shed , so that blood touched blood ; yea , sodoms sins have abounded amongst us , pride , fullness of bread , idleness , vanities of apparel , and shameful sensuality filled the land. and alas ! how great hath been the cry of oppression , and unrighteousness , iniquity hath been established by a law , there hath been a great perverting of justice , by making and executing unrighteous statutes and acts , and sad persecutions of many for their conscience towards god. it is also matter of lamentation , that under this great defection there hath been too general a fainting , not only amongst professors of the gospel , but also amongst ministers ; yea , even amongst such , who in the main things did endeavour to maintain their integrity , in not giving seasonable and necessary testimony against the defectons and evils of the time , and keeping a due distance from them , and some on the other hand managed their zeal with too little discretion and meekness . it is also matter of humiliation , that when differences fell out amongst these , who did owne truth , and bear witness against the course of defection , they were not managed with due charity and love , but with too much heat and bitterness , injurious reflections used against pious and worthy men on all hands , and scandalous divisions occasioned , and the success of the gospel greatly obstructed thereby , and some dangerous principles drunk in : and after all this , there were shameful advances towards popery , the abomination of the mass was set up in many places , and popish schools erected , and severals fell to idolatry . and though the lord hath put a stop to the course of defection , and of his great mercy given us some reviving from our bondage ; yet we have sad cause to regrate and bemoan , that few have a due sense of our mercy , or walk answerable thereto , few are turned to the lord in truth , but the wicked go on to do wickedly , and there is found amongst us to this day shameful ingratitude for our mercies , horrid impenitency under our sins , yea , even amongst those who stand most up for the defence of the truth : and amongst many in our armies , there is woful prophaneness and debauchery . and though we profess to acknowledge , there can be no pardon of sins , no peace and reconciliation with god , but by the blood of jesus christ ; yet few know him , or see the necessity and excellency of the knowledge of our lord jesus christ ; few see their need of him , or esteem , desire , or receive him , as he is offered in the gospel ; few are acquainted with faith in jesus christ , and living by faith on him , as made of the father unto us , wisdom , righteousness , sanctification and redemption ; and few walk as becometh the gospel , and imitate our holy lord in humility , meekness , self-denial , heavenly-mindedness , zeal for god , and charity towards men : but as there is even until now , a great contempt of the gospel , a great barrenness under it ; so a deep security under our sin and danger , a great want of piety toward god , and love towards men , with a woful selfishness , every one seeking their own things , few the things of christ , or the publick good , or one anothers welfare : and finally , the most part more ready to censure the sins of others , than to repent of their own . our iniquities are increased over our heads , and our trespasses are grown up into the heavens , they are many in number , and hainous in their nature , and grievously aggravated , as having been contrair to great light and love , under signal mercies and judgments , after confession and supplication , and notwithstanding of our profession , promises and solemn vowing , and covenanting with god to the contrair . have we not then sad cause of deep sorrow and humiliation ? and may we not fear , if we do not repent , and turn from the evil of our ways , and return to the lord with all our hearts , that he return to do us evil , after he hath done us good , and be angry with us , until he hath consumed us ? let us therefore humble our selves by fasting and praying , let us search out our sins , and consider our ways , and confess these , and other our sins , with sorrow and detestation ; let us turn unto the lord with fasting and weeping , and with mourning ; let us firmly resolve and sincerely engage to amend our ways and doings , and return unto the lord our god , with all our heart , and earnestly pray , that for the blood of the lamb of god , our sins may be forgiven , and our back-slidings healed , and we may yet become a righteous nation , keeping the truth , that religion and righteousness may flourish , and love , and charity abound , and all the lord's people may be of one mind in the lord : and in order to all these , that the word of the lord may have free course , and be glorified , and that the preaching of the word , and dispensing of the sacraments , may be accompanied with the wonted presence , power and blessing of the spirit of the lord ; that the lord would preserve and bless our gracious king and queen , william and mary , and establish their throne by righteousness and religion , and grant to these nations , peace and truth together ; and for that end , bless and prosper his majesties councils , and forces by sea and land , and those of the princes and states his allies , for god and his truth , that inferior rulers may rule in the fear of god , and judges be clothed with righteousness , and that many faithful labourers may be sent out into the lord's vineyard , and they who are sent , may find mercy to be faithful , and be blest with success , that families may be as little churches of christ , and that the lord would pour out his spirit on all ranks of people , that they may be holy in all manner of conversation , and god may delight to dwell amongst us , and to do us good . and while we pray for our selves , let us not forget our brethren in forreign churches , with whom , alas ▪ we had too little sympathy ; nay , let us pray , that all the ends of the earth , may see the salvation of god ; and that he would bring his antient people of the jews to the acknowledgment of jesus christ ; and that he would hasten the ruine of romish babylon , and advance the reformation in christendome , and preserve and bless the reformed churches ; that he would pity his oppressed people , the french protestants , and gather them out of all places , whither they have been scattered in the cloudy and dark day ; and that he would be the defence , strength and salvation of any of his people , who are in war or danger by infidel or popish adversaries , in europe or america . and in particular , that the lord would be gracious to ireland , and sanctifie to his people there , both their distress and deliverance ; and perfect what concerneth them , that he would convert the natives there to the truth , and reduce that land to peace ; and appoint salvation for walls and bullwarks to brittain . for all these causes and reasons , the general assembly hath appointed the second thursday of january next , to be observed in all the congregations of the church and nation , as a day of solemn fasting and humiliation , and prayer ; beseeching and obtesting all , both pastors , and people of all ranks to be sincere and serious , in humilitation and supplication , and universal reformation , as they would wish to find mercy of the lord , and have deserved wrath averted , and would obtain the blessing of the lord upon themselves and posterity after them ; and that the lord may delight in us , and our land may be as married to him . and ordains all ministers , either in kirks or meeting houses , to read this present act publickly from the pulpit , a sabbath or two before the said day of humiliation : and that the several presbyteries take care , that it be carefully observed in their respective bounds . and where , in regard of vacancies , the day hereby appointed , cannot be observed , the assembly appoints the said humiliation , to be kept some other day with the first convenient opportunity : and appoints the commission for visitation , to apply to the council , for their civil sanction to the observation thereof . extracted out of the records of assembly , by jo. spalling . cls. syn. national . a proclamation anent a solemn national fast and humiliation . william and mary , by the grace of god , king and queen of great britain , france , and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to macers of our privy council , or messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch , as the general assembly of this church , by their act , of the date the twelfth day of november instant , hath appointed a solemn national fast and humiliation , to be observed in all the kirks and meeting-houses of this our antient kingdom ; and appointed their commission for visitation , to apply to the lords of our privy council , for our civil sanction , to be interposed thereto ; and they having applyed accordingly : therefore we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , do hereby command and enjoyn , that the said solemn fast and humiliation be religiously observed , by all persons throughout this kingdom , both in kirks and meeting-houses , at the dyets , and in the manner as by the above-mentioned act of assembly , hereto prefixed , is appointed ; and that the same be read by all the ministers , in manner therein mentioned . and to the end that so pious and necessary a duty may be punctually performed , and our pleasure in the premisses fully known : our will is herefore , and we charge you straitly , and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and the remanent mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the several shires and stewartries , within this kingdom , and in our name and authority , make publication of the premises , that none may pretend ignorance . and we do ordain our solicitor to dispatch copies hereof to the sheriffs of the several shires and stewarts of the stewartries , or their deputs , or clerks , to be by them published at the mercat-crosses of the head-burghs , upon receipt thereof , and immediately sent to the several ministers , both in kirks and meeting-houses , to the effect they may read and intimat the same from their pulpits , and may seriously exhort all persons , to a sincere and devout observance thereof , as they regard the favour and blessings of the almighty god , the safety and preservation of both church and state , and would avoid the wrath of god upon themselves and their posterity , and as they will be answerable at their peril . and ordains these presents to be printed with the said act of assembly , and these presents to be published in manner foresaid . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twenty first day of november . and of our reign , the second year , 1690. per actum dominorum sti. concilii . gilb . eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save king william , and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to the king and queens most excellent majesties . 1690. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a69769-e230 * except the contributions of the sisters , which were something to one who knew no other ways how to live . * at th● end of this le●ter , vid● inform●tion giv● in by m● heriot ●● the priv● council . * this exposition of the fathers words you may find in the 169 p. of his pretended answer to dr. stillingfleet's vnreasonableness of separation . † coliness . * ten or twelve of which are said in a morning one after another . * that is to turn all the episcopal clergy out of the church . vide the first paper . ‖ vid. second paper . vide the last paper . three sermons preached in lent and summer assizes last at lancaster, and on one of the lords days in the late guild of preston : wherein the nature of subjection to the civil magistrate is explained, the duty proved, and the clergy justified in pressing the same upon their fellow-subjects / by thomas gipps. gipps, thomas, d. 1709. 1683 approx. 161 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42790 wing g783 estc r27382 09825615 ocm 09825615 44204 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42790) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44204) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1358:3) three sermons preached in lent and summer assizes last at lancaster, and on one of the lords days in the late guild of preston : wherein the nature of subjection to the civil magistrate is explained, the duty proved, and the clergy justified in pressing the same upon their fellow-subjects / by thomas gipps. gipps, thomas, d. 1709. [6], 80 p. printed by h.h. for walter kettilby, london : 1683. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -sermons. church and state -england -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-10 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion three sermons preached in lent and summer assizes last , at lancaster ; and on one of the lords days , in the late guild of preston . wherein the nature of subjection to the civil magistrate is explained , the duty proved , and the clergy justified in pressing the same upon their fellow-subjects . by thomas gipps , rector of bury in lancashire , chaplain to the right honourable the earl of darby , and sometimes fellow of trinity colledge in cambridge . principibus igitur nec est turpitèr adulandum , nec seditiosè repugnandum . erasmi paraph. in 1 tim. 2. c. regum timendorum in proprios greges , reges in ipsos imperium est jovis . london , printed by h. h. for walter kettilby , at the bishop's head in st. paul's church-yard . 1683. a preface to the reader . it may , perhaps seem strange and presumptuous that such an obscure and inconsiderable man as i should obtrude at once so many sermons upon the world , and that too without sheltering them under the name and protection of some person of quality and condition , since most authors in all ages have thought fit to do so , and many of the best in this age , upon their publication even of one single discourse . the truth is , though i am not so vain as to think my self or these papers above the reach of the captious and censorious , or that i stand in less need of the countenance of some eminent person to recommend me , though i affect not to be singular , and to depart from any laudable custom : yet there being some special reasons moving me to write , but withal forbidding me to prefix any persons name whatever , ( which reasons are not to be made publick , but will possibly be guest at by such as know me and my present circumstances ) i am therefore forc'd to expose these discourses , sine titulo , fine comite , without engaging any man that glories in titles , or any familiar friend to be their god-father . 't is confess'd , that as the ear is not in these our days satisfied with hearing , so neither is the eye with reading . the pen and the press has no more rest than the tongue and the pulpit : but if it be judged convenient to seratch the ore , 't is surely excusable to rub the other when it itches . the argument i treat of has born a considerable part on the stage of our late disorders , wherein many have already admirably acquitted themselves in the defence of the doctrine h●rei● treated of ●nd upon that sc●re these ende●vours of mine may possi●ly be look'd upon as less useful . i must therefore 〈◊〉 besides what is al●eady hinted ) by way of apology , say thus much for my self ; that i am not led unto this vndertaking , as if i conceited my self to have hit upon any new thing , not yet taken notice of in this inquisitive age , or express'd it better , and to more advantage than others before me have done . but besides the honesty of my intentions in bearing witness unto a truth so important in these days , there seems to be some very good reasons justifying this attempt . i cannot learn that any in these northern parts , have of late years appear'd in the defence of the government , and confirming the doctrine of subjection to the civil magistrate : and i observe that the people hereabouts are not so diligent to enquire out , and furnish themselves with such learned treatises , as would truly inform them of their duty . but when one of the neighbourhood known to them is in print , then the maggot bites , then curiosity , or friendship , or spight raises the whole country , who make hue and cry after the book , and will never be quiet till they have read it . by which means many may be brought to consider those truths , which hitherto they have not known , or not duly weigh'd , or would not otherwise have re-collected . this i take to be a very reasonable vindication of my self and many others in setting forth our discourses , which however needless they may be accounted to those who know men and books , and where to find the same argument more fully and accurately handled ; yet those excellent authors works signifie as little to the generality here , as the learned sermons preach'd in the city do to the edification of the remote countrey congregations . but besides this , since things are now brought to such a pass , that the factious party boast of their numbers , and call the loyal to a poll ; what they want in just weight and measure , is endeavoured to be made up by telling noses : it must be acknowledged not only excusable , but in some measure the duty of every good subject , especially of a clergy-man , upon all occasions to declare in behalf of the prince , and of the government , not concerning himself , whether he does it in that excellency of wisdom as others have . his suffrage is nevertheless as considerable in its self , as the best . so that though i should fail of my principal design ( which is to bring over the adversaries of our present peace and establishment unto the obedience of faith ( so i may very well call honouring and obeying the magistrates ) which is a gospel-duty ) yet this point however i shall certainly gain , that i have assured the higher powers of one vote , of my own steadiness and fidelity ; and shall now farther assure them of many more in these northern climates : though i must acknowledge there are some ill-contriv'd politico's among us , who fear not confidently to affirm , that the people may call the king to account for his mis-government : that is as much as to say , that they may once again try him before an high court of justice , and then murder him . this is that jesuitical , pernicious principle , that awakened me , and push'd me on to undertake this enterprize . and i thought my self obliged unto it , for reasons ( as is said before ) not here to be discovered . now , though the clergy have learnt to sit down patiently under some little wrongs , or rather mistakes , as i would call them , in tenderness and honour to the best of princes , ( ex . gr . what man of common sense can give account , why we , contrary to our priviledge in magna charta unrepeal'd ( as i am told ) being look'd in , i know not how , to pay taxes without the consent of the convocation , should yet be excluded from voting for representatives in parliament ? as if we had not as much wisdom and integrity as the scum of the people , or the best of the commonalty have , which i hope will in due time be taken into consideration . ) these punctilio's , i say , we easily and quietly let pass : but to be revil'd ( as we are ) for urging the doctrine of subjection , of fearing the king , and not meddling with those that are given to change , is most injurious and insufferable . surely we may pretend to this , as of common right belonging to us , being equally concerned with the rest of our fellow-subjects in the well-fare of the nation . but much more , since it is one part of our ministerial office , to perswade men that they abide in the same calling wherein they are called . we are indeed often told , that this is not to preach jesus christ , and him crucified ; whereas i make no question , but that he who teaches any christian duty , does the work of an evangelist , preaches jesus christ , and him crucified . time was , when they only were taken for soul-saving preachers , who ( as aaron perswaded the israelites to break off the golden ear-rings , which were in the ears of their wives , of their sons , and of their daughters ) had a dextrous way of wheadling their disciples to fling their silver thimbles and bodkins into the fire of our civil contentions : from whence came out two molten calves ; slavery ▪ drest up in the habit of liberty and property ; and hypocrisie , lurking under the disguise of conscience and religion . vnto these two idols were the people forc'd to fall down and worship . it was the same time , when they only were esteemed gospel-teachers , who went to market for the subject of their sabboth-sermons ( as the dissenters most judaically , but ignorantly call the lords day , ) who took their texts out of the diurnals , and by the help of some passages of holy scripture mis-applyed and profanely abused , brought forth just such another monster , as mahomet did out of the law and the gospel , scil . a bloody and tyrannical government , and an ill-favour'd religion , which the church of god never before saw . in fine , they only were acknowledged the faithful dispensers of the word , who were trumpeters of sedition , and turn'd this kingdom into war and blood , and confusion , and anarchy ; a work as diametrically opposite to the office of a minister of jesus christ , and to the nature of the gospel , as light is to darkness . but we , silly wretches as we are , who instruct the people unto modesty , and patient submission unto the higher powers ( as our lord and his apostles did ) to rest content with that form of government , under which they are born and bred , must needs be represented as a sort of men , that know not , or will not preach christ , and the faith of christ , although we speak no other things , than what the law , and the prophets , and the scriptures of the new testament have said before us , and enjoyned us to preach ; even such things , which being indeed to the dissenters a stumbling-block , and to the factious politician foolishness ; but i am fully perswaded , if carefully learnt , and conscientiously practised , will accompany salvation . for my own part , i desire no fairer play , as to the subject , though not as to the management of these sermons , than that what i have here wrote may be impartially scann'd ; and as it shall be found to savour of the gospel-spirit , let my character and entertainment be accordingly ; which is all ( courteous reader ) and what i may justly expect from thee . thomas gipps . sermon i. rom. 13. ver. 1. let every soul be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god ; the powers that be are ordained of god. there is nothing under the sun , but is lyable to alteration , the best and purest things ordinarily in the change degenerating into the filthyest and most unsavoury . this observation holds good in morals as well as naturals ; and even the revelations of god himself , when abus'd to loose and ambitious ends , when corrupted by the false glosses of deceitful men , prove most destructive to the peace and welfare of the world. hence it comes to pass , that w●rs commenced upon the account of religion , and carried on under pretence of conscience , have evermore been the bloodyest , seldom or never ceasing , but in the utter ruine of one side . 2. and for the same reason disobedience to authority , and rebellion against the prince , when grounded on the mistaken doctrines of the gospel , are usually found most obstinate , the plague of the common-wealth , and an incurable disease . when conscience , under a mistake , leads the van , no projects of peace will please , but what she approves of : when the glory of god is writ upon the banners , no conditions are hearkened to , but what she propounds . when the defence of the gospel is taken up in opposition to the civil magistrate , no terms of agreement will be accepted , unless every point be gain'd exactly conform to that enthusiastical model , to those conceited schemes of divine worship , which every zealous bigot lays down for the undoubted law of the gospel . conscience is the most formidable invader of the rights and properties of the subject , of the power and soveraignty of the supream magistrate : and when she gives the signal to battel , the word is — spare neither great , nor small : neither prince nor people , neither things sacred nor profane escape her fury ; but all lye prostrate , and truckle to her arbitrary commandment . whilst there are any left to make head against her , she will never put up her sword ; her very mercies are cruel : she will never give over the pursuit , till glutted with the blood of her adversaries , her self bursts asunder into faction , heresie , and the most irreligious separations . when the number of such as have been slaughtered in an holy war shall be reckon'd up , it will possibly be found , that interest , and passion , and revenge , and civil faction have slain their thousands , but conscience her ten thousands . how this comes to pass , is not difficult to discern . an opinion of our own holiness begets in us spiritual pride , or rather fleshly wisdom and confidence . obedience to god is a most powerful motive pushing us on unto the most dangerous and desperate enterprizes . the propagation of the kingdom of christ oft-times makes us forget our selves , to over-look the means , and to think that the goodness , or innocence of our design is sufficient to sanctifie the villany , and to justifie the undertakers . to defend the purity of the gospel is thought ( as indeed it is if rightly manag'd ) a glorious work , it appearing to most of us the greatest instance of gratitude we can return to god , namely , to advance the excellent glory of the divine nature . besides the conversion of men , yea , even the compelling them by force to renounce their errors , and to embrace the truths of the gospel , seems at first blush , a noble and heroick piece of christian charity , worthy the zeal and pains of every one to effect as well in his enemy as friend . upon these general , but for the most part misapply'd principles , many ignorant consciences full of zeal and sudden flashes of spiritual light , like paul in his journey to damascus , are indeed struck blind with the abundance of revelation and knowledge ( falsly so called : ) and from thence forward know not , neither care , nor will give themselves leave to consider what course they are taking for the compassing these great ends ; neither will suffer others to take them by the hand , and conduct them to the infallible oracles of god , where they may understand what it is which god would have them do , satisfying themselves with the uprightness of their remote intentions , but winking at the iniquity of the means pursuant thereto : although it is an eternal rule of right reason , and an unquestionable maxim of our holy religion , that we must not do evil that good may come . 4. conscience in this case ( which is but an irregular passion , and may rather be called self-conceit , or sullen perswasion ) becomes a most daring champion , and that cause is most likely to succeed wherein she is sworn of the counsel , or made use of in the execution . hence both ambitious princes , and rebellious subjects in their foreign invasions , or civil wars still either in pretence or truth , have painted conscience and the glory of god on their ensigns ; thinking it sufficient to excuse their outrages with the pretext of godliness . some of you i know have read of the holy war , carried on by the blind zeal of christendom against the saracens ; some have heard of the holy league in france ; many of you of the spaniards invincible armado , equip'd at the request of his holiness , for the propagation of the faith ; most of you are sensible that there was lately a solemn league and covenant set up in this kingdom , for the glory of god ; and we are at this day freshly alarm'd with the report of an association . these proceedings are not to be wondred at , since religion hath ever by experience been found first lyable to be deprav'd by ill men , then to be made a stalking horse for the carrying on the most impious enterprizes . our lord himself fore-told as much , and this mystery of iniquity began to work in the children of disobedience at the very dawning of christianity . the first hereticks and schismaticks that sprung up in the church , men that boasted of their knowledge of the divine will , as much as any among us ever did , arrogating to themselves the name of gnosticks ( i. e. ) ( as the word imports ) knowing men , who ( as they thought ) were fully acquainted with the doctrine of god : yet among many other freakish opinions , deny'd subjection due to the magistrate , and are describ'd as such by st. jude — filthy dreamers , who defile the flesh , despise dominion , and speak evil of dignities . 5. the christian religion is first pure , and then peaceable , as st. james teacheth us ; intimating that the purity of it being first lost , or renounc'd , nothing but confusion and disorder can be expected to follow ; from whence it has often come to pass , that men of corrupt minds , perverse sons of belial have set up religion to countenance their rebellion ; and christianity hath been frequently drawn in to bear a part in the most bloody tragedies that ever were acted upon the stage of the world. thus it hath been from the beginning , and will continue thus to be notwithstanding our blessed lord and his holy apostles took the greatest care imaginable , both by example and doctrine to prevent these mischiefs . st. paul , among the rest , intending in these words now read either first ( as some imagine ) to overthrow that rebellious principle of the gnosticks , just now mentioned , despising dominion , and speaking evil of dignities , and to prevent its further growth among the new converts at rome . or , secondly , as grotius conjectures to obviate that plausible argument , which the jewish christians might possibly be ready to draw from that passage of moses ( viz. ) thou shalt in any wise set him king over thee , whom the lord thy god shall chuse , one from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee , thou mayest not set a stranger over thee which is not thy brother ; from whence they might gather , that the emperour being not their brother , not of the seed of jacob , but a stranger , they were not obliged to obey him . or , thirdly , as some think , to let the roman christians rightly understand his doctrine and their own duty , namely , that what he had before in this epistle delivered concerning christian liberty , was not to be stretch'd so far , as to excuse their subjection to the temporal magistrate . upon some one or more of these accounts the apostle reads them their lesson , here in the text ; of which i shall give you the explication , and thence fully set forth the nature of subjection , which is all i aim at , at this time . 6. the grammatical form of the words is imperative , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by consequence the words are praeceptive , importing a duty properly so called , unto which we are indispensably oblig'd , and which the apostle more peremptorily presses in the 5 th . verse following , wherefore ye must needs be subject , there is a necessity laid upon you all . the romish divines tell us that this is only prudential advice , suited to the present condition of the christians , who were then few and poor , and unable to make resistance ; therefore was it unseasonable for them to exasperate the emperour , but their interest rather and wisdom to sit down patiently under persecution , waiting a more favourable time of asserting their civil rights , and liberty of conscience , and of pulling down that cruel and arbitrary government of nero. this gap was first opened by the papists , through which , many , even protestants in profession , have entred into the field of rebellion , choosing rather to become companions with those unruly beasts in the transgression , than to be confin'd within the compass of sobriety , and the peaceable principles of the true christian philosophy . but what ( i pray ye ) is or can be the meaning of those words , ye must needs be subject ? not only for wrath , or fear of punishment , that is indeed a prudential motive fit for every reasonable man to consider for his worldly interest ; but also for conscience sake , that 's without question a divine evangelical one , fit for every christian to weigh in order to his spiritual interest : conscience ( i say ) towards god , not for his own sake only , but , as st. peter implies , for the lords sake , in honour and obedience to the law of god. let every soul. no mortal man is exempted ; neither bishop , nor priest , nor subordinate magistrate , nor five hundred princes of the congregation , men of renown assembled ; no , nor all the people of the land combin'd and associated together , can hold themselves excused . every soul. this expression is borrowed from the jewish writers , with whom it is very familiar to call man soul , as indeed 't is not an unusual idiom in our own language , that being a principal part synechdochically put for the man himself : so that when st. paul says , let every soul , 't is equivalent as if he should have said , let every man , or rather , if we would render it to the full , let every living man. for so much the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes , which most commonly in scripture language signifies the life , the animal life , that life which is common to him with the brute beasts ; or else the life relating to our natural and temporal concerns . whence st. paul opposes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the natural man , to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the spiritual man. from whence i draw this conclusion , that every true and sincere disciple of christ , although he may and ought to preserve his reasonable soul , his conscience pure and unspotted from actual complyance with the sinful commands of his superiours ( conscience and the rational soul , and spiritual things are not in their nature capable of being subjected to the external power of a prince , ) yet the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the animal life , all temporal civil affairs being by god committed to the supream magistrate , we ought in all those respects to be subject to the will and governance of the prince . by the higher powers ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the abstract , is nevertheless meant the concrete , the person of the supream magistrate ; he to whom the government of the common-wealth is entrusted , and the execution of the law belongs . so st. paul expounds himself , backing this precept with several reasons , ver . 3. for rulers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ver . 4. for he is the minister of god ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) he beareth not the sword in vain : he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a revenger . all which passages clear the apostles meaning , that he treats not of the supream authority separate from the person of the prince ; but the prince himself in possession of the supream power . this i the rather take notice of , because there are a sort of critical , pedantical politicians , that distinguish betwixt the government and the governour ; between the laws of the common-wealth and the kings person . government they are for , and willing to be subject to it ; the law they cry up , and none more zealous than they for the execution of justice : but as for the person of the prince , how rudely do they treat him ? how little do they honour him ? making him a king of clouts rather than what indeed he is , the minister , the ordinance of god. what else means so many hedge-creepers among us , pulling down the fences of obedience to the magistrate , and the fat bulls of basan enclosing him in on every side ? what else means that malicious raillery , and those abusive pasquils sent forth for the wounding his honour ? and some have had the confidence to threaten a writ of quo warranto against his authority . by power ( if you will admit st. paul to expound his own meaning ) is to be understood not the majesty of the government , but the majesty of the king , whose person is divine ( being ordained by god ) whose honour is sacred and inviolate . and for a further confirmation of this exposition , you may please to remember , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . power is in this sense us'd by our lord himself — when they bring you unto synagogues , and unto magistrates , and unto powers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says st. luke ; which st. matthew expresses more simply , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 kings and governours , or emperours . the learned well know that magistratus and potestas , and majestas are frequently put for the prince himself in all sort of writers ; and nothing is more common than to call persons by the abstract , denoting some property in special manner belonging to them . thus we style a notorious malefactor , villany it self , villany in the abstract , which some express in a more comical way , a rogue in grain , ( i. e. ) one who like cloath dyed with scarlet , has imbib'd the principles of naughtiness as a durable and inseparable property . in like manner , to an inferiour magistrate we address your worship ; to a peer of the realm , your honour ; to a general of an army , your excellency ; to one of the blood royal , your highness ; to a prince , your grace , your majesty . thus jacob , speaking to reuben ( to whom by natural right of descent belong'd the supream power ) thou art my first-born , my might , and the beginning of my strength , the excellency of dignity , and the excellency of power . and to make an end of this observation , god himself is often called wisdom , and holiness , righteousness , and truth it self . now , as it would be thought an high act of presumption and atheism for any man to distinguish betwixt the person of god ▪ and his essential attributes , ( that is ) to pretend to be subject to the wisdom , holiness , righteousness , and truth of divine grace and providence ; and in the mean time to blaspheme the person of god : just such another piece of hypocrisie and empty loyalty are they guilty of , who profess to obey the law , and to submit to the government ; but murder , or persecute , or vilifie the prince , in whom the government rests as an inherent property , and the execution of the law appertains , as his unquestionable right and prerogative ; by whose wisdom and authority justice is distributed to the people of the land , as light and heat is by the sun to the whole world. but , as the spaniards living under the scorching heat of that planet , are said to curse it at the approach of summer ; so is it many times with an unthankful and wanton people , enjoying too much ease , peace , and plenty , through the abundant grace and goodness of a king , 't is familiar with them to fly in his face , and lift up the heel against him , that has made them thus happy . but to proceed ▪ let every soul be subject , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is passive : whence we learn , that it is not in our own liberty to subject our selves when , or as long as we please , nor on what terms and conditions we think fit to stand , nor on whom we pretend to devolve the government and succession . it 's not in our power to pull down one , and set up another : that 's the prerogative of god , by whom kings reign . it 's not for us violently and clamourously to alter the frame of government already established ; but a modest and sincere christian is to take it as he finds it . outward force , yea , obstinate petitions , and importunate addresses , when the state is in a commotion , and the prince under some disadvantages , becomes not one , who is of a tender conscience ; but smells rankly of disobedience and rebellion . if it had been the mind of god , and the sense of the apostle , to permit these things to our deliberation , the words rather should thus have run , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let every soul subject himself . government only in general would have been ordained , but the specification of it , and the choice of the governours left to the peoples suffrage and election . but he is to be subjected because it is his duty so to be antecedent to his own will and choice : because it is the appointment of one , who is higher than either king or subject ; because it is the ordinance of god : of which more by and by . if it be ask'd , what is the extent of our subjection , and unto what acts of obedience are we hereby oblig'd ? i answer , first , positively , to acknowledge him the ordinance of god ; to render tribute , and custom , and fear , and honour unto him , as it follows in the apostles discourse after my text ; to preserve his person from outward violence and secret conspiracies , to own his rights and prerogatives ; yea , to love and reverence him . or else thus , secondly , negatively , not to resist him , not to wound his honour with reproaches and back-bitings , not to give him any just offence , not to do or say any thing which may render him odious to his people , or contemptible to his neighbours ; not to discover his infirmities , nor to aggravate his faults , nor to blaze abroad his mistakes . all which being a weakening of his government , a lessening of his interest and authority over the hearts of his people , is no less than disloyalty by consequence , and in its tendency , a robbing him of his crown and dignity . which of you would endure your children , or your servants to slander or bespatter you with lyes , or to publish the secrets of your families , or to expose you for any weakness or ill conduct in your domestick affairs ? what the pater familias is in the oeconomy of the house , the same is pater patriae in the polity of the state. to uncover the nakedness of the father of thy countrey is inconsistent with all those foresaid duties of fearing and honouring him , no less a violation of this duty , than that of canaan's was . therefore says the preacher , curse not the king , no , not in thy thoughts , much less not by open calumny , or more sly detraction , for 't is written , thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people . i shall crave leave to go yet a little further on this argument . 't is not enough to pay the tribute , when required by a formal law ; but you are bound ( in conscience at least ) to assist his and the publick necessities at other times ; otherwise i understand not how you can be said to reverence and honour the king : god and the king both no doubt love and require a chearful giver . those who in words profess to love the prince , but will neither supply his wants , nor suffer others so to do , are like those charitable christians st. james mentions , who , when a brother or sister was naked and destitute of daily food , said unto him , be thou warmed and filled , notwithstanding gave them not those things which were needful . those who would have themselves believed his majesties loyal subjects , and declare they will stand by him with their lives and fortunes , prosecuting him indeed with good wishes , but in the mean time starving him out of his throne : that put the question which nabal did unto davids messengers — shall i take my bread , and my water , and my flesh that i have killed , and give it to i know not whom , nor by what authority , nor for what end demanded ? who is david ? and who is the son of jesse ? are not these sort of men in scripture-language called wicked , churlish , evil doers , fools , railers , sons of belial , such as requite evil for good , ( that is ) give nothing for their peace and protection , which they enjoy through the providence of the prince : should five hundred at once forbid you to supply the supream power , yet i must let you know , that the will of god cannot be dispensed with by the law of men ; that ( as our lord reply'd to the pharisees ) the kings image and superscription , being on their gold and silver , you are to render unto caesar the things that are caesar's ; and in a word , that what christian charity , and common humanity , binds you to , in the relief of your neighbour , evangelical loyalty , and the fundamental reason of government obliges you to , in the supply of your prince . hitherto we have explained the nature of the duty , we proceed unto the reason of it , in the latter part of the text. — for there is no power but of god , &c. i shall easily give it for granted , that a prince may be an usurper , and a lawful king may turn tyrant , that neither of them can be accquitted hereof at the tribunal of god , where they must account for both : but still upon earth among us men , even the usurper is of god , and the oppressour is the ordinance of god : for there is no power whatever , though usurpt , though tyrannical , but is by divine ordination . st. paul makes no exception unto this general rule . he might possibly at that time of day , have alledg'd both usurpation and oppression , against the present powers . there was possibly sufficient reason ( if any could be ) to declaim and make publick harangues against grievances , and the emperors personal crimes and expensive debaucheries ; which were beyond measure notorious ; such as must needs drain the exchequer , and whereon the revenue of the common-wealth was misimploy'd . there was not wanting plausible pleas against monarchy it self in the roman state , ( which was a common-wealth from the beginning even in romulus time , in the opinion of a late author ) at least in behalf of the peoples right in choosing their own supream magistrate , as no doubt it was , and had so continued long by the original frame of the roman government . but this is certain aristocracy or democracy , or a mixture of both , had for many ages been own'd and received by all ranks and degrees of men , as the true and undoubted government , until very lately by the usurpation of the caesar's , a single person having mounted the steed , and setled himself in the saddle , rid and spur-gall'd the beast , the common people almost to death . thus much might have then been with truth argued , against the emperors government , but still for all this the powers then in being were of god , had a lawful , yea divine authority over the people , in the judgment of st. paul. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word here rendred powers , properly signifies lawful authority ; such as have a just right of exercising dominon over the people . i shall allow , if you please , as before i intimated , that the emperour was not strictly and in every respect , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a lawful governour , not in foro conscientiae , not in foro coeli ; for he had no true natural or civil right to the throne , antecedent to his usurpation , nor has or can any prince have and exercise a despotical power over the subject ( as did nero ) but he sins against the law of nature or of god. i shall therefore allow , that he was only in those regards 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e ▪ ) one that had got the long sword in his hand , and by force subjected the romans unto his will and power , against the known law , against the will , and against the intrest of the roman people . yet this notwithstanding i must acquaint you , that by the doctrine of the scriptures , in respect of the people , after god has once declared his allowance of him by the success , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a violent and originally unjust power may become 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a legal and righteous authority : unto whom the people of the land , at least the people of god , must of necessity be subject , and are bound in conscience to yield obedience ; they having no inherent right in them nor permission from god to question his title , or to throw off the yoke of subjection , though he attain'd the empire by force , though he maintains it by the sword , though he administers it with violence , injustice and avarice , yet he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his authority is lookt upon as derived from god , to have receiv'd the divine stamp and approbation , so far at least as to require the christians humble and peaceable submission thereunto ; which being a matter of no small difficulty rightly to state , i may possibly take occasion hereafter , more distinctly and fully to discuss . 't is true , st. paul seems as if he discours'd of some incomparable prince , whilst he describes him as executing judgment and justice , for the benefit of the subject , without wrong or oppression of the innocent , for , says he — rulers are not a terror to good works , but to the evil : do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same . he is the minister of god to thee for good , he is a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil . plato himself were he now alive again ( as they say he is lately risen , and has attempted the reformation of our present disorders ) could not give us a more noble and apt character of a prince . however , neither will this pretence serve the turn of our common-wealths-men , for if you will but consider those forementioned passages in hypothesi as well as thesi : if you will remember who was then the higher power at rome when st. paul wrote this epistle , namely nero , one of the most cruel impious and debaucht princes , that ever sway'd scepter , you will not then think that the apostle here speaks strictly of some great and heroick prince then in being , ( for nero was not such an one ) nor that the precept is laid down as only obligatory , when the prince happens to be a terror unto evil doers , and a praise unto them that do well . we must then seek for another sense of those words , which i conceive is this . the apostle in this description , lays down one especial reason and ground of subjection , fetch 't from the benefit generally redounding to the people thereby , and this with peculiar relation even to nero himself , the emperor of rome ; though one of the worst upon record in history . he intimates that no prince , no not nero himself , ( 't is morally impossible , generally speaking ) can be so sou'r and rigid towards the people , but that a modest and humble minded subject may hope for more advantages under his government than by tumult and rebellion ; that as all rulers in general , and in thesi , so was nero in particular , and in hypothesi , to be accounted a terror to wicked doers , and a minister of god for the good of the people : that therefore , if the christian romans would but truly consult their own interest , and would not be afraid of his power , nor fall under the lash of his severity , they should live quietly and innocently , not exasperating him by any indecent words or tumultuous behaviour ; and that then they might more probably expect praise and protection from him , and be more likely to obtain those temporal blessings , than by reproaching his person , forming conspiracies , and blowing up the trumpet of sedition against him . this i take to be the sum of the apostles doctrine and argument , as i have explicated it , and am pretty confident agreeably to the mind of god , to the apostles drift in this place , and to the unanimous opinion and practice of the primitive saints . which that you may after this large explanation , remember and distinctly comprehend , i shall reduce it into this short proposition , ( viz. ) that it is the duty of every man , every christian , to love , honour , to reverence and obey , and with their substance to support the person of the supream magistrate , and this in conscience towards god , as well as in order to his own temporal interest . now though this be plain and obvious , yet in these unhappy days ; men are and will be otherwise minded , their heads begin to turn round again , so tender of their own personal rights and properties , that like the sensitive plant , do but touch them , they shrink , as if wounded to death : or , as untoward children , when disciplin'd for their faults , cry out murder , and make hideous complaints of tyranny , arbritrary government , and oppression . the rights of the people are of late so swell'd , their properties so enlarg'd , their liberties so extended , that the body politick may not unfitly be resembled to those crooked men , whom in abuse we call lords , whose heads are almost shrunk down into their breasts , and become in a manner invisible , at least-wise , whose shape by that unnatural approach appears monstrous and deformed . if the head of the common-wealth rises not at a due distance above the body of the people , there is neither form nor comliness in that government ; yea , and for the most part ( as in the said similitude ) the constitution thereof proves crazy , and the life short . the supream magistrate is now endeavour'd to be coopt up , and as it were besieged with those fore-said pretences : so that he cannot turn himself round in his own orb , without the offence of some peevish libertine ; nor can make one step forward in the exercise of government , but is accused to trespass upon the property of some waspish common-wealths-man , and to trample upon the heel of some free-born subject . so that indeed the princes person , his honour , his liberty and property ( i. e. ) his royalties and prerogatives are in danger to be wrested from him by force and craft , and the unwearied clamours of unreasonable and unsatiable men. i should now , had i time , and were it fit for me to intrench upon the patience of this honourable audience , or to trespass upon the publick business of the countrey , examine the grounds , and the pretended reasons of all this : for otherwise i must declare , that i am nothing terrified from this task by the scornful abuses of those late demagogues , who in their pamphlets are pleased to call us ministers sycophants , and publickly to indict us of flattery , because we preach obedience to the king , and as much as in us lies in our places , and according to our abilities , withstand the alteration of government . for my self , i must declare , and i am sure no man knows my heart better than my self , nor therefore can in charity contradict me : i say then , i wish ( were not the thing impossible , and therefore in vain to wish , otherwise i could wish ) that we were once again in paradise , in the state of innocence and perfection , that there were no need of government or governours ; at least , that we were all so good and virtuous , as to deserve that liberty some men gape after ; that those especially had their freedom , who could so use it , as not to abuse it for a cloak of maliciousness . but since this is not to be expected from the far greatest part of mankind , since the world is , and ever will be full of offences , pestered with the excesses and disorders of unruly men : since therefore it is the interest of all good men that government should be maintained , and governours honoured and obeyed ; since the law was made for a curb to the sinner , and not for a punishment to the righteous ; since the wisdom and goodness of god has therefore ordained all of us unto subjection to magistrates , and made it our indispensable duty , yea , our interest and security so to be : and in particular , since we preachers of the gospel are commanded to put you in mind that ye be subject to principalities and powers , and that ye obey magistrates . i make no more account of these spightful insinuations , than i would of the drunkards songs , or the atheists witticisms , that are so plentifully in these days exercis'd upon us , for no other reason that i know of , but because we tell them the truth . we are indeed by the more cunning part of the enemies of the government , in a cooler manner blamed for making princes gods , as if they immediately came down from heaven , which looks like a piece of high presumption and sacriledge . and 't is true , we do so in some sort , god himself having vouchsafed that title of honour to them , and our lord confirmed it . besides , st. paul , in my text , fetches them from heaven , telling us , they are of god , or from god ; that they are ordain'd of god : i cannot pass by observing on the other hand , how that god ▪ condescends also to assume the titles of earthly governours ; the word king , and prince , lord , and others of the like sort , being frequently attributed to him in holy scripture . and whereas god by way of excellence is styled king of kings ; nevertheless the prophet daniel scrupled not to give the same appellation unto nebuchadnezzar also . so frivolous in my judgment is that exception of a learned man against soveraign princes assuming divine titles . they are therefore called gods , because they resemble god in supream power . and as man is said to have been created in the image and likeness of god , because of his dominion over the creature , according to the opinion of some learned men ; so may the prince be said to bear the image and likeness of god in a special manner , upon the account of his soveraignty over the people . in fine , there being you see so near an affinity between god and the king , 't is not to be wondred , that we make so great a difference between the prince and the subject : and in our discourses lay upon you the same burden of reverence , obedience , and non-resistance , as st. paul before us has done , teaching no other doctrine than what the holy ghost has warranted and commanded us to teach , that ye be subject to the higher powers , which are of god , that they who resist , resist the ordinance of god : and oh ! that ye would lay to heart that terrible punishment , which awaits all rebellious and disobedient subjects , they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . but after all is said , the grand debate will be , how shall we be satisfied , who is this higher power among us , and in whom that soveraignty rests , to whom subjection is due ? especially in this mixt monarchy , where not only the greatest share of the property , but a considerable part of the legislative power is in the people ? for answer , i say , that this notwithstanding , the king is the higher power , that ordinance of god , in the defence of whose person and authority this discourse is intended . or do i say it only ? does not the municipal law of the land say as much ? and this is i am certain ( i speak it with somewhat more than ordinary confidence ) an universal , an infallible way of knowing the supream power in order to our non-resistance , according to the doctrine of the gospel , ( viz. ) he that beareth not the sword in vain , in whom alone the military power remains . he whose person is inviolate , whose life is sacred , whose power cannot be taken from him legally without his consent ; who is accountable to none but god for any misgovernment , ( and these are his majesties prerogatives , even by the political contract , the express statute-law of the realm ) he is that higher power st. paul speaks , and i have been discoursing of , if there be any such thing as an higher power among us . nay , i shall further add ( though i will not positively affirm it , submitting my self herein to better judgments ) that prince who is not responsible to the people , is in effect the sole soveraign power , if he pleases to usurp and exercise it : nor can the subject conscientiously resist him . for i cannot apprehend that any resistance can be lawful in point of conscience , that is forbidden by the positive law of the land , which is our case in this nation . though the prince may be culpable in the sight of god for so doing , yet the subjects cannot be justified in rebelling , when the law has taken from them that liberty and power . common reason and equity , the law of nature , and the original of government , and extream necessity , will by no means justifie such violent attempts upon the supream magistrate . it is one main ground of political government , to deprive the subject from being his own judge and assertor of his own priviledges . without this fundamental principle , there will be only the name and shadow of government , when as really 't is but meer anarchy . if the subject might be permitted to fly in the face of authority , and to assault him when ever he apprehends himself injur'd , we should but be populus virorum , an independent herd of licentious and ungovernable men ; not corpus politicum , not a compact body of citizens , united together in peace , order , and subordination . but it is commonly argued , is not the prince oblig'd to govern by law , and if he transcends that power , by invading the peoples liberty and property , are we bound to obey him ? i answer , he is oblig'd , but the obligation is between god and his own conscience . god only is the revenger of the breach of the coronation-oath , though the peoples liberty and property , and the laws are the subject-matter of it . secondly , i grant , that in the case put , we are not bound to obey him , but we are bound patiently to suffer , not actively to resist . thirdly , i am of opinion , ( but speak it still with submission ) that the king being by all sober , understanding men , acknowledged the king of right , before he gives the people that assurance of his governing by law ; that that oath is therefore a voluntary act of grace , unto which he is not oblig'd by the fundamental constitution : for if so , he could not exercise the supream governing power before the oath was taken ; which yet neither he nor his predecessors were ever thought uncapable to do . supposing then that the prince would not give to the people this assurance , i ask whether he is then oblig'd to govern strictly by the present law ? 't is my judgment , he is not obliged . he ought indeed , the law of god and nature , and the first reason of government requires him to rule with regard to the good of the governed ; yet that he is strictly ty'd unto the particular methods of government , declared by the present law of the land , i can by no means allow . for the good of the governed being the first fundamental principle directing him what measures to take in the exercise of government , and as yet there being no other obligation upon him , it is left to his conscience , judgment , and discretion , before that oath , what course to take in answering that great end of government : and if any of the present un-repealed laws shall be thought by him repugnant to the good of the subject , or but comparatively not so effectual thereunto , may he not , nay , is he not in conscience bound to lay down to himself some other rules , in order to that end ? fourthly , i might answer , that seeing all men look upon themselves as freed from the punctual observation of positive laws in the case of extream necessity ( this equitable liberty god himself allows , i will have mercy , and not sacrifice ; ) and our municipal law indemnifies the subject , in many such cases : ) and seeing the security the king gives to his subjects is a voluntary act , but the peoples to the king may be exacted from them by force , and by law ; i think there is much more reason , that the king in extremity may depart from the letter of the law , than that the people should : and if the people may appeal to reason and equity , to the law of nature , and the first reason of government in the defence of their priviledges , may not the prince much more do the same in the defence of his prerogatives , and in the exercise of his dominion ? and shall he be indispensably oblig'd by the letter of the law , in governing , not allow'd to plead nature and equity , the reason and ends of government , and extream necessity ? and yet the people be at their own liberty in arbitrarily obeying as they shall judge it reasonable and agreeable to the ends of government ? some of these foresaid considerations ( which i must repeat , are offered as problems only , and with submission ) or something like them might , i imagine , be in the mind of that eminent lawyer , serjeant hale , one of the house of commons in the 43 d. year of queen elizabeth , who spake there to this effect . i wonder ( says he ) that the house stands either at the greatness or time of paying the subsidies demanded , since all we have are in her majesties power ; she may lawfully at her pleasure take it from us , she has as much right to all our land , as to any revenue of the crown : all which ( saith he ) i am able and ready to prove . thus far he : but i shall not presume to go so high , nor will it be expected from me to proceed farther upon this tickle subject : only i do not find that he was called to the bar , nor reprimanded as a pander to tyranny , as opening a passage to arbitrary government , for his plain dealing , and freedom of speech . but this i shall say , that this one speech of that gentleman exceeds all that has of late been said or done ( as far as i can learn ) for the setting up an absolute and despotical soveraignty : and yet it passed then without noise , or giving any offence , or creating jealousies and fears in the hearts of the people against the government . yet one word more : when i re-collect , how judge cook ( the oracle of the law , as some of his admirers are pleased to call him , no prerogative lawyer , as all agree ) assures us , that the first kings of this realm had the whole land in demesn , and therefore ( upon the principle now on foot , that dominion is founded on property ) undoubtedly absolute soveraigns : i cannot but in two words expostulate with the underminers of our present establishment , where is your ingenuity ? o ungrateful people of the land ! to treat your princes so rudely , so unworthily ; to vilifie their persons , to invade their prerogatives , and through unwearied clamours and importunate complaints , to extort from their crown the few remaining flowers of the regality : like vipers , to bite them , who have nourished you in their bosom , and , as it were , almost pulled out their own eyes for your sakes . you , who have waxen fat through their gifts and concessions , who are grown thick by their indulgence and liberality ; to forsake them that have made you , and to lift up your heels against them that have thus dearly treated you ? oh , monstrous ingratitude ! them , that have given you all the liberty and property you can legally pretend to , under whom you have enjoyed both , as fully as heart can wish , beyond example of past ages , or the present times in any other common-wealth ; from whom you have received all possible assurance of continuing so for the future ; you to defame , to libel , to conspire against , to resist , to deny chearful and conscientious subjection , and liberal contributions , or rather necessary retributions , to these bountiful and gracious princes ? oh height of impiety ! oh barbarous inhumanity ! for shame wipe off this reproach from the christian name , and from the english nation , whereof you are members . sermon ii. titus 3. ver. 1. put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates . it is the universal custom of mankind to carry on their publick triumphs with feasting , and among other external rites of mirth , to chear their hearts with a more than ordinary freedom in the use of the creature . to do so , is the voice of reason , the lesson of experience , a maxim written in the word of god it self , and warranted by the practice of the most holy men we there read of . there is a certain sourness contracted in our natures by business ; and absence is apt to interrupt our correspondence , to estrange us from one another : but our solemn meetings re-collect us again , and good chear sweetens the soul , softens the temper , after all our care and travel : hereby the spirits being reviv'd , and the heart putting on her festival robes ( i mean joy and gayety ) mutual love and friendship among private neighbours is easily renew'd , the common interest of societies inlarg'd , and by doing and receiving offices of kindness , the house is swept and cleansed from all those impurities of wrath , bitterness , dissentions and animosities ; in whose room succeed those sweet and beautiful graces of joy and peace and entire affection one towards another ▪ wine ( saith the psal . ) maketh glad the heart of man , and bread strengtheneth mans heart . it is good and comly ( saith the preacher ) there is nothing better , than that a man should eat and drink , and make his soul enjoy good in his labour ; to whom god hath given biches and wealth , to him has he given power to eat thereof , to take his portion and to rejoyce in his labour . this is the gift of god. then i commended mirth ( saith he ) because a man has no better thing under the sun , than to eat , and to drink , and be merry . our lord himself took a freedom herein , which drew upon him that spiteful character that he was a glutton and a wine-bibber , a friend of publicans and sinners . it is in my judgment an unlucky observation , of one , but has much of truth in it , that they who are backward to bear a part in the innocent diversions of feasting and rejoycing , are for the most part ill-natur'd men , peevish and full of malice , men that watch advantages to ensnare their neighbours , and to effect some ill design upon them . but whatever usefullness may be observ'd in publick entertainments , yet however this is a more noble truth — the kingdom of god is not meat nor drink , but righteousness and peace ; so may i say that the publick societies of men , and bodies corporate , are not meat nor drink , but righteousness and peace ; that feastings are but the accidental , the circumstantial parts of unity , the outward expressions of it , not the effectual means of producing or continuing it . if there be not an inward foundation of peace laid in the soul , our good fellowship will end in variance , and strife , and riot ; and our love dissolve as soon as our feasting is over ; and all the substantial good design'd by these festival endearments , will be utterly disappointed . in these unhappy days of ours , there is one mischievous disorder crept in among us , whilst most of us are ready enough to joyn in the outward pageantry's of peace and good will , in the ceremonious practice of love and good fellowship ; i mean eating and drinking , and plentifully entertaining one another ; yet our hearts are divided , neither are we agreed in , that one necessary and fundamental principle of peace , viz. obedience , and subjection to the civil magistrate ; without which it is utterly impossible to maintain a good and lasting correspondence among our selves , in the mutual assistance and defence of one another . whilst therefore you are managing the external pomp of your love-feasts , 't is the preachers business and duty too ( i conceive ) to lay the lasting foundation thereof , upon your hearts ; whilst you are drinking the kings health , and continuance of the publick happiness under him ; it will not be thought impertinent that we , who are invited to carry on the religious part of these solemnities , should endeavour to commend unto your conscience that evangelical doctrine of being subject to principalities , &c. without which all the shews of friendship among your selves , of loyalty to your prince , and of faithfullness to the established government , is but meer pretence , and the vilest hypocrisie , and will at last discover it self in treason to the prince , in faction to the state , and in treachery one towards another . this then shall be my design and task at this time , to lay the groundwork of peace and union among you , ( viz. ) submission to the governours and government . but alass amidst the many discouragements , we the ministers of the gospel labour under at this day , this is not the least , that we are become hateful , and exposed to the fury and madness of a stubborn people , and that chiefly , because we will not run into the same excess of riot as they do ; but continue zealous in maintaining the peace , of the present government , as by law establish'd , against all opposition ; that we still resolutly engage in that part of the quarrel , where our presence and assistance is most useful , where the enemies of the publick peace are most numerous and powerful . to omit what might justly be pleaded in our defence , as considered in our politick capacities , ( scil . ) that we are members of the same publick society , and our interests embarkt in the ship of the common-wealth , as well as others ; that by our promises and oaths we are oblig'd ( what in us lies ) with our lives and fortunes , and then surely also with our tongues and pens to support the government ; that our temporal happiness and well being in this world , depending on the peace of the common-wealth , we should be wanting to our selves , and sin against the eternal law of nature , if we did not endeavour our own preservation as far as the laws of god and man will allow us . upon which account certainly we might hope to pass , if not for men of conscience , yet of some tolerable degree of sense and reason , whilst we study to keep our own ground , to maintain our rights and properties , at least we might pass for such with those men , who we plainly see resolve to protect themselves , contrary to the law of the land , without any regard to honour and conscience and the religion they profess ; in spite of that tye of gratitude for the protection they have hitherto enjoy'd , and of the repeated assurances , by oaths and protestations given to the government , for their peaceable demeanour . but setting aside all these considerations , when i recollect , how that in the person of st. paul , there is a necessity laid upon us ministers , and a woe pronounc'd against us all , if we preach not the gospel ; and when i remember among other evangelical precepts of holiness , this of subjection to the civil magistrate is not the least , unto which we are frequently and most earnestly exhorted in the holy scriptures ; but chiefly when i observe that st. paul , who himself pressed this duty upon the christians at rome , was also careful to instruct the whole church of god therein , and among many other topicks and heads commended unto titus bishop of crete to preach upon , charges him in my text to put them in mind to be subject , &c. and when , lastly i cannot but think and do confidently affirm that in the person of titus , all the succeeding preachers of the gospel , are oblig'd by vertue of that apostolical canon in the dischargè of their ministerial office to urge upon all christian subjects obedience to authority , for these reasons i do verily judge no man of sense can , no one of conscience will blame our forwardness and zeal in this kind . for which reason , i shall here resume the argument of subjection to the civil magistrate , which i lately enter'd upon , on another publick occasion . in the handling whereof i shall not need to repeat what was then said , in the parallel explacation of that place in the romans , since many of you were present at that discourse : neither will i give you or my self any other trouble , in the interpretation of these words , more than to make these two remarks . first , that st. paul makes use here of three several phrases in declaring the nature of christian subjection , ( scil . ) to be subjected to principalities , to be subjected to powers , and to obey magistrates . whence one of these two things plainly follows , either supposing the apostle to have had different meanings , in those distinct phrases , he must then be understood to have provided for the christians obedience , or non-resistance , not only of the supream magistrate , but also of the subordinate : or else supposing the apostle fell as it were accidentally into this variety , intending no more than subjection to the higher powers only , it will however follow from the redundancy of expression , that the apostle was nearly concern'd , and mighty careful to have the doctrine of subjection effectually imprinted upon the hearts and consciences of the cretians , as a point of greatest moment : therefore varying the phrase , and expressing his mind so copiously ( as it were dwelling upon the argument ) lest the duty should be slipt over as of small account , lest his meaning should be mistaken , or any unpeaceable christian should find a loop hole to creep out at , excusing himself from that indispensable duty by some nice distinction and subtlety . but secondly , i again remark , that the persons whom the apostle directs titus to admonish and put in remembrance , were the cretians , who ( as most islanders ) were of old noted as faithless and treacherous , apt to waver and be toss'd about with every tempestuous wind , and upon every slight provocation , to be blown up into mutiny and rebellion . 't is the excellent grotius's gloss upon the words . crete was always turbulent and seditious , and st. paul would have them admonished of those faults , to which they were naturally addicted , and by inveterate custom inclin'd : from this observation you may be inform'd , as of the reason why st. paul charges titus to insist upon that point among the cretians , so have you a fair and justifiable account why we at this day so frequently take pains to press it upon our fellow-citizens in this kingdom . these two remarks present you with the full meaning of the words and satisfaction for what i have already , and shall now farther discourse upon this argument ; my business and intent being to prosecute three or four difficult cases , that usually fall under debate , as concerning non-resistance . first , what if the supream magistrate be an usurper ? now , though this question at first blush seems impertinent to our condition in this nation , yet it being look'd upon as a matter of no small moment and difficulty rightly to state it ; and because what i shall deliver upon this argument , will in the end , if carefully attended to , conduce much to the confirmation of that doctrine which is my chief aim to commend unto you this day , scil. subjection to the legal prince : i shall therefore crave leave , as briefly as i can , to resolve that doubt in the first place . i answer therefore in the affirmative , that though he is an usurper , yet still he is the ordinance of god , the success of his arms being a clear indication of the mind and will of god , bearing on it the stamp of divine approbation , and indispensably obliging the people unto patient and peaceable subjection . this was ( i conceive ) the case of the christians , under the roman emperours ; who were usurpers , having no legal right to the soveraignty , but what they attained by sinful force and violently abrogating the ancient government . at least i make account that that despotical and arbitrary power , which they assumed and exercised over the people , was unnatural , unjust , and usurpation ; and yet god , whose special care it is always to provide for publick peace , is pleas'd so far to own and countenance the higher powers , as not to suffer us turbulently to resist them , though usurpers . trace the history of the church , you will not find holy men scrupling this point in the least , nor curiously sifting into the princes title , in every descent , and through a long series of succession , nor upon any pretence of weakness in their tittle , putting themselves in the head of the populace , and encouraging to resistance . pharaoh ( as some learned men think ) was an usurper ; for this cause ( saith god ) have i set thee up ; that is , have permitted thee to take upon thee the supream authority , by prospering , or suffering thy ambition to succeed against the ancient known law of succession , in egypt . yet neither moses nor the israelites took this advantage against him , nor did god himself any other ways design their deliverance at first , than by ordering them in his name peaceably to supplicate for leave to go into the wilderness to sacrifice . all the kings of israel were usurpers against the title of david's house ; many of them against the better title of their immediate predecessors . did the prophets or good men blow the trumpet , and assemble the people to oppose the usurpers ? did not the kings of judah themselves by leagues , and confederating with them in wars against their common enemies , sufficiently acknowledge their providential right unto the kingdom ? the prophet jeremy is clear in this matter , — i have made the earth ( says god by his prophet to the jews ) the men , and the beasts that are upon the ground , in my great power , and by my out-stretched arm , and have given it unto whom it seemed meet unto me ; and now i have given all these lands into the hand of nebuchadnezzar , king of babylon , my servant , to serve him . the case of the jews was thus . god as a punishment had given to nebuchadnezzar dominion over them ; that is , had permitted him to usurp it , having carried away captive their legal prince unto babylon . hereupon the jews had submitted to his empire , and received zedekiah , jehojakim's brother , as their deputy-governour under nebuchadnezzar . these things were done not by vertue of any express revelation from god , but by the rule of common discretion , and in conformity to the providential will of god. now , if former oaths unto the natural prince irreversibly oblige against the present signification of gods providence , then did zedekiah and the jews sin in thus owning and swearing fealty to the king of babylon , in prejudice of jehojakim , which is evident they did not ; and their submission to nebuchadnezzar was by god himself look'd upon as lawful , and binding to the conscience . therefore does jeremy in that chapter chide the jews for practising a revolt , and the spirit of god calls it rebellion . i shall confess here that zedekiah had sworn allegiance to the conquerour , that an unlawful oath may bind , and consequently , that this defection of zedekiah might be sinful by reason of the breach of his oath ; but then i must say in answer , first , that if it had been unlawful for zedekiah and the jews following the intimations of providence , to swear unto nebuchadnezzar , either the prophet , or the inspired historian would , and must have told us as much , and reproved the jews for that sin : or , secondly , if we grant the oath unlawful , then it could not have obliged them against the antecedent and lawful oath given to jehojakim . for where there are two repugnant oaths , 't is more reasonable that the former should bind : at least , that the lawful oath ( that given formerly to jehojakim ) should take place of the unlawful ( that given to nebuchadnezzar ; ) so that in this instance it appears that the resistance of an usurper is sinful , a resistance of the ordinance ; and that we may subject our selves to him , when providence compels us . now the reason of this conclusion of mine is ( i think ) obvious . god is lord and proprietour of the whole world. 't is he that pulleth down one and setteth up another . by him kings reign . we are not always to expect an immediate revelation from heaven for the confirmation of his will , or satisfaction of our own conscience . he was indeed oft times pleas'd to discover his mind to the israelites by his prophets . what prophesy and revelation was to them , the same is providence unto us , a manifest and sufficient proof of the divine will. all mankind , the most religious and loyal , bare witness to this truth in their practise : and the best , the wisest princes allow their subjects this liberty , evermore passing bills of amnesty upon the recovery of their kingdoms . this was the motive , which prevail'd with one of our kings for enacting that equitable law , whereby the people are acquitted of treason , when they submit to a crown'd usurper , that ceremony ( it seems ) being intended for a legal token of gods providential will. thus far ( i am apt to believe ) the most disloyal among us will agree with me . wherefore that i may not be misunderstood , it will be necessary to lay down these following rules and limitations . 1. that it is the duty of every subject to assist his prince , to maintain the present government against an usurper to the utmost of his power ; and this not only in the beginning of rebellion ▪ ( which should always be nipt in the bud ) but continue so doing with the hazard of his life and fortune , whilst their remains any hopes , any legal methods of defence . for i would not be mistaken , as if i accounted it a matter of small moment to depart from our oaths and assurances given to the government ; or as if i took upon me to licence people to practise against the peace of the state , or to herd themselves with tumultuous and ungovernable men. no , it will not be easy for a loyal and religious subject , to prostitute his conscience upon every first appearance of danger or to violate his contracts by a ready complyance with the usurper , before he does or suffers , or makes any opposition in behalf of the natural prince . but then only he may and is to submit , when providence has put an end to the dispute , and clearly decided the controversy . and this may happen two ways : 1. when 't is become morally impossible to restore the oppressed prince ( as appears to have been the case of the jews , when jehojakim was captive in babylon ) then the hand of providence has laid a necessity upon us to acquiesce in the alteration of government . for as necessity has no law according to the vulgar saying , so impossibilities fall under no law , according to the maxim of the schools . this is taken for granted by all men , and even the supreme rulers themselves approve it , no one is or can in the nature of the thing be oblig'd to impossibilities either by god or man : neither will the powers in this extremity require subjects out of fondness to run themselves head long into destruction in vain and to no purpose at all . it is an aphorism in the divine oeconomy it self : god has thus ( yea more favourably ) resolved the case between him and us — i ( says he ) will have mercy and not sacrifice . we are not strictly tied to the observation of his positive precepts . his negative laws oblige semper & ad semper , as the learned speak . that is plainly thus ; our circumstances will never allow us to blaspheme god , to murder , to steal , or to commit adultery . because 't is said , thou shalt not , &c. the holiness of the divine nature cannot , will not in any wise dispense herein . but his positive commands do not oblige ad semper . it is permitted us upon urgent occasions , for instance , to absent our selves from the publick worship , to do works of necessity and charity , and we are not always bound to publish our opinions , or to profess our faith. ( tho we may not deny it . ) the goodness and the mercy of the divine nature thus far indulges us as to the performance of our duty to him . and may we not reasonably expect the same measure from our earthly governours ? it can never , i own , be lawful for us to blaspheme their honour , to fight against them or murder them , because 't is said , thou shalt not speak evil of the rulers , thou shalt not resist them , ( these negative dutys oblige ad semper ; ) but 't is not always our indispensible duty to fight for them . in extream necessity then we may submit to an oppressor . natural prudence , and self-preservation will warrant and enforce us to it . our religion , our conscience and fidelity to our soveraign being to be guided by the rule of reason and discretion , to be concluded by the almighty power of providence , we must sit down , and like reasonable men examine , whether we are able with ten thousand to march into the field , and meet our adversary with twenty thousand , as our lord advises . when there is no humane probability of success , there god has put a stop to our endeavours . hitherto we are to go , and no farther . for the relation between the leige prince , and the leige people , the mutual offices of protection and assistance , are now , tho not wholly and eternally dissolved , yet , suspended for a while . as the prince deprived cannot be taxt justly , because in the discharge of his publick trust , he does not desperately run himself into certain ruine for the protection of his subjects : so neither can he reasonably expect his people should do so in his quarrel , when there is no hopes of success . both the one and the other are patiently to suffer under the disappointment . reservare se meliori fortunoe , waiting a more favourable conjuncture of asserting their rights and liberties . secondly when the natural prince and his legal heirs are all extinct , or lost , then certainly the usurper is the divine ordinance and ought to be recogniz'd as such , having the best visible title , i. e. actual possession of the crown ; on whom by providence and the divine will the supreme authority is devolved . and i am well satisfyed , that if this rule is not to be followed , 't is impossible for us to submit unto any higher powers at this day , so many invasions , usurpations and violent changes having been made in all governments . were we permitted to trace every princes title from the beginning downward to this present time ; and then to resist upon the discovery of any one flaw in the several alterations and successions , we should find scarce one just , and might upon that score resist , i verily think . but then when i affirm we may and ought to be subject to a usurper , yet ( if there be but a bare natural possibility of our soveraigns return ) i would be understood to speak of an unactive submission , ( as i may call it ) that is , of sitting down patiently under his dominion as sufferers , and as a conquered people , not actual promoters or defenders of the change. for considering our former oaths , 't is indecent and treacherous so far to comply with usurpation , as to become active instruments in the new tyranny . we may not then ingage in publick offices , and places of trust . we may not inform against , nor implead , nor judg , nor persecute our fellow citizens upon the usurpers account . we may not commend his government , nor write panegyricks , nor erect monuments to the commendation of his person and virtue . we may not enter into engagements of maintaining his authority against the just and legal title of the excluded prince , nor positively abjure the royal family . if we proceed thus far in subjecting our selves , we are guilty of perjury the downright breach of our sacred oaths : at least may bring our consciences into such a snare , that if ever providence turns our captivity and restores our soveraign , we are reduc't into this streight of necessarily forswearing our selves . for to adhere to the usurper , to be active in his defence , is a violation of our first oath , which eternally obliges us not to resist our natural prince : and to be active in our princes cause , is manifest perjury for the same reason . the sin of forswearing our selves and unfaithfulness will one of these ways of a surety cleave to us . but if any think to avoid this dilemma by being a neuter , he is so grossly mistaken , that he is perjur'd in both respects , and doubly forswears himself . he defends neither the prince nor the usurper : at least he resists neither , as he has oblig'd himself . for the avoiding of which inconvenience it is our wisdom and duty , tho to be subject , yet not active under the usurper . because , when opportunity offers its self of recalling the prince , and re-establishing the lawful government , ( which oft times has and will happen , even when it has appear'd impossible ) then our former obligation revives and returns upon us . for providence ( which i always maintain is the finger of god , a demonstration of his will ) not onely admonishes us of our duty , but by putting it into our power invites us to pull him down ; who ceases to be the divine ordinance , and as a rod is flung into the fire . thus jeremy after he had exhorted the jews to be subject to nebuchadnezzar , to his sons and to his sons sons , adds — after shall many nations and great kings serve themselves of him , that is , when providence should put the power and opportunity into their hands : the whole that has been said in answer to this first question seems in my judgment agreeable to the principles , and in a great measure to the practice of that learned lawyer , that honest gentleman , that good subject ; that excellent christian , the lord chief justice hales in that account given of him by a late learned pen , and of that renown'd roman knight pomponius atticus , whose life the said eminent lawyer has publish'd , having i suppose , singled if out for a pattern and coppy of his own life . now if what has been delivered upon this argument be well laid together , i shall be so far from giving any just offence , or that i judg my self to have bound such strong shackles upon the conscience , as will not be easily shook off by any , that have any spark of religion and loyalty left in them . i proceed now to a second query , what if the natural prince stretches his dominion beyond the line , exercises his power beyond the compass & against the rule of the law ? to this i reply , he is still the higher power , the ordinance of god. thou mayest not revile him , nor by force resist him , nor with danger to his life , his person , his crown and dignity , or the publick peace defend thy self . thou art notwithstanding bound to pay him all reverence , in patience and humility to possess thy soul. this i take to be st. peters doctrine , who , when he had perswaded submission to the king , and subjection to masters , even to the froward , backs his doctrine thus — for this is thank-worthy , if a man for conscience towards god indures grief , suffering wrongfully ; not so much as answering again , ( as st. paul to titus commands ; that is , not saucily , not reproachfully . which also is by peter recommended from the example of christ , — who , when he was reviled , reviled not again . now because , there are among us many , that ridicule this doctrine , and with much confidence explode that principle of betaking our selves only to prayers and tears , humble and modest petitions , which the primitive saints , and we at this day affirm the onely conscientious rule , and remedy against injury received from the supreme magistrate ; 't is worth our pains to observe , how those apostles encourage the christians , and by what motives they press them unto this patient suffering . says paul — knowing that of the lord ▪ ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance . and , he that doth wrong shall receive for the wrong which he has done , that is , of god. again he saith — knowing whatsoever good thing any man doeth , the same shall he receive of the lord. says peter — if when ye do well and suffer for it , ye take it patiently , this is acceptable with god. for hereunto are ye called , because christ also suffered for us , leaving us an example . when he suffer'd , he did not so much as threaten , but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously . paul and peter comforted not their disciples with hopes of opportunity , some time or other to assert their just rights and natural liberty ; which had been safe enough to have done in these their private letters ; nor do they talk of a natural transcendent power , to resist when they should be able : but as became good subjects and preachers of righteousness , dealt plainly with them , putting them in remembrance , what they were to trust unto , scil . to the righteous judgment of god , to the future recompence of reward , and to the divine punishments to be inflicted upon their oppressors . they had now perfectly learnt their lesson , not so much as to call down fire from heaven to consume their enemys , nor muster whole legions of angels in their own just defence and preservation : much less not insist upon their natural right against the publick peace . whence i conclude , that in case of injury and oppression , god is the onely judg , to him we are to appeal , to his care and goodness is the cause to be committed . our obligations of honour , obedience patient submission and peaceable subjection cannot cease in the mean time. if any should now reply , that the foresaid passages concern the duty of servants to their masters , not of subjects to the higher powers , i shall answer , that st. peters discourse and st. pauls in titus seems plainly intended of both : and i farther reply , that since christians were commanded to be subject , not indecently to answer their patrons tho froward and unjust ; that since they were not allowed by disobedience to recover their natural liberties , but to abide in the same calling , wherein they were called : that is , as erasmus glosses upon that place , to bear their lot with contended minds , not to plead the law of nature against the dominion of their masters , nor upon pretext of religion to disturb the common-wealth : if it were thus with christian slaves , it must be understood thus by parity of reason with christian subjects , tho they suffer unjustly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , illegally . there is , i will not deny a great difference between them and us , the emperours and heads of families being much more absolute and arbitrary , than our princes and masters are at this day . and yet this will not justify resistance , which being attended with the breach of the publick peace and order , and a subversion of government in its tendency , is as irregular & sinful in a mixt as in an absolute monarchy , and every whit as repugnant to the doctrine of the apostles . the exorbitances of the supreme tho limited power can be no plea for the subject to rebell , when the publick contract has expresly forbid it . but if in contempt and spite of the municipal law the subjects of a limited monarch may fly to the law of nature , their moral transcendent power for the defence of their just rights and properties , i see no reason , why the christians under the roman empire might not betake themselves unto the same law of nature , their natural transcendent power , and by force assert themselves out of that despotical , unnatural , unjust and unsupportable slavery they were under . to make an end of this , it is acknowledg'd by most of our ingenuous adversaries , that even in mixt monarchy as great deference , obedience and submission is done to the person of the king , as to an absolute prince . and this at present i have only pleaded for . now , because when we back this doctrine with the christians practice in the primitive days , we are wont to meet with scornful men , such as will by no means admit the holy apostles and martyrs , as the pattern , but reproach them for tame fools , as i have my self heard some censuring those famous souldiers of the thebean legion , i shall give you further to understand , that our predecessors in the faith were not so weak , not so stoical , not so prodigal of their estates , nor weary of their lives , but so far as the law of god , and the political government gave them leave , were as brisk in their own defence , and as tender of their natural and civil interests as we can be . of which i shall offer to you a plain demonstration ●ut of scripture , the more fully to explain and prove my answer to this second query . the apostle paul and silas having been imprisoned and whipt at philippi , unheard , uncondemned ; that is , contrary to law ; the magistrates , upon second and better thoughts , being conscious that they had exceeded their commission , as part of amends , and to stop their legal complaints , sent to have them dismist privately . but paul , who could resent an injury as well as any among us , was not so senseless and stark mad , to let this pass without taking notice , but valuing his ease , and his liberty , and his roman priviledges better than so , stands upon his terms , and requiring at least some honourable satisfactions , sends them this couragious message — they have beaten us openly uncondemned , being romans , and have cast us into prison ; and now do they thrust us out privately ? nay verily but let them come themselves and fetch us out ; which the magistrates were forc'd to condescend unto , no doubt acknowledging their own rashness , and begging pardon , intreated them quietly to depart . somewhat alike story you will meet with in the 22 th . of the acts , and in the 19 th . where paul appealed unto caesar . but when he stood before the high priest , and was commanded to be smitten on the mouth , humane infirmity , and sudden passion provok'd him to speak unadvisedly with his lips , so as neglecting , or forgetting his duty , he burst out into these words , god shall smite thee , thou whited wall. here the supream magistrate ( for as such was the high priest look'd upon by the jews , though limited ) proceeded not according to law ; on which account paul having reproved him unmannerly , upon the very first check and intimation of hi●●ault confess'd , i wist not , brethren , that he was the high priest : i did not remember , nor carefully enough consider it with my self ( for paul could not be ignorant who he was ) i acknowledge my error , my passion herein . and thus he argues at last against himself ; it is written , thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people . let us ( my brethren ) expound paul's doctrine by his practice . what can be the sense of these words , let every soul be subject to higher powers — be subject to principalities — obey magistrates — submit your selves to , and honour the king — resist not the ordinance ? even in the present case put of his acting illegally , 't is so far from being lawful to defend our selves , or repel injury by force , that 't is not permitted us so much as to reproach him by indecent reflections on his person , if the apostles practice may pass for a good comment upon his own text. and let this suffice in answer to the second question . i should now go on to two other remaining queries , but it being not fit for me to intrench farther upon your patience , i shall reserve them to the afternoon . and for a conclusion , shall beg leave to look back to what in the beginning i took some little notice of , and in a few words expostulate with our adversaries about those unreasonable clamours they raise against us , who endeavour to inform our congregations of the nature , duty , and necessity of subjection to the higher powers . if indeed we would become leaders of the people , and draw them forth into the wilderness , the field of rebellion , we need not then question at our descent from the pulpit , but to meet with the praises of men for quitting our selves so dexterously in the behalf of the good of the people , as some men are pleased to call faction . might we preach to the people what is grateful to their ears and corrupt hearts , our task would be easie , our labours acceptable , and in some measure successful . if we could , or might be so wise in our generation , as to suit our discourses to the prevailing distemper of the times , letting our words drop smoothly , and our doctrine run down gently with the stream of popular humour : i am sensible we should be hugg'd , as men of temper , peaceable and moderate men , men that meddle not with the times or state affairs : that is in truth , that say nothing ; that is , nothing to purpose ; that is , nothing towards the information and amendment of the present disorders among us . we might then be an happy sort of men , always in favour , and evermore surrounded with applauses , which are the most bewitching temptations to sinful silence and moderation falsly so called . had i ex . gr . no call to this . publick performanc● here , did i not verily think it both seasonable , and my indispensable duty to urge the doctrine of obedience to the higher powers at this time , i might have remain'd lurking at home quiet , not have raised the malice and hatred of this pievish generation against me , nor drawn upon my self the odious character of being a tory , and a sycophant . i might have been content with my private solitude , sometimes with democritus , laughing at the folly and madness of this unquiet world , sometimes with heraclitus bewailing the giddiness of the sinful people , and daily in my closet , with the prophet imploring the mercy of god upon this miserable nation . but it is otherwise with me and the rest of my brethren in the ministry , we are not to be afraid of the faces of men through cowardise , nor seek their commendation by treachery and compliance . it is our work and business , which god has ordained us to , and strictly requires at our hands , to watch over mens souls , as they that must give an account , to instruct , to rebuke , and to reform their evil ways , however dangerous it may be to us , or displeasing to them . and so much the stronger obligation lies upon us to preach up any evangelical precept , by how much the more we see the peoples principles and practices running counter to the doctrine of the gospel . to affirm ( as many do ) that this is not to preach christ and the faith in christ is meer ignorance , to say no worse of it . as if to preach the doctrine of christ and the gospel precepts was not to preach the faith in christ . st. luke , i am sure long since thought so . he has told us that felix sent for paul and heard him concerning the faith in christ . what was the subject of the apostles sermon ? 't was — righteousness , temperance and judgment to come . so that if to reason of righteousness , and temperance , be to preach the faith in christ , then surely to plead for obedience to authority , and patient suffering under oppression is likewise to preach the faith in christ , i am therefore little concern'd , when 't is told me , you lose this friends kindness , that neighbours good opinion , you forfeit such a persons favour by your indiscreet and resolute ingagement on these ungrateful points . alass , these are but worldly motives , not worthy to be laid in the balance with a mans duty , the friendship of men being enmity with god , and the wisdom of this world foolishness with him . the favour of god and some few good men , the inward peace and satisfaction , that in simplicity and godly sincerity , i have held forth the words of truth and soberness ; and the recompence of reward promis'd to all the faithful dispensers of the gospel , will infinitely outweigh those ▪ vain and momentary advantages . it is ( i 'le assure you ) one great design of the gospel to settle the unstable minds of the multitude in civil peace and patient obedience , to compose them unto chearfulness , and a readiness unto every good work . and it is by consequence our duty , and ought to be our endeavour to promote the same to the utmost of our power , to put an hook in the nostrils of the leviathans of our unhappy age , to chastise such as make sport and play the wantons in the disturbances of the common-wealth . thus much i here freely confess , concerning the nature and design of the gospel , and our duty : and think it so far from being an objection against the truth of the revelation of jesus christ , or a crime in us , that 't is its singular excellency , and ought to be accounted our glory and commendation ; whatever the conceited atheists , the profane wits , and the busy pamphleteers of these days say to the contrary . for is it not reasonable thus to judge , of the wisdom , and righteousness , and goodness of god ? that he who takes care of the lillies of the field , of the sparrow on the house top , and numbers the very hairs of our head ; that he who regards every particular mans welfare , and is pleased to make known our mutual duty one toward another in our private relation , should much more provide for the honour and safety of principalities and powers , of the publick peace and the relative offices between the prince and the subject . is not this publick , this general good of infinite more value to the world , and more worthy the providential care and gracious regard of god by revelation ? he that quarrels the gospel ( and all revelation ) as a trick of state , a politick contrivance of priests , and damns the ministers of the gospel , as base instruments of the princes tyranny , because both it and they teach obedience to the soveraign magistrate ; may as well argue against our religion and us , because we instruct children to obey their parents , servants to be subject to their masters , and exhort you all to mutual love , peace , charity , justice and uprightness one towards another . i maintain then , that peace on earth , national peace , is one principal aim of our christianity , one of the chief blessings design'd us here below , by christs appearance in the flesh , and was the argument of the heavenly host's , anthem at his birth . and oh ! how beautiful on the mountains are the feet of them that bring good tidings , and publish peace ? who in the name of god charge the people with the kings peace . ay but ( say some ) these priests are always medling with the municipal laws of the land , obtruding upon their auditors such discourses , as would beseem the reverend judges on the bench , rather than ministers in the pulpit . this exception ( i confess ) implies too much of commendation , tho it carries little of truth in it . however ( since 't is made use of against us ) why ( i beseech you ) may not we acquaint our selves and those that hear us ( when the argument leads us to it , and since our adversaries require it ) with the law , which is in part the measure of our subjection to civil authority ; as well as others examine the gospel , which is the rule of their obedience to god , and to their church governours ? or how is it possible for us , to state the question aright ? unless we first inform the conscience of the law of the land , which ( as many contend ) is the only standard of our duty to the prince . but 't is yet farther objected . you are such sticklers , so restless on this point , that your sycophancy is manifest , and your harangues become nauseous to the peoples stomachs . ay , and will be so , as long as we thwart their quarrelsom humour , as long as we oppose their turbulent practices against the present powers . is there not reason , a necessity for us so to do ? are there not more underminers of the government , than preachers of submission to authority ? are there not more libels sent forth to overturn the present establishment , than sermons to uphold the peace and order of the state ? yea , are not the enemies of peace more apparently guilty of flattery ? whilst they fawn on the multitude , court the populace , cajole the people , and raise the mobile into discontent and mutiny , still keeping them in continual motion , still heightening their fears , and alaruming them with the prospect of remote dangers : and by these little arts improving their instability and suspicions of danger , ( which blessed be god , is acknowledged uncertain and at a distance ) even to the present disquiet of the nation : foolishly anticipating their own misery , and bereaving us all of our present happiness , by too careful a providence of future troubles ; whereas wisdom its self has said , that we must not take care of to morrow ▪ and sufficient to the day is the evil thereof . and why ( forsooth ) should we for discharging our duty , be thus malitiously slandered , as hypocrites and court-flatterers ? did paul flatter nero in his epistle to the romans ? it cannot be imagin'd . did peter flatter all the princes and magistrates in pontus , asia , galatia , cappadocia and bithynia ( to the christians of which provinces he wrote , as you learn in the preamble of that epistle ? ) it cannot be suppos'd . did paul here in the text , put titus upon that unchristian , servile , that unmanly art of flattery ? it cannot be thought . or was our blessed saviour himself a flatterer , when he bids the jews — give unto caesar ; the things that are caesar ' s ? surely none will dare to harbour so mean , so blasphemous thoughts of the son of god. in fine were all the bishops , priests , and holy men of old , that laid down their lives for the faith , parasites ? was tertullian a sycophant ? who apologizing for the christians thus boasts on their behalf — we christians adore the righteous judgment of god , who has ordain'd the emperor to govern the nations : we christians are enemies to none , no not to the emperor , who is appointed ruler over us by god , and 't is our duty to love , reverence , honour , and wish him prosperity : we christians in the first place reverence and obey god , and next unto him the emperor . is this flattery ? was this an unfaithful representation of the christians loyalty in those days ? in no wise . to make an end of this apology , if the primitive fathers and noble martyrs , if the holy apostles , if the blessed jesus were sycophants , then , o my soul , come not thou into their secrets : mine honour , be not thou united to their assemblies , who whilst we are labouring for peace , make themselves ready for battel . i had much rather be reckoned among those hypocrites , and to have my portion with those glorious transgressors . this short defence of my self and brethren will not ( i hope ) be accounted unseasonable ; nor can it be look'd upon as impertinent to the text , if it be well considered , as no question it will be by so judicious an audience . if then it be right in the sight of god , to obey man rather than god ; to follow the people in their turbulency , rather than the apostles canon of putting them in mind to be subject to principality , &c. judge ye . sermon iii. titus 3. ver. 1. put them in mind to be subject , &c. it must be confess'd that all parties among us acknowledge ( in general ) obedience due to the supream magistrate ; but in the mean time are so miserably divided in opinion , in what person or persons the supream power is lodg'd , that ( as our lord prophetically describing the heresies and divisions of the church , fore-tells that one separation would cry , loe , here is christ ; another , loe , he is there : even thus it fares with us at this day , as to the higher power . ) we are not yet agreed among our selves , to whom the supream authority of the nation belongs , nor by consequence know , how far non-resistance of the prince in our present constitution is obligatory . those who of late have wrote on this argument , have so unmercifully tormented the doctrine of subjection with distinctions , that 't is as hard to come to the knowledge of our duty , what governours we are to obey , where and when , how , and in what case , in what sense and degree resistance is unlawful , as 't is to find the true doctrine of the gospel in the school-men , or to direct the conscience in the practice of holiness out of the jesuits morals . this evangelical precept is so strangely wire-drawn , brought into so narrow compass , that i cannot apprehend what tye can be laid upon the subject , since 't is impossible , but upon some pretence or other a factious spirit may still alledge something to justifie his rebellion : for most of these disputers about the nature of our government , do still centre and agree upon this one pestilent and ruining principle , that the people by the law of nature , by the first reason of government , by a moral transcendent power ( not express'd , but necessarily implyed in every political constitution ) are their own judges ; what their rights and priviledges are , when property is invaded , when religion is in danger to be subverted , when liberty of conscience is violated , and when their civil and spiritual interests may forcibly be maintain'd . how of late was obedience to the higher powers run down with full cry , forc'd to skulk , and pass along the streets in masquerade ? and sometimes to attire her self in the harlotry and disguise of rebellion its self ? so that an inquisitive man would have been puzzled to discover her , as much as diogenes was to find out an honest man , or elijah another besides himself , that had not bowed the knee to baal . the matter is ( blessed be god ) somewhat amended among us in appearance : yet because 't is to be feared that there are still many tainted with factious principles ( a very little of which , like the leaven of the pharisees , is able to leaven and corrupt the whole lump ) since many ignorant people know not which way to turn themselves , nor whose servants they are , whom they ought to obey . i shall now proceed farther on the argument of non-resistance , and endeavour to resolve two other queries relating thereunto : the first of which is , what if the supream power sets up idolatry ? what if he become an enemy to godliness , a betrayer of the true reformed religion of the nation ? still i reply , he is thy natural leige prince , and the ordinance of god. when the citizens of delphi , upon the approach of xerxes in his formidable invasion of greece , consulted the oracle , what course they should take for the preservation of their religion , their sacred reliques ? they received this answer — god is able to provide for the security of his own honour and worship . 't is not unlikely those wretched people were more sollicitous about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those rich presents , and inestimable treasures , which had been sent to the idol by croesus and other superstitious princes , more than for the honour of god. and so i fear 't is with most among us , whatever zeal they make shew of for the preservation of religion , and the glory of god ; the care of their wealth and estates is at the bottom of all , which indeed they are not ashamed in their discourses many times to own . but whatever it be , and though the oracle of the devil seems to deny that people liberty of using lawful means for the security of their religious treasure ( for certainly 't was lawful for them to defend both against the power and avarice of an invader , either by hiding it in the earth , or removing it into a more safe place , which was the only question put to the oracle ) yet certainly the infallible oracles of god does not allow us to maintain his honour by dishonouring , and illegal resistance of our natural prince : ( for god himself is able to defend it , and has taken it into his own immediate protection , if the prince apostatizes . ) nor may we upon pretence of the purity of divine worship renounce our lawful soveraign . that dominion is founded in grace is as wild a paradox as that other of its being founded in property , and is so much the more dangerous , in that being the manufacture of rome , and transported hither by their spiritual merchants , the jesuites , is bought up greedily by our zealous hucksters , the true protestant dissenters . so far indeed the government is beholden to them , that they have almost monopoliz'd the commodity . but , my brethren , ye have not , i hope , so learned christ . i do not read , that our lord or his apostles give us leave , nor encouragement to propagate christianity by the sword , or to defend the gospel by tumult and railing at superiors , or threatening to advance another on the throne , whom we shall please to canonize for a saint , contrary to the known and fundamental law of succession . peter , who mistaking christs meaning , when he bad the disciples to furnish themselves with swords , briskly cut off malchus's ear , but received this check — put up thy sword. 't is worth our while to take a view of our lords discourse and behaviour on this occasion . for , says he , they that take the sword , shall perish by the sword. thinkest thou not , that i can pray to my father , and he shall presently give me more than twelve legions of angels for my defence ? but how then shall the scripture be fulfilled ? it was not then ( as some are pleas'd to affirm of the primitive saints ) for want of power that our lord would not resist , but in conscience to the ordinance , and in obedience to the authority of the priests . besides , christ to make amends for the rashness of that hot headed disciple was pleas'd by a miraculous cure of the wound to repair that publick injury and breach of the peace ( for such it was , malchus being one of the high priests servants . ) this ( i imagine ) gave such satisfaction on all sides , as you read not that the crime was ever laid to peters charge , nor rose up in judgment against our saviour . hence 't is very probable that st. peter afterwards became a most zealous assertor of the doctrine of subjection , as you will find in his first epistle . the children of israel under pharaohs hard bondage cryed unto the lord ? and god undertook their deliverance : not by encouraging them to resist the king , and disturb the peace by rebellion . but sending moses and aaron to supplicate in their behalf . god himself condescended to send ambassadors to him , and became a peaceable intercessor for them . and lest pharaoh ( as he did ) should look upon moses's message as a sham , and his miracles , as the magical tricks of an aspiring spirit , how did god evidence the truth thereof ? with what power and might , and outstretched arms did the lord of hosts second his petitions ? all the resistance they offered was but running away , and that too by the special appointment of god. when the tyrant pursued them , ( tho in a warlike posture and able in some measure to sell their lives at a dear rate , yet ) they did not lift up their hands against the kings army . and when it must needs be , god contriv'd and wrought their deliverance without their active resistance , or the breach of the peace , himself overthrowing pharaoh and his egyptians in the red sea. god , who is the author of peace and order , the ordainer of government , seems always to have been so tender in this point , that he never has made use of his supreme power and prerogative , so as to commission or justify any subject in their resistance of the higher powers , no not when the higher powers have been rejected , and their successors appointed by god himself . the israelites petitioned rehoboam for redress of grievances , and after denyal , ten tribes revolted , but the spirit of god has all along term'd it rebellion . shew me ( if it be possible ) one single instance in all the changes of government among them , where god contriv'd , or countenanc't , or the spirit of god has commended or excus'd the usurpation . but this point has been so learnedly handled , and so fully demonstrated by many excellent pens of late , that i think it needless at present to enlarge my self farther on this subject . if it be objected that our case is different from the apostles and primitive christians , our religion being the religion of the state establish'd by law : ( and blessed be god it is so . let our mouths be filled with laughter , and our tongues with joy. let our hearts be enlarg'd with thankfulness to god , and the king for this unvaluable blessing . but if for our unworthiness and unfruitfulness under this spiritual advantage , god as a punishment of our sins shall please to turn the hearts of our rulers , against us and the truths we profess ) what then ? may we revile them ; may we by force resist them ; may we secretly conspire against them ; may we murder or eject them ? ( god forbid . ) religion upon pretence of being the establish'd law of the land has no better security thereby , than those laws by which we lay claim to our temporal interests . it is then only to be considered as such , as to the formal nature , tho not as to the subject matter of it . so that look how we are to demean our selves towards our governours upon the violation of our civil rights ( of which i discours'd in the forenoon ) the same course we must take upon their breach of trust in our spiritual . we must by no means resist , affront , or libel them . we must not bring railing accusations , nor vent venemous and spiteful words against their honour , safety and government . one special advantage we have as to our religious concerns above our temporal , sc . the promise of the more immediate care and protection of god , whose we are , and whom we serve , which is an anchor of the soul both sure and stedfast : that if the earthly defender of our faith leaves us , god himself will receive us under his wings , and at last crown our sufferings , with a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory . but , i proceed to the second , which is the grand query and difficulty of all , which many men of understanding and sobriety , men of interest in their country make a mighty question of . for ( say they ) saving to the kings person all due honour and intire submission ; may we not by force resist his evil counsellours , his wicked instruments , his cut-throat officers , those who for base and ambitious ends invade the peoples liberties and properties ? i reply , no , you may not ; which conclusion i shall back with some following reasons , in order whereunto , i must premise , first , that i do not plead for active obedience , when the subordinate magistrate acts contrary to law , but against active resistance only . no good subject , no honest patriot , ought , neither will become an instrument of tyranny , a betrayer of his own , and fellow subjects just rights and priviledges , by actual complyance and execution of illegal commands . if the kings ministers should order me to cut my neighbours throat , to pillage his house , to levy taxes upon his estate contrary to law , i am not bound to obey , nay , i am bound in conscience not to obey . but to oppose them by force is on the other hand unexcusable before god and man. it being a manifest violation of the publick peace , and of worse consequence to the government than the arbitrary proceedings of the kings ministers can be . when i affirm , that the kings ministers ought not to be resisted by force , i understand only such as are legally commissionated by him . for they , who by a pretended secret , or extraordinary commissions ( unto which the government is a stranger ) invade my person or estate , i may oppose them and repell force by force . the kings publick and deliberate will declared in the known unrepeal'd laws of the land is to take place of his private and sudden will exprest in a secret warrant or commission : an officer employed and acting in such an illegal and extraordinary manner is not to be lookt upon as the kings minister , but is to be treated as a thief and common enemy , and such he will be found to be in the judgment of the kings laws . i grant therefore , that in this case resistance may be made conscientiously , but not when the officer is legally commissionated . because , that would be a breach of the publick peace , and a subversion of the government by tumult and rebellions . when i acknowledge that the kings officers not legally commissionated may be resisted , i do not thereby intend seditious or tumultuous resistance , such as is accompanied with publick disturbance . i do not impower the subject to beat up the drum , to list soldiers , and to march in the field , in a warlike or riotous posture , tho the kings ministers should act never so extravagantly . in so doing he exceeds his political power , and usurps such an authority as is expresly provided against by the law. it is moreover a breach of the publick peace , and directly tends unto the subversion of the government . no resistance can in conscience nor with safety to the common-wealth be made , but what is permitted us by the express law of the land. the resistance then i allow of in the case put , is such as i am enabled to by the politick contract of the state , as appealing to superior courts or magistrates , or in my single person resisting the violence offered to me , such as i may use against an highway-man , a fellon or a murderer . for they , who , by virtue of a private commission from the king , contrary to his known publick will publish'd in his laws , invade my person or my property are no better than thieves and rogues , and may by personal force be thus resisted , this being so far from being a breach of the publick peace , or taking upon me more than by law belongs to me , as that 't is but the execution of the kings deliberate will , the law , and defending my self , as the law of the land permitts me , and as the law of nature , self-preservation guides me . these things premis'd , i return to my resolution of the query propounded , i. e. that upon the infringement of our liberties , or incroachments upon our civil interests , we may in no wise forcibly resist the kings legal ministers , however exorbitant and arbitrary they are in the execution of their power . the reasons of this conclusion are as follow : 1. because the holy scripture has plainly laid down our duty of obedience and non-resistance of the subordinate , as well as of the supream magistrate . thus much i hinted in the explication of the text , that when st. paul with so much variety of phrase directs titus to put the cretians in mind , that they be subject to principalities and powers , and obey magistrates , he cannot in my judgment be thought to trifle so long , and by principalities , powers and magistrates , in the plural number , only intend all that while the person of the emperour . he must also mean the subordinate ministers in crete . besides i cannot conceive that the apostle should intend to admonish them of their duty towards the emperour only , and to have so little regard to the publick peace , as to permit them upon every disgust and grievance , to move sedition against the pro-praetors or deputy governours of that island . but i will not insist upon this conjectural interpretation , however unquestionable it seems to me . yet st. peter is most express herein — submit your selves to the king as supream , and to governours as unto them that are sent by him , i. e. unto subordinate magistrates and judges commission'd by the king. lastly , i observe st. paul exhorts that supplications and prayers , intercessions and thanksgivings be made for kings , and for all that are in authority . pray for them we must , not fight against them , which will appear from the reason inforcing this precept . to this end we are commanded to pray for them — that we may live quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty . but if we should pray for them and at the same time rise up against them , our actions would contradict our prayers , we should undo with our hands , what we are bound to interceed for with our hearts and lips ; we should frustrate the design of our own intercessions : an hypocrisy as impious in us , as 't was ridiculous in that emperour , who detained the pope in prison , and yet commanded prayers to be made for his enlargement . the late writers about subjection ( the more moderate of them , who maintain the people to have a power of resisting only the subordinate ministers of the king , his destructive counsellers and agents ) seldom or never take notice of these passages in the word of god , as far as i have observ'd ; especially not that of st. peter upon which i lay the greatest stress of my argument , and think it unanswerable . he certainly knew best and more exactly weighed our lords doctrine , who first violated this evangelical canon in cutting off malchus's ear ( the high priests servant ) and was roundly reprov'd by christ for so doing . and why st. peters pretended successors and their disciples should so far forget themselves , as to run into the same excess , as their first founder did , and yet not , as he did , renounce their error , but stand obstinately in the defence of themselves , no other reason can be given , but their blind zeal of propagating religion by the sword , since reason and argument and exemplary lives ( which are the most powerful and the only gospel motives to perswade ) having so long since fail'd them . for my own part i doubt not to affirm , that as the king within his own dominions is the image and representative of god in the government of the people ; so are the inferior magistrates the image and representatives both of god and the king : that as the supream governour is gods immediate ordinance , so are they , that are sent by him , the mediate and derivative ordinance of god. to deal freely with you , i question not that obedience and subjection in all its branches , in its utmost latitude is due to one as well as t'other : that in case of the greatest outrages committed by them either through neglect , or mistake , or passion , or private interest or revenge , or servile flattery of the princes humour , the subject ought not to seek redress but by such peaceable methods as the law prescribes and allows : that in the mean time he ought to abstain from violent defence and active resistance . for so is the will of god , that we suffer patiently , that we honour and reverence , not revile , not libel the persons of the subordinate governours , sent or commissioned by the king. let no one think here to avoid the strength of this scripture argument , by distinguishing between the government of an absolute arbitrary prince , such were the emperours of old , and a mixt or limited government , as our's is at this day . this makes no difference , gives the subject no priviledge of resisting the kings ministers the power of the subordinate magistrate , is of the same nature in both these governments , limited in the former by the will of the emperour , in his publick edicts , and private instructions ; limited in the latter by the known laws of the nation , let the prince be arbitrary , or not , still his ministers are always limited : though they transgress and depart from their rule , the people has in neither case liberty , turbulently to defend themselves , with the breach of the publick peace , the preservation whereof is still the fundamental principle and care of every government , whether absolute or limited . for which reason the subjects in the roman state were directed to appeal unto caesar as their last refuge , and we in this nation unto the kings supreme court of justice as our only remedy against injury ; if they fail'd , or we be disappointed of our expectations , we have nothing more to do , than patiently to submit to the will and providence of god. this i take to be st. peters doctrine , and am sure was st. pauls practice , as is before prov'd ; and i lay it down as the first reason of my resolution of the question under debate . we must not forcibly resist the inferiour magistrates , because it is the express doctrine of the scripture . because violently to resist the kings instruments legally commissionated by him , is inconsistent with our duty to the person of the king himself . by the doctrine of the gospel we are to love , to honour the kings person , not libelling him , not defaming him. what is the meaning of this ? we are not to bring into question his abilities , his justice , his wisdom , his vigilance , his integrity , his fidelity to his oaths and assurances given us of good and legal government . but he who by force resists the kings officers , dishonours the kings person , and stains his reputation in all those respects : by his turbulency and sturdy resistance of the magistrate , he does in effect tell the world , that the king is unable or unwilling to protect him , resolved to crush and oppress him : he thereby suggests the higher power , to be either fool or knave , or tyrant , or perjur'd , under which imputations 't is dishonourable for him to lie. for no man that thinks his prince able to defend him , will riotously defend himself . no one that judges him upright , but will peaceably appeal to him , none that believes him a man of honour and conscience , will question to be relieved by him , and his superior courts of justice . in a word , there can be no resistance , no affront offer'd to the kings ministers , but tends directly to the dishonour of the kings person . the king has the same reason to complain of those that violently persecute his ministers , as god had of the israelites , whom nothing would satisfy but to have samuel depos'd — they have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me . against me principally is this rebellion and change of government design'd . every indignity cast upon the servant , reflects upon the master , and as naturally and necessarily ascends unto the head , the supreme governour of the body politick , as the pains and anguish of a wounded member arises unto the head of a natural body . he that breaks my bones and bruises my flesh , and yet tells me he is tender of my head ( the seat of sensation ) may ( if he please ) value his wit upon the distinction , but cannot satisfy me thereby for the injury done me . and again as upon pretence of putrefaction to lop off all the members one after another , is certain destruction both to the body and the head , which cannot consist without the integral parts : so they who will never acknowledg the prince to have any faithful servants and counsellors , but are still ready to cut them off so soon as they are received into his favour and service , whatever kindness they make show of to him ; yet forcing him to be thus naked and to shift for himself , leaving him as it were to wander alone on the mountains , as a partridg , to sit as a pelicane in the wilderness , or as an owl in the desart , do indeed destroy the government , and by necessary consequence murder the kings person also . and if reason will not , i am sure sad experience has once convinc't us of this truth . to use force against the kings legal instruments is a breach of the publick peace , frustration of the chief ends of society , the good of the people , and endangers the dissolution of the whole frame of government . for without order and peaceable subjection , there is nothing but confusion and violence , and perfect anarchy , our persons , our lives , our liberties and properties ( when once a civil war is commenc't ) being expos'd to the dominion and cruelty , and avarice of the revengeful and successful conqueror . and because i have made the preservation of the publick peace , the ground of much of my reasoning in this discourse ▪ i the rather choose here a little to enlarge my self upon that topick . i shall readily grant ( if it be demanded ) that the good of the governed is the first reason , and the great end of government : but the next , and in order to it is the publick peace , which is the very life and soul of government , and absolutely necessary to the peoples , both private and political happiness . as therefore 't is the princes office by any means to secure it , so it is the subjects duty and interest to keep it , tho with the loss of their private personal concernments . peace is an unvaluable blessing , like that rich jewell in the gospel , 't is worth our while to sell all we have for the purchase of it . i have seldom read ( nor does it often happen , ) that the subjects circumstances were so hard , their condition so miserable , where 't was worth their while to hazard their lives and fortunes by civil discord . pax bello potior seems to be a rule almost without exception : but that other ex bello pax is a motto fit only for traitors and ufurpers to stamp upon their medals . let any understanding man sit down , and with himself calmly consider , how easy it is , when once the sacred bonds of civil peace are broke ) for a forraign enemy to invade and enslave the nation ; what devastations are made , what detriment sustain'd in private estates , how much time and expense of treasure is required before any tolerable settlement can be made ; how easy 't is for the conqueror to set up a tyrannical and arbitrary government , which is oft-times the issue of domestick wars ; at least , how strangely the government is weakened , how universally the people are debauch't , how difficult 't is for them to recover both their publick and private losses . where is that wise man , and indued with knowledge ? let him tell me , whether 't is not much better , more honorable and heroick to flying over board all his substance , yea and suffer himself , with jonah to be cast into the sea , for the preservation of his fellow-citizens , rather than the ship of the common-wealth should sink in the waves of popular insurrections . the safety therefore of the government and of the governours , and the good of the governed being thus closely twisted with the publick peace , they who take upon them violently to resist and engage the people in rebellion , do by consequence overthrow the ends of society , and reduce us into that condition , ( which some men call the state of nature , ) wherein every man having a general right to every thing , but a particular right to nothing , we sight and devour one another . and which is the worst of all , when we are weary of our dissensions , and an end is put to the quarrel , the issue is seldom to the advantage of the subject . we may alter the government , but for the worse : we may change our masters , but not ease our shoulders from those grievances , we formerly groan'd under . 't is easy to fore-see these inconveniencies by the eye of reason ; and experience , which is the mistress of fools , will abundantly convince us of them . but , because , when ever we preachers inforce this doctrine from the practice of holy men recorded in scripture , or other instances out of profane or ecclesiastical history , still the diversity of government is alledged as a sufficient bar to the force of the argument . i shall in the last place make good my conclusion from the express statute law of the land. and whereas i could produce several acts of parliament to this purpose , yet choosing rather to keep my self within compass , within my own sphere , being unwilling to seem too pert and busy in other mens province , i shall not give my self the trouble to examine cook and other learned digesters of our laws , nor to search the rolls in the tower : yet i hope i may be allowed to take my own book into my hand without offence , and put you in remembrance of that declaration and acknowledgement , which i have more than once made . you may meet with it in that publick act prefixt before the liturgy in these words — i do declare that it is not lawful upon any pretence , whatever to take arms against the king , and that i do abhor that traiterous position of taking up arms by his authority against his person , or against those that are commissionated by him . so that to take up arms , to resist the kings ministers , and officers having his commission , is treason ; to maintain the legality of it is traiterous , and to be abhorred . and hence you see that 't was no crime , nor scandal in sixty two to be an abhorrer , even in the judgment of the wisdom of the whole nation . if i should be told , that this declaration was intended only for the clergy and school-masters to subscribe , i shall acknowledge that true : but must by the way observe , what opinion our law-givers then had of those who would be thought the only preachers of christ and him crucifyed , but it seems were suspected as the vilest disturbers of the government , and most dangerous incendiaries of the common-wealth . and since so great trust is reposed in those who take upon them these employments , since they have opportunity ( if they will ) to debauch the understandings of their disciples , our law-givers judged it necessary to oblige them to that declaration , and only to admit such , of whose fidelity to the peace of the nation they were assured , and of whose indeavours of instilling no turbulent and treasonable principles into the ears and minds of the people they were competently secure . however tho the clergy and school-masters only are obliged unto that acknowledgement ; yet if the taking up arms against those that are commissionated by the king is to be abhorred by us , and is in its self traiterous , then certainly no subjects ought to resist the kings ministers : the position of its lawfulness being traiterous , the execution thereof can be no less then treason . but that the people may lawfully and conscientiously commit treason , is a solaecism in government as well as heresy in divinity . hence the phansie of the author of that book , entituled a treatise of monarchy , is plainly confuted , who argues tho not for a legal power exprest in the political contract , yet for a moral , natural transcendent power ( implyed in all constitutions ) for the people to resist the kings ministers and destructive instruments . to assert this lawful upon any pretence , whatever is you see traiterous , the enterprice is therefore treason , strictly and expresly provided against by the law of the land. so much for the reasons of my answer to this question . and thus i have said , ( as breifly , as i could ) what i thought fit upon this argument , expecting now to be answered in the words of the disciples — this is an hard saying , who can hear it ? what ? may we not defend our selves against manifest injury , against unsupportable oppression , when all other relief is denied us , when there is no other way left to avoid the miseries of tyranny and slavery ? if this be our case , who are christians ( as you have stated it , ) then farewell all our temporal interests , we are then the most wretched people in the world. with what ease than may ambitious men and corrupt magistrates trample on us ? where is the law of nature , that great , that royal law of self preservation ? in answer hereunto , i shall readily grant , that 't is an hard chapter , not easily read or believed , not willingly digested by flesh and blood. 't is one of those high and difficult points , which i do not expect should take root in the heart of every half-thick christian and temporary believer . either the wicked one will catch away this seed sown , or persecution , or the cares of this life , or the deceitfulness of riches , or the love of themselves and of this world will choke it . but i would desire men of understanding and integrity ( for that such only i can hope to prevail , ) to recollect my reasons ; and moreover to consider with themselves , how that there are many other strict precepts laid upon us by our blessed lord , no less difficult in themselves , and altogether as repugnant to the law of nature self preservation . how often , how peremptorily are we commanded in general to crucifie our selves to the world , and the world to us ? to mortifie our earthly members , to moderate our selves in the desire and fruition even of such things which nature prompts us to , and allows us ; to vanquish our passions , which , as the wise man tells us , is a more heroick atchievement than to conquer a city . how frequently are we directed to lay aside those inclinations , which nature and the god of nature has implanted in us , to subdue those appetites which our natural temper inclines us to , which interest , self love , and self preservation dictates to us ? what a paradox is it the natural man , yea to many pretenders unto strict holiness to hear , that by the doctrine of god our saviour , they must not render evil for evil , nor railing for railing , but contrariwise blessing ? that they must not be their own judges , nor revenge their own quarrels ; that being the prerogative of god , and is only communicated to our earthly governours ? what will these men say or think , when i shall put them in mind of that restraint god has laid on us all , how he has limited the natural law of preserving our selves ? when i shall repeat those excellent sayings of christ and his apostles ; if thine enemy hunger , feed him ; if he thirst , give him drink . love your enemies , bless them that curse you , do good to them that hate you , pray for them that despitefully use you and persecute you ? what can the troublers of our israel answer , if i help them to remember the prudent caution of the apostle , of abstaining from all appearance of evil ; those admirable passages , that 't is better to suffer for well-doing than for evil-doing : why do you not rather take wrong ? to him that smites thee on the right cheek turn the other also ? when and where ( i pray ) and in what relation are these gospel precepts applicable to us , if not in our political state ? and is it not much more reason , that we avoid appearance of evil , and offences towards our superiors and rulers , than towards one another ? to suffer patiently from the civil magistrate , to take wrong from the kings ministers rather than from our equals and fellow subjects ? i can never enough admire the confidence of some men , who are not asham'd to ascribe the preservation of gospel holiness solely to the dissenters amongst us ; whereas i cannot discern the spirit of the gospel among them at all . where almost will you find that modesty , humility , peaceableness , gentleness , easiness to be intreated , moderaton , obedience , condescention ( i shall for once on this occasion call it so ) unto governours which are required in the scriptures , and are reckon'd up as the fruits of the spirit ? i would once again here ask , why may not our religion be suppos'd to restrain and interpret the general law of nature self preservation , in the point of subjection and non-resistance of authority , as well as in the case of private revenge ? why should we not be thought oblig'd to cut off one of our hands , or feet , and to pluck out our right eyes ( those darling , usefull and necessary members ) for the sake of publick peace , as well as to avoid private offences . it is no small argument to me of the wisdom and goodness of god in setting his stamp and approbation upon the precept of subjection ; that to our own personal contracts he has superadded an immediate tye of conscience in the revelation of his will : that god , who best knows our hearts , the frowardness of our wills , the violence of our passions , the stubborness of our affections , what lovers of our selves we naturally are , what partial judgers of our own rights and interests , has therefore thought good to inclose that law of nature self preservation , allowing it unto us in no case to the breach or hazard of the publick peace of the commonwealth . and if i may not defend my self against the injuries of my private brother and fellow citizen , but as the law and the peace of the state permits , how shall i challenge that liberty in a violent and tumultuous resistance of the civil magistrate ? god , who is a god of order and not of confusion , has himself so dispos'd and methodiz'd the polities and earthly governments of men , as that 't is impossible ( if we would conscienciously attend our duty ) that wars , and fightings , and cutting of throats should in any wise be justifiable . if so , then government is defective and in effect dissolv'd ; then is not magistracy the ordinance of god , but at the will of the people , and alterable at their pleasure , when ever they think fit to quarrel at the princes conduct , or at his ministers pretended outrages and encroachments . for where every one may do what is right in his own eyes , that state which admits the subject in any case whatever to call the rulers to account , to punish or to dethrone them , or to make any violent changes in the commonwealth , there is no government at all among them , but anarchy and confusion , and every evil work . but to draw to a conclusion , these discourses ( i confess ) administer but cold comfort to the greatest part of men , who ( like beasts ) live by sense and not by reason , are led by an excessive love of themselves , more than by the will of god , and the publick good of societies . what security in the mean while ( say they ) have we of our liberties and properties , of enjoying in any tolerable measure the labour of our own hands , and of transmitting the benefit thereof to posterity ? i answer , you have all the security this uncertain world can afford . you have the almighty god taking care of you , in whose hands are the spirit of princes , and he will restrain them . his word and promise is engaged . his hands are not short that they cannot save , neither are his ears heavy that they cannot hear . you have his almighty power to rely on , his unsearchable wisdom to depend on , his infinite goodness to shelter you , his truth and faithfulness to trust in , and the eyes of his providence continually watching over you . you have the consideration of the natural frailty of your earthly governours to comfort and to uphold you . though they are gods , bearing the image of god in the political government , yet are they but meer moral men , whose breath is in their nostrils ; they must die like men , and fall like princes . look , how dieth the greatest potentate ? even as the meanest subject . there will be no difference between you and them at the great day , the day of judgment . they must ( then at least whatever privilege they claim in this life ) give an account at the tribunal of god , where there will be no respect of persons , where there cruelty and tyranny ( if they are guilty of any ) and all their kingcraft and mysteries of state will be disclos'd , and must be answer'd . the dread and expectation of which last assizes will in a great measure check their exorbitances , and put such manicles on their hands , that ofttimes the things they would they cannot do ; and what they would not , even that they do against their wills . yet farther , you have the consideration of the sturdiness of many ill principled subjects among you , who ( though not to be justified yet ) are as a bullwark to the peaceable and conscientious . there is a shrew'd proverb among us , oppression will make a wise man mad , much more the wicked and the rebellious . in the utmost extremities , there will rise up men ( not strictly conscientious , but ) of undaunted natural spirit and courage , that will not stick to break through all the honds of duty and obedience , and with the hazard of their lives and fortunes endeavour to redress intolerable grievances . and thus their sin through the righteous judgment of god may prove the security . but why do i mention these things ? i see no necessity of this discourse . i know not wherefore we should entertain such odd suspicions of our magistrates , as to support our selves with the probability of their disasters . let us be more just and charitable towards them , accounting of them as men of honour and honesty as well as our selves ; that know their duty , and will laudably discharge it out of a principle of conscience . they cannot be ignorant of this one thing , that the end of government and the measure of their power is the good of the people . there is likewise the oath of god upon them , that they will govern according to law. and what other assurance would any man wish for ? 't is more i am sure than many among us will give for their peaceable demeanour . he that is not content herewith 't is impossible to satisfie him , except by delivering up the reigns of government into his hand , and then the subject can still have no better security than an oath . an oath is the end of all strife among men , and 't is the highest assurance god has or can give us of the righteousness of his government and providence . he that thinks not this sufficient is not fit to live in this world , unworthy to enjoy the society of men , and the benefit of government . besides , it is the interest of governours that the subjects rights and properties be maintain'd , that they should be secur'd and encourag'd in their labours , and reap the fruit of their industry and improvements , the riches of the people being the glory , the strength , and the riches of the prince ; and therefore if conscience will not , yet at least his interest will incline him unto moderation in the exercise of dominion . i shall yet farther add , that you have the security of your fellow subjects , such i mean as are wise and conscientious , that will not be destructive instruments , nor actively assist in oppressing the people contrary to law. as for others , fear will in some measure check many of them , and the law of the land will curb them . the crys of the afflicted subjects will at length reach the ears of the prince , and necessity of state will prevail with him to deliver up his evil counsellors as a sacrifice to the peoples discontents . yea ( as the case now stands with us ) the kings officers , though commissionated by him being punishable by law , as i take it , for their illegal proceedings , there is little ground to fear , t is hardly possible any barbarous or unsupportable mischief should arise in our government ; and the most that can in likelihood happen , will be much more eligible than the breach of the publick peace , and the violent overthrow of the present establishment . finally , my brethren , give me leave to add ; count me not a flatterer if i speak it out of the reach of his sacred ears , when i consider the person of our present prince , the sweetness of his nature , our long experience of the mildness of his government , the blessings of peace , plenty and increase of trade , which we have long enjoy'd under him : when i recollect how strictly and impartially righteousness and justice is executed among us , he seldom or never obstructing the course of the law ; except it be in extending his mercy and pardon to unfortunate criminals , which is the heighth and pride of his good nature ; and wherein he may be said truly to resemble god himself . but otherwise let me ask you , whose ox has he taken , whose ass has he seiz'd , who has he defrauded or oppressed , whose life , whose property has he invaded , whose liberty has he illegally or unreasonably restrain'd in prison , or in exile ? when i remember his charity in forgiving us , his readiness to oblige us , the fresh assurances we have of his governing by law ; when i here of foreign princes admiring his wisdom , and courting his friendship , as much perhaps as sheba did solomons ; when i see the miserable and afflicted subjects of other nations seeking and finding shelter under his wings ; when i read those but just thanks and commendations they return him , whilst they admire the prudence and moderation of his conduct , the protection and quietness we our selves receive from him : yea , when in a seditious author , i met with this testimony of his royal grace and goodness , — that he never made use of his negative voice , or denied his assent but to one publick act only : and whereas one of the worst of his enemies has allow'd him this character , that he is a prince under whose displeasure his adversaries fall gently . in fine , since i cannot but behold and admire his wisdom in the choice of the subordinate magistrates , whose piety , learning and integrity is conspicuous amongst us , i cannot forbear , not only out of duty to the divine ordinance , but in gratitude and thankfulness to god and the king , acknowledge our present happiness and security : not only put you in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , and to obey magistrates ; but also offer up my prayers to god , — that he would grant the king a long life and abundance of years , at home peace , and victory abroad ▪ a loyal senate , and a faithful people , a quiet world , and a secure reign : and in fine , that god would inspire us all with such a measure of his grace , that by our patience , peaceableness and chearful subjection , our present happiness may be continued still longer unto us under his government , and his successours that shall come after him ; that we and the ages to come may lead quiet and peaceable lives , in all godliness and honesty . amen . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a42790-e270 1 cor. 7. 20. exod. 32. 2. notes for div a42790-e450 ver. 8. james 3. 17. deut. 17. 15. ver. 5. 1 cor. 2. 14 , 15. luke 12. 11. mat. 10. 18. vid. seld. tit. hon. gen. 45. 3. ver. 2. ver. 7. ver. 8. ver. 2. eccles . 10. 12. acts 3. 5. chap. 2. ver. 15 , 16 ▪ 1 sam. 25. 10. 11. v. 3 , 14 , 17 ▪ 21 , 25. pl●t . red . c. 13. v. 3. 4. titus 3. 1. dan. 2. 47. ver. 17. mr. seld. tit. hon. episcop . ver. 2. notes for div a42790-e3020 ps . 104. 15. eccles . 2. 24. 3. 12 , 22. 5. 18. 8. 15. 9. 9. math. 11. 19. rom. 14. 17. rom. 13. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 1. 12. valde seditiosa semper fuit creta , de eis vult moveri cretas , quorum maximè indigebant . exod. 9. 16. jer. 27. 5 , 6. 2 chron. 13. hen. 7th . math. 6. 13. ex. 20. luke 14. 31. ch. 27 ▪ 7. 1 pet. 2. 13. v. 18. tit. 2. 9. 1 pet. 2. 23. coloss . 3. 24 , 25. eph. 6. 8. 1 pet. 2. 20. 21. 23. quos deprebendit evangelica doctrina obnoxios servituti , aequo animo ferant , nec ideo se putent manumissos quod a tyrannide vitiorum sint manumissi . ne pretexiu religionis christianae ordo reip . turbetur suam quisque sortem ferat , & in ea perduret . especially treatise of monarchy , &c. acts 16. ver. 37. acts 23. 2. ver. 3. ver. 5. ver. 5. acts 24. 24 , 25. james ▪ 4. 4. 1 cor. 3. 19. matth. 6. matth. 6. 34. 1 epist . 1 , notes for div a42790-e5780 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . herod . lib. 8. cap. 36. matth. 26. 52. v. 52. 53. 54. 1 pet. 2. 13 ▪ 14. 1. tim. 2. 1. 21. charles 5th . 1 sam. 8. ● . prov. 16. 32. 1 pet. 3. 9. rom. 12. 19. ver. 20. matth. 5. 44. 1 thes . 5. 22. 1 pet. 3. 17. 1 cor. 6. 7. matth. 5. 39. plat. red. matth. 5. 29. psal . 76. 12. psal . 82. 7. a proclamation for citing ministers vvho have not prayed for their majesties scotland. privy council. 1689 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a58746 wing s1857 estc r6285 13698808 ocm 13698808 101452 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a58746) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101452) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 848:55) a proclamation for citing ministers vvho have not prayed for their majesties scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, by the order of his majesties privy council, edinburgh : 1689. "edingburgh, august 22, 1689." reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. dissenters, religious -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -religion -17th century -sources. broadsides -scotland -edinburgh (lothian) -17th century 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-03 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , for citing ministers vvho have have not prayed for their majesties . edinburgh , august 22. 1689. whereas by an act of council , of the sirth of this i●stant , in pursuance of an act of the meeting of the estates of this kingdom , of the thirteenth of april last , the parochioners and hearers of such ministers as have neglected and slighted the reading of the proclamation therein mentioned , and the praying for king william and queen marry , are invited and allowed to cite such ministers before the privy council , which act of council grants warrand for citing and adducing ministers ; and forasmuch as the design of the said act , is , that such ministers who have disobeyed the said act of the meeting of the estates , may conform thereto by a legal sentence be deprived ; therefore that the said act of the meeting of the estates , and the act of council pursua●t thereof , may attain there intended design , and effect with the greater expedition , and least expenses to the leidges , the lords of his majesties privy council , in their majesties flame and authority . do invite and allow , not only the parochioners and hearers of such ministers as have disobeyed ; but also the heretors of these parochins , and the sheriffs or their deputs , and magistrats of burghs respective , and the members of this currant parliament , within there respective bounds , to cause cite such ministers before the privy council , and hereby grants warrand to messengers at arms , for citing them , and such witnesses as are necessary , they delivering a copy of these presents , either in print or in writ , signed by their hand , to each minister that shall be cited by them to any tuesday or thursday , six dayes after the citation , for all on this side the river tay , and fifteen days for all beyond the said river , that such ministers who have not given obedience to the said act of the meeting of the estates , may be a legal sentence be deprived according thereto ; and appoints the returns of these executions to be inrolled by the clerk of privy council , and called before the lords at their respective dayes of compearance ; declaring that these present are but prejudice of any citations already given , or to be given , either upon the former act of council , or upon warrands from the council-board . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published by the officers of prive council at the mercat-crosse of edinburgh , that none may pretend ignorance . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , by order of his majesties privy council , anno dom. 1689. philanax protestant, or, papists discovered to the king as guilty of those traiterous positions and practises which they first insinuated into the worst protestants and now charge upon all to which is added, philolaus, or, popery discovered to all christian people in a serious diswasive from it, for further justification of our gracious king and his honourable parliaments proceedings for the maintenance of the act of uniformity. 1663 approx. 81 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a56188 wing p4030 estc r7555 12380292 ocm 12380292 60741 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56188) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60741) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 223:5) philanax protestant, or, papists discovered to the king as guilty of those traiterous positions and practises which they first insinuated into the worst protestants and now charge upon all to which is added, philolaus, or, popery discovered to all christian people in a serious diswasive from it, for further justification of our gracious king and his honourable parliaments proceedings for the maintenance of the act of uniformity. prynne, william, 1600-1669. [2], 47 p. [s.n.], london : 1663. attributed to william prynne. cf. wing. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -england -controversial literature. church and state -england. 2002-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-05 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion philanax protestant ' or papists discovered to the king as guilty of those traiterous positions and practises which they first insinuated into the worst protestants and now charge upon all : to which is added philolaus or popery discovered to all christian people in a serious diswasive from it . for further justification of our gracious king , and his honourable parliaments proceedings for the maintenance of the act of uniformity . london , printed in the year 1663. and are to be sold at the royal exchange , westminster-hall , and most book-sellers shops . philanax or the papists discovered unto the king. sect . i. now the popish party being disappointed in their great design for indulgence . 1. b , the care of our gracious soveraign ; who will neither be provoked by the affronts of some that call themselves protestants , nor enticed by the favours and civilities of those that call themselves catholicks to do any thing in prejudice of the faith , once delivered to the saints . 2. by the vigilancy of orthodox and good bishops and ministers who stand fast in the faith and are set for the defence of the gospel . 3. by the honourable interposition of those most noble lords who search the scriptures , the first counsels , and fathers . whether these things are so ? 4. by the resolution of the most honourable the commons of england in parliament assembled to stand by the grand establishment of the kingdome . 5. by the ingenuity of our two most excellent queens who wil not unseasonably interpose to gratify a few mens opinions against the conscience of a whole kingdome : now the popish party i say thus happily disappointed of their designe against the church of england , and the protestant religion grow desperate and shake off all modesty ; ingenuity ; and fear ; now they dare publish to the world a caveat to all kings , princes , and prelates against the protestants : under pretence of some mens miscarriages involving all , now they dare charge us with those principles against government which they themselves teach , with those treasons which they act , with those rebelions which they promote : which our learned and sober writers disown , our confessions and articles of religion oppose , and our religion discountenanceth , no religion in the world stating government and obedience on better principles , enforcing them upon higher motives , or securing them by better lawes than ours : we your most loyal subjects who look upon you as the light of our eyes , as the breath of our nostrils , as the crown of our head : who make prayers and supplications for you and all that are in authority under you ; who obey you for conscience sake : & cannot resist you , knowing that whosoever resisteth resistethto hisown damnation , who must needsbesubject to you , as supream and to those that are in church & state sent by you : who fear god and honour you our king and meddle not with them that are given to change : for we know their calamity shall arise suddenly , and who knoweth the ruin of them both ? who dare think no evil of you , not in our hearts much less murmure and speak evil against you : who though your spirit should be stirred against us , yet will not stir out of our place : who dare not call you to any account of your matters — nor say unto you , what do you : who with the antient christians worship god above all : and obey honour and reverence you as next unto god on earth ? we to vindicate our selves ; to inform the world aright ; to shew the true grounds of our late misery : and the present opposition to government : and to confirm your majesty in your very good affection for the protestant religion : and in your just care against the growth of popery , a care that aequally tends to your honour and security , and our comfort . we humbly desire the world may know that it is not any private respect or opinion , it s not any kindnesse you have for heresy or schism , it s not any cruelty or persecution that you provide just laws against popery a new , or execute those that are already provided : but it s a royal care you owe your own government and safety both which are indangered by those unworthy principles first asserted by the pontificians and than taken up from them by the loose , giddy , turbulent , and discontented sort of protestants that have nothing indeed of protestants but the name : for you know 1. they teach that the magistrate hath nothing to do in matter of religion , hath no power to restrain or punish any man in any matter that hath but the colour and prete●…ce of religion . contzen polit : c : 16. bellarm : 5. de pont : — a 2 de primati●… in vain do you govern if these men and these positions be endured : one mans religion is to revile authority , the others religion is to rebel : anothers religion is to raise scandal upon all publick establishments , anothers religion is to refuse all manner of oaths whether of allegiance or supremacy &c. anothers religion is to deny all ordinances , ministry , church duties , &c. anothers religion is to disturb all congregations and meetings : but you must sit still , and let these men play all these prancks under the notion of religion , you must endure all these extravagances , least you should persecute , or oppresse tender consciences , your subjects may be perverted , your people may be debauched , and your kingdomes seduced from their allegiance and loyalty by men of desperate principles , and you all the while not stir , for the magistrate hath nothing to do in matter of religion ; we your poor protestant subjects thought that you as nebuchadnezzar and darius among the persians as the governours among the grecians whose first care was religion , as the roman kings , senates and emperours whose great prudence it was not to admit of a strange religion , as the primitive governours who as appears by their laws , orders , institutes , and nemo canons : laid out their highest endeavours for the settlement of the true religion , and as your ancestors of blessed memory , who are famous for nothing more then for being defenders of the faith , had power to defend true religion , so that under you by the influence of that religion we might lead peaceable and quiet lives in all godliness and honesty : but alas ! temporal princes saith suarez must meddle with temporal matters : they must let men be of what principles they please though never so dangerous , they must look on their subjects divided with different religions which lead to different conversation and to confusion and every evil work : for why should they saith costerus the jesuit meddle with the affaires of the church of god. 2. we your loyal protestant subjects were really perswaded that there was none above you , to whom you should give account of your selves but god : and that there were no christians that durst say that any men or estates of men were above you in your dominion , ha poor we ! alas it seemes there are some 50. learned writters of that one society of jesuits , who in several printed books which you may see in speculum jesuit . p. 187. 188. who have dogmatically asserted that the pope hath absolute power over princes to change government as god to pull down some kings , and set up others as bensarchius profanely speaks , not onely to excommunicate , but judicialy to suspend to mult with tempor all penalties , depose , dethrone , put to death , and destroy any christian emperours , kings , princes , potentates , by open sentence , war , force , conspiracies private assassinations , and to give away their crowns and dominions to whosoever will invade them by treason or rebellion at the popes command : who may translate kingdomes to whom he pleaseth , all kings deriving their crowns from him alone , upon their good behaviour at his pleasure . we are of opinion that the government of the church is enough , if not too much for the pope and innocently perswade our selves he need not be so busie in other mens matters , but we know nothing , we are taught by the papists that non solum potest papa &c. sed debet &c. that the pope not onely can but ought to shew himself above princes , why say we ? why say the jesuits of paris against arnoldus : to keep them ( that is kings ) within their duty that in case of heresie , schisme , disobedience to , rebellion against the pope , and see of rome , male administration , refusal , to defend the pope insufficiency to govern negligence , vitiousness of life , incorrigibleness , tyranny : or as sanctarellus taught , & our late disturbers learned the necessity of publick good , or the safety of the church and state , or the cause of god : guess now who set up the high court of justice . now that your bloud may not rise against this here is nothing unequal or unfit . for saith the said sanctarellus : multum aequum , & reip . expediens ut sit aliquis supremus m●…narcha , qui regum ejus modi excessus noscit corrigere , & de ipsis justitiam ministrare , i. e. in english , demand justice , justice against delinquency , set up a high court of justice . 3. we and the more harmless part of the world thought that no man could lay his hand upon you the lords anointed and be guiltless and would teach men that you are secured by the laws of god & men against all the assaults of the sons of violence . but we are a soft headed and short sighted people emanual sa , that dangerous papist assures us , that lat a sentententia quisque potest fieri executor , any man may rid us of a tyrant , but sure none of those that have sworn obedience to him may lay violent hands on the king : etiam qui juraverit &c. yea he who hath sworn obedience , if the prince will not be ruled — sure every man can not do it , potest autem e populo : any man may do it anyman that is careless of his own life may be master of his soveraigns — yes , but say some smooth tongued apologist , this was rashly spoken — do not deceive your selves — 40. annos in cubui saith the solemn d. i studied it , 40. years , — a well studied , point i assure you : but his friends do not own him , — no ile warran●… you , why this book of his is the ordinary manual of the fraternity : it s the bible that belongs to the society of jesus : i hope you will say no man talkes at this rate but this melancholly father . ans. if there be but one traytor among the jesuites they are much wronged , — alas he was but a dull melancholy man indeed to mariana , who tells us that we need not stay for the popes order , if a company of learned and a few discontented men do but agree upon it . jure interimi potest , he may lawfully be killed : but the learned are many of them honest , most of them ingenuous , and all depending upon the the prince , nay then we need no more ado saith ozorius but any man may consider the law , and the matter of fact , and if the case be evident he may proceed to execution presently , here is as hugh peters said a short way to work , and that all mortals may not loose themselves in insignificant , general mariana tells you how it may be done particularly by poisoning a chair as the conclave at london resolved to dispatch k. charles the first , ( it was jesuites that saught that excellent princes bloud . ) 2. by poysoning saddles , as lopez should have served q. elizabeth , and this he saith is an excellent way , for it is the moors way in spain . 3. by poysoning boots so as gouty henry of fra●… was cured of all diseases . and this is a good way too , quel est artifice roi moris . 4. by poysoning gloves , and by this slight of hand they complemented joan albretta q. of navarre to death onely for favouring and protecting the protestants in france against their violence . 5. by stabbing as they let out hen. 3. and h. 4. of france great souls into an other world , and by pistoling as they served william prince of orange anno 1584. which great man they sent within three dayes into another world . 7. by a stone poyson wherewith men may be seven years a dying , going to another world by piece-meals , and dying dayly as stephen botskay of transylvania . by powder the fryers invention , as they designed to blow up this whole kingdom assembled in parliament . villany was innocent afore , and the world simple , now it was compleat , and raised to the utmost that hell could attain to — what say the good honest priests ? do they disown m●…iana , and disclaime his doctrine ? it were well for the christian world if you did . indeed the whole vniversity of paris , anno 1625. and 26. censured zuares , bellarmine and mariana for these passages , as not only most pernicious detestable , damnable , erronious and perturbing the publick peace , but likewise as subversive of kingdoms , states , republicks , seducing subjects from their obedience and subjection , and stirring them up to wars , factions , seditions , and the murders of kings . but what say the whole society in their apology 1610. they are all enemies to the name of jesus that condemn mariana &c , for any of these doctrines . o how gretzer is taken with marianas book , how pious , how useful , how elegant , it s the least recompence he can have for this work to give mariana a name in the amphithatre of honour . de onan the provincial of toledo would have lived and died reading that book , iterum , & tertio facturus &c. again and again would he have read marianaes excellent book if he had been at leasure . yow will say are such things as these licensed ? licensed , yes by any means , hoyveda the visitor general of the jesuites sayes , he could do no less then licence that pretty thing , ut approbatum a viris doctis , gravibus ex eodem ordine , as approved by learned and grave men of the same order , you may guess what they are by this . arnold indeed arrests them at paris for these tenents , but they cry veritas defensa contra actionem antonii , arnoldj , the truth ( a sad truth really ) the truth defended against the arrest of arnold . nay but we wrong them this business of king-killing is but a disputable question which some may hold one way , and others another . not so neither saith bellarmine , non opinio sed tertitudo , it s not onely an opinion but a great certainty : res certa , & explorata , you must look upon them in this point as in others insallible . but you will say , i pray deal faithfully with me , do you think the church of rome holds such dangerous positions . ans. 1. ecclesia erreret si impune &c. if the church should offer to let kings go unpunished , it should erre ? though it be built upon cephas , though it be otherwise infallible : though its faith should never fail yet in this it would erre : bellarmine saith in one place , if the pope perswaded a man to go to hell it were a sin not to believe him : if he teach a damnable error he is yet infallible ; always provided he doth not teach that dangerous error , that kings ought not be brought to justice , if he doth he erres . 2. that you may be sure the church is right in this point , bellarmine tells you , ex authoritate frequenti ecclesia facit , &c. the church doth these things frequently : it s a very usual thing it seems , nay saith johannes eudaemon , mistake not your self , this doctrine , non est jesuitarum propria , sed totius ecclesiae , to give the jesuite his due , it is not the doctrine of the jesuits only , but of the whole church ; yea that the world may know the jesuits are well backed , universa theologorum & juris consultorum scholasticorum schola , saith creswell : the whole school of divines and lawyers , make it a position certain and undoubtedly to be believed , that if any christian prince whatsoever , shall manifestly turn from the roman catholick religion , or desire or seek to reclaim others from the same , or but favour or shew countenance to an heretick , he presently falleth from , and loseth all princely power and dignity , and that by vertue and power of the law it self , both humane and divine , even before any sentence pronounced against him , by the supream pastor and judge ; that thereby his subjects are absolved from all oaths and bonds of allegiance , to him as to their lawful prince ; nay that they may and ought ( provided that they have competent power and force ) to cast out such a prince from bearing rule amongst christians , as an enemy to his own estate and commonwealth , and that the kingdom of such an heretick or prince , is to be bestowed at the pleasure of the pope , with whom the people upon pain of damnation are to take part , and fight against their soveraign . lord ( you will say ) can any men after so many oaths and obligations upon the pope , or others instigation , rebel against their lawful soveraign ? a. aas ! do you not know that children are deluded with rattles , and men with oaths — papa potest quanquam absolvere de juramento fidelitatis , when you have taken all the care imaginable to oblige men to peace and obedience , the pope can absolve men from all their oaths . i pray hear how the iesuite in bishop usher , would make a fool of the wise king james , and the parliament that formed the oath of allegiance ; sed vide ( saith he ) in astutiâ quanta sit simplicitas , &c. but see what simplicity here is in so great craft ! when he had placed all his security in that oath , he thought ( i poor man , how contemptible this jesuit looks , upon an excellent king and his august parliament ) he had framed such a manner of oath with so many circumstances , which no man could any way dissolve . but he ( poor man ) could not see that if the pope dissolve the oath , all its knots whether of being faithful to the king , or of admitting no dispensation , are accordingly dissolved : thus ( now he was teaching the world a strange doctrine saith he ) i will say a thing more admirable ; you know i believe , that an unjust oath if it be evidently known to be such , or openly declared such , obligeth no man : that the kings oath is unjust , is sufficiently declared by the pastor of the church himself : you see now that the obligation of it is vanished into smoak , and that the band which so many wise men thought was made of iron , is lesse than straw : a trick to over throw the world . but sure no christians will be so wicked as to attempt such things against their soveraigns . ans. they must — hear what father creswell saith , certe non tantum licet sed summa etiam juris divini ●…ssitate , ac praecepto , imo conscientiae vineulo , extremo animorum per ●…ulo hoc incumbit , certainly this is not onely lawful , but necessary , as that which is incumbent upon all christians upon no lesse obligation , than that of divine law and command , of the bond of their conscience , and the utmost danger of their soules . — but the counsel of constance hath denied that it is lawful for any private men to attempt any thing against publique authority . — alas ! what is that ? as they resolve in other things non abstante sic : scriptura — so in this case , non obstantc concilii const . decreto licitum est privatis &c. notwithstanding any decree of that counsel by the authority of the pope who is above all counsels , private men may , omni ratione & vi●… , by any means , no matter what , so it be successeful attempting the destroying of an heritical or a wicked prince . how may a prince be safe in that case ? an. bellarmine told k. james of famous memory , si secure , regnare velit rex &c. if the king would reign with safety — if he would secure his mens lives and his , then let him suffer the catholicks to enjoy their religion — wellfair thy heart bellarmine — that was plain english. it seemes that if the roman catholicks are not pleased there is no security for king , or people , but may not a protestant king enjoy the liberty of his own conscience as the papists desire ●…berty for their consciences . ans. no it is not ( saith bellarmine de pont. rom. lib. 2 cap 7. ) for christians to tolerate an heritical king ( and he that cannot come up to all the abominations of rome is heritical ) if he ende●…vour to draw his subjects to his heresie or unbeleif : but to judge whether a king doth draw to heresie or no , belongeth to the pope , to whom the case of religion is committed : therefore it belongs to the pope to judge a king to be deposed or not deposed . we protestants indeed did think that we should be obedient unto the death rather then resist as all the primitive christians did , who said they could dye but they could not disobey . alas , we are deceived , alas ! if the primitive christians did not depose the emperors , it was because they wanted strength and not because they wanted will saith bellarmine : so that no prince is safe any longer than he keeps under the papists and as they would perswade the world all christians too when there is evident knowledge of the fact , subjects may lawfully exempt themselves from the power of their prince , before any declaratory sentence of a judge , so they have but strength to do it : hence it followes that the papists of england and saxony are to be excused ( saith he ) that do not free themselves from the power of their superiors , nor make war against them because commonly they are not strong enough . it is indeed generally and charitably believed that the pope raiseth his power over kings and princes , onely for their , and the churches spiritual good ah narrow souled we look about you and it hath ( saith one ) been one of the most detestable crimes , and highest impeachment in the world against the pope of rome that under a saint like religious pretense of advancing the church cause , the kingdom of christ , they have for some hundred of years usurped to themselves ( as sole monarchs of the world in the right of christ , whose vicars they pretend themselves to be ) both by doctrinal position , and treasonable practices , an absolute , soveraign , tyranical power over all christian emperours , kings , princes of the world ( who must derive and hold their crowns from them alone , upon their good behaviours at their pleasure ) not only to excommunicate , censure , judge , depose , murder , destroy their sacred persons : but likewise to dispose of their crowns , scepters , kingdomes , and translate them to whom they please . thus o kings are you served in ordine ad spiritualia by the papists — while we poor protestants think . that we cannot do any evil against you : that the greatest good many come to us , or the church thereby . if men came to us to discover any design against your sacred majesty ( whom god preserve ) and asked our advice about it , we must neds have abhored it as treason and have charged them not to touch gods annointed and have urged them with this : can a man touch the lords annointed and be guiltlesse . if they come to gar●…et in england about a powder plot : or to guignard in france about a murther ; tirannus jure interini potest , say the one its good and commendable and heroick , saith the other and both dismisse them , with their blessing , prayer , and absolution . when those licentious men among us acted as we are verily perswaded by jesuitical insinuations , and popish principles : assaulted and murthered hislate majesty of blessed memory — we were all amazed : our nobility offered to dye for him . our clergy , writ , prayed and preached against it , our whole nation abhorred it ; some dyed at the very hearing , others were distracted , and the whole face of england , scotland , and ireland , gathered blacknesse . when clement murthered hen. the 3d. of france , voiez commends him , the preacher at colen connes a whole sermon to extol him , and the pope sextas quintus , makes a solemn panegyrick upon him on september 11. 1589. in the consistory in order to his canonizations — comparing him to ehud , and eleazar — and concluding with this memorable saying , i pray god finish what he hath begun . when ravillac stabbed hen. the 4th . of france , he hath no lesse then two apologies made for him , the one by veruna , the other by guignard , who writes as if he would have done as much ; himself yea he saith that clements murther was most heroical , and most praise-worthy , — adding moreover these words ; — if we in the year 1572. on st. bartholmews day ( in the general massacre of the french protestants ) had cut off the basilicon vein ( h. king of navarre ) we had not fallen out of a feavour , into that plague we now find — sed quioquid delirant reges plectuntur achivi sanguini parcendo , that k. henry should be but over mildly dealt with , if he were thrust from the crown of france into a monastery , and there had his crown shaven — that if hecould not be deposed without a war , a war must be raised against him , but if a war could not be levyed against him : the cause being dead — let him be privily murdered ( as he was ) and taken out of the way : — and when this guignard was justly executed by the parliament of richeome makes an apology for him : and the whole society expostulates against the arrest of parliament . — we say to this day of the powder traytors : cursed be their wrath , for it was cruel : and their anger , for it was sierce : — our souls come not yet into their secrets : — bellarmine he hath written an apology for garnet , — gretzer hath seconded him : eudaemon he goeth along with him : — the whole church hath canonized , the traytors hallowed the treason , and consecrated the villany . — we your protestant subjects stood firmly to your predecessor hen. 8. obeyed heartily that godly prince , fd. the 6. suffered patiently under q. mary : assisted our gracious q. fliz. with our prayers , lives , and fortunes : opened the way cheerfully and unanimously to your famous grandfather king james , to his haereditary dominions and territories : and the sounder part of us had the honour of being involved in the fate and ruine of your father of blessed memory , — that royal champion , and most resolved martyr for the protestant cause . — the papists in the mean time oppose , resist , abuse , affront , revile , and excommunicated h. 8. — rebelled with ket , and other northern men , against ed. the 6. — they incite q. mary to destroy and banish her subjects in whom consisted her strength and honour . they excommunicate q. elizabeth , encourage cullen and others to murther her , assuring them it was not only lawful by the laws , but that they should merit heaven and gods favour by it : further adding with jacques francis , that the realm of england , then was and would be so well setled , that unless mrs. elizabeth ( so he called q. elizabeth ) were suddenly taken away : all the devils in hell would not be able to prevail , to shake or overturn it : — there was a bull that came along with the spanish fleet in 88. when in it was expired — that the pope , by the power given from god by lawful succession from catholick church , for the defection of h. the 8th . who forcibly separated himself and his people from the communion of christians , which was promoted by edward the sixth , and elizabeth ; who being pertinacious and impertinent in the same rebellion and usurpation : therefore the pope incited by the continual perswasions of many , and by the suppliant prayers of the english men themselves . n. b. hath dealt with divers princes , and especially the most potent king of spane , to depose that woman , and punish her pernicious adhaerents in that kingdom , &c. he adds moreover that pope sextus before him prescribed the queen , and took from her all her dignities , titles and rights to the kingdomes of england , and ireland , absolving her subjects from the oath of fidelity and obedience : he chargeth all men upon pain of the wrath of god , that they afford her no favour , help or aid , but use all their strength to bring her to punishment : and that all the english joyn with the spaniard as soon as he is landed : offering rewards and pardon of sins , to them that will lay hands on the queen , — and so shewing on what conditions he gave the kingdome to the king of spain . — read the rest there , for though dangerous it is worth the reading . when we received king james your grandfather , and him your self , and we hope your posterity to whom we do and may acknowledge , that by you we enjoy great quietnesse : and we hope many worthy deeds may be done to this nation by your providence , which we shall accept alwayes in all places with all ehankfulnesse : when i say we received that excellent king with all cheerfulnesse , there was a bull from pope clement the 8th . directed to h. garnet superiour of the jesuites in england : whereby he commanded all the archpriests , priests , popish clergy , peers , nobles , and catholiques of england , that after the death of queen elizabeth , by the course of nature or otherwise , whosoever shall lay claim or title to the crown of england ( though never so directly , or nearly interested by descent ) should not be admitted unto the throne , unlesse he would first tolerate the popish religion , and by his best endeavours promote the catholique cause ; unto which by his solemn and sacred oath , he should religiously subscribe , after the death of that miserable woman ; ( so he styleth q. elizabeth . ) by virtue of which bull , the jesuites after her decease disswaded the romish subjects , from yielding in any wise obedience to king james as their soveraign ; — insomuch that the catholiques durst not be good subjects : until parsons and champions , procured them an indulgence to that purpose from the pope . — and what do you think would cobham gray &c. have done ? they say they would have surprized k. james his person before he was crowned , and his son , h. and imprison them in the tower of london . in dover-castle , till they enforced them by durance to grant a free toleration of their catholick religion , to remove some evil counsellors from about them , ( evil counsellors do you hear ) or else they would put some further project against them in execution to their destruction . but say the good papists here — really we abhorre all these treasons . a. do you in earnest ? — it is well ; but i will tell you a story : — when the parliament of paris asked the jesuites their judgement of sanctarellus his book , v. 12. ( seeing their general had approved the book , and judged the things there written to be certain , whether they are of the same mind ? ) they answered ( that living at rome , he could not but approve what was there approved of ) but say the parliament what think you ? say the jesuites the clean contrary — say the examiners ; but what would you do if you were at rome say the jesuites ? — that which they do that are at rome : at which , said some of the parliament , what ! have they one conscience at rome , and another at paris ? — god blesse us from such confessors as these : — i leave it with you to apply it . not to be endlesse , hear what one john brown a priest , aged 72 years , saith of them : — prynnes introduction , p. 202 , 203 , 204 , 205 , 206 , 212. the principal instruments the popes imployed of late years , in these their unchristian treasonable designes , have been pragmatical , furious , active j●…ites , whose society was first erected by ignatius loyola ( a spaniard by birth , but a ( c ) souldier by profession ) and confirmed by pope paul the 3. anno 1540. which order consisting onely of ten persons at first , and confined only to sixty by this pope , hath so monstrously increased by the popes and spaniards favours and assistance ( whose chief janizaries , factors , intelligencers they are ) that in the year 1626. ( d ) they caused the picture of ignatius their founder to be cut in brasse , with a goodly olive tree growing ( like jesses root ) out of his side , spreading its branches into all kingdomes and provinces of the world , where the jesuites have any colledges and seminaries , with the name of the province at the foot of the branch , which hath as many leaves as they have colledges and residencies in that province ; in which leaves , are the names of the towns and villages where these colledges are situated : round about the tree are the pictures of all the illustrious persons of their order ; and in ignatius his right hand , there is a paper , wherein these words are engraven , ego sicut oliva fructifera in domo dei ; taken out of ps. 52. 8. which pourtraictures they then printed and published to the world : wherein they set forth the number of their colledges and seminaries to be no lesse then 777. ( increased to 155 more , by the year 1640. ) in all 932. as they published in like pictures and pageants printed at antwerp , 1640. besides sundry new colledges and seminaries erected since . in these colledges and seminaries of theirs , they had then ( as they print ) 15591 fellows of their society of jesus , besides the novices , scholars , and lay-brethren of their order , amounting to near ten times that number . so infinitely did this evil weed grow and spread it self , within one hundred years after its first planting . and which is most observable , of these colledges and seminaries they reckoned then no lesse then 15 ( secret ones ) * in provincia anglicana , in the province of england , where were 267 socii or fellows of that society , besides 4 colledges of jesuites elsewhere . in ireland and elsewhere 8 colledges of irish jesuites : and in scotland and otherwhere 2 residencies of scottish jesuites . what the chief imployments of ignatius and his numerous swarms of disciples are in the world , his own society at the time of his canonization for a romish saint , sufficiently discovered in their painted pageants , then shewed to the people , ( e ) wherein they pourtraied this new saint holding the whole world in his hand , and fire streaming out forth of his heart ( rather to set the whole world on sire by combustions , wars , treasons , powder-plots , schismes new state , and old church-heresies , then to enlighten it ) with this motto ; veni ignem mittere : i came to send sire into the world ; which the university of cracow in poland . objected ( amongst other articles ) against them , anno 1662. and alphonsus de uargas more largely insisteth on in his relatio de stratagematis & sophismatis politicis jesuitarum , &c. an. 1641. c. 7 , 8. 24. their number being so infinite , and the ( f ) pope and spaniard too , having long since ( by g campanella's advice ) erected many colledges n rome , italy , spain , the netherlands , and elsewhere , for english , scottish , irish jesuites ( as well as for such secular priests , friers , nuns ) of purpose to promote their designs against protestant princes , realms , churches , parliaments of england , scotland , ireland , and to reduce them under their long prosecuted h universal monarchy over them , by fraud , policy , treason , intestine divisions , and wars , being unable to effect it by their own power ; no doubt of late years many hundreds , if not thousands , of this society , have crept into england , scotland and ireland , lurking under several disguises ; yea , an whole colledge of them sate weekly in counsel , in or near westminster , some few years since , under conne the popes nuntio , on purpose to embroyle england and scotland in bloody civil wars , thereby to endanger , shake , subvert these realms , and destroy the late king ( as you may read at large in my romes master-piece , published by the commons special order , an. 1643. ) who occasioned , excited , fomented , the first and second intended ( but happily prevented ) wars between england and scotland , and after that , the unhappy differences , wars , between the king , parliament , and our three protestant kingdoms , to bring them to utter desolation , and extirpate our reformed religion . we conclude this importunity with the prayer on the 5 th . of november for your majesty . o lord who didst this day discover the snares of death that were laid for us , and didst wonderfully deliver us from the same ; be thou still our mighty protector , and scatter our enemies that delight in bloud , infatuate and defeat their counsels abate their pride , asswage their malice , and confound their devices . strengthen the hand of our gracious king charles , and all that are put in authority under him , with judgement and justice , to cut off all such workers of iniquity , as turn religion into rebellion , and faith into saction ; that they may never prevail against us , or triumpth in the ruin of thy church among us ; but that our gracious soveraigns realms , being preserved in thy true religion , and by thy merciful goodnesse protected in the same , we may all duly serve thee , and give thanks in thy holy congregation , through jesus christ our lord. amen . philolaus : or , popery discovered to the people , in a serious disswasion from it . dear country-men , and beloved in the lord jesus : you are so conscious of your duty to kings , so obliged to their government , so faithful to their person , so regardful of the peace and happiness you enjoy under them , every one under his own vine , and under his own fig-tree , and so sensible of the misery of rebellion , disturbance and confusion ; that we need not use any other argument to disswade you from popery than this , that it is a religion written in many of your dread soveraigns sacred blood : a religion whose prime article ( as some of them say ) is treason ; a religion managed by conspirators , and advanced by those who are born for the overthrow of states and kingdoms ; who turn the world upside down . we know your souls abhor these courses , and detest these villanies : but this is not all ; this way threatneth not onely your kings , but your selves , — endangereth not onely their lives , but your souls : — it 's not onely a great inconvenience that hindereth your peace and settlement in this world , but a mischief that may hinder your salvation in the next . we hope indeed that you have received the truth of your own religion in much assurance ; that you are rooted and grounded in the faith : since you have scarched the scriptures ( which the papists kept from you ) and finde that these things are so : since you have felt the power and comfort of the truth in your souls : since you finde it owned by gods wonderful dispensations in the world , whereby it 's great , and doth prevail , and seated in your hearts by his spirit : since you see it eminent in the lives of many good men , and confirmed by the death of as many excellent confessors and martyrs , who vouch it with their last breath , and seal it with their dearest blood : since you know it 's owned by the church of rome its self ( which hath nothing , which we may call a religion , but ours , viz. the scriptures , the lords prayer , the creed , and the ten commandments , &c. to which they have added their own idolatrous , superstitious , idle and vain inventions , which is all the religion they have differing from us . ) we are perswaded that you will not easily be moved from the the hope of the gospel . — yet that we may according to our duties assist our gracious soveraign , and endeavour to establish your hearts , while he is establishing your religion , — that while he with the advice of his great council , by a serious law restrains you from popery , for fear ; we by serious motives may refrain from it , for conscience sake . — the scandals given you are many , the seducers are numerous , their insinuations are plausible , their temptations are taking : you , many of you are weak , and we ( the lord forgive us ) have been too careless , and almost asleep , while the enemies sow tares among us : therefore we must leave with you a few plain words , that you may have always before you ; yea , that they may be in your heart , that you may teach them diligently to your children , that you may talk of them when you sit in your house , when you walk by the way , when you lie down , and when you rise up . many may write to you with more profoundness , none write to you with more sincere servencie , and earnest desire to save you : and we are very sensible , that while exact learned writings are taken up onely by learned men , it is necessary that there be some plain discourses written , whereby the truth may with evidence be conveyed to you . 1. we taught you ( who are our joy and crown , who we hope will be our rejoycing in the day of our lord jesus ) we taught you a religion pure and undefiled before god , — which consists in solid virtue , serious holiness ; an exact conversation , led soberly , righteously , peaceably , and godly in this present world ; a religion perfect , right , pure , sure , faithful , holy , just , spiritual , lively , operative , heavenly ; that enlighneth the minde , sanctifieth the heart , reforms the life , — frames a man after gods own image , in righteousness and true holiness . — we taught , and do teach you a truth which is after godliness , a mystery of godliness ; a religion that may make you wise to salvation through faith which is in christ jesus ; which may be profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness ; that you may be perfect , and throughly furnished unto all good works ; in whatsoever things are true , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are pure , whatsoever things are lovely , whatsoever things are of good report : if there be any virture , if there be any praise . alas ! the papists having nothing besides the scripture , which we have as well as they ( which yet you shall not read ) but vain shadows of holiness ; a gross form of godliness , which they cozen the vulgar with , consisting in latine-service , images , tapers , rich vestures , crosses , sentings , holy-water , offerings , prostrations , processions , pilgrimages , and other bodily exercises that profit nothing ; whereas that true godliness which you profess is profitable for this life , and for that which is to come . they can teach you nothing but their own vain and useless inventions , whereby they make void the commandments of god : nothing that may settle the heart , establish the conscience , satisfie the soul , weaken sin , strengthen grace , promote your comfort , or secure your eternity . 2. we have preached , and do preach to you a religion plain and close , which requires not so much shrewd and subtle heads , as good and honest hearts , luk. 8. 5. the testimony of the lord , that is sure , making wise the simple . we made your way plain before you . they of rome will perplex you with those infinite rules of faith , which the learned among them cannot comprehend : when you have endeavoured to know the minde of god in the scripture , that you might believe , and in believing might have lise , you have d●… nothing ; there are endless traditions which no one man ever saw , which you shall never know , but yet must believe them : many volumes of councils which you never saw , you must receive ; all the popes decrees , whereof some are not yet published , you must assent to , before you can be saved : to day you may believe all the traditions , councils , decrees and impositions of the church of rome , and be saved ; and to morrow the pope may set out a new decree , or a new article of faith , which if you do not believe , you are damned : while you are here secure , you know not but that there is a new article of faith defined by the pope , which you do not know , and not knowing , cannot believe , and not believing may perish for ever . ah! happy you who need not say , who shall go into heaven , or hell , or the uttermost parts of the earth to fetch down a rule of faith from thence ? — the word is nigh , even in your hearts , and in your mouths . 3. we have perswaded , and do still perswade you , that without knowledge , the minde is not good ; we have intreated you to grow in all knowledge , and in all goodness : and we cease not to pray that you may abound more and more in knowledge , and in all judgement : you have a sure word of prophecie , to which , we say , you would do well to take heed , as unto a light shining in a dark place , a light to your feet , and a lanthorn to your paths . — we say , — when an holy wisedom entereth into your hearts and knowledge , it 's pleasant unto your souls ; discretion shall preserve you , and understanding shall keep you , to deliver you , &c. there are those abroad , a part of whose religion it is to make you perish for want of knowledge , to keep you under the power of darkness , that you may walk after the vanity of your minde , having your understanding darkned , being alienated from the life of god , through the ignorance that is in you , because of the blindness of your hearts . — that scripture , which we have translated for you , which is your meat , your drink , your delight , sweeter then honey or the honey-comb , of more value than the world , must be taken from you ; and if they prevail ( as we know they will not ) it will be no less than death , to read that word , which is dearer to you than your lives : your faithful ministers , to whom you would have given your right eyes , must be removed into corners ; yea , and must seal that doctrine with their blood , which they now deliver you . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — o the light is sweet , and a pleasant thing it is to behold the sun ! — if the light that is in us be darkness , how great , how sad is that darkness ! a god we must own , but shall not know him ; a saviour we must have , but we must that come to him , though this is life eternal to know him , and the father who hath sent him . duties we must do , that we may live ; but we shall not understand them : scriptures there are written to our comfort , but we must not read them . we erre , not knowing the scripture ( saith out saviour ) we erre by knowing the scripture , say the roman catholicks . hear , read , ( saith god ) and your souls shall live : read , saith the papist , and you shall surely dye . o wretched mankind ! a great part whereof mahomet hath taught not to hear reason , that they may judge in themselves what is right : — a great part whereof the pope hath traught not to hear the scripture , which is no vain thing , which is our life . — a sad religion ! ( if i may call it religion ) that sets up the kingdom of darkness , by which the devil may rule in the children of disobedience . — a religion that hoodwinks poor people in forced ignorance ( when alas ! we are all too willingly ignorant ) lest we should know gods will , or any way to heaven , but theirs ; so as millions of souls live no less without scripture , than if there were none : that forbids spiritual food as poyson , and fetcheth god's book into the inquisition . — 4. although the church and our selves by her appointment , first discovered to you the eternal truth ; yet have we not suffered you to rest upon us , who may deceive , and be deceived ; but have led to the rock that is higher than us , and resolved your faith into a foundation that cannot fail , the truth and authority discovered in his word , by his spirit . — they , they of rome , who are now so busie , will take you off from the foundation of god , which standeth sure : — they will perswade you that the word of god which you know is pure , is corrupt ; that the law of god , which you know is perfect , is defective ; that the scriptures , which you know in things necessary evident , are dark : and all this to what purpose ? but to settle you upon men , who you know are a lie ; to make you rest on councils , who , saith bellarm. himself , l. 2. c. 11. p. 153. may erre : particular councils confirmed by the pope , may erre in faith and manners . some catholicks affirm , saith bell. de concil . ecclesiasticis , l. 2. c. 5. p. 110. or upon popes , whereof some have been infidels ; and privately conferring with their cardinals , said , oh how much gain this fable of christ hath brought us ! others have been witches , others murtherers , others whoremongers , ravishing women in the apostolick doors : others ( as their own records testifie ) by bribes , by devils , by vvitches , have climbed up to the infallible chair . oh can you trust your souls with those men which have confessed to have given their souls to the devil , that they might be popes ! yea , which is worst of all , the poor catholicks , when they have relied upon this man as infallible today , must tomorrow relie upon another pope as infallible , who may declare this man an heretick : if they believe not he is infallible , they are damned ; and if they believe not he is an heretick , when declared by another pope to be so , they are damned too : ah , poor men ! 5. we teach you to serve the true god , and him onely to worship : and we tell you he is a jealous god , and he will not give his honour to another : and that idolatry hath been the ruine of all nations in this world , and is the damnation of men without repentance in the world to come . you know that idolaters shall not inherit the kingdom of heaven ; for without are idolaters , rev. 22. 15. yet they , they who now with fair words deceive the hearts of the simple , have a design to bring you to worship stocks and stones , with the same honour that is due to god blessed for ever ! and lest your hearts should rise against graven images ; lest you should not bow down to them , nor worship them , against the letter of the second commandment ; — they leave out those words of that second commandment , as a needless illustration in their chatechisms and prayer-books to the people . the smith with the tongs both worketh in the coals , and fashioneth it with hammers , and worketh it with the strength of his arms : yea , he is hungry , and his strength faileth : he drinketh no water , and is faint . the carpenter stretcheth out his rule : he marketh it out with a line : he fitteth it with planes , and he marketh it out with the compass , and maketh it after the figure of a man , according to the beauty of a man ; that it may remain in the house . — thus he maketh a god , even his graven image : he falleth down unto it , and worshippeth it , and prayeth unto it , and saith , deliver me , for thou art my god. they have not known , nor understood : for he hath shut their eyes , that they cannot see ; and their hearts , that they cannot understand . and none considereth in his heart , neither is there knowledge nor understanding to say , i have burnt part of it in the fire , yea , also i have baked bread upon the coals thereof : i have rosted flesh and eaten it , and shall i make the residue thereof an abomination ? shall i fall down to the stock of a tree ? he feedeth of ashes : a deceived heart hath turned him aside , that he cannot deliver his soul , nor say , is there not a lie in my right hand ? isai. 44. 12 , 13. — 16. to 20. in a voluntary humility do these men worship angels , who said expresly to st. john , worship thou god. now you seek god in his ordinances , and desire to see him in his holy temple . — if you be seduced by them , you must go onely to poor creatures like your selves . — 6. we — or do we onely ? doth not our god likewise teach you , that if any man adde to his holy word , he shall adde to him the plagues that are written in this book ? — yet if ever they prevail , you must believe more scripture then ever god inspired , or his ancient church received ; and you must do it upon no less penalty then if god himself should speak from heaven . — sad ! you must believe what an angel from heaven is accursed if he teach you . they have a designe , beloved , to set up a man in stead of god , who may create new articles of faith at his pleasure , and impose them upon necessity of salvation . in vain , it seems , came christ from the bosome of the father to reveal his will : in vain doth the spirit lead us to all truth : in vain have we thought that our priests lips should preserve knowledge , and that the people should seek it at their mouth : in vain have we gone to the law and to the testimonies , concluding that if men spoke not according to them , it was because there was no light in them . if we must lay aside all , and wait upon the popes oracles , how shall we be sure that he is infallible ? not because he saith so : for if he bears witness of himself , his witness is not true . — not because the scripture saith so : for that ( they say ) is no further true then he confirms it . not because he is st. peters successour : for we are not sure st. peter was at rome : if he was there , we are not sure that he was bishop there , being an apostle of the circumcision , i. e. of the jews , and not of the romans . if he was there bishop , we are not sure he was infallible , who denyed his master thrice , and dissembled once : — if he was infallible , we are not sure he left any heirs of his grace and spirit , — or if any , we are not sure he left one in a perpetual and visible succession at rome : — that he so be queathed his infallibility to his chair , as that whosoever sits in it , cannot but speak true ; that all which sit where he sate , must by some instinct say as he taught : — that if peter was infallible by vertue of christs promise ; yet that what christ said to him , absolutely , ere ever rome was thought of , must be referred , yea , tyed to it : that the pope whose life , whose pen , whose judgement , whose keys may erre ; yet in his pontifical chair cannot erre . — that the line of this apostolical succession in the confusion of so many long and desperate schisms ( when there was one pope in one place , another in another ) shamefully corrupt usurpations and intrusions , confessed heresies , open profaness , and celebrated infidelity , neither was nor can be broken . — if you are not sure of these and many more things , whereof some are impossible , most are improbable ; you are sure of nothing in popery . oh , the lamentable hazard of so many millions of poor souls , that stand upon these slippery termes ! o miserable grounds of popish faith ! whereof the best can have but this security , that perhaps it may be true . — 7. we and our church have taught you a serious religion which angels desire to look into , which men reverence , which carrieth a divine authority , a heavenly awe , a spiritual power along with it , that prevails upon all that hear it . ten men are ready to lay hold on him who is a jew , i. e. a professor of the true religion ; — and say , vve will go with you , for god is with you . but alas , they of rome have set up a religion that made sport to our plain fore-fathers , with the remembrance of her gravest devotion . how oft have we seen them laugh at themselves , whilst they have told of their creeping crouch , their kissing the pax , offering their candles , signing with ashes , partial shifts , merry pilgrimages , ridiculous miracles ; and a thousand such maygames , which we are ashamed to name ? while you are taught that decent worship , that solemn devotion , those comely approaches to the throne of grace , that make all christians rejoyce to behold your order , grave , solemn , and heavenly . we cannot but pity that religion , whose vanities very boyes do shout and laugh at ; if for no more but this , that it teacheth men to put confidence in beads , medals , roses , hallowed swords , spells of the gospel , agnus dei , &c. ascribing unto them divine virtue , — yea , so much as is due to the son of god and his precious blood . you are taught to draw neer to god , to hear his word in a language you understand , and to make your requests known unto god , in a wholesome form of sound words you can assent to : and there come in some ( it may be ) when you are gathered together in one place that believe not , or one unlearned ; he is convinced of all , he is judged of all : and thus are the secrets of his heart made manifest ; and so falling down on his face , he will worship god , and report that god is in you of a truth . — when they of the church of rome are together in one place , they all speak with tongues ; and there come in those that are unlearned , or unbelievers , and they say that they are mad : so that the great god is blasphemed , christian religion is dishonoured , atheism is promoted , and the world is ready to be shut up in unbelief . 8. we , our god , our church hath taught you a religion that teacheth to deny all ungodliness , and all worldly lusts ; to hate every false way ; to allow no evil inclination in our nature , nor disorder or sin in our life : a religion that teacheth us to deny our selves , to walk in a narrow way , to mortific our lusts , to abstain from all appearance of evil , to walk circumspectly , to live without rebuke in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation , to set god always before us ; — and not allow our selves or others in the least evil . the poor deluded souls of rome endeavour by all means to set up a way that professeth to be a baud to sin , whilst both ( in practice ) they tolerate open stews , and prefer fornication in some cases before marriage , which is honourable among all men , and the bed undefiled ; and gently blanch over the breaches of gods law , with the name of venials , and such favourable titles of diminution ; daring to affirm that venial sins are no hinderance to a mans clearness and perfection . — they would deceive you and themselves with a pretended power in the pope to dispense with those sins which none can forgive but god : — they encourage one another , and the vitiously inclined world to all excess of riot , with a vain hope that sin may be bought and sold , that pardon may be had for money , and that riches will profit in the day of wrath . so as hell can have no dives , no rich men in it ; but fools and the friendless devils indeed are tormentors there : yet men can command devils , and money can command men . — we have taught you to fear an oath , and to swear in truth , righteousness and judgement , and to speak the truth one to another , for the peace and security of the world . how can men live by one another , unless they can believe what each speaks or swears to other ? — but alas , rome would impose upon us a religion ( shall i call it a religion ? ) that allows jugling equivocations , and reserved senses in our very oaths . — — o sad ! swear one thing , mean another ; mock god , and deceive the world ! hear what cardinal ostatus reports of pope clement the eighth , who said , he urged that the king of france should joyn with spain in the invasion of england : — but the cardinal replyed , that that king was tyed by an oath to the queen of england ; whereunto the pope answered , ( and they say he is infallible ) that the oath was made to an heretick , but he was bound in another oath to god and the pope ; — and that kings may allow themselves all things which make for their advantage : indeed ( saith he , using the duke of urbins words ) everyone doth blame a noble man that is not a soveraign if he keep not his word ; but supream princes may without any danger to their reputation , make covenants and break them , or betray , and perpetrate other such like things . what shall a confessor do ( saith franc. de s. victoriâ , an ingenious papist , and a learned reader of divinity in salamanca ) if he be asked of a sin that he hath heard in confession ? may he say that he knows not of it ? i answer , ( saith he ) according to all our doctors , that he may . but what if he be compelled to swear ? i say that he may and ought to swear that he knoweth it not ; for it is understood that he knoweth it not besides confession ; and so he swears true . but what if he be asked upon oath , whether he knew it in confession or no ? i answer , ( saith he ) that a man thus urged , may still swear that he knoweth it not in confession ; i. e. not so as to reveal it . o wise , cunning , deep and holy perjuries , unknown to our fore-fathers ! — yea , which is worst of all , they do obtrude upon the world so many idle legends , so many false discourses , so many lying miracles , so many pious frauds , as that they have shaken mens belief of all antiquity ; such ridiculous and improbable things , that they sure can hardly deliver them without laughter , ( pleasing themselves to see how they deceive the world ) and their abettors cannot hear them without shame and confusion of face . it 's a sad thing to see the wiser sort of the world read those stories on winter-nights for sport , which the poor credulous multitude hear in their churches , with a devout astonishment . neither do they satisfie themselves with these false suggestions they have thrust upon the world ; but in conscience of their untruth , they go about to deprave all authors that may give evidence against them ; to outface ancient truths , and to deface all monuments of primitive belief and practice ; leaving nothing unattempted against heaven or earth that may promote their interest , and disable us their innocent adversaries ; though thereby they blot out all religion , and suppress all truth . we teach you to keep holy the sabbath day , prescribing the careful observation of this day and others , as the onely means to keep up the life and power of religion in the world : — but alas ! they turn not away their feet from the sabbath , from doing their pleasure upon god's holy day : they call not the sabbath a delight , the holy of the lord and honourable , neither do they honour it ; but upon it they do their own ways , they finde their own pleasure , and speak their own words . — 9. our church indeed preserveth , teacheth , openeth , confirmeth , and urgeth the truth ; yet so as ( your selves being judges , and allowed a judgement of discretion : ) she urgeth nothing contrary to scripture , sense and reason . — yet if our church were overthrown , there are they that would overthrow with it , scripture , sense and reason . — not to mention their infinite vanities introduced to the church , which rob poor souls of the sound and plain helps of true piety and salvation ; they take from you one half of that heavenly , which our saviour left for his last and dearest legacie to his church for ever : as if christs ordinances were superfluous , or they were wiser than their redeemer , against express scripture , which saith , drink ye all of this cup. they would have you mock god with a few latine prayers , without faith , ignorantly ; without comfort , unprofitably ; expresly contrary to the 14 chapter of the 1 epistle to the corinthians . — and lest ought should here be wanting to the affront of the scripture , and the setting up of the doctrine of devils : they forbid to marry ; yea , they teach it is better to burn then to marry . and when our church hath taught you , that all things are lawful , that every creature of god is good , and none to be refused ; all things being yours , as you are christs : — onely that you must admit three moderations of your christian liberty , sobriety , charity , and duty in obedience to your soveraign forbidding your private enjoyment of some things for publick good . — but they of rome will impose upon you a relgious prohibition of meat , and differences of diet ; superstitiously preferring gods workmanship to it self , and willingly polluting what he hath sanctified . — but wherefore should ye , being dead with christ from the rudiments of the world , as though living in the world , be subject to ordinances ? — touch not , taste not , handle not ; which all are to perish with the using , after the commandments and doctrines of men ; which things have indeed a shew of wisdom , in will-worship and humility , and neglecting of the body , &c. — neither may you onely go against the word of god , but even against reason it self : if you be a papist , you must believe the body of christ in ten thousand places at once , and yet in no place ; you must believe it in heaven , and yet every where ; you must believe it flesh , and no flesh : several members without distinction ; a substance without quantity , and other accidents ; or substance and accidents that cannot be seen , felt , or perceived ; and so your saviour , a monster or nothing : — yea , you must go against your own senses : you must see bread , yet not believe it ; you must taste wine , yet say it's blood . — and yet to what pass are we brought , if we cannot believe our senses ? yea , you must worship those whom the scriptures declare wicked , for saints ; and adore them , whom all the world know were lewd , for martyrs . — you must honour rebels , villains , with temples , altars and invocations : and yet you must believe them who lived according to scripture-rule , to be villains , &c. wickliff a blasphemer , luther a devil , calvin a sodomite , tyndal a whoremonger , beza and king apostates , — protestants hereticks , q. elizabeth a lewd woman , our bishops ordained in a tavern . — o thus , thus must you live against scripture , against experience , against sense , against reason . 10. we desire you to attend upon gods ordinance humbly , reverently , and in faith ; and say his ordinances are his power to their salvation that so wait upon him . — but alas ! they of rome will force you to believe that when you have prepared your selves to meet your god in his ways , yet it shall be to you onely according to your priests intention . if he intend the sacrament to your good , it 's your life ; if not , you receive it to your damnation . alas ! who knows when the minister intends what he is about ? how shall you , if you are papists , know whether you hear effectually , — whether you pray savingly , — whether you receive the sacrament successfully , seeing you depend wholly upon the priests intention ? — we must needs pity that religion that is not sure of lawful bishops , because they know not their intention that ordained them ; no regular priests , because they know not their thoughts that ordained them : — a religion this sure , that was contrived to perplex the world . 11. we desire to be helpers of your joy , and promoters of your eternal comfort , — that through the comfort of the scriptures opened by us , you might have hope . they of rome make it their business to torment and frighten you , to vex and perplex you : they will make you believe that so soon as you are born you must be cast remedilesly unto the eternal pains of hell for want of baptism , which you could not live to desire : thus they damn all your infants , and throw all those innocents to hell whom our saviour thought fittest for the kingdome of heaven . and if you have lived beyond your baptism , they will fright you , poor souls , with expectation of feigned torments in purgatory , not inferiour ( for the time ) to the flames of the damned . how wretchedly and fearfully must you , poor men , live ? how sadly will you die in that way , wherein you are sure to go through a hell to heaven ? yea , you are not sure you shall ever go to heaven ; for they will perswade you that you neither can nor ought to be assured either of present grace , or of future salvation . — we indeed wish you to make your calling and your election sure , — but they say you cannot . — oh an uncomfortable religion , wherein i must enter to an eternity , but god knoweth whether of woe or weale ; wherein i must say to an immortal soul , animala vagula , blundula , quâ vadis in loca ? &c. — o poor soul , whither art thou going ? neither must you onely live in fear of your estate in another world , while you are in that way , but in infinite cares and vexations in this , — while they rack your consciences with the needless torture of a necessary shrift , — wherein the vertue of absolution depends on the fulness of confession , and that upon examination ; and the sufficiencie of examination is so full of ●…ruples , ( besides those infinite cares of unresolved doubts in this pretended penance ) that the poor soul. never knows when it is clear . — and that they may compleat your misery , — they take you off from that comfort you receive from your saviours satisfaction for you , and make you relye upon your works , whereby no man was ever justified before god : — yea , and when all is done by christ and your selves , you must go to the flames , and thence be redeemed with such corruptible things as silver and gold . beloved , if they could shew you a more excellent way for gods glory , the advancement of grace , and the settlement of your comfort ; we would perswade you to follow them , — but now it appears that they desire onely the advancement of the pope , whom if you submit to , you may believe what you will ; for he writ to queen elizabeth , that he would confirm all her and our religion , if she would but own him head of the church . now it appears that they destroy religion , endanger poor souls , and disturb the world , onely for a few mens interests , who seek their own . — mark and avoid them , have nothing to do with them , lest if you perish , your blood be upon your own heads : keep close to god , stick fast to his truth , keep within his church , live by his grace , keep up the power of religion in your hearts , be at peace among your selves ; and your blood be upon our heads if you perish . bishop sanderson . but if what is spoken upon examination , appear to have any repugnancie with godliness , in any one branch or duty thereunto belonging , we may be sure the words cannot be wholesome words . it can be no heavenly doctrine that teacheth men to be earthly , sensual , or devillish ; or that tendeth to make men unjust in their dealings , uncharitable in their censures , undutiful to their superiours , or any other way superstitious , licentious or profane . i note it not without much gratulation and rejoycing to us of this church . there are , god knoweth , afoot in the christian world controversies more then a good many ; decads , centuries , chiliads of novel tenents brought in this last age , ( which were never believed , many of them scarce ever heard of in the ancient church ) by sectaries of all sorts . now it is our great comfort , ( blessed be god for it ) that the doctrine established in the church of england , ( i mean the publick doctrine , for that is it we are to hold to , passing by private opinions ) i say , the publick doctrine of our church is such , as is not justly chargeable with any impiety , contrarious to any part of that duty we owe either to god or man. o that our conversation were as free from exception as our religion is ! oh that we were sufficiently careful to preserve the honour and lustre of the truth we profess , by the correspondencie of our lives and actions thereunto ! and upon this point we dare boldly joyn issue with our clamourous adversaries on either hand , papists , i mean , and disciplinarians ; who do both so loudly , but unjustly accuse us and our religion : they , as carnal , and licentious ; these , as popish and superstitious . as eliah once said to the baalites , that god that answereth by fire , let him him be god : so may we say to either of both ; and when we have said it , not fear to put it to a fair tryal : that church whose doctrine , confession and worship is most according to godliness , let that be the true church . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a56188-e130 〈◊〉 1 dan. pri. arist. pol. 1. val. mar 16. halic . l. 2. iustinian l 2. theodor l. 6. euseb. vit . const. 3. 13. socrates eccles hist. 6. niceph. 8. 7. theodor. ecl . h. 4. 4. surius concil . tom. 1. & 2. 2 dang prin . b●lson . chr. sub . l. 1. carel. juris l 2 confes. fid . o● , eccles. ●●●ic . church engl. fides jesu . ●● vid hospin . thist . his l 4. mercure hist. p 1 p 884. sanctarel . de haer . extrau . de obed . dr. cracanth . popes mon b●●●n co●●p . 1 r●p . thuan passim . hist 1 tom. ●● hoc 3 du plest●● hist. pap. and many more gathered together by goldastus , mistery jes. antico●…om printed anno 1633. censura sacrae ●…cologiae paris in librum anti. sanct . paris pory 1626. alphonsa di varos tolet. d●…aratio ad ●…ges . christianos stratagem . aulit . ●…uc . jes. ●…monarch orb●…s sib iconficiendam a. 1641. king 〈◊〉 to all christian k●…ngs . in vocc ty●…n . de reg. in●…t l. c. 1. insit . l. c. 3. ibid. a●… 1●… . ib●… . hist fam. h. 4. hist ga●… l 1. p. ●…26 . see dr. 〈◊〉 way c 10. p. 46. g●…ston . hast. xeth p. 764. thuan. l 7●… . 3 jac to c. 〈◊〉 2●…6 arraign . traytors . theol. hon. 1. c. 12. see bensor . chap. c●…r . b●…shop taylor serm dedic . to the late ●…chbishop of ca●… . 1●… de po●…t . rom. 〈◊〉 parl. l. 3. apol. cor. c 3. philop. sect. 2. de offic . princ. chr. c. 5. treshar . deb . watsons quoal . p. 295 fudaem . apol. gorn . suarez . def . fin . 6. b. p. epist. ●…r . impr. anno 1609. 〈◊〉 , p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 6. bell de parl. 5 , 6. tred ep. ad pope greg 9 innocent , 4 record by math. paris , p 332 mr. prynne epist. before vindic. vid sund. ●…m ad clerum . 2. vid. ●…ook , 7. thes. 1. vid. et l. regis elench . mo. 1 vid. proc , pul. se speed p 1181. cambd. q. eliz. cooke inst. 7. de pont. 1 c. 1 jac. 1. be they cath. p. 350. see maffae ●…s v●…geus & petrus ●…deniera in ●…ta ignatii loyol hayli●…s m●…cto 〈◊〉 , p 17 9 see lewes o●… his jesuites looking glass , printed london 16●…9 . the ●…pistle to the reader , & p 48 to 58 ●…bilaeum , sive speculum jesuiticum . printed 644. p. 307. to 213. hospin . hist. jesuitica , l. 2. * speculum jesui●… . p 210. see romes master-piece . & 〈◊〉 doom , p. 435. &c. hidden work o●… da●…ness 88 , 144. mercure jesuit , to●… 1. p. 67. speculum j●…suiticum p 156 see ●…ewis owen his running register , & his jesuited loo●… glasse the 〈◊〉 of the english nunnery at lisbon . g de monarchia hispanica , p. 146 , 147 , 148 , 149 , 204 , 234 , 235 , 236 , 185 , 186. h see tho●…a campan●… . de monarchia hispan . watsons quodl bets , co●…tona post huma p 19. to 107. c●…dinal de ossets letters arcana imperii hispanici deiph 6●…8 . advice a tous les estat's de europe , touches les maxi mas fundamentales de gvernment & 〈◊〉 ●…spaginols paris 16●…5 . notes for div a56188-e5030 psal. 19. 5. psal. 119. 118 , 140 , 〈◊〉 138. 2 tim. 3. 16. phil. 4. 8. bishop halls disswasive . bishop hall. ibid. 〈◊〉 . see aen. sylvius , telesphorus , platina , and baron . annal . bishop hall. bishop hall ibid. bishop hall. ibid. ep. 87. fran. s. vic. ord . praed . sum . sacr . art . 184. p. 124. the bishop of worcester's letter to his reverend clergy within the county and diocess of worcester with some short and genuine animadversions upon it. 1681 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70049 wing f1242a estc r6831 12527811 ocm 12527811 62693 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70049) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62693) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 949:7 or 1669:40) the bishop of worcester's letter to his reverend clergy within the county and diocess of worcester with some short and genuine animadversions upon it. fleetwood, james, 1603-1683. 4 p. s.n., [s.l. : 1681?] item at reel 949:7 identified as t978 (number cancelled in wing 2nd ed.). reproduction of original in huntington library. caption title. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -pastoral letters and charges. church and state -church of england. elections -england -early works to 1800. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-01 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the bishop of worcester's letter to his reverend clergy within the county and diocess of worcester . vvith some short and genuine animadversions vpon it . having received in a letter from a person of eminent quality in the county of worcester , who is pleas'd to honour me with his particular friendship and esteem , that of this right reverend bishop ; and being assured from him , upon the testimony of a clergyman of that diocess , who has one of the originals , ( for it seems there were several of them sent abroad ) that it was an exact copy , i was mightily pleased with his great kindness in it , and upon reading it several times over , i thought it very well worthy of many good animadversions . indeed i could have wished this labour had been saved me by a more ingenious and habile pen ; for then not only i my self should have got considerable improvement by the learned remarks that must needs have been made on it , but the publick would no doubt have testifyed greater acknowledgments , and have given their just applauses , according to cicero's opinion , habet enim justam venerationem quicquid excellit . but having waited thus long , and finding none so generously inclined as to bestow his serious thoughts this way for common good and benefit ; i conceived it would not be altogether ungrateful to the world if i should venture at it ; and , rather than have all lost , present you with my short and natural reflections upon the letter that followes . to the rectors , vicars , and others within the county and diocess of worcester , james by divine permission bishop of worcester , sendeth greeting . whereas the knights and principal gentlemen of the county , ( in pursuance of his majesties writ for calling and holding a parliament at vvestminster upon the 17th of october next coming ) have met together and resolved and pitched upon collonel samuel sands , to stand as a candidate to be elected for one of the knights of the shire to serve in the said parliament ; we taking into consideration his constant , known , and steady affection , loyalty , and fidelity to the crown and church of england , do recommend him to you as a person that will be firm and faithful to the interest of the king , the true protestant religion , and the common good of the people of this realm ; and we do earnestly desire you to give your suffrages for him , and to ingage such as are qualified in your parishes to do the like , upon vvednesday next , being the third of september ; and thus leaving you wholly to your freedom in the other part of your choice , but confiding in your filial and hearty compliance in this , we recommend you to god's holy protection , and remain , your affectionate friend and brother james bishop of worcester . this is the letter verbatim as it came to my hands ; and how kindly it is written for advancing the interest , or but maintaining the natural liberty and property of the more inferiour commons , you shall in part see by and by . but before i come to take notice of the letter it self , i think it will not be very improper here by the way to observe , how much that dissenting party from the church of england , i mean , the presbyterians , is taxed for going ( as they say like satan ) to and fro in the earth , and for walking up and down in it to make their parties for elections ; what tricks and insinuations they use to gain proselites ; and especially in this late election for our metropolis , the city of london , where they said , as i my self heard it , there were three of their chiefest ministers particularly , but whom they would not name , that made it their great business to run from house to house to secure votes for a worthy member and patriot of it , whom another party , under the vizar and masquerade of church of england men , would fain have set beside the cushion ; when as , for i have made as particular an inquiry into it as possibly i could , not one of them has stirred in it any further than perchance accidental common conversation has brought them on ; but , as i believe the party who affirm'd it only vapoured , and would fain have blackened them , if his silly word would have been credited ; so , on the other hand , put the case it had been so , they had done nothing but what they could have produced a very good president for , from this letter , which was a long time antecedent to the election here , and i hope none will be so spiteful as to hit their own selves a box o' th' ear in blaming them for their conformity to the church , but will be rather glad to see that they will in any thing come over to it , and take their measures from it . for my part , i am so much a lover of unity and peace , and so impatient of whatsoever looks like faction , or dividing interests , that i should be one of the first to cast a stone at that man that sets himself to make a party : for , if we are free-born , let 's injoy our priviledg , and not suffer our selves to be cullied and ham-string'd by every formal fop that perhaps either has a hank upon us , or else has got the knack to talk more oylily than our selves . i would have my judgment my own , and would choose where i please , and not give another man the power to say he has got me in his pocket , and he can shake me like a dog in a blanket . but now to my subject . and first of all i think it is very easy to remark , that the knights and principal gentry of a county , when any important affair of the state is to be mannaged , ( as is this of electing parliament-men ) do meet together , and in their private cabals , do consult and resolve among themselves how the matter shall determine , and which way they will have things to go ; and after this , then they pitch upon such ways and means as they judg most proper to be conducive to those ends : and here in this case that we have before us , you see they take this course ; so that by this mean , if any would have a particular faction or party , be it about business of either church or state , carryed on ; it is only to make your interests with these great do●alls of their respective shires or districts , by bribes of money , preferments to high places , or by getting honours to be conferred on them , &c. and when you have once brought them over to you , and made 'em your own , you may sleep on , and take your rest , as it is said in another case , for they know how to do your work well enough without any further troubling them . and when they have concluded the matter thus by themselves , it is as obvious to any considering man as the former , that they then go , and acquaint the right reverend their bishop with what they have done , and pray in aid to him , that he would graciously please to inform the clergy over whom he presides , with their project ; and by an express to let them know , how agreeable it is to his lordship , how good in it self , and how honourable it will be for them to be seen in , and advance the cause ; and not only that they themselves would stir in it , but recommendations must be made to them , that they do all they can to ingage such as are qualified in their parishes , to lay their shoulders to the work , and according to their power to influence all others of their acquaintance junctis viribus to do the like . and therefore because the knights and principal gentlemen in a county have pitched upon such a one , ( be he never so deserving a person , or never so otherwise , that is nothing to the purpose ) as for instance , to be a member of parliament , he must of necessity be the man : so that as i take it , ( and i would not willingly mistake the point ) this is to exclude the commonalty absolutely to have a hand in the choice ; for they must not dare to give a negative vote if they should be injoined to stand up for such or such a particular person ; and by this means they are cashiered of that power and liberty , and that property that they have , to appear in the behalf of another person , whom they may think to be better qualified , or however , whom they may like better , and otherwise would choose , if they were not beforehand so ingaged . but further , by leaving them to their freedom in the other part of their choice , ( as is here mentioned ) doth imply a restraint upon them and that , despotically , or magisterially , for the first ; by which means , if commonly practised by other bishops , the parliament may make an act to exclude the clergy from voting , as they did those that had lease-lands , nay copy-holds of inheritance ; presuming they would be byassed by their lords of their estates to vote which way they pleased , for fear of a black reckoning when they came to renew . besides , if they do restrain them for one , as here you see it is plainly proved de facto , why may they not by the same right and justice lay a restraint on them for both : and how can they then be said indeed to be our representatives , when possibly they may not be those persons whom we would have to represent us , but are such as the knights and principal gentlemen of the county , together with the bishop and his clergy , will impose upon us , and make us to stand by , for fear of worse circumstances to befal our selves . again , by his confiding in their filial and hearty compliance , he doth explain the restraint as to the first vote : that is , methinks , as much as to say , we will oblige you to choose one such man as we would have you , and to be made a mouth of by us in that particular , and we will give you freedom in the other part of your choice ; we will put the wheadle on you as for the other , you shall seem wholly to elect him , though he be fore ▪ ordained to be the man , by our selves at our private cabinet-board : for , to be sure , if you are once so far prevailed upon as to yield to their judgments in one , you tacitely do acknowledg that you have not understanding , and be not fit enough of your selves to make a wise and safe choice without their previous direction , and so consequently will be easily led away to give your suffrage for any other , whom perhaps some of the slie pretenders to your party , ( if that may be called so , which is only a disinteressed affection to serve you country ) may be their secret order and impulse loudly bawle out for , and cry up ; so that in one sense there will be a restraint upon you as for both , though knowingly it shall appear but for one , and to that it plainly seems you must comply . moreover , which to me looks like a paradox , for it is contradictio in adjecto ; he expects from them a filial or son-like obedience , and yet he subscribes himself their brother ; he would have them blindly to pay him the duty of children , but he does not stile himself their father : indeed he is their right reverend father in god to superintend them in spiritual affairs , and in divine mysteries ; but i do not very well understand , how it is his province to charge them with the cares of state , how he can ingage them to run up and down after all such as are qualified in their parishes , and get votes for the beloved candidate ; but yet this they are obliged to do , if they mean to show their filial respect to their honour'd elder brother ; for here 's their injunction ; and , litera scripta manet , should they prove obstinate and restive , and offer to disobey the precept , this hand-writing would no doubt rise up in judgment against them , and render them inexcusable . this is by no means to reflect upon that worthy gentleman , whom this letter has a relation to ; for all persons i can hear of , that have any acquaintance with him , give him deservedly a most honourable mention ; and i cannot in the least imagine but that the qualified electing persons would voluntarily have given him their voice to be one of their representatives , without the solicitations and ingagements of their clergy to them . but this is to show by what ways and artifices men may get to be chosen , and to leave it upon a dubitatur in lege , how far such things are just and rightful . finis . the power, jurisdiction and priviledge of parliament and the antiquity of the house of commons asserted occasion'd by an information in the kings bench by the attorney general against the speaker of the house of commons : as also a discourse concerning the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the realm of england, occasion'd by the late commission in ecclesiastical causes / by sir robert atkins, knight ... atkyns, robert, sir, 1621-1709. 1689 approx. 213 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26144 wing a4141 estc r16410 12255974 ocm 12255974 57483 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26144) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57483) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 163:16) the power, jurisdiction and priviledge of parliament and the antiquity of the house of commons asserted occasion'd by an information in the kings bench by the attorney general against the speaker of the house of commons : as also a discourse concerning the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the realm of england, occasion'd by the late commission in ecclesiastical causes / by sir robert atkins, knight ... atkyns, robert, sir, 1621-1709. [2], 74 p. printed for timothy goodwin ..., london : 1689 "a discourse concerning the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the realm of england (p. [65]-74) has special t.p. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -parliament. church and state -england -early works to 1800. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2005-02 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion newly printed for timothy goodwin , at the maiden-head , against s. dunstans church , in fleetstreet . an enquiry into the power of dispensing with penal statutes ; together with some animadversions upon a book , writ by sir edward herbert , lord chief justice of the court of common-pleas , entituled , a short account of the authorities in law , upon which judgement was given , in sir edward hales's case . by sir robert atkins , knight of the honourable order of the bath , and late one of the judges of the court of common-pleas . the power , jurisdiction and priviledge of parliament ; and the antiquity of the house of commons asserted . occasion'd by an information in the kings bench , by the attorney general , against the speaker of the house of commons . as also a discourse concerning the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the realm of england occasion'd by the late commission in ecclesiastical causes . by sir robert atkins , knight of the honourable order of the bath , and late one of the judges of the court of common-pleas . london , printed for timothy goodwin , at the maiden-head , against s. dunstans church in fleetstreet . 1689. in the kings bench , trin. 36 carol . ii. by indictment . middles . the kings attorney informs the court ; that w. w. esq being a pernicious and seditious man , and contriving and practising falsly , maliciously and seditiously , to disturb the peace and quiet of the kingdom : and to stir up sedition , and to procure ill-will between the king and his subjects : and to bring the d. of y. into contempt with the king and his subjects . in order to the compassing of all these , the ninth of november , 34 car. 2 , in the parish of s. martins in the fields , in the county of middlesex , he the said w. w. did with force and arms , falsly , vnlawfully , vnjustly , wickedly , maliciously , scandalcusly , seditiously and devillishly , for his own lucre , cause and appoint a certain false , scandalous , seditious and infamous libel ; entituled , the information of thomas dangerfield , gentleman , to be printed and published . in which libel , ( among other things ) are contained , as followeth : the information of thomas dangerfield , gentleman , &c. ( the contents of it have been read , and need no repetition . ) in contempt of the law , and to the ill example of others ; and against the peace , and the kings crown and dignity . and the king's attorney prays process against him , that he may be brought in to answer it . the defendant pleads to the jurisdiction of this court ; and says , that by the law and custom of parliament . the speaker of the house of commons sitting , the parliament , according to the duty of his office , as servant to the house , ought , and ever has accustomed , to speak , sign and publish such proceedings of that house , and in such manner as he shall be ordered by the commons so assembled . and that such speaking , signing or publishing , according to the law and custom of parliament , are the act and doing of the commons themselves ; and hath ever been so accepted and taken , and not as the speakers own acting or doing . and that the speaker , for such speaking , signing or publishing by him made or done , sitting the parliament ; and by their order , ought not to answer in any other court or place , but in parliament . he further says , that at the sessions of parliament at westminster , the 15th . of march , 31 car. 2 , held by prorogation , one william viscount stafford and others , were impeached by the commons , before the lords , according to the law and custom of parliament , of high treason , for a most execrable conspiring to kill the king , and to alter and subvert the ancient government , and the laws of the realm . and to suppress the true religion established in this kingdom . and to root up and destroy the professors of it . and that afterwards , in the sessions of parliament , held by prorogation , at westminster , 21 octob. 32 car. 2. the said viscount stafford , at the prosecution of the commons , was tried , and convicted , and attainted , in due form of law , by the temporal lords then assembled in parliament , for the high treasons , of which he was so impeached by the commons . as by the record of parliament does appear . he further says , that in the opening of that session , the king , in his speech to the lords and commons , charged them to pursue a further examination of that conspiracy , with a strict and impartial enquiry . and the king then told them , that he did not think himself nor them secure till that matter was throughly done . he further says , that in the same sessions of parliament , last mentioned , which continued at westminster till 10 jan. 32 car. 2. both houses of parliament , in pursuance of his majesties said direction , made a strict and impartial enquiry after that conspiracy . and upon that enquiry , in the same sessions of parliament , last mentioned , the said thomas dangerfield , in the said information named , did upon his oath exhibit to the lords in parliament , the said libel ( entituled , the information of thomas dangerfield , gentleman ) as his true information of that conspiracy : and delivered it to the lords , which was and is there recorded , as by the record thereof in parliament does appear . and he also delivered it to the house of commons in the same parliament , at the bar of that house . and the said commons then ordered , that that information ( among others , then before given in at the bar of that house , touching the said plot ) should be entred in their journal . and that all the said informations should be printed , being first perused and signed by their speaker : and that the speaker should name and appoint the persons that should print them : and that thomas dangerfield should have the benefit of the printing of his information . and the defendant further says , that he was a member of the house of commons during all the sessions of parliament , last mentioned , and was duly elected and made their speaker , and was so all that sessions . and that by virtue of , and in pursuance of the said order , as speaker of the house , afterwards , during that session , sc. 10 nov. 32 car. 2. in the parish of s. martins in the fields , in the said county of middlesex , he did peruse the said information , so exhibited by the said thomas dangerfield to the commons , and he signed it by putting to it his name , viz. william williams , speaker of the house of commons . and then and there appointed thomas newcomb and henry hills ( being the kings printers ) to print that information , according to the said order of the house of commons . and thereupon the said information afterwards , and during that session , sc. 10 nov. 32 car. 2. was printed by those two printers . and that the said thomas dangerfield had the benefit of that printing , according to the order of the house . which setting to of his name , and appointment of the said printers to print the said information , are the same causing and appointing of the printing and publishing of the libel in the attorney general 's information mentioned . absque hoc , that he is guilty of the premises in the said attorney general 's information specified , on the ninth of november , in the said information specified , or at any other time after the said session of parliament , or before it ; or otherwise , or in any other manner than as he has above alledged . and this he is ready to aver , &c. wherefore , and for that what he so did , was done by him as speaker of the house of commons , in parliament , and by their order , and sitting the parliament , he demands the judgment of this court , whether this court will take any further cognizance of this matter . kings bench : the kings attorney is plaintiff , and w. w. esq defendant , in an information for a misdemeanour . the information sets forth , &c. vide the brief of the record . the information taken singly by it self , ( without the defendents plea ) contains a very severe and heavy charge in it , against the defendant , set out with the highest aggravations : and this against a gentleman of the profession of the law , and one who hath had the honour to be speaker of several parliaments . we may observe in this information the worst of adjectives or epithites fastned upon the defendant : it stiles him , a pernicious and seditious man. it charges him with the worst of actions ; sc. stirring up of sedition , disturbing the peace of the kingdom , endeavouring to procure ill-will between the king and his subjects ; and to bring the d. of y. into contempt with the king and his subjects ; and with the printing and publishing a false , scandalous , seditious and infamous libel . these crimes and actions are set out in mr. attornies information with the worst of adverbs ; and with a great heap of them together ; viz. that these things were done by the defendant , falsly , vnlawfully , vnjustly , wickedly , maliciously , scandalously , seditiously and devillishly . and to add ( if possile ) to all this , it is charged to be done out of one of the basest principles : out of malice ; and for one of the most sordid and odious ends , viz. for his own lucre. it may further be observed , that the information does not alledged or affirm , that there is any such person in the world as thomas dangerfield ( though it mention the name ; ) nor that any such person did ever frame or draw up any such scandalous and libellous book or information , as is mentioned in mr. attorneys information . but ( for all that , mr. attorney shews ) the name of thomas dangerfield , may be but a feigned or borrowed name , and that the defendant may be the author and composer of this libel , as well as the publisher . and one would not imagine , upon reading mr. attorney's information , that any thing of these matters , thus charged , was ever transacted in parliament : but mr. attorney gives them another date , both of time and place . he does not lay the scene at westminster , but at s. martins in the fields , and he times it to the year 1682. whereas there was no parliament in that year . this was warily done . thus the case stands upon mr. attorney's information , and should it be left here , it would be a wosul case with the defendant ; but as solomon says in his proverbs ; the first in his own cause is just , then comes the other party and enquires into him . the plain english of which is ( as we use to say ) one tale is good till another is told . the defendant , in his plea , states the matter truly and fully , and tells us , that there is nothing true in this information exhibited against him , save only that there was such an information of dangerfields , but that the defendant was none of the author . it was drawn up and delivered in to both houses of parliament , first to the lords , upon oath ; and there ordered to be entred in their journal : and afterwards delivered at the bar of the house of commons . and that the defendant , being speaker of the commons , he examined that information of dangerfields , and directed the printing of it : but it was all done in time of parliament , and ordered to be done by the house of commons . by this narrative of the plea , all the unlucky adjectives and untoward adverbs are thrown off , and the defendant cleared from the malice . nor is it true that is said in mr. attorney's information , to be done for the defendants lucre. he did it out of obedience to the parliament ; and he denies that he made any profit by it , but according to the order of the house ; the profit of the printing was to dangerfield . and all this is confessed by the demurrer . the plea consists of these parts : matter of fact , matter of record , and matter of law. it begins with matter of law ; and sets down the law and custom of parliament . then he does assume the matter of fact , and of record , and brings them home to that law. he tells us , that , for certain , there was such a thing as a popish plot , and that it was a desperate , horrid , devillish plot. and here all the bitter adjectives and adverbs would have been well bestowed , rather than upon the speaker of that parliament ; which parliament with such admirable zeal and courage did prosecute some of those plotters . he sets forth , that — the lord stafford was in parliament convict before the lords of high treason , committed in that plot ; and he was covicted at the prosecution of the commons , according to the law , and custom of parliament . he says , that the king in his speech to the lords and commons , charged them to make a further strict and impartial enquiry after this plot. then the plea tell us , they did accordingly make an impartial enquiry , and diverse others were thereupon convicted of that plot. it now appears plainly , that all that is contained in this plea was not only done during the parliament , but by the parliament it self ; and that the defendant only acted as speaker . and it is worth the remembring too , that there has been another parliament since , namely that at oxford . and though all that was done by him in the parliament at westminster , was then very well known and remembered ; and though he were so pernicious and seditious a man , in the opinion of mr. attorneys information , yet the world had a better opinion of him , for he was chosen speaker again , in that latter parliament , and his majesty approved of him . at last , the defendant concludes his plea to the jurisdiction of this court : viz. that what he had so acted , being acted in parliament time , and by order of parliament , he demands the judgment of this court , whether they will take conusance of it . the attorney general demurr'd to it . the subject matter of this record is a very large field , viz. the power and jurisdiction of parliament , and yet i shall have but a narrow path to walk in . it is a very nice and tender point : it is my case , as it was heretofore with those that were to undergo the old saxon trial by fire ordail ( per ferrum candens ) if i tread aside and make a wrong step , i may do my self a mischief . but by the grace of god , i shall take care neither on the one hand to give any just occasion of offence to those above me ; nor yet on the other hand , shall i be wanting in that duty i owe to the kingdoms cause . i shall speak my mind freely in it , and leave the success to god. and while i must argue for the freedom of acting in parliament , and speak for the speaker , and endeavour to maintain their rights and priviledges , i may justly claim that ordinary and reasonable priviledge for my self , that if i happen unawares to misplace a word , or to be misapprehended in what i say , i may have the liberty instantly to explain my self . and i take my self to be under the protection of the law , while i argue the law. in arguing this case , i shall make three points , or lay down these three positions . 1. that what is done in this case , is done in a course of justice , and that in the highest court of the nation ( the parliament ) and according to the law and custom of parliament . 2. that however , that which is done in this case , is not to be imputed to the defendant , who acted in it but as the servant or minister of the parliament , though in a very honourable station . 3. that these being matters transacted in parliament , and by the parliament , this court of the kings bench ought not to take conusance of them ; nor hath it any jurisdiction to judge or determine of them . as to the first , i shall frame this syllogism . no indictment or action lies for what is done in a course of justice , or in a way of legal proceeding . but what has been done by the defendant , and by the house of commons in this case , hath been done in a course of justice , and in a way of legal proceedings , and that in the highest court of the nation . therefore what hath been here done , is neither subject to an action or indictment . i shall first prove the major proposition . that no indictment or action lies for what is done in a course of justice . the reason of the law is , that the law and courts of law , and justice , and remedies against wrong , ought to be free and open ; and no man must be frighted nor discouraged from a legal prosecution of his right . to prove this , i shall make bold to cite the opinion and authority of a town clerk. the report of it is in the holy scripture , the truest and highest report . it was the opinion and advice of the town clerk of athens . we read it in the acts of the apostles , and it instantly still'd and quieted a mighty uproar , it had so much weight in it . if any man ( says he ) have any matter against another , the law is open , and there are deputies ; let them ( says he ) implead one another . the parties to a suit in law , the council , the attorney , the witness , the officers , the jury , are all under a protection of the law for what they do or say in the prosecution of a suit in law , or any legal proceeding . i will put some few cases suited to every one of these who are the several actors in a suit. by the stat. of 3 e. 1. call'd the stat. of w. 1. he that reports slanderous news , whereby discord may grow between the king and his people , or the great men of the realm , is to be imprisoned , till the first author of the tale be brought into the court. this comes near our case ; and this is all the punishment that the statute inflicts upon this crime of reporting such a slander . sir. e. c. in his exposition upon this stat. in his 2d . instit. 228. says , that this stat. extends only to extrajudicial slanders . and therefore ( says he ) if any man bring an appeal of murder or robbery against any of the peers of the realm , although the charge be false , yet shall not the peer have an action de scandalis magnatum , neither at the common law , nor by this stat. of w. i. nor any other stat. for any such appeal , nor for affirming the matter of it to be true , either to councel or attorney , or for speaking the same in evidence to a jury . it was the lord beauchamp's case , 13. h. 7. keilway , 26 , 27 , 28. sir richard crofts sued a writ of forgery of false deeds against the lord beauchamp : the lord beauchamp sues sir richard crofts in an action de scandalis magnatum , upon the statute of 2 r. 2. c. 5. for this slander , in charging him with forgery . keble , of council for the lord b. admits , that at the common law no action did lie for this slander , it being in a course of legal proceeding . but keble was of opinion , that this statute of 2 r. 2. did give the action in such a case , though it were a slander occasioned by a suit. but by brian and the rest of the court , the action de scand . magnatum , did not lie for such a slander , though the matter of it were false , because it is in prosecution of a lawful suit. with this agrees boulton and clapham's case in justice jone's rep. 431. and weston's case , crok , . 432. sir e. c. puts the difference in his 2 d. inst. before cited . if a man prefer a bill in the star-chamber against a great peer , and charge him with forgery or perjury , no action de scand . magnat . lies , it being in a legal proceeding , and in a matter wherein that court had a jurisdiction . but if in such a bill in the star-chamber a peer be accused for felony ( which that court hath nothing to do with , nor no jurisdiction in ) this ( says sir e. c. ) has not the face of a legal proceeding , and shall not excuse a man in an action de scand . magn. sir buckley's case . 4 rep. 14. cro. eliz. 230. the same case . yet where there is but a mistake of the jurisdiction , if the suit be once well commenc'd , some little irregularities in the proceedings shall not expose them to the action de scand . magn. as , if a man bring an appeal of murder , and through the ignorance of the party , or his clerk , or attorney , it is made returnable in the com. pl. where they have no jurisdiction in it : yet no action de scand . magn. lies for this , the suit being well begun , and it being in the nature of a lawful suit. so says sir e. c. in the case of a councellor pleading for his client . he likewise in what he affirms or pleads for his client , if it be pertinent to the matter of the suit , and he has it by instruction from his client , he shall be protected against an action of slander for it . this is a point that may concern many of us . it was the case of sir hen. mountagu recorder of london , m. 3 . cro. fo . 90. in b. r. ral. brook brought an action upon the case for slander against sir h. m. for saying of the pl. brook , that he had committed felony . sir h. m. pleaded specially to the action , that he was a councellor at law , and was retained against the pl. brook , and at the trial in giving of evidence to the jury , he did indeed speak those words ; but averr'd that they were pertinent to the matter , and were part of his instruction . it was resolv'd upon a demurrer , that the plea was good , the words being pertinent , though they were false . and there is a further reason given by the court in that case , viz. the words appear not to be spoken out of malice : and no actions of this sort , nor will any indictment of this nature lie , unless there be malice in the defendant ; and where there is any justifiable occasion of speaking words that a man in discharge of his function or calling is led by the subject-matter of discourse , as a preacher , or pleader , or the like , to speak words in such case ; it shall be presumed they were not spoken out of malice . in the case of an attorney . sir e. c. in his 2d . instit. in his exposition of the stat. of articuli super chartas , 28e . 1. c. 10. tells us , that in the very next year after the making of that stat. viz. 29 e. i. will. de weston brought an action of conspiracy in the kings bench , against william of hempswell , parson of newton , and john of malden , parson of askerby , for causing the plaintiff to be cited before the arch-deacon of linc. for a trespass , whereof he had been acquitted in the king 's court. john of malden pleaded , that he was communis advocatus pro suo dando , and so justify'd as an attorney ; and it was found the parson was communis advocatus , and so not guilty of the conspiracy . in the case of a witness : for what he says as a witness , or for what is said against him , to disable him from being a witness , or to take off his credit , no action of slander will lie . 35 h. 6. 14. in an action of conspiracy , one of the defendants justify'd as being a witness , to the jury . crok .. 432. in the king's bench , weston against dobneet , in an action for slander . there was a suit in the spiritual court , and the plaintiff that brought the action of slander , was produced as a witness in that cause , and the defendant in that suit in the spiritual court , put in exceptions against him , that he had been perjur'd , and therefore ought not to be used as a witness . thereupon , weston the witness , brought this action for that slander . and after arguments , the whole court held , that the action of slander did not lie for this manner of slander , because it was in a course of justice , and not ex malicia . in a writ of conspiracy . one of the defendants pleaded , that he was one of the indictors . judgment , si actio . and the plea is allow'd . 20 h. 6 , 5. & 33. nay though it be not in a course of justice , in a suit of law , yet if a man be in the doing of his duty , and in discharge of his function and his lawful calling , and in discoursing of a subject proper for his function , and enforcing of every mans duty of avoiding of any sin , and in pursuit of it , tells a story which he takes up upon trust , and does not know it to be false , and it prove at last to be utterly untrue , and an innocent person is highly slandered by it , yet he shall not be subject to an action of slander for it . the occasion of speaking shall clear him from the malice , without which the action will not lie . in the book of martyrs , written by fox , there is a story of one greenwood , who lived in suffolk , that he had perjur'd himself before the bishop of norwich , in testifying against a martyr that was burnt in queen mary's time ; and says ( fox ) this greenwood afterwards , by the just judgment of god , had his bowels rotted in him , and so he died . this story by fox in his book of martyrs , was utterly false of mr. greenwood , and after the printing of that book of martyrs , mr. greenwood was living in that very same parish . one prist , a parson , happen'd to be presented to the living of that parish where this mr. greenwood then dwelt ; and 27. eliz. in one of his first sermons , happen'd to inveigh against the sin of perjury ; to which his text did lead him ; and the better to deter the people from the sin of perjury , he told this story out of fox's book of martyrs , and named the very man mr. greenwood ; and mr. greenwood himself was then in the church , and heard this story told of himself , but the preacher knew it not , but thought the story to be true . greenwood brings an action of slander against prist the preacher ; and upon the trial of the cause before the lord chief justice wray , the case appearing to be thus , he directed the jury to find for the defendant , for that it appear'd it was not done out of malice : and ch. i. popham affirm'd it to be good law , it being a matter deliver'd after his occasion , as matter of story . this case is cited by sir e. c. in sir henry mountagu's case , before mentioned . crook .. f. . 90. with this agrees the case of the lord cromwel , against denny a vicar , 4 rep. 13. b. in an action de scand . magn. there is a case in many circumstances of it much resembling our case . it was the case between smith and crashaw , and others m. 20 . in the kings bench , in sir palmer's rep. 315. an action upon the case is there brought against the defendants , for maliciously causing the plaintiff to be indicted of treason ; upon which indictment the grand jury found an ignoramus . to this action the defendants pleaded not guilty , and were found guilty . it was moved in arrest of judgment ; that to accuse one for treason was not actionable , for the safety of the king and state : for if a man be subject to an action for it , it will be a means that treason shall be smothered , and men will not expose themselves to actions , by making such discoveries . j. houghton held the action would not lie upon an ignoramus found ; for by that the party is not acquitted , but may be indicted again and convicted . but he holds , that if he be indicted , and upon trial legitimo modo acquietatus , then he shall have an action upon the case , in nature of a conspirary ; for now he is absolutely acquitted and cleared of the accusation , and never can be indicted again for that particular fact. dodderidge agrees with houghton , and puts this case ; if an action of conspiracy be brought against a man , for indicting the plaintiff of treason , the defendant may plead specially ( and that is the safest way of pleading ) that he heard the plaintiff speak such and such treasonable words , and that he thereupon complained to a justice of peace , who committed the plaintiff upon it , and this ( says he ) shall excuse him . ley , chief justice , inclines too against the action , and gives a strong reason , because ( says he ) it is misprision to conceal it ; and yet if we allow of this action , it shall be dangerous too to discover it , so that the defendant does lupum auribus tenere . and so the judgment was arrested . but we find , that soon after , when the judges of that court were chang'd , the same plaintiff brought a new action for the same cause : and it was adjudged for the plaintiff , that the action would lie ; but the judges acknowledged it was the first precedent . i suppose it was upon pleading not guilty . perhaps the court might have been of another opinion , had the defendant pleaded specially , and justified , according to the opinion of judge dodderidge . the case is cro. car. 15 & latch . 79. the allowing of such actions of conspiracy , or upon the case , or of indictments or informations for what is said or done in a course of justice , and especially by way of discovery of treasons , would prove of a mischievous consequence ; and would be an occasion of multiplying actions against the parties to the suits , against councel , the attorneys , the witnesses ; and so suits would be infinite . as in this present case , should an action be adjudg'd to lie against the defendant for what he has acted by authority of parliament , what a multitude of actions would be stirred up by it ? if the speaker be liable to this information for what he has done ; by the same reason he would be liable to the actions of the several great persons that are said to be defamed by the printing of dangerfields narrative . and if the speaker be liable , who acted but by command of others , and as their minister , how much more would all those persons be ilable , by whose command he so acted ? and how many narratives have there been printed , wherein several great persons were severely reflected on , and how many votes of the like nature have there been printed ? so that there would arise a multitude of suits . in sir drue druries case , 6. rep. 74. the justices in judging of that case , give a very good rule and caution : they say , that judges ought to have good consideration in all cases depending before them , not only of the present cases , but also of the consequences , what general prejudice may ensue upon them either to the king or subject . the case before you exceedingly requires that consideration the prejudice to the king will be , that he will not be safe , for by this means men will be discouraged from discovering treasons . the subjects will receive prejudice , by the multitude of suits that will arise by it . this mas suffice to be said in maintaining the first proposition , that no information or action lies for what is said or done in a course of justice . the minor proposition is , that what is here done by the defendant , in this case , was done in a course of justice , and in a legal proceeding , and that in the highest court of the nation , ( in the court of parliament ) and done according to the law and custom of parliament . this i must make out in the next place . in the making this out , i am under a necessity of speaking of the transcendent power of the high court of parliament , and i must assert these positions following . 1. that the house of commons was originally , and from the first constitution of the nation , the representative of one of the three estates of the realm , and a part of the parliament . 2. that what is done by either house , according to the law and usage of parliament , is properly , and in the judgment of law , the act of the whole parliament : and that what concerns the one , must of necessity concern the whole ; not meerly by consequence , but by an immediate concernment , as being one , and entire . 3. that what hath been acted in our present case , by the defendant , as speaker , and by the house of commons , whose minister he was , and by whose command and order he did what he did , was done according to the law , and usage of parliament . as to the first , that the house of commons was from the first constitution of this kingdom , a part of the parliament . there has been an opinion , that hath been stifly maintained by some divines , and others of late , that the house of commons originally were no part of the parliament , at least not as now elected , and consisting of knights , citizens and burgesses ; but that their beginning was in the forty ninth year of king henry 3. when that king had given a total overthrow at the battle of evesham , to symon montford earl of leicester and the barons . and that to ballance the power of the barons , that king caused the knights , citizens and burgesses to be chosen , and to make a part of the parliament . and from hence some unquiet innovating writers , quorum res , & spes ex adulatione pendent ; and who would destroy foundations , and remove our ancient land-marks , and the ancient and just limits and boundaries of power and authority ; persons of necessitous estates , or of greedy and ambitious appetites , which drive them upon devising how to do some acceptable service to those that maintain them : or at the best out of unsetled judgments , and too much zeal , which carries them to a contrary extream . these men conclude , that therefore all the power and priviledge the house of commons claims , is not by prescription , but that they depend upon the king 's royal will and pleasure , and had their original by his meer concession , and not by ancient inherent right , nor original constitution , and therefore may be resumed at pleasure . it was one of the articles against dr. manwaring , in the parliament 3 car. 1. for which he was impeached by the commons , and sentenced by the lords in parliament ; that to subvert , scandalize and impeach the good laws and government of this realm , and the authority of the high court of parliament , and to avert his majesties mind from calling of parliaments , and to alienate his royal heart from his people , he did in his sermons , and in his books printed , endeavour to persuade the king , that his majesty was not bound to observe the laws of the realm concerning the rights and liberties of the subjects : that authority of parliament was not necessary for raising of aids and subsidies . his sentence was imprisonment during pleasure , and but 1000l . fine for this high offence , not 20000l , as hath been of late times . he was to acknowledge his offences , as it should be set down by a committee in writing at the bars of both houses . he was suspended from his ministry . disabled to preach at court. his books were to be call'd in , and burnt in london and both the universities . power limited by law is safest . it may be thought potestas minor , sed tutior & diuturnior ea demum tuta est potentia , quae viribus suis modum imponit . to encounter these new and upstart opinions , i shall mention an author or two , whom all sober men reverence , that are of a contrary judgment to these new authors . and they are either eminent lawyer , or divines . and i am the more encourag'd to do it , because his majesty that now is , hath upon several occasions been pleas'd graciously to declare , that he holds parliaments to be the best method for healing the distempers of the kingdom , and the only means to preserve the monarchy in credit at home and abroad ; and he promises to rule the people by the law. hales , that solid learned divine , in his golden remains , cites baldus for it : digna vox est majestate regnantis , legibus alligatum principem se prositeri . and learned hooker , that great champion for the discipline , and for the rites and ceremonies of the church , in his eccles polity , delivers his opinion quite contrary to these time-servers . pag. 27. all publick government ( says he ) of what kind soever , seemeth evidently to have arisen from deliberate advice , consultation and composition between men . that composition signifies the laws . and , pag. 28. he says further , that the power of making laws to command whole politick societies of men , belongs properly to the same entire societies . what can be said more in confutation of the book that goes by the name of sir rob. filmers ? the duke of wittemberg , at the council held at wormes , when other princes discours'd of many priviledges and conveniencies of their lordships and territories , openly protested it to be his greatest felicity , that he could in aperto campo , & in sinu subditorum suorum dormire . non eget mauri jaculis , nec arcu , &c. i shall further add only the judgment of one or two of our most famous and learned judges concerning this matter . fortescu , that was first lord chief justice , and afterwards lord chancellor in the reign of h. 6. in his excellent book in commendation of the laws of england , affirms this doctrine . ad tutelam legis , subditorum , ac eorum corporum & bonorum erectus rex est . et ad hanc potestatem a populo effluxam ipse habet . sir e. c. in his 12. rep. 64. delivered his opinion freely in the case of prohibitions , before the king and the lords of the council ; where there was a warm debate between the judges and dr. bancroft , archbishop of canterbury . and what sir e. c. deliver'd for law , was with the clear consent of all the justices of england and barons of the exchequer . and there sir e. c. says , it was greatly marvell'd at , that the arch-bishop durst inform the king , that the king had an absolute power and authority by the word of god to determine what causes he pleas'd in his own person . and it is admirable to observe with what a true and honest courage that grave chief justice sir e. c. answer'd the king himself in that debate . when the king was pleas'd to say , it was treason to affirm , that the king was under the law : the chief justice answer'd him with the words of an ancient judge , and author of our law ( that is , out of bracton ) that the king was sub deo & lege . and fleta , another of our ancient authors in our science , useth words to the same effect . this doctrine differs from some of our late motto's in the serjeants rings . tacitus , in his annals , gives this excellent commendation of two of the best of the roman emperors , nerva and trajan : res olim insociabiles miscuerunt , imperium & libertatem . and that author well observes it as the true case and condition of a people , and a necessary consequence ; amissa virtute pariter ac libertate . this discourse of mine may seem to some to be a digression ; but a man can never have a juster occasion for it than now , and upon this argument and suit : i make that my apology , which i learn from king james , ( his majesties royal grandfather ) in his discourse of the powder-treason : which proves it the more seasonable . there is a time ( saith king james ) when no man ought to keep silence . it hath ( says he ) been ever held as a general rule in all well-govern'd common-wealths , whether christian , or ethnicks , that when either their religion , or their king , or their countrey was in any extream hazard , no good countrey-man ought then to with-hold either his tongue or his hand according to his calling or faculty , from aiding to repel the injury , repress the violence , and avenge the guilt upon the authors . to support the power and priviledge of the house of commons , as being an essential part of the parliament ; it is absolutely necessary to make it out against these innovators , that the house of commons have ever been a part of the parliament , and that they were long before 49 h. 3. or otherwise they are but precarious in their power and priviledges , and enjoy them but of grace . every priviledge is by prescription , says the lord dier , fol. 60. a. med . in trewinnard's case , which i shall have occasion to mention more at large before i have done . and in the same dier , fol. 70. in the case of withers and iseham , it is held , that a man cannot prescribe to an incident or appendent , nor indeed to any power or authority where the principal thing hath not had a perpetual continuance . therefore where the beginning of a thing is known , there can be nothing belonging to it by prescription . in one of our late kings reigns , the house of commons in an address of theirs , made mention of their priviledges , as their ancient and undoubted right and inheritance : but offence was taken at it , and they were told , it had been better if they had said their priviledges were deriv'd from the grace and permission of the king and his ancestors . now i shall clearly prove that these powers and priviledges were indeed their ancient right and inheritance . which they cannot be unless that house , or the commons by their representative , have been ever from the beginning of the governm ent a part and member of the parliament . i shall prove it out of several authentick authors of the law , historians and antiquaries , and by a multitude of records , and by divers acts of parliament , which are all the sorts of proof that can be in a question of this nature . the mirrour of the justices , of which book sir e. c. says , that most of it was written before the conquest ( as appears by the book it self ) tho. horn , a learned man , added much to it in the reign of e. 1. in this mirrour of the justices , c. 1. sect . 3. it is said that king alfred ordain'd for a perpetual usage , that twice in the year or oftner , if need be , the parliament should assemble . and to let you see of whom that parliament did consist , he tells us in the same chapter by whom the laws were then made . it is ( says he ) among other things , ordain'd , that no king should change his money , nor impair it , nor inhanse it , nor make any money but of silver , without the assent of the lords and all the commons . sir e. c. in his preface to the 9th . rep. tells us , that tenants in ancient demesn , because by their tenure they were bound to plow and husband the kings demesnes , before the conquest : and in the conquerors time , had divers previledges , which they claimed by prescription ; and among others , not to contribute to the wages of the knights of the shire . now the priviledge must be as ancient as their tenure and service , for their priviledge comes by reason of their service , and their service is known by all to be before the conquest , in the time of edward the confessor , and in the time of the conquerour . and it is expresly said by this learned and reverend judge , that these tenants , in ancient demesn , claimed this by prescription ; and it could not be so , if the wages of the knights of the shire had begun within memory of man , or of any record . therefore it clearly follows , that knights of the shire to serve in parliament , and the paying wages to them for their service , has been time out of mind , and did not begin 49 h. 3. for that is within time of memory in a legal sence . the same argument is used by a learned lawyer and antiquary mr. lambard , in his archion , or commentary upon the courts of justice , fol. 57 , and 239 , and 245. where the maintains that the parliament was used in the saxons time , and then consisted of the king , lords and commons , as in the time of king ina. anno 712. he does affirm , that burgesses were chosen to the parliament before the conquest , fol. 257 , 258 , 265. littleton's tenures , sect . 164. says , that the ancient towns call'd burroughts , be the most ancient towns that are in engl. for the towns that now are cities or counties , in old time were burroughs , and call'd burroughs , for that of such old towns came the burgesses to the parliament . sir e. c. in his comment upon this text of littl. 1 inst. 110. says , it is called parliamentum , because every member of that court should parler la ment. many pretenders to learning , take upon them to censure sir e. c. for this and some other like etymologies , as being ridiculous . let me do right to that learned in the law , and ( which is more ) honest and worthy chief justice , who lives in his useful works , and in ( that great blessing from god ) a numerous and flourishing posterity . it is true , mentum is an ordinary termination of divers words of the neuter gender , and so it is ( if we will be strict ) in the word parliamentum . but give me leave to say , if it be ridiculous , he is not the first nor the greatest that hath been guilty in this kind ; nor is it any proof of illiterateness , nor to be charg'd only upon the profession of the common law , as if it were an absurdity peculiar to us . for the antiquity of the like etymology , it is of above a thousand years standing ; and for the authority of it , it is to be met with in the imperial laws of justinian the roman emperor , and the last of the roman emperors . even in the very text of the civil law , it makes the etymology of testamentum ; ex eo appellatur ( says the text ) quod testatio mentis est . allusione quadam etymologica ostendit rei & vocis convenientiam , ( says vinius ) in his comment . fol. 270. nomen ab officio convenienter habet . and vinius says further , estque hujusmodi allusiva derivandi ratio , omnibus auctoribus admodum familiaris . in jocis venustas delectat ; qualis est illa ciceronis , fides , quia fiat quod dictum est . and sir e. c. ( it may be ) was prompted to this etymon from that ancient author , the mirrour of just. who , in the place i before cited , c. 1. sect . 3. though he did not expresly mention the word ( parliament ) yet speaking of it under another name , he tells us what their property is , viz. a parler la ment. thus much by way of digression , for the vindication of that honour of our profession , sir e. c. to whom not only his own , but all posterity are highly oblig'd , especially our profession . the register of writs , fol. 261. quod homines de antiquo dominico non contribuant expensis militum ad parliamentum venientium . this is the title of the writ . the writ it self runs thus , viz. monstraverunt nobis ( says the king ) homines & tenentes de manerio de s. quod enim de antiquo dominico coronae angliae , ut dicitur , quod licet ipsi & eorum antecessores tenentes de eodem manerio a tempore quo non extat memoria , semper hactenus quieti esse consueverunt de expensis militum ad parliamenta nostra , vel progenitorum nostrorum regum angliae , pro communitate dicti comitatus , venientium , &c. m. 11. h. 4. fitzh . avowry , placito , 52. ( which is said to be the first case in our year-books , concerning wages to knights of the shire ) in a replevin the defendant avows as under-sheriff , by vertue of a fieri facias , to levy the wages of the knights of the shire ; and he took his distress in a town call'd wotton . tremain , for the plaintiff , pleads in bar to the avowry , that w. temps d'ont , &c. never paid to the wages of the knights of the shire ; and so issue is joyn'd upon that prescription . m. 14. h. 8. fol , 3. in the year-book , by fineux ch. j. the parliament ( says he ) consists of the king , the lords and the commons , and they are by the com. law one body corporate . now , that , they cannot be at the common law , but by prescription , i shall now proceed to prove it by several records of parliament , that the commons have ever been a part of the parliament , as constituted at this day , of knights , citizens and burgesses . ex rotulo parliamenti , anno 51. e. 3. membr . 5. num . 45. mr. pryn's 4th . part of a register of parliamentary writs , fol. 315. in sir rob. cott. abr. it is too short ; but at large in mr. pryn , as before cited . there is a petition of the commons to the king in french. item , for that of common right ( which is the same with the common law , in the language of the acts of parliament ) of the realm . of every county of england there were and are chosen two persons to be at the parliament , for the commons of the counties , besides the prelates , dukes , earls and barons , and such as hold by barony ; and besides cities and burroughs , who ought to chuse of themselves such as are to answer for them . and such as are chosen for the counties ought to have their accustomed wages , and to have writs to the sheriffs to levy them . they pray that it be ordain'd this present parliament , that the wages be levied of all the commons of the counties , as well within franchises as without ( excepting within cities and boroughs , and excepting of those that are summon'd by writ ( meaning the barons ) and their tenants . resp. soit fait come devant ad este use en cest case . this was in the time of k. e. 3. who was but the fourth king in succession from that k. h. 3. in whose reign our new authors would have our knights , citizens and burgesses to have their original . and the kings answer to the petition of the commons , admits the matter of the petition to be true , and refers to usage in former times . in the same fourth part of mr. pryn's register , fol. 643. 5 h. 4. rot. parl. num . 71 , & 78. on the behalf of rich. chedder esq menial servant to tho. brook , knight for somersetshire . the commons petition'd , that whereas , after the custom of the realm , all the lords , knights , citizens and burgesses , with their servants coming to parliament , by the kings writ , in coming , going and returning , are under your royal protection , &c. and this petition was answer'd by the act in print . we may note from hence , that their priviledge , and therefore much more their being a part of the high court of parliament , it was by custom of the realm . i would note further ( since i shall have occasion to use it for another very material point ) that this custom ( though the then present occasion for the mention of it , was from the servant of a member of the commons house ; yet it is ( alledg'd as one entire custom for the whole parliament , viz. all the lords knights , citizens and burgesses . they are all but one body , one court ; and their rights and priviledges are entire , and not some for the lords , and other for the commons ; but it is a joint priviledge . from hence it follows , you cannot invade the privilege of the one house , but you invade both . elsing , in his treatise of parliaments , fol. 145. 't is also in sir rob. cott. abr. fol. 433. but not so full . in the time of the same king , 5 h. 4. num . 74. the commons pray , that whereas according to the custom of the realm , the lords , knights , citizens and burgesses , coming to parliament , ought not for any debate , &c. to be arrested . it is said to be the custom of the whole realm ( that is , the same with the common law ) and it is made to be one entire custom , both for the lords and commons ; and this is for freedom of debates , and not the same with the last that i cited , though in the same year . 39 h. 6. rot. parl. num . 9. on the behalf of w r clerk burg of chippenham in wiltsh . and 17 e. 4. rot. parl. num . 36. on the behalf of i. at will. cit. for exeter . in both these cases ( though upon occasion of two particular members ) yet the whole house of commons petition'd . and the petition on the behalf of wr. clerk , runs thus ; that , whereof time that mans mind is not to the contrary , it hath been used , &c. and then sets forth their priviledge . the petition of the commons on the behalf of i. at will. is in these words , viz. the freedom of which commons hath ever afore this time been , and oweth to be , that the knights of the shire , citizens of the cities , and barons of the cinque-ports , call'd to any of the parliaments of your noble progenitors ( among other liberties and franchises ) have had and used priviledge , that any of them should not be attached by their persons or goods in their coming to any such parliament , their abiding , nor returning to their proper homes , &c. their freedom had ever been ; then it did not begin first , nor had they themselves their beginning in 49 h. 3. and oweth to be : then it was not of meer grace , and by permission , but of right it ought so to be . and two acts of parliament pass'd upon those two petitions , which confirm the truth of those suggestions . and another thing i would observe , which does naturally and easily flow from these records , and is very useful to us , viz. that the commons petitioning to have these freedoms allow'd them , does nothing derogate from their right to those liberties and franchises , nor is no argument to prove them to be meer emanations of royal favour ; for the humble way of address , by the commons to the king to have their rights maintained , is made use of by our novellists , to prove they were granted from time to time , meerly by the kings grace . i am far from condemning this humble way of subjects addressing to their sovereign : it becomes the duty of subjects , and is due to the majesty of a king , to have all decent reverence shewn : but i would not have ill use made of their humility , to deprive them of their rights . it was ( as i take it ) the observation of caesar , in his commentary , of the temper of the old britains , jam domiti ut pareant , non ut serviant . in that famous case of thomas thorp , the speaker of the commons , 31 hen. 6. num . 25. there are the very words of the petition , at large set forth , in the fourth reg. of mr. pryn , fol. 644. thorp , was taken in execution , at the suit of the d. of y. the whole house of commons petitioned to have their speaker restored to them : and their petition is in these words . by common custom , time out of memory of man , and ever afore these times used , in every of the parliaments of the kings noble progenitors , &c. and so it proceeds to declare the priviledge of the commons . i would observe also , out of these three last records of parliament ; that when any breach of priviledge befell but a single member of that house , as that of walter clerk , and i. at will. the whole house thought it self concerned , and the whole house petitioned ; especially in this last case of thomas thorp , their speaker , to whom the d. of y. was no friend . this will be useful to my second point . hitherto i have presented you with records of parliament , as being the most proper proof of the rights of parliament , much beyond the reports of our historians , from whom our innovators fetch most of their arguments . i shall now offer you some records out of an inferior court , one of the four courts of westminster-hall , that is , out of the exchequer : but they are judicial records , adjudged by the whole court , by advice , with all the judges of both benches , to confirm the same point . m. 12. e. 4. and h. 13. e. 4. in the office of the pleas in the exchequer , mentioned by mr. pryn , in his fourth part of his register of parliament writs , fol. 752. in a plea of debt by donne against walsh . walsh was menial servant to henry earl of essex , and he sued out his writ of priviledg , and the writ under the great seal , was of this tenure : viz. cum secundum consuetudinem in regno hactenus obtentam & approbatam , domini magnates milites comitatuum ac cives & burgenses civitatum & burgorum , ad parliamenta nostra venientes , at eorum familiares ratione alicujus transgressionis ( and so proceeds to enumerate other sorts of actions ) dum sic in parliamentis nostris morentur , arrestari aut implacitari minime debeant , &c. and then the writ mentions that action of debt , brought against walsh , menial servant to the earl of essex , in that present parliament , vobis mandamus ( sayes the king by that writ of priviledge to the barons of the exchequer , ) quod si ita est . those words do not refer to the custom set forth , nor to the law upon it , but to the allegation in the writ of matter of fact ; viz. that walsh the defendant was menial servant to the earl of essex . and then the defendant does by way of plea , grounded upon that writ , apply the writ to himself ; and averrs , that he is the same person mentioned in the writ ; and averrs , that he was the menial servant to the e. of essex , and then demands allowance of his priviledge . the plaintiff in that suit traverses the custom and priviledge alledged in the writ ( as to the being impleaded ) but admits it as to the freedom from arrest . this traverse is in the nature of a demurrer ; for it is quaestio juris , ad quam respondent judices non juratores . et super hot viso & praelecto brevi praedicto , per barones , &c. habitoque avisamento justiciariorum domini regis , de utroque banco in hac parte . quia videtur praefatis baronibus de avisamento justiciariorum praedictorum , quod talis habetur & habebatur consuetudo , quod magnates & milites comitatuum , ac cives & burgenses civitatum & burgorum ad parliamentum de sumonitione regis venientes , ac eorum familiares ratione alicujus transgressionis , &c. dum sic in parliamento morentur , capi aut arrestari non debent . ( but then they adjudge that the priviledge does hold only against arresting their persons , but not against the suing them . ) this strongly proves the point i have in hand , that the house of commons have their priviledges by custom , and therefore the house it self could not have its original within time of memory , as 49 h. 3. is , in a legal understanding . it is very useful further to observe , that the single and sole occasion of this record was from the priviledge of the peers , from the suing a menial servant of a peer . no man denies but the peers have even been a part of the parliament : nay , our new modellers of the government would have the parliament to consist only of the king and lords . and yet it is said to be a joint custom for the commons , as well as for the lords , by express and particular words . why did they not lay the custom for the priviledge of the lords only , that might have serv'd for that present occasion , which was about the priviledge for a menial servant of the then e. of essex ? but the custom was an entire custom for both houses : this proves them to be coaetaneous , and twins by birth and original . all this is by the judgment of all the twelve judges , in a judicial proceeding : and it takes in the opinion of the chancellor , who issued out that writ . the other record of the same court is entred h. 12. e. 4. rot. 7. inter ryner & cousin , keeper of the wardrobe to the king , in an action of debt too ; and there the defendant claims his priviledge , not as servant to the king , but as servant to thomas st. leger , knight of the shire for surrey . and the writ of priviledge sets forth the same entire custom , both for lords and commons ( tho' the occasion was here from the commons only ) and the court of exchequer gives the like judgment , as in the former case , by advice too , of all the judges of both benches . the next record i shall make use of , shall be that of e. 2. which is a most invincible proof that the knights , citizens and burgesses have originally , and before 49 h. 3. constituted the house of commons , and have ever been a part of the parliament . the burgesses of s. albans , in their petition to the king , say , that they sicut caeteri burgenses regni ad parliamentum regis , per duos comburgenses suos venire debeant , prout retro-actis temporibus venire consueverant , tam tempore domini edwardi , nuper regis angliae , patris regis ( which must be e. 1. ) & progenitorum suorum ( which must be understood of the progenitors in the plural number of e. 1. for he mentions the then king e. 2. afterwards ) so that of necessity it must take in king hen. 3. and his father king john , at the least . and this computation much exceeds the date given to the house of commons by these new authors , viz. 49 h. 3. and then the petition descends to the mention of the then kings time , viz. e. 2. tempore domini regis qui nunc est , semper ante instans parliamentum . and the petition complains of the sheriff of hertfordshire , who by the abbots procuring , refused to summon that burrough . the answer by the councel is , scrutentur rotuli , &c. de cancellaria , si temporibus progenitorum regis burgenses praedicti solebant venire , vel non . this answer admits the general usage of burgesses to be chosen for divers burroughs , in the times of the king's progenitors ; for it is absurd to think , that that needed any search of the rolls in chancery , but the search was to be only , whether that particular burrough of s. albans was one of those ancient burroughs that had used that priviledge , and had a right to it , which would appear by the rolls , and returns of writs of summons . the record lays the usage for the burrough to have been semper , ante instans parliamentum ; so that the usage had been from ever . in the rolls of parliament 11 h. 4. num . 59 , cited by mr. pryn , in his brevia parliamentaria rediviva , fol. 185. there is a petition of the commons in french , reciting the stat. of 7. h. 4. c. 15. which statute ( as the petition says ) was made for the preserving the franchises and liberties of the election of knights of the shire , used throughout : the whole realm , and by the kings progenitors from parliament to parliament , time out of mind observed . i will now put the court in mind of some acts of parliament , that fully prove this point . the statute of 5 r. 2. parl. 2. c. 4. ( in a time when parliaments were not so much valued ) it is thereby enacted , by assent of the prelates , lords , and commons , that all persons and communalties , which should have a summons to parliament , should come from thence-forth to parliaments in the manner as they were bounden to do , and had been accustomed of old times ; otherwise they should be amerced as of old times had been accustomed . rot. parl. 2. h. 5. pars 2. numb . 10. this is left out of sir rob. cott. abr. that act declares , that the commons had ever been a member of the parliament , and that no statute or law could be made without their assent . i will not spend time in citing those learned antiquaries , or historians ; as sir henry spelman , bedes eccl. hist. nor famous selden , nor learned cambden , who by general words , used in the saxon times , for the assembling of parliaments , tho' not by that name , prove the commons to be a part of them ; but they do not prove the commons to be so elected , and to consist of knights , citizens , and burgesses , as is clearly proved by the records i have already offer'd . the parliament in the saxon times was styled commune concilium , tam cleri quam populi . and the laws were made per commune concilium , & assensum omnium episcopar ' & principum procerum comitum , & omnium sapientum senior ' & popular ' totius regni & populi conventus . king edward the confessor confirm'd the saxon laws , and made new , says lambert in his book de priscis anglor . legibus c. 8. fol. 139. and there ' t is said , all to be done a rege , baronibus & populo . these general words cannot be understood otherwise , than to include the commons . and so totius regni assensu & omnium astipulatione & judicio , says mr. selden , a judgment was given concerning lanfrank , arch-bishop of canterbury . the statute of mag. charta was made and confirm'd 9 h. 3. which was forty years before this new date of the original of the house of commons , viz. 49 h. 3. and it appears by several statutes , that mag. charta was made de communi concilio regni says one statute : per commune assent de tut le realm , says another . per le roy , peers , & communes de le terre , says another . it is worth the while to examin the grounds of their opinion , and it will appear how weak they are . these new authors affirm , that the house of commons began to be admitted as a part of the parliament , not till ● 49 h. 3. their reason is because ( as mr. prin says , in his plea for the lords fol. 182. and in his preface to sir robert cott. abr. ) the first writ of summons of any knights , citizens and burgesses now extant is no antienter than 49 h. 3. dorso 10. and 11. and from thence he concludes , that it is most apparent , that the commons had no place , nor votes by election in parliament , before the end of the reign of h. 3. and sir robert filmer is in like manner positive in it in his book call'd the freeholders grand enquest , fol. 18. and they both cite mr. seld. and camd. and other learned authors , and mr. dugdale in his origines juridiciales , fol. 18. follows them in it . it is true mr. selden in his titles of honour , fol. 717 ▪ towards the end of that fol. does take notice that the first roll that they find extant is that of 49 h. 3. for the summoning of the commons by way of election ; but he does not thence conclude , ( as those new authors do ) that this was the first time that the commons came to the parliament by election . but in other places of his learned book , he does strongly intimate his opinion to be that the commons did very anciently and long before 49 h. 3. make an essential part of the parliament , and were summon'd to it ; but in what form they were summon'd , and when they first began to be distinguished from the barones majores , selden himself seems much unresolved . learned camden does indeed date the original of the commons as a part of the parliament , and as now elected , from 49 h. 3. fol. 13. of his britannia in the edit . at lond. an. 1600. but let us take notice upon what authority he does it . he says he has it ex satis antiquo scriptore , but he names not his author . mr. seld. fol. 713. says , he could never meet with that author , and professes he gives little credit to that relation , but acknowledges there had been a great change in the constitution of the parliament , but supposes it long before 49 h. 3. viz. in the time of that king's father ( king john ) and that it was done by a law , tho' the law be lost , as many rolls of parliament were , wherein those laws were entered . and the distinction of barones majores & minores he supposes was made by act of parliament , about the time when the great charter of king john was made at runnymead viz. 17 johannis . by which charter , some of the barones majores were severally to be summon'd to parliament by special writs . and all other tenants in capite , or tenants by knights service were to be summon'd by a general summons directed to the sheriff of every county . by this conjecture , it should seem that the court of parliament before consisted but of one house or assembly . and it is generally held , that at the first , from the beginning of the reign of william the first , till that charter of king john , all tenants in capite had a right to sit in parliament . for says mr. seld. fol. 704. medio folii . tenere de rege in capite , and to be a baron , and to have a right to sit in councils or courts of judgment , are synonymies . that great charter of king john , says seld. was made by the king and his barons , & liberos homines totius regni , and that it seems first made the distinction . but mr. seld. does by no means leave it to k. h. 3. or his son e. 1. or to any other king at any time , to send his special writ of summons to such of the barons only , quibus ipse rex dignatus est brevia summonitionis dirigere . as mr. camden's nameless authour taught him , and from mr. camden , mr. pryn , sir robert filmer , and mr. dugdale take it up , and so propagate that error . so that this new fancy is wholly grounded upon the credit of that uncertain writer , whom mr. selden could never meet with , and to whom he gave no credit . the argument upon this subject , begins fol. 701. in mr. seld. tit. of honour , and is continued to fol. 718. now the argument taken from the rolls of summons , which are not extant before the time of 49 h. 3. is of no weight . for by the same argument it might be proved , that there was no parliament from the time of 49 h. 3. till 23 e. 1. for there is no roll nor no other testimony left of a summons for any knights , citizens and burgesses , from 49 h. 3. till 23 e. i. and yet we know there were no lest than fourteen parliaments between those times . and yet we know there were no less than fourteen parliaments between those times . they may as well argue , that there were no acts of parliament , nor no parliament till 9 h. 3. when magna charta was made , because there are no rolls of them till that time . whereas it is beyond all dispute , that there were parliaments and acts of parliament long before , as 4 will. 1. when the bishops were brought in to hold by barony , ( as mr. seld. conceives ) and some in h. 1. and others yet extant in history , yet the rolls of them are lost . this is observ'd by the ld. ch. i. vaughan , in his rep ▪ fol. 358. in the case of thomas and sorrel . in the next place , these late authors proceed further in their errour , and maintain that the commons had no further power in parliament , than what the king and the lords admitted them unto . and sir robert filmer , fol. 40. allows neither lords nor commons any power but by the king 's bare permission , and thus they are growing in their invasions against the court of parliament , and impeach one first , and the other will follow more easily . and sir robert filmer further holds , the legislative power rests solely in the king , and fol. 39. he hath these words , but the truth is ( saith he ) the liberties and priviledges of both houses , have but one and the self-same foundation , which is nothing else but the meer and sole grace of kings . and doctor heylin , in his life of arch-bishop laud , fol. 91. denies the priviledges of parliament to be the peoples birth-right , but holds them not otherwise exercis'd , than by the grace and goodness of the king. mr. pryn , sir robert filmer , and mr. dugdale , lay great stress upon the diversity that is in the writs of summons , between the summons for the lords , and the summons for the commons . that to the lords ( say they ) is super negottis praedictis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri ▪ but that to the commons , is ( say they only ad faciendum & consentiendum his quae tunc ibidem de communi cousilio dicti regni contigerint ordinari . it is true , that for many years of late , that distinction hath been so used in the summons , but not constantly so . as to this point , i will cite mr. dugdale's , and mr. prin's own books against their own opinion . the very first writ of summons , which as they say is now extant , for the summoning of the commons by election , viz. 49 h. 3. runs in these words , nobiscum ac cum praedictis praelatis & magnatibus nostris super praemissis tractaturi at que consilium impensuri . dugd. orig. jur. pag 18. the writ , de expensis militum qui venerunt ad parliamentum venientibus ( saies that writ ) usque ad westmonasterium ibidem de diversis neg●ciis nobiscum tractaturis . see mr. pryn's 4th . part of a register of parliament writs , fol. 8. in mr. ryley's placita parliamentaria , it appears , that as the summons to the temporal lords , fol. 318. was ad tractandum , and so likewise the summons to the prelates , fol. 319. so also fol. 320. it is entred in these words , mandatum fuit singulis vicecomitibus per angliam quod de quolibet comitatu duos milites , & de qualibet civitate duos cives , & de quolibet burgo duos burgenses eligi & ad dictum parliamentum venire facerent ad tractandum , &c. in the same book , fol. 570. an. 15 e. 2. there is mention of a writ of summons , for knights out of wales , to a parliament at york , ad tractandum & consilium impendendum . in mr. pryn's brevia parliamentaria rediviva , fol. 274. there is the very indenture return'd by the sheriff of norsolk for great yarmouth , ad tractandum , consulendum & consentiendum . and fol. 68. of that book , another writ , de expensis militum , reciting the cause for which they had been summon'd to the parliament , viz. ad tractandum , &c. and in the same book , fol. 145. it appears that 18 e. 3. the writs to the sheriffs for chusing knights , mention'd what their work was to be , in these words , viz. nobiscum , cum praelatis & proceribus praedictis super diversis & arduis negotiis nos & statum regni nostri specialiter tangentibus tractaturi & suum consilium impensuri . and fol. 147. and 149. the like words in the writs . and fol. 177. and 276. and 283. and 381. indentures return'd from reading , bristol , london , with the same words . and ib. fol. 178 and 179 and 291 for windsor , and 365. so that in the reigns of seven several kings , and those of the most ancient kings , there was no such distinction in the writs of summons . another argument used by these late authors , to prove that the whole power and all the priviledges of the house of commons , are not from the original constitution of the government , ( as i affirm , and i hope have proved they are ) but of a later original , and by the meer grace and indulgence of princes ( as indeed they must be , if the house of commons began within memory ) is taken from the words and phrases of our historians , who have written since the coming in of the normans , and ascribe the making of laws , and all the determinations and decrees in matters of judicature , and all the actings of the ancient parliaments before the time of the normans , to the king and lords only , exclusive to the commons , and that the commons had no part in them , till this time of 49 h. 3. and they ground this opinion upon the form of penning of our ancient acts of parliament , which seem by the words of them to be meer concessions of our former kings , and to have proceeded only from their royal bounty , and at their sole will and pleasure . and they confirm themselves in that opinion , from observing the course used in the beginning of parliaments , when the speaker makes his humble petitions to the king for the granting of them freedom from arrests , and freedom of speech . now to discover the falsity of these grounds , and the weakness of these arguments , taken from the words and phrases us'd by our historians , i shall shew that our historians who have written since the time of the coming in of the normans , and have translated the saxon annals , have in those translations , instead of the saxon titles , used the titles that were never in use before their own times , which titles used in the saxons times had quite different significations from the titles used in the times of the translators . the title ( earl ) for example , is used in the penning of the saxons laws ( as among those of athelstan ) as we may see by mr. lambert in his book de priscis anglor . legibus , and the title ( comes ) came in amongst us since , from the empire ; and signified a different thing from ( earl. ) now our translators mistaking those two titles ( earl ) and ( comes ) to signifie the same thing , wherever they met with ( earl ) in the annals of the saxons , they have rendred it ( comes ) in their translations : and whatever in those times was done by earls , and whatever power the earls then used , is by our translators ascribed to our comites , who are therefore also called earls , when in truth they had different significations , and were different in their powers . mr. selden takes notice of this error in our norman or english translators proceeding from their ignorance . but from this error false conclusions have been raised , and false measures taken in our discourses , concerning the power of the peers . sir h. spelman observes the same error in our translators , in rendring words and titles non èmore saeculi antiquioris , but according to the titles used in their own times , when many times they signified different things . nobilis , says mr. selden , in the saxons times denoted every gentleman . now because ( nobilis , ) in our times is generally restrain'd to peers , whom we call the ( nobility , ) our new writers , as mr. pryn , and sir robert filmer , and several others , ascribe all to the earls and barons and other peers of our times , which they read in the translations of the saxon annals , to be acted by those that are called ( nobiles ) in those annals . altho' in truth in those saxon times , they were acted by the middle sort of persons , as well as by those of the highest sort of dignity under the king. those translators misled our new authors . for the norman writers translate the word ( thanes ) into ( barones ) and these new authors of ours , whatever they find in these translations to be related of the ( barones ) they limit it as a peculiar to our present ( barons ) and so ascribe all judicial power antiently used in parliament to the barons only . and they bring those historians and translators for a proof . for example , the saxon title ( thanes ) was in the saxon times applyed to all lords of mannors . but the translators of the saxon annals , translating the title ( thanes ) into ( barones ) our innovators apply all that in saxon writers is said to be done by the ( thanes ) that is , all lords of mannors , as peculiarly belonging to the power of the barons in our times . hence it is that sir e. c. cautions us against taking reports of law from historians : in his preface to the 3d. rep. he calls it chronicle law. the word ( baro ) was not in use in england till the normans times , and the root of it ( as mr. seld. and camd. and sir h. spelm. teach us ) is from the northern language ( barn ) which signifies the male sex , as when we put cases of baron and feme ; or it signifies ( a freeholder ) hence come the words courts baron . nomine baronagii ( says camd. eliz. edit . lond. an. 1600. fol. 137. ) omnes quodammodo regni ordines continebantur . it comprehended the gentry as well as the greatest persons . after this manner godwin in his roman antiquities speaking of the roman magistrates , translates the words ( triumviri capitales ) into ( 3. high sheriffs ) but this affords no argument , that what was done by the triumviri among the romans , may therefore lawfully belong to the power of high sheriffs among us . and so the words proceres , magnates , optimates , nobiles , and such like , were not in the writers of the saxons times restrain'd to men of the highest rank then , such as our earls and barons are now , but to all persons of the better sort , tho' not of the highest rank , not only to patricians , and those of the senatorian order , but to those also that were equestris ordinis . excluding none but the ignota capita , or sine nomine turba , such as the romans styled plebeians . magnates & proceres , are said to make the stat. of mortmain , but we all know that the parliament that made it , consisted then of king , lords , and commons . the great charter made 17 of k. john appears by the body of the charter it self to have been made per regem , barones , & liberos homines totius regni ; so that it is most plain it was not made by the king and the barons only , as mr. seld. observes in his tit. of honour , fol. 709. and there he refers to the close rolle 17 johannis dorso memb . 22 yet k. h. 3. speaking of this meeting , calls it baronagium angliae , and rot . claus . 28 h. 3. pars unica membr . 12. dorso , it is call'd parliamentum de runni-meade quod fuit inter dominum regem johannem & barones suos angliae . as for the other gross mistake , that the power of making laws rests only in the king , ( as sir robert filmer would have it , ) which he proves from the titles of acts of parliament , and the forms of those acts being by way of charter and grant from our kings in ancient times , as that of magna charta dominvs rex concessit ; and the stat. de donis conditionalibus , dominvs rex statuit , sure he was no lawyer that used this argument , and he never read the prince's case . nor sir e. c. 2. inst. nor shall i need to labour in the consutation of this errour , the fallacy of it being so well known to every man that wears a gown . as for that stat of mag. char. whereby the king only seems to speak , and all that is ordain'd by that stat. runs in the language of the king's concessions only ; yet we know the stat. of 15 e. 3. c. 1. which confirms it , says of it , that it was ordain'd by the king , lords , and commons . the stat. of 28 e. 1. c. 8. and c. 13. hath these words , viz. the king hath granted unto his people that they shall have election of their sheriffs every year , if they list . one would take this to be a most gracious liberty , and an high condescension if it should be granted now adays . and our innovators would be apt to conclude from the words of this act and from the penning of it , that the people once had this mighty priviledge meerly as a boon from the king , and by virtue of his grant. whereas there is nothing more certain and clear than that the freeholders ( who are often call'd the people , and are the true proprietors of the nation and land ) had originally and from the very first constitution of the nation , the election not only of all sheriffs , but of all other magistrates civil or military that had any authority over them under the king ; so that they had a mighty freedom in the very constitution of the nation , and this overthrows all the wild fancies of sir robert filmer , and dr. heylin , and some later doctors , as if all were deriv'd from meer grace and bounty , and many other deductions might be made from the knowledge of this . the freeholders had originally the election of the conservators of the peace , who are become out of date by introducing our present justices of peace , who have their power not by the elect. of the freeholders , or are they of their nomination ( as anciently ) but nominated by the king , and have their power by special commission under the great seal ; and how , and by what means , and in what tempered times this came about , and that this freedom was gain'd from the freeholders of england , you may read in mr. lambard , in his eirenarcha , fol. 16. 19. 20. 147. it was done by act of parliament , in the beginning of k. e. 3d , and in his infancy , when his mother q. isabel ruled all . the freeholders originally and from all antiquity did likewise by writ at the county-court styled in pleno folkmote chuse the heretochii ; what were those ? that sounds like a strange word . i will imitate our norman or english translators in the translation of the saxon annals , and render it into the english style : you may by that rule call them lords lieutenants , or deputy lieutenants ; for the saxon laws tell you their duty or office , they were the ductores exercitus . see lamb. de priscis anglor . legibus , in his ch . de heterochiis , fol. 147 all these great officers were chosen by the freeholders , as our knights of the shire are , and as coroners and verderers ( formerly men of great power ) are chosen by writ at the county-court to this day . these were mighty powers and freedoms , and enjoyed by the people as anciently as any of our records reach , and are more authentique proofs than the writings of historians , and best shew the native freedom that the people had by the ancient constitution of our government , contrary to all the new doctrines of our late writers , and prove that the priviledges and freedoms we yet enjoy are not meer emanations of royal favour , as our novellists would impose upon us . see sir e. c. to this purpose . 2. inst. 174. & 558. i could name some great men that have lately used the same language in books publish'd sub magni nominis umbra . bracton who liv'd in the time of k. h. 3. l. 1. c. 1. fol. 1. affirms legis vigorem habet quicquid de consilio & consensu magnatum & reipub. communi sponsione ( authoritate regis praecedente ) juste fuerit definitum & approbatum . in the last place , that humble and modest way of the people's addressing to their sovereign either for the making of laws ( which has been very ancient ) or for granting of priviledges ( as the speaker of the commons hath of late years done ) it shews indeed great reverence , and i do not in the least dislike it ; and it becomes the majesty of the prince to be so address'd to ; but let it not be made an argument that either the laws thereupon made , or the priviledges so allow'd , are precarious , and meerly of favour , and may be refus'd them . i would be loth to pay wages and to maintain at my charges every one that styles himself my humble servant . in that act of parliament intituled , the petition of right , the title corrects and qualifies it self , 3 car. 1. the lords and commons petition'd the king , but it was for their rights and priviledges ; not for any new , but for their ancient rights and priviledges , and yet they style it a petition . in the title of this act ( the petition of right ) those res olim , insociabiles , sc. imperium & libertas are bene mixtae : and from hence is a mixt monarchy . in the stat. of provisors , 25 e. 3. the commons prayed ; they are fond of the word , and i commend it in them ; but the word was used by the figure catachresis , as the scholars call it ; not properly , as appears by the subject matter of that act that follows ; what was it , i pray , that they so prayed ? they prayed ( says that act ) that upon the mischiefs that happen to the realm , the king ought , and is bound by his oath , with the accord of his people in his parliament , thereof to make remedy and law. the peers are here included in the people ; so that the word prayed had it been used to any other than the king , had signified remonstrated , declared , or represented . this proves too where the transcendent power of the legislature is , and that the exercise of it , tho' it be free and not subject to coercion , yet it is not at will and pleasure in the exercise of it , but guided by rules . and tho' the speaker does ( upon his being approv'd of by the king ) make it his humble petition to have liberty of speech allow'd the commons ; from whence dr. heylin . and sir rob. filmer , and others , infer that the commons enjoy that liberty meerly by the king's grace and favour ; yet they are clearly answear'd by the words that accompany that humble petition , he prays they may be allow'd that freedom , as of right and custome they have vsed , and all their antient and just priviledges and liberties . so that this from the speaker is also a petition of right . nor is this request of the speakers antient in the use of it , if we may believe mr. hakewel , in his treatise of the manner of enacting statutes in parliament , fol. 136. thomas moyle speaker , 34 h. 8. the first that is recorded to have made petition for freedom of speech . i hope i have sufficiently made it out , that the house of commons as a member of the high court of parliament , are not of so late an original , as 49 h. 3. but have been as antient as the nation it self , and may in the sence of julius caesar in his comment . be accounted among the ab-origines , and that they have had a perpetual being , to speak in the language of the law , temps dont , &c. à tempore cujus contrarii memoria hominum non existit , and that they are therefore capable by law ( together with the rest of the three estates in parliament ) to prescribe and claim a share in all parliamentary powers and priviledges ; i do not mean separately , but in conjunction with those other estates , which they could not otherwise legally have done , if their originall and commencement could have been shown . i shall in the next place endeavour to make it evident , that the three estates of parliament are one entire body and corporation ; and that all their powers and priviledges in the right of them , and in the title to them , are intire , per my & per tout , and belonging to the whole body of the parliament , tho' in the exercise of those powers , and sometimes in the claim of them they are distinguish'd , and in the practice of their powers , they are in many things distributed into parts . for their powers are one thing , and their priviledges are another ; the latter are but an incident or attendant upon the former . it is very material in our present case to have this matter consider'd , i mean the intireness of this high court ; for divide & impera : the faggot is easily broken when first the band is broken . if this be well consider'd , the consequence of this case will be better understood . it concerns the defendant only by name and more immediately , but in the right and near consequence , it is now most evident , that it nearly concerns the house of lords : this information of mr. attornies , like a terrae-motus , or as that great blast would have done ( had not almighty god , in his infinite goodness to this nation , prevented it ) shakes the foundation of both houses , and reaches to all future parliaments ; it frights me to speak what may be the effects of it , if it should prevail and be stretch'd to the utmost . i am far from saying or thinking it is so intended . but who knows how far a single precedent will be made use of in times to come ? all the estates , in parliament , are all called by one common name , as commune concillum regni , magna curia , they are one body politick , m. 14 h. 8. fol. 3. in the year-book ( which i cited before to another purpose ) it is said by fineux ch. i. that the parliament at the common-law , consists of the king , lords , and commons , and they are ( saies he ) but one body corporate . this proves likewise ( what i before argued ) that the commons at the common-law ( which is ab initio ) were a part of the parliament . in the case of ferrers out of crompt . jurisd . of courts , fol. 8 , 9 , 10. ( for i keep within my proper element , and move in my sphere , and cite authors of our own science of the common-law ) k. h. the 8th . call'd before him the lord chancellor , the judges , the speaker of the house of commons , and others , and thus express'd himself before them , viz. that he was inform'd by his judges , that he the king as head , and the two houses as members , were knit together in one body politick , so as whatsoever offence or injury ( during time of parliament ) is offer'd to the meanest member of the house , is to be judged as done to the king's person and the whole court of parliament . and sir edward mountague the ld. ch. i. then present , confirm'd all that the king had said , and it was assented to by all the rest of the judges . now if you bruise or pierce the hands ; ( and the house of commons may well be compar'd to the hands , for they have been the liberal hands , and the hands feed the head ) the head and all the rest of the body must quickly be sensible . in trewinnard's case , dier . 60. and 61. the priviledge of the commons upon this very account , is term'd the priviledge of the parliament , and the judgment given in that case by the house of commons , is there said to be the judgment of the most high court of parliament . the statute of 1 . c. 1. saies the parliament is the whole body of the realm . by the two records that i cited before out of the office of pleas in the exchequer , 12 e. 4. it appears in two several cases of priviledge , the one concerning the lords , and the other concerning the commons , in both cases the priviledge was laid and claim'd as one entire priviledge , and so allow'd by the judgment of that court , by advice of all the judges of both benches . the speaker of the house of commons , by the rolls of parliament , ( which are the most proper proofs in a thing of this nature ) is term'd the speaker of the parliament , so it is in the roll of 1 r. 2. in sir cotton's abr. fol. 155 it was in the reign of a king that was no favourer of parliaments . sir john bussey , speaker to the parliament , sir robert cotton's abr. 20. r. 2. num . 14 and 15. 51 e. 3. num . 87. sir robert cotton's abr. fol. 151. sir thomas hungerford speaker of the parliament . and so is the speaker of the commons styled in the case of ferrers in crompton's jurisd . of courts , fol. 8 , 9 , 10. ( before cited . ) in the statute of 6 h. 8. c. 16. the clerk of the house of commons , is called clerk of the parliament . in the case of godsol and sir christ , heydon , 12 . in b. r. in sergeant roll's rep. fol. it was affirm'd by sir e. c. that in antient time all the parliament sate together , and the separation was at the desire of the commons , notwithstanding ( saies he ) they are but one house : and he further affirms , that he had seen a record , 30 h. 1. of their degrees and seats . having made it appear that the parliament is one intire body , and therefore mutually concern'd in powers and priviledges as to the right and title of them , tho' dividod sometiems in the exercise . i shall proceed briefly to show what those powers are , in order to the proving that what in our case is charg'd to be done by the speaker , by order and command of the parliament , ( for so i may now affirm ) is pursuant to their power and jurisdiction . the parliament hath three powers . 1. a legislative , in respect of which they are call'd the three estates of the realm . 2. a judicial , in respect of this 't is call'd magna curia , or the high court of parliament . 3. a counselling power , hence it is call'd commune concilium regni . for the proof of these , i shall cite some few antiquaries , but chiefly some authors of our profession of the law , and those of the best authority with us . i shall mention them without observing any exact method , because divers of them extend to more than one of these distinct powers , and some of them refer at once to all of them . sir henry spelman in his glossary tit. ( gemotum ) which was the old saxon word for a parliament , fol. 261. convenere ( saies he ) regni principes tam episcopi quam magistratus ( there are those that now make up the house of lords ) liberique homines ( there are the commons ) what is their proper work and power ? consulitur de communi salute , de pace & bello . this proves them the commune concilium regni . learned camden . quod saxones olim wittena gemot nos parliamentum recte dicicimus , as to their power , summam & sacro-sanctam authoritatem habet in legibus ferendis , interpretandis , & in omnibus quae ad reipubl . salutem spectant . this shews their legislature . the mirror of justices , ( this is an authority in law ) c. 1. fol. 9. saies , parliaments were institued pur oyer & terminer ; this is is the supream court of oyer and yerminer . the court of king's bench is said to be above all courts of eire or itinerant ; and if the king's bench be adjourn'd into any county , where the eire is sitting , the eire ceases , in praesentia majoris , &c. but this court is above the king's bench and all courts of oyer and terminer . the king's bench is the highest eire , but this is ( according to solomon's hyperbole ) higher than the highest . but what is the proper subject of their oyer and terminer ? our antient author ( who wrote some part of his book before the conquest ) tells us their work is to hear and determine les plaintes de tort le roy , de la reign , & de leur enfans , ( the king's children , so that they make an impartial enquiry , but saies our author further , de eux specialment de queux torts lun ne poit aver autrement common droit , this flies very high to prove their judicial power . i forbear to english it . it is the proper work of this supream court , to deal with such delinquents , as are too high for this court of the king's bench or other ordinary courts . against whom , through their potency or mighty interest , common right cannot be had , it must be understood in ordinary courts . and the writing and printing of this , was never taken to be a scandal to the government or to the justice of the nation . for the author speaks in the person of the king himself , and tells us , that the high court of parliament is arm'd with a power , able to cope with and quell the most insolent offenders . when the great judge of all the earth comes to make inquisition for blood , and to execute judgment by the hands of this high court. the lofty looks of man shall be humbled , and the haughtiness of men shall be bowed down and made low . to discourse of this judgment , will make a foelix tremble . we have often heard it confidently said from the pulpit . that our laws are like the spiders webs , which catch the little flies , but the great ones break through them . now it is quite contrary with this great court , this great court encounters only with great offenders . it is like the imperial eagle , aquila non capit muscas , it leaves them to this and other inferiour courts , but that takes to task the animalia majora . in the great case , rot. parl. 40 e. 3. num . 7. king john had resign'd up the crown of england to the pope , by the hand of pandolphus his legate , and sordidly submitted to take the crown at his hand again , at a yearly tribute . in the region of our noble king edward the 3d. the pope demanded his rent and all the arrears . the prelates , dukes , counts , barons , and commons , resolv'd that neither the king nor any other , could put the realm nor the people thereof into subjection , sans l'assent de eux . this intimates , that with their joint consent the crown may be dispos'd of . this was the highest resolution in law , in one of the highest points in law , concerning the king's claim of an absolute power , and in a time when the pope was in his height . and the commons join in the resolution , both against the pope's and king john's pretence to a despotick power . sir tho. smith who was a secretary of state , in his commonw . l. 2. c. 2. fol. 50 , 51. in comitiis parliamentariis posita est omnis absolutae potestatis vis ( taking in the king as the head of them , as it ought to be understood this shows where the rightful absolute power under almighty god is . and among other magnalia he tells us , incerti juris controversias dirimunt . this shews their transcendent judicial power ; they determine the greatest disputes and doubts in law. they would quickly decide this dispute and controversie , ( were it once before them ) without argument . this appears to be the proper business of a parliament , even from the writ of summons both to lords and commons , ( for they did not anciently differ in any thing material ( as i have abundantly shown already ) they are de arduis regni tractitare , & concilium impendere , here is their councelling power . according to that equitable rule , quod omnes tangit , ab omnibns tractari debet . their legislative power is most clearly set out by bracton ( a judge in the time of k. h. 3d. in whose latter times our innovators would have the house of commons to begin ) i cited him before ; legis vigorem habet ( says he ) quicquid de consilio & de consensu magnatum & reipubl . communi sponsione ( anthoritate regis praecedente , ) juste fuerit definitum & approbatum 5 h. 4. num. 11. the record there uses too gross a word . the commons ( says the roll ) require the king , it should have been , made it their request to the king ( and the lords accorded ) that four special persons should be remov'd out of the kings house . this in some ages , as in the reign of k. r. the 2d . would have been thought a very high presumption , and a sawcy thing ( to speak in the language of the pulpit , and press too from a late cambr. dr. and a chaplain in ordinary , ( if the title of the print may be credited ) but said to be printed by the — of that university . a sawcy thing with their prophane and unhallowed hands to presume to meddle in a thing so sacred . ( thus says the late printed sermon ) but it was a sacred or consecrated thing indeed in this roll of parliament mention'd . one of the 4 required to be remov'd out of the king's house , ( where he was a domestick ) was no less than the king's confessor . and it was not in the reign of a r. the 2d . or h. the 6th . but of k. h. 4th . one of our wisest and most active valiant kings . but it may be thought that these four persons were in some desperate popish plot of killing the king , as the four we have heard of , were . no , the king himself will resolve that doubt . that noble king said in answer to it , he knew no cause wherefore they should be remov'd , but only for that , they were hated of the people . and yet that great king charged those four to depart from his house . this proves their councelling power . i might enumerate a vast multitude of animalia majora , no small flies , that have in several ages been catched in the net or webb of an inquiry made by the house of commons , who fish only for such greater fish , such as we call the pike , who by oppression live upon the smaller fish , and devour them . the commons to that end fish with a net , that has a wide and large meshe , such as le ts go the small frye , and compasses none but those of the largest size . such as the lord latimer in the time of e. 3. an. 50. such as michael de la pool e. of suff. and lord chancellour ; in 10. r. 2. tho. arundel archbishop of canterbury . 21 r. 2. and such like . william de la pool d. of suff. 28 h. 6. who were all impeach'd by the house of commons in several parliaments . and i my self have seen a lord chief justice of this court , while he was lord chief justice , and a learned man , by leave from the house of commons , pleading before that house for himself , and excusing what he had done in a tryal that came before them in the west , whereof complaint was made to the house . and he did it with that great humility and reverence , and those of his own profession and others , were so far his advocates , as that the house desisted from any further prosecution . in the the late act of 13o. of his now majesty for safety of his royal person , there is a proviso for the saving of the just antient freedom , and the priviledge of either of the houses of parliament , or any of their members , of debating any matters or business , which shall be debated or propounded in either of the said houses ; or at any conferences or committees of both , or either of the said houses ; or touching the repeal or alteration of any old , or the preparing any new laws ; or the redressing of any publick grievances . i observ'd but now out of trewinn . case in the ld. dier . that the judgment of the house of commons in a case of the priviledge of that house , in that report , is called a judgment of the most high court of parliament ; which proves they are not without a judicial power . 3 h. 6. sir rob. cott. abr. fol. 574. the great case between the e. of warwick and the earl marshal for precedency , fol. 576. was determin'd by the king. by advice and consent of the lords and commons ; and yet one would have thought that a case of precedency between two peers , should have been a peculiar of the lords . in the case of 1 h. 7. in the year books , fol. 4. about reversing of attainders , it is advis'd by all the judges , that those knights and others of the house of commons , should not sit in the house , till the act for reversal of their attainders were pass'd . and the reason is , that it is not convenient , that such as were attaint should be judges ; ( and it might have been added in their own case ) so that attainting by bill , or reversing attainders , tho' by bill , is most properly a judicial act , and the members of the house of commons are acknowledged to be judges in that case by all the judges , and by that statute of 6 h. 8. c. 16. which i mention'd before to another purpose , the iournal of the house of commons is call'd a record . i have formerly observ'd , but to another purpose too , that the writs of summons anciently for electing knights , citizens and burgesses to parliament , did direct them in their duty , that they were to meet ad consulendum & consilium impendere , tho' of late years this has been omitted , and now advantage is taken of it . let us in the next place examin whether the matters acted in this case by the house of commons be warranted by these powers , of the parliament , and have been done in pursuance of those powers . and upon examination , we shall find they have done nothing but what they had a full power to do , and what is agreeable to the law and usage of parliament . it is set forth in the plea , ( and admitted by the demurrer , but we all know it to be true ) that there was an horrid devillish , &c , popish plot. the enquiry after which , and the searching of it to the bottom . and discovering all the accomplices , was negotium arduum , and it did , regem & statum regni specialiter tangere , according to the writ of summons to parliament . for the plea tells us the design of it , viz. to kill the king. 2ly . to subvert the government and the laws , to suppress the true religion , and to destroy the professors of it . the plea shows , that one great lord was convicted of it by impeachment of the commons , and attainted before the lords . the kings speech shows there was need of further enquiry , and that it was not as yet thoroughly done , nor himself , nor the two houses safe ; and the king charges both houses to make an impartial enquiry . the word impartial imports , there might be some great persons concern'd , that might be apt to be favour'd . and the plea shows that both houses accordingly made a strict and impartial enquiry after the conspiracy . all this appears plainly to be the proper work of a parliament , and his majesty himself was of that judgment , and charged them to do their duty in it . and the enquiry is the most proper business of the house of commons . for this reason they are commonly styl'd the grand inquest of the nation . tho' sir rob. filmer's bold writing terms them so by way of diminution and contempt , ( as if enquiry were their highest work ) . this inquiry of theirs is necessary in a subserviency to all the several high powers of that high court. namely , in order to their legislature , or to the exercise of their power of judicature . courts that have power of oyer and terminer , and to punish great and enormous crimes , are still by their commissioners arm'd with a power of empannelling grand inquests , to make enquiries in order to their exercise of their power of determining . or it may be in order to their counselling power , for removal of great officers or favourites , whereof i have given an instance , and the parliament rolls and journals are full of them . but still they first make enquiry . they enquire among themselves , and every grand jury man by his oath , is to impart his knowledge in any thing material to his fellows . but the most effectual enquiry is most probably from without doors ; and without such enquiry , things of great importance may lye conceal'd . and the defendants plea shows some good effect of that enquiry . diverse were convicted : and one tho. dangerf . deliver'd in an information , and that upon oath , and first to the lords house , so that it did not begin with the commons ; but if it were so infamous and malicious , why did not the lords reject it , and commit the informer and punish him ? no , they receiv'd it , and entred it of record in their journal . the reason was , it was done in a course of legal proceeding , they could not reject it , being the proper court of justice for a thing of this nature . and the king had given it them in charge to enquire . nor do they by receiving of it give it any countenance or credit . then why should it be so heinous a thing in the house of commons , more than in the lords ? let us remember still they are but one body ; and though they sever themselves for their better dispatch of their great affairs , and distribute the work amongst them , yet the power by which they act , is entire . but why should any man divide and sever those that are entire ? it concerns the lords equally with the commons . but how comes it to concern the speaker of the commons so highly above the house it self , who acts meerly as a minister , and by command of the house ; but that , i reserve for a point distinct . but perhaps it may be allow'd , that what is done by either house , in receiving dangerfield's information and entring of it in their journals is parliamentary enough . but the offence and scandal arises first upon the publishing of it in print . now a word or two to that . let us consider how publick this information of dangerfield's was before the printing of it . it was made very publick by being deliver'd at the bar of the lords , the high court of parliament ; and indeed all courts of justice ought to be open and of easie resort . the information of dangerfield is first made a record of that court , and to a court of record any person may resort , as sir e. c. tells us in his preface to the 3d. rep. and that it was the ancient law of england , and is so declar'd by a general act of parliament , 46 e. 3. c. which tho' a general law is not in the printed book of statutes , as i observ'd of another general and useful act of parliament before ( however it comes to pass ) in that act of 46 e. 3. the commons prayed that a record of whatsoever is done in the king's court , ought in reason to remain there for perpetual evidence for all persons . and they complain that of late the court had refus'd to suffer the people to search and to have exemplifications for evidence against the king or to his disadvantage . therefore they pray that search and exemplification be made to any persons of any record whatsoever , though it concern the king or any other , and make against the king or any other . and the answer is , le roy le voet . but then it was made more publick , by being deliver'd in at the bar of the house of commons , which ought to consist of about 500 members , who are suppos'd to come from all parts of the kingdom : so that this was made very publick , before this publishing of it in print . let me observe by the way , that this author of the information ( tho. dangerfield ) was not sent for by the house of commons , but for any thing that appears , applies himself to the house of commons , as he had before done to the lords , of his own accord , so that this is far from malice or ill design . the commons order it to be entred in their journal , among other informations that had been given them . and besides , they order this and several others to be printed . the offence and scandal is suppos'd by mr. att. information to begin here : what need was there of printing it ? i wish we could hear the house of commons answering for themselves to this point : they could ( it may be ) give a better account of it , and a sufficient reason for the printing of it . but let it be observ'd , they barely cause it to be printed . they do not give any attestation or credit to it , but leave all that hear or read it , to judge or believe as they think fit . they do not make it their own , by printing it without mention of the true author , they style it the information of tho. dangerfield , as indeed it was ; they do not adopt it their own , as they had done , had they left out the name of the author . nay the author himself had deliver'd it in a course of justice and in the highest court of justice , i. e. before the lords in parliament . if it were a libell and slander , why did the lords receive it , and cause it to be entred of record as they did ? why did they not rather reject the information and punish the author ? if it were no crime in the author to deliver it to the lords , were it true or false , why should it be a crime to print it as being his , and with his name ? whether the matter of that information were true or false , yet what is done by the house of commons and by the defendant as their speaker , is all true , that is that tho. dangerfield had drawn up , and was the author of such an information , and this was true . by the statutes that punish the reporters of false news , the penalty is but imprisonment , till the first author be brought forth , and that is done in this case . the author is avouch'd , and his name is printed with the information , and it is upon record in the lords house , and he in person did present it to the lords . besides , if there can be any just reason or occasion assign'd for the printing of it , it shall never be ascrib'd to malice or ill design , and without malice alledg'd , this information lies not . nor can a thing so dishonourable as malice and ill design , be decently or justly conceiv'd or objected against so great and grave an assembly : why ? it is the body of the whole nation . and can a whole nation be in reason suspected to harbour malice , and to have a design against the common-weal , that is against themselves ? there may most probably and justly be this in the case , to induce the printing this narrative or information of dangerfield . the plot was very desperate and dangerous , it was not yet fully discover'd and search'd to the bottom . they were commanded by the king to search further into it . besides it was the proper work of the house of commons so to enquire , as they were the grand inquest of the nation . here was one positive witness already that had sworn to these particulars , before the highest court of justice , where the great persons concern'd in it , sate themselves as members of the lords house . but one witness alone , though it were sufficient to make an accusation , yet it was not enough to make a conviction ; in high treason the law requires two at least . the house of commons could not in duty and conscience to the king and kingdom , pass it by or let it sleep . this information tho' but from one man , might possibly have given courage to another person or more than one to testify to the same particulars , if there were any more that knew them to be true , who were unwilling to be the first in the discovery , not knowing but they might stand singly in it : but finding the discovery already made and sworn to , might then think it their duty , and be encouraged to appear also in it , when it might probably be of effect and amount to a legal testimony . the difficulty , and the danger , and discouragement , lay upon the first informer . this consideration might induce the house of commons out of a sense of their duty , to make a further and impartial enquiry as his majesty had commanded them , to make it yet ( if possible ) a little more publick in order to a fuller proof : and printing is but one way among many other of publishing or enquiring into any matter . and of late years enquiry by printing has been a most frequent practice , and we meet with it every week , and it is become the most ordinary way of making enquiries , which run into all parts of the nation . and the printing of publick proceedings at tryals , has been generally of late practis'd by the courts of law , or by the judges of those courts , or by the chief of them . but what has made this information of dangerfield's more publick , than mr. attorney general 's preferring this information against the defedant mr. williams , for causing it to be publish'd in print ? had it not been thus awaken'd again , it might have slept in silence , and have been buried in oblivion . tacitus the roman historian tells us in his annals in the life of nero , of one fabricius veiento , who was accus'd for uttering slanderous speeches against the lords of the senate and against the priests , in certain books , which he termed codicello's , which in our dialect , is the same with libels or little books . nero would have the hearing of the cause himself , and he was convicted before him , and was condemn'd to exile , and his books were sentenced to be burnt . tacitus observes , that before this sentence for the burning of the books , there was little notice taken of these books , and few there were that read them : but when once it grew dangerous to read them , then they were much sought after . but the very opening of that information of dangerfield here in this great court , and in so great an audience , which was of necessity , and occasion'd by mr. attornies information that recites it , tho' mr. attorney never intended this ill consequence , hath made the matter of it as publick as possibly can be . and it must be observ'd , that it never yet came so far as to a tryal , nor to have an ignoramus found , much less to an acquital modo legitimo , in which case , according to the opinion of some judges , an action of conspiracy , or upon the case for a slander will not lye , as not being ripe for it till an acquital : by the same reason it is not ready for an information , which is but the king's suit , the reason being the same in both . but it may perhaps be thought , that in respect of the persons concern'd in it , this was too high a flight , and too bold an attempt , and that the height and eminence of some persons may exempt them from common justice , and from the power even of a parliament . in answer to which , i would observe , that some laws are more especially levell'd against the highest subjects . by the statute of w. 1. c. 5. the king forbids that nul haute homme , no high or great man , upon pain of grievous forseiture , disturb elections , but elections ought to be free . the like may be observ'd in the statute of w. 1. c. 35. des hautes bommes , &c. and the greater the persons are , if they are in the rank of subjects , they must be subject to the king's laws , and they are the more proper for the undertaking and encounter of this high court. it will not be impar congressus . i cited before , the mirror of justices , chap. 1. pag. 9. where it is said , that parliaments were ordained for to hear and determine in such wrongs , and against such persons , especially against whom otherwise common right cannot be had . i will cite no historians to prove what hath been done in antient times within this very kingdom , of this nature against the highest subjects . i will keep still within my own sphere , and cite none but authorities in law. and so keep my self in the way that belongs to me , and so doing , i am under the protection of this court and of the law , and may relye upon the performance of that blessed promise , he will keep thee in all thy ways . there must be no respect of persons in doing justice . the great judge of all the world gives it as a rule , and himself gives the example , god is no respecter of persons . the king was pleas'd to charge both houses , to make a strict and impartial enquiry . i shall cite two authorities in law , that come to this point . the first is in case of a brother and an heir apparent too , and of a person that did after succeed in the crown . king richard the 1st . in his magna curia , petiit sibi judicium fieri de comite johanne fratre fuo qui contra fidelitatem quam ei juraverat , foedus contra eum cum inimico suo rege franciae inierat . that was the offence charg'd . it may possibly be objected that the king himself complain'd : true , but he complains to the proper judicature : this proves their power . hunts arguments for bishops , fol. 80. but what did the high court do upon that complaint ? they pronounc'd a very severe sentence , tho' it were but in the nature of a mean process to make him appear , and answer . seld. tit. of hon. fol. 707. the lords order or adjudge , that if john earl of moreton did not appear within 40 days after summons , judicaverunt comitem johannem demeruisse regnum . let me remember you of a stronger and higher case , and i have it out of an author of the law too . crompt . jurisd . of courts in his chapter of the court of the king 's bench. in a case of corpus cum causa . whidden , one of the judges of the court , cited a case that did happen in the time of gascoign ch. i. in the reign of king h. 4. gascoign committed the prince of wales ( who was afterwards our king h. the 5th . ) to prison for endeavouring to take away a prisoner from the bar of the king's bench , and the prince humbly submitted and went to prison , and the king hearing of it , commended it . if the king's bench , being an inferior court to that high court , might soar so high , how much more the highest court of the realm ; where the king sits in the exaltation of his orb , and is in his greatest splendor ? the king indeed is presum'd in law to be in this court , which makes the style of its proceedings to be coram rege , and some of our kings have been said to have sate here . but the king is in his high court of parliament , per eminentiam , as k. h. 8. one of the highest and most resolute of our kings , said in the case of ferrers ( which i cited before to another point . ) that he was informed by his judges , ( who were all then present ) that he in no time stood so high in his state royal , as in the time of parliament . then if we consider the person whom the ch. i. gascoign committed . he was a continuing , settled , fixed heir , and then prince of wales , whose chair now stands vacant in the lord's house in time of parliament , and afterwards this prince of wales proved a renowned king. nescit imperare qui nescit obtemperare . the sacred scriptures tell us , that the heir differeth nothing from a servant . i may say also from a subject , until the time appointed of the father , gal. 4. 1 , 3. what would the author of the sermon preach'd before the university have said in these cases that i have cited ? he would have call'd them unwarrantable proceedings , and would have affirm'd that the persons thus proceeded against , were too sacred to be touch'd with such unhallowed hands . this hath been the bold language from the pulpit and the press , if the title of the book be true from a cambr. dr. oblitus professionis suae , quae nil nisi lene suadet & justum . and the author while he was guilty of gross flattery on the one hand , was not afraid to run into the other extream , of speaking evil of dignities , on the other hand , of one of the three estates of the realm , of the representative of the great body ( whereof he himself makes but a small inconsiderable atome ) . we know from certain and undoubted histories of our own , that in the time of king h. 8. greater persons in the account of the law than the prince of wales , and yet but subjects of the king have been brought to tryal , and that before lords commissioners ; and however , in other respects their cases might be very hard , yet it was never doubted but they were subject to the law and justice . now to proceed to my second point , wherein i shall be brief . viz. that however , the matters charged in the attorney general 's information are not to be imputed to the defendant in this case : he being but the minister or mouth of the house , and acting only by their order . he is frequently in the parliament records styled the mouth of the house whose speaker he is . mr. hakewell in his treatise of parliaments fol. 200. among the catalogue of speakers , begins with petrus de mountf . whom he makes speaker 44 h. 3. of the house of commons , and he cites the register of st. albans for it , fol. 207. where it is said that petrus de mountford vice totius communitatis consented to the judgment of banishment of adomar de valence bishop of winchester , and sir robert cotton agrees with mr. hakewell in this point . mr. pryn in his preface to sir cotton's abr. is of an opinion by himself , that tota communitas signifies the whole baronage . but it appears by the body of the letter there written , that communitas is distinguished from the majores . sir sir cotton's abridgement 6 e. 3. fol. 12. in the upper part , it is said , the lords and great men by the mouth of sir henry beaumont . mr. hakewell in his aforesaid treatise , speaking of william trussel , says , the commons aswered by his mouth . 13 e. 3. 2 r. 2. numb . 16. sir cotton's abr. fol. 174. the commons return their answer to the king by sir james pickering their speaker . 17 r. 2. numb . 17. sir r. cott. abr. 353. the king advising with the commons , concerning a peace with france , return their answer by sir john bussey their speaker . mr. hakewell in his book before cited , fol. 205. 7 h. 4. says , that sir john tiptoft , while he was speaker , signed and sealed the deed of entailing the crown with these words , nomine totius communitatis . mr. elsing in his treatise of parliaments , fol. 125. tells us , that what was spoken by the speaker is entred in the rolls , as spoken by the commons . but take what is done by the defendant to be his proper acting , yet he acting only as a minister and servant to the high court of parliament , by the ordinary rules of law , in cases of officers , he is not suable , nor any way punishable for it . this is resolved in the rutland's case 6 rep. 54. and the same case likewise reported in moor's rep. 765. that an officer or minister executing process which is erroneously awarded ( as where a capias is awarded against a peer ) the officer is to be excus'd ; for he must not dispute the authority of the court , but obey . and in that case the secondaries of the counter , and the serjeants in london were excus'd and held not guilty of any offence . so in the case of the marshelsea , 10 rep. 76. where the distinction is , if the court have a jurisdiction , the officer is excus'd though the process be erroneous . qui jussu judicis aliquod fecerit , non videtur dolo malo fecisse quia parere necesse est . keilwey 99. a med. by brudnel , and the lord dier in trewinnard's case fo . 60. b where a writ of priviledge in case of a parliament-man arrested , is granted , where it ought not to be ; and the sheriff by virtue of that writ discharged the person arrested . yet the sheriff ( saith that case ) is not chargeable in an action for this : parere necesse est . what that necessity is we may see in that case of trewinnard , dier fo . 61. a med. if the sheriff refuse to execute the writ . and as a fair warning to sheriffs , and other officers not to resist or disobey the commands and orders of the house of commons , the lord dier mentions what punishment was inflicted upon the sheriffs of london , in the case of geo. ferrers . they were committed to the tower for their contempt in not letting a parliament-man taken in execution , to go at large , when the serjeant at arms of the house of commons came for him without a writ . nay the lord dier says , in the latter end of that case of trewinnard , that if the parliament err'd ( he speaks it of the house of commons ) yet there is no default in the sheriff . when the late king being in person in the house of commons , and sitting in the speaker's chair , ask'd the then speaker , whether certain members , whom the king named , were then in the house . the speaker answer'd readily , and wisely , and with a good presentness of mind ( which arose from the genius of that house ) that he had neither eyes to see , nor tongue to speak , but as the house was pleased to direct him . iii. point . as to the last point ; that for matters done in or by the parliament ( as the matters in our case are ) neither the king's-bench , nor any other court , but the court of parliament it self , can by law take cognizance of it . this is the great point of the case . i shall first offer to prove it by reasons , and then i shall back and enforce those reasons by many authorities , and those of the highest sort . 1. reason . the parliament gives law to this court of the kings-beneh , and to all other courts of the kingdom ; and therefore it is absurd and preposterous that it should receive law from it , and be subject to it . the greater is not judged of the less . 2. the parliament is the immediate court for examining the judgments of the court of king's-bench , and if they be erroneous , they reverse them ; and if this court should against law take upon them to proceed in this cause , and give judgment , the parliament , when it meets , no doubt , will set it aside as erroneous : and no man does in the least doubt but they have power to do it , and there is as little doubt but they will do it ; therefore it is wholly in vain for this court to take cognizance of it ; and it cannot be revers'd elsewhere , it being in a matter of jurisdiction . see the statute of 27 eliz. c. 8. the preamble reciting , that erroneous judgments given in the king's-bench are only to be reform'd by the high court of parliament ; which court of parliament was not in those days 〈◊〉 often holden , as in ancient time it had been : neither yet in respect of the greater affairs of the realm could they well be consider'd of and determin'd in parliament , &c. there is an exception of errors that concern'd the jurisdiction of the king's-bench ; those remain as before ; and in the errors that are referr'd to the judges of the common-pleas and barons of the exchequer , by 27 eliz. c. 8. the jurisdiction of the parliament is to examine them , &c. 3. this court , as all the courts of common-law , judge only by the ordinary rules of the common-law . but , the proceedings of parliament are by quite another rule . the matters in parliament are to be discuss'd and determin'd by the custom and usage of parliament , and the course of parliament ; and neither by the civil , nor the common-law , used in other courts . 4. the judges of this , and of the other courts of common-law in westminster , are but assistants and attendants to the high court of parliament : and shall the assistants judge of their superiors ? 5. the high court of parliament is the dernier resort , and this is generally affirm'd and held ; but it is not the last , if what they do may yet again be examin'd and controll'd . 6. the parliament is of an absolute and unlimited power in things temporal within this nation . i shall now proceed to authorities that are full to this point ▪ and do second and back those reasons that i have offer'd ; wherein i shall not observe any method by reducing or ranking of them under these reasons that i have offer'd , because some of the authorities justifie several of these reasons , all at once . that the parliament hath the highest and most sacred authority of any court ; that it hath an absolute power ; that it is the highest court in the realm , is acknowledged by our most learned and gravest writers , and historians ; for i would not wholly omit them , though i do not need them ; but i relie only , and put all the stress of my proofs and arguments upon my authorities in law. cambden in his britannia ▪ summam & sacrosanctam authoritatem habet parliamentum . knighton , de eventibus angliae l. 1. fo . 2681. col . 1 , 2. he calls it the highest court of the realm . so it is call'd in trewinnard's case in dier 60 , 61. sr. thomas smith in his common-wealth of england l. 2. c. 2. fo . 50 , 51. in comitiis parliamentariis posita est omnis absolutae potestatis vis . sir r. cotton in his posthuma edit . at lond. pag. 345. cited by mr. pryn in his preface to sir robert cotton ' s abr. the parliament controlls all inferior courts , and all causes of difficulty ; cum aliqua dubitatio emergit , referr it to the parliament . to shew their power and jurisdiction upon erroneous proceedings in other courts , by authorities in law , which confirms one of my reasons . in trewinnard's case , it is said , that though the parliament erre , it is not reversible in any other court : this is spoken in a case where the then occasion was upon a judgment given , only by the house of commons , in a case of priviledge . agreeable to this is 21 e. 3. fo . 46. br. abr. tit . error . plac . 65. in the latter end of that case , and 7 h. 6. br. abr. tit . error . plac . 68. by cottesmore , and 1 h. 7. fo . 19. br. error . plac . 137. error in parliament shall be revers'd in parliament , & non aliter ; for there is not an higher court. 1 h. 7. fo . 19 , 20. by all the judges in the exchequer-chamber for a judgment in the king's-bench , error must be sued in parliament ; and as the parliament shall correct the judgments , so they are to correct the judges that give corrupt and dishonest judgments . these are the words and the opinions of the lord chief justice vaughan in his reports fo . 139. in bushel's case . such , says he , in all ages have been complained of to the king in the star-chamber , ( which is a court now dissolv'd by parliament ) or to the parliament . he there mentions many judges ; those 44. that were hang'd in king alfred's time before the conquest , for corrupt judgments ; and those in the time of e. 1. e. 3. and r. 2. for their pernicious resolutions : he vouches the journals of parliament , and instances in the judgment of ship-money in the last king's time , and the particular judges impeach'd . sir e. c. in his 12 rep. fol. 64. the words are spoken by sir e. c. but ( as that rep. says ) with the clear consent of all the judges . the king hath his court , that is to say , in the vpper house of parliament , in which he with his lords is the supreme judge over all other judges . for if error be in the common-pleas that may be revers'd in the king's-bench ; and if the court of king's-bench erre , that may be revers'd in the upper house of parliament , by the king with the assent of the lords . now though this is spoken of the lords house only , yet it must be again remembred that the parliament ( as i prov'd before ) is one entire body , and that their power in the right of it is entire , though as to the exercise of it , it is distributed into parts , and is divided : not can the house of lords exercise any power as an house of parliament , or as a court for errors , without the house of commons be in being at the same time . both houses must be prorogu'd together , and dissolv'd together ; like the twins of hippocrates , they live and die together , and the one cannot be in being , without the other also , at the same time be , in being too . 2. inst. 408. matters of difficulty were heretofore usually adjourn'd to parliament ; but ( says he ) 't is now disused . and 2. inst. 599. courts at variance , properly complain to the parliament . 4. inst. in the chapter of the court of the kings-bench , errors in the kings-bench , in matters that concern their jurisdiction , and other cases there excepted in the act of 27 eliz. cap. 8. cannot be revers'd but in the high court of parliament . 4. inst. fol. 67. there is a court erected by the statute of 14 e. 3. cap. 5. stat. 2. for redress of delays of judgments in the kings great courts , consisting of a prelate , two earls , and two barons , to be chosen in parliament by that statute . if the case before them be so difficult , that it may not well be determin'd without assent of the parliament , ( it does not say by the house of lords only ) then shall the tenor of the record be brought by the said prelate , earls and barons , into the next parliament , and there a final judgment shall be given . si obscurum & difficile sit judicium , ponantur judicia in respectu usque magnam curiam . rot. parl. 14. e. 3. num. ult . sir jeffery stanton's case . 25. e. 3. cap. 2. the chapter of treason in the 2. inst. fol. 21. the judge or court in some cases , is to forbear going to judgment till the cause be shewed before the king and his parliament , whether it ought to be judged treason or not . that this court proceeds by the ordinary rules of the common law ; but that high court of parliament proceeds not by that law , but by a law peculiar to that high court , which is called lex & consuetudo parliamenti , and consists in the customs , usages , and course of parliament ; and therefore , this court , nor no other inferior court , can , for this very reason , judge or determine of what is done in parliament , or by the parliament . if this court should take upon it to proceed in such cases , it would justly be said of it as a thing very irregular . metiri se quemque suo modulo , ac pede , verum est . sir rob. cott. abr. 20. r. 2. nu . 14 , 15. sir tho. haxey delivered a bill to the commons in parliament , for the honour and profit of the king , and of all the realm , complaining of the outragious expences of the kings house , and namely of bishops and ladies . here the camb. dr. i have before mention'd , would take occasion again to complain of the sauciness of this bill . k. r. 2. was offended with the commons for preferring this bill to the king ; for it seems they had entertain'd this information from a particular hand , ( as was done in our case from dangerfield ) and they proceeded upon it . k. r. 2. said it was an offence against his dignity and liberty , and said he would be free therein . and sir john bussey , the speaker to the parliament ( as that roll of parliament calls him ) is charg'd to declare the name of him who exhibited that bill . by this , it appears the king could not take notice of what was done in the commons-house , or deliver'd to them , but by the house it self , and that is one of the laws and customs of parliament ; and yet , no doubt but it was well known to every member of that house , and yet it came not to the kings knowledge . nu. 16. the commons deliver'd to the king the name of the exhibiter , which was sir tho. haxey . nu. 17. the commons afterwards came , and submitted themselves to the king , and crav'd pardon , and the king excus'd them . nu. 23. sir tho. haxey was adjudg'd by parliament to die as a traitor . the king was offended , the commons forsook the exhibiter , and submitted , and the lords adjudge him guilty of treason . this seems to be a strong case against the liberty and the privilege of the house of commons , ( but it seems strange how it should be made treason ; ) but it is stranger ; especially , if it be suppos'd this sir tho. haxey was a member of the house , one would have thought he should have been under a protection and special privilege . but i take him to be no member , for he is afterwards call'd sir tho. haxey , clerk ; and graduates in the university , and those in orders , were usually dignified with the addition of sir ; and it is not yet quite out of use in the university . i find by mr. pryn , in his plea for the the lords , fol. 345. that in the next kings reign , h. 4. the commons exhibited a petition on the behalf of sir tho. haxey , ( for he was not executed , the archbishop of canterbury took him into his protection , being a clergy-man ; ) and the commons in their petition affirm , that the judgment against sir tho. haxey , for delivering in this bill to the commons in parliament , was against right , and the course that had been used before in parliament , in destruction of the customs of the commons . here note , that the right and course of parliament , and the customs of the commons , are mention'd as synonymies . upon this petition of the commons , the judgment is adjudg'd to be null and void . but this could be adjudg'd no where but in parliament , for it concern'd the right and privilege , and the customs and course of the parliament . 1 h. 4. nu. 91. in sir rob. cott. abr. the record says , sir tho. haxey , clerk , pardon'd , and the judgment revers'd , and he restor'd to all . this case , in very many circumstances , suits with the case of dangerfield , and in many , with our present case . ours is in the case of an heir apparent or presumptive . but a greater than the heir is here , in this case of sir tho. haxey . namely , the then king himself . but i cite it , principally to prove one of my reasons and arguments to the third point , namely , that there are rights and customs that are peculiar to the high court of parliament ; and that there is a law called the course of parliaments , and it may be observ'd , that the customs of the commons are the law and course of parliament . concurring with one observation that i made out of this case , that one of the laws or customs of parliament , is , that no member is to publish at the court , or elsewhere abroad , what is done in the house of commons , but it ought to proceed from the house it self , and no other , ( which is another argument , to prove that no other inferior court can enquire into , or hear or determine of their doings ) for no notice can be taken of what they do , unless it come by their own relation and discovery . that , i say , which concurrs with this , is another roll of parliament of that noble king h. 4. viz. 2 h. 4. nu. 11. the commons require , that is , request the king , that he would not give an ear to any untrue reports of the commons-house , until the time might try the same ; and that time is when the commons apply to the king in it , and not before . whereunto the king granted ; which allows it to be the law and course of the parliament . 4. inst. fol. 15. every court of justice ( says sir e. c. ) hath rules and customs for its direction . so the high court of parliament , de suis propriis legibus & consuetudinibus consist it . again , sir e. c. in his select case , printed 1677. fol. 63. note ( says he ) the privilege , order , or custom of parliament , either of the upper house , or of the house of commons , belongs to the determination only of the court of parliament . and there he cites two precedents for it . the first that of 27 h. 6. in the controversy between the earls of arundel and devonishire , for precedency : the king , by advice of the lords , referr'd it to the judges to examine and to report ; not finally to determine as judges of the case , but as assistants to the lords . ☞ the judges answer'd , that it was a matter of parliament , and belong'd to the king and the lords to determine . one would think this were a strange answer of the judges , to deny their advice ; were they not assistants to the lords in matters of law ? the true reason of their declining to give their advice , is , it was a case above them , and not to be determined by the ordinary rules of law , and therefore out of their element . quae supra nos , nihil ad nos . therefore their answer was , that it was a matter of parliament , and belong'd to the king and lords , but not to the judges . this is a resolution of all the judges in the very point ; though this particular case concern'd only the lords , being a matter of precedency between two lords ; yet , as i have prov'd , the parliament is one entire body , and are mutually concerned in their powers and privileges . the other case mentioned by sir e. c. is that of tho. thorp . the speaker of the commons , 31 h. 6. taken in execution at the suit of the duke of york , during the recess of the parliament . we have it at large in the parliament roll of 31 h. 6. nu . 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. the commons , at the opening of the next session of parliament , request the king and lords , to restore their speaker to them . the judges being demanded of their counsel therein ; ( note , it was nothing but their advice ask'd . ) it was after mature deliberation , they answered , it was not their part to judge of the parliament , which may judge of the law. note , the reason to judge of the law , signifies they are the supream court to judge what is law , and what is not . and to judge of the law , likewise signifies , that they can judge whether a law be good or not ; in order to approve of it , and to enact it , or to repeal a law. this is in a case that concern'd the privilege of the commons and their speaker ; and yet they say , that judging in this case were to judge of the parliament : this intimates too , that the parliament judges by other rules than those of the common-law . and 't is the common-law is the proper element of the judges of the courts of westminster-hall . this is a second resolution of all the judges in the very point . mr. hakewel , in his treatise of the manner of enacting laws in parliament . fol. 125. reports this case of thorp at large . it is time now to come to higher authorities , that is , to resolutions of parliament in this point . and first , the resolution of the house of commons in maintenance of their own right , or at least a claim of their right ; i have it out of an author that is very far from being a friend to the house of commons ; and 't is a clergy-man too . i mean dr. heylin , in the life of archbishop laud , fol. 89. he reports , that the house of commons made a protestation in 1621. against all impeachments , other than in the house , for any thing there said or done . let me present you with the like claim made by the lords , which seems to run something in the form of an old act of parliament . in sir rob. cott. abr. 11. r. 2. nu . 7. in that parliament , all the lords , as well spiritual as temporal ; being present , claimed their liberties and franchises ; viz. that all weighty matters in the same parliament , which should be afterwards moved , touching the peers of the land , ought to be determin'd , judged , and discussed by the course of the parliament , and not by the civil law ; nor yet by the common laws of the land , used in other more courts of the realm . the which claim and liberties the king most willingly allow'd and granted thereto in full parliament says that roll. now , as i have before prov'd , the liberties and franchises of the parliament , in the right of them , are entire , and due to both houses , for both make up the parliament . mr. seld. in his title of honour , fol. says , that a thing granted in full parliament , signifies an act of parliament . now for an act of parliament full in the point , and then i can go no higher . it was in the case of richard strode , one of the burgesses for plympton in devonshire , in the parliament of 4 h. 8. for agreeing with the commons house , in putting out bills ( as it is reported there ) which seems to resemble the printing or publishing , mention'd in our case . those bills so put out were against the abuses of the tinners , who were a great and numerous body of men ; who by these bills took themselves to be scandalized and slandered . after the parliament was risen , this richard strode for what he had so done in parliament , was presented and found guilty in the stannary-courts , and condemn'd to forfeit 40. l. ( a moderate fine . ) he was for this imprison'd in a dungeon , within a castle , and fed with bread and water . when the parliament met again , he petition'd the parliament for remedy , and that the judgments had against him and the executions might be made void ; which was done accordingly by act of parliament . and it was further enacted , that all suits , accusations , condemnations , executions , fines , amerciaments , punishments , pass'd or had , or thereafter to be pass'd or had , upon the said strode , and to every other person , that was in that parliament ( thus far it is a private and particular act ) but the reason of this , and the justice of it extends to all like cases ; but then it goes farther , or that of any parliament hereafter shall be ; for any bill , speaking , reasoning , or declaring of any matter concerning the parliament , to be communed or treated of ( these are very large and general words ) be utterly void , and of none effect . and it goes farther yet , and that any person vexed or , troubled , or otherwise charged for any cause , as aforesaid ; shall have an action of the case , against every person so vexing contrary to this ordinance , and recover treble damages and costs . here now is an action given against one , for what they shall do in a course of justice . but it is because it is suing in an inferior court that has no jurisdiction in the matter . this act takes away all jurisdiction in such parliament cases , from all other courts . i know that in the case of denzill hollis ( afterwards the lord hollis ) mr. seld. and others , 3 car. i. the judges being consulted upon some questions propounded , res. that that act of strode's , was a particular act , and extended to strode only ; and no doubt it was a particular act in a great part of it , and in that part extended to strode only . but if the judges meant that no part of that act was a general law , then i must crave leave to say , 1. that their opinion was extrajudicial ; it was delivered upon their being consulted with about questions propounded to them , and therefore hath not that weight . and i must take the liberty to appeal to the very words of the statute it self , and to any man of reason , and honesty , to use his reason aright , that shall read them ; and i must offer some reasons against their opinion , and cite some good authority in that point , and then leave it to this court to judge of it . the words , and persons , and time mention'd in the latter part of that act , are general . it speaks indeed , first of strode in particular ; but then it hath these words ( every other person . ) it mentions that parliament in particular ; but then it proceeds to speak of ( any parliament that there-after shall be ) then the things also are general that the act extends to , not onely to indemnifie strode , for what he had said , or done in parliament ; but then the indemnity extends to every other person , for any bill , speaking , reasoning , or declaring of any matter concerning the parliament . the words of the royal assent to this bill , are such as are constantly used , only to general acts , viz. le roy veut ; whereas to a particular act , the royal answer is , soit droit fait al parties . and this act of 4 h. 8. is enrolled as general acts use to be . but a private or particular act is always fil'd , but never enroll'd ; for this latter distinction we shall find it in the case 33 h. 6. fol. 17 , 18. for authority in this question , sir e. c. in his 4th . instit. fol. 19. holds this act of 4 h. 8. in the latter part of it to be a general act. it is indeed commonly said boni judicis est ampliare jurisdictionem . but i take that to be better advice which was given by the lord chancellor , ( sir francis bacon , ) to mr. justice hutton , upon the swearing him one of the judges of the court of common-pleas ; that he would take care to contain the jurisdiction of the court within the ancient mere-stones without removing the mark . i find but one resolution in all our books , that i can meet with , that seems to make against us in this point , and maintains a jurisdiction in this court , for a misdemeanor , or conspiracy suppos'd to be done by some particular members of the house of commons , in the house in time of parliament . it is reported by mr. justice croke in his reports of the time of king charles , fol. 181. but it is more fully reported in a late book , entitled memorials of the english affairs , set out by a learned lawyer , and the son of a judge ; and it is the case that i lightly touch'd upon but now , that of mr. hollis , selden , &c. the offence charg'd upon mr. denzill hollis ( who was afterwards the lord hollis , ) mr. selden , sir john elliot , sir john hobart and divers other parliament-men , was for a force used upon the then speaker , sir john finch ( afterwards lord keeper ) in keeping him in the speaker's chair against his will , when he would have left it ; and pressing him to put a question , which the king had forbidden him to put . for this supposed offence , after the parliament was dissolv'd , these parliament-men were first convened before the council , where they refus'd to answer the charge , it being for matters done in parliament . then the judges had questions propounded to them , to which they gave their resolution , that for things done , not in a parliamentary way , a parliament-man may be punished after the parliament is ended , if he be not punished in parliament ; otherwise as j. croke , said , there would be a failure of justice , but , that regularly he cannot be compell'd out of parliament to answer things done in a parliament in a parliamentary course . this answer seems to be very oracular , for it resolves that a parliament-man shall not answer for things done in parliament in a parliamentary course . if it be done in a parliamentary course , what occasion can there be to answer for it ? but who shall judge what is a parliamentary course , but a parliament ? not judges of the common-law ; for the parliamentary course differs from the rules of the common-law . but they refusing to answer at the council-board , were committed close prisoners to the tower. after this sir robert heath , the king's attorney , preferr'd an information in the star-chamber against them , that was not proceeded in . the lord keeper was under difficulties about it , says , the author . the judges of the king's-bench were to consult with the rest of the judges in granting a habeas corpus for bailing the prisoners . the rest of the judges would hear arguments , so it was put off , and delay'd , ( as our author reports it . ) at last an information was exhibited against them in the king's-bench . the defendants pleaded to the jurisdiction of the court ; their plea was over-rul'd , and they refusing to plead over , judgment was entred by nihil dicit , and they fined and imprison'd . mr. j. croke , at the latter end of those reports gives this further account of that case , that afterwards in the parliament 17 car. 1. it was resolv'd by the house of commons , that those parliament-men should have a recompence for their damages sustain'd for the services to the commonwealth in the parliament , 3 car. 1. if a judge hath thought fit to report this , it may be as fit for me to mention it . i take that to be the first precedent or resolution given in any case for what was done in parliament , and it stands alone ; i have heard of none since that neither . it seems to be directly against the provision made by it ; it is clearly within the equity and reason of it , strode's act. i wish i could not say that even those times of 3 car. 1. were not full of trouble . it appears much by the difficulty the judges seem'd to be at in the proceedings of that case ; this detracts much from that veneration , that otherwise is justly due to a resolution so solemn as that of all the judges . the lord chancellor bacon in his profound book of the advancement of learning , dislikes all precedents that taste of the times ; and advises that precedents should be deriv'd from good and moderate times . the only reason that i find given for that proceeding in the case of denzill hollis , is that given by mr. j. croke , viz. that otherwise there would be a failure of justice . this reason must be grounded either upon the infrequenecy of parliaments , or upon an opinion that parliaments will be partial in cases of their own members . as to the first of these ( the long intervals between parliaments , ) this under favour ought to be no reason , especially to come from a judges's mouth , ( i have a great honour for the memory of that reverend judge ) who must needs know , and ought to assert it , that by the law , parliaments ought to be very frequent , and judges ought to take part with the law , and to maintain it . before the conquest ( as 't is untruly call'd ) by the law , parliaments were to be held twice a year , as appears by king edgar's laws , c. 5. in lamb. de priscis . &c. and the mirror of justice c. 1. sect. 3. tells us that king alfred ordain'd for a perpetual usage ; that twice in the year , ( and if need were ) oftner . the seniors or earls should assemble themselves at london , to speak their minds . and 't is reckon'd among the abusions ( as they are there term'd ) of the common-law ; that whereas parliaments ought to be twice in the year for the salvation of the souls of trespassers ( and at london too ) that they are there but very seldom , and at the pleasure of the king , for subsidies and collections of treasure . and by the statute of 4 e. 3. c. 14. parliaments ought to be once a year , and oftner ( if need be ) i have heard a civilian in the house of commons give this construction to that short act , that the words ( if need be ) should referr to the parliaments being ( once a year ) aswell as to the words ( and oftner ) and i never heard that any man was of that opinion but himself ; but i remember he himself laught when he spoke it , but he was more laught at for that ridiculous exposition . and should that sense be put upon it , it would make the law a very ridiculous thing indeed , for then the short of it would be this ; that we should have a parliament when there is need . but to refute that fancy , there is another statute of the same king's time , namely , 36 e. 3. c. 10. which says , that for redress of divers mischiefs and grievances , which daily happen , it s accorded that a parliament shall be holden every year without any such restriction ( if need be . ) and by the act of 16 car. 2. c. 1. these acts are declared to be in force . and farther , it is declared and enacted , that the holding of parliaments shall not be discontinued above three years at the most . now how can any man say in defiance of these laws , that there can be any long discontinuance of parliaments ? his now majesty has been pleased graciously to declare his resolution often to meet his people in parliaments , and in the word of a king there is power . nay , we have the king's oath for it , for he is sworn to observe the law ; and eadem praesumitur esse mens regis quae legis ; and it is an high presumption for any man to think , or say otherwise . for that other ground of that reason given by mr. justice croke , viz. that there would be a failure of justice , if offences committed in parliament , were not punishable in the kings-bench ; namely , because parliaments will be partial in cases of their own members . this carries with it a very high reflection upon that great and solemn assembly , to entertain a thought so mean , and so dishonourable of the supreme court of the nation , that the court which is to correct the errors of all other courts , and is the last resort of the nation , that they should be guilty of injustice and partiality . no man that is a lover of his country , or a friend to his own true and honest interest , will harbour a dishonourable thought of that great assembly . i am apter to think , that the reporter of that case did mistake , when he charg'd that worthy and reverend judge , mr. just. croke , with the offering of that for a reason . i find the most reverend of our judges speaking with the greatest reverence of that supreme court. besides , the learned lord chief justice sir edw. coke , who often expresses his great veneration for them , hear what the ch. just. brook , and just. saunders , say of that assembly in plowd . comment . in the case of hill and grange , fo. 175. a. towards the lower end of that folio , injustice ( say they ) may not be presum'd of a parliament . and in the earl of leicester's case , in the same comment , fol. 398. towards the end of the folio , the parliament is a court of very high honour and justice , of which no man ought to imagine a thing dishonourable . i do agree , that an offence committed in parliament , is a very high offence ; but the higher it is , the more proper it is for their judicature ; and that court is arm'd with a power to punish the highest offences , and the highest offenders . but to take it out of their hands , and to make it determinable in any other court , is a disparagement to that grave and supreme court. we easily agree that a parliament may erre , for they are not infallible ; but the law hath provided a remedy against those errors , and a way to reform them . a subsequent parliament may reform the errors of a preceding parliament , as i have prov'd by several authorities . but to say they will be partial or unjust , or corrupt , or do any thing out of malice , is to raise a scandal upon the whole nation , whose representative they are . i will make no difficulty to affirm , that if any offence whatever be committed in the parliament , by any particular members , ( as this was accounted a force or riot in the case of denzill hollis and selden , and others committed upon the speaker ) it is an high infringement of the right and privilege of parliament , for any person or court to take the least notice of it , till the house it self either has punish'd the offender , or referr'd them to a due or proper course of punishment . to do otherwise , would be to make the highest court an offender , and to charge them with injustice . nay , their right and privilege so far extends , that not only what is done in the very house sitting the parliament , but whatever is done relating to them , or in pursuance of their order , during the parliament , and sitting the parliament , is no where else to be punish'd , but by themselves or a succeeding parliament , although done out of the house , as in the case of ferrers . it any shall imagine , as mr. pryn does , and others , that of later times the parliament have encroach'd more power than anciently belong'd to them , i have already answer'd this objection , by shewing how large a power they exercis'd of old , and see what is further mentioned in lamb. archion 57. viz. that king h. 3. was told by his lords spiritual and temporal , that of ancient time the creating and deposing of all the judges and great officers belong'd to the parliament . i do not deny , but some sort of orders by them made , are no longer in force , than while the parliament sits ; but then , what is done after the parliament is risen , is not to be said to be done by their order , for then it ceases to be their order : this must be understood of matters executory , not as to things executed by their order during parliament . however , this case of denzill hollis comes not home to our present case , but 't is wonderfully short of it : this was an offence charg'd only upon some particular members ; and it cannot be denied , but particular persons , even in the parliament , may misdemean themselves , and they are to be punish'd by the parliament , but no where else . but in our case , that which makes the offence , and for which the information is brought by the kings attorney , is what is done by the whole house of commons , and by virtue of their express order . although , as i have already observ'd , the information it self does not expresly own it , yet the demurrer to the defendant's plea ( which sets it all forth ) does most plainly avow it . and this i am sure is without any colour of precedent , and never was attempted till this time . if any man will extenuate or justify this way of proceeding , by saying , that this was not for any thing done in the house , but a matter done out of the house ; viz. the printing and publishing was abroad in the printing-house , and in the streets , and spreading them abroad throughout the kingdom : yet this will not salve it , for the defendant did what he did as speaker , and not in his private capacity . and it was done by order of the whole house and sitting the parliament ; so that this information does directly question the parliament it self , and arraigns their power and actings ; for i have fully prov'd , that what the defendant has done , is not his act , but indeed the acting of the whole house of commons . and i have also prov'd , that the two houses , as to the right of the power that they claim , and use , is but one , and they are intire , though they may divide in the exercise of that power . so that it is a matter of the highest concernment to the nation that possibly can be . sir e. c. in his fourth inst. in his chapter of the high court of parliament , mentions two cases only , and some other beginnings of a prosecution against such as absented themselves from parliament , and departed from it without licence ; but they had no effect , as he affirms , but only against six timorous burgesses , ( where thirty nine members were inform'd against ) who ad redimendam vexationem , submitted to fines ; but he could not find that ever they paid any . the first of the two cases is that of the bishop of winchester , it is in the year-book of 3 e. 3. fol. 18 , and 19. fitz. h. abr. tit . coron . plac . 161. and he affirms that those are all the cases that he can find concerning this matter . the suit against the bishop was by original writ in the kings-bench , and it charges him with a trespass and contempt in departing from the parliament without the kings licence . the bishop there pleads ( as the defendant does in this case ) to the jurisdiction of the court. et dicit quod si quis eorum ( speaking of the lords of parliament , ) deliquerit erga dominum regem in parliamento aliquo , in parliamento debet corrigi & emendari , & non alibi in minori curia quam in parliamento . vnde non intendit quod dominus rex velit in curia hic de bujusmodi transgressione & contemptu factis in parliamento responderi . note the plea , as to the offence , is very general , not only restrain'd to the offence of absenting from the parliament , but to any trespass or offence in parliament . si quis deliquerit . and it would be a little improper to call absence from parliament offence committed in parliament , for it looks like the quite contrary : but in a just sence , any offence committed by a member relating to the parliament , though done out of the house , is termed an offence in parliament . so printing any thing by order of parliament , though it be done and executed in another place , yet it may be said to be done by the parliament , and in parliament , if it be by their order , and in time of parliament . we may note further that this is a prosecution only against one particular person , for a particular offence and contempt charg'd upon him . but in our case , the prosecution is against the very speaker of the parliament , and is in effect a prosecution against the parliament ; for it is against him , for what he did by command and order of parliament , and sitting the parliament . and though the attorney-general , reply'd to the bishops plea that the king might sue in what court he would , yet the bishop rejoins upon him and maintains his former plea , and there it rests ; so that as sir e. c. observes that the bishops plea did stand and was never over-rul'd , agreeable to the resolutions of former times . so this i. may claim as an authority on our side . and though mr. plowden the lawyer , to the like information put in against him and others , 1 and 2 philip and mary , pleaded that he remain'd continually from the beginning to the end of the parliament , and travers'd the absence whereby he passes by the advantage of the plea to the jurisdiction , yet this is no authority against us , for he might think fit , renunciare juri pro se introducto , having so true an occasions of clearing himself from that scandalous imputation of being absent from doing his duty in parliament , which certainly is a very high breach of trust ; and he might be impatient of lying under it , and therefore thought it best to traverse it to clear his reputation in that point ; yet i must confess i should never have advis'd it , nor was there any further prosecution against him . i will mention but one most excellent record more , and it is a record out of the parliament rolls , 27 e. 3. num. 9. sir cotton's abridgem . and with that i will conclude . i take it to be very pertinent , and i am sure it is very seasonable . among the petitions of the commons , one is ; they pray the king , that he will require the archbishop , and all other of the clergy , to pray for the peace and good government of the land. and for the king 's good will towards the commons . the king's answer , is , the same prayseth the king. and i wish with all my heart , it were the common-prayer . i have but one prayer more to make , and that is , that this court will allow the defendant's plea. a discourse concerning the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the realm of england : occasioned by the late commission in ecclesiastical causes . by sir robert atkyns kt. of the honourable order of the bath , and late one of the judges of the court of common-pleas . london , printed for tim. goodwin at the maiden-head against st. dunstans church in fleet-street , mdclxxxix . a discourse concerning the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the realm of england : occasioned by the late commission in ecclesiastical causes . the preamble acknowledges , that the king justly and rightfully is , and ought to be , supream head of the church of england , and is so recognised by the clergy in their convocations . and it is enacted , that the king and his successors shall be taken , &c. the only supream head in earth of the church of england . and shall have and enjoy annexed to the imperial crown all jurisdiction , &c. authorities , &c. to the said dignity of supream head of the same church belonging . and that the king and his heirs and successors , kings of this realm , shall have full power and authority from time to time to visit , repress , redress , reform , order , correct , restrain and amend all such errors , heresies , abuses , offences , contempts and enormities whatsoever they be , which by any manner of spiritual authority or jurisdiction ought , or may , lawfully be reformed , repressed , ordered , redressed , &c. any usage , custom , foreign laws , foreign authority , prescription or any thing to the contrary notwithstanding . note , this act doth not make the king to be the supream head of the church of england , but acknowledges , that he ever hath been so ( as it is recited by the statute made in the same parliament of 26 h. 8. c. 3. the act for the first-fruits . see the preamble towards the latter part , being the first paragraph . ) see also the oath prescribed by the statute of 35 h. 8. cap. 1. for the succession , paragraph the 11th in mr. keeble's edition of the statutes at large , very full to this purpose , to shew that the act of 26 h. 8. cap. 1. gave the king no new title , but only acknowledged , that he ever had a right to it , and that the bishop of rome had but usurped it . and as the act of 26 h. 8. cap. 1. gave the king no new title , so it gave him no new , nor further authority in spiritual and ecclesiastical things , nor over spiritual and ecclesiastical persons , than what he had before . therefore it is to be enquir'd what jurisdiction or authority the king had before the making of that act , and how the ecclesiastical jurisdiction was of right and duly before exercis'd and administred . viz. in what courts , by what rules , laws or canons , and by what persons . it is clear in law , that the king himself merely in his own royal person could never take to himself the hearing of any cause ecclesiastical or temporal , and adjudg and determine the cause himself : for by the law and constitution of the realm , the king hath committed all his power judicial to divers * courts , some in one court , some in another , as is held in sir ed. cokes 2d . institutes fol. 186. at the lower end of that folio , and in the middle of fol. 187. all matters of judicature and proceedings in law are distributed to the courts of justice , and the king doth judg by his justices . see the reports that pass by the name of sir ed. cokes 12th . reports , fol. 63. the case of prohibitions : which is true as to * ecclesiastical causes as well as temporal ; for every man knows , that there have been from the first constitution of the kingdom certain courts and jurisdictions erected within this realm for deciding and determining of spiritual and ecclesiastical causes . selden's history of tithes , fol. 412. all this is excellently well set forth by the preamble of the statute of 24 h. 8. cap. 12. concerning appeals . that as the king hath ever been the supream head of the realm ( which word head is by way of metaphor , and must have relation to some ( body ; ) therefore the statute in the preamble proceeds to tell you , what the body is to which the head relates , viz. the body politick of the realm consists of all sorts and degrees of people ( within this realm ) divided by names of spiritualty and temporalty . the statute proceeds to mention the plenary power , authority and jurisdiction the king hath within this realm in all causes . it shews us how that power is distributed , and by whom to be exercised . not by the king in person , nor at his will and pleasure in any arbitrary way ; but as that preamble further iustructs us , * the body spiritual hath power in all causes divine and spiritual to determin and to administer all such offices and duties as to their rooms spiritual doth appertain ; the like is declared as to temporal causes to be in the other part of the said body politick , call'd the temporalty . and both their authorities and jurisdictions do concur in the due administration of justice , the one to help the other . the preamble of this stat. of 24 h. 8. c. 12. of appeals further shews , how that this ecclesiastical and spiritual jurisdiction , had been confirmed and defended by several antient acts of parliament against the usurpations of the bishop of rome ( and that long before the reformation of religion . ) then comes the enacting part , which does ordain , that all causes determinable by any spiritual jurisdiction , whether they concern the king himself ( as the case of the king's divorce ) or any of the subjects , shall be heard , examined discussed , clearly , finally and definitively adjudged and determined , within the kings jurisdiction and authority , and not elsewhere in such * courts spiritual and temporal of the same , as the nature of the cases shall require . then the same statute shews us in what courts , and by what steps and method , suits and proceedings concerning spiritual and ecclesiastical matters ought to be handled , see paragraph 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. it begins with the arch deacon's court , which is infimi gradus , and proceeds gradually from the arch-deacon to the diocesan , from him to the metropolitan , and at last it mentions the convocation , as the supreamest . note , that further appeals have been given by several acts of parliament , as by 25 h. 8 c 19. from the arch-bishop or metropolitan to the king in chancery , which is by commission of delegates , &c. and it hath been resolved , that though the acts of 24 h. 8. cap. 12. and of 25. h. 8 cap. 19. do upon certain appeals , make the sentence definitive as to any further appeal , yet the king ( as supream head ) may grant a commission of review : see the case of halliwell against jervois , sir francis moores reports , fol. 462. and in the same reports , fol. 782. in the case of bird against smith , and in sir edw. cokes 4th . institutes , fol. 341. and as the kings ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction are by the fundamental laws of the realm distributed into several courts , which are mentioned and confirmed by the said several acts of parliament , and may not therefore be exercised by any other , but by such courts , and in such method and manner as by law , and the said acts of parliament it is provided : so also those courts cannot proceed arbitrarily , but by the known and setled ecclesiastical laws , constitutions and canons that are in force . by the act of 1. eliz. cap. 1. entituled , an act for restoring to the crown the antient jurisdiction over the estate ecclesiastical and spiritual , &c. the seventeenth paragraph in keeble's book of statutes , it is enacted , that such jurisdictions , &c. spiritual and ecclesiastical , as by any spiritual or ecclesiastical power or authority hath heretofore been , or may lawfully be , exercised or used for the visitation of the ecclesiastical state and persons , and for reformation , order and correction of the same , and of all manner of errors , &c. abuses , offences , contempts and enormities shall for ever by authority of this present parliament be united to the crown . by the 18th . paragraph of that act the queen and her successors have power by vertue of this act , by letters patents under the great seal , to assign , &c. ( as often as they shall think meet and for such time ) such person or persons , as the queen , &c. shall think meet to exercise all manner of jurisdictions ecclesiastical or spiritual ; and to visit , reform , redress , order , correct and amend all such errors , &c. abuses , offences , contempts and anormities whatsoever , which by any manner of spiritual or ecclesiastical power , authority or jurisdiction can , or lawfully may be , reformed , ordered , redressed , corrected , restrained or amended ; and such person or persons so to be named , &c. shall have full power by vertue of this act , and of the said letters patents , to exercise , use and execute all the premises according to the tenor and effect of the said letters patents . see sir edw. cokes 4. inst. in his chapter of ecclesiastical courts , fol. 324 , 325. and see the 3d. observ. fol. 326. observe the words , viz. it was enacted out of necessity , &c. and ibid. necessity did cause this commission , and it was not to be exercis'd , but upon necessity ; for it was never intended , that it should be a continual standing commission , &c. that the main object of that act was to deprive the popish clergy . almere's case , and taylor and massie's case , left to the proper diocesan . upon the last recited clause in that of 1. eliz. was grounded the late court call'd , the high commission court : from which act it may be observed and collected , that it needed an act of parliament to give such authority to the queen to grant such letters patents , or commission ; and that without an act of parliament such commission could not have been granted : for if the queen by her meer prerogative and supream power in ecclesiastical causes could have granted such commission an act of parliament had been unnecessary . and the express words of the act are , that the queen , &c. shall have power , ( by vertue of this act ) and the law had ( as hath been before observ'd ) distributed the kings ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction into several courts : so that , without a new law , the like power could not be put into any other hands in derogation of those ordinary ecclesiastical courts . secondly , note , this act makes no new crimes nor offences , but gives the commissioners or patentees power to visit , reform , redress , &c. all such errors , &c. abuses , offences , contempts and enormities , which by any manner of spiritual or ecclesiastical power can , or lawfully may be , reformed , redressed , corrected , &c. in sir edw. cokes 12 rep. fol. 49 : it was resolved , trin. 6. jae . per totam curiam , in the court of common-pleas ( there being then five judges of that court , coke being chief justice ) that the high commissioners by vertue of their commission , and that act of parliament , ought to proceed according to ecclesiastical law. secondly , if their commission gave them any power , which was not allowed or warranted by that act of parliament , it was not legal ( which proves that such power cannot be exercis'd by a commission under the great seal merely , without an act of parliament ) see drakes case in justice croke's reports of the time of king charles , fol. 220. there it is also resolv'd , that the king by his commissioners cannot alter the ecclesiastical law , nor the proceedings of ☞ it . and if the word ( lawfully ) had not been in that act of 1. eliz. yet it must have been so intended , and the judges of the common law ( who are proper judges , expositors and interpreters of acts of parliament ) would have so understood it ; as appears by the resolution of the judges in the case in the same 12. rep. of the lord coke , fol. 84 , 85. and little regard therefore was given by the judges to commissions under the great seal , which the arch bishop of canterbury ( abbot ) said , had been made in like cases in the times of king hen. viii . and ed. vi. in the last case , ibidem fol. 85. the chief justice coke says , he had seen the commission made to cromwell ( by king hen. viii . ) to be vice-gerent , and other commissions to others ( by his appointment ) and he refers to the commission at large inserted in his book of precedents . see in the same 12. rep. of sir edw. coke , f. 88. excellent rules to be observ'd upon such extraordinary commissions , viz. they ought to be solemnly read ; for they may possibly contain many things against the law ( as the commission in that case mentioned did . ) the commissioners may every one of them require copies of the commission : the commissioners ought to sit in an open place , and at certain days . note also , that such commissions ought not to be kept secret , but they ought to be enrolled in the chancery , that the subjects may be under a known authority . see sir coke's 4. instit. fol. 332. the middle of that fol. and upon irregular and illegal commissions in ecclesiastical causes , the remedy is by prohibition out of the courts at westminster . in the same 4 instit. fol. 340. the author hath this note . nota , stephen gardiner bishop of winchester was depriv'd at lambeth by commission from king edward the vi. made to ten persons , proceeding upon it , ex officio mero mixto vel promoto omni appellatione remotâ , summarie de plano , absque omni forma & figura judicii sola facti veritate inspecta : the author passes no opinion upon it . quaere , by what law this was warranted . it must be rare and extraordinary , otherwise sir edw. coke would not have so specially mention'd it , but a facto ad jus non valet argumentum . note , that part of the act of 1 eliz. viz. the 18th . paragraph ( before verbatim transcribed ) viz. of the queen eliz. and her successors granting such letters patents or commissions in ecclesiastical causes , is repealed by the act made 16 car. 1. cap. 11. see it in mr. keeble's book of statutes at large . see the last paragr . or clause in that act of repeal of 16 car. 1. it is enacted , that no new court shall be erected or appointed , which shall have the like power or jurisdiction , as the high commissioners had or pretended to have ; but that all such letters patents , commissions and grants , and all powers and authorities thereby granted , and all acts , sentences and decrees to be made by vertue or colour of them shall be void . note , the late act of 13 car. 2. cap. 12. in mr. keeble's book of statutes , does declare that the ordinary power of arch-bishops and bishops was not taken away by that repealing act of 17 car. 1. cap. 11. ( as this last act dates it . ) but by this act of 13 car. 2. cap. 12. in the second paragraph . the aforesaid repealing act of 17 car. 1. and all the matters and clauses therein contained ( excepting what concerns the high commission court ; or , the new erection of some such like court by commission ) are repealed . see the third paragraph also of the act of 13. car. 2. that the high commission court shall not be revived . so that i conceive , no such commission nor letters patents can now be granted , but the repealing act of 16 , or 17 car. 1. stands in force against it . by what law or rules cromwell in the time of king henry viii . and by what instructions he acted , does not appear ; the commissions to make him vicar general ( which was surely in imitation of what had been used by the pope in the time of his usurpation ) or that of vice-gerent in ecclesiastical matters ( which seems to be new and prime impressionis ) are not now to be found , of which dr. burnet in the history of the reformation of the church of england , makes some probable conjectures , fol. 181. and wherein consisted the difference between those two authorities and titles , and the commissions for the exercise of them is not easy to find out : but the thing then principally design'd was to suppress the religious houses belonging to the regular clergy , which were great supports to the popish hierarchy , not at all to impeach the lawful power and jurisdiction of episcopacy ; for we find at the same time as cromwell's commissions were in force , and had been then but newly passed , that cranmer arch-bishop of ▪ canterbury , made his metropolitical visitation ; under which ( as i conceive ) most properly falls the conusance of any contempt or abuse committed by any of his suffragan bishops ; if not in a * provincial synod , archiepiscopi jurisdictioni subsunt immediate suffraganti . see lind. provin . the exclusion of the pope in the time of king hen. viii . made no diminution of the power or jurisdiction of the clergy , as to determining of ecclesiastical causes , or making canons , constitutions and other synodical acts , as is rightly observ'd by dr. heylin in his introduction to the history of laud late arch-bishop of canterbury ; upon this ground it is , that to this day they exercise all manner of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in their own names , and under the distinct seals of their offices , the statutes that made some alteration in the matter being all repealed : see dr. heylin's introduct . aforesaid , ibid. fol. 341. the legislative power in matters ecclesiastical continues in the convocation for making canons and constitutions confirmed by the king and parliament ; discipline and the admonition still resides in the bishops and those under them . in case of any irregularity in the metropolitan , resort must doubtless be to the head of the church upon earth ( the king ) as it was in the case of arch-bishop abbot , who shooting at a deer unfortunately kill'd the keeper ; and his jurisdiction ( he being suspended ) was supplyed by commission , as you may read in dr. heylin of the life of arch-bishop laud , in the 87th fol. of the book it self , but more fully , fol. 170. the bishop of london is next in place and dignity to the metropolitans , see his priviledges , ibid. 185. see dr. heylin's judgment in the work of reforming the church , either in doctrine or exercise of the discipline , pertinent to the matter now in hand , but in point of law it would be no very difficult thing to discover him to be mistaken , fol. 327. see the power of the metropolitan , and of the appeal from him to a provincial synod , and a stop put there , and a ne ultra , and that there is no vicar upon earth appointed to be the supream judge in ecclesiastical matters in the opinion of the council of nice , discours'd of by dr. stilling fleet in his antiquities of the british churches , fol. 100. but still it must be understood , that this fixed power in the ecclesiastical judges and courts in england , is deriv'd from the crown ; but now under the crown setled in this method not to be interrupted ; this is quoad * potestatem jurisdictionis non ordinis . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26144-e1160 introduction . time and place not material , unless the defendant make them so , by his plea , ( as here . ) plea. conclusion of the plea. three points first point . first proposition . reason authority . the town-clerk of athens . the party to a suit. lord beauch . case . a difference . councellor . attorney . witness , juror . justa occasio lequendi . the minor proposition . the commons , as now elected , have ever been a part of the parliament . dr. heylin in the life of archbishop laud. sir rob. filmer . dugd. in his orig. juridic . mr. pryn in his preface to sir rob. cotton's abr. ( as he conjectures ) . dr. manwaring . pryns plea for the lords ●5● . king charles the second . fol. 32. fol. 223. of his works . the commons as now constituted , began before 49 h. 3. rushw. hist. collec . part 1. fol. 52. proof that the house of commons have ever been a part of the parl. in his pref. to his 10th . rep. proof by records of parliament . 51 e. 3. 5 h. 4. nu . 71. 5 h. 4. na . 74. mr. pryn , ut supra , fo . 771. addresses to the king ought to be with reverence . ●1 h. 6. thorpes case . ex●hequor records . h. 12. e. 4. in the exchequer . e. 2. s. albans . 11 h. 4. num . 59. proof by acts of parliament . 5 r. 2. parl. 2. c. 4. 2 h. 5. pars 2da . numb . 10. historians and antiquaries . et populi conventus . seld. tit. of hon. pag. 702. in a case between the arch-bishop of york , and the bishop of worc. mag. char. 9 h. 3. object . 1. fol. 709. the ancientest writ of summons , that mr. selden had seen for a peer , was but 6 johannis . tit. of hon. 707 , 708. mr. pryn's plea for the lords , fol. 113. but mis-paged . 2. object . 49 h. 3. 28 e. 1. 35 e. 1. 15 e. 2. 31 e. 3. 18 e. 2. 18 e. 3. 26 e. 3. 1 h. 5. the indenture return'd by the sheriff of wiltshire , recites their trust in the same words , and pursues the words of the writ . 2 h. 4. 25 h. 6. 16 e. 2. 27 h. 6. object . pennings of ancient acts of parliament . petitions for freedom of speech , &c. tit. of honout fol. 603 , 604. fol. 603. fol. 176. the freeholders grand enquest . fol. 40. & 41. 28 e. 1. c. 8. & 13. elect. of sheriffs . the late e. of clarend . in his answ. to hobs. petition of right 3 car. 1. stat. of provisors 25 e. 3. mr. pryn's plea for the lords , 389 , 390. all three estates one entire body and corporation . 14 h. 8 , 3. fineux ch. just. ferrer ' s case , crompt . jurisd . sir pierce de la mare . this is contradicted by mr. pryn , in his preface to sir cotton's abr. fol. 5 , 6. the powers of parliament . of the power and jurisdiiction of the parliament . nothing acted in this present case , but what is within their power . the house of commons the grand inquest of the nation . the printing dangerfield's information . 46 e. 3. c. search of records must be free. see the 1 st . st. in such cases of reporting false news , viz. w. 1. c. 34. the reporter is only to be imprison'd till he have found out him of whom the word was moved . so is 2 r. 2. c. 5. the stat. de scandalis magnatum . so is 12 r. 2. c. 11. dier 155. the lady morirsons case crok .. 162. but more fully in marshes actions of slander . fol. 19. 20. if an action of slander be brought for reporting what another had said slanderously , the pl. in his declaration must aver that a. did never so report : the defendant may plead that in truth a. did so report , and it is a good plea , by tanfield . leonards rep. 1. p. 287. in an indictment upon the stat. of w. 1. c. 33. and 2 r. 2. c. 5. for reporting false news , it was found billa vera as to the defendant's reporting the false news , but as to the maliciose & seditiose , ignoramus , and the defendant therefore , discharg'd . the persons too great to be so used . john , earl of moreton . so called 1 eliz c. 3. 4. h. 8. c. 8. the house of commons call'd the honourable house in the petit. of rich. strode , which is part of the act. 2d . point . mr. pryn e contra in his preface to sir rob. cot. abr. but nothing clear . 1 ●ac . c. 1. the like words . fol. 72. med. mr. pryn. ibid. 388. a resolve of all the judges in the point . sir rob. cott. abr. pag. 651. mr. pryn , in his plea for the lords , calls this a famous , memorable case , and says he was then ch . baron . a second resolution of all the judges in the point . a protestation of the commons against impeachments , other than in the house , &c. the like claim of the lords , and confirm'd by act. an act of parliament in the point . pryn's plea for the lords , fol. 401 at large . 4 h. 8. c. 8. memorials of the english affairs , fol. 12. see rushw. collect. 1 part pag. 672. appendix to it pag. 44. the resolution of the commons in irewinnard's case is called the judgment of the most high court of parliament . if it had been clear that the king's-bench could have punished it , they would have begun with it there , but they try'd the council and the star-chamber first . king charles the second . fol. 15. ● iust. fol. 17. notes for div a26144-e22910 26 h. 8. c. 1. * sir hen. heb●i ' s reports f. 63. it is said by the judges of the common-pleas , that the power of justice is in the king as sovereign originally , but afterwards setled in several courts , as the light being first made by god , was after setled in the great bodies of the sun and moon . and sir e. 〈◊〉 4 inst. f. 70. in the chapter of the court of kings-bench , to the same effect . * see the original of bishops courts and jurisdictions severed from the hundred court distinct from provincial and national synods , and that there were then ecclesiastical laws , the chartter of k. william he 1st . to remigius then bishop of linc. mr. selden's notes ad eadmerum f. 167. * sir ed. cokes 5. rep. the case of the kings ecclesiastical law , f. 40. * not by extraordinary commissions at the first instance , but only gradually upon appeales sir john davies reports fol. 91. the case of premunire 4. inst. 339. of appeals . this statute was the ground for commissions to hear and determine spiritual causes ad primam instanti●m . ☞ 4. inst. 340. dr. burnet's hist. of the reformation , 183. med . folii . * see dr. field of the church , fol. 511 , 512. the antient canon requires the consent of 12 , bishops to censure , judge and depose a bishop . * see mr. bagshaw's arguments in parliament against the canons made by the convocation , 1640 fol. 19. the svmme and svbstance of the conference which, it pleased his excellent maiestie to haue with the lords, bishops, and other of his clergie, (at vvhich the most of the lordes of the councell were present) in his maiesties priuy-chamber, at hampton court. ianuary 14. 1603. / contracted by vvilliam barlovv, doctor of diuinity, and deane of chester. whereunto are added, some copies, (scattered abroad,) vnsauory, and vntrue. barlow, william, d. 1613. 1604 approx. 120 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04434 stc 1456.5 estc s100949 99836776 99836776 1062 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04434) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1062) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 575:12 or 777:4) the svmme and svbstance of the conference which, it pleased his excellent maiestie to haue with the lords, bishops, and other of his clergie, (at vvhich the most of the lordes of the councell were present) in his maiesties priuy-chamber, at hampton court. ianuary 14. 1603. / contracted by vvilliam barlovv, doctor of diuinity, and deane of chester. whereunto are added, some copies, (scattered abroad,) vnsauory, and vntrue. barlow, william, d. 1613. [8], 103, [9] p. imprinted by iohn windet [and t. creede] for mathew law, and are to be sold at his shop in paules churchyeard, neare s. austens gate, london : 1604. t. creede's name from stc. the last leaf is blank. variant: title page has "whereat" for "at vvhich". item at reel 575:12 identified as stc 1456a. burney collection copy has some print show-through. reproductions of the originals in the folger shakespeare library and the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -history -early works to 1800. hampton court conference (1604) -early works to 1800. church and state -church of england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -james i, 1603-1625 -early works to 1800. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-06 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the svmme and svbstance of the conference , which , it pleased his excellent maiestie to haue with the lords , bishops , and other of his clergie , ( at vvhich the most of the lordes of the councell were present ) in his maiesties priuy-chamber , at hampton court. ianuary 14. 1603. contracted by vvilliam barlovv , doctor of diuinity , and deane of chester . whereunto are added , some copies , ( scattered abroad , ) vnsauory , and vntrue . london printed by iohn windet , for mathew law , and are to be sold at his shop in paules churchyeard , neare s. austens gate . 1604 to the reader . this copy of the conferēce in ianuary last , hath beene long expected ; and long since it was finished ; impeachments , of the diuulging , were many ; too , main , aboue the rest : one , his vntimely death , who first imposed it vpon me ; with whome is buried the famousest glory of our english church , and the most kind incouragement to paines and study : a man happie in his life & death ; loued of the best , while he liued ; & hearde of god for his decease ; most earnestly desiring , not many dayes before hee was stroken , that he might not , yet , liue to see this parliament , as neare as it vvas . the other , an expectation of this late comitiall conference , much threatned before , and triumphed in by many ; as if that regall and most honourable preceding , shoulde thereby haue receiued his counter-blast , for being too forward : but his maiesties constancy hauing , by the last , added comfort and strength to this former , which now , at length , comes abroad ; therein , good reader , thou mayest both see those huge pretended scandales ( for which our flourishing church hath , beene so long disturbed ) obiected and remoued ; & withall , behold the expresse and viue image of a most learned and iudicious king : whose manifolde giftes of grace and nature , my skant measure of gift is not able to delineate , nor am i willing to enumerate , because , i haue euer accounted the personall commendations of liuing princes . in men of our sort , a verball symony , such flies there are too many , which puffe the skinne , but taint the flesh . his maiesties humble deportment in those sublimities , will be the eternizing of his memory : the rather , because , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to digest so great felicity , without surfet of surquedry is a vertue rare in great personages , & that , which the k. of heauē feared , euen the king of his own choice would want . the more eminent he is , in all princely qualities , the happier shall we be : our duty , as we are christians , is prayer for him ; as wee are subiectes , obedience to him ; as we are men , acknowledgement of our setled state in him . our vnthankfulnes may remoue him as it did , the mirrour of princes , our late famous elizabeth . shee rests with god , the phaenix of her ashes raignes ouer vs ; and long may he so doe to gods glory , and the churches good , which his excellent knowledge be wtifieth , and good gouernement adioyned will beatifie it . an hope of this last , we conceiue by his written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : a specimen of the other , in this interlocutory conference : whereof take this , which is printed , but as an extract , wherein is the substance of the whole ; intercourse of speeches , there occasioned , would cause prolixity without profit : what euery man said , point deuise , i neither could , nor cared to obserue ; the vigour of euery obiection , with the summe of each answer , i gesse , i misse not : for the first day , i had no helpe , beyond mine owne ; yet some of good place and vnderstanding , haue seene it , and not controled it , except for the breuity : for the two last , out of diuers copies , i haue selected and ordered what you here see : in them all , next vnto god , the kinges maiestie alone , must haue the glory : yet , to say , that the present state of our church , is very much obliged to the reuerend fathers , my lordes of london and winton , their paines & dexterity in this busines , were neither detraction from other , nor flattery of them . his highnes purposed to compose all quarrels of this kind , hereby , and supposing he had setled all matters of the church , it pleased him so to signifie by proclamation after it was done : but there is a triple generation in the worlde , of whome the wiseman speaketh , marry , i say nothing , ( for , euen , priuate speeches cannot , now passe without the smeare of a blacke cole . in one ranke whereof , you may place our hercules limbo ▪ mastix , whome it might haue pleased , without his gnathonical appeale , to haue rested his maiesties determinatiō ; & being a synopticall theolog 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and angry , that he was not , so , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , haue learned , the difference diuinitie , betweene viam regis , & viam gregis . many copies , of diuerse sorts haue been scattered , and sent abroad , some partiall , some vntrue , some slanderous ; what is here set downe , for the truth thereof , shall be iustified : the onelie wrong , therein , is to his excellent maiestie , a syllable of whose admirable speeches , it was pitty to loose , his wordes as they were vttered by him , being as salomon speaketh , like apples of gold , vvith pictures of siluer ; and therefore , i request thee good reader , when thou commest to any of his highnes speeches , to turne martial his apostrophe vpon me ; tu malé iam recitas , incipit esse tuus , and i will take it kindly . if thou bee honest and courteous , thou wilt rest satisfied , and that is my content : to lay a pillow for a dog , sortes neither with my leysure , nor purpose . farevvell . thine in christ iesu , w. barlow . the first dayes conference . the day appointed was , as by his maiesties proclamation we all know , thursday the 12. of ianuary , on which there met at hampton court , by 9. of the clocke , all the bishops and deanes , summoned by letters , namely , the archbishop of canterbury , the bishops of london , durham , winchester , worcester , s. dauids , chichester , carlell and peterborow : the deanes of the chappell , christ-church , worcester , westminster , paules , chester , windsor ; with doctor , field , and doctor king , archdeacon of nottingham : who , though the night before , they heard a rumor that it was deferred till the 14. day , yet according to the first summons , thought it their dutie to offer themselues to the kinges presence , which they did : at which time it pleased his highnes to signifie vnto the bishops , that the day hauing preuented , or deceiued him , he would haue them returne on saturday next following : on vvhich day , all the deanes and doctors , attending my lordes the bishops into the presence-chamber , there wee found fitting vpon a forme , d. reynoldes , d. sparkes ; m. knewstubs , and m. chaderton , agentes for the millene plaintiffes . the bishoppes entring the priuy-chamber , stayed there , till commaundement came from his maiestie that none of any sort should bee present , but onely the lordes of the priuie-councell , and the bishoppes vvith fiue deanes , viz. of the chappell , westminster , powles , westchester , salisburie , who beeing called in , the doore was close shut by my lord chamberlaine . after a while , his excellent maiestie came in , and hauing passed a fewe pleasant gratulatiōs with some of the lords , he sate downe in his chaire , remoued forward from the cloth of state a prettie distance ; where , beginning with a most graue and princely declaration of his generall drift in calling this assembly , no nouell deuise , but according to the example of all christian princes , who , in the commencement of their raigne , vsually take the first course for the establishing of the church , both for doctrine and policie , to which the verie heathens themselues had relation in their prouerbe , a ioue principium , and particularly , in this land king henry the eight , toward the ende of his raigne ; after him king edward the 6 who altered more , after him queene marie , who reuersed all ; and the last queene of famous memory , so his highnesse added ( for it is worth the noting , that his maiestie neuer remembreth her , but with some honourable addition ) who setled it as now it standeth : wherein , hee sayd , that he vvas happier then they , in this , because they were faine to alter all thinges they found established , but he saw yet , no cause so much to alter , and chaunge any thing , as to confirme that which he found well setled already : which state , as it seemed , so affected his royal hart , that it pleased him both to enter into a gratulation to almightie god , ( at which wordes hee put off his hat ) for bringing him into the promised land , where religion was purely professed ; where he sate among graue , learned and reuerend men ; not , as before , else where , a king without state , without honor , without order ; where beardlesse boyes would braue him to his face : and to assure vs , that he called not this assembly for any innouation , acknowledging the gouernement ecclesiasticall , as now it is , to haue beene approued by manifold blessings from god himselfe , both for the encrease of the gospell , and vvith a most happie and glorious peace . yet , because nothing could be so absolutely ordered , but something might bee added afterward thereunto , and in any state , as in the body of man , corruptions might insensibly grow , either through time or persons ; and , in that hee had receiued many complaintes since his first entrance into the kingdome , especially , through the dissentions in the church , of many disorders , as he heard , and much disobedience to the lawes , with a great falling away to popery : his purpose therefore was , like a good physition , to examine & trie the complaintes , and fully to remoue the occasions thereof , if they proue scandalous , or to cure them , if they were daungerous , or , if but friuolous , yet to take knowledge of them , thereby to cast a sop into cerberus his mouth , that hee may neuer barke againe : his meaning beeing , as hee pleased to professe , to giue factious spirites , no occasion , hereby , of boasting or glory ; for , which cause hee had called the bishops in , seuerally by themselues , not to be confronted by the contrary opponents , that if any thing should be found meete to be redressed , it might be done ( which his maiestie twise or thrise , as occasion serued , reiterated ) without any visible alteration . and this was the summe , so farre as my dull head could conceiue , and carry it , of his maiesties generall speech . in particular , he signified vnto them the principall matters why hee called them alone , with vvhome hee vvould consult about some speciall pointes , wherein himselfe desired to bee satisfied ; these hee reduced to three heades : first , concerning the booke of common prayer , and diuine seruice vsed in this church . second , excommunication in the ecclesiasticall courtes ▪ third , the prouiding of fit and able minister s for ireland . in the booke he required satisfaction about three thinges . first , about confirmation ; first , for the name , if arguing a confirming of baptisme , as if this sacrament without it , were of no validity , then were it blasphemous : secondly , for the vse , first brought vpon this occasion ; infants being baptized , and aunswering by their patrini , it was necessarie they should bee examined , when they came to yeares of discretion , and after their profession made by themselues , to be confirmed with a blessing or prayer of the bishop , laying his handes vpon their heades , abhorring the abuse in popery , where it was made a sacrament and a corroboration to baptisme . the second was for absolution , vvhich how we vsed it in our church hee knewe not , hee had heard it likened to the popes pardons , but his maiesties opinion was , that , there being onely two kindes thereof from god , the one generall , the other particular : for the first , all prayers and preaching do import an absolution : for the second , it is to bee applied to speciall parties , who hauing committed a scandall , and repenting , are absolued : otherwise , where there precedes not either excommunication or pennance , there needs no absolution . the third was priuate baptisme : if priuate for place , his maiestie thought it agreed with the vse of the primitiue church : if for persons , that any but a lawfull minister might baptize any where , he vtterly disliked : and in this point his highnesse grew somewhat earnest against the baptizing by women and laikes . the second head was excommunication , wherein hee offered two thinges to bee considered of , first , the matter , second the person . in the matter , first , whether it were executed , ( as it is complained ) in light causes ; second , whether it were not vsed too often . in the persons , first , why lay men , as chancelors & commissaries should do it ? second , why the bishops themselues , for the more dignitie to so high and waightie a censure , should not take vpon them , for their assistantes , the deane and chapter , or other ministers and chaplaines of grauitie and account : and so likewise , in other censures , and giuing of orders , &c. the last , for ireland , his maiestie referred , as you shall in the last daies conference heare , to a consulation . his highnesse , ( to whome i offer great wrong , in beeing , as phocion to demosthenes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the hatchet to cut short so admirable a speech ) hauing ended , the lord archbishop , after that , on his knee , he had signified hovve much this whole land was bound to god for setting ouer vs a king so wise , learned and iudicious , addressed himselfe to enforme his maiestie of all these pointes in their seuerall order . and first , as touching confirmation , hee shewed at large , the antiquitie of it , as being vsed in the catholike church euer since the apostles time , till that , of late some particular churches had vnaduisedly reiected it . then hee declared the lawfull vse of it , agreeable to his maiesties former speech , affirming it to bee a meere calumniation , and a very vntrue suggestion , if any had informed his highnesse , that the church of england did holde or teach , that , without confirmation , baptisme was vnperfect , or that it did adde any thing to the vertue and strength thereof . and this hee made manifest by the rubrikes in the communion booke set before confirmation , which were there read . my lord of london succeeded , saying that the authoritie of confirmation , did not depend , onely , vpon the antiquitie and practise of the primitiue church , which out of cyprian ep. 73. and hierom. aduersus luciferian : hee shewed , but that it was an institution apostolicall , and one of the particular pointes of the apostles catechisme , set downe and named in expresse wordes , hebr. 6. 2. and so did m. caluin expound that very place , who wished earnestly the restitution thereof in those reformed churches , where it had beene abolished . vpon which place the bishop of carlell also insisted , and vrged it both grauely and learnedly . his maiestie called for the bible , read the place of the hebrewes , and approued the exposition . something also the bishop of durham noted , out of the gospell of s. mathew , for the imposition of handes vppon children . the conclusion was , for the fuller explanation , ( that wee make it not a sacrament or a corroboration to a former sacrament , ) that it should bee considered of by their lordshippes , whether it might not , without alteration , whereof his maiestie was still very wary ) bee intituled an examination with a confirmation . next in order , was the point of absolution , which the lord archbishop cleared from all abuse , or superstition , as it is vsed in our church of england : reading vnto his maiestie , both the confession in the beginning of the communion book , and the absolution following it , wherein , ( saith he ) the minister doth nothing else but pronounce an absolution in generall . his highnesse perused them both in the booke it selfe , liking and approuing them , finding it to be very true which my lord archbishop said : but the bishop of london , stepping forward , added ; it becōmeth vs to deale plainely with your maiestie : there is also , in the communion booke , another more particular and personall forme of absolution , prescribed to be vsed in the order for the visitation of the sicke : this the king required to see , and whilest maister deane of the chappell was turning to it , the sayd bishop aledged , that not onely the confessions of augustia , boheme , saxon , which he there cited , doe retaine and allow it , but that maister caluin did also approue such a generall kinde of confession , and absolution , as the church of england vseth ; and withall did very well like of those which are priuate , for so hee termes them : the sayd particular absolution in the common prayer booke beeing read , his maiestie exceedingly well approued it , adding , that it was apostolicall , and a very godly ordinance , in that it was giuen , in the name of christ , to one that desired it , and vpon the clearing of his conscience . the conclusion was , that it should be consulted of by the bishops , whether vnto the rubrike of the generall absolution , these wordes , remission of sinnes , might not be added for explanation sake . in the third place , the lord archbishop proceeded to speake of priuate baptisme , shewing his maiestie , that the administration of baptisme , by women , and lay-persons , was not allowed in the practise of the church , but enquired of , by bishoppes , in their visitations , and censured ; neither doe the wordes in the booke inferre any such meaning : whereunto the king excepted , vrging and pressing the wordes of the booke , that they could not but intend a permission , and suffering of women , and priuate persons to baptize . here the bishoppe of worcester said , that , indeed , the wordes were doubtfull , and might bee pressed to that meaning , but yet it seemed by the contrarie practise of our church , ( censuring women in this case ) that the compilers of the booke , did not so intend them , and yet propounded them ambiguously , because otherwise , perhaps , the booke would not haue then passed in the parliament , ( and for this coniecture , as i remember , he cited the testimony of my lord archbishoppe of yorke : ) whereunto the bishop of london replyed , that those learned and reuerend men , who framed the booke of common prayer , entended not by ambiguous termes to deceiue any , but did , indeede , by those wordes entend a permission of priuate persons , to baptize in case of necessitie , whereof their letters were witnesses , some partes whereof hee then read , and withall declared that the same was agreeable to the practise of the auncient church ; vrging to that purpose , both actes 2. where 3000. were baptized in one day , which for the apostles alone to doe , was impossible , at least improbable ; and , besides the apostles , there were then no bishoppes or priestes : and also thee authoritie of tertullian , and saint ambrose in the fourth to the ephesians , plaine in that point ; laying also open the absurdities , and impieties of their opinion , who thinke there is no necessitie of baptisme ; which word , necessitie , he , so , pressed not , as if god , without baptisme could not saue the child ; but the case put , that the state of the infant , dying vnbaptized , being vncertaine , and to god only known ; but if it dye baptized , there is an euident assurance , that it is saued ; who is hee , that hauing any religion in him , would not speedily , by any meanes , procure his child to be baptized , and rather ground his action vpon christs promise , then his omission thereof vppon gods secret iudgement ? his maiestie replied ; first to that place of the actes , that it was an acte extraordinary ; neither is it sound reasoning from thinges done before a church bee setled and grounded , vnto those which are to be performed in a church stablished and flourishing : that hee also maintained the necessitie of baptisme , and alwayes thought that the place of saint iohn , nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua &c. was ment of the sacrament of baptisme ; and that hee had so defenced it against some ministers in scotland ; and it may seeme strange to you , my lords , saith his maiestie , that i , who now think you in england giue too much to baptism , did 14. moneths ago in scotland , argue with my diuines there , for ascribing too litle to that holy sacrament . in somuch that a pert minister asked me , if i thought baptism so necessary , that if it were omitted , the child should be damned ? i answered him no : but if you , being called to baptize the child , though priuately , should refuse to come , i think you shall be damned . but this necessitie of baptisme his maiestie so expounded , that it was necessarie to be had where it might be lawfully had : id est , ministred by lawfull ministers , by whom alone , & by no priuate person , hee thought it might not , in any case be administred : and yet vtterly disliked all rebaptization , although either women or laikes had baptized . heere the bishop of vvinchester spake , very learnedly and earnestly , in that point , affirming that the denying of priuate persons in cases of necessitie , to baptize , were to crosse all antiquitie , seeing that it had bene the ancient and common practize of the church , when ministers at such times could not be got : and that it was also a rule agreed vpon among diuines , that the minister is not of the essence of the sacrament . his maiestie answered , though hee be not of the essence of the sacrament , yet is he of the essence of the right and lawfull ministrie of the sacrament ; taking for his ground the commission of christ to his disciples , mat. 28. 20. go preach and baptize . the issue was a consultation whether into the rubrike of priuate baptisme , which leaues it indifferently to all , laikes , or clergie , the wordes , curate or lawfull minister , might not bee inserted ? which was not so much stuck at by the bishops . and so his maiestie proceeded to the next point , about excommunication , in causes of lesser moment : first , whether the name might not be altered , and yet the same censure be retained or secōdly , whether in place of it , another coercion equiualent thereunto , might not bee inuented and thought of . a thing very easily yeelded vnto of all sides , because it hath beene long and often desired , but could not be obtained from her maiestie , who resolued to be still , semper eadem , and to alter nothing which she had once setled . and thus the vvednesday succeeding , beeing appointed for the exhibiting of their determinations in these points : and the munday next immediately following this present day , for the opponents to bring in their complaintes , wee were dismissed after three houres and more spent : which were soone gone , so admirably , both for vnderstanding , speech , and iudgment , did his maiestie handle all those points , sending vs away not with cōtentment only , but astonishment ; and , which is pittifull , you will say , with shame to vs all , that a king brought vp among puritans , not the learnedst men in the world , and schooled by them : swaying a kingdome full of busines , and troubles , naturally giuen to much exercise and repast , should , in points of diuinity shew himselfe as expedite and perfect as the greatest schollers , and most industrious students , there present , might not outstrip him . but this one thing i may not omit , that his maiestie should professe , howsoeuer he liued among puritans , and was kept , for the most part , as a ward vnder them , yet , since hee was of the age of his sonne , 10. years old , he euer disliked their opinions ; as the sauiour of the world said , though he liued among them , he was not of them . finis primae diei . the second dayes conference . on munday , ianuary , 16. betweene 11. and 12. of the clocke , were the foure plaintiffes called into the priuie chamber , ( the two bishoppes , of london , and vvinchester being there before ) and after them , all the deanes & doctors present , which had bin summoned : patr. galloway , somtimes minister of perth in scotland , admitted also to be there : the kings maiestie entering the chamber presētly tooke his chaire , placed as the day before , ( the noble young prince , sitting by vppon a stoole , ) where making a short , but a pitthy and sweet speech , to the same purpose which the first day hee made , vz. of the end of the conference , mee●e to bee had , he said , by euerie king , at his first entrance to the crowne ; not to innouate the gouernment presently established , which by long experience hee had found accompanied with so singular blessinges of god , 45 : yeares , as that no church vpon the face of the earth more florished , then this of england . but first to settle an vniform order through the whole church . secondly , to plant vnity for the suppressing of papistes and enemies to religion . thirdly , to amend abuse , as naturall to bodies politike , and to corrupt man as the shadow to the bodie : which once being entred , hold on as a wheele , his motiō once set going . and because many grieuous complaints had bene made to him , since his first entrance into the land , hee thought it best to send for some , whom his maiestie vnderstoode to be the most graue , learned , and modest of the aggreeued sort , whome being there present , he was now readie to heare , at large , what they could obiect or say ; & so willed them to beginne : whereupon , they 4. kneeling downe , d. reynalds the foreman , after a short preamble gratulatorie , and signifying his maiesties summons , by vertue whereof , they then and there appeared , reduced all matters disliked , or questioned , to these 4. heades . 1. that the doctrine of the church might be preserued in puritie , according to gods word . 2. that good pastors might be planted in all churches , to preach the same . 3. that the church gouernment , might be sincerely ministred according to gods word . 4. that the booke of common prayer , might be fitted to more increase of pietie . for the first , he moued his maiestie , that the booke of articles of religion , concluded , 1562. might bee explaned in places obscure ; and enlarged where some thinges were defectiue . for example , whereas art. 16. the wordes are these : after we haue receiued the holy ghost , we may depart from grace : notwithstanding , the meaning be sound , yet he desired that , because they may seeme to be cōtrary to the doctrine of gods predestination & election in the 17. article , both those wordes might be explaned with this , or the like addition , yet neither totally , nor finally ; and also that the nine assertions orthodoxall , as he termed them , concluded vpon at lambeth , might be inserted into that booke of articles . secondly , where it is said in the 23. article , that it is not lawfull , for any man to take vpon him the office of preaching or administring the sacraments in the congregation , before hee bee lawfully called , d. rey. tooke exception to these wordes , in the congregation , as implying a lawfulnes for any man whosoeuer , out of the congregation , to preach and administer the sacraments , though he had no lawfull calling thereunto . thirdly , in the 25. article , these words touching confirmation , growne partly of the corrupt following the apostles , beeing opposite to those in the collect of confirmation in the communion booke , vpon whome after the exāple of the apostles , argue , saith he , a contrarietie each to other ; the first , confessing confirmation , to be a depraued imitation of the apostles , the second , grounding it vpon their example , act. 8. & 19. as if the bishop in confirming of children , did , by imposing his handes , as the apostles in those places , giue the visible graces of the holy ghost ; & therfore he desired that both the contradiction might be considered , and this ground of confirmation examined . thus farre doctor reyn. went on , without any interruption : but , here , as hee was proceeding , the bishoppe of london , much moued to heare these men , who , some of them the euening before , and the same morning , had made semblance , of ioyning with the bishops , and that they sought for nothing but vnitie , now strike to ouerthrowe , ( if they could ) all at once ▪ cut him off , and kneeling downe ▪ most humbly desired his maiestie first , that the aunciēt canon might be remēbred , which saith that , schismatici contra episcopos , non sunt audiendi . secondly , that if any of these parties were in the number of the 1000. ministers , who had once subscribed to the communion booke , and yet had lately exhibited a petition to his maiestie , against it , they might be remoued and not heard , according to the decree of a verie auncient councell , prouiding , that no man should be admitted to speake against that , whereunto he bad formerly subscribed ▪ thirdly , he put d. reynoldes and his associates in minde , how much they were bound to his maiesties ▪ exceeding great clemencie , in that they were permitted contrary to the statute , i. elizab. to speake so freely against the leiturgie & discipline established . lastly , forasmuch as that hee perceiued they tooke a course tending to the vtter ouerthrowe of the orders of the church , thus long continued , hee desired to knowe the ende which they aimed at , alledging a place out of m. cartwright , affirming , that we ought rather to conforme our selues in orders and ceremonies to the fashion of the turkes , then to the papists , which position hee doubted they approued , because , contrary to the orders of the vniuersities , they appeared before his maiestie , in turky gownes , not in their scholasticall habites , sorting to their degrees ▪ his maiestie , obseruing my lord of london , to speake in some passion , saide , that there was in it , something ▪ which hee might excuse , something that hee did mislike : excuse his passion hee might , thinking he had iust cause to bee so moued , both in respect that they did thus traduce the present well setled church gouernement ; and also , did proceede in so indirect a course contrary to their owne pretence , and the intent of that meeting also ▪ yet hee misliked his sudden interruption of d. reyn. whome he should haue suffered to haue taken his course and libertie , concluding that there is no order , nor can be any effectuall issue of disputation , if each partie might not bee suffered , without chopping , to speake at large what hee would : and therefore willed that either the doctors should proceed , or that the bishoppe would frame his aunswere to these motions alreadie made ; although , saith his maiestie , some of them are verie needlesse . it was thought fitter to aunswere , least the number of obiections encreasing , the aunsweres would proue confused . vpon the first motion , concerning falling from grace : the bishop of london tooke occasion to signifie to his maiestie , how very many in these dayes , neglecting holinesse of life , presumed too much of persisting in grace , laying all their religion vpon predestination , if i shall bee saued , i shall be saued , which hee termed a desperate doctrine , shewing it to bee contrarie to good diuinitie , and the true doctrine of predestination , whereein we should reason rather ascendendo , then descendendo , thus ; i liue in obedience to god , in loue with my neighbour ; i follow my vocation , &c therefore i trust that god hath elected me , & predestinated mee to saluation ; not thus , which is the vsuall course of argument . god hath predestinated and chosen mee to life , therefore , though i sin , neuer so grieuously , yet i shall not be damned , for whome he once loueth , he loueth to the ende . vvhereupon hee shewed his maiestie out of the next article , what was the doctrine of the church of england touching predestination , in the verie last paragraph , scilicet : we must receiue gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to vs in holy scripture ; and in our doings , that will of god is to be followed , which wee haue expressely declared vnto vs in the word of god : which parte of the said article , his maiestie verie well approued , and after hee had , after his maner , very singularly discoursed vpon that place of paul , worke out your saluation with feare and trembling ; he left it to bee considered , whether any thing were meete to bee added , for the clearing of the doctor his doubt , by putting in the worde often , or the like , as thus ; we may often depart from grace , but , in the meane time , wished that the doctrine of predestination might bee verie tenderly handled , and with great discretion , least on the one side , gods omnipotency might be called in question , by impeaching the doctrine of his eternall predestination ; or on the other , a desperate presumption might be arreared , by inferring the necessary certaintie of standing and persisting in grace . to the second , it was aunswered , that it was a vaine obiection , because , by the doctrine and practise of the church of england , none , but a licensed minister , might preach , nor either publikely or priuately administer the eucharist , or the lords supper . and as for priuate baptisme , his maiestie answered , that hee had taken order , for that , with the bishops already . in the third point ) which was about confirmation ) was obserued either a curiosity or malice , because the article which was there presently read in those wordes : these fiue commonly called sacraments , that is to say ; confirmation , pennance , orders , &c. are not to be accounted for sacraments of the gospell , being such as haue growne partly of the corrupt following the apostles , &c. insinuateth , that the making of confirmation , to be a sacrament , is a corrupt imitation ; but the communion booke , aiming at the right vse , and proper sourse thereof , makes it to bee according to the apostles example : which his maiestie obseruing , and reading both the places , concluded the obiection to be a meere cauil . and this was for the pretended contradiction . now for the ground thereof ; the bishoppe of london added , that it was not so much founded vpon the places in the acts of the apostles , which some of the fathers had often shewed ; but vpon heb 6. 2. where it is made , as the first day hee had saide , a parte of the apostles catechisme ; which was the opinion , besides the iudgement of the holy fathers , of m. caluin and d. fulke , the one vpon heb. 6. 2. as vpon saturday he had declared ; the other vpon act. 8. verse 27. where with saint augustine , he saith , that we do not , in any wise , mislike that auncient ceremonie ( of imposition of hands , for strengthening and confirming such as had beene baptized ) but vse it our selues , beeing nothing else but , as s. austen affirmeth , prayer ouer a man to bee strengthened and confirmed by the holy ghost : or to receiue increase of the giftes of the holy ghost , as s. ambrose saith ; and a little after alludeth vnto heb. 6. 2. &c. neither neede there any great proofe of this ( saith my lord. ) for confirmation to be vnlawfull , it was not their opinion , vvho obiected this , as hee supposed ; this was it that vexed them , that they had not the vse thereof in their owne handes , euery pastor in his parish to confirme , for then it would bee accounted an apostolicall institution ; and willed d. reyn. to speake , herein , what he thought : who seemed to yeeld thereunto replying that some diocesse of a bishoppe , hauing therein 600. parish churches , ( which number caused the bishop of london to thinke himselfe personally touched , because in his diocesse there are 609. or thereabouts ) it was a thing verie inconuenient to commit confirmation vnto the bishop alone , supposing it impossible that he could take due examination of them all , which came to be confirmed . to the fact , my lord of london aunswered , for his maiesties information , that the bishops in their visitations , giue out notice to them , who are desirous either to be themselues , or to haue their children , confirmed , of the place where they will bee ; and appoint either their chapleines , or some other ministers to examine them which are to bee cōfirmed , and lightly confirme none but either by the testimonie , or report of the parsons or curates where the children are bred , and brought vp . to the opinion he replied that none of all the fathers euer admitted any to cōfirme but bishops alone ; yea euen saint ierome himselfe though otherwise no friend to bishops , by reason of a quarrell betweene the bishoppe of ierusalem and him , yet confesseth that the execution thereof vvas restrained to bishops onely , ad honorem potius saaerdotii , quâm ad legis necessitatem . vvhereof , namely of this prerogatiue of bishoppes , he giueth this reason , ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet ; cui si non exors quaedam , & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in ecclesiis efficerentur schismata , quot sacerdotes . my lord bishop of winchester challenged doctor reynolds , willing him , of his learning , to shewe where euer hee had read that confirmation was , at all , vsed in ancient times by any other but bishoppes ; and added with all , that it was vsed partly to examine children , and after examination , by imposition of handes ( which was a ceremonie of blessing among the iewes ) to blesse them & pray ouer them : and partly to try whether they had beene baptized in the right forme or no. for in former ages baptisme was administred in diuerse sortes : some gaue it , in nomine patris & filii , &c. others in nomine patris maioris , et filii minoris as the arrians did ; some in nomine patris per filium , in spiritu sancto ; others , not in the name of the trinitie , but in the death of christ , &c. vvhereuppon catholike bishoppes were constrained to examine them who were baptized in remotis , farre from them , hovve they were taught to beleeue concerning baptisme ? if it were right to confirme them ; if amisse to instruct them . his maiestie concluded this pointe , first , by taxing saint ierome for his assertion that a bishop was not diuinae ordinationis , ( the bishop of london thereupon , inserting that vnlesse hee could proue his ordination lawfull out of the scriptures hee would not be a bishop 4. houres ) which opinion his maiestie much distasted , approuing their calling & vse in the church , and closed it vppe with this short aphotisme , no bishop , no king. secondly , for confirmation his highnesse thought , that it sorted neither with the authoritie nor decencie of the same , that euerie ordinarie pastor should doe it : and therefore sayd , that for his part , hee meant not to take that from the bishops , which they had so long retained and enioyed ▪ seeing , as it pleased him to adde , as great reason , that none should confirme without the bishops licēce , as none shold preach with out his licence : and so referring , as the day before , the word examination , to be added to the rubrike in the title of confirmation in the communion booke , if it were thought good so to doe ; hee willed d. reyn. to proceed . vvho , after that he had deprecated the imputation of schisme , with a protestation , that he meant not to gall anie man ; goeth on to the 37. article , wherein , hee sayd , these wordes , the bishop of rome hath no authoritie in this land , not to be sufficient , vnlesse it were added , nor ought to haue : whereat his maiestie heartily laughed , and so did the lordes : the king adding an aunswere , which the rhetoricions call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what speake you of the popes authoritie here ? habemus iure , quod habemus , and therefore , in as much as it is sayd , he hath not , it is plaine inough , that he ought not to haue . this , and some other motions seeming both to the king , and lords very idle and friuolous , occasion was taken , in some by talke , to remember a certaine description , which m. butler of cambridge made of a puritane , viz. a puritane is a protestant frayed out of his wits . but my lord of london , there , seriously put his maiestie in minde of the speeches , which the french embossador mosr rogne gaue out concerning our church of englād , both at canterbury after his arriuall ; & after , at the court , vpon the view of our solemne seruice and ceremonies , namely , that if the reformed churches in fraunce had kept the same orders among them which we haue , hee was assured that there would haue bene many thousands of protestants more there , then now there are : and yet our men stumble and straine at these petty quillets , thereby to disturbe and disgrace the whole church . after this , the d. moued , that this proposition , the intention of the minister is not of the essence of the sacrament , might bee added vnto the booke of articles , the rather , because that some in england had preached it to be essentiall . and here againe hee remembred the 9. orthodoxall assertions concluded at lambeth . his maiestie vtterly disliked that first part of the motion , for two reasons : first , thinking it vnfit to thrust into the booke euerie position negatiue , which would bothe make the booke swell into a volume as bigge as the bible , and also confound the reader ; bringing for example the course of one m. craig , in the like case , in scotland , who with his irenounce and abhorre , his detestations and abrenunciatiōs he did so amase the simple people , that they , not able to conceiue all those thinges , vtterly gaue ouer all , falling backe to poperie , or remaining still in their former ignorance . yea , if i , sayde his maiestie , shoulde haue beene bound to his forme , the confession of my faith must haue bene in my table booke , not in my head . but because you speake of intention , sayth his highnesse , i vvill apply it thus , if you come hither with a good intention , to bee informed and satisfied where you shall find iust cause , the whole worke will sorte to the better effect ; but if your intention bee to goe as you came ( whatsoeuer shall bee sayde ) it will proue that the intention is verie materiall , and essentiall to the ende of this , present action . to the other parte for the nine assertions , his maiestie could not , suddenly , aunswere , because hee vnderstood not what the doctor meant by those assertions or propositions at lambeth ; but when it was enformed his maiestie , that , by reason of some controuersies , arising in cambridge , about certain pointes of diuinitie ; my lordes grace assembled some diuines , of speciall note , to set downe their opinions , vvhich they drevve into nine assertions , and so sent them to the vniuersitie , for the appeafing of those quarrels ; then his maiestie aunswered , first , that when such questions arise among schollers , the quietest proceeding were , to determine them in the vniuersities , and not to stuffe the booke with all conclusions theologicall . secondly , the better course would be to punish the broachers of false doctrine , as occasion should be offered ▪ for were the articles neuer so manie and sound , vvho can preuent the contrary opinions of men till they be heard ? vpon this the deane of powles , kneeling dovvne , humbly desired leaue to speake , signifying vnto his maiestie that this matter somewhat more nearly concerned him , by reason of controuersie betweene him and some other in cambridge , vpon a proposition which he had deliuered there . namely , that whosoeuer ( though before iustified ) did commit any grieuous sin , as adultery , murther , treason , or the like , did become , ipso facto , subiect to gods wrath , and guilty of damnation , or were in state of damnation ( quoad praesentem statum ) vntill they did repent ; adding hereunto , that those which were called and iustified according to the purpose of gods election , hovvsoeuer they might , and did , sometime , fall into grieuous sins , and thereby into the present state of wrath and damnation ; yet did neuer fall either totally from all the graces of god to be vtterly destitute of all the partes and seede thereof , nor finally from iustification , but were in time renued , by gods spirit , vnto a liuely faith , and repentance , and so iustified from those sinnes , and the wrath , curse , and guilt annexed thereunto , whereinto they were fallen , and wherein they lay so long as they were without true repentance for the same . against which doctrine , hee saide , that some had opposed , teaching that all such persons as were once truely instified , though after they fel into neuer so grieuous sinnes , yet remained still iust , or in the state of iustification , before they actually repented of those sinnes ; yea and though they neuer repented of them , through forgetfulnesse or sudden death , yet they should bee iustified and saued without repentance . in vtter dislike of this doctrine his maiestie entred into a longer speech of predestination , and reprobation , then before , and of the necessary conioyning repentance and holinesse of life with true faith : concluding that it was hypocrisie , and not true iustifying fayth , which was seuered from them : for although predestination , and election dependeth not vpon any qualities , actiōs , or works of man , which be mutable ; but vpon god his eternall and immutable decree and purpose : yet such is the necessitie of repentance , after knowne sinnes committed , as that , without it there could not be either reconciliation with god , or remission of those sinnes . next to this , doctor reynalds complained , that the catechisme in the common prayer booke , was too briefe , for which one by maister nowell , late deane of paules was added , and that too long for young nouices to learne by heart : requested therefore , that one vniforme catechisme might bee made , which , and none other , might be generally receiued : it was asked of him , whether if , to the short catechisme in the communion booke , something were added for the doctrine of the sacraments it would not serue ? his maiestie thought the doctors request very reasonable : but yet so , that hee would haue a catechisme in the fewest and plainest affirmatiue termes that may bee : taxing withall the number of ignorant catechismes set out in scotland , by euerie one that was the sonne of a good man : insomuch as , that which was catechisme doctrine in one congregation , was in another scarsely accepted as sound and orthodox ; wished , therefore , one to bee made and agreed vppon ; adding this excellent , gnomicall , and canon-like conclusion , that in the reforming of a church , he wold haue two rules obserued , first , that old curious , deepe and intricate questions might be auoided in the fundamentall instruction of a people . secondly , that there should not be any such departure from the papistes in all thinges , as that , because we in some pointes agree with them , therefore wee should bee accounted to bee in errour . to the former , d. reynoldes added the prophanation of the sabboth day , and contempt of his maiesties proclamation made for the reforming of that abuse , of which hee earnestly desired a straighter course for reformation thereof , and to this he found a general and vnanimous assent . after that , he moued his maiestie , that there might bee a newe translation of the bible , because , those which were allowed in the raignes of henrie the eight , and edward the sixt , were corrupt and not aunswerable to the truth of the originall . for example , first , galathians , 4. 25. the greeke worde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not well translated , as nowe it is , bordreth , neither expressing the force of the worde , nor the apostles sense , nor the situation of the place . secondly , psalme , 105. 28. they were not obedient ; the originall beeing , they were not disobedient . thirdly , psalme , 106. verse 30. then stood vp phinees and prayed , the hebrew hath executed iudgement . to which motion , there was , at the present , no gainsaying , the obiections beeing triuiall and old , and alreadie , in print , often aunswered ; onely , my lord of london well added , that if euery mans humour should be followed , there would be no ende of translating . vvhereupon his highnesse wished , that some especiall paines should be taken in that behalfe for one vniforme translation ( professing that hee could neuer , yet , see a bible well translated in english ; but the worst of all , his maiestie thought the geneua to bee ) and this to bee done by the best learned in both the vniuersities , after them to bee reuiewed by the bishops , and the chiefe learned of the church ; from them to bee presented to the priuie-councell ; and lastly to bee ratified by his royall authoritie ; and so this whole church to be bound vnto it , and none other : marry , withall , hee gaue this caueat ( vpon a word cast out by my lord of london ) that no marginall notes should be added , hauing found in them , which are annexed to the geneua translation ( which he sawe in a bible giuen him by an english lady ) some notes very partiall , vntrue , seditious , and sauouring too much , of daungerous , and trayterous conceites : as for example , exod. 1. 19. where the marginall note alloweth disobedience to kings . and 2. chron. 15. 16. the note taxeth asa for deposing his mother , onely , and not killing her : and so concludeth this point , as all the rest with a graue and iudicious aduise . first , that errours in matters of faith might bee rectified and amended . secondly , that matters indifferent might rather be interrupted , and a glosse added ; alleaging from burtolus de regno , that as better a king with some weakenesse , then still a chaunge ; so rather a church with some faultes , then an innouation . and sure ly , sayth his maiestie , if these bee the greatest matters you be grieued with , i neede not haue beene troubled with such importunities and complaintes , as haue beene made vnto me ; some other more priuate course might haue bene taken for your satisfaction , and withall looking vppon the lords , he shooke his head , smiling . the last point ( noted by d. reyn. ) in this first head , for doctrine , was , that , vnlawfull and seditious bookes , might bee suppressed , at least restrained , and imparted to a few : for by the libertie of publishing such bookes , so commonly , many young schollers , and vnsetled mindes in both vniuersities , and through the whole realme were corrupted , and peruerted ; naming for one instance , that booke intituled , de iure magistratus in subditos , published , of late , by ficlerus a papist , and applied against the queenes maiestie that last was , for the pope : the bishop of london supposing , as it seemed , himselfe to bee principally aymed at , aunswered , first , to the generall , that there vvas no such licentious divulging of those bookes , as he imagined or complained of : and that none , except it vvere such as d. reyn. who were supposed , would confute them , had libertie , by authoritie , to buy them : againe , such books , came into the realme by many secret conueyances , so that there could not bee a perfect notice had of their importation : secondly , to the particular instaunce of ficlerus , hee saide , that the author de iure , &c. was a great disciplinarian ; whereby it did appeare , what aduantage that sorte gaue vnto the papistes , who mutatis personis , could apply their owne argumentes against princes of the religion : but for his owne parte , hee saide , hee detested both the author and the applyer alike . my lord cecill here taxing , also , the vnlimited libertie of the dispersing and diuulging these popish and seditious pamphletes , both in powles churchyeard , & the vniuersities , instanced one lately set forth , & published ; namely , speculū tragicum , which both his m tie . & the l. henry howard , now earle of northampton , termed a daungerous booke , both for matter & intention : ) & the lord chauncellor , also diuiding all such bookes into latine and english , concluded , that , these last , dispersed , did most harme : yet the lord secretarie affirmed , that my lord of london , had done therein what might bee , for the suppressing of them ; and that he knewe no man else , had done any thing in that kinde but he . at length , it pleased his excellent maiestie , to tell d. reyn. that hee was a better colledge man , then a statesman ; for if his meaning were , to taxe the bishop of london , for suffering those bookes , betwixt the secular priestes , and iesuites lately published , so freely to passe abroad ; his maiestie would haue him and his associates to know , and willed them also to acquaint their adherents , and friendes abroad therewith , that the saide bishoppe was much iniured and slaundered in that behalfe , who did nothing therein , but by warrant from the lordes of the councell , whereby , both a schisme betwixt them was nourished , & also his maiesties owne cause and title handled : the lord cecill affirming thereunto , that therefore they were tolerated , because , in them , was the title of spaine confuted . the l. treasurer added , that d. reyn. might haue obserued another vse of those bookes ; viz. that now by the testimony of the priestes themselues , her late maiestie , and the state were cleared of that imputation , of putting papistes to death , for their consciences onely , and for their religion , seeing , in those books , they themselues confesse , that they were executed for treason . d. reyn. excused himselfe , expounding his cōplaint , not meant of such bookes , as had beene printed in england , but such as came from beyond the seas , as commentaries both in philosophy and diuinitie . and these were the partes of the first head , concerning puritie of doctrine . touching pastors resident learned . to the second generall point concerning the planting of ministers learned , in euery parish ; it pleased his maiestie to aunswere , that hee had consulted with his bishops about that , whome hee found willing and readie , to second him in it : inueighing , herein , against the negligence and carelesnesse which hee heard of many in this land ; but , as subita euacuatio was periculosa , so subita mutatio . therefore this matter was not for a present resolution , because to appoint to euery parrish , a sufficient minister , were impossible , the vniuersities would not afford them ; again , he had fouud alreadie , that hee had more learned men in this realme , then hee had sufficient maintenance for ; so that maintenance must first bee prouided , and then the other to bee required : in the meane time , ignorant ministers , if young , to be remoued , if there were no hope of their amendment ; if olde , their death must bee expected , that the next course may bee better supplyed : and so concluded this point , with a most religious and zealous protestation , of doing something dayly in this case , because ierusalem could not be built vp in a day . the bishoppe of winchester made knowne to the king , that this insufficiency of the cleargie , bee it as it is , comes not by the bishops defaultes ; but partly , by lay patrones , who present very meane men to their cures ; wherof , in himselfe , hee shewed an instance , how that since his being bishop of winchester , very fewe maisters of artes were presented to good benefices : partly , by the law of the land , which admitteth of very meane and tollerable sufficiēcy in any clearks ; so that , if the bishop should not admit them ; then presently , a quare impedit is sent out against him . here my lord of london , kneeling , humbly desired his maiestie ( because hee saw , as hee saide , it was a time of mouing petitions ) that hee might haue leaue , to make two or three . first , that there might be amongst vs , a praying ministerie another while ; for whereas ; there are , in the ministerie , many excellent duties to be performed , as the absoluing of the penitent , praying for , and blessing of the people , administring of the sacraments , and the like ; it is come to that passe now , that some sort of men thought it the onely dutie required of a minister , to spend the time in speaking out of a pulpit ; sometimes , god wot , very vndiscreetly and vnlearnedly : and this , with so great iniury and preiudice , to the celebratiō of diuine seruice , that some ministers would be content to walk in the churchyeard , till sermon time , rather then to be present at publke prayer . he confessed , that in a church , new to be planted , preaching was most necessarie ; but among vs , now long established in the faith , he thought it not the onely necessary dutie to bee performed , and the other to be so profanely neglected and contemned . vvhich motion his maiestie liked exceeding well , very acutely taxing the hypocrisie of our times , which placeth all religion in the eare , through which , there is an easy passage : but prayer , which expresseth the heartes affection , and is the true deuotion of the mindes as a matter putting vs to ouer-much trouble , ( wherin there concurre , if prayer be as it ought , an vnpartiall consideration of our owne estates , a due examination to whome we pray , an humble cōfession of our sinnes , with an harty sorrow for them , and repentance not seuered from faith ) is accounted and vsed as the least part of religion . the second was ▪ that till such time as learned and sufficient men might bee planted in euery congregation , that godly homilies might be read , and the number of thē encreased , and that the opponents would labour to bring them into credite againe , as formerly they brought them into contempt . euery man ( saith hee ) that can pronounce well , cannot indite well . the kinges maiestie approued this motion , especially , where the liuing is not sufficient for maintenance of a learned preacher ; as also in places , where plenty of sermons are , as in the citie and great townes . in the countrey villages where preachers are not neare together , hee could wish preaching , but where there are a multitude of sermons , there he would haue homilies to bee read diuerse times : and therein hee asked the assent of the plaintiffes , and they confesse it . a preaching ministery , sayeth his maiestie , was best , but where it might not bee had , godly prayers and exhortations did much good . that , that may be done , let it , and let the rest , that cannot , bee tollerated . somewhat was here spoken by the lord chancelor , of liuinges , rather wanting learned men , then learned men liuinges . many in the vniuersities pining , maisters , batchelors , and vpwardes : wishing therefore , that some might haue single coates , before other had dublets ; & here his l. shewed the course , that hee had euer taken , in bestowing the kinges benefices . my lord of london commending his honourable care that way , withall excepted , that a dublet was necessary in cold weather ; the l. chancelor replied , that he did it not for dislike of the libertie of our church , in granting one man 2. benefices , but out of his owne priuate purpose and practise groūded vpō the foresaid reason . the last motion by my l. of london , was , that pulpits might not be made pasquilles , wherein euery humorous , or discontented fellow might traduce his superiours . which the king very gratiously accepted , exceedingly reprouing that , as a lewde custome ; threatning , that if hee should but heare of such a one in a pulpit , hee would make him an example : concluding with a sage admonition to the opponents , that euery man shoulde solicite and drawe his friendes to make peace , and if anything were amisse in the church officers , not to make the pulpit the place of personall reproofe , but to let his maiestie heare of it : yet by degrees . first , let complaint be to the ordinarie of the place ; from him to goe to the archbishoppe ; from him , to the lordes of his maiesties councell ; and from them , if in all these places no remedie is founde , to his owne selfe . which caueat his maiestie put in , for that the bishop of london had tolde him , that if hee left himselfe open to admit of all complaints , neither his maiestie should euer bee quiet , nor his vnder officers regarded : seeing , that now alreadie no fault can bee censured , but presently the delinquent threatneth a complaint to the king : and for an instance , he added , how a printer , whome hee had taken faulty , very lately answered him in that very kinde . d. reyn. commeth now to subscription , ( which concerneth the fourth generall heade , as hee first propounded it , namely , the communion booke , ) taking occasion to leape into it here , as making the vrging of it to be a great impeachment to a learned ministery ; & therefore intreated , it might not be exacted as heretofore , for which many good men were kept out , other remoued , & many disquieted . to subscribe according to the statutes of the realme , namely , to the articles of religion , and the kinges supremacy , they were not vnwilling . the reason of their backwardnesse to subscribe otherwise was , first , the bookes apocryphall ; which the common praier booke enioyned to bee reade in the church albeit , there are , in some of those chapters appointed , manifest errors , directly repugnāt to the scriptures ; the particular instance , which hee then inferred was , eccles. 48. 10. where hee charged the author of that booke , to haue held the same opinion with the iewes at this day ; namely , that elias in person , was to come before christ , and therefore as yet christ , by that reason , not come in the flesh ; and so , consequently , it implyed a denial of the chief article of our redemption : his reason , of thus charging the authour , was , because that ecclus. vsed the very wordes of elias in person , which the prophet malachy , chap. 4. doth apply to an elias in resemblance , which both an angell , luke 1. 17. and our sauiour christ math. 11. did interprete to be iohn baptist. the answere was , as the obiection , twofold . first , generall , for apocrypha bookes ; the bishop of london shewing , first , for the antiquitie of them , that the most of the obiections made against those bookes , were the old cauils of the iewes , renewed by s. hierome in his time , who was the first that gaue them the name of apocrypha : which opinion , vpon ruffinus his chalenge , hee , after a sort disclaimed ; the rather , because a generall offence was taken at his speeches in that kinde . first , for the continuāce of them in the church , out of kimidoncius and chemnitius , two moderne writers . the bishoppe of winton remembred the distinction of saint ierome , canonici sunt ad informandos mores , non ad confirmandam fidem , which distinction hee saide , must be held for the iustifying of sundry councels . his maiestie in the ende , saide hee would take an euen order betweene both , affirming , that hee woulde not wish all canonicall bookes to be read in the church , vnlesse there were one to interprete ; nor any apocrypha at all , wherein there was any error ; but for the other , which were cleare , & correspondent to the scriptures , he would haue them read , for else , sayeth his maiestie , why were they printed ? and therein shewed the vse of the bookes of machabees , very good to make vp the story of the persecution of the iewes ; but , not to teach a man either to sacrifice for the dead , or to kill himselfe . and here his highnesse arose from his chaire , & withdrew himself into his inner chamber a little space : in the meane time a great questioning was amōgst the lords , about that place of eccles. with which , as if it had beene their rest and vpshot , they beganne , afresh , at his maiesties returne . who ▪ seeing them so to vrge it , and stand vpon it , calling for a bible , first , shewed the author of that booke , who hee was ; then the cause , why hee wrote that booke ; next analyzed the chapter it selfe , shewing the precedentes and consequentes thereof ; lastly , so exactly and diuinelike , vnfolded the summe of that place , arguing , and demonstrating , that whatsoeuer ben sirach had saide , there , of elias , elias had in his owne person , while hee liued , performed and accomplished ; so that the susurrus , at the first mention , was not so great , as the astonishment was now at the king his so sodaine and sound , and indeede , so admirable an interpretation ; concluding , first , with a serious checke to doctor reynaldes , that it was not good to impose vpon a man , that was dead , a sense neuer meant by him : secondly , with a pleasant apostrophe to the lordes ; what , trowe yee , makes these men so angry with ecclesiasticus ? by my soule , i thinke hee was a bishoppe , or else they would neuer vse him so . but for the generall , it was appointed by his maiestie , that doctor reyn. should note those chapters in the apocrypha bookes , where those offensiue places were , and should bring them vnto the lord archshop of canterburie against vvednesday next ; and so he was willed to goe on . the next scruple against subscription was , that olde crambe bis posita , that in the common prayer booke , it is twise set downe , iesus saide to his disciples ; when as by the text originall it is plaine , that he spake to the pharisies . to which it was aunswered , that for ought that coulde appeare by the places , hee might speake aswell to his disciples , they beeing present , as to the pharisees . but his maiestie keeping an euen hand , willed that the worde disciples shoulde bee omitted , and the wordes , iesus said , to bee printed in a different letter , that it might appeare , not to be a part of the text . the third obiection against subscripti . on , were interogatories in baptisme , propounded to infantes : which , being a profound point , was put vpon m. knewstubs to pursue : who , in a long and perplexed speech , saide something out of s. austen , that baptizare was credere , but what it was his maiestie plainely confessed , ego non intelligo ; and asked the lords what they thought hee meant ? it seemed that one present , conceiued him ; for hee standing at his backe , bid him vrge that punct , vrge that punct , that is , a good point : my lord of vvinton , aiming at his meaning , shewed him the vse thereof out of s. austen ; and added the fathers reason for it , qui peccauit in altero , credat in altero : which was seconded by his maiestie ( whome it pleased , for the rest of the matters which followed , him selfe alone to answere ; and iustly , might hee appropriate it to himselfe , for none present were able , with quicker conceit to vnderstand , with a more singular dexteritie to refute , with a more iudicious resolution to determine , then his maiestie ; herein being more admirable , that these points , wherein some thought him preiudiciall to the contrarie , all of vs supposed him to haue beene but a stranger to them , he could so intelligently apprehend and so readily argue about them , ) it was , i say , seconded by his maiesty ; by reason , that the question should bee propounded to the party , whome it principally concerned ; secondly by example of himselfe , to whom interrogatories were propounded , when he was crowned in his infancie , king of scotland . and here his maiestie , ( as hereafter , at the end of euery obiection hee did ) asked them whether they had any more to say ? m. knewstubs tooke exceptions to the crosse in baptisme , which were in number , two . first , the offence of weake brethren , grounded vpon the words of saint paule , rom. 14. and 1. cor. 8. viz , the consciences of the weake , not to bee offended : which places his excellent maiestie aunswered most acutely , beginning with that generall rule of the fathers ; distingue tempora , & concordabunt scripturae ; shewing heere the difference of those times and ours ; then a church not fully planted , nor settled : but ours long stablished and flourishing : then christians newely called from paganisme , and not throughly grounded ; which is not the case of this church , seeing that heathenish doctrine , for manie yeares , hath beene hence abandoned . secondly , with a question vnanswerable , asking them how long they woulde bee weake ? whether 45. yeares were not sufficient for them to growe strong ? 3. who they were that pretended this weaknesse ; for wee , saith the king , require not now subscription of laikes & idiots , but preachers and ministers , who are not still , i trow , to be fed with milke , but are enabled to feede others . 4. that is was to bee doubted , some of them were strong enough , if not headstrong ; and howsoeuer they in this case pretended weakenesse ; yet some , in whose behalfe they nowe spake , thought themselues able to teach him , and all the bishops of the land . his obiection against the crosse consisted of three interrogatories . 1. whether the church had power to institute an externall significant signe ? to which was replyed , first , that hee did mistake the vse of the crosse with vs , which was not vsed in baptisme , any otherwise then onely , as a ceremonie . secondly , by their owne example , who make imposition of handes in their ordination of pastors , to be a signe significant . thirdly , in prayer , saieth the bishoppe of winton , the kneeling on the grounde ; the lifting vp of our handes ; the knocking of our breastes are ceremonics significant : the first , of our humilitie comming before the mightie god , the second , of our confidence and hope , the other , of our sorrow & detestation of our sins , and these are , and may lawfully bee vsed . lastly , m. deane of the chappell , remembred the practise of the iewes , who vnto the institution of the passeouer , prescribed vnto them by moses , had as the rabbines witnesse added both signes and words , eating sowre hearbs , and drinking wine , with these words to both , take , and eate these in remembrance , &c. drinke this in remembrance , &c. vpon which addition and tradition of theirs , our sauiour instituted the sacrament of his last supper , in celebrating it with the same wordes , and after the same manner ; thereby approuing , that fact of theirs in particular ; and generally , that a church may institute and retaine a signe significant : which satisfied his maiestie exceeding well . and here the king desired , to haue himselfe made acquainted about the antiquitie of the vse of the crosse. which doctor reynaldes confessed , to haue beene euer since the apostles times , but this was the difficulty , to proue it , of that auncient vse in baptisme . for that , at their going abroad , or entering into the church , or at their prayers and benedictions , it was vsed by the auncients , desired no greate proofe : but whether , in baptisme , antiquitie approued it , was the doubt cast in , by m. deane of sarum , whome his maiestie singled out , with a speciall encomion , that hee was a man well trauelled in the auncients : which doubt was answered , obsignatis tabulis , by the deane of westminster , ( whome the kings maiestie , vpon my lord of london his motion , willed to speake to that poynt ) out of tertullian , cyprian , origen and others , that it was vsed in immortali lauacro : which wordes being a little descanted , it fell from one , i thinke it was my lord of vvinchester , obiter , to say , that , in constantine his time , it was vsed in baptisme . what , quoth the king , and is it now come to that passe , that wee shall appeach constantine of popery and superstition ; if then it were vsed , saith his maiesty , i see no reason , but that still wee may continue it . m. knewstubs his second question was , that put case , the church had such power to adde significant signes , whether it might , there adde them , where christ had already ordayned one ; which hee saide , was no lesse derogatorie to christes institution , as he thought , then if any potentate of this land , should presume to adde his seale , vnto the great seale of england . to which his maiesty answered , that the case was not alike , for that no signe or thing was added to the sacrament , which was fully and perfectly finished , before any mention of the crosse is made ; for confirmation whereof , hee willed the place to be read . lastly , if the church had that power also , yet the greatest scruple to their conscience was , how farre such an ordinance of the church , was to binde them , without impeaching their christian libertie ? whereat , the king , as it seemed , was much moued , and tolde him , hee would not argue that point with him , but aunswere therein , as kinges are wont to speake in parliament , le roy j'auiserá : adding withall , that it smelled very rankly of anabaptisme : comparing it vnto the vsage of a beardlesse boy , ( one m. iohn black ) who the last conference his maiestie had with the ministers in scotland , ( in december , 1602. ) tolde him , that hee woulde holde conformitie with his maiesties ordinances , for matters of doctrine : but for matters of ceremonie , they were to bee left in christian libertie , vnto euery man , as hee receiued more and more light from the illumination of gods spirit ; euen till they goe mad , quoth the king , with their owne light : but i will none of that , i will haue one doctrine and one discipline , one religion in substance , and in ceremonie : and therefore i charge you , neuer speake more to that point , ( how farre you are bound to obey ? ) when the church hath ordained it . and so asked them again , if they had anything else to say ? d. reynaldes obiected the example of the brasen serpent , demolished & stampt to powder by ezechias , because the people abused it to idolatry : wishing , that , in like sort , the crosse should bee abandoned , because , in the time of popery , it had beene superstitiously abused . whereunto the kings maiesty answered diuerse waies . first , quoth hee , though i bee sufficiently perswaded of the crosse in baptisme , and the commendable vse thereof in the church so long : yet , if there were nothing else to moue mee , this verie argument were an inducement to mee , for the retaining of it , as it is now by order established : for , inasmuch , as it was abused , so you say , to superstition , in time of popery , it doth plainely imply , that is was well vsed before popery . i will tell you , i haue liued among this sorte of men , ( speaking to the lords , and bishops , ) euer since i was tenne yeares olde , but i may say of my selfe , as christ did of himselfe : though i liued amongst them , yet since i had abilitye to iudge , i was neuer of them ; neither did any thing make mee more to condemne , and detest their courses , then that they did so peremptorily disallow of all thinges , which at all had beene vsed in popery . for my part , i knowe not how to answere the obiection of the papistes , when they charge vs with nouelties : but truely to tel them , that their abuses are newe , but the thinges , which they abused wee retaine in their primitiue vse , and forsake , onely , the nouell corruption . by this argument , wee might renounce the trinity , and all that is holie , because it was abused in poperie : ( and speaking to doctor reyn. merily ) they vsed to weare hose & shooes in popery , therefore , you shall , now , go barefoote . secondly , quoth his maiestie , what resemblance is there , betweene the brasen serpent , a materiall visible thing , and the signe of the crosse made in the ayre ? thirdly , i am giuen to vnderstande by the bishops , and i finde it true , that the papistes themselues , did neuer ascribe any power or spirituall grace to the signe of the crosse in baptisme . fourthly , you see , that the materiall crosses , which in time of popery were made , for men to fall downe before them , as they passed by them , to worship them ( as the idolatrous iewes did the brasen serpent ) are demolished , as you desire . the next thing , which was obiected , was , the wearing of the surplis , a kinde of garment which the priestes of isis vsed to weare . surely , saith his maiestie , till of late , i did not thinke , that it had bene borrowed from the heathen , because , it is commonly termed , aragge of poperie , in scorne ; but were it so , yet neither did wee now border vpon heathenish nations , neither are any of them conuersant with vs , or commorant among vs , who , thereby , might take occasion to bee strengthened , or confirmed in paganisme ; for , then there were iust cause to suppresse the wearing of it : but seeing , it appeared , out of antiquitie , that in the celebration of diuine seruice , a different habite appertained to the ministerie , and principally , of white linnen ; hee sawe no reason , but that in this church , as it had beene for comelinesse and for order sake , it might be still continued . this being his constant & resolute opinion , that no church ought further to separate it selfe , from the church of rome , either in doctrine or ceremony , then shee had departed from her selfe , when shee was in her florishing and best estate , and from christ her lord & head . and heere , againe , he asked , what more they had to say ? d. reyn. tooke exceptions at those wordes , in the common prayer booke , of matrimonie , vvith my bodie i thee worship . his maiestie looking vpon the place ; i was made beleeue , ( saith hee , ) that the phrase , did import no lesse then diuine worship , and adoration : but by examination i finde , that it is an vsuall english terme , as a gentleman of worshippe , &c. and the sense agreeable to scriptures ; giuing honour to the wife , &c. but turning to doctor reyn. ( with smiling , saith his maiestie , ) many a man speakes of robin hood , who neuer shot in his bowe , if you had a good wife your selfe , you would thinke , all the honour and worshippe you could doe her , were well bestowed . the deane of sarum , mentioned the ring in marriage ; which doctor reyn , approued , and the king confessed , that hee was married withall ; and added , that hee thought , they woulde proue to bee scarse well maried , who are not maried with a ring . he likewise spake , of the churching of women , by the name of purification : which being read out of the booke , his maiestie very well allowed it , and pleasantly saide , that women were loath enough of themselues , to come to church , and therefore , he would haue this , or any other occasion , to drawe them thither . and this was the substance and summe of that third generall point . at which pause , it growing toward night , his maiestie asked againe , if they had any more to say ? if they had , because it was late , they should haue another day ; but doctor reyn. told him , they had but one pointe more , which was the last generall heade : but it pleased his maiestie , first , to aske what they could say to the cornerd cap ? they all approued it ; well then , saith his maiestie , turning himselfe to the bishops , you may now safely weare your caps , but i shall tell you , if you should walke in one streete in scotland , with such a cap on your head , if i were not with you , you shoulde bee stoned to death with your cap. in the fourth generall heade touching discipline d. reyn. first tooke exception , to the committing of ecclesiasticall censures , vnto lay-chancelors ; his reason was , that , in the statute made in king henrie his time , for their authoritie that way , was abrogated in queene maries time , and not reuiued in the late queenes daies : and abridged by bishops themselues , 1571. ordering that the said laychācelors should not excommunicate in matters of correction ; and anno 1584. and 1589 ▪ not in matters of instance , but to bee done only by them , who had power of the keyes : his maiestie answered , that hee had already conferred with his bishoppes , about that point , and that such order should be taken therein , as was conuenient ; willing him in the meane time , to goe to some other matter , if hee had any . then hee desireth , that according to certaine prouincial constitutions , they of the clergy might haue meetinges once euery three weekes ; first in rurall deanries , and therein to haue prophecying , according as the reuerend father , archbishoppe grindal , and other bishops desired of her late maiestie . 2. that such things , as could not be resolued vpon , there , might bee referred to the archdeacons uisitation : and so 3. from thence to the episcopall synode , where the bishoppe with his presbyteri , should determine all such pointes , as before could not be decided . at which speech , his maiestie was somewhat stirred ; yet , which is admirable in him , without passion or shewe thereof : thinking , that they aymed at a scottish presbytery , which saith hee , as well agreeth with a monarchy , as god , and the diuell . then iack and tom , and will , and dick , shall meete , and at their pleasures censure me , and my councell , and all our proceedings : then vvill shall stand vp , and say , it must bee thus ; then dick shall reply , and say , nay , mary , but wee will haue it thus . and therefore , here i must once reiterate my former speech , le roy s'auisera : stay , i pray you , for one seauen yeares , before you demaunde that of mee : and if then , you finde mee purseye and fat , and my winde pipes stuffed , i will perhaps hearken to you : for let that gouernment bee once vp , i am sure , i shall bee kept in breath ; then shall wee all of vs , haue worke enough , both our hands full . but doctor reyn. til you finde that i grow lazy , let that alone . and here , because d. reyn. had twise before obtruded the kings supremacie , 1. in the article , concerning the pope ; 2. in the point of subscription , his maiestie at those times saide nothing : but now growing to an end , he saide , i shall speake of one matter more ; yet , somewhat out of order , but it skilleth not . doctor rein. quoth the k. you haue often spoken for my supremacie , and it is well : but knowe you any here , or any elsewhere , who like of the present gouernement ecclesiasticall , that finde fault , or dislike my supremacie ? d. rein. saide no ; why then , saith his maiestie , i will tell you a tale . after that the religion restored by king edwarde the sixt was soone ouerthrowne , by the succession of queene marie , here in england , wee in scotland felt the effect of it . whereupon mas. knoxe writes to the queene regent ( of whome without flattery , i may say , that she was a vertuous and moderate lady ) telling her that she was supreme head of the church , and charged her , as shee would aunswere it before gods tribunall , to take care of christ his euangil , and of suppressing the popish prelates , who vvithstoode the same . but how long , trovv yee , did this continue ? euen so long , till by her authority , the popish bishops were repressed ▪ hee , himselfe , and his adherents vvere brought in , and well setled , and by these meanes , made strong enough , to vndertake the matters of reformation thēselues . then , loe , they began to make small account of her supremacy , nor vvould longer rest vpon her authoritie , but tooke the cause into their ovvne hand , & according to that more light , wherewith they were illuminated , made a further reformation of religion . how they vsed that poore lady my mother , is not vnknowne , and vvith griefe i may remember it : vvho , because , shee had not beene otherwise instructed , did desire , only a priuate chappell , vvherein to serue god , after her manner , with some few selected persons ; but her supremacy was not sufficient to obtaine it at their hands . and howe they dealt with me , in my minoritie , you all know ; it was not done secretly , & , thogh i would , i cannot conceale it . i will apply it thus . and then putting his hand to his hat , his maiestie saide ; my lordes the bishops , i may thanke you , that these men doe thus pleade for my supremacie ; they thinke they cannot make their party good against you , but by appealing vnto it , as if you , or some that adhere vnto you , were not well affected towardes it . but if once you were out , and they in place , i knowe what would become of my supremacie . no bishop , no king , as before i sayd . neither doe i thus speake , at randon , without ground , for i haue obserued since my comming into england , that some preachers before me , can be content to pray for iames , king of england , scotland , fraunce and ireland , defendor of the faith , but as for supreme gouernour in all causes , and ouerall persons , ( as well ecclesiasticall as ciuill ) they passe that ouer with silence ; & what out they haue beene of , i after learned . after this asking them , if they had any more to obiect ; and d. reyn. aunswering , noe , his maiestie appointed the next wednesday for both parties to meete before him , and rising from his chaire , as hee was going to his inner chamber , if this bee all , quoth he , that they haue to say , i shall make thē conforme themselues , or i will harrie them out of the land , or else do worse . and this was the summe of the second dayes conference , which raised such an admiration in the lordes , in respect of the king his singular readinesse , and exact knowledge ; that one of them sayde , hee was fully perswaded , his maiestie spake by the instinct of the spirite of god. my l. cecill acknowledged , that very much we are bound to god , who had giuen vs a king of an vnderstanding heart . my lord chancelor , passing out of the priuy-chamber , said vnto the deane of chester , standing by the dore ; i haue often hearde and read , that rex est mixta persona cum sacerdote , but i neuer saw the truth thereof , till this day . surely , whosoeuer heard his maiesty , might iustly thinke ; that title did more properly fitte him , which eunapius gaue to that famous rhetoritian , in saying that he was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; a liuing library , and a walking study . finis secundae diei . the third dayes conference . vpon wednesday , ianuary 18. all the bishops afore named , attended at the court , and the deanes : who were all called into the priuie chamber , and who so else , my lord archbishop appointed , ( for such was his maiesties pleasure ) whereuppon the knightes and doctors of the arches , viz. sir daniel dunne , sir thomas crompton , sir richard swale , sir iohn bennet , and d. drury entred . as soone as the king was set , the lord archbishoppe presented vnto him a note of those points , which his maiesty had referred to their consideration , vpon the first day , and the alteration , or rather explanation ▪ of them , in our liturgie . 1. absolution or remission of sinnes , in the rubrike of absolution . 2. in priuate baptisme , the lawfull minister present : 3. examination , with confirmation of children . 4. iesus sayd to them ; twise to bee put into the dominicall gospels : in stead of iesus sayd to his disciples . his maiestie , here taking the common prayer booke , and turning to priuate baptisme , willed , that where the wordes were ( in the rubrike , the second paragraph ) they baptize not children . novv it should be thus read ; they cause not children to be baptized ; and againe , in the same paragraph , for those vvords , then they minister it , it should be , the curate , or lawfull minister present , shall doe it on this fashion . concluding very grauely , that in this conference , he aimed at three thinges principally , 1. the setting downe of wordes fit and conuenient , 2. contriuing , howe thinges might be best done , without apparance of alteration . 3. practise , that each man may doe his dutie in his place . after this , his maiestie fell into discourse about the high commission , wherin hee sayd , that hee vnderstood , howe the parties named therein , were too many & too meane ; that , the matters they dealt in , were base , and such as ordinaries at home in their courts , might censure ; that the braunches graunted out to the bishops , in their seuerall diocesses , were too frequent and large . to which my lords grace aunswered seuerally , 1. for the number , it was requisite , it should bee great , for otherwise , he must bee forced , as oft times now it fell out , to sit alone : because , that , albeit all the lordes of the priuy councell were in , all the bishoppes , many of the iudges at law ; & some of the clearkes of the councell ; yet very few or none of thē , sitting with him at ordinary times , some of meaner place , as deanes , and doctors of diuinity , and law , must needes bee put in ; whose attendance his grace , might with more authoritie commaund , and expect . 2. for the matters handled therein , he sayd , that he often times had complained thereof , but sawe that it could not bee remedied ; because , that the fault may be of that nature , as that the ordinary iurisdiction might censure it ▪ but eftsoones it fals out , that the party delinquent is too great , and so the ordinary dare not proceed against him ; or so mightie in his state , or so wilfull in his contumacy , that hee will not obey the summons , or censure ; and so the ordinary is forced to craue helpe , at the high cōmission . to the third , his grace saide , that it concerned not him to make aunswere thereunto , for such commissions haue beene graunted , against his will oftentimes , and without his knowledge for the most part . my lord chancelor therefore offered it to his maiesties wisedome to consider , if such commissions should not be granted to any bishop , but such as haue the largest diocesses ; which his maiesty well approued , & added withall , and those bishops who haue in their diocesses , the most troublesome and refractary persons , either papistes or puritanes : but of this , as also of the other things found fault with therein , hee willed those to consult , to whom should bee appointed the reuiew of the commission . and here that point had ended , but that one of the lordes , ( i thinke verily rather vppon misinformation , then set purpose , ) pleased to say , that the proceeding thereby , was like vnto the spanish inquisition , wherein , mē were vrged to subscribe more then law required ; that by the oath ex officio , they were inforced to accuse themselues ; that they were examined vppon 20. or 24. articles , vpon the sodaine , without deliberation , and for the most part against themselues : for the euidence thereof , a letter was shewed of an ancient honourable councelor , written to the lord archbishop , anno 1584. of two ministers in cambridgeshire , then , or there aboutes , examined vpon many articles , and in the end depriued . the lord archbishop aunswered , 1. to the matter , that , in the manner of proceeding , and examining , his lordship was deceiued : for if any article did touch the party any way , either for life , liberty , or scandall , he might refuse to aunswere , neither was hee vrged thereunto . 2. to the letter , being in a cause twenty yeares since determined , he could not aunswere the particulars , but if his aunswere to that letter were found out , he doubted not but as it did satisfie that honourable councelour , when hee liued , so it would also sufficiently cleare this complaint before his maiestie . my lord of london , for the matter of subscription , shewed his highnes the 3. articles , which the church-men of england are to approue by subscribing , namely , the kinges supremacy ; the articles of religion , and the booke of common prayer . al which , it pleased his maiestie himself , to read , ( and after a little glaunce giuen , that the mention of the oath ex officio , came in before his due time ) he dilated , 1. how necessary subscription was , in euery well gouerned church ; that it was to bee vrged , for the keeping of peace : for as laws , to preuent killing , did prouide , there should bee no quareling ; so to preuent greater tumults in the church , subscription was requisite . 2. because , the bishop is to aunswere for euery minister , whome he admitteth into his diocesse , it were fittest for him , to know the affection of the party , before his admittance ; the best way to know him , and to preuēt future factions , was ; to vrge his subscription at his first entrance : for , turpius eiicitur , quā non admittitur hospes . 3 , as subscription , was a good meanes to discerne the affection of persons , vvhether quiet or turbulent , withal , it was the principall way to auoid confusion : concluding , that if any , after things were well ordered , would not be quiet , and shew his obedience , the church were better without him , hee were worthy to be hanged . praestat vt pereat vnus , quam vnitas . touching the oath ex officio , the l. chancelor , and after him the l. treasurer spake , both for the necessity and vse therof , in diuerse courtes and cases . but his excellent maiestie , preuenting that olde allegation , nemo cogitur detegere suā turpitudinem , saide that the ciuil proceedings , onely , punished factes ; but in courts ecclesiasticall , it vvas requisite that fame , & scandales should be looked vnto . that here was necessary , the oath compurgatorie , & the oath , ex officio too ; & yet great moderation should be vsed , 1. in grauioribus criminibus : and 2. in such , whereof there is a publike fame : 3. in distinguishing of publike fame , either caused by the inordinate demeanor of the offendor , or raised by the vndiscreet proceeding in triall of the fact : as namely , in scotland , where the lying with a wench ( though done priuately ; and knowne , or scarse suspected by two or three persons before ) was made openly knowne to the king , to the queene , to the prince , to many hundreds in the court , by bringing the parties to the stoole of repentance , and yet , perhaps be , but a suspition , onely . and here his maiestie so soundly described the oath ex officio ; first , for the ground thereof : secondly , the wisedome of the lawe therein ; thirdly , the manner of proceeding thereby and the necessary and profitable effect thereof ; in such a compendious , but absolute order , that all the lords and the rest of the present auditors , stood amazed at it : the archbishop of canterbury said , that vndoubtedly his maiestie spake by the speciall assistance of gods spirite . the bishop of london vpon his knee protested , that his heart melted within him , ( and so he doubted not , did the heartes of the whole company ) with ioy , and made hast to acknowledge vnto almighty god , the singular mercy wee haue receiued at his handes , in giuing vs such a king , as since christ his time , the like , he thought hath not beene ; whereunto the lords , with one voice , did yeeld a verie affectionate acclamation . the ciuilians present , confessed , that they could not in many houres warning , haue so iudiciously , plainely , and accurately , in such a briefe described it . after this , his maiesty committed some weightie matters to be consulted of , by the lords and bishops , 1. for excommunication , in causes of lesse moment ; the name or censure to bee altered . 2. for the high commission , the qualitie of the persons to be named , and the nature of the causes to be handled therein , 3. for recusant communicants ; for there are 3. sortes , saith his maiestie , of the papistes , some 1. which come to sermons , but not to seruice and prayer , 2. some which come to both them , but not to the communion , 3. a number which abstaine from all . that inquirie might bee made , of al those , who were of the first , second or third ranke , concluding therein , that the weake were to be informed , the wilfull to bee punished . here my lord chancelor mentioned the writ , de excōmunicato capiendo , which his hon. saide , did most affright the papists , of al other punishmēts , because , by reasō of that , they were many wayes disabled in law : therfore , he would take order , if his m tie so pleased , to sēd that writ out against them freely without charge ; and if they were not executed , his lordship would lay the undershiriffes in prison ; and to this the king assented . the 4. thing to be consulted of , was , for the sending and appointing of preachers into ireland , whereof , saieth his maiestie , i am but halfe a king , being lord ouer their bodies , but their soules seduced by popery , he much pittied , affirming , that where there is no true religion , there can be no continued obedience : nor for ireland onely , but for some parts of wales , and the northerne borders , so once called , though now no borders : the men to bee sent , not to be factious , or scandalous , for weeds will be weedes , wheresoeuer they be , and are good for nothing , but to bee piked ouer the wall ; therefore they should single out men of sinceritie , of knowledge , of courage . the last was , for prouision of sufficient maintenance for the clergy , and withall , for the planting of a learned and painfull minister in euery parish , as time shall serue . to euery of those , his maiestie willed , that seuerall cōmissioners of his councell and bishops should be appointed , by the lords , vpon the dissoluing the assembly present . and thus hauing conferred of these points with his bishops , and referred othersome of them , as you heard to speciall committies , his maiestie willed , that d. reyn and his associates , should bee called in to whom , he presently signified , what was done , and caused the alterations , or explications before named , to bee read vnto them . a little disputing there was , about the wordes in mariage , with my body i thee worship , & arguing no other thing to be ment , by the word worship , then that , which s. paule willeth , 1. cor. 7. 4. the man thereby acknowledging , that , hereby he worshippeth his wife , in that he appropriateth his body vnto her alone : nor any more , then that which s. peter councelleth , 1. peter . 3. 7. that the man should giue honour to his wife , as to the weaker vessell : yet , for their satisfaction , shold be put in , with my body i thee worship , & honor , if it were thoght fit ; & so his m tie shut vp all with a most pithy exhortation to both sides for vnity perswading diligēce in each mans place , without violence on the one party , or disobedience on the other , and willed them to deale with their friendes abroad to that purpose : for his maiestie feared , and had some experience , that many of them were ticklish and humorous ; nor that onely , but labourers to peruert others to their fancies ; hee now saw , that the exceptions against the communion booke , were matters of weakenes ; therfore , if the persons reluctant be discreet they will be wonne betimes , & by good perswasions ; if vndiscreete better they were remoued : for many , by their factious behauiour , were driuen to be papists . now then , of their fruites , he shall iudge them ; obedience and humilitie being markes of honest and good men . those he expected of them , and by their example and perswasion of all their sorte abroade ; for , if hereafter , thinges being thus well ordered , they should be vnquiet , neither his maiestie , nor the state had any cause to thinke well of them . to which , they all gaue their vnanimous assent , taking exception against nothing that was saide or done , but promised to performe all dutie to the bishoppes , as their reuerend fathers , and to ioyne with them against the common aduersaries , & for the quiet of the church . onely , m. chatterton of emanuel colledge , kneeling , requested that the wearing of the surplis , and the vse of the crosse in baptisme , might not be vrged vpō some honest , godly , and painefull ministers in some partes of lancashire ; who feared , that if they should be forced vnto them , many , whome they had wonne to the gospell , would slide backe , and reuolte vnto popery againe , and particularly , instanced the vicar of ratesdale : ( hee coulde not haue light vppon a worse ; ) for not many years before , he was proued before my lord archbishop , as his grace there testified , and my l. chancelor , by his vnseemely and vnreuerent vsage of the eucharist , dealing the bread out of a basket , euery man putting in his hand , & taking out a peece , to haue made many loath the holy communion , and wholy refuse to come to church , his maiesty aunswered , that it was not his purpose , and hee durst answere for the bishops , that it was not their intent , presently , and out of hād to inforce those things , without fatherly admonitions , conferences , and perswasions premised ; but wished , that it should be examined if those men by their paines and preaching had conuerted any from popery , and were , withall , men quiet of disposition , honest of life , and diligent in their calling ; if so , letters should be written to the bishoppe of chester , ( of whome his maiestie gaue a very good testimony ) to that purpose : if not , but that they were of a turbulent and opposite spirite , both they and others of that vnquiet humor should presently be enforced to a conformity , and so , for that point , it was concluded , that my lord archbishop , should write to the bishop of chester , his letters for that matter . my lord of london replyeth , that if this were graunted , the copy of these letters ( especially , if his maiestie had writtē , as at first it was purposed ) would flye ouer al england , and then other , for their confines , would make the same request , and so no fruite should follow of this conference , but thinges would bee worse then they were before . therefore , he humbly desired his maiesty , that a time shoulde bee limited , vvithin vvhich compasse , they should conforme themselues . to vvhich , his maiestie , readily assented , & willed , that the bishoppe of the diocesse , should set them dovvne the time , and in meane while conferre vvith them , and if they vvould not yeeld , vvhatsoeuer they vvere , to remoue them , after their time expired . no sooner was that motion ended , but downe fals m. knewstubs , and hee requestes the like fauour of forbearance , for some honest ministers in suffolke , telling the k. it vvould make much against their credites in the country , to be now forced to the surplis , and the crosse in baptisme . my lordes grace was aunswering ; nay , saith his maiestie , let me alone with him . sir , saith the king , you shew your selfe , an vncharitable man , wee haue here taken paines , and in the end haue concluded of an vnity and vniformitie , and , you forsooth , must preferre the credites of a few priuate men , before the generall peace of the church ; this is iust the scottish argument , for when any thing was there concluded , which disliked some humors , the onely reason , why they would not obey , was , it stoode not with their credits , to yeeld , hauing so long beene of the cōtrary opinion ; i vvill none of that , saith the king , and therefore , eyther let them cōform thēselues , & that shortly , or they shall heare of it . my lord cecill put his maiestie in mind , of a word , his highnes had vsed the day before , namely , of ambuling communions , saying , that the indecency thereof , vvas very offensiue , & had driuen many from the church : & here m. chatterton vvas told of sitting communions in emanuel colledge ; vvhich , hee saide , vvas so , by reason of the seates , so placed as they be ; yet , that they had some kneeling also . finally , they ioyntly promised , to bee quiet and obedient , now they knew it to be the kinges mind , to haue it so . his maiesties gracious conclusion was so piercing , as that it fetched teares , from some , on both sides . my lord of london ended all , in the name of the vvhole company , with a thankesgiuing vnto god for his maiestie , and a prayer for the health and prosperity of his highnes , our gracious queene , the yong prince , and al their royall issue . his maiestie departed into the inner chamber , all the lordes presently went to the councell chamber , to appoint commissioners , for the seuerall matters before referred . finis . the preface . many copies were sent me , wherof some were so shamelesly vntrue , and i assure you , so obscaene , that i think his maiestie would haue bene as much offended with me for printing , as with the authors for dispearsing them : i haue chosen three of the best , and cleanliest , which doe here ▪ vnder follow . i giue no censure , neither know i the dispearsers , let the reader conferre and iudge . rectum est iudex sui , & obliqui . the first copie . ianuary 15. 1603. sir , i cannot conceale from you , the good successe , which it hath pleased god to sende vs , by the conference , which his maiestie had with the bishops at the court . there appeared none but the bishops , which were with the king aboue three houres : can. lon. wint. fell downe on their knees , and desired , that all things might remaine , least the papists should thinke we haue bene in an error . the king replied , that in 42. yeares corruptions might creep in . he spake of cōfirmation , priuate baptisme , the crosse , dumbe ministerie , non residence , the courtes ; which he promised to amēd : especially he spake bitterly against priuate baptisme ; saying hee had as liue an ape , as a woman should baptise his childe , and against courtes , which hee saide he would put downe . the lo. chiefe iustice , and the lo. cecil , against excommunications by lay-men . maister deane of the chappell , speaking something to the king in his eare , the bishop of london , insolently said vnto him , doctor mountague speake out , that we may heare you , and seeke not to crosse vs. at their departure , they said , that if the king should vse the ministers in such sort as they were vsed , they would be too insolent . the king said they were his subiectes , and if hee would not heare them , then they had iust cause to complaine . the bishops brought foorth many popish arguments , which the king very ernestly answered , and learnedly , more then tenne times calling them popish arguments , and saide by those reasons , they might prooue popery . the bishop of winchester saide , that if he tooke away priuate baptisme , he ouerthrew all antiquitie . the bishop of peterbrough brought a foolish argument , with much disgrace to himselfe . the bishops haue taken wednesday to consider of the kings speech . the ministers came to the king on munday at nine of the clocke . honest men about the court , are comforted . conformitans hang down their heads , and the bishops men curse the puritanes . sic explicit . 1. dies . another copie . i haue sent you the declaration of the conference , which was in this manner : the firste day the bishoppes mette before his maiestie : bishops of canterburie , london , and winchester , making earnest sute , that all things might stand as they did , least the papists should take offence , who might say , we would perswade them to come to a church hauing errors in it : and the puritans will say , they haue bin persecuted long : the king answered , that the best state would gather corruptions , and that it was no argument for them , to say , they would not be cured of the pox , because they had had it 30. yeares : he concluded against absolution , confirmation , priuate baptisme , the dumbe and scandulous ministers : pluralities , the courtes and the authoritie of bishoppes by the high commissisners , &c. the second day the ministers were conuented before the king , who answered fearefully & modestly : the bishop of lon. behaued himselfe insolently , saying , these are cartwrightes schollers scismatikes , breakers of your maiesties lawes ; you may know thē by their turkie gownes , and silke turky grogorum : the third day they met all : where the king spake much to vnitie , that they might ioyne against the papists : all the three dayes the king behaued himselfe admirable to the beholders : graunting to the ministers their earnest request , that the ceremonies of the crosse in baptisme , and the surplises , reuerent for antiquitie , should not be vrged vpon the consciences of the ministers , so that they were peaceable mē , and that they should haue time to consider of them ; many hundreds being resolued rather to haue lost their places , then to haue yeelded to those superstitions , against which they had preached . the last day , the bishop of cant. was intreated , to be a meanes that the ceremonies might not be pressed : but he answered they had bene vrged as necessary , and should be so still . but it pleased god to moue his maiestie to a more peaceable course : the bishop of peter-borow came in with his argument about baptisme , which the king made voide to his great reproach : the king saide many times that the bishoppes reasons were popish , and that they might establish poperie by them : it is thought that the king will be shortly in huntingtonshire . the lord chancellor , the lord cecil , the lord chiefe iustice , and the atturnie generall , must set downe some course for the high commission , and the spirituall courts . a third copie . some of the speeches that are bruited , vpon maister doctor reynoldes returne to oxen. concerning the late conference before his maiestie . 1 that the kinges maiestie did gratifie maister doctor reynoldes in euery thing which he proposed : or that doctor reynoldes obtained , and preuailed in euerie thing he did desire . 2 that if anie man reporte the contrarie , hee doth lye : or that they should giue him the lye , from maister doctor reynoldes . 3 that these thinges now obtained by the reformers , were but the beginning of reformation : the greater matters were yet to come . 4 that my lord of winton stoode mute : and said little or nothing . 5 that my lord of london called doctor reynoldes schismatick indeede : ( he thankes him for it ) but otherwise said little to purpose . 6 that the kings maiestie vsed the bishops with very hard words : but imbraced maister doctor reynolds , and vsed most kind speeches to him . 7 that my lo. of canterbury or my lo. of london , falling on his knees , besought his maiestie to take their cause into his owne handes , and to make some good end of it : such as might stand with their credite . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a04434-e110 archiep. can tuar . 2 deanes of ep. londl . christchur . vvinchest . vvindsor . archdeac . nottinghā . and mine owne . prou. 30 , 1● . 13. 14 pro. 25. 11 notes for div a04434-e860 iohn . 1. 5. notes for div a04434-e2190 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 2 1 2 3 4 1 1 2 3 2 3 4 1. cor. 14. act. 21. notes for div a04434-e10240 other copies haue the bishop of winchester . a modest and clear vindication of the serious representation, and late vindication of the ministers of london, from the scandalous aspersions of john price, in a pamphlet of his, entituled, clerico-classicum or, the clergies alarum to a third war. wherein his king-killing doctrine is confuted. the authors by him alledged, as defending it, cleared. the ministers of london vindicated. the follies, and falsities of iohn price discovered. the protestation, vow, and the covenant explained. / by a friend to a regulated monarchy, a free parliament, an obedient army, and a godly ministry; but an enemy to tyranny, malignity, anarchy and heresie. love, christopher, 1618-1651. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88587 of text r204339 in the english short title catalog (thomason e549_10). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 195 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88587 wing l3168 thomason e549_10 estc r204339 99863899 99863899 116115 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88587) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 116115) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 85:e549[10]) a modest and clear vindication of the serious representation, and late vindication of the ministers of london, from the scandalous aspersions of john price, in a pamphlet of his, entituled, clerico-classicum or, the clergies alarum to a third war. wherein his king-killing doctrine is confuted. the authors by him alledged, as defending it, cleared. the ministers of london vindicated. the follies, and falsities of iohn price discovered. the protestation, vow, and the covenant explained. / by a friend to a regulated monarchy, a free parliament, an obedient army, and a godly ministry; but an enemy to tyranny, malignity, anarchy and heresie. love, christopher, 1618-1651. [4], 71, [1] p. printed for stephen bowtell, and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the bible in popes-head-alley, london : 1649. a friend to a regulated monarchy = christopher love. the words "his king-killing .. explained." are bracketed together on title page. annotation on thomason copy: "aprill 3 d". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng price, john, -citizen of london. -clerico-classicum. church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -sources. great britain -church history -17th century -sources. a88587 r204339 (thomason e549_10). civilwar no a modest and clear vindication of the serious representation, and late vindication of the ministers of london, from the scandalous aspersion love, christopher 1649 35055 247 0 0 0 0 0 70 d the rate of 70 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-10 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a modest and clear vindication of the serious representation , and late vindication of the ministers of london , from the scandalous aspersions of john price , in a pamphlet of his , entituled , clerico-classicvm or , the clergies alarum to a third war . wherein his king-killing doctrine is confuted . the authors by him alledged , as defending it , cleared . the ministers of london vindicated . the follies , and falsities of iohn price discovered . the protestation , vow , and the covenant explained . by a friend to a regulated monarchy , a free parliament , an obedient army , and a godly ministry ▪ but an enemy to tyranny , malignity , anarchy and heresie . blessed are ye when men shall revile you , and persecute you , and shall say all manner of evil against you falsly for my sake : rejoice and be exceeding glad for great is your reward in heaven : for so persecuted they the prophets which were before you , mat. 5. 11 , 12. you fight for the recovery of the kings royall person out of the hands of those misereants , and reinstate him in his royal throne and dignity , that both he and his posterity may yet flourish in their royalty ; so that notwithstanding all contradictions you fight for your king . john price in his spirituall snapsack for the parliaments souldiers , p. 8. london , printed for stephen bowtell , and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the bible in popes-head-alley . 1649. to the reverend and learned ministers of the gospel within the province of london , subscribers of the serious representation and late vindication . reverend sirs , you are those whom i honour and love in truth , for the truths sake that dwels in you , and is so faithfully promoted by you . many besides my selfe rise up and call you blessed , for that serious representation of your judgments , &c. and seasonable vindication of your persons and ministry , which were lately published in print ; t is true , 't is your lot , that you who are embassadors of peace , are now lookt upon as men of contention , they who once counted your feet beautifull , say now the mark of the beast is on your forehead yea they who would have pulled out their eyes to have done you good , are now so filled with prejudice and passion , that they would pull out your eyes to doe you hurt ; this is the best requitall , the more you love , the less you are loved of them ; though the people are in such a distempered phrensie , yet i know this provokes your pity , not your fury . i perceive you are made the but of satans malice , because you make the glory of god , and good of souls the mark you aim at in the course of your ministry ; the devill will not let you be at rest , because you will not suffer the sins of the times to be at quiet . since the publication of your letter and vindication , there are many scurr●lous pamphlets spread abroad , which labour to stain the integrity of your hearts , and the truth of your testimony ; among the rest there is one written by john price , which is stuffe● with such falsities , absurdities , tautalogies , calumnies and animosities , with such railings and revilings , as if he were of the race of rabs●ekah , or the linage of shime● : the lord rebuke him , and clear you . he presents you to the world as guilty of malignity , perjury , hypocrisie , as wanting ministeriall abilities , and void of the ingenuity that becomes ministers of the gospel , as men of falshood , deceit , dissention , and what not ? but what you are ? it may be your comfort to consider that so persecuted they the prophets who were before you ; elijah was called a troubler of israel in the old testament , & paul a mover of sedition in the new . when i considered what august . said , that a ministers good conscience is sufficient for himself , yet his good name is necessary for others : i thought fit to endeavour the vindication of your names and ministry from those unjust aspersions cast upon you by many sons of slander ; your names , which are as precious oyntment poured forth ( spreading the sweet savour of the knowledg of christ in many places ) will not want sons of belzebub , as so many flies to corrupt them : yet this may be your confidence , that although they make their mouths as open sepulchers to bury your names and reputations in , yet there shall be a resurrection of names as wel as bodies at the last day , at which time all your reproach shall be wiped away , and your revilers made ashamed , who have fasly accused your good conversation in christ . this is the prayer and confidence of him who is 〈◊〉 christ-lover ( i ) hope and a lover of you in him . dated this 13 march , 1648. from my house about the middle way between whitehall and whitechappell . a modest and clear vindication of the serious representation , and late vindication of the ministers of london , from the scandalous aspersions of john pric● , in a pamphlet of his , entituled , clerico-classicvm or , the clergies alarum to a third war . john price , would one imagine that you who thought your self once so good an alchymist , as to extract * honey out of the rock , should now such poyson out of a flower ? i cannot compare you to a bee ( unlesse for your sting ) but to a spider , for sucking poyson from that savory and serious representation , and late vindication of the ministers of london , against whom you have spit so much of your venome . i shal not return you rayling for rayling , slander for slander , but in a spirit of meekness indeavour , to discover your sin to recover your soul . before i shal take a survey of your book in particular , i shall give you this observation in the generall ; that either i was not my self when i read your book , or you were not your self when you made it ; the latter i am induced to beleeve upon this ground , in your book you declare your judgment for taking away the li●● of the king , and blame the ministers of london for expressing themselves to the contrary ; now had you been your self , undoubtedly you would not have declared your self for killing the king in this book , yet professe against it in another made by you when you were of a more sober sp●●it ; in your book entituled , * a spirituall snapsack for the parliament souldiers ; you speak to them in these words : you fight for the recovery of the kings royall person out of the hands of these mis●r●ants , and re-instate him in his royall throne and dignity , that both hee and his posterity ( if god will ) may yet flourish in their royalty , so that notwithstanding all contradictions you sight for your king : 〈◊〉 forbear to descant upon your words ; he that will compare your two books together , must think you , if not out of your wit● , yet at least out of your way ; oh that i might reclaim you ! that is all the hurt i wish you . passing by your slanderous title and epistle , i come to a particular survey of your book it self . you say . the letter writers are ( as they say ) ministers of the gospel , so the false prophets of old pretended to be be the prophets of the lord , so the pope , christs grand embassadour and vicar upon earth , so the popish priests and jesuites , the ministers of christ , &c. answ. 1. the letter writers are ( as they say ) ministers of the gospel , and doe not you say so too ? dare you say the contrary ? i am sure you were of this mind when you 〈…〉 spirituall snaps●ck for parliament souldiers ; there you 〈…〉 learned and conscientious ministers in one place , 〈…〉 godly divines in another ; if you be otherwise 〈…〉 would better become you to have brought 〈…〉 throw their calling , then 〈◊〉 and slanders to 〈…〉 names . 2. because the false prophets said they were prophets of the lord , &c. would you inserte hence , the subscribers are not ministers of the gospel ? paul said he was an apostle● false teachers said they were apostles , when they were not , was 〈◊〉 therefore no apostle ? john price saith he deals honestly in 〈◊〉 trade , common cheaters will say that they deal honestly also , will it therefore follow john price doth not deal honestly ? this is all the force your reasoning hath with it , which smel● more of the exchange then the universitie , more of john price his shop , then john goodwins study . surely who ever among them can vindicate their divine origination , these men have administred cause sufficient to question their abilities hereunto . answ. 1. you that make a doubt whether the ministers can vindicate their divine origination ; it were well you , who presume to be a teacher in israel , would make good your own , tel me in your next whence had you it ; whether from the shop in the exchange , or the alley in colemanstreet . 2. whereas you say , they have administred cause sufficient to question their minister●all abilities , this is so palpable a calumny that i need not confute you therein , because you confute your self : in your epistle you say of the subscribers in the generall , that they are judicious , grave , and learned men : and in pag. 12. in the body of your book , you say of some of the subscribers , that they are wise and good men ; now if the subscribers be judicious , grave , learned , wise and good men , what cause sufficient is administred to question their ministe●riall abilities ? surely were the apostle paul upon the earth , hee would never question the ministriall abilities of judicious , grave , learned , wise and good men ; nor would hee approve them as fit for the ministery , who are injudic●ous , raw , illiterate , indiscree● and bad men , yet such are the teachers you cry up , and the others you cry down ; me thinks if you doubt of their office , you should not question their gifts also . some of them have promoted , incouraged , and ●●etted the very selfe same actions done at another time , by other persons , ( as we shall speak to anon ) which here they 〈◊〉 and branded 〈◊〉 an ●●cursed thing . answ. you neither name the men , nor mention the actions ; when you particular●i●e the men , and specifie the actions , which at one time they promoted and encouraged , and at another anathemati●ed and branded , it will then be time enough to give you a particular answer ; for the present i shall say but this to you by way of retortion , this brat may be laid at your doores , you promoted , encouraged , and abetted the forcing of the parliament by the army at one time , yet condemned the violence offered by the king at another ; but the ministers of london did not thus , they mislik't it in the one as well as in the other . poor london thy prophets make thee to erre , &c. answ. 1. poor london indeed , and it is like to be poorer before you have done with it ; i could tell who have made themselves rich , and the city poor . 2. you would have said more truly , if you had said thus , london of late hath made her prophets poor , rather then the prophets made london erre . 3. you say her prophets make her err , had you named the men , and particularized the errors , it would have been more credible and demonstrable ; but generall accusations are no proofes ; i am sure one prophet of your own hath vented more grosse and pernicious errors in one year , then can be fastned upon all the subscribers throughout the course of their ministery . none of the subscribers ever held that the english scriptures , or that book called the bible , is not the word of god ; that no writings whatsoever , whether translations or originalls , are the foundation of christian religion ; that a natural man had free wil and power to do good supernatural ; that those without the gospel written or preacht have sufficient means for beleeving ; that the sun , moon , and stars are the apostles of christ to preach the gospel unto them : but these , with many others , have been invented by mr. j. goodwin , as may appear in his hagiomastix , and by divine authority of the scriptures , quoted in the testimony of the london ministers , against errors , &c. i would fain know whether any or all the subscribers have taught any error that carries the least proportion to any of these ; let the world then judge what prophets they are that make london to erre . one while thou mayst take up arms , by the instigation of thy ministers , to maintain the cause of god , decency of wooship ; viz. the prelaticall faction , or the glorious interest of the clergy thereof ; another while thou must arm thy self from the same instigations to sacrifice thy gold and silver , thy monies and thy plate upon the happy promotion of the house of god , the government of christ , &c. answ. 1. this is to notorious a falsity , the very mention is a sufficient confutation ; did ever any of the letter-writers ( as you scoffingly call them ) ever instigate the people to maintain the prelaticall faction , or the clergy thereof ? 't is well known the prelates were nevee friends to them , nor they to the prelates ; wherefore the lord rebuke thee thou lying tongue , who goest about to belye their persons , when thou canst not confute their doctrin . 2. for the latter part of your charge , that they did move the people to sacrifice their silver & gold , monies & plate for the promotion of the house of god , &c. i verily thought that you would mention this as an ornament to the ministery , not a reproach to their persons . i am sure you were of this mind when you made your snapsack for the parliament souldiers , you encouraged the souldiers in the parliaments war , that all the learned , godly , orthodox & conscientious ministers did join issue with them , & justifie defensive arms ; did you commend the ministers then , and dare you blame them now ? by this i see you have a musty budget ( out of which at one time you can bring lyes and slanders against the ministers ) as well as a spirituall snapsack , wherein you have encomiums of their praise . the ancient love , anion , and goodnesse of thine ( i.e. londons ) inhabitants is turned into hatred , division and bitternesse each against other , causing thy foundations to shake , and thy pillars to tremble , which is all the ben fit thou hast received by the exchange of thy late diocesse for the province of london . answ . 1. i perceive you are a chip of the old block , like master like man , iohn goodwin indeed said , that all the successe the ministers of london had in converting of soules , for three or foure years last past , unlesse from god to satan , may be cast up with a cypher , and measured with a reed that never grew . one may see by this you are his scholar to fasten on the london ministers so notorious a falsity , that all the benefit the city hath received by them , is but to turn its ancient love , union and goodnesse into hatred , division , and bitternesse each against other . 2. this is so notorious a calumny , that many of your own party blush to read it , and acknowledge it ever god did the●e soules good , it was by the ministery of those men whom you falsly accuse . 3. it were well that you and others ( who say the labours of the london ministers are insuccessefull ) would consider , whether the spirit of the lord be not departed from your congregations , since you have fallen into separation , whether more hath not been perverted then converted by your ministers . for my part i cannot discern any signalls or seals to the ministery of many of your separated congregations , of bringing sheep to christs fold , but of stealing sheep out of the flock , brought in by the blessing of god upon other mens labours . 4. whereas you say , that all the benefit london hath received by the ministers , is but to turn the ancient love and union of the inhabitants thereof , into hatred and division ; all that i shall say to the slander , is this , the lord bee judge between them and you ; london was once a city at union within it self , and did serve the lord with one consent , and carry on the work of the lord with one shoulder , untill men of your turbulent faction and humour fell to schisme and separation , gathering churches out of churches , and that not when declining , but when reforming ( a practice never heard of before late years ) these and such like practices of yours , have turned londons ancient love , union and goodnesse , into hatred , division , and bitternesse one against another . 5. by these last words , viz. which is all the benefit thou hast received by the exchange of thy late diocesse for the province of london , by this i perceive iohn price had rather have london a diocesse then a province ; and thinks london in a better condition under prelacy , then with presbytery ; of this i say no more , i wish you had not said so much . that which gregory wrote to mauritius , concerning the ambition of the prelaticall patriarchs of constantinople , may be as truly said of our present clergy men , exclamare compellor , ac dicere o tempora ! o mores ! &c. that is , i am compelled to cry out , oh times ! oh manners ! behold in all the parts of europe , townes are destroyed , castles overthrown , provinces are spoyled , no labourer inhabiteth the land ; notwithstanding the priests who should lye in a●he● upon the ground weeping , they are seeking to themselves names of v●nity , &c. greg. lib. 4. epist. 323. answ. 1. who would have thought that iohn price had studyed pope greg●●y ? that he that cries out against all ordained ministers , as having the mark of the beast , should study the language of the beast ? 2. the passage you quote out of gregory , is said to be in the fourth book , epist. 323. whereas gregory hath but 56 ? epistles in all in his fourth book , if iohn price should quote the third epistle of paul to the corinthians , when paul wrote but two epistles to them , i would say he were as ignorant in pauls epistles , as in gregories epistles : as i know pope gregory never saw your face , so this mistake makes me think you never saw his epistle ; let me tell you , though you mistake gregory to have more epistles then he had , yet gregory [ the executioner ] may not mistake you , to have more necks then you have , if you persist to justifie the killing the king , forcing the parliament , imprisoning the members , altering the fundamentall government of the kingdom , as you have done already . 3. let me know in the next whence this grosse mistake did arise , either from the carelesnesse of the printer , or the ignorance of you the authour ; that i may help this poor ignoramus at a dead list : i shall let you know that it is true indeed , there is such an epistle of gregories to m●●ritius , and such words as you mention , but 't is in lib. 4. epist. 32. yet what was then said by him concerning iohn bishop of constantinople , & other bishops , cannot as truly be said of our present clergy men , as you falsly affirm , for it will evidently appear to you , if you read the whole 32. epistle , that the name of vanity that some did desire , was to be universall bishop ; 〈…〉 then hee comes in with the words you quote , o tempora ! o 〈…〉 then he goes on , qui● est qui contra 〈…〉 now i leave it to your self to be judg , 〈◊〉 be said of our present clergy men ( as your reproachfully 〈◊〉 them ) at gregory of th●se bishops : did ever any subscribers of the letter , affect the name of bishop in the prelaticall sense ? did any of them arrogate the title of universall bishop , or any other name of vanity of the like nature ? if not , then what gregory said of those bishops , cannot as truely be said of our present clergy men , as you slanderously affirm : besides , what names of vanity do the ministers seek to themselves ? are they any other then ministers of the gospel , preachers of the word , embassadors of christ ? if these be the names of vanity , do not you count christ vain in giving these names unto his ministers ? which if you doe i shall esteem you a man of vanity and blasphemy too . to conclude my answer , to this quotation out of gregory , i shall only give you this counsell , that it would better become such a raw novice to study perkins principles , then gregories epistles . was not the late second warre , and the flames thereof , kindled and blown up by the pulpit incendiaries , the like ministers of the gospel , embassadours of iesus christ , viz. the ambitous presbyters , who are now again by their fiery tongues , and furious pens , scattering their furious pamphlets among the people , and hissing them on to a third war , resolving as it appears to see the kingdom in ashes , but they will have their wishes ? answ. 1. surely you think your tongue is your own , else you durst never be so frolick of your slanders ; the blame of the first warre , nay of the second , yea of instigating to a third , you lay upon the godly ministers of the city ; i wonder your heart did not tremble , and you hand shake when you wrote these lines ; had you not a brow of brass , you would blush and be ashamed for raising against them such improbable and incredible aspersions . 2. i appeal in their behalf to the righteous judg of al the world to give sentence between them and you , who kindled the second war ; did not they whoat one time * cryed up the king , closed wth the malignants , pleading for the immunities of the royall family , and a moderate composition for delinquents ; yet at another time forc't the parliament to the vote of non-addresses : this ficklenesse and falsnesse in the army being so palpably discerned by all , did so irritate and provoke the malignant party , that hereupon many tumults and insurrections did arise in many parts of the kingdome ; yea the mariners at sea , did take the souldiers on land for their example , and did revolt from , and refuse obedience to the parliament ; yea the lord inchequeene in ireland also made the armies disobedience to the parliament , to be the cause and president to him , why hee did dispute their commands , and refuse subjection ; as appears by the relation made to the house of commons , publisht in print ; by this you may see , who they were that did kindle the flames of a second warre . 3. may not you now well be ashamed for charging that on others , which only you , and others of your faction are guilty of ? do not you doe just as nero did , set rome on fire , yet charged the christians with it , or as the papists did , contrive the gunpowder-treason , yet lay the blame of it on the puritans ? you have put the whole land on a flame , yet lay it on the godly ministers , who would live quietly and peaceably in the land . your letter standt though faintly upon 4 feet . answ. as faintly as it stands on 4 feet in your esteem , yet it is able to travail up and down the world ( when your pamphlet is hung with cobwebs on the stationers stall ) and speak in many languages , besides its own , the piety , loyalty , and charity of the london ministers . may wee not behold the domineering , lordly , and prelaticall pride of these unchrist-like ministers of jesus christ , that would not vouchsafe such a condescention as to give them ( viz. the generall , and his councell of war ) a meeting ? then a few lines after you say , these ministers of the gospel , these zealous and hot disputers against the errors , heresies , and blasphemies of the army , cannot be prevailed withall , by severall applications by writing , by verball messages to advise , counsel , and direct them in the matters of the greatest concernment to the whole nation , &c. answ. 1. your aspersions on the ministers , will not prove them unchrist-like , they rather prove your self to be unsaint-like . 2. you would by this endeavour to make the world beleeve , as if the ministers were guilty of the greatest act of incivility that is imaginable , to refuse a meeting with the general and his ofcers , & that when invited ; but if the whole transaction of the business were clearly understood , their refusall of a meeting would turn to their honour and your reproach ; i shall therefore give you a brief narrative of the whole businesse ( to rectifie your mistake ) as i have received it from those who have very good reason to know all the particulars of it ; which was thus ; col. titchbourne came to mr. ash as from the councell of the army , desiring that hee and other ministers would come to a debate concerning the coercive power of the magistrate in matters of religion ; soon after a letter was written by mr. peters directed to mr. calamy , wherein he , with other ministers were desired in the name of the councell of the army , to meet at white-hall , about somewhat to be held forth by them , about liberty in worship : to the first invitation by col. titchbourne , mr. ash did in the name of the ministers , declare to him , that if the councell of the army would come to a debate , whether they had sinned or no , in entring upon those wayes wherein they were unduly ingaged , in seizing on the members of parliament , &c. he professed the ministers would be willing to meet , where and with whomsoever , to labour to satisfie them therein ; but this offer was declined , they that do evill hate the light , lest their deeds should be made manifest ; i need say no more , because the letter it self saith so much for the ministers vindication , in refusing such a conference as was desired , read pag. 2. of the serious representation , that may stop your mouth . had a conference been desired with us , only to have given you resolution , whether the wayes wherein at the present you are walking , are agreeable to the word of god , wee should most willingly have delivered our judgments , &c. and if only for the clearing of this case a conference had been desired , it was from the first profest , that we should be ready and willing to meet where , and with whomsoever , to assert and maintain our judgment therein , but as if the justnesse of your way were already granted by us , we were only invited to contribute our assistance in prosecution of what you had undertaken , which we conceive to be out of your sphear ; and for us to have joyned in any consultations of this nature , would have made us accessory unto them , guilty of the evill that is in them , &c. thus was the letter . and because you are but of a vulgar capacity , i shall relate a comparison mr. ash used to col. titchbourne , suppose ( said he to the colonell ) your servants should offer you violence , and lay you under restraint , and should then come to a minister , and pray him to advise them , how they shall distribute their masters goods , and what or how much each of them should take to themselves ; now should that minister consult with those servants , hee should bee an abettor in their horrid insolencies against their master ; the minister should rather tell those undutifull servants , that it were more proper for them to ask whether they had not sinned in thus abusing their master , and to charge them , to restore their master to his liberty , and the enjoyment of his authority , by them unduly usurped , to obey him for time to come , &c. the drift mr. ash aimed at is easy to conjecture , the army who are as servants to the parliament , did lay violent hands on , and restrain their lord and master the parliament of england , ( whose army they were , raised by their authority , for preservation of their priviledges , &c. ) and when the army had done that , they sent to ministers to advise what was yet further to be done ; and how they must manage their masters work , ( i mean , dispose of the affairs of the kingdome ) but never desire to be resolved whether they had done well or ill in offering violence to their masters the parliament , but as if it were to be taken for granted that the army had done well in forcing the parliament , the ministers are only desired to join in consultations with them , to advise about those things which are not legally within their cognizance to settle , what ever satisfaction they should receive from the ministers . your ingenuity and ●andor appears by your submissive and christian respects to authority , especially the parliament , and as at all times , so chiefly when they contend not , ( though with the ruine of all ) for your greatnesse and interest , then your ministeriall ingenuity and candor appears , calling them an apostatizing parliament , a covenant-breaking parliament . answ. 1. generall accusations are no certain proofes : si sufciat accusare , qui● erit innocent ? if you mention the time when , the place where , and the ministers who did call the parliament an apostatizing , covenant-breaking parliament ( for i know none did so ) i shal then blame them , and acquit you therein . 2. notwithstanding your slanders , 't is well known what submissive and christian respects to authority , especially the parliament , the ministers of the presbyterian judgment have expressed ; yea if the lords and commons should sit full and free in parliament , though in some things god might leave them to act sinfully , yet would the ministers live quietly and submissively , if not in doing what they command , yet in patient suffering what they inflict ; and not expresse such a spirit of turbulency , as many have done in the imprisoning of the chief magistrates , altering of our laws , and putting the whole land into a conflagration . 3. if the ministers will not with you cry up a faction , must they therefore needs be charged by you to cry down a parliament ? suppose they should not acknowleg . 60 members of the house of commons ( now under the power of the sword ) to be a free parliament ( when above two hundred members are forc't away ) or the supream authority of the nation , are they therefore disingenuous , and unsubmissive to all authority ? doth not your ingenuity and candor further appear , by your abetting , countenancing , and encouraging violence and force upon the two houses , by company of loose , prophane and wicked fellows at one time , is some of you did , falling in with the dis●ffected , delinquent , and malignant party ; and at another time , crying out , and exclaiming against the army , & c ? answ. 1. it would make more for your honor and their shame , had you named those ministers that did abet , and encourage the violence and force upon the two houses . yea it would more have advantaged you , if in stead of a perempory and naked assertion , you had given in some plain and evident demonstration , that any of the ministers had done so . 2. i can truly say , that those ministers , with whom i have had most occasion to converse , have exprest their utter abhorrency of that force and violence . yea to my knowledge , many of them did declare against it in their pulpits . 3. for the other part of your accusation , that they fell in with the disaffected , delingquent and malignant party , that 's most notoriously false , as well as the rest . 't is well known the ministers have never been friends to malignants , nor they to the ministers . 4. whereas you say , they did at another time declare against the army for s●izing on the members of the commons house : i grant they did so , and had they not cause to do it ? considering that the parliament had long before declared , that if any person should offer to arrest or detain any member of parliament , that it was against the libe●ties of the subject , and a breach of the priviledges of parliament , and such a person is declared a publick enemy of the common-wealth . and considering also the vow and covenant , when the lords and commons declared a horrid design to surprise the city , and by armes to force the parliament , they did then vow and covenant , to resist the same , and all other of the like nature ; so the ministers have dealt most impartially in blaming the violence offered the houses , as well in the one , as in the other . indeed it may be said of you , that you are the most partiall judge in this matter that can bee in the world ; to countenance and encourage the armies forcing the parliament at one time , yet condemn it in the apprentices at another , for my own part i must professe i condemn it in both . the ingenuity and cand●r of london preachers in fam●us throughout the whole kingdome , doth not it further appear , by setting the people at first against the king and his party — and now having raised mens spirits to a resolution of requiring just and scripturall satisfaction that blood may be avenged , in cry out in your pulpits , of staining the protestant religion with the blood of the king , & c ? answ. 1. you did once count it a vertue in the ministers to excite the people against the king and his party , and doe you now esteem it a vice ? are you turned malignant after so many turnings ? 2. 't is true the ministers did excite the people to cleave to the two houses of parliament , who were necessitated to take up defensive arms , against the forces of the king , but never against the person of the king . 3. but did they ever stirre up any to bring the king to a judiciall tryal , and to take away his life ? the ministers understood themselves better then for they know 't was lawfull in david to take up defensive arms , to fortifie ziglag , and other places of strength against sauls fury , yet that it was unlawfull for david to kill saul , when he had him in his hands , yea though hee were a most bloody and tyrannicall king . the ministers doe well consider that it is one thing to take away the life of a king , and another thing to withstand the violent execution of the unjust commands of a king : and this distinction your mr. goodwin did well know , when hee wrote his anticavalierisme , pag. 10. 't is one thing ( saith he ) to offer violence to the person of a king , or to attempt the taking away of his life ; another to secure a mans own life , or the life of another whom we know to be innocent , and much more the publick safety , by strengthning a mans selfe towithstand the violent execution of any unjust command from a king : m●. goodwin justified the withstanding the violence of the king , yet condemned all attempts of taking away the life of the king : the ministers are still of this mind , though he be revolted from these his first principles . 4. whereas you say , the ministers cry out against staining the protestant religion with the blood of the king ; had they not cause to do so ? considering that people of the protestant religion did never take away the life of their king till now : blessed be god , and blessed be they , that it was in their hearts to vindicate themselves to the world to bee clear in this matter . if you deny this , i shall shew you severall of your owne bookes and sermons , preaching the one and the other ; and for a tast at present , take one instance of mr. chr. love pastor of anne aldersgate , &c. answ. 1. i deny it absolutely that any of the subscribers did ever stirre up the people to take away the life of the king ; for ought i could ever yet understand : you pretend you can shew their books and sermons for it , but i am very confident you can shew none . 2. i observe you promise in your book more then you make good ; you promise as if you would shew severall bookes and sermons of the subscribers , yet you quote but one , viz. mr. loves sermon at vnbridge ; now because you single him out from among his brethren , i shall therefore speak the more in his vindication . 1. i perceive you quote mr. love no lesse then ten times in your clerico-classicum , yet never mention him at all in your pulpit incendiary , so that it seems you could not them rake together so much matter against him as to make him a pulpit incendiary . 2. i took notice further that you quote him in the front spice of your book , as if what you had alledged from him would have made much for your cause , for bringing the king to capitall punishment ; his words you quote are these : men of blood are not meet persons to be at peace with , til all the guilt of blood be expiated & avenged , either by the sword of the law , or the law of the sword , else a peace can neither be safe nor just . chr. love in his englands distemper . pag. 37. answ. to which i have four things to say . 1. there is no mention at all of the king , either in that passage , or any other part of his sermon , that hee should be cut off . 2. mr. love doth clearly expresse himselfe whom he means by those men of blood , viz. not the king , but as he saith , pag. 32. of englands distemper : many malignant humors are to be purged out of many of the nobles and gentry of this kingdome before we can be healed . 3. t is true , mr. love then was , and still is of that mind , that those who were the chief instruments to engage the king in the late bloody war should be cut off , either by the sword of the law in a time of peace , or ( if not reach them that way ) by the law of the sword in the time of war ; and this he and all others who approved of the parliaments taking up of defensive arms , and have taken the covenant are bound in their places and callings to indeavour after ; according to the fourth article of the covenant , wherein we are bound that malignants may be brought to condigne punishment , as the degree of their offence shall require or deserve , or the supream iudicatories respectively , or others having power from them for that effect shall judg convenient . yet 4. mr. love doth well consider , that in that very part of the covenant , where we promise to endeavour to bring delinquents to condign punishment , we promise to preserve the person of the king ; as artic. 3. and 4. yea those mr. love deems should be brought to condigne punishment , whom the covenant describes to be malignants and evill instruments , viz. such as hinder the reformation of religion , divide the king from his people ( and have not you done that ? ) or one of the kingdomes from another , or that make any factions or parties among the people , of all which your selfe , and the men you plead for , have been most notoriously guilty , as wel as the malignant ; therefore deserve to be brought to condign punishment as well as they . as for that other passage of mr. loves in pag. 32. of his sermon which you quote , it will search to the quick , to find out whether king james or prince henry his son came to a timely death yea or no . it would , ear●h to the quick whether rochell was not betrayed , and by whom ; it would goe to the quick to find out whether the irish rebellion was not plotted , promoted , and contrived in england , and by whom . mr. love in his englands distemper . pag. 23. to this i have 3 things briefly to answer for his vindication , viz. mr. loves desire is , that the earth should not cover the blood of the slain , but that the shedders of blood should be all made manifest ; he often wisht that the contrivers of the rebellion in ireland , the betrayers of the protestants in rotchell , the conspirators of king james or prince henrys death ( if they did come to an untimely end ) might be found out . 2. i demand of you , is there any clause in that sermon , or any tendency that way to charge the king with the death of king iames or prince henry , or with the blood of rochell or ireland ? 3. if he had charged all that blood upon the king ( which he did not ) yet there is not the least intimation in all his sermon , that you should bring the king to capitall punishment . now that mr. loves judgment was utterly against cutting off the king , i shall produce anon a book of his long since in print , against that horrid attempt . was it not yet more of your ingenuity and candor to assert several notorious falsities and untruths , as to instance , pag. 6. of your vindication in the margin , where you say the agreement of the people , was the same for substance with that of the armies , and declared against by the parliament in decemb. 1647. there is one untruth — again you say , that one of the souldiers was shot to death for promoting it , this is first a most notorious untruth ; and secondly , a most injurious charging the army with the blood of that man , the man that was shot to death , was not at all so much as questioned for promoting that agreement ; but being sent with his company by the generall to new-castle , did with others make a mutiny , resisted and beat their officers , tooke away the colours from their ensigne , beat him with his own colours , for which this fellow that was sh●t to death was condemned , &c. answ. 1. you who are so pragmaticall as to fasten falsities and untruths upon the ministers , will shew your self to be ( i say not the father of lies , yet ) a son of falsehood . 2. it seems you are put to your shifts , in searching out any accusation against the subscribers , for from their representation , you run to their vindication , and leap as far as the sixth page at once , and therein it seems can meet with nothing for your purpose in the body of their book , that you are forc't to pitch upon a small marginal note ; which i need not answer , yet i shall , and i hope clearly evidence that they speak truly , but you falsly , for you say , it is said in the marginall note , that the agreement of the people , is the same for substance with the agreement of the army . i affirm 't is true ( though you say 't is false : ) i have compared the one and the other together , and find them for substance the same ; only i must confesse , the late agreement hath more pernicious passages in it then the former agreement of the people had , which was voted by the commons assembled in parliament , 9. november , 1647. to be destructive to the being of parliaments , and to the fundamentall government of the kingdome . and afterwards in december 17. 1647. there was an ordinance of both houses , wherein it was ordained , that no person who contrived , abetted , perswaded , or entred into that ingagement , called the agreement of the people , should bee capable of bearing office in the city of london , for the space of one whole year . the other falsity you would fasten upon the marginall note , is , that one of the souldiers was shot to death for promoting of it . this you say is a most notorious untruth . answ. to convince you that you ( not the minister ) have spoken an untruth ; i shal produce against you a threefold testimony . 1. of the honorable house of commons , who on november 23. 1647. voted a letter to be sent to the generall to give him thanks for the execution of that mutinous person , for promoting the agreement of the people , and to desire him to prosecute the examination of that businesse to the bottome , and to bring such guilty persons as he shall think ●it , to condign and exemplary punishment ; now surely the house of commons then sitting at westminster , was more likely to have true intelligence why the man was shot to death , then john price could have at his shop in the exchange . 2. of the full relation in print , having gilbert mabbots imprimatur , pag. 5. of the proceedings of the randezvouz ( nov. 15. 1647. ) held in c●rkbush heath neer ware , wherein 't is fully declared , that for dispersing sundry scandalous and factious papers , as the agreement of the people , &c. for this 3 of them were tryed and condemned to death , and one of them was shot to death at the head of a regiment . yea to give a third testimony , the generall and divers of his officers who acknowledged it , yea and did commit to safe custody col. eyre and major scot , for abetting and promoting this agreement ; yea afterward did not the generall write a letter to the parliament against col. rainsborow , who was the man that presented this agreement of the people to the generall ? is not all this proof evident enough that the generall and his officers then did dislike the agreement of the people , and did put the man to death for promoting it ? yea i might quote a fourth testimony also , if it were of any credit , viz. lilburne and his agitators , who with one mouth have exclaimed against the army , for voting that man ( viz. white ) to death . but suppose it were true , as you relate it in p. 12. that he was shot to death , for mutinying against his ensign , and taking away his colours from him , and beating him with his own colours . what will this advantage you ? i would ask you which deserves death most , whether a souldiers mutinying against an inferiour officer , an ensign , or the armies mutiny against the supream councell the parliament ? whether he that takes away the colours from an ensign , or they that take away the fundamentall laws from a kingdom ? whether he that beats an ensign with his own colours , or they that offer violence to a parliament , with their own swords ? if you say , that 't was not only for his mutinying against his ensign , but against the generall and his officers commands , who ordered him to goe to new-castle ; if it were so . i would ask you but this one question more , whether doth deserve death most , either he that disobeyes a petty councell of warre , or they that disobey the parliament the great councell of state ? had you been ingenuous and candid , as you would seem to bee , you would have said nicholas prophet minister at fosters , aliàs at marlborough in sommerset-sheet , and stanley gower minister at martins ludgate , aliàs pastor of dorchester in dorset-shire , &c. answ. what poor cavills are these ? i see you had rather wrangle then dispute . to rectifie your mistake about mr. prophet , let me tell you first , that he was never a minister in somersetshire , indeed he was about three years since minister of merlborough in wilt-shire , but hath now left the place , and hath received not since that time any profit thence ; besides there is a minister chosen by them now among them ; moreover , hee was fairly chosen minister at fosters , where still hee is ; now what blemish is it to the ministers ingenuity , if mr. prophet is said to be minister at fosters ? would you count it want of ingenuity in john goodwin to call himself pastor of the church at swanalley , because about three years since he was minister of stephens colemanstreet . and to inform you better about mr. gower ; i must tell you that he was never setled at dorchester , yea when the letter was made hee was not fully resolved to remove from martins ludgate to my knowledg ; now was it not more proper for mr. gower to subscribe himselfe minister of martins ludgate ( where he had been so long ) then of dorchester where he was not then setled at all ? you stain your reputation with the mention of thomas bedford paster of martins outwich , carried from plimouth for his notorious delinquency , and worthily sequestred for the same . answ. 1. it seems you want ability to confute the matter subscribed , that one while you must be forc't to exclaim against the persons subscribing , and at another time against a marginall note . 2. whether mr. bedford is a delinquent or sequestred i know not , yet this i know that the ministers in a generall meeting did manifest their dislike that any should subscribe the letter or vindication but such as had owned the parliament from the beginning . 3. whether his name was subscribed i know not , in the printed copies which i have seen his name was not annexed , yea the printer told me that to above 2000 copies his name was not printed ; how it came subscribed hee could not give an account . you still insist upon the armies proceedings against the members , which themselves do acknowledg simply considered , irregular , and not justifiable but by honest intentions , and an extraordinary necessity for the same end leading them thereunto . answ. 1. if the army ( who are but partiall judges in their own case ) are forc't to confesse their proceedings to be irregular and unjustifiable , may not indifferent spectators say they are sinfull and abominable ? 2. surely the army are put to their shifts , when they are constrained to make honest intentions their main plea to justifie irregular actions ; this was no good divinity in pauls time for any to say , let us do evill that good may come , rom. 3. 8. nor in the time of the old testament ; saul had , a good intention in offering a sacrifice to the lord ( which was the priests office , not his ) yet his good intention could neither acquit him from sin or punishment , 1 sam. 13. v. 9. to 15. nor could it excuse saul that he had a good intention for the publick , viz. his zeal to the children of israel and judah , in staying the gibeonitel , whose lives by covenant he ought not to take away , but the lord punished that iniquity upon his posterity , though sauls intentions were honest , 2 sam. 21. 2. i could instance in vzzah . 1 chr. 13. 9 , 10. and the men of bethshemesh , 1 sam. 6. 13 , 14. 19 , 20. with many others , to satisfie you , herein , that honest intenteons cannot justifie sinfull actions . besides this plea were somewhat the more tolerable , if the intentions of the army had been for publick good ; but if we may guesse at their intentions by their own expressions in print , they will then appeare to bee more sinfull , treasonable , and irreligious . were not their intentions exprest in their remonstrance , novemb. 16. 1648. and other papers of theirs , as against an accomodation with the king upon any tearms at all ; p. 57. though never so safe or just , for the taking away the kings life , p. 62. that the prince and duke of york be made incapable of government ; that if they come not in & render themselves , that they stand exiled for ever , dye without mercy , if ever found or taken in this kingdome , pag. 62. that a period be put to this parliament , that the supream power be put into the hands of the people . pag. 65 , 66. that in stead of this & all future parliaments there may be a new kind of representative ; that all professing faith in god , shall have a toleration whatever his opinion be ; that the magistrate meddle not with matters of religion ; these and such like are the declared intentions of the army , which must justifie all their irregular and unjustifiable procedings ; by this it appears , that the ends they aim at are no more justifiable , then the means they use . now whether such intentions can justifie their irregular actions , let the world judg , so that i may say of them , as one did of men of the popish religion , if these bee saints , who bee scythians ? if these be catholicks , who be caniballs ? 3. for the extraordinary necessity the army pleaded for , i have but three things to say in way of answer . 1. t is apparent by what was mentioned before , that the end the army aimed at , were no more justifiable then the means they used , now what can be more unreasonable , then to make necessity a plea to justifie not only irregular actions , but corrupt ends also ? 2. the godly in former ages had a more conscientious tendernesse , then to make necessity a plea and patron of impiety ; they thought it better to suffer the greatest evill then to commit the least sin ; ferenda est magis omnis necessitas , duam perpe●randa est aliqua iniquitas , said aug. in ps. 73. yea it was a maxime among the primitive christiane , nulla est necessitas delinquendi , quibus una est necessitas non delinquendi . 3. i am of the same mind with the subscribers , viz. that the necessity pleaded for , is either meerly pretended , or else contracted by their own misscarriages . and this i am induced to beleeve , because at one time they plead a necessity , for treating with the king ( as they confest in a letter to the house of common● , july 18. 1647. ) and at another time plead a necessity for their violence 〈◊〉 the parliament , because they did 〈◊〉 with the king , must not this be a pretended necessity ? in one remonstrance , in june 23. 1647 , they say , there can be no peace in this kingdome 〈◊〉 and lasting , without a provision for the rights , quiet ; and 〈◊〉 of his majesties royall family . and in mother remonstrance of november , 16 , 1648. they declare , that it can neither be just before god , nor safe for the kingdom to have any accommodation with the king upon any terms at all , that shall imply his restitution , &c. but that he must be brought to tryall and judgment , for treason and blood he was guilty of . is not this ground sufficient to suspect that the necessity pleaded for , is but pretended or contracted , when they have done the quite contrary this year , to what they did the last , yet plead a necessity for doing of both , though never so contrariant the one to the other . so much at present to this plea of necessity ; i shall have occasion afterwards to speak more to this point . i observe by pag. 16 , & 17. that you are not content to vent your passions against the ministers of london only ; but also against the secluded and imprisoned members of parliament , whom you falsely accuse for countenancing the tumultuous violence of the apprentices , imbezling the 200000 l. appointed for the relief of ireland , corresponding with the revolted ships , the scots army , and the insurrections in kent , &c. for the taking off those scandalls from those renowned gentlemen , i referre the reader to that clear and satisfactory vindication of the imprisoned and secluded members of the house of commons , printed january 20. 1648. hoping that the lord will bring forth their righteousnesse as the light , and their just dealing as the noon day . you have been as full of changes as the vannes of your steeples , one while stirring up the people against the king , and for the parliament , witnesse many of your sermons , preacht before the houses , and elsewhere . answ. 1. with what face dare you who have been tossed to and fro with every wind of doctrin , accuse so many grave and godly ministers of ●icklenesse , who have still kept their first stedfastnesse , turning neither to the right hand nor to the left ? indeed you and your teachers have been as changeable as the vannes , but the ministers of london as fixt and immoveable in their principles as the steeples themselves . 2. if you mean by stirring up the people against the king , and for the parliament ; that the ministers did , being called thereunto , plead for the lawfulnesse of defensive arms against the king with his forces , this i grant ; for they were bound by a solemne oath to assist the forces raised by the parliament , against the forces raised by the king without their consent . but if by stirring , up the people against the king , you mean the bringing of the king to capitall punishment , or the taking away of his life , then i flatly deny that any of the subscribers did stirre up the people to that end , or that they have any books or sermons in print to that purpose . i am sure many of them in their bookes and sermons did expresse their utter abhorrency of any such intendment . i 'le instance but in two of the subscribers ( though i could mention many more ) the one is mr. case , who though he were a zealous anti-cavalierist , yet no anti-carolist , in a fast sermon before the house of commons 26. october . 1642. pag. 11 , 12. hath these words . it is and hath been from ancient times the cursed policy of desperate malignant courtiers and counsellors , when they would arme princes and potentates against the poore people of god , to possesse their ears and hearts with this prejudice , that they are enemies to monarchy . with such jealousies did the enemies of god and his people in the neighbour nation of scotland labour to possesse his majesty towards those his loyall subjects there ; they were represented to his majesty as traitours and rebels , that intended nothing else but to un-crowne and un-king him , when power shall be in their own hand . and is not the same designe practised upon his faithfull parliament and subjects here in england ? do not these rehums and shim●hies fill his royal ears with this odium , that the parliament and the puritans are enemies to monarchy , and intend nothing but to bring all into a parity , and after they have pulled down bishops , then down with king too ? with a world of such calumnies invented by the father of lies ; truely the land is not able to beare their words . if mr. case then thought the land could not beare such words , blame him not though he be so pathetick and compassionate ( as you say he was ) that he cannot beare your deeds , in imbruing your hands with the bloud of your soveraigne , as you affirme he said . yea mr. love also , whom you slanderously report to be for cutting off the king , hath a booke in print neare two yeares since , entituled works of darknesse brought to light , &c. wherein he doth clearly expresse himselfe to the contrary , he having shewed that the designe of the army was first to new mould the house of commons , next to destroy the house of lords , their third designe he laid downe in these words , viz. to cut off the king if he sides not to the independent party ; 't is true of late they seem to appeare for him to gaine malignants on their side , but 't is notoriously knowne how their principles are directly against monarchy ; what desperate speeches have some independent members uttered against the king , yea it will never be forgotten how inraged the independent members of the house and sectaries of london were against the city remonstrance , chiefly because there was this passage in it , for the preservation of the kings person according to the covenant . yea the sectaries publish to the world in print , that [ the king for his misgovernment must lose his life — by this it appears that the sectaries intend as the 32 syrian captains did , 1 king. 22. 31. to fight neither with smal nor great ; but with the king of israel . in laying downe this their design i would have none conceive as if i were a malignant royalist ( i hate arbitrary power and tyranny in princes , as much as any ) i onely mention this that malignants might not be brought to fools paradise to joine with the army , as conceiving them to be for the kings honour and safety , who are the greatest enemies of both . these are mr. loves own words , then he concludes with these verses . malignants all beleeve this thing , sectarians would destroy the king , yea they do wish there might be none for to succeed him on the throne . all this mr. love declared neare two years since , however you may account him a mean preacher , yet i am sure he was in this a true prophet . one while stirring up the people against the king , another while stirring up the people against the parliament and for the king , as you did of late in your prayers and preaching expressing greater malignity against the parliament , and their party , and greater zeale for the king and his interest , then those very ministers whose places you possesse , they being sequestred and cast out for the tenths of that anti-parliamentary malignancy which you have vented . answ. 1. 't is true they stirred up the people indeed ( according to the vow and covenant ) to assist the forces raised and continued by both houses of parliament against the forces raised by the king , but never stirred any up against the person of the king . 2. as for the other part of your charge , that another while the ministers did stirre up the people against the parliament , and for the king ; this is so manifest a falsity , that the very mention is a sufficient confutation of it . 3. for the last part of your charge , viz. that the subscribers expresse greater malignity against the parliament , and greater zeale for the king and his interest then those very ministers whose places they possesse ; this is so palpable a calumny that i should have more adoe to hide and cover your folly , then to vindicate their innocency in this matter ; will not all that know the london ministers acquit them and blame you ? could you not be contented to charge them with falsities , with the want of ministeriall abilities , and of that candor and ingenuity that becomes ministers , but must you now tax them with malignancy also ? yea were you not ashamed to tell the world , that malignant ministers were sequestred for the tenths of the anti-parliamentary malignancy which the london ministers vented ? when you know that one century of sequestred ministers is printed , and the rest recorded , which will remaine a lasting monument of their shame and your falshood . if you think as you write , in time you may become the malignant ministers advocate to have them brought into their places , and the godly ministers to be throwne out . and now being come to pag. 19. of your booke , i cannot but give you notice wherein you discover palpable weaknesse ; for you set your selfe to answer what makes most for your ease ( though not for your cause ) you stand much upon circumstantials , the title page , a marginall note , and such like , but speak not a word to the most grave , weighty and most material passages of the representation or vindication . this i can easily and plainely demonstrate , for when the ministers did strongly reason , that if the kings comming to the house of commons to demand but five members was deemed such a horrid violation of the parliaments priviledges , that they thereupon ordered that any person that did seize upon any member of parliament , was declared a publicke enemy of the common-wealth : then how might the armies forcing the parliament be aggravated by many more heinous circumstances ? yet you have not a word in way of cleare answer to this ; all that you say is this . i ●ay answer you that you never mentioned that order of the house in aggravating the apprentices forcing the house the last yeare , and to give you any other answer were but to beat the air , for we are like to hear no reply to it . now to this s●eight and shallow answer of yours to that strong and weighty objection of theirs , i have but four things ●o say . 1. the ministers did sufficiently declare against and aggravate the evill of that act of the apprentices . 2. suppose the ministers had not declared against that act of the apprentices , yet doth that any way extenuate that act of the army ? 3. whereas you say that to give any other answer were but to beat t●e aire , i 'le say so too ; i verily beleeve you had as good beat the aire as go about to justifie the armies forcing the house of commons ; and yet condemn the violence offered by the king at one time , and the apprentices at another . for 1. the king demanded but 6. the army imprisoned 42. secluded 100. and forc't away 100. members more . 2. the king did take away none out of the house ; but that they army did , they pulled out mr. stevens and collonel birch by force and violence out of the house . 3. the king was one of the three states who together with the two houses was entrusted with the supreame authority of the kingdome , but the army can lay no legall claime to any such authority . 4. the king relinqui●ht the prosecution of the members , and promised to have a tenderness of the parliaments priviledges for the future , but the army avowes the act and per●ists in their force to this very day . again for the violence offred by the apprentices , on july , 26. 1647. ( though i goe not about to extenuate it , yet consider , 1. they came unarmed to the houses , the army came in a hostile manner . 2. they pulled none of the members out of the house , but the army plucked mr. stevens , and col. b●rch out of the house where they were doing their countrey service . 3. they hindred none of the members from comming to fit in the house , but the army excluded and kept by force above a hundred members from ●itting in the house . 4. they when they heard of an o●der forbidding ●hem to co●● to westminster , the next day did desist , & did so no more ; but the army persists in what they have done to this very day . if these things were compared together , john price had as good b●at the air , yea his brains too against the wall , as to goe about to justifie that unparalleld violence offered the parliament by the army , yet condemne a lesser violence offered by the king and the apprentices . 4. whereas you say , you are like to hear no reply to it . i would ask you , did you think your self such a stout champion , and potent goliah , that none durst come forth and encounter with you ▪ the reason why you have had no reply sooner , wa● , that some wise men esteem your self so unworthy , and your book so weak , that neither deserves an answer . i am almost perswaded you did not look for a reply , if you had , surely you would never have written so rawly , weakly , falsely , and inconsiderately as you have done , ever and anon exposing your nakednesse to the lash of any adversary that should deal with you . supposing that when argument , scripture and reason cannot helpe you , yet the protestation , vow and covenant will do it , these like the egyptian reeds run into your ●ides ▪ and do no service at all for you , but discover your nakednesse . answ. 1. there is a sufficiency in scripture and reason to justifie them , and condemne you ; now if ex abundanti they can plead the protestation , the vow , the league and covenant also , this makes their cause more strong , and yours more weak . 2. if these sacred oaths were well considered , it will appear they are as pillars of marble , on which the ministers safely stand , but like egyptian reeds run into your sides , and cause the shame of your nakednesse to bee made manifest . you begin with the protestation ; whereby ( you say ) wee are tyed to his just authority , and not abstractively to his person , if acting contrary to his just authority ; and that the protestation i● complex● for the priviledges of the parliament , and liberties of the subject , as well as the person of the king ; if the person of the king be ingaged against the priviledges of the parliament , or liberties of the subjects , the protestatio● cannot be obligatory . answ. 1. i see you are a pregnant scholar in the jesuites school , you have learnt their art of equ●vocation , and mentall reservation , in all that you say or swear ; an oath hath no more hold upon your conscience , then a loose collar about an apes neck , which hee can put on and off at pleasure . 2. why did not you tell the world this your mentall reserve , that if the king did any thing contrary to his just authority , that then the protestation was not obligatory , but you might destroy his person ? 3. the protestation did bind us to preserve the kings person according to the duty of our allegiance ; wherein you swore , to defend the kings person , and that oath you took according to the expresse words , and their plain and commonsense , without any equivocation , or mentall evasion , or secret reservation whats●ever . 4. it seems you your selfe did once deem the protestation to be obligatory , in reference to the kings person , notwithstanding hee should act contrary to his just authority ; for long after the person of the king was ingaged against the priviledges of parliament , and liberties of the subject , in demanding the 5 members , setting up his standard , and in his own person ingaging in a war against his subjects ; yet i say after all this , in your spirituall snapsack . pag. 8. you tell the parliaments souldiers , that without all contradictions they did fight for the king , to rescue him out of the ●ands of malignants , and re-instate him in his royall throne , &c. with what an impudent face , and traiterous heart can you at one time plead for the souldiers to bring the king to a dolefull scaffold , when at another time you tell the souldiers they fight to re-instate him in his royal throne ? 5. yea the lords and commons assembled in parliament ( who are the best interpreters of the protestation ) declared that notwithstanding ▪ his majesties proclamations against their generall and army as traytors , yet they will preserve his majesties person and cr●wn from all dangers , yea that they would suffer farre more for and from their soveraign , then they hoped god would ever permit the malice of his wicked counsellors to put them to : yea when the houses were taxt that their intent was to murder and depose the king , they declared , that the thoughts of it never entred , nor should enter into their loyall hearts , and they hoped the contrivers of these scandalou● reports , or any that professed the name of a christian , could not have so little charity as to raise such a scandall , especially when they must needs know the protestation made by the members of both houses ; wherby they promise in the presence of almighty god , to defend & preserve his majesties person . by al which it appears , both houses thought the protestation obligatory ( though you doe not ) touching the defence of the kings person , notwithstanding his doing many acts contrary to his just authority , to the priviledges of parliament , or liberties of the people . 6. when the trained-bands & seamen of london did wear the protestation in their hats , & on their pikes , ingaging themselves to king and parliament , can it be imagined that they had this mental reservation , that if the king should go about to infringe the priviledges of parliament , or liberties of the people , they were no longer bound to preserve his person , but might cut off his head ? had you then made this paraphrase upon the protestation , you should have lost your head , and not the king his . but you go on . we are bound ( say you ) by this protest●tion to maintain and defend the king , parliament and people , so farre a● lawfully we may , which referres unto the manner of this defence ; while the king was in person against the parliament , we were by this protestation to defend the parliament and people , though with the ●azard of the king ; if the king and parliament should ingag● against the people , we are by the same reason tyed to preserve the people , though with the ●azard of both . answ. 1. i told you but even now , both houses of parliament did hold themselves bound by the protestation to preserve the kings person ( as appears by the date of the declarations forementioned ) even after the king had ingaged in person against the parliament as wel as before , so that your limitation of the protestation to such a period of time is invalid . 2. t is true the protestation did not bind up the hands of the parliament , as if they could not legally withstand any forces to be raised by the king against parliament & kingdom , but only by it they were bound up from doing intentionally any hurt to the person of the king ; yea to manifest that they had no evill intention to his maj●sties person , when they chose the lord of essex to be general , & raised an army under his conduct , before any blow was given , they sent a humble petition to the king , to be presented by the lord generall , that his majesty would not put his royall person in danger , but remove himself from his army , and come in person to his parliament , where he should be sure to remain in honour and safety . so that if the king would indanger his person in being in the head of his army , 't was he that put himself upon hazard , the parliament stil declared , their hands should not be upon him to offer him any violen●e . 3. and whereas you say in the last place , that if the king and parliament should ingage against the people , we are by the same reason tyed to preserve the people , though with the hazard of b●●h . certainly your speech bewraies you ; you that once utterd language of loyal●y in your snapsack , can speak nothing but levelling language now ; you are not a friend either to king or parliament , unlesse they will patronize your party , and favour your faction , though it bee to the damage and indangering of the whole kingdome besides . but i would ask you , ( and pray resolve me in the next ) who are the most competent judges to determine what is for the good , or what for the hurt of the people ? if you say king and parliament ; why did you not acquiesce in their judgments , in their late transactions of the treaty , tending to the settlement of the kingdome ? but if you say your soveraign lords the people , then why doe you not give them their power , and put it to the suffrages of all the people of this nation , whether what the parliament did in treating with the king were for the hurt of the people ; or whether what the army did both against king and parliament , bee not for the hurt and ruine of the whole ; if you would leave them to bee judges , there is a hundred to one that would give sentence to dear the parliament and condemn the army ; alas ! what tyrannicall usurpers are you ? a few members in the house of common● ( when 200 are forc't away ) must rule king and lords ; the people must rule the house of commons , and the army must rule the people ? have not you brought the kingdom to a fine passe , that in stead of having it governed by the lawes which should administer an equall right to all , the land should be overruled by the sword , which wil give right to none , neither king , parliament , or people ? have you neit●er for hope or fear , nor other respect relinquisht this protestation ? how is it th●n that you are so shuff●ing , changing , and uncertain , for the king and against the king , for the parliament and against the parliament , for the army and against the army , for justice and against justice , & c ? answ. 1. the reverend ministers are stil the same they were , 't is you and your teacher ( who hath made you to erre ) are the shufflers and changelings ; one while for the king , to re-instate to his throne , another while against the king , to bring him to the scaffold ; one while that it is the just prerogative of the persons of kings , in what case soever to be secure from the violence of men , and the●r lives to he as consecrated corn , meet to be reapt & gathered only by the hand of god . yet at another time , that the axe of the executioner must cut off the king , or cut down this consecrated corn : let the world judge who are shufflers or changelings , the ministers or you ? 2. i grant that ministers were for the king and against the king ; but in this sense , for the person of the king , never against it ; and against the forces of the king , never for them ; i hope this will not make them changelings . 3. i yeild the subscribers are for the parliament and against the parliament , but clearly in this sense : for the parliament when they sit free and ful , although they should expresse frailty as men , yet would the subscribers live submissively as become● ministers . and if you mean nothing but this , when you say , the ministers are against the parliament ; viz. that they cannot in their consciences beleeve , that the members sitting at westminster are a free parliament , seeing they are under the power of the sword , nor a full parliament ; in regard above 200 members of it are forc't away ; nor a compleat parliament , when two states are aboli●ht , viz. king and lords , if only in this sense , you say they are against the parliament , i shall not contend with you . 4. i grant further that the ministers were for the army and against the army ; yet only in this sense , for the army whilest obedient to the parliaments commands , and followed their directions , but against them when they did dispute the parliaments authority and disobey their commands ; for the army whiles they used the sword to subdue malignants in arms ▪ but against them when they used the sword to cut off the king and force the parliament . and have not the ministers cause to be against them in regard they go against those ends , for which they were first raised ? for that ordinance by which this new mod●ld army was raised under the lord fairfax was for the def●nce of the king and parliament , the true protestant religion , the lawes and liberties of the kingdome , and to be from time to time subject to such orders and directions as they shall receive from both houses of parliament . 5 i yeild in the last place that the ministers are for justice and against justice ; for justice on chiefe delinquents , that they may be brought to condigne punishment as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve , or the supreame judicatories of both kingdomes respectively , or others having power from , for that effect shall judge convenient ; yea are they against the trying , condemning , and ekecuting the king ; which is that which you call justice : this kinde of justice the ministers are against ; and had they not reason ? because the parliament declared to the whole world , that one end of the warre was to bring delinquents to condigne punishment , yet to preserve the person of the king . and thus i have given you an answer touching the protestation ; as you conclude about it , so will i . now let the world judge who it is that doth violate this protestation so as you d●e . i come in the next place to examine whether the vow and covenant speaks for the ministers , or against them . where as you mention the ▪ vow and covenant you might have indeed shewed your ingenuity and candor becoming ministers of the gospe●● , to have taken notice of that which was the maine end of that vow and covenant contained in those words , that i will according to my power and vocation assist the forces raised and continued by both houses of parliament against the force raised by the king without their conse●t ; have you performed this vow ? answ. ● the ministers have not been wanting in that ingenuity which becomes ministers of the gospell even in the main end of the vow and covenant , for they have according to their power and vocation , assisted the forces raised and continued by both houses of parliament , against the forces raised by the king , without their consent . now because the subscribers will not assist the said forces against the parliament , as they did once assist them against the forces raised by the king , must they be accounted transgress●urs or breakers of their vow ? 2 you might have shewed that ingenulty that becomes a christian to have taken notice of the grounds or motives why the vow and covenant was made , viz. because there was a horrid and treacherous designe to surprize the cities of london and west●inster , with the suburbs , and by arms to force the parliament , therefore the lords and commons thought fit that all who are true hearted and lovers of their country should bind themselves each to other in a sacred vow and covenant , wherein we declared our abhorrency and detestation of the said wicked and treacherous designe , and that according to our power and vocation would oppose and resist the same and all other of the like nature . so that by the vow and covenant it appeares the ministers were bound according to their power and vocation to oppose and resist the armies forcing the parliament as well as the former attempt of malignants by arms to force the parliament , they being both of the like nature . 3 yea you would have shewed your ingenuity to have taken notice that the vow bindes to assist onely such forces as are raised and c●ntinued by both houses of parliament , not such forces as are raised by both houses but continue longer then both houses would have them ; now the forces ( i mean the army ) raised by the parliament are continued longer then both houses of parliament thought fit to continue them . for they would have disbanded them ( unless 9000 ) in may 1647. & they are continued untill march 1649. and god knowes how much longer yet they may continue to be an oppression to the people . to conclude this , i would aske you whether in case the earle of essex his army , the lord of manchester's , sir william waller's , and major generall massie's souldiers , who were all raised by the parliament , had refused to disband when the parliament did command them , and had continued in arms together longer then the parliament thought fit to continue them , i pray resolve me in your next whether the vow and covenant did oblige those that had taken it to assist and defend those forces ; if not , then how can you accuse ministers that they have broken their vow in not assisting the army , who though they were raised by both houses , yet have continued longer in arms then both houses were willing to continue them . 4 wee were all bound by the vow and covenant to assist the forces raised and continued by both houses of parliament against the forces raised by the king , but not against the person of the king , the priviledges of the parliament , &c. now to assist any forces whatsoever in opposition unto those just ends for which they were first raised , would have involved us in the guilt of the greatest perjury imaginable . and that the army raised by the parliament went directly contrary to those just ends for which they were first raised , is easily demonstrable . for ● . the army was raised for the defence of the kings person , and they have destroyed his person . 2. for the preservation and defence of religion , and they have endangered religion , by pleading for a licentious toleration . 3. for the priviledges of parliament , and they have offered such an unparalleld violation of their priviledges as the like hath not been heard . and now tell me whether the protestation and vow be not as aegyptian reeds to runne into your sides when you leane on them . i come in the third place to examine whether the solemne league and covenant will stand you in any better stead then the protestant vow and covenant hath done . you say , when scripture , reason , civility , justice , and honesty leave you , you make the solemne league and covenant to goe along with you , using it as you do the holy scriptures themselves , dispossessing them of their true , naturall and genuine meaning , and ( as satan once assumed satans body to d●ceive ) you spirit them with your owne opinion . answ. 1. is it not enough for you to walke in the counsell of the ungodly , and stand in the way of sinners , but will you sit in the seat of the scornfull also ? what contemptuous and contumelious calumnies are these which you cast on the grave , godly , and learned ministers of london ? could it not suffice your scornfull and revengefull heart , to say that scripture , justice , and reason had left them , but impudently to affirme that civility and common honesty had left them also ? the lord rebuke thee , thou false and deceitfull tongue . 2 whereas you say they do dispossesse the scriptures of their true , naturall and genuine meaning , all that i shall say is this , if you had named the men who , the place where , the time when , and what particular part of the scripture that is which they have dispossessed of its true naturall and genuine meaning , i should then have been ready to have given you a fuller answer , but 't is your manner to raise a generall slander when you have no particular proofe . 3 you say further that they use the covenant as they do the holy scriptures , vi● . pervert the true , naturall and genuine meaning of it , but how , or wherein , or against whom can you evidence this ? they do not as you do , lay the covenant on the racke of a tortured misinterpretation , forcing it to speake what it never meane . the ministers did formerly declare that neither the covenant , nor any other o●th is otherwise to be interpreted then according to the common , plaine , and true grammaticall sense of it . by your example are all contrary parties taught to plead the co●enant , those you call sectaries , schismaticks , &c. plead the covenant , eng●ging each to go before others in matters of reformation , the presbyt●rian pleads covenant engaging conformity with the church of scotland ; the parliamenteer pleads covenant engaging to pre●erve the rights and priviledges of parliament ; the royalist pleads covenant engaging to defend the kings majesties person and authority ; the armists plead covenant engaging to preserve the liberties of the kingdome , &c. so that you have made the covenant a meere contradi●●ious thing , &c. answ. 1. i wish all contrary parties would plead covenant and keep covenant according to the good example of the ministers . 2. because all contrary parties do plead the covenant to different ends , must it needs be charged on the subscribers that they make the covenant a contradictious thing ? because prebyterian plead scripture to warrant presbyteriall government , and papi●●s , prelates , erastians , seekers , and independents plead scripture too , to warrant quite contrary wayes , must the presbyterians beare all the blame that they make the scripture a contradictious thing ? 3. 't is you and your party ( not the ministers ) who make the covenant a contradictious thing : the covenant tyes to preserve the kings person , yet you plead covenant to destroy his person : the covenant bindes to preserve the priviledges of parliament , yet you plead covenant to destroy their priviledges : the covenant engageth to extirpate heresie and schisme , and you plead covenant to tolerate them : the covenant binds to preserve the doctrine , worship , discipline , and government of the church of scotland , and you plead covenant to cry up your owne kinde of discipline and government , and c●ie downe theirs : the covenant ties us to endeavour after an uniformity in religion , and forme of church government , and you plead covenant to allow men to be what religion they list , and set up what forme of church government they please . now let the world judge who makes the covenant a contradictious thing , or ( to use your owne phrase ) like unto one of the diabolicall oracles of the heathens to speake nothing certain , but ambigui●ies . 4. i wish you would consider that the malignants and you are equally partiall in the covenant , they cry out against s●hisme and heresie , but not so zealous against prophanenesse and prelacy ; they cry up the preservation of the kings person , but not a word for the priviledges of parliament ▪ and are not you altogether as partiall ? you cry out against malignity ▪ but not a word against schism and heresie , ( though the covenant is expresly against both , ) you cry up the liberties of the people , but not a word for the preservation of the kings person , and the priviledges of the parliament , though engaged by the covenant to the one as well as to the other . but the godly ministers were impartiall in the covenant of their god , they held themselves bound . in their places and callings to oppose malignity as well as heresie , to defend the kings person and the parliaments priviledges as well as the peoples liberties ; in fine they hold themselves engaged to one thing in the covenant as to another . but you goe on . the obligation ( say you ) is for the preservation of his person and authority . not for his person simply , but his person and authority ; if both come in competition , then the greater is to bee preferd before the lesse , that is , his authority before his person . answ. i have answered this cavil when i cleared the protestation from your grosse mistakes ▪ i shall say therefore the lesse here . i have but three things to say , by way of answer ; viz. 1. t is to be observed when the covenant was made , not before the king had done acts contrary to his just authority , but long after the king had set up his standard , declared both houses traitors , and engaged in person in the head of his army , yet i say after all this the parliament thought fit to make this covenant , to preserve his person , that all the world might bear witnesse with their consciences , of their loyalty , and that they had no thoughts or intentions to diminish his maj●sties just power and greatnesse . 2. i would as● , why would you take the covenant to preserve the kings person , even then when his person & authority stood more in competition then afterward they did ? for then he was in the head of an army , but since cast himself on his people ; then unwilling to yeeld to any reasonable terms , but since offred more for the parliaments safety & peoples good ( though i wisht hee had yeelded to more ) then ever any prince that sate upon the english throne . 3 is it not most inequitable that you should● take away the life of the king because his person and authority stood in competition , and yet you and your faction the only men that hindred the kings person and authority from a conjunction with his two houses of parliament ? the truth is , the kings person , and the armies designes stood both in competition ; and therefore they must destroy the one to carry on the other . if the king in person would have had ingaged in a combination or conjunction with the armies counsels ▪ all the blood that had been spilt , or the evills that hee had done would have been forgotten , you would not once have muttered that his person and authority had then stood in any ● competition . but you plead , that the covenant binds us to preserve his person in the preservation and defence of the true religion ; true religion doth not say , if the subject do kill and murder , &c. he shall be ●o and ●o punisht , but if the king do these things● he must not be medled withall by any but god alone ; true religion saith , he that shed mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed , the murderer shall surely be put to death ; if then the king be a murderer , true religion commands that h●e bee put to death . answ. 1. was the kings person , and religions preservation so inconsistent , that there was no way to preserve the one , but by destroying the other ? i am su●e the death of the king was a stain to religion , i am not so sure that his life would have been such a wound to it ; whether purposes were in his heart to alter it , i know not , yet if power were not in his hands , how could religion be indangered ? 2. if true religion doth not say , if the king kill or steal , &c he must not be medled withall by any but by god alone ; then surely john goodwin must be of a false religion , for he said , t is the just preregative of the persons of the kings , in what case soever , to he secure from the violence of men , and their lives to be as consecrated corn , meet to be reapt and gat●ered only by the band of god himselfe . 3. the king had spilt much blood ( by his forces , for i know of none kill'd by his own hands ) at edgehill , and many other places , long before you made your spirituall snapsa●k , yet you told the souldiers that without contradiction they did fight for the king , to rescue his royal person out of the hands of malignants , and re-instate him in his royal throne and dignity ; if true religion commands that the king should be put to death , what religion then were you of when you said the contrary ? 4. whereas you af●irm , that if the king be a murderer , true religion commands that hee be put to death . to this i have 3 things to say . 1. t is unknown to mee , that ever the king murdered any in his own person , what blood was spilt , was in a military way , wherein he did contest for his seeming right . 2. the word of god which is the rule and standard of true religion , doth not afford one instance , that ever any king was judicially tryed or put to death for the spilling of blood . 3. if you stand so precisely upon this , that the murderer shal surely , be put to death , th●n are you bound to put every man to death , that bore arms for the king ; they were guilty of blood as well as hee , yea was not the lord goring , and sir john owen guilty of death ? if so ( according to your principles ) did not true religion command you to put them to death as well as the king ? if kings may be dealt withall in a judiciary way , why are they so angry that the late king was brought to condigne punishment ? if they say no court by the lawes of the land had any auth●rity to judge him , then it would he worth our enquiring , whether every man , even to the last man left , was not bound to lay his hands upon him , for the murtherer must not be suffered to live , but must surely be put to death , the land must not be defiled and polluted with blood . answ. 1. if kings may be dealt withal in a judiciary way , &c. here you beg the question , taking that for granted , which was denyed by the subscribers ; had you produced any one instance in the word , that any kings were judicially tryed and put to death by their subjects ; or that there is any known law of this l●nd , that the kings of england should be arraigned and executed , it would the more advantage your cause . 2. because you ask , why were the ministers so angry , that the late king what brought to condignpunishm●nt ? i must answer you , they exprest no anger , but a holy indignation against so horrid a fact , and had they not reason ? considering , 1. that o●e end of the war was to preserve the kings person . 2. many s●bsequent o●th● , protestations and declarations of the parl●ament for the preservation of his person also . 3. he was the f●st protes●ant king in the world , so put to death by his own s●●ject● . 4. that you could not put to death the king of england , but must kil the king of scotland and ireland also , who had as tru● right in him as their king , as this kingdom had . 5. that hee had granted more for the good of the kingdome , then any king that sa●e upon the english thron ▪ 6 the house of commons if free and full ( which now they are not ) have no power to take away the life of any man , much lesle the li●e of the king ; if they cannot administer an oath , how can they take away the life of any man ? seeing no man 〈…〉 but by the oath of two or● three witnesses . these and such like considerations might stir up a holy indignation in the ministers against bringing the king to capitall punishment . 3. if the ministers say there is no court by the laws of the land that hath any authority to judg the king , ( then say you ) it would he worth our inquiring after , whether every man even to the last man left , was not bound to lay his hand● , upon him . all i shall say to this inquiry of yours , is to propose to you 3 other enquiries , viz. 1. whether was every man in israel , even to the last man , bound to kill saul a bloody king ? if you answer affirmatively , i am su●e you answer falsly , for david said , who can stretch forth his hand against him and bee guiltlesse ? 2. if the adulterer by the law of god was to bee put to death as well as the murderer , and there is no court by the laws of the land that hath authority to put him to death , whether is every man in the land even to the last bound to lay hands upon the adulterer ? if you say yea , i am sure some of your greatest grandees would not be long lived ; if you say no , tell me a reason why you hold your self bound to do so to the one and not unto the other . 3. if it be true that it is not the condemnation but the execution of blood-guilty persons that makes satisfaction for the blood they spilt , and keeps the land from being defiled , then i demand whether every man in the nation ( according to your principles ) is not bound to lay their bands upon the lord goring , and sir john owen , to put them to death , seeing those that are in power will not doe it ? i might adde a fourth enquiry , viz. to know whence you had this notion , that if courts of judicature will not put a murderer to death , that then every man even to the last man is bound to do it● i am sure the scripture affords you no such notion ; paul puts the sword only into the hand of the magistrate , and saith , that he is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evill . if this loose principle of yours should take place , that any man may kill a murderer , if the magistrate doth not ; i fear there would be a hundred murders committed by private men , before one will be legally punisht by the publick magistrate . pareus hath a good note on those words ; he that sheddeth mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed . vt homicidae plectantur capitaliter per hominem , non sane quemvis , sed gladio divinitus armatum , hoc est per magistratum ; alioqui homicidiorum licentia daretur in immensum si intersiciendi homicid as potest as cuivit esset ; that is , that the murderer be put to death by ma● , t is not meant truely by every man , but by him that is armed by god with the sword , that is , by the magistrate ; else a licence of murder would be given beyond all measure , if the power were in the hands of any one to kill the murderer . but to end this ; by what you have here said , i do plainly pe●ceive , that if no body would have put king charles to death , you would have been the executioner . you goe on , that the people ( say you ) ought to punish● their king according to their demerits , hath been the declared judgment of many protestant divines . answ. before i come to clear those authours alledged by you in particular ; i shall give you these advertisements ( about your quotations ) in the generall . 1. many of the authors you quote do you belie in affirming that they plead for the killing of kings by their subjects , which they never did : thus you wrong ●ez● , zuinglius , pareus , mr. rutherford , mr. pryn and mr. love ; as i shall evidently make appeare anon . 2. in your list of protestant divines , i find one popish priest , whom you cal junius brutus , aliàs parsons the jesuit , as i shall prove when i come to answer your allegation of him . 3. i have good reason to beleeve that you borrowed most of your quotations not from the authors themselves , but from a popish writer ( supposed to be toby matthews ) his lies and slanders against protestant divines you take up for undoubted truths . he railes on bez● p. 82. and saith that the book entituled vindiciae contra tyrannos by junius brutus was his , p. 105. & against zuinglius , p. 81. & p. 115. against knox , p. 134. and goodman his associate , p. 134. brands pareus in p. 225. rails on the wieliffs and waldenses , p. 250. these are most of the authours quoted by you , whom he represents unto the world , as rebells against , & murderers of kings & princes ; yea doth impudently affirm , that the protestants have deposed more kings in 60. years ; then was by the means of catholicks in 600. ibid. p. 226. now is it for your credit to gather such broken scraps , and tortured collections from so infamous an author ? that which induceth me to beleeve that you had these quotations not from the authors themselves , but from that popish writer , is this . 1. in reading those authors i find some of them to be of a quite contrary mind to that which you alledg them for . 2. those very men , and that matter almost in terminis is quoted by that popish writer ; and may not this give some ground to beleeve what i assert ? 4 you must needs be put to a penury of proofs , when you pretend to alledg protestant divines , yet among them mention mr. prynne a lawyer but no divine , and junius brutus a jesuite but no protestant ; surely either your memory must be short , or your reading but small . 5. in some of your quotations you only name the men , but do not mention the page where such a passage is to be found . thus you deal with zuinglius , pareus , dudly , fenner , and rutherford ; which makes me think you never read their books , or else that you intended to pervert their words , and put your reader to more pains before hee shall find out your abuse of the authors . 6. though some of the authors alledged speak high of punishing tyrannicall and idolatrous kings , yet none of them ( unlesse the jesuite , under the name of junius brutus ) ever gave the least intimation of spilling the blood of a protestant king . 7. one solid argument had stood you in more stead then a hundred quotations ; not mens sayings , but their reasons are to be regarded . 8. there is no opinion so grosse , but there may be some particular men who will labour to maintain it ; t is true , some particular men may plead for the putting of kings to death , but is this the received opinion or declared judgment of any of the reformed churches ? could you shew that ( which i know you cannot ) it would be of more weight with me . 9. although some of the authors speak high in this point , yet none of them come up to the present case . there were so many considerable and concurrent circumstances in the case of the king that varyed it much from the case of kings in former times ; the businesse is so circumstantiated that were all the authors alledged by you alive , none of them ( i verily beleeve ) nor any casuists in the world would give their consent to the taking away the life of our king as the case stood with us . for , 1. hee was a protestant king. 2. the end of the parliaments war against the forces raised by him , was to preserve his person , as appears by their many declarations in that behalf . 3. many oaths and covenants made to the most high god for the preservation of his royall person . 4. the king of england could not be put to death , but they must kill the king of scotland and ireland also , who had as true a right in him as this kingdome had . 5. that he granted more for the good of the kingdome then ever any king that sate upon the english throne . 6. that hee never personally shed blood . 7. that the army must first force the parliament before they could kill the king ; which wil be to after ages a lasting monument of the parliaments renown , and the armies reproach . 8. that the house of commons ( if they sate free and ful , which now they do not ) have no power by law to erect a new court to take away the life of any man , much lesse the life of the king. 9. that the general & his officers declared in their remonstrance , june 23. 1647. that they did clearly professe they did not see how there could be any peace to this kingdom firm and lasting , without a due consideration of and provision for the rights , quiet & immunities of his majesties royal family , &c. these and such like circumstances considered , can it be imagined that any could have their hands in the kings blood , unless they were led more by passion then reason , by design then conscience ? thus having given you these advertisements ( touching the authors by you alledged in the general ) i come now a to particular survey of the severall authors brought by you to maintain your king-killing doctrine . you begin with mr. love and so will i , of whom you say , that in his sermon preacht at uxbridg , and printed , having spoken before of the blood-guiltinesse of the king , yea intimated u●●aturall and horrible blood-guiltinesse in him , as if hee had been guilty of king james his death , and prince henries death , the blood of the prot●stant● in rochell , and the rebellion of ●reland , and all the protestant blood-shed there . p. ●3 . of the said sermon stiled englands distemper . answ. 1. that mr. love hath his sermon printed which was preacht at vxbri●ge is true , but that hee spake therein of the blood-guiltinesse of the king is utterly false ; i have read over his sermon from the beginning to the end ; and can find no mention of the king throughout his sermon , but in two places , and there too , without the least reflexion or accusation on the king , the first place is in p. 16. where he saith , that the rising ( though now falling ) clergymen would serue up prerogative to the highest peg ( by which means they have crackt it , at least the credit of it ) affirming that kings might do what they list , that the lifes , ●ives , liberties , and estates of subjects , are to be disposed by the king , according to his own will , yea have they not taught the people , that if the king require the life of any or all his subjects , they must lay their necks to the block , they must not defend themselves by force of arms in any case ? here mr. love doth accuse court-preachers , & parasities of flattery bu● is there the least word here of accusing the king of blood-guiltinesse ? the second place where he makes mention of the king is in p. 19. and there he saies nothing but this ; is not our king the head divided from his parliament , the representative body of this kingdome ? and is not one member divided from another ? and doth mr. love in this accuse the king of blood-guiltinesse ? these are the two places where mr. love speakes about the king , i am sure there is not one word else touching the king in all his sermon . as for your false charge against mr love , that he intimated unnatural & horrible bloud-guiltiness in the king , as if he had been guilty of k. james his death , & prince henrys death , the blood of the protestants in rochell , and the rebellion of ireland , and al the protestant blood there ; this you say in p. 23. of his sermon . to this i have two things to answer in his behalf . 1. i need not become his advocate ; the sermon may plead for him that made it , al that mr. love saies is this , it would search to the quick to find out whether king james , and prince henry his son came to a timely death , yea or no ? it would search to the quick to know whether rochell and all the protestants in it were not betrayed into the hands of their enemies ; and by whom ? it would go to the quick to find out whether the irish rebellion was not plotted , promoted and contrived in england , and by whom ? is here the least charge against the king ? cannot a man speak of king iames or prince henries death , but must it bee interpreted that he said king charles had a hand in it ? cannot a man wish that the betrayers of the protestants in rochel , the contrivers of the rebellion in ireland , may be discovered , but must all the guilt of that blood be needs laid upon the kings head ? 2. but suppose he had intimated that the king was guilty of blood-guiltynesse ( which he did not ) yet is there not the least intimation of that for which you alledg him , viz. to prove that it was his decl●red judgment that the king was to be put to death : you labour to stain his reputation , but you do no way strengthen your ▪ own assertion . i am sure mr. love declared his judgment against putting the king to death long before the armies attempt to bring him to tryall , as appears by that book mentioned before , entituled works of darknesse brought to light , printed about two years since . you say that mr. love made the king the troubler of england as achan was of israel , and hath these words , p. 32. it was the lord that tr●ubled achan , because he troubled israell ; oh that in this our state physitians would resemble god to cut off those from the land who have distemperd it : m●lius est ut pereat unus , quam unit as . — immedicabile vulnus ense recidendum est , ne pars sincera trabatur . answ. 1. did not your heart give your hand the lye when you wrote these words ? doth not your conscience tel you that there is not the least syllable in mr. loves sermon tending to this , that the king was the troubler of england , as achan was of israell ? 2. doth not mr. love clearly expresse himself whom he meant by those achans who were to be cut off ; and that but three or four lines before those words you quote of achan , where he saith that there are many malignant humers to be purged out of many of the nobles and gentry of this kingdom before we can be healed ? but there is not in that place , nor in 13 pages before ▪ any one word about the king ; and what is said of him in p. 16 and 19. is not in the least disparagement to his royall person and authority , as i made appear before . 3. the phrase by any grammaticall construction cannot be referred to the king ; for hee wisht that the state physitians would resemble god to cut off those from the land that had distempered it ▪ now had it been meant of the king he would have wisht that they would have cut him off ( not those off ) that distempered it . as for those latin sayings , melius est ut pereat unus quam unitas : and , — imm●dicabile vulnus ense recidendum est , ne pars sincera trabatur : these expressions cannot bee referred to the king unlesse something spoken either before or after ( of which there is not a word ) doth inforce such an inference . besides , mr. love doth well know that although the cutting off one malignant member may preserve the body , yet the cutting off the head ( though there may be malignant humours in it ) is not the way to save the body , but to destroy it . you goe on , but yet more plaine , pag. 37. men who lye under the guilt of much innocent blood ( saith mr. love ) are not meet persons to be at peace with till all the guilt of bloud be expiated and avenged either by the sword of the law , or law of the sword . answ. 1. but yet more plaine say you , truely you had need of something more plaine say i , before you will be able to make it appeare that ever mr. love did plead for killing the king . 2. it seemes this is the plainest passage in the sermon , but doth this ●peak what you assert , that the king must be punished according to his demerits ? is there any clause to this purpose in the words you quote ? 3 mr love doth well consider that in the same article or part of the covenant wherein we promise to bring delinquents to punishment , we engage our selves to preserve the person of the king . 4 i do verily beleeve mr. love is still of this minde ( and i have some cause to know it ) that the guilt of that innocent bloud which hath been spilt , must be expiated and avenged on some of the chiefest incendiaries either by the sword of the law in a time of peace , or ( if that cannot reach them ) by the law of the sword in a time of warre ; and what is this more then we are all ingaged to by covenant ? to bring delinquents to condigne punishment as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve , or the supreame judi●atories of both kingdomes , or others having power from them for that effect shall judge convenient . but for you to wrest and torture his words , as if he meant that the guilt of the bloud shed could not be expiated unless king charles were executed ; i am perswaded there was never such an expression from his mouth , nor motion in his heart . the second author you alledge is mr. john knox , who in his book● called the appellation &c. affirms ( say you ) that the people may depose their princes and punish him &c. answ. 't is true mr. knox spake more freely in this point then any scottish divine that i know of before or since , yet let me tell you , that what he saith will not reach to such a case as ours . for 1. i read in his b●ok called the appell●tion of john knox , pag. 78. that he pleads onely for the punis●ing of such kings as are idolaters and tyrants against god and his known truth ; now our late king was not such a one . secondly , he speakes of such kings as were rashly and unadvisedly chosen by the people ; now our king was not meerly elective , but had a title to the crowne by succession , and a just hereditation . thirdly , i do not read in his book called the appellation , &c. that he contends for bringing kings to a judiciall tryall and taking away their lives , but onely in generall of punishing and deposing them . now what is said here by way of answer to what you alledged out of mr. knox , may serve also for an answer to goodman whom you call the great associate of john knox . the third author you quote , is doctor john ponnet in his books called a short treati se of politique power , cap. 6. pag. 45. answ. 't is true , dr. ponnet is of large principles in this point , yet 1. 't is to be observed that when he made his booke it was in the reign of queen mary , ann. 1556. and so spake of popish , not protestant princes ; yea it was during the time of his banishment out of england , at which time his discontent might make him to bee led more by passion then reason . 2. though hee holds it lawfull for a people to depose and kill a tyrant , yet he gives not this power abslutely to a particular party , but to the body of the people ; the body ( saith he ) ●f every state may ( if it will ) yea and ought to r●dresse and correct the vi●●● of their heads and governours . i am sure you cannot say the body of this state was for the execution of the king ; there were an hundred against it to one for it . yea 3 , though hee goes further , that private men may kill a magistrate , yet he holds it with some speciall limitations , in some cases private men ( saith he ) may kill their magistrates , as when a governour shall with his sword run upon an innocent , or go about to shoot him with a gun , or if he should be found in bed with a mans wife , or ravish a mans daughter , or go about to make away his country to forraig●ers . now can you prove the king to be guilty of such things as these ? if not , your quotation of ponnet doth not reach our case . to close this , i would aske you , are you of dr. ponnets mind that any private man may kill a tyrant ? do you thinke that moses his practise in killing the aegyptian , and ehud slaying eglon , is to be imitated by every private man ? it seemes you do so , why else do you urge these instances out of doctour ponnet to justifie your king-killing doctrine ? if you do , i feare you will often times follow the devils instigation to murder the innocent , when you thinke 't is the impression of gods spirit on your heart to do justice on the guilty . oh take heed that you be not given over to beleeve lies , and then to worke wickednesse with greedinesse . before i leave this unsafe assertion in dr. ponnets booke ( of which you approve ) viz. that private men may kill a tyrant : i desire that this might lye sadly on your heart , suppose you should think such a magistrate to be a tyrant and a murderer , and because none wil put to death that tyrant , therefore you hold your selfe bound to do it : suppose againe , another thinkes him to be a just magistrate whom you slew , and kils you that killed him , and a third kils him that killed you , and so ad infinitum : is not this the way to make us cains , not christians , one unto another , and in the end not to leave so many men in the world as cain did when he slew his brother ? a fourth author you quote is junius brutus supposed by good authors to be beza's workes , in his booke called vindiciae contra tyrannos , &c. answ. 1. indeed if you count the popish writer supposed to be toby matthewes to be a good author , who made that book intituled the image of both churches , jerusalem and babylon ( by p. d. m. ) he saith it was beza's works pag. 105. and yet herein he was no more ingenuous then you were ; for saith he , if it was not beza's it might be hottomans , pag. 107. and pag. 111. do you deale candidly with so orthodox a divine as beza was , to receive the slanderous reports of papists against so zealous a protestant ? the same author who said that beza made that booke called vindiciae contra tyrannos , affirmed also that beza usurpt another mans parish , that hee was the husband of another mans wife , &c. the one is as true as the other . 2. it may bee made demonstrable that beza was not the authour of that book , which goes under the name of junius brutus , for can it be imagined that so sober and learned a man as beza was , should be so inconsistent to his owne principles , to write one thing in one book , and the quite contrary in another ? throughout all the veins of his writings , he calls for subjection to magistrates , but not a word of deposing or murdering of kings , which is the whole drift of that book called vindiciae contra tyrannos . i could produce multitudes of places out of bezaes works utterly repugnant to what is in junius brutu● ; take for presnt one or two : nullum aliud ( saith he ) rememedium proponitur privatis hominibus tyranno subjectis , preter vitae emendationem proeces & lachrymas ; that is , there is no other remedy left to private men being subject unto a tyrant , besides amendment of life , prayers and teares . yea beza was of this judgment , that though private men might disobey the sinful commands of a prince , yet he was utterly against taking up of arms : t is ane thing ( said he ) not to obey magistrates , and another to resist or take up arms , which god doth not permit thee . if beza was against private mens taking up of defensive arms , can it be imagined that he would plead for offensive arms against the life and person of a king ? indeed beza hath a learned tract extant de haereticis a magistrati● puniendis ; but not a word de magistratibus ab haereticis puniendis ; beza did hold that magistrates should punish hereticks , but never held that hereticks should punish magistrates . 3. this iunius brutus whom ( you say ) good authours affirm to be bezaes works , is indeed and intruth no other then the work of a jesuite ; i have it from good hands that parsons the jesuite was the author of that booke ; there are now some alive that can witnesse it , that one rench a printer was condemned to be hanged for printing it , and another book of the same mans , under the name of doleman . and here i cannot but give the world notice that one of the good members now sitting at westminster ( whom i could name but that naming men now in the house would be accounted breach of priviledg , when pulling members out hath been esteemed none ) did imploy walker the mercury man ( who writes the perfect occurrences ) to get this booke being translated into english to be printed ; it seems themselves were ashamed of it , suspecting that it might bee known to be parsons the jesuite , if it had continued still under the name of junius bru●us , and therefore they did make a new title to this book ; which is this . four great questions concerning the tryall of the king , as it was delivered to the colonells and generall officers of the army , and presented to the high court of iustice appointed by an act of the commons of england for tryall of the king . i only mention this that it might appeare unto the world , that the bookes , principles , and counsells of the jesuites had a great concurrence with , if not influence upon the late transactions of the army ; and high court in putting the king to death . you goe on , and discerning a scarcity of protestant divines , you are beholding to popish presidents to help you out ; you say christierne lost the crown of denmapke , &c. answ. true , he did so , but yet he did not lose his life ; but you have made king charles lose his crown and life together . christierne was only restrained as a prisoner , but not adjudged to dye . besides the kings of denmarke come in meerly by election , but the kings of england by a rightfull succession . so that your instance of christierne will not advantage you a whit . edward the second ( say you ) lost the crown of england for the same mis-government as our late king lost his crowne and head . answ. 1. this was in the time of popery ; are popish practices good patterns for protestants to walk by ? 2. edward the second did not lose his crown by a judicial deprivation , but by a constrained resignation . 3. he was never legally arraigned and brought to tryall in parliament for his life . 4. t is to be observed that mortimer ( who had the chief hand in deposing king edward the second ) was in the parliament of 4 e. 3. condemned and executed as a traitor , and guilty of high treason , for murdering edward the second at berkely castle , although he was deposed . it may be after parliaments may call some of you to account for the kings death . that superiour magistrates may be put to death by the inferiour , because domestick tyrants are chiefly to be represt , was the opinion of pareus in his commentary on judges . answ. indeed in his comment on the romanes he saith , that in case of necessity the inferiour magistrate may lawfully defend himself against the superiour ; but hath not a word in his comment on the iudges ( that i can find ) that superiour magistrates may be put to death by the inferior . surely pareus would not say one thing in his comment on iudges ; and the quite contrary in his comment on the romans . he saith expresly , that christians no lesse then others ought to be subject to the powers , not only when believers but when infidel●s , as all the powers then were , not only to the me●k and just , but to the froward and unjust , &c. t is true , pareus pleads for defensive arms in case of necessity , ( and so doe i ) but yet hee never went in so high a strain to plead for the killing of kings and princes ; yea when pareus speaks of defensive arms hee doth it with abundance of wisdome and caution : subditi ( saith he ) non privati sed in magistratu inferiori constituti , adversus superiorem magistratum se & rempublicam & ecclesiam seu veram religionem etiam armis defendere possunt . his positis conditionibus , cum superior ma●istratus degenerat in tyrannum . 2. aut ad manifestam idolotatriam atque blasphemias ipsas vel subditos alios suae fidei commissos vult cogere , &c. the sum of what he saith is this , that it is lawfull ( not for private men but ) for the inferiour magistrates to defend the church and common-wealth , against the superior magistrate , yet he laies down 6 conditious or limitations ; provided that the superiour magistrate degenerates into a tyrant , that he compells his subjects to manifest idolatry and blasphemy ; and that they keep themselves in the bounds of selfe-defences according to the laws , &c. now can it be imagined that pareus should lay down so many cautions to justifie a defensive war in his comment on the romans , and yet affirm that the superior magistrate may be put to death by the inferiour ? it makes me think that you never read pareus his works ; or if you did , that you intended to be lye him , as you have done many others . besides , pareus never made a comment upon iudges all his life ; after hee was dead there was found some short notes written in his own bible , only for his own private use , which his son philip pareus did lately put among his other works . that famous dudley fennor affirms , that an evill prince may bee taken away in a time of peace , or by warre , which they may do who are either ephori or ordinum omnium conventus , saith he . answ. 1. you use still your wonted stratagem , to alledg authors , mention their names , but give no notice in what page that passage is , which you quote of theirs , which must argue either your ignorance of such mens works , or else a purpose in you to deceive the reader , and abuse the authors you quote . 2. though i am not bound to answer you in every author you quote at large , yet for disputes sake i shall yeeld to your weakness ; t is true dudly fennor hath some such words in his sacra theolog. cap. 13. de politeia civili . p. 80. though you pervert them wofully ; you had shewed your ingenuity had you quoted all that dudly fennor spake touching the point in hand . he doth distinguish of a tyrant , there is tyrannus sine titulo , and tyrannus exercitio . tyrannus sine titulo est qui imperium ad se absque legitimâ ratione rapit , huic quisque privatus resistat , & si possit è medio tollat . that is , a tyrant without a title , is such a one who by force and fraud hath got the government of a kingdome into his hands , when he hath no legall claim thereto ; now such a one ( saith he ) any private man may resist and take him out of the world . put case o. cromwell or any other man who hath no legall claime to the crown , should by force and fraud usurpe to himself the kingdome , such an one is tyrannus fine titulo , and if you wil follow dudly fennor he gives liberty that any private man may resist such a one , yea if he can take him out of the world . i hardly beleive that dudly fennors doctrine ( whom you call famous ) would please at white-hall . again , when he comes to speak of a tyrant ( not in title , but ) in the exercise of his government , he doth not plead for popular tumults , but saith ( which you have unworthily left out ) that such a tyrant may be punisht , but yet only by them ( qui ea potete donati sunt ) who are indued with such an authority ; now that is most true , that if the laws and constitutions of a kingdome or common-wealth be such , that there are select men impowered by law to restrain and punish the vices of a tyrant ; in such a case 't is unquestionably lawfull . and if you can shew that the house of commons have power by the knowne laws of this land , to condemn and execute any man , much lesse the king , i shall then be silent . when a tyrant is taken away either by the suffrage or consent of the people , fit deo auspice saith , zuinglius . answ. 1. here you name the man , and mention the words , but quote not the place where such a passage is to bee found ; in zuinglius his works ( who hath four large volumes extant . ) i perceive your drift is to put him that should answer you to the more pains , to manifest your abuse of both of author and reader . 2. t is true , there is some such passage in zuinglius as is quoted by you , yet i must tell you , as the devill did with that scripture he quoted to christ ; so do you with zuinglius words , viz. leave out the most considerable clause , and grosly pervert the meaning of his words , which i shall evidently demonstrate : his words are these : when a tyrant is taken away by the consent or suffrages of the whole or better part of the people , it is done god disposing it . now you have left out these words [ of the whole or better part of the people ] it may be your conscience told you you , that the whole or better part of the people would never have given their consent to cut off the king , and therefore you have done it without them , never desiring their consent , so that what zuinglius saith will not justifie your practice , which was done by the lesser ( and not the better neither ) of the people . besides , you grosly abuse and pervert the meaning of his words ; as if zuinglius justified in that place the taking away the life of a tyrant , which he was utterly against , as appears in that very article where this passage is sound . t is true , he was for the deposing of tyrants , so it were done by the whole or better part of the people , but yet against the killing of them , as he saith expresly . quopaecto tyrannus movendus sit ab officio facile est conjectare , non est ut ●umtrucides , nec ut bellum & tumultum quis excitet , quia in pace vocavit nos deus , sed aliis viis res tentanda est , &c. that is , after what sort a tyrant should be put out of office it is easy to conjecture , t is not that thou mayst kill him , or raise war or tumult against him , because god hath called us in pea●e , but the thing is to be assayed by other wayes , &c. yea t is further to be observed how he defines a tyrant , viz. to be such an one ( qui vi regnum accepit , & per ambitionem irrumpit ) who hath gotten a kingdome by force , and breaks it by ambition . there is no doubt but such may be deposed , yea destroyed too , if the people have strength to do it . see more to this purpose in a book not long since put out , as it is upon very good grounds supposed by mr. rutherford of scotland , called lex rex , and especially in mr. pryns works , &c. answ. 1. you still use your old device , name the man but not quote the place . i shall not contest with you whether mr. rutherford made that book called lex rex , yet this i will maintain , that in all that book there is not one passage that i can find for bringing the king to capitall punishment ; i am sure in many places he is against it , in answering that objection which royalists made , that because david would not stretch forth his hand against the lords anointed , therefore the king being the lords anointed cannot be resisted . to which he gives this answer : david speaketh of stretching out his hand against the person of king saul ; no man in the three kingdomes did so much as attempt to do violence to the kings person ; and in another place , he saith , one or two tyrannous acts deprive not a king of his royall right ; and a little after he saith , any man is obliged to honor him as king whom the people maketh king , though he were a bloodyer , and more tyrannous man then saul ; & in p. 233. he saith , that the king is an eminent servant of the state in the punishing of others ; if therefore he be unpunishable , it is not so much because his royall power is above all law-coaction , as because one and the same man , cannot be both the punisher and the punished , &c. many such like passages as these are to be found in lex , rex . is it like that mr. rutherford ( if hee be the author of it ) should plead for putting the king to death , in one place , yet declare himselfe against it in so many places throughout his book ? 2. whereas you would make mr. pryn a patron of your opinion , i need say nothing in his vindication , he is alive , and now among us , more able then i to vindicate himself ; 't is true , in his appendix to his fourth part of the soveraign power of parliament and kingdomes , he hath made many instances of states and kingdoms that have deposed and punisht their princes . yet he gives no instance of a protestant state that ever did so ; yea in his speech in the house of commons on d●cemb . 4. 1648. he saith expresly , that though there be some presidents of popish states and parliaments , deposing their popish kings and empeperors at home & in foraign parts , in an extraordinary way , by power of an armed party yet there is no president of any one protestant kingdom or state that did ever yet judicially depose , or bring to execution any of their kings and princes though never so bad , whether protestants or pap●sts , &c. 〈◊〉 i hope our protestant parliament will not make the first president in this kind , nor stain their honour and religion with the blood of a protestant king , &c. and thus i have laboured to clear the authors you quoted , most of them make against you , none speak for you , i leave the reader to judge . as you quoted some few authours who seemingly might speak for you , but really against you , i might produce a cloud of witnesses against you in this point , not only of protestant divines since the reformation , against killing kings in the generall , but also multitudes of protestant divines declaring against the cutting off the head of our king in particular ; as the ministers beyond the seas , the ministers of scotland , the ministers of essex and lancashire , and of many other places of the kingdome besides the london ministers , who have unanimously declared their abhorrency of that horrid fact of taking away the life of the king ; but i forbear quotations , only to manifest the levity and inconstancy of you and men of your faction , i shall mention some few who have in print declared against the cutting off the king , yet have been of late great sticklers for the spilling of his blood . i shall begin with your self , not that i think you deserve the honour of priority , but that your ownmistake may be the more obvious unto observation . in your spirituall snapsack for the parliament souldiers , p. 8. you tel the souldiers thus , you fight for the recovery of the kings royall person out of the hands of those miscreants , and re-instate him in his royall throne and dignity , that both hee and his posterity may ( if the lord will ) yet flourish in their royalty ; so that without all contradictions you sight for your king . by this it appears that since you have separated from the ministers churches , you are like the vannes of their steeples full of changes , one while to bring the king to his royall throne , another while to bring him to a dolefull scaffold ; one while that his posterity may flourish in their royalty , another while for the extirpation of the royall family root and branch . the next i shall quote shall bee your goodly pastor john g●o●win , that the world may see you are like people , like priest . in his anticavalierisme , p. 10 , & 11. he saith : as for offering violence to the person of a king , or attempting to take away his life , we leave the proof of the lawfulnesse of this to those profound disputers the iesuites , who stand ingaged by the tenour of their professed doctrin and practice , either to make good the lawfulnesse thereof , or else to leave themselves and their religion an abhorring and hissing unto the world : as for us who never travailed with any desires or thoughts that way , but abhor both mother and daughter , doctrine and practice together , we conceive it to be a just prerogative of the persons of kings in what case soever to be secure from the violence of men , and their lives to be as consecrated corn , meet to be reaped and gathered only by the hand of god himself : davids conscience smote him , when hee came so neer the life of a king , as the cuttiag off the lap of his garment . notwithstanding these high expressions of his against taking away the life of kings in any case whatsoever , yet had this wretched apostate a great hand in bringing the king to death . it would be endless to mention all that could be found in their books in print to this purpose ; i shall only quote the armies judgement touching the preservation of his person ; their words are these , wee clearly professe wee doe not see how there can be any peace to this kingdome firm or lasting , without a due consideration of and provision for the rights , quiet , and immunities of his majesties royall family , and his late partakers ; and more fully in their proposalls of aug. 1. 1647. they propose , that his majestic● person , queen , and royall issue , may be restored to a condition of safety , honour and freedome in this nation , without diminution of their personall rights , or further limitation to the exer●ise of their regall power then according to the particulars aforegoing . yet there very men in their late remonstrance , desired that the capitall and grand author of our troubles , the person of the king , may be brought to justice for the treason , blood , &c he was guilty of . what lasting settlement can be expected from th●●● men who at one time desire one thing , and at another time the quite contrary ? if so be the saving of the kings person being a murderer , &c. bee the destruction of the command of true religion , that the murderer shall surely be put to death , we must by the obligation that lies upon us from the solemn league and covenant , cut off the kings head for the preservation of true religion . answ. 1. here you come in with your ifs and ands , begging the question , taking that for granted which was still denyed ; say not if the saving of the kings person being a murderer , bee the destruction of the command of true religion , but prove that he was a murderer , and that the saving of his person would be a destruction to true religion ; a convincing argument would stand you in more stead then a confident assertion of the one , or a naked supposition of the other . 2. i would demand of you , whether the saving of davids person , who killed vriah the hittite ; and of sauls , who slew 85 of the priests of the lord ; and of manassehs , who made the streets of jerusalem run down with blood , were a destruction of the commands of true religion ? if you say it was , are not you a very charitable man to stigmatize the children of israel , that they destroyed the command of religion , that the land was defiled with blood , and that to many generations , for not executing all their kings who had spilt blood ; if you say no , give me one cogent reason why many of the wicked and bloody kings of israel ( as wel as the good ) should live , and yet our late king dye . 3. you are the first ( and i hope will be the last ) that ever i could hear of , that pleaded an obligation by the covenant to cut off the kings head for the preservation of true religion : unlesse to preserve his person , can be interpreted to cut off his head , i am sure the covenant laies upon you no such obligation ; was the kings person , and religions preservation so inconsistent , that you must needs destroy the one to preserve the other ? were there no veins to be opened to let out malignant blood from any part of the body , but must you cut off the head ? could no person bee found but the king alone to expiate the guilt of blood ? i remember indeed you say in p. 23. that the cutting off the kings head was the most acceptable and fattest sacrifice unto justice , that ever was offered in this kingdome . i do verily beleeve it was so fat a sacrifice that it wil overturn your stomacks , it may be something else too . 4. i grant 't is the command of god that a murderer should be put to death ; yet is there a great difference to be put between one that kills another maliciously , and between a multitude who shed blood only in a military way in a time of civill war ; as for instance , in the bloody war betwixt judah and benjamin ; though the men of judah ( who had the best cause ) lost 40000 men in two battails , yet upon a third attempt when god gave them the day over the tribe of benjamin ; though they do slay them in the pursuit and heat of the battle ( which was lawful ) & smote 25000 of the children of benjamin ; yet when the war was ended , and a full and finall victory gotten by the men of judah ; they did not bring the residue of the children of benjamin to a judiciall tryall , nor executed them , though they slew of the men of iudah 40000 ; but the sword having determined the controversy in the field on their side , by a very full and finall conquest , the remaining part of the children of benjamin were invited by their conquerors to an amicable reconcilement and treaty ; as appears iudg. 21. 13. the whole congregation sent some to speak to the children of benjamin , that were in the rock rimmon , and to call peaceably unto them , or as it is in the margin , to proclaim peace to them ; yea 't is said that the people ( even those that slew them ) repented them for benjamin , because the lord had made a breach in the tribes of israel . c. 21. v. 15. now had that law taken place in all military expeditions , they had been bound not to have suffered one of the children of benjamin to live who was ingaged in the war against them , especially considering that they had spilt so much blood , no lesse then 40000 men slain by the benjamites . i could produce many instances in scripture of the like nature ; but this may suffice , i shall only mention that the army was not in time past so high flown , as to put no difference between shedding blood maliciously , and in a military way , else how could they say , that tender , equitable and moderate dealing both toward his majesty and royall family , and late party , so far as may stand with the safety of the kingdome , and security to our common rights and liberties , is the most hopefull course to take away the seeds of war , or future seeds among us for posterity , and to procure a lasting peace , and a government in this distracted nation . the army you see became petitioners for the king and his party , yet beleeved them to be guilty of blood ; if they had beleeved that the law of god had reacht them they should have petitioned that all might dye , not that any might live : i am sure you will say the king and his party were murderers , if so , why would you cut off the king , yet spare his party ? when they in your esteem are guilty of blood as wel as he ? doth your religion teach you to punish the king and spare the subjects ? now in regard i shal meet with but little or no further occasion in the following part of your book , to con●ute that bloody practice you pleaded for ; viz. the putting the king to death , i shal therefore before i leave this subject give you these 6 scripturall advertisements , if it may be , to reclaim you from your king-killing doctrine . 1. that there is no president in all the scripture , that the sanhedrin of the jews , or rulers of israel did ever judicially arraign and put to death any of the kings of iudah or israel , though many of them were most gross idolaters , and tyrannous princes , who shed much innocent blood , and oppressed the people sundry wayes . t is true indeed , some of the idolatrous kings of israel were slain by private conspiracies , and popular tumults in an illegall way , but none were ever arraigned , condemned or executed by their sanhedrins , or generall assemblies . so that in putting the k to death , you have done that for which you have no scripture president . 2. the servants of god in scripture did hold it lawful to take up defensive arms to withstand the rage and tyranny of their kings , yet did not count it lawfull to destroy the persons of their kings ; thus david did by force of arms defend himself against the raging and tyrannicall invasion of saul , by possessing many strong holds and fortified places , yet thought it not lawfull to kill him ; god forbid ( said david ) that i should do this thing to my master the lords anointed , to stretch forth my hand against him , &c. — and said he to abishai , destroy him not , for who can stretch forth his hand against him , and be guiltlesse . if many circumstances had been considered , david had much to plead why he should take away the life of saul , ( more i am sure then you had to take away the life of our late king ) for 1. saul was in actuall pursuance of david for his life , 1 sam. 23. 26. 2. god had before this declared that he repented that he had made saul king , 1 sam. 15. 11. 3. god had rejected saul from being king over israel , 1 sam. 15. 26. 4. saul had lost his governing abilities , the spirit of government was departed from him , 1 sam. 16. 14. 5. he was guilty of much innocent blood ; he slew 85 priests of the lord ; and put to the sword , both men , women , children and sucklings in the city of nob , 1 sam. 22. 18 , 19. 6. hee was earnestly urged to kil saul by the men that were about him , 1 sam. 24. 4. & 1 sam. 26. 9 , 10. 7. saul was the only man that stood between him and his actuall possession of a kingdome , yet all these considerations did not take with david ; he was still of this mind that none could stretch forth their hands against him , and be guiltlesse ; his day ( said david ) shall come to dye , or he shall descend into hattail , and perish , the lord forbid that i should stretch forth my hand against him , &c. another scripturall instance that i may give you ( to name no more ) you may find in 1 sam. 14. 45. when saul would have put ionathan to death , the people rose up and rescued ionathan out of the hands of saul , that he dyed not , yet none of them attempted to lay violent hands on saul himselfe . i shall conclude this advertisement with a good observation mr. prynne hath , that we may forcibly resist and repulse with safe conscience , th●se whom we may not wilfully slay , &c. — the king may not with safe conscience be wittingly slain by his subjects ; but that therefore hee and his cavaliers may not bee forcibly resisted for their own defence , is a grosse inconsequent , &c. 3. to spill the blood of any ( especially royal blood ) meerly out of a political designe , is in the account of god murder ( not justice ) although the men may deserve to be put to death . the scripture affords a pregnant proof of this , the lord commanded iehu to smite the house of ahab , to avenge the blood of his servants the prophets ; according to the command of the lord , iehu caused 70 of the sons of ahab to be slain by the rulers of iezreel ; god commends him for doing this , the lord said unto jehu , because thou hast done well in executing that which is right in mine eyes , and hast done unto the house of ahab , according to all that was in my heart , thy children of the fourth generation shall sit on the throne of israel . yet for all this , because iehu had a politicall design in smiting the house of ahab , viz. the emolument and establishment of his kingdome , not a conscientious respect to the command of god , therefore the lord by the mouth of the prophet hosea saith , that he will avenge the blood of jezreel upon the house of jehu . that is , the blood of ahabs 70 sons which was shed by the rulers of iezreel at iehu's command : i wish those who had a chief hand in putting the king to death , would consider whether a politicall design , rather then a conscientious respect to justice , was not a chiefe motive ingaging them to that horrid attempt . 4. most of those men in scripture who spilt the blood of their kings ( although wicked ) did not dye a naturall death , but came to an untimely end . t is said in 2 king. 21. 23. that the servants of ammon conspired against him , and slew the king in his own house ; then 't is said in the very next verse , the people of the land slew all them that had conspired against king ammon . againe elah king of israel was slaine by zimri a captaine of his chariots , as he was in tirzah drinking himself drunk , 't is said zimri went in and smote him , and killed him ; but what became of zimri ? jezabel could ask , had zimri peace that slew his master ? 2 king. 9. 31. no , he had not , for when 't was told in the camp of israel , that zimri had conspired and also slain the king ; upon this the army of israel fell into a mutiny , made omri king , and came against zimri , who for fear was driven to run into the palace of the kings house , put the house on fire about his ears , and was there burnt to ashes , that was the end that zimri came to : another king that was killed by his own subjects was iehoash king of iudah ; 't is said , his servants arose and made a conspiracy , and slew jehoash in the house of millo . but what became of these men that slew iehoash ? 't is said expresly 2 king. 14. 5. that as soon as the kingdom was confirmed in the hand of amaziah the son of jehoash , that he slew his servants which had slain the king his father . so likewise shallum killed zecharaiah king of israel , but he himself was soon afterward killed by menahim the sonne of gadi , as 't is storied , 2 king. 15. 10 , 14. again pekah the son of remaliab killed pekaiah king of israel , and soon after he himselfe was killed by hoshea , as 't is recorded 2 king. 15. 25. 30. many other instances might bee alledged , if i should exactly looke over the histories of the kings of israel ; but these may suffice . 5. t is to be observed , that omri who did succeed zimri ( who came to so untimely an end ) was made king by the souldiers or army of israel ; and was he better then the rest ? no , he was rather worse , 't is said expresly , that omri wrought evill in the sight of the lord , and did worse then all that were before him . it is my wi●h that those rulers or representatives , or cal them what you wil , who have the rule of the kingdome now in their hands , and have gotten it by the power of an army , doe not worse then all the kings that ever went before , that we feel not their little fingers heavyer upon us then the kings loins . 6. the children of israel from saul their first king , to zedekiah the last ( which was about 480 yeares ) were never under such intolerable oppression and misery , as in the times of those kings before mentioned , who were so put to death ; such violent removalls of their kings made such strange alterations , and popular commotions in the kingdom of israel , that the people had not peace or settlement , but lay under the miseries either of oppression or civil wars ; thus it was after zimri king of israel was burnt in the place of the kings house ; then tibni and omri had a contest about a succession , or claime to the kingdome ; upon this 't is said , the people of israel were divided into two parts , half to make tibni king , another halfe followed omri to have him king , upon which a bloody war followed , for three years and upward . t is my prayer that a war might not follow in england as did in israel . this instance may suffice in stead of many , i shall mention no more . it seems these ministers of jesus christ in london , i mean these subscribers could aquiesce in such concessions from the king , &c. then a little after , the ministers of jesus christ in london , plead covenant for the parliaments acquiescing in the concessions of the king at newport , which ( by the testimony of the whole ministry of scotland ) acquiesced in , would destroy both religion and covenant . answ. 1. t is no wonder that you who make so little conscience to maintain errors , should make no more of speaking falshood ; and that not only against the ministers , but against the parliament also ; you say the parliament did acquiesce in the kings concessions , which they did not ; yea they did wholly wave that question , whether the kings answers to the propositions of both houses were satisfactory ? and like men of wisdome , honor and conscience they voted only this ; that the answers of the king to the propositions of both houses , are a ground for the house to proceed upon for the settlement of the peace of the kingdome . 2. the ministers did not plead covenant for the parliaments acquiescing in the kings concessions , ( i am sure their representation and vindication hath no such intimation in them ) the ministers did hope and beleeve the parliament would have demanded more , and the king yeelded to more for the good of the kingdom . 3. the ministers of the church of scotland , did not say , that the parliament did , or would acquiesce in the kings concessions as satisfactory , but only they gave a timely caution , that if they should be acquiesced in , it would bee dangerous and destructive to religion and covenant . look back into your former course of life , and call to mind how many oaths and subscriptions you have made from time to time , over and over , &c. and how have you directly for sworn your selves against the light and sense of your own judgment and conscience ? have wee not cause to judg better of many of the prelaticall party ? who being men of learning and conscience , and never so violent against their opposers in church and state as your selves , &c. answ. 1. is it not more then enough for you to accuse the reverend and godly ministers of falsity , vain-glory , malignity , but must you now lay perjury to their charge also ? 2. suppose any of them ( i am sure all did not ) did swear or subscribe to the church-government by bishops , and to the book of common-prayer , ( for 't is of that you speak ) and should now renounce them , yet 1. i thought that you would account it a badg of their glory , and not asperse them with the stain of perjury for thus doing . 2. was it agreeable to the law of love , or rules of christianity , to say that so many godly and conscientious ministers did forsweare themselves against the light and sense of their own judgments and consciences in so doing ? 3. although the ministers did subscribe to bishops and the book of common prayer , yet cannot they justly be accused of perjury , though they did afterwards swear to extirpate them , because bishops ( and common-prayer ) were setled not by a divine but meerly a politicall institution in this kingdome ; the same power that establisht them , might either for a while suspend , or totally abolish them without the least shew of perjury : i suppose when you were made free you tooke an oath to maintain the priviledges and charter of the city ; if that power that made that charter think fit to abolish or alter it , you will not think your selfe under the guilt of perjury , for subscribing to another charter somewhat different from the former . 4. if the subscribers have forsworn themselves , then i am sure iohn goodwin and the rest of your independent teachers ( if ministers ) are as deeply guilty of perjury as they are ; the one subscribed to no more then what the others did . 3. whereas you declare , that you have cause to judg better of the prelaticall party , who are men of learning and conscience , and never so violent against their opposers in church and state as the ministers . to this i have 2 things to say , 1. this malicious and malignant language of yours , shews you to be a follower of pragmaticus or aulicus , rather then a disciple of anticavalierism● . 2. it seems , the prelatical party are in your esteem men of learning and conscience , but the presbyterian party are men of neither ; you say in p. 2. they want ministeriall abilities , and here in pag. 40. that they forswore themselves against conscience , &c. and if so , you account them to be men neither of learning or conscience . i am sure you were once of another mind , when you reckoned the prelaticall party among papists , atheists , delinquents and profane wretches , and the ministers to be learned , godly , and conscientious , &c. o quantum mutatus ab illo ! surely you are not the man that you were . would one think that you should be the man to cry up the prelaticall clergy , and cry down the godly ministry ; to publish those unto the world to be men of peace , but these to be violent disturbers both of church and state ? doe not you justifie the wicked , and condemn the innocent , both which are an abomination to god : alas ! what wrong have the ministers done ? what violence to any have they ever offered ? it may bee you who wil not be ruled by the golden red of presbytery , may have your neck under the iron y●ke of episcopacy , and then you will feel who will be most violent against their opposers , whether the prelaticall party , or the godly ministry . the truth is , ( i. e. the army ) have spread the sweet savour of religion abroad throughout this kingdome , more then thousands of those who stile themselves ministers of the gospell , &c. answ. the truth is , the stink of the camp , both for their practices and opinions , is come up into the nostrills of the lord of hosts as an abhorring to him as for their practices , disobeying the parliaments commands , disputing their authority , imprisoning many of their persons ; using the sword for the destruction of the person of the king , & priviledges of parliament , which was put into their hands for the preservation of both ; such practices as these , with many others , have no sweet savour of religion in them . and for their opinions , are there not among them multitudes who deny the mystery of the trinity , the divinity of christ , the authority of the scriptures , the immortality of the soul , the resurrection of the body , & such like ; and is this to spread the sweet savour of religion throughout the kingdom ? if the jews were banisht out of england for poysoning our fountains & springs of water , what do such men as these deserve , who labour to poyson the pure fountains of the scriptures ? many are of opinion , they have done more hurt by their errors , then good by their swords . yet are not you ashamed to say , they have spread the savour of religion abroad , more then thousands of the ministers of the gospell . to conclude , i shall ●ay but this , that many who when they came first into the army had sweet and savory affections , whose gifts are now withered , and are but as stinking snuffs ; as it was a proverb in queen elizabeths time , if you would spoyl a preacher make a bishop of him ; so it will become a proverb in our time , if you will spoil a professor of religion , make a souldier or an armyman of him , he will then soon turn heady , hereticall , and what not ? many of your own party being more moderate , meek and considerate then your selves , have declined you and are ashamed of you , &c. answ. i know no moderate , meek and considerate men who have declined them : indeed some rash , passionate , inconsiderate men have done to them , as d●mas did to paul , forsaken them to imbrace this present evill world , they could not get followers and advantage enough in being the disciples of the truth , and therefore would be masters of an error to draw disciples after them , that so many might follow their pernicious wayes and t is no wonder if such as have declined and are ashamed of the truth , are ashamed also of the ministers that preach it . why may not they ( i.e. the army ) conclude from successes as well as you , &c. — 2. though successes are not alwaies infallible testimonies of the goodnesse of the cause on which side they fall , yet successes with their circumstances , do sometimes most evidently vindicate the mind of god . as 1. when both parties appeal solemnly to god , &c. 2. when th●se succ●sses are carried on in an uniform manner , the lord giving severall years successe upon their appeals unto him . 3. when the glorious majesty , power and presence of god doth appeal after such appeals , when he shall with a small army of 16000 men destroy near an 100000 men in arms , as if the scots army , the welch army , the kentish army , the essex army , were considered , it would appear . this is the sum of what you say about the point of successe in three pages . answ . 1. the ministers did never conclude successes to bee the infallible testimonies of the goodnesse of the cause , on which side they fall ; they know that oftentimes they that worke wickednesse are set up , and they that tempt god are delivered ; yea that a just man may perish in his righteousnesse , and that a wicked man may prolong his life in his wickednesse . 2. in this the papists and you are not much unlike , they make prosperity a note of the true church , and you make successe an evidence of a good cause ; if it were so , the heathen emperors might plead their cause to be good , and the primitive christians to be bad ; yea the turke and the pope might borrow an argument from you that their waies are good , because they have prospered , and the church of god have been persecuted and kept under by them . 3. you think that you have a shift that will help you out , by saying , that successes with their circumstances , as praying , and solemn appealing unto god vindicates the mind of god . to this evasion of yours , i shal say but this , successe may not alwaies fal to that side ( though just ) which doth pray and appeal to god , but on that side which is unjust , and doth neither . as is clear in the case of the men of judah , they sought unto god , and askt counsell of god before they would fight with the children of benjamin , yet for all that they lost in two battails 40000 men ; yet their cause was good , their prayers and appeals to heaven were solemn and serious . 4. consider god may give the army successes not out of any love or approbation of their wayes ; but out of love to his own name and people , whose work for some time they were imployed about . cyrus was successefull against the chaldaeans ; these successes were given him not for his own sake , but for the sakes of the children of israel ; god may use the army as a battail axe , to break the enemies of his church in pieces , and yet neither love their persons , nor own many of their actions , but break them in the end . dionysius did ill to say , because he had a prosperous voyage at sea , that therefore the gods did favour sacriledge ; god neither favours nor loves rebellion , though they may prosper that are guilty of it . if you do build so much on successes , yet make not present but finall successe the ground of your confidence ; if the army persist to justifie their sinfull actings , mark what will become of them in the latter end . he conclude this with the wish of the poets . — careat successihus opto , quisquis ab eventu facta notanda putat . that impulse of spirit , and those impressions of heart , that stirred up jehoiadah the priest to raise up severall parties , to put queen athaliah to death , for her cruelty and murthers , did stirr up the army , parliament , and court of justice , to put the late bloody tyrant to death , and wee may expect rest and peace as the issue thereof . answ. 1. had the army as good grounds to put to death king charles , as jehoiadah had to kill queen athaliah , i should not open my mouth . consider 1. athalia● was an usurper of the crown of israel , but so was not king charles of the crown of england . 2. what jehoiada did do was by authority derived from the young king joash , who was proclamed and crowned king by the consent of the whole realm . 3. iehoiada was not only a prince of his tribe , and the young kings uncle , but also hee was as it were lord protector of the young king , during his minority ; and therefore might without question legally put that usurper to death . prove the king to be such an usurper as athaliah was ; or the high-court and army to have such an authority as iehoiada had , and i le be silent . 1. if she had had a true and legall title to the crown , as the king had . 2. if he had solemnly swore to god to preserve her person , as you did to preserve the kings . 3. if shee had been no idolater , as the king was not . 4. if he had not authority from the young king for doing what he did , would he have done it ? no doubtlesse . 2. i shall pass that by , that you put the army before the parliament , and only speak to that impulse of spirit , that stirred up the army and court of justice to put the king to death ; i shall yeeld that they did by an impulse of spirit , but yet i have reason to beleeve 't was by the impulse of that spirit that now works mightily in the children of disobedience , because 't was done without and against the rule of the word ( as i shewed before ) by which as the spirit , so all the impulses of the spirit are to be tryed , and if they agree not thereto they are satanicall suggestions , not the spirits inspirations . 3. and whereas you expect that the issue of putting the king to death will be rest and peace ; i must tell you the blood of kings hath been oftentimes the seeds of dissentions , commotions , and desolations , not of rest , peace and establishment unto kingdoms ; as i told you before , so i say again , that the children of israel from saul their first king , to zedekiah their last , were never under such intolerable oppressions and miseries as in those times wherein their kings ( though wicked and bloody ) were put to death by their subjects . that the murderer shall surely be put to death , is a known precept of god , if this must be dispensed withall , shew us the absolute , present , and clear necessity of it ; if you cannot , will you speak wickedly for god , &c. as for the armies proceedings , if there was a necessity that the land should be cleansed from blood-guiltynesse , that the great ends of the covenant , and all our wars should be secured , &c. then was there a necessity on the army to take that course they did . answ. 1. i may answer you by way of retortion , that the murderer should be put to death , is a known precept ; that goring and owen had murdered many , was a known practice ; for their pardon there is a known vote ; now if they were innocent , why were they condemned ? if guilty of blood , why were they spared ? can you despence with blood and none else ? 2. though murdering of one personally and maliciously cannot be dispensed withall ; yet god never required that all who in a military way shed blood should be put to death ; as is clear in the case of absolons rebellion , and the benjamites unjust war ( with many others ) neither david , nor the men of iudah , ( when the sword had determined the controversy in the field on their sides , and had cut off many of the evil doers ) held themselves bound to cut off the remainders that was left of the armies either in the one or the other . if you think that this precept ( viz. that the murderer be put to death ) reaches to all blood spilt in a military way , then are you bound that every man that was in the kings armies should bee put to death , else ( according to you ) the land would be defiled with blood . 3. to what you say in the last place , that there was a necessity on the army to take that course they did , if there was a necessity that the land should he cleansed from blood , &c. i shall return this briefe answer . 1. the army pleaded a necessity in the year , 1647. for things of a quite contrary nature , to what they pleaded a necessity for in nov. 1648. 2. who are the most competent judges , the parliament or the army , to judge of this necessity ? if you say the parliament , they saw no such necessity , why did not the army then acquiesce in their judgments as they once promised to do ? if you say the army may be judges ( which is most inequitable for them to be judges in their own cause ) then why may not any other 20000 men in the kingdome plead necessity to oppose the army , as they did to oppose the parliament ? should any party , ( whose principles are not consistent with , but contrariant to the armies proceedings ) plead a necessity for their appearing for the interest of religion , laws of the land , priviledges of the parliament , and liberties of the people , &c. how can you justifie the army , yet blame them ? 3. if the necessity pleaded for , was so clear , present , and absolute as you pretend ; how it comes to pass that it can be discerned by none but by the army themselves & their own party ? this makes me of the same mind with the subscribers , that the necessity pleaded for is but pretended , or else contracted by their own miscarriages ; the army that prevailed against the sharpest weapons of their enemies , were overcome by this own poor dart of pretended necessity ; true is that proverb , durum telum necessitas ; could the army have overcome their groundlesse fears and jealousies , they would never have done what they did ; yea could they have trusted god , they wonld have been of austins mind , ( ferenda est magis omnis iniquitas quam perpeiranda est aliqua iniquitas ) viz. to endure the greatest evil , rather then commit the least sin . if your temple work goes on slowly , then the city is set on work , the country is excited , the apprentices encouraged to offer violence upon the two houses , forcing them to vote and vnvote at pleasure , and encouraged by some of your tribe and subscribers , as shall be made good if occasion bee . answ. 1. it will turn to your reproach that you are builders of babel , but to their renown , that they are imployed about temple work , which though it go on slowly , yet safely , you have no cause to despise the day of small things ; hee that hath laid the foundation stone , will rear up the top of the building , that all the people may cry grace grace unto it . 2. and whereas you say , that they had excited men to offer violence to the two houses , forcing them to vote and vnvote , &c. i answer , you measure other mens corn by your own bushell , and other mens hearts by your own practices , you and your faction have offered violence to the two houses , forcing them to vote and unvote at your pleasure , and yet you do the evill and other men must beare the blame . 3. as to that you say , that it shall be made good if occasion bee , that some of the subscribers did encourage the apprentices to offer violence to the houses , i shall give you but this answer , viz. to give you a challenge and offer you an occasion to make it good if you can ; that you have not done it all this while , i impute not to your lenity but their innocency . and thus i have returned you an answer to the most materiall passages in your book ; i shall not meddle with those fond queries you propose in the latter end thereof ; i know one fool can ask more questions in a day , then twenty wise men can answer in a year . you conclude your book with a prophane descant on a serious and savoury sermon of mr. calamies ; you who were once , when you wrote your snapsack , so humble as to say you were neither a prophet nor the son of a prophet , are now so proud as to become a lord & judg of the prophets ? yet those that know you will count your tongue to be no slander ; mr. calamies person is so well esteemed , and his ministry so approved , that all your revilings will turn to his glory , and your shame : mr. calamy only affirmed that anarchy , perjury , toleration , &c. are such deeps able to sink a kingdome , if you say the contrary , you will shew your selfe a simple and shallow fellow . to conclude all , the counsell i shall give you is this , that you would be more in the shop , lesse in the pulpit , more in your dwelling house , lesse in the printing-house , then will the church be less disturbed and your family better provided for . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a88587e-280 m●●i quidem sufficit conscientia mea , vobis autem necessaria est fama mea aug. ad frat . in ●●em serm. 53. notes for div a88587e-520 * alluding to a book● entituled , honey out of the rock , made by ●ohn price . * see a spiritual snapsack for the parliament souldiers , by iohn price . p. 8. lin. 32 pag. 2. lin 14. in spiritual 〈◊〉 p. 6. l. 17. pag. 2. l. 24. epist. dedicat. to the lord fairfax . p. 1. p. 1. l. 30. pag. 2. l. 3● . pag. 3. l. 5. pag. 3. l. 16. spiritual snapsack by john price . p. 6. ● . 17. pag. 3. l. 36. young ●●ng elder by john goodwin . p. 25. pag. 4. l. 19. pag 4. l. 35. * armies r●mon june , 23. 164● . pag. 5. l. 33. pag. 6. lin. 22. pag 7. l. 34. pag. 8. l. 20. declar. ian. 17. 1641. pag. 9. l. ● i. goodwin in his anti●aval . p. 10. l. 31. i. p. p. 9. l. 16. i. p. pag. 9. l 24. ● . p. p. 11. l. 36. and pag. 12. pag. 12. lin. 10. pag. 14. l. 26. pag 15. l. 7. p. 15. l. 31. aug. in ps. 73. tertul. apol. the serious representat . of the london ministers , p. 14. i. p. pag. 18. l 9. i. p. pag. 18. l. 10. ● . p. p. 19. l. 8. i. p. p. 20. l. 34. i. p. p. 21. l. 6. ●●ad the oath of allegiance . exact collect. append. p. 15. p. 18. 13. 41. 43. 879. exact collect. p. 2●8 . 695. 657. 991. i. p. p. 22. l. 12. the king confest it in his 〈◊〉 answer to the 19 propositions of iune , 1642. that there is power legally in the two houses of parliament to restrain him from tyranny . i. p. p. 24 l. 6. i. p. his snapsack , p. 8. iohn goodwin anticaval . p. 6. vid. the ord , of p●rl . 15. of febr. 1644. as the first raising the army under sir . t. fairfax . pag. 23. lin. 3. i. p. pag. 24. l. 14. i. p. p. 26. l. 3. see testimony to the tr●●h● of christ by the ministers of london p. 28. i. p. p. 27. l. 1● . i. p. pag. 28. l. 8. i. p. p. 28. l. 37. ●●hn goodwin anticav . p. 11. i. p. his snapsack , p. 8. i. p. p. 30. ● . 17. 1 sam. 26. 9. rom. 13. 4. pareus on gen. 9. 6. i. p. pa. 31. l. 27. see a booke ●ntituled the image of both churches ierusal●m and babylon by p. d. m. i. p. p. 31. l. 31. see mr. loves sermon entituled englands distemper . &c. pag. 16. ibid. p. 19. i. p. p. 31. l. 35. see mr. loves sermon entituled englands distemper . p. 23. i. p. pag. 32. l. 3. i. p p. 32. l. 11. i. p. p. 32. l. 25. i. p. p. 32. l. 38. see a short treati se of polit. power . by dr. i●●n pennet , ● . 6. pag. 49. see dr. p●nnets treatise of polit. power . cap. 6. i. p. pag. 33. l. 30. see image of ier. and bab. by p d. m. p. 82. beza lib. confes. christianae fidei cap. 5. ecclesia circa finem . beza in confess ▪ fidei christianae c. 5. sect. 45. i. p. p. 34. l. 29. i. p. pa. 34. l. 31. i. p. p. 35. l. 3. in casu necesstatis licita est defensio per magistratum infe●●oorem 〈◊〉 superiorem . d. paraeus in c. 13. ad rom. p. 262. christianes 〈◊〉 minus quam alios quos●unque potesta●● . subject●● esse debere non tantum fide ●lus sed etiam infidelibus sed , &c d. paraeus in rom. 13. v. 1. vide paraeum in explic . dubiorum . in c. 13. ad rom. prop. 2. p. 262. i. p. pa. 35. l. 8. sacra theolog. per dudleium fennor . c. 13. de politeiae-civili . p. 80. i. p. p. 35. l. 15. quum consensu & suffragi●s totius an● certe 〈◊〉 is multitudinis , tyr●annus tol●itu●r , deo fit auspice . zuingl . in explanatione articuli 42. p. 85. tom. 1. zuingl●●●… exp. arn● 42 p. 84. tom 1. 1. p. p. 35 l. 17. lex , rex . quest . 31. p. 330. il. p. 104 , 105. quest . 14. ib. p. 233. qu. 26 m. prynnes speech in the house of common , decemb. 4. 1648. p. 77. iohn price his snapsack . p. 8. iohn goodwin anticaval . p. 10 , 11. see the armies remonstrance of iune , 23. 1647. p. 12. see the armies proposalls . aug. 1. 1647. i. p. p. 37. l. 25. judg. 20. see a letter from sir tho. fairfax to both houses of parliament dated from redding , iuly , 6. 1647. which he declared to be the generall sense of all or most part of the officer in the army . 2. 1 sam. 24. 6 , 7. 13. 1 sam. 26. 8 , 9. 1 sam. 26. 10 , 11. mr. prynnes third part of the soveraigne power of parliaments and kingdoms , p. 95. 2 king. 9. 7. 2 kings 10. 6. hosea 1. 4. 2 kings 21. 23 , 24. 1 kings 16. 8 , 9. 1 kings 16. 16. 1 kings 16. 18. 2 kings 12. 19 , 20 , 21. 2 kings 14. 5. 2 kings 15. 10. 14. 1 king. 16. 25. micah . 6. 16. 2 king. 16. 21. mr. arth. i ackson in his pious and learned annotations hath a good observation ; it seems ( saith hee ) the people misliking the king the souldiers chose this ti●ni to be their k. between whom there was continuall war for three years and upwards , &c. i. p. p. 38. l. 34. i. p. pa. 40. l. 16. iohn price his snapsack . p. 8. all the godly , learned & conscientious ministers are for defensive arms , & few there are of the contrary judgment , but papists , atheists , prelates , delinquents , and prophane wretches . i. p. p. 41. ● 24. i. p. pa. 42. l. 5. 2 tim. 4. 10. i. p. p. 44. l. ●2 . p. 45 , 46. mal. 3. 15. eccl. 7. 15. judg. 20. 18. 23. i. p. pa. 49. l. 8. read 2 kings 11. 2. 12 , &c. i. p. p. 50. l. 1. i. p. p. 55 l. 8. the true state of christianity, truly discribed, and also discovered unto all people what it was in its beginning and purity, and what it now is in its apostacy and degeneration ... / written by ... edward burrough. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a30556 of text r12629 in the english short title catalog (wing b6047). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 84 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a30556 wing b6047 estc r12629 12033303 ocm 12033303 52806 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30556) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52806) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 861:27) the true state of christianity, truly discribed, and also discovered unto all people what it was in its beginning and purity, and what it now is in its apostacy and degeneration ... / written by ... edward burrough. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. [2], 37 p. printed for thomas simmons ..., london : 1658. reproduction of original in huntington library. an attack on outward forms of worship and on state interference in religious matters. eng society of friends. christianity -controversial literature. freedom of religion. posture in worship. church and state -great britain. a30556 r12629 (wing b6047). civilwar no the true state of christianity, truly discribed, and also discovered unto all people. what it was in its beginning and purity, and what it n burrough, edward 1658 16978 141 0 0 0 0 0 83 d the rate of 83 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true state of christianity , truly discribed , and also discovered unto all people . what it was in its beginning and purity , and what it now is in its apostacy and degeneration . and hereby , by true testimony is declared to the whole world ; how & wherin , in divers particulars , the christians through all the world ( so called ) now , are fallen and gone backward , and revolted from what the true christians once were . and this sheweth unto all the world , the woful state and condition , wherein them that are called christians now standeth , being departed and revolted from the spirit of christ , and from its teachings . and this is given forth , that all people may understand concerning the times , and the changing of times , and concerning what hath been , what now is , and what suddenly cometh to pass in the earth . written by a friend to the creation : a servant of the lord , edward burrough . printed for thomas simmons at the bull and mouth near aldersgate , 1658. a table of the contents whereby all may come 〈◊〉 understand what the subject is , and the particulars which in this volumn is declared . first , concerning the name of christian , and how and when the people of god were first so called ; and also of the increase thereof through world . secondly , concerning the decrease , and degeneration of the christians , and how and when the apostacy came upon them which hath overshadowed them for many ages . thirdly , concerning wherein , and in what particulars they are fallen , and degenerated , from the life and practice of true christianity . first , in respect of being made christians , and receiving the name ( herein they differ ) and are not agreeable to what the christians once were . and secondly , in respect of the operation of the spirit of christ . thirdly , in respect of unity and fellowship . fourthly , in respect of holinesse , and purity of life and conversation . fifthly , in respect of the ministry : 1. in its call . 2. in its practises . 3. in its maintenance . sixthly , in respect of worship , and of that in many particulars , is shewed the degeneration of christianity . seventhly , the present state of christians ( so called ) truly measured , and compared with the state of the jews in their rebellion , and found altogether equal , and agreeable in many things . eighthly , a true testimony against all that abomination and idolatrous worship now practised amongst the christians ( so called ) with many other things , &c. to all people upon earth that are called christians , this is a faithful and true testimony concerning you . behold and hearken , give ear and listen diligently all ye people through the whole world that are called christians ; all you i say , that goes under that name , and that bears that name , and are named christians , from one end of the earth to the other , through all nations and countrys whether you are scattered , upon the face of the whole earth ; behold and take notice what the word of the lord is unto you , and what the testimony of christ is towards you all , for the line of true judgement is laid upon you , and the measuring rod is put forth to reach over you , and the servant of the lord hath viewed your state and condition , and what you were in your beginning and increase , and what you now are , in your decrease and woful apostacy , into which you are fallen and degenerated from the life of christianity . oh , let your ears be open to instruction , and regard well what i through the lord do say unto you , even all you , and every particular of you under heaven , that makes a profession of christ in words , and are known through the world by that name of christians ; hearken i say and consider , and remember from whence , and into what you are fallen , and return and repent , the lord hath with you a controversie , and he will plead with you , because of your back-slidings and revoltings , for you are gone away backward , and you are turned aside from the life of christ , and from his spirit , and are now without that which was the reason and true ground of your name , christian , and you have lost the true character of the name , and now hath onely the name without the life and power thereof , and are dead to christ and his life , and hath a name to live , but are dead , and having lost that which gave you a true title to the name of christian , you deserve no●… that name , nor to be called by the name of christ , because you are departed from his spirit ; and this is to be declared to you in the name of the lord , that you may take a view of your own estate , to the end that you may be awakened to return from whence you are degenerated . the lord had a people in all generations , unto whom he was a god , and they feared him , and served him , and worshipped him , and his name was pretious amongst them , who were his chosen people , and with whom he dwelt , and his power and presence was amongst his people that did walk with him , under what name soever they went in the world ; but the first time that ever the people of the lord were called christians , or was known by that name from other people , it was at antioch , in the time of the apostles , who were followers of christ , as you may read , acts 11. 26. and the disciples were called christians first in antioch , and before that time the people of the lord were never called christians , and this name was given to them by the heathen , because they were for christ and of his part , and did follow him , and preach him to be followed , and in all things exalted his name , and did and suffered all things for the name of christ , therefore were they named christians , and that name was true unto them , for they had upon them the express image and character of christ , and followed his spirit , and preached him unto all people for life and salvation , and that all people might come to christ and become followers of him , and therefore they were rightly named christians , to be known by that name from all other people upon earth , who were not followers of christ , who could not rightly be called christians , because they were not of his part ; and from thenceforth unto this day , all people whatsoever that believed in christ , and became followers of him , and that professed him , were called christians , from that original and foundation of the name which then was laid , also you may read acts 26. 28. v. and a●…rippa said unto paul , almost thou perswadest me to be a christian ; here again paul followed christ and preached him , and was on his part altogether , and highly extolled his name ; therefore king agrippa called him christian , and was almost perswaded to be a christian , to wit , a man for christ , to take part with him , and to be on his side , and the name interpreted , this is the signification , and all that hath this character doth truly deserve the name of christians , for they are anointed people , and this was the beginning of the christian name : and before that time , as i have said , were the people of god never called christians in any generation ; and ever since that time , through all ages , all that professed christ , and believed in him , throughout the whole world were called by the name of christians , and the name and religion of christians were honourable , and greatly beloved of god , for that people were the peculiar people , a chosen generation , as you may read , 1 pet. 2. 19. and whilst the life of christ was manifest , and the spirit of christ did lead them and teach them in all their wayes and practices of religion , and whilst i say they retained the power and life of that , of which they had the name , the power and presence of the lord was amongst them , and above all the people of the earth were they blessed , and more then all people upon the earth besides had they the countenance of god shining amongst them , and upon them , and pure unity with god , and one with another , had they in his life , whereby they were made a terror and a fear to all nations while they stood in the councel of god , and were christians in life , and power , and practice , as well as in name , and the lord greatly increased them in number ; for as you may read through the acts of the apostles , through all the world many believed in christ , and became followers of him , and received the knowledge of him , and became anointed people , and received the name of christians , sometimes thousands at one sermon were converted to the faith of christ , and became subject to his spirit , and had his mark upon them , and all such were called christians , and the apostles went through many nations , and of the iews and greeks , and of the heathen , and all other people , some of each were converted , from that way in which they had walked , to follow christ , and they became christians , and here was the increase of christianity , and through many 〈◊〉 of the world they planted churches and assemblies of christians ; and as i said , while they stood in the councel 〈◊〉 , the name and religion , was of him greatly beloved . but now the christians are apostatized , and degenerated from the spirit of christ ; and from that which gave the●… the true name of christian , and the name is retained onely ; and the life and power lost : and now many have a name to live , but are dead ; and that is departed from , which gave the true interest and title in the name . hear this all ye christians , that life , light and power of god , which was amon●… the apostles and christians once , you are departed from , and have lost the sence and knowledge of , and hath the na●…e and not the thing , which was the reason and ground of the name : wherefore all ye through the world , that are called christians , look back to your original , look unto the apostle●… who were the first that were called christians , from who●… you had the name , and see how you are degenerated and 〈◊〉 len from the life that they were in , and though you retain the name of christians , yet you are not followers of christ , no●… taught by his spirit , and none in the dayes of the apostle●… were truly counted or called christians , but who followed the spirit of christ , and were first converted to him , and changed by his power from sin to righteousness , and from●… death to life , and such as were so , were truly called christians . but now all such as are called by that name , and 〈◊〉 not followers of the spirit of christ , nor converted to hi●… ▪ neither changed by his power from death to life , and 〈◊〉 sin to righteousness , such are in the degeneration , from 〈◊〉 life of christianity , and hath a name without the life 〈◊〉 power thereof . and now it remains to be shewed , how and when the degeneration came upon the christians , and wher●…in they are apostatized and degenerated from that life , and spirit and practice which was amongst the apostles th●…t were first called christians . the spirit of the lord spoke through the apostles , and foretold of a falling away from the truth , and from the true christian life , and paul said , acts 20 , 29 , 30. said he , grievous ●…olves shall arise and enter in , who would not spare the flock , 〈◊〉 from among themselves should men arise , speaking perverse things to draw disciples after them ; and he also said , 1 tim. 4. 1. that some should depart from the faith , and give heed to seducing spirits ; and he also said , that it should come to pass , that people should become wicked , departing from the truth , having the form of godliness , but denying the power thereof ; and such were led away with divers lusts , and men of corrupt minds , and reprobate concerning the faith ; and the apostle ●…eter also foretold , that there should false teachers arise among the christians , who should bring in damnable heresies , and many christians should follow their pernicious wayes , by reason of which , the way of truth should be evil spoken of ; and the apostle iohn 〈◊〉 that many false prophets were gone out then , and many antichrists were then come in among the christians ; now all these doth shew and declare of a degeneration and falling away of christians from the life of christianity , and we see these prophe●…ies fulfilled , and flocks of christians are devoured from the life of christ , by devouring wolves which hath entred among them , who hath led them into pernicious wayes , and into damnable heresies , whereby the name of christianity is become reproachful among the heathens , that never were called christians ; and many thousands are departed from the true faith , from that faith which did purifie the hearts of the saints , and many of the christians have given heed to seducing spirits , and hath the form of godliness , but denyes the power thereof , and they are led of divers lusts , and are become men of corrupt minds , and are reprobate , and without the true faith ; and the apostles prophesied of the degeneration which we see fulfilled in these our dayes , and even while some of the apostles were yet living , they saw the christians apostatizing and falling away , and the spirit of the lord spoke through iohn , rev. 2. 3. to the christian churches in asia , who were already departing from the christian life , some of them was departed already from their first work , and some of them were given to the doctrine of b●…laam , and to the doctrine of the nicolaitans , which thing the lord did hate , and others of them were seduced by jezabel , and taught to commit fornication , and to eat things sacrificed unto idols , and others o●… them had a name to live , but were dead , and others of them were neither hot nor cold , and the lord said he would 〈◊〉 them out of his mouth . now here the christians were falling away you may see , and as before it had increased , so now the true christian life began to decrease , and the glory thereof became darkned through all asia : and also rev. 13. 11. 1. 16. iohn saw one beast arise out of the sea , and another out of the earth , which set up a kingdom over the whole world , and caused all people upon earth to worship the beast , & the beast hath been great in his power , and he hath ruled over the world in great dominion ; and all that would not worship him , he hath had power to kill , and hath killed them , so that the true christian life and religion , as the apostles received it and practised it , hath been extinguished for many generations , and people hath had the form of godlinesse , but denied the power , and lived under the name and profession of christianity , but hath been without the life , and this is to be considered of and diligently searched into , by all you that go under the name of christians through all the world , for unto you onely i direct my words . and now it remains to be shewed what the state of christians are at this day , and wherein particularly they are apostatized and degenerated from the true life and practize of the postles who were the f●…rst christians ; for wherin the christians now are contrary and not agreeable to the apostles , in faith , in practice , in worship , in ministry , and in the enterance into christianity , and in any other thing whatsoever . i say , wherein they are contrary , and not agreeable to the true christians of old , to wit , the apostles , therein are they degenerated and fallen from the true life of christianity , and this shall be the rule of judgement to try all you that are called christians upon the face of the earth ; wherefore awake and come forth to judgement , for the measuring rod is laid upon you all , whereby you shall be truly measured and compared with them that were the first christians upon earth ; and the heathens shall see your nakedness and your shame , and hiss at you , when they behold how wofully you are fallen from that 〈◊〉 in the purity thereof , of which you do professe the words , 〈◊〉 shall not they rise up in judgement against you ; who never had the name of christians , who are not fallen nor degressed from what they have profest in any measure , comparable to you , who now retaineth onely the name of christian 〈◊〉 are departed from the life of christ . first , concerning the entrance into christianity , and the way and means whereby people are now made christians , 〈◊〉 receives that name ; in this will your fall and degeneration appear . for the apostles and first christians upon earth , before they were christians , or were called so , they were first converted , and changed and translated from death to life , as you 〈◊〉 read , 1 iohn 3. 14. and col. 1. 13. and they first received christ , and became followers of him , and received his spirit to teach them , and to guide them : for the apostle said , if any man have not the spirit of christ he is none of his , rom. 8. 9. to wit , no christians ; and the apostle said , as many as were the sons of god , were led by the spirit of god ; and also it was promised by christ to all that were his , the comforter should come , the spirit of truth ▪ and he should lead them into all truth ; which promise , all that were christians did receive , and they were led into all truth by the teachings of the spirit of christ , which dwelt in them ; for all that were sons , god sent the spirit of his son into their hearts , which spirit sanctified them through the obedience thereof . now these were christians , and were truly so called ; for they had the mark of christ and his image upon them , and he dwelt in their hearts by faith , ephes. 3. 17. these i say were truly called christians ; and none but such at that day of their original were called christians , or had fellowship in the christian life : nor were any looked upon by the apostles to be christians but by them that were such . but look back all ye christians upon earth , and see your ●…all , and wherein you are contrary , and not agreeable to the true christians in their first and pure estate . i say look back to your original , and see how you are apostatized from them in your entrance into your profession of christianity ; fo●… though you have the name of christians , yet you were no●… made so ▪ nor received that name by being first converted and changed , and translated from death to life , and 〈◊〉 being the children of disobedience , to be the children of god , through the work and operation of the spirit of god in you , for hereof are thousands and ten thousands of christians now wholly ignorant , and altogether without the feeling of the spirit of god , to change them , to convert them , and to translate them , but are accounted christians b●… tradition , or natural education , and because of being sprinkled with a little water upon the face , being infant●… , or by a bare confession and profession of the name of christ in words , and professing of a bare belief in the scriptures , by this way and means were you made ( and received you the name of ) christians without any real change from darkness to light , and from satan to god , as i have said . now here appeares to be a woful degeneration in the very entrance of the thing , and this is not agreeable , but rather contrary unto that way of christianity , wherein the christians in their beginning were so made and called , for then none were christians , or so called , but who through the preaching of the gospel were first converted , changed , and renewed as i have ●…aid , but now in these nations all are called christians that are sprinkled upon their faces with water by a teacher , when they are infants , or that doth but professe christ in words , though they are not guided particulerly by his spirit ; neither hath received christ to dwell in them , and to be king over them , and here again appeares a wo●…ul apostacy : for none in the beginning of christianity in the world were made christians , or so called , but who received christ , and in whom he dwelt , and was in them : as you may read , 2 cor. 13. 5. and who were followers of him , and had his spirit in them , the comforter to teach them and to lead them into all truth , but now thousands upon thousands who hath the name of christians , have not received christ to dwell in 〈◊〉 nor to rule them , neither is he manifest in them by his spirit to teach them , and they are not led into all truth ; but lives in 〈◊〉 and unrighteousness , and are not followers of christ , 〈◊〉 followes their own hearts desires , and their own hearts lusts : and are condemned in their own consciences , and hath not received the comforter , the holy spirit , to be their guide and leader out of all unrighteousness ; and here appears a woful degeneration : and that you christians through all the world are revolted and gone backward from christianity , as it was in its original ; a lamentation may be taken up because of this woful fall into which you christians are fallen : consider of your own state , and return , and repent . again , the christians were begotten of god , and born of him , 1 joh. 5. 18. and they were born of the word of god ▪ and of the incoruptible seed ; 1 pet. 1. 23. and they were created in christ iesus unto good works , eph. 2. 10. and they were new creatures , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 things were done away , 2 cor. 5. 17. they had put off the body of sin and death , ●…oll . 1 18. and were the servants of right●… and free from sin , rom. 6 22. as you may read ; but now also , woful are you christians degenerated from this ; for thousands upon thousands of you are not born nor begotten of god , though you have the name of christians , neither are you born of the word of god which lives for ever , nor of the incoruptible seed , neither are created again : nor become new creatures ; nor have put off the body of sin and death , neither are the servants of righteousness , nor free from sin . but on the contrary , are the servants of sin , and free from righteousness , and are in the corruptible state , and are old creatures , and are not washed , nor purified , as the saints were , as you may read , 1 cor. 6. 11. and here is a woful degeneration of the christians now , from what the christians were in the beginning : the christians then were new creatures ; and put off the body of sin , and were washed , and sanctified ; but the christians now , are not so , but the contrary , to wit , unwashed and unsanctified , remaining in the pollutions of the world , and are of the birth which is born of the flesh , and are in the old nature , serving sin and the lusts of their own hearts , and thus are you fallen from that which the true christians possessed ; for being compared to them , you are not agreeable but rather contrary to them in all these things ; and the lord is now come to search you and to try you ; and to all people shall you be discovered , for the lord is now risen to bring all to tryal and to judgement ; and again , herein will the apostacy of the christians appear , in respect of unity and fellowship , for the christians in their beginning while yet the life of god was not darkened amongst them , they were of one heart , and one mind , and one soul as you may read , acts the 4. 32. and the lord promised that he would give unto his people one heart and one way : and ezek the 11. 19. the lord promised to give his people one heart and a new spirit : which promise the christians received , and they that believed were of one bea rt and there was no lack amongst them , but some sold their possessions , and distributed to them that had need : and they were members of christ ▪ and he was head amongst them , and over them : and they were flesh of his flesh , and bone of his bones , eph. 5. 23. 30. and all the christians were of one faith , eph. 45. and had unity and fellowship in the life which was made manifest in them ; for they had tasted and handled , and seen , and heard , the word of life , and they had fellowship with the father , and with his son jesus christ . but all ye christians upon earth , how are you degenerated , and how great is your fall in this , for you are not of one heart and mind , nor in unity and fellowship one with another , but are of divers sorts & sects , and are run into many opinions , and devisions , and are of many ways , and minds , and hearts ; divers sorts there are of papists , and divers sorts of 〈◊〉 so called , which are all divided in opinions , and striving , and contending about faith and religion , and the worship of god , and are opposing one another , and putting one another to death , because of a difference in those things ; how great is the difference through many nations amongst christians about those things ? which sheweth that the christians are wofully fallen in respect of unity , and it is manifest such christians have not received the promise of god , as the apostles had ; for now the christians can suffer one another to lack , and to perish , and die and starve for hunger and want : 〈◊〉 in this all ye christians generally how you are fallen ; then in the beginning of christianity , no lack nor want was amongst them ; they that had much , sold it , and gave to them that had none ; but now thousands are oppressed through want , while others have too much ; some are feeding and cloathing excessively with their multitude of dishes , and changes of rayment , while others hath scarce whereon to feed , or to cover their nakedness ; and this manifesteth that you are not members of the body of christ , neither is he head in you , nor amongst you , but you are members of an harlot , and joyned to a h●…rlot , and one with a harlot , for you profess many faiths ; some say they believe christ is given to all , others believes not so ; some say they believe he died for all , others they say , they believe contrary to that ; and thus the one faith which the apostles had , the christians of this generation have lost , and they have lost the one head christ , and hath many heads , every sect hath their head , many heads among the protestants , many heads among the papists , but thus it was not in the beginning of christianity ; therefore you christians are subverted from the true life of christ ; the christians then were of one faith , but now of many ; the christians then had one head christ , but now the christians ( so called ) hath many heads ; the christians then could lay down their life one for another , and were written in the hearts of one another by the spirit of the living god ; but the christians now , are in envy one towards another , and in strife one with another ; the great men doth oppress the poor , and they go to law one with another for earthly things , and one stealing from another , and one hanging another , and murdering one another , and making slaves one of another , and robbing one another , and seeking utterly to destroy one another , and yet such hath the name of christians , amongst whom all this is acted ; but consider how woful is your fall , and how wicked is your degeneration from the life of god , and from the true christian life and unity , which was amongst them in their beginning , then they were of one heart , and of one way , but now divided , and in strife and contention about religion , and the worship of god , and also about earthly things , for which they destroy one 〈◊〉 ▪ and seek so to do ; then they could lay down their life one for another , but now they are taking the life one from another , through wickedness , a woful apostacy , and great night of darkness is upon you ; then none amongst them had lack of any thing , nor none destroyed through wasting any thing upon their lusts , but now thousands perisheth for want , while others hath too much , and are destroying it upon their lusts ; then had the christians one head christ , but now the b●…ast reigns that hath many heads ; then they were of one faith ▪ but now the christians profess many faiths ; then the christians handled , saw , heard and felt , of the word of life in the●… , and they had fellowship with the father and with the son , but now thousands of thousands of christians are without the sence , and feeling , and knowledge of the word of life in them , and walks in darkness and in ignorance , and hath no fellowship with the father nor with the son . behold , behold ye christians , how ye are fallen , and how great is your fall ! a mourning and lamentation may be taken up for you , the garment of righteousness is rent from you , and the beauty of the son of god appears not upon you : 〈◊〉 , alas , what doth it advantage you , to have the name of christians , seeing you are thus wofully degenerate from that love , unity and life , in the fellowship of god , which was among the apostles , who were the first christians , and from whom ye derived the name , but are without the life , as hereby i●… manifest to all the world . again , herein doth the apostacy of christians appear , in respect of holiness and purity of life ; for the christians were of a holy life and conversation , the apostle said , 1 thes. 47. god hath not called them unto uncleanness , but unto holiness ; and as you may read , tit ▪ 2. the aged men were to be sober , grave , temperate , sound in the faith , in charity , in patience ; and the aged women likewise , their behaviour was to be as became holiness , and the young women were to be discreet , and chaste , and young men were to be sober minded , and servants were to be obedient to their masters , and to shew good fidelity ; for saith the apostle unto the christians , the grace of god had appeared , teaching them to live soberly , righteously , and godly in this present 〈◊〉 for that end was christ given , that he might redeem them from all iniquity , and purifie unto himself a peculiar people , zealous of good works . now here in short is a description of the true christian life and conversation , which was exhorted to , and no doubt but practiced by the christians , in the dayes when christ was manifest amongst them ; but from this practice are the christians degenerated : for , how are the aged men and women now given to covetousness , and earthly-mindedness , and are pi●…vish , and perverse , and immoderate , and in the works that are evil , shewing that they are not in the apostles doctrine , and not in the christian life , but to it are become dead , bringing forth fruits contrary to the fruits that the aged men and women brought forth in the beginning of christianity , shewing they are not of a holy life and conversation as the christians were , and ought to be ; and also how are the young men , and the young women degenerated from the true christian life , and now are given to wantonness and pleasures of the world , and the lusts which are evil ; following vanity , and pride , and vain glory , and masters , and servants being corrupt in their places , serving themselves one of another , and making a prey one upon another ; and thus all sorts of christians are fallen from the christian life , and holy conversation , and sheweth that they own not the grace of god , which hath appeared to all men to be their teacher , 〈◊〉 the true christians once did , for it is manifest that the christians now ( so called ) hath not denied all ungodliness and worldly lusts , neither doth live soberly , righteously and godly in this present world , as the christians did ; but on the contrary , how , are ye christians fallen from the pure and holy life , abounding in wickedness , and in all ungodliness ▪ how doth pride abound among christians ? how doth lying , swearing , drunkenness and whoredom , and all the works of the flesh abound ; dissimulation , back-biting , envy , wrath , and all that ever c●…n be called evil is abounding amongst ye christians so called ? this shews that your apostacy is great , from that life & conversation which the apostles and churches of christians were in , who had denied all ungodlin●…s and worldly lusts , but generally ye live in all ungodlin●…h and worldly lusts ; judge ye of this back ▪ sliding into which you are fallen ; they were taught to live soberly , righteously , and godly in this present world , but ye live unrighteously and ungodly , and out of the fear of god , and the grace of god is not your teacher as it was theirs ; also you may read how much the apostles exhorted the christians to a holy life and conversation ; the apostle said , 1 cor. 3. 17. the temple of god is holy , which temple ye are , speaking to the christians , and he said , eph. 1. 4. they were chosen in christ , that they should be holy and without blame before him , in love ; and col. 1. 22. they that had been sometimes enemies to god in their minds , were reconciled to present them holy and unblameable in his sight . and 1 pet. 1. 15. the apostle exhorted the christians to be holy in all manner of conversation ; and phil. 3. 20. the christians witnessed that their conversations were in heaven . now herein doth the fall of christians appear , in respect of their life , and conversation , and walking ; for the christians in the apostles dayes were of a holy life , and exhorted all thereunto , but the christians now , teachers and people , are degenerate in their conversation , and lives in all unrighteousness as i have said ; and the conversation of christians now , being compared with what the christians conversation was then , it is altogether contrary , and sheweth , that though you have the name of christians , ye are not followers of christ , nor led by his spirit , but by the spirit of antichrist . oh , how wofully are you fallen you christians from the life of christ ▪ having a name to live , but are dead ; the lord god is coming against you , to break you to pieces , for you have poluted his name in that you profess to be his people in words , but in works doth deny him . oh remember , remember , from whence you are fallen , and return , least the anger of god consume you from off the earth , for your conversations greatly dishonour the true god ; oh what gluttony and drunkenness is amongst christians ? what pride and vain glory ? what cruelty , envy and murder one against another ? what whoredoms and fornication ? what cozening ? what cheating ? how doth all wickedness abound amongst you , in your lives and 〈◊〉 ; let the lord be witness , and your own consciences be witnesses against you for your abominations ; they that were true christians , who followed christ , lived not in , but were redeemed from such transgressions , but you live in them , and acts them , wherefore be ye witnesses against your selves , that ye are fallen and digressed from the true christian estate . again , herein will you christians appear to be degenerated from true christianity in respect of your ministery ; for the ministers of christ in the 〈◊〉 of christianity they were made ministers by the gift of the holy spirit , which was given to them ; for they were commanded to wait at ierusalem for the promise of the father , and they were not to go forth till they had received power from god by the gift of his holy spirit , and when that was come , they should be witnesses and ministers of christ , acts 1. 48 and as they were waiting with one accord in one place , the holy ghost fell among them and filled them , and then they began to speak as the spirit gave them utterance , and they went up and down , and testified to the world of what they had heard and seen , acts 2. 4. now this was the call of christian ministers , and this was the authority by which they went forth into the world , to wit , the spirit of god poured upon them , and by authority of this onely they went up and down the world , and declared what they had handled , seen and tasted of the word of of life , 1 iohn 〈◊〉 and as every man had received the gift , so they might minister the same one to another , 1 pet. 4. 10. and this was the practise of the christian ministers in the beginning of christianity , concerning their call to the minist●…ry . but how is the christians here d●…generated from what the apostles were in , for by another way then this are your ministers made , not by the gift of the holy ghost received from god , neither do the christians now wait for such a thing , to go forth by authority and power thereof , but they are made ministers by natural learning , and education at school , having authority by man , and are ●…pproved of man and not of god , and a man knows who of his children he will make ministers , when they are infants , and thereupon pu●…s him to schools to learn arts and knowledge of earthly things , 〈◊〉 so long time , till he have gained so much knowledge and craft to be approved of such and such men ( and as is 〈◊〉 knowledge , and opportunity serves ; withal , having a grea●… place provided , where there is great store of maintenance ) such a man becomes a minister and a preacher to others , having never received , nor thought to receive the gi●…t of the holy ghost , neither having heard , se●…n , tasted , nor handled any thing of the word of life from g●…d in his own particular ; neither hath he received the gift of christ to be made a minister by : this sheweth greatly your degen●…ration from the true christian spirit ; none then ministers among christian●… ▪ but them who had received the gift by the holy ghost , and power from on high ; but now ministers are made and approved , and sent forth amongst christians , because of natural learning and education , without receiving the gift 〈◊〉 the holy spirit ; and the ministers of christ then spoke 〈◊〉 the spirit gave them utterance , but now ministers studies fo●… what they speak , and reads old authors to gather forth matte●… to preach to the people ; then the christian ministers heard , and tasted , and handled of the word of life in themselves ; but now the ministers hath their knowledge from book●… , and what they have heard and read without them . oh how great is your apostacy ye christians ! and in respect of your ministry , how greatly are you degenerated from the ministry which the christians once had ? be hold & consider this all ye christians upon earth , your ministry is proved not to agree , but rather to be contrary to that ministry which was amongst christians in the purity of christianity , as hereby is manifest ; and you are fallen from the ministry made by the gift of the holy ghost , to a ministry made by natural learning ; consider all ye christians how great is this fall . again , in respect of the maintenance of your ministry , your degeneration doth appear , for the ministers of christ amongst christians , as they were called by the spirit , so they were maintained in the work of their ministry by the free gift of the people , who received their ministry , and they were to give freely , and minister freely , as they had received freely , 〈◊〉 . 10. 8. 2 cor. 11 ▪ 7. the apostle preached the gospel of god 〈◊〉 , and would not make it chargeable to any ▪ . 1 cor. 9. 18. and the ministers of christ among christians at that day , went through the world and preached freely the things that they had received from god , and they sought no mans money , nor g●…d , nor apparel , acts 20. 33. and saith the apostle , 2 cor. 12 14. i seek not yours , but you , and that was their end altogether to bring people to god by their ministry , onely christ did allow , luke 9. 4. into whatsoever house they entred that was worthy , they might there abide , eating and drinking such things as were set before them ; and it was the apostles practice sometimes to reap carnal things , where they had sown spiritual things , and it was a small matter that they did so ; yet by a free gift they desired to reap it , and not by force and violence , did they ever obtain any thing . but concerning this ; great is the degeneration of christians in this generation , for now the ministers amongst you christians are maintained by an outward power , through compelling maintenance of tithes and other set wages , from the people , even from them that doth not receive their ministry , and they do not preach freely , but makes their preaching chargeable to whole nations , and the maintaining of christian ministers is become a burthen to whole nations , and great oppressions upon the poor ; and now the ministers seeks mens mony ; and gold ; and it doth not appear that they only seek a people to god , but on the contrary they seek peoples mony to themselves ; and it doth not sa●… the ministers now to eat & drink such things that is set before them in a house that is worthy , but they must have so much a year , and so much a sermon , and so much from every particular man of his parish be they worthy or unworthy ; to the value , of 100. or 200 l. by the year ; whereby poor people are greatly oppressed ; and they will reap carnal things by force and violence ; from them to whom they sow no spiritual things ; for they are suing at law , and putting in prison , and distraining peoples goods by force and cruelty , to maintain them and their familes in pride and idleness , which things the christian ministers formerly in the dayes of the apostles never did ; but were often under great sufferings , in 〈◊〉 often , and in cold and nakedness often : labouring with their hands ; 2. cor. 11. 27. wherefore ye christians , behold how you are fallen and how your ministry is degenerated both in its call & in its maintenance , being diverted 〈◊〉 contrary to what the christian ministry was once ; behold i say how you are fallen : and your ministry quite subverted , from what the ministry was in the dayes of the apostles ; then the maintenance of ministers was by a free gift from them that received their ministry , and they would not make their ministry chargeable to any , but now the maintenance of ministers is by force and cruelty , and great oppression of many people , and their preaching is chargeable to many nations ; then they sought no man gold nor mony , nor sought ●…ot riches from the people , but onely sought the people to god ; but now mens m●…ney and riches are sought and taken ●…rom them by violence , without regard of seēking people , or bringing people to god ▪ then to eat and drink ( in a house that was worthy ) such thing●… as were set before them , and to reap carnal things , as meat , and drink , and necessaries , by a free gift , from them that received their ministry , thi●… was a sufficient maintenance for the christian ministers , but now so many hundred pounds by the year , to maintain themselves and their families in pride and idleness , and to reap it by compulsion and injustice from poor people ; in this manner are the christian ministers now maintained , which i●… mani●…est to be quite contrary to the practice of christian ministers in the apostles dayes . behold your fall ye christians , and how you are degenerated ; the lord is come to try you , and to search you , y●…u are weighed and are found too light , you are measured and are found wanting ; what the christians were once in their purity , you are no●… in many things , but the contrary , which sheweth that you have the name of christians 〈◊〉 ●…y tradition , but are without the life , and being paralel●…'d with the christians who truly followed christ , you are no whit equal to them in any thing , but wholly contrary in all things , shewing you follow another spirit , then they who were followers of the spirit of christ , so 〈◊〉 to the whole world , that you are degenerate out of christ the true vine , and are branches in a degenerate stock , which brings fr●…it forth through you , which honours not god , but grieves his pure spirit , and be ye witnesses against your selves , that you are fallen and degenerate from that life and practice which was amongst the apostles and christians , again , as concerning your worship , which is now practiced amongst you christians through the world ; herein also will your apostacy greatly appear , for the worship of the christians was one , and guided by one spirit , and was in the spirit and in the truth , saith christ , iohn 4 ▪ concerning the worship of christians , god is a spirit , and they that worship him , must worship him in spirit and in truth , and saith the apostle , we are the circumcision that worship god in spirit , and rejoyces in christ iesus , and hath no confidence in the flesh , phil. 3. 3. and these were christians , and also , rom ▪ 6 7. they worshipped god not in the oldness of the letter , but in the newness of the spirit , and the spirit guided them in all thing●… , and was their teacher in all their worship ; for the spirit taught them to pray , and they prayed in the spirit , and they knew not 〈◊〉 they should pray for as they ought , but the spirit made interc●…ssion for them , rom. 8. 26. and the christians were exhorted to pray in the holy ghost , jud ▪ 20. and the preaching of christians , it was in the spirit , and by the teachings of the spirit ; for they preached as the spirit gave them utterance , acts 2. and philip was led by the spirit , and the spirit of the lord moved philip to go and preach to the eunuch , acts 8. and the apostles went up and down , as they were moved and led by the spirit , and preached and prayed in what place , and at what time and season as the spirit moved them , and gave them utterance ; sometime in the fields , and sometime in houses , this was the practice of the christians in their preaching and praying ; and also the apostle said , i will pray with the spirit , and with understanding , and i will sing with the spirit , and with understanding ; and he exhorted the christians to 〈◊〉 in psalms and spiritual songs , singing to the lord , and making melody in their hearts to him , eph. 5. 19. n●…w this is the ●…mony concerning what the worship of christians was , its manifest that it was in the spirit , and by the teaching●… of 〈◊〉 spirit , their preaching , praying and singing , were in the 〈◊〉 ▪ taught and exercised therein by the spirit which they had received from god . but now the worship of christians at this day , is not agreeable to this , but being laid to the line of judgement , is proproved contrary ; for first the christians now are divided in their worship , and hath many forms of worship , some worshipping after one manner , and others after another , so that amongst the christians there are divers forms of worshipping , and they are striving and contending about their worship , every one praising their own form , and striving one against anothers form of worship ; and this sheweth that the christians now are not guided nor exercised by the own spirit of god , in their worship ; and this shews that the christians now are degenerated from the true worship of god in spirit , which once the christians worship stood in ; for then the worship of christians was one , and in one spirit , but now the worship of christians are many and divers , and divided one from another , and they are not in unity in their worship , but in stri●…e and division ; and herein you are apostatized from the 〈◊〉 of christianity , and its manifest that the worship of christians now , is not in the spirit and in the truth , but in vain traditions , learned in natural knowledge by people that are no●… converted unto god , and any part of the worship which is now practised amongst christians , whether amongst papists of any ●…ort , or amongst protestants of any sort ; i say every part of the worship now practised amongst christians through the world , may be taught unto , and learned of , and exercised in , by a man that knows not god , neither is in the truth , nor converted to the truth ; neither hath the spirit of god guiding nor leading of him ; and i say , that which may be done or practised by a man that is not in the spirit , nor in the truth , nor is yet converted to the knowledge of god , nor is not in any measure guided by the spirit of god , is no●… the worship of the true god which is in the spirit and truth ; but as i have said , any part of the worship now practised amongst christians , may be done and practised by a man that is 〈◊〉 of the spirit , and out of the truth , and unconverted to the knowledge of god ; and therefore the worship now practised amongst christians , is not the true worship of the true god , which is in the spirit and in the truth , and which cannot be practised without it . many more things might be said , as to prove the worship of christians n●…w , as practised by them , is not the true worship of the true god ; but this is true which i have said , that which is practised without the spirit of god , is not the true worship of god , which must be in the spirit , and cannot be practised without it ; but such is the worship of christians , for the christians now generally prayeth , some after one form , and some after another , in their own wills and times , and knoweth not the movings of the spirit of the father thereunto , nor guiding them therein , but in such a manner as they set unto themselves , or as the custom of the country instructs therein , and knows not the 〈◊〉 of the spirit of the father in them , nor knows ●…ot the praying in the holy ghost ; and as for the preaching of christians , it is not now practised as the christians of old practised it , nor by the same spirit ▪ now they study for what they speak , and gathers out of the scriptures , some having it written in a book what they will preach to the people , and this is not to preach as the spirit gives them utterance , neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the teaching or moving of the spirit of god , but by humane art , and humane 〈◊〉 , knowing before hand , 〈◊〉 , and how much to speak , so much as they have collected in their thoughts from such a verse , and how long to preach , til a glass be run , & knows what to have for preaching ; a●…d this , and such like is the manner of the preaching now 〈◊〉 christians , which hath no savour in it of gods spiri●… ▪ o●… of the teachings or leadings of gods spirit in it , but altogether contrary , to wit , this practise savours of idolatry , and of vain traditions and superstitions . and in short , this practice of preaching amongst the christians now is not in the same manner , neither by the same spirit , nor for the same end as the preaching of the christians was in the dayes of the apostles , which sheweth that the christians now , are apostatized and greatly degenerated from what the christians were then : for again the christian ministers now doth not go as they were moved of the lord up and down from countrey to countrey to convert people to god , as the christian ministers did then : but inquires for places of great maintenance , where there is great store of tithes and set wages ; and if they can , there they settle themselves , and preaches in manner as i have said ; and this practice savours nothing of the teachings of the spirit of god , nor of the movings of that spirit , whereby the christian ministers of old were guided , which sheweth that the christiam ministers now are in the apostacy , and in the degeneration from god , and from what the christian ministers were then . and as concerning the practice of singing now amongst christians , it is not in the spirit , nor with a good understanding , but in a vain form , and tradition , and not in the spirit of the lord ; for now the christians many of them in a form sings the conditions of others ; as davids prayers , and praises , and troubles , and afflictions ; when as themselves are in a condition quite contrary to what david was , and so singeth that which unto themselves is false , as being out of that condition of which they sing , and this is not singing with the spirit , neither is it to sing spiritual songs ▪ and others of christians have another manner of singing ; 〈◊〉 which singing of christians now hath no ●…avour of the teachings of gods spirit in it , neither is it according , 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 ●…e spirit , as the singing of the christians once 〈◊〉 a woful apostacy is fallen among you , ye christians through the world , and you are fallen , you are fallen from the life of christ , and from the true practice of christianity . 〈◊〉 the first christians were in , then their praying was in the spirit , and in the holy ghost , but now without the spirit , in forms and traditions ; their preaching then was as the spirit led them , and as it gave them utterance , but now by humane learning and policy , a●… such a place for so much a y●…ar , an hour by a 〈◊〉 ▪ what they have gathered by 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉 m●…ns wolks ; 〈◊〉 the singing of christians was in the spirit ▪ and their whole worship was spiritual , in the spirit and in the truth , but the singing of christians now , and all their worship , is in vain traditions , exercised without the leadings and movings of the spirit of god ; then the worship of christians was one , and by one spirit , now it is divers , and in division , & in many contrary spirits . alas , oh ye christians , consider how 〈◊〉 is your fall , and how woful your degeneration , in respect of your worship , fallen greatly from the teaching of the spirit of god , in your praying , in your preaching , and in your singing , to follow humane learning , and worldly policy , and vain traditions , the customs of the country , and your own imaginations , in your praying , preaching , and singing , as i have proved unto you : oh consider how great is your apostacy from the true life of true christianity , greatly do you erre from the pure way , wherein the true christians walked , and being truly paralel'd with them , and measured with the spirit of true judgement ; you are sound not equall to them in any measure , but rather contrary altogether , shewing you are guided by another spirit then once the christians were , & that you follow another teacher then once they did , your practices doth make it manifest , which are contrary , and not according to what the practice of the christians once were , is not my judgement just upon you ? have you not lost that , and are departed from it which gave the name of christian , and so hath the name without the thing ? a profession of christianity , but no true title therein ; but having lost that which gave the true title to the name : so 〈◊〉 this is your state , and this is your condition generally ye christians through the world ; a name you have of christianity , but to the true life therof , in every particular , are you dead . and now all ye christians upon earth , behold , behold , how you are fallen and degenerated in all these things and many more , which might be named , fallen i say from the true christian life and practice , wherein the christians once were , shewing fully to all the world , that the spirit of christ doth not now guide ye christians , but another spirit , which brings forth through you other works and fruits , and of another nature then what the christians once brought forth and being compared with them , you are no whit equal , in the very way and means whereby you are made christians , you differ from them , and in all your practices , and in life and conversation you are contrary to them , and in respect of your worship and ministry , in every part thereof , are you altogether contrary unto what the christians once were ▪ yea , in your very apparel you shew a degeneration from the true life and practice in christianity ; for the apostle exhorted the christians to adorn themselves in modest apparel , with shamefac'dness and sobriety , not with broidred hair , or gold , or pearls , or costly array , 1 tim. 2. 9. and the christians were there exhorted , that their adorning should not be the outward plaiting of the hair ▪ or of wearing of gold , or putting on of apparel . but now amongst ye christians , is a practice found quite contrary ; what vanity and excess is in your apparel , striving to excel one another in pride and vain glory , in your gold , and silver and costly array , spending the creation of god to satisfie their lust●…ul minds ; shewing another spirit then was amongst the christians of old , whose words and name ye profess , but are degenerated from the life , in things of greater and less moment . alas , alas , oh wo is me for you ! how is my spirit 〈◊〉 oppressed in the remembrance of your woful fall ? what shall ●… say unto you but this ? you are revolted and gone away backward from the way of life , and you have altogether forgotten god , and are degenerated from christ the living vine , & the anger of the lord is now greatly kindled 〈◊〉 you , to consume you , and to confound you , because you are revolted and turned aside from the pure and perfect way of god , which once was manifest amongst christians , and your back sliding and apostacy is truly compared to that of the iews , who did retain the name of the people of god , 〈◊〉 they were turned aside from his commandements , even 〈◊〉 you do retain the name of christians , though you are departed from christ ; for the iews had seen and known much of the power and presence , and hand of the lord , in many 〈◊〉 victories and deliverances , and the lord had chosen them above any other people at that day , to place his name 〈◊〉 them , and amongst them ; and yet after all that , they forgot 〈◊〉 wondrous works , and rebelled against him , and became 〈◊〉 and hard-hearted people , much more then any other besides them , and they would not be instructed , nor reclaimed by the voice of the prophets , but smote them , and slew them , and when christ their saviour came , they would not receive him , nor walk in his wayes , but crucified him , saying , they would not have that man to reign over them . and to this in every particular , are the christians now found equal , and agreeing with back-sliding israel , for much of the hand and power of the lord was the christians made partakers of , and the lord wrought great deliverances for them , when they were few in number , and under heavie yokes and bondage , through persecution and cruel dealing ▪ 〈◊〉 then the lord was with them , and increased them greatlie in number , and gave them victorie in a great measure over all their enemies ; but now are they revolted even as the iews , and have forgotten god , and greatly rebelled a●… him , and have turned his love to their lusts , abusing his loving kindness , and are become a 〈◊〉 , and a hard-hearted people as ever were the iews , and now you will not be instructed nor reclaimed from the error of your wayes , but abounds in all manner of unrighteousness , and will not 〈◊〉 to the voice of the lord , nor return to him , but are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 people , and will not return unto him from whom you are fallen , but hates the light which christ hath lightened you withal , neither will have christ to raign over you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the life as the iews did . and as the sacrifices and oblations , the sabboth-keeping of the iews , and all the works of righteousness , were abomination to the lord after they were departed from him , even their very practice of those things which god had once commanded them to perform , became a burden to the lord , and 〈◊〉 soul could not away with them , even their new moons and sabboths , his soul hated , isa. 1. and all their sacrifices were as if they cut off a dogs neck , and their oblations as if they offered swines blood , and their burning incense , as if they blessed an idol , isa. 66. i say , the very practice of the iews , after they were revolted , and become disobedient children , in those very things , which god had commanded them to do and practice , and which once the lord accepted the doing of by his people , yet after they were turned aside from the leading of his spirit , the practice of the very same works were hateful in the sight of the lord , when they performed works of righteousness to him , and yet their hearts went after their covetousness , and then , their practicing of that which god had once commanded to be done , their doing of it was idolatry , and was a burden to the lords soul , and their righteousness , and all their practices therein , were as filthy rags , even loathsom in his presence , when their fear towards him was taught by the precepts of men , and they had lost that pure fear which once was taught them of god , but they were gone from his fear , which should have kept their hearts clean ; and their hearts were defiled and polluted , and therefore not any of their performances to him could be accepted , but were altogether become an abomination . and even thus is it at this day , as concerning the sacrifices and performances of christians , being as i have said , and made manifest , departed from the lord , and from the spirit of christ ; all their prayings , and preachings , and singings , their baptisms , and breakings of bread , and even all that which you perform as unto god , as the worship of him ; is not accepted , but abomination unto him ; and his soul is ●…thened with all these things , you not being led with the spirit of christ ; and even your practicing of these things , which the saints and christians once practised , and were accepted of the lord in so doing , while they were led by the spirit of christ ▪ i say the very practice of those things now , by the christians being degenerated , is become idolatry and abomination to the lord ; and this i declare in the fear and presence of the lord , even all your praying , and preachings , and profession , all your sabboth ▪ keeping , and set dayes of humiliation , and even all your practices of religion , which you do and perform is idolatry , and a burden to the lords soul , in the state that now you stand , not being led with the spirit of christ , but being from it departed , and your works not brought forth by it , but by another spirit . and now saith the lord unto you christians , ( who are degenerated from the spirit of christ ) to what purpose is your preaching , praying and singing , they are a vexation and a burden to the righteous soul , and the lord hath no delight therein ; away with it , away with it , your profession & practices stinks in the nostrils of the lord ; all your baptisms , & your sacraments , which ye perform in a vain tradition , and not by the spirit of the lord , they are hateful in his sight , away with them , away with them , they shall crumble to the dust , and immediate desolation in one day ; the lord will break them down , and never build them up again ; your preaching by a glass for so much a sermon , or so much a year , what you have gathered out of books , and studied for from other mens words , down with it , down with it , it is an abomination to the lord ; and your ministrie which is made and sent forth at schools , and by natural learning , through the attainment of such arts and sciences , and being approved of such and such men , and sent forth to such and such a parish , to have so much money by the year for preaching what hath been studied for , and not by the gift of the holie ghost ; away with this ministrie , away with it , it s a mocking of god , and a deceiving of souls , the lord will confound it , and bring it to destruction , and your singing of the saints words in rime and meeter , and their conditions , which your selves never knew ; this is abomination to the lord , & a practice which his soul hates , away with it , the lord is risen to confound it ; away with al your worship , which is not in the spirit nor in the truth , but in vain traditions of men , practised by you in a vain form , and not in the power of god , the lord will bring it down to the ground , and re●… , and establish his own worship , which is in spirit and in truth ; and he will give , and hath given his ministrie again by the gift of the holy ghost , which hath been lost for many ages , while this night of apostacie hath overspread the world , and the lord shall no longer be worshipped in vain traditions of men , but his people shall be restored and renewed , to worship him in spirit and truth ; and the christian life shall again be brought forth , and the spirit of christ shall be the leader and teacher of his people ; and now the day of the lords visitation is again revived , for to gather his people , and to restore them again to his perfect way and worship . therefore hearken and behold ye christians , this is the testimony of the lord concerning you ; you have been fallen and degenerated from the life of righteousnesse , and from the true way and worship of the true god ; and you have long been slumberi●…g and sleeping in this long night of darkness ▪ which overshadowed you , and darkened that glorious appearance of the son of god , which once shined upon the christians , and in blindenesse and darknesse have you walked for many ages , and your worship hath been superscribed to the unknown god ; and wofully have you been wallowing in unclean paths , and you have erred , you have erred from the life of christ , and from his spirit , and you have gone from your husband , and followed other lovers , and you have been drenched in iniquity , & altogether polluted by transgression , and the state in which you now stand , is a state separated from god ; a state of great ignorance and darkness , and a state of hainous rebellion against god , whose soul and spirit is greatly oppressed & grieved because of your degeneration ; who is become more ignorant of god then the ox is of his owner , or the asse of his masters crib , and even the very same vision 〈◊〉 seen concerning you , as the prophet saw concerning israel ; therefore here oh heavens , and give ear oh earth , for the lord doth speak unto you christians ; i have nourished and brought up children , and they have rebelled against me ; and the ox knows his owners , and the asse his masters crib , but the christians doth not know , the people doth not consider . ah sinful nation , a people laden with iniquity , a seed of evel doers , children that are corrupted , that have forsaken the right way , and provoketh the living god to anger , and ye are gone away backward , the whole head is sick , the whole heart is 〈◊〉 , and from the sole of the foot even unto the head there is no soundnesse , but your conditions are wounds and bruis●… ▪ and putrifying sores ; you are not closed , neither bound up , neither mollified with ointment , and your country is desolate and your cities is burnt with fire ; your land strangers devo●… it in your presence , and it is desolate and overthrown by strangers ; and but that the lord of hosts hath left us a small 〈◊〉 , even a seed , ye christians would have been as so●… ; if any man have an ear to hear , let him hear ; this vision is as true unto you christians throughout all the world , 〈◊〉 ever it was unto the seed of the jews ; this is your state , and this is your condition ; and thus ye stand in the sight of the lord , though in your beginning ( in the beginning of christianity i mean ) the lord brought up the christians and nourished them by his living word , and with his word hee cherished them , and they grew unto a goodly state , and were 〈◊〉 in christ ▪ col. 2. 10. and they were come to the spirits 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 men made perfect , and unto mount sion the city of the living god , the heavenly ierusalem , and to an innumer able company of angels , to the general assembly and church of the first-born , which are written in heaven , and to god the iudge of all , heb. 12. 22 , 23. 24. to this state were the christians nourished and brought up , in the dayes when they were first brought forth , when they were begotten and born again of the immortal word that abides for ●…ever , and they were sanctified , and purified , and made clean ; unto this were they nourished and brought up out of darknesse , and from under the shaddow of death ; but notwithstanding this , the christians now have rebelled against the lord , and doth rebel against him ; and though he hath been unto them as an owner to the ox , and as a crib to the asse , even as thus hath the lord been unto the christians , yet they know it not , neither doth the christians consider , but is indeed grown sinful , and laden with iniquity , and the seed of evil doers brings forth its fruit through christians , being become children that are corrupters , having forsaken the lord and his way , which was made manifest in the dayes of the apostles , and the lord is greatly provoked , for the christians are gone backward from what they were in their beginning , as i have fully made manifest , and this vision of the lord is unto you , all ye christians , even as a tree that is of the most precious seed , and the most noble vine that is planted in a good soil , that is digged and dressed , and grown to a goodly stature ; and bringing forth some acceptable fruit unto the good husbandman for a season ; yet this tree becomes blasted by an unwholesom air , and becomes degenerate from its vertue and property , and nature , and becomes a wilde vine , and a plant of great disgrace , ceasing to bring forth any good fruit , and becomes fruitful in all evil , and the labour of the good husbandman is ●…ost ; for while he looks for good fruit , nothing appears , but fruit of an evil taste , which is altogether loathsome unto the good husbandman . this parable is unto you christians , and this is your state , and your condition ; therefore behold what shall the lord do unto this tree ; shall he not cut it down to the ground and cast it into the purging fire , shall he not lay his ax to the root , and cause all its branches utterly to wither , and cause it to cease in being , even as it hath ceased in bringing forth fruit ? shall not the good husbandman destroy this tree with all its corrupt fruit , and shall not his own hand accomplish the purpose of his own heart ? this tree shall be fuel for this fire of his anger , he will pluck it up and not plant it again , because it is degenerated . g●…e car all ye christians to the testimony which is concerning you , you are fallen , you are fallen , and being compared to what the christians were , you are no whit equal ; but a●… diverted in all your practices , from that spirit which led the apostles and christian churches ; and your works shew another spirit then the spirit of jesus : wherefore great i●… your fall , and to be lamented , and though you have the name of christians , yet you want the life . the end . an objection . but whereas it may be objected by some and said , seeing the state of christianity is thus discovered what it was i●… its beginning and purity , and what it now is in its degeneration ; and seeing the present state of christians is thus condemned , what do i believe concerning the state of christianity to come ? what shall succeed this present degeneration ? and may it be expected that ever christianity shall be restored to that state of purity as it was in its beginning ? and whether may people expect to come into the same life again , and to know the same power , and worship , and unity , which was amongst the apostles and first christians churches ? and whether do i judge that ever the ministry can be again received by the gift of the holy spirit onely , without natural learning and languages ? and whether the same spirit is to be waited for and received ? and whether the same anointing can be known in this age , or any age to come , as it was in and among the apostles and christians , before the apostacy and degeneration . answer . to all this i answer , and do say , that the present state of christianity is woful , and to be condemned of the lord , as being degenerated from his life , power and spirit , whereby all hearts are darkened , and all minds estranged from the covenant of life and peace , and from the sence and feeling of the life of god : and now in all the wayes , and worships , and practices of christians they are fallen and degenerated from that life in which the christians once were ; and the beast hath raigned over all for many ages , and because of his power , and greatness , and dominion , who hath been able to make war with him ; he hath killed the saints , and hath subjected all nations under his power , and every nation hath received the mark of the beast , and born his image for generations , and all flesh hath s●…ggered , and hath been made drunk with the ●…up of fornication , that hath been i●… the hand of the whore who hath set upon this beast , who hath caused both small and great to worship him , and all that would not , he hath had power to kill them ; and this government hath ruled over the whole christendom , and the worship practised hath been but the worship of the beast , while people have been erred from the spirit of christ , and not guided by it onely ; and people hath been compelled to worship by laws of men , they have been compelled to sprinkle their infants , and they have been compelled to go to steeple houses , and compelled to keep a sabboth , and compelled to hire priests , and to pay them wages against their wills , and all this compelling by an outward power , hath not been the worship of god , but savoured altogether of the worship of the beast ; for you may read , rev. 13. 12 , 15 , 16 , 17. how the beast caused all , both small and great to worship him , and all that would not worship him by his power , he hath had power to kill them ; and all compelling and causing to worship by an outward power , is the worship of the beast , for christ nor his apostles never caused any to worship god by an outward power ; for while christianity kept its purity and authority , they begot people to god , and to worship him , by the word of god , and by the power of the spirit ; and they did not bring any into their sect , nor to worship with them by an outward law and authority ; for that is in the government of the beast , it was he that first caused both small and great to conform to his worship , and it is his power that upholds it , and maintains it unto this day . but now the seed of god is arising , which is able to make war with the beast , and his kingdome , and his worship shall be thrown down to the ground , and all this causing and compelling to worship , causing to keep a day , and causing to hire teachers to maintain them ; and this causing to go to steeple-houses , and to maintain them , and all this causing to pay tythes , it shall all fall to the ground , and be beat down by the 〈◊〉 of god , which is a rising , and it shall be no more found among true christians , nor the beast shall not be worshipped , 〈◊〉 his authority any more of force ; for the day of the lord hath now appeared , and the light is sprung forth which hath made all things manifest , and now the difference is known between the worship of the beast , and the worship of the true god : and concerning the state of christianity to come , this i ●…new & believe , a glorious restauration thereof shall appear throughout the whole christendom , & christianity shall again be restored to its former purity , and christians shall , and may receive the same spirit , from which the christians hath been degenerated ; and the same life , the same power , and the same worship and unity shall be revived amongst christians in the restoration ; even the same that was in the beginning before the apostacy , and the glory of god shall again appeare among his people , and they shall again worship him in spirit and in truth onely , as they did before the apostacy , and all this traditionall worship , and false imitations which hath been set up since the apostles dayes , shall be overthrown and confounded ; the lord is risen and will dash down and overthrow all this idolatry now practised amongst christians . and a great shaking and counfounding shall suddenly come among christians ; for the lord will break down that which hath been builded because it is polluted ; and he will pluck ●…p that which hath been planted , because it is defiled ; and a mighty work will the lord work in the earth , the kingdoms of this world will he change into the kingdoms of christ , and christ shall reigne in and among his people , and his spirit shall be the teacher and leader of his people , and all false ●…chers will the lord confound and consume ; all these hirelings , who go for gifts and rewards , and all this manner of preaching and teaching , which are come up since the apostles dayes ; all this preaching which they study for , and by a 〈◊〉 , and for so much money a year , all this shall be tumbled down into the pit ; gods vengeance shall come upon it all , and the annoynting shall be received , and it shall dwell in people , as it did in the apostles ; and the people shall need no other teacher but as that annointing teacheth all things , and for this spirit and annointing , all that feare god may wa●… to receive it in this present age ; which spirit brings into the same unity and life , into the same worship and fellowship that was amongst christians in the beginning before the apostacy ; and this state may christians be restored to , and for this state all that fear god and love him are to wait , for this shall come to passe in the world . and as concerning the ministry , i know and do believe it may be , and is received again as the apostles and christian ministers first received it , to wit , by the eternall spirit and gift thereof , through the revelation of christ jesus in them ▪ and such may and doth preach the gospel freely , as they doe receive it freely , and without naturall learning and languages . for by that can none be made ministers of christ , nor by any thing without the gift of the holy spirit , and christs ministry shall again be received thereby ; this i believe : and all this ministry made and sent forth by naturall learning , and without the gift of the holy spirit , the lord will confound it in this age ; for this is come up since the apostles dayes , to make ministers by naturall learning , and it stands in the apostacy from the life , and spirit of christ , and its call , and work , and maintenance , savours not of the kingdome of christ , and the lord will bring it downe , and the gift of his ministry will he restore by his spirit ; and this is , and shall come to passe , and it may be waited for in this present age ; and the lord will restore his ministry as in the beginning , and his work shall be glorious ; for many there are , is , and shall be converted to god , and brought out of the degeneration , and to that shall people come which all christendom hath been apostatized from , and shall receive the same spirit , and the same annointing which was amongst the christian churches ; and life and immortality shall again be brought to light through the gospel , which hath been hid for ages while darkness hath been over the minds of people ; and i say and testifie before all the world , that christianity shall be restored to its former state ; life shall spring forth , and truth shall be increased , and faith shall waxe strong , even the same 〈◊〉 that the apostles had , which gave them victory over all the world which shall again give people the same victory ; and this shall be known in the earth : for the marriage of the lamb shall come , and all his people shall be joyned unto him , and they shall be one way , and one worship , and one teacher , and every man shall fit under christs vine , and none shall make afraid : yea , and more then a vine shall he be known ●…d more then a door , and more then a shepheard shall he be known to be to his people , and greater then a rock shall he be witnessed to be , and more then a teacher in the wildernesse . if any man have eares to hear , let him hear : more and greater is he becoming to his people , then is lawfull yet to utter : eye hath not seen , nor it hath not entred into the heart of man , but it is revealed to us by his spirit ; the joyfull day is approaching , the lambs wife is making her selfe ready , the wedding garment is putting on ; and all that which is polluted is to be done away ; and blessed is he that cometh to the marriage of the lamb , that he may become one spirit with the creator ; here is glory and rejoycing for ever , when this is known , that the wife hath not power over her owne body , but the husband , nor the husband hath power over his owne body , but the wife . where this is known , death is swallowed up of life , and 〈◊〉 is overcome of righteousnesse , and the inheritance of life eternall comes to be possessed , and death and hell is cast into the lake , and he which hath deceived , can deceive no more ; and blessed is the eye that seeth this , and the heart that understands . wherefore all ye christians upon earth , awake , awake , and put away your whoredoms , cast off your idolatries , and strip you , and make you clean of all your adultries ; drink no longer of the cup of fornications , nor eat no longer of the abominable flesh ; nor wear no longer your garments of unrighteousness , but strip ye , strip ye , make ye bare , all your old garments must be put off before you can appear before the lord . a great work will the lord work amongst you , he will ●…ake and overthrow all your altars , images , and idols which you have set up and worshipped ; the lord hath uttered 〈◊〉 voice , the beast that hath many heads , and many horns , 〈◊〉 tremble , 〈◊〉 one head and one horn onely shall be exalted , and the government shall be set up , of whose increase there shall be no end ; and people shall be brought into that , and they shall go forth no more , for who comes to this , time is no longer , and the kingdom and government is delivered to the father , and he is become all in all . and all that ever comes to know these things , must first come to the light of the lamb in them , with which every man is lightned that cometh into the world , and all that ever knows these things , must first be brought to the principle of god in them , which they have trangressed against ▪ and all that owns the light of christ , and walks in it , shall come to know these things , which to know and be in them , is eternal life . therefore all ye christians , come to the light which christ hath lightned you withal , and that will let you see the government of satan , and of sin and death , which hath been ruling in you , and the light will teach you to war against it , till it be subdued , the light will discover unto you that nature , in which the kingdom of satan bears rule , it will 〈◊〉 you see the devil , who is the prince of darkness , who is the adversary of god ; who is out of the truth , and he has dra●… all people out of the truth ; but if you love the light of christ in you , it will teach you to war against him , and against all that , that 's out of the truth ; for all that is of satans kingdom , that is out of the truth , and must be destroyed by the coming of the kingdom of christ ; whose coming is in the light , which christ hath lightned every man withal , who comes to destroy the devil , and his kingdom , and all his works ; so to the light must all minds be turned , which will reveal the kingdom of the man of sin , and consume 〈◊〉 the appearance of christ is light , and christ is the light of israel , which is as a fire , to consume all fruitless trees , which cumbers the ground , which the lord will consume by the brightness of his coming : and now is the man of sin revealed , even in the heart of christians so called , and he hath long shewed himself to be god , but now the lord will bring him down ; for antichrist has ruled for many ages , and the lord of life has been crucified in spiritual sodom ; but sodom shall be consumed by fire , and the lord will avenge himself of all his enemies , and all people and nations shall know there is a god , who executes justice and true judgement , who is a god near at hand to reward his people with everlasting life , and to give unto his enemies judgement and condemnation . the end . ursa major & minor, or, a sober and impartial enquiry into those pretended fears and jealousies of popery and arbitrary power with some things offered to consideration touching his majestie's league made with the king of france upon occasion of his wars with holland and the united provinces : in a letter written to a learned friend. philipps, fabian, 1601-1690. 1681 approx. 209 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54696 wing p2019a wing u141_cancelled estc r23216 12494125 ocm 12494125 62455 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54696) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62455) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 299:16) ursa major & minor, or, a sober and impartial enquiry into those pretended fears and jealousies of popery and arbitrary power with some things offered to consideration touching his majestie's league made with the king of france upon occasion of his wars with holland and the united provinces : in a letter written to a learned friend. philipps, fabian, 1601-1690. [2], 51, [1] p. printed for h.s., london : 1681. attributed to fabian philipps. cf. wing; dnb. errata on p. [1] at end. this item appears at reel 299:16 as u141 (number cancelled in wing 2nd ed.); it has been reassigned number p2019a. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -great britain. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2004-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-08 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2004-08 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ursa major & minor : or , a sober and impartial enquiry into those pretended fears and jealousies of popery and arbitrary power , with some things offered to consideration touching his majestie' 's league made with the king of france , upon occasion of his wars with holland , and the united provinces . in a letter written to a learned friend . london , printed for h. s. mdclxxxi . sir , if a very long and sad , for many years together , often repeated experience , with the sence of very many national and universal needless miseries , which are so certainly to be believed , as all the people of the nation ( the wickedly-gaining party by it only excepted ) may safely make affidavit of it , were able to obtain any thing or prevail with us , not one , but every man should think that it was and would be a duty incumbent upon every english-man , and true lover of his king and countrey ( for there be too many counterfeits who do not well understand either the one or the other ) to abhor and fly as the affrighted greek , and relator of the strength and gigantine cruelties of the monstrous polyphemus , did with a fugite ô fugite , from the phantasms of those ungrounded fears and jealousies , which usher'd in , and fomented that subversion of our religion , laws , and liberties , especially when it is not yet gone out of memory , how many dismal and ever to be lamented effects and calamities the inflamed and affrighted vulgar and too hasty and inconsiderate factious part of the people , in the years 1641 , and 1642. with the fancies of popery , and arbitrary power and dangers rushing in upon us , viz. a plague-plaister supposed to have been attempted to be delivered to their great champion mr. john pym to infect and destroy him ; horses kept and trained under ground ; the lord digby in his coach and six horses ( upon his ordinary occasions ) appearing at kingston upon thames in a warlike manner , with many other dressed up bugbears , not enough to affright old women and young children have brought upon us , and that a bloody and costly war , murder of their king and fellow subjects , rapine and spoil of each other ; the washing over in blood , and almost destruction of three kingdoms , and the ruine of church and state have been the products of them . and when all was done , could not assign any other ground or cause for it , than rebellion that sin of witchcraft , and the relish and content which was found in the violation of all the commandments in the second table of the dreadfully , by god himself , pronounced decalogue ; and as much as they could of the first , and by yielding up their discretions to the first summons of their fears of imaginary apparitions of dangers , have made themselves to be well deserving , or fit for the reproach or castigation which st. paul used to a far less intoxicated people , o ye foolish galatians , who hath bewitched you ? though your learning , long conversation , and large acquaintance with history ; together with your curious recherches and retrospection into the affairs of the world , and ages past , a great insight into the politiques , and a strict watch and observation kept upon the causes , effects , and events of actions of state , and as many of the reasons and intrigues thereof , as are proper and do usually come to publick view , may sufficiently fortifie you , against those kind of impressions , which have bespoken and taken up so much room in the minds of such as are less cognisant , or do too much accustome themselves to make their designs to be the only measure of their own errors in judgment , which are not seldom built upon guess or contraries ; yet lest your great care and vigilance in all the concernments of the protestant religion , and the property and just rights of the subjects should raise in you more than ordinary apprehensions , and carrying you down the rapid stream of those great mistakings , bereave you of that happiness which hitherto hath attended the temper and tranquillity of your mind , and make you a prisoner to those fears and false alarms , which your more sedate thoughts , will i assure my self tell you are not to be numb'red amongst those quoe in virum constantem cadere possint , which can ever be able to disturb the quiet and repose of a man , who from the mountains of time , hath looked further than yesterday , and by the rules of prudence , policy , and former examples , may with more certainty than astrology ever afforded , foresee what is likely to happen . i have adventured here inclosed to send you my thoughts and sentiments , which i hope will not want your candid reception ; especially when they shall but bring before you and your judicious censure the considerations , that there will be enough surely to satisfie and quiet the most timerous or melancholick persons ( who too often trouble themselves with their own imaginations ) that the increase of popery since the statutes of the first and 23 th of queen eliz. and 3 d of king james , in the year 1638. ( when liberty , pretence of religion , and conscience began to run out of their wits , and never stayed until they came to an open and horrid rebellion ) hath been so little ( although the popish party have gained too many great advantages by that and our many divisions in matters of religion and church government , and our late national debaucheries and atheism , which do carry too many into the delusions of popery ) as it may , if a strict accompt were taken , probably enough ascertain us that there hath been rather a decrease than an increase of it . and that if commissions , which will be no way inconsistent with the rules and reason of law and good government were granted by his majesty unto orthodox , loyal , discreet , sober ; and unbyassed persons in every county and city of england and wales , to inquire and certifie how many papists there are therein resident , the result and conclusion will assure his majesty and his great council of parliament , that there is not above five in every hundred of the nation , if so many , that are guilty of direct popery , or infected with it ; and in scotland not many more , unless that small number should happen something to be increased by the late addition of the jesuited masquerade counterfeit protestants . and their increase in riches or estate , not like to be much , when they that shall be convict , and have no lands or real estate , are by the statutes of 29 eliz. to forfeit and pay 20 l. every month. and they that have lands and real estate are to pay 2 parts , the whole in the 3 parts to be divided by the statute of 3 jac. ca. 4. and if that should not impoverish their estates , and make them less terrible than the anakims , it would nevertheless be effected by the maintenance , necessities and corroding of their priests and jesuits , with the multitude of papal exactions and contributions to foreign colleges , and religious houses , pensions , censes , peter-pence , procurations , suits for provisions , expeditions of bulls , appeals , rescripts , dispensations , licenses , grants , relaxations , writs of perinde valent , rehabilitations , abolitions , and other sorts and natures of breves and instruments enumerated in the statute of 25 h. 8. ca. 21. and there said to be infinite , with their many times costly masses , indulgencies , releases , and purgatory favours , by which the common kind of papists are sure in their contributions and taxes charged upon them by their wellgaining superiours , or conductors , the wrong way to have themselves and their families kept and continued poor and low enough , without the least of danger of surfeits or overmuch satieties , especially when they are to live after the excessive rates of houshold provisions , and expences for food and raiment , now more than formerly exacted , to the shame and disgrade of the protestant religion , by a mighty and insupportable excess of pride , usury , brocage , and cheating to maintain it . neither are their numbers or increase ( considering their strict observations of lent , very many publick penances , vigils , and fasts , and private mortisications ) like to be as dreadful as that of the children of israel in aegypt to the aegyptians . or of the moors that had 800 years together conquered and overpowred spain , when the numerous posterity of them were in the memory of man , banished and sent home again into affrick upon so severe and short a warning , as they were constrained to abandon and leave behind them all their lands and possessions , and carry only such moveables as a rigorous and short prefixion could allow them . or to cause them to be transplanted , as many of the irish were , by cromwell in his hypocritical , zealous , and unmerciful policy from their other more comfortable provinces in ireland , as ulster , lymerick , and the english pale , into connaught the worser part of that kingdom . and that there is no foundation to support those panick fears which have so greatly and more then needs tormented the minds of too many of the either over-credulously fearful , or over-medling part of the people , and being only more supposed than demonstrated to be a grievance , and lying heavy upon some kind of spirits , will be as necessary to be taken out of their minds , and as well becoming a state policy , and the care of the soveraign , as it was of our king henry the third , who in the turbulent commotions of his barons and their adherents , and the distresses which were put upon him , found it to be no mountebank's medicine to cure and asswage the distempers of the all-discerning and giddy multitude , by granting out his commissions into every county , to inquire of their grievances or causes of discontents ; so as not to excuse or patronize any one sort or sect whatsoever , in their maintaining the unchristian and damnable doctrine of killing or deposing princes for male-administration of justice , or those that dissent from our truly loyal and religious church of england . it may be a thing capable of wonder , and fit to be put as a question to the more intelligent , how it should happen that fears and jealousies should so disturb the minds of such as endeavour to affright themselves , and others with the attempts and dangerous doctrines of the popish party , and the same persons nevertheless to be so calm and silent in the fast-rooted , unrepented , and offered in publick to be justified groundless , ungodly , and disloyal opinions of too many of those that would be called protestants , and accompted zealots in the practice and promotion of it , that a king is accomptable to the people for breach of trust , may be deposed , and is but co-ordinate with both his houses of parliament ; and as not content with that which can never be proved to be due unto them , would mount a great deal higher , and pretend that there is a soveraignty in the people ; and that the king is but an artificial man , set up or appointed by them ; and suffer a seditious book , called , the obligation of humane laws to be publickly sold , and never complained of , when it doth all it can to prove , that every man , how simple or illiterate soever he be , is to be a judge , whether the law or a command of his prince or superior be good or bad , and direct or apply his obedience unto it accordingly . as if they had never heard or read of the folly and dire effects of rebellion and sedition in that of the spencers , in the reign of king edward the second , that allegiance was only due to the crown , and not unto the person of the prince ; being exploded by two acts of parliament , and the promoters condemned of treason , and his inforced resignation of his crown to his son king edward the third , by the faction of his queen and mortimer , and the deposing of king richard the second by an over-power of the army of henry of lancaster , and his party , occasioned by affrighting him into a seeming voluntary surrender , disallowed and detested by succeeding ages . or may we not rather commend and imitate the better temper of the subjects of this kingdom before the 23 d year of the reign of queen elizabeth , when in the beginning of her happy and ever to be praised government , they never started at her indulgence to the popish party , or took it ill that she kept an embassador at rome , and was offered to have the english liturgy , and reformation established by the pope's authority , if she would but acknowledge his supremacy , gave aid to don antonio , a distressed popish prince towards the recovery of the kingdom of portugal , and so much assisted mary queen of scotland , a papist and mother to our king james ( who if she had survived her , was by inheritance to have been queen of england ) against the presbyterian and congregational rebellious party in scotland , as they called her the whore of babylon , and publickly preached that she was an atheist , and of no religion . or can we do less than deem the english nation in the reign of king james , to be happy in their enjoyment of so great a tranquility , as to be free from any suspitions of the increase of popery , when he was wrongfully accused by elphiston , to have written a little before his coming to the crown of england , a seeming friendly letter to the pope , and that the pope had after he came into england , sent a cardinal to seduce him into the snares of that religion ; wherein ( although upon reason of state he had given his royal protection unto preston and warrington , two secular priests , against the practices of some jesuits , which abbot arch-bishop of canterbury , a professed enemy to popery , did allow as a thing not evilly done ) his afterwards learned books and writings against that church , might have abundantly manifested the folly of such who should but have imagined that he had any inclination or good will unto it . for it cannot be unknown to you , that until the 16 th year , and the after succeeding years of the reign of that peaceable and wise prince , when his son-in-law frederick prince elector , and count palatine of the rhine , had as unhappily as rashly and unjustly , taken upon him to be elected king of bohemia , and that by the designed marriage of his late majesty with the infanta of spain , he endeavoured all he could to allay and quench the fire which the wars about that and the palatinate had kindled in germany , and had put too many of our english into an humour and fit of zeal , to desire the propagating of the protestant religion by the sword , no such fears or jealousies had gained a possession in the minds of some unquiet people , who were in duty as well as reason to have acquiesced in the constancy and care of that religious king , for the preservation of the protestant religion . nor escape your observation , that the benefits of the marriage with the infanta of spain , being not well understood , and the misapprehension of a toleration of popery to ensue thereupon , multiplying the supposed dangers . having induced the house of commons in parliament in the nineteenth year of his reign , to petition that peaceable prince , that the time was come that janus temple must be opened , and the voice of bellona , not of the turtle must be heard , and therefore they thought it their duty not only to provide for the present supply of the war , but to take care for the securing of their peace at home , which the dangerous increase and insolency of popish recusants , apparently , visibly , and sensibly did lead them unto . and yet in the same petition did acknowledge , that they did not assume to themselves any power to determine of any part thereof , nor intended to incroach , or intrude upon the sacred bounds of his royal authority , to whom , and to whom only they acknowledged it did belong to resolve of peace and war , and the marriage of the most noble prince his son. unto which he did answer , that his son in law 's unjust usurpation of the crown of bohemia , from the emperor , had given the pope and all that party too fair a ground , and opened them too wide a gate , for curbing and oppressing of many thousands of the protestant religion in divers parts of christendom ; that the palatines accepting of the crown of bohemia , had no reference to the cause of religion , and therefore would not have the parliament to couple the war of the palatinate with the cause of religion , and that the beginning of that miserable war which had set all christendom on fire was not for religion , but only caused by his son-in-law's hasty resolution following evil counsel , to take to himself the crown of bohemia , and in the last year of his reign in a speech to the parliament , wished that it might be written in marble , and remain to posterity , as a mark upon him when he should swerve from his religion . and certainly he must be much an infidel , and a great master in the phantasticks , and school of opinionastrete ; that will not believe king charles the first his son to have been a great assertor of it , when in the fourth year of his reign , in a speech to the parliament , he declared , that he was , and ever should be , as careful of religion , and as forward as they could desire , and would use all means for the maintenance and propagation of that religion wherein he had lived , and did resolve to die . and in the head of his army , and very great distresses afterwards profess by the taking of the blessed sacrament , to maintain it , and took so great a care of it , as a popish book could not peep into england , but he speedily appointed some of his chaplains , or some other learned man of the church of england , to print and publish an answer unto it , made many of his coins of silver to proclaim his resolution to defend the protestant religion , laws , privileges of parliament , and the liberties of the people , and died a martyr , because he would not deliver up his subjects to a perpetual slavery of a never to be shaken off arbitrary power . and his majesty that now is , being the son and heir of his constancy in the protestant religion , hath been so much of that fixed and unalterable resolution as the love of a mother , and all those obligations that a filial obedience had put upon him , could not disswade him from enforcing the duke of gloucester his younger brother out of her tuition , and intention to breed him up in the popish religion , and the syren charms of militiere in his book purposely dedicated unto him to make him averse to that religion whose pseudo-professors had murdered his father , and been the cause of those very many miseries , affronts , ill usages , wants , and reproaches which he and his royal brothers endured in the twelve years longsome time of his distresses , could never perswade him to accept of a strong and powerful aid of catholick princes for his re-establishment in his kingdoms , nor incline him to do that to save three kingdoms , which his grandfather by the mother-side , the great henry of france , by reconciling himself to the church of rome , did to save only one , when his sufferings outwent and far surmounted any which his grandfather had endured . but if any would have our laws the severest of which was enacted in the conspiracy , and feared evil consequences of the gun-powder treason , to be put so much in execution , as to forfeit and take away two parts of three ; the whole in three parts to be equally divided of the real estates of those who have lands , and subject those that have no lands to great forfeitures and penalties , and incapacitate all , to bear any office in the kingdom . they are to consider that it will be as hard as unequal for their king and common parent , as well as ours to allow a liberty and connivance to those that are of worse principles , or at least as dangerous as the papists , fought and were active in our last wars and miseries against his majesty , and his royal father , and all that were their loyal and obedient subjects , and deny it to those that fought , were sequestred , plundered , and suffered for them ; that all the protestants in the world are not in england , and that amongst those in england , there are too many ( the more is the pity ) who have so rent and divided themselves from the church of england , and do so much and so often vary in their judgments , practice , and opinions , as they appear rather to be no protestants , or very little embracing the profession and interest thereof ; that our incomparable and prudent queen elizabeth , could never have maintained and supported so much as she did the protestant religion , as well lutheran as calvinist , in the parts beyond the seas , and that of the purer and better reformed religion of the english church at home by her aids , embassies , leagues , and intercessions , if she had not requited the catholick princes with the like indulgence and usage to any of her subjects that were of the romish religion , and that neither the rebellions of the earls of northumberland and westmorland , for the advance of popery , many several attempts to take away her life , and plots to dethrone her , could ever perswade her , or her learned successor , notwithstanding the horrid design of the gunpowder treason , against him and his posterity , and the wiser as they should be and better part of his subjects assembled in parliament , to be more than prudentially rigorous to that party , whose friends in other countries might retalliate any severity used to theirs ; and although she made some fierce and smart laws to affright those that called themselves catholicks , for principles inconsistent with the safety of her soveraignty , and its government , which in all these acts of parliament appeared to be more against the emissaries from rome , which came to seduce and lead them into such dangerous errors , than to forbid any thing that was innocent in the private devotions , religious and practical part of it ; that great queen and king well understanding that they could not by any rules of state , justice , or modesty , of which princes when there is not so great inequality , as to give them an absolute dominion over one another , are usually very tender , require any ease or liberties for protestants living under other princes , and their laws , when they can neither promise or perform mutualities or reciprocations . and therefore the learned king james when the house of commons in parliament had petitioned him to give some stop to the growth of popery , one cause whereof they assigned to be the interposition of foreign princes embassadors and agents in favour of papists ; answered , that they might rest secure , that he would never be weary to do all he could for the propagation of the protestant religion , and suppression of popery , but the manner and form they were to remit to his care and providence , who could best consider of times and seasons ; but his care of religion must be such as on the one part he must not by the hot persecution of our recusants at home , irritate foreign princes of a contrary religion , and teach them a way to plague the protestants in their dominions , with whom he daily interceeded , and at that time principally for ease to them of our profession that live under them . and in the 21 th year of his reign , in a speech which he made in parliament , declared to the lords and commons , that it was true that at times , for reasons best known to himself , he did not so fully put laws in execution against recusants ; but did wink and connive at some things which might have hindred more weighty affairs . but he did never in all his treaties agree to any thing , to the overthrow and dissolution of those laws , but had in all a chief care of the preservation of that truth which he ever professed ; for as it was a good horseman's part not always to use his spurs , and keep strait the reins ; but sometime to suffer the reins to be more remiss : so it was the part of a wise king , and his age and experience in government had informed him sometimes to quicken the laws with executions , and at other times upon just occasions to be more remiss : but as god shall judge him , he never thought or meant , nor ever in any word expressed any thing that savoured of it , and prayed them to root out jealousies , which were the greatest weeds in their garden . for certainly to consiseate two parts of three of a papist's lands , or disinherit the next heir , if bred up in that religion , can never amount to the avail of protestants in transilvania , hungary , bohemia , silesia , moravia , poland , upper or lower austria , piedmont , flanders , brabant , and the rest of the belgick provinces , nor under those which were united and confederate , the hause-towns , bearne , and some other of the cantons of switzerland , and the bad enough already used multitudes of huguenots in france . nor can the persecution or destroying of the greater part of the protestants beyond the seas , to gratifie the humerous pretences , and causeless fears of the more imprudent , and lesser part of the protestants of england , be by any rule of right reason adjudged to be for the protestant interest . and upon the like advice and reason may our fears of any invasion upon our properties and just rights disappear , and vanish as soon as they shall with any eye of judgment be but looked upon ; nor will ever be able to endure the touchstone of truth , when our liberties are so impregnable , and fortified by very many of our good laws and liberties , and by our magna charta , and charters de foresta , more than thirty times confirmed by acts of parliament for those great charters were never singly or by themselves so many times confirmed by acts of parliament . when by that excellent law and charter freely granted in the ninth year of the reign of king hen. 3. no freeman may be taken or imprisoned , or be disseised of his freehold liberties or free customs , be outlawed or exiled , or in any manner destroyed , but by the lawful judgment of his peers , or by the law of the land ; no man shall be amerced for a small fault , or if for a greater , saving to him his contenement , and a merchant saving to him his merchandize , earls and barons shall not be amerced but by their peers ; the king will not sell , deny , or defer any man either justice or right ; no man of the church shall be amerced , after the quantity of his spiritual benefit ; but after the quantity of his lay-tenement , and the quantity of his offence , and a villain shall not be amerced , but saving his wainage , and that all things done to the contrary shall be void . sureties or pledges shall not be charged for any debts of the king , if the debtor hath goods and chattels to pay the debt , and is ready to pay . none shall be distreined for more service than is due . common pleas shall not follow the king 's court. those that do commit redisseisin shall be imprisoned , and not delivered without special commandment of the king , and shall make fine to the king for the trespass . by an act of parliament made in the third year of king edward the first , none shall be attached by any occasion , nor fore-judged of life or limb , nor his lands , tenements , goods , or chattels seised into the king's hands , against the form of the great charter , and the law of the land. no city , burrough , or town , nor any man shall be amerced without reasonable cause , and according to the quantity of his trespass ; that is to say , every freeman saving his free-hold , and merchant saving his merchandize ; a villain saving his gainure , and that by his or their peers . by an act of parliament made in the 25th year of his reign . the king will take no aids or prizes , but by the common consent of the realm , saving the ancient aids and prizes due and accustomed . aids and taxes granted to the king , shall not be taken for a custom . no officer of the king by themselves , or any other , shall maintain pleas , suits or matters hanging in the king's court , for lands , tenements , or other things to have any part or profit thereof . there shall be no disturbance of free elections by face of arms , malice , or otherwise . by the statute called articuli super chartas , made in the 28 th year of the reign of the aforesaid king , there shall be chosen in every shire by the commonalty of the same shire , three substantial men , knights , or other lawful , wise , and well-disposed persons , who shall be justices sworn and assigned by the kings letters patents under the great seal , to hear and determine where before no remedy was at the common law , such plaints as shall be made upon all those that do commit , or offend against any point contained in the great charter , or charter of the forrest , which were ordained to be proclaimed at four several quarters of the year in full county in every year , in every county , and to hear the plaints as well within the franchises as without , and from day to day without allowing any the delays which be allowed by the common law ; and to punish by imprisonment , ransom or amercement according to the trespass . no common pleas shall be holden in the exchequer contrary to the form of the great charter , the marshal of the king's house shall not hold plea of free-hold , debt , covenant , or contract made betwixt the king's people , but only of trespasses done within the verge , and contracts made by one servant of the house with another . the chancellor and justices of the king's bench shall follow the king ; so that he may at all times have near unto him some that be learned in the laws , which be able duly to order all such matters as shall come unto the court at all times when need shall require . no writ that toucheth the common law shall go forth under any of the petit seals . by an act of parliament made in the 34 th year of the reign of the aforesaid king , nothing shall be purveyed to the king without the owners assent . by an act of parliament made in the reign of the said king , no tallage or aids shall be taken or levyed by the king , or his heirs within the realm , without the good will and assent of the arch-bishops , bishops , earls , barons , knights , burgesses , and other freemen of the land. by an act of parliament made in the first year of the reign of king edward the third . aids granted to the king , shall be taxed after the old manner . by an act of parliament made in the second year of the reign of the aforesaid king , no commandment under the king's seal shall disturb or delay justice . no bishops temporalty shall be seized without good cause . justices of assize shall in their sessions enquire of the demeanour of sheriffs , escheators , bailiffs , and other officers , and punish the offenders . no person shall be pardoned for an utlary after judgment without agreement with the plaintiff , or outlawed before judgment , until he do yield his body to prison . by an act of parliament made in the 14 th year of the said king , it was assented , established , and order'd , that delays and errors in judgments in other courts , shall be redressed in parliament by a prelate , 2 earls , and 2 barons ; who by good advice of the chancellor , treasurer , and justices of the one bench and the other , and of the king's council , as they shall think convenient , shall proceed to make a good accord and judgment . and that the chancellor . treasurer , keeper of the privy seal , justices of the one bench and the other , chancellor and barons of the exchequer , and justices assigned ; and all that shall intermeddle in the said places under them , shall by the advice of the said arch-bishop , earls , and barons , make an oath well and truly to serve the king and his people ; and by the advice of the said prelate , earls and barons , to increase or diminish , when need shall be , the number of the said ministers , and from time to time when officers shall be newly put in , cause them to be sworn in like manner . a declaration by act of parliament made in the 25 th year of the said king's reign . what offences shall be adjudged treason , and if any other case supposed treason not therein specified , shall happen before any justices , they shall tarry without going to judgment of the person until the cause be shewed , and declared before the king and his parliament , whether it ought to be judged treason , or other felony . by an act of parliament made in the same year , no person shall be compelled to make any loans to the king , or charged with any benevolence . none shall be condemned upon suggestion , imprisoned , nor put out of his free-hold , nor his franchises without presentment , but by the law of the land , or by process made by writ original at the common law , nor that none shall be sent out of the franchise or free-hold , unless he be duly brought to answer , and fore-judged by course of the law , and any thing done to the contrary , shall be holden for none . by an act of parliament made in the 5 th year of the reign of king richard the second . none shall enter into lands where it is not lawful , or with force , under the pain of imprisonment , and ransom at the king 's will. a penalty is to be inflicted upon a clerk of the exchequer , which maketh out process for a debt discharged . by the statutes of the fifth and fifteenth of king richard the second , where lands or tenements are entred and deteined by force , the next justice of the peace is impow'red to view the force , and by the power of the sheriff and county to remove it , and imprison the offenders ; and by the statute of 8 th of h. 6. whether it be entred by force , or it be continued and not entred by force , may by a jury impannel'd , and their verdict , if the deteiner hath not been three years before in quiet possession , reseise the said lands and tenements , and put the party ejected into his former possession . a man impleaded in the exchequer , shall be received by himself , or any other to plead his discharge . by an act of parliament made in the 12 th year of the aforesaid king , the chancellor , treasurer , keeper of the privy seal , steward of the king's house , the king's chamberlain , clerk of the rolls , justices of the one bench and the other , barons of the exchequer , and all that shall be called to ordain or make justices of peace , sheriffs , escheators , customers , comptrollers , or any other officer or minister of the king , shall be firmly sworn that they shall not make justices of peace , sheriffs , escheators , customers , comptroller , or any other officer or minister of the king , for any gift or brocage , favour or affection . by an act of parliament made in the 13 th year of the said king's reign , he that will that swear he oweth nothing to the king , shall be discharged , no bonds or recognizances shall be taken for the king's debts . by an act of parliament made in the second year of king henry the fourth , an assize shall be maintainable against the king 's patentee of lands without any title found for the king by inquisition . by an act of parliament made in the 4 th year of the reign of the aforesaid king , a special assize shall be maintainable against a disseisor by force . riots , routs , and unlawful assemblies are forbid , by a statute made in the 13 th year of the aforesaid king's reign , and the justices of peace near adjoyning impowred to hear and determine the offences ; and if they cannot are to certifie the king and his council thereof . by an act of parliament made in the second year of the reign of king henry the 5 th commissions are to be from time to time awarded to inquire of the defaults of the justices of peace , justices of the assize , sheriffs and under-sheriffs , in not suppressing and punishing the same . by an act of parliament made in the first year of king richard the third . the justices of peace may let prisoners to mainprize , that are arrested or imprisoned for light suspition of felony or by malice , and no sheriff or other officer shall seize the goods of a prisoner until he be attainted . by an act of parliament made in the 23 th year of the reign of king henry the eighth , a jury convicted of giving a false verdict , if it be for any thing demanded above the value of forty pounds , and concerneth not the jeopardy of a man's life , shall forfeit twenty pounds a piece , the one half to the king , and the other to the party that will sue for the same , and five pounds a piece ; if the thing demanded be under the value of twenty pounds , and every one of them in the one case , and the other make fine , and ransom by the discretion of the judges , before whom such false verdict was given , never after be of any credence , nor their oaths accepted in any court. by an act of parliament made in the 32 year of the said king , wrongful disseifin shall be no dissent in law , except the disseisor shall have been five years in quiet possession without entry or continual claim of those who have lawful title thereunto . the barons of the exchequer are by an act of parliament made in the 33 th year of the aforesaid king , authorized by bills of equity in the exchequer chamber , to acquit , discharge , or moderate all recognizances , debts , detinues , trespasses , wastes , deceipts , defaults , contempts and forfeitures , ( treasons , murders , felonies , rights , titles and interest , as well of inheritance as free-hold only excepted ) according to equity and good conscience . by an act of parliament made in the 5 th and 6 th year of the reign of king edward the sixth , great penalties were laid upon those that should buy or sell offices concerning the administration of justice , or any offices belonging to the king , all contracts , bonds , promises . covenants , and bargains to be void , both as to the buyer and seller , and the taker of any gift or promise to forfeit his nomination and interest therein . by an act of parliament made in the 31 th year of the reign of queen elizabeth , three proclamations shall be made in every action personal where an exigent is awarded , and the defendant before the allowance of any writ of error or reversal of the utlary , shall be bound to answer the plaintiff , and satisfie the condemnation . by an act of parliament made in the 43 th year of the reign of the aforesaid queen , every sheriff , under-sheriff , or other person making any warrant for the summons , arrest , or attaching of any person or their goods , to appear in any of the courts of westminster , or procuring it without original writ or process to warrant the same , being convicted thereof , shall be imprisoned without bail or mainprize , until they shall have paid the party grieved ten pounds , with all his other damages , and twenty pounds a piece for their offence to the queen , and ( for the avoiding of vexatious actions ) where any recovery is had for debt or damages for less than forty shillings , or not above , no more costs shall be awarded by the judge , than the debt or damages recovered . and by the law writs of habeas corpus una cum die & causa captionis , are granted by the courts of king's-bench or common pleas ; when any are imprisoned by the king , or any other without cause shewed to be bailed if the cause shall not appear to be just and legal . and if any man imprison any of the king's subjects without just cause , or enter upon , or take away any of their estates against the tenor of our magna charta , and charta forestae , and many of our other excellent laws and reasonable customs , he may , although it be by the king's command , if not legal be punished for the same . and our magna charta and liberties are so bulwarked and fortified , as every man may have reason enough to be assured , that the people of england and wales cannot upon any emergencies and violations of laws , want relief or redress . when the justices in eyre instituted by king henry the second to ride their circuits until they were by king edward the third changed into those of assizes , who in their vernal and autumnal circuits , carrying the king's justice , and care of it , into every shire and county of england and wales , to prevent as much as might be their travels and expences , to seek it farther from home , did amongst many other articles and matters concerning the king and his people , give in charge to the grand juries of the several cities and counties of their circuits , which were men of good estates , knowledge , experience and concerns sworn to present what they should be charged to inquire of ; and direct them to inquire and present false weights and measures , lands seized into the king's hands which ought not to be seized , or being ordered to be restored were not , of those that were amerced without reasonable cause , and not according to the offence , or by their peers , without a saving to their contenement ; a merchant without a saving to him his merchandize , and a villain without saving his waynage , and not by the oaths of good and lawful men of the neighborhood ; if any earls and barons were amerced but by their peers , and after the manner of their offences ; and if any man of the church be amerced , otherwise than according to his lay-tenement , and after the quantity of his offence , and by the statute of marleborough , made in the one and fiftieth year of king henry the third , of all other the breaches of the laws and liberties granted by magna charta , and the charter of the forrest , and other articles and matters to be inquired of , given unto them in writing , and upon their oaths to answer distinctly what they did know affirmatively or negatively . when the judges of the court of king's bench , who do yet retain the power of justices in eyre , do in every easter and michaelmas term , by a select grand jury of the county of middlesex , cause an enquiry to be made ( although it were to be wished it might be after the antient manner by articles delivered unto them in writing , to be distinctly answered unto ) offences committed against the king , and his crown and dignity , of all confederacies , champerties , maintenance , trespasses , extortions and grievances done to the king's subjects , by any arch-bishops , bishops , dukes , earls , barons , servants , officers , coroners , and ministers of the king , or by any other whatsoever , of breach of the peace , denying of bail on those who ought to be bailed , and of all manner of oppressions and grievances of the people . when the numerous justices of peace in every county , being as too many of them baronets , serjeants , and men of law , knights , elquires , and gentlemen of good quality , families , estates and education , are sworn and imployed not only to be guardians and conservators of the peace of the king and his people , to suppress felonies , riots , and the lower and most common sort of exorbitancies and misdemeanors , but to take care of the execution of many laws and statutes committed to their trust , and with the method and order appointed by our laws and ancient and reasonable customs of presenting an inquiry of grievances by our many court-leets , sheriffs , tournes , and county courts , subordinate one under the other to the superiour courts of westminster , and they unto their supream authority , the king. it will be the peoples own fault , and neglect of their own concernments ; if any grievances or oppression pass undiscernable , uncomplained of , or unpunished , or if any arbitrary power or extravagances do invade or break in upon the nation , who by the fence and care of our laws , and many times confirmed liberties , which for more than 500 years last past , have been building , repairing , and polishing to a perfection more than the hebrew , greek , or roman laws did ever attain unto ( the laws which god himself made for that peculiar people only excepted . ) and may , if by our sins and provocations of god almighty , the inspector of our unparallel'd misdeeds , and punisher of them , when his wrath shall be kindled , and have no longer patience , the walls of our happiness shall not be demolished , our liberties put to the sword , and our laws led into captivity , be as safe as humane prudence , and laws can possibly make them . more especially when our courts of justice at westminster-hall , are governed by judges and men of great wisdom and integrity , sworn to observe the laws , and judge according to their direction ; and our lawyers at the bars freely permitted with fitting reference rightly to inform and plead their clients cases . and the king 's high court of chancery , the officina justiriae , under the teste me ipso , of the watchman under god of our israel , superintending over them giveth writs remedial to all that ask for them with helps for extraordinary emergencies , or to allay the severity of laws , and makes it its business to punish and forbid frauds and oppressions . the masters of chancery annually stipended by the king formare brevia originalia remedialia , and to be assistants subordinately to that high and honourable court in matters of accompt and references . the rule of chancery being ever since the statute of westm ' the second made in the 13 th year of the reign of king edward the first , quod nullus recedat à cancellaria sine remedio & concordent clerici , and the officers and clerks of the chancery thereunto appointed , are from time to time to do their utmost endeavours to provide remedies for all that complain , nè justitia deficeret conquerentibus . and as to lesser matters of complaints , and often emergencies , pensioneth by good yearly salaries , 4 learned and venerable men of worth , called masters of requests , or supplicationum & libellorum who by turns and courses each master , being deputed to his month , have their audience twice or oftener in that time of the king , to give answers to their petitions . and the king in matters wherein any of his rights , and what appertaineth unto him are concerned , gives his people leave by petition , or monstrans du droit traverses oustre les mames , &c. to obtain what they can prove to be due unto them , and where any of his letters patents are grievous and against the law , suffers them to be repealed by writs of scire facias brought against the patentees . and if any of the people should be so unhappy in the intrigues or difficulties of their cases , as they cannot be relieved by any of those provided remedies from any supposed arbitrary power of their prince , or any illegal oppressing actions of one subject against another , they have the liberty of appeals from the inferior courts of justice , to the superior , and in matters concerning breach of the peace , and of misdemeanors within the cognisance of the justices of peace , may appeal from them to the justices of assize , and from them to the king and his chancellor , or lord keeper , of the great seal of england ; and if not by any of those ways to be relieved , are in cases ( not concerning free-hold ) not debarred their appeals to the king , and his privy council , where they are , the king himself being very often present , judiciously and deliberately heard upon all the pleas and arguments which the councel learned in the law on both sides , can make one against the other . and remedies also against all the assaults of grievances , are not difficult to be come at in the ecclesiastical courts , and courts of admiralty , where when the subjects complaints cannot be remedied , they do easily obtain the king's commission of delegates to other judges , and if that do not answer their expectations , may have a commission of adjuncts to other judges to be added unto them . and in these or other courts where the potency of the one part , and the poverty of the other , hath disabled the weaker , from attending the formalities of justice , or croud of many other causes , he may have a commission ob lites dirimendas , granted by the king out of his high court of chancery , to some good and wise men to endeavor as much as they can a more speedy remedy . the dermier resort last appeal & ultimum refugium of the people in their seeking for justice , being so necessarily inherent in the crown , as none but they that wear it , can justly claim any right unto it , but have always been enjoyed not only by our british , saxon , and danish kings before the norman conquest , but all our kings which succeeded them . and if there they find no help , are like enough , if therebe cause of justice in their complaints not to fail of relief by petition to the king , when he is assisted with the advice of his lords and commons in parliament . all which , with many other laws and reasonable customs , priviledges and liberties , like so many cittadels , block-houses , out-works , and strong castles and forts , which divers of our ancient and reasonable customs , and acts of parliament have in the making of other laws from time to time been careful upon all occasions to erect and build , to help to guard and protect their liberties , rights and priviledges , together with the very great care which the judges restraining all non obstantes of acts of parliament , and regal dispensations unto what the law allows , or to the king 's particular concernments , do take in all their judgments and decisions , expositions , applications and interpretations of laws to assist and support the just rights and proprieties of the subjects in their lands and estates , and not in the least to prejudice them in their common assurances by fines and common recoveries . the severity used by divers of our kings in the punishment of briberies , extortions or byassed and illegal flattering opinions of judges . the oaths of the lords and others of the king 's privy council , who are usually the greatest , noble , and most concerned men of estate and interest of the nation . oath of the lord chancellor or lord keeper of the great seal of england , well and truly to serve the king and his people , and to do right to all manner of people according to the law and usages of the realm . oaths of the judges to do equal law and execution of right to all the king's subjects , rich and poor , without having regard to any person , to deny no man common right by the king's letters , nor none other mans , nor for none other cause . oaths of the king's serjeants at law , well and truly to serve him and his people , and as duly and hastily speed such matters as any man shall have against the king in the law , as they may lawfully do without delay , or tarrying the party for his lawful process . the oaths of other serjeants at law , well and truly to serve the king and his people , and truly counsel them . oaths of the justices of peace to do equal right to the poor , as to the rich ; after the laws and customs of the realm and statutes thereof made . oaths of the sheriffs to do right to poor as well as rich , in all that belongeth to their office , to disturb no man's right ; nor to do wrong to any man. and the oaths of the escheators , clerks of the chancery , and coroners , with the oaths of the officers of courts , under-sheriffs and bailiffs , well and to execute justice . all which several degrees of men in the nation would be as unwilling as any others to have the lives , liberties , and estates of themselves and their posterities or dearest relations , sacrificed to a lawless and unlimitted power of their kings and princes . and the oaths of our kings at their several coronations to conserve the liberties of the people , and observe all the good laws made by their royal progenitors and predecessors , with the impossibility that ever the lords and commons in parliament assembled , will consent to the abrogating of any of the aforesaid laws and reasonable customs , be felones de se , or deliver up themselves and their posterities to the absolute will and pleasure of their succeeding kings and princes may abundantly evidence how safely and securely the property and liberties of the people , until rebellion , foolishly fancied fears and jealousies with their discords , distrust and plundering of one another , shall put them under such another yoke as oliver cromwell had cheated them into , may rest , and are like inviolably to continue for ever , protected against any the incroachments of arbitrary power , whilst they live under their king 's ancient government . of which his late majesty was so careful and so willing to dislodge all manner of jealousies out of the minds of his subjects , as he did in the third year of his reign , give his royal assent , as they call'd it , unto their petition of right , and made it an act of parliament , wherein he not only confirmed their magna charta , and charta forestoe ; but the act of parliament assented unto by king edward the first de tallagio non concedendo : the act of parliament made in the first year of the reign of king edward the third , cap. 6. the act of parliament made in the 25 th year of the reign of the aforesaid king , that no man should be compelled to make any loans to the king against his will. the statutes of the 28 e. 3. ca. 3. 37 e. 3. ca. 18. 38 e. 3. ca. 9. 42 e. 3. ca. 3. 11 r. 2. ca. 9. 17 r. 2. ca. 6. and 1 r. 3. ca. 2. charged all his officers and ministers to serve him according to the laws and statutes of the realm , as they tendered the honour of his majesty , and the prosperity of the kingdom . banished as he hoped for ever all their fears of the infringing of their liberties , and given cause of content to them and that parliament , to such a satiety , such a fulness , and nè plus ultra , as unless they would have been consortes imperii , and require to have a share in his regality and government ; there was no more to be asked or requested of him , or granted by him . imprisoned shortly after in the tower of london , john earl of clare , and the greatly learned selden , for but having copies in their custody of some florentine and foreign laws and customs proposed by sir robert dudley , a titular duke of tuscany , to be imitated by him here in england , as a means to raise money by impositions laid upon the people , and caused his attorney general to exhibit a bill against them in the star-chamber for disquieting his subjects with fears and jealousies . and was so ready from time to time to condescend to their infirmities , and give satisfaction to them in all their concerns and scruples , as he suffered those two great cases of the habeas corpus , and the ship money wherein his necessary prerogative , for the good of himself and his people , was not a little concerned , to be publickly and solemnly argued in the course and method of the laws in foro contradictorio before the judges , and shewed no displeasure afterwards , but much kindness unto justice hutton , and justice croke , who in the case of the ship money had in their arguments and opinions delivered thereupon against him in the exchequer chamber , dissented from all the rest and greater number of the judges . and his now royal majesty treading the good old paths of queen elizabeth , his grandfather king james , and his royal father , doth in all matters of difficulty in the absence of parliaments , where the laws and justice of the nation are likely to be more than ordinarily concerned , consult and advise with the judges , hath not long ago superseded one of them for some harsh usage , and discontent given to the countrey in his circuits , and takes all the care he can to choose and make judges , and his learned council at the law out of the most able , honest , experienced , and eminent practisers of it , and hath but lately in several of his speeches in parliament declared and promised , that he would give his consent unto any good laws which should be by them desired for the further securing of their religion , liberties , and properties , and not long ago answered private and particular persons of ordinary quality , petitioning him for right to be done unto them in matters of law , and some of his own concernments , that god forbid , but his people should have liberty to demand right of him , as well as against any of their fellow subjects . they therefore who do over-busie themselves in the carrying about the buz of false and incertain rumours , and the dreadful imaginations of an arbitrary and lawless power , which may be hoped will never happen , nor be able if any should desire it to attack and demolish those impregnable fortresses , which our laws right reason long continued good and reasonable customs of england , have built and provided against it . and do make such lamentable outcries and exclamations against arbitrary power before it happens , or they can perceive any likelihood of it , and in their ill-tutor'd logick would persuade themselves and others it is so ; because they are pleased to fancy it is possible it may be so , and cannot be quiet , but do think themselves ill used , if they may not be permitted like the andabatoe to fight with their own shadows , and be not a little commended , magnified , and accompted good patriots for it . blench at every thing , turn their follies into all kinds of fears and jealousies , and so strongly fancy them as if they were actually upon them , and will not be persuaded but the king will deliver us up to popery and arbitrary power , and to that end the king of france hath viewed and sounded our ports and havens , and with great armies is ready to invade , destroy , or make slaves of us and our generations . but may do better to give some respite to those their needless affrights , and pausing a while sit down and consider , what greater assurance his now majesty , could give to his subjects , or they desire , than what he declar'd in his speech to the house of commons in march , 1661 ? gentlemen , i hear and am very solicitous , i thank you for it , since i presume it proceeds from a good root of piety and devotion ; but i must tell you , i have the worst luck in the world , if after all the reproaches of being a papist when i was abroad , i am suspected of being a presbyterian now i am come home ; i know you will not take it unkindly , if i tell you that i am as zealous for the church of england , as any of you can be , and am as much in love with the book of common-prayer as you can wish , and have prejudice enough to those that do not love it ; and do as much desire to see an uniformity setled as any amongst you ; i pray you trust me in that affair . in the year 1664. tells them , i do assure you upon my word , and i pray you believe me , that i have no other thoughts or design in my heart , but to make you all happy in the support of the religion and laws established . in the same year , when they brought him a bill for the repeal of the act of parliament to exclude the bishops out of the house of peers ; he said , i thank you with all my heart , indeed as much as i can do for any thing , for the repeal of that act : it was an unhappy act in an unhappy time , passed with many unhappy circumstances , and attended with miserable events ; and therefore i do again thank you for repealing of it , you have thereby restored parliaments to their primitive institutions . in his speech unto both houses in anno 1672. said , that he would conclude with this assurance , that i will preserve the true protestant religion , and the church as it is now establish'd in this kingdom , and in the whole course of the dissenters , i do not intend that it shall any ways prejudice the church ; but i will support its rights and its full power . in january 1673. said , if there be any thing else which you think wanting to secure religion , there is nothing which you shall reasonably propose , but i shall be ready to receive it . in april 1675. said , the principal end of his calling the parliament now , is to know what you think may be yet wanting to the security of religion , and to give my self the satisfaction of having done the utmost of my endeavours . in february 1679. said to both houses of his parliament , i declare my self very plainly unto you , that i am prepar'd to give you all the satisfaction and security in the great concern of the protestant religion , as it is establish'd in the church of england , that shall reasonably be ask'd , or can consist with christian prudence . 6 march 1678. i do give you this assurance , that i will with my life defend both the protestant religion , and the laws of this kingdom . in january 1673. if there be any thing you think wanting to secure property , there is nothing which you shall reasonably propose , but i shall be ready to receive it . febr. 15. 1676. said to his two houses of parliament , i do declare my self freely , that i am ready to gratifie you in a further security of your liberty and property ( if you can think you want it ) by as many good laws as you shall propose , and as can consist with the safety of the government , without which , there will neither be liberty nor property left unto any man. and let all men judge who is most for arbitrary government , they that foment such differences as tend to dissolve all parliaments ; or i , that would preserve this and all parliaments from being made useless by such dissolutions . and remember that there was a time not long ago , when the phanatick party , who at this time are too great a part of england , and some of the presbyterians were not in the heretofore justly stiled the long and rebellious part of a parliament so much afraid of arbitrary government as now they do seem to be . when in that long and unhappy misnamed parliament they procured to be voted down as many as they could of their soveraign's rights , methods , and means of government in an ancient and well established monarchy , overturned peerage , episcopacy , tenures , and many other of our fundamental laws , warranted by the laws of god and this nation , and as if they feared that rebellion , raising of armies , and chacing and fighting against their pious and religious king , who never gave them any cause for it ( if any cause at all can ever be assigned , or able to justifie rebellion ) should not be sin enough , made all the hast they could to add sacriledge unto it , and placed in themselves an arbitrary and boundless authority over him , unto whom they had sworn an allegiance due to superiority , trampled upon all their fellow subjects , plundered , sequestred , and did all they could to perjure the loyal part of them , destroyed the privileges of parliament , suffered some of their own members to be pulled out of the house of commons , and imprisoned by soldiers and red-coats ( one whereof was by his own confession an irish popish priest ) and by the assistance of their over-pow'ring army , voted down , suppressed , and shut up the house of peers , as useless and dangerous , inforced themselves into a republick and the nation , who by the laws of god and the king , and their oaths of allegiance and supremacy , were bound as well as themselves to the contrary , to ingage never more to admit of a king and house of lords , and in some of their answers to their brethren of scotland , who urged and taxed them with some of their promises concerning his late majesty , said that they hoped they would not make their promises to be obligations . and in their declaration printed and published to give satisfaction to all the world , that would believe them of the reasons of their actions ; and turning themselves into a common-wealth , endeavoured to assert that in all promises a tacite condition and proviso was ever to be understood as annexed unto them , so always that they did not prejudice or inconvenience the party promising . and forgetting that they had prosecuted the late earl of strafford , and caused him to be put to death , upon a pretence of his subversion of laws , which he never did , but they themselves really and frequently did , murdered their king , banished his now majesty the prince , and the rest of his children , and used their utmost endeavors to extirpate all the royal progeny , scorned and abused the laws , tumbled , tossed and ploughed up the liberties , proprieties and estates of the loyal party , and made some ignotos and invisible ( they themselves never knew ) and who were less to be understood than king oberon and his fairy queen , to be stiled the keepers of the liberties of england , voted the courts of chancery , king's-bench , common pleas , and exchequer to be dissolved , and ordered the records thereof to be destroyed and thrown into the river of thames , and were not all that while in dread of any arbitrary power , and a standing army , when to the great charge of the people they could not think themselves safe without it . but tamely suffered oliver cromwel , their man of sin and greatest of hypocrites to put a trick upon them , and teach them the truth and doctrine of divine retalliation by dissolving the reliques of the over-long parliament , pulling out the remaining members with soldiers and musquettiers , and shutting up the doors of that house of commons , and could for the preservation of their ill-gotten estates , like isachar , bow down unto the burden , and be well content to believe it to be no violation of the privileges of parliament , no arbitrary power or introduction to it , nor any destruction of the liberties of the people , and suffer him upon the 16 th of december 1653. in the presence of the commanders and officers of his army , attended by the miscalled lords commissioners of the pretended great seal of england , lord mayor and aldermen of the city of london , divers of the over awed judges of the land , and many other persons , said to be of quality , to declare himself by an instrument in writing of his own framing , protector of the common-wealth of england , scotland , and ireland ; disannul and abrogate the antient form of parliaments , constitute a new , and ordain that the persons elected to be members for ever afterwards should be approved by the major part of his council , and the succeeding protectors ; who were most of them major generals and commanders in his standing army of oppressors : that an yearly revenue should be raised , settled , and established for the maintaining of ten thousand horse and dragoons , and twenty thousand foot in england , scotland , and ireland , for the defence and security thereof ; and a convenient number of ships for guarding of the seas ; besides two hundred thousand pounds per annum , for defraying the other necessary charges and expences of the government . which revenues were to be raised by the customs , and such other ways and means as should be agreed upon by him and his council . that the lands , tenements , rents , royalties , jurisdictions , and hereditaments , which remained unsold and undisposed by acts or ordinances of parliament belonging to the common-wealth ( except the forests and chases , and the honors and mannors appertaining thereunto ) the lands of the rebels in ireland , and the four counties of dublin , cork , kildare , and caterlaugh ; the lands forfeited by the people of scotland in the late wars , and the lands of papists and delinquents in england , who had not then compounded , should together with the debts , fines , issues , amerciaments , penalties , and profits certain and casual , due to the keepers of the liberties of england by authority of parliament , be vested in the lord protector and his successors lord protectors of the aforesaid nations , not to be aliened but by consent of parliament ; which made him no less an yearly revenue , as some of his own party did calculate it then eighteen hundred thousand pounds sterling , per annum . that for the preventing of disorders and dangers which might fall out both at sea and land , he should have power until the meeting of the first parliament ( which was to be once in every three years ) to raise money for the purposes aforesaid . and to make laws and ordinances for the peace and welfare of these nations , which should be binding and in force until order should be taken in parliament concerning the same . that the exercise of the chief magistrate , and the administration of the government over the said countries and dominions should be in the lord protector , assisted with a council not exceeding twenty one , or less than thirteen . that he should in the intervals of parliament , dispose and order the militia and forces of the three nations for the peace and good thereof , with the advice and consent of the major part of his council . that the number of 60 elected and chosen or approved as aforesaid ( being easie enough to be tempted by preferment , or over-awed by a standing army ) should be deemed a parliament for the three kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland ; that he and every successive lord protector , should take an oath that he would not violate or infringe the matters and things contained in that instrument of government . and when afterwards to prevent the juries scruples of conscience and unwillingness to give their verdicts against the law , and the king 's loyal party , as he would have them , erected in westminster-hall his high court of justice , or shambles , as some of the people not unfitly termed it , adorned with red and blood-demonstrating colours , to try and condemn such innocent persons as he should call offenders ; not according to the law , but the unbounded rules of his vulgar reason of state , guided by a standing army of 30000 horse and foot , baffled and disgraced the laws and reasonable customs of england , maimed and cut off as much as he could of it , as adonizedek did the thumbs and toes of his captive kings ; altered and destroyed all he could the form and rationality of the proceedings thereof , and caused the writs and pleadings , form and frame thereof to be translated , and only used in the english language , on purpose and with a design to abrogate them , and make way for a new fabrick and engine of laws , for the establishing of his intended absolute manner of arbitrary government ; encouraged and pensioned mr. white a profest papist , and mr. hobbs , men of great learning , which might have been better imployed , to write and publish books to vindicate and justifie the necessity of an absolute power in supreme magistracy ; and others to write and publish their unsound opinions , that copyhold estates were a badge of the norman slaveries ; that the eldest sons or only daughters in every family had no right to any more than a double portion of their father's real estate ; that university-learning was needless , with a purpose to confiscate their revenues ; and payment of tythes unlawful ; permitted servants to betray and sequester their masters , tenants their landlords , wives their husbands , and children their parents ; only because they were unwilling to be perjured in their new oaths and ingagements , or wretchedly willing to forsake their loyalty and the laws of god and the kingdom ; suffered his illiterate commanders to threaten to pull the gowns from off the lawyers backs , and publickly to declare , that it would never be well until their gowns were like the colours taken from their subdued scots brethren hung up in westminster-hall ; made his major generals governors in several provinces , who abusing and domineering over the laws , imprisoned men without cause , and suffered the nobility of england to stand bare and uncovered before them , and to be arrested and drag'd in the streets by bailiffs and catchpoles for debt , when they had nothing left to pay them ; prohibited , ejected orthodox ministers to bring actions at law for recovery of their rights ; and all others to demand or seek to recover at law their debts or other rights , by any actions or suits in law or equity , unless they took the aforesaid engagement against the king and house of lords ; tired and almost starved with tricks and delays , the poor deprived ministers wives and children of their fifth part of the profits of their husbands and fathers benefices , which they seemed to allow unto them ; gave a considerable yearly salary duly paid to lilly the fooling and cozening astrologer , to foretel in his state as well as weather almanacks , good or bad events , to lacquy after his accursed designs , and positively assert by his pretended intimacy with the stars , that in such a year before his majestie 's happy restauration , prince rupert , who god be thanked is yet living , was certainly to be hanged . constituted a house composed of his army commanders , and some other of his nymrods and deputy-oppressors , many whereof had been formerly well instructed in the arts of coblers , draymen , and bodies-making , &c. and instead of an house of peers , called it the other house . and when mr. coney a london merchant , being imprisoned against the law without a cause shewn , had brought his habeas corpus to be bailed , sent mr. maynard , mr. twisden , and mr. wadham wyndham his lawyers , prisoners to the tower of london ; for pleading for him , and the liberties of the people ; and called our magna charta , magna farta ; prohibited all lawyers to plead for any of the sequestred orthodox ministry , that would not crouch under , and kiss the rod of their persecution . many notwithstanding of those better now than they were before informed members of that over long and unhappy parliament , and continued to be members of parliament through all the changes ; from thence to oliver , and from oliver to his son dick , seemed not then to be out of love with those new authorities or over turning rota's of government , laws , and liberties . and too many of the gaining and phanatick party , who might have foreseen the dismal apprehensions of an approaching arbitrary power , had in the days of oliver and his son mr. richard so little a dread , or were not so much afraid of it ( when they had reason to have been a great deal more ) as they being no small gainers by it rejoyced in it , thought themselves happily placed in the blessed land of canaan , and conducted into it by the hand of heaven , and singing a magnificat to oliver , and a requiem to themselves , and their chosen posterity , could be at no rest until they had obtained declarations out of many counties and cities , subscribed by the most considerable men of their rebellious and sacrilegious party , and caused them to be printed and delivered unto his counterfeit highness , with solemn addresses upon their knees , and other actions of veneration , by some of their most active accomplices ; wherein they stiled oliver , moses and joshua ; made up his praises with almost blasphemy , and prayed for the continuance of his care for their protection , and as they called it the publick good ; and were after his death as busie with the like adoration ; several solemn declarations , addresses and thanksgivings to his son richard's ridiculous parcel of highness . wherefore they who were then so willing to bow their necks under the hard galling iron yoke , which a long parliament by colour of a false authority , assistance of a standing army , and a rebel brewer had put upon them . and to take arms against their own happiness , and betray their own good laws , liberties , privileges and customs to usurpers , which were so unparallel'd , as the devil with a pair of spectacles cannot upon the most malicious and exactest search , find any nation under heaven so happy and blessed as england hath been , in the security of their liberties , properties and privileges , since the beginning of the reign of king henry the first , thorough the reigns of all our succeeding kings ; who upon the least appearance or complaints of grievances , either as to particulars or generals , rarò contingentibus ; or but feared or likely to happen , never denied good laws and remedies to their people , as all our law-books , year-books , reports of cases , adjudged parliament rolls , and books of statutes will abundantly testifie ; may with shame and horror of so foul and grand ingratitude recall to their remembrance , that they that were the disciples of the late wars and usurpations , and gainers by the ruin and misery of this , and two other kingdoms , by their arts and power of cheating and haring their fellow subjects out of their loyalty , religion , estates , laws , and liberties . could be well contented to receive of his majesty after his return from his distresses , not only a pardon ( unto all , but a few excepted ) of their great and many offences and misdeeds , after that he had by several acts of parliament unfornicated or unadulterated the wives and husbands , and legitimated the children of those that were mis-married , and taken away the errors of their illegal proceedings and judgments , and recoveries had at law , in the time of their many years abominable rebellion ; but the greatest acquital of money , arrears , and forfeitures due unto him , amounting unto many millions sterling , that ever any people of england had and received of any of their kings and princes at once , with an addition afterwards of another pardon or abolition of a lesser size , for offences and forfeitures since committed , and did not only restore unto all the cities , boroughs , and corporations of england and wales , their forfeited charters , privileges , and liberties ; but enlarged and gave unto many of them , more than they had before . and was so unwilling to punish those that had done him and his royal father , mother , brothers , & sisters , those almost impossible to be forgotten or forgiven most execrable villanies , as he not only pardoned , but gave them profitable employments : who to their shame cozened him all they could and moulded themselves into a faction of repeating as many impieties as they had been guilty of before , and was so over clement and forgiving , as he imployed , and did not punish one that was proved to have said after his majestie 's escape from the battel of worcester , that if he had been taken , he ought to have been stripped stark naked , led through the streets with a bridle thrust through an hole bored in his nose , whipped at a carts tail , and afterwards hanged . are not to be very angry , or take it ill if they be charged with partiality or injustice ; or as great a reproach as our blessed saviour bestowed upon the over-quick-sighted fault-finding pharisee , who could espy a mote ( as he thought in another's eye , but not see a beam in his own ) but rather retire into themselves ; and upon a more strict examination of their past evil actions , abhor themselves in dust and ashes , cover their heads with shame , weep , repent , and resolve to walk retrograde , and persist no more in the gain-saying of corah , datham , and abiram ; wherein they perished . when they who would make every body as much afraid as they themselves , do seem to fear an inclination in his majesty to an arbitrary power , which he never did , or is willing to exercise , can almost every day joyn with others in complaints of the no few of the subordinate magistrates , usurping it against the mind and direction of the king and his laws over their fellow subjects , by their irregular courses ; condemning , and many times imprisoning without jury , trial , legal hearing , or proceedings . and easily discern an yearly custom of an illegally over-strained power in the lord maiors of london ; electing and drinking unto many or more than needs , in the choice of two to be sheriffs of london and middlesex for the ensuing year ; and imposing and taking great fines of the refusers , unto whom he needed not to have drank , whereby to gain some thousands of pounds yearly for the fines of such as were unwilling or unfit to bear the charge or expence of those offices , and imprison and constrain them to pay them ; which are seldom less than 4 or 500 l. upon every such refuser . as if some fatal and successive annual , or fit of thirst , or kind drinking , was at a certain time of every year to fall upon the lord maiors of that city to drink more often , and unto more than he should do . and they that shall happen to be so imposed upon , are sure to be out of hopes of getting themselves discharged of imprisonment , for not paying the fine by writs of habeas corpus and bail ; which if the king should do every year in the choice of three presented unto him to serve as sheriffs in all other counties and places of england and wales , ( no other city or place therein making use of such a kind and loving device to raise moneys ) the habeas corpora bells would ring in all the courts of justice in westminster-hall ; and his majesty would be troubled with the noise thereof . and no small arbitrary power in their courts of orphants in london , by imprisoning a young man in newgate without bail or mainprise , that had lawfully married a city orphant , and his father in like manner for contriving it . and we may often hear and observe in the guilds , fraternities , and companies of trade , and their mysteries in the city of london , an almost unbounded over absolute power in their by-laws , which should be perused ( as it is more than a little probable they are not , or but very seldom or cursorily ) by the lord chancellor , or lord keeper of the great seal of england , lord treasurer , and the two lord chief justices , and allowed by them or any three of them , to be according to the law ; together with their giving of unlawful oaths , imposing of taxes , quarteridges , or fines and assessements as they please upon the poorer sort of the companies of trades , supernumerating their livery men in their companies , in making them to be twice as many as they were wont to be , and inforcing them to pay 20 or 25 l. a man , and be at the charge of a reverend gown faced with furrs of foynes or budge ; and imprison men for not obeying them and their grinding superfluous orders . the exactions and arbitrary power of the church-officers in the city of london , and its overgrown suburb parishes , in the renting of pews and seats in the churches ; making strangers pay great and double fees for tolling the passing bell , and ringing of a peal , when there was no such matters ; taking great fees for burying of the dead in the church or chancel ; near an husband , wife , father or mother , brother or sister , where before they have lain there a quarter of a year , or a little time , they are sure to be taken up again , and flung into a common vault , to lodge amongst those that were buried far cheaper , conniving at , or permitting the parish clerks , sextons , or grave-makers to sell the broken and sometimes pillaged coffins of the dead to be made fewel for fire or bake-houses , cozening the living and dead , feasting and fatning themselves upon every small consultation and parish meeting , for the good as they call it , or little business of the parish ; as for the putting out a bastard or foundling , or poor parish child to a beggar to beg with , and trouble the streets withal at a low weekly rate , and take the advantage to themselves of reckoning by a greater , which have been the cause of such short memories in parish politicks and governments , as the accompt of a legacy of three hundred pounds per annum , as they may be now demised , in houses and tenements in a london suburb parish , for as many hundred years ago , for the building of the church yet standing upon its old ruins , is so vanished as it is not at all to be found , and a royal charity of one hundred and twenty pounds given in the year 1625. by king charles the martyr in a time of pestilence , could never be heard of , and the church wardens or collectors of a near london parish have been so over-watched for the good of the parish , and thereby rendred so sleepy or lethargick , as they could not good people as they would be thought to be , tell which way one thousand or two thousand pounds have escaped out of the accompt , and the fault must be charged more upon the want of honesty than arithmetick . and may be found as greatly mistaken in their no seldom parish annual legacies , communion charities , or otherwise ; and in their taxes or yearly collections for the poor , which in some out-parishes near london , have amounted unto two thousand pounds per annum , and many times several hundred pounds per annum in lesser parishes ; and yet the poor pester the streets , and complain of their parish-starving weekly allowances , when houses of forty pounds per annum therein , are by a constant yearly tax burdened with sixteen shillings per annum , to be quarterly paid towards the relief of the poor ; though many charities , and the yearly improved rents of lands assigned thereunto , ought to have lessened it , or by their taxing or laying heavy burdens upon such as shall disoblige them or withdraw their custom from their shops , taverns , or ale-houses , or to ease a friend , or any that can make a perswading application unto them , or to charge one man more heavily than he should be to ease another that might better bear it , will adventure to convert the monies given for the setting up , or seeking young tradesmen to their own use , or of their own children , son-in-laws or kindred , and making their wives jointures of lands given to charitable uses , which they cannot tell how to be ill done in regard of that often misguiding , and misapplied , saying , that charity beginneth at home ; take five shillings at a time out of the dish or bason of the money given to the poor at the receiving of the sacrament , to satisfie a wicked church-warden for his attendance ; and as much sometimes in the gathering of money or benevolence for the lecturer , who might have saved that money if he had preached them into better consciences ; as when after a long attendance they are to pay a charitable guift for the marriage of poor maid-servants , or to such of that sort as have served one master or mistress in that parish for such a number of years , do think the devil will not be friends with them , if by some lye or pretence as that the rents of the lands are fallen , a tenant broke or insolvent , they do not drive them to take a pittance , or scarce half of what is due ; and howsoever must give a release or receipt for the whole : to the end that all may be reckoned , when a great deal less was paid . and do think that they have as great an authority under colour of publick good , not at all , or but little intended , to grind and do what they please , and with as much extravagancy in many of their illegal orders and doings within the small compass of their little dominions , as if all the rest of the parish were only of the tribe of issachar . and every city , borough , and corporation in england and wales , will not think themselves furnished with arbitrary power , sufficient by their charters , unless by their by-laws and subordinate rules of government , they can have some out leaps and incursions , and inforce their inhabitants to an obedience of their many times unjustifiable orders , fines , and assessements . the companies of trade in london , whose charters and incorporations were granted for the better ordering and governing of an honest and regular way of trading , with a conscionable and reasonable gain ; not to spoil and falsifie the manufactures of the kingdom , and enhaunce the price thereof , are not to suffer tricks to be plaid with it to deceive and abuse the people . the drapers cannot produce a charter , or an allowance from god or man , to cause their cloth to be stretched or tenter'd , to make 16 yards 20 ; and when a new created trade called a cloth-drawer shall have hid , and cunningly dearn'd up the holes or cracks in it by a device of hot-pressing it so slick and smooth it , as it shall feel and look rather like silk than cloth , sell it for 20 , 25 or 30 s. per yard ; which if it were not so misused and made to be almost old before the taylor can have shapt it into a shute of apparel , would be worth but 16 or 18 s. per yard . and it is more than an arbitrary lawless power for a goldsmith to melt down as much heavy money as he can come at into silver plate ; and sell tobacco and powder-boxes , staff handles , pomels of swords , cup-handles , and most of the smaller pieces of plate in the kingdom , of drossy silver , not half the value of sterling , and prove them to be toucht or markt for sterling , when it will not be worth half the money they do sell it for ; fill rings by an imperceptible hole with powder of copper , and make the buyer pay for pure gold , when it is for a great part no such matter . insomuch as a great part of the plate of the nation is now so much abased , as it is not half the value it should be . it is a more than arbitrary and illegal power in the vintners , who besides the great adulteration of the wines beyond the seas before they come hither , will have the assistance of the wine-coopers to unwholsom them with arsenick in the sack , and many other unhealthful mixtures in their other wines , and by that , and the vintner and his drawer's deputy-conjurations , can to please the humour of the customers , fit him out of half a dozen small vessels or bottles , and laugh as they say in their sleeves , ( and perhaps the drawer may get a sixpence into the bargain ) for drawing it so specially to think how neatly they are cozened ; howsoever the rate must be what they shall set , tho' the king and his privy council do often put a price upon their wines ; yet if the more honest drinkers will not pay the vintner's own exacted rate , for that which is good they must take the bad enough to poison a dog. and if some fall sick upon it , as many have lately done and dye , by no great quantity moderately drank of it , that shall never disturb the conscience of the vintner , who thinks it for the publick good , that he in a short time hath from a poor tavern-boy made himself worth 20000 l. or 30000 l. and his wife the mistress of a pearl neck-lace ( not counterfeit , as his wines were ) of a great value . and makes no doubt but although he repent and come into the vineyard of the almighty at a late , or but the eleventh hour , he shall not go without his peny , and if he purchase an hospital , or some other charitable uses , and leave it in trust with as honest an one as himself , it will do the business . the brewers cannot believe their trade can subsist without the aid of an unjustifiable arbitrary power , who though they be allowed by the king , and excused for the excise of three barrels of beer in every score , and steals as much as they can notwithstanding of the duty of the excise from the king and his officers ; and the housekeeper pays the excise for all that he takes of him . yet from his beer ( though mault , coal , and hops be never so cheap ) or ale , the best must be taken off , and the remainder being only water half boiled flung upon the strengthless grains is sent and served to the house-keeper for 6 s. beer with the excise laid upon it , and made to be a drink not fit to give beasts , quickly stinking and souring , and by the opinion of the london physitians is a great , if not an only cause of the epidemick and now more than formerly infection or disease called the scurvy , not so much as heretofore taken notice of in the bills of mortality , and that beer though always over-hopped and imbittered , to supply the want of mault , the people are constrained to be content with ; and if they will have it better , are to pay eight shillings a barrel besides the excise , for that which should be but six . all which , or a great part of it , might by the justice and laws of the nation be redressed , if the vintners , who by a late trick of glass bottles , now used in most taverns , bespoken and made to be but or not so much as a pint and an half , instead of a quart ; and their elder brethren the brewers were but put in mind as they ought to be of the statute entituled assisa panis & cervisiae , made in the 51 year of the reign of king henry the third . and another statute made by that king in the same year called the statute of the pillory and tumbrell , both yet in force and unrepealed , whereby the offenders , vintners , brewers , and bakers , are to be presented and amerced ; and for every default , the baker is to be adjudged to the pillory ; and the brewer and vintner to the tumbrell , which was as it were in a ducking-stool ( now sometimes used over cleaner waters , and applied to notorious scolding and unquiet women ) hanging over some muddy and unwholesome water , being the punishment of the fossa or stinking pits , appropriate by the grants of divers of our kings to the lords or owners of great mannors or liberties , having assisas panis & cervisiae . which ill doings of the brewers in their unconscionable and unchristian-like arbitrary power , exercised as far as it can be stretched upon their fellow subjects , are imitated by the alehouse keepers , the inferior and retailing masters of the tap ; who would never have it be said or proved , that they come short of their founders great abilities in the arts or knaveries of the drink profession , or any of their subtilties or exactions . and therefore to make it go with a double , at the least rate or price , or much more than it should be , have to cheat and cozen the people in to an idle and ridiculous expence , devised several names for drinks , as they shall please to call them , though there be little or nothing of the supposed ingredients in them ; as cock ale , college ale , china ale , scurvygrass ale , lymmon or orange beer or ale , hull ale , northdown ale , sambach ale , doctor butler's ale , cum multis al●●s ; for which adoptions , sundry of those promoters of drunkenness do think they shall serve the devil for nothing , if they be not paid a double or greater rate ; and by that means and those measures , make a shift to clear four pounds a week , and put it to griping usury , and in a short time make themselves the owners of 3 or 400 l. per annum , and some of them 7 or 800 l. per 〈◊〉 : and in their ale-honesty can take no less in the suburbs of london than a peny for a pint of ale , when in southwark on the other side of the thames , better brewed and made can be sold for an half-peny a pint. the woodmongers or colliers can leap over all our laws as they list ; and by confederacy keep back the collier new castle fleet , and make them tarry in the lower part of the river of thames , and send up to london some stragling cole-ships to scarce and enhaunce the price of coles ; insomuch , as until his majesty after many complaints , and a tired patience , had taken away their charter , they would at every extraordinary frost or winterly weather , never fail to raise the rates of sea coles in the space of a few days , or less than a week , unto 5 , 10 , or 20 s. at a time , and sometimes as high as 3 or 4 l. a chaldron , to the great affliction and impoverishment of the poorer sort of people ; when they might as they have done since the taking away of their charter , have afforded a chaldron of coles with gain enough under 20 s. a chaldron . neither need we to have any jury or inquest impannelled in the search of an arbitrary power , daily made use of in the city of london and suburbs thereof by the people over one another , the mighty over the weak , and the rich over the poor . and the usurer and man of money , when he takes as much above the legal interest , for the loan of his money , as the necessities of the distressed borrowers can perswade him unto , and upon the severity of an execution , or a forfeited mortgage of lands double or treble in value to the money lent , looks as nebuchadonozer , overlook'd his babylon , walks about like a mogul , or some unlimited monarch of the east , and as pittiless to the supplication of the lamenting supplicant borrower , and the tears of his wife and children , as the hunger-bitten woolf is with the lamb under his bloody paws and fangs ; in company of whom do march , the insinuating imp of the devil called the tallyman , with his closer and more consumptive secretly biting usury , lending eighteen shillings to market-men and women heglers , &c. such as cry necessary food in the streets , instead of 20 s. upon the tally and their own security , at the interest and rate of 12 d. duely paid every week , although continued at that pace a year together , being a cunning piece of usury , far exceeding that of the jews ; who in the reign of our king richard the first , were by the common people massacred , and the caursini the pope's brokers banish'd by king henry the third , for much gentler usuries followed by that of the lesser pinching money improvers , who will lend 10 l. for no longer than a month , and at that or every months end , call fiercely to have it paid in , to beget the former or a greater brocage . when all the trades of london and westminster , and their largely overbuilt suburbs , can by an unreasonable and arbitrary power to maintain their unfitting pride and luxury , impose and put what price they please upon their work and commodities , and not a few do upon every occasion or opportunity of their interest and advantage break and run over our magna charta , and other the laws and statutes of the kingdom . and when they trust their customers , without which there would be little or no trade , do when such buyers dream nothing of it , clap an hard interest into the price ; and if need be , in writing over their books again , make where it may be undiscernable an addition unto it . the mercers can order their silks and stuffs to be made slight and little lasting , and half yard broad , when it should be a greater measure ; and every month of may or summer season put a nick-name , or some cabalisiical or utopian devised word upon it to make the buyers give the more ; and be fond of it . and since our times of mad-mens contriving reformations , and opening the passage to all manner of tricks of trade and deceits ; there is in every week a meeting of most of the bigger sort of retailing trades in london and westminster , where they do agree their prices for some good part of time afterwards , and bind one another in bonds not to sell under ; and in the mean time take more than ordinary care to give the manufacture-men but half the wages which they gave them weekly before , whereby to ingage them to make it slight and leave the more room or liberty for the seller to lye and swear the commodity to an higher price . which makes the stationers sell not only their paper at an higher rate than formerly ; but so ill made , as either it will not bear ink , or must be as stiff , hard and uneasie to write upon , as if it were a board , and requires a pen of iron or steel , rather than the usual pens to write upon it ; and the parchments so ill dressed , as makes that which shall be written upon either that or paper , to be so little permanent and lasting , as all our memorials so written , are not likely to last or endure legible 10 or 20 years after in the largest expectation . the london mealman will not think himself in any way of hopes of gaining , or to be a master of his parish , if he do not bespeak or calculate a famine by an ill weather , or some mischance like to happen to corn and grain for the ensuing year , and will therefore hasten to take advantage of it by raising it 2 d or 4 d in a peck , and not keep any proportion betwixt the rise of the market , and that which he takes of as many as he can perswade to give it ; and having once raised his price , holds it as long as he can at the same pitch , though the markets were long before fallen , and in the course of his trade tricks , notwithstanding mingleth chalk , bean and rye flower amongst that which he sels to his deluded customers for pure wheaten . the lord maiors of london , that have by our king's indulgence and charters many annual profits and perquisites , by and out of provisions for food brought thither on purpose to take care that it should be wholsom , and the lord maiors and justices of peace that are by the statutes of 23 e. 3. ca. 6. 13 r. 2. ca. 8. and 12 e. 4. ca. 8. impowered and obliged to assesse the price of victuals , and the gain of victuallers ; and to punish such as do not sell at reasonable prices , with respect had to what is sold in places adjoining ; should not permit the clerks of the markets to suffer unwholsome food nor butter made and mixed with curds , which will taint or stink in two or three days to be sold there ; nor a trade to be set up of buying barrels of salt butter , carrying it home and washing it , and mingling it with other butter , bring it again the next market-day dished up , and sold for sweet but ter at double the price . and it would be well if the lord maior of london and his brethren would take more care than they do to purge that city of arbitrary power in the manage of trade , when there is nothing to be bought either for food or raiment , but is adulterated , sophisticated , or cheated in the price or substance , not a liquid thing without undue mixtures , nor of any other nature without deceit in the quantity or quality thereof ; so as not so much a pins , needles , and thread can escape it ; though there be a city argus , or man imployed in the keeping of the knife at leaden-hall , to cut all such ill-tanned leather as shall be brought thither to be sold ; and is to make shoes and boots for most part of the adjacent counties , as well as london : matters are so handled betwixt the dim-sighted knife , the tanner and the currier , that by the tanner's not allowing a due proportion of bark , or time of his leather lying in the tan-pit , the leather of the shoes and boots is not half tanned , and keeps out wet or water little better than brown paper , which must not be a little prejudicial to the health of the english nation ; who use not to walk with sandals on their feet in countries almost fryed or toasted with the sun , but in moist and foggy airs , where rheums , coughs , and colds are and may be very obnoxious to their health . and when these and other trades have in no better a manner gained great estates , and enrich'd and perswaded themselves that their special pleas ; that it was their trade . secondly , that they must live . thirdly , their master or father did so before them . and fourthly , that if they did not do it , others would do it ; will protect and carry them thorough the dangers of the next life , will use so little charity in this , as they can themselves by a lawless power , in the way either of their malice or oppression , cause others to be arrested and imprisoned for some months or years to the ruin of the suffering party , by illegally demised fictitious writs for many thousand pounds , when there was not so many thousand shillings or groats , and sometimes nothing at all due unto them . and against all law and right reason , make their friends , if any will be so ventrous as to be bail for them , to be charged with all other debts , to which they were not bail ; if the creditors do in the same term declare against them . and at the same time make heavy complaints against the king , or any of his servants or officers of his court , when they shall be but for some days or weeks restrained of their liberty by the command or warrant of the king or his council , for contempts or misdemeanors well deserving to be punished , and in all their discourses make hue and cry against arbitrary power , and a design of introducing it by the king and his council ; when they might see and understand that there is no such matter . and could well enough perceive that the very many great and importunate necessities and disbursements , which daily thronged in upon his majesty since his happy restauration , for the defence and preservation of himself and his people , and the repairing and setting up again of a battered and dispoiled monarchy , were not able to perswade him to lay aside the goodness and gentleness of his nature , or to call for those dues which the law had since those acts of general abolition and pardon afforded him , although in the midst of those pressing necessities , and very great want of money , which daily importuning and calling upon him did greatly distress and disturb as well his mind as affairs ; he was after his happy restauration unavoidably enforced to pay many great sums of money owing by him in foreign parts , and the time of his troubles . great arrears owing by oliver cromwel to the seamen and land forces to calm and pacifie them . lost great sums of money in the assessing and collecting of the subsidies , poll money , and assessements . hath been at great charges in procuring his plundered and lost houshold-stuff , hangings , plates , and pictures , and the redemption of the crown jewels ; a great part of which were by his royal father in his wars and calamities , pawned at amsterdam . granted eight thousand pounds per annum of the crown revenue to george duke of albemarle , and the heirs males of his body , who was so happily instrumental in his restauration . four thousand pounds per annum upon the like accompt to the earl of sandwich in fee or fee-tail . sixty thousand pounds given to the distressed cavalier party that sought for him and his royal father ; besides other great gifts and pensions to not a few of his subjects , either necessitated by suffering for him and his royal father , or craving what they could of him , or to sweeten , allure , and keep in quiet the schismatical , rebellious , and contrary parties . expended much money in repairing his if not almost ruined yet much deformed and defaced houses and palaces , replenishing of his parks , stores , and magazines ; building of his house at greenwich , with an expence of house-keeping and bounty more than ordinary at his return and coming into england ; with the charge of diet for the dukes of york and gloucester , and the princess of orange and their families , more than formerly chargeable by reason of the want of his purveyance . in the payment of 200000 l. to the old farmers of the customs charged upon ireland more than that kingdoms yearly revenue , and their parliamentary aids given by them amounted unto . the abatement of some of his customs to advance the fishing trade . of his chimney or hearth-money in london , and some of the suburbs thereof for seven years , in relief of those that suffered by the burning of london ; made and ordained several helpful acts of parliament for the rebuilding of it . gave great sums of money out of his customs towards the relief of the captives at algier . was at great charges in keeping and fortifying of dunkirk , until the quitting thereof . and of the garrison and making the mole at tangier , and some of his customs assigned to defray the charges of repairing the peer or port of dover . adventures in the guiny and royal company . two hundred and twenty thousand pounds per annum , necessary yearly charges for the maintenance of his life-guards foot and horse ; besides many other great charges in the raising and disbanding of forces to defend himself and the kingdom against intestine plots , seditions , and a threatning invasion from abroad . of building of many great ships , and frigots ; and making of forts in england , ireland , and scotland . in magazines , stores , and provision for shipping ammunition , ordnance , gunpowder , &c. of procuring the bishop of munster to make a diversive war upon the dutch. charges and expences of the former dutch war , and his navy of an hundred great ships and men of war in several years and summers , every single ship in its victualling pay and ammunition ; being as chargeable as two regiments of foot in an army well victualled and paid . payment of an unreasonable and racking interest , to borrow and procure money , and relieve his not easily to be satisfied necessitous and weather-beaten court and servants . charges in the collecting the chimney money , and the losses and defalcations in the excise-revenue in the late great plague , and dismal fire at london , and defalcations to the farmers of the customs for their losses by the want of trade in the time of the dutch war. an allowance or imposition upon every chaldron of coals for a certain number of years , towards the rebuilding of st. paul's cathedral , and 39 other churches in london . two years revenue of divers rents of houses near london allowed to the queen mothers servants after her death ; all the delinquents estates who were greatly instrumental in the murder of his royal father , given to the duke of york for his support ; together with the profits of the admiralty , wine-licences , and a great part of the yearly benefit by the post-office . with many other necessary regal expences . and being since his most happy restauration to himself , but most of all to his oppressed subjects , who were thereby delivered out of a like to be perpetual bondage and vassalage of their own framing , from which otherwise they could never have redeemed themselves , and being kind and gracious to as many as he could of his suffering party , and willing to perswade those that had been altogether instrumental , and causers of his own and his loyal subjects miseries , to follow their example , gave their never to be satisfied rapines , and godless greediness too many of the imployments , places , farms and offices under him ; can notwithstanding with samuel justly say , whose ox , or whose ass have i unjustly taken away ; whom have i defrauded , or whom have i oppressed ? which if right be done unto him , should not be gainsaid by his borrowing of the banker's money , when they had sent it into his exchequer at an high and unreasonable interest , and making use of it to furnish out his navy , in or against the approaching spring , when the ingrateful dutch , having heaped their abuses and injuries upon him and the nation , were as confident as the philistins were in the case of the children of israel , when there was not a spear or sword in israel ; that he could have no means or money by the frowardness and discords of some opiniatrées and state-reformers , to furnish out his fleet to prevent their designs of persisting in their disgracing and domineering over him ; the trade of the nation abroad , and affronting and mastering of him at home . and in the doing thereof he was necessitate necessitatum , driven by an unavoidable and extreme necessity , more than that which perswaded david to take the shew bread from off the altar to preserve the publick in himself , and himself in the publick ; from a fatal and otherwise utter ruine , and loss of the soveraignty of our brittish seas , and the guard and benefits thereof justly claimed and vindicated by his royal progenitors and predecessors , and at no time before in so much danger of loosing . for his after-actions and cares of repayment may evidence that he intended neither any wrong or injustice to the bankers , or the owners of it ; in that he not only made a provision to pay them the interest until he could be able to pay them the principal ; but did all he could , if his daily and publick occasions had not prevented him to pay the principal , which he long ere this had accomplished , had not the war by the haughtiness , malice and insolence of the dutch , often and very much decryed by the sweeds and other nations who were the mediators for peace at cologne , emboldened by our home divisions , and want of supplies , lengthened it self beyond all expectation . and hath notwithstanding in the interim by his protections royal , and many other cares taken , done as much as he could to keep the bankers from arrests , imprisonments , and other ruines impendant often happening and falling upon men indebted . although if reports and the laments of some that were concerned be not much mistaken , a great part of that money was belonging to many of his own servants ; who by his bounty and places of profit under him , had easily gained it ; and many of those who so heavily complained of that detention of their moneys had for their own advantages , intrusted it to the bankers , who by an imaginary credit far exceeding their own estates , furnishing one man with another man's money , and paying out that which was but the same day or a little before come in , had inticed a great part of the money of the nation into their hands . and some , if not many of the owners , did well enough understand that they did not only furnish them and their credits , upon all emergent occasions of profit or accommodation , by that kind of alluring much of the money of the nation into their custody ; but his majesty also at an high and intollerable usury , which if a strict enquiry were made by his majesty , or order of parliament of the particular owners of the money brought into the exchequer by the bankers , and from thence borrowed and made use of by his majesty upon his publick and most urgent affairs , would plainly appear . and it will be as manifest , that he afterwards gave no respite to his royal cares and intentions of repaying it with the legal or as much interest as the bankers were to pay for it . and finding that the fee farm rents amounting unto seventy thousand pounds per annum , sold at sixteen years purchase , which nothing but a grand necessity could enforce him to alien ; for that many of them being the tenths , were by two several acts of parliament annexed to the imperial crown of england , for the maintenance thereof , and were as so many ties and obligations , which made the owners of these lands to be dependant upon the crown , would not reach to a satisfaction of his other debts and expences ; which having been longer due , were more importunate than those of the bankers , did lately in a speech to the lords and commons in parliament , make it his earnest request that they would take the necessity and speedy payment of the bankers into their considerations . and when nothing of help could be obtain'd for that purpose , did by his letters patents under his great seal , with great difficulty and hardship , order a part of his burdened revenue to be assigned for the due and orderly payment of the interest until the principal moneys should be justly satisfied and paid . so as his doings therein , or making use of that money , if impartially and judiciously weighed in the ballance of truth and judgment is not to be called a seizure , or forcible taking of the bankers money , or to be ranked either as to the necessity , or the thing it self , or the number of the persons concerned with what king edward the first , a wise and prudent prince did do , when he in the 22 year of his reign seized into his hands upon occasion of supplying the publick necessities , all the wools in the kingdom as the merchants were lading them in the ports , giving them security for payment at his own rates , and a long day , and a short price , and transported them to his own best and readiest sale ; and at another time upon a like necessity , seized all the pope's moneys , which had been collected for him by the clergy of england , amounting to very great sums of money towards the wars of the holy land ; gave protections to those that had the custody of it , and retain'd and made use of it for his then pressing publick affairs two years and more , notwithstanding that the pope had in the mean time sent unto him then hugely formidable threatning bulls , and letters for it . or the like done by king edward the third in the 12 th year of his reign with all the tynne , or with what king henry the 6 th did by way of purveyance of great store of grain and corn , and transporting it into gascony , where it was very dear , or by queen elizabeth of a great deal of beer transported and sold to her use beyond the seas , and by defraying a great part of the charges of her wars in ireland , with moneys coined of tynne , with a promise to make a satisfaction for it ; with moneys made of silver , which was justly performed by her and king james her learned successor . concerning all which matters , fears , and jealousies , i can be confident your sentiments and mine will so little disagree , as your judgment of the ages past , and observations of the rise and progress of our late troubles and miseries which brought the greatest shame and scandal to the protestant religion , profest in england and scotland , that ever it had or could have laid upon it ; and cast an unhappy reflection upon those that were in the parts beyond the seas ; will not refuse me your company in the opinion of a truth so experimented , that the fruit of all those artifices , rather than any just cause of any such fears or apprehensions have yielded no better effects than the ruine and confusion of the former glory and honour of our nation , by setting up a rebellious part of the people , the offspring , as to some of their levelling principles , of wat tiler , and jack cade to undo and rule over the better sort of the people , and the poor to plunder and rob the rich. and that therefore they which have been the cause of so many mischiefs and evils which their and our seri nepotes will have reason enough bitterly to bewail , and without god's great mercy will scarcely live to see eradicated , ought better to consult their conscience ; the precepts and examples of wisdom , salus populi , interest of the kingdom , and honour of the king and nation , and abandoning their former follies , and false lights which led them and their partakers into so great sins , and made them to be the causes of so many national miseries , not run themselves and others into the fear of one or two incertain evils ; but an hundred which will be most certain , and can never be recalled . and i cannot but assure my self , that you will be ready to conclude with me , that there is no rational or just cause of fear that we can have by any infection contracted from the now laws and manner of government of france , under his most christian majesty . ( for until their civil and intestine wars and ill usage of charles the fifth , and charles the seventh their kings , in their greatest distresses , that nation had liberties more than at present they have , or are likely to enjoy . ) and that our league with the french may as little prejudice us and our laws and liberties as it did those of the dutch , when they were in the strictest alliance or confederacy with them . for no man can be so transported out of himself , as to believe that a neighborhood or a league for civil and other respects , can work any prejudice to the religion , laws , and liberties of the subjects of either prince or state , not granted away or contracted for by such leagues , when every days experience declares the contrary ; for otherwise the poles , whose king is elective , and their laws so very much obliging him , as he cannot alter the freedom and constitutions of the peoples liberties would be in danger of the mahometan extravagancies of power to be brought in upon them , when their kings have made any leagues with the turks or grand seignior , and the sweedish nation in fear of their elective king 's introducing the vast and unruly power of the muscovite , whose subjects being under a mighty awe , ignorance and enforced obedience ; have no more to answer when any state-affairs are enquired of them , than that god and the great duke do only know it . insomuch as the provocation of the dutch being so great , and the vindication of the honour of the king , trade of the nation , safety of the people , and soveraignty of the sea so necessary , as a war with them could not be avoided . there was no other either visible or possible means to manage it with prudence or success , than by the making of the league with france , who had pretences of his own to joyn with ours . in regard that land-armies and forces were not able alone to bring them to good terms , without the assistance and aid of a great and mighty navy at sea , which might be able to overcome and beat them in that which was their greatest strength , without which it would have been impossible for the english or french joyntly or seperately ever to have forced them to reason . the king of spain , who would heretofore have been glad of such a part'ner , as the english to help to subdue those his formerly truly accompted rebels of the united provinces , who by the help of the english and french , had in a war of almost sixty years together done him so very much wrong , and many mischiefs , was then become so jealous of the growing greatness of france , as he found it to be his interest to assist those that had so greatly damnified him , and were no other than his hogen mogen rebels . the swede and danes greatly concerned in their trade , and the profit and gain which they daily received by them in the baltick sea , would not joyn in any war against them , and if they would have been willing , were at too great a distance , and the forcing of passage would have been as difficult and dangerous as it would have been chargeable , and the like might have been said of the elector of brandenburgh , who was in league , amity , and interest with them , and the most part of the other german princes , being of small power , far off , and inconsiderable , who might not make war with any members of the empire ( as the dutch being part of the lower circle of burgundy were ) without the approbation of the emperor and their diets , and the charge and little success of hiring the bishop of munster to raise forces whereby to make a diversion and incumbrance upon them in our former wars , with them , had taught us what little good , and at how great an expence that design effected . and it is well known that an army for the intended recovery of the palatinate , was in the 21 th year of the reign of king james by an able and select council of war , and the approbation of the parliament , then thought not to be sufficient with the aid of the dutch in their provisions , and passage under the number of 25000 foot , and 5000 horse ; and the charge of 30000 l. to furnish them with necessaries . and when afterwards count mansfeild a second hannibal , and one of the greatest captains of his time in christendom , had with 12000 foot , and 200 horse levied here , and encouraged by k. james and the parliament ; some promised aids from france , and some other states and princes undertook to regain that wasted countrey of the palatinate , ship'd his men , and was at sea with them , the king of france's denying their landing at calice , and promised passage ; and the province or states of zealand , when he attempted to land his men upon their coasts , making a like refusal , the pestilence and flux whilst they were at sea penn'd up , and almost stifled in the ships , killed two parts in three of them , and the remaining third part mouldring away , that action and all the design , hopes , charges , and endeavours of it miscarried and came to nothing . and certainly the english war with the dutch petitioned for by the parliament , put and carried on with so much reason of state , and by so many very important necessities , might claim to be as well allowed to be without any detriment to the interest of the protestant religion , as other wars betwixt protestants heretofore , have been upon civil accompts and controversies . the dutch upon a pretence of their better defending themselves against any attempts or increase of power of the spaniard , their then enemy , did take and keep wesell , and some towns in the dutchies of cleve and juliers , and other frontier towns belonging to the elector of brandenburgh , a protestant prince , the justice whereof hath not yet been understood by the learned in politicks and affairs of state , were not incumbred with any accusation of weakening the protestant religion , and it must needs remain a problem never to be determined , but put upon the file of eternity , what can be the reason that oliver cromwell and his party of regicide rebels about the year 1654. upon far less provocations , should so chearfully be aided and assisted in his maritine wars with the hollanders , until he beat them into a peace and acknowledgment of the english soveraignty over the brittish seas , enforced upon them the act of navigation , that no commodities transported into england from thence , or of the growth of those countries , or any other neighbour countries should be brought by them but in english bottoms , and made them stink in the nostrils of all nations , and to be guilty of a most horrid ingratitude in the renouncing the prince of orange and his illustrious family , and taking from them those offices and places which they and their ancestors had in their defence so dearly purchased ; and yet his cromwellian power was not at all accused for hurting the protestant religion ; or how our wars with the dutch in the years 1664. and 1665. upon far less provocation should be petitioned for by our merchants , and both houses of parliament , and willingly contributed unto , and not at all believed to be against the protestant religion , and why the war now made upon greater affronts and injuries should be an undermining of the protestant cause , or tend to a subversion of that religion more than it did , than when oliver could league with france , and its politick cardinal mazarine , and set the dane to invade the sweed , and after that to put the sweed upon the dane , on purpose to disenable him from assisting his now majesty , his near allie and kinsman without any prejudice supposed to the protestant religion of either side , and be commended for it . charles the fifth emperor imprisoning the pope , and putting him to a ransom , made him not suspected to be a calvinist or lutheran . lewis the 13 th king of france , a catholick prince , could heretofore make a league with the great gustavus adolphus king of sweeden a protestant , back him with leagues and yearly great sums of money to deplume the roman eagle , and make those glorious feats of arms which he did accomplish to be the ruine and disturbance of many a popish prince , and to be so formidable as to shake the foundations of the house of austria , and the pope and all the partakers of them . the now king of france could for a wrong done by others to his embassadors in the court of rome , make the pope himself submit to the setting up of a pillar of infamy at rome , to be a witness to the world of the indignation of the one , and chastisement of the other ; and hath lately vigorously assisted the now king of sweden against the danes and elector of brandenburgh , being all protestants ; and did not think that he forfeited thereby the title of the most christian king , and a great maintainer of the popish religion , of which and much more which might be said , there may be as many approved examples to be met withal in history , as there may be well digested reasons in order to publick peace and tranquility alleadged for it ; so that they that would criticise , and be over censorious , should if they would be just , whilst they condemn his majestie 's league with france , to be as a strengthening and weighing down of the balance on the popish part , consider that the last king of france did by his league with gustavus king of sweden , so advance the protestant side of the balance , as it endangered all the other side , that the villanies at home against his late majesty , and the setting up of oliver and his league with france , depressing the spaniard , and making france so over-potent , hath ever since turned the balance , and disordered it . and that balances may notwithstanding at other times be rectified and made equilibrious without any damage to the protestant religion , or the various profession of it . which league of his majesty with france , and that active princes power and concurrent interest to enervate the dangerous neighbouring greatness of the dutch overgrown republick , did so little weaken the balance on the protestant part , as the event hath clearly demonstrated it to have been the only means of re-establishing the prince of orange his nephew ( no remote heir to the crowns of england , scotland , and ireland ) and the heirs males of his body in the authority and dignity of stadtholder of the united belgick provinces , generalissimo of all their forces and armies by land , and admiral of their formidable and to a wonder very numerous fleets , of which by the contrivance of cromwell , the profess'd enemy of his majestie 's royal line and family , and his encouragement of the faction of the de wits , he had most ingratefully been deprived ( concerning which there appears not in the petition of the parliament for a war with the dutch , to have been any prospect or design ) and rendred him thereby together with the access of his personal virtues , valour and wisdom ( being not yet of the age of thirty years ) not only the great imitator of his glorious ancestors on the fathers and mothers side , but the probability ( if the over-hazarding of his person doth not shorten the hopeful race and course of his life ) of being the greatest captain of the christian world , an honour of the protestant religion , and the strengthening of it . and it can therefore be no unwholsome advice not to set our own house on fire by needless fears and jealousies as we have done , or make our selves less wise than the seditious rabble of rome , who by the wisdom of menenius agrippa , were charmed into a pacification and quiet of spirits by the fable or apologue of the mutiny of the members of the body against the belly or paunch , which could not be altogether so perillous as ours would be against the head ; for until the laws of god , nature , and nations shall be repealed , and the wiser part of the people who have lived in the habitable world can by any of that party or children of contention , now living be convinced , and brought by any rules of right reason or wisdom to acknowledge , that particulars in a body politick are more to be heeded and taken care of than universals , the lesser part more than the greater , a few more than a multitude , or that in the body natural the heart , liver , lungs , arms , back , belly , legs , bones , sinews , muscles , and ligaments , with hundreds of little parts and particles appertaining to that excellent frame and structure of man's body can subsist , and do well when the head which gives motion and comfort unto all , and the least of them is sick and ruining for want of its necessary support and supply from them in their several offices . we need not be at much pains in the search of reason , that they who do purchase the occasions or advantages of contention , which may in the end , howsoever contenting and profitable it may seem to be in the beginning or pursuit of it , prove to be their own as well as others irrepairable ruine , and do all that they can to disturb and mud the waters that refresh and make glad the valleys of our syon , should justly be accompted to be no wiser in the event , than he who having all his goods in a friend's house , set on fire by some that designed it , and their own benefit ; ( as our neighbour dutch were said to have done in the wars of bohemia ) or by some evil accident , would so much forget his charity and duty to his neighbour , and care of himself , as to refuse to aid or help him , either by water , ladder , buckets or engines , until he should first have called him and his servants to accompt and examination how and where the fire began , by whose negligence or miscarriage ; what method , care and order will be taken to prevent it for the future ; and what security he will or can give , that there shall be no more such an accident hereafter . and whilst he is thus over-running his discretion , and acting his own folly , and new sound politicks , suffer the fire to do what it list , burn the house and all his own goods , as well as those of his friends and neighbours in it . when history and the records , and never enough bewailed experience of times past might have told him , and all that have a mind to imitate such a self-ruining madness , the dire events , and many heavy and remediless calamities which fell upon the over-sparing and cautious constantinopolitans ; who denying their emperor a necessary and fitting aid to defend them as well as himself , made the turks master of all greece , so renowned heretofore for learning , and that city and the riches of it , a twentieth , or a very small part whereof might have disappointed all the tyranny , bondage , and slavery which they have ever since been under , and are according to humane judgement like to continue to the end of the world , in no better a condition . and now that hannibal is ad portas , dangers on all sides encompassing and crowding in upon us , we should neither forsake our selves and good old england , which will surely be worth the saving ; nor so much mistake that which was ever accompted to be reason , wisdom and forecast , as to undervalue the prospect and the cares of prevention , laugh at them as pedantick fopperies , or the dotage of a decrepit world ; and like jonas displeasing his god , fall asleep in the midst of a tempest . but rather make hast to return to our selves , and set before us the wisdom and examples of our ancestors and predecessors , who in the care of themselves and of the private and publick , not separate but joyned together , as well as of their kings and soveraigns , would not be deterred by any statemisfortunes or irregularities , or tempted by their jealousies or fears to suffer themselves , as the members and smaller parts of the body , to languish and be destroyed by neglecting the head , and the security and safety thereof , or by not paying their duty and reverence to their kings , hate and ruine themselves , which in all their discontents and murmurings against their kings and government , the anxieties , or commotions of their minds and passions , or the dispairs which had sometimes seized upon them , they did so much seek to avoid , as they did not refuse them aids in all their wars and troubles domestick and foreign . king henry the second ( who after a very great and general act of resumption of the aliened crown revenue , some whereof had been granted by himself , had discontented many of his great nobility ) when all his sons had rebelled , warred , and taken arms against him , wanted not a supply by escuage from his subjects of england , to reduce them to obedience , and make his wars in france . king richard the first being unfortunately in his return incognito from his warlike and glorious expedition to jerusalem , made prisoner by an unworthy surprize of the duke of austria , and the german emperor , enforced as some of our historians have reported , for his deliverance to invest the former of them , with the superiority of his kingdom of england , by the delivering of his hat unto him ; which the emperor in the presence of divers of the nobility of germany and england , returned unto him to hold the kingdom of him by the annual tribute of fifty thousand pound sterling ; and his brother john usurping the crown in his absence , and plotting with the emperor and the king of france , his mortal enemy to continue him a prisoner during his life ; both laiety and clergy notwithstanding that he had by the perswasion of the clergy more than of the laiety , been ingaged in that very expensive war , did so strain themselves to redeem the person of their king ( the kingdom and people at that time being secure enough from foreign invasions ) as they raised and paid one hundred and fifty thousand marks in pure silver of cologn weight ( then a very great sum of money ) by twenty shillings imposed upon every knights fee , the fourth part of the revenue of the laiety , and the like of the clergy , a tenth of their goods , all or most the chalices and treasure of the church ( being then also not a little ) sold to make up the sum : so as william petit , or newbrigensis , who wrote his book in that time , saith , ferè exmunita pecuniis anglia videretur ; england seemed to be almost emptied of all her money ; and the like courses were held for raising that then great sum of money in all his dominions beyond the seas . king john likewise having resum'd much of his crown-lands , murdered ( as was suspected ) his nephew arthur the right heir to the crown , and thereby forfeited the dutchy of normandy to the king of france , of whom he held it ; and in those many troubles and distresses which were cast upon him by his unruly baronage , constrained to acknowledge to hold his kingdoms of england , and dominion of ireland , of the pope and his successors in fee-farm under the yearly rent of one thousand marks per annum ; charged his earls and barons with the losses which he had sustained in france , fined and made them pay a seventh part of all their goods , had two marks and a half granted unto him by the parliament out of every knight's feé ; and within a year after a thirteenth part of all the moveables and other goods , as well of the clergy , as of the laiety . king henry the third his son , resum'd all the lands alien'd from the crown , had so great troubles entail'd upon him by the contests of his boisterous baronage with his father , as lewis the french king's son was called in by some of them , received their homage , and had london , and a great part of the kingdom delivered up and put into his possession ; but upon better consideration was afterwards sent home again by those that invited him , and the barons of england , having so little accorded with their native king , as several battels were fought betwixt them , in one of which the king himself was taken prisoner , and in another released by the valour of the prince his son , the managers of that rebellion slain , and their multitude of partizans reduced to obedience , being a great part of the kingdom , by their compounding with his commissioners at kenelworth , to give him seven years purchase of the yearly value of their lands , which amounted to a very great sum of money , for a pardon for their offences , and a redemption of their estates ; the subjects and people of this nation did howsoever in order to their own preservation , besides the fifteenth part of all their goods , for his grants of magna charta , and charta forestae , not deny him their aids of scutage , fifteenths , and tenths ; there being scarce a year wherein there was not a parliament , and seldom any parliament without a tax . king edward the first , notwithstanding his writs of quo warranto brought against all the nobility , great men , gentry , and others of england ; cities and burroughs claiming liberties and priviledges , wherein he did put them strictly to prove them either by grant or prescription , seized and confiscated the estates of the earls of gloucester , hereford , and norfolk , men of great might and power ; for their refusing to go and serve him in his wars beyond the seas ; the earl of hereford being constable , and the earl of norfolk earl marshal of england by inheritance . and their mutual rancors and displeasures with the grand contests of them and their parties to procure the statutes of articuli super chartas & de tallagio non concedendo , were not healed without the aids and subsidies of his people . the mis-government and mis-leading of king edward the second by his several favorites peirce gaveston and the spencers , did not hinder him from the supplies of his people . king edward the third , after a fifteenth of the temporalty , a twentieth part of the goods of the cities and burroughs , and a tenth of the clergy granted unto him by parliament in the eighth year of his reign , having consumed much treasure in his wars , made for the kingdom of france , which he claimed as his inheritance ( wherein the english nation , more than for the grandeur and honour of their prince , were not much concerned ; but were jealous until an act or declaration of the king in parliament was procured to the contrary , that the conquest of france might have caused england to have been afterwards dependant upon that greater crown and kingdom ) was notwithstanding the seizure , and taking into his hands the goods and estates of three orders of monks , viz. the lombards , cluniacks , and cistertians , and all the treasure committed to the custody of the churches through england for the holy war , forced to revoke divers assignations made for payment of moneys , though he had received three millions of crowns of gold for the ransom of john king of france , whom his son the black prince had taken prisoner , and was not put to lose any of his honour , friends , estate or interest for want of the necessary assistance of his subjects , who for the maintenance of those and other his wars , were howsoever well content to give him half of the laieties wool , and a whole of the clergies , and at another time the ninth sheaf , the ninth fleece , and ninth lamb for two years ; and after many other taxes and aids granted in several parliaments of his reign , and a commission sent into every shire to enquire of the value of every man's estate ; the treasure of the nation being much exhausted , found the people so willing to undergo that and other burdens which those successful wars had brought upon them , as the ladies and gentlewomen did willingly sacrifice their jewels to the payment of his souldiers . that unfortunate prince richard the second his grandchild , tossed and perplexed with the greatness , ambition and factions of his uncles , and the subtil underminings of john of gaunt , duke of lancaster , the most powerful of them , fatally continued and pursued by henry of bullingbrook his son duke of hereford , was not in all those his distresses so unhappy , but that although the commons in parliament had by their petitions unto him complained , that for want of good redress about his person , and in his houshold and courts , the commons were daily pilled , and nothing defended against the enemy , and that it would shortly undo him and the whole estate ; yet they were so mindful of their soveraign and themselves , as they not only afforded him very great aids and assistances ; but in the fourteenth year of his reign the lords and commons in parliament did pray , that the prerogative of the king and his crown might be kept , and all things done or attempted to the contrary might be redressed ; and that he might be as free as any of his royal progenitors were : and in the fifteenth year of his reign , did in parliament require him , that he would as largely enjoy his prerogative , as any of his progenitors , notwithstanding any statute ; and namely the statute of gloucester , in the time of king edward the third ; the which statute they utterly repealed out of their tender affection to the king. king henry the fourth , fifth , and sixth ; although well understood to have been kings de facto , not de jure , ( for so not seldom have been the pleadings at the law of their acts of parliament ) and although the later of those kings being crowned king of france in his infancy , and in possession of that kingdom , was by his meek and pious rather than prudent government a great part of the cause of the bloody contests betwixt the two houses of york and lancaster , which ruined very many of the nobility and gentry by taking their several parties , and were by their discords the loss of all the kingdom of france , but calice . and that richard duke of york , had in parliament so claimed and wrestled for the crown , as he was declared protector of the kingdom of england , enjoyed notwithstanding the care and good will of their subjects upon all occasions either at home or abroad in times of peace or war , by their contributions of subsidies . king edward the fourth in the brunt and hottest of the long continued bloody contentions of the two great houses and families of york and lancaster , after nine battels won by himself , attested by his surcoat of arms which he wore therein , hung up as a trophy in the cathedral church of st. george at windsor ; and his many struglings with king henry the sixth , and his party , in losing and gaining the crown , again war with france , and compelling the crafty lewis the 11 th the king thereof , to demand a peace , and consent to pay him 75000 crowns towards his war , expences , and a tribute of 50000 crowns yearly during the life of king edward , notwithstanding that he had in the second year of his reign , sate in a michaelmas term three days together in his court of kings bench , and gathered great sums of money of the people of england , by his privy seal towards his wars with the scots , and in the seventh year of his reign , resumed by act of parliament all the grants which he had made since he took possession of the realm , raised great sums of money by benevolences and penal laws , had in the eighth year of his reign granted him by act of parliament two fifteens and a demy , and in the thirteenth year of his reign , a subsidy towards his wars with france , when the actions , courage , and wisdom of parliaments were so incertain , as there was in the space of half a year one parliament proclaiming king edward an usurper , and king henry a lawful king ; and another proclaiming king edward a lawful king , and king henry an usurper . king henry the seventh , although that he sometimes declared , that he held the crown as won in battel by conquest of king richard the third , and at other times by his better title from the house of york , and his marriage with the lady elizabeth , the daughter of king edward the fourth , and avaritiously took all the ways possible for the enriching of his treasury had divers great aids and subsidies granted unto him by parliament . king henry the eighth , notwithstanding that he had after many great subsidies and aids , both as to the money and manner of collecting it ; granted unto him his heirs and successors by several parliaments ; and the first fruits and tenths of all ecclesiastical promotions and benefices , overturned the then established religion of the kingdom , seized and took into his possession the great yearly revenue of 600 abbies , priories , and nunneries , most of the hospitals and colleges which had been given to religious uses with anathema's ; with as many other dreadful curses and imprecations as the minds of men could imagine to fall upon the violaters thereof , amounting in the then yearly value , unto something more than one hundred and ninety thousand pounds sterling , per annum ; being at a then low and undervalued rate , scarce the 20 th peny of the now since improved yearly value , excluded the founders from their reversions and legal rights thereof ; when the uses unto which they were first ordained should be altered , or otherwise applied , confiscated the very many rich shrines , chalices , plates , copes , jewels , pearls , precious stones , gold and silver , not only found in those religious houses ; but in all the cathedrals and churches in england ; the riches of all which could amount to no less than many millions of money sterling more , if not equal unto the vast and admired reserves and treasures of the venetian republick , or that of many popes provisions , reported to have been laid up in the castle of st. john de angelo at rome , in case of any invasion or war of the turks ; and unhappily wasted , expended , and gave away not only a great part of those immense riches and land revenue , but all the eighteen hundred thousand pounds sterling , which were left him in his father's treasury ; debased some of his gold coin , and made it currant for a greater value than in truth it would yield . and the better to gentle and pacifie the people , who stood amazed at it , promised and undertook that they should never more be troubled with aids or subsidies . was notwithstanding when afterwards the publick occasions required aids or supplies , neither foreclosed by his promise , or denied the assistance of his people . but the lords and commons in parliament did in the 35 th year of his reign assent to an act of parliament for the remitting unto him all such sums of money as he had borrowed of them or any other , by way of impress or loan by his privy seals , sithence the first day of january in the 33 th year of his reign , and if he had paid to any person any some of money which he had borrowed by sale of land or otherwise , the same person , his heirs , executors , or administrators , should repay it again to the king ; and if any person had sold his privy seal to another , the seller should repay the money to the buyer thereof . and for a further supply , did in the last year of his reign grant unto him one subsidy with two fifteenths and tenths by the temporalty , and one subsidy by the clergy . whose successors and posterity have ever since not refused to subscribe to those laws of god , nature , and nations ; that children are obliged to assist both their political and natural parents : the contrary whereof would be against the rules of humanity and mankind . judge hutton , a greater friend unto the law then ragioni di stato , reason of state or government , declaring in his argument in the exchequer chamber against the ship-money , in the latter end of the reign of king charles the martyr , that an act of parliament that a king should have no aid or help of his subjects , would be void and of none effect . king edward the sixth , after the many seditions and troubles which assaulted his infant government , and excellent endowments of virtue and piety , by the wars with scotland , quarrellings of the protector and admiral , his uncles on the mother's side ; and the plots of dudley duke of northumberland was , although he had taken into his hands all the lands , houses and tenements formerly given under dire imprecations , and curses for the quiet and welfare , as the people then thought of the souls of their ancestors children , friends , and benefactors departed out of this world and gone into the next ; together with the colleges , ( given to superstitious uses ) free chappels , fraternities , and guilds , with all their lands , goods , and estates ; seizure of church goods in cathedrals and parish churches , and such as had been imbezil'd , with jewels , gold and silver chalices , ready money , copes and other vestments , reserving to every church one chalice , and one covering for the communion table was not grudged in the last year of his short reign , one subsidy with two fifteens , and tenths granted by the temporalty , and a subsidy by the clergy . queen mary being a profess'd catholick , renversed the protestant religion , put many to death , banished and persecuted all the eminent professors thereof , married philip the second king of spain ; and thereby endangering if she had any issue by him , to have brought england under the laws and yoke of his spanish dominions , with the bloody and cruel inquisition to boot ; began to restore the lands of the abbies and monasteries , and intended to relinquish all her right therein ; lost calice , which had been in the english possession ever since the conquering of it from the french by king edward the third . made severe laws against the protestants , abrogated all those that were made against the catholicks , shook and tottered the estates of many of the protestants great nobility in their lands , which had belonged to their monasteries and religious houses , and of many thousands of considerable families of the kingdom , who had those kind of lands either given them by king henry the eighth , or king edward the sixth ; or had purchased them of others , who might well have foreseen their not enjoyment of them , if she had but a little longer continued her reign , to perfect the entire returning to the church of rome of her self , and as many of the people as she should be able to force into it , was not in her short reign without the aids and assistance of the people , when the publick affairs called for them . richard the third , though for his cruelties and ill obtaining of the crown , he merited not the title of a king after his stabbing king henry the sixth , whereof he died in the life-time of king edward the 4 th , and after his death procuring himself to be made protector of the kingdom during the minority of king edward the fifth , his nephew ; whose guards when he had made to be dismissed , and enticed him and his brother into the tower of london upon a counterfeit pretence of safety and honour , he procur'd to be murthered . did the like to his own elder brother the duke of clarence , whom he contrived to be drowned in a but of malmsey ; made himself king , and in the setling of his wrongful title and wicked usurpation , made some good laws ; was notwithstanding in the second year of his reign , besides the great confiscations of divers of the nobility , and other great men , not refused an aid or imposition . queen elizabeth , inheriting the courage of her father king henry the eighth , and the wisdom and prudence of her grandfather king henry the seventh , the happy uniter of the white and red roses ; having by a provident care made such a choice of wise and valiantsea and land commanders , sage counsellors and ministers of state , and judges of the law , as no prince of her age or time could equal , did by a constant encouraging and imploying no other than those who made it not their only business to seek their own profits , but were as fixt to her , as she was to them ; by whom and her own careful conduct and guidance , she withstood all the assaults of rome and spain , and the machinations which their jesuits could plot or promote against her and her most excellent steddy monarchical government ; weather'd out the storms and rebellions raised up against her , with no single or few attempts to take away her life ; supported her allies , and was a bulwark impregnable not only to the more refined protestant religion which she had planted and defended here in england ; but to those different forms elected or set up by luther , and calvin , and the huguenots , in the foreign and other parts of christendom , was in her glorious and ever to be imitated happy reign , as she made her subjects as happy as her self in the councils , love , duty , and allegiance of her parliament and assistance of her people for their own as well as her preservation and good ; who although they were by her limitted not to meddle with church or state government , forbid and sharply reproved for medling with the successors , had some of their several members , as mr. peter wentworth and sir henry bromley prohibited to sit in the house of commons , and afterwards committed prisoners to the tower of london , sent for sir edward coke their speaker , and charged him to deliver her message to the house ; which he did not omit to do : that it was in her power , to call , prorogue , adjourn , dissolve or determine parliaments , and to assent or dissent : and in one of the said parliaments refused her consent to 48 bills which had passed in both houses ; informed the house of commons , that she misliked their irreverence towards her privy councellors , members of that house who were not to be accompted as common knights and burgesses that are councellors , but during the parliament ; whereas the others were standing councellors , and for their wisdom and great service were call'd to the council of state ; blamed some that seem'd to make their necessities more than they were , forgetting the urgent necessities of the time and dangers ; would not have her people feared with reports ; and speaking to them that she heard that upon the last attempt of the spaniard , some had abandoned their towns , fled higher into the countrey , and left all naked ; said , i swear unto you by god , if i knew those persons , or any that shall do so hereafter , i will make them know and feel what it is to be so fearful in so urgent a cause . and when the commons had petition'd unto her against some grievances of her purveyances , and court of exchequer ; answer'd , that she had given some order to the lord steward for the redress of the purveyances ; that she had as much skill and power to rule and govern her own house , as any of her subjects whatsoever to rule and govern theirs , without the help of their neighbours ; and would shortly take further order therein , by the advice of her judges and learned council . commanded the speaker of the house of commons , that if any bills should be there exhibited touching the succession , matters of state , or causes ecclesiastical , he should not receive them . which several speeches , directions , and messages of her majesty , with many others in all the time of her parliaments , and long and happy reign , were well esteemed of ; whose birth-day for now almost fourscore years last past in london , and many other places of england , hath upon every 17 th day of november , by legacies of annual commemorative sermons and ringing of bells , been celebrated , and was so happy in the duty allegiance and obedience of her parliaments . as a prudent very eminent & learned member of the house of commons said , that before he would speak or give any consent to a case that should debase her soveraignty or abridge it , i would wish my tongue cut out of my head. anno 43. of her reign , a bill being brought into the house of commons for explanation of the common law , concerning the queens letters patents , and certain monopolies ; mr. spicer a burgess of warwick said , that that bill might touch the prerogative royal , which was as he had learned , so transcendent as the eye of the subject may not aspire thereunto ; and therefore be it far from him that the state and prerogative of the prince should be tyedly him , or any other subject . mr. francis bacon , after lord chancellor said , that for the prerogative royal of the prince , for his part he ever allowed it , and is such as he hoped should never be discussed . and said mr. speaker , pointing to the bill , this is no stranger in this place , but a stranger in this vestment . the use hath been ever by petition to humble our selves to her majesty , and by petition to desire to have the grievances redressed , especially when the remedy touchethiher in right or prerogative . i say , and i say again , that we ought not to deal or meddle with , or judge of her majesties prerogative , i wish every man therefore to be careful of this point . mr. lawrence hyde said , i do owe a duty to god , and loyalty to my prince ; i made it , and i think i understand it ; far be it from this heart of mine to write any thing in prejudice or derogation of her majesties prerogative royal , and the state. mr. serjeant harris moved , that the queen might be petitioned by the house in all humility . mr. francis moore , afterwards serjeant francis moore said , he did know the queens prerogative was a thing curious to be dealt with . sir robert wroth a member of that house did in his own particular offer 100 l. per annum to the wars . upon a debate of monopolies , the queen understanding that a list of such as she had granted had been brought into the house ; sent for their speaker , and declared unto him , that for any patents granted by her whereby any of her subjects might be oppressed , she would take present order for reformation thereof ; her kingly prerogative was tender , and therefore desired them not to speak or doubt of her reformation ; but that some should be repealed , others suspended , and none put in execution , but such as by a trial at law should appear to be for the good of the people ; which being reported by him to the house , filled them with unspeakable joy. mr. wingfield wept , and said , his heart was not able to conceive , or his tongue express the jov that he had in that message . and thereupon mr. secretary cevill said , that there was no reason that all should be revoked ; for the queen meant not to be swept out of her prerogative . and gave them a caution for the future , to believe that whatsoever is subject to a publick exposition , cannot be good . and the parliaments in her long and glorious reign , were so unwilling to give any disturbance to her great and renowned actions for the defence and good of her self and her people , and all the protestant concernments in christendom ; as in the first year of her reign , a parliament granted her two shillings eight pence in the pound of goods ; and four shillings of lands , to be paid in several payments . in her sixth year , one subsidy was granted by the clergy , and another by the laiety together with two fifteenths and tenths ; in the thirteenth year of her reign towards the charges of suppressing the northern rebellion , a subsidy of six shillings in the pound , by the clergy , and by the temporalty two fifteens , and a subsidy of two shillings and eight pence in the pound ; in her six and twentieth year , had granted her by the clergy two whole subsidies , and by the laiety three , besides six fifteenths and tenths ; with a proviso , that that great contribution should not be drawn into example ; in her fortieth year , had granted by the clergy three entire subsidies , and as many by the laiety , with six fifteens and tenths ; and in the 42 th year of her reign , to furnish money for the irish wars , had commissions granted to confirm the crown lands of ireland to the possessors o● defective titles . and all little enough , when in the same year sir walter raleigh , a member of the house of commons declared unto them , that the moneys lent unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet unpaid , her jewels and much of her lands sold , and she had spared money out of her own purse and her apparel , for her peoples sake . and yet when in the eighth year of her reign the parliament had offered unto her four subsidies , upon condition that she would declare her successor ; she magnanimously refused it , and remitted the fourth subsidy , saying , it was all one whether the money was in her own , or in her subjects coffers . our king james being born and bred in the kingdom of scotland , where their laws are mingled with some neighbour english customs , drawn out of our glanvil , brought thither by their king james the first , who lived some time here in england , and afterwards so much compounded and over-born by the civil law : brought out of france long after by king james the fifth , which with some part of their common law , makes them to be so overmuch civil and canon , and a miscellany of them as they are very much different from ours , had so great an affection to the civil laws ; and those of his own countrey , before he had understood the excellency of ours ; that shortly after his coming to the crown of england he earnestly recommended to the parliament of england , not only an union of both the kingdoms , and the subjects thereof ; but of their laws also : and so much savoured the civil laws , as he complained in a speech to the parliament of the contempt of them , allowed or was much taken with the comedy of ignoramus and dulman ; which was purposely framed to expose the professors of our common laws to a derision of the people , and render them guilty of an ignorance of good letters and learning ( which all of them , witness our great selden , and some other of his coaevals , could not justly be charged with ) and suffered it to be acted before him at cambridge with great applause , and to be afterwards printed and published without any murmur or jealousie of the english nation , ( that he endeavoured to introduce an arbitrary power ) who manifested no unwillingness to give him subsidies and aids in foreign as well as domestick affairs , when he had occasion to require them . all which the cares and doings of our ancestors for the publick and common good joined with their duty and allegiance to their soveraign kings and princes , may afford us convincing reasons and arguments , out of concluding premisses that the weal and woe of kings and their people , are like those of hippocrates's twins , partaking each with other , and that the fear of god , honour of the king , self-preservation , and oaths and duty of allegiance ; will be more than enough to enjoyn every good christian and subject , where the welfare of the king and publick are concerned to be as willing to help the king as he would himself . and it cannot be deemed to be either unadvisedly or ill done by our english fore-fathers or predecessors in the house of commons in parliament , in the seventh year of the reign of king richard the second ; when being required of the king to give their advice concerning a peace to be made with the king of france , and the chancellor then said , that the king of himself could well do it ; yet for good will he would not , without their knowledge or consent . and it could not be concluded without a personal interview of the king of france , which for his honour required great charges , whereof he charged them of their allegiance , to consult and give him answer ; unto which they answering , that it becomed not them to intermeddle their council therein . and therefore referred the whole order thereof unto the king and his council . and being urged again to answer whether they desired peace or war ? for one of them they must choose ; they answered , peace . but when they understood that the king of france desired that the king should hold guyen of him by homage and service ; they knew not what to say , only they hoped that the king meant not to hold of the french calice , and other territories gotten of them by the sword ; whereunto when the king replied , that otherwise peace could not be granted ; and therefore willed them to choose ; they in the end rather desired peace . but peace not ensuing or being to be had , and the king by his chancellor the next year after in parliament , informing them how that the king was invironed with the french , spanish , flemmings , and the scots who were confederate , and had made great preparations to destroy him and his people , which was like to ensue , unless some means were used to resist it ; that the king intended to hazard his own person to whatsoever peril which might justly encourage all estates willingly to offer themselves and what they had to such defence . and declared unto them the falshood and treachery of the french in their treaty of peace at calice , when they finding the english inclined to it , had departed from their offers . the lords and commons when they found the honour of the king and safety of the nation so deeply ingaged , granted unto the king two fifteenths , conditionally that a moiety of the fifteenth granted in the last parliament be part of it ; and so as if the king go not in person , or that peace be made the last fifteenth might cease . can the sullen , rude , and ungodly dutch ( the most of whose religion is trade , and all that can be gained by it ) to maintain their incroachments upon our brittish seas , obstinate pride , and the greatest of ingratitudes ; drown and lay under water a great part of their countries to preserve the remainder from the fury of their enemies ; endure the assaults both by sea and land of two of the mightiest princes of christendom ; suffer their undrowned cities to be taken and garrisoned , and their people to lie under all the miseries of a conquering , over-running , and ruining army by land ; behold and see their banks of treasure with their formerly great riches and credits , for which they had circled the terrestrial globe floating upon the seas , and like the dead bodies of the slain of their people suddenly disappearing and sinking , whilst the inhabitants weeping as they work , were scarcely able when their numerous over-burdening taxes were paid to support their sad souls in the lodgings of their languishing and care-wasted bodies with what was lest them of their gains ? and shall not the subjects of england , for the vindicating of their soveraigns and the nations long ago confirmed and allowed rights in the brittish seas , for the honour and safety of the king and themselves , protection of our isles and our ships , which are not only the wooden walls , but glory thereof ; and the girdle of strength encompassing them , lay aside their too often causeless fears and murmurings ; and out of their luxury , pride , peace , and plenty , spare that which may well be contributed towards his and their own aid and assistance ? shall our brittannia that was wont triumphantly to sit upon her promontories , looking into her brittish seas , viewing her glories , and enriching many nations with her merchandize ; now like one affrighted , tremblingly look back , and behold the divisions of her people at land , ready to make her and themselves a reproach and hissing to all nations , small and despicable in the eyes of those which were accustomed to honour her ? shall the tears lie upon her cheeks ? shall she cry out that her friends have dealt treacherously with her , and are become her enemies ? shall she recount unto them how our discords at land heretofore , made the romans masters both of our seas and land ; where the conquerors confessed , that dum singuli pugnant omnes vincantur , that their greatest advantage was the disagreement of the conquered ? and will it not now be high time to believe what the lords and commons in parliament declared in their petition to king charles the martyr , for our religion , laws , and liberties in the fourth year of his reign , that jealousies and distractions are apparent signs of god's displeasure , and of ensuing mischiefs . and that the distempers and fermentation thereof more and more increasing , may recall to our remembrance , how little those fears and jealousies did profit mr. pryn , or his adoring the soveraignity , as he once called it , of parliament ; when he was afterwards pull'd out of the house of commons , made a prisoner , and driven to an utter detestation of their arbitrary power ? or of how little avail they were to the restless spirit of levelling john lilburn , when he was after as much out of love with the republicans or cromwellians , as he was once with them ; and wrote his book , entituled ( if my memory fail me not ) of the oppressed men in chains : and after his cashiering out of the army , imprisonment , bafflings , and trials at law , lugged and carried about with him sir edward coke's comment upon magna charta , and other english law-books to no purpose . the fears and jealousies which had gotten possession in the head of alderman andrews , lord maior of london in those wickedly pernitious times could not rescue him from the title of anti-christ bestowed upon him by some of his own party . and oliver cromwell , before he took upon him the title of protector of his herd of villains , regicides , murtherers and felons , was fairly threatned or attempted to be indicted for high treason by cornet day , against the foolish fancies of their wat tiler , jack cade , john of leyden , or massianello rowling , confounding , and never-resting common-wealth . or how much did those fears and jealousies benefit the city of london , or advance their trade or riches ; when in the late rebellion they forfeited all their charters , and the liberties which they had in more than 600 years last past obtained of their indulgent soveraigns ; perjured themselves , ruined much of their estates by being ( some good and loyal citizens excepted , who could not be without great sufferings ) instrumental in the ruine of many of the nobility and gentry , their debtors and customers betook themselves to plunders and sequestrations of honester men than themselves , purchased with others the palaces and lands of the king , queen , prince , bishops , nobility , and delinquents , as they stiled them ; for fighting against his late majesty , when they fought for him . bought at cheap rates his pictures , and sold the ornaments of his chappels , plate , copes , and vestments , not sparing the coats of his guard of halberdiers , pull'd down his statue at the royal exchange , with the basest and vilest declaration put in the place of it , exit tyrannus regum ultimus ; took away or spoiled the statues of william the conqueror , and all the succeeding kings of the english monarchy ; which the love which they ought to bear to monarchy , might e're this time have perswaded them to have supplied . when the mercers company of london had revenue sufficient lest in lands by sir thomas gresham knight , that prince of merchants , the founder of that royal exchange , for the constant reparation thereof . and to how little benefit and small accompt did their fears and wilfulness come unto , when in the late dreadful london fire , when they might at the first in a little time have quenched it by blowing up with gun-powder less than sixteen houses , or half a street ; they did suffer it to rage and do what it would from the later part of the saturday night until the latter part of the wednesday night next following ; until it had burned in that city and its large suburbs little less than twenty thousand houses , with st. paul's cathedral , and almost a hundred churches ; and had not been so unhappy if the owners and neighbours had taken the advice , or hearkened to the earnest perswasions of his majesty , who on foot laboured even at the pumps , and cryed out for help amongst them , and did all he could to perswade them to take that better course to stop that fire ; but with other that gave the same advice , was answered ( as the duke of york was at his quenching the fire at the temple , commanding an absent gentleman's chamber to be broken up to preserve his books and writings , and preserve the contiguous building from burning ) that to blow up houses , or break open doors was against magna charta , and they might have actions brought against them . and in the interim whilst they were so distracted with their fears , as all the care they took was to lugg and carry away their goods into the fields or churches ; in the latter whereof the one helped to burn the other , and leave their own or their landlord's houses to the mercy of the fire ; which doing what it pleased , and raging so impetuously , made the whole city and its lines of communication , and the circum ambient air to be like an oven over-heated , as the numberless sign posts with their signs fell on fire , and leapt in sheets as it were from one street to another , where it never had stopped until it had destroyed and burnt all london and westminster , with at least 60000 houses therein , if his majesty , and his servants and nobility indefatigably night and day labouring amongst the remaining sad-hearted people that tarried , had not upon the wednesday night , or thursday morning next following , put the fire ( by blowing up some houses ) to a stand ; and taught and encouraged the then witless over-affrighted citizens to subdue that mighty arbitrary element . which city had been long after unbuilt , and left inter rudera & cineres , a sad spectacle to the world , if the continued cares of his majesty had not by the advice of his parliaments , rescued them from beggery and almost endless suits and controversies betwixt the landlords and tenants , concerning the building up and repair of their houses . and laid the burden of the loss and damage upon the landlords , who were many of the nobility and gentry , colleges and halls in the universities of oxford and cambridge , companies of trade , hospitals , such as st. bartholomew's , christ-church , and st. thomas in southwark ; cum multis aliis , &c. by causing them in consideration of the tenants rebuilding their burnt houses with brick in a safe and substantial way , to make them long leases of forty or fifty years ; according to the several circumstances of reason , good conscience , and equity without any examination of their foolish fears , in the saving of their goods , and leaving their houses to the fury of the fire ; which in a few years hath by the rich tradesmens taking of five times more money with apprentices than fifty years ago was accustomed , amounting in the whole unto many thousands of pounds , and some mortgages ; and the sinful liberty , and arbitrary power which they have of late taken , in the raising of their prices , and adulterating and sophisticating all that they sell , starving the workmen , and disparaging and falsifying all the manufacture of the kingdom ; and some helps before-mentioned from his majesty , together with his building of temple-bar ; to the wonder of many at home , and all nations that merchandize with her abroad , been most beautifully rebuilt , much better and more glorious than it was before . and in the gorgeous apparel and attire of themselves , their wives , and children ; stately furniture of their houses , and expence of diet ; having drawn a great part of the riches of the nation , to their dispose and command , do live like lords , and their wives like countesses or great ladies of honour , wallow in peace and plenty , and it were well they would be more thankful than they are unto god and their king for it . shall we be afraid , because things may be when we neither are or can be sure that they are or will be , and terrifie or molest one another with the apprehension or possibility of it before-hand , when we might do better to be quiet . and if i should now inquire of you how they have arrived to the height they now possess , and become so fermented as to be the disease epidemical of the nation ; you will i make no question without any the least of hesitation or scruple , return me an answer , that it is the twice a day visited in london ( by almost every tradesman , and many times by his man , where too often they do brew and tun up sedition and treason ) coffee-houses , or prating , lying and seditious schools in london , and its large suburbs , and most of the cities and boroughs of the nation , the mart of lies and fools bolts , and mr. muddiman's cream of intelligence , communicated twice a week by his letters to very many in divers countries , who do largely pension him , and to countrey coffee-houses that pay him a very considerable yearly rent for his state-informations ; where lectures being read , and annotations made upon them , and guesses and conjectures rashly heaped one upon another , and put together ; faction spreads her wings and carries it as fast as she can home unto too many of the gentlemen and farmer 's houses : from whence it comes to be chewed over again at every conventicle or congregation meeting , and repeated at every market or country meetings , and at the feasts or entertainments each of other ; which multiplies their fancied affrights and dangers , and pleaseth them not a little , who would think themselves or their tittle tattle trade undone if they should but hear of any thing ( which they might often , if they would but confess or understand it ) that is well done either in the church or state ; whereunto the dissenters or conventicle nonconforming ministers , do bring no small addition , who can as little hold forth , or prove that they and their numerous proselytes and followers are or ever will be without conversion , either good christians or subjects , as they can evidence that gaping , winking , snoffling , face-making , howling , with as many frantick gestures in their pulpits , as the heathen fatidici or priests were accustomed to make , are essential to preaching ; or that all that they in their extempore trash , bable to their seduced people is by the spirit or any gift thereof ; all that they in those places or stations of teaching and promoting disobedience and aversion to the king , and his laws and government , can be canonical ; or if so , how it should come to pass that in that kind of crude undigested matter , there should be so many blasphemies , wrestings and abuses of scripture , tautologies , vain repetitions , and ridiculous stories , expressions and exhortations to sedition and rebellion . the product whereof hath sadly of late years appeared to have been not one , but many sheba's , blowing the trumpets of sedition , and shimei's railing at , lampooning and reviling our david , by base calumniating libellous papers without any names subscribed , put on his table or chair in his closet , or affixed in places in his galleries or walks by those that would be call'd his loyal and most obedient subjects , or such as have been thereunto instigated by jesuits to make their soveraign out of love with them , or they with him , at the same time when his sacred person hath been surrounded with popish plots , by pistolling , stabbing , poisoning , or assassination ; and those that are trusty and faithful to him , and the well-established government in church and state , must have no better titles than tories , tantivies , or popish affected pamphlets and books to justifie and incite sedition , treason and rebellion , every day publickly cryed in the streets , or sold in the book-sellers shops . all which the most savage wild and barbarous people or nations of the world , jews , pagan , mahumetan , latitudinarian , papist and protestant , religious eastern and western churches , and even the cheating bannians would disown , blush at , be ashamed of , and abhor . unto which our disasters both in church and state have been great additions , and kindle coles ; which have made not only many that have some learning , and are ex meliori luto , better born and bred ; but the mechanick and illiterate part of the people , to take themselves to be a kind of state-menders , and to make their small capacities the rule and measure of their foolish prognosticks , and are as like to hit the white or mark , as he that stands without the doors of an house a mile off it ; and undertakes of himself without the help or information of the inhabitants to know what is every day and night , hour or minute thereof done within the house ; or as some mountebank physitian , who without the aid or sight of the patient , or any inquiry into the symptoms . indications or progress of the disease , should promise a never-failing cure of his sickness or distemper ; and may as little deserve his fee , as a lawyer who should adventure to give his opinion , or direct his client how to proceed in his action or suit , without any knowledge at all of the fact. so as those state almanack-makers , by such an extravagant and incertain ephemeris , would do well to be more modest and cautious in their opinions , and not to expose the honour of their king and soveraign to the foolish and ill-digested censures of themselves and others ; and make themselves the conduit-pipes to convey their follies to the more ignorant part of the people ; who although by god's mercy to a causeless murmuring nation , from the winter to the spring , from the spring to the summer , from the summer to the autumn , and from the seed time to the harvest , when the valleys sing , and the earth is loaden with the increase thereof , and so all along ; not for one but many years together they might understand how often they have sinned against the divine mercy and providence by their complaints of the weather , too hot , too cold , too wet , too windy , too dry ; so as scarce one day in every ten of the year , can get an universal liking or good word of the ways of god's providence ; and should when they have found themselves every year so often and so greatly mistaken , be once ashamed , and forsake that unquietness of spirit , will not withstanding not only continue those their mis-doings and humours in the case of god almighty , as a custom or privilege belonging to their farms and husbandry ; but in the height of all their peace ( without which their plenty would be blasted ) so very much traduce , scandalize , and mislike the royal cares of their king and god's vicegerent , and be so unjust and unreasonable in their complaints and fault findings , as though they sit under their own vines , eat the fat of the flock , lye down upon their beds of ivory , sing to the harp , rise up to play ; enjoy a peace and plenty to a surfeit , and the envy of all their neighbours , and may weekly read and hear of the miseries and sufferings of many neighbour nations by wars and invasions of one another ; yet they must never be contented , but be every day , and very often in every day finding fault with the government . as if the government of the king , and the government of the king of kings , as to the weather , were always to be blamed . whilst they ought rather to be so careful of themselves and their posterities , as to abominate those foolish ways of censuring authority ; and to take heed that god do not punish us for our unthankfulness , and abusing his so many and all sorts of mercies under a prince . who besides all his other royal cares and concessions , added unto those of his famous great ancestors and predecessors , kings and queens of this realm , for the preservation of his peoples liberties and properties ; did no longer ago than in the 31 th year of his reign , for the better securing of the liberties of his subjects in their persons , and prevention of imprisonments , by sending them in custody to some of the islands ; consented unto an act of parliament under great severities , forfeitures and penalties to be inflicted upon such as should imprison or detain any man after an habeas corpus brought , as well in the vacations as terms . and so far extended it , as upon the committing of any man prisoner by himself or the lords of his privy council , lord chamberlain , or other great officers of his houshold , they are allowed to be bailed by the king's justices of his superiour courts of justice ; although when they themselves shall , as they do often , commit or imprison any man by their delegated and derivative power from the king , only they are not at all obliged to discharge any such offenders upon writs of habeas corpus . and by that and those multitudes of former provisions which our kings and their laws have made for the good and safety of their people from all the incursions of arbitrary power , should not forget that there is not so much as an imaginary fear or danger that any subject of england can be injured by any arbitrary power or otherwise ; for which a present and sudden remedy may not be quickly had or provided ; and that it is now a received maxim in our common law , that the king can do no wrong , and that , id potest quod de jure potest . so that there are very few , unless such as would have the king to be as liable ( which our laws did always forbid ) to coertions , arrests , or punishments , as the most ordinary or meanest of his subjects are or ought to be , or can be so ignorant in the course or proceedings of our laws ; but may understand , that if he should cause any to beat or do any injury or trespass to any of his subjects , the parties or agents are by his and our own laws to be responsible for it . and believe that king james , who had reason to understand government and affairs of state better than such kind of people , did not err or say amiss in his answer in the 19 th year of his reign to a petition to the house of commons in parliament , when he declared unto them , that none could have wisdom to judge of things of that nature , but such as are duely acquainted with the particulars of treaties , and of the variable and fixed connexions of the affairs of state , together with the knowledge of the secret ways , ends and intentions of princes in their several negotiations ; otherwise a small mistaking of matters of that nature might produce more and worse effects than can be imagined . and remember that if impossibilities could be possible , and every one that foolishly fancies himself to be able , could be able to manage or judge of state affairs ; yet we have no laws that do allow every man ( coblers and illiterate men not excepted ) to be a statesman . and that st. jude reprehending those that despised dominions , and speak evil of dignities ; gives us the original from * whence it comes , for that they speak evil of those things they know not . and therefore if they would but once resolve to be more obedient , seek and embrace peace and humility more than they do ; and follow the council of the apostle st. paul , to abstain from those that make divisions ; and not take every thing that they do hear from foolish lying or malitious tongues , rackets and rebounds , to be a certainty of truth , when there is nothing at all to support it ; unless they will acknowledge that their understanding memories , and senses , are by the vain and incertain imaginations of fears and groundless jealousies , misguided and led into a frenzy ; or otherwise that they would under those pretences hide and cover their very wicked designs , until they can be effected , and seduce as many as they can into their party , to help to go through with it : might acquiesce in the opinions , duty , allegiance , understanding reason and sense of many counties , cities and boroughs of this kingdom ; who upon the reading of his majestie 's declaration , shewing the reasons and causes of his dissolving the last parliament , and his majestie 's firm and fixed resolution to maintain the religion and monarchical government of this kingdom , now by law established , have by their many several addresses made their dutiful acknowledgments for his majestie 's grace and favour therein , and the happy government peace and plenty wherein they have lived since his majestie 's happy restauration ; humbly offering to defend the rights and prerogative of his crown with their lives and estates , and concurring with them therein . believe that when they have tired themselves with their feaverish dreams and fancies , and are awake and shall come to themselves , they will upon a more knowing and sober inquest , readily find that there are more dangers and mischiefs like to happen by atheists , debauchees , and latitudinarians , not a few of the sectaries , and no small number of the wild headed opinion-mongers ; whose giddy notions makes every thing that tends to their interest or conveniency to be religion enough , and are so near neighbours to popery , as if not speedily prevented , are like to gulf into it , than there is of any inundation of arbitrary power , or of the common sort of unjesuited popery ; and that popery it self would much abate , if the atheists , latitudinarians , and debauchees , and the daily quarrellers with our church and state government would better regulate their brains , and not make themselves so much as they have done the seminary seed-plot , and nursery of it . and it may be a wonder beyond the seven wonders of england , and more than an hundred added thereunto , that by a strange effascination , so great a part of the nation , after that they might well have understood his just and happy government all the time of his reign : had most wickedly rebelled against his late majesty their soveraign , vanquish'd and procured him in the hopes of peace , to deliver up unto them the remainders of his strength and garrisons ; viz. oxford , newark , worcester , and wallingford ; imprisoned notwithstanding , and hunted him to death , and brought him upon a scaffold before his own house or palace at white-hall , to be barbarously murthered . where he declared to the soldiers , army , officers , and spectators after he had received the blessed sacrament , administred unto him by the pious and reverend dr. juxon bishop of london ; and performed his other devotions preparatory to a near approaching death , in his dying and last words , which ought to be believed by all that had any thing of humanity , or were ever but christ'ned ; that as to his religion , he died a christian , according to the profession of the church of england , and found it left him by his father . that he desired the peoples liberty and freedom as much as any body whosoever , but he must tell them that their liberty and freedom consists in having of government those laws , by which their lives and their goods may be most their own : it is not for having share in government , that is nothing pertaining to them . a subject and a soveraign are clear different things , and therefore until they do that , i mean that you do put the people in that liberty , as i say , certainly they will never enjoy themselves . it was for this , that now i am come here ; if i would have given way to an arbitrary way , for to have all laws changed according to the power of the sword , i needed not to have come here . and therefore i tell you ( and i pray god it be not laid to your charge ) that i am the martyr of the people . that in stead of a never enough to be repeated repentance , with as much satisfaction as was possible to make it available ( not by sowing the seeds of another rebellion ) they should be so sottish ( which is more than a frenzy or lunacy , which sometimes alloweth intervals of understanding , of c 〈…〉 g again unto themselves ) as not only to continue those fears and jealousies , but to hatch new and greater additions unto them , which in most of the seduced multitude can have no other ground or foundation than their ignorance , folly , and illusion ; and in the lesser number of that party their villany , treason , and a propensity to act ever again a second rebellion to support them . can they read or hear that the turks or mahometans in their ignorance do no sooner find the least piece of paper , or any other thing , with any writing upon it , but fearing that it may be some note or discovery of their sins which might be carried to god almighty , or their great prophet mahomet , do make as bes●equius relateth , all the hast they can to burn or destroy it ? and at the same time write , and hire to write , print , publish , and permit to be cryed and sold in the streets , pamphlets , and books to justifie as much as they can their perjuries , sedition , treason , rebellion , and the murther of his majestie 's royal father , with all manner of invectives against the government of church and state ; do they read or hear that ath●ns , once the glory of learning and wisdom , is by her variety of humours , and change of government ( do what the sage solon could ) now become a poor ●i●●er town under the ottoman's boundless arbitrary power and slavery , and that the stout hearted spartans without their ephori or king-comptrollers , are now under as sad and slavish a condition ; and yet persist in their restless murmurings ? or can they find any reason or justice , or so much as a colour of either of them to charge an arbitrary power , or faults of government upon their king or soveraign , when they will so little obey his laws and statutes , as they do all they can to contemn , over-turn , trample upon , and change them from better to worse ; from the best of monarchies to the worst of anarchies ? when their king can do no more than make or ordain good and wholesom laws , which with our former laws are as sir edward coke hath said , the quintessence or best of all laws in the world , and his subjects will not obey them , or the directions and care of his commissionated judges and officers ; but will amongst themselves use arbitrary power , cheat , oppress and devour one another , and can but do what he can , and pray to god to give them grace to observe them , and may in that case say as a king of israel in another case did to the woman in the great famine of samaria , crying out unto him as he passed upon the wall , help my lord , o king ; and he said , if the lord do not help thee , whence shall i help thee ? and until they shall have brought themselves to a better temper , it will not also be a thing unlikely , but that i having said so much to allay their fears and jealousies may be tenter-hooked , by some of their suspitions , bundled up amongst their no few or unusual mistakes , and made to be either a papist or court parasite ; but when they shall have searched the devils registeries , and examined , pryed , peeped into , and inspected all my actions from my youth upwards , must whether they have a mind unto it or not , give me leave to tell them , and prove , what you do know as well as my self , that i am no papist , no court parasite , nor flatterer of any man ; and that they will not be a little mistaken if they shall think that i am not a very loyal subject of my king , dutiful son of the church of england , or not averse to an arbitrary power , or that i can be any thing else then a lover of the truth , my king , the church of england , and my countrey ; and being also an honourer of your self in your doing the like , shall desire always to continue under the character thereof , and june 17th . 1681. your most affectionate friend and servant . finis . errata in the authors absence . page 16 line 5. for and a● , read , you are very solicitous for the church , p. 9. line 28. read put , p. 10. line 31. read discent , p. 40. line ult . dele was , read did , dele as she , et p. 41. d●le she made , et read make . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a54696-e130 rushworth's collection . rushworth's historical collections . 9 h. 3. ca. 29. 9 h. 3. 14. ca. 8. 10. 11. 20 h. 3. 3. 3. e. 1. ca. 6. 9. 25 e. 1. ca. 5. 6. ca. 25. ca. 5. 28 e. 1. 1. ca. 5. 6. 34 e. 1. 2. statute de tallaglo non concedendo fact ' tempore . e. 1. 1 e. 3. 6. 2 e. 3. 8. 2 e. 3. 5 e. 3. 12. 25 e. 3. ca. 2. 25 e. 3. rot , parl. ca. 4. 5 r. 2. ca. 7. ca. 5. 5 r. 2. ca. 7. 5 r. 2. ca. 9. 12 r. 2. ca. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. ca. 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 . 2 h. 4. 8. 4 h. 4. 8. 13 h. 4. 7. 2 h. 5. 8. 1. r. 3. ca. 2. ●3 h. 8. 3. 32 h. 8. 33. 33 h. 8. 39. 31 eliz. 3. 43 eliz. 6. star. of marieborough , printed to be in 51 h. 3. ca. 5. but appeareth in the record to have been only made in anno 47 h. 3. and without the preamble published by mr. pulton , as in 51 h. 3. bract. lib. 3. de corona . ca. 1. & fleta lib. 1. ca. 19. & 20. 13 e. 1. 〈◊〉 . 14. oaths of the judges , 18 e. 3. petition of right , anno 3 car. primi . oliver cromwel's instrument of government . 19 h. 7. ca. 7. 1 sam. 12. 3. ●vascon . 〈◊〉 e. 1. 〈◊〉 alman . 〈◊〉 e. 3. 〈◊〉 concill . 〈◊〉 h. 6th . warrant sub. privat . sigil . 9 eliz. rushworth's historical collections , 156. 158. gulielmus newbrigensis . rot ' parl. 〈◊〉 . r. 2. m. 60. rot ' parl. 14. r. 2. m. 15. rot ' parl. 15. r. 2. m. 12. sir richard baker's chronicle . journals of the four last parliaments of q. elizabeth , collected by heywood townsend , a member thereof . rot ' parl. 7 r. 2. m. 5. & 19. 8 r. 2. rot ' parl. * epistle of jud● , 〈◊〉 . 8. and 10. 2 reg. ca. 6. a discourse of the religion of england asserting, that reformed christianity setled in its due latitude, is the stability and advancement of this kingdom. corbet, john, 1620-1680. 1667 approx. 94 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34533 wing c6252 estc r19414 11760712 ocm 11760712 48677 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34533) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48677) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 486:44) a discourse of the religion of england asserting, that reformed christianity setled in its due latitude, is the stability and advancement of this kingdom. corbet, john, 1620-1680. [8], 48 p. [s.n.], london : 1667. attributed to john corbet. cf. mcalpin coll. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -england. church and state -england. dissenters, religious -england. great britain -church history -17th century. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of the religion of england . asserting , that reformed christianity setled in its due latitude , is the stability and advancement of this kingdom . london , printed in the year m. dc . lx. vii . the preface religion being deeply imprinted in humane nature , and having a great power over it , and being more notably displayed in the present age , is become the grand interest of states , and almost of all men , though not after the same manner , nor upon the same grounds and motives . for this cause , whether it comes in truth , or in shew only , it is found to rule and turn about the great affairs of the world. and though many things of different nature , may have great influence on the state of this kingdom , yet religion and matters of conscience evidently appear to have the greatest . the distinguishing of persons for the favour or disfavour of the times ; yea , the very names of discrimination pass upon the account of religious differences . the active part of all sorts and ranks of men , is hereby chiefly swayed in their motions ; and their affections move more importunately in this one , then in all their other concernments . wherefore if a settlement may be found out , which may accommodate all those parties or perswasions , in which the peace of the nation is bound up , it will prove the undoubted interest of this state. and if such a settlement be likewise found to be the true and sound state of religion , it must needs be acceptable to the faithful servants of christ , and the true lovers of their country . now the adventure of this discourse is to assert , that reformed christianity rightly stated , and setled in its due latitude , is the stability and advancement of the kingdom of england . nothing is here suggested for politick ends , to corrupt the purity , or enervate the power of religion , or to lessen charity ; but the fatherly compassion of rulers , and the mutual brotherly condescention of all christians , required by the law of christ , and some connivence in case of insuperable necessities , and that for the truth 's sake , is here propounded . episcopacy is not undermined , nor any other form of government here insinuated ; only a relaxation of the prescribed uniformity , and some indulgence to dissenters of sound faith , and good life , is submissively offered to the consideration of our superiors . all pragmatical arrogance , presuming to give rules to governours , and to teach them what to do , is carefully avoided ; only the possibility , expediency , and necessity of moderation , is represented . and it is humbly desired , that this honest intention in pursuance of peace , may find a favourable reception . the contents . sect. 1. the religion of this realm , and three different parties of most important consideration , the protestants of the church of england , the protestant nonconformists , and the papists . sect. 2. the behaviour and pretension of the popish party in these times . sect. 3. that popery disposeth subjects to rebellion . sect. 4. that it persecutes all other religions within its reach . sect. 5. that where soever it finds encouragement , it is restless , till it bears down all before it , or hath put all in disorder . sect. 6. the papists pretension of loyalty and merit in the kings cause , examined . sect. 7. the result of the whole discourse touching the popish party . sect. 8. that the reformed religion makes good christians , and good subjects . sect. 9. the reformed religion is the permanent interest of this kingdom . sect. 10. it is for the behoof of religion and true piety , and for the interest of this state , that reformed christianity be setled in its full extent . sect. 11. how momentous in the ballance of the nation those protestants are , that dissent from the present ecclesiastical polity . sect. 12. the extirpation of the dissenters is both difficult anaunprofitable . sect. 13. the representation of this difficulty is no threatning to rulers , or intimation of rebellion . sect. 14. the setling of the nation by an established order , a toleration , and a connivence . sect. 15. of the established order in religion , and the moderation therein required . sect. 16. whether the dissenters are capable of being brought into such a comprehension . sect. 17. acquiescence in the widened establishment , is the safety of religion . sect. 18. of toleration and connivence . sect. 19. dissenters of narrow and rigid principles , advised to moderation . sect. 20. this comprehensive state of religion , further considered , with respect to three important interests : first , to that of the king. sect. 21. secondly , to the interest of the church and clergy . sect. 22. thirdly , to the interest of the nobility and gentry . sect. 23. the general security that comes by this latitude . errata . page 9. line 2. read in king james his time . p. 5. l. 18. r. arts of rome . p. 31. l. 31. r. exacted . a discourse of the religion of england . sect . i. the religion of this realm , and three different parties of most important consideration ; the protestants of the church of england , the protestant nonconformists , and the papists . the religion of england considered , not only as established by law , but as rooted in the nation , and generally embraced , is that which is called protestant , and is no other then christianity recovered out of the antichristian apostacy , and reformed from the corruptions of later ages , after the primitive purity ; receiving the holy scriptures as the perfect rule of christian faith and life . how beit , in this realm there be three different parties of most important consideration : the first consists of those protestants that zealously adhere to the english ecclesiastical polity , and call themselves the church of england . the second sort is of those protestants that receive the doctrine of faith contained in the articles of religion , but are dissatisfied in the form of ecclesiastical polity . these by their adversaries have been usually called puritans . the third is of those that utterly reject the reformation , and remain united to the pope as their spiritual head , and call themselves roman-catholicks . hereupon an impartial serious observer , respecting the common good , may be induced to make inquiry , how agreeable or dis-harmonious each of these three are to the publick weal ; as also , what proportion they bear to each other ; and whether those under the legal establishment , or the dissenters , preponderate in the ballance of the nation ; or whether the established preponderate in that degree which is requisite in true reason of government . sect . ii. the behaviour and pretensions of the popish party in these times . the roman-catholicks in england , considered not barely in their number , but in their rank and quality , being rich and powerful , and strong in alliances , are very momentous , and seem to be capable of great designs , especially in conjunction with foreign interests . in these times they have taken much liberty and boldness , with an undisturbed security , and lately have been observed to be more then ordinarily active , jocund and confident of the effect of their mutual correspondencies ; and manifold passages of dangerous appearance have been every where spoken of ; in so much that the nation hath taken an alarm , and the parliament judged the matter worthy of their search , and appointed a committee to receive informations . this party hath high pretensions of merit towards the king , and all that are called royallists ; and they seek apparently more then indulgence and safety , even high power and trust , as if they were the true and sure confidents of this state. such claims as these , challenge a serious debate . for a charge of a high nature ( as themselves have taken notice ) hath been of a long time prosecuted against popery , viz. that it disposeth subjects to rebellion . that it persecutes all other religions within its reach . that wheresoever it finds incouragement , it is restless , till it bear down all , or hath put all in disorder . till they make a better defence then the world hath yet seen , we take the just liberty of insisting upon this charge , and examining first , how benign or safe the influence of popery is upon any state or kingdom whatsoever ; and then how it doth comport with the state of england , whose basis is the protestant religion , setled by law , and by length of time generally spred , and deeply rooted in the nation , and solemnly and constantly avowed by prince and people . sect . iii. that popery disposeth subjects to rebellion . vvhat hath been the constant practice of the popes , who are the head of the roman faith , the universal consent of history bears record . what continual thundering of excommunications hath sounded throughout the christian world in all ages , since the beginning of the papal reign , against kings , emperors , and other princes and states that presumed to dispute their dictates , or cross their designs , to the loosing of subjects from the bonds of allegiance , and the deposing of soveraigns ? what unexampled abasements hath the imperial majesty suffered in the persons of sundry emperors , by prodigious instances of papal pride ; which , though enough to stir up the indignation of mankind , are applauded by famous writers , champions of the court of rome ? the popes temporal dominions began and grew up in rebellion and usurpation , for which cause they have nourished factions , and filled the world with warrs and tumults , and maintained most outragious and tedious conflicts with many emperors , even till they had crippled and broke the back of the empire it self . and these practices are justified by their decretals and canons , and divines of greatest authority , and some of their councils , ascribing to the pope a power of deposing princes that are heretical , or favourers of hereticks . the jesuits doctrine of king-killing , hath made them odious ; and if some passages can be alledged out of their writings against taking away the lives of princes , their declared meaning is , that a king deposed by the pope , becomes tirannus titulo , and is no more a lawful king , and then what follows , is easily understood . those of the church of rome that disavow these things , should mind their contradiction to the faith they own , in leaving their popes , divines and canonists in a point of such importance . but how potent the influence of the court of rome , and the agency of the jesuits is for the diffusing of those principles into the most and chiefest of the roman-catholicks , is not unknown . if the undisturbed government of the emperor , and of the king of spain in later times , be brought forth as an instance of the loyalty of popish subjects , or an argument of the soundness of popish principles ; it must be considered , that the house of austria have made their devotion to the see of rome , their grand and appropriate interest , and that see hath a main dependance on those princes ; and both it and they have the same active votaries throughout christendom , the jesuits and their adherents . as for the kingdom of france , the state of venice , and others acknowledging the popes headship , they have had enough to do , and they would have more , if either themselves were weak , and less formidable to the pope , or the popes lightning and thunder were now as dreadful as in former ages . even in popish countreys the abuses of papal power , and the intrigues and interests of the court of rome are a little better discerned ; therefore those princes and states can make the better terms for themselves ; yet if either the former degree of ignorance and stupid devotion to that see , shall return upon their people , or the like occasions of embroiling or breaking states , shall revive , they must accept the popes conditions , and submit to the former yoke . but if the princes of that profession can in this our more knowing age , with much ado hold their subjects in obedience , against the acts of rome ; yet the question concerning england remains intire , whether a protestant prince can with good reason confide or repose himself in the loyalty of his popish subjects ? and more especially , whether the fore-mentioned popish claims do in any wise comport with the state of england , whose basis is the protestant religion ? no other religion gives the priests such an empire over the conscience , as the popish doth . the principles of that belief , and the order and frame of that church , are directed to this end , and the people are miserably inthralled to the will of their clergy . by auricular confession the priests have a constant inlet into the hearts of men , by injoyning penances and works of devotion , they exercise a spiritual dominion over them . hereby they have dayly opportunity , and advantage enough to excite them to any notable exploits for the catholick cause ; unto which kind of services they fix an opinion of the highest merit , either for discharge from the pains of purgatory , or for the acquest of a greater reward in glory : yea , dissolute persons may be easily drawn to such attempts , in hope of making compensation for a loose and lewd life ; and when they suffer for sedition or treason , they are held to acquire the glory of martyrs and confessors . add hereunto their belluine hatred of hereticks , and vile esteem of their persons : and in all this , their church's supposed infallibility warrants this blind obedience , and brutish confidence . and to make void all the security that can be given between prince and people , the pope under pretence of equity and necessity , undertakes to dispence with oaths , and with all laws both civil and divine . besides all this , there is the jesuits peculiar discipline , most exquisite for blind obedience and resolution , and consequently , for any great and strange attempts . things past may afford prognosticks of thing to come . may englands constant experience be taken for evidence in the case * . the reign of queen elizabeth , after the protestant reformation had gotten the stated possession of this kingdom , was infested with a continued succession and series of treasons , for the re-introducing of popery , carried on by the english papists with an indefatigable and implacable spirit , proceedings from causes peculiar to that religion . during the first ten years , they conformed to the church of england ; but afterwards , to testifie their union with the pope , they became a divided party in this state. for them the queen being found unmoveable , the pope published his declaratory sentence against her , by which all her subjects were absolved from the oath of allengiance , and an anathema denounced against those that thence forth obey her. the popish rebellion in the north breaks out . many horrid attempts of violence upon her majesties person , were plotted one after another for many years together , as that of dr. story , of parry , of arden and somervile , of throgmorton , of babington and his complices , besides the concurrent commotion in ireland * . in these several treasons , many of the seminary priests were forward and active . the great and setled design , was the advancing of the queen of scots , to the crown of england ; wherein were ingaged the pope , and spaniard , and french king , and duke of guise , in conjunction with the english papists , making use of her title to set on foot those many desperate enterprises against the queen . after the death of the queen of scots , they raised a new title to the crown in the house of spain . the memory of eighty eight , will be an everlasting monument of papistical cruelty and treason . cardinal allen the first founder or procurer of the foreign seminaries , a person admired as well by the secular priests , as jesuits , penned a treatise with all the rhetorick he had , to excite the english catholicks to joyn with the spaniards . among the forces in the low-countries prepared for this invasion , were seven hundred english fugitives . after the spanish armado was dissipated , the jesuits had not done . they would have stirred up the earl of derby to assume the title of the kingdom ; they plotted the poysoning of the queen by lopez her physician ; they excited villains to dispatch her by bloody hands , and they never left soliciting the king of spain , till he twice attempted another invasion . in those times parsons his book of titles was famous , wherein he set up divers competitors for the crown , preferring the infanta before all others , and slighting king james his title , as having but few favourers , and little accounted by catholicks . the roman party could be provoked to these mischiefs by no other impulse then the impetuous zeal of their superstition . some of their own did then publsh to the world their important considerations , to move all true catholicks to acknowledg , that the proceedings of her majesty and the state , with them , since the beginning of her reign , had been mild and merciful . in the several times of those mischievous designments , though some priests were executed , yet those that were found moderate in their examinations , obtained mercy , and a great number of them that by law were obnoxious to death , were spared from that extremity , and only banished . it is true , that certain secular priests did impute all those treasons to the jesuits and their adherents , and fully charged them with all the aforefaid matters of fact , in terms of highest aggravation , acquitting all other catholicks . but it must be noted , that the jesuits were in greatest reputation , and had the predominant influence upon the english papists in general , and ( as appears by the seculars loud complaints ) had such a power of disposing the alms collected for their prisoners , and other sufferers , that such as complied not with their purposes , were debarr'd of relief , and pined for want . and by their counsels , the foreign seminaries , those nurseries of disloyalty were wholly swayed . and 't is observable , that the agrieved seculars never published their pretended abhorrency of these treasons , till they were over-past , and themselves , being driven to despair by the jesuits potency , were forced to take shelter under a great prelate of the church of england . the same spirit of disloyalty was as active and vigorous in that kings time , who at his first entrance , found himself excluded from title to the crown , by two papal breves , the ground-work of that infernal plot of matchless villany and cruelty , the gunpowder-treason . after the defeat of which horrid conspiracy , the projects of rome proceeded not in such down-right rebellions , which always miscarried ; but in ways more secretly undermining religion , and as truly destructive to the interest of king and kingdom . sect . iv. that it persecutes all other religions within its reach . the second branch of the charge against popery , is , that it persecutes all other religions within its reach . in the church of rome , for many by-past ages , the meekness of christ , and the dove-like nature of his spouse hath not appeared , but the cruelty of that great whore that was drunken with the blood of the saints , and of the martyrs of jesus . all that cast off her yoke , and disown her pretended infallibility , are with her no better then hereticks , though they intirely own all the articles of the christian faith received by the ancient church . and hereticks are esteemed more vile then dogs ; and it is held meritorious to abuse and torment them . her laws have made their punishment to be the sharpest kind of death , burning alive inexorably inflicted . by this romish wrath and fury were three hundred martyrs sacrificed in queen maries time , for not believing the sacramental bread to be turned into the substance of christs body , against the most clear and distinct perception and reason of all mankind . but can humane nature hear , without horror , the report of that direful consistory , called the holy inquisition , established in those countries where popery is in full sway . doubtless that church whose religious orders in a solemn and sacred judicatory , shall commit such horrid outrages as are indeed acted by those infernal judges , upon pretence of justice and piety , must needs be a school of universal cruelty for all her adherents . the popish hath outgone the pagan cruelty . what treachery and villany hath been acted ! what barbarous indignities have been offered in ways as immodest and shameless , as outragious and merciless , upon pretence of zeal against hereticks ! what varieties of strangely-devised torments have been inflicted upon the servants of christ , without sparing age , sex , or condition ! nor hath such work been done onely in our age or country , but in all ages successively , and countries universally , that were imbued with romish principles : witness the huge slaughters of the waldenses , the persecutions of the bohemian brethren , and of many others throughout christendom in the former ages : and since protestant-reformation , how have the romish zealots filled europe with the slaughters of christians within their reach , in france , germany , spain , italy , england , scotland , the netherlands . in ireland , piedmont and poland , their cruelty is fresh in memory . and the slain cannot be numbred for multitude ; they were killed by thousands , ten thousands , hundred thousands , at one and the same persecution . and the tragedies have been acted where the name of protestant was well known , yea , where protestants were under the shelter of the law. for the jesuits uncessantly stir up the princes to fall upon their people against law , and without provocation given , and after things have been setled , to break their agreements with them . and the pope himself is the contriver or applauder of these mischiefs , and the succesful execution thereof , is received at rome with joy and triumph , as the murtherers in the parisian massacre were highly extolled by the pope , and rewarded with such spiritual graces as his holiness useth to bestow . sect . v. that wheresoever it finds encouragement , it is restless , till it bears down all before it , or hath put all in disorder . may we judg by these things , how a party devoted to the see of rome , are to be trusted and cherished in a protestant nation , who mind the securing of themselves and their posterity , from the sharpest persecutions ; especially considering the third branch of the charge , that in any state , where they find advantage , or fit matter to work upon , they are restless , till they bear down all , or put all in disorder . popery hath its formed combinations , and se●led correspondencies over all christendom , under the supreme direction and government of the congregation at rome , for the propagation of the faith ; which sent over swarms of seminary priests , jesuits , and fryars of all sorts , who made their hives in england . the several parliaments of the later times of king james , represented to the king how the popish recusants had dangerously increased their numbers and insolencies , having great expectation from the treaties with spain , and the interposing of foreign princes for indulgence to them ; how they openly and usually resorted to the churches and chappels of foreign ambassadors , their more then usual concourse to the city , and their frequent conventicles and conferences there ; how their children were educated in many foreign seminaries appropriated to the english fugitives ; what swarms of priests and jesuits came into the land ; many popish and seditious books licentiously printed and dispersed . from which causes , as from bitter roots , most dangerous effects both to church and state would follow . for the popish religion is incompatible with ours ; it draws with it an unavoidable dependance upon foreign princes ; it opens a wide gap for popularity in any who shall draw too great a party ; it hath a restless spirit , and will strive by these gradations . if it once get connivance , it will press for toleration ; if that should be obtained , it must have an equality ; from thence it will aspire to a superiority , and never rest till it hath wrought the subversion of true religion . in the several parliaments of king charles the first , not one publick grievance was more insisted on , then the growth of popery . in the third parliament of that king , at a conference between the lords and commons about popish recusants , one of the principal secretaries of state spake thus : give me leave to tell you what i know , that these now both vaunt at home , and write to their friends abroad , they hope all will be well , and doubt not to prevail , and win ground upon us : and a little to awaken the care and zeal of our learned and grave fathers , it is fit that they take notice of that hierarchy , which is already established in competition with their lordships : for they have already a bishop consecrated by the pope . this bishop hath his subalternate officers of all kinds , as vicars general , arch-deacons , rural deans , apparitors , and such like ; neither are these nominal and titular officers alone , but they all execute their jurisdiction , and make their ordinary visitation throughout the kingdom , keep courts , and determine ecclesiastical causes ; and , which is an argument of more consequence , they keep ordinary intelligence by their agents at rome , and hold correspondencies with the nuncio's and cardinals both at bruxels , and in france . neither are the seculars alone grown to this height , but the regulars are more active and dangerous , and have taken deep root . they have already planted their societies and colledges of both sexes . they have setled revenues , houses , libraries , vestments , and all other necessary provisions to travel , or stay at home ; nay , even at this time they intend to hold a concurrent assembly with this parliament . in ireland a popish clergy far more numerous then the protestant , was in full exercise of all ecclesiastical jurisdiction , by arch-bishops , bishops , vicars , general officiats , and a vicar apostolical . and they had a special cardinal at rome for their protector . among other projects , a consultation and overture of reconciling england and rome , was set on foot . some of eminency in the church of england , gave advantage to the project , by declaring , that only the puritans among the protestants , and the jesuits among the papists , obstructed the peace of christendom . some prime agent of the pope , made a solemn offer of a cardinalship to bishop laud , at the time of his translation to the see of canterbury . sancta clara presumed to dedicate his book to the king , wherein the articles of the church of england were examined by the roman standard , and distorted to the sense of the council of trent . the pope had three nuncio's , panzani , con , and roseti , successively residing in england , to work upon this state by advantage of the project of reconciliation . this faction had many irons in the fire , and many strings to their bow. they had their agents in court , city and country . they had their spyes in the houses of great men , and such as kept continual watch over them that had the chief sway of publick affairs . their work was to raise and foster jealousies between the king and his people , to cast things into the hurry of faction , prejudice and confused motion . and whether the court or popular faction prevailed , they thought it equally advantagious to their designs , which was to unsettle the present state , and work mutations . such incendiaries are the factors of rome , and such busie engineers in the confusions of christendom . can any that considers the foregoing passages , doubt of the powerful and special agency of the court of rome , in the commotions that followed . a venetian agent in england , intimate with nuncio panzani , and privy to all his negotiations , made this observation ; if one may make judgment of things future , by things past , this realm so divided into many factions in matter of religion , and that of the catholick increasing daily , will in time be troubled and torn with civil warrs . sect . vi. the papists pretension of loyalty and merit in the king's cause , examined . the great plea and boasting of the romanists , is , their pretension of merit in the king's cause . the truth is , the papists knew that the parliament was fully bent , and deeply engaged against them , and therefore despaired of any good to themselves by a direct and open compliance with them , whatever undiscerned influence they might have on their counsels : so that necessity made them to serve the king in that warr. and they brought neither success nor reputation to his majesties affairs ; nor did he care to own their assistance more then as justified by the present necessity . and they have little reason to upbraid the protestants with the scandal of that warr ; for whatsoever was alledged in defence thereof , by the parliament and their adherents , as much hath been written by very eminent school-men and doctors of the roman church , for the interest of the people , and the consent of the cities and the peers in defensive arms. which they have written over and above their peculiar principle of the popes universal power of deposing kings that are unfit for government . as for the woful catastrophe of those commotions , it hath been manifested to the world by such as undertook to justifie it , when authority should require : that the year before the kings death , a select number of jesuits being sent from their whole party in england , consulted both the faculty of sorbon , and the conclave at rome , touching the lawfulness and expediency of promoting the change of government , by making away the king , whom they despaired to turn from his heresie : it was debated and concluded in both places , that for the advancement of the catholick cause , it was lawful and expedient to carry on that alteration of state. this determination was effectually pursued by many jesuits that came over , and acted their parts in several disguises . after that execrable fact was perpetrated on the person of our soveraign , if we may believe most credible reports , there were many witnesses of the great joy among the english convents and seminaries , and other companies of papists beyond sea , as having overcome their great enemy , and done their main work . many of their chief ones sought the favour of the usurpers , with offers of doing them service . one of great note among them , in a book entituled , grounds of obedience and government , undertook the solution of the grand case of those times : that if a people be dissolved into the state of anarchy , their promise made to their expelled governour , binds no more ; they are remitted to the force of nature to provide for themselves . that the old magistrates right , stands upon the common peace , and that is transferred to his rival , by the title of quiet possession . conformably to these principles , they address their petition , to the supream authority , the parliament of the commonwealth of england . they affirmed , they had generally taken , and punctually kept the engagement ; and promised , that if they might enjoy their religion , they would be the most quiet and useful subjects . of their actings since his majesties restauration , and the jealousies and rumours about them , let men judg as they find by the evidences that are given . sect . vii . the result of the whole discourse touching the popish party . and now let it be duly weighed , whether the papists of these dominions have in later times changed their former principles and interests , or have only taken another method of greater artifice and subtilty , as the change of times hath given them direction and advantage . the scope of the whole preceding discourse , is to call in question those high pretensions of theirs , and to cross their aims at great power and trust : but it is not directed against the security of their persons or fortunes , or any meet indulgence or clemency towards them . let them have their faith to themselves , without being vexed with snares , or any afflicted ; the state always providing to obviate the forementioned principles and practices of disloyalty , and the diffusing of the leaven of their superstition . the inference of the whole is this , that they be not admitted to a capacity of evil and dangerous influence upon the affairs of the kingdom , or of interrupting and perplexing the course of things that concern the publike . sect . viii . that the reformed religion makes good christians , and good subjects . as true religion is the most noble end , so it is the best foundation of all political government . and it is the felicity of the state of england , to rest upon this basis , even reformed christianity , or the primitive and apostolick religion recovered out of the apostacy of the later times , and severed from that new kind of paganism , or pagano-christianism , under which it lay much oppressed and overwhelmed , but not extinguished . it s wholsome doctrine contained in its publick confessions , makes good christians , and good subjects . it teacheth obedience to civil magistrates , without the controle of any superior or collateral power . nor is it concerned , if dangerous positions fall from the pens of some writers . and notwithstanding the adversaries cavils , the divines of authority and solid reputation in the protestant churches , do with a general consent maintain the rights of princes and soveraign powers , against all disobedience . if any aberration in practice , hath been found in its professors , it is not to be charged therewith , because it condemns it ; but the general practice in this point , hath been conformable to the doctrine . the reformation in england , for its legality and orderliness , is unquestionable . in germany it was setled and defended by princes and free cities , that governed their own signiories and territories , paying only a respect of homage to the emperor . in helvetia it began by the senates of the cantons . it was received in geneva by that republick , after the civil government had been reformed by strong papists . in the provinces of the netherlands it was spread many years before the union against the spaniard ; which union was not made upon the score of religion , but of state. the manner of its beginning in scotland , is by some attributed to a national disposition , the asperity and vehemency thereof , is said to be greater in times of popery , and to be much mitigated by the reformation . for france , we may take the testimony of king james , who was jealous enough for the power of kings . he said , that he never knew yet , that the french protestants took arms against their king. in the first troubles , they stood only upon their defence ; before they took arms , they were burned and massacred every where . the first quarrel did not begin for religion , but because when king francis the second was under age , they had been the refuge of the princes of the blood expelled from the court , who knew not else where to take sanctuary ; and that it shall not be found that they made any other warr. it is not for this discourse to intermeddle with all the actions of protestant subjects towards their princes , that have happened in christendom : let them stand or fall by the laws and polity under which they live . whensoever they have been disloyal , they have swerved from the known and received rules of their profession . through the corruption of mankind , subjects of whatsoever perswasion , are prone to murmurings and mutinies . sometimes oppression makes them mad . sometimes a jealousie of incroachments upon their legal rights and liberties , raiseth distempers and contests . and sometimes an unbridled , wanton affecting of inordinate liberty , makes them insolent and licentious . but over and above these common sources of rebellion , popery hath a peculiar one , and that of the greatest force , the conscience of religious obligations , and the zeal of the catholick faith. protestants have never disowned their king for difference in religion , as the most of the roman catholieks of france dealt with henry the fourth , by the popes instigation . and in their greatest enormities , they have never attempted the stabbing and poysoning of princes that stood in their way , which the jesuits teach their disciples . sect . ix . the reformed religion is the permanent interest of this kingdom . as the protestant or reformed religion , is the true primitive christianity , so it is the stable and permanent interest of england , and the sure foundation of its prosperity . the king of england is the most mighty prince of this profession , and becomes the more potent over christendom , by being the head and chief of the whole protestant party : and it is well known , that by the support and defence of this cause , the nation hath encreased in honour , and wealth , and power . the peoples rooted aversness from popery , is most apparent , and their jealousies work upon any more then usual insolence or confidence of the papists . the royallists as well as others , have been allarm'd , and manifested their zeal against it . and his majesties aversness from it , is so fully declared by his constancy amidst temptations , in the time of his exile , and now since his return , that for his honours sake , it is made very penal for any to suggest that he would introduce it ; the law presuming , that such suggestion must needs proceed from an evil mind . and what prince that hath cast off the popes yoke , would willingly come under it again ? a foreign statesman of the roman profession , hath observed it as a barr against the projected reconciliation between england and rome , that it could not be effected without concessions on both sides , contrary to the maxims of both parties . this realm ( saith he ) is perversly addicted to maintain its own resolute opinion of excluding the popes authority . and the court of rome is more sollicitous to remove whatsoever is contrary to its temporal grandure , then to extirpate such heresies as this realm is infected with . to instance in that one point of the approbation or toleration of the oath of allegiance ; though some catholick doctors had with their tongues and pens maintained the lawfulness of that oath ; yet thereby , and by opening some other points of high consequence , they had so displeased the pope , that could they have been catch't , they were sure to have been burn'd or strangled for it . but what allurement is there to dispose the monarchs of the earth to subject themselves to the sacerdotal empire of rome , or to endeavour an accommodation with it ? hath popery its advantages to dispose subjects to security and blind obedience ? so it hath its advantages to loosen the bonds of allegiance , and foment rebellion in subjects ; when protestancy seasons them with principles of unstained loyalty . a people nuzled in ignorance and superstition , are more easily seduced from their obedience to magistrates , and carried headlong by those that have dominion over their consciences . but understanding and knowledg makes men considerate , and more easily manageable by a just and prudent government . as for the clergy's interest , though the protestant religion doth not affect that excessive pomp and splendor of church-men , which the popish doth ; yet it is taken for granted , that neither conscience nor interest will permit the bishops and clergy of england , to unite to the see of rome . their doctrine is too pure , and their judgment too clear for a full compliance with popery : and they know what it is to come under the papal yoke , to divest themselves , and receive new orders from rome , and to be displaced and set behind the veteran soldiers of the roman camp , whose turns must be first served . sect . x. it is for the behoof of religion and true piety , and for the interest of this state , that reformed christianity be setled in its full extent . if it be resolved , that protestancy is the truth of christianity , and also , the stability of england ; it follows , that this profession must not be streightned and lessened , but inlarged and cherished , according to its true extent ; and the rule and square of the ecclesiastical state , must be commensurate thereunto . it should be the measure of all mens zeal and activity in rites and opinions , whatsoever is necessary to its support and advancement , is constantly to be asserted ; and about things impertinent thereunto , contention should utterly cease . this is to advance the kingdom of god among men , and to encrease the church's glory upon earth . but by needless schisms and factions , to weaken the common interest of reformed christianity , is to dissipate the church of god , and to defeat the great ends of the christian religion , which are , sound and strong faith in christ and his promises , unfeigned devotion , purity of heart , innocence and integrity of life , common charity , brotherly love , humility , mutual forbearance , and condescention , unshaken peace and concord . as this latitude promotes the great designs of christs gospel , so it settles this nation , and is , for matter of religion , its right and sure basis. every good foundation , lyes adequate to the building to be laid thereon : so any polity civil or ecclesiastical , should be proportionate to the people to be governed thereby . the people that are of moment in the ballance of this nation , are , though not universally , yet more generally rooted in protestantism , as it is taken in its due latitude , and not as unduly restrained by the passions and interests of men : for in this they are one , though divided about lesser things . there hath been much discord between men of several perswasions , that throughly accord with each other in the same common faith , as almost to expunge one another out of the list of protestants . surely this is a great error and a disadvantage on all hands , as well to those that stand on the vantage-ground , as to others : for they that carry it after this sort , do weaken the common interest of true religion , and strengthen the common adversary that is irreconcilable , and disparage themselves as a narrow party or faction . that all those who heartily embrace the english reformation established by law , are protestants , will not be questioned by men of temperate spirits . and concerning the residue , let the sober-minded judge , whether they that assent to the doctrine of faith contained in the articles of the church of england , and do worship god according to that faith , have right to be esteemed protestants . now if protestancy taken in its due extent , doth sway the nation , and is able to settle its peace against the competition of any rival ; should it not be encompassed according to that extent , as much as is possible , in the polity of this state ? sect . xi . how momentous in the ballance of the nation , those protestants are , that dissent from the present ecclesiastical polity . vvhether cogent reason speaks for this latitude , be it now considered , how momentous in the ballance of this nation , those protestants are , which are dissatisfied in the present ecclesiastical polity . they are every where spred through city and countrey ; they make no small part of all ranks and sorts of men ; by relations and commerce they are so woven into the nations interest , that it is not easie to sever them , without unravelling the whole . they are not excluded from among the nobility , among the gentry they are not a few ; but none are of more importance then they in the trading part of the people , and those that live by industry , upon whose hands the business of the nation lyes much . it hath been noted , that some who bear them no good will , have said , that the very air of corporations is infected with their contagion . and in whatsoever degree they are , high or low , ordinarily for good understanding , steddiness and soberness , they are not inferior to others of the same rank and quality ; neither do they want the rational courage of english men. as for the ministers of this perswasion , some have called them fools for their inconformity ; others are reported to have said , that the church should not so easily be rid of them , as if their conformity had been dreaded by them . some have pitied them , wishing that they would conform ; and others revile them , saying , conform , or not conform , never trust them . howbeit , they make solemn appeals to the most high god , that they dare not conform , for conscience sake ; and that it is not in the power of their own wills to relieve them . and whatsoever their grounds of dissent be , they hold it out against all hopes of indulgence , whilst many of them live in necessities , and most of them upon the kindness of others . it is now about five years since a full and vigorous act of uniformity . at once cleared the church of the supposed enemies of her polity . all corporations have been new-model'd and changed as to the principles and tempers of persons , for the better securing of the government in church and state. the private meetings for religious worship ( termed conventicles ) are strictly prohibited , deportation being the penalty upon the third conviction . and for the breaking and dissipating of the whole party , it is provided by another law , that the non-conforming ministers be removed five miles distant from the places of their usual supports and influences . such care is taken , and such is the advantage both of law and power , to strengthen the state , and restrain dissenters ▪ nevertheless , the state ecclesiastical hath advanced little in the esteem , acceptance , or acquiescence of people . the dissenters are still the same , and are rather strengthned in their aversness . and those of them that repair to the publick assemblies , retain their principles of reformation ( as they speak ) without seperation . the indifferent sort of men are still indifferent , and it may be have some kindness for the depressed party , and pity them in their sufferings . sect . xii . the extirpation of the dissenters is both difficult and unprofitable . peradventure some think their total extirpation to be the surest way to publick security and peace ; and that great severities will do the work . but violent compulsion and terror , comports not with the nature of christian religion , which is a rational service , and seeks a willing people ; and is not at all in truth , where it is not received with judgment and free choice . besides , the success of such a course may be doubted of , since the protestant spirit is not like the popish , cruel and outragious ; and the nature of english men is not bloody , but generously compassionate . wherefore in this land to execute extremity upon an intelligent , sober and peaceable sort of men , so numerous among all ranks , may prove exceeding difficult , unless it be executed by such instruments as may strike terror into the whole nation . the civil officers in general , may not be found so forward to afflict their quiet and harmless neighbours . moreover , if severity used once for all , could extinguish an opposite party , there might be some plea of policy ; but when severity must still be justified with more severity , without an end , it is like to prove unlucky to the undertakers . nor is the nation like to grow the better by the subversion of this sort , if it were effected . for in them no small part of the nations sobriety , frugality , and industry doth reside . they are not the great wasters , but mostly in the number of getters . in most places the displaceing of them hath not encreased civility and good conversation among men ; and it makes not for their dishonour , that many will swear and be drunk , to declare they are none of them . there is something of more importance . to purge the nation of this people , may be to purge out more of its vitals then the strength of this state can bear . to suppress those that are reckoned among the chief in trading , and whose commerce is so general , may beget a general diffidence and insecurity in traders , and may help to drive away trade it self , and send it to an emulous and encroaching nation . may we mind , without offence , the event of things among us ? the business of the nation hath not proceeded with the current and free passage expected ; nor doth its wealth and glory encrease . trade languisheth , and traders fail in great numbers ; the rents of lands fall ; there is scarcity of money in city and country ; the necessities and difficulties of private estates are common , and complainings are general . and after a continued decay , things are at last fallen and funk much lower in the ruins of the city of london . 't is the nations happiness to be re-established upon the ancient , legal foundations ; but it is the right stating and pursuing of its true interest , by which it comes to a firm consistency , and proportionable growth . but this sort of men are inquisitive , and therefore troublesome to rulers , to whom obedience without disputing , is most acceptable . it is fit indeed they be as humble and modest , as inquisitive . yet these inquiring men stand much by that main principle of protestantism , the judgment of discretion . indeed , the churches infallibility , and the peoples implicite faith , may help against all disputes : but it cannot be so in england , whilst the people read the scriptures , and the established doctrine of faith remains with us : and if no greater latitude can be allowed , then is at present , a race of non-conformists is like to run parallel with the conformists to the worlds end . sect . xiii . the representation of this difficulty , is no threatning to rulers , or intimation of rebellion . such as take this representation for a challenge to the higher powers , and a demand of liberty , and a threatning , if it be not granted , are too far transported with passion . what can be of greater concernment to governors , then to discern and consider the state of their people , as it is indeed ? and why may it not be minded by subjects , and spoken of without any hint or thought of rebellion ? if subjects use arguments of equity and safety to princes , it doth not presently speak a demand : and it is no threatning to say , that rulers themselves must be ruled by reason , or do worse . the truth is , should they whose case is here argued , upon this score meditate rebellion and warr , they were abandoned of their own reason , and would hurry themselves into a precipice of manifest ruin. to rush into ways of violence , evidently destroys their interest , which stands in maintaining such works , and providing such things as are profitable to the commonwealth , that it may be known that the publike good consists by them , as much as by others . to abide in their stations , to have patience under grievances , to sweeten their governors by humility and modesty , is their best security , who stand or fall together with the true interest of the nation . nevertheless , though a peoples discomposure doth not forespeak warrs and tumults , yet it may denounce woe and misery . can nothing undo a kingdom , but rebellion and treason ? was there ever a greater separation from the church of england , then now is ? was there ever less satisfaction among multitudes every where , t●at do yet frequent her assemblies ? a state , that is free from violent convulsive motions , may fall into a paralytick , or hectick distemper , or an atrophy . the current of vital blood may be stopt in its veins . there be sullen mutinies , that make no noise , but may loosen all the joynts and ligaments of policy . sect . xiv . the setling of the nation by an established order , a toleration , and a connivence . if the interest both of reformed christianity , and of this kingdom , require a more comprehensive state of religion , the true extent of that state will be no impertinent or unmeet inquiry . such is the complicated condition of humane affairs , that it is exceeding difficult to devise a rule or model that shall provide for all whom equity will plead for . therefore the prudent and sober will acquiesce in any constitution that is in some good sor ▪ proportionable to the ends of government . all that are thought fit to abide with security in any state , may be reduced to three sorts : first , those that are of the established and approved order . 2. such as may be tolerated under certain restrictions . 3. such as may be only connived at . and accordingly the setling of a nation may be made up of an establishment , a limited toleration , and a discreet connivence . to be comprehended within the establishment , it is requisite not only to be of importance in the publick interest , but also of principles congruous to such stated order in the church , as the stability of the commonwealth requires . as for the two later , toleration and connivence , they must be regulated with respect not only to common charity , but also to the safety of the established order . sect . xv. of the established order in religion , and the moderation therein required . as for the established order , we presume not here to intermeddle with the form or species of church-government ; but only to consider the prescribed uniformity of judgment and practice . evident reason speaks , that this be not narrow , but as broad and comprehensive as it is possible , that of it self , by its own force , it may be chief in sway , and controle all dissenting parties . on the other hand , it must not be loose and incoherent , but well compacted , that it may attain the ends of discipline , which are to promote sound doctrine , and godly life , and to keep out idolatry , superstition , and all wicked error and practice that tends to the defeating of the power of christian verity , now these ends do not require a constitution of narrower bounds , then things necessary to christian faith and life , and godly order in the church . these things must be maintained , and clearly stated ; but whatsoever is more then these , may be matter of good intention and devotion to some , but an occasion of stumbling to others . if it be said , who shall judg what things are necessary ? this doubt might soon be resolved , if passion , and prejudice , and private ends were vanquished . but however , let it be put to the reason and conscience of the church of england : why should not the great things of christianity in the hands of wise builders , be a sufficient foundation of church-unity and concord ? what need hath the church to enjoyn more then what is necessary to faith and order ? is not moderation and charity far more excellent , then glorying in opinions , formalities , and petty matters , to the regret of many consciences ? what if those that question her injunctions , should be weak , nice and captious ? it is about matters of divine worship , wherein god hath proclaimed his jealousie ; and therefore if they being over-jealous , do erre , they deserve pity . our eccleasiastical superiors are here earnestly besought , calmly and seriously to review the prescribed uniformity , and to consider how some parts thereof , which at the best are but things indifferent , have been long disputed , and by what manner of men , and what hath been argued for and against them ; and how this difference hath held , and still encreased , from bishop hooper in king edward's time , to the present non-conformists ; and then to judg whether a rational and conscientious man may not possibly dissent from some of these things , or at least doubt of their lawfulness ; and in case of such dissenting or doubting , what he should do , seeing the apostle saith in the case of meats , he that doubts , is damned if he eat , because he eateth not of faith . can a man by subscription and practice , allow those things which his conscience rationally doubts to be sinful ? it is honour and power enough for the church , to be enabled by her authority to inforce gods commandments . she is observed and honoured as a mother indeed , when by her wisdom and care , her children walk orderly according to the christian institution ; and it may suffice her to chastise those of them that walk contrary to christ. though she be of venerable authority , yet she doth not claim an infal●ibility ; and therefore she cannot settle the conscience by her sole warrant , but still leaves room for doubting . and in prescribed forms and rites of religion , the conscience that doth its office , will inevitably interpose and concern it self ; and it being unsatisfied , ●arrs and r●nts will follow . woful experience cryes un●● us ▪ no more of such injunctions then needs must . the indisputable truths of faith , and the indispensable duties of life , are the main object of church-discipline ; therefore an ill choice is made when the vigor of discipline is exercised about lesser and more dispensable things of meer humane determination . the sons of the church of england commend the moderation used in the articles of religion , being formed in words of that extent , that men of different perswasions about the doctrines of predestination , divine grace , and free-will , did alike subscribe them . nevertheless , the present orders and ceremonies inexorably imposed , have been as much disputed among the godly learned , as those different opinions about the doctrines aforesaid ; and yet who can think they are of as much importance to the substance of religion ? moreover , men might more easily agree in the use of these little things , or of some of them , were their internal judgments spared , and subscriptions not injoyned . they may bear with others in the practice of some things , which themselves cannot practice . they may submit to some things , which they cannot approve ; and that not for unworthy ends , but for conscience sake ; and chuse rather to acquiesce in a tolerable state , which for the main is sound and good , rather then to endeavour a total change , which may be mischievous , and at best is full of hazard . wise men know , that by hasty changes they do not come to rest and quietness , but only change their old grievances for new ones . if practice sufficiently uniform , that is to say , without any scandalous difference , may be obtained from men of different perswasions , why should uniformity of judgment be exalted , and men tempted in doubtful points , to set their consciences on the rack ? if any number of dissenters were willing to do their uttermost towards compliance , why should needless choak-pears , which they could not swallow , be forc'd upon them ? if the church's authority be had in reverence , if order and peace be kept , what matter is it from what speculative principles such observance proceeds ? though a man so complying , be not of the same mind with his superiors , yet he may have this honest catholick principle , to promote the common interest of reformed christianity , and to dread the weakning and shattering of it by needless schisms . as for a narrow-bounded uniformity both in opinions , and petty observations , it is no more necessary in the church , then uniformity of complexions and visages in the same civil state ; and is indeed no more attainable , where a generous freedom of judgment is allowed . sect ▪ xvi . whether the dissenters are capable of being brought into such a comprehension . vvhilst reason is urged on their behalf that are left without the lines of the present establishment , some haply may ask , will they themselves hearken to reason ? be it supposed that some among them seem not reducible to a due publick order ; but another sort there are , and those of chiefest moment , whose principles are fit for government ; the stability whereof hath been experimented in those countreys where they have had the effectual concurrence of the civil powers . their way never yet obtained in england , nor were they ever favoured with the magistrates vigorous aid , so much as for an accommodation with the established polity : but their difficulties have still encreased ; and how streight soever the terms imposed on them , were in times before , the after-times have still made them streighter . wherefore if they have been too much addicted to their own opinions , or have committed some errors in the management of their affairs , it is no marvel . it was not easie for them , being destitute of the magistrates influence , and lying under great discouragement and disadvantage , always to keep stable and sure footing in such a slippery place as church-discipline . the asserting of their discipline , is not here intended ; but the inquiry is , whether they be of a judgment and temper that makes them capable of being brought under the magistrates paternal care and conduct , to such a stated order as will comport with this church and kingdom ? this is no undertaking discourse , it presumes only to offer its reason to equal and impartial readers . when a divine of great fame , and of much esteem ▪ with the chiefest of the english clergy , was taxed by the jesuit his adversary , for being no protestant , as refusing to subscribe the nine and thirty articles ; he judged it a sufficient answer to testifie his belief , that the doctrine of this church was so pure and holy , that whosoever lived according to it , should undoubtedly be saved ; & that there was nothing in it that might give just cause to any to forsake the communion , or disturb the peace thereof . who , or what is there almost , that this or the like latitude would not encompass , when hearty endeavours are put forth to gain men ? the same catholick spirit may dwell both in larger and stricter judgments . one that cannot subscribe to all things contained in a volume of doctrines and rules compiled by men subject to error , may be ready to joyn with any church not depraved in the substance of religion , that doth not impose upon his belief or practice , things unsound or doubtful , as the terms of her communion . the presbyterians generally hold the church of england to be a true church , though defective in its order and discipline ; and frequent the worship of god in the publike assemblies . and many of those that press earnestly after further reformation , do yet communicate as well in the sacraments , as the word preached , and prayer . and a way might be opened for many more to do as much , by a safe and easie condescention of those in authority . the ministers of the presbyterian perswasion , in their proposals presented to his majesty , declare , that they do not , nor ever did renounce the true ancient primitive episcopacy , or presidency , as it was ballanced or managed by a due commixtion of presbyters therewith . that they are satisfied in their judgments concerning the lawfulness of a liturgy or form of worship ; and they petition his majesty , that for the setling of the church in unity and peace , some learned , godly , and moderate divines , indifferently chosen , may be employed to compile a form , as much as may be , in scripture-words ; or at least to revise , and effectually reform the old. concerning ceremonies , they profess to hold themselves obliged in every part of divine worship , to do all things decently and in order ; and to be willing therein to be determined by authority , in such things as being meerly circumstantial , are common to humane actions , and are to be ordered by the light of nature , and humane prudence , according to the general rules of gods word . but as for divers ceremonies formerly retained in the church of england , in as much as they contribute nothing to the necessary decency which the apostle required , and draw too near the significancy and moral efficacy of sacraments , and have been rejected together with popery , by many of the reformed churches abroad , and ever since the reformation , have been matter of endless dispute in this church , and an occasion of great seperation , and are at the best , indifferent , and in their own nature mutable , they desire they be not imposed ; and they heartily acknowledg his majesty to be supreme governour over all persons , and over all things and causes in these his dominions . upon these proposals , his majesty in his declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs , hath thus graciously expressed himself : we must for the honour of all those of either perswasion , with whom we have conferred , declare , that the professions and desires for the advancement of true piety and godliness , are the same ; their professions of zeal for the peace of the church , the same ; of affection and duty to us , the same . they all approve episcopacy ; they all approve a set-form of liturgy ; and they all disapprove and dislike the sin of sacriledg and alienation of the revenues of the church . and if upon these excellent foundations , in submission to which there is such a harmony of affections , any superstructure should be raised to the shaking of these foundations , or the contracting and lessening of the blessed gift of charity , which is a vital part of christian religion , we shall think our selves very unfortunate , and even suspect that we are defective in that administration of government with which god hath intrusted us. after these things , the ministers commissioned for the review of the liturgy , in their account of that business , thus address themselves to his majesty : though the reverend bishops have not had time to consider of our additions to the liturgy , and of our reply ; we humbly crave that it may be considered before a determination be made . though we seem to have laboured in vain , we shall lay this work of reconciliation at your majesties feet . we must believe , that when your majesty took our consent to a liturgy to be a foundation , that would infer our concord ; you meant not , that we should have no concord , but by consenting to this liturgy without any considerable alterations . and when your majesty commanded us by letters patents , to meet about such alterations as were needful , or expedient to give satisfaction to tender consciences , and the restoring and continuing of peace and unity ; we rest assured it was not your majesties sense that those tender consciences should be forced to practice all which they judg unlawful , or not so much as a ceremony should be abated them ; or that our treaty was only to convert either party to the opinion of another ; and that all our hopes of liberty and concord , consisted only in disputing the bishops into non-conformity , or coming in every ceremony to their mind . this is the church's misery , that when any particular interest grows in prosperity and power , and can carry all before it , condescention presently ceaseth on that side . and so the disagreeing parties in the several vicissitudes of publick affairs , tread down one another ▪ and justifie themselves by the like miscarriages of their opposites when time was . by this means the church's distempers and breaches are perpetuated , and religion in general suffers much damage and scorn . but it would be the glory of that party that stands on the vantage-ground , to give a leading example of unconstrained moderation . sect . xvii . acquiescence in the widened establishment , is the safety of religion . if it be said , that a little yeelding doth but make way for further incroachments ; we suppose that governors know how far to trust , and what it is fit to grant , if subjects know not what is fit for them to ask . persons allowed in the publick service , may easily be kept in that dependance on the state , which shall prevent the danger of an anti-clergy . we suppose likewise , that a sound church-government is not so weak and tottering , that the abatement of some rigors in things at best but indifferent , will hazard its overturning . the wiser sort of dissenters , whose conformity , were they gained , would most avail , are weary of these strifes , and consider what is passable in the state of england , and might settle this church . they dread the consequents of changes , the hurrying into other extreams , and the wild excursions of some spirits . they would not be left again to the late uncertainty , and continual vacillations in government ; and they have long since seen the manifold errors committed in the policy of the late times . they know that such unfixed liberty would not secure them . and therefore it may well be thought , they would accept reasonable terms , and rest satisfied therein . but this consideration is taken by the wrong handle , if this sober and steddy part of the non-conformists be slighted and judged the less considerable , because they are cast into one condition as to the law , with others that are of more unmanageable and unstable principles . for who can tell how time may work out things , and frame the spirits of the unsober to a greater soberness , and dispose them to a better consistency among themselves ? but howsoever , can it make for the publick weal , that the more discreet and moderate sort , that might easily be brought in , should be inforced to continue the chief reputation and strength of a divided party ? sect . xviii . of toleration and connivence . let impartial reason judg , whether a swaying , or at least a momentous part of those that close not with the present state ecclesiastical , may not be incompassed in an establishment of such a latitude , as may happily settle this church , and consequently promote the peace , wealth and honour of the civil state. as for others that are of sound belief , and good life , yet have taken in some principles of church-government less congruous to national settlement , i would never be a means of exposing them to oppression , contempt and hatred , but would admit their plea , as far as it will go . for if god hath received them , why should their fellow-servants reject or afflict them causlesly ? every true christian should be tender of all that love the lord jesus in sincerity . nevertheless , their liberty pleaded for , is not to be inordinate , but measured and limited by the safety of true religion in general , and of the publick established order ; which is not unpracticable : for the world wants not an experiment of the safety of a toleration or indulgence so regulated . sect . xix . dissenters of narrow and rigid principles , advised to moderation . as authority may be too prone to err in the severity of imposing ; so subjects may be too wilful in refusing to obey . as an explicit assent and approbation , may by superiors be too rigidly exacted in doubtful things ; so the unreasonable stiffness and harshness of inferiors , may keep them from that compliance in practice , which their conscience ( becalm'd from passion and prejudice ) would not gainsay . a servile , fawning , temporizing spirit , is vile enough ; but that which is sedate , castigate , and subdued to reason , is not only pleasing to governours , but also of great avail for publick peace . every christian should be deeply sensible of the common interest of reformed christianity , which is incomparably more valuable then those private opinions ; and little narrow models , which may have much of his fancy and affection . well-minded persons may easily be deceived touching their private sentiments in religion . they may think they are under the uncontrolable sway of conscience , when indeed they are but bound up by custom , education , complexion , or some other kind of prejudice . for ones own sake , one would gladly be rid of such confinements , and walk more at liberty : but much more should one strive to be as comprehensive as may be , for the common safety , and advancement of true religion , which cannot stand by such uncertainty and multiplicity of petty forms , but requires an ample and well-setled state , to defend and propagate it against the amplitude and potency of the romish interest . the prudent and sober should not easily settle upon such opinions in church-order , as will never settle the nation , but tend rather to infinite perplexity and discomposure . howsoever , i will not bear too hard upon any thing that may fairly pretend to conscience , which , though erroneous , should not be harshly dealt with . nevertheless , if ( when all is said ) some dissatisfaction doth invincibly possess the judgment , in that case christian humility and charity , as well as discretion , adviseth such persons to acquiesce in their private security and freedom , and not to reach after that liberty that may unsettle the publick order , and undermine the common safety . sect . xx. this comprehensive state of religion further considered , with respect to three important interests ; ●irst to that of the king . for the removing of all con●●●ved prejudices , let this desired latitude of religion ▪ be considered with respect to the several interests of the king , of the church and clergy , and of the nobility and gentry . first let it be examined in reference to the interest of regal majesty . the non-conformists , and other inclinable to their way , are by some charged with such principles as detract much from kingly power and dignity , and tend to advance popular faction . it is confessed , they have been eager assertors of legal liberties ; yet herein they were not singular , but in almost all parliaments have had the concurrence of many good patriots that were not touch'd with the least tincture of puritanism . they profess much affection to monarchy , and the royal family ; and think they have made it appear by their hazardous declaring against the designed death of our late soveraign , and their vigorous actings for the restitution of his majesty that now is . they are so well satisfied , as none more , in the ancient fundamental constitution of this kingdom . this arraignment of their supposed principles about government , may haply proceed upon mistake . there is reason enough to think , that the many late disputes about prerogative and liberty , are controversiae ortae non primae , that they had their rise from something else , which lyes at the bottom . both former and present time ▪ do shew , that the anti-puritan interest , when occasion serves , and the urgency of affairs requires , can contest with princes , and pretend conscience too , in crossing their designs . inclinations and interests , more then speculative opinions , will be found to have born the sway , and caused those active motions on the one hand , and the other . these dogmata or problemes about obedience and government , do but little , where mens affections and concernments do not give them spirit and vigor . the practical judgment of inferiors , hath a bias in this case , according to their superiors benignity or asperity towards them . high strains of speech may easily proceed from such as flatter their governors , or know not themselves ; but they are worthy of credit , that speak credible things . the wise man saith , he that repeateth a matter , separateth very friends . a looking back to former discords , marrs the most hopeful redintegration . acts of indempnity , are acts of oblivion also , and must be so observed . let not the way of peace be barr'd by the framing of such tests as may perplex the minds of men , but add no real security to the higher powers . for as some set their wits a work in framing , so do others in evading the designs of such engagements . and of those that devise how to evade them , some may deal seriously , and others perhaps may trifle with conscience ; but the internal judgments of both remain what they were before . the common evasions or violations of such bonds among all parties in our times , do shew , that they are not the way to root out inveterate opinions . but there is a surer way to obviate the evil tendency of such opinions , and to render them ineffectual . for it is not this or that narrow conception or notion , but some greater thing , that rules the actions of humane life . the condition of the dissatisfied , may without damage , or just scandal to any , be made such , that their far greater number shall not long for changes , but gladly embrace present things ; and then the implacably evil-minded would want matter to work upon , and rest without hope of disturbing the publick peace . moreover , all loyal principles are not inclosed in some positions , in which may be much variety and uncertainty of opinion , and in which both theological and political casuists ( and they great assertors of monarchical government ) have written doubtfully . men of different apprehensions in such things , may be indued with the same prudence , soberness , common charity , love of publick tranquility , reverence of regal majesty , conscience of allegiance , and an awful regard of divine and humane laws . men of nicer judgments , may have as loyal hearts as those of greater latitude . and why should the judgments of such men be rack'd , and their spirits vexed with curious scrutinies ? the ancient sacred bonds of fidelity , are not questioned ; and if they do not , what others can oblige and awe the conscience ? the extent of prerogatives royal , of the priviledges of parliaments , and of the peoples immunities , is not matter fit for common disquisition , but requires to be kept among the secrets of government . it might have been far better , if these points had been more gently and warily handled on all sides . the english ( in general ) are an ingenuous and open-hearted people ; and if unlucky accidents discompose them not , they are of themselves disposed to have their kings in great veneration ; and doubtless their satisfaction and good estate , is their soveraigns true repose . sect . xxi . secondly , to the interest of the church and clergy . in the next place , let this comprehensive state be examined , with respect to the interest of the church of england . the doctrine of faith and sacraments by law established , is heartily received by the non-conformists , and it is like to be the basis of their standing in england , as long as protestant religion stands . how far they approve episcopacy and liturgy , hath been above declared . their dissent is in some parts of divine worship ( as they say ) not appointed of god , but devised by men ; also in the frame of the english hierarchy , as it differs from the ancient episcopacy ; and they avow they are under no obligation to extirpate or impeach that ancient form. the ministers of this perswasion are godly and learned , able and apt to teach the people ; and no small part of the congregations in england feel the loss of them . doth the lord of the harvest command that such labourers be thrust out of his service ? and will the chief shepherd at his appearing justifie this usage of his faithful servants ? the bishops and dignified clergy , and those of their perswasion , have the advantage of law and power . but can they believe that the church of god in these nations , is terminated in them alone ? it is hoped that christ hath a larger interest in these realms . shall it be said of the english prelacy , that it cannot stand without the ejection of thousands of orthodox , pious ministers ? or that it dreads a general diffusion of knowledg in the people ? or that this is a maxime thereof , no ceremony , no bishop ; as if the bishop's work were at an end , and his office of no force , if ceremonies were left indifferent ? is an ecclesiastical government , that pleads apostolical institution , and universal reception , so weak and feeble , that godly and peaceable men , preaching only the indubitable truths of christianity , would undermine it ? if any should preach what is schismatical and seditious , they are liable to restraints and censures , according to their demerits . why will the established clergy refuse their brethren , and set them at such a distance ? is it their honour , strength , or safety , that such men should be numbred among their opposites ? the intrinsick and permanent state of prelacy , is not advanced by these present rigors . it is not more rooted in the hearts of people , nor are many gained over that would stick close to it in a time of tryal . the dread , that is of its censures , ariseth from the subsequent temporal penalties . and however it be , its chariot drives but heavily . it cannot measure its strength by the number of conformists , among whom there are many that are a reproach unto it , and many that are very indifferent men ; and there are the latitudinarians , that are accounted but luke-warm conformists ; and many that submit , may not like the imposing ; and men may think divers injunctions ( that are not simply unlawful ) to be burdensome and inconvenient , and would be glad to shake off the yoke . a great prelate before the late warrs , is reported to say , that the conforming puritan was the devil of the times . and of those that zealously affect the established order , there are not a few that disgust the behaviour of church-men , and are ready to upbraid them with the known moderation of many whom they have ejected ; yea , the more considerate sons of the church , do observe and bewail such dangerous miscarriages by simony , pluralities , non-residency , and profaneness , as threaten a second downfall . the world takes notice what men are cast out ; and what is the condition of multitudes that are retained in the service of the church . there are a sort of men of great worth and reputation in the several orders of this kingdom , that indeed affect episcopacy , but see the inconvenience and danger of this severity , and would have things carried with discretion and equity , and are ready to do good offices for the depressed party . if the affairs of the commonwealth should go backwards , can the clergy alone be at rest in their honour , power and wealth ? though of later times it hath been said , no bishop , no king ; yet it is not evident , that the present frame of prelacy hath an immutable interest in the regal name and power . the religion of any state will sink , if it be not held up in its venerable estimation among the people ; and it cannot be long held in reverence , if it hath neither the reality , nor appearance of devotion and sanctity . that which is divested of the disguises and impostures of romish superstition , had need to be spirited with life and power . minds touch'd with devotion , will look either to the way of true and real godliness , or to the popish bodily exercise . it is here sincerely wish't , that the clergy may hold their state in safety and honour ; that they may never be laid low for want of meet revenue or dignity ; that they may always preserve a reverend esteem of their persons and office. but then the bishops must not be the head of such ministers , as for ignorance and lewdness are a scandal and scorn to their neighbours ; nor of such as incourage profaneness , and deprave seriousness and diligence in religion and strictness of life , under the scandal of puritanism , fanaticism , or such like names of reproach . they must so manage their government , that under it the sound knowledg of god may encrease through the land ; that holiness and righteousness may flourish ; that their influence may dispose men to do those things that are honest , and pure , and comely , and vertuous , and praise-worthy . to this may be added the setling of the church in a due extent , that it may incompass so much as may enable it to vanquish whatsoever is inconsistent with it ; and to keep within compass whatsoever may be tollerated under it . the great danger and damage which may be dreaded to ensue this moderation , ( which nevertheless may possibly not ensue it ) is but the cutting off some luxuriances from some in the highest order ; or the sharing among many what was ingrossed by a few . and the church doth not change for the worse , if some diminution of greatness in a very few persons makes way for a more general amplitude , stability and peace ; and the clergy enjoy an estate of power , plenty and honour , with less envy and hazard of undermining . sect . xxii . thirdly , to the interest of the nobility and gentry . there is another interest , that of the nobility and gentry , which is worthy of regard in this inquiry . the latitude and liberty here discoursed , is thought to give too great advantage to the citizens and the commonalty ; as also to make all sorts more knowing , and less servile ; and consequently , less obsequious to the wills of great men . and the doubt is , whether the nobles and gentlemen of england can maintain their authority and splendor , with the freedom of citizens and the common people . surely in the times of their ancestors they were in as much splendor and power , as they have been in the memory of this age ; and yet in those times both citizens and yeomanry were rich and free , brave and worthy in their own rank . and it may be the higher degrees in england would never be so advanced , as some have conceited , if the meaner sort were reduced to the condition of the french peasantry . for there is another spirit in the english people , which peradventure may not be vanquished at less charges then dissipation of the strength and riches , and all the glory of this land ▪ besides , trade which is the life of england , must be managed by a people not of a slavish and sordid condition . and in a trading nation , things do so pass to and fro , and run from one hand to another , that new men by their wealth will be always getting up into the rank of gentlemen , and former gentile families will be decaying . there is a liberty for every native to purchase lands ; and though some of our tenures began in the vassalage of meaner men to great ones , yet they are now by custom of later ages , become so far free , that they are fit for any ingenuous persons to take them up . moreover , the english gentry are commons , according to the main frame of this polity ; and that great convention where they meet in their chiefest power , is the commons house of parliament , in which they represent the universality of the commons of all counties , and cities , and burroughs : and therefore the free estate of the commons , is the true interest of gentlemen . and how groundless and fruitless is all evil emulation between the gentry and citizens , or traders ! for they mutually uphold each other , or both must fall to the ground . many gentile families are the off-spring of former citizens ; and many citizens are the sons of gentlemen . and when the estates of ancient gentry are sinking , their marriage with citizens is an ordinary means of underpropping them . and if traders fail , the revenue of the gentry must fail also ; whose lands did never bear that price , nor yeeld that annual rent that of late they have done , till the nation became great in foreign trade . if emulation of gallantry be any matter of grudg between them , the citizens may leave the gentry to their own garbs , and retain a grave habit to themselves , in which they may sufficiently express their wealth , as their predecessors did before them . for it is generous so to do . and as for the nobility and gentry , their honour lyes in upholding their families , and bearing sway in their countries ; and they do the one by discreet and liberal frugality ; and the other by having and using greater abilities then the vulgar , for their countries service . sect . xxiii . the general security that comes by this latitude . the chief prejudices have been considered ; and these three important interests being known aright , are found not to oppose , but to require this latitude of religion . furthermore , our common security and freedom , earnestly perswades it : for the severities of law against dissenters , may at length come home to them or theirs , who take themselves to be far out of the reach thereof . and the inforcing of those penalties may need such ways and means , as may trouble them who are tender of the lawful rights and liberties of english-men . but the common peace being once firmly setled in this comprehensive state , all necessity of powers and proceedings extraordinary , will disappear , and vanish away . finally , the more pacifick we are at home , the more powerful and formidable shall we be abroad . but our breaches are too well known , and make little for our reputation or advantage in foreign parts . what can it avail , to disturb a people that would settle in peace , and whose peace is accommodated to the publick weal , and bound up together with it ? it must needs be fruitless and unfortunate , and cause perplexities and miscarriages in the chiefest affairs of state. it is a saying of the wisest of kings , he that troubles his own house , shall inherit the wind . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a34533-e1060 * in the reign of edward the sixth ▪ a formidab'e rebellion was raised for recovery of the mass. * dr. parry confessed , that having promised at rome to kill the queen , he was troubled in conscience about it , till he had read dr. allen's book , which taught , that princes excommunicate for heresie , were to be deprived of kingdom and life ; which book , he said , did vehemently excite him to prosecute his enterprise . an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford, and superscribed to dr. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof. wherein is shewed, how impossible it is for the king with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops, or to the alienating the lands of the church. steward, richard, 1593?-1651. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93888 of text r201455 in the english short title catalog (thomason e385_4). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 106 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93888 wing s5516 thomason e385_4 estc r201455 99861961 99861961 114107 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93888) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114107) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 61:e385[4]) an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford, and superscribed to dr. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof. wherein is shewed, how impossible it is for the king with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops, or to the alienating the lands of the church. steward, richard, 1593?-1651. j. t. turner, samuel, d.d. [2], 53, [1] p. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeere, m dc xlvii. [1647] attributed to richard steward by wing. a printing of and reply to: a letter written to d. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof. the letter is signed "j.t." on b1r. place of publication from wing. a reissue, with cancel title page, of the edition with "wherein the point of sacriledge, with some others now in controversie, is handled, and fully stated." in title. in this edition a2r line 11 begins: plus ultra,. annotation on thomason copy: "apr: 26". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. episcopacy -early works to 1800. church polity -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -religious aspects -early works to 1800. a93888 r201455 (thomason e385_4). civilwar no an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford, and superscribed to dr. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof.: wherein steward, richard 1647 19505 24 30 0 0 0 0 28 c the rate of 28 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford , and superscribed to dr. samvel tvrner , concerning the church , and the revenues thereof . wherein is shewed , how impossible it is for the king with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops , or to the alienating the lands of the church . printed in the yeere , mdcxi . vii . faults escaped , correct thus . page 5. line 30. for lawes read lands . p. 7. l. 30. r. preserving . p. 9. l. 8. r. this in the postscript . p. 12. l. 20. r. visum . p. 17. l. 15. r. and elsewhere , part . p. 18. l. 27. for then r. that . p. 19. l. 11. for since , r. sure . p. 19. l. 15. r. aliquid . p. 20. l. 20. for this r. the . p. 21. l. ult. r. that error . ibid. l. ult. r. that consent . p. 24. l. 8. r. creet . ibid. l. 27. r. apostolicall . p. 31. l. 14. r. vindicta . p. 35. l. 26. dele not . p. 39. l. 1 r. must not . p. 44. l. 5. for there , r. other . p. 47. l. ult. r. preserve . p. 50. l. 3. r. the commons . p. 51. l. 22. for 〈◊〉 , r. are . p. 52. l. 19. dele that . a letter written to d. samuel turner , concerning the church , and the revenues thereof . noble doctor , i expected when you had seen the kings last messages , your reason would have prompted you to have look'd this way , which caused a delay in sending unto you , untill the difficulty of the passage made me suspect whether this may come safe to you , and by the preparations and designes here , i feare i shall not have another oportunity ; take this therefore as a farwell-truth , that the moderate party here , are at their ne plus ultra , the presbyterians & independants will agree , and the scots and we shall not fall out ; and it must now be the wisdome of your selfe , and such as have power and interest with the king , to save him , your selves , and country from ruine : your visible strength to hold out , ( much lesse to prevaile ) is too well known here , and your hopes from france and ireland , will soon vanish , which if successefull by a victorious army ( which i beleeve you shall never see ) would but make you and us slaves to a forraign nation , and extirpate that religion , both sides pretend to maintaine . to be plaine , i know no way left you , but to accept such conditions of peace as may be had ; you are too much a souldier , to thinke a retreate ( upon so many disadvantages ) dishonourable to a generall , or acceptance of hard conditions by a starved beleagured garrison to the governour . in short , of evils choose the least ; and i must tell you , it is expected from you , ( and the more wise and honest party with you ) that they should make use of their reason , and advise the king to save what is left , wherein it is believed you may prevaile ; considering what hath already passed in so many free offers to give satisfaction in the militia , ireland , paiment of the publique debts , choice of judges , lord admirall , officers of state , and others , with an act of oblivion and free pardon , free exercise of religion , to presbyterians , and independants their own way , and a promise to endeavour in all particulars , that none shall have cause to complaine for want of security : things so farre beyond our former hopes , that i cannot doubt , but the same reason which moved the offer of these , will obtaine to concession of such others , as the parliament shall require in order to peace , which ( as neere as i can guesse ) will be either the removall and punishment of evill counsellors , and ministers , who have drawn the king into these troubles , or the busines of the church , ( all other materiall things to my apprehension being already offered . ) for the first of these , i know not how you can with reason gain-say the bringing offenders to justice ; and if the parliament prerogative streine justice in the tryall and punishment ( beyond example of better times ) it were wisdome for such as may therein be concerned , to withdraw , dum furer in cursu , for if it must come to suffering , melius unus quam unitas : for the busines of the church i wish it could be prevented , ( there are who can witnesse the labour and hazards i have undergone for that end ) conceiving no government equall to a well ordered episcopall , for the well-being of this church and state : but when the necessity of times hath proposed this sad question for resolution , whether consent to alter episcopall government in the church , or let both church and state ruine together , my reason assents to the former . i beleeve the doctrine of the place where you are , would perswade the contrary , and it hath been from thence transmitted hither as an orthodox truth , that the altering that government , being as they say jure divino , is sinfull ; and the taking away the church-lands , sacriledge , at least unlawfull ; which if i could believe , would change my opinion , for i cannot give way for the committing a sin for a good end , ( what ever the romanist , or jesuited puritan pretend in defence of it ) but if i mistake not , ( and if i doe , i pray reforme me ) the opinion that the government by bishops is jure divino , hath but lately been countenanced in england , and that but by some few of the more lordly clergy ; for we alwayes acknowledge the protestants of germany , the low countryes , and elsewhere , part of the reformed protestant catholique church though they had no bishops ; and i am certaine the king would never have given way for the extirpation of bishops in scotland , had he conceived them to be jure divino ; nor to the presbyterians , and independants here to exercise their religion their own way , ( as by his late messages ) when such a tolleration in the face of such a divine law , must needs be sinfull : and for the latter opinion against taking away of church lands , i am lesse satisfyed , being so farre from conceiving it sacriledge , that i do not conceive it unlawfull , but may be done without breach of any law , ( which must be the rule for tryal of the lawfulnes or unlawfulnes of every action ) nay though there be never so many curses or imprecations added to the donation : nor do i herein ground my opinion barely upon the frequent practise of former times , not only by acts of parliament , ( in the times of queen eliz , and king james , and king charles , if you have not forgotten the exchange of durham house ) aswell as henry the eighth ) but even by the bishops themselves , and deanes and chapters , insomuch , that if the wisdome of the state ( after clergy men were permitted to marry ) had not prohibited their alienations , and restrained their leases to 21. yeares , or 3. lives , their revenues at this day would not have been subject to envy . but to deale clearely with you doctor , i do not yet understand how there can be any sacriledge , properly so called , which is not a theft and more : viz. a theft of something dedicated to holy use , ( a communion-cup for instance , or the like ) & theft you know must be of things moveable , even by the civil law , and how theft can be of lands , or sacriledge committed by aliening church-lands , i pray aske your friend holbourne and his fellow lawyers , for ours here deride us for the question . as for the main quere , touching the lawfulnes of aliening church-lands , ( i use the expression for the lands of bishops , deanes , and chapters , ) good doctor give me your patience to heare my reasons . and first i lay this as a foundation , that there is no divine command that ministers under the gospell should have any lands , ( the hire of a labourer at most , a fitting maintenance is all to be challenged ) nor do we read that the apostles had any lands , ( which i mention to avoid the groundlesse arguments upon the lands and portions allotted to the tribe of levi by gods appointment , to whom our ministers have no succession ) and then it will follow , that they enjoy their lands by the same law of the state as others doe , and must be subject to that law which alone gives strength to their title ; which being granted , i am sure it will not be denyed , that by the law of the nation , he that hath an estate in lands in fee-simple , by an implyed power , may lawfully alien , though there be an expression in his deed of purchase or donation to the contrary : which being so , makes the alienation of bishops lands even without any act of parliament , to be lawfull , being done by those who have an estate in fee simple , ( as the bishop , with the deane and chapter hath . ) then further , i am sure it will be granted , that by the law of this nation , whosoever hath lands or goods , hath them with this inseparable implyed condition or limitation , viz. that the parliament may dispose of them or any part of them at pleasure . hence it is they sometimes dispose some part in subsidies and other taxes ; enable a tenant for life , to sell an estate in fee-simple , and not at all unlawfull , because of that limitation or condition before mentioned ; and who ever will be owner must take them according to this law : now hence comes the mistake , by reason there is not such an expresse condition or limitation in the deed of donation , ( which would silence all disputes ) whereas it is as cleare a truth , that where any thing is necessarily by law implied , it is as much as if in plaine words expressed , of which your lawyers ( if reason need a helpe from them ) can easily resolve . besides , it were somewhat strange , that the donor of the lawes should preserve them in the hands of the bishops , from the power of the parliament ; which he could not doe in his owne , and give them a greater and surer right then he had himselfe : nor doe i understand their meaning , who terme god the proprieter of the bishops lands , and the bishop the usufructuary . for i know not how ( in propriety of speech ) god is more entituled to their lands then to his whole creation ; and were clergie-men but usufructuaries , how come they to change , dispose or alter the property of any thing , ( which an usufructuary cannot doe ) and yet is by them done daily ? aske them by what divine law s. maries church in oxford , may not be equally imployed for temporall uses , as for holding the vice-chancellours court , the university convocation , or their yearly acts ? and for the curses ( those bug-beare words ) i could yet never learne that an unlawfull curse was any prejudice but to the author , of which sort those curses must needs be , which restraine the parliament or any other from exercising a lawfull and undenyable power , which in instances would shew very ridiculous , if any curse should prejudice anothers lawfull right . i am sure such curses have no warrant from the law of god or this nation . if this doth not satisfie the former doubts in your bishops , ( for i know you to be too great a master of reason to be unsatisfied ) aske them whether church-lands may not lawfully ( the law of the state not prohibiting ) be transferred from one church to another upon emergent occasions ? which i think they will not deny . if so , who knowes that the parliament will transferre them to lay-hands ? they professe no such thing , and i hope they will not , but continue them for the maintenance of the ministery , ( which prevents all disputes upon the last question ) but if they shall hereafter do otherwise , you know my opinion : onely mistake me not in this free discourse , as if i did countenance or commend the parliaments proceedings in their new reformation , but as a caution to you in the exigencies of times , what is fittest to be done , when ( i take it ) mistresse necessity in all things indifferent , or not unlawfull , must be obeyed , in which cases the most constant men must be contented to change their resolutions with the alteration of time . your party have been resolute enough to preserve the rights of the church , and further peradventure then wise men would have done , but at an ultra posse you and we must give over , especially for an imaginary right . and think seriously with your selfe , whether after all other things granted , it will be fit to run the hazard of the very being of this church and state , the king and his posterity , and monarchy it selfe , onely upon the point of church-government by bishops , or aliening the church-lands , or rather whether the kings councell ( in duty ) ought not to advise him the contrary , who should be wise as well as pious , yet herein may be both , ( for i doe not thinke conveniencie or necessity will excuse conscience in a thing in it selfe unlawfull , what ever states-men maintain to the contrary ) your interest with the king is not small , and your power with the lords ( who are guided by reason ) very considerable , you cannot doe better then make use of both at this time . if they have a desire to preserve the church , it were wel their thoughts were fixed upon some course for setling a superintendencie in the presbyteriall government , ( which no way crosseth the nationall covenant ) and preserve the revenues in the church , which i beleeve at uxbridge treaty would have been granted , what ever it will be now . i have given you my sense upon the whole businesse . si quid novisti rectius , candidus imperti , si non his utere . j. t. so farewell doctor . i give you commission to shew this to my lord dorset , ( who by + and something else can guesse my name ) and to as many more as owne reason and honesty . an answer to the foregoing letter , superscribed to d. samuel turner , &c. sir , you have put an odde taske upon me , in commanding my judgement on a letter lately sent to a doctor in oxford , with a commission to shew it to the lord of dorset , and to as many more as own reason and honesty ; for this is the postscript , and many the like passages in the letter , ( as that the more wise and honest party would make use of their reason , and i know you too great a master of reason , to be unsatisfyed ) makes me feare , that if i should perhaps dissent in opinion from this epistler , i might be thought , ( at least in his conceite ) to incurre a sharpe censure both in point of reason and honesty : which i confesse at first somewhat troubled me , untill i remembred you were wont to say , that when vessels do once make such noises as these , t is a very shrewd signe they are empty . he who wrote the letter seemes most desirous of peace , and truly sir so am i ; besides we agree in this , that we must not commit sinne for a good end ; so that if peace it selfe cannot be attained without that guilt , we must be content with a worse estate . but you very well know , with how many severall deceipts our affections can mislead our reason ; you remember who it was that said it unto the very face of a prophet , i have kept the commandement of the lord , and yet his sin remained still a great sinne , and much the worse because he excused it : for his guilt is lesse that commits a crime , then his that undertakes to defend it ; because this cuts off all repentance , nay , it makes a sin to grow up into that more wicked heighth of a scandall , and so t is not only a snare to the sinner himselfe , but it warrants many more to be sinfull . whether this oxford londoner , for so i take the epistler to be , hath not defended or made apologies for sinne , and hath not in that sense , done evil that good may come thereof , i am now to make an enquiry , and i shall follow him in his two generals . 1. the delivering up the kings friends , whom they above call evil counsellors . and 2. the businesse of the church . 1. for the kings friends . he sayes , — i know not how you can with reason gainsay the bringing offenders to justice : indeed nor i neither , but what if they be not offenders ? what if they must be brought to injustice ? i know no man that will refuse to be judged by a parliament , whose undoubted head is the king , and the king sitting there , with an unquestioned negative , nay for his majesty to referre delinquents to be judged by the house of peers , sitting in a free parliament , and judging according to the known lawes of the realme , is that at least which in my opinion would not be stucke at . but the parliament prerogative , which this letter speakes of , being now so extended , as we have cause to thinke it is , i doubt in this case , whether not only in point of honour , but in point of justice and conscience , the king for his own peace , can leave his friends to such men , whom he is clearely bound by so many grand ties to protect . but this sir i shall commit to you to determine , and if you returne me a negative , i shall not presume to question your reason or honesty ; nor shall i perswade the kings friends that they would banish themselves , unlesse it were only to do that great favour to the two houses now at westminster , as to keep them from some future foule acts of oppression and bloud , because they shall have none left to act upon . 2. for the busines of the church , which he againe divides into two parts , first that of episcopacy , & secondly of sacriledge . and in these sir i shall speake with lesse hesitation , i shall clearely tell you the epistler is cleane out ; and though you very well know me a great honourer of your profession , yet i cannot hold it fit to decide cases of conscience , or in humane actions to tell us what is sinne or no sinne : and i am confident , sir , you will not take this ill at my hands . first for episcopacy , his words are , if i mistake not , ( and if i do , i pray reforme me ) the opinion that the government by bishops is jure divino , hath but lately been countenanced in england , and that by some few of the more lordly cleargy . these last words make me suspect some passion in the writer , as being in scorne heretofore taken up by men , who for a long time were schismatiques , in their hearts , and are now rebels in their actions : and since the lawes of this land makes some church men lords , i do the more marvaile that the epistler lookes awry upon it : so that though his profession be , that he has undergone labours and hazards for the episcopall government , yet truly sir i must thinke , that t is then only fit for the church to give him thankes , when she has done all her other busines . but grant that tenet to be but of late countenanced , it thence followes not , that t is any whit the lesse true . for in respect of the many hundred yeares of abuse , the reformation it selfe was but of late countenanced here , yet i take it for an unquestionable truth that the laity ought to have the cuppe . and though i was not desired to reforme this epistlers errour , yet in charity i shall tell him , that he is out , when he affirmes that this opinion was but of late countenanced in this church , as i could shew him out of archbishop whitgift , and bishop bilson and others : and since perhaps he may thinke these to be but men of the more lordly clergy , i shall name one more who may stand for many , and who wrote forty yeares since , that most excellent man m. hooker , ( a person of most incomparable learning , and of as much modesty , who i dare be bold to say , did not once dreame of a rotchet ) he averres in cleare tearmes , there are at this day in the church of england , no other then the same degrees of ecclesiasticall order , namely bishops , presbyters , and deacons , which had their beginning from christ and his blessed apostles themselves , or as he expounds himselfe , bishops and presbyters , ordained by christ himselfe in the apostles and the seventy , and then deacons by his apostles ; i may adde bucer too , no man i am sure of the lordly clergy , who though he were not english born , yet he was professor here in king edwards time , and he wrote and dyed in this kingdome , bishops , saith he , are ex perpetua ecclesiarum ordinatione ab ipsis jam apostolis , and more , usum hoc est spiritui sancto : and sure if bishops be from the apostles and from the holy spirit himselfe , they are of divine institution . nay what thinke you if this tenet be approved by a plaine act of parliament ? i hope then it wants no countenance which england can give it , and it needs not fly for shelter under the wings of the lordly cleargy ; you have these words in the booke of consecration of archbishops and bishops , which is confirmed by parliament ; it is evident to all men reading holy scriptures , and ancient authors , that from the apostles times there have been these orders of ministers in christs church , bishops , presbyters and deacons . and againe , the prayer in the forme of consecration of bishops , almighty god giver of all good things , which by thy holy spirit hast appointed divers orders of ministers in thy church , mercifully behold this thy servant now called to the worke and ministery of a bishop ; and in questions to the person to be consecrated a bishop , are you perswaded that you be truly called to this ministration , according to the will of our lord jesus ? &c. i beseech you sir consider , whether these words , or this prayer could fall from any man , not possessed with this tenet , that episcopacy was of divine right : for if the three orders may be found by reading the holy scriptures together with ancient authors : if men are taught to pray , that god by his spirit has appointed divers orders in his church , and this made the ground of praying for the present bishop , if the person to be consecrated must professe that he conceives he is called according to the will of our lord jesus christ , either all this must be nothing else but pure pagentry , and then the parliament mocked god by their confirmation , or else episcopacy is grounded in scripture , is appointed by the spirit of god , is according to the will of our lord jesus , and all this hath not been said of late , nor countenanced only by some few of the more lordly cleargy . and we have the lesse reason to doubt that this tenet was countenanced in this church of ours , because we find it in those parts that have lost episcopacy , for we are told by doctor carlton , after bishop of chichester , and that wrote against the arminians , more then twenty five yeares since , that sitting at dort , he then protested in open synod , that christ instituted no parity , but made twelve apostles , the chiefe , and under them seventy disciples : that bishops succeeded to the twelve , and to the seventy , presbyters of an inferiour ranke ; he affirmed this order had been still maintained in the church , and then challenged the judgement of any learnned man , that could speake to the contrary . their answer was silence , which was approbation enough , but after , ( saith he ) discoursing with diverse of the best learned in the synod , he told them how necessary bishops were , to suppresse their then risen schismes ; their answer was , that they did much honour and reverence the good order and discipline of the church of england , and with all their hearts would be glad to have it established among them ; but that could not be hoped for in their state : their hope was , that seeing they could not do what they desired , god would be mercifull unto them , if they did but what they could . if they hoped for mercy that might pardon what they did , sure they must suppose that what they then did , was sinfull : nay , they thought their necessity it selfe could not totally excuse their sinne ; for then in that particular there had been no need to hope for gods mercy : nor could they well thinke otherwise ; since being pressed , they denyed not but that episcopacy was of christs own institution , and yet they were no lordly clergy , nor do i well see how either by charitable or civil men , they can at all be taxed either for want of reason or honesty . 1. indeed some seem to startle at this tenet , that episcopacy is of divine right : as if , because divine , it might therefore seem to endanger monarchal power . but under favour i conceive this fear to be among us very groundlesse , for since the tenents of our church are in this particular the very self same with the ancient times : as that the bishops have no power , but what is meerely directive only ; that all power co-active either in them or in others , is derived meerly from the royal authority ; that they cannot legally make use , no not so much as of this directive power , but only by the kings leave : so that if the temporall lawes should forbid them to preach that , which in point of salvation is necessary to be spoken , yet they cannot preach but upon the forfeiture of their heads , and those being demanded by the kings lawes , they must submit to a martyrdome , ( though t were sinne in them that demand it ) so that in the execution of all ecclesiastical power , the supremacy is in the king alone ; these i say being so much the tenets of our church , that i conceive there is no learned man amongst us , who would not readily subscribe to them , i cannot see at all where in the opinion we defend , any danger lies to this monarchy . but examine the presbyterian principles , and you will clearely find , kings and they cannot stand together , for either you consider that new government in the scotish sence , which allowes no appeale to any other power , and then t is plaine , that where men admit this , they admit of a supremacy , which doth not reside in the king ; and by consequent , of two severall supremacies within the bounds of the selfe same kingdome , which can no more stand with monarchy , then it can with monogamy to be maried to two severall wives . and though t is said that this presbyterian government meddles only with spirituall things , which concerne the good of the soule , and so it cannot hurt regall power , yet this is but onely said , and no more : for it is well known , that in ordine ad spiritualia , ( and all things may by an ordinary wit be drawn into this ranke , as they have been by the church of rome ) this government intrudes upon what things it pleaseth ; and indeed where a supremacy is once acknowledged , no wise man can thinke , that it will carry it selfe otherwise . so that king james his maxime was undoubtedly most true , upon this same ground we are on , no bishop , no king : for that most prudent prince did soone discerne , that if a power were once set up , which at least in the legall execution of it , did not derive it selfe from the king , there was no doubt to be made , but it would ere long destroy the very king himselfe . or consider presbyterian government in the english sense , as it is now set up by the two houses at westminster , which is a government limited by an appeale to the parliament , for either by parliament here they meane the two houses excluding the king , and then t is as plain as before , they set up two supremacies , his majesties and their owne : or else by parliament they meane the king with both houses , and then it will follow , that either there must be a perpetuall parliament , ( which sure neither king nor kingdome can have cause to like ) or else the supremacy will be for the most part in the presbytery ; because when ever a parliament sits not , there will be no judge to appeale to ; or if it be said the parliament may leave a standing committee to receive appeales in such ecclesiasticall causes ; then either in this committee the king hath no negative ; and in that case t is clear that the ecclesiasticall supremacy will be not at all in the king ; or else the king hath a negative , but yet is joyned with persons whom he himself chooses not , and so most probably will be check'd and affronted in any sentence he intends to give ; and this clearely overthrowes that which is already declared by parliament , to be a right in the king , as inherent in his crowne , that ecclesiasticall appeales may be made to him alone in chancery , ( for the statute names no other ) and that his majesty alone may appoint what commissioners he please for their finall decision : i say , consider the presbyterian government in the english parliament sense , and in the sense of the english assembly , for the presbyterians there are wholly for the scotish forme , as appeares by their quarrels at what the houses have already done in their ordinances ; so that their aime is not only to set up a new government , but in plain tearmes , a new supremacy : and hence , to say truth , he must see very little who discernes not , that though the presbyterian party seemes to strike at the bishops , yet their maine aime is at the king ; whose supremacy they endure not , as being a flower which they intend for their owne garland ; and so , though they hypocritically cry out ( that they may abuse the people ) against the pride of the lordly bishops , yet in the meane time , the wiser sort must needs see , that they intend to make themselves no lesse then indeed kingly presbyters . we acknowledge the protestants of germany , the low countryes , and part of the reformed catholique protestant church , though they had no bishops , &c. though we maintain episcopacy to be of divine right , ( i. e. ) of divine institution , yet hence it doth not follow , that germany are no protestant churces ; no , it must be a crime of a most horrid taint , that makes a church run into non ecclesiam ; for though that of the jewes was bad , and idolatrously bad ; yet god seriously protests he had not sent her a bill of divorce . nay no learned man of judgement durst ever yet affirm that the roman church her selfe was become no true part of the church catholique ; and yet she breakes a flat precept of christ , [ drinke yee all of this ] and shall we be thought to deny the same right to christians without bishops , when they breake but christs institution ? no , churches they are , true parts of the catholique church : but in point of ordination and of government apostolicall they are not . i am certaine the king would never have given way to the extirpation of bishops in scotland , had he conceived them to be jure divino , &c. grant it were so , yet of all mankind are kings onely bound , that they must not change their opinions ; or if perhaps they have done ill , must they for their repentance be more lyable to reproach , then subjects are for their crimes ? the king would not have given way to the presbyterians , and independents , to exercise their religion here their own way , ( as by his messages ) ▪ when such a tolleration in the face of such a divine law must needs be sinfull . there is a great mistake in this argument ; for to tollerate , doth not at all signifie either to approve or commend their factions , neither of which the king could at all do to those schismatiques without sinne . but it meerely implies not to punish , which kings may forbeare upon just reason of state , as david forbore to punish the murtherers of joab ; and we our selves in our english state , have no punishment for all sorts of lyars , and yet their sinne is against a flat law divine . we affirme then episcopacy to be of divine right , that is , of divine institution , and that must needs tacitly imply a divine precept too ; for to what end are things instituted by god , but that it is presumed , it is our part to use them ? and to what end should some men be appointed to teach , and to govern , but that its clearely implyed , then there are other men too , that ought both to heare and obey ? he that institutes or erects a bridge over a broad swelling stream , needs not ( you will think ) adde an expresse command , that men should not walke in the water : thus when our lord and saviour made his institution of that great sacrament of the eucharist , he gave command indeed concerning the bread , do this in remembrance of me ; and concerning the cup , drinke yee all of this , but he gave no expresse command to do both these together , and yet his institution hath been still held to have the nature of a command ; and so for a thousand yeares the whole church of christ did ever practise it , save only in some few cases , in which men supposed a kind of necessity : i say then episcopacy is of divine right , instituted by christ in his apostles , who since they took upon them to ordaine and to govern churches , you need not doubt they received an authority from their master to do both ; for since men will not thinke they would breake their own rules : no man taketh this upon him , but he that is called of god , as aaron was . episcopacy then was instituted in the apostles , who wer bishops et aliud amplius ; and distinguished by christ himself from the seventy , who were the presbyters . so the most ancient fathers generally , or if you will take s. hierom. opinion , ( who was neither a bishop , nor in his angry mood any great friend to that order ) they were instituted by the apostles , who being themselves episcopi et amplius , did in their latter dayes formalize and bound out that power which still we do cal episcopacy . and so their received opinions may stand together for episcopatus , being in apostolatu tanquam consulatus in dictatura , as the lesser and subordinate power , is alwayes in the greater : we may truly say it was instituted by christ in his apostles who had episcopall power and more , and then t was formalized and bounded by the apostles themselves , in the persons of timothy and titus , &c. so that call the episcopall order either of divine right , or apostolicall institution , and i shall not at all quarrell at it : for apostolicall will seeme divine enough , unto christians ; i am sure salmatius thinks so , ( a sharpe enemy to the episcopall order ) if ( saith he ) it be from the apostles , t is of divine right ; thus we find the power of ordination and of jurisdiction to be given to those men alone ; for then that power is properly episcopall , when one man alone may execute it , so s. paul to timothy , lay hands suddenly on no man , 1 tim. 5. 22. lay hands in the singular number , thou , & thou alone , without naming any other : against an elder , receive not an accusation , in the singular number too ; thou , receive not , thou alone , but under two or three witnesses ; and then the text is plaine , he and he alone might do it . so to titus for this cause , and that thou , and thou alone , shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine elders in every city , tit. 1. 5. where plainly those two powers of government and ordination are given unto one man ; so s. iohn to the churches of asia , rev. 2. 3. when he presumes all the governing power to reside in the angels of those churches , and only in them alone , as all ancients understand it . and hence t is plaine , that though we should yeeld that the apostles only did institute bishops , yet in this revel. christ himselfe immediately in his own person , and the holy spirit withall , did both approve and confirme them : and the learned observe , that the bishops of those sees , are therefore called angels by s. iohn , who was born a jew , because in palestina their chief priests were then called their angels ; and so this appellation was taken up by the apostle in that place , because the bishops were those churches chiefes : this truth appeares not only from those cleare texts , but from the mutuall consent and pactise for more then 1500. yeares space of all the christian church ; so that neither s. hierome , nor any other ancient , did ever hold orders to be lawfully given , which were not given by a bishop , nor any church jurisdiction to be lawfully administred , which was not either done by their hands , or at least by their deputation . i know there are men lately risen up , especially in this last century , which have collected and spread abroad far other conclusions , and that from the authority of the text it selfe : but as t is a maxime in humane lawes , consuetudo optima legum interpres , custome and practice is the best interpreter : so no rationall man but will easily yeeld , it as well holds in lawes divine : for i would gladly aske , what better way can there be for the interpreting of texts , then that very same meanes whereby i know the text it selfe to be text ? sure the same course whereby i know the epistles to timothy and titus to have been written by s. paul , must needs be the best course to understand the sense of those epistles ; and if i therefore beleeve them to be written by that apostle , because the universality of the whole christian church has brought me to that beliefe , ( and there 's no other rationall way of beleeving it ) why doe i not beleeve the same christian sense , which the universal consent assures me they were written in ? shall i beleeve , and yet disbeleeve that selfe-same consent which is the best ground of my beliefe ? this is as it were in cleare terms to say , that i beleeve such a tale for the authors sake who hath told it , and yet i doe now hold the selfe-same man to be a lyar . men doe beleeve the testimony of universall consent , in the sense it gives of single termes , and why not in the sense it gives of sentences or propositions ? without the help of this consent , ( which is indeed the ground of our dictionaries ) how shall we know that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies the resurrection of the body , which the socinians at this day deny ? and i know no such way to confute your error , as by the authority of your consent . admit then of that rule , that consent universall is the best interpretation of texts ; and then i am sure , it is as cleare as true , that episcopacy is of divine or apostolicall right ; yea and that proposition , there can be no ordination , without the hands of a bishop , will clearely appeare to be as well grounded as this ; there can be no baptisme without a lawfull minister , which is good divinity amongst our new masters in scotland : and antiquity allowed of it , extra casum necessitatis : for i aske upon what text doe they ground this rule ? i suppose they will say upon our saviours words , to the eleven , matth. 28. go teach all nations , and baptize them : but in the institution of the eucharist he spake those words too ; but only to the twelve , drinke yee all of this , matth. 26. i demand then how shall i know that when our saviour spake those words unto the eleven , he spake them only as to lawfull ministers ; but when he spake the other , to the twelve he spake at large as unto them that did represent all christian men ? so that though only ministers may baptize , yet all christians may receive the cup : perhaps they will say , that the generall practise of receiving the cup , is manifest from 1 cor. 11. and i thinke so too , where s. paul seems to chide the whole church for their irreverence at that great sacrament : but if a quarreler should reply , that he there speaks but of the presbyters alone , whereof many were at that time at corinth : as when in the 5. chap. he seemes to chide the whole church for not excommunicating the incestuous person : yet t is plain , he meanes none but the men in government ( as sure all presbyterians will allow me ) i know not what could be said but to make it appeare out of the fathers , and others , that the whole christian church never tooke the words in that sense . and if to stop the mouthes of wranglers , we must at length be constrained to quote the authority of universall consent , and the common practise of christs church , then you will easily see that those two named propositions do stand fast on the same bottome , there can be no baptisme without a lawfull minister , extra casum necessitatis , for so the consent and practise of the universall church hath still interpreted that text : and againe t is true , there can be no ordination without the hands of a bishop , for so those texts both out of timothy and titus have been understood , and practised for 1500. yeares together by the consent of the whole church of christ . t is true that this precept , go ye teach , &c. runnes not in exclusive words , yee apostles , or yee lawfull ministers , and none but yee ; yet extra casum necessitatis , no man was allowed to baptise but a lawfull minister : so though these commands , [ lay hands suddenly on no man ] and [ do thou ordaine elders in every city ] runne not in verbis exclusivis , thou and none but thou , or men of thine order only : yet the church understanding and practising them in an exclvsive sense , no man for 1500 yeares in any setled church , was held rightly ordained , without the hands of a bishop . nay that there is something divine in the episcopall order , will appeare clearely by this , that immediately from the times of christ & his apostles , ( yea within the reach of those times ) t was universally spread throughout the whole face of the churches : so that no man can name a nationthat was once wonne unto the christian faith , but he shall soon find that there were bishops : so that there must needs be an uunversall cause , for an effect that was so universall . generall councell there was none about it , at which all christians might have met , and might have thence obeyed her directions . nor can any name a power to which all christians should submit ( for they were soone fallen into factions ) but only the authority of christ or of his apostles ; from them then must needs flow the episcopal order , and at that fountaine i shall leave it . i say within the reach of the apostles times , for before s. iohn dyed , there are upon good church records above 20. bishops appointed to the several sees ; as at hierusalem , alexandria , antioch , and rome , & ephesus , at creece , at athens , and colosse , & divers others , it being easie to draw a catalogue of them out of several ecclesiasticall writers . and here it will be plain , that its a foule corruption ; nay , how flat a sinne is brought into the church of christ , where episcopacy is thrown down ! and so where ordination is performed by any hands without theirs , t is as grosse , as if lay-men should be allowed to baptize , when a presbyter doth stand by : nay more , it is as bad as if the order of presbyters should therefore be thrown downe , that lay-men might baptize : and what 's this , but willingly to runne into a necessity it selfe , that wee might thence create an apology ? t is a corruption farre worse , then if a church should audaciously attempt to pull down the lords day ; since the observation of that time is neither built on so cleare a text , nor on the helpe of so universall a consent , as is the order of episcopacy : so that if men can thinke it sinfull to part with the lords day , though the institution of it be meerly apocryphall , they must needs confesse there is at least so much sinne , ( nay indeed more ) in parting with their bishops , and then the oxford doctrine which the epistler gybes at , and talkes of , as transmitted for an orthodox truth , will it seemes prove no lesse in earnest . secondly , for the point of sacriledge ; the better to cl●●●e this , i must premise these assertions . 1. that god accepts of things given him , and so holds a propriety as well in the new , as in the old testament . 2. that god gets this propriety in those things he holds , as well by an acceptation of what is voluntarily given , as by a command that such things should be presented to him . 3. that to invade those things , be they moveable , or immoveable , is expresly the sinne of sacriledge . 4. that this sinne is not only against gods positive law , but plainly against his morall law . 1. proposition . god accepts of things given , &c. for proofe of this , first i quote that text , i hungred and ye gave me meat ; i thirsted and ye gave me drinke , &c. mat. 25. if christ do not accept of these things , he may say indeed , yee offered me meat , but he cannot say that yee gave it : for a present is then only to be called a gift , when it is accepted as his own that takes it . and do's he thus accept of meat and clothing , and do's he not accept of those kind of endowments , that bring both these to perpetuity ? will he take meat and refuse revenues ? doth he like ( can you imagine ) to be fed and clothed to day , and in danger to be starved to morrow ? the men thus provided for , he calles no lesse then his brethren : in as much as you have done it unto the least of these my brethren , yee have done it unto me . whether these were of those brethren which he had enjoyned to teach others , or of those which he would have instructed , the text there doth not decide ; without doubt it must be meant of both ; for it were a strange thing to affirme that christ liked it extreame well to be fed and to be clothed , in all those he called his , but only in his seventy , and his apostles ▪ but to put it out of doubt , that what is done to them , is done to him too , his owne words are very plain , he that receiveth you , teaching disciples , receiveth me ; in the tenth of that gospell , where he sends all forth to preach , and that reception implyes all such kind of provisions , as is apparently plaine throughout the whole tenour of the chapter . and againe , i quote that so well known passage of ananias and saphyra his wife , act. 5. his sin was , he kept back part of the price of those lands he had given to god , for the publique use of the church , yea , given to god , and t is as plaine that he did accept it ; for s. peter you know thus reprooves him , why hast thou lyed , or why hast thou deceived the holy ghost ? for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} do's properly import , why doest thou cheat him of what is now his own proper right ? and againe , thou hast not lyed unto men , but unto god : and is this so strange a thing ? are not all our lyes to be accounted sinnes before god ? yes , all against god , as a witnesse and a judge ; but yet not all against god as a party : and therefore t is a more remarkeable , a more signall lye , thou hast not lyed unto men ; a negative of comparison , not so much to men , as to god : what 's done to them is scarce worth the naming , but thou hast lyed unto god , as a witnesse and a judge ; yea and a party too . thou hast lyed , & rob'd god by lying , and so runne thy selfe into an eminent sinne : and that shall appeare in gods judgement , so the fathers generally expound that place ; both of the greek and latine church , and affirme his crime was a robbing god of that wealth , which by vow or by promise was now become gods propriety : so the modern interpreters , yea , so calvin , sacrum esse deo profitebatur , he professed that his land should be a sacred thing unto god , ( sayes he ) on that place ; and there beza too , pradium deo consecrassent ; the the man and his wife , they consecrated this land to god , and he that will not believe so universall a consent in the interpreting a place of scripture , should do well to consider , whether upon the same ground ( as i told you before ) he may not be brought to doubt of his dictionary , for that is but universal consent ; he may almost as well doubt whether {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifyes god , and altogether as well , whether {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifyes the gospell . the new testament will afford more places for this purpose ; thou that abhorrest idols , committest thou sacriledge ? rom. 2. 22. t is true , these words are spoken as to the person of an unconverted jew , and may be therefore thought to aime only at those sinnes , which were descryed in the law of moses : but do but view s. pauls way of arguing , and you will quickly find they come home to us christians too : he there tells the jew that he taught others those things , which yet he would not do himselfe : and he strives to make this good by three severall instances , first , thou that preachest a man should not steale , doest thou steale ? secondly , thou that sayest a man should not commit adultery , dost thou commit adultery ? in both these , t is plain , that the jew he dealt with did the same things he reprehended : and straightway the third comes , thou that abhorrest idols , dost thou commit sacriledge ? so that hence 't will follow ( if s. pauls words have logique in them ) that these two sinnes are of the selfe same nature too : and that to commit a sacriledge is a breach of the same law , as to commit an idolatry : so that crime will appeare without all doubt a plain robbery of god ; for he that steales from men , yea though a whole community of men , though bona universitatis , yet he sinnes but against his neighbour , t is but an offence against the second table of the law , in these words , thou shalt not steale : but sacriledge layes hold on those things which the latine lawes call bona nullius , it strikes downright immediately at god , and in that regard no idolatry can out doe-it : as this is , t is a breach of the first table of the law , and both these crimes are equally built upon the self-same contempt of god ; the offenders in both kinds , the idolater and sacrilegious person both thinke him a dull sluggish thing ; the first thinkes he will patiently looke on , while his honour is shared to an idol ; the other imagines he 'l be as sottishly tame , though his goods be stoln to his face . this was without doubt the sense of all ancient churches ; for upon what ground could they professe they gave gifts to god , but only upon this , that they presumed god did stil accept them ? so s. iraeneus , we offer unto our god our goods in token of thankefullnesse . so origen , by gifts to god we acknowledge him lord of all : so the fathers generally ; so emperours and kings ; so charles the great , to god we offer what we deliver to the church , in his well known capitulars : and our own kings have still spoken in this good old christian language ; we have granted to god , for us and our heires for ever , that the church of england shall be free , and have her whole rights and liberties inviolable ; they are all the first words of our magna chart. her whole rights & liberties , words of a very large extent , and imply farre more then her substance : and yet these , and all these lands , and honours , and jurisdictions ; all these have beene given to god ; yea , and frequently confirmed by the publique acts of the kingdome : and yet if ananias might thus promise , and yet rob god , consider i beseech you , whether england may not do so too . 2. proposition , god gets this propriety as well by an acceptation of what is voluntarily given , as by a command , that such things should be presented to him . for the second , t is plaine in the text , that god did as much take the temple to be his , as he did the jewes tithes and offerings . these last indeed were his by expresse law & command , but the temple was the voluntary designe of good david , and the voluntary work of king solomon . nay god expresly tels david , that he had been so far from commanding that house , that he had not so much as once asked this service . and therefore in his apologie saint paul tels the jewes , neither ( sayes he ) against the law of the jewes , nor against the temple , have i offended any thing : for he might in some case offend against the temple , and yet not against the law : notwithstanding all this , god pleads as much for his temple in the prophet haggai , as he doth in malachi for his tithes , in this his words are , ye have robbed we in tithes and offerings ; in the other , is it time for you , o ye , to dwell in sieled houses , and this house lie waste ? therefore ye have sowne much , and bring in little , ye eate , but have not enough , so hag. 1. 4. and to affirme , that god in the new testament doth accept of meat , and drink , and cloathing , as it is plaine , mat. 25. he doth accept of money land was sold for , as in the case of ananias , and yet that he doth not accept land it selfe , is so contrary to all reason , so contrary to the practice not onely of the christian , but humane world , so contrary to what god himselfe has expressed in the old testament , and no where ●●called it in the new , that he ▪ that can quiet his conscience with such concepts as these , may i doubt not attaine to the discovery of some quirkes , which in his conceipt may either palliate murthers or adulteries : for to think that those possessions are indeed gods which he doth command , but not those which he doth accept , is to use god so as we would neither use our selves nor our neighbours : for no man doubts but that 's as properly mine which i accept as a gift from others , as what i attaine to by mine owne personall acquisition , be it by a just war , by study , by merchandice , or the like . 3. proposition . that to invade those things consecrated , be they moveable or immoveable , is expresly the sin of sacriledge . sacriledge is then committed , say the schooles and the casuists , ( and they speak in their owne profession ) quando reverentia rei sacrae debita violatur : when we violate that reverence due to a thing sacred , by turning it into a thing profane : so as the violation may be committed either per furtum , by theft , strictly so taken , by stealing a thing moveable ; or per plagium , which is the stealing of a man ; or per invasionem , which is a spoiling men of lands , or of things immoveable : for as any one of these done against our neighbour is no doubt in scripture phrase a theft , a sin against the 8. commandment , thou shalt not steale : so done against god , t is no doubt a sacriledge , and a breach of the first table , be it either against the first or the second commandement , i stand not now to dispute : for the word used in the new test . to expresse this sin , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , praeda , or spolium : so that sacriledge is not to be defined onely by theft strictly taken , but t is a depredation , a spoliation of things consecrated , and so the word extends it selfe as properly ( if not more ) to lands , as it doth to things moveable . and hence aquinas is plaine , that sacriledge reaches out its proper sense ad ea quae deputata sunt ad sustentationem ministrorum , sive sint mobilia , sive immobilia : for it would be very strange to affirme , that in the sacking of jerusalem , nebuchadnezzar was sacrilegious , when he transported the holy vessels , but not at all when he burnt the temple . 4. proposition , that this sinne is not onely against gods positive law , but plainly against the morall law . for this common reason hath taught all , even pagan nations to hold sacriledge a sinne : so that lactantius observes , ( and he was well read in humane learning , which made him to be chose tutor to a sonne of constantine the great ) inomni religione nihil tale sine vindicto : god did still remarkably revenge this sinne , not onely in the true , but amongst men of the most false religions : and 't were easie to shew , that never any nation did yet adore a god , but they thought he did accept , and did possesse himselfe of some substance . i omit those proofs that would be thought far too tedious , t is enough to quote the prophets words , will a man rob god ? yet ye have robbed me , mal. 3. 8. a man , any man , though an ammonite , or a meere philistine , no pagan ( that must be the sense ) will doe it to his god , which you jewes doe to me ; for the law written in his heart ( and he can goe by no other ) that law controlls this offence , and so plainly tells him , that because his god may be robb'd , he may therefore have a propriety ; and if sacriledge be a sin against the law morall , it will follow , that what wee read in the old testament against that sinne , must be as morall , and that whereby we christians are as much obliged , as by what we read against theft , or against adultery ; save onely in those passages which are particularly proper unto the policie of the jews , and we may let them goe for judiciall . these assertions being premised , i returne to the epistler , who conceives it to be no sacriledge to take away the church lands ; [ nor do i ( saith he ) herein ground my opinion barely upon the frequent practise of former times , not onely by acts of parliament in the times of queen elizabeth , king james , and so king charles , if you have not forgotten the exchange of durham house , as well as h. 8. but even by the bishops themselves , &c. ] he will not ground his opinion upon the practise ; and indeed he hath little reason for it : for if from a frequent practise of sinne , we might conclude it were no sinne , we might take our leaves of the decalogue ; and as our new masters do , put it out of our directory , because our intent is to sinne it downe : and therefore i shall say no more of such lawes of hen. 8. then i would of davids adultery a that t is no ground at all to make men bold with their neighbours wives . queene elizabeth made a law ( so you have told me sir , for i do speake nothing in this kind but from you ) that bishops might not alienate their mannors , castles , &c. but only to the crowne , but if she sometimes tooke order that church , men should not be bishops , untill they had first made such alienations ( as i have heard you say they did ) i know not how to defend it , but must withall tell you , that if princes or subjects resolve to sell the church preferments , t is great odds but that in a clergy consisting of above 16000. persons , they shall not want chapmen for them : for king james , i must highly commend that most christian prince , who ( you say ) amongst his first lawes , tooke away that of queen elizabeth : not can i well tell why this epistler here doth quote that king for his purpose , unlesse it were only for the alienation of york ▪ house ; but i must informe him that that act was lawfull , because 't was for the advantage of the archiepiscopall see , there being cleare text for it , that the levits themselves might change what was theirs by a divine law , so they gained by the permutation ; and this answer will serve for what king charles did about durham house . but he thinks it an argument , that even by bishops themselves , deanes , and chapters , &c. such things were done , alienations made , and long leases granted : true sir , for those clergymen were but men , and their sinnes can at all no more abrogate gods law , then can the sinnes of the laity : yet i could name you church-men of great note , who totally refused to be preferred by that queene to any bishopricke at all , because they would by no meanes submit their conscience unto the base acts of such alienations , and one of them was bishop andrews : i could tell you too that those long leases he speakes of , might have one cause more then the marriage of the clergy ; for when they saw men so sharply set upon the inheritance of the church ; when they saw a stoole of wickednesse set up , of sacrilegious wickednes , that imagined mischiefe by a law , some , not the worst of men , thought it fit to make those long leases , that the estate of the church might appeare the more poore , and so lesse subject unto harpies , and then their hope was , at the length ▪ at least after many yeares spent , it might returne whole unto their successours . he goes on , but to deale clearely with you doctor , i do not understand how there can be any sacriledge ( properly so called ) which is not a theft and more , viz. a theft of some thing dedicated to holy use , ( a co●●munion cup for instance or the like ) and th●se you know must be of things moveable , 〈…〉 civil law , and how theft can be of lands , or 〈…〉 by alienating church lands ; i pray aske your friend holborne , and his fellow lawyers , for ours here deride us for the question . ) it seemes sir they are very merry at london , or at least this epistler thinks so ; for being winners he might perhaps conceive they make themselves pleasant at a feather . and that this argument is as light a thing , appeares before from my third assertion : for can any man thinke in earnest , that t is sacriledge , and so a sinne , to take a cup from the church , and t is none to take away a mannour ? as if ahab had been indeed a thiefe , had he rob'd naboth of his grapes , but eliah was too harsh to that good king , because he only tooke away his vineyard : indeed there is such a nicety in the civill law , that actio furti lyes only against him , who has stolne rem mobilem : for justinian it seemes in the composition of his digests ( which he tooke from the writings of the old jurisprudentes ) thought it fit to follow ulpians judgement , and yet sabinus in his booke de furtis , a man of note amongst those men , was known to be of another opinion : non tantum ( sayes he ) rerum moventium , sed fundi quoque , et aedium fieri furtum : a theft properly so call'd may be of things immoveable : i would gladly know of the epistler whether he thinks all men both divines and others , bound to frame all the phrases of their speech according to the criticismes of the civill law , as it s now put out by justinian ? if not , why may not some use the word furtum in sabinus his sense , as well as others may in ulpians ? and then sacriledge may be properly called a theft , and as properly in immoveables ; or if we will needs speake according to his sense whom justinian hath approved , i do not well see how men can spoile the church of her lands , and at the civil law escape an action of theft : for it lyeth against him that takes the trees , & the fruits , and the stones , and i am confident there is no church-robber , but he intends to make use of these kinds of moveables ; otherwise what good wil the church-land do him ? and if he does make this use , a thiefe he is in the civill law phrase , & then in the very sense of this epistler himself , he is without doubt a sacrilegious person : but where i wonder did that londoner learne , that furtum strictè sumptum , was the genus of sacriledge ? so that where there is no theft in the civill law sense there is none of this kind of sin : i am sure t is neither intimated by the greek , nor the latine word : nor i believe delivered by any learned authors on the subject : so that i must set down an assertion , ( i conceive well grounded too ) point blanck against this londoner , and affirme there may be a sacriledge properly so call'd , which is not a theft in the civill law-sense ( which has been grounded in the third assertion ) and then we need not trouble sir robert holborne ( that learned gentleman may have other busines ) nor his fellow lawyers , for i doubt not there are enough besides , who will here smile at this passage , and will thinke that this epistler hath met with a civill law quirke , which he knew not well how to weild : but to say truth he deales clearely with the doctor , and tels him that for his particular , he doth not yet understand ; which for my part i believe ; and do not only wonder , he would gibe at another man , in a point he could no better master . but these arguments it seemes are but only the forlorne-hope , the main battell is yet to come . he calls this the main quere , and desires patience from the doctor , first ( saith he ) i lay this as a foundation , that there is no divine command that ministers under the gospell should have any lands . true , the clergy under the gospell hold not their lands by a divine command , but they do by a divine acceptation by christs most gracious acceptance of such goods and possessions which have been given him by good christians : and this title you now heare will go as farre as a law , and that is we conceive farre enough , for it gives god a propriety in such lands , and so keeps men from a re-assumption . he goes on , the hire of a labourer at most , as fitting maintenance , is all that can be challenged : i but that maintenance must be honourable , or else we christians shall use god like no other men ; farre worse i am sure then do pagans : and when such a maintenance hath been once given in lands , the acceptation of christ will soone make it irrevocable : so that it signifyes little to say the apostles had no lands ; for they who had the money for lands fold , might ( no man can well doubt ) have still kept the lands had they liked it : but the church was straight to be in hot persecution , the disciples were to fly , and lands we know are no moveables , and it were very strange if not ridiculous to affirme that ananias and his wife sinned in taking back● that money which they promised , but if in specie they had given their lands , they might have revoked that gift without sacriledge . he proceeds , which i mention to avoid the groundlesse argument upon the lands and portions allotted to the tribe of levi by gods appointment ▪ to whom our ministere have no succession . our ministers challenge nothing which belongs to that tribe , by leviticall right : but where things are once given to god for the use of his ministers , they there get a morall interest ; and what wee read of this kind in the old testament , doth as much obli●ge christians , as if it were found in the now . [ and 〈…〉 that they enjoy their 〈◊〉 by the 〈…〉 others do , and must be subject to that law which alone gives strength to their title . ] out into 〈◊〉 : have church-men no title to those possessions they enjoy , but by the law of this land alone ? yes , besides these , they have christs acceptation , and so they are become theirs by law evangelicall : their lands are gods own propriety , and so they hold from him by the law morall too ; and therefore though by the lawes of the land they hold estates in fee-simple , and so may alienate without punishment from the law of england : yet they cannot do it without the guilt of sinne , as being a breach of the law evangelicall and morall : except then only when they better themselves by some gainfull , or at least by some not hurtfull permutation . besides , were the argument good , it would only follow , that the clergy by their owne act might alienate their lands , but no man else without their consent . and i conceive it would not now prove so easie a taske to bring church-men to such an alienation . but the parliament may do it ▪ for ( sayes he ) i am sure it will be granted , that ( by the lawes of this nation ) whosoever hath lands or goods , hath them with this inseparable limitation and condition : viz. that the parliament may dispose of them or any part of them at pleasure . this you have oft told me sir is strange doctrine ; for either the parliament , ( i hope he meanes the king in parliament ) doth this , as being the supreame power , or as being representative , and so including the consent of the whole people of england . if as being the supreame power , it will follow , that any absolute prince may as lawfully do the like ▪ and yet this hath been ever held tyrannicall in the great turk , as being against the rules of justice and humanity . indeed samuel 〈◊〉 the israelites , that since they would needs change their theocracy , the immediate government of god himselfe , though it were into monarchy , the best of all humane governments , the king should take their sons and their daughters , their fields , and their vineyards , &c. and they should cry , and should find no help : yet the best divines think , that this would be most unjust , most sinful in their king , and expresly against the law of moses , who leaves every man his propriety , onely the prophet there averres it should be not punishable in him , they should have no remedy , since being the supreame power , 't was in no subjects hands to judge him : so if the king in parliament should take away church-lands , there is ( i confesse ) no resistance to be made , though the act were inhumanely sinfull . or secondly , the parliament does this as representing the whole people ▪ and so including their consent ( for they who consent can receive no injury ) and then i understand not which way it can at all touch the clergy , who are neither to be there by themselves , nor yet ( god knowes ) by representation : or if againe they were there , i would gladly know what burgesse , or what knight of a shire , nay what clerke , or what bishop doth represent christ ( whose lands these are ) and by vertue of what deputation ? nor doe i beleeve that any subject intends to give that power to him that represents him in parliament , as to destroy his whole estate , except then onely , when the known laws of the land make him lyable to so high a censure . but grant that this were true in mens lands , yet sure it will not hold in god's . for since in magna charta ( that hath received by parliament at least 30. confirmations ) the lands we speak of are now given to god , and promise there made , that the church shall hold her whole rights and liberties inviolable . sure the kingdome must keep what she hath thus promised to god , and must now think to beginne to tell him of implyed conditions , or limitations : for it were a strange scorne put upon god , if men should make this grand promise to their maker , and then tell him after so many hundreds of yeares , that their meaning was to take it back at their pleasure : i believe there is no good pagan that would not blush at this dealing , and conclude , that if christians may thus use their god , without doubt he is no god at all . he goes on , [ hence is it they sometimes dispose some part in subsidies , and other taxes . ] the parliament disposeth part of mens estates in subsidies , and taxes , and with their consents , ergo , it may dispose of all the church lands , though church-men themselves should in down right termes contradict it : truly sir , this argument is neither worth an answere nor a smile : for i am sure you have often told me that the parliament in justice can destroy no private mans estate : or if upon necessity it may need this or that subjects land for some publique use , yet that court is in justice bound to make that private man an amends . subsidies you said were supposed to be laid on salvo contenemento , so that a duke might still live like a duke , and a gentleman like a gentleman : is it not so with the clergy too ? by their own consent indeed , and not otherwise ; they are often imposed , and they are paid by them ; but yet they are burthens which they may beare salvo contenemento : and they are paid not out of gods propriety , by alienating of his lands , but out of that usus fructus they receive from god : and so the maine doth still go on to their successors . so that to inferre from any of these usages , that the 〈◊〉 of bishops , and deanes , and chapters , may be wholly alienated from the church , is an inference that will prevaile with none but those , who being led by strong passions that it should be so , make very little use of their reason to oppose that passion . he proceeds , [ now hence comes the mistake , by reason there is not such an expresse condition or limitation in the deeds of donation , ( which would silence all dispute ) whereas it is as cleare a truth , that where any thing is necessarily by law implyed , it is as much as in plain termes expressed . ] no marvell if such conditions be not expressed in benefactors deeds of donation , because it would make pious deeds most impiously ridiculous : for who would not blush to tell god , that indeed he gives him such lands , but with a very clear intent to revoke them ; and what christian will say that such an intent is tacitely there , which it were impiety to expresse ? nay t is apparantly cleare , in the curses added by such donors , upon those who shall attempt to make void their gifts , that their meaning was plaine , such lands should remaine gods for ever : by magna charta these gifts are confirmed unto the church for ever , ( she shall have her whole rights and liberties inviolable ) and yet is there a tacite condition in the selfe-same law that they may be violated . no marvell if with us men cannot trust men , if god himselfe cannot trust our lawes . and if that charter , or any else made by succeeding princes , do indeed confirme such donations ( as without all doubt they do ) sure they must confirme such donations in that same sence wherein the donors made them ; for so do all other confirmations ; nay in this case of a totall dis-inhaerison , there cannot be in law any such tacite conditions or limitations as the epistler speakes of : for i have shewed such to be unjust ▪ and tyrannicall in a private subjects estate , and therefore in gods they are much more unjust ; because they are sure he cannot offend ; and an unjust and tyrannicall meaning must not be called the meaning of the law . the letter goes on . [ besides , it were somewhat strange , that the donors of the lands should preserve them in the hands of the bishops from the power of parliament , which he could not doe in his owne , and give them a greater and surer right then he had himselfe . ] the lay-donee might preserve them thus in his owne hands , suppose him but an honest person : for though a parliament may impunè disinherit such an innocent man , yet they cannot doe it justè ; and so in this regard both the donor and the donee are in the same condition . besides , t is no such strange thing , for the self-same right ( as a right suppose of fee-simple ) to become more sure in his hands that takes , then it ever was in his hands that gave it . for though the right it self be still the same right , ( for nemo dat quod non habet ) yet by gift it may now come into a more strong hand , and by this meanes that selfe-same right may become the stronger . and sure with us gods hand should be more strong then mans : nay hence , as some think , lands given to the church , were said to come in manum mortuam , as it were into a dead hand , which parts with nothing it hath once closed upon . and why the epistler should call this a strange thing , i doe not yet see the reason , because t is alwayes so , when any one benefactor doth by vertue of a mortmaine convey his lands to any kind of corporation . againe , [ nor doe i understand their meaning , who terme god the proprietor of the bishops lands , and the bishop the usufructuary . ] i conceive i have made this plaine , because such lands were first offered to god , and became his owne property by his owne divine acceptation : and if the dominium directum of these things doe once rest in god , the dominium utile , the usus fructus alone is the onely thing left to be the patrimony of his clergie . but he addes a reason , [ for i know not how ( in propriety of speech ) god is more entitled to their lands , then to his whole creation . ] here the epistler speaks out : for truly , sir , i feare the lawyer your friend is little better then an independent . how ? hath god no more title in propriety of speech to one piece of ground then another ? no more to a place where a church is built , then where men have now placed a stable ? our english homilies , which are confirmed by law , cry downe this crosse piece of anabaptisme . t is true , god made all things , and so the whole world is most justly his by that great right of creation : but yet the psalmists words are as true , the earth hath he given to the children of men . so as that great god is now wel content to receive back what men will give him : and this acceptance of his must needs in all reason make those things his more peculiarly . thus christ calls the temple his fathers house : 't was god's , and god's more peculiarly , not onely by right of creation , but by gift . thus lands given unto god are his , and his more peculiarly ; his , because he made them , and his againe , because having once given them to the children of men , upon their gift he did accept them : so that his priests , and his poore being sustained by them , he calls it in a more peculiar manner , his meat , his drinke , and his cloathing : and then if in point of acceptance with god , there be great difference between feeding his priests , and feeding them that doe him no such service , there must needs be as much difference between lands set out unto that sacred use , and lands of a more common employment . he gives a second reason , [ were clergie-men but usufructuaries , how come they to change , dispose , or alter the property of any thing , ( which an usufructuary cannot doe ) and yet is done by you daily ? ] how come they to change or dispose any thing ? yes , they may change , or dispose , or alter many kinds of things , for so without doubt any usufructuary may doe , so he wrong not his lord by an abuse done to his propriety . thus he may change his corne into clothing , or , if he please , his wool into books : nay he may alter the property of his possessions too , if he have expresse leave of his lord : and god himself did tell levi , that he was well content that men should alter some things that belonged to him , so it were for the tribes advantage , levit. 27. 13 : the letter goes on . [ aske them by what divine law s. maries church in oxford may not be equally imployed for temporall uses , as for holding the vice chancellors court , the university convocation , or their yeerly acts ? ] he might as well have asked , why not as well for temporall uses , as for temporall uses ? for if those he names be not so , his argument is naught ; and if they be so , t is not well put downe . his meaning sure was for other temporall uses , as well as for those . and truly sir , to put a church to any such kind of use , is not to be defended ; and therefore i excuse not the university : especially she having had ( at least for a good time ) so many large places for those meetings . yet something might be said for the vice-chancellours court , because t is partly episcopal , something for the act at least in comitiis , because t is partly divine ; but i had rather it should receive an amendment then an excuse . though it follow not neither , that because this church is sometimes for some few houres abused , therefore it may be alwayes so ; as if because sometimes t is made a profane church , t is therefore fit 't were no church at all . he proceeds . [ and as for their curses ( those bug-beare words ) i could never yet learne that an unlawfull curse was any prejudice but to the author : of which sort those curses must needs be , which restraine the parliament , or any there from exercising a lawfull and undenyable power , which in instances would shew very ridiculous , if any curse should prejudice anothers lawfull right . i am sure such curses have no warrant from the law of god , or this nation . ] no warrant from the word of god ? i conceive there is a very cleare one : & our mother-church commends it to the use of her sons in the expresse words of her commination , cursed be he that removeth away the mark of his neighbours lands : and all the people shall say , amen . deut. 27. 17. if he be accursed that wrongs his neighbour in his lands , what shall he be that injures god ? if a curse light upon him ( and a publique curse confirmed by an amen made by all the people ) who removes but the mark whereby his neighbours lands are distinguisht ; sure a private curse may be annexed by a benefactor unto his deed of donation , in case men should rob the very lands themselves that have been once given to their mother . that such curses restraine the parliament in its lawfull undenyable rights , is ( you have told me ) but a great mistake : for though the parliament may impunè ( which in some sense is called lawfully ) take away the church lands , ( though it may doe it without punishment , because ( the king being there ) it is the highest power ) yet that court it selfe cannot do it justè , cannot doe it without sinne , and that a fouler sinne then the removing a land-marke , and then a fouler curse may follow it . let the epistler then take heed of these more then bug-beare words ; for believe it , sir , in such curses as these there is much more then showes and vizards : and if you will give trust to any stories at all , many great families and men have felt it . his last argument is ( for all the rest is but declamation ) [ aske your bishops whether church lands may not lawfully ( the law of the state not prohibiting ) be transferred from one church to another upon emergent occasions , which i thinke they will not deny : if so , who knowes that the parliament will transferre them to layhands ? they-professe no such thing , and i hope they will not , but continue them for the maintenance of the ministery . ] i conceive the bishops answer would be , that t is no sacriledge to transferre lands from one church to another : but yet there may be much rapine and injustice , the will of the dead may be violated , and so sinne enough in that action ; many may be injuriously put from their estates , in which they have as good title by the lawes of the land , as those same men that put them out . to say then the church lands may be totally given up , because the epistler hopes the parliament will commit no sacriledge , is a pretty way of perswasion , and may equally worke on him to give up his own lands , because he may as well hope to be re-estated again , in that the parliament will do no injustice . and now sir , having thus observed your commands , i should have ceased to trouble you ; yet one thing more i shall adventure to crave your patience in : and t is to let you know , that if this epistler had been right in both his conclusions , that episcopacy is not of divine institution , & that sacriledge is no sinne ; yet if you cast your eyes upon his majesties coronation oath , wherein he is so strictly sworne to defend both the episcopall order , and the church-lands and possessions , you would easily acknowledge that the king cannot yeeld to what this letter aims at , though he were in danger of no other sinne then that of perjury ▪ and though i must needs guesse that the epistler knew well of this juratory tye , yet you will the lesse blame him for a concealment of this kind , because he was not retained of the churches counsell . his majesties oath you may read published by himselfe in an answer to the lords and commons in parliament . 26. may , 1642. it runnes thus : episcopus . sir , will you grant and keepe , and by your oath confirme to the people of england , the lawes and customes to them granted by the kings of england , your lawfull and religious predecessors , and namely the lawes , customes , and franchizes granted to the clergy by the glorious king s. edward , your predecessour , according to the lawes of god , the true profession of the gospell established in this kingdome , and agreeable to the prerogative of the kings thereof , and the ancient customes of this realme ? rex . i grant and promise to keepe them . episc. sir , will you keepe peace and godly agreement entirely ( according to your power ) both to god , the holy church , the clergy , and the people ? rex . i will keepe it . episc. sir , will you ( to your power ) cause law , justice , and discretion in mercy and truth to be executed in all your judgements ? rex . i will . episc. will you grant to hold and keep the lawes and rightfull customes which the commonalty of this your kingdome have , and will you defend and uphold them , to the honour of god , so much as in you lyeth ? rex . i grant and promise so to do . then one of the bishops reads this admonition to the king , before the people , with a loud voice . our lord and king , wee beseech you to pardon and grant , & to preserve unto us , & to the churches committed to our charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice : and that you would protect and defend us , as every good king ought to be a protector and defender of the bishops and churches under his government . the king answereth , with a willing and devout heart i promise and grant my part , and that i will preserve and maintaine to you and the churches committed to your charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice : and that i will be your protector and defender to my power , by the assistance of god , as every good king in his kingdome by right ought to protect and defend the bishops and churches under his government . then the king ariseth , and is led to the communion table , where he makes a solemne oath in sight of all the people to observe the promises , and laying his hand upon the booke , saith , the oath . the things that i have before promised , i shall performe , and keep ; so helpe me god , and the contents of this booke . in the first clause t is plaine , he makes a promissory oath unto the whole people of england , ( a word that includes both nobility , and clergy , and commons ) that he will confirme their lawes and customes : and in the second paragraph thereof he sweares peculiarly to the clergy , that he will keepe the lawes , customes , and franchises granted to the clergy by the glorious king s. edward : and more plainly in the fift clause , he makes like promissory oath unto the bishops alone in the behalfe of themselves and their churches : that he will reserve and maintaine to them all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice , and that he will be their protector and defender . where first , since he sweares defence unto the bishops by name , t is plaine , he sweares to maintain their order : for he that sweares he will take care the bishops shall be protected in such and such rights , must needs sweare to take care that bishops must first be : for their rights must needs suppose their essence . and where a king sweares defence , what can it imply but defence in a royall kingly way ? tu defende me gladio , & ego defendam te calamo , is the well known speech of an old church-man to a prince : for sure where kings sweare defence to bishops , i do not thinke they sweare to write bookes in their behalfe , or attempt to make it clear to the people that episcopacy is jure divino : but a king , whose propriety it is to beare the sword , sweares to weare it in the defence of bishops ; for though t is against the very principles of the christian faith , that religion should be planted or reformed by bloud , yet when christian kings have by law setled christian religion , and sworne to defend those persons that should preach it , he ought sure to beare his sword to defend his lawes , and to keepe his soule free from perjury . and by canonicall priviledges that belong to them and their churches , there must needs be implyed the honour of their severall orders , as that bishops should be above presbyters , &c. together with all their due rights and jurisdictions . the words , due law and justice , cannot but import that his majesty binds himselfe to see that justice be done to them and the churches , according to the law then in force when he tooke that oath . and when the king sweares protection and defence , that clause must needs reach not only to their persons , but to their rights and estates ; for he sweares not onely to men , but to men in such a condition , to bishops and their churches ; and those conditions of men grow little lesse then ridiculous , if their estates be brought to ruine ; so that such a protection were neither at all worth the asking , nor the swearing , if the king should protect a bishop in his life , and yet suffer him to be made a begger , since to see himselfe in scorne and contempt , might more trouble him then to dye . and whereas he sweares to be their protector and defender to his power by the assistance of god , these words ( to his power ) may seem to acquit him of all the rest , if he fall into a condition wherein all power seemes taken from him : but that sir will prove a mistake ; for one of the greatest powers of the king of england is in the negative in parliament ; so that without him no law can be enacted there , since t is only the power-royall that can make a law to be a law ; so that if the king should passe a statute to take away the church-lands , he protects it not to his power : since t is plaine , that so long as a man lives and speakes , he hath still power to say , no : for it cannot be said that the church in this case may be as it were ravished from the king , and that then he may be no more guilty of that sinne then lucrece was in her rape , for though a chaste body may suffer ravishment , yet the strength of a tarquin cannot possibly reach unto a mans will or his assent . now in all promissory oathes made for the benefit of that party to whom we sweare ; t is a rule with divines , that they of all others do more strictly bind , except then alone when remission is made , consensu illius cui facta est promissio . so although the king sweare unto the people of england , that he will keepe and confirme their lawes , yet if you their commons desire these said lawes , be either abrogated or altered , t is cleare that oath binds no further , because remission is made by their own consent who desired that promise from him : and upon this very ground t is true , that the king sweares to observe the lawes only in sensu composito , so long as they are lawes . but should the desire either to alter or abrogate either law or priviledges , proceed from any other , but from them alone to whose benefit he was sworne , t is cleerely plaine by the rules of all justice , that by such an act or desire his oath receives no remission : for the foundation of this promissory oath is their interest he was sworn to and it cannot therefore be remitted but by them alone for whose sake the oath was taken . so that when ( in the second paragraph of the first clause , and more plainly in the fift ) he sweares a benefit to the bishops alone , in the behalfe of them and their churches , t is apparent that this oath must perpetually bind , except a remission can be obtained from the bishops themselves , and their churches he was sworne to . this then must be confessed to be the sense of the oath , that when the king hath first sworn in generall to grant , keepe and confirme the lawes and customes of the people of england , he farther yet particularly sweares unto the clergy , to preserve their lawes and priviledges , and customes ; because since they are not able to make a negative in parliament , so that the clergy may easily be swallowed up by the people and the lords : therefore in a more particular manner they have obtained an oath to be made unto them by the king , which being for their particular benefit , it cannot be remitted without their expresse consent , so that although an act of parliament being once passed by the votes of the king and both houses , it doth sir ( as you have told me ) bind the whole people of england : yea the whole people as it includes the clergy too ; yet it concernes the king by vertue of his oath to give his vote unto no such act as shall prejudice what he hath formerly sworne unto them , except he can first obtain their expresse consent , that he may be thereby freed from his juratory obligation . it may be said perhaps that in the consent given by both houses of parliament , the consent of the clergy is tacitely implyed , and so it is , ( say our lawyers as you have told me sir ) in respect of the power obligatory , which an act so passed obtaines upon them , for they affirme that it shall as strongly bind the clergy , as if they themselves had in expresse termes consented to it . although bishops being men barred from their votes in parliament , and neither they nor their inferiour clergy having made choice of any to represent them in that great councell , their consents can in no faire sense be said to be involved in such acts as are done as well without their representative presence , as they once without their personall . but the question is , whether a tacite consent , ( though it be indeed against their expresse wils ) can have a power remissory to absolve the king from his oath ; he that affirmes it hath , must resolve to meet with this great absurdity , that although ( besides his generall oath unto the whole people of england ) his majesty be in particular sworne unto the rights . of the clergy , yet they obtaine no more benefit by this , then if he had sworn onely in generall ; which is as much as to say , that in this little draught oathes are multiplyed without necessity , nay without signification at all , and that the greater part of the first , and the whole fourth clause , are nothing else but a meere painfull draught of superfluous tautologies . for his yeelding to the two first lines swears him to keep and confirme the lawes and customes of the whole people of england ; which word ( people ) includes those of the clergy too , and therefore in generall their lawes and customes are confirmed no doubt in those words , and so confirmed that they cannot be shaken but at least by their tacite consent in a parliamentary way . but since the king condescends to afford to their rights , a more particular juratory tye , there is no doubt but it binds in a way too , that is more particular ; so that his majesty cannot expect a remission of this oath , without their consents clearely expressed : for as when the king sweares to keep the lawes of the people in general , he cannot be acquitted but by the expresse consent of the people , or by a body that represents the people , quatenus the people ▪ so that when in particular he sweares unto the lawes and customes of the clergy , this oath must needs bind until it be remitted in an expresse forme , either by the whole clergy , themselves , or by some body of men at least , that represents the clergy , quatenus the clergy , and not only as they are involved in the great body of the people , so that he that shall presume to perswade his majesty to passe an act in prejudice of this ecclesiastical body ( to whom he is thus sworn ) without their expresse consent first obtained , councels him to that which is both grosly injurious unto his fellow subjects , nay which is indeed a most damnable wickednesse against the very soule of the king . sir , as i conceive t is now plaine enough , that if the parliament should destroy the episcopall order , and take away the lands of the church ; the houses in that act would runne themselves into two sinnes , and his majesty into three ; and upon this supposition the epistler and i are agreed : [ i do not thinke ( saith he ) conveniency or necessity will excuse conscience in a thing in it selfe unlawfull ] and before that , he calls the contrary the tenet of the romanist , or jesuited puritan : onely i would beseech him for his own soules sake to consider how great a scandall he hath given to mankind , in defence of such sinnes as these . for i conceive that durand offended more in holding fornication was no sinne against the law naturall , then shechem did ( who was onely under that law ) in his lust upon old jacobs daughter , fraudem legi facere , ( saith the civilian ) is worse then legem violare , it argues a more un-subject-like disposition for a man to put tricks and quirks upon his prince his lawes , then to runne himselfe into a down-right violation : and god we know is king , i am a great king ( saith the lord of hosts ) and a king in whose hand is vengeance , malach. 1. 14. t is true sir , we are thus put into a very sad condition , when the only option that seemes left us now , is either to choose sinne or ruine ; but yet ( if well used ) t is a condition glorious ; a condition wherein all that noble army of martyrs stood , before they could come at martyrdome , and if in preparation of mind we thus lay our lives downe at the feet of christ , i am undoubtedly perswaded t is our only way to preserve them . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a93888e-940 25. h. 8. c. 19. epist. ans. epist ▪ ans. epist. ans. 2 sam. 7. act. 27. 8. mal. 3. 8. aquin. 2. 2. qu. 39. art. 1. ibid. art. 3. 〈◊〉 verum de furto . gel. l. 11. c. ●lt . l. verum . two cases of conscience: resolved by the right reverend father in god robert sanderson late lord bishop of lincoln. sanderson, robert, 1587-1663. 1668 approx. 62 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 50 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a94192 wing s643a estc r201215 43077595 ocm 43077595 151688 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94192) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 151688) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2272:8) two cases of conscience: resolved by the right reverend father in god robert sanderson late lord bishop of lincoln. sanderson, robert, 1587-1663. [2], 92 p. printed by e.c. for c. wilkinson at the black-boy over against st. dunstans church in fleetstreet, london; : 1668 reproduction of original in: william andrews clark memorial library, university of california, los angeles, california. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng allegiance -england -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-06 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur , tho. grigg , r. in christo p. ac domino , domino humfr. episc . lond. à sacris . two cases of conscience : resolved by the right reverend father in god robert sanderson late lord bishop of lincoln . london ; printed by e. c. for c. wilkinson at the black-boy over against st. dunstans church in fleetstreet , 1668. the case of the engagement . sir , i have hitherto been very sparing in delivering my opinion , concerning the point , now most in agitation , viz. of the lawfulness , or unlawfulness , of subscribing the engagement : considering the mischiefs that must needs have followed , if it should be once noised abroad , that i had given forth any determination , in so tickle a point . i could not but foresee on the one side , if i should condemn it as utterly unlawful , how i should be looked upon , by those that have all power in their hands , not as a refuser only ; but a disswader also of what they have thought fit to require : and on the other side , if i should allow it in any case lawful , what ill use would certainly be made thereof by multitudes of people , apt to be so far scandalized thereby , as either to swallow it whole without chewing , ( that is , resting themselves upon the general determination of the lawfulness , to take it hand over head , without due consideration , either of the true meaning of it , or of other requisite cautions , and circumstances ) or else to conceive themselves by so engaging , to be for ever discharged from the bond of their former allegiance . yet since by your letter , and by sending your servant therewith on purpose , so many dayes journey , through unknown wayes , and at this season of the year ( especially as the weather hath proved , since his coming forth ) scarce passable , you have shewn your earnest desire to understand what my opinion is in this point ; so great , both for difficulty and concernment ; i could not think it fit , nor consistent with that civility which is to be used , especially towards strangers , to send back your messenger , without the return of some kinde of answer : wherein , albeit i shall not come up to the sull , of what your letter declareth to be your desire , viz. in giving a particular judgment , and estimate of the eight several arguments , therein proposed , and the additional quaere in the postscript : yet you shall find something , tending towards your satisfaction therein , by touching upon those points ( so farr as the straits of time would suffer ) wherein the difficulty of the whole business , seemeth chiefly to consist . first then , it is to be considered , that allegiance is a duty that every subject , under what form of government soever , by the law of nature , oweth to his countrey , and consequently to the soveraign power thereof . for the very same law ( which we may call the law of nature , at least in a large acceptation ) which inclineth particular men , to grow into one civil body of a common-wealth , must necessarily withall , imprint a sense , and tacite acknowledgement of such a duty of allegiance , in every inferior member of the body , unto the caput communitatis , or soveraign power , by which that common-wealth is governed , as is necessary for the preservation of the whole body . so that the bond of allegiance , doth not arise originally from the oath of allegiance ; as if those that had not taken the oath , had a greater liberty , to act contrary to the allegiance , ●●●cified in the oath , then those that have taken it , have : or as if , in case the oath should be quite laid aside , there should be no allegiance due . but it is so intrinsecal , proper , and essential a duty , and ( as it were ) fundamental , to the relation of a subject , quâ talis , as that the very name of a subject , doth after a sort , import it ; in so much , that it hath thereupon gained , in common usage of speech , the style of natural allegiance : whence all these inferences will follow . 1. that the bond of allegiance , ( whether sworn or not sworn ) is in the nature of it perpetual and indispensable . 2. that it is so inseparable , from the relation of a subje●● that although the exercise of it , may be suspended by reason of a prevailing force , whilest the subject is under such force , ( viz. where it cannot be imagined , how the endeavor of exercising it ▪ can be effectually serviceable to restore the soveraign power to the right owner , for the establishment of that publick justice and peace , wherein the happiness of common-wealths consisteth ) yet no outward force can so absolutely take it away , or remove it , but that still it remaineth vertually in the subject , and obligeth to an endeavour ( so soon as the force that hindered it is over ) of actually exercising of it , for the advantage of the party , to whom of right it is due , and the advancement of the common good thereby , upon all fit occasions . 3. that no subject of england , that either hath , by taking the oathes of supremacy or allegiance , acknowledged ; or that not having taken either oath , yet otherwise knoweth , or believeth , that the soveraign power in england , to whom his natural allegiance is due , is the king , his heirs , and lawful successors , can without sinning against his conscience , enter into any covenant , promise , or engagement , or do any other act , or acts whatsoever , whereby either to transferr his allegiance to any other party , to whom it is not of right due , or to put himself into an incapacity of performing the duties of his bounden allegiance , to his lawful soveraign , when it may appear to be useful , and serviceable to him . 4. that therefore the taking of the late solemn league and covenant , by any subject of england ( notwithstanding the protestation in the preface , that therein he had the honour of the king before his eyes ; and that express clause in one of the articles of it , wherein he swore , the preservation of the kings person and honour ) was an act as clear contrary to the oath of allegiance , and the natural duty of every subject of england ; as the assisting of the king to the utmost of ones power ( which is a branch of the oaths ) and the assisting against any person whatsoever , with his utmost power , those that were actually in armes against the king ( which was the very end for which that covenant was set on foot ) are contrary the one unto the other . 5. and that also for the same reason , no subject of england , that hath taken the oaths , and understandeth them , or is perswaded that the soveraignty of this , realm , doth of right belong to the king , his heirs , and lawful successors , can without sinning in like manner against his conscience , take the engagement now offered : if he so understand the words , wherein it is expressed as if they did contain in them , and require of the promiser , an acknowledgment that the supream power of this realm , whereunto the subjects ow their bounden allegiance , is rightly rested in those persons that now exercise it ; or as if they did import , an utter abjuration , or renouncing of that allegiance , which was formerly held due to the king. ii. this being cleared , the next enquiry must be , whether or no the words of the engagement , will reasonably bear such a construction , as to the understanding of a rational and conscientious man , may seem consistent with his bounden duty and allegiance to his lawful soveraign ? whereof ( i think ) there need be no great question made , if it be well considered . 1. that all expressions by words , are subject to such ambiguities , that scarce any thing can be said or expressed in any words , how cautelously soever chosen , which will not render the whole speech capable of more constructions than one . 2. that very many men , known to be well affected to the king and his party , and reputed otherwayes both learned and conscientious ( not to mention the presbyterians , most of whom , truly for my own part , when we speak of learning and conscience , i hold to be very little considerable ) have subscribed the engagement ; who in the judgment of charity we are to presume , would not so have done , if they had not been perswaded the words might be understood in some such qualified sense , as might stand with the duty of allegiance to the king. 3. that ( as you write ) it is strongly reported and believed , that the king hath given way to the taking of the engagement , rather than that his good subjects , should loose their estates for refusing the same . which as it is a clear evidence , that the king and they who are about him , to advise him , do not so conceive of the words of this engagement , as if they did necessarily import an abandoning of the allegiance due to him ▪ so 't is ( if true ) a matter of great confideration towards the satisfaction of so many , as out of that fear only , have scrupled the taking of it . for the doing of that , cannot be reasonably thought to destroy the subjects allegiance ; which the king , who expecteth allegiance from all his subjects , advisedly and upon mature deliberation alloweth them to do . iii. but all this being granted , that the words of the engagement , are capable of such construction ; yet is not the conscience thereby fufficiently secured , from justly scrupling at the taking thereof , unless it may yet further appear , that the subject hath the liberty to make use of such a construction ; which is in effect the quaere contained in your postscript , viz. whether upon supposition , that the words of the engagement , will bear more constructions then one , the subscriber may take it in his own sense , or is bound to take it in the imposers sense ? or , whether it be necessary , or expedient before he subscribe , to ask those that require his subscription , in what sense they require him to subscribe it ? upon the resolution of which quaere , since ( as i conceive ) the last resolution of the judgment , wherein the conscience is to acquiesce , doth principally depend ; i shall endeavor to give you my thoughts therein , ( wherein i acknowledge to have received much light and satisfaction , from a discourse written by a very learned , judicious and pious friend , whereof i lately had the perusal , but for some reasons , not thought fit to be published ) as distinctly , and clearly , as the time i have to do it in , will suffer . 1. first then , for a man that is required of another to give faith by some oath , promise , or other engagement , to take it in a sense of his own , manifestly different ( even in his own apprehension ) from the others meaning , sufficiently expressed by words , according to the common custom of speech , and the nature of the business which it concerneth , is so gross a conceit ; that had not the impudence of the jesuits , in maintaining the lawfulness of their equivocations , and the sad experience of these late times , ( wherein thousands have cheated themselves in perjury , by thinking to avoid it ) evidenced the contrary , it n●ght well have been thought a thing incredible , that any man of common understanding , should suffer his reason to be so infatuated by his affections , as to be deceived thereby . for if such latitude of construction , should be admitted in promises , and other obligations of that nature , intended for the preservation of faith amongst mankind , there would not remain any possible means , whereby for men to have assurance of one another meanings . wherefore i take that for a clear truth , that all promises , and assurances wherein faith is required to be given to another , ought to be understood , ad mentem imponentis , according to the mind and meaning of him , to whom the faith is to be given ; so far forth as the meaning may reasonably appear , by the nature of the matter about which it is conversant , and such signification of the words , whereby it is expressed , as according to the ordinary use of speech amongst men , agreeth best thereunto . the reason whereof is , because the faith so required to be given , is intended to the behoof , and for the interest of him that requireth it ; namely , to the end he may have the better assurance from him that giveth the faith , that what is promised shall be accordingly performed : which assurance he cannot have , if after his meaning , sufficiently declared by the words , it should yet be at the liberty of the promiser , to reserve another secret meaning in his own breast , differing therefrom . 2. but secondly , what if the intention of the imposer , be not so fully declared by the words , and the nature of the business ; but that the same words may in fair construction , be still capable of a double meaning , so as taken in one sense , they shall bind to more , and in another to less ? i conceive in such cafe it is not necessary , nor alwayes expedient ( but rather for the most part otherwise ) for the promiser , before he give faith , to demand of the imposer , whether of the two is his meaning . but he may by the rule of prudence , and that ( for ought i see ) without the violation of any law of conscience , make his just advantage of that ambiguity , and take it in the same sense which shall bind to the less . and this i ground upon the very same reason as before ; for sith the faith to be given , is intended to the behoof of him , to whom it is given , it concerneth him to take care that his meaning be expressed in such words , as will sufficiently manifest the same to the understanding of a reasonable man. which if he neglect to do , no law of equity or prudence , bindeth the promiser , by an overscrupulous diligence , to make it out , whereby to lay a greater obligation upon himself , than he needed to doe . 3. but then thirdly , if it shall happen ( as often it cometh to pass , when we have to deal with cunning men , and may possible be the case now , and undoubtedly was so in the business of the protestation , when the time was ) that he that requireth the faith to be given , do of purpose so contrive the words , that there may be left an ambiguity and latitude of sense therein ; yea , and that it be very probable , and in a manner apparent , ( upon the consideration of the point of interest , or other strong presumptions , arising from circumstances or otherwise ) even to the apprehension of the promiser himself , that he hath some farther reach in requiring that promise from him , some more remote and secret intention , then he is willing to discover . in that case , what is to be done ? i answer , that the promiser in such case , is no wayes obliged in giving his faith , to take notice of any secret intention ; but is at liberty to make use of that latitude of sense , which the other , did rather chuse to leave undetermined , then to restrain , and so to turn the others cunning dealing to his own best advantage , by taking it in the more favourable construction ; and that which bindeth to lefs . for it is the declared intention only , ( viz. that which the words , according to the common use of speech , do in relation to the nature of the subject , most naturally and properly represent , to the understanding of reasonable men , when they hear them ) and not to the remote , secret , and reserved intent , which the promiser is obliged unto . the reason whereof is manifest ; because he that requireth faith to be given from another , by words of his own contriving , is ever presumed so to have determined the sense thereof , in the contrivance of the words , as may sufficiently declare , what he intendeth the promiser should assure him to perform . if therefore he have not so determined the words , as to signifie the more ; it is in all reason to be presumed , that he intended to oblige him but to the less . for being at liberty to make his own choice of words , whereby to express his own meaning ; who can think otherwise , but that he would make the choice with respect to his own interest ? and therefore though he might have a secret desire , which he is loath to discover , that the promiser should be bound to the more , and would be marvellously well pleased , that he should so understand the words , as if they intended to bind him to the more : yet since it had been so easie a matter for him , by adding or altering a few words , to have declared that intent , if he had thought it conducible to his own ends , it will be presumed also , that it was out of respect of self interest , that he forbare so to do , and chose rather to leave his meaning , in such general words , as will not exclude the sense , which bindeth but to the less ; and consequently that his declared intent obligeth to no more but to the less only . iv. to bring the matter yet closer , and to put it up to the present cases , there are yet two things more to be done . first , to shew what the different constructions ( the highest , i mean , and the lowest ) the words of the engagement are fairly capable of . and secondly , to find as well as we can , whether of the two is more probably the meaning intended by the imposers , to be declared by the words . the words are these : i do promise to be true and faithful to the common-wealth of england , as it is now established without king or lords . wherein there are sundry ambiguities . 1. first , in the words true and faithful ; by which may be intended , either the promise of that fidelity and allegiance ( which was formerly acknowledged to be due to the king , &c. ) to be now performed to those that are presently possessed of the supreme power , as their right and due . or else that promise of such a kind of fidelity , as captives taken in the warr promise to their enemies , when they fall under their power ; viz. to remain true prisoners of warr , and so long as they are in their power , not to attempt any thing to their destruction . 2. secondly , in the word common-wealth , by which may either be meant , those persons who are the prevalent party in this kingdom , and now are possessed of , and do exercise the supreme power therein , as if the right of soveraignty were vested in them : or else , the whole intire body of the english nation , as it is a civil society or state within it self , distinguished from all other foraign estates . taken in the former sense , the fidelity promised to the common-wealth , relateth directly to the upholding of that party who are the present governors de facto , and imports subjection to them as de jure : but taken in the latter , it relateth to the safety of the nation , and importeth no more , as to the present governors , but to live peaceably under them de facto , and to yield obedience to them in things absolutely necessary , for the upholding civil society within the realm ; such as are the defence of the nation against foraigners , the furtherance of publick justice , and the maintenance of trade . 3. in the words as it is now established , &c. which may be understood either by way of approbation , of what hath been done by way of abolishing kingly government , and the house of peers , and placing all authority and power within the realm , in the house of commons . or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only , as a clause simply and barely reciting what manner of government it is , that this nation de facto , is now under ; viz. a government by the commons only , without either king or house of lords . which ambiguities considered ; the highest construction that can be reasonably made of the words , is to this effect . i acknowledge the soveraign power of this nation , whereunto i ow aliegiance and subjection , to be rightly stated in the house of commons , wherein neither king nor lords ( as such ) have , or henceforth ought to have , any share ; and i promise , that i will perform all allegiance , and subjection thereunto , and maintain the same with my fortunes and life , to the utmost of my power . and the lowest construction that can be reasonably made of the same words , is to this effect : whereas for the present the supreme power in england , under which power i now am , is actually possessed and exercised by the house of commons , without either king or lords ; i promise that so long as i live under their power and protection , i will not contrive or attempt any act of hostility against them : but living quietly and peaceably under them , will endeavor my self faithfully in my place and calling , to do what every good member of a common-wealth ought to do , for the safety of my countrey , and preservation of civill society therein . v. now cometh in to be considered in the last place , the great question , whether of the two constructions it is , ( that which bindeth to the most , or this which obligeth to the least , the words can well bear ) that the formers of the engagement , did rather intend to declare by these words ? they that think the former , want not probability of reason to ground their perswasions upon . for they consider , that those who are presently possessed of the supreme power , are not minded to part with it if they can hold it . and that the likeliest way to hold it is , if they can possibly bring the whole people of england , or at the least the far greatest part thereof , to acknowledge that they are rightly possessed of it , and to promise subjection and allegiance to them as such . and that therefore the engagement , being purposely devised and set on foot , as the fittest engine to expedite that work , must in all reason intend to oblige so farr . which being so contrary to their judgment and perswasion , concerning the duty and oath of allegiance , i cannot blame those that so understand the words of the engagement , if they abominate the very thought of taking it . but there wanteth not great probability of reason , on the other side , to induce us to believe that the latter and lower sense , is rather to be deemed the immediate , and declared intent of the imposers , whatsoever cause of suspition there may be , that the former meaning , may be more agreeable to their secret , reserved and ultimate intent ; between which two , if there be any difference ( as it is not impossible but there may be ) the engager is not concerned in it , or not yet : the equivocation , if there be any in that , must be put upon the imposers , not on the promisers score . for thus believing , there are amongst others these probabilities . 1. that many prudent and conscientious men of the royal party , as well divines and lawyers , as others , have thus understood it : who we presume would not for any outward respect in the world , have taken it , if they had conceived any more to have been intended in it . 2. that it hath often been affirmed , both publickly and privately , in several parts of the kingdom ( if we may believe either common fame , or the reports of sundry credible particular persons ) by those that have perswaded or pressed others to subscribe ; that the same is the very true intent and meaning of it , and no other . 3. that if the imposers had been minded to have declared an intent of binding to more , they might easily have framed the words so , as not to be capable of a construction binding to less . 4. that ( as is also credibly reported ) whilst the form of words was under debate , the opinion of those that would have had it set higher , was not followed , as held unseasonable ; and the vote carryed , for the more moderate expression wherein it now standeth . 5. that the imposers , intending by the engagement to secure themselves , especially against the designs and attempts of those men , who they knew ( well enough ) held them for no other then usurpers , must be in reason supposed to require no more assurance of them by the engagement , then such as may and is usually given to usurpers ; which is , not an acknowledgment of their title , and a promise of allegiance , but meerly a promise of living quietly , so long as they are under their power , and enjoy their protection . 6. that it is a received maxim of political prudence , for all new governors , ( especially those that either introduce a new form of government , or come in upon a questionable title ) to abstain from all harsh procedings , even against those whom they know to be evil affected to their power , and not so much as to exasperate them ( though it be in the power of their hands to destroy them ) especially in the beginning of their government : but rather to sweeten them into a better opinion of their persons , and to win upon them by acts of grace and oblivion ( for remissiùs imperanti meliùs paretur . ) so as they may have but any tolerable kind of assurance from them in the mean time , of living quietly and peaceably under them . we have no reason therefore to believe that the imposers of this engagement , who have acted the parts of the greatest politicians , so perfectly and succesfully hitherto , as to possess themselves so fully os the supreme power of so great and flourishing a kingdom , in so few years , would be so impolitick as not to proceed by the same rules , that all wise and succesful persons have ever practised in the managing , and for the establishing of an acquired power . vi. out of all these premises together ( waying my positive conclusion , either affirmative or negative , touching the lawfulness or unlawfulness of subscribing in universali ) i shall declare my opinion only in these few following particulars . 1. that it is not lawful for any man to take the engagement with a resolution to break it . 2. that therefore whosoever thinketh the words of the engagement do contain a promise of any thing which it is not lawful for him to perform , cannot take it with a good conscience . 3. that whosoever so understandeth the words of the engagement , as if they did oblige him to any thing contrary to his allegiance , or render him unable to act according thereunto , upon any seasonable emerging occasion , cannot with a good conscience take it . 4. that if any man for any temporal benefit , or avoiding any temporal dammage , shall take the engagement with a doubting conscience ( that is before he be perswaded in his judgment , upon some probable ground of reason , that it is lawful for him so to do ) he sinneth therein . 5. that if any man after a serious desire of informing himself as rightly as he can , what are the duties of his allegiance on the one side , and what is most probably the meaning intended by the words of the engagement on the other side ; shall find himself well satisfied in this perswasion , that the performance in the mean time of what is required by the engagement so understood , is no way contrary ( for any thing he can discern for the present ) to his bounden allegiance , so long as he is under such a force , as that he cannot exercise it ; and likewise that whensoever that force is so removed from him , or he from under it , as that he hath power to act according to his allegiance , the obligation of the engagement of it self determineth and expireth : and out of these considerations , rather then suffer extreme prejudice , in his person , estate , or necessary relations , shall subscribe the engagement ; since his own heart condemneth him not , neither will i. sir , i have now two requests to you , which i doubt not but you will think reasonable . the one , that whatsoever use you shall please to make of these papers , or any thing therein contained , for your own or any friends satisfaction ; yet you would not deliver any copies abroad , least they should come to be printed , as some other papers of mine , written in this manner have been , without my knowledge . this i desire , both in respect of the danger i might incur from the displeasure of the potent party , if any such thing should come abroad ; as also least upon the consideration of some things here hinted , they might think the words of the engagement too light , and might thence take occasion to lay some heavier obligation upon us , in words that should oblige to more . the other request is , that since i have not any other perfect copy of what i now send you , you would procure it to be transcribed for me ; and either the copy so transcribed , or these very papers rather , when you have transcribed them , transmit enclosed in a letter , or by some friend that will be sure to deliver them safe , with his own hands , to my son — in london , to whom i shall write shortly that he may expect them . sir , i desire that my best respects may be presented , &c. — god endue us all with grace and wisdom fit for these evil times ; to whose mercy and blessing commend us all , i rest , your loving friend and servant . b.p. dec. 20. 1650. the case of a rash vow deliberately iterated . the case . a gentleman of good estate , hath issue one only daughter , who placing her affections upon a person much below her rank , intendeth mariage with him : the father hearing of it , in great displeasure voweth , and confirmeth it with an oath , that if she marry him he will never give her a farthing of his estate . the daughter notwithstanding marryeth him : after which the father sundry times iterateth and reneweth his said former vow , and that in a serious and deliberate manner ; adding further , that he would never give her or any of hers any part of his estate . quaere : whether the father's vow so made , and so confirmed and iterated as abovesaid , be obligatory or not ? the resolution . my opinion is , that the vow was rash , and is not at all obligatory . 1. the question here proposed is concerning the obligation only ; yet i deem it expedient to declare my opinion concerning the rashness also : and that for two reasons . first , because there seemeth in the proposal of the case , to be some weight laid upon the after iterations , which were more deliberate , as if they added to the obligation . and secondly , because i think it needful that the vower should as well be convinced of the greatness of his sin in making such a vow , for the time past , as satisfied concerning the present and future invalidity of it . 2. it is easie to believe ; that the gentleman when he first made the vow , was possessed with a very great indignation against his daughter , for her high and inexcusable disobedience to him in so very weighty a business . and truly it must be confessed , he had need to be a man of a very rare command over his own spirit , and such as are scarce to be found one of a thousand , that could so contain himself within the bounds of reason upon so just a provocation from an only child ( possibly some other aggravating circumstances concurring ) as not to be transported with the violence of that passion , into some thoughts and resolutions , not exactly agreeable with the dictates of right reason . it can therefore be little doubted , but the vow made whilst the reason was held under the force of so strong a perturbation , was a rash and irrational vow . 3. nor will these after-acts in confirmation of the first vow , though having more of deliberation in them , be sufficient to redeem either it or themselves from the imputation of rashness : understanding rashness in that latitude as the casuists do , when they treat de voto temerario , under the notion whereof they comprehend all such vows as happen per defectum plenae & dis●ussae deliberationi , as they express it ; for it is to be considered , that when an injury , disobedience , or other affront is strongly resented , it many times taketh a very deep impression in the soul , which though after the first impetus have a little spent it self , it begin somewhat to abate , yet it doth so by such slow and insensible degrees , that the same perturbation , which first discomposed the mind , may have a strong influence into all succeeding deliberations for a long time after . even as after an acute feaver , when the sharpest paroxysmes are over , and the malignity of the disease well spent , although the party begin to recover some degrees of strength ; yet there may remain for a good while after such a debility in the parties , as that they cannot exercise their proper functions , but with some weakness more or less , till the party be perfectly recovered . sith therefore the after-iterations of the first vow in the present case , did proceed apparantly from the rancor and malignity remaining in the mind , as the dregs and reliques of the same perturbation , from which the first vow also proceeded : they must upon the same account ( to wit , per defectum plenae deliberationis ) undergo the same censure of rashness with the first vow . the same i say for the kind ; some difference i grant there is for the degree : but magis & minus non variant speciem , we know . and the consideration of that difference is only thus farr useful in the present case , that the more deliberate those after-acts were , the more culpable they are , and the less capable either of excuse , or extenuation ; and consequently doe oblige the party to so much the more serious , solemn , and lasting repentance . 4. but concerning rash vowes ( in as much as the knot of the question lyeth not there ) it shall suffice to note these few points . first , that every rash vow is a sin ; and that upon its own score , and pre●isely as it is rash , although it should not be any other way peccant . all acts of religious worship ( by the importance of the third commandment ) are to be performed with al due sobriety , attention , and advisedness : how much more than a vow ? which is one of the highest acts of worship , as being a sacred contract , whereunto god himself is a party . see eccl. 5. 1 , &c. secondly , that rash vows are for the most part , ( besides the rashness peccant in their matter also ; for they are commonly made in passion , and all passions are evil counsellors , and anger as bad as the worst . the wrath of man seldom worketh the righteousness of god. thirdly , that a rash vow , ( though to be repented of for the rashness ) may yet in some cases bind . as for example ; a man finding himself ill used by a shop-keeper , of whom he had formerly been accustomed to buy , voweth in a rage , that he will never buy of him again : this is a rash vow ; yet it bindeth , because if the party had never made any such vow at all , it had neither been unjust or uncharitable , ( nor so much as imprudent ) in him for to have done the same thing , which by his vow he hath now bound himself to do . so if a man impatient of his ill luck at cards , should vow in a heat never to play at cards any more ; he were in this case also bound to keep his vow : because there neither is any sin in keeping it , nor can be any great necessity why he should break it . that therefore fourthly , if at any time a rash vow bind not ; the invalidity thereof proceedeth not meerly ( nor indeed at all ) from the rashness ( which yet is a very common error amongst men ) but from the faultiness of it otherwise , in respect of the matter , or thing vowed to be done ; when that which is so vowed , is either so evil in it self , or by reason of circumstances , becometh so evil , that it cannot be performed without sin . 5. that therefore concerning the vow in the present case , i declared my opinion that it is not at all obligatory ; it is done upon this ground ( which is a most certain truth and consented to by all ) that rei illicitae nulla obligatio . if a man shall vow any thing that is contrary to piety ; as if having taken offence at some indiscreet passage in a sermon of his own minister , he should vow that he would never come to the church , or hear him preach again : or that is contrary to justice ; as to take away the life of an innocent person , as those 40 persons that had vowed they would neither eat nor drink till they had slain paul : or never to make restitution to one whom he knew he had wronged : or contrary to charity ; as to be revenged of , or never to be friends with , one that had done him wrong : or that is contrary to mercy ; as if having lost some money by lending to his friend , or having smarted by suretiship , he should vow never to lend any man money , or become surety for any man again . let such a vow , i say , as any of these , or any of the like nature , be made either rashly , or deliberately , and strengthened with oaths and imprecations , in the most direful and solemn manner that can be devised to tye it on the faster ; yet it is altogether null and invalid as to the effect of obligation . whence those common sayings , in mālè promiss is rescinde fidem ; ne sit juramentum vinculum iniquitatis , &c. and we have a good president for it in david , after he had in a rage vowed the destruction of nabal , and all that belonged to him ; which vow upon better consideration , he not only did not perform , but he blessed god also , for so providentially preventing the performance of it , by the discreet demeanor , and intervention of abigail . 6. now the reason why such vowes are not binding , is very cogent and clear ; even because the party at such time as he is supposed to have made such vow , as aforesaid , lay under another ( a former and therefore a stronger ) obligation to the contrary . and it is agreeable to all the reason in the world , that he who either by his own voluntary act , hath bound himself ( where lawfully he might so do ) or by the command of his lawful superior ( that hath a right to his service , and may exact obedience from him ) is already bound to do or not to do this or that ; should not have power ●o disoblige himself therefrom , at his own pleasure , or to superinduce upon himself a new obligation contrary thereun●o : obligatio prior praejudicat ●osteriori . as in the case of marriage , a precontract with one party , avoideth all after-contracts with any other : and if a man convey lands to several persons , by deeds of several date , the first conveyance standeth good , and all the rest are void ; and so in all cases o● like nature . the obligatory power therefore that is i● vows , oaths , promises , &c. i● rightly said by some , to be 〈◊〉 constructive , not a destructiv● power . the meaning is tha● such acts may create a new obligation , where was non before , or confirm an old one but it cannot destroy an ol● one , or substitute another contrary thereunto , in the plac● thereof . 7. and the reason of this reason also , is yet farther evident ; for that quisquis obligatur , alteri obligatur . when a man is obliged by-any act , it is alwayes supposed , that the obligation is made to some other party : to whom also it is supposed some right to accrue , by vertue of the said act obligatory ; and that that other party is by the said act sufficiently vested in that said right , of which right he cannot be again devested and deprived by the meer act of him , who instated him therein , and is obliged to perform it to him ( unless himself give consent thereunto ) without the greatest injustice in the world. now god having a perfect right to our obedience , by his own obliging precept , both for the not doing hurt to any man , and for the doing good to every man , upon all fit opportunities : and this right also confirmed , and ratified by our own obligatory act in a solemn manner , before many witnesses at our baptism , when we vowed to keep all gods commandments : it were unreasonable to think that it should be in our power , by any after-act of ours to disoblige our selves from both , or either of those obligations . for then we might by the same reason free our selves from the obligation of that latter act also ( suppose an oath , or vow ) by another subsequent oath , or vow ; and from that again by another : and so play fast and loose , make vows and break them in infinitum . evident it is therefore , that every vow requiring any thing to be done , which is repugnant to any office of piety , justice , charity , or mercy , which we owe either to god or man , is void , and bindeth not ; because it findeth us under the power of a former contrary obligation , and hath not it self power sufficient to free or discharge us from the same . 8. the general rule thus cleared , it remaineth to examine concerning the particular vow , now in question , whether it be void upon this account or no ? it will be found hard i believe to free this vow , from being repugnant to the rules of justice , but impossible i am sure , to reconcile it with the perfect evangelical law of charity and mercy . first , civil and political justice , requireth that every man should obey the wholesome laws of his countrey , and submit himself to be ordered thereby . now put the case ( which is possible enough ) that the daughters husband should for lack of support from his father-in-law , or otherwise ▪ live and dye in great want , leaving his wife , and many small children behind him , destitut● of all means for their necessar● sustenance . the law would ( as i suppose ) in that case , upon complaint of the parish , and for their ease , send the daughter and her children to the father , and compel him to maintain them out of his estate . which order he ought to obey , nor can refuse so to do , without the high contempt of publick authority , and manifest violation of the civil justice , notwithstanding his vow to the contrary : the law must be obeyed whatsoever becometh of the vow ; in that case therefore it is evident the vow bindeth not . 9. but say ▪ that should not happen to be the case ( which yet is more then any man can positively say before-hand : ) the parent is nevertheless in moral justice bound to provide due maintenance for his children and grand-children if he be able . st. paul saith that fathers ought to lay up for the children . true it is , he speaketh it but upon the by , and by way of illustration , in the handling of another argument , very distant from this business : but that doth not at all lessen the importance of it , such illustrations being ever taken à notiori , and from such common notions as are granted , and consented unto by all reasonable men . the same apostle having amongst other sins of the gentiles , mentioned disobedience to parents in one verse , in the very next verse , mentioneth also want of natural affection in parents . and the disobedience in the childe can no more discharge the parent from the obligation of that duty he oweth to the childe , of affection , and maintenance , then the unnaturalness of the parent , can the childe from the duty he oweth to the parent , of honour and obedience . for the several duties , that by gods ordinance , are to be performed by persons that stand in mutual relation either to other , are not pactional and conditional ; as are the leagues and agreements made between princes ( where the breach in one part , dissolveth the obligation on the other ) but are absolute and independent ; wherein each person is to look to himself , and the performance of the duty that lyeth upon him , though the other party should fail in the performance of his . 10. something i foresee , may be objected in this point , concerning the lawfulness of the parents withdrawing maintenance from the childe ( either in whole , or at least in part ) in the case of disobedience . which how far forth it may , or may not be done ; as it would be too long to examine , so it would be of little avail to the present business . for it is one thing to with-hold maintenance from a disobedient childe for the present , and to resolve so to continue till he shall see cause to the contrary . and another thing to binde himself by vow or oath , never to allow him any for the future , whatsoever should happen . let be granted whatsoever can be supposed pleadable on the fathers behalf , in the present case : yet there will still remain two particulars in this vow , not easily to be cleared from being unjust . first , let the daughters disobedience deserve all this uttermost of punishment , from the offended father ; yet how can it be just , that for the mothers fault , the poor innocent ( perhaps yet unborn ) children , should be utterly , and irrecoverably excluded , from all possibility of relief from their grand-father ? secondly , it is ( if not unjust , yet what differeth very little there-from ) the extremity of rigid justice ; that any offender much less a son or daughter ) should for any offence , not deserving death , be by a kinde of fatal peremptory decree , put into an incapacity of receiving relief from such persons , as otherwise ought to have relieved the said offender , without any reservation either of the case of extreme necessity , or of the case of serious repentance . 11. however it be for the point of justice ; yet so apparent is the repugnancy of the matter of this vow , with the precepts of christian charity and mercy ; that if all i have hitherto said were of no force , this repugnancy alone were enough ( without other evidence ) to prove the unlawfulness , and consequently , the invalidity , or inobligability thereof . it is ( not an evangelical counsel , but ) the express peremptory precept of christ , that we should be merciful , even as our heavenly father is merciful . and inasmuch as , not in that passage only , but for the most part wheresoever else the duty of mercy is pressed upon us in the gospel from the example of god : god is represented to us by the name , and under the notion of a father , although i may not lay much weight upon it , as a demonstrative proof ; yet i conceive i may commend it as rational topick , for all that are fathers to consider of , whether it do not import , that mercy is to be expected from a father as much as ( if not rather much more then ) from any other man ; and that the want of mercy in a father , is more unkindy , more unseemly , more unnatural then in another man : but this by the way . from that precept of christ , we learn that as there is in god a two-fold mercy , ( a giving mercy , in doing us good , though we deserve it not , and a forgiving mercy , in pardoning us when we have done amiss : ) so there ought to be in every good christian man , a readiness ( after the example of god ) to shew forth the fruits of mercy to others , in both kindes upon all proper , and meet occasions . so that if any person , of what quality or condition soever , shall upon any provocation whatsoever vow that he will never do any thing for such or such a man ; or that he will never forgive such or such a man : every such vow , being contra bonos more 's , and contra officium hominis christiani , is unlawful , and bindeth not . 12. the offices of mercy in the former of those two branches , viz. of doing good , and affording relief to those that are in necessity , are themselves of so great necessity ( as the case may be ) that common humanity would exact the performance of them from the hand , not of a stranger only , but even of an enemy . if a stranger , or an enemies beast lie weltering in a ditch , a helping hand must be lent to draw it out . the samaritans compassion to the wounded traveller , in the parable , luke 10. ( there being a feud , and that grounded upon religion , which commonly of all others , is the most deadly feud between the two nations ) is commended to our example , to the great reproach of the priest , and levite , for their want of bowels to their poor brother , of the same nation , and religion with themselves ; for the nearer the relation is between the parties , the stronger is the obligation of shewing mercy either to other . and there is scarce any relation nearer , and more obliging , then that of parents and children . our saviour , who in matth. 15. sharply reproved such vows , ( though made with an intention to advance the service of god , by inriching his treasury ) as hindred children from relieving their parents , will not certainly approve of such vows ( made without anyother intention , then to gratifie rage , and impatience ) as hinder parents from relieving their children . 13. if to avoid the force of this argument , it shall be alledged , that the daughters disobedience , in a business of so high concernment , might justly deserve to be thus severely punished , and that it were but equal that she , who had so little regard to her father , when the time was , should be as little regarded by him afterwards : all this granted , cometh not yet up to the point of shewing mercy according to the example of god. no childes disobedience can be so great to an earthly parent , as ours is to our heavenly father : yet doth he notwithstanding all our ill deservings continually do us good , communicating to our necessities , and causing his sun to shine , and his rain to fall , and infinite benefits in all kinds to descend upon mankinde , not excluding the most thankless , and disobedient , and rebellious , from having a share therein . 14. and as for that other branch of mercy in pardoning offences , god giveth a rich example to all men , of their duty in that kinde , ( and to fathers particularly ) by his great readiness to pardon the greatest offenders , if they sincerely seek to him for it . if the father in the parable , luke 15. had proceeded with such severity against his riotous son , as to have vowed never to have received him again ; he had been a very improper exemplar , whereby to shadow out the mercy of god to repentant sinners . concerning the great importance of this duty , which is so frequently inculcated by christ , and his apostles , and so peremptorily enjoyned , as not any other duty more . see mat. 6. 4 , 15. mat. 18. 21. — 35. eph , 4. 32. col. 3. 13. james 2. 13. see also sirac . 28. 1 , &c. ] i shall not need to say much : only as to the present case , it would be considered , how perverse a course it is , and contradictory to it self , for a man to think himself obliged , by one inconsiderate act , never to forgive his daughter ; when as yet he cannot beg pardon of his own sins , at the hands of god , ( as he ought in his daily prayer to do ) without an express condition of forgiving every body , and an implicit imprecation upon himself , if he do not . 15. but shall the daughter that hath thus grieved the spirit of her father , thus escape unpunished , and be in as good a condition , as if she had never offended ? and will not others be incouraged by her impunity , to despise their parents after her example ? there is much reason in this objection ; and therefore what i have hitherto written , ought not to be understood , as if thereby were intended such a plenary indulgence for the daughter , as should restore her in integrum , but only that she should be made capable of receiving such relief from her father , from time to time , as in relation to her necessities , and after carriage , from time to time , should seem reasonable ; and that his vow ought not to hinder him from affording her such relief . but by what degrees , and in what proportion . the father should thus receive his daughter , into his fatherly affection , and relieve her , must be left to discretion , and the exigence of circumstances . onlyl should advise ( in order to the objection , viz. for examples sake , and that the daughter might be made , even to her dying day , and kept , sensible of her great and sinful disobedience to her father ) that the father should cut off from his daughter , and her posterity , some meet portion of his estate , ( as perhaps a fifth part at the least ; or if a fourth , or a whole third part , i should like it the better : ) and by a solemn deliberate vow , dedicate the same to be yearly imployed in some pious and charitable uses . these times will afford him choice of objects , if god shall move his heart so to do ; and by so doing , he may , first , in some sort redeem and make a kinde of satisfaction for his former rashness , ( not popishly understood , and in regard of the justice of god , but ) in a moral sense , and in regard of the world , and his own conscience . secondly , it may be a good means to keep the daughter in a continual fresh remembrance of her fault , that she may not , after a short and slight repentance ( as in such cases too often it happeneth ) forget the same ; whereof she ought to have some remorse all the dayes of her life . thirdly , he shall thereby after a sort , perform his first vow ; i mean according to the general intention thereof , and the rational part , ( which was to make his daughter repent her folly , and to smart for it : ) the over-plus more then this , being but the fruit of rancor and perturbation . lastly , he shall in so doing , doubly imitate god , our heavenly father . first , when a rash , or sinful act is made an occasion of a pious , or charitable work ; it beareth some resemblance of , or rather is indeed it self a gracious effect of that goodness and wisdom in god , whereby he bringeth light out of darkness , and good out of evil . secondly , god himself when he graciously pardoneth a high presumptuous sin , as he did davids great sin , in the matter of uriah , commonly layeth some lasting affliction upon the offender ; as he did upon david , who after the sealing his pardon for that sin by nathan , scarce ever had a quiet day all his life long . the reason whereof seemeth to be double , partly for admonition to others , that none presume to provoke god in like manner , lest they smart for it also in like manner : and partly for the good of the offender , that he may by the smart be brought to the deeper sense of his error , and be eft-soons reminded of it , lest he should too soon forget it . thus have i with very much ado , ( in that weak condition i have been in , ever since the question came to my hands , and wherein i yet continue ) declared my opinion fully concerning the whole business as far as i understand it . more largely i confess then i intended , or perhaps was needful : and with greater severity , then ( it may be ) the parties will well like of . but truly i desired to do the part of a faithful confessor , and the sores on both parts seemed to be such as were not to be touched , with too gentle a hand : in the daughter , an act of high disobedience , transported by the passion of inordinate love ; and in the father an act of great rashness , transported by the passion of inordinate anger : both beyond the bounds of right reason , and religion ; and both to be deeply repented of . howsoever , i cannot be suspected to have written any thing , either out of favour for , or prejudice against either party ; not having the least conjecture , who the persons are that are concerned in the business : nor so much as in what part of the nation they live . i shall pray that god would direct them both , to do that which may best serve to his glory , and bring the soundest comfort to their own souls . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a94192-e160 senec. 1. de. clem. 24. an examination of the chief points of antinomianism, collected out of some lectures lately preached in the church of antholines parish, london: and now drawn together into a body, and published for the benefit of all that love the holy truth of god, / by thomas bedford b. d. vnto which is annexed, an examination of a pamphlet lately published, intituled the compassionate samaritan, handling the power of the magistrate in the compulsion of conscience: by the same author. bedford, thomas, d. 1653. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a76316 of text r201292 in the english short title catalog (thomason e370_15). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 207 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a76316 wing b1668 thomason e370_15 estc r201292 99861815 99861815 113960 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a76316) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113960) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 59:e370[15]) an examination of the chief points of antinomianism, collected out of some lectures lately preached in the church of antholines parish, london: and now drawn together into a body, and published for the benefit of all that love the holy truth of god, / by thomas bedford b. d. vnto which is annexed, an examination of a pamphlet lately published, intituled the compassionate samaritan, handling the power of the magistrate in the compulsion of conscience: by the same author. bedford, thomas, d. 1653. [4], 83, [1] p. printed by john field for philemon stephens, and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the gilded lyon in pauls church-yard., london: : 1647. a reply to: walwyn, william. the compassionate samaritane unbinding the conscience (wing w681a). annotation on thomason copy: "jan: 7th. 1646"; the 7 in imprint date crossed out. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng walwyn, william, 1600-1681. -compassionate samaritane unbinding the conscience -early works to 1800. antinomianism -controversial literature -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. a76316 r201292 (thomason e370_15). civilwar no an examination of the chief points of antinomianism,: collected out of some lectures lately preached in the church of antholines parish, lo bedford, thomas 1647 38976 37 20 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-07 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an examination of the chief points of antinomianism , collected out of some lectvres lately preached in the church of antholines parish , london : and now drawn together into a body , and published for the benefit of all that love the holy truth of god , by thomas bedford b. d. vnto which is annexed , an examination of a pamphlet lately published , intituled the compassionate samaritan , handling the power of the magistrate in the compulsion of conscience : by the same author . 2 tim. 1. 9. the law is for the lawless — 2 pet. 2. 1. there shall be false teachers , who privily shall bring in damnable heresies — and many shall follow their lascivious ways , by reason of whom the way of truth shall be evil spoken of — london : printed by john field for philemon stephens , and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the gilded lyon in pauls church-yard . 1647. to the worshipful and much honored , mr. john turner of hamme in the county of surrey , esq a sincere lover of the truth , and an earnest contender for the faith which was once delivered to the saints . t. b. in testimony of love and thankfulness , dedicates the life of this his weak and unworthy labor ; together with the apprecation of much health and happiness . errata . page 13. line 21. for and read answ . p. 16. l. 6. for eternal . r. external . p. 31. l. 5. for yea though it be r. and if it be p. 31. l. 19. for as thereof r. as there , of p. 40. l. 10. for or is the meaning r. or rather is not the meaning , p. 41. l. 32. for casually r. causally . p. 42. l. 23. for is that it r. it is , that . p. 60. l. 13. for so may our r. so may not our . p. 60. l. 15. for having set r. having set down . o●●ober ●● , 1646. i have to my full satisfaction perused this excellent dissertation and discussion of the chief antinomian tenents , and finde it to be so solid and judicious , pious , profitable and seasonable in our distracted times , and finally so adorned and sweetned with modesty , gaullass sobriely and christian charity that i alow it and approve it well worthy the printing and publishing ; not doubting but that it will be very effectual to stablish all in the truth who have already embraced it , and to convince ( if not perswade ) all those who in simplicity and through meer error of their judgement are contrary minded . john downam● . the table . the introduction , page 1. chap. 1. touching the law of moses , whether altogether abolished , so that it is of no use to the believer now in the time of the gospel : also whether it do not binde believers to the duties of holiness as well now as it did in the time of the old testament , 9. chap. 2. touching the motives of the law , whether these also be abolished ; so that to propose the expectation of reward , as an invitation to good works , and to deter men from sin by the fear of punishment , be altogether inconsistent with the doctrine of grace , 18. chap. 3. a brief answer to the arguments of n. d. by him brought to prove iustification before faith , i. e. before the act of believing , 25. chap. 4. that justification is not transacted all at once , nor any pre-remission of sin before it be committed , 33. chap. 5. the way of seeking resolution touching our adoption and iustification by signs and marks , viz. the fruits of sanctification , whether it be altogether unsatisfactory , 41. chap. 6. touching sin in the conscience of the believer ; the doctrine of the antinomians in this point examined and found insufficient to satisfie the conscience : the right way of satisfying the conscience , and of taking away the scruple of sin , set down , 58. the arguments of the compassionate samaritan , touching the power of the magistrate in the compulsion of conscience , examined , 73. the introduction . isaiah 53. 11. by his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many ; for he shall bear their iniquities . a farther explication of what was said v. 10. the pleasure of the lord shall prosper in his hand ; in the hand of christ shall the pleasure of the lord : understand this touching the bruising of the serpents head , mentioned gen. 3. 15. consequently that salvation of mankinde : this pleasure of the lord doth prosper in the hand of christ ; which is seen in this , that by his knowledge he shall justifie many . this is that fruit of the travel of his soul , in seeing whereof he , i. e. christ ( not god the father , as some very fondly and foolishly do apply the text ) christ , i say , shall be satisfied , i. e. shall account himself well satisfied for all his labor and pains bestowed . the passion of christ , and the benefit thereof ; these two are the subject matter of this chapter : the benefit thereof is partly to others , and partly to himself : to himself , that is set down ver. 12. to others in some verses foregoing ; the description whereof taketh its rise from the middle of the 9. verse , because he had done no violence , &c. that word because is a trouble to interpreters , how to depend the latter clause of that verse upon the former . vatablus saw , and cuts the knot rather then unties it . i conceive we shall not wrong the text , i am sure not the truth , if we joyn the former part of the verse to the 8. and begin a new period in the word because , thus ; v. 9. because he had done no violence , neither was any deceit in his mouth ; yet it pleased the lord to bruise him [ he hath put him to grief ] 10. when thou shalt make his soul an offering for sin ; or , when his soul shall make an offering for sin , he shall see his seed , &c. q. d. inasmuch as notwithstanding he was altogether innocent , yet he did patiently submit himself to bear whatsoever the lord would lay upon him for the expiation of mans sin ; that therefore upon his death he should receive full satisfaction both in respect of himself and those persons whose cause he had undertaken . thus i , but let the learned judge . in the words of ver. 11. we have a proposition , and its confirmation : in the proposition , besides the agent who is by god here term'd , a servant , a righteous servant , we have three things not to be so lightly passed over : 1. act , in the word , shall justifie : 2. object , many : 3. the medium , by his knowledge . of which somewhat more largely , and yet only in reference to what just hints the words may give to the examination of some positions of the antinomians ; a sect , and a sort of men lately start up , whom satan doth make use of to be his proctors of prophaneness , and the abbettors of atheism and licentious libertinism . but to the text . by his knowledge — the medium stands first in the text , and if you will , let us first begin with it . by his knowledg — and what is that ? to make way for answer , i lay down this , that the pronoun his must be passive , like that in psal. 90. 11. thy fear , i. e. the fear of thee , to note the object not the subject , as there of fear , so here of knowledge ; scientia sui , by the knowledge of him , as pagnin , vatablus and tremelius . farther we cannot go , till first we enquire what it is to justifie . to justifie , in the text of scripture , doth sometime signifie , to endeavor the justification of a sinner , by acquainting him with the way and mean thereof , as dan. 12. 3. sometime to effect it , by acquitting the party accused from the crime and accusation , which in this work of justification is still presupposed : whether of these two ( other i let pass , as not so applicable to this text ) whether of them , i say , is most proper to the text , will appear by the confirmation when we come unto it . onwards we make use of it , to enquire farther into the medium , what is meant by his knowledge ; for answerable to these two , the word , his knowledge , may import ; 1. medium revelationis , that doctrine by which christ doth reveal the way of justification . 2. medium operationis , that grace by which christ doth fit man for the benefit of justification . as medium revelationis , so the conclusion is , the gospel is that word of truth that rightly enformeth us in the way and maner of justification : the gospel , i. e. that part of holy writ which teacheth us the knowledge of christ , of his person , of his office , the covenant of grace , and the condition required : the gospel opposed to the law , q. d. not by the law , but by the gospel and the doctrine of grace , shall christ propound and acquaint mankinde with the way of gaining their justification : not by the law ; vnderst and this not in general , as comprehending the writings of the old testament ; but in special , as importing the law of moses ; and this considered as the condition of that covenant made with israel ; not the law of moses , but the gospel of christ is the mean of revelation ; acquainting man with the way of obtaining his justification . what then ? is this law of moses all of it altogether abolished ? is it of no use and service to the church of god , to believers now in the constitution of the church of christ ? some there be that would have it so , whose main endeavor is to cast the doctrine of it out of the church , and the care thereof out of the conscience of the christian ; neither the precepts thereof alowed to binde men , nor the motives thereof to draw men to the duties of holiness : see their arguments examined , chap. 1. and 2. as medium operationis ; and then the conclusion will be , that faith in christ is the way and mean of justification ; faith , i say , and not works : faith not unfitly termed the knowledge of christ , because this alone is that which doth rightly know christ , the fulness of his merits and graces : none but the believer doth acknowledge christ , nay none but he doth rightly , fully and perfectly know him . faith is both the daughter and the mother of this knowledge , the knowledge of christ : the daughter , for faith cannot lodge in an ignorant soul ; the mother , for it leadeth on to perfection of knowledge . this faith is the mean ; by it shall christ work in the heart of the believer , and dispose it for justification . not by the works of mans righteousness , but by faith in christ is man justified : how so ? because it is medium recipiens , as the hand or mouth of the soul , to receive that spiritual food and physick that doth feed and cure the soul : it receiveth christ and the communion of his merits and graces for the good of the believer . the righteousness of christ is not unfitly compared to food and physick , to a garment and plaister , which do no good but in the way of application , if not applied , no good by them : these are received by the hand or by the mouth , and this is the work of faith ; and by faith we are said to be justified , as by the hand the body is fed and clothed , viz. instrumentally . upon this ground we conceive it , that in order of nature , justification cannot be considered as going before the habit , yea the act of faith ; but rather , that faith hath the leading hand , and the precedency of consideration : st. peter termeth salvation the end of our faith , 1 pet. 1. 9. by this end meaneth he , only the consequent benefit which followeth upon it , or rather the end intended and aimed at in believing : doth not saint paul prescribe it to the jaylor as a mean to bring about the end ? believe and thou shalt be saved , acts 16. 31. doth he not shew the ground and reason of it , gal. 2. 16. we knowing that a man is not justified but by faith in christ — even we have believed , q. d. we have applied our selves to the use of the means that we might obtain the end : if faith be as a mean to the end , then is it not to be considered as following , but as foregoing the benefit of our justification . plausible arguments are aleaged to overthrow this truth , but their weight and worth is more in shew then in substance ; see them examined , chap. 3. in the act expressing the benefit obtained by faith , we may not pass by the tense of the verb , but by occasion of it ( as doctor crisp upon the like occasion , see his sermons on isa. 53. 6. ) enquire into the time , when it is that this act is done : the tense of the verb is future , he shall justifie — future it was then , when the prophet spake this ; whether future still , is a question ; or if not , when it was to be transacted , whether all at once dispatched : the farther explication whereof , see in chap. 4. the object remaineth ; this is in the word many : not all , but only a number : there be who teach that all shall be saved ; a point well pleasing to flesh and blood : if a man might live as he list , abuse his eye and ear , his hand and tongue , yea his hand and his heart , his body and soul to the service of sin and satan , and yet hope for salvation by christ : but this may not be , it is not all , but many ; all shall not be justified by christ , nor saved by him . not through any defect of the means ; the merit of christ is sufficient to save all : the gospel doth call and invite all ; and no doubt but whosoever believeth shall be saved : but it cometh to pass through the ill-disposition and negligence of man left to himself , who regardeth not to perform the condition required . by the ordinance of god , in whose hand ( as say our divines ) christ hath left the disposing of his merit , it is appointed , that the merit of christ shall not be dispensed to mankinde , but under a condition ; and without the performance of that condition it is not bestowed upon any : now mankinde left to themselves are negligent and careless to look to that condition , and so through their own ill-deserts are excluded from the benefit of christs death and passion . so then , it is not all , but only many . q. if not all , how then shall any one know whether his part and portion be in that many , or not ? ans. surely ( say we ) by the work of grace in the heart , by the spirit of sanctification , which doth always go along with the spirit of adoption , and the work of justification . this hath passed for a truth , without any opposition , till of late ; the antinomians cannot away with inherent qualifications , no certainty can be gathered from the , say these men : against whom , see the ancient truth maintained , and the new way convinced of insufficiency , chap. 5. for he shall bear their iniquities . this is the confirmation of the proposition , he shall justifie , because he shall bea — by bearing iniquities we understand , suffering the punishment due to their sin , as a sacrifice to make an atonement ; to satisfie the justice of god , and so to take away the sin of man . hence then we see that justification is transacted by christ , and he is said to justifie many ; not by the way of instruction , as say the socinians , viz. propounding the doctrine of the gospel , and the covenant of grace , in which is contained the way and maner of justification : in this sense the apostles ( to say nothing of moses and the prophets ) might be said to justifie many ; inasmuch as they had an eminent service in publishing the gospel to the world ; but doubtless christ had no partners in the justification of these many : so then , not by the instruction is it , but by the way of acquittance and absolution . this is plain ; but that is farther to be enquired , how cometh sin to trouble and vex the conscience , if it be taken away ? hath christ born , yea born away ( for so we understand the word bear ; he doth not only ferre , but auferre , so bear them as to bear them away ) hath christ born them away , and are they brought back again ? here again we must conflict with these antinomians ; old truths do not please them , they have a new way for this also ; the unsufficiency whereof , together with the right way of satisfying the conscience , and taking away the scruple of sin , see fully explicated , chap. 6. according to this method have i finished my meditations upon this text of scripture , chosen of purpose to examine the truth or falshood of some points of antinomianism : an enterprise , to which , i confess , i had bound my self by vow and promise made to god in the day of some distress which had befaln me : to the performance of which vow , i was engaged , by obtaining at the hand of god the gracious grant of my desire , which with all thankfulness i do acknowledge , and by mine experience can witness , that an holy and religious vow is a ready mean to obtain of god the gracious grant of our just desires . holy and religious i account that which is framed according to the rules of religion : one special rule of religion is , that each christian in his place and calling do set himself , with the best of his abilities , to that work which the present times may shew to be most necessary for the advancement of gods glory . i in my place of the ministery , what could i do rather , or more tending to this end , then to set my self to oppose the present errors which darken the truth of god , and defile the purity of our holy profession . this error of antinomianism i chese to deal in , because i conceived it one of the most dangerous doctrines that are broached in these days . satan doth never more harm , then when he is transformed into an angel of light : nor is any error more dangerous , then that by which christian liberty is used as an occasion to the flesh , by which the care and conscience of the law , the rule of holiness , is weakned and worn away ; by which the soul and conscience is steeled and stiffned against the sense and remorse of sin and sinfulness . in this i have done what i could ; if not with strength enough to convince , or cleerness enough to perswade , yet with a sincere heart , and a desire to do good , god is my witness : and i bless god , both for his assistance enabling me to do what i have done , and also for those blessed opportunities which his providence hath afforded me to do mine endeavor in the course of my ministery , to set forth the truth of god , and to seek the glory of his name . an examination of the chief points of antinomianism . chap. i. touching the law of moses , whether altogether abolished , so that it is of no use to the believer now in the time of the gospel : also whether it do not binde believers to the duties of holiness as well now as it did in the time of the old testament . there is a generation of men risen up again in this last age of the church , who would gladly banish the preaching of the law , and all legal duties out of the church of christ : the law ( say they ) is abolished ; the conscience of the christian is not bound to the law , they are false teachers who call men to the practise of the law , and the duties therein contained . this doctrine of theirs is a word that will eat as doth a canker , till it hath fretted out all care of holiness and good works , if not prevented . let it not then be thought impertinent ( this being the time of their infection ) if by examining their grounds , and discovering the weakness and unsoundness of them , i seek what lyeth in me to prevent the further spreading of this evil . the antixomian ( this name is given him for that he opposeth the preaching and pressing of the law ) he i say buildeth upon these and the like texts , rom. 6. 14. & 7. 4. & 10. 4. gal. 3. 10. & 5. 1. whence they argue to this effect ; if believers be not under the law , nay if dead to the law by the body of christ , and so delivered from the law , whereupon christ is termed the end of the law ; then to call them back again to the law and the dominion thereof , is to draw them from christ and from that liberty which christ hath purchased for them ; whereas the apostle doth charge the galatians to stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made them free , and not to suffer themselves to be again entangled in the yoke of bondage : thus they ; as i finde by that book of ro : town , intituled , the assertion of grace , or a ' defence of the doctrine of free justification . for clearing of this , our divines distinguish ; the law of moses delivered to the church of israel was partly moral , partly ceremonial : moral , so called , because it was the rule of good maners toward god and toward man ; and it is to be considered either in respect of the substance or the circumstance : in respect of the substance , it is the comprehension of those duties of holiness which god had either imprinted in the heart , or revealed to the ear of adam and his posterity in that age of the church which lived before the writing of the law . and so it is the doctrine of good and evil ; of good , and so the rule of an holy life ; of evil , and so the revealer of sin and transgression : this was the substance of that which we call the moral law . the circumstance of it was , that it was made the condition of a covenant for life and salvation , and so required of all them that were under the covenant , and expected life and salvation by it ; of them i say it required complete and perfect obedience , otherwise no hope to obtain their expectation : nay more , it exacted this obedience under a curse ; so that in case of disobedience , not only shall they fail of life , but come under the condemnation of death ; and this was that that proved the ruine of man . in the constitution of the church of israel , the ceremonial law was added : this set down that form of worship and service of god , in the right observation whereof they might finde both expiation of their offences , and acceptation of their obedience . this consisted in many rites and ceremonies , sacrifices and ordinances , all limited to the observation of times when , of places where , and of persons by whom these were to be performed [ ex . gr. no sacrifice might be offered but upon one altar ; nor by any person but by one of the family of aaron ; no circumcision but upon the eighth day ; nor passover eaten but on the fourteenth of the first or second moneth , and this no where but at jerusalem ; three times a year must every male appear before the lord , and every woman at her purification make a journey thither ] so that this became a yoke of bondage to the church of israel , especially in the latter age thereof , when they of that nation were scattered among the heathen , and lived in places far remote from the temple of jerusalem : this then is the yoke of moses law ; no hope to escape the curse of the moral law , but by those expiations prescribed in the ceremonial law : no hope of acceptance in what they endeavored in the way of obedience , except they attend upon , and seek it in those services appointed : no nor those services accepted , but in a most exact observation of all the circumstances which the law set down . from this yoke it is which christ by his death hath freed the christian : and in this liberty it is that st. paul would have have them stand fast , that they be not entangled again in that former yoke of bondage . so then the ceremonies of moses law are quite taken away by christ , the sacrifice of whose death is become the only expiation for all transgressions , and the only way and mean of acceptation in the performance of all duties whatsoever ; yea , the moral part of moses law is taken away , in respect of the circumstance thereof , it is no more the condition of the covenant for life and death : not of life , and so justification may be had without it : not of death , and so no fear of condemnation by it ; provided alway , that by faith men lay hold upon christ , keep close to him , and walk according to those rules of holiness that he hath prescribed ; for in so doing we obtain what the law promised , life and salvation : by him we escape what the law threatned , death and condemnation : so then , though the law be taken away in respect of this circumstantial use thereof , as a condition ; yet not in respect of that substantial consideration , viz. as the doctrine and direction of good and evil : nay in this respect it is reassumed and re-established by christ . in the former consideration of it , it is that the apostle saith , romans 10. 4. that christ is the end of the law , i. e. he hath done that for man which the law would but could not : the law would bring man to life and salvation ; this is the primary end and intention of it , but the law could not in respect of mans weakness , rom. 8. 3. this christ hath done , and so is become the end of the law , for righteousness and justification to every one that believeth . in the same circumstantial consideration of the law it is that the apostle saith , rom. 6. 14. ye are not under the law ; and rom. 7. 4. we are dead to the law , and so delivered from it , viz. as it was the condition of the covenant : and that this is the meaning of it , is plain by this , that it is set down as a reason to prove that sin shall not have dominion over us , viz. to binde us to condemnation in case of defectiveness and failings ; because , saith he , ye are not under the law but under grace ; not under that condition of full and perfect obedience , in which if any defects were found , sin did presently dominier and threaten death : but under a condition , in which not only sincerity of obedience is accepted , though it be imperfect , but also help and assistance in doing the duties is afforded : so that with much cheerfulness may we strive against the raign of sin , and that over-masterful sway which heretofore it had in us and over us . yet this doth not prove but that still we are under the doctrine and direction of the law for duties of holiness ; yea , those duties which by the grace of christs spirit we are enabled to perform ( for this must be acknowledged , that though the law requireth many duties of holiness and sanctification , yet is it only the spirit of christ which enableth us to perform them ) these i say are justly termed the works of the law , because done in relation to the law , though not in the capacity of a condition , as in the covenant of works , yet in the capacity of a rule and square of direction , and a duty of holiness . object . they reply , that st. paul saith , gal. 3. 10. they that are of the works of the law are under the curse ; so that either the law is abrogated even in respect of the works thereof , or else neither is the curse abrogated ; if christians be tyed to the works , they are not freed from the curse . true , if they will be of the works of the law , they shall be under the curse : but what is it to be of the works of the law ? is it to take directions from the law for our ways and walkings ? is it to yield obedience to the law ? no : it is to seek justification and salvation by the merit of works done in obedience to the law : this is plain to him that readeth the former verses , to be of faith is to seek salvation by the gospel , i. e. by believing in christ ; and so , to be of the works of the law is to seek salvation by them : now then , such who will seek salvation by the works of the law , are under the curse , saith st. paul ; good reason , because they cannot satisfie the perfection of the law ; and he that will challenge any thing in the way of iustice , must be content to suffer the penalty if he come short of the perfection which the rule requireth . object . nay , but say they , the law is not made for a righteous man : 1 tim. 1. 9. consequently belongs not to the believer who is justified by faith in christ ; and , the believer indeed is justified , but not a righteous man , not in that sense of the word in which st. paul doth use it in that text : the righteous man is there opposed to the lawless and disobedient , and so must be understood of one that seeketh to conform himself and all his actions to the rule of the law ; for such a man the law is not made : the law , what is that ? the rule of the law ? no , but the threatning of the law , the curse and condemnation : this is not made for the righteous , and so ought not to be applied against him , but against the lawless and disobedient , against them that will walk without law , and boldly bear themselves in the disobedience of the law ; against these is the law made , and against them are the threatnings and curses of the law to be applyed : this is the right use of the law , the which ( saith st. paul ) is good if a man use it lawfully , i. e. if he do not abuse it by mis-application . now then , though st. paul saith , the law is not made for a righteous man ; yet saith he not , it is not made for a justified person ; nor doth he say , the law is of no use for a righteous man : it is not a iudge to curse and condemn him ; but is it not a teacher to instruct him , a counsellor to direct him ? is it not a guide to conduct him , a goad to quicken him and put him on if he slacken his pace in the path of holiness ? doubtless it is : was it not useful , yea needful for adam in paradise though a righteous man ? so then , i hold it a manifest truth , that though the believer by his justification and adoption be freed from the curse of the law , yet not from the counsel and command of that law . object . it is replyed , that to justifie and condemn are as proper to the law as to counsel or command : if the law may not command sub paenâ , nor condemn proculpâ , then doth it cease to be a law , nor hath it any binding power at all . i answer , that to justifie and condemn are indeed as proper to the law as to counsel and command , while the law standeth as a condition of life and salvation ; but in that sense we confess it abrogated , yet is not the binding power of it ceased ; still are we bound to walk in obedience to it , because it is enjoyned as the commandment of him who hath redeemed us from the curse thereof : nay , i adde this further , that we are bound to walk by the direction of the law , not only ex debito gratitudinis , in the way of thankfulness , but also ex obligatione peccati , to decline the guilt of sin ; sinful it is in the justified person to neglect the counsel and command of the law . i would gladly ask these men , whether the justified person be exempt from sinning , yea or not ? i finde it charged upon them , that no action of a believer after his iustification is sin ; and i perceive that they do shift and shuffle in the business : the question is not , whether the sin of the justified person shall be charged upon him to endanger his salvation , but whether the act be sin in him or not ; whether his iustification do bring with it such a charter of priviledge and prerogative as doth exempt him from committing sin ; i confess the text of st. john saith , he that is born of god sinneth not , 1 joh. 3. 9. and yet they know that the same apostle saith , if we say that we have no sin we deceive our selves , 1 joh. 1. 8. and st. james saith , in many things we offend all , iam. 3. 2. if all , then the justified also ; which is yet more plain by that of our savior , who prescribing a form of prayer for the adopted sons of god , such who with confidence may call god father , teacheth them to pray for the pardon of sin , and preservation from sin : doth he teach them to dissemble ? to pray for the pardon of a sin , and yet there is no sin committed ; to pray for the preservation of their souls from satans tentation , and yet there is no danger of being drawn into sin ? may we not rather hereupon conclude in the words of st. john , if we say that we have not sinned , we make him ( christ in that form of prayer ) a lyar , and his word is not in us : so that upon necessity that other text which seemeth to cross the current of the scripture , and saith of the regenerate , that he sinneth not , must be understood as some do understand that of balaam , he hath not beheld iniquity in jacob , numb. 23. 21. not of any at all , but of some particular sin . the text of balaam ( say some ) hath particular relation to the sin of idolatry , from which israel at that time was free , though not long after entangled by the counsel of balaam ; and the text of st. john hath an eye to presumptuous sin , or rather to the sin of total and final apostacy , the sin unto death , from which the regenerate is preserved by that seed of god which remaineth in him ; from this sin , i grant , he is preserved , and in this respect he sinneth not : not so in respect of other sins ; witness not only the adultery of david , which displeased the lord , or the act of peter denying his lord and master , in which his faith was next door to failing , and called for the prayer of christ to preserve him : these you will say were before the passion of christ ; but witness that faultering of peter , and dissimulation of barnabas , for which st. paul did openly reprehend them , gal. 2. 11. well then , if it be granted , that the justified person may sin , yea and doth sin , there must then be a law of holiness , which shall binde him to carefulness in such and such particulars , for where there is no law there is no transgression ; nor can any man be concluded a sinner in case of negligence , where there is no bond of duty . neither may we rest in this which they will not stick to grant , the law of the spirit : the law written in the heart . this is not enough , there must be also another law written in tables , and to be read by the eye , to be heard by the ear : else how shall it be known to the rest of the congregation , whether this man doth not swerve from the law written in the heart , yea or not : nay , how shall the believer himself be sure that he doth not swerve from the right way wherein he ought to walk ? even in paradice god appointed an eternal precept of obedience for tryal , beside that law and light of nature which was written in adams heart . much more needful is it now . the spirit , i grant , is the justified mans guide and teacher : that vnction which they have received ▪ doth teach them all things ; but he teacheth them by the word , by the word , the written word of prophecy , by the scripture of the old testament and new , by the law and testimony ; and by it they know that they are not misguided , because if any of them that peep and matter , that pretend visions and revelations , speak not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . these men , though they do not plainly speak out their meaning , yet would have us to understand them , that the spirit did by enthusiasms and revelations move them and guide them so infallibly , that they need not the scripture , nor the instruction of the ministry : which , what is it else but to revive and call up again that abomination of the familists , long since condemned to hell , the place of its just desert : just , i say , for take away the written word of god , and then every fancy of a dreaming elder and doting sister , shall be the rule of mens godly conversations . object . a law may be acknowledged , and a written law ; and yet not the law of moses , not the moral law : what then ? why the law of christ , not the old , but the new commandment , the precepts taught by christ and his apostles . well , but the question is , whether that the subject matter of this new commandment and of the old , be not in both the same ? viz. teaching us to deny ungodliness and worldly lusts , to live righteously , godly and soberly in this present world : if so , then why should it not be indifferent to alleage the precepts of moses and the prophets to prove and press a duty of holiness , as the precept of christ and his apostles , ex . gr. if we be agreed that it is the duty of a justified person , to honor his father and mother , what need we jangle about words , and quarel about quotations , whether we press it out of exod. 20. or from eph. 6. since both texts do preach and press the same duty ? is it not the same god who spake to the fathers by the prophets , and to their children by christ and his apostles ? nay more , do we not see it , that those precepts of holiness which by our blessed saviour and his apostles are taught in the new testament , are taken out of moses and the prophets , yea and pressed upon the conscience by this reason , because it is the law and the prophets ; what can be more plain then that text of our savior , mat. 7. 12. whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , do ye so unto them , for this is the law and the prophets ; so saint peter , be ye holy in all maner of conversation , for it is written , be ye holy , for i am holy , 1 pet. 1. 16. mark that , because it is written : by it you see that the apostle presseth a duty by a text of scripture fetcht from the law : so saint paul , eph. 6. 1 , 2. presseth the duty of obedience upon children , and proveth it to be right , by citing the 5. commandment of the moral law . what will these men say to that text of saint james , jam. 2. 8. if ye fulfil the royal law ye shall do well : but if ye have respect of persons ye commit sin , and are convinced of the law as transgressors : what , convinced as transgressors , and yet not bound to obedience ? is there any transgression where no obligation to obedience ? and is the moral law notwithstanding all this abolished ? hath it none office in the time of the gospel ? are we false teachers , who in imitation of christ and his apostles , do call men to the practise of these holy duties , which we finde contained in the law ? no , we teach the truth of god , and in the right way of god ; except it be that christ and his apostles were ignorant of the way , or except these men have received a new gospel and another dispensation of the grace of god hitherto unknown and unrevealed . chap. ii. touching the motives of the law , whether these also be abolished : so that to propose the expectation of reward , as an invitation to good works , and to deter men from sin by the fear of punishment , be altogether inconsistent with the doctrine of grace . not only the precepts of the law are bequarrelled by those men , but also the arguments of perswasion . in doing good-works and living a godly and holy life , we must not at all look to any reward from god : but must do good works meerly in reference to gods glory and the good of others . otherwise our service will be meerly mercenary . grant indeed that we must do good works for these ends : grant also , that in the obtaining of these ends there is a full satisfaction to a godly and a gracious heart . and yet , why may we not encourage our selves to cheerfulness in our obedience , by having an eye to the recompence of reward which god hath gromised ; doth not the scripture propound a reward for our encouragement ; and why doth the scripture propound it , but that we should believe it , and by believing be put forward to work cheerfully ; is it not set down as an act of moses faith , and a point of his praise , that he had an eye to the recompence of reward , heb. 11. 25. doth not the same apostle shew this , that our blessed saviour , by the joy that was set before him , did stir up himself to go on cheerfully to the end of his undertakings , heb. 12. 2. nay , is not this in part acknowledged by dr. crisp , he having set down this for a doctrine , that the laying of sin upon christ is the lords own act : giveth this reason for it , because none else could give to christ a proportionable reward ; and christ had an eye to some good consideration , and for the proof of this he citeth heb. 12. 2. and god ( saith he ) to put him on propoundeth rewards unto him , &c. now then if thus it was with christ , why may it not be lawful for the christian to help his weakness , by having an eye to the recompence of reward ? will they say , that this sevice is mercenary ? so they do indeed , but without any just reason ; mercenary service is commonly measured by carthly profits and preferments ; when a man so looketh at them , that where there is no hope of such a reward , he doth let fall the duty to which he is called . self-seeking is then unlawful and sinful , when self is the ultimate end of our desire . but he that in feeking the good of his body and soul serveth christ , i. e. so desireth his own good that he may serve christ , is acceptable to god and approved of man . this being so , why are we blamed for pressing men to holiness , and encouraging them in it by putting them in minde of that reward which is provided ? these men flye out upon such exhortations : this is not to preach free-grace , this is to bring in popery , and to teach men to hang their salvation upon their merits , to expect their reward for their works sake . no such matter , it is not popery to preach the expectation of a reward upon the conscionable performance of duties enjoyned : if it be , surely christ and his apostles taught so before us ; if we have not them for our presidents let us be condemned . for why ? doth not our saviour mention that greatness of reward as a motive to patience in persecution , mat. 5. 12. to love our enemies , mat. 5. 46. to fast and pray in secret , mat. 6. 6. 18. doth our saviour herein teach popery , or doth he cross the doctrine of free grace and justification without merits ? doth not saint paul tread in the same steps ? urging patience in afflictions , 2 cor. 4. 17. perseverance in goodness and godliness , 1 cor. 15. 58. g●l . 6. 9 , 10. bountifulness to the poor saints , 2 cor. 9. 6. 2 tim. 6. 19. confidence in god , heb. 10. 35. all these by an argument drawn from the expectation of that benefit which should accrew unto them . doth not saint peter make use of the same motive to press the same duties ? see these texts , 1 pet. 5. 4. and 2 pet. 1. 11. and 3. 11. they reply , that divines do grant the reward is to be eyed as an encouragement ; but it is promised to the worker , not to the work : we do not stumble at this , nor stick upon it , nay we subscribe hereunto ; but they adde , it is due for his faiths sake before he performed any thing : i demand , whether this do not seem to be against all reason : due it is to the worker , but yet in relation to his work ; due unto him for his faiths sake , but not before he perform any thing : no , he must work , and then by faith lay hold upon the promise : his faith ●●●●reth him of the reward , by assuring him that the promise belongs to him , and that is two ways : 1. as one in christ . 2. as one working and walking as becometh a christian : he must be in the vine , and he must bear fruit ; if either of these be wanting he may fail : if an heathen did the same work it would not avail him ; the promise is made to the worker , not to the work : if any christian do neglect this work , he cannot expect this reward . the promise is to the worker , yet in relation ●o his work . deny this , and you deny the diversity of mansions and different degrees of glory whereof out divines do speak , out of these texts , dan. 12. 2. joh. 14. 2. 1 cor. 15. 41. i cannot tell , but i think i am not far wide in my conjecture : these men do make so much of their faith , as if that alone might do all both in iustification and sanctification : and as by faith they must lay hold upon christs righteousness for justification , so to save themselves a labor of working out their salvation by duties of holiness , they will by faith also lay claim to the holiness of christ for their sanctification : and so the sanctification of a christian , shall be nothing else but the imputation of christs holiness to him , not any quality at all infused into him , or inherent in him . and if so , what shall be the meaning of these texts , be ye holy in all maner of conversation : be ye perfect , as your heavenly father is perfect : grow in grace : work out your salvation : adde to your faith vertue , to vertue knowledge , &c. note that text , i beseech you , saint peter doth not lay all the load upon faith ; nor so urge it , as if it alone might do all : no , but he would have all vertues and fruits of the spirit joyned with it . these men do quarrel us for pressing good works , as if with the papists we did teach men to seek life and salvation by their works : but i fear their drift is to banish out of the church all care of holy duties , all care of repentance and new obedience . did they press these at all , we should the less scruple at the motives ; though there is no reason , why we should cast a way such motives , as the scripture hath appointed for that purpose ; why should we think our selves wiser herein then god , or better acquainted with our own strength then he ? as if we could walk without that stuff which he hath provided for us . but we can not finde them reaching any necessity of these duties at all . and for their disciples , we finde some of them casting away all care of duties , yea and disputing against them : no conscience made of sanctifying the lords day in publique : no care of family duties in private : plain neglect , yea opposition of days and times of easting and humiliation : no necessity of repentance and sorrow son sin . and certainly where there is so little respect had to the duties of piety , it may well be doubted there is not overmuch care of justice and honesty . now for that other motive of the law , viz. threatning of danger in case of negligence and disobedience : they say , since all do grant , that the curse of the law is abrogated , why should christians be terrified with it ; is not this to call them back to the yoke of bondage ? surely no , except they will say that christ and his apostles did so : we walk in their steps , so that either they must acquit us or condemn them . see for this that of our saviour , mat. 5. 25. 29. & mat. 6. 15. and 7. 1. doth it not appear by these texts , that our saviour hath renewed the penalty of the law to make men cautelous and conscientious in their duties : do not the apostles tread in the same steps ? other arguments , i grant , are more frequent , yet otherwhiles we finde them propounding the danger of sin : see these texts , rom. 6. 23. & 8. 13. & 13. 2. 2 cor. 3 , 17. & 6 , 9. & 9. 16. & 11. 29. 2 cor. 5. 11. gal. 5. 21. & 6. 8. eph. 5. 6. col. 3. 8. 1 thess. 4. 6. james 5. 1. 2 peter 2. & 3. and what shall we say ; do the apostles in these texts call men back again to the yoke of bondage ? two reasons are alleaged against the use of those comminations : 1. christians need them not . 2. they need not fear them . that they need them not , they endeavor to prove by this reason ; because ( say they ) believers are of an ingenuous disposition , and led by a free spirit : the spirit of christ doth sweetly incline the heart to love god and man ; yea by faith bringing love is man enlarged and prepared to the duties of the law : nor need he be tyed and bound to it as a bear to the stake . i answer , that what is here said is right , if rightly understood : only remember , that this is a state of perfection to which the holy heart aspireth indeed , yet hardly attaineth . and therefore there is still need of the law and the motives thereof to excite and stir up our over-slothful & sluggish minds : the spirit of christ , i grant , doth execute the office of the law , whether considered as the rule , or the principle of well doing ; the spirit is both principle and rule : but by reason of that rebellion which is in the flesh , there is use of the law and of the terror thereof : the spirit doth make use of them to shake off that sluggishness that is in us . as he doth teach , so doth he incline the heart : teach he doth , not only by inward motions and suggestions , but also by external precepts and instructions : so doth he incline and discipline the heart by external motives , no less then inward motions : external motives i say , viz. the promises and threatnings of the law . object . is not this to call for an outward authority to incline the heart to that which it hath none affection nor inclination ? sol. nothing less : it is indeed to call for an outward authority or argument to quicken the soul unto that unto which though by grace it hath an inward affection , yet by reason of the powerful relliques of corruption , that inward affection is not strong enough to prevail without some outward helps ; we know that a crutch doth no harm to the weak and feeble , nor do we account of christians moved by fear to be as a bear tyed to a stake : we know that they have in them an ingenuous and free spirit by which they are led , but we know that there is in them also the body of sin still dwelling ; the lusts whereof are violent and must be kept under by the law : we fear to let the christian loose too soon , least like heirs that come to their estate before they be wise , they squander it away & spoil all : we know that they have the spirit of faith which worketh by love : but we know also that the same spirit worketh by fear ; love and fear are as the weights and plummets of the soul : love is indeed the sweetest and most potent , but it is not for beginners and babes in christ ; these like school-boys must otherwhiles be frighted into their duty : were there no flesh in believers , fear might be laid aside , while there is flesh in them , there is use of fear : if not , why is it part of the promise in the new covenant , ier. 32. 40. i will put my fear into their hearts . they grant , that the law doth not lose his dominion till the grace of god do challenge us to it self , that it may reveal righteousness in us : very good ( say i ) but adde this , that the law doth not lose his dominion wholly , till the grace of god hath revealed righteousness in us , i. e. till it hath set up the reign of grace and subdued corruption , which is the daily endeavor of the spirit , but much retarded by the flesh , nor will it be perfected till this life be changed . it is not denyed , but while the spirit of love is active fear may stand aside : but we know , that when the heart is taken up with the pleasures of sin , as too often it is , the spirit of god must use the whip of the law to fetch it off again : otherwise it is hardly reclaimed . nor do we deny , but that according to their doctrine and definition of a true believer , there is no liberty set up nor given to the flesh : but we say , it is a doctrine and difinition not fitted to the state of a christian in this life : to walk by love , is the duty of a christian , not the definition : this motive and mean which they prescribe , viz. the love of christ , is potent and prevalent to lead men on in holiness , if it meet with an heart rightly fitted and qualified : but it is not for the common temper of christians , as saint paul said of the law , it was too weak , rom. 8. 3. not in it self , but in respect of mans impotency : so say we of this love , the only motive by which these men would have christians dealt withall ; it is strong in it self , but not strong enough to over bear the power and prevalency of corruption still remaining : needs must we call in the help of this fear , the fear of danger that may come by sin to keep men , even the best of christians from daring to meddle with it . well , but to what end should these threatnings be used , since christians need not fear them : how so ? because , by vertue of their justification they are delivered from the curse of the law : to this i might answer , that their justification doth not free them from the rod . what was said of the seed of david , is true also of the seed of christ the son of david ; if they break my statutes and keep not my commandments , then will i visit their transgression with the rod , and their iniquity with stripes , psal. 89. 31. they may , and do smart for their sins , as appeareth by the grievous complaints of divers holy men of god , psal. 77. and 88. 15. now then , if they be lyable to smart and suffer for their sin , may they not be threatned and put in fear thereof , that fear may make them watchful and careful ? not for sin ( say these men ) doth the believer smart and suffer , but from sin , i. e. in the way of prevention , not in the way of punishment : a fond and a foolish position , contrary to the text of scripture , which directly saith , for this cause many among you are weak and sick , and some are fallen a sleep , 1 cor. 11. 30. contrary to reason : why doth one christian smart rather then another ? hath he in him more seeds of sin then another ? contrary to experience : what father doth correct his childe for a fault not yet committed ? and whose conscience doth not tell him , that his sin hath procured these things to himself ? even job is at it , i have sinned , what shall i do unto thee , job . 7. 20. i might adde , that if their justification doth exempt them from being cast into hell , yet doth it not exempt them from having an hell cast into them , even the very flames and fl●shes of that fire and brimstone , for a time cast into their souls , to drink up their spirits , and dry up the moisture of their vital parts , as the experience of divers holy saints of god doth testifie . but this i urge finally , that notwithstanding their justification , they are not exempted from the fear of hell it self . iustification doth onely free them from this fear , while they walk worthy of it ; but suppose them sinning against the law of holiness , suppose them stepping aside from christ , and wandring into the way of sin , they cannot be free from the fear of death : the apostle saith , if ye live after the flesh ye shall dye , nor doth he make any exception of the justified person . so that if you can suppose a justified person sinning ( as no doubt but he may , otherwise in vain had s. paul to them of whom he had said , 1. cor. 6. 11. ye are justified , recommended this exhortation , verse 18. flee fornication ) if you can suppose him sinning , i will conclude him thereby in danger of death , and till he repent and return to christ , that he may gain the pardon of this sin also , he cannot be out of the fear of death . nay more , if you can suppose him sinning , and dying in his sin without repentance for that sin , i will conclude him in the state of death and condemnation , or else saint paul was deceived ; he saith , if ye live after the flesh , ye shall dye , rom. 8. 13. and again , he that soweth to the flesh , shall of the flesh reap corruption , gal. 6. 8. if you will exempt him from all possibility of sinning , and from all possibility of living after the flesh ; then i grant , he need not fear death and hell : but if such only be true believers , i suppose you must go out of the world to seek for your true believers . consequently , since it cannot justly and truly be said , either that believers need not the threats of the law , or that they need not fear them , it is fit that they should hear them , and have them pressed upon the conscience : the threats , i say , and therefore much more the precepts and duties of the moral law . this we teach , and thus we practise , for by faith we do not make void the law , nay we do establish it , saith the apostle , rom. 3. 31. our faith in christ doth give us an interest in the promise of life and salvation : but our conformity to christ in holiness , and the daily growth and increase thereof , is that which doth by degrees fit and fashion us for it . well therefore saith the apostle , 2 cor. 7. 1. having therefore these promises , let us cleanse our selves from all filthines of the flesh and spirit , perfecting holiness in the fear of god . chap. iii. a brief answer to the arguments of h. d. by him brought to prove justification before faith , i. e. before the act of believing . arg. 1. infants are justified , yet do they not believe , rom. 10. 17. therefore , some are justified before they believe . answ. this instance of infants is not to the point in hand , as not in the case of apostacy , and falling from grace , maintained by the arminians : * so neither in this point of iustification before faith , maintained by the antinomians ; for why , that iustification which is in question , consisteth in the remission of actual transgressions : not so that which infants receive in their infancy ; they are as yet guilty of no more , but original sin : and it is enough for them that the guilt of that is removed : of actual sin they shall then receive the remission , when they stand in need of it , and are fitted for it . objection . but whatsoever infants do receive , they receive it without faith . sol. hic aqua haeret . and divines do not all agree in expediting themselves : some do not stick to affirm , that infants have faith ; i grant it is an hard matter to prove the negative , viz. that infants have not faith . that text of rom. 10. 17. faith cometh by hearing , is not fully to the purpose ; if hearing be restrained to the ear , then all that are born deaf are excluded ; if extended to any way of acquainting man with the will of god , even by the workings of the spirit , who shall exclude infants ? as hard a matter it is to prove that infants have faith , especially if faith be defined by knowledge , perswasion or confidence . it is said of iohn baptist , that he was filled with the holy ghost : this sheweth that infants are capable of the spirit , but it doth not thereupon follow that they do believe ; because , though in its actings the spirit depend not upon the faculties of the soul , and their fitness , yet doth it not usually prevent them : nor be the actings of grace ordinarily found , but where age hath added some perfection to the abilities of nature . all that can be said in this point is this , that infants do receive together with their iustification , the principle of faith , viz. the spirit of faith , as he is called , 2 cor. 4. 13. this is that which some do call the seed of faith , or seminal faith ( nor can the term be refused , since it is grounded on the phrase of scripture , 1 pet. 1. 23. and iohn 3. 9. ) and so it may be said , that infants have faith ( as they have reason ) in actu primo , though not in actu secundo , in the seed , though not in the flower ; and this is enough to make them capable of that iustification which they receive in their infancy ; consequently , though they have it without , and before actual faith : yet not before seminal faith , not before the seed , the root , the spirit of faith . 2. arg. he that is in christ is iustified , and so iustified before he do believe ; because none can believe before he be in christ : faith is the fruit of the spirit , gal. 5. 22. answ. grant indeed , none can believe before he be in christ , though that text do not prove it , yet he may believe so soon as he is in christ ; and full as soon for time as he is iustified , and for order before he be iustified : for understanding whereof , know , that in the first moment of our vnion with christ , the soul hath a communion of all that floweth from christ both for grace and glory : but how ? in the vertue and power of a root and seed : from this union floweth both grace to enable the soul to do good actions , and also glory to crown and reward each good act that is wrought , but each in his own order : ex. gr. the plant engrafted into the stock , receiveth from it both sap and fruit : or thus , from the vertue of life in the soul , doth proceed a power both of feeding , and of growing , not both of them in the same maner ; for feeding cometh as an act , growing as an effect , yea an effect of this act : so is it here , to believe , and to be justified , come from our union with christ ( as indeed , all that we have , and all that we hope for is from him , and without him we can do nothing . ) and in that union are they folded up as in the root and seed ; but still to be considered in their natural order , in which one is the cause of the other , and therefore to be considered in order of nature before the other : what say we that glorification no less then iustification doth flow from that union : will you then say , that he that is in christ is glorified , yea glorified before he do believe ? surely no : as none is glorified before he be iustified : so neither is he justified before he be called , rom. 8. 30. in which call , if faith be not included , it will not be effectual . thus every thing trust be considered in its own order : all these , grace and glory , faith and the fruits thereof , are rolled up as in a root , and bestowed upon us in our first union , but the explicite production and application of each to the christian soul is in a just order . 3. and 4. arg. all the elect of god are iustified before god , for why , they cannot be charged with any thing , rom. 8. 33. their sins are taken away , isa. 53. 6. ioh. 1. 29. 1. pet. 2. 24. and this before they believe : for some of them do not yet believe . answer . all the elect of god , even they that yet have no being in the world ; yet when they are look't upon as justified persons , are considered of god as believers , no less then justified : before the world they are fore-seen as believing , before fore-seen as justified ; because , in the world , till they believe , they are not justified : still that that in the execution of the decree hath the precedency , is considered in the decree as fore-going , sin before condemnation , faith before iustification . the elect have their sins taken away before they do believe , but how ? not otherwise save in the purpose of god , and the purchase of christ : else what use , nay what sense in those exhortations , act. 2. 38. repent and be baptized for the remission of sins , act. 3. 19. repent and be converted , that your sins may be blotted out , act. 22. 16. arise , be baptized , and wash away thy sins ; is it not evident that the sins of these were not as then blotted out and washed away , that they might use these means to compass this end ? the texts aleaged for proof of the argument , speak not home to the point intended : that of isa. 53. 6. onely sheweth that designation of christ to be the sacrifice of expiation : not is there more in the 6. verse then was expressed in the 5. verse , he was wounded for our transgressions ; this onely excepted , that v. 6. sheweth , that christ should make peace for us by the way of a sacrifice , even the sacrifice of himself , upon whom god would lay the iniquities of us all ; as aaron laid the iniquities of the children of israel upon the goat , lev. 16. 21. say the same of joh. 1. 29. it sheweth whom god had appointed to that work . and the text of 1 pet. 2. 24. sheweth , that he hath executed his office : but none of these texts do say any thing concerning the benefit thereof , redounding to any one in particular , whether without , or before or after faith : truth it is , that this was said and done long before many of the elect did believe ; so also , before many of them had any need of faith and iustification , even before they had a being . nay in that text , rom. 8. 33. brought to prove the elect justified , because nothing can be laid to their charge : it is evident , that the apostle speaks of the elect , now made actual believers ; for that phrase of laying any thing to the charge of gods elect , doth presuppose them living and standing before the tribunal , consequently actual believers : for against the elect , till actually believing , doth satan lay no accusation : and we doubt not to affirm , that the elect of god believing in christ , and laying hold on him by faith , are so justified before god , that in vain shall satan seek to charge any thing upon them : but till then , notwithstanding the purpose of god , and the purchase of christ , yet are they not actually discharged of their sins , nor actually justified in the sight of god . 5. arg. we were made sinners in adam , before we had done any evil , and so we are made righteous in christ , before we have done any good . this is the assertion of the apostle , rom. 5. 18 , 19. ans. the text of the apostle doth only set down this , that as adam is the author of condemnation to all that be condemned , so christ is the author of iustification to all that are justified . but as to the time when this is done , in the one or the other , the text speaketh nothing . grant indeed , that in respect of the merit of christ , it may be said , that we are justified in the sight of god , before any good be done by us ; but now in respect of actual application to particular persons , as no man is condemned till he have an actual being , and be found a sinner in himself , so neither is any man justified before he have an actual being , yea an actual being in christ , and in him made righteous : condemnation presupposeth sin in the party condemned , and iustification presupposeth grace and faith in the party justified . 6. arg. in christ crucified ( before we believed ) was full satisfaction made , heb. 10. 11 — 14. and god was contented to rest in that satisfaction , mat. 3. ult. isa. 53. 11. therefore there will follow perfect remission of sins . ans. no doubt of it , perfect remission will follow , because satisfaction is made and accepted : but when ? not till the sinner need it : not till he be fitted for it : not till he have a being in christ ; not till he come to christ , that he may receive . in very deed , the satisfaction was neither intended nor accepted , but upon that condition , that whoso will have it , must come to christ for it . hence they in ioh. 5. 40. are blamed in that they would not come to christ , that they might have life . that text of isa. 53. 11. is mis-applied to the father , being indeed spoken of christ himself . 7. arg. either we are justified in the sight of god before we believe , or else even the elect of god are for some time hated of him ; for he hateth all the workers of iniquity , but certainly the elect of god are at no time hated of god : if so , then god should hate to day and love to morrow , with much changeableness of affection : nay more , gods love to us shall depend upon our love to god . ans. set this down for a truth ; 1. that god hateth all the workers of iniquity whatsoever , psal. 5. 5. 2. that the elect of god are loved of him from all eternity , ier. 31. 3. 3. that there is no variableness , nor shadow of change in god , iam. 1. 17. 4. that we love him , because he loved us first . now , if there seem any contrariety in these laid together , we are forced to some distinctions , by which a commodious interpretation may be set down : so then consider of these explications : 1. the love and hatred of god to the creature may be considered , either in the purpose of god , or in the execution of that purpose , & this execution is in the effects of love and hatred . the purpose of god is this , to appoint the creature to be the object upon which in time he wil exercise the effects of love or hatred ; in this purpose of god , the elect are always loved , never hated : nor doth god vary and change in this his purpose : nor doth this purpose of his depend upō the foresight of any good in man . 2. in the execution of this purpose , the suspension of the effects and fruits of love hath the name of hatred : and god may be said to hate them ( as the husband that wife ) from whom he with draweth the effects of love . now in this doth god walk oftentimes according to the present disposition of the creature : wheresoever god findeth sin , he hateth it , ( sin is properly the object of gods hatred , sin i say , not the creature ) and if this sin be in a person appointed to love though he will not change his purpose , yet will he suspend all effects and fruit of love , yea , and put forth the effects of hatred , until the party do part with his sin . contrarily , wheresoever he findeth any good , he loveth it , yea , though it be in a person not appointed to love ; though this his purpose change not , yet will he suspend all the effects of hatred , yea , and with much tenderness of affection put forth the effects of love to this party , till he doth wilfully let fall his care of goodness , and take up a resolution of evil , yea , and that incorrigibly . 3. the love of god to the creature in respect of the effects thereof , is not unfitly distinguished into the love of benevolency , and the love of complacency , the former consisting in well wishing or pittying the creature , is absolute and free : the other drawing with it delight in , or friendship with the creature is respective , and hath an eye to the good behavior of the creature : see both these expressed in that parable of the wretched infant , ezek. 16. 6. an emblem and fit resemblance , as thereof the church of israel , so generally of the elect of god . for first god doth cast an eye of pitty upon them in their wretched condition ▪ and saith unto them live ; his word is operative , and did them good , as is intimated verse 7. then afterward when his grace hath wrought in them , and fashioned them into a comely beauty , he doth again pass by them and behold them , and lo it is the time of love , whereupon he doth enter into a league and covenant of friendship ; so that now the soul of every one of them may say , as the spouse in the canticles , i am my welbeloveds , and my welbeloved is mine : gods delight is in them , and theirs in god : these things well understood , will easily shew the inconsequence of the argument , for the elect may be loved in the purpose of god , and yet not actually justified , nor god enter into a covenant of love , till by the work of his grace they be fitted for the time of love . again , whiles they are workers of iniquity and unconverted to god , their sins may be hated , and the effects of love suspended , notwithstanding the eternal purpose of god . no variableness in god , because it is his purpose , not to entertain them into the effects and fruits of his love and delight ▪ till they be converted and fitted for it , by the actings of the spirit of grate moving and working in them . to close up the point , let us to prevent erroneous misconceits which spring from the confounding of things that d●ffer , let us , i say , take notice of this distinction ; a man may be said to be justified either intentionally , or virtually , or actually , either in god , or in christ , or in himself . 1. intentionally , in god , i. e. in gods purpose and decree , this is from all eternity : but this decree and intention doth not put any thing into a state of actual being but in the fulness of time ; nor doth it exclude , nay it doth include and presuppose faith in the person justified ; for though election be of the persons , yet iustification & glorification are of the persons so and so qualified . 2. virtually , in christ may a man be said to be justified ; and this is from the day of christs passion , and in the vertue of his satisfaction ; yet this intendeth no more but this , that satisfaction is made , and remission purchased by the blood of christ : neither doth this exclude the consideration of faith , nay it doth call for it , that so there may be an actual application of the price and purchase . we know that ▪ in a purchase , beside the payment of the price , there must be livery and seisin given , before a man be in actual possession of what is purchased : so here , there must be application of the righteousnes of christ , as well as the effusion of his blood , and this is received by faith . 3. actually , in himself is man said to be justified , when he hath the possession of it : but this actual iustification hath it's degrees of progression . the beginning thereof is laid in our first union and incorporation into christ : the consummation of it is not till the judge at the latter day hath solemnly pronounced the sentence of final absolution , & so set us in full possession of entire remission . between both these there is a progressive work of iustification , by the constant actings of the spirit applying the blood of christ , by the hand of faith , to the quiet and comfort of the soul . the first you may term initial justification , the latter perfective , and this between i would call progressive , it is the fruit of the first , and the preludial assurance of the latter : this is wrought and sealed in the second sacrament , as the former is in the first sacrament : and both these branches of sacramental justification are to us the pre-assurance of that complemental and perfective justification ; the sentence whereof putteth an end to all fears , changing our faith and hope into fruition and ful possession ; even the first of these acts is not transacted without the seed and spirit of faith , much less the successive agitations , and progress of the work . thus every way faith is considered as equal with , yea as foregoing the work of iustification . chap. iv. that justification is not transacted all at once , nor any pre-remission of sin before it be committed . by his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many , saith god by the prophet isaiah , cap. 53. 11. shall justifie , is a verb of the future tense , the work then at that time was not done : the question is , when was it to be done ? in the day of his passion , say some , then did he bear the sins of many , and take away the sin of the world , so that from that time and forward to the end of the world , there is no more imputation of sin to any of the elect . it hath been commonly said , even by some of our best divines , that justification is transacted in our first union and incorporation into christ , at which time it is conceived , that the pardon of all sin is sealed , consequently that it is to us an act already passed : nor can we say , he shall , but he hath justified : but i fear that the mis-understanding of this point ( not untrue in it self , if not mistaken and mis-apprehended ) hath laid the ground upon which the antinomian buildeth that unhappy structure which turneth the grace of god into wantonness . who knoweth not that justification in it's proper acceptation of the word according to the scripture phrase , is the act of a iudge , pronouncing a judicial sentence ? and according to this , i suppose we shall not erre from the truth , if we say , that the main work of justification is even to us as yet future , and that the time when christ shal justifie those many in the text of isaiah , is when he shall condemn the residue , viz. at his s●●ond coming , when he shall separate the sheep from the goats , then shall he justifie them , and at once absolve them from all accusations and charges laid in against them ; then shall they receive a final quietus and discharge ; then shall god wipe all tears from their eyes , then shal there be no more sorrow nor crying , no more curse nor fear therof , according to the words of the angel , rev. 21. 4. & 22. 3. there is , i grant , a praejudicium in foro conscientiae , a preludial justification in the court of conscience , which is a pregustation and foretaste of that final absolution . in the court of conscience doth christ set up his tribunal , there doth he take notice of the accusations that are put in by satan against the sinner upon particular occasions , and by the power and operation of the spirit working in the conscience , doth he upon the humble confession of the penitent soul , pronounce the sentence of absolution by the ministery of the word , and seal it by the blessed sacrament ; and what is now done daily upon emergent occasions , shall be ratified at the latter day , according to that gracious promise of christ made to peter , when he gave him the keys of the kingdom of heaven , mat. 16. 19. whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven ; and the same in effect repeated to the apostles , joh. 20. 23. thus in present by the ministery of reconciliation , there is a work of iustification in the court of conscience ; but the final consummation is reserved to that day , when christ the iudge proceeding judicially shal pronounce the sentence of absolution . the main work of iustification therefore is as yet future : for to say , that justification quatenus it comprehendeth remission of sin , is one individual act , or that the blood of christ doth at once wash us from all , even future sins , in the antinomian sense , i dare not yield : it is the blood of christ , and that alone , which doth cleanse us from all sin ; so is it the word and spirit of christ , that leadeth us into all truth , yet not all at once . truth it is , that in our first union with christ , there is conferred the ground and pledge of future remission for all sins to the end of our lives ; the ground of it is our adoption sealed to us in our baptism , the which is not afterward cut off , no not by the greatest sins which the believer doth commit : still he is the childe of god , though in respect of his sin he may be the childe of wrath , and lyable to punishment , still he hath an interest in christ , and upon his repentance he shall have benefit and communion with him in his merits and graces . the pledge and pawn of future remission , i. e. of the remission and forgiveness of all future sins , is that actual remission of what sin for the present the soul stood guilty of , at that time when he was united to christ : all sins past and present , were actually pardoned , viz. actual sins in converts , original in their insants , the guilt of these is remitted , and their justification in reference to these sealed in baptism . this favor received , is a pledge of assurance to them , that in future also by applying themselves to christ , they may and shall receive the forgiveness of their daily sins . he that by the application of a salve hath his wound cured , hath he not therein a pledge of assurance , that in the use of the same means , upon the like occasion he may receive the same benefit ? but to say , that in our first union with christ we receive an actual remission of future sins , is in mine opinion as incongruous as to say , the cure is done and past before the wound be made . i grant , that it hath been received , and passed for currant in the schools of our divines , that all sins are remitted to the believer at once ; all , viz. past , present , and to come : so hath it been received , that justifying faith is a particular perswasion of gods mercy to me : but as amesius hath well observed in medulla theol. lib. 1. cap. 27. that this was set down only to oppose that general assent to the articles of our creed , in which papists do place the essence of justifying faith [ and therefore though he granteth that fides justificans parit hanc specialem fiduciam , &c. yet he defineth it to be qua recumbimus in christum ad remissionem ] so i suppose that our divines did set down this position of iustification transacted at once , to cut off the popish ground for the sacrament of penance ; not foreseeing what we by experience finde , how unhappy a ground is herein laid for loosness and libertinism . hereupon amesius ( ibidem ) coming to set down his opinion of the matter , doth mince it , remittuntur peccata justificatorum non praeterita solum sed etiam aliquo modo futura . note that aliquo modo : now to explain himself he addeth , hoc tamen est discriminis , quod peccata praeterita per formalem applicationem remissionis nobis in christo paratae ; futura autem virtualiter tantum ▪ praeterita in sese : futura in subjecto vel persona peccante — the which is in effect to say , non remittuntur nisi in pignore , the actual remission of sins past , is the pledge and pawn of what shall be upon the use and exercise of faith . but to conceive sin remitted as it were by an ante-dated pardon , is not only against sense and reason , but also against the grounds of religion . sense and reason saith , there is no need of remission before there be a guilt , nor is there guilt before the sin be committed : no need of a plaister , before there be a wound , prepared aforehand it may be , and laid ready , but application of it must needs come in after the malady . then for the ground of religion , 1. in the fifth petition we are taught to pray for the pardon of sin . now prayer is an act of faith and hope , and both these are de futuris , of things expected , and not in present possession . faith looketh upon the promise , hope upon the performance , neither of them upon the possession . no man prayeth for what he hath in hand , or for what is compleatly done and past already . i know what is usually said , viz. that not the pardon it self , but the assurance , the feeling and comfort of it is that which is desired in the petition . nor do i deny , but that in respect of sins past and formerly pardoned , this is so : we play for greater assurance of that pardon , because our faith is like a narrow-mouthed bottle , which though cast into the sea , yet is not filled but by degrees . or rather we pray for the continuance of assurance we have received , not as if god were off and on with us , or would revoke what he had given : but because this daily petition is a mean appointed of god to work that continuance ; and no sooner do we cease to pray , and take off our eye from god in christ , but we cease to believe and receive that continuance . thus i say , it is in respect of sins past ; but now for the sins that daily are committed , it is the direct pardon of them which we desire of god in that petition . nor can the words receive any other sense , except we should wrest them , and so wrong the wisdom of our saviour , as if he could not make choice of such words & phrases as might plainly and understandingly express his meaning . and if these words , forgive us — do signifie , make us to know that thou hast long since forgiven us , then why shall not the next words , as we forgive — receive the same interpretation ? nay why not so also in the other petitions , lead us not into tentation , give us our daily bread , i. e. in the antinomian sense , make us to know that thou hast not lead us — that thou hast given us our daily bread . will not this be found a sensless gloss , nay an utter perverting of our saviours intention ? and why then should it hold only in the fifth petition , and in none of the other ? 2. adde this , that one end of our daily address to the sacrament of the lords supper , is to obtain the remission of our sins by the application of christs blood . the words of our saviour touching the wine are these , this cup is the new testament in my blood , which is shed for you , and for many for the remission of sins : that in it , as we have often need by reason of our daily transgressions , so we may often look upon that brasen serpent for the cure of our often bitings . thus what we ask of god in prayer , the same in the sacrament doth god bestow upon us , viz. the daily pardon of our daily sins . were it not in this respect needful to provide for our wants , was the pardon of all actual sins at once sealed in this sacrament , as is the pardon of our original guilt sealed in baptism , what necessity to receive this sacrament any oftner then we do the other , sc. once for all ? 3. and above all , it is a ground of religion , that nothing is to be received and believed , but what is revealed to us for a truth by the word of god . now there is no ground in the word of god for any particular person to believe that his sins are remitted already , before he do repent and believe in christ . the word of god sets down what counsel hath been given to men , that they might obtain remission , act. 2. 38. and 3. 19. but no where doth the scripture say to this or that man , thy sins be forgiven : and for any man to perswade himself of remission before it be , yea before he hath a word for it , is presumption and not saith . the antinomian doctors say , that the spirit of god doth reveal it in the heart of a man , and the voice of the spirit is the testimony of truth . in very deed , we may not refuse the testimony of the spirit , nor question the truth of it : but in as much as we know , that satan doth somtimes transform himself into an angel of light , and that there be many false spirits , in which respect the apostles bids us to try the spirits ; nor doth satan seduce only by the doctrines of men , but also by false suggestions , whispering to the sinner comfort upon false grounds : how shall we discern the testimony of the spirit from the suggestion of satan ? they answer , hereby it is discerned , because it speaketh things consonant to the scripture . let this be manifested , and the question is at an end . but where doth the scripture countenance that voice of the spirit speaking to the sinner and saying , thou art justified in the sight of god , and thy sin pardoned , and that long ago in the day of christs passion : how i say , is this proved to be according to the scriptures ? they say , the scripture holdeth forth the free grace of god in christ ; viz. that christ is given a saviour for sinners , for enemies , for the rebellious : that god doth justifie the wicked and the ungodly , even when and while they are such : that he calleth for no works of mans righteousness , nor any previous dispositions to qualifie men that may come to christ : so that neither impiety nor enmity can cast in any bar to hinder him that will lay hold upon christ . this we do not much question , but withall we adde , that the scripture doth also call upon sinners to repent and turn to the lord , that so they may be pardoned , and their sins bloted out : and in as much as we know that one text of scripture is no less truth then another , nor may we so cleave to the one , as to neglect the other ( for they are not contradictory if rightly understood ) we conclude that christ is held forth a saviour to sinners , but so , that they repent and forsake their sins , not else : no sin , not the greatness of any sin , no , nor the multitude of great transgressions can bar the humble penitent . saint iohn saith , if we confess our sins , god is faithful and just to forgive us , 1 iob. 1. 7. note that [ if ] q. d. if not , then there is no ground to hope for it . again we say , that god doth justifie the ungodly , as christ doth save sinners in sensu diviso , i. e. not while they are ungodly , not while they are sinners , but when they have forsaken their wicked ways , & have turned to the lord by true and sound repentance . that text of rom. 4. 5. speaking of him that worketh not , but believeth in him that justifieth the ungodly , must not be understood simply , of such a one that doth nothing at all ; but respectively of such a one as doth not rest upon his works , nor rely upon his righteousness , but renouncing his own works , doth cast himself upon the free grace of god ; nor doth it use that word ungodly in the common sense , s● . for one that hath no goodness in him at all , but in a limited sense , viz for one that wanteth such a perfection of goodness , as on which he may build the hopes of his justification : and the reason of this explication is , because the proposition is drawn from the instance of abraham , a man certainly not altogether void of works and righteousness , though not so complete and perfect in them , as that he durst rest upon them , but renouncing his works , he did cast himself upon the free grace of god , and so was justified by his faith . consequently , that voice of revelation in man , which teacheth him to comfort himself in the assurance of his justification , without any respect to the work of repentance wrought in him , this is not the voice of gods spirit , but the delusion of satan . there is no word of god on which to ground such an assurance , and therefore it may not be received nor believed for truth ; it being a ground of our religion , that nothing is to be received , but what is revealed by the word of god . i might adde this also , nothing is to be received as a truth which is cross and contrary to the text of scripture : now , that sins should be actually pre-remitted before-hand , and the person actually justified , before that by faith he be united to christ , how doth it not cross that text of saint paul , rom. 3. 25. where speaking of the remission of sin by the blood of christ , he mentioneth not sin indifinitely , but sins that are past ? [ for the remission of sins that are past ] i , know that some do by this phrase , sins that are past , understand the transgressions of them who lived in the time before christ , the transgressions against the first covenant , heb. 9. 15. but whether this be not an over-great straitning of the text , i leave it to the judgement of the learned . that of heb. 11. 6. without faith it is impossible to please god , alleaged by some to prove , no iustification before faith , is by h. d. turned off as not to the purpose : why so ? to please god ( saith he ) is to do things pleasing to god , which cannot be done without faith ; but he cannot so easily turn of those texts , joh. 3. 18. and eph. 2. in the former saith our blessed saviour , he that believeth not , is condemned already ; how so ? is the sentence of condemnation judicially past upon him , or is the meaning of it , that he is in the state of condemnation ; or in the words of john baptist , verse 26. the wrath of god abideth upon him , viz. till by faith he lay hold upon christ , by nature we are the children of wrath , saith saint paul , we as well as others , jews and gentiles , one common estate of all , till by grace , by a quickning grace , there be put a difference , and this grace is effectual through faith , verse 8. consequently , no actual remission of sin , before the work of grace , which is yet more apparent from verse 12. where speaking of those that then were quickned and justified ; he saith , that before that work of grace calling them , and quickning to a communion with christ , they were without christ , without hope ; it is an overbase and unworthy conceit of the scripture , which is implied in the answer that he maketh ; viz. this were something , if we were so in gods account , as well as in our own esteem : unworthy of the scripture , is this conceit , for whose word is the text of scripture ? from whose dictating is it penned ? doth saint paul in those words set down the judgement of men , touching the state of nature , or rather the minde of god ? if so , howsoever in the purpose of god they were appointed to the effects and fruits of love , yet for the present they were not fitted for it , till quickned by grace : consequently , not justified from their sins before their calling , much less acquitted of their debts , before they had run out into any sinful arrerages : no pre-remission of sin , before it be committed . chap. v. the way of seeking vesolution touching our adoption and justification by signs and marks , viz. the fruits of sanctification , whether it be altogether unsatisfactory . there be who teach , that no fruit of sanctification , if it speak as the lord giveth it to speak can speak peace to the soul : and that inherent qualifications are but doubtful evidences for heaven : consequently , that the way of seeking resolution by them , is altogether unsatisfactory : this conclusion , i grant , must needs follow upon those premises , but how are they proved ? the reason alleaged is builded upon gal. 3. 10. the law is not of faith , but the voice of the law is this , cursed is every one that continueth not in all things that are written in the book of the law to do them — are there not failings in all ? can that that is full of failings speak peace ? how then can it secure a man that he hath interest in christ ? but now by this text alleaged to prove their position , and by the argument framed upon it , it is evident that either they do not rightly understand what it is that we teach , or will not rightly propound it : for did we indeed hold forth these qualifications to be immediate evidences in the way of a legal righteousness , then did they speak to the point : not so now , when as we do only account them mediate ▪ evidences , and that in a way of evangelical righteousness . we do not say , that he that is holy and righteous is adopted for his holiness , or justified for his righteousness , or saved for his good works and duties performed : no , but this we say , he that is holy and righteous is discerned to be adopted , rom. 8. 14. they who are led by the spirit of god are the sons of god ; and whoso is adopted , is justified and shal be saved : sanctification is an evidence of adoption and justification , not ex antecedente but ex consequente : not that either of these doth casually depend upon that , but because there is an inseparable connexion of all these in the person adopted : saint pauls argument runneth thus , ye shall live , because ye are children ; and known to be children , because led by the spirit . for the further clearing of this truth , and discovering of errors that darken the light and lustre of it , i shall propound and prosecute these two propositions : 1. that this is the way which the saints of god have gone , in seeking for and setting forth the evidence of their salvation . 2. that the new way of evidencing , only by the spirit and faith , cannot lay the ground of a setled peace , except the work of the sanctifying spirit be also sought to give in testimony . the first proposition . this is the way which the saints of god have gone in seeking for and setting forth the evidence of their salvation . i manifest this by three texts , which i make choice of to examine what doctor crisp hath objected against the instance of these three graces , vniversal obedience , sincerity of heart , and the love of the brethren , which he refuseth as insufficient evidence of justification . 1. text. psal. 119. 6. saith david , then shall i not be ashamed when i have respect to all thy commandments : where note , 1. his expectation ; not be ashamed or confounded , viz. when i am questioned either by god or man . 2. the ground of this ; when i have respect to all thy commandments : do we not see , that david doth comfortably assure himself that his universal obedience should give him boldness and confidence ? whereupon is that it in ver. 5. his earnest desire was , oh , that my ways were so directed that i might keep thy commandments . now then , was it so with david ( i might adde job also , whence that confidence of his expressed , job . 13. 15. and 27. 16. is it not from his integrity , see chap. 23. 10. — 13. and chap. 31. ) was it so with them , and may it not be so with us ? had sanctification a greater influence upon their spiritual estate then it hath upon ours ? doubtless the conscionable care of universal obedience is an evidence and comfortable ground of our assurance . object . but how can this be an evidence which paul rejecteth as dross and dung , phil. 3. he was blameless as touching the righteousness of the law , yet rejecteth it and will not rest upon it . sol. true indeed , he was in his own opinion , and in others also ; but this was only a pharisaical blamelesness , such as that that is mentioned , luke 16. 15. and 18. 11. when st. paul came to himself he found it otherwise , rom. 7. 7. and therefore no wonder if he do reject it . but admit that his righteousness was universal according to the measure of his knowledge , and that what he wanted in it was through ignorance and misunderstanding of the law ; yet since he speaketh of it in opposition to justification by christ , and doth cast it away as a thing of no value and confidence when he seeketh a righteousness for justification : will it follow , that because it is no antecedent cause of justification , that therefore it is no consequent evidence of our adoption ? or , because it will not profit a man without christ , that therefore with christ and in christ it wil afford no comfort . even he that doth here cast it off in 2 tim. 4. 7. doth gather it up as a ground of comfort . reason good , for though this moral righteousness without christ avail a man nothing , yet this being built upon christ , and wrought by vertue of a principle of holiness , viz. the spirit of christ is an undoubted evidence of the inhabitation of the spirit , even the spirit of adoption ; and therefore it is beside the point which the dr. alleageth : can that ( saith he ) be an evidence of our being in christ , which st. paul casteth away as dross ? for though it may be worth nothing in the work of justification , yet it may be of much worth to evidence the work thereof : though without christ it may not profit a man , yet in him it may afford much comfort . 2. object . but there is no such thing as this universal obedience to be found in any ; no ship in which not some leak , no pot of oyntment , in which not some dead fly . sol. i do not reply , how then was this universal blamelesness found in paul , nay in paul a persecutor : but i grant , that such a plenary perfection wherein there is not any thing wanting of what the law requireth , such there is not to be found in any ; nor is it expected : no , this universality is rather negative then positive : not any one precept is there which the holy heart doth not willingly embrace as the rule to walk by : not any one duty which he doth not desire and endeavor : not any sin that he doth indulge or excuse in himself . this is that that is meant by universal obedience : a desire that nothing be wanting ; an endeavor after perfection . or in the words of david ; it is not so much an actual keeping of all the statutes , but an having respect to all the commandments : to respect them as a rule both for direction and examination . is there any thing to be done ? the holy heart will not venture upon it till he hath sought to the word of god for direction what may , and what may not be done for matter and maner , when , and how far , together with all other circumstances : hath he done any thing ? he will examine it by the rule , whether it will hold square with it or not ; and in this work , he will not look upon one or two , but upon every commandment as his rule to walk by : if any commandment forbid , he will by no means touch with it ; or if he hath , he will in no wise excuse or condemn himself . this is that universal obedience which we make to be a sign and mark of adoption and just●fication : not so much the perfect work and practise of the hand , as the stedfast will and purpose of the heart . this is expected , act. 11. 23. this is accepted , psal. 66. 18. and 139. 23. ob. such purposes of the heart are found in many wicked men in the time of sickness , and fear of death : then may you finde them far from excusing any sin , or neglecting any precept , yea such is their purpose and resolution so to continue . sol. admit this to be so , though it is sooner said then proved , that thus it is in any , where some work of the sanctifying spirit is not found : but i say , admit it , yet doth not this objection take off the argument : for we judge not of a man by one act , either of good or evil ; but by the habit and constant frame of the heart : it is grace alone , and the spirit of adoption that new-mouldeth the heart , and casteth it into an holy temper of universal obebience . grace is it that maketh the heart constant in holiness ; wicked men may have good moods and present purposes , but these are like land-stoods soon gone again . so then , we understand the comfort of this universality to flow from the constant purpose of the heart ; this is the fruit and effect of sanctifying grace . ob. but who can say from an heart unfained that he hath such a constant purpose : for why , are there not untoward risings of the heart , and repining thoughts against many truths of god ? are we not often weary of that service to which god doth call us ? do we rejoyce in afflictions as the tokens of gods love , and count it all joy to fall into divers tentations ? sol. this is but to beat the ayr , nor doth it prove the want of constancy in the former purpose of the heart . grant indeed that these risings and repinings are in us , but are they setled in the h●●rt , are they habituated ? do they rest therein without a check ? are they excused or pleaded for ? if not , the bent of the heart is still constant , notwithstanding those indispositions . this constancy is not measured by this , that there is no interruption of the act , or intermixture of contrary dispositions : but by this , that there is no intercission of the habit , nor any toleration of these contrary dispositions . it is our happiness that we have to do with an indulgent father , who looketh not at men in their fears and frighted passions , especially when they are ready to take down themselves for their ill-moods . in a legal strictness no man can plead his constancy , but in a gospel uprightness . as there is not any duty which the holy heart doth not imbrace , so not any time ( if he be himself and free from satans tentations ) when he doth not constantly hold that purpose , and strive against all interruptions . 2. text. 2 cor. 1. 12. this ( saith saint paul ) is our rejoycing — that in sincerity and godly simplicity — hence we collect , that sincerity and single-heartedness in our obedience is a ground of comfort , an argument of our adoption . reason , because it is such a disposition of the heart , by which whatsoever is done by us , we do it as to christ , and for the lords sake . thus hath saint paul described it , eph. 6. 5. opposing is to eye-service , men-pleasing and self-seeking . and who can doubt but that sincerity of obedience must needs be a ground of comfort and confidence ? can it be found in any that have not received the spirit of sanctification ? or doth it flow fro 〈…〉 y fountain , but an heart principled with the spirit of christ ? where this is wanting , there may be some outward conformity of mens actions , in respect of the outward work : but the motive and main cause of their performances , it is some by-end and base respect , as in jehu and the pharisees , which appeareth in this , that when that end is gained , or that respect ceaseth , then also their work is at an end , though the glory of god , and the good of christs church be never so much concerned : none but the childe of god doth make the glory of his father , the end and aim of all his actions . all others begin and end in self . object . this sincerity is not found in the ordinary practises of christians , either in the exercises of religion , or in the works of mercy and justice : for why , saith the doctor , is there not much self mixed in their performances ? in praying and fasting ? — is not the end of these duties , to be delivered from danger ? sol. it is , i grant , one end , but not the vltimate end . in these exercises we seek our own good , bread , pardon , preservation , deliverance , and that not unlawfully : for christ hath taught us to put them into our prayers , but still with this caution , for thine is the glory , i. e. to desire them only as subservient to the glory of god : should we desire these for our selves , i. e. to spend them upon our lusts , to live to our selves in matter of profit , pleasure and preferment , this were self-seeking : but thus to desire them , that in the use of them we may be the more instrumental to glorifie god in our several places , this is not self-seeking . say the same of men-pleasing , though a man do encourage himself in goodness by the praise of men , by listening to the acceptableness of his well doing , yet so long as the praise of men is not ( as it was in the pharisees ) the prime and principal inducement of doing what is done , this is not men-pleasing , both of these are defined , not by the subservient , but by the ultimate end of our endeavors ; if that be right , there is sincerity in the obedience , and this sincerity is a ground of confidence , the work of the spirit , an argument of our adoption . object . not so saith the antinomian doctor , for we read in rom. 10. 1. 3. that the jews had a zeal-and this was exercised in obedience to the will of god , yet these were en 〈…〉 to christ : and how can that be an evidence of adoption , that is found in an enemy ? sol. is not this a gross mistake ? the point is touching sincerity , and his proof is by an instance of zeal : is there no difference ? is not sincerity the singleness of the heart , and zeal the earnestness of the spirit ? besides , this their zeal was not according to knowledge : if this kinde of zeal profit not , shall not that which is according to knowledge , and guided by the rules of holy discretion , shall not that afford comfort ? that which he addeth , viz. that their zeal was not in a corrupt way of their own devising , is directly contrary to the apostle : for he saith of them , that in seeking to establish their own righteousness , they have not submitted to the righteousness of god : it was ( therefore ) a way of their own devising , which is proved verse 4. christ is the end of the law for righteousness , to every one that believeth : so that to seek the establishment of the law ( though the law of god ) for another end then god hath appointed , yea in opposition to that end , is not an argument of sincerity , but an act of a turbulent passion . papists contend much for the efficacy of the sacraments : but while they place in them an efficacy altogether independent upon faith , do they not seek to establish their own fancies , and not the truth of god ? t●●s did these jews , they pretended for god , but in a way of their own devising : not much unlike to many among us , who pretend for the scepter of christ , but only in a way of their own . were the zeal of all th●se sincere as it should be , there would be in them a readiness to embrace and submit to what shall appear to be the minde of god , and say vnicat veritas , or as st. paul in 2 cor. 13. 8. we can do nothing against the truth . 3. text. 1 joh. 3. 14. we know that we have passed from death to life , because we love the brethren : hence we collect , that the state of our adoption , and standing right in the sight and favor of god , is a thing that may be known ; that this love of our brethren is a note and evidence thereof : for why ? love is of god , cap. 4. 7. an effect of the spirit , gal. 5. 22. for while the spirit of adoption doth shed abroad the love of god in our hearts , and make us sensible of it ; it doth cause in us a love to him that loved us first , and for his sake who hath begotten us a love to them also that are as we are , begotten of god . this is so plain , that it may seem strange that any should either deny it or doubt of it . yet saith the doctor , object . the scope of the apostle is to comfort them against the hatred of the world , and he sheweth what esteem they had one of another , q. d. though the world do not esteem us , yet our judgement one of another is , that we are the people of god , grounding our selves upon this , that we do love one another ; so that this is rather a mark how another may know me , then how i may know my self . sol. is not this strange , that the apostle should set this down as a ground of comfort to bear up the heart against the hatred of the world , viz. the good esteem that christians have of us ; will this secure the soul against sadness and sorrow ? will not satan suggest , what if they be deceived ? they know not the heart , they judge by the outward appearance , by the expressions of love to the brethren , and therein they may be deceived . and that the text must be understood of that immanent and reflexive act of knowledge , which passeth a censure upon our selves ; it is evident by that that followeth : for the apostle having set this down as a rule of discerning their spiritual estate , and proved ve●●e it 15. and pressed it by the example of christ , whose love was manifested by laying down his life for us , verse 16. whom we are to imitate in a real demonstration of our inward affection to the brethren : he urgeth again this motive , that hereby we know that we are of the truth , and shall assure our hearts before him : and i would gladly ask , whether here also the apostle doth intend to teach us , that by this act of love , we way assure our selves touching others , and rest secure that we are not decceived : and what so great matter is this , if in the mean space we may not evidently judge the state of our own souls ? and what meaneth he to adde this , verse 21. if our heart condemn us not , we have boldness toward god . certainly , the apostles intention is to set down an evidence of self-discerning . object . but suppose it so : yet so intricate is this way of examination , that a christian shall finde himself much puzzled in it . why so ? because , hard it is to know both what it is to love , and who is a brother : and till these be known , how can we try our selves by the sign ? sol. grant it to be hard , yet if not impossible , we know that difficulty doth not take off , but stirreth up diligence . what it is to love , we may learn from 1 cor. 13. 5. and 1 job . 3. 16 , 17. and who is a brother , from gal. 6. 10. quest . but who can truly say , i love the brethren ; if those be acts , effects and properties of love ? who can approve himself to have loved in all those particulars . ans. even he that hath received the spirit of god ; for love is one of the fruits of the spirit . and though peradventure he hath not attaind to that perfection of love which another hath , & himself desires ; yet is he not therfore excluded from the truth therof . quest . but who can know that this or that man is a brother ? doth not this brotherhood confist in being united unto christ ? doth any man know this but god alone ? ans. is not this in effect to tell the apostle he speaks absurdly , and sets down a mark of knowing , which cannot be known ? for when the apostle saith , we know — because we love — doth he not pre-suppose , that it may be known , we love the brethren , both in respect of the act and object ; i. e. both what it is to love , and who are the brethren ? but admit that i cannot infallibly discern who is , and who is not a brother ; yet may i discern the ground of my love to him , viz. because i conceive him to be a brother ; i love him under that notion . object . so do papists and sectaries , these love their own , and under the notion of brethren . sol. it may be so , but what then ? is this therefore no sign or mark of our spiritual condition which st. john hath set down ? but indeed neither papists nor sectaries do love under this notion in st. johns meaning , if their love be confined to papists and sectaries . he loveth a man under the right notion of a brother , who doth love him eo nomine , because there is aliquid christi in him , because he is of the houshold of faith , a believer in christ : but if in case of a brothers necessity , yet there be no fruit of love to be seen , except also there be in him aliquid nostri , viz. that he be of our sect and opinion : if all christianity be confined within the narrow compass of this or that opinion , surely this is not to love the brethren . let all sectaries look to it , and the antinomians by name , who pretend to be the only brethren , because they only sit down by the free grace of god , and rest themselves upon the promises of the gospel , though they see themselves full of sin : let them , i say , look to it , for if their charity will not extend it self to relieve the necessities , and bear with the infirmities of those other whom they accuse to run after moses and the law for their peace and satisfaction of spirit : in as much as they cannot but know , that if we do erre it is through mis-understanding of the scripture , according to which we desire to frame all our faith and practises ; certainly they cannot approve themselves to love the brethren , you will say , this may easily be retorted : nor will i deny the justness thereof , should i suffer the difference of opinion so far to draw off mine affection from any that professeth christ , as in the case of his necessity to neglect him , to reckon him no better then a turk , i should doubt whether the spirit of christ dwelled in me or not . is he a man that would not succor a man , though a heathen or turk , against a lyon or a bear ? and is he a christian that will not succor a christian , though perhaps a papist or a sectary against a turk ? is not the text of st paul plain , do good to all , but especially to the houshold of faith : and why to them especially ? but because they embrace the gospel , and so profess themselves the subjects and servants of christ : truth it is , that among them there is some difference also by a different measure of the spirit : and as each is before other in it , so the especially falls upon him . we say that god himself is the first and chief beloved : other things are loved for gods sake ; viz. all the creatures , but especially man , because there is in him more of god then in the rest : all men , but especially christians ; because they profess subjection to christ : all christians , but especially them in whom the work of the spirit is most eminent ; this it is to love the brethren . but now if beyond all this , there must be aliquid nostri in them , some special relation to us , or else no love extended to them ; this is not to love the brethren : of such st. iohn addeth , he that loveth not his brother abideth in death . the second proposition . that the new way of evidencing our adoption and iustification only by the spirit and faith , cannot lay the ground of a firm setled peace , except the work of the sanctifying spirit also do come in to give testimony . for the manifestation of which i shall shew : 1. what is delivered touching each : 2. wherein i conceive it to fail of the truth . first , touching the spirit : it is termed , the revealing evidence which speaks to a mans own spirit , saying , be of good cheer , thy sins are forgiven . christ administred this comfort only in general ; but the spirit cometh home to every man in particular : whence he is called , the comforter , because he so speaks to the soul , that the judge is also satisfied : and when men do fear , my sin is not pardoned , the spirit speaks to the soul , and saith , they are pardoned : till this be revealed , all the world shall never satisfie the soul , all signs and marks are meer riddles . the spirit of adoption teacheth as to cry abba father : the spirit it self , i. e. the immediate voice of the spirit without any instrument , what god hath determined of this or that man is not set down in the scripture : but it is revealed by the spirit : hence the spirit is the seal and the earnest . to this effect the antinomian doctor ; and hereupon he expostulateth : why do men scorn and cry out of them that teach and profess this , as of enthusiasts , men that have revelations ? is not , saith he , the spirit of god , the spirit of revelation ? is he not given to reveal these things ? and to confess the truth , in all this i see not what can be denyed , or much doubted of , though all his proofs are not convincing : that one text of rom. 8. 16. doth speak home to the point , that the spirit of god is the revealing evidence ; the voice of the spirit is the chief , though not the only testimony of our adoption : but all the failing is when he cometh to answer that question , how shall i know that this is the voice of the spirit ? a needful question : because satan may and doth transform himself into an angel of light , and deceive the soul : this is , saith he , the usual way of men , if the word did bear witness to this particular voice of the spirit in me , then i could be satisfied : but if the word do not bear witness ▪ to this voice of the spirit , i dare not trust it . the usual way ; nay is it not the only way ? in the old testament thus it was , all revelations were to be examined by the written word , deut. 13. 1. isa. 8. 20. and is it not so also in the new-testament ? see that text of our savior , ioh. 16. 13. he that is the spirit shall lead you into all truth : how so ? for saith christ , he shall not speak of himself , but what he shall hear , that shall he speak : and what is that which the spirit heareth ? is it not that which is already contained in the scriptures ? so then , no revelation of any doctrine , no nor the application of it which is not consonant to the scripture , is to be thought to proceed from the spirit : but whatsoever is pretended to be revealed by the spirit , doth so far forth call for faith as is agreeable to the scriptures . well , not to quarrel needlesly , nor to be too strict in terms , he doth alow it for a truth , the spirit of the lord never speaks to the heart of a believer , but he always speaks according to the word of grace revealed : but then he addeth two limitations which spoil all : 1. that by the word we must not understand the law , but the gospel : and this , i conceive , is put to choke them who seek for signs and marks of inherent qualifications . 2. that you must not make the credit of this voice of the spirit to depend upon the word , i. e. to receive credit from it ; and why not ? because , saith he , if you say that the word is of greater credit , then the spirit wanteth something in it self of credit ; as if a man were trusted for a sureties sake : but this ( saith he ) must not be alowed , god never intended that any thing should be of such credit as to give credit to the spirit . the issue of all returns to this , that the testimony of the spirit is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , self-sufficient , as the principles of arts and sciences which are indemonstrable , and must be received as altogether unquestionable , and the meaning thereof is this : if any urge , how shall i be satisfied that this voice thus speaking , is the voice of gods spirit , his answer is , it is so , because it is so : or thus , i know it , because the spirit saith it . so unwilling are these men , that the revelations and illuminations on which they build their comforts should be searched into too far . object . nay ( you will say ) his meaning is i know it , because the spirit speaketh according to the word . sol. if so , then he must recant what he said , that it doth not depend upon the word . and well he may , for howsoever the truth of what the spirit speaketh , doth not depend upon the word , yet the credit of it doth . the scripture is already known , and received as the word of god : and what cometh after it , must borrow credit from it : st. peter speaking of the voice which they heard in the mount , saith yet , we have a more sure word of prophecy , 2 pet. 1. 19. how more sure ? but because it was already received as the undoubted word of god : and so to them , and in their apprehension , it was a more sure word . but to draw nearer to the point , doth this voice of the spirit saying to an ungodly man , thy sins are forgiven , doth it speak according to the scripture ? true indeed , the scripture saith , god justifieth the ungodly ; god hath reconciled the world unto himself : but is it therefore alowed for any one to say , i am an ungodly man , i am one of the world , therefore i am justified , i am reconciled ? is there then any universal reconciliation and justification taught in the text of scripture ? i mean , any such reconciliation that is absolute and irrespective ; that reconciliation is so far wrought by christ indefinitely for the world of mankinde , that whosoever will come in and lay hold upon christ by faith , shall not perish , this is revealed : none other do i know or acknowledge . is it not rather taught us in the scripture , that before there can be any conclusion of comfort to the soul , by the particular application of the gospel promises ( any i mean more then this conditional , if i will come in also , i may as well as others ) there must come in the work of the sanctifying spirit , purifying the soul and conscience , and working in it those inherent qualifications to which the promise is made , and upon which dependeth the conclusion of that practical syllogism which bringeth comfort : the text of scripture saith , they that repent and believe — they that are lead by the spirit of god are the sons of god : then that renewed and sanctified conscience saith , i do repent and believe — i am lead by the spirit therefore : and so this conclusion thus deduced , if the immediate testimony of the spirit , manifested by an heavenly impression and irradiation upon the soul , if it come in with his attestation to confirm it , we may not doubt of the truth thereof , because now indeed it speaketh according to the word , and doth confirm that particular conclusion which was comprehended in the general text of scripture : for where the text of scripture hath not a quicunque for the proposition , there the testimony of the spirit that concludes , for hic & ille doth not speak according to the word . object . you will say to me , there is a quicunque in that of isa. 55. 1. and rev. 22. 17. whosoever will : and our saviour , joh. 6. 37. him that cometh to me , i will in no wise cast out ? sol. i grant it , no doubt but the gospel doth hold out christ to all , none exempted , jew nor gentile ; but how ? as a physitian to cure them , not as an husband , to receive them into union with him : or if you will , as a husband to take them into the bed of love : but not till he hath purged them , and fitted them for his bed ; is it not for this , that the scripture doth call upon sinners to wash and cleanse their hands and hearts , isa. 1. 15. jam. 4. 8. to separate from the wicked , 2 cor. 6. 17. with infinite other texts of scripture , all of them calling upon us to labor for the work of the spirit upon the soul , that so we may finde the fruits of union and communion with christ , and by that work of the spirit , felt in the heart , we way be assured that the word of the spirit speaking comfort to the soul , and assuring the conscience of pardon , is the word of truth , and worthy of belief . for as when god set down the text of scripture , and revealed the same to the church of god ; he confirmed it by his works from heaven , by miracles which did convince the world that it must needs be the word of god , which was accompanied with such mighty and miraculous operations ; so when god will by the spirit speak to the soul the application of a text for comfort , he doth make way for the credit of it by the work of the spirit , the work of grace upon the soul : if not , believe it not , the spirit of truth is a spirit of holiness ; there is no truth in that word which speaks comfort to that heart , in which is not wrought the work of holiness . consequently , thy sins are forgiven , in the heart of a drunkard , swearer , whoremonger , is not the voice of the spirit . the work and the word of the spirit go together . nay , so evident is this , that the doctor having sought to establish this revelation of the spirit as a principle that may not be disputed , and that cannot be demonstrated , doth yet in the close come in with this , yet something more , for the spirit doth give men to credit what he speaketh . his meaning i conceive to be , that by this work of the spirit , by which mans heart is framed to receive the testimony of the spirit , and to believe it , by it doth it appear that it is the spirit of god which witnesseth their adoption ; so then , it is the voice of the spirit that saith , thy sins are forgiven , and it is evidenced to be the voice of the spirit , because he frameth the heart to believe it . it cannot be denied , but that it is the spirit that giveth faith to believe it ; nor is it doubted , but that if this perswasion do come from the spirit , it doth afford comfort ; but still the question is , whether this be the work of the spirit or not : of the other , viz. the work of sanctification there is no doubt , which if it do not accompany that work of perswasion , i much doubt whether it be not an over bold presumption . 2. touching faith . this is delivered by the same author : 1. that the scripture doth authorize faith to give full evidence concerning interest in christ . 2. that this evidence of faith is not revealing , but a receiving evidence ; viz. as it taketh possession of what the spirit revealeth , and doth rest upon it . this faith , saith he , brings with it unquestionable evidence , full assurance , and what needs a man look farther : the spirit within thee saith , thy sin is forgiven , faith receiveth it , and sits down satisfied , here is thine evidence ( saith he ) and thou hast thy portion : for why , the text of saint john saith , he that believeth hath the witness in himself , q. d. he hath as much as can be desired , when he hath believing in himself : and he that believeth not , hath made god a lyar , q. d. if when god hath spoken , man will not sit down with gods bare word , but seek for signs and marks drawn from his own works ; this man hath made god a lyar . the sum of all returns to this , that this act of faith receiving the testimony of the spirit ( that is , when the soul doth rest in it without any farther doubting ) that this , i say , is the evidence of our adoption and justification : so then , ask him how do you know that sin is pardoned ? his answer is , because i believe it and rest satisfied in this perswasion . and is not this , i pray you , a very satisfying evidence ? it is so , because i believe it is so ; in this way what prophane person is there in the world who may not conclude for himself , if he will but force upon himself this perswasion . object . nay , but it is not meant but of a perswasion which the spirit hath wrought in the heart : if god ( saith he ) hath given thee to believe it , this is thy evidence . sol. yea , but how shall i know whether god hath given me this perswasion , or that satan hath suggested it into my heart . doth the spirit of god take a man out of the dunghil of filthiness , and instantly without any work of washing and cleansing , speak to him that word of comfort , pronounce him pardoned , and work in him the full preswasion of it ; or if he do speedily , and as it were suddenly work him to this ful perswasion , doth he not at the same instant work a change upon his will and affections , by which that light that is set up in the understanding may be discerned to proceed from the spirit of god ? surely thus we have learned christ , and thus we teach : the spirit of god doth work upon the whole soul , and all the faculties at once , and equally ; understanding and will , conscience and affections : nor is there mroe light of saving knowledge in the one , then there is heat of holines in the other : that faith which doth not purifie the heart and cleanse the conscience , is not a saving faith : such a perswasion of pardon is but a presumption ; that of s. iames remaineth an everlasting truth , faith without works is dead . object . that faith ( saith he ) is not dead where the whole essence of faith is . sol. true , but wherein consisteth that essence of faith ? this is nothing but the eccho of the heart ( saith he ) to this voice of the spirit : grant faith to be the eccho of the heart to the voice of the spirit ( though this indeed be but one act of faith ) yet by the voice of the spirit we understand not that suggestion of remittuntur , but the whole text of scripture , comprehending precepts , promises , threatnings , in all which there is indeed an eccho of the heart by faith , psal. 27. 8. but in this the antinomian is farther off then the papist : the essence of iustifying faith doth neither consist in this eccho to the text of scripture , nor in that eccho to that word of revelation , but in an act that cometh in between them , ex gr. the text of scripture saith , he that believeth shall be saved : is man justified by believing this for a truth , or rather by doing that duty which the word believeth doth intimate , viz. the act of confidence and affiance in christ . again , the spirit saith , thy sins are forgiven ; is man justified because the believeth this word ? surely , no : he must have it , before the word that saith so be a word of truth . so then the first eccho goeth before , the other doth follow after : the right act of justifying faith , whence it is so named is that intermediate act of confidence and affiance . understand me to speak of these acts of faith as first , second , third , in the order of nature , not in the distance of time : in the order of nature justification doth not go before faith , but follow upon it : nor is man justisted , because he doth perswade himself that so it is . to wade no farther in this argument : by this i suppose it is evident , that the new way of evidencing by the word of the spirit , and the subscription of faith , cannot lay the ground of perfect peace , except there come in also the evidence of inherent qualifications . the voice of pardon , is not the voice of the spirit , except when it speaks to a heart prepared and fitted for it : then only is it true , when it falls upon a penitent soul , a repenting sinner ; otherwise it is the suggestion of satan . again , the subscription of faith is then a ground of comfort , when it is accompanied with such inherent qualifications as do certainly proclaim the work of the sanctifying spirit in the heart , otherwise it is but presumption and rash boldness . the ground of all this is in the nature of this testimony of the spirit : it is not denied , but that the testimony of the spirit is the chief and principal assurance of our adoption : that without it the soul is not finally rid of fears : that when it cometh , it taketh away all fears and doubts — but this is that which we are to nore , that this is rather an attestation then a testimony ; a secondary , not the first deponent : is not this rightly concluded from that of rom. 8. 16. the spirit witnesseth with our spirit — where we have two witnesses joyning together their testimonies to assert this truth , that we are the sons of god : two i say , viz. our spirit , and the spirit of god , the witness of our spirit , i. e. of our conscience is the first ; the spirit of god is the second : his work is not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to witness together with our spirit : i. e. to confirm and ratifie what that hath asserted . so that indeed the evidencing of this testimony of the spirit is from the testimony of our own conscience : if this do not first speak and conclude , that other of the spirit speaks not at all : now the testimony of the conscience is the conclusion of that practical syllogism ; and the certainty of this conclusion depends upon the verity of the assumption , which mentioneth the work of grace in the heart . so then , let it be the care of the christian to make good the verity of the assumption , that he may truly say , i do repent ▪ i am led by the spirit : i do believe and rest upon christ , &c. this shall not only afford him comfort by the conclusion , but also assure him that he is not mis-led by the suggestion of satan , but guided by the spirit , to rest upon that testimony of his adoption and justification . chap. vi . touching sin in the conscience of the believer ; the doctrine of the antinomians in this point examined and found insufficient to satisfie the conscience : the right way of satisfying the conscience , and of taking away the scruple of sin , set down . the prophet isaiah , cap. 53. 11. having set down this , that christ shall iustifie many , addeth this as a reason , for he shall bear their iniquities : a phrase borrowed from the levitical priesthood , in which the sacrificed beast did bear the iniquity of the party that brought it , his confession was , that he had deserved death by his sin ; yet now casting himself upon the mercy of god , he desired that the guilt of his sin might be transferred and laid upon that sacrifice , and by the blood of it he might finde atonement : so then , the meaning of that saying of the prophet is , that christ shall as a sacrifice of expiation take upon him punishment due to the sin of many : thus by bearing the punishment doth he take away the sin of his people . this doth not please some , the antinomian doctors by name ; the word iniquities is found in the 6. verse of the chapter ; and upon that text , one of them , dr. crisp , doth contend much for this , that not onely the punishment of sin , but the iniquity it self was laid upon christ : not the guilt only , but the fault it self ; his reason is , because otherwise it had been injustice in god to bruise hi● . i should not much stick either at the doctrine or the reason , but that i finde , that the end of this for which they contend is not found ; viz. to shew the reason , why it is said in jer. 50. 20. that the iniquity of iacob ( the elect of god ) is sought for , but cannot be found ; viz. because god hath conveyed their iniquities away from the sinner , and laid them upon the back of christ ; the which he seeketh to illustrate by him that to help a theef and deliver him from the danger of the hue and cry , conveyeth away out of the thiefs house the stoln goods , so that they are not found upon him ; it is not we see for nothing , that these men depart from the received expressions of other divines . iunius reads that sixth verse thus , facit ut incurrat pena — the punishment of us all met upon him , answerable to verse 5. the chastisement of our peace was laid upon him . the genevenses note is , the punishment of our iniquitie , and not the fault it self : and deodate saith , not the transgression nor the fault , but the bond by which we were lyable to gods iustice , and the punishment of it , christ being our surety . amesius saith , that the imputation of our sin could agree to christ in none other sense , then this , that he should undergo the punishment due to our sins : see his medulla theol. par. 1. cap. 6. but to let this pass : upon this truth and text , that god hath laid upon christ the iniquity of us all , and that accordingly christ hath born our iniquities ; a question is moved , how then cometh it to pass , that sin doth still trouble and terrifie the conscience of many ? to this question the antinomians do answer , that many do trouble themselves needlesly ; that there is indeed no sin in the conscience of the believer , but that men do put it in , and so vex themselves without cause . one of their doctors out of that text of isa. 53. 6. [ the lord hath laid on him the iniquities of us all ] hath delivered these doctrines : 1. that it is iniquity it self , and not barely the punishment that is laid upon christ . 2. this iniquity of ours is really transacted and laid upon him , truely , and not only by so thinking . 3. the laying of iniquity upon christ , is the lords own act , it is his prerogative alone to do it . 4. this act is not now to be done , but it is done already . 5. this grace of laying iniquity upon christ , is appliable by forgiveness of sin to persons before the least measure of sanctification . points of doctrine in which we cannot readily suspect any iniquity , at least they might pass with a favorable interpretation : but by the conclusions thence deduced , we cannot but see that there is a snake in the grass : hence he inferreth , 1. that the reason why believers walk in bitterness of spirit , is because they imagine sin in the conscience ; whereas indeed believers have no sin at all , wasting their conscience , or lying as a burthen upon them . 2. that our own performances , faith and repentance , have no hand at all in laying sin upon christ : nor is there any other end of our faith , save onely to manifest what is done long ago by god and christ . 3. that we may save all our care and fear , for the work is done to our hand : yea to think that we must take pains to get pardon , is a deceitful imagination . 4. that our righteousness may hinder our closing with christ , so may our sinfulness , &c. not much unlike is the dealing of another of the same society : who having set these two truths ; 1. that christ hath taken away sin out of the sight of god by a sacrifice , the effect whereof is atonement and peace . 2. that he hath taken sin also out of the conscience , that so we might have the answer of a good conscience , and this is the effect of our faith , act. 15. 9. hence he draweth this conclusion , that it is in effect the doctrine of antichrist , the man of sin ( whose design is to set up again what christ hath destroyed ) to perswade any that sin is not taken away out of gods sight , or out of the conscience , till the work of baptism , and of repentance : to say , that baptism taketh away sin out of the conscience ; or , that repentance washeth away sin : that no forgiveness of sin with god before repentance : nay he closeth up the discourse with this speech , doth any declare repentance to be a mean to obtain remission ; it is a footstep of antichrist . these inserences being so dissonant from the truth , give us cause to suspect the grounds on which they are builded , and upon examination we finde , that the explication of the points delivered is not sound . touching the first man , who from that text [ god hath laid on him ] grounded those points aforementioned , viz. that god hath laid upon christ all the sins of the elect , and that therefore men do needlesly trouble themselves by putting them again into the conscience ; and that they should rest upon this assured ground , that all their sins are so done away , that there is no need of repentance and humiliation for them : this man , i say , either did not throughly look into the text , to finde out the true meaning of that phrase , or else did willingly neglect it as not fit for his purpose : for i desire it may be seriously considered , whether that phrase [ the lord hath laid upon him ] doth intend any more then what st. paul hath expressed in that verb {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} rom. 3. 25. god hath set him forth , or pre-ordained him to be a propitiation , in which respect it is that he is called the lamb of god , that taketh away the sins of the world , i. e. the lamb , the sacrifice of expiation which god hath appointed for that end : and so the words of the prophet do give us this as the intention of god , that though we every one of us have gone astray , and so incurred the just wrath and displeasure of god , yet doth not god lay the punishment of our transgression upon our own persons , but hath appointed him ( the lord christ ) to bear the punishment and satisfie the iustice of god , so that we do make the fault , and he doth bear the blame . but now , as touching the mean and maner , how the fruit of this sacrifice shall redound to us , whether absolutely without any intervenient act of man , or conditionally in and upon mans recourse to christ ; this is not determined in that text , but to be fought elswhere . consequently , to that which he urgeth , that it is gods own act to lay iniquity upon christ , and that it is done long since : we may reply , this is little to the point , the pre-ordination of christ in this office is gods own act , man hath no hand in it ; no , nor in the purchase of pardon , that is christs own act : both these are done long since , yet this hinders not , but that in the application of it to man , which cannot be till man have a being , it hinders not i say , but that man may have his act , as indeed he hath : the which is evident by that analogy which holdeth betwixt the type and the truth ; the sins of the people were not laid upon the sacrifice but by the hand of man . god indeed appointed the sacrifices for expiation , and in that sence may be said , to lay the iniquity of the sinner upon the sacrifice ; but beside this , the man that brought the sacrifice was to lay his hand upon it : and yet more evident is this in that doctrinal ceremony of the scape-goat in lev. 16. 22. till the priest by confession of the iniquities and transgressions of the people had laid them on him , the scape-goat did not bear them away . so that man also hath his act in laying iniquity upon christ , no less then god , not in the preparation of the price , but in the way of application . adde this , that the words [ vs all ] which he applyeth to sinners ( contending against the necessity of inherent qualifications in any , to dispose them and make them fit to receive the benefit of redemption purchased ) these words , i say , are not universal , but only in relation to the church of god : so that till a man be of the church , and in the number of believers , he may not include himself in the list of them to whom it doth belong . for why ? if it belong to sinners as sinners , then to all sinners : and so he will lay the ground for an universal redemption , which i believe he doth not intend : if this redemption belong not to all as sinners , and yet the terms of the promise run in the universal ; then some act of man sanctified by the spirit of god must come in between , by which he may be included before he conclude for himself . truth it is , that no sin may keep off the penitent soul from closing with christ . and if in saying , that this grace is appliable by forgiveness of sin to persons before the least measure of sanctification ; if he intend no more but this , that such is the vertue and value of christs sacrifice , that no sin how great soever can hinder the hope of pardon in case he come in and apply himself to christ , i know no man that will not subscribe . no sin may may keep off the penitent ; but till man be penitent , no man may close with christ nor conclude to himself the remission of sin : the reason hereof is , because mens names are not set down in the book of god : they must know , that the conclusion of comfort is by the way of a practical syllogism ; in which alway the assumption is the testimony of the conscience , touching that work of grace in the heart to which the promise is made : ex . gr. he that believeth in the name of the son of god shall not perish : if we confess our sins , he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins — here is the promise made to the penitent believer ; now saith the conscience , i do believe , i do confess my sins , this is the testimony of the sanctified conscience , speaking the work of the spirit upon the heart of man : hence the conclusion of comfort is , this promise is mine , my portion is in it , and hence both peace and joy in the holy ghost . but now look upon the antinomian ground of comfort , and let even reason judge whether it can produce any true consolation : god hath laid the iniquity of sinners upon christ ; god justified the ungodly : but i am a sinner , i am ungodly , therefore the benefit is mine . is it not evident , that except all sinners promiseuously receive this benefit , there is no certainty of comfort in the conclusion ? if it may appear , as who doubteth but that it may appear , that there be many ungodly that never had nor shall have benefit by christ ; is not the conclusion uncertain ? true saith the author aforesaid , names of particular persons are not written in the word : but what hinders that thou maist not have part in christ : the pardon is to all theeves , may not each particular take his part ? this general tender of free grace is as sufficient for satisfaction of mans spirit as if his name were written . well , but this pardon is to all theeves , is it not , if they will come in ? and surely it is intended , that they come in as penitents , not as perverse rebellious persons , and till they come in thus , can they claim the benefit of the kings pardon ? and therefore whereas he addeth , hath the lord given thee an heart to come in , that thou fain wouldest have christ if thou durst , it is enough ; he should deny himself if he should cast thee off . this is a precious truth if rightly understood ; but in his intention it halteth : for besides this , that when god giveth an heart to come in to christ , he giveth an holy heart , an humble and penitent heart , an heart no less ready to take christ for a lord then for a saviour : nay indeed , more desirous of this then of that : not that he might merit favor by his service ; but out of the abundance of love to christ , he is much desirous that christ should now be glorified by him ( as formerly he hath been dishonored ) before himself be glorified by christ . besides this , i say , the conclusion of comfort grounded upon the general tender of free-grace , is not by the assumption , i am a sinner , i am a theef : but by this , i do come in : hereupon it followeth , that he may not cast me off ; and , this coming in , what is it , but to believe in the name of christ , joh. 1. 12. and what is that , but to rest upon him for salvation . so then , the general tender of free-grace made to sinners is conditional , as touching the benefit of pardon , viz. if they come in and cast themselves upon the mercy of god in christ , there is hope of pardon . and indeed it may appear that this is that which the doctor did intend , howsoever in the prosecution of the point his words did seem to drive farther ; for thus he concludeth in one of his sermons : so then , notwithstanding any sinfulness which thou findest in thy self , thou maist boldly come to christ and commit thy self unto him as an all-sufficient saviour . touching the second author , who hath more covertly and more cautelously delivered himself , he sets it down as a doctrine of antichrist , to say , that sin is not taken away out of the conscience till the work of baptism and of repentance . particularly touching baptism this he censureth as a doctrine of the man of sin , that baptism doth take away sin out of the conscience , and out of the sight of god : and well he may , if it be maintained in that sense which he opposeth , viz. as an ordinance which hath in it a vertue and efficacy of taking away sins not derived from , and subservient to the blood of christ : in this sense , if any do maintain any efficacy in that sacrament , let him be anathema . but if it be no derogation to the spirit , that the ministery of the word is said to have an effectual working power in the conversion of men , and causing them by repentance to return to god : in as much as the efficacy of the ministery is subservient to the spirit , as the instrument by which the spirit worketh , why is it derogatory to the blood of christ , that the sacrament hath an effectual power in this act of taking away sin out of the conscience ; in as much as it is intended hereby to ascribe no efficacy at all to it , save only as an ordinance of application , yea , and this also subservient to the spirit . the blood of christ is that that taketh away sin out of the conscience : but then doth it perform this spiritual cure when it is applyed ; and the sacrament is a mean of application : a mean , i say , by which the spirit applyeth the blood of christ unto the conscience : in which respect , by a communication of phrases , it is said , to wash away sin , act. 22. 16. and god is said to save us by the washing of regeneration , titus 3. 5. and christ is said to cleanse his church by the washing of water , ephesians 5. 26. not as if any vertue were in the water , which saint peter denyeth , 1 pet. 3. 21. but because the blood of christ which hath that vertue in it is applied in and by the administration of that sacrament . and therefore for him to say , that if baptism taketh away sin out of the conscience , then hath not christ finished the taking away sin by his one and alone offering ; this , i say , is not to the purpose , in as much as beside the paying of the price , there must also be an application of it , otherwise the work is not done ; a wound in the flesh is not cured by the preparation of an effectual plaister , but by the application of it to the wound . nor can there be any perfection to the creature , without the application of this price , of this plaister . this he was not ignorant of , and thereupon seeketh to make his advantage ; for thus he argueth , is there ( saith he ) any perfection to the creature , without application ? surely no , and yet heb. 10. 14. by one offering he hath perfected for ever them that are sanctified ; what he would hence conclude , i see not . will he from the word [ hath perfected ] conclude the application already past , viz. from the very hour of christs passion ? how can that be ? is there any here said to be perfected by that one sacrifice , but they that are sanctified ? are any sanctified but by the communion of christs spirit ? doth not this communion presuppose an union ? is not that union with christ , sealed to us in our baptism ? sanctified persons then are perfected by that one sacrifice ; yet how perfected ? all at once ? not so , but the ground-work of their perfect consummation is laid in that one sacrifice ; and so laid , that in due time by the vertue and power thereof , without any other offering they shall be perfected . the true meaning therefore of them that say ( if any do say it in those terms ) that sin is not taken away out of the conscience , till by the sacrament of baptism it be taken away : their meaning , i say , is no more but this , that till the elect of god be really and actually united to christ , they are not actually made partakers of that remission which was purchased for them by that sacrifice . in which respect they do call upon converts and believers , as did ananias upon paul , arise and be baptized , and wash away thy sins . a text plainly proving , that baptism hath some kinde of work and efficacy in washing away sin ; he objecteth , that these words were spoken to a believer ; consequently , if paul was already a believer , and yet his sins not washed away until he were baptized : then it will follow , that sin is not alway pardoned to a believer . but this objection doth nothing hinder the conclusion set down : because , though paul as a believer had right to the benefits of christ , by vertue of the promise made to believers ; yet could he not have fruition of them till he had taken possession of christ by being incorporated into him ; faith is the hand of man to receive , but the sacrament is the hand of the spirit to convey unto us christ and all his benefits : might not he have learned this out of that text , he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved , had he well marked it ? if there be nothing added by baptism to complete the state of a christian , why is it enjoyned ? i demand , whether a believer , suppose him to live and dye in the wilful neglect of that sacrament , can be saved ? nay more , suppose him to have been an alien , a stranger , or as paul , a persecuter of the church of god ; but now a convert as paul was , nay a professor and zealous preacher of christ ; and so to have washt away his sins in the sense that this man giveth of ananias words ( the sense of those words of ananias which h. d. giveth is this , break off thy sins — it is a washing in conversation , sc. to manifest to the world that thou art another man : and he noteth , that one washed in respect of gods imputation , and washed in conscience in respect of manifestation and apprehension of the grace of god in jesus christ , may yet be exhorted to wash in respect of conversation : by which it seemeth that there was no farther use of baptism to paul at this time , save only to manifest to the world that he was a convert , which i suppose is so sensless a position , that it needeth no refutation : ) i say then , suppose a man thus to have washt away his sins , can all this profit him to salvation , if he wilfully reject the sacrament of baptism ? can he by his profession and preaching obtain a part in christ , and a pardon of this wilfulness ? surely , except the church of god in all ages hath hitherto wanted light and sight to see the true meaning of the words ; that text of our saviour , ioh. 3. 5. reprehending nicodemus for his backwardness in this duty , is very clear and evident for the proof of the negative , viz. that such a man so wilfully rejecting the sacrament , cannot plead his faith , nor have entrance into the kingdom of heaven . this man is not more out in the point of baptism , then he is in the next point , touching repentance . this doth he account a doctrine of the man of sin , to say , that repentance doth wash away sin ; that repentance is a mean to obtain remission ; that there is no forgiveness with god before repentancce . touching that first expression , we do not say , that repentance doth wash away sin in any other sense but this , that there is no forgiveness of sin to the impenitent . it is necessary as a passive qualification . it hath no efficacy in procuring pardon or perfecting forgiveness , more then this , that it fitteth the person to receive it : and this is no doctrine of the man of sin , it was the doctrine of moses and the prophets . true ( saith he ) it was so in the old testament , contrition and confession went before remission ; but in the new testament , remission doth go before contrition . this is soon said , but how is it proved ? what text of scripture , what argument from any text of scripture ? the worldly tabernacle of moses , was it not a figure and patern of heavenly things ? may we not see , as the mercy of god shadowed forth in those sacrifices of expiation , so the duty of the sinner expressed in those legal purifications ? to this he answereth , that contrition went before remission in our high priest : he was bruised , broken , slain before any remission ; this no man doubteth : but we demand , whether , as then , contrition was required of the people , before by their sacrifice they could have remission : so now also , it be not required that contrition be found in us before we obtain remission by the sacrisice of christ ; at no hand will he endure to hear of this : christ ( saith he ) confesseth our sins , offereth for our sins , maketh peace through his blood , and calleth upon us to believe this peace and atonement made . this we deny not , but still insist upon this , whether contrition be not required of believers in the new testament , as well as of them in the old testament , to make them capable of remission ; if not , what is there in the new testament to answer to that figure ? i finde it interserted in a parenthesis , that preist , sacrifices and people , were all of them figures of christ : what the meaning of it should be , i cannot guess , except it be this , that christ must be all , and do all : upon him must lie no less the work of repentance for sin , then of satisfaction . thus shall the burthen be increased to him , that so it may be cased to the sinner ; had the scripture revealed it so to be , we had received it ; now we may not . well it is that christ hath done for us , what we could not , viz. he hath made satisfaction ; it is not much if he require of us what we may well do , viz. to be truely contrite and penitent for our sins . but ( saith he ) faith which is the knowledge of remission must needs go before contrition , else would it be sin : for whatsoever is not of faith is sin , rom. 14. 23. i might justly reply and say , like point , like proof . neither is justifying faith the knowledge of remission ; nor doth that text of st. paul speak of justifying faith . but this i say , that if faith be the knowledge of remission , viz. fully past , and already in possession , it doth rather take away contrition then call for it : there is no place for sorrow in heaven ; the spirits of just men made perfect , who are in full possession of remission , do not now any more weep and shed tears for the sins that they have committed . he addeth , we do not therefore believe remission , because we repent ; but therefore repent , because we believe remission . i answer , we do both ; we believe remission , because we do repent , not as if there were any merit in our repentance to deserve it , but because there is truth in god to perform his promises : and we repent , because we believe remission . here note , that to believe remission may be considered either in the promise or in the performance : the promise of remission is made for the penitent , and repentance required as a mean to fit men for it . is not this evident by the preaching of christ and his apostles , mar. 1. 15. act. 2. 38. and 3. 19. the performance of this promised remission doth presuppose penitency in the sinner ; yea and doth put him more upon it . so that , as of faith there is one act that doth go before remission , and another act that doth follow after : so also of repentance , there is somthing of it doth go before faith , and something also doth follow after . indeed saith this author , judas repentance may go before faith , i. e. before the knowledge of remission : but godly repentance doth follow after . i might reply , that is improperly said to go before this faith , when as this faith doth never follow after . doubtless if faith be the knowledge of remission , it doth never follow upon judas repentance . but this i rather reply , that it was not a judas repentance that went before remission in the old testament ; nor is it a judas repentance which the apostle doth call for , to this end , that their sin might be blotted out , act. 3. 19. nor can it with reason be denyed , but that he who saith , repent and be converted , that your sins may be blotted out — doth leave them to conclude , that unless they do repent their sins shall not be blotted out : and again , that if they do repent , their sin shall be blotted out ; consequently , there is a repentance which is required as a mean to obtain remission , and that by the warrant of scripture-text . and therefore it is no doctrine of antichrist , not footstep of the man of sin to declare repentance as a mean of remission . but now to return to the question propounded , viz. whence is it , that sin doth trouble and terrifie the conscience ? i should rather give this answer ; the reason is , because sin is not yet taken away out of the conscience by the application of the blood of christ . to say that there is no sin at all in the conscience , when we feel the sting and terror thereof , is it not in effect to say . no mote in the eye , no thorn in the flesh , when we feel the pain and pricking of it ? how doth it vex if it be not there ? doubtless while it vexeth it is not quite taken forth ; nor is the rankling of it quite healed : the indisposition of the body may adde to the distemper of the minde , till it be removed and cured by physick : but when the body is in good order , and yet the conscience in spiritual distress ; doth it not appear that sin lyeth at the door , and must be removed out of the conscience by the application of the blood of christ ? application of the plaister is no less necessary then the preparation of it . the brazen-serpent set up cured none that would not look up to it : nor doth christ cure any that will not believe him . and how do we believe in him , if we do not apply our selves to him for remedy ? this application of the blood of christ is wrought by the minstery of the word and sacraments ; hence it is called the ministery of reconciliation ; in which and by which god dispenseth his favors and comforts to them of his houshold : and by those ordinances doth he bring home the blood of christ to the soul and conscience of the worthy receiver . and as in the old testament the guilt of sin was not removed out of the conscience , till the sacrifice appointed for this or that sin was offered ( which is not improbably aleaged as a reason why the sin of david lay so heavy upon him , even because he made no hast to confess his sin and to bring his sacrifice , without which no remission ) so in the new testament , sin is not removed out of the conscience , till by the ministery of reconciliation the blood of christ be applyed to the conscience for the cure thereof : god hath appointed the ministery for this end , and he will have his ordinances honored , and workings of his spirit in them acknowledged . it is not for this cause that many who seek for comfort with much importunity of prayer and supplication , yet are held off for a long time ; even because they do not address themselves to god in his ordinances ? and here is that necessity and usefulness of baptism to take away sin out of the conscience , which so much displeased the antinomian doctor , nor of baptism only but of the lords supper also ; yea of the whole ministery of the gospel : not as if the word and sacraments , or the ministery that dispenseth them , had any power and efficacy in themselves : but as hath been said , because these are the instruments of the spirit in applying the blood of christ , which alone is the remedy of our spiritual malady . note : this ministerial application is only to the worthy receiver ; and none such doth the text of scripture acknowledge , but him who being truly humbled and grieved for his sin , for this and that sin in particular , doth judge himself : and then by faith looking up to christ on the cross ( as did israel look up to the brazen serpent ) and resting upon the passion of christ , as the only satisfaction of gods justice , desireth to be purged in his blood : and in testimony of his faith in the blood of christ doth draw near to the ordinance of application , that therein he may be made partaker of the blood of christ , to purge his conscience , and quiet his minde : and here is the necessity of repentance , without which no remission ( the second point of antichristianism in the antinomians account ) not as if repentance hath any efficacy of a meritorious , yea or of an efficient cause ; but because faith neither ought , nor indeed can close with christ , and draw vertue from him for the purging of the conscience , but when it self is lodged in a penitent soul : the reason is , because , so must the promise of pardon by christ be receiv'd by man as it is tendred to him : and this is not to the sinner as a sinner , but to the sinner as humble and penitent , as before was shewed . so then the answer of the question returns to this , sin doth yet terrifie the conscience , notwithstanding that christ on the cross hath satisfied for it , and so obtained reconciliation for the sinner : because otherwhiles men are not careful to seek for the application of christs blood to themselves , in the ordinances appointed . what wonder if israel dye of the serpent bitings , if they will not look up to the brazen serpent : so here , if men neglect the means of remedy , what wonder is it if they lie and languish . object . but even they that have often sought to god in these ordinances ; yea and with much care have prepared themselves for the worthy receiving of the sacrament , yet do not finde that peace of conscience which is expected . sol. it may be so , but do they withal rest upon it as an ordinance of the spirit to apply the blood of christ , and so to seal unto the soul the assurance of peace and pardon ? do they i say rest in it ; or do they expect to receive their assurance by some irradiation and immediate revelation of the spirit ? this is the error of some ; others are careless in their walking afterward : they forget that caveat of the psalmist , the lord will speak peace to his people : but let them not return again to folly , psa. 85. 8. what wonder if the re-admission of sin into the soul , renew the sting and terror of conscience . satan re-entring brings seven other spirits worse then himself : hence commonly the terror afterward is greater then before : impossible it is that the soul should finde sweetness insin , desire it , delight in it : and the conscience not fear and tremble at the thought of hel , and the wrath of god . corol. to close up all : is the conscience terrified ? see the way to finde remedy , and how thou maist provide for comfort . not in the antinomian way , viz. by a violent perswasion of this , that thy sin was long since laid upon christ in the day of his passion ; but by seeking for the application of his blood in the word and sacraments . prepare thee for the worthy receiving of them , by renewing thy repentance : by faith look upon christ in the sacrament , hear him speaking in the word , as the assured remedy of all spiritual diseases and distresses : carefully watch against future tentations ; take heed of relapsing into sin : remember that as christ hath joyned these two petitions , forgive us our trespasses , and lead us not into tentation ; so hath he bound up the comfort of the former , in the cautelous observation of the latter : whoso doth not watch against tentation , loseth all comfort of remission . the arguments of the compassionate samaritan , touching the power of the magistrate in the compulsion of conscience , examined . the intent and scope of the book is to shew , that the magistrate ought not to punish any for the profession of his conscience ( by conscience he meaneth the mans present judgement and opinion ) though it be contrary to what is determined by authority . his arguments be these : 1. because punishment is not due to what is necessitated . 2. because no man can presume of infallibility . 3. because the magistrate ought not to compel any man to sin . the first argument . vvhere there is a necessity , there ought to be no punishment , because punishment is the just recompence of voluntary actions , not of necessitated . but every man is necessitated to be of that opinion which he holdeth : nor can he chuse but be of that judgement whatsoever it is ; because his reason doth necessarily enforce him to it , while it concludeth the position to be true or false . ans. grant indeed , where there is a necessity there ought to be no punishment , if there be no concurrence of the will : or if that necessitation proceed not from a faulty cause : ex . gr. the spider is by instinct of nature necessitated to make poison , as the bee to make honey : the sinew that shrank in jacobs thigh , or the joynt that is dislocated , necessitateth a man to halt , he cannot chuse ; yet here is no punishment due , because here is no concurrence of the will , nor is this necessitation from a faulty cause . but now when drunkenness doth necessitate some to lust , and others to wrath ; or rather , when corruption doth necessitate wicked men and angels to sin ( such is their present condition , they can do nothing but sin ) yet is not this necessitation an excuse to save from punishment , because this is not from natural instinct , but from voluntary consent , it is from a faulty cause : so that it is not always true , that where there is a necessity , there ought to be no punishment . consequently , we must inquire , whence this necessity , viz. that he cannot chuse but be of that opinion , whence , i say , it cometh ; whether from a faulty or a faultless cause : he saith , his reason concludeth it to be so and so ; and hereby he is necessitated to be of this opinion ; he cannot believe otherwise then his reason guideth him : nor indeed , is it fit he should , during the time that reason so concludeth : but then , enquire farther , whence is it that his reason doth so conclude ? is it from the clearness of the argument ? or from the cloudiness of his understanding ? in some things there is such clearness in the argument , and such evidence in the light thereof , that the judgement cannot but rest in it : ex . gr. the articles of the christian faith , and the duties of the moral law ; the truth of the one , the equity of the other is so clear , that reason cannot but see the evidence , and conclude accordingly . but in respect of some other things , though no less true , and good in themselves , there may be such cloudiness and darkness in the understanding , that it cannot apprehend the evidence and force of that argument and reason which is aleaged , and so for the present it is hindred in yielding assent to them ; but then , the next enquiry is , what may be the ground or spring of this darkness and obscurity ? whether weakness and ignorance , or wilfulness and prejudice . if ignorance , good reason that as yet the party be excused from punishment , till farther information ? not so , if it proceed from passion and prejudice . and would you know , whether it proceed from the one or from the other ; consider these rules : 1. if it proceed from weakness , and not from wilfulness , you shall finde in the man a readiness , yea a diligence to enquire and search for farther information , glad he is to be instructed : not so the other , he is negligent and careless to enquire , he liketh his present opinion , and so pleadeth conscience , when indeed it is affection , and affectation that doth wholly guide him : he would not be convinced of an error , least he should lose what he hopeth to receive in holding this way . 2. if from ignorance and weakness , it is attended with meekness and humility : not so the other , he is swelling , supercilious , self-seeking and self-conceited , ready to contemn others ; at no hand ready to yield , no not even to know truths , if he perceive that they cross the conceit which he hath taken up . whereas the weak christian is ready to acknowledge the gifts and graces of others that are contrary minded ; nor will he deny any truth , though he cannot as yet acknowledge this in question to be a truth , and ●o subscribe unto it . nor will he ( as doth the other too frequently ) censure those that are contrary minded . 3. weakness and ignorance , causeth in him sadness and sorrow of heart , in the consideration of his own dulness : grieved he is that he cannot see , what other holy saints and servants of god do see : hence also , hearty prayer that god would reveal this truth also to him , that so he may comply with that duty of obedience which he oweth to authority . not so the other , he neither grieveth nor prayeth , but pleaseth himself , and pleadeth against authority , yea , and censureth their proceedings , as if all the world were bound to learn of him , and subscribe to what he hath concluded . and is it fit that such a man should by the pretence and plea of conscience , thus palliate his affected ways , and yet escape the just lash of authority ? the second argument . no sort of men can presume of an unerring spirit ; for evident it is that all of them , fathers , councels , parliaments have been grossly mistaken ; nor are the presnet times exempt from error : why then should one sort compel the other , in as much as hereby hazard is run , that he who is in the error may be the constrainer of him who is in the truth . ans. grant the truth of what is laid for the ground ; viz. that none are free from error , according to that of rom. 3. nor can any one presume of an unerring spirit ; and yet i deny the inference , viz. that therefore one sort may not compell the other : for why ? though no man may presume of such a spirit , yet they that are of god may comfortably expect the conduct of the spirit , psal. 25. 14. joh. 16. 13. again , though none may expect to be guided by inspiration , yet by the manuduction of that rule which the spirit of god hath fitted and perfected for the church of god ; by this i say may the man of god expect to be throughly furnished , 2 tim. 3. ult. now then might the prophets and apostles who were guided by an infallible spirit , might they be alowed to compel them that were contrary minded ( which is evident both by the president of saint paul , 1 tim. 1. ult. and also by the mans argument : for if they that want it may not , because they want it ; then they that have this infallible spirit , may compel because they have it ) might they be alowed ; and may not the pastors of the church , who have a rule which is no less infallible ? is not the text of scripture as infallible a rule of direction to the church of god in present , as the inspiration and revelation was to the prophets and apostles ? if not , why is that exchanged for this ? is the spirit less careful of the church now , then in times past ? lesse careful i mean to lead it into all truth . i may grant indeed , that the inspiration and revelation did carry with it a more active impression of light upon the understanding of the prophets and apostles , to evidence the truth of what they received : but the question is not so much , whether that way had not greater evidence , but whether this way hath not as great assurance . things concluded by reason , and received by faith , have in them no less assurance , then things perceived by sense , though not so great evidence . so then , in those things whereof the pastors of the church are infallibly assured by the text of scripture that they are not deceived , they may ( even by vertue of the authors argument ) use compulsion to restrain the violence of them that oppose the truth of god . object . but of all ways , compulsion is the most unlikely to beget unity of minde , and uniformity of practise . sol. compulsion is not used to this end , but onely ex consequenti , as the suppression of different judgements and practises may conduce to unity and uniformity : it is a vain thing to think that by fines and imprisonments the magistrate doth seek to perswade men to piety and honesty : no , his primary and proper end is to suppress the contrary ? as the weeding of the garden doth not make the seeds to grow , yet in removing impediments , and making room , it doth accidently prosper their growth : so is it here . object . but club-law causeth prejudice against what is so propugned . sol. it may be so in some , and for a time ; yet god who is wiser then man , by his own practise hath given us to see , that when the way is hedged in with thorns , and when the back doth smart under the rod , the ear is opened to discipline and instruction . so that though the rod do not directly convince or perswade ; yet it hath its efficacy in the way and work of preparation . the third argument . to compel me to do contrary to my conscience , is to compel me to sin ; because whatsoever is not of faith , is sin . of faith , i. e. whereof i am not certainly perswaded that it is lawful . but the magistrate ought not to tompel any one to sin ; therefore , not to do contrary to his conscience , nor to worship god in a way , of the justness whereof he is not perswaded , nay is perswaded that it is unlawful . ans. true indeed , the magistrate ought not to compel any one to sin , understanding the proposition of malum in se , of that which is simply evil in it self . not so , if we speak of malum ex accidenti , of that which is accidentally evil : evil to me , because of a misguided conscience , ex . gr. nebuchadnezzar did ill , by threatnings to compel the people to worship the golden image : so that second beast , mentioned rev. 13. did ill , in causing them to be killed , who would not worship the image of the first beast , verse 15. not so the magistrate in compelling a papist or a separatist to come to church ; because , though this may be evil to him , in respect of his unperswadedness , yet is it not evil in it self : again , it is not fit that the magistrate do forbid what is good in it self , or lay a restraint upon what god hath commanded : it was darius fault to restrain prayer , dan. 6. 7. and the scribes and rulers sinned in forbidding the apostles to preach in the name of jesus , act. 4. 19. but lawful enough it is for the magistrate to forbid the doing of something which is only good by consequence : so likewise , to lay restraint upon what is only lawful , because not prohibited , ex . gr. if a man will say , this is a truth , and therefore i will speak it and publish it ; or if he say , this is just and fit to be done , and therefore i will do it ; the magistrate may put in a bar of restraint , and punish him that shall transgress : for neither is every truth to be published at all times and in all places ; nor is every man alowed to do every thing that is lawful and good : and as for things that are not prohibited by god , but left at large , who knoweth not but that the use of them is to be regulated and ordered by the advice and direction of authority : the commandments whereof , though they binde not the conscience of and by themselves ; yet whoso doth make no conscience of them sinneth against god , whose precept it is , to be subject to the power , not only for wrath , but even for conscience and for the lords sake , rom. 13. 5. 1 pet. 2. 13. now as touching the power of the magistrate in matters of religion , we must look into the old testament , and thence fetch direction , since no particular precepts , as touching his duty are given in the new . in the fourth commandment , he is enjoyned to look to the stranger within his gates , no less then to them of his family : the stranger might not be permitted to pollute the sabbath , nor to prophane any of gods ordinances . was it not upon this warrant , that nehemiah cast forth the houshold-stuff of tobiah out of the chambers , and threatned those of tyrus who made markets upon the sabbath ? asa compelled the people to seek the lord god ; and josiah caused them to enter into the oath and covenant : from which texts it is evident , that the power of the magistrate in matters of religion is both coactive , and coercive : coactive in respect of them within , coercive in respect of them without the church : strangers are not indeed compelled to sanctifie the sabbath , but restrained from prophaning it . those that are in covenant with god , are not only restrained but also compelled to joyn with the assembly in the worship of god : if nor , they are punnished : nor is the punishment of these an act of persecution , but a prudent preservation of the power and purity of religion and gods worship : now except we should think that god hath less regard to the preservation of the purity of his worship and service now in the time of the new testament then he had in the old , we cannot with reason deny , but what was lawfully done by the kings of israel , is not unlawful for the civil magistrate in the time of the new testament . wherefore the magistrate hath a power from god to see to the observation of the moral law , and a sword to punish offenders against it : not only against the second table , but also against the first : he is custos & vindex utriusque tabulae . object . not so , this was allowed in the old testament : yet is it not therefore to be practised in the new : there , i. e. in the old testament there was a precept so to do : here , in the new testament there is rather a prohibition , not to do so : let the tares grow till the harvest , mat. 13. sol. truth it is that this text of our saviour hath much prevailed with many of the ancient and modern divines to draw them to the use of much ( perad venture overmuch ) clemency towards hereticks : but if we do remember that god who is immutable in his essence , is also unchangable in his will , nor doth he so express his minde in any one text of scripture , that it should draw with it the contradiction of another , if rightly understood : and if we hold that rule of interpretation for good , which divines deliver , viz. that where there is a seeming repugnancy in the texts , there it is fit that plain precepts should guide our practise rather then dark and obscure parables : we shall easily conclude , that the meaning of our saviour is not to forbid the use either of the spiritual or civil sword ; both which are the ordinances of god , instituted of god for the coertion and restraint of them that do evil : and yet if this word must stand , let them alone till the harvest , there will be no use of either the civil sword for the punishment of malefactors , nor of the spiritual censures for the ejection and excission of scandalous offenders . for why ? these tares in the parable are expounded to be the children of the wicked , i. e. of that wicked one the devil : and why this text should be so expounded as to favor hereticks rather then hypocrites , i mean such whose practise is not answerable , nay contrary to their profession , i desire to learn from these men , who it seemeth presume to know more of gods minde then he hath revealed in the word . the precept of saint paul , 1 cor. 5. 13. is plain , and his practise according , 1 tim. 1. 20. nor could saint jerome otherwise reconcile these two , but by this interpretation of that parable , that inasmuch as there is not much difference and dissimilitude betwixt the wheat and the tares while both are in the herb , the intention of our saviour is to premonish us not to be overhasty in pronouncing sentence , where there is any ambiguity and difficulty , but rather reserve it , and refer all to the judgement of god : and he giveth this reason of so doing ; because it may come to pass , that he who to day is depraved in his judgement , may repent and amend to morrow , yea and return to the truth , in which we may rather commend his gentleness , then subscribe to his judgement , in the sence of the parable ; the scope whereof doubtless is not to teach lenity and mildeness in proceeding against hereticks ( the word is not , let them alone yet a little , or be not so hasty . but , until the harvest , and that is at the end of world ; till then let them grow saith the parable : and yet saint paul saith , an heretick after the first and second admonition reject ) but the intention of the parable doubtless is to shew , that there is no expectation of universal purity in the church of god during this life : there will be tares always till in the end of the world there be made a total separation . this is the intent , and farther then so it is not doctrinal . i confess , they speak reason , who granting the tares to be ●eant of hereticks , and this eradication to be done by the stroke of death , do yet deny , that the parable doth prohibite this eradication any farther , then when there is also danger of plucking up the wheat , grounding this upon those words , least peradventure ye pluck the wheat ; intimating , that as the magistrate may justly punish malefactors by death , where there is no danger of sedition , so may the pastor , where there is no fear nor danger of a schism , proceed against heretical persons : this i confess is rational , yet i see no reason to depart from the former . but this farther observe , that he who forbad the plucking them up , did not forbid to hinder the sowing of them . good therefore is the councel of saint jerome , quam●brem non dormiat qui eelesia prapositus est , ne per illius negligentiam in i●itus ●●me supersenti●●t zizania i. e. hereticorum dogmata . let not the church-governor sleep , least the envious man take that opportunity to sow tares : and that of chemnitius is not to be contemned , quando zizania volunt triticum crescendo superare , &c , when there is danger and fear least the tares do overgrow and so come to choke the wheat , since god hath set up two distinct governments , viz. ecclesiastical and political , and hath forbidden the church-governor to meddle with the sword , no doubt but in this case the pastor may with a good conscience desire the help of the civil magistrate , and desire him to take care least the field of wheat sustain any harm by the tares . memorable is that recantation of saint austin ; sometimes he had been of that opinion , n●minem ad christi unitatem esse ●●gendum , verbo esse agendum , disputatione pugnandum , ratione vincendum ; ne fictos catholicos : haberemus , quos apertos haereticos n●veramus : but afterwards he changed his opinion , confessing that he found it by experience what benefit came to many by the wholesome severity of the imperial edicts : even whole cities recovered from the poisonons doctrine of donatism , while by the laws they were compelled to return to the society and fellowship of the church : so then , compulsion is not unlawful in this case ; not only ecclesiastical by the censures of the church , but also civil , by the sword of the magistrate : only the doubt is , whether the sword of the magistrate may punish heresie with death : but if the magistrate try to reclaim them from their errors , by those ways which are acknowledged lawful to be used , viz. restraining the ring-leaders ; by prohibiting the pulpit and the press , by dispersing their conventicles , by imprisonment of the unruly and obstinate , so also , by compelling the residue to attend upon the society of the faithful , and publike ministery of the word [ these are acknowledged lawful , even by those who deny it lawful to put any to death , non prohibet christus conciliabula haereticorum dissipare , ora obstruere , libertatem loquendi concidere , verum interficere & trucidare vetat : so chrysostom , as i finde him cited by chemitius . ] now if these be carefully followed , and made use of , either there will be no need to proceed any farther in the way of punishing hereticks ; or if there be , it will be so plain and palpable , that none will make any scruple , except he would have the magistrate stand for a cypher , and suffer both church and common wealth to sink under the unruly disorders of unquiet spirits . so then , it is evident , that he who forbade to pluck up the tares , did not forbid to hinder the sowing of them : and indeed if we mark it , the question in this point of compulsion and liberty of conscience , is not touching what is to be done with them that are of another minde , but what is to be done with them that publish their erroneous opinions , and seek to druw disciples after them : nor touching them that receive not for truth , whatsoever is decreed by the verdict of authority , but touching them that oppose and contradict it as erroneous . it were , i confess , overmuch to binde me to believe whatsoever the synod concludeth : but it is not unfitting for authority to restrain my hand and tongue from open opposition and apparent contradiction . i close up my thoughts of this point , with these few rules , which i conceive fit to be thought upon , for the prevention of schism , and the preservation of peace and unity . 1. in things decreed by authority , and enjoyned by superiors , the question that subjects are to debate , is not , an hoc sit optimum , but , an hoc sit illi citum : not , whether it might no be better ; but , whether this be so bad , as not to be endured reason ; because if it be not unlawful in it self , it is for the present to be received , and a fitter apportunity to be waited for , when in humility we may tender to authority a farther light of information . 2. the plea of conscience is not an excuse for our not complying with the command of authority , save only in the case of that weakness before mentioned ; viz. when having used all good means of farther information , yet the understanding is not able to overmaster the scruple of conscience . 3. not they who differ in opinion , from what is decreed by authority , but they that publish their opinions are justly punished . for why ? though the thoughts of the heart fall not under the command of the magistate , yet the publication of them doth ; because , hereby the peace of the church , and the purity of religion may come into danger ; and the care of these is committed to him , and only in this care of his doth he serve god as a magistrate , and go beyond the ordinary service of the christian , according to that observation of st. austin , epl. 50. ad bonifacium , aliter servit rex quia homo ▪ aliter etiam quia rex . quia homo est , deo servit vivendo fideliter ; quia rex est , servit leges justa praecipientes , & contraria prohibentes conveniente rigore sanciendo . in hoc serviunt domino reges in quantum sunt reges , cum ea faciunt ad serviendum illi , quae non possunt facere nisi reges . imprimatur novem. 28. 1646. john dovvname . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a76316e-2420 * see suffrag. . theolog. magn. brit. in artic. 5. faith , in gal 5. 22. is fidelity , as in tit. 2. 10. a moral virtue . see dr. crisps sermons upon isa. 53. see dr. crisps . sermons upon isa 53. see dr. crisps sermons upon isa. 53. 6. h● dens sermon entituled , the man of sin discovered . die veneris 30 julii. 1641. resolved upon the question. that this house doth conceive that the protestation made by them, is fit to be taken by every person that is well affected in religion, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83836 of text r209686 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[10]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83836 wing e2721 thomason 669.f.3[10] estc r209686 99868552 99868552 160568 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83836) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160568) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[10]) die veneris 30 julii. 1641. resolved upon the question. that this house doth conceive that the protestation made by them, is fit to be taken by every person that is well affected in religion, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1641] imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a83836 r209686 (thomason 669.f.3[10]). civilwar no die veneris 30 julii. 1641. resolved upon the question. that this house doth conceive that the protestation made by them, is fit to be taken england and wales. parliament. 1641 138 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ die veneris 30 julii . 1641. resolved upon the question . that this house doth conceive that the protestation made by them , is fit to be taken by every person that is well affected in religion , and to the good of the common-wealth ; and therefore doth declare , that what person soever shall not take the protestation , is unfit to bear office in the church or common-wealth . resolved upon the question . that the knights , citizens , and burgesses , and barons of the cinque-ports respectively , shall forthwith send down to the severall places for which they serve , copies of this vote of the house , concerning the protestation . resolved upon the question . that these votes shall be printed and attested under the clerks hand . a thankfull remembrance of gods mercy in an historicall collection of the great and mercifull deliverances of the church and state of england, since the gospell began here to flourish, from the beginning of queene elizabeth. collected by geo: carleton, doctor of divinitie, and bishop of chichester. carleton, george, 1559-1628. 1624 approx. 389 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 123 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a17981 stc 4640 estc s107513 99843212 99843212 7927 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a17981) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 7927) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1061:01) a thankfull remembrance of gods mercy in an historicall collection of the great and mercifull deliverances of the church and state of england, since the gospell began here to flourish, from the beginning of queene elizabeth. collected by geo: carleton, doctor of divinitie, and bishop of chichester. carleton, george, 1559-1628. passe, willem van de, 1598-ca. 1637, engraver. [14], 227, [1] p. printed by i[ohn] d[awson] for robert mylbourne, and humphrey robinson, and are to be sold at the great south doore of pauls, london : 1624. printer's name from stc. the letterpress title page is a cancel. with an additional title page, engraved, signed "g. pass sc." (i.e. willem van de passe). reproduction of the original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -elizabeth, 1558-1603 -early works to 1800. england -church history -16th century -early works to 1800. england -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2003-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a. thankfvll remembrance of gods mercie . by g. c. london printed for robert m. robinson a thankfvll remembrance of gods mercy . in an historicall collection of the great and mercifull deliverances of the church and state of england , since the gospell began here to flourish , from the beginning of queene elizabeth . collected by geo : carleton , doctor of divinitie , and bishop of chichester . psalm . iii. 2. the workes of the lord are great , and ought to be sought out of all them that loue him. london printed by i. d. for robert mylbourne , and humphrey robinson , and are to be sold at the great south doore of pavls . 1624. to the high , noble , and most vertvovs , charles ; prince of great britain , duke of cornwall , and of yorke , &c. the spirit of wisedome , with increase of honour . sir ; as the great workes of god ought to be had in remembrance of all men , so this dutie is more required of princes then of other men . because their charge is greater then the charge of other men : for they must answer both for the government of themselues , and of others vnder them . wherefore having observed the workes of god in delivering this church and state from the cruell plots of the adversaries , from the beginning of queene elizabeth to this time : i found my selfe most obliged to present this to your highness ; both because my service , next to his maiestie is most due to your highness ; and because the remembrance of the great workes of god is a glasse fit for a prince to looke on . for your highness may be assured that the adversaries will not change their disposition , vnlesse either we were reduced to their blindness , or they drawne to imbrace the truth with vs. i haue made this collection that by examples of things past , we may better iudge of things to come . my labour herein is nothing . for i make not the story , but take it of others . and when i light vpon the best narration , as that of the gun-powder treason , i haue set it downe as i find it without alteration . because as that cannot be mended , so to set a worse narration in the place thereof , were no lesse then to abuse the reader . i leaue the honor entire to them that haue made the story , i take no part thereof to mee . onely my care hath beene to obserue vpon those great deliverances the workes of god , that god may be glorified , and the cause iustified which god hath maintained from heaven . sir , i suppose it is hard to finde a narration containing more miraculous protection of gods church , since that time wherein god shewed his miracles in protecting the people of israel . which consideration may serue to fasten your highness to the loue and service of that great god , that doth so strongly maintain his servants . that as hitherto you haue had a gracious experience of his grace and goodnesse towards you , so your noble heart may grow every day more and more in the loue and obedience of the truth . we are all charged by gods word to pray for kings and princes . that charge which god hath layd vpon vs all , no man can put off : but when your highness hath effectually made knowne your singular care and loue to the common good , to the rejoycing of all faithfull men ; this must needs draw the hearts of all faithfull men nearer to your highness . and this is a part of your happiness ; for the feare of god and loue of subiects is able to make kings and princes strong against all their enemies god giue his iudgements to the king , and his righteousness to the kings sonne , and therewith , all blessings ; grace and honour here , and glory hereafter . your highnes ancient chaplain , and most humble servant geo : cicestriensis . ανακεφαλαιωσιs or recapitvlation of the chiefe passages in this booke . chapter i. the weake estate of this kingdome at queene elizabeths entrance . her government blessed with might and money beyond expectation all on a suddaine , to the terrour of the enemies of the gospell , and comfort of the professors thereof . the ancient government of the low-countries , what it was . the treason of arthur pool discovered and defeated . the popes excommunication and curse against queene elizabeth turned by christ ( whose gospell shee maintained ) into a blessing . chap. ii. the rebellion of the earles of westmerland and northumberland related distinctly by hieronym . cat●●a , so strongly plotted , so secretly carried , by the hand of god disappointed and broken into pieces . leon : dacres his over throw by it . this is the fruit of popery , and the first effect of the popes bull. chap. iii. a commotion in ireland inflamed by io : mendoza , extinguished by the earle of ormond ▪ the king of spaine pretends the enlargement of the scots queene , but intends the enlargement of his owne dominion . don iohn of austria goeth about to deliver and marry the scots queene . he sends out a perpetuall edict of peace and presently breaketh out into warre . he dieth on a sudden and so his purpose disappointed . chap. iv. stucley his attempt and practise with the pope and spanyard for the subduing of ireland and england with italian souldiers by gods providence annulled . chap. v. nich : sanders setteth on the rebells in ireland , animateth them in their bloudy practises , getteth ● consecrated banner from the pope for them . san-io●ephus with 700 italians and spanyards sent from the pope and king of spaine over into ireland to helpe the rebells , yeeldeth the fort. the earle desmond a great maintainer of this rebellion , killed by a common souldier in his wandring . sanders the firebrand of the rebellion falleth mad and dieth miserably of famine . observations herevpon . the explication of that place 2 thes. 2. 10. appliable to the papists in respect both of their doctrines and doings . chap. vi. the institution of the colledges of seminary priests to be the incendiaries of england ; different from the foundation of ancient colle●ges . the feates of father parsons and edm : campian and others to draw the alleagiance of the english from their queene . this drew vpon them sevetitie of lawes , established in parliament against papists and approved by the paralell example of the lawes made against the donatists in s. augustines time . chap. vii . the priests seditious bookes against the queene brings on somervills furious attempt to kill her . they moue with the ladies of honour to doe it . the queenes mildnesse and wonderfull mercy towardes this vermine . mendoza , the spanish ambassadour for practising against the queene is thrust out of england . throgmortons confe●ion and condemnation for treason . chap. viii . new practises of our enemies discovered not without a miracle by creightons torne papers . the mischievous but vnsuccesfull conclusions of alan , inglefield , and ross against queene elizabeth and king iames. parries treason opened ; his confession , and execution . lawes in parliament enacted against priests and recusants . philip howards intention , to leaue the land , discovered before it could be effected . chap. ix . the lamentable end of henry percy earle of northumberland in the tower. a pretended title of the king of spaine to the crowne of england . savage , a barbarous fellow , vpon the instigation o● rhemish priests voweth to kill queene elizabeth . babingtons treasonable practise to take away the queenes life vpon a motion from ballard the priest , defeated ; and he with his complices deservedly punished . chap. x. the french ambassadours plot with stafford to take away the life of the queene detected by stafford himselfe . the end of yorke and stanl●y , traytors to their count●●y . chap. xi . the spanish preparations for the invincible navie . the duke of parma treateth of a peace . delegates sent over about it . the conference of the delegates broke off without fruit . chap. xii . the invincible armie described . at the first setting out shaken sore with a tempest . the gests of each day related particularly and punctually . the trusted in their strength , we in the name of our god ; they are fallen , and we stand vpright . chap. xiii . trouble from ireland by tyrone lurking in spaine . his many dissembling submissions to the queene of england . a treatie of peace concluded . chap. xiv . vpon the comming of the earle of essex into england from ireland , tyrone contrary to his promise stirreth and rebelleth afresh , and is incouraged by the pope and ayded by ●he king of spaine . these forces are vanquished by the lord deputie . herevpon don iohn de aq●ila , a spanish captaine , who was sent to ay●●e the rebells and kept kinsale , capitulates for peace . tyrone forsaken of his followers submits himselfe to the lord deputie and is pardoned . plotting a new rebellion when he was called by processe to answer a suit of the b. of derry , thinking the treason to be discovered by o cane who inforced the bishop in his suit , sted out of ireland . in ●hese troubles and treasons see the machinations of satans seed against the seed of the woman , that is , the church , and the miraculous deliverances and victories of the church , according to that , the womans seed shall breake the serpents head , spoken of christ , appliable to the church , and particularly to our church of england , which that b●laam of rome seeks now by all meanes to draw from god , because he knowes he cannot prevaile against vs till we for sake god. chap. xv. a great mischiefe intended to the kings maiestie at his first entrance into the kingdome of england , before his coronation ; watson and clark , priests administring oaths of secresie and applauding the proiect . it came to nothing by gods mercie . the kings maiesties clemency towards the conspiratours after iudgement pa●t vpon them . no treason in england attempted but had a romish priest in the practise . chap. xvi . a horrible treason was a hatching and breeding in the last yeare of queene elizabeth . by garnetts meanes and others , the king of spaine is delt withall for an invasion ; he entertaines the motion , but vpon the entrance of king iames did not proceed to any forcible enterprise . the gun-powder treason takes ground and life from the doctri●e of parsons and the iesuites . it was first propounded by catesby to winter . the oath of secres●e taken by the conspiratours . provision of powder and wood for the mine . their consultation what to doe after the blow was given . the letter sent to the lord mounteagle , scanned by the earle of salisbury and other pr●vy councellers , but truely interpreted by the king , in whose mouth there was a divine sentence at that time , so that he did not erre in iudgement . the examination of fawks . the apprehension and confusion of the powder-traytors . god from heaven both by his word and protection hath manifestly showne our church to be the true church , and the popish church to be the malignant church , and degenerate from the auncient romane church both in manners and doctrines . coronis . the conclusion containes diverse considerations proposed to such as are not well affected to religion . a thankfvll remembrance of gods mercy . chapter i. having a purpose to obserue gods great and merciful deliuerāces of the church of england , and gods holy protectiō of the same , against the manifolde , most dangerous , most desperate practises of the adversaries , that haue with strange malice and crueltie , sought the destruction thereof , and intending to fetch the beginning of this search from the beginning of the raigne of queene elizabeth , of blessed memory : i knew no better way how to enter into this narration , then to begin with the consideration of the state of queene elizabeth , at her first entrance ; for therein will appeare a wonderfull worke of god , and my intention is to obserue the great workes of god , that god may be glorified . when this famous queene first entred , shee found the state much afflicted , and weakned . all the great states about her , were enemies . friends none . king philip , who offred his loue and kindnesse to her , and would haue married her , offering to obteine the popes dispensation for him to marry two sisters ; as the like dispensation was obteined by ferdinand his great grand-father , for h●s daughter katharine to marry two brothers , he offering this kindnesse , and being refused and reiected , grew first into dislike and discontent , afterwardes into hatred , and at last brake out into open warres . the french king henry the 2. with whom she sought peace , fell off also into open warres . his sonne francis having married mary , queene of scotland , was moved by the guysians to cause the armes of england to be ioyned to the armes of scotland , & to professe the queene of scots the heire of england , and because elizabeth was accounted by them an heretike , therefore they sought to put her by , to set the queene of scots in her place , so should the french king haue england also . for the effecting of this , they sent their armies into scotland , purposing f●om thence to haue subdued england . in so much that sebastianus martignius , a young noble man of the family of luxenburg , who was sent into scotland with a thousand ●oote , and some companies of horse , could hardly be disswaded from entring england presently . so that spaine , france , and scotland were enemies . the state was then much troubled and oppressed with great debt , contracted partly by henry 8. partly by edward 6. in his minoritie . the treasure was exhausted ; calis was lost . nothing seemed to be left to her , but a weake , and poore state , destitute of meanes and friends . if shee would haue admitted the popish religion , then might all these difficulties haue beene removed but establishing the gospell , shee vnderstood well that shee drew all these troubles vpon her owne head . yet she gaue the glory to god , and in hope of gods holy protection , she established gods holy truth . and verily she did not serue god in vaine . for it is a thing to be wondred at , that the land being then without strength , without forces , without souldiers , yea , without armour ; all things necessary should be so suddenly furnished . she had provided armour at antwerpe , but king philip caused that to be stayed . yet was she not discouraged , but layd out much money vpon armour , though she found the treasury but poore . she procured armour and weapons out of germany . she caused many great gunnes to be cast , of brasse and iron . and gods providence and favour appeared in her protectio● . for new mines of brasse were found at keswike , that had long beene neglected . from whence there was not onely sufficient matter to supply her wants , but abundance thereof to be transported to other countries . the stone called lapis calaminaris , whose vse is needfull for working in brasse , was also at the same time first found in england . there was provision made at home also for the making of gunne-powder . which was done first here by her commandement . for before it was bought and imported . berwick before her time , was weake , and had but fiue hundred souldiers : she fortified the towne , made the new inner wall , and increased the number of souldiers , and their stipends , that provision might be made for the training vp of experienced souldiers and martiall men . she provided a navie , the best furnished that euer england sawe . neither needed she to doe as her father and ancestours were wont to doe , when they wanted shippes , to send for shippes and hire them from hamburg , lubeck , dantisk , genua , and veni●e ; for she had them ready at home to serue her . yea all the good townes vpon the sea-coast , beholding this incredible alacritie , and forwardnes in their prince , strived also to imitate the same , and therefore with great chearfulnesse and readinesse built shippes for warre . so that in a short time , the queenes shippes and those of the subiects ioyned together , rose to such a number , that they were able to imploy twentie thousand men in sea-fight at once . the noble-men , the gentlemen , and yeomen , did all striue to answer so noble a resolution of their prince . and therefore great store of armour and weapons were every where provided . and braue spirits were bred and inabled to service , whereby they became an helpe and ornament to their countrey . so that queene elizabeth was quickly growne so strong , that all her adversaries were not able to hurt her . and was not this a great worke of god ? that so weake a woman should be able to defend her selfe against so many , so potent enemies ? yea , and not onely to match them , but to master them ? this was gods doing . behold what it is to trust in god , and not in an arme of flesh. god will haue his great workes to be had in remembrance , that all men , especially princes may be taught to know that their safetie is not in worldly policie , but in god which never forsaketh them that trust in him . here then we haue a worke , for which we are bound to glorifie god. elizabeth , a prince , at the beginning weake , destitute of friends , vnfurnished of treasure , vnprepared of all things , had in no other accompt of her great neighbours round about her , but as one left as a prey to the strongest that would inuade her and her kingdome : yet preparing her heart to god , giuing god the glory , establishing his truth in her land , trusting in him : she was in a few yeares made strong against her enemies ; they feared her more then she feared them . this is an example can hardly be paralleled . it was a worke o● god in defence of his church here , and we yeeld all glory and prayse vnto god for his mercies shewed herein . from this example , princes may take a worthy instruction to rest vpon god , and to seeke his glory , and know assuredly , that when they are at the weakest state , if they giue their hearts to god , and their service to his true religion , god will raise them to greatnes , who hath promised to honor them that honor him , and threatned , that they that dishonor him , shall be despised . before i leaue this example of gods protectiō of this noble queene in her first entrance : let this be remembred , that as all the great princes adioyning , with the pope and all , were her great enemies , so there were no friends able to helpe her : for they that were friends , and would haue helped if they could , stood all need of her help . the scots were sore troubled with the french armies procured by the guysians , but shee helped them , and protected the king in his minoritie , and freed that state from the tyranny of the french governement . the low-countries , were tyrannised by the duke d' alva who changed their governement , and inhibited their meetings in councell . for to speake somewhat of the ancient governement of that people , to stop the common imputations cast vpon them by such as are not well affected to them : their governement was by a generall assembly of the states : their governours were such as were borne within the 17. provinces , no strangers . these were anciently the clergie , the nobility , and the deputies of the provinces , and of good townes , meeting together in their generall assemblies . these so meeting made lawes and orders whereby that state was governed . the deputies were sent to the generall assemblies , by the suffrages of the people , and vpon cause they were recalled by the people , and other sent in their roomes . this manner of governement , some of the dukes of burgundy , and some others disliked , as giving too much power to the people , and to little to their dukes : and therefore laboured to change it , but could not . charles the fift emperour would gladly haue changed their governement , but when he saw that it could not be done without the commotion of the whole state , he left it vndone . philip 2. anno 1549. iuly 8. tooke his oath , which he made and renued againe anno●555 ●555 . to keepe , maintaine , and preserue these countries in their ancient rights , priviledges , and customes , without breaking them or suffering them to be broken , in any sort or manner . but when the duke d' alva was governour there vnder the king , he practised the contrary , and professed that the king was not to governe them , as his ancient inheritance , but as vpon a new conquest , making what lawes he would , and setting what governement best pleased him . whereupon his whole drift and practise was for a newe conquest of all the provinces and townes . the pretence of religion was sought : but it was resolved by the counsell of spaine , to change the whole governement , and to erect a new . this appeared aswell by the dukes open profession , as by those designes which he practised vpon the persons of some of the nobility , and vpon the good townes . for when the earles of egmont and horne , were apprehended and putto death , mistrusting nothing because they knew no cause to mistrust : they that did this , could not pretend religion , because these earles were of the popish religion . they could not pretend any disloyalty against them , for their firme loyalty and their great services to the king , made them so confident ; onely it was thought that these noble men would neuer yeeld to the change of the government of that state , therefore they were cut off . the like appeared in the strange surprises and cruelty practised against many townes , which were of the popish religion . for divers townes that were firme to the spaniard in the point of religion , and in obedience to the king , when armies were sent to them , intertaining the armies in all obedience , opening their gates , shewing all loue and friendship to the spanish armies : were of a suddaine surprised , and brought to vtter ruine . the spaniards , killing and massackring all , taking their goods , abusing their wiues and daughters , as the manner of such barbarous men is in a new conquest , ex●rcising more cruelties against their professed friends , then they could doe to their enemies . such barbarous cruelties were practised against the townes of machlin , maestrich , zutphen , naerden , antwerp , and others , who were their friends , agreeing in the same religion with them , holding as then , their obedience firme to the king : yet were they spoyled , killed , ransacked , and overthrowne like enemies . which strange cruelty declared that it was not religion that moved this cruelty , but that which the duke d'alva did openly professe , that the king must hold all the low-countries by a new conquest , that so he might change the governement , and impose what lawes he would . it may seeme a strange vse of the popes authority which king philip made , when from the pope he got a dispensation of that oath , which he had taken at his entrance into the low-countries . this is an vse of a pope fit indeede for them that would doe whatsoever they list without conscience , or the feare of gods lawes or mans . if such an vse may be made of the popes power , then popish princes must needes in the sight of the world , seeme to haue a great advantage over others . but if they may so dispense at their pleasure with oathes and promises , then may all those of their religion see plainely that there are neither humane nor divine bands or securitie that can binde papists : for when they please , the pope will free them from all bands of conscience , from the lawes of god , of man , of nature , of nations . but god will not be thus served . and therefore by gods iust iudgements they that rely vpon such vngodly practises , loose more in the ende , then they gaine by such profane dealings . this was the cause of their troubles in the low countries . that state being then so tro●bled , could yeelde no helpe to queene elizabeth , yet did shee yeelde helpe to them . the king of denmarke , and the protestants in fraunce , were not able to helpe her , nor to helpe themselues without her meanes . this must needes be acknowledged an extraordinary blessing of god , to make her able to withstand the greatest enemies , and to helpe all that were distressed for religion . this famous queene though troubled by forraine states in the beginning of her raigne , yet had great peace and quietnes at home . this was the fruit of true religion : her subiects lived in peace , and tranquilitie ; no motions then attempted . only in the fourth yeare of her raign , arthur poole , and his brethren comming of the race of george duke of clarence , who was brother to edward the fourth , and antony fortiskue , who married their sister , with some other of that conspiracie , were brought to their tryall , for that they had conspired to flie to the g●ise into france , and thence to come with an armie into wales , and there to declare the scottish queene , to be queene of england , and arthur poole duke of clarence . all which they freely confessed at their tryall : yet protesting that it was not their purpose to execute this designe , as long as queene elizabeth lived : who as they supposed should dye within a yeare ; for so some cosening astrologians had told them . whereupon they were condemned , yet their liues were spared in respect of their blood . wherein wee may acknowledge the goodnes of god in discovering such a plot , before it tooke strength , and the noble nature of the queene , that dealt so nobly with her owne blood . thus the land within rested in great quietnes , for some yeares . the church was established , and increased , learning flourished , godlines and true pietie prevailed , popish ignorance was driven into corners . the papists that then were , were content to keepe themselues quiet . either they kept their religion private to themselues , or els they came to our churches , as most of them did . but the enemy of all goodnesse envying this peaceable state of england , stirred vp the pope to giue occasion to new troubles , and to wrap the kingdome into dangers . whereby as the church hath beene more troubled , then it was before , so the papists haue got nothing by the bargain , but lost much , by stirring vp the peaceable inclinatiō of the prince against them , and by provoking the state to make severe lawes to curb● them . who might haue liued quietly , if they had not procured their owne trouble . paulus iiii. was pope when queene elizabeth began to raigne , this pope was not troublesome against her . his successor was , pius iiii. who seemed to be a moderate man. for he was moved by the count of feria , who served the king of spaine , to excommunicate queene elizabeth , but he thought it not good to proceed to such extremities . for seeing the popes authority is a thing consisting rather in the conceits of some men , then in any truth and substance : if it should once appeare that this thunderbolt of excommunicate , whereby he hath so much terrified the world , should proue idle , ineffectuall without all po●er , then might this great authoritie fall into contempt , and so be made ridiculous . whether for this cause or what other , he would not be perswaded to vse this extremitie against the queene , but sent letters , shewing some loue and kindnesse , by an abbot parpalia , by whom also he sent certaine secret mandates . which what they were was not openly knowne . but some acquainted well with state affayres then , reported that the pope offred to recall and disanull the sentence as vniust which was given against her mothers marriage , and to confirme the english liturgie by his authoritie , granting also the vse of the sacrament vnder both kindes , so that she would ioyne her selfe to the romane church , & acknowledge the popes supremacy . and for the effecting hereof , a great sum of gold was promised to some that should be vsed as instruments for this purpose . but queene elizabeth remaining semper eadem , ever like her selfe , vtterly denied to haue any thing to do with the pope . but the next pope , pius v. that succeeded , tooke another course , whether a better or worse , let the event declare . for in the yeare 1569. he sent out an excommunication against her , and all adhering to her , wherein her subiects were absolved from the oath of their alleagance , and from all other offices and duties , and that all that should obey her were accursed . which thing brought more trouble vpon the papists , then vpon the queene , or any of her obedient subiects . and hath openly declared to all the world , that the popes curse is a thing proceeding from private splene and malice , and now nothing feared but contemned , when all men may see that the popes curse is turned by the favour of god into an extraordinary blessing , and that the pope is not christs v●car in these ministeries , because he is contrary to christ , and christ contrary to him . the pope cursing , and christ blessing , the pope seeking thereby to destroy the queene , christ maintaining her , made her stronger after this cu●se then ever she was before . yet it is true that many troubles did rise thereby , but god turned them all vnto her good , that men may vnderstand the fruit of true religion established , which bringeth the protection of god with it . chapter ii. the first poysoned fruit of this excommunication was rotten before it could ripen . there was an intention of a great and terrible rebellion . the duke of norfolke was excited to stirre what forces he could , and to ioyne with the earles of westmerland and northumberland : at the same time an armie was to come out of ireland , and another armie to be sent from duke dalva in the low-countries . if all these had ioyned together , as the intention was , god knoweth what might haue in●ued . but there is no counsell can prevaile against god. all the plot was broken in peeces without any other trouble , saving that which fell vpon the plotters themselues , & their instruments . the king of spaine , who watched all opportunities to doe mischiefe , wrote one letter to the duke of norfolke , exciting him to raise a power within england , and wrote another to the earle of ormond , to raise a tumult in ireland . but both the duke and the earle shewed the letters to the queene , declaring thereby a purpose to be loyall . the duke suffred himselfe to be wrought vpon too much by pernicious instruments . the instruments were the bishop of ross , who lay in london vnder pretence of being ambassadour for the queene of scots , and one robert rido●f , a noble-man of florence , who lay in london , in the habit and pretence of a factor . these pestif●rous instruments laboured to perswade the duke to marry the queene of scots , who being next heire to the crowne of england , would bring great hopes with her and by subtill and pernicious counsell drew the duke so farre , that against his promise made to the queene , he began to thinke of that marriage , and the hopes that might follow the same , and entred in●o a secret course of writing and receiving letters from the queene of scots , by 〈◊〉 characters . all which together with a commentary sent to him by the scots queene , the duke commanded his secretary higfo●d to burne . but he laid them vnder the matt in the dukes chamber . and being apprehended , declared where they were . at the dukes arraig●ment a letter was produced written to him from the scots queene , signifying her griefe for that the earles of westmerland and northumberland were vp in armes before the duke had raised his powers . for queene elizabeth , finding wherevnto things tended , apprehended the duke , & sent for the earles to come to court , but because they had once excused their absence , she sent peremptorily for them , all excuse laid aside , vpon their alleagance to come vp . supposing that if they were innocent , they would come , but if guiltie , then should their purpose sooner breake out into open sight . as it fell out . for they supposing by this , the plot to be betrayed , brake out into open rebellion , before the helpe which they looked for from other parts could come to them . this rebellion was plotted by the pope , pius v. and by the king of spaine , and was so cunningly handled , and carried with such secresie , that it was well knowne to strangers before it was knowne to vs whom most the matter concerned . and no marvaile , seeing strangers were the devisers and first authors of it . i will therefore declare it in the words of a stranger , who set it forth in print at rome , before it was well knowne in england . hieronymus caten● in the life of pius v. w●iteth thus . when pius v. was inflamed with a zeale to restore the romane religion in england , and to displace queene elizabeth out of that kingdome ; and yet could not haue his nuntio apostolicall , nor any other publique person fit to effect this thing : he ordered the matter so , that robert ridolf , a gentleman of florence ( who ●tayed in england vnder colour of merchandise ) should stirre vp the mindes of men vpon the destruction of elizabeth . which thing he diligently executed , not onely among the catholikes , but also among some protestants , who conspired together herein ; some out of private hatred against them that aspired to the kingdome , others out of a desire of a change . whilst these things were secretly carried , a contention rose betweene the spaniard and elizabeth , vpon the occasion of a sum of money going to the duke dalva , but intercepted by elizabeth . this occasion the pope apprehended to perswade the spaniard , that he would helpe the conspiratours in england against elizabeth , that so he might haue his affaires in the netherlands in greater securitie , and the romane religion might be restored in b●itaigne . the pope also perswaded the french , shewing him that this he ought to the scots queene , affianced to him , and worthily to the scots , who by their incursions had withdrawne the forces of england , that they could do lesse helpe to the protestants of france , neither did the noble conspiratours of england deserue lesse favour of him , who by their cunning haue hindered the queene of england , to giue any helpe openly to the protestants of france . in this respect the french king promised them ayd for the deliverance of the scots queene , but failed of performance of any thing . in the meane time , ridolphus effected thus much , that the conspiratours should draw the duke of norfolke into their societie , and make him chiefe therein , to whom they promised marriage with the scots queene , whereto she consented . the pope to set these things forward , by his bull published , deposed elizabeth from her kingdome , and absolued her subiects from all oath and alleagance , sending the printed coppies to ridolphus , which might be dispersed ouer england . whereupon the earles of northumberland and westmerland , tooke armes against their prince , who presently , money and meanes failing , withdrew themselues into scotland . the duke of norfolke , with others , were committed to prison . among them was ridolphus , whom the pope had appointed to helpe the conspiratours with an hundreth and fiftie thousand crownes , which thing he could not doe being clapt vp in prison . but when the queene could not pierce into the secrets of the conspiracy , he was sent out of prison with others , and then he distributed those crownes to the conspirators . who sent him to the pope to informe him that all things were prepared in a readines , and ordered against elizabeth : and to intreat the spanish king , to ioyne his forces from the netherlands as soone as may be : the pope commended the enterprise , albeit , the duke dalva did not like it , as being full of difficulties , when as ridolphus in his iourney told him the matter . the pope sent ridolfe to the spaniard , vnder another pretence , and to the king of portugall with ins●ructions ; and at the same time writing to the duke of norfolk , promised him ayde . he did much vrge the spaniard to helpe the conspiratours , and to the end he might the more vehemently stirre him vp , he promised if need were himselfe would goe for to helpe them , and would ingage all the goods of the sea apostolike , chalices , crosses , and holy vestments . declaring that there was no difficultie in it , if he would send chapinus vitellius with an army into england from the low-countries . which thing the king of spaine commanded to be done with great alacritie . and the pope provided money in the netherlands . these things were not pleasing to the duke dalva , both because he enuied vitellius this glory , wherein he rather wished his owne sonne to be imployed , and because he feared some hostile invasion out of france , and proposed it to be considered , whether england being overcome would fall to the spaniard , whether the french would not resist that proiect , and whether the pope were able to bring helpe enough to effect so great a matter . notwithstanding the spanish king expressely commanded him to set vpon england . ridolf was sent backe with money to the netherlands . but see how god would haue it : all the matter was opened to elizabeth by a stranger without the kingdome . the duke of norfolke was apprehended and put to death . which thing the pope tooke heavily , the spaniard condoled , who before the cardinall of alexandria , the popes nephew , sayd , that never any conspiracy was more advisedly begun , nor concealed with more constancy and consent of minds , which in all that time was not opened by any of the conspiratours : that an army might easily be sent out of the low-countries in the space of 24. houres , which might suddenly haue taken the queene and the citie of london vnprovided , restored religion , and set the scots queene in the throne . especially when as stukley an english fugitiue had vndertaken at the same time with the helpe of 3000. spaniards to reduce all ireland vnto the obedience of the king of spaine , and with one or two shippes to burne all the english navy . thus farre catena writeth of these things , opening some things that before were not knowne to the english. the booke was printed at rome an : dom : 1588. by the priviledge of pope pius v. this is the narration of a papist , published at rome , by the authoritie of the pope . it may seeme strange to men that haue any feeling of the feare of god , that a pope should so boldly publish his owne shame to all the world . the pope doth practise treason against states , sets his instruments to raise rebellions , stirreth vp princes against princes , one kingdome against another , and when he doth this , he will not vnderstand that he is , in this doing , the instrument and servant of the devill , to disorder the world . if any would excuse this , as being done against an heretike : that excuse will not serue here ; for i speake not of excommunicating supposed heretikes , but of raising rebellions against princes , to set the subiects to murther the prince , or to stirre vp one prince to murther another , these things be wicked and vngracious practises , but the papists are growne to such an o●duration in these sinnes , that they iudge these no sinnes , to murther , or secretly to poyson , or by any horrible mischiefe to compasse their owne endes . the things that are by the lawes of god , of nature , of nations , wicked and abominable , against the ordinances which god hath set in the world , must forsooth change their nature , if the pope command them , nay , if any of their superiours command such things , their doctrine of blind obedience , sets them vpon any mischiefe , and so they doe not onely teach for doctrines mens traditions , but make doctrines for mens destructions . if the popes presume that they haue such a priviledge , that the things which are horrible sinnes in other men are no sinnes in them : this were in effect as much as for the pope to proclaime himselfe the man of sinne , that runneth into all sinfull courses with greedinesse , with an open profession of the same . for what can any man of sin doe more , then to command sinne , to warrant sin , to commit sin , to glory in sin ; if all this be done by the pope , who can iustly deny him this title of the man of sinne ? but blessed be the name of god , that alwayes delivered his church here from such wicked practises , and hath brought the mischiefe that these wicked men haue deuised , vpon their owne head . now let all vnderstanding men iudge where god is , where godlinesse is , where religion and the feare o● god is . whether with them that by bloudy , vniust , vnlawfull practises seeke their owne endes , or with them that are persecuted by this bloudy nation , and in patience suffer all their mischievous and cruell practises , committing the matter to god the revenger of bloud , and trufting in god , reioyce vnder his holy protection , being kept in safety by him that commandeth all the world ? for what power could be able to keepe his church from being swallowed vp by such cruell adversaries , but onely the hand and holy protection of our god ? must not we then glorifi● his name that hath done so great things for vs ? and for our adversaries they haue their power limited , and they haue their time limited , and set forth vnto them , beyond which they cannot passe . but the soules of them that rest vnder the altar , whose bloud hath beene shed on euery side , by this bloudy generation , for the testimony of christ ; these cry out with a lowd voyce , vsquequo domine ? how long lord , holy and true ? doest thou not iudge and revenge our bloud on them that dwell on the earth ? yet so blind are these bloud-suckers , that they labour still to increase this cry ; but god will giue patience to his saints , and in his time cut off this wicked nation . be not merciful o lord to them that sin of malicious wickednesse . thus then this rebellion that was so ●●rongly plotted , so secretly carried , was by the hand of god disappointed , and broken into peices . we haue cause to blesse the name of god therefore : praysed be the lord , that hath not given vs as a prey to their teeth . thus can we comfort our selues in god. but can our adversaries comfort themselues in their owne mischeifes ? the issue was , the pope and the spanyard were disappointed , the world wondered how this state was so soone quieted . the earles northumberland and westmerland seduced by a priest that the pope had sent , one nicolas morton , came to durham where they had the masse set vp . from thence they marched to clifford moore not far from wetherbie , where hearing that the scots queene ( for whose deliverance they tooke armes ) was carried from t●tbery to coventry , vnder the custodie of the earles of shewsbury and huntingdon , and that the earle of sussex on the one side had gathered a strong army against them , that sir george bowes was behind them , having fortefied bernard castle , that the lord scroop and the earle of cumberland had fortified carliell , & gathered an armie there in readines : that the souldiers of berwick with the power of northumberland were in new-castle , they turned backe againe and besieged bernard castle . sir george bowes and his brother mr. robert , being driven by an hard siege , and wanting provision yeelded the castle ▪ and they and the souldiers were dismissed , carrying their armes with them as it was covenanted , vpon the first newes of the feares , which the earle of sussex brought against them , the earles fled to hexham , from thence seeking by-wayes to naworth castle . whence the two earles fl●d into scotland , the earle of northumberland hid himselfe in the house of hector of harlaw an armstrang , having confidence in him that he would be true to him , who notwithstanding for money betrayed him to the regent of scotland . it was observed , that hector being before a rich man , fell poore of a sudden , and so hated generally that he never durst goe abroad , in so much , that the proverb to take hectors cloake , is continued to this day among them , when they would expresse a man that betrayeth his friend who trusted him : the earle was afterward delivered into england , and condemned of high treason and beheaded . westmerland found meanes to hide him a while with fernihurst and bucklough , and escaped into the low-countries , where being susteined by a poore pension of the king of spain , he liued a poore life all his time . this is the fruit of popery . it bringeth noble houses to destruction . it pittied their hearts , against whom the rebellion was raised , to see such noble persons brought to such a destruction . but the pope is without pitty and mercy , the priests and iesuites that bring such noble men into such snares , haue no pitty nor mercy , therefore it behooveth all noble persons to be wise , and to avoyd pestiferous waies , that is , to shut their eares against priests and iesuites . these be pernicious instruments , that secretly convey themselues into great mens favour , to bring them to ruine , they tell them of the religion of their fathers , but true religion bringeth a blessing , and religion that bringeth alwayes a curse is to be suspected . and to say truth the religion of rome as now , is not the religion of our fathers . for religion was changed in the t●ent councell , and therefore they cannot say they haue now that religion which their fathers had . and that religion was changed in the trent synod , is by learned men sufficiently proued ; and we are readie to maintaine it : for where the rule of faith is changed , there must needs follow a change of religion , and a change of the church . but in the trent councell the rule of faith is changed . and therefore men may obserue a great difference between these men that are now called papists , and their forefathers . god blessed their fathers , because they serued god in sinceritie , according to that measure of knowledge which was reuealed to them ; for he that serueth god truely , according to that measure of knowledge which he hath , and holdeth the rule of faith : is without doubt accepted of god , and god doth blesse such . but after that god hath reuealed a greater measure of knowledge , by the spreading of the savour of his gospell , they who then forsake the truth offred , are followed with great curses . and therefore we may plainly obserue the curses of god vpon them that forsake god and his truth ; where the pope curseth , we see that god doth blesse , and no 〈◊〉 followeth : where god doth cur●e , we see destruction followeth . this rebellion was scarce extinguished , when another little flame rose from this greater combustion . leonard dacres the second sonne of william lord dacres of gillestand ( whose eldest brothers sonne was killed with a valting horse ) was much grieued to see so great a patrimony to goe from him to the daughters of the baro● whom the duke of norfolk their father in law had ioyned in marriage with his sonnes . this so troubled leonard dacres , that having no other way to revenge himselfe , he tooke the course of impatient and discontented men , to revenge all vpon himselfe , and ioyning himselfe to the rebells , striued but in vaine , to deliver the scots queene . when they were in armes then was leonard dacres at court , and offred the queene all his helpe against them , and for that service was sent home . but ( as it came to light afterward ) in his iourney by messengers with the rebels he had communication , and incouraging them , vndertooke to kill the lord scroop , and the bishop of carliell . which when he could not effect , he tooke grastocke castle , and other houses of the lord dacres , and fortified naworth castle , holding it as in his owne right , and gathered souldiers about him . against him came the lord h●nsdon , with the trained souldiers of berwick . leonard not trusting to his fortified places , came to meet the lord hunsdon , and meeting him when he passed the riuer gelt , after a sharpe battell , finding himselfe put to the worse , his men killed , he fled into scotland . and so went into the low-countries , and in a poore estate died at louaine . the queene by proclamation pardoned the multitude which he had drawne to take his part . this man run a strange course . when he might haue beene out of danger , he run into a quarrell which he might evidently see to be lost before he came to it . but he was drunke with the cup of rome ; for who would run such courses but drunken men ? it may teach others to beware of those that bring such poysoned and intoxicating cuppes from rome . chapter iii. to proceed and to declare the pestilent fruit of the popes excommunication , which wrought still to the confusion of them that served it . at this time in ireland , edmond and peter botlers , brethren to the earle of ormond , ioyning with iames fitz morice of desmondes family , and with others , ●ought to doe service to the pope and spanyard against religion , and with a purpose to draw ireland away from the obedience of queene elizabeth . to this end they made a league among themselues . to inflame this rebellion iohannes mendoza came secretly out of spaine : and to extinguish the flame the earle of ormond went out of england into ireland , who laboured so effectually that he perswaded his brethren to submit themselues . they were put in prison , but that they might not be brought to iudgement , the earles daily intercession prevailed with the queene . it grieued the earle exceedingly to see such a blot vpon so noble a family ; and the queene was willing to preserue the honor of the house : as for the reliques of that rebellion , they were in short time dissipared by the wisedome of the lord deputy , and the industry of sir humphrey gilbert . this was but a small motion : but it sheweth the restles spirits of the pope and spanyard against our church and state. and we render thankes to god , for breaking the purposes of our adversaries before they grew great . this is his goodnes toward his church ; and his iudgement vpon the adversaries . the king of spaine never rested to stirre vp troubles to queene elizabeth , pretending the deliverance of the scots queene , but it appeareth that his intention was for himselfe , as the duke dalva vnderstood it . this is evident by that which we haue mentioned out of catena . for duke dalva was in some feare that if queene elizabeth were overthrowne , yet the kingdome of england might not fall to the spanyard , but to the french. so that it was in their intention certainly to be cast vpon the french or spanyard , and here was no reckoning made of the queene of scots . so that howsoever the pretence was for her deliverance , yet there was another thing intended . for seeing queene elizabeth was excommunicated and deposed , if she could once be ouerthrowne , then they made no other reckoning but that england would fall to the strongest . now the spanyard thinking himselfe the stronger , sought this prerogatiue for himselfe , and therefore he ceased not to raise troubles to the queene , and the rather , because he held it a thing impossible for him to recover the low-countries , vnlesse he had england . but because he found it a matter of great difficultie to set vpon england , his first enterprise was to set vpon ireland . but when that succeeded not , at last with all forces that might be raised , with many yeares preparations he set openly vpon england . but these things are to be spoken in order . onely this i premise , that we may know from whom all our troubles haue proceeded . many conspiracies brake out one after another , vnder pretence of delivering the queene of scots . to effect this thing , thomas stanly and edward , his brother , the yonger sonnes of the earle of darby , thomas gerard , rolston , hall , and other in dar●yshire conspired . but the sonne of r●lston which was pensioner to the queene , disclosed the conspiracy . and they were imprisoned all except hall , who escaped into the 〈◊〉 of man. from whence by the commendation of the bishop of ross , he was sent to dumbr●to● . where when afterward the castle was wonne , he was taken , and brought to london , where he suffred death . before the duke of norfolk was beheaded , there were that conspired to deliver him out of prison . the bishop of ross at this time a dangerous instrument against england , and as dangerous against the scots queene , for whom he laboured , gaue desperate counsell to the duke , that with a choice company of gentlemen , he should intercept the queene of a suddain , and ●rouble the parliament . to shew that this was ●as●e , he gaue some reasons . but the duke abhorred to heare of that counsell as pernicious and dangerous : sir henry percy at that time offred to the bishop of ross his helpe to free the scots queene , so that grange , and carr of ●ernihurst would receiue her at the borders , and his brother the earle of northumberland might be delivered out of scotland . but when he was suspected for the inward fa●iliaritie which he had with burghly , and de●er●ed the matter a longer time , this counsell came to no effect . as did also that of powell of samford , one of the gentlem●n pencio●ari●s , and of owen one that belonged to ●he earle of arūdell . these two vndertooke the same busines also for the scots queenes deliverance , but the bishop of ross stay'd that , because he tooke them for men of a meaner ranke , then to be ●it for ●hat busines . after the duke was the second time imprisoned , many were for this matter imprisoned also . the earles of arundell & southampton , the lord lu●ly , the lord cobham , thomas , his brother , sir henry percy , banister , lowther , godier , powell , and others were committed , who in hope of pardon , told that they knew . barnes and muthers , ioyned with herle in a bloudy practise to deliver the duke , and kill certaine of the privy councellers . but herle being the ch●efe in the villany opened the proiect. when b●rnes was brought before him , & found herle to be the accuser , he smiling vpon him , said , herle , thou hast prevented me , if thou hadst stayed but one houre longer , i should then haue stood in thy place the accuser , and thou in my place to be hanged . when iohn duke of austria came into government of the low-countries , he found the states strong . the cruelty that the duke of dalva and others had vsed , was so farre from bringing them into a servile subiection , that it rather armed them with resolution to defend their liberties , their lawes , their religion , and their liues . which may admonish great princes to vse moderation in government ; for much hath beene lost by crueltie , nothing gotten by it ; but nothing can serue to moderate restlesse spirits ; such a spirit brought don iohn with him into the low-countries , who beholding the vnlucky ends of them that stroue to deliver the queene of scots , he notwithstanding sought to worke her deliverance , and to marry her , and so to enioy both england and scotland . but to hide his purpose the better , he made show of a perpetuall edict for peace , as he called it : and for that purpose sent gastellus to elizabeth : who throughly vnderstanding the dukes meaning , yet as if she had beene ignorant , sent daniel rogers to don iohn to congratulate for his perpetuall edict of peace . albeit she certainly knew , that he had resolved to deliver and marry the scots queene , and in his conceit had devoured the kingdomes of england and scotland , by the perswasion of the earle of westmerland , and of other ●ugitiues , and by favour and countenance of the pope and the guyses . and that don iohn had a purpose out of hand to surprise the ●le of man in the ●rish seas , that he might haue a fitter opportunitie to invade england out of ireland , and the north coast of scotland , where the scots queene had many at her deuotion , and the opposite parts of england , as cumberland , lankyshire , cheshire , northwales , had many that as he was informed favoured popery . the truth is , don iohn of austria ( as it was knowne from peresius secretary to the king of spaine , ) being before this carried away with ambition , when he was disappointed of the hope which he had of the kingdome of tunis , practised secretly with the pope , for the ouerthrow of queene elizabeth , marrying of the scots queene , and subduing of england . that the pope might excite the king of spain to warre against england , as out of a desire of the publique good . don iohn before he came out of spain to goe to the netherlands , did f●rward this motion in spaine what he could , and afterward sending esconedus out of the netherlands to spaine , did desire to haue the havens in bis●ay , whence a navie might invade england . but king philip ( happily reserving england as a morsell for his owne mouth ) neglected don iohn as a man too ambitious . queene elizabeth vnderstood not these things vntill the prince of orange opened them to her . don iohn in the meane time , prosecuteth the matter of the marriage with secresie . and to dissemble the matter sent messengers to que●ne elizabeth , to hold her with a tale of perpetuall peace ; but of a sudden brake out into warre , and tooke divers townes and castles by sleight and trechery , and wrote to spaine , that the best course is to take zealand before the more inner provinces . and being prone to beleeue that which he desired , he wrote that england might be had with greater ease then zealand ; and he laboured by escouedus to perswade the spanish king. but the queene seeing all tend to warre in the netherlands , entred a league with the states for mutuall helpe , and sent thomas wilkes into spaine to complaine of the headdy courses of the duke of austria . and in the meane time prepared for warre . but behold when don iohn was in the height of his pride and ambition , in the flower of his age , in the middest of busines and preparations , he died on a suddain , as some thought of the plague . some thought that vpon griefe , that he was not so respected of the king his brother , he ended his foolish ambition with his life , afterthat he had embraced in his ambitious desire the kingdome of tunis , wherevpon guleta was lost in africa , and after that the kingdome of england ; and had confirmed a league with the guysians , without the knowledge of the french and spanish kings , for defence of both crownes . thus was the enemy disappointed , the queene , the land , the church preserved ; and haue we not cause to remember these workes of god , and to giue god the glory of his own worke , that is , of delivering his church ? england was as a stage , wherevpon diverse entred to play their parts , one after another . the part that they played was alwayes treason ; some was kept farther off by gods providence , to doe lesse harme ; some brought the danger nearer home . but god taking the protection of his church in england , none prevailed . and could any other power but the power and protection of god preserue a land from so many , so deadly dangers ? let all mouthes be stopped , and let this continuall course of deliverance be acknowledged the worke of god. chapter iiii. the next man that came vpon this stage , was thomas stucley , but the malice that he and the pope by his employment intended against england , was turned cleane another way by gods providence . thomas stucley an english-man borne , when he had spent his estate in ryot , prodigality , and base meanes , went into ireland an : 1570. and gaping for the stewardship of wexford , and missing the same , began to vtter contumel●ous words against the best deserving prince , but he was contemned as one that could doe no hurt . from ireland he went into italy to pius v. pope . it is a thing incredible what favour he got with the old pope , that breathed nothing but the destruction of elizabeth . stucley with magnificent ostentation , ( as he was a man singular in ostentation ) made the pope beleeue , that with three thousand italians , he would driue the english out of ireland , and b●rne the queenes navy . and indeed these things he most wickedly attempted afterward , but to his owne destruction . pius v. having procured all the troubles that possibly he could against queene elizabeth , seemed to die for spite that he could not hurt her . after him suceeded gregory 13. this pope had secret consultations with the king of spaine for the invading of ireland and england both together . meaning vnder the maske of religion , to serue their owne ambitious endes . the popes end was to make his sonne iames boncampagno , whom he had lately made marquesse of vineola , now king of ireland . the spanyardes end was , secretly to helpe the rebells of ireland , as elizabeth did the dutch , and in faire words intertaine a shew of friendship on both sides . the king of spaine had a farther reach , even to get the kingdome of england by the popes authoritie , that from thence he might with ●●ore ease tam● the dutch that were confederate against him . this he found hard for him to doe , vnlesse he were lord of the seas , which he saw he could not be , vnlesse he had england . and there was no doubt but as he owed the kingdomes of naples , sicily , navarre to the beneficence of the pope , so with all his heart he would haue held england by the like fauour . they knowing that the greatest strength of england stood in the navy of the queenes shippes , and merchants shippes , which were also built and framed for the vse of warre , thought that the best way to lessen the navi● , was to set on the merchants of italy and netherlands , to hire many of the merchants shippes , seeking diverse seuerall pretenses , and hauing hired them , to send them vnto the farthest navigations , that whilst these are absent , the queenes navy might be overthrowne with a greater navy : and then at the same instant thomas stucley the english fugitiue , might ioyne his forces with the rebels of ireland . stucley a bare-worne deceiver , did no lesse cousin this next succeeding pope , then he had done his predecessor , with admirable bragges . he promised the kingdome of ireland to the popes bastard sonne , and got such favour with the old ambitious pope , that he honored him with the titles of marquesse of lagen , earle of wexford and caterloghe , vicount of morough , and baron of ross. these be famous places in ireland . and made him generall of dccc . italian souldiers , the king of spaine paying their stipends , and so sent him into the irish warre . stucley came with these to portingale , to the mouth of tagus , purposing to subdue ireland . but the purpose of god was otherwise . and that which the pope and spanyard had with such deliberation proiected , was by the councell of god dissipated and brought to nothing . for seba●tian king of portugall , to whom the chiefe conduct of the forces against england was committed ; ( for this prince puffed vp with a heat of youth and ambition , had long before offred all his power to the pope , to be imployed against mahumetanes and prote●tants ) was then intised and drawne by many great promises of mahomet sonne of abdalla king of ●ess , vnto the african warre . sebastian being thus drawne from the english warres another way , dealt with stucley , that first of all he would carry his italian souldiers into mauritania ; stucley finding the spanish king not against this proiect , ( for the spanyard disdeined that the popes . bastard should be king of ireland ) went with sebastian into mauritania , and was killed in that memorable battell , wherein three kings , sebastian , mahomet , and abdall-melech were all slaine . and so stucley had too honorable an end of a dishonorable life . by the death of sebastian the spanyard was cleane drawn away from thinking of the english invasion for a time , and set all his forces vpon the invasion of portugall . if this occasion had not drawne away the spanyard , a great tempest of warre should haue fallen vpon england ( if any credit may be given to the english fugitiues ) for they declared that those hug ▪ . armies which the spanyard had provided against england out of italy , were now all to be imployed vpon the subduing of portuga●l : neither would he be by any meanes pe●swaded then , to thinke of the english invasion , albeit , the english fugitiues did much vrge him , and the pope promise a cruciata in this warre , as in the holy warre was vsed . the king of spaine was so wholly defixed vpon portugall , that nothing could remoue him from that resolution . now when it was knowne that stucley , and all his italians in mauritania were slaine , and that the spanyard thought of nothing but portugall , the english navy that watched for stucley vpon the irish seas , was called home , and all was quiet in england and ireland . by this pageant we may obserue how zealous these holy fathers of rome are , not to win soules to christ , but to winne kingdomes to their bastards . two popes proceed in the same course of malice and malediction against queene elizabeth , & one english fugitiue makes them both fooles . but our part is to remember who governeth the world , and turneth the wise and politike counsells of all the enemies of his church into foolishnes . we giue god the prayse , and remember these things for no other end but to giue the glory to him . chapter v. in the next place comes vp nicholas s●nders , that in the defence of the roman visible monarchy ecclesiasticall had written . but finding that he could doe no good by writing , he falleth now vnto another course ; to be the firebrand of a rebellion in ireland . iames fitz morice being pardoned for a former rebellion , withdrew himselfe into france , promising the french king , that if he would send helpe , he would ioyne all ireland to the french scepter , and restore the romane religion in the i le . but being wearied with delayes , and finding himselfe derided , from france he went to spaine , and promised the same to the spanyard . who sent him to the pope . from the pope at the earnest su●e of nicholas sanders an english priest , and one alan an irish priest , he obtained a little money . and to sanders authoritie legatine was granted , he got forsooth a consecracrated banner , and letters of commendation to the spanyard , and so returned into spaine . from spaine he came into ireland , with those priests , three shippes , and a small company of souldiers . he landed at smerwick in kirria a chersones in ireland , about the first of iuly . an. 1579. where , when the place was first orderly consecrated , he raised a fort , and withdrew his shippes . which shippes were presently surprised and carried away by thomas courtney an english gentleman , who with a warre ship stayed by chance in a neare haven , and so excluded the spanyards from the benefit of the sea. iohn desmond and iames , brethren to the earle of desmond , speedily ioyne themselues to their cousin fitz morice . the earle himselfe , who heartily favoured the cause , counterfeiting the contrary , called his men together , in shew to resist them , but craftily caused the earle of clanri●ket to withdraw himselfe , who was comming to helpe him against the rebells . the lord deputy vnderstanding by certaine messengers that the enemies were landed : sent henry dauil , an english gentleman , a man of valour , and who had good acquaintance with the desmonds , to the earle of desmond , and to his brethren , commanding them presently to set vpon the fort , which the enemies had raised . but that they re●used to doe , as a thing full of dangers . and as dauil returned , iohn desmond followeth him ; and overtaketh him at trally in an inne . and in the night time , having corrupted the host , came into his chamber , with some other cut-throats , having drawn● swords in their hands ; where dauilus slept in securitie with arthur carter an old souldier , a man of worth , deputy-governour of monmuth . but being awaked with the tumult , when he saw iohn desmond with a naked sword rushing towards him , what is the matter my ●onne quoth he , ( for so was he wont familiarly to call him ) nay , said , desmond , i am no more thy sonne , nor thou my father ; for thou shalt die . and presently thrust him and carter which lay with him through with many woundes , and killed them both . dauilus his foot-boy defended his master , with his naked body , receiving many wounds to saue his master if he could . then he killed all dauils servants , which lay scattered in diverse places . and returning to the spanyards all imbrued in bloud , he gloried of the slaughter which he had made . let this , said he , be to you a pledge of my faith to you and to the cause . doctor sanders commended this action , as a sweet sacrifice before god. iames fitz morice blamed the manner of the slaughter , he would haue had it rather in the way , then in their bed . the earle , when he heard of it , vtterly detested it . when the spanyards saw but a few irish ioyne themselues with them , and they poore and vnarmed , farre otherwise then fitz morice had promised , they began to distrust , to cry out they were vndone , to bewaile their fortunes , seeing all wayes was shut vp so , that they saw no meanes to escape by sea or land. fitz morice exhorts them to expect with patience a while ; he told them great forces were comming to helpe them . and himselfe tooke a iourney to the holy crosse of tippararia , pretending to performe a vow which he made in spaine , but in truth , to gather together the seditious of conach and vlster . whilst he was thus in iourney with a few horse and twelue foot , as he passed by the land of william á burg his kinsman , and taking some horses from the plow , because his horses tyred● : the husbandmen made hue and cry , and raised the neighbourhood to recover the horses . amongst these that went to recover the horses , were the sonnes of william á burg , forward young men , who pursued them so sharply , that they overtooke them . fitz morice seeing theobald á burg , and his brethren , who had indeed in a former rebellion taken part with fitz morice : cosins , quoth he , let vs not striue for two or three paltry lades . i doubt not , but if you knew the cause why i am returned into ireland , you would ioyne your selues with me . theobald answered , it repenteth me , my father , and all our friends of the last rebellion . but now we haue sworne our fealtie to our most gracious princesse , who hath granted to vs our liues , and we will keepe our faith and alleagance : and therefore restore the horses , or i will make thee restore them . and withall , he ran vpon him with his speare . they sought a while together . theobaldus and another of his brethren , with some other were slaine . fitz morice also himselfe being runne through with a sp●are , and his head shot through with a buller , was slaine with divers of his men . queene elizabeth hearing of this chance , wrote letters full of sorrow and loue to william á burg , comforting him for the death of his sonnes . she honored him with the title of baron of conell castle , and rewarded him with a yearely pension . the old man being over-●oyed with such vnexspected fauours , dyed not long after . sir william drury then lord deputy , came neare to kilmaloch and sent for the earle of desmond : who comming to him promised his faith and alleagance to his prince , and sweare that himselfe and his men should fight against the rebells . wherevpon he was dismissed to gather his companies , and to returne to the lord deputy . iohn desmond the earles brother , who was by the rebells put in the place of fi●z morice ; lying in ambush , did intrap herbert , & prise , with the bandes which they led , and killed them . himselfe being hurt in the face . some supplyes came out of england , and perrot was sent with six warre-ships to defend the coast : the lord deputy grew so sicke that he was forced to withdraw to waterford for his healths sake ; and appointed nicholas malbey governour of connach , a famous and approued souldier , to follow the warres . and worthy sir william drury soone after died . malbey sent to the earle of desmond , and often admonished him of his dutie and promise : and seeing it not good to linger in such a businesse , he brought his forces into conil , a woody country , against the rebells . there was iohn desmond , who in battell array , and with the popes consecrated banner displayed , received the forces of malbey . it was sharply fought on both sides . but the vertue of the english prevailed ; iohn desmond fled first away and left his men to the slaughter . among them was found alan the irish priest , who exhorting them to the battell , had promised them the victory . malbey by a messenger sent for the earle to come and his forces with him : and when he in vaine expected him foure dayes , he came to rekell a towne of desmond . here the earle began to shew himselfe plainly for the rebells , after that he had a long time vsed dissimulation in his wordes and countenance . the same night the rebells set vpon malbey his tents in the darke , but finding them well fortified , they went away and did no harme . after the death of sir william drury , william pelh●m was sent lo●ch●e●e instice into ireland , with the authoritie of a deputy , vntill a deputy should be sent ; & the earle of ormond was made goue●nour of munster , who sent desmonds sonne ( which he had with him as a pledge ) to be kept at dublin , pelham , chiefe iustice commeth to munster , sends for desmond ; but he sending letters by his wife excuseth himselfe . wherevpon the earle of ormond was sent to him , to admonish him to deliver into the handes of the lord chiefe iustice , sanders the priest , the forrain souldiers , and the castles of carigofoil , and asketten , and to submit himselfe absolutely , and turne his forces against his brother and the other rebells . which thing if he would doe , he might obtaine pardon of his rebellion , otherwise he was to be declared a traytor and enemy to his country . whilst he held off with delayes and delusions , he was declared a traytor in the beginning of december an : 1579. that he had dealt with forrain princes for invading and subverting his countrey : that he had retained sanders and fitz morice , rebells : that he had helped the spanyards after they were gone out of the fort at smerwick : that he had hanged the queenes faithfull subiects ; had advanced the banner of the pope against the queene , that he had brought strangers into the kingdome . after this proclamation , the chiefe iustice appointed the warres against desmond , to be prosecuted by the ea●le of orm●nd . the earle of ormond with his forces destroyed conilo , the onely refuge which the rebells had ; he draue away their cattell , and gaue them a prey to be devided among his sould●ers . he hanged the balife of yonghall before hi● dore , because he had re●used to take a band of english into the towne . and then began to besiege the spanyards in strangi●all ; but they fearing such a thing had conveyed themselues out of danger . yet the english followed them , and killed them all . and every way through munster pressed the rebells most sharply . desmond and his brethren were so hard driven , hiding themselues in their lurking holes , that they wrote to the chiefe iustice , signifying that they had taken vpon them the patronage of the catholike faith in irelan● , and prayed him to take part with them . this shewed their cause was desperate , they had no hope , vnlesse he that was come purposely against them would helpe them . the chiefe iustice laughing pleasantly at the motion , went to munster , and called the nobles to him , and kept them , neither would dismisse them , vntill they had given pledges , and promised their helpe against the rebels to ioyne with him and the earle of ormond . they therevpon deviding their bandes , sought out the rebells . they forced the baron of lixnaw to yeeld himselfe : they besiege● carigo●oil-castle , which iulius an italian with a few spanyards maintained , and breaking the walls by the force of great ordnance , they entred and killed or hanged all that kept the place , with iulius also . at this time came arthur lord grey lord deputy into ireland . an : 1580. soone after his comming , about seaven hundred italians and spanyards sent from the pope and king of spaine , vnder the gouernment of san-iosephus , an italian , came into ireland , vnder the pretence of restoring the roman religion , but the purpose was to divert the queenes forces , and call her from other cares to ireland onely . they tooke land without any trouble , at smerwick in kirria ; for winter , that had a good while stayed in that coast with ships , waiting for them , was now returned to england , thinking they would not come in winter . they made the place strong , and called it fort del or . but as soone as they heard that the earle of ormond was comming towards them , by the perswasion of the irish they left the fort , and betooke themselues into the valley glamingell , which was compassed about with high mountaines and woods . the earle tooke some of them , who being questioned of their number , and purpose : they confessed that 700. were come , that so much armour is brought that may serue 5000. that mo are daily expected out o● spaine , that the pope and king of spaine are resolved to draw the english out of ireland , that for that end they haue sent an huge s●m of money , which they haue delivered into the handes of sanders the popes nuntio , of the earle of desmond , and iohn his brother . that night the italians & spanyards were much to seeke , not knowing what way to turne themselues , not knowing to hide themselues as the irish doe , in dens and bogs , and therefore in the darke they went backe to their fort ; neare to which the e●rle of ormond had pitched : but being vnprovided of ordnance and other things needfull for oppugnation , he stayed for the comming of the lord deputy . who soone after came , accompanied with zouch , ralegh , denie , ma●worth , achin , and other captaines . at that time came winter out of englan● with warre shippes , much blamed for withdrawing himselfe when there was need of his service . the lord deputy sent a trumpetter to the ●ort to demand what they were ? what businesse they had in ireland ? who sent them ? why they had fortified a place in the queenes kingdome ? and withall to command them presently to depart . their answer was , that of them some were sent from the most holy father the pope of rome , some from the catholike king of spaine , to whom the pope had given ireland ; for as much as queene elizabeth had lost her right in ireland by reason of heresie . and therefore that which they had taken , they would hold , and get more if they could . when the lord deputy and winter had consulted of the maner of the siege , they brought some culverings out of the shippes in the darke of the night ; and digging through the banke , they drew them the nearest way , & placed them . the souldiers also mounted their great o●dnāce against the wall , and did beat vpon the fort continually foure dayes together . the spanyard once or twice made sallyes out , but still to their losse . of the english none was killed , saving onely iohn cheke , a goodly yong man and val●ant , the sonne of that learned knight sir iohn ch●ke . san-iosephus who was governour within the fort , a weake man , and terrified with the daily shot , began quickly to thinke of yeelding . and when as hercules pisanus , and other captaines , disswaded him earnestly from that , as a thing vnworthy of military men , vrging that all should prepare for a defence , least by their negligence they might withdraw the courage of the irish , which were comming to helpe them . but he being a man of singular cowardise , assayed the mindes of the souldiers , and wrought so , that the souldiers sedi●●ously offred force to the other captaines , that at last they consented to yeeld . wherevpon the fift day , when they saw no hope of helpe , neither from spaine , nor desmond , they put out a white flagge and demaunded parley . which thing was denied them because they had ioyned themselues with the rebells , with whom it was not lawfull to haue any parley . then they demanded that with bag & baggage they might depart , but neither was this granted . then they intreat●d that this favour might be granted at least to the governour and some few besides , but that though they much besought it , could not be granted . but the lord deputy , inveighing against the pope , commanded that without any condition they should simply yeeld themselues . and when they could obtaine no more , they put out their white flagge againe , and cryed misericordia , misericordia . and so submitted themselues simply to the lord deputy his mercy . who presently fell into consultatiō , what were best to do . the adversaries were in number as many as the english , and danger was feared of the irish rebells , who were moe then 1500 ▪ at hand . the english wanted vittails and apparell , so that they were ready to make a tumult , v●lesse they might be relieued by the spoiles of the enemies out of the fort , and shippes were wanting to carry away the enemies . at last they came to this conclusion , ( the lord deputy being much vnwilling & weeping ) that the captaines should be preserued , the rest should all be slaine promiscuously in terror of others that might attempt so hereafter . the irish should be hanged , which was presently executed . the queene was not pleased at the maner of this execution , and wished it had beene vndone , hating crueltie , though necessary , against such as haue once yeelded , and was hardly after drawne to admit any excuse of the slaughter committed . this was done an : 1580. some three yeares after the earle of desmond , of a noble house , but of a barbarous nature , who barbarously had sworne that he would rather forsake god , then forsake his men , wandring from place to place , was at last found of a commō souldier in a poore cottage . the earle was in a poore estate , vnknowne , till the souldier had almost struck off his arme . then he descryed himselfe , and was killed . nicholas sanders that had drawne the earle into this rebellion , was at the same time spent with famine , and forsaken of all succour : and being impatiently grieued at the evill successe of this rebellion , proceeding so much against his desires , seeing neither the popes blessing , nor the consecrated banner , nor the authoritie by the pope committed to him , could do him any helpe , he lost himselfe , and ran starke mad , wandring vp and downe in the mountaines and woods , and finding no comfort died miserably . when he was dead , there were found in his scrip some orations and epistles written to confirme the rebells , filled with great promises of the pope and spanyard . thus gods justice met with a restles and wretched man , and that foule mouth was stopped vp with famine , that was ever open to stirre vp rebellions against the state that had vttered so many blasphemies against god , and his holy truth , and inuented so many strange lyes against men . this man first of all men , devised a notorious lye against the birth of the queenes mother ; which none of her enemies ever heard or knew , she being in the hatred of so many papists , that would not haue spared to haue spoken evill , yet was it never heard or knowne for forty yeares after . and the accompt of the time doth proue it false , & himselfe like a forgetfull lyer , doth plainly refute himselfe . this pageant of the pope and his legat sanders , we may not let passe without some observations . seeing there is no way to exsatiate their crueltie , we pray that it may please god to remoue their coec●●ie and obduration if it be his good pleasure , that they may once truely see themselues and their vngracious actions , whereof the sight is now taken from them by reason of their blindnesse . for we hold this to proceed rather from their blindnesse , then from a wilfull and obstinate striuing against the knowne truth ; but this we warne them , to labour to know the truth , and to set their hearts to seeke it , least they be wrapped farther and farther into that great iudgement , wherein as yet they are vnder his power which worketh with all power and signes and lying wonders , in all deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse , among them that perish , because they receiue not the loue of the truth , that they might be saued . and therfore god shall send them strong illusions , that they should beleeue lyes , that all they might be damned . which beleeved not the truth , but had pleasure in vnrighteousnesse . two things are here conteined in these words , which iump with these priests and seminaries which the pope sendeth forth ; the doctrine which they teach , and the actions which they practise . their doctrines which they teach are lyes : the apostle warned vs they should beleeue lyes ; this is a iust judgement vpon such as loue not the truth ; their vsuall practise is vnrighteousnesse . what greater lyes can be invented , then to say , that whatsoever the pope will allow for a tradition of his church , that is the word of god. a lye with a witnes , and withall a blasphemy against the most high. what greater vnright●ousnesse , then to giue away other mens possessions to strangers that haue no right to them ; to aispossesse kings ; to giue kingdomes which is none of yours to giue ; to kill , to murther , to massacre , to aoe any act of vnrighteousnesse at the commandement of the pope or any superior : these i am sure are the practises of vnrighteousnesse ; would to god these men would once looke backe vpon themselues and their owne actions , and consider what a difference is betweene ancient bishops of rome and these of late ; betweene godly divines and the popes clergie . the ancient bishops did never draw the sword to propagate the faith ; the apostles left no such example to them , but by their labours in preaching , and their patience in suffring , they gathered a church and established the faith ; but behold how vnrighteousnes , and villany is now come in place . an vngracious bloudy wretch kills a man in his bed , a man that was his friend ; such a thing chancing in the warres may be borne with , but in bed to murther his friend , is an extraordinary signe of barbarous crueltie : and yet that sanders the popes legat should pronounce this thing to be a sweet sacrifice to god ? this passeth all imagination . can any either practise these things , or commend these practises , but onely such men as the apostle describeth , that are given vp to beleeue lyes , and to worke vnrighteousnesse ? if any man shall answer me here with that old worn cuckow long , that these things are not vnderstood by them to be vnrighteo●s which the pope commandeth , that they doe these things in obedience to christ his vicar . i answer , they that would make such an answer , are either such as are men of conscience , or altogether without conscience . if they be men without conscience , i haue nothing to say to such , but wish them better then they doe to themselues , that they had some fecling of conscience . if these men haue any sparke of conscience , then would i intr●at them seriously to consider what is that which the apostle in the place before cited , calleth the deceivablenes of vnrighteousnes ; for this word sheweth that there is some plaine and down-right vnrighteousnesse , and also some deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse . what is that deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse ? surely there is something herein for them to study , that are so ready at the popes command to doe vnrighteous things ; and make not gods word , but the popes word to be the rule to know what is righteous , what vnrighteous . when the law of god , the law of nature , the law of nations , the law of our land ; when i say all lawes forbid a thing , and onely the pope commands it , and commands it against all lawes ; then if a man obey the pope in such things , he is deceived and he doth vnrighteously . here is the deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse . but you must vnderstand that these men are thus deceived by him whose cōming is by the working of satan , with all power and signes and lying wonders , and in all deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse in them that perish , because they receiue not the loue of the truth . let men that haue any care to saue their soules , learne to loue the truth , the truth will deliver them . and let them obserue that maintaining of false doctrines and of vnrighteous actions , are things ioyned together , one followeth the other . now because we see false doctrines or lyes maintained by papists , and vnrighteous and vngracious actions by them ordinarily attempted ; therefore we hold them vndoubtedly to be the servants of antichrist , who are given vp to beleeue lyes , because they lou● not the truth . but for our selues , we know that the scriptures are the word of god. we beleeue the scriptures . we trust in god. we worship him as himselfe hath revealed and commanded . if our enemies wrong vs , we haue recourse to god by prayer ; we haue found by continuall experience , that god taketh the protection of them that thus trust in him . we haue trusted in him , we haue found his protectiō . we rest in patience and commit the vengeance to god. is there any man in the world that knoweth any thing of religion , that can denie that we are in a good state , and our enemies in a desperate state ? we haue comfort , but they can haue none . consider this you that forget god , least he plucke you vp , and there be none to deliver you . now , which is our chiefe end in these collections , for our deliverance we blesse the name of god ; and we doe acknowledge with all humilitie and thankesgiving , that all our deliverances come from the vndeserved loue and favour of our most gracious god and father . and we finde our selues most sirictly o●liged vnto this dutie , because we see god hath made our enemies his enemies : they cannot fight against vs , but they must fight against god ; how much then are we bound to honor & serue this great . god of heaven and ●arth , that hath shewed such favour to his church in england ? chapter vi. at this time , an : 1580. the seminary priests and ●esuites increasing in england , necessary lawes were provided against them . these in truth were maintained by the adversaries of england as a seminary of rebellion ; for so still they proued . their first foundation was at doway in the low-countries , where by the procuring of william alan an oxford-man , afterward cardinall , there was a colledge provided for them , in the yeare 1568. where fugitiue priests were brought vp , not so much in religion , as in new and strange practises of treason . the pope assigned them a yearely stipend . thus they stood for some yeares . but when the low-countries began to be troubled with warres , requesenius , who was governour there vnder the spanish king , did thrust out all english fugitiues out of the low-countries . wherevpon they that were willing to make vse of such instruments to trouble england , thought good to giue entertainment to them . and therefore two colledges were set vp for the english sugitiues , the one at rhemes by the guises , another at rome by pope gregory 13. from these colledges they were sent into england vnder pretence of religion , but indeed to withdraw subiects from obedience to their prince , and to draw the land vnto the subiection of strangers : they called themselues seminaries , because they were to sowe the seed of the roman religion in england . and what is that seed of roman religion , but the seed of rebellion ? certainly so it hath euer proued . these men to shew their zeale to their new founders , and their hatred to their country , disputed and defined the popes authoritie by gods law , to haue the plenitude of power ouer the whole world in all things ecclesiasticall and politicall : out of which plenitude he might excommunicate kings , and after excommunication depose them from their thrones , and absolue their subiects from all oaths of alleagance . thus was the bull of pius v. published , an : 1569. from whence rose the rebellion in the north of england , and those rebellions of ireland , of which we haue spoken . hanse , nelson , main , sherwod , prie●ts , then taught that queene elizabeth was a schismatike and an heretike , and therefore worthily to be deposed ; for which they suffred deservedly ; but still others were sent into their places ; and though they came in vpon desperate points , as souldiers vpon a breach , yet others followed lowed as desperate as the first . and would not vnderstand that they ventured both soule and body in the cause of the pope against christ ; for such is the cause of treason being commanded by the pope , and forbidden by christ. the priests and iesuites at this time spent all their learning and skill to stirre vp rebellion in england , giving out in corners , and in publique , printing bookes , to declare that the pope and king of spain had conspired , that england should be overthrowne , & left as a prey . this was done of purpose to confirme their owne side , and to deterre others from their obedience to their prince . wherevpon the queene set out a proclamation , signifying that she had never made attempt vpon any prince , onely defended her own , not invading the provinces of other princes , though she had beene provoked with wrongs , and invited by opportunitie . if any princes should oppugne her , she doubted not but by gods favour , she should defend her owne , and had therefore mustered her forces by land and sea , and was readie against any hostile incursion . she exhorteth her faithfull subiects to hold their faith & alleagance firme to god , & their prince , gods minister . for others that had shaken off the loue of their countrey , and obedience to their prince , she commandeth them to carry themselues modestly , and not to provoke the severitie of iustice ; for she would no longer indure sparing of evill men , least so she might be cruell against the good . among the iesuites that came then into england , robert parsons and edmond campian were chiefe ; they had procured a temper or qualification of the bull of pius v. obtained of greg. 13. in these words ; let petition be made to our holy father , that the bull declaratory of pius v. against elizabeth and her adherents be interpreted : which the catholikes desire to be vnderstood so , that it binde her and heretiques alwayes , but not catholiques , things standing as they doe ; but onely then when the publike execution of the bull may be had . these foresaid favours the pope granted to robert parsons and edmond campian , now ready to goe into england the 13. day of aprill 1580. in the presence of oliver manarcus assisting . this was procured to giue some content to the recusants that were offended at the publication of the bull , and found that it did them more harme then good . parsons and campian came secretly into england , and changed their exterior habit and apparel , that they might the better passe vnknowne . somtimes they went like ruffians , somtimes like ministers , somtimes like noble men , somtimes like souldiers , somtimes like apparitours ; they walked secretly from recusants houses to recusants houses , and did in words and writings roundly set forward the businesse for which they came . parsons was the superior , a man of a seditious and turbulent spirit , armed with audaciousnesse , he brake out so farre among the papists , against the queene , as to propose the pro●ect of deposing of her . in so much , that some papists themselues ( as they themselues hau● said ) did thinke to haue delivered him into the hands of the magistrate . campian was somewhat more modest , yet by a booke which he had much laboured and brought with him , which as himselfe sayth , might be taken with him , if he were apprehended ; did provoke the ministers of the church of england to disputation ; the booke was intituled , a booke of ten reasons , or arguments written politely in latin to confirme the doctrines of the church of rome . parsons wrote more virulently against mr charke , who had written soberly against campians prouocation : but campians ten reasons were throughly and solidly answered by dr whittaker . campian was taken , and brought to disputation , where it was found that in learning and knowledge he came farre short of that expectation which himselfe had raised of himselfe ; the whole disputation was afterward set forth in print . in the meane time many threatnings were published against the church and state of england , and much speech was of the pope and the spanyards preparations to subdue england . by which manner of proceedings it may appeare that the end why these & other such were sent into england , was not to draw men to god , but to betray the land to strangers ; for these men cared not what became of england , so the church of england might be displanted , and popery set vp againe . for which purpose we may obserue the colledges for seminaries , set vp at rhemes and rome . these colledges did strangely swarue from the end and foundation of the ancient colledges . the ancient colledges were founded for learning and religion ; these for meere faction : the ancient colledges were for the furtherance of godlinesse and pi●tie ; these for the practises of ●ngodliness● , and vngracious treasons ▪ let no man tell me that the ancient colledges were founded by papists , & so were these seminaries , and therefore for the maintenance of the same religion : for this is nothing but colouring and daubing of their new practises from the sight of the ignorant ; for all their hope is in the ignorance of men , hoping that they shall haue the greatest part , because the greatest part are ignorant . but now god in his mercy hath so plentifully revealed the truth , the ignorance of men is not so great as the pap●sts would haue it ; for men are taught to know that in the councell of trent , there hath beene hatched a new birth of popery . where they haue changed the rule of faith , which was ever maintained in the church of rome before that time . wherevpon there followeth a change of the church , a change of religion . they that founded the ancient colledges , knew not this new church , this new religion , which is newly hatched in the trent councell . therefore these late colledges of seminaries are founded vpon a new religion . this new r●ligion of rome is nothing but the pract●se of treasons against states . surely it must be a s●rang● religion that must be maintained by vngodly practises . there was never any religion that allowed such practises . and herein the papists exceed the heathen , who being guided onely by the light of nature , yet haue disallowed such vngodly and vngracious practises which the papists vse . let all men consider whence this new religion of rome proceedeth , that in vngodly practises is founded and maintained ; that all such practises proceed from the devill , no man can doubt : that god hath preserved this church of england from all these practises , this is that which causeth vs to trust in god , and to giue all the glory of our deliverance to his holy name . edmond campian , ralfe sherwin , luke kirby , alexander briant were taken in the yeare 1581. and being brought to iudgement , were accused of treason against the queene and state ; that they were directed by the pope , came into england to stirre vp sedition , and to make a strong partie ; and herevpon they were condemned as offending against the lawes . campian was demanded whether he tooke queene elizabeth to be queene of england by right and law ? to that he refused to answer . then he was demanded , if the pope should send an armie into england against the queene , whether he would take the popes part , or the queenes ? to this he protested openly , that he would take the popes part , and confirmed it by his hand-writing ; he was put to death and some others for the same cause . when as yet from the time of the rebellion , there was but fiue put to death in this cause . the queene thinking that mens consciences should not be forced , did often compla●ne , that she was necessarily driven to these courses , vnl●s she would suffer a mischiefe to fall vpon her selfe and her subiects , by them that sought to colour their treasons vnder a pretence of conscienc● and catholike religion . and yet she thought that some of the poore priests , that were sent , were not acquainted with the secret plots of treason : but found that their superiors vsed these as instruments of their wicked intentions ; and they yeelded the whole disposing of themselues to the iudgement of their superiors ; for they that were then and afterward apprehended , being demanded , whether by the authoritie of the bull of pius v. the subiects were so absolved from their oath and alleagance , that they might take armes against the prince ? whether they held her for a lawfull queene ? whether they yeelded their cōsent to the opiniōs of sanders & bristow , concerning the authoritie of that bull ? whether , if the pope should warre against the queene , they would take his part or hers ? to these things they answered , some so ambiguously , some so fiercely , some by preuarication or by silence shifting : that diverse other papists who were not acquainted with the secrets of their villanies , began to suspect , that surely they nourished some secret mischiefe : and iohn bishop , otherwise much addicted to their religion , wrote and soundly proued that the constitution ob●ruded in the name of the councell of lateran , from which they founded all their authoritie to absolue subiects from their alleagance , and to depose princes , was indeed nothing but a decree of innocentius iii. nor was ever admitted in england . yea , that councell was no councell , and that nothing was decreed there by the fathers . suspitions were still increased , by reason of the number of priests daily comming into england , and creeping in corners , who secretly sought out the minds of men , and taught that princes excommunicated were to be throwne out of their kingdomes , that princes that professed not the roman religion , were fallen from the title and kingly authoritie , that they who had taken orders , were by the libertie of the church freed from all iurisdiction of princes , neither were bound to their lawes , or bound to reverence their maiestie : that the magistrates of england were not lawfull , and therefore not to be accounted as magistrates . yea , and moreover , that what things soever had bin established by the queenes authoritie , after the publishing of the bull of pius v. were voyd altogether by gods law and mans law , and to be respected as things of no account . neither did they dissemble their purpose , that they were come into england for this end , that this bull might be effected , and that they might in private confessions reconcile men , and so absolue them from all faith and alleagance toward the queene . this thing seemed to be more easily effected , when men were absolved from all mortall sinne , as the priests perswaded them , and this way was the safest , because the most secret , and vnder the seale of confession . these practi●es extorted of the parliament held then ●n ●anuary , an : 1582 ▪ new lawes and more severe against these popish practises . by which lawes it was made treason to disswade any subiect from their alleagance to their prince , and from the religion which was then established in england or to reconcile any to the romish church ; the same punishment was to be inflicted vpon them which were so perswaded , or reconciled . to say masse , was punished with two hundreth markes , and a yeares imprisonment , and to be farther punished vntill they had payed . to be present at masse willingly , was punished with an hundreth marke fine , and a yeares imprisonment : they that refused to come to their parish churches , were to pay twentie pound a moneth . this manner of punishing refractary men , that in matters touching the church were troublesome and seditious , was taken from an ancient manner of punishing such men in the time of st augus●in , for he speaketh diverse times of the pecuniary mulct of the emperours , which was inflicted vpon the dona●ists . and because the seminary priests and iesuites who haue bin punished , not for religion , but for treasons in the execution of civill iustice , for offending against the lawes of the land , haue given out , that they haue bin perfecuted for religion , and some of them haue beene made martyrs , ( these be a new kinde of martyrs , not for christs cause , but for the popes cause against christ , and against his word and commandement . ) it shall not be amisse to obserue the state of the church in s. augustines time , and the iudgement of the church then , which in diverse resemblances doth answer to our times ; for then the emperour had that power and authoritie , which we now giue to our kings . the pope had no more authoritie then , then we would yeeld him now , if he would maintaine the doctrine that the popes then did . the pope was then vnder the emperour ; the emperour punished both pope and others if they offended his lawes . parmenianus , a donatist , complained they were punished by the emperour , and persecuted , and called their persecution martyrdome , as did the papists that were punished . s. augustin answering the donatists , saith : si quis quis ab imperatore , &c. if every man that is punished by the emperour , or by the iudges which he sendeth , must presently be accompted a martyr , then shall we haue all prisons full of mart●rs , &c. and after he sayth : therefore not every one that in some question of religion is punished by the emperour , must presently be accompted a martyr ; for he is iustly punished for superstition , which he thought to be religion . no man verily that in any respect is a christian , dare avouch this ; for such men proceeding like blind men , see not , that they who thus thinke , proceed so farre , as to proue that the very devils may thus chalenge to themselues the glory of martyrs , because they suffer this persecution by the christian emperours ; for as much as their temples are destroyed over all the world in a manner ; their ldols are broken in peeces , their sacrifices are forbidden , they who honor them are punished if they be found . which if it be madnesse to m●intaine , then it followeth that righteousnesse is not proued by suffering , but by righteousnesse , suffering is made glorious : therefore the lord said not blessea are they that suffer persecution , but he addeth that which maketh the difference betweene pietie and sacriledge , blessed are they which suffer persecution for righ●●ousnesse , &c. and after he sayth : if these men being convicted of their wicked practises , shall acknowledge that they who are thus punished ●or their mad tricks , may not be accompted martyrs , but yet they will say , that these things ought not to belong to the emperour to punish . ( iust as the papists say , the punishment of their clergie belongeth not to the magistrate . ) i demand then , sayth augustin : whether they thinke , that the superior powers ought not to haue care of religion , & of punishing false religion ? the apostle saith , the works of the flesh are manifest , which are adaltery , fornicatiō , vncleannes , wantonnes , idolatry , witch-craft , hatred , debate , emulation , wrath , contentions , seditions , heresies , envie , murthers , drunkennesse , gluttony , and such like . what reason can these men render , why it should be justice for the empeperours to punish idolaters , murtherers , and such , and not by the same reason to be like justice in them , to punish heretiques . when as they are accompted in the same fruits of iniquitie , someruill was found strangled in the prison . ( for feare belike that he might haue discovered moe ) ardern being condemned , was hanged the next day . this is the common end that priests bring such gentlemen vnto , who are willing to heare them and be perswaded by them . the next yeare after , ( for seldome did any yeare passe without some treason ) some english gentlemen began to practise the deliverance of the queene of scots . francis throgmorton fell first into suspition , by certaine letters intercepted , written to the queene of scots . as soone as he was committed to prison , and beganne to confesse something , presently thomas lord paget , and charles arundell , a courtier , secretly fled the land , and went into france . these men meeting with other devoted to the roman religion , did much complaine , recounting their sorrowes among themselues , that the queene was estranged from them without their fault , by the cunning of leicester , and walsingham , that them selues were exposed to vnworthy contumelies & ignominies , that singular tricks were found out , and secret snares laid so cunningly , that improvident men , will they nill they , must needs be intangled in such snares ; that to remaine at home there could be no safety for them . it was thought at this time , that some cunning was practised to feele mens affections ; and that counterfeit letters were written vnder the name of the scots queene , and of some fugitiues , knowne traytors to the state ; which letters might be left in the houses of recusans , and that spies were sent abroad to gather rumors , and to catch suspitions . diverse were drawne into snares . among others , henry earle of northumberland , and his sonne philip earle of arundell , was commanded to keepe his house , his wife was committed to sr thomas shirly to be kept ; and henry howard the dukes brother was often examined of letters sent from the scots queene , from charles paget , and from one mope , then vnknowne . some blamed the narrow searching of things , and the manner of drawing men into danger . others thought that all the means that might be vsed to prevent the queenes danger , and to saue her life , was but necessary . and indeed the outragious maliciousnes of the papists against the queene , brake out daily ; for by bookes imprinted , they exhorted the queenes maides and ladies of honor to doe the same against the queene , which iudith did against holofernes . the author of that booke was not found , gregory martin was suspected , a man learned in the greeke and latin tongues , and chosen by the duke to be the bringer vp of his children . carter the stationer that caused the books to be printed , was punished for it . the queene , that was much traduced for crueltie , knowing her owne mildnes , and desirous to leaue a good remembrance of her name behinde her , was much offended with the iudges of the papists apprehended , if they passed any cruell sentences against them , which might be iniurious to her honor . insomuch that they were forced to excuse themselues by publike writings , wherein they protested , that the priests were much more mildly vsed then they deserved : that no question of religion was moued to them , but onely of such pernicious machinations against their country , against their prince , whereof they were either found guiltie , or by the discovery of others , suspected . that campian was never so racked , but that presently he was able to walke , or to subscribe to his confessions . but for briant , who stubbornly denied to vtter by speech or by writing , who was the man that wrote these secret things which were found about him ; to this man meat was denied , vntill by writing he would aske it . for all this the queene was not satisfied , and therefore she commanded the examiners to abstaine from tormenting men , and the iudges from punishing . and short after , she commanded seventie priests to be sent out of england , whereof some were condemned to die , all of them were intangled within the danger of the lawes . the chiefe of these were gasper haywod , the sonne of haywod the epigrammatist , who of all the iesuites first entred england : iames bosgraue , which was also a iesuit , iohn hart , the most learned among them , with whom doct : reinolds had conference , and edward rishton , a wicked and vngrateful man , who wrote a booke presently after , shewing forth the poyson of a cankred heart against the queene , to whom he owed his life . the lord paget and arundell who went into france , were narrowly observed there , by edward stafford , the ambassadour leiger there for queene elizabeth ; but he could not find out what they practised ; yet he dealt with the french king , that they , morgan , and some other english fugitiues , who were knowne to be practisers against their prince , and their country , might be thrust out of france . but it was answered , that if they practised any thing in france , the king would by law punish them , but if they had practised any thing in england , that of such things the king could take no notice , nor by law punish them : that all kingdomes were free for fugitiues , that it behooued kings to maintaine their owne liberties : that elizabeth not long before had admitted into her kingdome montgomery , the prince of condie , and others of the french nation , and that segneres ambassadour of the king of navarre was in england , practising of some things that concerned the french state . in the meane time bernardinus mendoza the king of spaine his ambassadour for england , stole fecretly into france , fretting and fuming , that he was thrust out of england by a violation of the right of an ambassadour : when as indeed he was a man of a troublesome spirit , and had abused the reuerend right of ambassadours , by the practises of treason against this state wherein he was . he was commanded to depart out of the realme , whereas many thought fit that he should haue beene with some severity censured for violating the office of an ambassadour . for he had practised with throgmorton , and others , to bring in strangers into england , to invade the land , and to remoue the queene . and being gently reprooued for these things , he was so far from offering to excuse these things with a modest answer , that he began to accuse the queene and the councell , for the money taken from the merchants of genua , and for helping the states of the netherlands , of the count antow , of antony of portugall , and charged them with the spoyles that sr francis drake had taken from the spany trds in the west indies . but that the spanyard might the better vnderstand , that this which queene elizabeth had done in sending away mendoza , was no violating of an ambassadour , but a censure of mendoza his wicked practises , sr william wade was sent to spaine , who might plainly informe the king , how vnworthily he had behaved himselfe in his ambassage : and might also signifie , that the queene would not haue this sending away of him to be interpreted a renuntiation of friendship , but that she would maintaine all offices of humanitie , if he would send any other , that were carefull to conserue friendship betweene them , so that the like offices were performed to her ambassadour in spaine . the spanish king would not admit wade to his presence , but referred him to his councell : wade herevpon declared boldly , that the custome was received among nations , that even in burning warre , ambassadours were admitted into presence of their enemies : & that charles the fift emperour , father to the king of spaine , admitted into his presence an herald who denounced to him warres from the french king , and denied to communicate the instructions of his ambassage to his councellers . i diacius the kings secretary could by no cunning fish out of wade what were his instructions , vntill he vnderstood the whole matter from mendoza , then lurking in france . then the secretary laying aside his publike person , did familiarly declare to sr william wade , that he was sorry that some men did labour craftily to dissolue friendship among princes , and to nourish hatred betweene them ; the iniury that was done , was not done to the ambassadours but to the catholike king : that there was no cause for him to accuse mendoza to the king , who was sufficiently punished with an ignominious extrusion out of england , for the fault , if there were any , which he committed . neither might he complaine if he were not admitted ; for the catholike king did nothing herein but quit like with like , seeing mendoza was dismissed from the queene , vnheard . and as she referred mendoza to her councell , so the king had referred him to the cardinall granuillanus . wade answered , there was great difference in their cases ; for himselfe he had never offended the catholike king : but mendoza had grievously offended against the queene , and for a long time through his owne insolency disdained to come , and had committed many things vnworthy the office of an ambassadour ; yet he could not be admitted , but returned vnheard . the crimes that he would haue obiected against mendoza , were taken our of the confession of throgmorton . for fran●is throgmorton , when he was apprehended , sent priuily one packet of letters to mendoza . his other packets being sought and opened , there were two catalogues found ; in the one of them were the names of all the havens of england , that were for forces to land in : in the other were contained the names of the noble-men , which here and there throughout england favoured the roman religion . these papers when throgmorton saw produced , he cryed out that they were counterfeited , that he had never seene them before , that they were devised for his destruction . but when he was againe brought to the racke , he denied not to answer what he knew to the questiōs proposed . being therefore demanded of those catalogues , to what purpose they had beene written , he made this narration ; that not many yeares since he went to the spaw water , where , with ieney and fr : inglefeld , he had counsell and communication , how england might be taken by strangers , and the forme of the government changed . for that purpose he described the names of the havens , and of noble-men ; that morgan had certified him by letters out of france , that the catholike princes were resolved to invade england , that the queene of scots should be set at libertie by the forces of the guises . to this proiect there was nothing wanting but money , and the helpe that was expected out of england . to effect this the better , charles paget , vnder the name of mope , was secretly sent into sussex , where the guise purposed to take land : that he had communicated the matter to mendoza , and told him the names of the noble-men , who knew all these things before fully of the conspirators : neither denied he that himselfe had promised his help to mendoza , and withall that he admonished mendoza of those nobles that were fit for him being a publike person to deale withall , which himselfe being a private man could not doe without danger . and that he had taken order with him , and concluded of the meanes to be vsed , namely , that the chiefe catholikes , as soone as ever the forraine forces drew neare , should muster souldiers in the queenes name , who should ioyn themselues with the forraine forces . thus much he confessed willingly . yet when he came to iudgement in the guild hall at london , he denied all , & said that all these were fained devises to saue him from the racke , and openly accus●d the queene of crueltie , the examiners of falshood ; seeking a starting hole from the space of time which passed between the time of the committing his crime , and the time of his iudgement ; for in the xiii . of elizabeth , certaine crimes are made treason , for which no man should be called in question , vnles the delinquent were accused within six moneths after the crime committed , and the crime were proued by witnesse and oath of two , or by the partie his owne free confession . now he pleaded that this time was past , and therefore that he was not to be called into iudgment . but the iudges answered and shewed that the crimes obiected against him , were of another kind ; for he had offended against an old law of treason made in the time of edward 3. which admitteth no circumscription of time , or proofe . and from that law he was condemned . afterward being perswaded and better thinking on the matter , he craued the queenes mercy , and by writing confessed all at full againe , which he had done before : and as a man vnconstant , began to deny againe at the gallowes . chapter viii . qveene elizabeth at this time , sought a faire opportunitie and meanes to set the queene of scots free : and for that purpose had sent sr william wade , that was now returned out of spaine , to conferre with her of the meanes , and was about to send sr walter mildmay to bring that matter to a farther end . but some terrors and feares broke in between them which disturbed that proiect . especially by a discovery of papers which creighton , a scots iesuit sayling into scotland , did tare then when he was taken by dutch pyrats . creighton tore the papers , & threw them into the sea ; but they were by the force of the winde blowne backe againe into the ship , not without a miracle , as creighton himselfe said ; the papers being brought to sr william wade , with much la●our and singular skill he ioyned them together againe ; and found that they contained new practises of the pope , the spanyard , the guises resolution to invade england . whereupon , and because many other rumors of dangers were increased ; to the end that the wicked and treasonable practises might be in time prevented , and the queenes life and safetie might be procured , vpon whose safety both the estate of the kingdome , and of religion depended : a great number throughout all england , of all sorts of men out of common charity , whilst they shewed their loue and care of the queene : bound themselues by an association ( as then it was called ) by their mutuall promises , subscriptions of their hands and seales , to prosecute all such by all their force even to death , whosoever should attempt any thing against the life of the queene : the earle of leicester was supposed to be the author of this association . surely it was vsefull , and held many in order . the queene of scots tooke this as devised to bring her into danger , and was so continually set on by seditious spirits , that if they may haue accesse are able to draw the greatest princes to destruction . and what hath beene their practise , but to bring great personages and great houses to ruine ? lamentable experience sheweth openly the fruit of their malice , and wicked plots for treason ; which they call religion . the scots queene led on by her blind guids , dealt somwhat rashly , but with importunity to the pope and spanyard , by sr francis inglefeld , that by all meanes they would with speed , vndertake their intended busines . there were some also that laboured to draw queene elizabeths affections altogether from the scots queene ; they told her that cardinall alan for the english catholikes ecclesiasticall , inglefeld for the laiks , and for the queene of scots , the bishop of ross had vndertaken , & were among themselues agreed , and with the consent also of the pope and spanyard , had fully resolved vpon these points : that queene elizabeth should be deprived of her kingdome ; the king of scots as a manifest favourer of heresie , should vtterly be disinherited of the kingdome of england ; that the scots queene shall marry some noble-man of england , which is a catholike ; that this man must be chosen king of england by the catholikes of england ; that the choice so made must be confirmed by the pope ; that the children of him so chosen begotten of the scots queene , must be declared successours in the kingdome . all these things were confirmed to be true by testimony of hart the priest. who was this noble english man , that should marry the scots queene , was now much inquired after ; sir francis wal●ingham sought it out with all diligence , yet found it not out . there was suspition of henry howard , brother to the duke of norfolke , who was noble by birth , vnmarried , and a favourer of that religion , and in great grace and favour with them . these things that were discovered by throgmorton , by creightons papers , and other mens , were matters which bred suspitions and feares though they were never so effected as they were intended . but we find by these things , that france and spaine , and the strength of the pope , were here all combined against queene elizabeth , and king iames , for no other cause , but for their religion ; because both queene elizabeth and king iames , had established the same religion . against which religion all the great powers of the world were combined , and were therefore ready with their vtmost indevours to root out these two princes from england and scotland . if a man shall consider the councels , the pollicies , the strength of these great powers which were set against these two princes , it is a matter to be wondred at , how they should stand against so deepe and desperate dangers . here i wish that a papist of any vnderstanding would take this matter into his consideration . and looke but a little further to the end and event of things . what man purposed , what god wrought . what became of these two princes , queene elizabeth & king iames , against whom the world thus conspired ? queene elizabeth after so many malicious proiects against her , by open warres , by secret conspiracies , yet lived to see all the malicious practises against her , defeated and overthrowne , the practisers themselues ruinated , her people and kingdome defended , gods truth maintained , her service for the truth rewarded , and after all , dyed quietly in her bed , and hath left a blessed memory behinde her . king iames that was in the same cause with her , in the same manner threatned for his religion , to be made incapable of the inheritance of england , and then neither could he haue holden scotland , for he must either haue all his right , or loose all ; for there is no middle-way in the inheritance of kings : yet after all these threatned dangers by the great powers of the world , after a number of dangerous and devilish practises against him at home ; he hath not onely quietly possessed that which he had , but is in the peaceable possession of england , with such loue , such gladnesse of heart and common reioycing , that the like hath not beene knowne in former times . and which was never done by any before , though much wished , and attempted : he hath in his royall person knit england and scotland together ; he hath not onely maintained the truth of religion by his authoritie , as all christian princes are bound to do ; but also by his wisedome , by his learning confirmed the truth , drawne many to the knowledge of it by his learned labours . wherein he hath not onely farre exceeded all his progenitours in this kingdome , but hath left all the kings and emperours in the world farre behind him in this honour ; so that since the beginning of the time of grace , to this day , the world never saw a king so furnished and inabled to maintaine the truth , and to discover the blindnesse and superstition of false religion . and therefore hath god blessed him with extraordinary blessings ; the loue of his subiects , the peaceable estate of ireland , which before his time was never governed in peace , especially the fruit of religion , and the reward of religion maintained , is the greatest blessing that kings can looke for . this hath beene , and is the state of these religious provinces ; so that men shall say , doubtl●sse there is a reward for the righteous , verily there is a god that iudgeth the earth . and because my purpose in writing this booke , is to declare the great workes of god , in the defence of this church of england since religion planted here by queene elizabeth ; and to giue god all the glory , both of the planting and maintaining thereof : we therefore remember these things with great gladnesse and ioy of heart to gods glory , giving thankes to his holy name , for the favours that he hath exhibited to his church here , by the faithfull service of these two royall servants of god , in whom is truely verified that which the prophet esay foretold , speaking of gods favour to his church : kings shall be thy nurcing fathers , and queenes shall be thy nurces . in these things we can lift vp our hearts to god , and giue him the glory and thankes for all his goodnesse . but can our adversaries doe the like , whose practises against these noble princes , were wicked and malicious , and by god confounded ? let men see and confesse the hand of god in maintaining them that maintaine his truth , and dishonouring them that dishonour him . the next yeare , that is an : 1585. there was a parliament held , wherein there was in the lower house a law proposed against iesuites : which was iudged needfull and accepted of all without contradiction , saving only william parry , a welch man , obscure , of meane fortunes , yet a doctor of the civill law , he spake against that law which then was exhibited , and said it was a cruell bloudy law , and desperate , and pernicious to the english nation : being required to shew his reasons for that strange opinion of his , he obstinately refused so to doe , vnlesse it were before the queenes councell : wherevpon he was committed to prison . but after his reasons were heard and his submission made , he was againe admitted into the assembly . presently after , he was accused by edward neu●l ( who chalenged the inheritance of the neuils , and the title of the lord latimer , as next heire male . ) edward neuil charged him for practising the queenes death . this parry some two yeares before returning out of italy , to the end that he might win favour and credit with the queene , declared secretly to her what morgan , and other fugitiues had practised to her destruction . making semblance to the queene , that he was conversant with them for no other end , but onely to search out their secret purposes , that so he might the better be a meanes to provide for the queenes safety . wherevpon the queene did not easily giue credit to neuil the accuser yet she commanded sr fancis walsingham to aske parry , whether he had not dealt with some person discontented and suspected of that matter , onely to try the man. which thing being demanded , he vtterly denied . the foole saw not , that by this meanes the queenes lenity opened a way for him to escape the danger ; for surely if he had signified , that onely for to try the man he dealt with neuil , whom he knew to be a man discontented and suspected , as he had foretold the queene , he might haue avoyded the danger ; but they who in their heart once haue given intertainment to wickednesse and treason , though otherwise they be of wit and sharpe vnderstanding , are made blind , by a iust iudgement of god. now when as neuil had no witnesse against parry : there was no great difference betweene parry his word and his . but parry , after some sharpe wordes had passed betweene them ; was imprisoned in the tower. where he freely confessed thus much . in the yeare 1570. ( said he ) i was admitted a sworn servant to the queene , i remained devoted to her maiestie till the yeare 1580. at what time i fell into great danger of my life , with great ignominy , ( for he had broken into the chamber of hugh hare , in whose debt he was , and wounded him , wherevpon being condemned by law , his life was saved by the queenes pardon ) after that , i liued much vexed in my minde , and getting leaue to trauell , i went into france ; and had no purpose to returne , because i had given my selfe to the catholike religion . at paris i was reconciled ; at venice i had communication with benedict palmius a iesuit , touching the afflicted catholikes in england , and i signified that i had found out a way to helpe them , if the pope , or some learned divines would avouch it to be a lawfull course . he commended this thing as pious : he commended me to campegius the popes nuntio at ven●ce , and campegius to the pope . i moued that i might come to rome with safeti● . wherevpon letters of publike credence were sent to me by the cardinall of come : but these were not large enough , and therefore other more large were sent . but then was i returned into france . where meeting with morgan , he signified , that there was an expectation , that i should performe some especiall service to god , and to the catholike church . i answered , that i was most ready to kill , if it were the greatest subiect of england . o but ( said he ) and why not the queene her selfe ? i said that this also might be easily done , so that it might appeare to be lawfull . for watt a priest , whose advise i asked in this matter , suppressing the names , told me plainly , that it was not lawfull , ( and creighton the iesuit is of the same opinion , teaching that evill must not be done , that good may come : that god is more delighted with aduerbs than nounes , and the thing that is done well and lawfully pleaseth him better then a thing good : and that by the destruction of one , many soules are not to be redeemed , without an expresse commandement of god. ) yet for all this seeing i had in italy bound my selfe by letters and promise , i could not goe backe , if the pope did approue it , and would grant me a plenary indulgence . which i requested in my letters to the pope , by ragazonius the popes nuntio in france . who commended the interprise , and sent my letters to rome . being returned into england , i gat accesse to the queene . and all being remoued , i opened the whole conspiracy , yet hiding many things , with as great art as possibly i could . she heard it vndaunted , vnterrified . i departed daunted and terrified neither can i forget that which she said , that no catholikes were to be brought into question for religion , or for the popes supremacy , so that they carry themselues as good subiects . in this time whilst i stayed daily in court , seeking to be preferred with the mastership of s. katharines , i received letters from the cardinall of come , wherein the attempt was commended , and i was absolved in the popes name . these letters i shewed the queene ; how they did worke with her i know not : but with me they wrought so farre , that they set a new courage in me to attempt the interprise , and tooke all scruple out of my mind ; yet it was not my minde to offer any force , if by any reasons she might be perswaded to deale more gently with catholikes . and to the end i should not commit slaughter , alwayes when i had accesse to her i layd aside my dagger . so oft as i considered her and her princely vertues , i was distracted by an ambiguous care , for my vowes were in heaven , my letters and promises with men . and to my selfe i revolved these things in my minde . she never deserved well of me . it is true she pardoned my life ; but for such a cause to take away my life , were tyrannicall . thus not content with my state , i departed from court ; and i light vpon doct. alans booke , written against the iustice of england . who teacheth that princes being excommunicate for heresie , are to be despoiled of their kingdomes and liues : that booke did very sharply stirre me vp to finish mine attempt ; i read this booke to neuil , whom i entertained at my table ; and this was done full six moneths before he accused me . after this he came to me , and let vs dare , said he , to doe something , seeing of the queene we can obtaine nothing . and he proposed some things of the delivery of the scots queene . i did here interpose ; o but i haue a greater matter in my head , and more profitable for the catholike church . the next day he came , and swearing vpon the bible , that he would keepe my counsell , and constantly prosecute whatsoever was vsefull for the catholike religion . and i sware in like sort . our determination was to set vpon the queene with ten horsemen as she was riding in the fields , and so to kill her . which thing neuil concealed all this while . but when the newes came , that the earle of westmerland was dead , whose inheritance he hoped to haue presently , not respecting his oath , he opened these things against me . these things parry confessed , in the presence of the lord hunsdon , sir christopher harton , and sir francis walsingham , privie councellers , and farther by his letters to the queene , to burghley lord treasurer , and to the earle of leicester , he acknowledged his fault and craued pardon . some few dayes after he was brought to vvestminster hall to iudgement . where the heads of his accusation being read , he confessed himselfe guiltie . sir christohper hatton , to satisfie the mult●●de present , thought it fit , that the crime should punctually be opened out of his own confession . which parry himselfe acknowledged to be free , not extorted : and the iudges intreated that he would reade them . but the clarke of the crowne read them : and the letters of the cardinall of come , & parry his letters to the queene , to the lord burghley , and the earle of leicester , all which he granted to be true . yet he denied that he was at any time resolved to kill the queene . he was therefore commanded to speake , if he had any thing to say why iudgement should not passe . here he answered with perturbation , as one troubled with the conscience of the crime , i see i must die , because i was not resolved . and being desired to speake more plainly , if he would say any thing ; my bloud , said he , be among you . when sentence of death was pronounced against him , he ragingly cited the queene to the tribunall seat of god. being brought to the gallowes , he bragged much that he had beene a faithfull keeper of the queene , because he had not killed her . thus like a glorious roman catholike , never once in one word cōmending himselfe to god , he died like a traytor in the court before vvestminster hall , where the lords and commons were then assembled in parliament . in this parliament some lawes were enacted for the queenes safety against the iesuites and priests , who attempted daily horrible treasons from the bull of pius v. it was therefore enacted that within forty daies they should all depart the land. if any came in againe after that , and stayed here , they should be guilty of treason : that if any received them wittingly and willingly , or interteined them , nourished , or helped them , such should be guiltie of fellony : that they who are brought vp in the seminaries , if they returne not within sixe monethes after warning given , and should not submit themselues to the queene , before a bishop , or two iustices of peace , they should be guiltie of treason . and they who had submitted , if they should within ten yeares come to the court , or nearer then ten miles of the court , that then their submission should be voyd . they who sent any money by any means to the students of the seminaries , should be guiltie of praemunire . if any of the peeres of the realme , that is , dukes , marquesses , earles , vicounts , barons of the parliament , should offend against these lawes , he should be tryed by his peeres . they who know any iesuites and priests to lye lurking in the realme , and within twelue dayes doe not detect them , shall be fined at the queenes pleasure , and put in prison . if any be suspected to be one of those iesuites or priests , and shall not submit himselfe to examination , for his contempt he shall be imprisoned , vntill he submit . he that shall send any christian , or any other to the seminaries and colledges of the popish profession , shall be fined an hundreth pounds . they that are so sent , shall not succeed in inheritance , nor inioy any goods what way soever they may chance . and so shall it be to them that within a yeare returne not from those seminaries ; vnlesse they conforme themselues to the church of england . if the keepers of havens permit any to passe the seas without the queenes licence , or the licence of six councellers , except mariners and merchants , they shall be remoued from their places ; the ship-master that carries them shall loose the shipp and all the goods in her , and be imprisoned a whole yeare . the severitie of these lawes ( which were no lesse then necessary for such times and such mischiefes ) made the papists in england afeard , and among others , philip howard , earle of arundell ; in so much as fearing least he might offend against those lawes , he purposed to leaue his countrey . he had his bloud restored by the queenes favour three yeares before . and after that being dis-favoured by reason of some secret suggestions of certaine great personages against him , he secretly gaue himselfe to the popish religion , and made choice of an austere life . surely if good instructours might haue beene admitted to him , he might haue beene easily and happily confirmed in the truth . he was once or twice called before the councell table , and refuted the things obi●cted to him . yet was he commanded to keepe his house . six moneths after he was set at libertie , and came to the parliament ; but the first day , whilst the sermon was preached he withdrew himselfe out of the company . the parliament being ended , being as then resolved to depart , he wrote to the queene a long and a mournfull complaint , which letters he commanded should be delivered after his departure : he complained of the envie of his potent adversaries , wherevnto he was forced to yeeld ; seeing they triumphed over his innocency . he recounted the vnfortunate destinies of his ancestors , of his great grandfather , condemned his cause not being heard : of his grand-father , who for matters of small moment was beheaded ; and of his father , whom he affirmed to be circumvented by his adversaries , who yet never had an evill minde against his prince nor countrey . as for himselfe , least he should succeed the heire of his fathers infelicitie , said he , to the end that he might serue god , and provide for the health of his soule , he had forsaken his countrey , but not his alleagance to his prince . after these letters were delivered , he went into sussex , and having provided a shippe , in an obscure corner , and now being ready to take ship , he was apprehended by the mean●s of those whom he trusted , and by the master of the ship discovered , and was sent into the tower as a prisoner . chapter ix . at that time was henry percy earle of northumberland in the tower , suspected to be of councell with throgmorton , and the lord paget , and the guises , to invade england , and to free the scots queene . he was found dead in his bed , shot with three bullets vnder his left pap : the chamber doore bolted on the inside . the crowners enquest found a dagge , and gun powder in the chamber , and examining the man that bought the dagge , and him that sold it , they found that the earle had beene the cause of his owne death . three dayes after the lords met in the starre-chamber . the lord chancelour broumley , briefly declared that the earle had entred into treasonable councels against his prince and countrey , which now when he perceived that they were come to light , troubled in conscience for the thing , hath offred force to himselfe . and to satisfie the multitude then present , he willed the queenes atturney generall , and the rest of the queenes councell , plainly to open the causes why he was kept in prison , and the manner of his death . wherevpon popham then atturney , beginning from the rebellion of the north sixteene yeares before , he declared , that for this rebellion and for a purpose to deliver the scots queene , that he was called into question , acknowledged his fault , submitted himselfe to the queenes mercy , was fined fiue thousand markes . that the queene of her clemencie tooke not of that fine so much as a farthing , and after his brothers death confirmed him in the honor of the earledome . notwithstanding all this , he had entred into pernicious counsel to deliver the scots queene , to overthrow the english queene , with the state and religion : that mendoza the spaniard had told throgmorton that charles paget vnder the name of mope , had secretly dealt with him in sussex of these things : that the lord paget had signified the same to throgmorton , as appeared from creighton the scots iesuites papers . and that charles paget had shewed the same things to william shelley when he returned out of france . after that , egerton the queenes sollicitour , inferred the same from circumstances , and a care of concealing the matter . that when as there was none in england that could accuse the earle of this crime , except the lord paget ; ( with whom throgmorton had familiaritie ) he had provided a shippe for the lord paget , by shelley , a few dayes after throgmorton was apprehended . so was the lord paget sent away into france . and when throgmorton began to confesse some things , the earle departed from london to petworth , and sending for shelley , told him that he was in danger of his life and fortunes , he intreated him to keepe counsell , and to put away those that knew of the departure of the lord paget , and of the comming of charles paget . which was presently done , and himselfe sent far off that servant which he vsed to send to charles paget . the sollicitour addeth , that when he was in prison , he dealt often with shelley , the keepers being corrupted , to vnderstand what those things were which he had confessed . but when by a poore woman secretly sent betweene them , shelley had signified , that he could keepe counsell no longer , that there was great differēce between their two conditions ; that he must come vnder the racke , which the earle in respect of his place and order was freed from , and had written to him what he had confessed : the earle therevpon sighed and said , as pantin his chamberlain hath confessed , that shelley his confession had vndone him . after the manner of his death was declared by the testimony of the enquest , and by pantins testimony . many good men were very sorrowfull , that a man of such nobility , wisdome , and valour was so lost . my purpose is in this narration , to obserue the great and manifold deliverances of this church . when i am drawne by the course of the history to open these practises , in which noblemen haue beene misled : this i confesse i relate with great commiseration ; for seeing that noble houses are the honor of the king , the ornament of the kingdome , there is no man that loueth the honor of his owne country , that can write or speake of the fall of such men , but with griefe and sorrow . of such i will make no other observations , but onely the testification of mine owne sorrow but yet here i must obserue one thing for the good and instruction of their posteritie , or the like , that they may take heed of these pernicious instruments , priests , iesuites , and those that are infected , yea and poysoned with the infection of them . these gracelesse merchants haue vtterly vndone many noble persons , which without their restlesse suggestions and councels , might and doubtlesse would haue bin great ornaments of their countries both in peace and warres . was there ever any noble house in these times ruinated , without the practise of these wicked miscreants ? let all the bloud that hath bin shed in this land in the northern rebellion , & at other times , be laid vpon these wicked instruments of bloud . and let the world consider the outragious wickednesse of this generation , that having in formertimes sucked the bloud of the saints as greedy instruments of the great whore , that is drunke with the bloud of the saints : now by a iust , but strange iudgement of god , they are fallen into such practises , as shed their owne bloud and the bloud of such as are misled by them . god is to be reverenced in all his iudgements , and let not men striue against god to maintaine a cause which god will overthrow , with all the maintainers thereof . and it is not much to be marveiled , if these cunning stirrers haue deceiued some of our nobles , for we see that they haue cousened great kings and princes . for soone after this in the yeare 1586. these pernicious medlers , these iesuites shewed themselues in other colours , for when these bloudy instruments that had so long laboured the ruine of england , & were out of hope to restore the romish religion to england , either by the scots queene , which was now more strictly kept , or by the king then of scotland , who had plainly professed and established the gospell in his kingdome : they fell now to a new and a strange practise , which might make the world to wonder : they began out of their false and lying forgeries , to set a foot an imaginary title of the king of spaine , to the right and succession of the english crowne . to this purpose , as pasquirus discovered , they sent into england one shamiers , ( if it be not a counterfeit name ) a lesuit , which might draw the discontented nobles vnto the spanish side , & throw the scots queene headlong into dangers and despayre , signifying to her , that if she should be trouble some to hinder their designes , that neither she nor her sonne should raigne here . and stirred vp new troubles in france to withdraw her cousens the guises from hindering their devises , by wrapping them in new garboiles against the king of navarre and the prince of condy. in which the king of spaine had a hand , to set france in troubles , that he in the meane time might the better proceed in his intentions for england . these desperate courses drew the scots queene into more danger . at this time a most desperate and pernicious conspiracy brake out , which as by the free confessions of the conspirators appeareth , was thus . some english divines of the rhemish seminary , whilst they seemed to admire as men astonished or rather doting , an omnipotency in the pope , did labour to perswade themselues , that pius v. his bull against queene elizabeth was ind●ted by the holy ghost : and that it was a thing meritorious to kill excommunicated princes , yea , and that it was martyrdome to loose their liues in that quarrell . giffard a doctor of theologie , gilbert giffard , and hodgeson , priests , did so hammer these devises into the corrupt head of iohn sauage ( who they say was a bastard ) that he being heady and bloudy ( a fit instrument for ●esuites ) made a vow to kill queene elizabeth . at the same time they set out a book ( for no other purpose , but with great cunning to draw the queene and councell into securitie , and to lay their vngracious plots more deeply , and so with more ease to come to that mischievous end they shot at ) . in which booke they admonish the papists in england , that they practise no hurt to the queene , for that they were onely to vse such weapons as are lawfull for christians to vse , that is , ●eares , spirituall armour , daily prayers , watchings , fastings against their adversaries , this was their ●ox craft . and withall they spred a false rumour by their whisperers , that george giffard one of the queenes gentlemen pencionaries had sworne to kill the queene , and for that cause had wiped the guise of a great summe of money . at easter following , iohn ballard , a priest of the remish seminary , who had assayed the mindes of many papists , to whom he travelled to conferre with , through england and scotland , was now returned into england . this man had dealt with bernardin mendoza , now the ordinary spanish ambassadour in france , and with charles paget for an invasion of england . declaring that now was the fittest opportunitie for that service , whilst the military men were absent , being then imployed in the low-countries . a fitter time could never be hoped , for as much as the pope , the spanyard , the guise , the duke of parma , had resolved to invade england , to turne the warres from the netherlands . and albeit paget had made it evident , that as long as the queene liued , the invasion of england would be in vaine , yet was ballard sworne , and sent into england , to procure all the helpe that might be to the conspiratours , and the liberty of the scots queene . at pentecost following , that silken priest came into england , in a souldiers habit , with a feigned name , called captaine foscue . this man had conference in london with antony babington , a gentleman of darbyshire , yong , rich , wittie , and learned aboue the expectation of his yeares , and being addicted to the romish religion , had a little before got into france without leaue . where he had familiar conversation with thomas morgan , and with the bishop of glasco the scots queenes ambassadour . these men extolling the heroick vertues of the scots queene , made to him great ostentation of assured hopes of honor by her meanes to be obtained . the ambitious yong man was easily drawne to take hold of that faire glistering estate proposed by them . and they were as ready cunningly to set him forward ; and before he had well thought of the matter , they commended him by letters to the scots queene . for when he was returned into england , she saluted him favourably with her letters ; from that time morgan vsed his helpe in sending letters to her , vntill she was committed to the custodie of amice paulet . for after that , the yong man finding the danger , ceased . with this babington , ballard had conference of the things aforesaid . but he thought assuredly so long as queene elizabeth liued , that the invasion of england would come to nothing . but when ballard signified to him , that queene elizabeth would not long be aliue ; for sauage who had vowed to kill her , was now come into england ; babington thought not good that so great a matter should be committ●d to sauage onely , least he might be stopped from the enterprise . but rather to sixe valiant and resolute gentlemen , in which number sauage should be one , that he might not be condemned for not performing his vow . wherevpon babington tooke a new course , for the invasion , touching the ports where the strangers might land , and the forces that should be ioyned with them , and the delivering the scots queene , and the tragick slaughter of queene elizabeth , as he called it . whilst he was fixed in these cogitations , he received letters by an vnknowne boy ; written from the queene of scots , in that familiar character which was vsed betweene them . she blamed him , but mildly , for his long silence ; and willed him to send her the packet of letters sent from morgan , and delivered by the french ambassadors secretary . which he did accordingly . and by the same messenger sent to her a letter , wherein he excused his silence , for that he wanted opportunitie of sending since that she was in the custodie of amice paulet , a puritan , a meere leicestrian , and a most bitter enemy of the catholike faith . he declared what he had resolved with ballard , that sixe gentlemen were chosen to performe the tragicke slaughter , and that himselfe with an hundreth other , would deliver her . he intreated that to these heroick actors ( so he called them ) rewards might be proposed , or to their posteritie , if they should faile in the action . the twentie-seventh of iuly , answer was made to these letters . babington his forward desire of promoting the catholike religion was commended . he was warned that it might be vndertaken considerately , and that nothing be moued before they were sure of externall forces : that an association among them might be made , as if they feared the puritanes : that some trouble might be stirred in ireland , whilst the stroke might be given here at home : that arundell , and his brethren , and northumberland , should be drawne to the side , vvestmerland , paget , and others , might be secretly called home . the way to deliver her was also prescribed ; either to overturne a coach in the gate , or to set the stables on fire , or to intercept her whilst she rode to take the ayre betweene chartley and stafford . last of all babington was warranted to vndertake for rewards , and to pawne his credit to the six gentlemen , and others . now had he gathered about him certaine gentlemen , inflamed with a fiery zeale of the romish religion . of whom the chiefe were , edward windsore , brother to the lord windsore , a yong gentleman of a soft disposition , thomas salisbury , of a knights house in denbigh-shire , charles tilney , an ancient gentleman , the onely hope of the familie , one of the queenes pencionaries , whom ballard had reconciled to the roman church ; both proper yong men : chidioc tychburn , of hampshire , edward abington , whose father was the queenes cofferer : robert gage of surrey , iohn traverse , and iohn charnok of lanchishire , iohn iones , whose father was queene maries taylour , sauage , barnwell , a gentleman of ireland , henry dun , clarke of the first fruit office . into this societie polly also insinuated himselfe : a man well acquainted with the affayres of the scots queene : a man well skilled in the art of simulation and dissimulation . who was thought daily to reveile all their councells to sir francis walsingham , and to thrust them headlong into mischiefe , who were forward enough of themselues to evill . albeit , navus the scots queenes secretary warned them to beware of him . to these did babington communicate the matter , but not all to each one : his owne letters and the scots queenes letters he shewed to ballard , to tychburn , and dun. he dealt with tilney and tychburn , to be the strikers . they at first denied to dehle their hands with the bloud of their prince . ballard and babington labour to proue it lawfull to kill princes excommunicated : and if right should be violated , then for the catholike religion it is to be violated . herevpon hardly perswaded , they yeeld their consent in a sort . abington , barnwell , charnok , and sauage readily and roundly without scruple sware to kill her . salisbury could by no meanes be perswaded to be a queene-killer , but to deliver the scots queene , he offred his service willingly . babington designeth ty●hburn aboue the number , to helpe the percussors , of whose fidelitie and courage he had perswaded himselfe much . but he was now absent , travailing abroad . babington commandes that they impart the matter to none , except first an oath be taken to keepe silence . these conspiratours now and then conferred of these matters in saint giles fields , in pauls-church , in tavernes , in which they had their daily feasts , being now puffed vp with the hopes of great matters . sometimes commending the valour of the nobles of scotland , who lately had intercepted the king at sterling : and of gerard the burgonian , who killed the prince of orange . and so farre they proceeded in their foolish vanitie , so strangly infatuated , that those that should strike the queene , they had portraied in liuely pictures , and in the midst of them babington , with this verse . hi mihi sunt comites , quos ipsa pericula ducunt . but when this verse was disliked , as seeming too plaine : for it , they set in place these wordes : quorsum haec alió properantibus ? these pictures were taken , as it was said , and brought to the queene ; who knew none of their countenances but onely barnwells , who vsed often to come in her presence , following the causes of the earle of kildare , whom he served : and she tooke notice of him by other markes . verily one day as she was walking abroad she saw barnwell , she looked sharply and vndauntedly vpon the man , and turning to sr christopher hatton , captaine of the guard , and to some others : am not i , quoth she , well guarded , who haue not so much as one man in my company that hath a sword ? for barnwell told this to the other conspiratours , and declared how easily she might haue beene killed , if the conspiratours had then beene present . sauage in like sort reported the same . now there was nothing that so much troubled babington , as the feare least the promise of externall forces might faile . and therefore to make that good , he resolved to goe into france , and to send ballard secretly before , for whose passage he had procured licence for money vnder a counterfeit name . and to remoue all suspition from himselfe by polly he in●inuateth himselfe into sir francis walsingham , and dealeth earnestly with him , to intreat of the queene license for his passage into france , promising to doe some especially seruice , in searching and discovering the secret attempts of the fugitiues for the scots queene . he commended the purpose of the yong man , and promised not onely to obtaine him licence to travell , but he promised withall great and goodly rewardes to him , if he would doe such a service , yet holding him in suspence , he delayed the matter , and knew his purpose and drift well , having fished all out by an especiall skill he had in discovering treasons , but especially by the discovery of gilbert giffard , a priest , he was made acquainted with their intentions , which they thought were kept so secret that the sunne had not knowne any thing thereof . this giffard was borne at chellington , where the scots queene was kept , and sent by the fugitiues into england , vnder the name of luson , to put sauage in minde of his vow vndertaken , and to lurke as a fit meanes to transmit letters betweene them , and the scots queene , because in so dangerous a businesse , they could not draw in to serue their turne herein neither the countesse of arundell , nor the lord lumley , nor henry howard , nor sr george shirly . the fugitiues , to try whether the way was safe by giffard to transmit letters , first sent blankes many times sealed like letters and packeted , which when by the answers they perceived to be truely delivered , now growne more confident , wrote often of their affaires intended , in secret characters . but giffard before this , whether vexed in his conscience , or corrupted before with money , or terrified with feare , had opened himselfe to sir francis walsingham , and declared with what purpose he was sent into england , and offered all his service , as from the loue to his countrey and his prince , and promised to communicate to him all the letters that he received either from the fugitiues , or from the scots queene . sir francis imbracing the opportunitie offerd , intertained him courteously , and sent him into staffordshire , and wrote to sir amice pawlet , willingly to suffer some of his servants to be corrupted by giffard , and to winke at it . but he being vnwilling , as he said , to suffer any of his houshold servants , by simulation to become a traytor , yet though vnwillingly , he suffred that the brewer , or the man that provided provender for his horse , who dwelt neare him , might be corrupted by giffard . giffard easily corrupted the brewer with some peeces of gold , who by a hole in the wall , where a stone was set which might be remoued , sent letters secretly , and received others , which alwayes by messengers provided for the purpose , came to the hands of sr francis walsingham . who opened the seales , coppied out the letters , and by the singular cunning of thomas philipps found the secret character , and by the skill of arthur gregory sealed them vp againe so cunningly , that no man could suspect that they were opened , and then sent them to the parties to whom they were directed . thus were disclosed those former letters from the scots queene to babington , and his answers , and others againe from her to him , ( in which there was a postscript cunningly added in the same character , to write the names of the six gentlemen , and happily some other things . ) moreover , the same day , the letters to mendoza the spanish ambassadour , to charles paget , to the lord paget , to the archbishop of glasco , and to sr francis inglefeld , were all coppied out , and transmitted . the queene , as soone as she vnderstood so rough a tempest hanging over her head , both from inward traytors and forraine enemies , she commanded to the end that the conspiracy might the sooner be quelled , that ballard should be apprehended . wherevpon he was suddenly taken , in the very nick , when he was ready to depart into france . being taken in babingtons house . herevpon babington was afraid and sore troubled , and vexed with a thousand cogitations he came to tychburn , and with him adviseth what is best to doe . his advise was that the conspiratours should presently disperse themselues and fly , yet babington thought it best to send sauage and charnok presently to kill the queene . but first to put sauage in brauer and more courtly apparell , that so he might haue a more easie passage . and of this proiect he had the same day speech with him , in pauls-church . but presently changing his minde , and concealing his secret cares and feares , he wrote letters to sir francis walsingham , being then in court , wherein with great earnestnes he intreated that now at last he might haue license to depart into france ; and withall he made suit for ballards deliverance , who might be of great vse to him in his proposed busin●sse . sir francis with faire promises keepes him from day to day in hope . that ballard was taken , he layeth all the fault vpon yong , that cunning hunter of papists , and vpon some other catch-poles ; and warneth babington to take heed to such kinde of men , as friendly admonishing him , and easily perswadeth the yong man , that vntill the queene might be at leasure to signe the bill for his passage , he would returne to london , and lodge in his house at london , to the end that they might conferre more secretly of so great matters . and that by his often comming , the fugitiues might not haue any suspition , when he came into france . in the meane time , skidmor , sir francis walsingham his servant was commanded to obserue him most strictly , and should be with him whither soever he went ; in shew that so he might be safer from messengers that otherwise might apprehend him . thus farre sr francis walsingham had closely carried this businesse without the knowledge of other of the privy councell , and would haue proceeded farther . but the queene would not ; least ( as she said ) by not preventing the danger when shee might , shee might seeme rather to tempt god , then to trust in god. wherevpon sir francis from court wrote to his man , that he should obserue babington with an especiall care . this letter was not sealed , but so delivered that as the man read it , babington sitting at table with him did also reade it . wherevpon finding himselfe guiltie , and suspecting that all was disclosed , the next night when he , and skidmor , and one or two of sir francis his servants , had supped somwhat freely in a taverne , he rose as going to pay the reckoning , and leaving his cloak and rapier , fled away in the darke to westminster . where gage changed apparell with him , who presently put off the same againe in charnoks chamber , and put on charnoks . and conveyed themselues both into s. iohns wood neare to the cittie . whither barnwell and dun came to them . in the meane time they were declared traytors throughout england . they hiding themselues in woods and by-wayes after they had in vaine expected money from the french ambassadour , and horse from tychburn , they cut off babingtons hayre , and defaced his natiue beautie with rubbing his face over with the greene huskes of walnuts . and being forced by hunger they came to bellamyes house , neare to harrow on the hill , who was a great favourer of the romish religion . where they were hid in barnes , and fed , and cloathed with rusticall apparell . after ten dayes they were found and brought to london . herevpon the cittie witnessed their publike ioy by ringing of bells , by bonefires in the streets , by singing of psalmes , in so much that the citizens had great thankes given them from the qveene . the other conspiratours were soone caught , many of them neare the cittie ; salisbury in staffordshire , his horse being killed vnder him by them who followed him , and trauerse was taken with him , after they had swimmed over the river weuer . and iones in wales , who was not acquainted with the inuasion intended , but onely receiued them into his house , after he knew them to be proclaimed rebells , and hid them . and had furnished salisbury as he fled , and his man ( who was a priest ) with a changed cloake . onely windsore was not found . many dayes were spent in examining of them , who by their confessions betrayed one another , concealing nothing . all this time the scots queene and her servants were kept by such a diligent watch of sir amice pawlet , that those things were altogether hid from her , though now well knowne over all england . but after that these were apprehended , sir thomas gorge was sent to acquaint her with these things in few words . which he did purposely when she thought least of the matter , as she was taking horse to ride a hunting . neither was she permitted to returne , but in shew of honor she was carried about to noble mens houses . in the meane time , iohn maners , edward ashton , richard bagot , and william wade ( who ignorant of the whole matter had beene sent into these parts ) receiving authoritie from the queene , did commit navus , and curle , secretaries , and other servants , to such as might keepe them asunder , that they might not conferre together among themselues , nor with the scets queene . and breaking vp the chamber-doores , they tooke all chesies and boxes , wherein they found letters , and sent them sealed with their seales to the court. after that sir amice pawlet , being commanded , tooke all the money , least she might corrupt some for money , and gaue his promise to restore all again . when the packets of letters were opened before the queene , the letters of many forrainers were found , and coppies of many letters to others ; and about sixtie tables of secret characters . and some letters from certaine noble men of england , with a full declaration of their loue and services . which thing notwithstanding , queene elizabeth dissembled that matter in silence , and accordingly vsed that word : video , taceo ; i see and say nothing . but they smelling the matter , least they might seeme to favour the scots queene , after that , began to show themselues enemies against her . now giffard , after he had played his part in this play , was sent away as a banished man into france ; leaving before he went an indented paper with the french ambassadour leiger in england , with this instruction , that he should deliver letters which he might receiue from the scots queene , or from the fugitiues , to none other but onely to him , who exhibited a paper an swering to that indented paper . which paper was by him sent secretly to sir francis walsingham . giffard returning into france , after a few moneths was imprisoned for his filthy life : and suspected of these things , died miserably ; confessing many of the foresaid matters , which was also found in his papers . the xiii . of september , seven of the conspiratours being brought to iudgement , confessed themselues guiltie , and were condemned of treason . other seven came the next day , who denied that they were guiltie ; and cōmitted themselues to god and their country : yet were they condemned by their former confessions . onely polly , though guiltie of all , yet when he affirmed that he disclosed some of those matters to sir francis walsingham , was not called to iudgement . the twentieth of that month , the first seven were hanged and quattered in s. giles fields , where they vsed to meet . ballard , the contriver of all the mischief , asked pardon of god , and of the queene conditionally , if he had sinned against her . babington ( who without feare beheld ballards death , whilst the rest were vpon their knees in prayer ) freely confessed his sinnes , and after he was taken downe from the gallowes , cryed out in latin , parce mihi iesu : the rest in their order likewise were hanged and quartered . after the punishment of these , navus a french man , and curlus a scot , secretaries to the scots queene were called into question vpon the letters that were taken in the lodging of the scots queene , and freely confessed that those letters were of their owne writing , dictated by her in french , and so taken by navus , turned into english by curle , and written in secret characters , whereby she was at last brought into question , which brought her also to her end . the thing which we obserue vpon this narration , is to continue our complaint of these gracelesse instruments the priests and iesuites , that by their wicked suggestions bring princes , nobles , gentlemen of good place , which might haue done good service to their prince and country , such i say doe these wicked instruments bring to ruine ; and seeme to take a pleasure in the destruction of men . may we not see how they come in secretly , and scraule in corners like serpents ? it is true the enmity is of old set betweene the womans seed and the serpents seed : and the church which is the womans seed haue felt the experience hereof at all times . but never had any church in the world a more liuely experience hereof , then this church of england , against whom all this hath beene wrought . the church is the house of god , and this church of england is here with vs gods house . it is apparant that this house was built not vpon the sand , but vpon a rocke ; for the windes haue blowne fiercely vpon it , the waters haue risen against it , the great and huge tempests haue beaten vpon it , and yet it standeth . and for this we prayse gods name , that it standeth still . and for this purpose is this small worke vndertaken , to giue the watch-word to all them that feare god , and loue the comming of our lord , to giue most humble and most hearty thankes vnto god for this inestimable favour of god , that after all these assaults which haue beene greater in danger , mo●e in number then any nation in the world at this day can number : that after all , i say , our church standeth and flourisheth : this is our reioycing in god , in his goodnesse and mercy . but now consider who oppugne vs ? the serpents seed ; for can any man with any reason deny these men to be the seed of the serpent ? i meane the seminary priests & lesuites . are not these the seed of the serpent ? they plot , and practise treasons , they raise rebellions , their heads and hands are full of bloud and murther . and what can the serpent his seed doe more ? they are men acquainted with the deepenes of satan , they lay snares and wicked plots for des●ructions of states , and least men should descry their mischiefe , they set a cleane contrary countenance vpon their actions , giving out that their weapons are preces & lachrymae , prayers and teares , and that it is vnlawfull for them to vse any other weapons ; even then when they are about their most bloudy designes : and what can the serpents seed doe more ? can the seed of the serpent proceed more maliciously , more cruelly , more deeply in bloud then these haue done ? then let them be knowne to be the seed of the serpent . as for vs , we reioyce to be the seed of the woman , the true church of god : we suffer , we are reviled , standered , called heretikes : we learne of our master to indure the crosse , to despise the shame : we run with patience the race which he hath set before vs. and we serue god not in vaine ; for we see that there is a reward for them that serue him. chapter x. the a next yeare following , which was the yeare 1587. the scots queene being before condemned , but yet reserved aliue , discontented persons , like evill spirits did continually haunt her ; though she her selfe would haue beene quiet , yet would not they let her rest , vntill their busie and pernicious working brought her to her graue ; for l. au●●spinaeus the french ambassadour leiger in england , a man wholly devoted to the guysian faction , went about to helpe the captived queene , not by faire meanes , but by treason . first he conferred secretly to kill the queene , with william stafford , a yong gentleman , easie to be drawn to new hopes : whose mother was of the queenes bed-chamber ; his brother was the english leiger in france at this time . afterward he dealt more plainly with him , touching this proiect , by his secretary trappius . who promised to stafford , if he would vndertake that matter , not onely great glory , great store of money , but especiall grace and favour with the pope , with the guises , and with all the catholikes . stafford his conscience grudging at so great a wickednesse , refused to vndertake it . yet he commended one moody , a cut-throat ▪ a man fit for such a businesse , that if money were given him , would vndoubtedly vndertake and dispatch the businesse . to him went stafford , where he found him kept in prison in london , and told him that the french ambassadour would gladly speake with him . he answered that he was willing , so that he might be freed out of prison . in the meane time , he intreated that cordali●n another of the ambassadours secretaries might be sent to him : with whom he had familiar acquaintance . the next day trappius was sent to him with stafford . who , when stafford was remoued , conferred with moody of the manner of killing the queene . moody proposed a course to doe it by poison , or by a sacke of twentie pound of gun-powder to be laid vnder the queenes chamber , and to be fired secretly . these courses pleased not trappius , but he wished that a man of such courage might be sound , as was that burgonian who killed the prince of orange . these things were presently revealed to the queenes councell by stafford . wherevpon trappius now purposing to goe into france , was intercepted , and examined of these things . afterward the ambassadour himselfe , the twelfth of ianuary was sent for vnto the house of secretary cecill , and came in the evening ; where were together by the queenes command , cecill , lord burghley , secretary , the earle of leicester , sir christopher hatton , and dauison another secretary : these signifie to the french ambassadour , that they sent for him , to let him know the cause why they intercepted trappius , his secretary , when he was ready to goe into france ; and they did open every thing which stafford , moody , and trappius himselfe had confessed . and that they might testifie the same in his presence , they commanded them to be called in . the ambassadour who bending his brows , heard these things with much impatience ; rising vp , said , that himselfe being an ambassadour would not heare any accusations to wrong his king , or in the preiudice of ambassadours . but when they answered , that these men should not be produced as accusers , but onely that he might be satisfied that these things were not fained , nor false : then he rested . as soone as stafford was produced , and began to speake , he presently interrupted him , and railing vpon him , affirmed that stafford first proposed the matter to him , and that himselfe had threatned to send him bound hand and foot to the queene , if he would not desist from so wicked an enterprise : yet that he spared him for the singular affection which he bare to the mother , the brother , and sister of stafford . stafford falling vpon his knees protested in many wordes vpon his salvation ▪ that the ambassadour proposed the matter first to him . but when the ambassador seemed to be extraordinarily moued , stafford was commanded to depart ; and moody was not produced . herevpon when burghly had mildly charged the ambassadour to be guiltie of such a conceived wickednes , both from his owne words , and out of the confession of trappius : he answered , that if he had beene conscious , yet being an ambassadour , he ought not to disclose it , but to his owne king. but burghl●y interposing told him , that if that were not the office of an ambassadour ( which thing is yet in question ) to disclose such a mischievous practise which bringeth the life of a prince in danger : yet was it the office of a christian , to represse such notorious iniuries , not onely for the safety of a prince , but for the safety of any christian. but the other stoutly denyed that ; and withall said , that not long since , the french ambassadour being in spaine , and having notice of a conspiracy to take away the spanish kings life , yet disclosed it not to the spanish king , but to his owne king , and was therefore commended of the king and of his councellers . the lord burghley gaue him a graue admonition , to take heed that hereafter he offended not in such a point of treason against the prince , and not to forget the office of an ambassadour , nor the prince her clemency , who would not wrong good ambassadours by the punishment of an evill one , and though he were not punished , yet was he not iustified , but did carry with him the guilt , though not the punishment of such an offence . though this intended evill came to no effect , as all the other bloudy practises haue bin without effect : yet may we make good vse of it to blesse gods name for all his great and manifold deliverances . that it was disappointed , it was his goodnes : for against those kings that had not given their service to god for the maintenance of true religion , great and bloudy practises haue bin committed by lesse and more contemptible meanes . and as we haue iust cause to blesse god for all his deliverances , so the adversaries of our peace , haue iust cause to feare , to examine their owne doings , and seriously to consider , whether they haue not all this while striven against god , in striving so long against those whom god doth so miraculously defend not long after this followed the ignominious prodition of william stanly , and rowland york . this york was a londoner , a man of loose conversation , and actions , and desperate . he was famous among the cutters of his time , for bringing in a new kind of fight , to run the point of a rapier into a mans body ; this manner of fight he brought first into england , with great admiration of his audaciousnes . when in england before that time the vse was with little buckl●rs , and with broad swords to strike , and not to thrust , and it was accounted vnmanly to strike vnder the girdle . this man provoked as he tooke it by some iniury of the earle of leicester , fled to the spanyards , and for some time after served among the spanyards . afterward being reconciled , was made captaine of a sconce neare to zutphen . after all this he was so set vpon revenge , that being corrupted with money , he did not onely betray the place to the enemy ; but drew also stanly with him , being a man that had served with great fidelitie and valour in the irish warres . stanly was not easily perswaded to be false , but this desperate fellow never ceased to draw him into the fellowship of wickednesse with him , by many asseverations and oaths often repeated ; telling him that it was certainly knowne in england , that he was of babingtons conspiracy ; that he was already discovered by their confessions , & that out of hand he should be sent for to the gallowes . thus he perswaded stanly to betray the rich and well fenced towne of deventer to the spanyards , against his oath given to leicester and to the states . and seeking some pretence of honesty against a fact so dishonest and disloyall , he seemed to please himselfe in this , that he had restored a place to the true lord , which was held from him by rebells . and being extreame popish , he sent for priests to his company , which consisted of 1300 english and irish , to instruct them in the popish religion ; boasting that this should be the seminary legion , which should defend the roman religion with armes , as the seminary priests defend it with writings . to this purpose alan , who a little after was cardinall , sent priests presently to him , and wrote a booke also , wherein he commended this proditorious act , from the authoritie of the bull of pius v against queene elizabeth , and stirred vp others to such perfidiousnes , as if they were not bound to serue and obey a queene excommunicated . but looke i pray to the end . the spanyards set york and stanly together in contention one against the other ; and soone after they poyson york , and take his goods : his body after three yeares was digged vp by the commandement of the states , and hanged till it rotted . they drew stanly and his companies out of deventer , and tossing them from place to place they make them the obiect of all dangers , and so vsed them with all con●umelies , that some of them died for hunger , others secretly fled away . stanly himselfe went into spaine in hope of reward , and offred his helpe to invade ireland : but neither found he entertainment according to his expectation , neither could he be trusted ; for the spanyards vsed to say , that some honor might be given to a traytor , but no trust : it was now too late for him to learne , but yet he learned , that he had most of all betrayed himselfe . chapter xi . we are now come to that fatall yeare , which the astrologers called the marveilous yeare ; some said it was the climactericall yeere of the world . and they that trust not in the liuing god , but in superstitions tooke the opportunitie of this fatall yeare as they supposed , now vtterly to overthrow the church of england and state. which before they could not doe . the pope and spanyard layd vp all their hopes vpon this yeares destiny . the rumors of warre daily increased , at last it was certainly cōfirmed by the newes on all sides , that in spaine there was an invincible navy preparing against england ; that the most famous captaines in military knowledge , and the best souldiers were sent for into spaine , from italy , scicily , yea from america . for the pope , and some religious spanyards , and english fugitiues , now recalled the spanyard to the cogitation of surprising of england , which purpose was interrupted by the portugall warres . they exhorted him earnestly to doe god this service , that had done so much for him : now that he inioyed portugall , with the west indies , & many rich ilands : to adde england to all , were an especiall service of god , fit for his catholike maiestie . by this meanes he might adde these flourishing kingdomes to his empire , & so keepe the low-countries in peace , secure the navigatiō to both indies . that the preparations of spaine were so great that no power was able to resist it . they made him belieue that it was an easier matter to overcome england , then to overcome the dutch-land , because the navigation from spain to england was much shorter , then to the netherlands . and by surprising of england , the other would easily follow . herevpon the consultation began to be had , of the best way and meanes to oppresse england . alvarus ba●●anus , the marquess of s. crosse , who was chiefe commander in the navy , advised first to make sure some part of holland or zealand , by the land-forces of the duke of parma , and by sending before some spanish shippes , so to take some place on a suddain , where the spanish navy might haue a receptacle , and from whence the invasion might with cōvenience begin . for in the english sea , which is troublesome , the windes oft changing , the tydes vnknown , the navy could not be in safety . with him agreed parma , who much vrged this expedition . yet others disliked this counsell , as a matter of great difficultie and danger , of long time , of much labor , of great expence , of vncertaine successe . and that neither secretly nor openly it could be performed , and easily hindered by the english. these thought that with the same labour and expenses england might be wonne : and the victory would be sure , if a well prepared army from spaine , might with a strong navy be landed on thames side , and of a suddain surprise london the chiefe citty by an vnexspected assault . this seemed a thing most easie to be effected . and therefore all agreed vpon it . yet some among them thought good that a denuntiation of the warre should be made by an herald , which they held a politik devise , both to remoue suspition out of the minds of neighbour princes , and to force the queene as they supposed , to call to her helpe ●orrain mercenary souldiers , concelving , that according to the vsuall insolency of mercenaries , they would tumult and spoyle the country ; and so might the queene be brought into hatred of her owne people : that so all things in england would be brought into a confusion , which might be helped by the english catholikes . but neither could this advise be heard . for they being confident of their owne strength , thought it was sufficient to commend the invincible navy to the prayers of the pope , and of their other catholikes , and to the intercession of saints : and to set out a booke in print , to the terror of the english , in which booke , all the preparation was particularly related . which was so great through spain , italy , and scicily , that the spanyards themselues were in admiration of their owne forces , and therefore named it the invincible fleet. the duke of parma also in flanders , by the commandement of the spanyard , built ships , and a great company of small broad vessels , each one able to transport thirty horse , with bridges fitted for them severally . and hired mariners from the east part of germany . and provided long peeces of wood , sharpned at the end , and covered with iron , with ●ookes on the side . and twentie thousand vessels , with an huge number of fagots ; and placed an army ready in flanders , of 103 companies of foot , and 4000 horsemen . among these were 700 english fugitiues , which were had of all other in most contempt . neither was stanly respected or heard , who was set over the english , nor westmerland , nor any other who offered their helpe : but for their impiety towards their owne countrey , were shut out from all consultations , and as men vnominous reiected , not without detestation . and pope sixtus v. that in such a purpose would not be wanting , sent cardinall alan into flanders , and ren●ed the bulls declaratory of pius v. and ●rep xiii . he excommunicateth the queene , deposeth her , absolveth her subi●cts from all alleagance , and as if it had beene against the turks and inf●dels , he set forth in print a ●ruceat , wherein he bestowed plenary indulgences , out of the treasure of the church , vpon all that would ioyn their help against england . by which means the marquess a burgaw of the house of austria , the duke of pastrana , amady duke of sauoy , vespasian gonzaga , iohn medices , and divers other noble men were drawne into these warres . queene elizabeth , that she might not be surprised at vnawares , prepareth as great a navy as she could , and with singular care & providence maketh ready all things necessary for warre . and she her selfe , which was ever most i●dicious in discerning of mens wits , and aptnes , and most happy in making choise , when she made it out of her own iudgement , and not at the commandement of others , designed the best and most serviceable to each severall imployment . over the whole navy she appointed the lo : admirall charles howard . in whom she reposed much trust ; and sent him to the west parts of england , where captaine drake , whom she made viceadmirall , ioyned with him . she commanded henry seimor the second sonne to the duke of somerset , to watch vpon the belgick shore with 40 english and dutch shippes , that the duke of parma might not come out with his forces . albeit some were of opinion , that the enemy was to be expected , and set vpon by land forces , according as it was vpon deliberation resolved , in the time of henry the 8. when the french brought a great navy vpon the english shore . by land there was placed on the south shores , twenty thousand . and two armies besides were mustered of the choisest men for warre . the one of these which consisted of a thousand horse , twenty-two thousand foot , was the earle of leicester set over . and camped at tilbury on the side of thames . for the enemy was resolved first to set vpon london . the other army was governed by the lo : hunsdon , consisting of 34 thousand foot , and two thousand horse , to guard the queene . the lord grey , sr francis knolles , sr iohn norrice , sr richard bingham , sr roger williams , men famously knowne for military experience , were chosen to confer of the land fight . these thought fit that all those places should be fortified , with men & mu●ition , which were commodious to land in , either out of spaine , or out of flanders ▪ as milford hauen , falmouth , plimmouth , portland , the i le of wight , portsmouth , the open side of kent called the downs , the mouth of thames , harwich , yarmouth , hull , &c. that trained souldiers through all the maritim provinces should meet vpon warning given , to defend these places : that they should by their best means and power hinder the enemy to take land ; if he should take land , then should they wast the country all about , and spoile every thing that might be of any vse to the enemy , that so he might find no more vittals then what he brought vpon his shoulders with him . and that by continuall alarums the enemy should finde no rest day or night . but they should not try any battell , vntill divers captaines were mett together with their companies . that one captaine might be named in every shire which might command . at this time divers told the queene , that the spaniards were not so much to be feared without , as the papists within ; for the spaniards durst make no attempt vpon england , but vpon confidence of their helpe within . and therefore for the securitie of the whole , their heads were vpon some pretenses to be cut off . producing for this thing , the example of henry 8. for when the emperour & french king at the popes instigation , were combined and ready to invade england , king henry presently executed the marquess of exceter , the lord montacute , edward neuil , and others , whom he suspected to favour the enemies , which thing as soone as he had done , the intended invasion was stopped , and proceeded no further . but this advise the queene vtterly disliked , as being cruell , she thought it enough to commit some of the papists to wisbich castle in cu●tody ; and casting her eyes and mind on every side , she stirred vp her nobles with letters often , though they were carefull & watchfull of themselues . she certified fitz williams , lord deputy of ireland , what she would haue done there . she sent to the king of scots to warne him to take good heed of papists , and the spanish faction . but he knowing well what a tempest and desolation was hanging , and threatning both alike , having already set his heart vpon the maintenance of true religion , and resolving to take part with the truth in prosperitie and adversitie , which is onely able to saue and deliver her maintainers ; had a little before refused to heare the bishop of dumblan , sent th●ther from the pope : and had caused a league to be made among the protestants of scotland , for resistance of the spanyards : and himselfe comming to anandale with an army , besieged maxwell and tooke him , and committed him to prison , who was lately returned out of spaine against his faith and alleagance , and came with an intent to favor the spanish side ; he declared the spanyards should be held as enemies , and against them caused all with great alacritie to be ready in armes . among these preparations for warre , which were great on both sides , the councels of peace were not vtterly cast away . two yeares before , the duke of parma considering how hard a matter it was to end the belgick warre , so long as it was continually nourished and supported with ayd from the queene , he moued for a treaty of peace , by the meanes of sir iames croft one of the privy councell , a man desirous of peace , & andrew loe a dutch man , and professed that the spaniard had delegated authority to him for this purpose . but the queen fearing that there was some cunning in this seeking of peace , that the friendship betweene her and the confederate provinces might be dissolved , and that so they might secretly be drawne to the spanyard ; she deferred that treaty for some time . but now , that the warres on both sides prepared , might be turned away , she was content to treat of peace , but so as still holding the weapons in her hand . for this purpose in february delegates were sent into flanders , the earle of derby , the lo : cobham , sr iames croft , dr dale , and dr rogers . these were received with all humanity on the dukes behalfe , & they presently sent dr dale to him , that a place might be appointed for the treating , & that they might see the authoritie to him delegated from the spanish king. he appointed the place neare to ostend , not in ostend which then was holden of english against the king : his authority delegated , he promised then to shew when they were once met together . he wished them to make good speed in the businesse , least somwhat might fall out in the meane time , which might trouble the motions of peace . richardotus spake somewhat more plainly , that he knew not what in this interim should be done against england . not long after d. rogers was sent to the prince by an express commandement from the queene , to know the truth , whether the spanyard had resolved to invade england , which he and richardotus did seeme to signifie . he affirmed that he did not so much as thinke of the invasion of england , when he wished that the businesse might proceed with speed . and was in a maner offended with richardotus , who denied that such words fell from him . the 12 of april , the count aremberg , champigny , richardotus , d. mae●ius , & garnier , delegated from the prince of parma mett with the english , and yeelded to them the honor , both in walking and sitting . and when they affirmed that the duke had full authority to treat of peace : the english moued that first a truce might be made . which they denied , alledging that that thing must needs be hurtfull to the spanyard , who had for six moneths maintained great army , which might not be dismissed vpon a truce , but vpon an absolute peace . the english vrged that a truce was promised before they came into flanders . the spanyard against that held , that six moneths since a truce was promised ; which they granted , but was not admitted . neither was it in the queenes power to vndertake a truce for holland and zealand , who daily attempted hostility . the english mooued instantly that the truce might be generall , for all the queenes territories , and for the kingdome of scotland : but they would haue it but for foure dutch townes which were in the queenes hands , that is , ostend , flushing , bergen vp zom , & the briel ; and these onely during the treating , and twenty dayes after , and that in the meane time , it might be lawfull for the queene to invade spaine , or for the spanyard to invade england , either from spain or flanders . whilst these delayes were made concerning the truce and place , which at last was appointed at bourburg ; cr●ft vpon an earnest desire to peace , went privatly to bruxells without the knowledge of the other delegates , and privatly proposed some articles . for which afterward by leicesters motion , he was imprisoned : albeit those articles proposed by him were in the iudgement of the other commissioners not to be disallowed . but delegates haue their limits circumscribed , which they are not to passe . at last , when the english could not obtain an abstinence from armes , & could by no meanes see the charter by which the duke of parma had this authority granted to treat of peace : they proposed these things ; that the ancient leagues betweene the kings of england and the dukes of burgundy might be renued and confirmed ; that all the dutch might fully inioy their own priviledges ; that with freedome of cōscience they might serue god ; that the spanish and forrain souldiers might be put out of dutchland ; that neither the dutch , nor their neighbouring nations might feare them . if these things might be granted , the queene would come to equall conditions concerning the townes which now she held , ( that all might know that she tooke vp armes not for her own gain , but for the necessary defence both of the dutch , and of her selfe ) so that the money which is owing therefore be repayed . they answered : that for renuing the old leagues there should be no difficulty , when they might haue a friendly conference of that thing . that concerning the priviledges of the dutch , there was no cause why forrain princes should take care , which priviledges were most favourably granted , not onely to provinces and townes reconciled , but even to such as by force of armes are brought into subiection . that forrain souldiers were held vpon vrgent necessity , when as holland , england , and france , were all in armes . touching those townes taken from the king of spaine , and the repaying of the money , they answered that the spaniard might demand so many myriads of crowns to be from the queene repayed him , as the belgick warre hath cost him , since the time that she hath favoured and protected the dutch against him . at this time d. dale by the queenes command going to the duke of parma , did gently expostulate with him touching a booke printed there , set out lately by cardinall allen , wherin he exhorteth the nobles , and people of england & ireland to ioyne themselues to the king of spaines forces vnder the conduct of the prince of parma , for the execution of the sentence of sixtus v pope against the queene , declared by his bull . in which she is declared an heretick , illegitimate , cruel against mary the scots queene , & her subiects were commanded to helpe parma against her : ( for at that time a great number of those bulls & bookes were printed at antwerp to be dispersed through england . the duke denied that he had seene such a bull or booke , neither would he doe any thing by the popes authoritie , as for his owne king , him he must obey . yet he said that he so observed the queene for her princely vertues , that after the king of spaine , he offred all service to her . that he had perswaded the king of spaine to yeeld to this treaty of peace , which is more profitable for english , then spanish . for if they should be overcome , they would easily repaire their losse : but if you be overcome , the kingdome is lost . to whom dale replied : that our queene was sufficiently furnished with forces to defend the kingdom . that a kingdome will not easily be gotten by the fortune of one battell , seeing the king of spaine in so long a warre , is not yet able to recover his anciant patrimony in the netherlands . well , quoth the duke , be it so . these things are in gods hands . after this the delegates contended among themselues by mutuall replications , weauing and vnweauing the same webb . the english were earnest in this , a toleration of religion might be granted at least for two yeares to the confederate provinces . they answered , that as the king of spaine had not intreated that for english catholicks : so they hoped that the queene in her wisedome would not intreat any thing of the king of spaine which might stand against his honor , his oath , & his conscience . when they demanded the money due from the states of brabant , it was answered , that the money was lent without the kings authoritie or privitie . but let the accompt be taken , how much that money was , and how much the king hath spent in these warres , and then it may appeare , who should looke for repayment . by such answers they driue off the english of purpose , vntill the spanish fleet was come neare the english shore , & the noise of guns were heard from sea . then had they leaue to depart , & were by the delegates honorably brought to the borders neare to calis . the duke of parma had in the meane time brought all his forces to the sea shore : thus this conference came to nothing ; vndertaken by the queene , as the wiser then thought to avert the spanish fleet ; continued by the spaniard , that he might oppress the queen , being as he supposed vnprovided , and not expecting the danger . so both of them tried to sow the fox-skin to the lyons . chapter xii . the spanish fleet the best furnished with men , munition , engines , and all warlike preparation , that was ever seen vpon the ocean , and by that arrogant title , called invincible , did consist of 130 shippes , wherein there were 19 thousand , two hundreth ninety ; mariners 8350 : chain●d rowers 11080. great ordnance 11630. the chiefe commander was per●zius gusmannus , duke of medina sidonia . ( for antonius columna duke of palian , and marquess of s. crosse , to whom the chiefe governmēt was allotted , died whilst things were preparing ) . and vnder him iohannes martinus recaldus , a man of great experience in sea affaires . the 30 of may they loosed out of the ●iver tagus , and purposing to hold their course to the ●r●in in g●llitia , they were beaten and scattered by a tempest ▪ three gallies by the helpe of da●d c●in an english servant , and by the perfidiousnesse of the turks which rowed , were carried away into france . the fleet with much adoe after some dayes came to the groin and other harbours neare adioyning . the report was that the fleet was so shaken with this tempest , that the queene was perswaded , that she was not to expect that fleet , this yeare . and sir francis walsi●gham , secretary , wrote to the lord admirall , that he might send back foure of the greatest shippes , as if the warre had beene ended . but he did not easily giue credit to that report , but with a gentle answer intreated him to beleiue nothing hastily in so important a matter , that he might keep those ships with him , though it were vpon his owne charges . and finding a favourable winde turned sailes toward spaine , to surprise the enemies shaken shippes in their harbours . when he was not farre from the shore of spaine , the winde turned , & he being charged to defend the english shore , fearing that the enemies vnseene might by the same winde be drivē to england , he returned to plimmouth . with the same winde the 12 of iuly , the duke of medina with his fleet departed from the groin . and after one day or two , he sent rhodericus telius into flanders , to admonish the duke of parma , giving him notice that the fleet was approching , that he might be ready ▪ for medina his commission was to ioyne himselfe with the shippes and souldiers of parma , and vnder the protection of his fleet , to bring them into england , and to land his land forces vpon thames side . now as the relator of this story hath taken paines to declare what was done each day , i will follow him herein . the 16 day there was a great calme , and a thick cloud was vpon the sea till noon : then the north winde blowing roughly , & again the westwinde till midnight , and after that the east : the spanish navy was scattered , and hardly gathered together vntill they came within the sight of england the 19 day of iuly . vpon which day the lord admirall was certified by flemming ( who had beene a pyrat ) that the spanish fleet was entred into the english sea , which the mariners call the channell . and was descried neare to the lizard . the lord admirall brought forth the english fleet into the sea , but not without great difficultie , by the skill , labour , and alacritie of the souldiers and mariners , every one labouring ; yea the lord admirall himselfe had his hand at the worke . the next day the english fleet viewed the spanish fleet comming along with towers like castles in height , her front crooked like the fashion of the moone , the hornes of the front were extended one from the other about seaven miles asunder , sailing with the labour of the windes , the ocean as it were groaning vnder it ; their saile was but slow , and yet at full saile before the winde . the english gaue them leaue to hold on their course , and when they were passed by , came behinde them and got the helpe of the winde . the 21. of iuly , the lord admirall of england sent a pinnace before , called the defiance , to denounce the battell by shooting off some peeces . and being himselfe in the arch-royall , ( the english praetorian shippe or admirall , he set vpon a shippe which he tooke to be the spanish admirall , but it was the shippe of alfonsus leua . vpon that he bestowed much shot . presently drake , hawkins , forbisher , came in vpon the spanish hindmost shippes which recaldus governed . vpon these they thundred . recaldus laboured what he could to stay his men , who fled to their navy , vntill his shippe beaten and pearced with many shot , did hardly recover the fleet. at which time the duke medina gathered together his dissipated fleet , and setting vp more saile , they held their course . indeede they could doe no other , for the english had gotten the advantage of winde , and their shippes were much more nimble , and ready with incredible celeritie to come vpon the enemie with a full course , and then to turne , and returne , and be on every side at their pleasure . when they had fought two houres , and taken some triall of their owne courage and of the spanyards : the lord admirall thought good not to continue the fight any longer then , seeing that fortie ships were absent which were scarce drawne out of plimmouth haven . the night following s. catharin a spanish shippe being sore torne with the fight , was received into the midst of the navie to be mended . here a great cantabrian shippe of oquenda , wherein was the treasurer of the campe , by force of gunne-powder that had taken fire , was set on fire ; yet was the fire quenched in time by the shippes that came to helpe her . of these that came to helpe the fired shippe , one was a galeon , in which was petrus waldez ; the foremast of the galeon was caught in the tackling of another shippe , and broken . this was taken by drake , who sent waldez to dertmouth , the money fiftie-fiue thousand d●cats , he distributed among his souldiers . that night he was appointed to set forth light , but neglected it , and some german merchants ships comming by that night , he thinking them to be enemies , followed them so farre , that the english navy rested all night when they could see no light set forth . neither did he nor the rest of the navy finde the admirall vntill the next day at even . the admirall all the night preceding with the beare , and mary rose did follow the spanyardes with watchfulnesse . the duke was busied in ordering his navy . ●lfonsus leua was commanded to ioyne the first and last companies , every ship had his station assigned according to that prescribed forme which was appointed in spaine , it was present death to forsake his station . this done he sent gliclius an anceant to parma , which might declare to him in what case they w●re , and left that cantabrian ship of oquenda to the winde and sea , having taken out the money and mariners and put them in other shippes . yet it seemeth that he had not care of all : for that shippe the same day with fifty mariners and souldiers lamed , and hal●e burnt , fell into the hands of the english , and was carried to weimuth . the 23. of the same moneth , the spanyards having a favourable north winde turned sailes vpon the english ; the english being much readier in the vse of their ships , fett about a compasse for the winde , and having gotten advantage of the winde , they came to the fight on both sides . they fought a while confusedly with variable fortune : whilst on the one side the english with great courage delivered the london ships which were inclosed about by the spanyards ; on the other side the spanyards by valour freed recaldus from the extreame danger he was in : there was not greater effulminations by beating of ordnances at any time , then was this day . yet the losse fell vpon the spanish side , because their shippes were so high that the shot went over the english shippes , but the english having a faire marke at their great shippes , shot never in vaine . onely cock and english man b●ing caught in the midst of the spanish shippes , could not be recovered , he perished but with great honor revenged himself . thus a long time the english shippes with great agilitie , were somtimes vpon the spanyardes giving them the one side , and then the other , and presently were off againe , and tooke the sea to make themselues ready to come in againe . whereas the spanish heavie shippes were troubled , and hindred , and stood to be markes for the english bullets . for all that , the admirall would not admit the english to come to grapple and to boord their shippes , because they had a full armie in their shippes , which he had not ; their shippes were many in number , and greater , and higher , that if they had come to grapple , as some would haue had it , the english that were much lower then the spanish shippes must needes haue had the worse of them that fought from the higher shippes . and if the english had beene overcome , the losse would haue beene greater then the victory could haue beene ; for ours being overcome , would haue put the kingdome in hazard . the 24 day , they rested from fight on both sides . the admirall sent some small barkes to the next english shore , to supply the provision . and deuided all his navy into foure squadrons . the first was vnder his owne government ; the second drake governed ; the third , hawkins ; the fourth , forbisher . and he appointed out of every squadron certaine little shippes , which on divers sides might set vpon the spanyards in the night , but a suddain calme tooke them , and so that advise was without effect . the 25 day , being s. iames day , s. anne the galeon of portugall , not being able to hold course with the rest , was set vpon by some small english shippes . for whose ayd came in leua , and didacus telles enriques with three galeasses . : which the admirall and the lord thomas howard espying , made in against the galeasses ( the calme was so great , that they were drawne in by boates with cordes ) and did so beat vpon the galeasses with great shot , that with much adoe , and not without great losse , they hardly recouered the galeon . the spanyardes reported that the admirall of spaine was that day in the hindmost company , and being nearer the english shippes then before , was sore beaten with the english great ordinance , many men sla●e in her , her great mast overthrowne . and after that , the admirall of spaine , accompanied with r●caldus , & others , did set vpon the english admirall , who by the benefit of the winde turning , escaped . the spanyardes hold on their course againe , and send to the duke of parma , that with all speed he should ioyne his shippes with the kings fleet. these things the english knew not , who write that they had i●ricken the l●ntern from one of the spanish shippes , the stemme from another , and had sore beaten a third , doing much harme to her . that the non parigly , and the mary rose fought a good while with the spanyards , and the triumph being in danger , other shippes came in good time to helpe her . thus it is in battell , they who are present and actors report not alwayes the same of the same things ; each reporting what himselfe observed . the next day the lord admirall knighted the lord thomas howard , the lord sheffield , roger townsend , iohn hawkins , and martin forbisher , for their valour well imployed in the last fight . after this they resolued not to set vpon the enemy vntill they came into the straight of calis , where henry seimor and william winter stayed for their comming thus with a faire gale the spanish flee● goeth forward , and the english followed . this great spanish a mado was so farre from being 〈◊〉 invincible in the opinions of the english that many yong noble men and gentlemen ▪ in hope to be partakers of a famous victory against the sp●nyards , provided ships of their owne ch●rges , and ioyned themselues to the engl●sh f●eet , among whom was the earles of essex , of northumberland , of cumberland , thomas and robert c●cilles , h● brookes , charles blunt , walter raleigh , william hatton , robert cary , ambrose 〈◊〉 , thomas gerard , arthur gorge , and other gentlemen of name . the 27 day at even , the spanyardes cast anchors neare to calis , being admonished of their skilfull sea-men , that if they went any farther , they might be indangered by the force of the tyde to be driven into the north ocean . neare to them stood the english admirall with his fleet within a great guns shot . to the admirall seimor and winter now ioyne their shippes ; so that now there were 140 shippes in the english fleet , able and well furnished for fight , for saile , and to turne which way was needfull : and yet there were but 15 of these which bore the burden of the battell and repulsed the enemie . the spanyard , as often he had done before , so now with great earnes●nesse sent to the duke of parma to send fortie flie-boats without the which they could not fight with the english because of the greatnesse and slownesse of their owne shippes , and the agilitie of the english shippes . and intreating him by all meanes now to come to sea with his army , which army was now to be protected as it were vnder the wings of the spanish armado , vntill they tooke land in england . but the duke was vnprovided , and could not come out at an ins●ant . the broad ships with flat bottoms being then full of ●hinks must be mended . vittails wanted and must be provided , the mariners being long kept against their wills began to shrink away . the portes of du●kerke and newport , by which he must bring his army to the sea , were now so beset with the strong shippes of holland and zealand , which were furnished with great and small munition , that he was not able to come to sea , vnlesse he would come vpon his own apparant destruction , and cast himselfe and his men wilfully into a headlong danger . yet he omitted nothing that might be done , being a man eager and industrious , and inflamed with a desire of over-comming england . but queene e●izabeth her providence and care prevented both the diligence of this man , and the credulous hope of the spanyard . for by her commandement the next day the admirall took eight of their worst shippes , and dressed them with wild-fire , pitch , and rosen , and filled them full of brims●on , & some other matter fit for fire , and these being set on fire , by the ministery and guiding of yong and prowse were secretly in the night , by the helpe of the winde set full vpon the spanish fleet , as they lay at anchor . when the spaniards saw them come neare , the flame shining and giving light over all the sea : they supposing those ships , besides the danger of the fire , to haue bin also furnished with deadly engines , to make horrible destruction among them ; lifting vp a most hiddeous woefull cry , some pull vp anchors , some for ha●● cut their cables , they set vp their sailes , they apply their ores , and stricken with a pannick terror , in great hast they fled most con●usedly . among them the praetorian galeas floating vpon the seas ▪ her rudder being broken , in great danger of feare drew towards calis , and sticking in the sand , was taken by a●ias pres●on , thomas gerard , and ha●ue●● hugh moncada the governour was killed , the souldiers and mariners were either killed or drowned , in her there was found great store of gold , which fell to be the prey of the english. the ship and ordnance fell to the share of the governour of calis . the spanyards report , that the duke when he saw the fiery shippes comming , commanded all the fleet to pull vp their anc●ors , but so as the danger being past , every shippe might returne againe to his station . and he himselfe returned , giving a signe to the rest by shooting off a gun . which was heard but of a few , for they were farre off scattered , some into the open ocean , some through feare were driven vpon the shallowes of the shore of flanders . over against graueling the spanish ●leet began to gather themselues together . but vpon them came drake and fenner , and battered them with great ordnance : to these fenton , southwell , beeston , crosse , riman , and presently a●ter , the lord admirall , thomas howard , and sheffi●ld came in and all ioyned together . the duke medina , leua , oquenda , recaldus , and others with much adoe getting themselues our of the shallowes , susteined the english force , aswell as they might , vntill most of their ships were pearced and to●ne . the galeon s. mathew , governed by diego ●i●entellus , comming to ayd francis toletan being in the s. philip , was pearced and shaken with the r●iterated shots of seimor and winter , and driven to ostend , & was at last taken by the flushi●gers . the s. philip came to the like end . so did the galeo● of biscay , and diverse other . the last day of this moneth , the spanish sleet striving to recover the straights againe , were driven toward zealand . the english lest of pursuing of them , as the spaniards thought , because they saw them in a manner cast away . for they could not avoyd to be cast vpon the shallowes of zealand . but the winde turning , they got out of the shallowes , and then began to consult what were best for them to do . by common consent they resolved to returne into spaine by the northern seas , for they wanted many necessaries , especially shot , their ships were torne , & they had no hope that the duke of parma could bring forth his forces . and so they tooke the sea and followed the course towards the north. the english navy followed , & somtimes the spanish turned vpon the english , insomuch that it was thought by many that they would return back againe . vpon which report the queene came into the campe at tilbury , and mustered the army , riding among them with a leaders staffe in her hand , and did by her presence and speech animate both captains and souldiers with incredible courage . that day , wherein the last fight was , the duke of parma after his vowes offred to the lady of halla , came somewhat late to dunkerk , and was received with some opprobrious words of the spanyards , as if in favour of queen elizabeth he had slipped the fairest opportunitie that could be to doe the service . he to make some satisfaction , punished the purveiours that had not made provision ready : secretly smiling at the insolēcy of the spanyards , when he heard them glorying , that what way soever they came vpon england , they would haue an vndoubted victory ; that the english were not able to indure the sight of them . bernardinus mendoza did indeed by bookes in france , sing a foolish & lying triumphant song before the victory . the english admirall appointed seimor and the h●llanders to watch vpon the coasts of flanders , that the duke of parma should not come out ; himselfe followed the spanyards vpon their backes , vntill they were past edenborough frith . the spaniards seeing all hopes faile , & finding no other helpe for themselues but by flight , fled amaine and never made stay . and so this great navy being three yeares preparing with great cost , was within a moneth overthrown , and , after many were killed , being chased away : ( of english there were not one hundreth lost , nor one shippe lost , saving that of c●●ks ) was driven about all britain by scotland , orcades , ireland , tossed and shaken with tempests , and much lessened , & came home without glory . wherevpon some money was coyned with a navy slying away at full saile , and this inscription ; venit , vidit , fugit . other were coyned with the ships fired , the navy confounded , in honor of the queene , inscribed ; dux faeminafacti . as they fled , it is certain that many of their ships were c●st away vpō the shores of scotland & irelād . moe then 700 souldiers & mariners were cast vpō the scottish shore , who at the du : of parma his intercession with the scots king , the queene of england consenting , were af●er a yeare sent into fla●ders . but they that were cast vp vpō the irish shore by tempests , came to more miserable fortunes ; for some were killed by the wild irish ; others by the deputies cōmād ; for he searing that they might ioyne thēselues to the wild irish , & bingham the gouernour of connach being once or twice commanded to slay them hauing yeelded , but refusing to doe it : fowle the vnder-marshall was sent , and killed them ; which cruelty the queene much condemned , wherevpon the rest being afraid , sicke and hungry , with their torne shippes committed themselues to the sea , and many were drowned . queene elizabeth came in publike thankesgiuing to pauls church , her nobles accompanying her , the citizens were in their colours , the banners that were taken from the enemies were spred : she heard the sermon , and publike thankes were rendred vnto god with great ioy . this publike ioy was augmented when sir robert sidney returning out of scotland , brought from the king assurance of his noble minde and affection to the queene , and to religion : which as in sincerity he had established , so he purposed to maintaine , with all his power . sir robert was sent to him when the spanish fleet was comming to congratulate and to giue him thankes , for his propense affection towards the maintenance of the common cause ; and to declare how ready shee would be to helpe him , if the spaniards should land in scotland , and that hee might recall to memory with what strange ambition the spaniard had gaped for all britain , vrging the pope to excommunicate him , to the end that hee might be thrust from the kingdome of scotland , and from the succession in england : and to giue him notice of the threatning of mendoza and the popes nuntio , who had threatned his ruine if they could worke it ; and therefore warned him , to take especiall heed to the scottish papists . the king pleasantly answered , that he looked for no other benefit of the spaniard , then that which polyphaemus promised to vlisses , to d●uoure him last after all his fellowes were deuoured . now these things be such , as whensoeuer we thinke vpon them , wee cannot choose but lift vp our hearts to god ; for he hath put a song of ioy and thankesgiuing in our mouthes , and taught vs to lift vp our eyes to him from whence commeth our helpe , our helpe commeth from the lord which hath made the heauen and the earth , he will not suffer thy foote to slip , for he that keepeth thee will not slumber ; behold , he that keepeth israel , will neither slumber nor sleepe , the lord is thy keeper , the lord is thy defence at thy right ●and . then let others boast of their strength 〈…〉 power of god , to be for vs against them . now this being a thing confessed on all sides , that god was with vs against the spaniard , why will not our aduersaries that are men of vnderstanding , enter into the consideration of this cause which god hath so often , so mightily maintained ? the workes of the lord are great , and ought to bee had in remembrance of them that feare him . and this dutie is required of vs that haue seene the great workes of god , to declare them to other : for one generation shall praise thy workes to another generation , and declare thy power . the workes of god must bee sought out , had in remembrance , and declared to other . the word of god is the rule of our faith , a direction to vs , a lanterne to our feet , and a light to our pathes , but the word of god , being confirmed to vs by his workes is made more sweet to vs. this must needes be comfortable to vs that haue the word of god among vs , sent vnto vs , planted among vs by his owne hand ; we were as farre from deseruing this fauour , as they that sit in darkenesse and in the shadow of death ; for so wee sate in ●arkenesse , and in the shadow of death : so long as we fate in the ignorance of popery , but when it pleased god of his owne free mercy to send his light among vs , the truth of his gospell , and out of the same fountaine of his goodnesse and mercy raised beleeuing princes among vs which haue established his true religion in our land , a queene of such piety , a king of so great knowledge , and learning , and piety as knoweth the truth , and is so able to maintaine it : god i say hauing of his goodnesse raised such blessings to vs , hath ne●uer ceased to maintaine his owne worke . let vs neuer cease to giue him the glory . but can our aduersaries take any comfort in their doings ? the king of spaine may once enter into the consideration of things , he may remember how hee and his predecessours haue beene so many times beguiled by the pope , how often hath the pope and his iesuites consecrated his banners , promised him victory against vs , as against heretikes forsaken of god and man ; let them know that there is a god that ruleth the world , and not the pope . if they would haue their designes to prosper , they must follow the examples of our godly princes , who are blessed for the sincerity of religion which they imbrace . they must giue ouer iniustice and cruelty , for the cruelty of the spaniards haue lost them all that they lost in the netherlands : their pride and cruelty was highly raised against vs , but to their owne hurt and dishonour , not to ours , because we trust in god. they would haue extinguished the true lights of britain , ( which then did shine like two glorious . candles put in their sockets and held vp in the hand of christ , and as now , to the comfort of both nations , ioyned in one great light ) these they laboured to extinguish , and to tread down the soule of the turtle ; but our prayer is , giue not the soule of thy turtle doue vnto the beast , and ●orget not the congregation of the poore for euer . consider thy couenant , for the darke places of the earth are full of the habitation of the cruell : arise o lord and maintaine thine owne cause , remember the daily reproach of the foolish : forget not the voice of the enemie , for the tumult of them that rise against thee ascendeth continually . god saued the soule of his turtle , he remembred the congregation of the poore that trusted in him : he considered his couenant , hee maintained his owne cause , and of this we reioyce . but where are those darke places of the earth which are full of the habitation of the cruell , as the prophet saith ? surely let the iesuites looke to that , and let them expound those word● if they be able , for surely no man can expound those words , but he shall finde superstition and cruelty inseparably ioyned together ; their superstition maketh the places of their habitations darke places ; their superstition breedeth cruelty ; for greater cruelty the world hath not seene , then hath proceeded from them : truely then may wee sing with the psalmist , the the darke pla●es of the earth , are full of the habitations of the cruell . there is no hope to make these iesuites that haue giuen themselues ouer to the seruice of the man of sinne , and to the practise of impiety , of such i say there is no hope to perswade them , because they loue not the truth . but the kings and princes that haue beene so long abused and beguiled by them , may in time vnderstand the difference betweene truth and falshood , and may ioyne with our religious kings , against the great deceiuer , and our hope is , that they will vnderstand his deceits and illusions , and forsake him : for otherwise they must perish with him . they that are wise will vnderstand and consider the cause which god hath so long , so strongly maintained , they will consider the power , the fury , and rage of our aduersaries haue beene continually frustrated by gods power , they may consider that these extraordinary blessings vpon gods church among vs , and the memorable iudgements of the aduersaries , are but forerunners of some greater stroakes , and heauier iudgements of god against them , if they will not turne , and forsake superstitious vanities , and serue god with vs. which god grant , that the kingdome of christ may be inlarged , his true religion strongly maintained , his name glorified , his people comforted , and let all that worship not the lord iesvs , and loue not his comming , perish . chapter xiii . after this great tempest from spaine was past , the sunne did shine as pleasantly vpon england as before ; by all the spanish preparation , there was not a man called from his husbandry in england , not any artificer from his trade ; there was not so much as one cottage burned ; did euer the english make any ●ourney into spaine , and returned without doing no more harme then the spaniards did to vs ? the english made after this , two iourneyes into spaine , and in both , did that which they intended to doe ; that is , ransacked townes , and put to flight the armies which incountred them . but this beyond the limits of my purpose , which is onely to declare our deliuerances , and to giue thankes and honour to god for the same . the next danger intended and threatned , brake out in spaine by tyrone . they that haue written of tyrone , say that he was a bastard , a banished fugitiue , he lay lurking in spaine , promising to doe some seruice to the pope and spaniard , as some had done before ; he was raised to the honour of an earle by the queene , and being twice in danger ( once for a murther , and then for vsurping the title of o-neale ) was pardoned for both . hugh , baron of dungannon , now earle of tyrone , being set on by the spaniard to worke some mischiefe : an. dom. 1597. suddenly assailed the ●ort of black-water , which done , he wrote to kildare to side with him , and at the same instant to sir iohn norrice , ( who was then sent out lord generall i●o ireland , with thirteene hundreth of the n●therland ould souldiers , newly retired from the warres in britaine , ) to him tyrone wrote that he might be mildly dealt withall , and not be driuen headlong vpon the dangerous rockes of disloialty : in the meane time he was alwaies guarded with a thousand horse , and 6280. foot of vlster , besides 2300. of connaugh ; hereupon , he and all his partakers were proclaimed traitors . thus was the rebellion raised which was hardly quenched with much bloud . sir iohn norrice was a generall as well experienced in warre , as any that then liued : yet in the irish warres , he was not so acquainted . the aduantage of the enemy was such , that time was rather spent in taking of booties , and friuolous parlies , then in any memorable exploit . the one looking still for fitter opportunities , and the other expecting daily his promised succours from spaine . to spare the shedding of bloud , the queene commanded her commissioners , the treasurer , and chiefe iustice to conferre with tyrone ; who complained of wrongs offered to him by sir henry bagnall , marshall : and thereupon exhibited a petition in humble manner containing that himse●fe and all his followers might be pardoned , and be restored to their former estates : that they might freely exercise their romish religion ; that no garrison souldiers , shirriffe , or other officer should intermeddle within the iurisdiction of his earledome : that the company of fifty horsemen with the queenes pay might be restored to him , in the same state that formerly he had led them : that the spoilers of his countrey and people might be punished , and that sir henry bagnall should pay him a thousand pound , promised in dowry with his sister , whom tyrone had married , and who was now deceased . others also laid out their grieuances conceiued , such were odonell , brian mac hugh og● , mac mahun , and euer mac conly : they receiued reasonable answers to their demands . but vnto them the commissioners proposed certaine articles : that they should forthwith lay downe their armes , disperse their forces , subm●ssiuely acknowledge their disloialties , admit the queenes officers in their gouernment , re-edi●ie the forts they had defaced , suffer the garrison to liue without disturbance , make restitution of spoiles t●ken , confesse vpon their oathes how far they had dealt with forraine princes , and renounce all forraine aid . these propositions the rebels liked not , but departed with a resolution to maintaine their owne demands . which moued generall norrice , aided with the lord deputy , to march with his army to armagh ; when tyrone heard of his approach , in great perplexity he forsooke the fort of blacke-water , set on fire the villages about , and plucked downe the towne of dungannon , with part of his owne house , bewailing his state to be past re●ouery . the countrey thus wasted , and no victuals to be had , norrice set a garrison in the church of armagh , strengthned monahan , and proclaimed tyrone traitor in his owne territories . tyrone to gaine time , presented to him a fained petition , signed with his owne hand , cast himselfe downe at the queenes pictures feet , vngir●●s sword , and craued pardon vpon his knees . and in the meane time dealt for aides out of spaine ; wherein hee preuailed so farre , that king philip sent messengers with cap●tulations , that at a praefixed time h●● would send him a competent armie to ioyne with the irish , that all conditions of peace with the english should be reiected , and that the rebels should be furnished with munition from spaine . hereupon ( though there was a cessation from armes , he began to hurry , and wast the country , and burne villages , and driue away booties . and hauing done this , put on the vizard of dissimulation againe , & sued for pardon , which to effect , hee sent the letters of king philip his promises , to the lord deputy , with the causes of his owne discontents ; so he shuffled , that by his dissimulation , or by the negligence of others , most part of connaught and all vlster were reuolted and in a rebellion . in which estate thomas lord burrough was sent lord deputy into ireland ; he was no sooner arriued , but generall norrice being crossed at the court , or discontented , died as was thought , through griefe . the lord deputy set presently forward to meet with the rebels , whom hee encountred at moiry , and defeating them , tooke the fort of black-water . the enemies seeking to rescue it , were defeated by the earle of kildare , but tyrone thinking all his hope was gone if he lost that fort , beleaguerd it . the lord deputy preparing straightway to rescue the place , was suddenly taken with sicknesse and died . tyrone lay still before the fort of blacke-water ; for the raising of his siege sir henry bagnall was sent with fourteene ensignes of the choisest troupes . these the earle met neare to armagh , & being most eagerly bent against s ● . henry , by his exact care and diligence , or by the others negligence , he got the victory , wherein sir henry lost his life : the english had not receiued such an ouerthrow since their first setting foot in ireland . 15. captaines were killed , and 1500. souldiers were routed , and put to flight . the garrison of blacke-water hereupon surrendred , and the rebels were thereby furnished with munition and armour , and tyrones glory extolled . by this the strength of the rebellion was increased . in this desperate estate stood ireland , when robert earle of essex was sent thither lord lieuetenant , and lord gouernour generall ; he led twenty thousand soldiers , sixteene thousand foot , the rest horse-men : as soone as hee came , he called a councell touching the affaires ; it was thought fittest , that monster should bee first cleared of those petty rebels lying nearest , whereupon ( contrary to his owne opinion , and his directions receiued from the queene ) hee made first to monster , and cleared those parts , though with more losse of time and men , then was well liked of the state here : from thence he went into le●nster , against the o conars , and o neiles , whom he vanquished . thence he sent sir coniers clifford against orork , himselfe taking another way to distract the forces of tyrone . sir ●●niers clifford was defeated and slaine : whereupon the lord generall made towards vlster , and came to louth . tyrone shewed himselfe vpon the hills on the other side of the riuer . and falling vnto his wonted vaine of dissimulation , desired a parley with the lord lieuetenant , but hee reiected it ; answering , that if hee would conferre with him , hee should finde h●m the next morning in the head of his troupes , on which day after a light skirmish , a horseman of tyrones troupes , cryed with a loud voice , that tyrone was not willing to fight , but to parley vpon peace with the lord generall ; which thing was againe denied . the next day as the lord lieuetenant was in his march forward , one hagan sent from tyrone met him , and declared that the earle most humbly desired to haue the queenes mercy and peace , and besought that his lordship would be pleased to afford him audience , which if hee would grant , then would he with all reuerence attend at the foord of the riuer , not farre from louth . to this motion at last he consented : and sent to discouer the place , and hauing a troupe of horse vpon the next hill , came downe alone to the riuer . tyrone attending on the other side , as soone as he saw his approach , rode into the riuer vp to the saddle , and with semblance of reuerence , saluted the lord lieuetenant . and hauing had some conference together the space of an houre , both returned to their companies : after this tyrone making suit for a further conference , the lord lieuetenant taking with him the earle of southampton , sir george bourchier , sir warram saint leger , sir henry dan●ers , sir edward wingfield , and sir william constable , went to the foord ; where tyrone with his brother cormac , mac gennis , mac gui● , ener mac cowly , henry oui●gton , and o quin , attended their comming . and vpon conference it was concluded , that certaine commissioners should the next day meet for a treaty of peace , and in the meane time , there should be a cessation of warres from sixe weekes to sixe weekes , vntill the first of may , yet so as it might be free on both sides , after fourteene dayes warning giuen to resume hostility afresh . and if any of tyrones confederates would not thereto consent , to be prosecuted at the lord lieuetenants pleasure . chapter xiiii . the queene was presently informed , that in ireland , the spring , summer , and autumne were spent , without seruice vpon the arch-rebell , that her men were diminished , large summes of money consumed without doing that for which he was sent , that by this meanes the rebels were incouraged , and the kingdome of ireland laid at hazard to bee lost . whereupon the queene wrote somewhat sharpely to the lord lieuetenant ; which mooued him so much , as leauing his charge to bee managed by others , he came into england , hoping to pacifie the queene . when he came , he was commanded to keepe his chamber , and soone after was committed to the custody of the lord keeper . no sooner was the lord generall departed from ireland , but that tyrone ( notwithstanding the cessation from warre , drawing his forces together , tooke the field ; to whom sir william warren was sent , to charge him with breach of promise ; he answered , that his doings were according to couenants , hauing giuen warning before : his cause was iust , for that the lord lieuctenant was committed in england , vpon whose honor he reposed his whole estate , neither would hee haue any thing to doe with the councellors of ireland . hereupon presuming vpon spaine , hee sent odonel into connaught , receiued tumultuous persons , strengthened the weake , glorying euery where that hee would restore againe the ancient religion and liberty of ireland , and expell the english out of ireland . to which end , some money and munition was sent from spaine , and indulgences from rome . and for an especiall fauour the pope sent him a plume of phoenix feathers , for a trophy of his victories . tyrone vnder pretence of deuotion , in mid-winter went to the monastery of tipperary , to worship the crosse : from thence hee sent out mac guir with a number of rifeling robbers , to spoile and prey vpon the peaceable subiects , with whom sir warram saint leger met , and at the first incounter ranne mac guir through the body with a lance , and was likewise runne through with his lance. whereupon tyrone made ready to returne from monster sooner then was expected , or himselfe meant . at this time , charles blunt , lord mountioy , was sent lord lieuetenant generall into ireland . at his first comming , hearing that tyrone was to depart out of monster , hee hastened to stop his passage in feriall , and there to giue him battell , which the earle preuented by taking another way , hauing intelligence of the lord generall his designes . the spring drawing on , the deputy put himselfe in his march toward vlster , with purpose to driue the earle to a stand . in the meane time sir henry docwray at loughfoil , and sir ma●thew morgan at belishanon planted the garrisons , which they effected with small resistance , and repressed the rebels in diuers ouerthrowes . the lord generall likewise held tyrone very hard , and with light skirmishes euer put him to the worst : sothat he now perceiuing his fortunes to decline , withdrew himselfe backwards into his ould corners . the lord lieuetenant entred in lease , the place of refuge and receit of all the rebels in leinster , where hee shew ony mac rory-og , chiefe of the family of the o mores , a bloudy , bould , and desperate yong man : and so chased out the rest of his companions , as that neuer since they were seene in those parts . and though winter began to draw on , yet marched hee forward to the entry of the mairy , three miles beyond dundalk . the passage into vlster is euery way naturally cumbersome , and it was helped by the rebels who had fortified and blocked vp the entrance with fences of stakes stucke in the ground , with hurdles ioyned together , and stones in the midst , with turfes of earth laid betweene hills , woods and bogges , and manned the place with a number of souldiers . but the english brake through their pallisadoes , and beate backe the enemy . the lord deputy placed a garrison eight miles from armagh , where in memory of sir iohn norrice , he named the fort mount norrice . in his returne he had many skirmishes . at carlingford the enemies were assembled to stop his way , but were all discomfited , and put to flight . in the midst of winter hee entred the glinnes , that is , the vallies of leinster , a secure receptacle of the rebels . there he brought into subiection donel spanioh , phelim mac pheogh , and the o tooles ; of whom he tooke hostages . then went he to fereall , and draue tirell , the most approued warriour of all the rebels , from his fastnesse ( that is , his bogs and bushes ) vnto vlster , and after some other good seruices done here , the spring approaching , he marched into vlster , fortified armaugh , and remoued tyrone from the fort of blacke-water , where hee had fortified himselfe . in the meane time the pope and the king of spaine laboured to maintaine the rebellion in ireland , and to helpe tyrone . their agents were a spaniard elected archbishop of dublin by the pope , the bishop of clowfort , the bishop of killaloe , and archer a iesuite . these by prayers and promises of heauenly rewards , perswaded the spaniard to send succours into ireland , which hee did , vnder the generall , don iohn d' aquila , a man that conceiued great hopes , and was confident of much aid from the titular earle desmond , and florence mac carly , a rebell of great power ; wherein the man was much deceiued ; for sir george carew lord president of munster , had preuented all his designes , and sent them prisoners into england , where they were fast . don aquila with two thousand spaniards of old trained souldiers , with certaine irish fugitiues landed at kinsale in monster , the last of october , anno 1600. and presently published a writing , wherein he stiled himselfe master generall , and captaine of the catholike king in the warres of god , for holding and keeping the faith in ireland : this drew diuers distempered and cuill-affected persons on his side . the lord deputy gathering his companies , hasted to kinsale , and incamped neere vnto the towne , on the land side . in the meane time , sir richard leuison , with two of the queenes shippes , inclosed the hauen , to forbid all accesse to the spaniards . then on both sides the canon played vpon the towne . but newes was brought that two thousand spaniards more were arriued at bere hauen , baltimor , and castle hauen . sir richard leuison was imployed vpon them , in which seruice he sunke fiue of their shippes . vnto these new landed spaniards , whose leader was alfonso o-campo , o-donel ouer the ice by speedy iourneyes and vnknowne by-wayes repaired , vnseene of the english. and a few dayes after , tyrone himselfe , with o roik , raimund , burk , mac mahun , randall mac surly , tirrell , the barron of lixnawe , with the choise of the nobles , making sixe thousand foot , and fiue hundreth horse . all confident of victory , being fresh , strong , and more in number then the english , who were out-wearied with a winter siege with scarcity of victuals , their horse weake with fore trauell . in this hope tyrone vpon an hill not a mile from the english campe made a brauado two dayes together , intending to haue put these new supplies of spaniards , with eight hundreth irish , by night into kinsale , as did appeare by letters intercepted from don aquila . to preuent this , the lord deputy appointed eight ensignes to keepe watch , and himselfe with the president of monster , and the marshall , at the foot of the hill , chose out a conuenient plot to giue the earle battell ; who the next morning seeing the english so forward , by his bag-pipers sounded the retreat ; whom the lord generall followed , and forced them to a stand in the brinke of a bogge , where their horsemen were disordered and routed by the earle of clan-ricard . the maine battell was charged by the lord deputy himselfe , who discharged the parts of a prouide●t captaine , and of a valiant souldier . the rebels not able to withstand him , brake their arrayes , and fled confusedly in disorder : in the pursuit , many were slaine . tyrone , o-donel , and the rest flung away their weapons , and shifted for themselues by flight . alfonso ocampo , and sixe ensigne bearers were taken prisoners , nine of their ensignes were born away by the english , and twelue hundreth spaniards slaine . this victory obtained , dismaied both the spaniards in kinsale , and the rebels . tyrone was forced into his starting holes in vlster . o-donel fled into spaine . the rest of the rebels were driuen to hide themselues . the lord generall returning to the siege of kinsale , began to raise rampires , and to mount his cannons nearer the towne , in which worke sixe dayes were spent without any impeach from the spaniards . don aquila seeking now to get cleare and be gone , sent his lieuetenant with the drum-maior to the lord deputy ; wherein hee craued , that some gentleman of credit , might bee sent into the towne , with whom he might parly for peace . the lord deputy sent sir william godolphin , to whom don aquila signified , that hee had found the lord deputy , though his eager enemy , yet an honourable person : the irish of no valour , rude , and vnciuill , yea , and ( that which hee sore feared ) persidious and false . that hee was sent from the king of spaine his master , to aide two earles , and now he much doubted whether there were any such in rerum natura ; considering that one tempestuous puffe of warre had blowne the one of them into spaine , and the other into the north , so as they were no more to bee seene : willing therefore he was to treate about a pace , that might bee good for the english , and not hurtfull to the spaniards . albeit he wanted nothing requisite to the holding out of the siege , and expected euery day out of spaine , fresh supplies to finde the english worke and trouble enough . the matter thus proposed , the english being weake , and wearied with a winter-siege , the lord deputy consented to an agreement , vpon these articles . 1. that iohn d'aquila should quit the places which he held in the kingdome of ireland , as well in the towne of kinsale , as in the forts and castle of baltimar , ber●hauen , and castle-hauen , and should deliuer them vnto the lord deputy , or to whom hee should appoint . 2. that don d' aquila and his spaniards should depart with armes , money , munition , and banners displayed . the souldiers notwithstanding to beare no armes against the queene of england , till such time as they were vn●hipped in some part of spaine . 3. that ships and victuals should be granted to them in their departure , for their money , at such reasonable prises as the country could afford . 4. that if contrary windes inforced them into any other part of ireland , or england , they might bee intreated as friends , with safety of harbour and prouisions necessary for their money . 5. that a cessation should be from warre , a security from iniuries . 6. that the shippes in which they should be imbarked , might freely passe by other english shippes , without molestation , and the shippes arriuing in spaine , might safely returne backe againe without any impeachment of the spaniards . for security whereof , the said don d' aquila should deliuer for hostages such three of their captaines as the lord deputy would choose . tyrone seeing his hopes gone , his men slaine , his restlesse conscience gaue him no repose , hee shifted from place to place in much feare and perplexity . in the meane time , the lord deputy refreshed his weary and winter-beaten souldiers , repaired the decayes , renewed the garrisons in monster . this done , hee departed for dublin . from thence toward the spring , by an easie march well appointed , hee returned into vlster , meaning to belay the enemy on euery side , by planting his forts , so to take him in his toile : thus comming to blackwater hee transported his army ouer the riuer vpon floats , and beneath the ould fort , he erected a new ; which thing so terrified the rebell , that he set on fire his owne house at dunganon , and got himselfe farthe● from danger . the lord deputy followed him close , spoiled the corne-fields , and burnt the villages , and booties were brought in on euery side . the forts in lough crew , lough reogh , and magher lecond ; were yeelded vp , and gar●isons placed in lough , neaugh , or sidny , and in m●naghan ; whence with their continuall sallies , they kept the enemies in such feare , that they hid themselues in woods , complaining and exclaiming against tyrone , that had brought them all to ruine for his priuate discontents , and began to repent them so farre , as they made hast who should first come in to the lord deputy . the earle seeing how the world went , thought good to preuent the worst by his submission , which in humble letters he sent to the queene , who gaue the lord deputy authority to pardon his life , though hardly drawne to remit his offences , his friends daily solicited the lord deputy for his peace ; which at last was granted , to put his life and reuenues without any condition , to the will of the queene . whereupon all mellifont accompanied with two persons and no more , he had accesse to the chamber of presence , where the lord deputy sate in a chaire of estate . tyrone in base and poore array , with a deiected countenance , at the first entrance , fell downe vpon his knees , and so rested , till hee was commanded to arise ; and comming neerer , stepping two paces , he fell downe prostrate , and with great submiss●on acknowledged his sinnes against god , and his fault against her maiesty . the next day the lord deputy departing from dublin , tooke tyrone thither , meaning to transport him for england . but the death of queene elizabeth staied that designe , and king iames succeeding , and being receiued with admirable loue of all sorts , at his first entrance ●ardoned tyrone . and ireland hath beene since held in greater peace then euer in the memory of any stories hath beene formerly knowne . after all this , tyrone , a man not framed for a peaceable course , but onely for trouble , fell into his last pageant , in this manner . montgomery was made lord bishop of derry , ( who was after , lord bishop of meath ) and because the reuenues of that of derry and some other bishoprickes neare adioyning were so much impaired , that they were no way able to make a reasonable maintenance ; the bishop sought by lawfull meanes to get some lands taken without right or law from his bishopricke , and to recouer things desperately lost , if hee could . this thing could not be effected , without the offence of tyrone , who had gotten into his hands the greatest part of the bishoprick lands . in so much , that tyrone vnderstanding the bishop sought to recouer the lands of the bishopricke , told the bishop thus much : my lord you haue two or three bishoprickes , and yet you are not content with them , you seeke the lands of my earledome . my lord , quoth the bishop , your earledome is swolne so bigg with the lands of the church , that it will burst if it be not vented . the bishop intending in a lawfull course to recouer the lands lost , found that there was no man could giue him better light and knowledge of those things , then o cane , who had beene great with tyrone : and to make vse of him was a matter of difficulty ; yet some meanes being vsed to him , he came of his owne accord to the bishop , and tould him that he could helpe him to the knowledge of that which he sought , but he was afraid of tyrone : nay said the bishop , i will not trust you , for i know that one bottle of aqua vitae will draw you from me to tyrone . whereupon hee tooke a booke and laid it on his head , saying , ter liuro , ter liuro : which as my lord of meath said , ( who tould me this story ) is one of the greatest kinde of affirming a truth which the irish haue , and after this ceremony performed , they keepe their promise : o cane vsing this ceremony , promised to reu●ale all that hee knew in that matter , if hee would on the other side promise him to saue him from the violence of tyrone , and not to deliuer him into england ; which he promised to doe . whereupon the bishop resolued to bring him to the councell of ireland , there to take his confession ; as they came along by dungannon , tyrones sonne came forth with sixteene horsemen , but finding the bishop well appointed and guarded with men , tould him that he came forth onely to attend his lordship some part of the way , and so after , he rode with him a reasonable way , tooke his leaue and returned . the bishop feared that hee came to take o cane from him , and thought that he meant to doe it , if the bishop had not beene better prouided then he was . thus they comming peaceably to the councell , the confession of o cane was taken . after this , processe were sent to tyrone to warne him to come at an appointed time , to answere to the suit of the lord bishop of derry . there was no other intention then , but in a peaceable manner to bring the suit to a triall . but behold the burthen of an euill conscience . tyrone had entred into a new conspiracie , to raise another rebellion ; of this conspiracy was o cane . this thing was secret , the councell knew nothing of it . tyrone being serued with processe to answere the suit , began to suspect that this was but a plot to draw him in ; that surely all the treason was reuealed by o cane , whom he knew to be of the conspiracy : that the pretence was a processe , and a triall in law , but the intent was to haue his head . vpon this bare suspition , tyrone resolued with such other as was in the conspiracy to flye , & therupon fled out of ireland with his confederates , & lost al those lands in the north of ireland , which by his mies . autority , & the diligence of his mies . subiects which haue been vndertakers , are now planted with a more ciuill people , then before . this story of tyrone , being compared with that of stucley , & other irish commotions , may proue the implacable mind of the pope ; and the fauour of god in deliuering vs. stucley by the prouidence of god was turned another way , & came not into ireland , as he purposed : they who came were euer destroyed . but no enemy did euer more hurt there , then tyrone . but when the accompt is cast vp ; what haue all the aduersaries of england got in the end ? they haue , like secret serpents nibled at the heel . and indeed this hath bin the practise of the ould serpent , in troubling the church . and we haue both warning of his malice , & a promise of deliuerance , & in the end to tread on his head , that now biteth at our heels . the womans seed shal break the serpents head , but the serpent shal bruise his heel . the promise is fulfilled in christ iesus our head , and yet by the apostle extended to the church , rom. 16. 20. the god of peace shall tread satan vnder your feet shortly . it is true , that this is done in a spirituall battell , wherin satan & sin shall be ouerthrown : yet to comfort his church , and to teach vs to stay with patience the finall fulfilling of his promises , he doth in the meane time send many deliuerances to his church , and many times beateth down satan & satans instruments vnder the feet of his church . for is not this a treading down of satans head , when we see al the instruments that satan hath stirred vp to our destruction , to be by the hand of god beaten & trodden to dust ? verely , vnto vs it is a signe of comfort , & that from the lord , but to our aduersaries a sign of seare . the true church of god hath a priuiledge aboue others in this world , though persecuted in & by this euill world , yet there appeareth alwaies an eminent priuiledge of the church . whē the iewes were gods church , this appeared among them , what was their priuiledge ? they were called by god from & before al other nations , not because they were stronger or greater , or wiser , but because god would fulfill his promise to their fathers . and to them were committed the oracles of god ; & as the apostle doth inlarge the same thing , to them pertained the adoption , & theglory , & the couenants , and the giuing of the law , & the seruice of god , and the promises . in all which may appeare what god did for them , and what he doth for his church alwaies : but what are they to doe to god ? onely to worship him according to these oracles , this law , these couenants , these promises , which god hath giuen them . by these things then may the church be knowne , we may add another thing to these , whereby we finde that god would alwaies be knowne to be the god of his people , of his church ; that is , a miraculous protection of his church , and strange deliuerance out of dangers . this miraculous protection and deliuerance , god shewed to israel d●uers waies ; and this hath he like wise shewed to the church of christians , and then especially when the church hath beene most oppugned . and this mercy hath god declared to no church more , then to the church of england : wee haue the oracles of god among vs , and these wee labour to preserue without mixture , that no oracles of men may be ioyned with them in any equality . this we professe , and for this we suffer . this is our glory , that wee suffer as the church of god hath all waies suffered . this is our glory , that we are persecuted by a people that haue forsaken their god. for they that haue forsaken ●he onely preferment by the oracles of god committed to their trust , and haue against that trust , thrust in mens oracles , mens traditions to match the oracles of god in equall authority : they who worship not god according to gods oracles deliuered to them , but according to their owne inuentions ; these men haue forsaken their god. and these bee they that glory so much of the name of the catholike church against vs , god knoweth his church ; for the lord knoweth who are his : but our aduersaries deale not with god to please him , but with men to deceiue them . if they should deceiue some men with the maske , and with the empty title o● the catholike church , what haue they gotten thereby ? god is not deceiued , and god will in his time make it knowne where his catholike church is . god will not haue his catholike church maintained with lyes , with wicked and vngratious practises , with treasons and rebellions , with conspiracies ; they who practise such things , can neuer proue themselues to bee the catholike church ; but the true catholike church is knowne by holding the oracles of god , by worshipping god according to his own oracles , by suffering patiently the practises of wicked men , by committing their cause to god , by trusting in god , and in the power of his might , and by miraculous deliuerances out of danger by the onely hand and power of god. this holy and heauenly protection of god of the church of england , may plainely proue vnto all the world , that the church of england is a part and true member of that catholike church that serueth god in truth and sincerity , enioying those priuiledges and fauours which god doth vouchsafe to no people , sauing to his owne church . now let the pope goe on in his course , and fulfill his measure : let him honour wretched and wicked rebels , the scum of the earth : let him send a peacockes taile , as he did to stucley , let him send a plume of phoenix seathers , as hee did to tyrone ( if they were phoenix feathers , or if the pope did not collude in one thing , as that fryer did in another thing , who vndertooke to shew to the people a feather of the wing of the angell gahriell ; a plume of whose feathers was more befitting the pope to send , if his holinesse hath such command ouer angels , as they say he hath . ) let them i say proceed in the workes of darkenesse as they haue done , and as they continue to doe : let vs trust in the lord , who hath manifested to all the world by his great , mercifull , and manifold deliuerances , that hee hath taken the protection of vs. and as he hath done hitherto , assuredly he will doe to the end , if we faile not : for god will not forsake vs , if we forsake not him . indeed if we forsake him , and fall away from the truth of religion , in the church , and from the execution of iustice in the state ; and from obedience to the faith : then may wee loose our part in god , and loose our confidence in his helpe , and loose the blessed benefit of his protect● on . they can neuer preua●le against vs by any other way , then by our forsaking of god. when balac the king of moab , had sent for balaam the false prophet , and by him vnderstood that it was impossible for him to preuaile against israel , though balaam was sent to curse them : at last hee was informed by his false prophet balaam , that there was no hope to preuaile against israel , vnlesse there were some meanes deuised to draw israel into sinne against god , and so would god be offended with them , and then might their aduersaries preuaile against them : this aduise was most pernicious against israel . for the women of moab were sent among the israelites to intise them both to bodily and spirituall fornication . and this indeed prouoked gods anger : and therefore the lord commanded israel to vexe the midia●nites , and to smite them , for they trouble you with their wiles . the king of spaine hath proued balaam the false prophet , the pope of rome , to curse the church and state of england : hee hath beene as greedily bent to curse england , as euer balaam was to curse israel . his curses by gods goodnesse haue beene turned into blessings vpon vs. the more hee hath cursed , the more haue wee receiued blessings from god. the pope perceiuing that his curses cannot preuaile against vs , hath entred into the consultation of balaam the false prophet , to send among vs priests and iesuites secretly , who as they say , are well acquainted both with carnall and spirituall fornication . these come among vs and trouble vs with their wiles . and if by their wiles we be once drawn away from god , then may they preuaile , but not otherwise then as the d●uell hath sometimes permission to preuaile against gods people . but so long as wee stand the church of god , holding the oracles of god committed to vs , morshipping . god according to the rules of the holy doctrine , wee may with ioy of h●●rt expect the protection of god as we haue had . of these things what can our aduersaries deny ? can they deny that wee haue the oracles of god among vs , onely reuerencing them ? can they deny the miraculous pro●●ction of god ouer vs from time to time , against all their wicked practises ? let our enemies be iudges herein . can they deny that the pope hath runne the course of false balaam against vs ? can they deny that their priests and iesuites come creeping in among vs , to draw vs away from god to bee partakers with them in their superstition and idolatry ? these things are manifest to the world , and to their owne consciences : then we leaue them vnto the seruice of their balaam , let them leaue vs to the seruice of our god. chapter xv. qveene elizabeth after so many bloudy and dangerous practises attempted against her , being mightily protected by god , ended her dayes in peace and safety : the enemy was not permitted to hurt her , with all their bloudy and barbarous practises . after her , succeeded our peaceable salomon , king iames , who laboured to establish peace , if it might bee : but when hee spake of peace , they prepared themselues for warre . he was first encountred with such a practise , whereof because i know not the truth and bottome , i must follow such relations as i finde . king iames our●gracious soueraigne , being called into the right of his owne inheritance , by the great and admirable applause and affections of all good men from the highest to the lowest of england : and declaring his constant resolution for the maintenance of religion , deferred his coronation till saint iames day . in the meane time some vnquiet spirits entred into a conspiracy , ( their vaine hopes for aduancing of their religion , failing ) their designe as is said , was to surprize the king , and prince henry . of forces they presumed , meaning to retaine them prisoners in the tower , and with treasures therin to maintaine their intent , or to carry them to douer castle , and there by violence , either to obtaine their owne pardons , a tolleration of religion , and a remouall of some counsellors of state , or else to put some other proiect in execution . to conceale this treason , watson the priest deuised oathes for secrecie , and himselfe with clark , another priest taught ; that the act was lawfull , being done before the coronation : for that the king was no king before hee was annointed , and the crowne solemnly set vpon his head . the other persons inuolued in this practise , were henry brooke , lord cobham , thomas lord gray of wilton , sir walter ralegh , sir griffin markham , sir edward parham , george brooke , bartholomew brookesby , and anthony coply . all which were apprehended and committed . the sicknesse being then rife in london , the tearme was kept at winchester , the place designed for their arraignement , whether they were conueied vnder strong guard . the first brought to triall was george brooke , brother to the lord cobham , sir griffin markham , sir edward parham , brooksly , coply , watson and clark. the inditement was , that they had conspired , first to destroy the king ; then to raise rebellion , to alter religion , to subuert the state , to procure forraine inuasion . these their intents they had made known to the lord gray , whom they intended to make earle marshall of england , watson lord chancelour , georke brookes lord treasurer , markham secretary : that with the king the lords also should be surprized in their chambers at greenwich , and the lord maior and aldermen of london should be sent for , and so shut vp in the tower. george brooke answered , that he had commission from the king to doe that he did , onely to trie faithfull subiects ; but being required to shew his commission , hee could produce none . sir griffin markham , excepting onely the imputation of bloud , confessed his offence penitently ; alledging it was through a discontented minde , and desired the lords to bee a meane to the king for mercy watson and clark , ( the former of which confessed that he had drawne all those gentlemen into those plots ) like true roman priests , auerred that they held the king for no king , vntill hee was crowned : and therefore it could not be treason : alledging that saul was no king , till hee was chosen in mispeh , though hee had beene annointed in ramoth by the prophet samuel . neither ieroboam , who in the dayes of salomon had beene confirmed by the prophet to raigne ouer israel , vntill the people made him king , vpon the foolish answere of rehoboam : making no difference betweene the mediate and ordinary succession of lawfull kings in common-wealths established : and those which god himselfe extraordinarily aduanced to be scourges to an vngratefull land . it was tould them that in england the king neuer dieth , that there is no interregnum , that the coronation is but a ceremony to shew the king to the people . two dayes after was sir walter ralegh brought to the barre , hee was indited for combining with the lord cobham ( his accuser as it was said in the foresaid designes ) he pleaded , not guilty , and so stood for his purgation . hee pleaded for himselfe a long time , and with some admiration of men , who thought that a man of such vnderstanding would hardly bee drawne into a plot so foule , and so foolish : yet hee was found guilty , and had sentence of death . the like iudgement , a few dayes after , passed vpon the lord cobham and gray , arraigned on two seuerall dayes . the former was indited for combining with sir walter ralegh , and george brooke to procure forces from the king of spaine , and the arch-duke for inuasion : the other for ioyning with the foresaid priests , knights , and gentlemen in their conspiracies . sir edward parham was only acquitted by the iury. of the rest , onely three died . watson , clark , and george brooke . watson had before in print laid open at large the treasonable practises of the iesuites , and at his death left this suspition on them , that they in reuenge , had cunningly drawne him into this action , which brought him to his end . after this the lords cobham and gray , and sir griffin markham were by a warrant to be executed the friday next . but the king inclined to mercy , sent at the day appointed a pardon for them ; the manner whereof was such , as gaue vnexpected ioy to them that looked for nothing but death . the pardon was brought to the place where they were to be executed , by master gibb a gentleman , so secretly , that none present vnderstood any thing thereof : sir griffin markham was first brought to the scaffold ( erected in the castle greene , ) and made himselfe ready for the stroke of the axe . when secretly master gibb deliuered to the high shiriffe the kings warrant to the contrary ; who vnderstanding his maiesties intent , tooke backe the prisoner ( as if he were first to confront the two lords , vpon some seruice of the king ) and brought him vnto the castle hall. then was the lord gray brought forth , who hauing poured out his prayers vnto god , at length kneeling downe for the stroke of death , the sheriffe bad stay , telling the lord that some further seruice was expected of him ; and thereupon led him likewise into the castle hall. the lord cobham was last brought forth : who being in preparation , and prayers , the lord gray and sir gr●ffin were brought backe againe . all the three prisoners appearing together on the scaffold , the sheriffe notified his maiesties warrant for the stay of the execution . at which example of clemency , vnexpected both of the prisoners and spectators , there arose great shoutes of the people , crying , god saue the king. the condemned wished that they might sacrifice their liues to redeeme their faults , and to repurchase so mercifull a prince his loue . this attempt seemed to be a matter of lesse danger , because there appeared neither strength to act the businesse intended , nor heads to carry it . but our thankfulnesse must appeare to god for our least deliuerances . it is certaine by their confessions that a great mischiefe was intended , howso●uer they might seeme vnable to effect it . and this we may obserue , that no treason was euer attempted without a romish priest. the treasons attempted in england , haue that proper and peculiar marke , to haue a priest in the practise . chapter xvi . now i enter vpon a narration , which may fully open our aduersaries to the world : wherein appeareth the profundity of malice and cruelty , and vngodlinesse , and whereby all men may vnderstand by what spirit these men are led . the histories of former times containe no example like it . which sheweth that wicked inuentions are growne to a greater ripenesse in the romish generation . and when they are come to their full ripenesse● they themselues may vnderstand what they are to looke for . in the meane time let all men vnderstand the difference betweene the church of god , and that which in the scripture is called ecclesia malignantium . that church of the malignant may sufficiently appeare by all the former practises , but especially by this of the gunpowder treason . this treason was first thought on in the last yeare of queene elizabeth , when henry garnet the superiour of the malignants here , catesby , and others sent thomas winter into spaine , to negotiate with the spanish king in the name of the english catholikes : first to send an army to them , who were now in readinesse to ioyne their forces with his : secondly , to grantsome pensions to sundry persons deuoted to his seruice in england : and thirdly , winter was to giue aduertisement of the discontents that the young gentlemen and soldiers had conceiued vpon the death of essex , whereby a fit occasion was offered to forward the popish cause . to prosecute this businesse , hee made for his meanes , father creswell the leiger iesuite in spaine , don petro francesa second secretary to the state , and the duke of lerma : all which assured winter that the office of his imploiment would be very gratefull to his master . the place of landding concluded vpon by them was kent or essex if the kings army were great , if otherwise , then milford hauen in wales was held fittest . with these and other like pro●ects winter all this summer followed the king in his progresse . and lastly had answer by the count miranda , that the king would bestow an hundreth thousand crownes towards the expedition , halfe thereof to be payed that yeare , and the rest the next spring , when at the farthest hee meant to set foot in england . on whose behalfe hee willed the english catholikes to maintaine their promise , whom hee respected ( as was said ) as his owne proper castilians ; and further desired their continuall aduertisemonts ; if in the meane time it chanced the old queene to die . winter thus laden with hopes , returned from spaine , and acquainted garnet , catesby , and tresham , with what had passed , which they related to others . all were glad to heare the newes , and rested satisfied , expecting the day . but before the next spring , queene elizabeth died . to giue notice of her death , christopher wright was from catesby and others sent into spaine . guy fawkes was likewise sent from bruxells by sir william stanly into spaine , both of them to prosecute the former negotiation , assuring the spanish king , that king iames would runne the same course , and proceed as rigorously against the catholikes , as the late queene had done , for whose defence they desired instantly that some spaniards might bee transported vnto milford hauen . where the english papists would bee forward to assist them , hauing in a readinesse two thousand horse furnished for the enterprise . but the spa●iard would not now hearken to their motions , or proceed any further to any forcible enterprise in the meane while , the iesuites had beene tampering to disswade the acceptance of king iames into england , vrging it that death was rather to be indured , then to admit an heretike . and those that gaue him consent , they held liable to excommunication by the censure of pope clement 〈◊〉 . the papists seeing their great ankerhold to faile them from spaine , began to enter into more desperate courses . catesby tooke his ground from the doctrine of father parsons : that the whole schooles both of diuines and lawyers , take this position vn●oubtedly to bee beleeued , that if any christian prince shall manifestly turne from the catholike religion , and desire of seeke to reclaime others from the same , he presently falleth from all princely power and dignity , and that also by vertue and power of the law it selfe both diuine and humane , euen before any sentence pronounced against him by the supreame pastor and iudge . and that his subiects , of what estate or condition soeuer , are freed from all bond of oath of alleageance which at any time they had made vnto him as to their lawfull prince . nay , that they both may and ought ( prouided they haue competent strength and force ) cast out such a man from bearing rule among christians , as an apostata , an heretike , a back-slider , a reuolter from our lord christ , and an enemy to his owne state , and common-wealth ; least perhaps hee might infect others , or by his example or command , turne them from the faith : yea they affirme further , that if a prince shall but fauour or shew countenance to an heretike , he presently looseth his kingdome . by this fiery diuinity of their owne making , or receiuing it from the spirits of error and doctrines of diuels , ( for those things that are taught for doctrines , not being found in the word of god , are doctrines of diuels , much more they that are contrary to the doctrines of gods word ) by these doctrines the gunpowder-treason tooke strength . the parliament dissolued the seauenth of iuly , and was prorogued vntill the seauenth of february following , catesby being then at lambeth , sent for thomas winter , who had beene imployed into spaine , and brake with him vpon the blowing vp of the parliament house ; who answered , that indeed strooke at the root : but if it should not take effect , said hee , as most of this nature miscarrie , the scandall would be so great , which catholike religion might hereby sustaine , as not only our enemies , but our friends also would with good reason condemne vs. catesby answered , the nature of the disease required so sharpe a remedy , and asked him if hee would g●ue his consent . yes , said he , in this or what else soeuer , he would venture his life . but he proposed difficulties , as want of an house , and of one to carry the mine , noise in the working , and such like . catesby answered , let vs giue the attempt , and where it ●aileth , passe no further : but first quoth he , because wee will leaue no peaceable and quiet way vntried , you shall goe ouer , and informe the constable of the state of the catholikes here in england , intreating him to sollicite his mai●stie , that the penall lawes may bee recalled , and we admitted into the ra●ke of his other subiects . withall , you may bring ouer some confident gentlemen , such as you shall vnderstand best able for this businesse , and named vnto him master fawkes . shortly after , winter passed the seas , and found the constable at bergen neare dunkirk : where by helpe of master owen hee deliuered his message . whose answere was , that he had strict command from his master , to doe all good offices for the catholikes , and for his owne part hee thought himselfe bound in conscience so to doe , and that no good occasion should bee omitted , but hee spake to him nothing of this matter . returning to dunkirk with master owen they had speech whether the constable would faithfully helpe them , or no : owen said , he beleeued nothing lesse , and that they sought onely their own● ends , holding small accompt of catholikes . winter told him , that there were many gentlemen in england , who would not forsake their countrey vntill they had tried the vttermost . and to add one more to their company , as a fit man both for councell and execution of whatsoeuer they should resolue , wished for master fawkes , who as he had heard , was a man of good commendation . owen told him , the gentleman deserued no lesse , but was at brussels , and that if he came not , as happily he might before winters departure , hee would send him shortly after into england . winter went shortly after to ostend ; where sir william stanly as then was not , but came two dayes after . winter remained with him three or foure dayes . in which time he asked him , if the catholikes in england should doe any thing to helpe themselues , whether hee thought the arch-duke would second them ? he answered , no. for all those parts w●re so desirous of peace with england , as they would indure no speech of other enterprise . neither were it fit , said he , to set any pro●ect a foot , now the peace is vpon concluding ▪ winter told him there was no such resolution , and fell into other speech ; asking him of master fawkes , whom sir william much commended : and as they were in speech , fawkes came in . sir william told him , this is the gentleman you spake of ; and after they had imbraced , winter told fawkes , that some good friends of his wished his company in england , and appointed to meet at dunkirk , where they might conferre . meeting at dunkirk , they had conference , and resolued both to come into england . they came first to catesby : whether came master thomas percy . the first word he spake after he came into their companie , was , shall we alwaies , gentlemen , talke , and neuer doe any thing ? catesby tooke him aside , and had speech of somewhat to be done , so as first they might all take an oath of secrecy ; which within few dayes after , they did . the oath was this : you shall sweare by the blessed trinity , and by the sacrament you now purpose to receiue , neuer to disclose , directly nor indirectly , by wo●d or circumstance , the matter that shall he proposed to you to keepe secret , nor desist from the execution thereof , vntill the rest shall giu● you leaue . this oath was first taken by catesby , percy , wright and fawkes , behinde saint clements . after the oath taken , they went into the next roome and heard masse , and receiued the sacrament vpon it . that done , catesby disclosed to percy , and winter and iacke wright to fawkes the businesse , for which they tooke the oath , which they approued . then was percy sent to take the house , which they vnderstood did belong to one ferris ; which with some difficulty in the end he obtained , and became tenant to whinyard , as ferris was before . fawkes vnderwent the name of master percy his man , calling himselfe iohnson ; because his face was most vnknowne , and receiued the keyes of the house , vntill they heard that the parliament was adiourned to the 7. of february . at which time they all departed seuerall wayes into the countrey , to meet againe at the beginning of michaelmas tearme . it was thought conuenient to haue a house to receiue prouision of powder and wood for the mine ; from which house the prouision might be conueied to that house which percy had taken : this was taken in lambeth , and keyes was appointed the trusty keeper thereof . when they were agreed to begin and set things in order for the mine , they were staied a while , because the scottish lords were appointed to sit in conference of the vnion in percy his house . the time of their sitting being past , they entred vpon the mine , hauing prouided themselues of baked meats , the lesse to need sending abroad . whilst they were together , they fell into discourse what they should doe after this deede was done . the first question was , how they might surprise the next heire . the prince happily would be at parliament with the king , his father : how should they then be able to seaze vpon the duke ? this burden percy vndertook , that by his acquaintance , he with other gentlemen would enter the chamber without suspition , and hauing some doozen others at seuerall doores to expect his comming , and two or three on horsebacke at the court gate to receiue him , he would vndertake ( the blow being giuen , vntill which hee would attend in the dukes chamber ) to carry him safe away : for he supposed most of the court would be absent , and such as were there , not suspecting , or vnprouided for any such matter . for the lady elizabeth , it were easie to surprise her in the country , by drawing friends together at an hunting neare the lord harringtons , and asby master catesby his house being not farre off , was a fit place for preparation the next was for money and horses , which if they could prouide in any reasonable measure ( hauing the heire apparant ) and the first knowledge by foure or fiue dayes was oddes sufficient . then what lords they should saue from the parliament , which was first agreed in generall , as many as they could that were catholikes , or so disposed ; but after they descended to speake of particulars . next what forraine princes they should acquaint with this before , or ioyne with after . for this point they agreed , that first they could not inioyne princes to that secrecy , nor oblige them by oath , so to be secure of their promise ; beside , they knew not whether they will approue the proiect or dislike it . and if they doe allow therof , to prepare before , might beget suspition : and not to prouide vntill the businesse were acted ; the same letter that carried the newes of the thing done , might as well intreat their helpe and furtherance . spaine is too slow in their preparations to hope any good from the first extremities , and france too neere and to dangerous , who with the shipping of holland , we feared of all the world might make away with vs. while they were in the middle of these discourses , they heard that the parliament would be anew adiourned vntill after michaelmas , vpon which tidings they brake off both discourse and working . about candlemas they brought ouer in a boat the powder which they had prouided at lambeth , and laid it in master percy his house ; because they would haue all their danger in one place . then falling to their worke in the mine , they came against the stone wall , which was very hard to beat through , at which time they called kit wright to their company ; but as they were working vpon the wall they heard a rushing in a cellar , of remouing of coales . whereupon they feared that they had beene discouered , and they sent fawkes to goe to the cellar ; who finding that the coales were a selling , and that the cellar was to bee let , viewing the opportunity thereof for their purpose , percy went and hired the same for yearely rent . they had before this prouided twenty barrels of powder , which they remoued into the cellar , and couered them w●th billets and faggots which they had prouided for that purpose . after this they thought fit to send fawkes to acquaint sir william stanly , and master owen with this matter , but so that they might receiue the oath of secrecy . the reason why they desired sir william stanly should be acquainted herewith , was to haue him with them so soone as he could . and for master owen , he might hold good correspondencies after with forraine princes . master fawkes departed about easter for flanders , and returned in the end of august . he brought word that sir william stanly was not returned from spaine , so as he vttered the matter onely to owen , who seemed well pleased with the businesse , but told him that surely sir william wou●d not bee acquainted with any plot as hauing businesse now a foot in the court of england ; but he himselfe would be alwaies ready to tell him , and send him away so soone as it were done . about this time master percy and catesby met at the bathe . where they agreed that the company being yet but few , catesby should haue the others authority to call in whom hee thought best . whereupon he called in sir euerard digby , and after that master tresham . the first promised fifteene hundreth pounds , the second two thousand pounds . master percy promised all that he could get of the earle of northumberlands rents , which was about foure thousand pounds , and to prouide many galloping horses , to the number of ten . meane while , fawkes and winter bought somenew powder , as suspecting the first to bee danke , and conueied it into the cellar , and set it in order , as they resolued it should stand . then was the parliament anew prorogued vntill the fifth of nouember . so that all of them went down till some tenne dayes before . when catesby camevp with fawks to an house by enfield-chase , called white-webs ; whether winter came to them . catesby willed winter to inquire whether the young prince came to the parliament . winter told him that hee heard that his grace thought not to be there . then said catesby , must we haue our horses bey●nd the water , and prouision of more company to surprise the prince , and eaue the duke alone . all things thus prepared : the saturday of the weeke immediately praeceding the kings returne , which was vpon thursday ( being but ten dayes before the parliament ) the lord monteagle , sonne and heire to the lord morley , being in his owne lodging ready to goe to supper at seauen of the clocke at night , one of his footmen , whom hee had sent of an errand ouer the street , was met by an vnknowne man of a reasonable tall personage , who deliuered him a letter , charging him to put it into my lord his masters hands : which my lord no sooner receiued , but that hauing broken it vp , and perceiuing the same to bee of an vnknowne , and somewhat vnlegible hand , and without either date or subscription ; did call one of his men to him for helping him to reade it . but no sooner did he conceiue the strange contents thereof , although he was somewhat perplexed what construction to make of it , ( as whether of a matter of consequence , as indeede it was , or whether some foolish deuised pasquill by some of his enemies , to skarre him from his attendance at the parliament ) yet did hee as a most dutifull and l●iall subiect , conclude not to conceale it , what euer might come of it . whereupon notwithstanding the latenesse and darkenesse of the night in such a season of the yeare , he presently repaired to his maiesties pallace at white hall , and there deliuered the same to the earle of salisbury his maiesties principall secretary . the earle hauing read the letter , and heard of the manner of comming of it to his hands , did greatly incourage and commend the lord for his discretion ; te●ling him plainely , that whatsoeuer the purpose of the letter might proue hereafter , yet did this accident put him in mind of diuers aduertisements hee had receiued from beyond the seas , wherewith he had acquainted as well the king himselfe , as diuers of his priuy councellours , concerning some businesse the papists were in , both at home and abroad , making preparation for some combination among them against this parliament time : for inabling them to deliuer at that time to the king some petition for tolleration of religion , which should be deliuered in some such order , and so well backed , as the king should be loath to refuse their requests ; like the sturdy-beggars crauing almes with one open hand , but carrying a stone in the other in case of refusall . and therefore did the earle of salisbury conclude with the lord monteagle , that he would in regard of the kings absence impart the same letter to some more of his maiesties councell . whe●eof the lord monteagle liked well , onely adding this request , by way of protestation , that whatsoeuer the euent hereof might proue , it should not be imputed to him , as proceeding from too light and too sodaine an apprehension , that hee deliuered this letter being onely moued thereto for demonstration of his ready deuotion and care for preseruation of his maiestie and the state. and thus did the earle of salisbury presently acquaint the lord chamberlaine with the said letter . whereupon they two in the presence of the lord monteagle , calling to minde the former intelligence already mentioned , which seemed to haue some relation with this letter ; the tender care which they euer had to the preseruation of his maiesties person , made them apprehend , that some perillous attempt did thereby appeare to be intended against the same , which did the more neerely concerne the lord chamberlaine to haue care of , in regard that it doth belong to the charge of his office , to ouersee as well all places of assembly where his maiesty is to repaire , as his highnesse owne priuate houses . and therefore did the said two councellors conclude , that they should ioyne vnto them three more of the councell , to wit , the lord admirall , the earles of worcester and northampton , to be also particularly acquainted with this accident . who hauing all of them concurred together to the re-examination of the contents of the said letter , they did conclude , that how slight a matter it might at the first appeare to be , yet was it not absolutely to be contemned , in respect of the care which it behoued them to haue of the preseruation of his maiesties person . but yet resolued for two reasons , first to acquaint the king himselfe with the same , before they proceeded to any further inquisition in the matter , as well for the expectation and experience they had of his maiesties fortunate iudgement in clearing and soluing of obscure riddles and doubtfull mysteries , as also because the more time would in the meane while bee giuen for the practise to ripen , if any was , wherby the discouery might be the more cleare and euident , and the ground of proceeding thereupon more safe , iust , and easie . and so according to their determination did the earle of salisbury repaire to the king in his gallery vpon friday , being alhallow day , in the afternoon , which was the day after his maiesties arriuall , and none but himselfe being present with his highnesse at that time : where without any other speech or iudgement giuen of the letter , but onely relating simply the forme of the deliuery thereof , he presented it to his maiesty ; the contents of the letter are as followeth . my lord , out of the loue i beare to some of your friends , i haue a care of your preseruation . therefore i would aduise you , as you tender your life , to deuise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this parliament . for god and man haue concurred to punish the wickednesse of this time . and thinke not slightly of this aduertisement , but retire your selfe into your country , where you may expect the euent in safety : for though there be no appearance of any stirre , yet i say , they shall receiue a terrible blow this parliament , and yet they shall not see who hurt them . this counsell is not to be contemned , because it may doe you good , and can doe you no harme : for the danger is past as soone as you shall haue burned this letter . and i hope god will giue you the grace to make good vse of it . to whose holy protection i commend you . the king no sooner read the letter , but after a little pause , and then reading it ouer again , he deliuered his iudgement of it in such sort , as he thought it was not to bee contemned . for that the stile of it seemed to be more quicke and pithy , then is vsuall to be in a pasquill or libell , ( the superfluities of idle braines . ) but the earle of salisbury perceiuing the king to apprehend it deeplier then he looked for , knowing his nature ; told him , that he thought by one sentence in it , that it was like to be written by some fool or mad man , reading to him this sentence in it : for the danger is past as soone as you haue burned the letter : which he said was like to be the saying of a foole . for if the danger was past so soone as the letter was burnt , then the warning behooued to be of little auaile , when the burning of the letter might make the danger to bee eschewed . but the king by the contrary considering the former sentence in the letter . that they should receiue a terrible blow at this parliament , and yet should not see who hurt them : ioyning it to the sentence immediately following already alleadged , did thereupon coniecture , that the danger mentioned , should bee some sudden danger by blowing vp of powder : for no other insurrection , rebellion , or whatsoeuer other priuate or desperate attempt could be committed , or attempted in time of parliament , and the authors thereof v●seene , except it were onely by a blowing vp of powder , which might be performed by one base knaue in a darke corner . whereupon he was moued to interpret and construe the latter sentence in the letter , ( alleadged by the earle of salisbury ) against all ordinary sense and construction in grammer , as if by these words , for the danger is past as soone as you haue burned the letter , should be closely vnderstood the sudden and quicknesse of the danger , which should be as quickly performed , and at an end , as that paper should be of bleasing vp in the fire ; turning that word , as soone , to that sense of , as quickly . and therefore wished that before his going to parliament , the vnder-roomes of the parliament house might be well and narrowly searched . it must be confessed that god put this vnderstanding in the kings heart . for albeit now vpon the euent made knowne , a man may easily see that no other construction can bee made of the letter , then that which the king made : yet before the euent was knowne , the wisest did not apprehend that vnderstanding . and therefore we must acknowledge that god would haue it knowne and brought to knowledge by the king himselfe , that all the body of the kingdome might rest most vnder god , beholding to the king , their head for the generall deliuerance . the earle of salisbury wondring at his maiesties commentary , which hee knew to be farre contrary to his ordinary and naturall disposition , who did rather euer sinne vpon the other side , in not apprehending nor trusting due aduertisments of practises and perils when hee was duely informed of them , whereby hee had many times drawne himselfe into many desperate dangers , and interpreting rightly this extraordinary caution at this time to proceed from the vigilant care he had of the whole state , more then of his owne person , which could not but haue all perished together if this designement had succeeded : he thought good to dissemble still vnto the king that there had beene any iust cause of such apprehension . and ending the purpose with some merry ieast vpon this subiect , as his custome is , tooke his leaue for that time . but though hee seemed so to neglect it to his maiestie , yet his customable and watchfull care of the king and the state still boyling within him ; and hauing with the blessed virgin mary , laid vp in his heart the kings so strange iudgement and construction of it , he could not bee at rest till hee acquainted the foresaid lords what had passed betweene the king and him in priuate . whereupon they were all so earnest to renew againe the memory of the same purpose to his maiestie , as it was agreed , that he should the next day being saturday repaire to his highnesse . which hee did in the same priuy gallery , and renewed the memory thereof , the lord chamberlaine then being present with the king. at which time it was determined that the said lord chamberlaine should according to his custome and office , view all the parliament houses both aboue and below , and consider what likelihood or appearance of any such danger might possibly be gathered by the sight of them . but yet as well for staying of idle rumors , as for being the more able to discerne any mystery the nearer that things were in readinesse , his iourney thither was ordained to be deferred till the afternoone before the sitting downe of the parliament , which was vpon the munday following . at what time he ( according to his conclusion ) went to the parliament house , accompanied with the lord monteagle , being in zeale to the kings seruice earnest and curious to see the euent of that accident , whereof he had the fortune to be the first discouerer . where hauing viewed all the lower roomes , he found in the vault vnder the vpper house great store of prouision of billets , faggots , & coales . and inquiring of whinyard keeper of the wardrop , to what vse hee had put those lower roomes , and cellars : he told him that thomas percy had hired both the house and part of the cellar or vault vnder the same . and that the wood and coale therein was the said gentlemans owne prouision . whereupon the lord chamberlaine casting his eye aside , perceiued a fellow standing in a corner there , calling himselfe the said percy his man , and keeper of that house for him , which was guido fawkes , the instrument which should haue acted that monstrous tragedy . the lord chamberlaine looking vpon all things with an heedfull eye , yet in outward appearance with but a carelesse and racklesse countenance , he presently addressed himselfe to the king in the said priuy gallery , where in the presence of the lord treasurer , the lord admirall , the earles of worcester , northampton , and salisbury , he made his report what he had seene and obserued there . noting that monteagle had told him , that hee no sooner heard thomas percy named to be the possessour of that house , but considering both his backwardnesse in religion , and the old dearenesse in friendship betweene himselfe and the said percy , he did greatly suspect the matter , and that the letter should come from him . the lord chamberlaine also told , that he did not wonder a little at the extraordinary great prouision of wood and coale in that house , where thomas percy had so seldome occasion to remaine : as likewise it gaue him in his minde that his man looked like a very tall and desperate fellow . this could not but increase the kings former apprehension and iealousie . whereupon he insisted , as before , that the house was narrowly to bee searched , and that those billets and coales would bee searched to the bottome , it being most suspitious that they were laid there onely for couering of the powder . of this same minde also were all the councellors then present . but vpon the fashion of making the search , was it long debated . for on the one side they were all so iealous of the kings safety , that they all agreed , that there could not be too much caution vsed for preuenting the danger : and yet on the other part , they were all extreame loath and dainty , that in case this letter should proue to be nothing but the euaporation of an idle braine , then a curious search being made , and nothing found , should not onely turne to the generall scandall of the king and the state , as being so susp●tious of euery light and friuolous toy , but likewise lay an ill-fauoured imputation vpon the earle of northumberland , one of his maiesties greatest subiects and councellors , this thomas percy being his kinseman , and most confident familiar . and the rather were they curious vpon this point , knowing how farre the king detested to be thought suspitious or iealous of any of his good subiects , though of the meanest degree . and therefore though they all agreed vpon the maine ground , which was to prouide for the security of the kings person , yet did they much differ in circumstances , by which this action might bee best carried with lea●t dinne and occasion of slander . but the king himselfe still persisting that there were diuers shrewd appearances , and that a narrow search of those places could preiudice no man that was innocent , he at last plainely resolued them , that either must all the parts of those roomes be narrowly searched , and no possibility of danger left vnexamined , or else hee and they all must resolue not to meddle in it at all , but plainely to goe the next day to the parliament , and leaue the successe to fortune , which he beleeued they would be loath to take vpon their consciences : for in such a case as this , an halfe-doing was worse then no doing at all . whereupon it was at last concluded , that nothing should be left vnsearched in those houses . and yet for the better colour and stay of rumor , in case nothing were found , it was thought meet , that vpon a pretence of whinyards missing some of the kings stuffe or hangings which he had in keeping , all those roomes should bee narrowly ripped for them . and to this purpose was sir thomas kneuet , ( a gentleman of his maiesties priuie chamber ) imployed , being a iustice of peace in westminster , and one , of whose ancient fidelity both the late queene , and our now soueraigne haue had large proofe . who according to the trust committed vnto him , went about the midnight next after , to the parliament house , accompan●ed with such a small number as was fit for that ●rrand . but before his entry into the house , finding thomas percyes alleadged man standing without the doores , his cloathes and bootes on at so dead a time of night , he resolued to apprehend him , as he did , and the●eafter went forward to the searching of the house . where after hee had caused to be ouerturned some of the billets and coales , he first found one of the small barrels of powder , and after , all the rest , to the number of thirty sixe barrels great and small . and thereafter searching the fellow whom he had taken , found three matches ; and all other instruments fit for blowing vp the powder , ready vpon him ; which made him instantly confesse his owne guiltinesse : declaring also vnto him ▪ that if hee had happened to be within the house , when he tooke him , as he was immediately before ( at the ending of his wo●ke ) hee would not haue failed to haue blowne him vp , house and all . thus after sir thomas had caused the wretch to be surely bound , and well guarded by the company he had brought with him , he himselfe returned back to the kings pallace , and gaue warning of his successe to the lord chamberlaine , and earle of salisbury , who immediately warning the rest of the councell that lay in the house , as soone as they could get themselues ready , came with their fellow councellors to the kings bed-chamber , being at that time neere foure of the clocke in the morning . and at the first entry of the kings chamber doore , the lord chamberlaine being not any longer able to conceale his ioy for the preuenting of so great a danger , told the king in a confused hast , that all was found and discouered , and the traitor in hands and fast bound . then order being first taken for sending for the rest of the councell that lay in the to●ne , the prisoner himselfe was brought into the house . where in respect of the strangenesse of the accident , no man was staied from the sight in speaking with him : and within a while after the counce●● did examine him . who seeming to put on a roman-resolution , did both to the councell , and to euery other person that spake to him that day , appeare so constant and set●ed in his grounds , as they all thought they had found a new mutius scaeuola borne in england . for notwithstanding the horrour of the fact , the guilt of his conscience , his sudden surprising , the terrour which should haue strucken him by comming into the presence of so graue a councell , and the restlesse and confused questions that euery man all that day did vexe him with ; ●et was his countenance so farre from being deiected , as hee often smiled in scornefull manner , not onely auowing the fact , but repenting onely , with the said scaeuola , his failing in the execution thereof ; whereof hee said , the diuell and not god , was the discouerer : answering quickly to euery mans obiections , scoffing at any idle questions which were propounded to him , and iesting with such as he thought had no authority to examine him . all that day could the councell get nothing out of him touching his complices , refusing to answer to any such questions which he thought might discouer his plot , & laying all the blame vpon himselfe . whereunto , he said , he was moued onely for religion and conscience sake , denying the king to be his lawfull soueraigne , or the annointed of god , in respect he was an heretike , and giuing himselfe no other name then iohn iohnson , seruant to thomas percy . but the next morning being carried to the tower , hee did not there remaine aboue two or three dayes , being twice or thrice in that space re-examined , and the racke onely offered , and shewed vnto him , when the maske of his romi●h fortitude did visibly begin to weare and slide off his face . and then did he begin to confesse part of the truth , and thereafter to open the whole matter . out of his conscience , and especially out of the confession of thomas winter haue we drawne the praeceding narration . the confession of fawkes was taken presently after his apprehension . the confession of winter was taken the 23. of nouember , before the lords of the councell . they that were first in the treason , and laboured in the mine , were robert catesby , robert winter , esquires , thomas percy , thomas winter , iohn wright , christopher wright , guido fawkes , gentlemen ; and bates , catesbyes man. they that were made acquainted with it , though not personally labouring in the mine , nor in the cellar , were euerard digby knight , ambrose rookewood , francis tresham , esquires . iohn grant gentleman , and robert keies . the newes was no sooner spread abroad that morning , which was vpon a tuesday , the 5. of nouember , and the first day designed for that session of parliament : but some of those conspirators , namely winter , and the two wrights , brethren , thought it high time for them to hasten out of the towne , ( for catesby was gone the night before , and percy at foure of the clocke in the morning the same day of the discouery ) and all of them held their course , with more hast then good speed to warwicke-shire toward couentry , where the next day morning being wednesday , and about the same houre that fawkes was taken in westminster , one grant , a gentleman , hauing associated to him some others of his opinion , all violent papists , and strong recusants , came to a stable of one benock a rider of great horses , and hauing violently broken vp the s●me , carried along with them all the great horses that were therein , to the number of seauen or eight , belonging to diuers noblemen & gentlemen of that country , who had put them into the riders hands to be mad● fit for their seruice . and so both that company of them which fled out of london , as also grant and his complices met altogether at dunchurch at sir euerard digby his lodging the tuesday at night after the discouery of this treacherous attempt . the which digby had likewise for his part appointed a match of hunting to haue beene hunted the next day , which was wednesday , though his minde was nimrod-like vpon a farre other manner of hunting , more bent vpon the bloud of reasonable men , then of bruit beasts . this company and hellish society thus conuened , finding their purpose discouered , and their treachery preuented , did resolue to runne a desperate course , and since they could not preuaile by so priuate a blow , to practise by a publike rebellion , either to attain● to their intents , or at least to saue themselues in the throng of others . and therefore gathering all the company they could vnto them , and pretending the quarell of religion , hauing intercepted such prouision of armour , horses , and powder , as the time could permit , thought by running vp and downe the country , both to augment peece by peece their number : ( dreaming to themselues that they had the vertue of a snow-ball , which being little at the first , and tumbling downe a great hill , groweth to a great quantity , by increasing it selfe with the snow that it meeteth in the way ) and also that they beginning first this braue shew in one part of the country should by their sympathy and example stir vp and incourage the rest of their religion in other parts in england to rise , as they had done there . but when they had gathered their force to the greatest , they came not to the number of fourescore . and yet were they troubled all the houres of the day to keepe and containe their owne seruants from stealing from them . who notwithstanding of all their care , dai●y left them , being farre infer●our to gedeons host in number , but f●rre more in faith and iustnesse of the quarrell . and so after that this catholike troupe had wandred a while through warwickshire ▪ to worcestershire , and from thence to the edge and borders of staffordshire , this gallantly armed band had not the honour at the last to be beaten with a kings lieutenant or extraordinary commissioner sent down for the purpose , but onely by the ordinary sheriff● of worcestershire were they all beaten , killed , taken , and dispersed . wherein ye haue to note this following circumstance so a●mirable , and so ●iuely displaying the greatnesse of gods iustice , as it could not be concealed without betraying in a manner the glory due to the almighty for the same . although diuers of the kings proclamations were posted downe after these traitors with all speed possible ; declaring the odiousnesse of the bloudy attempt , the necessity to haue had percy preserued aliue , if it had beene possible , and the assembly of that rightly-damned crew , now no more darkened conspirators , but open and auowed rebels : yet the farre distance of the way , ( which was aboue an hundreth miles ) together with the extreame deepnesse thereof , ioyned also with the shortnesse of the day , was the cause that the hearty and louing affections of the kings good subiects in those parts preuented the speed of his proclamations . for vpon the third day after the flying downe of these rebels , which was vpon the friday next after the discouery of their plot , they were most of them all surprised by the sheriffe of worcestershire at holbeach , about the noone of the day , in manner following . grant , of whom mention was made before , for the taking of the great horses , who had not all the praeceding time stirred from his owne house till the next morning after the attempt should be put in execution , he then laying his accompt without his host , ( as the prouerbe is ) that their plott had , without failing , receiued the day before their hoped-for successe , tooke , or rather stole out those horses for inabling him , and so many of that soul-lesse society that had still remained in the country neare about him , to make a sudden surprise vpon the kings elder daughter , the lady elizabeth , hauing her residence neare to that place , whom they thought to haue vsed for the colour of their treacherous designe ( his maiestie her father , her mother , and male-children being all destroyed aboue . ) and to this purpose also had that nimrod digby prouided his hunting-match against the same time , that numbers of people being flocked together vpon the pretence thereof , they might the easilier haue brought to passe the sudden surprise of her person . now the violent taking away of those horses long before day , did seeme to be so great a riot in the eyes of the common people , that knew of no greater mystery : and the bold attempting thereof did ingender such a suspition of some following rebellion in the hearts of the wiser sort , as both great and small began to stirre and arme themselues , vpon this vnlooked-for accident . among whom sir fulk greuil the elder , knight , as became one both so ancient in yeeres , and good reputation , and by his office being deputy lieuetenant of warwickshire , though vnable in his body , yet by the zeale and true feruency of his minde , did first apprehend this foresaid riot to bee nothing but the sparkles or sure indices of a following rebellion . whereupon both stoutly and honestly he took order to get into his owne hands the munition and armour of all such gentlemen about him , as were either absent from their owne houses , or in doubtfull guard , and also sent such direction to the townes about him , as thereupon did follow the striking of winter by a poore smith , who had lik●wise beene taken by those vulgar people , but that he was rescued by the rest of his company , who perceiuing that the country before them had notice of them , hastened away with losse in their owne sight , sixteene of their followers being taken by the townesmen , and sent presently to the sheriffe at warwicke , and from thence to london . but before twelue or sixteene houres past , catesby , percy , the winters , wrights , rookwood , and the rest , bringing then the assurance that their maine plot was failed , and bewrayed , whereupon they had builded the golden mountaines of their glorious hopes : they then tooke their last desperate resolution , to flock together in a troupe , and wander as they did , for the reasons aforetold . but as vpon the one part , the zealous dutie to their god and their soueraigne was so deepely imprinted in the hearts of all the meanest and poorest sort of the people ( although then knowing of no farther mysterie , then such publike misbehauiours , as their owne eyes taught them ) as notwithstanding their faire shewes and pretence of their catholike cause , no creature , man or woman through all the country , would once so much as giue them willingly a cup of drinke , or any sort of comfort or support , but with execrations detested them . so on the other part , the sheriffes of the shires where-through they wandred , conuening their people with all speed possible , hunted as hotly after them , as the euilnesse of the way , and the vnprouidednesse of their people vpon that sudden could permit them . and so at last after sir richard verney sheriffe of warwickeshire had carefully and straightly beene in chase of them to the confines of his county , part of the meaner sort being also apprehended by him : sir richard walsh sheriffe of worcestershire did likewise dutifully and hotly pursue them through his shire . and hauing gotten sure triall of their taking harbour at the house aboue-named , he sent trumpetters and messengers to them , commanding them in the kings name to render to him , his maiesties minister ; and knowing no more at that time of their guilt , then was publikely visible , did promise vpon their dutifull and obedient rendring to him , to intercede at the kings hands for the sparing of their liues ; who receiued onely from them this scornefull answere ( they being better witnesses to themselues of their inward euil consciences ) that he had need of better assistance , then of those few numbers that were with him , before hee could be able to command or controll them . but here fell the wondrous worke of gods iustice , that while this message passed betweene the sheriffe and them : the sheriffe and his peoples zeale being iustly kindled and augmented by their arrogant answer , and so they preparing themselues to giue a furious assault : and the other party making themselues ready within the house to performe their promise by a defence as resolute ; it pleased god that in the mending of the fire in their chamber , one small sparke should flye out , & light among lesse then two pound weight of powder , which was drying a little from the chimney : which being thereby blowne vp , so maimed the faces of some of the principall rebels , and the hands and sides of other of them ( blowing vp with it also a great bag full of powder , which notwithstanding neuer tooke fire ) as they were not onely disabled and discouraged hereby from any farther resistance , in respect catesby himselfe , rookwood , grant , and diuers others , of greatest accompt among them , were thereby made vnable for defence , but also wonderfully stricken with amazement in their guilty consciences , calling to memory how god had iustly punished them with that same instrument , which they should haue vsed for the effectuating of so great a sinne ; according to the ould saying , in quo peccamus , in eodem plectimur . inasmuch as they presently ( see the wonderfull power of gods iustice vpon guilty consciences ) did all fall downe vpon their knees praying god to pardon them for their bloudy enterprise . and after that , giuing ouer any further debate , opened the gate , suffered the sheriffes people to rush in furiously among them , and desperately sought their owne present destruction ; the three specialls of them ioyning backs together , catesby , percy , and winter ; whereof two with one shot , catesby and percy , were slaine , winter was taken and saued aliue . and thus these resolute and high-aspiring catholikes , who dreamed of no lesse then the destruction of kings and kingdomes , and promised to themselues no lower estate , then the gouernment of great and ancient monarchies , were miserably defeated and quite ouerthrowne in an instant , falling into the pit which they had prepared for others ; and so fulfilling that sentence which his maiestie did in a manner prophesie of them , in his oration to the parliament : some presently slaine , others deadly wounded , stripped of their cloathes , left lying miserably naked , and so dying rather of cold , then of the danger of their wounds ; and the rest that either were whole , or but lightly hurt , taken and led prisoners by the sheriffe , the ordinary minister of iustice , to the go●le , the ordinary place euen of the basest malefactors ; where they remained ti●l their sending vp to london , being met with a huge confluence of people of all sorts , desirous to see them , as the rarest sort of monsters : fooles to laugh at them , women and children to wonder , all the common people to gaze , the wiser sort to satisfie their curiositie in seeing the outward cases of so vnheard-of a villany ; and generally all sorts of people to satiate and fill their eyes with the sight of them , whom in their harts they so farre admired and detested , seruing so for a fearefull and publick spectacle of gods fierce wrath and iust indignation . they liued blindely , they practisea diuellishly , they dyed desperately ; their memory is cursed throughout all generations . now what haue our aduersaries to say to these , or what can wee say to these things , but that there is a god in heauen , that destroyeth all the purposes of the pope on earth ? whatsoeuer haue beene attempted against vs , the pope is firme on their side ; god hath manifested himselfe many waies to be on our side . what cause haue we then , & how many waies are we prouoked to trust in god , to loue him , to worship him , that so miraculously hath defended vs ? to cleaue with all singlenes of heart to that cause that hath bin so mightily maintayned by gods hand and power ? and what cause haue our adu●rsaries to examine themselues , and more narrowly to examine the cause which god by so many iudgements hath condemned ? the people of israel were mightily protected by the hand of god , & so long as they truely serued god al their aduersaries could neuer preuaile against them , they were defended by power from aboue , god did watch ouer them ; but when they fell from god , god did suffer them to fall into the hands of their enemies . there will hardly be found any president euen among the people of god , that for so many yeeres together they haue bin continually deliuered from so many , so cruelly intended , so dangerous assaults . the deepest deuises of malice , reaching euen from hell vnto hellish men vpon earth haue beene practised against vs , as this last which came from the deepenesse of satan : wherein without sword or speare , without any shew of warlike preparations , their hellish deuise was at one blow to root out religion , to destroy the state , the head with the body , the king with the stat● , the father of our country , the mother of our country , the oliue branches the hopefull succession of our king , the reuerend clergy , the honourable nobility , the faithfull councellors , the graue iudges , the greatest part of our knights and gentry , the choisest burgesses , the officers of the crowne , councell , signet , s●ales , and of other seates of iudgement , the learned lawyers , with an infinite number of common people , the hall of iustice , the houses of parliament , the church vsed for the coronation of our kings , the monuments of our former princes , all records of parliament , and of euery particular mans right , with a great number of charters , and other things of this nature , all these things had the diuell by his agents deuised at one secret blow to destroy . if the lord had not beene on our side , may israel now say , if the lord had not beene on our side when men rose vp against vs , they had then swallowed vs vp quicke , when their wrath was kindled against vs : praised be the lord which hath not giuen vs vp a prey to their teeth , our soule is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers ; the snare is broken , and we are deliuered : our helpe is in the name of the lord , which hath made heauen and earth . we labour against the papists to proue our church a true church of god : they on the other side labour to proue themselues the onely catholike church , and our assemblies to be , as they call them , assemblies of heretikes . god hath determined this controuersie most euiden●ly by his word , and most powerfully from heauen , by his continuall protection of vs , and destruction of all the wicked practises which they haue attempted against vs. was there euer any cause in the world so strongly ma●ntained on the one side , as our cause hath beene ? was there euer any execrable practises in the world so pow●rfu●ly condemned from heauen , as their practises haue beene ? god open their eyes , that they may see and vnderstand that they fight against god. the church of rome , so long as it stood the church of god , did neuer practise either by open warres , or by secret conspiracies to destroy kings , and subuert kingdomes : but by the preaching of gods word , by examples of piety , and sanctimony , laboured to draw the ignorant vnto the knowledge and obedience of the truth : that course is now vtterly forsaken of them ; for how can they teach the truth to others , that are themselues in ignorance and in the shadow of death ? or how can they giue examples of an holy life , whose whole practise and conuersation is in bloud , in malice , in wicked and wretched actions ? and will they neuer vnderstand that they who practise such things can not inherit the kingdome of god ? cannot be the church of god ? cannot pray to god , or expect any blessing from him vpon their execrable practises ? there is a manifest change of their church , and they will not see it . they aske vs , when was this change , vnder what king , vnder what emperour , vnder what pope ? but if they were wise , they would first inquire whether there be a change or no ? and then inquire further of the time and manner of it . we say that which no man can deny , that there is a notorious change : this is euident , for the church of old neuer allowed the cruelty , the impiety , the execrable wickednesse which is daily practised by the great masters of the church of rome , and allowed and approued by the pope . then there is a change , & it is euident to all . but this is a change of manners of the church , not of the doctrines . if therefore they demand of vs , how a change of the doctrines may be proued : we are able to point out from time to time that the doctrines which they haue inuented , were neuer heard of in the church before such times as wee are able to point at . master iewell the reuerend bishop of salisbury , for piety and learning the mirrour of his time , hath made full and faire proofe , that of those articles wherein he challenged all the learne● of the church of rome , not one of them was euer taught in the church before the 〈◊〉 of christ 600. his proofes stand vnanswered to this day though master 〈◊〉 ha●● . done his best to examine them , who wanted neither learning nor eloquence , bu● onely trut● wanting on his side , the challenge is still made good . we are also able to point to another time , before the year of christ 1000. many of the gr●atest & grossest errors in popery was neuer taught or heard ●n the church : as the doctrines of transubstantiatio● , of the reall presence , as it is vnderstood in the church of rome , of the popes power to depose kings , and absolue their subiects f●o● their allegeance , or to war●ant their subiects to rebell ●gainst them , of he doctrines of grace , and iustification as now they are taught in the church of rome , of the doctrine of merits whether ex congruo , or condigro , of the seauen sacraments , and many other of this nature , of which we are assured that not one of them can be proued euer to haue beene taught or heard of in the church before the yeare of christ one thousand . wee are further able to point to another time , before which the rule of faith was neuer changed in the church , this was their last attempt in the points of doctrine , a desperate attempt against the truth . for from the apostles time , till the councell of trent , the rule of faith was euer held in the church one and the same ; that is , the doctrine contained in the sacred canonicall scriptures : that this onely rule of faith was held in the church till the councell of tr●nt , it is euidently proued by the full consent of the ancient fathers , and moreouer by the confession of all writers in the church of rome before the councell of trent : such as were a bernard , b peter lumbard c thomas aquin●s , d iohann●s scotus , e durandus , f clemens 1. pope , g cardinalis cameracensis , i iohn gerson , k c●nradus clingius , l ios. acosta . m alfonsus de castre , and many others . to repeat the testim●n●es of al● , would bee tedious . let it suffice to repeate one testimonie of aquinas . wherein all the rest agree . aquinas in the first place cited saith : prophetarum & apostolorum doctr●na dicitur canonica , quia est regula intellectus nostri , & ideo nullus aliter debet docere ; that is , the doctrine of the prophets and apostles is called canonicall , because it is the rule of our vnderstanding , and therefore no man ought to teach otherwise . and in the second place cited , he saith : innititur fides nostra reuelationi apostolis & prophetis factae ; that is , our faith resteth vpon the reuelation made to the apos●les and prophets . then , traditions was neuer accounted the rule of our vnderstanding , or that whereupon our faith must rest , though the same be more fully pr●ued out of the scriptures themselues , and from a full consent of the ancient fathers , as is otherwhere manifested : yet this i thought here might suffice to declare the opinions of them that liued in the church of rome next before the councell of trent , as many of these did , which i haue before named . so that this is euident , the rule of faith was neuer altered in the church of rome before the councell of trent . then did they alter this rule , by putting traditions of their church into the rule of faith , and lucifer-like matching , equalizing and mating the wisedome of god with their owne follies . then all is changed , when the manners of the church , the doctrines of the church , and the very rule of faith is changed . what greater change may be looked for hereafter in the church of antichrist , i know not ; but this is sufficient to moue vs to forsake them as the congregation of the impious , the church of the malignant . and because they haue forsaken god and his truth , therefore by the iust iudgement of god are they permitted to runne into so many foule errors , and such wicked and execrable practises , that neither christians nor heathen , guided onely by the light of nature could euer approue . if they say , that we also haue our faults and sinnes : i answere , that when w● turne our selues to consider our sinnes against god , wee all finde our selues guilty , and not able to answere one of a thousand that he ma● iustly charge vs withall . our vnthankefulnesse to him is so great for his manifold blessings , and wonderfull protection ; our sinnes we conceale not from him , wee acknowledge vnto god , that if he lay his rod vpon vs as we haue deserued , if he should cast our l●nd ba●ke againe into that former blindnesse wherein it lay in popery , god is iust , wee haue d●serued great punishments . but if wee turne our selues vnto another consideration , comparing our religion with theirs , our practises with theirs , then i say , though we cannot iustifie our selues before god , yet are we able to iustifie our selues in respect of them . let our enemies be our iudges . when euill is committed among vs , it is punished , and therein we reioyce , that euill is punished . it was neuer found that execrable practises were approued by vs , for that were to forsake religion : but the most wicked practises that haue beene heard of , are not onely committed by them , but approued , yea and commended : as the killing of henry 3. of france was practised by a fryer , and commended by the pope . these bee the sinnes that doe ripen them for gods iudgements . for the time will come when great babylon shall come in remembrance before the lord , to giue vnto her the cup of wine of the fiercenesse of his wrath : and againe , therefore shall her plagues come at one day , death , and sorrow , and famine , and she shall bee burnt with fire ; for strong is the lord god which will condemne her . in the meane time we wait vpon god , and we doe in humblenesse of heart offer vp to god the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiuing , that it pleased him of his goodnesse and vnsearchable mercies towards vs , to call vs out of babylon , to giue vs hearts to obey his calling , to make choise of this church which himselfe hath planted in great britaine , to inable it to stand against all the furious rage and wicked practises of the pope and his adherents . the conclusion . some considerations proposed to such as are not well affected to religion . 1 kings and states , when they are miraculously protected by the hand of god , and deliuered from great dangers , may vnderstand what blessing they haue by a church planted in their state. the church bringeth the blessing to the state : because god regardeth them that are faithfull to him , and for their fakes blesseth the whole . 2 this church that bringeth such a blessing to states , is much questioned now , where it is , and how to finde it : for diuers striue for it , and the true church is but one. 3 that is t●e true church that hath h●●d the ru●e of fa●th , from the apostles time : that is the false church , that ha●h changed that ru●e . 4 who hold this rule , and who n●t , may be knowne by the holy doctrines contained in the scripture , ex consanguinitate doctrinae . 5 learni●g is nec●ssary to inable a man to iudge aright of these th●●gs : but learning may be also in men that are corrupt and vng●dly . and therefore a man can neuer be we●l ●nabled to iudge of these things , without the spirit of god directing his learning . 6 th● true church is ruled by the spirit of god , and preserued from errours and heresies , against which the gates of hell shall not preuaile : 7 a lay man , that hath the spirit of god , is better able to iudge of the church , and of the members thereof ▪ then a man in ecclesiasticall function , that hath not the spirit of god. 8 they that are contentious , seditious , cruel● , m●licious , vncle●ne , adulterers , idolaters , murt●er●rs , or such like , haue not the spirit of god the reason is euident , because these , and such like , are the fr●its of the flesh , contrary to the fruits of the spirit . 9 from these principles if the princes that are of the romish religion wou●d be pleased to ex●m●ne themselues , their religion , their best learned and religious men , their doctrines , their pr●ctis●s ; ●hey might b● a ●enerous search easily finde w●ere is gods church , and where is gods spirit . 10 withall they may be pleased to consider the workes of god , his protection and miraculous defence of his church ; which miraculous defence hath appeared here ouer the church of england , as also elsewhere ; but more conspicuous here , more illustrious examples of gods mercy will hardly be found any where : god hath for many yeeres deliuered this church , preserued vs in peace when all the nations about vs haue beene in bloudy warres . 11 it cannot be proued that god did euer in such manner , and so many waies defend a nation , but onely there where he had a people of his owne , his t●ue church . 12 it can neuer be proued that they that professe and practise malice , cru●lty , sedition , idolatrie , and such other workes of the flesh , are the true church of christ. 13 they that make falshood their refuge , and hide themselues vnder vanitie , haue no cause to boast themselues to be the catholike church . if wee should rehearse the strange lyes which they haue invented against luther , caluin , beza , against d●uers reuerend bishops , whereof some are departed , some yet liuing , against the church and state of england , it would fill a booke to speake of their particular lyes . they vnderstand wel● enough whom they serue herein , their practise is to lye , their hope is that euery lye cannot be examined by the common people , they care not though it be found out to be a lye by some , so it be not found by the multitude , whom to de●ciue is their chiefe care ; not respecting god , nor truth , nor gods church , which is the pillar of truth , and may not bee maintained with lyes . 14 how the pope , the iesuites , the whole church of rome is well knowne by the fruits of the flesh , and how the fruits of the spirit of god could neuer for these many hundreth yeares be obserued in them , i leaue to the consciences of all to consider , but especially to the great iudge that must iudge them and vs. whose blessed and ioyfull comming , the true chur●h doth loue and wait-for in faith and patience . finis . errata . in the summarie cap. 14. for who inforced the bishop , r. who informed the bishop . page 11. for e●communicate , r. excommunication . p. 4. ● . for sweare , r. sware p. 76 for did tare , r. did teare . p. 78. for othermens , r. other meanes . p. 166. for all mellifont , r. at mellifont . p. 206. for out of his conscience , r. out of his confession . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a17981-e2700 she entred anno. 1558. 1 sam. 2. 30. an. dō . 1560. this bull was dated anno dom. 1569. quinto cal : mar● . notes for div a17981-e3900 apoc. 6. 10. psal. 59. 5. psal. 124. 6. an. dō . 1569. an. dō . 1569. notes for div a17981-e6260 an ▪ dō . 1569. an : dō . 1570. an : dō 1571. an ▪ dō . 1572. an : dō . 1576. an : dō . 1577. he died anno dom. 1578. notes for div a17981-e8280 an : dō . 1572. gregor . 13. an : dō . 1578. notes for div a17981-e9580 an : dō 1579. an. dō . 1579. an : dō . 1580. 2 thes. 2. notes for div a17981-e12430 an : dō . 1580. an : dō . 1582. lib. 1. cap. 9. contr . epist. parmen . math. 5. ibid. t●p . 10. gal. 5. 19. an : dō . 1584. throgmorton . an : dō . 1584. notes for div a17981-e16250 psal. 58. 11. an : dō . 1585. notes for div a17981-e18580 an : dō . 1586. notes for div a17981-e23140 an : dō . 1587. notes for div a17981-e24440 a. d. 1588. octogesimus octavus mirabilis annus . notes for div a17981-e27770 psal. 121. psal. iii. psal. 74. 19. notes for div a17981-e31970 a●●● 1597. anno 1598. notes for div a17981-e33390 anno 1599. anno 1600. anno 1601. charles mount. gen. 3. 15. rom. 3. 2. rom. 9. 4. numb . 25. 17. notes for div a17981-e37930 anno 1603. notes for div a17981-e39150 odiui ecclesi●m malignantium . psal. 25. ● . in edit . vul●ata . in his booke philopater . sect. 2. nouemb. 5. anno 1605. anno 1605. holbeach in staffordshire , the house of stephen littleton . psal. 124. a i● cant . ca●t . serm . 30 b lib. 1. sent . dist . 1 c in ● ad timoth. cap. 6. et sum. par . 1. q. 1. a● . 8. d in prolog sent. q 2. e praef in sent. f distinct. 37. c. 14. g 1 sent q. 1. art . 3. cor●●l lit . h. i dec. m : sub vtraque specie . k locor . lib. 3. c. 29. l dereuelat antichr . apud posseuin biblioth , sel●ct . lib. 2. cap. 2● . m lib 13. verbo , scriptura . apoc. 16. 19. apoc. 18. 8. hypocrisie unmasked: by a true relation of the proceedings of the governour and company of the massachusets against samuel gorton (and his accomplices) a notorious disturber of the peace and quiet of the severall governments wherein he lived : with the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in new-england in november last, 1646. together with a particular answer to the manifold slanders, and abominable falshoods which are contained in a book written by the said gorton, and entituled, simplicities defence against seven-headed policy, &c. discovering to the view of all whose eyes are open, his manifold blasphemies; as also the dangerous agreement which he and his accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous indians, who at the same time were deeply engaged in a desperate conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the english in the other plantations. vvhereunto is added a briefe narration (occasioned by certain aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first planting of new-england; the president of their churches in the way and worship of god; their communion with the reformed churches; and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters of religion and church-government. / by edw. winslow. published by authority. winslow, edward, 1595-1655. 1647 approx. 286 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a96686 wing w3037 thomason e409_23 estc r204435 99863926 99863926 116142 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96686) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 116142) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 65:e409[23]) hypocrisie unmasked: by a true relation of the proceedings of the governour and company of the massachusets against samuel gorton (and his accomplices) a notorious disturber of the peace and quiet of the severall governments wherein he lived : with the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in new-england in november last, 1646. together with a particular answer to the manifold slanders, and abominable falshoods which are contained in a book written by the said gorton, and entituled, simplicities defence against seven-headed policy, &c. discovering to the view of all whose eyes are open, his manifold blasphemies; as also the dangerous agreement which he and his accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous indians, who at the same time were deeply engaged in a desperate conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the english in the other plantations. vvhereunto is added a briefe narration (occasioned by certain aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first planting of new-england; the president of their churches in the way and worship of god; their communion with the reformed churches; and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters of religion and church-government. / by edw. winslow. published by authority. winslow, edward, 1595-1655. gorton, samuel, 1592 or 3-1677. williams, roger, 1604?-1683. [8], 103, [1] p. printed by rich. cotes, for john bellamy at the three golden lions in cornhill, neare the royall exchange, london : 1646 [i.e. 1647?] actual publication date inferred from information in title: "examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in new-england in november last, 1646."; thomason copy bound with items published in 1647. contains 2 letters from samuel gorton and "his accomplices", a letter from roger williams, and 2 letters from the inhabitants of providence. annotation on thomason copy: "oct. 2d". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng gorton, samuel, 1592 or 3-1677. -simplicities defence against seven-headed policy. church and state -massachusetts -early works to 1800. massachusetts -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -early works to 1800. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-07 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion hypocrisie vnmasked : by a true relation of the proceedings of the governour and company of the massachusets against samvel gorton ( and his accomplices ) a notorious disturber of the peace and quiet of the severall governments wherein he lived : with the grounds and reasons thereof , examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in new-england in november last , 1646. together with a particular answer to the manifold slanders , and abominable falshoods which are contained in a book written by the said gorton , and entituled , simplicities defence against seven-headed policy , &c. discovering to the view of all whose eyes are open , his manifold blasphemies ; as also the dangerous agreement which he and his accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous indians , who at the same time were deeply engaged in a desperate conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the english in the other plantations . vvhereunto is added a briefe narration ( occasioned by certain aspersions ) of the true grounds or cause of the first planting of new-england ; the president of their churches in the way and worship of god ; their communion with the reformed churches ; and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters of religion and church-government . by edw. winslow . psal . 120. 3. what shall be given unto thee , or what shall be done unto thee thou false tongue ? vers . 4. sharpe arrows of the mighty , with coales of juniper . published by authority . london , printed by rich. cotes for john bellamy at the three golden lions in cornhill , neare the royall exchange , 1646. to the right honovrable robert earl of warwick , governour in chiefe , and lord high admirall of all those islands and other plantations of the english in america ; together with the rest of those truly honorable members of both houses of parliament joyned in commission with him for ordering the affaires of the said plantations . right honourable , were not your wisdome and experience in the great and weighty affaires of state so well known , and were yee not so much accustomed to the unjust complaints of clamorous persons ▪ i might be discouraged to appeare in the righteous cause of the united colonies of new-england , and more especially in the behalf of the governour and company of the massachusets , to render a reason of their just and righteous proceedings against samuel gorton and his companions , who however ( where they are unknown ) they goe here under the garbe of a peaceable people ; yet if your honours , and the rest ●f the honourable committee shall be pleased ( when more weighty employments shall give way ) to peruse our just defence against his clamorous complaints , and scandalous treatise , called , simplicities defence against seven-headed policy , &c. i make no question but yee will receive full satisfaction in what we have done , and be ready to justifie our proceedings against them as godly and righteous . the reason wherefore i am forced to appeare in print before i give a particular answer to your honou●s , and the rest of the honourable committee , is , because i find a more grosse deformatory aspersion cast upon the countrey to the publick view of our nation : which as it is deare in our eyes ( witnesse our frequent publick solemn dayes of prayer to the throne of grace for it , together with our private supplications , which the searcher of the heart best knows , sympathizing with it in every condition , to the losse of ships , goods , &c. to the great weakening of our estates ) so wee desire to remove whatsoever may sadden the thoughts of our nation against us ; especially your honours , and all that are godly in christ jesus . what greater wrong can bee done a poore persecuted people that went into the wildernesse to avoid the tyrannicall government of the late hierarchy , and to enjoy the liberties christ jesus hath left unto his churches ( which these blasphemous adversaries of ours , so much sleight and cast off ) then to be accounted persecutors of christ in his saints , yea , to go thither to that end , to become outragiously cruell , barbarously inhumane , uniting together to suck the blood of our country-men , &c. and yet right honorable , it will and doth appear in the following treatise , that samuel gorton was prosecuted against , first , at plymouth as a grosse disturber of the civill peace and quiet of that government , in an open factious and seditious manner . secondly , hee was no lesse troublesome , but much more at roade island , having gotten a strong party to adhere unto him , affronting that government ( as plymouth ) in their publique administration of justice so foully and grossely , as mine eares never heard the like of any ; to which relation in the following discourse i referre your honours , being compiled as briefly as may bee ▪ gorton being there whipt in his person , and thence banished with some of his principall adherents , they went next to providence , where mr. williams , and some others have built a small towne . this people receiving them with all humanity in a cold season , when the former places could no longer beare his insolencies ; hee soone undermined their government , gained a strong party amongst them to his owne , to the great distraction of mr. williams , and the better party there , contending against their laws , and the execution of justice , to the effusion of bloud , which made mr. williams and the rest sadly complaine to the government of the massachusets , and divers of them take the protection of that government , to defend their persons and estates . but when they saw mr. williams resolve rather to lose the benefit of his labours , then to live with such ill-affected people , and the neighbour governments become affected with gortons mis-rule there also , hee ( and his companions in evill ) began then to thinke of buying a place of a great asp●ring sachim , or indian prince , to the wrong of the proper owners , ( two infer●●ur sachims ) who also , as well as divers english of providence , submitted their persons and lands to the government of the massachusets , and desired their protection not onely against the oppressing tyranny of myantonimo the foresaid great sachim , but against gorton and his companions , who intr●ded into their proper right , by unwarrantable meanes , &c. now the government of the massachusets having used all due meanes and none prevailing , but their gentlenesse answered with the greatest contempt that might bee : at the next meeting of the commissioners for the united colonies they complained of gorton and his irregular companions , which the said commissioners tooke into serious consideration , and the more because of gortons , &c. extraordinary familiarity with myantonimo , and the rest of the nanohigganset sachims , who were knowne to bee in a deepe conspiracy against all the english in the land at the same time . and therefore by a solemne act gave liberty to the government of the massachusets to call them to account , and proceed with them so farre as might stand with righteousnesse and justice , which they accordingly did . now these right honourable , &c. are the true causes of all the censures and punishments that befell gorton in the countrey ; onely needlesly in his and their contemptuous answers to the modest and well-ordered writings of the said government of the massachusets , they b●lched forth such horrid blasphemies , not onely against them in particular , and civill government in the generall , but against the received christian religion of all the reformed churches in europe , as well as our selves ; insomuch as many tender consciences , both ministers and others , thought the government did not well in giving him such liberty , whereby hee may and doth ( as is reported ) poyson other persons and places with his corrupt opinions , to the great dishonour of god , and ruine of the soules of his followers , who reject the meanes of grace go● hath sanctified to strengh●hen and build up his people in faith and holinesse . but that i may not bee tedious , i shall presume to preferre these following requests to your honours and the rest of the honoured committee this renowned parliament hath betrusted with the affaires of the forraigne plantatio●s of our nation : the first is to strengthen the ceasure of the massachusets by your favourable approbation , so farre as it shall appeare to bee just and righteous ▪ and then shall the cou●trey bee the more preserved from their feares of the go●tonians desperate close with so dangerous enemies as their malignant neighbours the nanohiggansets ; which i perswade my selfe , if you leisures will suffer you to read the following discourse , you will easily condescend unto ▪ there being nothing ( i thanke god in it ) affirmed by mee , but as it is affirmed hereunto i may safely depose . a second thing is , that yee will never suffer samuel gorton this pestilent disturber of our societies , any more to goe to new-england to disquiet the peace thereof . my third request is , that yee will be pleased to suffer new-plymouth , to enjoy their former liberty in the line of their government , which includeth their very seat , even shawamet it selfe , where gorton and his company dwelt . my fourth request is , to take into your serious consideration , how destructive it will prove to the well-being of our plantations and proceedings there , ( who by gods blessing are growing up into a nation ) here to answer to the complaints of such malignant spirits as shall there bee censured by authority , it being three thousand miles distant , so far as will undoe any to come for justice , utterly disabling them to prove the equity of their cause , unlesse their estate bee very great . my fifth and last request is , that your honours , and the rest of the honoured committee will be pleased to patronize the weake labours of your humble servant , in the just defence hee hath made for new-england , and the severall governments of it ( especially the massachusets ) against the grosse calumnies of the fore-mentioned scandalous treatise published by the said gorton : and herein yee shall not onely oblige our plantations of new-england to continue their daily request to the god of all mercies for a blessing upon this renowned parliament , and your honours , and the rest of this honoured committee in especiall , but to engage with , and for them and you , against all opposers of the state , to the last drop of bloud in our veines ; yea , hereby shall you sweeten the tedious travels , great charges and labours of me their unworthy agent , who doe and shall daily pray to god to recompense your vast hazzards , expenses , studies , and cares , ( to advance the weale publike of this distressed kingdome , and the severall limbs thereof ) with all the blessings of heaven and earth to you and yours to succeeding generations . yours honours humble devoted servant , edvv. winslovv . a trve relation of the proceedings of the governour and company of the massachusets in new-england , against samuel gorton and his accomplices ; with the grounds and reasons thereof , examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in november , 1646. samvel gorton lived sometime at plymouth , where his behaviour was so turbulent and offensive both to the magistrates and others , as they were necessitated to drive him out of their jurisdiction . from thence hee went to roade-island , where hee began to raise sedition , and to make a party against the authority there ; for which hee was apprehended and whipped , and so sent away . from thence ( with some others whom hee had gathered to his part ) hee removed to providence , where mr. roger williams then lived . hee ( with some others ) opposed his ●itting down there as an inhabitant , onely in regard of his present distresse , they gave way for his abode for a time . but being once housed , hee soon drew so great a party to him , as it was beyond the power of mr. williams and his party to drive them out , or to rule them there ; so as both parties came armed into the field each against other , and had fought it out , had not mr. williams used meanes for pacification . hereupon many of the chiefe of providence sent messengers with a letter to the governour and councell of the massachusets , desiring aide against gorton and his company ; but they were answered , that not being within our jurisdiction nor consederation we had no ground to interpose in their quarrells . soone after some of those men tendred themselves and their lands to come under our government , and were received . there live neere to providence two small indian sachims called pumham and socononoco , who though they are as free as the great sachim of the nanohigganset : yet myantonimo the then sachim of of nanohigganset ( being a very proud and sterne man ) kept them in great awe . this poore sachim pumham had a large parcell of land neer providence , very convenient for plantation , which gorton and his company ( being now about 13 , or 14. ) taking notice of , and fearing they should not be able to keep their power long where they were , dealt with myantonimo for this parcell of land , promising him a good parcell of wampam for it . and because they knew that pumham was the true owner of it , they dealt with him also ; but he refusing to sell it ( for hee dwelt upon it , or very neare to it ) they caused myantonimo to send for him , and having drawn a writing purporting the sale thereof for a certaine consideration to bee given to both of them , myantonimo signed it , and hee for feare of myantonimo set his mark to it also , not knowing what it was . but when gorton tendred him the consideration for it , hee utterly refused it , it being the indians manner not to account any thing sold , till the party have received the thing it is sold for . but upon this colourable title gorton and his company enter upon the land , and build some houses , and withall much wrong the indians with their cattle , and having myantonimo their friend , behave themselves very insolently toward the poor indians , who ( having no friends or meanes to relieve themselves ) came and tendred themselves and their lands to the government of the massa●●usets , who ( by order of the court ) gave notice thereof to myantonimo , and appointed him to come or send to the next court at boston , to shew his title or interest ( if hee had any ) to the said pumham and socononoco or their lands . at the time appointed hee came , and pretended that they were his vassalls , but it appeared clearly both by a writing from mr. williams , and the testimony of some other english in those parts , and of divers other indians no way related to them , that they were free sachims ; so as myantonimo having nothing to reply , the court received the two indian sachims with their subjects and lands under the government and protection of the massachusetts ; and upon that writ to our neighbours of providence , intimating the same to them , and advising gorton and his company , that if they had any just title to the lands they possessed , they should come , or send some for them to shew the same to the court , and offered them safe conduct . this letter from the court they tooke in great disdaine , and returned scornfull and menacing answers by word of mouth , and a good time after they wrote a letter to the court full of reproach and blasphemies , not onely against the magistrates , but against the churches and ordinances , as by the copy thereof hereafter following will appeare . notwithstanding these provocations and daily wrongs offered to those few english their neighbours ( who had formerly submitted themselves to our government ) wee sate still neare halfe a yeare , and before we attempted any thing against them , wee advised with the commissioners of the united colonies , who ( upon testimony of their insolent and injurious courses , and perusall of the letter they sent to us ) left them to us to proceed according to justice . whereupon the court sent againe to them by two of their members , who carryed letters ( to require and perswade them to come and give satisfaction , ) and a safe conduct withall ; but they entertained those messengers as they had done the former , threatening to whip one , whom they tooke along with them ; and sent us word , that if wee had any thing to say to them , wee should come to them , and wee should have justice there , and that if wee came with force , they would meet us half the way . our messengers returning with these scornfull answers , the court resolved to send some force to fetch them in ; and in the mean time there came a second letter from them ; ( the copy whereof is hereafter also set downe ) but before wee sent forth our souldiers , wee wrote to them to this effect : viz. that although the injuries and provocations wee had indured from them were very grievous , yet that our justice and moderation might appeare to all men , wee had condescended so farre to their owne proposition , as wee would send some commissioners to them , to heare their answers and allegations , and if thereupon they would give us such satisfaction as should bee just , wee would leave them in peace ; if otherwise , wee would right our selves by force of armes : and signified withall , that wee would send a sufficient guard with our commissioners ; for seeing they would not trust themselves with us upon our safe conduct , wee had no reason to trust any of ours with them upon their bare curtesie . accordingly about a week after wee sent three commissioners , and 40 musqueteers with them , with instructions , first to speak and treate with them , and to require satisfaction according to justice , and if it were denyed , then to take them by force , and bring them prisoners to boston ; and to take withall so much of their substance as should satisfie our charges . by the way as they went they met with another letter from them , letting them know , that they feared them not , but were prepared for them : and accordingly they had fortified themselves in one house ( some 12 of them ) and had lined the walls with earth ( musket proofe ) and had made flanckers , and provided victualls , &c. to indure a siege . so that when our commissioners came to the place , they would admit no parly . but after a while , by the mediation of some of their neighbours , they were content to parley , and offered to referre the cause to arbitrators , so as some of them might bee of providence , or of roade island . our commissioners were content to send to us to know our minds about it , and in the meane time sate still . such of the court as could meet , returned answer that their proposition was neither seasonable nor reasonable , nor could it bee safe or honourable for us to accept thereof : 1 because they would never offer nor hearken to any termes of agreement before our souldiers had them in their power . 2 because the ground of their proposition was false , for wee were not parties ( as they pretended ) but equall judges between the indians and others who were complainants , and themselves , ( and yet in a case of warre , parties may bee judges . ) 3 they were no state , or body politique , but a few fugitives living without law or government , and so not honourable for us to joyne with them in such a way of reference . 4 the parties whom they would referre it unto , were such as had been rejected by us , and all the governments in the country , and so not likely to bee equall to us , nor able to judge of the cause : and their blasphemous and reproachfull writings , &c. were not matters fit to bee composed by arbit●ement , ( being deeply criminall ) but either to bee purged away by repentance and publique satisfaction , or else by publique punishment . for these and other reasons , the commis●●oners were required to pro●●●d according to their instructions . and thereupon they intrenched themselves about the house , and in few dayes forced them to yeeld , and so brought them to boston , where they were kept in prison till the court sate , and had their dyet from the cookes ( as good meat and drinke as the towne afforded . ) the next lords day they refused to goe to the church assembly , except they might have liberty to speake there , as occasion should be . they were answered by some of the magistrates that it appertained to the elders to order the affairs of the church , but they might presuppose they should not bee denyed such liberty , speaking words of truth and sobernesse . so in the afternoon they came , and were placed in a convenient seate before the elders . mr. cotton the teacher taught then ( in his ordinary course ) out of acts 19. of demetrius speech for diana her silver shrine . after sermon gorton desired leave to speake , which being granted , hee tooke occasion from the sermon to speake to this effect , that in the church now there was nothing but christ , so that all our ordinances , ministers , and sacraments , &c. were but mens inventions , for shew and pomp , and no other then those silver shrines of diana . he said also , that if christ lives eternally , then he died eternally , and other speeches of like kinde . and indeed it appeareth both by his speeches and letters , that it was his opinion , that christ was incarnate in adam , and was that image of god , wherein adam was created ; and that the chiefe worke and merit lay in his inanition , when he became such a thing , so meane , &c. and that his being borne after of the virgin mary , and suffering , &c. was but a manifestation of his suffering , &c. in adam . another of them said that the sabbath was christ , and so was borne of the virgin mary . they called magistracy among christians an idol ; yet they did acknowledge a magistracy in the world to bee subjected to as an ordinance of god , but onely as naturall ; as the father over his wife and children , and an hereditary prince over his subjects . their first appearance before the court was upon the lecture day at boston , before a very great assembly , where first the governour declared the cause and manner of all the proceedings against them , and their letters were openly read , and they had liberty to object , and answers were given , as followeth : first , to their plea , that they were not within our jurisdiction ; it was answered : 1 if they were not within ours , yet they were within the jurisdiction of one of our confederates , who had referred them to us . 2 if they were within no jurisdiction , then was there none to complaine to for redresse of our injuries in way of ordinary justice , and then we had no way of relief but by force of ar●es . secondly , to their plea of persecution for their conscience , &c. it was answered , that wee did not meddle with them for their opinions , otherwise then they had given us occasion , by their owne letters and free speeches amongstus , for wee wrote to them about civill controversies onely , and gave them no occasion to vent their blasphemies and revilings against the ordinances of religion set up with us . thirdly , for their title to the indians lands : wee had divers times desired them to make it appeare ; but they alwayes refused , even to our commissioners , whom ( according to their owne motion ) wee sent last to them : and since they were in prison , wee offered them to send for any witnesses they would name to us for that end , but this also they refused . so that our title ( by the indians surrender ) appeareth good , and having regained possession , we need not question them any further about that . their letters being read and their subscriptions acknowledged , they were demanded severally if they would maintaine those things which were contained therein . their answer was , that they would , in that sense they wrote them , and so were returned to prison . the next day they were brought before the court severally to be examined upon particulars , ( many of the elders being desired to bee present ) because they had said they could give a good interpretation of every part of their letters . but the interpretation they gave being contrary to the words , they were demanded if they would then retract those words , so plainely different from their pretended meanings . but this they refused to doe , saying , that then they should deny the truth ; for instance in one or two . their letters were directed , one of them , to their neighbours of the massachusets : and the other , to the great honoured idoll generall of the massa●●usets , and by a messenger of their owne delivered to our governour , and many passages in both letters particularly applyed to our courts , our magistrates , our elders , &c. and yet upon their examinations about their meanings in their reproachfull passages , they answered that they meant them , of the corrupt estate of mankinde in generall , and not of us . so , whereas in their letter they charged it upon us , as an errour that we teach , that christ dyed actually onely , when he suffered under pontius ●ilate ; and before , onely in types , &c. upon their examination they said , that their meaning was , that his death was actuall to the faith of the fathers under the law , ( which is in effect the same which we hold : ) yet they would not retract their words they had written . the elders conferred many houres with them before the court , and by occasion thereof they discovered divers blasphemous opinions , which they maintained , we will instance one which was mentioned before , delivered by gorton , viz. that the image of god wherein adam was created , was christ ; and adams loosing that image was the death of christ , and the restoring of that image in the regeneration , was the resurrection of christ : and so the death of him that was borne of the virgin mary was but a manifestation of the former . master william tompson one of the elders had spent some time with them before in the prison about the opinions which they held forth , and they had professed their agreement with him ( for substance ) in every point , so as he came to the court with a purpose to speak in their behalf , but when he heard themselves discover thus upon their publique examinations , he shewed how he had beene deluded by them . for they excell the jesuites in the art of equivocation , and regard not how false they speake , to all other mens apprehensions , so they keepe to the rules of their owne secret intentions . being asked why they spake against the ordinances of the ministery , sacraments , &c. seeing the scripture allowes them ? they answered that they were ordained onely for the time of nonage , but after the revelation was written , they were to cease , because we finde no mention of them in that booke . they were unlearned men , the ablest of them could not write true english , no not in common words , yet they would take upon them to interpret the most difficult places of scripture , and wrest them any way to serve their owne turne . as for instance , mr. cotton pressing gorton with that in act. 10. who can forbid water , why these should not be baptised , &c. he interpreted thus , who can deny but these have beene baptised , seeing they have received the holy ghost , &c. so he allowed them to have beene baptised . this shift ●e was put to , that he might maintaine his opinion , viz : that such as have beene baptized with the holy ghost , need not the baptisme of water . divers dayes were spent both by the court and the elders in labouring to bring them to repentance , but all in vaine . they continued obstinate . whereupon they agreed to sentence them , but first they brought them in publique before a great assembly , and there ( out of their letters and speeches ) they laid upon them this charge , viz. they were found to be blasphemous enemies of the true religion of our lord jesus christ , and of all his holy ordinances , and likewise of all civill government among his people , and particularly within this jurisdiction . then they were demanded , if they did acknowledge this charge to be just , and would submit to it , or what exception they had against it ? they answered , they did not acknowledge it to be just , but they fell into some cavilling speeches , so they were returned unto prison againe . being in prison they behaved themselves insolently towards their keeper , and spake evill of the magistrates , so as the keeper was forced to threaten them with irons , to keepe them quiet . after all meanes used to reclaime them , and not prevailing , they were brought before the court to receive their sentence , which was this . gorton and six more of them , were to be sent to severall townes , there to bee kept to worke for their livings , and to weare an iron chaine upon one leg , and not to depart the limits of the towne , nor by word or writing to maintaine any of their blasphemous or wicked errours upon paine of death , except in conference with any of the elders , or any other allowed by some magistrate to conferre with them ; and this to continue during the pleasure of the court. three of the company ( because they had not their hands to the letters ) were set at libertie , two of them upon a small ransome as prisoners taken in warre , and the other , freely , for that he was amongst them in his masters house , where they were taken ; a fourth being found to be a plaine ignorant young man was discharged also , onely enjoyned to abide a time in one of our townes , but hee went away and returned no more , contrary to his promise . there were two other who were brought in after ; ( but not by force ) the one of them disclaiming to have any hand in the letters , was discharged presently ; the other was kept a while in prison , and after upon his submission &c. was released . gorton and the other six remained in the severall townes all that winner ; and then in regard of their wives and children ( who were like to be much distressed by their husbands absence ) they were set at liberty , and banished upon paine of death if they were found in any part of our jurisdiction . after the court had passed sentence upon them for their c●●finement , we sent to fetch so many of their cattle , as might defray the charges they had put us to , which amounted to about one hundred and sixty pounds , but the cattle came not to so much , for we left every of them a part for the support of their families , and some of them had no cattle at all . the letters follow . mooshawset novemb : 20. 1642. to our neighbours of the massachusets . vvhereas we lately received an irregular note , professing its forme from the massachusets , with four mens names subscribed thereunto , as principall authors of it , of the chiefe amongst you ; we could not easily give credit to the truth thereof , not onely because the conveyers of it unto us , are knowne to bee men , whose constant and professed acts are worse , then the counterfeiting of mens hands ; but also , because we thought that men of your parts and profession , would never have prostrated their wisdome to such an act . but considering that causlesse enmity you have against us ; the proofe wherof , every occasion brings forth ; wee cannot but conclude , that no act so ill which that ancient mother will not bring forth her seed unto . for wee know very well , that it is the name of christ called upon us , which you strive against ; thence it is that you stand on tip-toe , to stretch your selves beyond your bounds ; to seeke occasion against us ▪ ( so ) as you might hide your sinne with adam , bearing the world in hand ; it is not your desire to contend with us ; but some civill breach in our courses , which you onely seeke to redresse . whereas neither you , nor any ( in way of truth ) can finde wherewith , to bring us under the censure of a disorderly course of walking amongst men : and as for the way of that ancient spirit of accusation of the brethr●● , we weigh it not , knowing him to be a lyer , ( or in the abstract , a lye ) from the beginning , yea and the father of it als● which thing you cannot know , though it were told unto you . whereas you say , robert cole , william ar●●●ld with others , have put themselves under the government and protection of your jurisdiction which is the occasion you have now got to contend ; we wish your words were verified , that they were not elsewhere to be found , being nothing but the shame of religion , disquiet , and disturbance of the place where they are . for , we know neither the one nor the other , with all their associates and confederates , have power to enlarge the bounds , by kinge charles limited unto you . behold therfore in this your act , a map of your spirituall estate , ( to use your owne phrase ) for we know that the spirituality of your churches , is the civility of your commonweale , and the civility of your comonwealth , is the spirituality of your churches , the wisdome of man , being the whole accomplishment of them both ; of which tree , you delight dayly to eate ( finding it faire and beautifull ) to gaine conformity with your maker . in these your dissembling subjects ; grosly profane amongst us , but full of the spirit of your purity , when they are with you , you may remember the brand your selves have set upon some of them , the cause wherof was never yet removed , though it abide not upon their backe ; nor yet the cause of your commitment of them unto sathan according unto your law , for if that were removed , you should doe them wrong , in not resuming your vomit into its former concoction againe ; nor are we ignorant of those disgracefull tearmes they use , and give out against you , behind your backes , their submission therfore can bee to no other end , but to satisfie their owne lusts , not onely conceived , but in violent motion , against their neighbours , who never offered the least wrong unto them , only the proposition of amity , is object sufficient , for these mens enmitie . even so the passions of sin , which are by the law , having force in your members ; you going about with great labour and industry to satisfie them by your submission unto the word of god , in your fasting , and feasting , in contributing , and treasuring , in retirednesse for study , and bowing of the backes of the poore , going forth in labour to maintaine it , and in the spirit of that hireling , raising up , your whole structure and edifice , in all which you bring forth nothing but fruit unto death , some labouring for a price to give for the keeping of their soules , in peace and safe estate and condition , and some to have their bodies furnished with riches , honour and ease , and further then the lord jesus agrees with these , you mind him not , nay you renounce and reject him , and with these ( according to your acceptation and practice ) he holds no correspondency at all , being the consultation and operation of that his onely adversarie , man being that which you depend uppon , and not the lord , crying out in way of elevation , and aplauding his ministers , when in the meane time , you know not what , nor who they are , professing them under a mediate call of christ , though formerly , they have beene called immediately by him , herby showing your selves to be those , that destroy the sacred ordinance of god : for if you make christ to be that to day , in stateing his ministers ; which he was not yesterday , and that in the tyme of the gospell also , ( to speake acording to your law ) to be found in them both , you therin affirm , that he hath beene that to his ministers , which now he is not , and to make the son of god to have beene that which now he is not , is to make a nullitie of him , not to be at all , for he is the lord that changeth not , no not a shadow therof is found in him , so that you plainely crucifie unto your selves , the lord of glory , and put him to an open shame ; so that as you know not , how christ , conversing with his father in heaven , is found on the earth , amongst the true worshippers , no more do you know , how in his conversing with nicodemus on the earth , he concludes himselfe to be in heaven , with his father . on this foundation hangeth the whole building of your doctrine , concerning the sufferings of christ , you annihilate the cross , then the which , the saints have no other consolation : and prepare no better a place then purgatory , for the honourable fathers of our lord : for you conclude , that christ dyed in the decree , and purpose god , in the time of the law , but actually onely when he hanged on the crosse in the dayes of herod and pontius pilate , that hee was crucified in the types and shadowes of the law , but in the truth , and substance , when hee appeared borne of the virgin mary : so must you also conclude that the fathers under the law , were only saved , in purpose and decree , in type and shadow , but actually and substantially onely at the comming of christ in the flesh : therefore deale plainely with those that depend upon you for instruction ( as your ancestours in the papacie have don ) and proclaime a place of purgatorie , provided for them in them meane , without which , your doctrine hath no foundation . for if you raise up a shaddow , without a substance , and the substance of him that dwelleth in light , without a shaddow , you play the part of wisards , or necromancers , not the part of true naturalists , in the things of the kingdome of god . so that as farre as these men are from beinge honourable and loyall subjects , so farre are you from being voluntaries in the day of gods power , and from yeelding subjection unto the beauties of holiness . such also is your professed rule , and government , in the things that concern the kingdom of our god , they are infinitly beyond , and out of the reach of that spirit which is gone out amongst you , the capacity wherof can no wayes comprehend , the breadth of the land of emanuel , nor en●reth it within the vale , therefore it cannot know those cherubims of glory , neither can it heare the voice of that lively oracle , speaking onely from off the covering mercy-seate , and not elsewhere to be heard ; we speake not but what wee know , these things are out of its jurisdiction ; therfore dumb in telling justice , nor speakes it any of that righteousnesse and glory , comprysed in another circuit , then ever you were yet made lords of : long therfore may you boast , of your jurisdiction before ever you attaine unto a jurisprudentia , in these things . in that you tell us wee offer you wrong , by a pretended purchase : you are as much mistaken in the purchase , as in the wrong , for it is right that we are about to do , neither is our purchase a pretence , but precedentiall , not onely in this civill respect , but may also admonish all men , to take heed , how they depend upon false and self-seeking interpreters , when both themselves , and they that have the vision , are ignorant of the contract , and covenant of god. thence it is , that you teach , that the spouse of christ , upon contract with her lord , may conceive the seed of immortalitie , and bring forth fruit unto god , when as yet the day of mariage , that great feastivitie , and solemnization , of the consolations of god , is not yet comne , witnesse your prorogation thereof , if not to the descension of christ from heaven unto the earth , to raigne certaine years , yet to the calling of the jewes , whom yee your selves are , according to the flesh , and to the destruction of that man of sinn whom yee so stoutly maintain , what is this , but to proclaime unto all the world , that audacious spirit of whoredome , professing conception and bringing forth before the nup●●ll day ? in that you conclude your clyent● right to arise out of foure years possession , wee have no such order , if you meane the right of conquest , ( onely held in that tenure ) the true owners were never yet subdued , for that is the right they expect to injoy by you , for some of them committed part of their supposed right unto us , professing it was , that they might have help , to injoy the rest ; but when they saw , wee would not be abetters unto them without , much lesse contrary unto covenant , then they flye unto you for help , their possession , beeing a meere intrusion , as all the natives know and ever exclaymed against them for the same , and so may our countrymen also , whose eyes are not dazled with envie , and eares open to lyes , as we know yours are , else you had heard both sydes speake , before you had judged . but wee profess right held , according to no such interest , but upon the ground of covenant onely , knowne in its nature ; in the parties 'twixt whom it is plight , in the possesser , and the possessed , with the nature of all fruit arising from their accord and concurrencie , together with their distinct , harmonicall , reciprocall , and joint properties , and operations of them both : such is the tenure wee hould , and maintain , before men and angels , and oppose it against man and divell , not in taking up unto our selves , certaine offices and officers which wee can teach children to bee , and to perform , and from thence presently to conclude , the possession of the kingdome , crying out our peace offerings are upon us , this day we have payd our vowes . but when that dark cloud descended upon the tabernacle , becomes the light , and glory of all israell ( there being nothing acknowledged amongst them , but what ariseth out thence ) then , and then only , are the orders , as also the men of israell , derived from the true fountaine , which no tongue can confess , but it is salvation , and then , not else , is the heritage of our lord in possession , yea , even the wayless wilderness knowes , how to afford them an habitation , which had its being before the hills and mountaines were borne : which men begin to flye unto for refuge , to hide them from the presence of the lamb● this is a possession , which no man can intrude himselfe into : it is onely covenanted with him , thorow and inlightned eye , and boared eare , which man performeth not , nor can it be received from him . for wee know that cloud of thick darknesse , that hides and covers the whole frame and fabrick of the work of god , to be the cleering and evidencing of every point and particular therof● yea to us , it is even that cloud of witness , which testifies unto us , the like workes to appeare , when ever the world hath occasion to make use of us . never doth it shine but in the night , never is it dark to israel but in the day , but in the one , and the other , the only glory and saftie of all the tribes : but how , you know not , nor can you with all your libraries , give the interpretation thereof , but have lost it in the wilderness , and accordingly , have made the whole way , and will of our lord , the ouldnesse of the letter , both to your selves , and to all that have an eare to lissen unto you ; thence it is that the day of lord , is a day of darkness and gloominess unto you , but of joy and gladness unto us ; yea , it lifts up our head onely , and then is our salvation neere ; for wee know the worthies of david doubled about the bed of solomon , which expell all feare in the night , handling the sword with sucess , making the adversaries nothing but meat to feede upon , so that the tyme of your feares is the time of our courage and conquest , for when you feare errour , schisme , rents and confusions in church and state , then do wee know the messenger of the covenant , the lord whom wee seek is speeding his passage into his holy temple : for who ( under the terrors of your spirit ) may abide his coming , hee being like a refiners fire , and fullers sope ? in that you invite us unto your courts to fetch your equall ballanced justice , upon this ground , that you are becomne one with our adversaries , and that , both in what they have , and what they are , and wee know them to bee such , as profess the day of the lord an unhallowed thing . now , if wee have our opponant , to prefer his action against us , and not only so , but to bee our counsell , our jurie , and our judg , for so it must bee , if you bee one with them ( as you affirm ) wee know before hand , how our cause will bee ended , and see the scale of your equall justice turned alreadie , before wee have layd our cause therein , and cannot but admire , to see you caried so contrarie to your owne received principles : for you know not how to finde christ as a ruling and teaching elder both in one person , therfore he is not complete amongst you by your owne law , except in severall persons , and you may thank tradition , else you know no more how to finde both a king and a priest in him , and yet in your way of making tender of your justice unto us you know how to become one with our adversaries ( so ) as if wee deale with them , wee deale with you , and if wee have to doe with you , wee have to doe with them also , yea further , wee know , that the chiefe amongst you , have professed wee are not worthy to live ; and that if some of us were amongst you , wee should hardly see the place of our abode any more ; now that they have brooded upon their law , to take away life , they must much more bring it up , in taking away all means of life , witnes our prohibition , that no powder should be sould unto us for our money , and that in a time when you could not thinke your selves safe , in all your owne , self provision and worldly furniture , except you disarmed a company of poor indians , whom aaron your leviticall sacrificer hath made naked , as hee doth all those which triumph in a calf , though the most costly and beautifull , that the jewells and eare-rings of learning , either in language , or art , can possibly bring forth : your owne amazements upon meer rumors , may testifie the truth hereof ; so then ; wee are judged by your law before our cause bee hard , or our selves brought forth under the liberties of it , which thing is well pleasing unto us , to have our condition conformed unto moses the man of god , who was dead in pharaohs account , before he was brought forth , and so it was with christ our lord , in the dayes of herod also , who is our life ( at which you strike ) and makes all things , yea , death it self , lively , and advantagious unto us . wee cannot but wonder , that you should read the scripture , and not finde them fulfilled , in , and amongst your selves , when as they appeare so apparantly , that he that runs may read them : what think you of herod , when the lord had delivered peter out of prison , and released him of those bonds , and brought him from that thraldom , which he had so cruelly imposed upon him , to gaine the favour of the jewes , and that by a power supereminent , transcending the bounds of his authoritie , and by a wisdom surpassing the depth of his counsell , and policie , to fynd out , together with his souldiers and champions , he presently goes downe to cesarea , and herod is angry with them of tyrus & sidon , ( thumoniachon ) a heavie friend , or hath a secret grudg or perturbation of mind , manifested in an outreaching , and circumventing policie , to subdue them unto himself , that he might rule over them : finding himself fall short of power and policie , to subject the word of god in the messinger of it , to satisfy his owne lusts , in his lordship over it , he pursues with all egarnesse to make himself a god , by raigning over the bodies and estates of men ; yea , though they be but such , as tyrus and sidon , can afford unto him , to make subjects of , and when they come unto him with one accord to make offer of themselves , in yeelding to his affectionate and politicall project , he sitting uppon the judgment seate , in his royall apparell , making his oration , of what power he hath to protect them , what wisdom and counsell , to minister justice and righteousness unto them ( which office belongs only unto the lord ) the people with a shout crying out , the voice of god and not of man , the truth and substance of which cry is , this is the ordinance of god and not of man , immediately the angel of the lord smites him , and hee that ever acknowledged himself , to bee a worme , and no man upon the earth , consumes and eates up all his pomp and glory , even as those , whom you account the shame and contempt of the people , shall ( thorow that angell of the covenant ) waste and bring to nought all those rhetoricall , ( though earthly ) orations that are made amongst you , by your so learned , studious , and experienced clarkes : take for illustration of your estate as above , the speech of your alderman oliver , in case of committing francis hutchinson to prison ; one of your church-members wondering that brother winthrop would do it before the church had dealt with him , brother , saith hee , why ; hee is thy god man. lend your eye yet farther , to parallell your practise personated in pylate and the people , when pylat offereth jesus unto the people to be judged , they profess , they have such a law , as puts no man to death : they are all for mercy and forgiveness , when they are out of the judgment hall , but let pylat enter in thither ; and then , nothing but crucifie him , crucifie him ; be their accusations , and witnesses , never so false : even so , in your dealings with men , in way of your jewish brotherhood , your law is all for mercie , to redress , reform , and for preservation , both of soule and bodie ; do but enter into the common hall , and then , as pylat asked ( am i a jew ? ) so do you , doe i sit , or speake here , as a brother ? i tro not , i am now in a higher sphere , then that ( though they be acknowledged coheirs with christ ) can ataine unto , therfore if witness be brought in , and oath taken , though never so untrue , your consciences are purged by law , and your power must have tribute payd unto it , so far an mens names , to bee branded with infa●●ie , estates , depryving women and children of things necessarie , and precious lives of men can extend themselves , to contribute any thing thereunto ; so that the professed mercie , and clemencie of your law , to exercise censures only for amendment of life , and recoverie , comes unto this issue , as much as in you lies , to send both soule and body downe unto hell for ever without redresse , and all hope of recovery . but your houre , and the power of darknesse , is known what it is , either to have mens persons in admiration because of advantage ; or else , to seek all occasions against them , to brand them with all manner of reproch , and ignominie , but for the truth , taught daily in the temple , y●● know not how to streatch out your hand , or exercise your ministry against it , lest it become leprous , and you take it back again with losse , when it appeares dried and withered . and wherefore reason yee amongst your selves , saying , wee exercise the power of your ministrations against none but such as are delinquents , whereby we cleer the innocent , and establish peace in all our borders ? wee demand , what think you of those two witnesses , prophecying in sackcloth , a thousand two hundreth and threescore dayes : those two olive trees , and two candlestickes , standing before the god of the earth ? are these guiltie and vile persons , out of whose hands ( by the power of your ministries ) you are delivering and releasing the world ? then indeed are your wayes justifiable : but if these bee the just , chosen , and peculiar friends of god , yea such , as without which , his truth and righteousnesse are not justified , his wisdom , and holinesse maintained and upheld in the world , in point of salvation by christ , then are your wayes wicked , and to bee abhorred ; for in your professed course , you are they , by whom these are slaine , and put to death , and all your glory is to keepe their corpes unburied in your streetes , and yet you know not what you are doing , no more then you know what these witnesses are , whom you are altogether ignorant of , for your libraries never saw them , and you see not but by their eyes , for these are two , and never more , nor yet lesse , yea ever the same , they are olive trees , else no witnesses , and also candlesticks , else both the former faile , yea , are not at all . wee must tell you what these are , else wee cannot declare how you kill them , for it is not our intent to open unto you the house of the treasures , the silver and the gold , and the spices , and the precious oyntment , nor the house of our armour , because you take all as execrable , and put all to a profane use that commeth from us ; but these two witnesses are the life and death of our lord jesus ; or , in the true language of heaven also , the strength and the weaknesse of christ , for hee was crucified through weaknesse , but hee liveth by the power of god : this is the word of the lord in zerubbabel , not by an army , nor by power , and so deprives him of all strength , but by a spirit , that the greatest mountaine , or loftiest hill in the world cannot stand before , but becomes a plaine , which with facility and ease hee passeth upon ; thence it is that hee doth not onely lay the top or the head stone of all , but also the lowest 〈◊〉 the foundation , and then onely is the voice of shouting heard , grace , grace in the house for ever ; and then doth the day of small things become the day of joy and triumph , yea , of parting the rich spoiles and prey of all the world , for then hee that doth but turn and lift up his eyes he cannot looke besides that great flying book of the curse that is gone forth over the whole earth . without these two witnesses jointly uttering themselves in every particular scripture undertaken to bee divulged by any , no evidence nor testimony of god is given , or brought in at all , but a meere refuge of lies for the soules of men to betake themselves unto ; without these two pipes of the olive trees emptying themselves into the bowle of the candlesticks , no unction nor oyle at all is found in them , and that being wanting , the light of the sanctuary is gone out ; so that the light appearing amongst you is onely the light of balaam , whose eye was open , which you may read either shethum or sethum , for that opening is nothing else but the shutting up of the holy things of god , so that in seeing you see not , but communicate onely in the light of that beast , who puts the witnesses to death , as balaam did in the sight of that dumbe beast of his whose eyes were opened to see the angel before him ; so that while you thinke it is our wisdome to stoope unto you for light , wee never come amongst you but see our selves in a regiment of grosse and palpable darknesse , and discern you very plainly , how you scrabble upon the wall to finde the doore of lots house , and cannot . as also how you toil your selves to climbe up into the sheep-fold , another , yea , so many other wayes , and have no sight nor discerning of us the door , at all , by the which whosoever entereth , becomes a true seeder of the flock of god ; yea , none entereth in thereat , but the true shepheard himself . most impious it is to put to death two such noble witnesses , that have power to shut heaven that it raine not in the dayes of their prophecying ; to turne the waters into bloud , and to smite the earth with all manner of plagues as oft as they wil , whom that spirit that is amongst you kills on this wise , the life or power of the sonne of god , as above , which is infinite , not admitting of circumsc●iption or containment , for the heaven of heavens cannot containe him , yet have you not dared to graspe and inviron that power in the heavens , and therefore have resolved and concluded that hee onely rules upon the earth in these dayes by his deputies , lievtenants , and vicegerents , whereby you limit , and so destroy the holy one of israel ; for give him that in one time , or place , which afterwards , or elsewhere you deny him , and you make a nullity of him unto your selves , and in so doing , you kill that other witnesse , namely , the death or weaknesse of the lord jesus : for you must have man to bee honourable , learned , wise , experienced , and of good report , else they may not rule among you ; yea and these things are of man , and by man , as appeares , in that they onely officiate so , as man may disanull and take it away againe ; witnesse your change of officers , constantly speaking for us herein ; thus have you slaine also the death or the weaknesse of christ , who professeth himselfe to bee a worm and no man , the shame and contempt of the people ; and these faithfull and true witnesses thus slaine , you must of necessity deny buriall , and keep them both in open view in your streets , or otherwise all your pompe and glory falls to the dust whence it came , and on which it feeds . nor can you send your presents one to another of your acts of justice , power to protect , wealth , honour , and friends wherewith you gratifie each other ; and where these are thus slaine , and their corps lie in open view , none of the gentiles , peoples , tongues , and kindreds suffering their carkasses to bee put in graves , there is that great city which spiritually is sodom and egypt , where our lord is crucified ; but after three dayes and an half , the spirit of life from god shall enter into them , and they shal stand up upon their feet to the terrour of you all : nor doe you thinke that wee onely inveigh against the great ones of this world for thus doing , for wee know that the basest peasant hath the same spirit with the greatest princes of this world , and the greatest of the princes of this world , hath the very same spirit wherewith the basest peasant hath laid himselfe open in the view of all men : these wee say , are the two witnesses if you can receive it , and what a dishonour is it to trade so much by meanes of witnesses , and yet not know what a true witnesse is ? which if you did , you durst not attempt the things you doe , whereby you cast reproach upon all the world , in that you professe your selves a choice people pickt out of it , and yet goe on , in such practices as you doe , maintaining them as your onely glory . our lord gives you in charge not to sweare at all , but it is your dignity to bring men to your seates of justice with nothing but oathes in their mouthes , why doe you not ballance the scriptures in this point ? viz. it hath beene said of old , thou shalt not committ adultery , but i say unto you , hee that looketh on a woman to lust after her , hath committed adultery with her in his heart already : so also it hath beene sayd of old , thou shalt not forsweare thy self , but i say unto you , sweare not at all : so that if it be adulterie , to looke to iust , it is also forswearing a mans self , to sweare at all ; if the one be adultery , the other is perjury , if one be admitted in some cases , the other also , so that in preaching the toleration , nay the duty of an oath , you preach the toleration , yea the duty of adulterie it self ; so that our lord plainly evinceth unto all mens consciences , not onely the guilt but the folly and madnesse of the oath of man , shewing how farre it is , either from investing into place , or demonstrating causes , so that hee that concludeth upon honour , and power , received from the oath of man , or upon knowledge and bouldness , to judge in a cause , from that testimony without the which he could not have it , is as vaine in his thoughts , as if hee should herupon conclude , i have now altered the frame of heaven , which is no less stable then the throne of the great god , or demolished the earth , which is as firme as his foot-stoole for ever , or made a fraction in the orders of jerusalem , that choice and peculiar city of the great king , whose institutions no mortall breath can intrench upon , or to professe his authority and skill to be such , whereby he can make a haire of his head blacke or white , cause his age to wax old as doth a garment , or renew it with the eagle at his pleasure , hereby doth man ( in this point of swearing ) professe his folly to bee such , that hee is become not onely vaine in his imaginations , but unto that pride and usurpation therein , as to intrude himselfe into the prerogative royall of his maker . so that however you boast of the ordinances of god , yet he tels you there is no more then yea , yea , and nay , nay , in them , for what is once nay , is ever nay in the ordination of christ , and what is once yea , is ever yea with him , and according to his account however man reckoneth , whose account shall be called over againe , what is once curse , is ever the curse , and what is once the principality and power of christ , is ever the principality and power of christ , as that which is once the principality and power of darkenesse , is ever the same , what hands soever it cometh into for manifestation : measure your kingdome whether it bee eternall , and your jurisdiction whether it bee illimited , for he hath given ( him ) the heathen for his inheritance , the utmost parts of the earth for his possession , and a kingdome of lesse extent hee professeth not , nor can hee approve or acknowledge any that doe , no more then light can approve of darkenesse , or the lord jehovah of the lord baal . bee wise therefore , and be thinke your selves while it is called to day , harden not your hearts , as though you would make your selves meriba , nothing but strife and contention against the lord , rather kisse the sonne ( if it bee possible ) lest his wrath bee kindled and you perish from the way for ever , o blessed onely they , that hope in him . so that hee which professeth on this wise , it is yea , i am a pastour , but it was nay , at such a time i was none , hee renounceth that spirit of the true pastour , yet onely feeder of israel , professing onely that spirit that pusheth the weake with the horne , and pudleth with his feet the waters where the flocke of god should drinke . hee with whom it is yea , i am a ruler , but it was nay when i was none at all , renounceth that spirit of him that rules in righteousnesse , professing the spirit of him that rules according to the god of this world , that prince of the power of the aire , who is now working so effectually in the children of disobedience . so also hee with whom it is yea , i am a captaine , or chiefe slaughter-man , but it was nay , time was i was none at all , renounceth that victorie and slaughter made by the captaine and high-priest of our profession , ( who as hee is a lambe slaine from the beginning , his victory and slaughter must bee of the same antiquity , ) professing himselfe to bee a chiefe slaughter-man , or superfluous giant , made in that hoast of the philistims , standing in readinesse to come out , to defie the hoast of the living god : yea , it is evident , that whatsoever is more then yea , yea , and nay , nay , not settlingeach upon its base , whereon it standeth for ever without controule , but can remove , create , or make void offices and officers at their pleasure , it of that evill , or not of jesus , the salvation of his people , but of shedim that waster and destroyer of mankinde for ever : know therefore that it is the oath of god which confirmes and makes good his covenant and promise unto a thousand generations : and it is the oath of man , which is the bond and obligation of that league and agreement made with death and hell for ever ; bee yee assured it is not the tabernacle of witnes which you have amongst you , brought in by jesus into the possession of the gentiles , but it is siccuth your king , or the tabernacle of moleck , the starre of your god remphan , figures which you have made unto your selves , which you have taken up , and are bearing so stoutly upon your shoulders . now to tell you what an oath according to god is , that the scriptures are delivered upon no other ground or termes of certainty , where ever they are divulged , is a thing out of your jurisdiction , you cannot discerne or judge of it , therefore according to our word above , wee leave it as a parable unto you , as all the holy word of our god is , as your conversation in all points , as in this , daily declareth . in a word , when wee have to doe in your jurisdiction , we know what it is to submit to the wise dispensations of our god , when you have to doe amongst us , in the liberties hee hath given unto us , wee doubt not , but you shall finde him judge amongst us , beyond and above any cause or thing you can propose unto us ; and let that suffice you , and know , that you cannot maintaine a jurisdiction , but you must reject all inroades upon other mens priviledges , and so doe wee . in the meane time , wee shall ( as wee thinke good ) bee calling over againe some matters that you have taken up and had the handling of them amongst you , to see what justice or equity wee finde hath beene exercised in them , and redresse them accordingly : for wee professe right unto all men , and not to doe any violence at all , as you in your prescript threaten to doe to us , for wee have learned how to discipline our children , or servants , without offering violence unto them , even so doe w●e know how to deale with our deboist , rude , nay inhumane neighbours , ( or if you will , nabals ) without doing violence , but rather rendring unto them that which is their due . nor shall wee deprive a witnesse of his modest testimony for the out-cries , and clamours of such a one as ill bred apostatized arn●●ld that fellonious hog-killer , being the partie to bee testified against , or for the oath of any interested in the cause , nor shall wee bee forward to come so farre , to finde your worke upon your request , till wee know you to beare another minde , then others of your neighbours doe , with whom wee have had to doe in this country , whose pretended and devised lawes wee have stooped under , to the robbing and spoiling of our goods , the livelyhood of our wives and children , thinking they had laboured , ( though groping in great darkenesse ) to bring forth the truth , in the rights and equity of things , but finding them to bee a company of grosse dissembling hypocrites , that under the pretence of law and religion , have done nothing else , but gone about to establish themselves in wayes to maintaine their owne vicious lusts , wee renounce their diabolicall practice , being such as have denyed in their publique courts , that the lawes of our native country should bee named amongst them , yea those ancient statute lawes , casting us into most base nastie and insufferable places of imprisonment for speaking according to the language of them , in the meane while , breaking open our houses in a violent way of hostilitie ( abusing our wives and our little ones ) to take from us the volumes wherein they are preserved , thinking thereby to keepe us ignorant of the courses they are resolved to run , that so the viciosity of their owne wills might bee a law unto them , yea they have endeavoured , and that in publique expressions , that a man being accused by them , should not have liberty to answer for himselfe in open court. dealings of like nature wee finde in the place whereof you stile us your neighbours , ( on whose unbridled malice , wee finde a higher then you putting a curbe ) and yet in your account and reckoning wee are the parties that still are doing the wrong , and must beare the guilt in your most mature sentence , in whomsoever the spot ariseth and abideth . but the god of vengeance ( unto whom our cause is referred , never having our protector and judge to seeke ) will shew himselfe in our deliverance out of the hands of you all , yea all the house of that ishbosheth and mephibosheth , nor will he faile us to utter and make knowne his strength ( wherein wee stand ) to serve in our age , and to minister in our course , to day and to morrow , and on the third day , can none deprive us of perfection , for hee hath taught us to know what it is to walke to day , and to morrow , and the day following also , when a perishing estate cannot arise out of jerusalem , though she be the onely one , ( yea , none but she ) that kills the prophets , and stones them that are sent unto her . behold yee that are looking after , and foretelling so much of the comming of christ , driving the day before you still for certaine yeares , which some ( you say ) shall attaine unto , and unto the day of death for the rest , you blinde guides , as your fathers have ever done , so doe yee . behold wee say , when ever hee appeareth , your house ( which yee so glory in ) shall bee left unto you desolate , it shall be turned into nothing but desolation and confusion , for babel is its name ; nor shall you see him to your comfort in the glory of his kingdome , untill you can say , blessed is hee that commeth in the name of the lord , when the authority and power of man appeares to bee the building of babel unto you , and the name and authority of god onely , to bee that , wherein the blessing consists , and that in such wise also , as is nothing but a way of reproach , in the eyes of all the world , that a king should ride into his chiefe city , so strangely furnished , upon an asse borrowed , her furniture old , overworn garments , and accompanied with none but poore , meane , excommunicated persons , such as your elders , scribes , pharisees , lawyers , and all your credible persons among you , make full account they are not onely accursed by , but also destitute and void of all law , when you can finde hosanna in the highest , arising out of such contempt and shame , then , and then onely shall you sing unto him with comfort . in the meane time acknowledge your portion , which is to trust and stay your selves on the name of man , and in his beautie to delight and glory , which shall fade as a leafe , and like the grasse shall wither when it is fitting it self for the oven , such is man whose breath is in his nostrills , and the sonne of sorrie man , in whom you delight to trust , his power and his policy brings forth nothing else , but as you shall see and heare in the countrey from whence wee are brought . we are not ignorant of those shamefull lies and falsities gone out against us , and the daily wresting of our words , to cast contempt upon us , thinking to bow downe our backs under ignominie and reproach ; neither of those straits & difficulties they have cast us upon , in the things which concerne this present life , to the taking away of the lives of many , if our god had not been seen beyond and above what their thoughts could reach unto ( as their owne confession hath witnessed , ) doing it in such a way of painted hypocrisie and false glosse unto the eye of the world , that wee might seeme unto it self-executioners . we resolve therefore to follow our imployments , and to carry and behave our selves as formerly wee have done ( and no otherwise ) for wee have wronged no man , unlesse with hard labour , to provide for our families , and suffering of grosse , idle , and idol droanes to take our labour out of the mouths , and from off the backs of our little ones , to lordane it over us . so that if any any shall goe about to disturbe or annoy us henceforth in our imployments and liberties , which god hath , or shall put into our hands , that can claime no interest in us but by these courses ; what their businesse is , wee know by proofe sufficient , to bee nothing else but that ancient errand of nimrod , that rebellious hunter after the precious life ; which errand of his shall bee no more delivered unto us in that covert cruelty , and dissembling way of hypocrisie , but in direct and open termes of tyrannie , wee will not bee dealt with as before , wee speake in the name of our god , wee will not ; for if any shall disturb us , as above , secret hypocrites shall become open tyrants , and their lawes appeare to bee nothing else but meer lusts in the eyes of all the world . and wherefore doe you murmure among your selves at this saying , thinking it is not a christian expression ? it is because you are ignorant of the crosse of our lord jesus , not knowing what it is : therefore it is , that while you inveigh against such as set up a statue of wood and stone , to bow downe unto it , and are so vaine , as to crosse the aire , ( to use your owne expression ) upon the face of infants , when they sprinkle them with water to as great purpose : and in the meane time you preach and set up seg●nirim for your crosse , whom you fall downe unto so willingly , and lest you let the word passe without exposition of it unto all , it signifies , horrour and feare , which is the crosse you hold and teach , and by and thorow which you thinke to bee saved , which is a name given by our lord unto the devill himself , as our english translate it , and the lord never gives name , as an empty title , but according to the nature of the thing named ; so that if hee speake , i have said yee are gods , of any besides himselfe , it is to declare , that there is not onely the name , but the very nature of the god of this world , and therefore hee saith , they shall die , even as adam , which aspired and usurped the place of god , and fall also as one of the princes , even as one of those princes of midian , whose carkasses became dung for the earth ; and hee that gives that title unto any but the true god ( that made heaven and earth ) in any other sense but as it declares a flat opposition against god , is re-acting that ancient spirit of the serpent , if yee eate , you shall bee as gods , to judge of good and evill , for which all men are set up in that kinde ; even so , while you tell the people , that by sorrow , compunction , and anxiety , and trouble of minde , they communicate in the sufferings of christ , out of which condition their comfort is to flow , is nothing else but to conclude the sonne of god to be belial , yea , to affirme him to bee seg●nirim himself ; this doth hee receive at your hands in your ministries , for all your ●awning upon him with a kisse ; so that if you will know how farre you are from communicating in the death of christ , take it in this parable , verily , as farre as the weakness of god is stronger then man. country-men , for wee cannot but call you so , though wee finde your carriage towards us to bee so farre worse then these indians , wee advise you to take things together , and what god hath joyned , let none dare to put asunder : so that if you bee ashamed of the crosse in baptisme , bee ashamed of the baptisme also , for such as the crosse is , such is the baptisme , therefore your ancestors goe beyond you in that , to joyne crossing of the aire , and sprinkling with the element of water together , but where ever baptisme according to the word of christ is , there is the crosse of christ also , they can no more bee separated , then his scepter and kingdom can , for where the one is , there is the other also , and as they are co-incident , so are they co-apparant ; so that if ever you see the baptisme of christ truly in use , and exercised upon any , you do as truly see that party partaking and communicating with the crosse and sufferings of the lord jesus christ , and to see persons in such estate , and to conclude that afterwards they may bee worthy of censure , yea possibly unto an anathema maranatha , is nothing else but to conclude a totall and finall falling away from the grace of god , as your fathers have done before you ; for no grace greater then the crosse of our lord jesus . behold therefore you despisers , the vanity and abomination of all your baptismes , how prejudiciall they are to the crosse of christ : bee ashamed and return in time , or hee shall bee a swift witnesse against you for ever , when your repentance shall come too late ; but you thinke the crosse of christ is not , but onely in bowing the back under every burden , and cringing and crouching unto the lust of every man , otherwise his shebett is not fit , nor suiteth it at all with your regiment , unlesse so servile , that every man may serve his owne lusts of him , to get wealth and honour , friends and allies , by setting bounds and limits unto the holy word of god ; some in the way of one device , and some according to another , and he that will not either walk as a dumbe beast , ( worse then balaams asse ) and say nothing , or else give a sense of the holy writings to maintaine the devised platforme , if mercy must bee used , not to hang and burn , yet banishment is ready waiting upon them ; therefore shall you know by the rod of his power that comes out of sion , that hee will bee ruler , even in the midst of his enemies . per us whom you stile your neighbours of providence , you have said it , providence is our hold , the neighbourhood of the samaritan wee professe . and for the lookings on , and turnings aside of your priests and levites , without either unction , or bowells of compassion , all those slaine and wounded in soule amongst you , finding no remedy , doe plainly testifie unto all men the nature of your travailes and neighbourhood what it is , that neither the oyle of those two olive trees , nor the fatnesse of that vine , which maketh glad god and man , is conversant amongst you ; your speech to us in generall , not using our names , whereas wee know , it is particulars you aime at , gives us plainely to see , the word aelem revived and living in you , as it stands with its coherence in psalme 58. john wickes randall howldon robert potter samuel gorton john greene francis weston richard carder richard waterman nicholas power john warner william waddell the second letter of samuel gorton and his accomplices , from our neck : curo , september 15. 1643. to the great and honoured idol generall , now set up in the massachusets , whose pretended equity in distribution of justice unto the soules and bodies of men , is nothing else but a meer device of man , according to the ancient customes & sleights of satan , transforming himself into an angel of light , to subject and make slaves of that species or kinde that god hath honoured with his owne image , read dan. 3. chap. wherein ( if it be not like lots love unto the sodomites ) you may see , the visage or countenance of the state , for wee know the sound of all the musick , from the highest note of wind-instruments , sounding , or set up by the breath or voices of men , ( to have dominion and rule as though there were no god in heaven or in earth but they , to doe right unto the sonnes of men ) unto the lowest tones of the stringed instruments , subjecting themselves to hand or skill of the devised ministrations of men , as though god had made man to bee a vassall to his owne species or kinde , for hee may as well bee a slave to his belly , and make it his god , as to any thing that man can bring forth , yea , even in his best perfection , who can lay claime to no title or terme of honour but what the dust , rottennesse , and putrefaction can affoord , for that of right belongeth solely to our lord christ . woe therefore unto the world , because of the idols thereof ; for idols must needs be set up , but woe unto them by whom they are erected . out of the abovesaid principles , which is the kindome of darknesse and of the devill ; you have writ another note unto us , to adde to your former pride and folly , telling us againe , you have taken pumham , with others into your jurisdiction and government , and that upon good grounds ( as you say : ) you might have done well to have proved your selfe christians , before you had mingled your selves with the heathen , that so your children might have knowne how to put a distinction betwixt yours and them in after times , but wee perceive that to bee too hard a worke for your selves to performe , even in time present . but if you will communicate justice and government with that indian , wee advise you to keep him amongst your selves , where hee , and you may performe that worthy worke : yet upon a better ground , wee can informe you , that hee may not expect former curtesies from us , for now by your note , wee are resolved of his breach of covenant with us , in this his seeking and subjection unto you , which formerly hee hath alwayes denyed ; let him and you know therefore , that hee is to make other provision for his planting of corne hereafter , than upon mshawomet , for wee will not harbour amongst us any such fawning , lying , and cadaverous person as hee is , after knowledge of him , as now in part you have given unto us , onely hee shall have liberty sufficient to take away his corne , habitation , or any of his implements , so be it hee passe away in peace and quiet , which might in no case bee admitted , if it were so that wee lived by blood , as you doe , either through incision of the nose , division of the eare from the head , stigmatize upon the back , suffocation of the veines , through extremity of cold , by your banishments in the winter , or straugled in the flesh with a halter . but we know our course , professing the kingdome of god and his righteousnesse , renouncing that of darknesse and the devill , wherein you delight to trust , for without the practise of these things , you cannot kisse your hand , blesse the idol , nor professe your vowes and offerings to bee paid and performed . o yee generation of vipers , who hath fore-warned you , or fore-stalled your mindes with this , but satan himselfe , that the practice of these things is to fly from the wrath to come ; whereas the very exercise and performance of them , is nothing else but the vengeance and wrath of god upon you already , in that mankind , so harmonically made in the image of god , is in the exercises of the kingdome , become the torturer and tormentor , yea the executioner of it selfe , whilst those of you that are of the same stock and stem , worke out , yea , and that curiously , through the law of your mindes , the death and destruction of one another ; when as , in the meane time , the same nature or subsistance , in the way of our lord jesus , saves both it selfe and others . you tell us of complaints made by the indians , of unjust dealings and injuries done unto them , why doe they not make them knowne to us , they never complained to us of any thing done unto this day , but they had satisfaction to the full , according to their owne minde , for oft wee know , in what they expresse unto us , although our wrongs insufferable done by them lie still in the deck , for wee know very well , wee have plenty of causelesse adversaries , wanting no malice that satan can inject , therefore wee suffer much , that in the perfection and heighth of their plots , they may receive the greater rebuke and shame for their basenesse , in the eies of all the world . to which end wee have not onely committed our condition unto writings , but them also into the hands and custody of such friends , from whom they shall not bee taken by any , or by all the governments of this country , as formerly they have beene , that so our wrongs might not appeare ; therefore never picke a quarrell against us in these things , for wee know all your stiles and devices , that being you now want such as old malicious arnauld , one of your low stringed instruments , to exercise his fidle amongst us , and wee are void of your benediction also , sprung out of the same stock to make rents and divisions for you to enter to gaine honour unto your selves in having patients to heale , though they lie never so long under your hands , your chirurgerie must bee thought never the worse . wanting these or such like of the english , to betray the liberties , god hath given us into your hands , now you worke by your coadjutors , these accursed indians ; but you are deceived in us , we are not a cope fitted for your so eager appetite , no otherwise , then if you take it downe it shall prove unto you a cope of trembling , either making you vomit out your owne eternall shame , or else to burst in sunder with your fellow confessor for aire , jud●● iscariot . for mr. winthrop and his copartner parker , may not thinke to lay our purchased plantation to their iland so neere adjoyning , for they come too late in that point , though benedick hath reported that myantonimo , one of the sachims , of whom wee bought it , should lose his head for selling his right thereof to us . as also a minister affirmed that mr. winthrop should say to him , that wee should either bee subjected unto you , or else removed hence , though it should cost bloud . know therefore , that our lives are set apart already for the case wee have in hand , so wee will lose nothing but what is put apart aforehand , bethinke your selves therefore what you should gaine by fetching of them , in case it were in your power , for our losse should bee nothing at all . for wee are resolved , that according as you put forth your selves towards us , so shall you finde us transformed to answer you . if you put forth your hand to us as country-men , ours are in readinesse for you : if you exercise the pen , accordingly doe wee become a ready writer ; if your sword bee drawne , ours is girt upon our thigh ; if you present a gun , make haste to give the first fire : for we are come to put fire upon the earth , and it is our desire to have it speedily kindled . for your pursuite of us , still , to come your courts , to receive your parcells of justice , undoubtedly either god hath blinded your eyes that you see not our answer formerly given in that point , or else you are most andacious to urge it upon us againe ; also you may take notice that wee take it in more disdaine then you could doe , in case we should importune you ( yea ) the chiefe amongst you , to come up to us , and bee employed according to our pleasure , in such workes as wee thought good to set you about ; and for your grant of freedome unto us to come downe to you , and returne in safety , wee cannot sufficiently vilifie this your verball and per●unctory offer , knowing very well , according to the verdict of your owne conscience , that what wrongs soever are passed amongst us since our comming into this country , you have beene the violent agents , and wee the patients . to feare therefore to come amongst you as such as have done wrong , the cause vanisheth in us , so must the effect also . and to feare to come unto you as tyrants , which your grant must necessarily implies , wee cannot , knowing that hee which is with us , is stronger then hee which is with you . also the earth is the lords and the fullnesse thereof , and when , and where hee shall call wee will goe , but not at the will and lust of sorry men to play their parts with us at their pleasure , as formerly they have done , and as it is apparant you desire to doe , for if your lusts prevailed not over you in that kinde , you might well thinke that wee have better employments then to trot to the massachusets upon the report of a lying indian , or english either , as your factors and ordinary hacknies doe . but know this oyee — that so long as wee behave our selves as men , walking in the name of our god , where ever wee have occasion to come , if any mortall man whose breath is in his nostrils , dares to call us into question , wee dare to give an answer to him , or them , nor shall wee faile through god , to give testimony even in his conscience of the hope that is in us , whether his question may concerne the rice or succession either of priest or peere . in the meane time we sit in safety under the cloudy pillar , while the nations roare and make a noise about us , and though you may looke upon us with the unopened eye of eliahs servant , thinking us as nothing to those that are against us , yet wherever the cloud rests , wee know the lords returne to the many thousands of israel . in that you say our freedome granted to come to you , takes away all excuse from us , wee freely retort it upon your selves to to make excuses , whose lawes and proceedings with the soules and bodies of men , is nothing else but a continued art ( like the horse in the mill ) of accusing and excusing , which you doe by circumstances and conjectures , as all the fathers have done before you , the diviners and necromancers of the world , who are gone to their owne place and have their reward ; but for the true nature , rise , and distribution of things as they are indeed and shall remaine and abide as a law firme and stable forever , wee say and can make it good , you know nothing at all , therefore such as can delight themselves in preaching , professing , and executing of such things , as must end as the brute beasts doe , nay take them away for present and they have lost their honour , religion , as also their god ; let such wee say , know themselves to bee that beast and false prophet , no man of god at all . in the meane time wee looke not on the things that are seene , but on the things that are not seene , knowing the one are temporary , the other eternall . nor doe wee thinke the better of any man for being invested into places or things that will in time waxe old as doth a garment , neither judge we the worse of any man for the want of them : for if we should we must condemne the lord christ , as so many doe at this day . wee demand when wee may expect some of you to come to us , to answer and give satisfaction for some of these foule and inhumane wrongs you have done , not to the indians , but to us your country-men : not to bring in a catalogue , as we might , take this one particular abuse you are now acting ; in that you abet , and backe these base indians to abuse us . indeed pumham is an aspiring person , as becomes a prince of his profession , for having crept into one of our neighbours houses , in the absence of the people , and felloniously rifled the same , hee was taken comming out againe at the chimney-top : soccononoco also hath entred in like manner into one of our houses with divers of his companions , and breaking open a chest , did steale out divers parcels of goods , some part whereof , as some of his companions have affirmed , are in his custody at this time . yet we stand still to see to what good issue you will bring your proceedings with these persons , by whom you are so honorably attended in the court generall , as you call it , and would honour us also , to come three or fourescore miles to stand by you and them ; wee could tell you also that it is nothing with these fellowes to send our cattle out of the woods with arrowes in their sides , as at this present it appeares in one even now so come home , and it is well they come home at all , for sometimes their wigwams can receive them , and wee have nothing of them at all ; yea they can domineere over our wives and children in our houses , when wee are abroad about our necessary occasions , sometimes throwing stones , to the endangering of their lives , and sometimes violently taking our goods , making us to runne for it if wee will have it , and if wee speake to them to amend their manners , they can presently vaunt it out , that the massachusets is all one with them , let the villanie they doe bee what it will , they thinke themselves secure , for they looke to bee upheld by you in whatever they doe , if you bee stronger then them which they have to deale withall , and they looke with the same eye your selves doe , thinking the multitude will beare downe all , and perswade themselves ( as well as they may ) that you tolerate and maintaine them in other of their daily practices , as lying , sabbath-breaking , taking of many wives , grosse whoredomes , and fornications , so you will doe also , in their stealing , abusing of our children , and the like , for you have your diligent ledgers amongst them that inculcate daily upon this , how hatefull wee are unto you , calling us by other names of their owne devising , bearing them in hand , wee are not english men , and therefore the object of envy of all that are about us , and that if wee have any thing to doe with you , the very naming our persons shall cast our case bee it what it will , as it is too evident by the case depending betweene william arnauld and john warner , that no sooner was the name of mr. gorton mentioned amongst you , but mr. dudley disdainefully asking , is this one , joyned to gorton , and mr. winthrop unjustly upon the same speech , refused the oath of the witnesse calling him knight of the post : are these the wayes and persons you trade by towards us ? are these the people you honour your selves withall ? the lord shall lay such honour in the dust , and bow downe your backes with shame and sorrow to the grave , and declare such to bee apostatisers from the truth , and falsifiers of the word of god onely to please men , and serve their owne lusts , that can give thankes in their publique congregations for their unity with such grosse abominations as these . wee must needes aske you another question from a sermon now preached amongst you , namely how that bloud relisheth you have sucked formerly from us , by casting us upon straights above our strength , that , have not beene exercised in such kinde of labours , no more then the best of you in former times in removing us from our former conveniences , to the taking away of the lives of some of us , when you are about your dished up dainties , having turned the juice of a poore silly grape that perisheth in the use of it , into the bloud of our lord jesus by the cunning skill of your magicians , which doth make mad and drunke so many in the world , and yet a little sleepe makes them their owne men againe , so can it heale and pacifie the consciences at present , but the least hand of god returnes the feares and terrour againe , let our bloud wee say present it selfe together herewith , you hypocrites when will you answer such cases as these , and wee doe hereby promise unto you , that wee will never looke man in the face if you have not a fairer hearing then ever wee had amongst you , or can ever expect ; and bee it knowne to you all , that wee are your owne country-men , whatever you report of us , though the lord hath taught us a language you never spoake , neither can you heare it , and that is the cause of your alienation from us ; for as you have mouthes and speake not , so have you eares & heare not ; so we leave you to the judgement and arraignment of god almighty . the joynt act , not of the court generall , but of the peculiar fellowship , now abiding upon mshawomet . randall holden . this they owned in court though onely holdens hand were to it . postscriptum . vvee need not put a seale unto this our warrant , no more then you did to yours . the lord hath added one to our hands , in the very conclusion of it , in that effusion of bloud , and horrible massacre , now made at the dutch plantation , of our loving country-men , women , and children , which is nothing else , but the compleate figure in a short epitomie of what wee have writ , summed up in one entire act , and lest you should make it part of your justification , as you do all such like acts , provided they bee not upon your owne backes , concluding them to be greater sinners then your selves , wee tell you ( nay ) but except you repent , you shall likewise perish . for wee aske you who was the cause of mistresse hutchinson her departure from amongst you , was it voluntarie ? no , shee changed her phrases according to the dictates of your tutors , and confessed her mistakes , that so shee might give you content to abide amongst you , yet did you expell her and cast her away ; no lesse are you the originall of her removall from aquethneck , for when shee saw her children could not come downe amongst you , no not to conferre with you in your own way of brotherhood ; but be clapt up , and detained by so long imprisonment , rumors also being noised , that the island should bee brought under your government , which if it should , shee was fearefull of their lives , or else to act against the plaine verdict of their owne conscience , having had so great and apparant proofe of your dealings before , as also the island being at such divisions within it selfe , some earnestly desiring it should bee delivered into your hands , professing their unity with you , others denyed it , professing their dissent and division from you , though for what themselves know not , but onely their abominable pride to exercise the like tyranny . from these and such like workings having their originall in you , shee gathered unto her selfe and tooke up this fiction , ( with the rest of her friends ) that the dutch plantation was the citie of refuge , as shee had gathered like things from your doctrines before , when she seemed to hold out some certaine glimpses or glances of light , more then appeared elsewhere whilst there was such to approve it , in whom there might bee some hope to exalt the instruments thereof , higher then could bee expected from others , but you know very well you could never rest nor bee at quiet , till you had put it under a bushell , idest , bounded and measured the infinite and immense word of god , according to your owne shallow , humane , and carnall capacities , which , howsoever may get the highest seates in your synagogues , synods , and jewish synedrions , yet shall it never enter into the kingdome of god to be a doore-keeper there . do not therefore beguile your selves in crying out against the errours of those so miserably falne , for they are no other things which they held but branches of thesame root your selves so stoutly stand upon , but know this that now the axe is laid to the root of the tree , whereof you are a part , and every tree that brings not forth fruit according to the law of that good things , which the father knowes , how to give to those that aske it , shall bee cut downe , and cast it into the fire : neither doe you fill up your speeches or tales , ( wee meane your sermons ) but that wee affect not the idolizing of words , no more then of persons or places . for your selves know the word is no more but a bruit or talke , as you know also your great and terrible word magistrate , is no more in its originall , then masterly , or masterlesse , which hath no great lustre in our ordinary acceptation . therefore wee looke to finde and injoy the substance , and let the ceremony of these things , like vapour vanish away , though they gather themselves into clouds , without any water at all in them , the lord is in the mean time a dew unto israel , and makes him to grow like a lillie , casting out his roots and branches as lebanon . we say , fill not up your talk as your manner is , crying , that shee went out without ordinances , for god can raise up out of that stone , which you have already rejected , as children , so also ministers and ordinances unto abraham : you may remember also , that every people and poore plantation , formerly fleeced by you , cannot reach unto the hire of one of your levites , nor fetch in , one such dove as you send abroad into our native country , to carry and bring you news . nor can you charge them in that point , for it was for protection or government shee went ; and however , hire , in other respects , yet the price of a wife , and safetie of his owne life adjoyned , carryed a minister along with them of the same rise and breeding together with you● owne , to adde unto the blood so savagely and causelesly spilt , with a company of such as you take pleasure to protect , for they are all of one spirit , if they have not hands in the same act ; we say their death is causelesse , for wee have heard them affirm that shee would never heave up a hand , no nor move a tongue against any that persecuted or troubled them , but onely indeavour to save themselves by flight , not perceiving the nature and end of persecution , neither of that antichristian opposition and tyrannie , the issue whereof declares it self in this so 〈…〉 and lamentable . note , good reader , that i had order to publish these two letters of his , as well literatim as verbatim , but because their orthography was so bad , as it would scarce have been understood , i left it to bee corrected by the printer , but no word to be changed : and the reason of the word here left out , is , because it was worne out , and so soyled in the origina●● 〈◊〉 wee could not read it , and thought good rather to leave it a bl●●●k , then to put in a word of our own that was not theirs . in the next place , i present thee here ●ith certaine observations collected out of both their letters , by a godly and reverend divine , whereby the reader may the better understand them , and indeed try the spirits of these men , whether they be of god or no. now these his observations are ranked into three h●ads : viz. first , their reproachfull and reviling speeches of the government and magistrates of the massachusets , which in gortons booke hee pretends so much to honour , because their government is derived from the state of england ; and therefore i desire thee to take the better notice of it . the second head of his observations directs thee to their reviling language , not onely against that particular government , and the magistrates of it , but against magistracy it selfe , and all civill power . and in his third head ; thou art directed to take notice of their blasphemous speeches against the holy things of god. all which because they are of great concernment , i beseech the reader to take a little paines to compare them with mr. gort●ns and his companies letters . certaine observations collected out of both their letters . i. their reproachfull and reviling speeches of the government and magistrates of the massachusets . 1. they say our magistrates did lay their wisdome prostrate , in sending letters to them , which they scornfully call an irregular note . 2 that they bare them causlesse enmity , the proofe whereof every occasion brings forth . 3 they slily call them the seed of the ancient mother ; i. of the enmity of the devill . 4 that they know it is the name of christ call'd upon them , against which our magistrates doe strive . 5 that they goe about to hide their sin , as adam , bearing the world in hand , that they desire not to contend , but to redresse something in point of civill peace . 6 that they stand on tip-toe to stretch themselves beyond their bounds , to seek occasion against them . 7 that those who accuse them , are accusers of the brethren , satan being a lyer , and the father of it ; which thing our magistrates cannot know though they be told of it . 8 that this act of theirs to treat about their land , is a mappe of their spirituall estate . 9 that they delight daily to eate of the forbidden fruit ( which they call mans wisdome ) out of which our churches and common-wealth is formed ) to gaine conformity with their maker . 10 they scorn at their purity and godlinesse , telling them that cole and arnold their dissembling subjects , are full of the spirit of their purity . 11 they doe not say plainly that our magistrates are dogs , but compare them to dogs in resuming their vomit into its former concoction , by receiving cole and arnold under our jurisdiction . 12 that the whole structure and edifice among us ( i. the churches and common-wealth ) is raised up in the spirit of an hireling , and that by submission to the word of god in fasting , feast-sting , retirednesse for study , contributing , treasuring ( i. for church uses in severall churches ) they doe nothing else but bring forth fruit unto death . 13 that farther then the lord jesus agrees with riches , honour and ease , our magistrates minde him not , nay , renounce , and reject him . 14 that they plainely crucifie christ , and put him to an open shame , which the apostle , hebr. 6. applies to the worst of men , who commit the unpardonable sin , and for whom men are not to pray . 15 that our magistrates are as farre from yeelding subjection to christ , as cole and arnold from being honourable and loyall subjects , whom they call the shame of religion , the disturbance and disquiet of the place , dissembling subjects , pag. 10. as also deboist , rude , inhumane nabals , il-bred , apostatised persons , and fellonious , page 23. with many such like speeches . 16 that the things of gods kingdome are infinitely beyond the reach of their spirit , nor can they heare the lively oracle , and therefore are dumb in telling justice . 17 that the magistrates are jewes according to the flesh , and stout maintainers of the man of sin. 18 that they know our magistrates eyes are dazled with envy , and their ears open to lyes . 19 that they judge them before their cause be heard . 20 that in inviting them to their courts for their equal-ballanced justice ( as they scornfully call it ) they thereby strike at christ their life . 21 that our magistrates are like herod , whom god smote with wormes , for seeking by an out-reaching and circumventing policy to subdue tyrus and sidon , and like pontius pilate , and the people who out of the judgement hall are all for mercy , but in it nothing but crucifie him , crucifie him , bee their accusations , and witnesse never so false , so ( say they ) in your dealings with men in way of the jewish brotherhood , your law is all for mercy , to redresse , reforme , for preservation of soule and body , doe but enter into the common-hall , then if witnesses bee but brought in , and oath taken though never so untrue , your consciences are purged by law , and your power must have tribute paid it , so far as to brand mens names with infamy , and deprive women and children of things necessary . 22 that the professed clemency an● mercy of their law , is as much as in them lyes , to send both soule and body downe to sheol ( i. the grave and hell ) for ever , without redresse and all hope of recovery . 23 that their houre and power of darknesse is knowne , what it is either to have mens persons in admiration because of advantage , or else to seek all occasions against them , with all manner of reproach and ignominie . 24 that their wayes are wicked , and to bee abhorred , because in their professed course the two witnesses are slaine by them , and put to death ; and that all their glory is to keep their corpse unburied ; and these two witnesses are the life and death of the lord jesus . 25 that the light appearing among them , is nothing but the light of balaam , so that in seeing , they see not , but communicate onely in the light of that beast who put the witnesses to death . 26 they tell our magistrates , that they never come amongst them , but they see themselves in a regiment of grosse and palpable darknesse , and discern you to scrabble on the wall for the door of lots house . 27 that they know not what a true witnesse is . 28 that the whole word of god is a parable to them , as their conversation in all points daily declare it . 29 that they will not come neare our magistrates , untill they know they beare another minde from their neighbours , whom they call robbers , grosse dissembling hypocrites , who doe nothing but goe about to establish such wayes as may maintaine their owne vic●ous lusts , whose laws are pretended and devised , and whose practises ( they say ) they renounce as diabolicall . 30 yee blind guides ( say they to our magistrates ) as your fathers have ever done , so do you . 31 you set up segnirim ( i. as themselves interpret ) feare and horrour , or the devill , by , and for the which you hope to bee saved . 32 that their carriage towards them , is farre worse then that of the indians , whom themselves cry out of to bee thieves and robbers ; pag. 32. 33 that they are despisers ; behold ( say they ) yee despisers , the vanity and abominations of all your baptismes . 34 yee think ( say they ) that the crosse of christ is nothing but bowing down the back to every burden , and cringing and crouching to the lust of every man. 35 they call the generall court , the great idol generall , whose pretended equity in distributing justice is a meer device of man according to the sleights of satan . 36 they tell the court , that out of the kingdome of darknesse and the devill , they had writ another note to adde to their former pride and folly . 37 for taking pumham and sachanonoco ( indian sachims ) under their protection ; they tell the court they might have done well to have proved themselves christians before they had mixt themselves with the heathen ; but this was too hard for them to doe . 38 they advise the court ( in scorn ) to keep the indian with them , where he and they might perform that worthy work of distributing justice . 39 they tell the court that they live by bloud . 40 they tell the court , they renounce the kingdom of darkness , and the devill , wherein the court delights to trust . 41 they call the court , o ye generation of vipers . 42 they tell the court , they are not a cup fit for their appetite , but a cup of trembling either to make them vomit up their owne eternall shame , or else to make them burst asunder with their fellow confessor judas iscariot . 43 that the court is either blind or audacious in desiring them to come for their parcells of justice , and that they disdain to come to them . 44 they professe they cannot sufficiently vilifie the promise of the court , that they shall come down to them and return in safety ; which they call a verball and perfunctory offer . 45 they tell the court , that if their lusts had not prevailed over them , they might thinke they had better employment then to trot to massachusets as their factors , and ordinary hackneys doe . 46 they tell the court that their lawes and proceedings with the soules and bodies of men , is nothing else but a continued act of accusing and excusing ( like the horse in the mill ) which ( say they ) you doe by circumstances and conjectures , as also your fathers have done before you , the diviners and necromancers of this world , who are gone to their owne place , and have their reward . 47 they accuse our magistrates for maintaining indians in their lying , sabbath-breaking , grosse whoredomes , stealing , &c. 48 that they are hypocrites , having eyes and see not , eares and hear not , mouths and speak not . now had these men returned a rationall answer , it might have been meet perhaps by a few marginall notes to have returned some short reply ; but both their ●etters being fraught with little else then meer raylings , and reproachfull language , it may be sufficient thus to present them in one view together , that so the wise and prudent may take a taste of their spirits , and learne from what fire it is that their tongues are thus highly inflamed . if our courts and magistrates had been in any thing to blame , what a faire and easie way had it been to have first convinced them , before they had thus bitterly reviled them ; but thus to cut and shave , and cast all this filth in their faces without proof or reason , argues a bold and insolent spirit f●tted to make combustions and confusions in the place where they live . if indeed the magistrates had given them any sore provocations of returning ill language , there might have been some excuse , but alasse , all the cause that can bee given of most of this ill language , is nothing but writing friendly unto them , to send some from themselves to clear up the differences between them and the indians , and to shew their just title to the land they possessed : if they had kept this flood within their owne bankes , or been but moderate in revilings , it might have been winkt at ; but to fly out into such extremity on so small provocation against their betters , so as to call them idolls , blind-guides , despisers , generation of vipers , such as crucifie christ , men that serve their owne lusts , hypocrites , the seed of the devill , necromancers , judasses , men that live by bloud , robbers and thieves , men without mercy , among whom justice is dumbe , delighting in the kingdome of darknesse and the devill , like herod and pilate in administring justice , whose eyes are dazled with envie , and eares open to lies , stout maintainers of the man of sin , whose wayes are wicked ▪ and to bee abhorred ; worse then indians , like dogs , &c. this language speakes loud to what countrey they belong , and of what race they come . ii. their reviling language not onely against the magistrates and government here in particular , but also against magistracy it self , and all civill power . if any shall say for them ( as themselves now for their owne advantage doe ) that this ill language is directed onely against our particular government and magistrates , but not against all civill power it self , the contrary may appear ( notwithstanding their dark language , under which sometimes they seek to conceale it ) in these particulars . " 1 they expresly affirm that the office to minister justice , belongs onely to the lord : and that therefore ( from their instance of herod ) men make themselves gods , ( which themselve● interpret to be onely from the god of this world , and to be in flat opposition against god , pag. 26. ) by ruling over the bodies and estates of men ; and that the people receiving herod to government , & crying out that this was the ordinance of god , and not of man , that he was immediately smitten of god for it : as also they tell us , p. 26. that to set up men to judge of good and evil , for which all m●n are set up in that kinde ; that this is re-acting that ancient spirit of the serpent , if yee eate , yee shall bee as gods. " now this strkes at all magistracy , for if the office of ministring justice and righteousnesse belongs to god onely , then not unto any man , for that is to make gods of men ; and if to judge betweene good and evill bee to act over againe the ancient spirit of the serpent , then 't is not onely unlawfull , but diabolicall , to make judges of what is right and wrong , good or evill by any man. if it bee objected , is it possible that any men should bee so grosly blind and wicked , as to abolish all ministration of justice and righteousnesse ? answ . 1. these men seeme to acknowledge some way of ministring justice , but the mysterie lies in that word office , they would have no man set up in the office of magistracy , distinguished from other men , but would have such a power common to the b●ethren , so that a man may judge as a brother , but not as an officer , and therefore they slily justifie him , who called one of our chiefe magistrates in the open face of the court , brother , and condemne all our magistrates , because every man doth not sit there to judge as a brother , pag. 16. and their reason seems to bee drawne from this , because that to bee a brother , and consequently a ●olicire with " christ , is a higher sphere then to bee a civill officer , as their owne words intimate , pag. 16. now the rule is evident à quatenus ad omne , that if ministration of justice and judgement belongs to no officer , but to a man as a brother , then to every brother , and if to every brother , whether rich or poore , ignor●nt or learned , then every christian in a common-wealth must bee king , and judge , and sherif●e , and captaine , and parliament man , and ruler , and that not onely in new-england , but in old , and not onely in old , but in all the christian world ; downe with all officers from their rule , and set up every brother for to rule , which the godly-wise may easily discerne to bee the establishment of all con●usion , and the setting up of anarchy worse then the greatest tyranny . 2. although these may beare the world in hand that they allow ministration of justice and righteousnesse by men as brethren , yet some cakes of these mens dough have been so farre leavened and sowred against all civill power , as that in our publike courts , being demanded how murderers , theeves , and adulterers should bee punished if there should bee no civill power coercive , they openly and roundly answered before many witnesses , that such persons must be left to the judgment of god , both which not long after god himself sate judge upon , being suddenly and barbarously slaine by the bloody indians in the dutch plantation . " first , they exclaime against us for choosing men that are honourable , learned , wise , experienced , and of good report , or else they may not rule among us , and this , they say , is of man , and by man , and putting the second witnesse to death , viz. the dea●h or weaknesse of christ , or in plaine english , 't is a killing of christ . now however the application is made unto our civill state , yet it manifestly strikes at all civill states in the world , who shall choose any officers for rule and government , and administring of justice , although they bee never so honourable , learned , wise , experienced , and of good report , and consequently most fit for government ; and that in so chusing them they doe put christ himself to death . so that these men still harp on that string to have every man judge as a brother , whether honourable or not honourable , whether wise or foolish , whether of good report or evill report , otherwise christs weaknesse is slaine . 3. " they affirme that they who can create , make void , and remove offices and officers at their pleasure , are of that evill one , ( i. the devill ) and not of jesus christ , but of shedim that waster and destroyer of mankind for ever . their proofe is from that monstrous interpretation of yea , yea , and nay , nay , and they instance not onely in church-officers , but in common-wealth-officers , whether rulers or captaines . their words are these , " viz. hee with whom it is yea , i am a ruler , but it was nay when i was none at all , renounceth the spirit of him that rules in righteousnesse , professing the spirit of him that is prince of the power of the aire , who is working now so effectually in the children of disobedience ; so also hee with whom it is yea , i am captaine , or chief-slaughter-man , but it was nay , time was that i was none at all , renounceth the victory and slaughter made by the captaine and high-priest of our profession , professing himselfe to bee a superfluous giant made in the host of the philistims , to defie the host of the living god. by which speeches ' ●is evident that they doe not onely oppose civill officers chosen amongst us here , but all such as are chosen rulers , captaines , and officers at any time , in any place , and were not so before ; and such they say are of the devill the destroyer of man. 4. " they say men limit , and so destroy the holy one of israel , whose life is infinite , and without circumscription and containment ( as they call it ) if men acknowledge that christ rules on earth onely by his deputies , litvtenants , and vicegerents , ( i. by persons invested with civill authority and office , for so they are called by orthodox divines ) and therefore they say that his putting christ to death , when onely wise , and honourable , and learned , and experienced , and men of good report , are chosen to rule , because they would have the power to rule common to all christians , but as for the office of rule to bee peculiar to none , and therefore pag. 24. they tell us that none shall see christ come into his kingdome with comfort , untill the authority and power of man appeares to be as the building of babel , and the name and authority of god onely to bee that wherein the blessing consists ; meaning that 't is babylonish building which god misliked , and confounded , for any man in office to rule and governe , because this is to limit the power and life of christ ( which is in every brother as well as in any officer ) and so to kill the life of christ ; so that if any of them say that although they distaste officers , as kings and others by election , yet not such as are so by hereditary succession , they are but words to sute their owne ends for a time , and to delude others , for if it bee limiting the holy one of israel , a circumscribing and so destroying the life of christ which is infinite , for to make him rule by his deputies and vicegerents on earth , then not onely kings and princes , whether by election or no , but all other civill officers must bee abandoned , because the life and power of christ is limited in successive as well as in elective princes , in inferiour as well as in superiour governours , who are christs deputies , and vicegerents , and therefore called rom. 13. 4. the ministers of god either for good or terrour . 5. " they call our generall court the idoll generall , which is nothing else but a device of man by the sleight of sathan to subject and make slaves of that species or kinde which god hath honored with his owne image , and they do not onely speake thus of our courts as idols , but they cry out woe unto the world because of the idols thereof , for idols ●ust needes bee set up , but woe be unto them by whom they are e●ected , and their reason reacheth to all civill power , ( for say they ) a man may be as well a slave to his belly , and make that his god , as be a vassall to his owne species , or kinde , or to any thing that man can bring forth even in his best perfection . there are other evidences of their corrupt minde herein from other passages in their letters which they speake under more obscure cloude● and allegories , but these may bee a sufficient witnesse against them before men and angels , that they abandon all civill authority , although for to serve their owne turnes of others or their owne lusts , they say they do not : the apostle jude long since , tels us of such persons expresly who despise dominion and speake evill of dignities , 1. they doe not only despise these or those particular persons or states that are invested with dominion ; but they despise dominion it selfe and dignities themselves , and would have all that power abandoned , whom he calleth v : 8. filthy dreamers , defiling the flesh , murmurers and complainers walking after their owne lusts , their mouthes speaking great swelling words , v. 16. and that it may yet more fully appeare that these men doe abandon all civill authority , ( although this secret they will not impart unto all , but rather professe the contrary ) there is extant to bee shewen if need were , the writings betweene a prudent man in this country , and one of the chiefe , and most understanding of this peculiar fellowship ( as they stile themselves ) wherein hee doth stoutly maintaine these three assertions , 1. that there are no ordinances . 2. that there are no relations neither in the common-wealth betweene rulers and subjects , nor in the church between officers and brethren , nor in the families betweene husband and wife , master and servant , father and sonne . 3. that there are no inherent graces in christians . by which principles the world may see what these men goe about , viz. " as much as in them lies to bring in a disorder and confusion in all states and families , and to open the sluce to all violence , injustice , and wickednesse , by not only abandoning , but reproaching and revilingall civill rule and authority upon earth , which they therefore scornefully call a meere device of man , idols , to be of the devill , the destroyer of mankinde , and to bee a crucifying of christ in his life and death , and all this when honourable , wise , learned , experienced , well reported persons are chosen and invested with civill power , whom therefore they would not have maintained , and to whom it is an unlawfull to administer any oath for the ending of civill differences , as to lust after a woman to commit adultery , pag. 20. iii. their blasphemous speeches against the holy things of god. 1. against the churches , they call them devised platformes pag. 26. " and that the wisedome of men is the whole accomplishment ( or that which gives the whole being ) of churches and common-wealth . pag. 10. " 2. " against the calling of ministers , they say , that to make their calling mediate and not immediate , is to make a nullity of christ , and to crucifie christ , and to put him to an open shame , and that such ministers are magicians , pag. 34. now this reflects upon all the ordinances and ordinary officers and ministers of christ , that either are or have beene in the church at any time , for although the offices bee immediately from christ , yet their call to exercise this office hath beene ever accounted mediate . 3. " against the word of god , they call the sermons of gods ministers tales , or lies and falshoods , now had they thus spoken upon proofe against any particular sermons , or persons , the accused might have spoken for themselves , but indifferently to revile all sermons as tales or forgeries , the doctrine generally taught here amongst us , being no other then that which paul preached at ephesus for three yeares space and upwards , viz. repentance towards god , and faith towards the lord jesus , act. 20. being also no other then what agrees generally with the harmony of confessions of all reformed churches : to call these tales is a word which the lord jesus will certainely remember , unlesse they repent ; the sermons of the apostles of christ , as well as the doctrine of all reformed churches , being reproached hereby . 4. against the sacraments : as for baptisme they doe not onely make the baptizing of infants as abominable as the crosse , but all our baptismes , " behold ( say they ) the vanity and abomination of all your baptismes , and they doe not meane all those baptismes which are in use amongst us , but in any churches of the world at this day ; for they acknowledge no other baptisme then that which is spirituall , and hence they say , " that when ever you see the baptisme of christ truly in use according to the word of god , you doe as truly see that party partaking and communicating with the crosse and sufferings of christ , for these are coaparant , now communicating in christs sufferings in their meaning is onely spirituall , and so is therefore all baptismes . 2. as for the lords supper scarce a greater heape of blasphemies in fewer words can come from the mouth of man against that blessed ordinance , wherein christ is so manifestly and sweetly present , " for they call it your disht up dainties , turning the juice of a sillie grape that perisheth in the use of it , into the bloud of the lord jesus , by the cunning skill of your magicians , which doth make mad and drunke so many in the world . 5. against repentance and humiliation for sinne , they speake somewhat obscurely , but they that know them may sonne understand their meaning , which if it be this , that in a way of compunction and sorrow for sinne , a christian is not to seeke for consolation and comfort from christ , and to affirme that this is to make the sonne of god belial and segnirim , the devill himselfe , ( as they interpret it ) then t is most grosse blasphemy against not onely the preaching , but practise of repentance and godly sorrow , for which the apostle rejoiced to see in the corinthians , ch . 7 v. 9. 10. and which james and peter command and commend , james 4. v. 9. 10. 1 peter 5. v. 6. and which way not so much moses in the law but christ in the gospell hath sanctified to finde pardon of sinne 1 john 1. 9. 6. against christ jesus himselfe : " they condemne our doctrine for affirming that jesus christ actually dyed and suffered onely in the dayes of herod , and pontius pilate , when hee hanged on the crosse , and that hee was crucified in truth and substance onely when hee appeared borne of the virgin mary : and for this doctrine wee are condemned as wisards and necromancers . now what is this but to overthrow not onely the being of christ in the flesh , making him no other then such an one as actually suffered from the begining of the world , and shall doe to the end of it , but also overthrowing all faith and hope of salvation in that messiah who was incarnate in the dayes of herod and pilate , and in his death and sufferings , and that one perfect offering , then once for all heb. 10. 14. the reader may therefore be pleased to take notice that being asked in open court what was that christ who was borne of the virgin and suffered under pilate ? one of them answered that hee was a semblance , picture , or a shadow of what was and is done " actually and substantially in christians ; and hence the meaning of the words may bee gathered pag. 11. which otherwise the wise reader may thinke to bee non-sence . viz. " that they are wisards and necromancers who raise a shadow without a substance ( viz. to make christ to bee slaine in types since the world began ) or who raise the substance of him who dwels in light without a shadow , ( making no more of christ but a semblance and shadow , as themselves call it ) for further explication of which they affirmed in open court that as the image of god in adam was christ , ( " for god they said had but one image ) so the lesse of this image by man was the death of christ , and therefore 't is no wonder if they deny christ to dye actually onely when crucified under pontius pilate because man sinned actually ( which they make to be christs death ) long before ; meane while the reader may take notice with a holy astonishment and horrour of the heavy curse of god in blinding these bold men with such a palpable and grosse spirit of delusion and mad phrensies , who will make mans sinne and fall , which is the cause of perdition of men , to be the cause of the salvation of man , for so christs death is which they blasphemously make mans sinne to bee . for further proofe that they make little use of christ and his death , then as hath been said , their owne interpretation of the slaying of the two witnesses , pag. 17. 18. seemeth to confirme , for they make these two witnesses the life and the death of christ in men , the life of christ they call his strength , and the death of christ they call his we●knesse , viz. as it is , and appeares in weake , foolish , ignorant , unexperienced , and ill-reported of men , and therefore they blame us for killing of christs death ( for it seemes it is such a death as may bee killed ) in that wee chuse honourable , wise , learned men , and of good report to place of rule , excluding others . now some of these blasphemies might have beene the better borne if they had let christ and his death alone , and his word alone , but to call the holy word and sermons of salvation tales , the sacrament an abomination , madding and making drunke the world , to call the ministers of christ who dispense word and sacraments , necromancers and magicians , and they who hold and beleive him to bee the messiah and christ who suffered under pilate , wisards , and all this in coole bloud , in the open face of the court , obstinately refusing to alter a title of what they had writ , let the world judge if ever antichrist that beast spoken of rev. 13. 5 , 6. did ever speake greater blasphemies against god , his name , and tabernacle , and whether such men deserve to live , that live thus to blaspheme ; may not such civill states that tolerate such , feare that sentence of god against them as was pronounced against ahab for letting blasphemous benhadab escape with his life , thy life for his life ? however mens charity may enlarge it sel●e this way , yet let wisedome preserve us and make the wise hearted wa●y of such impostors , who want not their wiles to say and unsay , as may best sute their advantage , for they can hold forth at some time and to some persons , wholesome and orthodox truths and beare them in hand that this is all that they hold , but they have depths of abomination to give to drinke when they see their seasons , in such golden cups ; they have hidden secrets , which their young proselytes shall not presently see , much lesse others ; for so they tell us pag. 17. " that t is not their purpose to open to every one the house of their treasures , the silver and gold , and spices , and precious ointment , nor the house of their armour , because they may take them all as execrable and put them to a prophane use , nor can every spirit comprehend the breadth of the land of emanuel , ( as they call it pag. 12. ) nor know the cherubims of glory , nor the voice of the oracle from the mercy-seate : and indeed their uncouth , tumorous and swelling words ( as jude cals them jude 16. ) like swellings , and tumours of the flesh , are the undoubted signes of a secret and seducing humour , whereby they are fit to deceive the simple and infect the strong , if men bee not watchfull . the publisher to the reader . the reason wherefore nothing is answered to the great charge in his voluminous postscript , is because it hath beene answered , already by a former treatise printed : but more especially because many of the friends , children and kindred of the dead are in good esteeme with us , whom i am loath to grieve . but since by course thou art next to cast thine eye gentle reader upon the summe of a presentment which the court at road iland received from their grand jewry being present when samuel gorton had so much abused their government in the face of the country , yea in open court , their owne eyes and eares bearing witnesse thereunto , they i say presented these abuses to the court , as such which they conceived ought not to bee borne without ruine to their government , and therefore besought the bench to thinke of some one punishment for examples sake as well as otherwise to bee inflicted on the delinquent . and therefore that thou maist see the occasion thereof , take notice that an ancient woman having a cow going in the field where samuel gorton had some land . this woman fetching out her cow , gortons servant maid fell violently upon the woman beating and notoriously abusing her by tearing her haire about her , whereupon the old woman complaining to the deputy governour of the place , hee sendeth for the maid , and upon hearing the cause , bound her over to the court. the time being come and the court set , gorton appeares himselfe in the defence of his maid , and would not suffer his maid to appeare or make answer , but said expresly she should not appeare , and that if they had any thing against her they should proceed with him . and though hee was lovingly disswaded by some of the bench not to engage himselfe but let his maid appeare , yet hee refused : but when hee could not bee prevailed with , the action was called and witnesses produced , sworne , and examined : which being done , hee moved for another witnesse to bee called , which hee perswaded himselfe and the bench was an honest woman and would speake the truth . now shee being sworne , said , mr. gorton , i can speake nothing will helpe your maid . and indeed her whole testimony was against her and for the old womans cause , whereupon hee openly said , take heed thou wicked woman , the earth doth not open and swallow thee up . and then hee demanded of the court if hee should have equity and justice in his cause or no ? to which was answered , if he had either plea or evidence to produce in his maids cause it should be heard . then hee nominated one weekes who could say something to it . weekes was called and required to take his oath before hee spake ; at which gorton and weekes both of them jeered and laughed and told the court they were skilled in idols , and that was one , and stood stoutly a long time to make it good . hereupon some of the court put him in mind how they had forewarned him of such carriages fearing he would fall into some extreames . at length the governour gathering up the summe of what was witnessed , commends it to the jewry . at which time gorton said , the court had perverted justice and wrested the witnesses , with very many high and reproachfull termes ; and in the midst of his violence throwing his hands about , hee touched the deputy governour with his handkerchiefe buttons about his eares ( who it seemes sate at a table with his backe towards him ) whereupon the deputy said , what will you fall about my eares ? to which gorton answered i know not whether you have any eares or no ? and if you have , i know not where they stand ; but i will not touch them with a paire of tongues . the governour often calling upon the jewry to attend the cause , was as often interrupted by him . whereupon many of their freemen being present , desired the court they would not suffer such insolencies , professing they were troubled the court had borne with them so long . for which in briefe , hee was committed , but when the governour bade the marshall take him away ; hee bade take away coddington , which was their governours name : a thing i thought meet to explaine , lest thou shouldst not understand it by the heads of the presentment here following , abusing all and every particular of the magistrates with opprobrious terms . but note when hee was committed upon his mutinous and seditious speeches , weekes , holden , &c. his abettors , stopped the way with such insolency , as the governour was forced to rise from the bench , to helpe forward the command with his person , in clearing the way , put weekes in the stocks , and was forced to command a guard of armed men to preserve themselves and the peace of the place : and this they did because of some fore-going jealousies ; and now taking occasion to search the houses of that party that adhered to him , they found many of their peeces laden with bullet : and by meanes hereof they were forced to continue their guard , whilst upon their banishment they were forced from the island . and however it were enough for a book alone to relate all the particulars of his insolent carriage , yet take notice onely of two or three particulars : 1 when hee was censured to bee whipt and banished , he appealed to england ; they asked to whom ? hee said with a loud voice , to king charles . they told him , hee should first have his punishment , and then afterwards hee might complain . to which hee replyed , take notice i appeale to king charles , calo , or selah ; the party who was present told mee hee could not tell which , but that word was spoken with an extraordinary high and loud voice . a second thing to be observed , was , that after hee had been so deservedly whipt , some of his faction said , now christ jesus had suffered . and thirdly , although the weather was very cold , the governour going away after execution of justice upon him , yet he ran a good way after the governour , drawing a chaine after one of his legs , the upper part of his body being still naked , and told him , he had but lent him this , and hee should surely have it again . all this i had from a man of very good repute , who then lived with them , and was an eye and eare witnesse to all these proceedings . in the next place take notice good reader , that when hee went from hence well whipt , as before , and entred upon his banishment , the place hee went to ( in a sharpe season ) was a town called providence , where mr. roger williams , & divers others lived , who in regard of the season , entertained them with much humane curtesie , but the gortonians answered all like aesops snake , as thou maist read by the severall letters of the chief inhabitants of that place , by a notorious faction there also by them raised , to the great distraction and amazement of the inhabitants , as appeareth by their dolefull complaints in their own letters , a true copy whereof i present unto thee . the sum of the presentment of samuel gorton at portsmouth in roade-island , by the grand jury . first , that samuel gorton certaine dayes before his appearance at this court , said , the government was such as was not to bee subjected unto , forasmuch as it had not a true derivation , because it was altered from what it first was . 2 that samuel gorton contumeliously reproached the magistrates calling them just asses . 3 that the said gorton reproachfully called the judges , or some of the justices on the bench ( corrupt judges ) in open court. 4 that the said gorton questioned the court for making him to waite on them two dayes formerly , and that now hee would know whether hee should bee tryed in an hostile way , or by law , or in sobriety . 5 the said gorton alledged in open court , that hee looked at the magistrates as lawyers , and called mr. easton , lawyer easton . 6 the said gorton charged the deputy governour to bee an abetter of a riot , assault , or battery , and professed that he would not touch him , no not with a paire of tongues : moreover he said , i know not whether thou hast any eares , or no : as also , i think thou knowest not where thy ears stand , and charged him to be a man unfit to make a warrant . 7 the said gorton charged the bench for wresting witnesse , in this expression , i professe you wrest witnesse . 8 the said gorton called a freeman in open court ( saucy boy , and jack-an-apes ; ) and said , the woman that was upon her oath , would not speake against her mother , although she were damned where she stood . 9 the said gorton affirmed that mr. easton behaved himselfe not like a judge , and that himself was charged either basely or falsly . 10 the said gorton said to the bench , ye intrude oaths , and goe about to catch me . 11 the said gorton being reproved for his miscarriage , held up his hand , and with extremity of speech shooke his hand at them , insomuch that the freemen present said , hee threatens the court. 12 the said gorton charged the court with acting the second part of plymouth magistrates , who , as hee said , condemned him in the chimney corner , ere they heard him speak . 13 the said gorton in open court did professe to maintaine the quarrell of another being his maid-servant . 14 the said gorton being commanded to prison , imperiously resisted the authority , and made open proclamation , saying , take away coddington , and carry him to prison ; the governour said again , all you that owne the king , take away gorton and carry him to prison ; gorton replyed , all you that own the king , take away coddington , and carry him to prison . william dere secretary . mr. roger vvilliams his letter unto mr. vvinthrop , concerning samuel gorton . providence 8. 1st . 1640. master gorton having foully abused high and low at aquidnick , is now bewitching and bemadding poore providence , both with his uncleane and foule censures of all the ministers of this country , ( for which my self have in christs name withstood him ) and also denying all visible and externall ordinances in depth of familisme , against which i have a little disputed and written , and shall ( the most high assi●ting ) to death : as paul said of asia , i of providence ( almost ) all suck in his poyson , as at first they did at aquednick . some few and my selfe withstand his inhabitation , and towne-priviledges , without confession and reformation of his uncivill and inhumane practises at portsmouth : yet the tyde is too strong against us , and i feare ( if the framer of hearts help● not ) it will force mee to little patience , a little isle next to your prudence . jehovah himselfe bee pleased to bee a sanctuary to all whose hearts are perfect with him ; in him i desire unfainedly to be your worships true and affectionate roger williams . providence this 17. of november , anno 1641. to the honoured governour of massachusett , together with the worshipfull assistants , and our loving neighbours there . vvee the inhabitants of the town abovesaid , having faire occasions , counted it meet and necessary to give you true intelligence of the insolent and riotous carriages of samuel gorton and his company , which came from the island of aquednick ; which continue still as sojourners amongst us ; together with john greene , and francis weston , two which have this long time stood in opposition against us , and against the fairest and most just and honest ways of proceedings in order and government , that wee could rightly and truly use , for the peaceable preservation and quiet subsistence of our selves and families , or any that should have faire occasion to goe out or come in amongst us . also six or seven of our townsmen which were in peaceable covenants with us , which now by their declamations doe cut themselves off from us , and jointly under their hands have openly proclaimed , to take party with the afore-named companies , and so intend for ought wee can gather , to have no manner of honest order , or government either over them or amongst them , as their writings , words , and actions doe most plainly shew . it would bee tedious to relate the numberlesse number of their upbraiding taunts , assaults , and threats , and violent kinde of carriage daily practised against all that either with care or counsell seek to prevent or withstand their lewd licentious courses . yet in briefe to commit some few of them to your moderate judgements , lest wee our selves should bee deemed some way blinded in the occurrences of things , here is a true copy of their writing inclosed , which francis weston gave us the 13. of this present moneth , they having also set up a copy of the same on a tree in the street , in stead of satisfaction for fifteene pounds , which by way of arbitration of eight men orderly chosen , and all causes and reasons that could bee found , daily and truly examined , and considered jointly together , when hee the said francis weston was found liable to pay , or make satisfaction in cattle or commodities , but on the 15. of this present moneth , when wee went orderly , openly , and in a warrantable way to attach some of the said francis westons cattle , to drive them to the pound , to make him , if it were possible , to make satisfaction : which samuel gorton and his company getting notice of , came and quarrelled with us in the street , and made a tumultuons hubbub ; and although for our parts wee had before-hand most principally armed our selves with patience , peaceably to suffer as much injury , as could possibly be● born , to avoid all shedding of blood , yet some few drops of blood were shed on either side : and after the tumult was partly appeased , and that we went on orderly into the corne-field , to drive the said cattle , the said francis weston came furiously running with a flayle in his hand , and cryed out , helpe sirs , helpe sirs , they are going to steale my cattle , and so continued crying till randall holden , john greene , and some others came running and made a great out-cry , and hollowing and crying , theeves , theeves , stealing cattle , stealing cattle , and so the whole number of their desperate company came riotously running , and so with much striving in driving , hurried away the cattle , and then presumptuously answered , they had made a rescue , and that such should bee their practise if any men at any time , in any case attach any thing that is theirs . and fully to relate the least part of their such like words and actions , the time and paper would scarce bee profitably spent , neither need wee to advise your discretions what is likely to bee the sad events of these disorders , if their bloody currents bee not either stopped , or turned some other way . for it is plaine to us , that if men should continue to resist all manner of order , and orderly answering one of another in different cases , they will suddenly practise , not onely cunningly to detaine things one from another , but , openly in publike , justly or unjustly , according to their own wills disorderly take what they can come by ; first pleading necessity , or to maintaine wife and family ; but afterwards boldly to maintain licentious lust , like savage brute beasts , they will put no manner of difference between houses , goods , lands , wives , lives , blood , nor any thing will bee precious in their eyes : if it may therefore please you of gentle curtesie , and for the preservation of humanity and mankinde , to consider our condition , and lend us a neighbour-like helping hand , and send us such assistance ( our necessity urging us to bee troublesome unto you ) to helpe us to bring them to satisfaction , and ease us of our burden of them , at your discretions ; wee shall evermore owne it as a deed of great charity , and take it very thankfully , and diligently labour in the best measure wee can , and constantly practise to requite your loving kindnesse , if you should have occasion to command us , or any of us in any lawfull designe : and if it shall please you to send us any speedy answer , we shall take it very kindly , and bee ready and willing to satisfie the messengers , and ever remaine your loving neighbours , and respective friends joshuah winsor benedict arnold william mean william hawkings robert west william field william harris william wickenden william reinolds thomas harris tho. hopkins mark hugh bennit william carpenter . providence the 25. of the 3. month , 1641. to the rest of the five men appointed to manage the affaires of our towne aforesaid , these are further to give you to understand ; viz. that i doe not onely approve of what my neighbours before me have written and directed their reasons to a serious consideration with us , concerning samuel gorton and his company : but this much i say also , that it is evident and may easily bee proved , that the said samuel gorton nor his company are not fit persons to bee received in , and made members of such a body , in so weake a state as our town is in at present . my reasons are , viz. first , samuel gorton having shewed himselfe a railing and turbulent person , not onely in and against those states of government from whence hee came , as is to bee proved ; but also here in this towne since hee have sojourned here ; witnesse his proud challenge , and his upbraiding accusations in his vilifying and opprobrious terms of , and against one of our combination most wrathfully and shamelesly reviling him , and disturbing of him , and medling with him , who was imployed and busied in other private occasions , having no just cause so to revile and abuse him , saying also to him ( and that of another state ) in a base manner , they were like swine that held out their nose to suck his blood , and that now hee and the rest of his company would goe and wallow in it also ; which are indeed words unsufferable ; and also despitefully calling him boy , as though hee would have challenged the field of him , in such an inhumane behaviour as becomes not a man that should bee thought to be fit by any reasonable men to be received into such a poor weak state as we are in at present . secondly , another of his company , one who is much in esteem with him , who openly in a scornfull and deriding manner , seeing one of the five men that was chosen by the towne , and betrusted in the towne affaires , comming towards him in the street , hee asked of one that stood by him , who that was ; the other answered him , it was one of the five men appointed for managing of our towne affaires , or the like : yea , said hee , hee lookes like one of the five , which words import not onely a scorning and deriding of his person of whom then hee spake , but also a despising and scorning of our civill state , as it were trampling it under foot , as they had done by other states before they came hither , who were of greater strength then wee are ; for which cause i cannot see such persons to bee fit to bee received into such a state as our towne is . thirdly , i cannot finde these men to bee reasonable men in their suite unto the towne , to be received in as townsmen , seeing they have already had a plaine denyall of their request , and that by the consent of the major part of the towne , or very neare , &c. and are yet unanswerable ; and also that they seeing that their comming to our towne , hath brought the towne into a hurry , almost the one halfe against the other , in which estate no towne or city can well stand or subsist ; which declareth plainly unto us , that their intent is not good , but that their ●bode so long here amongst us , is in hope to get the victory over one part of the town , but specially of those that laid the first foundation of the place , and bought it even almost with the losse of their lives , and their whole estates , and afterwards to trample them under their feet , as some of their words hold forth , or else to drive them out into the same condition , to seek out a new providence , and to buy it with the like hardnesse as they first bought this place ; these , and many other like reasons that may be shewed , declare that they are not fit persons to be received into our meane and weake state. fourthly , and seeing hee who is so well knowne to bee the ring-leader unto the breach of peace , that have been so notoriously evill to bee a trouble of civill states where hee hath lived , that are of farre greater force then wee are of , specially that state who have their commission and authority from the higher powers ; what may wee then expect if he could get himself in with , and amongst so many as wee see are daily ready to tread us under their feet , and his , whom he cals friends , &c. surely , first a breach of our civill peace , and next a ruine of all such as are not of his side , as their daily practise doth declare ; ergo , they are not fit persons to be received into our towne , &c. object . if it bee objected , as some have blasphemously said , that wee are persecutors , and doe persecute the saints , in not receiving of them into our towne-fellowship , &c. answ . to this i answer , there cannot bee proved the least shew of any persecution of those persons , either by us , or by any other amongst us to our knowledge . for 1 they have quiet abode amongst us , none molesting or troubling of them , nor any thing they have . 2 it cannot bee proved but by their owne relation , the which hath been disproved ; that they were sent out from those places from whence they came for religion , neither are they medled with here for any such matter , but rather that they themselves in their bravery are more ready to meddle with others . 3 they themselves and others of their followers , have rather been troublers and persecutors of the saints of god that lived here before they came , and doe but waite their opportunity to make themselves manifest in that they intend ; ergo , it cannot bee truly said of any , that any persecution is offered by us unto them , if it could possibly be said of them that they are saints . obj. but if it be further objected , that we doe not give them the liberty of men , neither doe wee afford them the bowells of mercy , to give them the meanes of livelihood amongst us , as some have said . answ . to this i say ; 1 there is no state but in the first place will seeke to preserve its owne safety and peace . 2 wee cannot give land to any person by vertue of our combination , except wee first receive them into our state of combination , the which wee cannot doe with them for our owne and others peace-sake , &c. 3 whereas their necessity have been so much pleaded , it is not knowne that ever they sought to finde out a place where they might accommodate themselves , and live by themselves , with their friends , and such as will follow after them , where they may use their liberty to live without order or controule , and not to trouble us , that have taken the same course as wee have done for our safety and peace , which they doe not approve nor like of , but rather like beasts in the shape of men to doe what they shall thinke fit in their owne eyes , and will not bee governed by any state. and seeing they doe but here linger out the time in hope to get the day to make up their penny-worths in advantage upon us , we have just cause to heare the complaints of so many of our neighbors that live in the town orderly amongst us , and have brought in their complaints , with many reasons against them , and not to admit them , but answer them as unfit persons to bee received into our meane state , &c. now if these reasons and much more which have been truly said of them , doe not satisfie you , and the rest of our neighbours , but that they must be received into our towne-state , even unto our utter overthrow , &c. then according to the order agreed upon by the towne , i doe first offer my house and land within the liberty of the towne unto the towne to buy it of mee , or else i may , and shall take liberty to sell it to whom i may for mine advantage , &c. william arnold . a particvlar answer to the manifold slanders and abominable falsehoods contained in a book , called simplicities defence against seven-headed policy : wherein samuel gorton is proved a disturber of civill societies , desperately dangerous to his country-men the english in new-engl . and notoriously slanderous in what he hath printed of them . when first i entertained the desires of the countrey to come over to answer the complaints of samuel gorton , &c. and to render a reason of the just and righteous proceedings of the countrey of new-engl . in the severall parts of it , against him being a common disturber of the peace of all societies where hee came , witnes new-plymouth , 2 roade-island , 3 providence , and lastly the massachusets , being the most eminent ; i little thought then to have appeared in print : but comming into england , and finding a booke written by mr. gorton called simplicities defence against seven-headed policy : or , a true complaint of a peaceable people , being part of the english in new-engl . old-england , against cruell persecutors united in church-government in those parts . i then conceived my selfe bound in duty to take off the many grosse and publike scandalls held forth therein , to the great amazement of many tender consciences in the kingdom , who are not acquainted with his proud and turbulent carriage , nor see the lion under his lambe-skinne coate of simplicity and peace . the lord knowes how unwilling i was personally to engage : and i trust hee will also guide mee in answering his booke , as i shall bee farre from bitternesse : t is true , time was when his person was precious in mine eies , and therefore i hope and desire onely to make a righteous and just defence to the many unworthy things by him boldly , ignorantly , proudly , and falsly published to the great dishonour of god in wronging and scandalizing his churches , which the lord jesus christ will not leave unpunished . i know the world is full of controversies and t is my great griefe to see my dear native country so engaged in them , especially one godly person against another . 't is my present comfort i come not to accuse any ; but to defend new-england against the injurious complaints of samuel gorton , &c. but as it comes to passe oftentimes that men wound others unavoidably in defending their persons from the violent assaults of such as draw upon them , which otherwise they would never have done : so if mr. gorton receive any such hurt ( which is unavoidable ) hee becomes an accessary thereunto : by forcing mee to defend the country , without which i should bee unfaithfull . i know the world is too full of bookes of this kinde , and therefore however i am unfitted of many things i have and could procure at home would well become a relation of the late and present state of new england , yet i shall now onely with as great brevity as may bee give answer to such injurious complaints as hee maketh of us . and however his title , preface , and every leafe of his booke may bee justly found fault with , i shall clearely answer to matters of fact , such as hee chargeth the severall governments withall , so as any indifferent reader may easily discerne how grosly wee are abused , and how just and righteous censures were against him for disturbing the civill peace of all societies where hee came , in such a manner as no government could possibly beare : and for the blasphemies for which hee was proceeded against at massachusets , they fell in occasionally by his owne meanes without any circumstance leading thereunto . and first whereas hee accuseth us in the first page of his booke to got over to suppresse ●ereticks . 't is well knowne we went thither for no such end laid downe by us , but to enjoy those liberties the lord jesus christ had left unto his church to avoid the episcopall tyranny , and the heavy burthens they imposed , to which sufferings the kingdome by this ever to bee honoured parliament have and doe beare witnesse to , as religious and just . and that wee might also hold forth that truth and ancient way of god wherein wee walke , which mr. gorton cals heresie . next in the same pag. hee chargeth us with affection of titles , &c. to which i answer , either we must live without government , or if wee have governours wee must give them wee call such titles as are sutable to their offices and places they beare in church and common-wealth , as governours and assistants , pastors , teachers , rulers , deacons , &c. these are our highest titles we give . in his second pag. hee chargeth the massachusets to unite with other colonies to the end they might bathe themselves in bloud and feed themselves fat with the lives of their brethren , &c. this is a notorious slander . 't is true that the massachusets new plimouth , cone●tacut , and newhaven , i meane the severall colonies there entred into a civill combination , and are called by the name of the vnited colonies , and this was occasioned by a generall conspiracy of the indians against the body of the english there seated , together with the distracted condition of england , from whom we could expect no helpe at that time . but mr. gorton and his company sell at that time into more then ordinary familiarity with the na●ohigganset indians , who were the principal contrivers of the villany ; who where they could not draw others to them by force or flattery , they did it by large gifts , &c. as i could prove by many testimonies of the indians , many hundred miles asunder from each other , in which designe had not the finger of god in much mercy prevented , i had beene the first had fallen ; which i forbeare to relate here , being what i now doe , is but an answer to his invective , next in the same pag. hee tels us at his landing how hee found his country men at great variance at boston in point of religion ; but had not hee holpen to blow the bellowes the flame might never have beene so great . and whereas hee said that mr. williams was banished thence for differing from us being a man of good report , &c. in answer , 1. take notice , i know that mr. williams ( though a man lovely in his carriage , and whom i trust the lord will yet recall ) held forth in those times the unlawfulnesse of our letters patents from the king , &c. would not allow the colours of our nation , denyed the lawfulnesse of a publique oath ●● being needlesse to the saints , and a prophanation of gods name to tender it to the wicked , &c. and truly i never heard but he was dealt with for these and such like points : however i am sorry for the love i beare to him and his , i am forced to mention it , but god cals mee at this time to take off these aspersions . in pag. 3. hee mentions the proceedings of the massachusets against mr. john wheelwright &c. had it beene the will of god i would those differences had never been : but the maine difference was about a petition by way of remonstrance , which the government tooke very offensive : but mr. wheelwright and they are reconciled , hee having given satisfaction , &c. in the same pag. hee wrongs the doctrine of our churches , which is well knowne to bee sound . but whereas hee tels us in the same pag. of denying cohabitation , and of whippings , confinement , imprisonment , chaines , fines , banishment . i confesse all these things befell him , and most justly : for hee was bound to the good behaviour at plimouth and brooke his bonds in the face of the court , whipt and banished at roade island for mutinle and sedition in the open court there : also at providence as factious there though his party grew greater then mr. williams his better party , as appeares by his and their sad letters to the government of the massachuset for helpe and advice ; and afterwards banished the massachusets : all which appeares in another place of this booke , and the just causes of their proceedings annexed thereunto . lastly in this pag. hee tels us of his hardship divers nights together , that himselfe and the rest of his mutinous companions , as weekes , holden , &c. endured , which was just with god and man , for extream evils must have extreame remedies , and yet t is well knowne t is not a full dayes journey from roade island to providence . and whereas a stranger would thinke hee was then forced to goe to nauhigauset-bay amongst the indians , hee went not from providence till they were as weary of these mutineeres as either plimouth or roade island had beene before them . and because hee often mentioneth the hard measure hee received at plimouth , still carrying it on as if difference in religion had beene the ground of it : i thought good here to give the reader to understand what was the ground of his troubles there , that so all men may know what religion this man is of : for the tree is best knowne by its fruite . the first complaint that came against him for which hee was brought before authority , was by mr. ral●h smith a minister , who being of gortons acquaintance received him with his family into his house , with much humanity and christian respect , promising him as free use of it as himselfe , &c. but mr. gorton becomming troublesome , ( after meanes used to remove the offences taken by mr. smith , but to no purpose , growing still more insolent ) mr. smith desired him to provide elsewhere for himselfe : but gorton refused , saying , hee had as good interest in the house as mr. smith had . and when hee was brought before authority , stood stoutly to maintaine it to our amasement . but was ordered to depart and provide other wayes by a time appointed . and not long after there comming a woman of his acquaintance to plimouth , divers came to the governour with complaints against her , being a stranger , for unworthy and offensive speeches and carriages used by her . whereupon the governour sent to her to know her businesse , &c. and commanded her departure , and ordered the sea-man that brought her , to returne her to the place from whence shee came , at his next passage thither . but gorton said shee should not goe , for hee had occasion to employ her , &c. hereupon the governour ( it being in the time of a court ) sent for him , and because hee had hidde her , stood in justification of his practise and refused to obey the command of the court ( who seconded the governours order . ) he was committed till hee could procure sureties for his good behaviour till the next court which was a generall court , and there to answer to this contempt . the time being come and the court set , gorton was called ; but the governour being wearied with speech to other causes , requested one of his assistants who was present at his commitment and privy to the whole cause to declare the same . this assistant no sooner stood up to shew the country the cause of his bonds in the great affront hee had given the government , but gorton stretching out his hand towards his face said with a loud voice , if satan will accuse the brethren , let him come downe from jehoshuahs right ●and and stand here , and that done , in a seditious manner turned himselfe to the people and said , with his armes spread abroad ; yee see good people how yee are abused ! stand for your liberty ; and let them not bee parties and judges , with many other opprobrious speeches of that kinde . hereupon divers elders of churches being present , desiring leave of the governour to speake , complaining of his seditious carriage , and requested the court not to suffer these abuses , but to inflict condigne punishment . and yet notwithstanding all wee did to him was but to take the forfeiture of his foresaid bonds for his good behaviour . nay being but low and poore in his estate , wee tooke not above eight or ten pounds of it , lest it might lie too heavy upon his wife and children . but he must either get new sureties for the behaviour till the next generall court , or such time as he departed the government , or lie in prison till hee could : now hee knowing his outragious passions which hee could not restraine , procured sureties , but immediately left plimouth and went to roade island , where upon complaint of our persecutions hee found present reliefe there : yet soone afterward he abused them in a greater measure and had heavier yet too light a punishment inflicted on him , and all for breach of the civill peace and notorious contempt of authority without the least mention of any points of religion on the governments part , but as before . and whereas in pag. 4. mr. gorton further accuseth us that they were deprived and taken away from their quiet possessions , &c. such was his carriage at plimouth and providence at his first settling as neither of the governments durst admit or receive him into cohabitation ; but refused him as a pest to all societies . againe in the same pag. he accuseth massachusets and plimouth to have denyed them to be in our government , but when wee perceived the place to bee a refuge for such as were oppressed then , &c. 't is true that plimouth gave way to mr. williams and his company to sit downe at providence and have never molested them to this day , but refused gorton and weekes , &c. upon weekes his sollicitation when i was at providence for the reasons before mentioned , &c. and for those particular relations he makes of robert cole , william arnold , and benedict his sonne , i wave , as not being so well acquainted with their cases , but see hee writes with a venomous pen ; onely take notice he would make it a great crime in them to trade on the sabbath ( as it is ) when himselfe at that time denyed the sanctification of it . in pag. 5. hee complaines that powder was traded to the indians and denyed to them . answ . if it were traded to the indians , for my part i approve it not , it being against the expresse law of the country , and a large penalty annexed : but there was good reason to refuse it to them which held such familiarity with malignant indians especially during the time of their confederacy against us . in pag. 6. he speakes as if hee had beene under some censure of the massachusets at the time of the warrant there by him specified , how truly copied i know not : but am sure at this time he was personally under no censure of theirs . in pag. 7. hee accuseth magistrates and ministers for bringing in all the accusations that came in against them . who but publique persons should take notice of publique insolencies ? and as for mr. collens his story i am a stranger to , but beleeve it is misreported as well as others . in pag. 8. hee manifests hee durst not live under a forraigne prince , meaning the dutch , having never been false to his king and country , &c. with many ignorant swelling words ; as if it were treason to ones prince to live under a forraigne state though an ally . and in the same pag. hee would lay the death of mistris hutchenson who was mother in law to mr. collens , on us : although they went from road island which is not under the massachusets where shee had lived some yeares after her remove from the bay , and not from the massachusets to the dutch of her owne accord where they were cut off by the indians . in pag 9. he shewes how they bought lands of myantonimo prince of those parts . answ . 1. hee was not the prince of that part as was proved publiquely at massachusets himselfe being present . 2. he had no proper right in it , as is shewed at large elsewhere . in the same pag. he beginneth a large letter full of railing blasphemies which continueth to pag. 31. and however it bee not exactly set downe as it was sent , yet i admire at gods providence , for hee is falne into the snare he laid , this being brought against him to accuse him of blasphemy , before a committee of parliament , who called in his book , and referred him to the house , &c. but i forbeare to shew his folly here , which is referred to another place and his wickednesse discovered therein . in pag. 32. hee saith the government of the massachusets had no shew of any thing against them but religion , and yet the whole carried on in his owne way as well as what wee now print , shewes it was in the right of two indian sachims , namely pumham and socononoco , who placing themselves under the protection of the massachusets complained of violence offered them by mr. gort●n and his company , it being our manner both in capitals and criminals to doe them the like justice wee doe one to another , wherein walking by the same rules of righteousnesse towards them , they have the lesse cause to take offence at us . from pag. 33. forward , are many letters which i cannot beleeve al is in them , and therfore remain jealous of his sincerity in printing them . in pag. 37. hee holds forth conversion to be the ground of the massachusets sending to them , now to that end , saith hee , they sent a minister . 't is true , there was a gracious young man one mr. joh. bulkley then a student , but in no ministery , went to teach to the company they sent to guard their owne commissioners , and to bring in gorton if need required : but i dare not beleeve what hee affirmes . and for the copy of a letter hee fathers upon the commissioners sent by the government of the massachuset ; i conclude 't is rather set downe upon memory then right , because of some attestations i have by me to make use on elsewhere , which seeme to hold forth the contrary , and so i doe not credit it . in pag. 38 , & 39. hee relates how their wives were frighted at mens presenting their muskets at them , &c. and suffering such hardships as occasioned death , &c. which must also bee false , for honest men have deposed there was no such presentment , and that their wives came freely and familiarly to them , both before and after they were taken . so also hee affirmes our men would allow of no parley but private , or else they would dispatch them in a quarter of an houre , which i will never beleeve , because i know the men to bee men fearing god , and durst not proceed as hee relateth it . in pag. 40 , & 41. he also taxeth the commissioners and souldiers with breach of covenants in time of treaty , as , breaking open their houses , desks , killing their cattle , &c. all which is false , for oath is made to the contrary , which i shall make use of before my lord of warwick governour in chiefe , and the rest of the honourable committee for foraign plantations in due time and place , that whereas they were by agreement to have two houses for their company being about 40 men , they made use of but one , nor did any of these things laid to their charge . in pag. 45. he would make pumham and soconon●co , the naturall subjects of myantonimo their prince ; but this was disproved . and in the same page , he saith , the magistrates suggested to the people as though there were feare of some combination between the indians and them . answ . i dare not say you had a hand in the depth of their conspiracy : but this i thinke you dare not deny , that weekes one of your stoutest champions , lent myantonimo an armour , in which he was taken in battell against vncus , who was under the protection of the english united colonies : for which vncus put him to death ; and in your own book you hold forth more familiarity then becomes you . but here it will bee necessary for mee to shew you the ●round of this warre . there was a people called by the name of the pecoats , being a stout warlike people , who had been at warre with the● nanohiggansets many yeares , and were too strong for them ; so also were they at some distance of affection with this vncus , who was sachim of a people called the mohegans , neare the head of a river falleth into the sea at pecoat● . the chiefe sachim of this people of pecoat , was called tatobam , a stout man. the nanohiggansets and these strove who should be greatest . this tatobam envied the english , and was the first stirrer and contriver of this generall plot , that they might all joyne together to destroy the english ; but the nanohiggansets refused to joyne with them , knowing if that were once done , the next ruine must be their owne . afterward having subdued many small peoples , and one as great as themselves , and and some english planting more neare then the body of our plantations , though without wrong to him , or any of them , hee cut off captaine stone his barke and company , and after this killed divers stragling english . this stirred up the english to take revenge : the nanohiggansets and vncus , sachim of the moheges seeing this , because it was against their comon enemy , offered their service to joyn with the english : the nanohiggansets did no considerable service in comparison of the moheges , who did as much as could bee expected , but the nanohiggansets rather gathered up the spoile , to the great offence of the english and moheges , seldome ingaging in any fight . the english killed and destroyed this people utterly , so that those that were left remaining utterly deserted the countrey , and the english wonne it , and are now possessed of it . after this victory , myantonimo sachim or lord of the nanohiggansets , and vncus lord of the moheges , manifested no good blood towards each other ; the english at hartford where the government for coneetacut is held , hearing of it , got them together , and made a peace and threefold covenant between the government of coneetacut , nanohigganset , and mo●ege , which was signed by the governour of coneetacut , myantonimo sachim of nanohigganset , and vncus sachim of m●hegan . the covenants ran to this purpose , to confirme their league between the english and them , and either to other , and to hold forth a league of perpetuall peace between them . and in case any difference should arise between these two indian sachims , or their people , the party offended should complaine to the governour of coneetacut , who was to mediate and to determine the controversie between his two friends and their people : and in case the injury were great , and the party wronging would not stand to the foresaid award and determination , then it should not onely bee lawfull for the wronged to right himselfe by force of armes , but for the english party also to assist the innocent in that kind . and to this they all firmed as before . the nanohigganset sachim never regarded this covenant , the mohege sachim ever faithfully observed it . but myantonimo of nanohigganset had thoughts now to prosecute the pecoats designe , and to destroy the english , ( the pecoets nation being rooted out by gods just judgement as before ) and travels farre and neare to draw all the indians in the countrey into this horrid confederacy with him ; but this vncus would not bee wonne , though he would have taken his daughter in marriage , but ever acquainted the english with his working . at length an inferiour sachim , subordinate to nanohigganset affronts him and his men , hee complaines to the english , they send to this inferiour sachim , hee sleights their admonition , goes on his course ; whereupon the other demands leave to make warre upon him , not requiring any aide . still the english forewarne the other party of the evill they were like to being upon themselves ; till at length they professe they have had peace enough , & now it is time to war. whereupon the english give way to vncus to revenge himselfe , he doth it ; the other are beaten . now myantonimo he prepares an army of above 1000 men , and comes upon a sudden upon vncus without any respect to covenants , and took vncus at advantage , not with above 300 men ; by which meanes they beset him every way in his fort , which stands upon a point of land between two rivers . myantonimo so dispersed his men to prevent their f●ight , as vncus making a desperate salley with almost his full force , routed the other , slew neare upon an hundred , and forced them to fly : but mr. weekes one of samuel gortons company ( as i am credibly informed ) lending the great sachim a complete armor ; and having it on in the fight , was not able to fly so fast as his men , and was taken by this meanes . yet such was vncus respect still to the english , as hee kept him till hee sent to the english , viz. to the right worshipfull george fenwicke esquire , to know what he should doe with him , who lived next to him , hee wished him to follow their owne custome , and to deale with him , as if hee had not advised with him , or there were no english in the land to advise withall . hereupon hee resolved to have killed him forthwith , according to their custome . but no sooner were the nanohiggansets got home , who had lost divers sachims , captaines , and chiefe men in this fight , but they send to mr. gorton , &c. who sent a note to vncus , with a command by the bearer , that they put him not to death , but use him kindly and returne him . this the messenger either said or they supposed came from the massachusets governour , and did much daunt vncus and his men : but to cleare up all , they advised with the gent. of coneetacut , who wished him to keep him prisoner , and to advise with the commissioners of the united colonies whereof they were part , whose meeting would bee ere long by course at the massachusets : which counsell hee followed , and entreated the governour of coneetacut ( myantonimo also desiring it ) to keep him safe for him till then , whereupon hee was brought to hartford : and many gifts were sent to the prisoner ; which hee bestowed like himselfe , some on him that took him , some on vncus , some on his wife , some on vncus brother being a great captaine , and some on others where he had received kindnesses , and this was all the ransome was paid , there being not so much as a ransome proposed by the nanohiggansets , nor set down by vncus . but hee advising with the commissioners , they considering how many ways besides open hostility he had sought the life of vncus , by poyson , secret murther , witchcraft , &c. advised him to put him to death , there being no safety for him whilst hee lived , being so restlesse in his practice against his life ; and therefore wished vncus to proceed with him according to their owne custome towards prisoners of warre , which is to put them to death ; according to which advice he proceeded , knowing now that none of the engl. would intercede for him . and hereupon vncus went to hartford and demanded his prisoner , and led him to an house of his owne , out of the limits of the english , and there killed him , where was an english man or two by to prevent their accustomed cruelties , in cutting off not onely the head and hands of their prisoners when they are dead , and make bracelets of the fore-joints of their fingers , &c. but to torture them whilst living with most inhumane cruelties . after this , the nanohiggansets would warre upon him in revenge of his death ; wee forbade them , and at our next meeting of commissioners to consult about the weale publike of the united colonies , in regard the nanohiggansets pleaded they had taken a ransome for his life , and his life also , which the other denyed ; wee sent for vncus , and sent to the great sachims of nanohigganset to come also , or appeare by commissioners ; but they sent foure commissioners with full authority to treate , where we found neither ransome , nor colour of ransome in the least measure . and so a truce was agreed on , & if vncus brake it , we were then freed from our engagement to defend him any further , for they desired no more : and if the nanohiggansets broke it , then it should be lawfull for us the united colonies to take part with him , &c. but the truth is , though before they had so neare neighbours of the english , as gorton , &c. and till myantonimo's government , as they were the most in number , and most peaceable of all the indians , yet now they were changed , as if they had not been the people , and had their tutors , secretaries , and promptors to suggest their greatnesse and our weaknesse to them , as his book witnesseth , in such manner as i am confident if the gortonians ( for i take the phrase from his owne book here , never hearing it before ) bee suffered to live so neare them , it will bee our ruine , or these indians ( which we desire not ) in short time . i thought good to insert this narration thus briefly , that the reader might understand the ground of his many charges , calling god to witnesse i know not the least falshood related in it , but many things for brevities sake omitted worthy a history ; but i am now about an answer , not an history , and therefore thus briefe . but to return . in pag. 47. see how he scoffes at the sabbath as if there were no other ground for our religious observation of it , then mr. co●tons judgement . and in pag. 48. hee is full of many scoffs , as if hee and his gortonians would not , nor did shoot at all , when as i have oath to prove they shot also at the other , but the truth is , i heard some say that their powder was so dampe and moist as they could not without great difficulty discharge a peece , which i well beleeve might bee the reason they shot no more then they did . in pag. 49. hee chargeth captaine cooke with breach of articles : and yet i have it attested upon oath , that there were none agreed on ; onely they desired they might not goe bound ; which was easily assented to , they behaving themselves quietly . and for their cattle , i never heard the number to be so great by farre ; but asking the governour of the massachusets about them , hee professed they did not amount to halfe their charges . and if any aske by what authority they went out of their own government to do such an act ▪ know that his former seditious and turbulent carriage in all parts where he came , as plymouth , roade-island , a place of greatest liberty , providence that place which relieved him in that his so great extremity , and his so desperate close with so dangerous and potent enemies , and at such a time of conspiracy by the same indians , together with the wrongs done to the indians , and english under the protection of that government of the massachusets , who complained and desired reliefe ; together with his notorious contempt of all civill government , as well as that particular , and his blasphemies against god needlesly manifested in his proud letters to them , one whereof hee hath printed , and the other i have herewith published for him . all these considered , you shall see hereby cause enough , why they proceeded against him as a common enemy of the countrey . and as such as one , the said commissioners being then met together at massachusets by course , for the weale of the whole , upon just complaint ordered and thought meet that the government of the massachusets should call them to accompt , and proceed with them so farre as stood with righteousnesse and justice : and by their declaration thou maist easily see they went no further , for they refusing safe conduct to come to answer to the matters against them , forced them upon this charge needlesly , which they made them beare part of as before . so that here 's cause enough besides blasphemy for their proceeding with them i suppose . in pag. 51. he chargeth new-engl . ministers to pray in the streets : but take notice i have been there these 26 yeares , and better , but never heard of such a practise , till i now reade it in his book . in pag. 52. he saith , the governour to satisfie the people , said , we were apprehended for divers grosse opinions , &c. answ . you may see in the last section but one there was cause enough . and yet for opinions , let mee tell you that you held , that that image of god after which man was created was christ ; and that when adam fell christ was slaine , &c. and as for your opinion concerning churches , mr. williams by way of sad complaint told me , you denyed any true churches of christ to bee in the world : also baptisme it selfe , and the lords supper , sabbath , magistracy as it was an ordinance used amongst christians . and for the lords supper , that it is but a spell , the ministers necromancers , and the communicants drunke with the juice of the grape , &c. and for this last passage here mentioned , the reader shall have it at large in a second letter sent by him and his companions to the government of the massachusets , concealed by himself in his book , though he pretendeth to have printed all , &c. in pag. 53. as he abuseth others , so mr. cotton and mr. ward , in affirming that mr. ward put himselfe into a passion , and stirred up carder to recant , &c. as being no discredit to him , because mr. cotton ordinarily preached that publiquely once a yeare , which the next yeare he recants , &c. but mr. ward being in towne , a man well knowne and reputed , i shewed him the booke , and hee gave mee thanks , and returned this answer to it verbatius : samuel gorton having made mee a margent note in the 53 page of his booke , i hold my self called to make this answer to it ; i cannot call to minde that ever i knew or spake● with such a man as richard carder , nor that ever i had any speech with any prisoner at a window , nor should i need it in new-england , where there is liberty enough given for conference with prisoners in more free and convenient places . this i remember , that one robert potter who went in the same ship with mee into new-england , and expressing by the way so much honesty and godlinesse as gained my good opinion and affection towards him : i hearing that hee was affected with samuel gortons blasphemous conceits and carriages , and therefore now imprisoned with him , i went to visit him , and having free sp●●ch with him in the open prison yard , who shedding many teares might happily move me to expresse my affection to him , which samuel gorton calls passion : after some debate about his new opinions , i remember i used a speech to him to this effect : that hee should doe well and wisely to make such acknowledgement of his errours at his conscience would permit ; telling him that mr. cotton whom hee had so much reverenced in old england , and new , had given him a godly example in that kinde , by a publique acknowledgement upon a solemne fast day with many teares ; that in the time when errours were so stirring , god leaving him for a time , he fell into a spirituall slumber ; and ●ad it not been for the watchfulnesse of his brethren the elders , &c. hee might have slept on ; and blessed god very cordially for awakening him , and was very thankefull to his brethren , for their watchfulnesse over him , and faithfulnesse towards him : wherein ●ee honoured god not a little , and greatly rejoyced the hearts of his ●earers ; and therefore it would bee no shame for him to doe the like . concerning mr. cotton , were i worthy , i would presume to speake that now of him , which i have said more then many times of him elswhere , that i hold him such an eminent worthy of christ , as very few others have attained unto him ; and that i hold my selfe not worthy to wipe his slippers for matters of grace , learning , and industry in the worke of god. for the author samuel gorton , my self and others farre more judicious , take him to bee a man whose spirit is starke drunke with blasphemies and insolencies , a corrupter of the truth , and a disturber of the peace where ever hee comes ; i intreat him to read titus 1. 13. with an humble heart , and that is the greatest harm i wish him . n. w. thus much of the answer and testimony of that reverend and grave divine , wherein the reader may see how mr. gorton abuseth all men , by casting mire and dirt in the faces of our best deserving instruments . in page 54. he accuseth mr. wilson and mr. cotton for stirring up the people against them , &c. answ . what they pressed in their sermons , i was not present to heare ; but this i can affirme , that from the time of their liberty to my departure from new england , which is not much above two moneths , i have heard many precious godly men affirme , that sam. gorton and his company needlesly in their writings and conference belched out such blasphemy as they thought god was offended with the country for giving them the liberty they had . and that you may the better see his carriage , ( it being the manner of the countrey to let their prisoners come to heare the word preached ) mr. gorton , &c. being there after mr. cotton had ended his sermon on a sabbath day , asked leave to speake , which mr. cotton assenting to , the governour being present gave him leave , where with a loud voice before the whole congregation being very great , hee declared , that the ministery of the word , sacraments , censures , and other ordinances of religion in the hands of ministers , are like the silver shrines of diana in the hands of the craftsmen of ephesus , &c. and if the truth of this be questioned , i have testimony upon oath to make it good . in pag. 55 , 56 , 57. many things might bee excepted against , as in p. 55. his great respect manifested to that government , because derived from the state of england , which what it was thou maist largely see in certaine observations of a godly divine annexed hereunto , upon his owne two contemptuous and blasphemous letters , or rather bookes , wherein are 48 severall aspersions cast on them . secondly , his appealing , pag. 56. from their justice when their charter enjoynes none . in pag. 56 , & 57 , the questions as hee hath set them downe , and the relation about the time allowed him to give his answer ; i question whether he have dealt fairely therein , because hee is so often found faulty . to passe by his answer , and his large explanation of himselfe , pag. 58. and come to 59. &c. and so the rest of his answers to the questions to 64. i answer , though i know not whether hee doe right as hee states things ; yet this i know , being attested by reverend persons , that hee then maintained , that god made man after his owne image ; and that god hath but one image , and that is christ ; and this was the incarnation of christ , his exinanition by which we are saved . and when it was objected , wee are not saved by the incarnation of christ , but by the death of christ . true , saith hee , therefore adam fell , and so destroyed gods image , and that was the death of christ . when it was objected againe , adams fall was not our salvation , but condemnation , but the death of christ was our salvation : and therefore adams fall could not be the death of christ . hee would by no meanes either revoke or explaine his speech ( though much urged thereunto ) to agree with the principles of christian religion . being further demanded what he then thought of that christ in whom we beleeve , borne of the virgin mary , and who suffered under pontius pilate ? he answered , that that christ was a shadow , and but a resemblance of what is done in mee and every true christian . and now judge good reader , whether this be like what hee mentioneth , or whether it were a trifle not worthy the mentioning : but if he will be so unfaithfull as to omit it , i dare not . as for his censure , pag. 64. i know not whether it bee right set downe ; and so the charge , pag. 65. wherein i dare say he wrongeth the ministers , in saying , they stirred up the people to famish them . as for his long and tedious letter to mr. green , from page 66 to 74. i passe it by , as he saith mr. green did . but in 74. hee would make it an aspersion upon mr. endecot for saying that god had stirred them up to goe out of their owne jurisdiction to fetch them from their owne places . take notice as it is litterally within the line of plimouth government in their grant , yet the indians before mentioned having subjected themselves to the massachusets , the commissioners for plimouth as well as those for con●●aeut , and new-haven , upon the manifold complaints and reasons before mentioned , being met together at their ordinary time and place appointed and ordered it should bee so , as appeares by the copy of their act . at a meeting of the commissioners for the united colonies of new-england holden at boston the seventh of september 1643. whereas complaints have beene made against samuel gorton and his company , and some of them weighty and of great consequence ; and whereas the said gorton and the rest have beene formerly sent for , and now lately by the generall court of the massachusets with a safe conduct both for their comming and returne , that they might give answer and satisfaction wherein they have done wrong . if yet they shall stubbornely refuse , the commissioners for the vnited colonies think sit that the magistrates in the massachusets proceed against them according to what they shall finde just ; and the rest of the jurisdictions will approve and concurre in what shall bee so warrantably done , as if their commissioners had beene present at the conclusions , provided that this conclusion doe not prejudice the government of plimouth in any right they can justly claime unto any tract or tracts , &c. by which order it appeares they were stirred up and allowed by plimouth it selfe as well as the rest , as afore , to send for and deale with as indeed the common disturbers of the peace of the country . and whereas in pag. 76. he complaineth of the governours last order for breaking the order of court , yet take it as he relates it and any understanding man will easily see on the other side the same leafe that they still were bound to the rest of the articles at their confinement , which they were now in a high way to break . and for that little island called reade island they were forced to shelter in , take notice 't is 30 miles about , very fruitfull , and plentifully abounding with all manner of food the country affordeth , and hath two townes besides many great farmes well stocked in the same . in pag. 79. hee complaines of us for calling them gortonians , and so the indians calling them gortonoges and not englishmen , with many affected soppish vanities , phrases and termes i never heard on before , and yet have lived in new-england from the beginning , being now above 26 yeares . i wish hee study not , nor affect these things , but i much feare it . in pag. 80. hee tels a tale of a tub , of myantonimo's being slain as hee marched , which is false , for hee was put to death , and in an house , but not upon a march . and is it to bee wondered at , that two english were present to see the manner of their proceeding in so weighty a cause as one prince putting another his perfidious enemy and captive to death , especially when they were required by the commissioners to forbeare their accustomed torments and to give him honourable buriall , which they did and had thanks returned by the nanhiggansets for those particulars . now if any would know how it was done ? it was onely at one blow with an hatchet on the side of the heade as hee walked easily in the roome ( expecting no lesse ) which fully dispatched him at once . and thus much for answer to this charge . to let passe pag. 81. what hee saith about myantonimo's death as being answered before , and come to pag 82. &c. where he mentioneth a consultation held amongst the indians to put themselves under the subjection of the state of england , &c. answ . wee heard indeed of this desperate plot by this unfaithfull people , who had beene in covenant with the severall governments long before , but never observed any one article farther then it might further their owne designe which was to bee absolute lords of the country though with the ruine of us all . and truly had he not published this and the following discourse wee could never have proved it though wee heard of it both from english and indians . and however myantonimo dyed , yet the plot liveth and continueth to this day . now though i dare not say , nor doe i thinke they joyne with them in aiming at the ruine of all the english , yet they joyne with them in many of their councels , contrive their sturdy answers by writings , and become their secretaries . who knowes not that they cannot write ? and who knowes not their owne answers from those that come under your hands ? and if the state of england ( which god defend ) should establish your and their joynt propositions : then were their plot accomplished : for they might and would worke freely our ruine when as wee might not take up armes against them , but by vertue of warrant or writ from hence procured upon our complaints here , which also would bee six months in ordinary course in procuring and returning , when as in one of these all our throates might bee cut , and those hopefull beginnings so much favoured by our gracious god hitherto in a high way to bee overthrowne . indeed wee heard further , and for my part i beleeve it , that for the better accomplishment hereof , samuel gorton and some of his company had perswaded the nanohiggansets to send the king a very large present of beaver and otter skins which they should bring in , and accordingly did : but withall the english reporter saith , that if he could finde favour with the parliament , then hee would rest there : but if they frowned on him , hee doubted not to but obtaine what was meet from the king. but the times would not suffer him to publish this also , else i see wee should have had all : and this take notice of , that ( as the same report testified ) at his departure hee wished them by no meanes to warre with us the vnited colonies , but compound though it cost them never so deare , but assured them at his returne hee would come strengthened with such authority and so many of his friends as that the nanohiggansets and themselves should not need to feare any thing the rest of the english could doe . and that we heard these things from credible testimony and are not faigned by mee , i take the searcher of the heart to witnesse , yea say further that i beleeve them to bee true ▪ his glorious seeming well-deserving acts follow in pag. 82. &c. to 89. but note that weekes , holden , and warner , ( though i least know the last , but am sure for the other two ) were his strong assistants in his former seditious and mutinous carriages both at roade island and providence , and therefore ●it commissioners as he terms them , for the accomplishing such a designe . and in pag. 85. note first , their complyance with the nanohiggansets , and his false relation in saying myantonimo's ransome was taken and his life also , which is most false , as i made appeare in my former relation . and for the kings being our and their judge , as in pag. 86. know the indian● care no more for the king then they doe for us , whom they would destroy if they could . and in pag. 88. take notice 〈◊〉 the gortonists complying and joyning with them , first , by calling them their fellow-subjects , and secondly , speaking of the maukquagges ( whom wee ordinarily call mo-whakes ) as being the most fierce and warlike people in the country , where ( saith hee ) wee are furnished with 3700 guns , men expert in the use of them , &c. now these indeed as the switzers serve for hire . and the nanohiggansets being rich have hired them to assist them in their warre . but though the gortonists it seemes are interested with the nanohiggansets in their strength against us , yet are they neither so many men nor have so many arms , but have too many and are very expert in them ; being continually supplyed by the french and dutch , whose aime is chiefly at the trade of furs , and hereby not onely robbe us of that should helpe to maintaine our plantations which are growing up into a nation , but furnish the indians with all manner of armes , which i would to god , and humbly beseech this high court of parliament to take into serious consideration , and treate with their severall ambassadors about it , as a thing unreasonable in it selfe , and such as hath beene pernicious to french and dutch , and may bee destructive to them and us , if some due course bee not taken . but to returne from my humble request to the state , to my answer to samuel gorton ; although this be a most unworthy vaunt of his , yet i trust the state will make such use of it as never to suffer this desperate crew to live so neere our malicious enemies the nanohigans . and that they will not only countenance the sentence of the massachus . government against them , but hinder the said gortons returne thither , by forbidding him to set foot on that land of new-england he hath filled with so many troubles in all the parts where he hath beene . in pag. 91. hee taxeth plimouth to joyne with the massachusets to frustrate their government by vertue of their new charter . 't is true , we would have had the massachusets to have then sent , and rendred a reason to the state of their proceedings , knowing as before that mr. gortons journey was for evill and not for good : but they being then taken up with more weighty concernments neglected it : but plimouth did then petition the right honourable robert earle of warwicke the governour in chiefe of the english plantations in america and the rest of that honourable committee joyned in commission with him , that wee might enjoy our ancient limits of government granted in our letters patent , and withall shewed that their charter for the limits of it now granted , was contained within our line of government : and trust i shall now receive answer . t is true also that we sent mr. john brown furnished with these following instruction to signifie to all that were interessed in that new erected government as followeth by commission given at new-plimouth , nov. 8. 1644. 1. that a great part of their supposed government is within the line of the government of new-plimouth . 2. that wee assuredly knew that this ever to hee honoured house of parliament would not , nor will when they shall know of it , take from us the most ancient plantation , any part of the line of our government formerly granted ; it being contrary to their principles . 3. to forbid them and all and every of them to exercise any authority or power of government within the limits of out letters patents . 4. to certifie them that coweeset is not onely within the said limits , but that the sachim thereof and his sonnes have taken protection of this our government . and therefore to forbid them to enter upon any part of his or their lands without due order and leave from our government . now these instructions were signed by the governour . and mr. browne going to roade island for this end came very seasonable when a publique meeting was appointed for your new magistrates and people , ( but as he reported , for a most vile end ; viz. to take into consideration a new disposall of the lands formerly given out , as if some had too much and some too little , & for now respect of persons , and their estates was to bee laid aside . ) and here note that mr. coddington , mr. briuton , &c. that we at plimouth had speciall eye to , when wee commended them thither , abhorred their course , abstained from their meetings , looked upon themselves as persons in great danger , and bemoaned their condition to divers their friends , being now overwhelmed with cares and feares what would bee the issue of things . and note that now also mr. samuel gorton that before had suffered so much by authority for his evill doing , and was come to deny it and preach against it , being now by these inhabitants called to place , accepts it , and became a magistrate amongst them , &c. but whereas hee intimates , as if mr. browne had onely done his message ( according to his instructions ) in a private way from house to house , therein hee wrongs him : for hee did it publiquely in the place of their assembly , who were so daunted at it as they brake up , and did no act intended for that day , as hee related it : but some would have had him imprisoned , others punished , others sent to the dutch and so for england . yea mr. gorton himselfe told mr. brownes sonne that his father had done that which he deserved to die for , and were hee in any other place it would cost him his life . so fit for government were these men , as to judge a peaceable claime of right without any further disturbance or stirre made should thus deserve . neither indeed have wee further stirred then as before , ever resolving to rest in the determination of the right honourable the governour in chiefe and the rest of his honourable assistants of that committee bee trusted with the affaires of the forraigne english plantations , assuring our selves what ever might proceed either from misinformation or want of due knowledge what was formerly done , would bee rectified upon the first information and complaint made : such were our thoughts of them , and the justice wee expected , and still hope to receive from them . and thus much for answer to that complaint . in pag. 92. he layeth another grosse aspersion upon us , in saying , there was distance and alienation of affection betweene plimouth and the massachusets at their fi●st comming , each thinking i am holier then thou : and as if wee were now united on purpose to scatter them . the world knowes this to bee most false . never people agreed better , maintaining both religious and civill communion with each other , and helping and being helpfull one to another upon all occasions : which is so well knowne , as if hee had not more then ordinary boldnesse hee durst not affirme it . nor came the men of plimouth from amsterdam as hee reporteth but leyden , a people that many of that church of amsterdam would hardly allow communion withall : but his pen is no slaunder , at least will not bee where this answer shall follow it . and for his relation of the manner of the indians mourning for their prince his death ; truely had hee dyed a naturall death , 't is their manner not onely so to mourne for their great sachims which are princes , but for ordinary men , women and children as hee well knoweth or might know . in pag. 93. he further complaines of plimouth and massachusets for offering to goe out against the nanohiggansets to cut them off by the sword . and so complaines also of captaine standish &c. answ . i told you before how the commissioners for the united colonies meeting at hartford by course , whose meeting alwayes begins the first thursday in septemb. sent for both the nanohiggansets and vncus , who appeared , and a league agreed on : but the nanohiggansets broke againe , and warred upon vncus needlesly . the united colonies admonished them againe and againe : and after no admonition nor perswasions would serve , wee were then forced to call the commissioners together at an extraordinary season on purpose , who finding it meet to take up armes in the behalfe of vncus our confederate , whom by the agreement of the nanohiggansets sundry times , at divers meetings wee were bound , and it was made lawfull to doe . hereupon the commissioners agreeing as before , sent out their warrants to their severall and speciall governments , and accordingly forces were raised at a dayes warning . but before this , in stead of hearkening to righteous counsell , they threatened also the english , saying , they would make heapes of our dead bodies and cattle , as high as their houses , burne our habitations , make spoile of our goods , and used our messengers very discurteously , &c. and for captaine standish , this i heard him relate , that being at the place of rendezvouze , before the massachusets forces came , observing that some of the inhabitants of providence received the indians into their houses familiarly , who had put themselves also into a posture of armes , and the place within a mile of secunck or r●ehoboth where captaine standish lay ; hee sent to providence , and required them to lay aside their neutrality , and either declare themselves on the one side or other : for the warre being once begun , hee would not beare with their carriage in entertaining , furnishing , and relieving the common enemy , but would disarm them , &c. and whether necessity put him not upon this course , or no , let the reader judge . and for the five hundred pound , 't is true their hearts fayled to see plymouth forces appeare , and massachus . both horse and foot upon their march on the one side their countrey , under mr. edw. gibbons who was chosen generall of the united colonies , with the help of woosamequin , whose constancy to plymouth is wel known , and pumham and socononoco with reference to massachusets with all their men , attending the english word of command . and on the other side their countrey the forces of con●●tacut and new●aven , with all the strength of vncus , waiting but for the word from the commissioners to fall on . now i say they were daunted especially because it came so suddenly upon them , wanting mr. gorton and his friends who were not yet come ; hereupon they resolved to go to the commissioners to massachus . and compound , and did signe new articles to observe the peace not onely with the united colonies but with vncus , woosamequin , pumham , and socononoco , and other our confederates , including all the english in the land , to make satisfaction for wrongs to vncus , and to pay five hundred pounds to the united colonies , for the charge they put us to , which indeed would not neare make it good , if they had paid it : but as at other times , so now , notwithstanding their hostages , they abused us grosly , first sending false persons : secondly , breaking all other their covenants , and came at last to a resolution , they would rather give the money ( which is a beade , as current as coin in all that part of america , of their owne making ) to the mowhakes at once , to cut us off , then to pay it according to covenant . and thus contrary to my resolution , i see a necessity of more large answers then i intended ; and indeed otherwise i should speak riddles , and not satisfie the reader . although were it an history , i have many remarkable passages which here for brevity sake i must omit . and if any think wee doe needlesly ingage in the troubles betweene the indians ? 1. let them know if wee should not here and there keepe correspondency with some of them , they would soone joyne all together against us . 2. the quarrall betweene vncus and nanohigganset , arose upon his cleaving to us : for the great sachim myantonimo would have marryed vncus daughter , and since pessachus that succeeded him would have marryed woosamequins daughter , and all in policy to take them off from us ; so that indeed wee are necessitated to it . and 3. we are not out of hope in time to bring them to the knowledge of jesus christ , as will appeare by a small treatise of that kinde . but this one thing i desire the reader to take notice of , that when that great prince myantonimo hee so much admires , had offered violence to woosamequin ( who was under the protection of plymouth ) and missing his person , returned onely with the plunder of his goods : upon woosamequins complaint to plymouth , that government alone , it being before the union , sent captain standish with a few men , not above 20. who sent a message over the bay of salt water which parts woosamequin from them , either to make restitution of his goods so injuriously taken , or else to expect him to fetch them with a vengeance to their cost . hereupon they sent over every particular that could bee demanded , even to a woodden dish , and salved up all againe ; but this was before any malignant english sate down so neare them , and held counsell with them , before they had violated our persons to them , reported us to bee base and low , out of favour with the king and state , &c. things very unworthy , abominable to be named , but that in defending the abused governments of the country , i am forced do dang such strokes at these proud and turbulent enemies of the countrey . next in pag. 94. that hee relateth of mr. williams ; viz , the messengers taking him with them that were sent to the nanohiggansets , in that troublesome time , viz. being one cast out of the church ( mr. cotton should preach ) it was all one to take counsell of a witch , and that those that did it were worthy to die . upon which mr. wilbour one of the messengers was ready to die , saith hee , for feare hee should have been hanged . this i cannot beleeve for these two reasons : 1. because all men that know mr. cotton , know his moderation , wisdome and piety to bee such , as such an expression was not like to drop from him . 2. the strictest government in new-engl . that i know , takes no advantage in the law at a mans person for being excommunicated ; insomuch as if he have an office , he holds it neverthelesse , and this , i know practised , and therefore his relation unlike . but that the messengers were directed to another for their interpreter i know , and that some took offence at their practise i know also , but upon different grounds , which i forbeare to mention , being now to answer mr. gorton , and not mr. williams . in pag. 93. which is the last page in his booke that i shall need to make answer to , and the thing hee there brings against us is an answer to a doctrine one of their wives should heare delivered at massachusets when shee came to visit them , from matth. 24. 29. and alluding to hebr. 12. 26 , 27. briefly this doctrine there delivered , should make the doctrine of the apostles and the churches in their times to ●ee but darkness● . that the ministery of the apostles was and should be removed , &c. which i desire the reader to turne to ; but bee assured through gods mercy , by meanes of the late bishop of canterburies persecutions of the godly here , wee are so excellently furnished with shining lights of the gospel , as no such blasphemous trash as this could bee there delivered , and so many able hearers , as if it should have been delivered by any , the lord with-drawing his presence from him , it would have been forthwith excepted against and published to the world . but i am confident if such a thing were there heard , it was either from one of their owne company , or disciples made by them . and therefore i will passe by the answer also , as not concerning any difference between him and us , and so the rest of his writings to that end , and could wish that narcissus-like hee were not so much in love with his owne shadow , lest it prove his ruine ; there needing no other matter against him then his owne words and writings to render him odious to the state here , as well as to new-england from whence he came . and now that i have finished what i conceive necessary concerning mr. gortons scandalous and slanderous bookes , let me briefly answer some objections that i often meet withall against the country of new-england . the first that i meet with is , concerning the rise and foundation of our new-england plantations ; it being alledged ( though upon a great mistake by a late writer ) that division or disagreement in the church of leyden , was the occasion , nay cause of the first plantation in new-england ; for saith the author , or to this effect , when they could no longer agree together , the one part went to new-england , and began the plantation at plymouth , which he makes the mother , as it were , of the rest of the churches , as if the foundation of our new-england plantations had been laid upon division or separation , then which nothing is more untrue : for i perswade my selfe , never people upon earth lived more lovingly together , and parted more sweetly then wee the church at leyden did , not rashly in a distracted humour , but upon joynt and serious deliberation , often seeking the minde of god by fasting and prayer , whose gracious presence we not onely found with us , but his blessing upon us from that time to this instant , to the indignation of our adversaries , the admiration of strangers , and the exceeding consolation of our selves , to see such effects of our prayers and teares before our pilgrimage here bee ended . and therefore briefly take notice of the true cause of it . 't is true , that that poor persecuted flock of christ , by the malice and power of the late hierarchy were driven to leyden in holland , there to beare witnesse in their practise to the kingly office of christ jesus in his church : and there lived together ten yeares under the united states , with much peace and liberty : but our reverend pastor mr. john robinson of late memory , and our grave elder mr. william brewster , ( now both at rest with the lord ) considering amongst many other inconveniences , how hard the country was where we lived , how many spent their estate in it , and were forced to return for england ; how grievous to live from under the protection of the state of england ; how like wee were to lose our language , and our name of english ; how little good wee did , or were like to do to the dutch in reforming the sabbath ; how unable there to give such education to our children , as wee our selves had received , &c. they , i say , out of their christian care of the flock of christ committed to them conceived , if god would bee pleased to discover some place unto us ( though in america ) and give us so much favour with the king and state of england , as to have their protection there , where wee might enjoy the like liberty , and where the lord favouring our endeavours by his blessing , wee might exemplarily shew our tender country-men by our example ( no lesse burthened then our selves ) where they might live , and comfortably subsist and enjoy the like liberties with us , being freed from antichristian bondage , keep their names and nation , and not onely bee a meanes to enlarge the dominions of our state , but the church of christ also , if the lord have a people amongst the natives whither hee should bring us , &c. hereby in their grave wisdomes they thought wee might more glorifie god , doe more good to our countrey , better provide for our posterity , and live to be more refreshed by our labours , then ever wee could doe in holland where we were . now these their private thoughts upon mature deliberation they imparted to the brethren of the congregation , which after much private discussion came to publike agitation , till at the length the lord was solemnly sought in the congregation by fasting and prayer to direct us , who moving our hearts more and more to the worke , wee sent some of good abilities over into england to see what favour or acceptance such a thing might finde with the king. these also found god going alongwith them , and got sir edwin sands a religious gentleman then living , to stirre in it , who procured sir robert nawnton then principall secretary of state to king james of famous memory , to move his majesty by a private motion to give way to such a people ( who could not so comfortably live under the government of another state ) to enjoy their liberty of conscience under his gracious protection in america , where they would endeavour the advancement of his majesties dominions , and the enlargement of the gospel by all due meanes . this his majesty said was a good and honest motion , and asking what profits might arise in the part wee intended ( for our eye was upon the most northern parts of virginia ) 't was answered , fishing . to which hee replyed with his ordinary asseveration , so god have my soule 't is an honest trade , 't was the apostles owne calling , &c. but afterwards he told sir robert nawnton , ( who took all occasions to further it ) that we should confer with the bishops of canterbury and london , &c. whereupon wee were advised to persist upon his first approbation , and not to entangle our selves with them ▪ which caused our agents to repair to the virginia company , who in their court demanded our ends of going ; which being related , they said the thing was of god , and granted a large patent , and one of them lent us 300 l. gratis for three yeares , which was repaid . our agents returning , wee further sought the lord by a publique and solemn fast , for his gracious guidance . and hereupon wee came to this resolution , that it was best for one part of the church to goe at first and the other to stay , viz. the youngest and strongest part to goe . secondly , they that went should freely offer themselves . thirdly , if the major part went , the pastor to goe with them ; if not , the elder onely . fourthly , if the lord should frowne upon our proceedings , then those that went to returne , and the brethren that remained still there , to assist and bee helpfull to them , but if god should bee pleased to favour them that went , then they also should endeavour to helpe over such as were poore and ancient , and willing to come ; these things being agreed , the major part stayed , and the pastor with them for the present , but all intended ( except a very few , who had rather wee would have stayed ) to follow after . the minor part , with mr. brewster their elder , resolved to enter upon this great work ( but take notice the difference of number was not great ; ) and when the ship was ready to carry us away , the brethren that stayed having againe solemnly sought the lord with us , and for us , and we further engaging our selves mutually as before ; they , i say , that stayed at leyden feasted us that were to goe at our pastors house being large , where wee refreshed our selves after our teares , with singing of psalmes , making joyfull melody in our hearts , as well as with the voice , there being many of the congregation very expert in musick ; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that ever mine eares heard . after this they accompanyed us to delphs haven , where wee were to imbarque , and there feasted us againe ; and after prayer performed by our pastor , where a flood of teares was poured out , they accompanyed us to the ship , but were not able to speake one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part : but wee onely going aboard ( the ship lying to the key ) and ready to set sayle , the winde being faire ) wee gave them a volley of small shot , and three peeces of ordinance , and so lifting up our hands to each other , and our hearts for each other to the lord our god , we departed , and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits hee carryed us thorow . and if any doubt this relation , the dutch , as i heare , at delphs haven preserve the memory of it to this day , and will inform them . but falling with cape ●od which is in new-england , and standing to the southward for the place wee intended , wee met with many dangers , and the mariners put back into the harbour of the cape , which was the 11. of november , 1620. where considering winter was come , the seas dangerous , the season cold , the winds high , and being well furnished for a plantation , we entered upon discovery , and setled at plymouth , where god being pleased to preserve and enable us , wee that went , were at a thousand pounds charge in sending for our brethren that were behinde , and in providing there for them till they could reape a crop of their owne labours . and so good reader , i have given thee a true and faithfull account , though very briefe , of our proceedings , wherein thou seest how a late writer , and those that informed him , have wronged our enterprise . and truly what i have written , is far short of what it was , omitting for brevity sake many circumstances , as the large offers the dutch offered us , either to have removed into zealand , and there lived with them : or if we would go on such adventures , to goe under them to hudsons river ( where they have since a great plantation , &c. ) and how they would freely have transported us , and furnished every family with cattle , &c. also the english merchants that joyned with us in this expedition , whom wee since bought out , which is fitter for an history , then an answer to such an objection , ( &c. i trust will be accomplished in good time . ) by all which the reader may see there was no breach between us that went , and the brethren that stayed , but such love as indeed is seldome found on earth . and for the many plantations that come over to us upon notice of gods blessing upon us , whereas 't is falsly ●aid , they tooke plimouth for their president as fast as they came . 't is true i confesse that some of the chiefe of them advised with us ( comming over to be freed from the burthensome ceremonies then imposed in england ) how they should doe to fall upon a right platforme of worship , and desired to that end since god had honoured us to lay the foundation of a common-weale , and to settle a church in it , to shew them whereupon our practice was grounded ; and if they found upon due search it was built upon the word , they should be willing to take up what was of god. we accordingly shewed them the primitive practice for our warrant , taken out of the acts of the apostles , and the epistles written to the severall churches by the said apostles together with the commandements of christ the lord in the gospell , and other our warrants for every particular wee did from the booke of god. which being by them well weighed and considered , they also entred into covenant with god and one with another to walke in all his wayes revealed , or as they should bee made knowne unto them , and to worship him according to his will revealed in his written word onely , &c. so that here also thou maist see they set not the church at plimouth before them for example , but the primitive churches were and are their and our mutuall patternes and examples , which are onely worthy to be followed , having the blessed apostles amongst them which were sent immediately by christ himselfe and enabled and guided by the unerring spirit of god. and truly this is a patterne fit to bee followed of all that feare god , and no man or men to bee followed further then they follow christ and them . having thus briefly shewed that the foundation of our new-england plantations was not laid upon schisme , division , or separation , but upon love , peace , and holinesse ; yea , such love and mutuall care of the church of leyden for the spreading of the gospel , the welfare of each other , and their posterities to succeeding generations , as is seldome found on earth : and having shewed also that the primitive churches are the onely pattern which the churches of christ in new-england have in their eye , not following luther , calvin , knoxe , ai●sworth , robinson , amies , or any other , further then they follow christ and his apostles ; i am earnestly requested to cleare up another grosse mistake which caused many , and still doth , to judge the harder of new-england , and the churches there , because ( say they ) the church of plymouth which went first from leyden , were schismaticks , brownists , rigid separatists , &c. having mr. robinson for their pastor , who made , and to the last professed separation from other the churches of christ , &c. and the rest of the churches in new-england holding communion with that church , are to bee reputed such as they are . for answer to this aspersion , first , he that knew mr. robinson , either by his doctrine daily taught , or hath read his apology published not long before his death , or knew the practise of that church of christ under his government , or was acquainted with the wholsome counsell he gave that part of the church which went for new-england at their departure and afterward , might easily resolve the doubt , and take off the aspersion . for his doctrine , i living three yeares under his ministery , before we began the worke of plantation in new-england ; it was alwayes against separation from any the churches of christ , professing and holding communion both with the french and dutch churches , yea , tendering it to the scots also , as i shall make appeare more particularly anon . ever holding forth how wary persons ought to bee in separating from a church , and that till christ the lord departed wholly from it , man ought not to leave it , onely to beare witnesse against the corruption that was in it . but if any object , he separated from the church of england , and wrote largely against it ; i acknowledge hee wrote largely against it , but yet let me tell you , hee allowed hearing the godly ministers preach and pray in the publick assemblies ; yea , hee allowed private communion not onely with them , but all that were faithfull in christ jesus in the kingdome and elsewhere upon all occasions ; yea , honored them for the power of godlinesse above all other the professors of religion in the world , nay , i may truly say , his spirit cleaved unto them , being so well acquainted with the integrity of their hearts , and care to walke blamelesse in their lives , which was no small motive to him to perswade us to remove from holland , where wee might probably not onely continue english , but have and maintain such sweet communion with the godly of that nation , as through gods great mercy we enjoy this day . 't is true , i confesse he was more rigid in his course and way at first , then towards his latter end ; for his study was peace and union so far as might agree with faith and a good conscience ; and for schism and division , there was nothing in the world more hatefull to him : but for the government of the church of england , as it was in the episcopall way , the liturgy and stinted prayers of the church then ; yea , the constitution of it as nationall , and so consequently the corrupt communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers of the lords supper , these things were never approved of him , but witnessed against to his death , and are by the church over which he was to this day . and if the lord would be pleased to stir up the hearts of those , in whom ( under him ) the power of reformation lies , to reform that abuse , that a distinction might once be put between the precious and the vile , particular churches might be gathered by the powerfull preaching of the word , those onely admitted into communion , whose hearts the lord perswades to submit unto the iron rod of the gospel ; o how sweet then would the communion of the churches be ! how thorow the reformation ! how easie would the differences be reconciled between the presbyterian and independent way ! how would the god of peace which commandeth love and good agreement smile upon this nation ! how would the subtle underminers of it be disappointed , and the faithfull provoked to sing songs of praise and thanksgiving ! nay , how would the god of order be glorified in such orderly walking of the saints ! and as they have fought together for the liberties of the kingdome , ecclesiasticall and civill ; so may they joyn together in the preservation of them ( which otherwise , 't is to be feared will not long continue ) and in the praises of our god who hath been so good to his poore distressed ones , whom he hath delivered , and whom he will deliver out of all their troubles . but i have made too great a digression , and must return . in the next place i should speak of mr. robinsons apology , wherein the maketh a briefe defence against many adversaries , &c. but because it is both in latine and english , of small price , and easie to bee had , i shall forbeare to write of it , and onely refer the reader to it , for the differences between his congregation , and other the reformed churches . the next thing i would have the reader take notice of , is , that however the church of leyden differed in some particulars , yet made no schisme or separation from the reformed churches , but held communion with them occasionally : for we ever placed a large difference between those that grounded their practise upon the word of god ( tho differing from us in the exposition or understanding of it ) and those that hated such reformers and reformation , and went on in antichristian opposition to it , and persecution of it , as the late lord bishops did , who would not in deed and truth ( whatever their pretences were ) that christ should rule over them . but as they often stretched out their hands against the saints ; so god hath withered the arm of their power , thrown them down from their high & lofty seats , and slain the chiefe of their persons , as well as the hierarchy , that he might become an example to all those that rise against god in his sabbath , in the preaching of his word , in his saints , in the purity of his ordinances . and i heartily desire that others may heare and feare withall . as for the dutch , it was usuall for our members that understood the language , and lived in , or occasionally came over to london , to communicate with them , as one john jenny a brewer long did , his wife and family , &c. and without any offence to the church : so also for any that had occasion to travell into any other part of the netherlands they daily did the like : and our pastor mr. robinson in the time when arminianisme prevailed so much , at the request of the most orthodox divines , as poliander , festus , homlius , &c. disputed daily against episcopius ( in the academy at leyden ) and others the grand champions of that error , and had as good respect amongst them , as any of their own divines ; insomuch as when god took him away from them and us by death , the university , and ministers of the city accompanied him to his grave with all their accustomed solemnities ; bewayling the great losse that not onely that particular church had , whereof he was pastor ; but some of the chief of them sadly affirmed , that all the churches of christ sustained a losse by the death of that worthy instrument of the gospel . i could instance also divers of their members that understood the english tongue , and betook themselves to the communion of our church , went with us to new-england , as godbert godbertson , &c. yea , at this very instant , another called moses symonson , because a child of one that was in communion with the dutch church at leyden , is admitted into church-fellowship at plymouth in new-england , and his children also to baptism , as wel as our own , and other dutch also in communion at salem , &c. and for the french churches that we held , and do hold communion with them , take notice of our practise at leyden , viz. that one samuel terry was received from the french church there , into communion with us ; also the wife of francis cooke being a walloone , hold● communion with the church at plymouth , as she came from the french , to this day , by vertue of communion of churches ; there is also one philip delanoy born of french parents , came to us from leyden to new-plymouth , who comming to age of discerning , demanded also communion with us , & proving himself to be come of such parents as were in ful communion with the french churches , was here upon admitted by the church of plymouth ; and after upon his removal of habitation to duxburrow where m. ralph partridge is pastor of the church ; and upon letters of recommendation from the church at plymouth , hee was also admitted into fellowship with the church at duxburrow , being six miles distant from plymouth ; and so i dare say , if his occasions lead him , may from church to church throughout new-england . for the truth is , the dutch and french churches either of them being a people distinct from the world , and gathered into an holy communion , and not nationall churches , nay , so far from it , as i verily beleeve the sixth person is not of the church , the difference is so small ( if moderately pondered , between them and us ) as we dare not for the world deny communion with them . and for the church of scotland , however wee have had least occasion offered to hold communion with them ; yet thus much i can and doe affirme , that a godly divine comming over to leyden in holland , where a booke was printed , anno 1619. as i take it , shewing the nullity of perth assembled , whom we judged to bee the author of it , and hidden in holland for a season to avoid the rage of those evill times ( whose name i have forgotten ; ) this man being very conversant with our pastor mr. robinson , and using to come to hear him on the sabbath , after sermon ended , the church being to partake in the lords supper , this minister stood up and desired hee might , without offence , stay and see the manner of his administration , and our participation in that ordinance ; to which our pastor answered in these very words , or to this effect , reverend sir , you may not onely stay to behold us , but partake with us , if you please , for wee acknowledge the churches of scotland to be the churches of christ , &c. the minister also replyed to this purpose , if not also in the same words ; that for his part bee could comfortably partake with the church , and willingly would , but that it is possible some of his brethren of scotland might take offence at his act ; which he desired to avoid in regard of the opinion the english churches which they held communion withall had of us : however he rendered thanks to mr. robinson , and desired in that respect to be onely a spectator of us . these things i was earnestly requested to publish to the world by some of the godly presbyterian party , who apprehend the world to bee ignorant of our proceedings , conceiving in charity that if they had been knowne , some late writers and preachers would never have written and spoke of us as they did , and still doe as they have occasion : but what they ignorantly judge , write , or speak of us , i trust the lord in mercy wil passe by . in the next place , for the wholsome counsell mr. robinson gave that part of the church whereof he was pastor , at their departure from him to begin the great worke of plantation in new-england , amongst other wholsome instructions and exhortations , hee used these expressions , or to the same purpose ; we are now ere long to part asunder , and the lord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our faces again : but whether the lord had appointed it or not , he charged us before god and his blessed angels , to follow him no further then he followed christ . and if god should reveal any thing to us by any other instrument of his , to be as ready to receive it , as ever we were to receive any truth by his ministery : for he was very confident the lord had more truth and light yet to breake forth out of his holy word . he took occasion also miserably to bewaile the state and condition of the reformed churches , who were come to a period in religion , and would goe no further then the instruments of their reformation : as for example , the lutherans they could not be drawne to goe beyond what luther saw , for whatever part of gods will he had further imparted and revealed to calvin , they will rather die then embrace it . and so also , saith he , you see the calvinists , they stick where he left them : a misery much to bee lamented ; for though they were precious shining lights in their times , yet god had not revealed his whole will to them : and were they now living , faith hee , they would bee as ready and willing to embrace further light , as that they had received . here also he put us in mind of our church-covenant ( at least that part of it ) whereby wee promise and covenant with god and one with another , to receive whatsoever light or truth shall be made known to us from his written word : but withall exhorted us to take heed what we received for truth , and well to examine and compare , and weigh it with other scriptures of truth , before we received it ; for , saith he , it is not possible the christian world should come to lately out of such thick antichristian darknesse , and that full perfection of knowledge should breake forth at once . another thing hee commended to us , was , that wee should use all meanes to avoid and shake off the name of brownist , being a meer nick-name and brand to make religion odious , and the professors of it to the christian world ; and to that end , said hee , i should be glad if some godly minister would goe over with you , or come to you , before my comming ; for , said hee , there will bee no difference between the unconformable ministers and you , when they come to the practise of the ordinances out of the kingdome : and so advised us by all meanes to endeavour to close with the godly party of the kingdome of england , and rather to study union then division ; viz. how neare we might possibly , without sin close with them , then in the least measure to affect division or separation from them . and be not loath to take another pastor or teacher , saith hee , for that flock that hath two shepheards is not indangered , but secured by it . many other things there were of great and weighty consequence which he commended to us , but these things i thought good to relate , at the request of some well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the godly , ( so distracted at present about the settling of church-government in the kingdom of england ) that so both sides may truly see what this poor despised church of christ now at new-plymouth in new-england , but formerly at leyden in holland , was and is ; how far they were and still are from separation from the churches of christ , especially those that are reformed . 't is true , we professe and desire to practise a separation from the world , & the works of the world , which are works of the flesh , such as the apostle speaketh of , ephes . 5. 19 , 20 , 21. 1 cor. 6. 9 , 10 , 11. and ephes 2. 11 , 12. and as the churches of christ are all saints by calling , so we desire to see the grace of god shining forth , ( at least seemingly , leaving secret things to god ) in all we admit into church fellowship with us , & & to keep off such as openly wallow in the mire of their sins , that neither the holy things of god , nor the communion of the saints may be leavened or polluted thereby . and if any joyning to us formerly , either when we lived at leyden in holland , or since we came to new-england , have with the manifestation of their faith and profession of holinesse held forth therewith separation from the church of england , i have divers times , both in the one place , and the other , heard either mr. robinson our pastor , or mr. brewster our elder stop them forthwith , shewing them that wee required no such things at their hands , but only to hold forth faith in christ jesus , holinesse in the feare of god , and submission to every ordinance and appointment of god , leaving the church of england to themselves , and to the lord before whom they should stand or fall , and to whom wee ought to pray to reforme what was amisse amongst them . now this reformation we have lived to see performed and brought about by the mighty power of god , this day in a good measure , and i hope the lord jesus will perfect his work of reformation , till all be according to the good pleasure of his will. by all which i desire the reader to take notice of our former and present practise notwithstanding all the injurious and scandalous taunting reports are passed on us . and if these things will not satisfie , but wee must still suffer reproach , and others for our sakes , because they and wee thus walke , our practise being for ought wee know , wholly grounded on the written word , without any addition or humane invention knowne to us , taking our patterne from the primitive churches , as they were regulated by the blessed apostles in their owne dayes , who were taught and instructed by the lord jesus christ , and had the unerring and all-knowing spirit of god to bring to their remembrance the things they had heard : i say , if wee must still suffer such reproach , notwithstanding our charity towards them who will not be in charity with us ; gods will be done . the next aspersion cast upon us , is , that we will not suffer any that differ from us never so little to reside or cohabite with us ; no not the presbyterian government which differeth so little from us . to which i answer , our practise witnesseth the contrary . for 't is well knowne that mr. parker and mr. noy●e who are ministers of the church at newberry are in that way and so knowne so farre as a single congregation can bee exercised in it ; yet never had the least molestation or disturbance , and have and finde as good respect from magistrates and people as other elders in the congregationall or primitive way . 't is knowne also that mr. hubbard the minister at hengam hath declared himselfe for that way : nay which is more then ever i heard of the other two , hee refuseth to baptzie no children that are tendred to him ( although this liberty stands not upon a presbyterian bottome ) and yet the civill state never molested him for it : onely comming to a synod held in the country the last yeare , which the magistrates called , requesting the churches to send their elders and such other as might bee able to hold forth the light of god from his written word in case of some doubts which did arise in the country : i say hee comming the last sitting of the assembly which was adjourned to the eighth of june next , was in all meeknesse and love requested to bee present and hold forth his light hee went by in baptizing all that were brought to him , hereby waving the practise of the churches ; which he promising to take into consideration they rested in his answer . so also 't is wel known , that before these unhappy troubles arose in england and scotland , there were divers gentlemen of scotland that groaned under the heavy pressaries of those times , wrote to new-england to know whether they might freely be suffered to exercise their presbyteriall government amongst us . and it was answered affirmatively they might : and they sending over a gentleman to take a view of some fit place ; a river called meromeck neare ipswich and newberry aforesaid , was shewed their agent , which he well liked , and where wee have since four townes settled , and more may bee for ought i know , so that there they might have had a compleate presbytery and whither they intended to have come : but meeting with manifold crosses being halfe seas thorow they gave over their intendments , and as i have heard these were many of the gentlemen that first fell upon the late covenant in scotland : by all which will easily appeare how wee are here wronged by many ; and the harder measure as wee heare imposed upon our brethren for our sakes , nay pretending our example for their president . and last of all , not long before i came away certaine discontented persons in open court of the massachusets , demanding that liberty , it was freely and as openly tendred to them ; shewing their former practices by mee mentioned : but willed not to expect that wee should provide them ministers &c. for the same , but getting such themselves they might exercise the presbyterian government at their libertie , walking peaceably towards us as wee trusted we should doe towards them . so that if our brethren here shall bee restrained they walking peaceably , the example must not be taken from us , but arise from some other principle . but it will not bee objected though you deale thus with the presbyterian way , yet you have a severe law against anabaptists , yea one was whipt at massachusets for his religion ? and your law banisheth them ? answ . 't is true , the massachusets government have such a law as to banish , but not to whip in that kinde . and certaine men desiring some mitigation of it ; it was answered in my hearing . 't is true , we have a severe law , but wee never did or will execute the rigour of it upon any , and have men living amongst us , nay some in our churches of that judgement , and as long as they carry themselves peaceably as hitherto they doe , wee will leave them to god , our selves having performed the duty of brethren to them . and whereas there was one whipt amongst us ; 't is true wee knew his judgement what it was : but had hee not carried himselfe so contemptuously towards the authority god hath betrusted us with in an high exemplary measure , wee had never so censured him : and therefore he may thank himself who suffered as an evill doer in that respect . but the reason wherefore wee are loath either to repeale or alter the law , is , because wee would have it remaine in force to beare witnesse against their judgement and practice which we conceive them to bee erroneous . and yet neverthelesse said the governour to those preferred the request , you may tel our friends in england ▪ whither yee are some of you going , since the motion proceedeth from such as wee know move it in love to us , wee will seriously take it into consideration at our next generall court. so that thou maist perceive good reader that the worst is spoken of things in that kinde . furthermore in the government of plimouth , to our great griefe , not onely the pastor of a congregation waveth the administration of baptisme to infants , but divers of his congregation are fallen with him , and yet all the meanes the civill power hath taken against him and them , is to stirre up our elders to give meeting and see if by godly conference they may bee able to convince and reclaime him , as in mercy once before they had done by gods blessing upon their labours . onely at the foresaid synod , two were ordered to write to him in the name of the assembly , and to request his presence at their next meeting aforesaid to hold forth his light hee goeth by in waving the practise of the churches ; with promise if it be light , to walke by it : but if it appeare otherwise , then they trust hee will returne againe to the unity of practice with them . and for the other the two governments of coneetacut and newhaven , if either have any law in force against them , or so much as need of a law in that kinde , 't is more then i have heard on . for our parts ( i mean the churches of new-engl . ) we are confident through gods mercy , the way of god in which we walke , and according to which wee perform our worship and service to him , concurreth with those rules our blessed saviour hath left upon record by the evangelists and apostles , and is agreeable with the practise of those primitive churches mentioned in the acts , and regulated by the same apostles , as appeareth not onely in that evangelicall history , but in their epistles to the severall churches there mentioned ; yet neverthelesse if any thorow tendernesse of conscience be otherwise minded , to such wee never turn a deafe eare , nor become rigorous , though we have the streame of authority on our sides . nay , if in the use of all means we cannot reclaim them , knowing the wisdome that is from above is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without partiality , and without hypocrisie , and the fruit of righteousnesse is sowne in peace , of them that make peace , according to james 3. 17 , 18. and if any differing from us bee answerable to this rule in their lives and conversations , we do not exercise the civill sword against them . but for such as gorton and his company , whose wisdome seems not to be from above , as appeareth in that it is full of envyings , strife , confusion , jam. 3. 15 , 16. being therein such as the apostle jude speaks on , v. 8. viz. earthly , sensuall ; devillish ; who v. 16. despise dominion , and speak evill of dignities . these v. 12 , 13. are murmurers , complayners , walkers after their own lusts , and their mouth speaketh great swelling words , being clouds without water , carried about of winds , trees whose fruit withereth , without fruit , twice dead , plucked up by the roots , raging waves of the sea , foaming out their owne shame , wandring starres , to whom ( without repentance , which i much desire to see , or hear of in him , if it may stand with the will of god ) is reserved the blacknesse of darknesse for ever . these i say are to be proceeded with by another rule , and not to bee borne : who suffer as evil doers , and area shame to religion which they professe in word , but deny in their lives and conversations . these every tender conscience abhors , and will justifie and assist the higher powers god hath ordained , against such carnall gospellers , who beare not the sword in vaine , rom. 13. but execute gods vengeance on such : for the civill magistrate is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil . and therefore a broad difference is to be put between such evill doers , and those tender consciences who follow the light of gods word in their owne perswasions , ( though judged erroneous by the places where they live ) so long as their walking is answerable to the rules of the gospel , by preserving peace , and holding forth holinesse in their conversations amongst men . thus much i thought good to signifie , because we of new-england are said to be so often propounded for an example . and if any will take us for a president , i desire they may really know what wee doe , rather then what others ignorantly or malitiously report of us , assuring my self that none will ever be losers by following us so far as we follow christ : which that we may doe , and our posterities after us , the father of our lord jesus christ , & our father , accept in christ what is according to him , discover , pardon , and reform what is amisse amongst us ; and guide us and them by the assistance of the holy ghost for time to come , till time shal be no more ; that the lord our god may still delight to dwell amongst his plantations and churches there by his gracious presence , and may goe on blessing to blesse them with heavenly blessings in these earthly places , that so by his blessing they may not onely grow up to a nation , but become exemplary for good unto others . and let all that wish wel to sion say amen . finis . errata . in the title of p. 9 , &c. to 37. in stead , of the magistrates of boston in new-engl . 1. of massachusets in new england ; p. 11. l. 27. for purpose god , r. purpose of god ; p. 14 for day of , r. day of the ; p. 30 l. 17. for cope , r. cup ; also l. 18 for cope , r. cup ; also l. 21. for judas , r. as judas ; p. 32. l. 3. leave out to ; p. 54. l. 10. for by , r. in ; p. 67. l. 37. for complaining , r. complained ; p. 79. l. 26. for with as indeed , r. with them as ; p. 83. l. 23. for and , put ( p. 85. l. 6. for whom , r. which . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a96686-e3990 pag. 9. pag. 10. pag. 11. pag. 12. pag. 13. pag. 15. pag. 16. pag. 17. pag. 18. pag. 19. pag. 22 , 23. pag. 24. pag. 25. pag. 26. pag. 28. pag. 29. pag. 30 , 31. pag. 32. pag. 33. pag. 34. pag. 16. pag. 18 , 19. pag. 22. pag. 18. pag. 28. pag. 26. pag. 11. pag. 36. pag. 26. pag. 26. ex 1. pag. they say our of the forbidden fruite i. e. mans wisdom , our churches and common-wealth is formed . 2. that the whole edifice amongst us is raised up in the spirit of an hireling . 3. that by submission to the word of god in fasting , feasting , retirednesse for study , contributing , treasuring , i. e. for church uses so much in severall churches , they doe nothing but bring forth fruite unto death . pag. 11. notes for div a96686-e8000 sam. gorton a common disturber of the civil peace in all the societies hee there lived in . pag. 1. pag. 2. whether the preserving the protestant religion was the motive unto, or the end that was designed in the late revolution in a letter to a country gentleman as an answer to his first query. ferguson, robert, d. 1714. 1695 approx. 118 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41194 wing f766 estc r35674 15538685 ocm 15538685 103637 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41194) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103637) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1149:11) whether the preserving the protestant religion was the motive unto, or the end that was designed in the late revolution in a letter to a country gentleman as an answer to his first query. ferguson, robert, d. 1714. 47 p. s.n., [london : 1695?] caption title. attributed by wing to ferguson. dated on p. 47: april 18, 1695. place and date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. great britain -history -revolution of 1688. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion whether the preserving the protestant religion was the motive unto , or the end , that was designed in the late revolution ? in a letter to a country gentleman , as an answer to his first query . sir , i can give you no better proof of the authority you have over me , than that i am ready to obey you in replying to your questions ; though i foresee that i shall thereby not only hazard my safety , but be judged by many to depart from the common measures of discretion : seeing as i shall be sure to provoke the gentleman whom we have had the folly , as well as disloyalty , to set over us , and to furnish with legions ; and also to exasperate his partisans , who being his copartners in guilt , are likewise sharers with him in the common robbery : so i can hardly escape displeasing others , by endeavouring both to undeceive them in matters wherein they have been misled , and to give them a view and sense of their slavery , while they continue fond of their delusions , and proud of their fetters and chains . so that under all the prospect which i am , both of censure and of personal danger , by this undertaking , i have but very little hope of awaking and prevailing upon a cheated , impoverished , and enslaved kingdom , to recover its wits , reassume its loyalty , and to vindicate its liberty and rights . for who can make them see that wilfully shut their eyes , and who take pleasure in being hood-winked , that they ▪ may be led about blind ? or who can rouse those to value and look after freedom , that place their contentment in having their ears bored and nailed to kensington gates ? it is the greatest prodigy of this age , though it hath been fertile of wonders enough , that they who boasted of taking lions by the beard , can submit to be gnawn by mice and rats . and that they who could refuse reverence to princes whom god had set over them , cloathed with his own stile , and with his divine sanction upon their authority , can dwindle into the meaness , as well as degenerate into the irreligion , of ado●ing crocodiles , and worshipping wolves , which have nothing to make them respected and cringed unto , but that they are brutal and rapacious . yet how little probability is there of recovering the nation either to reverence themselves , or him whom they ought ? when not only those of st. stephen's chapel , who should be the conservators of our property , freedom and rights , do value themselves upon being the instruments of the subjects-bondage , and the tools of the prince of orange's tyranny : but when the men in gowns of both professions do , the one make the law of which they are appointed guardians , and the other the gospel whereof they were intended dispensers , means of authorising his arbitrariness and our oppression , and of sanctifying the usurped and illegally exerted power of him whom they have consecrated to rule , and of hallowing the servitude and poverty of the people , over whom they have advanced him : but as i have learned to govern my self , by the discoveries of revelation and the dictates of natural light , and by the rules of the civil constitution and society under which and where i was born , and do live , and not by other mens opinion , or by little and mean regards to my own profit and fame ; so the only as well as the main thing , which i am solicitous about , is , that i may discharge my duty to god , my king , and my country , without looking unto , and much less without being uneasy and anxious conce●ning issues and events . and though i should be thankful unto god , and joyful in my self , to see my country-men perswaded and gained to relieve themselves , and to save the kingdom and their posterity , by returning to their fealty , and by claiming and asserting the old english constitution in all its parts and branches , and to all the useful , honourable , and legitimate ends and purposes of it ; yet should i have the misfortune to see my self disappointed , and to find all my loyal , charitable , and well meant endeavours frustrated , through the stupidness of some , and the bigottry of others , as well as because too many of all ranks are copartners with the usurper in the spoil and plunder of the nation , and in that several have their own ambitions satisfied by him , whose haughty , boundless , and unnatural aspirings they have gratified with a scepter and a crown , though at the expence of their own loyalty , honour , conscience , and religion ; yet i shall neither be discouraged , dejected , nor murmur , much less be withdrawn from my duty , but shall take up with the peace , contentment and pleasure , which the being conscious to my own integrity will give me , of having done what ▪ became an honest man , and a good subject . now sir , though your two queries came together , and be each of them of that weight and importance as to require a serious , solid , and well-digested answer ; yet you must not expect that i should reply to them both at once ; seeing that would not only too much ▪ fatigue me to give , and no leass weary you to peruse , but would discourage those who do most need the instruction and benefit of papers of this kind , from consulting them to receive it , by reason th●t ●he bulkiness which such a discourse must unavoidably grow up unto , would challenge more of their time , than the complying with their worldly occasions , and the satisfying their lusts , will allow them to spare . however , having in a manner prepared answers to them both before i send you this to the first , you may reckon that the other will be dispatched speedily after it ; and that what conerns the second will be ready to overtake this , and to be laid before you , by that time you have sufficiently entertained your self with what is now put into your hands . that i may immediately therefore address my self to the answering of your first question , namely , whether the preserving the protestant religion was the inducement to the prince of orange 's coming hither , and the end that was aimed at in the dethroning of the king , and driving him out of his kingdoms ? i must needs say , that the prince's tenderness and zeal for the protestant religion , and his compassionate care to secure it to us and our posterity , when it was in imminent and immediate danger of being extirpated , and which there was no other visible human means to prevent , was then , and continues still to be made , the pretence of his invading these dominions , and of all that afterwards followed , till upon this specious and godly plea he had obtained to be seated upon the throne , as well as of all that has succeeded and ensued since , both in the beginning and in the supporting of this destructive and impoverishing war ; by which no benefit was ever intended to accrue to us , but which was entered upon , and hath been hitherto carried on , that others might be rendered safe and wealthy , at the expence of our blood and treasure . however religion hath been all along alledged as the motive , and made the argument to justify whatsoever hath been done , and to extenuate and sweeten all that we have lost and suffered . this is the principal plea which he bears himself upon for his own vindication ; and by which all those seek to warrant themselves , who either invited or attended him hither , or who at first received and joyned him at his landing , and on his march to london , or that came in afterwards to cooperate unto , concur with , and approve of what hath been done . this is that by which your judges do decoy on the people tamely to pay their taxes , and trapan and wheedle them to persevere in their rebellion in their harangues at assizes , instead of entertaining them with those obsolete things relative to law , righteousness and equity , with which their predecessors used at those times to furnish and adorn the charges which they gave . witness treby's oration at kingston the last circuit , which wholy consisted of romantick praises of the prince of orange , for having so christianly and heroically stept in to save our religion , when at the brink of being lost ; and of satyr and invective against king james , for having designed to overthrow it ; whereof , among other things , he had the impudence and insolency to accuse him , without regard either to truth or decency . this is likewise that by which your mercenary and sycophant divines , who have translated their pulpets into stages , and transformed themselves into merry andrews and buffoons , would legitimate the rebellion , and , instead of a sin , bind it as a duty upon our consciences ; and cantingly blow us into ●●iumphs of thankfulness and joy , when we ly groveling and starving under slavery and poverty . witness instead of edifying sermons to confirm our faith in the great articles of religion , and to promote our christian obedience , the many luscious and fulsom panegyricks which have been preached and printed within these six last years , and which are at that distance from decorum as well as from truth , that they would be the scorn of the theatre , and hissed at by the pit. this they reckon so bright a colour in their limning and drawing the usurpers , that the dull man selected to divert the company at the interment of the late princess of orange , and who could dispence with his conscience in saying several things of her above the standard and proportion of truth , but had not wit , nor elevation of thought , to say any thing that was raptorous , decorous and fine , could not omit the making it one of the main strokes in her picture , and that which was to give the lovely and lively air , and the ornamental beauty to the whole ; namely , that she was a wise and a good queen , and an incomparable wise , and one that had all the duty in the world for other relations , which after long and laborious consideration she judged consistent with her obligations to god and her country . which is as much as if dr. tenison had said , that if it had not been for the preserving the protestant religion , and the liberties of england , which were in danger to have been subverted , she would have been an obedient daughter to the king ; and would not have usurped his throne , and drove him and the vertuous queen , with the royal and innocent infant her brother , out of their dominions , to be as vagabonds in the world ; had it not been for the generosity of a neighbouring monarch , who has received , entertained , and succoured them in their calamity , with a deference , respect , and nobleness , becoming his own greatness , and which hath carried in it a recognition of their grandeur and sovereign quality . so that i do grant unto you , that the preserving our religion hath been the great pretence for all the injuries have been done his majesty , and the alledged motives to all the disloyal , illegal , and immoral things which have been perpetrated to compass and effect the late revolution : and i add , that it is still made the topick and plea whereby to justify all the villanies , crimes and barbarities , which have been practised since ; and not only that whereby to palliate all our losses and misfortunes , but to be accounted for more than an equivalent of all the distresses , miseries and mischiefs , which have ensued as the effects and consequences of it . but should it be admitted that this was not only a pretended but a real motive to the revolution , and to all that hath resulted from , and attended it ; yet it hath not been hitherto made appear , that according to the rules of christianity , the fundamentals of our government , and the statutes of the realm , it is likewise a lawful and justifiable one ; and all that have written either of ethicks or politicks do tell us , and the principles of reason , as well as the discoveries vouchsafed us by revelation , do set it in the brightest light , that neither the goodness of the inducement , nor the piety of the end , will serve to legitimate an action , unless there be both a proper authority to license it , and a goodness either positive or natural in what is to be done , when cloathed with all its circumstances . otherwise men might lawfully rob temples , and plunder banks and exchequers , upon the motive and design of discharging their debts , and of paying their creditors what they owe them : nay they may vertuously murther their parents , deflower maids , and ravish their sisters , upon the inducement and in order to the end of getting into possession of estates , which they may lavish away upon the saviour of our religion and liberties , and towards the maintaining the sacred war in which he is embarqued , and for raising up a new generation of soldiers to defend the dutch barier against france . nor are there any villanies named or practised on the earth , which these late and now common t●picks of argumentation will not serve to sanctify , and to render them actions highly meritorious . but neither our statesmen , lawyers , nor divines , have thought sit to meddle with this , and much less to take upon them to demonstrate that by the laws of god , and by those of the kingdom , we are allowed to dethrone princes , drive kings from their palaces into exile , and to involve nations into blood , if our established religion be in danger of being supplanted and overthrown . though without a clear and uncontrolable proof of this , all they have said , or can say , about his majesty's designs in prejudice of our religion , were there as much truth in it as there is rancour and falshood , makes not what we have done to be lawful ; but only proclaims them to to be sophisters in logick , hypocrites in religion , debauchers of the consciences of men , panders to villany , and the flatterers of criminals in their rebellious wickedness , who have had the irreligion and impudence to plead it . for though i can readily grant that most of the scripture expressions and precepts concerning the duty and obedience of subjects to their rulers , do no further concern us , than as they were either delivered and prescribed unto th●s● that were under civil constitutions of the like species and form with our own ; or then as they superadd the divine sanction to human legislative authority , thereby to oblige and enforce us in conscience to yield all that reverence , loyalty , and obedience , to our sovereigns , which the lawful and just laws of the kindom do impose upon and exact from us . and therefore and thence it is , that the same texts of scripture do bind and oblige some nations to yield a more universal , unlimitted , and unreserved obedience to their rulers , 〈◊〉 they can be construed and applied to require those of other countries to perform . for those places of the holy bible are designed to influence and operate upon conscience in proportion to the different degrees of prerogative and sovereignty vested in princes , and according to the respective measures of liberty preserved unto subjects , by the rules and laws of their several and various constitutions . the scripture was not given and designed to teach us politicks , or to prescribe the forms of government , and the several limitations of them , farther than that all governments were to be for god , and the good of mankind , and of societies . but all relative to civil government in scripture , is to require and oblige subjects , under the penalty of eternal wrath , to yield obedience in proportion to the respective terms upon which the government is founded under which they live ; and according to the several laws by which it is to be upheld and exerted . and the same divine and revealed commands which oblige us in england to submit to monarchy , and be obedient to the king , according to the municipal and statute laws of the kingdom , bind them at venice to acquiesce in aristocracy , and be in subjection to that authority and power , and to pay obedience to all the laws of the republick ; if they be not inconsistent with , and contradictory to the laws of god. no man will say , that the same things were lawful for the persians or babylonians to do against their kings , which the lacedemonians , under the protection and authority of the ephori , might have done against theirs ; or which those of arragon were heretofore empowered to do at the command , and under the jurisdiction , of a certain person chosen and appointed to be the custos and guardian of their rights and privileges , and who had power by the law and constitution to controul and resist their kings , in case of their invading and going about to overthrow them . whereupon it is no sin in the king of france to take upon him and assume the whole legislation , without the assent and concurrence of the three estates ; whereas it would be otherwise in a king of england , whilst he stands limitted , as he doth , by the laws of the constitution and government , and restrained by his coronation oath . the french monarch is guilty of no offence in exacting taxes of his subjects , without a previous gift and grant of them by their representatives : but i cannot say , that according to the present form of our government , the king of great britain would be innocent , in the sight and esteem of the supreme sovereign , should he levy mony of his people without their own antecedent consent in parliament . so that i will affirm with the utmost confidence , as knowing i do it upon the greatest certainty , that every declaration and intimation in the bible , relative to the subjection and fealty we should pay to sovereign rulers , are intended to bind and oblige us in conscience , and out of fear of divine wrath , to be obedient to them actively , as far as is enacted and required by the laws of our country , if those laws do command nothing inconsistent with and repugnant to the laws of god ; and to be passive in all cases , save in those in which the rules of the constitution and the statutes of the realms where we live give us liberty , right and authority , to withstand and oppose them . and i will presume to add , with the fullest assurance that law and reason can give me , that in no circumstances of danger into which our religion and civil liberties could be brought , nor under any hazards we could fall into of losing and having them supprest , were we either permitted or empowered by the fundamentals of our government , the rules of our constitution , or by the common or statute law of the kingdom , to rebel against the king , or to dethrone or drive him away . nor did the having the protestant religion established and secured unto us by law ; nor its being incorporated among our franchises , and made a part of our birth-right to possess it peaceably , and practise it openly , authorize us to take arms against the king , divest him of his sovereignty , and banish him from his dominions , though we had been furnished with the most clear and indisputable evidence , that he was fully resolved to extirpate it . for though the laws give us a title to it as our heritage , and a right to claim the exercise of it as our chiefest blessing , and most valuable privilege ; yet no law or contract , existent in the king's time , had provided that we might fly to arms to prevent its being supprest , or for the securing the continuance of it to us and our posterity . yea , instead of that , there were divers express statutes then in being , by which it was made and declared to be treason to take up arms against him upon any pretence whatsoever . so that had the preserving the protestant religion been the real motive and end of our raising war , and of dethroning the king , yet it was not a lawful nor a justifiable inducement and design for doing it : nor can it be thought so by any who seriously consider , and look upon the laws of the land as the standard and measure of the peoples subjection and obedience ; and that whatsoever the municipal and statute laws of our country restrain us from , or confine us unto , provided it interfere not with that which either the laws of nature or those of revelation do indispensably require and exact , that thereunto we stand bound , limitted , and obliged by the laws of god , and the doctrines both of the old and new testaments ; and this upon no less penalty than damnation . which let no man upon the testimony of a flattering or mercenary priest , or the authority and verdict of a prophane and atheistical statesman , think he will or can escape , without unfeigned repentance evidenced in sincere and hearty endeavours to restore the king. nor are you to be surprised to hear this kind of theology and politicks from me , seing that according to dr. sherlock's phrase , as no man is forbid to grow wiser than he was , so i blush not , but glory to confess , and have deeply bewailed it , that i have been heretofore misled by false notions , and have entertained hypotheses about government neither reconcilable to our laws , nor to the peace of communities , but errando discimus non errare . and as the preserving the protestant religion could be no lawful and justifiable motive to the late revolution , so there were no just and sufficient grounds administered by the king , why any should have pretended that it was in danger of being supplanted , and much less in any jeopardy of being overthrown . and every wise man was then , and is now much more sensible , that all those noisy and clamorous suggestions , which were so industriously spread abroad , of designs laid and carried on for the extirpation of our religion , were fictions of knaves to impose upon fools : and which were promoted and given out to blacken the king , and to mislead a credulous and unthinking people . the great end of it being to impose upon the understandings , infect and pervert the consciences of the subjects , thereby to undermine the throne , and shake the government , by slanders and reproaches thrown upon his majesty . for he was so far from entertaining a thought of this nature and tendency , that he offered his protestant subjects all the legal security they could desire , besides what they actually had by the then established and existent laws , for the preservation of their religion , and for the maintenance of the church of england in its lawful jurisdiction and authority . nay at such a distance was he in his intentions from any ill design against our religion , that he was willing even to the diminution of his own royalty and grandeur both to have granted a stipulatory law , which should have had the force and vertue of a magna charta , or constitutional contract , and to have made it a fundamental in the government in all other reigns . and to give farther evidence of his alienation from , and abhorrency of that , with which he hath been so impudently and malitiously charged , he was ready to have gratified the peevish humours , as well as to have extinguished and removed the vain fears and needless jealousies of his subjects , by consenting to a thing not very reconcilable to true politicks , but directly inconsistent with any design he was capable of harbouring to the prejudice of our religion ; namely , that the prince and princess of orange should have been named and admitted guarantees of what should have been agreed and enacted for the preservation of our religion , on the bottom and with the provision only of liberty of conscience for dissenters . and as there was not the least just ground of suspecting his majesty guilty of any secret intentions of subverting our religion ; his open , avowed , and candid behaviour , as well as his publick and royal declarations , lying in direct opposition to such a concealed machination ; so had it been possible for him to have so far departed from kingly wisdom and justice , and from true english politicks , and to have renounced the veracity , compassion and generosity , which are so natural unto and inseparable from him , as to have inwardly entertained , and latently persued , a purpose and project of that kind ; yet it was so impracticable , and physically as well as morally impossible to be executed , that instead of serving to awaken fears in any discreet and sensible men , it could at most but have administered matter for entertainment and diversion ; and provoked us to laugh at the weakness and ridiculous bigottry of those that had suggested such councels unto him . for surely we will not so scandalously reproach the protestant religion , nor so ignominiously detract from the integrity , zeal , industry , and learning of our universities national clergy , and of many of our layick protestants , as to imagine , and much less to grant , that those of the roman communion were able to have disputed our religion out of the kingdom , or to have baffled us out of our belief , and have withdrawn us from the faith and worship which we profess and practise , by arguments from scripture , reason , or tradition . and indeed had they been qualified for , and in a condition to have done it that way , i do know no cause , unless we will disclaim both the being men and the being christians , why we should have taken it ill to be conquered at those weapons , or been angry with them that should gain a victory over us by such honourable and divine means . but this they were so ill prepared and uncapable to effect , that all their essays and efforts of that kind , against our religion , served only to render it the more triumphant , and to confirm us the better in it . and it had been the best policy , which the religious of the roman fellowship could have used , and i dare say will be thought so , if ever they should be furnished with such another opportunity , to have confined themselves to the service of their altars , and to the discharge of the devotional functions of their respective orders , and the performing the ministrations incumbent upon them towards those within the pale of their church ; or at most to have employed themselves about the subjects of common christianity , and of good morals , and not to have disturbed us in the possession of our religion , by polemical writings , controversal tracts , and by oral disputes . for those methods were so eminently subservient to the truth and glory of our religion , and to the reputation and credit of our divines , and of other learned persons of our communion , that if they be wise they will never venture to tread any more in those paths , unless they have a mind to embark in a plot against themselves , and to lose that esteem which we are willing to preserve for them , notwithstanding all our differences in religious matters . for under all their mistakes , whereof some are of the highest importance , yet we ought to own and respect them as christians , and to pay them the deference that is due unto them , not only upon the score of the condition and quality of many of them , but upon the account both of their moral accomplishments and of their natural and acquired parts , in which great numbers among them are remarkably eminent . and as there was not the least shadow of probability , that the roman catholicks could have disputed us out of our religion ; so it is to 〈◊〉 an affront to the common reason of manking , to believe that they could have overthrown it by force and violence . for notwithstanding that many have had the malice to say this , and some the weakness to entertain it ; yet , besides the impracticableness of the thing , the king had both the wisdom and goodness not only to disclaim it by words , but to disprove it by signal matters of fact. and unless worldly interest , ambition , passion , and wrath , had so darkened and distorted our understandings , as either to extinguish or pervert the use of our discursive faculties , we could never have allowed our selves to think , that the king would attempt to do that in a way of force , which there were a hundred to withstand and oppose for every single individual that can be supposed inclinable to have joyned in the execution of it . surely a very little knowledge of the world , and a mean acquaintance with history , would help to instruct some unthinking and half witted people , how difficult if not impracticable this has been found in other nations where it hath been attempted . nor have any that have set about it found it easy to be effected , even where they have had all the advantage imaginable to execute it . and we may be speedily convinced , how unfeasable such a design would have been in england , and consequently how far from being either undertaken or thought of by a wise prince : if we consider the difficulties which have attended it in roman catholick kingdoms , where all the craft and power of wise and mighty princes , and all the strength and rage of the body of the people inflamed by bigottry have been united to compass it . is it possible for the king 's most malignant enemies , who use to speak of him with the most unparalelled undecency and brutal rudeness , to conceive or believe that he could be so prodigiously indiscreet and weak , as to think of banishing or overthrowing the protestant religion , or of bringing in or setting up the roman catholick , by a protestant and antipapal army ? and other he had not , nor ever can be in a condition to have in this kingdom , if we speak of the bulk of one , or of one that can be numerous and strong . and for a few roman catholicks mingled here and there in protestant troops , or for two or three regiments whereof the generality were of the romish communion in an army of those of the reformed profession , instead of their giving us just terrour of a design for subverting our religion they only served to animate and provoke those vastly larger number of protestant officers and soldiers , to assert their religion with the more courage and avowedness , and to exemplify and adorn it better by their lives . and it is but for those who were in england in 1687. and 1688. to recollect themselves and consult their memories , and they must needs confess and declare , if they have not renounced all friendship with truth when they disclaimed loyalty to his majesty , that they never observed that zeal in a brittish army for the protestant religion , nor that open boldness in pleading for it , as when that roman catholick prince was upon the throne , and some of that communion enrolled among them , and employed with them under the same royal standard . but what clearer and fuller evidence could the king give in matter of fact , that he had no intentions to undermine and much less to subvert our religion , than the dispensation from penal laws , which he granted unto protestant dissenters , and the liberty which he stated them in the exercise of . and through his giving it upon the only true principle on which it could be done justifiably , namely , that it is the natural right of every man to chuse in what religion , and in which way of faith and worship , he will venture his eternal state ; he could not in justice ( abstracting from his friendship ) avoid granting liberty likewise to the roman catholicks . i do know there are some people whose malice to the king makes them not only take every thing by the wrong handle , but which hath so perverted their reasons , as to cause them to draw conclusions directly contradictory to the premisses from which they infer them ; who endeavour to obtrude upon the belief of such as are weak and credulous , that the king 's giving liberty was an effect of his enmity to our religion , and done in pursuance of a design to destroy it . but the two poles are not at greater distance from one another , than they are from truth and good sense ; who think the king would have given liberty of conscience , and have set his heart upon the upholding and maintaining of it , if at the same time he had given place unto , and entertained the least thought of overthrowing and extirpating the protestant religion . for that wise , generous , and royal concession of his , was so far from lying in the remotest subserviency to such a design , that nothing under heaven can be imagined more effectually contributory to the preventing , resisting , and defeating an attempt of that kind . there are few but know what connivance had been exercised to roman catholicks , and how gently they had been treated , notwithstanding the many laws they were obnoxious to , during the last years of king charles's reign ; while in the mean time vast numbers of protestants were harrassed , spoiled and imprisoned , and this not only by hounding out , but by enforcing those of the church of england to fall upon the dissenters , and to execute the laws against them with great severity . now by the king 's noble , christian , and heroick act , of granting liberty , the peevishness and enmity of protestants against one another was allayed and extinguished ; and they were at ease as well as leasure to employ their common care , and unite their mutual strength , against those of the roman communion , whom they esteemed enemies to them both . and by being taken off from scratching , biting , and devouring one another , they began to mingle councels , and to joyn their several interests , for obviating and obstructing the growth of a third party that stands in terms of distance both in opinion and ecclesiastical charity to the one as well as the other . for though the liberty granted by the king to protestant dissenters did not incorporate them into the communion of the church of england , but supposed the contrary , and provided against the afflictive inconveniencies of it ; and though it did not entitle them unto , and make them capable of the dignities and emoluments of the church , which his majesty neither pretended nor challenged a power to do ; yet through his suspending the execution of the penal laws , which he was told he might do in virtue of that executive power of laws and of administration of government which was lodged in him by the constitution , and inseparable from his title , right , and sovereignty , there was not only a cessation of arms between those of the national church and them , but a coalescence in friendship and zeal for their common religion , though they cou●d not embody together for communion in all the parts of christian worship , and for the exercise of church discipline . and besides the taking off the reproach , and the wiping away the infamy , which lay upon our religion , through our persecuting one another , and which made us the subjects of our enemies r●●●ery , and the objects of their scorn , there were so many real advantages acc●●ing to it , by the liberty which the king granted , that the●e cannot be a blacker malice out of hell , than to perve●t this royal and christian act of his majesty from being an argument of his innocent and honourable intentions towards our religion , into a topick whereby to insinuate into the belief of those of a narrow compass of thought , that it was only in order first to supplant our religion , and then to destroy it . and it argueth an ingratitude , which our language is indigent of words to express the hainousness of , that any protestant dissenters should not only concur in such a sentiment , but value themselves upon the vivacity , strength , and penetration of their judgment , that they could foresee and discover this to be the motive and end of it . but this may be catalogued among other of the thankful returns which some of them have rendered the compassionate and good king , for his snatching them as firebrands out of the burning , where he both found them , and might have suffered them to have continued , till they had been consumed : and for gathering such vipers ( as those i am speaking about ) off from the dunghill , where the laws had laid them , and placing them in his bosom till they had recovered life , warmth , and vigour , to sting him by those censures and reproaches which are as false as they are black and villanous . and i would ask those persons , if the king cast out and drove away the devil persecution by belzebub , or in virtue of so hellish a conspiracy against our religion , by whom have the gentleman at kensington , and his tools and co-operators at westminster , done the same ? is liberty to dissenters not only an innocent and harmless thing , but eminently useful to the strength , glory , and success of our religion , under one that finds it his present interest to call himself a protestant , while in the mean time it is questionable what religion he is of , if he be of any at all ; and must the same liberty , and to the same people , be a plot upon and an engine for the undermining and blowing it up , and for burying all those that profess it under the ruins of it , when granted by a catholick monarch ? surely it would not unbecome some , nor be unworthy of their second thoughts , to consider , that if the prince , whom they have abdicated for this and other good offices , had not expressed the bowels , and exerted the courage to break the chains , and to remove the heavy and insupportable loads , which many peaceable and innocent people had long worn and groaned under , meerly for their opinions and practices in matters of pure revelation , how probable it is , if not morally certain , that they would have been still in their old circumstances and conditions of calamity and suffering . nor would either the prince of orange had the inclination and fortitude to relieve them ; nor those assemblies since the revolution which we call parliaments have had the compassion and good nature to have consented and concurred to the easing of them . for as the generality of those stiled the representatives of the nation , retain still their antient peevishness and rancour to dissenters ; so he whom they have placed on the royal throne governs himself by no other principle or measures , but those of ambition and interest ; nor would he for saving and obliging the dissenters have ventured upon any thing that might be disagreable to the humour of the two houses , or which might have cooled or abated the inclinations of the commons to be lavish in their grants of money . neither would those sons of sceva have taken upon them to dispossess the kingdom of the devouring spirit of persecution , if they had not been sensible of the glory which redounded to the king by the example he had set them . nor was it upon motives of honour and justice that liberty to protestant dissenters came to be established by a law , otherwise that freedom would upon those very inducements have been extended to others by the same act : but it was from fear that the retrenching that which through the mercy of the king they had gotten into possession of , might have lost them the affections , service , and assistance of the whole fanatick party ; and have made those people turn jacobites upon the foot of interest , that have not conscience , nor principles of vertue and loyalty to be so . but besides this proof arising from fact , by the king 's suspending penal laws in matters of religion , and his granting liberty to protestant dissenters , which puts it in a meridian light , that he could not cherish any thoughts or intentions of overthrowing our religion ; he was pleased to exert his goodness in a second matter of fact , and in a surprising act of grace , which carried convincing demonstrative evidence along with it , that he harboured no such design in prejudice of the reformed doctrine and worship , as have been calumniously fastened upon him : the generous , princely , and merciful act which i mean , was his receiving , entertaining , and relieving the french refugees ; which as he was under no legal obligations of doing , so there were discouragements enough lay before him to have hindered and prevented it . i know sir , that you cannot have forgotten with what readiness he admitted them into his kingdom ; what welcome and compassionate entertainment he gave them ; and how he not only invited and required his subjects to harbour and relieve them , but to what measure and degree he exercised and extended his own royal benevolence and charity towards them . nor was he satisfied with the bare taking them under the wing of his protection , and making them sharers in his own and his peoples bounty , but he entertained divers of them into his service , and admitted some of them into his friendship and confidence . so that whosoever will allow himself leave and time calmly to consider , either the king 's own religion in which he was both sincere and zealous , or the terms of amity he stood in with the king of france , which he had neither reason nor inclination to depart from , will not be able to avoid acknowledging ( unless he can reconcile contradictions ) that his majesty could have no other inducement for the doing of it , but that he judged it an evil thing , as well as an unwise , for any prince to persecute and drive away his subjects meerly for their differing in religious matters from what was legally established , and embraced , and professed , by the bulk and generality of the people ; and that he esteemed it a duty which he owed to god , and to mankind , to entertain and succour such as suffered for their consciences in things purely divine . for as the king could not be insensible that it was not very grateful to a great number of his protestant subjects , to see so many indigent and necessitous foreigners received into the nation ; who would not only by their skill and industry gain away much of the manufacture , traffick , and employ from them ; but who by their frugal and pa●●●monious living would be able , and therefore sure , both to underwork and undersell them : so it could not escape his majesty's knowledge and belief that it would not be very pleasing and acceptable to the french king , to see those who carried their re●entments against him along with them whithe soever they went , and who will be always meditating and cherishing revenge , to be so tenderly pitied , compassionately received , and safely covered and protected , by a prince that was not only his allie , but a roman catholick . yet under that view , and with a cognizance of all this , did the merciful king admit , entertain , and treat them , with the same royal goodness and generosity , as if they had been people of the romish communion drove out of some protestant country for their consciences , and exiles here for the religion which he himself professed . now can any that live not in an avowed enmity to truth and good sense , either be perswaded themselves , or hope to impose upon the faith of others , that a prince who had designed to root the protestant religion out of his kingdoms , would do a thing so inconsistent with and obstructive of it , as this was ? and yet there are some , whose malice against the king hath so distorted their understandings , as that they will not only undertake to reconcile his forementioned behaviour to the french refugees , with the conspiracy he was embarked in for extirpating our religion , but will make use of his kindness unto them as a topick of argumentation whence and whereby to prove and confirm it . but we must beg those men's pardon , if we cannot hinder their insolent flippency ; yet to claim the liberty of exposing and controuling their foolish and ridiculous , as well as false and slanderous dictates . for can any thing lie in a directer opposition to a purpose of subverting our religion ▪ than for a prince who harbours such a project , to do all that lies within the circle of his wisdom and his power to encrease and multiply the numbers , whose principles will oblige them to the use of all lawful ways and means at least , if they use not worse , to oppose it ; and whose interest and safety consists in hindering it . surely the great body of native protestants were enough , if not by far too many , either to have been wormed out of our religion by fraud , or to have it wrested from us by force , that there was no necessity for encreasing the honour of the conquest , or raising the glory of the triumph , to have added to our number and strength , by the reception and entertainment that was given to foreign protestants . nor is it credible that if his majesty had been embarked in such a design as he hath been slandered with , that he would have given encouragement to those reformed which fled hither from france , to have planted and settled in all parts of his dominions where they pleased , when he could not but know and believe , that their very presence among us , and our daily sight of them , would awaken our jealousies of what some roman catholick might think lawful to be done in prejudice of our religion ; and who would daily tell us what had been practised for the extirpating it elsewhere . but the good king being conscious to himself that he had no sinister intentions to the legally established doctrine and worship , he envied us no means that might quicken and provoke our care for the preservation of them . and though he regretted , and was infinitely sorry , that there was cause any where administred of publishing how poor people , professing the reformed religion , had not only been decoyed into the catholick communion by the little and mean arts of missioners ; and and bribed and bought to be converts to the romish faith , by those that managed a publick treasure to that end , but had been dragooned into the church by armed troops ; yet he was willing we should have such resident in our several neighbourhoods , who might relate and confirm those things unto us ; and he hoped that by his receiving and countenancing such persons in his dominions as would daily entertain us with accounts of this nature , which we could not hear without scandal and indignation ▪ we should have been satisfied and assured that it lay in an antipathy to his nature to imitate any such examples . but no means how proper and convictive soever in themselves which the king could use , for laying and extinguishing our jealousies and fears of his harbouring intentions against our religion , could be of efficacy to operate upon us with any success ; after our having through plenty , pride , and wantonness , grown weary of tranquility and ease ; and thereupon had imbibed prepossessions and prejudices against his majesty's person and government ; and suffered our selves to be wrought up and exasperated by a few demagogues and boutefeuxs , who were bribed by the prince of orange , and instigated by his promising them the spoils of the crown , kingdom , and church , to the highest ferment of blind , brutal , and godless rage . nor has the compassionate and merciful king been requited as he ought and deserved by the french refugees , to whom he made his kingdoms both an asilum and a sanctuary ; and his own treasure , and the wealth of his people , a fund of succour and subsistance , when they knew not where with safety to hide their heads , nor how to get bread to preserve them from starving . but notwithstanding all the hosannahs they gave him at first , they were many of them in a little time the forwardest to cry crucify him . and contrary to all the measures of discretion and prudence , as well as of thankfulness and gratitude , they have been some of them the warmest inflamers of the rebellion , and have taken arms in great numbers for supporting the usurper . but sir , allow me to subjoin a third matter of fact , by which the king gave all the evidence and assurance to his people , that the most incredulous and perversly obstinate among them could have desired or needed , to convince them in what opposition unto and remoteness it lay from his thoughts to injure us in the possession of our religion , and much less to rob us of it ; and that was by his refusing those ships of war as well as land troops which were offered him by the french king , for withstanding the invasion of the prince of orange , and for enabling him to suppress those that might sly to arms , and rise in his own dominions , to disturb his reign , or to joyn with the unnatural invader in case he landed . for setting aside a few things , which the judges told him he might do according to law , and some inconsiderable triffles , wherein his treacherous counsellors misled him , by telling him it was to renounce the prerogative which the constitution had vested in him to decline asserting them ; so conscious was he to himself of having neither done nor designed any thing whereby his protestant subjects might be tempted to withdraw with any shadow of reason and justice their allegiance from him ; that no allarms of conspiracies against , or suspected treacheries unto him at home ; nor the fullest and most uncontroulable certainty of ships being prepared , and forces ready to embark upon them abroad , to make a descent into his dominions , and hostily to assault him , could prevail with him to accept those succours which a neighbouring monarch offered him , as well in friendship to himself as in kindness to his majesty . it ever hath , and always will be found true , that whosoever hath been designing , though never so secretly , an injury or mischief to another , he will be constantly suspicious of the person against whom he intended it ; and will use all the precautions he can , and lay hold upon every mean that offereth , to put him whom he had contrived to wrong out of a condition to avoid the blow , and more especially out of all capacity to revenge it . ill thoughts and intentions in a prince to his people , though they abide so artificially and industriously conc●●led that none have detected them , do yet not only continually haunt the projector as informers that his designs are discovered and understood , but are ever councelling him to close with all methods which may obviate and prevent a retaliation . but the king thought his protestant subjects had been as free from rebellious designs against his person , crown , and dignity , ( which indeed most of them were ) as he was from any usurping and tyranous ones against their legal rights , liberties , and religion ; and that withheld and restrained him from accepting an assistance in his defence , when there was a plotted , formed , and maturated conjunction between the prince of orange and states of holland abroad , and too many of several perswasions , communions , and factions at home , to drive him out of his kingdoms , if not to murther him . which he stood not far out of the danger of , when the sunday night before the prince of orange came to london , it was proposed and debated at windsor to make him a prisoner : but that being opposed by some persons , whom it was not then thought convenient and safe to contradict and disoblige , it was thereupon resolved the night following at sion-house to require him immediately , and at a very unseasonable hour , to abandon and withdraw from his royal palace . which was so ordered upon prospect and hope that he would not have complied , and that thereby a pretence would have been administred of sending him to the tower , from whence his next stage would have been to the neighbouring hill ; there being but a few steps between a king's prison and his grave . nor would he in any likelihood have escaped the snare that was thus artificially laid for him , nor have avoided the danger that was lurking behind it , but that some of those entrusted with the conveyance of the message , delivered it with such accent , tone , and accompanying circumstances , as both awakened him to apprehensions of his peril , and guided him to submit to what was so inhumanly and barbarously prescribed unto him . but to return to the enforcement of the argument i am upon , for proving that the king could have no secret intentions , nor have been carrying on any concealed designs in order to overthrow our religion , in that he refused french forces at a season when they were both generously offered , and he extreamly needed them ; and when by all the laws of god , and the kingdom , he might have received and employed them for the withstanding a foreign army , commanded by an ambitious and unnatural prince , which came to divest him of his sovereign and legal rights . for if the states of holland might send , and the prince of orange bring troops into england , let the pretence be what it will ; and the brittish subjects that invited and gave encouragement unto it be never so many , and of what quality any think fit to have them ; the king might with much more justice and right have desired and received turks and tartars , as well as french , to oppose and beat them out . seeing both the power of war , and the lawful authority of defending the kingdom , being lodged sovereignly and solely in his majesty ; and the ways of managing the one and the other being entirely entrusted with his wisdom , save as he pleased to call for advice , he might without any violation of the rules of the constitution , have furnished himself with necessary forces from whence he thought fit , for the defence of his person and the government ; whereas none of his subjects could raise forces at home , or invite them from abroad , without rendering themselves guilty of the highest disloyalty and treason : nor could the states of the seven provinces , being in league and declared terms of amity with his majesty , send or authorise their troops to come hither , without becoming obnoxious to the crime and charge of contemning and violating publick treaties , of breaking through all that is sacred , and of trampling upon every thing on which the peace of nations doth depend . and as for the prince of orange himself , he being no sovereign prince , but the servant of a late though wealthy republick , he possibly might have the right as statholder , into which he wound himself by perjury and murther , to exercise some authority in his own country ; or he might have the privilege to set up for a knight errant to combat wind-mills , and kill dragons ; but he had no authority by the laws of god , or nations , to invade and attack a rightful king in the quiet and peaceable possessions of his own dominions . and by assuming the insolence , and taking upon him the injustice to do it , he stands proclaimed by all the revelations relative to societies in the bible , and by the whole civil law which is the law of nations , to be a robber and an usurper ; and to have all the blood that hath been shed in europe by reason of , and as an effect and consequence of his invasion , to be charged upon him and laid at his door ; and for which he will be made accountable at the great tribunal . nor can his majesty's authority and right to have received and called french troops be questioned by our revolutioners and abdicators themselves ; seeing we allow and suffer the like , and much worse , in that pageant king we have dressed up and erected . for notwithstanding of that vast army of brittish and irish troops , with which to the impoverishment of the nation we continue to furnish him ; and notwithstanding he is fulsomly represented in pulpits , and with a flattering as well as a mean cringingness addressed unto by corporations , as the saviour of our liberties and religion ; yet he challengeth a right , and we like a tame slavish people both connive at , and approve it ; not only of keeping among us , contrary to his solemn promise given in his declaration dated at the hague , several dutch forces , horse as well as foot , whom he claps and fasteneth upon the nation , as a badg that he esteems us no better than conquered vassals ; but if we may believe the prints which come from abroad , he hath sent for ten thousand more outlandish souldiers to insult and triumph over us as his subdued slaves . while in the mean time he sends our native forces into flanders to perish by famine and sword as sacrifices to his ambition ; and to have the infamy , which he calls glory , of dying in a dutch quarrel . nor do i wonder that he will not trust the defence of the kingdom to our own troops ; seeing he cannot but be sensible with what arbitrariness he hath ruled over us , and how he hath cheated , impoverished , and ruined us ; and that if we had but as much sense , reason , and courage left us , as we have provocation and cause of anger and indignation given unto us , we would revenge our selves upon him for the wrongs he hath done the kingdom , as well as for those he hath done the king. whereas that injured monarch being fully assured in himself that he never designed to prejudice us in our liberties , properties , or religion ; but that all he aimed at was to make us a free , rich , and glorious people , he cast himself entirely upon the loyalty of his own subjects for the safeguard of his person and crown , at the time when he saw he was to have his dominions invaded , and an attempt to be made for turning him out of his throne . all which designs he might have easily defeated , had he but accepted the french ships and troops that were offered him : but to his glory and our indelible infamy , he chose rather to be forsaken and betrayed by his own people , than to distrust them ; as knowing he had always lived in an abhorrence of giving them just and real cause to be false to him . and indeed the misfortune and distress which befel him , upon whatsoever motives they were occasioned , yet they must be resolved into his own uprightness and integrity , as the contributing means ; and that being an honest man himself , he drew other mens pictures by his own original : whereas he had continued safe and happy , if he had drawn those of a great many people by the reverse of his own . i know that the earl of s — doth in a letter from holland to his friend in london , printed march 1689. endeavour to rob the king of the honour due unto him for having refused the french assistance , and challengeth it to himself , by telling us , that he opposed to death the accepting of them , and that he was the principal means of hindering the receiving both the ships and men. but all this was then published to put a m●rit upon his own treachery to the king , and to reconcile himself to the mercy and favour of the nation , to whose anger and wrath he stood at that time highly obnoxious . for no m●n can imagine that either the earl or those other lords with whom , as he tells us , he consulted every day , and they with him ; and by wh●m he was helpt to prevent the accepting both french ships and tro●p● , which they thought would be a great prejudice if not ruinous to the n●tion , would have been able to have prevailed with his maj●sty to have refused so seasonable and necessary assistance , if he had been any ways conscious to himself that he had been harbouring and carrying on designs which might make him distrust the loyalty of his people ; or which might give him cause to apprehend that his subjects had just and reasonable pretences of departing from their fealty , or for denying their aids , to defend him . no● would any thing but a clearness of mind as to his own innocency from any sinister intentions against our religion and laws , have influenced as well as suffered him to reject the offers made unto him at that time by the king of france . but though this was the only motive upon which his majesty could do it , in any consistency with common discretion , yet we sufficiently know upon what inducements , and to what ends , that earl advised him to it . nor hath he been either shy in concealing of it , or gone without very liberal rewards for it . for he told ginckle , once at his own table , that though it was his honour to have subdued the king's forces in ireland , and to have wrested that kingdom from his majesty , yet the glory belonged unto himself of having contrived the provocations to the revolution , and having laid the foundations for deposing his majesty from his royal dignity and throne . and the inward confidence he is admitted into with the prince of orange , and the vast sums he has obtained , and continues still to receive from him , are plain evidences , as well as they are thankful recompences , of the councels which in favour of the prince's designs he gave unto his master . but would any one that hath not lost all common prudence and true sense , as well as renounced his loyalty to his rightful prince , have published in the same letter a thing so visibly false , and so easy to be contradicted and exposed ; namely , that when the first news came of the prince's designs , they were not looked upon as they proved , no body foreseeing the miracles he has done by his wonderful prudence , conduct , and courage , in that the greatest thing which has been undertaken these thousand years , or perhaps ever , could not be effected without vertues hardly to be imagined , till seen nearer hand . whereas it was obvious to vast numbers then , as it is now to the whole kingdom , that there was neither prudence , conduct , nor courage , and much less vertues hardly to be imagined , guiding and influencing the prince of orange's success , but that his whole prosperity in his undertaking is to be resolved in , and ascribed unto , the disloyalty and treachery of some of his relations , bosom friends , councellors , officers , and souldiers ; and into the rebellious principles of too many of his subjects . for to omit speaking of the great effects which the prince of orange hath so often and wonderfully given in flanders , of his prudence , conduct , courage , and other vertues hardly to be imagined , it is but for us to recollect his behaviour at and before limerick in ireland , where he became the subject of the derision and contempt of all that were there , and by which he hath furnished us here with matter of diversion ever since , when we have a mind to be pleasant ; and we may from thence take the measure and extent with all the dimensions of his political and military excellencies . but the passage i have quoted out of the letter serves to confirm me , that it is an usual and righteous judgment of god upon those that turn knaves to give them over to become fools also . and for the thousand years , or the perhaps ever , that he mentions , wherein the like hath not been untertaken and executed , it is neither for the reputation of the prince of orange , nor for the credit of this kingdom , but for the perpetual dishonour and infamy both of him and us , that we should have been guilty of so much treachery and villany , and he of such an unbounded ambition , and unnatural crimes , as there are no examples of , nor presidents for . and as the king harboured no thoughts , nor drove on any secret designs , for the extirpation of our religion ; so i will affirm that the preserving the protestant religion was so far from being the true and real motive to the late revolution , though so much pretended and so often alledged in vindication of those who engaged in it , that most of those that were the first instigators unto , and who principally concurred and cooperated to the bringing it about , are not persons disposed by their judgments , nor prepared by vertue and grace to be concerned for any religion , farther than as the seeming to own one ministers to their secular ends. now this , if clearly demonstrated , being as likely a means as any for undeceiving the credulous and well-meaning body of the people , and for taking them off from supporting the usurpation , when they see upon what a mistake they were wheedled to joyn at first with the conspirators against his majesty's person and government ; i will lay it before you in the best light i can , without writing a satyr upon states and countries , or too much exposing the atheism , unbelief , and immoralities , inconsistent with any religion of particular men , who are divers of them of great rank , quality , and condition in the world. however it doth not detract from the worth of religion , but rather shews it is some excellent thing , that all men will seek countenance from it to those undertakings , for which they would fear to be otherwise the objects of a keen and general hatred . to which allow me to add , that the being hurried into this revolution upon the pretence of saving our religion , shews , that though most who stile themselves protestants are people of very weak and shallow understandings , and that their zeal is much greater than their knowledge ; yet it likewise tells us , that many of them heartily love it , in that they think neither the publick tranquillity , nor their private fortunes , too valuable to be parted with in order to preserve it . and this the prince of orange and his mercenary tools were sufficiently aware of , and therefore made that the pretence both of the invasion , and of the aggressive war , we made afterwards on france ; as knowing it would bubble as out of our lives as well as our money , and be an engine to open both our veins and our purses . yet after what i have said , i will nevertheless add , that as it is no credit , but a disgrace to religion , that some men should pretend to have a concern or regard for it ; it being a reproach unto it , that they should wear its livery , and a disparagement to be favourably spoken of by them ; whereas their reviling it would be its commendation , and their turning their backs upon it would argue it lovely : so it hath been always found true , and ever will , that the making religion a plea whereby to justify that which is evil , does lessen its power over the consciences of men , and hindereth its success in conquering the irreligious and incredulous ; and defeats it in its only design , which is the raising glory to god , and the restoring the divine image upon men. nor can i forbear to publish it as my avowed opinion , that no success or honour that can attend our arms in this war , should we not only be so prosperous as to obtain a safe and honourable peace to europe , but to subdue and conquer france , will ever be able to countervail the injury we have done the protestant religion , and the disgrace we have brought upon it , by pretending to make the preserving it the motive and inducement for dethroning our rightful king. nor will all that sea of blood spilt in europe , as the effect and consequence of it , wash away the blots and stains we have thereby brought upon the reformed doctrine ; but they will remain indelible , until we have returned to our duty , reassumed our loyalty , and have restored our exiled prince ; and until we have taken the ignominy and reproach upon our selves , that we have derived upon our religion , and have by words , writing and tears , vindicated and acquitted it , from having given any countenance to what hath been done , and have charged and lodged it upon our own disloyalty , pride , and covetousness . nor must we think to salve our selves , and come off at the great tribunal , by saying as a certain presbyterian person in scotland did , that if we make bold to offend god in some cases and instances , yet we will be as good to him another way . now as to what i am to lay before you in reference to the unconcernedness of those for any religion that contrived and conspired the revolution , and were the forwardest to promote it , and still continue to be the zealous upholders of this bloody and ruinous war that hath followed upon it ; i do not intend it should be construed and intended to affect and blacken all that were accessary unto , and active to the utmost of their power and interest in those design● ▪ for in some of them it proceeded either from the weakness of their understandings , or from their being prepossessed with corrupt and bad principles as to governments and politicks in general , and particularly with respect to our own constitution , and not from criminalness in their wills , and pravity of their consciences . for not only people of shallow judgments , and of narrow compass of thought , are capable of being misled , notwithstanding their endowments with a great deal of probity and uprightness to very sinful and bad things in matters of politicks , and the measures of civil obedience , by those that are acute , crafty and subtle , and in the mean time believe themselves in the right , and to be doing god and their country good service ; but even such as are of better and more discursive parts may , through false notions , as well as through prejudices suckt in and derived from an unhappy education , and the misfortune of acquaintance with ill books , and of intimate conversation with persons drenched in republican and democratical notions , be insensibly carried to the committing very illegal and by consequence very irreligious things . but then such persons are upon serious and second thoughts , and upon obtaining the happiness of being furnished with the assistance and advantage of clearer and better lights , easily recovered from the power and misleading influence of those principles upon which through darkness or mistake they formerly acted ; and upon their repentance of such things which they had wandered and been hurried into , and proofs of their conversion to god and their king , they become prepared subjects both for pardon on earth , and forgiveness in heaven . but as to the generality of those who were most actively and eminently interested and involv'd in bringing about the revolution , and who remain the unrelenting and obstinate upholders of the usurpation ; i do affirm , that they were and are so far from acting upon the motive , prospect , and design of preserving our religion , that they would not wet the soal of their shoes , nor hazard the losing of a single hair of their heads , for saving the gospel , or for continuing the light of it to us and our posterity . for besides that the chiefest and majority of them do glory in courses of life inconsistent with all religions , and which the alcoran disallows and condemns as much as the scripture doth ; and which are directly repugnant unto the hopes that ours giveth unto any man of salvation and eternal life , and who themselves are f●r enough from taking the gospel to be a spell that will save them , whether they come into the way prescribed by it , and have a mind to be saved , or whether they neither do , nor have not : so many of them do ridicule and mock at all revelation , and do pronounce them foppish and silly , that account otherwise of the bible , than of a romance feigned by a conspiracy of rulers and priests in order to govern the mob , and the better to squeeze money from the credulous . yea there are some of them who deride a deity , and value themselves upon the believing no other being or m●des of one , but matter , figure , and motion . and though i do not know whether many o● any of them went into the revolution themselves , and afterwards drew in others , with a purpose to expose and lampoon our religion ; yet this i am sure of , that what we have done against the king , and in the involving the kingdoms into a bloody and expensive war upon so little cause and provocation as was administred , is more adapted to render persons an●i-scripturists and atheists , than all the arguments in hobbs's leviathan , or in his book de ●ive are . was not the late lord lovelace , who could not speak without an oath , blasphemy , or execration ? or the surviving fleetwood sheppard , whose whole wit is employed to burlesque the bible , and mock at an invisible being : and who had the blasphemous audacity to say to two bishops , who desired leave of him to pass thro his lodgings to see the raree show , exhibited the other day at whitehall , that he would not grant it , though the virgin mary were there with her child at her back to beg it of him ; and which they had not the zeal and courage for god and their religion as to rebuke him for , lest they should have offended the man at kensington , who is fond of him for his piety and vertue , & quem pro jove habent : i say , were not those i have mentioned very likely persons to have engaged to assist in the revolution upon motives of religion ; or in order to preserve and defend the reformed doctrine and worship ? can any man think that secretary trenchard can be under the influence of religion in any busi or undertaking , or can make it the motive or end of what he does , who concerted with the prince of orange how to betray and ruin the king , and became engaged to him to use all means he could to do it ; and this at the very time when he was suing for a pardon , and who after the grant and receipt of one , came over , and made his majesty all the promises words could express , of his serving him with loyalty and fidelity so long as he lived ? but as there is no necessity now of telling which of these promises he has performed , whether those made at the hague , or those given at whitehall , that being sufficiently declared by a long and ample series of actions ; so i think it will be easily granted , that this man could act under no impression of religion , nor upon the motive or to the end of saving or serving it , who could come under two such opposite and contradictory obligations at the same time , as the yielding an unchangeable fealty and obedience to the king , and the undertaking to betray and divest him of his royal power were . or is it possible we should believe that my lord l — and the honourable speech-maker and haranguer of the mob at norwich and lyn , could embark in promoting the late change , out of any concernment for the protestant religion , or in order to protect it , who though they profess to be protestants when they are well and in health ; yet who at every time when they are sick , or when they have apprehensions of dying , do constantly send for romish priests , to administer unto them all the helps , and give them the assistances appointed by that church for men in their last hours ? i am loath to multiply many instances in confirmation of what i have affirmed , and the chief leaders and actors in the conspiracy for dethroning the king are so well known , that i need not do it . even they whose character should oblige us to believe that the preserving the protestant religion was the chief if not the only motive upon which they acted , in the late great turn that was made in this kingdom , were as far from having it in their eye or aim , as any other were . nor will any that know the men allow , that either jack boots , or cambrick sleeves , embarked in dethroning and driving away the king , out of any regard unto or concernedness for the reformed doctrine and worship ; but that they did it out of pique and revenge , and upon the motives of ambition and covetousness , in the one to get a bishoprick , and in the other to preserve one . for not to speak of the rings and seals , which the doctor ( through an hypocrisy peculiar to himself that weareth cambrick , holland , scots cloath sleeves instead of lawn ) boasteth of as pledges of the kindnesses of ladies for the services he has done them ▪ can that man live in the practical belief , or be under the awe of a deity , and much less act upon any sincere motives of serving religion , but meerly to serve himself upon it , who when he was dipt in all the councels and conspiracies for commencing and compassing the revolution , could yet at the same time , in his letters to the earl of middleton , not only make solemn protestations of his loyalty to the king , but have recourse for proof and evidence of it to the sermons full of duty and fealty to the king , which he had preached at the hague as well as at london . and as those letters are in print to remain records and registers of his irreligion and hypocrisy ; so i am mistaken in the rules of phisiognomy , if the punishment that waits for him , and which he hath so much deserved , and whereof he hath had advertisment in dreams , be not legibly written in his forehead . nor could any true church of england man , whether ecclesiastick or laick , have accession to the invasion , and to the deposing of his majesty , or he gained over to approve them , without renouncing all the doctrines and principles of that communion which relate to civil government , and the duties of subjects to their rulers . and that may serve sufficiently to shew , that they acted not in these mat●●rs upon motives of religion ; because the very things they did , plainly interfered with the whole religion which they professed and owned . and there was such an outragious rape committed by it upon their principles , and such an open deflouring of the chastity , which their church had hitherto preserved in point of allegiance to lawful and rightful monarchs , that were it not that great multitudes of that communion both preserved their own innocency , and have loudly condemned the crime of their quondam brethren and fellow-members ▪ their whole church would for ever lye under the same blot and infamy , which those very men , namely , your tillotsons , burnets , and sherlocks , &c. have used heretofore to cast and fasten upon others . and as for those called whigs , which were the warmest promoters of the revolution , and are supposed more than others to have acted in it upon the motive of securing our religion ; i will make bold to say of many of them , and that both with truth and justice , that they have no religion but their interest , nor sacrifice to any deity but themselves . the whig party is , generally speaking , a compound of the atheistical of all opinions and perswasions whatsoever ; and they can be of any religion , because they are really of none . they will take the sacrament in the church of england to be qualified to get or hold a place , and then will herd with the phanaticks ever after , that they may be esteemed partizans for our sovereign lord the people . upon the whole , whosoever will speak his knowledge or his conscience , cannot avoid confessing that the promoting the revolution , the abdicating the king , the crowning the invader , and the lavishing away lives and fortunes to support the usurpation and rebellion , were not entered upon out of fear of losing otherwise our religion , nor continued and persevered in upon inducements of being serviceable to its safety , success , and glory ; but that some wanted white staves ; to which they thought they might pretend on the foot of merit ; and that others had fallen under fines , which though they were forgiven the payment of , yet they resented , and sought to revenge their being laid upon them ; and that all were desirous to fish in troubled waters , in which though but a few were to catch ducal titles , or blew ribbons , and garters , yet something would come as a share to many upon the shipwreck of the government , and out of the spoil of the crown , kingdom , and church . the truest character i can bestow upon them , is that which livy gives those that set up for and joyned the decemviri , namely , that they did persue , licentiam suam , non libertatem patriae : and indeed the unparalelled treachery that accompanied the revolution , in most of those that were actively engaged in it , does put it beyond all rational contradiction , that it was so far from being undertaken or persued upon motives of religion , that they could neither have religion , vertue , nor true honour , who were capable of being guilty of so much falshood and infidelity , as well as of disloyalty . is it possible or to be imagined , in any consistency with common sense , that those persons could come into the design of the revolution under any views of religion , or promote the late change upon motives or prospects of serving it , who not only abandoned and betrayed the king , with his commissions in their pockets , and while they were eating his bread ; but who could beg money of him to form their equipages to serve him , and which he innocently , liberally , and generously gave them , in the midst of his streights and exigencies of money for his personal use ? and yet all that they craved it for , and applied it to , was to get into a condition to fight against him , and to drive him out of his kingdoms . but we need no more to proclaim the distance and estrangedness that most of the revolutioners and abdicators live in , both as to the protestant religion , and any sincere love to their country ; and how little they were swayed in what they did by any regards or concernments for the good of either ; but that since their getting into offices , places and commands , as the recompence of their disloyalty , treachery , and rebellion to the king , they have committed more rapines and robberies upon the nation , more audaciously sold the kingdom for pensions and bribes , and have more impudently cousened , defrauded , and oppressed their fellow subjects , than the worst of men heretofore have attempted or allowed themselves to do ; and which highway-men and banditti would not have the immodesty and injustice to perpetrate . for pick-pockets , shop-lifters , or such as take a purse upon the road , are both vertuous and harmless persons in comparison of those that eat the flesh , and drink the blood , and gnaw the very bones of poor souldiers , by defrauding them of their pay ; of whom to use tacitus's phrase , i may say , quinis in diem assibus corpus & anima estimantur ; or of those that rob hospitals , in withholding from widows and fatherless children the arrears due to their husbands and fathers that perished in their service ; and i am loath to add that plunder the subject , by the authority and in the virtue of the great seal , and exerci●e the legislative power in favour of one , and in prejudice of another , according as our representatives in parliament are hired and paid for it . nor are these aspersions unjustly thrown upon the instruments of the revolution , and the zealots of the present government , or things whereof they are accused at random , without proof or evidence ; but they are the effects and testimonies of love unto , and care for preserving the protestant religion , which the gentlemen of st. stephen's chapel find one another , and those guilty of , that were the chief assistants in the revolution , and continue the main pillars of the usurpation . for when a certain sort of people quarrel , and fall out , many hidden truths and concealed crimes come to be discovered ; and i wish it may have a tendency to every man 's recovering his right , that is a true owner . nor are these things to be thought strange in those employed by this government , seeing they were the very worst men of the nation that contributed most to the revolution , in whom that of tacitus was verified , in turbas & discordias pessimo cuique plurima vis . and the publick liberty was only made a pretence for their persuing their own interests , at the expence and to the ruin of their country : for as the same author observes , libertatis vocabulum obtendi ab iis , qui privatim degeneres , in publicum exitiosi , nihil spei , nisi per discordias habent . nor did those abroad that co-operated to the revolution , and lent their ships and troops to effect it , act any more upon motives that respected the protestant religion , than we here did ; but purely upon principles and inducements of interest and state. for it is no slander to say that the deputies of the seven provinces , who sit governing at the hague , never enter into war or peace upon any other instigation , or views and ends , save those of a secular concernment . nor would it move or impress them to see all the inhabitants of these three kingdoms turn pagans or mahumetans , farther than as it may affect their trade , and disturb their civil tranquillity ; and so little do they act under an influence , or with a respect to the christian religion , and much less with regard to the protestant , that in order to drive the portugueze out of japan , where they had a large and beneficial commerce , and to engrose the trade of it to themselves , they not only suggested to the natives , and particularly to the ministers at court , and by them to the emperour , that the christian religion involved treason in it against his crown , person , and estate ; and thereby raised a persecution which ended in the extirpation of christianity out of those dominions , and in the massacre of several hundred thousand souls ; but they both permitted , and by a solemn act of state authorised their subjects that traded thither , to disclaim being christians , and only to own themselves hollanders , who knew no religion but profit , nor had other ends or aims save to gain and heap up wealth . and besides many other instances which might be assigned of their abandoning all care and concernment for the protestant religion in other nations , when the doing so is reconcilable to their safety and worldly advantage ; it may not be amiss to put you in remembrance of their furnishing lewis the xiii . with ships to subdue rochel , when it was the chief cautionary town , as well as the strongest and most opulent , which the reformed in france had to entitle them to a quiet and peaceable enjoyment of their religion . nor is it unseasonable to ask , that if they embarked to assist in the dethroning of the king of great brittain out of zeal for preserving the protestant religion to these nations , how comes it then that they have so little interposed with their confederate the emperour , for some lenity and favour to his protestant subjects in hungary ? and that they have not dealt with their other allie the king of spain for abolishing the inquisition ? and that he would not continue to make bonfires of his subjects , whensoever any of them turn protestants ? nay their entering into the conspiracy , for subduing and deposing his majesty , was so far from being done from motives relative to the honour and safety of the protestant religion , that it was laid and forwarded by the greatest falshood and treachery that ever either a crowned head or a republick was guilty of . for what can be more inconsistent with good morals , namely , with truth and justice , or less reconcilable to the principles of christianity , than not only to attack a king upon his throne with whom they were in league , without giving him warning , or seeking for reparation of injuries if he had done them any , and without desiring an adjustment of differences , and misunderstandings where there were such ; but to invade his kingdoms with a naval and land strength , after the solemnest protestations made to the king himself by cittars their ambassador here , and the greatest assurances given immediately by the states general to the marquess d'albeville his majesty's envoy there , that they had no design against him , and that their preparations were not in order to disquiet him on his throne , or disturb the peace of his kingdoms ; but that they were for a purpose meerly relative to themselves , and in which his majesty was no ways interested . so that after so fraudulent and perjurious an act , the commencement of the war being in violation and contempt of actual and subsisting treaties ; i do challenge any man to believe , without doing violence to his mind , that the dutch are in the practical belief of any religion , and much less that they co-operated to the revolution out of care to preserve the reformed doctrine and worship to these three nations . alas ! it was upon other inducements that they concurred to involve these nations in war and blood , which we might easily have discovered , but would not . for they no sooner observed the king's putting an end to persecution in his dominions , and thereby doing that which might have reconciled his people to one another , and should have united them all to him ; nor sooner found that he had too much honour and courage , and withall bore more love and tenderness to his people , to suffer them either to be wormed , or insulted out of their trade : and had likewise perceived that as he was an admirable oeconomist of the publick treasure , so he was a great encourager of all over whom god had set him , to industry and vertue ; but that they grew immediately thereupon apprehensive , that we would become more strong and opulent than would be for their interest , or prove consistent with the tricks and rapines they had been accustomed to practise in ways of commerce . and as these were the provocations upon which they desired to see his majesty dethroned ; so the ambition of the prince of orange , of whom it may be said in the words of tacitus , that cupido dominandi cuncti● affectibus flagrantior , that all his lusts as well as his obligations give place to his aspirings after sovereignty ; together with the discontents in england , which the means and methods to our happiness had filled us with , administred them an opportunity of stepping in to ruin the king , and to make us miserable , which they easily foresaw would be the effect of it . and as they speedily had the satisfaction to see the first performed ; so they have now also the pleasure to behold us impoverished and weakened to that degree , which was the second thing they longed for , that an age under the mildest , wisest , and justest government , will not restore us to that condition ( at least in their opinion ) as to beget either their jealousy or their envy , or which may hinder them from wresting from us what parts of our trade they please . for they are a people that will call it friendship to us to rob us ; & ubi solitudinem ●●ciunt , pacem appellant , to borrow another of tacitus's phrases . no● will any mean● in human view prevent our becoming in a very lit●le time the contempt of all nations about us for weakness and poverty , and much less raise us again to that state of strength , opulency , and glory in which we were , but the calling home the king with all the expedition we can , and combining together with united hearts and hands to shake off the usurper , with his ben●ings and ginckles ; qui se partem nostrae republicae faciunt , that i may use an expression of tacitus , but are in an apparent conspiracy with the high and mighty at the hague , to reduce these kingdoms to a feebleness and indigency , out of which they have a design we shall never emerge . nor did the great man who keeps his palace at kensington bring an army into england , and serue himself to the throne , upon any motives of saving the protestant religion , or out of any intentions of kindness and good will to it ; but meerly upon the impulse of pride , haughtiness and ambition , and to gratify his aspirings after a crown . i am not ignorant how he hath been represented and painted forth , by your temporizing , mercenary , and sycophant divines , as the saviour of our religion and liberties ; and that the godly saint , and the heavenly divine man , would not have violated all the tyes and bonds of nature , and trampled upon the precepts of the decalogue , and the sanctions of the bible , but upon the inducements of zeal for god , and his holy religion ; which by examples taken from phineas and ehud transform murther into sacrifices ; and by presidents derived from the israelites borrowing the ear-rings of the egyptians , consecrate and hallow rapines and robberies . the panegyricks upon him on this account of your tillotsons , tenisons , patricks , and burnets , &c. are more frontless and fulsom , than what your shadwels , settles , or any of your grubstreet poets , who claim a dispensation of lying for bread , would have the impudence to justify themselves in , when they write to purchase the applauses of the gaping mob , and much less when they purpose to gain the clappings of those in the pit and boxes . but after i have borrowed for a while these gentlemens pencils , and only dipt them in colours more natural , and better adapted to the figure and complexion of the prince of orange ; i will challenge all mankind , who have not abjured truth and common honesty , to believe any longer or continue to avouch , that his coming into england was out of any other respect to our religion , save making it the cloak and stalking horse to his towring and ambitious designs . i need not tell you with what alienation from gratitude , contempt of justice , scornful regardlesness of a deity , as well as disgrace of all religion , he first came abroad , and set up in the world , when he thrust himself into the statholdership of his own country by perjury and murther of two of the best patriots of the dutch republick ; of one of which , namely john de witt , the late pensionary fagel was heard and known to say , after he had examined all his papers , and searched into the whole of his conduct during his ministry , that the great , if not only , fault he was guilty of , was his ardent love unto , and his steady and unshaken service of his country . nor shall i do more than briefly refresh your memory , how being of no religion he can personate any , when it lies in a subserviency to his interest ; and that he would with the same readiness , and exteriour shews of zeal , have acted the part of a roman catholick , to have obtained a sovereignty over any kingdom of the papal communion , as he hath done that of a protestant to get into the throne of great brittain , and to be admitted unto a domination over these nations . for his having been oftener than once at mass , and that not as a spectator out of curiosity , but as communicating in that worship and devotion , is known to so many persons of several qualities as well as of different religions , that it will not be gainsaid by any who are acquainted with passages and transactions some years ago in flanders : and should any be so ignorant of matters of fact at a distance from their own doors , or live in enmity to all truths disagreable to their humours and interests , so as to deny it , there are those both at brussels and antwerp who can testify it , and have not been heretofore shy to do it . it was k. charles's having no children , and the duke of york's having no male ones that lived , and his own marriage with the said duke's eldest daughter , and therefore coming into some probable and nearer prospects of arriving sooner or later at the sovereignty over these kingdoms , that made him put on the vizard and mask of a zealot for the reformed religion ; having before lived in all the coldness and indifferency in that matter that was consistent with his keeping the posts he held in holland . i am loath to subjoyn how impossible it is that that man should be of any religion , and much less act upon real and sincere motives , for the good of the protestant , who can and doth indulge himself in the practice of such abominations as are repugnant to the light of nature , and to the ethicks of pagans , as well as to the doctrines and precepts of the bible , and which are made capital by the laws of all nations . nor can i do it , unless i would offend the eyes and ears of modest persons , and give occasion to the infecting and defiling the imaginations of men and women , by mentioning such crimes in paper . for as they are such heinous and provoking abominations , as have brought fire from heaven upon whole citys and societies ; so they are of that strangeness to our climate , and so little heard of , and much less practiced under our meridian ; that our law took no knowledge of them till the 25 of hen. 8. when they were made felony without benefit of clergy . they are ultramontane crimes lately transplanted into our soyl , and in which to the credit of our country they have not much throve nor grown . but i do reckon it unbecoming both you and my self to enlarge upon this ; nor is it necessary to descend to proofs of it in a city , and about a court , where your kapples are known , and where it is sprung up into a proverb , in hunc modum fiunt comites anglicani . it is enough to tell you , that it is the entertainment of societies of people of the best fashion , where the rallying upon it has a thousand times made the modest , fair , and tender sex to blush ; and hath filled the masculine and virile with contempt and hatred of themselves , for enduring a catamite to rule over them . only i would have those that are the great theological artists in painting black●moors white , to try their skill , whether they can make a beautiful and religious stroak of this in the pictures they draw of their prince . and whether , by all the chimistry of modern priesthood , they can extract out of it an apodictical and convincing argument of their master's zeal for preserving the protestant religion ; or distil from it a plea in law , to justify his driving his father in law from his throne and kingdoms . but it may be nothing is impossible to those gentlemen , save to speak and act consistently with their own principles , and to practise conformably to the doctrines they have taught their people , and pretended themselves to believe ; and undoubtedly they may do this i have named , with the same ease , and by the same rules of philosophy , that they have inferred rebellion against the king from the article of non-resistance ; and their deposing their rightful and lawful sovereign from their celebrated tenet of passive obedience . to which it may not be amiss to add , the antipathy which that man must unavoidably live in to all religion , who after his declaration prepared and printed at the hague , for wheedling the credulous people of england into a belief , that he came to save them from popery and tyranny ; and in which he makes the supposititiousness of the prince of wales , or at least the questionableness of his legitimacy , one of the mighty grounds of his quarrel with the king , and the chiefest provocation upon which he was about to invade his kingdoms ; yet that even then , and until a few days before he actually embarked on that design , he had the royal babe prayed for in his own chapel , by that distinguishing and princely title . and as i will never henceforth think it strange , that he should allow himself to hoodwink , impose upon , and mislead nations , who durst with that open boldness mock and deride the omniscient , almighty , and righteous god , both to his face , and in his own instituted worship and service ; so it satisfied me , and may do all others , that one who could be guilty of so much publick atheism as well as hypocrisy , as that was which i have now mentioned , can have no other designs , concerning either the protestant or any religion , but the making it a stale for the better compassing his own ends. and suffer me upon this occasion to entertain you with a passage of benting ( who is the earl said to be made on the new foot of merit that i have mentioned ) to a certain gentleman in a private conversation between them . for the gentleman having asked him , why they did not discover and make appear the illegitimacy and supposititiousness of the prince of wales ? seeing as the belief of it had served more to draw the nation into the interest of the prince of orange , than any thing else ; so a legal and parliamentary proof of it , would inseparably link most men to him , and preserve them in a perpetual alienation from king james : benting told him , by way of reply , that they neither questioned the legitimacy of the prince of wales , nor were concerned about it ; for that the prince of orange was now got into the throne , and was resolved to keep it so long as he lived , and cared not who ascended it when he was gone . nor did his letter to the army and fleet , for debauching them from their duty , and by which he courted them to revolt from the king , savour of , or stand in consistency with any religion , but proclaims him both highly impious and atheistical ; it being not only to countenance breach of trust and disloyalty , but to advise and authorize perjury . and whosoever tempts others to forswear themselves , have been accounted by all nations as despisers of a deity , supplanters of the only ground of all human commerce and conversation , and the subverters of the foundation upon which all societies are established . and his inviting those to desert and forsake his majesty , who not only eat his bread , and received his pay , but who stood bound to him both by their allegiance , and oath of fealty , as they were his subjects , and by a military oath as they were souldiers enrolled under his banners ; shews his own irreligion that advised it , as well as theirs that hearkened unto him . and may be it will sooner or later return upon him , wherein not only god will be righteous , but those that forsake the standards of the prince of orange justifiable ; provided they do it from a just and penitent sense of their crime , in violating the lawful and righteous oath they were under to the king , from the sanction and obligation whereof no human power can ever acquit them ; and also from a conviction of the unlawfulness of that oath which they have taken to the usurper . i might add , that the pretending to have come hither for the safety , honour , and interest of the protestant religion , will appear the most shameful banter that ever was put upon the understandings of a whole nation ; if we consider the treaty at ausbourg , and with whom the prince of orange concerted the invasion that was to be made upon the king. for they must have forfeited common sense , as well as moral honesty , who can be prevailed upon to allow , that the many catholick princes who approved of that undertaking , could design any good to the protestant religion , or believe that any advantage would accrue unto it by that attempt . it is to buffoon us , and treat us in ridicule , to endeavour to impose upon our belief , that the late prince palatine , who together with the prince of orange , was the original contriver of a descent upon england ; or that the emperour , king of spain , elector of bavaria , &c. who concurred unto , and countenanced it ; or that old odiscalchi , and innocent the xi . who winked and connived at it , though against both a catholick monarch , and the first of the romish communion that hath sat upon the thrones of great brittain for above these hundred years ; could do it in kindness to the protestant religion , or foresee that it was undertaken by the prince of orange upon any motive relating to the safety of it . no , they very well knew that there was nothing of religion in this case ; but they were willing to make use of the ambition of the prince of orange to seek their own revenge against france , and to raise a war of interest and state upon his haughty aspirings after a crown , and on our being bubbled into it through a foolish credulity that it was entered upon in behalf of our religion . nor is it unworthy of remark , that the last duke of brandenburgh , who was both one of the wisest and bravest princes in europe , and one of the sincerest and most zealous for the protection , glory , and advancement of the reformed religion , would neither embark in a design against the king of england , nor suffer the prince of orange to enter actually upon it , so long as he lived . which made his death to be received and entertained at the hague as a happy and seasonable providence , in that his son who succeeded would not have the prudence to avoid being ensnared unto it ; being withall under the influence of those mighty expectations he stands entitled unto , as he is the prince of orange's cousin german , and thereupon rightful heir to all his personal and hereditary estates . and to put it beyond all reasonable contradiction that the prince of orange did only sham , abuse , and banter mankind , in pretending to come hither upon motives of favour and kindness to our religion , than that the only two protestant crowned heads in the world , did neither antecedently concur unto it , nor have they to this day engaged in the war against france , which was the immediate and natural consequence and effect of that undertaking . but to advance a little farther ; does not the whole tenor of the prince of orange's publick government , as well as his personal and private conduct , lie in a direct contradiction to his being under the impressions of any religion , and much more to his being under the efficacy of what we call the protestant ? i am not at leisure to give you the full history of his usurpation , which some are pleased to stile his reign ; but there are those who will do it to purpose in due time , it being necessary that the vertuous memory of the hero , and of our folly , should be recorded for the instruction of posterity . all therefore i shall do at present is to bestow a few strictures upon his administration , there being no more needful to my purpose . let me then ask , whether he hath done any thing for bettering our laws , and enlarging our liberties , which were some of the main things he came hither for ? or hath he not on the contrary more avowedly superseded and departed from our known laws , and put more negatives on publick bills prepared by both houses for the royal assent , than any of the kings that went lately before him did ? has he performed any one thing he undertook , and which was expected from him , that he could avoid the doing of ? hath he kept one promise he ever made , that he has been in a condition to evade ? has he proved true to any one friend that trusted and served him , save as they have been slaves to his will , and tools of his arbitrariness ? hath he from the time he came in to this day , been known to discern or reward merit ? all his policy is trick ; and his pretended kindness , fraud and deceit . instead of encreasing our wealth , he hath utterly impoverished us ; and that not so much through necessity , as choice resulting from hatred . in the place of making us more opulent than we were , he hath brought us into contemptible poverty . whereas we hoped he would have protected us from the enemies he created us ; he hath upon design , as well as from laziness , given us up to them as a sacrifice . and whereas it would have become him , had he either been a good man or a just king , to have discouraged and prevented bribes , especially when persons only sought and sued for their right : the privy purse hath been the receptacle of most of the scandalous bribes that have been given ; for it is thither that what we call our house of commons has traced them . but that which is base and criminal , beyond what any language can express , unless it be dutch , is his purchasing so many members of both houses to sell their country . this being a direct subversion of the constitution , if any thing could make a lawful king forfeit his right , this would stand fairest to do it . for the sovereign having no other ground of claim to any power or prerogative , save what he hath from the constitution which hath settled and vested them in him , that prince who goes about to overthrow this , does all he can to cancel his own right , and to cut the bough on which he stands . and yet we who have had the folly and madness to abdicate a legal king for some few little mistakes in the administration , have not the wisdom and courage to call an usurper to account , for trampling upon all the fundamentals of the english government . the king's closetting some peers and gentlemen , which was only to address their reason and understanding to consent to a matter which the crown had in all ages been in possession of , until about twenty years ago , and which was never thought hurtful unto , and much less inconsistent with , the safety of our religion till of late , filled the whole nation with complaints and clamours of his majesty's designing to alter the government , and run the people into that brutal fury , which produced the woful effects that soon after followed : whereas we sit still , and with a stupid tameness endure the prince of orange to steal away all our rights from us , by his bribing those to betray and give them up , who were chosen by their country to be the guardians of them . and he who dares not in a way of fortitude and bravery fight us out of them , is endeavouring to strip us of them by an assassination . surely if he that poysons an individual person be out of the purl●ews of mercy , and from under the protection of the laws ; there can be no severity great enough to be exercised against him , that hath not only endeavoured , but in a manner effected , the poysoning of the whole kingdom . and if the murtherer of the meanest subject be obnoxious to capital punishment ; what should he be made liable unto that murthereth a parliament ? who , that he may the better rob and plunder the nation , gives others a share in the spoil . for the jackcalls that hunt and run down the prey , are allowed to eat the remains of the flesh , and to gnaw the bones , when the creature which they have cloathed with a lion's skin hath suckt our blood , and fed himself upon us . he had soon learned , and as soon practiced , the pouring a little water into a dry pump , to make it suck below and give forth above , whatsoever quantity he needed , or was pleased to call for : witness his parting with the chimney tax from the crown , for which he hath made reprizal on the kingdom in divers methods of raising money that have been more dishonourable as well as more grievous to the nation than that was . he hath more debauched the kingdom from all principles of vertue , honour and justice , in a few years , than all the kings either could do , or attempted , from the first william till his coming by usurpation to be stiled the third of the same name . sardanapalus never more neglected the grandees of persia out of effeminacy , and that he might spin and card with his ladies , than the prince of orange despiseth the greatest peers of england , out of haughtiness and sullen pride . and it is but lately that he hath treated those of the nobility and gentry that came up from scotland , to attend him about the affairs of their nation , with so unparalelled contempt and scorn , as no monarch in europe would have used the like to his pages and grooms . for while he was conversant not only hours , but whole days together , with his bentings and ●●p●ls , they could hardly in two months obtain access to him ; nor were they then allowed the favour of a few minutes for representing unto him what they came about , but were dismissed with all scorn imaginable , and are commanded home under all the conceivable marks of reproach and disgrace . for he published with an openness , that they all became acquainted with it , that he was more troubled with the beggarly scots than he was with all mankind besides : nor is to be questioned , but that after he has impoverished the english , which through squeezing five or six millions yearly out of them , as he is in a fair way of doing , he will have the same compliment in reserve for them , with the addition of sots and fools to the bargain . only i cannot avoid saying , that if the scots have not honour and courage to resent it , and to make him feel the effects of his haughty folly , and of their just indignation ; all the world will think that they deserve a worse character than that of beggarly scots , and will account them a rascally and dastardly people . i am sure their ancestors would not have borne the like from the greatest monarchs that ever sat upon the throne ; nor were any of their kings so ill bred , as to treat persons of quality , and some of them of as ancient families as the house of nassau it self , with so much rudeness and disdain . but a dutch education authorizeth many things , only let the scots remember , that much patience emboldens oppressors . et nihil profici patientia , nisi ut graviora tanquam ex facili tolerantibus imperentur , as tacitus says . if they have the spirit and bravery of their predecessors , they will chuse war or death rather than submit to this slavery ; and will say , esse sibi ferrum & juventut●m , & promptum libertati , aut ad mortem animum , that i may use another expression of the same tacitus . now unless these things , and more of that kind which it were easy to mention , are to be accounted arguments , and held for evidences of the prince of orange acting upon motives of love unto , and care for the protestant religion , in the invading his uncle's kingdoms and usurping his crown , there are none else discoverable in the whole course of his administration ; and they must be either more sottish than the soldanians in africk , or more irreligious than the cannibals in america , who can conconclude from the foregoing practices , and from such other as stand in affinity with them , that he has any religion at all , or that he acts for any end , but the satisfying his ambition , or upon any motives save pride and haughtiness . to which let me add , in the last place , that if his errand hither had been to take care of the protestant religion , he might have done it effectually without driving his majesty out of his dominions : seeing there was not that security that could have been wished or desired in order thereunto , but what the king was ready to have consented unto ; and that more from his own choice and goodness , than from the influence of the condition he was in . and as all things of which his enemies accused him , and whereof they took advantage , into which he had been misled , were rectified and redressed by acts of his own wisdom and grace , before ever the prince of orange came out of holland ; so he had ordered the issuing out writs for calling a parliament , in which the nation might in the ancient and legal way have made what provisions they had pleased for the preserving and securing our religion and liberties . nor is there that man in england who retains the least measure of reason and good sense , let his malice to the king be never so furious and obstinate , but he must acknowledge , that if the prince of orange had come hither upon any other design , save that of dethroning the king , and usurping his crown , he might have easily compassed all the ends published in his declaration ; either by way of a private treaty with the king himself , or by the method of a parliament , freely and indifferently chosen , and permitted to sit without an armed power and military force upon them . and as this would have redounded to the honour of the prince , and gained him the admiration of his enemies , and the praises and benedictions of his friends ; so it would both have prevented a great deal of distress , calamity , and bloodshed in europe , and have left these kingdoms more safe and opulent than they now are , and without that heap of guilt and infamy upon them under which they are brought . but instead of treading in those paths of truth to mankind , reputation to himself , and justice as well as kindness to these nations , it is known with what neglect and scorn he received the proposals carried from his majesty to him by the marquess of hallifax , the earl of nottingham , and my lord godolphin● ; and how he put the earl of feversham under restraint , and made him a prisoner , when he came to him at windsor with a message from the king. nor needs there more to discover how remote he was from sincerity , in all the pretences upon which he came hither , than that he would never hearken to any overtures which might lie in a tendency to the making one word of them good . thus , sir , i have with all the brevity the subject would allow , endeavoured to answer your first question ; and if the stile in some places be a little piquant , the scriblers for the usurper and usurpation have set me the president ; and who have been commended and rewarded for treating both his majesty and the king of france with ribbauldry , as well as below their sovereign qualities ; whereas there is nothing here undecent , though some things may appear sharp . nor would it have answered the majesty and justness of the theme to have handled it flatly , and without a warmth correspondent to the injury done our holy religion , in making it a cloak to so much villany as hath been committed . and it would have been an indecorous thing to have looked grave upon baboons ; or have hunted wild boars without a spear or weapon . yea it were to frustrate the great end of languages and speech , and to quarrel with the rules of good sence , to ascribe mildness , to tyrants , honesty to robbers , or truth to lyars . adieu . i am , sir , yours . april 18. 1695. finis . a discourse of ecclesiastical politie wherein the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of external religion is asserted : the mischiefs and incoveniences of toleration are represented, and all pretenses pleaded in behalf of liberty of conscience are fully answered. parker, samuel, 1640-1688. 1671 approx. 430 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 188 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70888 wing p460 estc r2071 12628665 ocm 12628665 64701 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70888) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64701) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 893:23 or 1533:10) a discourse of ecclesiastical politie wherein the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of external religion is asserted : the mischiefs and incoveniences of toleration are represented, and all pretenses pleaded in behalf of liberty of conscience are fully answered. parker, samuel, 1640-1688. the third edition. [2], xlvi, 326 p. printed for john martyn ..., london : 1671. this item appears at reels 893:23 and 1533:10. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -church of england. church polity. religious tolerance. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 rina kor sampled and proofread 2004-03 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of ecclesiastical politie : wherein the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of external religion is asserted . the mischiefs and inconveniences of toleration are represented , and all pretenses pleaded in behalf of liberty of conscience are fully answered . the third edition . london , printed for iohn martyn at the bell in s t paul's church-yard , 1671. the preface to the reader . reader , i cannot imagine any thing , that our dissenting zealots will be able to object against this ensuing treatise , unless perhaps in some places the vehemence and severity of its style ; for cavil i know they must : and if they can raise no tolerable exceptions against the reasonableness of the discourse it self , it shall suffice to pick quarrels with words and phrases . but i will assure thee , the author is a person of such a tame and softly humour , and so cold a complexion , that he thinks himself scarce capable of hot and passionate impressions : and therefore if he has sometimes twisted invectives with his arguments , it proceeded not from temper but from choice ; and if there be any tart and vpbraiding expressions , they were not the dictates of anger or passion , but of the iust and pious resentments of his mind . and i appeal to any man , who knows upon what sober grounds and principles the reformation of the church of england stands ; and how that its forms and institutions are not only countenanced by the best and purest times of christianity , but establisht by the fundamental laws of the land ; whether he can so perfectly charm and stupifie his passions , as not to be chafed into some heat & briskness ? when he seriously considers , that this church so rightly constituted , and so duely authorised should be so savagely worried by a wild and fanatique rabble ; that this church so soberly modelled , so warrantably reformed , and so handsomly settled , should have been so perpetually beleaguered , and be yet not out of all danger of being rifled , if not utterly demolisht by folly and ignorance ; that the publick peace and settlement of a nation should be so wofully discomposed upon such slender and frivolous pretenses , and that , after they have been so often and so shamefully baffled ; that both church and state should be so lamentably embroyl'd by the pride and insolence of a few peevish ignorant and malepert preachers ; and lastly , that these brain-sick people , if not prevented by some speedy and effectual remedy , may in a little time grow to that power and confidence , as to be able ( to use their own language ) to * shut the heavens that they shall not rain , i. e. to restrain the highest powers of church and state from their wonted influence ; and to have power over the waters to turn them into blood , i. e. to turn the still people of a state or nation into war and blood : or , to speak in our own plain english , to tye the hands of authority , to instigate the people of god to rebellion , and once more involve the kingdom in blood and confusion . let the reader consider all this , as throughly and seriously as i have done , and then be a stoick if he can . but besides this , let any man , that is acquainted with the wisdom and sobriety of true religion , tell me , how 't is possible not to be provoked to scorn and indignation against such proud , ignorant , and supercilious hypocrites ; who though they utterly defeat all the main designs of religion , yet boast themselves its only friends and patrons ; signalize their party by distinctive titles and characters of godliness , and brand all others , howsoever pious and peaceable , with bad names , and worse suspicions ? who i say , that loves and adores the spirit of true religion , can forbear to be sharp and severe to such thick and fulsom abuses ? in that there is not any thing can so much expose or traduce true piety , as this sort of hypocrisie ; because whilst folly and phantastry appears in the vizour of holiness , it makes that seem as ridiculous as it self . and hence the greatest friends of true goodness have always been the severest satyrists upon false godliness ; and our blessed saviour scarce seemed more concern'd to plant and propagate christianity , than to explode the pharisaick hypocrisie , i. e. religious pride and insolence . i know but one single instance , in which zeal , or a high indignation is just and warrantable ; and that is when it vents it self against the arrogance of haughty , peevish , and sullen religionists , that under higher pretences to godliness supplant all principles of civility and good nature ; that strip religion of its outside to make it a covering for spight and malice ; that adorn their peevishness with the mask of piety , and shroud their ill nature under the demure pretences of godly zeal ; and stroak and applaud themselves as the only darlings and favourites of heaven , and with a scornful pride disdain all the residue of mankind , as a rout of worthless and unregenerate reprobates . thus the only hot fit of zeal we find our saviour in , was kindled by an indignation against the pride and insolence of the iews , when he whipt the buyers and sellers out of the outward court of the temple : for though they bore a blind and superstitious reverence towards that part of it , that was peculiar to their own worship , yet as for the outward court , the place where the gentiles and proselytes worship't , that was so unclean & unhallowed , that they thought it could not be prophaned , by being turn'd into an exchange of vsury . now this insolent contempt of the gentiles , and impudent conceit of their own holiness , provoked the mild spirit of our blessed saviour to such an height of impatience and indignation as made him with a seeming fury and transport of passion whip the tradesmen thence , and overthrow the tables . so hateful is all proud , testy , and factious zeal to a loving and divine temper of mind . and indeed what can we imagine more odious or mischievous than a spirit of pride , peevishness , and animosity adopted into the service of god ? this divides religion into factions and parties , engenders a sullen and unsociable niceness towards all that herd not with themselves , breeds nothing but rancour , malice and envy , and every thing that is destructive of the common peace and amity of mankind . and when people separate and rendevouz themselves into distinct sects and parties , they always confine all their kind influences to their own faction , and look with a scornful and malignant aspect upon all the rest of mankind , become enemies and outlaws to humane society , and shatter in pieces that natural peace and common love , that preserves the welfare and tranquillity of humane nature . their minds ( like the savage americans ) are as contracted as their herds , and all that are not within the fold of their church , are without the sphere of their charity : this is entirely swallowed up within their own combination , and 't is no part of their duty to commiserate or supply the wants of the vnregenerate . as the poet describes the jewish bigots , non monstrare vias , eadem nisi sacra colenti , quaesitum ad fontem solos deducere verpos . they would not so much as direct the way to any but a circumcised brother , nor bestow a cup of cold water upon a thirsty samaritan . the elect are confined to their own party , and all besides are the wicked and reprobate of the earth , hated of god , and unfit to be beloved by his people . and this possesses their minds with a holy inhumanity ; and then , if the saints ever get into power , no tyrant so cruel and butcherly ; and they have the same esteem of the wicked as of insects or vermin , and use them accordingly : but when they are out of power , they are then forced to support their malice with slanders and calumnies and proud comparisons : when they meet and gossip together , how do they congratulate each other , that they are not as this or that formalist ? and the greatest part of their idle tattle is usually spent either in censuring or pitying , or slandering some of their neighbours , as poor carnal and unconverted wretches . and when they deign to converse with the vnregenerate and men of the world , i. e. all out of their own rowt , they make them keep their distance ; and the language of their deportment is that of their predecessors in the prophet isaiah : stand by thy self , come not near to me ; for i am holier than thou . in brief , whoever is proud and conceited upon the score of religion , naturally falls into the most savage insolence and baseness of nature , and is utterly uncapable of being either good subject , or good neighbour . now to lash these morose and churlish zealots with smart and twinging satyrs , is so far from being a criminal passion , that 't is a zeal of meekness and charity , and a prosecution of the grand and diffusive duty of humanity , and proceeds only from an earnest desire to maintain the common love and amity of mankind . and though good manners oblige us to treat all other sorts of people with gentle and civil language ; yet when we have to do with the scribes and pharisees , we must point our reproofs with sharp invectives , we must discover them to themselves to humble them ; we must lance their tumour , and take out the core of their proud flesh before we can cure them ; anodynes and softer medicines make no impressions upon them , to treat them smoothly does but feed the humour ; soft and tender words do but tempt their disdain , and sooth up their vanity ; they think you flatter and fawn upon them , if you speak them fair , your civility they will interpret respect , and a forced esteem of their godliness . they know that you and the rest of the world hate the people of god , and would use them basely and inhumanely ; but that the greatness of their piety gives check to your malice , and , in spight of all your outragious passion against them , extorts a more gentle usage , if not a secret love and veneration . but beside , that soft reproofs do but cocker their presumption , they would suffer true goodness to be run down by the violence of ignorance and zeal . and to think to argue rude and boystrous zealots out of their folly meerly by the strength of calm and sober reason , is as likely a matter as to endeavour by fair words to perswade the northern wind into a southern point . if you will ever silence them , you must be as vehement as they : nothing but zeal can encounter zeal . and he that will oppose the pharisees , must do it with their eagerness , though not their malice . clamour and confidence make stronger impressions upon the common people , than strength of reason ; and the rabble ever runs to that party , that raises the biggest noise . and therefore seeing we are not so ill-bred , as to oppose clamour to clamour ; we must supply our want of noise and throat ( as our saviour did in his invectives against the pharisees ) by sharpness and severity . and though there is but little ground to hope that the keenest reasons should be able to pierce their thick and inveterate prejudices ; yet however the sharper edge they have , the deeper they will stick in the minds of those , whose concern and interest it is to punish and correct them . for i am not so vain as to design , or expect their own conviction : as good attempt the removal of mountains , as of some mens scruples . and i remember the italian proverb , chi lava la testa d'al asino perde il sapone . and therefore i never proposed to my self any other aim in this following discourse , than by representing the palpable inconsistency of fanatick tempers and principles with the welfare and security of government , to awaken authority to beware of its worst and most dangerous enemies , and to force them to that modesty and obedience by severity of laws , to which all the strength of reason in the world can never perswade them . when i first resolved upon this vndertaking , the main design in my thoughts , was to represent to the world the lamentable folly and silliness of these mens religion , aud to shew what pitiful and incompetent guides of their actions their own consciences are ; and that to leave them to the government of their own perswasions , is only to deliver them up to be abused by all manner of vices and follies ; and that when they have debaucht their minds with pride , ignorance , self-love , ambition , peevishness , malice , envy , surliness , and superstition , &c. they then bestow the authority and sacredness of conscience upon their most violent , boisterous , and ungovernable passions : in brief , that their consciences are seized on by such morose and surly principles , as make them , the rudest and most barbarous people in the world ; and that in comparison of them , the most insolent of the pharisees were gentlemen , and the most savage of the americans philosophers . but in this design i found my self happily prevented by a late learned and ingenious discourse , the friendly debate , that has unravel'd all their affected phrases with so much perspicuity of wit , discovered the feebleness of their beloved notions , with so much clearness of reason , demonstrated the wildness of their practices by so many pregnant and undeniable testimonies , exposed the palpable unwarrantableness of their schism , the shameful prevarication of their pretences , and utter inconsistency of their principles with publick peace & settlement ; and in brief , so evidently convicted the leaders in the faction of such inexcusable knavery , and their followers of such a dull and stubborn simplicity ; that 't is impossible any thing should hold out against so much force of reason and demonstration , but invincible impudence and obstinacy : and when men insconce themselves in their own wills , they are there impregnable . wilfulness is enchanted armour , upon which the sharpest steel makes no impression ; and they are secure from the power of conviction , that are unalterably resolved never to be convinced . otherwise nothing could be more apparent to any man ( that has but a competent knowledge of the nature of the things there debated ) that never any cause in the world was more shamefully baffled and triumphed over , than this of schismatical non-conformity . and though it has gaul'd them into an implacable rage and indignation ( for that as solomon observes , is the humour of some sorts of men , to rage and be confident , when they are convinced ) yet in spight of affronts and provocations , it has found them a tame and patient people , that can generously endure to see themselves so smartly pelted for their folly and villany , and never so much as snarl , or attempt to fasten upon those weapons , that have so sorely bruised them ; and as for those little cattel that have been so hardy as to nibble at a reply , they have only put us in mind of the old fable of the serpent and the file , and have proved nothing but the strength of their folly , and weakness of their teeth ; and all of them may wear their fangs to the roots , before they make any impression upon the body of the discourse . the main and most popular objection , i could ever meet with against it , is its form and method , viz. it s being written in way of dialogue ; in which way of writing ( they say ) a witty man may make any thing look as uncouth and ridiculous as he pleases . and this is true , in absurd and inartificial dialogues ; but when they are skilfully contrived ( as this is ) there is no way of arguing more smart and convictive : for the design of such composures is to represent the authors own thoughts upon occasion of something affirm'd or intimated by the counter-party ; and therefore if his own discourse be rational and concluding , there is nothing more required to that of the other party , than that his talk be agreeable to the pretenses of those men he personates : so that , if the authors own arguments and opinions ( that are the substance of the treatise ) be unreproveable , 't is not material how wise his adversaries discourse is , so it be not false . neither would he require them to defend and justifie every thing that is said in the person of the non-conformist ( for many things are collateral , and only design'd to set off his reasonings with a comical humour and pleasantness ) but only to reply to the scope and substance of his book by justifying their own notions that he has confuted , and by confuting those that he has asserted . which unless they shew themselves able to perform , they must acknowledge he has perfectly shamed their folly , and unmaskt their hypocrisie . but besides , this being but a general exception , must by the laws of reasoning pass not only for a precarious but a false cavil , till it is proved by some particular instances , & neither needs , nor admits of any other reply , than barely to challenge them to alledg any thing of moment in their own behalf about the particular matters there debated , that he has not sufficiently represented : if in any thing considerable he has been disingenuous , let them point it out ; but if they cannot , let them not think to satisfie the world , by objecting what they confess they cannot prove , because they do not . 't is true indeed , the speeches of the non-conformist are not so large and copious as his adversaries , because his part consists mainly in hinting doubts and objections , which must of necessity be in all forms of arguing much shorter than their just and satisfactory replies ; especially when they are not barely answered , but confuted too : and therefore considering the difference of the parts of the dialogue , he has as clearly represented their sense as his own ; and if all he says for them were composed into one continued speech , it would be no easie matter to discern it from one of their own discourses . but the thing that really grieves them , is , that in this method he has stopt all their subterfuges , as he proceeds , by preventing their shifting of phrases , and hiding themselves in a maze of words ; for , whereas 't is their usual artifice to tire out the wise , and amuse the simple , by rowling up and down in canting and ambiguous expressions , he has been at the pains to serret them from phrase to phrase , and never left his pursuit till they were left quite naked and defenceless , and without one crany whereby to make an escape : in so much , that they can never be able to return any tolerable answers to one part of his treatise , that are not already prevented in another . but that which chiefly tempts less discerning people to suspect some partiality , is , that the discourse of the non-conformist looks all along so simply ; though for that they ought to consider , that 't is no wonder if non-sense runs so lamely , when truth and reason tread so close upon its heels ; and the babble of a fool never appears so fulsom , as when he discourses with a philosopher ; 't is the smartness and perspicuity of the reply , that makes their folly so transparent : remove the conformist , and then the other talks at as wise a rate , as any of their own writers . but i beg the readers pardon , for having so much tired his patience with satisfying the cavils and impertinences of these people ; when i am so well assured that they are uncapable either of being ashamed or argued out of their follies . 't is one thing to baffle , and another to convince them . and where they want stores of reason to encounter an adversary , they never want magazines of reproaches : and therefore i shall only advise that excellent person , the author of the debate , to be careful how he lays aside his vizour ; for if ever they discover him , let him look to be pelted to purpose with slanders , and blasting reports : and though he be a person of the clearest and most unspotted innocence , that is no fence against the foulest aspersions ; but if they ever find out the place of his residence , let him assure himself , they will quickly find the next dunghil to it , how clean soever he sweeps his own door . as for my own part i am hardned enough to be proof against the poison of asps , the stings of vipers , and the tongues of — and rest satisfyed in this , that they can never abuse me more than they are pleased to abuse themselves ; it being the most solemn strain of their devotion to vilifie themselves with large confessions of the hainousest and most aggravated sins : they will freely acknowledge their offences against all the commandments , and that with the foulest and most enhancing circumstances they can rake together , and confess their injustice , vncleanness , and extortion , and all the publican and harlot sins in the world : and in all their confessions they stick not to charge themselves with such large catalogues of sin , and to amass together such an heap of impieties , as would make up the compleatest character of lewdness and villany . and if their consciences do really arraign them of all those crimes , whereof they so familiarly endite themselves , there are no such guilty and unpardonable wretches as they . so that their confessions are either true , or false : if false , then they fool and trifle with the almighty ; if true , then i could easily tell them the fittest place to say their prayers in . but however 't is pity to abridge them the liberty all men have , to abuse themselves : but if they will extend this their priviledge so far , as to attaint other mens reputations , i shall only admonish them as a friend before-hand , that there is somebody in the world that will not fail to requite their slanders , and false aspersions , with their own true character . and so i take my leave of them , to address my self to those for whom this discourse was intended . and though i dare not be so sawcy as to teach my superiours , how to govern the kingdom , out of ezekiel , or the revelations ; yet i will presume to put up this single petition , in order to the security of our publick peace and settlement . that whatsoever freedom they may think good to indulge to religion , they would not suffer irreligion to share in the favour , nor permit atheism to appear openly ( as it begins to do ) under the protection of liberty of conscience . i am not so utterly unacquainted with the experience of former ages , as to be over-apt to complain of the degeneracy of our own : the world i know has ever had its vicissitudes , and periods of vertue and wickedness : and all common-wealths have advanced themselves to their power and grandeur by sobriety and wisdom , and a tender regard of religion ; and from thence have declined again by softness and effeminacy , by sacrilege and prophaneness , and a proud contempt of god and his worship . this is the circle of humane affairs , and on these constant turns depend the periods and certain fates of empires . so that though atheism reigns and prevails more in the present age , than in some that went immediately before it ; yet there have been seasons , when it was mounted up to a greater height of power and reputation , than 't is yet advanced to : but then those have always been black and fatal times , and have certainly brought on changes and dissolutions of states . for the principles of irreligion unjoynt the sinews and blow up the very foundations of government : this turns all sense of loyalty into folly ; this sets men at liberty from all the effectual obligations to obedience , and makes rebellion as vertuous , when ever it either is , or is thought as advantageous . and therefore it imports authority to nip this wanton humour in the bud , and to crush it whilst 't is young and tender ; for as yet it has found but slender entertainment with wise and sober persons , and is only propagated among little and unlearned people : discreet men that have not more religion , have yet at least more wit and manners : the only zelots in the cause are the young nurslings , and small infantry of the wits , the wild and hair-brain'd youths of the town . a sort of creatures that study nothing but sloth and idleness , that design nothing but folly and extravagance , that aspire to no higher accomplishments than fine phrases , terse oaths , and gay plumes , that pretend to no other stock of learning , but a few shavings of wit gathered out of plays and comedies ; and these they abuse too , and labour to pervert their chaste expressions to obscene and irreligious purposes ; and johnson and fletcher are prophaned , as well as the holy scriptures . they measure the wit of their discourse by its prophaneness and ribaldry ; and nothing sets it off so handsomly as neat and fashionable oaths : and the only thing that makes them appear more witty then other folk , is their daring to be more wicked : their iests are remarkable for nothing but their presumption , and the picquancy of their conceit lies in their boldness . men laugh not so much at the wit , as the sawciness of their discourse ; and because they dare vent such things , as a discreet or civil man would scorn to say , though he were an atheist . but these shallow fools are proud and ambitious to gain a name and reputation for debauchery , they slander themselves with false impieties , and usurp the wickedness they were never guilty of , only to get a renown in villany . 't is these apes of wit , and pedants of gentility that would make atheism the fashion forsooth , and prophaneness the character of a gentleman ; that think it a piece of gallantry to scoff at religion , droll upon god and make sport with his laws ; that account it an argument of iudgment and ingenuity , to be above the follies of conscience : and a height of courage and magnanimity , at all adventure to brave and defie heaven , and out-dare the almighty ; and the noblest part of a gentile behaviour , to counterfeit an haughty and supercilious disdain of religious sneeks ; and to beg all men that are respective to their consciences , for soft and cowardly fools , that are scared with phantastick and invisible powers , and easily abused with tricks , and juglings , and publick tales . now certainly , these phantastick changelings must needs be wonderfully qualified , to judge of the most serious and most difficult enquiries in the world . are they not likely ( think you ) to search into the deepest foundations of religion , to weigh and examine all the arguments for the being of god , and immortality of the soul ; to enquire into the grounds of the christian faith , and to take an account of the truth and credibility of the scriptures ? and , when they have so utterly emasculated their vnderstandings with softness and luxury , are not they prodigiously able to examine what agrees or quarrels with the dictates of pure and impartial reason ? are they not likely to determine what is truely great and generous , that never heard of any other maxims of philosophy , but what they have pick'd up at plays , out of the stiff disputes of love and honour ? and are they not likely to give a wonderful account of the record of ancient times ( without which they are utterly unable to judg of the truth or falshood of any religion ) that were never acquainted with any history , unless perhaps that of the follies , and amours of the french court ? and yet how briskly do these giddy youths determine these , and a thousand other difficult theories , that they never had learning or patience enough to understand , much less to make an exact and satisfying search into their truth and evidence ? alas young men ! you are too rash and forward , your confidence swells above your vnderstandings : 't is not for you to pretend to atheism , 't is too great a priviledge for boys and novices . 't is sawsiness for you to be prophane , and to censure religion impudence and ill manners : and whatsoever rational pleas atheism may admit of , 't is not for such as you to pretend to wit and learning enough to understand them . and therefore take heed of exposing your vanity and weakness ; and , if you will not be wise , yet at least be modest : be advised , not to set up before your time , and better to furnish your vnderstandings , before you vent your wit. consider , what a fulsome thing it is , that when the most learned and inquisitive of the philosophers could never raise atheism above the certainty of a grand perhaps : and therefore denied not , but only doubted , the truth of religion : for none of them could ever be so utterly forsaken of his reason , as to attempt to demonstrate there could be no god ; but only by shewing how , to solve the phaenomena of nature and providence without him , that possibly there might be none : and therefore they were never so absurd , as to affront the worship of the deity ; but thought themselves as effectually obliged in prudence to the duties of vertue and religion by the possibility , as by the certainty of things . now i say , when these men of parts and learning were so modest and diffident in their singular perswasions ; what an unhandsome thing is it for such empty fops as you , with so bold and frontless a confidence , to defie the almighty , to deride the wisdom of his laws , to cavil at his sacred oracles , and to give the lye to the vniversal sense of mankind ; and all this at all adventure ? and yet , methinks , 't is pretty to hear one of these little mushrome wits , charge religion with credulity and easiness of belief ; and talk confidently , that 't is want of iudgment and enquiry that betrays fools and ignorant people to be scared with the tales and threatnings of ambitious priests : though it be so utterly impossible that any men should be more chargeable with credulity , than themselves ; and no mans faith is capable of being more implicit , than their vnbelief ; nor can the most illiterate peasant take up his countries religion upon more slender grounds and motives , than they do their infidelity : their being equally ignorant forces them to be equally credulous . for , not to repeat any of the forementioned particulars , with what a greedy confidence do they swallow down the principles of the malmsbury philosophy , without any chewing , or consideration ? how hussingly will they assert , that the notion of an immaterial substance implies a contradiction , for no other reason , than because it does ? that men have no faculties but of sense and imagination ; that vnderstanding is reaction , and reason a train of phantasmes ; that the will is a corporeal motion , that its determinations are fatal and mechanical , and necessitated by the impressions of external and irresistible causes ; that its liberty of choice is as absurd and insignificant nonsense , as a round quadrangle ; that religion is the belief of tales publickly allowed ; that power is right , and justifies all actions whatsoever , whether good or bad ; that there is nothing just , or unjust in it self ; that all right and wrong is the result of humane contracts ; and that the laws of nature are nothing but maxims and principles of self-interest ! how boldly do they take up with these and other resembling principles of baseness and irreligion , upon the bare authority and proofless assertions of one proud and haughty philosopher ? how much severe study and contemplation is required to a competent knowledge of these things ? and yet with what a stiff and peremptory confidence are they determined by these men , that cannot pretend to any other knowledge , ( and 't is a very candid presumption to allow them so much ) than of the laws of a play , or poem ? in brief , these empty spunges suck in opinions , for their agreeableness with their debauched and licentious practices , without ever considering their truth and evidence ; for alas ! they never troubled their heads with such enquiries : and therefore , whatever they pretend , 't is not their reasons , but their lusts and vices , that cavil at the principles of religion ; and they except against it , not because it contradicts their understandings , ( for that they never considered ) but their appetites : 't is their sins and sensual inclinations , that prejudice and bar up their minds against it : and though they were convinced of its truth , they would however be infidels still , in spight of all the reason and demonstration in the world . their irreligion is an after-game of their debauchery , they are forced to it in their own defence . their wickedness has made infidelity their interest , and atheism their refuge ; and then they cannot , will not believe , for no other reason , but only because they dare not . but that i may not pursue their ignorance too unmercifully , i will venture , before i conclude , to commend their skill : for i cannot but acknowledge them guilty of one little piece of art and sophistry , viz. that being conscious to themselves , that no tolerable exceptions can be raised against the principles of true goodness , they affect to reproach it with forged and disingenuous aspersions , and wittingly disparage its native beauty and loveliness , by representing it in false and uncouth disguises . for , whereas there is nothing more noble and generous , more cheerful and sprightly , more courteous and affable , more free and ingenuous , more sober and rational , than the spirit and genius of true religion ; these witty gentlemen are pleased to paint it out in sad and melancholy shapes , with poor and wretched features , with soure and anxious looks , as an enemy to all mirth and cheerfulness , and a thing that delights in nothing but sighs , and groans , and discoloured faces : they dress it up in all the follies and deformities of superstition ; and then , when they have made it ridiculous , they make themselves sport with it : and thus by representing it as a humour unworthy the entertainment of a generous mind , that justifies their contempt of so weak a passion , and makes a sumptuous apology for the gallantry of atheism and prophaneness . and indeed , if religion were as mean and absurd , as these men would make it , and others have made it , let it not only excuse but abet their practices ; let it be the mark of an high and gallant spirit , to be an atheist ; let it be gentility to despise , and wit to droll upon religion ; let all devotion be esteemed the child of folly and weakness ; let it be an argument of wisdom , to be prophane and vicious , and let vertue become a name of the greatest reproach and infamy . but alas ! when 't is so demonstratively evident , that true piety ( though it were an imposture ) is our greatest wisdom and perfection ; that it both adorns , and advances humane nature ; that it is so highly advantageous to the peace and happiness of the world ; that it carries in it all that is amiable and lovely , all that is cheerful and ingenuous , all that is useful and profitable ; and that 't is whatever can advance either our content , or interest , or reputation : when all this is so amply evident , what can be more unpardonably base and disingenuous , than for these men , in spight of all remonstrances , still to upbraid it with the villanies of hypocrisie , and blast its credit with the absurdities of superstition , which is the greatest folly in the world , for no other reason , than because it debauches what is the greatest wisdom ? and therefore they would do well to understand a little better what religion means , before they take upon them to disgrace and defame it ; and let them not discover their lamentable rawness and ignorance , by laughing at its folly and meanness , till they can first prove a base and selfish spirit to be more noble and generous , than an universal love and charity ; pride and luxury to be more amiable than sweetness and ingenuity ; revenge and impatience more honourable than discretion and civility ; excess and debauchery more healthful than temperance and sobriety : to be enslaved to their lusts and passions more manly , than to live by the rules of reason and prudence ; malice and injustice to be more graceful and becoming a gentile behaviour , than kindness and benignity ; and the horrors of an amazed spirit to be fuller of pleasure and felicity , than that peace and calmness of mind that springs from the reflections of an exact conscience . till all this , and much more is made good , that is , till all the maxims of folly and wisdom are changed , let them be civil , and modest , and not scorn too confidently . and though all this could be done , yet , as for their parts they will be so far from ever performing it , that they will never be at the pains of attempting it ; and if they should , 't is ( god knows ) too great a work for their little understandings . and therefore i appeal to all the wise and sober world , whether they that would make religion ridiculous , are not infinitely so themselves ? whether to consute it with raillery and bold iests , be not as void of wit as reason ? and whether all the folly and madness in the world can equal this of these scoffing atheists ? and thus having scourged their ignorance and presumption with severity enough , i shall forbear either to expose them for their pedantry , or to lash them for their rudeness and ill manners : though what can be more pedantick , than to be so big with every little conceit , as to be in labour to vent it in every company ? and a pert school-boy is scarce more troublesome with a petty criticism against mr. lilly , than these truantly youths are with any singular exception , that they have picked up against the holy scriptures . they cannot meet with a person of any reputation for learning , but they must be pecking at him with their objections ; and if he slight their impertinent pratings ( as all discreet men do ) then the next time they meet their dear hearts , with what triumphant shrugs do they boast their success against the man in black , and so laugh and drink themselves into confidence and folly ! and then , as for their want of manners , what deportment can be more course and clownish than to affect to be offensive to all discreet men , and to delight to loath and nauseate all civil company with the filthiness of their discourse ? a behaviour more irkesom to a gentleman of any breeding and civility , than the buffoonry of hostlers and porters . they can scarce meet with a clergy-man , but they must be pelting him with oaths , or ribaldry , or atheistical drollery ; i. e. they study to annoy him with such discourse , as he is obliged ( though he were inwardly as great a villain as themselves ) to detest by his place and profession : a piece of breeding much like his , that would have refused to entertain a vestal with any other discourse , than by describing the rites of priapus , or the lascivious arts of cleopatra . and so i leave them to the correction of the publick rods : and 't is high time that authority check , and chastise the wantonness of this boyish humour . for the infection spreads and grows fashionable , and creeps out of cities into villages . to impeach religion is become the first exercise of wit , in which young gentlemen are to be disciplined ; and atheism is the only knowledge and accomplishment they gain by a gentile education ; and they have nothing to make them fancy themselves more witty and refined people , than illiterate peasants and mechanicks , but a readiness and pregnancy to rally upon religion : and he is a raw youth , and smells rank of his grandame and his catechism , that cannot resolve all the articles of his faith into the cheats and impostures of priests . and thus they live here till they have sinned , or fooled away all sense of honour and conscience ; and so return home useless , and unserviceable to their countrey ; and if they turn sots , they may prove less dangerous : but if not , they are prepared for any designs of mischief and publick disturbance . for at the same time they shake hands with religion , they bid adieu to loyalty ; in that whilst they own no tyes of conscience , they know no honesty but advantage ; and interest is the only endearment of their duty to their prince : and therefore , when-ever this happens to run counter to their loyalty , 't is then the strongest and most effectual inducement to any attempts of treason , and rebellion . and thus they may prove good subjects , as rogues and out-laws are , who will be honest when 't is their interest ; but when 't is not , then any thing is their duty , that contributes to their security . and with these men in all civil wars and dissentions of state , the strongest side has always the justest cause ; and if rebels prove successful against their lawful prince , they gain their assistance . and to these principles we must ascribe the unhappy success of the late rebellion : the silly and well meaning zealots were only abused by sly and crafty incendiaries for the compassing of their own ambitious ends , and by their councils only was the cause managed , advanced , and finished ; till they raised their own fortunes upon the ruines of the royal interest , and establish'd themselves in the royal power and dignity . and though the men and their designs are perished , yet their principles thrive and propagate ; and 't is strange , yet easie to observe , how the contempt of religion works men into a dislike of monarchy ; and i scarce ever met with any zealous common-wealths-man , whom i could not easily discover to have more of the atheist than the politician ; in brief , all men of this perswasion are so far from being inclined to love their prince , that they are engaged by their very principles to hate the vsurper : for , take away the divine institution of government , and the obligations of conscience to obedience , and then all government is vsurpation , and all sense of obedience folly : and princes have no other right to their crowns , but what is founded upon force and violence ; their empire was first gain'd by wars , butcheries , and massacres ; their diadems hang upon their swords ; and their thrones stand deep in humane blood ; and all kingdoms are nothing but societies of slaves and tyrants ; and if any subject can set himself free from his sovereigns oppression , he is the braver man ; and when he can win his crown , he deserves to wear it . and there is no man that laughs at the folly of religion , who is not angry at the superstition of government . and therefore i leave it to authority to consider , how much it concerns them to restrain the insolence of this wanton humour ; and to punish those , who make it their business to propagate irreligious principles , as the worst and most dangerous enemies to the state. but my scorn and indignation against the presumptuous lavishness of these redoubted wight swells this preface to too large and tedious a length ; and therefore , i shall only crave leave to premise this one caution for the advantage of the ensuing treatise , and so have done ; viz. that in the management of this debate , i have been careful to confine my discourse to the weightiest and most material considerations , and have industriously waved all matters of an inferiour and subordinate importance . for to what purpose is it to examine every little exception , and every gay and plausible appearance ; when the enquiry is so clearly determinable , by arguments of the greatest evidence and concernment ? and therefore i have only represented the inconsistency of liberty of conscience , with the first and fundamental laws of government . in which if i have spoken reason , i have , without any more ado , carried the cause ; if i have not , i am content to lose my labour . for there are no considerations of equal evidence and importance with those that relate to the peace and settlement of societies : so that , if those i have urged prove ineffectual , all others , drawn from less considerable topicks , would have been impertinent ; and so far from strengthning my discourse , that they would rather have abated of its demonstrative truth and evidence : for being in their own natures not capable of such enforcing and convictive proofs , to mix them with clearer and more certain reasonings , were only to allay their strength , and dilute their perspicuity . and for this reason have i purposely omitted the examination of that argument , that so strongly possesses the warm and busie brains of some undertaking men , viz. that liberty of conscience would be mightily conducive to the advancement of trade . for whether it be so , or so , it matters not , after it is proved to be apparently destructive of the peace of kingdoms . and though perhaps it might be no difficult task to prove the vanity of their conceit , yet , after this performance , it would be at least a trifling and frivolous undertaking ; because no man can be so utterly forsaken of all reason and discretion , as to think of promoting traffick by any ways that are destructive of the ends and interest of government . and therefore , if i have sufficiently proved , that liberty of conscience is so ; 't is but an idle speculation after that to enquire , what service it would do to the advancement of trade : because 't is already proved inconsistent with a greater good , than all the advantages of commerce can amount to . so that granting these projecting people all they can demand , and supposing their design as serviceable to the benefits of trade , as they pretend ; yet , what can be more shamefully imprudent , than to put the kingdom upon so great an hazard for so small an advantage ? certainly publick peace and settlement ( that is the first and fundamental end of all societies ) is to be valued above any advantages of wealth and trading : and therefore , if liberty of conscience as naturally tends to the disturbance of government , as it can to the advancement of trade ( if any thing may be supposed to contribute to the wealth of a nation that tends to the dissolution of its peace ) so vast a mischief must infinitely out-weigh this , and a thousand other lesser advantages : for there is nothing in the world of value enough to balance against peace , but peace it self . and therefore i confess i cannot but smile when i observe how some , that would be thought wonderfully grave and solemn statesmen , labour with mighty projects of setting up this and that manufacture , in their several respective towns and corporations ; and how eagerly they pursue these petty attempts beyond the great affairs of a more publick and vniversal concernment ; and how wisely they neglect the settlement of a whole nation , for the benefit of a village or burrough . if indeed the affairs of the kingdom were in a fix'd and establish'd condition , these attempts might then have been seasonable ; and the enriching of particular places would be an accession to the wealth and power of the whole kingdom . but whilst we are distracted among our selves , with such a strange variety of iealousies and animosities ; whilst the publick peace and settlement is so unluckily defeated by quarrels and mutinies of religion ; and whilst the consciences of men are acted by such peevish and ungovernable principles ; to erect and encourage trading combinations , is only to build so many nests of faction and sedition , and to enable these giddy and humoursom people to create publick disturbances . for 't is notorious , that there is not any sort of people so inclinable to seditious practices as the trading part of a nation ; and their pride and arrogance naturally increases with the improvement of their stock . and , if we reflect upon our late miserable distractions , 't is easie to observe , how the quarrel was chiefly hatch'd in the shops of tradesmen , and cherish'd by the zeal of prentice-boys , and city-gossips . and hence it is , that the fanatick party appears so vastly numerous and considerable , above and beyond their real number , partly because these bold and giddy people live in greater societies of men , and so are more observable ; whereas in country towns and villages their account is inconsiderable , and arises not ( to speak within compass ) above the proportion of one to twenty ; and partly because in those places where these vermine naturally breed and swarm , they are always most talkative , and clamorous , and full of buzze : and therefore , though their party be much the least , and the meanest interest ; yet whilst their number is conjectured by their noise , they make a greater appearance , than twice as many sober and peaceable men . riots and tumults are much more remarkable , than societies of quiet and composed people ; and a rout of unlucky boys and girls raise a greater noise ( especially when they wrangle among themselves ) than all the parish beside . but whether they are more or less considerable , 't is a very odd and preposterous piece of policy , to design the inriching of this sort of people , whilst their heads are distemper'd with religious lunacies : for it only puts weapons into the hands of madmen , wherewith they may assault their governours . their fundamental principles incline them to perverse and restless dispositions , that never are , nor will be , satisfied with any establish'd frame of things : and if the affairs of religion are not exactly model'd to their own nice and peremptory conceptions , that is ground enough to overturn the present settlement , and to new model the church by a more thorow reformation . now whilst men are under the power of this proud and peevish humour , wealth does but only pamper and encourage their presumption , and tempt them to a greater boldness and insolence against authority . and if their seditious preachers do but blow the trumpet to reformation ( i. e. to have every thing alter'd they dislike ) how easily may they fire these heady people into tumults and outrages ? how eagerly will they flow into their party in spight of all the power and opposition of their governours ? and how prodigally will they empty their bags , and bring in even their bodkins and thimbles , and spoons to carry on the cause ? he is a very silly man , and understands nothing of the follies , passions , and inclinations of humane nature , who fees not that there is no creature so ungovernable , as a wealthy fanatick . and therefore let not men flatter themselves with idle hopes of settlement , any other way , than by suppressing all these dissentions , and reducing the minds of men to an agreement and vnity in religious worship . for it is just as impossible to keep different factions of religion quiet and peaceable , as it is to make the common people wise men and philosophers . if indeed we could suppose them sober and discreet , it were then no great danger to leave them to their liberty ; but upon the same supposition we may as well let them loose from all the laws of government and policy : because if every private man had wit & honesty enough to govern himself and his own actions , there would be no need of publick laws and governours . and yet upon this impossible presumption stand all the pretenses for liberty of conscience , that , if men were permitted it , they would use it wisely and peaceably ; than which 't is hard to suppose a greater impossibility . for the conscience of the multitude is the same thing with their wisdom and discretion : and therefore , 't is as natural for them to fall into the snare of an abused and vicious conscience , as 't is to be rash & foolish : for an erroneous conscience is but one sort of folly , that relates to the iudgment of their moral actions ; in which they are as ignorant , and as likely to mistake as in any other affairs of humane life . there is no observation in the world establish'd upon a more certain and universal experience , than that the generality of mankind are not so obnoxious to any sort of follies and vices , as to wild and unreasonable conceits of religion ; and that , when their heads are possess'd with them , there are no principles so pregnant with mischief and disturbance as they . and if princes would but consider , how liable mankind are to abuse themselves with serious and conscientious villanies , they would quickly see it to be absolutely necessary to the peace and happiness of their kingdoms , that there be set up a more severe government over mens consciences and religious perswasions , than over their vices and immoralities . for , of all villains the well-meaning zealot is the most dangerous : such men have no checks of conscience , nor fears of miscarriage to damp their industry , but their godliness makes them bold and furious ; and , however their attempts succeed , they are sure of the rewards of saints and martyrs . and what so glorious as to lose their lives in the cause of god ? these men are ever prepared for any mischief , if they have but a few active and crafty knaves to manage and set them on : ( and there is never want of such in any common-wealth . ) and there needs no other motive to engage their zeal in any seditious attempt , than to instil into their minds the necessity of a thorow reformation ; and then you may carry them wheresoever you please , and they will never boggle at any mischief , out-rage , or rebellion to advance the cause . and therefore , it concerns the civil magistrate to beware of this sort of people above all others , as a party , that is always ready formed for any publick disturbance . one would think , the world were not now to be taught , that there is nothing so difficult to be managed as godly zeal , or to be appeased as religious dissentions : people ever did , and ever will pursue such quarrels with their utmost rage and fury ; and therefore let us be content to govern the world as it ever has been , and ever must be govern'd ; and not be so fond as to trouble our heads with contriving ways of settling a nation , whilst 't is unsettled by religion . agreement in this is the first , if not the only foundation of peace : and therefore , let that be first established upon firm and lasting principles ; ( which it easily may by severe laws faithfully executed , but otherwise never can . ) but till it is done , 't is just as wise and safe for a prince to enrich his subjects with trade and commerce , as 't is to load weak and unfinished foundations with great and weighty superstructures . to conclude , all arguments are to be considered in their proper place , and order : and 't is but an unskilful , and inartificial way of discoursing , to argue from less weighty and considerable matters against the first and fundamental reasons of things ; and yet of this preposterous method are those men guilty , who talk of the interests of trade in opposition to the interests of government : and therefore for a fuller answer to this , and all other the like pretenses , i shall now refer the reader to my book ; where i think i have proved enough to satisfie any man of an ordinary understanding , that indulgence and toleration is the most absolute sort of anarchy , and that princes may with less hazard give liberty to mens vices and debaucheries , than to their consciences . as for my method , 't is plain and familiar , and suited to every man's capacity ; i have reduced the state of the controversie to a few easie and obvious propositions ; under these i have couch'd all the particular matters concern'd in our present debates , and by analogy to their reasonableness have cleared off all difficulties and objections ; and have been careful all along to prove the absolute necessity of what i assert from the most important ends and designs of government , compared with the natural passions and inclinations of mankind . and whoever offers to talk of these affairs without special regard both to the nature of government , and to the nature of man , may amuse himself with the fine dreams and hypotheses of a warm brain ; but shall be certain to miss the necessary rules of life , and the most useful measures of practicable policy ; that are suited only to the humours and passions of men , and designed only to prevent their follies , and bridle their enormities . and therefore the main notion i have pursued has been to make out , how dangerous a thing liberty of conscience is , considering the tempers , and tendencies of humane nature , to the most necessary ends and designs of government . a vein of which reasoning i have been careful to run through all parts and branches of my discourse , it being vastly the most considerable , if not the only thing to be attended to in this enquiry . and as i have kept close to my main question , so have i cautiously avoided all other collateral and unnecessary disputes ; and have not confined my self to any hypothesis , nor determined any controversie , in which it was not immediately concern'd ; but have expressed my reasonings in so general terms , as that they might be equally forcible upon the minds of all men , of howsoever different perswasions in all other matters . and now i have no other favour , or civility , to request of the reader , than that he would suspend his iudgment , till he have seriously perused , and weighed all parts of the following treatise : but , if he shall pass sentence upon any part , before he has considered the whole , he will in all probability put himself to the pains of raising those objections , i have already answered to his hand ; and perhaps the next thing he condemns may be his own rashness . chap. i. a more general account of the necessity of an ecclesiastical power , or sovereignty over conscience in matters of religion . the contents . the competition between the power of princes , and the consciences of subjects , represented . the mischiefs that unavoidably follow upon the exemption of conscience from the iurisdiction of the supreme power . the absolute necessity of its being subject in affairs of religion to the governours of the common-wealth . this proved at large , because religion has the strongest influence upon the peace of kingdoms , and the interests of government . religion is so far from being exempted from the restraints of laws and penalties , that nothing more requires them . 't is more easie to govern mens vices than their consciences , because all men are bold and confident in their perswasions . the remiss government of conscience has ever been the most fatal miscarriage in all common-wealths . impunity of offenders against ecclesiastical laws , the worst sort of toleration . the mischiefs that ensue upon the permitting men the liberty of their consciences are endless . fanaticism a boundless folly. affairs of religion as they must be subject to the supreme civil power , so to none other . the civil and ecclesiastical iurisdictions issue from the same necessity of nature , and are founded upon the same reason of things . a brief account of the original of civil power . the original of ecclesiastical power the same . in the first ages of the world , the kingly power and priestly function were always vested in the same persons , and why . when they were separated in the iewish state , the supremacy was annexed to the civil power . and so continued until , and after our saviours birth . no need of his giving princes any new commission to exercise that power , that was antecedently vested in them by so unquestionable a right . and therefore the scripture rather supposes than asserts it . the argument against penal laws in religion from the practice of our saviour and his apostles , answered and confuted . the ecclesiastical iurisdiction of princes not derived from any grant of our saviours , but from the natural and antecedent rights of all sovereign power . christ and his apostles could not use any coercive iurisdiction , because they acted in the capacity of subjects . their threatnings of eternity carry in them as much compulsion upon conscience , as secular punishments . the power of the church purely spiritual . in the first ages of the christian church god supplied its want of civil iurisdiction by immediate and miraculous inflictions from heaven . diseases of the body the usual consequences of excommunication . and this had the same effect as temporal punishments . all this largely proved out of the writings of st. paul. when the emperors became christian , the ecclesiastical iurisdiction was reannext to the civil power . and so continued till the vsurpation of the bishops of rome . how since the reformation the ecclesiastical power of princes has been invaded by some pragmatical divines . their confidence has scared princes out of their natural rights . of the clause of exception annexed to the jejunium cecilianum . how the puritans used it to countenance all their unruly and seditious practices . a conclusion drawn from all the premisses for the absolute necessity of the ecclesiastical power of princes . § 1. notwithstanding that conscience is the best , if not the only security of government , yet has government never been controul'd or disturb'd so much by any thing as conscience . this has ever rival'd princes in their supremacy , and pretends to as uncontroulable an authority over all the actions and affairs of humane life , as the most absolute and unlimited power durst ever challenge . are governours gods vicegerents ? so is this . have they a power of deciding all controversies ? so has this . can they prescribe rules of virtue and goodness to their subjects ? so may this . can they punish all their criminal actions ? so can this . and are they subject and accountable to god alone ? so is this , that owns no superiour but the lord of consciences . and of the two conscience seems to be the greater sovereign , and to govern the larger empire . for whereas the power of princes is restrain'd to the outward actions of men , this extends its dominion to their inward thoughts : its throne is seated in their minds , and it exercises all that authority over their secret and hidden sentiments , that princes claim over their publick and visible practices . and upon this account is it set up upon all occasions to grapple with the scepters and swords of princes , and countermand any laws , they think good to prescribe ; and whenever subjects have a mind to controul or disobey their decrees , this is immediately prest and engaged to their party , and does not only dictate , but vouches all their remonstrances . do subjects rebel against their sovereign ? 't is conscience that takes up arms. do they murder kings ? 't is under the conduct of conscience . do they separate from the communion of the church ? 't is conscience that is the schismatick . do they tye themselves by one oath to contradict and evacuate another ? 't is conscience that imposes it . every thing any man has a mind to , is his conscience ; and murther , treason , and rebellion plead its authority . the annals and histories of all times and places are too sad a witness , that this great and sacred thing has ever been abused , either through the folly of some , or hypocrisie of others , to patronize the most desperate mischiefs , and villanies , that were ever acted . § 2. here then we see is a competition between the prerogative of the prince , and that of conscience , i. e. every private mans own judgment and perswasion of things : the judgment of the magistrate inclines him to command , that of the subject to disobey ; and the dictates of his conscience countermand the decrees of his prince . now is there not likely to be untoward doings , when two supreme powers thus clash and contradict each other ? for what power would be left to princes , if every private mans perswasion ( for that is his conscience ) may give check to their commands ? most mens minds or consciences are weak , silly , and ignorant things , acted by fond and absurd principles , and imposed upon by their vices and their passions ; so that were they entirely left to their own conduct , in what mischiefs and confusions must they involve all societies ? let authority command what it please , they would do what they list . and what is this but a state of perfect anarchy , in which every man does what is good in his own eyes ? and therefore whilst men contend for the sovereign empire of their consciences , and invest it with the royal supremacy , by making it subject and accountable to none but god alone , they do in effect but usurp their prince's crown , defie his authority , and acknowledge no governour but themselves . for seeing that conscience is nothing but the judgment and opinion of their own actions , if this be exempt from the commands of governours , and if men not only may , but always ought to comply with their own dictates , when they oppose their decrees , 't is easie to determine whether themselves or their governors be vested with the supreme authority . in brief , every single person is subject to two supreme powers , the laws of his prince , and the dictates of his conscience , i. e. to his own and his princes opinion : and therefore if the supreme power of the prince must give place to that of his conscience , it ceases upon that score to be supreme ; because there is a superior authority that can countermand all its laws and constitutions . what then is to be done in this case ? who shall arbitrate between these two mighty rival powers , and so justly assign the true bounds of their respective dominions ; that princes may never intrench upon the rights of conscience , nor conscience lay waste the rights of princes , but both may act within their proper spheres without invading each others territories ? for whenever their powers happen to interfere , the quarrel quickly proceeds to all the mischiefs and confusions of war. for there is not any thing so tender , or so unruly as conscience : if authority curb it too severely , it grows wild and furious , and impatient of all restraints ; if it permit it an unbridled liberty , it soon runs it self into all the mischiefs and enormities in the world . and therefore it must be managed with equal tenderness and severity : and as it must be guided by wise and sober laws , else it grows giddy and exorbitant ; so must it not be provoked to resistance by tyranny and oppression : for if it once put the sword into subjects hands , it proves of all rebels the most fatal and implacable , and is the best commander of a rebellious army in the world . we see then that 't is a matter of equal difficulty and importance to avoid all the mischiefs and calamities that naturally follow upon the contentions of these two supreme powers . 't is difficult to bring them to terms of accommodation , because neither of them will own any superiour that may umpire their controversie ; and yet that this should be done is absolutely necessary to the peace , settlement , and tranquillity of all common-wealths . § 3. and therefore 't is the design of this discourse by a fair and impartial debate to compose all their differences , adjust all their quarrels and contentions , and settle things upon their true and proper foundations . which i think may be effectually enough perform'd by these two considerations . 1. by proving it to be absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the world , that the supreme magistrate of every common-wealth should be vested with a power to govern and conduct the consciences of subjects in affairs of religion . 2. by shewing this to be so certain and undoubted a truth , that it is and must be acknowledged by its fiercest adversaries ; and that those who would deprive the supreme civil power of its authority in reference to the conduct of the worship of god , are forced to allow it in other more material parts of religion ; though they are both liable to the same inconveniences and objections . and this will oblige me to state the true extent of the magistrates power over conscience in reference to divine worship , by shewing it to be the very same with his power over conscience in matters of morality , and all other affairs of religion . under one of which two considerations i shall have occasion to state the most material questions , and to answer the most considerable objections , that occur in this controversie . and i do not question but things may be made out with that demonstrative evidence , and settled upon such safe and moderate principles , as may abundantly satisfie every mans conscience , how nice and curious soever , provided it be not debauch'd with vice , and wicked principles ; . but if it be , then 't is easie to make it appear both the magistrates duty and interest to punish such vicious and diseased conscience as much as all other immorality . § 4. first then 't is absolutely necessary to the peace and tranquillity of the commonwealth , which , though it be the prime and most important end of government , can never be sufficiently secured , unless religion be subject to the authority of the supreme power , in that it has the strongest influence upon humane affairs ; and therefore if the sovereign power cannot order and manage it , it would be but a very incompetent instrument of publick happiness , would want the better half of it self , and be utterly weak and ineffectual for the ends of government . for 't is certain , nothing more governs the minds of men than the apprehensions of religion : this leads or drives them any way . and as true piety secures the publick weal by taming and civilizing the passions of men , and inuring them to a mild , gentle and governable spirit : so superstition and wrong notions of god and his worship , are the most powerful engines to overturn its settlement . and therefore unless princes have power to bind their subjects to that religion that they apprehend most advantageous to publick peace and tranquillity , and restrain those religious mistakes that tend to its subversion ; they are no better than statues and images of authority , and want that part of their power that is most necessary to a right discharge of their government . for what if the minds of men happen to be tainted with such furious and boysterous conceptions of religion , as incline them to stubborness and sedition , and make them unmanageable to the laws of government ; shall not a prince be allowed to give check to such unruly and dangerous perswasions ? if he may , then 't is clear that he is endued with a power to conduct religion , and that must be subject to his dominion , as well as all other affairs of state. but if he may not , then is he obliged in some cases tamely to permit his subjects to ruine and overturn the common-wealth . for if their wild and capricious humours are not severely bridled by the strictest laws and penalties , they soon grow headstrong and unruly , become always troublesome , and often fatal to princes . the minds of the multitude are of a fierce and eager temper , apt to be driven without bounds and measures , whithersoever their perswasions hurry them : and when they have overheated their unsettled heads with religious rage and fury , they grow wild , talkative and ungovernable ; and in their mad and raving fits of zeal break all the restraints of government , and forget all the laws of order and sobriety . religion sanctifies all their passions : anger , malice , and bitterness are holy fervors in the cause of god. this cancels and dispenses with all the obligations of sobriety : and what has prudence to do with religion ? this is too hot and eager to be tyed up to its flat and dull formalities . zeal for the glory of god will both excuse and justifie any enormity . there can be no faction or rebellion in carrying on the interests of the godly party , and the great work of a thorough reformation must not be trusted to the care of carnal and lukewarm politicians . and by these and the like pretences do they easily destroy the reverence of all things sacred and civil , to propagate any wild propositions ; are arm'd with religion , and led on by the spirit of god to disturb the publick peace , kill kings , and overthrow kingdoms . and this has ever been the bane and reproach of religion in all times and places : and there is scarce a nation in the world that has not felt the miseries and confusions of an holy war : and the annals of all ages are full of sad stories to this purpose . § 5. and therefore to exempt religion and the consciences of men from the authority of the supreme power is but to expose the peace of kingdoms to every wild and fanatick pretender , who may , when ever he pleases , under pretences of reformation thwart and unsettle government without controul ; seeing no one can have any power to restrain the perswasions of his conscience . and religion will be so far from being at liberty from the authority of the civil power , that nothing in the world will be found to require more of its care and influence , because there is not any other vice to which the vulgar sort of men are more prone , than to superstition or debauched conceptions concerning god and his worship , nor any that more inclines them to an unruly and seditious temper . it inflames their crazy heads with a furious and sectarian zeal , and adopts their rankest and most untoward passions into the duties of religion . and when passion becomes holy , then it can never be exorbitant ; but the more furious and ungovernable it is , so much the more vehement is their zeal for the glory of god ; and they that are most peevish and refractory , are upon that account the most godly . and then all passion and stubbornness in religious quarrels must be christned zeal , all zeal must be sacred , and nothing that is sacred can be excessive . and now when men act furiously upon these mistakes ( as all that are possessed with them must ) what can the issue be but eternal miseries and confusions ? every opinion must make a sect , and every sect a faction , and every faction , when it is able , a war , and every war is the cause of god , and the cause of god can never be prosecuted with too much violence . and then all sobriety is lukewarmness , to be obedient to government carnal complyance , and not to proceed to rebellion for carrying on the great work of a thorough reformation , is to want zeal for the glory of god. and thus are their vices sanctified by their consciences , malice , folly , and madness are ever the prevailing ingredients of their superstitious zeal , and religion only obliges them to be more sturdy and impudent against the laws of government ; and they are now encouraged to cherish those passions in spight of authority , from which the severity of laws might effectually have restrain'd them , were it not for the cross obligations of an untoward conscience . § 6. and for this reason is it , that 't is found so nice and difficult a thing to govern men in their perswasions about religion , beyond all the other affairs and transactions of humane life ; because erroneous consciences are bold and confident enough to outface authority : whereas persons of debauch'd and scandalous lives , being condemn'd by their own consciences as well as the publick laws , can have nothing to bear them up against the will of their superiors , and restraints of government . but when mens minds are possest with such unhappy principles of religion as are more destructive of the peace and order of civil society than open lewdness and debauchery , and when the vertues of the godly are more pregnant with villany and mischief than the vices of the wicked , and when their consciences are satisfied in their mischievous and ungovernable perswasions , and when they seriously believe that they approve themselves to god by being refractory and irreclamable in their fanatick zeal , then how easie is it to defie authority , and trample upon all its threatnings and penalities ? and those laws , that would awe a prophane and irreligious person at least into an outward compliance , shall but exasperate a boisterous conscience into a more vehement and seditious disobedience . now when 't is so difficult for magistrates either to remove these religious vices , or to bridle their unruliness , they must needs find it an incomparably harder task to restrain the extravagancies of zeal , than of lewdness and debauchery . and therefore seeing the multitude is so inclinable to these mistakes of religion , and seeing , when they are infected with them , they grow so turbulent and unruly , i leave it to governours themselves to judge , whether it does not concern them with as much vigilance and severity either to prevent their rise or suppress their growth , as to punish any the foulest crimes of immorality ? and if they would but seriously consider into what exorbitances peevish and untoward principles about religion naturally improve themselves , they could not but perceive it to be as much their concernment to punish them with the severest inflictions , as any whatsoever principles of rebellion in the state. § 7. and this certainly has ever been one of the most fatal miscarriages of all governours , in that they have not been aware of this fierce and implacable enemy ; but have gone about to govern unruly consciences by more easie and remiss laws , than those that are only able to suppress scandalous and confessed villanies , and have thought them sufficiently restrain'd by threatning punishments , without inflicting them . and indeed in most kingdoms ( so little have princes understood their own interests in reference to religion ) ecclesiastical laws have been set up only for scar-crows , being established rather for shew and form sake , than with any design of giving them life , by putting them into execution ; and if any were so hardy as not to be scared into obedience by the severity of their threatnings , they have been emboldned to disobedience by the remisness of their execution , till they have not only plaid with the law it self as a sensless trifle , but have scorn'd the weakness of the power that set it up . for there is nothing more certain in experience , than that impunity gives not only warranty but encouragement to disobedience ; and by habituating men to controul the edicts of authority , teaches them by degrees to despise it . and this is the main reason why ecclesiastical laws have generally proved such ineffectual instruments of uniformity , because they have either been weakned through want of execution , or in a manner cancell'd by the oppositions of civil constitutions . for when laws are bound under severe penalties , and when the persons , who are to take cognisance of the crime , have not power enough to punish it , or are perpetually check'd and controul'd by a stronger power , no wonder if the laws be affronted and despised ; and if , instead of bringing mens minds to compliance and subjection , they exasperate them into open contumacy . restraint provokes their stubbornness , and yet redresses not the mischief . and therefore it were better to grant an uncontroul'd liberty by declaring for it , than , after having declared against it , to grant it by silence and impunity . the prohibition disobliges dissenters , and that is one evil ; and the impunity allows them toleration , and that is a greater : and where governours permit , what their laws forbid , there the common-wealth must at once lose all the advantages of restraint , and suffers all the inconveniences of liberty . so that as they would expect peace and settlement , they must be sure at first to bind on their ecclesiastical laws with the streightest knot , and afterward to keep them in force and countenance by the severest execution ; in that wild and fanatick consciences are too headstrong to be curb'd with an ordinary severity ; & therefore their restraints must be proportion'd to their unruliness : and they must be managed with so much a greater care and strictness , than all other principles of publick disturbance , by how much they are more dangerous & unruly . § 8. for if conscience be ever able to break down the restraints of government , and all men have licence to follow their own perswasions , the mischief is infinite , and the folly endless ; and they seldom cease to wander from folly to folly , till they have run themselves into all the whimsies and enormities , that can debauch religion , or annoy the publick peace . the giddy multitude are of a restless and stragling humour ; and yet withalso ignorant and injudicious , that there is nothing so strange and uncouth , which they will not take up with zeal and confidence : insomuch that there never yet was any common-wealth , that gave a real liberty to mens imaginations , that was not suddenly over-run with numberless divisions , and subdivisions of sects : as was notorious in the late confusions , when liberty of conscience was laid as the foundation of settlement . how was sect built upon sect , and church upon church , till they were advanced to such a height of folly , that the usurpers themselves could find no other way to work their subversion , and put an end to their extravagancies , but by overturning their own foundations , and checking their growth by laws and penalties ? the humour of fanaticising is a boundless folly , it knows no restraints ; and if it be not kept down by the severity of governours , it grows and encreases without end , or limit , and never ceases to swell it self , till it has broke down all the banks and restraints of government . thus when the disciplinarians had in pursuit of their own peevish and unreasonable principles divided from the church of england , others upon a farther improvement of the same principles subdivided from them ; every new opinion was enough to found a new church , and sect was spawn'd out of sect , till there were almost as many churches as families : for when they were once parted from the order & sobriety of the church they lived in , nothing could set bounds to their wild and violent imaginations . § 9. schismaticks always run themselves into the same excess in the church as rebels and seditious persons do in the state , who out of a hatred to tyranny are restless till they have dissolved the common-wealth into anarchy & confusion ; and , because some kingly governments have proved tyrannical , will allow no free states but under republicks . as was notorious in all the apologies for the late usurpers , who took it for granted in general , that all government under a single person was slavish and oppressive without respect to its particular constitutions ; and that the very name of a common-wealth was a sufficient preservation of the peoples liberties , notwithstanding that those who managed it were never so imperious and arbitrary in the exercise of their power . and in the same manner our church dissenters , out of abhorrency to the papal tyranny and usurpation upon mens understandings , never think the liberty of their consciences sufficiently secured , till they have shaken off all subjection to humane authority : and because the church of rome by her unreasonable impositions has invaded the fundamental liberties of mankind , they presently conclude all restraints upon licentious practices and perswasions about religion under the hated name of popery . and some theological empericks have so possess'd the peoples heads with this fond conceit , that they will see no middle way between spiritual tyranny , and spiritual anarchy , and so brand all restraint of government in affairs of religion as if it were antichristian , and never think themselves far enough from rome , till they are wandred as far as munster . whereas the church of england in her first reformation was not so wild as to abolish all ecclesiastical authority , but only removed it from those who had unjustly usurp'd it to its proper seat , and restrain'd it within its due bounds and limits : and because the church of rome had clogg'd christianity with too many garish and burdensome ceremonies , they did not immediately strip her naked of all modest and decent ornaments out of an over-hot opposition to their too flanting pomp and vanity , but only cloathed her in such a dress , as became the gravity and sobriety of religion . and this is the wisdom and moderation of our church to preserve us sober between two such unreasonable extremes . § 10. but not to run too hastily into particular disputes , 't is enough at present to have proved in general the absolute necessity that affairs of religion should be subject to government ; and then if they be exempt from the jurisdiction of the civil power , i shall demand , whether they are subject to any other power , or to none at all ? if the former , then the supreme power is not supreme , but is subject to a superiour in all matters of religion , or rather ( what is equally absurd ) there would be two supreme powers in every common-wealth ; for it the princes jurisdiction be limited to civil affairs , and the concerns of religion be subject to another government , then may subjects be obliged to ( what is impossible ) contradictory commands : and at the same time the civil magistrate requires him to defend his country against an invasion , the ecclesiastical governour may command him to abandon its defence , for the carrying on an holy war in the holy land , in order to the recovery of our saviour's sepulchre from the possession of the turks and saracens . but seeing no man can be subject to contradictory obligations , 't is by consequence utterly impossible he should be subject to two supreme powers . if the latter , then the former argument returns ; and as to one half of the concerns of the common-wealth there must be a perfect anarchy , and no government at all . and there is no provision to be made against all those publick mischiefs and disturbances that may arise from errors and enormities in religion ; the common-wealth must for ever be exposed to the follies of enthusiasts , and villanies of impostors ; and any man , that can but pretend conscience , may whenever he pleases endeavour its ruine : so that if princes should forego their sovereignty over mens consciences in matters of religion , they leave themselves less power than is absolutely necessary to the peace & defence of the common-wealths they govern . in brief , the supreme government of every common-wealth , wherever it is lodged , must of necessity be universal , absolute , and uncontroulable , in all afairs whatsoever , that concern the interests of mankind , and the ends of government : for if it be limited , it may be controul'd : but 't is a thick and palpable contradiction to call such a power supreme , in that whatever controuls it must as to that case be its superiour . and therefore affairs of religion being so strongly influential upon affairs of state , and having so great a power either to advance or hinder the publick felicity of the common-wealth , they must be as uncontroulably subject to the supreme power as all other civil concerns ; because otherwise it will not have authority enough to secure the publick interest of the society , to attain the necessary and most important ends of its institution . § 11. now from these premisses we may observe , that all supreme power ; both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs , issues from the same original , and is founded upon the same reason of things ; namely the indispensable necessity of society to the preservation of humane nature , and of government to the preservation of humane society : a supreme power being absolutely necessary to the decision of all those quarrels and controversies , that are naturally consequent upon the passions , appetites , and follies of men , there being no other way of ending their differences but by the decrees of a final & unappealable judicature . for if every man were to be his own judge , mens determinations would be as contradictory as their judgments , & their judgments as their humours or interests ; and so must their dissentions of necessity be endless : and therefore to avoid these and all other inconveniences that would naturally follow upon a state of war , it was necessary there should be one supreme and publick judgment , to whose determinations the private judgment of every single person should be obliged to submit it self . and hence the wisdom of providence , knowing to what passions and irregularities mankind is obnoxious , never suffered them to live without the restraints of government ; but in the beginning of things so ordered affairs , that no man could be born into the world without being subject to some superior : every father being by nature vested with a right to govern his children . and the first governments in the world were established purely upon the natural rights of paternal authority , which afterward grew up to a kingly power by the increase of posterity ; and he that was at first but father of a family , in process of time , as that multiplied , became father of a city , or province : and hence it came to pass that in the first ages of the world , monarchy was its only government , necessarily arising out of the constitution of humane nature , it being so natural for families to enlarge themselves into cities by uniting into a body according to their several kindreds , whence by consequence the supreme head of those families must become prince and governour of a larger & more diffused society . and therefore cedrenus makes adam the first monarch in the world , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and thus afterwards in the division of the earth among the posterity of noah , the heads of families became kings and monarchs of the nations of which they were founders , from whence were propagated the several kingdoms of the first and elder times ; as appears not only from the mosaick history , but also from all other the best and most ancient records of the first ages of the world : but as for common-wealths , they are comparatively of a very late discovery , being first contriv'd among the grecians , whose democracies and optimacies were made out of the ruines of monarchick government ; which was but sutable to the proud , factious , and capricious humour of that nation , where scarce any one could pretend to a little skill in poetry or wrestling ( their two greatest accomplishments ) but he must immediately be an vndertaker for new modelling the common-wealth ; which doubtless was one of the main causes of their perpetual confusions , and frequent charges in government . § 12. having thus firmly founded all civil government upon paternal authority , i may now proceed to shew , that all ecclesiastical power bottoms upon the same foundation : for as in the first ages of the world , the fathers of families were vested with a kingly power over their own posterity ; so also were they with the priestly office , executing all the holy functions of priesthood in their own persons , as appears from the unanimous testimony of histories both sacred and prophane . thus we find all the ancient patriarchs priests to their own families ; which office descended together with the royal dignity to the first-born of each family . and this custom of investing the sovereign power with the supreme priesthood , was ( as divers authors both ancient and modern observe ) universally practis'd over all kingdoms of the world for well nigh 2500 years , without any one president to the contrary . in that among all societies of men there is as great a necessity of publick worship , as of publick justice ; the power whereof , because it must be seated somewhere , can properly belong to him alone , in whom the supreme power resides ; in that he alone having authority to assign to every subject his proper function , and among others this of the priesthood ; the exercise whereof as he has power to transfer to another , so may he , if he please , reserve it to himself . and therefore this the wisdom of the elder ages always practised , in order to the better security of their government ; as well knowing the tendency of superstition , and false notions of the divine worship , to tumults and seditions ; and therfore , to prevent the disturbances that might spring from factions in religion , they were sollicitous to keep its management in their own immediate disposal . and though in the jewish common-wealth , the priestly office was upon reasons peculiar to that state separated by a divine positive command from the kingly power ; yet the power and jurisdiction of the priest remained still subject to the sovereign prince , their king always exercising a supremacy over all persons , and in all causes ecclesiastical : nothing can be more unquestionable than the precedents of david , solomon , hezekiah , iehu , iehosaphat , iosiah , &c. who exercised as full a legislative power in affairs of religion , as in affairs of state. they alone restrain'd and punish'd whatever tended to the subversion of the publick and establish'd religion ; they suppress'd innovations , reform'd corruptions , ordered the decencies and solemnities of publick worship , instituted new laws and ceremonies , and conducted all the concerns of religion by their own power and authority . now there is nothing that can be pretended against the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of christian magistrates , that might not with as great a shew of reason have been urged against these jewish kings . § 13. and thus were the affairs of religion in all nations govern'd by the supreme power till our blessed saviour's birth , who came into the world to establish new laws of religion , and not to set up any new models of politie . he came not to unsettle the foundations of government , or to diminish the natural rights of princes , and settle the conduct of humane affairs upon new principles , but left the government of the world in the same condition he found it : all his discourses were directed to private persons , and such whose duty it was to obey , and not command ; and therefore though we find him every where highly solicitous to press men to obedience in general , ( and perhaps it would be no easie task to find out any professors of the art of policy , either ancient or modern , that have carried the doctrine of obedience so high as the sermons of our saviour , and the writings of his apostles ) yet no where he takes upon him to settle , much less to limit the prerogatives of princes ; and therefore the government of religion , being vested in them by an antecedent and natural right , must without all controversie belong to them , till it is derogated from them by some superiour authority : so that unless our saviour had expresly disrobed the royal power of its ecclesiastical jurisdiction , nothing else can alienate it from their prerogative . and therefore 't is no wonder if he left no commands to the civil magistrate for the right government of religion ; for to what purpose should he give them a new commission to exercise that power , that was already so firmly establish'd in the world by the unalterable dictates of natural reason , and universal practice , and consent of nations : it being so clearly inseparable from the supreme power in every common-wealth , that it loses both its supremacy , and its usefulness , unless it be universal and unlimited ? in that the end of all government is to secure the peace and tranquillity of the publick ; and therefore it must have power to manage and order every thing that is serviceable to that end . so that it being so clearly evident from the experience of mankind , and from the nature of the thing it self , that nothing has a stronger influence upon the publick interests of a nation , than the well or ill management of religion ; its conduct must needs be as certain and inseparable a right of the supreme power in every common-wealth , as the legislative authority it self ; without which 't is utterly impossible there should be any government at all . and therefore the scripture seems rather to suppose than assert the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of princes . what else means that promise , that kings shall be nursing fathers to the church of god , unless by their power they may cherish and defend the true religion , and protect it from being destroyed by hereticks and seducers ? what does the scripture mean when it styles our saviour king of kings , and makes princes his vicegerents here on earth ? what means the apostle , when he says , kings are appointed to this end , that under them we may live a quiet and peaceable life , not only in all honesty , but in all godliness too ? where we see , that the propagation of godliness is as much the duty of governours , as the preservation of justice ; neither of which can a prince ( as such ) effectually promote , but by the proper effects of his power , laws and penalties . besides all which , all the power of the common-wealth our saviour lived in , was fall'n into such mens hands , that would be so far from concerning themselves in the defence , protection , and propagation of christianity , that he knew they would exert the utmost of their force to suppress and destroy it . now to what purpose should he entrust them with a commission to govern his church , when he knew they would labour its utter ruine and destruction ? and hence was there no other peaceable method to propagate the christian faith in the world , but by the patience and sufferings of its professors : and therefore our saviour , to secure his religion from the reproach of being factious and seditious against the state , was sollicitous above all things to arm them with meekness and patience ; and to this purpose he gave them glorious promises to encourage their submission to their unhappy fate , and severe injunctions to secure their obedience to all the commands of lawful superiours , except when they run directly cross to the interest of the gospel ; which as the posture of affairs then stood , was incomparably the most effectual , as well as most innocent way of its propagation . § 14. and therefore 't is but an idle and impertinent plea that some men make for liberty of conscience , when they would restrain the magistrates power so , as to make use of no other means than what our saviour and his apostles used to convince and convert men : an argument that much resembles that , which they urge with so much popular noise and confidence against that little grandeur & authority that is left to the governours of our church ; because forsooth the apostles , by reason of the unhappy juncture of affairs in their times , lived in a mean and persecuted condition ; and therefore what was their calamity , these men would make our duty : but it were to be wished they would pursue their argument to all the purposes for which it may as rationally serve : and so they must sell their lands , and bring the money and lay it at the bishops feet ; they must pass away all their proprieties , and have all things in common , and part them to all men as every man has need , because the primitive christians did so . at so prodigious a rate of impertinency do men talk , when their passions dictate their discourses ; and to so fine a pass would the affairs of christendom be brought by this trifling pretence of reducing the state of the church to its primitive practice in all accidents and circumstances of things . but yet i suppose these men themselves would scarce imitate the practice of our saviour and his apostles in this particular ; for if the scribes and pharisees were now in being , i hope they would not allow them the liberty openly to blaspheme the name of iesus , and to persecute all that would not believe him an impostor ; which though they did familiarly in his own time , yet he never went about to restrain their blasphemies by laws and punishments : and therefore i only demand , whether the civil magistrate may make penal laws against swearing and blasphemy , and such other irreligious debaucheries ? if he may , why then they are matters that as directly and immediately relate to religion , as any rites and ceremonies of worship whatsoever ; and for the government of which they are as utterly to seek for any precedent of our saviour and his apostles . nay more , if this argument were of any force , it would equally deprive the magistrate of any power to compel his subjects to obedience to any of the moral precepts of the gospel by secular laws and punishments ; because our saviour and his apostles never did it : especially when all matters of morality do as really belong to our spiritual concerns , as any thing that relates immediately to divine worship , and affairs of meer religion ; and therefore if the civil magistrate may not compel his subjects to a right way of worship with the civil sword , because this is of a spiritual concernment ( as is pretended : ) upon the same ground , neither may he make use of the same force to compel men to duties of morality , because they also equally relate to their spiritual interests : besides , the magistrates authority in both is founded upon the same principle , viz. the absolute necessity of their due management in order to the peace and preservation of the common-wealth . we derive not therefore his ecclesiastical jurisdiction from any grant of our saviours , but from an antecedent right wherewith all sovereign power was indued before ever he was born into the world ; forasmuch as the same providence , that intrusted princes with the government of humane affairs , must of necessity have vested them in at least as much power , as was absolutely necessary to the nature and ends of government . § 15. but further yet , all the ways our saviour has appointed in the gospel for the advancement and propagation of religion , were prescribed to subjects , & not to governours ; and this indeed is certain , that no private person can have any power to compel men to any part of the doctrine , worship , or discipline of the gospel ; for if he had , he would upon that very account cease to be a private person , and be vested with a civil power . but that no magistrate may do this , will remain to be proved , till they can produce some express prohibition of our saviour to restrain him : and till that be done , 't is but a strange rate of arguing , when they would prove that magistrates may not use any coercive power to promote the interests of religion , because this is forbidden to their subjects ; especially when 't is to be considered , that christ and his apostles acted themselves in the capacity of subjects to the common-wealth they lived in , and so could neither use themselves , nor impart to others any coercive power for the advancement , and propagation of their doctrine ; but were confined to such prudent and peaceable methods , as were lawful for persons in their condition to make use of , i. e. humble intreaties , and perswasions . our saviour never took any part of the civil power upon himself , and upon that score could not make penal and coercive laws ; the power of coertion being so certainly inseparable from the supreme civil power : but though he back'd not his commandments with temporal punishments , because his kingdom was not of this world ; yet he enforced them with the threatnings of eternity , which carry with them more compulsion upon mens consciences than any civil sanctions can : for the only reason why punishments are annex'd to laws , is because they are strong motives to obedience ; and therefore when our savour tied his laws upon mankind under eternal penalties , he used as much force to drive us to obedience , as if he had abetted them with temporal inflictions : so that the only reason why he bound not the precepts of the gospel upon our consciences by any secular compulsories , was not because compulsion was an improper way to put his laws in execution , for then he had never established them with more enforcing sanctions ; but only because himself was not invested with any secular power , and so could not use those methods of government , that are proper to its jurisdiction . § 16. and therefore the power , wherewith christ intrusted the governours of his church in the apostolical age , was purely spiritual ; they had no authority to inflict temporal punishments , or to force men to submit to their canons , laws and penalties ; they only declared the laws of god , and denounced the threatnings annexed to them , having no coercive power to inflict the judgments they declared , and leaving the event of their censures to the divine jurisdiction . though alas ! all this was too weak to attain the ends of discipline ( viz. to reclaim the offending person , and by example of his censure to awe others into obedience ) and could have but little influence upon the most stubborn and notorious offenders . for to what purpose should they drive one from the communion of the church , that has already renounced it ? to what purpose should they deny him the instruments and ministries of religion , that cares not for them ? to what purpose should they turn him out of their society , that has already prevented them by forsaking it ? how should offenders be reclaim'd , by being condemn'd to what they chuse ? how should they be scared by threatnings , that they neither fear nor believe ? and if they will turn apostates , how can they be awed back into their faith by being told they are so ? and therefore because of the weakness of this spiritual government to attain the ends of discipline , and because that the governours of the church being subject to those of the common-wealth , they were not capable of any coercive power ; 't is wonderfully remarkable how god himself was pleased to supply their want of civil jurisdiction by his own immediate providence , and in a miraculous manner to inflict the judgments they denounced ; that if their censures could not affright refractory offenders into obedience , his dreadful execution of them might . for 't is notoriously evident from the best records of the primitive and apostolical ages , that the divine providence was pleased to abet the censures of the church by immediate and miraculous inflictions from heaven . in those times torments and diseases of the body were the usual consequents of excommunication ; and this was as effectual to awe men into subjection to the ecclesiastical government , as if it had been endued with coercive iurisdiction . for this consists only in a power of inflicting temporal punishments ; and therefore when the anathema's of the church were attended with such inflictions , criminals must have as much reason to dread the rod of the apostles , as the sword of the civil magistrate , in that it carried with it a power of inflicting temporal penalties , either of death , as on ananias and sapphira , or of diseases , as on elymas the sorcerer . and this is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherewith st. paul so often threatens to lash the factious corinthians into a more quiet and peaceable temper . thus 1 cor. 4. 21. what will ye ? shall i come unto you with a rod , or in love , and in the spirit of meekness ? i. e. consider with your selves , that seeing i have determined to visit the church of corinth , whether when i come you had rather i should chastise you with the apostolical rod by exercising my power of inflicting punishments , and by consigning the refractory to those sharp and grievous diseases that are wont immediately to follow apostolical censures ; or whether i should come with a more gentle and merciful design without being forced by your stubborness upon a necessity of using this severity among you ? as you behave your selves , so may you expect to find me at my coming . and thus again , 2 cor. 10. 6. he threatens them with his being in a readiness ( if he should come among them ) to revenge all their disobedience : and upon this account he immediately professes himself not ashamed to boast of his power and authority in the church . and in the 13. chapter of the same epistle , he again shakes the same rod over them , threatning , that if their refractoriness force him to strike them with some judgment , that it should be a sharp and severe one : if i come again i will not spare , since ye seek a proof of christ speaking in me . these extraordinary inflictions were signs and evidences of his apostleship . and he would make them know , that he was commissioned by christ to teach and govern their church , by making them to feel the sad effects of his miraculous power , if nothing else would satisfie them about the right of his authority . and to the same purpose is the same apostles command to the same church concerning the incestuous corinthian , 1 cor. 5. 5. that they should deliver him to satan for the destruction of the flesh , i. e. that they should denounce the sentence of excommunication against him , which would amount to no smaller a punishment , than his being resign'd up to the power and possession of some evil spirit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chrysost. in 1. ad cor. hom. 15. to be tormented with ulcers , or some other bodily diseases and inflictions , which was then the usual consequent of excommunication . the end of all which is , as immediately follows , the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit might be saved in the day of the lord iesus , i. e. that being humbled and brought to a due sense of his sin by the sadness of his condition , and the heavy strokes of this cruel executioner of the divine justice , this might be a means of working him to repentance and reformation . and to the same end did the same apostle deliver hymeneus and alexander unto satan , that they might learn not to blaspheme ; that being vexed and tormented by some evil spirit , this might take down their proud and haughty stomachs , and make them cease to traduce and disparage his apostolical authority , when they had smarted so severely for contradicting it . and thus was the divine providence pleased in the first ages of the church , when it wanted the assistance of the civil magistrate , to supply that defect by his own almighty power : so necessary is a coercive jurisdiction to the due government and discipline of the church , that god himself was fain to bestow it on the apostles in a miraculous manner . and thus was the primitive discipline maintain'd by miracles of severity , as long as it wanted the sword of the civil power . but when christianity had once prevail'd and triumphed over all the oppositions of pagan superstition , and had gain'd the empire of the world into its own possession , and was become the imperial religion , then began its government to re-settle where nature had placed it , and the ecclesiastical jurisdiction was annexed to the civil power : for as soon as the emperours thought themselves concern'd to look to its government , and protection , and were willing to abet the spiritual power of the clergy with their secular authority ; then began the divine providence to withdraw the miraculous power of the church ( in the same manner as he did by degrees all the other extraordinary gifts of the apostolical age , as their necessity ceased ) as being now as well supplied by the natural & ordinary power of the prince . so that though the exercise of the ministerial function still continued in the persons , that were thereunto originally commissioned by our saviour , the exercise of its authority and jurisdiction was restored to the imperial diadem ; and the bishops became then ( as they are now ) ministers of state as well as religion , and challenged not any secular power , but what they derived from the prince : who , supposing them best able to understand and manage the interests of religion , granted them commissions for the government of the church under himself , and vested them with as much coercive power , as was necessary for the execution of their office and jurisdiction : in the same manner as judges are deputed by the supreme authority of every common-wealth to govern the affairs of justice , and to inflict the penalties of the law upon delinquents : so that bishops neither have , nor ever had any temporal authority , but only as they are the kings ecclesiastical judges , appointed by him to govern affairs of religion , as civil or secular judges are to govern affairs of justice . § 17. and now that the government of all the affairs of the church devolved upon the royal authority assoon as it became christian , is undeniably evident , from all the laws and records of the empire : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : from the time that the emperors became christian , the disposal and government of church affairs depended entirely on their authority : constantine was no sooner settled in his imperial throne , but he took the settlement of all ecclesiastical matters into his own cognizance : he called synods and councils , in order to the peace and government of the church , he ratified their canons into laws , he prohibited the conventicles of the donatists , and demolish'd their meeting-houses , he made edicts concerning festivals , the rites of sepulture , the immunities of churches , the authority of bishops , the priviledges of the clergy , and divers other things appertaining to the outward polity of the church . in the exercise of which jurisdiction he was carefully followed by all his successours : which cannot but be known to every man that is not as utterly ignorant of the civil law , as he in the comedy who supposed corpus iuris civilis to be a dutchman . the code , the authenticks , the french capitulars are full of ecclesiastical laws and constitutions . the first book of the code treats of nothing but religion , and the rites and ceremonies of publick worship , the priviledges of ecclesiastical men and things , the distinct offices and functions of the several degrees in the ecclesiastical hierarchy , and the power and jurisdiction of bishops both in civil and religious affairs , and infinite other things that immediately concern the interests of religion . and then as for the authenticks , ecclesiastical laws are every where scattered up and down through the whole volume ; which being divided into nine collations , has not above one ( viz. the fourth ) that has not divers laws relating to church affairs . and as for the capitulars of charles the great , together with the additions of lewis the godly , his son and successour , they contain little else but ecclesiastical constitutions ; as may be seen in lindembrogius his collection of ancient laws , together with divers other laws of theodorick , and other gothish kings . § 18. and next to the divine providence , we owe the settlement and preservation of christian religion in the world to the conduct of christian princes . for by the time of constantine the primitive spirit and genius of christianity was wearing out of fashion , and the meekness and humility of its first professours began to give place to a furious and tumultuary zeal ; and no sooner did the heats of persecution begin to abate , but the church was presently shattered into swarms of factions by the violent passions and animosities of its members about bare speculations or useless practices : and of all the quarrels that ever disturbed the world , there were never any perhaps so excuseless or so irregular as those of christendom ; of which 't is hard to determine , whether they were commenced with more folly and indiscretion , or pursued with more passion and frowardness . the rage and fierceness of christians had kindled such a fire in the church , that it must unavoidably have been consumed by its own combustions , had not the christian emperours employed all their power to suppress the fury of the flames . and though in spight of all their prudence and industry , christianity was sadly impaired by its own tumults and seditions ; yet had it not been for the care of christian princes , it had in all humane probability been utterly destroyed ; and the flames that had once caught its superstructures , must without remedy have burnt up its very foundations . and if we look into the records and histories of the first christian emperours , we shall find that the most dangerous disturbances that threatned the state , had their beginnings in the church ; and that the empire was more shaken by the intestine commotions that arose from religion , than by foreign wars and invasions . and upon this account is it , that we find them so highly concern'd to reconcile all the discords , and allay all the heats about religion , by silencing needless and unprofitable controversies , determining certain & necessary truths , prescribing decent rites & ceremonies of publick worship , and all other wise and prudent expedients to bring the minds and practices of men to sobriety and moderation . § 19. and by this means was the outward polity of the church tolerably well established , and the affairs of religion competently well grounded ( though better or worse , according to the wisdom and vigilance of the several emperours ) till the bishops of rome usurp'd one half of the imperial power , and annexed the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and supremacy to their own see. for taking advantage of the distractions occasioned partly by the incursions of the northern nations on the west , partly by the invasions of the turkish power on the east , but mainly by the division of the empire it self , they gain'd either by force or fraud the whole dominion of religion to themselves , and by pretending to the spirit of infallibility , usurp'd an absolute and uncontroulable empire over the faiths and consciences of mankind . and whilst they at first pretended no other title to their sovereignty but what they derived from religion , they were constrain'd to scrue up their power to an unmeasurable tyranny , thereby to secure themselves in those insolencies and indignities wherewith they perpetually affronted the princes of christendom : and knowing the free-born reason of men would never tamely brook to be enslaved to so ignoble a tyranny , they proclaim'd it a traytour or ( what is the same ) a heretick to the catholick faith , and by their lowd noises and menaces frighted it out of christendom . in which design they at length advanced so far , till rome christian became little less fond and superstitious than rome heathen ; and christianity it self was almost debauched to the lowest guise of paganism , and europe , the seat of the most refined and politest part of mankind , was involved in a more than african ignorance and barbarity . and thus did they easily usher in the grand departure and apostasie from religion by the falling away from reason , and founded the roman faith as well as empire upon the ruines of humane liberty . § 20. in which sad posture continued the affairs of christendom till the reformation : which though it has wrought wonderful alterations in the christian world , yet has it not been able to resettle princes in their full & natural rights , in reference to the concerns of religion . for although the supremacy of the civil power in religious matters be expresly asserted in all the publick confessions of the reformed churches , but especially in that of the church of england ; which is not content barely to affirm it , but denounces the sentence of excommunication against all that deny it : yet by reason of the exorbitant power that some pert and pragmatical divines have gain'd over the minds of the people , this great article has found little or no entertainment in their practices : there starting up a race of proud and imperious men about the beginning of the reformation , who , not regarding the princes power , took upon themselves to frame precise hypotheses of orthodoxy , and to set up their own pedantick systems and institutions for the standards of divine truth ; and wanting , what the other had , the authority of prescription , they pretended to the spirit of god : and this pretence not only excused , but justified any wild theorems they could not prove by sober reason ; and those that would be awed with it , they embraced for orthodox , and those that would not , they branded for hereticks : by which little device they decoyed the silly and ignorant rabble into their own party . the effect of all which has been nothing but a brutish and fanatick ignorance , making men to talk of little else but raptures and extasies , and filling the world with a buzze and noise of the divine spirit ; whereby they are only impregnably possess'd with their own wild and extravagant fansies , become saucy and impudent for religion , confound order , and despise government , and will be guided by nothing but the whimsies and humours of an unaccountable conscience . § 21. and hence it comes to pass , that most protestant princes have been frighted ( not to say hector'd ) out of the exercise of their ecclesiastical jurisdiction by the clamours of giddy and distemper'd zealots ; superstition and enthusiasm have out-fac'd the laws , and put government out of countenance by the boldness of their pretensions . confident men have talked so lowdly of the inviolable sacredness and authority of their consciences , that governours , not throughly instructed in the nature and extent of their power , so lately restored to them , have been almost scared from intermedling with any thing , that could upon this score plead its priviledge and exemption from their commands . and how peremptory soever some of them have been in asserting the rights of their supreme power in civil affairs , they have been forced to seem modest and diffident in the exercise of their ecclesiastical supremacy , and dare scarce own their legislative power in religious affairs , only to comply with the saucy pretences of ungovernable and tumultuary zeal . one notorious instance whereof in our own nation , is the iejunium cecilianum , the wednesday fast , that was injoin'd with this clause of exception , that if any person should affirm it to be imposed with an intention to bind the conscience , he should be punished like the spreaders of false news . which is plainly to them that understand it , ( as a late learned prelate of our own observes ) a direct artifice to evacuate the whole law : for ( as he excellently argues ) all humane power being derived from god , and bound upon our consciences by his power , not by man , he that says it shall not bind the conscience , says it shall be no law ; it shall have no authority from god , and then it has none at all ; and if it be not tied upon the conscience , then to break it is no sin , and then to keep it is no duty . so that a law without such an intention is a contradiction ; it is a law which binds only if we please , and we may obey when we have a mind to it ; and to so much we are tied before the constitution . but then if by such a declaration it was meant , that to keep such fasting-days was no part of a direct commandment from god , that is , god had not required them by himself immediately , and so it was ( abstracting from that law ) no duty evangelical , it had been below the wisdom of the contrivers of it ; for no man pretends it , no man says it , no man thinks it : and they might as well have declar'd , that the law was none of the ten commandments . the matter indeed of this law was not of any great moment , but the declaration annexed to it proved of a fatal and mischievous consequence ; for when once the unruly consciences of the puritans were got loose from the restraints of authority , nothing could give check to their giddy and furious zeal , but they soon broke out into the most impudent affronts and indignities against the laws , and ran themselves into all manner of disloyal outrages against the state. as is notoriously evident in the writings and practices of cartwright , goodman , whittingham , gilby , whitehead , travers , and other leading rabbies of the holy faction ; whose treatises are stuffed with as railing , spightful , and malicious speeches both against their prince , the clergy , the lords of the council , the judges , the magistrates , and the laws , as were ever publickly vented by the worst of traytors in any society in the world . and as for the method of their polity , it was plainly no more than this , first to reproach the church with infamous and abusive dialogues , and then to libel the state with bitter and scurrilous pamphlets , to possess mens minds with dislikes and jealousies about publick affairs , whisper about reproachful and slanderous reports , inveigle the people with a thousand little and malicious stories , enter into secret leagues and confederacies , foment discontents and seditions , and in every streight and exigence of state threaten and beleaguer authority : in fine , the scope of all their sermons and discourses was to perswade their party , that if princes refuse to reform religion , 't is lawful for the people with direction of their godly ministers , ( i. e. themselves ) to do it , and that by violent and forcible courses . and whither this principle in process of time led them , the story is too long , too sad , and too well known to be here repeated : 't is sufficient , that it improved it self into the greatest villanies , & concluded in the blackest tragedy that was ever acted upon this island . § 22. well then , to sum up the result of this discourse , 't is evident , we see , both from reason and experience , what a powerful influence religion has upon the peace and quiet of kingdoms ; that nothing so effectually secures the publick peace , or so easily works its disturbance and ruine , as it s well or ill administration ; and therefore that there is an absolute necessity that there be some supreme power in every common-wealth to take care of its due conduct and settlement ; that this must be the civil magistrate , whose office it is to secure the publick peace , which because he cannot sufficiently provide for , unless he have the power and conduct of religion ; its government must of necessity be seated in him and none else . so that those persons , who would exempt conscience and all religious matters from the princes power , must make him either a tyrant or an impotent prince ; for if he take upon him to tye laws of religion upon their consciences , then according to their principles , he usurps an unlawful dominion , violates the fundamental rights and priviledges of mankind , and invades the throne and authority of god himself : but if he confess that he cannot , then does he clearly pass away the bigest security of his government , and lay himself open to all the plots and villanies that can put on the mask of religion . and therefore should any prince through unhappy miscarriages in the state be brought into such streights and exigences of affairs , as that he cannot restrain the head-strong inclinations of his subjects , without the hazard of raising such commotions and disturbances , as perhaps he can never be able to allay , and so should be forced in spight of himself to indulge them their liberty in their fansies and perswasions about religion ; yet unless he will devest himself of a more material and more necessary part of his authority , than if he should grant away his power of the militia , or his prerogative of ratifying all civil laws ; unless , i say , he will thus hazard his crown , and make himself too weak for government by renouncing the best part of his supremacy , he must lay an obligation upon all persons , to whom he grants this their religious freedom , to profess that 't is matter of meer favour and indulgence ; and that he has as much power to govern all the publick affairs of religion , as any other matters that are either conducive , or prejudicial to the publick peace and quiet of the common-wealth . and if they be brought to this declaration , they will but confess themselves ( to say no worse ) turbulent and seditious persons , by acknowledging , that they refuse their obedience to those laws , which the supreme authority has just power to impose . chap. ii. a more particular account of the nature and necessity of a sovereign power in affairs of religion . the contents . the parallel between matters relating to religious worship , and the duties of morality . moral vertues the most material parts of religion . this proved , ( 1. ) from the nature of morality , and the design of religion : ( 2. ) by a particular induction of all the duties of mankind . a scheme of religion , reducing all its branches either to the vertues or instruments of morality . of the villany of those mens religion , that are wont to distinguish between grace and virtue . they exchange the substance of true goodness for meer metaphors and allegories . metaphors the only cause of our present schism ; and the only ground of the different subdivisions among the schismaticks themselves . the vnaccountableness of mens conceits , that when the main ends and designs of religion are undoubtedly subject to the supreme power , they should be so eager to exempt its means and circumstances from the same authority . the civil magistrate may determine new instances of virtue ; how much more new circumstances of worship ? as he may enjoyn any thing in morality , that contradicts not the ends of morality ; so may be in religious worship , if he oppose not its design . he may command any thing in the worship of god , that does not tend to debauch mens practices , or their conceptions of the deity . all the subordinate duties both of morality and religious worship , are equally subject to the determinations of humane authority . § 1. having in the former chapter sufficiently made out my first proposition , viz. that 't is absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the world , that the supreme magistrate of every common-wealth should be vested with a power to govern the consciences of subjects in affairs of religion ; i now proceed to the proof of the second thing proposed , viz. that those who would deprive the supreme civil power of its authority in reference to the conduct of the worship of god , are forced to allow it in other more material parts of religion , though they are both liable to the same inconveniences and objections : where i shall have a fair opportunity to state the true extent of the magistrates power over conscience in reference to divine worship , by shewing it to be the same with his power over conscience in matters of morality , and all other affairs of religion . and here it strikes me with wonder and amazement to consider , that men should be so shy of granting the supreme magistrate a power over their consciences in the rituals and external circumstances of religious worship , and yet be so free of forcing it upon him in the essential duties of morality ; which are at least as great and material parts of religion , as pleasing to god , and as indispensably necessary to salvation , as any way of worship in the world. the precepts of the moral law are both perfective of our own natures , and conducive to the happiness of others ; and the practice of vertue consists in living suitably to the dictates of reason & nature . and this is the substance and main design of all the laws of religion , to oblige mankind to behave themselvs in all their actions as becomes creatures endued with reason and understanding , and in ways suitable to rational beings , to prepare and qualifie themselves for the state of glory and immortality . and as this is the proper end of all religion , that mankind might live happily here , and happily hereafter ; so to this end nothing contributes more than the practice of all moral vertues , which will effectually preserve the peace and happiness of humane societies , and advance the mind of man to a nearer approach to the perfection of the divine nature ; every particular vertue being therefore such , because 't is a resemblance and imitation of some of the divine attributes . so that moral vertue having the strongest and most necessary influence upon the end of all religion , viz. mans happiness ; 't is not only its most material and useful part , but the ultimate end of all its other duties : and all true religion can consist in nothing else but either the practice of vertue it self , or the use of those means and instruments that contribute to it . § 2. and this , beside the rational account of the thing it self , appears with an undeniable evidence from the best of demonstrations , i. e. an induction of all particulars . the whole duty of man refers either to his creator , or his neighbour , or himself : all that concerns the two last is confessedly of a moral nature ; and all that concerns the first , consists either in praising of god , or praying to him : the former is a branch of the vertue of gratitude , and is nothing but a thankful and humble temper of mind , arising from a sense of gods greatness in himself , and his goodness to us : so that this part of devotion issues from the same virtuous quality , that is the principle of all other resentments and expressions of gratitude ; only those acts of it that are terminated on god as their object , are styled religious : and therefore gratitude and devotion are not divers things , but only different names of the same thing ; devotion being nothing else but the virtue of gratitude towards god. the latter , viz. prayer is either put up in our own or other mens behalfs : if for others , 't is an act of that virtue we call kindness or charity : if for our selves , the things we pray for ( unless they be the comforts and enjoyments of this life ) are some or other virtuous qualities : and therefore the proper and direct use of prayer is to be instrumental to the virtues of morality : so that all duties of devotion ( excepting only our returns of gratitude ) are not essential parts of religion , but are only in order to it , as they tend to the practice of virtue and moral goodness ; and their goodness is derived upon them from the moral virtues to which they contribute ; and in the same proportion they are conducive to the ends of virtue , they are to be valued among the ministeries of religion . all religion then ( i mean the practical part ) is either virtue it self , or some of its instruments ; and the whole duty of man consists in being virtuous ; and all that is enjoin'd him beside , is in order to it . and what else do we find enforc'd and recommended in our saviour's sermons , beside heights of morality ? what does st. paul discourse of to felix but moral matters , righteousness , and temperance , and iudgment to come ? and what is it that men set up against morality , but a few figurative expressions of it self , that without it are utterly insignificant ? 't is not enough ( say they ) to be completely virtuous , unless we have grace too : but when we have set aside all manner of virtue , let them tell me what remains to be call'd grace , and give me any notion of it distinct from all morality , that consists in the right order and government of our actions in all our relations , and so comprehends all our duty : and therefore if grace be not included in it , 't is but a phantasm , and an imaginary thing . so that if we strip those definitions that some men of late have bestowed upon it , of metaphors and allegories , it will plainly signifie nothing but a vertuous temper of mind ; and all that the scripture intends by the graces of the spirit , are only vertuous qualities of the soul , that are therefore styled graces , because they were derived purely from gods free grace and goodness , in that in the first ages of christianity he was pleased , out of his infinite concern for its propagation , in a miraculous manner to inspire its converts with all sorts of vertue . wherefore the apostle st. paul , when he compiles a complete catologue of the fruits of the spirit , reckons up only moral vertues , gal. 5. 22. love , joy or chearfulness , peaceableness , patience , gentleness , goodness , faithfulness , meekness , and temperance ; and elsewhere , titus 2. 11. the same apostle plainly makes the grace of god to consist in gratitude towards god , temperance towards our selves , and justice towards our neighbours . for the grace of god that bringeth salvation hath appeared to all men , teaching us that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts , we should live soberly , righteously , and godly in this present world . where the whole duty of man is comprehended in living godlily , which is the vertue of humble gratitude towards god : soberly , which contains the vertues of temperance , chastity , modesty , and all others that consist in the dominion of reason over our sensual appetites : righteously , which implies all the vertues of justice and charity , as affability , courtesie , meekness , candour , and ingenuity . § 3. so destructive of all true and real goodness is the very religion of those men that are wont to set grace at odds with vertue , and are so far from making them the same , that they make them inconsistent ; and though a man be exact in all the duties of moral goodness , yet if he be a graceless person ( i. e. void of i know not what imaginary godliness ) he is but in a cleaner way to hell , and his conversion is more hopeless than the vilest and most notorious sinners ; and the morally righteous man is at a greater distance from grace than the profane , and better be lewd and debauch'd , than live an honest and vertuous life , if you are not of the godly party . bona opera sunt perniciosa ad salutem , says flaccus illiricus . moral goodness is the greatest let to conversion ; and the prophanest wretches make better saints than your moral formalists . and by this means they have brought into fashion a godliness without religion , zeal without humanity , and grace without good nature , or good manners ; have found out in lieu of moral virtue , a spiritual divinity , that is made up of nothing else but certain trains and schemes of effeminate follies and illiterate enthusiasms ; and instead of a sober devotion , a more spiritual and intimate way of communion with god , that in truth consists in little else but meeting together in private to prate phrases , make faces , and rail at carnal reason ( i. e. in their sense all sober and sincere use of our understandings in spiritual matters ) whereby they have effectually turn'd all religion into unaccountable fansies and enthusiasms , drest it up with pompous and empty schemes of speech , and so embrace a few gawdy metaphors and allegories , instead of the substance of true and real righteousness . and herein lies the most material difference between the sober christians of the church of england , and our modern sectaries , that we express the precepts and duties of the gospel in plain and intelligible terms , whilst they trifle them away by childish metaphors and allegories , and will not talk of religion but in barbarous and uncouth similitudes ; and ( what is more ) the different subdivisions among the sects themselves are not so much distinguish'd by any real diversity of opinions , as by variety of phrases and forms of speech , that are the peculiar shibboleths of each tribe . one party affect to lard their discourses with clownish and slovenly similitudes ; another delights to roul in wanton and lascivious allegories ; and a third is best pleased with odd , unusual , unitelligible , and sometimes blasphemous expressions . and whoever among them can invent any new language , presently sets up for a man of new discoveries ; and he that lights upon the prettiest nonsense , is thought by the ignorant rabble to unfold new gospel-mysteries . and thus is the nation shattered into infinite factions , with sensless and phantastick phrases ; and the most fatal miscarriage of them all lies in abusing scripture-expressions , not only without but in contradiction to their sense . so that had we but an act of parliament to abridge preachers the use of fulsom and luscious metaphors , it might perhaps be an effectual cure of all our present distempers . let not the reader smile at the odness of the proposal : for were men obliged to speak sense as well as truth , all the swelling mysteries of fanaticism would immediately sink into flat and empty nonsense ; and they would be ashamed of such jejune and ridiculous stuff as their admired and most profound notions would appear to be , when they , want the varnish of fine metaphors and glittering allusions . in brief , were this a proper place to unravel all their affected phrases and forms of speech , which they have learn'd like parrots to prate by rote , without having any notion of the things they signifie , it would be no unpleasant task to demonstrate , that by them they either mean nothing at all , or some part or instrument of moral vertue . so that all religion must of necessity be resolv'd into enthusiasm or morality . the former is meer imposture , and therefore all that is true must be reduced to the latter ; and what-ever besides appertains to it , must be subservient to the ends of vertue : such are prayer , hearing sermons , and all manner of religious ordinances , that have directly no other place in religion , than as they are instrumental to a vertuous life . § 4. 't is certain then , that the duties of morality are the most weighty and material concerns of religion ; and 't is as certain , that the civil magistrate has power to bind laws concerning them upon the consciences of subjects : so that every mans conscience is and must be subject to the commands of lawful superiours in the most important matters of religion . and therefore is it not strange , that when the main ends and designs of all religion are avowedly subject to the supreme power , that yet men should be so impatient to exempt its means and subordinate instruments from the same authority ? what reason can the wit of man assign to restrain it from one , that will not much more restrain it from both ? is not the right practice of moral duties as necessary a part of religion , as any outward form of worship in the world ? are not wrong notions of the divine worship as destructive of the peace and settlement of common-wealths , as the most vicious and licentious debaucheries ? are not the rude multitude more inclined to disturb government by superstition than by licentiousness ? and is there not vastly greater danger of the magistrates erring in matters of morality , than in forms and ceremonies of worship , in that those are the main , essential , and ultimate duties of religion ; whereas these are at highest but their instruments , and can challenge no other place in religion , than as they are subservient to the purposes of morality ? nay , is it not still more unaccountable , that the supreme magistrate may not be permitted to determine the circumstances and appendages of the subordinate ministeries to moral virtue , and yet should be allowed ( in all common-wealths ) to determine the particular acts and instances of these virtues themselves ? for example , justice is a prime and natural virtue , and yet its particular cases depend upon humane laws , that determine the bounds of meum and tuum : the divine law restrains titius from invading caius's right and propriety ; but what that is , and when it is invaded , only the laws of the society they live in can determine . and there are some cases that are acts of injustice in england , that are not so in italy ; otherwise all places must be govern'd by the same laws , and what is a law to one nation must be so to all the world. whereas 't is undeniably evident , that neither the law of god nor of nature determine the particular instances of most virtues , but for the most part leave that to the constitutions of national laws . they in general forbid theft , incest , murther , and adultery ; but what these crimes are , they determine not in all cases , but is in most particulars to be explained by the civil constitutions ; and whatsoever the law of the land reckons among these crimes , that the law of god and of nature forbids . and now is it not strangely humoursome to say , that magistrates are instrusted with so great a power over mens conscience in these great and weighty designs of religion , and yet should not be trusted to govern the indifferent , or at least less material circumstances of those things that can pretend to no other goodness , than as they are means serviceable to moral purposes ? that they should have power to make that a particular of the divine law , that god has not made so ; and yet not be able to determine the use of an indifferent circumstance , because ( forsooth ) god has not determin'd it ? in a word , that they should be fully impowered to declare new instances of vertue and vice , and to introduce new duties in the most important parts of religion , and yet should not have authority enough to declare the use and decency of a few circumstances in its subservient and less material concerns . § 5. the whole state of affairs is briefly this ; man is sent into the world to live happily here , and prepare himself for happiness hereafter ; this is attain'd by the practice of moral vertues and pious devotions ; and wherein these mainly consist , almighty goodness has declared by the laws of nature and revelation : but because in both there are changeable cases and circumstances of things , therefore has god appointed his trustees and officials here on earth to act and determine in both , according to all accidents and emergencies of affairs , to assign new particulars of the divine law , to declare new bounds of right and wrong , which the law of god neither does nor can limit ; because of necessity they must in a great measure depend upon the customs and constitutions of every common-wealth . and in the same manner are the circumstances and outward expressions of divine worship , because they are variable according to the accidents of time and place , entrusted ( with less danger of errour ) with the same authority . and what ceremonies this appoints ( unless they are apparently repugnant to their prime end ) become religious rites ; as what particular actions it constitutes in any species of virtue , become new instances of that virtue , unless they apparently contradict its nature and tendency . now the two primary designs of all religion , are either to express our honourable opinion of the deity , or to advance the interests of vertue and moral goodness ; so that no rites or ceremonies can be esteemed unlawful in the worship of god , unless they tend to debauch men either in their practices , or their conceptions of the deity : and 't is upon one or both of these accounts that any rites and forms of worship become criminally superstitious ; and such were the lupercalia , the eleusinian mysteries , the feasts of bacchus , flora , and venus , because they were but so many festivals of lust and debauchery ; and such were the salvage and bloody sacrifices to saturn , bellona , moloch , baal-peor , and all other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the antient paganism ; because they supposed the divine being to take pleasure in the miseries and tortures of its creatures : and such is all idolatry , in that it either gives right worship to a wrong object , or wrong worship to a right one , or at least represents an infinite majesty by images and resemblances of finite things , and so reflects disparagement upon some of the divine attributes by fastning dishonourable weaknesses and imperfections upon the divine nature . as for these , and the like rites and ceremonies of worship , no humane power can command them , because they are directly contradictory to the ends of religion ; but as for all others that are not so , any lawful authority may as well enjoyn them , as it may adopt any actions whatsoever into the duties of morality , that are not contrary to the ends of morality . § 6. but a little farther to illustrate this , we may observe , that in matters both of moral vertue and divine worship there are some rules of good and evil that are of an eternal and unchangeable obligation , and these can never be prejudiced or altered by any humane power ; because the reason of their obligation arises from a necessity and constitution of nature , and therefore must be as perpetual as that : but then there are other rules of duty that are alterable according to the various accidents , changes , and conditions of humane life , and depend chiefly upon contracts , and positive laws of kingdoms ; these suffer variety , because their matter and their reason does so . thus in the matter of murther there are some instances of an unalterable nature , and others that are changeable according to the various provisions of positive laws and constitutions . to take away the life of an innocent person is forbidden by such an indispensable law of nature , that no humane power can any way directly or indirectly make it become lawful , in that no positive laws can so alter the constitution of nature , as to make this instance of villany cease to be mischievous to mankind ; and therefore 't is capital in all nations of the world. but then there are other particular cases of this crime , that depend upon positive laws , and so by consequence are liable to change according to the different constitutions of the common-wealths men live in . thus though in england 't is murther for an injured husband to kill an adulteress taken in the act of uncleanness , because 't is forbidden by the laws of this kingdom , yet in spain and among the old romans it was not , because their laws permitted it ; and if the magistrate himself may punish the crime with death , he may appoint whom he pleases to be his executioner . and the case is the same in reference to divine worship , in which there are some things of an absolute and indispensable necessity , and others of a transient and changeable obligation : thus 't is absolutely necessary every rational creature should make returns of gratitude to its creator , from which no humane power can restrain it ; but then for the outward expressions and significations of this duty , they are for the most part good or evil according to the customs and constitutions of different nations , unless in the two forementioned cases , that they either countenance vice , or disgrace the deity . but as for all other rituals , ceremonies , postures , & manners of performing the outward expressions of devotion , that are not chargeable with one or both of these , nothing can hinder their being capable of being adopted into the ministeries of divine service , or exempt them from being subject to the determinations of humane power . and thus the parallel holds in all cases between the secondary and emergent laws of morality , and the subordinate and instrumental rules of worship ; they both equally pass an obligation upon all men , to whom they are prescribed , unless they directly contradict the ends of their institution . and now from this more general consideration of the agreement between matters of meer worship and other duties of morality in reference to the power of the civil magistrate , we may proceed by some more particular accounts to discover , how his dominion over both is of equal extent , and restrain'd within the same bounds and measures ; and that in what cases soever he may exercise jurisdiction over conscience in matters of morality , in all the same he may exercise the same power in concerns of religious worship ; and on the contrary , in what cases his power over matters of religion is restrain'd , in all the same is it limited as to things of a moral nature : whence it must appear with a clear and irresistible evidence , that mens right to liberty of conscience is the same in both to all cases , niceties , and circumstances of things , and that they may as rationally challenge a freedom from the laws of justice as from those of religion , and that to grant it in either is equally destructive of all order and government , and equally tends to reduce all societies , to anarchy and confusion . chap. iii. a more particular state of the controversie , concerning the inward actions of the mind , or matters of meer conscience . the contents . mankind have a liberty of conscience over all their actions , whether moral or strictly religious , as far as it concerns their iudgments , but not their practices . of the nature of christian liberty . it relates to our thoughts , and not to our actions . it may be preserved inviolable under outward restraints . christian liberty consists properly in the restauration of the mind of man to its natural priviledge from the yoke of the ceremonial law. the substantial part of religious worship is internal , and out of the reach of the civil magistrate . external worship is no part of religion . it is and must be left undetermined by the law of god. sacrifices the most antient expressions of outward worship were purely of humane institution . though their being expiatory depended upon a positive law of god , yet their most proper and original vse , viz. to express the significations of a grateful mind , depended on the wills of men. of their first original among the heathens . the reason why god prescribed the particular rites and ceremonies of outward worship to the iews . vnder the christian dispensation he has left the disposal of outward worship to the power and discretion of the church . the impertinency of mens clamours against significant ceremonies , when 't is the only use of ceremonies to be significant . the signification of all ceremonies equally arbitrary . the signification of ceremonies is of the same nature with that of words . and men may as well be offended at the one as the other . § 1. first then , let all matters of meer conscience , whether purely moral or religious , be subject to conscience meerly , i. e. let men think of things according to their own perswasions , and assert the freedom of their judgments against all the powers of the earth . this is the prerogative of the mind of man within its own dominion ; its kingdom is intellectual , and seated in the thoughts , not actions of men ; and therefore no humane power does , or can prescribe to any mans opinions and secret thoughts , but men will think as they please in spight of all their decrees , and the understanding will remain free when every thing else is bound . and this sovereignty of conscience is no entrenchment upon that of princes : because 't is concern'd only in such matters as are of a quite different nature from their affairs , and gives no restraint to their commanding power over the actions of men ; for meer opinion , whilst such , has no influence upon the good or evil of humane society , that is the proper object of government ; and therefore as long as our thoughts are secret , and lock'd up within our own breasts , they are out of the reach of all humane power . but as for matters that are not confined within the territories of meer conscience , but come forth into outward action , and appear in the societies of men , there is no remedy but they must be subject to the cognizance of humane laws , and come within the verge of humane power ; because by these societies subsist , and humane affairs are transacted . and therefore it concerns those , whose office it is to secure the peace and tranquillity of mankind , to govern and manage them in order to the publick good. so that 't is but a vain and frivolous pretence , when men plead with so much noise and clamour for the sacred and inviolable rights of conscience , and apparently invade or infringe the magistrates power , by submitting its commands to the authority of every subjects conscience ; because the commands of lawful authority are so far from invading its proper liberty , that they cannot reach it , in that 't is seated in that part of man , of whose transactions the civil power can take no cognizance . all humane authority and jurisdiction extends no farther than mens outward actions , these are the proper object of all their laws : whereas liberty of conscience is internal and invisible , and confined to the minds and judgments 〈◊〉 men ; and whilst conscience acts within its proper sphere , that civil power is so far from doing it violence , that it never can . but when this great and imperious faculty passes beyond its own peculiar bounds , and would invade the magistrates authority by exercising an unaccountable dominion within his territories , or by venting such wild opinions among his subjects , as he apprehends to tend to the disturbance of the publick peace , then does it concern him to give check to its proceedings as much as to all other invasions ; for the care of the publick good being his duty , as well as interest , it cannot but be in his power to restrain or permit actions , as they are conducible to that end. mankind therefore have the same natural right to liberty of conscience in matters of religious worship , as in affairs of justice and honesty , i. e. a liberty of iudgment , but not of practice ; they have an inviolable freedom to examine the goodness of all laws moral and ecclesiastical , and to judge of them by their suitableness to the natural reasons of good and evil : but as for the practice and all outward actions either of virtue or devotion , they are equally governable by the laws and constitutions of common-wealths ; and men may with the same pretences of reason challenge an exemption from all humane laws in matters of common honesty upon the score of the freedom of their consciences , as they plead a liberty from all authority in duties of religious worship upon the same account ; because they have a freedom of judgment in both , but of practice in neither . § 2. and upon the reasonableness of this principle is founded the duty ( or rather priviledge ) of christian liberty , viz. to assert the freedom of the mind of man , as far as 't is not inconsistent with the government of the world , in that a sincere and impartial use of our own understandings , is the first and fundamental duty of humane nature . hence it is , that the divine providence is so highly solicitous not to have it farther restrained than needs must ; and therefore in all matters of pure speculation it leaves the mind of man entirely free to judge of the truth and falshood of things , and will not suffer it to be usurp'd upon by any authority whatsoever : and whatsoever opinion any man entertains of things of this nature , he injures no man by it , and therefore no man can have any reason to commence any quarrel with him for it ; every man here judges for himself , and not for others , and matters of meer opinion having no reference to the publick , there is no need of any publick judgment to determine them . but as for those actions that are capable of having any influence upon the publick good or ill of mankind , though they are liable to the determinations of the publick laws , yet the law of god will not suffer them to be determin'd farther than is requisite to the ends of government : and in those very things in which it has granted the civil magistrate a power over the practices of men , it permits them not to exercise any authority over their judgments , but leaves them utterly free to judge of them as far as they are objects of meer opinion , and relate not to the common interest of mankind . and hence , though the commands of our lawful superiours may change indifferent things into necessary duties , yet they cannot restrain the liberty of our minds from judging things thus determin'd to remain in their own nature indifferent : and the reason of our obligation to do them is not fetcht from any antecedent necessity in themselves , but from the supervening commands of authority , to which obedience in all things lawful is a necessary duty . so that christian liberty , or the inward freedom of our judgments may be preserved inviolable under the restraints of the civil magistrate , which are outward , and concern only the actions , not judgments of men ; because the outward determination to one particular rather than another does not abrogate the inward indifferency of the thing it self ; and the duty of our acting according to the laws arises not from any opinion of the necessity of the thing it self , but either from some emergent and changeable circumstances of order and decency , or from a sense of the absolute indispensableness of the duty of obedience . therefore the whole affair of christian liberty relates only to our inward judgment of things ; and provided this be kept inviolate , it matters not ( as to that concern ) what restraints are laid upon our cutward actions . in that though the gospel has freed our consciences from the power of things , yet it has not from that of government ; we are free from the matter , but not from the authority of humane laws ; and as long as we obey the determinations of our superiours with an opinion of the indifferency of the things themselves , we retain the power of our christian liberty , and are still free as to the matter of the law , though not as to the duty of obedience . § 3. neither is this prerogative of our christian liberty so much any new favour granted in the gospel , as the restauration of the mind of man to its natural priviledge , by exempting us from the yoke of the ceremonial law , whereby things in themselves indifferent were tied upon the conscience with as indispensable an obligation , as the rules of essential goodness & equity , during the whole period of the mosaick dispensation ; which being cancell'd by the gospel , those indifferent things , that had been made necessary by a divine positive command , return'd to their own nature , to be used or omitted only as occasion should direct . and upon this account was it that st. paul , though he were so earnest an assertor of his christian liberty against the doctrine of the necessity of jewish ceremonies , never scrupled to use them , when ever he thought it serviceable to the interests of christianity ; as is apparent in his circumcision of timothy , to which he would never have condescended out of observation of the mosaick law , and yet did not in the least scruple to do it for other purposes as prudence and discretion should direct him . and though in his discourses of christian liberty he instances only in circumcision , meats and drinks , and other ceremonial ordinances , which were then the particulars most in dispute between the christians and the jews ; yet by the clearest analogy of reason the case is the same as to the judicial law , and all other things commanded by moses , that were not either rules of eternal goodness , or expresly establish'd in the gospel : this being its clearest and most important design , to reprieve mankind from all the burdensome and arbitrary impositions of moses , that were scarce capable of any other goodness than their being instances of obedience ; and to restore us to such a religion , as was most suitable to the perfection of humane nature ; and to tye no other laws upon us , than such whose natural and intrinsick goodness should carry with them their own eternal obligation . and therefore whatsoever our superiours impose upon us , whether in matters of religious worship , or any other duties of morality , it neither is , nor can be any entrenchment upon our christian liberty , provided it be not imposed with an opinion of the antecedent necessity of the thing it self . § 4. now the design of what i have discoursed upon this article of christian liberty , is not barely to shew the manifest impertinency of all those little objections men force from it against the civil magistrates jurisdiction over the outward concerns of religion ; whereas this relates entirely to things of a quite different nature , and is only concern'd in the inward actions of the mind : but withal my purpose is mainly , by exempting all internal acts of the soul from the empire of humane laws , to shew that religion , properly so called , is of all virtues the least obnoxious to the abuse of government , in that the whole substance of religious worship is transacted within the mind of man , and dwells in our hearts and thoughts beyond the reach of princes ; the soul is its proper seat and temple , and there men may worship their god as they please , without offending their prince . for the essence of religious worship consists in nothing else but a grateful sense and temper of mind towards the divine goodness , and so can reside in those faculties only that are capable of being affected with gratitude and veneration : and as for all that concerns external worship , 't is no part of religion it self , but only an instrument to express the inward veneration of the mind by some outward action or posture of the body . upon which account it is that the divine wisdom has so little concern'd it self to prescribe any particular forms of divine service ; for though the christian laws command us by some exteriour signs to express our interiour piety , yet they have no where set down any particular expressions of worship and adoration . and indeed the exteriour significations of honour being so changeable according to the variety of customs and places , there could be no particular forms or fashions prescribed : for so some would have been obliged to signifie their honourable sentiments of god by marks of scorn and dishonour ; because those fashions and postures which in some places are indications of respect , are to others signs of contempt . so mad and seditious is the humour of those men , who brand all those forms of divine service , that are not expresly enjoyn'd in the holy volume , with the odious titles of superstition and will-worship ; and so in one sentence condemn all the churches in the world , seeing there is not any one that has not peculiar rites and customs of its own , that were never prescribed nor practised by our saviour or his apostles . and in all ages of the world god has left the management of his outward worship to the discretion of men , unless when to determine some particular forms has been useful to some other purposes . § 5. the ancientest and most universally practised way of expressing divine worship and adoration , was by offering of sacrifices ; those first ages of the world conceiving it a proper and natural way of acknowledging their entire dependence upon , and gratitude towards god , by publickly presenting him with a portion of the best and most precious things they had : and god was well-pleased with them , not because he at all delighted in the blood of bulls and goats , but because they were the pledges , and significations of a grateful mind . and yet this outward expression of divine worship , notwithstanding its universality and antiquity , was only made choice of by good men as a fit way of intimating the pious and grateful resentments of their minds , and cannot in the least pretend to owe its original to any divine institution , seeing there appears not any shadow of a command for it ; and to say it was commanded , though 't is no where recorded , is to take the liberty of saying any thing without proof or evidence . that indeed sacrifices became expiatory , and that the life of a beast should be accepted to redeem the life of a man , depended purely upon positive institution , lev. 17. 11. for the life of the flesh is in the blood , and i have given it to you upon the altar to make an atonement for your souls ; for 't is the blood that maketh an atonement for the soul. now it was a matter of meer grace and favour in god to exchange the blood of a beast for the blood of a man , which was really forfeited for every transgression of that law , that was establish'd upon no less sanction than the threatning of death . in which commutation of the forfeiture was an equal mixture of the divine mercy and severity , hereby he at once signified his hatred to sin , and his compassion to sinners ; in that though he might have remitted the offence without exacting the penalty , yet to shew his implacable hatred against sin , and withal the more to affright men from its commission , he would never remit its guilt without some sort of recompence and expiation . but setting aside this positive institution of sacrifices and consumptive oblations , their prime and natural use was only to express the significations of a grateful mind , as sufficiently appears not only in the religion of the ancient jews , but heathens too . among whom the first and earliest footsteps of the worship of god appear in their harvest sacrifices and oblations , when they presented the deity with a parcel of their annual returns in acknowledgment of his bounty and providence : crying harvest-in was their most solemn , and most ancient festival , arist. nicomach . l. 8. c. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the ancient sacrifices and festival meeting appear to have been at first instituted upon the ingathering of their fruits , such were the offering of their first-fruits : which was a decent and sutable way of acknowledging their homage and gratitude to their supreme lord ; and had they not been directed to a wrong deity ( as probably they were to the sun ) they might have been no less pleasing to the almighty , than cornelius's alms and devotions : because god is no respecter of persons , but in every nation he that feareth him , and worketh righeousness , is accepted with him . § 6. in the mosaick dispensation indeed god took special care to prescribe the particular rites and ceremonies of his worship , not so much by reason of the necessity of the thing it self , as because of the sottishness and stupidity of that age ; in that all the religions in the world were lamentably degenerated into the most sordid and idolatrous superstition , and the jewish nation were sottishly addicted to the absurd customs of their neighbours ; and therefore the divine wisdom enjoyn'd them the most contrary usages , as a fence to keep them from passing over to the religion of the gentiles . but when mankind was grown up to a riper understanding , and could discern that religion was something else beside customs and ceremonies ; then did god cancel the old discipline of the law , and by the ministry of iesus christ establish'd a more manly and rational dispensation ; in which as he has been more solicitous to acquaint us with the main and fundamental affairs of religion , so has he scarce at all concern'd himself in exteriour rites and significations ( having instituted only two , viz. the two sacraments that are distinguish'd from all other ceremonies , by their being federal and peculiarly significative of the covenant between god and man , seal'd by the first , renewed and confirmed by the second ) but as for all other rites and ceremonies of external service , he has left their entire disposal to the power and discretion of the church it self , knowing that as long as men had wit and reason enough to manage the civil affairs of common-wealths , they could not want prudence to judge what circumstances were conducive to order and decency in publick worship . and if we take a survey of all the forms of divine service practised in the christian church , there is not any of them can so much as pretend to be appointed in the word of god , but depend on the authority of the civil power in the same manner as all customs and laws of civil government do . and therefore to quarrel with those forms of publick worship , that are established by authority , only because they are humane institutions , is at once notorious schism and rebellion : for where a religion is establish'd by the laws , whoever openly refuses obedience , plainly rebels against the government , rebellion being properly nothing else but an open denial of obedience to the civil power . nor can men of this principle live peaceably in any church in christendom , in that there is not a church in the world , that has not peculiar rites and customs and laws of government and discipline . § 7. but of this i shall have occasion to account elsewhere , and shall rather chuse to observe here , from what i have discoursed of the use and nature of outward worship , the prodigious impertinency of that clamour some men have for so many years kept up against the institution of significant ceremonies ; when 't is the only use of ceremonies , as well as all other outward expressions of religion , to be significant : in that all worship is only an outward sign of inward honour , and is indifferently perform'd either by words or actions ; for respect may as well be signified by deeds , and postures , and visible solemnities as by solemn expressions : thus to approach the divine majesty with such gestures as are wont to betoken reverence and humility , is as proper a piece of worship , as to celebrate his greatness by solemn praises : and to offer sacrifices and oblations , was among the ancients the same sort of worship as to return thanksgivings , they being both equally outward signs of inward love and gratitude . and therefore there can be no more exception against the signification of ceremonies than of words , seeing this is the proper office of both in the worship of god. and as all forms , and ceremonies , and outward actions of external worship are in a manner equally significant , so are they equally arbitrary ; only some happen to be more universally practised , and others to be confined to some particular times and places : kneeling , lying prostrate , being bare-headed , lifting up the hands or eyes , are not more naturally significant of worship and adoration than putting off the shoes , bowing the head , or bending the body ; and if some are more generally used than others , that proceeds not from their natural significancy , but from custom and casual prescriptions : and to bow the body , when we mention the name of iesus , is as much a natural signification of honour to his person , as kneeling , or being bare-headed , or lifting up the hands or eyes , when we offer up our prayers to him . but if all outward actions become to betoken honour by institution , then whatsoever outward signs are appointed by the common-wealth , unless they are customary marks of contempt , and so carry in them some antecedent vndecency , are proper signs of worship ; for if actions are made significant by agreement , those are most so whose signification is ratified by publick consent . § 8. so that all the magistrates power of instituting significant ceremonies , amounts to no more than a power of determining what shall or shall not be visible signs of honour , and this certainly can be no more usurpation upon the consciences of men , than if the sovereign authority should take upon it self ( as some princes have done ) to define the signification of words . for as words do not naturally denote those things which they are used to represent , but have their import stampt upon them by consent and institution , and and may , if men would agree to it among themselves , be made marks of things quite contrary to what they now signifie : so the same gestures and actions are indifferently capable of signifying either honour or contumely ; and therefore that they may have a certain and setled meaning , 't is necessary their signification should be determined : and unless this be done either by some positive command , or publick consent , or some other way , there can be no such thing as publick worship in the world , in that its proper end and usefulness is to express mens agreement in giving honour to the divine majesty : and therefore unless the signs by which this honour is signified be publick and uniform , 't is not publick worship , because there is no publick signification of honour . so far is it from being unlawful for governours to define significant ceremonies in divine worship , that it is rather necessary ; in that unless they were defined , it would cease to be publick worship : and when different men worship god by different actions , according to their different fansies , 't is not publick , but private worship ; in that they are not publick , but private signs of honour . so that uniformity in the outward actions of religious worship is of the same use , as certainty in the signification of words , because otherwise they were no publick expressions of honour . and therefore , to sum up the whole result of this discourse : if all internal actions of the soul are beyond the jurisdiction of humane power , if by them the substance of religious worship be perform'd , if all outward forms of worship have no other use , than only to be instruments to express inward religion , and if the signification of actions be of the same nature with that of words ; then when the civil magistrate takes upon him to determine any particular forms of outward worship , 't is , after all that hideous and ridiculous noise that is raised against it , of no worse consequence , than if he should go about to define the signification of all words used in the worship of god. chap. iv. of the nature of all actions intrinsecally evil , and their exemption from the authority of humane laws , against mr. hobs ; with a full confutation of his whole hypothesis of government . the contents . no magistrate can command actions internally evil. the reason hereof is , not because men are in any thing free from the supreme authority in earth , but because they are subject to a superiour in heaven . to take off all obligations antecedent to humane laws , is utterly to destroy all government . mr. hobs his hypothesis concerning the nature and original of government proposed . it s absurdity demonstrated from its inconsistency with the natural constitution of things . the principles of government are to be adapted , not to an imaginary , but to the real state of nature . this hypothesis apparently denies either the being of god , or the goodness and wisdom of providence . it irrecoverably destroys the safety of all societies of mankind in the world. it leaves us in as miserable condition under the state of government , as we were in his supposed natural state of war. it enervates all its own laws of nature , by founding the reason of their obligation upon meer self-interest . which false and absurd principle being removed , all that is base , or peculiar in the whole hypothesis , is utterly cashier'd . § 1. when any thing that is apparently and intrinsecally evil is the matter of an humane law , whether it be of a civil or ecclesiastical concern , here god is to be obeyed rather than man : no circumstances can alter the rules of prime and essential rectitude , their goodness is eternal and unchangeable . and therefore in all such actions disobedience to humane laws is so far from being a sin , that it becomes an indispensable duty . where the good or evil of an action is determined by the law of nature , no positive humane law can take off its morality ; because 't is in it self repugnant to the principles of right reason , & by consequence as unchangeable as that . and therefore if the supreme magistrate should make a law not to believe the being of god or providence , the truth of the gospel , the immortality of the soul ; that law can no more bind , than if a prince should command a man to murther his father , or to ravish his mother ; because the obligatory power of all such laws is antecedently rescinded by a stronger and more indispensable obligation . and thus has every man a natural right to be virtuous , and no authority whatsoever can deny him the liberty of acting virtuously without being guilty of the foulest tyranny and injustice : not so much because subjects are in any thing free from the authority of the supreme power on earth , as because they are subject to a superiour in heaven ; and they are only then excused from the duty of obedience to their sovereign , when they cannot give it without rebellion against god. so that it is not originally any right of their own , that exempts them from a subjection to the sovereign power in all things ; but 't is purely gods right of governing his own creatures , that magistrates then invade , when they make edicts to violate or controul his laws . and those who would take off from the consciences of men all obligations antecedent to those of humane laws , instead of making the power of princes supreme , absolute , and uncontroulable , they utterly enervate all their authority , and set their subjects at perfect liberty from all their commands . for if we once remove all the antecedent obligations of conscience and religion , men will be no further bound to submit to their laws , than only as themselves shall see convenient ; and if they are under no other restraint , it will be their wisdom to rebel as oft as it is their interest . in that the laws of superiours passing no obligation upon the consciences of subjects , they neither are , nor can be under any stronger engagements to subjection , than to preserve themselves from the penalties and inflictions of the law ; and so by consequence may despise its obligation , whenever they can hope to escape its punishment . now , how must this weaken the power , and supplant the thrones of princes , if every subject may despise their laws , or invade their sovereignty , whenever he can hope to build his own fortune upon their ruines ? how would it expose their scepters to the continual attempts of rebels and usurpers , when every one , that has strength enough to wrest it out of his princes hands , has right and title enough to hold it ? what security could princes have of their subjects loyalty , that will own their power , as long as it shall be their interest ; and when it ceases to be so , call it tyranny ? how shall they ever be secured by any promises , oaths , and covenants of allegiance , that have no other band but self-security , or hope of exemption from the penalties of the law ? will not the most sacred bonds and compacts leave them in as insecure a condition as they found them in ? in that self-advantage would have kept their subjects loyal and obedient without oaths , and nothing else will do it with them ; and therefore they can add no new obligations to that of interest : for if to perform their covenants be advantageous , they are bound to perform them by the laws of prudence and discretion without the oath as much as with it ; if disadvantageous , no oath can oblige them , in that interest and self-preservation is the only enforcement of all their covenants : and therefore when that tye happens to cease , their obligation becomes null and void , and they may observe them if they please , and if they please break them . § 2. but the vanity and groundlesness of this opinion will more fully appear , by discovering the lamentable foundation , on which it stands ; and that is a late wild hypothesis concerning the nature and original of government , which is briefly this : that the natural condition of mankind is a state and posture of war of every man against every man , in that all men being born in a condition of equality , they have all an equal right to all things ; and because all cannot enjoy all , hence every man becomes an enemy to every man : in which state of hostility there is no way for any man to secure himself so reasonable as anticipation , that is , by force or wiles to master the persons of all men he can , till he see no other power great enough to endanger himself ; so that there is no remedy but that in the state of nature all men must be obliged to seek and contrive , in order to their own security , one anothers destruction . but because in this condition mankind must for ever groan under all the miseries and calamities of war , therefore they have wisely chosen by mutual consent to enter into contracts and covenants of mutual trust , in which every man has , in order to his own security , been content to relinquish his natural and unlimited right to every thing ; and hereby they enter into a state of peace and government , in which every man engages by solemn oath and covenant to submit himself to the publick laws in order to his own private safety . so that , according to this hypothesis , there are no rules of right or wrong antecedent to the laws of the common-wealth , but all men are at absolute liberty to do as they please ; and how cruel soever they may be to one another , they can never be injurious , there being nothing just or unjust but what is made so by the laws of the society , to which all its members covenant to submit when they enter into it . this hypothesis , as odde as it is , is become the standard of our modern politicks ; by which men , that pretend to understand the real laws of wisdom and subtlety , must square their actions ; and therefore is swallowed down , with as much greediness as an article of faith , by the wild and giddy people of the age. and of the reality of it none can doubt but fops and raw-brain'd fellows , that understand nothing of the world , or the complexion of humane nature . now 't is but labour in vain to go about to confute the phantastick theory of things , only by demonstrating the groundlesness of the conceit ; it being the fashion and humour of those men i have to do with , to embrace any hypothesis how precarious soever , if it do but serve the purposes of baseness and irreligion : and therefore i shall not content my self with barely proving the weakness of its foundation , but shall confute and shame it too , by shewing it to be palpably false , absurd , and mischievous from these ensuing considerations . § 3. first then the hypothesis , which he lays as the basis of all his discourse , is infinitely false and absurd : for what can be more incongruous , than to proceed upon the supposal of such a state of nature as never was , nor ever shall be ; and is so far from being sutable to the natural frame of things , that 't is absolutely inconsistent with it ? and though philosophers are so civil among themselves ( with how much reason i now determine not ) as to allow one another the liberty , when they frame theories and hypotheses of things , to suppose some precarious principles ; yet are they never so fond as to grant such fundamental suppositions , as are apparently false and incongruous , and repugnant to the real state of things : or if any will take upon them that unwarrantable liberty of invention , yet however it would be monstrously impertinent to lay down their own lamentable fictions , as the fundamental reasons of the truth , and reality of things . and yet with this gross and inexcusable absurdity is this hypothesis most notoriously chargeable . for when it has once supposed ( without ever attempting to prove it ) that the state of nature is a state of war , and that by nature all men have a right to all things , and come into the world without any obligations to mutual justice and honesty , it from thence concludes : that in a bare state of nature there can be no right and wrong ; that what mischiefs soever men may do to each other , they can do no injuries ; that the first reason and foundation of all natural right is self-preservation , and that in pursuance of this principle men enter into societies , bind themselves to an observance of the laws of justice and natural equity by mutual bonds and covenants , and think themselves engaged to observe them only in order to self-interest . so that if we remove this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this fundamental falshood , that the state of nature is a state of war and anarchy , all the subsequent propositions will immediately appear to be as groundless , as they are unreasonable ; and there will not remain the least shadow of reason to believe private interest , the only reason of right and wrong , or the first and fundamental law of nature ; and this authors city will appear to stand upon no firmer foundation than a fable and a falshood ; and his hypothesis so grosly absurd and incongruous , as would be highly blameable in the contrivance of a dramatick plot. but if , instead of conforming the principles of justice and government to this false and imaginary state of the world , we take a serious view of the true and real posture of the nature of things ; the dictates of reason that must naturally result from thence , will be as contrary to some of those this author hath assign'd , as the natural state of things is to this imaginary one : namely , that there was a first cause of humane kind , and that this first cause is a being endued with goodness and equity ; and therefore that when he made mankind , he design'd their welfare and felicity ; and by consequence created them in such a condition , in which they might acquire it . all men therefore having by the divine appointment a common right and title to happiness , which cannot be obtain'd without society , nor society subsist without mutual aids of love and friendship , because we are not self-sufficient , but stand in need of mutual assistances ; from hence it follows , that as every man is obliged to act for his own good , so also to aim at the common good of mankind , because without this the natural right that every individual man has to happiness , cannot possibly be obtain'd ; so that there will plainly arise from the constitution of humane nature an essential iustice , that demands of every man offices of love and kindness to others as well as to himself ; in that without this that common welfare and happiness , which nature , or rather that divine providence that made it , design'd for all and every individual of mankind , must become utterly unattainable . and hence the sole fountain of all the mischiefs and miseries in the world is excess of unreasonable self-love , and neglect of all other interests but our own ; and all such , as separate their own concerns from the common interest , are the profess'd enemies of mankind : and therefore 't is the only aim of all the just laws and wise philosophy in the world , to assign reasonable allowances between self-love and society . and if all men would be just , and impartial between themselves and the publick , i. e. all others , there would be no use of laws nor judges , this being the only office of publick justice , to balance every mans private interest . well then , because there is an absolute necessity that the government of the world must be suited to , and established upon the natural condition of humane nature ; hence it is , that it is made as natural to the being , as 't is necessary to the preservation of mankind ; and that as we cannot subsist , so neither can we be born out of society , he that made us , having made this our natural condition , that we could not possibly come into the world but under a state of government , all children being actually as soon as born under the power and authority of their parents : and therefore as mankind cannot continue without propagation , so neither can propagation without government ; and to be a subject is as natural upon being born , as to be a man. now 't is certain , that that only can be accounted the state of nature that was made and design'd by the author of nature ( for if it be not suitable to that order and condition of things , that he has establish'd , 't is preternatural . ) and therefore seeing he did not create multitudes of men together out of each others power , and in a state of war and hostility , but begun the race of humane kind in a single person , by whom the community of men was to be propagated , that must be the state of nature in which it was at first founded , and by which it is still continued : but if men will feign such an imaginary state of nature as is utterly contradictory to the real , and then , upon such an unnatural frame of affairs , establish our natural rights ; 't is no wonder if they prove contrary to our common interests , seeing they are suited to a contrary state of things . § 4. secondly , no man can seriously embrace this hypothesis , that does not firmly believe either ( 1. ) that there never was any author of humane nature , but that a multitude of men hapned by chance to arise like mushromes out of the earth altogether , who out of diffidence and jealousie one of another for want of acquaintance shun'd society , and withdrew like all other beasts of prey into dens and secret retirements , where they lived poor and solitary as bats and owls , and subsisted like vermine by robbing and filching from one another ; till finding this way of living lamentably unsafe and uneasie , every man being always upon the guard against every man , and in continual fear and danger from the whole community , they grew weary of this forlorn and comfortless way of living ; and thence some that were more wise , or more cowardly than others , when they chanced to meet in their wild rangings after prey , instead of belabouring one another with snagsticks , and beating out each others brains , made signs of parley , and so began to treat of terms of mutual peace and assistance , and so by degrees to win others into their party , till they hearded together in small rendezvouses , like the little common-wealths of the savage americans , which in process of time grew up into larger societies , from whence at length came the different nations and governments of the world. but if this fortuitous original of humane nature be too absurd and ridiculous to be asserted , then ( 2. ) it must be supposed , that there was a first author and creator of mankind : and if there were , then whoever believes this hypothesis , must withal believe that he contrived things so ill , that unless his creatures had by chance been more provident than himself , they must of necessity have perish'd as soon as they were made ; and therefore that the well-being of the world is to be entirely attributed to mans wit , and not to gods providence , who sent his creatures into it in such a condition as should oblige them to seek their own mutual ruine and destruction ; so that had they continued in that state of war he left them in , they must have lived and died like gladiators , and have unavoidably perish'd at one time or other by one anothers swords ; and therefore that mankind owe the comfort of their lives not at all to their creator , but entirely to themselves ; forasmuch as the very laws of nature , whereby , according to this hypothesis , the world is preserved , were not establish'd by the divine providence ; but are only so many rules of art , being , as all other maximes of prudence and policy are , inventions of humane wit , and suppose man not in the natural state and posture of war , in which god left him , but in a preternatural one of his own contriving . but certainly the deity that made us , if we suppose him good , made us not to be miserable ; for so we must unavoidably have been in a perpetual state of war : and therefore to suppose he both made and left us in that condition , is directly to deny our creators goodness . and then if we suppose him wise , we cannot imagine he would frame a creation to destroy it self ; unless we can believe his only design was to sport himself in the folly and madness of his creatures , by beholding them by all the ways of force and fraud to conspire their own mutual destruction : and therefore if the creation of man were a product of the divine wisdom or goodness , his natural state must have been a condition of peace , and not such a state of war that should naturally tend to his misery , ruine , and utter destruction . § 5. ( 3. ) this hypothesis irrecoverably destroys the safety of all societies of mankind in the world : for if personal safety and private interest be the only foundation of all the laws of nature or principles of equity , i. e. if men endeavour peace , and enter into contracts of mutual trust , if they invade not the proprieties of others , if they think themselves obliged to promote the good of the society , if they submit themselves to the laws of the common-wealth , if they practise justice , equity , mercy , and all other virtues , if they refrain from cruelty , pride , revenge , and all other vices , only to secure their own personal safety and interest ; then whenever this obligation ceases , all the ties to justice and equity , that derive all their force and reason from it , must also cease ; and when any single person can hope to advance his own private interest by the ruine of the publick , it will be lawful for him to effect it ; and war , rebellion , and injuries will be at least as innocent as faith , justice , and obedience ; because these are good only in order to private interest , and therefore when those chance to be as conducive to it , they will then be as just and lawful . so that this single principle does as effectually work the subversion of all government , as if men were taught the most professed principles of rebellion , as , that all government is tyranny and usurpation ; that his majesties possession of the crown is his best title ; that whoever has wit or strength enough to wrest his scepter from him , has right to hold it . for as men of these and the like perswasions will never act them , but when opportunity invites ; and will be obedient to any government , till they can destroy it : so will those other rebel , as soon as they think it their interest . for when ever they can hope to mend their fortunes by rebellion , the same obligation , that restrain'd them from it , does now as forcibly invite them to it , that is self-interest , i. e. they cannot but think rebellion lawful , as oft as they think it safe . and there are no villains so mad or foolish as to attempt it upon other grounds . so that , though this author has assign'd us some not unuseful laws of nature , yet has he effectually enervated their force and usefulness , by resolving the reason of their obligation into self-interest ; and so laying the fundamental principles of all injustice , as the only foundation of all the rules of justice : for as 't is the nature and office of justice to maintain the common right of all , and to secure my neighbours happiness as well as my own ; so the formal obliquity of all injustice lies in pursuing of a private interest without regard to the common good of all and every member of the society . and therefore if private interest be the only reason and enforcement of the laws of nature , men will have no other motive to obey their constitutions , than what will as strongly oblige to break them ; i. e. if men are just and honest for no other reason than because 't is their interest , then when 't is their interest , they may ( and if they are wise will ) be unjust and dishonest . and so men that owne the laws of 〈…〉 this principle may be villains , 〈…〉 of all their restraints ; and the most lewd and profligate wretches will , as well as they , be just or unjust , as it serves their turns . for this principle , that engages men to be honest only as long as they must , will as effectually oblige them to be rogues as soon as they can . § 6. so that according to this hypothesis , mankind is left in as ill a condition after they have by pacts and covenants united into societies , and a state of peace , as they were in their natural state of war. for all covenants of mutual trust are ( according to its own rules ) in the state of nature invalid ; because under that men are under no obligations of justice and honesty to one another , and have no other measure of their actions but their interest ; and therefore as that might invite them in some circumstances to enter into bonds and contracts , so it may in others to break them . so that in the state of government all their promises , oaths , and contracts will prove as ineffectual as in the state of nature : partly , because the force of all contracts , made in the state of government , ariseth from the validity of the first compact , that was made in the state of nature ; that is , in that state in which it could have no validity ; partly , because they have no other tye but that of self-interest , and so can lay no other obligation upon us to observe them , than they might have done before . and therefore if mankind be once supposed in this natural state of war , they can never be delivered from it ; and after they have enter'd into covenants of peace , they would remain as much as before in a posture of war , and be subject to all the same dangers and miseries , that would have annoyed them if they had continued in their natural state . for if justice and fidelity be not supposed to be the law and duty of our natures , no covenants are of power enough to bring us under any obligation to them . now , having thus clearly blown up the foundations of this hypothesis , 't were but labour in vain to make particular enquiries into all the flaws and follies of its superstructures , seeing they must of necessity stand and fall together ; for if its subsequent propositions be coherently deduced from these fundamental principles , all the evidence and certainty they can pretend to , depends on them ; and therefore the premisses being once convicted of falshood , all pretences to truth in the conclusions must necessarily vanish . and if any of them happen to be true and rational , 't is not by vertue of these , but other principles . thus though the laws of nature , he assigns , may be useful to the ends of government and happiness of mankind ; yet , because upon those grounds , on which he assigns them , they would be no laws , that alone is sufficient evidence of the errour and vanity of his whole hypothesis ; seeing how good soever they may be in themselves , yet upon the principles , and in the method , in which he proposes them , they are of no force . in that self-interest being the only reason of their obligation , the interests of civil society come thereby to be no better secured with , than without them : because if they were not in force by vertue of any compact , all men would chuse to act according to them , when they thought it advantageous ; and when they have the utmost force his principles can give them , no man would think they obliged him , when ever he apprehended them disadvantageous . so that this malignant principle of meer self-interest running through the whole systeme , and twisting it self with every branch of his morality , it does not only eat out , and enervate its native life and vigour , but withal envenoms their natural truth and soundness with its own malignity . which principle being removed , and that influence it hath on other parts of this hypothesis being prevented , and withal the foundation on which it stands ruin'd , viz. his absurd and imaginary state of nature , we have perhaps cashier'd all that is either base or peculiar in it , and restored the true accounts of natural justice and right reason , viz. that all men have a natural right to happiness from the very design of their creation , that this cannot be acquired without mutual aids and friendships ; and therefore right reason dictates , that every man should have some concern for his neighbour , as well as himself : because this is made necessary to the welfare of the world by the natural state of things , and by this mutual exchange of love and kindness men support one another in the comforts of humane life . chap. v. a confutation of the consequences that some men draw from mr. hobs's principles in behalf of liberty of conscience . the contents . how a belief of the imposture of all religions is become the most powerful and fashionable argument for the toleration of all . though religion were a cheat , yet because the world cannot be govern'd without it ; they are the most mischievous enemies to government that tell the world it is so . religion is useful or dangerous in a state , as the temper of mind it breeds is peaceable or turbulent . the dread of invisible powers is not of it self sufficient to awe people into subjection , but tends more probably to tumults and seditions . this largely proved by the ungovernableness of the principles and tempers of some sects . fanaticism is as natural to the common people , as folly and ignorance ; and yet is more mischievous to government , than vice and debauchery . how the fanaticks of all nations and religions agree in the same principles of sedition . to permit different sects of religion in a common-wealth , is only to keep up so many incurable pretences and occasions of publick disturbance . the corrupt passions and humours of men make toleration infinitely unsafe . toleration only cried up by opprest parties , because it gives them opportunity to overturn the settled frame of things . every man that desires indulgence is engaged by his principles to endeavour changes and alterations . a bare indulgence of men in any religion , different from the establish'd way of worship , does but exasperate them against the state. § 1. and now the reason , why i have thus far pursued this principle , is , because 't is become the most powerful patron of the fanatick interest ; and a belief of the indifferency , or rather imposture of all religion , is now made the most effectual ( not to say most fashionable ) argument for liberty of conscience . for when men have once swallowed this principle , that mankind is free from all obligations antecedent to the laws of the common-wealth , and that the will of the sovereign power is the only measure of good and evil ; they proceed suitably to its consequences , to believe , that no religion can obtain the force of a law , till 't is establish'd for such by supreme authority ; that the holy scriptures were not laws to any man , till they were enjoyned by the christian magistrate ; that no man is under any obligation to assent to their truth , unless the governours of the common-wealth require it ; and that setting aside their commands , 't is no sin to believe our blessed saviour a villanous and lewd impostor ; and that , if the sovereign power would declare the alcoran to be canonical scripture , it would be as much the word of god as the four gospels . leviath . p. 3. c. 33. for if sovereigns in their own dominions are the sole legislators , then those books only are canonical , that is law , in every nation , which are established for such by the sovereign authority . so that all religions are in reality nothing but cheats and impostures , and at best but so many tales of imaginary and invisible powers , publickly allowed and encouraged , to awe the common people to obedience . leviath . p. 1. c. 12. who are betrayed into it by these four follies , a false opinion of ghosts and immaterial substances , that neither are , nor ever can be ; ignorance of second causes , devotion towards what men groundlesly fear ; and mistaking things casual for divine prognosticks . in brief , all religion is nothing but a cheat of policy , and was at first invented by the founders and legislators of common-wealths , and by them obtruded upon the credulous rabble for the ends of government . and therefore , though princes may wisely make use of the fables of religion to serve their own turns upon the silly multitude , yet 't is below their wisdom to be seriously concern'd themselves for such fooleries ; so that , provided their subjects will befool themselves with any one imposture , 't is not material which they single out ; in that all religions equally oblige to the belief of invisible powers , which is all that is requisite to the designs of policy . and as long as a prince can keep up any apprehensions of religion in the minds of his subjects , 't is no policy to disoblige and exasperate any of them , by interessing his power for one party more than another , and by forcing all other sects against their own inclinations to conform their belief to the perswasions of one faction ; but rather to endear them all to himself , by indulging them their liberty in their different follies : and so he may with more ease secure his government by abusing all , and yet disobliging none . § 2. in answer to this objection , 't is not material to my present purpose largely to examine & refute these wild and extravagant pretences , by asserting the truth and divine authority of religion , and giving a rational account of the grounds and principles , on which it stands : only let me observe that this discourse lies under no less prejudice than this , that if any of the principles of religion be true , then is all these mens policy false : but waving this too great advantage , i shall content my self only to discover of what noisom and pernicious consequence such principles are to the common-wealth , though it were granted that all religion were nothing but imposture . and this i shall do ( without reminding the reader how i have already prevented this objection in the first part of the discourse , when i shew'd what good or bad influence upon the state mens perswasions about religion have ) by these four ensuing considerations . first , then methinks his majesty is bound to con these men thanks for endeavouring to render the truth of religion suspected , and to possess mens minds with apprehensions of its being false ; whereby they effectually rob him of the best security of his crown , and strongest inducements of obedience to his laws . there being for certain nothing so absolutely necessary to the reverence of government , the peace of societies , and common interests of mankind , as a sense of conscience and religion : this is the strongest bond of laws , and only support of government ; without it the most absolute and unlimited powers in the world must be for ever miserably weak and precarious , and lie always at the mercy of every subjects passion and private interest . for when the obligations of conscience and religion are cashier'd , men can have no higher inducements to loyalty and obedience , than the considerations of their own private interest and security ; and then wherever these happen to fail , and interest and advantage invite to disobedience , men may do as they please : and when they have power to shake off authority , they have right too ; and a prosperous usurper shall have as fair a title to his crown as the most lawful prince ; all government will be founded upon force and violence , and kings nothing but terrible men with long swords . but when the ties of conscience are superinduced upon those of secular interest , this extends the power of princes to the hearts of their subjects , and secures them as much from the very thoughts , as attempts of treason . for nothing so strongly influences the minds of men , or so authoritatively commands their passions and inclinations , as religion ; forasmuch as no fears are ( not only to the considerate part of mankind , but to the ruder sort ) so vehement as those of hell , nor hopes so active as those of heaven : and therefore the commands of religion being back'd with such mighty sanctions , they must needs have infinitely more force to awe or allure the minds of men to a compliance , than any secular interests . whereas those men that think themselves above the follies of conscience , and either believe or regard not the evils threatned hereafter ( an attainment to which these our modern politicians do not blush to pretend , though it be but an odde piece of policy openly to owne and proclaim it ) must make their present interest the rule and measure of all their actions ; and can have no other obligation to obey their lawful superiours in what they command , than they have to disobey them , viz. their own security and self-preservation . whereas if these men lived under the restraints of conscience , and the serious apprehensions of religion , and believed the laws of their prince to be bound upon them by the laws of god , and that under the threatnings of everlasting misery ; their loyalty would be tied upon them by all that men can either hope or fear , and they would have all the engagements to obedience that the serious reflections upon a happy or miserable eternity could lay upon them . but if the principles of government have so essential a dependence upon those of religion , if nothing be powerful enough to secure obedience but the hopes and fears of another life , if all humane laws have their main force and efficacy from the apprehensions of religion , if oaths , promises , and covenants , and whatsoever else whereby civil societies are upheld , are made firm by nothing but the bonds of religion ; then let authority judge , how much it is beholden to those men , who labour to bring it into publick disreputation , and to possess their subjects with an opinion of its falshood : whereby they not only set them loose from their authority , but enrage them against it , by perswading them they are governed by cheats and impostures , and that the magistrate builds his dominion upon their folly and simplicity , there being nothing more hateful to mankind than to be imposed upon : so that though religion were a cheat , they are apparently the greatest enemies to government , that tell the world it is so . § 3. but secondly , nothing more concerns the interest of the civil magistrate , than to take care , what particular doctrines of religion are taught within his dominions ; because some are peculiarly advantageous to the ends of government , and others as naturally tending to its disturbance : some incline the minds of men to candour , moderation , and ingenuity , and work them to a gentle and peaceable temper , by teaching humility , charity , meekness , and obedience : now 't is the interest of princes to cherish and propagate such doctrines among their subjects , that will make them not only quiet , but useful in the common-wealth . but others there are that infect the minds of men with pride , peevishness , malice , spight , and envy ; that incline them to delight in detracting from princes , and speaking reproachfully of government , and breed in them such restless and seditious tempers , that 't is next to an impossibility for any prince to please or oblige them . now , as for such perverse and arrogant sects of men , it certainly concers governours to suppress them as so many routs of traytors and rebels . religion then is either useful or dangerous in a common-wealth , as the temper of mind it breeds is peaceable or turbulent : and as there is nothing more serviceable to the interests of government , so there is nothing more mischievous : and therefore nothing more concerns princes , than to take care what doctrines are taught within their dominions . for seeing religion has , and will have the strongest influence upon the minds of men ; when that renders them averse and troublesom to government , 't is that all the power nor policy in the world can keep them peaceable , till such perswasions are rooted out of their minds by severity of laws and penalties . and , as long as men think themselves obliged , upon pain of damnation , to disobedience and sedition , not any secular threatnings and inflictions are of force enough to bridle the exorbitances of conscience . there is not any vice so incident to the common people as superstition , nor any so mischievous . 't is infinitely evident from the histories and records of all ages and nations , that there is nothing so vicious or absurd but may pass for religion , and ( what is worse ) the more wild and giddy conceits of religion are ever suckt in by the multitude with the greatest passion and eagerness ; and there is no one thing in the world so difficult , as to bring the common people to true notions of god and his worship ; insomuch that 't is no paradox to affirm , that religion ( i. e. what is mistaken for it ) has been one of the greatest principles of mischief and wickedness in the world. and if so , then certainly nothing requires so much care and prudence in the civil magistrate , as its due conduct and management . so that the dread of invisible powers is of it self no more serviceable to awe the people into subjection , then to drive them into tumults and confusions ; and if it chance to be accompanied ( as it easily may ) with tumultuous and seditious perswasions , 't is an invincible obligation to villany and rebellion . and therefore it must needs above all things concern princes , to look to the doctrines and articles of mens belief ; seeing 't is so great odds that they prove of dangerous consequence to the publick peace : and in that case , the apprehensions of a deity , and a world to come , makes their danger almost irresistible . sect. 4. there are some sects whose principles , and some persons whose tempers will not suffer them to live peaceable in any common-wealth . for what if some men believe , that if princes refuse to reform religion themselves , 't is lawful for their godly subjects to do it , and that by violence and force of arms ? what if they believe , that princes are but executioners of the decrees of the presbytery ; and that in case of disobedience to their spiritual governours , they may be excommunicated , and by consequence deposed ? what if they believe , that dominion is founded in grace ; and therefore that all wicked kings forfeit their crowns , and that it is in the power of the people of god to bestow them where they please ? and what if others believe , that to puruse their success in villany and rebellion is to follow providence ; and that when the event of war has deliver'd up kings into their power , then not to depose or murther them , were to slight the guidance of gods providential dispensations ? are not these , and the like innocent propositions ( think you ) mightily conducive to the peace and settlement of common-wealths ? such articles of faith as these cannot but make brave and obedient subjects , and he must needs be a glorious and powerful prince , where such conceits are the main ingredients of his subjects religion . let any man shew me , what doctrines could have been more unluckily contrived to disturb government than these . and if men would study on purpose to frame and model a rebellious faith , these must have been their fundamental articles : and yet 't is sufficiently known where they have been both believed and practised . but further , is there not a sort of melancholy religionists in the world , whose very genious inclines them to quarrels and exceptions against the state , and management of publick affairs ? there is nothing so malepart as a splenetick religion ; the inward discontent and uneasiness of mens own minds maintains it self upon the faults and miscarriages of others : and we may observe , how this humour is ever venting it self in sighs and complaints for the badness of the times ( i. e. in effect of the government ) and in telling and aggravating little stories , that may reflect upon the wisdom and ability of their superiours . 't is impossible to please their fretful and anxious minds ; the very delights and recreations of the court shall stir their envy , and the vanities of the great ones grieve and wound their tender souls . however princes behave themselves , they can never win upon the affections of these people ; their very prosperity shall disoblige them , and they are ready upon all occasions to bring them to account for their misdemeanours : and if any of the grandees happen to be discontented , they have here a party ready formed for the purpose , to revenge their injury , and bring evil counsellors , that seduce the king , to iustice. and 't is not impossible but there may be a sort of proud and haughty men among us ( not over-well affected to monarchick government ) who , though they scorn , yet patronize this humour , as a check to the insolence and presumption of princes . again , are there not some whole sects of men , all whose religion is made up of nothing but passion , rancour , and bitterness ? all whose devotion is little better than a male-contentedness , their piety than a sanctified fury , and their zeal than a proud and spightful malice ; and who , by the genius of their principles , are brought infinitely and irrecoverably under the power of their passions ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now , nothing imports governours so much as to manage mens passions ; in that 't is these , rather than our appetites , that disturb the world. a person that is debaucht and intemperate is indeed useless to the common-wealth , but he that is turbulent and passionate is dangerous . but then when passion is fired with religious zeal , nothing can temper its outragious and fanatick heats ; but it works the minds of men into rancour and bitterness , and drives them into all manner of savage and inhumane practices . princes have never found any thing so restive and ungovernable , as sectarian madness ; no malice so spightful and implacable , as the zeal of a godly party ; nor any rage so fierce and merciless , as sanctified barbarism . all the ancient tyranny has in some places been out-done by a thorough-godly reformation : zeal for the glory of god has often turn'd whole nations into shambles , fill'd the world with continual butcheries and massacres , and flesh'd it self with slaughters of myriads of mankind . and when men think their passions warranted by their religion , how is it possible it should be otherwise ? for this obliges them by their greatest hopes and fears to act them to the highest : and 't is easie to imagine what calm and peaceable things those men must be , who think it their duty to enforce and enrage their passions with the obligations of conscience . and yet alas ! how few are they , who have wisdom enough to keep their zeal clean from these sowre and crabbed mixtures ? the generality of men are scarce sensible of their spiritual wickednesses ; and 't is observable , that in all ages , and all religions of the world , few people have taken notice of them beside their wise men and philosophers . and even among the professors of christianity it self , notwithstanding that our religion has made such special provisions against all excesses of passion , and establish'd love , charity , moderation , patience , candor , and ingenuity , as its prime , and fundamental duties ; yet the spirit of meekness and humility soon decayed , with its primitive and apostolical professors ; and within a few centuries of years the church was over-run with some sects of men , much of the same temper with some of our modern saints . so that even in true and innocent perswasions 't is necessary to asswage the distempers and indiscretions of a forward zeal : the giddy multitude judge weakly , fancy strongly , and act passionately ; and , unless restrain'd by wary and sober laws , will drive on so furiously in a good cause , till they run their religion into folly and faction , and themselves into tumults and riotous proceedings . what socrates once said of vertue , that when it is not conducted by prudence , it is but pedantry , and a phantastick thing , is much more true of religion ; which , when it wants the guidance and ornament of this vertue , may be folly , or madness , or any thing rather than it self . in brief , fanaticism is both the greatest , and the easiest vice that is incident to religion ; 't is a weed that thrives in all soils , and there is the same fanatick spirit , that mixes it self with all the religions in the world. and 't is as natural to the common people , as the proud , or ignorant , or perverse , or factious , or stubborn , or eager , or passionate : for when ever any of these vices or follies are twisted with mens apprehensions of religion , they naturally work , and ferment their minds into a boysterous and tumultuary zeal . and yet how infinitely difficult it is to cure the common heard of these vices , the experience of all ages is too great a demonstration : so that there is nothing so apparently necessary , or difficult , as to govern the vulgar rout in their conceptions of religion ; seeing 't is so natural for them both to mix and heigthen , yes , and sanctifie their passions with their consciences . and from hence it is , that though the fanaticks in all nations may disagree in the objects and matters of their superstition , according to the different customs of their country , and variety of their educations ; yet as for their tendency to disturbance and sedition in the state , 't is in all places the same to all intents and purposes : and those unquiet sects , that have often disturb'd , and sometimes subverted whole kingdoms in africa , if they had hapned to have been born in europe , would have done the same here ; where though their religion might have been different , yet would their genius have been the same , as rising from the same conjunction of conscience and passion . and therefore it cannot but be a wonder to any man , that is acquainted with the experience of former ages , to see governours , after so many warnings , so insensible of this mischief : and however they may think themselves unconcern'd to restrain the opinions of any dissenting sect , as being perhaps but foolish and inconsiderable in themselves ; yet nothing can more highly concern them than to provide against their inclinations , as being generally of a sad and dangerous consequence to the state. and this at present may suffice to evince , how much it concerns authority to look to the particular principles and inclinations of every sect ; and to prove , that the meer belief of invisible powers , is so far from being religion enough to awe men to obedience ; that unless it be temper'd with a due sense of vertue , and managed with special prudence and discretion , it rather tends to make the rude multitude more head-strong and ungovernable . sect. 5. thirdly , to permit different sects of religion in a common-wealth , is only to keep up so many pretences and occasions for publick disturbance ; the factions of religion are ever the most seditious , and the less material their difference , the more implacable their hatred : as the turks think it more acceptable to god , to kill one persian than seventy christians . no hinge so vehemently alienates mens affections , as variety of judgment in matters of religion ; here they cannot disagree , but they must quarrel too : and when religion divides mens minds , no other common interest can unite them ; and where zeal dissolves friendship , the ties of nature are not strong enough to reconcile it . every faction is at open defiance with every faction , they are always in a state and posture of war , and engaged in a mortal and irreconcileable hatred against each other . when ever men part communion , every party must of necessity esteem the other impious and heretical ; in that they never divide but with pretences , that they could not agree without being guilty of some sin or other , as blasphemy , or idolatry , or superstition , or heresie , or the like : for all agree in this principle , that peace ought always to be preserved , where it can without offending god , and offering violence to conscience : and therefore they cannot but look upon one another , as lying under the divine wrath and displeasure , and consequently , in a damnable condition : and then are both parties engaged , as they love god , and the souls of men , to labour one another ruine . and when the party is form'd , and men are listed into it by chance and education , the distinguishing opinion of the party is to them the most material and fundamental article of their belief ; and so they must account of all that either disowne or deny it , as of heathens , infidels , and enemies to the faith. besides that , all men are naturally more zealous about the principles in which they differ , than about those in which they agree . opposition whets and sharpens their zeal , because it endangers the truths they contend for ; whereas those that are not opposed are secure and out of hazard of being stifled by the adverse party , that is concern'd equally with themselves for their preservation . and hence we see , by daily experience , that men , who are tame and cool enough in the fundamentals of religion , are yet utterly impatient about their own unlearned and impertinent wranglings , and lay a greater stress upon the speculations of their own sect , than upon the duties of an absolute and indispensable necessity ; only because those are contradicted by their adversaries , and these are not . well then , seeing all dissenting parties are possess'd with a furious and passionate zeal to promote their own perswasions , and seeing they are perswaded that their zeal is in god's cause , and against the enemies of god's truths ; how vain is it to expect peace and settlement in a common-wealth , where their religion keeps men in a state of war , where zeal is arm'd against zeal , and conscience encounters conscience , where the glory of god and the salvation of souls lies at stake , and where curse ye meroz is the word of both parties ? so that whatsoever projects fansiful men may propose to themselves , if we consider the passions of humane nature , as long as differences and competitions in religion are kept up , it will be impossible to keep down mutual hatreds , jealousies , and animosities ; and so many divided churches as there are in a state , there will ever be so many different armies , who , though they are not always in actual fighting , are always in a disposition to it . beside , where there are divided interests of religion in the same kingdom , how shall the prince behave himself towards them ? if he go about to ballance them against one another , this is the ready way to forfeit his interest in them all ; and whilst he seems concern'd for no party , no party will be really concern'd for him , every one having so much esteem for it self , as to think it ought to enjoy more of his favour and countenance than any other . and withal 't is an infinite trouble and difficulty to poise them so equally , but that one party shall grow more strong and numerous than the rest ; and then there is no appeasing their zeal , till it has destroyed and swallowed up all the weaker interests . but suppose he be able to manage them so prudently , as always to keep the ballance equal ; he does thereby but keep up so many parties , that are ready form'd to joyn with any emergent quarrels of state : and whenever the grandees fall out , 't is but heading one of these , and there is an army . and let men but reflect upon all the late civil wars , and rebellions of christendom , and then tell me , which way they could either have been commenced or continued , had it not been for different factions of religion . if he side with one party , and by his favour mount it above the rest , that not only discontents , but combines all the other dissenting factions into an united opposition against his own : and it becomes their common interest , to work and contrive its ruine ; its prosperity does but exasperate the competition of all its rivals into rage and indignation : and as success makes it self more secure in its settlement , so it makes them more restless and industrious to overturn it . no party can ever be quiet or content as long as 't is under any other , but will ever be heaving and struggling , to dismount the power that keeps it down : and therefore we find that all dissenters from the establish'd frame of things are always assaulting it with open violence , or undermining it by secret practices , and will hazard the state , and all , to free themselves from oppression ; and oppress'd they are , as long as they are the weaker party . and therefore we never find this way of toleration put in practice under any government , but where other exigences of state required and kept up a standing army ; and by this means 't is not so difficult to prevent the broils and contentions of zeal : but this is only a more violent way of governing mens consciences , and instead of restraining them by laws & penalties , it does the same thing with forts and cittadels : so that unless we are willing to put our selves to the expence and hazard of keeping up standing forces , indulgence to dissenting zealots does but expose the state to the perpetual squabbles and wars of religion . and we may as well suppose all men to be wise and honest , and upon that account cancel all the laws of justice and civil government , as imagine , where there are divided factions in religion , that men will be temperate and peaceable in the enjoyment of their own conceits , and not disturb the publick peace to promote and establish them ; when 't is so well known from the experience of all ages , that nothing has ever been a more effectual engine to work popular commotions , than changes and reformations in religion . sect. 6. so that though the state think it self unconcern'd to restrain mens perswasions and opinions , yet methinks they should be a little concern'd to prevent the tumults and disturbances that naturally arise from their propagation . and could it be secured , that if all men were indulged their liberty , they would use it modestly , and be satisfied with their own freedom , then ( i confess ) toleration of all opinions would not be of so fatal and dangerous consequence ; as if all men were as wise and honest as socrates , they might , as well as he , be their own law , and left entirely to their own liberty , as to all the entercourses and transactions of humane life . but alas ! this is made infinitely impossible , from the corrupt passions and humours of men : all sects ever were , and ever will be , fierce and unruly to inlarge their own interests , invading or supplanting whatever opposes their increase , and will all certainly conspire the ruine of that party that prevails and triumphs over the rest ; every faction ever apprehending it its due to be supreme : and there will ever be a necessity of reformation , as long as all factions are not uppermost ; and it will be crime enough in any one party , to be superiour to another . so that if all our dissenting sectaries were allowed their entire liberty , nothing can be expected ( especially from people of their complexion ) but that they should all plot together against the present establishment of the church ; every combination being fully perswaded of its worthlesness in comparison to it self : for unless they had apprehended their own way more excellent , they had never divided from ours . beside that 't is a fundamental principle that runs through all their sects , that they are bound under pain of eternal damnation to labour their utmost to establish the worship of god in in its greatest purity and perfection ; and withal apprehending that way now established by law defective and superstitious , they cannot but be bound in conscience to endeavour its utter ruine and subversion ; which design when they have once compassed , they entertaining the same opinion of each other as they do of us , they will turn their weapons upon themselves , and with as much zeal contrive each others destruction as they did ours : and the result of all will be , that the common-wealth will be eternally torn with intestine quarrels and commotions , till it grow so wise again as to suppress all parties but one ; that is , till it return to that wisdom and prudence from whence it parted by toleration . and therefore nothing can be more vulgarly observable , than that though all parties , whilst under the power of a more prevailing interest , have cried up toleration , as the most effectual instrument to shake and dissettle the present frame of things ; yet have they no sooner effected their design , than they have immediately put in to scramble for the supremacy themselves ; which if they once obtain , they have ever used with as much rigour and severity upon all dissenters , as they ever felt themselves . so that this principle of liberty of conscience much resembles that of community of goods ; for as those men cry up equality of estates , as a most reasonable piece of justice , that have but a small share themselves ; yet whenever their pretence succeeds , and they have advanced their own fortunes , and served their own turns , they are the first that shall then cry it down , and oppress their inferiours with more cruelty than ever themselves felt whilst in a lower station ; so do those whose private perswasions happen to cross the publick laws , easily pretend to liberty of conscience . one must yield ; and because their stubborn zeal scorns to bend to the commands of authority , these must be forced to give place to that : so that when conscience and authority happen to encounter , all the dispute is , which shall have most force in publick laws , whether my own or my princes opinion ? but how plausibly soever this notion may be pleaded by men out of power , 't is ever laid aside as soon as ever they come into it ; and the greatest pretenders to it when oppress'd , are always the greatest zealots against it , as soon as it has mounted themselves into power , as well knowing it to be the most effectual engine to overturn any settled frame of things . in brief , 't is reformation men would have , and not indulgence ; which they only seek to gain ground for the working of their mines , and planting of their engines , to subvert the established state of things . for if we demand , wherefore they would be born with in their dissentions from our way of worship ? they answer , because they cannot conform to it in conscience , i. e. because they apprehend it sinful ; for otherwise they must think themselves guilty of the most intollerable schism and rebellion , to create factions and divisions in a common-wealth , when they may avoid it without any violence to their consciences : but if they apprehend our way of worship upon any account sinful , then are they plainly obliged in conscience to root it out , as displeasing to almighty god , and in its stead to plant and establish their own . and now if this be the issue of this principle , let magistrates consider how fatal and hazardous alterations in religion have ever been to the common-wealth . they cannot pluck a pin out of the church , but the state immediately shakes and totters ; and if they will allow their subjects the liberty of changing and innovating in religion ( as it is apparent from the premisses they must , if they allow them their pretences to liberty of conscience ) they do but give them advantages for eternal popular commotions and disturbances . sect. 7. fourthly , a bare indulgence of men in the free exercise of any religion , different from the publick profession , can lay no obligation upon the party . perhaps when the rigour of a law , under which they have smarted a while , is at first relaxed , this indeed they may at present take for a kindness , because 't is really a favour in comparison to their former condition ; and therefore as long as the memory of that remains fresh upon their minds , it may possibly affect them with some grateful resentments . but alas ! these affections quickly vanish , and then what before was favour , is now become iustice ; and their prince did but restore them to their just and lawful rights , when he took off his tyrannical laws and impositions from the consciences of his best subjects . while those unjust laws were in force , he oppress'd and persecuted the people of god ; and therefore when he cancels them , all the kindness he is guilty of , is only to repent of his tyranny and persecution , which is no favour , and by consequence no obligation . and ( what is more considerable ) all the dissenting parties he permits , and does not countenance , he disobliges . is this all the kindness ( say they ) he can afford the godly , not to persecute them by law and force to their utter ruine ? are we beholden to him barely for suffering us to live in our native soil , and enjoy only our fundamental priviledges ? is this all the reward and encouragement we deserve ? are not we the praying and serious people of the nation , for whose sakes only the lord is pleased to stay among us ? and were it not for us , would he not perfectly forsake and abandon it ? and is this all our requital , to be thus slighted , and thus despised , only for our zeal to god , and serviceableness to the publick , by that power and interest we have in him , to keep him among us ; whilst vain and useless persons are countenanced and encouraged with all places of office and employment ? these are the natural results of the minds of men , who think themselves scorn'd and disrespected , especially when flush'd with any conceit and high opinion of their own godliness . and 't is an eternal truth , that for the godly party not to be uppermost , is and ever will be persecution . for nothing more certain , than that all men entertain the best opinion of their own party , otherwise they had never enrolled themselves in it : and therefore if the state value them not at as high a rate as they do themselves , they are scorn'd and injured , because they have not that favour and countenance they deserve . and so unless they have publick encouragement , as well as indulgence , they have reason to be discontented , because they have not their due . and if the prince do not espouse their party , he undervalues , and consequently disgusts them ; and if he joyn himself to any other ( as there is a necessity of his owning some profession ) he does not only disoblige , but alienate their affections , by embracing an interest they both hate and scorn . for , where-ever there is difference of religion , there is opposition too ; because men would never divide from one another , but upon grounds of real dislike ; and therefore they are always contrary in those differences that distinguish their parties . and this cannot but be a mighty endearment of their prince to them , when he neglects and discountenances his best subjects , only because they are the godly party ( for so every party is to it self ) to join himself to their profest and irreconcileable enemies . and they will be wonderfully forward to assist a patron of idolatry and superstition , or an enemy to the power of godliness ( for these are the softest words that different sects can afford one another . ) and withal i might adde , that they must needs be much in love with him , when they have reason to believe , that they lie perpetually under his displeasure , and that he looks upon them as little better than enemies . so that if a prince permit different parties and interests of religion in his dominions , however he carries himself towards them , he shall have at least all parties discontented but one : for if himself be of any , he displeases all but that ; if of none , he displeases all : and zealous and religious people of all sorts must needs be wonderfully in love with an atheist ; and there is no remedy , but he must at least be thought so , if he be not of any distinct and visible profession . chap. vi. of things indifferent , and of the power of the civil magistrate in things undetermined by the word of god. the contents . the mystery of puritanism lies in this assertion , that nothing ought to be established in the worship of god , but what is expresly commanded in the word of god. the wildness , novelty , and unreasonableness of this principle . it makes meer obedience to lawful authority sinful . it takes away all possibility of settlement in any church or nation . it is the main pretense of all pious villanies . it cancels all humane laws ; and makes most of the divine laws useless and impracticable . it obliges men to be seditious in all churches in the world , in that there is no church that has not some customs and vsages peculiar to it self . all that pretend this principle do and must act contrary to it . the exorbitancy of this principle makes all yielding and condescension to the men that plead it unsafe and impolitick . wherein the perfection and sufficiency of the holy scriptures consists . of the vanity of their distinction , who tell us , that the civil magistrate is to see the laws of christ executed , but to make none of his own . the dangerous consequents of their way of arguing , who would prove , that god ought to have determined all circumstances of his own worship . 't is scarce possible to determine all circumstances of any outward action , they are so many and so various . the magistrate has no way to make men of this perswasion comply with his will , but by forbidding what he would have done . the puritans upbraided with mr. hooker's book of ecclesiastical politie , and challeng'd to answer it . their out-cries against popery , will-worship , superstition , adding to the law of god , &c. retorted upon themselves . the main objection against the magistrates power in religion proposed , viz. that 't is possible that he may impose things sinful and superstitious . this objection lies as strongly against all manner of government . our inquiry is after the best way of settling things , not that possibly might be , but that really is . though ecclesiastical iurisdiction may be abused , yet 't is then less mischievous than liberty of conscience . the reason of the necessity of subjection to the worst of governours , because tyranny is less mischievous than rebellion or anarchy . the author of the book entituled , vindiciae contra tyrannos , confuted . that it may , and often does so happen , that 't is necessary to punish men for such perswasions into which they have innocently abused themselves . actions are punishable by humane laws , not for their sinfulness , but for their ill consequence to the publick . this applied to the case of a well-meaning conscience . sect. 1. all things , as well sacred as civil , that are not already determined as to their morality , i. e. that are not made necessary duties by being commanded , or sinful actions by being forbidden either by the law of nature , or positive law of god , may be lawfully determined either way by the supreme authority ; and the conscience of every subject is tied to yield obedience to all such determinations . this assertion i lay down to oppose the first and the last and the great pretence of non-conformity , and wherein ( as one observeth ) the very mystery of puritanism consisteth , viz. that nothing ought to be established in the worship of god , but what is authorized by some precept or example in the word of god ; that is the complete and adequate rule of worship : and therefore , christian magistrates are only to see that executed that christ has appointed in religion , but to bring in nothing of their own ; they are tied up neither to add nor diminish , neither in the matter nor manner : so that whatever they injoin in divine worship , if it be not expresly warranted by a divine command , how innocent soever it may be in it self , it presently upon that account loses not only its liberty but its lawfulness ; it being as requisite to christian practice , that things indifferent should still be kept indifferent , as things necessary be held necessary . this very principle is the only fountain and foundation of all puritanism , from which it was at first derived , and into which it is at last resolved . a pretence so strangely wild and humorsom , that it is to me an equal wonder , either that they should be so absurd as seriously to believe it ; or , if they do not , that they should be so impudent , as thus long and thus confidently to pretend it , when it has not the least shadow of foundation either from reason or from scripture ; and was scarce ever so much as thought of , till some men having made an unreasonable separation from the church of england , were forced to justifie themselves by as unreasonable pretences . for , what can be more incredible , than that things that were before lawful and innocent , should become sinful upon no other score than their being commanded , i. e. that meer obedience to lawful authority should make innocent actions criminal ? for the matter of the law is supposed of it self indifferent ; and therefore if obedience to the law be unlawful , it can be so for no other reason than because 't is obedience . so that if christian liberty be so awkard a thing ( as these men make it ) 't is nothing else but christian rebellion , 't is a duty that binds men to disobedience , and forbids things under that formality , because authority commands them . now what a reproach to the gospel is this , that it should be made the only plea for sedition ? what a scandal to religion , that tenderness of conscience should be made the only principle of disobedience ; and that nothing should so much incline men to be refractory to authority , as their being conscientious ? what a perverse folly is it to imagine , that nothing but opposition to government can secure our liberty ? and what a cross-grain'd thing is it , to restrain things only because they are matters of liberty ; and first to forbid princes to command them because they are lawful , and then subjects to do them only because they are commanded . but to expose the absurdity of this principle by some more particular considerations . §2 . first , the follies and mischiefs that issue from it , are so infinite , that there can be no setled frame of things in the world , that it will not overturn : and if it be admitted to all intents and purposes , there can never be an end of disturbances , and alterations in the church ; in that there never was , nor ever can be any form of worship in the world , that is to all circumstances prescribed in the world of god : and therefore if this exception be thought sufficient to destroy one , there is no remedy but it may , as occasion requires , serve as well to cashier all ; and by consequence take away all possibility of settlement . thus when upon this principle , the disciplinarians separated from the church of england , the independents upon the same ground separated from them , the anabaptists from the independents , the familists from the anabaptists , and the quakers from the familists , and every faction divided , and subdivided among themselves into innumerable sects , and undersects ; and as long as men act up to it , there is no remedy , but innovations must be endless . if it be urged against lord-bishops , 't is as severe against lay-presbyters ; if against musick in churches , then farewel singing of psalms in rhime ; if against the cross , why not against sprinkling in baptism ? and if against cathedral churches , then down go all steeple-houses : if against one thing , then against every thing ; and there is nothing in the exteriour parts of religion , but the two sacraments , that can possibly escape its impeachment . all the pious villanies , that have ever disturbed the christian world , have shelter'd themselves in this grand maxime , that iesus christ is the only law-maker to his church ; and whoever takes upon himself to prescribe any thing in religion , invades his kingly office. the gnosticks of old so abused this pretence to justifie any seditious and licentious practices , that they made heathen princes look upon christianity as an enemy to government ; and the fanaticks of late have so vex'd and embroil'd christendom with the same principle , that christian princes themselves begin to be of the same perswasion . 't is become the only patron and pretext of sedition : and when any subjects have a mind to set themselves free from the laws of their prince , they can never want this pretence to warrant their disobedience . seeing there is no nation in the world that has not divers laws , that are not recorded by the four evangelists ; and therefore if all humane institutions intrench upon our saviours kingly prerogative , they are , and ever must be , provided with matters of quarrel to disturb government , and justifie rebellion . § 3. secondly , nay further this fond pretence , if made use of to all the ends , for which it might as wisely serve , would cancel all humane laws , and make most of the divine laws useless ; which have only described the general lines of duty , but left their particular determinations to the wisdom of humane laws . now the laws of god cannot be put in practice , but in particular cases and circumstances , these cannot be determin'd but by the laws of man ; therefore if he can command nothing , but what is already prescribed to us in the word of god , he can have no power to see the divine laws put in execution . for where are described all the rules of justice and honesty ? where are determined all doubts and questions of conscience ? where are decided all controversies of right and wrong ? where are recorded all the laws of government and policy ? why therefore should humane authority be allowed to interpose in these great affairs , and yet be denied it in the customs of churches and rules of decency ? there is no possible reason to be assign'd but their own humour and fond opinion , they are resolved to believe it , and that is argument enough , for 't is unanswerable . how comes this proposition to be now limited to matters of meer religion , but only because this serves their turn ; for otherwise , why are not the holy scriptures as perfect a rule of civil , as of ecclesiastical policy ? why should they not be as complete a system of ethicks , as they are a canon of worship ? why do not these men require from the scriptures express commands for every action they do in common life ? how dare they take any physick , but what is prescribed in the word of god ? how dare they commence a suit at law , without warranty from scripture ? how dare they do any natural action , without particular advice and direction of holy writ ? § 4. thirdly , but as foolish as this opinion is , its mischief equals its folly ; for 't is impossible but that these sons of strife and singularity must have been troublesom and seditious in all churches and common-wealths . had they lived under the jewish church , why then , where has moses commanded the feast of purim , the feast of the dedication , the fasts of the fourth , the fifth , the seventh , and the tenth months : what warrant for the building of synagogues ? and what command for that significant ceremony of wearing sack-cloth and ashes , in token of humiliation ? if in the primitive ages of christianity , why then , where did our saviour appoint the love-feasts ? where has he instituted the kiss of charity ? where has he commanded the observations of lent and easter ? where the lords-day sabbath ? and , where all their other commemorative festivals ? vide tertull . de coronâ , c. 3. will they retreat to the lutheran churches , they will there meet with not only all the same , but many more antichristian and superstitious ceremonies to offend their tender consciences , and will find themselves subject to the same discipline and government , saving that their superintendents want the antichristian honours and revenues of the english bishops , partly through the poverty of the country , partly through the injury of sacriledge , but mainly because the church revenues are in the possession of romish bishops ? will they to france , there , notwithstanding the unsetled state of the protestants of that nation , through want of the assistance of the civil power , they shall meet with their liturgies , and establisht forms of prayer , and change of apparel for divine service , as well as at home ? if they will to geneva , there mr. calvin's common-prayer-book is as much imposed , as the liturgy of the church of england ; there they are enjoyn'd the use of wafer-cakes , the custom of godfathers , and godmothers , bidding of prayer , proper psalms not only for days , but for hours of the day , with divers other rites and ceremonies , that are no where recorded in the word of god. in a word , what church in the world can affirm these were the only customs of the apostolical age , and that the primitive church never used more or less than these ? so that these men of scruple , that renounce communion with the church of england , must do the same with all churches in the world ; in that there is not any one church in christendom , whose laws and customs are not apparently liable either to the same , or as great exceptions . now magistrates must needs be obligd to deal wonderful gently with such tender consciences as these , that are acted by such nice and unhappy principles , as must force them to be troublesom and unpeaceable in any common-wealth in the world. nay , what is more notorious than all this , these men have all along , in pursuit of this principle , run directly counter to their own practices and perswasions . for , not to puzzle them to discover in which of the gospels is injoyn'd the form of publick penance in the kirk of scotland , or to find out the stool of repentance either among the works of bezaleel , or the furniture of the temple ; we read indeed of beesoms , and flesh-forks , and pots , and shovels , and candlesticks , but not one syllable of joynt-stools . let them tell me , what precept or example they have in the holy scriptures for singing psalms in meeter ? where has our saviour or his apostles enjoyn'd a directory for publick worship ? and that which themselves imposed , what divine authority can it challenge , beside that of an ordinance of lords and commons ? what precept in the word of god can they produce for the significant form of swearing ( by laying their hand upon the bible ) which yet they never scrupled ? what scripture command have they for the three significant ceremonies of the solemn league and covenant , viz. that the whole congregation should take it ( 1. ) uncovered , ( 2. ) standing , ( 3. ) with their right hand lift up bare . now , what a prodigious piece of impudence was this , that when they had not only written so many books with so much vehemence against three innocent ceremonies of the church , only because they were significant , but had also involved the nation in a civil war ( in a great measure ) for their removal , and had arm'd themselves and their party against their sovereign with this holy league of rebellion , that even then they should impose three others , so grosly and so apparently liable to all their own objections ? what clearer evidence can we possibly have , that it is not conscience , but humour and peevishness that dictates their scruples ? and , what instance have we , in any nation of the world , of any schism and faction so unreasonably begun and continued ? the rebellion of corah indeed may resemble , but nothing can equal it . and from hence we may discover , how vain a thing it is to make proposals and condescensions to such unreasonable men , when 't is so impossible to satisfie all their demands ; and suppose we should yield and deliver up to their zeal , those harmless ceremonies , they have so long worried with so much fury and impatience ; it would only cherish them in their restless and ungovernable perswasions : for whilst their peevish tempers are acted by this exorbitant principle , the affairs of religion can never be so setled , as to take away all occasions and pretences of quarrel ; in that there never can be any circumstances of religious worship , against which this principle may not as rationally be urged ( and 't is impossible to perform religious worship without some circumstance or other : and if all men make not use of it against all particulars , 't is because they are humoursom as well as seditious , and so allow one thing upon the same principle they disavow another : for certainly otherwise it were impossible , that any men should , when they pray , refuse to wear a surplice ; and yet when they swear , ( which is but another sort of divine worship ) never scruple to kiss the gospel . so that whoever seriously imbibes this perswasion , and upon that account withdraws himself from the communion of the church , he understands not the consequences of his opinion ; if it does not lead him down to the lowest folly of quakerism , which after divers gradual exorbitances of other less extravagant sects , was but the last and utmost improvement of this principle . and therefore , whilst men are possess'd with such a restless and untoward perswasion , what can be more apparently vain , than to talk of accommodations , or to hope for any possibility of quiet and setlement , till authority shall see it necessary ( as it will first or last ) to scourge them into better manners , and wiser opinions ? so that we see the weight of the controversie lies not so much in the particular matters in debate , as in the principles upon which 't is managed ; and for this very reason , though we are not so fond as to believe the constitutions of the church unalterable , yet we deem it apparently absurd , to forego any of her establish'd ceremonies out of compliance with these mens unreasonable demands : which as it would be coarsly impolitick upon divers other accounts , so mainly by yielding up her laws , and by consequence submitting her authority to such principles as must be eternal and invincible hindrances of peace and setlement . this , let them consider whom it most concerns . § 5. fourthly , as for their principle of the perfection and sufficiency of the holy scriptures , 't is undeniably certain as to the fundamental truths , and substantial duties of christian religion ; but when this rule , that is suited only to things necessary , is as confidently applied to things accessory , it lays in the minds of men impregnable principles of folly and superstition : for confounding them in their different apprehensions between the substantial duties , and external circumstances of religion ; and making them of equal value and necessity , it makes the doing , or not doing of a thing , necessary to procure the divine acceptance , which god himself has not made so ; and places a religion in things that are not religious , and possesseth the minds of men with false and groundless fears of god : wherein consisteth the very essence and formality of superstition . whereas were they duly instructed in the great difference between things absolutely necessary , and things meerly decent , and circumstantial ; this would not only preserve them in the right notions of good and evil , but also keep up the purity of religion , decency of worship , and due reverence of authority . and therefore when these men would punctually tye up the magistrate to add nothing to the worship of god , but what is enjoyn'd in the word of god , if their meaning be of new articles of belief , 't is notoriously impertinent ; because to this no civil magistrate pretends ; but if their meaning be , that the magistrate has no authority to determine the particular circumstances of religion , that are left undetermined by the divine law , 't is then indeed to the purpose , but as notoriously false ; in that we are certainly bound to obey him in all things lawful , and every thing is so , that is not made unlawful by some prohibition ; for things become evil not upon the score of their being not commanded , but upon that of their being forbidden ; and what the scripture forbids not , it allows ; and what it allows , is not unlawful ; and what is not unlawful , may lawfully be done : and therefore it must needs be our duty to conform to all circumstances of worship , that are determined by lawful authority , if they are not antecedently forbidden by the law of god , though they are not commanded . things that are not determined remain indifferent ; what is indifferent is lawful , and what is lawful the magistrate may lawfully command ; and if it be sinful to obey him in these things , 't is so to obey him at all ; for all things are either lawful or unlawful : 't is a sin to obey him in things unlawful , and if it be so in things lawful too , then is all obedience sinful . § 6. fifthly , when they tell us , that the civil magistrate is indeed to see to the execution of the laws of christ , but to make none of his own : 't is a distinction without a difference ; for if he may provide for the execution of the laws of religion , then may he make laws that they shall be executed ; this being the most proper and effectual means to promote their execution : so that nothing can be more vain than to deny the civil magistrate a power of making laws in religion , and yet to allow him an authority to see the laws of religion executed ; because that is so apparently implyed in this , in that whoever has a power to see that laws be executed , cannot be without a power to command their execution : especially if we consider the particular nature of the laws of christ , that they have only determined the substance and morality of religious worship , and therefore must needs have left the ordering of its circumstances to the power and wisdom of lawful authority ; & whatever they determine about them , is but in order to the execution of the laws of god ; in that whatever they enjoyn cannot be put in practice , without being clothed with some particular circumstances , and reduced to some particular cases . thus when the holy apostle sets us down a general rule , that all things be done in order and decency , without determining what the things are that are conducive to it , the determination of this rule when 't is reduced to practice , must be entirely left to the government of the church , that must judge what things are decent and orderly ; and what laws it establishes in order to it , though they are but further pursuances of the apostolical precept , yet are they new and distinct commands by themselves , and injoyn something , that the scripture no where commands . so that the divine laws being general , and general laws not being to be put in execution , but in particular cases and instances , he that has authority to look to the execution of these general laws , must withal be vested with a power to determine with what particular instances , cases , and circumstances they shall be put in practice and execution . and here when they tell us , that it cannot stand with the love and wisdom of god , not to take order himself for all things that immediately concern his own worship and kingdom ; and that if iesus christ has not determined all particular rites and circumstances of religion , he has discharged his office with less wisdom and fidelity than moses ; who ordered every thing appertaining to the worship of god , even as far as the pins and nails of the tabernacle , with divers others the like idle and impertinent reasonings : one would think that men who argue at this rate , had already at least discovered in the holy scriptures a complete form of religious worship , as to all particular rites and ceremonies of an eternal , universal , and unchangeable obligation ; and therefore till they can believe this themselves , and prove it to others , instead of returning solemn answers to such baffled and intolerable impertinencies , i shall only advise them , to consider the unlucky consequents of their way of arguing , when instead of producing a particular form of publick worship , prescribed by god himself , they with their wonted modesty prove he ought to have done it ; and that unless he has done it , he has been defective in his care & providence over his church : for what can the issue of this be , but that god is chargeable with want of wisdom or goodness , or with some other defect , even by certain and infallible experience ? for , if he has not determined every particular circumstance of worship , then he must stand charged with all the absurdities , they object against their being left undetermined ; and therefore if no such prescribed form can be produced , ( as 't is infinitely certain none ever can ) then let them consider , what follows ▪ so unhappy a thing is it , when men will needs be disputing against experience ; whose evidence is so powerful and forcible upon the minds of men , that demonstration it self is not strong enough to cope with it : how much less the weak and puny arguments , wherewith these men assault it ? sect. 7. sixthly , there is no particular action but what is capable of a strange and unaccountable variety of circumstances , nor any part of outward worship but may be done after a thousand different modes and fashions ; in that as every action is clothed with natural and emergent circumstances , so is every circumstance with its circumstances , every one of which may be modified in sundry ways and manners . and therefore , in this infinite variety of things , the laws of god prescribe only the general lines of duty , and rarely descend to their particular determinations , but leave them to be determined by prudence and discretion , by choice , and custom , by laws , and prescriptions , and by all those ways by which humane affairs are governed and transacted . thus for example , the divine law has made charity a standing and eternal duty , but has left its particular way of expression undetermined , and uncommanded : and 't is indifferent whether it be done by building of colledges , or churches , or hospitals ; by repairing of bridges , or rivers , or high-ways ; by redeeming of slaves and prisoners ; by hospitality to the poor , or provision for orphans ; or by any other way of publick or private bounty : and when a man 's own thoughts have determined his own choice to one or more of these particulars , even that is vested with a strange number of accidents and circumstances , which must of necessity be left entirely to the conduct of his own reason and discretion . and the case is the same , as in all other duties of moral virtue ; so in that of religious gratitude , or divine worship , this duty it self is of a natural and essential necessity ; but yet may and must be performed with an unconceivable variety of dresses , customs and ways of expression , that are left utterly free and undetermined in scripture : any of which may be decently used , provided they do not make debasing representations of god , wherein consists the proper folly of idolatry and superstition . and all the advantages of order and solemnity , wherewith religion may be prudently adorned , are not only lawful , but decent , although they are not warranted by any precept in the word of god ; that neither has , nor indeed can determine all particular modes and circumstances of worship , they are so various , and so changeable . and men may , with as much reason , search the holy records for the methods of legal proceedings in our common law courts , as for particular rubricks and prescriptions of all outward forms and circumstances of publick worship : so that what these men demand is so unreasonable , that , considering the nature of things , 't is impossible . sect. 8. and this may suffice to demonstrate the unparallel'd follies and mischiefs of this principle . which being all i intend at present , i suppose it needless to engage in any further scholastick disputes , about the nature of indifferent actions , and some other less material controversies that depend upon this ; partly because this principle on which alone they stand , being removed , they become utterly groundless , and so by its confutation are sufficiently confuted ; and partly because all this has been so often , so fully , and so infinitely performed already . and of all the controversies that have ever been started in the world , it will be hard to find any that have been more fairly pursued and satisfactorily decided , than this of the church of england , against its puritan adversaries ; that has all along been nothing else but a dispute between rational learning , and unreasonable zeal . and it has been no less an unhappiness , than it was a condescension in the defenders of our church ; that they have been forced to waste their time and their parts , in baffling the idle cavils of a few hot-headed and brain-sick people . and there is scarce a greater instance of the unreasonableness of mankind , than these mens folly , in persisting so obstinately in their old and pitiful clamours , after they have been so convincingly answered , and so demonstratively confuted . and indeed how is it possible to satisfie such unreasonable men , when their greatest exception against the constitutions of the church has ever been no other than , that they were the churches constitutions ? insomuch , that if authority should think good out of compliance with their cross demands , to command what they now think necessary , that must then , according to their principles , become unlawful : because ( forsooth ) where they take away the liberty of an action , they destroy its lawfulness . now what possibly could have betrayed men into so absurd a perswasion , but a stubborn resolution to be refractory to all authority , and to be subject to nothing but their own insolent humours ? and as long as they lie under the power of this perswasion , that they are obliged in conscience to act contrary to whatever their superiours command them in the worship of god , the magistrate has no other way left to decoy them into obedience , but by forbidding what he would have them do , and commanding what he would have them forbear ; and then if he will accept to be obeyed by disobedience , he shall find them ( good men ) the most obedient subjects in the world . sect. 9. but to return to what i was saying , instead of troubling my self with any further confutation of so baffled a cause , i shall rather chuse to do it more briefly , and yet perhaps more effectually , by uybraiding them with their shameful overthrows , and daring them but to look those enemies in the face , that have so lamentably cowed them by so many absolute triumphs and victories : and , not to mention divers other learned and excellent persons , i shall only single out that famous champion of our church , mr. hooker ; upon him let them try their courage ( though by so safe a challenge i do but give proof of my own cowardise . ) how long has his incomparable book of ecclesiastical polity bid shameful defiance to the whole party , and yet never found any so hardy as to venture upon an encounter ? now this author being confessedly a person of so much learning , candour , judgment , and ingenuity , and withal so highly prized , and insisted upon by the regular and obedient sons of the church , that they have in a manner cast the issue of the whole cause upon his performance : what is the reason he was never vouchsafed so much as the attempt of a just reply ? 't is apparent enough both by their writings , and their actions , that they have not wanted zeal ; and therefore that he has escaped so long free from all contradiction , 't is not for want of good will , but ability ; not because they would not , but because they were convinced they could not confute him . so that the book it self is as full and demonstrative a confutation of their cause , as the matters contained in it ; i. e. 't is unanswerable , ( and i know nothing can do it more effectually , unless perhaps a reply to it ) and shall live an eternal shame and reproach to their cause , when that is dead ; and would probably have been buried in utter forgetfulness , were it not for this trophy of success against them : and therefore , until they can at least pretend to have returned some satisfactory answer to that discourse , they prove nothing but their own impudence ; whilst they continually pelt us with their pamphlets , and such little exceptions , that have been so long since so shamefully and demonstratively baffled . sect. 10. and whereas they are wont , in order to the making their principles look more plausibly , to stuff their discourses with frequent and tragical declamations against popery , will-worship , superstition , &c. i cannot perswade my self , 't is worth the labour to wipe off such idle reproaches , by solemnly discoursing these matters ; both because this has been so frequently and fully performed already , and because , though these outcries have been made use of to affright silly people ; yet few , if any of their ring-leaders are still so fond either to own this charge against us , or to plead it in their own justification . only i cannot but observe of all these and the like pretences , that we need not any stronger arguments against themselves , than their own objections against us . for if in this case there be any superstition , 't is they that are guilty of it : for this vice consists not so much in the nature of things , as in the apprehensions of men , when their minds are possessed with weak and unworthy conceits of god. now he that conforms to the received customs and ceremonies of a church , does it not so much upon the account of any intrinsick value of the things themselves , as out of a sense of the necessity of order , and of the duty of obedience : whereas he that scrupulously refuses to use and practise them , takes a wrong estimate of the divine wisdom and goodness , and imagines that god judges his creatures by nice and pettish laws , and lays a greater stress upon a doubtful or indifferent ceremony , than upon the great duty of obedience , and the peace and tranquillity of the church . so that the principles upon which we proceed , are no other , than , that , as the divine law has prescribed the substantial duties of religion ; so it has left its modes and circumstances undetermined : but because every action must be done some way or other , and be vested with some circumstances or other ; and because the generality of men are not so apt to be abused with fantastick and ridiculous conceits in any thing , as in matters of religion ; therefore we think it necessary , for the prevention of all the follies & indecencies , that ignorance and superstitious zeal would introduce into the worship of god , that the publick laws should determine some circumstances of order and decency ; which have at least this advantage , that they provide against the mischiefs of disorder and confusion : and therefore we place no antecedent necessity in any of the particular rites and ceremonies of our church , but only think it highly convenient , if not absolutely necessary , that some be prescribed ; that there is an handsomness and beauty in these that are prescribed : and therefore , because 't is necessary that some be determined , and because these are , rather than divers others , already settled , we think they have an indispensable necessity superinduced upon them , consequent to the determinations of authority . no man affirms , that we cannot serve god acceptably without a surplice ; but yet , because 't is but requisite that publick worship should be performed with beauty and solemnity ; and because the use of this vestment is but handsom and beautiful , and prevents slovenliness and indecency , 't is but agreeable that it should be injoin'd , as any other decent habit might have been : and when this is singled out by authority , it then becomes consequentially necessary : whereas those , who forbid things indifferent as sinful , and lay obligations upon mens consciences , to abstain from what is innocent , and make that necessary not to be done , which god has left at liberty , and made lawful to be done ; usurp upon mens consciences , by imposing fetters on them , where god has left them free , and become guilty of the most palpable piece of superstition , by teaching their own prohibitions for doctrines ; and so making it a necessary duty , and part of divine worship , to abstain from what god has no where forbidden ; and making it a mortal and damnable sin , to do what is innocent ; and supposing that god will , or at least justly may , inflict eternal torments upon men , for making their addresses to him , rather in a cleanly white vestment , than in a taylors cloak , or perhaps in mechanical querpo . sect. ii. and then as for their out-cry against will-worship , 't is the very same with that against superstition ; for 't is one sort of it , and is criminal no farther than 't is superstitious . now when they exclaim against superstition , they mean only that part of it that consists in will-worship , and when against will-worship , 't is only as 't is a branch of superstition : so that these two impertinent clamours signifie but the same thing under different denominations , and so amount but to one . but however this is 't is certain , that will-worship consists in nothing else than in mens making their own fancies and inventions necessary parts of religion , whereby they make that requisite to procure the divine acceptance , that god has no where required ; and 't is the same thing whether this be done by injunctions or prohibitions : and they that affirm the doing or not doing of an action which god has no where either commanded or forbidden to be necessary duties , are equally guilty of this crime : and therefore if these men make it necessary to forbear what god has no where forbidden , they teach their own fancies for doctrines , and impose something as a part of the service of god , on their own , and other mens consciences , that the law of god has not imposed ; and withal so unworthily mis-represent the divine wisdom and goodness , as to labour to make the world believe , that god has such an abhorrency to a thing so innocent as a white garment , that , to worship him in it , is sufficient to bring us under his everlasting wrath and displeasure ; for every thing that is sinful , is as well in their , as our , esteem mortal & damnable . but then , as for our own parts , they cannot be more apparently guilty of this piece of folly , then we are clear and innocent from its very suspicion ; because all rituals , and ceremonies , and postures , and manners of performing the outward expressions of devotion , are not in their own nature capable of being parts of religion ; and therefore unless we used and imposed them as such , 't is lamentably precarious to charge the determination of them with will-worship ; because that consists in making those things parts of religion , that god has not made so . so that when the church expresly declares against this use of them , and only injoins them as meer circumstances of religious worship , 't is apparent that it cannot by imposing them , make any additions to the worship of god , but only provides , that what god has required , be performed in a decent and orderly manner . sect. 12. and then as for christian liberty , why should we suffer them so far to invade ours , as to renounce those things as criminal , which we believe to be innocent ? and if things indifferent when injoin'd lose not only their liberty , but their lawfulness ; then why not when forbidden , and that by an incompetent authority ? when our superiours impose rules of decency , and law of discipline , they do not infringe our christian liberty ; because they do not abolish the indifferency of things themselves , wherein alone it consisteth : and though they become thereby necessary duties , 't is not from the nature and necessity of the thing it self , but from the obligations of obedience , or some emergent reasons of order and decency : whereas nothing can be more plain , than that these men do not only abridge our liberty , but also lay insolent confinements upon the supreme power , by making things indifferent so absolutely unlawful , that they will not allow the just commands of lawful authority sufficient to make them cease to be sinful . how oft , and how plainly have they been told , that , when authority injoins things left indifferent , and undetermined by the word of god , 't is so far from incroaching upon our christian liberty , that it rather confirms it ? in that this supposes that the things themselves may , or may not be either done or enjoined , according to the dictates of prudence and discretion ; but when they are once determined by publick laws , though the matter of the law be indifferent , yet obedience to it is not . whereas when they will not permit their governours to injoin these things , and if they do , will not obey their injunctions , do they not apparently intrench upon our liberty , by making what christ has left indifferent , necessary ; and , under pretences of asserting their christian liberty , take upon them to confine the rights of authority ? but to all this , as evident as it is , nothing can make them attend ; but they still deafly proceed in their old clamours : which is too clear an argument , that 't is not reason that dictates their exceptions , but humour , prejudice , and peevishness . sect. 13. and then as for their declamations against adding to the law of god , to be short , i appeal to the reason of all mankind , whether any men in the world are more notoriously guilty of unwarrantable additions than these , who forbid those things as sinful , and consequently under pain of damnation , which the law of god has no where forbidden ? what is it to teach the commandments of men for doctrines , but to teach those things to be the law of god that are not so ? and , what can more charge the divine law of imperfection , than to teach that a man may perform all that it has commanded , and yet perish for not doing something , that it has not commanded ? and so do they , who make it necessary not to do something that god has left indifferent . whereas nothing can be more unreasonable than to tax the church of making additions to the law of god , because all her laws are imposed , not as laws of god , but as laws of men , and so are not more liable to this charge than iustinian's institutes , and littleton's tenures . and then in the last place , as for their noise against popery , ( a term , that , as well as some other angry words , signifies any thing that some men dislike ) i shall say no more , than , that we have most reason to raise this out-cry , when they take upon themselves ( as well as the old gentleman at rome ) to controul the laws of the secular powers . and what do they , but set up a pope in every mans conscience , whilst they vest it with a power of countermanding the decrees of princes ? these things cannot but appear with an undeniable evidence to any man , that is not invincibly either ignorant , or wilful , or both : and therefore 't is time they should , at least for shame , if they will not for conscience , cease to disturb the church with clamour , and exceptions so miserably impertinent , that i blush for having thus far pursued them with a serious confutation . and therefore leaving them and their impertinencies together , ( for i despair of ever seeing these old and dear acquaintances parted ) i shall now address my self to clear off one more material and more plausible objection , and so conclude this particular . and 't is this . sect. 14. 't is possible , the magistrate may be deceived in his determinations , and establish a worship that is in its own nature sinful and superstitious ; in which case ( if what i contend for be true ) all his subjects must either be rebels , or idolaters : if they obey , they sin against god ; if they disobey , they sin against their sovereign . this is the last issue of all that is objected in this controversie , and the only argument that gives gloss and colour to all their other trifling pretences : and yet 't is no more than what may be as fairly objected against all government of moral and political affairs ; for there 't is as possible , that the supreme power may be mistaken in its judgment of good and evil ; and yet no man will deny the civil power of princes , because they are fallible , and may perhaps abuse it . and yet in this alone lies all the strength of this objection against their ecclesiastical jurisdiction , because forsooth , 't is possible they may erre , and manage it to evil purposes . but whatever force it carries in it , it rather strikes at the divine providence , than my assertion , and charges that of being defective in making sufficient provisions for the due government of mankind , in that it has not set over us infallible judges and governours : for unless all magistrates be guided by an unerring spirit , 't is possible they may act against the ends of their institution ; and if this be a sufficient objection against their authority , it must of necessity overthrow the power of all fallible judicatures , and make governours as incompetent judges in matters of morality and controversies of right and wrong , as in articles of faith and religion . and therefore our enquiry is , to find out the best way of setling the world , that the state of things is capable of : if indeed mankind were infallible , this controversie were at an end ; but seeing that all men are liable to errors and mistakes , and seeing there is an absolute necessity of a supreme power in all publick affairs , our question ( i say ) is , what is the most prudent , and expedient way of setling them ; not that possibly might be , but that really is ? and this ( as i have already sufficiently proved ) is , to devolve their management on the supreme civil power ; which though it may be imperfect and liable to errors and mistakes , yet 't is the least so , and is a much better way to attain publick peace and tranquillity , than if they were entirely left to the ignorance and folly of every private man , which must of necessity be pregnant with all manner of mischiefs and confusions . so that this method , i have assign'd , being comparatively the best way of government of all ecclesiastical , as well as civil affairs , is not to be rejected , because 't is liable to some inconveniences ; but rather to be embraced above all others , because 't is liable to incomparably the fewest . and if it so happen , that some private persons suffer wrong from this method of proceeding , yet this private injury has an ample compensation from the publick benefit that arises from it ; and when it so falls out that either the whole society , or one individual must suffer , 't is easie to determine , that better one honest man perish , than a million . the inconveniences of a bad government are inconsiderable , in comparison to anarchy and confusion ; and the evils , that fall upon particular men from its unskilful or irregular administration , are vastly too little to weigh against the necessity of its institution . sect. 15. and upon this principle stands the necessity of subjection and obedience to all authority , in that , though its ill management may happen to bring many and great inconveniences upon the publick ; yet they cannot equal the mischiefs of that confusion which must necessarily arise , if subjects are warranted to disobey , or resist government , whenever they shall apprehend 't is ill administred . perhaps never any government was so good , as to be administred with exact justice and equity , nor any governour so wise , as not to be chargeable with faults and miscarriages ; and therefore if upon every quarrel every wise or honest man can pick against the laws of the common-wealth , he may lawfully withdraw his obedience , what can follow but a certain and unavoidable dissolution of government , when every man will be commanded by nothing , but his own perswasions , that is himself ? and upon this account 't is that the law of god has tied upon us such an absolute and indispensable subjection to authority , which though it may be mischievous , yet 't is less so than disobedience : and the world must be govern'd , as it can be , by men , and not as it might be , by angels . the management indeed of humane affairs is generally bad enough , but 't is as well as can probably be expected , if we consider the weaknesses and imperfections of humane nature : and therefore we must bear it as well as we can : because if we go about to alter any present setlement , we must almost of necessity make it worse : and all the effects of such attempts have seldom ended in any thing else but perpetual confusions , till things have at length resetled in the same , or as bad , ( if not a worse ) condition than they were in before . the miseries of tyranny are less , than those of anarchy ; and therefore 't is better to submit to the unreasonable impositions of nero , or caligula , than to hazard the dissolution of the state , and consequently all the calamities of war and confusion , by denying our subjection to tyrants . and there never was any lawful magistrate so bad , whose laws and government were not more conducive to the preservation of the common good , than his oppression was to subvert it : and 't is wisely eligible to suffer a less evil , rather than lose a greater good . 't is a known , and a wise saying of tacitus ; bonos principes voto expetere debemus , qualescunque pati ; & quomodo sterilitatem , aut nimios imbres , & caetera naturae mala , sic luxum & avaritiam dominantium tolerare . and this , in one word , is not only a satisfactory answer , but an ample confutation of that pestilent book , ( vindiciae contra tyrannos ) the scope whereof is , only to invite subjects to rebel against tyrannical government , by representing the evils of tyranny : which though they were as great , as he supposes them to be ; yet they are abundantly less than those that follow upon rebellion , as himself and his party were sufficiently taught by the event . and for one common-wealth , he can instance in , that has gain'd by rebellion ; 't is easie to produce an hundred that it has hazarded , if not utterly ruined . and therefore this author ( not to mention mariana , and buchanan , and others ) has perform'd nothing in behalf of his cause , by displaying the miseries of a tyrannical power , unless he had withal evinced them to be more calamitous than those of war and confusion . there is nothing in this world , that depends upon the freedom of man's will , can be so securely establish'd , as not to be liable to sad inconveniences ; and therefore that constitution of affairs is most eligible , that is liable to the fewest . and upon this score , i say , it is that the divine law has so severely injoin'd us to submit to the worst of governours ; because notwithstanding that tyranny is an oppressing burden of humane life , yet 't is less intolerable than a state of war and confusion . sect. 16. but to speak more expresly to the particular matter in debate , 't is necessary the world must be govern'd ; govern'd it cannot be without religion , & religion , as harmless and peaceable as it is in it self , yet when mixt with the follies and passions of men , it does not usually inspire them with overmuch gentleness and goodness of nature ; and therefore 't is necessary that it submit to the same authority , that commands over all the other affections of the mind of man. and we may as well suppose all men just and honest , and upon that account cancel all the laws of equity , as suppose them wise and sober in their religious conceits , and upon that score take off all restraints from the excesses and enormities of zeal . 't is therefore as necessary to the preservation of publick peace , that men should be govern'd in matters of religion , as in all other common affairs of humane life . and as for all the inconveniences that may follow from it , they are no other , than what belong to all manner of government , and such as are , and must be , unavoidable as long as mankind is endued with liberty of will ; for so long he cannot be intrusted with any power , how good soever , that he may not abuse . and therefore for men to go about to abrogate the ecclesiastical iurisdiction of the civil magistrate , because he may abuse it to evil and irreligious ends , by establishing idolatry , instead of the true worship of god ; ( in which case 't is pity that good men should be exposed to ruine , only for preserving a good conscience ) 't is just as reasonable as if they should cashier all manner of government , and set men free from all oaths and obligations of allegiance ; because 't is possible some usurper may gain the supreme power , and then force his subjects to abjure all their former oaths to their lawful sovereign ; and 't is pity that men of the gallantest , and most honest principles , should be fined , decimated , hanged , banish'd , and murdered only for their loyalty to their prince . and thus will the parallel run equal in all cases between the civil and ecclesiastical authority of the supreme powers : both may be , and often are lamentably abused ; and therefore if that be reason enough to abolish one , 't is so to abolish both : so that the whole result of all amounts only to this enquiry , whether it would not be a politick course to take away all government , because all government may be abused ? sect. 17. though this be a sufficient reply to the objection , yet it will not be altogether impertinent or unnecessary to abet it with this one consideration more . that it may , and often does so happen , that 't is necessary to punish men for such perswasions into which they have perhaps innocently abused themselves : for 't is easily possible for well-meaning people through ignorance and inadvertency to be betrayed into such unhappy errors , as may tend to the publick disturbance , which though it be not so much their crime as infelicity , yet is there no remedy but it must expose them to the correction of the publick rods and axes . magistrates are to take care of the common-wealth , and not of every particular mans concerns : and the end of all their laws is to provide for the welfare of the publick , that is their charge , and that they must secure ; and if any harmless and well-meaning man make himself obnoxious to the penalties of the law , that is a misfortune they cannot prevent , and therefore must deal with him , as they do with all other offenders ; that is , pity , and punish him . private interest must yield to publick good , and therefore , when they cannot stand together , and there is no remedy but one must suffer , 't is better certainly that one , or a few , should perish than the whole community . neither is it possible that any laws should be so warily contrived , but that some innocent persons may sometimes fall under their penalties ; yet , because 't is more beneficial to the publick welfare , that now and then a guiltless person should suffer , than that all the guilty should escape ; in that the former injures but one , the latter all : therefore is it necessary to govern all societies by laws , and penalties , without regard to the ill fortune that may befal a few single persons , which can hardly be avoided whilst the laws are in force : and yet 't is necessary that either the same , or some other in their stead be establish'd , that will be liable to the same inconvenience . besides , 't is not unworthy observation , that it is not so properly the end of government to punish enormities , as to prevent disturbances ; and when they bring malefactors to justice ( as we term it ) they do not so much inflict a punishment upon the crime , ( for that belongs peculiarly to the cognizance of another tribunal ) as provide for the welfare of the common-wealth , by cutting off such persons as are pests and enemies to it , and by the example of their punishment deter others from the like practices . and therefore there are some sins , of which governours take not so much notice , that are more hainous in themselves , and in the sight of god , than others that they punish with capital inflictions ; because they are not in their own nature so destructive of the ends of government , and the good of publick societies . so that actions being punishable by humane laws , not according to the nature of the crime , but of their ill consequence to the publick , when any thing that is otherwise even innocent , is in this regard injurious , it as much concerns authority to give it check by severity of laws and punishments , as any the foulest immoralities . temporal punishments then are inflicted upon such persons that are turbulent against prescribed rules of publick worship , upon the same account , as they are against those that offend against all other publick edicts of government : they are both equally intended , to secure the publick peace and interest of the society ; and when either of them are violated , they equally tend to its disturbance : and therefore as mens actings against the civil laws of a common-wealth are obnoxious to the judgment of its governours , for the same reason are all their offences against its ecclesiastical laws liable to the censure of the same authority . so that the matter debated , in its last result , is not so much a question of religion , as of policy ; not so much of what is necessary to faith , as to the quiet and preservation of a common-wealth ; and 't is possible a man may be a good christian , and yet his opinion be intolerable , upon the score of its being inconsistent with the preservation of the publick peace , and the necessary ends of government . for 't is easily imaginable how an honest and well-meaning man may , through meer ignorance , fall into such errours , which though god will pardon , yet governours must punish : his integrity may expiate the crime , but cannot prevent the mischief of his errour . nay so easie is it for men to deserve to be punished for their consciences , that there is no nation in the world , in which ( were government rightly understood and duly managed ) mistakes and abuses of religion would not supply the gallies with vastly greater numbers than villany . chap. vii . of the nature and obligations of scandal , and of the absurdity of pretending it , against the commands of lawful authority . the contents . the leaders of the separation being asham'd of the silliness of the principle , with which they abuse the people , think to shelter themselves , by flying to the pretence of scandal . scandal is any thing that occasions the sin of another , and is not in it self determinately good or evil. all scandal is equally taken , but not equally criminal . men are to govern themselves , in this affair , by their own prudence and discretion . of st. paul's contrary behaviour towards the iews , and gentiles , to avoid their contrary scandal . the reason of the seeming contradiction , in this point , between his epistles to the romans , and galatians . the proper obligations of scandal are extended only to indifferent things . the cases , in which it is concern'd , are not capable of being determined by setled laws and constitutions . how scandalously these men prevaricate with the world in their pretence of scandal , that may excuse their refusal of conformity , but gives no account of their separation . of their scrupling to renounce the covenant , this is no reason to drive them from divine service into conventicles . how shamefully these men juggle with the world , and impose upon their followers . if they would but perswade their proselytes to be of their own minds , it would end all our differences . they first lead the people into the scandal , and then make this the formal reason why they must follow them . if the peoples scruples are groundless , then to comply with them , is to keep them in a sinful disobedience . a further account of their shameful prevarication . the ridiculousness of the peoples pretending it concerning themselves , that they are scandalized . by their avoiding private offences , they run into publick scandals . they scandalize their own weak brethren most of all , by complying with them . old and inveterate scandals are not to be complyed with , but opposed : and such are those of the non-conformists . the commands of authority and the obligations of obedience infinitely outweigh , and utterly evacuate all the pretences of scandal . sect. 1. though the former principle , viz. that no man may with a safe conscience do any thing in the worship of god , that is not warranted by some precept or precedent in the word of god , be riveted into the peoples minds , as the first and fundamental principle of the puritan separation ; yet their leaders seem to be ashamed of their own folly : and being driven from this , and all their other little holds and shelters , they have at length thought it the safest and the wisest course to flie to the pretence of scandal . this is their fort royal , in which they have at last secured and entrench'd themselves . as for their own parts ( they tell us ) they are not so fond as to believe , that the ceremonies of the church of england are so superstitious , and antichristian , and that themselves might lawfully use them , were it not that there are great numbers of sincere , but weak christians that apprehend them to be sinful ; and for this reason they dare not conform to our ceremonial constitutions , for fear of ensnaring and scandalizing weak consciences ; which is , in the apostles account of it , no less than spiritual murther . and whatever is due to authority , the souls of men are too high a tribute . none can be more ready , than themselves , to submit to all lawful commands ; but here they desire to be excused , when they cannot obey but at the price of souls . 't is a dreadful doom , that our saviour has denounced against those , who offend any of his little ones , i. e. babes and weaklings in christianity : and therefore , though they would not stick to hazard their own lives in obedience to authority , yet nothing can oblige them to be so cruel , and so uncharitable , as to destroy any for whom christ died ; which is certainly done by casting snares and scandals before their weak brethren . this is the last refuge of the leaders of the separation , and therefore i cannot but think my self obliged to examine its strength and reasonableness ; and i doubt not , but to make it appear as vain and frivolous , as all their other cavils , and shuffling pretences . sect. 2. scandal then is a word of a large and ambiguous signification , and the thing it imports is not determinately either good or evil , but is sometimes innocent , and sometimes criminal , according to the different nature of those things from whence it arises , or of those circumstances wherewith it is attended ; for in the full and proper extent of the word , 't is any thing ( whether good , or evil , or indifferent ) that occasions the fall or sin of another . now if the matter of the scandal , or that which occasions anothers sin , be in it self good and vertuous , this casual event is not sufficient to reflect any charge or disparagement upon it ; and therefore 't is in scripture frequently attributed to the best of things , to the cross of christ , to christ himself , and to the grace of god. if it be a thing in it self criminal , though it be chiefly blameable upon its own account , yet this usually aggravates and enhances the original guilt of the action . but lastly , if it be a thing indifferent , and a matter of christian liberty , then is it either faultless , or chargeable , according to its different cases and circumstances , as christian prudence and discretion shall determine , so various and contingent a thing not being capable to be govern'd by any fix'd and setled measures . some are scandalized out of weakness , and some out of peevishness ; some before due information of their mistake , and some after it ; some because they do not , and some because they will not understand . all which , with infinite other circumstances , men ought to consider in the exercise of their christian liberty , and suitably to guide themselves by the same rules of wisdom and charity , that determine them in all the other affairs of humane life . for the action it self is only the remote occasion , and not the immediate cause of the scandal ; in that , being in its own nature indifferent , and by consequence innocent , it cannot be directly and from it self productive of any criminal effect : and therefore , its being abused and perverted to purposes and opportunities of sin , is purely accidental . and the proper and immediate cause of every mans falling , is something within himself : 't is either folly , or malice , or ignorance , or wilfulness , too little understanding , or too much passion , that betray some men into sin by occasion of other mens actions . so that the schools distinction of scandal into passive or that which is taken , and active or that which is given , is apparently false and impertinent , and is the main thing that has perplexed and intricated all discourses of this article : because scandal , properly so called , is never given , but when it is taken ; as being only an occasion of offence taken by one manfrom the actions of another . now if his taking offence , where it was not given , proceeds from weakness and ignorance , then is his case pitiable , and a good-natur'd man will out of tenderness and charity forbear such things , as he seizes on to abuse to his own destruction : for all the obligations of scandal proceed purely from that extraordinary height of charity and tenderness of good nature , that is so signally recommended in the gospel ; which will oblige us to forbear any action that we may lawfully omit , when we know it will prove an occasion of sin and mischief to some well-meaning , but less knowing christians . but if it proceed from humour , or pride , or wilfulness , or any other vicious principle , then is the man to be treated as a peevish and stubborn person ; and no man is bound to part with his own freedom , because his neighbour is froward and humorous : and if he be resolved to fall , there is no reason i should forego the use of my liberty , because he is resolved to make that his stumbling-block . so that we see all scandal is equally taken , but not equally criminal : in that , some take it only because they are weak , and some because they are peevish ; according to which different cases we are to behave our selves , with a different demeanour in this affair . § 3. and for this we have variety of examples in the practice of the apostles , whose actions were liable to the opposite scandals of jews and gentiles . if they complyed with the jews in their rigorous observation of the mosaick rites , this was a scandal to the gentiles , by leading them into a false and mischievous opinion of their necessity : if they did not comply , then that proved a scandal to those iews , that were not as yet fully instructed in the right nature , and extent of their christian liberty , and the dissolution of the mosaick law ; and so would be tempted to fall back from that religion , that inclin'd men to a scorn and contempt of the law of moses . now between these two extremes they were forced to walk with great prudence and wariness , inclining sometimes to one , and sometimes to the other ; as they apprehended most beneficial to the ends & interests of christianity . thus though st. paul condescended to the circumcision of timothy , to humour and gratifie the jews , who could not be so suddenly wrought off from the prejudices , and strong impressions of their education , and therefore were for a time indulged to the practice of their ancient rites and customs ; yet , when he was among the gentiles , he would not be perswaded to yield so far to the jewish obstinacy , as to suffer the circumcision of titus , but opposed it with his utmost zeal and vehemence ; because this would in probability have frustrated the success of all his labour in propagating the gospel among forein nations ; if he who had before so vehemently asserted their christian liberty , and instructed them in their freedom from the mosaick law , and particularly , from this ceremony , should now seem inconsistent with himself , by acting directly contrary to his former doctrine , and bringing men into a subjection to the law of moses , after himself had so often declared its being revers'd and superannuated . for what else could be probably expected , than that his gentile proselytes being discouraged , partly by his prevarication , and partly by the weight of that noke , to which they foresaw , or at least suspected , they must submit , should be strongly tempted to an utter apostacy ? and therefore , wisely weighing with himself , that the scandal was less dangerous in angring the jews , than in hazarding the gentiles , he chose rather to leave them to their own peevishness , than to hazard the revolt of these , gal. 2. 4 , 5. § 4. and this is the true reason ( as some learned men have observed ) of this great apostles different deportment , in this particular , towards the churches of rome and galatia ; because in the roman church there lived no small number of natural jews , who , when they were first converted to christianity , were not so well instructed in the abrogation of the mosaick law. the method , whereby the apostles invited them at first to embrace the christian faith , was barely to convince them of its evidence and divine authority ; without taking any notice , whether their old religion were thereby abrogated , or continued : for had they at the first attempt dealt roundly with them in that particular , that had been so far from winning their assent , that it had been absolutely the most effectual way to affright them from the gospel . and from hence it came to pass , that there were dispersed among them so many judaizing christians , who , though they were sufficiently instructed in the positive articles of the christian faith ; yet not being so throughly informed as to the superannuating of those legal observances , they were as firmly wedded to them , as if they had still continued in the jewish religion : therefore does the apostle advise , that these weak and uninstructed converts should be tenderly treated ; and exhorts the more knowing christians , for a while , to comply with their weakness and simplicity ; till time , and better information should wear off their old prejudices , and at length bring them to a better understanding of their own liberty . but then , as for the galatians , when they hapned to fall into the same error , he thought not fit to treat them with the same tenderness and civility : but rather chides and lashes them out of their childish folly ; because ( as st. chrysostome observes ) at their first conversion they had been competently instructed in the extent of their christian liberty , and had already disclaimed all their jewish perswasions ; and therefore , for them to relapse into the errours of iudaism , could not proceed from weakness , and want of instruction , but from lightness and giddiness of mind : a vanity that deserved to be upbraided with as much briskness and vehemence of satyr , as st. paul has us'd in that epistle . and upon this account arose the quarrel between him and st. peter , in that st. peter had not carried himself so prudently in the use of his christian liberty , as he might have done ; their controversie was not about an article of faith , or a prescribed duty of religion , but purely about an occasional and changeable matter of prudence . but to pass by this , and divers other particular cases , to the same purpose , in the writings of st. paul , whose practice in this affair is the best comment upon his doctrine : the result of what i have discoursed from him evidently amounts to these two consequences , ( 1. ) that the proper obligations of scandal are extended only to matters of an indifferent and arbitrary nature . those things that are absolutely necessary , we are bound to do , whether they offend any man or no ; and those that are absolutely unlawful , we are bound to forbear , upon the score of stronger obligations than those of scandal : and therefore its proper scene must lie in things that are not determinately good or evil . ( 2. ) that the cases , in which it is concern'd , are not capable of being determin'd by any unalterable laws and constitutions ; and that we have no other rules for the government of our actions in reference to it , but those of common prudence and discretion . and now , from this more general account may we proceed , with more clearness and security , to some more close and particular considerations , that immediately relate to this affair , as 't is pleaded by some men in justification of their present schism . § 5. first , and here in the first place let me desire them , to consider how manifestly & scandalously they prevaricate with the world , in their management of this apology , in that the pretence is too narrow a covering for their practices . for however it may serve to excuse their refusal of conformity in the exercise of their publick and ministerial function , which they must renounce , though to the ruine of their families , to please the brethren ; yet how will this account for all the other disorders and irregularities of their separations ? what has this to do with their private meetings and conventicles , against the commands of publick authority ? they plead it only to justifie themselves in laying down their ministry , and not to keep them from being present at our assemblies in a private capacity : ( as they sometimes are . ) why therefore should they keep up such an apparent separation , by gathering people into distinct meetings of their own , when they might without any criminal scandal to their brethren , or violence to their own consciences , be constant at our congregations ? when themselves were ( or at least thought they were ) in power , they did not think so slightly of unnecessary separations , but provided against their very appearances and possibilities : why therefore should they now make so light of exposing the church to all the distempers that naturally follow , upon making parties and divisions ? if there were nothing but scandal in the case , they would live quietly and conformably in a private condition , though this might possibly restrain them from doing so in a publick office. and one would think that such nice and tender-natur'd people , that will undo themselves to please their neighbours , should be wonderfully tender of giving needless offence to their governours . and , whatever other pretences they make to excuse their non-conformity , nothing can justifie their separation , but the unlawfulness of being present at our congregations . for what , if they scruple to renounce the covenant ; is this any reason , why they should gather people into conventicles , keep their private meetings in time of publick service , affront the laws and constitutions of the common-wealth , and encourage their followers in a down-right schism and separation ? it would be a pretty way of arguing , to hear one of them plead : i cannot renounce the covenant , therefore i must keep a conventicle ; and yet this is their method of acting . and therefore they can never clear themselves of some odd suspicions , unless they would frankly and openly declare their opinion of our service : if they think it unlawful , then let them own , and profess , and plead it ; if lawful , then let them justifie themselves , in that , when lawful authority requires them , and the people , to keep up a just and lawful communion with the church , yet they should notwithstanding keep up so wide a schism , by gathering people out of publick congregations into private meetings . and could their credulous disciples be but made sensible , how coarsly they are impos'd upon by their leaders , and how lamentably they juggle and dissemble with the world , they would then more abhor them for their hypocrisie , than they now admire them for their saint-like and demure pretences . for if they would perswade them to do what themselves would not scruple in their circumstances , ( i. e. to be of their own mind ) this schism would quickly be ended , and the church setled . the only reason ( say most of them ) why they forsook their ministry was , that they durst not abjure the covenant ; dispense with them for this , and they are conformists . but if that be the only thing they scruple , then , why are they not regular and conformable in all other particulars , against which they can pretend no such exceptions ? and what does renouncing the covenant concern the people ? and therefore how shall that excuse , or justifie them in their separation ? this thing has no relation to the divine service , and therefore , however it may restrain men from something else , 't is no motive to drive them from that . now what can be more apparent , than that these men are resolved to comply with , and encourage , the people in a wicked and rebellious schism ( for so it must be , if it be groundless and unwarrantable ) by herding them into conventicles for their own private ends , and that in spight of authority ? whereas had they any true sense of conscience and ingenuity , they would labor to dispossess the people of their mistakes , and to reconcile them to a fair and candid opinion of the church , when she requires nothing of them , but what they themselves are convinced in conscience , is lawful and innocent . for , if they valued the peace of the church , the commands of authority , and the setlement of the nation before their own selfish ends , instead of keeping up divisions ( as 't is evident they do by their conventicles ) they would be as zealous , as he that is most so , to remove the grounds of schism and faction , and to reunite their party to the church , by perswading them to an orderly and peaceable conformity . which if it be innocent ( as themselves believe it is ) it must , in the present circumstances of affairs , be necessary ; if it be any mans duty to be peaceable in the church , and obedient to lawful authority . sect. 6. secondly , how came the people to be scandalized ? by whom were they betrayed , and affrighted into their mistakes ? who buzzed their scruples , and jealousies into their heads ? and , who taught them to call our ceremonies , popish , superstitious , and antichristian ? what other inducement have they to dislike the churches constitutions , but meerly the example of their leaders ? their practice is the only foundation of the peoples opinion ; and when their flocks straggle from our churches , 't is only to follow their pastors : they first lead the people into an errour , and then this must be an apology for themselves to follow them . and thus , whilst they dance in a circle , 't is no wonder , if at the same time , their preachers follow their people , and the people follow their preachers . and therefore if the godly ministers , who dare not conform for fear of scandalizing the weak brethren , would but venture to do it , the weak brethren would cease to be scandalized . so that these men first lay the stumbling-block in the peoples way , and then , because it scares silly and timorous souls , this serves for a pretence to startle , & be astonish'd at it themselves , and withal to increase the childish fears of the multitude by their own seeming & counterfeit horror . now with what a shameless brow do these men prevaricate with publick authority ? they have deceived the people into a publick errour , and then will not undeceive them for fear of their displeasure : and when they have possess'd their minds with unworthy scruples , and jealousies against the commands of their superiors , then must this weakness of the people be made the formal excuse of their own disobedience . and by this artifice they prostitute the reverence of all government to the fortuitous humor and peevishness of their own disciples ; and so by making the publick laws submit to the pleasure of those whom they govern , they put it in their own power to enact , or repeal them as they please ; and no law shall have any force to bind the subject without their approbation : because 't is in their own power , when they please , to work prejudices , in the people against it ; and therefore , if their being offended be sufficient to take off their obligation , 't is , or 't is not a law , only as themselves shall think good . and thus they first govern the common people , & then sooth and flatter their pride , by inveigling them into a conceit , that they are govern'd by them , and by this stratagem they govern all . but however , from whomsoever these good people learn'd their idle & imaginary scruples , the offence they have taken against the customs and prescriptions of the church , is either just and reasonable , or it is not : if the former , then they have rational grounds for their dislike & separation ; and if they have , then these men that think themselves bound to comply with them , even against the commands of authority , ought to plead those reasons , and not meerly scandal , to justifie their disobedience ; because they must carry in them an obligation antecedent to that of scandal ; in that they are supposed sufficient to warrant and patronize it ; and therefore 't is not that , but the grounds , on which their dislike is founded , that are to be pleaded in their defence and justification . but if the latter , then is their dislike groundless , and unreasonable : and if so , 't is easie to determine that they ought rather to undeceive them , by discovering their mistake , than to encourage them in their sinful disobedience , ( for so it must be , if it be groundless ) by compliance with them . and by this means they will fairly discharge themselves from all danger of any criminal offence . for however scandal groundlesly taken ( and so it is always , because there is never any reason to be offended at an indifferent thing ) may possibly lay a restraint upon my liberty , till i have informed the person of his error , and disavowed those ill consequences he would draw from my example ; and when i have so done , i have prevented the danger of scandal , which always supposes errour , weakness , or mistake of conscience ; and therefore when the errour is discovered , and the weakness removed , so is the scandal too : and if he shall still pretend to be scandalized , 't is not because he is weak , but peevish ; and if after this i comply with them , and that against the commands of my lawful superiors , i shall disobey authority , only , because my neighbour is unreasonable , i. e. for no reason at all . and this further discovers , how shamelesly these men shuffle and prevaricate with the world ; in that when most of them have declared , in their private discourses , that they are not so fond as to imagine our ceremonies unlawful , or antichristian , and when their grandees and representatives have profess'd to publick authority in solemn conferences , that they scruple not these things upon their own account , but only for fear of giving offence to some well-meaning people that were unhappily possess'd with some odd and groundless jealousies against them . for if so , then why are not these good people , that follow them , better informed ? why do they not instruct them in the truth , and disabuse them out of their false and absurd conceits ? why do they connive at their pride and presumption ? or at least , why do they not more smartly reprove them , for their rashness to censure the actions of their neighbours , to condemn , and revile the wisdom of their superiors , and to scorn the knowledge of their spiritual instructors ? why do they not chide them out of their malepart , peevish , and impatient confidence , and , by convincing them at least of the possibility of their being deceived , reduce them to a more humble and governable temper ? why do they not teach them in plain terms that the establish'd way of worship is lawful , and innocent , and therefore that they ought not to forsake it , to the disturbance of the church , and contempt of authority ? if they would but make it part of their business to undeceive the people , how easily would all their stragling followers return into the communion of the church ? but they dare not let them know their errours , lest they should forfeit both their party , and their reputation : and therefore , instead of that , they rather confirm them in their mistakes , and in their own defence , are forced to perswade them , that they ought to be scandalized . insomuch , that it is not unusual to hear the foolish people pretend it concerning themselves , and to tell you that your action is a scandal to them : by which they mean , either that it leads them into sin , or that it makes them angry . if the former , that is a ridiculous contradiction ; for if they know how the snare and temptation is laid , then they know how to escape it ; my action does not force them into the sin , but only invites them to it , through their own mistake and folly : and therefore if they have discovered , by what mistake they are likely to be betray'd , they know how to provide against the danger : for , if they know their duty in the case , how can they plead scandal , when that supposes ignorance ? and however i behave my self , they know what they have to do themselves : if they do not , how can they say of themselves , that they are scandalized ; when by so saying they confess they are not ? for that implies a knowledge how to do their duty , and avoid the danger . if the latter , i. e. that they are angry , then all their meaning is , that i must part with my liberty , and disobey my superiors to please them ; that their saucy humour must give me law ; that i must be their slave , because they are proud , and insolent ; and that they must gain a power over me , because they are forward to censure mine actions . § 7. thirdly , we encounter scandal with scandal , and let the guilt of all be discharged upon that side that occasions the most and the greatest offences : now all the mischief they can pretend to ensue , in the present constitution of affairs , upon their compliance with authority , reaches no farther than the weak brethren of their own party ; whereas by their refractory disobedience they give offence not only to them , but to all , both to the jew , and to the gentile , and to the church of god. and , not to insist upon the advantages they give to atheism and popery , let me only mind them , that if the accidental offence of the judgments of some well-meaning , but less knowing christians , of a private capacity , pass a sufficient obligation upon conscience , to restrain it from any practice in it self lawful ; of how much more force must that scandal be , that is given to publick authority , by denying obedience to its lawful commands , and by consequence infringing its just power in things not forbidden by any divine law ? now if the rites and ceremonies of the church of england were in themselves apparently evil , then their repugnancy to the law of god were sufficient objection both against their practice , and their imposition ; and their scandal to weak and ignorant christians were of small force , in comparison to their intrinsick , and unalterable unlawfulness : but , because this is not pretended in our present case , what a shameful scandal and reproach to religion is it , to neglect the necessary duty of obedience , and subjection to lawful authority , under pretence of complyance with the weak and groundless scruples of some private men ? 't is certainly past dispute , that the reasonable offence of some weaker brethren cannot so strongly oblige our consciences , as the indispensable command of obeying our lawful superiors . and it is a shame to demand , whether the judgment of a lawful magistrate have not more force and power over conscience , than the judgment of every private christian : if not , then may the laws of authority be cancell'd , and controul'd by the folly and ignorance of those that are subject to them ; for meer scandal arises only from the folly and ignorance of the persons offended . for if there be any just and wise occasion of dislike , the action becomes primarily unlawful , not because 't is scandalous , but because 't is antecedently evil ; whereas meer and proper scandal is only concern'd in things in themselves indifferent : so that in this case all the difficulty is , whether is the greater scandal , to do an indifferent thing , when a private christian dislikes it ; or not to do it , when publick authority enjoyns it ? and certainly it can be no controversie , whether it be a fouler reproach to religion , to disobey a christian magistrate in a thing lawful and indifferent , than to offend a private christian. and i may safely appeal to the judgment of all wise and sober men , whether the intolerable waywardness of some nice and squeamish consciences to the commands of just authority , be not a fouler and more notorious scandal to religion , than a modest and humble compliance with them , though in things not so apparently useful and necessary ? and then , as for their own weak brethren , of whom they seem so exceedingly tender , they can no way more scandalize them , than by complying with them : by which they are tempted and betray'd into the greatest and most mischievous enormities ; for thereby they encourage their folly , feed and cherish their ungrounded fancies , confirm them in a false opinion of the unlawfulness of their superiors commands , and so lead them directly into the sins of unwarrantable schism and disobedience . how many feeble and deluded souls are enticed , by the reputation of their example , to violate the commands of authority , and that , when themselves are not convinced of their unlawfulness , and so entangle themselves in a complicated sin , by disobeying their lawful superiors , and that with a doubtful and unsatisfied conscience ? they cannot be ignorant , that the greatest part of their zealous disciples are offended at the laws and constitutions of the church , for no other reason , than because they see their godly ministers to slight them ; and therefore , unless their example be sufficient to rescind the lawful commands of their governors , they give them the most criminal scandal , by inviting them to the most criminal disobedience . so that all circumstances fairly considered , the avoiding of offences will prove the most effectual inducement to conformity : for this would take away the very grounds and foundations of scandal , remove all our differences , prevent much trouble and more sin , cure all our schisms , quarrels , and divisions , banish our mutual jealousies , censures , and animosities , and establish the nation in a firm and lasting peace . in brief , the only cause of all our troubles and disturbances , is , the inflexible perversness of about an hundred proud , ignorant , and seditious preachers ; against whom , if the severity of the laws were particularly levelled , how easie would it be in some competent time to reduce the people to a quiet and peaceable temper , and to make all our present schisms ( that may otherwise prove eternal ) expire with , or before , the present age ? the want , or neglect , of which method , is the only thing , that has given them so much strength , & so long a continuance . § 8. fourthly , no man is bound to take notice of , or give place to old and inveterate scandals , but rather ought , in defence of his christian liberty , to oppose them with a publick defiance , and to shame those that pretend them out of their confidence . for the only ground of compliance and condescension in these cases , is tenderness and compassion to some mens infirmities ; and as long as i have reason to think this the only cause of their being scandalized , so long am i bound by charity and good nature to condescend to their weaknesses , and no longer : for after they have had a competent time and means of better information , i have reason enough to presume , that 't is not ignorance , that is the gound of their taking offence , but pride or peevishness , or something worse . so that all that is to be done in this case , is to disabuse the weak by rectifying his judgment , removing his scruples , declaring the innocence of my action , clearing it of all sinister suspicions , and protesting against all those abuses , he would put upon the lawful use of my christian liberty : and when i have so done , i have cleared my self from all his ill-natured jealousies and surmises , and discharged all the offices and obligations of charity . and if , after all this , my offended neighbor shall still persevere in his perverse mis-interpretation of my actions , and pretend , that they still gaul and ensnare his tender conscience ; the man is peevish and refractory , and only makes use of this precarious pretence , to justifie his uncharitable censures of my innocent liberty ; and then am i so far from being under any obligation to comply with the peevishness and insolence of his humour , that i am strongly bound to thwart and oppose it . for otherwise i should but betray my christian liberty to the tyranny of his wilful and imperious ignorance , and give superstitious folly the advantage and authority of prescription . for if that prevail in the practice of the world , and i must yield and condescend to it , because 't is stubborn , and obstinate , it must , in process of time , gain the reputation of being the custom and received opinion of the church ; and when it can plead that , then it becomes necessary : inveterate errours are ever sacred and venerable , and what prescription warrants , it always imposes : custom ever did , and ever will rule and preside in the practices of men , because 't is popular ; and being ever attended with a numerous train of followers , it grows proud and confident , and is not ashamed to upbraid free reason with singularity and innovation . so that all i could gain , by an absolute resignation of my own liberty to another mans folly , would be only to give him a plausible pretence to claim a right of command and dominion over me , and to make my self subject to his humour by my own civility . and thus , though the jews were in the beginning of christianity for a time permitted the rites and customs of their nation ; yet afterward when the nature of the christian religion was , or might be , better understood , the church did not think it owed them so much civility : and if the primitive christians had not given check to their stubborn perswasions , they had given them authority ; and , by too long a compliance , would have vouched and abetted their errours , and adopted judaism into christianity ; and circumcision not only might , but of necessity must have been conveyed down to us from age to age , by as firm and uninterrupted a tradition as baptism . and this shews us , how way-ward and unreasonable those men are , who still persevere to object scandal against the churches constitutions , after she has so often protested against this exception by so many solemn declarations . when at first it was pretended , it might perhaps for a while excuse , or alleviate their disobedience ; but after authority has so sufficiently satisfied their scruples , and removed their suspicions , and so amply cleared the innocence of its own intentions , if men will still continue jealous and quarrelsom , they may thank themselves if they smart for their own presumption and folly . and princes have no reason to abridge themselves in the exercise of their lawful power , only , because some of their subjects will not learn to be modest and ingenuous . and if his majesty should think good to condescend so far to these mens peevishness , as to reverse his laws against them out of compliance with them , this would but feed and cherish their insolence , and only encourage them to proceed ( if that be possible ) to more unreasonable demands ; for upon the same reason they insist upon these , they may , when they are granted them , go on to make new remonstrances , i. e. upon no reason at all . and beside , this would but give the countenance of authority to their scruples and superstitious pretences , and leave the church of england under all those calumnies to posterity , with which themselves or their followers labour to charge it , and oblige future ages to admire and celebrate these peevish and seditious persons as the founders of a more godly and thorow reformation . not to mention how much princes have ever gain'd by their concessions to the demands of fanatick zealots , they may easily embolden , but hardly satisfie them ; and if they yield up but one jewel of their imperial diadem to their importunity , 't is not usual for them to rest , till they have gain'd crown and all , and perhaps the head that wears it too ; for there is no end of the madness of unreasonable men . how happy would the world be , if wise men were but wise enough to be instructed by the mistress of fools ? but every age lives as much at all adventure as if it were the first , without any regard to the warnings and experiences of all former ages . sect. 9. fifthly , the commands of authority , and the obligations of obedience , infinitely outweigh , and utterly evacuate all the pretences of scandal . for the matters wherein scandal is concern'd are only things indifferent ; but nothing that is not antecedently sinful remains so , after the commands of lawful authority are superinduced upon it ; these change things indifferent , as to their nature , into necessary duties , as to their vse ; and therefore place them beyond the reach of the obligations of scandal , that may in many cases extend to the restraint of our liberty , but never to the prejudice and hinderance of our duty ; so that no obedience , how offensive soever , unless it be upon some other account faulty , is capable of being made criminal upon the score of scandal ; the obligations whereof are but accidental and occasional , whereas those of obedience are of a prime , absolute , and eternal necessity . princes are gods deputies , and lieutenants here on earth , he vests them with their power , and by his own law binds us to obey theirs ; and though their decrees pass no direct obligation upon the consciences of men , yet the divine laws directly and immediately bind their consciences to obey them ; and god has annex'd the same penalties to disobedience to their laws , as to his own : so that obedience to all the lawful commands of our superiours is one part of our duty to god , because our obligation to it is tied upon us by his own immediate command : aud therefore if the duty of avoiding scandal , that is of compliance with my neighbours weakness , be sufficient to excuse that of obedience to authority , 't is so too to take off the immediate obligations of god himself : so that when these two , the publick commands of a lawful superiour , and the private offence of an honest neighbour countermand each other , if the latter prevail , then may it forbid what god has made a necessary duty , and oblige us to disobey him out of compliance with the folly and ignorance of men . how few are there of the divine laws more severe and peremptory , than those that command obedience to authority ? and therefore if we may decline this duty only to avoid scandal , why not any ? why not all ? this then is our duty , and must be done ; and as for all its casual and equivocal events , no mans conscience is concern'd to provide against them . and if other men will be offended because i do my duty , that is their fault and not mine ; and better be the occasion of another mans sin , than the author of mine own . no mans folly or ignorance can cancel my obligations to god , or god's vicegerent ; and in all cases where there is any competition between scandal and a command of god , or any other lawful authority , there is no other difficulty to be resolved , than , whether i shall disobey god , or displease my foolish neighbour ? and 't is ( one would think ) past all dispute , that when any thing is positively determin'd as a matter of duty , the obligations to obedience in that particular are not , for that very reason , left to any man's choice and prudence ( as all matters of scandal are ) but it must become in all cases and circumstances whatsoever , a duty of a precise absolute , and indispensable necessity , and certainly god had made but odd provision for the government of the world , if he should allow one subject , for the pleasure of another , to derogate from the authority of lawful superiours , and permit them the liberty to disobey the commands of governours , rather than displease one another : for this must unavoidably end in an utter dissolution of all government , & devolve the supremacy entirely upon every private man , that either has or can pretend to have a weak and a tender conscience . for if scandal to weak and tender consciences be of sufficient force to rescind the obligatory power of the commands of authority , then whoever either has , or can pretend to a weak conscience , gains thereby an absolute sovereignty over all his superiours , and vests himself with a power to dispense with or evacuate their commands . so that in the issue of all , this pretence puts it in the power of any peevish or malevolent person to cancel all the decrees of princes , and make his own humour the rule of all their polity and laws of government , and become superior to his own superiours only by being ignorant or peevish . how is it possible to make authority more cheap and contemptible ( if men would study to weaken and disgrace it ) than by making its commands of less force , than the folly or perverseness of every arrogant mechanick ? and what can be more destructive of all manner of government than to make all the rules of order and discipline less sacred , than the whimsies of every phantastick zealot ? in brief , the peace and quiet of honest men is likely to be mighty well secured , when disobedience shall be thought the product of a more exact and tender conscience ; when to pick quarrels with the laws , and make scruple of obeying them shall be made the specifick character of the godly party ; and when giddy and humorous zeal shall not only excuse , but hallow disobedience ; when every one , that has pride enough to fancy himself a child of god , shall have licence to despise authority and do as he list . what an irresistible temptation is this to proud and zealous enthusiasts , to affect being troublesome to government , and disobedient to all the laws of discipline , when it shall pass for the result of a more extraordinary tenderness of conscience ? what encouragement could men have to obey their superiours , when to dispute and dislike their laws shall be thought to proceed from a greater holiness and a more exact integrity ? and what a resistless inducement is this to all proud and phantastick zealots to remonstrate to the wisdom of authority , if thereby they may gain the renown and glory of a more conspicuous godliness ? if men would but consider the natural consequences of this , and the like pretences , they could not but see how fatally and unavoidably they lead to anarchy , and an utter dissolution of all government . which mischief ( as is notoriously apparent from the premisses ) all the world can never prevent , if the scandal of private men may ever dispence with the obligation of publick laws . chap. viii . of the pretence of a tender and unsatisfied conscience ; the absurdity of pleading it in opposition to the commands of publick authority . the contents . this pretence is but an after-game of conscience . 't is a certain and unavoidable dissolution of government . 't is a superannuated pretence , and is become its own confutation . old scruples proceed not from tenderness , but stubborness of conscience . this particularly shewn in their scruple of kneeling at the communion . they affect their scruples out of pride and vain-glory. tenderness of conscience is so far from being the reason of disobedience , that it lays upon us the strongest obligations to obedience . a tender conscience is ever of a yielding and pliable temper . when 't is otherwise , 't is nothing but humour or insolence , and is usually hardy enough not to scruple the greatest villanies . the commands of publick authority abrogate all doubts and scruples , and determine all irresolution of conscience . the matter of all scruples is too small to weigh against the sin and mischief of disobedience . the apostles apology , viz. we ought to obey god rather than men , holds only in matters of great and apparent duty , but not in doubtful and disputable cases . nothing more easie than to raise scruples . no law can escape them , this particularly shewn in our own laws . when two obligations interfere , the greater always cancels the less . hence 't is impossible for any man to be reduced into a necessity of sinning . obedience to publick authority is one of the greatest and most indispensable duties of mankind , because most necessary to their well-being . to act against our own scruples , out of obedience to authority , is an eminent instance of virtue . in cases of a publick concern , men are to be govern'd not by their own private , but by the publick iudgment . in these matters the commands of publick authority are the supreme rules of conscience . there is a vast difference between liberty and authority of conscience . the puritans tenderness of conscience is one of the rankest sort of heresies . wherefore 't is absolutely necessary for authority to command things indifferent . the conclusion of all . sect. 1. the last refuge for godly disobedience is the pretence of a poubtful , scrupulous , & unsatisfied conscience ; for ( say they ) though we cannot positively condemn the ceremonial constitutions of the church , as things in themselves unlawful , yet unlawful they are to us , whose consciences are not sufficiently satisfied concerning them ; because whatsoever is done with a doubting conscience , i. e. without faith , or a full perswasion of mind , is done against it : according to that clear and unquestionable maxim of st. paul , whatsoever is not of faith , is sin . but this precarious pretence , as well as that of scandal , is but an after-game of conscience ; they first resolved to quarrel our constitutions , and then 't is an easie matter to want satisfaction about them ; and when mens arguments depend upon their wills , 't is in their own power only to repeal them , and all the reason in the world can never cure willful and artificial scruples . however , if the obligation of laws must yield to that of a weak and tender conscience , how impregnably is every man , that has a mind to disobey , arm'd against all the commands of his superiours ? no authority shall be able to govern him , farther than himself pleases , and if he dislike the law , he is sufficiently excused from all obligations to obedience ; and no laws shall ever be able to oblige any man , that either has , or can pretend to a weak conscience : for seeing no man can discern the reality of mens pretensions , 't is all one to the concernments of government , whether the tenderness of conscience , that men plead to excuse their disobedience , be serious or counterfeit : for , whether it be so , or so , 't is directly contrary to all the ends and interests of government . and if it be admitted for a sufficient excuse to disobey , 't is an effectual and incurable dissolution of all the force of laws , and makes them obligatory then only when every man pleases ; and he that will may obey , and he that will not may chuse ; seeing 't is so easie for any man , that has no inclination to the law , to claim the inviolable priviledge of a tender conscience : so that to make proviso's for tender consciences , is to abate the whole law ; seeing it gives every man liberty to exempt himself , and if he dislike the law , he is under no obligation to obey it . but suppose this pretence to be serious without design or disguise , is it fit the laws of the common-wealth should ask leave of every ignorant , and well-meaning man , whether they shall be laws or no ? a weak conscience is the product of a weak understanding ; and he is a very subtil man , that can find the difference between a tender head , and a tender conscience : and therefore if princes must consult their subjects consciences in all their laws , this would make all the wisdom of government submit to the power of folly and ignorance . and when any person pleads weakness or tenderness of conscience against the obligation of any law , his meaning is , that he is not of the same judgment and opinion with his governours ; and 't is wise , and handsom , and becoming the grandeur or authority in all its laws , to comply with the learned apprehensions of every honest and illiterate peasant ; who if he be not satisfied in their determinations , may cancel their obligations as to himself , and if they offer to force this honest man to submission , they invade the sacred and inviolable liberty of a tender conscience . so full of anarchy are all these mens pretences . and therefore governours must look to the publick , and let tender consciences look to themselves . laws must be of an unyielding and inflexible temper , and not such soft and easie things , as to bend to every mans humour , that they ought to command . and unless government be managed by some setled principles , it must for ever remain weak and unfixed : princes must not be diffident in their rules , and maxims of policy ; but as they must set down some to themselves , so they must act up roundly to them . for all changes of the publick laws and methods of policy sadly weaken , if they do not utterly unsettle the common-wealth ; in that prescription is , at least in the practice of the world , the greatest strength and security of government : 't is indeed the fountain of authority , and the thing that vests princes with their prerogatives ; and no power , what right or title soever it may plead , can ever be firmly establish'd , till it can plead the warrant and authority of prescription : and therefore if princes will be resolute ( and if they will govern , so they must be ) they may easily make the most stubborn consciences bend to their commands ; but if they will not , they must submit themselves , and their power , to all the follies and passions of their subjects . for there are no conceits so extravagant , or so pernicious , that may not pass for principles of conscience . in brief , there is nothing so ungovernable as a tender conscience , or so restive and inflexible as folly or wickedness , when hardned with religion : and therefore instead of being complyed with , they must be restrain'd with a more peremptory and unyielding rigour , than naked and unsanctified villany ; else will they quickly discover themselves to be pregnant with greater and more fatal dangers . sect. 2. this stale pretence comes now too late , and is so ancient , that 't is long since superannuated : old doubts and scruples are like old scandals worn out of date by time and experience : they are the natural products of ignorance , weakness is their parent , and folly their nurse ; and if they improve not into confidence , they never survive their infancy , but of themselves vanish and dissolve into nothing : and therefore this pretence having out-lived it self , is become its own answer and confutation : because men ought not , nay , they cannot remain so long under vncertainties ; and 't is impossible but they should before this time be competently determined , as to the lawfulness or unlawfulness of the things themselves : for if in so long a time they have not been able to discover that sinfulness in them they suspected , that is sufficient evidence of their being innocent ; because their scruples have occasioned them to be so throughly sifted and examined : and if after all that hot and vehement contention , that has been raised about them , it appears not yet wherein they are criminal and chargeable , ( for if it does , then the doubt ceases , and the certainty , not the suspition of sin is to be objected ) that is presumption enough for any modest and sober man to conclude their innocence ; and still to retain the scruple , is folly and peevishness , and then the conscience is not doubtful , but obstinate and peremptory : the man is resolved to cherish his scruple , and persist in his folly ; and if he will not be satisfied , it is not because he is weak and timorous , but because he is stubborn and dis-ingenuous . and then he pretends conscience only to vouch his humour , and his insolence , i. e. he is a villain and an hypocrite ; and is so far from deserving pity , especially from authority , that no offenders can more need or provoke their severity ; in that , such men resolve to tire out their governors by their inflexible stubbornness , and to affront their laws with trifles and contemptuous exceptions . at the first setlement of a church or new religion , then indeed mens old follies , prejudices , and weaknesses , ought to be charitably considered ; and they are not to be forced into new customs and usages , by too much rigor and severity ; but ought to be gently and tenderly treated , till time and better information may wear off their scruples , and little exceptions . and this was the case of the iews in the first ages of christianity , who were at first indulged in their weak and trifling conceits ; because then they might reasonably be presumed to arise from a pitiable ignorance and dissetlement of conscience : but as soon as the abrogation of the mosaick institution was fully declared and acknowledged in the church , they were brought under the common yoke of discipline , and were not permitted to plead their doubts and scruples against publick laws and constitutions . and this too is our present case , men labour to support an old schism by out-worn scruples and jealousies , and will persevere in their doubts , because they are resolved never to be satisfied ; for otherwise it were impossible , that after so much time , and so much satisfaction , they could still remain unresolved . and if whole armies of reason have not been sufficient to chase away all their little and imaginary fears : yet methinks so long time , and so much experience might be sufficient to convince them , that they are but shadows , and illusions of their own melancholy fancies ; for had they been real and substantial things , it is impossible they should ever have escaped the discovery of so long and so severe a scrutiny . but , if nor time , nor reason can disabuse them , it is not their ignorance , but their obstinacy that is invincible . thus v. g. when to kneel at the communion , is in it self an handsom and decent action , in that this sacrament is the most solemn piece of gratitude , or worship in the christian religion , and a peculiar acknowledgment of our vast and unspeakable obligations to our redeemer ; and therefore to be performed with the profoundest reverence and humility : and when these men themselves are not only ready to observe , but also to enjoyn the same posture in their ordinary prayers , and other less solemn expressions of devotion ; and when the power of the church has actually determined and required this reverent posture , to stamp a peculiar sacredness and solemnity upon this duty , no man can possibly now scruple its practice without affected contempt , and wilful disobedience ; because they cannot but be convinced ( unless they are resolved against it ) of the vanity and dis-ingenuity of their old pretence : namely , lest they should be interpreted to give religious worship to the elements , and by lying prostrate before the bread and wine , they should become guilty of idolatry , in giving divine worship to a sensless piece of matter . for when they plead this excuse for their disobedience , they cannot but be conscious to themselves , that by it they do not only despise , but slander and reproach the laws , that they out-face and traduce authority , and would force their governours to believe and confess that they favour what they expresly abhor ; seeing the very same law that enjoyns this ceremony , provides so expresly against this abuse , and declares so industriously , that it is so far from designing any reverence to the creatures themselves , that it abhors it ; but only requires it , as it is used in all other religious addresses to heaven . and , if notwithstanding all this , men will dread it as a piece of idolatry , because ( forsooth ) it has been , or may be abused to that purpose , i say no more , than that if such thin and frivolous scruples may out-weigh the laws , and evacuate our obligations to obedience , there are none in the world that are not as apparently liable to as dis-ingenuous surmises ; and they may as rationally forbear looking up towards heaven in their prayers , lest they should worship the clouds , or the sun , moon , and stars . but the truth of it is , some men study for impertinent scruples , to ensnare themselves , and labour to raise great doubts from little reasons , and cannot be satisfied , because they will not ; they have enslaved themselves to their follies , and boared their ears to their scruples , and are resolved to grow old in a voluntary bondage to trifles and fooleries . now it is necessary for people of this humour to streighten the laws , till they have made them too severe and rigorous to be obeyed , to draw their knot , till it becomes troublesom and uneasie ; to put them upon the wrack , and stretch them beyond , or beside their own intention by rare and extraordinary cases , by harsh and unkind interpretations , and by far-fetch'd and disingenuous suspicions ; and , under the shelter of such precarious pretences as no law can possibly avoid , they refuse the liberty that is given them to obey the laws , only that they may take the licence to disobey them . in brief , the main mystery of all this niceness ( though themselves have not wit enough to observe its first causes ) is , for the most part , nothing but a little pride and vain-glory : it is a glorious thing to suffer for a tender conscience , and therefore it is easie and natural for some people to affect some little scruples against the commands of authority , thereby to make themselves obnoxious to some little penalties ; and then what godly men are they that are so ready to be punished for a good conscience ? how do such men hug and nurse their dear scruple ? all the reason , and all the perswasion in the world shall never be able to wrest it from them . it is their ephod and their teraphim , the only mark of their godliness , and symbol of their religion ; and if you rob them of that , you take away their gods : and what have they more ? sect. 3. if my conscience be really weak and tender , what can become it more than humble obedience and submission to authority ? weakness of conscience always proceeds in some measure from want of wit ; and therefore to make this the pretence of disobedience , is in effect to say , i will controul the wisdom of my superiours , because i have little or none my self . certainly , where persons have any serious sense of their own ignorance , they can scarce have a stronger obligation to obedience : and they can never be so confident in any action , as when they obey ; because then they have the publick wisdom to warrant them , and their own folly to excuse them : that is , they follow the best guide men are capable of , in their circumstances . and a subject that is conscious of his own weakness , when he resigns up himself to the wisdom of his superiours , in matters doubtful and disputable , is in effect governed by the best and safest dictates of his own conscience ; which , unless it be hardned with pride and insolence , cannot but perswade him , that he ought to presume them more competent judges of the fitness and expediency of publick laws , whose work and office it is to understand them , than himself , who is wholly ignorant of the management and transaction of publick affairs . this is the most common principle of humane life , and all men practise by it in all their concerns , but those of religion . and that is the reason it has ever been debauched with so many follies and frenzies , because silly people will not submit their consciences to any thing but their own giddy imaginations : whereas , if they would but condescend to the same rules of government in matters of religion , as they do in all their other affairs , obedience to authority might be secured without any violence to conscience ; seeing no conscience , that is acted by wise and sober perswasions , will ever be stiff in doubtful and uncertain cases , against the determinations of the publick wisdom : because such men being sensible how unable they are to govern themselves , they know they can never act more safely , than when they are governed by their superiors : and being they cannot pretend to trust confidently enough to their own conduct , how can they proceed upon wiser and more reasonable grounds , than by committing themselves to the publick wisdom ? in which , though possibly they might be misguided , yet they may secure themselves , that , god who values integrity more than subtilty , will pardon their weakness , and reward their meekness and humility . but for a man to plead weakness of conscience for disobedience to government , is just as if a child in minority should reject the advice of his guardians , because he has not wit enough to know , when he is well advised ; or as if a fool should refuse to be governed , because he has not reason enough to discern when he is well managed ; or as if a blind man should not trust to the conduct of a guide , because he is not able to judge when he is misled . humility and condescension are the most proper duties of weakness and ignorance , and meekness , and simplicity the only ornaments of a tender conscience : and one would think that men , whose confidence exceeds not their wit , should be strangely wary of censuring the wisdom of authority . and therefore it is but a very odd pretence to weakness of conscience , when it appears in nothing but being too strong for government ; and that man that pretends to it , does not seriously believe himself , if he presumes he is wise enough to govern his governors : and so does every one , that thinks the perswasions of his own mind of sufficient force to cancel the obligations of their commands . it is an handsom piece of modesty for one , who pretends to weakness of conscience , when his prince requires his obedience to give him counsel , to advise him how to govern the kingdom , to blame and correct the laws , and to tell him how this and the other might be mended . and , what can be more fulsom , than to see men , under pretences of great strictness and severity of conscience , to cherish stubbornness and vanity , and to endure neither laws nor superiours , because they are proud enough to think themselves more holy than their neighbours ? what a malapert and insolent piece of pride is it , for every prating gossip and illiterate mechanick ( that can mark themselves with some distinctive names and characters of godliness ) to scoff and jibe at the wisdom of publick authority , to affront the laws and constitutions of a church , to pity and disdain the lamentable ignorance of learned men , and to libel all sorts of people that are not of their own rendez-vous ( especially their superiors ) with slanders and idle stories ? what strange effects are these of a diffident and timorous conscience ? a conscience that knows it self to be acted by certain and infallible principles , how could it be more head-strong and confident ? and therefore , if we compare these mens practices with their pretences , what can be more evident , than that it is not tenderness of conscience that emboldens them to fall out with all the world , but pride , and vanity , and insolence ? for nothing else could possibly drive them on with so peremptory a sail , against so strong and so united a torrent . for a conscience , that is only weak and tender , is of a yielding and pliable temper , it is soft and innocent modest , and teachable , apt to comply with the commands of its superiours , and easily capable of all impressions tending to peace and charity ; but when it is stubborn and confident in its own apprehensions , then it is not tender , but hardy and humoursom : and , as queasie as it is in reference to its superiours commands , it is usually strong enough to digest rebellion and villany ; and whilst it rises against a poor innocent ceremony , it is scarce ever stirred with schism , faction , and cruelty . now to permit these men their liberty , who mistake insolence for tenderness of conscience , ( than which nothing more easie , or more natural for people , that are both proud and simple ) is to suffer ignorance to ride in triumph , because it is proud and confident ; and to indulge zealous idiots in their folly , because they threaten authority , to be peevish and scrupulous to their laws , and to infest their government with a sullen and cross-grain'd godliness ( an artifice not much unlike the tricks of some froward children ) and therefore such untoward and humoursom saints must be lashed out of their sullenness ( as children are ) into compliance and better manners ; otherwise they will be an eternal annoyance to all government , with the childish and whining pretences of a weak and crasie conscience . in brief , i appeal to all mankind ( that have but any tolerable conception of the nature and design of religion ) whether it be not much more becoming the temper of a christian spirit , to comply with the commands of their superiors , that are not apparently sinful , in order to the peace and setlement of the church , than to disturb its quiet by a stubborn and peremptory adherence to our own doubts and scruples ? for , what is there in christianity of greater importance , than the vertues of meekness , peaceableness , and humility ? and in what can these great duties more discover themselves , than in the offices and civilities of humble obedience ; that contains in it all that is most amiable , and most useful in the christian religion ? 't is modesty , 't is meekness , 't is humility , 't is love , 't is peacebleness , 't is ingenuity ; 't is a duty so pregnant with vertue in it self , and of such absolute necessity to the happiness of mankind , that there is scarce anything can come in competition with it , whose obligation it will not at the first appearance utterly cancel and evacuate , ( as i shall more fully demonstrate in the ensuing propositions . ) in the mean while we see , what is to be done in the case of tender consciences : if they are acted by calm and peaceable principles , they will not desire liberty ; if they are not , they will not deserve it . for , if they are humble and modest , they will chuse to submit to the will of their superiors , rather than , by thwarting them , do what in themselves lies to discompose the publick peace . and therefore if they will rather venture to embroil the common-wealth , and contradict authority , than forego their own peremptory determinations , and make their superiors comply and bend to their confidence ; it is because they are criminally bold and imperious in their own conceits , and are of a temper too stubborn , insolent , and presumptuous to be endured in any society of men . sect. 4. doubts and scruples are so far from being sufficient warranty of disobedience , that they are outweighed by the obligations of the law : for if i doubt concerning the injustice of my action , i must also of necessity doubt of the injustice of my disobedience ; and unless i am absolutely certain that the law is evil , i am sure disobedience to it is : and therefore i am always as forcibly bound to obey a scrupled law , for fear of the sin of disobedience , as to disobey it , for fear it commands an essential evil : so that a doubting conscience must always at least as much fright us from disobeying , as from obeying any humane law. though indeed , if we would speak properly , the commands of authority perfectly determine , and evacuate all doubtfulness and irresolution of conscience : for , if it before hung in suspence concerning the lawfulness of the action , and unresolved , whether it were good or evil , as not having competent reason to incline to one side rather than to the other ; yet when authority casts its commands into the scale ( if in some mens consciences they weigh any thing ) they cannot but add weight more than enough to determine the judgment , and incline the balance . for if the reasons on both sides were equal before , than thet side that gains this accession has most reason now . so that laws do not force us to obey them with a doubting conscience , but remove our doubts at the same time they require our obedience ; because they destroy the equal probability of the two opinions , and determine the conscience to a confidence of acting , by directing it to follow the safest and most probable perswasion : in that no practice or opinion , that is capable of doubt or uncertainty , can be of equal importance with the prime duties of obedience and humility ; and the matter of all doubts and scruples is ever of too small and inconsiderable a consequence to be laid in the balance against the great and weighty mischiefs of disobedience . if indeed the commands of authority enjoyned any thing absolutely and apparently evil , and against the great and unalterable rules of truth and goodness , in such exigents da veniam imperator would be a fair and civil excuse : but matters of a less importance will not pay the charges of a persecution , it is not worth the while to suffer for little things ; and that man has but the just reward of his own folly , that would suffer martyrdom in the cause of an indifferent ceremony , or for the truth of a metaphysical notion . and the suggestion of optatus to the donatists , who were so forward to cast away their lives in defence of their little schism , was smart and severe . nulli dictum est , nega deum ; nulli dictum est , incende testamentum ; nulli dictum est , aut thus pone , aut basilicas dirue . istae enim res solent martyria generare . matters , wherein the being of religion , and the truth of christianity , were directly concerned , were worth the dying for , and would quit the costs of martyrdom ; but no indifferent rites or ceremonies were of value enough to pay for the lives of men : and the zealots of the pars donati , who were so ambitious to suffer imprisonment , confiscation of goods , banishment , and death it self , out of a pertinacious resolution against some established customs and usages of the church , could never be rewarded in any other heaven , but the paradise of fools . things that are essentially evil , no change or variety of circumstances can make good ; and therefore no commands of any superior can ever warrant or legitimate their practice : but then these are always matters of the greatest and most weighty importance , and of an apparent and palpable obliquity , such as blasphemy , murther , injustice , cruelty , ingratitude , &c. that are so clearly and intrinsically evil , that no end , how good or great soever , can ever carry with it goodness enough to abate or evacuate their malice . but as for all matters , that are not so apparently good or evil , but are capable of doubt and uncertainty , their morality is of so small importance , that it can never stand in competition with the obligations and conveniences of the great duty of obedience . and thus when the apostles were forbidden by the jewish sanhedrim to preach the name of iesus , acts 5. 29. they desired to be excused , upon no other account but of an express command from god himself , in a matter of great importance , and apparent necessity . our blessed saviour coming into the world with a commission from its supream governour to make laws , and the holy apostles having an infallible assurance of his divine authority from his great , manifest , and undeniable miracles ( the most certain and unquestionable credentials that heaven can send to the sons of men ) they could not but lie under an indispensable obligation to give assent to his message , and obedience to his commands ; and that out of duty to the supream governour of the universe ; from whose unquestionable laws , no other authority can ever derogate , because it is all of an inferiour nature . but to apply this rule , which the apostles never made use of , but in a case of certain , absolute , and notorious injustice , to matters of a small , doubtful , and uncertain nature , is absolutely inconsistent with the quiet of government , and infinitely distant from the intention of the apostles . their plea was in a case of great , evident , and unquestionable necessity : but what warrant is that for my disobedience , when i only fear , or fancy the law to be unjust ? which , if it were so , is not of moment enough to weigh against the mischiefs and enormities , that follow upon disobedience : and therefore in all doubtful and less considerable cases , that side , on which obedience stands , must ever carry it ; and no man that is either wise or good , will ever trouble his governours , with nice and curious disputes ; the authority of the law stifles all scruples , and trifling objections . and thus where there was no apparent repugnancy to the law of god , we find none more compliant and conformable in all other things than the apostles , freely using any customs of the synagogue or iewish church , that were not expresly cancelled by some divine prohibition . but further , this their apology is as forcible a plea in concerns of civil justice and common honesty , as in matters of religion ; it holds equally in both , in cases of a certain and essential injustice , and fails equally in both , in doubtful and less material cases ; and was as fairly urged by that famous lawyer papinian , who upon this account , when the emperor commanded him to defend and justifie the lawfulness of parricide , chose rather to die , than to patronize so monstrous a villany : here the wickedness was great and palpable . but in matters more doubtful and less material , where the case is nice and curious , and not capable of any great interest , or great reason , there obedience out-weighs and evacuates all doubts , jealousies , and suspicions : and what wise or honest man will offend , or provoke his superiours upon thin pretences , and for little regards ? and if every man , that can raise doubts and scruples , and nice exceptions against a law , shall therefore set himself free from its obligation ; then farewel all peace , and all government . for what more easie to any man , that understands the fundamental grounds and reasons of moral equity , than to pick more material quarrels against the civil laws of any common-wealth , than our adversaries can pretend to against our ecclesiastical constitutions ? and now , shall a philosopher be excused from obedience to the laws of his country , because he thinks himself able to make exceptions to their prudence and convenience , and to prove them not so useful to the publick , nor so agreeable to the fundamental rules of natural justice and equity , as himself could have contrived ? what if i am really perswaded , that i can raise much more considerable objections against littletons tenures , than ever these men have , or shall be able to produce against our ceremonial constitutions ? though it be easie to be mistaken in my conceit , yet whether i am , or am not , it is all one , if i am confident . and now it would be mightily conducive to the interests of justice and publick peace for me , and all others of my fond perswasion in this particular , to make remonstrances to the laws of the land , to petition the king and parliament ; to leave us , at the liberty of our own conscience and discretion , to follow the best light , god has given us , for the setlement of our own estates ; because we think we can do it more exactly according to the laws of natural iustice , than if we are tied up to the positive laws of the land. thus that groundless and arbitrary maxim of the law , that inheritances may lineally descend , but not lineally ascend , whereby the father is made uncapable of being immediate heir to the son , would be thought by a philosopher prejudicial to one of the most equal and most ingenuous laws of nature , viz. the gratitude of children to parents ; which this law seems in a great measure to hinder , by alienating those things from them , whereby we are best able to express it . what if i have been happy in a loving and tender father , that has been strangely solicitous to leave me furnished with all the comforts and conveniences of life , that declined not to forego any share of his own ease and happiness to procure mine , that has spent the greatest part of his care and industry to bless me , according to the proportion of his abilities , with a good fortune , and a good education ; and has , perhaps out of an over-tender solicitude for my welfare , reduc'd himself to great streights and exigences : how monstrous & unnatural must the contrivance of this law appear to me , that , when the bounty of providence has blest me with a fortune answerable to the good old mans desires and endeavours , if i should happen to be cut off before him by an untimely death , all that , whereby i am able to recompence his fatherly tenderness , should in the common and ordinary course of law be conveyed from him to another person ; the stream of whose affections was confined to another channel , and who , being much concerned for his own family , could in all probability be but little concerned for me ? what an unnatural and unjust law is this that designs , as far as it can , to cut off the streams of our natural affections , and disposes of our possessions contrary to the very first tendencies , and obligations of nature ? so easie a thing is it to talk little plausibilities against any laws , whose obligation is positive , and not of a prime and absolute necessity : and yet down-right rebellion it would be , if i , or any man else , should refuse subjection to these and the like laws , upon these , & the like pretences . and thus , we see , is the case all the way equal between laws civil , and laws ecclesiastical . in all matters greatly and notoriously wicked , the nature of the action out-weighs the duty of obedience ; but in all cases less certain and less material , the duty of obedience out-weighs the nature of the action . and this may suffice to shew , from the subject matters of all doubts and scruples , that they are not of consideration great enough to be opposed to the commands of authority . and this leads me from the matter of a scrupulous conscience , to consider its authority : and therefore , sect. 5. as the objects of a scrupulous conscience are of too mean importance , to weigh against the mischiefs of disobedience ; so are its obligations too weak , to prevail against the commands of publick authority . for when two contradictory obligations happen to encounter , the greater ever cancels the less ; because if all good be eligible , then so are all the degrees of goodness too : and therefore to that side on which the greater good stands , our duty must ever incline ; otherwise we despise all those degrees of goodness , it contains in it above the other . for in all the rules of goodness there is great inequality and variety of degrees , some are prescribed for their own native excellency & usefulness , and others purely for their subserviency to these : now when a greater & a lesser virtue happen to clash , as it frequently falls out in the transaction of humane affairs , there the less always gives place to the greater , because it is good only in order to it ; and therefore where its subordination ceases , there its goodness ceases , and by consequence its obligation . for no subordinate or instrumental dutys are absolutly commanded or commended , but become good or evil by their accidental relations ; their goodness is not intrinsick , but depends upon the goodness of their end , and their being directed to a good end , ( if they are not intrinsically evil ) makes them virtuous ; because their morality is entirely relative and changeable , and so alters its colours of good and evil , by its several aspects and postures to various and different ends : and therefore they never carry any obligation in them , when they interfere with higher & more useful duties . and hence it comes to pass , that it is absolutely impossible for any man to be reduced into a necessity of sinning ; because , though two inferiour and subordinate duties may sometimes happen to be inconsistent with each other or with some duty of an absolute and unalterable goodness ; yet the nature of things is so handsomly contrived , that it is utterly impossible that things should ever happen so crosly , as to make two essential and indispensable duties stand at mutual opposit on : and therefore no man can ever be forc'd to act against one , out of compliance with the other : and if there be any contrariety between a natural and instrumental duty , there the case is plain , that the greater evacuates the less ; if between two instrumental duties , it can scarce so fall out , but that some emergent circumstances shall make one of them the more necessary ; but if they are both equally eligible , there is no difficulty ; and a man may do as he pleases . it is indeed possible for any man , by his own voluntary choice to entangle himself in this sad perplexity ; but there is no culpable error that is unavoidable , and every sinfully erroneous conscience is voluntary and vincible : and if men will not part with their sinful errors , it is not because they cannot , but because they will not avoid them . and if they resolve to abuse themselves , no wonder , if their sin be unavoidable ; but then the necessity is the effect of their own choice : and so all sin is inevitable , when the peremptory determination of the will , has made it necessary . but as for the nature of all the laws of goodness in themselves , they are so wisely contrived , that it is absolutely impossible any circumstances should ever fall out so awkardly , as to make one sin the only way to escape another , or a necessary passage to a necessary duty . now to apply this general rule of conscience to our particular case , there is not any precept in the gospel set down in more positive and unlimited expressions , or urged with more vehement motives and perswasions , than obedience to government ; because there are but few , if any , duties of a weightier and more important necessity than this : and for this reason is it , that god has injoined it with such an absolute and unrestrained severity , thereby to intimate that nothing can restrain the universality of its obligatory power , but evident & unquestionable disobedience to himself . the duty of obedience is the original and fundamental law of humane societies , and the only advantage that distinguishes government from anarchy . this takes away all dissentions , by reducing every mans private will and judgment to the determination of publick authority : whereas , without it , every single person is his own governour , and no man else has any power or command over his actions , i. e. he is out of the state of government , and society . and for this reason is obedience , and condescension to the wisdom of publick authority , one of the most absolute and indispensable duties of mankind , as being so indispensably necessary to the peace and preservation of humane societies . now a conscience , that will not stand to the decrees and determinations of its governors , subverts the very foundations of all civil society , that subsists upon no other principle , but mens submitting their own judgments to the decisions of authority , in order to the publick peace and setlement ; without which there must of necessity be eternal disorders and confusions . and therefore , where the dictates of a private conscience happen to thwart the determinations of the publick laws , they , in that case , lose their binding power ; because , if in that case they should oblige , it would unavoidably involve all societies in perpetual tumults and disorders . whereas the main end of all divine , as well as humane laws , is the prosperity and preservation of humane society : so that where any thing tends to the dissolution of government , and undermining of humane happiness , though in other circumstances it were virtuous , yet in this it becomes criminal , as destroying a thing of greater goodness than it self . and hence , though a doubtful and scrupulous conscience should oblige in all other cases , yet , when its commands run counter to the commands of authority , there its obligatory power immediately ceases ; because to act against it , is useful to vastly more noble and excellent purposes , than to comply with it : in that every man that thwarts and disobeys the laws of the common-wealth , does his part to disturb its publick peace , that is maintained by nothing else but obedience and submission to its laws . now this is manifestly a bigger mischief and inconvenience , than the foregoing of any doubts and scruples can amount to : and therefore , unless authority impose upon me something that carries with it more evil and mischief , than there is convenience in the peace and happiness of the whole society , i am indispensably bound to yield obedience to his commands : and though i scrupulously fear lest the magistrates injunctions should be superstitious , yet , because i am not sure they are so , and because a little irregularity in the external expressions of divine worship carries with it less mischief and enormity , than the disturbance of the peace of kingdoms , i am absolutely obliged to lay aside my doubt , rather than disobey the law ; because to preserve it , naturally tends to vast mischiefs and confusion ; whereas the inconvenience of my acting against it , is but doubtful ; and though it were certain , yet it is small and comparatively inconsiderable . and therefore to act against the inclinations of our own doubts and scruples , is so far from being criminal , that it is an eminent instance of virtue , and implies in it , besides its subserviency to the welfare of mankind , the great duties of modesty , peaceableness , and humility . and as for , what some are forward enough to object , that this is , to do evil , that good may come of it ; it is a vain and frivolous exception , and prevented in what i have already discoursed ; in that that rule is concerned only in things absolutely and essentially evil , whose nature no case can alter , no circumstance can extenuate , and no end can sanctifie : but things that are only subserviently good or evil , derive all their virtue from the greater virtue they wait upon ; and therefore where a meaner , or an instrumental duty stands in competition with an essential virtue , its contrariety destroys its goodness ; and instead of being less virtuous , becomes altogether sinful ; for though it have abstractedly some degrees of goodness , yet when it chances to oppose any duty , that has more , and more excellent degrees , it becomes evil and unreasonable , by as many degrees as that excels it . and one would think this case should be past dispute , as to the matters of our present controversie , that are of so vast a distance and disproportion ; forasmuch as obedience is a virtue of so absolute necessity , and so diffusive usefulness ; whereas the goodness of those little things , they oppose to it , is so small , that it is confessedly scarce discernable ; and their consciences , as nice and curious as they are , not able to determine positively , whether they are good or evil : and therefore , what a prodigious madness is it , to weigh such trifling and contemptible things against the vast mischiefs and inconveniences of disobedience ? the voice of the publick laws cannot but drown the uncertain whispers of a tender conscience ; all its scruples are hushed and silenced by the commands of authority : it dares not whimper , when that forbids ; and the nod of a prince aws it into silence and submission . but if they dare to murmur , and their proud stomachs will swell against the rebukes of their superiors , then there is no remedy but the rod and correction : they must be chastised out of their peevishness , and lashed into obedience . in a word , though religion so highly consults the interests of common-wealths , and is the greatest instrument of the peace & happiness of kingdoms ; yet so monstrously has it been abused by the folly of some , and wickedness of others , that nothing in the world has been the mother of more mischief to government . the main cause of which has been mens not observing the due scale and subordination of duties , and that , in case of competition , the greater always destroys the less : for hence have they opposed the laws , and by consequence the peace of the society , for an opinion , or a ceremony , or a subordinate instrumental duty ; whereas , had they soberly considered the important necessity of their obedience , they would scarce have found any duty of moment enough to weigh against it . for seeing almost all virtues are injoined us in order to the felicity of man , and seeing there is nothing more conducive to it , than that which tends to the publick weal and good of all ; and seeing this is the design , and natural tendency of the publick laws , and our obedience to them ; that had need be hugely , certainly , and absolutely evil , that cancels their obligation , and dispences with our obedience ; and not a form , or a ceremony , or an outward expression , or any other instrumental part of religion . but some menthink it better to be disputative than peaceable ; and that there is more godliness in being captious and talkative , than in being humble and obedient : it is a pleasure to them to be troublesome to authority , they beat about , and search into every little corner , for doubts & exceptions against their commands : and how do they triumph , when they can but start a scruple ? they labour to stumble at atoms , to boggle at straws and shadows ; and cherish their scruples till they become as big as they are unreasonable , and lay so much stress upon them , as to make them out-weigh the greatest and most weighty things of the law. and it is prodigiously strange ( and yet as common too ) to consider how most men , who pretend ( and that perhaps sincerely ) to great tenderness of conscience , and scruple postures and innocent ceremonies , are so hardy as to digest the most wicked and most mischievous villanies : they can dispence with spightfulness , malice , disobedience , schism , and disturbance of the publick peace , and all , to nourish a weak and an impotent scruple ; and in pursuit of any little conceit , they will run themselves into the greatest and most palpable enormities ; and will cherish it , till it weighs down the peace of kingdoms , and fundamental principles of common honesty . find me a man that is obstinately scrupulous , and i will shew you one that is incurably seditious ; and whoever will prefer his scruples before the great duties of obedience , peace , quietness , and humility , cannot avoid being often betrayed into tumults and seditions . but if we will resolve to be tender of our obedience to the great , undoubted , and unalterable commands of the gospel ; that will defend our consciences against the vexation of scruples , and little inadvertencies , protect the publick from all the disturbances of a peevish and wayward godliness , and secure our acceptance with god , without being so punctual and exact in the offerings of mint and cummin . sect. 6. in cases and disputes of a publick concern , private men are not properly sui iuris , they have no power over their own actions , they are not to be directed by their own judgments , or determined by their own wills ; but by the commands and determinations of the publick conscience . and if there be any sin in the command , he that imposed it , shall answer for it ; and not i , whose whole duty it is to obey : the commands of authority will warrant my obedience , my obedience will hallow , or at least excuse my action , and so secure me from sin , if not from error ; because i follow the best guide , and most probable direction i am capable of : and though i may mistake , my integrity shall preserve my innocence . and in all doubtful and disputable cases it is better to erre with authority , than be in the right against it ; not only , because the danger of a little error ( and so it is , if it be disputable ) is out-weighed by the importance of the great duty of obedience , that is more serviceable to the main ends of religion , than a more nice and exact way of acting in opposition to government ; but also , because they are to be supposed the fittest judges of what tends to the publick good , whose business it is to understand publick affairs : and therefore in all such matters , their commands are the supream rule of conscience , as being more competent judges of publick concerns , than mens own private perswasions ; and so must have a superior authority over them , and bind them to yield and submit to their determinations . and , if we take away this condescension of our private consciences to publick authority , we immediately dissolve all government ; for in case of dissention , unless we submit our perswasions to their commands , their commands must submit to our perswasions . and then , let any man tell me , wherein consists the power of princes , when it may be controlled by every subjects opinion ? and what can follow , but perfect disorder and confusion , when every man will be governed by nothing but his own conceits ? and if subjects may be allowed to dispute the prudence and convenience of all laws , government would be but a weak and helpless thing , and princes would command at the will and pleasure of their subjects . and , therefore people are never curious in their exceptions against any publick laws , unless in matters of religion ; and , in that case they study for reasons to disobey , because it gratifies their pride & vanity , to seem more knowing than their governours in that part of wisdom , that they think most valuable . self-conceit and spiritual pride are strange temptations to disobedience ; and , were there not something of this in it , men would find out other commands more liable to their exceptions . for how seldom is it , that any wars are commenced upon just and warrantable grounds ? and yet , how few are they , that take upon them to judge their lawfulness ? all men here think their princes command a sufficient warrant to serve him , and satisfie themselves in this , that , in case the cause prove to be unjust , the fault liesentirely upon him that commands , and not at all on him who has nothing to do but obey . and if it were otherwise , that no subject were bound to take up arms till himself had approved the justness of the cause , commonwealths must be bravely secured , and their safety must lie at the mercy of every humorsome and pragmatical fellow . and yet to this piece of arrogance do men tempt themselves , when they affect to be thought more godly than their neighbors . it is a gallant thing to understand religion better than their superiors , and to pity their ignorance in the great mysteries of the gospel , and by seeming to compassionate their weakness , to despise their authority . but if princes will suffer themselves to be controul'd by the pride and insolence of these contentious zealots , they do but tempt them to slight both their persons , and their government ; and if they will endure to be checked in their laws spiritual , and government of the church , by every systematical theologue , ( and most , not to say the best , of our adversaries are little better ) they may as well bear , to see themselves affronted in their laws civil , and government of the state by every village-attorney , and solicitor . well then , all men that are in a state of government are bound , in all matters doubtful and disputable , to submit the dictates of private conscience to the determinations of publick authority . nor does this oblige any man to act against the dictates of his own conscience , but only , by altering the case , alters his perswasions , i.e. though every man , considered absolutely , and by himself , be bound to follow his own private judgment ; yet when he is considered as the member of a society , then must be govern'd , then he must of necessity be bound to submit his own private thoughts to publick determinations . and it is the dictate of every mans conscience , that is not turbulent and seditious , that it ought in all things that are not of a great & apparent necessity , whatever its own private judgment of them is , to acquiesce in the determinations of its governors , in order to publick peace and unity . for unless this be done , there can be nothing but eternal disorders and confusions in the church ; in that it is utterly impossible that all men should have the same apprehensions of things , and ( considering the tempers and passions of mankind ) as impossible , that they should not pursue their differences and controversies with too much heat & vehemence : and therefore unless whatever their own judgments and apprehensions be , they are bound in all such cases to acquiesce in the decisions and determinations of the governors of the church , or common-wealth , in order to its peace and setlement , there can be no possible way of avoiding endless squabbles and confusions . and unless this be a fundamental rule & dictate of every mans conscience , that as he is bound in all doubtful cases to follow the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the best result of his own private perswasions , where he neither has , nor is obliged to have , any other guide or rule of his actions ; so he is bound to forego them all ( provided his plain and necessary duty be secured ) out of obedience to authority , and in order to the due government of the society ; there never can be any peace or setlement in any church or common-wealth in the world . and every conscience that is not thus perswaded , is upon that account to be reckoned as seditious and unpeaceable , and so to be treated accordingly . sect. 7. he that with an implicite faith and confidence , resigns up his own reason to any superior on earth in all things , is a fool ; and he is as great a fool , ( to say no worse ) that will do it in nothing : for as all men are immediately subject to god alone , in matters of indispensable duty , ( that are not at all concern'd in our present dispute ) so are they , in all other things , to condescend to the decrees and determinations of their lawful superiors . neither is this , to put men upon that supream folly of renouncing the use and guidance of their own reasons out of obedience to any mans infallibility . for by reason we mean nothing but , the mind of man making use of the wisest and most prudential methods , to guid it self in all its actions ; and therefore it is not confined to any sort of maxims and principles in philosophy , but it extends it self to any knowledge that may be gained by prudence , experience , and observation . and hence right reason , when it is imploy'd about the actions of men , is nothing else but prudence and discretion : now the reason of any wise and sober man will tell him , that it is most prudent , discreet , and reasonable , to forego his own private perswasions in things doubtful and disputable , out of obedience to his lawful superiours ; because , without this the world can never be governed . and supposing mens judgments and understandings to be never so much above the iurisdiction of all humane authority , and that no man can be bound to submit his reason to any thing but the commands of god ; yet every man ows at least so much civility to the will of his prince , and the peace of his country , as to bring himself to a compliance and submission to the publick judgment , rather than to disturb the publick peace , for the gratification of his own fancy and opinion . which is no enslaving of his reason to any mans usurpation over his faith and conscience , but only a bringing it to a modest compliance , in order to the common interests of humane society : and if it be not a duty of subjection , yet it is one of peaceableness ; and if it be not grounded upon our obligations to the authority it self , yet it is most clearly derived from an higher obligation , that all men are under , to advance the welfare of mankind , and more particularly of that society they live in , that is antecedent to those of government , which is instituted only in order to the common good : and therefore , though our duty in such cases could not be deduced from our obligation to any humane authority , yet it clearly arises from that duty of charity we owe to our fellow creatures . and though we are not to submit our vnderstandings to any humane power , yet we are to the first and fundamental laws of charity : which being one of the greatest duties of mankind , it is but reasonable to forego all more private and inferior obligations , when they stand in competition with it . and thus st. paul , notwithstanding he declaimed with so much vehemence against the observation of the judaical rites and ceremonies , never scrupled to use them , as oft as it was serviceable to the advancement of the christian religion , and by consequence the good of mankind . and all i would perswade men to , is only that they would do as much out of duty , as st. paul did out of civility ; that as he complied with the apprehensions of the jews , retaining his own private judgment to himself , for the greater advantage of religion ; so they would , whatever their own perswasions are of some things not clearly and absolutely sinful , comply with the determinations of their governours , when it is conducive to the nobler ends of publick peace and tranquillity : a thing in it self so good and so necessary , that there are very few actions , that it will not render virtuous , whatever they are in themselves , whenever they happen to be useful and instrumental to its attainment . and therefore in all matters ( that are no indispensable duties of religion ) he , that acts cross to the commands of authority , has no sense either of the great ends of order and government , or great duties of humanity , modest , peaceableness , meekness , and civility , i. e. he is a proud and factious person ; and has no other motive so to do , but the pleasure of being peevish and disobedient . in fine , there is a vast difference between liberty , and authority of conscience ; the former consists in the freedom of a mans own judgment , and of this no magistrate can deprive us , in that he cannot tie up any mans understanding from judging of things as himself pleaseth : but as for the latter , that consists in the power over mens outward actions , and this , as far as it concerns all publick affairs , every man does , and of necessity must pass away to the rulers of that society he lives in : because ( though i have said it often enough already , yet too often i cannot say it , in that it is the main key of the controversie , and yet but little , if at all regarded by our adversaries ) the very nature of government consists in nothing else but a power of command over mens actions ; and therefore unless all men grant it away to their governours , they live not under government , but in a state of anarchy : every man will be prince and monarch to himself , and as free from all commands , as if he lived out of all society ; seeing only himself shall have any real dominion over his own actions , and his governours shall not have power to command him any thing , but what himself first thinks fit to do : and i hope i need not to prove , that this is a plain dissolution of all government . so that when men will be the absolute masters of their own actions , it is not the freedom of conscience , but its power and sovereignty , for which they contend ; they will endure none to rule over them but themselves , and force princes to submit their laws to their saucy and imperious humour : and it is this they mean by their pretence to a tender conscience , i. e. a conscience that scruples to be subject to government , that will in spight of all publick laws be entirely at its own liberty , that will not submit it self to any rule but its own private perswasions , that affects to be nice and squeamish against all the commands of its superiours , and loves to censure them upon the lightest and most slender presumptions , and that will not yield up any thing of its own phantastick humour to its princes will , or the churches peace , i. e. in effect , the tenderness of their consciences ( for which , forsooth , they must be born with ) consists in nothing else but their being the greatest and most notorious hereticks . for the rankest sort of heresie is nothing but the product of a peevish and contentious spirit ; and an heretick is one that delights in quarrels and factions ; whence erasmus renders s. pauls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sectarum author , a man that loves to be the leader of a party : it is peevishness and obstinacy of will that turns small errors into great heresies . pride and passion , and whatsoever can make an opinion vicious , are its fundamental ingredients , and give it its essential formality . this vice lies not so much in the opinions , as in the tempers of men , it is a stubborn and refractory disposition of mind , or a peremptoriness in a mans own conceptions ; and therefore it is by saint paul reckon'd among the fruits of the flesh , as being a kind of brutish peevishness , that is directly opposed to that lenity and yieldingness of mind , that is one of the choicest fruits of the spirit ; whence he advises not to confute , but to admonish such an one , i. e. that is quarrelsome and boisterous for every trifle , and every fancy , because through pride and perversness he is uncapable of instruction ; and therefore can only be advised , and not disputed into sobriety . or ( to use the phrase of saint paul ) he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fellow that is troublesome and contentious , especially about the external rites and usages of the church . and such a malapert non-conformist he supposes disputing in the church of corinth , that their women ought , contrary to their received custom , to be uncovered at divine service : but he takes him up with this short and peremptory answer , if any man seem to be contentious , we have no such custom , neither the churches of god , i. e. in things neither morally good nor evil ( as few external rites are ) the practice of the church is the warrant of their lawfulness , and reason of their decency ; and that is satisfaction enough to any sober and peaceable mind : and he that shall refractorily persist to controul it , must be treated as a disturber of the peace , i. e. pitied and punished , as are all other turbulent and seditious persons . when mens consciences are so squeamish or so humorsome , as that they will rise against the customs and injunctions of the church they live in , she must scourge them into order , and chastise them , not so much for their fond perswasion , as for their troublesome peevishness . and this use of the churches rods and censures , is so absolutely necessary , that it is the only effectual way to preserve her from factions and contentions ; not only because upon this sort of men softer methods can make no impressions , but also because , if we remove the limits and boundaries of discipline , there will be no end of the follies and frenzies of brain-sick people : and when they are once let loose , who then can set bounds to the wildnesses of godly madness ? for this we have too clear a proof in the frantick practices of our modern sectaries , who , when they had inflamed their little zeal against the ceremonial constitutions of our church , ran themselves into all manner of wild and extravagant gestures : they measured the simplicity of christs worship by its opposition to all the rules of decency ; all institutions of order were unwarrantable inventions and traditions of men ; all custom was superstition , and all discipline was popish and antichristian . novelty , how uncouth and fantastick soever , was their only rule of decency ; and every sect distinguished it self from all others , by some affected and new-fangled singularity . and from hence it is , that it is so absolutely necessary , that governors injoin matters of no great moment , and consequence in themselves , thereby to avoid the evils that would naturally attend upon their being not injoined ; so that , when they are determined , though perhaps they are not of any great use to the commonwealth in themselves , yet they have at least this considerable usefulness , as to prevent many great mischiefs , that would probably follow from their being not determined : and therefore the goodness of all such laws is to be valued , not so much by the nature of the things that the law commands , as by the mischiefs and evil effects , that it prevents or redresses . and thus the main decency of order and uniformity in divine worship lies not so properly in the positive use of the rites themselves , as in the prevention of all the indecencies of confusion ; which could never be avoided , if there were not some peculiar rites positively determined . so that the law we see may be absolutely necessary , when the thing it commands is but meerly indifferent ; because some things necessary cannot be obtained , but by some things indifferent : as in our present case , there is an absolute necessity there should be order and decency in publick worship , but order and decency there cannot be without the determination of some indifferent & particular circumstances ; because , if every man were left to his own fancy and humor , there could be no remedy against eternal follies and confusions : so that it is in general necessary that some circumstances be determined , though perhaps no one particular circumstance can be necessary ; yet when any one is singled out by authority , it gains as absolute a necessity , as if it were so antecedently ; because though the thing it self be indifferent , yet the order and decency of publick worship is not : which yet can never be provided for , but by determining either this or some other ceremony as perfectly indifferent and arbitrary . and now upon the result of these particulars , i leave it first to publick authority to consider , whether it be not a wonderfully wise piece of good nature , to be tender & indulgent to these poor tender consciences ? and then . i leave it to all the world to judge , whether ever any church or nation in the world has been so wofully disturbed upon such slender and frivolous pretences as ours ? and thus have i at length finished what i designed and undertook , i. e. i have proved the absolute necessity of governing mens consciences and perswasions in matters of religion , & the unavoidable dangers of tolerating , or keeping up religious differences ; have shewn , that there is not the least possibility of setling a nation , but by uniformity in religious worship ; that religion may , and must be governed by the same rules , as all other affairs & transactions of humane life ; and that nothing can do it but severe laws , nor they neither , unless severely executed . and so i submit it to the consideration of publick authority , and am but little doubtful of the approbation of all that are friends to peace and government . but whatever the event may prove to others , it is not a little satisfaction that i reap to my self , in reflecting upon that candor and integrity , i have used through the whole discourse : in that , as i have freely and impartially represented the most serious result of mine own thoughts ; so withal have i been not a little solicitous , not to baulk any thing material in the controversie ; have encountred all their most weighty and considerable objections , have prevented all manner of escapes and subterfuges , and have not waved any thing , because it was too hard to be answered ; though some things i have , because too easie . and upon review of the whole , i have confidence ( perhaps it may be boldness ) enough to challenge the reader , if he will but be as ingenuous as he ought , to be as severe as he will ; and in defiance to all enemies of peace and government , of what name or sect soever , to conclude all in the words of pilate to the turbulent iews , what i have written , i have written . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70888-e110 * vide continuation of the friendly debate , pag. 120 ▪ &c. notes for div a70888-e1010 socr. l. 5. praes . notes for div a70888-e7480 lib. 3. an answer to dr. stillingfleet's irenicum by a learned pen. rule, gilbert, 1629?-1701. 1680 approx. 365 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 89 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57854 wing r2217 estc r31782 12256619 ocm 12256619 57560 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57854) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57560) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1513:8) an answer to dr. stillingfleet's irenicum by a learned pen. rule, gilbert, 1629?-1701. [8], 162 p. printed for richard janeway ..., london : 1680. pages 151-152 lacking. best copy available for photographing. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng stillingfleet, edward, 1635-1699. -irenicum. church polity. church and state. 2004-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-03 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion answer to dr. stillingfleet's irenicum : by a learned pen. sed hoc quidem affirmare non vereor , quod heu nimium tristis experientia jampridem docuit , sensim inter eodem & pari munere sacro fungentes , ordinem divinum , in gradum humanum , & hunc gradum , ruptis verorum purorum canonum vinculis , in tyrannidem manifestam , & , si restitutam ecclesiam malumus , abolendam evasisse . theod. bezae resp. sarav . de ministr . evang. grad . cap. 15. à calce . london , printed for richard janeway in queens-head ▪ alley in pater-noster row. 1680. to the reader . the world may know , that this treatise , however little in bulk , and as little in it's own eyes , yet presumes not to walk abroad , after so long confinement , without the perusal and approbation of several very learned and judicious men , as skilfull in the controversies of church-government as most of their age. if any demand why a posthumous piece shall need to be anonymous too ? it s answered , that though the worthy and much lamented author hath been a dead man ever since 1662. yet there may be reasons which concern the living why it should be so . if another ask , why the lists are entered so late , after 20 years silence ? ans. better late than never . and as diogenes said of dineing , a rich man when he will , and a poor man when he may ; so say i of printing . the hebrew servant who refused his liberty in that year of jubilee , when he might have had it , was to be a slave for ever . but the greatest question is yet behind , and it is about the seasonableness of this work. wherefore , if any shall say with paul to the priest , withdraw thine hand : this is not a time to plead for a jus divinum of church-government , when the church it self , is like to be swallowed up of popery ; even the holy city trod under foot of the gentiles ; and our common enemy be glad to see protestant against protestant ( that they may divide the spoil ) and so great a champion of the protestant cause assailed . to this several things must be said : 1. as some may write for their way , when they will , ( as i have said ) why should others neglect the year of release , which falls out but once in an age ? 2. but if you would know why we venture on offending episcopacy , by asserting the principles of presbytery , when popery so pretends to be the ascendant . truly , there 's but little reason to stick at this ; partly because the reformed churches generally look on prelacy as a limb of popery ; and partly to the grief of our hearts we see many of those men fallen in so kindly with that interest , that it causeth great thoughts in heart : i mean , not so much by the popish doctrines that many of them vent , as by a more general palliating of the late hellish , popish plot , to murther our king , and introduce the romish religion into these nations . there being no person more ingrateful to some of them than dr. oates , the first and great discoverer of the plot ; no discourse more unsavoury to them than the discovery it self , and no parliament so dreaded by them as one likeliest to prosecute the discovery of the plot , and punish the papists . and let the world judg whether we have cause to be tender in offending such protestants in this controversie , who had rather the plot should be stifled and the papists go unpunished , than poor dissenting protestants should have any favour shewed them . now the good lord forgive these men , and turn their hearts from hating of their brethren to love the truth . 4. as for dr. stillingfleet ( whom this author deals with about church-government ) i am far from placing him , dr. tillotson , and several of his worthy brethren in that category , they have done so worthily in our israel ; especially , himself hath writ so learnedly against the papists , that he deserves well of all good protestants . but yet , seeing the learned dr. seems to have repented of his writing against the jus divinum of episcopacy ( having since his irenicum , much applauded and congratulated the happy restitution of the church of england to its wonted lustre and grandeur ( far enough from his formerly desired reduction to primitive presbyteries : ) i know not but he may find as good reason here , for his repenting to write against the jus divinum of presbyterie . for the end of his epistle to the irenicum , about this matter , may be recanted , but never reconciled to the beginning of his epistle to arch-bishop laud's defence against fisher. what pity so grave and great a man should thus expose himself by a contest too palpable between principle and preferment . now though this hath the last word , and carries it with the world ; yet the elder brother will be accounted the honester with the wise , because born of the free-woman , while the after-seed was conceived and brought forth in bondage . 5. it may be judged a fit season of asserting the kingly power of christ in setling the government of his own house , when men so liberally give away the lord's prerogative ; not a coal of the altar , almost , which they are not willing to carry to the eagles nest . pray god they fire it not . our pulpits now so ring with a catholick jus civile , that there is scarce any jus divinum left , but of tythes , which i hope they will hold to the last , being good church-men . those prodigal sons of the church , are like to prove the profusest spenders of her patrimony , that ever she brought forth : and , which is worst of all , they are like to promote a divorce from her husband , by cutting her off from subjection unto , and communication with the true head. a fair charter hath christ sealed to his church with his own blood , giving her officers , ordinances , and free courts within her self ; all which unfaithful children , with profane esau often sell for morsels of meat , and by base compoundings alienate the churches good 's from her self ( the greatest of sacrileges ) and put them into the hands of strange children , to the unspeakable detriment of religion , and disgrace of christianity . now could men let christ alone , to govern his own house in his own way , by his own officers and ordinances ; how happy were we ! who can better reprove the atheism of the world in setting up mans post by christ's , than dr. stillingfleet hath done in his other works , while he sayeth that to say a man may be of any religion , according to the laws of men , is to take it for granted , that there is no such thing as religion in the world. and again , that no men do so dangerously undermine the foundations of civil government , as those who magnifie it to the contempt of religion . fear , i. e. religion , and particularly worship and the ordinances of christs house must not be taught more by the precepts of men , than by the truths of god. nor may polititians and court-parasites dare to form a religion in the flexible mould of state. a municipal religion would many fain promote , following reasons of state more than rules of conscience , like the heathens , who first built cities , and then instituted a religion fit for the inhabitants . the roman empire flourished while virtue was nourished , to shew , says austin , how happy they should be , who should have religion superadded . and indeed they had no better subjects than christians : for none can give unto caesar the things that are caesar's , upon any valuable or holding account , who make no conscience of giving unto god the things that are god's . now this innocent and learned book can hardly offend any , that are not adiaphorists on erastians : pleading in thesi the faithfulness of christ in setling a form of church-government in his fathers house , which he is set over : and the hypothesis of presbyterie , or a parity of governours , is not so much asserted positively ( further than the dr's concessions give ground to build on ) as arguments are answered , being brought against its divine right . so that the design is meerly to set it as right as it was before the dr. imployed his ordinance against presbyterie and episcopacy as to divine right , with equal force . and how the learned , and unprejudiced , ( if it fall into such hands ) shall find this defence managed , judicium sit penes lectorem . sed frustra ferit aures orator , si cor non reserat creator , says great calvin like himself . if men could come with a prepared mind to read books , i. e. with some sense of their own blindness at best , looking to god for more light , supposing that clear scripture and strong reason may be brought against some things they hold , there were some hope of getting good , and truth 's taking place . how may the most high , after all the antichristian encroachments on the scepter of his son , bring back the hearts of this people to himself , making them yield to the internal government of his spirit , and the true , apostolick , and ancient external government of his house : that the glory of the latter house may be greater than the glory of the former , even a spiritual glory of the powerful presence of the lord may appear among us ; and the pleasure of the lord may prosper by his own ordinances in the hands of his own appointed servants as the beauty of his house , and the blessing of his chosen . amen . even so lord jesus , let thy kingdom come ! feb. 20. 1679 / 80. animadversions on dr. stillingfleet's irenicum , &c. chap. i. this book , though set off with the specious title of an irenicum , and carrying in its face the pretence of a laudable design , viz. the healing of the dangerous wounds and sad divisions of the church at this time prevailing , will , upon due examination , i suppose , be found an unsuitable salve for these sores , and to mend our rents , as they say tinkers do , by making a greater rent instead of mending a lesser . for instead of a debate about particular forms of government , it bringeth in another debate , whether there be any form instituted of christ , whether we must search the will of christ about managing church-affaires in his word , or be content with what is the will of man ? which controversie is like to be harder in determining , and more stiffly agitated than the other ; for sure it is harder to perswade them , who would take the word of god for their rule , that christ hath not appointed any one form of government in his house , than that he hath not appointed this or that . by this device we are cast loose of all hold where we may fix , and there shall be no end of contention , at least among them , who consult so as to determine some one form of all these , which are thought to be lawful ; and when they have determined , the people , on whom they impose it , have a very unsure bottom to settle their consciences upon in this matter , that doth so nearly concern religion , to wit , nothing but the judgment and will of man , which is often wrong , and led by interest , and at best is fallible and cannot guide us certainly in that , which pleaseth god. wherefore this authors opinion seems to be a cutting of the knot with alexander , and casting all loose , when he cannot so untie it , as to hold fast the exercise of christ's kingly power in governing his church . neither is this opinion new , as the author seemeth to imply ; for it was long since maintained , and largely propugned by mr. hooker in his ecclesiastical polity , and solidly refuted by mr. rutherford in his divine right of church-government ; and indeed hath always been and still is the main pillar to uphold episcopacy in these nations , it being the most ready and plausible way for them , who would wreath this iron yoke on the necks of their brethren , when they cannot shew them christ's authority for it , to take the determining of the case out of his hand , and to put it in the hand of the king , and then to press it from his authority with fire and sword. and indeed this opinion is a most colourable excuse for the unfaithful complyance of them , who would fain hold their places under any form of church-government , that shall lye uppermost ; for so they shall be sure never to cross authority , and not to cross the interest of their own back and belly ; and how much mischief this piece hath done this way , is too evident ; seeing men , that incline to comply , are satisfyed with shadows instead of substantial reason , to put off troublesome conscience . yet among them , who are conscientiously zealous for any one way of government , i suppose , the lot of this author will be that , which is ordinary to such unhappy peace-makers , as sell truth , or some part of it by an over-reach of condescendency , and that in gods matters , not their own , ( in which we must bargain as hard merchants do in worldly things , ) to redeem peace ; for i suppose men of all perswasions will be about his ears : for that which i am perswaded to be the truth of god in point of church-government , viz ▪ government by ministers acting in parity , and ruling elders met in congregational , classical , provincial and national presbyteries or assemblies ; it is more easily upheld against his undermining engines , than any of the other forms ; for the least of his book is levelled against it in particular and what he saith against it , i hope , will appear not to have great strength ; yea , i believe , that out of what he hath said , this truth may be strongly confirmed ; which i shall thus essay in a word . he acknowledgeth and stifly maintaineth , that christ hath given power , not only of teaching , but of ruling his church , to all and every one of his ministers ; and that he hath not given more power to one of them than another , nor made them subject or subordinate to one another . whence it clearly followeth that presbyterian government ( i mean the parity of ministers and their association ) is jure divino , ex confesso ; and that prelacy is an addition to it , made jure humano . and hence it followeth , that this addition is unlawful , except he can prove that christ hath given a power to men to make them unequal , whom he hath made equal ; to subject one to another of them , to whom christ hath given equal power ; to restrain , yea and take quite away the exercise of ruling power in some of them , to whom christ hath given it as much as to others ; and to enlarge that power in some , to whom christ hath given no more than to others . which i am sure he will never be able to do : yea further it 's confessed by him , that christ hath instituted the office of presbyters ; and that he hath not instituted the office of prelates , ruling over presbyters : wherefore he must either say , that the church hath power to institute new offices , which i hope he will not assert , and i am sure he cannot prove ; or that prelacy is unlawful . for , that a prelate is another officer than a presbyter , is undeniable , because the one is ruled by the other . now these of the same office cannot be ruled by or subordinate to one another ; as common sense and reason will teach . § . 2. but to come to the book it self . my design is not a full refutation , but some brief animadversions for private satisfaction , and mine own establishment in these truths , that he endeavoureth to shake : neither do i intend to meddle with the whole , but only to cull out these passages , that relate to presbyterian government , and any that might infer the unsetling of that or any part of it . § . 3. the first thing , that i meet with , to be disproved , is p. 2. where he asserteth a principle , that will not only shake our faith ( if it be received ) in the point of church-government ; but ( which i hope he doth not intend ) will unsettle us in most points of christian religion . his principle is this , that difference in opinion about a point , and probable arguments brought on both hands by wise and able men ; if it be not a matter of necessity to salvation , gives men ground to think , that a final decision of the matter in controversie was never intended as a necessary means for the peace and vnity of the church of god. his opinion in this he setteth down in fewer and clearer words in the contents of ch . 1. things , saith he , necessary for the churches peace must be clearly revealed ; the form of church government is not so , as appears by the remaining controversie about it . i shall first shew the danger and falsehood of this principle , and then try the strength of what he saith for the establishment of it . and 1. i argue thus : this assertion destroyeth it self ; for if no point , not necessary to salvation , be so sure , that we must necessarily hold it , in order to peace ; then this his assertion falleth under the same condition , and needeth not to be maintain'd , for it is not needful to salvation ; i hope , they will go to heaven , that are not of his mind in this ; and i am confident he doth not think it so clear , that no wise and able men will controvert with him about it ; and if it be needless in order to the churches peace , why is it here laid down as the first stone of the foundation , on which he buildeth his irenicum ? but it fareth here with our author , as it doth with all other abetters of scepticism ; they attain at least so far their end , as they make men question that opinion , that they labour to establish , by perswading them to question every thing . § . 4. secondly , there is no cause at all , why the author should except from the uncertainty , here asserted , things , that are of necessity to salvation ; for , if we are to think , that the lord hath so clearly revealed things not needful to salvation , which are needful to peace in the church ; much rather are we to think so of things needful to salvation ( which also cannot but be necessary to peace ; for we can have no peace with them , that destroy the foundation . ) for it hath hitherto been a received principle , that things of necessity to salvation are revealed with more clearness , than other things . and , though papists have laboured to cast a mist upon scripture discovery in both sorts of things , that they might take all power to themselves over the truths of god , and consciences of men , in determining what is truth ; ( as dr. stillingfleet would darken the discovery of the circa-fundamentals of religion , that he might put the power of determining these things in the hand of the magistrate ) yet protestants have ever firmely maintained , that however the scripture speaketh darkly in some things , not essential ; yet that the light of it is most clear in things necessary to salvation . they are not then of this mans mind , who will have the things , that do not so nearly relate to salvation , but are needful to peace , so clearly revealed , that there can remain no controversie about them among wise and able men , but excepteth from this necessity , things of necessity to salvation . from what hath been said , i argue thus against dr. stillingfleet's principle : if any things not necessary to salvation be so necessary to be clearly revealed , that we are to look upon them as not christ's truth , if there remain a controversie about them , managed with specious arguments on both sides among wise and able men , much more things necessary to salvation must be thus clearly revealed ; so that there is no truth in them , if they be so controverted ; but the consequent is most false and absurd , and overturneth all the foundations of our religion : for have not the arrian , soecinian , arminian , and popish controversies been managed , yea and are they not managed by the adversaries of truth , with learning even to admiration . we must then , according to this principle , not take either part of these debates for truth , but think that the lord hath determined nothing in them , and we must leave it to men to determine in them what they please , and must embrace that . is not this a fine device to cast loose all , to bring in scepticism instead of faith , to make way for a subtle sophister to nullifie any truth , by disputing speciously against it ? yet this we are to bless the lord for , that the overturners of the government of christ's house , have no other means to cast it loose by , but these , that do also cast loose all our religion : which i hope will be a consideration to fix this truth the better in the minds of them , who are serious and intelligent . § . 5. thirdly , if these things not necessary to salvation , that speciously on both hands are controverted , be not needful to be determined in our consciences , in order to the churches peace , i ask the author of this assertion , what things of that nature are needful to the churches peace , that we hold an opinion about them ? or are there any things such ? or must we hesitate about all the circa-fundamentals in religion , and look on them as indifferences determinable by men , if we will not be guilty of disturbing the peace of the church ? i hope this good man will not say so : and yet it would necessarily follow out of this principle maintained by him ; for i believe he cannot instance in many things ( scarce if any ) that are not of necessity to salvation , which are not controverted , and that with specious pretexts . for learned men , when they erre , use not to come off so bluntly , as barely to say , it is so , or i think so ; but they bring plausible reasons , and those often pretended to be drawn from scripture , for their foulest errours . if then we receive this principle , we must not think it needful to the churches peace , to determine whether there be two sacraments or seven ; whether there be purgatory ; whether we are to pray to saints departed ; whether there be power of censure in church-men ; or if all church-power be in the magistrate ; whether the pope be the head of the church ; &c. for all these , and such-like , are controverted ; and there are colourable arguments for the errours , that men maintain in these points . if this , our author will not assert , what reason is there , that he should maintain , that the form of church-government is not determined by men for the churches peace ; and that because there are controversies about what is the form appointed by christ. § . 6. but i come now to examine what the author hath to say for this assertion of his . we cannot , saith he , with any shew of reason imagine , that christ , who hath made it a necessary duty for all the members of the church to endeavour the peace and vnity of it , should suspend the performance of that duty upon a matter of opinion , which when many have used their utmost endeavour to satisfie themselves about , they yet find , that those very grounds , which they are most inclinable to build their judgments upon , are either wholly rejected by others as wise and able as themselves , or else , it may be , they erect a far different fabrick upon the very same foundations . ans. 1. the weakness , if not wickedness of this argument will easily appear , by making an assumption to the proposition here set down , and considering what will necessarily follow , which i shall thus perform . that christ is true god , is a matter of opinion , which , when we have used our utmost endeavours to satisfie our selves about it , we yet find that those very grounds , which we are most inclinable to build our judgments upon , are either wholly rejected by others , as wise and able as we , or else that they erect on them a far different fabrick ; for it 's well known that the socinians , who are men of wisdom and ability , though it be unsanctifyed ; and especially grotius ( the wonder of his age for learning ) though yet he profess the truth in this point : that , i say , they do wholly reject all the grounds , on which we do build our faith in this point ; and that on many of them they endeavour to erect a contrary fabrick . it doth then follow vi syllogisticâ ( supposing our author's proposition ) that we cannot with any shew of reason think that christ would have us suspend the performance of our duty in endeavouring the peace of the church on this , that christ is true god ; and so we must by this argument yield this truth as a matter determinable by men , rather than hold an opinion in it with the loss of peace in the church . i hope the author will not own this conclusion ; wherefore he ought not to own that his assertion , out of which it is clearly deducible . § . 7. ans. 2. there is very great reason for that , for which he denyeth all shew of reason ; for some matters of opinion of that condition , which he describeth , are the truths of god , as is clear from what hath been said ; but we are to suspend the endeavouring of the churches peace , rather than part with any truth of god , or then we should yield it upto men's determinations , as if it were none of his truths . ans. 3. when we are to judge of the validity of the grounds , on which we build our opinion about truth ▪ it is not the thoughts of men as wise and able as we , that must determine us ; for , we know , the wisest may mistake , when they , who are less wise , may hit the truth through the grace of god : but we must consider whether these grounds be the dictates of the spirit of god in his word : and if they be , we must not be shaken in mind by the contrary assertions of men , though never so wise , yea and holy too . i grant the opinions of such should make us search carefully ; but they must not hinder our assent to the truth of god. and this is a valid reason , why we are to suspend our endevours of peac on some matters of opinion , though contradicted by wise and able men . § . 8. he addeth , that it is not consistent with christs wisdom to leave the peace of his church at the mercy of men's private opinions ; which are most uncertain ; for it is not expected , that all men should be of the same mind . ans. 1. it is too great rashness to think that christ cannot be a wise governour of his church , unless he take courses for its setlement , that our wisdom thinketh meet . i hope christ may wisely govern his church and yet not leave it to men to determine , what shall be the form of it's government , which yet cannot be , if this reason prove that , which it is brought for . 2. we may easily grant the conclusion of this argument , without giving the least advantage to the assertion , which it is brought to prove . it is true , christ hath not left the peace of his church at the mercy of men's private opinions ; viz. so as that there can be no peace in the church , except all men agree in opinion about all things : for peace may be maintained among dissenting brethren , by harmony of affection , mutual forbearance , and a prudent managing and concealing of our opinion , so far , as it may be without sin : and all this may be done without denying that , which we differ about , to be determined by christ ; and asserting it to be a thing left indifferent . and if this be not particable , either through the nature of the truth , that we dissent about ; in that it is practical , or so important that it cannot be concealed ; or through the obstinacy , or wrong zeal of dissenters ; the lord hath not left his church without a remedy even in this case , viz. they who do unreasonably dissent must be censured , or shunned : and if this cannot be done without breach of peace , it is our lords wisdom to provide , that we should rather loose peace then truth . 3. all that is here said will as well prove , that there is no fixed trnth in any controverted point , though of never so great concernment : for it may be said also in these , that christ hath not left the peace of his church at the mercy of men's private opinions , which are not the same in the most fundamental points . but of this enough . § . 9. from what hath been said , we may see what fit advice this healer giveth , while he thus saith , p. 3. the only way left for the churche's setlement and peace , under such variety of apprehensions , concerning the means and method in order to it , is to pitch upon such a foundation , if possible to be found out , whereon the different parties , retaining their private apprehensions , may yet be agreed to carry on the same work in common , in order to the peace and tranquillity of the church of god. hitherto we consent with him , and wish he would help us to such a foundation , so as it self be founded on the word of god and not contrary to it . but he goeth on . which , saith he , cannot be by leaving all absolutely to follow their own ways ; for that were to build a babel instead of salem . this also we grant : but that which follows we cannot agree to . it must be then , saith he , by convincing men , that neither of these ways to peace and order , which they contend about is necessary by way of divine command ( though some be as a means to an end ) but which particular way or form it must be , is wholly left to the prudence of those , in whose power and trust it is to see the peace of the church secured on lasting foundations . if this be a fit way of healing church-rents , then those churches are in the best way to peace , who cast away the bible , and will not look there what god hath commanded : because some may say , he hath commanded this , and others , he hath commanded that : and so refer all controversies to be determined by men , as supposing nothing to be determined by god. and indeed this is the basis that the peace of the popish church standeth upon : and i believe no jesuit would have given another advice , than this , toward the setling of our divided condition . what ? must we say that neither way is commanded of god , whether it be so or not ? when we can prove from scripture that this is christ's institution , that not , but a device aud usurpation of men ; must we yield this our ground ? and leave the whole matter to men's wills , as being the readiest way to peace . if this be his cure for church-divisions , i believe they , who take the word of god for their rule , especially in church-matters , will think it worse than the disease . every way to peace is not a good way , otherwise there were no duty at any time to contend for the truth , once delivered to the saints , jude 3. § . 10. i do not dissent from the learned author in his determinations about the nature of right and divine right , but must examine some of the principles , from which he will have a divine right to be inferred . wherefore as to the rest of the first chapter , i first take notice , that what he largely discourseth from p. 6. to p. 11. concerning the lawfulness of that , which is not forbidden by god ; however it may be granted sano sensu ( on which i now insist not ; ) yet it doth not reach his point , unless he prove that christ hath determined no species of government ; for if he hath determined one , then all other inconsistent with it are eo ipso prohibited : wherefore , though we grant to him , that ratio regiminis ecclesiastici is juris naturalis ; yet we cannot grant , except he proves it , that the modus of it is juris divini permissivi ; that is to say , it is juris humani ; but we assert it to be juris divini , partim naturalis , partim positivi , viz. in respect of the divers parts , of which that form is made up , which are approved of god. § . 11. to make up an obligation , whereby we are bound to a thing as duty , we assert with him , that there is required legislation and promulgation of it . but what he saith of the way of promulgation of divine positive laws , that is necessary to lay an obligation on us , i cannot fully agree to . p. 12. he asserteth that whatsoever binds christians as an universal standing law , must be clearly revealed as such , and laid down in scripture in such evident terms , as all who have their senses exercised therein , may discern it to have been the will of christ , that it should perpetually oblige all believers to the worlds end ; as is clear in the case of baptism and the lords supper . but because the learned author could not but see , how obvious it was to every one to argue against this assertion from the instances of the change of the sabbath , and infant baptism , which he acknowledgeth to be christs will and law established , and yet not thus revealed ; therefore he laboureth to obviate that argument by this exception ; ( to wit ) that there is not the same necessity for a particular and clear revelation in the alteration of a law unrepealed in some circumstances of it , as there is for the establishing of a new law : the former ( saith he ) may be done by a different practice of persons infallibly guided ; as in the case of the change of the sabbath and infant baptism ; not so the latter . to this i reply a few things . 1. it had been good , if , in an assertion so fundamental to his whole discourse , and so positive for the clearness of divine laws , he himself had used more clearness ; there is no small muddiness and ambiguity in his expressions , which i must a little remove . and first , when he saith , that christs laws must be revealed clearly as such ; either he meaneth ( as hooker , eccles. polit . defending this opinion of our author's , expresseth it ) that they must be set down in the form of laws . but it is too great presumption to prescribe to him , how he should word the intimations of his will to his people ; or in what mode or form he should speak to them : his will manifested to us is that which obligeth us ; and this may be without such a form. or he meaneth , that christs laws must be so clearly revealed , as that we may come to know , that this we are to do , and that to forbear , and that he would have us to take notice of it as his will ; and this we agree to , and do maintain , that the form of church-government is thus revealed . another ambiguity is , that he requireth them to be laid down in such evident terms as all who have their senses exercised therein , may discern them to be his will to oblige us . if he mean that they , who have competent understanding and means , and do seriously search the truth in these things ( which , i suppose , is the meaning of having their senses exercised in them ) may for the objective evidence of the things come to know them ; this we do not deny ; if he mean , that such will certainly be convinced of them , and that there can be no impediment insuperable by them , neither in the object , nor in their blindness or prejudice , or other infirmity or disadvantage that they lye under , which may make them , that they cannot see that to be the will of christ , which is so revealed ; this we utterly deny . now this latter , not the former , must be his meaning , because it is nothing to the purpose , which i will not impute to so learned a man ; for what is not so revealed , is not revealed at all , seeing it is unintelligible by defect of objective light ; now , to say that christ's laws must be thus revealed , is to say that they must be promulgated , some way or other ; which was never questioned by any ; and maketh nothing for his design , viz. that christs laws must be so revealed , as that the disputes about them shall be taken away . yea , he cannot mean this , for the change of any circumstance of an old law must at least be thus revealed , else it is not revealed at all ; and yet he requireth another sort of revelation of new laws , as appeareth from what hath been said . § . 12. 2. if this assertion thus explained were true , there should remain no more controversie among serious and learned men about any of the laws of christ ; for such have their senses exercised in these things : wherefore they may ( if we believe this author ) know such to be christs laws , and therefore cannot be in an errour about them . but how absurd this is , sad experience maketh too evident : is it not a controversie whether christ hath appointed seven or but two sacramentst ? whether he hath commanded us to pray to saints departed ? whether excommunication be by his law , &c. we must then either say , that christ hath made no law in these things ; or that men cannot mistake in them ; but that they who oppose the truth herein , do oppose that which they know to be christ's law , or that christ hath made and revealed a law about these things , but these men cannot see it , which is contrary to the author's assertion . 3. is it not enough to bind the conscience of any , who soberly seek to know what is the good , and perfect , and acceptable will of god , that the lord in his word hath given some intimation , from which we may gather , that such a thing is his will : sure , seeing it is his will , that bindeth the conscience , whatever way we come to the knowledge of this will , we are obliged by it to our duty . now we may be able , in some cases , to deduce from scripture such a thing to be the will of god , though it be not set down in such evident terms as are here mentioned , as is clear to any who do consider . 4. there are many points of truth , or many credenda , in the scripture , which want such an evidence of revelation , as is here required ; which yet we are to believe as the truths of god ; for it is clear , that the lord hath taught us many things in the bible , as it were on the bye , and left them to be gathered from scripture assertions : yea many times truths are couched in duties commanded , as commands also are comprehended in assertions and promises . now if this clearness of terms in the revelation of the credenda of religion be not necessary to bind the conscience to believe , how is it imaginable , that it should be necessary in the revelation of the agenda , to bind the will to act ? seeing the lord doth as peremptorily require us to believe what he hath said , as to do what he hath commanded . 5. for the exception that he maketh of the changing some circumstances of old laws ; i see not on what foundation of reason , the difference between these and new laws can stand ; but that this shift serveth his purpose : for ( to take his own instance ) supposing a standing law for a sabbath , and that the seventh day must be kept : this circumstance ( as he is pleas'd to call it ) that not the seventh , but the first day be kept , is really a new law : yea there are here two new laws ; one abrogating what was before , and making it no duty to keep the seventh day : another establishing a new , which was not before , and making it a duty to keep the first day . now if this may be thought no obliging law of christ without that evidence of revelation , which he talks of , why may not another thing , that was not such before ? if we are to look to apostolick practice as ground sufficient why we should think it christs will , that we should keep the first day of the week to the lord ; which was not done before ; why should we not think the same ground sufficient , why ministers should rule the church by a parity of authority ? yea , reason would say , that there is need of more clearness , in the revelation of christ's will for altering a standing law in such of it's circumstances as doth annul one duty , and establish another , than for setling that as duty which is altogether new , seeing in the former , we must both know the will of god in abrogating and establishing : in the later we are to know only , that he will stablish such a thing . § . 13. in his examination of what maketh an unalterable divine right , i agree to most that he teacheth ; only his postulatum p. 14. one which he buildeth all his assertions , needeth to be a little cleared . he asserteth that nothing can be founded on divine right , nor bind believers as a positive law , but what may be certainly known to have come from god , with an intention to bind believers to the worlds end . where i only take notice that , though plerophory in that case be very desirable ; yet such certainty is not necessary to our obligation : but so much knowledge of the will of god as may satisfie the conscience , by jnclining it to the one hand , and not leaving it absolutely in suspence . if this be not sufficient , we shall take off all obligation of gods positive laws from most men : for few have plerophorie in most things . i agree with him , that a divine right is built on the law of nature , and on the immutable positive laws of god : also , that these are three good marks of the immutability of divine positive laws , which he bringeth : viz. when the reason of the law remains : when god hath declared such a law never to be changed : when it conduceth to the being of a society , that he would have to continue . only i cannot see how these ( espeeially the former two marks ) do consist with the mutability of that church government , ( in these things we controvert about ) which the apostles practised ( no doubt , as being christs will and law ) seeing there is the same reason for parity now , that then was : and christ hath not said , that he will have it altered in after ages . § . 14. page 23. he comes to examine some pretences ( as he is pleased to call them ) for a divine right . and first , he laboureth to enervate the argument for the divine right of church-government , taken from apostolical practice : of which he promiseth to say more after : but what he here saith , we shall examine . i yield to him , that all scripture examples do not bind ; neither doth any example bind as an example : also , that the rule , whereby we know what examples do bind , is not immediately obligatory , but directive . i grant likewise that in such examples , that which bindeth us , is either the moral nature of the action , or the law commanding us to follow the example . and yet all these concessions yield him no advantage , neither bring our cause any loss : for when he requireth us , who plead for the divine right of a particular form of church-government from apostolical example , to shew either the morality of their actions ; or a law commanding us to follow them : i answer , as to the first , there needeth no particular demonstration of the morality of apostolick actions : but this we can say for them , the nature and condition of the actions , and the apostles doing of them , being considered ; reason will not suffer us to question the morality of them . i mean it is certain that they are the will of christ : for we must think that in matters not light and occasional , but weighty and of great concernment whether they be well or ill done ; and which were done on mature deliberation ; as the administration of the affairs of christ's house : in matters , i say , of this nature , we are to think that the apostles did that which was best and most approved of god ; they being infallibly guided by his spirit . now that , which was best to them , must certainly be best to us also , we managing the same affairs ; except some diversity of our case from theirs can be shewn : wherefore we are obliged to think that the parity of ministers in ruling the church , is christ's will , and so a moral duty ; ( not a thing indifferent ) seeing it was so in the apostolick churches ; as , i suppose , is proved by the maintainers of that way : and there is no reason why it should be otherwise with us than with them . for the second , we have also a law for following apostolical example ( as we have for following christ's example ; which , our author saith , maketh it our duty ) viz. 1 cor. 4. 16. wherefore i beseech you be ye followers of me . 1 cor. 11. 1. be ye followers of me , even as i am of christ. and lest any think that this command of imitation is only in reference to duties otherways known to be such , as faith , love , &c. it is evident that this last place relateth to church administrations ; for he prefixeth this exhortation to the doctrine of decency and purity in their worship . beside , that the exhortation being general , can suffer no exception , but where imitation would not have the same morality in us , that giving example had in them , viz. where the case is different . other scriptures to the same purpose are phil. 3. 17. heb. 6. 12. and this is commended ( which clearly supposeth a command ) 1 thes. 1. 6. and 2. 14. 2 thes. 3. 9. ja. 5. 10. wherefore , if we can shew apostolical practice for our way of church-government ( as i know we can ) it is incumbent on our adversaries to shew a reason why they did such things , which doth not agree to our case ; or else to submit to that way , as that which is christ's law . for the other grounds of divine right , that he examineth , we insist not on them , as not being necessary to the defence of that truth which we maintain . wherefore i wave what might be said against what he there disputeth . chap. ii. § . 1. in the second chapter of the first part of his irenicum he layeth some hypotheses for a foundation of his following discourse : where i shall pass over in silence , these things that have truth in them ; and these also , the examining of which is not needful to the present purpose , viz. defending presbyterial government to be juris divini . only , i take notice , that here , and through his whole book , he spendeth most of his pains and learning , in proving these points , which are either digressions from the present business , or are not denied by any of his opposites : which is magno conatu nihil agere . § . 2. in his fourth hypothesis , p. 38. some things need our remark : he setteth it down thus : in things which are determined both by the law of nature and divine positive laws , as to the substance and morality of them , but not determined as to all circumstances belonging to them , it is in the power of lawful authority in the church of god to determine them so far as they judge them tend to the promoting of the performance of them in due manner . two things in this hypothesis i condemn . 1. that he warranteth men to determine things undetermined in the church , so far as they judge needful : he should have said , so far as is needful : for if we hold this his assertion in terminis , superstitious men in lawful authority may bind us in all things where christ hath left us free ; so that it shall not be lawful to speak , look or act in the church , but as they think fit . and indeed here is a foundation for almost all the ceremonies that either popes or prelates ever burthened the church of god with : they are nothing but determinations of what is left undetermined ; and they judge them to tend to promote worship : as , it is not determined , what garment a minister shall wear , the church judgeth a surplice to tend to promote worship : then by this hypothesis , the church may determine this : which is not only against truth , as might easily be shewed , if that were now my work , but also against this author , who declareth himself against ceremonies of mens appointing . 2. that he extendeth this determining power so far , that not only things undetermined , and that must be determined , otherwise the ordinances cannot be gone about without defect or sin , may be determined by lawful authority ( for this we grant , and therefore do close with his example of appointing the place ▪ and hour for worship ) but also things that they judge tend to promote the due manner of the ordinances , may be thus determined ; which a little after he expoundeth of the decency and solemnity of worship . this we cannot assent to : for there is no pompous ceremony that ever man devised , but they judged it fit to promote the solemnity of worship . and indeed the scripture condemning the pompousness and gaudiness of worship , and commending the simplicity of it , saith plainly , that it is not left to men to add their determinations to god's , to make the worship as solemn as they judge meet ; but that we ought to be content with that solemnity , which is made in worship by god's institutions , and the needful determination of circumstances . neither can this blow to his hypothesis be evited , by saying , that he speaketh only of circumstances ; which we confess may be determined by the church . for 1. all ceremonies are also circumstances ; and he doth not here mention meer circumstances , to exclude ceremonies from the determing power of authority in the church . 2. though he should be understood of meer circumstances , viz. which are such before they be determined ; as the habit in which we are to worship : yet even such , when they are determined by men without necessity , only , that they may add to the worship a decency , which is not needful by nature , civil custom , nor divine institution , they become religious ceremonies ; their end being religious , and they being peculiar to religion : as i have shewn in another piece . § . 3. it seemeth to me very strange , and not to be passed over in our animadversions ; that in the prosecuting of this his hypothesis , wherein he had ascribed a determining power to lawful authority in the church ; he taketh notice of no power or authority seated in church-men ; but speaketh only of the magistrate : for p. 38. shewing why there is need to prove this hypothesis , he tells us of some that give no power , and some that give little power to the magistrate about religion : and then falleth upon a large debate of the magistrate's power in church-matters . which is an evident supposing , that all church-power is in the magistrate , and in none else : otherwise this discourse should be very impertinent to his hypothesis . but this supposition is a gross falshood , as is fully proved by many worthy men against erastus and his followers . i shall not now ingage in that large debate . if we should grant a determining power to any authority about the things in hand , it should not be to the civil magistrate ; but to the guides of the chnrch met in a lawful assembly . and it is not only contrary to truth , but a contradiction to what this author writeth elsewhere , in his appendix about excommunication ; where he taketh much pains to assert a power of discipline in the church-guides : and if so , certainly the magistrate is not the lawful authority in the church : for that implyeth church authority . i hope he will not say , that ministers have lawful authority in the state ; because they have no civil authority : why then should we say , or suppose , that the magistrate hath lawful authority in the church ; except he think that the magistrate hath church-authority ? against which he there disputeth ; especially seeing respublica non est in ecclesia , sed ecclesia in republica ; he that hath only civil power , hath no power in the church , whatever he hath about church-matters , and over church-men . § . 4. in asserting the magistrates power in these things , he professeth , that he will not so much make his way through any party , as strive to beget a right understanding among them that differ : how well he keepeth his promise may be seen , by examining what he saith ; on which i will not much insist , ( intending to meet with this his doctrine elsewhere ) but only mark what is amiss , with a short ground of our censure of it : for this debate is somewhat extrinsecal to the indifferency of church-government : it rather supposeth it , than asserteth or proveth it . in explicating his second distinction about the magistrate's power , p. 41. the internal , formal , elicitive power of order , saith he , lies in the authoritative exercise of the ministerial function , in preaching of the word , and administration of the sacraments ; but the external , objective , imperative power of jurisdiction lies in a due care and provision for the defence , protection , and propagation of religion . the former is only proper to the ministry , the later to the supream magistracy . here several things are to be noted . 1. that he maketh the power of order to be all one with internal , formal , elicitive power about church affairs ; and the power of jurisdiction the same with external , objective and imperative power about them . this is instead of distinguishing to confound things most different : for , i hope , he is not ignorant that all the assertors of church-power against the erastians , do distinguish church-power , or the keys of the kingdom of heaven ( for so is this power designed by christ ) in the power or key of order ; and the power or key of jurisdiction . let the author shew us one ( not erastian ) who before himself did ever make the power of order in the church to comprehend all formal and elicitive church-power . yea , he doth by this most evidently contradict himself ( which i wonder to meet with so often in such a learned man ) for in his appendix he maketh the power of discipline to be in the church ; and so to be formal , internal and elicitive church-power : and sure the power of discipline is the power of jurisdiction , not of order : not only because all that speak of this distinction do so understand it : but also our author doth here make the power of order to respect only the word and sacraments ; and so the power of discipline must belong to jurisdiction , according to him : now whereas he maketh the power of jurisdiction there to be internal only in the church : and here to be external in the magistrate only ; if this be not a contradiction , let any man judge . 2. another thing , that here i take notice of , is , that the power which he ascribeth to the ministry is only administration of the word and sacraments . then they have no power of discipline , for every one knoweth that that is some other thing than the word and sacraments . now this is contradictory to the whole of his own appendix : and also to scripture , which giveth to church-officers power of binding and loosing , mat. 18. 18. jo. 20. 23. and of ruling the lord's people , 1 thes. 5. 12. heb. 13. 17. but i insist not on this , it having been made evident by so many against the erastians . 3. he ascribed all power about church affairs to the magistrate , except that of administring the word and sacraments ; and so to the magistrate as it is only belonging to him : for he giveth him that which he called the power of jurisdiction , and that is to him all power but that of word and sacraments . now there was never any erastian that gave more to the magistrate than this : for by this means , he hath all the power of deciding controversies in synods ( for that is not preaching of the word ) of ordination , the exercise of discipline , &c. and none but he hath any share in it . behold unto what absurdities this man runneth unawares , while he maketh it his business to unhinge that government which christ hath setled in his church . and indeed i cannot but take notice of a necessary connexion between this putting all church-power in the hands of the magistrate , and denying it to be juris divini . for he knew well , that if it had been left to be decided by church-men among themselves ; it had not been easily determined amidst the interest of men clashing one with another ; the more conscientious and self-denied sort being ever the fewest . § . 5. page 42. speaking of the subordination or co-ordination of the magistracy and ministry , there be some mistakes worthy of our notice . though he acknowledgeth the person of the magistrate to be subject to the word of god , yet he denieth it to be subject to the power of the ministers . this is the doctrine of court-preachers , who love to flatter rather than speak truth . but consider . 1 it is to me an inconsistency , that ministers have power or authority of preaching the word ; and the magistrate's person is subject to this word , and yet he is not subject to the power of ministers . when they teach , rebuke , exhort with all authority and command in the name of the lord ; doth not this reach magistrates as well as others , if they be subject to the word of god ? i see not how they are subject to it , if they be not subject to it as declared by christ's embassadors , which is the ordinary way of dispensing it : and if so , then are they subject to the preaching power of ministers at least . 2. magistrates are also subject to the ruling power of ministers : for they rule over christ's flock ; the members of the church , of which number , if the magistrate be , i see no ground in scripture for exempting him from the power of their jurisdiction . when christ said , whosesoever sins ye remit , they are remitted , and whosesoever sins ye retain , they are retained ; he did not add , except the supream magistrates . may not , i pray , the pastors of the church debar him , if he be a flagitious man , from the lord's table , as ambrose did to theodosius ? and if they may , certainly the magistrate personally considered is subject to the ruling power of pastors in spiritual things ; as they are subject to him in civil things . and to deny this , what is it , but to make the supream magistrate head of the church and not a member of it ? much more worthy to be received is the opinion of crysostome , who speaketh thus to ecclesiastical persons , in reference to abstention from the lord's supper ; si dux igitur quispiam , si consul ipse , si , qui diademate ornatur , indigne adeat , cohibe ac coerce ; majorem ●u illo habes authoritatem . § . 6. he cometh afterward , p. 43. to ascribe to the magistrate not only a political power , which he maketh to lie in the execution and administration of laws for the common good : but also an architectonical and nomothetical power ( though not absolute and independent ) whereby he may make laws in things that belong to the church . his meaning in this he expresseth more fully in the end of p. 44. in matters , saith he , undetermined by the word of god concerning the external policy of the church of god , the magistrate hath the power of determining things , so they be agreeable to the word of god. and because he knew that the church-guides would put in for this power , that here he giveth to the magistrate , therefore , p. 45. he laboureth to reconcile these parties , by a distinction or two , viz. between declaring christ's laws , and making new laws : and between advising what is fit , and determining what shall be done . the declaring and advising power is given by him to the church ; the authoritative determining power to the magistrate . for p. 46. the great use , saith he , of synods and assemblies of pastors of the church is , to be as the council of the church unto the king ; as the parliament is for matters of civil government . and p. 47. but yet , saith he , when such men thus assembled have gravely and maturally advised and deliberated what is fittest to be done ; the force , strength , and obligation of the thing so determined doth depend on the power and authority of the civil magistrate . against this doctrine ( before i come to examine the reasons that he bringeth for it ) i have these things to say . 1. it must be noted ( by passing over which in silence our author hath confounded the matter ) that we are not here speaking of things that are properly civil , though belonging to the church , viz. as it is a society , and in the common-wealth ; such as church-rents , meeting-places , liberty of the use of them , &c. but of the government of the church , as it is a church , of its discipline ; which things are properly the external policy of that church , as our author termeth that which he speaketh of . now the question is , whether the power of determining these , be in the church-guides or the magistrate . 2. that which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the ground of most of this author's mistakes , is , he supposeth that some things of this church-policy are so left undetermined by the word , that they are capable of a determination by men's legislative power , and that new laws may be made about them . this is not truth ; for , if we speak of the substantials of church-government , even of a particular form , it is determined in the word , and so not subject to men's nomothetical determinations ; if of the circumstances of it , neither are these left for men to make laws about them , but they are determined by the lord , in the general rules that are in the word , and the dictates of right reason compared with them ; and the obligation , that lyeth on our consciences in these things , is not from the magistrates law ( though we do not deny but he may add his sanction to both sorts of things , and make them the law of the nation , as dr. stillingsleet saith well , that he may with any thing in religion ) but from the will of god , which ought to be searched out , and held forth authoritatively by the guides of the church , that are acting in the name of christ. 3. it is false then that the magistrate hath power in determining what of the external policy of the church is undetermined in the word . for if we speak of that which is not determined at all , neither by particular praecepts , or examples , or otherwise , signifying particularly the mind of christ about such a thing , viz. by the general rules of the word compared with right reason , is not held forth to be the mind of christ ; such things ought not to be determined by any man or men , but are left to christian liberty ; for such things must be determined meerly by mans will , but the lord hath not left the matters of his church to that crooked rule . but if we speak of things not determined by particular praecepts , &c. yet in which the mind of christ is deducible by general rules : neither here hath the magistrate the determining power , but they , whom the lord hath made the guides and eyes of his church ; they must declare what is the will of christ , not impose what is their own will or law. and here the obligation is from the will of christ , not the authority of the church , nor the magistrate neither ; the declaration of it from them , whom christ hath made his embassadors . for what i have said , i give this brief reason , the affairs of the church are to be managed by a ministerial power , the farthest extent of which is to declare christ's laws , and apply them ; as is generally confessed by protestants against papists : but the magistrate's power is not ministerial , but magisterial : ergo , it is not his part to manage or determine the affairs of the church , of which doubtless her external policy is no small part , which may be further enforced thus ; church-determinations must be the declarations of the will of christ , but not the magistrate , but the pastors are the embassadors of christ , whose it is to decalre his will : ergo , it is not his , but their part to make such determinations . we speak not of the judgment of discretion , which the magistrate hath in these things , in order to the adding his sanction to them ; and that not only as others have , theirs being private , and his publick and with authority : bnt we speak of that determination of things , which is the ordinary means of promulgating to us the mind of christ in church-matters . 4. it is most false that the great use of synods is to be the king's church-council , as the parliament is his civil council ▪ for , 1. himself acknowledgeth another use of them , while he ascribeth to the church , a power of declaring christ's laws ; is not this of great use ? but contradictions are no rarity in this author . 2. hence it followeth , that as parliamentary acts have no force without the king's sanction , so likewise church-determinations have none without it ; and if the church excommunicate any person , it is not valid , nor his sins bound in heaven , till the king put his seal to it ; for that such a person be excommunicated , is not determined in scripture . 3. the council at jerusalem , act. 15. and all the councils before constantine's time , were of no great use ; for they had not this use , there being no magistrate to own them as his council . 4. this destroys that received axiom among all them , who are not the avowed followers of erastus , viz. that the magistrate's power is cumulative to the church , not privative ; for it maketh his to swallow it up , there being no authority , nor great use of synods , without the magistrate . 5. this taketh away from the church entireness of power in her self , in things that do concern her as such a society , and a capacity to subsist without the magistrate ; which i hope this author , when better advised , will not own . 5. it is also false , that when church-guides assembled , have deliberated and determined , the force , strength , and obligation of the things of determined , doth depend on the magistrate ; for it dependeth on the reason of them containing the will of christ , and not on the authority of men . § . 7. i come now to see what arguments he bringeth for what he hath asserted . 1. saith he , taking the church as incorporated into the civil state , though the object of these things , the matter of them , and persons determining them be ecclesiastical , yet the force and ground of the obligation of them is wholly civil . ans. that the church is in the republick we do not deny : yet that must not be so understood as if either these two were not distinct corporations , or the power of the one were subordinate to , or swallowed up the other . the saying of optat milev : ( which he citeth ) that ecclesia est in republica , non respublica in ecclesia ; will not bear that : but the meaning is , that either the church is in the rep. as the lesser society in the greater , as a few parishes are in a county ; so the primitive churches were in rome , corinth , &c. or when the church is aeque late patens with the nation , that the church is in protection of the civil state , not e contra ; seeing kings must be nursing fathers to her , and as it were keep house for her to be nursed in . or speaking of a national church , that it 's being a nation is prior in order of nature than it 's being a church ; because it might be a nation , and not a church ; but it cannot be a church and not a nation . now , none of these do infer that the obligation of determinations made by church men , about church affairs is civil ; but it may be and is ecclesiastical , viz. from the will of christ , which the church holdeth forth as his embassadors . wherefore this ratiocination is altogether inconsequent . but he cometh to authority , to see if that will help him . he citeth p. martyr . lo. com . clas : fig. 4. c. 5. s. 11. and in 1 sam. 8. nam quod ad potestatem ecclesiasticam attinet , satis est civilis magistratus : is enim curare debet ut omnes officium faciant . what he meaneth for citing both these places for these words , i know not , unless it be that they are to be found in them both . but i am sure neither they , nor any thing like them is in the former place ( for the later i have not that part of his works ) but the contrary of what this author intendeth , is there clearly and fully taught , viz. he is refuting them who would have the power of discipline in the church to cease , now when the magistrate is christian , and he asserteth ecclesiastical power and civil as distinct : and only says that the magistrate should correct ministers if they do not carry as they ought : but this is far from that , quod ad potestatem ecclesiae attinet , satis est civilis magistratus . he refers , for the judgment of the reformed divines in this to vedel . de episc. const. mag. et offic. magistratus , annexed to grot. de imper. sum . pot . circa sacra . but it is well known that vedelius was an erastian and ( as this author doth ) did fowly abuse the reformed divines making them speak what they never thought ; wherefore i refer to apol. triglandius , revius ; who have refuted that seducing pamphlet of vedelius . for the other author , let his citations be weighed , they will never prove that any of the reformers gave the power of determining church-affairs to the magistrate . he addeth three reasons of his allegation , yet they are but two , for the two former do coincide , and the strength of them is ; that it is from the authority of the magistrate , that obligation to obedience or penalty is ; or ( which is the same ) it is from him that the sanction , or annexing of penalties to the constitutions , is ; that it is from him only that the force of obligation is in matters determined by advice of the church and which do concern the church . ans. all this is easily taken away by a well known distinction in things that are commanded by christ , and by his church declared to be such ; and also , are ratified by the sanction of the magistrate , there is a twofold obligation : one spiritual ; this is from christ as law-giver ; and is laid on by the instrumental intervention of the church as his herald proclaiming his will : another civil , whereby we are bound to external punnishment if we contravene such a constitution ; this is from the magistrate : of this , not of the former the author's assertion is to be understood ; otherwise it is false : for that obligation is no way from the magistrate . his third reason is , the magistrate can null any obligation laid on by the church representative : as if they do prescribe some indifferent rites and ceremonies to be observed by all ; he forbidding them the former supposed obligation is null ; otherwise these absurdities would follow . 1. that there are two supream powers in a nation at once . 2. that a man lyeth under different obligations to the same thing . 3. the same action may be a duty and a sin , viz. being forbidden by the one power and commanded by the other . ans. 1. he supposeth ( which we will never yield to him ) that ceremonies may be indifferent and imposeable by men . nay , all the ceremonies of god's worship , being worship themselves , are christ's institution ; otherwise but will-worship : and so himself understandeth ceremonies p. 68. it is like forgetting what he here said . 2. it concerneth the author as much as it doth us to answer his own objection , for he ascribeth to the church an intrinsecal power of discipline : now suppose one be excommunicated ; the church commandeth it , the magistrate forbiddeth it ; if his prohibition doth not null the former obligation , the same absurdities follow , that are mentioned in his reason ; if it doth , then this doth as much destroy the power of discipline in that church , which he asserteth ; as it destroyeth the power of determining about other church-matters , which we assert . 3. we deny that the magistrate by his power can destroy the obligation to any church-act ( being otherwise warrantable ) laid on by the church , or rather by christ , the church declaring his will ( for so the church only commandeth ) otherwise we might as well say ( and it must needs be this man's opinion , if he believe what here he writeth ) that when the church ordaineth a minister and commandeth him to preach christ , the magistrate by forbidding him to speak any more in that name , maketh null the former obligation . 't is true the magistrate may , in some cases , restrain the outward exercise of what we are so obliged to , and also when he doth injuriously forbid such exercise , we may be , in some cases , obliged to cede to this violence : but neither of these destroyeth our obligation to our duty ; neither the power by which it is laid on ; more than the magistrate doth destroy my obligation to obey my father , or his power over me , when he putteth me in prison , and so i cannot do what my father commandeth . the absurdities that he would fright us with , do not follow from our opinion , but from his own false supposition . for the first , it is not absurd that there should be two supream powers about things so different that one power cannot have them both for it's formal object . will not the author grant that ministers have the supream preaching power , that is not subordinate to the magistrate : and the magistrate the supream civil power ? why not then , that they have the supream ruling power in church affairs ? these powers need not clash , though they be not subordinate , being about things so different as are this world and that which is to come , the soul and the body : but this man feareth that caesar be dethroned , if we confess christ to be a king ; and so would have christ's kingdome subordinate to caesar's . for the second , there cannot be two obligations here ; for if the church keep within her limits , her command is christ's . and so any contrary obligation must be null : if not , her authority layeth on no obligation . for the third , it is the same argument , and it admitteth of the same answer . § . 8. having made the magistrate the sole judge and determiner in the matters of the church even ceremonies themselves : our author proceedeth p. 49. to examine the extent of his power , asserted in his former hypothesis , and here he proceedeth by three steps . 1. that there are some things left undetermined by the word . this we assent to , as it is here set down ; but cannot understand it ( as he doth , which appeareth a little after ) of ceremonies : but rather of bare circumstances of the worship of god ( if he take these for one , he is very ignorant of the nature of both ) neither of the species of church-government , for which this indifferency of things is here asserted . what he discourseth here of the nature of indifferency , i shall not insist upon , intending to meet with it elsewhere . only i take notice of his concession p 53. that in things wholly indifferent both in respect of their common nature and their use and end ; that are neither commanded nor tend to the peace and order of the church , there can be no reason why the nature of these things should be altered by humane laws : wherefore matters that are indifferent as to a command , but are much conducing to the peace and order of the church are the proper matter of humane constitutions concerning the churches policy . let it be here considered that these things are not properly indifferent , but commanded , viz. where the peace and order of the church is injoyned : and if it be so , it is the part of the church representative , not of the magistrate , to judge what things are thus conducible to peace and order ; and to hold forth the doing of these , as the laws of christ. § . 9. his second step is , that matters of this nature may be determined and restrained ; and that it is not to the wronging of christians liberty , so to do : and this he doth very largely prove against some as he pretendeth of great note and learning ; i wonder who they are : for i never met with any who do deny what he asserteth : it is true that many do , and that warrantably , maintain ; that where christ hath left us free , man hath no power by his meer will to restrain us ; especially in things that belong to the worship of god : but all do acknowledge so far as i know , that in things ( though not expresly commanded ) which by their nature or circumstances are made conducible to the ends that christ hath enjoyned us to endeavour , the church may enjoyn us ; and that without making any new laws ; but by declaring the will of god. this and no more do all the arguments , which the author with much pains hath set down , conclude . and indeed , if our author had once proved the species of church government to be indifferent , we should not deny it to be determinable and imposeable ( not by the magistrate , but ) by the church . in the prosecution of his arguments , there occur several things that i cannot assent to ; but they not being to the question in hand , and intending to touch some of them in a treatise else-where , i pass them here ; he hath some greedy hints after obeying whatever is commanded , though unlawful ; the non-obligation of the covenant , &c. which do discover his spirit . though the author doth state the question as hath been said , yet all his reasons whereby , from p. 56. he proveth the determination of indifferent things , not to take away our liberty , doth prove as much , that determination grounded on mans meer will doth not take it away ; for in that case there may be left a liberty of judgment ; and there may be no necessity antecedent to the command ; as he saith in his first argument ; also in that case , the determining of the things supposeth them to be matters of liberty , which is a second medium , and the obligation in that case , is only in respect of contempt and scandal , which is his third argument ; and the repealing of the law or ceasing of the authority commanding , may free us of impositions made by meer will , which is his fourth argument . wherefore these arguments prove that which the author doth not own , if they prove any thing , which is a token that they prove nothing at all . but that i may shortly answer them . the first argument is inconcludent ; for though radical liberty , ( i. e. a right to do or not do ) be consistent with such commands , as men , without warrant from god , lay on us , ( their authority never being able to destroy that right given to us which is founded on the will of god ) yet these commands are an unlawful taking away of the exercise of our liberty : for where neither scripture nor reason ( which are gods law ) do bind , mans will ought not to bind ; especially in the things of religion . he hath here , p. 57. a gird by the way at them who hold one posture of receiving the lords supper to be necessary , as more destroying liberty , than doth the command of the magistrate imposing one posture . answ. if they hold this without warrant from the word of the lord ; i yield to what he saith ; but if they can prove that we ought in this to imitate christ , and keep a table-gesture as he did ; it is no destroying our liberty , unless he think it less liberty to be bound to the will of christ , declared by his example , than it is to be bound to the will of men . other falshoods i pass over ( it not being my intention to touch every thing ) but i wonder at a gross aspersion that he layeth on the apostle paul , viz. that he did use the jewish ceremonies , ( as that he circumcised timothy ) when they were not only mortuae but mortiferae , and that , where there was no opinion of their necessity . what is it i pray to say they were mortiferae , but that it was sin to use them ? ( for when they were mortuae , they were indifferent , not as to the opinion of their necessity , but as to their use ) then paul used them when it was sin to use them . i hope the author will not own this when he is better advised : but we see whither zeal for an errour will lead men . his other arguments run on the same mistake , viz. they prove that radical liberty is not taken away whatever be commanded : but they prove not that when men command without warrant from the lord , they hinder that exercise of liberty that the lord alloweth us . wherefore i need not insist on any further answer to them . p. 59. he maketh this difference between laws concerning ecclesiastical and civil things ; that these bind extra casum scandali & contemptus , those not so ; whether this doth consist with his opinion that both these laws are from the magistrate , let it be considered . i thought that the different way of obligation had been from the different authorities , not from the things about which the laws do converse : and that violation of all the magistrates laws , had been alike opposite to his authority . i mean , where the things are of equal moment , as certainly may be in things civil , and ecclesiastical . the wise advice of ambrose to augustine ( which he citeth p. 60 , 61. ) i do with augustine reverence as coeleste graculum : so it be understood of customes truly indifferent : but that the things we plead about , and that the author would permit to the will of the magistrate ; are such , we cannot yield : wherefore all this his pains about indifferent things , is to small purpose . what he saith , p. 62. of superstition in the imagined necessity of things really indifferent , i will elsewhere examine ; and what others also have alledged to that purpose . § . 10. his third step is to set bounds to the restraint of christian liberty , where his first rule is , that nothing be imposed as necessary , but what is clearly revealed in the word of god. but what if it be revealed , so as it is visible to them who read and search attentively ; though it be not clearly revealed ? must such things be slighted , as no part of gods will ? but of this we have said enough before . the second rule is , that nothing be determined but what is sufficiently known to be indifferent in its own nature . the way to know what is such , he maketh to be , by taking the primitive church , and the reformed churches to be judges in this . i confess , their decision should have much weight ; but we dare make none judge , but god speaking in the scriptures . what if christ hath in scripture signified his will in a point , and yet these churches looked on it , and used it as a thing indifferent ? must we then think it indifferent ? i hope not . this is to lay too much weight on men : especially considering that the mystery of iniquity ( which did prostitute all or most of christs institutions to mens will ; as if they had been indifferent things ) began early to work in the primitive church , 2 thes. 2. 2. and few reformed churches want their own lees ; from which the lord is yet daily purging them . wherefore i think ( with submission to better judgments ) a surer standard , to know what is indifferent , to be this ; what cannot be proved to be determined by the lord in scripture , and is not of the law of nature , neither primarily nor secondarily ; that is to be thought indifferent . passing his other rules ; in prosecuting the last , he openeth a door to humane ceremonies , ( though he seem to speak against them ) by approving the feast of dedication , the jewish ceremonies in the passover : sure these were some more than ordinary decency ; neither were to be esteemed of the same rank ( as he doth ) with building of synagogues , hours of prayer , which are meer order : the continuation of the passover by hezekiah which was transient ; no recurrent fast ; and had a reason then urgent ; and the feast of purim which was a civil solemnity : and the fasts of the 4th , 5th , and 10th months ; which were occasional for the captivity , and expired with it . but of this matter i treat at large elsewhere . § . 11. in his 5th hypothesis , there is an unwary expression , viz. that things determined , as aforesaid , by lawful authority in the church ( which to him is the magistrate ) do bind the conscience . i suppose he meaneth , that we are bound to obey for conscience sake ; and not that civil authority by it self doth reach the conscience , which protestants with good reason deny against the papists . the rest of his first part needeth not our animadversions , seeing it containeth nothing contrary to presbyterial government ; but rather asserteth several parts of it : wherefore i shall only set down briefly his assertions , many of which are so many concessions to us . he asserteth , ( cap. 3. ) that the law of nature dictates that there must be a society of men for the worship of god ; that is a church . and ( cap. 4. ) that there must be a government in this society . where he maketh 6 things in this government to be juris naturalis ; 1. that there be a distinction of persons , and a superiority both of power and order in some over the rest . 2. that the persons so above others have respect paid them sutable to the nature of their imployment . ( cap. 5. ) the third thing is , that all things either pertaining to the immediate worship of god , or belonging to the government of the church be performed with the greatest solemnity and decency that may be , ( cap. 6. ) fourthly , that there be a way agreed upon to determine and decide all the controversies arising in the church , which immediately tend to the breaking of the peace and unity of it . where he pleadeth for the definitive sentence in the major part , where power is equal ; and for liberty of appeals , where there is subordination ; as being of natural right : and that this subordination must be in a society consisting of many companies or congregations . ( cap. 7. ) fifthly , that all who are are admitted unto this society , must consent to be governed by the laws of that society . ( cap. 8. ) sixthly , that in a well-ordered society , ( and so in the church ) every offender against the rules of that society , must give an account of his actions to the governours of that society ; and submit to the censures of it , according to the judgment of the officers of it . all this we accept of as truth , but how this last doth consist with his putting all power of jurisdiction in the hand of the magistrate , and leaving the church-officers only power of preaching and administring the sacraments , ( of which before ) i cannot understand . so much for the first part of his irenicum . part ii. cap. 1 , 2. § . 1. in his second part we have also some concessions to be taken notice of , as cap. 2. p. 154. that there must be a form of government , as necessary , not by nature only , but by a divine law. this we receive as truth , and do thus improve it ad hominem : the author cannot shew us any express law in scripture , commanding that there be a form of government in the church ; neither can any scripture ground of this truth be brought , but what is drawn from apostolick practice ; they had a form of government , ergo , so must we ; seeing it is as needful to us as it was to them . now if this be so , why doth the author dispute so much against our reasoning from apostolick practice ( where the case is alike ) for this particular form of government , as being established by divine law ? if their practice be a sufficient evidence of a divine law ( beside the law of nature ) for this , that there be a form : why is it not as significant of a divine law for this , that this is the form ; where the case of them and us is alike . § . 2. we receive also as a concession , p. 157. that there is a divine warrant for a national church ; and for a national form of church-government . also , cap. 2. he concedeth that the government of the church ought to be administred by officers of divine appointment , is of divine right . where , in one word , he destroyeth ( unawares ) all that he saith for maintaining the lawfulness of episcopal government ; for he doth not deny that bishops as ruling over presbyters , and having more power than their brethren , are of humane constitution ; and so they cannot be officers of divine appointment : if so , then by this concession the church ought not to be ruled by them ; and so episcopal government is unlawful . i know not , if he did foresee this argument taken out of himself : but in explaining his concession he would fain seem to say some other thing than he hath indeed said : for he saith , that he here taketh the church for the members of the church : so that his meaning is , there must be a standing perpetual ministry : and this he proveth largely . this doth no ways explain what he hath said : for it is one thing that it be divine appointment that there are officers ; and another thing that these officers be such as god hath appointed . jeroboam when he made priests of the lowest of the people , kept divine institution so far , that he made priests ; and did make that work common to all : and yet his priests were not officers of divine appointment : so neither is the church ruled by officers of divine appointment , though there be officers who rule , which is divine appointment ; except these officers be such as god hath instituted , and not such as men have devised . and besides this , the law of nature dictateth that there should be rulers in the church , distinct from the ruled , as he had formerly observed : wherefore he must here either trifle , or say some more , viz. that the lord must appoint these sorts of officers that should govern his church : for the author is here speaking of what is of divine positive right ; having formerly shewed what is of divine natural right . § . 3. in the third chap. we have the question stated ; in speaking of the church as comprehending many particular congregations , ( and so excluding the independent way from this competition ) he compareth these two forms of government , viz. 1. the particular officers of several churches , acting in equality of power , called a colledge of presbyters . 2. a superiour order above the ministry , having the power of jurisdiction and ordination belonging to it . now the question is not whether of these cometh nearest to the primitive pattern : but whether either of them be setled by divine right ; so as that the church is bound to obseeve it . he holds the negative : we the affirmative : and we say , that the former of these two is juris divini . § . 4. for proving his opinion , he undertaketh to enervate all the pleas which are made for the divine right of either of these : five he proposeth , viz. 1. a former law standing in force under the gospel . 2. some plain institution of a new law under the gospel . 3. the obligatory nature of apostolical practice . 4. the general sence of the primitive church . 5. the judgement of the chief divines and churches since the reformation . of these he discourseth severally : and we shall give our sence of them as in following him we come at them . but first i must here note a few things . 1. it is an injurious way of stateing the question about this divine right , to exclude any who put in for it , from the liberty of competition : now he knoweth that others besides these plead a divine right of their way ; as erastians will have the keys given by christ to the magistrate : independents , to the community , or at least the officers of a particular church ( popery is not excluded , seeing it standeth on the same bottom with episcopacy ) though i think the resolution of the question about divine right , might have laid both these aside ; yet i think the stating of it might have taken them in ; and they might have a fair hearing ; lest some by seeing presbytery and episcopacy laid aside as of no divine stamp , might be tempted to take of either of the other two for christs government , rather than leave the matter wholly at an uncertainty , and the will of men . but i observe that though the one of these he doth altogether slight ; yet the other he doth not pass , out of any misregard to it ; for he laboureth to take all power by christ's gift , out of the hands of presbyters and bishops , that the magistrate might have it , in solidum . § . 5. 2. i observe , for further clearing the state of the question , that all other parts of these two forms of government , are confessed to be juris divini , vel naturalis , vel positivi , ( as from his concessions have been manifest , and will yet more appear ) only the matter of parity or superiority of ministers is in question : and it being so , i propose this to be considered : that parity be of divine right , it is sufficient , 1. that christ hath given power to all ministers to rule the church . 2. that he hath not given a greater share of it to some than to others . 3. that it is his will that as he hath distributed this power equally , so that no man make it unequal ; seeing that cannot be but by taking from the rest what christ hath given them , and giving to one what he hath not given him . if these three be granted , parity of power is christs will , and so of divine right . now our author agreeth to the first two as truth : for the first he asserteth in terminis ; the second he cannot deny , while he asserteth superiority not to be juris divini ; the question then is only about the third , viz. when christ hath given equal power to his ministers , whether men may make it unequal , by subjecting one of them to another ; abridging the power of one , and inlarging the power of another : or which is all one ; whether it be in the power of men , when christ hath made but one officer : to set up another of their own devising , who shall have a power that christ never gave to any officer in his church ? i am sure , we have this clear advantage ; that presbyters acting in parity , do keep themselves within the bounds of christs institution ; and can shew his warrant for so doing ; whereas setting up a bishop over them is without that line , and can be warranted by no divine institution . let it then be considered whether of these is the safest way for us to take . § . 6. 3. i take notice that the pleas that he ennumerateth for a particular form of government , are not all which may be alledged ; there may be many significations of the will of god in scripture , that are neither set down in the plain terms of a law , nor expressed by apostolical practice . we draw good consequences from promises , reproofs , &c. which may shew us what is our duty . 4. let it be minded that it is not needful for asserting of divine right , that we prove it from all these topicks : one demonstration that it is the will of god that such a thing be , is sufficient . 5. the question being stated as before , the probation will be incumbent upon him , who asserteth that it is lawful for men to make them unequal in power , whom christ hath made pairs : we assert that the power of ministers that is of divine right , is equal ; which the author doth not deny : he asserteth further , that men may restrain this power in some , and enlarge it in others ; for this he must shew warrant ; for affirmant , incumbit probatio : we deny it ; and here we might rest , till it can be shewed that christ hath given such power to men , to cut and carve on his institutions . the divine right of parity is built on the want of divine right of imparity . notwithstanding we hope , ( ex abundanti ) to make other pleas for it stand good , which he laboureth to make void . § . 7. the first plea from a standing law in the jewish church we do not insist on , knowing that in matters of institution , the old testament is no pattern for the new. neither are we obliged to insist on this plea , as he alledgeth , because some of ours do some times make use of their example , as in proving a subordination of courts : for 1. it is not instituted , but of the law of nature ; supposing once the unity of more congregations : now what is taught by nature may well be confirmed to us by the law of god to the jews ; though we be not bound by that law , where there is not that reason . again , jewish example should have weight with us , where their case is not peculiar ; seeing their practice came from an infinitely wise lawgiver : but this holdeth not in imparity , or subordination of officers : it is known that the high priest was typical : that the priesthood was annexed to one tribe , for a peculiar reason : these things do not concern us . chap. iv. he cometh to the second plea for a particular form of government , viz. christs instituting it by a new law , where he alledgeth , that it is more hotly pleaded by many , that christ must do it , than that he hath done it . this is a mis-representation , to say no worse . if it be not proved by the assertors of presbyterial government that christ hath instituted that form of government , let their cause fall to the ground . we are ready to acknowledge that it were rashness , and a limiting of the holy one , to say that he must institute a particular form : if we were not otherwise satisfied that he hath done it . but being convinced of that ; we may be very much confirmed in our opinion , by the consideration of these arguments , that hold forth , how fit , and how sutable to the wisdom of god , and the administration of christs gospel kingdom it is , that he should take this course ; and not leave the affairs of his house to mans will , or lust rather . this is not prescribing to him ; but a declaring of the fitness of what he hath done . moreover , we do not , neither ever did we argue barely from the necessity of a particular form to be instituted by christ , considering the thing it self only : but from some scripture ground holding forth the necessity of it . now if the lord in the contrivance of the gospel hath made it necessary to his design that there be a form of his appointment , and hath signified this to us by his word : it is no rashness to assert the necessity of it ; even though we could not ( through our darkness ) certainly determine what is that form , in all the particulars of it . but i come to examine what he hath said against the reasons that our authors do bring for the fitness of a particular form of christs instituting . § . 2. the first of them is taken from comparing christ the lawgiver under the new testament , with moses under the old testament ; and it is thus instituted , heb. 3. 2 , 5 , 6. that as moses was faithful in that house , as a servant ; much more was christ as a son ; if then moses was so faithful as to declare the will of god concerning the government of the church , and that particularly what form should be used , we must not think that christ hath left this undone . to this he answereth , 1. faithfulness is the discharge of a trust : so that the faithfulness of christ and moses lyeth in doing the work that the lord laid on them : and this was to be mediators , the one typical the other true. moses had the pattern shewed him in the mount , and therefore faithfulness required that he should settle that form , and no other : but it cannot be made appear that christ hath any command from his father of setling one form of government . so he , p. 176. to which i reply , 1. our argument may be so laid , as this answer doth not at all touch it , thus ; it is the will of god ( and so entrusted to the care of christ ) that there should be a government in the church ; as is confessed by our author : this government must be managed , hic & nunc , in some particular form , as sense and reason teacheth : now that christ might be faithful as moses was in the discharge of this trust , it was needful that he should set down a particular form to be used by all ; or appoint some who should determine what the particular form should be . but according to this mans opinion , he hath done neither of these : not the first , for that he pleadeth against : nor the second , for our author can shew us no scripture where it is intrusted to any : and if we should require a plain and direct law for this , in express and formal terms , as he doth of us in the like case ; he would find it a hard task : besides , if we consult scripture , there is far more to be said for the power of the church , than for the power of the magistrate in such a determination : and reason also may , at least , set them in equal competition , if not cast the scales in the favour of the church , it being a matter purely ecclesiastical , that is contended about ; and yet this man giveth the deciding power in this to the magistrate . it is strange if the government of the church under the old testament be so plain , and that under the new be left at such uncertainty . § . 3. 2. that moses and christ are compared as mediators , i do not deny : but this maketh nothing for , but against what he intendeth : for their mediatory work taketh in the management of all the dealings that are between god and his people ; and ( as it is here spoken of ) is chiefly meant of outward administrations , of teaching and ruling : for the inward administrations of satisfaction for sin , and communicating the spirit to believers , are not applicable to moses : now the setling the government of the church cannot but be a part of this mediatory work , it being of so much and so near concernment to the spiritual good of believers : wherefore christ and moses are here compared in their faithfulness , in setling of church-government as well as in other things . this is clearly confirm'd out of the 5th v. of that chap. where it is said , that moses was faithful in all his house : then the law of comparison saith that christ is also there said to be faithful in all his house , i. e. in all the matters of the church : now it cannot be denyed , but church-government is one , and that a main one , of the matters of the church . wherefore christ and moses are here compared in their faithfulness , in this administration . 3. his answer doth not well hang together , when first he will have them here compared as mediators , as if the matter of church-government were impertinent to that wherein they are compared ; and yet subjoyneth , that moses his faithfulness lay in keeping close to the pattern shewed him : whereas christ had no such command laid on him , nor pattern shewed him . if the faithfulness of moses did ly in keeping gods command , about church-government ; how is he only spoken of as a typical mediator ? and how is christ's faithfulness compared with this faithfulness of moses , seeing he received no such command ? § . 4. 't is false , that christ received no command about the government of the church : for the scripture is clear that he is made head of the church ; hath the government laid on his shoulders ; hath received all power in heaven and in earth , &c. if he be by his office king of the church , sure it is his office and trust to settle the government of his church . this reply he maketh to himself , and answereth to it ( p. 177. ) in two or three things : first , he granteth that christ is king of his church , and doth govern it outwardly by his laws , and inwardly by his spirit ; but we must not therefore say that one form of government is necessary , whether it be contained in his laws , or dictated by his spirit or not . to this i reply , 1. neither do we make any such inference : if we prove not one form to be contained in his laws , we shall pass from this argument . that which we say is , that because he is king , and a faithful king , as moses was , who setled a form of government , therefore a form is contained in his laws : not that it is necessary whether it be contained in his laws or not . 2. if christ be king and governs the church by his laws , and that outwardly ; how can it be that the particular form of its government is what many may think fit , and not of christs institution ? for the church is governed by a particular form , not by a general notion of a government ( for universale non existit nisi in suis singularibus ) if then the particular form be of mans appointing , the church is not outwardly governed by christs laws , but by mens ; for men make the laws , or rule of its government . if a king should send a deputy to govern a nation , and give him leave to choose what form of government he would , either by himself , or by a council where he should have but equal power with the rest : it could not be said in proper speech , that that nation is governed by the kings laws ( for he makes not the laws of its government ) but by the laws of them who determines the particular form of government . yea , suppose the king should make some laws about it , as that nothing should be acted contrary to his will , or interest , that there should be government , and not anarchy , that there should be rulers , and ruled , &c. yet the nation may rather be said to be governed by the laws of him who determineth the particular form : seeing the government doth essentially consist in the management of a particular form , and not in some general directions . this is easily applicable to our case : for our author will have christ to give some general directious about church-government ; and men to determine and contrive the form : now let any judge then , whether the church in that case be governed by the laws of christ , or the laws of men ? wherefore i conclude that this answer destroys it self , while it denyeth a particular form instituted by christ , and yet will have the church outwardly governed by his laws . 2. he saith , the main original of mistakes here , is the confounding of the external and internal government of the church of christ : and thence , whensoever men read of christs power , authority and government , they fancy it refers to the outward government of the church of god , which is intended of this internal mediatory power over the hearts and consciences of men . reply . we are willing to distinguish these ; and i believe he cannot shew any of ours who do confound them : yea , we will go further in distinguishing the outward and inward government of the church than he doth : and i may retort this charge on himself , hoping to make it appear that he confoundeth these two , and that this is the ground of his mistakes . the government of the church is then two-fold : inward , and outward : both these may be distinguished according to divers objects of this government : for inward government is either that which is exercised in the conscience ; and so is invisible : or that which is exercised in the church , or in matters that are properly spiritual and not civil ; though they be visible to men , and so outward in respect of the conscience . so outward government is either such in respect to the conscience , and it is that we have now described ; or outward in respect to the church , viz. that that which is exercised in matters relating to the church , and yet are not properly spiritual but civil , and concern the church , not as it is a church but as it is a society . or we may distinguish thus , the government of the church is either invisible , viz. in the conscience ; or visible ; and this is either in things that are ecclesiastical , and so it is inward in respect to the church : or in things that are civil , and so it is outward . the first of these is immediately exercised by christ ; the second mediately , and that by the guides of the church , as his deputies ; the third by the magistrate as a servant of christ in his kingdom that he hath over all the world. i hope now the outward and inward government of the church of christ is sufficiently distinguished , and not so confounded as to be the cause of mistakes about it . but now let us see whether he himself , who chargeth others with this confounding , be not guilty of it ; and doth not here mistake the truth by confounding the internal and the external government of the church . it is very evident that it is so : for , 1. he setteth down the bare terms of a distinction between internal and external government ; but doth not tell what he meaneth by either of them : whether the distinction be to be applyed to the conscience , and so be meant of invisible and visible government : or to the church , and so be understood of ecclesiastical and formal , or of civil and objective government of the church : we are to seek in this , for all his distinction . 2. he seemeth confusedly to refer to both these , as he here manageth the distinction ; or at least , some things seem to draw the one way , and some the other : for when he denyeth christs power and authority , spoken of in the scripture , to refer to the outward government of the church , this must be meant of that government which is civil , not of visible ecclesiastical government . i hope he will not deny that to be a part of christs authority . again , where he granteth christs internal mediatory power over the conscience ; this must be meant of his invisible government ; both because it is certain christ hath such a power , and our author here denyeth all other power of government to him : also because no other power is internal over the conscience but this . but what-ever be his meaning , this answer doth not take away the force of our argument , for if he deny the scriptures , that speak of christs power , kingdom , and authority , to be meant of civil power , but to be meant of visible internal power in the church ; this is all we desire ; for if christ hath such a kingdom ; then the management of the visible government of the church is his trust ; in which his faithfulness would make him settle a particular form as moses did . only i take notice how inconsistent this is with his principles , seeing he denyeth any visible power in the church ( save that of word and sacraments , as it followeth immediately ) and putteth all other power in the hand of the magistrate , as do all the rest of the erastians . if he deny the scriptures , that speak of christ's authority and kingdom , to be meant of visible ecclesiastical government , and make them speak only of an invisible government over the conscience ; which is exercised by his word and spirit ; in this first he is contrary to all men , for even erastians themselves do grant that christ hath such a kingdom ; but they would have it managed by the magistrate ; whom they make christ's vicegerent in his mediatory kingdom : and others do hold such a kingdom of christ , and that it is managed by the officers of his church . secondly , he derogateth from the kingdom of christ , denying that which is a considerable part of the exercise of his kingly office : what ? is christ a king , not only of angels , but of men , united in a visible society , the church ; and yet hath no visible government exercised in his name among them ? this is a ridiculous inconsistency . thirdly , he is contrary to many scriptures which speak of christs kingdom and authority ; and must be understood of a visible authority exercised in a visible government ; such as eph. 4. 10 , 11. setting up of pastors there mentioned is a visible act : and it is made an act of his authority , 1 cor. 11. 3. christ's headship is mentioned with a reference to the ordering the visible decency of his worship . also , psal. 2. 8. psal. 22. 27. psal. 110. 3. col. 1. 13. and many other places ; which it is strange daring to restrict to the invisible exercise of christs authority in the soul. fourthly , this is contrary to all these scriptures which speak of the several outward acts of the exercise of christs government ; as gathering a people to him , isa. 55. 4 , 5. acts 15. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. giving them laws , isa. 33. 2. mat. 28. 20. mat. 5. 17 , 19. verses , &c. setting up officers , eph. 4. 10. 11. giving them power of discipline , mat. 16. 19. mat. 18. 17 , 18. john 20. 23. fifthly , it is contrary to himself ; for preaching and administring sacraments are visible acts : if then christ as king hath invested his servants with this power ( which he confesseth p. 177. where also he confesseth that he governeth the church outwardly by his laws ) he must have a visible government as he is king of his church . that which he addeth , viz. that this is made known to us in the word , but not the other ; viz. that he hath appointed a particular form : this i say , 1. beggeth the question . 2. destroyeth his answer , wherein he denyeth christ's visible government ; for this is a part of it , which he granteth . § . 5. another answer he frameth to our argument from christ and moses , p. 177. that if the comparison of christ and moses infer an equal exactness of disposing every thing in the church ; then we must be bound to all circumstances as the jews were : but there is this difference between the old and new testament ; that there all ceremonies and circumstances were exactly prescribed ; here there are only general rules for circumstantial things ; there , the very pins of the tabernacle were commanded ; here it is not so , but a liberty is left for times , place , persons , &c. reply , 1. we do not plead for an equal exactness in determining all things : we know the old and new testament state of the church requireth a diversity here : but we plead for the equal faithfulness of christ with moses ; now christ was intrusted with setting up a government in the church as well as moses ; whence it followeth that he behoved to enjoyn the particular form of it as moses did : seeing without this , great matters in the church , even that whereon its union and being , as a society , do hang , are left at a great uncertainty , and exposed to the will of man , who may and readily will erre . 2. the difference that he maketh between the law and the gospel is most false , viz. that there all circumstances of worship were determined , here not so : yea , it is with more truth observed by some that more circumstances of worship , were left to the prudence of men under the law , then now under the gospel : for every one of their actions imposed ; as sacrifices , washings , &c. had of necessity abundance of circumstances attending them ; as when , how , with what instruments , &c. wherefore the more ordinances there were , the more circumstances undetermined . there is indeed this difference ; that god under the law did by his command place religion in many natural circumstances of worship ; as in the day of circumcision , of killing the passover , &c. and so set them above the degree of meer circumstances , which he hath not done under the gospel : but it doth not follow that all things , even of greatest moment to church-order , and the worship of god are now left free , because we have not so many ceremonies as the jews had ; for those circumstances , which are of civil and common concernment to religion , and other actions , be left to prudence , and matters relating to the government of the church , which are of that nature , be also left free : yet we must not for that , think that the government it self , as managed , even the substance of it ( which must lie in a particular form , seeing a general notion of government is not practicable ) is left to the will of men . i hope our author will not say that the form of government is a circumstance , neither ought he to say that it is a thing of common concernment to the church and other societies : the church is a society singular , and of another nature than others , cant. 6. 9. she is but one , the only one of her mother , therefore her government must be sutable ; wherefore it ought not to be put in , in the same case with the natural circumstances that accompany all our actions ; which here the author most unwisely doth . § . 6. for a third answer he bringeth reasons why all punctillio's ( as he is pleased to speak ) should not be now determined as they were under the law. in this we do not contradict him , as appeareth from what is now said : quere non respondes ad rem ? neither is it savoury to account the form of government , by which the visible being of the church doth stand , a punctillio : such a diminutive expression is not without contempt . but let us hear his reasons : the first , p. 179. is taken from the perfection of the gospel-state above the jewish : that church needed the fescues of ceremonies to direct her , and must have every part of her lesson set her : this must not be still sub ferula , and not dare to vary in any circumstance which doth not concern the thing it self . as boy a at school hath his lesson and the manner of learning it prescribed : at the vniversity , more general directions do serve . in that church every circumstance was determined ; in this things moral remain in force , but circumstantials are left more at liberty . ans. 1. the point in question is not here touched : 't is not questioned whether the gospel-church should be loaded with ceremonies as was the jewish ; nor whether in every circumstance she be bound by a law ( though he doth falsly suppose that the jewish church was bound in every circumstance , as i have already shewed ) but rather whether she be bound in any thing besides the moral law : and particularly whether she be bound to a form of church government . such loose declamations as this , aggravating some absurdities impertinent to the thing in hand , are no solid refutations . i hope the church may be bound to a particular form of government , viz. to parity of ministers , and yet have liberty in abundance of circumstances . his example of a school-boy , and one at the vniversity ; of a son when a child , and when at age , makes nothing against us : for in both cases they are in subjection to some positive commands of the master or father : so is the gospel-church under some such commands , though not so many as the jews were . 2. is it contrary to gospel-perfection to be under the commands of christ as to a form of church goment , and to be ruled by a way of his contriving ? this must be a strange kind of perfection that he dreameth of . we believe that the church is yet so imperfect , and will be while on earth , that she hath need to be governed by christs laws ; and is far happier in that case , then if she were left to chuse her own way in matters of so great concernment as is the form of church government . 3. is it not as contrary , and far more , to the perfection of the gospel-church to be under a form of government , imposed by the magistrate ( as this man would have us ) then if it be imposed by christ ? sure christs yoke is easier then mens ; and his device must be better then theirs . indeed in things that concern one church and not another , it is better that the prudence of governours doth determine , then that there be an universal law binding all : but in things that are equally good to all ; it is better to be under christs general , then mans particular law. now the thing in debate , parity or imparity among ministers is attended with the same conveniences , or inconveniences , in all countries and conditions , and while men are prone to tyranny on the one hand and to divisions on the other : wherefore it is no ways unfit that christ should here decide the matter by a general law. 't is not like the time or place of meeting , which must vary in divers places : neither can he shew us any reason , why it should be one way in one church , and another way in another , except mans pleasure , which is a bad rule in the matters of christ. 4. whereas he saith that in the gospel church things moral remain in their force ; but circumstantials are left at more liberty : i suppose he meaneth natural morality , or things contained in the moral law ; and not things that have any morality , or goodness by any law of god : for if he meant this latter , he doth but trifle ; for his meaning must be , that things which are not determined by any command , and have neither good nor evil in them , are left at liberty ; which who doth not know ? neither can he say that it was otherwise in the jewish church as this his assertion must imply , if that be his meaning . if he mean the former ( as certainly he doth ) then , 1. it is an ill division of things that belong to the church , in morals and circumstantials : be there not christs positive institutions which belong to neither of these kind ? the lord's supper is no moral thing in this sence ; neither , i hope , is it a circumstantial thing that is left at liberty . 2. if he call all things circumstantial which are not thus moral ; and assert them to be left at liberty ; he doth at one blow cut of all the institutions of christ , and will have the gospel-church so perfect as to be under no law of god , but the moral law , and what laws men please to add unto it . this i hope he will retract when he considereth what he hath here asserted : for i perceive , that even learned men can say sometimes they know not what . § . 7. his second reason , p. 180. is this , the form of government among the jews in the tribe of levy was agreeable to the form of government among the other tribes ; and their ecclesiastical government was one of their judicial laws : wherefore , if in this we compare christ with moses we must hold it needful that he prescribe also a form of civil government . ans. 1. when we compare christ with moses , we have very good cause to make an exception where the scripture hath evidently made it . we compare them then as two mediators , entrusted with managing the affairs which concern mens eternal salvation ; among which are church administrations : hence there is warrant for stretching that comparison made of them in scripture to their faithfulness in appointing church government ; but as to civil government the scripture maketh a plain exception , when it evidently holdeth forth moses a state law-giver as , well as a church law-giver ; and it doth as evidently testifie that christ was not such ; when he denieth his kingdom to be of this world , joh. 18. 36. and that he is a judge and divider of inheritance among men , luk. 12. 14. and his mean condition in the world ( unlike to moses ) maketh this farther appear . wherefore there is no necessity of comparing them in civil , though we compare them in church-administrations . the lord was pleased to make the government of israel , in respect of church and state both , to be theocratia ; to give them both kinds of laws immediately from himself : that seeing he hath under the gospel done otherwise , as to state-government , he hath also done otherwise as to church-government ; what a mad kind of consequence is this ? and there is evident reason of this differing dispensation under the law , and under the gospel . i suppose if the difference of cases that arise from variety of circumstances did permit ; it were the happiest case for god's people to have all their actions and concernments particularly determined by the lord , who is wiser then men : now the lord doth thus with them , so far as it hinders not their happiness , by a load of multiplicity of laws : wherefore , seeing the church and state of the jews were commensurable , being in one nation , it was as easie for them to have their state-laws determined by the lord as their church-laws : but it is far otherwise under the gospel , where the church is spread over so many different nations , of divers dispositions and manners ; to have determined all things for the civil good of all these nations , which must be superadded . to the determinations of natures law , would have made the bible a burthen to men . but it is not so in ecclesiastical matters , there is nothing peculiar to the church as a church , or religious society , but ( supposing what nature dictates ) may without burthening people with many laws , be determined and imposed upon all . hence is it that the lord saw it for the good of the jewish church , to give them both civil and church-laws , and for the good of the gospel church to give them church-laws ; but to leave civil-laws to prudence guided by the general rules of scripture and nature . neither do i think ( as our author seemeth sometime to think ) that it was any part of legal bondage to have laws from god , even in the least matters : and that which is christian liberty to be free from gods laws in these things , when we are bound to the same by the laws of men : i should rather prefer their state to ours , thus far : but their bondage was , to have many things determined and imposed upon them which were naturally indifferent , and so free : which the lord hath now left free under the gospel . answ. 2. it is not to the purpose to tell us , that the government of the tribe of levy was like that of the other tribes : for church-government was very different from civil government for all that , viz. in this , that it was in the hand of the tribe of levy , and no other tribe , which was a positive institution of god : that it did cognosce of other matters than civil government did : that it did inflict other censures . but let it be never so co-incident with civil government , yet it was of gods institution , which is all that is needful to our purpose . that the form of ecclesiastical government took place among them , as one of their judicial laws , is a groundless assertion : yea , it is a begging of the question , and also taking away the distinction of church and state among the jews , which is not needful here to be insisted upon , till some man answer what mr. gillespie in his aarons-rod hath written to this purpose . § . 8. his third reason , ib. is , the people of the jews were an entire people when their church-government was setled : the gospel church was but in forming in christs and the apostles times : they settled what was for the present need of the church in her first constitution , as in appointing officers ; this will not serve when the church is grown , and spread : her coat cut out for her infancy must not be urg'd on her when grown . answ. 1. this doth no way satisfie the comparing of christ's faithfulness with moses ; for moses gave laws in the wilderness , not only for that wandring condition , but for their setled state in the land of canaan . must we then think that christ took care that the church in infancy should have his laws to be guided by , but afterward to be left to the dictates of men ? sure our lord was as careful to foresee future needs of his people , as to provide for present wants . 2. the church in the apostles days , though not so far spread as now , yet was so multiplyed and setled , as that she was capable to be ruled by parity or primacy : might there not be a bishop in ephesus , corinth , &c. and especially in galatia , a national church ? might there not be a college of presbyters then as well as now ? wherefore , if the apostles provided for present need , they behoved either to determine either of these two , ex ore tuo . 3. what is there in our case that maketh another kind of government needful , then what was needful in the apostles times ? we have many congregations which all need their several officers , and must be ruled in common ; either by all these officers , or by some set above the rest : was not this their case too ? i would fain know where lyeth the difference : may be in this , there could not then be one head over all the churches ; which now may , seeing the powers of the world profess christ. it is true , there was a time when government could not be setled , viz. when first a church was planted , and believers very few : but i am sure it was otherwise in many places before the apostles departed this life . 4. must we say then that the directions in the epistles to tim. and pet. and elsewhere , concerning church-administration , do not concern us ; but their force expired with that time ? i must see stronger arguments than any that this author hath brought , ere i be perswaded of this : and yet it doth clearly follow , out of what he he saith . yea , we must say that these scriptures which tell us what officers should be in the church , as , eph. 4. 12. 1 cor. 12. 28. rom. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. do not reach us : but it is lawful for the magistrate ( in this mans opinion ) to appoint what church-officers he thinketh fit for this time , as the apostles did for their time . for he saith , p. 181. the apostles looked at the present state of the church , in appointing officers . this i hope sober men will not readily yield to : yea , he is against himself , as we have seen before , and may have occasion further to shew afterward . § . 9. his fourth and last reason is , p. 181. the jews lived under one civil government , according to which the church government was framed and contempered : but christians live under different civil governments ; therefore if we compare christ with moses in this , we must say that christ did frame the church government according to the civil ; and so it must not be one but divers . ans. it is here boldly supposed , but not proved that the form of the jewish church government , was framed according to the civil , which we deny , and so raze the foundation of this reason . and whereas his assertion wants proof ; our denial shall stand on surer ground : for the civil government among the jews was often changed : they had judges , kings , governors under their conquerors : but we read not of changing their church government , which behoved to have been , had it been framed according to the civil . wherefore neither must christian church-government be formed by the civil , but by christs institution . § . 10. to these answers to our argument , he addeth , ex abundanti , as he speaketh , some arguments to prove the antithesis , viz. that christ did never intend to institute any one form of government . he might have spared this his supererrogation , except he had had more to say for taking off the strength of our argument then we have met with . but to his arguments , the first p. 181 and 182. he frameth thus ; what binds the church as an institution of christ , must bind as an universal standing law : one form of government cannot so bind , ergo , prob . min. what binds as a law must either be expressed as a law in direct terms ; or deduced by necessary consequence , as of an universal binding nature : the first cannot be produced ; the second is not sufficient ; except the consequence be necessary , and also the obligation of what is drawn by consequence be expresly set down in scripture ; for consequences cannot make institution , but apply it to particular cases : because positives being indifferent , divine institution must be directly brought for their binding ; so that no consequence can bind us to them , without express declaration that it shall so bind . this is no new argument , it is proposed by him p. 12. and answered by us p. — to what is said there , i shall add a little applyed to his argument , as here framed , his major is not so evident but that it needeth a distinction to clear it . what bindeth as christs institution must bind as an universal law , i. e. in all times and places , negatur , for there are cases in which the lord will admit , and necessity will impose a dispensation with some of god's institutions , as i exemplified before in the case of hezekiah keeping the passeover ; i. e. in all times where god or nature doth not make a clear exception ; or where the present case doth not exempt it self from the intent of that , as being given in a far different condition , conceditur . hence there were some of christs laws for the church , temporal ; some peculiar to some cases : these do not bind us , all the rest do , where they are possibly practicable . that the laws for parity of offices in the church are of the latter sort , we maintain . for his miner , we deny it , and for the disjunctive proof of it we are ready to maintain both the parts which he impugneth . and , first , that there is express law of christ for parity : which i wonder he should so barely deny that it can be produced ; when he knoweth or might know that it is brought by our writers out of mat. 20. 25 , 26. lu. 22. 25 , 26. but what he hath to say against the evidence brought from these and other places , we shall examine ; when we come at them . 2. though there were no express law for it , we maintain that there is abundant evidence drawn by consequence from scripture to shew that this is the will and law of christ : as for these two conditions that he requireth in such a consequence ; the first we own and maintain , that it is inferred by clear consequence from scripture that there ought to be a parity among ministers , thus ; what was the practice of the apostles in framing church government , should be ours also , except the case be different ; but the apostles did settle the ministers in equal power , without a bishop over them : neither is there any difference in our case that should cause us to do otherwise ; ergo , we ought so to practice . it is not needful to insist here on the confirmation of this argument , seeing we are here only asserting that this conclusion may be proved ; not undertaking the proof of it : which is fully done by presbyterian writers , and which we are ready to defend against what this author will object . for the second condition , viz. that what is drawn by consequence be expresly set down in scripture as binding : this is unlike mr. stillingfleet's ability to require such a ridiculous condition ; for if it be expresly set down in scripture as binding , then it is not a consequence but an express law ; and so belongs to the former part of his disjunction . and besides , it is a hard task to put any one upon , to find out a consequence so deduced in scripture : what if anabaptists , who deny consequences from scripture in the point of institution , should put mr. stillingfleet to prove infant baptism by such a consequence as this : where something is said in scripture , from which the duty of baptizing infants doth clearly follow ; and where it is expresly said in scripture , that it doth follow from this , that infants must be baptized ; he would find this an hard task , and yet he requireth the same of us . what he saith for the warranting of this strange doctrine , wanteth force . it is true consequences cannot make an institution , yet they may declare an institution : we may gather the will of christ in matters of institutions by scripture consequences as well as in points of truth . and though positives be indifferent , it is not needful that divine institution be directly declared ; for their binding ; seeing it is the will of god revealed that bindeth us , not his will revealed in such or such terms . he were a bad servant that would do nothing of his masters will , but what he declareth to him directly , and in the imparative mood : such servants to god this author would have us , that so we may have the greater latitude to be the servants of men ; taking their will instead of divine institution . § . 11. his second argument , p. 182. is this ; all the standing laws for church government in scripture may be applyed to several forms , ergo , there is no one form prescribed . for proof of this , he reduceth all the laws about church government to these three heads . 1. such as set down the qualification of officers . 2. such as require a right managing of their office. 3. such as lay down rules for the managing their office. on these he insisteth distinctly . before i come to what he saith on these three heads ; let me answer generally to the argument . and first by standing laws , i suppose he meaneth such as are expresly set down in the form of laws : and then we deny his consequence , for though these do only respect government , in its more general consideration , yet that doth not hinder but the species of it may be determined another way , viz. by apostolick practices , or consequences drawn from scripture . 2. though we should grant that all the laws set down in scripture are equally applicable to either form , yet the one form , viz. parity may be determined in scripture thus . parity and episcopacy do agree in many things ; suppose then they agree in all that is commanded in scripture ; and that episcopacy be so far warrantable : no wonder that they be not discriminated by these laws ; but then here comes the differences ; parity requireth no more for its establishment , but these scripture laws : and so it holdeth it self within the bounds of divine institution ; but episcopacy goeth beyond this boundary , by setting up a new officer in the church which the scripture knoweth not ; and so one form is determined , though not by any law condemning the other expresly ; yet by the laws that warrant it ; and the want of any law to warrant the other . 3. we deny that all the scripture laws reducible to these three heads , do relate to either form , in that wherein they differ . but let us hear his proofs . he beginneth with the first head , p. 183. where , i confess , that all the qualifications of persons which he mentioneth may be applied to either bishop or presbyter . but then , 1. this is an argument that bishop and presbyter are one , or rather that there is no such distinction by the will of christ ; for sure there are distinct qualifications required , the one being to rule , the other to obey : wherefore if the apostles had thought there might be both bishops and presbyters in the church ; surely he would have set down the qualities of a bishop as he is distinguished from a presbyter , as well as he setteth down the qualities of a presbyter . confirmatur , a man may be a well qualified presbyter acting under a bishop , and yet not qualified to be a bishop : wherefore if the apostle had thought it lawful to set the one over the other , his qualifications of church officers are very lame , seeing he doth not shew us who among the presbyters is fittest to be made my lord bishop ; as well as he sheweth who among the people are fit to be presbyters . 2. the laws concerning qualifications do require in all presbyters an ability to rule the church , and do suppose them to be rulers of the church ; as is clear , 1 tim. 3. 4 , 5. this is not applicable to episcopacy , for in episcopacy it is not needful that presbyters be able to rule , seeing they have no exercise of that faculty : as god createth nothing in vain , so he doth not require any qualifications of men in vain . is it imaginable that if a man be well qualified to preach , &c. and yet unfit to rule ; that the lord will have that man kept out of the ministry for that want of a ruling ability , seeing he should have no use of that faculty if he had it ? ergo , these qualifications are not applicable to episcopacy , where the bishop alone ruleth . if it be said , that this maketh the sole jurisdiction of bishops unlawful , not their being rulers together with the presbyters ; ans. if bishops be set over presbyters , they must either be only praesides , which is not contrary to parity ( for we speak of parity or imparity of jurisdiction ) or they must have authority above and over their brethren ; and if so they may rule without their brethren ; seeing they may command them and make that power void which christ hath given his servants ; and so the force of what i have said doth return . again , if presbyters under a bishop have ruling power , either they may determine without , or against his consent , or not ; if so , the bishop is but a president ; if not , the presbyters are but cyphers , seeing the bishop may do in the church what he pleaseth . sect. 12. he cometh p. 184. to the laws concerning a right managing of their work , which i do not deny to be applicable to either form ; and no wonder , for faithfulness is a commanded duty in what ever station god putteth a man : but our author taketh occasion here to infer the indifferency of either form . 1. because paul did not determine in his epistles to tim. and tit. ( which chiefly concern church-government ) whether any should succeed to timothy and tit. in ephesus and creet . ans. it is a bad consequence , for the thing did determine it self , for they were extraordinary officers , immediately called by god , being evangelists ; therefore they were to have no successors , unless the lord did so call them . further , they were not fixed in these places , but for a time : they did not live and die there ; which shewed that there was no need of successors to them in that office . again he argueth , that the apostle did not determine how the pastors of several churches should order things of common concernment ; which , considered with the former , would seem a strange omission , were either of these forms necessary . ans. this is no strange omission , nor should it so be esteemed by this author , who maketh all that is requisite for the right managing of affairs by the pastors of several churches , to be of the law of nature , viz. that they should meet , that one should moderate , that there should be appeals , &c. as i observed out of him before . 2. we deny that it is omitted : yea , this author in saying otherwise , contradicteth himself ; for he will not deny , but there are directions in these epistles for church-government ; and he affirmeth , that they are applicable to either form , ergo , to pastors acting in parity ; neither was it needful that there should be directions to them , which are not applicable to bishops governing , because the managing of the work is the same in both ways , except what nature maketh necessary to a society , or a single person governing , which also it doth teach . 3. the matter is determined even in these epistles , viz. 1 tim. 4. 14. where it is not obscurely held forth , that tim. was ordained by a presbytery ; which inferreth , that presbyters ought so to be ordained , and not by a bishop alone . 4. though the matter were not determined in these epistles , it is no wonder , they being written to particular men , but it is determined in other scriptures , viz. where christ giveth the keys , not to one , but to all the apostles then , the only church officers ; and where paul committeth the care of the church of ephesus , not to one bishop , but to the elders in common , act. 20. 28. of this he saith , p. 184. it is equally a duty , whether we understand by overseers some acting over others , or all joyning in equality . but by his leave , when the apostle giveth this charge peremptorily to all the elders of ephesus ( for to them he speaketh , not to these of other churches of asia , as he dreameth the text may be understood , upon what ground i know not ) there is no doubt left , whether he maketh it the duty of them all in common , or of some one set over the rest : and may we not think that this command is a standing rule , reaching even to us , as he himself saith , ( p. 185. ) of what is contained in the epistles to tim. and tit. ? and if so , then all pastors are bishops or overseers , not one over the rest by apostolick authority . he argueth thus , p. 185. tim. is charged to commit the things he had heard of paul to faithful men , who might be able also to teach others , 2 tim. 2. 2. had it not been as requisite to have charged him to have committed his power of government to them , & c. ? ans. 1. yea , he doth here commit power of preaching , and of governing , joyntly to timothy , to be transferred by him to others ; for of both these , i suppose , tim. had heard from paul : why then must we here understand the one , rather then the other ? in that he mentioneth teaching , not ruling , it is because teaching is the main business , and hath the other power necessarily joined with it , by divine institution . 2. it is not always needful to mention governing power , where ever the power of a minister is mentioned , and here , it cannot be deemed needful , because the apostle had formerly instructed tim. that he choose none to be pastors , but they who are able to rule too , whence it followeth , that when he biddeth him commit to them the pastoral charge , he intendeth ruling power as a part of it ; else to what purpose should he require ability to rule in them ? to the same purpose is what he saith of tit. that he bid him ordain elders , but told not what power did belong to them ; a negative argument from one place of scripture , is in concludent , such as this is : from the superiority of tim. and tit. ( i pass his clearing of it , from being an argument for episcopacy ) he inferreth two things , p. 186. 187. first that the superiority of some church officers ( he should have said presbyters , for of officers it is not questioned on either hand ) over others , is not contrary to the rule of the gospel . 2. that it is not repugnant to the constitution of the church in apostolical times for men to have power over more then one particular congregation . these saith he follow , though their office be supposed extroardinary ; and that they acted as evangelists . ans. it will follow indeed from these examples , that superiority is not contrary to nature , nor to the nature of a gospel church : also it will follow , that it is not contrary to gospel institution , that the lord should immediately , when he seeth cause , appoint such superiority ; and what if we say it followeth , that it is not contrary to gospel institution , that in some extraordinary cases , that superiority may be allowed for a time . but none of these are the thing in question : for this doth not follow , that because the lord did immediately call these men , and gave them extroardinary power over others ; therefore he hath not instituted , that the ordinary way of church government shall be by pastors acting in purity , which is here disputed . his third head of laws , formerly mentioned , he toucheth , p. 188. and bringeth instances of some general rules for church government , which i confess are not peculiar to one form : but this doth not hinder that there may be other rules which are such ; which himself instanceth ; as , that complaints be made to the church : it is an odd exposition to say , i. e. tell the bishop . the church implieth clearly a plurality . p. 187. had it been the will of christ , saith he , that there should be no superiority of pastors , there would have been some express and direct prohibition of it . ans. 1. might not a prohibition by consequence serve turn ? this is very peremptorily spoken . 2. what needeth any prohibition , when christ had instituted a way inconsistent with it ; this was a prohibition of it : now this he did by giving ruling power to all presbyters , as hath been already shewed . sect. 13. he bringeth another argument of his opposites , p. 189. viz. that it is of equal necessity , that christ should institute a certain form , as that any other legislator that moderates a commonwealth should do . his first . ans. to this is , that christ hath instituted such an immutable government in his church as is sufcient for the succession and continuance of it ; which is all that founders of republicks looked after , viz. that there be such an order and distinction of persons , and subordination , that a society may be preserved among them . till then it be proved that one form is necessary for the being of a church , this argument can prove nothing . reply , it is false , that legislators looked after no more but that , we find none of them , who setled not a particular form : yea this was necessary ; for these generals could not be practised , but in some particular form , this or that : and of these we find they choosed what they thought fittest : even so christ not only appointed generals , but knowing a particular form is only practicable , he chose that which he thought fittest ; mans choise in this is alterable , because other men may have as much wisdom and authority as they ; christs choise is not so , for the contrary reasons . his second ans. p. 190. is , what is not absolutely necessary to the being of a church , is in christs liberty , whether he will determine it or not : even as when i hear , that lycurgus and others did form a republick ; i conclude there must be government : but not that they institute monarchy , &c. this must be known by taking a view of their laws . reply , we acknowledge that form of government to be in christs liberty whether he will determine it , or not ; but we think it like , that he hath determined it : as for other reasons , so because even men have not appointed the generals of government , without a form in which they should subsist : much less would the wise god do so ; if they being wiser then others , did think it fitter to choose the form then to leave it at other mens will , much more would he . what he saith , of inferring , that they did appoint this or that form , from their modelling a common wealth ; is not to the purpose : for that they did appoint a form we know by history ; and , i suppose , that every one thinketh that they did wisely in so doing ; and that their doing so was for the good of the republick : hence we infer that it is like christ did so , seeing he sought his peoples good more then they ; and the church is less able to choose for her self , then those republicks were ; seeing church matters are of spiritual concernment , and so lie further out of the road of mens wit then the affairs of state do . i yield to him that we could not know , what form christ hath instituted , but by looking into his laws ; yea , and but that way , we could not certainly know that he hath determined any one form ; yet this doth not hinder , but such arguments as this may have their own weight . the testimony he bringeth out of mr. hooker , is answered from what hath been said , and i am to meet with it elsewhere : he mistaketh our intent in such arguments , and falsly supposeth that the form we plead for is not found in the bible . sect. 14. he bringeth another argument , p. 191. from the similitude of a vine which must have its dressers ; and a house , and a city , which must have government : it was very easie for him to answer the argument thus propounded ; i know not who ever did so manage it : but it might have been thus improved , a wise master of a vineyard will not let his servants do what they please , but will appoint them his work in his vineyard ; and a master of a family , or a king in a country or city , will not let the servants or subjects chuse in what they shall be governed ; ergo , if the church be a vine , a house , a city , and christ be the head and ruler of it , it is not like that he hath left the choise of the way of governing it to men , but hath appointed it himself : if he had thus propounded the argument , it had not been so easily answered . the same way he useth the next argument , p. 192. taken from the difference of civil and ecclesiastical government ; the one of which is called the ordinance of man , and the other is gods ordinance ; therefore though that be mutable , this is not . i chuse rather to frame the argument otherwise , out of his own concession he maketh difference between these two governments , the one is for a political , the other for a spiritual end ; the one for a temporal , the other for an eternal end ; the one given to men as men , the other to men as christians ; the one to preserve civil right , the other to preserve an eternal interest , &c. then , however the lord let men chuse the way of attaining political and temporal ends , and provide for their own standing as men , and preserve their civil rights ; yet it is strange to think , that he hath left it to mens choise to take this or that way for attaining their spiritual and eternal end , for procuring their standing as christians , for preserving their spiritual rights : though the one be the ordinance of man , sure the other must be the ordinance of god : but the form of church-government is the way to attain these , because church-government is the mean , as is confessed , and it cannot be acted but in a particular form , and the form is the way of managing that mean , and so attaining the end ; yea , it is such a way as hath exceeding influence upon attaining these ends , seeing a wrong form may more hinder than promote them ; man , i suppose , may chuse a way that may do more hurt than good ; it is strange then if christ hath left this which is of such high concernment , to such high ends , to the will of corrupt men : and this argument may have the more weight ad hominem , because this author is often endeavouring to shape church-government according to the civil , which is very unsuitable to what he asserteth of their differences . sect. 15. another argument p. 194. is , if the form of church-government be not in scripture determined immutably , then it is in the power of the church to make new officers which christ never made . to this he answereth : 1. these officers are only said to be new which were never appointed by christ , and are contrary to the first appointment of christ , but one set over many pastors is not such ; for besides the general practice from the first primitive times , christ himself laid the foundation of such an office , in appointing apostles . reply . here are many things hudled together , to excuse episcopacy from novelty , which we must examine ▪ severally . 1. they are not a new office , would he say , because christ instituted such an office , viz. apostles . reply . i hope he will not say , that the office of an apostle , and of a diocesan bishop , is the same office ; for the apostles had much power , which bishops have not , and were extraordinary officers , immediately called by god , so are not bishops : and however there may be some resemblance between them , yet if they be not the same office , it must be a new office from what christ appointed : it is not the want of similitude , but the want of identity , with what hath been before , that maketh a thing new ; neither need we enter the dispute with him , what way extraordinary , and what not , in the apostolick office , nor doth the question lie in that , as he alledgeth ; for we maintain ( and i think it will not be deni'd by him ) that the office in complexo , viz. as it did subsist in rerum naturâ , was extraordinary , and is ceased ; and therefore whatever office is made up of some part of the power they had , without the rest of it , must be a different office from that , and so new . indeed if christ had given them their power by halves , and made the one half of it common to some officer appointed by him to continue in the church , viz. power over presbyters , and the other half of it peculiar to them , then bishops having power over presbyters , though they had been a new office from the apostles , and not the same , yet should they have had the same office with these others that we supposed , and so had not been new simply ; but there being no such thing , they must be in another office than christ ever appointed , and so simply new . wherefore it is an unreasonable demand of the author , p. 195. that we must prove power over presbyters to be extraordinary , before we say it must cease : for it is enough that the whole office be extraordinary , that it be not a patern for any other office that should be the same : yea , we can easily prove that that power , as in the apostles , and making up the complex of their office , was extraordinary , because it cannot survive the office it self under that notion ; and we can also prove , that christ never instituted any such power by it self , and without the other parts of the apostolick office : whence it clearly followeth , that such a power by it self ( which is a clear description of the episcopal office ) is divers from all the offices iustituted by christ , and so is a new office : what he saith of the ceasing of this power with the apostles , as to its necessity , but not as to its lawfulness , is most impertinent , and a begging of the question ; for the conclusion of the argument is , that it is unlawful , because it hath no institution , that institution which it had in the apostles being ceased . his confirmation of this his distinction containeth a manifest falshood , viz. to make a thing unlawful , saith he , which was before lawful , there must be an express prohibition forbidding the use of such a thing : this , i say , applied to the matter in hand , is most false , for we speak of things which have their lawfulness only from institution , viz. authority given to one over others : now that which is thus lawful , becometh unlawful , meerly by the withdrawing of the institution , though no express prohibition of it be made . as is evident from the like case among men , when a king giveth a commission to a judge , it is lawful for him to act in that capacity : now if the king shall call in his commission , though there be no express forbidding of the man , i suppose it is now become unlawful for him to act . just so is our case ; one pastor can have no authority over another , unless it be given him by christ , who ascended up on high , and received these gifts for men , eph. 4. now christ had given once such a power to men , viz. the apostles , this he hath now withdrawn , by not giving such commission to any others , but the apostles ; for i suppose ( to follow the former example ) that when a judge which had a commission dieth , it is a sufficient withdrawing of his commission , that the king doth not give it to any other who may succeed him : wherefore any who take that power to them , do it without commission from christ , which is unlawful . sect. 16. another answer he bringeth to this argument , p. 195. on which he insisteth much , as a foundation tending to establish his whole cause , but i hope it shall prove a ruinous foundation . the answer is this ; the extending of any ministerial power , is not the appointing of any new , but a determining the extent of that in actu secundo , which every minister hath in actu primo . for clearing this , he undertaketh two things . 1. to shew that the power of every minister doth primarily and habitually respect the church in common , which i do freely yield to him . 2. p. 197. that the officers of the church may in a peculiar manner attribute a larger and more extensive power to some particular persons , for the more convenient exercise of their common power . before i come to examine what he saith to this purpose , let me note : 1. that he speaketh here in a new strain , before he had attributed this power of determining to the magistrate , now the officers of the church must have it , which i confess is more fit : but he soon repenteth , and in the end of the same page maketh it lye between the pastors and magistrate , whether he please . it is strange to see how those who loose hold of the truth , hang as meteors , and know not where to fix . i take notice ; 2. that whereas the former part of his undertaking ( which he knew to be out of controversie among them against whom he disputeth ) he establisheth by five strong arguments ; but for that part where the stress of the matter lieth , he hath not brought so much as one reason to evince what he saith , but some few bare assertions for the clearing of it ; and indeed it is sometimes easier to prove the thing that is not , than the thing that is denied , even to such able men as mr. stillingfl . but let us now attend to what he saith for his opinion : we have seen , saith he , that their power extendeth to the care of the churches in common ; that the restraint of this power is a matter of order and decency in the church . here are two things , the former of which we have heard , and seen solidly proved ; but the latter i have not yet seen , where he hath done any thing but asserted it , as he here doth : but sure , it being a matter of such concernment and controversie , needed some more proof ; wherefore i cannot pass it so slightly as he hath done . we may distinguish a twofold restraining ( the same holdeth in enlarging ) of the exercise of the power of church-officers , viz. in respect of the object of it , and in respect of the acts of it . restraint , in respect of the object of this power , may be subdivided : first , when that power is permitted or appointed to be exercised over more or fewer objects of the same kind , which it doth respect by the appointment of christ ; as that a minister should have a narrower or larger bounds for his parish , or more or fewer people to watch over ; and so of the limiting of presbyteries , synods , &c. this restraint , or enlargement of power in its exercise , we acknowledge to be a matter of order and decency , and may be determined by the prudence of the church . secondly , when it is extended to the objects of another kind , or restricted from the whole species of these objects that christ hath appointed it for ; as when a bishop by himself , who by christs institution hath only power over the people , getteth power , given him by man , over his fellow pastors ; and when a presbyter , who by christs institution hath a power over the flock to rule them , is hindred from the exercise of this power altogether , and is set only to feed , and this ruling power , as to its exercise , is wholly devolved upon another : this we deny to be a matter of order and decency committed to the churches prudence . restraint and enlargement , in respect of acts of power , is when some acts which may be by christs institution exercised by all presbyters , are only permitted to be exereised by some , and not by others ; as ordination , church-censures : and when some are authorized to do some acts of power that christs institution giveth them no commission unto ; this , together with that restraint mentioned in the second member of the subdivision , we prove , not to be matters of order , left to the prudence of the church , but to be the setting up of a new office in the church . 1. order that the church is commanded to look after , requireth the right circumstantiating of these acts which christ hath appointed to be done in his church ; as that they be done in fit time , place , method , &c. neither can this ordering of things reach beyond the determination of circumstances , for whatever is more than this , is not an ordering of that action unto which the circumstances do belong , but an instituting of a new action ; because ( for example ) the right order of reading doth not require prayer , or singing to be joyned with it , but respecteth only the circumstances of reading it self : now , such restraining or enlarging of the exercise of power , is no right circumstantiating of it , but some other thing ; it being no circumstance of the exercise of pastoral power , whether he shall rule or not , but an essential part ( i mean as to the integrality , it being an integral part ) of that power which christ hath given him , as is confessed : also , giving the exercise of that power to one which belongeth to many , is not adding of a circumstance , but a supernumerary part of power ( as to its exercise ) above these parts that christ hath given them ; ergo , this is no ordering of the exercise of power , but setting up of it a new . 2. order that belongeth to the prudence of the church , is that unto which confusion is opposite ; then is that order obtained , when all confusion is avoided ; but confusion may be avoided , without this restraining and enlarging of church-power by men , else it were in no case lawful to let power be exercised as it is instituted by christ , because we must always be careful to avoid confusion ; ergo , i confess restraining of the exercise of power , as to objects of the same kind , as fixing of parishes , is necessary to avoid confusion : but this cannot be said of taking power of ruling out of the hands of presbyters , and giving it to bishops ; else we must say that episcopacy is necessary , which destroyeth this mans hypothesis . if it be said that sometimes it falleth out that this is necessary to avoid confusion , and then episcopacy is necessary . ans. if we should grant that it is sometimes useful to avoid confusion , as that which may be the fruit of parity , yet it cannot be said that parity it self is confusion : now , it is not in the churches power to take her own way , to avoid whatever may have a bad effect ( for the best things may be such ) but she must shun that which is evil by a right managing , not by laying aside that which is good : wherefore seeing order is consistent with parity , and parity with the institution of christ , and imparity goeth at least a step beyond the institution , and taketh that from men which christ gave them , and giveth it to some to whom he gave it not , this cannot be a right ordering of his institution , but rather setting up some other thing in the place thereof . 3. the right ordering of the exercise of that power which christ hath given to men , must consist in determining of these things which he hath not determined , and yet are necessary to be determined , as time , place , extent of parishes , &c. for if men either take upon them to determine in these matters , which he hath already determined by his institution , or to determine things that he hath left at liberty , because the determination was not needful to his design , they then , would be wiser then he , and do not order his institutions , but set up their own . now this which our author calleth ordering is guilty of both these ; for christ by giving ruling power to all presbyters hath declared his will that they shall all rule , and especially by requiring an ability for this , as a necessary qualification of them , who should be put unto that office : do not men then , by appointing who should rule , pass their determination on what he hath already determined , and that contrary to what he hath appointed . again , christ hath not appointed any superiority and inferiority among presbyters ; neither is it needful this be , the church may be without it , and yet men take upon them to appoint it . is this then to order that government that christ hath appointed , and not rather to set up new officers that men have devised . sect. 17. next he subjoyneth a strange assertion . now , saith he , in matters of common concernment , without all question , it is not unlawful , when the church judgeth it most fit for edification , to grant to some the executive part of that power , which is originally and fundamentally common to them all . answ. if it be so , all this pains that our author is at , is needless , and his book to no purpose : for i mistake much , if the main business in it be not to prove the lawfulness of this , which here he asserteth to be unquestionably lawful . for he confesseth that ruling power is given by christ to all presbyters : then , we must either say that it is his institution that they all exercise it and so parity is his institution : or , that the executive part of it may be given to some , or may be common to them all ; and so the form of government may be left indifferent is the scope of this book . now if it be unquestionable , what needeth all this pains about it . but i conceive , this confident assertion is put instead of the arguments , whereby this undertaking of his should have been confirmed : it is an easie thing , when one cannot find proofs for their opinion to say , it is out of question , but it is an unhandsome way of disputing , especially unbeseeming the person , who could not but know that this is denied by his opposites , and is the main hinge of the controversie in hand . we do maintain this antithesis , that it is the question between us and them who are for the indifferency of church government , whether the exercise of ruling power may be taken out of the hands of ministers , and given unto one , to be bishop over them : and we maintain the negative as that which should be out of question : and this we shall not barely assert , as mr. stilling f. hath done his opinion . 1. then , this taking the exercise of that power from men , which christ hath given them is unwarrantable ; ergo , it is unlawful ; i hope , the consequence will not be denied : for what we lawfully do must be some way warranted , either by a command or a permission . the antecedent i prove , because a warrant for such a practice cannot be shewed , and further , if there were any warrant for it , it must either be from christs command , or 2. from his express permission , or 3. from the law of nature , or 4. from want of a law forbidding it : but none of these do warrant it , not the first nor second , for our opposite cannot produce such command or permission , either directly let down or drawn by consequence from it . nor the third , for then they must produce some dictate of the law of nature which giveth leave to do this ; but what that shall be i understand not . nature indeed teacheth , that a society may use means , for its own peace and order : but this may be without hindering the exercise of that power , the supreme governour giveth to any of his officers : there may be this in the church where presbyters rule in common . nature also teacheth that when more have a common power , they may consult about the best way of managing it ; but it doth not teach that they may mannage it otherwise then it is committed to them by him who gave it ; which they must do if they put it into the hands of one , which is given to more : especially , when it may be managed well without such crossing the institution of it . besides all this , nature can never warrant this alienation of the power that christ hath given to his servants ; because nature doth only warrant us to step beside christs institution ( in his matters ) where institution is not sufficient to attain that which is naturally necessary ; or when the acting only by institution would cross nature : but there is no natural necessity of giving all power to a bishop , which christ hath given to presbyters : neither doth leaving the exercise of it in common cross nature : ergo nature doth not warrant this practice . neither can the fourth warrant it , for then it should be in the power of men to take all the power that ministers have from christ out of their hands and give it to one , so that only my lord bishop might preach , baptise , &c. as well as that he only may rule ; for their is no law forbidding the church , to lay all the parts of pastoral power on one , more then forbidding to lay one part of it on one . sure sobriety and due reverence to the institutions of christ would teach us to think , that while he hath given equal power to many it should be a sufficient forbidding , that any be so bold as to lay the exercise of that power on one , taking it from the rest . sect. 18. 2. i prove it thus . when christ giveth a power to his servants to manage the affairs of his church , it is not only a licence , whereby they are authorized to do such work , if they think fit , but it is a trust : they get it as a charge that they must give account of , as is evident from the command to this purpose given them , act. 20. 28. take heed to the flock over which the holy ghost hath made you overseers : here is a command to overseers to do that work , and they must give an account of this their charge , heb. 13. 17. rulers who must be obeyed are such who must give an account . now it is not lawful for one , who getteth such a trust , to lay it on another : neither may any take it out of his hands to bestow it upon another without his leave , who gave that trust : when christ hath commanded ministers to rule , and will seek account of them , may they lay their work on a bishop ? will it be well taken in the day of account , to say , they committed their flock to another to keep , who left them to the wolf , or scattered , and slew them : will not the lord say to them why did not ye feed them your selves ? sure christ will require account of them to whom he gave the charge , and that is of pastors , neither will he ask account of bishops , except for their usurpation . ergo it is not lawful , to take the exercise of church power out of the hands of ministers , and give it to a bishop . 3. proof . if presbyters , who have received power from christ may put the exercise of it into the hands of a bishop alienating it from themselves ; why may not bishops devolve their power on one who shall be over them , and so we shall have an universal bishop the pope ; in whom shall rest all church power , and at whose direction it shall be exercised ? if that may be done , there is no shadow of reason why this may not be done , for if once the power be taken out of the hand of them to whom christ hath given it , then prudence must be the only director to teach us who must have it : now prudence will as well say , that bishops must have one over them to keep them in order and peace , as that presbyters must have one over them . neither is there here any inconvenience that is not there ; for that one may turn to tyranny as well as the other : and a bishop cannot oversee his charge , without substitutes , more then the pope can do : the one may substitute bishops , cardinals , &c. as well as the other may substitute dean , prebends , archdeacon , &c. now , i hope , mr. stillingfleet is not come to that , to think the papal office an indifferent ceremony . ergo . neither should he think so of episcopacy . 4. if presbyters may devolve the exercise of that power that christ hath given them into the hands of a bishop , then they may also give away with their power the very office that christ hath given them : but this they may not . ergo i prove the major , for when they devolve the exercise of their ruling power on the bishop , they not only consent , that they shall rule the people , which they might do : but they make it unlawful for themselves to rule , yea , they give up themselves to be ruled and commanded by them , so that he is their judge and cannot be judged by them , in case of male-administration ( at least this is true de singulis if not de omnibus ) but this is to give away the very power ; for if i may not act , how have i a power to act ; if both i and the people be under the command of another , so that i may not act any thing in reference to the people but by his authority , how have i power to rule ? sure a power is the possibility of the act ( quantum est ex parte causae ) and a moral power is such a lawfulness of the act , but in this case presbyters want that possibility , or lawfulness of that exercise of ruling ; and that so , as the defect or hindrance ex parte causae , is in themselves , who should put forth the acts , ergo , they want not onely the exercise but the very power of ruling , which christ gave them , in such a case . the minor of the argument is evident ; for such an alienation were a clear contradicting of christ : he saith it shall be lawful for you ( such a one being lawfully put into the ministry ) to rule : he by this alienating saith , it shall not be lawful for me to rule . if it be said , that christs gift maketh it lawful for such a one to rule , but not in all cases ; as suppose the good of the church requires that this power be taken from him ; his alienating maketh it onely unlawfull in this case , when for the good of the church , he hath quit his right : so that here there is no opposition ; christ giveth him a jus in actu primo , he alienateth onely this jus in actu secundo , as mr. stillingfleet doth express it . answ. 1. however there may be some colour of reason why this may be done in some extraordinary cases ; when christs institution ( which is calculated to ordinary cases , and must ordinarily take place ) cannot reach the end of government : yet to say that it may be done ordinarily , cannot but clash with christs institution : for when christ giveth ruling power to presbyters , though we may think that it is not his will , that they must needs exercise it in all cases , yet must we think that he intendeth they should exercise it ordinarily : for why giveth he them a power , which they as readily never as ever act , and that as men please to determine ? we must not think that it is the intent of christs commission to his servants , that men may without the force of necessity laid on by an extraordinary providence ( and then god doth it and not men ) hinder the acts of it as as they will. 2. it is supposed without ground that the good of the church can ordinarily require the restraining power given by christ ; for if we speak of what is ordinarily good for the church , how can we better discern that than by looking into christs institution ? wherefore , seeing by this equal power , at least in actu primo is given to presbytery ; we are to think , that the exercise of this power is best for the church ; though ambitious men , and they who would flatter the magistrate , think otherwise ; yea though the best of men should dissent , sure christs giving such a power saith more for the goodness of the exercise of it then mens opinions , though seeming to have a foundation on some inconveniencies of it can say against it : especially considering , what ever way beside , men devise , is attended with as great , if not greater inconveniencies of another nature . 3. i have already made it appear , that this alienation of power given by christ doth not only reach the actus secundus of it , but even the actus primus ; seeing a man is not in capacity to recal his deed , and reassume the exercise of his power , though it were improved never so much against the end of christs giving , and his alienating of it . sect. 19. 5. proof ( which is directly against enlarging the exercise of church power in the hands of any beyond what christ hath given them ) if the exercise of that power , which christ hath given to all , may be taken from the rest and given to one , then that one getteth a power both in actu primo & in secundo , which he had not from christ , but this is unlawful , ergo the major i prove : for it is clear he getteth power in actu secundo , which he had not from christ , ergo he getteth such power in actu primo , seeing actus secundus cannot be without primus , nor lawful exercise of power without the jus or power it self . if it be said , that christ giveth only the actus primus , and that so as it extendeth to the whole church : and therefore no actus secundus of power can be given to one , which doth extend further than this . answ. 1. it is true , he giveth formally only the actus primus , but the actus secundus doth result from it , and therefore he giveth both . 2. it is true , the power that christ giveth doth extend to the whole church , but this must be understood with a twofold distinction . dist. 1. disjunctive it is true , that is , every minister hath a power to rule whatever part of the church , this , or that , or another ; so that no part of it is without his commission , as that he should go beyond his bounds in being set over it . conjunctive , it is false , that is , christ hath not given so much of the actus primus of power to rule all , or many congregations . dist. 2. when christ giveth the actus primus of power to a minister , extending to the whole church ; it is to be understood in adequate , i. e. that he hath a share in that power so extended ; and may in conjunction with other rule the whole church : not adequate , i. e. christ hath not given to any such a power , as that he by himself or with a few excluding the rest , who are also in the commission , rule the whole church . so that when ever any one exerciseth authority by himself , or excluding others , who have the same power granted by christ , over more than his particular congregation , over which he may have personal inspection ; he taketh a power in actu secundo , where christ hath given him no jus , nor actus primus of power . the minor of the argument is manifest ; for when both power and exercise of it is given to a man , which christ hath not given ; this is setting up a new office , which christ hath not set up : for what is an office in the church , but a power and a lawful exercise of it ? but this our author confesseth to be unlawful , ergo 6. proof . 't is presumption even among men for a servant to commit that work to another to do , which his master hath given him to do , except he know , that he hath his masters leave so to do : this is so well known , that i need not insist on it , ergo it is much presumption , when christ hath committed the ruling of his house to every minister , that some should devolve that work on a bishop to do it for them , unless they could shew christs warrant for this , which if mr. stillingfleet or any other will do , we shall acquiesce . if there be any disparity in this comparison , i am sure it will tend to the strengthening , not the weakening of our argument , for we are more absolutely under christs command , than servants are under their masters ; his commands are more perfect and effectual to compass their end , without our taking our own way in managing obedience to them , then mens are : also , the there is a greater tie to cleave scrupulously to his injunctions than to mens : also the matters about which they are , be of more weight , and miscarriage in them more dangerous , then mens commands . all which make it more absurd to commit the exercise of our power , that he giveth to others , than for servants to do so with their masters work . sect. 20. for better understanding of what he had said , our author subjoyneth a distinction of a twofold power belonging to church officers , viz. a power of order in preaching the word , visiting the sick , administring the sacraments , &c. this he maketh to be inseparably joyned to the function ; and to belong to every ones personal capacity , both in actu primo , and actu secundo , and a power of jurisdiction , in visiting churches , overseeing particular pastors , ordination , church censures , making rules for decency : this he maketh to be in every presbyter quoad aptitudinem and habitually , so as he hath a jus to it in actu primo ; but the exercise and limitation of it , and some further power of choise and delegation to it , and some further authority besides the power of order . and when this power , either by consent of the pastors of the church , or by the appointment of the christian magistrate , or both , is devolved to some particular persons ; though quoad aptitudinem , the power remain in every presbyter ; yet quoad executionem , it belongs to them who are so appointed . to this , i reprove a few things briefly . 1. i take notice here of a contradiction in terminis , to what he taught , part. 1. c. 2. p. 41. and we refuted p. there he made the power of order peculiar to ministers and power of jurisdiction peculiar to the magistrate , describing both powers no otherwise then he doth here , and yet here he giveth the power of jurisdiction as well as of order to ministers . 2. seeing he acknowledgeth both powers quoad jus to be equally given by christ to all ministers ; it is strange that he should deny that men may restrain the one ( for he confesseth the actus secundus of it to be inseparably joined to the office ) and yet doth boldly affirm that they may restrain the other ; without giving the least shew of permission that they have from christ who gave both powers , so to tamper with the one more then with the other . if christ hath made no difference between these ( and if he hath it should have been produced ) how dare men do it ? i confess , nature maketh a necessity of restricting the power of jurisdiction : for if every one should rule , when and where he pleased , there would be confusion ; and therefore it is needful that every one have their own charge which they exercise this power over : but this is common to the power of order also ( though with some difference ) for it is not fit that every minister should preach and baptize where and when he pleaseth , without any limitation . neither could this be without confusion . also christ hath made a limitation of the exercise of the power of jurisdiction ; for by giving it to many , and making it relate to things of common concernment , he hath , eo ipso , determined , that none of these who have it , shall exercise it by himself nor without the concurrence and consent of them , who are equal in commission with him . this limitation of the exercise we confess to be warrantable : but what reason there is , i cannot understand , why men should take away the exercise of ruling power from many , and give it to one , more than they can take away the exercise of preaching power , and so give it to some , as it shall not be lawful for them to preach , but only to rule , more than they can take away the exercise of both powers , seeing christ hath equally given them . sure it is an impregnable argument that our author here furnisheth us with against himself ; men may not restrain the exercise of the power of order , further than nature maketh it necessary ; ergo , they may not any further restrain the exercise of the power of jurisdiction , because christ hath not made such a difference in his giving these powers to men . if it be said , that the restraint of the power of jurisdiction is sometimes necessary , because parity breeds factions , and many are unfit to rule . ans. even so , letting all preach , doth often breed heresie , many preach false doctrine , and many are unfit to preach . so this argument must either plead for the restraint of both powers , or of neither . let us then see what must be the remedy of this abuse of the power of order , and the remedy of the abuse of the other must be proportionable : sure the remedy is not to restrain the exercise of the power of preaching ( except it be for a time , in expectation of their amendment , which holdeth also with reference to ruling power ) but to put such unfit men out of the ministry . were it fit to lay the work of an heretical preacher upon a curate , and let him still have the charge of the flock , though his curate doth the work for him ? no , but he should be removed , and another put in his place : even so , they who are unfit to rule , must not have a bishop do it for them , but be removed , that other fit men may be put in their place ; seeing ruling abilities are a necessary qualification of a minister , as well as preaching abilities , as was shewed before . if parity breed factions , we must censure the guilty , not cross christs institutions in the exercise of that power he hath given . sect. 21. 3. it is not good sense that he saith , ( speaking of the power of jurisdiction ) that though it belong habitually , and in actu primo to all , yet in a constituted church , some further authority is necessary , besides the power of order . whether this be the printers fault , or the authors , i know not : but sure , the power of order is no part of that authority by which the power of jurisdiction is exercised . 4. he leaveth us in suspence about the power of restraining the exercise of the power of jurisdiction ; for he implieth , that it may be done by the consent of the pastors , or by the appointment of the magistrate , or both . if this power that christ hath given his servants may be taken from them in its exercise , it is very fit we should know to whom the lord hath given leave to do this . i believe , and have proved that no man may do it ; but if it may be done , sure it is not thus left at randome , that it should be primi occupantis : pastors themselves cannot do it , for they have got the charge ; and they , not the bishop whom they entrust , must give an account : the magistrate may not do it , for he is no ruler of the church ; but this is the highest act of ruling the church , and of ruling and disposing of the rulers of it as he pleaseth ; and if neither may do it , both may not do it , seeing the reasons brought exclude both from any measure of power in that thing . i do not stand on the authority of camero ( which is all the proof he hath for his opinion ) cited p. 198. viz. ordinatio non fit à pastore quatenus pastor est , sed quatenus ad tempus singulare authoritatem obtinet : neither shall i strive to strain it to a sound sense ; but be satisfied with the truth , that we have upon better grounds than camero's authority established , viz. that ordination , and other acts of church-power , are done by pastors , not by virtue of any superadded power , or delegation that they have from men , above what christ hath given them in their pastoral office , but by vertue of that power he hath given to all pastors , though the conveniency of exercising it , hic & nunc , requires the concurring of some more circumstances : ergo , that other pastors joyn in ordination ; that it be not without the limits which are fixed ( for order ) for the inspection of that society of pastors , whereof such an one is a member ; or if it be without these limits , that it be not without a special call from them , who should there exercise their authority . the conclusion of our author needeth small animadversion , supposing what hath been already said : by this , saith he , we may already understand how lawful the exercise of an episcopal power may be in the church of god ( yea , by what we have said may be seen how unlawful it is ) supposing the equality of the power of order : ( but we must also suppose ( and it hath been yielded ) the equality of the power of jurisdiction , at least in actu primo ; and that may shew us the unlawfulness of episcopacy ▪ ) and how incongruously they speak , who supposing an equality in the presbyters of the church at first , do cry out that the church takes upon her the office of christ , if she delegates any to a more peculiar exercise of the power of jurisdiction : yea , we have made it appear , that they speak most congruously to the thing ; for it is christs office to give the exercise of power to such men , by giving them the office on which it followeth ; and therefore they who take it from them , and give it to them to whom he gave it not , do take his office. but it is a mincing of the matter , to talk of a more peculiar exercise of the power of jurisdiction ; when indeed , setting up of a bishop , is a laying others aside from the exercise of it at all , and suffering them to do nothing that way , but by his authority : yea , that which we have all this while disputed against , is yet less intollerable than is our case , where bishops have most absolute and lordly powers , and delegate it to whom they will , lay-men or others , and presbyters have no power at all . sect. 22. another argument he propoundeth , p. 198. from the perfection of scripture , from which it doth much derogate , to say , that in it christ hath not laid down an immutable form of church-government . this argument he almost tusheth at ; but that is easier than to answer it solidly : unto it he bringeth three answers , all which will not make up a satisfactory one . the first is the perfection of the scripture here meant , is in reference to its end ( this i grant ) which is to be an adequate rule of faith and manners , and sufficient to bring men to salvation ; which is sufficiently acknowledged to be , if all things necessary to be believed or practised , be contained in the word of god : now that which we assert , not to be fully laid down in scripture , is not pleaded to be any ways necessary , nor to be a matter of faith , but something left to the churches liberty . reply . i perceive it to be ordinary with this author ( i observed it before ) to slight with confidence that which he hath little to say against in reason . what a pittiful come off is this ? that the not determining the form of government is not against the perfection of the scripture , because it is not a thing necessary , but left to the churches liberty : what it is to beg the question , if this be not , i know not ; for the question is , whether the form be determined in scripture , or left to the churches liberty : the latter he maintaineth , we assert the former , and prove it , because otherwise the scripture were imperfect : he answereth , it doth not follow that the scripture is imperfect , because the form of government is left to the churches liberty . is this the easie dispatch of this argument which was promised ? 2. if the end of scripture be to be an adequate rule of faith and manners ; then sure , in a special way , of religious manners or practises , among which is the way of managing church-government , being a religious thing ; for we speak of government as it is peculiar to the church : hence then it must belong to its perfection to lay down this , especially seeing the scripture hath told us , that this is one of its particular ends , to direct the pastors of the church how to behave themselves in the house of god , 1 tim. 3. 15. but this it cannot do compleatly , without setting down a form of government , for general rules will not tell a pastor whether he must exercise his ruling power with others , or lay it over on my lord bishop ; ergo , the want of this form in scripture doth derogate from that perfection which our author confesseth to be in it . 3. by things necessary , i hope he doth not mean only necessary to salvation , but necessary to these particular ends propounded in the scripture , one of which is the right managing of church-government . now if all things necessary to this be laid down in scripture , there cannot want a form of government in it , for without that government cannot be managed . his second answer is , that the doing of a thing not contained in scripture , with an opinion of its necessity , doth destroy the scriptures perfection ; and so in that sense every additio perficiens is corrumpens ; such are the popish traditions ; but the doing of a thing without the opinion of its necessity doth not destroy it . reply . this is a poorer shift than the other : for 1. it is not the adding of a form of government to what is in scripture that we make unlawful , or against the scriptures sufficiency ; for sure if it be not in scripture , it must be added , seeing nature maketh it necessary : but it is the opinion of its not being in scripture that we plead against ; and therefore this answer doth not at all touch the argument , neither is the example of popish traditions to the purpose ; for we do not say that they are against scripture perfection , because they are held not to be found in it , ( for that is most true ) but because they are thought needful to be added to it . 2. it is against the perfection of scripture to say any addition to it is necessary for attaining its end ; whether that particular thing added to it be necessary , or its defect may be as well supplied by another thing of that kind ; as if any should maintain that we must have more sacraments than are in scripture , and should not think this in particular necessary , but leave it to the churches liberty , what particular sacrament should be superadded : but master stillingfleet's opinion maketh an addition necessary , viz. that there be a form of government which is not in scripture , though it leave the particular form to the churches liberty ; ergo , it is against the perfection of scripture ; and this addition being of a thing in its general nature necessary to an end that the scripture aimeth at , viz. the right governing of the church , and not being found in scripture , so much as that men may determine it , it is such an additio perficiens as the author confesseth to be corrumpens . 3. by this answer , none of the popish traditions are additions to the scripture , or imply its imperfection ; for though they be held necessary in the general , yet in particular they cannot so be held ; for either they were freely determined by the church , and so they might not have been , and therefore are not necessary , or the church was necessitated to determine them by some antecedent objective truth in the things : if so , they must be the dictates of nature , which are no additions to scripture ; wherefore this answer destroyeth it self . 4. at least , by this answer , all the popish and prelatical ceremonies , and whatsoever superstitious men can devise to bring into the worship of god , is no addition to the scripture , nor a blot upon its perfection ; for these are not held for necessary things , but indifferent , and only necessary when commanded by authority ; which necessity , i suppose , mr. stilling . will plead for to his form of government . now this consequence i hope he will not own ; wherefore he may be ashamed to own that from which it doth so clearly follow . his third answer is yet of less weight , viz. that the essentials of church-government are in scripture , not the circumstantials . reply . if he meaneth , as sure he doth , the essentials of government in its general and abstract notion , in which it is not practicable without a particular form , he saith nothing to the purpose : the scripture may be an imperfect rule for church-government , though it have these ; if he mean the essentials of a particular form , he destroyeth his own cause . now we maintain , that to the perfection of scripture there is required not only a general notion of government , but so much as is sufficient light to direct the practice of government : this cannot be without the institution of a particular form , for government otherwise is not practicable . if it be said , that the general rules in scripture about government want nothing requisite for the compleat practise of government , but the determination of circumstances , which cannot belong to scripture perfection . ans. this we deny ( if by general rules he means , as sure he doth , such as do not determine a particular form ) it is some more than a circumstance , whether pastors exercise that power christ hath given them , or commit it to a bishop . i hope it is more than a bare circumstance in civil government , whether the power be in the hand of one , or a few , or all the people , even so 't is here : yea , herein lieth the very essence of a form of government ; if this then be not found in scripture , the essentials of a form are wanting ; but a form is essential to government , considered as practicable ; ergo , some of the essentials of government are wanting . chap. v. having refuted as he supposed the general arguments , for a particular form of church-government to have been laid down in scripture ; he cometh now to particular arguments , which are brought for some one form , and many he taketh much pains to refute in this chapter , which i am confident never any did make use of to prove what he opposeth . we shall let him pass with his supposed victory over these , and only take notice of what opposeth the truth we hold , or the arguments by which it is established . i shall only note , not insist upon his large harangue , by which in the beginning of this chapter , he chargeth all who are not as sceptical about church-government as himself , with prejudice , and following custome and education , rather than truth , and being loth to quit that opinion , though false , which once they have been engaged in . to which i say nothing , but let every one search his own conscience , and see what grounds is perswasion standeth upon . i hope the sincerity of many will be able to bear them out before god , and the solid reasons they are able to produce will make them stand before men , against such reproaches of this adversary . neither shall i retaliate this his charity with the jealousies of many who fear that they who cast church-government thus loose , that the magistrate may dispose of it at his pleasure , do fetch the strength of their arguments , and the life of their perswasion , from no better topicks then design to please them who can reward this their pains , or to hold fast that which is good ( as some have spoken of their fat beneficts ) what ever side of the world be uppermost , to which end this opinion is a notable mean. i desire to judge no man , the lord will ere long judge our opinions and motives too : but this i am sure of , we have no worldly baits to allure us at this time , to plead for the divine right of presbyteral government , and if the interest of christ did not more move us than our own ; we might with much worldly advantage yield the cause . we do not insist on any of christs acts towards the apostles in calling them , sending them out either first or last , as arguments for the form of church-government ; knowing that their office being extraordinary and temporal , can be no rule for the ordinary cases of the church . wherefore i pass over all that he writeth in this chap. till p. 218. where he undertaketh to vindicate two places of scripture from determining parity or imparity in the church . the first is mat. 20. 25. to which is parallel luk. 22. 25. the kings of the gentiles exercise authority over them , and they that exercise authority over them , are called benefactors ; but ye shall not be so . though i confess , there be other places more unquestionable to our purpose ; yet i see not the weight of what he hath said against this place , being brought as an argument against imparity . his answer is made up of two , first , he asserteth , and solidly proveth against papists , that it is not the abuse of power that is here forbidden , but that the power it self spoken of is forbidden , as incompetent to church-officers ; his proofs for this i need not repeat , i accept it of him as a concession . secondly , he saith it is only civil power that is here forbidden ; and so it doth not make against imparity in church-officers , reply . he keepeth his wonted way here , which is to take much pains , to prove what is least in debate with the adversaries he dealeth with : we do not question but the power it self , not the abuse of it is here spoken against : but that it is civil power only we question ; and that he hath not spent one word to prove . we affirm that christ is here making a difference between his apostles and civil governors in this ; that one of them should not have authority over another , as it is among rulers of states and kingdoms ; and so that there should be no imparity of power among them ; to prove this , i borrow the 3d reason by which mr. still . militateth against the abuse of power being here meant , viz. this only can answer the scope of the apostles contention , which was about primacy . the sons of zebedee would have been set over the rest , mat. 20. and their strife was , which should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( so drusius cited by leigh crit. sac. ) that is , who should be pope over the rest : now , though we deny not but theirs might be upon a civil and coactive power , they dreaming of an earthly kingdome of christ , yet sure , this was neither mainly nor only in their design : not only , because they could not but know that christs kingdome , in which they were to be officers , should be spiritual , and conversant about the things of another life though , they thought it might be worldly to , and therefore it could not be ; but they designed a supremacy in that respect also , not mainly , both because they could not but know that their main work both in teaching and ruling , was to be about the things of eternity : as also it is evident from luk. 22. 24. that their contention was about supremacy in a power that then they had begun to be partakers of , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but they knew very well that yet they had not civil power : seeing then they contended about ecclesiastical supremacy , and christs answer is suted to their intention , and doth wholly discharge that power whereof it speaketh : the first of which i have proved ; the two latter mr. still . hath confessed : it followeth , that christ doth here forbid all superiority of the apostles , one over another : so that not only christ had not set one over the rest , but he will not permit themselves to do it if they would : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a simple forbidding of it . hence i inferre the argument to our purpose thus , if the apostles who had received equal power from christ , might not delegate that power to one whom they might set up as chief ; then presbyters may not do this neither , ergo imparity of presbyters is unlawful . the consequence is evident , the antecedent i prove from parity of reason : it is not immaginable that presbyters may set one of themselves over themselves : and that bishops may not do the like , and apostles the like ; seeing order may require the one as well as the other . yea , secondly , if there be a disparity of reason it maketh much for us , for sure the apostles had more liberty of managing that power , they had received from christ , by prudence , than pastors now have ; wherefore they might far rather restrain the exercise of it in themselves , if they saw cause , than we may do . 3. i hope it will not be denied , that what is here said to the apostles is not said to them as apostles ; but as officers of the church , who have received the same power from christ : that it is no temporary , but an abiding precept : and therefore if it forbid superiority among the apostles , so doth it among presbyters , mr. still . p. 220. objecteth thus ; `this place doth no waies imply a prohibition of all inequality among governours of the church ; for then the apostles power over ordinary pastors should be forbidden . ans. concedo totum : we also grant inequality among pastors and elders . but that which we plead is , that here is forbidden an inequality among them who are of the same order : that when christ hath given men the same power and office , as he did to the apostles ; they may not usurp power one over another , nor take it though others would give it them . this is clearly proved from what hath been said . and further , it may be hence also concluded , that the inequality which is among church-officers ought not to be such as is among the governours of the world , where a single person may have his under-officers at his command : but that inequality must be of one order above another in place and rank , both which do concur jointly to the ruling of the church ; and thus also episcopacy is here made unlawful . that pride and ambition is here forbidden , i readily grant him : but that these are not only forbidden , is clear from what hath been said . sect. 2. the next place that he considereth is mat. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. where , after private admonition is used in vain , we are commanded to tell the church , and they who do not hear the church , are to be counted as heathens and publicans . that which he first bringeth for an answer to this place is , that because men of all opinions about church-government make use of it to establish their opinions , therefore no argument may be drawn from it for any opinion . this unhappy way of reasoning i have met with before and insist not now on it . it is the devils way , i perceive , to raise contentions about truth among some ; and having done this , to tempt others by these contentions to schism and slighting of truth . but we must not quit the light held forth in this scripture , because men have darkened it , by their raising dust about it : let us search the more soberly and carefully , not cast away the truth for this . yet for all divers opinions that have been broached about this place , mr. stilling . hath a new one of his own , which i shall briefly examine . the difficulty of the place ( he saith well ) lyeth in these two . 1. what are the offences here spoken of . 2. what is the church mentioned . for the first , he asserteth ( with more confidence than strength of reason , when he saith , it is evident to any unprejudicated mind , ) that the matters are not of scandal ; but of private offence and injurie : this he proveth p. 222. ( his arguments we shall consider after . ) for the church , he proposeth at length the erastian opinion , as very plausible : yet at last rejecteth it p. 224 , 225. and returns to the offences p. 226. which though he makes to be private differences and quarrels ; yet he will not have them to be law-suits , nor civil causes ; but such differences as respect persons , and not things . and then he determineth p. 227. that the church is not here any juridical court acting by authority ; but a select company , who by arbitration may compose and end the difference : and so concludeth p. 228. that here is nothing about church-government ; though by analogie some things about it may be hence drawn . this is the sum of this opinion , which i shall first refute and then consider his grounds for it . sect. 3. and first of all i cannot but wonder that this learned author should with so much cofidence deny this place to speak of church-government ; and not say something in answer to the many arguments for establishing a form of government , which are drawn from it by many learned men ; as gillespy in his aarons rod. rutherford in his jus divin reg. eccles. beza de excom . & presbyt . cawdry of church-reformation ; and other presbyterians : beside many authors of other judgments . what ? are all their arguments unworthy to be taken notice of , and easily blown away with mr. still . his bare assertion ? for what he saith of the matters of offence spoken of in this place , he seemeth to aim at a new opinion , but i cannot see wherein it differeth from what the erastians hold , save in its obscurity : for when he hath with them , made them to be no scandals , nor sins against god , but private injuries against our neighbours , he will not have them to be civil causes , or law-suits ; but such differences as respect persons , not things . what these can be i cannot understand , for what wrong can i do to my neighbour besides scandalising him by sin against god , for which he may not sue me at law ? if he mean not matters of money or meum & tuum , but other injuries against ones person , as beating , reproaches , slanders &c. ( as i guess he doth , so far as i can see his opinion through the midst of his words ) these are yet civil causes , and matters of law-suit : and this is the one part of what the erastians here understand : neither do i see any reason for understanding these here , and not other private injuries , as the erastians do : for is it imaginable that christ would prescribe this course for redress of wrongs in our own persons and names , and not also for wrongs in our estates ? but it may be he meaneth that though the injuries here meant , be in matters civil ; yet the design of the place is not to prescribe a way of making up the injury , but of taking away the animosities , and quarrels that these injuries breed among christians ; but this cannot hold ; for sure the best way of allaying the animosities that arise about injuries done by one to another , must be by determining what is the due of each , and who doth , and who sustaineth the wrong , and so making reparation of the injury done . we must not then think that christ hath appointed one course for repairing the wrong ; and another for taking away contention about it : but it is his will that christians in such cases , either let their wrongs be judged by the arbitration of friends ; or if that cannot be , by that law : and whethersoever of these waies the matter be determined ; that they should acquiesce , and not contend any more . besides this , when i receive a private injurie from another , it is my duty to lay aside all grudge and animosity against him , which if i be willing to do , why should the matter be brought before others , or to the church ? if i be not willing to do it , it is not like that i will bring it thus to others , who may persuade me to lay aside animosity against him . i cannot understand how i can bring a matter of private wrong to be judged by others , except it be in reference to the getting of some reparation of that wherein i conceive my self to be wronged . if he mean that i should bring the matter before others , not that my animosity may be laid aside ( that being my duty without such adoe ) but that they may persuade him who hath wronged me to lay aside his grudg , and be reconciled to me : sure this cannot be the scope of the place , both because christ giveth another rule in that case , which will sooner attain that end , viz. forgive him , lu. 17. 3. and indeed it is a more compendious way to allay his fury , to carry it dutifully , friendly and kindly to him , than to convent him before others . also because it is a strange reflection of the sence of the expression , trespass against thee i. e. refuse to be reconciled to thee : sure there is no warrant in scripture or reason from the notation of the word , thus to expound it . and besides all this , this exposition destroys the authors opinion , viz. that this place is not meant of scandals ; for when one hath wronged me , and i am willing to forgive him and be at peace with him , and he refuseth to be reconciled to me ; this is a sin against god , and a scandal of an high nature . now why the place should be meant of taking away this sort of scandal and no other ( seeing other scandals also are sins against the scandalized , as is clear 1 cor. 8. 12. ) i think it is hard to conjecture except mr. still . must say so to make up the opinion that he intendeth to defend . sect. 4. but i shall now prove that this place speaketh purposely of scandals , or sins against god , whereby the consciences of others are offended ; and not of private injuries . and that briefly because this is largely and fully performed by all our authors who write against erastians . 2. our lord had spent the former part of the chapter about scandals , especially in pressing your shunning to give offence , and in shewing the danger of offences ; both to the offended , and especially to the offender , vers . 7. now in all this discourse he had said nothing of the means of taking away of scandals : wherefore seeing he joyneth these words we dispute about , to the former discourse of scandal ; it may be out of question that he is here laying down that way of removing these scandals when they should arise in his church , that the evils he had spoken of may not ensue upon them . 2. the design of this remedy here prescribed is to gain the faulty person : now this expression of gaining men from that which is evil , is in scripture only used in reference to sins against god , which are apt to destroy men , and whereby they are lost . 3. this evil from which the person is to be gained , is sin or scandal . if it be said that it is gaining of a brother , when he is persuaded to lay aside animosity against a brother , and to be reconciled to him : this is true only and so far as such animosity is sin : for on no other account , freeing of one from it can be called gaining him in scripture-phrase ; and if there animosities be here spoken of only as they are scandals , then the scope of the place is to redress scandals ; for à quatenus ad omne valet consequentia . 3. to sin against a brother is ( in the phrase of the new testament ) mainly , if not only , to wrong his conscience or spiritual estate by scandal . 1 cor. 8. 12. or to be guilty of sin against god in his sight or conscience luk. 15. 18 , 21. so luk. 17. 3 , 4. neither can any instance be brought where it signifies a private injury as such ; therefore it must be meant of scandal . 4. in redressing of private injuries in a charitable way , it is not usual to lead witnesses : but these belong to a judicial proceeding ; but here the matter is to be established by witnesses , ergo it is a matter not to be transacted in such a way as this author would have these private injuries . 5. it is unimaginable that christ would have us count our brother a heathen or a publican , and would have him bound in heaven for persisting in a fact that either is no sin against god , or which is not considered as a sin against god : doth the holy ghost any where speak so of private injuries , considered as such ? no sure ; but if private injuries are to be thus noted with censure by god and men , it is under the notion of heinous sins as they offend god and scandalize his people , and if so : then scandals are here meant ; for if such injuries be here spoken of for that which is common to other scandals , and especially private injuries not particularly mentioned , but set down under the general name of sin ; what a boldness is it to exclude other sins , and make these only to be here spoken of ? sect. 5. next , i come to consider his notion about the church , to which these offences must at last be brought for remedy : it is , saith he , no juridical court , but a select company called together by the party offended , who by arbitration may compose and end the difference . against this conceit i bring these reasons : 1. this company is to be called together by the offended party ; for the text carrieth the whole managing of the business to be by him ; and it is very like the stubborn offender will not be active in this : now , is this a way that our lord would prescribe for taking away the distemper of a galled mind , that his adversary ( so the stubborn offender looketh upon the other ) should chuse the persons before whom he is to be convented , and who should judg him ? this i cannot be induced to believe , except i see more proof of it than our author 's bare saying it is so . 2. we must conceive that these three steps of proceeding here prescribed , have some notable difference one from another , and are remedies of different vertues and operations applyed to this stubborn disease . now the first step is secret admonition : the second is private and charitable , not judicial ; the third then must be different from both : which i cannot conceive how it is , if it be not authoritative . in this authors opinion , it is no more but this , when two or three friends cannot accommodate the matter , then take a few more , having no more but the same power the former two or three had : now what great influence can 5 , or 6 , or 10 have to persuade a stiff offender , more than 2 or or 3 using the same motives ? 't is not to be imagined that the difference can be such as christ intendeth when he prescribeth this as a remedy of that evil the other could not cure . 3. when christ is here prescribing a cure for offences which may fall out among his people , and is so exact in describing all the steps of it and final result thereof ; we must conceive that his last cure will be such as will effectually root out that evil so , as , that it do not any more hurt his church or those who are harmed by it . now if the last mean be only arbitration , and no juridical authoritative act , this end can never be attained : for neither is the stubborn offender gained , nor is he taken away that he may not the same way trouble the other party as before . what great matter is gained if the wilful party will not hear this advising church our author dreameth of ? he is still a church-member , enjoying the publick fellowship of the people of god , for all that these arbitrators can do : and suppose some do withdraw private intimacy with them , yet we cannot think that all are obliged to it by the authority of private arbitrators declaring him stubborn , when all do not know the causes which made them so determine , nor the proofs that did convince them of the truth of what was alledged against him . it is then evident that this last remedy of the miscarriage ( be what it will ) of a stubborn offender which christ here prescribeth , is an authoritative act , and therefore the church here is no company of private men for arbitration . 4. though we grant that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth any company called together , yet here it must be of more restricted signification ; and must needs signify a company called out of the world by the gospel to worship god , and to serve him in the managing of his affairs and institutions ; which is not applicable to a company of arbitrators called by a man , not by the gospel , to agree contending parties , which is a work of duty common to all the world , and none of the special works of the church as distinguished from other societies . now that the word church must be thus understood , and not as mr. stilling . would have it , i prove 2dly ; it is constantly so used by the writers of holy scripture ; neither can an instance be brought in all the new testament where any ever put ecclesia for a company met about any business , save that the town-clerk of ephesus used it otherwise , acts 19. 39. and luke , speaking of him in his own dialect , useth it as he did , ver . 40. but when christ here speaketh of a church to which he sendeth his offended people by a standing law for the redress of their grievances , we must certainly conceive that he will have them by the church , to understand that which is ordinarily known by that name in the new testament ; for how should they know the meaning of an ambiguous word , but by the constant use of it in the scripture ? 2. the demonstrative article added in the greek putteth the matter beyond all question , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a particularly designed church , which they to whom it is said , have pointed out unto them : not any church , this or that , an individuum vagum , or such a church as themselves may particularize or pitch upon : it is not [ a ] church , but [ the ] church , now a company of arbitrators chosen ad libitum by the grieved party , are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ the ] church particularly , as individuum determinatum designed by christ ; they are at best but [ a ] church , and should be here designed only confusè , or vage , huic aut illi ecclesiae , which the word cannot bear . now if we take it for a ruling-church , or whatever church in scripture-sense , it is here determined what church we should bring the matter to , viz. that particular church we live in ( at least in prima instantia ) and it is not left to our liberty to chuse what church of many particulars we will complain unto . or if we take the article here prefixed to denote the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that church here spoken of , and to determine the word to its famosius significatum ; it hath the same strength of an argument : for , not a company of private arbitrators , but christians , or their representatives met for the worship of god , or administration of the affairs of his house , are that church . sect. 6. i come now to examine what mr. stilling . hath to say against this interpretation of the place , or for that which himself hath devised . p. 222. he undertaketh to prove that the offence here spoken of is not any scandal or sin against god , but a private injury . his arguments are , 1. from the parallel place , luke 17. 3. if thy brother trespass againts thee , rebuke him ; and if he repent , forgive him ; this is private injury , because a private brother may forgive it , which is not in his power were it a scandal to the whole church , unless we make every private person to excommunicate and release one another . answ. that luke 17. 3 , 4. is parallel to matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. i do not question ; and indeed all the commentators that i have met with , make them relate to the same passage of christs preaching : but this ( if we may lay any weight on the judgment of men ) doth make much against mr. still . for he understandeth matth. 18. not of scandals , but of the bare injury , so then must this place also , but the text and context both do make it evident , as i conceive , that this place , is not meant of private injuries ( but in so far as they are scandals ) but of scandalous sins : i say the context doth prove it ; because our lord is there speaking of scandals : it is the very purpose that he is upon ver . 1 , 2. the text also proveth it , for the first remedy to be applyed to this evil , is rebuke : which is known to be a more proper remedy for scandal than private wrong : and then , the fruit of this remedy , repentance , doth relate to scandals rather than to private wrongs . neither doth it follow that it is private injury , because a private person may forgive it ; for we must understand it of private scandal , not such as is publick , and a scandal to the whole church , as mr. still . supposeth . now when the offender repenteth upon private rebuke , the rebuker may forgive him 3 ways : 1. by not charging him any more with guiltiness , but looking on him , as one whom the lord hath pardoned . that this is called forgiveness in scripture , is clear , 2 cor. 2. 7 , 10. where the whole church is commanded thus to forgive the excommunicated man who had repented . 2. by exercising that christian familiar love toward him , which we ought not to exercise towaad them who live in sin . 3. by forbearing to bring the matter to any more publick hearing , which , had not the party repented , had been his duty . now this giveth not a power of excommunicating and releasing to a private person ; but only a power of the prudent use of our own charity . his second answer is the same , only built on another scripture , matth. 18. 20. where christ in answer to peter's question , bids us forgive our brother as oft as he repenteth . the answer is also the same ; for we must forgive a scandalous brother ( in the way but now laid down ) as oft as he repenteth ; and not bring him to publick rebuke , but in case of obstinacy . his 3d. argument is this , if this be matter of scandal that is here spoken of ; then might a matter of scandal be brought before the church when there is no way to decide it , there being but one privy to it , who is the accuser , he affirmeth , and the offender denyeth . answ. 1. doth not this same inconvenience follow if the matter be a private injury ? may there not in that case be no way for the arbitrators to decide the matter , the offender denying , and the injured party affirming , and that where himself is the party ? the objecter then is as much obliged to answer this argument as we are . but 2dly , this inconvenience is easily avoided thus : if the grieved person be the only witness of the fact , and the offender deny the fact , it ought not to come before the church , neither is this injunction to be understood of such cases : but where either the fact is known to more than one ( for even so it may be a private and no publick offence ) or where the offender doth not deny the fact ; but denyeth that it is wrong : in that case , first two or three , then the whole church must endeavour to convince him . it is a bad consequence ; some works of darkness , for want of witness , cannot be decided by the church ; ergo , we are not commanded to bring scandals before the church . that which he addeth p. 223. that christ here speaketh as to an ordinary case , and in allusion to what was then in use among the jews ; which was to reprove one another , commanded lev. 19. 17. and for neglect of which , jerusalem was thought to be destroyed by r. chamna . this i say , is nothing to the purpose ; for i suppose these reproofs , lev. 19. 17. and which are mentioned by that rabby , were not only for private injuries , but mainly for sin against god : wherefore this consideration maketh not a little against the design for which it was brought . p. 224. he will not have the church here spoken of to be the christian church ; because , saith he , christ is speaking to a present case , and layeth down a present remedy . now if he lay down rules for governing his church ; this could not be , because there were yet no ecclesiastical courts for them to appeal to : if then the case had presently fallen out , they were left without a redress , having no church to tell it unto . ans. it cannot be proved that christ here layeth down rules for a case presently practicable , more than he doth when he impowereth his apostles , and chargeth them concerning their work , matth. 16. 19. john 20. 23. mal. 28. 19. and yet will have them to delay a while before they should put all that power in act . luke 24. 49. and indeed we have far better cause to think that he is telling his people what to do in the after and ordinary times of his church , than what they should do in that present and extraordinary case , when the church was not yet framed , and when they had himself personably to go to for direction . 2dly , however we maintain that this rule , as it serveth for our times , so might it serve for that time in which it was spoken : for if the case had then fallen out , though there were not the ordinary ecclesiastical courts to go to , that now ought to be , yet there wanted not a visible church-power residing in the person of christ , and after in the apostles , to whom did succeed the ordinary judicatures : so that the offended party wanted never a church to make his complaint unto . i do not say that [ tell the church ] doth directly signifie any other to which the complaint was to be made , but the ordinary guides of the church ; for our lord accommodateth his terms he useth to the ordinary cases in which this law was to take place ; but by analogie , it is applicable to any who in extraordinary cases act the part of the ordinary guides of the church . sect. 7. i agree to the argument of mr. gillespy , cited by the author , that unless we understand the word church as usually , it would be no easie matter to know what christ here meaneth by the church ; for seeing this was to be a standing law in all ages , 't is not imaginable that the lord would have us otherwise understand the terms of it than they are ordinarily used in the bible , which he intended should constantly be in his peoples hands . neither is that of any weight which our author opposeth to this ; that such as so argue would do well to consider , how those to whom christ spake , should apprehend his meaning , if he spake in a sense they never heard of before . we consider that they may easily understand christs words , because he had often before spoken to them of the gospel-church that was to be set up , and even in this very term of a church , as matth. 16. 19. and frequently under the notion of the kingdom of heaven ; which they might easily apprehend to be meant by the church . wherefore the author did not well consider what he said , when he supposed this language to be unknown to the disciples . hence all that he saith of the way of understanding scripture in the sence of the words then common , is not to the purpose ; for , christ had made this sense common among them . neither must we understand the word as it was then commonly apprehend among the jews , but as it was apprehended among christs ordinary hearers , who were in expectation of another church , and another way of government in it to be set up , than was then among the jews . i find no more in the author that is argumentative either against our opinion of this text , or for his own . he concludeth p. 228. that this place , though it speaks not of church-government , yet it may have some influence on it by way of analogy , viz. in proving , 1. gradual appeals , 2. church-censures , 3. the lawfulness of excommunication . this he yieldeth at least , that something of church-government may be inferred from this place : then ex concessis , it is not so impertinent to this purpose as he would have made us believe in the beginning of this chapter . sect. 8. but let us see if we can draw any more out of it than he will yield us . we have already proved it to be directly meant of church-government , and to give rules for the right managing of it : now i assert , that it doth implicitly determine the form of church-government , viz. that it ought to be by parity , not episcopacy ; which i thus make out : the first authority before which the complaint of the grieved party is to be brought , is the church , ( and it is also the last : ) but if the church were governed by bishops , this should not be , ergo , the church ought not to be governed by bishops . the major is clear ; for after secret and private admonition ( which are not authoritative ) immediately succeedeth [ tell the church : ] sure this church must be that authority which we must go to prima instantia , and also that which must finally decide the matter ; seeing excommunication doth immediately so low upon disobliging this authority . the minor i prove thus : in the episcopal way , the complaint must be brought to the bishop or to his delegate or delegates ( which is all one as to the matter of authority ) and he must be the last that must determine , and on disobedience to him followeth excommunication : but the bishop is not the church , ergo , in the episcopal way complaints cannot be made to the church , nor doth the church finally decide the matter . the minor of this last syllogism is evident ; for neither the na●ure of the word , nor scripture-use will bear , that one man shall be called the church . if it be said that episcopacy be so modelled , as the bishop with the presbyter may judg of the offence , and they may well be called the church . answ. in that case , either the presbyters have a decisive vote as well as the bishop , or they be only his advisers . in the first case the bishop is only a praeses : which is not that episcopacy pleaded against , though we judg it inconvenient . in the 2d , the bishop is the only power , and therefore there is no such church as here meant , for the church here is a church cloathed with authority , whom the party ought to hear , i. e. obey , and for contumacy against which he is excommunicated : but the bishop and his counsel is not such a church ; for his counsel hath no authority , and himself cannot make a church ; and therefore both taken together , make no church having authority . chap. vi. here mr. stilling . doth undertake to lay aside apostolical practice from being a pattern for us in the matter of church-government ; what success he hath in this attempt we now examine . his two main scopes in this chapter , are , that it cannot be known what the practice of the apostles was in this ; and that if it were known , it is no binding example to us ; which desperate assertions do , not a little , reflect upon the scripture and tend to the casting loose the government of the church . the latter of them i have spoken to before , and purpose to examine what he saith for it . concerning the former , i shall premise but this to our trying of his proofs , that it is very strange the spirit of god in scripture hath written so much of their practice , both historically , and implied it in doctrinal assertions and precepts , if for all this we cannot know what it was ; which if it do not accuse the scripture-relation of things of great imperfection , i know nothing : for i am sure the scripture doth purposely set down much of their practice , both in preaching , administration of sacraments , ordination of officers , directing these officers in their behaviour in the house of god , censures and other parts of government : if yet we cannot know by scripture what was their way in ruling ; the account given of these things must be very imperfect . i believe it would be imputed to any writer of the history of a church , if out of his history could not be gathered what was the government of that church : shall we then think that the sacred writers , who have undertaken to give us an account of the acts of the apostles , are so deficient ? especially many of the writings of the apostles themselves being added by the same spirit ; out of which much may be gathered to this purpose . but let us hear how he makes out this his strange opinion . i insist not on what he writeth of the apostles commission ; i confess the form of government is not expressed in it : though we have ground to think , that when christ chargeth them to teach his people to observe all he commanded them , matth. 28. 20. that it was his will that they should not leave so great a matter as is the form of church-government to mens will ; but that his institution should be observed in this : especially seeing he spent 40 days with them before his ascension , acts 1. 3. speaking of the things pertaining to the kingdom of god , that is the gospel-church : it is hard to think that among all his instructions to them then , he told them nothing of his will about the way of governing his church . neither do i take notice of his large discourse about the division of provinces among the apostles : nor of his too true observation , that looking on ancient practice through the glass of our own customs , hath bred many mistakes : only i wonder at his bringing that for an instance , that lay-elders are proved from the name presbyters : i believe there was never any that used such an argument , seeing the name is common to them and preaching-elders . he will find stronger arguments than this for that order of church-officers , if he please to read the assertors of it . sect. 2. for clearing what was apostolical practice he layeth down this as a foundation , p. 239 , &c. that the apostles in the forming churches did observe the custom of the jewish synagogue . about this notion he spendeth a huge deal of pains , as if the strength of his cause lay here ; but to what purpose it is , except to shew his reading and skill in antiquity , i know not . doth it follow , the apostles imitated the jews in the matter of church-government , ergo , we are not obliged to imitate the apostles ? i should think that the contrary consequence might rather be inferred ; but whatever be of that , this we are sure of , that whether there was any coincidency or similitude between the apostolical and the jewish way , or not ; whether the apostles in what they did had an eye at the jewish example , or not : they were acted by an infallible spirit , which did both guide them unerringly , and warrant them unquestionably to do what they did in the management of church-government , so that it is not the occasion of their taking such or such a way that we are to look to , but the morality of it , that should determine us to follow it , because we know it is the will of christ. wherefore i might pass without any more notice all that he writeth in many sheets of the modelling the government of the church by that of the synagogue . yet for further clearing the matter , i shall lay down a few considerations . sect. 3. first , i take notice how inconsistent this author is with himself in this point ; for p. 322. he asserteth , that the apostles did not observe ( in probability ) one fixed course of setling the government of churches , but setled it according to the several circumstances of places and persons which they had to deal with . i hope he will not deny , but the jewish way of government was one and the same every where : how then did the apostles imitate that , if they were so various in their setling of government ? sure if they did not stick to one form , they did not stick to the jewish form . but i perceive he would fain say any thing that might cast church-government at an uncertainty ; however the ways he taketh to this end , do clash one with another . 2. all this pains he taketh , tendeth either to prove nothing , or to prove that which himself will not own : for suppose that he had evinced that the apostles did imitate the jews in their church-administrations : if any thing follow , it must be this , that these things which were done by the apostles on such an account are not now binding , but are indifferent and determinable by men : and that as the apostles had their liberty in imitating the jews , or not , so we have our liberty in imitating the apostles , or not , in them . now this i am sure he dare not own in most of these things which he maketh to have been taken up from the jewish customs : for he speaketh , p. 240. of christs taking many rites of the lords supper from the postcoenium among the jews , and the use of baptism from the baptisms used in initiating proselytes , and excommunication from their putting out of the synagogue ; and afterward he maketh building of churches , to be taken from the synagogues : publick reading of the scripture , and pastors from the archisynagogi : ordination from that used among the jews : will then mr. stilling . say that all these are now indifferent . that baptism , excommunication , pastors , nay ordination are no institutions of christ ; and that as the apostles took them from the jews ad placitum ; so we may take them from the apostles , or leave them , as we list . sure he will not say it : and if he saith not this , he saith nothing , but magno conatu nihil agit : parturiunt montes : nascetur ridiculus mus . 3. it is needful to distinguish the things that the apostles did by imitation take from the jews , by confounding of which mr. stilling . hath mired himself and his reader too . there are 1. somethings that are the dictates of nature and reason : as that publick assembling be ordinarily in some one convenient place : that in a society there be rulers and ruled : that where many rule they meet together for that end : that in their meeting one preside , to avoid confusion , &c. 2. there are other things which be the commandments of god concerning his moral worship ; as that prayers , praises , pulick reading of his word , with opening of it , that his people may know his will , be performed in the solemn meetings of his people . 3. god's ceremonial worship , which consisteth in the observance of rights sacred , or peculiar to religion , without which all that worship of god might well be performed , which is , and hath been of moral and perpetual obligation . 4. such things as receive their usefulness and fitness from custom : as words , habits , gestures , &c. now for the first two sorts , though there was co-inciding in them , between the jewish and apostolical way ( and indeed it could not be otherwise , nature and what is of moral obligation being the same unto all ) yet that the apostles were determined in these by the jewish example , we deny . for the 3d , it is clear , that the apostles used no such things with the jewish church , except a few for a time to avoid scandal , acts 15. 28. 29. yea , they are declared unlawful to be used , gal. 4. 9 , 10. and 5. 1 , 2. col. 2. 16 , 17. which i am elswhere to shew more at length . the 4th sort of things we hold to be in themselves indifferent , and determinable by the laudable custom of every place . neither do we deny the apostles to have in many of these imitated the jewish church ; and no wonder , because they lived among them . now church-government having in it some things of all these sorts , it is clear from what hath been said , how far we confess the apostles to have followed the jews in it ; and how far not . that wherein we are likest to controvert with mr. still . is , about things of the third sort , which i must yet distinguish : they were either such as the lord had commanded to the jews , or such as they without his command did take up . the former , he doth not alledg that the apostles followed the jews in . the latter he asserteth , and we deny it ; and shall anon hear what he bringeth for his assertion . but for further clearing this and the whole matter , i lay down a fourth consideration , viz. to make it out , that the apostles did imitate the jews , there are two things required . 1. to shew the co-incidency of their practice . 2. to shew that this co-incidency did proceed from a design of conformity , viz. that the apostles were determined in such things by the jewish example : for the former without the other is no imitation , because in imitation , the former practice must have some influence on that which followeth ; such as the exemplary cause hath on the exemplatum . now if the apostles did ( in some of these ) the same things with the jewish church , only accidentally , or upon other motives ; and did not ( as mr. stilling . phraseth it ) copy out the jewish way of government , 't is no imitating of them . sect. 4. from what hath been said , it will be easie to maintain against mr. stilling . large discourse , that the apostles did not in the government of the church imitate the jewish synagogue as their pattern ; i shall touch such things in his discourse as seem to prove it . and 1. i take notice of that which was occasionally touched before , p. 240 , viz. that christ delighted to take up the received practices among the jews , as the postcoenium he turned to the lords supper , baptism of proselytes , imitated to christian baptism , casting out of the synagogue to excommunication . and this he saith he did with rites , not which were originally founded on moses's law ; but which were brought in by a confederate discipline among themselves . this , saith he , hath been abundantly manifested by many learned men ; of which he cited some in his margin . i confess , many learned men , especially such as have spent their pains in critical learning , have done but bad service to christ and his institutions , while to serve their phoenomena , and make their critical conjectures the more plausible , they have made mens devices like maezentius his bed to curtail or stretch out christs institutions by them at their pleasure . but the authority of such men , though never so learned , shall not perswade me ( what their reasons may do i say not , till i hear and consider them ) to think that christ had such delight in mens inventions in the worship of god , as to make them the pattern of his gospel-institutions ; and that rather than the ceremonies , which of old were of divine authority : shall we think that he who condemneth mens doctrines in gods worship , as vain , mal. 15. 9. and especially in that chapter , condemneth a ceremony brought in by confederate discipline , which in it self was as harmless as any of these mentioned , viz. often washing : shall we think , i say , that he had such pleasure in these things ? sure he cannot be so unlike himself . neither i am sure can the assertors of this paradox , shew any such difference between that ceremony and these here instanced , as that christ should hate the one , and delight in the other . for that often alledged , that the pharisees placed much religion in their often washings ( besides that the thing simply , not their opinion , is condemned in the place cited ) it cannot be made out , that they placed more religion in this , than they did in their postcoenium , washing of proselytes , &c. for further answer to this assertion of our authors , i add , that supposing christ did make his institutions to consist of some material acts , like to these of the jewish uncommanded observations ( for this is the furthest , that the authors consideration can pretend to prove ) it doth not follow that he approved of these inventions : neither that we may mould the affairs of the church by our reason and skill without scripture ; and that for these reasons : 1. from christs wisdom . 2. from his authority which did warrant him to do such things , and doth not make it lawful for the church now to do them . 1. i say , from his wisdom : he is an able and competent judg of what is suted to gospel-worship , and what not : and therefore of these unwarranted observations in use among the jews , he could chuse what was fittest for his designs ( the things being indifferent in themselves ) and appoint them in his church : we cannot so well judg of the fitness of a thing to his design in the gospel-model of affairs ; and therefore must not take such liberty in doing what man hath done without a special institution of christ. moreover , he knew well how in the depth of his wisdom to make such a choice in his institutions serve unto two great ends , viz. the gaining of the jews , by making as little diffrrence between the old way ( to which they were wedded ) and the new gospel-way , as could be : and the adorning of his gospel-service with most fit and excellent ceremonies : this cannot be pretended for devices of men in gods worship , whether found out by themselves , or wherein they imitate others . 2. for his authority , however these observations being uncommanded were on that account unlawful to the jews ; yet the things materially considered being indifferent , and christ having absolute authority to institute particulars in his church , he might well chuse these , and seal them with his authority , and so make them both lawful and duty to us : this no man can do ; they must have his command for institution ; and not make them by their own authority . wherefore christ taking the jewish customs for patterns to his institutions ( if he did so ) maketh nothing for men's setting up their institutions in the church ; or for the indifferency of things belonging peculiarly to the church . sect. 5. that which he saith ibid : maketh little to his purpose , viz. that even when god did determine the positives of worship , he left the morals to the wisdom and discretion of his people : which he instanceth in building and ruling synagogues . ans. this is true of such things as are of common concernment to religion and other actions ; we also allow such parts of church-government to be managed by christian prudence : his instance proveth no more ; for we permit also the building of churches to prudence . but the question is about things proper to the church as it is a religious society : these things we deny to have been left to prudence among the jews , or to be now so left among christians . i cannot yield to what he seemeth to aim at , when he saith , that though the reason of erecting synagogues was builded on a command , viz. of having holy convocations , yet they were not built for a long time after they came to the land : i cannot think that the building of synagogues was indifferent though the place and manner was : for the same command that requireth holy convocations , requireth that there be a place fit for them . if they were at first long of building , it was either from some impediment , or from inexcusable negligence . much less do i agree to what followeth , viz. although moses requireth the duty of assembling , yet he prescribes no orders for the place of meeting , nor for the manner of spending these dayes in gods service , nor for the persons who were to superintend the publick work . ans. the first of these , as to the circumstances of it , is left to prudence , it being meerly a natural circumstance of worship , the second for substance is in the law , viz. what duties they should spend the day with , viz. sacrificing in the temple , reading the law , and teaching the people in other places : the natural circumstances of this are also left to prudence . the third is falsly asserted : are not the levites appointed to superintend that work when they are made the publick teachers of the people ? wherefore all this maketh nothing for his design , viz. that the jewish church-government was left to prudence , and that the christian should be so . their reading of the law we approve ; but deny it to have been voluntary but commanded ; their curious dividing of it , and leaving out some of it we disprove , as the fruit of the superstitions of the latter ages of that church : and indeed it may be compared with the frame of our service-book , though it was not so bad by far . i insist not on his guesses about the government of synagogues , which he taketh much pains to make appear to be like the government in the apostolick church , that he might make us believe , that this was taken from that . i only observe that the product of all his pains is not operae pretium : both because of the uncertainty of the matter of fact , that there were such officers so employed in the synagogues : as also the far off resemblances that are between them and officers in the christian church ; as any attentive reader may observe . and so i pass to p. 253. where he sheweth how far the apostles in forming christian churches did follow the jewish pattern . sect. 6. i smile indeed to consider how mr. still . magnifies this his notion , and judgeth this birth of his own brain , as that which with his improvement ( such as it hath yet received from no other ) will be more conducible than any he knoweth to the happy end of composing our differences about church-government . i hope i have said as much of this notion . p. 186. &c. as will make it to be of less esteem with unbyassed men . i profess i cannot yet understand , for all that i have meet with in this author about it , how this notion should have any such effect , for the question is not what pattern the apostles followed , so much , as whether what they did was the institution of christ , and whether we ought to follow them as our pattern : and to the determining of this i see very little or no use of this notion which he so much crieth up . but to make it get entertainment he taketh much pains . first , he promiseth some general considerations to make it probable : and sheweth next how the apostles did imitate the synagogue in 4 particulars . let us hear what probability it getteth from his considerations . the 1 is , that christ and his disciples , and christians afterward went under the name of jews ; that they kept communion with the jews , and observed their customes , not only which were commanded of god , but which they had taken up themselves , if they were not contrary to gods commands . here are 3 or 4 considerations jumbled together , some of which are false , others true , but prove not the point . i shall answer them more distinctly than he hath set them down . and first for the name , it is no wonder they were called jews , for they were so by nation : if at any time they owned themselves as of the jewish religion , that proveth nothing ; for this they might do , because the jewish religion , as commanded of god , was the same in substance with the christian , see act. 26. 22. it doth not from this follow that there were the same administrations in the jewish and christian-church . and if in after-times the jews and christians were both reckoned as one body by the heathens ( for which he bringeth some proof p. 255. and 256. ) yet it doth not follow , which he there inferreth , viz. that they observed the same rites and customes ▪ for this mistake of the heathens did proceed partly from the agreement that was between jews and christians , as to most great points of religion : partly from the agreement of their rites in this , that both were very unlike the heathen rites . neither did the heathens understand the difference between jews and christians , though wise men among them knew that there was a difference : this may be gathered from act. 18. 15. and act. 25. 19 , 20. it doth not follow from this , that the rites were the same . 2. for their keeping communion with the jews , this doth far less prove the point : and that because , 1. the time when they kept communion with the jews was when the jewish church was yet standing , and the christian not framed nor erected : our author cannot prove that they kept communion with them after the christian churches were set up : for their going to the temple and the synagogues to pre●ch , proveth nothing . for that they did because the people were there met , not because they would join in their service . 2. because it was fit for that time to yield to the jews so far as was possible , that they might be gained to the gospel : hence they observed even some of the legal ceremonies , they being then indifferent : but it followeth not that they did settle the ordinance and abiding practices of the church by the pattern of the synagogue . paul's being freely admitted into the synagogue to preach , proveth no more than we have granted : his condescending to them did procure this , not his framing gospel-churches according to their mould , much less is this his design proved by the mistake of the believing jews about the conversion of the gentiles , and their being zealous for observing the law of moses ; yea and grant that they were zealous for the uncommanded customes of their father , a● he alledgeth . for this proceeded from their being bred up in these things , and their ignorance of the mind of god in abolishing them , and in calling of the gentiles : and the apostle's yielding to the jews as far as might be for a time , was because he had not yet shewed the difference between the gospel and jewish church , because they could not then bear it : but with what shaddow of consequence doth it follow from this that the apostles did afterwards frame the christian church after the model of the jewish ? for the 3d. it is a bold and most false assertion , that christ and his disciples conformed to the uncommanded customes of the jews : yea they are accused for non-conformity in this point matth. 15. 2. and christ defendeth them in it , and meerly on this account , that these customs were the traditions of men , and humane doctrines : which is true of all uncommanded customes in religion . but how proveth he this assertion ? he bringeth instances ; christ observed the feast of dedication : this is impudently said ; he walked in solomons porch jo. 10. 22 , 23. that he might have occasion to teach the people : but did he offer a sacrifice , or observe any other rite or custome of the feast ? we read no such thing , going to their synagogues and teaching there was no uncommanded custome . washing the disciples feet a custom used by the jews before the passover ( saith mr. still . but others say it was done between the 2 courses of the passover ) this christ did , and giveth a mystical reason for it . jo. 13. 5. but that he did it in conformity to the jewish custome ( if any such there was ) let it be proved , appointing baptism i hope hath a better foundation than the jewish custome , but of this before ; thus what he saith in prosecuting his first consideration , is answered : neither is it as yet probable that the apostles imitated the jewes in framing the gospel-church . sect. 7. his 2d consideration p. 257. is that the apostles framed christian churches out of jewish synagogues : what solid proof for this he bringeth let us hear . we see saith he , how fearful the apostles were to offend the jews , and how ready to condescend to them in any thing that might be ; and if paul would yield to them in circumcising tim. ( a thing which might seem to cross the design of the gospel ) would he scruple to retain the old model the synagogue , when there was nothing in it repugnant to the doctrine of the gospel ? answ. the apostles at first did yield very far to the jews , because they could not at the beginning digest the taking down of the old frame of worship , and setting up a new ; hence they did conform to the jews , for that time , as much as might be in their transient and occasional practices : but this reason did no way oblige them to frame their constitutions and practices of the church that were to abide afterward , by the jewish patern , because then the gospel was fully promulgated , and the will of christ known to the new gospel-church , differing from the old ; and in this case we are rather to think that the apostles did not conform to the jewish way in things not necessary ; because as at first , their work was to bring them to christ , and so they yielded to them as much as might be ; so afterwards now their work was tobring them from moses , and to this end it was fit to bring them off all those customes and waies which might keep that their idol yet in their minds , as sure the jewish customes might do ; here is more then a shew of reason ( which our author requireth ) why the apostle should slight the constitution of the jewish synagogues ; and besides , it is reason enough why they should do this , if it be not proved that they did otherwise , seeing they were guided by an infallible spirit , not led by mens customes in their actions . i find no further proof of this consideration , but that they did not only gather churches out of synagogues , but that in probability whole synagogues in some places were converted . what ground there is for this probability i know not ; we read nothing of it , as we read of whole houses converted : neither see i any reason to think that the apostles did respect synagogues in their reforming churches : they made the churches of them who had before been in the synagogues ; and that i believe they did according to the peoples best conveniency for partaking of ordinances together : but that their synagogues were their pattern i see not . another argument from the jewish and gentiles coetus , he would fain be helped by ; but finding it weak , disputeth against it : wherefore we lay it aside , and come to his 3d consideration p. 260. viz. the synagogue-model was most agreable to the state of the churches in apostolick times ; because it was so ordered , as that it needed not depend on the secular power for attaining the end of government . answer . wherein the synagogue-model was , in the nature of the thing fitted to the state of the gospel , we do not say that the apostles would reject such a good thing because used by the synagogue ; only we deny that they used it because the synagogue used it : so this proveth nothing . further it proveth only co-incidency between the church and synogogue-government in this general that both were such as might consist without secular power : but divers particular forms may be of this nature ; so that there is no need from this consideration that the church and the synagogues be governed by the same model . sect. 8. we see how probable he hath made this his assertion : he cometh p. 261. to shew what particular practices of the synagogue , the apostles did take up and follow ; and first he speaketh of their publick service in the church : where all that he can attain to is this , that there was in the church , as there had been in the synagogue , solemn prayers , praises , reading of scripture , and t●aching of the people out of it : all which are parts of moral worship ; and would have been in the church though there had never been a synagogue to take example by ; he is forced to acknowledge a considerable difference , viz. omitting the reading the sections of the law as was done in the synagogue , and celebrating the lords supper , which was not in it : which one consideration destroyeth all that he is at so much pains to establish : for if christ and his apostles had made the synagogue their pattern , they might easily have conformed to them in reading the sections of the law and taking the lords supper , from some of their customes as well as they did baptism , as this author alledgeth . next he cometh p. 264. to ordination : about which he maketh a great deal of do , but to no purpose : for ordination i. e. a solemn setting of men apart for the office of the ministry , doth naturally follow as necessary to order ; supposing that some should be in that office and the work be not common to all , which i believe should have been in the church whatever had been done in the synagogue ; as for the rite of it ; laying on of hands , whether it was used in the synagogue or not is not worth our enquiry , for it will not thence follow that the apostles took it from the confederate discipline of the synagogue ( i. e. from their men-devised customes ) as our author confidently asserteth : but all that he discourseth proveth not this , but only , if it prove any thing , that it was used in the synagogue . i assert with more warrant that it was taken up both by the synagogue and by the apostles from the ancient custome of blessing , or dedicating any thing to god by this ceremony : of this judgment is calv. inst. lib. cap. 4. sect. hunc autem ritum fluxisse arbitror ab hebraeorum more , qui quod benedictum aut consecratum volebant , manuum impositione deo quasi repraesentabant : sic jacob benedicens ephraim & manasse , eorum capitibus manus imposuit : quod sequutus est dominus noster , cum super infantes precationem faceret : eodem ut arbitror significatu judaei ex legis praescripto suis sacrificiis manus imponebant : quare apostoli per manuum impositionem eum se deo offerre significabant quem initiabant in ministerium : quanquam usui sit etiam super eos , quibus visibilis spiritus gratias conferebant . we see then it was not the practice in synagogue-ordination only : but in many things else , and it is most probable that this rite so constantly used in all ages of the church , in all cases of blessing or consecration hath something more in it then humane institution in the synagogue : the constant use of it by men infallibly guided , as abraham , the apostles , christ himself ; the commanding of it in the like case of consecration under the law cannot but give it a stamp of divine authority . yea we find the levites thus ordained num. 8. 10. wherefore all this his pains doth not prove that gospel-ordinance was taken up from the humane custome of the synagogue . a few things in this his discourse . i shall further shortly take notice of . p. 264 , 265. he will have gospel-ministers not to succeeed ( no not by analogie ) to the priests and levites , but rather to the officers in the synagogues : for the priests were not admitted by solemn ordination ; but judged of their fitness , as to birth and body by the same ordination : but the rulers of the synagogues were admitted by ordination : and if any of the priests came to that office , they as well as others had their peculiar designation and appointment to it . here i reply . 1. i believe that gospel-ministers did not properly succeed to either of these ; but stand upon another foundation , viz. christs institution : and so it is needless to enquire which of them they should succeed to . i yield also , that the name of priests under the gospel hath brought in the thing it self , and even the mass : which ought not to be . 2. what can he design by this discourse ? would he make the office of the ministry stand on no other bottom but imitation of the synagogues rulers ; and these rulers to be brought in by a confederate discipline , i. e. to be a humane invention ? if he say not this , he saith nothing to the purpose ; but i hope he will not say it . 3. it is false , that the priests were not solemnly set apart for their office ; though they had it by birth , yet they behoved to be solemnly initiated to it ; and i am sure mr. still . would not have said , that they were no otherwise set apart but by the judgment of the sanhedrim , of their birth and body ; if he had not in this so consulted antiquity , as that he forgot to look into the bible . i do not deny but there was such a judgment to pass on them , ( neither ought ministers be now admitted without tryal ) yea the scripture ( which is surer than the talmud ) telleth us so much . ezr. 2. 62 , 63. yet we find also their solemn setting apart to the office described , exod. 28. 41. and 29. 1. lev. 8. 2 , &c. and spoken of , 2 chron. 26. 18. yea the very idol-priests would not want this solemn setting apart , 2 chron. 13 , 9. jud. 17. 5 , 12. yea , our authors opinion everteth it self ; for to what purpose was a publick judging of them before their entry on the exercise of their office , if there was no solemn admission of them to it ; sure a solemn declaring them such as god had appointed his priests to be ( if there had been no more , they being kept from exercising the office till this was done ) was a solemn admission . 4. i would know who these others were who were rulers of the synagogue , and so teachers of the people ; at least superintenders over gods publick worship ( as he elswhere phraseth it ) beside the priests ? if they were only levites , or others also , as he seemeth to imply : and if any other but priests and levites were admitted to that office , i would know quo warranto : sure the scripture speaketh of these as old testament-teachers , neh. 8. 9. 2 chron. 17. 8 , 9. and of none else , but immediately inspired prophets . but i see mr. stilling . looketh more to rabinical stories in these matters , than to the bible : and to the customs of the synagogue in the days of the apostacy than to the commands of god , as he gave them , though they be rare who are made mad by too much learning ; yet there are whom too much reading ( without holding to the scripture as the rule ) maketh to dote . i need not insist on what he writeth , p. 268 , &c. of the rite of laying on of hands ; enough hath been said , to shew that it proveth not what he intendeth : nor on the persons ordaining in the synagogue and in the church ; of which he , pa. 272 , &c. for in both he confesseth abomination to have been done in common by those in power ; and afterward without divine warrant restrained to one : if christ hath given power to all presbyters to do it ; we must have some warrant to restrain this power ere we dare do it ; but of this enough before . sect. 9. in his further prosecuting the correspondence of the apostolick church with the synagogue : he speaketh p. 285. of the order setled by the apostles in the churches planted by them , for ruling of them : and first he maketh a work about the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the synagogue ; but from his own discourse it 's clear how little weight is to be laid on this consideration , as to what he intendeth : seeing that name was ever used to denote power and dignity , whether in church or state , and so doth no more belong to the synagogue than other things . i take notice of what he saith in the end of p. 286. if his design is not to dispute the arguments of of either party , ( viz. those who conceive the apostles setled the government of the church in absolute purity , or else by superiority and subordination among the setled officers of the church ) but to lay down these principles , which may equally concern both , in order to accommodation . but i humbly conceive , it was very incumbent upon him to answer the arguments of both parties : and they must be answered to us before we be obliged to receive his doctrine ( of which anon ) that we cannot know what form the apostles setled , and that they setled not any one form . for as long as arguments brought by either of the controverting parties do stand untaken away ; to prove that the apostles setled this or that form : the judgment can never acquiesce in his opinion , that they setled none ; or that we cannot know what they setled . this is a strange way of disputing , especially when the design is to satisfie the conscience in order to peace , and yielding up its opinion : to lay down such principles to this end , with strong arguments standing against them , untouched or answered . 't is like mr. stilling . thinketh that when he hath furnished men with some probabilities , that may encourage them to comply with what government shall be set up in the church ; their interest and maintenance should resist the strength of all arguments against it : for he will furnish them with no help in this ; but they must have very pliable consciences , if will be furnished to an opinion so maintained . his principles in order to accommodation , or all that he will say of the apostles government , he draweth into 3 propositions , p. 287. which in sum are these : that we cannot know what was the apostles practice : that it was not always the same : that whatever it was , we are not obliged to observe it . let us hear how he maketh these out . sect. 10. his first proposition he setteth down thus : that we cannot arrive to such an absolute certainty what course the apostles took in governing churches , as to infer from thence the only divine right of that one form which the several parties imagine come nearest to it . this proposition is not so ingenuously nor clearly set down as need were ; wherefore i shall a little remove the mist cast on the truth by his words , which may make simple souls mistake it . and 1. there is some ambiguity in [ absolute certainty ] if he mean so much certainty as amounteth to plerophory , and doth dispell all degrees of darkness and doubting , this we assert , not that every one may attain ( such is the darkness of mens minds ( neither is it needful to this that we look upon what the apostles did , as being juris divini . if we mean , so much certainty as doth incline the mind to the one part , and not leave it in suspence : we assert , that this may be attained in reference to what is in question . 2. the matter in debate , is very obscurely , if not fraudulently expressed by these words [ what course the apostles took in governing churches ] the question is not , whether we can know every thing that they did in this , ( for many particulars are comprehended in this general expression ) but whether we can know if the setled presbyters acting in parity , or bishops acting with authority over presbyters , as the ordinary officers of the church ▪ 3. it is not fair dealing to imply ( as this proposition doth ) that we infer the only divine right of one form from bare apostolical practice : he knows that we walk upon other grounds , viz. we take christs command of imitating the apostles : the parity between our case and theirs , which may make the morality of our practice to be the same with theirs . 4. it is not the one form which several parties imagine to come nearest to apostolical practice : but that which is proved to be really the same with it , we plead for : it 's not mans imaginations , but scriptural grounds which we establish that correspondency upon , we are asserting between apostolical practice , and what we would have to be now in the church . the antithesis then which we maintain against this his proposition , is this , that they who search the scripture may come to be satisfied on good grounds , whether the apostles in planting churches did setle presbyters acting in parity , or bishops ruling over presbyters as their ordinary officers : so as they may ( considering the duty laid on us to follow them , and the parity of our case with theirs ) infer the divine right of that one form ( of these two ) which was used by the apostles . for proof of this our antithesis i refer to the consideration laid down , p. 184 , 185. about the perfection of scripture-history , and its design to instruct us in this point : which doth so far prevail with me , that i look upon the authors proposition as such a reflexion on scripture , that any but a papist may be ashamed of . to this i add , that the arguments brought for presbyterial government by the assertors of it , do evidently destroy the authors proposition , and do establish our antithesis : which seeing he doth not intend nor endeavour to answer , we need not insist upon . a further confirmation of our antithesis , shall be to take off the arguments that he hath brought for his proposition , which i now come to . sect. 11. his first argument is , p. 287. from the equivalency of the names and doubtfulness of their signification , from which the form of government used in the new testament , should be determined . he saith , that it is hotly pleaded on both sides , that the form of government must be derived from the importance of the names [ bishop and presbyter ] and that there can be no way to come to a determination what the certain sense of these names is in scripture . he maketh out the uncertainty , by laying down four opinions about the signification of these names : and from this variety of interpretation , inferreth that we cannot know what sense they are to be taken in . ans. 1. when he saith that it is pleaded on both sides , that the form of government must be derived from the names of bishop and presbyter ; this is a misrepresentation ; for 1. there be arguments from which it might well be derived , though these names should never be mentioned . 2. when we dispute from these names , it is not from the bare force of the word ; but from this , that the scripture doth often apply these names to the same thing , never to divers officers in the church : and therefore , there is no ground for asserting the difference of bishop and presbyter . this is a surer argument , than what can be drawn from the importance of names . answ. 2. it is most false and injurious to the spirit of god speaking in his word , to say , that there can be no way to determine what is the certain sense of these names in scripture . we must then say , that the spirit of god speaketh that which cannot be understood , if he use names and words to express some thing to us , and it is impossible to know what is meant by them . when we hear of bishops and presbyters in any place of scripture ; either we must say , that these words signifie nothing , or that they mean somewhat , but no man can know what it is , or that we may come to know what is meant by them . the former two are foul reflexions on the author of holy scripture : yea , it were a reflexion on a man to speak or write ( in a book designed for instruction ) that which either hath no meaning , or such as cannot be known . the 3d , contradicteth our authors assertion . his proof of the uncertainty of the signification of these names , we have met with before in the like case : it is a most unhappy and inconsequential reason ; men have divers ways understood these words of the holy ghost , ergo , they cannot be understood at all . they must have a meaning , and it is our duty to search it out , however men differ about it . there are better reasons brought by presbyterians , to prove that these two names signifie the same thing ; which was incumbent on this author to answer , and not to shift the matter with saying , that other men think otherwise . i shall give but this instance , or hint , which may satisfie any what is the meaning of these words in scripture . tit. 2. the apostle leaveth in crete titus to ordain elders or presbyters , verse 5. and telleth him how they must be qualified , verse 6 and giveth this reason , why they must have such qualifications , verse 7. for a bishop must be blameless : if a bishop were another thing than a presbyter , to what purpose were this reason here brought ? ergo , they are one and the same thing . and if any affirm , that these words signifie different things in any place of scripture , let him prove it , and we shall yield the cause . i might also shew , that the same office and work is every where in scripture laid on both these ; and that never any thing is given to the one , but what is given to the other : but this hath been done , and other arguments managed fully by our writers against episcopacy ; neither hath mr. stilling . had the confidence to answer them , though destroying this his assertion , and therefore i shall supersede this labour . for the name of [ angels of the churches ] the argument brought from it is not ours , but our opposites . sect. 12. his 2d . argument for the uncertainty of apostolical practice , p. 290. is , that the places of scripture most in controversie about the form of government , may be without any incongruity understood of either of the different forms , which he maketh out by going through the several places . the first is , acts 11. 30. where it is said , that the relief for the brethren of judea was sent to the elders . there is nothing here , saith he , to shew whether there were the local elders of jerusalem , or the bishops of the several churches of judea . answ. i wonder why he should have brought this as the first , or as one of these few scriptures that he undertaketh to answer , ( for , the most part of the most pungent scriptures against his design , he doth not so much as mention ) for , i think , it is very little insisted on by either party : nor can i remember that i have met with it ; as brought to prove either parity or imparity . yet i do not doubt but at least some probability may be hence brought , that the apostolick churches were governed by the parity of elders ; for which i lay down briefly these grounds , first , the elders here spoken of , are the governors of the church ; this he doth not deny . 2dly , they were the governors of the church of jerusalem . this he saith , is not sure ; for they might be the bishops of the churches of judea . but against this i argue ; 1. it is not enough to say , they might be ; but what ground is there to think that they were the bishops of judea , we bring probable grounds for what we assert ; but what can be said for the contrary ? it is a bold way of expounding scripture , to say such a sense it may have , when there is no ground to think that it hath such a sense ; but some ground to the contrary . 2. however , the relief ought to be sent to all the churches of judea , yet it is delivered at jerusalem to be sent abroad : for it is delivered to these elders by barnabas and paul ; whom it is not like they sent through the several churches of judea : 't is spoken of as one single act of theirs , delivering the others to a company of elders met together . now it is not imaginable , that all the bishops of judea were met together on this occasion : for what needed such a convention for receiving alms ? yea , we have no ground to think that it was so natural to them before-hand , as that they could meet about it . neither hath that conceit of some , any probability ; that these bishops did reside at jerusalem : such men did not begin so soon to slight their particular charge , but of this after ; these elders then were the elders of jerusalem . 3. we find a company of elders ordinarily at jerusalem , not only acts 15. 6. which might be upon the solemn occasion of the council ; but act. 21. 18. that these were the elders of judea , come up with their flocks to keep the feast of pentecost ( as mr. still . guesseth ) is a most irrational conceit : for though many of the jews were zealous of the law ; shall we think that the apostles had set teachers over them , who were no better instructed in the gospel than so ? and besides , these believing jews , ver . 20. who are said to be zealous of the law , can neither be proved to have been then present at jerusalem ; for they might hear of paul's condescendency to their customs , though they were not there : neither that they were those of the country of judea ; they might be of jerusalem it self : but i incline rather to the first . now we find not any other company of all the elders of judea met in one place : these were then the elders of jerusalem . 4. it is then observed , both by the ordinary gloss , and by lyra in loc . that this famine was mainly like to be in jerusalem : the believers there being spoiled of their movable goods in the persecution about stephen ; and therefore this relief was chiefly to them : ergo , they are the elders of jerusalem , which here received it . now from these grounds it easily followeth what we intend , viz. if there was a company of elders who were rulers of the church at jerusalem : then this church ( of the rest there is the same reason ) was not governed by a bishop , but by presbyters acting in parity . it is strange , if the elders of the church should be spoken of , and no notice taken of my lord bishop ( if there were any such person ) in such a matter . sect. 13. the 2d place is act. 14. 23 , when they had ordained them elders in every church , to which he joineth the 3d , tit. 1. 5. that thou shouldest ordain elders in every city . of which places he saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie no more but ecclesiatim and oppidatim ; so that the places may well be understood of ordaining one elder in every church and city , or of more , but doth not determine whether one or more were ordained in them . but granting all that he alledgeth , a strong argument for our purpose may be brought from these places , thus : there was at least in every church one elder , in the apostles times , and such an elder as was also a bishop and had governing power over the church , as appeareth by comparing vers . 7. of tit. 2. with this vers 5. but there could not be in every church a diocesan bishop ruling over presbyters : for one of these are over many churches , ergo. the church was then governed by the elders of the several churches acting in parity : for if every church had its elder , or elders , and these all were rulers , then the rule was not in the hand of one superiour over many churches . nothing can be questioned in this argument , except it be said that every church here is not every congregational but diocesan church . but this can in no wise be , for there was a necessity of an elder or elders in every congregational church for the peoples instruction : if these then did rule , the church was ruled by the elders of congregational churches . the next place is act ▪ 20. 17. and from miletus paul sent and called the elders of the church . these , say we , were elders of the church of ephesus , to whom in common paul committeth the ruling of the church , vers . 28. not to one bishop over the rest , so that church was governed by parity of elders . to this place he answereth by shewing some probabilities for both meanings , viz. that these were the elders of ephesus ; and that they were the bishops of asia : but taketh no pains to answer what is said on either hand , only concludeth , that because there is probability on both hands there is no fixed truth on either ; which is most detestable scepticism : for if there be arguments for both parts , sure both cannot be true , seeing they are contradictory , neither can both be false for the same reason , for contradictoriarum altera semper est vera , altera semper est falsa : then it was his part either to shew that neither of the arguments prove any thing , by answering to them , or to hold to the one as true , and not to hang between two . but i prove that these elders were the elders of ephesus , not the bishops of asia . 1. ( which argument he mentioneth but he answereth not ) the article in the greek maketh it clear , it being demonstratory doth apply his speech to the church which he had mentioned in particular : where when it 's said that he sent to ephesus and called for the elders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it might well be translated [ of that church : ] it pointeth out that church and no other . it is an unheard of way of speaking when a particular thing or person is mentioned , and the demonstrative article joined to it , that that speech should be understood of any other but that . 2. paul sent to ephesus for these elders , not through the several parts of asia . ergo. they were at ephesus not in other churches . that he did not send through other places to gather them together is evident both because the text mentioneth sending to ephesus , not other places ; and it is strange if he sent through all asia and mention be only made of sending to one place not to any other : also because paul was then in hast passing by them vers . 16. wherefore 't is not like that he could stay for the convening of a synod of bishops from many remote parts . that which is alledged by some , that the bishops of asia did reside at ephesus , and thence were sent for by paul , is most absurd ; for 1. there is not the least shaddow or reason to think that non residence of fixed officers did so soon creep into the church . let us see any instance or warrant to think that any who had a fixed charge did leave it long , or often , or at all , but upon some weighty and extraordinary emergent . 2. what could be their business at ephesus : their work lay elsewhere , and there they could do nothing except to meet and consult about matters of common concerment : which will not infer ordinary residence there . 3. the work of these elders was particular inspection over their flocks ; vers . 28. [ over all the flock ] which they could not have if they resided at ephesus , and had their charges lying up and down asia , for that probability which he bringeth for the contrary , it is none at all , viz. it is said vers . 18. that he had been with them at all seasons ; but he was not all the time in ephesus , but abroad in asia as act. 19. 10 , 22 , 26. answ. [ at all seasons ] must not be taken in such rigour as if he had never stirr'd a foot out of ephesus ; but that he had his residence and preached most th●re , which is evident from act. 19. 1 , 9. 10. he disputed daily in the school of tyrannus ; this was at ephesus : and it is said that it continued 2 years , i. e. for the most part of the time he was there , and yet might sometimes preach elsewhere . for the humane testimonies he bringeth for either part , i we●e then in the same ballance with him and shall be content to lay no stress upon them . as for the 1 tim. 3 ▪ 1. which is his other place , we make no argument from it ▪ but maintain that it speaketh not of a diocesan bishop : let them who assert the con●rary prove it . his discourse p. 293. is a very unsavory comparing of some philosophical problems which cannot well be determined ( and therefore we may hesitate about them ) with points of truth revealed in scripture ; as if we might also be sceptick in these . but sure the comparison is miserably lame , for 1. these do not concerne our faith or duty as these other do , and therefore there is much less hazard in scepticism about the one than the other . 2. even in those points the motion of the earth or heaven , the flux and reflux of the sea , there is some truth in them , though men through darkness cannot see it : neither must we say that nothing there is , because there is nothing certain to us in these things ; or that men may impose on our belief what they please in them : hence men are the more studious in searching out these secrets and give them not over as being destitute of all objective truth . but he dealeth worse with the things of church-government ; he will have no objective truth in it , and no duty to lye on us in searching out the truth , but that we must believe what men say of it . for conclusion of what i would say to this ground of his scepticism about church-government , i will but mention several scriptures . on which the truth in this is built viz. that the apostolick form was parity , which mr. still . hath not so much as touched : neither need i insist on them , seeing arguments from them are established by our writers , and not enervated by him . one place is 1 tim. 4. 14. where tim. is said to be ordained by a presbytery or company of elders joyning with paul in that action : this could not have been if elders had not had a parity of power . another is , 1 cor. 5. 4 , 5. where excommunication is transacted by the authority of a community , not of a single person : and so is the relaxing of that sentence 2 cor. 2. 8. 10. also 1 thess. 5. 12. they who ruled that church , who were over them , and must be obeyed , were many ; not one person : yea that work and the work of labouring among the people and admonishing them are made to be the business of the same persons ; which is a demonstration that the presbyters of that church did rule in common and not a bishop over them . heb. 13. 7 , 17. proveth also the same thing most clearly . other places might be brought , but these instances may shew that mr. stilling . undertaking to shew that no place in scripture determineth what was the form of government in the apostolick church , doth not touch the most considerable places commonly brought to that purpose : but hath mentioned a few , and those which are least insisted on by them whom he opposeth ; and even to them he hath said nothing to scare any from using them as arguments afterward . his third argument for the uncertainty of the primitive or apostolical form of government , taken from the insufficiency of the testimony of antiquity , is this ; i pass it , because we have ground enough for the certainty of it from scripture , and what he saith proveth no more but that antiquity is not sufficient to bear witness to it : also because all or most that he there discourseth proveth that it cannot be gathered from ancient records that episcopacy was the apostolical form , which we willingly yield . sect. 14. i come then to his 2d proposition mentioned before , which he layeth down p. 322. thus , that the apostles in probability did not observe any one fixed course of setling the government of churches ; but settled it according to the several circumstances of places and persons which they had to deal with . this assertion he layeth down ex abundanti , not as a foundation of his opinion but a doctrine of probability , which may tend to compose differences about church-government . to clear our way in this dispute with him , let it be observed , 1. that the question being only about parity and imparity of pastors , all other differencies in apostolick practices that may be alledged are impertinent to this purpose . 2. it helpeth not him , nor harmeth our cause , if we should grant , that the apostles did in some extraordinary cases vary from their ordinary course : for it is what they did ordinarily , and where no extraordinary cause moved them to do otherwise , that we inquire about . 3. our question is not about the government of the church that was for a time exercised by extraordinary officers immediately sent of god : but what was the way the apostles settled that the church should be governed in by her ordinary and abiding officers . wherefore it maketh nothing for his purpose if it be made out that the church was some times governed one way by extraordinary officers , at other times or places another way by ordinary officers . taking these considerations along with us , i come to hear the proofs of this his proposition . the first is taken p. 323. from the different state , condition and quantity of the churches planted by the apostles , and here he premiseth 3 things , viz. that god did not give the apostles equal suceess of their labours in all places , that a small number of believers did not require the same number of officers to teach and govern them that a greater church did . 3. that the apostles did settle church-officers according to the probability of increase of believers , and in order thereto , in some great places . about these i shall not controvert with him ; only the 2d must be understood with this distinction , else we cannot grant it ; that a fewer number , if formed into a church-society , though it did not need as great a number of officers of every kind , as teachers , elders , deacons ; yet would it need as many sorts of officers ; and the reason is because all those acts are needful to be done to them which must be done to greater congregations : they must be taught , ruled , and their poor cared for ; and therefore they must not want any of these sorts of officers whose work these acts were : i mean where such officers could be had : for christs institutions tye not to impossibilities . from these premisses he inferreth these two conclusions to make out his proposition ; the first is p. 325. that in churches consisting of a small number of believers where there was no great probability of increase afterwards , one single pastor with deacons under him were only constituted by the apostles for the ruling of these churches . on this conclusion ( before i come to his proofs of it ) i shall make these remarques . 1. here is nothing here for the imparity of presbyters , or the authority of a bishop over presbyters ; if where more presbyters could not be had , one was to do the work , this doth not at all say that the apostles ever did , or that we may set one over the rest , where many may be had to rule the church . this conclusion then proveth nothing . 2. these deacons that here he speaketh of either had ruling power or not : if he say the first i doubt , if he can prove that ever any such deacons were in the apostolick churches , where the deacons work was to serve , not to rule that church : and if they had ruling power they were not only deacons but ruling elders , both works being laid on the same persons for want of men to exercise them distinctly ; which maketh nothing against presbyterians . if the second , first i question if any instance can be given of a church so constituted by the apostles . 2. if it was so , it was necessity , not choice that made them be without ruling elders . sect. 15. but how proveth he this his conclusion ? by 3 or 4 testimonies out of clement , epiph. and others . what ? hath he so soon forgot himself ? he had immediately before spent about 30 pages in proving that the testimony of the fathers is not sufficient to prove what was the apostles practice ; and that by making out the defectiveness ambiguity , partiality and repugnancy of the records of the succeeding ages : it is strange then that to prove this his assertion concerning apostolick practice , he should bring no other argument at all but such as he had set that nigrum theta upon . neither see i what those testimonies prove contrary to us . the testimony of clement saith no more than what is implyed , phil. 1. 1. that the apostles ordained bishops and deacons : and our author himself maintaineth that those were not by their constitution any more than presbyters : whatever they might after get by mens institution proveth not what was apostolick constitution . for the testimony of epiphanius he confesseth its intricacie and obscurity , and therefore ( by his own argument , of which before ) it is not to be laid weight upon : but he taketh a great deal of pains to explain it and make it speak this , in sum : that at first there were only bishops and deacons ( by bishops he meaneth presbyters , as appears from his subjoyning immediately that there was necessity for presbyters and deacons ) and that by these all ecclesiastical offices might be performed : but afterward where there was need and there were found any worthy of it , there was a bishop appointed : but where there were not many to be presbyters ; they were content with a bishop and deacons . here are 3 cases ; presbyters and deacons ; a bishop and deacons ; this in case of necessity where more presbyters could not be had : this bishop , as hath been shewn before , could be nothing above a presbyter ; none of those cross our design : for the third , viz. a bishop set over presbyters , first epiphanius doth not say it was so appointed by the apostles , but [ it was done ] it is like he meaneth by succeeding ages . 2. he doth not say that this bishop was set over presbyters with jurisdiction ; he might be meerly a praeses , so there is nothing here to prove that the apostles ever setled any thing contrary to parity of presbyters . the testimony out of clem. alexan. even with salmasius his commentary proveth no more but that in some places were more presbyters , in some fewer , in some but one . his last testimony saith nothing at all to the purpose : only that the apostles settled things by degrees , not that ever they set up bishops . sect. 16. the 2d conclusion that he inferreth , p. 332. that in churches consisting of a multitude of believers , or where there was a probability of a great increase by preaching the gospel , the apostles did settle a college of presbyters , whose office was partly to govern the church already formed , and partly to labour in converting more . this we close with , and from it , and the former conclusion which make up his whole argument , infer the quite contrary to his design , viz. that the apostles kept a most uniform course , ( so far as necessity did permit ) in setling the government of churches : and that they setled the government in the hands of presbyters acting in a society where they could be had , and singly where more could not be : and that they never setled it in the hand of a bishop ruling over presbyters . all this is evident from what hath been said . he taketh occasion , p. 336 , &c. to speak against the office of ruling-elders in the church : in which dispute he toucheth not any ( except one scripture ) of those arguments which are brought by the defenders of that office : which is but a slight way of disputing against any opinion . it is not needful to our design to handle this debate fully , till that be answered which is writen by the author of the assertion of the government of the church of scotland : by the author of the treatise of ruling-elders and deacons : by the london ministers in their jus divinum reg. eccles. and in their vindication of pres. gov. by smect . by calv. just. lib. 4. c. 4. sect . 8. and lib. 4. c. 11. sect . 6. by peter martyr , loc. com . clas . 4. c. 1. num . 11. and many others . wherefore i shall only answer what this author hath said against the truth in this point . whereas among many other scriptures proving this office , 1 tim. 5. 17. is brought as one , there being implied there a distinction of elders that rule well , and are to be honoured with double honour ; into such as labour in the word and doctrine , and another member of the distinction not expressed , which can be none else but elders who rule and do not labour in the word and doctrine , i. e. whose office it is only to rule , not to teach publickly , as pastors . of this scripture he pretendeth to bring a full , clear and easie understanding , viz. that of the elders that were ordained in great churches , ( who had power to discharge all pastoral acts , but did not all attend equally the same part of the work ) some did most attend the ruling of the flock already converted ; others laboured most in converting others by preaching ; and that according to their several abilities : now these last deserved greater honour , both because their burthen was greater , and their sufferings more . this is no new , though it be a false interpretation : for the author of asser. govern. ch. of scotl. p. 48 , 46. bringeth it as one of dr. fields answers to the same place : or rather two of them which by our author are put together . but against this exposition of the text , i thus argue : 1. this gloss supposeth that there were elders , whose office it was to teach and to rule : and yet they did ordinarily neglect the one part of this their work , and contented themselves with doing the other : is it imaginable that the lord allows any honour at all upon such ? and yet the text alloweth double honour , even on unpreaching elders , though the preachers have it more especially . this reason is strongly enforced , if we consider that church-power communicated by christ to the officers of his house , is not only a licence or permission ( as we noted before ) but a charge of which they must give an account : as it is said of church-rulers heb. 13. 17. neither do i see how any who by their office are preachers of the gospel , can free themselves of that wherewith the apostle chargeth himself , 1 cor. 9. 16 necessity is laid upon me , yea wo is unto me if i preach not the gospel , and of that charge laid on timothy ( who was as much taken up with ruling as any ) 2. tim. 4. 2. that he should preach the word , be instant in season , out of season : may men when christ hath put them in office and given them a charge ; choose what part of the work of that office and charge they will do , and what not ? but i perceive , this man's principles lead him to subject all christs institutions to mens will , to cut and carve of them as they please : christ hath given pastors a charge that they should teach and rule his church . he had pleaded before the ruling-power may be taken from some , and laid on others ; now he affirmeth the same of teaching-power : this is intolerable boldness . 2. we have no better ground for judging of the diversity of officers in the church , than by considering divers sorts of work which some did ordinarily with the lord's approbation , that others did not , but were employed in other work . what better note can we have to know what is a mans office ; than his work which he is ordinarily employed in , and that with god's own approbation ? wherefore , if some elders preached , others preached not , but ruled ; we must think that these were distinct officers , and that their office led them only to do what they did . 3. this learned author should have brought some reason for what he alledgeth , viz. that these unpreaching eledrs , who ruled , had power to preach ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shall not persuade us of it : neither is there the least shew of warrant for such an assertion . if it be said that they preached sometimes , and therefore could not be without preaching-power . answ. it cannot be proved that there were any officers in the apostolick church , who had preaching-power , or did sometimes preach , and yet were so taken up with ruling , that they did not ordinarily preach . 4. we may with as much ( yea the same ) reason say , that every officer in the church had all church-power , and might occasionally exert it ; though some according to their gift did ordinarily exert one part ; others , another : and that deacons might preach , and do all the work of the pastors , though ordinarily , being better gifted for that , they served tables : but this is to jumble together what the lord hath made an ordinary separation of . 5. this opinion maketh the different work that church-officers are employed in , not to proceed from distinct office or power , but from different gifts , which would bring a babel of confusion into the church ; for 1. as men think they are gifted , so will they take up their work ; and so most will readily incline to the easiest work , and think their gift lieth that way , to the great neglect of the difficult and main business ; and because ruling is sweet to an ambitious mind , and laborious preaching is painful ; we shall have abundance of rulers , but few teachers . 2. by the same reason one may neglect all the parts of his work , that he may neglect one : pretending that his gift is not for this , nor for that , and that they may be done by others . if it must be said ▪ the church must appoint them their work , and not leave it to their choice . answ. if the church appoint timothy's work to be to rule , and exempt him from preaching ordinarily ; i see not how he differeth from the ruling-elders , which this author disputeth against , notwithstanding his supposed power to preach ; which to him is an idle talent ( i mean , if this be done warrantably : otherwise it is not done ) especially , if the church give him no more power than christ hath given to every pastor , that is , to rule over the flock with the equal concurrence of his fellow-presbyters ; not to rule over presbyters by himself singly : for that they cannot give him this power , i have before proved . 6. if the elders that preach , because of the greatness of their work and sufferings , have more honour than they who only rule ; then the bishop being of this last sort , must be inferiour in honour to those other presbyters : especially this must hold in the opinion of this author , who holdeth , that bishop and presbyter differ not jure divino : but this i suppose will not well please his lordship and indeed is very unsuitable to the dignity of one who ruleth over others : sure the dignity of church-officers is to be reckoned by the dignity of their place ; where it is different : as it is by the discharge of their work where their place is the same . sect. 17. to strengthen this his conceit , he brings a testimony out of chrysost. affirming , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the fixed officers of particular churches , who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were inferiour to them , who preaching the gospel , travelled abroad into divers places . answ. this is not at all to the purpose : for they who so travelled abroad , were evangelists ; no fixed officers : but of the former , the apostle doth not at all speak here ; it rather appeareth ( saith the author , asser. 1. gover. ch. scotl. ) that elders were ordained in every city , there to abide with their particular charges , acts 14. 23. tit. 1. 5. he argueth also thus against ruling-elders : these elders are not the bishops paul speaketh of , 1 tim. 3. for these must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , verse 2. l. answ. the author now cited , answereth this argument brought by dr. field , and citeth beza , answering to sarav . who had used it . passing his first answer , i make use of the 2d , which is beza's , that the ruling-elder , though he ought not to teach publickly as a pastor , yet he ought to teach privately , and occasionally , according as the need of every one requireth : it is his part to oversee the manners of the people , and to bring miscarriages to the church , to be censur'd ; but first he is to labour to reclaim the offender by private admonition , according to christ's rule , matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. and that not only ex charitate , as every christian ought to do ; but virtute officii and authoritatively : and for this cause he ought to be a man of understanding above the common sort , both able and willing to teach ( so the word beareth ) so far as his place requireth . again , he argueth from act. 20. 28. all the elders of ephesus had a pastoral charge , for they are bid take heed to the flock as overseers : but this is inconsistent with the notion of a lay-elder , ergo , there were none such at ephesus . answ. the major is false : they had a charge and oversight : but every oversight is not pastoral . ruling also falleth under this notion , which is the office of the elder we plead for . he confesseth , p. 338. the weakness of that argument from maintenance , which he saith brought blondel quite off from ruling-elders , in that place of 1 tim. 5 ▪ 17. it is true , blondel de jur . pleb . in reg. eccl. p. 77 , &c. alledgeth , that these elders are not there meant , because maintenance ( implied in double honour , as is clear from ver . 18. compared ) is due to these , but not to ruling-elders . yet the argument , with all the enforcements of that learned author , will not prove what he designeth . for 1. some famous interpreters understand this double honour , only of a degree of honour beyond these spoken of before , viz. widows , so calv. in loc . 2. how shall it be proved , that maintenance is not due to ruling-elders , or the seniores plebis , as blondel calleth them ? his arguments taken from the difuse of it , will not conclude this : neither what he saith of the want of power in any to remit it : for where it cannot be had for them , necessity excuseth the withholding of it : where it cannot be had , let the inhauncers of church-rents answer for it , if such necessaries be not supplied to the church : neither do i blame him for blaming ( p. 83. ) these protestant nations , who have cast out abbacies which abounded in riches , have rather taken the revenues into the state-treasury , than allowed it for such good uses as this . i add for further answer out of asser. gover. ch. scotl. p. 105. that a stipend , though due , is not essential to the office , either of elders or ministers ; and therefore the want of the one , can be no argument against the other ; but neither is blondel against the office of ruling-elders ( though he deny them to be spoken of in 1 tim. 5. 17. but disputeth strongly for it , yea , and groundeth it on the apostles practice , p. 85 , which is an evidence of divine right . the next thing mr. stilling . saith against ruling-elders , is , that if we remove from the scripture to the primitive church , we shall find the greatest difficulty to trace the footsteps of a lay-elder through the records of authority for the first 3 centuries especially . answ. 1. we look on the scripture as a surer word of prophecy , and therefore are unwilling to pass from it , to that which mr. stilling hath above proved , to be utterly so insufficient to determine in matters of church-government . 2. others are of another mind that this author . blondel . de jur . pleb . in reg. eccl. p. 85. aliis igitur , saith he , firmamentis , iis nimirum , qui nobis apostolorum primamque per trium saeculorum culorum periodum antiquitatis , praxin stravit , seniorum plebis institutio & functio ( ut sic dicam ) vitae à protestantibus per gallias , scotiam , belgiam instituta statuminanda est . and asser. grov . ch. scot. par . 1. c. 8 , 9. unpregnable and abundant testimonies out of antiquity are brought for this office , which seeing mr. stilling . hath not answered , it is needless to insist on them . 3. but , and if in many places in the primitive times this office was difused , it was their fault , and taken notice of by the better sort , calv. in 1 tim. 5. 17. speaking of this office , saith , hunc morem ambrosius absolevisse conqueritur doctorum ignavia , vel potius superbia dum soli volunt eminere . see testimonies for the antiquity of it , smect . sect . 15. sect. 18. his second proof of his second proposition , viz. that the apostles took diverse courses in ruling churches , is p. 340. from the multitude of unfixed officers residing in some places , who managed the affairs of the church in chief , during their residence : such were apostles and evangelists . in some places , saith he , these were , others not , and in some places no officers but these . answ. this is obviated by our 3d observ. for the question is only about government by ordinary and abiding officers , and that only where they could be had , of whom this proof doth not speak . his 3d proof , ibid. is from the different customs observed in the church after the apostles times . this is most inconsequent : yea , one might as well reason thus : in after-times they set up metropolitans , and at last a pope , ergo , it was so in the apostles times . we say then , that diversity in after ages flowed from this ; that men ( following mr. stilling . principles ) did not follow divine institution , or apostolick practice , but their own wit and reason . beside , the diversities he here instanceth in , are not to the purpose ; for he doth not shew us that parity was in one place , and imparity in another ; but that in one place the presbyters chused their bishop , in another not . sect. 19. we come at last to his 3d proposition about apostolick practice p. 341. viz. that a meer apostolical practice being supposed , is not sufficient of it self for the founding of an unalterable and perpetual rite for the form of government in the church which is supposed to be founded on that practice . this doctrine he laid down before par . 1 c. 1. p. 23. and we examined p. _____ where i stated that question far otherwise than he seemeth here to do ; and indeed th●s proposition , as here laid down , might be yielded by us : neither doth it nor his arguments for it touch th● controversie , which is andabatarum more pugnare . we lay no obligation on any by a meer apostolical practice ; but by their practice considered as done in the same case that we are in . neither 2. do we say that such practice is sufficient of it self to bind us , for it hath gods command of imitation , of which before ; and equal morality of that action to us and then to concur with it in this . neither do we say . 3. that their practice doth found a riet : it doth but declare what is founded on the will of christ as that which we must do . most of all his arguments are obviated by what is already said . the first , that they did many things without intention of obliging others , as going abroad to preach the gospel unprovided ; pauls not taking wages &c. this doth not touch the point , seeing these things were for a peculiar reason . to the same purpose is the 2d argument p. 343. ( which indeed is but the same argument ) that they did many things on particular occasions , emergencies and circumstances ; as pauls celebate , community of goods , preaching in private houses , fields , &c. that which only is worth the noticing in this argument is p. 344. that he requireth , before apostolical practice be obligations , that it be made appear that what they did was not according as they saw reason depending on the several circumstances of time , place and persons , but from some unalterable law of christ. answer . this we are able to prove , as to ruling the churches by a parity of elders , for they did ordinarily so practice , and that where the place , persons and times were not the same : neither can it be shewed that ever they did otherwise , i. e. set up a bishop over presbyters : is not this sufficient ground der ) this mystery of iniquity had begun to work , 2 thes. 2. 7. it is no wonder then , that soon after it began to appear : and when some had thus miscarried , and others stuck to the apostolical frame of things , this might quickly breed a diversity . 3. it will easily appear to any who readeth this chap. that all the authours discourse tendeth to prove that the ancient churches thought not episcopacy to be jure divino : let them who are concerned answer him in this if they can ; i am convinced of the truth of what he saith . but let us take a short view of the grounds on which he establisheth what he asserteth in this chap. sect. 2. the first is , that the extent of the power of church-officers did increase meerly from the enlargment of the bounds of churches : which he maketh out in 4 steps or periods . the first is , when churches were the same with christians in a whole city . and here he handleth 3 things , first he sheweth that the primitive constitution of churches was in a society of christians in the same city : where he will have the name [ church ] in scripture to be only given to that , not a particuler congregation meeting in one place . i do not deny but the name is given as he saith , because of that confederacy in discipline among divers congregations in one city : yet neither the name nor the nature of a church must be denied to a single congregation ; for a church in scripture-language is a company met together to serve god : now this agreeth well to a single congregation ; seeing in it not only word and sacraments are administred , but also discipline is exercised , as shall anon appear . all that he saith proveth the former use of the word ; but nothing against this latter . 2. he speaketh of the government of these churches p. 352. and that 1. before parishes , or distinct congregations were settled . 2. after they were settled ( about which he largely disputeth when it began , which is not to our purpose ) in both cases , he saith , they were ruled in common ; and p. 354. that it is a weak conceit to think that after the setling of congregations , every one had a distinct presbytery to rule it , and p. 356. this crumbling saith he , of church-power into every congregation is a thing absolutely disowned by the greatest and most learned patrons of presbytery beyond the seas , as may be seen in calv. beza , salmasius , blondel , gerson , bucer and others . i do readily yield to him , that it is most probable that in times of persecution , particular congregations could not be soon settled : and than then , where there were in one city more christians then could meet in one place , they were ruled only in common , yea and had their meetings for worship occasionally as they could . also we grant that when congregations were settled , the several congregrations in one city were ruled by one common presbytery made up of the officers of them all : but that they had not their distinct presbyters that ruled them severally in subordination to this superior presbyters we utterly deny ; and i look upon it as a too supercilious assertion , to call this a weak conceit-seeing it is well known that it hath been the judgment of men with whom , for ability , i think mr. still . modesty will not suffer him to compare himself . but what ever be of the ability of them who own it ; there is reason for it so weighty , as may excuse it from weakness ; which is this : single congregations meeting ordinarily together for the worship of god , cannot but have many affairs that do only concern them , not the other churches or congregations in the same city ; as admission or exclusion of their members from the lords supper , rebuking them , consulting about the time and ordering of their administration &c. 't is very unfit to bring all these things , in prima instantia , to the presbytery that ruleth in common . this i confirm out of what himself hath written , p. 368. he saith that country churches had their own rulers who ruled them , though with subordination to those in the city : is there not the same reason why particular congregations , though in city should have their rulers ? 't is as really inconvenient to bring every matter of a city-congregation , at the first hand , to the common presbyters , as it is to bring the matters of a country parish to it . yet we acknowledge that it is to be ordered according as it conduceth most to the good of the church : neither if we should yield all that he saith , is it any thing against the divine right of parity . what he saith of these worthy divines disowning this power of particular congregations , we have cause to suspend our belief of it , till he bring some testimony of their own writings to prove it , which he hath not so much as essaid . it is like they were against independent power of particular congregations ; not their subordinate power : for the testimonies that he bringeth they prove no more than what we have granted , viz. that the congregations were ruled in common : not , that they had no particular government in each of them ; as any may easily see by considering them . neither is it any wonder that the records of antiquity speak of the acts of those greater , not of the lesser and congregational presbyteries : seeing matters coming before the latter were of so private concernment ; such as use not often to be so much taken notice of . the 3d thing he speaketh of in this first step of the growth of churches , is , what relation the churches in several cities had one to another , and to the lesser city , that were under them : and here he maintaineth that metropolitans are not of divine right ; to which we agree : i add , that in the first and more pure primitive times they had no being at all , as is clearly made out by diocl. altar . damasc. c. 2. where he sheweth that justine and jreneus have nothing of the different degrees of bishops : and that cyprian in the middle of the third century doth often assert their parity . the second step is , p. 368. when churches took in the villages and territories adjoining to that citie : he saith , that the city-presbyters did preach in these places , and adjoined the converts to the city-church ▪ till after , when they were increased in villages they got peculiar officers set over them , who did rule them , yet with subordination to the city-church . this last i only dislike : neither do i see it proved by him , for the titles of matrix ecclesia , et cathedra principalis signifie no more but a greater dignity and primacy of order , not of jurisdiction . what he saith of that eulogie , sending abroad consecrated pieces of bread , doth not prove the point : and also it was a superstitious custome : the bad improvement of it appeareth in the popish adoration of their hostia . his next step is p. 372. when churches did associate in one province : where he speaketh of provincial synods once a year , and sheweth that no bishop had power over another , but that their honour depended on their sees . thence he cometh to the last step , when the whole world became christians , and the bishops of rome and constantinople did strive for the place of universal bishop . i hope it appeareth to any who consider , that there is nothing yet said by him which can overturn the divine rite of parity , even to have been maintained in the primitive times ( i mean not of the last step he speaketh of , when papacy it self began to appear ) for all that hath been said sheweth that imparity was never judged of necessity ; and that the imparity which was used was rather of order than of jurisdiction , which is nothing against the divine rite of that parity we plead for . sect. 3. his 2d argument p. 374. is , that the same form was not of old observed in all churches : where he sheweth that in many places , there were no bishops ; as he proveth of scotland and other places . this we accept of , and add , that where there were bishops , it is not , nor cannot be by him proved , that they had any superior jurisdiction , but only precedency : and so the divine rite of parity may stand for all this . his 3d argument p. 377. is , that the government of the church was conform to the civil government , which he saith is insisted on by learned persons on all sides ; especially after the division of the roman empire . and he giveth some instances of it in the correspondency of civil prefects and arch-bishops in several places . to all this let me say a few words . 1. this argument destroyeth it self : for in the first antiquity which was the surest , the powers of the world were not christian , and so the church could not conform to the state in her offices . 2. it is here confessed , that this conformity was especially ( i believe it may be said only ) after that division of the roman empire : but those were the times when the man of sin had almost got into his chair ; and therefore their practice can prove nothing of the mind of the primitive church . 3. if this notion hold , then it must be looked upon as a lawful and prudent expedient , that there be one pope as there was one emperor . this mr. still . must maintain , or he saith nothing . 4. if this was their rite of old , then the church behoved to be under two chief bishops when the roman emperor was divided into two . but this he doth not alledge , but rather sheweth how it was divided into 13 diocesses . 5. if we receive this opinion , then in a kingdome there must be one head , who must have his councel of bishops , without a charge of the several diocesses ( for the kings council hath not precedency of several parts of the country ) and they must authorize their deputies , like sheriffs , yearly &c. and in a common-wealth there must be independant government : but this i hope the author will not own . 6. it is most unreasonable to say that the church-government should be conform to the civil ; because they are conversant about things and aim at ends so different : the one respecteth things that are most different in several nations , viz. mens civil interest , and customes and inclinations : the other respecteth that which ought to be every where the same , viz. religion . his 4. argument p. 379. is , that other episcopal government was settled in the church , yet presbyterian ordination was looked on as valid . this is not againt us . his last argument p. 382. is , that several restraints were laid on by councils about the observation of rites and customes and something of church-discipline ; but what is this i pray to parity or imparity ? we are not against determinations of indifferent things that concern order and decency : though we think that the form of government is determined by christ , not left to the will of man. chap. viii . in this chapter our author would make us believe , that all the world was ever of his opinion : and indeed this is so common for men to alledg , whatever be their singular notions of things , that we are not to lay much weight upon it . videlius took as much pains to make all reformed divines to speak for erastianism . i might excuse my self from medling any further with this last chapter of his . 1. from the needlesness of the thing ; because we do not build the divine right of presbytery on mens opinions , who we know can err , and therefore if all the world were against it , if the scripture be for it so must we . 2. from the disadvantage i lie under as to this part of the dispute with him . if i had been of mr. still . opinion in this point in controversie , i might through compliance with courses have been furnished with a good library and other conveniencies of studying , the want of which doth incapacitate me to search into the opinions of those worthy men which he citeth : in doing whereof , i hope it would not be difficult to shew that some of their testimonies are made to speak otherwise than they thought ; and others of them are irreconcilable with what themselves have elsewhere written . sect. 2. notwithstanding we shall essay briefly to say as much to his allegations , as may take off that edge they seem to have , for cutting asunder the cause which we maintain . p. 384. he hath a confident assertion . i believe , saith he , there will upon the most impartial survey , scarce be one church of the reformation brought which doth embrace any form of government , because it looked upon that form as only necessary by an unalterable standing law : but every one took up that form of government which was judged most sutable to the state and condition of the several churches . i wonder to see this so confidently asserted , without proof . it had been incumbent on mr. still . for confirming this his dream , to have gone through the confession of the several reformed churches ; and let us see on what ground they then built their church-government ; for it will not sufficiently prove what was the judgment of these churches , that some eminent men in them did assert such things : which latter of the two he only insisteth on , and that to little purpose too , as i hope shall appear . but the falsehood of this allegiance i will make appear afterwards , when i have tried the strength of the testimonies he bringeth for his opinions . sect. 3. he beginneth with them who have asserted the mutability of the form of government in thesi where he maketh it his chief business to shew , that the church of england of old was of this opinion . to which i answer , that those worthy men having nothing in their eye but episcopacy ; their work was to oppose the divine right of that : there was never an other form brought in competition with it , nor much minded by them : and therefore we agree with them in their design . of foreign divines , his first testimony is of chemnitius : to which i cannot give a particular answer , because not having his book i cannot try it : only this consideration i shall lay down , to take off the strength of it . neither mr. still , nor any man else ought to lay weight on this testimoney to the purpose it is brought for : for either he meaneth that the degrees of church-officers in respect of precedency are left free , or in respect of jurisdiction : if the first , it is nothing contrary to what we hold , for we acknowledg it indifferent , whether there be a standing precedent 〈◊〉 presbytery or not . if the second , he is directly contrary to mr. stillingfleet , who maintains , that the church may set up no new officers but what christ hath instituted ; as we have seen before : now an order of officers with jurisdiction above what christ hath instituted , cannot but be a sort of officers that he hath not instituted : wherefore mr. still . could not make use of this testimony , neither ought any else , for it crosseth the scripture ; which ( rom. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. ephes. 11. 1. 1 cor. 12. 28. ) doth on purpose enumerate the officers of the church in all their degrees . i dispute not now what they are ; but sure they are not left at liberty ; seeing the lord hath so often declared his mind in this point : to what purpose is it said that the lord hath in his church such and such officers ; if men may at their pleasure set these or others , more or fewer of them in the church . sect. 4. his next testimony is the centuriators of magdeburge , but it containeth an answer in its forehead , viz. that it speaketh not to the thing ; for they say no more but that it is neither recorded , nor commanded , how many ministers should be in each church ; but that their may be more or fewer , according to the number of the church . what is this to their parity or imparity ? 't is a token that he is very scant of witnesses , when he calleth in them who say so little to his purpose . the next testimony is of zanchy , which he maketh to speak very fair for him : but he hath unhandsomly concealed that which is the key to understand the meaning of this author ; for the reader may evidently see his drift , if he first look into sect. 9. ( de relig. c. 25. ) where he asserteth that christ hath only given to his church two sorts of ordinary teachers , viz. pastors and doctors : the same he asserteth , sect. 10. and yet ( which is his modesty ) he will not condemn the fathers who had other orders of officers : but what his meaning is , in this his condescendency , he explaineth sect. 11. that whereas in after ages , one pastor was set over the rest ( non ut dominus , sed ut rector in academia reliquis collegis , ) this he thinketh was lawful , and yet setteth this note upon that practice in the same sect. qua de re hieronymi tum alibi , tum in epist. ad evagr. & in commentar . epist. ad tit. c. 10. narratio & sententia nobis probatur , dicentis totum hoc magis ex consuetudine quam ex dominicae dispositionis veritate profectum esse . which is as much as to say , he thought it rather somewhat tolerable through necessity , than allowable . which small glance at the tolerableness of a precedency in the church ( if it may pass for so much ) was not well taken by other worthy divines ; as appeareth by zanchius's own observations on this his confession ( which mr. stilling . taketh notice of , but passeth what might make against him ) for magnus quidem vir , as zant. calleth him : who was well satisfied with the rest of his confession , excepteth this which he had said of the arch-bishops and hierarchie ; and that not only as what did dispease himself , but was unsutable to the harmony of confessions that the protestant churches were then drawing up : as appeareth by a part of an epistle of that magnus vir , to zan. which he inserteth to the preface to his observations . so that it seems , this was generally disliked by protestant divines , contrary to what mr. stilling . would make us believe , viz. that all the protestant churches thought the form of government indifferent . all which being laid together , let any then judg what great advantage mr. stilling's cause hath received from this testimony of zanchie . especially , if we consider with what weapon zan. defendeth this his opinion , viz. that it was generally practised by the ancient church ; and he would not take upon him to disallow them : as may be seen in his observations on chap. 25. of his confessions . we see he bringeth no better warrant than the practice of men who might , and did in many things err . but mr. stilling . telleth us of the same opinion of zan. de 4to praec . loc . 4. qu. 2. p. 943 , &c. and indeed he teacheth the same thing ▪ but with some advantage to our design : for , after he had made the ordinary officers to be of three sorts , viz. pastors , and doctors , and ruling-elders ( whose office he proveth from scripture , and asserteth as the opinion of the reformed divines generally ) and deacons : and had proved at length p. 950 , 951 , 952. presbyters and bishops to be the same in scripture : he sheweth p. 952 , 953. that in after-ages one of the presbyters was set over the rest : but addeth , to qualifie it p. 953. idcirco damnari haec , piae vetustatis ordinatio & consuetudo non potest , modo plus sibi authoritatis non usurpet episcopus quà habent reliqui ministri , ut recte monet hieronymus . here he overturneth all mr. stilling's design , for such a bishop is but a meer president . he thinks he hath gain'd another testimony from m. bucer , whom zan. in those his observations citeth : but mr. stilling ▪ hath not told us wherein bucer speaketh to his purpose ; wherefore take this account of bucer's opinion out of zanch. he citeth two large testimonies of bucer : the first is out of his commentary on the ephes. where he speaketh of seven kinds of teaching , viz. by reading , interpretation , instruction , ( doctrina ) exhortation , catechisms , disputing , private admonition : from which he saith , that in the ancient church they brought in seven kinds of teachers . now what is this to the parity or imparity of ministers ? he speaketh nothing here of setting a lord-bishop over his brethren , as a thing lawfully practised in the ancient church . yea , if we consider his discourse well , we shall find that these were not divers offices , but the work of the pastors divided among more , where there were many officers in one church : yet so as all might exercise ▪ all these duties ; and so here is no multiplication of offices beyond christ's institution . though i do not deny , that this distributing of the work of ministers did afterwards begin to be looked upon , as making several orders of officers : but this he doth not approve of . the second testimony of bucer is out of his de discipl . clerical . the sum of which is this ( for the words are too long to be transcribed ) ▪ that in the ancient church they set up a bishop among the presbyters ; vt consul inter senatores , ( this is devolving their power into his hands , which mr. still . pleadeth for ) that these bishops and presbyters did meet when occasion required , in synods ; that one was over the synod to convocate and moderate it , ( this is not to have jurisdiction over the rest ) who was called metropolitan , from the chief city , where he used to reside : then over the metropolitans were set up patriarchs ( but behold how careful he is to protest against imparity , as to jurisdiction ) of whom he saith , his tamen primatibus episcopis nihil omnino juris erat in alios episcopos aliasve ecclesias , ultra quod dixi cuique metropolitae in ecclesias atque episcopos suae provinciae : which , we took notice before , was to convocate and moderate the synod . at last he sheweth how among these patriarchs the bishop of rome was set up as chief : and then how all good order went to ruine . now let this testimony be considered , and we shall hope for more advantage by it , than mr. stilling . could expect . from it we draw these two conclusions : 1. that bucer looked upon setting up a precedent over presbyters , as the greatest length that the primitive church did or could go towards the making of imparity among ministers . 2. that even this their practice , though not unlawful in it self ; yet is so inconvenient , that it was the method and mean that antichrist got into his chair by . sect. 5. he cometh next to the french divines , and beginneth with fregevile , whose testimony we think not worth the answering , seeing as mr. still . confesseth , he was episcopal . his opinion did not suit well with the principles of that church he lived in , as we shall see after . the next is blondel , that learned writer for presbyters , as he is called : whose words cited by mr. still . are not at all to the purpose ; as any may see at first view ; seeing he saith no more , but , that it is in the churches power to make a perpetual precedent or not . for bochartus his opinion , that neither presbyterialis nor episcopalis ordo is juris divini : if he mean the difference between them in jurisdiction , and not only in precedency : i see not how it can be defended , and not having his book i cannot determine how consistent it is with his own principles . for amiraldus , whom he bringeth next , his design of union with the lutherans , i believe , did either stretch his opinion or made him stretch his affections to an excess of condescendency ; which cannot be excused but from his good intention . sect. 6. our author cometh next to those who look on parity as the primitive form , and yet allow episcopacy as a very lawful and usefull constitution . concerning those , i premise 2 general remarques . 1. that what these worthy divines say to this purpose is to be understood , not of episcopus princeps , but praeses , according to that distinction very common among them . this we must hold as only consistent with their principles , till the contrary be proved out of their own writings . 2. that many things said by them to this purpose were the over reaches of their desire to be one with them who differed from them in this , but agreed in most things as the lutherans and some english divines : they did often ( as smect . saith of spanhem to the same purpose , p. 65. ) deliver a complement rather than their judgment . but to come to particulars : he beginneth with cracanthorp , who excuseth all the reformed churches from aerianism , because they held not imparity to be unlawful . but this man was a son of the church of england ( as they speak ) and wrote in her defence against ant. de domin . wherefore his testimony of the opinion of the reformed churches is not to be taken , being willing to have them all think as he did . they are better defended from siding with aerius by smect . p. 79. where it is proved , that aerius was condemned for his arianism and other errors , but not for holding the divine right of parity : and that jerome , augustus , sedulius , primatius , chrisostome , theodoret , oecumenius , theophylact , were of the same opinion with aerius in this . next he bringeth the augustane confession : of the testimony of which i have these 3 things to say . 1. this was not a confession of them who are ordinarily called the reformed churches ; but of the lutherans ; for at the same meeting at augusta did zuinglius and the helvetians give in their confession apart , by themselves : wherefore it is no wonder , if these worthy men , who were a reforming , but had not attained to that pitch of it which others had , did retain some small tincture of the way according to which they had been bred in this point . 2. luther himself was not well pleased with this confession , as appeareth by the relation of pezelius , who ( mellifie . histor. par . 3. p. 336. ) saith thus . autor vero confessionis cum luthero qui in pontifioiis concessum stomachabatur confessionem rudem magis magisque ne spiritum extingueret , limabat , poliebat , et duriuscula , fermentumque vetus redolentiaexpurgabat : via enim justi sicut aurora lucere pergit usque ad meridiem , id quod ex ipsa apologia apparet . 3. all that is said in this confession , is no more but an expression of their desire to conform and condescend to the papists in the primitive order of the church : but this was no more but the precedency of bishops ; the confession speaketh not of the lordly power of bishops as it then stood ; that they could yield to that : so that even the furthest they go , in their complemental condescendency , doth not help mr. still 's cause ; who pleadeth for the sole jurisdiction of bishops as lawful . sect. 7. in the next place , he is not ashamed to force calvin to speak for the lawfulness of episcopacy , which he could never comport with while he lived . he bringeth his instit. lib. 4. c. 4. sect . 1. & 4. in both which sections he alledgeth no more out of him but this ; that the ancient bishops had almost nothing in their canons which was beside the word of god : and that they used no other form of governing the church , than was prescribed in the word . what doth this help his cause ? the ancient bishops in calvins judgment , were no more but praesides : these , he saith , were not constituted beside the word of god. this is nothing to the scope of our authors discourse . i hope after to shew that calvin was far from his mind . at present let it suffice to observe , that the very words cited by mr. still . do make against him . for when calvin saith , si rem omisso vocabulo , intuemur , reperiemus veteteres episcopos non aliam regendae ecclesiae formam voluisse fingere ab ea , quam deus verbo suo praescripsit : it is not evident , that he supposeth god in his word to have prescribed a form of church-government . and 2dly , that he asserteth , that the ancient bishops ( if we look to the thing , and do not understand the name [ bishop ] as now it is used for the prelate ) did stick close to this form ; what could be more directly against mr. still . ? neither is he more happy in the citing of beza for him : for beza's distinction of bishop is well known , in divinus , i. e. presbyter ; humanus , i. e. &c. a president or constant moderator ; & diabolicus , i. e. a prelate with sole jurisdiction . the indifferency of the 2d he asserteth , and will not prescribe that form used at geneva ( which was without such a fixed president ) to other churches : but what is this to the purpose ? it is a pity to see a learned man at so much pains , and lose his labour . it being so as hath been shewed . mr. still . doth fouly misrepresent the state of the controversie about church-government , that was between the church of england and of geneva in queen elizabeths time : it was not , as he alledgeth , whether parity or episcopacy were more convenient : but whether prelacy putting sole jurisdiction in the hand of a bishop , or giving him power over his brethren , were lawful . sect. 8. next he bringeth george prince of anhalt , luther , melancton , and calvin , professing their readiness to submit to bishops , if they would do the duty of bishops . all which amounts to no more than this , that if bishops would keep within bounds , not usurp authority over their brethren , nor use it to the destruction of religion , they might be born with ; but this maketh nothing for the lawfulness of prelacy , which these men did ever detest . for jacobus heerbrandus , i am not acquainted with his principles , nor his book . hemingius ( who cometh next ) speaketh expresly of dispares dignitatis ordines , not authoritatis ; and so cometh not up to the thing in question . for zepper his judgment of the necessity of a superintendent , it destroyeth our authors hypothesis ; for if it be necessary , it is not indifferent . if in any case such a thing be necessary , it is in that case lawful , ( nam necessitas quicquid coegit defendit ) in other cases it is unlawful . what he saith of bishops in some lutheran churches , as sweden , denmark , &c. doth not weigh with us , knowing that they err in greater matters also . what he saith of other churches that have their praepositi or seniores enjoying the same power with ancient bishops ; proveth nothing of the lawfulness of prelacy ; we think their way lawful : and whether it be convenient to them , or not , we judg not , but to us , sad experience hath proved it most inconvenient . the next thing that he insisteth on , viz. episcopal divines , holding episcopacy not necessary , it doth not concern us to answer , and so we see to what amounteth the strength of these testimonies , which he would fright us with , as if all men were of his judgment . sect. 9. having now seen of what force are our authors witnesses , brought for the indifferency of the form of church-government ; let us see if there can be more pregnant authority brought for the divine right of it . i do not question but many sheets may be filled with pertinent citations to this purpose , by one better stored with writings of our reformed divines , and having leisure to search them . i shall give some instances , such as my poor library doth afford , both of churches and of particular divines . and before the restorers of the truth , i shall mention those famous conservators of it in the darkest times of antichristianism , the waldenses , whom some of our divines call majores nostros : their opinion in this may be seen in waldensiâ confes. taboritarum per joa . lukawitz . cap. 3. p. 5. lex evangelica jesu christi — per se sufficientissima ad regimen ecclesiae militantis , &c. 14. p. 32. nos qui pro lege liberrima jesu christi per se sufficienti , ad regimen ecclesiae militantis , sine ceremoniis legis veteris & ritibus humantis post adjectis , scientes , quia securissimum est & optimum magisterium ecclesiae primitivae , quam regebant apostoli , actus imitari . we see here the sufficiency of scripture for church-government asserted , and that without new laws or humane devices ; which could not be if the particular form were not determined in it , but left to mens devising : also , that apostolick practice is in this a rule to us ; both which militate against mr. stilling's discourse . i shall next bring the opinion of the french and the dutch churches , held forth in their confessions : which i have out of smect . sect . 14. the french church artic. 29. 30. speaketh thus : credimus veram ecclesiam gubernari debere , eâ politiâ quam dominus noster jesus christus sancivit ( then it may not be such as men think fit , nor is it indifferent ) ita , viz. aut sui in ea pastores , presbyteri , sive seniores & diaconi ( then christs institution is against bishops , seeing he appointeth the rest , and leaveth them out ) ut doctrinae puritas retineatur . credimus omnes pastores ubicunque collocati sint , eadem & aequali potestate inter se esse praeditos ( then there can be no imparity of power ) sub uno illo capite & solo universali episcopo jesu christi . the dutch church , art. 30. thus : credimus veram hanc ecclesiam debere regi ac gubernari , spirituali illa politia quam nos deus ipse in verbo suo edocuit , ita ut sint in ea pastores ac ministri , qui purè & concionentur & sacramenta administrent , sint etiam seniores & diaconi , qui ecclesiae senatum constituant ; ut his veluti mediis vera religio conservari , hominesque vitiis dediti spiritualiter corripi , & emendari possint . tunc enim rite & ordinate omnia fiunt in ecclesiâ , cum viri fideles & pii ad ejus gubernationem deliguntur , juxta pauli praescriptum 1 tim. 3. caeterum ubicunque locorum sint verbi dei ministri , eandem atque aequalem omnes habent tum potestatem tum authoritatem : ut qui sint aequè omnes christi unici illius universalis episcopi & capitis ecclesiae ministri . what hath ever been the opinion of the church of scotland about the divine right of presbyterial government , is so well known , that i need not mention it : also what hath been the judgment of the presbyterian ministers of england , both in the national synod of famous memory , and the provincial assembly of london , who have written for the jus divinum of it . sect. 10. to this truth also , the famous professors of london bear their joint testimony . synops. pur. theol. disp. 48. thes. 23. nec tamen propterea concedimus à solo aliquo episcopo , sive romano , sive eugobino , ex motu proprio aut plenaria authoritate , ut loquimur , hanc potestatem posse vendicari : sed rectorum ac presbyterorum ecclesiae , concilium , totiusque adeo ecclesiae aut apertum , aut tacitum consensum , adhibendum esse ; ex praescripto christi ac purioris ecclesiae praxi asserimus . and this they prove , thes. 24. because that [ tell the church ] cannot be understood of one bishop . calvin is clear for us ; for he maketh the officers of the church to be by christs institution ; and sheweth who they are that he hath instituted . instit. lib. 4. c. 3. sect . 4. also , c. 4. sect . 1. he sheweth how in the primitive church , they studied carefully to adhere to god's institution in the government of the church . and on phil. 1. 1. reproving the usurpation of bishops , he saith , perinde ac si non omnes presbyteri collegae essent ad eandem vocati functionem , unus sibi , praetextu novae appellationis dominium in alios arripuit . sect. 11. i close with a short answer ( such as it deserveth ) to his last assault ; which is p. 416. if prudence must be used in setling church-government , as he saith is confessed by independents in their elective synods : by presbyterians in their subordination of courts , classical-assemblies : episcopal men in several things . ans. all this is nothing of the particular form of government , parity or imparity , and so nothing to the purpose . we absolutely deny that that is to be setled by prudence ; but by the institution of christ ; though many circumstances in government must be determined by prudence , guided by scripture-light . for his advice in order to peace , it containeth many good things ; yet cannot we fully close with it , till he establish on better grounds than we have yet seen , the basis of it , viz. the indifferency of the particular form of church-government . finis . an advertisement of several books lately printed , and sold by richard janeway . moral reflections on the number of the elect , plainly proving from scripture-evidence , &c. that not one of an hundred thousand ( nay probably not one of a million ) from adam down to our days , shall be saved . price 6 d. an appeal of all the nonconformists in england , to god and all the protestants of europe , in order to manifest their sincerity in point of obedience to god , and the king. to which is added a sober and unpassionate reply to the author of the lively picture of lewis dumonlin , both written by dr. l. du moulin , late history-professor of oxford . price 6 d. the last speeches of mr. john kid , and mr. john king , the two ministers that were executed at edenburgh the 14th of august 1679. price 6 d. a letter to a friend about the proclamation for proroguing the parliament to november 1680. a catalogue of the names of all the martyrs that were executed in queen maries days , with the particular time when , and places where . price 2 d. of the authority of the highest powers about sacred things. or, the right of the state in the church. wherein are contained many judicious discourses, pertinent to our times, and of speciall use for the order and peace of all christian churches. / put into english by c.b. m.a. the method of every chapter is added in the margent, and collected at the end. de imperio summarum potestarum circa sacra. english. grotius, hugo, 1583-1645. 1651 approx. 507 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 183 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a85746 wing g2117 thomason e1244_1 estc r202244 99862603 99862603 114767 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85746) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114767) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 256:e1244[1]) of the authority of the highest powers about sacred things. or, the right of the state in the church. wherein are contained many judicious discourses, pertinent to our times, and of speciall use for the order and peace of all christian churches. / put into english by c.b. m.a. the method of every chapter is added in the margent, and collected at the end. de imperio summarum potestarum circa sacra. english. grotius, hugo, 1583-1645. barksdale, clement, 1609-1687, translator. [8], 316, [20] p. printed by t.w. for joshua kirton, and are to be sold at his shop in pauls church-yard, at the signe of the kings-armes, london : 1651. translator's dedication signed: barksdale, i.e. clement barksdale. a translation of: de imperio summarum potestarum circa sacra. the first leaf bears verses, "upon the author, and his principall works", signed: c.b. with eight final contents leaves, and a note "an advertisement to the stationer". annotation on thomason copy: "decemb. 4". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -early works to 1800. authority -religious aspects -christianity -early works to 1800. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-09 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion hugo grotius of the authority of the highest powers about sacred things . or , the right of the state in the church . wherein are contained many judicious discourses , pertinent to our times , and of speciall use for the order and peace of all christian churches . put into english by c.b.m.a. the method of every chapter is added in the margent and collected at the end . london , printed by t.w. for joshua kirton , and are to be sold at his shop in pauls church-yard , at the signe of the kings-armes , 1651. upon the author , and his principall works . he , who the greek wise sayings did translate , with equal pen , to latium : vindicate from jew , turk , pagan , our religion's truth ; as learned as the aged , in his youth : he , who th' hollandian states piety presented unto every impartiall eye : who , in the lawes of peace and war , all nations hath well instructed : and , in 's annotations on the whole book of god , hath made that light shine to unprejudiced mindes more bright : he , that was studious , how to reconcile this and that church , in mild cassanders slile : hath shown , what doctrine was pelagius ; who 's older , calvin or arminius ; is ever like himself . here ( which is much . ) he 's moderator ' twixt the state and church ; and clearly shews you , when you may prefer to th' ancient bishop , the young presbyter ; and when that new invention may please , by elders lay , to give the pastor ease . we'ave set it out with just care ; lest we might wrong th' author , who hath done the state such right . c. b. the chapters . i. that authority about sacred things belongs to the highest powers . ii. that this authority and the sacred function are distinct . iii. of the agreement of things sacred and secular , as to the power over them . iv. objections against the powers answered . v. of the judgement of the higher powers in sacred things . vi. the manner of using this authority rightly . vii . concerning synods , or councils . viii . of legislation about sacred things . ix . of jurisdiction ecclesiasticall . x. of the election of pastors . xi . concerning offices not alwayes necessary . xii . of substitution and delegation . to the illustrious pair , my lord , and my lady chandos . right honourable , it is the great name of the author , not any worthiness of the translator , that gives this book a capacity of so high a dedication . the author , born in a low countrey , hath , by his excellent works , both divine and humane , raised himself to the just repute of the most general , and the wisest scholar of his time ; so that , it is become a character of an ingenuous student ( as it was said , in the last age , of his country-man , the great erasmus ) to be well versed in the books of grotius . out of whose magazine , our best english writers , to their praise , have borrowed some of their best furniture . the argument of this work is worthy the study of princes , and great persons ; from whom , certainly , god expects a greater care of his churches peace and order . to which purpose , the grave author hath here said , some things first of all ; some , with a better grace than any other ; and some , that although they have been said very well by our own men , yet perhaps will be better taken ( as the english humour is ) from the pen of a stranger . the translator's designe is , partly publick , in this scribling age ( wherein yet , we have need of more good rooks , to out the many bad ones ) to cast in his mite into the treasury of the church of england : ( whom , as the moderate author much honour'd , so he professeth himself to be one of her poor children : ) partly private , by this dedication of it with himself to your honours , to leave a gratefull monument ( and a lasting monument , he hopes ) in those gracious hands , that have supported him , in his worst and weakest times . may your honours both live to see the publick breaches , both of church and state , fairly made up ; and particularly , the ruines of your sudely : and , may your illustrious names and vertues live after you , and be increased in your children , so prayeth , right honourable , of all your servants the most obliged , the most humble , barksdale . sudeley , jan. 6. 1651. hugo grotius , of the empire , or authority of the highest powers about sacred things , or , in matters of religion . chap. i. that authority about sacred things belongs to the highest powers . by the highest power , i understand a person , or a company , that hath empire , or authority , over the people , subject to the empire of god alone : taking the word highest power , not , as it is sometimes taken , for the right it self , but for him that hath the right , as it is frequently used both in greek and latin. to call such a person , the chiefe magistrate , is improper : for magistrate is a name the romans give only to inferiour powers . i said a person , or company ; to expresse , that not only kings properly so called , which most writers call absolute kings , are to be understood in that name , but also in an aristocracy the senate or states , or the best , by whatsoever other name . for although there must be unity in the highest power , it is not necessary the person be but one. by empire or authority , we mean the right to command , to permit , to forbid . we say , this is subject only to god ; for therefore it is called the highest power , because among men it hath none above it . that authority about sacred things belongs to the highest power thus defined , we prove , first from the unity of the matter about which it is conversant , paul saith , he is the minister of god , a revenger , to execute wrath upon him that doth evill . under the name of evill , is comprehended also all that which is committed in holy things ; for the indefinite speech signifies as much as the universall , which solomon hath expressed : a king that sitteth in the throne of judgement scattereth away all evill with his eyes . this is confirmed by a similie ; for the authority of a father is lesse than of the highest power , yet are children commanded to obey their parents in all things . thus doe the antient fathers also reason , when from that of paul , let every soule be subject to the higher powers , they infer , that the ministers of holy things must as well be subject to them , as other men : although he be an apostle , although an evangelist , although a prophet , saith chrysostom . whose footsteps bernard following , speaks in these words to an archbishop : if every soule , yours also : who hath excepted you from the universall ? and truly there can be no reason given why any thing should be excepted ; for , if that which is excepted be subject to no authority at all which who can prove ? ) there will follow confusion among the things exempted , whereof god is not the author : or , if it be subject to some other authority , not under the highest power , there must then bee two highest powers distinct : which is a contradiction ; for the highest hath no equall . by this same argument the fathers disprove the multitude of gods , because that which is highest is above all , and can be but one. this is further prov'd by the effects of empire or authority ; these are obligation and coaction ; now if there were more commanders in chiefe than one , their commands might be contrary about the same matter , and so impose upon the subject a contrary obligation or coaction ; which is against nature ; and therefore as often as it happens that two lawes oppose each other by reason of some circumstance , the obligation of the one ceaseth . this is the reason why the paternall empire , which is naturall and most antient , hath given place to the civill , and is subject to it , because that which should be highest could be but one. object if any man shall say , that actions are divers , some judiciall , some military , some ecclesiasticall , and so in respect of this diversity the highest authority may be divided among many ; answ it will follow , according to his saying , that the same person being at the same time commanded by one to the court , by another to the camp , by the third to the church , is bound to obey them all at once , which is impossible : or , if not to obey all , then there must be some order among them , and the inferiour yeeld to the superiour , and then 't will not be true , that the highest authority is divided among them . to this purpose are those words of the divine wisdome , no man can can serve two masters ; and , a kingdome divided cannot stand ; and that common saying , all power is impatient of a partner . 't is otherwise in authorities which are under the highest : for these may belong to many , because they are exercised about divers persons ; or , if about the same persons , they are so ordered by the supreme , that they may not clash . which ordination cannot be when many are , every one , supreme ; for the ordaining must be superiour to the ordained . object . to that which some object , that kings cannot command some things without the consent of the states ; we answer , answ . where that is so , there the supreme authority is not in the kings , but either in the states , or in that body , which the king and states compose . certainly , to have the whole supreme authority , and not be able to command any thing , because another may forbid or intercede , are altogether inconsistent . from this universality of the matter about which the highest power is employed , the art of governing is justly called the art of arts , and science of sciences : because there is no art , no science , which it doth not command , and whereof it doth not teach the use . the universality of the end is correspondent to the universality of the matter , the apostle paul saith , the highest power is gods minister for good ; of every sort : for explaning himselfe else-where more distinctly , he shewes , the powers are ordained , that we may lead a quiet and a peaceable life , not only in all honesty , but in all godlinesse also . this indeed is the true happinesse of a common-wealth , to love god , and be belov'd of god ; to acknowledge him their king , and themselves his people , as augustin saith well : who also saith , the king and rulers are happy , if they make their power serviceable to the divine majesty , for the propagation of his kingdome , and encrease of his honour . emperours themselves , theodosius and honorius , have professed thus , our labours of war , and counsells of peace , are all directed to this only end , that our people may serve god with true devotion and this that is so clearly demonstrated in holy writ , was not altogether unseen by those that had only the light of nature , for in aristotles judgement that is the best common-wealth , which shewes the way to a most vertuous and happy life ; and , as the same philosopher affirmes , that is the most happy way of life , , which leads most directly to the knowledge and service of god , the contrary whereof is most unhappy . now , if this be true , that the end proposed to the highest powers , is not only externall peace , but that their people may be most religious ; and the things conducing to that end are called sacred ; it followes , that these things are all included within the command and authority of the same power ; for the end being granted , a right is granted to all that , without which the end cannot be obtained . to these arguments drawn from the very nature of the thing , shall be added the most sacred and certain authority of the law divine . kings are commanded to keep all the law of god , to serve the lord , to kiss the son. this being spoken to kings , not as men ( for so it would not concern them more than other men ) but as kings , it followes , some royall act is required of them , that is , the use of their authority in matters of religion . i had rather explane this in s. augustin's words , than my own : herein doe kings ( as they are commanded by him ) serve god as kings , if in their dominions they command things good , forbid evill ; not only in respect of humane society , but the worship of god also . and in another place ; the king serveth god , as a man , as a king ; as a man , by a godly life ; as a king , by godly lawes . as ezechias , by destroying the groves , and temples of the idols ; and as josias served god , in the like manner : doing those things for the honour of god , which only kings can doe . and this is that royall noursing of the church , which by the prophet god hath promised . after the divine law , follows in its order the custome of the church , and the examples of emperours ; whose piety is out of question . that all they used their authority in sacred things , will appear in all the particulars that shall be handled . in short , socrates the historian hath told us , ever since the emperours became christian , the affaires of the church depended upon them . for the church , saith optatus , is in the common-wealth , i.e. in the roman empire : not the empire in the church . constantine in an old inscription is call'd the author of faith and religion . basil the emperour , stiling the church an universall ship , saith , god had placed him at the sterne to govern it . in that antient epistle of eleutherius bishop of rome , speaking of religion , he entitleth the king of britain , god's vicar , in his own dominion . and charles the great , is nam'd , the rector of true religion , by the council of ments . that the churches reformed , in our fathers time , after the antient pattern , are of the same judgement , their confessions witnesse . it belongs to magistrates not only to be carefull of civill polity , but to endeavour that the sacred ministry be preserved , and the kingdome of christ propagated : that the gospell be purely preached , and god served according to his holy word . so the belgic , let the magistrate hold fast the word of god , and see that nothing be taught contrary to it . so the helvetian . this office was enjoyn'd the heathen magistrate : to take care that the name of god be duly honoured , how much more belongs it to the christian magistrate as the true deputy of god in his dominion . so the basil confess . yea , the english church denounces excommunication against them that deny the king of england that authority in ecclesiasticall affaires , which was used by the hebrew kings . 't would be tedious to transcribe what hath been written in defence hereof . besides the divines , all the writers of politie , that are worth the reading , have given account of this , not only as a part , but as the principall and best part of the imperiall right . neither have only the antient christians and late reformed , but other nations also , deliver'd this with so great consent , that 't is most manifestly the very voyce of right reason , common to all man-kind ; and being derived from the most antient , before the depravation of religion , by a long succession hath been deliverd to their posterity . the first care in a common-wealth is about things divine , thus aristotle ; and plutarch , this is the first thing in making lawes : it is fit , saith he , the best should be honour'd by the best : and he that ruleth all , by him that ruleth . the most ancient law-givers charondas and zaleucus approv'd the same by their own example : and the twelve tables , the fountain of the roman law , derived from the greeks , contained sundry precepts about sacred things . justinian and theodosius have lawes concerning religion , in their codes : and ulpian defines the wisdome of the law , to be the knowledge of things divine , as well as humane . suarez himselfe confesseth , it hath been alwayes observed among men , though particular offices , civill and ecclesiasticall , were given to severall persons , because the variety of actions required that distinction , yet the supreme power of both , especially as to making lawes , was seated in the prince ; and so it appears by histories , that unto kings and emperours , in the city of rome , and the empire , this power was ever given the same is also probable of other common-wealths . generall custome , saith the same schoole-man , declares the institution of nature . indeed thomas and cajetan seem to have thought , all the care of law-givers in those nations to have regarded only the publick peace . but this , thus precisely taken , is very hard to be proved , and scarce credible . for the christian fathers doe prove most evidently , that the greeks of old believed , rewards and punishments after death to be reserved for men , by divine judgement . that they thus believed , and other heathens too , there are very many testimonies of most faithfull authors . why then may we not believe this end was look'd upon by some of their law-givers ? especially , when austin saith , 't is not to be doubted , very many beside abrahams family , although the holy scripture mention only job , and a few more , did believe and hope in christ to come . but besides that end ( eternall happiness ) the prime and principall , this also is a just cause for the highest powers to take religion into their charge , the great consequence it hath to outward felicity and concord : and that for two reasons ; the first in respect of gods providence ; for piety hath the promises , not only of the future , but of the present life . seek first the kingdom of god , and all other things shall be added unto you . and in the old law of the hebrewes , a prosperous reigne , fruitfulnesse of the earth , victory over enemies , are proposed to the godly ; to the ungodly are threatned most grievous curses . nor were the gentiles ignorant of this , no not after they had departed from the one true god unto their idols . livy saith , all things fall out luckily to those that worship the gods , unprosperously to the despisers of them . in plato there is much to this purpose . for christian writers , take only that of leo to martian , i rejoyce that you are studious of the churches peace : and this shall be your reward ; the peace you give to the church , your empire shall partake of . the other reason is , from the nature and proper efficacy of religion , which is of force to make men quiet , obedient , lovers of their country , keepers of justice and equity ; and where the people are so well disposed , the common-wealth must needs be happy . hence plato calls religion the fortresse of power , the bond of lawes and good discipline ; cicero , the foundation of humane society ; and plutarch sayth , the city may more easily be built without ground , than the citizens preserv'd without a persuasion of the deity . cyrus in xenophon thought his houshold would be the further from any evill enterprize against him or one another , the more they feared god : and aristotle notes , that subjects doe most esteem and trust the king , whom they believe to stand in awe of the divine power . even false religion conduces somewhat to outward peace ; and the nearer it comes to truth , the more it prevails to that end ; but for christian religion ( to let passe the testimonies of her friends ) the adversaries have given it this praise , that it binds men with a holy tye , not to commit stealth or robbery , not to break their word , or faile in their trust , as pliny speaks ; that it teacheth nothing but what is just and gentle , as ammianus marcellinus ; that it is a persuasion which destroyes all wickednesse , as it is in zosimus . nor is this the effect of religion , in that part only , where it prescribes a rule for manners , and strengthens it with threats and promises : the doctrines and rites also have no small moment to the furthering of good life , and advancing the publick happinesse . xenophon perhaps thought it was a witty conceit when he said , t' was all one , as to manners , whether we believe god corporeall or incorporeall : but truth it self hath taught us otherwise , when from this , that god is a spirit , is inferr'd , therefore he must be worshipped in spirit . the most vertuous mind ( as seneca also acknowledgeth ) is the best worship and most acceptable to god. so doe even the philosophers teach , that no foul deed is to be committed , because god is every where present : and because god knowes all that shall come to passe , they shew that nothing shall befall good men , but what shall turne to their benefit . tiberius was the more negligent of religious duties ( as suetonius hath it ) being perswaded , all things were carryed by fate ; and it was not in vaine that plato said , if you would have the state goe well , you must not suffer any one to teach , that god is the cause of evill deeds ; which to say is impious , and therefore to the common-wealth most pernicious . the same plato shewes at large , that it is of much concernment , what rites are used , and with what mind , in the second book of his republick ; where he setteth down the harme those ceremonious expiations doe , by the use whereof without amendment of life , men hoped for pardon of their wickednesse . other causes , but lesse principall , might be added ; for which the highest power cannot relinquish the command over sacred things , without the very great hazard of the common-wealth ; for some priests are of such a nature , that unlesse they be kept under , they wil be above you : & the superstitious multitude do more hearken to their preachers , than their governours . kings and emperours have learned this at their cost , and the annals are full of examples . one thing more for conclusion ; the experience of all ages tels us , that change in religion , even in rites and ceremonies , if it be not with consent , or manifestly for the better , often shakes the common-wealth , and brings it into danger . wherefore unlesse that curiosity be restrained by lawes , the state will often totter . for these last reasons , there are some even in the roman church , that submit the priest ( though by them otherwise exempted ) to the power of the prince . chap. ii. that the authority or rule over sacred things , and the sacred function , are distinct . aristotle teacheth very well , that it is not the part of an architect , as an architect , to set his hand to the worke , but to prescribe , what every one shall doe , as right reason shall direct him ; and what he shall rightly appoint , the workmen must rightly execute : so it is the rulers office , not to doe the things commanded , but to command them to be done . but the functions under command are of two sorts : some are subject both by nature and order , as effects proceeding from their cause ; some only by order . in the former way under the architect are the overseers of the work ; in the latter the carpenter , the smith , and other labourers . so also , to the authority of the highest power are subject in the former way the offices that have in them authority and jurisdiction , as the office of major , governour of a town , and the like : in the latter way the function of a physician , philosopher , husbandman and merchant . wherefore they fight with their own shadow , who take great pains to prove that the pastors of churches , as suen , are not the vicars or deputies of the highest powers ; for who knows not that , when physicians neither can without mistake be stiled so . but that the same pastors , as they receive some authority or jurisdiction , beside their pastorall office , in respect of that accession , may be called deputies or delegates of the supreme powers , shall be shewed hereafter . wherefore when the learned deane of lichfield proving that priests are not therefore superiour to kings , because kings are commanded to aske counsell of them , uses this example , that kings advise with their counsellours of state , who yet are not their superiors : they misunderstand him , who take his meaning to bee , that these doe agree in all respects , when 't is sufficient for a similitude , that there be a correspondence in the drift of the speech : otherwise even the parables in the gospel will be expos'd to censure . pastors are rightly compar'd to the civill officers , in respect of the subordination not the emanation of their office. the civill officers are both subjects to the highest , and deputies ; the pastors , as such , are only subjects , not deputies . the authority over the function , and the function it self being distinguished , we must enquire , whether that authority , and the holy function may be united in the same person , whereunto that we apply a fit answer , a difference must be made between the law of nature , and positive divine law. by the naturall law , the same person may have the highest authority and the priesthood too : because these have no such opposition , but they may meet in one man. nay more , set aside the positive law , and some externall impediments , it is in some sort , naturall , that the same person be both king and priest ; not so naturall , as that it cannot be otherwise , but as those things are tearmed naturall , which are well agreeing unto nature and right reason . for seeing kings , whose dominions are not of the largest , may easily joyne some peculiar function to the care of their kingdome , as we have known kings to have been physicians , philosophers , astrologers , poets , and very many commanders in war ; and seeing , no function is more excellent , and whence doe flow down upon the people so many benefits , as the priestly office ; it appears , that this , above all other , is most convenient and worthy of a king. the consent of nations doth evince it : for in the first times , when men were govern'd more by domesticall than civill power , the fathers of families , as all confesse , did both represent some image of kings , and performe the priesthood also . thus noah after the floud was past , offers sacrifice to god. of abraham god himself saith , he would instruct his children and family in the course of a godly life . we read also of the sacrifices of job , and other patriarchs . after the fathers decease , as the principality of the family , so the priesthood too was devolved to the first borne , and that custome continued in the posterity of jacob for as yet they had no common-wealth constituted ) untill the levits ( that is , the priests , and ministers unto the priests , ) were surrogated and put in place of the first borne : as the divine law doth expresly tell us . but in the meane time , in the country of canaan , there being a kind of common-wealth , we read of melchisedec king and priest . the like was moses before the consecration of aaron . other nations of old had the same custome , whether by the instinct of nature or the example of their ancestors . in homer the hero's , that is , the princes , sacrifice ; and , to omit other nations , the first kings of rome did so too ; and after the kingdome was out , there remained yet a king of the sacred rites . it may be enquired , whether those fathers and kings , while the true worship of god lasted ( as it is credible it lasted among many of the fathers for some ages after the floud ) received the priesthood by some speciall title , or challenged it to themselves by their paternall and regall right ? very learned men are of opinion , that , as some probably had the authority of the divine oracle , so others had it not : nor is any such thing , the law positive being set aside , requir'd to the constitution of a priest . yea , when the men of those times , all the world over , were bound , as far as they knew him , to honour god , and to give him thanks , as the apostle convinces , rom 1. they were either bound every one to be priests , or to commend the priesthood to some chosen men . but it is the fathers part to assigne all , in the family , their severall offices ; and among the rest the priesthood , as being , by the law of nature , not excepted : and the function , which he may assigne unto another , the same , if he be fit for it , nature forbids him not to assigne unto himselfe . what is faid of the father , let it be understood of the king ; and the rather because all confesse , the free multitude , in that first state , had a right to choose themselves a priest . which right of the multitude , is transferred upon the highest power . for such election consists of bidding and forbidding ; because one is licenced to performe priestly actions , others interdicted the same . but to bid and forbid are acts of authority , which he that hath not wholly , hath not truly the name of the highest power . that which is spoken to the hebrews is not opposite hereto ; no man taketh this honour to himselfe , but he that is called by god , as aaron . for the divine writer in that place treateth of the legall priest , not of him that was , or might have been before , or out of the law of moses : and he shewes , whatsoever was excellent in the legall priest , was much more eminently in christ , in whom also there were many things illustrious , which in the legall priest were wanting . but the custome of joyning the empire with the priesthood used through all the world about two thousand five hundred years , in many places longer , the luxury of kings , their sloth , or businesse of war , in other nations ; and among the people of god , the positive divine law did at last abrogate : that law i mean , which gave the priesthood not to any of the people , but only to the house of aaron . after this , what was before a praise , became a trespasse . why god separated the kingdome of israel from the priesthood , 't were hard to find out , unlesse the divine writer to the hebrews had open'd us the way . 't is apparent the hebrew nation was very prone to superstition , and often fell away to idols ; to restrain them from this , when god had imposed on them a great burthen of laborious ceremonies , they began to place all their hope in them ; from which most unreasonable perswasion , the holy men very often call them off ; and shew , that mercy and integrity of heart is far more acceptable in the sight of god , than all their sacrifices . had the king himselfe offered their chiefe sacrifices , as of old the custome was , how much more would their minds have been taken up with so great a majesty ? but now , when the priesthood was , though still with pompe enough , yet disrob'd , as they saw , of the royall splendor , and brought down below the king ; hereby , they were put in mind , to hope for some great priest , who should also be a king as melchizedec was , and to put their trust in him . what admirers the jewes were of their priests , even in this appears , that after their return from the captivity , they forth-with added to the priesthood the principality , which quickly advanced to a kingdome , and so to a tyranny . moreover , it is worth our observation , that , after the institution of the priesthood , some reliques of the antient custome still remained . for , to the fathers of families was left , the killing of the passeover ; wherein , as the jewes rightly note , they performed somewhat of the priests office . circumcision also was administred without a priest , as all the hebrews consent by any one that had skill to do it . and this is not to be omitted , that prophecy , which seems to have a naturall coherence with the priesthood , was as well given to kings as priests ; yea , to private men , more often than to the priests . thus did god , many wayes , bring the people to an acknowledgement of the weaknesse of the leviticall order . thus did the law , as it were , by the hand lead them unto christ ; who was to be the highest prophet , the highest priest , and the highest king ; who also should make all believers in him partakers of that threefold honour . concerning the prophecy , we have that of esay , cited by st. john , they shall be all taught of god : and another notable place of jeremy , cited in the epistle to the hebrews . concerning the kingdome and priesthood , peter speaks of both at once , where he calls the faithfull , a royall priesthood . and john in the revelation , he hath made us kings and priests unto god. yet , neither the excellency of christ himselfe in his propheticall office , nor the generall communication of the gift of prophecy to the faithfull , hinder , but that some in the new testament may be called prophets , by a singular right . so also , the kingdome of christ , which partly consists in his divine care of his church against her enemies , partly in a spirituall government of the hearts of men , hath not taken away either the right , or the name of kings , whose empire is externall , and subject both to the divine providence , and the spirituall actions of christ : according to that of sedulius : he doth not earthly kings dethrone , who gives to his an heavenly crown . the name of priests is also given to the preachers of the new testament in a speciall manner : but , there was some reason , why christ and his apostles did alwaies abstain from that kind of speech ; which ought to admonish us , that we do not commonly and promiscuously argue , from the leviticall order , to the evangelicall ; feeing , there is a wide difference , both in the office , and the designing of the persons to it . it is enquired therefore , under the christian law , whether the highest authority , and the pastoral office ( which may be also call'd the priesthood , as was noted before ) can rightly be united in the same person . many arguments are brought to prove they cannot , but all are not of the same strength ; for some doe more rightly prove the offices to be divers , as they alwayes have been ; and , that pastors , as pastors , have no empire ; rather than the conjunction of the offices to be interdicted . that is of more efficacy , that the apostle for bids the souldier of christ ( he seems to speak of the pastorall warfare ) to be intangled with worldly businesse ; which the most ancient canors , intitled apostolicall , extend even to inferiour civill offices . and lest any think this only constituted for the times , they lived under heathen emperours ; the same is repeated , in the synod of carthage , under hono●i●s and theodosius , christian emperours , and in that of chalcedon too . the reason was , because the pastorall office is of such weight and difficulty , that it requires the whole man. although this must not be taken so rigidly , as alwayes to exclude pastors from undertaking any secular charge ( the lawes , for example , except tuitions ) yet in sufficeth to remove from the pastor my charge , that is difficult and perpetuall ; as we see the apostles exempted themselves , for the same reason , from the care of the widowes maintenance ; an office otherwise not improper for them . but the charge of a kingdome , is both perpetuall , and more weighty , than any other . the strongest argument is , that the royall office requires far other manners and behaviour , than the pastorall , as it is described in the gospell , so that , even thence it sufficiently appeareth , both cannot with any convenience and comlinesse be sustained by one nor without inconstant levity in passing from the exercise of one to the other . we have shewed that the empire is distinct from the sacred function ; and , that there are causes , why both together ought not to be undertaken by the same person . neverthelesse , because both the empire , and the pastorall office ( by pastors i understand the ministers of the gospel ; for kings are pastors too , and that of the lords flock ; yea , pastors of the pastors , as a bishop once call'd king edgar ) though distinct , yet agree in this , that the same , which is the pastors only care , is the principall care of the highest powers ; namely , that divine things may be rightly ordered , and the salvation of men procured ; we need not wonder , if the highest powers , for the community of the matter , and the end , receive sometimes the title of the other function . hence it was , that constantine call'd himselfe a bishop , and other emperours had the title of renowned pontifs or priests . in the emperour martianus the roman bishop extolls his priestly mind , and apostolicall affection : and theodoret mentions the apostolicall cares of theodosius . as the names , so the privilege of the function , hath been given to emperours . the sixt generall synod forbiddeth laicks to approach the altar , i.e. the table of the lord ; but the emperour is excepted . upon which place , balsamo bishop of antioch observes , how the emperours were wont to seale with wax , as the bishops of that time did , and to instruct the people in religion . now if the emperours were called , as we have shewed they were , bishops and pontifs and priests , there was then no cause of upbraiding some english writers for attributing to their king a certaine spirituall power , seeing the name is often imposed not from the manner of working , but from the matter , as we call the laws military , nauticall , rurall . wherefore the kings power is also spirituall , as it is conversant about religion , which is a spirituall thing . chap. iii. how far sacred and profane actions agree , as to the right of having command over them . first let us see what kind of actions ( for about them authority is properly conversant ) may be the matter of command , and then , what effect the command may have , in the severall kinds . actions are first divided into externall , and internall . the externall are the primary matter under humane power , the internall are the secondary ; nor for themselves , but by reason of the externall : and therefore , about the internall , which are wholly separated from the externall , and respect them not , humane commands are not given . hence is that of seneca he erres , who thinks , the whole man can be subdued , for the better part is excepted : and that common saying , thought is free . the reason is , because government re-requires some matter , which may fall under the governours knowledge ; but god alone is the searcher of hearts , and hath the sole empire of them . unto men , the internall acts of others are uknown , by their own nature : by their own nature , i therefore adde , because the externall , that are done in secret , are under government : for by their nature , they may be known . i said , internall acts are subject to command , secondarily : that comes to passe two wayes ; either by the intention of the ruler , or by a kind of repercussion : in the first manner , where the inward act is joyned with the outward , and hath influence upon it , ( for the mind is esteemed in offences , either perfected , or begun ; ) in the latter , when , because any act is made unlawfull by the interdiction of the ruler , ( for we must be subject not only for wrath , but for conscience sake ; ) by thought to intend that action , is unlawfull : not , as if humane law were properly made for the thought ; but because no man can honestly will that , which is dishonest to be done . another partition of actions is this , that , before any thing is by men ordain'd concerning them , they are either morally defin'd , or indefinite . morally defin'd , i call those , which are either due , or unlawfull ; those may be said to be morally necssary , those morally impossible ; as , in the law , dishonest things are all expressed by that word . this determining of actions , before any act of humane authority , ariseth , either from their own nature ; as , to worship god , is due ; to lye , unlawfull of it self ; or from the positive divine law ; those of the former sort are referred to the law naturall ; but , lest any be deceived , by the ambiguity of the word naturall , not only those action are called naturall , which flow from principles known by nature ; but those also , which come from naturall principles , certainly , and determinatly . for , naturall , in this argument , is opposed , not to supernaturall , but to arbitrary . so , when as it is certaine , god the father , son and holy spirit , are one true god ; that the same god be worshipped , is a point of naturall law. actions of the latter sort , that is , determined or defin'd by divine positive law , are such as were prescrib'd by god , some to all men , some to one people , some to single persons , namely , to abraham , isaac , jacob , moses , and other servants of god. among all people , to israel alone , god prescribed many positive lawes , pertaining to religion , and other things . to all mankind , some things were commanded for a time , as , the law of the sabbath , presently upon the creation , as some think ; the law of not eating bloud , or the strangled , after the floud : other things to last for ever , as the institutions of christ , concerning excommunication , baptisme , the supper , and if there be any more of that kind . these things being understood , it may seeme , that such . actions only are the just matter about which humane authority is exercised , which by divine are left indefinite , and free either way . for aristotle describes that which is legally just to be that which from the beginning was indifferent , thus or thus ; but , after the law made , ceaseth to be so . and this is true , if we only look upon such an act of authority , which intrinsecally changeth the action ; for , when as the things that ought to be done , and the things unlawfull , are determined , and therefore immutable as to morall good or evill , it follows , that indefinite actions are left , as the only matter of such a change . neverthelesse when the things that ought to be done and those that ought not , are capable of a change extrinsecall , and may receive it from humane authority , it is manifest , they are subject to the same authority , unlesse they be actions mecrely internall . hither it pert●ins , to assigne the time , place , manner , and per●●ns , for performing of due actions , so f●r as the circumstances are undefin'd by the nature of the thing , and the law of god ; also , to take away impediments , and sometimes to adde rewards ; and , to restraine unlawfull actions , by such punishments as are in the rulers power , or else , to inflict no punishments , which is call'd permission of the fact , and is sometimes no fault . to him that looks more narrowly into these things it will appeare , that by humane command , there ariseth a new obligation , even in conscience , though of lesse degree , in the things which men were before bound to doe , or leave undone . for the divine law of the decalogue , saying to the jew , thou shalt not kill , thou shall not steale , and the rest , not only declar'd , what was of the law naturall ; but , by the precept , added a new obligation to the former ; so that the jew , doing the contrary , not only offended , in doing a vitious act , but an act forbidden : because , by the transgression of the law he dishonour●th god , as paul speaks . as it is in the divine law of the decalogue ; so also it is in mans law , a proportion being observed . for they that resist , resist the ordinance of god : and therefore , shall receive to themselves damnation , as the apostle testifies . we have considered , how largely the matter under humane power is extended , and what acts belong unto it , in every kind : now , let us see what acts are not , by right , within the command thereof . it is certaine , those only are without the limits of the supreme power , which are repugnant either to the naturall , or to any other divine law ; no other way , of confining the right of the highest power , can possibly be invented . the things defined in the law divine ( wherein i comprehend the naturall ) are of two sorts ; some commanded , some forbidden . therefore there are two acts of empire , which belong not to the right of him that ruleth ; to command what god forbids : to forbid what god commands . the reason is , because , as in naturall causes , the inferiour have no force to work , against the efficacy of the superiour ; so it is in morall . wherefore such commands , so far as they doe contradict the divine , cannot have the proper effect of commands ; they cannot impose an obligation . excellently saith austin : if the curator commands somewhat , is it not to be done ? no ; if the proconsul forbids . herein you contemn not the power , but choose to obey the higher . againe , if the proconsul bid one thing , the emperour appoint the contrary , without doubt you must hearken to the emperour . therefore , if the emperour doe require one thing , and god another , what is to be done ? god is the greater power ; give us leave , o emperour , to obey him. yet , we must carefully distinguish , between the act of authority , which moves the subject to work ; and the force offered , which imposes , on the subject , a necessity of suffring . for , when the act of authority is without effect , and layes no obligation ; yet the force hath an effect , not only physicall , but morall ; not on the agents part , but the patients ; namely , that it is not lawfull , to repell that force , by force : for violent defence , being lawfull against an equal , against a superiour is unlawfull . ●a souldier , saith the lawyer , who resisted his captain going about to chastise him , was punished by the antients . if he laid hold on his cane , he was casshier'd : if on purpose he brake it , or laid hand on the captain , he was put to death . this though probably it might have proceeded from humane law ( for humane authority binds to all things which are not unjust , and it is not unjust to forbear resistance ) or also from the law of nature , which suffers not a part to oppose the whole , no not for self-preservation : yet is it more cleerly demonstrated out of the written law of god. for christ , when he said , hee that taketh the sword , shall perish by the sword , plainly disallows a forcible defence against the most unjust force offer'd by authority . and hither is to be referr'd that of paul hee that resisteth , resisteth the ordinance of god. there are two wayes of resisting , either by doing against the command , or by repelling force with force , as austin interprets : whether the power , favouring the truth , corrects a man , he hath praise by it , who is amended : or , disfavouring the truth , rageth against a man , hee hath also praise by it , who is crowned . so peter will have servants subject to their masters , not only to the good and gentle , but to the froward ; which the same austin , extending also unto subjects , princes must be so endur'd by the common people , saith he , and masters by their servants ; that they may exercise their patience in bearing temporall things , and their hope , in waiting for things eternall . so it was also in the old law , where to use subjects for servants , to give away their goods to others , is call'd the kings right ; not , as if the king doing so , did justly ( the law divine had taught him another lesson , yea , had forbidden him to be puffed up , to gather abundance of gold and silver , and a multitude of horses ) but because , doing so , no man might lawfully oppose force against him as the romans say , the praetor gives judgement , even when he decrees that which is unjust . hence was that twice spoken of a king , though most unjust , yet set up by god , who can lay his hand upon the lords anointed , and be guiltlesse ? neither are they by any means to be heard , who against the holy scriptures , against right reason , against the judgement of pious antiquity doe arme certain inferiour powers against the highest . for , peter teaching obedience to the king ( that is , to the highest power ) as supreme , to governours ( that is , to inferiour powers ) as sent , and ordained by him , manifestly shewes , all the right of inferiour powers to depend upon the commission they receive from the highest . hence austin concerning pontius pilat : such power god had given him , that was contained under caesar's power . and , was not david a prince , and a leader among the people of god , who was so farre from touching that tyrants person , that his heart smote him , for cutting off the lap of his garment ? reason confirmes what we have said . for , those magistrates , in respect of their inferiours , are magistrates , as long as it pleaseth the supreme power ; but , in respect of the supreme power , they are but private men ; because all power , and all jurisdiction flowes from the supreme , and still depends upon it . hence marcus aurelius , that most wife emperour , said , the magistrates judge private men , princes the magistrates , and god the princes . by the name of princes understanding the emperours , who were now become absolute . the ancient christendome was of the same judgement ; for no governours , no leaders of legions , ever attempted any thing with arms , against the most impious , cruell , and bloudy emperours : so that , it is a very sad thing , that our age hath brought forth men of learning , who by a new-coyned doctrine , have opened a broad way for seditions , and wars to enter in . neither ought we to be moved by any late examples of arms taken up against kings . for if they were taken up against kings , upon whom the whole right of the people was translated ; and , who therefore raigned , not by a precarious , but proper right ; whatsoever pretext or successe they had , they cannot be prais'd without impiety . but , if any where kings were bound by contracts , on positive lawes , and decrees of some senate or states ; against these , having not the highest authority , upon just causes , by the judgement of the same senate or states , arms might be taken up . for many kings , even such as succeed by inheritance , are kings by name , rather than by power ; as aemilius probus hath written of the laconians . but , this deceives the unskilfull , that they doe not enough discern the daily administration of affaires obvious to their eyes , which in an optimacy is oft committed unto one ; from the interiour constitution of the common-wealth . what i have said of kings , i would have to be understood much more of them , who both really , and in title , were not kings , but princes ; that is , not chiefest , but first . whose principality much differs from supremacy . and again , this is to be noted , that some lords and cities have supreme authority , though they seeme not to have it , being under the trust and protection of another . but , seeing to be under protection , is not to be in subjection ; and , as the roman lawyers note , the people ceaseth not to be free , that are fairly observant to anothers majesty ; these also may be endowed with supreme authority , who are obliged to another by unequall league , or tye of homage . all this i set down to that end , lest any one hereafter ( as i see hath been often done ) defame good causes , by an ill defence . i would more enlarge in this argument ( for 't is of great consequence , and here to erre is dangerous ) but that 't is done already with great care by many others , and of late by the learned arnisaeus . upon these premises , let us come to demonstrate the parity of empire over sacred and other matters . as in all things , the thoughts are not so eafily ruled , as the words : so particularly , in religion , lactantius hath truly said ; who shall enforce me , either to believe , what i will not ; or , not to believe , what i will ? and in this sense that of casiodor is true , religion cannot be commanded ; and of bernard , faith is to be planted by persuasion , not obtruded by violence . wherefore also the emperours gratian , valentinian , and theodosius , said concerning an heretick , let him think , if he will , what is hurtfull for himself ; let him not utter it , to the hurt of others . and , i suppose , constantine had respect hereunto , when he call'd himself a bishop or overseer of things without : because , the inward acts , taken by themselves , are not the matter of humane power ; but are subject to the power of god ; who , by bishops , not commanding but ministring , moves the minds of men with voices and signs ; yet so , that the still reserves the maine efficacy to himself alone . notwithstanding , inward acts of all sorts , taken joyntly with the outward , fall under humane authority . the cornelian law lays hold on him , who carrys a weapon , with purpose to kill a man : and adrian the emperour saith , not only the event in evill deeds , but the will is to be consider'd . so in justinians code , concerning the catholick faith , a title is extant , to wit , for the profession of faith , which the first law explains , all people under our empire we require to be of such religion , &c. hence came those names of kings , rectors , authors , defenders of the faith. so also of old , the king of ninive commanded repentance , with fasting . that things forbidden by god cannot with validity be commanded ; nor things by him commanded , be forbidden by humane power , is no lesse true in other actions , than in sacred ; in both , that of the apostle hath place , we must obey god rather than men : which a disciple of the apostles , polycarpus , hath expressed thus ; we have learned to render to the powers ordained by god , all the honour we can , without hurting our own souls . the king of egypt commands the mid-wives to kill the male-children of the hebrews : they doe not obey . the cause is exprest . for they feared god : who by the dictate of nature forbids to slay the innocent . king ahab would have naboth sell him his vineyard ; naboth denyes ; for , the divine law , given to the hebrews , forbad inheritances to be alienated from the same family . antoninus caracalla commands papinian the lawyer , to defend the paricide committed by him : papinian refuses , and had rather dye ; because he knew , it was against the law of nature and nations , to speak false and patronize so great a crime . by the same right , but with more holy affection , the apostles , when the councill charged them , not to speak or teach in the name of jesus , , aske , whether they must not obey god rather than men ? and justly : for they had received a charge from god himself , by the mouth of the lord jesus , in his name to preach repentance and remission of sin , and that beginning at jerusalem ; for this also was specified in their commission . what therefore the divine command had made necessary for them to be done , humane command could not render unlawfull . and in this sense the authors are to be explain'd , who say , the gospel , the ministry , the sacraments , are not subject to humane power ; that is , to change that , which divine law hath introduced . for first , the preaching of the word of salvation , and the exhibition of the sacraments , being commanded by god , cannot effectually be forbidden by men . likewise , the noursing of parents or children , the relieving of the innocent , and many other duties , are so far exempt from humane law , that the prohibition of them is of no force or vertue . secondly , the forme by god prescrib'd , for the ministry of his word and sacrament , cannot be alter'd by men ; nor is this proper to things sacred . for also , the forme of matrimony , as it consists in the unity and individuall knot of two persons , is by humane law immutable . thirdly , it belongs not unto humane power , to make new articles of faith , or , as justinian speaks , to innovate the faith ; nor to institute a new worship of god , or new sacraments ; because , the nature of such things will not admit thereof : for nothing can be believed or done , in order to salvation , but what god hath declared such ; neither can any thing be fit to apply unto us the divine grace , unlesse god hath assign'd it to that use . yet , to speak accurately , these things which we have rehearsed , sacred and others , may be rather said to have something in them of immutable right , than simply and altogether exempted from the rule of the highest powers ; seeing there be very many and very great acts of authority concerning them ; which acts are call'd in scripture the commandements of the king in the businesse of the lord. for first , it is the proper effect of the highest powers , that we have liberty and convenience to doe the things which god commandeth , being freed from impediments , and supplyed with helps . so cyrus and darius gave leave to the jews to restaur the temple , and to sacrifice there ; and gave them moneys too , to beare their charges . so , by the edict of constantine and licinius , the christians had open exercise of their religion . secondly , not only by permitting , but ( as before was touched ) humane law , by commanding , what divine law doth command , superaddes another obligation . thirdly , to the actions commanded by god , the highest power prescribes certaine circumstances of place , time and manner , that they may be done decently and in order . fourthly from actions forbidden by god , the matter and oceasions are by humane power withdrawn . so ezechias brake the brasen serpent ; so the emperours shut up the heathen temples . fiftly , 't is the part of the highest power , by proposing punishments , to draw men to the doing of that , which god commands , and deterre them from the contrary . as nebuchadnezar made it death to speak evill of the hebrews god ; and the emperours , to offer sacrifice to the god of the gentiles . and in these particulars consisteth , as i take it , that office of the highest powers which is called by justinian , the preservative of the divine lawes , meaning such a custody , which is also legislative , as austin speaketh , let the kings of the earth serve christ , by making lawes also on behalf of christ . and the same particulars have place in things not sacred , which are likewise defined one way , by that divine law , which the apostle cals the righteousnesse of god. for therefore the civill law is said to consist , partly of civill institutions , partly of naturall precepts . concerning which naturall precepts , the civill law gives right and liberty to doe them , hindrances being remov'd ; yea commands the same things to be done ; determines circumstances ; takes away , or streightens the occasions of often transgression , lastly , addes a sanction , to them , by the constitution of punishments ; which is so manifest , that we need spend no more time in this . let us come to those things , which by the divine law , whether written in the hearts of men , or in the holy bible , are not at all determined . to determine them either way , whether they be sacred or profane , is the right of the highest power . of prophane , 't is most known ; so david , of dividing the spoile ; the roman emperouis , made constitutions , of the solemnities and effects of contracts and testaments , & innumerable other matters . of sacred things , 't is no lesse clear , if one ( i say not , diligently read ) but only look into the sacred history , the codes of theodosins and justinian , the novels , the capitular of charls the great . every where examples are so obvious . it pertaines hither , to institute offices , more for convenience and ornament , than for necessity , as david did ; to build or beautify temples , as salomon and joas , or to appoint a law and manner of building them , as justinian ; to prescribe the manner of electing pastors , holding synods , keeping order among pastors , alienation of things dedicate to holy uses ; all which very many christian emperours have done . now , if the highest power shall exceede the due limits , by decreeing and ordeining any thing , either in ecclesiasticall things , against the rules of faith and religion prescrib'd by god ; or , in other matters , against the perpetuall rule of equity ( as in both kinds it sometime happons ) ecclesiasticall and civill things doe againe agree in this , that , as a man cannot be oblig'd to obey men rather than god ; so if upon refusall force be offer'd , there remains the glory of patience , no right to oppose force to force . so christ hath caught peter , and peter us . so saith ambrose , grieve i can , weep i can , mourn i can , any other way to make resistance , i cannot , i ought not . a most holy example of that patience prescrib'd unto us by god , is left us by those antient christians , that liv'd under the heavy yoake of the unbelieving emperours . they were men to be feared for their number , had they chosen rather to shed others bloud , than their own : for , tertullian shews how they had filled both the camp and city . that victorious thebane legion , for religion sake , was contented to lose every tenth man , at the emperours command ; and , it is memorable , that when there was one christian put to death for tearing the imperiall edict , commanding bibles to be burnt , churches to be demolisht , and the christians crucified ; the rest of the christians declared , he had justly deserved that punishment . so deeply had the voyce of christ sunk into their minds , that forbids to take the sword . every one takes the sword , who hath not receiv'd it from god. god hath given it to none , but the supreme powers and to such as they appoint . no examples of the old testament evince the contrary ; for when we read of the defections of people or cities from some kings , and the impiety of the kings set down for the cause , therein the divine judgement is described , not the deeds of men commended . but if the highest power , that hath undertaken the protection of true religion , be it self therefore opposed by the armes either of forraign or domestick enemies , it hath all the right and reason in the world , by arms to defend its own authority , and the lives and fortunes of the subjects . for 't is all one upon the matter , whether the opposition be for religion , or any other pretence ; nor is the power being independent , more bound to let go the use of religion , than the possession of land , at the pleasure of any other whatsoever : for he beareth not the sword in vain . it hath been shewed , i think sufficiently , how the highest power hath equall authority over actions sacred and prophane , over the externall primarily , and in regard of them , over the internall also in the second place : i say , authority to command and forbid , what is commanded already , and forbidden by god ; to determine things left in the midst , and permitted to mans liberty ; and when force is offered under pretence of right , to defend it self . i say , equall authority over sacred and secular actions : which binius also a man of the roman religion acknowledgeth . in generall there is no difference ; but if we come to particulars , 't is confest , authority extendeth not to so many sacred things , because the divine law hath determined more of them , than of the secular , for , the secular affaires ( the institutes of the hebrew common-wealth , it is plain , oblige not us ) are almost all circumscrib'd by rules of nature , saving that it may be doubted of some connubiall lawes , whether they be naturall , or out of the divine pleasure . but , concerning sacred matters , much is prescribed us in the gospell , and proceeds immediatly from the will of god. this being noted , i see not any thing more , remaining in this question ; for , that a more diligent enquiry , and greater care is need-full in things sacred , both because the law of nature is more known than the positive , and because errour in religion is more dangerous ; this pertains to the question of the manner to use the power rightly , and changed nothing in the power it selfe . chap. iv. the objections against the authority of the highest fowers , about sacred things , are answerd the right under standing of what is al , ready spoken , will help any one to answer all that is said against the authority of the highest powers , in things sacted or ecolef●asticall . for first , that christ himself , not the highest powers , ordained the pastorall office ; that , as to the substance of the office , christ also hath set down the rules ; and that , so far ( as we have before acknowledged ) pastors are not the vicars , or deputies of the highest powers , all this diminisheth nothing of the right of government , as will appear by the examples of other things . the power of parems over children , of husbands over their wives , hath its o●iginall , not from any humane institution , but from god himself : yet who will deny these powers , though more antient , to be subject to the highest . the physicians function is from god , the author of nature , ( as the pastor's from god the author of grace , ) and from nature and experience he receiveth rules to execute his office , not from the highest powers ; nor is he in their stead , when he pract●seth : and yet for all this , the physician 's function is subject to the supreme authority . there is the same reason in other arts and professions . and , that pastors are not bound to obey the highest powers , when their commands or prohibitions are contrary to gods ; herein is nothing singular . for every private man hath so much right , and that in other things , as well as sacred . yea , the judge , that receives his commission from the highest power , being comanded by the same to judge against right and reason , is not bound to obey , or rather , is bound not to obey ; which comes to passe , not because the private man , or the judge is not subject to the highest power ; ( none will imagine that : ) but because both the power and they are all subject unto god : and when commands are contrary , the superiour is to be preferr'd . that which some allege , that the magistrate ( as they love to speak ) is not of the essence of the church . 1. that the church can subsist , although there were no supreme power , or that power not a friend to the church , is very impertinent ; for , that we may speak in their phrase , the magistrate is not of the essence of any single man , not of the essence of a merchant , or husband-man , or physician , yet are all these under the higher powers , as reason teacheth , and the apostles authority . this objection hath a better appearance , the promise made to the church in the prophet , kings shall bow down to her with their face toward the earth , and lick up the dust of her feet : which words rather seem to subject kings to the visible church , than the church to kings . this argument the papists often use . but truly , if as esdras and his companions once , so wee interpret the scripture by the scripture , comparing together what was dictated by the same spirit , we shall easily find , the honour , of which the prophet speaks , is proper and peculiar unto christ , which the psalmist expresses almost in the same words : and it is given to the church , for christ spiritually reigning in it ; as under the old testament , we read the arke to have been adored . there is therefore a trope in that prophecy , neither can the words be rigidly pressed , without transferring that majesty to the church , which agrees to christ alone , the prince of the kings of the earth . that saying , which is so much cryed up by the papists , that the emperour is within the church , not above the church , is most true of the church catholick , that never was , never will be under one king ; but it must be taken warily of the visible church of one kingdome , so as not to deny the superiority of the empire ; for a king , that properly bears the name of king , is not only superiour to the people taken severally , but to the whole people altogether . nor is this understood of unbelieving people only , of whom christ hath said , the kings of the gen●●les bear rule over them ; but even gods own people israel thus speak , a king shall be over us . and christian people are taught subjection to the unbelieving kings , by paul and peter . whereupon is that of chrysostome , if this berequired under pagan kings , how much more ought it to be under kings that are believers ? nor is it materiall , that pious authors sometimes say , kings doe service to the church ; for they mean only , that they doe consult and provide for the commodities thereof ; in which sense also the old pagans call'd a kingdome service . so doth the shepheard serve his flock , the tutor his pupill , the generall his army : and yet the flock is not above the shepheard , nor the pupill above the tutor , nor the army above the generall . for they that govern serve , by the office of consulting , and graciously providing , as austin speaks ; kings therefore may be said to serve the church , not to be servants of the church , in that sense , as service signifies subjection . for saul is not the servant of israel , but israel the servants of saul : and specially abimelech amongst the priests , as david among the peers . so is sadoc the priest the servant of david and solomon . wherefore also the greatest synods , being as it were a compendium of the whole church , living under the roman empire , salute the emperours by the name of their lords . certainly , as a father hath equally the rule over his family , whether believing or not : so the peoples right religion diminisheth nothing of the right of the highest power . some think this a very strong argument against the authority asserted to the highest powers , that the sacred function of pastors is conversant about kings also , not only as the gospel is in generall preached unto them among the rest , but as by the ministry of the keys , it is applyed to them in particular . but the weaknesse of this argument is convinced by like examples ; for what function is not conversant about the king ? husbandmen , merchants and the like , the king stands in need of , but to come nearer , the physician cures the king as well as his groome , and prescribes to both what may conduce to their recovery ; moreover , the counsellour of state is employ'd about the king , not only as a man , but as a king. yet no man hath been so unwise , to exempt either the persons or functions of any of them from the highest authority , and loose them from the bonds of humane lawes . we must come now unto them , who think all authority about sacred things so to belong unto christ alone , that kings cannot be partakers of it , because he is sufficient alone for the administration of his kingdome , and needs not the help of a deputy . that we may satisfy these men , the actions of christ must be distinguished . his legislation , and his finall judgement are peculiar to him . in his legislation is comprehended not only a more plaine promulgation of the divine law , mis-interpretations being rejected and the difference laid open between the things which god alwaies approved , and those which he did wink at or beare with for a time ; but also the constitution of the evangelicall ministry and sacraments , with the abrogation of the ceremoniall law. his finall judgement conteins the condemnation of some , and the absolution of others with exhibition of the reward . which being done , christ shall put off the administration of his kingdome , and yet retein the majesty of a king for ever . these actions therefore being done , and to be done by christ himself ; life and death eternall , with the promise , commination and adjudgement of the same , being not in the power of meer men ; it is certaine , that in them no man is the associate or deputy to him . but there be other actions call'd intermediate : and of these againe , some are about the inward , some about the outward man. those about the inward man are partly in the man , partly concerning him . in the man , christ works when by the vertue of his spirit he illuminats some , others by not illuminating he blinds , he opens the heart of some , others by not opening he hardens ; sometimes he affordeth greater aydes against temptations , sometimes lesse . concerning the man , christ works , when he remits or reteins sin : yet for the most part in those actions also some signs of them are inwardly imprinted in the man by divine efficacy . all those actions exceeding the power of meer man , are also so peculiar to christ , that he admits no fellow in them not vicar . ministers indeed he admits to these actions , pastors : private men , and kings too , every ohe in his way . but there is a difference between a vicar , and a meer minister ; because it is the part of a vicar to produce actions of like kind with his actions whose place he holds ; though of lesse perfection : and to a meer minister it perteins not to produce actions of like kind , but such as are serviceable to the actions of the principall cause . whence it appears , that the same action is properly atributed , yet proportionably , both to the prineipall and the vicegerent ; for the king truly governs and gives judgement ; so doth the judge also , though not with equall right . but , to the principall and the meer minister , the same action cannot be accommodated without a trope : as pastors are said to save men , to remit and reteine their sins . there remaine the actions of christ about the outward man : which especially consist in defence and deliverance from enemies , and in the ordering and adorning of his church ; actions rightly referr'd unto his providence . and as the generall providence of god which hath a warchfull eye over all things although by it self it be sufficient for the disposition and execution of them ; yet , for the demonstration of his . manifold wisdome , he makes use of the highest powers , as his deputies , to preserve the common society of men ; whence also they are stiled gods : so that speciall providence of christ , watching over his church , assumes unto it self the same powers to patronise the true faith ; and to them christ also imparted his own name . these are they that , as nazianzen saith , rule together with christ , not by equall fellowship of power ( far bee from as so impious a thought ) but by a vicarious and derived right , which is the meaning of that in the bohemian consession , magistrates have a power common with the damb . wherefore seding things subordinate do● no fight against one another , and seeing it doth not mis become the majesty of christ to excout● the prin●ipall actions of his kingdome by himself immediatly , 〈◊〉 partly by himself , pamly by other ( as ●e 〈◊〉 too the angels ministry , out of question ) it follows , that the earthy empire of the highest power , as it takes care of sacred things , doth not at all oppose or stand against the heavenly and divine power of christ . and here we must admonish our opponents , that in the place of christ , the king of kings , and lord of lords , they may not put upon us presbyteries and synods ; nor transferre what is proper to christ alone , to rule over kings , unto them , whom both the necessity of order , and divine authority hath subjected to the imperial power . but , because in scripture , and the antient history some government is attributed , partly to pastors , partly to churches , let us see how it comes to passe , that the government of the highest power is not overthrown thereby . for the right understanding whereof , lest in the unlikenesse of things we be deceiv'd by the likenesse of words , we must make use of some distinctions . government is either such as may consist with the liberty of the governed , or such as ●●dy not consist , with it the former agrees to them , who govern ( as tucitus speaka ) by authority of persuasion not by pou●●● of command , as physicians lawyers , coun sellours in things not , altogether necessary . the later government , whereby the liberty of the governed is taken away , is either declarative of law , or constitutive : and this later , either by right of consent , or by vertue of authority . this distinction springs from the manner of introducing an obligation . they that govern declaratively doc not oblige properly , but occasionally , as they give a man notice of that which either brings or encreases an obligation . so the physician governs his patient , by shewing what is hurtfull , what is wholsome : which being known , the sick is bound to use this , avoid that , not by any right which the physician hath over him , but by the law of nature , which commands every one to have a care of his own life and safety . so philosophers doe govern the morall and civill life , by shewing what is honest , what the safety of the people requires . hither are refer●●d the annunciations which embassadours or heralds sent by the highest powers make unto the subjects , and as well the suasory , which we have memtion'd , as the declarative , are wont to be comprehended under the one name of directive regiment ; from which differs the constitutive , whether it ariseth out of consent , a command . that , out of consent , hath vertue to oblige all that have consented , by the naturall law , concerning the keeping of covenants , in those things , which were in the right and power of the covenanters . but they , that have not consented , are not directly bound ; indirectly they are , if three things concurr . first , that they are a part of the whole ; second , that the major part of the whole have consented ; the third , that something must be necessarily constituted for the conservation of the whole , or the bettering of it . upon these conditions , all and every one are bound , not by any right which the major part hath over them , as superiour , but by that law of nature , which requires every part , as a part , to be ordered for the good of the whole . which good oftentimes cannot be had without some speciall determination ; and that determination can be of no effect , if it be lawfull for a few to undoe what was done by many . hence it is , that the companions of a journey , the partners of one ship , or of the same negotiation , & all collegues are bound to stand to the decree of the major part , in those things only , that need some determination , and belong to that community , whereof themselves are members . but the imperative regiment obligeth by the intrinsecall force of its own supereminence ; and the regiments of this kind , as hath been said , are either supreme , or placed under the supreme : and these again either derived from the supreme , preme , or of some other originall : these later , ordinary , as that perpetuall and primitive government of the father over his , family , whence ariseth the authority of the. pedagogue and tutour ; extraordinary , such as god gave by speciall commission to some men under the old testament . the powers derived from the supreme , either have received a right both to oblige and to act , as the praetorship ; or to oblige only , as the power of a delegate . without a right to oblige , there is no power , for this is as it were , the naturall effect thereof . let us now apply all this unto pastors and churches . the apostles are forbid by christ , the presbyters or pastors by the apostle , to rule as lords over gods heritage ; the word is applyed to kings , lu. 22.23 . and that is not only forbid , but to exercise authority , which as distinct from the other is given to great ones , mat. 20.25 . mar. 1.42 . by the name of great ones are understood such princes as the ethnarchs of the jewes , which were stiled euergetae , as we may see in josephus , whence that of luke may receive some light , they that exercise authority over them , are called euergetae benefactors . if therefore such right as the highest powers have , and such as the inferiour powers have , be denyed pastors ; it followes , that all power is denyed them . christ himfelf respecting his state of a servant , denies his kingdome to be of this world ; denyes ( which is lesser ) that he was made a judge . and unto the same state he called his apostles . we have not ( saith chrysostom ) such power given us , that by authority of sentence we can restrain men from offences . and saith bernard , i read that the apostles stood to be judged , i find not that they sate in judgement . pastors are call'd in scripture by the name of embassadours , messengers , preachers ; whose part it is , to declare the authority of another , not to oblige men by their own . their commission is , to speak what they have heard , to deliver what they have received , and no more . the apostle himself , concerning virgins , because he had no commandement from the lord , dares command nothing ; only he gives counsell , withall declaring ●would be no sin in her that should do otherwise ; and admonishing the corinthians to help those of jerusalem , by some extraordinary largesse , he addes , not of neceßity : the reason whereof went before , i speak not by command . the government therefore , which is given to pastors , when they are said to guide , to rule , to feed , to be set over the church , ought to be referred to the declarative kind , or to that which meerly consisteth in persuasion . where the apostles or pastors are read to have commanded , it is to be interpreted by that figure by which they are said to remit and retain sins , that is , to declare them remitted or retained . nor is that to be taken otherwise , when god saith he set jeremy to destroy kingdomes ; that is , to pronounce the destruction of them . so also in those letters of the elders and brethren to the churches of sytia and cilicia these words , to impose a burthen , are to be expounded in like sort : for there is no new burthen imposed upon the christians , ( then it would follow , that fornication , the avoyding whereof is a part of that burthen , was lawfull before this decree ) but the duty of christians is declar'd out of the divine law ; which would have free actions directed to the furtherance of other mens salvations , and all offences carefully avoided . that the church hath no commanding power by divine right appears , because the sword is the instrument of that power , ( by the sword is meant coërcive force : ) but the armes of the church are not carnall , neither hath she received any sword from god , but the spirituall , that is , the word of god. besides , her conversation is not in farth , but in heaven ; she lives on earth as a stranger , not as free ; and strangers have no right to command . yet , since the church is a company , not permitted only , but instituted by divine law ( i speak of the church visible ) it follows , that all those things , which do naturally agree to lawfull companies , doe agree to the church also ; so farre , as they are prov'd not taken away . among those things is the constitutive government , which we called by consent . wee will bring two examples . the law of the sabbath being abrogated , 't was at the christians pleasure , keeping a just proportion , to set apart what part of time they would for the worship of god. now , because that worship , according to the precept of christ , requir'd a certain congregation of godly men , that part of time could not be determin'd but by corsent . so the apostles leading the way , and the church following , was dedicated to holy assemblies the first day of the week ; which also , in memory of the resurrection , is called the lords day . again , the apostles being themselves not at leasure to oversee the poor , the church , by their persuasion , instituted the office of deacons , and made election of persons to persons to performe it . in both places wee find somewhat defined and constituted by consent , which without great fault none could gainsay . for , it was requisite that somewhat should be constituted ; and that could not be , one or two dissenting , unlesse , either the minor part should give place to the major , or the major to the minor . this being unreasonable , that was necessary . this right of constitution therefore , to the church is naturall . but , the imperative government , we have shewed above , not to follow from the nature of the church : and yet that hindereth not , but that both the highest , and the inferiour authority may agree unto it . the highest , if the faithfull unmixed with others , and free from all subjection , make up a common-wealth of themselves ; this seemeth to have happened to the jewes in the times of the maccabees ; the church had then the highest authority : yet , not properly as a faithfull people , but as a free people . an inferiour authority , and liberty to use their own law , the same jewes , not only in their own land , but at alemandria and else-where , have often had , with some kind of coactive power , sometimes of more , sometimes of lesse extent ; as it pleased the supreme governours , under whom they lived . but , as for the ministers of holy things , we have sufficiently shewed , that no commanding authority agrees to them by divine right , that is , flowing from the institution or nature of the ministry it self : as also , 〈◊〉 the highest authority is incompatible ●ith snch a ministry . neverthelesse , that inferiour authority ought alwayes to be separated from the pastorall office , the antient church never believed . whatsoever we have given to pastors , derogates nothing from the authority of the highest powers over sacred things ; for the directive regiment , consisting in the giving of counsell and declaring of the divine command , is quite of another kind . and 't is no marvell if the same person do govern , and is govern'd , in a divers kind of government ; for the counsellour governs the king by perswading ; he that is skill'd in naturall right , by declaring divine law ; the physician and pastor both wayes ; yet hath the king command over them all , and that the highest . the government by consent , although constitutive , is also subject to the empire of the highest powers ; because no man , by consenting , can conferre upon another more right , than he had himself . for this obligation , arising from the liberty of every one , is not larger than that liberty ; but , they have not liberty , being single , to do any thing against the command of the highest power , ( except the things which god commands : ) therefore they have no right to bind themselves so farre . besides , two constitutive governments ●unlesse subordinate one to the other , cannot consist , nor can any subject be obliged to contraries , as before is said ; which is the reason why the paternall and priestly government of the old testament ( for the aaronicall priesthood was never without authority ) was by god subjected to the royall . lastly , that authority , which is allowed to pastors by the supreme , being both subject to it , and wholly proceeding from it , is so farre from overthrowing , that it plainly confirmes the right of the supreme ; for the cause is known by the effects , and that which gives authority to another , hath it selfe more authority . chap. v. of the judgement of the highest powers about sacred things . the authority of the highest powers about sacred things being clear'd wee come to that which pertains to the right use of this authority . the commands of authority must proceed from judgement . judgement properly denotes the act of a superiour , defining what is just between two parties ; and the highest judgement is that of the highest power ; for the lawes and decrees thereof cannot be nulled or repealed by any higher : although obedience to such lawes and decrees be not absolutely due , but so farre as it may be given , without violation of gods command . now , as the authority is extended to sacred things , as well as secular ; so is the judgement too , according to which the authority is used . indeed , some kings and emperouss have seemed to reject from themselves the judgement concerning religion : but , that was either because they found themselves unfit , and unable to performe that office ; or else , they meant only ( as the great king of britan interprets his own words , and some of the antient emperours ) that they did not arrogate to themselves ( as the pope of rome doth ) a judgement infallible . the truth is , all humane judgement is subject unto error ; and unlesse we will take away all judgement out of the world , we must acquiesce in some highest : whose errors are to bee reserved to the judgement of god. if you grant this highest humane judgement ( i speak not of directive judgement , but imperative ) it will not follow thence , that pastors and other christians may , upon the judgement and command of the highest power , omit the necessary duties of piety and charity : for ( as above hath been shewed ) the commands of the highest , bidding or forbidding , whether in sacred things or secular , bind us not , to doe or omit any thing against the law of god , either naturall or positive ; but only to suffer ; and that , only where the paine cannot be avoided , but by contrary force . the supreme judgement of christ doth no more deny this judgement of which we speak , than his authority the authority of the highest powers . legislation carrying with it , by its own vertue , the reward and punishment eternall ; and finall judgement , according to that law , is the prerogative of christ alone , in the meane time , christ speaks by his spirit , by divine judgement ; yet doth not humane action follow that judgement , unlesse humane judgement be interposed . which , as it belongs to every christian , in respect of his private actions ; so , in respect of publike , and of private , that are govern'd by publick authority , it belongs to the publick powers , and to the highest in the highest degree . brentius long ago● saw this , whose words are these : as a private man hath a private , so a prince hath a publick power , to judge of the doctrine of religion , and to decide it . they that make the scripture judge , think rightly , but speak improperly : for if we speak exactly , the scripture is the rule of judging ; and the same thing cannot be , both the rule , and the judge . in the same kind of speech , the law is said to judge no man unheard : and , the word which i speak , saith christ , shall judge them at the last day . to the pastors and others that have their senses exercised in the scripture , and to the churches , but especially , and in the highest manner , to the catholick church , agrees a judgement concerning sacred things ; for every one , as aristotle saith , rightly judgeth of those things which he●●nder standeth . but this judgement is of another kind ; for it leads the way to their own actions , and the actions of others , by directing , not by commanding . and , it is not absurd to grant two highest judgements of severall sorts , such as are the directive judgement of the catholick church , and the imperative of the highest power ; for there is no judgement among men higher in esteeme than that none higher than this in power . now seeing there are two enemies unto judgement , ignorance , and ill-affections ; to the end , the supreme governour may rightly exercise the judgement that belongs unto him , he hath need both of knowledge in sacred matters , and of a mind truly religious : things so united one to the other , that religion encreaseth knowledge , and knowledge religion , as lactantius hath plainly shewed . there is in tacitus an excellent forme of prayer for the emperour , that god would give him an intelligent mind both in humane and divine law. but as far as divine things excell humane , so much more glorious , more profitable , and more necessary , is the knowledge of divine things , than of humane . therefore is the king so strictly charged , to write himself a copy of the law , to keep it with him , and read therein all the dayes of his life ; and , to joshuah saith god , let not this book of the law depart out of thy mouth , but meditate therein day and night ; and in the 2 psalme 10. verse , which evidently respecteth the times of christ . be wise o ye kings , be learned ye judges of the earth . the pious hebrew kings , of old , obeyed these admonitions : and so did the chiristian emperours . theodosius and valentinian : among other cares , which our vigilant love of the common-wealth hath imposed on us , we perceive the principall care belonging to the imperiall majesty is the search of religion ; by the conservation whereof , we may hope for successe in all our enterprizes . and saith justinian , our greatest sollicitade is concerning the true knowledge of god , and the honour of his ministers . these precepts and examples prove , that the king ought to be skilfull in religion . yet , there are some that object , and say , it cannot be that one should well attend to any in particular , who hath upon him the weight of all affairs . to whom we answer : there is as it were a naturall coherence between the generall knowledge of all , and the more exact knowledge of the most noble part . so doth the metaphysiologer generally considers all that is , and specially things incorporeall : the physiologer , all that moves , and heaven above the rest . even so , ought the architect of a common-wealth to have a generall view of all affaires and studies , but a neerer and more curious insight into those of the church . neither is the knowledge of sacred things so intricate , as some would make it . theology , saith nazianzen , is a thing simple and naked , without any great artifice , consisting of divine testimonies ; which yet is depraved by some men , and turned into an art of very great difficulty . i speak of those things which are substantiall points of faith , and belong to the body of religion ; for there bee other things , partly metaphysicall , partly historicall , and also partly grammaticall , which by divines are often handled , with great contention and clamour . with these , it is not necessary , the mind of a king should bee over busied ; no more than with the subtilties of the law , whereof the prime titles are very needfull to be known . there is a kind of intemperance in the desire of knowledge ; and the wisest man is he not that knowest most , but that knoweth what is most usefull . what the apostle said to all , let the highest powers apply unto themselves , and be wise unto sobriety . in whatsoever is expedient and sufficient for them to know , the divine ayde will not be wanting : which will easily supply the defect of time . one of the antients said , he had learned more by praying , than by reading . god is not deaf to these prayers of the church : give the king thy judgements , o god , and thy righteousnesse to the kings son. thou hast made me know thy secret wisdom , saith david . salomon was very yong ; he knew not how to direct his steps ; the multitude of his subjects , the weight of his affairs sate heavy on him ; and who , saith he , can be able to judge this so great people ? therefore he prayes god to give him an understanding heart , that he might judge the people , and discern between good and evill . what answer doth god returne ? because thou hast not asked long life , nor riches , nor the life of thine enemies , but understanding to heare judgement : behold , i have done according to thy words : behold , i have given thee a wise and an understanding heart . god and nature , as they say , are not wanting in necessaries . wherefore , since empires are ordained by god , and that especially for the safeguard of true religion , what can be more agreeable to the divine goodnesse , than to afford unto them that humbly pray for it , whatsoever is necessary to their function ? in the old testament , god hath often endued the powers with the gift of prophecy . in these last dayes he hath spoken to us by his son in whom , god the father hath open'd all his connsell , concerning the salvation of men . after him , there are not more masters now , but one is our master , christ , of whose fulnesse we have all received . no new revelation ( as of old ) is now requir'd , but only the promulgation of that which is revealed , nor hath any man cause to complaine of obscurity or subtility , the word is nigh unto us , in our mouth and in our heart . this doctrine is hid to none , whose eyes are not blinded by satan . and therefore all are said , taught of god , all knowing god , christ having in some sort fulfilled that desire of moses , who wished than all the lords people might be prophets . and if the understanding of the gospel be so easy and at hand to all christians , among whom are so many rude and busied , that get their living by perpetuall labour of their hands ; what is it that can exclude ●●ngs from a benefit so generall ? especially when the apostle hath applyed that universall , god would have all men to come to the knowledge of the truth , unto kings especially . in this confidence , the emperour theodosius , being in the cause of religion to pronounce judgement between severall sects , in private implor'd the divine help , and obtein'd it . justinian obtein'd the same , in setting forth such a confession of faith , than which none of the fathers or bishops set forth any more full , or more luculent . certainly , the things which are necessary to be believed and done , and those also , which though not necessary , are of any great moment in the church , are but few in number , and very obvious , shining forth , first in the sacred scripture , and afterward in the perpetuall consent of more pure antiquity . the rest can hardly put the highest power to any trouble : and yet , if any suddain difficulty and unexpected shall arise ( which happens more oft in secular , than in sacred things ) time may be taken and faithfull counsels . thus for of knowledge . the other part , which we require in the highest power , is piety . no vertue is more worthy of a king. hence is it given in precept to the king of the hebrewes , to learn to fear god , and observe the words of his law : to joshua , not to depart from that praescript , either to the right hand , or the left . the same is often inculcated to the kings by the prophets . two faults there are to be avoyded by the highest power : first ; and above all , that greatest of spirituall maladies , atheisme ; superstition next , which effeminates the mind , and overthrowes all generous counsells . 't will be a very good caution against both , to think often of that apostolicall speech : the end of the commandement is charity , out of a pure heart , and a good conscience , and faith unfeigned ; from which some having erred , turn aside to vain jangling , willing to be teachers of the law , when they neither understand what they say , nor whereof they affirm . we have shewed what is requir'd in the highest powers , that they may rightly exercise the right they have : but here we must not forget to observe , the distinction between the rightnesse of an action , and the firmnesse of it . for example ; a judge unskilfull of the law , hath pronounced a wrong sentence ; the judge hath : done amisse , yet is not the sentence null , but unlesse an appeale followes , it passes into a judged case . a privare man , that is master of his own estate , hath prodigally made away his goods , the alienation is valid , although the act be vitious . if parents be harsher to their children , masters to their servants , than is fit ; they are in fault , yet is obedience due unto them . there be many cases of like nature . the reason is , because many things are requir'd to make the action right ; it must proceed from an understanding well inform'd , and an honest purpose of mind ; it must be done in due manner , and with fit circumstances . to make the action fume only one thing is needfull , that the agent have a right to doe it . now an act may be out of the agents right , either absolutely , when the effect is unlawfull , by itself , or by reason of some law ; or relatively , when the effect is not under the agents power and authority . naturally , and the law positive secluded , no act can be frustrate , but whose effect hath either some viciousnesse annexed , or else is beyond the sphere of the agents power . in the former respect , the command of a father , master , or king , is frustrate , when it enjoynes idolatry , or a bye : in the l●to● , the command is fruit strace of a master to the , servant of ano● ther man , of a king to one that is not his subject , of whomsoever over ) actions ●●●egly internal such as have no relation to the outward . we conclude the refore , that the fault either in the understanding , of the ●●●●ction , makes not void an act of authority ; ( but the commands of the highest powers are valid still ( being not contrary to gods law ) though they have not ●ue opinions of things divine of senve not god alight . examples hereof are many . pharaoh was wicked king ; yet ducst not gods own people goe forth beyond the bounds of egypt for to sacrifice , without his permission : for although sacrifice was by divine command , and out of the royall power , ●●t the place being undefin'd by god , was not exempted from the obedience they owed unto the king , nebuchadnex●● , i think no man will affirme to have been throughly of the true religion . his law of ●onowing the god of israel was ●o●●osso●adid , than that other of worshipping the idol vain cyrus and his successors , as histories relate , were given to the worship of false gods ; yet , without their leave , might ( not the ) hebrewes rebuild the temple , for the service of the true . and , although the godly chose rather to compose their controversies among themselves , yet being called before heathen judges , they acknowledged their power , and by necessity of the times were oft compell'd to implore it : knowing , that the right of judging might belong even to them , that were , of themselves , unfit to give right judgement . the controversie about the temple of jerusalem , and that of garizin , was debated and determined between the jews and samaritans , ptolomy king of egypt being judge ; for although the king did not himself adhere to the mosaicall ordinances , yet was he able to judge , and he did rightly judge , which temple of the two , which worship and priesthood , was agreeable to that law , by which , it was confest , the judgement between the parties should be giv'n . felix was a wicked man ; but being the vicegerent of the roman emperour , paul is accus'd before him by tertullus ; many crimes are objected to him , and among the rest , that he was prince of the sect of the nazarenes . he denies the rest , this he confesseth , that he worshipt god , after that way which they calld a sect , or heresie . the question is , whether this be a crime : and one of the particulars to be enquired of , is concerning the resurrection of the dead , a principall point of faith . the same controversie being after brought before festus , paul acknowledged his right to judge : here , saith he , i ought to be judged . and , fearing the judges partiality , he appeales to caesar , the highest judge ; before whom he pleaded , not his own cause onely , but the gospels . for the question was , whether to preach the gospell were a crime paul denies , upon this ground , because the gospell was a true and saving doctrine . in this cause , the worst of princes is acknowledged for imperiall judge by the best apostle . and , if according to his duty he had acquitted paul , ( as many think he did at the first hearing ) his sentence had been firm , and had cleerly given the apostle a right against the jewes . but having condemned him , and in him the gospel , the sentence was null and frustrate ; that is , it could not bind paul to cease his preaching ; yet was it firm , so far , as to bind him from resisting the prince imposing penalty . justin mar●yr , and other most learned of the christians , presented their apologies to emperours not christians , to the end they might approve the verity of the christian faith to those judges . for , although a man regenerated by the spirit of god is the fittest judge of spirituall things ; yet , that the gift of illumination , which respects the understanding ( wherein the judgement is ) is given also to many unregenerate , no man hitherto hath denyed . neither hath any man here heretofore reprehended austin for these words , extant in that book , wherein with much pains he defendeth grace : certainly some men have in them naturally a divine gift of understanding , whereby they are mov'd to believe , if they heare words , or see signes , that are congruon , to their mindes . and truly , how can it be said , that none but true believers can have a true judgement concerning sacred things , when as the faith if self cannot be embraced , but by judgement ? wherefore 't is said to all , search the scriptures : and they of beraea are commended , that having heard paul and silas preach , they searched the scriptures , whether those things were so . this could not be done without judgement ; as the syrian interpreter hath well exprest the sense , judging out of the scripture . if then they , that doe not yet believe , have some right to judge , private men for their private acts , and the powers for publick ; much lesse is it fit to exclude from judging , such as having given assent unto the true doctrine , by some infirmity of their mind doe yet abstain from participation of the sacraments ; for constantine the emperour , before he was baptiz'd , did with the approbation and praise of the bishops , make lawes concerning religion , call synods , give sentence in the synod and after , sate as judge between the catholicks and the party of donatus . and valentinian , after he had enacted many lawes about sacred things , departed this life without baptisme . much lesse yet , may the highest powers be deprived of this judgement , upon this pretence , that they have not skill in all those things which are wont to be disputed by divines . if this reason prevail , how many pastors , honest and faithfull , but not of learning enough to be doctors , must be denyed to judge ? and , by that reason , lawyers might intrude into the seat of civill judges , because they are more skilfull in the law ; and the judges in city and country , concerning wills , and contracts , and such like things , are rather good men , than good lawyers . adde further , that in the case of homicide , it is his part to judge , that hath not learned physick , what wound is mortall , what is not : and whether a child may be born in the eleventh month , and many things of like sort . whence it appeareth , the fitnesse and ability of judging ought not to be confounded with the right of judgement , which is publick and imperative . he that is most fit hath not alwaies the right ; and he that is unfit , doth not lose it . i conclude this with plato's saying ; happy are the commonwealths , wherein either philosophers are kings , or the kings given to philosophy . yet may not the philosopher invade the royall throne , nor the king be thrust out of it , that is no philosopher . it is objected , the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets . many of the antients both greek and latine , understand st. pauls meaning to bee this ; they that are inspir'd with prophecy must not all speak to the people at once , but one expect the ending of the others speech ; for they are not like the possessed , transported by the inspiration , but so far masters of it , that they may use the gift of god without consusion , and in that order , wherewith god is best pleas'd , and his people edified . there is no cause to reject this interpretation , which the series of the apostles discourse so fairly admits . the other interpretation , that the prophets ought to suffer other prophets to judge of their prophecies , is not pertinent here . for first , seeing that singular gift of prophecy , as of healing , and tongues , was marvellously ordeined by god for the beginnings of the church , and is long since expired , it cannot be applyed by way of argument unto our times . and , grant you may compare unto that admirable gift ( manifested also by the prediction of things to come ) the theological skill , what ere it be , acquir'd by humane labour ; yet will not they obteine their desire , who would have all pastors , and them alone , to be knowing in theology ; for there are many pastors not very expert ; and some that are not pastors are of good skill in things divine . lastly , there being divers kinds of judgement , as hath bin spoken , the establishment of one is not the destruction of the other . the same disease or wound fals under the judgement of the physician , and of the judge , if it come in question before him , and of the sick man himself . and , when the prophets judged in the apostolicall church , it was said to every christian , try the spirits : yea , st. john layes down a rule , by which every one of the faithfull might discerne the spirit of god from the spirit of antichrist . whereunto answers that of paul to the thessalonians : quench not the spirit : despise not prophecyings : try all things , hold fast that which is best . but without all question , this tryall and distinction of things is an act of judgement . and in that place of the apostle , let the prophets speake two or three , and let the other judge ; the most antient fathers by the word , other , understand not the other prophets only , but all the people : not without great reason ; when as elsewhere the discerning of spirits is , by the same apostle , distinguisht from the gift of prophecy . whence it appears , he meant either some gift common unto christians ( for faith also is numbred among the gifts , distinct from the gift of miracles ) or a certaine excellent faculty to judge of prophecies , where with some , that were not prophets , were endued . the apostle paul himself bids the corinthians judge what he saith . and the holy fathers often appele unto the judgement of all the people . so ambroses let the people judge , in whose heart is writ the law divine . all this we have alleg'd , to manifest that the judgement of things sacred , and of the holy doctrine , did at no time belong to the prophets only . whence also it may be understood , how poore their evasion is , who reply to the arguments out of the old testament , and say , the things there done by kings were not done by them as kings , but as prophets . for , if by the name of prophet , they meane , some speciall mandate of god was given them ; this is , where the scripture is silent , a meer divination , so far from certaine , that 't is not probable . what need any speciall mandate , when the law was extant , unlesse perhaps to incite the negligent ? but , if by prophecy they meane a clearer understanding of the divine will , proposed but darkly in those , times ; we easily confesse , they did as prophets ( since they would have us say so ) know more certainly what was to bee commanded by them ; but they commanded as kings . and for that cause , the scripture in the narration of those affairs , not content with the proper name , added the name of king ; to signify , the right of doing proceeded from the authority royall : and therefore to be imitated by kings . wherefore , letus also say , when christian kings give commandements about sacred matters , they have the right to doe so , as they are kings ; the skill , as christians , as taught of god , having the divine law inscribed on their hearts in a clearer print than those antient kings and prophets ; for many kings and prophets ( saith christ to his disciples ) have desired to see the things that ye see , and have not seen them ; and to heare the things that ye heare , but they have not heard them . chap. vi. of the manner of rightly exercising authority about sacred things . we distinguish the right of the highest powers , and the manner of using their right ; for 't is one thing to invade that which is belonging to another , and an other thing to use improvidently that which is ones own . so great is the variety of things , times , places , persons , that we might here make a long discourse , but we shall briefly collect what may suffice for our purpose . first then , it behooves him that hath the supreme authority , both in the inquisition of that which is by law divine determined either to be believ'd or done , and in consultation about what is profitable for the church , to lend a willing care to the judgement of eminent pastors , for their piety and learning . that this is to be done in doubtfull matters , reason and common sense demonstrates ; for one man cannot see , nor heare all things ; therefore said the persians , a king must borrow the eyes and ears of other men . by the commerce and society of wise men , princes become wise . which sayings if they are true in secular affairs , how much more in sacred , where the errour is most dangerous . for the proof hereof we need not allege examples : it will be more worth our pains , to consider how far the judgement of the supreme governour may and ought to acquiesce and rest in the judgement of pastors . we must note therefore , that all humane judgement is founded either upon internall principles , or upon externall ; the internall are either objected to the sense , or to the understanding : by the former , we judge the snow to be white , by the later , we judge mathematicall propositions to be true , because they are reduced to common notions . the externall principle is authority or the judgement of another ; and that is either divine or humane : no man doubteth but that in all things he must acquiesce to divine authority ; thority ; so abraham judged it to be his duty to offer his son ; so noah believed the floud would come . but , to humane authority no man is bound to acquiesce , unlesse he can find no way to fix his judgement upon divine authority , or upon some internall principle . yet may we acquiesce thereto in all things , the search whereof is not commanded us . so the sick man doth well , if he take a medicine preserib'd by a physician of good fame ; yea , being in perill of death , he is bound to follow the counsell of physicians , if himself be not of that wit and skil , to make a certaine judgement upon principles of nature . as to divine authority , god reveales some things , and proposes them himself , other things , he reveales himself , and proposes to men by others , as by angels , prophets , apostles . whensoever the thing is propos'd by others , before the mind can fully rest , it is necessary we be assur'd , the proposer can neither be deceiv'd , nor deceive , in the thing that is proposed . this assurance we obtaine , either by some other divine revelation , as gornelius concerning peter , paul concerning ananias : or else by signs of divine power , yeilding undoubted testimony to the veracity of the proposer . that wee must acquiesce to every proposition thus made , no christian doubteth . but between the more subtile of the romanists , and those of the evangelicall church , this is the true state of the question : whether since the age of the apostles , there be any visible person , or company , all whose propositions we may , and ought to receive , as undoubted truths . the evangelics deny , the romanists affirme . hither is also brought this great controversy of government in sacred things ; for the romanists doe not deny kings to governe ; this hart granted to renolds : they doe not deny all government to proceed from the judgment of the governour ; this suarez plainly affirmes . neither doe the evangelics deny the judgement of kings ; as well as of private men , to be determined by divine oracle , if there be any such , if there be any prophets that cannot erre : for all men are under god : but , whether there be any such since the apostles , that 's the question ; and that at last is reduced only to the pope ; for that single pastors , kings also , and private men , synods provinciall , nationall , patriarchall , and even they that were gather'd out of all the roman world , are fallible , and have been in errour , no man can deny . wherefore , supposing that which is most true , and which some of the romanists doe grant concerning the pope himself , that every man in the world is subject unto errour , ( for any thing that we know , ) yea , every congregation also , that is visible : let us see how farre one is bound to follow the judgment of another that is thus fallible . first we say , no man is bound to follow anothers directive judgment universally . chrysostom of old hath said the same : how absurd is it , in all things to be sway'd by the sentence of other men ? for , possibly wee may be certain , either by internall principles , or by divine authority , the judgement of sentence is , false . that any private man , grounding his sentence upon the gospell , is to be believed before the pope , is confess'd by panormitan and gerson . and the pious bishops who had learned out of the gospell , that the word is god , and god only one , did well in not giving place to the judgement of the synod at ariminum . moreover , even when the mind doth not plainly witnesse the contrary , yet is no man bound precisely to follow anothers directive judgment : because it is lawfull for him to enquire and try , whether himselfe be able to aime at the knowledge of the truth . then he is bound to follow , when by defect either of wit or time , or by other businesse , he is diverted from that inquiry . so the lawyers teach , that a judge is not tyed to the judgment of a physician in the question of a wound ; or of a survey or in limining the bounds , or of an arithmetician in taking of accounts ; but that himself , upon diligent consideration of the matter , may decree that which he conceiveth most agreeable to truth and equity . but further , in the case of saving faith , no man can safely acquiesce to the judgement of another . the reason is , not only because matters of faith are plainly and openly propos'd unto all , ( so that clemens of alexandria calls it a vain pretext , taken from severall interpretations , for they that will , saith he , may find out the truth : ) but chiefly , because that faith is not faith , unlesse it rest upon divine authority , as the romanists themselves confesse . abraham believed god , and it was accounted unto him for righteousnesse : also , faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the word of god. wherefore , although men may be led unto the faith by others , as the samaritans by that woman , yet then are they only right believers , when they believe not for the words of another , but because themselves have heard , and doe know , that jesus is the saviour of the world . what hath been spoken of faith , is no lesse true of divine worship : for , in vain , saith god , doe they worship me , teaching for doctrines the commandements of men . and paul commends the thessalonians , that they received his word not as the word of man , but as indeed it was , the word of god. we conclude then , that in the things defined by divine law , either way , no man is bound by anothers declarative judgment ( which is one kind of the directive ) nor can his conscience safely rest therein . in the other kind of directive judgement , which we here called suasory , because it is conversant about things not determined by divine law , more may be given to the authority of another , yet not too much . for , as we doe not praise them that are too stiffe in their own opinions ; so neither them , that are too easily drawn by other mens . and herein consisteth the difference between counsell and command , that commands , not contrary to the law of god , lay upon us an obligation , which counsels doe not . he that giveth counsell , ( saith chrysostom ) speaks his own opinion , leaving the hearer at liberty to doe as it shall please him . now , if the opinions of counsellours ( which must be weighed rather than numbred ) doe not agree , there especially ought the supreme governour to interpose his own judgement . and truly , in the knowledge of private right , in physick , merchandise and such like things , it is not only excusable , but often-times comendable for the highest power to be ignorant , by reason of greater and better cares . but , to neglect the knowledge how to rule the church , than which no knowledge is more excellent , none of more importance to the common-wealth , this at no hand is lawfull . those that have eased themselves of this duty , and cast it upon others , wee find by histories to have been circumvented by men , and punisht by god ; and either to have lost their kingdomes , or else being deprived of the power , to have reserved only the name and shadow of king's . the objections out of the old testament , to prove that kings are bound to follow the pastors judgement in sacred things , doe evince nothing lesse . to the first place deut. 17. where the israclites are commanded to doe according to the sentence which the priests shall declare unto them : we answer , that the judge is also mentioned there , and sacred things are not spoken of peculiarly , but any capitall or pecuniary controversies . if there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgement , between bloud and bloud , between plea and plea , &c. the law speaks to the inferiour judges , and in things they understood not referrs them to the senate , wherein were priests and other judges , all most knowing in the law ; nor are those lesser judges bound to the authority of these , but to the law they should explain : according to the sentence of the law , which they shall teach thee , and according to the judgement which they shall tell thee , shalt thou doe . just as if a king should now command the judges , to judge nothing contrary to what the lawyers shall shew them to be lawfull : when yet lawyers themselves declare , the judge is not alwayes tyed to the declaration or opinion of the lawyers . pertinent is that in the gospell : they sit in moses chayr , all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe , that observe and doe ; which is well explained by stella and maldonat , though romanists ; so far as they teach what moses sitting in his chayr hath taught , they must be heard . only so farre ; for the teachers rashnesse will not excuse the over-credulous scholer . that which followes in deut. concerning the punishment of the man , that will not hearken unto the priest , or unto the judge , evidently shewes , that the priests did not only give answer upon the law , but enjoyed also a part of the government , as elsewhere we have demonstrated ; wherfore this concerns the priests of the old testament , as they were magistrates , and cannot be extended to the ministers of the gospel . there is another place , wherein some do much glory . num. 27.21 . god speaks of joshua in this manner ; he shall stand before eleazar the priest , who shall ask counsell for him , after the judgement of urim before the lord : at his word shall they goc out , and at his word they shall come in , both hee and all the children of israel with him , even all the congregation . but this place also , if it be rightly understood is far from the purpose . it is certain , the urim , ( which in other places is more fully the urim and thummim ) was in the ephod or pectoral of the hebrew high-priest . the manner of answering by urim and thummim , as the jewes relate , was thus ; if the matter , upon which the question was , should succeed happily , the precious stones would sparkle with a heavenly lustre : if otherwise , they would not change their native colour . and learned men have observed out of maimonides , that the high-priest was wont to stand before the prince for honour sake , but the prince stood not before the priest , unlesse urim were consulted ; whereby it appears , the honour was done to the oracle , not the priest ; and according to the judgement of urim , that is , the judgement of god , not of the priest , joshua must go out and in . compare with this , another place very like it , 1 sam. 30.7 . if the ministers of the gospel will make any use of this , then let them propose to governours our gospel-urim , that they may there behold the divine threats and promises ; and let them require obedience not to themselves , but it ; which shines by its own light , and is placed , not in the pastors only , but all christian hearts , being that saving grace which hath appeared unto all men . but enough of this first admonition , that the highest power ought , in matters of the church , to hear and examine the opinions of church-men . another generall admonition pertaining to the manner of exercising the supreme governours right , is this : that he must have a special care of ecclesiasticall peace and concord . this is as it were the very soul and life of the church . hereby , saith christ , shall men know that yee are my disciples , if ye love one another . and it was the divine character of the primitive christians , the multitude of believers was of one heart and soul . nor had constantine , and after him the other christian emperours any greater care , than to prevent or heale the dissentions of the church . julian on the contrary , hating the christians with an implacable hatred , could invent no way to hurt them worse , than by opening a wide way for schismes and divisions . this he did , faith ammianus , that the discords of the people being encreased by license , they might not be any terrour to him . and , saith austin , by this means he thought to destroy the christian name , if out of his envy to the churches unity , whence he had fallen , he permitted sacrilegious dissentions to be free from censure . all pious men may pitty these our times , being as sick of the same licence , as ever was any age. whether it be more the pastors , or the princes fault , see the testament of the prince elector , worthy to be read by all the friends of the church ; and let all princes know , that it very much concerns them , as austin speaks truly , to procure , that the church , their mother , may have peace and quietnesse in their time . the cautions , which conduce to unity , are principally these : first , abstain from deciding questions , as much as may be : that is , saving the doctrines necessary to salvation , or very profitable to that end , 't is nazianzen's advice , enquire not curiously into the manner of every thing ; and austin saith , in some things even the best and most learned catholicks doe not agree , and yet the body of faith is still entire . this modesty of defining , the fathers in the nicene synod , and the first of constantinople , and the moderators of them the emperours have observed ; for having set down this confession , that the father , son , and holy spirit are distinction from one another , yet one god , and of the same essence ; in explaining the manner of difference between the essence and hypostasis , they were not sollicitous . the bishops at ephesus , and chalcedon , and the emperours of those times , having defined , that the person of christ is one , his natures two , thought it not fit to enquire subtilly into the manner of hypostaticall union . in the milevitane and other synods , the fathers and the state-men present , for the vindication of gods grace , pronounced plainly against pelagius and his reliques , that without the divine grace , nothing spiritually good , can be begun by man , or continued , or perfected : but many things sharply disputed about the order of predestination , and about the manner of reconciling mans free will with gods free grace , they passed over with a prudent silence . all the fathers of the antient church confesse , that in the most holy sacrament of the lords supper are exhibited the visible signs of christ invisibly present : concerning the manner of his presence they differ in their speech , and yet for this they doe not break the peace . wherefore doctrines very few are to be defined , the necessary with anathema the rest without : as it was done in the synode of orange : and there are in the antient counsell of carthage these words to the same purpose ; it remains that we speak our opinion in this controversy , judging no man , nor separating him from our communion if he think otherwise . but in those first ages , it was very available to the keeping of peace in the catholick church , that no dogmaticall definitions were wont to be made but in generall councils ; or if any were made in lesser synods , they were not firme untill they were sent to other churches and approved by common judgement . which custome , if the rulers in the christian world would now revive , they could not doe the church a greater benefit ; for in those remedies , which physicians call topicall , is little help , nor can the unity of the parts be hoped for , but from the unity of the whole body . i cannot forbeare to praise that excellent canon of england , an. 1571. let preachers take heed of preaching any thing to the people , as a necessary point of faith , but what is agreeable to the doctrine of the old or new testament : and which the catholic fathers and antient bishops have collected thence . what hath been said of things to be believ'd , must be understood also of things , by the divine law , appointed to be done ; but of these , the controversies are not so many . in both kinds , for the reteining of concord , it will be needfull to make the people understand , that all things enjoyned are agreeable to gods word . that which seneca saith against preambles , let the law command not dispute ; may have place in things meerly arbitrary ( yet in such laws we see the reason of them given at large by justinian and others , in the code and novell constitutions ) but in things that are to be perform'd religiously , the severity of the injunction is to be mollifyed by the gentlenesse of persuasion . so plato hath given in precept , and charondas and other law-givers have shewed us by example . and certainly as governments are made firme by the willingnesse of people in all things , so most of all in the businesse of religion . for , saith lactantius , nothing is so voluntary as religion ; which without the wils consent is nothing . and people that are compell'd by law to serve god , serve not god but the prince , themistius . here then is required the greatest care and pains , that the major part of the people , being convinc'd by divine testimony , may know the things commanded , to be according to truth and piety . i say , the major part ; sor we may rather wish , than hope for an universall consent ; but for the ignorance or malice of a few the care of truth and peace is not to be deserted . yet here must be shewed tendernesse and discretion , that they who resist both the divine and humane ordinance , may be rather withheld from doing ill , than compell'd to doe good : as austin hath long agoe judiciously distinguisht in this matter . now we goe on to the things not determined by divine law , such as are many things belonging to church government , to rites & ceremonies . wherein , if the matter be fresh and easy to be wrought , it were safest to restore all things to the times next the apostles , and to observe what was then observed , with great consent , and no lesse benefit of the church , for the most antient constitutions are the best . yet there must be a respect had to the present things , and a respect to the places too : wisely saith jerom : in things neither contrary to faith nor manners , let the customs of our country be as canons apostolicall . austin and others have words of the same sense . and variety here is of good use , serving for a testimony of christian liberty . see the history of socrates . 1.5 . c. 22. verily , if in this nature there be any thing that may be better'd , yet is tolerable and of long continuance , 't is wisdome to let it still continue ; unlesse the change may be made upon a handsome occasion , and with favourable assent . the change of a custome , saith augustin , doth as much disturbe as prosit . but in these things , wherein gods word hath left a liberty , the highest power shall doe well to content the people . so in secular matters we see that cities and companies that have no jurisdiction , have leave to make certaine orders for themselves ; which the highest power , after examination past upon them , approves and ratifies . one thing more we will not omit , which perteins also to the manner of using the right we treat of : the highest power ought to use not only the advise , but service of other men : and therefore particular affairs , lest the multitude of them oppresse the mind of one , are to be put off to courts ordained one above another , and the last appeal to be made to the highest judgement . so in the antient church under the christian emperours there were presbyteries in cities , there were synods metropolitan , and exarchicall , and , above all the rest , imperiall ; but of this we shall speak againe hereafter . all that we have said here , of asking counsell , of contenting the people , of inferiour courts , and whatsoever may be added , ought not to be esteem'd perpetuall , and alwaies profitable ; for no prudentiall precepts are universall ; because prudence must have regard to emergent circumstances , times , places , persons , make a great alteration here . when the matter is clear , there is no need of counsell : when dissentions are hot and vehement , there is little hope of consent ; neither can the proceeding be by degrees , when either the matter will not admit delay , or the lower courts are suspected of injustice , by reason of hatred , or favour , or other impediments of upright dealing . in such cases , when the ordinary course cannot be observ'd , advise must be taken of necessity . by the way we must note their errour , that distinguish of power absolute and ordinary ; for they confound the power , and the manner of using it . as in god the power is one and the same , whether he work according to the order appointed by him , or beside that order : so the power also , or the right of the supreme governour is the same , whether he observe the prescribed order , or not ; but , in common accidents , it is the part of a wise ruler to follow the accustomed order , and the positive laws . laws are made for ordinary cases : in cases extraordinary the highest power must leave the road and take some unusuall way ; for cases are infinite , order and law positive finite , and the finite cannot be an adequate rule of the infinite . but although it be the duty of the highest governour in usual affairs to use the ordinary way of government ; yet if he doe otherwise , he may indeed be said to doe not rightly , but not to go beyond his right . the right of the highest power is not limited by positive law ; for the right of any man is not limited but by his superiour ; and no man is superiour to himself . hence also austin said , the emperour is not subject to his own laws , for 't is in his power to make new ; and justinian , in all things before spoken , the emperour is excepted : to whom god hath made the laws themselves to be subject . if then the question be proposed , whether it be lawfull for the highest power in common accidents to exceed the bounds of law : the answer may be given in the words of paul the apostle , it is lawfull , but not expedient : or in the words of paul the lawyer , it is lawfull , but 't is not for his honour . it becomes your wisdome , saith cicero , to consider not how much you may doe , but what you ought to doe : and every where in good authors , to that which is lawfull , is opposed that which is a duty , that which is expedient , that which is honest , that which is best to be done . lastly , that which is said above , hath place here also : though the action hath not full rectitude , if right be not wanting , the act is firme ; for suppose an unwise command , suppose a disorderly command come from the highest power , it must be fulfill'd , if it may be , without sin : for the apostles word is still of force ; we must needs be subject . to him hath god allotted supreme authority , to us is left the glory of obedience . chap. vii . of synods . this place requires , that we treat of synods . by synods we mean assemblies consisting of church-pastors alone , or chiefly of them , for the acting of somewhat by common consent ; for if pastors be call'd together to hear commands , that assembly i suppose is not call'd a synod . the utility of these synods being evident , it is enquired , what original they have , and what necessity . i find no precept in the law divine for having of a synod , and they are much deceiv'd that make examples of equall force with precepts . yet are examples of great use , that it may appear , what hath been usuall , and what in the like cases may be prudently imitated . we have no examples of these synods out of the old testament ; for a synedry is one thing , and a synod another . in the new testament we have a law for believers to meet for prayer , and hearing the word , and breaking of bread . the offended brother is bid to tell it to the church ; that is , to the assembly of the faithfull , and it is added , where two or three doe joyn in prayer , and where two or three are met together in the name of christ , christ will be present with them . and paul saith , the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets , speaking of one church or congregation . here is no synod yet . the originall whereof is wont to be taken from that history , acts 15. but whether that assembly be properly call'd a synod , as we now take the word , may be made a question . there arose a controversie between paul and barnabas , and certain jewes at antioch , concerning the force and efficacy of the mosaicall law. paul and barnabas , and some of antioch , are sent to know the judgement of the pastors ; of all asia ? or , of syria , cilicia , and judoea , gathered into one place : no certainly : but of the apostles and elders at jerusalem . the company of the apostles was a college , not a synod , and the presbytery or eldership of one city was not a synod neither . only one church is consulted with , or rather the apostles only , whose answer is approved by the elders and brethren of jerusalem . wherefore we derive the originall of synods from the law of nature . man being a sociable creature , his nature permits association especially with them , to whom either any contemplation , or action is common . so merchants for traffick , physicians and lawyers to examine the controversies in their art , hold their meetings by the law of nature . but to avoid mistake , we distinguish between that which is naturall absolutely , and cannot be altered , as to worship god , to honour our parents , not to hurt the innocent : and naturall after a sort , that is , permitted or allowed by nature , untill some law of man interpose ; thus all things are by nature common , all persons free , the next of kin is heir , untill by humane constitutions propriety , and servitude be introduced , and the inheritance given away by will. in this second acception , it is naturall to hold synods ; for , if it were so in the former sense , bishops would never have asked the empeperours leave , before they met ; and jerom's argument , to prove a synod unlawfull , were not good ; shew me , saith he , what emperour commanded the celebration of that council . the convention therefore of a synod is in the number of those things , which being permitted by the law of nature , are wont to be commanded by humane law , or permitted , or prohibited . so in the council of agatha , the bishops summoned to the synod are desir'd to come , unlesse they be hindred by sicknesse , or the royall precept . it may be objected , that leave to gather a synod , was never asked of the pagan emperours . but we say , there was no need to ask leave , when there were no imperiall edicts against it . as for the antient decrees of senate against meetings , religious meetings were excepted in them , and particularly the jewes ( as philo relates it ) had leave of augustus to assemble . in whose privileges the christians might justly claim a share , believing all things that are written in the law and the prophets . and suetonius , under the name of jewes , designes the christians too . besides , in the places where most of the synods were held , though subject to the roman empire , they had the benefit of their own lawes . wherefore , if at any time the churches enjoyed peace , which often happened under pagan emperours , the bishops had no hindrance , but they might meet in synods . but in the heat of persecution , as the christians could not intermit church-meetings , although forbidden by humane lawes , because they were commanded by divine ; so the bishops were carefull , not to incurre the suspition and hatred of the rulers by synodicall assemblies , so long as the church could subsist without them . cyprian shewes in severall places , when under persecution there arose a great question about receiving the lapsed into communion , and to the deciding of it there was need of common-counsell , neverthelesse the bishops deferred their meeting till the storme was past : neither durst the bishop of rome , liberius , without the consent of constantius call a synod . the orthodox bishop of spain assembled not into the city of agatha , without the permission of king alaric , although an arian . what the pagan emperours had no regard of , that the christian emperours justly assumed to their care and government , well considering , the corruption of anything to be so much the worse , by how much better it is , in the regular use . after that , synods were not left in medio , but as they gave hope of good , or fear of evill , so they were either commanded or forbidden . therefore socrates the historian saith , the greatest synods were holden according to the emperours pleasure . this is spoken of generall synods in the roman empire ; but constantine called also topical , whereof eusebius speaks ; having speciall care of the church , when discords arose in sundry places , the emperour himself , being appointed by god , the common bishop or overseer , commanded the ministers of god to assemble in councils . after the acts of the nicene councill were confirmed by the same constantine , the generall law of synods to be holden twice every year , supplyed the place of speciall consent . in stead of half-year synods , in some places they had annual . nor was the assembly at the pleasure of the bishops , but the governours of provinces had a charge given them , to make the bishops , though they should decline it , to meet together in synods : and beside those at set times , other synods also were holden out of order , at command of the highest power . but there are three principall controversies concerning the highest powers right and office about synods . first , whether it be lawfull for the highest power to command any thing in sacred affaires without a synod ; second , what is lawfull for him , and what he ought to doe before the synod , and in the synod ; third , what after the synod . for the resolution of the first question , we must conceive , whatsoever is said very justly of the exceeding great commodities of synods , belongs to the manner of using the right of empire , not to the right it self . for if the highest power should receive from the synod any right of governing , it were not then the highest : the highest being that which is subject unto god alone , and under god hath the fullest right of governing . again , if the highest power without a synod could not command that , which it might command with a synod , then should it receive part of the right of governing from the synod : and then , because none can give what he hath not , it would follow , that somewhat of the government were in the synod ; which the synod , not having by any humane right , must challenge by divine right ; whereas the divine law denies any such power to have been given by god unto the church , ( as hath been shewed above , ) and therefore not to synods . the right being thus confirmed , we make no scruple to affirme , that the highest power may sometimes rightly order sacred things without a synod : they that universally hold it unlawfull , will never prove what they say : but we shall easily . for there are extant many examples of the hebrew kings , that without a synod gave commands in sacred matters . whether the church declare or not , even before the churches declaration the kings duty is to reform what is amisse , and for neglect thereof he must give account to god. eminent among the christian emperours is the example of theodosius . he sate as arbitratour between severall factions of the bishops , he gives every one the hearing , he reads their ( confessions , and after prayers to god for his direction , he gives his judgement , and pronounceth his sentence for the truth . to omit other examples ; the kings and other highest powers , which in the memory of our fathers have purged their churches from inveterate errours , have done according to the pattern of those antient kings and emperours : as elsewhere we have shewed . true it is , and they are commended for their diligence that have observ'd it , there were such circumstances in those actions , by reason whereof that course was taken , and no other could serve the turn . and we acknowledge that course to have been extraordinary , and more seldome taken : but ( as before ) we say , the manner of doing being divers with regard to times and persons , changeth not the right ; but floweth from it according to the rules of prudence ; nor doth any one affirm , a synod is to be omitted without cause , but that sometimes there may be causes for the omission of it . these causes may be referr'd to two heads ; either because a synod is not necessary , or because it appears it will be unprofitable . that both may be the better understood , we must note the ends of a synod in a publick church ; for of this we speak . we have proved already , that a synod is not called , as if it had any part of the government belonging to it . the end therefore is , that it may give counsell to the prince for the advancement of truth and piety , that is , goe before him by a directive judgement . another end is , that by the synod the consent of the church may be setled and made known . so , although the apostles severally had both knowledge and authority to define the controversie of mosaicall ceremonies , it was 01 for the churches good , that it should appear , they were all of one mind , and that the pious people should be taught to understand the truth rightly , and to make unanimous confession of it . a third end may be added to the former : as presbyteries in a publick church , so synods , beside their native , have an adventions right from human law : whereby they judge of causes , as other courts ordained by the highest power ; and so , that upon their sentence coaction followes . but now , of all these ends none is necessary , nor is a synod simply necessary to those ends . counsell is not necessary in things manifest to any one by naturall or supernaturall light ; for as aristotle said well , wee make use of counsellours in great matters , when we distrust our selves , as unable without the help of others to discern the truth . who doubts , but the man that denies god , or his providence , or his judgement after this life ; the man that makes god the proper author of all sins ; the man that denies the deity of christ , or the redemption wrought by him ; i say , who doubts , but a man so prophane , may be put out of office , or out of the common-wealth , by the command of the highest power , without the advise of many counsellours . again , the highest power may have such assurance out of some former synod , that he need not call a new one . therefore a synod is not necessary , to the end sufficient counsell may be had . and as for consent of the church to be enquir'd or constituted , 't is in vain sometimes to take any pains about it , when the church is manifestly divided two wayes , the parties and their heat being well night equall , as in the donatists time it happen'd in africa . sometimes also , the consent of the church may be known without a synod : if there be extant the unanimons writings of almost all the approved doctors in their churches . be sides , every one in private may either by voice or writing declare his opinion , which austin saith was done in his time , and commends it . and he that peruseth antient story shall find the churches affaires more often transacted , and consent testified by communication of letters , than by synods : as is observed by bilson , reynolds , and the magdeburgenses . and lastly , it may be the cause in hand is so peculiar to one church , that the consent of others is not needfull . now for the third end of synods , the hearing of causes , it depends upon the will of the highest power , from whose authority it proceeds ; although in the ordinary way , inferiour courts are not past by , yet if those courts be liable to some suspition , or the businesse will not bear delay , the highest power may call it from them to himself . we conclude therefore , that which whitaker and others have written before , and the example of free cities , that without a synod preserve their churches , doe confirm : a synod is not at all times necessary , nor in every case . so far from necessary sometimes , that it is not profitable ; for as the parts are , such is the whole . i will not here repeat the old complaint almost of all ages , that the chiefest distempers of the church have proceeded from the priests . nazianzen hath said enough , where he also renders the principall causes thereof , the ambition and pride of church-men ; nor doth hee speak of arian synods only , but of all of his time , those especially wherein himself was present : therefore , saith he , have i withdrawn my self , and sought for security of mind in rest and solitude . this evill will happen if it appear , either that the integrity of judgement is hindred by vehement prejudices , ( which often befalls men , not malitious : ) or that factions are so prevalent , that a farther branch may rather bee expected from the synod , than any testimony of consent . i much wonder , what came in some mens minds , when they said , they that accuse another of impiety , may be his judges also in a synod ; and , that the right of refusing , which hath place in civill affans , cannot be extended to ecclesiasticall . for certainly , the common rules , which arise out of naturall equity , ought to be of force , no lesse in ecclesiasticall than other judgements ; and i remember optatus speaking properly of the ecclesiasticall , saith , judges must be sought , which are not of either party , because judgement is hindred by affection . in the councill of chalcedon , the judges charge the legats of the roman b. they should put off the judges person , if they would be the accusers of dioscorus ; and athanasius would not come unto the synods , wherein 't was manifest the adverse party raigned . such is often the face of things , that a synod may be hurtfull at the present , which if you stay awhile , and let the mindes of men come to a calme , may be called to good purpose . time shall declare , saith the apostle , the work , that is , the doctrine of every one : and , if any man be otherwise minded , god shall reveale the truth . in both places shewing , there is often need of time , that the truth may be found out , and a right judgement given . the contrary may also happen , that the present evill cannot endure the delay of a synod , and calls for a more compendions remedy . moreover , the same causes for which great assemblies are suspected by the highest power , may also have place in synods ; for , as a very learned man hath said , it is not lesse politicall , to assemble bishops , than other orders of men . there is the same fear , the same danger , unlesse they have put off humane passions , when they became pastors . i might reckon up many examples of unhappy councils , as were under constantine , those of antioch , caesaria and tyrus ; the bishops of which last , as the emperour in his letters plainly tells them , did nothing else but sow divisions and hatred , and disturb the peace of the world . yet i confesse , the church is not in the best condition , when synods cannot be had : and therefore all means is to be used , that these assemblies may be retain'd , or after long omission restor'd , whereby the church speaks both to her members , and her governours with most convenience . and yet , even then , when the highest power governs without a present synod , it hath the judgement of the church in former synods ; it hath the perpetuall consent of the most famous doctors , which flourished in every age and nation ; it hath the most learned and religious divines of the time present , both domestick and forraign , whose opinions are worthy of an equall regard , especially in points of doctrine , which is the common study of them all , and in respect whereof they have every one a share in the universall episcopacy . in making church-laws , the king ( saith the bishop of ely ) made use of men fit to be advised with , men who in reason are esteemed most under standing , most able and judicious to answer in such affairs : and saith burhil , he was instructed by ecclesiasticall councils , or in defect of these , by authors for their faith and skill in these matters most approved . upon the premises , we see there are other causes , beside the great corruption of religion , in contemplation whereof synods may or ought sometimes to be omitted : and therefore they were not so often granted by the christian emperours , as they were desired . all are petitioners to your grace with sighs and tears , saith leo to theodosius , that you would please to command a synode in italy . yet he prevailed not ; yea in vaine did the right of calling synods belong unto the emperours , if upon just cause they could not deny to call them . it is certaine , the churches which were sick of the ubiquitarian errour , could not be accounted past all hope , yet the electors and princes , to whom the laws of germany commend the care of religion , without a synode by the counsell of wisemen expelled this disease out of their dominions ; and are praised for it , by the same persons , who will not acknowledge the right , on which alone that reformation depends . the office of a prince , as zanchius and others with him note , partly consists in this , that , untill a free councill may be had , which cannot be had at all times , he command the dissenting parties , to use , not their own , but the tearms of scripture , and forbeare to condemne each other in publick . this also pertains to the right of ruling before a synode , and therefore without a synode . it doth not follow hence , that the liberty of judgeing , which by divine right is due to divines , is taken from them ; for they may , also out of synods , deliver their judgement , either before the highest powers , or if it be needfull , before others too : and they may render the reasons of their judgement out of the word of god. the summe is this , synods , we confesse are the most usuall help of governing the churches : yet we hold , such time may fall out , that synods may not be profitable and convenient , much lesse necessary . and our greatest wonder is , the boldnesse of some men , that maintaine , even when the powers take on them the protection of the church ; whether they will or no , synods may lawfully and rightly be assembled . beza was of another mind , who hath said , synods are to be called , not without the command and favour of the king. junius was of another mind , who said . 't is an unjust and dangerous attempt of the church , to hold a generall assembly , without his knowledge and authority , who is set to keep order amongst men . lastly , of another mind were all , that have hitherto defended the protestant cause against the papists . next concerning the right and office of the highest before and in the synode , it is controverted , whether it be lawfull for the power to designe the persons , that shall come unto the synode , or no. it is lawfull , we doubt not : but to cleare the matter , let us proceed in order . after that christ instituted the church and the pastorall office , it hath been lawfull , by the law of nature ; not the immutable law , but by that which hath place untill some other provision be made ; for the church , in things concerning the church ; or , for the pastors , in things concerning the pastorall office , to make choice of them that shall goe to the synode : because , no humane law , no agreement interceding , to determine the persons , there is not other way . by this right ; the brethren of antioch send some of their number with paul and barnabas to ferusalem . likewise , the elders , and the church of ferusalem together with the apostles , send out of their company chosen men to antioch . but in all the ages following , i find no example of election made by the church ; for to the diocesian synodes assembled all the presbyters , to the metroplitan all the bishops , unlesse any were detein'd by great necessty . here then is no election , but that the bishops seeme to have taken with them to the metropolitan synods some presbyters and deacons at their own pleasure . that greater synods might assemble , the encyclic letters of the emperours were sent to the metropolitans , and for the most part the election of their fellow-bishops was imposed on them , to compleat the number which the emperours had prescribed . this appears by the letters of theodosius and valentinian to cyrill , the like whereof were sent to all the metropolitans , as the acts doe testify . plainly , to cyril is the election there committed ; which election the metropolitans made sometimes alone , sometimes with the provinciall synode of their bishops . of the suffrages of the church or people there is no appearance . the metropolitans , in case any of them could not be present in synods themselves , sent some bishop or presbyter to spply in their names , and to keep their places . albeit this were the most frequent manner of election , yet by no law was the highest power forbidden to call synods of pastors elected by his own discretion . this alone is enough to prove a permission ; but reason doth evince the same : if we consider the ends before spoken of , for which synods are assembled . for first , many synods are had only for counsell , but naturally it is lawfull for every one to chose his counsellours ; so it is in questions of the law , of war , of merchandise , and all other affairs : between which and the ecclesiasticall , as to meere consultation , there is no dissimilitude . synods are also holden for the exercise of externall jurisdiction , committed to them by the highest power ; but this is also naturall for every one to choose his delegate . in the synods , that are gather'd for procuring of consent , the case is somewhat different , in these it seems very expedient , that the election be either by the churches or by the pastors , to the end , the acts of the synod may be more passable ; for men are wont to like those things best , which are done by those persons , whose faith and diligence themselves have chosen . this therefore belongs not to the right , but to the prudent use of it ; and is not perpetuall ; because it may sometimes happen , that the election made by pastors may be lesse available to concord , than if it be made by the highest powers . againe , in a synod held for counsell or jurisdiction , because the highest powers take not notice of all able men , it may be best sometimes to receive them upon the commendation of the church or pastors . we say then , not that the highest power ought alwaies to choose the persons , but that he alwaies may . our leader in this judgement is marsilius patavinus ; for he saith , it pertains to the authority of a law-giver , to call a generall councill , and to determine fit persons for it ; by determining , he means not only approbation of the persons , but election too ; and herein he is followed by the learned french defender of the protestants cause against the trent synod . nor are examples wanting . the king of israel cals unto him what prophets he will● and namely michaia at the persuasion of fehosophat . the donatists request a synod of constantine , to judge between them and other african bishops , by this petition , we beseech you , excellent emperour , because you are of a just and royall extraction , whose father was no persecutour , and because gallia is not infected with this iniquity , that your piety would command judges for us thence , to allay the contentions here . not the churches , not the synod of gallia , but the emperour names the judges . to the first synod of c. p. theodosius admitted also macedonian bishops : who were not surely chosen by the churches or bishops catholick . that other emperours and kings used the same right is very certaine . and this very thing did the protestants desire of the emperour charls the fift ; and the other kings ; that they might have leave to choose pious and learned men , and send them to the synod . but here we must observe , when the churches or bishops choose men for the synod , whether by their native or dative liberty , the supreme governour hath an undeniable power still over that election ; for all use of liberty , as above is said , is subject to command ; and the vertue thereof is this , that for just causes some turbulent men , or otherwise unfit , may be excluded from publick businesse . that the time and place were proscribed by the emperours for the councill , the things also to be done , and the manner of doing ; that synods were translated at their pleasure , or dissolved , both others before us , and we also have made so plain , that i think it will be denyed by none . wherefore let us now rather see , what judgement in the synod is competent to the highest power . they phansie to themselves an adversary over whom they may get an easie victory , who take the pains to prove , that the bishops judged ; not the emperours alone ; for who ever did so forget himself as to deny that ? but this we affirme ; the highest power hath right to judge together with the pastors : the proofe whereof is needlesse here , because above we have made good to the h. power an universall right of judging , which certainly , by the synod cannot be taken away . but whether it be best for the supreme governour to expresse himself , and how far , is another question . let us goe through every end of synods . if a synod be had for declarative judgement , that is , that the bishops may shew out of the holy scripture , what is true , what false ; what is lawfull , what unlawfull ; here the king , being well versed in the bible , cannot be depriv'd of that which is granted to private men , to search the scriptures , to try the spirits . but here must be exceeding great caution , lest the majesty of one , bridle the liberty of many . 't was said of old , casar , when will you give your vote ? if first of all , i shall have one to comply with . yet will it be most profitable , that the supreme governour not only honour the assembly with his presence , but also order and moderate the actions , enquire into the grounds of every sentence , and propose objections . which the emperour constantine did in the nicene synod , and charles the great , in that of francford . but when the synod , in things not determined by divine law , gives counsell to the highest power , what is for the churches benefit ; here also it is better to propose the incommod●es with the commodities , than to deliver judgement openly : according to that rule , what should be done , debate with many ; what shall be done , determine with a few . the royall presence also , when the synod is held chiefly to testifie the churches consent , is of good effect , to curb the boldnesse of turbulent men : but , the supreme governour shall be more assured , whether the consent be true and spontaneous , if he give no suffrage , but he content to reserve the epicrisis , or finall determination to himself . and this hath place too , in the synod , which by concession of humane law , doth exercise some jurisdiction : the supreme governour may be present , and give sentence if he please , but 't is more proper for him , that he reserve himself entire for the epicrisis , or judgement after . we have spoken of the highest power , when it self is present in the councill ; but pious emperours could not alwayes be so , by reason of other affaires : and then they sent others in their name , with commission either to judge together with the bishops , or only to preserve good order . for in the synod of chalcedon , it is clear enough that the senators and judges interposed often , and gave their sentence in defining the very articles of faith ; but in that of ephesus , candidian was not allowed by theodosius to passe his judgment . to the councill of tyrus , constantine sent only dionysius , a man of consular degree . to observe all that passed ; but he went beyond his power , as ahanasius notes ; hee had all the talk , and the bishops observed him in silence . now we come to that judgement , which belongs to the highest power after synod ; the greek fathers call it epicrisis . this is so proper to the highest power , that it must not be cast off or neglected by him. for if the synod only give counsell in things to be done by the highest power , 't is certain his judgement , to whom the counsell's given , ought to follow , whether it be led by certain arguments ( as is necessary in the matter of faith ) or in some sort by the authority of other men . for ( as above ) some judgment of the doer must precede every act , that it m●y be right ; but absolutely , and in all things , no man can square his judgement by that of another , unlesse it be such a judgement as in infallible , but the judgement of a synod is not such . if some doctrine be explain'd , or some law divine , 't is not only the right , but the duty of the highest power , to see wether the synod walked according to the rule of holy stripture : as constantine writes of himself to those that met in tyrus . for 't is his part to govern. what if some synod , ( such as many have been , and many may be , ) shall either through ignorance , or by conspiracy , or because the greater party overswayes the better , agree upon some doctrine , manifestly repugnant to the catholic faith derived from the scripturs ? suppose the arimin , the seleucian , ( both which were greater than the nicene ) or suppose the second nicene synod ; shall the h. power now command any thing to be done , which the law divine , and his conscience instructed by that law forbid ? no man in his right mind will say so . but if somewhat be conceived by the synod , which by divine law is not determined , but partains unto church-government , since all government , whether introduc'd by nature , or by positive law , is under that power which among men is highest ; it is the part of this highest to see whether the things conceived will be usefull for the church ; for to the last agent belongs also to give the last judgement . therefore have synods submitted both their articles and canons to emperours and kings ; but with different respect ; the articles to be examined by sacred writ ( for the true doe not refuse examination , the false , even after synod , deserve rejection ; ) the canons to be tryed according to the rules of prudence ; and if profitable , they received the force of lawes . concerning the canons are those words out of the councils of france ; if there be any defect , let it be supplyed by his prudence ; if any thing amiss , let it be corrected by his judgement . wherefore not only the right of approving , ( as some doe now ) but of examining , taking away , adding , correcting , did the antient bishops ascribe unto the highest powers . nor indeed can any one , with reason , be said to approve any of those things , which are not in his power to disapprove . he is properly said to consent , who may also dissent , according to that in seneca ; if you would know whether i am willing , allow me power to be unwilling : and aristotle , where to doe is in our chayce , there is also , not to doe . this is certain , some canons have been disallowed ; a great part of the chapters , which in the year 856 , the bishops set forth in synods , was rejected by carolus cal●●s : as we read in his capitular . and clarolus magnus made some addition to the decrees of the synod holden at theodons . wee adde , saith he , this of our aunt . lastly , where a synod hath passed judgement by a power deriv'd from humane law , here it is much lesse to be doubted , but that his judgement is reserv'd to the supreme governour . for all jurisdiction , as it flowes from him , returns to him again . hither i refer that judgement of the ephesine synod , whereby nestorius was cast out of his patriarchship . the synod prayes the emperour , that what was done against nestorius might be of force . one may object , that where the supreme governour was himself present in the council , there at last nothing remalned , but to confirm the acts with his authority . but , neither can this be granted . for when the supreme governour judged among others , he judged not as supreme ; for he might be inferiour in the suffrages . wherefore his finall judgement must still remain safe unto him , i mean his imperative judgement , and that in the freest manner . the same is true of the magistrates , if they be present in any court under their authority . but we must observe , that the supreme governour exerciseth this imperative judgement , sometimes wholly by himself ; sometimes partly by others , partly by himself ; which appears by instance in civill affaires . for kings , unto whom supplication is made against the sentence of the praetonian , prefects , or of the chief senate , do for the most part commit the last hearing of the cause to men of law ; whose sentence , unlesse it be suspected , they confirm ; sometimes , they command the cause to be pleaded all again before themselves . so in causes ecclesiasticall , it was the custome for emperours to commit the matter to the examination of other bishops , for their religion and wisedome most noted ; and , taking account of them , to confirm what in their own discretion they judged best . and this is the cause why against former synods , other new , and these not greater than the former , were so often called : not because this synod by it self was superiour unto that ; but , these men had greater credit with the emperours , than the former . it was but seldome , that the emperours heard all the cause again themselves : as constantine , after the church had judged twice , himself examin'd the gause of coecilian , and gave finall judgement in it . he also call'd before him the bishops who had met at tyrus , to render him an account of all their doings . wherein he is justly defended by our men against the patrons of the roman sea. it is true in sacred no lesse than in other matters , that an appeale strictly taken , which inhibites the execurion of sentence given , may by the civill law be taken away : but then there is left open another way ; to implore the hearing of the highest power , by complaint or supplication . for if this be denyed , the king could not scatter away all evill from his throne , hee could not be a terrour to all evill , which is his perpetuall office : so that the old woman said well to philip of macedon , if he were not at leisure to be judge , hee should not be at leisure to be king. maecenas saw this of old , who sheweth to augustus , that no man ( under the highest ) ought to have so much power committed to him , as that from him there should be no appeal . one thing more must be remembred here , that the right of the h. power , after the synod , to determine any thing against the synod , cannot be contracted only unto those controversies , wherein as it were the whole body of religion is in question . for there is the same right in the parts , as in the whole : and the reasons before alleged give unto the h. power a free finall judgement , in single questions , as well as in all together . for also in single questions , synolds may erre , neither ought the h. power to yield blind obedience to them , much lesse by its authority to defend a false and hurtfull doctrine ; or suffer the truth to be oppressed ; nor can the wisdome of the highest power permit errours to encrease by little and little , and as their nature is , one beget another , till their number be so great that they cannot be rooted out without hazard of the common-wealth . chap. viii . of legislation about sacred things . hitherto we have spoken generally ; now let us more neerly view the severall parts of authority . the act of authority either respects all , or single persons : that is legislation ; this , if an occasion of sute , is jurisdiction ; if otherwise it is called by the generall name , because it wants a speciall . of this last sort , the commands are such as the centurions : i say unto this man , goe , and he goeth : to another , come , and he cometh : to my servant , doe this , and he doth it : but the principall act is , the injunction of functions permanent . in what things legislation is , may be understood by the precedent part of our discourse ; for almost all things belonging to authority we have explained by examples of legislation as the more noble . thence it appears , that a law is made either of the things defined by law divine , or of those that are left undefined . the laws that are made , either respect the whole body of religion , or the parts of it . in nothing more shines forth the vertue of supreme authority , than in this , that it is in the power and choice thereof what religion shall be publickly exercised . this , all that have written politicks put in the chiefest place , among the rights of majesty ; and experience proves the same . for if you enquire , why in england under queen mary the roman religion was set up , but under queen elisabeth the evangelicall ; the nearest cause cannot be rendred , but from the will and pleasure of the queens ; or ( as some will have it ) of the queens and parliament . enquire , why one religion is in spaine , another in denmark , another sweden ; you must have recourse to the supreme governours will. but many doe object , if that be so , the state of religion will be very unconstant , especially where one is ruler over all ; for upon change of the kings mind , religion also will be changed . 't is true indeed , that they say : but that danger is in all other things as well as sacred . the work will be like the work-man ; and the law be as the king. yet no mans right is to be denyed him , for the danger of abusing it : for then no mans right shall be safe . besides , although the highest power should transfer that right upon another ( which we have shewed he may not ) the same danger would still remaine ; for the right would but passe from men to men : and every man may be deceived . here then , our only comfort lyes in the divine providence . indeed the hearts of all men god hath in his power , but , the kings heart is in the lords hand , after an especiall manner . god doth his work , both by good and evill kings . sometimes a calme , sometimes a storme is for the church more useful . if the governour be pious , if a diligent reader of the scriptures , if assiduous in prayer , if reverent to the catholick church , if ready to heare wife counsels , by him will the truth be much advanced . but if he be of a perverse or corrupt judgement , it will be more hurtfull to himself than to the church ; for he must expect a heavy judgement from the king thereof , who will not suffer his church to be unrevenged . the church in the meane while , ceaseth not to be the church ; yea , if the king rage against it , it will gather strength and inciease under persecution . certainly , 't was never lawfull for subjects to gaine by force the publick exercise of their religion : the antient christians when they were at strongest , when they had senators and presidents very many of their mind , never took such right unto themselves . 't is the office of the highest power alone publickly to authorize the true religion , and to remove the false . to remove idols out of private places belongs to the lord of the place ; and upon his neglect , to the king as the lord generall : but to remove them out of the publick place is the right of the highest power , and to whomsoever it shall delegate that office . and thus is that law of deut. to be interpreted ; you shall destroy their altars , and break downe their statues , and cut down their groves , and burn their graven images with fire : the command must first be given by the highest power , and then must execution be done readily by the subjects : doe thus saith austin upon the place , when you have receiv'd commission for it . the pagan temples in the roman empire were not shut up , before that law of constantius , extant in both the codes . if any one hath broken idols and there been slaine , the elibertine councill forbids him to be receiv'd among the martyrs , because it is not written in the gospell , nor is any such thing found done by the apostles . but the highest power hath not only forbidden idolatrous assemblies , but those too , which gave themselves to any evill superstition , or errour publickly pernicious , or were obstinate breakers of the churches peace . christian emperours have excluded hereticks and schismacks from all accesse to honours ; have deprived them of the right to obteine any thing by will ; have given away their churches to the catholicks . all which , austin at large defends against the donatists . for those p●●shments of such inexcusable delinquents in religion , which left them time of repentance , the antient church approv'd . but the paine of death was so much against the gentlenesse of the old religion , that idacius and ithacius were condemned by the bishops of gallia , for being authors , that certaine priscillianists should be confuted with the sword : and in the east a whole synod was condemned , which had consented to the burning of bogomilus . yet sometimes also false religions have gone unpunisht under pious emperours . the jews , whilst they held from the contempt of the christian law , and from drawing over christians to their sect , had alwaies free use of their religion . neither were the pagan rites prohibited by constantine at the beginning of his conversion , but he advanced pagans to the consulship , as prudentius notes to symathus . so jovinian and valentinian , princes worthy of all praise , terrified not them with threathing edicts , that violated the verity and unity of the christian law. and which is more to be noted , the emperours did not only permit impunity to disagreeing sects , but often made laws to order their assemblies . constantine and following emp●●urs grant to the chief rulers of the jewish synagogues the same rights with christian bishops . so theodosius forbids any to be received into their sect against the will of their primates ; and forbidding them to be received into their assemblies , that denyed the resurrection and judgement , or would not acknowledge the angels to be gods creature , he saith he had reformed the jewish nation . so the proconsuls took away the churches of the donatists from the maximianists , because they were proved to have been condemned in a councill of the donatists . moreover , in the true church , the right . and office of the highest powers is not only conversant about the whole body of religion , but the single parts , as reason and examples doe evince . reason , because it cannot be otherwise , but he that hath right upon the whole , hath right upon the parts . examples are at hand : ezechias , that he might suppresse the adorers superstition , took away the serpent set up by moses ; and by the same right , against the decrees of the second nicene synod , charles the great forbad the adoration of images . honorius and arcadius repressed , by their edict , pelagius and calestius , the authors of a false opinion : and so of late , some of the german princes have purged their churches ( otherwise well ordered ) of the ubiquitarian errour . for prevention of schisme , constantine cut off needlesse questions : an example worthy to be imitated by our rulers ; for it is most true which sisinius said to theodosius , by disputations about religion , contentions only are inflam'd . the emperour andronicus , of excellent knowledge in divinity , threatned the bishops disputing subtilly upon , the father is greater than i : that unlesse they would abstain from such dangerous discourse , he would throw them into the river . even true words , but not extant in the bible , were for a time forbidden to be used . so heraclius the emperour prohibited both the single and the double energy to be ascribed to christ ; that this is not to be dislik'd , we have the authority of st. basil for us , who saith , many pious men abstained from the words trinity , and homousion , and that also the word unbegotten is not to be used of the father , because these words are not in scripture . and meletius of antioch for a time abstained from questions about doctrine , only delivering what pertained to emendation of manners , esteeming this care above the other . it is pertinent here , which plato hath in his lawes , that no man should publish any writing , unlesse approved first by judges appointed for the purpose . this is also an especiall work of lawes , to compose the manners of the clergy . the blind and the lame david excludeth from the temple : ezechias and josias command the priests to be purified . justinian doth not allow the bishops to wander up and down , to play at dice , to be spectators at playes . and platina exclames very justly , o king lewis , i would you lived in our times ! your most holy orders , your censure is now very necessary for the church . to proceed ; that the powers also used their authority in defining things which the divine law hath left undefined , is most plain . the king of ninive proclam'd a fast ; david commands the ark to be transported ; solomon orders all things for the ornament of the temple , and after him josias : who also takes care , that the treasure destin'd for sacred uses be not alienated . of this kind is the greatest part of constitutions which appear in theodosius and justinian's ●ode , and in the novels , and in the french capitulars : as , of the age of bishops , presbyters , deaconesses , of the immunity and judgements of the clergy-men , and insinite other things , which were tedious to number , that in those lawes are constituted many things that are not in the canons , both the reading shewes , and whitaker confesses . therefore also in the trent synod , the king of france doubted not to declare by his orators , that the most christian kings ( so 't is in the acts ) have made many edicts in matters of religion , after the example of constantine , theodosius , valentinian , lentinian , justinian , and other christian emperours ; that they have made many ecclesiasticall lawes , and such as the antient popes not only were not displeased with , but some receiv'd into their decrees ; and esteem'd the chiefe authors of them , charles the great , and lewis the ninth most christian kings , worthy the name of saints ; that the prelates of france , and the whole order ecclesiasticall , according to the prescript of those lawes , have piously and christianly ruled and govern'd the church of france . in the mean time it is most true , that the emperours for the most part in making lawes had respect unto the canons , old , or new : whence is that saying , the lawes disdain not to imitate the sacred canons ; for , in things not defined by divine law , the canons are usefull to the law-giver two wayes . they doe both contain the counseis of wise men , and make the law more gracious in the subjects eye . this , as it is not necessary to the right making of a law ; so , if it may be obtained , is very profitable . justinian's novel is extant , wherein he gives the force of lawes to the ecclesiasticall canons , set forth , or confirmed by the four synods , the nicene , the first of constantinople , the first of ephesus , and that of chalcedon . where by the word confirmed , we must understand the canons of the old provinciall councils , which being generally receiv'd , were therefore contained in the code of the catholick canons . now to that which some enquire , whether the church hath any legislative power , the answer may be given out of our former treatise . by divine law it hath none . before the christian emperours , the decrees of synods , for the order , or the ornament of the church , are not called lawes but canons , and they have either the force of counsell only , as in those things that rather concern single persons , than the whole church ; or else they bind , by way of covenant , the willing , and the unwilling being the fewer , by necessity of determination , and therefore by the law of nature , not by any humane authority . this notwithstanding , some legislative power may be granted by humane law , to churches , pastors , presbyters , or synods . for if to other companies and colleges , whose usefulnesse is not to be compared with the church , that power ( as we have said above ) may be granted by the supreme governour ; why not also to the church , especially when no divine law is against it . but two things must be here observed . first , this legislation granted , doth not at all diminish the right of the h. power , ( 't is granted cumulatively , as the schooles speak , not privatively : ) for the h. power , though it may communicate to another the right of making lawes generall or speciall , yet can it not abdicate the same right from it selfe . next , the lawes made by any such company , may , if there be cause , be nulled and corrected by the h. power . the reason is , two lawgivers , both highest , cannot be in one common-wealth : and therefore the inferiour must obey the superiour . hence it is , that for the most part , in the constitutions of synods , we see the assent of the highest power expressed in these words : at the command of the king ; by the decrce of the most glorious prince , the synod hath constituted or decreed . it may be objected here , that kings sometimes affirme they are bound by the canons , and forbid to obey their edicts contrary thereto . but this is of the same sense , as when they professe to live by their own lawes , and forbid their rescripts if they are against the lawes , to be observ'd . for such professions take not away their right , but declare their will : as a clause added in a former testament , derogating from the later , makes the later of no value ; not because the testator might not make a later testament , but because what is written in it is supposed not approved by his free and perfect judgement . and hence it is , that if there be a speciall derogation from the derogating clause , as the later testament is of value ; so is the later constitution too . but that canons have been nulled and amended by emperours and kings , and that synods ascrib'd that power to them was prov'd sufficiently , when we treated of synods . yea , ( which is more ) even those canons , which are found in the apostles writings were not perpetually observ'd . the reason is , because they were supposed to contain not so much an exposition of divine law , as counsell accommodated to those times . such is the canon to timothy , that a neophite be not made a bishop ; which was renewed in the synod of laodicea . yet in the election of nectarius this canon was layd by , by theodosius ; and by valentinian , in the election of ambrose . and such is that canon , that a widow under sixty be not chosen for a deaconesse : which theodosius also constituted by a law. yet justinian permitted one of fourty to be chosen . 't is not to be forgotten here , that the hebrew kings excepted some actions from the divine law it selfe . there was a law , that no unclean person should eat the passeover . yet ezechius , having poured forth his prayers to god ; granted an indulgence to the unclean to cat thereof . again , the law was , that the beasts should be slain by the priests : and yet twice under ezechias the levites , by reason of the want of priests , were admitted to this office . not that the kings loosed any one from the bond of divine law ( for that can no man doe ) but that according to equity , the best interpreter both of divine and humane law , they declared the law divine , in such a constitution of affaires , to lose its obligation , according to the mind of god himself : for such a declaration , as in private actions , and not capable of delay , it is wont to be made by private men , ( so david and his companions interpreted the law , which permits the priests only to eat of the shew-bread , to have no binding force in the case of extreme hunger ) so in publick actions , or in private also that may be delay'd , it is to be made by the highest power the defender and guardian of divine law , according to the counsell of wise and godly men . and hither , for conclusion , i refer , that in the time of the macchees , it was enacted that it should be lawfull to give battell to the enemy on the sabbath day . chap. ix . of jurisdiction about sacred things . to legislation , jurisdiction is coherent , with so neer a tye , that in the highest degree one cannot be without the other . wherefore if the supreme legislation about sacredthings , under god , agrees to the soveraign power ; it followes , that the jurisdiction also agrees unto it . jurisdiction is partly civill , partly criminall . 't was a point of civill jurisdiction , that the episcopall sea of antioch was abjudged and taken away from paulus samosatenus . the criminal , from the chiefe part of it is call'd the sword ; hee beareth not the sword in vain , but is an avenger upon all that do evill : therefore upon them too , that doe evill in matters of religlon . of this sort was the command of nebuchodonosor the king , that they should be torn in pieces , who were contumelious against the true god ; and that of josias , wherby idolaters were put to death . relegation also belongs to jurisdiction . so solomon confin'd abiathar the priest ; without any council , as the bishop of ely well notes ; t was indeed for treason , but he had as good right to punish him , if the offence had been against the divine lawes . so the christian emperours banisht arius , nestorius , and other heretiques . esdras and his associates received jurisdiction from artaxerxes ; whereby they punished the obstinate jewes with the publication of their goods , and ejection out of the publick society . the very same punishment in the gospell is call'd casting out of the synagogue . for as esdras had all kind of jurisdiction by the grant of the persian king : so by the permission of the people of rome , and of the emperours afterward , the synedry of the jewes retained this part of it , with the power of binding and scourging . we learn out of the hebrew masters , that there were three degrees of casting out of the synagogue : by the first , nidui , the party was commanded to stand off in the synagogue in a meaner place : by the second , cherem , he was not permitted to appear in the synagogue , nor any other suffer'd to make use of him , nor allow him any thing , but to sustain his life in a most slender manner : the third degree , in chaldee scammatha , was the proper punishment of him , who by the law of moses had deserved death , but , the power of capitall judgement being taken away , could not be put to death : his touch and commerce all men shunned . some such thing seems that to be in johns epistle , casting out of the church , which diotrephes did , that lov'd preeminence , and assum'd unto himself dominion . 't is also a point of jurisdiction to abdicate any one from the priests office , which josias did to the schismaticall priests , only allowing them where with to live . so theodosius and other emperours made decrees about the deposition or restitution of bishops . constantine threatens the contumacious bishops , and tels them they should be rul'd , by the vertue of gods servant , that is , saith he , my self . for we must note , to the right of the sword it belongs , not only to eject out of that office , which flows from the empire of the highest power , but from all other offices of what kind soever . that jurisdiction about sacred things , being a part of empire largely taken , agrees to the highest powers , is very plain . let us see , whether any jurisdiction , humane law being set apart , agrees to the ministers of holy things : and afterward , we will consider what is given to them by humane law. naturally , the priests have no jurisdiction , that is , no coactive or imperative judgement : because their whole function includes no such thing , in the nature thereof . that jurisdiction which the priests had in the primitive state of the naturall law , they had as magistrates , not as priests ; for even when the priesthood was not joynd with the highest power , seldome were the priests without some power . hence is cohen a name common both to priests and magistrates ; and among many nations the custome was the same . for the druids among the gauls were the most noble of that nation ; and among the cappadocians , as strabo , himself a cappadocian , tels us , the sacerdotall dignity was next to the regall , and kings and priests were for the most part of the same family . tacitus writes , that the german priests of old , had alone the power to punish ; and among the romans , that which lentulus said in the senate , the priefts are judges of religion , signifies not only the judgement of skill , but of power . but the mosaicall law plainly to the priests , and principally to the high priest , as it gave eminent dignity , so jurisdiction too , yet under the highest power , whether a king or councill . and 't is manifest , where neither a king was constituted , nor a judge , there the high priest was prince , as being the most eminent among all , whether private men or magistrates . examples whereof are heli , and afterward the asmoneans . that among the jewes the sacerdotall nobility was of prime note , both josephus and philo observe . that the priests had magistracy , even this alone may prove , that he is to dye who obeyed not the command of the priest . in which law the high priest is equalled to the highest judge . nor did they only give judgement in sacred but in civill affairs , being the best interpreters of the whole law , at that time the wisdome in divine and humane law being not divided . whence also , philo , where he brings in moses upon the tribunall , saith , that the priests sate with him on the bench. but in the evangelicall law , christ having not given unto pastors any dominion or command , neither hath he given them any jurisdiction , that is , coercive judicature . yet let us see , what actions there are , either of pastors , or of the church if self , which have any shew of jurisdiction , and therefore for their likenesse may come under that name . those actions we doe here consider , which owe nothing to humane law , or to the will of the highest power . to jurisdiction doth seeme to pertaine that rod , where with paul threatneth the corinthians ; whereby is meant , as the apostle explains himself , to use sharpnesse , to revenge all unrighteousnesse , not to spare ; all which are expressions of a certain miraculous vertue of imposing punishment . thus ananias and saphira fell down dead , elymas was smitten with blindnesse , hymeneus and alexander , and the incestuous corinthian were deliver'd to satan . to deliver to satan , was plainly a point of miraculous power , which inflicted torment on the body , such as saul in former time felt after his departure from god , as chrysostome and other fathers interpret . this is certaine , when the earthly powers used not the kight of punishing , god had given them , to purge and defend the church ; what was wanting in humane ayde , god himself supplyed by divine assistance . but , as manna ceased , after the people were brought into the promised land ; so , after the emperours took on them the patronage of the church , whose office was to punish them that troubled the church without or within , the forenamed divine punishments expired . to speak to the purpose , that divine execution of revenge was properly the jurisdiction of god not of men , because the whole work was gods , not the apostles . god , that he might give testimony to the truth of the gospell preacht , as at the apostles prayers , or presence , and touch , he healed diseases , and cast forth devils : so , at their imprecation , commanded men to be vexed with diseases , or seazed on by devils . nor did paul more in delivering men to satan , than did peter and john in curing the lame man , who say , they did nothing by their own power , and transcribe the whole effect to god. at the churches prayers also did god often shew the like signs of his displeasure ; therefore are the corinthians blamed , that they mourned not , to the end the incestuous person might bee taken away from among them . and to the same effect is that wish , not command , of the apostle , to the gal. would they were cut off , that trouble you . now , in the perpetuall office of the pastors , some resemblance of jurisdiction hath the use of the keys . so , by christ himself is called , that application of the gospel-threats and promises , which is made to particular men . whereunto preaching hath the same proportion , as legislation to jurisdiction ; wherefore by the same figure is the use of the keys calld jurisdiction , as the preaching of the gospell legislation . it hath been shewed afore , that christ , as alone he gives law to souls , so alone he passeth sentence on them , not only in the end of the world by the last judgement , but in the meane time also by retaining or remitting sins . he alone , saith ambrose , remits durosins , who alone hath dyed for our sins . and jerome saith , as the priest makes the leprous clean or unclean , so the bishop or presbyter binds or looses . the same father shews , where he , that useth the key , erres either in fact or law , there the key is of none effect . 't is otherwise in jurisdiction , for there , what the judge erring hath pronounced , stands , by reason of his authority that gives sentence , and passes into a judged case . as then , the cryer doth not give the sentence , that he declares either rightly or amisse ; so the pastor , in that use of the keys , cannot properly be said to exercise jurisdiction . to the use of the keys coheres the prescription of works of penance ; which if it be generall , as that of the baptist to the jews , bring forth fruits meet for repentance ; and that of daniel to the king , break off thy sins by mercy : or if speciall , as the enjoyning restitution , and open detestation of an open offence ; it pertains to the annuntiation of the law , not to jurisdiction . but if that be specally prescrib'd , which the divine law hath not specially defin'd , this belongs not to jurisdiction , but ought to be refer'd to counsell , by which name it is very often called by the antient writers . wherefore , as philosophers , physicians , lawyers , and friends also giving counsell , doe not properly pronounce sentence , although oft times the counsell is such as cannot , without great fault , be rejected : so neither doth the pastor pronounce senrence , or use jurisdiction when he affords advice wholesome for the soule . moreover , it is annexed to the use of the keys ( which also hath some appearance of jurisdiction ) not to exhibite unto certaine persons the seals of divine grace . but , as he that baptizeth , or gives the eucharist ( as the old manner was ) into the mouth or hand of the receiver , exerciseth not jurisdiction , but only a ministeriall act : so likewise , he that abstains from the same actions . nor is any difference here between visible and vocall signs . by what right therefore a pastor declares in words to a man openly wicked , that he is an alien from the grace of god ; by the same right he forbears to exhibite bapusme to him , it being a sign of the remission of sins ; or if he be baptiz'd . the eucharist , it being a signe of communion with christ . for the signe is not to be applyed to him , to whom the thing signified belongs not , nor is a pearl to be cast to swine , but ( as in the churches was wont to be proclaimed by the deacon ) holy things are for holy persons . yea , it is not only against verity , but against charity too , to make him partaker of the holy sacrament , that discerneth not the lord , body ; for he eateth and drinketh damnation to himself ; here then , seeing the pastor only suspends his own act , not exerciseth any right of domiuion over the acts of other men , it appears , these things perteine to the use of liberty , not the exercise of jurisdiction . the like in some proportion wee observe in a physician , that attending his hydropic patient , will not give him water when he cals for it , because 't is hurtfull : or , in a grave man , that will not vouchsafe a debauched man the honour of salutation : and in those , that avoid the company of men infected with leprosie , or other contagious disease . we have looked upon the actions proper unto pastors ; let us come to them , which belong unto the church , or are common to the pastor with the church . first then , the people ( that we may speak with cyprian ) in obedience to the precepts of our lord , ought to separate themselves from a sinfull pastor . for command is given to every one particularly , and to all in generall , to take heed of false prophets , to sly from a strange shepheard , to avoid them that cause divisions and offences comrary to the doctrine . secondly , the faith full are commanded to decline their familiar conversation , who , being named brethren , are whormongers , idolaters , railers , drunkards greedy , heretiques , making a gain of godliness , or otherwise behaving themselves inordinately , against the institution of christ , withdraw your selves from such , be not mingled with them , turn away from them , eat not with them , saith the apostle paul in sundry places . for such men are ( as the apostle jude speaks ) spots in the love feasts of christians . wherefore when the scripture makes use of these words , 't is manifest , no act is signified greater than a private one ; for what is the church here bid to do , but what a disciple doth , when he deserts an evill doctor ; or honest men doe , when they renounce the friendship or society of their companions fallen into wickednesse ? the words , that afterward came into use , deposition of the pastor , and excommunication of the brethren , seem to come neerer to the nature of command ; but words are to be measured by the matter , not matter by the words . a church is said to depose the pastor , when it ceaseth to use his pastorship ; to excommunicate a brother , when it withdrawes it self from his communion ; in both cases , it useth its own right , taketh away no right from another ; and although it doth not that without judgement , ( whence also the faithfull are said to judge those that are within ) it exerciseth no jurisdiction properly so called , for jurisdiction is of a superiour over the inferiour , but judgement is often among equalls ; as in that place , judge not , that ye be not judged . having weighed what is of divine right , let us now see whit hath been added , either canonicall or legall . this was canonicall , and sprung from the pastors counsell , and the churches consent , that inquisition began to be made into actions also not manifest ; and that such as abstained not from their sin , were not admitted to the holy communion , but after a certain space of time ; for it was not unlawfull to doe otherwise , but this way was more expedient both for the lapsed and for others . for the lapsed , that they might the more detest their sin ; for others , that the example might deterre them from the like offence . hence it was , that persons guilty of some grievous crime , first bewailed their fault for a while without the temple , and after by severall steps were admitted to the prayers of the faithfull , and last of all to the sacred mysteries . with the like severity did the essens of old chastise the offences of their order , as josephus relates ; and at this day the jewes , being but meerly private men , doe enjoyn penalties to the followers of their sect , that are delinquents . he that hath kill'd a man , standing out of doores proclames himself a man-slayer . to others are appointed abstinence , stripes , and exile also ; for what is wanting to the power of the rulers , is supplyed by the reverence of those that obey . to return to the christian discipline : that the institutes thereof were never reckoned as lawes divine , appears by this , because 't is not in the power of man to give a dispensation or indulgence then ; but it hath been alwayes in the power of bishops , with respect had to the life of the penitents , either to prolong or shorten the time of their penance . yea , and generally men in danger of death were received to communion ; which the nicene synod calls an antient and canonicall law : which agrees also with the custome of the essences in josephus . and among those , that by divine law are forbidden to be partakers of holy things , to wit , the impenitent , some are by the canons kept only from the communion of their own province ; others , the clergies communion being interdicted them , are admitted to the communion of laicks ; and for the same crime a lay-man is excommunicated , a clerk put out of office . besides , austin teaches that . excommunication must be forborn , if the contagion of sin hath invaded and o'respread the multitude . which exception were not to be admitted , were excommunication grounded only on divine law. it appears therefore , many things were added out of humane consent , which , as long as they were destitute of imperiall authority , had not only no force of compelling , but , saving by consent , obliged no man : unlesse perhaps by that naturall law , which comman●s offences to be avoided . in the same manner , as the canons themselves , did the judgements given according to the canons , oblige every one ; for , as to the debate of meaner businesses , the laicks were appointed by paul the apostle's counsell , for composing of differences : so , in the more weighty affairs , the clergy were the judges ; unto which judgements , pertains that admonition , proceeding from naturall equity : against an elder ( that is , a man of approved faith ) an accusation is not to berecerved without two or three witnesses . but after the emperours embraced christianisme , then at length to pastors , as men that perform'd a publick office , was some part of jurisdiction given . this was threefold , by ordinary law , by consent of parties , by delegation . by ordinary law , the bishops were allowed to judge of things pertaining to religion . the first that seemeth to have made this constitution was valentinian the first , whose rescript ambrose cites . other emperours did the like . justinian by his constitution exempts ecclesiasticall affaires from the cognizance of the civill judges , and leaves them to the bishops . in other causes , both clearks and laicks pleaded not before the bishops , but by their own consent . which jurisdiction by consent , the bishops receiv'd from constantine , with so full a right , that the cause which the bishops had once decided , should be carryed on no further ; that is , there should be no appeal from the bishops sentence . afterward , by the synod of chalcedon , it was made unlawfull for clerks against clerks to run forth to the secular tribunal , but first the action was to be examined before him , whom by the advice of the bishops the parties should have chosen . and yet , if the clerks did otherwise , the secular judge wanted not jurisdiction , but the clerks were lyable to the penalties of the canon . first of all the emperours , justinian circumscribed the rights of the secular judges , and commanded , that clergy-men , whether by lay or clergy , in civill causes , should only be sued before the bishop ; yet so , that the bishop might remit the difficult controversies to the civill judges : and he might also appeal to the civill judge , that would not rest in the judgement of the bishop . but the punishmen of the clergy for crimes not meerly ecclesiasticall , at that time , and long after , remained in the hand of the civill judges . that which wee have said of the nonappeal from the sentence of the bishop chosen judge by consent of parties , the same , arcadius also , honorius , and theodosius doe shew in the epistle to theodorus manlius praetorian praefect : let the bishops sentence be firm for all , that have cho●en to be heard by priests ; and wee command the same reverence to be given to their judgement , which must be given to yours , from whom it is not lawful to appeal ; for from the pratorian prafects was no appeal , but if any one said he was oppressed , 't was lawfull for him to petition the emperour . whence the praetorian praefects are said to judge in the sacred place , that is , the imperiall ; which may be as rightly said of bishops judging by consent of parties . the same right is attributed to the patriarks , to whose cognizance the causes ecclesiasticall were deferr'd , which with inferiour bishops could find no end . against the sentence of these prelates ( saith justinian speaking of the patriarks ) there is no place for an appeal , by the constitution of our ancestors . the third kind of jurisdiction wee have called that which ariseth from delegation , whether of the highest , or the inferiour power ; in this kind of causes , was alwayes granted an appeale unto the emperour , if judgement were given by the emperours command ; or to the judge , whosoever he was , if by the judges precept . in the name of jurisdiction , we comprehed the right of citing witnesses , of imposing on them an oath , and binding the party overcome by sentence , unlesse appeal were made ; upon whom also execution was done , not truly by the hand of the bishop ( that was not becomming ) but by the hand of the civill judge . hence was the jurisdiction properly called audience , because the judge himselfe executed not the sentence . wherefore , above that , which the pastors and the church had by divine right , and by the meer canons , much was added by humane law , and the grant of the highest powers . the people now , had not only right to avoid an unfaithfull pastor , but such a pastor by vertue of a sentence pronounc'd against him , lost his pastorall right , and whatsoever he ascribed to it : and , if he attempted any thing against the sentence , was punisht with relegation . so the pastor now , had not only right to deny the sacraments , and every one to deny familiarity , to the brother of an irregular life , but it was also unlawfull for him to approach unto the church . nor ought we to wonder , this right , by christian emperours , was given to christian pastors , when the same indulged thus much to the jewes , that none should be admitted into their sect , nor be reconciled to it , without consent of their primates . and so the pagan emperours of old , as ulpian saith , imposed such commands upon the jewes , which might not offend their superstition ; but the christian emperours gave them this farther privilege , that the masters of their synagogues , and other presidents of their law , were free from personall and civill offices : and if two jewes , by agreement , referr'd their controversies to the jewes , the judges should execute their sentence . so much favour did the christian emperours bestow upon the jewes , for the beginning truth had among them , and for hope of their future conversion ; as the antient fathers love to speak . this is also to be noted , besides that relegation from the society of the faithfull , other incommodities were annexed to excommunication , to the end , the offenders might be the sooner brought unto repentance . and that this was no new thing , but of most antient custome , deduced even from the beginning of the world , or the reparation of it after the floud , the perpetuall use of almost all nations is an argument of no small moment . memorable is that place of caesar concerning the druids among the antient galls ; if any private person , or publick , stand not to their decrees , they forbid him their sacrifices . this is among them the most grievous punishment . they that are under this interdict , are accounted in the number of impious and wicked persons : all men refuse their company , come not neer them , nor discourse with them , lest the contagion hurt them , they receive no advantage by the lawes of the kingdome , nor are capable of any honour in it . at this day in some places excommunicate persons are interdicted the use of common pastures ; in other places , a mulct is set upon their heads ; therefore doth luther justly call the greater excommunication a politick punishment . all this jurisdiction or imperative cognizance , court and audience is deriv'd from the highest power . this was the meaning of the king of britain , in that law , all authority of keeping court , and all jurisdiction as well ecclesiasticall as secular , flowes from the regall power , as from the supreme head . and the politia anglicana speaks thus unto king james ; the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction is plainly the kings ; a prime , principall , and individuall part of your crown and dignity . the ecclesiasticall lawes are the kings lawes , nor doe they arise from any other fountain , but the king , nor are they preserv'd by any other power but his . from the royall power , all ecclesiasticall . jurisdiction streams , by the arch-bishops and bishops to the judges ecclesiasticall . which is also the bishop of ely his meaning , when he saith , the judgements of the church receive externall authority from the emperour . having spoken of the acts , competent to the churches and their pastors , either by divine or humane right , the designe of our treatise carries us on to this consideration ; what acts , and how farre they may be exercised about him , who is endued with soveraignty . the naked use of the keyes , with that which adheres unto it by divine right , hath place , no lesse about the king , than about the least of the people : yea , is so much more necessary about him , by how more there is in his sin , danger of contagion . miserable is that prince , from whom the truth is concealed : and well did valentinian , to exhort ambrose , that he should proceed , according to the divine law , to cure the soules infirmities . neverthelesse , they are injurious to the gospell , who under the name of the keyes , cover their popular declamations , wherein they openly traduce the actions of the highest powers , that are either of ambiguous interpretation , or not at all known , or not certainly ; and with much acerbity inveigh against them before the common people . this is a way to please the people , who being naturally jealous of their betters , lend a willing care , and an easic faith to such invectives ; but 't is not the way to edifie them . hence , it is necessary , that seditions follow or , which is the next step to seditions , the contempt of the soveraign ; nor without reason hath that most wise writer reckoned , deubtfull speeches of the prince , among the incentives of popular tumults . a wide difference there is , between the preaching of the gospell , and the use of the keyes . the preaching of the gospel , being to all , is so to be attempered , that it may profit all ; and concealing the persons , aimes only at the vices . it is an evill custome , to turn the pulpit into a stage , and the sweet voice of the gospell , into the old reviling comedie . the antient romans censur'd it as an unworthy thing , to accuse any man in such a place , where he might not presently give in his answer : as cicero relates . but god , by an edict of his law , hath especially guarded , not the life only , but the fame of the highest powers , when he said , thou shalt not speak evill of the ruler ; where manifestly , we must understand somewhat more to be forbidden , than what is unlawfull toward private persons ; nor is the law meant of power abstractly , or the ruler only , that governs well . paul applyes that command to the high priest ananias , one that judged contrary to the law. saul had grievously sinned ; and samuel in the severity of a prophet denounceth gods wrath against him : yet being asked by saul , to honour him before the elders and the people , and not to leave him , he denies not the request . nathan accus'd not david , guilty of adultery and murther , before the people , but comes unto himself ; as it is credible the baptist did to herod , when he told him of his fault . so the antient bishops and whole synods , in publick alwayes speak with greates reverence , even to the pagan emperours , and enemies of the church , and to constantius the patron of arians . neither did the invective orations against julian come forth in publick , till after his decease . the prophets , i confesse , being divinely inspir'd , did not alwayes observe this rule . and no marvell , seeing god , who by the ministery of prophets anointed kings ; who by phineas , by samuel , and by others , slew whom he pleased ; and did many other things not allowed to private men ; he also by the same prophets set a mark of publick ignominy upon irregular princes . for what is more true , than that nien specially inspired by god , to fulfill his commands , are by him released from the bonds of law. wherefore when shimei openly upbraided king david with his homicide , david to excuse him found nothing else to say , but , it may be the lord hath bidden him : intimating thereby , that only one way there was , to justifie evill language to the king , if god hath given any one some speciall injunction for it . the prophets themselves , when they were accused for raising sedition , take their defence from nothing else , but a peculiar command they had receiv'd from god. truly , i doe not find , the kings were thus traduc'd by the priests , whose office was ordinary ; as for the example of zacharias the son of joiada , in the gospel , the son of barachias , his speech aymed not at the king , but all the people ; and in a common fault , he exhorted all to a common repentance , moved thereunto by the spirit of god. this we know ; christ hath granted to them , who have received injury from the brethren , that , after they had admonished the injurious , first alone , and then before a few , they might in the last place bring the matter to the knowledge of some pious congregation ; where , by the name 02 of congregation or church , learned men , and among them the famous beza , not without reason , understand , not all the people , but the synedry ; for , by the septuagint , the word is given to every company : and in moses , by , all the congregation , the synedry of the seventy elders is signified , as aben ezra , and rabbi solomon have long since noted . this also we know , that the corinthian , who had defiled himselfe with incest , was censured of many . we 02 know , that timothy is enjoyned , to rebuke them that sin , before all , that the rest may fear . which place seems , by that which goes afore , to be understood of presbyters that sin , who in the hearing of the other presbyters were rebuked by the bishops . but although we understand it generally , it is certain , these indefinite rules admit their restrictions and limitations according to the quality of the persons . an elder , saith paul , rebuke not , but entreat him as a father , and the yonger men as brethren . much more honour is due to the soveraign power , and to magistracy , than to age . adde here , which many have noted , and is congruent to the custome of the antient church , that the prelats of the church are not to bee reproved before the multitude ; how much lesse the king : who is , ( as constantine said ) constituted by god as it were an universall bishop ? now as ignominious traduction , so all coaction too , against the highest power , is unlawfull ; because , all right of compelling proceeds from it , there is none against it . that which is objected concerning uzziah , is answer'd by interpreting the text according to the originall , thus : and azariah the chief priest , and all the priests looked upon him , and behold he was leprous in his forehead , and they made him hasten thence , yea also , himself was compelled to goe out , because the lord had smitten him . by the divine law , it was not permitted for a leprous man to be in the temple ; the priefts were therefore earnest in hastning the king away , because he was struck with leprosy , and the disease it self encreasing upon him made him depart of his own accord , the priest declares , god compels . we have said what may be done by authority of divine right ; the rest , that hath been added by the canons , either naked , or cloth'd with law , as it may , wee confesse , to good purpose be used upon the emperour sometimes ; so , if he oppose it or forbid , by what right or with what prudence it may be used , we doe not see . for , that all government , which ariseth from consent , is under the supreme command , and that all jurisdiction is not only under it , but also floweth from it , is demonstrated afore ; nor is that in question , that the soveraign is not bound by penall statutes . whence the antient fathers have interpreted that of david , to thee alone have i sinned , to be spoken , because he was a king ; whence also is that note of balsamon , to the twelfth canon of the ancyran synod . the imperiall unction drives away penance , that is , the necessity of publick satisfaction . meane while 't is true , that kings , to their great honour ; as in civill affairs to their courts and parliaments , so in sacred they may submit themselves to pastors even as to publick judges . for it is current , saith ulpian , and a thing in practise , that if the greater or equall subject himself to the jurisdiction of the other , sentence may bee given , for him , or against him . but this subjection , because it depends upon the kings will , and may be revok'd at pleasure , diminisheth not a jot of his supreme command , as it hath been proved by very learned men . whether or no it be expedient , that a king should suffer this jurisdiction to be exercis'd upon him , is wont to be disputed . they that affirme , shew how by this submission of kings , much strength & authority accrueth to the discipline of the church . 't is true , and spoken to the purpose , as the princes , so will the people be , and the rulers example hath the sweetest influence . but , for the negative it is said , that the common-wealth stands by the authority of the governour , and ( as aristotle ) the consequence of contempt is dissolution . certainly , if any credit may be given to them , that have recorded the affairs of the emperour henry , and among them to cardinall benno , the rise of his calamity was , that publickly , with lamentable penance , naked feet , and course apparell , in an extreme cold winter , he was made a spectacle of men and angels , and at canusium , for the space of three dayes , endured the scorne of hildebrand . a difference therefore must be made , between those things which are needfull to the publick profession of repentance , and the more grievous and ignominious punishments . to the former some of the emperours , before henry , rare examples of christian meeknesse have yielded willingly : but henry was the first of all , upon whom any thing so ignominious was imposed , or any thing at all without a voluntary submission . and hildebrand , or gregory vii . was the first of all the popes , that took upon him so great a boldnesse toward the imperiall majesty , as onuphrius tels us ; who also saith , that the kings and emperours , who either upon just or unjust cause exempt themselves from these positive censures , are to be resigned up to the judgement of god. and so the kings of france , for many ages , have challenged to themselves this right , that they cannot be excommunicated . in what fort a pastor , without such coaction , may satisfy his conscience in the use of the keys , ivo carnotensis hath declared : let him say to the emperour , i will not deceive you ; i permit you at your own perill to come into the visible church ; the gate of heaven , i am not able to open for you , without a better reconciliation . it remains now to shew , what is the right and office of the highest power , about those actions , which we have ascribed unto pastors and congregations . and first , as to those actions , which by the only right of liberty , and privilege of divine law , are exercised , seeing by them also injury may be done to others , it is certaine , they are comprehended within the sphere of the supreme jurisdiction . for , not only the actions , which proceed from the authority of the highest power , but all actions whatsoever , capable of externall morall goodnesse or evilnesse , are called to the judgement of the highest power . if married persons performe not to each other , what the law of matrimony requires ; and if the master of a family neglect his charge ; in these cases , the courts of justice are of use . of all evill , the power is ordein'd the avenger . one among evils , and not the least , is the abuse of the keys , and unjust separation , or denegation of the sacraments . there is an imperiall law , prohibiting the bishop , that hee sequester no man from the holy church , or the communion , unlesse it be upon just ground . and justinian in his novell , forbids all bishops and presbyters , to segregate any one from the holy communion , before cause bee shew'd wherefore the sacred rules will have it to be done . mauritius the emperour commands gregory the great , to embrace communion with john of constantinople . in france , the antient usage was by seizing on their lands , and other wayes , to compell the bishops to the administration of sacraments . and the princes of holland have often layd their commands upon the pastors to execute divine service . much more then , may the highest power challenge this right over such actions , as have their force , not by divine , but canon law. for , under the pretext of canons , it sometimes happens , that the canons are violated ; and 't is possible , the canons themselves may be exorbitant from the divine prescriptions . if either be , the highest power cannot deny the plantifs , to take knowledge of the case . now concerning those actions , which flow from humane law , and oblige men whether they will or no , and draw after them coaction , there is much lesse cause of doubt . for all jurisdiction , as it flows from the highest power , reflows unto the same . but as it is a part of jurisdiction , no● only to judge , but to appoint judges , so belongs it to the highest power to doe both . thus ama●●iah , and the other 02 priests with him are constituted judges by jehoshaphat . neither can be shewed more evidently , the jurisdiction of the supreme in this kind of causes , than that all degrees of appealing depend upon his pleasure . otherwise , why doe the pastors of england appeale unto this or that bishop , all the bishops unto the two archbishops ? and there is the same subordination of the consistories , classicall , and the nationall synods . nor is the last terme of appealing limited by any law naturall or divine . wisely said the king of britaine , in his judgement every christian king , prince , and common-wealth have it in their power , to prescribe unto their subjects that externall forme of government in church affairs , which may suit best with the forme of civill government . and truly , of old , it was so done by the christian emperours . otherwise , whence came that so great prerogative of the constantinopolitan church ? whence had the synod of chalcedon power to abrogate the acts of the second at ephesus ? now as in civill businesses , the judgement is permitted by the highest power , for the most part , to the appointed courts , and at last , upon petition against the greatest of them , the matter is referr'd to men most skilfull in the law ; or , more rarely , the highest power it self advising with learned counsell gives finall judgement ; but very seldome upon suspition of some court , cals forth the cause unto it self : so also in these controversies about sacred things , it hath been most usuall by the ordinary synods , and , upon appeal from their decree , by a certaine assembly called for the purpose , to put an end unto them ; it hath been lesse usuall , yet sometimes usefull , for the emperour himself to judge of the religion and equity of the former judges . thus in the case of the donatists , after a double judgement of bishops , constantine did ; who although he approved not the appeale , yet he refused not the tryall of it . but this is somewhat more rare , and yet not without right , that , if a synod upon probable causes be declined , the highest power cals the cause before it self , and weighing the opinions of most eminent divines , pronounces what is most equitable . the synod of antioch prohibits him that complains of injury received from a synod , to trouble the emperour with the hearing of his case , so long as the matter may be rectified by a greater synod . yet this takes not from the emperour the power to heare the cause , if it be brought before him . moreover , the modesty of the antient bishops hath attributed power to kings , not only to examine the right or wrong of excommunication , but to pardon also and abate the punishment thereof , for so much as belongs to positive law. ivo carnotensis , a bishop , and a stout desender of the churches right against kings , was not afraid to write unto his fellow-bishops , that he had received a certain person into communion , in contemplation of the kings favour to him , according to the authority of a law , that saith , whosoever the king receiveth into grace , and admits unto his table , the priests and co gregation must not refuse . the kings of france , and the vindicators of the regall right , the judges of the supreme courts , have often constituted and decreed , that publike magistrates , by occasion of that jurisdiction they exercise , are not subject unto those ecclesiasticall penalties . so in the decrees of hungary , of the year 1551. the ecclesiasticks are forbidden to send out , without the knowledge and permission of his majestie , any sentence of excommunication against the nobles of that kingdome . and in an antient law of the english it is read , that none of the kings ministers be excommunicated , unlesse the king be first acquainted with it . which i see the princes of holland have thought sit to imitate ; for the same was promulged by charls the fift , by his edict in the year 1540. neverthelesse , such use of the keys as is congruent to divine law , and such injunction of penance as is consentancous to the laws and canons , the highest powers are wont to approve . and this is the imperiall anathema mentioned in sundry of justinians laws . we conclude , that christian powers at this time , doe not innovate , which will not , unlesse upon causes approved by themselves , suffer excommunication , being joyned with publick shame , to proceed unto effect ; which by their command inhibit censures manifestly unjust ; for it is their duty , to save every one from injury , and to keep the church from tyranny . chap. x. of the election of pastors . remains that part of empire , which , as we have said , consisteth in assigning functions . the perpetuall functions in the church are two , of presbyters and deacons . presbyters , with all the antients , i call them that feed the church , by preaching of the word , by sacraments , by the keyes ; which by divine law are individuall . deacons , which in some sort serve the presbyters , as the levites did the priests of old . to this order are referr'd the readers , who were in the synagogues , as the gospel and philo shew , and were retained in the church , as appears by history , by the canons , and by the writings of the fathers . in the gospel , he that keeps the book is call'd the minister , which is even all one with deacon : and the same appellation is given by the synod of laodicea to the deacons of of inferiour degree , which were afterward called subdeacons . but the most laborious part of deaconship is about the care of the poore . presbyters , the antient latin church translated seniors . deacons , i think , cannot otherwise be stil'd , than ministers : although there be some , who , as their manner is in other things , had rather carp at this , than acknowledge it to be true . i am deceiv'd , if plinius secundus did not understand both greek and latin ; yet he , relating the institutes of christians , rendring word for word , names them shee-ministers , whom paul entitles sheedeacons , and the church afterward deaconesses . now , as the levites could doe nothing , but the priests might do the same ; so is there nothing in the deacons function , which is excepted from the function of the presbyter : because the deacons were given to the presbyters as assistants in lesser matters . before deacons were ordained , one of the apostles , judus iscariot was treasurer of the lords mony ; and after him , all the apostles for some time distributed their allowance among the poor , untill the contention risen among the widows , and the greatnesse of their other employments enforced them to use the help of others . and yet , the institution of deacons did not so acquit the presbyters , but they had still the poor under their inspection . hence were the bishops chiefly trusted with the dispensation of the churches mony , and that with so full a power , as to be unaccountable , but to use part of it for the necessities of themselved and other men , and to deliver part to the presbyters to be disposed among the poor : as appears in the canons which are entitled apostolicall , and in the synod of antioch . unlesse the antient custome had been so , in vain had the apostle commanded a bishop to be hospital ; in vain had the antiochian collections been deliver'd to the presbyters at hierusalem . now concerning the constitution of presbyters , whose function is principall 01 and most necessary , we must note four things that by many writers are not accurately enough distinguished ; the first is , the faculty it self of preaching , of administring the sacraments , and using the keyes , wich we will call the mandate ; a second thing is , the application of this faculty to a certain person , which by the received word we will stile ordination ; a third is , the application of this person unto a certain place or congregation , which is called election ; the fourth is that , whereby a certain person in a certain place exerciseth his ministery under the publick protection , and with publick authority ; and let us call this , if you please , confirmation . the first is to be distinguished from the second . to illustrate this with a simile : the husbands power is from god ; the application of that power unto a certain person proceeds from consent ; whereby yet the right it self is not given . for , if it were given by consent , by consent also might matrimony be dissolved , or agreement made that the husband should not rule over the wife ; which is not true . the imperiall power is not in the electors ; therefore they doe not give it : yet they doe apply it to a certain person . the power of life and death is not in the people , before they joyn together in a common-wealth ; for a private man hath no right unto the sword : yet by them it is applied unto a senate , or single person . christ , without controversie , is he from whom that right of preaching , of exhibiting the sacraments , and of using the keyes , doth arise and receive its vertue . he also by his divine providence , as he preserves the church , so procures , that the church may not want pastors . the second differs as much from the third , as for a physician to be licensed to practice physick , and to be chosen physician to such a city : or , for a lawyer to be admitted to the honour of that profession , and to be made a syndic of some corporation . these two have been ever distinct , and sometimes sepatate . the apostles were truly presbyters , and so they call themselves ; for the greater power includes the lesse ; yet was not their injunction appropriate to any certain place . the evangelists also were presbyters , but to no place bound . and so , long after , was pantanus ordained by demetrius , bishop of alexandria ; frumentius , by athanasius , and were sent to preach the gospell through india ; which in our time hath been also done ; and would it were done more carefully . indeed the 6. canon of the synod at chalcedon forbids ordination absolutely , or , without a title ; but this is not of divine law or perpetuall , but positive , and such as admits exceptions . the reason of the cannon was , lest by too great a number of presbyters the church shall be burdened ; or , the order it self grow cheap , and vile . the london synod excepteth fellowes of houses in both universities , and masters of art living upon their own means , and who are shortly to undertake some cure . if the bishop ordain any other , 't is at his own perill , to keep them from want , untill they are provided for . therefore election , that is , assignation of a certain place , and ordination are not alway joyn'd together , and when they are , they are not the same . which is farther proved , because they that are translated from place to place , must be chosen again , but not again ordained , which they must be , if either election and ordination were the same , or ordination a part of election . besides , it will appear that election was made by men of sundry sorts , but ordination only by pastors , and antiently by bishops only . hence paul writing to the first bishop of the ephesians gives him admonition , that be lay hands on no man suddenly . and the most antient canons entituled apostolical , require , that a presbyter be ordained by a bishop , but a bishop not without two or three bishops . which custome , if seems , came from the hebrews : for the senators of the great synedry could not be ordain'd , but by three priests ; and that by imposition of hands , as is noted by the talmudists . without question , this manner was most holy , and for the conservation of sound doctrine most commodious : when none was admitted to teach the people , but he first receiv'd allowance from the approved doctors of the same faith. pastors therefore ought to ordain pastors ; nor is this their office , as they are pastors of this or that church , but as ministers of the church catholick . for , saith cyprian , there is but one entire episcopacy , whereof every one is a partaker . hence it hath been alwayes held , that the baptism is of force , given by a presbyter without the limits of his peculiar charge . nor is it materiall , whether the election precede the ordinarion , or be consequent to it ; for , when it precedes , it is a conditionate , not plenary election : which the canons of later times have called postulation . over this ordination the highest power hath an imperiall inspection and care . justinians constitutions are extant , of the ordination of bishops and clerks ; and other lawes of others , which prescribe the age and standing of men to be ordained . lawes of good use , and fit to be reviv'd for the prevention of the churches ruine , through the rawnesse and ignorance , and inexperience of her teachers : according to that out of the old poët : what lost your state , founded on so good rules ? the publick charge was given to boyes and fooles . the fourth member of our distinction , confirmation , differs as much from the third , as the church considered by it self , differs from the church publick . t is pertinent here , that ezechiah is read to have confirmed the priests ; that pastors are defended by lawes and armes ; that some jurisdiction or audience is attributed to them ; that maintenance is assigned them , out of the publick , either lands or moneys ; that vacation from civill offices , and in some causes exemption from the court of inferiour judges is indulged to them . all which shewes , that their publick confirmation is by the favour of the h. power ; as the institution of their office is from god , their ordination by the pastors . only there remaines to be disputed their election , that is , the application of the person to the place , or of the place to the person . that we may handle this question exactly , we must have recourse to that distinction set down afore . some things are of immutable right ; other things are just and right , untill it be constituted otherwise . in this later way , not in the former , the election of a pastor , in any place whatsoever , belongs to the church or congregation of the faithfull in that place . that the election is rightly made by the church , is proved by the very law of nature ; for , naturally every society is permitted to procure those things , which are to their own conservation necessary ; in which number , is the application of functions . so have the company in a ship , a right to choose the master fellow-travellers their leader ; a free people their king. whence it follows ; if the divine law hath not prescribed a certain way of electing , and as yet no humane law thereof is extant , then the election of their pastor pertains unto the church . but he that will affirm this right to be immutable , must evince the immutability , either by the law of nature , or by the postive law of god. by the law of nature , he cannot : for no reason persuades it , and like examples shew the contrary . so , many nations , who are under the command of the best men , or of hereditary kings , may not now elect their king , because , that which nature did permit , might be chang'd by humane law , and hath indeed been chang'd . he must then have recourse to positive law , which he will never be able to produce . examples in stead of law , hee must not allege ; for many things are rightly done , which yet are not necessary to be done . nay more , not only many things , grounded upon examples of the apostles time , but also some things instituted by the apostles , use hath altered to wit , such things , which were not strengthned by the force of a law. the apostles instituted , that the churches should have deaconesses : which pliny also shewes to have been among the christians in his age . what church is there now , wherein this office is retain'd ? and beza saith , he sees no cause why it should be restor'd . the same beza acknowledgeth , the function of the deacons to have been perpetuall , by apostolicall institution ; who neverthelesse approves the different usage of geneva . the apostles instituted , that baptism should be celebrated by immersion , which by aspersion is now perform'd . many other things of like sort , need not be prov'd abrogated , seeing they are prov'd to have been used , they are not prov'd to have been commanded . but farther , it appears not out of the whole history of the new testament , that pastors were elected by the people : that the manner of election remained indefinite , is more easily collected thence . i speak of pastors ; for , of the receivers of the churches mony , there is not the same reason . the apostles were very sollicitous , lest by taking of the publick mony they should incur suspicion , or give offence . paul might assume luke unto himself , by his apostolicall power , and commit to him the custody and disposition of collections for the poor : but he chose rather , to permit a free election to the churches ; for this reason , as himself speaks ; that no man should blame him , in the administration of so copious munificence . for the like cause , was the election of deacons , remitted by the apostles to the multitude , that no man should complaine of any partiality between the hebrews and the hellenists . but this was not perpetuall , the reason thereof being temporary ; for in the next times after the apostles , the deacons were not chosen by the people , but by the bishops ; the people being sometimes consulted with , and sometimes not . to proceed with the pastors : the princes of them , the apostles , were elected by god the father , and by christ . i have chosen you twelve : i know , whom i have chosen , saith christ . after that he through the holy ghost had given commandements unto the apostles whom he had chosen , saith luke . paul an apostle , not of men , nor by men , but by jesus christ , and god the father . so , them that were in the next degree to apostles , the lxx . evangelists , christ himself appointed . this divine election to preach the doctrine , then first brought down from heaven , is signified by the word of sending ; for , after the election of those lxx . it is said , pray the lord , to send labourers into his harvest ; and that is pertinent , how shall they preach , unlesse they bee sent ? when christ was ascended into heaven , the promised comforter supplyed his place . therefore , both to the ambulatory , and to the standing offices , the fittest men were chosen , by the judgement and testimony of the spirit , but by the ministry of the apostles , or of them whom the apostles had made governours of the churches . so timothy was admitted to his charge according to the prophecies which went before on him : that is , saith theodoret , by divine revelation : not by humane suffrage , saith chrysostomo . and oecumenius generally of that age , by appointment of the spirit were bishops made , not in a common way . hence paul in his oration to the presbyters of ephesus , tels them , they were made overseers over the lords flock by the holy ghost . sometimes also , lots were cast , that the people might , by the event , be certified of the divine judgement . the most antient authour , clemens of alexandria , hath left this written of john the apostle , by lot , he chose the clergy , of those that were signified by the spirit . nor is it a new thing to use lofs in the choice of priests , but used also by the gentiles , by the antient institution , doubtlesse , of the sons of noah . this illustrates the history of matthias : whom , i wonder by what argument , some have persuaded themselves , to have been elected by the people ; for in luke , there is no foot-step of such election . what is said , they appointed two barsabas and matthias , ought not to be referr'd unto the multitude , as chrysostome would have it , but , as it is the common opinion of the fathers , to those eleven , whose names are afore exprest , and who by the mouth of peter had spoken to the multitude . these are they , who in the words immediatly following are said to have powred out their prayers unto god , and to have given forth their lots , that it might appeare , not , whom the multitude , but whom god had chosen : for so themselves speak ; wherefore , that which follows , is not to be rendred , he was chosen by the suffrages of all , ( for who can believe , that the people were call'd to give their votes , after the divine election , unlesse gods pleasure ought not to stand , without their good liking ; ) but , he was numbred with the eleven apostles , as the syriac and all the antients have interpreted . so , there is another word in the acts , wherein some are more subtile , than is necessary . the apostles are said to have commended the faithfull lycaonians to god , with prayer and fasting , after they had ordained them : presbyters in every church . this ordaining is expressed by a greek word , in whose etymology some have found the suffrages of the people . and 't is true , that both at athens and in the cities of asia there was a custome of giving suffrages with the hand stretched forth . and if we were delighted with that subtilty , 't were easy to interpret the word of the apostolicall imposition of hands or ordination , for he that imposeth hands must needs stretch them forth , and the next writers after the apostles use the word in this sense . but indeed , neither the evangelists , nor other greek authors are so curious in their words ; yea there is scarce any word which hath not enlarged its signification , beyond the originall meaning . againe , if luke in this place would have signified a popular election , he would not have ascribed the word , ordained , to paul and barnabas , as hoe doth , but to the multitude . therefore paul and barnabas doe the same thing here , which in another place paul would have titus doe , that is , or daine presbyters in every city . that which titus is commanded to doe , by the precept of the apostle , the same doth the apostle here , being so authoriz'd by the spirit of god , that he needed not the assistance of the people . lastly , the fasting and prayers did not precede the ordination , but intervened between it and the valediction ; that it is strange , this should be drawn into an argument of popular election , when as , if the prayer and fasting of the people had preceded , this were nothing to the purpose . for , the people may also fast and pray to god , that the election of a king to be made by the electors , may be prosperous and happy ; yet are not the people therefore the electors . i have seen them , who would assert election to the people by divine and immutable right , upon this ground , that the people hath from god a precept to avoid false pastors . but these men doe not observe , that this argument , if it have any force , proves election to be the right not of the multitude only , but entirely of every single person . for all , and every one , must avoid false pastors , with all care . and so must every sick man take heed of a rash physician : but no man will therefore say , that the city physician is to be chosen by the plebeians . this may rightly be collected thence , before election can come unto effect , the people , and every one among the people , must have power to allege causes , if they have any , wherefore he , that is proposed , ought not to be elected . for paul having spoken of bishops , and passing unto deacons , saith , and let these also first be proved , where , requiring that to be observ'd in deacons , which was to be observ'd in bishops , there is no doubt but he would have bishops to be proved , especially seeing he said afore , that they must be blamelesse . among the athenians , there was a probation of their princes , the forme whereof was this : what parents and fore-fathers they were extracted from , of what tribe they were , of what estate , what service they had done the common-wealth . so , if a pastor were to be elected , it was justly granted every one to enquire , what his behaviour was , how married , what his children were , and the rest which paul would have observed in a pastor . this is that in the councill of chalcedon , let the name of the ordained be publisht ; for so lampridius hath exprest it , in the life of alexander severus : when he appointed governours of provinces , he publisht their names , exhorting the people , if they had any thing against them , they should bring in their evidence ; for he said , it was a great gravamen , not to doe that in choosing rectors for provinces , which the christians and jews did , in publishing the names of such as are to be ordain'd . this is indeed a luculent testimony of the old fashion of christians , not much distant from the apostolicall time . for between the decease of john the apostle , and the reign of severus , are about a hundred years and ten . but this place is so far from evincing the christian priests to have bin chosen by the people , that hence you may rather conclude the contrary . for 't is one thing to be admitted to prove crimes or impediments , another thing to elect . severus did propose unto the people the governours names : but that they were elected by the emperour himself , no man , that hath read history , will doubt . yea , 't was needlesse to propose the priests unto the people , if the people did elect them . it is most certaine , in the antient church , after the apostles age , although by right the people might choose their pastors , that was not every where observ'd , but the people abstained very often from election by reason of the incommodities of popular voting , retaining in the mean time the right of probation . and this is the sense ( if it be rightly weighed ) of cyprian's epistle to those of spain ; wherein some lay the chiefe foundation for election by the people ; for he doth not precisely say , the people have power of choosing worthy priests , but either of choosing worthy , or refusing the unworthy . either is sufficient for cyprian's purpose , that an unworthy person may not creep into the place of a priest . and in the following words , hee doth not say , a priest is to be chosen by the people , but the people being present . why so ? that a fit and worthy person may be approv'd by the publike testimony and judgement ; and a little after , that the people being present , either the crimes of evill men may be detected , or the merits of good men commended . how so ? because the people most perfealy knowes the life of every one , and hath best experience of his conversation . neverthelesse , the same cyprian in the same place declares , that , to choose a bishop in the presence of the people was not a thing of universall custome . it is held , saith he , among us , and in all the provinces , almost . how weak the arguments are , which he allegeth out of scripture , to prove the peoples presence necessary , hath been shew'd by others . and the cause he brings hath hardly place , but where the pastor of a city is to be chosen out of the people or clergy of the same . but , that elections were not alwayes made by the people , appears even out of cyprian himself , in another epistle , which is likewise thought to favour popular suffrages . in ordinations of the clergy , most dear brethren , we are wont to consult with you afore , and by common advise to weigh the manners and merits of every one : but humane counsells are not to be waited for , when the divine suffrages doe lead the way ; aurelius our brother , an illustrious young man , is already approved by our lord , and called by god , &c. and then , know ye therefore , most beloved brethren , that he was ordained by me , and my collegues that were present . he saith , he was wont to consult with the people ; that they were alwayes to be consulted with , he saith not : yea , by his example he shewes the contrary ; for he with his bishops had promoted aurelius , the peoples advise being not required . hee setteth down the cause : the people is advised with , to give testimony of life and manners : but aurelius had a sufficient testimoniall from his twofold confession , which cyprian calls a divine suffrage . by the same right , hee declares to his clergy and people , by epistle , that numidicus was to be ascrib'd to the number of the carthaginian presbyters , and that he had design'd the like honour for celerinus . that in africa other bishops also had right of electing presbyters , the saying of bishop aurelius in an african councill sheweth ; the bishop may be one , by whom , through the divine grace , many presbyters may be constituted . and , that the testimonies of the people were not alwaies desired , is manifest in the third carthaginian councill : the words of the canon are , that none be ordained clerk , unlesse he be approved , by the testimony either of the bishops , or of the people . wherefore , two wayes lead one to the clergy , popular testimony , or episcopall examination . whence jerom to rusticus ; when you are come to perfect age , and either the people or the prelate of the city shall elect you into the clergy . and in another place ; let bishops hear this , who have power to constitute presbyters through every city . yea , the laodicean synod , whose canons were approved by a councill o●cumenicall , rejecteth popular eclections : upon which place balsamon notes , that the most antient custome of popular elections was abrogated by that canon , for the incommodities thence arising : as he also notes upon the xxvi . of the canons apostolicall , that presbyters were of old chosen by suffrages , but that custome was long since expired . now let us proceed to the election of bishops , a thing of so much more moment , than the former , by how much more care of the church was imposed on the bishops , than on the meer presbyters . no man denies them to have been chosen by the people , that is , by the laity and the clergy , after the apostles time : but , this to have been of right immutable , no man can affirm . for , to passe by the examples of them that have been constituted successors by the deceasing , bishops ; it is a thing of most easie proof , that bishops were very often chosen , either by the clergy of their city alone , or by the synod of their comprovinciall bb. for the right of the clergy , the place of st. ferom is remarkable : at alexandria , from mark the evangelest , unto heracles and dionysius the bishops ; the presbyters alwayes named one to be bishop , chosen out of themselves , and placed in a higher degree . naxianzen speaks ambiguously ; he would elections were permitted , either to the clergy alone , or chiefly to them ; for so lesse evill would befall the churches : yet withall he shewes , this was not observ'd in his time , but the suffrages of the richest and most potent men , yea , the votes of the people too , had the stroke in elections . but , the election made by the comprovinciall bishops is approved by the great nicene synod , without any mention of the people . whereunto agrees the antiochian , adding this , if any contradicted such election , the suffrages of the greater part of bishops should carry it . yet i deny not , in many places , even in the time of these synods , the people also had their votes : but the custome was not universall . it was free , untill the synod of laodicea was confirmed by an universall councill : the xii . canon whereof , following the nicene and antiochian , gives the right of electing to the comprovinciall bishops : the xiii . expresly takes away all sacerdotall elections from the multitude . justininian also hath excluded the common people from the election of bishops , and committed it namely to the clergy , and the prime men of the city . by the prime men he means the magistrates and officers . among many named , the designation of one he committed to the metrapolitan : yet so , that , if there were a scarcity of able men , the election of one , by the clergy and principall men , might stand . notwithstanding this constitution of justinian , ( which did not long outlive him , ) soon after , there was a return to synodicall elections : which balsamon relates were usuall in the east in his time also ; with this exception , that the metrapolitans were chosen by the patriarchs , the patriarchs by the emperours . wherefore we conclude , it is neither proved out of the scripture , nor was it believ'd by the antient church , that the election either of presbyters , or of bishops , did immutably belong unto the people . of this judgementa also , they must needs be , whosoever have transferred the election to the presbytery ; for , were it of divine and immutable right that the multitude should elect , the election could not be transferred to the presbytery , more than to any others . neither were the compromise of any value , which we read was often made concerning election , if it be determined by divine precept , that the common people must choose the pastor ; for that sentence , what a man doth by another , bee seems to doe by himself , pertains only to those actions , whereof the next efficlent cause is undetermined by law. certainly , the very same thing , that wee say , was judg'd against morellius at geneva , that is , in that city , wherein great honour , great right belongs unto the people ; which decree , the most learned beza defending , that the whole multitude , saith he , was call'd together , and gave their vote , was neither essentiall , nor perpetuall . in the same place , he thinks it sufficient , if the common people be allowed to bring in reasons , why they are displeas'd at the election , which reasons afterward are lawfully to be examin'd . beza himself commits the election to the pastors and magistrates of the city ; which is congruent enough to justinian's law , but is not of right divine and immutable ; for how can that be prov'd if ordination and confirmation be rightly distinguisht from election . and the antient church was of another mind , permitting to the bishop the election of presbyters , and of the bishop to the comprovinciall bishops . wherefore . the manner of election is of the number of those things , that are not specially determined by law divine , but only under generall rules , which command all things to be done in the church for edification in the best order , and without confusion . but in all things of this nature , those generall rules remaining safe , wee have demonstrated afore , legislation belongs to the highest power . bullinger , a man of a very sharp judgement , is of the same mind , who having alleged many examples of popular election , inferrs thus ; yet i will not thence conclude , that the right of electing bishops , is to be reduced to the promiscuous votes of the common people ; for , whether it be better , that the bishop be design'd , at the meeting of the whole church , or by the suffrages of a few , no right constitution can be prescribed to all churches : for severall countries have severall laws , customes , and institutes . if any in whom the right is , abuse it by tyranny , they are compelled into order by the holy magistrate , or the right of designing ministers may be transferr'd from them to others : for it is sufficient , that some elders performe that office of electing , upon command of the king or magistrate , by the advise and counsell of men who understand what the function of a bishop is ; what is the condition of that church or people , over which a pastor is to be appointed ; who also can judge of the endowments , the learning and manners of every one . by this right , justinian , as we have said , constituted a manner of electing , somewhat receding from the former usage , and the antient canons ; by this right , after the nicene canon , were many bishops elected by the clergy and the people . the lawes of charles the great , and other kings , are extant , containing divers wayes of electing , so that bucer said most truly , the form of election is prescribed by pious princes . let us now consider , whether the highest power it self may make election : the question is not , whether it ought to make it ; nor , whether it be alwayes expedient to doe so , but , whether , if it doe make election , it commit any offence against the law divine . we say , with the excellent marsilius patavinus , the law-giver or prince is not , by any law of god , prohibited from the institution , collation , or distribution of ecclesiasticall offices . whosoever affirm the contrary , doe accuse of impiety , innumerable pious princes of antient and of this age ; which truly is a point of great temerity , when no divine law can be produced to prohibit it , as hath been abundantly by others , and by us in some part demonstrated . although this might suffice ( for whatever is not circumscrib'd by divine law , is within the sphere of the highest power : ) yet , for the desending of our sentence , both reasons and examples are in readinesse . the first reason is taken hence , that all actions , even those that naturally belong to others , not having causes determined by nature , we see are rightly exercised by the h. power . naturally men choose teachers for their children , and give them guardians ; sick persons make use of what physician they please ; merchants elect the curators of their company : yet in many places , guardianship is appointed by law alone , or the will of the magistrates ; physicians are constituted by publick order , and informers of youth too , with interdiction of others from the practice of those faculties ; and to the commanies of merchants are fit curators also appointed by the highest power , without blame of any any , but , if this right be competent to the highest power , over those things , which did belong to every one , much more over those things that belong unto the people ; because , the power of the people is devolved upon it , as all men know , that have any knowledge of the lawes . that sometimes there may be just causes , why the h. power should challenge to it self the election of pastors , no wise man will deny . for often errours introduced into the church against the word of god , cannot be rooted out by other means ; often , there is no other way to avoid schism ; often , the suffrages of the clergy are disturb'd with factions , popular election with seditions ; whereof are extant many examples , even of the purer times . adde in the last place , that the times are now and then so boisterous , that the king will hardly keep the crown upon his head , except hee have a care , the pastors may be most obedient and faithfull to him . verily , all histories doe witnesse , how dearly the german emperours paid for their abdication of this imperiall right . that we may come to examples , it hath been shewed afore , that before the mosaicall law , and afterward among the nations without judaea , kings themselves enjoyed the priesthood , the divine law not then forbidding it : at which time , there can be no doubt , the priesthood might also have been committed by them to others : as we read the pontifs and flamens were created by the kings of rome . but , among the hebrew people , after moses law , no man , except of aarons family , could be admitted to the office of a priest ; nor to the service of the temple , unlesse he were a levit. hence , is jeroboam justly blam'd , for choosing priests who were not levits , for the law did not allow it ; nor was it in the king , to command sacrifices to be offered , in any place but the accustomed , which , after david , was jerusalem . other functions , or the places for them , the king might assigne to the priests and levits . so were some levits appointed by david for preaching , others for singing . and , that there should be singers with harps and other instruments , was god's precept by the prophets : as the application of persons to the severall offices is every where attributed to david , under the name of king ; and after david , to solomon : and jehoshaphat , the king , not the prophet , by name electeth priests and levits , whom he might send forth to the cities of juda to instruct them . the very same thing that is here debated . for , as some fathers were of opinion , the right of blood in the moisaicall law , is correspondent to the imposition of hands in the christian law. as then , the hebrew king may apply certain persons ; to a certain office and place , but only such as were of aarons family and levits ; so the christian king rightly makes a presbyter or bishop of a certain city , but of them which are ordain'd , or to be ordain'd . and so did nehemia's lieutenant to the persian king , leave some levits in the particular cities , others hee called forth unto jerusalem . yea , the high priest attained not that dignity by succession , but election of the great synedry , yet confined unto certain families ( which election seemeth to have been the regall right , when the kings reigned ) the most learned of the hebrews maimonides hath observed . but let us proceed with the christians . before constantine , no man will wonder that no christian pastors were elected by the emperours , when the emperours either were enemies to the church , or had it in contempt , and accounted it not worthy of their care . constantine gave the force of a law to the nicene canon , of election to be made by bishops , other emperours after him did the like , either by renewing the canon , or not abrogating of it . and , 't is manifest , this manner of election was long in use ; the empire being of greater extent , than that the emperours diligence could provide for all the churches . notwithstanding this , it was lawfull for the emperours , if they pleased , to elect by themselves . for , seeing it is from the highest power , that the canon hath the force of a law , no marvell , if the highest power , upon just causes , may recede from that law , either in the whole , or in some particular case . for lawes are wont either to be abrogated , or temper'd and limited by the law-givers , as afore is shewed . yea , there is no need of abrogation or solution of the law , when as the lawyers agree in this , that , by the generall words in the law set down , the right of the highest power is never conceiv'd to be excluded . 't is true , the examples of elections made by bishops prove , it is not necessary that elections be made by the highest power ; the canons also shew , the same elections are rightly made by bishops , with consent of the highest power : but neither of these is in question . the question is , whether it be also lawfull for the highest power to make election . that it is lawfull , we have the judgement of the best , both among the emperours and the bishops . in the first synod of constantinople , theodosius commanded the names of all that were proposed should be given to him in papers , reserving to himself the choyce of one . what can be more clear ? one among all the bishops propos'd nectarius : the emperour makes choise of him , and persisteth in it , against the will of many bishops ; who , seeing the emperour would not be remov'd , give place , and yeild him that reverence , which was due unto him , in a matter not prohibited by law divine . who sees not , this was done beside the canons ? for according to the canons , the emperour had no share in the election , but here the emperour alone electeth , that is , designs the person . the bishops , as also the clergy and people , approve of the election . but , 't is one thing to elect , another to approve of the election . the bishops approve , because it was their office , after baptisme , to impose hands upon neitarius , as yet a lay man and catechumen . and hert too , we observe , the canon was not followed : for according to the canons , a catechumen , nor neophite , could not be elected . the clergy also , and the people doe approve : because to them belong'd the tryal , which , how far it differs from election is shew'd above . many examples we might alleage , of elections not cunonicall , but imperiall . why the emperours themselves elected . we deny not they had peculiar causes ; but this pertains not to the question of right , but prudence . certainly , the emperours believ'd it to be lawfull for them , before they consider'd whether or no , it were expedient . for of things unlawfull , there ought to be no consultation . to say the cause hereof was some divine revelation or inspiration , in such an age of the church , is a meer refuge of pertinacious ignorance : to say , the domination of the roman bishops , was the cause of imperiall elections , when as yet that episcopacy was not turn'd into temporall dominion , is to be quite mistaken in the order of times . nor yet can wee doubt , but the more sanctimony abated in the clergy , and obedience was slackned in the people , the more just cause had the highest powers to vindicate election to themselves . in the west , that bishops were most often , and for a long time , elected by the most christian kings of france , without any suftrage of the people or clergy , is written in all the french histories , as it were with sun-beams . what was said of the domination of the roman bishops , as if he had given occasion to kings to draw to themselves the elections , besides that it is before answered , cannot be applyed to the bishops of france , and to those times , when the french kings did not yet possesse italy . yea , on the contrary , because the french kings used this right in their own kingdome , therefore also in italy did charls the great assume this to himself , that hee might not with lesse power governe italy , than france and germany . for , it is most truly observed by godalstus and others , the decree made in pope adrians time , pertains only to the italian bishops , when in other parts , the compleat right of election was in charls before . in vaine also , a recourse is had to the wealth of bishop-pricks , & the temporall jurisdictions annexed to them ; for even in the times of charls the great , and much more in the antient and purer times , bishopricks were but poor and slender , as is noted by that most searching antiquary , onuphrius . and for jurisdictions , the bishops , in charls his time , had none annexed to their bishopricks : but this came into use at last , after the avulsion of germany from france , when the ottoes were emperonrs in germany . and , the jurisdictions were so far from being the cause of imperiall elections , that , on the contrary , therefore were jurisdictions granted unto bishops , because the emperours were most assured of their fidelity , being chosen by themselves , and thought the custody of cities might therefore most safely bee committed to them : as the same onuphrius hath observed . some have been deceiv'd by the name of investiture , because the word is used of fees especially , therefore have they thought all that is sayd of investitures of bishops to belong to territories and lands ; which is a grosse ●rrour ; for , to vest and to invest , are old words of german originall , that signify the collation of any right whatsoever : and are therefore found in old authors applyed to all offices both civill and ecclesiasticall . it appears by a passage in the life of romanus bishop of rouen about the year 623. that investiture by the staffe was almost 300. years before territories were given to bishops ; which began under otto , the first emperour of that name . and truly , if investiture had been with respect to civill jurisdiction , it would have been by the scepter , sword or banner , as the manner of those times was , not by a ring and staffe . wherefore , although the most christian kings did not challenge to themselves imposition of hands , which maketh presbyters ; yet these two things they esteemed as their right , to joyn this man unto this church , which is signified by the ring ; and to conferre upon him jurisdiction ecclesiasticall , that is , judgement concerning sacred affairs with a certaine publike power , which is signified by the staffe . for to the king himself also , when he was first consecrated , together with the scepter was wont to be given a staffe . and by this , saith aimonius , the defence of the churches , that is , a power to maintaine religion , was deliver'd to him from god ; for the offices corresponded to the signs : as also a canon was vested by a book . many ages after , when piety had begotten opulency , and the daughter laid a snare for the mother , the emperours , almost detruded from their most antient right , began to shew the indignity of the thing , by this argument among the rest , because the bishops by their munificence possessed lands and territories . but never did the election of them depend upon this alone , being more antient than the same munificence . moreover , the accessory cannot have so much force , as to draw the principall after it : and befides , in some places , at this time , stipends out of the publick succeed in place of lands : and for all this the right of the highest powers remaineth the same it was . therefore , by the name of investiture , in the stories of those times , is not to be understood a naked sign ; nor are kings to be thought so unwise , that , for a bare rite or ceremony they would have undertaken so many labours , and so many wars : but , with the sign , or by the sign , the thing signified must be conceived , that is , the collation of churches . which collation , it is certaine , was made two wayes : for , either the kings by themselves , made election freely , and without the suffrages of any other , or else , they granted others the right of clecting , the right of approving , not imaginary , but with a liberty to annull the election , being reserved to them , selves . both of these , historians comprehend in the name of investiture . which right remained in the emperours untill the times of hildebrand , who first laid violent hands upon it . onuphrius panuinus relating his life ; he first of all the roman bishops attempted to deprive the emperour , not only of the election of the pope himself , which also adrian the third had sometimes done ; but of all authority too , whereby he constituted the other prelats , to wit , the bishops and abbats . the author here hath rightly explan'd investiture by the name of constitution . those two things , whereof we said investiture consisteth , that is , the power of choosing , and the liberty of refusing , if the bishop were chosen by any other , all writers approved for their diligence in this kind , have very well distinguished , and knit together in the regall right . such a liberty of refusing i meane , which is not subject to the judgement of another , and indeed these rights , both of election , and of rejection , are of great consequence to maintaine both church and state : but the former , of so much the greater moment , by how much it is more to oblige , the receiver of a benefit , than to exclude , an enemy . paulus aemilius , when he had declared how that right was extorted from the emptrour henry : that thing saith he , much weakned the imperiall majesties , in the minds of his people ; for he was devested of the better half of his jurisdiction . and onuphrius in the same manner : half his power was at once taken from the emperour . the same author elsewhere speaks of henry the third this most excellent , right ( so he cals election ) 〈◊〉 retained with all his might . of the same mind were the kings that buil● their power upon the ruines of the roman empire . to let passe others , let us heare , if you please , the king of england speak himself . henry , the first of that name sina● the conquest , granted the bishoprick of winchester to william gifford , and presently , against the statutes of a new councill , invested him with the possesions perraining to the bishoprick . the same henry gave the archbishoprick of canterbury to ralf bishop of london , and invested him by the ring and staffe . this is that same henry , who in the relation of westminster , by william his procurator constantly alleaged , that he would not , for the i●sse of his kingdome , loose the investitures of churehes ; and affirm'd the same in threatning words . away with the unlearned interpreters of history : who doth not see here that by investitures is meant the collution of bishopricks ? the parliament statute also under edward the third , gives plaine evidence for the fame , wherein is manifest , that the royall right to collate bishopricks was in england more antient , then the election of the clergy . and historics doe give their testimony too : which declare how bishopricks , were collated by etheldred , and the most antient kings , seven hundred yeers agoe . afterward , elections were granted to the clergy , under two conditions , which were observ'd likewise in franses , that licence to elect were first obtained , and the clection made were submi●●ed to the kings pleasure . but in the later time the whole election was rendred to the king. in our time , there is an image of election in the chapters ; the whole force of it is in the king. for , the bishoprick being void , the king , by his letters , containing licence to elect , transmitteth also the name of him , whom hee would have elected . bilson bishop of winchester discoursing with much diligence upon this argument , in severall places affirmes that which is most true ; that no particular form of electing is prescribed by divine law : and seeing princes are heads of the people ; and , both by divine and humane right , have the charge of all externall and publick administration , as well in sacred as in civill causes , committed to them these reasons necessarily evince , that the elections are also committed to their trust ; at least , if they bee pleased to under take the burthen . the same author saith , it is as clear as the sun ; that other princes , be side the roman emperours , since the first profession of christian faith , not only had the highest power in electing bishops ; but by their sole authority instituted whom they judged worthy of that honour , without expecting the suffrages of the clergy or people . i will not adde more examples or testimonies : either these are sufficient , or nothing is sufficient . whosoever therefore , dares to condemn of sacrilege , so many famous kings , some whereof , first in their kingdoms professed the christian faith ; some couragiously resisted the popes ambition ; some either began or promoted the churches reformation ; and among them many renowned for their holinesse and learning : whosoever , i say , dare account them sacrilegious , as if in electing bishops they had violared the law divine , he shall not have me for an approver of his temerarious judgement . now , whereas some , in this businesse of election , distinguish the other pastors from the bishops , because indeed themselves live where no bishops are , this difference comes to nothing . for such pastors , although they have this common with mere presbyters , that they are not over others ; yet have they thus much of bishops , that they are not under other pastors ; and so 't is doubtfull , whether they may be rather numbred among mere presbyters , or bishops . moreover , seeing presbytery is contained in episcopacy , they that bestow the bishoprick , do withall bestow the pastoral cure of a certain place or city , & somthing more : so that , the argumentation rightly proceeds , as from the greater to the lesse , or rather from the whole to the part . 't is true , the antient emperours & kings mixed themselves but little with the collation of pastorall offices of inferiour degree ; the reason was , because they thought in reason , all that lesser care might be rightly comitted to the bishops , chosen either by themselves , or according to their lawes . and therefore , in the most antient canons , you shal hardly find anything of the presbyters election , because all that business was at the bishops dispose as we have shewed before . yet are not examples wanting , whereby it may appear , that ecclesiasticall offices , of the lesser rank also , were collated by kings . onuphrius is witnesse , for the emperours . an epistle of pope pelagius , bishop of rome , is extant , which signifies , that the sacred letters of the most gratious emperour were come unto his hands , requiring certain men to be made presbyter , deacon , and subdeacon at centumcells . the publick records of our own country doe abundantly witnesse , the princes of holland , zeland , and west risia , even from the beginning of their principality , have conferred , at their pleasure , upon fi●men , the pastorall gure of every city and village , except in what places it could be proved , that the same right was granted away to others , and that gustome . was kept untill the times of the last war. these examples , although they be not antient , are yet sufficient to refell those , who have adventured publickly to affirm , pastors , untill the very last times of the war , were chosen by the people . here might be added , were it needfull , very many records of investitures , whereby the princes bestow upon noble men , their vassals , among other rights , also the collation of churches . and i , for my part , cannot understand , how it comes to passe , that the same right doth not still endure to this day : whether it be expedient , or where , and how farre it is expedient , is another question . the states , in my opinion , by their pains taken in the reformation , have not deserved to be in worse condition , then before they were . in the palatinate , the pastorall cures are conferred by the decree of a senate , which by the cōmand , and in the name of the elector , hath government of the churches . in the dominion of basil , the churches without the city have no power at all in choosing their pastor ; whom the magistrate of the city sends to feed them , him they receive with reverence , although they never heard him teach . in the beginning of the reformation , they were content with this call alone . it is the saying of musculus : a christian pastor ought not to be sollicitous about his call , nor to doubt that it is christian and lawfull , where he is called to preach the gospell , by the pious magistrate or prince . wherefore the doctrine of the reformed churches doth not deprive the powers of this divine right . neither have the states themselves ever been of another judgement ; for , when in the year 1586 , without the assent of the states , a synod was held , the earle of lester , governour of these parts , to move the states to allow of the synod , declared nov. 16. that such allowance should be a detriment to no man , in respect of that right he challenged in the institution of pastors . and in the same year , decemb. 9. the acts of that synod were admitted by the states , with some exceptions , whereof this is one : that the states , noblemen , and city magistrates , and others should retain the right and custome of instituting and destituting pastors , and school-masters . let us now give answer to the rest of the objections , used to be brought against the highest powers in this regard . some say , that certain kings and princes have abused the elections , either through a sordid love of gain , or through too much favour . it is too true ; but to the determination of the question , 't is impertinent ; for , the abuse of right depriveth no man of his right ; unlesse perhaps a subject , by the sentence of his superiour ; much lesse , is a possible abuse sufficient to the losse of right . then , no man shall bee certain of any right whatsoever . but to speak the truth , there is a greater number of laudable elections , which kings have made . and on the contrary , by popular elections , the matter often was brought unto seditions and slaughters , to sword and fire ; nor is the clergy alwayes free from favour and faction , no not at this day . so that , if for fear of incommodities elections may be overthrown , no kind thereof will be able to subsist . when genebrard , an enemy to the regall right , had said , the bishops of rome chosen by the emperours were monsters of men , the contrary was shewed by our side , that they were good men , at least in some mediocrity ; but from the election of the clergy and people came forth monstces in●ee● . moreover , the greatness of the highest powers yields not to corruption so easily , as private men , nor is so obnoxious to unjust desires and importunity of suters . lastly , ordination , which remains with the pastors , and the right of contradicting , which is left unto the people , shuts up the way , if not to all , which exceeds humane power , yet to the worst abuses . the canons are objected too , and some sayings of the fathers . that old canon , which is the 30. in their number entitled apostolicall , speaks of magistrates , not of emperours ; and as the canon next before is oppos'd to nundinations , so this to violent intrusions . the canon pertains to them , that being not lawfully examin'd and ordain'd invade the church by force , by the magistrates help and favour . so , the parisian synod disapproves not election , but ordination by the king ; nor all the kings authority , but that which is against the will of the metropolitan and comprovinciall bishops , to whom the ordination did belong . for king charibert himself , under whom this synod was holden , elects pascentius to the bishoprick of poitiers , whom the comprovincials receiv'd , as rightly chosen . and if the canon bear another sense , yet is it nothing to the purpose . for , if it was made by the kings consent , it might be rescinded , erther by himself , or by other kings also , especially with the sentence of their peers : because no positive lawes are immutable ; but , if without the kings consent , then neither had that canon the force of a law , nor could the regall right be impair'd thereby . this is certain , since the kings began to elect bishops , many synods have been held in france , and not any one of them hath reprehended the kings in that respect , but many have admonished the king , to use that study and care in choosing pastors , which was meet . whence it is evident , the gallican bishops never found any thing in that election , contrary to the lawes divine . 't is very improper for our men , to produce the authority of the nicene second synod , whereby the worshipping of images was introduced . and yet , the meaning of the canons alleged thence , is no other , then of those we have already answer'd . that sharp speech of athanasius against constantius is alleged also ; who having received most grievous injuries , if he had uttered any thing , not so generally true , as accommodated to those times , what marvell is it ? seeing other fathers too , have let fall many words , which will not bear a rigid examination . yet doth not athanasius , how hot soever in this cause , pretend any right divine , but enquires , where is that canon , that a bishop should be sent out of the palace ? he shews , what constantius had done , was not canonicall : and rightly ; for another way of electing was then in use , and that confirmed by the authority of the nicene synod , and by the precepts of constantine . now , although for just causes , it be granted unto kings , to recede from the canon ; yet to forsake the canon , with intention of promoting to episcopacy the favourers of the arrian party , was not the part of a pious emperour . this way of electing is the more justly reprehended , if ordination also being omitted , bishops were obtruded upon the churches : which is very credible to have been done ; for it was not probable , the orthodox would ordain arians , or such as used collusion with them . verily , not any one of the fathers hath hitherto been found , who said , there was any divine law to hinder the king from choosing the pastor . it appears , the most holy bishops above mentioned , who condiscended to the election made by theodosius were of another mind . and thus much be spoken of the highest powers embracing the true religion . as to the kings , that give no assent to the saving faith , pious assemblies never made addresse , unto them , for election of their pastors . for how could they expect defence of the church from the enemies of the church . and , suppose the matter should succeed most happily , yet would it be an indecorum , that the affaires of the church should be judged before the unjust , and not before the saints . yea , if kings that are aliens from the faith , arrogate to themselves any such thing , without question they bring upon themselves the greater judgement . notwithstanding , if infidel kings will not at all admit any pastor or bishop , except elected by themselves , and in the mean time leave to the church the probation , and to other pastors the imposition of hands , i cannot think it convenient for christians , to refuse men , otherwise fit , for this only reason , because they are commended by infidels . for the good god doth effect his good work , even by evill men . i am not a man of that confidence , that i dare condemn so many christian churches in thrace , in syria , in egypt , which doe receive patriarchs or lesser bishops from the king of the turks ; and that this patience of the christians is no new thing , is shewed by barlaamus cyracensis . clearly , 't is better to entertain a worthy pastor , adorned with good report of the common people , ordained by other pastors , from the hand of a prince , though an unbeliever , then to suffer the wast of churches . esdras , we are sure , did not decline the office of restoring gods worship , imposed on him by the pagan king artaxerxes . but , that we may return unto our own , that is , unto christian powers ( for that was aspersed on the by , to give others occasion of better thoughts upon this businesse ) we must advertise the reader , that in all this treatise , we enquire what is lawfull , not what is at every time expedient . for , whether we reflect upon antient or later times , we shall see great variety in the manner of election : nor only through ages and provinces , but through years and particular cities . so much uncertainty there is in that , which the law divine hath left uncertain . and truly , where the question is not of the right , but of the best manner of election , 't is marvellous how many things may probably be discoursed on every part . give me cyprian , and those of his time , there will be no fear of popular election . give me the nicene fathers , i would gladly ascribe the election unto bishops . give me such emperours as theodosius , valentinian , and charles the great , there will be no danger in the election regall or imperiall . but we are fallen into the lees of the church , and after we have with circumspection viewed all things , we find nothing , but some incommodity is annexed to it . therefore nothing at all can be here prescribed , as perpetuall ; that which is indefinite , must have an indefinite rule . yet if i were in this respect to give my advise , the manner of justinian's times is not displeasing to me , with this caution , that a pastor be not obtruded upon the people against their will , and also saving the right of the highest powers to rescind and make void elections , if any errour be committed , pernicious to the church or common-wealth . which right , not only the french kings , but also the antient roman emperours very frequently have used , as is most easie to be proved . they do much erre , who confound this will and pleasure of the h. powers , whereby the election made is approv'd , or disapporv'd with that consent , where with the magistrate of every city , according to the lawes or canons , concur to the election , in the next place to the clergy , and sometimes with the people . for , here is a wide difference . the pleasure of the highest powers is over the election ; the magistrates consent is a part of the election . that agrees to the highest powers , as such ; this to the magistrates , by positive law ; nor properly as magistrates , but as an honoured part of the city . therefore the election by the magistrates stayes within the bounds of their city ; but emperours and kings exercise their right , not only in cities which they dwell in , and whose churches they frequent ; but , if they see it needfull , through all places of their dominions . again , the magistrates may be overcome with suffrages , the highest power cannot . certainly , although the election be permitted to others , that right of free approbation cannot safely be abdicated by him that rules in chiefe . also , after election made , the right of removing a certain person from the ministry of a certain place , although it may be in others too , ought alwayes to remain in the highest power . so solomon ejected abiath●r from being the priest of god. so the bishops of rome were more then once deposed by the imperial power , as bellarmine himself confesseth . the proof whereof is easie . for if the highest power hath right to interdict any one the city or province , hee must needs have a right also to interdict him , the ministry of this city or province . for this is included in that : and , in whose power the whole is , in his power the part cannot choose but be . nor only may the highest power doe this by way of punishment , but by way of caution too : to wit , if any pastor be drawn by the people into matter of tumult , which perhaps may come to passe without his fault . for , unlesse the highest power could doe this , the common-wealth were not sufficient to secure it selfe . the last errour is of those , that think it belongs unto the same person , to elect and to remove . for the highest power may interdict , not only publick acts , but private , too , to which it electeth not the persons ; namely , in negotiation , and conduction : as above is said , when we spake of jurisdiction , and is manifested by examples . for , eight or more roman bishops , it is certain , have been depos'd by emperours , sometimes with a synod , sometimes without , whereof a good part were elected by the clergy and people of rome . chap. xi . concerning offices to the church , not alwayes necessary . it is of much concernment for the keeping of peace in the churches , vt● distinguish accurately , between the things commanded by divine law , and the things not commanded . for , although the right or manner of regiment somewhat differs , thence wil follow no divulsion of the churches , as long as neither part ascribes to their own way , the authority of divine precept . and this is the prihcipall cause , why we have taken so much pains to shew , that manner of election , which kings and some pious princes do at this time use , is not by divine law forbidden . not , that we propose their examples to be imitated by others : for , other kinds of election may be either by themselves more profitable , of at least to the disposition of the people , and state of some churches more fit ; or else , if for no other cause , for the antient custome sake , to be preferr'd : but , that we may not , by a temerarious censure , alienate from us the kings , and the churches too , by whom that manner is observ'd . what we have done concerning election , the same we must doe about the offices ecclesiasticall , which some of the late reformed churches use , and some use not ; that is , wee must declare , nothing is either way defin'd concerning them , by precept of divine law ; whereby , it will easily appear , the diversity of government ought not to be any obstruction to fraternall unity . fully to understand the right of the highest powers , this discourse is very necessary ; for , in things determined by divine precept , a necessity of execution lyes upon the highest power ; in other things there is left some liberty of choise . and , as we have said afore , the ecclesiasticall government for the most part is conformable to the politicall , which was also observed by the king of great britain , a prince of excellent wisedome . now , the principall controversie amongst the protestants , is about the episcopall eminence , and about their office , who being not pastors , that is , neither preach , nor administer the sacraments , yet are assessors , or assistants unto pastors , and by some are stiled presbyters , or elders . let us consider of both , so farre as our designe permits ; for , these questions are so largely handled by others , that scarce any thing remains to be added . especially , the most learned beza , having undertaken the defence of the gonevian discipline , hath , according to the fertilty and vigour of his wit , copiously expressed , what might be said both for those assessors , and against the bishops : and , on the other side , they that extoll the anglican church , saravia and the bishop of winchester have disputed very smartly , as well for the bishops , as against those assessors . so that , whoever would have perfect intelligence of these matters , are to be remitted to their books . for our parts , our endeavour being to lessen , not to widen , the difference , we will contract , into a few determinations , all that is either confessed on both sides , or may be so clearly prov'd that it cannot be gainesaid by any , but the contumacious . in the first place for bishops ; we take leave to use the word in that signification , wherein the synods universall and topicall , and all the fathers have alwaies us'd it . in the apostolicall times , it is certaine , though the functions were distinct , the names were not . for , the function of the apostles is call'd presbytery , and episcopacy , and diaconary , nor is any thing more usuall , than for the genericall name , by some particular right , to adhere to one of the species ; as in adoption , cognation , and other words of the law appears . and so , the name of bishop , when in the nature of the word it signifies any inspector , overseer , and prepositus , or ( as jerom translates it ) supra-attendent ( for the septuagint also have rendred the hebrew word , which is given to magistrates , by the name of bishop ; and among the athenians the forreigne praetor , among the romans the municipall aediles were called by this name ; and cicero saith himself was made bishop of the campanian coast ; ) this name by the apostles , and apostolicall men , according to the use of the hellenists , was given to any pastors of the church , neverthelesse , by a certaine proper and peculiar right , it might be assignd to them , who , as with the rest they were overseers of all the flock , so above the rest were constituted inspectors of the pastors also . wherefore they abuse their own time and other mens , who having undertaken to discusse the question , take much pains to prove the name of bishop common to all the pastors : when as the word is of a larger signification much . they also doe but beat the aire , who with great endeavour prove , that unto all pastors whatsoever certain things were common , namely , the right to preach , to exhibite the sacraments , and the like . for , the question is not of these things wherein they do agree , but of that eminence whereby they are distinguished . and , that is yet somewhat more absurd , that some , to prove bishops differ nothing from meere presbyters , bring in the fathers for their witnesses , that bishops are all of equall merit : as if you did say , that all the roman senators were equall to the consuls , because the dignity of both the consuls was equall . but he is angry with himself , or with his reader , who refutes such things . concerning episcopacy then , that is , the eminence of one pastor among the rest , this is our first assertion , that it is repugnant to no law divine . if any one be of a contrary opinion , that is , if any one condemne all the antient church of folly , or even of impiety ; without question , it lyes upon him to prove it : and for proofe i see nothing alleg'd but this : whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister : and whosoever of you will bee chief , shall be the servant of all . but certainly , all eminence or primacy of pastors among pastors is not here interdicted : but all pastors are admonisht , that they may know , that a ministry is enjoyn'd them , not an empire given . for the precedent words are , they that rule over the gentiles exercise lordship over them ; and their great ones exercise authority upon them ; but so shall it not bee among you . from this place we may much rather argue for eminence and primacy , than against it . for that which is in matthem and marke , whosoever will be great , and the chief , is in luke , he that is greatest among you : he that is the president , or leader . moreover , christ exhorts them by his own example : the son of man came not to bee ministred unto , but to minister . wherefore , the precept of ministring doth not hinder , but one may be greater than they to whom he ministreth . ye call me , saith christ , lord and master : and ye say well ; for so i am . therefore if i your lord and master have washed your feet , ye ought also to wash one anothers feet . and how could christ disapprove the disparitie of ecclesiasticall offices , when himself had appointed lxx . evangelists , of a second order and lesser degree , as jerom speaketh in dignity inferiour to the apostles , as calvin saith . much more clearly , triumphing now in heaven , he hath given some apostles , and some prophets , some evangelists , some pastors and doctors : not only distinct in functions , but by certaine degrees also . for god hath given in the church , first apostles , in the second place prophets , in the third do ors . the very deaconry , by the apostles instituted , is sufficient to prove , that christ had not commanded an equality of church-men . therefore , we set down this first , as a thing of undoubted verity ; wherein we have lanchius , chemnitius , hemingius , calvin , melanchthon , bucer , all consenting with us ; yea , and beza too , so far as to say , that some one chosen by the judgement of the other presbyters , should be and remaine president of the presbytery , cannot , nor ought not to be reprehended . secondly , we determine , that the episcopacy we speak of , hath been received by the universall church . this appears out of the universall councils ; whose authority , even now , among pious men is very sacred . it appears also , by comparing synods either nationall or provinciall ; whereof there is hardly one to be found , but it carries in the forehead manifest signs of episcopall eminence . all the fathers , none excepted , testify the same . among whom , the least friend to episcopacy is jerom , being himself not a bishop , but a presbyter . his testimony therefore alone sufficeth : it was decreed all the world over , that one chosen from among the presbyters should bee set over the rest , to whom all the care of the church should pertaine . yea , so universall was this custome , that it was observed oven among the hereticks , which went our of the catholick church ; all these things , saith the author of the homilies upon matthew , which are proper to christ in verity , have hereticks also in their schism , churches , scriptures , bishops , and other orders of the clergy , baptisme , eucharist , and all things else . certainly , this errour of aerius was condemned of all the church , that he said , a presbyter ought to be discerned from a bishop by no difference . jerom himself , to him who had written , there is no difference between a bishop and a presbyter , answers , 't is spoken as ignorantly , as one would wish ; you have , as the proverbe is , made shipwrack in the haven . lastly , zanchius also acknowledgeth the consent of the whole church in this point . our third determination is , that episcopacy had its beginning in the apostolicall times . witnesse the catalogues of bishops in irenaeus , eusebius , socrates , theodoret , and others , all which begin from the apostles age ; now to derogate faith , in an historicall matter , from so great authors , and so consenting together , it cannot but be the marke of an irreverent and pertinacious mind . it is all one , as if you should deny the truth of that , which all the roman histories deliver , that the consulship began from the expulsion of the tarquins . but let us againe heare jerom : at alexandria , saith he , from mark the evangelist , the presbyters alwaies elected one from among themselves , placed him in a higher degree , and call'd him bishop . marke deceased in the 8. of nero : to whom , ( john the apostle being yet alive , ) succeeded . anianus , to anianus abilius , to abilius cerdo . the same apostle surviving after the death of james , simcon had the bishoprick of jerusalem ; after the death of peter and paul , linus , anacletus , clemens held that of rome ; evodius and ignatius , that of antioch . surely , this antiquity is not to bee contemn'd : whereunto ignatius himself , the coetanean of the apostles , and his next followers justin martyr and irenaeus yield most apparent testimonies , which need not bee transcribed . we will end this with cyprian : now , saith he , through all provinces , and through every city are appointed bishops . our fourth is this ; this episcopacy is approv'd by divine law : or , as bucer speaks , it seemed good unto the holy ghost , that one among the presbyters should be charged with a singular care . the divine apocalyps affords an irrefragable argument to this assertion ; for christ himself commands to write unto the seven angels of the asian churches . who by angels understand the churches themselves , they manifestly contradict the holy scriptures . for the candlesticks are the churches , saith christ , and the stars are the angels of the seven churches . 't is a wonder , how farre men are transported by the spirit of contradiction , when they dare confound things , so openly distinguisht by the holy spirit . we deny not , but every pastor , in a generall signification , may be capable of this title of angel ; but , here 't is manifestly written to one in every church . was there but one pastor in every city ? no sure ; for even from the time of paul , at ephesus , were many presbyters ordained to feed the church of god. why then is the letter sent to one in every church , if no one had a peculiar and eminent function ? under the name of angel , saith austin , is commended the governour of the church . the angels are the presidents of the church , saith jerom. if any had rather hear the modern writers , let bullinger speak ; the heavenly epistle is destin'd to the angell of the church of smyrna , that is , the pastor . now histories doe witnesse , that angel or pastor of the church of smyrna polycarpus was ordained bishop of the apostles , namely by st john , and lived in the ministery of this church 86. years . what bullinger relates of polycarpus is confirmed by irenaus , tertullian , and other antients , who say , we have the churches nourished by john : for though marcion reject his apocalyps , yet the order of bishops recounted to its originall , will stand upon john the author . let marorat also speak ; john began with the church of ephesus , for the celebrity of the place ; nor doth he addresse himself unto the people , but the prince of the clergy , that is , the bishop . haply , beza's authority , or rainolds will be more accepted ; see therefore , what favour the truth found with them . beza , to the angel , that is , to the president , who was in the first place to be admonisht of these things , and by him his other colleagues and all the church . rainold ; in the church of ephesus , although there were many presbyters and pastors for the administration thereof yet one was over those many ; whom our saviour calls the angel of the church , and writes the things to him , which others from him might learn. certainly , if it be well said by dio prusoeus , that kings are the genii of their kingdomes ; and in holy scripture , kings are stiled by the name of angels , who sees not , that this name is also , by an excellent right , agreeable to the prince of presbyters . christ therefore , writing to those bishops , as men eminent in the cergy , without all question hath approved this eminence of episcopacy . to let passe the annotations after the second epistle to timothy , and that to titus , which are found in the most antient greek copies : concerning timothy , hear the writer , supposed ambrose , whose words are these : timothy created presbyter by himself , the apostle called bishop , because the prime . presbyters were so entitled ; of whom one receding , the next succeeded ; but , because the following presbyters began to be found unworthy to hold the primacy , that method was alter'd by a councill , providing , that merit not seniority should create a bishop , ordained by the judgement of many priests ; to the end , an unworthy person might not unadvisedly usurp the place , and so become a scandall to many . hee saith , the primacy of timothy among the presbyters is acknowledged by the apostle . whereas some learned men would hence set up a certain circular praesidency , herein they are opposed by all the antient monuments , that are extant : nor doe the words of ambrose help them ; for , receding is all one with dying , or departing . and , whereas the courses of the priests are brought hither to establish this interpretation , any one may see with half an eye , how impertinent it is , when those courses make nothing toward presidency , which was alwaies in the high-priest , and other chief of their classes . but the alleged writer his meaning is , that seniority in age , or rather in function was valued in the making of bishops . wherein , although none of the antients be on his side , yet , if wee understand him of certain churches , what hee saith is not incredible . for , also the archimandrits , or chiese of hermitages , at the commencement of monachism , were elected according to that order . to believe him of all churches , jeroms testimony of the alexandrian custom will not permit . the same writer , concerning timothy ; timothy now created bishop , he institutes by epistle , how he ought to govern the church . concerning titus . titus , the apostle consecrated an apostle , and so admonisheth him to be sollicitous for the well ordering of the church . no other are the judgements concerning titus , & timothy , of epiphanius , eusebius , chrysostom , oecumenius , theodoret , theophilact , primasius , as by producing their words hath been demonstrated by others . yea , the oecumenicall synod of chalcedon saith ; after s. timothy , , untill now , have been made xxvii . bishops , all ordained in ephefus . for , antiquity did not believe , what of late some with confidence aflirm , that they who were evangelists could not be created bishops . as long as they walked about the provinces , they did the office of evangelists ; but when beholding in one place a plentifull harvest , they thought fit to cherish it with their longer presence , doubtlesse , being presidents to the presbytery , they performed all offices episcopall . upon which reason , antiquity believed , that the apostles also were truly bishops of certain cities namely , in those places where they made longer stay , or to speak more properly , where they sate ; by which word , luke hath very emphaticully expressed , paul's abode with the corinthians . besides , timothy and titus , we read of others , advanced by the apostles , into the episcopall throne . concerning evodius , thus to the antiochians writes ignatius ; he first , by the apostles hands , was promoted to our presidency . what presidency that is , is not left doubtfull by ignatius , who every where distinguisheth the bishop from the presbyters , and preferrs him above them . you must doe nothing without the bishop , but be subject to his presbytery . and in another place ; the reverend presbytery , being dear to god , is so fitted to the bishop , as the strings to the harp. and again in another place ; what is the bishop , but the prince ; and the presbyters , but his counsellours ? this is that ignatius , who saw christ in the flesh ; who lived with the apostles ; who , next after evodius , was bishop in the church of antioch . a question may be made , when as their office , who were over the presbyters by a certain perpetuall dignity , is so antient , and approv'd by christ himself ; by what name was that honour entitled , before the common name of bishops began peculiarly to be ascrib'd unto this presidence which , as jerom thinks , began about the viii year of nero. the antient fathers are of opinion , that those princes of the presbyters were stil'd apostles . and truly , there remain in cyprian and other authours , not a few obscure prints of this locution ; yea , paul himself , when he saith , hee was nothing lesse than the chiefe of the apostles , seems to intimate , there were some other apostles of lesser mark . that the name of angel was antiently given to him , who afterward began to be called bishop the apocalyps evinceth . for , it appears the word was taken , as of common use , because those letters are popularly written , and the mystery of the starrs is explained by the appellation of angels , as being very obvious ; but , the most simple and plain denomination , seems to have been that of president ; for , by this name , justin martyr calls the bishop , in his second apology . another question may be , by what example episcopall eminence was brought into the churches . it is certain , there were degrees of priests among the heathens ; that the custom was not new to the grecians , and such as sprang from greece , we learn by the most antient discipline of the druids , one , saith coesar , is president to the druids , who hath amongst them the chief authority . and how antient the emmence of mother cities , in matters of religion , is , we learn out of thucydides , where he speaks of the corcyreans , a colony of the corinthians ; upon which passage , the old scholiast notes , it was the custome to receive high priests from the metropolis . strabo names one priest of the catti , who was , we make no doubt , the highest ; and among the burgundians the greatest priest is mention'd by marcellinus . this custome , god himself approved by the legall constitution of the judaical republick ; when hee set up one , with highest authority , over all the priests . who , although in some acts hee was a type of christ , yet the whole institution of this pontificate , is not to be referr'd to this end alone . this eminence of one priest , served for order also , as well as the regall power , which did also , in its way , adumbrate christ . although then , this example might suffice ; yet to me , the constitution of the christian church , seemeth not so much expressed , according to the pattern of the temple at jerusalem , as of the synagogues . for the synagogues were , in many places , without any commanding power ; as neither the church of christ hath any by it self . adde hereunto , that wheresoever the apostles came , they found synagogues well enough ordered , even from the times if the babylonian dispersion : which , if they would receive the faith of christ , ( as to them the gospel was preached before others ) there was no cause , why they should depart from that government , that the experience of many ages did commend : nor was it any burden to the gentiles , in such a matter , to accommodate themselves to the jewish institutions . now in every synagogue , it is certaine , there was one , who by the greekish jews was call'd the ruler of the synagogue : which name occurs frequently , both in the gospell and the acts ; and every where the prince of the synagogue is designed by it . only , one place is excepted ; where , the word being taken in a larger sense , in one synagogue are named more rulers , that is , both he , who ( as the hebrew masters teach us ) was the prince , who answers to our bishop ; and then the pastors , which office and name remains in the christian church ; and the elemosynaries , which are like unto our deacons . wherefore in that one place the pastors joyned to the chiefe of the synagogue are call'd the rulers . so , in the new testament often , the high priest , with those next unto him , are called the chief priests , and in jeremy , the antients of the priests . these rulers of the synagogues had others over them , which were called primates ; in either palestine one , and others in other provinces . and thus much be spoken by the way , to illustrate the originall of bishops . our fifth assertion is , episcopacy hath been the spring-head , whence many commodities have flowed into the church . the history of all times proclaims it : but i will againe use him for my witnesse , who in all antiquity was the least friend of bishops , that is , jerom : in the whole world , saith he , it was decreed , that for the taking away of schisms and divisions , one being elected from among the presbyters , should be set above the rest . in another place . the churches safety consisteth in the dignity of the chiefest priest , that is , the bishop : to whom if there be not given a superiour power over all the rest , there will be made so many schisms in the church , as there be priests . nor is it any thing else , which cyprian doth so frequently inculcate : whence have schisms and heresies arisen , and doe still arise in the church , but while the bishop which is one , and the governour of the church , by the proud presumption of some men is contemned . and elsewhere : heresies have no other rise , and schisms no other beginning , but hence , that obedience is not given to gods priest ; nor is one priest and judge for the time , in the steed of christ elected . not only single assemblies , by the presidence of one , were guarded against schisms , but as the same cyprian saith , the universall church was coupled together by the chaine of priests , linked to one another and united . for , the whole christian world was preserv'd in concord , by commerce of those letters , which were call'd formate . and so much for episcopall eminence . to proceed : on behalf of the equality of pastors , we have these things to say , not repugnant to those afore . first , the episcopall eminence is not of divine precept . this is prov'd enough , because the contrary is not prov'd . for christ is no where read to have commanded it . indeed , he approv'd it in the apocalyps : but it follows not , because he did approve it , therefore he did command it . episcopacy is of apostolicall institution , because it appears , in some churches bishops were ordained or approved by the apostles : but the apostles never commanded , that such bishops should be in every church . by which distinction , we separate jeroms case from the case of aerius . jerom saith , the bishops became greater than the presbyters , by custome rather than by the lords dispose : as also austin , episcopacy is greater than presbytery , according to the titles of honour which the church hath used . when the fathers speak of custome , they exclude not apostolicall institution ; yea , as austin saith , what is observ'd in the universall church , nor is instituted by councils , but hath bin alwaies kept , is most rightly believ'd , to have been deliver'd by no lesse authority than apostolicall . but , as we have elsewhere said , it is not presently of divine precept , whatsoever is instituted by the apostles ; for many things are instituted , with reservation of a liberty to make a change . that the people should with a clear voice say amen at the end of prayers . that the preacher should be uncover'd , was a constitution in the apostolicall church : which in many places now , we see , is not observed . moreover , the apostles so appointed bishops , that they left certaine churches without bishops : as epiphanius acknowledges , there was need of presbyters and deacons ; for by these two the ecclesiasticall offices may be compleat ; but where none was found worthy of the episcopacy , the place remain'd without a bishop ; but , where was need ; and they were worthy of the episcopacy , bishops were ordained . those churches therefore , as jerom speaks , were govern'd by the common counsell of the presbyters . this we shall adde in the second place , it was not universally observ'd that one bishop should be over every city . of the apostles time , we suppose it is already prov'd . and afterward , more bishops than one were in the same city , in imitation of the jews , who had as many chief rulers as they had synagogues ; but in one city often times were many synagogues , or ( as philo cals them ) proseuche , places of prayer . so , at jerusalem , was one synagogue of libertines , another of the cyrenians , a third of the alexandrians . and at corinth , about the same time , were named two chief rulers of synagogues , crispus and sosthenes . epiphanius declares , it was instituted first at alexandria , that in the whole city should be but one bishop . at last in the viii . nicene canon , we see it was defin'd , that there should not be two bishops in any city : yet so , that withall it appears , the canon was sometimes dispenc'd with . for , the canon permits , that bishops returning from the sect of the cathari , to the catholick church , should retein episcopall honour , next to the catholick bishop . so , the ephesin synod , after the election of theodorus , grants that honour to eustachius , as appears by an epistle to the synod of pamphilia : and , in the conference before marcellinus , the catholicks offer the same unto the donatists , if they would returne unto communion ; every one of us , receiving an associate of his honour , may sit with greater eminence , the peregrine bishops sitting by as a collenge . valerius also , in the church of hippo , assumed austin to himselfe . which , although austin saith 't was done through ignorance of the canons , appears yet to have been a thing not unheard of afore , much lesse believ'd repugnant to the law divine . moreover , the episcopall chairs , in many cities , were often void , not for some months only , but many years together ; all which time , the churches , that i may againe speak with jerom , were govern'd by the common counsell of the presbyters : or , as ignatius saith , the presbyters fed the flock , untill god should shew them one to governe them . to the roman clergy , we see , cyprian wrote many letters , and the clergy answer'd him , concerning all things pertaining to the state of the church . furthermore , all the antients doe confesse , there is no act , except ordination so proper to the bishop , but it may be exercis'd by the presbyter . chrysostome and jerom are very clear in this point . and , although in the judgement of these fathers , the right of ordination is denyed presbyters ; which may be seen in the constitutions of many synods partly universall , partly topicall : yet , why may not this be understood , that the presbyters could ordaine none , in contempt of the bishop . that they did in some sort concurre to ordinations with the bishop , seems to appeare by the iv. synod of carthage : when a presbyter is ordain'd , the bishop blessing him , and holding his hand upon his head , let all the presbyters also , that are present , hold their hands upon his head , by the bishops hand . for the confirmation hereof , i dare not bring that of paul , concerning the laying on of hands of the presbytery , because i perceive , jerom , ambrose , and other antient , and , the prince of all recent writers , calvin , interpret presbytery in that place , not the consistory , but the office to which timothy was promoted . and truly , whosoever is versed in the councils , and the writings of the fathers , cannot be ignorant , presbytery , as episcopacy and diaconacy , to bee names of offices . and , seeing it is certaine , that paul laid hands on timothy , it seemeth neither necessary nor convenient , to joyn fellows with him for an apostolicall act , and collation of miraculous gifts . in the meane time , i doe not see , how this can be refelled , ( even among the schoolmen , antisiodorensis long since granted it : ) where bishops are not , ordination may be rightly made by presbyters . for , the things that are observed for order sake , admit exceptions . so , in the antient councill of carthage , it is permitted presbyters in case of necessity , to reconcile penitents : and in another place , to lay hands on the baptized . moreover , as we have said above , it is doubtfull , whether presbyters , that neither have presbyters under them , nor a bishop over them , are neerer to bishops or more presbyters . for , of timothy also , ambrose argues thus , he that had not an other above him was a bishop . and , we know , ( to take an instance in the common-wealth ) many things are lawfull for a senate having not a king , which to a senate under a kings power , are unlawfull . for , a senate without a king is as it were a king. this is our third assertion : the causes were not light , why , in this age , in some places , at least for some time , episcopacy was omitted . that the causes are temporary , beza himself seems to acknowledge , when he saith , he is not the man , to think the old order were not be restor'd , if the ruines of the church were once repair'd . of these causes , the first might be the penury of men , sufficient for so grave an office ; for , if that were a cause just enough , while the church was yong , to omit , in many places , the episcopall eminence , as we heard epiphanius say ; why then , at the churches rise out of the thickest darknesse , might not the same cause take place , especially in those places , where was found not one of the old bishops , that would yield up himself to truth , and open his eyes to see the light held forth . another cause of this omission , might be the long and inveterate depravation of the episcopall office. socrates of old complains , some episcopacies of his time had exceeded the bounds of sacerdotall purity , and were corrupted into domination . hierax complains in pelusiot , the dignity of lenity and meeknesse was advanced into tyranny . nazianzene complains of the ambition of bishops , and for that reason wisheth , if not episcopacy , yet at least that perpetuall right of cities in retaining episcopall dignity , were changed : would to god , there were neither presidency nor preeminence of place , nor tyrannicall power ; that we might all receive our estimate by vertue alone . the fathers of the ephesin synod long since professe themselves afraid , lest that , under the colours of the sacred function , should commence the pride of secular power . and it is easy to find the like sayings in the african councils . but verily , never did ecclesiastical ambition , from the apostles age unto those times , advance to such a hight , as it hath done since those times , to the memory of our fathers . so that now , without cutting off the part wherein the cause lyeth , the disease seems almost impossible to be cur'd . it is true , good things are not to be condemn'd because some men abuse them : yet the abuse being turn'd into a custome , an intermission of the things themselves is not infrequent . the mosaicall serpent might have remained without superstition , if the thing it self were considered : but ezechiah respecting the grown vice of the people , that he might take away the superstition , took away the serpent . i am loth to say , that the name and eminence episcopall , by their fault , to whom it had fallen , had lost all its reverence , and was come into the odium of the common people ; to whom , even when they are in errour , somewhat sometimes is to be yielded . the romans , being evill intreated by the tarquins , took an oath , they would no more endure a king at rome . a third cause may be added , that in those most infestious times , the preachers of the truth , being hated for the truths sake , were obliged to acquit themselves , not only from the crime of ambition , but from all suspition too ; which when by taking away the episcopall dignity they sollicitously endeavour'd , for all this , they escaped not the calumny of their adversaries . what reproaches should they not have heard , had the change of doctrine been joyned with the acquisition of preferment ? i will adde one cause more , why , in the beginning of the repurgation , episcopacy was not very necessary . god had raised up excellent men , of great wit , of great learning , of great esteeme , both among their own , and the neighbouring people : few indeed in number , but such as were able to beare the weight of many businesses : their high reputation amongst all , easily supplyed the defect of episcopacy . but , ( if we will with zanchy-confesse the plaine truth , ) none were indeed more truely bishops than they , whose authority ( although this was not their design ) prevailed even to the overthrow of bishops . nor is that here to be omitted , which we have said already more than once , the ecclesiasticall government , for the most part , receives some impression from the civill . in the roman empire , the bishops were correspondent to the dukes , the metropolitans to the presidents , the patriarchs or primats to the vicars or deputies of the emperour . what marvell is it then , if people more accustomed to an optimacy than monarchy , would have the church affairs committed rather to the clergy , than the bishop ? and these are the causes , wherefore i think the churches may be excus'd , which have no bishops : whilst yet they abstaine from a disapprobation of the most sacred order , and withall retaine , what beza judged in no wise to be omitted : that was essentiall , saith he , which by the perpetuall ordainance of god , hath been , is , and shall be necessary ; that in the presbytery some one , both in place and dignity the first , oversee and governe the action , by that right which god hath given him . let us come unto those assessors , whom in many places we see joyned to the pastors out of the people , by an annuall or bienniall office. they call them presbyters , when yet they neither preach the gospell to the people , nor exhibite the sacraments . concerning them , this is our judgement . first we say , those temporary presbyters are strangers to the apostolicall and antient church : nor have i seen any , that would affirme , much lesse could prove , that they were known of old . tertullian prescribing against hereticks , among other things declares , how much their temerarious , inconstant , light ordinations differ from the rule of the antient church : this day , saith he , the man is a presbyter , who to morrow is a laick : nothing could be more clearly said , to make it appeare , that temporary presbyters were in those times unkown to the catholick church . it is not , say some , materiall to the nature of the office , whether it be undertaken for a time , or for ever . if this be so , i may wonder , that pastors also , employed in the word and sacraments , are not made annuall somewhere . but if this be absurd , whence i pray , but because , as the gifts of god are without repentance , so the divine offices were instituted by him for the perpetuall uses of the church ? he that hath put his hand to the plow , and looketh back , is not sit for the kingdome of god : that is , for the ministry of the church . wherefore , this very change of assessors , is no light argument , that this is an invention of humane prudence , no institution of law divine . secondly , all the antient church , by the name of presbyters , urder stood no other men , but pastors employed in the word and sacraments . i speak not of the word old men , or seniors and elders : whereby , 't is certaine , sometimes age , sometimes magistracy is meant : but , of the greek word , which in the latine tongue doth alwaies signify the pastorall dignity and office : and so it do●h also in the greek authours , wheresoever the word presbyter notes any thing else but age or magistracy . we are not yet come to that place of paul , which belongs rather to the question of divine right : and of the elders of the old testament , there will be place to speak hereafter . of so great a number of fathers , of so many volumes of books , after so long canvasing of this controversie , not so much as one place hath been alleged , wherein the presbyteriall dignity is ascribed to any other than pastors ; when yet , if there had been two sorts of presbyters , not often , but a hundred , yea a thousand times mention of them ought to have been made especially in the canons , which describe unto us the whole government of the church ; at least the manner of electing those presbyters , non-pastors , would somewhere shew it self . and although the defendant , or he that is on the negative , is not to make proofe ; yet were it easy to produce infinite places of the fathers , which attribute to all presbyters the right of feeding the flock , of baptising , and exhibiting the lords body ; and , so far , equall all the presbyters to bishops , and call them the apostles successors : which also declare , the presbyters punishment was , to be remov'd from the presbytery , or for a time to be admitted only to the communion of the laicks : which farther shew , that maintenance was given to every one , and a much severer discipline prescrib'd for them than others . moreover laws are extant too , of the presbyters privileges , and immunity from civill courts and burdens ; and many other things there are , which will not suffer us to acknowledge any presbyters , but pastors only . some allege a history of the penitentiary presbyter , and sharply reprehend the abrogation of him ; which yet , at other times , they like very well , when the popish confession is opposed . but who ever heard of any penitentiary , that was not a pastor ? or , when did the antients ever believe , that the use of the keys might be separated from the ministry of the word and sacraments ? certainly , christ gave the keys to them to be used , to whom he gave power to preach and to baptise . what god hath joyn'd , let no man put a sunder . ambrose , of the right of binding and loosing , saith , this right is permitted only to the priests ; and elsewhere , those keys of the kingdome of heaven , all we priests have receiv'd in the blessed apostle peter . jerim of these , that succeed in the apostolicall degree , they , saith he ; having the key , judge before the day of judgement ; and in the same place , it is no easy matter to stand in the place of paul , to keep the degree of peter . chrysostome , this bond of the priests tyeth the very soule . no man is ignorant , that the fathers by sacerdotes , or priests , doe meane pastors , to whom the word and sacraments are entrusted : indeed , beside the use of the new testament , but not without authority of scripture ; for in esay god foretelling the calling of the gentiles by the gospell , saith , and i will also take of them ( the converted gentiles ) for priests , and for levits . wherefore , the exercise of the keys , and the right to absolve penitents , according to the judgement of all the fathers , agree to priests alone , that is , to presbyters , the depositaries of the word and sacraments . wherefore also , these presbyters , who specially attended to the absolving of penitents , are to be thought no other than priests , whom the new testament stileth pastors . now , as the word presbyter , when it signifies a function ecclesiasticall , is never found in the fathers applyed to other than pastors ; so neither is the latine word seniors . tertullian speaking of the use of the keys , judgement is given , saith he , with great gravity , as in the presence of god ; and it is a very great prejudgement of the future judgement , if any one hath so affended , as to be excluded from common prayer , and the assembly , and all holy commerce . the most approved seniors are the presidents , having obtained the honour by testimony , not by price ; for no divine thing is set to sale . that in those times presbyteries consisted only of pastors , calvin himself confesseth ; wherefore , tertullian putting the greek word into latine , cals them seniors , who had the power of the keys . for in greek they are call'd presbyters : which word , in its primary signification , expressing age , was after transferred to civill dignities , and last of all to ecclesiasticall . let all the acts of synods , that ever were , bee read quite thorough , there will be found no seniors , that were not pastors . moreover the word major natu , or elder , which seemeth proper to age , began to be applyed to pastors , in imitation of the greek word . firmilian bishop of cesarea : the majors are the presidents ( in the church ) who have also the power to baptise , and to impose hands , and to ordaine : he hath given sufficient caution , to understand no other then the pastors . so then , the words , presbyter , senior , major , have a threefold signification , noting first age , secondly magistracy , thirdly priesthood . nor only was the name of seniors common to magistrats and pastors , but the assembly of presbyters , the presbytery , which ignatius calls the sacred system , jerom bath translated senate : the church hath a senate , the assembly of presbyters : that is , of those presbyters , who at the beginning , saith he , were equall to the bishops , and by whose counsell the church was governed . tertullian by such another metaphor , stiles the clergy an ordo , or state ; the difference , saith he , between the state and people , was constituted by authority of the church . farther , we must observe , by the word seniors , ecclesiasticall writers doc often understand not dignity , but age . it is certaine , the bishops of old seldome disposed any affairs of greater moment , without consulting the church . which course was alwaies profitable ; in the times of persecution , or upon imminent feare of schisme , almost necessary . for this cause , to lay the murmuring , which arose about the daily ministration , the multitude of the disciples were call'd together . so , after paul was come to jerusalem , when there was a rumour of him , that he taught the jews to forsake moses , although all the elders were present , it is said , the multitude must needs come together . cyprian saith , i could returne you no answer alone , because ever since i was made bishop i resolved ( this word shews it was arbitrary ) to doe nothing , on my own head , without your counsell ( the clergy ) and consent of the people . 't is plaine , as in the ordination of the clergy , so in separating and in reconciling the lapsed , the people were wont to be consulted with not alwaies all the people , among whom were women and the younger sort , but the fathers of families , and not all these neither , but the elder , and of riper judgement , who haply are the many , of whom paul speaketh . these were often consulted with , in place of the people . in the acts of purgation of cecilian and felix , are mentioned , the bishops , presbyters deacons , seniors and after , take unto you your brethren of the clergy , and the seniors of the people . some be seniors then , who are not clerks ; and therefore laiks . for these are still distinguisht in the fathers . 't is ill favouredly done of them that take this word amisse ; for it is no terme of disgrace , but is necessarily , used to distinguish the clergy seniours from the rest . neither have the fathers only so spoken ; whose authority yet at least ought to suffice for the retaining of certaine words ; but the prophets themserves , in whom the priests and people are divided . rightly then , are they called laiks who are not priests , that is , dispensers of divine mysteries . austin writes , to the clergy and seniors of the church of hippo , and in turonensis it is , before the bishop , clergy and seniors . yet i will not peremptorily deny , but by seniors in those places , may be understood magistrates , who , as we have even now said , were stiled by that name . so , leo inscribes an epistle , to the clergy , the honour'd , and the common people . and , as in some places it may be doubted , whether by the word seniors the magistrates or the elder in age are meant ; so in other places , question may be made , whether by the same word the elder in age or the priests are signified . as , when gregory appoints , if any clergy man be accused , let the truth be inquir'd , the seniors of the church being present . and , when austin mentions them , that for ebriety , thefts and other errours are rebuked by the seniors . and , when optatus shews , the ornaments of the church were commended to faithfull seniors . for , all this may agree both to clergymen and laymen . but , most worthy of our consideration is that place of an uncertaine authour , commonly reputed ambrose , out of his commentaries on pauls epistles . the words are these : old age indeed is honourable among all nations ? whence it is , that both the synagogue , and afterward the church had seniors , without whose advice nothing passed in the church . how this is grown obsolete i know not , unbesse perhaps by the dissentions of the doctors , or rather by their pride , whilst they alone would seem to be some-body . that we may know the writers mind , we must see , whom he cals seniors in the synagogue . whether the magistrates , who were called seniors sure enough , that the synagogue may be a bench of judges , as in matthew , they shall scourge you in their synagogues ? i think not although many things ( as we shall shew anone ) which belonged to the jewish magistrates , are wont by a certaine similitude , to bee applyed to the christian presbyters . hear the same author elsewhere declaring : it was a tradition of the synagogue , that the seniors ( in dignity ) disputed sitting in their chairs , the next on benches , the last in the pavement upon mats . i suspect the word ( in dignity ) stole out of the margin into the text . for philo describes the same custome thus , they that come to be priests take their places in order according to their age , the younger beneath the elder . wherefore , the seniors in age sate first . and , questionlesse , some such order of sitting was observed in the antient church , which james would not have neglected , when he reprehends them , that give the honour of the highet seats to rich men only , the poof being thrust known below , or enforced to stand . it follows in philo , one of the most ●●●●full , passing over the difficult places ( of the holy bible ) makes an exposition of them . 't is to be noted , in the synagogues of the jews , to every one exercised in holy writ , ( and all were so , except mechanicks , as also among us ) it was permitted to interpret scripture . by this common liberty , christ taught in the synagoues , and after him the apostles . memorable are the places , luke iv . and acts xiii . there the book is reached forth to christ : here paul and barnabas , though unknown , are asked to speak unto the people , if they have any word of exhortation . if no stranger , or none of the people offer'd himself , then the chosen men of the seniors ( who were nam'd the fathers of the synagogues , the majors , and by an excellency the seniors ) interpreted the law. and these being not well provided , it was the rulers office. some what correspondent to this , we find in the first christian church . for , they that have the gift of prophecy are permitted by the apostle to speak unto the people at the assembly , by two or three , and the rest to judge . that miraculous gift ceasing , it was hardly lawfull for any one , except the pastors , to teach among the christians . indeed , we read of origen and a few more , not presbyters , who taught in the church : but that was seldome , and not without peculiar licence of the bishops . for the bishop of caesarea being reprehended for permitting origen to teach , alleged three examples of the like concession , adding , it was credible , though not apparent , the same was done in other places . here now we see some difference between the interpreters of the law in the synagogue , and the interpreters of the gospell in the church . in the synagogue , they taught , as many as had any word of exhortations : in the church , all what were approved and had obtained the honour of a testimoniall , as tertullian speaks , that is they that were ordained . the judges of the highest synedry were wont to be ordained by imposition of hands : but of the expounders of the law , the same doth not appeare . a reason of the foresaid difference is , not only because the preaching of the gospel is of more moment , than the expounding of the law ; but also , because in the christian church the preachers of the word are withall dispensers of the mysteries . whereas , the masters of the synagogue administred no sacraments . for all the sacrifices were offer'd in the temple only , except the passeover ; which yet was not celebrated in the synagogues , but in every house , the master of the family being chief . nor was it any where commanded , that circumcision should be given in the synagogues , or by any speciall ministers . it may then be doubted , what seniors of the church , pseudambrose understands : those , that answer to the most skilfull of the synagogue , who also are scarce any other but aged men , ( in which respect the chief of the monks are called seniors in justinian : ) or those , that anser to the elders in age , in philo ? if the former , then pseudambrose saith the very same with jerom. the one , without the counsell of the seniors nothing in the church was done : the other , the churches were govern'd by the common counsell of the presbyters : speaking of those presbyters , which , he saith , at first were called bishops , and out of whom afterward the bishops were elected . but if the later please you more , ( and truly his speech mention'd his age , not office : ) the meaning will be this , which we have exprest a little afore ; that , insteed of all the people , the elder men were wont to be consulted with , in the more weighty affairs : that is , in ordaining the cleriks , in absolving the lapsed , and such like . and indeed , it is more credible , this custome was long since obsolete and disus'd , to consult with the people or the chief of the people , than that the bishops did almost all things without consulting with the clergy . yet this also by little and little came to passe and prevailed against the antient custome . these things therefore being understood , no man will henceforth doubt , but in all ecclesiasticall writers , the word presbyters or seniors pertains either to the aged in the church , or to the magistrates , who also are a part of the church , or to the pastors . and this ought to prevaile with us , that we take not , unadvisedly and without forcible arguments , the places of holy scripture speaking of presbyters , in any other sense , than they have been taken by them , who being nearer to the apostles times had more perfect intelligence of that antient title . but now let us proceed to the ofacles of holy scripture and let this be our third assertion : those choice assessors of the pastors , of whom we dispute , are not by divine precept . whosoever affirms the contrary must condemne the church of so many ages , for contempt of gods law : from which temerity , we think it becomes us to abstaine . nor indeed is there any weight in their arguments , who affirme that which wee deny , and upon whom therefore lyes the necessity of proving . sufficient answers have been returned heretofore by very learned men : yet lest any defect be in our treatise , it will be worth our pains , to repeat what hath been well said , and to adde somewhat that may bring light unto the question . in the front , we have that which christ commandeth , tell it to the church , &c. in which place , some are of opinion , christ hath given the church direction , to institute a certaine synedry to judge of things ecclesiasticall , consisting both of ministers and other persons ; for such they will needs have ecclesiasticall synedrys to have been . as for the words of christ , the antient and recent expositors have offer'd us sundry explications of them . to repeat them all were tedious . to me , the most simple and plaine interpretation , and which comprehends almost all the rest seemeth to be this : the man , that hath offended us , is not easily to be accounted for one deplored and incurable . there are severall degrees of admonition to be observ'd , first alone , that he may , if it be possible , repent without a witnesse of his fault ; if that avails not , a friend is to be taken with you ; one , a second , and a third , if perhaps he will yield to their authority . and hitherto christ hath said nothing , which is not almost in the same words deliver'd in the writings of the jews . for this is extant in the book musar . if , say they , hee will neither then bee reconciled , ( friends being used , two or three , ) let him depart , and leave him to himself ; for such a one is implacable , and is call'd a sinner . but the same book in another place addes one degree more ; for thus it saith , if neither by this means he shall prevaile any thing ( friends being used ) then he ought to make him ashamed in the presence of many . which christ not disapproving , according to his exceeding lenity , which he would have us to imitate , would have us try all things first , before we give up the man for lost ; for that is the sense of , let him be unto thee as a heathen and as a publican : that is , an incorrigible sinner . so , in the gospel are often joyn'd , publicans and sinners ; and the gentiles are call'd sinners , as when christ saith , hee should be deliver'd into the hands of sinners . wherefore the meaning of christ is , that before we relinquish all hope , after a few witnesses , any company of pious men ought to be adhibited , to the end the scandalous person may be reclaim'd , by the number and consent of grave men , by the punishment or censure of many , as paul speaks . for in musar and in paul the many , and in the words of christ the church , are the very same . certainly , that a company not great , is comprehended in the name of church , both the lxx . teach us , and paul too , who hath entitled , by the name of church , one family of pious people . here it sufficeth , that it be understood , this place in matthew is nothing to their purpose ; for a company both of pastors , and of non-pastors , may be without the assessors , of whom now the question is . what they adde concerning the jewish senates , after long consideration , i cannot grant . the synagogues of the jews , their proseuche , and phrontisteries , as philo cals them , were far different from their courts of judgement . in their proseuchae were the scriptures read and expounded , all were instructed ( to speak againe with philo ) to the love of god , to the love of vertue , to the love of men : whereto answer those three words of paul , godly , soberly , justly . here are no judgments exercised upon any . that was done in the courts of judgement ; where the judges had cognizance of sacred matters as well as of profane ; the same judges , by the same law ; for in the hebrew people these were never disjoyn'd . these judges were partly in the severall cities , partly in the head city . those were the lesser synedryes , to the hellenists ; this the great one , and by an excellency the synedry . whence the hebrews following the hellenists derived sanhedrin . none of these courts , because they had all of them coactive power , could be retained in the apostolicall church ; because , it is certaine , neither the apostles , nor the church had any coactive power granted to them . i come unto the name of presbyters , which many think , in the new testament was given to the assessors of pastors ; which is not clear to me . in the testament i find three significations of this word ●one which pertains to age , as when the presbyters or elders are oppos'd to the younger ; another , which belongs to power and empire , as when there is mention of those that sate in the great synedry or in the lesse ; a third , which agrees to the preachers of the gospell ; a fourth i doe not find . a question may be made , why the apostles call'd the pastors , ordained by them , by the name of presbyters ? was it , because scarce any other but old men were called to that office ? or , because in the synagogue also the masters , by an excellency , had that appellation ? or , ( which i like as well ) by a similitude taken from the jewish magistrates ? for , christ himself , in the constitution of his church , that he might shew himself a king , and withall by degrees might abolish the hope of an earthly kingdome , composed his church , though destitute of all externall power , to a certaine image of the judaicall kingdome , and so erected the minds of his disciples to the hope of a kingdome celestiall . there was one king among the hebrew people : he also acknowledgeth himself to bee a king. in that kingdome were twelve princes of their tribes : christ constituted to himself so many apostles , and , that it might not be doubted , whether he had respect , promiseth to them twelve thrones , whereon they should judge the twelve tribes of israel . in the kingdome , were lxx senators of the great synedry : so many evangelists are constituted by christ . the third dignity in the kingdome , was of the city judges , called presbyters or elders : in the church also the presbyters follow the apostles and evangelists in the third place . the chief of those judges were called bishops or overseers : and so in the church the princes of the presbyters are the bishops . lastly , they that waited upon those judges were deacons or ministers : so are , they called in the church , who are ordained below the presbyters . what the office of presbyters is in the christian church , the apostles in sundry places teach us . paul having sent for the presbyters of ephesus to miletum , gives them to understand , that they were made overseers over the flock to feed the church of god. james biddeth the sick call for the presbyters of the church , to pray over them , and anoint them with oyl , in the name of the lord. peter exhorts the presbyters , being himself a co-presbyter , that is , a colleague in the office. it appears therefore , they were pastors . neither were they otherwise ordain'd , but by imposition of hands : as of timothy it is recorded . in other places , where without any character , presbyters are barely mention'd , to understand any other presbyters , but those who in so many places are most clearly describ'd , is the part of a temerarious conjector , unlesse the context compell us to depart from the certain and receiv'd signification . in all the new testament , only one sentence of paul is extant , which is speciously brought to confirme those : presbyters non-pastors . let the presbyters or elders , that rule well , be counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and doctrine . from this word , especially , is infer'd that there were in that time certaine presbyters , who ruled only , and did not labour in the word and doctrine . but first , if that were true , at least somewhere else would appeare this new kind of presbyters ( never spoken of before ) by what author , by what occasion it began , as the originall of deacons is recorded : and not so on the by , and in passage , in a single place , where the speech was not concerning offices ecclesiasticall ; this necessary part of ecclesiasticall government should not , i say , so slightly be insinuated . againe , the fathers next to the apostles times would have told us somewhat of it : at least the greek fathers , who could not be ignorant of their own tongue , would have left us this interpretation , which some suppose to follow from the very series of the words . now , when as before the last age not one of the interpreters hath taken the words of paul in that sense , we have reason to see , whether they admit not another interpretation , more consonant to other places of the scripture . let us then consider the scope of the apostle . he would have double honour given to presbyters . what hee means by honour , may be understood by the words afore , honour widows . where , to honour is nothing else but to maintaine them honestly ; for , his will is that the widows should be honour'd , who are widows indeed , that is , as appears by the opposition , such as have not believing kindred , by whose help they may be relieved ; for , if they have , such he forbids to be burthensome to the church . after he had finished his discourse of susteining widows , he shews , the presbyters also must be supplyed with honest maintenance . that this is noted by the word honour , the reason annexed proveth : for it is written , thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the oxe that treadeth out the corne. this same testimony of scripture , he had produced elsewhere , to the same sense : who goeth a warfare any time at his own charges ? who planteth a vineyard , and eateth not of the fruit thereof ? or who feedeth a flock , and eateth not of the milk of the flock ? say i these things as a man ? or , saith not the law the same ? for it is written in the law of moses , thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the oxe that treadeth out the corne. and afterward , if we have sowen unto you spirituall things , is it a great thing if we shall reap your carnall things ? well is it noted upon the place , we handle , by chrysostome , jerom , ambrose , calvin also , and bullinger , that the apostle here speaks of supply of maintenance , & necessaries . that our assessors should be susteined by the churches allowance , is not seen at this time nor was ever seen . neither is it credible , that the apostle , who every where spares the churches , burdened enough with poor people , would lay an unnecessary burden on them . wherefore , if ever , in this place especially , those assessors had been unseasonably mention'd where a discourse of maintenance is commenced . the words of paul have been commodiously interpreted many wayes by others . the plainest interpretation is , maintenance is due indeed to all presbyters , that rule the church , that is , feed the lords flock ; but especially to them that wholy neglecting their private affairs , apply themselves to the only care of propagating the gospel , and spare no labour in it . here then , are not set down two sorts of presbyters , but it is declared that the labour of all is not equall . all acknowledge , even beza too , that the word translated , to labour , notes not every labour , but that which is most painfull . in such labours not vulgar , paul saith , he approved himself the minister of god ; for explication whereof he addes , painfulnesse , hunger , thirst , watchings , and all kinds of incommodities , christ in his epistle to the bishop of ephesus , having said , i know thy works , addeth as somewhat greater , and thy labour . paul againe , oft-times attributes to himself , to labour ; and the same to certaine holy women , which renouncing the world went up and down for the service of the gospell . to these presbyters then , who care for nothing but the gospel and for its sake expose themselves to all distresses , reason it self will dictate , somewhat more to be due than to the rest . so also paul to the thessal . ascribeth , to rule , and , to labour , unto the same persons : we beseech you , brethren , to know them , which labour among you , and rule over you in the lord , and admonish you : and to esteeme them very highly in love for their works sake . all the error of the new interpreters ariseth hence , that they think , in the word and doctrine , is to be pronounc'd emphatically , when the emphasis is in , labour ; for explication whereof is added , in the word and doctrine . such another hallucination is theirs , who in the words of paul to the cor. where he discourses of the supper : let a man examine himself : they urge the word , himself ; when the emphasis is not there , but in the word , examine ; nor is , himself , put distinctively , but declaratively . moreover , that clause , in the word and doctrine , could not so well be joyned with the first part of the sentence , as the second , because it hath very fit coherence with labour , not so with rule . i will give you like forms of speech , which no man will charge with unaptnesse : masters , that bring up youth , are profitable to the common-wealth ; they especially , that attend this one thing night and day , to make their scholars good proficients both in vertue and learning . physicians , who cure the body , are to be had in great esteeme ; they above therest , who with no lesse affection than pains , doe their utmost endeavour , to preserve or restore our health . compare the thread of pauls discourse herewith , you will see all to be even and square . other places , that are wont to be alleged , are more frigid , and vanish of their own accord . rom. 12. divers gifts , and according to the measure of gifts , divers actions are reckoned up , but such as doe not yet make divers functions . as the same may be , he that giveth , and , he that sheweth mercy : so nothing hinders him that exhorteth , and him that ruleth , to be the same . for , out of the two places already produced , it is manifest , that , to rule , is attributed to pastors , as also , to guide , heb. 13.7 . likewise , to the corinth . not only divers functions are enumerated , but also many gifts , which meet in the same function . as therefore , miracles and gifts of healing doe not make divers functions , so neither doe helps and governments ; but all these are aids and ornaments of the pastorall office. thus far , we have endeavoured to make it appeare , that the adsession , we speak of , is not by divine precept . the fruit of which determination is , that we entertain no worse opinion of the antient churches , than is meet , nor of the late reformed , who make no use of those adsessors . now , on the other side , what we conceive , may be said for that office , shall fairly be produced . first , that office might , lawfully be instituted , either by the highest power being christian , only the church , where the highest power either car'd not for the church , or granted leave to doe it . for , seeing it hath the highest inspection over all the actions of pastors , as the custos of both tables ; nor can it execute all things by it self ; it was lawfull to delegate some , who , in its name , might be among the presbyters , with that right , which the highest power was pleased to communicate unto them . which , by that , that shall be handled in the next chapter shall be made more manifest . the church also is not interdicted by divine law , to institute offices , making for the conservation of order , and for edification : and it hath that liberty remaining , untill it be circumscribed by some law of the highest power . these things need no proof ; for they shine by their own light and no divine law can be shewed to the contrary . secondly , some passages may be found in holy scriptures , whereby it may appeare , this institution is not displeasing unto god. i prove it , first in respect of the highest power , by the constitution of the judaical synedry : wherein , with the priests there sate men chosen out of the people , preposed truly to civill affairs , but to sacred too , as hath bin shew'd afore . wherefo●● , when out of the new testament , on the contrary part , nothing is alleged , hence we doe rightly collect , that jurisdiction in sacred things , that is , publick judgement , and joyned with command , may be committed to some of the people with the pastors ; especially if the better part be deferred to the pastors , as in sacred things , greater was the authority of amariah the priest , then of zebadiah the ruler . by the same argument , is rightly defended the ecclesiasticall senate , which by the commission of the elector palatine rules the church affairs with command , and consisteth partly of pastors , partly of pious magistrats . in respect of the church also , the same is thus made good . it was lawfull for the corinthian church ( even without the apostles authority , for the apostle reprehends the corinthians for not doing that , which now he chargeth them to doe ) to constitute in the church , some to determine private controversies . if so much was lawfull to the church for avoyding of contentions , why might not as much be lawfull for avoyding of the mischief of oligarchy ? besides , it is oft times expedient , that the whole multitude of believers be consulted , in the church affairs , as above we have shewed : why may not then the church adjoyn some unto the pastors , who may consider this , at what time it is needfull , that the church be consulted . it was also lawfull for the church , to make choice of some , who might in their name carry and dispose of their mony ; wherefore , seeing the pastors have inspection over the deacons , the church may , for this purpose joyn some associats to the pastors , lest any should blame them in their administration of the churches benevolence , that i may speak with the apostle . lastly , it was lawfull for the antiochian church to delegate some out of their company , to be present at the debate of the apostles and presbytery of jerusalem , by whose testimony they might be assured , all was there done according to gods word , and without partiality . thirdly , examples in pious antiquity are not wanting , which , if not wholy consonant , yet come very near unto this custome . on the part of the highest powers , it is most evident , the emperours , appointed senators and judges , to sit in synods , inspectors and moderators of their actions . nor this only , but to give sentence together with the bishops , concerning the deposition of a bishop , and other matters , as we see it happen'd in the case of photinus and dioscorus . and , why is not that lawfull in presbyteries , which was lawfull in synods ; especially , when as no lesse regard is to be had of presbyteries in narrower territories , than of synods in that amplitude of the roman empire ? but further , by the emperours were given unto the churches , at their request , defendors , which were laiks , whose office was to keep off all force and tumult from the church and pastors ; and to take care , that nothing should be done in the church , by violence or corruption . these are they , who in the later ages begin to be called the churches advocates . so , by the metroplitans were wont to be given unto the churches phrontistae , or sollicitors , who , with the bishop should keep accounts of the churches treasure . on the churches 01 part , we must repeat , what was said afore , that the whole multitude was not alwaies consulted , but sometimes the elders only . now , if it was lawfull to carry the consultation from the multitude to the elders , why might it not , the company of elders being over great , be contracted to a fewer number , especially with consent of the multitude ? moreover in choosing pastors , it appears , that which was belonging to the multitude was often , by compromise , collated on a few . and , that in synods laiks were present , and gave their vote , is so manifest , both by the history of the great councill and elsewhere , that pope nicolas could not deny it . in this point , the judgements not of melanchthon only and the later authors , but of panormitan and gerson are well known . why , in presbyteries may not be allowed as much to laiks , chosen for that purpose , no reason can be found . but farther yet : it is apparent , in the antient church , there were matrons , to exhort the other women to an honest conversation : whom they called presbyters ; and , because in the churches they sate above the other women , presidents . the xi . canon of the laodicean synod abrogated them , when they had continued untill that time , as balsamon notes . and haply , paul speaks of them , where he requires the presbytesses , or aged women to be holy in behaviour , not false accusers , not given to much wine , teachers of good things : that they may teach the young women to be sober , to love their husbands , to love their children , &c. if women therefore , partakers of no church-office , might neverthelesse be appointed by the church , to be teachers of other women , why might not others , beside the pastors be assumed by the people , who , abstaining from pastorall offices , should with greater dilligence performe that , that is not only permitted , but commanded every christian ? and , if those were entitled presbytesses , we may also in a more generall respect , give unto these the appellation of presbyters . moreover , not much distant from the office of adsessors , is the office of church wardens and sidemen in the church of england . upon whom it resteth , to take care , that none disturbe the divine service ; that no excommunicate person thrust himself into the assembly ; they are also to admonish inordinate livers , and , if they persevere , to defer their names unto the bishop . and these are chosen by the church . fourthly , our last position is , that from these assessors no small benefit may accrew unto the church . for , if we respect the highest powers , it is expedient for them to have , in the assemblies of pastors , their eyes and ears , by whose ministry they may explore , whether all things be done with fidelity and according to rule . but , if we look upon the churches , it is a thing of consequence , that they also have a good opinion of the pastors ; which will then most probably come to passe , when they have witnesses of their actions , and some to beget and keep a right understanding between the pastors and themselves . upon the premises it follows , that in the office of adsessors , who in some places are in use , whom for distinction we may call temporary or lay-presbyters , there is nothing to be reprehended . but , we conceive , these cautions are to be remembred . 1. that the office be not affirmed of divine precept ; which cannot be said without contumely of the antient church , and divulsion of the present . 2. that nothing be attributed to them , which pertains to the evangelicall keys ; which christ having given to be exercis'd by pastors only , may not be by us transferr'd to any other . to excommunication therefore , as it is the pastors work , they can conferre nothing beside their counsel ; but , as excommunication is also the work of the people , who ought to remove from them wicked persons , so far they may make an act , or decree , which may be propos'd to the people for their approbation . 3. let none be ele●ted to this adsession , who are unable for church-government , and especially for judging controversies . for that is perillous , and undecent for the church , and the most ready way to oligarchy . 4. let not those adsessors exercise any externall jurisdiction , or coactive power , beyond what the publick laws allow them . 5. let them know their office , not only as the pastors office , which is instituted by christ ; but , as the things that are of humane institution , and therefore mutable , is subject to the authority of the highest powers . the two last cautions being not known , or not well observed , great perturbations of the common-wealth doe necessarily follow , a●wise men have heretofore admonished , and we have daily experience . for , many men having once imbibed this opinion , that , that government is of right divine , come at last to this , to believe the highest powers have little or nothing to doe in the church , as being by god abundantly provided both with pastors and with rulers too . thus is an invention of humane prudence confronted to the ordinance of god , and in this two headed empire is sowen perpetuall seed of parties and factions : whereunto they cease not to turne their eyes , whosoever either in state or church seek after innovations . they that remember , what hath been done , thirty years since , in this our country , know the truth of what i say . and this consideration principally mov'd me , not to leave this question untoucht . 't is worthy the relation , that in geneva ( which city brought forth , if not first this synedry it self , at least the prime defenders of it : ) the entire right of electing those elders is in the city senate , which is call'd the little , the counsell of the pastors being only heard . nor are they only elected by the senators , but from among senators alone , that is two out of the same little senate , and ten both out of the senate of the sixty , and out of the other senate of two hundred . the election made after this manner , is submitted to the examination of the two hundred : and the elders elected , although they have no jurisdiction , yet they give oath to the republick . he must needs be very ill-sighted , who perceives not , what incommodities the genevians feared , when they took such a sollicitous and wary course for their elections . chap. xii . of substitution , and delegation about sacred things . it is not enough for the supreme governour to know his own right , unlesse he know also how to use it in the best way . now , whereas the supreme governour executes his office , partly by himself , partly by others ; in those things which he dispatcheth by himself , how he ought to use the counsels of wise men is said afore ; nor is it unworthy to be here repeated , that the christian emperours and other kings alwaies had , standing by their side , most religious pastors , by whose counsels they did dispose of sacred affairs , as they did of secular by the advise of others . but , neither by this help is the supreme governour , whose influence is diffused through so many and so great businesses , enabled to dispatch all things , but hath need to use the service of deputies . the most weighty labours , ( saith a wise author ) of him that holds the imperiall ball , have need of helps : and , many businesses want many hands . the disputation makes a great noise in the law-school , what parts of authority may be committed to other by the highest power ? it would be tedious and impertinent to relate all that may be said upon this queston . in short , some things there are , which are not possible to be separated from the right of the highest power : some things which to communicate to any other , by reason of their greatnesse , is not expedient . of the former kind , is the right of amending laws , though made by others ; the right of cancelling unjust judgements , if not by way of appeal , at least by way of petition ; the right to void elections , which are against the good of the state or church . of the later sort are these : the choice of religion , and as well the election , as the deposition of the chiefe pastors : which the highest powers , for the most part , have reserved to themselves , yet not alwaies . for also to certaine subjects , whether princes , or corporations , we see the choice of religion hath been granted , when the necessity of the times exacted it . nor is this so new , when the persians also , macedonians and romans granted the jews and other nations , under their dominions , liberty of religion : moreover , the bishops of rome and constantinople , we know , were not alwaies elected by the emperors . the ways of committing right to others are two , substitution , and delegation . substitution i call a mandate given by law or privilege : delegation , by speciall grant. that the highest powers were accustomed to substitute bishops , we have shew'd above ; for thence ariseth , the right of making canons , which have the force of law ; the right with power to depose a pastor , or to exclude one of the people out of the congregation : which apparently have been permitted to synods or presbyteries . from the same spring-head is the right of the clergy or chapters to make elections : as may be proved by many patents of emperours and kings . wherein verily , their piety is worthy of all honour . for they judged , that unto them , who were most acquainted with sacred affairs , and to whom the pastorall regiment was by god committed , that other regiment , which flows from the imperiall power , might also be committed most safely . would the event had not oft deceiv'd them , in their so honourable design . in the mean time , they , who endure not pastors to be call'd , in any part , vicars of the highest powers , are to advised to depose their errour , moved either by reason , or the authority of laws and histories . elsewhere we see , the care of holy things was committed to pastors with others , not pastors , but pious and learned men , and that not without example of divine authority . for the great synedry of lxx . among the hebrews , upon whom , among other things , the care of religion lay , consisted of priests , levits , and men chosen out of the people . no doubt , in matters of religion , ( yea in all judgements , if i mistake not ) the high priest gave his sentence before the rest . yet so , that the kings vicegerent , who was entitled nasi , had the first place , and asked the votes . after which exemplar , i observe , the ecclesiasticall senate is compos'd in the palatinate . this conjunction of the lesser powers with the bishops i find also in justinian . certaine it is , in the deposition of bishops , the judgements of the synod , and of the synators or judges adjoyned by the emperours , met together . so , pholinus is deposed by the sentence of the bishop , and the men of senators rank , whose names are recorded in epiphanius . sometimes therefore , the lesser powers were associated to the pastors , only to suppresse violence and tumult ; sometimes , to give sentence with them . and so , in the election of bishops , justinians law united with the clergy , the city magistrates . which manner had not its first originall then ; for theodoret tels us , after the death of athanasius , peter was made bishop by the suffrages of the clergy , and of the men in dignity and office . yea , times have so fallen out , that , by reason of schisms or the tumour of bishops , it was necessary , this weighty part , the care of sacred things with command , should be committed to the inferiour powers , and that without the bishops . for , aelianus constantin's proconsul , and marcellinus , by commission of honorius , examin'd the laws of the donatists , and gave sentence 'twixt the parties , as above is noted . and in the court of cp . one of the patricians did particularly attend the church affairs : whence his office had its name . so also , the parliaments of france by appeal , the senate of spain by way of opposition , the court of holland by penall writs , corrected the errours of the ecclesiastic censure . moreover , that the right of electing or presenting pastors ( the right of ordaining saved to the pastors , and of probation to the people ) was oft times allowed to lay-men alone , is clear enough . and this is the right of patronage , which , not with us only , is in force , but in england and the palatinate , as may be seen in the english canons and the palatine constitutions . now , as we doe not blame their piety , who are sollicitous , lest any mischief be done the church , under colour of this right ; so the truth exacteth at our hands , not to let passe in silence the temerarious assertion of those men , who say this right is a new thing , and depends upon the authority of the pope . surely , justinian is not a new emperour , nor liv'd he under the popes domination , yet hath he established this right by a law. if any devout person hath built a house , and will ordain clerks in it ( here to ordaine , the latine interpreter translated for , to elect ) either himself or his heirs , if they maintaine the clericks , and name such as are worthy , the named shall be ordained : but if the presentees are , by the holy rules , excluded as unworthy of ordination , then let the most sacred bishop ordaine such as he shall find more worthy . this law was published by justinian about the year dxli . at what time the roman bishops were at the emperors devotion and created by them . there is also another constitution of the same emperour set forth as is thought in the year dlv. and inscribed to the bishop of c p. which permits the founders of churches , or of maintenance , to appoint clericks , if yet they be found worthy by the bishops examination . and in the year dliii . a canon was made is the councill of tolen , to the same effect . about the yeare dcccxxvii . were collected the constitutions of charls the great , wherein we find , if laic ( patrons ) present unto the bishops cleriks approved both for their life and learning to be consecrated , and constituted in their churches , by no means let them be rejected . not only pastors of inferior degree , but bishops also were constituted by the dukes of bavaria and saxonia , by a right long since derived from the german emperours , as hath been observ'd by others . when as , without such grant , the investiture of bishops ( as hermoldus of old hath written ) is proper to the imperiall majestie . wherefore this right was extracted from the constitution and concession of emperors and kings , and is an of-spring flowing from the right of the highest power . and it is so far from depending on the popes authority , that on the contrary , the makers and interpreters of the papall law , have opposed or clipped nothing more eagerly , desiring to perswade the world , that all benefices are the patrimony of the pope . panormitan is chief among them : whom i had much rather have for my adversary in such a matter , than my second . for i know , most of his comments in this kind are refuted by covarruvia and duarenus and other lawyers : and wisemen have herein alwaies differ'd from the clergy of those times , even unto our age . see but what the the holland senate hath noted in the trent-acts , as contrary to the old law of our nation . to the iv. sect. c. 12. in this chapter the lay patrons seem to be grieved . to the xxv . sect. c. 4. we must beware , lest by uniting parish churches and single benifices , prejudice be done to the lay patrons : and in other places more to the like effect . this was then the judgement of the senate , the keeper of the old customs of our country : which may more justly be defended by us , than what our ancestors in their unhappy time , esteem'd intollerable . but what if the roman bishops themselves ; what if panormitan himself durst not require of lay patrons , what is now required , by vertue of their authority ? i will not dispute about the word , whether the collation of the patron may be call'd election , and yet clement iii. calld it so . these words are cited : in a conventuall church , the assent of the patron is better requir'd , not to the election of the prelate to be made , but after it is made : the following words , which are very materiall being omitted : unlesse the custome be otherwise by reason of his jurisdiction . for , many ages before , and in many places , the custome was otherwise ; and namely in our holland . witnesse againe the senate : note , that if the first prebend to be void , in collegiat churches , be assigned to the readers of divinity ; the king and other lay patrons , whose right it is in the collegiat churches of holland , in every chapter , should be deprived of the presentation of the prebend first to be void . in such a collegiat or conventuall church , the pope hardly admitted a lay patron ; but the emperors , kings , and the princes of our holland , as we now heard , have admitted him , even to the memory of our fathers ; and therefore , the pope fearing he should not be obeyed , added to his decree the exception of custome ; which many as it now appears , if they had a papacy , would not adde . that our states abrogated the right of patronage , neither is true , nor can be said without their injury . for they mention , among the causes of the troubles , the acts of the trent synod ; and shew , that nothing did more hinder the publication of them , than that the lay-patrons complained , their right was infringed by those constitutions . what opinion the states themselves had of the businesse , we have heard their own words . this is a certain truth , that both the election made by the patrons may , upon just causes , be rescinded by the highest power , and all this right , no lesse than other things which are the properties of private men , is subject to the commands of law. to which restraint , if we adde both the exploration of the people , and the pastorall ordination , the corruption of the church need no more be feared , from noble patrons , than from rustic elders . two things remaine to be spoken , before i conclude this part , concerning derived right . the one is this , that the inferiour powers have , by divine right , us authority at all about sacred things . what ere they have , they have it as by the supreme , which we have elswhere noted . wherefore , neither joseph the decurion , nor the proconsull sergius , could doe more in the church , than any private person . because , neither the former from the great synedry , nor the later from the roman emperour , had received any power , to dispose of ecclesiasticall affairs . and no man ought to snatch to himself the sword , or any part thereof . the other is this : being the tuition of the church is a principall part of the supreme authority , the highest powers will doe wisely , if they grant as little as may be of it to the magistrats . and whatsoever they grant , let them take care at least , to commend these most noble offices , only to their most noble peers . for , if the charge of checker mony and coine is committed not to the municipall judges , but to men of higher place , how much more doth it concerne the publick safety , and the churches honour , that ecclesiasticall affairs be not devolved to inferior tribunals . so , in france , no judges below the parliament have cognizance of abuses of the ecclesiastic censure ; nor with us , of old , below the senate of holland . but , the inspection of the church affairs is not easily to be deferr'd to them , who are not in the churches books . for , seeing both jews and christians held it irreligious , to carry their private complaints before such as were aliens to their law ; much more unworthy were it and dishonourable , in so great frequency of right believers , that the wounds of the church should be committed to the cure of any other persons , but only to the sons of the church . the end . soli deo gloria . erudito lectori . ex latinis bonis , anglica non mala me fecisse , si censueris , est quod gaudeam . fateor , autem , ne mibi fraudi sit , nonnulla hic omissa : ea nimirum , quae ●ut ipsa res , aut lector meus faciliùs abesse pateretur . nempe , istam navavi operam , in eorum praecipuè gratiam , qui latina non attingunt . ingens operae pretium est , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( quorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ferre oportet ) meminerint , offic●i esse sui , ne quid resp . ecclesiastica detrimenti capiat videre , clero dignitatem conciliare , et populum antiqua sub religione tueri . da veniam , erudite lector , & vale. scripsi decem. 17. 1650. the method of every chapter . chapter . i. 1. the state of the question . 2. an argument from the unity of the matter , proved by scripture . 3. and by naturall reason . 4. an argument from the univer sality of the end , proved by scripture . 5. and by philosophy . 6. the right vindicated by direct authority of scripture . 7. by the consent of the antient christians . 8. and of the reformed . 9. and of the heathens . 10. with respect unto eternall happinesse . 11. and unto temporall prosperity . 12. which follows true religion by ver●he of divine providence . 13. and by its own nature . 14. more reasons added . chap. ii. 1. all functions are under command . 2. some by emanation . 3. the supreme authority , and the sacred function united in the same person , by the law of nature . 4. it was so , before moses , and after among the nations . 5. the supreme authority , and sacred function separated by the law of moses . 6. and by the christian law. 7. sacred names and privileges given to the highest powers . chap. iii. 1. internall actions not subject to the highest power , but in relation to externall . 2. actions either determined or not determined , before any h●mane command . 3. actions determined by law divine , either naturall or positive . 4. actions undetermined are the matter of humane law ; and also determined , both because of their adjuncts and of a new obligation . 5. actions , not under humane command , are only those that are repugnant to divine law. 6. commands repugnant to divine law , bind to a non-residence : and wherefore . 7. subordinate powers not exempt from that obligation . 8. examples alleged to the contrary answered . 9. difference ' twixt internall actions and externall . 10. what god commands cannot be forbidden by man , with validity . 11. how religion is not subject to humane power . 12. how it is subject . 13. the highest power may determine any actions not afore determined by god. 14. resistance , under colour of religion , unlawfull , proved by scripture and examples : and objections answer'd . 15. not so many particulars , in sacred things as in secular , under humane power : with the reason of it . chap. iv. 1. objections answered . and first , that christ instituted the pastorall office . 2. that the magistrate is not of the essence of the church , answer'd . 3. an objection out of esay answer'd . whether kings are under the believers , or church . 4. that kings are under the pastors function , answer'd . 5. the objection taken from the kingdome of christ , answer'd . what that kingdome is , and whether he hath vicars . 6. pastorall government overthrows not the authority of the highest powers . 7. distinctions of government : directive and constitutive . by consent and by command . supreme and inferiour . by emanation and by subjection . 8. pastors have no coactive or temporall power : proved by scriptures and fathers . 9. their government suasory and declarative . 10. the church hath no power of command , by divine right . 11. the church hath a government constitutive , by consent : proved by reason , and examples of scripture . 12. the supreme authority compatible to the church : the inferiour only , to pastors . 13. the authority of the highest powers not overthrown by the directive and declarative regiment of pastors . 14. nor by the constitutive . 15. nor by any temporall given them by positive law. chap. v. 1. the word judgement , explained . 2. it pertains to the highest power . 3. notwithstanding that they may erre . 4. and notwithstanding , that christ is the supreme judge . 5. how the scripture is judge . 6. how the pastors and the church is judge . 7. understanding is required to judge . 8. the highest powers capable of sufficient understanding . 9. divine things are easy to be understood . 10. help from god , by prayer . 11. piety also requisite in the highest powers to enable them to judge . 12. a distinction 'twixt the rectitude and the validity of an action , applyed . 13. infidel princes may judge of sacred things . examples hereof . 14. and the reason of it . 15. catechumens not excluded from judgement . 16. right to judge is one thing , ability another . illustrated by similies . 17. the judgment of the pro●hets , i cor. 14. 31. not privative of the highest powers . 18. the kings of the old testament judged not as prophets only , but as kings . chap. vi. 1. the right of command , and the use of it distinct . 2. pious and learned pastors to be consulted by the highest powers . 3. principles of faith ; intrinsecall , extrinsecall . these divine , and humane . 4. of divine authority proposed by men . 5. and the state of the question 'twixt protestants and papists . 6. when 't is fit to rest in humane authority . 7. no man may pin his faith of salvation upon another ; proved by scripture and reason . 8. in matters not determined in scripture , more may be given to humane judgement . 9. the prince must use his own judgment ; especially where counsellours doe not agree . 10. an objection out of deut. answer'd . 11. another out of numbers 27. 12. care must be had of the churches peace , and unity . 13. cautions and rules conducing to unity . few divisions in points of faith. 14. and those in generall councils . 15. ecclesiasticall laws deliver'd in a persuasive way . 16. how to preserve unity in point of ceremonies . 17. highest powers need the ministry of others . 18. prudentiall rules have their exceptions ; and whence . 19. the distinction of power absolute , and ordinary , erroneous . 20. highest powers how far obliged to their own laws . chap. vii . 1. what we meane by synods . 2. no precept in scripture for them . 3. their original not from acts 15. 4. but from the law of nature ; which is distinguisht into absolute and after a sort . 5. synods not from the law naturall absolute . 6. synods under the pagan emperours : by what right . 7. synods called by christian emperours . 8. three questions about synods . 9. whether the highest power may govern without a synod . 10. the affirmative proved by examples . 11. three ends of synods , yet not necessary : counsel , consent , jurisdiction . 12. synods sometimes not usefull . 13. accusers may not be judges in synod . 14. synods sometimes hurtfull . 15. what may serve in their stead . 16. other causes to deny synods , beside the generall corruption of religion . 17. what is to be done , till a free council may be called . 18. synods not calla without the h. power . 19. ii whether the h. power may choose the synod-men : and judge in synod . 20. the right of the primitive church . and , the assembling of bishops . 21. the emperours encyclic letters to the metropolitan . 22. the h. power may elect pastors for the synod : prov'd by reason and examples . 23. when the election is permitted to others , the h. power hath command over it . 24. the h. power may judge in synod . 25. whether it be expedient or no , in person . 26. the highest powers present in synods by their deputies . 27. iii. what is the highest powers right after synod : the epicrisis wherein is the right to change , to adde , to take away . 28. an objection answered . 29. the manner of giving the epicrisis , or finall judgement . of appeal . 30. the epicrisis in parts of religion as well as in the whole . chap. viii . 1. the severall acts of authority , are legislation , jurisdiction , and another without speciall name . 2. wherein is legislation 3. it belongs to the highest power , about the whole body of religion . 4. answer to an objection of the change of religion . 5. religion not to be brought in by force of subjects . 6. false and schismaticall worship , by the highest power , sometimes prohibited and punisht . 7. sometimes dissembled and regulated . 8. legislation in the parts of religion . 9. suppression of unprofitable questions . and of words not found in scripture . 10. the regulating of church-mens conversation . 11. laws about things undetermined by divine law. and that beside the canons . 12. yet are the canons of use in the making of laws . 13. no legislative power belongs to the church by divine right . 14. yet may it be granted the church by law positive : cumulatively , not privatively : and not without subordination and dependance . 15. how kings have confessed themselves bound by the canons 16. canons dispensed with by them . examples hereof , even in the apostolical . 17. divine lawes also moderated by equity . chap. ix . 1. iurisdiction about sacred things belongs to the h. power . 2. the effects if it are declared . 3. jurisdiction proper belongs not naturally to the pastors . 4. yet by law positive it belong'd to them in some nations . 5. pastoral acts of divine right , which seem to come neare jurisdiction , and yet are distinct from it . 6. the apostolical rod. 7. the use of the keyes . 8. prescription of the works of penance by way of direction or persuasion . 9. non-exhibition of the sacraments . 10. the churches acts by divine right , which seeme near jurisdiction , but are distinguist . separation from the inordinate brother or pastor . 11. canonical acts superadded to the former , and distin ●ist from them . 12. jurisdiction granted to pastors by positive law 13. the efficacy of this jurisdiction . 14. the jewes had the like granted them . 15. the accessories of excommunication . 16. all pastoral jurisdiction properly so called flowes from the h. power . 17. how far those pastoral acts may be used upon the supreme governour . of the use of the keyes . 18. under which pretence , cannot be excused seditious sermons which are refelled by scripture , and the objection answer'd . 19. all coaction of the h. power unlawful . 20. canonical acts cannot be exercised against the h. power without consent . 21. how the pastor may satisfy his conscience . 22. what is the right of the h. power about the foresaid acts of pastors and churches . 23. ecclesiastical appeals depend upon the h. power . 24. exercise of supreme jurisdiction by himselfe or by others . 25. the h. power may dispense with canonical and legal penalties . and judge whether excommunication be just or no. chap. x 1. two perpetuall functions of presbyters and deacons . and their defference . 2. these four distinguisht : mandate , election , ordination , confirmation . 3. of ordinatian without a title . 4. ordination only by pastors . 5. the h. power hath authority over it . 6. right immutable or mutable . 7. how the election of pastors belongeth to the church . 8. apostolical institution subject to change . 9. deacons , but not pastors , elected by the people . 10. pastors in the apostles times elected by the h. spirit . and mathias the apostle . 11. popular elections not proved by acts 14.23 . 12. nor by the precept of avoiding false teachers . 13. the old way of trying pastors in the primitive church . 14. cyprian doth not confirm , but overthrow popular elections . 15. pastors oft chosen by the bishops , not by the people . 16. the election of bishops , by the clergy : by the comprovincial bishops . 17. mutability in the manner of election . 18. in elections the h. power hath a legistative right . 19. and may it self make election upon just cause . 20. this proved by reason . 21. and by examples : in the state of naturall law : and under the mosaical . 22. examples of the roman emperours , and of the kings of france . 23. objections answer'd . 24. of investitures . by them is meant the collation of bishopricks . 25. examples of the kings of england . 26. pastors as well as bishops may be elected by the highest power . 27. examples hereof . 28. the objection from the abuse of right answer'd . 29. the canons and fathers answer'd . 30. touching the right of pagan kings . 31. the best manner of election . 32. the right of rescinding election reserved still to the h. power . 33. and of exauctorating pastors , if need be . 34. although chosen by others . chap. xi . 1. things necessary to be distingnisht from not necessary . 2. of bishops , and lay elders . 3. the word bishop explained . here taken for the overseer of pastors . 4. bishops not against gods word . 5. bishops alwayes in the catholic church . 6. even in the time of the apostles . 7. bishops allowed by the word of god. 8. a place of ambrose examin'd . 9. timothy and titus were bishops . 10. bb. stiled angels , apostles , presidents . 11. patterns of bishops in the natural law , in the mosaical : but most probably the rulers of synagognes . 12. bb of great use to the church . 13. yet not by divine command . 14. nor always one bishop in every city . 15. in whom is the right of ordination . 16. for what reasons bishops were laid-by in some churches . 17. lay-elders none in the apostles time . 18. all the ancients by presbyters understand only pastors . the ambiguity of the word seniors , and elders . 19. the penitentiary presbyter . 20. pastors may be called priests . 21. who are the seniors in tertullian . 22. why the ancient bb. used to consult with the church . 23. who are the seniors in the suppositious ambrose . 24. liberty to interpret scripture in the synagogue . 25. and in the antient church ; with the difference . 26. lay-elders , or assessors , not commanded by god. 27. mat. 18.17 . explained . and the difference 'twixt the syndery and consistory . 28. lay-elders not spoken of in the new testament . 29. why pastors were calld elders by the apostles . 30. the church of christ compar'd with the judaicall kingdome . 31. the office of elders in the new test . 32. an answer to that only place for lay-elders , 1 tim. 5.17 . 33. other places need no answer . 34. the highest power , or the church , might law fully institute lay-elders . 35. this institution not displeasing to god : proved by scripture . 36. examples in the antient church drawing toward it . 37. the english church-wardens not much unlike the adsessors . 38. the adsessors may be of good use . 39. yet with certaine cautions . 40. the genevian elections . chap. xii . 1. the highest power hath need of vicars in spirituals . 2. what authority may be committed to inferiour powers by the highest . 3. liberty of religion tollerated sometimes . 4. vicars either substitutes or delegats . 5. bishops substituted and cleriks . 6. pastors and lay-men joyned . 7. sometimes lay-men alone . 8. the right of lay-patrons , antient , and derived from the regall . 9. benefices not the popes patrimony . 10. the custome of holland . 11. all patronages subject to the highest power . 12. inferior powers have no command by divine right . 13. and little is to be given them by the highest , in sacred things . 14. none at all , unlesse they be orthodox . the end . an advertisement to the stationer . sir , if it be objected ( as a friend of mine conjectured it might ) that the work is any way opposite to the present government , speaking so much of kings and emperors : the answer is , that the judicious author distinguisheth between kings absolute , and such as are confind or bound up by laws ; and cannot act without or against a parliament . see cap. 3. sect. 8. so that , this treatise doth not presume to dispute the states authority ( 't is ill disputing with those that command legions : ) but presupposing that , humbly shews them , what they may and ought to doe , on behalf of the church . and , in the very first page , you find all the book is written of the highest power , whether king or senate . and , these are the authors words at the end of 15. sect. chap. 11. a senate without a king , is as it were a king. this i thought sit to advertise , to prevent jealousy . fare you well , and remember , 't is one of the best pieces of the excellent grotius . courteous reader , these books following are to be sold by joshua kirton , at the kings arms in pauls church-yard . books of divinitie and sermons . 1. the truth of christian religion , proved by the principles and rules , taught and received in the light of the understanding , in an exposition of the articles of our faith , commonly called the apostles creed , written by a learned author lately deceased , in folio , 1651. 2. a concordance axiomaticall , containing a survey of theologicall propositions , with their reasons and uses in holy scripture , by william knight , in fol. 3. certain sermons or homilies appointed to be read in churches in the time of queen elizabeth , and now reprinted in folio . 4. compunction or pricking of heart , with the time , means , nature , necessity , and order of it , and of conversion ; with motives , directions , signes , and means , of cure of the wounded in heart , with other consequent or concomitant duties , especially self-deniall ; all of them gathered from acts 2.37 . being the summe of 80. sermons . with a postscript concerning these times , and the sutiableness of this text and argument to the same , and to the calling of the jewes . by r. jenison , doctor of divinity , in quarto . 5. a plain discovery of the whole revelation of st. john , in two treatises ; 1. searching and proving the interpretation . 2. applying the same paraphrastically and historically to the text , with a resolution of certain doubts , and annexion of certain oracles of sibylla ; by john n pier , lord of marchiston , in quarto . 6. the government and order of the church of scotland ; with an astertion of the said government , in the points of ruling elders , and of the authority of presoyteries and synods , in quarto . 7. a treatise of miscelany questions ; wherein many usefull questions , and cases of conscience are discusted and resolved concerning the controversies of these times ; by george gillespie of scotland , in quarto . 8. an answer to the ten reasons of edmund campian , the jesuit , in confidence whereof he ●ftired disputation to the ministers of the church of england , in the controversie of faith ; by william whitaker , doctor of divinity , in quarto . 9. jo. hen. alsieduis his discourse of the 1000. apocalypticall years , or the saints reign on earth a thousand years ; englished by w. burton , in quarto . 10. letters concerning religion , between the late earle of manchester , lord privy se●l , the lord faulkland , and mr. ●a●●er montaguc , in quarto . 11. truth asserted , by the doctrine and practice of the apostles , seconded by the ●estimony of synods , fathers , and doctors , from the apostles to this day , viz. that episcopacy is jure divino ; by sir frantis wortley , in quarto . 12. an answer to the chief arguments for anabaptisme , by doctor john bastwick , in quarto . 13. two learned discourses ; 1. on mathew 28.18 , 19. 2. on 2 peter 2.13 . written by a learned and worthy gentleman larely dec●ased , in octavo 1651. 14. popular errors in generall points , concerning the intelligence of religion , having relation to their causes and reduced into divers observations , by john d●spagne , minister of the french church , in octavo . 15. new observations upon the creed , with the use of the lords prayer maintained , by john despagne , in octavo . 16. the same in french. 17. new observations upon the commandements , by john despagne , 1651. 18. the same in french. 19. the abridgement of a sermon preached on the fast day , for the good successe of the treaty between the king and parliament , 1648. by john despagne . 20. the same in french. 21. sermon funebre de jean despagne sur la mort de sa femme , in octavo . 22. advertissement touth out la fraction & distribution du prin en la s. cene obmises en plusieurs eglises orthodoxes , par jean despagne , in octavo . 23. a monument of mortality , containing 1. a wakening for worldlings . 2. meditations of consolation . 3. comfortable considerations preparing the sick for an happy change . 4. a mirrour of modesty , with a reproof of the strange attired woman , and the sacred use of christian funerals , by m. day , doctor of divinity , in octavo . 24. plain truths of divinity , collected out of the sacred scriptures , particularly of the destruction of antichrist , and the time when , the comming of christ to judgement , and his raigning with his saints for ever upon this earth after the restitution of all things ; by john alcock , in octavo . 25. herberts carefull father , and pious child , lively represented , in teaching and learning , a catechisme made in 1200 questions and answers , in which the catholick truth is asserted , and above 600 errors , heresies and points of popery are briefly consuted , in octavo . 26. herberts belief and confession of faith made in 160. articles , in octavo . 27. herberts quadrupartite devotion , for the day , week , month , year , made in about 700. meditations and prayers , in octavo . 28. meditations on christs prayer upon the crosse , father forgive them , for they know not what they doe ; by sir john hayward , in octavo , 1651. 29. davids tears , or meditations on the 6.32 . and 130. psalmes , by sir john hayward , in twelves . 30. the devotions of the dying man , that desireth to dye well , written by samuel gardiner , doctor of divinity , in twelves . 31. a beautifull bay-bush , to shrowd us from the sharp showres of sin. containing many notable prayers and meditations , in twelves . 32. a grain of incense , or supplication for the peace of jerusalem , the church and state , written by john reading , in octavo . 33. an evening sacrifice or prayer for a family necessary for these calamitous times , made by john reading , in octavo . 34. character of true blessedness , delivered in a sermon at the funerall of mistris alice per●ival , by john reading , in twelves . 35. six godly meditations or sermons , upon certain select texts of scripture , by andrew rivet , doctor of divinity , in twelves . 36. a meditation on math. 27.27 , 28 , 29. or a pattern for a kings inauguration , written by king james , in twelves . 37. directions to know the true church , written by george carleton , doctor of divinity , in twelves . 38. the singing psalmes in welsh , in twelves . 39. a preparation to fasting and repentance , by peter du moulin , in 24. sermons . 1. doctor williams , bishop of lincoln , on galathians 6.14 . before the lords of parliament . 2. ejusdem , on job 42.12 . before the lords of parliament . 3. doctor andrews , bishop of winchester , on luke 1.74 , 75. november 5. 1617. before the king. 4. ejusdem , on 1 cor. 11.16 . on easter day before the king. 5. ejusdem , on john 20.11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. on easter day before the king. 6. doctor laud bishop of st. davids , on psal . 22.3 , 4 , 5. at the opening of the parliament . 7. doctor robert willon , on psal . 2.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. on nov. 5. before the judges , at westminster . 8. christopher white , on rom. 13.1 . 9. humphrey sydenham , on eccles . 12.5 . at the funerals of sir john sydenham . 10. doctor christopher swale , on gen. 28.20 , 21 , 22. before the king. 11. isaac singleton , on esay 22.15 . upon gowries conspiracy . 12. peter du moulin , on rom. 1.16 . before the king. 13. doctor morton , bishop of durham , on 1 cor. 11.16 . at st. pauls . 14. william price , on ezra 9.6 , 7 , 8. before the lords of parliament . 15. anthony cade , on rom. 2.15 . a visitation sermon , with an appendix concerning ceremonies . 16. doctor henry king , on jer. 1.10 . at st. pauls , on march 27. 1640. 17. doctor william gouge , on nehem. 5.19 . before the commous of parliament . 18. ejusdem , on ezekiel 36.11 . before the lords of parliament . 19. ejusdem , on ezra 8.21 . before the lords of parliament on the fast appointed for the good successe of the theary between the king and parliament , 1648. 20. ejusdem , on exodus 13.3 . on queen elizabeths day , nov. 17. at pauls . 21. ejusdem , on ezekiel 24.16 . at the funeral of doctor ducks wife . 22. matthias milward , on 2 cor. 2.14 . before the company of the artillery garden . 23. ejusdem , on rom. 13.4 , at guild-hall chappell . 24. henry miller , on psal . 124.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. on the fifth of november . 25. alexander rosse , on mathew 21.13 . two sermons . 26. john pigot , on luke 19.41 , 42 , 43 , 44. 27. nicholas guy , on john 11.26 . at the funeral of doctor gouge's wife . 28. thomas palmer , on psalm 37.40 . 29. james wilcock , on acts 24.13 , 14. 30. ejusdem on john 20.19 , 20. lam. 5.16 . 1 cor. 10. 16 , 17 , 1 john 4.1 . in 6. sermons . libri theologici latini , &c. 1. thomae bradwardini archiepiscopi olim cantuariensis de causa dei , contra pelagium , & de virtute causarum , ad suos mertonensos , libri tres ; opera & studie d. hen. savilii editi , in fol. 2. de republica ecclesiastica pars secunda , cum 2 appendicibus , 1. de ss . eucharistia contra card. perronium , 2 responsio ad magnam partem defensionis fidei , p. francisci suarez , in folio . 3. in acta apostolorum , & in singula● apostolorum , jacobi , petri , johannis , & judae catholicas epistolas commentarii ; autore r. p. f. nicolao gorrano anglo , in fol. 4. miscelan●orum theologicorum , quibus s. scripturae & aliorum classicorum autorum , plurima monumente explicantur atque illustrantur , libri tres , autore nicolao fullero , in quarto . 5. de potestate papae in rebus temporalibus , sive in regi●us deponendis usurpata , adversus bellarminum ; autore foanne episcopo roffenst , in quarto . 6. papa anti-christus , sive diatriba de anti christo ; autore georgio downamo episcopo detensi , in quarto . 7. causa regia , sive de authoritate , & dignitate principum christianorum differtatio , adversus b●llarminum ; autore tho. mortono episcopo , in quarto . 8. antidotum , adversus ecclisiae romanae de merito proprie dicto ex condigno venenum ; autore tho. mortono episcopo , in quarto . 9. de suprema petestate regia , exercitationes habite in academia oxoniensi contra bellarminum & suarez . autore rob. abbot professore regio , in quarto . 10. de gratia & perseverantia sanctorum , exercitationes habitae in academia oxoniensi , & animadversio brevis , in r. thomsoni diatribam , de amiss●ine & intercisione justificationis & gra●●a ; autore roberto abbot . 11. georgii abbati archupiscopi cantuwriensis explicatio 6. illustrium quastionum , 1. de mendacin , 2. de circumcisione & bapasmo , 3 de astrologia , 4. de piasentia in cultu i dololatinco , 5. de fuga in persequutione & peste , 6. an deiis sit author peccati , in quartu . 12. stephani szegedim analysis , in psalmos , prophetas majores , 4. evangelia , acta apo●●o●orum , omnes epislulas , & apoca●ypsin , in quarto . 13. liturgia inglesa , o libro del rezodo publico , de la administracion de los sacramentos , y otros kitos y ceremenias de la yglesia de ingal●terra , in quarto . 14. la liturgie angloise , oule livre des pritres publiques de l'administration des sacraments , & antres ordies , & ceremonies de l'eglise d'angleterre , in quarto . 15. georgii wicelin methodus concordie eccsiastic● , cum exhortatione ad concilium , juxta exemplar excusum , 1523. in octave . 16. de proesulibus anglia commentarius , omnium episcoporum , necnon & cardinalium o●●sdem gentas , nomura , tempora , seriem , atque actiomes maxime ●●morabil●s , ab ultima antiquitate repetita , complexus , per franciscum godwinum episco●um landavensem , in quarto . 17. st. gregori nazianzeni in julianum invectiv● dua , &c. cum scholies groecis & notis , r. montague , in quarto . 18. gilberti foliot episcopi lond. exposion in canticum canticorum , unacum compendiv alcuini , e bibliotheca regia , in quarto . 19. dela verite en tant qu'e●●est distincte de la r●●●lation , du vray semblable , du possible , & du faux , pa● edouard herbert , baron de cherbury , in quarto . 20. loci communes , d. martini lutheri , ex scriptis ipsius latinis , in 5. classes distributi , a. m. thesdosio fabricio , in quarto , 1651. books of severall sorts , of humane learning . 1. gerhardi mercatoris atlas , or a geographick description , of the regions , countries , and kingdoms of the world , through europe , asia , africa , and america , represented by new and exact maps , in two large volumes in folio . 2. britain , or a chorographical description of the kingdoms , england . scotland , and ireland , and the islands adjoyning , out of the depth of antiquity : becautified with maps of the severall shires of england , written by william camden clarenceux k. of a. in folio . 3. an history of the civill warrs of england , between the two houses of lancaster and york , beginning in the reign of richard the second , and ending in the reign of henry the seventh , written in italian by sir fra. biondi , englished by hen. earl of monmouth , in folio . 4. the roman history of amianus maroellinus , translated into english , by philemon holland , doctor in physick , in fol. 5. the annals and history of cornelius tacitus , with the notes of sir hen●y savile , in folio . 6. discourses upon cornelius tacitus , written in italian by marquis virgilio malvezzi , translated by sir richard baker in folio . 7. the life and reign of king henry the eighth , written by edward lord herbert of cherbury , in folio . 8. the history of the houses of douglas and angus , written by mr. david hume , in fol. 9. the siege of breda , written in latine by herman hugo , translated into english by collonel henry gage , in folio . 10. the history of the councell of trent , written in italian by pietro soave polane , translated by sir nathana●l bront . 11. the same in latine . 12. the theatre of gods judgements , collected out of sacred , ecclesiasticall , and pagan histories , by doctor thom. beard , and doctor tho. taylor , in sol . 13. a french-english dictionary , compiled by master randle cotgrave , with another in english and french , in folio . 14. regiam majest●●tem . a collection of the old lawes and constitutions of scotland , from king malcome the second , to king james the first , by sir john shene , in fol. 15. the same in latine . 16. enquiries touching diversity of languages and religions , through the chiese parts of the world , written by edward brerewood , in quarto . 17. the history of the quarrels of pope paul the fisth , with the state of venice , written in italian by the author of the history of the councell of trent , and translated by doctor christopher potter , in quarto . 18. a briet discourse of the new-found-land , with the situation , temperature , and commoditie thereof in quarto . 19. of supremary in affaires of religion , by sir john hayward . 20. considerations touching a war with spain , written by francis lord vanlam , viscount st. alban , in quarto . 21. the life of jacob boesmen , vulgarly called the german prophet , in quarto . 22. almansir , the learned and victorious king , that conquered spain , his life and death , published by robert ashley our of oxford library , in quarto . 23. the epistle congratulatory of lysimachus nica●●● of the s. of jesus to the covenanters in scotland , paralleling their harmony in doctrine and practice , in quarto . 24. the poor vicars plea , declaring that a compe tency of means is due to them cut of the tythes of their severall parishes , notwithstanding the impropriations , written by thomas ryves , doctor of law , in quarto . 25. a collection of some moderne epistles of morsieur de balzac , carefully translated cut of french , being the fourth and last ●olume , in octavo . 26. the history and relation of the bloudy massacre at paris , and in other places in france , 1572. in twelves , 1651. 27. the free-school of warre , a treatise , whether it be lawfull to bear arms for the service of a prince of a divers religion , in quarto . 28. instructions for musters and arms , and the use thereof , in quarto . 29. the key of the mathematiques new filed , with the resolution of adfected aequations , the rule of compound usury and false position , and the art of geometricall dialling , in octavo . 30. the same in latine . 31. a génerall treasury of accounts , for all countries in christendome , made by william colson of london . 32. accounts of merchandize ready computed , also , tables for measuring of timber , boord , glasse , and land , enlarged and corrected , by john penkethman , in twenty fours . 33. the merchants avizo , necessary for their sons and seivants , when first sent beyond sea , in quarto . 34. mystagogus poeticus , or the muses interpreter , explaining the historicall mysteries , and mysticall histories , of the ancient greek , and latine poets , written by alexander rosse , in octavo . 35. observations on that ( in its kind ) eminent petition presented to the commons in parliament , september 11. 1648. in quarto . 36. a perfect plaforme of an ho●garden , and instructions for the making and maintenance thereof , with notes and rules for reformation of all abuses commonly practised therein ; written by reynold scot , in quarto . 37. the problems of aristotle , with other philosophers and physitians , containing question and answets , touching the estate of mans body , in octavo . 38. child-birth , or the happy delively of women , s●tting down the government of women , in their breeding , travell , and lying in , in quarto . 39. the marrow of physick , w●●ten by tho , brugis , in quarto . 40. pharmacopoea , cu● adjecta sunt paraphrasis , & miscendorum medicamentorum modus , scripta a bricio bauderono , huic accedunt jo. du boys pharmacopier parisionsi● observationes in methodum misceindorium medicamentorum , in fol. 41. observationes medicoe , de assechbus omissis , authore arnoldo bootio , med. d. in duodicimo . 42. anglia flagellum , sen tabes anglica , authore theophilo de garancieres , d. medico , in duodecimo . 43. a sure guide to the french tongue , teaching to pronounce french naturally , to read it pufectly , to wine it truly , and to speak it readily , by paul cogucau , in octavo , 1651. 44. lettres sur la mort de quelques personnes en qualite & en merite , tant de l'one , que de l'autre sexe , par ●harles de beauvais , in oct●vo . 45. animadversions on mr. seldens history of tythes , and his r●view thereof , by richard tillesly doctor in divinity , in quarto . poetry and playes . 1. godsrey of boulogne or the recovery of jerusa●●● , done into english heroicall verse , by edward fairfax , gent , with the life of the said godsicy , in sol . 2. the crown of all homers works , batrachomyomachia , or the battell of frogs and mice , h●s hymns and epigrams , translated by george chapman , in ●olio . 3. the hierarchy of the bl●ssed angels , their names , orders , and offices , the ●all of luciser , with his angels , written by tho. heywood , in sol . 4. orlando furioso , in english hetoicall verse , by sir john harrington , with addition of the authors epigrams , in fol. 5. leoline and sydanis , a romance of the amoreus adventures of princes , in quarto . 6. the young mans looking-glasse , bacchus banne● display'd , characters , and epigrams , written by richard ●atts . 7. the most pleasant history of albino and bellama , by n. w. in twelves . 8. analecta poëtica graeca-latina , or capping of verses greek and latine , in twelves . 9. horatius de arte poetica , englished by b. johnson . an execration against vulcan . the mask of gypsies , and epigrams , by the same author , in twelves . 10. the constant maid , a comedy , written by james shirley . 11. st. patrick for ireland , the first part , written by james shirley . 12. landgartha , a trage-comedy , written by henry burnel . books for schooles , and the university . 1. antonii ruvio commentarii in universam aristotelis dialecticam , in quarto . 2. thomoe lushingtonii logica analytica , de principii● , regulis , & usu rationis rectae , in octavo . 3. elementa logicae , autore edovardo brerewood , in duodecimo . 4. aditus ad logicam , autore samuele smith , in duodecimo . 5. institutionum peripateticarum , ad mentem summi viri kenelmi equitis dygboei , pars theorica , item appendix theologica , de origine mundi ; authore thoma anglo , in duodecimo . 6. francisci baconi , de sapientia veterum liber , in duodecimo . 7. aemilii porti dictionarium lonicum & doricum graeco-latinum , in octavo . 8. lexicon graeco-latinum , in n. t. dom. nostri jesu christi , autore georgio pasore , in octavo . 9. novum testamentum dom. nostri jesu christi , graecum , cantabrigiae , in octavo . 10. idem , notis roberti stephani , josephi scaligeri , & isaaci casauboni , in octavo . 11. novum testamentum latinum theodoro beza interprete , in duodecimo . 12. elementaria traditio christianorum fidei , aut catechismus , grac. latin. per tuss . berchetum , inoctavo . 13. paraphrafis psalmorum davidis poetica , autore georgio buchanano , in duodecimo . 14. particulae latinae orationis , collectae , dispositae , & consabulatiunculis digestae , autore j. hawkins med. d. in octavo . 15. a brief introduction to syntax , shewing the use , grounds and reason of latin construction , collected out of nebrissa his sp●nish copy , with the concordance , supplied by john hawkins med. d. in octavo . 16. jo. casa galateus seu demorum honestate , & elegantia , notis nath. chylnae in octavo . 17. isocratis orationes & epistolae , grac. lat. interlincat . in octavo . 18. analecta poetica graeca-latina , or capping of verses greek and latin. 19. aeschims c●ntra ctesiphontem , & demosthenis pro corona orationes à johanne sturmio illustratae , graecè , in octavo . 20. homerilliav , idest de rebus ad troiamgestis graec. lat. in octavo , cantabrigia . 21. m. fahn quintihani institutionum oratoriarum libri 12 , ●accesserunt quintilianorum declamatiomes , dan. pareo editi , in octavo . 22. synonimorum sylva olim à simone pelegromo collecta , nunc h. f. emendata & aucta , in octavo . 23. ca●liop●i● , or a rich storehouse of proper choice and elegant latine words and phrases collected chiefly out of tullies works , by thomas dray , in octavo . 24. bibliotheca scholastica instructissima , or a treasurie of ancient adagies and proverbs collected out of the english , greek , latin , french , italian and spanish , published , by tho. drax , in octavo . 25. an eas●e entrance to the latine tongue , containing the grounds of grammar , and their examination ; 2. a vocabulary of common words , english and latin. 3. examples appliable to the rules of concordance and construction . 4. collections out of the lowest school authors . 5. more elegant expressions for children . 6. the first principles of christianity , by charles hoole school-master in london , in twelves , 1651. 26. a little vocabulary english and latin , for the use of little children that begin to learn the latin tongue , by charles hoole , in twelves , 1651. 27. alexandri rossaei isagoge grammatica , in gratiamily lorum qui nolunt memoriam multis & longis regulis gravari concinnata , in octavo . 28. jodoci stunpelii parnassus epithetorum , singula ravisii , multag , prosodiae smetii , epitheta vario metro pro studiosis , versus eleganter extempore sine epithetorum quantitatis errore scripturis , inclusa continens , in duodecimo , 1651. 29. quirti horatii flacci poemata , scholiis five annotationibus joannis bond illustrata , in octavo . 30. publii ovidu nasonis metamorphoseon , libri 15. notis tho. farnabii illustrati , in octavo . 31. angeli caninii hellenisinus , copios●ssimi graecarum latinarumque , vocum indicis accessione per carolum hanboesium locupletatus , in octavo , 1651. 31. riders dictionary english and latin , and latin and english enlarged , by francis holy-oke , in quarto . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a85746-e1030 1. the state of the question . 2. an argument , from the unity of the matter , proved by scripture , rom. 13 4. pro. 20.8 . col. 3.20 . 3. and by naturall reason . 4. an argument from the universality of the end , proved by scripture . 1 tim. 2.2 5. and by philosophy . in fine eudem 6. the right vindicated by direct authority of scripture . deut. 17.19 . jos . 1.8 . ps . 2.12 . es . 49.23.60.13.16 . 7. by the consent of the antient christians ; 8. and of the reformed . 9. and of the heathens . 10. with respect unto crernall happinesse ; 11. and unto temporall prosperity . mat. 6.33 . 12. which follows true religion by vertue of divine providence . ep. ●st . 42. 13. and by its own nature ; in respect of morall precepts , and doctrines , and rites . 14. more reasons added . 1. all functions are under command . 2. some by emanation . 3. the supreme authority , and the sacred function , united in the same person , by the law of nature . 4. it was so before moses , and after , among the nations . gen. 18.16 . 5. the supreme authority , and sacred function , separated by the law of moses . est 54.13 . jo. 6.45 . heb. 8.10 . 1 pet. 11.9 . apoc. 1.6.5.10 . 6. and by the christian law. tim. 11. a. can. 6.81.83 . can. 16. can. 3.7 . novel . 123 cap. 5. 7. sacred names & priv●leges given to the h●ghest powers . 1. internal actions not subject to the higher power , but in relation to external . rom. 13.5 . 2. actions either determined or not determined , before any humane command . 3. actions determined by law divine either naturall , or positive . deut. 4.8 . 4. actions undetermined are the matter of humane law , and also determined , both because of their adjuncts and of a new obligation . eth. 5.10 . rom. 11.23 . rom. 13.2 . 5. acts not under humane command , are only those that are repugnant to divine law. 6. commands repugnant to divine law bind to a non-resistance , & wherefore . 1. miht . sect. 4. d. de●ve miht . rom. 13.2 . 1 sam. 8. dent. 17.17 , 20. l. ●enult . d. de just . & jure . 1 sam. 24.7.26.9 . 7. subordinate powers not exempted from that obligation . 1 sam. 24 , 7. 8. examples alle ged to the contrary answered . 9. the difference 'twixt internall actions and externall . 10. what god commands , cannot be forbidden by by man with validity . acts 4.19 . luke 24. 11. how religion is not subject to humane power . l. cum salut . l. de sum . trin. 2 chron. 29.15.30.12 . 12. and how it is subject . nov. 138. ep. 48. rom. 1.32 . 13. the highest power may determine any actions not a●ore determined by god. 15 am . 10.15 . 14. resistance under colour of religion , unlawfull , preved by scripture & examples , and objections answered . mat. 26.52 . 1 pet. 2.16 . 15. not so many porticula●s in sacred things , as in secular , under humane power : with the reason of it . 1. that christ instituted the pastorall offi●e , answered . 2. that the magistrate is not of the essence of the church , answered . 3. an objection out of esay answered . esay 49.23 . whether kings are under the believing people , or church . nebem . 8.8 psa . 72.9 . apos . 1.5 . l● . 22.25 . 1 sam. 8.19 . rom. 13.1 . 1 pet. 2.13 1 sam. 17.8.22.12 . 1 reg. 1.32 4. that kings are under the pastors function , answered . 5. the objection , taken from the kingdom of christ , answer d. and what that kingdome is ; and whether he hath vicars . 6. pastorall govemment overthrows not the authority of the h. powers . distinctions of government : directive . constitutive . by consent . by command . supreme , inferiour , inferior , by emanation . by subjection only . 8. pastors have no coactive or temporall power : proved by scripture and fathers . 1 pet. 5.3 . antig. 13.2 . phil. 2. lu. 12.14 . 1 jo. 1.1 . 1 cor. 11.23 . 1 cor. 7.25 2 cor. 9.7.8.8 . 9. their government suasory and declarative . heb. 13.7.17 . 1 tues . 5.12 . 1 tim. 5.17 . jo. 21.16 . ast . 20.28 1 pit 3. act. 15.23 . 18. the church hath no power of command by divine right . 2 cor. 10.4 eph. 6.17 . phil. 3.20 . 11. the church hath a government constitutive , by consent : proved by reason , and examples of scripture . col. 2.16 . act. 20.7 . 1 cor. 16.2 apoc. 1.20 . 12. the supreme authority compatible to the church : the inferiour only to pastors . 1 mac. 4.59 . 13. the authority of the h. powers not overthrown , by the directive & declarative regiment of pastors . 14. nor by the constitutive ; 14. nor by any t●mporall power given them by positive law. 1. the word , judgement , explained . 2. it pertains to the highest power . 3. notwithstanding , that they may e●●e . 4. notwithstanding , that christ is supreme judge . 5. how the scripiture is judge . jo. 7.51.12.48 . 6. how the pastors and the church is judge . 7. understanding is required unto judgment . deut. 17.8 . jos . 1.8 . 8. the highest powers capable of sufficient understanding . 9. divine things , that are necessary , are easy to bee known . rom. 12.3 . 10. heln from god , by prayer . ps . 72.1 . ps . 51.8 . 1 reg. 3. num. 11.27.25 . dent. 34.9 heb. 1. m●● . 13.8 . rom. 10.8 . ● cor. 4.3 , 4 num. 1.29 1 tim. ● . 4● 11. piety is also required in the higher powers , to enable them to judge . deut. 17.19 . jos . 1.7 , 8. 1 tim. 1.6.7 . 12. a distinction 'twixt the rect●tude and the validity of an action applyed . 13. insidel princes may judge of sacred things . examples hereof act. 14. 14. and the reason of it . de bone persev . cap. 14. jo. 5.30 . act. 17.11 15. catechumens not excluded from judgement . 16. right to judge is one thing , ability another . and this illustrated by si●il●cs . 1 cor. 14.31 . 17. the judgment of the prophets not privative of the highest powers . deut. 18.22 . 1 jo. 4.1 . 1 thes . 5.19 , 20 , 21. 1 cor. 14.29 . 1 cor. 12.9 . 1 cor. 11. epist . 33. 18. the kings of the old testament judged not as prophets only , but as kings . luke 10.24 . 1. the right , & the use of it distinct . 2. pious and learned pastors to be consulted by the highest power . 3. principles of faith intrinsecall extrinsecall , divine humane . 4. of divine authority proposed by men . 5. and the state of the question 'twixt protestants and papists . 6. when 't is sit to ●rest in humane authority . 2 cor. hom. 13. 7. no man may pin his faith of salvation upon another : proved by scripture and reason . rom. 4.3.10.17 . jo. 4.28 . mat. 15.9 . 1 thes 2.13 . 8. in matters not determined by scripture , more may be given to human judgement . 9. the prince must use his own judgement , especially where counsel louis doe not agrec . 10. an objection out of deut. answered . deut. 17.8 m● . 23.2 . deut. 17.12 . 11. another out of numb . 27. tit. 2.11 . 12. care must be had of the churches peace and unity . jo. 13 35. act. 4.32 . 13. cautiions and r●les conducing to unity . f●w decisions , in points of faith. 14. and those in in generall councils . 15. ecclesiasticall laws deliver'd in a persuasive way . 16. how top eserve unity in point of ceremonies . 17. highest powers need the ministry of others . 18. prudentiall rules have their exceptions : and whence . 19. the distinction of power absolute and ordinary , erroneous l. 3.d . de leg. 20. highest powers how far obliged to their own laws nov. 105. 1 cor. 6.12.23 . l. ●non omne . d. de reg . jur . pro rabir. 1. what we mean by synods . 2. no precept in scripture for synods . 3. their original not from act. 15. act. 15.3 . 4. but from the law of nature : with a distinction of the law of nature , absolute , after a sort ; 5. synods not from the law of nature absolute . 6. synods under the pagan emperours , by what right . act. 24.14 . 6. synods called by christian emperours . 8. three questions about synods . 9.1 . whether the h power may govern withour a synod . 10. the affirmative proved by examples . 11. three ends of synods : yet not necessary . counsell . consent . jarisdiction . 12. synods sometimes not usefull . 13. accusers may not be judges in a synod . 14. synods somtimes hurtsull . 1 cor. 3.13 phil. 3.15 . 15. what may serve in their stead . 16. o. her causes to deny synods , beside the generall corruption of religion . epist . 24. in 4. prac . loc . 5. 17. what is to be done , till 2 free councill may be called . 18 synods not cald without the highest power . 19. whetther the highest power may choose the synod-men . 20. the right of the primitive church . and the assembling of bishops . acts 15.2.12 . 21. the emperours encyclic letters to the metropolitans . 22. the highest power may elect pastors for the synod . proved by reason , and examples . 1 king. 22. 23. when the election is permitted to others , the highest power commands ●●●veri . 24. the h. power may judge in synod . 25. whetheir it be expedient or no , in person . 26. the highest powers present in synods by their deputies . 27. iii. what is the highest powers right after synod . the epicrisis : wherein is contain'd right to change , to adde , to take away . 28. an objection answered . d. quando appell . 28. the manner of giving the epicrisis , or finall judgement ; and of appeal . dio. 29. the epicrisis in parts of religion , as well as in the whole . 1. the severall acts of authority are legislation , jurisdiction , and another without speciall name . mat. 8.9 . 2. wherein is legislation . 3. it belongs to the highest power , about the whole body of publick religion . 4. answer to the objection of the change of religion . pro. 25.1 . 5. religion must not be brought in by the force of subjects . deut. 7.5 . 6. false & schismaticall worship , by the highest power , sometimes prohibited and punisht . 7. sometimes dissembled and regulated . 8. legislation in the parts of religion . 9. suppeslion of unprofitable questions , so●●m . 1.7 . c. 12 〈◊〉 cleric . d. de sum . ●●init . and of words not found in so pure , n●●●on de side . 10. the regulating of church mens conversation . novel . b.c. 11. in greg. 4. 11. lawes about things undetermined by divine law ; and that , beside the canons . 12. yet the canons are of use , in the making of lawes . 13. no legislative power belongs to the church by divine right . 14. y●t it may be granted by the law positive ; cumulatively , n●t●rivatively ; and not without subordination and dependence . come . tolet. 6. can . &c. 15. how kings have confessed themselves bound by canons . 16. the canons dispensed with by emperours . 1. examples hereof , even in the apostolicall . 1 tim. 3.6 . 1 tim. 5.9 . 17. divine lawes also moderat●d by equity . let ●● . 7.10 & 22. 1. jutisdiction about sacred things belongs to the highest power . 2. the effects of it are declared . ep. 3. v. 10 3. jurisdiction properly so called belongs not naturally to the pastors . 4. yet by law positive it belongd to them in some nations . cic. l. 4. ad attic. de●● . 17.8 . l. 3. devit . mos . 5. pastoral acts of divine right , which seeme to come neer to jurisdiction , and yet are distinct from it . 6. the apostolicall rod. 1 cor 4.21 2 cor. 13.10 . 10.6.13.2 . acts 4.13 . 1 tim. 1.20 . 1 cor. 5. acts 3.12 . 1 cor. 5.2 . gal. 5.12 . 7. the use of the keys . 8. prescription of the works of penance , by way of direction or persuasion . 9. nonexhibition of sacraments . 1 cor. 11.29 . 10. the churches acts of divine right , which seem to come neer jurisdiction , but yet are distinguisht ●om it . separation . epist . 68. jo. 10. rom. 16.17 . ti● . 3.2 thess . 3.6.14 . 2 tim. 3.6 . 1 cor. 5.9.13 1 tim. 6.6.12 . 1 cor. 5.12 . mat. 7.1.11 . canonical acts , superadded to the acts of divine right , and distinct frō ; them . cone . an cyr . can. 2. & 5. 1 tim. 5.19 . 12. jurisdiction granted to pastors by positive law. l. 5. ep. 32 nov. 89. cap. 9. i. 1. cod. de sent . pr. pr. l à procon . c. th. de appel . sancimus , cod. epill . cand. 13. the efficacy of his jurisdiction . 14. the jewes had the like granted them . l. generaliter . ff . de dicurr . 15. the accessories of excommunication . l. 6. de bel. gall. 16. all pastoral junisdiction properly so called flowes from the h. , power . 17. how far those pastoral acts may be used upon the supreme governour . of the use of the keyes . 18. under which pretence , cannot be excused seditious sermons , which are refelled by scripture , and the objections answered . 2. sam. 16.11 . 2 chron. 24.20 . mat. 18.17 . 2 cor. 2.6 . 1 tim. 5.20 . 1 tim. 5.1 . 19. all coaction of the highest powers unlawfull . 2 chr. 26.20 . 20. canonicall acts cannot be exercis'd against the highest power , without consent . ps . 1.51 . l. 〈…〉 21. how the pastor may satisfy his conscience . 22. what is the right of the highest power , about the fore said acts of pastors and churches . 1 3. cod. de ●pisc . & cl●ic . novel . 123 2 chron. 19.8 . & 11. 22. ecclesiasticall app●als depend on the highest power . 23. exercise of supreme jurisdiction by himself or others . can. 12. 24. the highest power may dispense with canonicall and legal penalties ; and judg whether excommunication bee just or no. 1. two perpetuall functions , of presbyte●s and deacons ; and their difference . c. 38.40.41 . c. 44. 2. these four distinguished , mandate . o dination . election , confirmation . 3. of ordination without a title . 4. ordination only by pastors , 1 tim. 5.22 . 5. the h. power hath authority over it . 2 chro. 29.3 . cap. 7. 6. right immutable , mutable . 7. how the election of pastors belongs to the church . 8. apostolical institutions subject to change . 9. deacons , but not pastors , elected by the people . 2 cor. 8.20 10 pastors in the apostles time elected by the holy spirit , and mathias the apostle . jo. 6.70.13.18 . acts 1.2 . gal. 1.1 . luke 10.1 . luke 10.2 . rom. 10.15 . 1 tim. 1.18 . acts 20. acts 1.23 , &c. 11. popular elections not proved by . acts 14.23 . til. 1.5 . 12. nor by the precept of avoyding false teachers . 13. the old way of trying pastors in the primitive church . 1 tim. 3.10 . pollu● . l. 8. can. 6. 14 cyprian doth not confirm , but everthrow popular election . 15. pastors oft chosen by the bishops , not by the people . can. 22. 16. the election of bishops by the clergy ; by the comprovincial , bishops . can. 4. can. 19. 17. mutab●lity in the man●er of election . 18. in elections the highest power hath a legislative right . l. 2. de episc . ord. & inflit. 19. and may it self make election , upon just cause . 20. this proved by reason ; 21. and by examples , in the state of naturall law ; and under the moisaicall . 1 reg. 13.31 . aug. in ps . 44. 22. examples of the roman emperours , and of the kings of france . 23. objections answer'd . 24. of investitures , by them is meant the collation of bishopricks . l. 5. c. 30. 25. examples of the kings of england . 26. pastors as well as bishops may be elected by the highest power . 27. examples hereof . loc. com. de elect. 28. the objection from the abuse of right , answered . rainold . 187. 29. the canons and fathers answered . 30. touching the right of pagan kings . 1 cor. 6.1 . 31. the best manner of election . arist eth. 9.14 . 32. the right of rescinding elections reserved stil to the h. power . 33. and of exauctorating pastors , if need be . 34. although chosen by others . 1. things necessary to be distingu●sh● 〈◊〉 ●ot necessary . 3. of bishops and lay-elders . 3 the word shop● plain here ●●ken so the o●●sver ●●stors . 4 bishops not against gods word . mat. 20.26 . mar. 10.44 . jo. 13.13 , 14. ad fabiol . eph. 4.11 . 5. bishops alwaies in the catholick church . 6. bishops in the time of the aposties . 7. bishops allowed by the word of god. act. 20.17 , 18. colloq . cum harto , c. 8. s. 8. a place of ambrose examin'd . l● . 1.8 . justin . nov. 123. 9. timothy and titus were bishops . actione 11 act. 18.11 . 10. bishops stiled angels , apostles , presidents . 11. patterns of bishops in the natural law , in the mosaical , but most probably the rulers of synagogues . lu. 8.41 . acts 13.15 . jerem. 19.1 . l. ult . cod. theod. de jud. 12. bishops of great use to the church . 13. bishops are not by divine command . epist . 19. 14. not alwaies one bishop in every city . acts 6.9.18.8.17 . epist . ad annoch . 15. in whom is the right o● ordination . 16. for what reasons bishops were laid by in some churches . de minister . ●vang . grad . cap. 23. 17. lay-elders , none in the apostolicall ●ime . 18. all the antients by presbyters understand only pastors . the ambigu●ty of the word seniors and elders . 19. the penitentiary presby●er . de peniten● . 1.6.2 . 20. pastors may be call'd priests . is . 66.21 . 21. who are the seniors in tertullian . 22. why the antient bishops used to consult with the church . acts 6.2 . acts 21.22 . 2 cor. 2.6 . serm. 19. de verb. dom. 23. who are the seniors in the suppositious ambrose . 1 tim. 5. cap. 10.17 . 24. liberty to interpret scripture in the synagogue . 25. and in the antient church : with the d●fference nov. 133. cap. 2. 26. lay-elders , or assessors , not commanded by god. 27. mat. 18.17 . explained : and the difference 'twixt the synedry and the consistoty . mat. 11.19 . mar. 11.15 . 28. lay. elders not spoken of in , the new testament . 1 tim. 5.1 . 29. why pastors were call'd elders by the apostles . 30. the church of christ compared with the judaicall kingdom . 31. the office of elders in the new testament . acts 20.28 . jac. 5.14 . 1 pet. 5.1 . 32. an answer to the only place , 2 tim. 5.17 . 1 tim. 5.3 . 1 cor. 9.7 . &c. dent. 25.4 . ad mat. 11. 2 cor. 6.5 . 11.27 . apoc. 2.2 . 1 thes . 5.12.13 . 33. other places need no answer . rom. 12.8 . 1 cor. 12.28 . 34. the highest power , or the church might lawfully institute lay elders 35. this institution not displeasing to god proved by scripture . 2 chron. 19.11 . 2 cor. 8.19 phil. 2.22 . 2 cor. 8.20 . acts 19.2 . 36. examples in the antient church drawing toward it . novel . 56. conc. cha●c can . 76. tit. 3.4 . 37. the english church-wardens not much , unlike the adsessors . 38. the adsessors be of good use . 39. yet with cer●ain cau●ions . 40. the genevian election of adsessors . 1. the h. power hath need of vicars in spirituals . 2. what authority may be committed to inferiours , by the highest power . 3. liberty of religion tolerated sometimes 4. vicars are either substitutes or delegates . 5. bishops substituted , and cleriks . 6. pastors and lay-men joyned . nov. 17. c. 11. 7. sometimes lay-men alone 8. the right of lay-patrons antient , and derived from the regall . nov. 123 . c . 18. novel . 157. 9. benefices not the popes patrimony . covar . p. 2 relig. c. poss . sect. 10. duar. 1. 3. de minist . cap. 11. 10. the custome of holland cap. nobis de jur. patr . ex d. c. nob . ad cap. 1. sess . 5. syn. t●id . 11. all patronages subject to the highest power . 12. inferior powers have no command by divine right . 13. and little is to be given them by the highest , in sacred things . 14. none at all unlesse they be orthodox . the transproser rehears'd, or, the fifth act of mr. bayes's play being a postscript to the animadversions on the preface to bishop bramhall's vindication, &c. : shewing what grounds there are of fears and jealousies of popery. leigh, richard 1649 or 50-1728. 1673 approx. 195 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 76 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47635 wing l1020 estc r20370 12609938 ocm 12609938 64322 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47635) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64322) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 963:9) the transproser rehears'd, or, the fifth act of mr. bayes's play being a postscript to the animadversions on the preface to bishop bramhall's vindication, &c. : shewing what grounds there are of fears and jealousies of popery. leigh, richard 1649 or 50-1728. [2], 149 p. printed for the assignes of hugo grotius and jacob van harmine ..., oxford : 1673. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, newyork. a satirical reply to andrew marvell's "the rehearsal transpros'd" (1672) and a defense of samuel parker's preface to "bishop bramhall's vindication of himself and the episcopal clergy" (1672). errata: p. 149. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng marvell, andrew, 1621-1678. -rehearsal transpros'd. bramhall, john, 1594-1663. -bishop bramhall's vindication of himself and the episcopal clergy. parker, samuel, 1640-1688. catholic church -controversial literature. church and state -great britain. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-01 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the transproser rehears'd : or the fifth act of mr. bayes's play . being a postscript to the animadversions on the preface to bishop bramhall's vindication , &c. shewing what grounds there are of fears and iealousies of popery . oxford , printed for the assignes of hugo grotius , and iacob van harmine , on the north-side of the lake lemane . 1673. a postscript to the animadversions upon the preface to bishop bramhalls vindication . the author of the animad-versions upon the preface to bishop bramhalls vindication , &c. ( if it be not too great a favour to call him an author that writes a book upon a preface ) having posted up a play-bill for the title of his book : and here by the way , we cannot but congratulate his honourable employ , and question not but to hear of his being prefer'd from writing of bills for the play-houses to penning of advertisements for the stage-coaches and bills for the pox , and after a proficiency therein , to be admitted upon the next vacancy , to form draughts for the arithmetick and short-hand-men , and frame tickets for the rope-dancers and the royall-sport of cock-fighting , that so he may arrive in a short time to be author of most of those ingenious labours which curious readers admire at passing times in their passage between white-hall and temple-bar . i say , this great author ( of play-bills ) having in conformity to his promising title transposed the rehearsal , or at least all of mr. bayes his play extant , four acts. i thought it was great pitty so facetious and comical a work should remain incompleat , and therefore i have continued it on , and added the fifth , the argument of which , and its dependance on the other four , i shall give you an account of after a preliminary examination of the characters and plot in our authors transpos'd rehearsal . but before i proceed to either of these , it will not be unnecessary to consider on what bottom he has erected his animad-versions , and this i find to be no other then the preface to bishop bramhalls vindication , which is as much as to say , here is a house wrought out of a portal . 't is pretty i confess , and exceeds the power of common architects . but what follows is more strange , that 100. pages ( the preface is no more by his computation ) should be foundation sufficient enough to support his mighty paper-building of 326. now 't is very probable , that which gave the principal hint to our authors rehearsal transpros'd , was the near accord he observes betwixt the preface and mr. bayes his prologue , p. 14. and here , i cannot but applaud his admirable dexterity that could extract four acts of a farce , from a single prologue , but such is the singular felicity of some animadverters , ( and of ours amongst the rest ) in their illustrating of authors , that they have heighten'd and refin'd some of their notions , not only above all others , but above even the intentions of the dull authors themselves ; a rare art ! and followed so well by some of our translators of french farce , that some of them have been luckily mistaken for authors . for instance , the writer of the preface had said , he could not tell which way his mind would work it self and its thoughts ; now this our improver of verity , according to his peculiar excellence , p. 12. resolves into prince volscius his debate betwixt love and honour , and tells you more of the authors mind in verse , than he could do himself in prose . and this feat is perform'd by no other magick then regula duplex , turning prose into verse , and verse into prose alternativà . see what m●racles men of art can do by transversing prefaces , and transprosing playes . but to go on with our prologue , ( so the a imadverter will warrant me now to ●●ll the preface ) our critick hath found a 〈◊〉 in it , and what 's that ? it has no plot. 〈◊〉 , ● p●●logue without a plot ! it is impossible , ti● a cross-graind objection this , 〈◊〉 not easily evaded , had not our cri●●laid mock-apologist and answered 〈◊〉 , p. 11. the intrigue was out of his head , which is very civil i gad . another weighty exception against o●r p●ologue is , that it is written in a stile , part play-book , and part romance , p. 22. ( which of these two is gazett , for that the animadverter says , is our authors magazine . ) this is more unpardonable than the former ; for what can be a higher indeco●um than a prologue written in play-book stile . but that we may the better understand the pertinenc● of this remarque , we must desire the reader to observe , that the writer of the preface had said , that the church of ireland was the largest ●cene of the bishops actions . now it will go very hard , but this passage will be condemn'd for one guilty word or two ; for histories are playes without scenes , and without action ; and these two words being neither of the historians profession , nor divines : the bishops historian must of necessity be cast , unlesse he have any hopes of benefit of clergy ; however we hope before sentence be past , the animadverter will inform us , what words are of the clergy , and what of the layity , which in holy orders and which not ; and then their several divisions , which catholick , and which schismatical ; and amongst them , which classical , congregational , and of inferiour sects ; whethàr for church of ireland he would read congregation , for scene , diocess or pulpit , and for actions , spiritual exercises or labours . but if at last the animadverter intend by play-book-stile , whatever is written above the common elevation , unlesse he would have the priest and the poet write in two distinct languages ; i see no reason to allow him , that the priest should make use of a less refin'd and polisht stile than the poet. if after all this any one should be so impenitently inquisitive , as to demand a reason why our prologue critick would have a prologue with a plot , and not written in play-book-stile , he will answer him , no doubt , because 't is new. from the prologue , pass we to the rehearsal transpros'd , in which the characters , the action , and the humour offer themselves to our consideration . the principal person concerned in this farce is mr. bays , whom our transproser makes to be of the same character with the writer of the preface ; for which he alledges these following reasons , pag. 15 , 16. first , because he hath no name , or at least will not own it ( good. ) secondly , because he is i perceive a lover of elegancy of stile , and can endure no mans tautologies but his own ; ( good again ) and therefore , i would not distaste him with too frequent repetition of one word , ( very good i-faith . ) but chiefly because mr. bays , and he do very much symbolize in their understandings , in their expressions , in their humours , in their contempt and quarrelling of all others ( and all that ) though of their own profession . then less chiefly , because our divine , the author , manages his contest with the same prudence and civility which the players and poets have practised of late in their several divisions ( there 's a bob for the play-house . and lastly , because both their talents do peculiarly lye in exposing and personating the non-conformists . ( i gad sir , and there you have nickt the present juncture of affairs . ) to all these reasons , our farce-monger might have added another , which is a non pareillo , namely , that which mr. bays returned when it was demanded of him , why in his grand show ( grander than that in harry the viii . ) two of the cardinals were in hats , and two in caps , because — by gad i won't tell you , which after a pause , is a reason beyond all exception . now though the foregoing paralell betwixt ecclesiastical mr. bays , & mr. bays in the rehearsal be so exact , that it were hard to distinguish betwixt mr. bays , and mr. bayes , had not one writ a preface , and the other a play ; yet because in the nearest resemblances of twins , 't is not impossible to trace some marks of distinction and house-wives there have been upon record , so expert , as to discern a difference even in eggs , so as they never mistook one ▪ for another ; we shall endeavour to shew , that these two are not so alike , but that they are as unlike too ; nay most unlike in their nearest resemblances . first , then our trans-proser craves leave to call the writer of the preface mr. bays , because he hath no name , or a least , will not own it ; from whence we may infer , that every anonymus author may be as well call'd mr. bays , as this writer . and what may we then think of the gentleman himself , who would be gossip to all the nameless off-springs of the press , and yet has not fathered his own bastard ; but let him learn to christen his own brat first , before he gives nick-names to others ; for who can endure that he should undertake , as godfather , for anothers child , that leaves his own to the parish ; had not his brain been delivered of this by-blow , without the midwisery of an imprimatur ; the printer and the stationer at least , would have appear'd as sureties for the childs behaviour , and the issue might have been judg'd legitimate , though the father were not publickly known . but now that the infant has crept into the world without a lawfull father , without gossips , nay , without a name ( or what is all one , without a name of its own ) we cannot but expostulate with fate ; as prince pretty-man much upon the like occasion . was ever child yet brought to such distress ! to be , for being a child , made fatherless . though every nurse can readily point to daddy 's eyes and mouth , in the little babies face , as if the dapper stripling were to be heir to all the fathers features ; and a dimple , or a mole , if hereditary , were better titles to an inheritance , than deeds and evidences . yet none certainly was ever born with fairer marks than this . for it is stigmatiz'd in the fore-head , and bears in the front the legible characters of well-meaning zealot . and thus much in consideration of the first reason , that induc'd the animadyerter to call the writer of the preface mr. bayes , because he hath no name : for which reason he might as well have cal'd him bayes anonymus in imitation of miltons learned bull ( for that bulls in latin are learned ones , none will deny ) who in his answer to salmasius , calls him claudius anonymus . the second reason is , because he would avoid tautologies and distastefull repetitions of one word ; and to avoid this , he has taken a sure course ; for since his own invention could not supply him with variety of names , he has run over the dramatis personae of the rehearsal ; and because mr. bays alone was not sufficient for his purpose , he has made bold with mr. thunderer , draw-can-sir , and prince volscius . these titles he has confer'd on our author in consideration of his dignity , as he is a clergy-man of honour . but chiefly ( as he goes on ) because mr. bayes and he symbolize in their understandings , in their expressions , in their humour , in their contempt and quarrelling of all others , though of their own profession . now because these with their subsequent train of reasons [ because that players and he manage their contests with the same prudence and civility , and both their talents lie in personating and exposing the nonconformists ] seem to make the most pompous shew of all the rest , ( for the precedent ones conclude nothing , why he should be call'd mr. bays more then any other name ) yetas you will easily discover , this pomp is far from a triumph , and not less ignoble then cardinal campejus his pageantry , whose mules under glorious trappings , and rich foot cloaths , carryed such disgraceful lumber , as is not usually conceal'd in carriers packs . 1. then as to their symbolizing in their humour & expressions , mr. bays you know , prefers that one quality of fighting single with whole armies , before all the moral vertues put together ; and not with standing whatever the peaceable morallist says to the contrary , allows fortitude the precedency of the red-hatted virtues , & that fortitude wch consists in conquering , not in suffering , ( for these two differ one from another more then mr. bayes his two cardinals in hats , from those two in caps ) whereas the bishops historian gives the palm to innocence , innocence which is no less a stranger to the use of swords and guns then the naked indian ! this and an untainted reputation were the bishops armour . your weapons of offence , and your good old fox you would have girt him with , you might have reserv'd for some of your pulpit-officers , who made less use of the sword of the spirit when they fought under the banner of the lord of hosts , ( so they call'd the earl of essex ) . again mr. bayes places most of his art in the various representations of battles , and in entertaining your eye with encounters betwixt the great hobby-horses and the foot , or your ear with the battle in recitativo ( which resembles not a little your troops singing of psalms in their marches ) nay he gives it as one of the greatest elogiums to his play , that it shal drum , trumpet , shout & battle , i gad , with any of the most warlike tragedies ancient or modern . but in the bishops panegyrick , we hear of nothing but the softer sounds of peace , and a happy composure of those divisions which have too truly made the catholick church militant : an union , or at least an accommodation , between the churches of christendom , was one of those glorious enterprises , and great designs , which the bishops active and sprightly mind was butied in ; and for such enterprises and attempts ( mr. bayes , and you call nothing enterprising , but going to fifty-cuffs with armies ) you enviously compare him to the bishops of munster , strasbonrg and colen , and might with as much shew of reason to the three kings of colen , and that had been majestick indeed , ay and greater to the ear then the two kings of brainford , for that had been three kings of one place . but then the animadverter adds , because they symbolize in their contempt and quarrelling of all others , though of their own profession . the bishops panegyrist , 't is true has exprest some contempt , and not unjustly of the army-divines , and of such as were admir'd by the elue and white apron'd auditories ; but this will not amount to scandalum magnatum . nor can i conceive that every cashierd red-coat once listed for a levite , or every broken shop-keeper made free of the preaching-trade , without serving a just apprenticeship in it , has a title to a profession so sacred as our writers is , and except only this unconsecrate lay-clergy , these reverend divines of the shop and the camp , i know of none that the author of ecclesiastical policy quarrels with . the next reason is , because our divine the author , manages his contest with the same prudence and civility which the poets and players have practised of late in their several divisions . here it is with the same civility , and yet in the very next page he tells us , that mr. bayes is more civil then to say , villain and caitiff , and yet these are not so tuant as malapert chaplain , buffoon-general ( and because it is an accomplishment to rail in more languages then one ) opprobrium academiae and pestis ecclesiae . the last is , because both their talents do peculiarly lie in exposing and personating the nonconformists . and who so fit to be brought upon the stage as the pulpit-players , and those religious mimicks that personated the gravity of divines without their habits . whom can our theatres more deservedly expose , then those that turn'd the church into one . eccleastiques of the sock and buskin ! to deny that they were actors , were to question nature that gave them vizors for faces . certainly lacys best grimaces were never so artificial as the squints of a humiliation saint , and mr. scruple in the pulpit has mov'd more to laughter then on the stage . such has been the good fortune of your eminent preachers , that their sermons have been acted with the same applause at the theatre , which they have had in the church , and been at the same time diversion to the court , and edification to the saints . but yet what the play-house gives us , is but repetition of their excellent notes , and we must confess , ananias and tribulation are copies short of their originals . the exploits of a thanksgiving-romance have far exceeded the boldest of our heroick-plays , and no farce yet was ever comparable to one with doctrines and vses . we have been somewhat the larger in the examination of this character , because our farce-poet ( in imitation of the french no donbt ) has made but one person considerable in his play , and the rest as it were , but attendants on him ; for besides mr. bayes his part , we have only thunder and lightning , prince volscius and draw-can-sir transpros'd , and what is most observable here , is the fixing the characters so , that one man may act any of these parts , nay one man may act them altogether ; for the writer of the preface is to present mr. bayes , draw-can-sir , prince volscius , and thunder and lightning all at one and the same time . a notable and compendious peice of wit indeed ; for by this means we have a whole play acted by one man , and if our clergy-man under the notion of pluralist , may present five several persons , why not ten , twenty , thirty , and so on till he represent an army in disguise , and by degrees at last the whole church militant , ( that 's greater than a single army ) now if seculars be invested with the like power of representing pluralities , one man may go for the representative , not only of one shire , but of all england , and by consequence a single burgess may sit for the whole parliament ( this you may call a parliament individuum to match it with your synodical individuum . ) but this it seems is the new way of acting ; first the gentleman claps a pair of boots on the clergy-mans legs , and so he personates prince volscius , and is sent on a journey to knights-bridge ( though perhaps you 'l hear by and by , he is not gone neither ) anon he arms him with sir solomons sword , and then he is the ecclesiastical draw-can-sir ( you forget that wearing a sword is against the canons ) and after this had he planted a ruffe upon his neck , under that he might have quarter'd an army incognito ; unless that this army might better lye encamp'd in his collar of fortifications sheerness , innerness , &c. ( which he has hung about our authors neck for a collar of nesses . ) this i must confess is more magnificent , because it represents the army , and their trenches too . thus it is but acting a different dress and equipage , and the same man is a riding prince , a heroe , and an army in masquerade , in his booted capacity he is prince volscius , in his sworded draw-can-sir , a pair of buskins thus may personate a whole tragedy , and a single sock a comedy . but this notable art of summing up an army in one man , the gentleman no doubt has learnt from the schools , which tell us , that from a muster of peter and paul , and several individuals , we come to frame a character of bulky vniversals ; and if so , that one man in different capacities may act severall persons ; no question but in many more , he may personate mankind ( which in the malmsbury stile is but artificial man ) for so great a latitude is there in this way of representation by symbols , and hieroglyphical signatures ; that not only every variation of dress , but every change of posture alters the property of the actor , better than a p●rriwig or a false beard . thus the philosophers have wisely taught us to distinguish betwixt peter standing , and peter sitting ; and the transposer of the rehearsal without all controversie will allow us , that the same man that sitting in a chair , and pulling on one boot , personates prince volscius , may , when he is prostrate on the ground , present prince pretty-man intranc'd . now having had our geneva jigg , let us advance to our more serious councils . first then , after beating up of the pulpit-drums through the ecclesiastical camp , draw-can-sir ( an army in himself ) enters the lists against hungaria , transylvania , bohemia , poland , savoy , france , the netherlands , denmark , sweden , and all scotland , ( for these , besides many more , he encounters in the disguise of germany and geneva ) and to avoid the dull prolixity of relations of squadrons here , and squadrons there , their forces rang'd in battalia , their cannon plac'd , the charge sounded , and the alarm given . advance from lambeth with the curiasiers . at the very same instant these reply , the band you boast of , lambeth curiasiers , shall in geneva pikes now meet their peers . draw down from dort the spiritual mijn heer 's to joyn with the bohemian musqueteers . let the left wing of zurick foot advance , and line that bramble hedge , th' hugonot horse we rais'd in france shall try their chance , and scour the meadows avergrown with sedge . while our blue brethren of the tweed shall guard the lake , if there he need , secure our trouts , and save their breed . this , now , is not improper i think , because the reader knows all these towns and territories , and may easily conceive them to be under the spiritual jurisdiction of iohn calvin , iohn huss , iohn kn●x , zuinglius , and the hogen mogen clergy . and thus far in imitation of mr. bayes his singing-battel , and though his way of fighting in recitativo is very pretty , yet , if this were represented with bag-pipes ( instead of lutes ) and sung to the tune of a psalm , i think , you would grant it a little better . but if this representation of a battle won't do , transprosing bayes ( for all this is but a scene deriv'd with a little alteration from his rehearsal , as you may see p. 42. 43. 188. 202. 203. of his play-book ) has contriv'd it the other way too , and here , if i am not mistaken , you will have fighting enough . you must imagine then after a terrible sea-fight pass'd betwixt draw-can-sir , ( who single mannes a navy ) & an armada of new-england divines ( conceal'd in a fleet of colliers ) and many a broad-side of one whole gun fir'd ; a desperate land-sight to ensue between the same numerous draw-can-sir , and the congregational forces of the swiss , scotch , french , dutch , bohemian , and genevois ; in this fray many a monsievr huguonot falls to the ground , many a geneva doctor loses his ruff , and many a scotch kirkman his blue bonnet : here lies an ecclesiastical butter-box frying in his own grease , and there a brawny swiss divine , ( stript of his red and yellow breeches ) weltring in gore with a plump bohemian ; to contract , the nonconformists bad need desire a truce to bury their dead nay , there are none left alive to desire it : but they are slain every mothers son of them : and now that draw-can-sir , striding over the dead army , and brandishing his sword , had proclaimed his triumph , i kill whole nations , i slay both friend and foe , and you would expect that he had hector'd and achilliz'd em all out of the pit , and routed them beyond the delivery of a thanksgiving ; mr. bayes , to surprize you in the very nick , tells you , that they are but stounded perhaps , and may revive again . mr. bayes had no sooner spoke the word , rise , sirs , and go about your business ; but all on a sudden , up they get , horse and foot , some upon their leggs , and some upon none , and away . there 's ago off for you , this can be a miracle to none that have heard of a certaine note , that mr. bayes has made in effaut flat . some critical people there were , that took the liberty the other day , to examin your romantick tales , and one amongst the rest , who could not chuse but deplore the sad sate of the nonconformists that were forc'd to follow the wheels of draw-can-sirs chariot , was very curious to know why whole nations , as hungaria , transylvania , bohemia , &c. would suffer this hero to use them so scurvily . phoo ! reply'd a friend of the transprosers , that is to raise the character of those nations ; for they were such as triumphed in their being knockt o th' head ; an army of martyrs , provided with no other armes then prayers and tears ; and what defence could these be against a hard harted infidel , that without respect to law , justice , or numbers , would put them all to the sword , beging on their bare knees for quarter ? one of the company would not let that pass so , but told us , that prayers and tears were a sort of weapons anciently in use among the primitive christians , before bows and arrows came up , but unknown to the moderns for this many years , as much as any of pancirollus lost inventions ; slighted they were at first 't is thought , because they were not for dispatch ; for a good murdering cannon does more execution in one hours time , then prayers and tears use to do in many ages : the german churches therefore , and some of their neighbours , found a certain composition of nitre and charcoal , more necessary for the carrying on their reformation then all the antiquated artillery of the ancient christians . captain zuinglius , and iohn calvin , converted more with swords and guns , then with their sweaty preaching , and these are the powerful armes they have bequeathed to all their followers in transylvania , hungary , bohemia , poland , savoy , france , the netherlands , denmark , sweden , scotland , geneva and germany . but this increases my wonder , sayd his next neighbour , that draw-can-sir , unless he were inchanted and cannon-proof , should with his single arm defeat so vast an army , and so well appointed ! ay , reply'd he that spoke last , but he defeated only geneva and germany , and the other ten nations virtually and inclusively . but is it possible answer'd another , that the greater should be included in the less , and that an army compacted of ten different nations should be drawn out of geneva and germany . alack , alack , said i , that was upon the moderating part , you must conceive sir , this is elevate , this is the new may of writing , for the hungarians , transylvanians , bohemians , poles , savoyards , french , netherlanders , danes , swedes , and all the scots , lay concealed in geneva and germany . but is not this , says one , a thing somewhat difficult to keep this spiritual army thus conceal'd ? not at all , answers another , to continue on the mirth , if they made the german and geneva hosts their friends . but this we took fora play-conceit ill transpros'd . some therefore there were that spoke of the unhoopable tun of heidelberg , some of sir politick's comprehensive tortoise , and some of sir iohn falstaff's more capacious buck-basket : in short , after many reasonings and debates , while some said one thing , some another , a gentleman in the conclusion , to put a period to the descourse , told us , that wesiphalia in germany bred a number of very large hoggs , and the greater part of those being but ratt-divines , might be stow'd in the fair quarters of their bacon-buttocks , as commodiously as that army of ratts engammon'd in the fat hanches of the arcadian sow ; and with this pleasant solution the company was dismist well satisfied . now sir , after this , the reader may judge , how largely the rehearsal has contributed to your controversial adventures , & the knight-errantry of your faith ; for to recapitulate . pag. 42 , 43. you sum up a whole battell in two representatives , so lively , that any one would swear , not only ten thousand men , but ten armies , and more , were at it , realley engag'd : for besides hungary , transilvania , &c. many more , which for brevity , you omit ( as the churches of new atlantis and vtopia ) are included under germany , and geneva ( that is virtually as maggots in filberds . ) nay , what is more monstrous yet , the united armies of ten nations , ( like falstaffe's buckram-men ) have started out of three ; for the six first , hungary , transilvania , bohemia , poland , savoy , france , fight under the standard of the roman-church ; and scotland under the english , and only sweden , denmark and the netherlands ( that sounds more pompous than the 7. provinces ) have listed themselves under germany and geneva . this is one of your bold strokes ; another is p. 188. when you have rang'd all your forces in battle , when you have plac'd your canon , when you have sounded a charge and given the word to fall upon the whole party ; if you could then perswade every particular person of them , that you gave him no provocation ; i confess this were an excellent , and a new way of your inventing , to conquer single , whole armies . to see the superfetatious miracles of art here in the accumulative vertues of a single hero ! he ranges his multiply'd self ( horse and foot ) in battell array , he places all his cannon ( with fewer hands than briareus by 98. ) and in the same breath , sounds a charge ( with as many trumpets as mouths ) and gives the signal to himself to fall on ; this you may boldly challenge for your non ultra , it is as high as you can go . so , now come in thunder and lightning , that is , the bishops historian in those two shapes ; and this way of making one person represent a dialogue between two , is very artificial indeed , yet this is perform'd with a little alteration of the voyce ( for besides the diversity of dress and posture , that of the tone and accent is no less considerable in an actors representation of many persons at one and the same time ) 't is but ratling in a big and hoarse voyce , i am the bold thunder ; then squeaking in a shrill and tender , the brisk lightning i , and the business is done ; this now if you mark it , is extraordinary fine , and very applicable to the bishops historian ; for he saith , some that pretend a great interest in the holy brotherhood descry popery in every common and usual chance ; a chimney cannot take fire in the city , or suburbs , but they are immediately crying iesuits and fire-balls . now what does our transproser do , but transverse this thus , i strike men down . i fire the town . where , by the way , it is a marvel our author , when he call'd his book , the rehearsal transpros'd , forgot to add , the preface to bishop bramhall's vindication transvers'd , that double elegancy would have been as pretty as two flowers growing on one stalk . and this i mention the rather , because i sind he is a profest critick in titles , for pag. 308 , 309. observing , by chance , the title age of this book . a rationale upon the book of common-prayer , of the church of england , by a. sparrow , d. d. bishop of exon. with the forme of consecration of a church or chappel , and of the place of christian burial ; by lancelot andrews , late lord bishop of winchester ; sold by robert pawlet , at the sign of the bible ( one would have thought that sign might have atton'd for all ) in chancery-lane . this he tells us , was an emblem how much some of them neglected the scripture , in respect to their darling ceremonies : so that the animadverter cannot be better employed next , than in writing another book of animadversions upon title-pages . and because it is a task so agreeable to his genius , i could wish , if all other preferments fail , the gentleman might be advanced to the office of title-licenser , ( then robert pawlet and iames collins might shut up their shops , for any trading in rationales , or ecclesiastical policies ) and if he shall appear sufficiently qualified to discharge this trust ; i would have him removed next ( or if he please , translated ) to the greater dignity of revising prefaces , if he be not averse from that , because prefaces , as well as epistles dedicatory , fell under the inspection of arch-bishop laud. but seriously had not our author entituled his pamphlet , the rehearsal transpros'd , we could have given it a more express name ( unless there be some mystery more than ordinary , couch'd in the word transpros'd ) which is the rehearsal transscrib'd , for in transcribing more verses of the rehearsal , than he hath transpros'd , his play-observations seem rather to have answer'd the latter title . besides his verses before cited , pag. 170. of his animadversions . i strike men down . i fire the town . pag. 62. he has hal'd in the two last verses of the song , which the two kings of brainford sing , descending in the clouds : for a couplet in a song gives a better ragoust to a controversial discourse , then bacon to an olio , or st. au●tin to a sermon . pag. 12. his animadversion on these words of the writer , he knows not which way his mind will work it self , and its thoughts amounts to no more than this ; that our clergy-man was taken violently with a fit of love and honour , and being sick of prince volscius his disease , there was no other cure , but this charm , go on , cries honour , tender love says , nay : honour aloud commands , pluck both boots on . but safer love does whisper , put on none . and though the writer protested he was neither prophet nor astrologer enough to foretell what he would do ; the animadverter ( being both ) tells us it is precisely , for as bright day with black approach of night contending , makes a doubtfull puzzling light. so does my honour , and my love together puzzle me so , i am resolv'd on neither . though the verses come in to no more purpose then one of bayes his similes . again , for bayes his verses will serve for all occasions , as well as his prologue , for all plays , pag. 202. he has borrowed these from the singing battle . villain , thou lyest , — — arm , arm , valerio arm , the lye no flesh can bear i trow . if mr. bayes ( as you tell us , pag. 17. ) was more civil then to say villain , he might have taught his actors better manners . all these , ( besides the two last verses of the event of the battle ) you have diligently collected , and for the most part faithfully transcribed , unless in these last recited , where for gonsalvo in the rehearsal , you have put in valerio , and by the alteration of that one word , have made it your own , just so mr. bayes us'd to do with many a good notion in montaign and seneca's tragedies : yet though your title promise us so fairly , you have not transpros'd three whole verses in all your book . but be it the rehearsal transpros'd , or transcrib'd , or if you will , reprinted , for your pamphlet is little else but a second edition of that play , and mr. hales his tract of schism : though methinks you might have so much studied the readers diversion , and your own , as to have exercised your happy talent of rhyming , in transversing the treatise of schism , and for the titles dear sake you might have made all the verses rung ism in their several changes . i dare assure you sir , the work would have been more gratefully accepted than donns poems turn'd into dutch , but what talk i of that , then prynnes mount orguil , or milton's paradise lost in blank verse . but as it is , you give us quotations of whole books , like him who wrote zabarella quite out from the beginning to the end , professing it was so good he could leave none behind ( how like is this to our transcriber , yet whatsoever i omit , i shall have left behind more material passages , before his edition of hales , p. 176. ) it is no absurdity now to say , your text is all margent , and not only all your dishes , but your garnish too is pork . and thus much for your regula duplex , changing prose into verse , and verse into prose , that 's your first rule . your second rule , is the rule of observation or record , by way of table-book . as thus , in my observation ( say you p. 168. ) if we meet with an argument in the streets , ( an argument ! how civil that is for a brawl , so modest , so gent ! ) both men , women & boys , that are the auditory , ( that 's well , but congregation would have bin better ) do usually give it on the modester side ; and conclude , that he that rails most , has the least reason . very subtilly concluded by our observer , the boys , and the women ! now i had thought that in a controversie betwixt the oyster-women and the opponent tankard-bearers , the cause had ever been carried with confidence & noise , and that the rabble adjudg'd the victory on their side , who manag'd the dispute with the greatest clamour and violence , prosecuting the baffled scold , that is the modester , with stones & hooting . but i will allow our authors experience in the rabble-affairs to be greater , as having been a frequent & assiduous spectator of these little broyles of the rascality . he has told us where to find the contemplative man , at the head of a troop of boyes and women , in the corner of a street , his table-book out , and his hand and eyes very busie in remarking the petty disorders of a riot . this is his diary , in which our small historian registers the proceedings of every suburb tumult ; in this he summs up all the billinsgate debates and conferences . 't is his scolding common-place-book , which acquaints him with all the moods and figures of railing ; here he has all the terms of that art which smectimnuus , marchmont needham , i. milton , or any other of the professors ever thought of , for there is a certain form & method in this as well as all other arts ; but yet , our author being a well-wisher to the railers , to encourage those that have any inclination this way , to improve that faculty , assures them . pag. 261. that the secret is not great , nor the process long or difficult , if a man would study it ( and though in other things your knowledge may be above his , you may believe him in this , he hath made it his business ) every scold hath it naturally . it is but crying whore first , and having the last word . next he instructs his pupil in the several kinds of railing ; for besides the common scurrilous way of calling men buffoons , brokers , &c. p. 270. pag. 106. in which he is so expert , that i am confident , that fellow in plutarch , that busied himself to find out how many several ways the letters in the alphabet might be rang'd , tranpos'd & alter'd , could not invent more changes of the letters , than he has in instructing them to scold ; there is yet another by which dumb men may be taught to rail , that is by signs , ( for there is a language of the hand and head. ) this is pag. 160. where he tells us of an incorrigible scold , that though she was duck'd over head and ears under water , yet ●tretch'd up her hands , with her two thumb-nails in the nit-cracking posture , or with two fingers divari●ated , to call the man still in that language , lowsy rascal , and cuckold : it is a pretty tale , i confess , but so miserably foisted in , that whoever will consult the fore-cited page , cannot but allow with me , that our disputant is better capacitated to maintain an argument ( in his own phrase ) with a rude bustling carrman , or a porter in the street , then with an ecclesiastical politician . but to follow our street-walker with a full cry of boys and women at his heels , ( he wants only the fiddles to make up the frolick ) marching in state with his retinue through lincalns-inne-fields to ●haring-cross , after a sober remark or two , according to his wonted formality , on the boys whipping their giggs , and the lacqueys playing at the wheel of fortune , p. 206. he casts his eye sometimes upon the book-sellers stalls , and sometimes upon the wall ; and gazing at last with admimiration at a preface , shewing what grounds there are for fears and jealousies of popery : after a solemn pause and profound silence , having spit twice , he turns him round to his auditory , ( the white aprons , and the boys ) and with a grave nod , pointing to the preface , see here ( says he ) is one of the dutiful sons of the church , that has writ a preface , shewing what grounds there are , &c. when he knows as well as i , or any of you , i marry does he , that there are no grounds at all , and therefore if he would have said any thing to the purpose , it should have been rather , a preface , shewing the causelesnesse of the fears and iealousies of popery , at which the rout shouting victoria , victoria , the gentleman big with wonder at his lucky hit , turns to the wall , ( as the privy-councellor in montaigne on the like occasion ) and pissing , cries , not unto us , o lord , not unto us , but unto thy name give the glory ; then having damn'd the rationales , as he pass'd along , he slips into a coffee-house , leaving the rabble to the following adventures of the day . here , placing himself at the tables-end , and calling for a dish of coffee , which no sooner brought , but after a short grace , drunk up ; he exalts his superciliums , and vexes his formal beard , to make his face look like the turks in the bottome of the dish , ( for by that glass the sages lean to dress themselves in their oracular looks ) insomuch that the coffee-boy , who had all this while intentively observ'd the affectations of our man of gravity and understanding , had much ado to forbear asking him , whether , that was not his picture which his master had hung out , imagining , as he well might , that he had sat for the coffee-house sign . to proceed , the gazett being examin'd , and many political discourses pass'd betwixt our intelligent sophy , and the more judicious boy , ( for this little officer you must suppose is his principal camerade , as being of greater quality then those that make up his street auditory , and no less then our authors library-keeper ) . i say after several facetious reflections on both sides , on the polish king , and his cross-legg'd parliament of taylors , ( manag'd in the style of prince prettyman and tom thimble ) and many other arguments too long to relate ; company coming in , and the house beginning to fill , more coffee is the word , and away goes our authors camerade . by this time , the politick cabal-men were most of 'um set , and all the rooms rung with nothing but a continued noise of arcana imperii , and ragioni di ●tato ( in these places some think , most of our late forms of government were model'd , and there are , that say , machiavel the florentine was born in a coffee-house ) and now one sinks the dutch in a dish of coffee , and another beheading the clean pipes , prognosticates the fate of de-wit and vanputten , a third blows up a fire-ship with a provident whiff of tobacco , and a fourth pouring a flood of rheume upon the floor , opens the hollanders sluces . many secret intrigues were whisper'd too close to be heard , but amongst all , none we so loud , as a junto of wits , that had seated themselves near our author : while they were ingaged in a very warm dispute , the man of observations draws out his table-book ( 't is his most dangerous tool ) making all this while as he minded nothing , but no sooner had the wits spoke of the designes and enterprises of the bishops of cologne and strasburg : oh ho ( says he ) are you there abouts , i think these are bishop bramhalls fellows , or any an enterprising bishops of 'um all ; pop , he slaps them down , and makes them his own ; and as they went on with the attempts of the bishop of munster : so , there 's another , i shall ●it'em for bishops now i warrant you , and pricks him down . bishops he knew they were , and enterprising designing bishops ; but never minded whether their enterprises or designes were of the same nature with bishop bramhalls , or whether they acted in the like capacity . if the readers cannot find out that themselves , ev'n let 'em alone for bayes . resolv'd it seems he was , come what would , to drag them by main force into his book , and he has thrust 'em in accordingly , by head and shoulders , two of them in one place ; but of this he repents him afterwards , and says , he was too prodigal of his bishops ; but if the gazett commentators had furnished the man with any more , you should have had them freely , and what can be more reasonable ? where the writer of the preface tells us , that bishop bramhall finished all the glorious designs that be under-took . this says he , might have become the bishop of munster ; though he , we all know , has not accomplish'd all his designs ; but our author had never another bishop left , and he must stop the gap , or no body , therefore to bring himself , and his bishop off , he tells us , it might have become him , before he had raised the siedge from groningen . nay , then it is well enough , if it might have become him at all . but if yet you think these bishops are not like bishop bramhall , he can dress up bishop bramhall like these bishops , and because his reputation and innocence were armour of proof against tories and presbyterians , he arms him with a good old fox , ( mark , here is innocence with a sword by its side , ) and let any one judge now , whether bishop bramhall , in our authors accoutrements , be not very like the bishops of cologne , strasburg , and munster . ditto , ( for we are yet in the gazettstyle , and our scene is still in the coffee-house ) we have advice , that the french , after a small dispute , forcing the dutch from their post , gained the passage over the bettuwe , &c. i foresaw this all along ( says a vertuoso ) this is momba's and degroots doings , to leave this passage open and ungarded . my life for yours ( replys another supping up his coffee , and scalding his chaps for hast ) this is a plot , i plainly see 't , a plot of the arminian party ; this has been a brewing any time this thirty years and upwards , thus it always has been , and thus it always will be , as long as any of the race of barnevelt and grotius are left alive . i gad , sir , and you speak a great deal of truth ( says our coffee-house notary , whose hand was moving all this while ) these arminians are the rudest ill bred'st persons , and all that , in the whole world . there has been a party of 'em in england , that shall be nameless ; of such a pontifical stiffness , as if they were companions for none but princes and statesmen forsooth . well , i 'le say no more , they shall know what a satyrist i am , i 'le lampoon , and print'em too , i gad . so , out he goes , leaving the arminian and calvinistical wits to fight it out at argument . it is not easie to imagine now , with what pleasure our author takes a review of his forces drawn out in their notional parade . here 's a fantastique bishop bramhall , accoutred like a german prelate , at the head of the irish army ; there a fairy gr●tius making a bridge for the enemy to come over ; while those churches seated on the frontier of popery , take alarm at their march . thus having rais'd and rang'd in order his martial phantômes , he sets them a fighting through all the tropes and figures of rhetorick . he knew this way of resolving controversie into eccle●ia●tical combat , and deeds of chivalry , would delight , a muse , and all that : besides he had a politick fetch or two in it , for these warlike n●●ions , and arm'd ideas being terrible to him ▪ he conceived they would be no less to others , and that no answerer would have the courage to engage such a rhetorical souldier , unless he were able to give him battell in all the metaphors of war. but alas , it is not every fight in puppet-shows strikes a terrour in the beholders , nor are armies figured , in the imagination , so dreadfull . and though i will not deny , that these hostile shapes and military figures , which our romancer had quarter'd in the three ventricles of his capacious brain ( his memory , fancy and iudgement being transform'd into fortification and garrison ) might raise such ●umults in his sconce , & so far invade his civil peace , as to make the gentleman startle at his own dreams : yet to those who consider that these are but the fumes of melancholy , such visionary battalia's are no more frightful than thosefighting apparitions ; which exhalations raise in the clouds . but to indulgeour author in the love of his chimerical conceits , struck blind with his own daz'ling idea of the sun , and admiring those imaginary heights which his fancy has rais'd since even timerous minds are couragious and bold enough to shape prodigious forms and images of battels ; & dark souls may be illuminated with bright and shining thoughts . as , to seek no farther for an instance ; the blind author of paradise lost ( the odds betwixt a transproser and a blank verse poet , is not great ) begins his third book thus , groping for a beam of light. hail , holy light , off-spring of heav'n first born , or of th' eternal coeternal beam . and a little after , — thee i revisit safe , and feel thy sov'raign vital lamp ; but thou revisitst not these eyes , that rowl in vain to find thy piercing ray , and find no dawn ; so thick a drop serene hath quencht their orbs , or dim suffusion veil'd . — no doubt but the thoughts of this vital lamp lighted a christmas candle in his brain . what dark meaning he may have in calling this thick drop serene , i am not able to say ; but for his eternal coeternal , besides the absurdity of his inventive divinity , in making light contemporary with it's creator , that jingling in the middle of his verse , is more notoriously ridiculous , because the blind bard ( as he tell us himself in his apology for writing in blank verse ) studiously declin'd rhyme as a jingling sound of like endings . nay , what is more observable , it is the very same fault , which he was so quick-sighted , as to discover in this verse of halls toothless satyrs . to teach each hollow grove , and shrubby-hill . this , teach each , he has upbraided the bishop with in his apology for his animadversions on the remonstrants defence against smectymnu●s . you see sir , that i am improved too with reading the poets , and though you may be better read in bishop dav'nants gondibert ; yet i think this schismatick in poetry , though nonconformable in point of rhyme , as authentick ev'ry jot , as any bishop laureat of them all . tell not me now , of turning over the moth-eaten criticks , or the mouldy councils : the gazetts and the plays are fitter texts for the rehearsal — divines ( men more acutely learned than parson otter and doctor cutberd the canonist ) than a company of dry fathers and school-men , that write in latin and greek ; romances are thumb'd more than st. thomas and gondibert is dogs-ear'd , while the rabbies are untoucht . mr. bayes his ipse dixit will pass , when pythagoras his will not , and the rehearsal is more universally applicable than homer or virgil ; though they and their commentators have taught the world the mysteries of handicraft , the principles of arts and intrigues of government . this mock-play , not only reveals all the stratagems of war ; all the policies of courts , and subtilties of schools ; but is so sufficient of it self for all professions , trades and sciences ; that if all other books were lost , it is conceived they might be abundantly supply'd from this . it has not only thrust the duellist's caranza out of doors , but the politicians machiavil , the school-mans scot●● , and the soldiers vegetius too . so compleatly necessary it is for resolving all scruples and cases of conscience , that the neglected casuists , unregarded and forsaken of all , lye cover'd over with dust and cobwebs ; as in astragons's library , where — a deep dust ( which time does softly shed . where only time does come ) their covers bear ; on which , grave spiders , streets of webs have spread ; subtle , and slight , as the grave writers were . now my curiosity tempts me to wonder not a little , why the poet , after he had enumerated the linguists , school-men , natural philosophers , moralists , historians , physitians , civil lawyers , and poets , in astragon's library ; should in the tale omit the mention of the dramatists and gazetteers ; it being a thing wholly unlikely , that the wise astragon should be unprovided of such excellent authors . i conclude therefore , that the dramatists must be included under the title of poets , and the gazetteers under the name of historians ; and the latter at least , i am the rather inclin'd to believe , because our animadverter ( a man of profound learning ) pag. 187. tells us , the story of macedo is matter of gazett ; which by the way , is an important discovery , as it serves to correct a popular mistake ; for if iustin and quintus curtius were gazetteers , it is most certain , gazetts are not so late an invention , as is supposed . and of this i doubt not but our author can produce undeniable testimonies , if any man should be so bold as to call his authority in question ; for i presume he has all the gazetts upon the file , from alexander the great , to this present day and year . well , such a collection is an invaluable treasury ; but of all the rest , the greek and roman mercuries best deserve a corner in a states-mans cabinet . who would not give more for an express from salamis , or the letters from pharsalia , then would purchase the sibyls leaves , and rate the diurnals of caesar and pompey at the price of philadelphus his library ? how cheap was fame then , when luean acquir'd it by transversing the weekly-posts ? who might despair of honour , when it cost livy no more than a body of collections not much superiour to rushworths ; and pliny procur'd it by setting forth a volumn of phylosophical transactions . but i am too sensible , these reflections are not proportionable to their subject . your notion sir , is capable of higher improvements , and i leave it as an ample theme for the wits to dilate upon . only from hence , if i may augurate the good fortune of your writings . i dare assure my self , when the acts and monuments of hen. elsing . cler. par. shall suffer by the hands of the well-affected cooks and pye-men ; yours deserving a more honorable fate , shall be prefer'd to the gazett vatican , and live amongst the immortal memoires of the coffee-house . the zealous citizens ( if fame be no lier ) have bought up three editions of your book , and not unlikely , for they are yearly at a great expence in paper for prunes and castle-sope . your writings are made free of all the trades , and w●oso hath occasion to buy at many shops , purchases all your treatise in parcels ; for that and pack-thread are given into the bargain . this way of selling your book by retail , is a notable expedient some have found out to disperse orthodoxy with their wares , which no policy can prevent , unlesse by making an inspection into the covers of the non-conformists sugar loaves and comfits . you travel with every pound of candles , and make every race of ginger a dear token to the brethren . each page of yours is sold by weight , and as dr. do●●e on a like writer . — for vast tomes of currans and of figs , of med'cinal and aromatique twigs ; your leaves a better method do provide , divide to pounds , and ounces sub-divide . disdain not sir , to stoop to these inferiour offices , for some of your papers may be reserved unhappily for baser uses , and dye the common death of illegitimates ; thrust into no other grave than the ordinary jakes , and meriting no nobler epitaph than this , here lies in sheets , transpros'd rfhearsal ; condemn'd to wipe his , or her a — hole . if ever the blue and white aprons should be solicitous for a fourth imp●estion , the coffee-men i hear will bid fair for your stationers ; for besides that you have singularly oblig'd them , in demonstrating to the world the wonderful effects of an education in their academies , you have no less ingag'd their customers in furnishing them with the best part of their cheer , news and pleasant tales . as any one may see , p. 242. 243. and at large in your whole treatise , which is a gazett of 326. pages . to this we may add , that your wit is much after the same rate and standerd with theirs , and your disputes maintain'd with as much zeal , and as little reason . for let any of the oldest graduates in those tattling universities resolve me , whether there was ever so sure and compendious a method of silencing opponents , as you have found out . for 't is but calling a man mr. bayes four times in a page ( this you do under pretence of avoiding tautologies ) lampooning the an●agonists booksellers ; nay his stall , and the very avenues on which the title of his book is posted , ( for it is an horrible affront to any idle gaping fellow , that he cannot so much as look at the wall , nor pass by a stall , but he must be out-star'd by an impudent preface ) tacking such words together , as roman-empire , and ecclesiastical policy , crying , this is a scene out of the rehearsal , and that is matter of gazett , ( for these two like th●ramenes his shoe , must fit all feet ) saying , that the style confines on the territories of malmsbu●y , and then that 't is part play-book , and part romance , ( which of these come nearest mr. hobbs his language ) and in short , forcing in a wretched tale , rhyming to the isms and nesses , making three or four miserable quibbles , and at last pronouncing in sum of all , that what the adversary has wrote , is nothing but railing , ( which indeed in this gentlemans sense is nothing but argument , for so he calls railing in the street ) if the greatest disciples of prattle shall not approve of these , for reasons convincing and powerful enough to carry the cause let 'em ev'n look for better somewhere else , & when they have done , light tobacco with the book , the coffee-man will be no great loser by it ; and for any requital of their own loss of time , 't was a sign they had little to do , when they first began to read it ; if they are bilkt in their expectation , who bid 'em expect great matters from one that performs so little . now to our business , for methinks i hear some say , the plot stands still ; but i may answer with mr. bayes , what is the plot good for , but to bring in fine things ? to proceed then to the plot and designe of the transpros'd rehearsal , which was the next thing propos'd to be examin'd . in this farce , there is a several designe for every scene , for sometimes he tells us , that he accounted it a work of some piety to vindicate the bishops memory from so scurvy a commendation as the writer of the preface has given ; and by this it should seem , that he has written a vindication of the bishop from the ecclesiastical politicians vindication , and yet elsewhere he says , that bishop bramhall , so he might ( like caesar ) manage the roman empire at it's utmost extent , had quite forgot what would conduce to the peace of his own province and country . and again , that he cannot look upon these undertaking church-men , however otherwise of excellent prudence and learning , but as men struck with a notion , and craz'd on that side of their heads , and so he thinks the bishop might much better have busied himself in preaching , ( you can never magnify that enough ) in his own diocess , and disarming the papists of their arguments , instead of rebating our weapons ; then in taking an oe●umenical care upon him , which none call'd him to , and as appear'd by the sequel , none conn'd him thanks for . and after proceeds to instruct him , whom he believes to have been a very great politician , ( a great politician , but a little craz'd ) in chalking him out a better way for accommodation , with the same absurdity as he , who read hanibal a lecture in the art of war. these , if they are commendations , i am sure , are scurvy ones . and as scurvy as those are , which the writer of the preface has given the bishop , you envy him even those , for p. 22. you tell us these improbable elogies ( a pretty word that for scurvy commendations ) are of the greatest disservice to their own design . for any worthy man ( say you ) may pass through the world unquestion'd and safe with a moderate recommendation ; but when he is thus set off , and bedaub'd with rhetorick ( scurvy rhetorick ) and embroider'd so thick , that you cannot discern the ground , &c. find no fault sir , when your picture comes to be drawn , you shall have no reason to complain , the colours are laid too thick ; there are many wrinckles and chaps we will not fill up with the paint of art : indeed , to shape a smooth and well proportion'd visage for a satyrists crooked body , would be as preposterous a sight , as a young whores face on the neck of an old baud. but if the last passage be not envious enough , what think you of that , p. 37. a zealous and resolute asserter ( as the bishop was ) of the publick rites & solemnities of the church , those things being only matters of external neatness , could never merit the trophies that our author erects him . thus both the ecclesiastical polititian , and the animadverter have vindicated the bishop ; that is , both differently vindicate a different bishop bramhall , the one magnisies a bishop , whose reputation and innocence were armour of proof against the tories and presbyterians ; the other a bishop with a sword by his side . you see now , that the gentlemans moderate recommendations are infamous and base reflections . he allows the reverend prelate no elogiums but ironical , and his modesty ( it is his own bull ) is all impudent . in one place , he saith , he finds him to have been a very good natur'd gentleman , and one that comply'd much for peace-sake , and in another , that the mediating divines ( under these , our bishop is comprehended ) who were not yet past the sucking-bottle ; seem'd to place all the business of christianity in persecuting men for their consciences . ( he was as much a persecuter , as the brethren are saints ) 't were endless to recount all the inconsistencies and contradictions throughout his book , and it were an easier task to reconcile the animadverter and the ecclesiastical politician , then the animadverter with himself . well , either this author is several men , or at least one man in several minds . sitting , he is a nonconformist , and kneeling a conformist . every distinct inflexion of his body , and every new wrinkle in his forehead produces an answerable distortion within . his laughing face , sooner then a light touch of a pencil can change it , is turned to a crying . nay , on one side of his face he often smiles , and looks very gravely on the other . each turn of his countenance proves him a cheat , and each cast of his eyes calls him hypocrite . he pretends to look directly on the writer , but squints on bishop bramhall , and casts a sheeps-eye at bishop laud and all the loyal clergy . the ecclesiastical politician was too mean a conquest for him , who design'd more then an ovation-triumph ; our author therefore , the nonconformists dimock , throws down his gaun●let , and in the names of iohn calvin and theodore beza , bids a general defiance to all the miter'd heads in england ; daring them , or any of their dead predecessors , to maintain their ancient rights and dignities , which he is ready to oppose to the last drop of blood . it is a bold challenge , but no body will accept it , none will engage so heroick a champion ; who has given proofs of a soul as large as that which animated alex●●der ross at his greatest dimensions ( though he merited no less then the name of alexander the great , for combating the worthies by troops ) and of whom it might be more justly sung , then once of oliver . the worthies , are like nine-pins , let him go , and down they all come at a tip and throw . every age is not constellated for heroes ; such prodigies are as rarely seen as a new-star , or a phaenix . once , perhaps in a century of years , there may arise a martin-mar-prelate , a milton , or such a brave as our present author . every day produces not such wonders . men , that mark out epocha's are not born in many revolutions . time forms and perfects such as slowly , as teeming elephants their young , and is deliver'd but of one at a birth . subverters of roman empire and ecclesiastical policy , like unusual conjunctions of the planets , signalize remarkable events , and fill up only the brightest spaces of annals . now saddle the mogols horse , & mount our heroe according to the ancient fashion of riding in triumph , with his face towards the tail , ( the headstal then may pass for the crupper ) the earth already trembling under so glorious a weight , the 8. elephant supporters not being able to poize it on their heads ; display his victorious banners as far as the vast kingdomes of garter or clarencieux do extend , and proclaim before him , this is the dead-doing-man that has knockt down durham , rochester , oxford and canterbury , with the but-end of an arch-bishop . a new and unheard of weapon you 'l say , 't is true , but such a one as has perform'd more incredible exploits then captain iones his whinyard , which ( if the reader dread not the event ) will appear by the sequel . so formidable a tool is the but-end of an arch-bishop , when weilded with the arm of a well meaning zealot , that none of the episcopal rochets are proof against it , nay , nor reputation and innocence ( of proof against presbyterians ) this dreadful weapon that had for a long time been peacefully laid up amongst other instruments of war in rushworths armory ( like those rusty armes of our ancestors hung up in their halls ) our author having a fit occasion for its service , has taken down , and to avenge the quarrells of the forreign divines and nonconformists , without any further ceremony ( no ceremony , but a small preamble of 4 pages ) falls upon the ecclesiastical politician , as the episcopal champion : and now let us see to ward off the blows as well as we can , for the same magazin which our adversary repair'd to for a weapon of offence , will if well searcht furnish us too with a shield . a better enquiry into the story of sibth●rps sermon and the loan , will free the clergy , and bishop laud in particular , from many unworthy and false imputations of our author , if not sibthorp too in some measure from being thought to play the bishop in the states-mans diocess . for the truth on 't is , he has omitted so many material passages , and dislocated the rest , that the story as he has castrated it , is so mutilate and deficient , as the narrative which he gives us , pag. 285. is not so much arch-bishop abbots , as the reverend animadverters . to look back a little into the occasion of this loan : rushworth , pag. 418 of his historical collections informs us , that the late king receiving news of the disasters that had befaln his uncle , the king of denmark , commanded his councel to advise by what means & wayes he might fitly and speedily be furnished with monies suitable to the importance of his affairs , ( his allies being weakned & himself threatned with invasions from abroad ) hereupon after a consultation of divers ways together , they came to this resolution , that the urgency of affairs not admitting the way of parliament , the most speedy , equal , and convenient means were by a generall loan from the subject , according as every man was assessed in the rolls of the last subsidy . upon which result , the king forthwith chose commissioners for the loan , and caused a declaration to be publisht , wherein he alledged for this course of supply besides other reasons , that the urgency of the occasion would not give leave to the calling of a parliament ; but assuring the people , that this way should not be made a president for the time to come , to charge them or their posterity to the prejudice of their just and antient liberties , enjoy'd under his most noble progenitors , endeavouring thereby to root out of their minds the suspition that he intended to serve himself of such ways , to the abolishing of parliaments : and promising them in the word of a prince ; first , to repay all such sums of money as should be lent without fee or charge , so soon as he shall in any ways be enabled thereunto , upon shewing forth the acquittance of the collectors , testifying the receit thereof . and secondly , that not one penny so borrowed , should be expended , but upon those publick and general services , wherein every of them , and the body of the kingdom , their wives , children and posterity , have their personal and common interest , then he proceeds to the private instructions which were given to the commissioners , besides which , his majesty commanded the bishop of bath and wells to draw up other instructions to be communicated to the arch-bishops , bishops , and the rest of the clergy of this realm upon this occasion , in order to the preparing the people toward a dutiful compliance to his majesties desires . which was accordingly performed by the bishop , and the instructions thus drawn up , being approved of by the king and council , were sent to the arch-bishops of canterbury and york , with a command to see them publisht and disperst in the several diocesses of their provinces . the instructions are to be seen at large in dr. heylius history of arch-bishop laud , in obedience to these dr. sibthorp , as rushworth tells us , pag. 422. preacht that sermon at northampton , entituled apostolick obedience , which he afterwards printed , and dedicated to the king , expressed to be those meditations which the doctor first conceived upon his majesties instructions unto all the bishops of this kingdom , fit to be put in execution , agreeable to the necessity of the times ; and afterwards brought forth upon his majesties commission for the raising of monies by the way of loan . and for refusing to license this sermon , arch-bishop abbot fell under the kings high displeasure , and not long after was sequestred from his office. pag. 431. and pag. 436. the arch-bishop in his own narrative tells us , that sibthorp being a man of low fortune , conceiv'd that the putting this sermon in print , might gain favour at court , and raise his fortune higher , on he went therefore with the transcribing of his sermon , and got a bishop or two to prefer this great service to the duke of buckingham , and it being brought unto the duke , it cometh into his head , or was suggested unto him by some malicious body , that thereby the arch-bishop might be put to some remarkable strait : for if the king should send the sermon unto him , and command him to allow it to the press , one of these two things would follow . that either he should authorize it , and so all men that were indifferent , should discover him for a base and unworthy beast ; or he should refuse it , and so should fall into the kings indignation , who might pursue it at his pleasure , as against a man that was contrary to his service . out of this fountain ( says the arch-bishop , if he may be allowed to speak for himself , and not our animadverter for him ) flow'd all the water that afterwards so wet . for mr. murrey of the bed-chamber being sent from the king to the arch-bishop , with a command that he , and no other should licence the sermon , the bishop ( in pure obedience to his majesties command no doubt ) would have declin'd the office , and shifted it off to one of his chaplains , alleadging very dutifully , it was an occupation that his old master king james did never put him upon : but in the end , being urg'd to licence it himself , he fram'd several reasons , why he could not consent unto it , to which mr. murrey two or three dayes after , ( having particularly acquainted the king with the objections ) brought an answer from his majesty . but this not satisfying the arch-bishop , he dismist him with a desire , that his majesty would be pleased to send the bishop of bath and wells to him , that so he might by this means make known his scruples . but mr. murrey returning after one or two dayes more , told him , the king did not think fit to send the bishop of bath to him , but expected he should pass the book . while these things proceeded thus slowly , the arch-bishop tells us , the minds of those that were actors for the publishing of this book , were not quiet at court , that the thing was not dispatcht , and therefore one day the duke of buckingham said to the king , do you see how this business is defer'd , if more expedition he not used , it will not be printed before the end of the term ; at which time it is fit that it be sent down into the countries . which so quickned the king , that the next message which was sent by mr. murrey , was , that if the bishop did not dispatch it , the king would take some other course with him . whereupon finding how far the duke had prevailed , he thought fit to set down in writing his objections , wherefore the book was not fit to be publisht , which he did , and sent them to the king. these bishop laud was commanded to answer in writing , and upon this the arch-bishop flies out into a rage , and taxes laud so severely , as the animadverten tells us , pag. 286. so difficult was it for that incomparable prelate to fulfil the will of his royal and not incur the displeasure of the arch-bishop , who had not only contemptuously refused to conform to the command of his prince , after so many urgent & repeated invitations but justified his refusal in writing , and well might we expect that they who undertook an answer , should not escape his sharp censure , for besides that , possibly abbot ( who , as 't is evident from his narrative , had no mean opinion of himself ) might conceit his scruples unanswerable . in so doing , they seem'd to disarm him of all just pretenses , and to call in question his wilful denyal . and accordingly he lays it on with a vengeance upon bishop laud , for this man ( says he ) who beleives so well of himself , fram'd an answer to my exceptions , ( this was that which stung him ) but to give some countenance to it , he must call in three other bishops , that is to say , durham , rochester and oxford , try'd men for such a purpose . why he , that believ'd so well of himself , ( though he thrust not himself upon the undertaking , but was call'd to it by his master ) should call in three other bishops to his help , i understand not . well , the confutation seem'd so strong , that the bishop of durham , and the bishop of bath , for reward of their service , were sworn of the privy-council . and in the end , the arch-bishop persisting still in his refusal , notwithstanding that many things upon his motion were alter'd in the book , or expung'd out of it , ( insomuch , that he seems unwilling , that his refusing to sign the sermon , should be judg'd by the printed book . ) he was by the kings command ( which in the animadverters modester phrase is the under working of his adversaries ) removed from lambeth to foord in kent , and afterwards sequestred , and a commission past to exercise the archiepiscopal jurisdiction to mountain bishop of london , neal bishop of durham , buckridge bishop of rochester , houson bishop of oxford , and laud bishop of bath and wells , ( who , as our animadverter says , pag. 291. but falsly , from thence arose in time to be arch-bishop , for abbot , as all know , was before his death restor'd again , and laud took london in his way to canterbury . ) the approbation of the sermon refus'd thus by abbot , it was carried to mountain bishop of london , who licensed it . as for the story of doctor woral his chaplain , who advis'd with a gentleman of the inner-temple , concerning his own licensing it . rushworth , has told us that it was mr. selden , and it is enough we know the man. his expostulation with the doctor was not unlike him , if ever the tide turn'd ( a civil expression that , for if ever the government chang'd ) he might come to be hang'd for it . but mr. selden in this appear'd more scrupulous then abbot himself , who seemed not to disallow so much of the ●rinted book , as that any man from that should take a measure of his refusing to sign it . and it is observable , that the loan being demanded of the societies and inns of court , the benchers of lincolns-inne received a letter of reproof , from the lord of the council , for neglecting to advance the service in their society , & to return the names of such as were refractory . historical collections , p. 422. with what justice now can the animadverter call this an ecclesiastical loan , and tell us , that part of the clergy invented these ecclesiastical laws instead of the common law of england , and statutes of parliament , for the whole quire ( saith he ) sung this tune , pag. 294. and yet pag. 304. he makes us believe , they sung so many different tunes , as the presbyterians never invented more for one psalm . for there was sibthorps church , and mainwarings church , & montagues church , with many more ; and all this , whether more ignorantly or maliciously , 't is hard to say , for 't is manifest this loan the king was advised to by his privy council in 1626. nor was bishop laud , nor any of those bishops that arch-bishop abbot calls tried men then of the council , for durham and bath , were not sworn councellors till 1627. so that he might have spar●d that invective against the clergy and bishop laud pag. 294 , 295 , 296 , 301. were it not impossible for him to speak well of any but the tradesmen and the forreign divines . that bishop was so far from being a principal in the matter of the loan , that he was no otherwise an accessary then as he was employ'd by his late majesty in drawing up the instructions for the clergy , and penning an answer to arch bishop abbot's exceptions : and as to his undermining the arch-bishop , abbot himself seems to acquit him , in telling us , that all the water which afterwards so wet him , flow'd from another fountain . for the picture of bishop laud , which the arch-bishop has drawn with so black a coal , and this gentleman has copied , 't is done by too ill a hand , to be thought to resemble the life , and what may serve to convince us of the partiality of the painter , is the character given abbot by one of our state-historians , none of lauds greatest friends ; that his extraordinary remisness , in not exacting strict conformity to the prescribed orders of the church in point of ceremony , seem'd to resolve those legal determinations to their first principle of indifferency , and to lead in such a habit of inconformity , as the future reduction of those tender conscienc'd men to long discontinued obedience , was interpreted an innovation . from hence any man may judge , what construction is to be put upon the arch-bishops accusation of laud , for informing against the honest men that setled the truth , ( which he call'd puritanism ) in their auditors . for which the good man represented laud as a papist to king iames. so every stickler for the church of england was term'd in the language of those times . but if his marrying the earl of d. to the lady r. when she had another husband , was not the unpardonable sin , it may seem strange that neither the arch-bishop , nor our writer should absolve him , when we cannot in charity conceive but god did , upon that his penitent and submissive acknowledgment , which we find recorded at large in the history of his life , p. 59. sure i am , the most inveterate enemies of this gallant prelate have not so blackt him , as the pens of the arch-bishop , and our animadverter ; for to report him to the world in the 1 character , sir e. deering tells us , he had muzzled fisher , and would strike the papists under the fi●t rib , when he was dead and gone . and being dead , that wheresoever his grave should be , pauls would be his perpetual monument , and his own book his epitaph . nay , in that infamous book call'd canterburys doom , we are told that at his tryal , he made as full , as gallant , as pithy a defence , and spake as much as was possible for the wit of man to invent , and that with so much art , vivacity and confidence , as he shewed not the least acknowledgment of guilt in any of the particulars which were charged upon him . so eminently remarkable were his accomplishments , which the most malicious could not dissemble , nor the most envious conceal . his sharpest adversaries were his boldest encomiasts , and when they intended libels , made panegy●icks . at the same bar condemning themselves , and acquitting this great man , who , after he had been an honour to the higest place in our church ( which was higher yet in being his ) was translated to a more glorious dignity in the church triumphant , received therewith the joyful a●thems of a quire of angels , and instal'd in white robes , according to the usual solemnities of saints ; sent thither ( as it were ) before , to assist at the following coronation of his royal master , and to set the crown of martyrdom on the head of that heroick defender of the faith. now methinks , our author , had he any spark of vertue unextinguish'd , should upon considering these things , retire into his closet , and there lament and pine away for his desperate folly ; for the disgrace he hath , as far as in him is , brought upon the church of england . and though the comfort is , an ill man ( you may believe him , when he speaks against himself ) cannot by reproaching fix an ignominy ; yet the same thanks are due to his honourable intentions , and his endeavours are not the less commendable . for to say the truth , he has out pitcht the executioner half a barr , so dextrous is he in severing the head from the body at one blow ; that were he probationer for the headmans office , i am confident he would carry it in a free election on without the least opposition ; and so he might become a more serviceable member of the commonwealth , then he is at present . seriously , 't is great pity a man of such . accomplishments should be lost , when no body can deny but he is every way qualified to fill the place and quality of squire dun. especially if they saw how passing well he lookt in the cast robes of a malefactor , woe be to the bishops if ever he procures a patent for that honour , they cannot in reason expect any greater favour then to have the traytors quarters removed from the city gates , and their own hung up in the room . axes are the most necessary , because the most powerful arguments against the clergy ( they confuted him , whom fisher could not . ) well , these bishops are the men have ruin'd all , they brought the late king to the block , and have contributed to all our miseries ever since . how came cromwell , ineton , and bradshaw trow , to merit their ●yburn pomps and second funeral solemnities ? sure 't was through some mistake , that those who were but accessaries and under-instruments of our late troubles should be thus highly honor'd above the principals , the prelates . no doubt but it was a great affliction to this gentleman ( poor soul ) to see the heads of his master and the other two well deserving gentlemen rais'd to that ignominious eminency on purpose to be pointed at by the beholders , and what is worse , expos'd without their hats to the rude violence of the weather ; when for ought appears , it was an exaltation they never sought , and they have been undeservedly advanc'd to that pitch of greatness ; which bishop laud and two or three of the villanous clergy ( had the● had their deserts ) should have climb'd . but since they are there , much good may it do 'um with their places . for , after all the fatal consequences of their rebellion , they can only serve as fair marks unto wise subjects to avoid the causes . and now shall this sort of men still vindicate themselves as the most zealous assertors of the rights of princes . at best , they are no better subjects then jesuites , or well-meaning zealots , betwixt whom , as the best of poets draws their parallel , there lyes no greater difference then this , they dare kill kings , and 'twixt you here 's the strife ; that you dare shoot at kings to save their life . this doctrine of killing kings in their own defence , you may safely vindicate as your own , it was never broacht before . and from such unquestionable principles may we reduce your account of the late war , p. 303. whether it were a war of religion , or of liberty , is not worth the labour to enquire . which-soever was at the top , the other was at the bottome ; but upon considering all , i think the cause was too good to have been fought for . which , if i understand not amiss , is nothing but iconoclates drawn in little , and defensio populi anglicania in miniature . besides , the war as most gave out at first , was for the removal of evil councellors , but because as we are told , pag. 252 a new war must have , like a book that would sell , a new title , our author who has a singular knack in giving titles to both , has founded the late war upon the more specious and plausible names of religion and liberty . these which he has assign'd for causes of our rebellion being the same with those for which the netherlanders took up arms against their lawful soveraigne , 't is worth the while to enquire , whether the consequences of both were not alike . sir r. filmer in his observations , touching forms of government , speaking of the low-country rebellion , delivers himself thus . two things they say , they first fought about , religion and taxes , and they have prevail'd it seems in both ; for they have gotten all the religions in chri●endome , and pay the greatest taxes in the world. and i wish i could not say , such was the freedome of religion impos'd upon this nation , and such the liberty to which we were enslav'd : for the glorious defenders of either against their king and country , seem'd no otherwise to prevail in both ; rescuing us from such great grievances as our authors ecclesiastical loan , to the milder payments of the twentieth part , poll-mony rais'd by prerogative of the subject , and loans upon publick faith : all which cannot be better exprest then in the words of our incomparable cowley , in his puritan and papist . what myst'ries of iniquity do we see ? new prisons made to defend liberty . our goods forc'd from us for proprieties sake , and all the reall non-sence which ye make . and to shew that through the multitude of religions as well as taxes we were turn'd dutch , the same poet a little after in that satyre . t was fear'd , a new religion would begin , all new religions now are enter'd in . so that upon a better calculation , it will appear , that the clergymen have not been the only inventors of new taxes and opinions , therefore let not them alone arrogate to themselves the honour of making other laws in the room of the common law and statutes of parliament , for others are to have a share as well as they , and this gentlemans masters have deserv'd as highly of the nation , and ought to be celebrated no less for imprisonments , fines , sequestrations , and many kind impositions , all , questionless for the good of the people . in comparison of these , the heaviest pressures complain'd of under the power of the clergy in the late kings reigne , were acts of grace . only so much may be added in favour of those rigorous burthens and exactions , that they seem'd to have some colour of legality at least from these doctrines , that the elect had a right to all , and propriety was founded in saintship . for making themselves the saints and the elect , they had an undoubted title to whatever the reprobate possest , and 't is unreasonable to say they plunder'd , when they took but their own ; the cavaliers being not so great delinquents as their estates ; so low they descended , till at last our israelites had not only a right to the jewels and ear-rings of the aegyptians , but to their bodkins and thimbles too . neither , as far as i can discern , have this sort of men since his majesties return , given any better assurances of their fidelity and obedience for not withstanding that his majesty , to demonstrate he was heir no lesse to his majesties vertues then his crown , was graciously pleased to pass an act of oblivion , thereby covering in eternal silence those offences , which none but the son of the royal martyr could forget ; and in order to a better agreement betwixt both parties , to appoint a conference between the episcopal divines and non-conformists ; but this producing no better an effect then that in his royal grand-fathers time at hampton-court ; the peevish dissenters senters having but too well learnt to turn all disputes into impertinent wrangles , and what our animadverter calls arguments in the streets ; sufficiently manifesting how justly that character in hudibras besits them . ● sect , whose chief devotion lies in odde perverse antipathies ; in falling out with that or this , and finding somewhat still amiss . that with more care keep holy-day the wrong , than others the right way ; still so perverse and opposite , as if they worshipt god for spight . how they have behav'd themselves from that time to this , let the sober apogies for non-conformists and the humble pleas , for toleration , indulgence and liberty of conscience speak ; or the avenue-readers , the wall observers , and those that are acquainted : with stall-learning as well as our author , testifie . and now , that after all , his majesty issued his declaration of indulgence for tender consciences ; and that they had all that could be devis'd in the world , to make a phanatick good natur'd . yet what do these men ? to show , that they were the same cunning revengeful men , as before , and that it is easier to straighten a crooked body , then bend a stubborn fanatick ; they waken the memory of those crimes , that might ( but for them ) have slept eternally in the act of oblivion , either imagining that that act concerns only the suffering royalists , or that the instruments of our late miseries have so great an interest in it , that they have a pardon granted not only for what is past , but to come ; and so having cancel'd all their old scores , they might now begin upon a new . and accordingly they have arreign'd the late king once more at the bar , and brought the arch-bishop of canterbury again to his trial. for though our author promis'd us pag. 281. he would as little as possible , say any thing of his own , and speak before good witnesses . yet his fore-cited passage concerning the original of the war. pag. 303. whether it were a war of religion , or of liberty , is not worth the labour to enquire . which-soever was at the top , the other was at the botrome ; but upon considering all , i think the cause was too good to have been fought for . and the other pag. 304. after all the fatal consequences of that rebellion , which can only serve as sea marks unto wise princes ( not a word of the rebels ) to avoid the causes . a dutiful caveat this to wise princes to avoid the causes of rebelling against their subjects . these i presume are his own , till he produce his authors . and the same i think of another , which is well worth weighing , pag. 304. his late majesty being a prince truly pious and religious , was thereby the more inclin'd to esteem and favour the clergy . and thence , though himself of a most exquisite understanding , yet thought he could not trust it ( does it relate to understanding ) better than in their keeping . compare this with pag. 299. where , he tels us , the clery were licentious in their conversation ; and pag. 224. that some of the eminentest of them made an open defection to the church of rome ; and then tell me if he has not worthily vindicated his late majesties piety and religion , and whether he was not couragious and bold in telling his adversary he feared not all the mischief that he could make of this . 't is well , he has told us the story of the ass , who because he saw the spaniel play with his masters legs , thought himself priledg'd to paw , and ramp upon his shoulders ; for it is the best apology in his own behalf , and now he may plead like himself , he does nothing without a precedent . true it is , he tels us , pag. 106. that being a man of private condition and breeding , and drawn in to mention kings and princes , and even our own ; whom , as he thinks of with all duty and reverence ( which will appear by the sequel ) so he avoids speaking of either in jest or earnest , least he should , though most unwillingly , trip in a word , or fail in the mannerlyness of an expression . thus being conscious to himself that he should offend , he thought it a point of discretion as well as good manners , to ask pardon before hand . for it is very hard for a private man that has seen no kings but those in the rehearsal , to frame any other address to princes , then such as might become king phys , and king ush of branford . and accordingly so it happens , for p. 310. speaking of the laws against fanaticks , hence is it that the wisdom of his majesty and the parliament must be expos'd to after ages for such a superfaetation of acts in his raign about the same business . this is so high a complement that he has pass'd upon the king and parliament , that i cannot but admire , how one of his private condition and breeding could arrive to this degree of court-ship , especially considering how well it agrees with what our private courtier saith , pag. 242. where he tells us , these kings have shrew'd understandings , and he is not a competent iudge of their actions . fie , fie , that 's too modest sir , you wrong your self too much not a competent iudge , o' my word sir , but you are , a great iudge . this humility does not become such great wits as are princes companions . 't is too low a condescention for any gentleman of archees robe . this familiarity with great ones is a priviledge entail'd upon your place , and was confer'd upon you with your cap. little better do i like his animadversion , pag. 320. in these words , if the fanaticks by their wanton and unreasonable opposition to the ingenious and moderate discipline of the church of england , shall give their governours too much reason to suspec● that they are never to be kept in order , &c. whom does he mean by our governors ? the king ; no , for he is a single person . ( a pretty artifice to shut the king out of that text , let every soul be subject to the higher powers ) the parliament , or the bishops ? mark whether there be a king , and bishops sitting in this exclusive parliament of his . this quere methinks might better have become those times , of which mr. digges ( he who wrote a book of the unlawfulness of subjects taking up armes against their soveraign , ( excepting no causes as too good ) if forreigners ( says he ) shall inquire , under what form of government we live , the answer must be , we live over a king. and having taken this liberty with princes and senates , no wonder if the gentleman presume to treat the bishops ( peers & , privy-councellers are his fellows ) with a little more freedom . though for what reason he treats the present clergy with so little respect , may be hard to say , yet as for bishop lauds particular , and his course usage of him , i think i could give a guess , what mov'd him to it . not that i believe as some , that his quarrel might be the same with archees , who , they say , was exasperated against the bishop , because he was whipt at his procurement , for taking too much liberty ( a crime much like what is charg'd upon this gentleman ) or as others , that he or some of his family came sometime in danger of a star-chamber censure , and hazarded losing their ears ; but rather upon better consideration , that there might be no greater occasion for this picque , then those several cringes and genuflexions which the arch-bishop ( as he thinks ) introduced in the church , or rather restor'd , and this i must confess is sufficient ground for a grudge , for it is an unreasonable thing that the church should expect that every man of how private a condition and breeding soever , and however unpractis'd in the graceful motions and inflections of his body , should be conformable to the genuflexions and cringes of the well-bred ecclesiasticks : every man has not had the good fortune to be train'd up at the dancing-school , nor so happily educated , as to pull off his hatt and make a leg with an air. and would they have these men expose themselves by not conforming to the ceremonies of the rest of the congregation , or betray their breeding by an aukard bending of their bodies , or an unsightly bow , proclaming at every rustick scrape , that they have not been initiated by a dancing master in the common rudiments of civility . no , i am confident that many of the english protestants , and especially , those of a private breeding are so averse from this , that they would decline coming to their churches at all first . as i have known some people somewhat wanting in the little decencies of behaviour , avoid conversation and appearing in publick . these persons naturally affect a plainness of fashion , and a homeliness in worship . and such a diversity of motions , such quick interchanges of gestures , distract and confound them . besides , that they are like the unquiet variety of postures of one in a sick bed , and and really they consult their ease , and what is more their health ; which is not a little indanger'd by being too ceremonious , and many a violent cold occasioned by a citizens sitting bare-headed all service-while : without the defence at least of a pair of broad-fring'd gloves laid a cross , well knowing ▪ that their betters rather then incommode them , in such a case will desire their worships to be cover'd . several other occasions there are , that for conveniency sake may require a dispensation , as if a fat burger lye under an inevitable necessity of breaking wind , ( in a sister'tis not civil to call it any thing but venting a sigh at the wrong end ) shall not this tender-conscienc'd man be permitted to strain a point of decorum , because 't is in the church , rather then hazard a fit of the colick ? another thing is , that one man may have an antipathy against wine that comes out of a gilt chalice , and another against bread deliver'd to him by the hand of one in a surplice , and will the priest be so uncivil , as to cram it down the throat of that puling christian ? the clergy certainly cannot be so rude , and in an affair of conscience . to exact this compliance . since great persons out of civility will condescend to their inferiors , and all men out of common humanity will yield to the ●eak . we may add to what we have said before , should any more flexible then the rest , and more inclinable to the superstitious practises of the primitive christians , be contented to bend their stubborn knees , or to bow their bodies to the east as oft as is requir'd , might not such gentlemen as our author be at a loss , and he that was so far out in his situation of geneva , through pure devotion it may be to that place , direct his mistaken reverence towards the west , which though it were neither vice nor idolatry , yet might perhaps occasion more sport then a man of his gravity could bro●● unoffended . 't is possible too , he may not be a little displeas'd at the imag'ry of our churches , in the behalf of those of a private condition and breeding , who having never seen any thing more glorious then dives and lazarus , or the picture of the prodigal in their own halls , might be tempted unawares to worship the first fine picture they saw abroad . this which i have hinted might be some cause of his disaffection to arch-bishop la●d for restoring the innovations of order , of decency and uniformity . but for his quarrel at the present clergy , i concluded , there must be some more important inducement , and ruminating on many causes , i had the lack at last to pitch upon one more remarkable , why the clergy fell into his high displeasure . this gentleman , it seems , not very many years ago , us'd to play at picket ; now he us'd to play pieces ( which was fair for one of a private condition , and the game gentile enough for one of p●ivate br●eding ) there was a dignitary of lincoln ( as he tells the story ) who always went half a crown with him , and so all the while he sat on his hand , he very hone●●ly gave the sign , so ( saith he ) that i was alwayes sure to loose . i afterwards discover'd it , but of all the mony that ever i was cheated of in my life , none ever ●ext me so , as what i lost by this occasion . and ever since , ( as he adds ) i have born a great grudge against their fingering of any thing that belongs to me . the man is angry , and who can blame him when he had lost his money . ( 't is usual with gamesters to say they 're cheated , when they have lost ) he has been bitten it seems , and losers may have leave to speak . i have ever observ'd , that gamesters when not favour'd by fortune , are the passionatest of men , but never thought that they could manage a wrangle so sharply for 326. pages . who would have imagin'd that a game at picket could have made so much mischeif ? for though it may appear unconscionable , to dun a man when he has paid the last debt to nature , yet this book against the dignitary of lincoln , was i suppose , design'd in his life time , though it happens i know not how , to come out against him , after he 's dead . and though it was intended purely for his sake , yet is it indifferently calculated for bishop laud , or any of the gamester bishops that made the best of their masters . allowing now , that the peeks of players among themselves , or of poet against poet , or of a conformist divine against a nonconformist , are dangerous , and of late times have caused great disturbance ; yet i never remarked so irreconcileable and implacable a spirit , as that of gamesters against those that have won their mony. 't is a quarrel not to be ended with their deaths , but sets 'em in railing tune for ever , and they are never so flippant as in their curses of ecclesiastical fortune , and ecclesiastical polititians ; now we better understand the meaning of those words . indeed , it may happen so , that at one time or other , some of the ecclesiasticks may be drawn in to play with olivers servants , you may suppose his clerks if you will ; and knowing the men , for whether it is that they smell strongly yet of bishops lands , or how ; they will make a shift it may be to pay their old scores , and wheadle 'em out of a considerable summe in reparation of their former losses . in the mean time , this may be a fair warning to any one of private breeding , and unpractis'd in those little arts ; to take heed he be not rookt by such polititians . and though when i game , i confess if i must lose , it is a thing to me indifferent , whether to a clergy-man or another . yet our author is not of my mind . for since he was chous'd by the dignitary of lincoln , he 's resolv'd that none of the tribe shall ever be the richer for him . and therefore , hands off my masters ; and pretend not now the power of the keyes , for those of his coffers hang not at your girdles . well , if this gentleman build no hospitalls , nor endow no schools , the blame must lye upon this dignitary , that made him incapable . which way the clergy will recover their esteem with him , i see not , unless by some such devise as peecing the fortunes of our broken gamester with a brief , recommending his case to the charity of well affected people . for since he is undone by the church , 't is all the reason in the world they should make him reparation . but let him aloan to be reveng'd on them , for since they have cheated him , they shan't the publick . therefore to make the better provision for that , he in his wisdom has thought fit to exclude them from medling with parliamentary aids , adding in the close , that english men always love to see how their mony goes ( especially at picket ) and if there be any interest or profit to be got by it , to receive it themselves . very good ! the man has made a fair speech to be b●x-keeper , and 't was providently done , for then let who will be the gamesters , he is sure to sweep the stakes . but were it true what you pretend , that you were abus'd by the dignitary of lincoln ; which we have ground enough to suspect , considering that you have more then once shown how singularly you can oblige the dead ; yet what would you gain by it ? will you thence infer that none of the clergy are men fit to be trusted ? methinks that of your adversaries is here highly pertinent , and very applicable to men of your no religion . put the case ( says he ) the clergy were cheats and juglers , yet it must be allow'd they are necessary instruments of state to awe the common people into fear and obedience , because nothing else can so effectually enslave them as the fear of invisible powers , and the dismal apprehensions of the world to come ; and for this very reason , though there were no other , it is fit they should be allow'd the same honor and respect , as would be acknowledg'd their due , if they were sincere and honest men . indeed , should all men remember an injury as long as you implacable gamesters do , or could you perswade the rabble to cry , no bishops ; as often as you have ill luck at cards , the world would never be at quiet . whereas , the gentleman seems displeas'd with the temporal power and employments of the clergy , telling us pag. 300. 301. whether it be or no , that the clergy are not so well fitted by education , as others for political affairs , he knows not ; yet it is generally observ'd that things miscarry under their government , &c. this making a great noise with some people , i endeavour'd to inform my self the best i could , concerning the truth of this matter , resolving withal , not to receive impressions from any of the clergy , but to gather my lights from the most impartial authorities i could meet with . and i think i am now prepar'd , to give our author some better satisfaction in this point . if we look abroad then , we shall find that bishops make a part of the three estates in all kingdoms , and that in europe there are only two republiques which exclude the clergy from medling with civil affairs , and the same great enemies to monarchy , namely venice and the low-countries . both which our late commonwealths-men made choice of as convenient models for their new-fangled government , reconciling church and state to these disagreeable platforms . and here i think it not impertinent to insert what a great wit , the fore mention'd sir r. filmer in his ●bservations upon aristotles politicks remarks concerning them . the religion in venice and the low-countries , ( saith he ) is sufficiently known , much need not be said of them : they admirably agree under a seeming contrariety , it is commonly said , that one of them hath all religions , and the other no religion ; the atheist of venice may shake hands with the sectary of amsterdam . this is the liberty that a popular state can brag of , every man may be of any religion , or no religion , if he please , their main devotion is exercised only in opposing and suppressing monarchy . they both agree to exclude the clergy from medling in government , whereas in all monarchys , both before the law of moses , and under it , and ever since : all barbarians , grecians , romans , insidells , turks and indians , have with one consent given such respect and reverence to their priests , as to trust them with their laws . to come nearer home , in this our nation ( saith he ) the first priests we read of before christianity were the druides ; who , as caesar saith , decided and determined controversies , in murder , in case of inheritance , of bounds of lands , as they in their discretion judged meet ; they granted rewards and punishments . it is a wonder to see what high respect even the great turk giveth to his mufti , or chief bishop . so necessary , ( as he concludes ) is religion to strengthen and direct laws . with him concurrs an honourable member at present of the house of lords , in a speech , about the lawfulness and conveniency of the bishops intermedling in temporal affairs . never was there any nation that employ'd not their religious men in the greatest affairs . hereof christendome hath had a long evperience for 1300 years . bishops have voted here ever since parliaments began , and long before were imploy'd in the publick . the great and good emperor constantine , had his bishops with him whom he consulted about his military affairr , as eusebius . and then in answer to our author , who would have them restrained to their bibles , he saith further , my lords , there is not any that sits here , more for preaching then i am . i know it is the ordinary means to salvation ; yet , i likewise know , there is not that full necessity of it as was in the primitive times . god defend that , 1600 years acquaintance should make the gospel no better known to us . neither my lords doth their office meerly and wholly consist in preaching , the very form o● episcopacy that distinguishes it from the inferior ministry is the orderly and good government of the church . and the same noble orator pleading for their right to sit in parliament in another speech saith , that this hinders their ecclesiastical vocation , an argument i hear much of , hath in my apprehension more of shadow then substance in it : if this be a reason , sure i am it might have been one six hundred years ago . a bishop , my lords , is not so circumscrib'd within the circumference of his diocess , that his sometimes absence can be term'd , no not in the most strict sense a neglect or hindrance of his duty , no more then that of a lieutenant from his county , they both have their subordinate ministers , upon which their influences fall though the distance be remote . besides , my lords , the lesser must yeild to the greater good ; to make wholesome and good laws for the happy and well regulating of church and common-wealth , is certainly more advantagious to both , then the want of the personal execution of their office. and again , the house of commons represents the meanest person , so did the master his slave , but bishops have none to do so much for them , and what justice can tie them to the observation of those laws , to whose constitution they give no consent , the wisdom of former times gave proxies to this house ( the house of lords ) meerly upon this ground , that every one might have a hand in the making of that which he had an obligation to obey . this house could not represent , therefore proxies in room of persons were most justly allowed . and to manifest the better , that their immediate dependance upon the king is a great obligation he hath upon their loyalty aud fidelity ( whatever our author says to the contrary ) we need no clearer proof then this acknowledgment of a common-wealahs-man and a great wit in his speech against richards cobler and dray-men-lords , in 59. one of the main reasons for exclusion of the bishops out of the house of lords , was because that they being of the kings making , were in effect so many certain votes for whatever the king had a mind to carry in that house . that they are not incapable of the greatest offices of trust and the noblest employments , can be a doubt to none that have heard of the unparallel'd integrity of the incomparable lord tresurer iuxon . nay , the lord vi●count falkland in a sharp speech against them , confesses , that some of them in an unexpected and mighty place and power express'd and equal moderation and humility , being neither ambitious before , nor proud after , either of the crosier staffe , or white staffe . now shall the antient rights and just dignities of the clergy , which our nobility and gentry have thus unanimously and constantly asserted , be call'd in question by a few levellers and common-wealths-men ? no , this device is stale . the sport of bishop-hunting is too well known , and though the clergy be the game in view , yet they have the temporal lords in chance . these cunning archers , though they wink with one eye at the spiritual lords , yet have another open , with which they take aim at the rest of the peers . many of those arrows which were once darted at the bishops , glanc'd on the nobles , and not a few were cast over their heads at the king. the same hands that were lifted up at the one , struck at the other , levelling coronets with miters , and trampling on both together with the crown . no sooner were the prelates declar'd useless , but a house of lords was voted dangerous and unnecessary , and monarchy cal'd antichristian ; and experience proves that coordination in the state , was the natural result of parity in the church . so little 〈◊〉 is ecclesiastical from civil ana●c●● . had i ever yet heard of any one opp●ser of episcopacy , whose princi●les or practices declar'd him not a profess'd enemy to monarchy , i should willingly how , that monarchy and episcopacy are not so neerly linkt , as that royal aphorism of king iames , no bishop , no king , seems to imply . for though royalty and priest-hood , which antiently by right of primogeniture concenter'd in one , the same being law-giver and sacrificer ( see here , mr. author the kings right to the priestly office and the clergies interest in making laws ) were in succeeding ages deriv'd to different persons , their interests yet were not divided with their persons . but as the royal and sacerdotal dignity have the same original , and antiently prince and priest had one and the same name ; so , though differently branch't now , yet as springing from the same root , they flourish and decay together . so regularly is the religious state incorporate with the civil , that the image of episcopacy ( like the statuaries in pallas target ) seems so riveted in monarchy , that none can attempt defacing the one , without breaking the other . nay , those who have been taught by calvin and beza to demean themselves so irreverently to the fathers of their church , have learn'd from such apostles as knox and buchanan ( to whom duller mariana might have gone to school ) to pay as little obedience to the fathers of their country . this is evident from these opinions . that the kings personal and politique capacity are distinct , and so they fought for his crown , when they shot at his person . that the original of government is in the people , and that he derives his soveraignty from their consent , and not from succession , and by consequence is no king before he is crown'd , and his style should not run dei ●●atia , but populi consensu . that he is greater then his subjects singly and apart , but lesser then them altogether , that is , as mr. digges speaks , a father is greater then this or that son ; but less then all his children together . that there is a co-ordination of the three estates , but this is moderate ; others go farther , and tell us the king is subordinate to the other two estates under whom he governs : nay , milton holds , that the legislative power is in the parliament exclusively and the executive only in the king. and that the supreme magistrate is accountable to the inferior , and though paraeus's book was burnt for this , yet mr. baxter in his holy common-wealth maintains , he may be call'd to an account by any single peer . now because they have been too liberal , and confer'd too large a power in civil affairs on their soveraign , they will be sure to retrench it in spirituals . o they can never give enough to the lay-elders ! for they admit lay-men to intermeddle in ecclesiastical matters , though they exclude the king upon that account . therefore bishop bramhall speaking of the scotch disciplinarians in his fair warning to take heed of their discipline , saith , besides those incroachments which they have made upon the rights of all supreme magistrates , there be sundry others which especially concern the king of great brittain , as the use of his tenths , first fruits , and patronages , and which is more then all these ; the dependance of his subjects ; by all which we see that they have thrust out the pope indeed , but retained the papacy . the pope as well as they and they as well as the pope , ( neither barrell better herrings ) do make kings but half kings , kings of the bodies , and not of the souls of their subjects , they allow them some sort of judgment over ecclesiastical persons , in their civil capacities , for it is little ( according to their rules ) which either is not ecclesiastical , or may not be reduced to ecclesiastical . but over ecclesiastical persons , as they are ecclesiasticks , or in ecclesiastical matters , they ascribe unto them no judgment in the world . here , he cites the vindication of their commissioners , wherein , they say , it cannot stand with the word of god , and that no christian prince ever claim'd , or can claim to himself such a power . so that that great prelate , whoever he was ( be he amongst the living or the dead , or in the world of the moon ) that said , the king had no more to do in ecclesiastical matters , then jack that rubb'd his horses heels , may retract his aphorisme , since he is out-shot in his own bow by synods and presbyteries , for according to them , jack that rubbs the horses heels , ( if he be but a lay-elder ) is supreme in ecclesiastical matters . though why our author would have his adversary write a book in defence of that aphorism , who had reserved the priesthood and the exercise of it for the king , i see not , unless it be to vye him , and see him , and re-vye him in contradictions . this figure now is lost to any man that is not a gamester . upon considering all , i am afraid that reformation is tinkers work , making two holes for stopping one ; and therefore i am sorry that this gentleman is employ'd in pulling pins out of the church ; for though the state should not totter , he may chance to pull an old house upon his head. and really he has undertaken a desperate vocation , and there are 20 other more honest and painful ways by which he may earn a living . not that i would have him to do in ecclesiastical matters , so much as to rub down a bishops horses heels , for fear my iack should take himself for a gentleman if he rides sometimes , though it were but to water his masters horse . besides , cleansing a stable ( were it the augean ) being a matter only of external neatness , can never merit the trophies of hercules . for neither can a iustice of peace for an order about dirt-baskets deserve a statue . nor for the same reason would i have him chimney-sweeper to the city , though to give him his due , he ought to be consider'd by them , the next offices they have in their disposal , for taking such a care of their chimneys and their consciences . none of their painful pastors can admonish them better of their duty or their interest ; fear god , honour the king , preserve your consciences , ( sweep 'em rather , they 're fouler then your chimneys ) follow your trades , and look to your chimneys ( not forgetting the crickets ) this is well enough for a belmans song , instead of look to your fire , locks and candle light. but chimney-reformation is somewhat below the man , and there are many other callings more advantagious and beneficial then crying chimney sweep , ay , or then card-matches and save-alls , or the more substantial mouse-trap-men ; many , i say there are of a more orthodox invention then these , and less distastful to the sanctified ear of english protestants , witness the london-cryes of the late blessed times , when . the oyster-women lockt their fish up , and trudg'd away to cry no bishop . and some for brooms , old boots and shoes , cry'd out to purge the commons house . instead of kitchen-stuff some cry , a gospel preaching ministry ; and some for old sutes , coats , cloak , no surplice , nor service book . well , since bishops must down , ( and to be sure then down falls popery ) i think the fairest way to rid our hands of them is , for mr. animadverter to put his book in the hands of the itinerant gospellers that travel up and down with two penny books , and preach the desolation and downfall of the man of sin. ( ah , many a good book of mr. bs. and i. o's have these bawlers cry'd ) the project will take wonderfully with your street-auditory , the rabble . then they may sing the fall of antichristian magistrates and laws , you have plentifully provided them with canting for that purpose , for from pag. 243. to pag. 250. you have carried on the cause . i will point to some of it , pag. 249. pag. 250. princes consider , that god has instated them in the government of mankind , with that incumbrance ( if it may so be call'd ) of reason , and that incumbrance upon reason of conscience . that he might have given them as large an extent of ground , and other kind of cattle for their subjects : but it had been a melancholy empire to have been only supream grasiers and soveraign shepheards . and therefore , though the laziness of that brutal magistracy might have been more secure , yet the difficulty of this does make it more honourable . that men therefore are to be dealt with reasonably : and conscientious men by conscience . that even law is force , and the execution of that law a greater violence ; and therefore with rational creatures not to be us'd but upon the utmost , extremity . that the body is in the power of the mind ; so that corporal punishments do never reach the offender , but the innocent suffers for the guilty . that the mind is in the hand of god , and cannot correct those perswasions which upon the best of its natural capacity it has collected : so that it too , though erroneous , is so far innocent . that the prince therefore , by how much god hath indued him with a clearer reason , & by consequence with a more inlightned judgment , ought the rather to take heed lest by punishing conscience he violate not only his own , but the divine majesty . so that if any prince will hold his kingdom by mr. animadve●ters tenure , he is fully instated in the melancholy empire of all his parks and chases , and next and immediately under conscience , over all persons ( their bodies only reserv'd in the power of their minds , and their minds in the hand of god ) and all other kind of his said majesties cattle , within his rational or irrational realms and dominions , supreme head and governour . this indeed is the most full and comprehensive inventory of the goods and chattels of monarchy ( if i may so speak ) that eve● was heard of . instating princes not only in the government of irrational cattle , a right which all successively have claim'd from adam ; brutal magi●tracy being a flower of his crown , and a prerogative of his melancholy empire , transmitted from him to the patriarchs , and all the supreme grasiers and soveraign shepherds : but assigning also other kind of cattle for their government as their rational subjects . ay , and such cattle as conscientious men. which right as it was at first deriv'd ( as some fancy ) from the original consent of the people , so is the exercise of it confirm'd by a like consent of their heirs , or rather of their consciences . now these tamer subjects , ( the brutes ) are to be govern'd by force , that is in our authors words , by law ; for hunters though they have an absolute power of life and death over those we call the ferae naturae , yet give law even unto them : but the conscientious drove are not so easily yok'd as the horn'd subjects of the wood , and therefore law is not to be us'd with them , but upon the utmost extremity . for which reason our autho●tels us that brutal magistracy is more secure ▪ and the latter more difficult : which confirms an opinion of the malmsbury philosophers , that horses , had they laws amongst them , would prove more generous subjects them , men. 't is true , the animadverter says , that god might have given princes as large as extent of ground , and other kind of cattle for their subjects , ( subjects are one kind of cattle it seems ) but it had been a melancholy empire to have been only supream grasiers and soveraign shepherds . and yet as melancholy an empire as that would have been , he has instated them in one far more unpleasant and uncomfortable , over subjects , from whom they must expect no greater security for obedience , then their own good nature : for punish them they must not if disloyal and unjust , for fear of disobliging their consciences : for though he says that laws should not be put in execution , but upon the utmost extremity , 't is plain he intends they should not be executed at all ; for in the very next words he affirms , that the body is in the power of the mind , so that corporal punishment do never reach the offender , but the innocent suffers for the guilty . admirable stoick ! but say that the infamy of a gibbet cannot shame the generous mind , nor the severities of the rack and wheel awe the most servile : say further that corporal punishments cannot reach the principal offender , the mind ; must therefore the accessary and subordinate instrument , the body , scape unpunisht ? but the mind it seems , is not only out of the reach , but jurisdiction of the civil magistrate . for it is in the hand of god , and cannot correct those perswasions , which upon the best of its natural capacity it has collec●ed : so that if too , though erroneous , is so far innocent . that the prince therefore , by how much god hath endued him with a c●earer reason , and by consequence with a more enlightned iudgment , ought the rather to take heed , lest by punishing the conscience , he violate not only his own , but the divine majesty . so , now let any of the most desperate patrons of fatal necessity come out and speak any more . truly , this is a pretty way not only of excusing , but hallowing all the villany in the world , by dedicating it , ( i dread to speak it ) to the deity . this is the syntagm of calvin's divinity , and system of our authors policy . bishop bramhall ( as was before noted ) accus'd the scotch disciplinarians for making kings but kings of the bodies , and not of the souls of their subjects , but this gentleman is so courteous as to release them from the charge of both , for the bodies of their subjects are exempt from their jurisdiction , as being in the power of their minds , and their minds are in the hand of god , and so monarchs had best take heed , least by punishing the consciences of their subjects , they violate with their own , the divine majesty . and now shut up the church doors , there is no use of altars for the guilty , they need run no farther then to their own consciences for sanctuary , and be safe . cut in pieces the whipping posts and pillories , make bonfires of the gallowses , set open all the prisons , and let there be a general goal-delivery , for corporal punishments are all unjust , and reach not the guilty , but the innocent ; and what is more , they are manifest infringments on our libertys , and the magna charia of conscience . sheath the sword of justice , mure up westminster-hall , and set bills on the courts , for laws are force , and the execution of them ( though in inflicting the smallest penalties ) a greater violence . away with these oppressions of the free-born . all causes are to be try'd in foro interno . and every man is his own judge in that high court of judicature , his conscience , from which ( in the character of soveraignty ) there is no appeal . here kings are depos'd for violating the divine majesty , and their own in the exercise of that large power which god hath intrusted them as his deputies with . to this , all must swear allegiance and supremacy , and those that are loyal to conscience , may lawfully be traytors to their soveraign . the supream magistrate is accountable to the inferior , but the conscientious man in this preposterous way of climbing downwards , is an inferior magistrate above even the inferior , as he is a supream over the supream . thus conscience is at once ( like mr. calvin ) pope and emperor , seated in st. pet●rs chair and the imperial throne , invested with as great a power in ordine ad spiritualia , as gods vice-roys justly challenge , or christs vicar-general usurps : so have we rejected one pope , and set up as many in his room , as there are subjects . for had not infallibility place in every private judgment , ( and conscience is no more ) why should our author imagine , that princes in punishing conscience , violate their own , and the divine majestie ? for can they violate the divine majesty in punishing error ? sure i am , if those consciences do not erre , that are tender of offending god in obeying men , and not tender of offending him in disobeying them , we must alter the scripture , and say , disobey for conscience sake : but he adds , the conscience though erroneous , is so far innocent as it is in the hand of god , and cannot correct those perswasions which upon the best of its natural capacity it has collected . but if the prince in punishing an●thers conscience , proceeds according to his own , is not his so far innocent too ? and since you are so great an advocate for absolute necessity , you should do well to remember , that zeno when his man pleaded a necessity of offending , answer'd him with a cudgel , alleadging the like necessity of beating him . thus have you divested princes of an vnlimited and vnco●●roulable power , and given it to a more imperious and arbitrary tyrant , conscience . and because your adversary had told you , that princes have power to bind their subjects to that religion that they apprehend most advantagious to publick peace : to avoid this rock , you split upon a worse , concurring rather with your dear friend mr. milton : who says , that the only true religion if commanded by the civil magistrate , becomes unchristian , inhumain and barbarous . in cashiering the magistrates authority in things indifferent , you rob him of all his power ; for those things that are absolutely lawful and necessary in themselves were commanded by god before . and besides , that that opinion , that things indifferent in themselves become unlawful when impos'd , is irrational and absurd ; as if ( says one ) that were unlawful to be done when commanded , which was lawful to be done even without a command . the consequence is yet wilder , for if things indifferently lawful , become sinful when impos'd , then by the same reason they must needs become necessary , when they are forbidden . and so consequently , whatsoever of this nature the magistrate shall forbid , men must look upon themselves as bonnd in conscience to practice ; and thus you give him that power over your consciences by his prohibitions , which you deny to his commands . no less ridiculous is this , that law is force , and the execution of that law , a greater violence , and therefore not to be us'd with rational creatures , but upon the utmost extremity . but if the people be forc'd to obey those laws , to the making of which they consented in their representatives ; certainly they are not forc'd without their own consent . besides , what have rules of force in them , and laws in their primary intention were no more . the penalty was only annex'd in case of non-performance . and here the casuists ( those reverend serieants at the gospel ) will tell you , that it is not lawful without great reason to prefer passive obedience before active , because the law aims not so much at punishment as conformity . neither is the execution of the law , so great a violence as is imagined . for some are condemned to suffer , for a terrour to others . to condemn them , because they have offended , is a folly says plato : for what is once done , can never be undone . but they are condemn'd because they should not offend again , or that others may avoid the example of their offence . and one man is hang'd to prevent the hanging of many more . upon considering all , i see not but your state of conscience leads to a wilder anarchy then the hobbian state of nature , and how much better might you have assign'd princes the government of an innocent flock according to the rules of arcabian policy , then that of such ungovernable cattle , as conscientious savages . the command of fields and pastures is more honourable on these terms , then that of populous towns , and cities ( which our poet and your bishop d' avenant calls the wall'd parks of herded men ) what monarch , rather then he would be clogg'd with such conditions , would not exchange his royal purple for a forresters green , and the formality of that dress ( you know ) no man would scruple in order to the sylvan empire . so far however it is agreed by all in favour of your supreme grasiers and soveraign shepherds , that their melancholy empire , and brutal magis●racy shall for ever shut out of doors roman empire . and ecclesiastical policy . as to those misfortunes which you observe , page 244 , 245. befell some bold princes that were too saucy with their subjects , i shall only match them with some historical remarks in an ingenious writer against mr. milton , concerning the rise and fall of republicks , he tells us , that it was not the tyranny of spain , nor the cruelty of duke d'alva , nor the blood of their nobility , nor religion , nor liberty , that made the dutch cast off their obedience to their prince , but one penny excise laid upon a pound of butter , that made them implacably declare for a common-wealth ; that the venetians were banisht into a free state by attila , and their glorious liberty was at first no other , then he may be said to have , that is turn'd out of his house . that the romans were cuckolded into their freedom ; and the pisans trepan'd into their's by charles the eighth . that as common-wealths sprung from base originals , so they have ruin'd upon as slight occasions . the same pisans , after they had spent all they had upon a freak of liberty , were sold ( like cattle ) by lewis the 12th . the venetians hector'd , and almost ruin'd by maximilian the first , a poor prince , for refusing to lend him money , as they were not long before by francesco sforza about a bastard . and the florentines were utterly enslav'd for spoyling of an embassadors speech , and disparaging petro de medicis fine liveryes . to this i might add , that many stories there are of subjects , who have in all humility condescended to bear with the infirmities of their princes ( remembring your rule , that great persons do out of civility condescend to their inferi●urs ) nay have been proud to imitate them , even your alexanders followers bore their heads sideling as their master did , and dionysius his courtiers would , in his presence , run and justle one another , and either stumble at , or overthrow whatever stood before their feet , to show , that they were as pur-blind as he . so much for his design against monarchy , there is a deal of plot yet behind , but now it begins to break . page 224. he says , in the late kings time , some eminent persons of our clergy made an open defection to the church of rome . and instances him that writ the book of seven sacraments , which had been pertinent indeed , had he writ of seven sacraments all necessary to salvation . but how can this man imagine that we should believe , that some eminent persons of the clergy in the late kings time , made an open defection to the church of rome , when he does not believe himself , for p. 297. he cannot think , that they had a design to alter our religion , but rather to set up a new kind of papacy of their own here in england . then this was the reason it seems , why archbishop laud gain'd hales from socinus ( you great wit confess'd when bassled by that prelate , that he understood more then ceremonies , arminianism , and manwaring ) and many besides of considerable quality from the church of rome , but none of greater note then ch llingworth ; for this it was , that he twice refus'd a red-hat : and no wonder , a cardinal-ship could not tempt him , when he design'd an english popedome . but to prove this surmise of his groundless , we need go no farther then the reconciliation which the arch-bishop labour'd betwixt us and rome , for the compassing of which , amongst other articles propos'd , the tope was to be allow'd a priority . this accomodation , notwith standing your wisdom censures as a design impossible to be effected , was in so great a forwardness once , that it was thought , nothing but the opposition of the iesuites on the one side , and the puritans on the other , could obstruct it , as the popes nuncio , affirm'd to be written by the venetian embassador , expresses it . and indeed , the pragmaticalness of these two , had made the breach much wider then at first , else the more moderate of each party by distinguishing betwixt the doctrines of private men , and the confessions of either church , might easily have adjusted those differences , and so have laid a lasting foundation for the peace of christendome and as for all our authors idle talk of infallibility and secular interest , he shows , he has clearly mistaken the whole matter ; for 't was not an agreement with the court , but with the church of rome , that was propos'd in this mediation . but the gentleman is wonderful pleasant , for who knows ( says he pag. 35. ) in such a treaty with rome , if the alps would not have come over to england . ( no , i would not they should , for they have stood ever since the flood at least , and i am a great enemy to the removing of ancient land-marks ) england might not have been oblig'd , lying so commodious for navigation , to undertake a voyage to civita vechia . that need not neither sir , and though t is pity this conceit should have been lost , yet there is a better way then this ; for since our island is so conveniently situate for trading , had there been a good correspondence maintain'd betwixt the catholick merchants and ours , they mght more easily have drove on the traffick ; interchangeably exporting our religion in cabbages , and importing the roman in oranges and lemons . so that there was not that necessity of englands lying at dover , for a fair wind to be shipt for civita vechia . for besides that transportation of kingdomes is somewhat more troublesome then removing house , such a little spot of ground as this island would soon have been missing in the map , had it been mov'd out of its place ; and so have occasion'd many disputes in geography . who knows too , if the english had once broke up house , and pack'd up their goods and their lands to be gone , but some of their neighbours might have follow'd their example ; and the hollanders after they had given their old landlord the king of spain warning , might have flung up their leases , and in time , the neth●rlands would have been to be let. and though his catholique majesty might possibly be provided with better tenants , for these 't is said have not paid him a farthing since the duke of alv● distrain'd last for rent ; yet if all these new planters should not have had elbow-room in st. peters patrimony , his holiness i fear would have been put to the trouble of building some cottages upon the wast , or at least of making a law against ecclesiastical inmates to have secur'd his parish from an unnecessary charge . certainly , had mr. author been one of the commissioners for draining of the fennes , he could not have argu'd more profoundly against the cutting of the ecclesiastick canal . pag 30. he compares it with those attempts in former ages of digging through the separating istmos of peloponnesus and making communication between the red sea , and the mediterranean . but since he is so averse from any commnnication with rome , he might have done well to forbid any correspondence between their elements and ours . who can tell at how great a distance every breath of moving air may continue articulate ? especially , if vocaliz'd in sir s. moreland's trumpet . nay , why may not those birds that sojourn with us half the year , when they fly thither for winter quarters , sing strange stories in the italian groves ? and those the learned in ornithology understand . how if those winds that whistle near our coasts , should whisper tales there ? and strange secrets may be discover'd by the roman eaves-droppers , if they lay their ears to the ground . what does he think of a communication between rivers ? for it may so happen , that the protestant thames may at some time or other mix with the impurer streams of papal tyber , and hold some kind of intelligence in their pratling murmurs , when they both discharge into the sea ( there may be another communication too this way , between the roman piss-pots and the reform'd ) i am somewhat unwilling i must confess to venture too far into these depth's , for fear of being plung'd past recovery . i leave them therefore to be fathom'd by this gentlemans plummet . he has been over shoes already , ay , and over boots too . he has waded through the leman lake and the river rhosne , and knows every creek and corner in each ( better then any of the water-rats or natives ) p. 55. he tells you that the river ducks under ground , such is its apprehension ( a very apprehensive river indeed ) least the lake should overtake it ( that is to say , the lake stands still , as fast as the current can run ) so great a wader in discoveries i am confident might be successfully employ'd in groping for the head of nile . but to conclude his discourse of accommodation , and with that his plot. i have heard of a hampshire clown who being upon the sea-shore , and seeing nothing but water beyond england , would not be perswaded that there was any such country as france , but that all the relations of it were travellers tales . and this gentleman belike , having collected upon the best of his capacity ( and what perswasions the mind has so collected , it cannot correct ) that the clearest day could not discover rome to one standing at dover , imagin'd not absurdly , that two places remov'd at such a distance , could never meet , unless england made an errand over the water , or the catholick city were transported hither . and good reason it is , according to the geography of religions , and assigning one religion to islands , and another to the continent , that the same sea which makes a separation of places , should also make a schism in religions . well , i see it now all along this can be no less a man then sir politique would-bee himself , his reasonings , his debates , and his projects are the same , both for possibility and use. and what does more abundantly confirm it , his diary proclaims him right sir pol. there is nothing so low or trivial that escapes a place either in his memory or table-book . every action of his life is quoted . he notes all occurrences in gaming-ordinaries , and all arguments in the str●et : how the boys agree in whipping gigs in lincolns inne fields , and what luck the lacqueys have at charing-cross in playing at the wheel of fortune . how often every man urines , and whether he looks on a preface that while or no. all these he books , and many more of that politicians memorandum's he has in reserve ; as no question the day and year set down when the rats gnaw'd his spur-leathers , and the very hour when he burst a pick●tooth in discoursing with a dutch merchant about ragioni di stato . there is one project more of that politique knights , not much below this gentlemans reflexion , in relation to the security of the city , and that is concerning tinder-boxes , for since almost no family here , is without its box , and that is so portable a thing , how easie is it for any man ill affected to the state , to go with one in his pocket into a powder-shop , or where any other combustible wares are lodg'd , and come out again , and none the wiser . how sit were it therefore ; the state should be advertis'd that none but such as are known patriots and lovers of their country should be trusted with such dangerous furniture in their houses , and even those too seal'd at the tinder-box office , and of such a bigness , as might not lurk in pockets . well , though our transproser makes no difference as to the plot or characters in his heroick plays , yet his rehearsal is as full of drollery as ever it can hold ; 't is like an orange stuck with cloves ; as for conceipt . pag. 6. he leads us into a printing-house , and describes it in the same style as the man who shows iohn tradescants rarities ( which is extraordinary fine for those who have never seen such a sight ) the letters are shown for teeth of strange animals ( sure garagantua's hollow tooth would have gone for a capital letter . ) and what is more surprising for serpents teeth . and those very teeth which cadmus sow'd , from which ( it seems ) he had a large crop of printing-letters . the first essay ( he has told us ) that was made towards this art , was in single characters upon ●ron , wherewith of old they stigmatized slaves and remarkable offenders . he might have pursu'd the subject further yet , and told us of another use of these single characters upon iron , ( god knows how ancient ) which is , that of proprietaries marking cattle , and from hence have learnedly concluded a propriety in letters , as well as beasts . the argument if improv'd might have been of force for the peoples propriety in language , ( a new priviledge of subject for which our author contends ) for how justly may he plead , that they give names to their dogs and horses , ( an original flower of adams crown ) and fix distinguishing characters on their sheep , ( nay , mark their piss-pots , bowls and flagons ) they exercise a petty royalty in pinfolding cattle , and pounding beasts , in making wills and testaments ; leases made with no less caution then laws , pass ( in the imperial style ) under their hand and seal ; and why should not they be intrusted in wording laws for the publick ? for 't is unreasonable to fill the princes head with proclamations . and since cattle-blazo●ry , ( as was said before ) is their due , why might not they have the dispensing of coats of arms. and if their pocket-seals are authoritative enough for setting their lands , and binding their sons , why not for disposing of offices too , as well as the great seal ? if any man shall say , that some of them are unletter'd ( as some few of a private condition and breeding are ) and so incapacitated for law-makers , because they are not good scribes : the answer is easie , if they cannot write their names , they may set their mark , ( this i conceive was the first essay towards the art of writing , as that in single characters upon iron , was towards that other of printing ) and to authenticate this , i remember sir politick would-bee ( that worthy predecessor of this gentleman ) tells us of a letter he receiv'd from a high and mighty cheesemonger , one of the lords of the states general , who could not write his name ( at least at length , and with all his titles ) and therefore had set his mark to it . not but that he had secretaries under him ( latin or no , i know not ) that could do it . but this was for the greater majesty . but if the people will be so civil as to forego their uncontroulable power in language ( which they have by a natural right , antecedent to christ ) they may , but our author will not upon so easie tearms recede from his prerogative . for there are two letters i. o. over which he claims an absolute power to make them signify any thing , or nothing , as he pleases . he had lookt in his dictionary ( 't is one of his highest authors ) and found that io uses to go before paean , and then amongst the proper names he saw io was the daughter of inac●us , and so ( as he tells us , pag. 83. ) that as juno persecuted the heifer , this i. o. was an he-cow , that is to say a bull to be baited by mr. bayes . it seems then in his accidence ( whether it be the same with miltons accidence commenc'd grammer , i know not ) it is hae● io , a cow both he and she. but though i. o. be the letters which make up four pages of his book , ( as if his printer could furnish him with no other ) yet is his alphabet wit further improvable for this i being the tallest slendrest letter of the alphabet , and o the roundest , he could not have pickt out two in all the criss-cross-row that point more plainly at the man that owns them , for according to signatures , they emblem a tall sir iohn that has been a round-head . as to the first part of his character , our author has so far decipher'd him , telling us pag. 68. of one i. o. a tall servant of the ecclesiastical politician's . and for the later , the owner of those two letters has decipher'd himself in his books . but if these be not sufficient marks to know the beast by , he has describ'd the monster with the punctuality of a gazett-advertisement that gives notice of a crop-ear'd gelding stray'd from his master . for pag. 83. he tells us this i. o. has a head , and a mouth with tongue and teeth in it , and hands with fingers and nails upon them . which is almost as apposite a description of an independent , as his friend mr. milton has given us of a bishop , who in his apology for his animadversions upon the remonstrants defence against smectymnuus , says , that a bishops foot that hath all his toes maugre the gout , and a linnen sock over it , is the aptest emblem of the bishop himself ; who being a pluralist , under one surplice which is also linnen ( and therefore so far like the toe-surplice , the sock ) hides four benefices besides the metropolitan toe . so that when arch-bishop abbot was suspended , we might say in mr. miltons style , his metropolitan toe was cut off . but since milton is so great an enemy to great toes ( however dignified or distinguisht , be they papal or metropolitan ) we would fain know , whether his are all of a length , since the leveller ( it seems ) affects a parity even in toes . whether now his bishop with a metropolitan toe , or our authors congregational man with ten fingers and long nails upon all , be the fitter mo●ster to be shown , is hard to say . only , i am glad to hear that the author of evangelical love has got claws , since belike his evangelical love ( like that of cats ) is exercis'd for the most part in scratching and clawing . and now let the bishops look to their faces , and beware of some with long nails . for unluckily , among other calamities of late , there has happen'd a prodigious conjunction of a latin secretary and an english school-master , the appearance of which , none of our astrologers foretold , nor no comet ●ortended . it may be for our authors reason , because it is of far higher quality , and hath other kind of employment , and therefore , though an hairy star , it might afford no prognostick of these two monkeys lousing the bishops heads . but if milton's sock will not well endure a comparison with the surplice , what think you of our animadverter's joyning the white-surplices and the white-aprons in one period , pag. 195. ( observe iohn milton , they are both linnen and both white . ) 't is much we heard not here of the sympathy of white linnen , as well as of the sympathy of scarlet , pag. 68. where our author has married the tippet and the red petticoat . see how the turky-cock ( if that be not too masculine an emblem for a capon-wit ) bristles at the sight of any thing that 's red. however , this i hope may be a means to reconcile the holy sisters to the church , for if there be so good an agreement between the tippets and red petticoats , and the white surplices and white aprons , they are come one step nearer to conformity then they were aware of . who knows too , but in time they may be perswaded that their's are canonical vestments , save only that the doctresses wear their tippets at the wrong end , and inverting the usual form , under their surplices . in the mean time , i think the regulating canonical habits an employment no way commensurate to our authors abilities , wishing him rather to concern himself in such worthy cares as a reformation of the hospital-boys blue coats , or the water-mens red-coats and badges , and so till he proceed to the lacquey's liveries . and then possibly he may conceit himself qualified in some degree for an undertaking in heraldry . a perfection he envies in bishop bramhall . for it looks like upbraiding in any man to vaunt his skill in heraldry before any one of his private condition that wants a coat of arms , or at least like reflecting on his private breeding that never learnt to blazon anothers . for what else can you make of his animadversion , pag. 34. upon this maxime of the bishop , that second reformations are commonly like metal upon metal , which is false he raldry . upon which , it is a wonder , ( says he ) that our author in enumerating the bishops perfections in divinity , law , history and philosophy , neglected this peculiar gift he had in heraldry , which is altogether as sleeveless as the heralds coat , if i may have to offer at that low wit with which our author so plentifully abounds . for to give you some of his clenches , p. 158. he says , his adversary leaps cross , and has more doubles , ( nay triples and quadruples ) then any hare . and to shew , that he as well as mr. bayes is an enemy to all the moral vertues , pag. 322. he tells us , the ecclesiastical politician makes grace a meer fable , of which he gives us the moral . and p , 135. if the archbishoprick of canterbury should ever fall to his lot , i am resolved instead of his grace , to call him always his morality . whereas he tells us a story of the scurvy disease , pag. 134 , his history , and his hard names of podostrabae , doctylethrae , rhinolabides , &c. pag. 132. declare him sufficiently graduated in canting for a pox-doctor . i shall only mind him here of another scurvy disease deriv'd from geneva , contemporary with that brought over from the indies . for unless our calculators are out , the pox and presbytery broke out at the same time in europe . and therefore are the twin-diseases deservedly associated in a fatal chronology . and now for what he discourses p. 47. of those who having never seen the receptacle of grace or conscience at an anatomical dissection conclude that there is no such matter ; the learn'd in anatomy are so far from granting him this , that they assure him of the contraty . maintaining upon dissection of the presbyterian carcasses that they have made an undoubted discovery of the receptacle of conscience , unanimously agreeing upon their best observation that it lies very near the spleen . there is one conceit behind which i had almost forgot , in his discourse of the liberty of unlicens'd printing p. 6. ( which is little else but milton's areopagitica in short hand ) the very sponges which one would think should rather deface and blot out the whole bo●k , and were anciently used to that purpose , are become now the instruments to make things legible . but truly , i think the sponge has left little else visible in his book more then what it did in the figures of those two painters in the one of which it fortunately dash't the foam of a mad horse , and in the other , the slaver of a weary dog ; the sponges ruder blot prevailing above all the light touches and tender strokes of the pencil . and indeed for this inimitable art of the sponge , this of expressing slaver and foam to the life , i will not deny but his work deserves to be celebrated beyond the pieces of either painter . if you will have it in his elegancy , i never saw a man in so high a salivation . if in miltons ( i know he will be proud to lick up his spittle ) he has invested himself withall the rheume of the town , that he might have sufficient to bespaul the clergy . but enough of these two loathsome beasts , and their spitting and spauling . now what think you of washing your mouth with a proverb or two . for i cannot but remark this admirable way he has of embellishing his writings proverbial-wit . as for instance . one night has made some men gray , pag. 144. and better come at beginning of a feast , then latter end of a fray : pag. 166. which ( to express them proverbially ) are all out as much to the purpose as any of sancho pancha's proverbs . for the truth of this comparison , i shall only appeal to the leaf-turners of don quixot . some there are below the quality of the squires wit , and would better have become the mouth of his lady ioan , or any old gammer that drops sentences and teeth together , as ( speaking of his own tale of the lake perillous , ) he faith in its applause , this story would have been nuts to mother midnight , pag. 56. and pag. 142. a year , nay an instant at any time of a mans life may make him wiser . and his adversary hath , like all other fruits his annual maturity . though there is one sort of fruit trees above all the rest , that bears with its fruit , a signal hieroglyphick of our author ; and that 's a medlar : a fruit more remarkable for its annual maturity , because the same also is an annual rottenness . as for his wonderful gift in rhyming , i could furnish him with many more of the isms and nesses , but that i should distast a blank verse friend of his , who can by no means endure a rhyme any where but in the middle of a verse , therein following the laudable custom of the welsh poets . and therefore i shall only point at some of the nesses , the more eminent , because of the peoples coiage ; and of a stamp as unquestionable as the breeches , and so far more legitimate then any that have past for currant since the people left off to mind words ( another flower of their crown which they fought for , besides religion and liberty ) they are these , one-ness , same-ness , muchness , nothing-ness , soul-saving-ness ; to which we may add another of our authors own , pick-thank-ness ; in which word ( to keep our rhyme ) there is a peculiar marvelousness . i should now in imitation of our author proceed to his personal character , but i shall only advise his painter if ever he draws him below the wast , to follow the example of that artist , who having compleated the picture of a woman , could at any time , with two strokes of his pencil upon her face , two upon her breast , and two betwixt her thighs ; change her in an instant into man : but after our authors female figure is compleated , the change of sex is far easier ; for nature , or sinister accident has rendred some of the alteration-strokes useless and unnecessary . this expression of mine may be somewhat uncouth , and the fitter therefore ( instead of fig-leaves , or white linnen ) to obscure what ought to be conceal'd in shadow . neither would i trumpet the truth too loudly in your ears , because ( 't is said ) you are of a delicate hearing , and a great enemy to noise ; insomuch that you are disturb'd with the too●ing of a sow-geiders horn. some busie people there are , that would be forward enough it may be to pluck the vizor off this sinister accident , not without an evil eye at your distich on vn accident sinistre , to which they imagine some officious poet might easily frame a repartee to the like purpose as this tetrastich . o marvellous fate . o fate full of marvel ; that nol's latin pay two clerks should deserve ill ! hiring a gelding and milton the stallion ; his latin was gelt , and turn'd pure italian . certainly to see a stallion leap a gelding , ( and this leap't fair , for he leapt over the geldings head ) was a more p●eposterous sight , or at least more italian , then what you fancy of father patrick's bestriding doctor patrick . neither is it unlikely but some may say in defence of these verses , that nol's latin clerks were somewhat italianiz'd in point of art as well as language , and for the proof of this refer those that are curious to a late book call'd the rehearsal transpros'd , where p. 77. the author or some body for him asks his antagonist if the non-conformists must down with their breeches as oft as he wants the prospect of a more pleasing nudity . and for his fellow journey-man , they may direct the leaf-turners to one of his books of divorce , ( for he has learnedly parted man and wife in no less then four books ) namely , his doctrine and discipline , where toward the bottom of the second page , they may find somewhat which will hardly merit so cleanly an expression as that of the moral satyrist , words left , betwixt the sheets . not but that he has both excus'd and hallow'd his obscenity elsewhere by pleading scripture for it , as pag. 24 , 25. of his apology for his animadversions upon the remonstrants defence against smectymnuus . and again in his areopagitica , p. 13. for religion and morality forbid a repetition . such was the liberty of his unlicenc'd printing , that the more modest aretine were he alive in this age , might be set to school again , to learn in his own art of the blind school-master . thus have you had the transproser rehears'd . and now perhaps you may be in expectation of the f●fth act promis'd you in the title ; but because it is the bookseller's as well as poet●s art to raise your expectation and bring you off some extraordinary way , i will not deprive you of the pleasure of being cheated : but since the transprosing muses are gone to dinner , i shall at present , according to a late precedent only read you the argument of the fifth act , receding as little as i can , from that which was found in mr. bayes his pocket , and then making our author personate prince pretty-man , and varying old ioan to the church of geneva ; it is in effect no more then this , that prince pretty-man ( the character is great enough for a man of private condition ) being passionately in love ( you may allow him to be an allegorical lover at least ) with old ioan ( not the chandlers , but mr. calvins widow ) walks discontentedly by the side of the lake lemane , sighing to the winds and calling upon the woods ; not forgetting to report his mistresses name so often , till he teach all the eccho's to repeat nothing but ioan ; now entertaining himself in his solitude , with such little sports , as loving his love with an i , and then loving his love with an o , and the like for the other letters . and anon with such melancholy divertisements as angling in the lake for trouts . and making many an amorous comparison between his heart and the silly captives , his innocent prey , his fishing lines you may conceive , fram'd of a no less delicate contexture , then old ioan's hair , ( the mode of wearing hair-bracelets was scarce in use then , or else you had heard of that . ) to be short , after he has carv'd his mistresses name with many love-knots and flourishes in all the bushes and brambles ; and interwoven those sacred characters with many an enigmatical devise in posies and garlands of flowers , lolling sometimes upon the bank and sunning himself , and then on a sudden ( varying his postures with his passion ) raising himself up , and speaking all the fine things which lovers us'd to do . his spirits at last exhal'd with the heat of his passion , swop , he falls asleep , and snores out the rest . if this argument shall require a key , i shall only say , i call not the church of geneva old , for any other reason then that antiquity in mistresses is reckon'd a deformity . besides , i think it would have been an high indecorum to have supposed mr. calvin's widow younger then the chandlers . and for conferring the honour of prince pretty-man on our author , i shall alleadge such reasons as these ; because , they symbolize in their humour , and not a little in their expressions : in their contempt and quarrelling of all others that are not in love with the same mistress , and lastly , in the choice of their mistresses . and first for their symbolizing in their humour and expressions . our author begins very briskly with love and blazing comets , but in the middle of his book ( as prince pretty-man in the height of his rapture ) he grows heavy and dull ; and a lethargy at length seising on his spirits , by that he comes to page 263 , he falls asleep , having first bid mr. bayes good night , but before you can speak a simile of eight verses over him ; whip , he starts up , and cryes good morrow . ( which is all out as well as it is resolv'd . ) add to this , that his snip-snap wit , hit for hit , and dash for dash is pure prince pret and tom thimble . as to their symbolizing in their contempt and quarrelling of all others that are not in love with the same mistress , his whole book is a demonstration of their admirable agreement in this point of singularity . hectoring all that are not equal adorers of mr. calvin's charming dowager , though he himself would sooner have a passion for a whale , then any other mistress but his own . and for the choise of their mistresses ; the prince quits that chloris , whom gods would not pretend to blame for old ioan , the chandler's widow , and this gallant no less preposterously , espouses the sluttish mother church of geneva before our church with all her ornaments and decorations , preferring the blue and white aprons before the glories of her yellow hood and bull-head , admiring most the wrinkles of a homely widow , and the beauties of the grub-street gossips , her ragged daughters and grand-children . now'tis but a little walk to geneva , and to invite you thither , i dare undertake for your welcome . that you shall have good chear there , and good company . and besides your other entertainments there , you may shoot with the arbalet , or play at court-boule . the divines there are notable good companions . they are incomparable pall-mall-players . and very good bowlers too no doubt ( would they were as honest men ) but though we have geneva in the wind , i am afraid we had need of a better guide then our noses , else we shall ne're come thither . and for strangers to ask the way , would be the readier means perhaps to set'em out of it . if we enquire of some they 'le tell us , it lies south of the lake ; if of other , they say it lies west , and geographers are in as many stories as the country people . in this uncertainty of information , what course shall we steer ? shall we consult the oracle ? we must go then to the transproser . he 'l direct us sure , as wisards to lost cattle . navigators may be taught to sail by him , truer then by the compass . he has breath'd the aire of as many countries as the travelling g●eek and pious trojan . and may more justly challenge the honor of citizen of the world , then that wise philosopher . a geographer born and bred , even from his cradle . rockt from his child-hood on the sea's . coriat himself was not a truer traveller . and what one sung of him , is with more justice due to our author . some say when he was born ( o wondrous hap ) first time ●e pi●t his clouts , he drew a map. if we ask his advice then , he 'l bid us steer to the west ; and yet those that have travell'd as far as geneva in mercator , botero , &c. cry , to the south of the lake . must we then correct maps , no , rather , our compass ; and add a new point of this pilot's invention , call'd south and by west . well , fain i would have saluted mr. calvin's house , and paid my obeysance to his threshold . but since the way is so difficult , and my guides unresolv'd ; i have no great maw to it . i shall only therefore leave a ticket for his assignes . it is an enquiry concerning certain things laid to the charge of that harmless , honest divine . in which , if i could receive any satisfaction from them , i should gladly acknowledge the obligation , and be more ready for the future to pay a just veneration to his memory . the one is , a story of an italian marquess , which because i am affraid it tends not much to his honor , and there is a paltry book on purpose set out concerning the whole matter , i shall forbear to recite here . the other , a scurvy report of one servetus , who after he had been confuted by the english bishops , and so dismist ( where were the pillories , whipping-posts , gallies , rods , and axes , that are the ratio vltima cleri ) was more secreetly handled by mr. calvin & lighted into the other world by fire and faggot ( add these two to all the rest , and together they are , ratio vltima calvini ) for which reason bellius , eleutherius , and their fellows styl'd him a bloody man , and the villanous montfort drew calvin's picture not in a gown and cassock , but in a helmet , back and breast , belted and armed like a man of war , ( this shew'd more noble then bishop bramhalls metaphorical armor ) nay , to go further , he was burnt , and as if the world might not know for what , his books too . but what makes the case somewhat the worse , grotius and two or three unlucky fellows lighted unhappily upon some of them , and would bear us in hand , that there were no such crimes there , as calvin imputed to him . serveti libri , no● genevae tantum , sed & aliis in locis per calvini diligentiam exu●ti sunt , fateor tame● unum me exemplum vidisse libri servetiani ; in quo certè ea non reperi , quae ei objicit calvinus , sayes ●rotius in his votum pro pace . i have now done , after i have ( which is but just ) taken leave of my author . sorry i am , to waken him out of that pleasant dream i left him in , when repos'd under the arms of a spreading bramble . but i will disturb him as little a time as may be , a few things only i have to say to him at parting , and then let him take the other nap. first then i cannot but take notice of his scripture railery , for though he has told the ecclesiastical politician , p. 166. that he really makes conscience of using scripture with such a drolling companion , yet he makes none of travesteering it , for amongst the many good jests ( he says , pag. 198 ) he has balk'd in writing his book , lest he should be brought to answer for every prophane and idle word , he could not find in his heart to balk such as these , the nonconformists were great traders in scripture , and therefore thrown out of the temple , p. 232. and p. 207. he tells us , his adversary is run up to the wall by an angel. and again , p. 77. that he is the first minister of the gospel that ever bad it in his commission to rail at all nations . so that if any man will learn by his example ( as he advises in the close of his book ) he may proceed a most accomplish't burlesquer of the scripture , wiithout violating and prophaning those things which are and ought to be most sacred . next for his politicks ; when i observ'd how he limited kings and set subjects free , exempting all affairs of conscience from the jurisdiction of the soveraign and exclaiming against laws as force , and the execution of them as a greater violence ; divesting the civil magistrate of his authority in things indifferent , ( the greatest part of his power ) and ca●olling princes out of their right in complement to their subjects ( forsooth ) flourisht with many stories cull'd for the purpose , and garnish't with a bumkin simile or two , of such ill bred clowns as would desire to be cover'd before their betters : i imagin'd he made his collections out of such authors as buchanan and iunius brutus . and when i remarked how small a matter he made of exposing the wisdome of king and parliament for a superfetation of acts about the same thing , i could not but wonder that any one of a private condition and breeding , who ( it may be ) never had the government of so large a family , as that of a single man and a horse ; should think himself sufficiently capacitated to make better laws for the government of three kingdoms . certainly , not every man that has set his foot in holland and venice , or read over baxters holy common-wealth and harrington's oc●ana , and made a speech once in the rota , is statesman compleat enough for such an undertaking . no , the training of boys and education of horses , are tasks above the experience and abilities of some of these imperious dictators , that assume to themselves a power of correcting their governors . the new modelling of a state is somewhat beyond the oeconomy of a school , and monarchs are above the pedantick discipline of the ferula ; it is arrogance then in a great degree for pedagogues to lecture princes and senates , and a high presumption for every tutor to claim the authority of a buchanan . 't was this i was displeas'd with , his irreverent and disrespective usage of authority . his malicious and disloyal reflections on the late kings reign , traducing the government of the best of princes , and defaming his faithful councellors in so foul a manner , as if he had once made use of miltons pen , and gerbier's pencil . so black a poyson has he suckt from the most virulent pamphlets , as were impossible for any mountebank but the author of iconoclastes to swallow , without the cure of antidotes . and certainly if that libeller has not clubb'd with our writer ( as is with some reason suspected ) we may safely say , there are many miltons in this one man. not to recite too often his too good causes of rebellion , and his caution to wise princes only , to avoid the like occasions . to which i may add his insolent abuse of his gracions soveraign , in so cheaply prostituting his indulgence for a sign to give notice of his seditious writings . i was not a little offended to see him cast so much dirt on the venerable names of laud , bramhal , and cousens , aspersing the last as a papist , notwithstanding his incomparable history of the canon of the scripture , and with the like solecisme branding him that wrote de deo for an atheist . his disingenuity is visible in his misrepresentation of the loan , and his mis-quoting of thorndikes passage of schism . and what is no less remarkable , is his injurious dealing with mr. hales , in citing his tract of schisme , which he could not but disallow of , when he declar'd himself of another opinion , obtaining leave of arch-bishop laud ( who converted him ) to call himself his graces chaplain , that naming him in his publick prayers for his lord and patron , the greate notice might be taken of the alteration . but to conclude all the impertinences of our author , i will not deny but the transproser has merited that crown at least which gallienus the emperour awarded him , who in a solemn hunting flinging ten darts against a bull , from a little distance , never touch't him with one . alleadging this reason , when some seem'd to wonder at the sentence ; this man ( says he ) is expert above you all . for to cast ten darts so little a way against so great a mark , and not to hit it , is a thing which none knows how to do besides himself . give me leave to close all with this short . epilogve . — for ours and for the kingdoms peace may this prodigious way of writing cease . once in our lives let somewhat be compos'd ; not bare rehearsal all , nor all transpros'd . finis . errata . page 2. for transpos'd twice , read transpros'd . p. 5. for impenitently , r. impertinently . p. 7. for anonymus r. anonymous . p. 17. for transposer r. transproser p. 20. for ago off r. g● off . p. 36. for we so loud , r. were so loud . p. 40. for a muse r. amuse . p. 48. for the antagonist's book sellers and stalls , r. book seller and stall p. 72. for reduce r. deduce , and for populi anglicania , r. populi anglicani . p ▪ 75. for heir to his majesties vertues , r. heir to his fathers vertues . p. 80. for in these words , r. on these words . p. 112. for arcabian , r. arcadian . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47635-e150 p. 303. ( mr. cowly's puritan and papi●t . ) 167● pag. 78. p. 233. the history of the english and scotch presbytery wherein is discovered their designs and practices for the subversion of government in church and state / written in french, by an eminent divine of the reformed church, and now englished. historie des nouveaux presbytériens anglois et escossois. english basier, isaac, 1607-1676. 1660 approx. 547 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 144 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36871 wing d2586 estc r17146 13645983 ocm 13645983 100918 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36871) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100918) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 786:6) the history of the english and scotch presbytery wherein is discovered their designs and practices for the subversion of government in church and state / written in french, by an eminent divine of the reformed church, and now englished. historie des nouveaux presbytériens anglois et escossois. english basier, isaac, 1607-1676. du moulin, peter, 1601-1684. bramhall, john, 1594-1663. playford, matthew. the second edition, corrected and enlarged. [46], 240 p. [s.n.], villa franca : 1660. attributed to isaac basier. cf. dnb and bibliothèque nat. cat. also attributed to pierre du moulin and john bramhall. cf. halkett & laing; wing also attributes to du moulin. translated by matthew playford. cf. halkett & laing. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -early works to 1800. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of the english & scotch presbytery . wherein is discovered their designs and practises for the subversion of government in church and state . written in french , by an eminent divine of the reformed church , and now englished . the second edition corrected and enlarged . epiphanius , lib. 1. haeres . ●7 . quod hominum genus ad ecclesiae dei probrum & scandalum adornasse & submisisse satanas videtur , quippe qui christianorum sibi nomen indiderint , ut prop●er eos offensae gentes à sanctae ecclesiae utilitate abhorreant , nuntiatamque veritatem , ob immania illorum facinora & incredibilem nequitiam , repudient ; ut inquam frequentibus illorum sceleribus animadversis , eos quoque , quia sancta dei ecclesia sunt , tales esse sibi persuadeant , atque ita a verissima dei doctrina aures avertant , ut certe paucorum improbita●e , conspecta in universos eadem maledicta conjiciunt . printed in villa franca , anno dom. 1660. the preface . we will take our first rise from that royal declaration or manifesto which his majesty of great britain , cha. the i. commanded to be exposed to the world , for the satisfaction , not only of his own people , but of the reformed churches abroad , at that time when the differences were at the highest , 'twixt him and his parliament-subjects , who practised all the artifices that could be , ( by making use of press and pulpit for that purpose ) to make him not onely odious at home , but sent clandestine agenis , and intelligence abroad , to traduce him among the reformed princes and states , that he was branling in his belief , and had a design to re-introduce the roman religion into his dominions , which was the motive of publishing this manifesto hereunto annext . carolus , singulari omnipotentis dei providentia angliae , scotiae , franciae & hiberniae rex , fidei defensor , &c. universis & singulis qui praesens hoc scriptum ceu protestationem inspexerint , potissimam reformatae religionis , cultoribus cujuscunque sint gentis , gradus , aut conditionis salutem , &c. cum ad aures nostras non ita pridem fama pervenerit , sinistros quosdam rumores , literasque politica vel perniciosa potiùs quorundam industriâ sparsas esse , & nonnullis protestantium ecclesiis in exteris partibus emissas , nobis esse animum & consilium ab illa orthodoxa religione quam ab incunabilis imbibimus , & ad hoc usque momentum per integrum vitae nostrae curriculum amplexi sumus recedendi ; & papismum in haec regna iterum introducendi , quae conjectura , ceu nefanda potius calumnia nullo prorsus nixa vel imaginabili fundamento horrendos hosce tumultus , & rabiem plusquàm belluinam in anglia suscitavit sub praetextu cujusdam ( chimericae ) reformationis regimini legibusque hujus dominii non solum incong●uae , sed incompatibilis : volumus , ut toti christiano orbi innotescat , ne minimam quidem animum nost●um incidisse cogitatiunculam hoc aggrediendi , aut transversum unguem ab illa religione discedendi quam cum corona , sceptroque hujus regni solemni , & sacramentali juramento tenemur prositeri , protegere & propugnare . nec tantum constantissima nostra praxis , & quotidiana in exercitiis praefatae religionis praesentia cum crebris in facie nostrorum agminum asseverationibus , publicisque procerum hujus regni testimoniis , & sedula in regiam nostram sobolem educando circumspectione ( omissis plurimis aliis argumentis ) luculentissimè hoc demonstrat , sed etiam faelicissimum illud matrimonium quod inter nostram primogenitam , & illustrissimū principem auriacum sponte contraximus , idem fortissimè attestatur : quo nuptiali faedere insuper constat , nobis non esse propositū illā p●ofiteri solummodo , sed expandere , & corroborare quantum in nobis situm est . hanc sacrosanctam anglicanae christi ecclesiae religionem , tot theologorum convocationibus sancitam , tot comitiorum edictis confirmatam tot regiis diplomatibus stabilitam , una cum regimine ecclesiastico , & liturgia ei annexa , quam liturgiam , regimenque celebriores protestantium authores tam germani , quam galli , tam dani quam helvetici , tam batavi , quam bohemi multis elogiis nec sine quadam invidia in suis publicis scriptis comprobant & applaudunt , ut in transactionibus dordrechtanae synodus , cui nonnulli nostrorum praesulum , quorum dignitati debita prestita fuit reverentia ( interfuerunt , apparet istam , inquimus , religionem quam regius noster pater ( beatissimae memoriae ) in illa celeber●ima fidei suae confessione omnibus christianis principibus ( ut & haec praesens nostra protestatio exhibita , publicè asserit : istam , istam religionem solenniter protestamur , nos integram , sartam tectam , & inviolabilem conservaturos , & pro virili nostro ( divino adjuvante numine ) usque ad extremā virae nostrae periodū protecturos , & omnibus nostris ecclesiasticis pro muneris nostri , & supradicti sacro-sancti juramenti ratione doceri , & praedicari curaturos . quapropter injungimus & in mandatis damus omnibus ministris nostris in exteris partibus tam legatis , quam residentibus , agentibusque & nunciis , reliquisque nostris subditis ubicunque orbis christiani terrarum aut curiositatis aut comercii gratia degentibus hanc solennem & sinceram nostram protestationem quandocunque sese obtulerit loci & temporis opportunitas , communicare , asserere , asseverare . dat. in academia & civitate nostra oxoniensi pridei idus maii , 1644. charles by the providence of almighty god , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all who profess the true reformed protestant religion , of what nation , degree , and condition soever they be to whom this present declaration shall come , greeting . whereas we are given to understand , that many false rumors , and scandalous letters , are spread up and down amongst the reformed churches in forreign parts , by the pollitick , or rather the pernitious industry of some ill affected persons , that we have an inclination to recede from that orthodox religion , which we were born , baptized , and bred in , and which we have firmly professed and practised throughout the whole course of our life to this moment , and that we intend to give way to the introduction and publick exercise of popery again in our dominions : which conjecture or rather most detestable calumny , being grounded upon no imaginable foundation , hath raised these horrid tumults , and more then barbarous wars throughout this flourishing island , under pretext of a kind of reformation , which would not only prove incongruous , but incompatible with the fundamental laws and government of this kingdom . we desire that the whole christian world should take notice , and rest assured , that we never entertained in our imagination the least thought to attempt such a thing , or to depart a jot from that holy religion , which when we received the crown and scepter of this kingdom , we took a most solemn sacramental oath to profess and protect . nor doth our most constant practice and quotidian visible presence in the exercise of this sole religion , with so many asseverations in the head of our armies , and the publick attestation of our barons , with the circumspection used in the education of our royal off spring , besides divers other undeniable arguments , onely demonstrate this ; but also that happy alliance of marriage , we contracted twixt our eldest daughter , and the illustrious prince of orenge , most clearly confirms the reallity of our intentions herein ; by which nuptial ingagement it appears further , that our endeavours are not only to make a bare profession thereof in our own dominions , but to inlarge and corroborate it abroad as much as lieth in our power : this most holy religion of the anglican church , ordained by so many convocations of learned divines , confirmed by so many acts of national parliaments , and strengthened by so many royal proclamations , together with the ecclesiastick discipline and liturgy thereunto appertaining , which liturgy and discipline , the most eminent of protestant authors , as well germans as french ; as well danes as swedes and switze●s ; as well belgians ; as bohemians , do with many elogies ( and not without a kind of envy ) approve and applaud in their publick writings , particularly in the transactions of the synod of dort , wherein besides other of our divines ( who afterwards were prelates ) one of our bishops assisted , to whose dignity all due respects and precedency was given : this religion we say , which our royal father of blessed memory doth publickly assert in that his famous confession address'd , as we also do this our protestation , to all christian princes ; this , this most holy religion , with the hierarchy and liturgy therof , we solemnly protest , that by the help of almighty god , we will endeavour to our utmost power , and last period of our life , to keep intire and inviolable , and will be careful , according to our duty to heaven , and the tenor of the foresaid most sacred oath at our coronation , that all our ecclesiasticks in their several degrees and incumbences shall preach and practise the same . wherefore we enjoyn and command all our ministers of state beyond the seas , as well ambassadors , as residents , agents and messengers ; and we desire all the rest of our loving subjects , that sojourn either for curiosity or commerce in any forraign parts , to communicate , uphold , and assert this our solemn and sincere protestation , when opportunity of time and place shall be offered . this royal declaration or manifesto was committed to the management and care of james howel esq clerk of his majesties privie council ( who though then prisoner in the fleet ) performed the business very worthily and like himself . charles , par la providence de dieu roy de la grand ' bretagne , de france , & d' irlande , defenseur de la foy , &c. a tous ceux qui ceste presente declaration verront , particulierement a ceux de la religion reform●e de quelque nation , degreou condition qu'ils soient , salut . ayant receu advis de bonne main que plusieurs faux rapports & lettres sont esparses parmi les eglisses , reformees de làla mer , par la politique , ou plustost la pernicieuse industrie de personnes mal affectionnes a nostre governement , que nous auons dessein a receder de celle religion que nous auons professè & pratiquè tout le temps de nostre vie iusques a present ; & de vouloir intro duire la papautè derechef en nos dominions , laquelle conjecture , ou calumnie plustost , appuyee sur nul fundement imaginable , a suscitè ces horribles tumultes & allumè le feu d'une tres s●nglante guerre en tous les quatre coins de ceste fleurissante monarchie , soubs pretexte d'une ( chymerique ) reformation , la quelle seroit incompatible avec le governement & les loix fondementales de ce royaume . nous desirons , quil soit notoire a tout le monde , que la moindre pensee de ce faire n'a pas entree en nostre imagination , de departir ancunement de cell'orthodoxe religion , qu'auec la couronne & le sceptre de ce royaume nous sommes tenus par un serment solennel & sacramentaire a proteger & defendre . ce qu'appert non seulement par nostre quotidienne presence es exercies de la dite religion , avec , tant d'asseverations a la teste de nos armees & la publicque attestation de nos barons , avec le soin que nous tenons en la nourrituredes princes & princesses nos enfans , mais le tres-heureux mariage que nous avons conclu entre la nostre plus aisnee , & le tres illustrie prince d' orenge en est encore un tres-evident tesmoignage , par la quell'alliance il appert aussy que nostre desir est de n'en faire pas vne nue profession seulement dicelle , mais de la vouloir estendre & corroberer autant qu'il nous est possible : cest'orthodoxe religion de leglise anglicane ordonnee par tant de conventione de teologues , confirmee par tant de arrests d'parlement , & fortifie par tant d'edicts royaux auec la discipline & la lyturgie a elle appartenant , laquelle discipline & lyturgie les plus celebres autheurs protestants , tant francois , qu' allemands , tant seudois que suisses , tant belgiens , que bohemiens approuent entierement & non sans quelqu envie en leur escrits particulierement en la synode de dort , ou un de nos euesques assistoit , & la reverence & precedence deue a sa dignite ecclesiastique luy fut exactement rendue : ceste tres sainte religion que nostre feu pere de tres-heureuse memoire aduoue en sa celebre confession de la foy addressee come nous faisons ceste declaration atous princes chrestiens ; nous protestons que moyennant la grace de dieu , nous tascherone de conseruer ceste religion inviolable , & en son entier selon la mesure de puissance que dieu amis entre nos mains ; et nous requerons & commandons a tous nos ministres d'estat tant ambassadeurs , que residens , agens ou messagers , & a tous autres nos subjects qui font leur seiour es pays estrangers de communiquer , maintenir & aduouer ceste nostre solennelle protestation toutes fois & quantes que l'occasion se presentera . to the ministers of the reformed church at paris . gentlemen , having to contend with them who invite you to uphold their disloyalty by your example , nothing can be more to our purpose , then to prefix your example in the front of this work to teach them loyalty . during the agitations of the state , your church , as the needle in the marriners compass , kept steady upon the point of rest , which is god and the king : and your obedience served as an ensign on a hill to france , to guide the people to their duty . whereby you have justified the holiness of your profession , making the world know , the religion you teach binds you to be good subjects , and that you honour the king , because ye fear god. therefore the english covenanters did very ill to address themselves to you , since they hold a method quite contrary , for they dishonour and massacre their king , under a colour of devotion to god , and undertake to set up the kingdome of jesus christ , by the ruine of the kingdome of their soveraign ; which is as if they would build the temple of god with cannon shot , and defend religion in violating it . the truth of the gospel was never advanced by these wayes , but the patience , and even the sufferings of the christians , was it which propagated the christian religion , and rendered the church mighty and glorious . those who suffered under the pagan and arian emperours , conquered both the empire and emperours , and the champions of truth purchased a kingdome to jesus christ , not in shedding the blood of their soveraigns , but in pouring forth their own for righteousness , by a voluntary submission to their judgement . he who cannot frame himself to this doctrine , doth not so much as god requires of him , if he makes profession of christianity ; for christ tells us in calling us , that whosoever taketh not up his cross , and cometh not after me , cannot be my disciple ; and commands him who would imbrace the gospel , to set down before and calculate the expence , as if he were about to build . certainly he that cannot resolve to subject himself to his soveraign for the love of god , and never draw his sword against him to whom god hath committed it , made an ill calculation before he dedicated himself to jesus christ , for he ought not to take upon him christianity , if he were not able to go through with it , and was not resolved rather to suffer then resist , and to spend his goods and life to preserve himself in that subjection , commanded by the word of god. for maintaining this holy doctrine , we have been banished and pursued with armes , and after we had defended our soveraign with more fidelity then success , we have been constrained to forsake our dear country , driven from our houses , and spoiled of our revenues , but yet we praise god for giving them , since he hath done us the honour that we should lose them for his service ; and we ought this to our king , of whom our lands held , to abandon them for love of him : for to enter into a covenant against him peaceably to enjoy his , and the kings his predecessors bounty , and to betray the truth , and our consciences , to save our moneys , we could never resolve . now since those who have done the evil , began first to cry out , and have spread their unjust clamours through all the reformed churches , we 'll make the same journey with our just complaints , and after the example of the abased levite , by the sonnes of jemini , we send this recital of our grievances through all the quarters of israel ; judg. 19.30 . consider of it , take advice , and speak your minds . the injury which doth touch us nearest , is not our exile , nor the loss of our goods , nor theirs of our nearest relations , but the extreme wrong done to the gospel , and the reformed churches , to whom these new reformers falsly impute their maximes of rebellion , and hereby render our most holy profession suspected and hateful to princes of a contrary religion . this ( gentlemen ) toucheth you very near , considering your condition , and the summons the assembly at westminster , made to you to covenant with them , or to make a covenant like theirs . the epistle was addressed to the church of paris , in the name of all the reformed churches of france , and with the epistle they sent the oath of their covenant , which concludes with an exhortation in form of a prayer to god , that it would please him to stir up by their example , other churches who live under the tyranny of antichrist , to swear this covenant , or one like it . this same epistle , together with the oath , being sent to the ministers of the church of genevah , stirred up in them a holy jealousie , and drew from that excellent person , monsieur diodati , who is now in glory , an answer worthy of him in the name of all the church : repell this horrible scandal , which so extremely wrongs christianity in general ; wash and cleanse this filthy attempt of the blackest oppression , which above all is imputed to the most pure profession of the gospel , as if the gospel opposed , and affronted by a kind of antipathy and secret hatred , all royal power of soveraign authority . pacifie the exasperated spirit , and too much provoked of your king , and drive him not upon pinacles and precipices . blessed be god who touched the heart of this great person , whose memory shall be for ever precious for rendring so open a testimony to the truth ; and because he have not suffered himself to be fl●ered and perswaded by the complements of these enemies to his a mjesty , to applaud them in their evil actions , such are these refiners of reformation , as not content by their factious zeal to set their own country on fire , but they labour also to cast the fire into their neighbours , and to blow rebellion through all europe . and of late the most enormous actions of the english drew from master salmasius , prince of letters , and the honour of france , a defence of the right of kings ; god was so pleased to raise up the learnedst pen of these times to defend the best cause of the world , in which this great person hath highly honoured his country ; but to speak right , he more honoured himself , and the church wherein he was educated . for if hereafter these malefactors dare be so bold , as to say the reformed churches approved their actions , they shall produce this book which condemns them , and defends the royal cause with such wisdome , and efficacy of spirit , suitable to the dignity of the subject , and shall require them to produce , if they can , any one of the reformed churches who have in the least manner written in favour of their proceedings : it should have been a strange and shameful thing , if there were none found amongst the reformed churches who should not disown their wicked doctrines , and cause all princes and people of the world to know that the reformed churches are very far from following their counsels , and abhor their seductions to disloyalty , from what part soever they come . heretofore indeed it was accounted the duty of charity and prudence , to cover the faults of this faction , and if corruption enter into israel , not to publish it in gath ; but when the doctrine of rebellion disputed in corners , ascends the pulpit , hold assizes in open court , sends forth ambassadors , invites the reformed churches to their party , and imploy the gospel , piety , zeal of gods glory , to raise subjects against their soveraigns ; now 't is time or never to pluck off their mask of hypocrisie , and shew where the evil lies , and discover the wickedness of a party 〈◊〉 preserve from shame and disgrace the general ; and the rather since the aphorismes of rebellion , and seducing people to sedition , are reproached to the protestants , and imployed by the enemies of our holy religion to stir up princes against the church , and the pure profession of the gospel . t is the duty of the reformed churches to speak aloud , that 't is not we that teach the people are above their king , and that endeavour by letters and intelligences a general rising , but that it 's the covenanters of england , who attempting to cut off their king and monarchy by the sword , labour in vain to seduce their neighbours , to encrease their party , thereby to hide themselves in the multitude of their complices , they came forth of us long since , but were not of us , and for their doctrines and actions ( which are the only things evil in their reformation ) they never received any countenance or incouragement from us . we assure our selves gentlemen , in that divine assistance which hath to this present upheld you , that ye will never be seduced to defend evil , neither by complacency nor contradiction , but will follow the precept of the apostle saint james , jam. 2.1 . my brethren have not the faith of our lord jesus christ , the lord of glory with respect of persons . ye will consider that those who chase us , seek not your alliance , but to strengthen their separation from us , and not to imbrace good doctrine , or follow your councel , which if they had asked and followed , the one had never sold their king , nor the other over massacred him . believe it ( sirs ) they are your best friends at distance rather then neer , and if ye never converse with them , ye will never be weary of their company . your free , meek and solid piety , which feeds it self simply upon the substance of religion , without picking quarrels at the shell , is very far from sordid superstition , and the hypocondriak and bloody zeal of these covenanters , who pretend to advance the kingdome of jesus christ , by cutting the throats of his disciples , and cementing his temple with blood instead of the cement of charity ; and in the mean while , make some petty circumstances , the principals of religion , and cut out their holy doctrine according to the discipline which they are forging , as he that cuts his flesh to make his doublet fit for his body . by how much more these are wicked , by so much the more are they worthy of compassion , whom we must behold as people drunken with the wine of astonishment , which they themselves confess in their epistle they sent unto you , they shall find the rest of their description in that place , where they borrowed those words , and shall there behold themselves set forth , as a wild bull in a net , they are full of the fury of the lord , isa . 51.20 . for as the wild bull rageth when he feels himself intangled , and intangleth , and insnares himself more by raging ; so these miserable people , who by an impetuosity without reason rid themselves out of all laws , ecclesiastical and civil , are insnared in stronger bonds then before , and by their bruitish fury are more and more intangled . these , these are the sad effects of the just wr●th of god , who hath smote those with blindness , who have abused the light of the gospel , and have given them the hear● of a beast , dan. 4.16 . as he did to nebuchadnezzar , wh● have cast off all humanity . god by his mercy reduce to their senses , and guide them and us in his paths , and grant his peace to them that are far off , and to them that are near , isa . 57.19 . for in civil wars , that party that is neerest to god , and right , is yet very far from his duty . your wisdome will instruct you to profit by the folly of your neighbours , and their evil actions teach you to do well , they will let you see that to destroy the ecclesiastical and political order , by a bloody war to reform religion , is to commit the fault in the vulgar latine translation , evertit domum , instead of eve●rit , luke 15.8 . that is to overthrow the house in stead of sweeping it ; the folly is the greater , when its only to find a trifle , and that they overthrow both church and state , for some particularity , which were it good , cannot recompence the general destruction . you will also learn by the proceedings of these covenanters , that its impossible to alter the foundation of church and state , without pulling down the house , which is the work of the blind , as sampson , to over-turn the pillars of the publick building , that those that thrust them down might be crushed to pieces under the fall ; that those that take the church and state apieces to cleanse it , have not the power to put it together and in order again when they please , and that all violent changes in a state , as in an old body , are alwayes for the worst . we hope also that our good god , beholding us with pity , in this our weak condition , will give you somewhat to observe and learn from us , as that a rebellion which pulls down monarchy , without thinking so , lifts it up , and fortifie't , as a violent crysis , which if it takes not away the patient , contributes to his recovery . for the insolence of the new masters , doth mind the people of their duty to their lawful prince , and the unlocked for success of a new obligarchy , sowes dissention amongst the usurpers . the conduct of the providence of god in the movings of states teacheth us , that in chastising kings by the rebellion of their subjects , hereby he punisheth the people more then their kings , and those very kings that god gives people in his wrath , hosea 13.11 . are not taken away without his fury , and the publick ruine , which is then greatest , when he takes from an ungrateful people , a king whom he have given in his mercy ; the wise , and fearing god , should consider their sufferings under their soveraigns , as sinister influences of celestial bodies , against which no man in his wits will draw his sword , for both the one and the other comes from heaven , and cannot be remedied but by humility , prayers , and veneration , all other remedies are worse then the evil . also amidst your grief to behold the ruine of our not long since flourishing churches , you may comfort your selves in the weakness of our condition , which now renders us less subject to the like dangers ; for as full and sanguine bodies , are most subject to violent feavers and sharp diseases , which those of weaker complexions are ordinarily free from , so those persons who have power in their hands , and are puffed up with a long prosperity , ordinarily fall into most violent evils , which seiseth not upon them , but with too much strength : then when the church hath the least lustre , she oft times is neerest to god , as the moon is never neerer the sun then when she is in the lowest degree of her declension , and without light to our regard . the power of god is made perfect in our weakness , and we hope to behold you subsist , yea encrease and grow in bowing down under the storm , whilst those that have so striven and contended against their soveraigns shall be rooted out by their arrogancy . by humility and submission under the mighty hand of god , which leads his church through waies he knows safest for them , and stopping the ear to all factious councils cloathed with the zeal of religion , ye will at last obtain that testimony of god which he gives to the church of ephesus ; i know thy works , and thy labour , and thy patience , and how thou canst not bear them which are evil , and thou hast tried them which say they are apostles , and are not , and hast found them liars , and hast borne , and hast patience , and hast not fainted , rev. 2.2 . and thus ye shall surely obtain the promised reward following , to him that overcometh , will i give to eate of the tree of life , which is in the midst of the paradise of god , v. 7. this hope is our support in the depth of our afflictions , for under that terrible weight of publick and particular miseries , capable to bear down the strongest and firmest spirits , we are raised and kept up by this consolation , that we serve a good master , who will never forsake them who forsake all which is most dear to them to follow him . what though our sufferings be the effects of our sinnes , yet are they also honourable markes of our loyalty , both to god and our king , and though we have left our estates a little before death would have taken them away , yet god hath by his grace preserved in us a good conscience , riches which is not subject to sequestration , but dying we shall carry away with us . in these great tryalls of our faith and patience , whilst we seek ease in pouring forth our griefs into the bosome of our brethren , behold yet another encrease of affliction , upon affliction ; for we find to our great regret , that the subtilty of our enemies have begotten an evil understanding between you and some of ours , to which some have much contributed , if the complaints we hear be true , that they have manifested and declared themselves contrary to the doctrine of the reformed churches , and that they have despised your assemblies , as not being churches , and maintained that there could be no church where there was no bishop . as for their doctrine , if it be divers from our publick confession , they are no more of our church then of yours ; and to satisfie you upon this point , we have joyned the confession of the church of england , which all th●se who have been received into holy orders , sware to defend at their reception , and all who were to be admitted into churches were injoyned at their entrance , publickly to read , and to professe thereupon , their consent to them , under pain of losing their benefices . if any have departed from that profession , which they did so solemnly make , the body of the church which maintains that holy doctrine , is no way responsible for their erring . if the rebels had not prevented the king from assembling a nationall synod , to which his majesty purposed to invite other reformed churches , your judgments would have been heard for the purging our churches of all new doctrines , which without all comparison are worse , and in a farre greater number amongst our enemies , then amongst the royall party . as for this position , that there cannot be a church without a bishop , we account it full of rashnesse and void of charity ; it 's indeed a cruel sentence to deprive of the benefit of the gospel , and of their union with christ , all those churches which live under the crosse , and cannot enjoy the episcopal order . that famous dr. andrews bishop of winchester , was not of this opinion , for in one of his epistles touching episcopacy , he ( saith he ) should be harder than iron , who would not acknowledge that there are holy chur●●es that subsist and flourish without bishops ; and with what respect our bishops speak of your church , you shall read in this ensuing treatise . it 's easie to see that the episcopal order is wholly incompatible with the present condition of the reformed churches of france , for if there were twenty or thirty bishops amongst you , that should govern all the other churches , it would be easie for those of the contrary religion under whom you live , to fil up those places with some persons who should be at their devotion ; whence would follow , either a seduction , or an oppression of the other pastors : but whilst the gentlemen of the clergy in the court behold all pastors equal , they will lose their cunning in this multitude , and although they be excellent in playing on the organs , yet they have not fingers enough to touch every key . if your order of equality might or ought to be conserved , if it should please god the french monarchy should embra●e the reformation , it s a thing we will not touch , but if that only were the obstruction , we account you too wise and good christians , and such as would not hinder the setling of the holy doctrine , for maintaining a point of discipline , you then ( gentlemen ) joyning to your christian charity , the french courtesie , pardon our english schollers , who peradventure have brought with them from the vniversity , an humour a little affirmative , and from the fresh remembrance of their glorious church , retain yet an admiration of home things , which is an humour neighbour nations observe in the english , and which those that heretofore have known england , will easily pardon . consider on the other side , whether some of yours have not given them just occasion to be so sharp and bitter , and to passe their limits in their affirmations ; it cannot be denied but we have met with spirits possessed with the reports of our adversaries , who have been more ready to court you than we , as alwaies those that have 〈◊〉 ●vil cause , are ever more diligent to gain by faction that which they want , and cannot obtain by right . it may be also that your people have manifested themselves too rigid in their opinions , as well as some of ours , upon points which touch not the principles of religion ; and as it is ordinary for humane infirmity to turn custom into necessity , you may not wonder that if some of yours maintain as necessary and perpetual , which your wise reformers established as arbitrary , and for the present necessity , as it is formally declared by the last article of your discipline , we have placed in the front of this work , the manifesto of the late king charles the first , of blessed and glorious memory , in which he takes a religious care to satisfie you , touching his constancy in the reformed religion , and of his resolution to enlarge and strengthen it in all forraign countries to the utmost of his power , he could no more to manifest how much he valued your affection and good opinion , and we following the example of our holy and glorious martyr , labour here to knit with you a holy union , which our enemies have so vigorously laboured to break and in these our great afflictions do take care to prevent your , and to give you saving councell . know then , gentlemen , that your most holy religion is much defamed by the actions of these paraci●● zealots , who have particularly courted and invite● 〈◊〉 to covenant with them , and that your churches are ●lemished in reputation , onely because these men have dared to addresse their infamous complements to you , a thing neverthelesse which ye could not prevent how great soever your aversion were from their wicked actions ; wherefore we beseech you , as you love your subsistance and the honour of the gospel , which ought to be dearer to you then your lives , that you exhort the general of your churches to declare readily and vigorously by a publick act against these false brethren and their pernicious maximes , for fear least the crime of men , be imputed to religion , and that the innocent suffer not for the guilty . let it appear to the state under which ye live , that the reformed religion for conscience sake upheld kingly authority , and that it is the true doctrine that maintains subjects in their duty , and a kingdome in peace . you may also boldly advise the gentlemen at court to beware of them , and that they give order to prevent that inundation , that is threatned from our ilands , and let them be most assured that the independent armies , have not lesse ambition to cause all people to rise , and overthrow all the monarchs of christendom , & that to this effect cr — have often declared his intentions : all the popular tumults in france are the productions of this artist , ever in motion , infatigable , swoln with successe , who h●●h his eyes and hands every where , and gains in all places either by the sword or gold ; now in all changes of the state whosoever gains , the church loseth , and the filth in all inundations resteth upon the vallies . we are so near neighbours that the contagion of our evils cannot but passe to you , therefore ye shall do prudently and christianly to keep your selves from the contagion of our evils , and since those of the reformed religion are better instructed , then the other , it is therefore for them first to begin to do their duty . and 〈◊〉 ●his the considerations in this ensuing treatise will enc●●rage you , and our adversities will furnish you with better councels then the prosperity of our persecutors , agr●e fortunae sana concilia , we hope that this true and lively pourtraiture of their rebellious covenant that we present unto you , will so strike the spectators with horror that they will become good christians , and good subjects by antiperistisis . the articles of religion of the church of england . i. there is but one living and true god , everlasting , without body , parts , or passions ; of infinite power , wisdom and goodnesse , the maker and preserver of all things both visible and invisible . and in unity of this godhead there be three persons , of one substance , power , and eternity ; the father , the son , and holy ghost . ii. the sonne , which is the word of the father , begotten from everlasting of the father , the very and eternall god of one substance with the father , took mans nature in the womb of the blessed virgine , of her substance : so that two whole and perfect natures , that is to say , the godhead and manhood , were joyned together in one person , never to be divided , whereof is one christ , very god and very man who truly suffered , was crucified , dead , and buried , to reconcile his father to us , and to be a sacrifice , not onely for originall guilt , but also for actuall sinnes of men . iii. as christ died for us , and was buried : so also is it to be beléeved , that he went down into hell . iv. christ did truly rise again from death , and took again his body , with flesh , bones , and all things appertaining to the perfection of mans nature , wherewith he ascended into heaven , and th●re sitteth untill he return to judge all men at the last day . v. the holy ghost proceeding from the father and the sonne , is of one substance , majesty and glory , with the father and the son , very and eternall god. vi. holy scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation : so that whatsoever is not read therein , nor may be prooved thereby , is not to be required of any man , that it should be beléeved as an article of the faith , or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation . in the name of the holy scripture , we do understand those canonicall books of the old & new testament , of whose authority was never any doubt in the church . of the names and number of the canonical books . genesis . exodus . leviticus . numeri . deuteronomium . josue . judges . ruth . the 1. book of samuel . the 2. book of samuel . the 1. book of kings . the 2. book of kings . the 1. book of chronicles . the 2. book of chronicles . the 1. book of esdras . the 2. book of esdras . the book of hester . the book of job . the psalmes . the proverbs . ecclesiastes or preacher . cantica , or songs of solomon . 4. prophets the greater . 12. prophets the lesse . and the other books ( as hierome saith ) the church doth read for example of life and instruction of manners : but yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine ; such are these following . the 3. book of esdras . the 4. book of esdras . the book of tobias . the book of judeth . the rest of the book of hester . the book of wisdom . jesus the son of sirach . baruch the prophet . the song of the three children . the story of susanna . of bell and the dragon . the praye● of manasses . the 1. book of maccabees . the 2. book of maccabees . all the bookes of the new testament , as they are commonly received , we do receive and account them canonicall . vii . the old testament is not contrary to the new , for both in the old and new testament , everlasting life is offered to mankind by christ , who is the onely mediator betwéen god and man , being both god and man. wherefore they are not to be heard which feign that the old fathers did look only for transitory promises . although the law given from god by moses , as touching ceremonies and rites , do not bind christian men , nor the civil precepts thereof ought of necessity to bée received in any common-wealth ; yet notwihstanding , no christian man whatsoever is frée from the obedience of the commandments , which are called morall . viii . the thrée creeds , nice creed , athanasius creed , and that which is commonly called the apostles créed , ought throughly to be received and beléeved ▪ for they may be proved by most certain warrants of holy scripture . ix . originall sin standeth not in the following of adam ( as the pelagians do vainly talk ) but it is the fault and corruption of the nature of every man , that naturally is ingendred of the off-spring of adam , whe● by man is very far gone from originall righteousnesse , and is of his own nature inclined to euil ▪ so that the flesh lusteth alwaies contrary to the spirit , and therefore in every person born into this world , it deserveth gods wrath and damnation . and this infection of nature doth remain yea , in them that are regenerated , whereby the lust of the flesh , called in gréek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which some do expound the wisdome , some sensuallity , some the affection , some the desire of the flesh , is not subject to the law of god. and although there is no condemnation for them that beléeve and are baptized , yet the apostle doth confesse , that concup●scence and lust ▪ hath of it self the nature of sinne . x. the condition of man after the fall of adam ▪ is such that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works to faith and calling upon god : wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to god , without the grace of god by christ preventing us , that we ma● have a good will ▪ and working with us , when we have that good will. xi . we are accounted righteous before god , only for the merit of our lord and saviour iesus christ by faith ▪ and not for our own works , or deservings . wherefore , that we are notified by faith onely , is a most wholesome ▪ doctrine , and very full of comfort , as more largely is expressed in the homily of iustification . xii . albeit that good works ▪ which are the fruits of faith ▪ and follow after iustification , cannot put away our sinnes ▪ and endure the severity of gods ●udgement , yet are they pleasing and acceptable to god in christ , and do ●pring out necessarily of a tru● and ● holy faith ▪ in so much that by them a lively ●aith may be as evidently knowen , as a ●ree discerned by the ●●utt . xiii . works done before the grace of christ , and the inspiration of his spirit are not pleasant to god , forasmuch as they spring not of faith in iesu christ , neither do they make men meet to receive grace , or ( as the school-authors say ) deserve grace of congruity : yea , rather for that they are not done as god hath willed and commanded them to be done , we doubt not but they have the nature of sinne . xiv . voluntary works , besides , over and above gods commandments ▪ which they call works of sup●rer●gation , cannot be taught without arrogancy and impiety . for by them men do declare that they do not onely render unto god as much as they are bound to do , but that they do more for his sake then of bounden duty is required : wheras christ saith plainly , when ye have done all that are commanded to you , say , we are unprofitable servants . xv. christ in the truth of our nature , was made like unto us in all things ( sinne onely except ) from which he was clearly void , both in his flesh , and in his spirit . he came to be a lamb without spot , who by sacrifice of himself once made , should take away the sinnes of the world : and sinne ( as saint iohn saith ) was not in him . but all we the rest , ( although baptized and born again in christ ) yet offend in many things , and if we say we have no sinne , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us . xvi . not every deadly sinne willingly committed after baptisme , is sinne against the holy ghost , and impardonable . wherefore , the grant of repentance is not to be denied to such as fall into sinne after baptisme ▪ after we have received the holy ghost , we may depart from grace given , and fall into sinne , and by the grace of god ( we may ) arise again , and amend our lives . and therefore , they are to be condemned , which say they can no more sinne as long as they live here , to deny the place of forgivenesse to such as truly repent . xvii . predestination to life , is the everlasting purpose of god , whereby ( before the foundations of the world were laid ) he hath constan●ly ●ec●éed by his counsel , secret to us , to deliver from curse and damnation , those whom he hath chosen in christ out of mankind , & to bring them by christ to everlasting salvation , as vessels made to honour . wherefore they which be indued with so excellent a benefit of god , be called according to gods purpose by his spirit working in due season : they through grace obey the calling , they be iustified freely : they be made sons of god by adoption : they be made like the image of his onely begotten sonne iesus christ : they walk rel●giously in good works , and at leng●h by gods mercy they attain to everlasting felicity . as the godly consideration of predestination and our election in christ , is full of sweet , pleasant , and unspeakable comfort to godly persons , and such as feel in themselves the working of the spirit of christ , mortifying the works of the flesh , and their earthly members , and drawing up their mind to high and heavenly things , as well because it doth greatly establish and confirm their faith of eternall salvation , to be enjoyed through christ , as because it doth fervently kindle their love towards god : so , for curious and carnall persons , lacking the spirit of christ , to have continually before their eyes the sentence of gods predestination , is a most dangerous down fall , whereby the devil doth thrust them either into desparation or into retchlessenesse of most unclean living , no lesse perilous then desparation . furthermore , we must receive gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy scripture : and in our doings , that will of god is to be followed , which we have expresly declared unto us in the word of god. xviii . they also are to be had accursed , that presume to say that every man shall be saved by the law or sect which he professeth , so that he be diligent to frame his life according to that law , and the light of nature . for holy scripture doth set out unto us only the name of iesus christ , whereby men must be saved . xix . the visible church of christ , is a congregation of faithfull men , in the which the pure word of god is preached , and the sacraments be duely minister , according to christs ordinance , in all those things that of necessity are requisite to the same . as the church of hierusalem , alexandria , and antioch have erred : so also the church of rome hath erred , not onely in their living and manner of ceremonies , but also in matters of faith . xx. the church hath power to decr●e rites or ceremonies , and authority in controversies of faith : and yet it is not lawfull for the church to ordain any thing that is contrary to gods word written ▪ neither may it so expound one place of scripture , that it be repugnant to another . wherefore although the church be a witnesse and a keeper of holy writ : yet as it ought not to decree any thing against the same , so besides the same ought it not to inforce any thing to be beléeved for necessity of salvation . xxi . generall councels may not be gathered together without the commandment and will of princes . and when they be gathered together ( forasmuch as they be an assembly of men , whereof all be not governed with the spirit and word of god ) they may erre , and sometime have erred , even in things pertaining unto god. wherefore things ordained by them as necessary to salvation , have neither strength nor authority , unlesse it may be declared that they be taken out of holy scripture . xxii . the romish doctrine concerning purgatory , pardons , worshiping and adoration as well of images as of relicks , and also invocation of saints , is a ●ond thing , vainly invented , and grounded upon no warranty of scripture , but rather repugnant to the word of god. xxiii . it is not lawfull for any man to take upon him the office of publick preaching , or ministring the sacraments in the congregation , before he be lawfully called , and sent to execute the same . and those we ought to judge lawfully called & sent , which be chosen & called to this work by men , who have publick authority given unto them in the congregation , to call and send ministers into the lords vineyard . xxiv . it is a thing plainly repugnant to the word of god ▪ and the custome of the primitive church , to have publick prayer in the church ▪ or to minister the sacraments in a tongue not understanded of the people . xxv . sacraments ordained of christ be not onely badges or tokens of christian mens profession : but rather they be certain sure witnesses , and effectuall signes of grace and gods good will towards us , by the which he doth work invisibly in us , and doth not onely quicken , but also strengthen and confirm our faith in him . there are two sacraments ordained of christ our lord in the gospel , that is to say , baptisme and the supper of the lord. those five commonly called sacraments that is to say , confirmation , penance , orders , matrimony , and extream vnction , are not to be counted for sacraments of the gospel , being such as have grown , partly of the corrupt following of the apostles , partly are states of life allowed in the scriptures : but yet have not like nature of sacraments with baptisme and the lords supper , for that they have not any visible sign or ceremony ordained of god. the sacraments were not ordained of christ to be gazed upon , or to be carried about , but that we should duely use them . and in such onely , as worthily receive the same , they have a wholsome effect or operation : but they that receive them unworthily , purchase to themselves damnation , as s. paul saith . xxvi . although in the visible church the evil be ever mingled with the good , and sometime the evil have chief authority in the ministration of the word and sacraments : yet forasmuch as they do not the same in their own name , but in christs , and doe minister by his commission and authority , we may use their ministry , both in hearing the word of god , and in the receiving of the sacraments . neither is the effect of chri●● ordinance taken away by their wickednesse , no● the grace of gods gifts diminished from such , as by faith , and rightly do receive the sacraments ministred unto them , which be effectuall , because of christ● institution and promise , although they be ministred by evil men . neverthelesse , it appertaineth to the discipline of the church , that inquiry be made of evil ministers , and that they be accused by those that have knowledge of their offences : and finally being found guilty , by just judgement be deposed . xxvii . baptisme is not onely a sign of profession , and mark of difference , whereby christian men are discerned from others that be not christned : but it is also a sign of regeneration or new birth , whereby , as by an instrument , they that receive baptisme rightly , are grafted into the church : the promises of the forgivenesse of sinne , and of our adoption to be the sonnes of god , by the holy ghost ▪ are visibly signed and sealed ▪ faith is confirmed : and grace increased by virtue of prayer unto god. the baptisme of young children is in any wise to be retained in the church , as most agreeable with the institution of christ . xxviii . the supper of the lord is not onely a sign of the love that christians ought to have among themselves one to another : but rather it is a sacrament of our redemption by christs death . insomuch that to such as rightly , worthily , and with faith receive the same , the bread which we break , is a partaking of the body of christ : and likewise the cup of blessing is a partaking of the blood of christ . transubstantiation ( or the change of the substance of bread and wine ) in the supper of the lord , cannot be prooved by holy writ : but it is repugnant to the plain words of scripture , overthroweth the nature of a sacrament , and hath given occasion to many superstitions . the body of christ is given , taken , and eaten in the supper onely after an heavenly and spirituall manner . and the mean whereby the body of christ is received and eaten in the supper , is faith. the sacrament of the lords supper was not by christs ordinance reserved , caried about , lif●ed up or worshipped . xxix . the wicked , and such as be void of a lively faith , although they do carnally and visibly presse with their téeth ( as s. augustine saith ) the sacrament of the body and blood of christ : yet in no wise are they partakers of christ , but rather to their condemnation do eat and drink the signe or sacrament of so great a thing . xxx . the cup of the lord is not to be denied to the lay people . for both the parts of the lords sacrament , by christs ordinance and commandement ought to be ministred to all christian men alike . xxxi . the offering of christ once made ▪ is that perfect redemption , propitiation , and satisfaction for all the sins of the whole world , both originall and actuall and there is none other satisfaction for sin , but that alone . wherefore the sacrifices of masses , in the which it was commonly said , that the priests did offer christ for the quick and the dead , to have remission of pain or guilt , were blasphemous fables , and dangerous deceits . xxxii . bishops , priests , and deacons , are not commanded by gods law , either to vow the estate of single life , or to abstain from marriage : therefore it is lawfull also for them , as for all other christian men to marry at their own discretion , as they shall judge the same to serve better to godlinesse . xxxiii . that person which by open denunciation of the church , is rightly cut off from the unity of the church , and excommunicated , ought to be taken of the whole multitude of the faithfull as an heathen & publican , untill he be openly reconciled by penance , and received into the church by a iudge that hath authority thereunto . xxxiv . it is not necessary that traditions and ceremonies be in all places one , or utterly like , for at all times they have been divers , and may be changed , according to the diversitie of countries , times , and mens manners , so that nothing be ordained against gods word . whosoever through his private judgement , willingly and purposely doth openly break the traditions and ceremonies of the church , which be not repugnant to the word of god , and be ordained and approved by common authority , ought to be rebuked openly , ( that other may fear to do the like ) as he that offendeth against the common order of the church , and hurteth the authority of the magistrate , and woundeth the consciences of the weak brethren . every particular or nationall church , hath authoritie to ordaine , change , and abolish ceremonies or rites of the church , ordained onely by mans authoritie , so that all things be done to edifying . xxxv . the second book of homilies , the severall titles whereof we have ioyned under this article , doth contain a godly and wholsome doctrine and necessary for these times , as doth the former book of homilies , which were set forth in the time of edward the sixth : and therefore we judge them to be read in churches by the ministers diligently and distinctly , that they may be understanded of the people . of the names of the homilies . 1 of the right use of the church . 2 against peril of idolatry . 3 of repairing and keeping clean of churches . 4 of good works , first of fasting . 5 against gluttony and drunkennesse . 6 against excesse of apparel . 7 of prayer . 8 of the place and time of prayer . 9 that common prayers and sacraments ought to be ministred in a known tongue . 10 of the reverent estimation of gods word . 11 of alms doing . 12 of the nativity of christ . 13 of the passion of christ . 14 of the resurrection of christ . 15 of the worthy receiving of the sacrament of the body and bloud of christ . 16 of the gifts of the holy ghost . 17 for the rogation daies . 18 of the state of matrimony . 19 of repentance . 20 against idlenesse . 21 against rebellion . xxxvi . the book of consecration of archbishops , and bishops , and ordering of priests and deacons , lately set forth in the time of edward the sixth , and confirmed at the same time by authority of parliament , doth contain all things necessary to such consecration and ordering : neither hath it any thing , that of it selfe is superstitious and ungodly . and therefore ▪ whosoever are consecrated or ordered according to the rites of that book , since the second year of the aforenamed king edward , unto this time , or hereafter shall be consecrated or ordered according to the same rites , we decree all such to be rightly , orderly , and lawfully consecrated and ordered . xxxvii . the queens majestie hath the chief power in this realm of england , and other her dominions , unto whom the chief government of all estates of this realm , whether they be ecclesiasticall or civil in all causes doth appertain , and is not , nor ought to be subject to any forreign iurisdiction . where wee attribute to the queenes majestie the chiefe government , by which titles we understand the mindes of some slanderous folkes to be o●fended : we give not to our princes the ministring , either of gods word , or of the sacraments , the which thing the injunctions also lately set forth by elizabeth our queen do most plainly testifie : but that only prerogative which we see to have been given alwaies to all godly princes in holy scriptures by god himself , that is , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by god , whether they be ecclesiasticall or temporall , and restraine with the civil sword the stubborne and evil deers . the bishop of rome hath no iurisdiction in this realm of england . the lawes of the realm may punish christian men with death , for heinous and grievous offences . it is lawful for christian men , at the commandment of the magistrate , to weare weapons , and serve in the warres . xxxviii . the riches and goods of christians are not common , as touching the right title and possession of the same , as certain anabaptists do falsly boast . notwithstanding , every man ought of such things as he possesseth liberally to give almes to the poore , according to his ability . xxxix . as we confesse that vaine and rash swearing is forbidden christian men by our lord iesus christ , and iames his apostle : so we judge that christian religion doth not prohibite , but that a man may sweare when the magistrate requireth , in a cause of faith and charitie , so it be done according to the prophets teaching , in justice , judgment , and truth . the contents . chap. 1. of the seditious liberty of the new doctrines which hath been the principal means of the covenant , p. 1. chap. 2. that the covenanters are destitute of all proofs for their war made against the king , p. 12. chap. 3. express texts of scripture which commands obedience , and forbids resistance to soverigns , p. 23. chap. 4. the evasions of the covenanters upon the texts of saint paul , rom. 13. and how in time they refuse the judgment of scripture , p. 28. chap. 5. what constitution of state the covenanters forge , and how they refuse the judgment of the laws of the kingdom , p. 40. chap. 6. what examples in the histories of england , the covenanters make use of to authorize their actions , p. 46. chap. 7. declaring wherein the legislative power of parliament consists , p. 50. chap. 8. how the covenanters will be judges in their own cause , p. 63. chap. 9. that the most noble and best part of the parliament retired to the king , being driven away by the worser , p. 65. chap. 10. a parallel of the covenant with the holy league of france , under henry the third , pag. 71. chap. 11. the doctrine of the english covenanters parallel'd with the doctrine of the jesuits , p. 72. chap. 12. how the covenanters wrong the reformed churches , in inviting them to joyn with them : with an answer for the churches of france , p. 81. chap. 13. the preceding answer confirmed by divines of the reformed religion , with an answer to some objections of the covenanters upon this subject , p. 101. chap. 14. how the covenanters have no reason to invite the reformed churches to their alliance , since they differ from them in many things of great importance , p. 115. chap. 15. of abolishing the lyturgy , in doing of which the covenanters oppose the reformed churches , p. 122. chap. 16. of the great prudence and wisdom of the first english reformers , and of the fool hardinesse of these at present , p. 132. chap. 17. how the covenanters labour in vain to sow sedition between the churches of england and france , upon the point of discipline : of the christian prudence of the french reformers , and of the nature of discipline in general , p. 145. chap. 18. how the discipline of the covenanters is far from the practise of other churches , p. 156. chap. 19. that the covenanters ruine the ministers of the gospel under colour of reformation , p. 163. chap. 20. of the corruption of religion objected to the english clergy , and the waies that the covenanters took to remedy them , pag. 167. chap. 21. an answer to the objection , that the king made war against the parliament , p. 176. chap. 22. of the depraved and evil faith of the covenanters . p. 184. chap. 23. of the instruments both parties made use of , and of the irish affairs . p. 207 chap. 24. how the different factions of the covenant agreed to ruine the king , and contributed to put him to death , p. 226. chap. 25. of the cruelty of the covenanters towards the good subjects of the king , p. 232. chap. i. of the seditious liberty of new doctrines , which hath been the principal means of the covenant . a compleat history of our affairs since the beginning of these commotions , would be the best apology for the justice of our cause ; but this let some brave spirits labour that are furnished with records and intelligences , and who are indued with a judicious candor , which may leave to after age ▪ an accomplished portraicture of the wickednesse of this last age ; but that we shall not undertake here : yet neverthelesse , since the question of right depends upon that of fact , and that to judge of a different , we must know who began the quarrel , it is necessary that something be said of the occasions and beginning of this here ; for in regard of the progresse , it is so notoriously and prodigiously wicked on our enemies side , that their neighbours that formerly had too good an opinion of their cause , acknowledge now that they have rendred it very evil . it shall be our task then to let the world see that it hath been evil from the very beginning , and that their first proceedings were contrary to the word of god , to the constitution of the kingdom , and to natural equity ; yea , that all those fearfull prodigies of iniquity which the world beholds with a just execration , are the necessary consequences of their first avowed and published principles . ye must therefore know , that the parliament assembled in novemb. 1640 , was composed for the most part of persons of honour , affectious to their religion , king and country , and of some others also , whose designes aimed at a general overthrow of all things : these finding themselves to be few in number , labour to joyn to their faction the numerous and meaner sort of people of london , who being kept under a just and gracious soveraign in their duty , and in happy subjection , could not be induced to mutiny by no other motive then that of religion , which is the handle by which the politicians in all times have wound and turned about the spirits of the people . we will not neverthelesse deprive them of this glory , that it was they that first brought the reformation of religion upon the stage , but the honour is due to them who since have suffered for their loyalty towards god and the king ; that in this holy enterprise they only carried themselves vigorously and sincerely , but their good zeal by the cunning of the party was driven so far , that labouring to reform the clergie , they served , without thinking , the design of them that would destroy them , and to cause afterward monarchy to stumble upon the ruines of the church . this profession of the parliament to reform the church , fils the hearts of all good men with joy and hope ; for although that the excellent order in the english church deserves highly to be respected and admired ; the purity of the gospel there being clothed with honour , and defended by an episcopal gravity , yet is it of our government , and of all other in the world , be they ecclesiastical or civil , as with watches , that how good and excellent soever they be , length of time disorders them , that ever and anon they have need of mending and making clean . it is almost an age since the doctrine and discipline of our church hath been renewed , and it is a wonder both the one and the other have been so well conserved in so long a space : nevertheless , the faults of some particulars ought not to be imputed to the general . the church hath flourished under our discipline , and the truth hath been preserved , and the good being put in the ballance against the evil , the people had far more cause to glorifie god , than to complain ; but we have to do with spirits whose nature is like lapwings , which in a garden full of fruits , feed only on the caterpillars . there is nothing so well done , that doth not displease some , even the works of god displease the devil , because they are well done ; and in all those works wherein the spirit of man hath a part , there is nothing so perfect which may not be amended . our lyturgie , so holy , and so highly esteemed in all the reformed churches , hath nevertheless given offence to many persons amongst us . and although it was for a very small matter , yet those who were affectionate to peace , were content to change somthing , and so to purchase concord with their dissenting brethren at that price . whence this overture of reformation opened a gate to the liberty of them that desired a change , and the parliament being composed of persons of different inclinations , in matters of religion , every one had liberty to say and write what he pleased , and had a party in the assembly of estates , that protected and encouraged them : the germans never wrote so much upon logick in a hundred years , as the english wrote of the designs of their ecclesiastical discipline in three moneths ; every week brought forth a thousand seditious pamphlets , which supplied the scarcity of coals ; every writer made a platform of reformation according to his humour , and in this new building none would content himself to be a mason , but every one would be architect ; and there was none of them who called not his reformation the only kingdom of jesus christ , out of which there was no salvation : but these kingdoms of jesus christ agreed one with another , and with the nature of the thing , as the titles and chapters of montagues essays : the people are called a beast with many heads , and when all these heads shall cry out at one time , and every one with a different cry , i leave you to g●esse what an odious discord they make in the ears both of god and man. in the midst of this universal distraction , it was appointed that a certain number of divines , differing in the point of discipline , should meet together to confer about religion , as well for the interiour as the exteriour part , where many bishops and other of the chief of the clergy men ; the bishop of lincolne ( who afterward was arch-bishop of york ) made this proposition to them , that the divines should in no wise touch upon the point of discipline , until such time as they were agreed about the points of doctrine , hoping thereby that their spirits being united by the bond of one common , but holy faith , they would easily accord about the exteriour government or discipline . this counsel was embraced by all , and so wisely managed by that great person , that in three meetings , the divines accorded upon all the substance of religion , and formed hereupon divers articles , and with one consent condemned divers opinions : this general consent in doctrine filled them with hope , that the points of discipline would pass with the like sweetness ; and indeed there wanted not much to have made us happy . but before the report of this good agreement could be published abroad , the factious party of the state , fearing above all things this accord in religion , suddenly raised a strong quarrel against the degree of bishops , as an appurtenance of antichrist ; and another , about their sitting in parliament ; and did so exasperate the people against the prelates , that in stead of pursuing their design of reformation , they were constrained to provide for the safety of their own lives . after this , there was no more speech of the agreement in religion , for that would utterly have spoiled their work , for it had never been possible to have raised the people against the king , if the conclusion of this conference had been made known to the world , that the king , the court , and the bishops , made profession of the sincere reformed religion . now , because all the lies and subtilties of the devil were not capable to impute unto them another confession of faith , but that which they maintain , which was holy and orthodox , known every where , and confirmed by the confessions of all the reformed churches of europe ; the factious perswaded the people , both by their sermons and seditious libels , that the degree of bishops was an essential branch and mark of antichrist , and that to pull them down , was to do the work of the lord , and to ruine antichrist ; and that if the king would maintain them , he would be destroyed with them , as being one of those kings who gave his power to the beast . and besides the destruction of bishops , they openly demanded the abolition of the divine service received in the church of england , condemning the use of all other prayers , yea even of the lords prayer ; quarrelling with the apostles creed , denied the necessity of the sacraments , boasted of a new light that had appeared to them from heaven to draw them out of popish darkness ; and all that was not compatible with their extravagant illuminations , they called popery ; and the ministers that disobeyed them , baal's priests , and the supporters of antichrist . by such kind of people were the great multitudes stirred , who came crying at the gates of the king and parliament for reformation , threatning with fire and sword all those that should oppose it : of these assemblies , we may speak what is spoken of the uproar at ephesus , acts 19.32 . the assembly was confused , and the more part knew not wherefore they were come together , for those that called for reformation , understood not one another , and their opinions were different in religion , as appears at this day ; agreeing only in this , to pull down the ecclesiastical government ; and what new government they will build upon the ruines of the old , we shall know , when the sword hath decided the controversie ; but whilst the mariners strive , the ship sinks . the lord behold his poor church in compassion . we have great hope now , beholding the diversity of opinions and inclinations , that these evil ingredients will together make a good temperature , and that the disorder , yea , even the licentiousness it self will inforce order , as commonly evil manners beget good laws ▪ but to attain this , it 's required in this general confusion , that those of clear and sound judgments , who see the bottom of the evil , and know the remedy of it : but having considered them that walk before in the design of reformation , we find that they are such that neither know the remedy nor the evil. as for the evil , in stead of having their eyes upon the errors of particulars , against the principal points of faith , and confession of the english church ; they grew obstinate against certain small and indifferent ceremonies which the king had many times offered to change by a synod lawfully assembled ; and cast all the fire of their passion upon the episcopall preheminence , a surpliss , a festival , forms of prayer , painted windows ; and condemning many good things amongst ●he evil . and as for the remedy , we have here whereat to admire , that striking at so small and light evils , they would employ such extream remedies , nothing being able to serve but general destruction , as if to heal the pain of the teeth , they would cut off the head , in stead of proceeding by an amiable conference , appointing a deputation of the clergy of the kingdom to assemble in a synod to calm the fiery spirits , and to keep the people in obedience to their soveraign , and to fasten the building that shaked , by the ciment of charity ; they made open profession that the reformation could not be effected but by blood , that they would have no peace with the bishops and their clergy , that they must destroy before they build , raze babylon ( as they called our discipline ) even to the very foundations , overthrow the altars of baal , and sacrifice all his priests ; that now the time was come , that the israel of god ought to pillage the egyptians . and that now the just should wash their footsteps in the blood of the ungodly , for such they accounted us ; and thus they did us the honour to plunder and kill us in scripture language . and with this divinity the pulpits sounded aloud , and the people publickly exhorted to take up arms against the king , and to destroy all ministers both of church and state , that should joyn with him ; and for this effect , these following texts of scripture were pressed by their zealous preachers , luke 19.27 . those mine enemies which would not that i should reign over them , bring hither , and slay them before me . judg. 5.23 . curse ye meroz , curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof , because they came not to the help of the lord , to help the lord against the mighty . jer. 48.10 . cursed be he that doth the work of the lord deceitfully , and cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from bloud ; and these they appropriated to their war against their king and clergy of england , and all that adhered unto them ; there being no way of reformation in these mens accounts but to kill us for the love of god , and the advancement of his kingdom . now being exceedingly astonished , how men of learning could possibly be so bewitched with a furious and foolish zeal ; we found at length , having sounded the depth of their opinions , that their brains were troubled with prophesies and revelations , that their principal reading was in commentaries upon the revelation , which they interpreted according to their fancies ; and that they had studied more , what god would do hereafter , than what their duty was to do for the present ; that they made no conscience to transgress the declared will of god in his commands , to accomplish the secret will of his decree . that they were millenari●s , expecting a temporal kingdom of jesus christ , believing that the time of that kingdom was now come ; and to establish that kingdom , they were to pluck down that of antichrist ( as they understood ) the ancient ecclesiastical order , and to dispossess kings , drive away the wicked , dash the children of babel against the stones , tread the winepress of the wrath of god , till the blood rose to their bridle reins , that thereby christ alone may reign in the world , and the meek inherit the earth : we have since enough tasted of the fruits of their meekness : all this is drawn from the model of the common-wealth of john a leyden , and the prophets of munster . but if any of the covenanters shall disavow these opinions , they cannot deny but they were preached publickly and ordinarily ; neither can they deny but the defenders of this pernicious doctrine were the chief of their new reformation , and the authors of the war ; people whose counsels were applauded as oracles , and who drew after them their party by the repetition of their sanctified strength of zeal ; those who dared to contradict them , did it very fearfully , and kissing their hands before they spake , but they themselves carried all before them , acting with a prophetick liberty and boldness ; also , after all , they only were the men to be trusted , and who were put upon all great designs and employments ; for they feared that they who are less governed by enthusiasms , might at last so far forget themselves , as to be faithful to their sovereign , and yield to a peaceable accomodation . behold here then , wherefore we would not joyn our selves with these reformers , because we see that even they themselves have the greatest need of reformation , being far gone from the doctrine of the reformed churches , erring in the faith , but yet more in charity ; it 's they would sweep the church , as god swept babylon , with the beesom of destruction : they speak not of reforming neither doctrines nor manners , but to ruine the persons : they account the most part of the clergy of the kingdom unworthy to be corrected , but altogether to be rooted out ; that one part of the reformation was to ruine the king , and to take the sword from his side to cut off his head ; the favourers of tumults were the only persons that were caressed , they lent their ears to the popul●r tumults , whilst they shut the mouths and bound the hands of the magistrates : it was they taught that the people were above the king , and that the command of saint paul , that every one should be subject to the higher powers , obligeth the king for to obey the people ; it was they that upheld , yea , favoured and courted all sorts of pernicious sects , provided that they would bandy with them against their king : it was they that suffered to go unpunished the blasphemies in the pulpits , the insolencies , sacriledges and horrible profanations of the service of god , and permitted all things to those who were of the zealous party . we beheld on the other side , that the king took knowledge of the grievances of his people , as well for the spiritual as temporal , and laboured sincerely to remedy them ; that he consented to the alteration of offensive things in religion , and to the punishment of those who were accused as troublers of the church , provided that the things and persons were examined by regular and lawful waies of a general synod , which he offered to assemble ; he also was pleased to yield of his own right to augment the rights of his subjects , and daily multiplied acts of favour , capable to convert the most alienated spirits , passed by the many and great affronts that were done to his authority , and endeavoured by all waies possible to overcome evil with good . but the more the king yielded , the more insolent were the factious against him ; he offered to reform both the state and church , but they would not permit him , they themselves would do that work without him . the king sent divers messages to know of them what things they would reform , but to this they answered only with complaints . neither could he obtain any declaration of that which they desired , until that his forts , magazines , ships and revenues were taken from him ; the reason of which hath since been given by one of their principal champions . having to sow the lords field , they had need to make a fence about it before they begin , that the work-men might labour without interruption ; and that to lance the apostume of a sick state , they must first bind the patient . our conscience could not accomodate it self to this prudence , neither ever expect any good from such a way of reformation , which would bind the royal hands and feet of majesty , before they would declare what they desired of his favour ; and cut asunder the nerves of his authority and subsistance , under colour to establish the kingdom of jesus christ . a strange proceeding to us that have learned of st paul , that a prince beareth not the sword in vain , rom. 13.4 . but in that is the minister of god to execute wrath ; and that to resist him , yea , when he should make use of the sword to commit injustice , is to resist the ordinance of god : but if he use it well or ill , that ought to be left to him who gave it him , and to whom only he ought to render account ; his subjects ought to counsel him , if he did ill , and refuse to assist him in evil doing , and not repress him by arms : that if this command of st paul obliged the romans to obey a cruel vicious prince , and enemy to god , we should account our selves much more bound to obey a just , merciful , religious prince , whose life was a rare example of piety and sanctity , and his government so just and peaceable , that he might well be called the father of his subjects ; who wanted nothing to make them happy , but to know their happiness . chap. ii. that the covenanters are destitute of all proofs from holy scripture for their war made against the king. these violent beginnings of the covenanters , and their progress also , which overthrows all humane authority , had great need to strengthen it self by divine authority , to satisfie the conscience ; whence is it that they made a great noise of it in their pulpits , but not in their disputes ; for those that exhorted the people in scripture-term to war against the king , hang down the head , when in conference their proofs are demanded , saying ; that , it is not for divines but lawyers to decide the present quarrel ; whence it appears that there is a great difference betwixt the terms and proofs of scripture , and that many that have the voice of the lamb , speak as the dragon . but fearing lest they should accuse us , that we suppress their proofs , behold here all that they make use of , both in their books and sermons , part borrowed from the writings of the jesuites , and part from * two books which are printed with machiavels prince , and not without great reason , for there are three wicked books together , and its a wonder how that in threescore years their books have not been burnt for company by the hands of the common executioner . they alledge the example of david , who had six hundred men for his guard when he was pursued by saul , 1 sam. 22.2 . the example of the army of israel , which saved jonathan , when saul ▪ would have put him to death , 1 sam. 14.45 . of ehud , who slew eglon king of moab , an oppressor of the israelites , judg. 3.21 . the example of the town of libnah , which revolted from the obedience of jehoram , because he had forsaken the lord god of his fathers , 2 chr. 21.10 . of jehu , that cut off the house of ahab ▪ 2 kings 9. the example of jehojadah the high priest , who commanded athaliah the queen to be put to death , 2 kings 11.15 . of the priests of jerusalem , who resisted uzziah the king , when he would have exercised the priests office , 2 chron. 26.18 . the example of elisha who caused the door to be shut , when joram the king of israel sent a messenger to cut off his head , 2 kings 6.13 . and also the malediction that deborah gave to the inhabitants of meroz , because they came not to the help of the lord , when barak fought against siserae , iudges 5.23 . likewise the malediction pronounced by jeremy against him that should do the work of the lord deceitfully , and that should keep his sword from shedding the blood of the moabites , jer. 48.10 . the idols of laban , and the genealogies of the patriarchs might also have been brought to this purpose ; it must needs be , that the spirit of error and of lies , have a great power upon the understanding of these people , for to perswade them by such reasons to hazard their goods , and lives , and consciences in an open war against their soveraign . all these passages of scripture are examples and particular cases , and all except one far from the point in controversie ; but in a matter of such importance as the resisting of the king , which is so expresly forbidden , and under pain of damnation , there is need of a formal command , or of a permission expressed , that exempts christians ; at least in some certain cases , for the crime of resisting the higher powers , which is to resist god , and from the punishment of eternal damnation ; without this all the examples of subjects rising up against their princes from the very creation of the world cannot , nor is able to put conscience into a quiet condition : he hath but small knowledge that knows not that examples prove nothing , but that such a thing hath been done , and is possible ; not that it ought to be done , or that it is lawful to be done ; if there be not a law built upon the example , and a soveraign authority given to it , that it may be a pattern for the future ; and then it s not the example , but the law that we are bound to follow , which cannot be said of the examples before alledged , which beside the general insufficiency of examples in matter of proof touch not the point of resistance in question , except the first , which is wholly contrary to it . which is the example of david , who being persecuted by saul , took six hundred men for his guard ; this might suffice for answer , that this action is not recommended by the word of god , nor proposed as an example for us to follow ; christian piety and prudence , may imitate many actions of holy persons , which are not formally recommended in the word of god ; but the question being to exempt us from a prohibition , and a formal threatning , rom. 13.2 . one of the most considerable and penal in all the scripture , we may receive no example to the contrary , if it be not expresly recommended and turned into a command ; and besides the last command ought to have the advantage , and to be obeyed before the first . moreover , extraordinary cases in scripture , wherein there is a miraculous and prophetick conduct , cannot serve for a pattern in ordinary cases : david was anointed king over israel , by a special command of god , and in all the list of the kings of judah , there were none but saul and david called to the kingdom in this manner . and this holy unction gave them priviledges in israel which were onely proper to them , and which the gentlemen of the covenant have not in england , for ordinary cases there are perpetual and inviolable precepts , and these precepts are wholly contrary to the resisting of soveraigns by arms. our enemies nevertheless challenge a particular interest in this example of david , because they account themselves the anointed of the lord , but deny this title to their king , if he be not one of the elect of god ; but let them learn , that that which renders kings the anointed of the lord , is not true faith , nor the gifts of the spirit , but that soveraign power which they have from on high . and therefore cyrus a pagan king is called by god himself , his anointed , and his shepherd , isai . 45.1 . if then kings are the anointed of the lord , without consideration of their religion or vertue , it follows then that they lose not their unction , neither by their errors nor their vices ; and that falling from the grace of god , yet they fall not from that power which they held of him . this is spoken of by the way against the heresie of most part of the covenanters , who deny the divine unction of kings , and fasten it to their f●ntasies in religion . and we have cause to give thanks to these men who alledge to us the example of david , there being nothing in all the scripture more contrary to them ; for in stead of that they pursued the king with weapons in their hands , and gave him battel ; david fled continually from place to place , and never struck one stroke nor drew his sword against his king. twice he let him escape when he had him in his power , and having taken away his spear , restored it to him again ; and having but cut off the lap of his garment , his heart smote him for it ; and when one counselled him to dispatch him , then when he was in his hands , he said , the lord forbid that i should do this thing unto my master , the lords anointed , to stretch forth my hand against him , seeing he is the anointed of the lord , 1 sam. 24.6 . and when his servants would have slain him , he saith , destroy him not : for who can stretch forth his hand against the lords anointed , and be guiltless , 1 sam. 26.9 . this divine title bound his hands ; and possessed his spirit with fear and astonishment . and since our enemies make him to say that he would not stretch forth his hand against the king , if he descended not in battel against him ; let them well read the text , but especially in the original , and they shall find no such thing ; david doth rather put saul wholly into the hands of god , vers . 10. the lord shall smite him , or his day shall come to die , or he shall descend into the battel and perish ; the lord forbid that i should stretch forth my hand against the lords anointed : he doth not say that he will not stretch forth his hand against him , unless that the lord smite him ; for if god smite him , what need had david to smite him ? he doth not say he would descend into battel against him , for then his actions would have contradicted his words , for he always fled from him ; the event proved that his words were prophetical , and that h● waited whilest saul should be slain in a strange war , and that the hand of the lord should be upon him . and if david never gave him battel , we cannot impute it to his weakness ; for he might as well have defeated the army of saul , as that of the philistines before keilah , with his small number ; if god who guided him in all his ways had found it good , since it had been easie for him to have raised mighty armies , being designed the successor of saul in the kingdom ; for people naturally adore the rising sun. david retired into keilah , and having heard that saul had an intention to come thither to take him , enquired of the lord , if those in the city would deliver him up to saul , and god having answered him , that they would deliver him , fled from thence ; the ministers therefore of the covenant infer , that david had a desire to fortifie keilah , and to endure a siege . but all which they can gather from that passage is , that david was not safe in that retreat , and that god advised him to seek another , for the inhabitants of keilah might have delivered him to saul without attending a siege ; but when they shall have proved that david would have fortified keilah , it makes nothing for them , since god declares by his answer , that it was not pleasing to him . we would beseech the gentlemen of the covenant to hold themselves to this example which they have chosen , that they would cashier their great armies , for david had but a few people , with them , 1 sam. 25.16 . that they would not rob the subjects of their king , of their goods ; but imitate the souldiers of david , who were a wall both by night and day to the flocks and herds of nabal ; that having seized upon the arms of the king , let them peaceably restore them again as david , and not with the points forward . let their conscience strike them , and make them cry out , the lord forbid that i should do this thing against my master the lords anointed , for who can stretch forth his hand against him and be guiltless ? words which beside the example carry with them a perpetual and express command , and shall one day be produced in judgment against those that defend the late commotions by the example of david ; and if their continuance in the kingdoms of his majesty , is either displeasing or dangerous to them , in stead of opposing him , let them retire into some strange country , as david did to king achis ; let them also imitate his sincerity in making use of strangers onely for his protection , and not to invade his country , and raise his subjects against their king , which is that use the covenanters imployed the scots ; in one point onely they imitate and surpass david , in that he fained himself a fool , for they indeed act the fools in good earnest . in brief , the example of david which they alledge , is so contrary to the actions of the covenanters , that they have great reason to fear least god alledge this at the dreadful day of judgement against them , saying , out of thy own mouth will i judge thee , then wicked servant , luke 19.22 . the other passages of scripture are most ridiculously alledged , and serve only to shew their great weakness . they bring the action of the army of saul , that saved jonathan against the oath of his father , 1 sam. 14.45 . but to what purpose is this ? doth this army draw their sword against the king ? use they any violence either against his person or estate ? if a ki●g would put to death his innocent son , those faithful subjects whom the king employs in this execution do well not to do it , and to refuse giving obedience to so unjust a command . they make use also of the example of ehud , who slew eglon king of moab , who kept the israelites in slavery , judg. 3.21 . we have often heard this example pressed with much vehemency in pulpits . the preachers compared eglon to the king , affirming that eglon was the lawful king of israel , and that it is lawful to kill a legitimate king , if he oppress the people of god ; all this is false , and proper to be refuted only by the hangman , to whom we leave them . the example follows of the city of libnah , which appertained to the levites , which revolted from the obedience of jehoram , because ( saith the text ) he had forsaken the lord god of his fathers ; the covenanters apply the word because to the intention of the inhabitants of libnah , and not to the judgement of god ; whence these gentlemen conclude , that it is lawful for the people to shake off the yoke of their prince , when the prince forsakes god , of which they will be judges . although libnah should revolt for this reason , yet it follows not that the reason is of strength , or that it ought to be turned into example , a thing which requires a new proof of scripture ; but the drift of the text is , to assign the cause of this revolt to the justice of god , and not to that of men : take the whole text , 2 chron. 21. ●0 . so the edomites revolted from under the hand of judah unto this day . the same time also did libnah revolt from under his hand , because he had forsaken the lord god of his fathers . having consulted with the original , we find that the revolt of edom and of libnah were both together , without the least distinction ; but between the discourse of these two revolts , and the reason adjoyned , there is * there the usual mark for the distinction of half periods : which shews that this reason serves equally for both the revolts , and the sense of the text carries it evidently , that the idumeans , and those of libnah revolted for the same cause , and that these idumeans which were idolaters , had no ground to revolt from the king of judah , because at that time he was also fallen into idolatry ; it s therefore the divine justice that the text regards , and not the motives of second causes . also the same author saith , that pekah the son of remaliah slew in judah 120000 in one day , which were all valiant men , because they had forsaken the lord god of their fathers . in these two passages the sense is alike , and the reason of the punishment couched in the same terms ; now it s most evident that the syrians had no quarrel against the jews for forsaking god , because they did not believe in him , wherefore we are to look to justice of the king of kings , who for the sins of princes suffers them to lose the obedience of their subjects ; for god serve● himself of the wickedness of men , whereof he is not the cause , for to execute his just judgments ; but that excuseth not the rebellion of subjects , for it is their part to consider what they owe to their king , and not what their king deserves of the justice of god. they add the example of jehu , who exterminated the king of israel , and all the posterity of ahab , 2 kings 9. in which wi●hout doubt he did very well , because god commanded him , but the covenanters did very ill in persecuting their king , because god had forbidden them ▪ after this they bring the execution of the queen athaliah , by the command of jeho●adah the high priest , 2 chron. 26.18 . which no more then the former toucheth the question ; for not only jeho●adah , but all other people might have done as much , because there was a lawful king , whom they ought to defend and maintain against a stranger usurping , and that had murthered the royal family ; and here the maxime is valid , that against a publike enemy , every one hath right to take up arms : but what conclude they from these two last examples , they would have been ashamed to have named them before the death of their king , but since they have explained themselves , god defend the holiness of his word ▪ and confound this divelish divinity . those that follow are not much better ; they alledge the example of the priests , who resisted king uzziah , when he would have exercised the priests office , so ought the ministers of the gospel to resist the king , if he would administer the sacraments ; but this resistance ought to be done by humble admonitions , and as refusing to serve him in his design , not by way of arms : in the matter of 〈…〉 the priests used not any violence , it is said 〈…〉 caused him to go out of the temple , because go● 〈…〉 him with the leprosie ; but that 〈…〉 force , for the text saith , vers . 20. he 〈…〉 ●ed to go out , because the lord had 〈…〉 his serves nothing for their subject , they have no other reason to alledge this , but because having quarrelled against all kings , they take delight to blast their dignity . the like is the example of elisha , who commanded the door to be shut against the messenger that was sent from ioram to cut off his head , 2 kings 2.32 . if elisha had sent a messenger to cut off the kings ▪ head , the example had been to the purpose , for this is our case at this day ; but to shut the door against an officer of the kings to save his life , being condemned to die wrongfully , and without force of justice , is very far from attempting either against the person or authority of the king : the english law in many case● gives to every one his house for a place of safety , neither is there any law either divine or humane , that forbids us to defend a blow from what part soever it comes ; if the covenanters had done no other thing , there never had been a war , but they proceeded further then defence ; was there ever a more important action upon so small a foundation , to persecute their king by sea and land , destroy his estate , plant their cannon against his person , imprison him , and at last cut off his head , because elisha caused the door to be shut against the messenger of joram . but in recompence , behold here two proofs , wherein there is as much piety as reason , judg. 5.23 . deborah cursed the inhabitants of meroz , because they came not forth to help the lord against jabin and sisera ; and jer. 48.10 . jeremy cursed them that kept their sword from shedding the blood of the moabites , ergo , cursed are all they that came not to help the covenanters against the king : for these rare consequences they deserve a bundle of thistles , such as asses feed on , and to be driven from the society of men , as being deprived both of reason and humanity : who hath given them power to stretch to the king either by words or actions , the judgements pronounced against the enemies of god , and which are restrained to certain nations and persons : the king , was he a moabite ? was he a pagan ? or an usurper of a kingdom , as jabin ? are you prophets as deborah and jeremy , to curse with authority ? if ye be not prophets , ye are sacrilegious , for cursing is a fire that appertains only to god to cast forth , they who are so bold to take it into their hands without authority burn them , and hurt none but themselves , but oftentimes doth good to them whom they would hurt ; for this rashness moves god to jealousie , and provokes him to do the contrary , according to the psalmist , psal . 109. let them curse , but do thou bless ; we have great hopes that our enemies shall be the occasion of the blessing of god upon us , since they take such pains to curse us ; it is the constant argument of their sermons and publike prayers ; to it they employ the vehemency of their eloquence and fervour of their devotion ; let us then say with david , 2 sam. 16.12 . it may be the lord will look upon our affliction , and that the lord will requite good for their cursing ; but let us bless them that persecute us , and despitefully use us : o our god! turn their hearts , and bless their persons , and as our lord jesus by his prayer on the cross saved them which crucified him , save we beseech thee all those that crucifie him in his members , and those who killing us think they do god service . chap. iii. express texts of scripture which commands obedience , and forbids resistance to soveraigns . for to draw them from examples and particular cases , which is their retreat , to general precepts , we beseech them as they love god and their own salvation , to review their proofs , and consider that in all the scripture there is neither precepts nor permission that authorizeth the taking up of arms against their soveraign , but there are very many formal commands to the contrary . the first commandment , honour thy father and thy mother , binds us to honour the king ; for in the beginning soveraignty appertained to fathers , and is derived of the paternal power , deut. 13.6 , &c. now it is impossible to honour the king , and draw your sword against him ; upon which we observe that in case of idolatry , the father was commanded by the king to accuse his son and daughter , and the husband his wife , and to stretch forth first his hand against them to slay them ; but neither the son nor the daughter ought to accuse the father , nor the wife the husband , much less to put forth their hand against them : whence we learn , that neither children nor subjects ought to rise up against their fathers or their kings , which have in them the paternal character , no , not for the service of god ; and that their persons ought to be inviolable ; those who confess this truth , and yet in the mean while separate the authority of the king from his person , deny that which they have confessed , and expose the person of the king to violence , for it is the authority that renders the persons of kings unviolable . therefore among so many reprehensions and judgments against idolatrous kings , whereof the holy history is full , ye shall in no place nor part find that the people are reproved for not depressing or deposing their king ; ordinarily the punishment that god sent upon them , came immediatly from himself , or out of the kingdome , not by their own subjects : before god would employ jehu , who was a subject , to destroy the kings of israel and judah , he anointed him king , and besides , gave him a special and extraordinary command . we say the like of jeroboam , whose example is very ill alledged to defend rebellion , for jeroboam was sent of god to take the kingdom from rehoboam , and was authorized by a formal donation . the sentence of david before mentioned , 1 sam. ●6 . 9 . is of very great weight : who can stretch forth his hand against the lords anointed , and be guiltless ? and this other of him , touch not mine anointed , and do my prophets no harm , psal . 109.19 . but the covenanters have violently and cruelly proceeded against both . god speaking under the name of soveraign wisdom , saith , by me kings reign , and princes decree justice : by me princes rule , and nobles , even all the judges of the earth , prov. 8.15 , 16. if it be by him that kings reign , they should be respected for love of him , and he that resists them makes against god. to this purpose also tends that excellent scripture , prov. 24.21 , 22. my son , fear thou the lord and the king , and meddle not with them that are given to change : for their calamity shall rise suddenly , and who knoweth the ruine of them both ? a scripture which shews , that the fear of the king , is a part of the fear of god , and that those that rise up against him , are reserved of god for a sudden calamity . and this is also of him , eccles . 8.2 . i counsel you to keep the kings commandment , and that in regard of the oath of god. a passage that binds us to keep the commandment of the king , for the love of god , and the oath of allegiance , under which all subjects are born , and many have actually taken ; for every oath is a contract made with god. and a little after , eccles . 8.14 . where the word of the king is , there is power ; and who may say unto him , what dost thou ? but we have to do with those , who make this question to their king , and care neither for his word nor power . the law speaks expresly , exod. 22.28 . thou shalt not revile the judges , nor curse the ruler of thy people . yea , it restrains the thoughts as well as actions , eccles . 10.20 . curse not the king , no , not in thy thoughts . if we are not to speak nor think ill of the king , much less should do ill to him ; the violation of these commands by the covenanters , are too enormous , and cry aloud to heaven for vengeance . our lord jesus christ himself commands us , to render to cesar the things which are cesars , and to god the things that are gods , mat. 22. ●1 . he himself would pay tribute to cesar , although of right he should have made cesar tributary to him ? and not having money , he caused it to be brought to him by a miracle , rather than he would be wanting in this duty ; this is far from taking the kings revenues from him , and employing the tribute due to him , to raise a war against him . when the officers of justice came to take him , he rebuked his disciple who had drawn his sword against them , and healed the wound that he had made ▪ mat. 26. he suffered himself peaceably to be led before herod and pilate , whom he might have as easily destroyed , as make them fall down backward who came to apprehend him ▪ but he submitted to the divine authority that shined in the person of the governour , yea even to death ; openly professing that the power which he had , was from above , john 19.11 . if the power of kings depended upon the gift of their subjects , as the covenanters held , jesus christ should have said that the power that he had was from below ; but this divinity proceeds from another doctor than the son of god. saint paul is marvellous express and full upon this point , rom. 13.1 , &c. let every soul be subject unto the higher powers , for there is no power but of god : the powers that be , are ordained of god. whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . for rulers are not a terrour to good works , but to the evil . wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? do that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the same . for he is the minister of god to thee for good ; but if thou do that which is evil , be afraid : for he beareth not the sword in vain ; for he is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil : wherefore ye must needs be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake . for , for this cause p●y you tribute also , for they are gods ministers , attending continually upon this very thing . render therefore to all their dues , tribute to whom tribute is due , custome to whom custome , fear to whom fear , honour to whom honour . oh! behold with what vigour of spirit and power the apostle presseth obedience , and condemns resistance of soveraign powers ; is there any thing in the world so strong and pressing as this divine lesson ? the authority alone had been sufficient , but over and above he adds threatnings , promises reason upon reason ; they who shall well consider the text , will learn ; that it is impossible to be a good christian , without being a good subject , and that they cannot resist the king without resisting god ; also that terrible threatning of damnation should retain men in their duty : let every one ( in the fear of god ) that have born arms against their king , think well of this , and repent : oh! it is a dangerous thing to resist god , he must be very imprudent that will hazard the damnation of his soul , so formally denounced against rebels , upon distinctions and good intentions , at the great day of account they will find these very light things . the divines of the covenant labour with might and main to elude the force of this scripture , which plucks them by the throat , they change themselves into many contrary forms to escape it , as we shall see hereafter . saint paul recommends this doctrine to titus , tit. 3.1 , 2. put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , to be ready to every good work ; to speak evil of no man , to be in brawlers , shewing all meekness to all men . a dangerous scripture ; to teach subjection and meekness , is to strike the covenanter at the heart . saint peter speaks in the same stile , 1 pet. 2.13 , &c. submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be to the king as supream ; or unto governours , as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers , and the praise of them that do well , for so is the will of god , that with well doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men : as free , and not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousnesse , but as the servants of god. honour all men , love the brotherhood , fear god , honour the king. the rest of the chapter is employed in teaching christians to submit to their superiours , and to suffer for righteousness : behold truly the doctrine of christ , it 's thus that the apostles pla●ted the church , it 's thus that they fought the good fight , not in killing kings , but in bearing the cross for the gospel . one of ours , having requested a learned divine that followed the party of the covenanters , that he would give him a precept of scripture , where it 's commanded for subjects to take up arms for religion against their soveraign : he returned this scripture , stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith christ hath made us free , gal. 5.1 . but we maintain against him , that both saint peter and saint paul preserved themselves more stedfast in their christian liberty in suffering death , than all the armies of the covenanters in fighting ; and that they take the waies not to establish , but to shake and overthrow their liberty in christ ▪ we need not prove that saint paul in this scripture , never meant to speak of fighting , but to preserve the spirit free from superstition . christian liberty consists not in shaking off the yoke of superiour powers , but of that of error and vice ; and that liberty which our enemies have assumed , to present their petitions to their king , upon their pikes point , and in the end to kill him , was not the liberty from which christ had made them free : let them learn the lesson of saint peter , to carry themselves as free , and not using their liberty for a cloak of maliciousness . chap. iv. the evasions of the covenanters upon the texts of saint paul , rom. 13. and how in fine they refuse the judgment of scripture . the apostle commands , rom. 13.1 . that every soul be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god. the powers that be , are ordained of god. to this scripture , some of them answer , that evil kings are not ordained of god , having learned this doctrine of goodman ; but therein they directly contradict saint paul , who spake of the powers then in being ; they that were then when saint paul wrote this epistle , were one of the three nero's successors of tyberius , the best of them were nothing worth ; a child is capable to distinguish betwixt the wickedness of a prince , and his authority ; the first whereof is of himself , the second is of god , and it 's of the power that saint paul speaks of , without distinction of persons . as for the following verse , where saint paul infers thus , whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . buchanan and his followers ▪ answer , that this command was but for a time , whilst the church was in it's infancy weak , and under the cross , incapable to resist their prince ; but if saint paul had lived now , and were to write a body of common-wealth , he would speak far otherwise , and would leave kings to be punished of their subjects , and this is that buchanan assures us upon his word . likewise one of the best writers of the covenanters affirms , that saint paul spake to some particulars dispersed in the condition of the primitive church , who had not means to provide for their safety ; if this license were lawful , men might reject all the doctrines of saint paul's epistles , as written to particulars , and the masters of the covenant would make a way to exempt ▪ themselves from many duties commanded by saint paul , which would very ill accord with their intentions : so when the apostle saith , rom. 12.9 , 10. let love be without dissimulation , abhor that which is evil cleave to that which is good , be kindly affectionate one to another , with brotherly love preferring one another , there is some appearance that they take this command addressed to some particulars , and not to them , since they give themselves the liberty to do the quite contrary : there is in these epistles some commands provisional , moveable according to the times and persons , as those which concern the outward order ; others which are purely personal , as the command made to timothy , to come to him before winter ; but the moral doctrines are immoveable , and vary not according to the times , since that reason of saint paul given , that the powers that be , are ordained of god , is a truth perpetual and universal , and the command not to resist the powers , ought also to be general for all ages and all people ; so likewise this reason is perpetual , that the magistrate beareth not the sword in vain , but to do justice ; and this other , ye must needs be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake : wherefore the command grounded hereon to be subject to the higher powers , & not resist them , is of perpetual necessity and obligation . and since to resist the powers , is to resist the ordinance of god , may we not ask of our new divines , why the strong and not the weak are permitted to resist the ordinance of god ? it 's enough to have a good sword to exempt a man from the commands of the gospel . the covenanters might defend this interpretation of the text of saint paul , by the authority of cardinal bellarmine , who saith , that if the christians long since did not depose dioclesian , julian , the apostate valens the arrian , and others , it was because they wanted temporal forces , otherwise of right they might , which is the language of our covenanters ; but this opinion draws along with it three inconveniencies . first , that it blasts the primitive church , and deprives the martyrs of their honour ; for it 's little worth praise to suffer for the gospel , when a man hath a will without means to rebel ; their obedience to their soveraigns was then nothing worth , since it was forced , and all their protestations of subjection in the writings of the fathers , of which they are full , ought to be imputed to weakness and hypocrisie . this likewise is to accuse saint paul of want of sincerity , as if he taught patience and obedience to kings , only to accomodate himself to the times , and not to obey god ; but he clears himself sufficiently of this accusation , saying , that we must not only be subject for wrath , that is to say , for fear of punishment , but also for conscience . moreover this doctrine is pernicious to the church , for if it were embraced , it would render christians suspected , and hateful to their soveraigns ; as persons who would subject the conscience of their prince to theirs , and submits to them only out of weakness , and wait only an occasion to cast off their yoke ; which would oblige kings ever to keep them weak , and to impose heavy burdens upon them , and so prevent their rising . also this doctrine is pernicious to the profession of the gospel , for it would much hinder the conversion of pagan kings , since that turning christians , according to the mode , they should lose their authority , there being no pagan religion , which teacheth subjects to resist their prince by arms ; which would also indure christian kings of a diverse religion , to hinder with all their might the conversion of their subjects : blessed be god that there are none but the jesuits and covenanters that maintain so destructive an opinion : the reformed churches , and the most part of the roman church give no jealousie to their princes hereupon . the holy prudence of the apostles saw well , that even besides conscience , the counsell , the most profitable for the conservation of the church , and the propagati●● of the gospel , was to subject themselves wholly to their soveraigns , and without any reservation , but to suffer for righteousnesse sake , rather than disobey ▪ god ; for hereby the principal hinderance was removed , namely , that shadow which the enemies of the gospel made the emperors to apprehend that this doctrine which spread so fast , would bring along with it an alteration in their estates , and that the christians wa●ted but the coming of a king , that would break in pieces all other kings , and have for his possession the ends of the earth ; it 's that which saint peter had regard unto , where he exhorteth believers , 1 pet. 2 ▪ 13 , 15. to submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , that in all well-doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men . by this manner of subjection whole states were converted , and in the end patience overcame ▪ for the christians of the first ages have made appear by their piety and moderation , that the kingdom whither they aspired was not of this world , neither did in any thing diminish the rights of monarchs , but rather strengthened their authority , binding their subjects anew by conscience , yea so far as to make whole armies of valiant m●n that had power in their hands , to lay down their necks rather than to draw their swords against their emperor ; so did the christian souldiers under maximinian , who would have constrained them to sacrifice to his idols ▪ the armies of the english and scottish covenanters are not capable of this doctrine ; these northern people are impatient libertines and haughty ▪ they will form a gospel according to the ayr of their ●●●mate . their other crafty evasion is not much better , that saint paul forbids to disobey the power of the king , but not to his person ; but the text is formally against this , for the apostle by power doth not understand a quality without a subject , but fastens it to the person , saying in vers . 6. that the prince is the minister of god , and that he bears not the sword in vain , and that they are ordained of god to do justice . and he speaks , vers . 6. of princes in the plural number , they are gods ministers , attending continually upon this very thing . 't is the style of saint paul to call the angels , who excel in power , principalities and powers : when he speaks , eph. 3.10 . that the manifold wisdom of god might be known to principalities and powers in heavenly places : it appears that he speaks not of accidents , but of persons , for they are the persons , and not the titles , that are capable of knowledge . now i would fain know of these men , what this person is that it is lawful to resist ? if it be the person of the king or supream magistrate , whilst it is joyned to his power , they resist the power in the person ; and if it be the person separated from the power , they must needs before resist either the one or the other for to m●ke this violent separation . and seeing that the covenanters maintain that the authority of the king resides in their chief , those that draw the sword against them , may return the same answer , and say , that they resist not their authority , but their persons ; but the oath of allegiance , and that of supremacy , which are imposed by act of parliament , cause all these subtilties to vanish , for men take these oaths to the person of the king , and not to his power , or to his supremacy separated from him . moreover this distinction is contradicted by another , which hath been frequent a long time in their mouths , that they resisted not the king , but his armies , which signifies in effect , that they resisted not the person or king , but his power ; for his power laid in his armies , and as it is the nature of a lie to enter far , these people who say they are licensed by saint paul to oppose the person of the king , and not his power , were marvellously impatient when they were told they fought against the king , and affirmed that they fought for him and defended his person , which doubtless seems to be spoken to move laughter and indignation ; but god cannot be mocked , nor conscience wholly blinded , by their impatience ; hereupon they testifie that their conscience makes their process , and dictates to them within , that to bear arms against the king , is to sin against god and nature . it 's a notable symptome of a desperate sick state , where the reason of a people is smitten with astonishment , whereof we have a most lamentable example , for was there ever such a capricious madness , to accuse the royal majesty of treason , to make edicts by the king against the king , to swear a covenant for defence of the king , which nevertheless obligeth them to make war against him , and the king being alive , to forge a platonick idea of the same king , residing fifty miles from himself , that so they might fight against the person of the king. there is no cymera , nor fantastical humour like this ! behold the work of the spirit that now works efficaciously in the children of disobedience ! behold another evasion ! the apostle ( say they ) doth not teach us who is the superiour power , but that it is the superiour power that we must obey , and therefore they strive to form in the kingdom a superiour power above the king , a thing contrary to the constitution of this monarchy , as i hope to make appear . it 's easie to gather which is the superiour power , which saint paul understands , for he expresses it himself , it s the power which bears the sword , ver . 3. and he to whom tribute is paid , psal . 7. rights that appertain to the king alone , and which were actually possessed by the emperor , where saint paul wrote this epistle : that which they alledge against this , that the emperor then was more absolute than the kings at present , is false , but he was much more limited : suetonius that lived under trajan , puts amongst the enormities of caligula , to have been very near changing the form of government ( which was a principality ) into a kingdom , and to place the diadem upon his head . and the learned called not the power of these emperors regnum but principatus ; and were this allegation true , yet it would be far from the purpose ; for be it that the emperor should be more or less absolute than our kings , the command of saint paul is alwaies the same , that we must not resist him that bears the sword , and to whom custome is due , because his authority is of god. this other starting hole is of the same stuffe , they say that the defence not to resist supream powers , obligeth only particulars , and not the states of a kingdom ; this is to make another gospel for the general than for the particulars ; as if they should say , the commandments of god are directed to every one , but not to all , which is to overthrow common sense , since the oaths of allegiance and supremacy are imposed upon all the states of england , whereby they are bound also in general ; none sit in parliament that takes not their oaths at his entrance , neither is it in their power to overthrow without and against the king that which is established by the king sitting in parliament . also this is a thing that never entred into the spirits of the english before the times of this epidemical phrensie , that the kings writs which makes the estates to assemble , and the deputation of the people that sends them , should exempt their deputies or parliament men from the duty of subjects , and absolve them of their oath of allegiance and st. pauls command . the text of st. paul according to the greek requires that every soul should be subjects ; if so be then that their deputies or parliament men have no souls , they are not bound to give obedience to the king. when we reason thus , our adversaries are extraordinarily moved , and would take this matter out of the hands of the clergy , saying , that the lawyers , & not the divines are to decide where the supream power of the state rests , whether it be in the person of the king or the people , and with what limitations the king ought to be obeyed , and that the apostle requiring an obedience to supream powers , intends an obedience according to the laws , and the laws are every where different , and that one and the same rule of scripture cannot serve for all kingdoms ; that the kingdom of england not being formed as the kingdom of israel , or the roman empire , the commands of the old and new testament alledged , toucheth not the present quarrel . now are they not ashamed to forbid our clergy to discourse of political affairs ( whilst the gentlemen of the bar take upon them to teach divinity to the clergy , and by infinite boo●s , as processes , stir up the people to rebellion by reasons of religion ) and to uphold staggering consciences in the duty of obedience and christian concord , and to defend the truth of god by our sufferances , as we have endeavoured to do ; it 's not to meddle in the affairs of state , but to discharge our consciences , and to keep that good thing which god hath committed unto us . we cannot be accused to intrude our selves into the civil government , as their ministers , who serve as agents and factors in publick affairs . it s henceforth the duty of divines to handle this point of state , for the lawyers and states-men of the covenant , who having lately built their new policy upon a new divinity of their fashion , have forced the divines to become polititians , at lea●●o far as to defend true divinity from the crime of disobedience ; since they press us for conscience to joyn with them to resist the king , they must satisfie our consciences that the fundamental laws of the kingdom require us so to do . but if they would that divines rest themselves upon the faith of the lawyers in the point of resistance , upon which there is no less penalty than damnation , it is to press an implicit faith , and blind obedience upon those that preach the contrary . without exceeding then the limits of our vocation , we do acknowledg that the apostle requires an obedience , according to the laws of the state , not only of the state of rome , but of every other form of government ; and we deny , that there may not be found in scripture a rule of obedience , which serves for all sorts of estates , for such is that of the present text , that every soul should be subject to the higher powers , and that he that resisteth the powers , resisteth the ordinance of god , and thereby shall receive to himself damnation ; the reason inserted between these two sentences do manifestly regard all forms of states , that there are no powers but they be of god , and the powers that are , are ordained of god ; therefore the command that goes before and after , appertains to all sorts of government : let every one be subject to the power , and let none resist the power and threatnings ; also which is the terriblest of all threatnings , that those that resist the powers , shall receive to themselves damnation . saint peter wills us to be subject to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , that is , we are to subject our selves to every form of government lawfully established , and to perswade our selves that that ordinance is of god : generally the scriptures before alledged , oblige all persons of all estates to yield obedience to him , and those in whom the supream power resides ; and there cannot 〈◊〉 brought any valuable reason why it is more lawful to resist the supream power in england , than in israel or in rome . indeed if they could produce a fundamental law of the kingdom , that did permit the people of england in certain cases to take up arms against the king , they had some reason then to say that saint paul did not forbid the english to resist their prince , beyond the nature of their laws , as the princes of germany , when they took up arms against the emperor , produced the golden bull of charles the fourth , and the emperial capitulation , for by it they were expresly permitted to make war against him , if he attempted any thing against their ancient composition ; although i account that this capitulation could not be made without contradicting the command of the apostle , for histories mention that the emperour was reduced to it by the threatnings and menaces of the pope ; but now by long prescription , the empire is not that it was , and it 's a point disputable what is the supream power in divers states of germany . 't is that which but of late hath been put to the question in england , and was never disputed before the year 1642. where the supream power of the kingdom resides , unless when the crown was in dispute between two princes : the kings enemies employed all their forces to prove that the soveraign authority appertained to the people , to evade the text of saint paul and other texts of scripture , which did marvellously incommode their affairs , imitating those that alter the lock of their doors , when the key is in possession of their adversary ; for beholding to their great regret , that the scripture is wholly ours , commanding obedience , and strictly forbidding resistance to soveraigns , yea under pain of damnation , they labour with all their might to change the nature of the state , that thereby the rules of subjection contained in the scripture might be of no use . one of their authors , of whom they make great account , affirms boldly , that the passages in scripture against resisting the supream power are of no force , but in simple and absolute monarchies , as that of the jews and romans , and do no waies touch ours : this is a clean shaver , who cuts the knot that he cannot untie ; wherein he imitates the ingenuity of buchanan , who having taught subjects to punish their king , and feeling himself pressed by conscience , which suggested to him , that the scripture was wholly contrary to it , prevents the objection that might be made , by maintaining , that it 's ill inferred to say that the thing is unlawful , because there is no such thing or the like found in scripture . these their confessions are very remarkable , and indeed most strange , coming from christians , who should rather frame their policy to scripture , than reject the scripture , because it contradicts the policy they would establish : they have found out an invention to cast off the yoke of their king , which is to cast off that of the word of god. after this so open a profession , it 's against all equity they should make use of scripture for their cause , either in their writings or sermons : they alledg nothing but examples , but there is no reason that the examples should be made use of by them who reject the commands , but after they have turned themselves into as many postures as a fencer , to defend themselves against the invincible text of the apostle ; in the end , hither they are driven , to refuse wholly to debate the difference touching their duty to their king by the commands of scripture . the last figure of proteus is the natural , and after all their tricks of lying and hypocrisie , at last their nature shews it self . in fine , when all is said , this is the only answer on which they rest , that the commands of scripture cannot determine the point of their resistance , and that we must have recourse to the lawyers . this speech is commonly in the mouths of all the wisest of their party , and let all christian churches take notice of this their most shameful evasion . the covenanters of england , who pretend to establish the kingdom of christ according to the word of god , refuse to be judged by the commands of scripture , touching the war made against their soveraign . chap. v. what constitution of state the covenanters forge , and how they refuse the judgment of the laws of the kingdom . to elude the strength of humane laws as well as divine , they forge a primitive and fundamental constitution of this estate , destitute of all authority both of god or man. and here we must distinguish between their doctrine they taught in the beginning of their covenant , and that which they taught afterwards ; for then when they were to fight with the king in the field , and were not yet capable o● so high hopes as afterwards they effected ; they forged a form of state suitable to their possibility then , which was to constrain the king by the terror of their arms to accord to all that should please them , and wholly to put the government into their hands ; notwithstanding their principles then led them to those conclusions which since followed , for they supposed that the soveraign power was inherent in the people , that the people elected the king , and had committed to him the authority that he exercised , reserving to themselves the power to assume it again when the state should judge it most convenient ; and to take away the sword of justice and the militia , to make use of it against him if there were need . that the king had not the supream power but by paction , which being once broke by him , the subjects were exempted from their obedience , that he was onely depository of the supremacy , but when the estates were assembled , the supremacy was joyntly possessed by him and the two houses ; so that the king had but the thirds , and that but very hardly , for they held that the states had a negative voice , and the king could do nothing without their consent ; and whether the king had the negative voice of right they were not ag●eed , but all accorded to take it away from him in effect ; that is to say , after their account , that the people might refuse the king what displeased them ; but if the king denyed what the people propounded to him , they esteemed that the two houses might and ought to do it without him , and force him to it by arms ; and this doctrine hath been confirmed by their practise , or to speak the truth , this their practise hath occasioned this doctrine . now since god through his secret and incomprehensible judgments , hath suffered the wickedness of this age to have success above their desires , they built upon these principles this conclusion , that the people may judge and execute their king , dissolve the monarchie for ever , and turn it into an aristocracy or popular government : for yet they cannot agree to which they should hold themselves ; since then they would perswade us that the constitution of the english government , exempts us from these two great dangers ; disobedience to god , and damning our souls in resisting the king ; and since they would oblige us for conscience sake to oppose the king in obedience to god and the higher powers ; and that our clergie are commanded to exhort the people , that god hath commanded them to draw their swords against their soveraign ; there is a necessity to satisfie our reason , and resolve our consciences hereupon , to enquire whether the nature of the state be such as they have painted it out to us . and for this we have not referred our selves to those of the royal party , but have consulted with the most judicious writers of the covenanters , who pass amongst them as oracles of the state , expecting that for proof of this form of government , they would have produced the old records of the kingdom , which are now in their custodie , the ancient statutes of parliaments , and the testimony of their old historians ; but they alledge no such things , though much pressed thereunto by their adversaries , onely they make a discourse in the air upon the law of nature , that hath given to every person , and by consequent to every estate , a power for his preservation ; troubling the ignorant readers brains with barbarous terms , and thorny distinctions , and extracting the quintessence of the state into an invisible substance : they tell us that the parliament was coordinate , and not subordinate to the king ; that the three estates of parliament , whereof the king made one , being fundamental , admitted not of the difference of higher or lower : that the power of the king in parliament was not royal but political : that this fundamental law of the kingdom was not written , for if it were it should be superstructive , and therefore mutable , and not fundamental : that the mixture of the three estates in government was not personal but incorporate . those that understand not these mystical sentences , ought to be nevertheless content ; it being not reasonable that they should understand them better then the authors themselves . an affected obscurity amongst ideots passeth for knowledge ; and ye shall find that the discourses that have least reason in them are most difficult , like olive stones which are very hard , because there is nothing in them . now is it not requisite to subtilize upon the virtuality and actuality of the peoples power , for to inform the conscience of the subject , touching the justice of his arms against his king ; but for that there is indeed need both of divine and humane authority , and such as is easie , and to be understood of all . but the observation of mr. du moulin is very true , that ordinarily lying arms its weaknesse with thorns , like lizards , who save themselves by running into bushes . above all in a point where the question of right is founded upon that of fact ; as this question now , whether it be lawful for the english to take up arms against their prince , here to go about to satisfie reason and conscience with political and metaphisical contemplations is not to purpose , they should ( besides divine authority which should ever march before ) enquire whether the laws and constitutions of the country authorize this war. the question being not to dispute which is the best form of government , but to preserve the form to which god hath subjected us , and to observe the laws of the kingdom , and after many moral and political discourses ( for our adversaries pay us with no other ) those that have any honesty or understanding come always to this , that they would shew us by what law of england it is permitted the subjects to take up arms without the kings permission , and against him : when did the people ever make this election ? where is it that they have reserved the liberty to resume the supreme authority when they shall please ? is there any statute made during the ages that this monarchy hath continued , that prefers or equals the two houses to the king , or doth authorize them to ratifie any thing without him ? where is the articles of that capitulation which in some certain cases dissolves the subjects oath of allegiance ? is there any case in the law in which it should be lawful for subjects to take from their king or supreme magistrate , his forts , navies , and magazines , and to take into their hands the sole administration of justice , and the militia , to confer the great offices of the crown , to receive ambassadors , to treat with forreign nations , and to dispose of the goods and lives of the kings subjects . to these so important questions , for the duty and happiness of all the members of an estate , and the eternal salvation of their souls and bodies , to answer with platonick considerations , and in stead of producing the laws of the kingdom , to philosophy upon the law of nature , and form an appeal from authentical and known laws to a word not written , made at pleasure ; this is to mock god and men , this is to insult upon the brutality of the people , and to take a wicked advantage from the wine of astonishment or senselessness , which god in his just wrath hath poured forth upon this miserable nation ; for if they did beleeve there remained any common sense in this blind and mad people , durst they so boldly return so ridiculous an answer to those that demand where are those fundamental laws written , that now make all other laws bow to them , namely , that the fundamental laws are not written , and that if they were , they should be superstructive , and not fundamental ; after this account the command to love god with all our heart , and our neighbour as our self , is not fundamental , because it is written ; it were to profane reason to imploy it to refute a reasoning so unreasonable ; it must needs be that these people know they have to do with persons of great credulity , since they dare give them for a fundamental law , a fantasie which they never heard before spoken of , and whereof no writings nor histories make mention , and this is to fight against their king , overthrow the state , lose their goods , hazard their lives and consciences : but what should i say ? there is no reason but is perswasive when the conclusions are taken , and there is strength to maintain them . christendome which have now their eyes upon our broils , will take notice of the open confession of the troubles of this state ▪ that for the war against the king , and for the form of government which they establish in the kingdome a superiour power that abolisheth the royal , they have no fundamental law written : is not this then marvellously to abuse the justice of god , and the patience of reasonable creatures made after his image , and indued with knowledge ; to constrain them to prostitute their consciences and lives in a quarrel for which they openly confess there is not any law written , and for which there is not the least footing of approbation , in all that hath been established , or left authentically written since england hath been a nation ? we have let you see before how they decline the defences of scripture against the resistance of soveraigns ; behold now they confess there is no fundamental law written for to justifie their arms , and the superiority of the people above the king , which they would introduce with the sword ; and thus they acknowledge they have no authority neither divine nor humane for what they do ; as cardinal perron having maintained the power of the pope over the temporal of kings , before the estates of france , in conclusion affirmed , that it was an article which was not decided , neither by the scriptures nor the ancient church , so that the pope and our mutineers agree together to usurp an authority upon kings , without any ground or warrant in the word of god , and contradicted by all humane constitutions , that is to say , that hoth god and man are contrary unto them . chap. vi. what examples in the histories of england the covenanters make use of to authorize their actions . but do we not much wrong them to say that there is nothing makes for them in all the ancient writings and histories of this kingdom ? do they not alledg the two parliaments that deposed edward the second , and richard the second , yea truly , and to their great shame , as the wisest of their party do acknowledg , affirming that those acts of parliament against richard the second , were not properly the acts of the two houses , but of henry the fourth , and his victorious army , in which they say true , for the duke of lancaster , who after caused himself to be called henry the fourth , having prevailed with the people to rise against their lawful king , assembled a parliament , which he made to do whatsoever he would , and having deposed and imprisoned this poor king , soon after caused him to be put to death ; though this action were as just , as it is execrable , yet it would make nothing to the purpose , where the question is , of that which the two houses may do , separate from the king ; for the deposing of king richard was by another king sitting in parliament ; for until these last states , the two houses never thought that they were able to conclude any thing without the royal consent ; and since , the parliaments held under the house of york , declared henry the fourth usurper of the crown , and therefore condemned the parliament which had confirmed his usurpation . the other example is no better than this , the deposing of edward the second , by the conspiracy of his wife , and the favourites of this queen , who served themselves of a parliament to execute this wickedness , and having deposed the king , and crowned his son , who was under age , caused the father to be most cruelly put to death in prison , & yet the authority of the young k. must be made use of to make the resolution of the parliament pass into an act ; for without the king the parliament can no more act , than a body without a head : but when the young king came to age , he caused the authors and complices of his fathers death to be executed , and caused all the acts of this parliament to be broken by another . and less than these to the purpose is , which they alledg , concerning the accord the barons extorted from king john , by which this unhappy and imprudent king being reduced to a straight , promised to put himself into the power of twenty five of his barons , and submitted himself to divers other dishonorable conditions ; and this accord was not made in parliament , but in the field by force of arms , there being no parliament then sitting , and therefore was of no force , nor was ever kept . these articles of the barons were much like those the two houses sent the king to beverly , oxford and new-castle ; the covenanters imitate these barons in their affectation of piety , for they called their general the marshal of the lords army , and of his holy church , and these perswaded their chiefs that they led the battels of the lord of hoasts , but these transferred not the crown to another prince , as the barons did , but have taken away both his crown and life , having long before declared by writing to their king , that they dealt very favourably with him if they did not depose him , and that if they did , they should not exceed the limits of modesty , nor of their duty . this judgment was pronounced in the house of commons without contradiction that , the king might fall from his office , that the happiness of the kingdom did not depend upon him , nor the royal branches of his house , and that he did not deserve to be king of england : the authors of these opinions are declared in a declaration of his majesties . in one point the barons and covenanters are very different ; for the lords that remained with the covenanters were without power , all places of honour and trust being taken out of their hands by their inferiours , and at last their house abolished by the commons , so that in stead of producing this war of the barons , the covenanters should rather have alledged the seditions and commotions of watt tyler and jack straw , poor artisans , and followed with people of the same rank ; for these persons and the cause of the covenanters are far more alike . behold here with what authorities the margins of their books are stuffed ! behold the examples which the polititians of the times present to the gentlemen of the parliament for to teach them what they ought to do ; those infamous actions which were abhorred by the ages following them , are become the supporters of ours ; and despair , which makes men snatch up any sorts of weapons , forceth our enemies to justifie their actions by the examples of rebels and paricides ; 't is not for nothing then that these histories are so often alledged , though nothing to the purpose , and it 's not without cause that they print them apart ; for not being able to justifie their actions , they have declared their intentions , and made the king to see what he sholud trust to , if he fell into their hands : certainly , if there had not been a design laid to come to that , both to prepare the people and intimidate the king , those incendiaries who by these horrible examples , and their maximes of state grounded thereupon , teaching the deposing of kings , should have been hanged long since with their books about their necks : for so many men which are studied in the laws of the kingdom , and are at the helm of affairs , cannot be ignorant of that which king james of happy and glorious memory , marks in his book of the right of kings , that in the time of edward the third , there was an act of parliament made , which declared all them traytors , who imagined ( it's the word of the law ) or conspired the death of the king ; ●on which act the judges grounding themselves , have alwaies judged them for traytors who dared but to speak of deposing the king , because they believed that they could not take away the crown from off the kings head without taking away his life . it was heretofore a crime worthy of death to speak , yea to think evil against the king , and moreover the word of god which is to be obeyed , forbids us to speak evil of the king , no not in our thought ; but now it 's the exercise of devout souls to write meditations upon the deposing of their king. chap. vii . declaring wherein the legislative powers of parliament consists . having no better authorities in all the examples of the ages past , they establish a new one , which by the unlimited largeness , supplies what it wants of length of time ; for when we require to be governed by the laws , they answer us , that the parliament is the oracle of the laws ; that it is for that great court to declare what is law and what is not , to interpret the laws , to dispense with them , or to make new ones . that themselves are the parliament , excluding all others ; and that since they have declared that this war is according to law , and that such maximes as they give us , are fundamental laws of the kingdom , we must remit our selves to them , and receive for law what they ordain . but because strangers may read , who have no knowledge of the government of england ; for to examine this imperious reason , we are obliged to declare here what we know touching the present affairs . we have learned to acknowledg the parliament 〈◊〉 england for the supream court of the kingdom , that can make and unmake laws , and from whose judgment there is no appeal : but of this court the king is the principal part , and it 's he that renders it soveraign ; the two houses in all their legislative acts acknowledg him their true and sole soveraign , the house of lords only can evert the judgment of the courts of justice , but not their own , without the consent of the king and the house of commons ; the house of commons is not a judicial court , having not power to administer an oath , inflict a fine , or imprison any , but those of the●r own house ; and these two neither apart nor together , cannot make a law ; but when they would enact any thing , they both together present a writing to the king in form of a request ; if the king approves of them ; the lord keeper of the great seal answers for the king in these french words , le roy le veult , and then it is made an act ; but if the king refuseth it , he returns answer , le roy s'avisera , and the business passeth no further : before the consent of the king , the proposition of the two houses contained in the writing , is like unto that which the romans called rogatio ; but when the king grants it , they may then give it the name of lex ; and in effect , it is but a request before the pleasure of the king makes it pass into a law , and was never other before this present parliament . therefore the english lawyers call the king the life of the law , for though the king in parliament cannot make any law without the concurrence of the two houses , yet nevertheless it 's his authority only that gives it the strength and name of a law ; and they are so far from having any legal authority in their commands , without the consent of the king , that the customary right gives them not so much as a name , neither takes any cognisance of them . to say then that the parliament hath declared this war lawful , and that the orders of parliament are laws , is by an ambiguous term to abuse the ignorance of the people ; for by the parliament they understand somtimes one house , somtimes both ; and somtimes the king and both houses together ; it 's thus that men understand them , when they speak of the supream court of parliament , and of acts of parliament ; for the king was ever accounted the first of the three estate , without whom the two other had not power to conclude any thing lawfully , for all their authority is derived from him , not only for a time , but by a continual influence , which being interrupted , the power of necessity cease●h . these three toge●her have power to interpret the laws , to revoke them , and to make others , therein properly lies the oracle of the laws . a judicious writer of the royal party , calls the union of the three estates , the sacred tripos , from whence the oracles of the law are pronounced . when any one of these three are separate from other , the other two stagger and are lame , nor cannot serve for a firm foundation for the safety of the state , and satisfaction of the subjects conscience . but let us assume the business higher , you cannot more vex our enemies than to tell them this truth , that the monarchy which is at this day , began by conquest , this is that which by no means they will endure to hear of , but would perswade men that it began by an election and covenant , which indeed had never any being but in their own fancies . if they would be believed for this , they should then produce some records . for the bold conjecturers are less credible than all the histories , which assures us of three conquests in this kingdom , since the romans and picts , namely , that of the saxons , danes and normans . moreover , those that would abolish this office and dignity , destroy that of their own laws , for all the lands of the kingdom are held of the king by right of the sword , as appears by the nature of homages and services that the lords of fiefes owe to the king , when william the conqueror took possession of the kingdome , strengthening the right of his conquest by the last will and testament of edward the confessor ; he declared himself master of all the land , and disposed of it according to his pleasure . his son henry the first eased the people somwhat of the severe and unlimited government of his father , and confirmed to the english their ancient priviledges , which since after long and bloudy wars , were anew confirmed , and the quarrel determined by that wise king edward the first , who having as much valour as wisdom , in condescending to the rights of his subjects , knew well how thereby to preserve his own , for after all , the soveraignty of kings remained inviolable , and those preroga●ives were preserved which were only proper to him who is not subject but to god alone . such also is the court of wards , by which a great many orphans of the kingdom are in wardship to the king , and almost all the lands appertaining to him until they be of age. in this thing the kings of england exceed all other christian princes . this being such an essential mark of absolute soveraignty that there cannot be a greater . certainly , if this monarchy had begun either by election or covenant , the subjects would never have given the king so vast a power over their estates and families . amongst the priviledges of the english , these three are the principal . that the king cannot make a law without the consent of his estates . that no law made in parliament , can be revoked but in parliament ; and that the king can levy no moneys of his subjects be●●des his ordinary revenues , without the concurrence of the two houses , in the intervals of parliaments ; the king according to his supream power may make edicts seem burdensom to the subjects , or to impair their laws and priviledges , they humbly present them in the next parliament , & the k. when the complaint appears just un●o him , easeth them ; for to make their requests pass for acts without the pleasure of the k. they cannot , neither can the k. make new acts in parl. without their consent . in the mean while , the king makes not them partakers of his authority , but assembling them in parliament , he renders them capable to limit his authority , in cases that appertain to their cognisance ; for there are many cases wherein they are not to meddle at all , in the point of the militia , and for fear they should forget that , even this power they have to limit the king , comes from the authority of the king , and he can take it away from them when he pleaseth ; for when he breaks up the parliament , he retires to himself the authority that he gave them to limit his ; and moreover if they stretch their priviledges beyond the pleasure of the king , he hath power to dissolve the parliament , and after the word of the king is passed which dischargeth them , and sends them away , they have not power to sit or consult a minute . whence bodinus ( well versed in the nature of the states of christendome ) concludes the king of england to have soveraign authority ; the estates of england , saith he , cannot be assembled nor dissolved , but by the edict of the prince , no more then in france and spain ; which proves sufficiently that the assemblies have no power of themselves to command or forbid a thing ; and he laughs at the ignorance of bellaga , who affirm the states of arragon to be above their king , and yet nevertheless confesseth the states cannot assemble nor separate without him ; illud novum & planè absurdum , that ( saith he ) is new , and altogether a most absurd doctrine : and therefore it was that which occasioned them , who had a design to overthrow church and state to labour to draw a promise from his majesty , that the late long parliament should not be dissolved without the consent of both houses , well knowing , that without that granted , the king when he pleased might have overturned their designs ; which they having obtained , shewed by their actions that they thought themselves then priviledged to do what they would without his authority , and thus it is with us at this day . yet so it is , that they themselves do confess that this grant did not alter the nature of the two houses , and the gentlemen of the parliament have often protested that they would not make use of this act of grace to the disadvantage of his majesty : so then if there were no soveraignty resident in the two houses before this grant , there is no more after , and the pretended fundamental laws not written , that parts soveraignty between the king and his subjects , yea that transport it wholly to the people , are much to be suspected of falsity , since they never appear ; but since the promise they obtained of the king ( both to his and their great damage ) to perpetuate this parliament as long as they pleased , and since they have begun to exercise the soveraignty by force of arms. thus the new nobility after they had obtained the firss by right or wrong , produce coats of arms and titles which were heretofore unknown . they maintain this their new soveraignty by a maxime of stephanus , junius , brutus , rex est singulis major & universis minor , that is to say ( as they expound it ) that the king is the soveraign of particulars , but the representative body of the state is greater then he , and have soveraignty over him ; and all their writers ( and amongst others the observator on the kings answers ) attribute majestie to the commonalty , and not to the king or supreme ; if this be true , it 's very strange how this representative body of the state , the parliament , have left it so long time to the kings , the court of wards , and many other rights of soveraignty , which they have enjoyed without contradiction , until that present parliament . this vile maxime then being destitute of all proofs from the laws and customes of the state , ought to be despised ; but moreover it is also void of all reason , for if the english be subject to their king in retail , are they not in gross ; if in pieces , not in the whole ? being born subjects , have they power to give the soveraignty to their deputies or parliament men , and make them chief ? that is to say , can they give them that which they have not ? and seeing also that they cannot assemble in parliament without the king or supreme magistrates writ ; this writ of the kings doth it render them forthwith soveraigns above the king ? the stile of the writ calls them , ad consul . andum de quibusdam arduis , to consult with him , about some difficult affairs , and not to master him , and to dispose of his authority . and since they call this great court , the body representative of subjects , they must needs then be subjects , otherwise they should not represent them who sent them , and that which the king accords to , should be granted to soveraigns , but his subjects should receive no benefit thereby : he who will well examine this proposition ; that the soveraignty over the soveraign rests in the representative body of subjects , shall find it full of contradictions , and to destroy it self . they cannot bring any probable reason ( saith bodin . ) that the subjects ought to command their prince , and that the assembly of estates ought to have any power , unless when the prince is under age , or distracted , or captive , then the estates may depute him a regent or lieutenant . otherwise , if princes were sub●ect to the laws of the states , and commands of the people , their power were nothing , and the title of a king would be a name without the thing ; moreover , under such a prince the common-wealth should not be governed by the people , but by some few persons equal in their suffrages , who who would make laws and edicts , not by the authority of the prince , but by their own ; who for all that come and present him humbly with requests , every one apart by himself , and all in a body making shew of faithfulness and obedience , these things are as ridiculous as can be imagined : thus saith bodin . behold here the form of state of our covenanters in their beginning , so drawn to the life by this learned person , that one would say , he took the very copie from them : in effect , when ( under a monarchy ) a faction in an assembly of states shall take upon them the soveraignty , the state change not into an aristocracy nor democracy , but into a pure obligarchy , which is the worst of all forms of state , and but the corruption of others . the royal power being once usurped , 't is not then the greatest , nor the best , nor the most , who govern the affairs ; but some few unquiet and ambitious persons , who love contention , and know how to fish in troubled waters ; and as these men deceive the king with a false idea of soveraignty , so they deceive their companions , perswading them that the have part in their authority , because they have voices in the house , for in such assemblies where the choice of persons , is more by hap then judgment , the suffrage is to all , but the power is in a few . the same author , numbring the soveraign and absolute monarchies of christendom , places england and scotland amongst them ; and saith , that without all question , their kings have all the rights of majesty , and that it is not lawful for their subjects neither apart nor in a body , to attempt any thing against the life , reputation , or goods of their soveraign , be it either by ways of force or justice ; although he were guilty of all the crimes a man could imagine in a tyrant . for the subjection that the parliament owe to their king , we can have no better witness then the parliament it self ; for that disloyal maxime , that the body of the state is above the king , is contradicted by the ordinary stile of their papers presented to the king by this body : the two houses most humbly beseech their soveraign lord the king , and they qualifie themselves , the most humble and loyal subjects of his majesty . 't is the presentative body of the kingdome who speaks , and nothing by way of complement , but duty . this preface hath an excellent grace in the beginning of a declaration of the two houses to their king , wherein they tell him , that they deal favourably with him , if they do not depose him , and that they may do it without exceeding the limits of their duty and modesty . this discourse is like the locusts of the bottomless pit , revelations 9. which had the faces of men , but the tails of scorpions ; and therefore to avoid this disproportion , in their articles presented to the king at new-castle , they left out the qualification of subjects . the ordinary preface of statutes do lively express the nature of the three estates : the king by the advice and consent of the prelates , earls and barons , and at the instance and request of the commonalty hath ordained , &c. for it 's the king alone properly that ordains ; the peers as councellors advise and consent , the commons as suppliants require and solicite . the parliament held in the twenty fourth year of henry the eight , speaks thus : by divers ancient and authentical histories , and chronicles , it is manifestly declared that this kingdome of england is an empire , and for such hath been known in the world , governed by one soveraign head , having the dignity and royal greatness of the emperial crown , to which there is a body politick joyned , composed of all sorts and degrees of people , as well spiritual as temporal , who are bound next to god , to render unto him natural obedience . if the body politick be naturally subjected to him as to its head , it 's contrary to nature , that it should be subjected to the body politick ; and his maxime , r●x est universis minor , is condemned as false by the parliament ; they knew not in those daies what it was to make the body of the state march with its head downward , and feet upward , but they were careful to maintain the head in that eminent place where god had set it ; and hither also tend the words following , that the chief soveraign is instituted and furnished by the goodness and permission of almighty god , with full and entire power , preheminence , authority , prerogative and jurisdiction , to execute justice , and put a final determination in all cases to all sorts of his subjects within this kingdome ; and that many laws and ordinances , had been made in preceding parliaments for the full and sure conserving of the prerogative and preheminence of this crown . these good subjects , could not find words enough , nor consult of means sufficient according to their mind , to defend the authority of their king , esteeming ( and well they might ) that the happiness and liberty of the subjects lay in the inviolable power of their soveraign , that the greatness of the state consisted in that of the prince , and that there is no other way to crown the body , but to place the crown upon the head. this stile is very far from that of the nineteen propositions presented to the king by the two houses in the beginning of the war ; which required that all matters of state should be treated of only in parliament , or if the king would treat of any affairs in his councel , this councel should be limited to a certain number , and the old councellors cashiered , unless such whom it pleased the two houses to retain , and that none hereafter should be admitted without their approbation ; that the king should have no power in the education and marriage of his children without their advice ; that all great officers of the crown , and the principal judges , should alwayes be chosen by the approbation of the two houses , or by a councel authorized by them ; the same also in governours of places , and in the creation of peers , which hath since been denied to the king in effect . and as for the militia , they would have the king wholly put it into their hands , that is to say , he should take his sword from his side and give it them , which he could not do without giving them the crown ; for the crown and the royal sword are both of one piece ; so also for the point of religion , these propositions take from him all authority and liberty of judgement , yea , even the liberty of conscience ; for they require that his majesty consent to such a reformation as the two houses should conclude upon , without telling him what this reformation is . let all the world here judge if these men speak like subjects ; they had reason to present these articles with their swords in their hands , but the king had more reason to draw his to return them an answer . all these propositions are founded upon one only proposition , which passeth amongst them for a fundamental law , that the king is bound to grant to the people all their demands : but this is a fundamental in the ayr , and made void by the practise of all ages since eng. was a monarchy , and by that authentical judgement of the states assembled under henry the fift ; that it belongs to the supremacy of the king to grant or refuse , according to his pleasure , the demands that are made to him in parliament : and in stead of the house of commons , being as it is now the soveraign court , a thing never heard of until this present age ; the house supplicated henry the fourth , not to employ himself in any judgement in parliament , but in such cases as in effect appertained to him , because it belonged to the king alone to judge , except in cases specified by the statutes . the same house under edward the third , acknowledged that it did not belong to them to take cognisance of such matters as the keeping of the seas , or the marshes of the kingdome ; yea , even during the sitting of parliaments , the kings have alwayes disposed of the militia , and admiralty , of the forts and garrisons , the two houses never interposing or pretending any right thereunto , they declared ingeniously to edw. the first , that to him belonged to make express command against all force of arms , and to that end they were bound to assist him , as their soveraign lord. they declared also to king henry the seventh , that every subject by the duty of his subjection , was bound to serve and assist his prince and soveraign lord upon all occasions : by which they signified , that it was not for them to meddle with the militia ; but that their duty as subjects bound them to be aiding and assisting to him . the learned in the laws tell us , that to raise troops of horse or foot without commission of the king , or to lend aid , is esteemed and called by the law of england , to levy war against the king our soveraign lord , his crown and dignity : in this point all that is done without him , is done against him , and this is conformable to the general right of all nations ; as for the royal estate ( saith bodin . ) i believe there is no person that doubts that all the power , both of making peace and war , belongs to the king , since none dare in the least manner do any thing in this matter without the command of the king , unless he will forfeit and endanger his head. if the two houses were priviledged to the contrary by any statute , we should have heard them speak it , but for what they have done , we see no other authority then their practice . therefore none ought to wonder if this their new practice hath less authority with persons of a sound judgement , then these practises of all ages past : and if we cannot perswade our selves that without the authority of the king they cannot abolish those of parliaments authorized by the king , let them not then make such a loud noise with the authority of parliament ; 't is in obedience to that supreme court of parliament that we so earnestly strive to preserve the princes rights : those acts of parliament are in full force which have provided with great care to defend the royal prerogatives , judging aright , that the soveraignty is the pillar of the publick safety , and that it cannot be divided without being weakned , and without shaking the state that rests upon it ; but we leave the reasons of the form of this estate to them who formed it , contenting our selves to obey the laws , until the same authority that made them alters and changes them . this authority being that of the prince sitting in parliament , we hold not our selves bound by that which passeth in any house or councel without him , and against him , accounting that where the princes authority shines not , their power is eclips'd ; above all since the houses at westminster were reduced to the fourth part of their number , and the lesser part ( the major part being frighted away ) and filled their vacant places with persons of their own judgement , without the kings authority ; if the houses had ever any power without him , it was like the light of the moon without the sun , exiguum & malignum lumen , as the astrologers call it , it was a little light which did nought but hurt . our great lawyer fortescue speaks well , that as a natural body when the head is cut off , is not called a body , but a trunck ; so in the body politick , the commonalty without a head , cannot any way incorporate or make a body . chap. viii . how the covenanters will be judges in their own cause . but was there ever any thing more unreasonable then this proceeding ? they would that the judgement of the lesser part of the two houses without the king , and against all former parliaments , should be received , yea , in their own quarrel ; and that in the controversie , whether the king hath authority above this assembly , or it above him , this assembly will be judge ; 't is for them ( they tell us ) to declare what is law , and to make the law : now that assembly declares , that their authority is above the king , that their arms are just , and the kings unjust ; and that the representative body of the state cannot erre in law , and that it 's your duty to stand to their judgement . these people would be ashamed to confess where they have learned thus to reason : is it not of him who said , dic ecclesiae , hoc est tibi ipsi ; tell it to the church , that is to say , to thy self ; and truly to confute them , we will do them the shame , to employ the same words we make use of against him , changing only the persons . in the present quarrel , one of the controversies is , whether the two houses at westminster , without the king , are the soveraign judges in point of law. in this controversie should the two houses be judges , they should then be judges in their own cause , and should be assured to gain their process . item , if it be disputed whether they can erre in this controversie also , they would judge they could not erre ? should they be infallible judges of their infallibility ? who beholds not in this an evident contradiction ? that it must be , that he that disputes whether the two houses can erre , must address himself to the two houses , as to judges that cannot erre , to judge this question ; so likewise in the question , whether the authority of the two houses be above the king , it 's certain that the two houses cannot be judges , since by this same question their authority to judge is called into doubt , the one pretends , that the difference hath been decided and judged by the authority of a soveraign and infallible judge ; it 's certain that hereby he renders the wound incurable , the quarrel eternal , and beyond all terms of reconciliation . it matters not to say , that between two parties that pretend to the soveraignty ; there can be no judge , but that the strongest must carry it ; for if the two parties desire peace , they may choose arbiters . the king or supreme being the natural soveraign of his enemies , and he who gives vigor to the laws , hath desired notwithstanding , that the difference should be determined by the laws , he pretends not to infallibility : he hath also often chosen his neighbours for arbiters , and hath fully satisfied them by reasonable offers , and such as are worthy of him ; witness the report that the extraordinary ambassadors of the states generals made to their lords , for which the parliament of london declared their great discontent in writings : the king being to render account of his actions to none but god alone , submitted himself notwithstanding to reason and piety , remitting himself wholly to the ancient laws and constitutions of his kingdome . he hath often protested , and oft-times published , and in this difference taken all christendome for arbiters ; but what ? in the question whether his subjects can make a law against him , and whether they have right to make war on him , and would also that he should remit himself to their ordinances ; yea , even those which they have made without him , against his will , and against himself ; and that he should acknowledge them for supreme judges in their own cause , without other arbiters then their will : now they have had their wills wholly , and have been judges and parties both together , a priviledge that belongs to god alone ▪ to whose supreme court we appeal . chap. ix . that the most noble and best part of the parliament retired to the king , being driven away by the worser . that which doth strongly perswade us to believe , that the priviledges of parliament , which they would extend even in infinitum , have an ill foundation , is because we have seen them opposed by the better part of the parliament , both in quality and dignity : for besides the king , an hundred seventy five of the house of commons , and the best qualified , withdrew themselves from amongst them , and of the lords eighty three , so that scarcely the third part remained at westm . almost all the gentry wholly followed the king ; and when we consider the persons , the condition and revenues of those that withdrew themselves , we cannot see that they had any need to fish in troubled waters , or to warm themselves at the great fire that began to slame , as those had that remained . without doubt that great body of lords and gentlemen of the kingdome loved their liberty , and would never have assisted the king to have obtained an unlimited power , break their priviledges , and impose a perpetual yoak of slavery upon them and their posterity . when need was , these members of parliament assembled themselves , and the king deferred to their councels as much as their priviledges required : whereupon those of the parliament of london were extraordinarily vexed , maintaining that the name and power of parliament , was from that time fastened to the place where they sate , which is a point that we will not dispute , how strange soever it be ; but we would have them remember , that they have had their sitting in other places , and have not for all that thought they had left their authority at westminster ; and we dare answer for them , that if the lords and commons which held with the king , had driven them away , and taken their place , they would soon have changed their opinion . besides this strong consideration of numbers and persons , all those who know that the king is the fountain of authority , and that without him there is no more lawful power , then day without the sun , would never make question which were the true parliament , that which acted with him , or that which rose up and fought against him . but alas since , force and necessity hath constrained many poor lords to return & bow to their unjust power . it would be too long to relate all the reasons that moved in the beginning , so many persons of honour to withdraw themselves from london , in the general they loved their religion , their king and country ; and could not consent to the general disorder of church and state , nor hinder it in gainsaying . for a sample of their proceedings , which they used to drive them away , we will only commend to the judicious reader the petition 〈◊〉 the baser sort of people of london , presented to the house of commons , and by that house , to the house of lords , to exhort the lords to sit no longer apart from the house of commons , but to make one whole and entire body together , and to joyn with them , and that they would agree to an equality in the state , to procure an equality in the church , and for a while to forsake their power of lords to subdue the pride of the king ; adding withal , that if they gave not a speedy remedy to the obstructions which retarded the happy progress of the great pains they took , they should be forced to have recourse to the remedy they had in their hands , and to destroy the disturbers of their peace , requiring the house that they would publickly declare to them who they were . judge ye in what common-wealth these people lived , who durst present such a petition , and if there appeared not a sworn hatred against all greatness and superiority , and a design formed to change this noble and ancient monarchy into a common-wealth , like that of munster . oh what impudence ! to dare to solicite the house of lords at one blow to lose both their rights and honours , to consent to an equality in the state , which was to debase them , and even to put them in their shirts , and oblige them to depose the king , and to render him like to the meanest of the people : for observe , they would have an equality in the state , like unto that of the church , where all ministers are companions . the royal dignity they call pride , and would seduce the nobility , which is the kings right hand , to mine the head from whence their honour takes life and motion ; and this urged with menaces to destroy them , and bravado's that the lives of the great ones were in their hands . behold here that of the prophet isaiah fulfilled , isa . 3.5 . the base shall behave himself proudly against the honourable . these petitioners in ●he title of their petition qualified themselves , the poorest of the people , and such indeed they were ; so little in their condition , that a great person offended would have scorned to have taken notice of them , and yet so strong in their number , that there was neither greatness nor power that could resist them ; in this double regard they were chosen , to speak aloud the intentions that their leaders would , but durst not otherwise make known , and that they might bear the blame without danger , as proceeding from the insolence and ignorance of a brutish and ill bred people . notwithstanding the charity of the house of commons discharged this poor people of the blame , and took it upon themselves . for these gentlemen , did they not in a body themselves present this so unworthy a petition to the house of lords , witnessing thereby that the petition , and the seditious souls of those people which clamoured at their doors , was a work of their own . oh how will they palliate over this vile action ? all the water in the sea cannot wash away their shame , to favour so villanous a petition , in stead of making the bearers feel the effects of their just indignation . this base multitude might have been frighted and dispersed by an angry look or word of this great and noble house of lords , but this rascality had friends in the parliament , who emboldened them to rise , thereby to make use of their assistance : for the same day ( the seditious rabble remaining there to serve them who sent for them ) the ordinance to take the militia from the king , which had twice been cast out of the lords house , was again presented to them the third time by the house of commons , with threatnings , giving them openly to understand , that if the house of lords did not joyn with the commons in point of the militia , those amongst them that were of the commons opinion , should do wisely to make them publickly known , that so they might distinguish their friends from their foes . this being seconded by the great cries of the mutinous people about the house of parliament , the most part of the lords arose and left their places , and amongst the lords who remained , those who were for the militia , for fear or otherwise , carried it by some voices . soon after many of both houses withdrew themselves without ever returning ; it was time to part company , when thy could not vote without hazzarding their lives or consciences : for the names of the lords and commons which pleased not the zealous party , were posted up to make them flee , or to be torn a pieces by the enraged multitude . and thus the small party of the two houses drave away the greater ; as a few hornets which dispeoples the whole hive ; being assisted herein by the insolent , hypocritical and meaner sort of people , which were at their beck , through the industry of some seditious preachers of the populous parishes of london , where the brownists and anabaptists abounded . by the same instruments the lords had been before constrained to pass the ordinance for taking away the bishops votes in parliament . by the same instruments also the king was driven from his house and chief city , when the factious affrighted a peaceable and disarmed king , arming the people , and manning out vessels of war on the thames , besieging the royal palace , under colour of being a guard to the six members , whom the king had accused of high treason , to conduct them to westminster , in spight of him ; but the king some hours before retired himself to save his life , and returned not after . in requital of the many good services of the people , their masters at westminster permitted them all kind of liberty , and indeed they taught the people that lewd licentiousness , who before were kept in obedience by an excellent government , and could hardly be brought to become so vile and insolent ; but there is nothing but in time one may learn , by exhortations and examples ; and it appeared by their actions , how well they had profited in this art , for when the house of lords would have reproved them , the house of commons were offended with the lords , and made this open profession to them , that they should not discourage their friends , and that they had need of their service . and thus these masters and the factious people , granted one another mutual liberty , and they forgave the people their passed insolencies , on condition they would commit new ones . but when the honest and most understanding of the city came in a good number to petition the two houses to hearken to peace , and satisfie the king , they were severely rebuked , as seditious ; and these gentlemen let them know that they loved no noise but of their own making . behold here the waies whereby the parliament of london obtained their absolute power ! behold the foundations they laid for a most holy reformation ! posterity will be ashamed of the actions of their fathers all forreign nations will abhor these proceedings ; remorse and sorrow may in the end enter into the hearts of the londoners , when they shall behold themselves the sole object of publick execrations and curses . those of gaunt and paris have only reason to pardon them , when they shall remember their baracado's , and the estate of the nobles during the holy league . chap. x. a parallel of the covenant with the holy league of france , under henry the 3d. who so shall compare the holy league of france with the english covenant , shall find that they are sisters , daughters of the same father , and that the younger is to the life after the image of the elder ; in both you shall find an oath of mutual assistance to extirpate heresie , without the authority of the king , and which at last is turned against the king himself : a jealousie without ground of the religion of their soveraign , and a war of religion against a king of the same religion , which they would make the world believe was a heretick . a league with strangers , and armies raised in the kingdom against their natural prince , who gave them no other occasion of the war but his too much gentleness . a king submitting himself to reason , offering himself to remedy all the grievances of his subjects , and a people refusing to admit him to bring a remedy , and resolved to give order without him , the king driven from his chief city , which he had honoured by his ordinary presence . the fire of civil war blown about by seditious preachers . the superstitious people tributary to the ambition of some particulars , weak conscience instructed to cut the throat of their king , for the love of god , and to gain paradise ; fastings frequent , devotions doubled , prophetical inspirations , examples of angelical holiness , and all this to perswade the superstitious people , that god favoured their seditions as his cause , and that their leaders took counsel of none but the holy ghost , and had no other aim but the setting up of the kingdom of jesus christ : writers under pay to write scandalous libels against their king ; the people fed with lies to drain money out of their purses , one while amazing them with fears where there was none , another while flattering them with false hopes and with forged news : a parliament in the principal city , but in it a smal number , who wanting the royal assistance , support themselves by granting liberty to an inveagled people , and by power of rich and foolish citizens . nobility scorned ; artificers and banquerouts bearing the sway , all order divine and humane overturned , the ancient laws and customes broken , and new fundamental laws never heard of before , in their places . in brief , it appears at this day , that the devil marches abroad , and walks in the same paths he did about fifty years since . chap. xi . the doctrine of the english covenanters parallel'd with the doctrine of the jesuits . since the league of france and the english covenant were both made upon pretence of religion , it 's not unworthy our paines to consider the conformity of the doctrines they employed to maintain both the one and the other , and how the jesuits maximes were the chief support of the covenant . both in the league and covenant , the people were encouraged to take up arms against their king , by this opinion of car. bellar. who teacheth , that in the kingdoms of men the power of the k ▪ comes from the people , because it 's the people that makes the king , and that the people do never so transfer their power over to the king , but they retain it in habitu , and so that in certain cases they may in effect re-assume it again , which was also the judgment of navarrus , whom the cardinal highly extois . and thus also the author of the observations upon the kings declarations , who is the master of the sentences with the covenanters , teacheth us , that originally the power is in the people , who are the fountain and efficient cause , and that the authority is not in the prince , but secondarily , and derivatively : all these state philosophers are full of school terms , but little reason ; and he adds , that this authority founded by the people , cannot be dissolved but by that power which gave it constitution . which is as much as to say , that the people may take away the kings power and authority when they please . another of the sect , but more antient tells us ; that princes and governours have their authority from the people , who when they find it convenient , may resume and take it from them again , as every man may revoke when he please his own procuration , or warrant , but this reason shall by and by be examined and refuted . the cardinal explains himself more clearly in that which before he had written in covert terms , saying , that a king , such as he there describes , may , yea ought , by the consent of all , to be deprived of his authority : and goodman is of his opinion , that evil princes ought to be deposed , and that this alone belongs to the inferiour magistrates to put in execution . we learn from doctor charron that the french leaguers eluded the strength of s. pauls texts , which forbids the opposing of soveraigns in saying , that the commands had regard and respect only to the state of the christians of those times , because they were not then strong enough to make resistance . i have before shewed how bellarmine , buchanan , and the champions of covenant , make use of the same reason and exposition . but to clear the way , and make it smooth to come to deposing of soveraign princes : these two parties are wont to absolve their subjects from their oaths of allegiance . emanuel sa the jesuite saith , that the people may depose their prince , even after they have sworn perpetual obedience to him . and mr. knox saith , that if princes prove tyrants against god and his truth , their subjects are free from their oaths of allegiance , &c. to the excommunication and deposing of the prince , ordinarily there follows execution according to the authentick bull : that it s not homicide to kill an excommunicated person . the french league produced two examples in the persons of their kings ; and this accords with the doctrine of buchanan , that ministers may excommunicate princes , and that a king after he is cast into hell by excommunication , is unworthy to live , or to enjoy life upon earth : but observe in passing , the reformed churches do not teach that the excommunicatio major do cast any person into hell , but onely excludes them from the outward communion of the visible church , and in this , as in other things , buchanan hath shewed himself to be less skilled in divinity , then in poetry . the best excuse which can be alledged in his defence is that which mr. du moulin lends him , which may also serve for mr. knox , that if he hath written any thing which passeth moderation , we must 〈◊〉 attribute it to his religion but nature ; for its most certain both these were hot headed men , and had a great antipathy against monarchy . as for the doctrine of king killing , which is a familiar doctrine amongst the jesuits , and is oft their shame and reproach ; they to render us as odious as themselves , and by way of exchange , alledge and quote in their writings the passages of buchanan , knox and goodman , who together with them teach the same doctrine . that cunning jesuite petra sancta is very curious in searching into their writings , whom that excellent person mr river answers , and tels him , that none amongst us approve or allow those wicked maximes , and imputes the cause to their supposed persecution , which had exasperated their spirits , and to the hot heads of the nations of this iland . after this so wise and charitable a reprehension , coming from a person of such eminency ; men of learning amongst them , ought at least to have learned modesty , since they refused to learn obedience of their parliaments , which condemned these doctrines of knox , and buchanan by their publike acts , or by the determinations of their principal divines , who have learnedly refuted them ; and also by considering what great pains mr. bloudil , mr. valade , and other judicious and learned men of forraign churches , have taken to wash off the filth of their doctrines and behaviours , which have exceedingly scandalized the evangelical profession ; after so many iterated saving advertisements , one would have thought they should have preserved themselves from falling into the same offences , and from giving new occasions of rejoycing to their enemies , and of shame to their brethren ; but behold of late worse then ever , their hot heads have produced such new effects of violence , as gives a challenge of defiance to the very jesuits themselves . the author of sions plea , animates the people to war and to pull down the bishops , speaking thus , smite neither small , nor great , but the troublers of israel , wound that hazael in the fifth rib : yea if your father and mother stand in your way to prevent you , dispatch them suddenly , pull down the ensign of the dragon , set up the standard of jesus christ . what ? if the father of the state stand in your way , now when ye are busie in this holy cause , must he be dispatched ? no doubt but they would tread upon him to make way , and would serve the son , as they had done the father ; 't is a point resolved on by the same author , they must strike the basilike vein , none but that can heal the pluresie of state , which is as much as to say in good english , that they must cut the throat of the king for the publike good . this author were a good scholler of the two jesuites , guignard and scribanius , had he not too grossly borrowed their terms , for ( say they ) france was sick , and they must cut the basilike vein to heal her ; and scribanius , that they committed a great error on s. bartholomews even that they cut not that vein . that is , that those of the guisian faction spared the lives of the king of navar , and the prince of condie . oh rare flowers of diabolical rhetorick ! oh the shame of christian religion ! is this the simplicity and meekness of the gospel ? is this the way to guide conscience into the way of peace , and to set up the kingdom of jesus christ , or christ on his throne ? if s. paul were alive , doubtless these men would even maintain to his face , that he understood not the nature of the spiritual kingdome , when he said , rom. 14.7 . that the kingdome of god is righteousness , peace and joy in the holy ghost : and when he read this lesson to the christians , let the peace of god rule in your hearts , to which peace ye are called in one body . they would have taught him that the kingdome of jesus christ ought to be set up by the murthering of kings , the destruction of the people , and the o●erthrow of states , and would have sent him to their catechise to be instructed , that the parliament souldiers at the present ought not to consider us as their fellow-citizens , or their parents , or their companions in religion , but as enemies of god , upholders of anti-christ , and therefore their eye should not pity us , nor their sword spare us . these are the words of that abominable catechism published by authority , for the use of the covenanters army : oh behold the principles of faith , wherewith these dull souls are instructed : behold the bread of life wherewith their divines feed the consciences of the poor people , jer. 23.4 . i have seen in the prophets of hierusalem an horrible thing , they commit adultery , and walk in lies , they strengthen also the hands of evil doers ; israel , the daies of thy visitation are come , thy prophets are fools , and thy men of revelations are mad . to these prodigious doctrines we will joyn that aphorism in the book entituled , altare damascenum , that all kings have a natural hatred against christ : if ye would believe this man , every one that loves christ , must bear an irreconcileable hatred to all kings ; was there ever a more seditious and execrable maxime : after such a doctrine pronounced by an author of such account , should we ask who hath put weapons into the hands of this superstitious people against their soveraign , for these poor miserable people , hate the king for the love of god , yea , many account him an enemy of jesus christ , even because he is a king. that we may the better discover by what spirit this man is led , observe how he deals with his natural prince , he calls king james of most happy and glorious memory , infestissimus ecclesia hostes , the most mortal enemy of the church ; without doubt these who read this , will question what religion this man is of , who so qualifies the incomparable defender of the faith , who hath so vigorously and sincerely maintained the truth , that if there were a christian in the world , who knew not thar great prince , neither by his admirable writings , nor by the renown of his piety and wisdome , and should hear him call'd the most spiteful and mortal enemy of the church , he might well imagine that king james had turned turk , and changed the churches of his kingdome into mosques , and sold his christian subjects for slaves to the moors . it were to do wrong to the testimony that himself hath given , by the immortal monuments of his religious wisdome , and by his truly christian and fatherly government , to undertake here to defend him against so unequal an adversary , wherein the injuries spoken of this excellent king , turns to the ruine and perdition of him that spake them , like unto the bitings of the weasel , who consumes his teeth by gnawing of steel . certainly when the divines of france , defend in their writings , the confession of faith of his majesty , against the doctors of the contrary religion , they account not that king , a most mortal enemy of the church . that most holy confession confirmed by the practice of that great prince , will serve as a bright shining light in the church in after ages , and cover the memory of them who injured and reproached him with perpetual shame . but for the present , th●se rare adages which curse the best of kings , and royalty in general , are gather'd as choice and golden sentences . witnesse this other , which comes from the authority of his companion , as great a liar as himself , who hath this passage : he erres not much who saith , that there is in all kings a mortal hatred against the gospel , they will not suffer willingly the king of kings to govern in their kingdomes , yet god hath some amongst the kings who pertain to him , but very few , it may be one in an hundred . but since he is upon the number , instead of counting a hundred kings one after another , let him account only a hundred years without going out of england , and we intreat this good man to consider what kings have raigned over this kingdome within this hundred years , and let him in good earnest tell us , which of them he would leave to god , and which he would give to the devil ; let them consider the piety of him , whom god hath made a saint , and they a martyr , let them find if they can in all his kingdome , a man more just and meek , more temperate and religious , and let envy and rebellion , who finding nothing to bite at , in the life of this monarch , burst asunder at his feet , and hide themselves in their own confusion . let us say the same to the observator upon his majesties declarations , who speaking of all kings now raigning , but with a particular application to his soveraign saith , that to be the delight of mankind ( as titus vespasian ) is now a sordid thing amongst princes , but to be tormentors and executioners of the publique , to plot and contrive the ruine of their subjects , which they ought naturally to protect , is now accounted a work worthy of caesar . if reviling and speaking reproachful words against the king were blasphemy , according to the stile of the civil laws of israel , 1 king. 21 ▪ 10. then this impious person is a blasphemer in the highest degree against the sacred majesty of kings , and moreover exceeding ridiculous as well as wicked , to appropriate this description to his king , whose known piety , justice and clemency deserved rather the title of the delights of mankind , then that emperour upon whom the love of the people conferred it : the like i may speak of the kings of france within these fifty years , all the lists of the french kings furnisheth not such excellent princes , wherefore aphorismes of rebellion , could never have been pronounced in an age more proper to give the authors the lye . the lord rebuke these black souls , who curse god in the person of his anointed , their sentence is written , and their qualities painted out to the life by st. peter , 2 pet. 2.10 , 11 , 12. who despise dominions , presumptuous self-willed , they are not afraid to speak evil of dignities , whereas angels which are greater in power ; bring not railing accusations against them before the lord ; but these are natural bruit beasts , made to be taken and destroy'd , speak evil of things which they understand not , and shall utterly perish in their own corruption . i might heap up many more passages of our enemies , which teach murther , rebellion , and hatred of kings , in which they seem to dispute with the very jesuites themselves , this description of their devotion , a seditious piety , a factious religion which would be judge of the consciences of princes , who abhor their religion , because they hate their government , who make good subjects , and good christians to be things incompatible . whosoever would weary his patience , and behold how ingenious the covenanters have been even to exercise the patience of god , and insult over the persons and authority of kings , let them read their sermons which were daily printed by authority , after they had preached them before the house of commons , wherein the filthy torrent of seditious eloquence ; and the fantasticalness of a bastard devotion were imploy'd to tear apieces the king , to disfigure him in odious colours , and stir up the people to all cruel and bloody courses against him , out of which books we might collect thousands of modern authorities in favour of the wickedness of these times , which passed from them as doctrines of religion ; but we esteem our selves worthy of a better imployment , then to be poring on carrion , and stirring in sinks and puddles : that which we have cited out of known authors shall suffice to let the world see with whom we have to do , and that we are call'd to the condition of s. paul , to fight with beasts . chap. xii . how the covenanters wrong the reformed churches , in inviting them to joyn with them ; with an answer for the churches of france . as 't is the vice of those who are strucken with the leprosie , to endeavour to infect others , so the covenanters ▪ like to them , labour by all means possible to spread abroad the poyson of their impiety : those who have preached and published their most infamous doctrines , which renders christianity hateful both to turks and pagans , were so bold as to address their publike declarations to the reformed churches of france , the low countryes , and switzerland , as if they made profession of the same doctrines ; they had the impudence to invite these so pure churches , to have society with them , and to pray them to esteem the cause of the covenant , that of all the churches . in this the assembly of divines at london were imployed by their masters . that which makes this temptation less dangerous , is , that the letter they wrote upon this subject to their neighbours , could very hardly be understood : this venerable company of divines of consummate knowledge , and the flower of eloquence of that party , writ a latine letter to the french , flemens , and switzers ; wherein there wants nothing in the outward but language and common sense , a most worthy cover for the inward ; for so evil a drogue there needed not a better box. this epistle , amongst a ridiculous affectation of criticismes , greek and poetical phrases , and many rhetorical figures , is here and there fill'd with solecismes , barbarismes , and the like grammar elegancies , like a foundred horse that goes up and down ; and it 's pity to behold h●w their eloquence stumbles in capriolinge . this piece of latine was much admired , and many praises heaped upon the authors , and publick thanks , by special command , given to them by the house of commons , so much is knowledge valued in this reformed party . it 's likely many hands contributed to the composing of it , for it 's a patched discourse , made up of divers pieces altogether unlike one another , and goes by leaps and skips , as an empty cart in a craggy and stony way , i will not burthen my discourse , with the faults of children . i will only give you a taste in the margin . for the margin . in the title litterae a conventus theologorum in anglia , a barbarous phrase . the same , prout ordinaverat honoratissima domus communium ; ordinare , doth not signifie to command , but to put in order . honoratissima is wholly barbarous . in the first page , diu est ex quo credidimus calicem hunc quem epotandum vindex dei manus exhibuit vestris auribus inso●uisse . rare tavern eloquence , to make the cups and goblets to sound . in the second page , reformationis impedimenta , they would have said , hinderances of reformation ; these masters knew not that the plural impedimenta signifies baggage . in the same , eo usque profecit sceleratissima factio , surely they should have said , progressa est , for proficere signifies to advance in that which is good . in the same period there is a solecisme , eousque profecit , ut oportet , they should have said oporteat . there is a solecisme of the same nature in the third page , hosce cum gens illa rejecerat , they should have said rejecisset ; i wish these grave divines would learn that the prepositions ut & cum govern the conjunctive in the signification they give it . in the second page , coenobia angliae tolerata , this is another solecisme , for according to their sense , they should have said , in anglia ; in these words there are yet more incongruities in the truth , than in the grammar , for both god and men know that it is false , that there hath been any convent or monastery tolerated in england for above these eighty years . in the third page , missi hinc trans alpes , mandatari & abi ipsa roma recepti nuntii , there can be nothing spoken more barbarous nor more false . in the same page , dicam dicere , they have heard speak of dicam scribere , which signifies to appeal in justice . in the same page , injurias in apricum proferre , excellent elegance , to put the injuries in the sunne . in the fourth page , natio altera triumphasset in alterius sanguine ; they should have said , de sanguine . in the same page , deus qui rodentem seusim tineam prius egerat rugientem leonem induit , that is to say , that god had plaied the person of a gnawing moth , which is a very strange conception . let these divines correct either their sense or their latine . in the same page , where they would say , the principals of ireland , they call'd them principulares , which is a word of campagne , and doth not signifie that they would say , and yet the true word is principulos . in the fifth page , delitendum , they would have said , deli●escendum : they should do well to read over their conjugations again . in the same page , undique in stead of ubique . in the same page , cluet in stead of cluit , and yet the word is nothing worth in prose . in page the sixth , sacratissimam , the word is barbarous . in the same page , gladius anglicam saginatus carne , that is to say , the sword fatted with the flesh of the english , the word saginare is not proper , but for a creature or beast that a man feeds ; it s a very extravagant fancy to fat a sword as a hog . in the same page , that which the irish had invaded by arms , they call quod nacti sunt , as if they had met with it by chance or h●zard . in the seventh page , modo evenire possit , ut ecclesia redimeretur : its a solecism , they should have said , redimatur : this people are wholly out of tense and mood . in the same , veritatis pedissequi sumus & amas●i puritatis ; amasius is a dishonest word , and pedissequi ridiculous , and both the one and the other very improper : behold the sense in english , we are lacqueys of the truth , and paramours of the court of purity ; these are lofty imaginations , fit to entertain the brave wits with . a little after they enrich the latine tongue with a new word , remonstrantias , peradventure in their next edition they will consider whether they should write remonstrantias or remonstrationes . there is also a solecism ; they make use of the adverb utroque , which is an adverb of motion , as if it were an adverb of rest . in the eighth page , potestati sum●nus , it s a barbarous word , and is found in no good author : but i think not my self bound to write out all their faults , the most part whereof hath this commodity , that the intricateness and obscurity of their stile hinders our sight . the next time they write to strangers in this stile , i counsel them to send an interpreter with their letter ; for this latine monsieur salmasius the prince of learning of this age , could not understand : and in the mean while , these gray beards should do well to employ some time , when their state-affairs will give them leave , to learn their grammar , that strangers may not laugh at their childish eloquence . and for the present they are obliged in charity ( for this their epistle being printed and sent to seventeen states and churches beyond sea ) to some stranger , who out of compassion sent it good latine , but it was a year and half after : 't is pity he spoil'd their work , for he should have left the form and the matter , the one being sutable to the other . now should we impute their latine to their want of knowledge , did they not in this their epistle tell us , that they were a most venerable company of excellent persons in wisdom , learning and piety . the same also sufficiently proved by the testimony of some of their company , which were members of the same assembly , in which the other are not behind them in requital , and in magnifying their persons and actions to the skies . it 's the old custom of this faction to commend one another , and when they print any book , they borrow of one or two of their friends epistles and prefaces in commendation of the work , wherein ordinarily they give the author excessive praises : never did the bishops assume half the titles that they give one another . as the dunghil cocks have the greatest combs , so the meanest spirits are most arrogant and proud , taking on them many high titles . a great man in france compared such kind of persons to the old writings , full of abbreviations , saying , that where there are many titles , there is little learning . but we will labour to decypher their latine so far as may serve our present purpose , for which the last interpreter will much help us . they pray the forraign churches , but almost in a commanding way , that they would recommend their cause to god in their publick prayers , and require it sine conditione , without any condition , and will not be refused , and they would have them make apologies for the innocency of the covenanters in their assemblies . must the churches then of france for to content them , without considering the salvation of their souls , the safety of their persons , make publick prayers in their assemblies for the covenanters ? preach to the people that their war is lawful and holy ? and that after being questioned by the magistrates of a contrary religion , constantly maintain that it is the cause of god , whatsoever may happen to their goods , lives and the profession of the gospel ? but behold here that which is worse , in the conclusion of the oath of the covenant , which they sent with their epistle to all the neighbour churches , they invite them earnestly to take this oath or the like : and above all , they invite those churches who live under the power of a contrary religion : the invitation is in form of a prayer , that it would please god to encline by their examples , the other churches that groan under the yoke of antichrist's tyranny , to associate themselves with this covenant or the like . for to take then their summons in their own sense , that is to say , that the churches of france to please them , would make a covenant against their soveraign ; expecting , as a thing which they need not doubt , that the english covenanters would overcome their enemies in an instant , and would be ready at the day appointed , to succour their confederates beyond the seas , with their victorious armies , before their king justly provoked , should ruine them . the covenanters declarations , especially in the year 1642. flatter these poor churches with this hope , and through all their discourse clearly resolv'd to go forth and pull down antichrist in all countries , and make a general conquest for jesus christ . these are very like the messages that john of leyden sent to munster , to make all the commons in germany to rise , and all the world if it were possible . not that the leaders of the covenant considering their strength and interest , thought themselves capable of so vast a design , but according to my opinion , they had two ends in making this so open a profession : the one , to draw to their party the weak and passionate , who in enterprises , have regard to the lustre and promise of the design , and not to the possibility of the execution . of such spirits the great herd of the world is composed , who in the great and publick motions , suffer their fancies to be bewitched with poetical hopes , incompatible with the nature of the affairs . such was the promise of another declaration , which lul'd the imaginations of the adherents , that this war would bring them deliverance from all their sufferings and fears , and be the beginning of a new world of joy and peace , which god would create for their consolation . for this new world of peace and joy which was but three skips and a stride off , as they thought , they found such besotted spirits who cast themselves headlong into a gulph of evils , without bottom or bounds . the other apparent end was to gain credit to their party by the applause of forreign churches , to fortifie themselves by the powerful association of the low-countries , and to try whether the french of the reformed religion were so ill affectionate as to take up arms against their king , without ever caring what should come after , when they were once engaged in a war wherein formerly they had ill success . and these people were so void of charity and humanity , that they were content to buy an unprofitable reputation to their party , by the certain ruine of those they invite to alliance with them : as he that cared not to cut down his neighbours oak , were it but to make himself a pick-tooth . for suppose that the french churches should have suffered themselves to be gained by their perswasions : in what condition were they in to succour them ? could they have furnished money , armes , men and shipping ? had they the means to put out the fire , when they had once kindled it ? all the succours that these gentlemen could give them , would be to declare the votes of the two houses , that the armes of the churches of france were defensive and just , and those of their king , offensive and unlawful : or have declared his majesty fallen from his dignity and crown of france , as they declared those two illustrious princes , prince rupert and prince maurice , sons of the late king of bohemia , excluded from succession in the palatinate ; which vote shall take place , when the masters of the covenant shall have conquered the palatinate by their armes , in spight of the forces of france , the emperour , and spains , and they become sole arbiters of the empire . before the covenanters come to the end of this design , a little too far off , these brave princes will have leasure to make their peace , and many things may intervene , which will induce their judges to abate of their so great severity . for to perswade these poor churches to cast themselves headlong into ruine , the assembly at london , in their epistle labour to exasperate them , by the remembrance of all that they had suffered , and perswaded them that all churches on this side , as well as on the other side of the seas , were concluded to be ruined by the same agents ; that after the churches of england and scotland should be devoured , they would then fall upon their neighbours ; and that it was not against the men , but against the profession of the true religion , and against godliness , that their enemies made war : whereby they would make the neighbour churches believe , that king charles confederated with the pope to ruine the reformed religion , and that after he had dispatched his own subjects , he would do the like to his neighbours of the same religion . there needs no great measure of the gift of discerning spirits , to judge by what spirit these grave divines were led , who take such pains to send their brethren to the slaughter , within and out of their kingdome , and to make the doctrine of the gospel a trumpet of sedition , to arm subjects against their princes , and put all christendome into a flame of bloody and unnatural wars . and therefore they had reason to confess themselves thus to forraign churches , they beseech them to excuse them that they had not writ sooner , alledging ( according to the second interpretation of their friend ) that since they were assembled , they found themselves so amazed with the wine of astonishment , that god had given them to drink , that they had wholly forgot their duty : but in the addition which they disperse amongst all the churches , they do not acknowledge themselves only attonitos , amazed , but ebrios , drunken ; and both in the one and the other they had great reason . oh the force of truth ! oh the wonderful providence and justice of god , to draw from these subtil and crafty souls , their own condemnation ! how is it possible that so many choice and picked divines , whereof this assembly was composed , should be so blinded , as to let pass from them so shameful a confession in the name of all their body , and of all their party , to be divulged through all the churches of europe ? and yet we are herein to praise god , that in this their astonishment , he hath given them a little interval , that they came to their senses to make this acknowledgement . they needed not to specifie to us in what they were forgetful of their duty ; their comportments justifie their words , that they had wholly forgotten it . it appears also that they had forgot their duty to god , their king , their countrey , and to the church from which they received their ministry , and to which they had sworn obedience , and towards them also to whom they write : for if they had born any brotherly affection , they would not have been so forgetful as to write to them , and in such a stile , and by a publick declaration . they would have taken heed to render them odious and suspected without cause , and to draw upon them persecution , from which there could proceed no other fruit , unlesse to make them companions in their miseries ; for to render us companions in their crimes , we hope they shall never obtain . but these divines , and their masters who employ them , shall find themselves deceived in their design , to induce the reformed churches of france to shake off the yoke of their king , under colour of shaking off the yoke of antichrist . the fidelity and peaceable conversation of these churches , doth take away even the shadow of such things from their superiours , whose justice is such , that they will not condemn the subjects of their king for the offences of strangers , but will be more careful to protect the innocent , then their ill neighbours are active to render them blame-worthy and unhappy . the king and his councel need not fear the french of the reformed religion will take the oath of the covenant , to which they are invited with so much earnestness and craft : for to speak of them in the terms of one of their beloved pastors , they take no oaths to others , but to their soveraign princes , they cast not their eyes on a stranger , they hold that it is not for a subject to find occasion of disobedience in the religion of his prince , making religion a match to give fire to rebellion , they are ready to expose their lives for the preservation of their king against whomsoever it be , were it one of their own religion ; whosoever should do otherwise , should not defend religion , but serve his ambition , and should draw a great scandal upon the truth of the gospel . this is the doctrine wherein they are instructed ; this is the profession in which all good frenchmen of the reformed religion will live and die . but if strangers , whose heads run round with the wine of astonishment , will force the churches of france to drink of their cup , they will use the french freedome , refuse to pledge them , and behold their zeal to press them to do as they do , with despite and compassion : let them not think it strange that they run not with them into the same excess of riot , they do not offend them , for whilst they have this strong wine in their heads , they keep their sobriety , and are filled ; beseeching god to shew mercy upon those who would seduce them . now as it is the custome of drunken persons , who would draw others into the same excess with themselves , and to drink according to their pleasure , to make them believe that they have seen them themselves in that condition ; so the english covenanters to defend their actions , and augment their party , alledge very often to the french churches their wars for religion , the remembrance whereof is very sad ; and to use this argument to seduce them , is no other thing then to counsel them to be miserable because they have been so , and to go with their eyes shut , and run the remains of their broken vessel against the rock where they were shipwrackt . moreover , it s very unjust in them to impute to the whole body the actions of a party ; for in the late wars all the churches on this side the river loyre , continued in their obedience , and very neer the half of the other churches . the people were carefully preserved in their duties by their faithful pastors . this holy doctrine which condemns the resisting of higher powers , and commands to wait patiently deliverance from god , and to suffer for righteousness sake , was most pressed and urged in their churches ; and whilst some of the religion were in arms during the minority of the king , they preached at paris , their strength was to sit still . isai . 30.7 . there fell lately into my hands an epistle well penn'd , which was sent to the state-assembly of rochel , in the beginning of their sitting , to encline them to peace , and the obedience of his majesty . behold here a passage of it . i think it very profitable for you to be informed the truth , what the opinions and dispositions of our churches are , by persons that have a particular knowledge of them : you are now debating ( gentlemen ) of the separation of your assembly for to obey his majesty , or of its subsistence , and to give order to your affairs ; i am bound to tell you , that the general desire of our churches is , that it would please god to continue peace unto us under the obedience of his majesty , and that seeing the king is resolved to employ his armies to make you obey , they promise themselves so much of you , that you will do what possibly you can to avoid this tempest , and yield rather to necessity , then enter into a war , wherein the ruine of a great part of our churches are certain , and into a trouble wherein we may behold the entrance , but cannot see the issue , and that ye will take away the pretext from them who drive on the king to fall upon us . those that fear god desire that if we must be persecuted , it should be in bearing the cross of christ , and for the profession of the gospel . in brief , i assure you that the greatest and best part of our people desire you to decline this unjust enterprise . here is not the authority of a single person , 't is the testimony of the greatest and best part of the churches of france , 't is a general declaration of the churches , and of those amongst them who feared god , that the duty of christians persecuted is , to bear the crosse , not arms. it 's then very falsly and injuriously done , that the example of the french churches should be so often and importunately alledged by the covenanters to justifie the subjects resisting their sovereign , since that ever in the time of war , the greatest and best part were against it . a french divine , who loved both his religion and king , found himself so prick'd by this reproach made to the generality of his party , that he prayed us to insert here this expression of his judgement , and of the soundest part of the churches of france . the war for religion in this kingdome is a wound yet fresh , and ye can hardly touch it , but ye will hurt it , and make it smart ; and it s very sore against my will that i must touch it : but i am constrained to it , by the frequent declarations of the covenanters , who have nothing so strong nor so frequent for to move the people to take up arms against their king , as to propose to them the example of the french churches , as a pattern which they ought and are bound to follow . would to god that in leaving us there , they would have given us liberty to hold our peace ; but since they will not give over publishing abroad , and making all places ring with our calamities , the remembrance whereof we rather desire should be for ever buried , since they impute the actions of some few to the generality of our churches , and even to religion it self ; and since that they alledge our errors , for to exhort us to return to them again , and since they change the subject of our repentance and sorrow , into rules for their imitation , and into precepts of the gospel . is it not now high time to speak , and prefer the interest of gods glory , and of the truth of his word , above the credit of men whatsoever they be , yea , and of our own too . let god be true and every man a liar , rom. 3.4 . confess thy fault , and give glory to the lord god of israel , jo. 7.19 . mr. rivet was not ashamed to call these our stirrings , culpam nostrorum , the fault of his country-men ; and this was spoken as a champion of the truth , to confess it so freely , that it was both to our sin and dammage , wherein ( as he himself declares ) he agrees with monsieur du moulin , who in his second epistle to monsieur balzak , makes the same confession in equivalent terms . such was the piety and ingenuity of these godly and learned persons , that all their care and pains was to defend the truth only , and not their persons . it would be a great honor for the churches of france with one consent publikely to declare that they judge all wars of subjects against their soveraign , unlawful , and to exhort their brethren of england to obedience and fidelity to their prince , then for to preserve the credit of some of their party , and suffer their actions to serve as snares to the weak consciences of their neighbours , and of pretext to those who labour to corrupt the doctrine of the gospel . my self being a member of the reformed church of france , doubt not but i shall be owned and approved to give an answer for them to the summons of a strange covenant . it s a very great affliction to us to behold the famous churches of great britain to destroy themselves , for controversies without necessity ; and which might have been easily composed . and that which toucheth us most , is , the danger of the truth , which is much weakned by these divisions ; for it s to be feared , that in your contending and striving one with another , you over-turn not the candlestick of the gospel , and that god being provoked , takes not away his saving light , which was not given to lighten you one to fight against another . we will not enter into the causes of your quarrels , and could wish that you had left out the remembrance of ours , and had not imployed the unfor●unate actions of your poor neighbours , which anguish and terrour produced , to serve as example to your people to take up arms against their king. they were but the lesser part of our churches , that were involved in that party . the signal testimonies of our fidelity to the crown , ever since the reducing of rochel , and other places which were moved in our hands , do efface the memory of the troubles moved in their behalf ; and the cause of these motions being equitably considered by sober and moderate spirits , would beget pity rather then hatred : for if just fear could justifie arms against their lawful soveraign , those of our religion who bare arms in this occasion , could represent to you , that when the king demanded back again the places that he had granted them for their security , they had great occasion to fear , that with these places , they should lose the security of their consciences and lives , in which they were happily deceived : for the late king who was as gentle in making use of a victory , as valiant in gaining one , ever laboured more to comfort , than to punish , and compassion stifling his anger , made them know that the strongest place for the security of subjects , is the clemency and justice of their soveraign . oh these royal vertues were eminently manifest in him , whom god had given you for your king ! who being the defender of the reformed christian faith , and publishing his most holy profession , with such protestations which gave us full satisfaction , we cannot see , how you can alledge the example of our taking up of arms , should they be the most just of the world , having not the same subjects of fear . the security of your consciences and lives were without question . but you are not the first whom ease and long prosperity hath carried to the same impatience , to which others have been driven by affliction . and since then ye address your selves to us to give you advice : we beseech you consider , that to take counsel of your friends , it must not be when their swords are in their hands , and their enemies before them ; but when they are quiet and at peace : 't is not from our souldiers , but our divines , that you should enquire whether you should draw your swords against your prince , if you refer your selves to them , they will all conclude for the negative . for whilst our wars continued , whereof you have too good a memory , not one of all our divines maintained those dangerous maximes which is now defended by your sermons and writings : they that say most for their party , excuse it , and lay it upon necessity . 't is not from any of our books that ye have drawn these vile maximes , that the authority of the sovereign magistrate is of humane right . that the people is above their king , that the people gave the power to the prince , and may take it away when they please , that kings are not the anointed of the lord , that if the king fail in performing the oath at his coronation , the subjects are absolved from their oaths of allegiance , that if the prince falls from the grace of god , the people are loosed from their subjection , that for to establish a discipline , which they account to be the only kingdom of jesus christ , subjects may take up arms against their prince , that kings are to be judged before their subjects , that the civil government ought to be formed according to the pattern of the ecclesiastical , which is not monarchical . this maxime tends to the abolition of royalty in all states . in all the writings of our divines , ye find no such matters , but such as teach subjects loyalty , humility , obedience and patience . all agree together with the ancient christians , and say that prayers and tears are the weapons of the church . we never spake of deposing our kings , and do not believe that any man living can dep●se the king , or dispense with their subjects oath of allegiance . if any of ours speak otherwise , we are ready to disavow it . very often those that teach well are seduced to do ill , being overcome by temptation , and yet very few ever go so far , as to teach ill to justifie their actions ; god hath kept us hitherto from that : and although it may happen unto us , as unto others , to break the commandments of god , mat. 5.19 . but we hope never so to be forsaken of him , to teach others to do so ; th●n is the evil desperate when vices become manners ; and yet more evil , when the evil manners become doctrines , that poor souls are instructed to sin for conscience sake . oh observe ! that there is not a more certain sign of a people forsaken of god , than this . therefore with the same liberty you invite us to maintain your opinions by a publike association , we earnestly beseech you to correct your own , and condemn all your maximes , contrary to sound doctrine , enemies to the peace of states , majesty , and the safety of kings , taking heed of drawing reproach and persecution upon the profession of the gospel , and to render your neighbours suspected for the faults of others . also that you re-establish the use of the lords supper , intermitted in divers places these many years , that ye give order for children to be baptized , and that there be no more aged persons rebaptized . that they print not any more that all churches which baptize infants , are a faction of antichristians , that none teach any more that the sacraments are not necessary , and that for a quarrel of state , they dispossess not faithful orthodox pastors of their benefices , to put hereticks in their places . as for the quarrel ye have against antichrist , we should be very glad to joyn with you , provided that ye observe these two conditions ; the one not to call antichrist that which is not , for we gather by your epistles and declarations , that you give the title of upholders of antichrist to many of our brethren , whose confession agrees with ours , and with whom you ought to bear , and with charity amend their faults on condition that they may deal the like with you . the other condition is , that ye fight against antichrist by lawful ways prescribed in the word of god ; namely , by the spirit of his mouth , that is , by the power of the gospel ; for as they were not the warlike engines of joshua , but the trumpets of the sanctuary that made the walls of jericho to fall down , so it is not the cannon , but the trumpet of the gospel which is required to pull down the walls of babylon . these are the weapons of our warfare , which are mighty through god to the pulling down of strong holds , 2 cor. 10.4 . they are not carnal : and besides divine authority , experience should have have taught you , that god blesseth not these designs of pulling down antichrist by the sword : it was the epidemical phrensie of germany now sixscore years since , which turn'd into smoak and confusion . indeed if our king should covenant in a just quarrel against antichrist , and lewis the 14th assume for the devisoe of his mony , that which lewis the 12th stamped upon his crowns at pisa , perdam nomen babiloni● , we would with a great deal of cheerfulness follow him in this war , but we cannot approve of a covenant or league against antichrist , made and agreed upon in spight of the supreme powers , who chuse chiefs other then their soveraigns . for such leagues or covenants are the open rebellion of subjects again●t their prince . upon which , the observation attributed to bullinger is very remarkable , and which should extreamly move you , that the anabaptists began with the destruction of bishops , accounting as you , the office and dignity of bishops was an appurtenance of antichrist , but they ended with the destruction of magistrates . our churches look upon the predictions of the fall of antichrist , and the establishment of the kingdom of jesus christ , as objects of their hope , and not as rules of their duty . they govern not themselves by prophesies , but by commands , and make conscience of transgressing the laws of god , out of zeal to advance his kingdom ; so leaving to god the execution of his counsels , we keep our selves in a peaceable obedience to our sovereign ; and in doing that we yield obedience to god , who commands , to submit to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , 1 pet. 2.13 . and to pray for kings , and for all that are in authority , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty , for this is good and acceptable in the sight of god , and our saviour , 1 tim. 2.2 . if we embrace your covenant , or make one like it , we cannot obey these commands of the gospel ; for to covenant without permission of our sovereign , would be to covenant against him ; to take up arms in the kingdom , without him , or against him , comes all to the same thing . what ? cannot our sufferings which you remember so often to us , perswade you from following so dangerous a councel ? for we retain and persevere in the instruction given us , that we must not remedy an evil by sin , nor defend piety by disloyalty ; god hath no need of our sins to defend his cause ; the preservation of the true religion is the cause of god , and his work , which he will never forsake , and even then when all humane means seems to fail , he watcheth for the preservation of his church , which if he is pleased to afflict , it s our duty to humble our selves ; and when he is pleased also to raise her up , we need not carry to his help sedition and rebellion . in fine , we love the king that god hath given us by duty and inclination , trembling at the mention of your covenant ; and the younger his majesty is , the more we account our selves bound to endeavour to preserve peace in his state , hoping that when he comes of years he will acknowledge the services we have done him in his minority , and that he will consider with what fidelity and integrity his subjects of the reformed religion have cast off the instant solicitations of strangers , conceiving they can never be good christians , without being good subjects ; and that to obey their king , and to offer up their goods and lives to his service , is a great part of the service they owe to god. the english covenanters may receive this answer as the answer of the churches of france , until they have disavowed it by a publick declaration . chap. xiii . the preceding answer confirmed by divines of the reformed religion , with an answer to some objections of the covenanters upon this subject . to the end it may better appear , that the preceding answer for the reformed churches of france , is drawn from the model of their doctrine , behold here some few passages . calvin speaks thus , if we be persecuted for piety by a wicked and sacrilegious prince , before all things let us remember our sins , not doubting but god sends us these scourges for our sins ; by this , our impatience will be bridled by humility : moreover le ts remember that it is not for us to remedy these evils ; and that all that we have to do , is to beg help of god , in whose hands the hearts of kings , and motions in kingdoms are . he said a little before , that the word of god bound us not only to be subject to princes that are worthy of our duty , but to all princes whatsoever and howsoever they came to the soveraignty , and although they do nothing less then perform the duties of good soveraigns . in his commentary upon daniel , let us learn , saith he , by the example of the prophet , to beseech god for tirants , if it shall please him to subject us to their inordinate pleasure ; for what though they be unworthy of all offices of humanity , yet neverthelesse because it is by the will of god that he commands , it s our duty to bear the yoke patiently , not only because of wrath , as saint paul admonisheth , but also for conscience sake , otherwise we are not only rebels against them , but against god. this lesson is of the same authors , let this be ever in our memory , that the same divine authority that gives authority to kings , establisheth also the most wicked kings : oh let never these seditious thoughts enter into our spirits , that we should deal with the king as he deserves , and that it is not reasonable to yield the duty of subjects to him who will not perform the duty of king to us . which is notwithstanding the arguing of the covenanters . peter martyr an italian , but a minister in those churches our enemies invite to associate with them , is not less contrary to them . expounding that place of the proverbs , by me kings reign , saith , that under the name of kings , the text understands also tyrants : whence he collects this consequence , therefore learning hence that thy k. is established by god , beware thou never conspirest any seditious thing in the state , all that thou must do when thou art oppressed , is to appeal to the tribunal of god , there being no other superiour power to whom a tyrant ought to obey . he saith also very pertinently , & worthy our best observation , that then when god would chastise the kings of judah for their sins , he did not do it by the jews , but by the babylonians , assyrians , and egyptians , shewing by the conduct of his justice and providence , that it is not for subjects to take knowledge of the faults of their soveraigns , but that they ought to leave them wholly to god , who hath other means in his hand to punish them , and reduce them to their duty . surely if calvin and martyr had lived in these days , and were benificed in england , they would eject them out of their benefices for this troublesom doctrine , which hinders the progress of the holy covenant , and fils their consciences full of scruples , whom they instruct to rebel against their soveraign for the lords sake . and above all monsieur deodat● would be very ill dealt with by them , for being author of that excellent epistle sent from the church of genevah , to the ecclesiastical assembly at london ; in which your good king is highly prais'd for the justice and clemency of his proceedings in this present quarrel ; the popular tumults condemned , which forced him to retire from his parliament , and these gentlemen earnestly entreated to dispossess their spirits of all factious inclinations , and to wash off this foul spot by which they have and do defame the pure profession of the gospel , giving occasion for the world to believe , that the reformed religion hath a secret hatred and antipathy against the majesty of kings and soveraign authority ; against this epistle , our enemies vomited out many outragious words in their books , maintaining that it was supposititious and invented by some prophane atheist . behold here the thanks that this great and learned person , and the reverend ministers his brethren , received for their charitable and truly christian counsel . and this is further to be observed , that the assembly at london having sent their epistle and oath of their covenant to seventeen forraign churches , whereof the churches of france made but one , they make no noise of the answers they received , which doth evidently testifie they did not satisfie them , and that they durst not produce them , for fear of making it appear that the generality of the reformed churches were ashamed of their actions , and condemned the insurrections of subjects against their soveraign under pretence of reformation . this divinity of rebellion being founded upon one only maxime , that the power of kings is of humane and not divine right , and that their right to the kingdom is but a paction between them and the people . it s much to purpose to produce here what the churches of france hold hereupon , and how they refuse the reasons of the jesuits which are the same with the covenanters : behold the last chapter of the buckler of faith , which is a garment so fit for the size of both parties , that after the one hath made use of it , the other may put it on , they need change nothing but the persons . thomas the prince of the school divines , saith , that the power of princes and lords , is but of humane institution , and comes not from god ; to whom we may joyn cardinal bellarmine in his book against barkley and monsieur arnoux , who upon the second article of our confession , cals the power of the magistrate a humane law , conformable to the apothegme of reverend father binet the jesuit , who told mr. casaubon , that it were better all kings were killed , than a confession should be revealed , because the power of kings is but an humane right , but confession is of divine right . the reasons they bring for this opinion , are , 1. that the first king that was raised in the world , namely nimrod , was raised by violence , and not by the ordinance of god. 2. that the most part of the empires and kingdoms that ever have been , came by conquest , one nation overcoming the other ; or by some prince , whose ambition moved him to pick an unjust quarrel with his neighbour . 3. that emperors and kings are established by humane ways , whether they come to the crown by hereditary succession , or by election , since there is no extraordinary revelation , nor no rule in the word of god , that a nation are bound to follow rather succession which is hereditary , than that which is by election . 4. that there is no express command of god , to obey henry rather than lewis , or to acknowledge this man rather than that for king. 5. that for these considerations , the apostle st. peter calls our obedience to kings , an ordinance of man ; saying , submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be to the king as supream , or unto governours , &c. 1 pet. 2.15 . these are the ordinary reasons of the covenanters , if they should disavow them , their books would witness against them , for they are full of them . but i would they could get them out of the schools of the jesuits , and come and learn the doctrine of the reformed churches , which speak thus : wee on the contrary maintain , that obedience to kings and magistrates is of divine right , and founded upon an ordinance of god , for which purpose those passages serve , which commands obedience to kings , and the higher powers , as to persons whom god hath set up , and whom we cannot resist , without resisting god. there is no power but of god , the powers that be , are ordained of god , whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , rom. 13.1 , 2. item , we must be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake , v. 5 , 7. and saint peter , in that place they object against us , wills that we yield our selves subjects to kings for the lords sake . so that although nebuchadnezzar was a wicked king , and a rod in the hand of god , to destroy the nations , notwithstanding god speaks thus to him by his prophet daniel , thou o king , art a king of kings , for the god of heaven hath given thee a kingdom , power , strength and glory , dan. 2.37 . moses the first prince & lawgiver of israel , was established by an ordinance of god , and joshua after him , num. 27.18 . saul , the first king of israel , and david his successor , were anointed by samuel , and consecrated to be kings , according to the ordinance of god , 2 kings 9. god sent to jehu , a prophet , for to anoint him king of israel . it s god that girdeth the loins of kings with a girdle , job 12.18 . god is he that governs , or as our translation read it , god is the judge , he pulleth down one , and setteth up another , psal . 75.7 . the lord raiseth the poor out of the dust , and lifteth the needy out of the dunghil , that he may set him with princes , psal . 113.7 , 8. certainly , if the providence of god extends it self even to the feeding of fowls , and giving food to the young ravens , when they cry unto him , psal . 147. yea , as to number the very hairs on your head , so that not one of them falls without his providence , who believes , that when god will establish or set up a man on the top of mankind , and make him head of millions of people , the counsel of god doth not intervene , and that he leaves not all things to go at adventure and by chance . " the reasons they alledge against so evident and " apparent a truth , are lame and interfere . 1. they say , that nimrod , the first king in the world was raised by violence : but that is false , that before nimrod there was no soveraign prince in the world. before nimrod , the fathers and heads of families , were kings and priests , and soveraign princes of their families ; for after the flood men lived five or six hundred years ; so that it was easie for one man to behold five hundred , yea , a thousand persons of his posterity , over whom he exercised a paternal power , and by consequence a soveraignty , for there was no other form of royalty in the earth ; whose children & servants being joyned together , one family could make a great commonweal : and even in the time of abraham , then when the life of man was shorter , we read how abraham was called by the children of heath , a prince of god , gen. 23.6 . that is to say , a mighty prince ; and of his own family he drew out three hundred and eighteen souldiers , to whom if we joyn the maid-servants , and those servants who were not fit to bear arms in war ; ye cannot but confess , that although he had no children , yet his own family were capable to fill a good town . 2. they object to us also , that the most part of the empires and kingdomes , have had their beginning by conquest and violence , and therefore not by the ordinance of god : and that if the conqueror had invaded the country of another , by the ordinance of god , the inhabitants of the country had offended god in opposing and resisting him . upon which , i say , that those inhabitants in a country whom a strange prince will invade , do well to oppose and resist him , and if in this defensive war , the usurper is slain , he is justly punished . but if he become master of them , and if all the ancient possessors of the kingdome are extinguished , and the states of the country assembled contrive a new form of state , and all the officers throughout the kingdome give to the new king an oath of fidelity , then we must believe , that god hath established such a prince in the kingdome ; then , i say , the people ought to submit to the will of god , who for the sins of kings and people , transfers kingdomes , and disposeth of the events of battels according to his good pleasure . 3. it matters not to say , that princes , who enter kingdomes by hereditary succession , or by election , come in by wayes introduced by custome , and not by the ordinance of god : for the question is not by what wayes or means a prince comes to the kingdome , but whether , if being once established by the ordinance of god , we are bound to obey him ? our adversaries indeed would have the power of parliament , of divine right , although the members of parliament enter by election , and oft-times by close and under-hand dealing , and by some crafty caballe . let them hold that the parliament is by divine right ; it appears by their authentique catechisme , that they teach us this doctrine : page 5. it 's a gross error to say , that the king is the supreme power , but that power appertains to the soveraign court of parliament , which not to obey , is to resist the ordinance of god : but let us hearken to a better author . 4. that if there be no command in the word of god to obey henry rather then lewis , &c. it 's sufficient that there is a command for to obey the king , and a command to keep our oath and fidelity we have sworn , and by consequence to be faithful to the king to whom we have taken the oath of allegiance . there is no more command of god found to injoyn us particularly to obey the parliament that began november the third , 1640 ▪ to which nevertheless , our adversaries , accounted themselves to be subject by divine right . so that if this consideration should take place , it would follow , that none of them that are now in the world , are obliged by divine right , to fear god , or to believe in jesus christ , because the scripture hath not particularly appointed thibalt , antony or william , that they should fear god , and believe in jesus christ ; it sufficeth that the word of god contains rules , which bind particulars without naming them . s. peter truly in the place before cited calls the obedience we owe to kings , a humane ordinance , and that either because kings command many things , which in their nature are not of divine right , as their commands which forbid wearing of gold or silver , or the like things on their apparrel , or because they attain this power by certain humane means introduced by custome , which notwithstanding hinders not but their power may be founded in the word of god , when they are once established ; for as we said before , the question is not of the means by which a prince comes to the kingdome , but what obedience is due to him , after he is once instaled . and therefore saint peter after he had called this ordinance an humane ordinance , commands us to subject our selves for the lords sake , and to obey his command . whosoever makes the authority of kings depend upon the institution of men , and not upon the ordinance of god , lessens their majesty more then three quarters , and takes from them that which secures their lives and crowns , more then their guards , or mighty armies , which plants in the subjects hearts , fear instead of love and reverence . then the fidelity and obedience of subjects will be firm and lasting , when it shall be incorporated with piety , and accounted a part of religion , and of the service we owe to god. this foundation being over-turned , that the authority of kings is but an humane ordinance , that which they build upon it , must necessarily fall ; for to reason thus , that the people may take away their authority from the king , because they gave it him , is to prove one absurdity by another ; as if one should prove the moon might be burnt , because it s made of wood . for to say the people gave the power to the king , is to imagine that which never was , no not in kingdomes which are elective . the people give not the king his authority , for they cannot give that they have not , but he defers his obedience to henry or charles . but this prince being elected , receives his authority from god , as the beginning and source from whence all power flowes . by me kings raign , pro. 8.15 . and there is no power but of god , rom. 13.1 . none ought therefore to take this power which god hath given him . thus the wife choseth her husband , and gives him a promise of obedience in marriage , but it is not she that gives him his authority , that comes from above : and there is as great an absurdity to say , that the people may depose the king , because they chuse him , as to affirm , that the woman may put away her husband , or subject him to her , when she shall judge expedient , because that she made choice of him : for the woman loseth the liberty of her choice by the bond of marriage , and the people likewise lose the liberty to revoke their choice when the prince elected is declared king. 't is a strange consequence to say that the people may take away the kings authority , because they have sworn obedience to him , the election is no other thing . and it 's a reason that overthrows it self , to say that the people may take from the king his authority , because they gave it him : for put the case that it were true that the people gave authority to the king whom they elect ; since then the people have given away their authority , 't is no more in them . this maxime being once admitted , that it is lawful for every one to take back again what he hath given , it would break the laws of society , and fill the world with injustice and confusion : but let our enemies know , that although the authority of the king had not begun , before the oath of allegiance , which this parliament took in a body at the beginning of their sitting , yet the body of the state made thereby an irrevocable gift of their obedience to the king , and from this oath we draw a better consequence then theirs ; namely , that they cannot dispose of their obedience since they have given it to the king : so that were their reasons good , they would be of no force , but in kingdomes which were elective , and make nothing against king charles ; for neither he , nor any of the kings his ancestors in all ages past , ever came to the crown by election . it 's not to purpose to alledge the oath the king took at his coronation , as an agreement and paction made with his people , equivalent to an election ; for the king receives not his kingdome at his coronation , he is king before his crown is put on , and therefore watson and clark , who conspired against king james of glorious memory , were justly condemned as guilty of high treason , although they alledged that the king was not then crowned , and it was judged by the court , that the crowning was but a ceremony , for to make the king known to his people . it 's the like also in france , i judge ( saith bodin ) that no man doubts but the king enjoyes before his anointing , the possession and propriety of his kingdome . before this ceremony , the king enjoyes as fully all his rights as after , and according to the laws of france and england , the king never dies , whilst there remains any of the royal blood , for in the same hour that the king expires , the lawful heir is totally invested of the kingdome . wherefore the eldest sonne of edward the fourth , who was murthered by his uncle richard , is by general consent numbered amongst the kings , and named edward the fifth , although he never wore the crown , nor took any oath , nor exercised any authority . henry the sixth was not crowned but in the ninth year of his reign , and yet before his coronation , many were attainted of high treason , which could not have been done , if he had not been acknowledged king. in the oaths of the kings of france and england , at their coronation , there is no image of stipulation , covenant or agreement betwixt them and their subjects . they receive not their crowns upon any condition , and their people owe their obedience , whether they perform or violate their promises . this oath is a laudible custome , profitable to bear up the authority of the prince , by the love of his subjects , and to give to the people this satisfaction , that the king whom god hath given them , hath an intention to govern them with justice and clemency , and to preserve their rights and liberties . if the king by his oath should bind himself to fall from the right to his kingdome , when he should violate his promises , he would then be lesser after his oath then before ; and surely if the kings did believe they should diminish their propriety by their oath , they would never take it ; and to shew that their authority depends not of their oath , but their oath of their authority , the kings of england form it at their pleasure . very hardly shall you find three that have taken the same oath without changing some things . that which was presented to henry the eighth , which is to be seen in the rolls , was corrected by his own hand , and interlined . and moreover , the oath is made to god , and not to the people , and binds the conscience of the prince , but doth not limit his soveraignty ; if the intention of this solemnity were to make a stipulation or agreement with the people , the people at the same time should also take a reciprocal oath , and in a paction of such importance , there should also pass some publick contract , things which are not practised ; so that hereby it evidently appears , that this imagination of the enemies of monarchy , have not any foundation neither in law nor custome . some persons think they speak very finely , in saying that the authority of the king is an usurpation of the sword , confirmed by custome , & that if they could gain their liberty by the sword , and confirm it by custome , their right would be as good as his ; and upon this they phylosophy upon the resolutions of states , which are in the hand of god , and teach us to follow the course of his providence . but by speaking thus they commit a double errour , against conscience , and against prudence . as for conscience , the antient constitution of the state confirmed by so many ages , statutes , oaths of allegiance , do suffice to learn all christians that live under this monarchy , that it was god that established it , and that by the command of god , they are bound to defend the state under which they are born , and whom the body of the kingdome hath sworn to maintain . these discourses of following the providence of god in matters of revolutions of states , are then only seasonable , when the royal blood is extinguished , or when usurpation hath gained prescription through length of years , but not when they are neer to overthrow the estate , and ruine the king ; these considerations are good when the evil is done , and out of remedy , but not when they are acting ill , and when the obedience and loyalty of the subjects may remedy all . the providence of god will never serve for excuse of the wickedness of men ; let us do that which we ought to do , and leave god to do what he pleaseth ; and above all , these moralities of revolution of states are worst in their mouths , who labour to make this revolution in the state , for it 's their duty to prevent this revolution with all their power ; posterity may excuse themselves by the providence of god in following a new form of state , whilst those that introduced it , shall be condemned by his justice . besides all this , there is a great want of prudence in this reasoning , for in quarrelling the rights of the king as usurpations of violence and custome , they teach the king to quarrel at their liberties and priviledges for the same reason ; yea , and by one much greater , for the priviledges of parliament are much newer then the royal authority , and the king may say they were obtained by force after many long and bloody wars : he might cast off all prescription gained upon the unlimited power of the first norman kings , and put himself into all the rights of their conquests by another . wise subjects who would keep their priviledges , ought by all means to preserve peace , for there is nothing renders kings more absolute then war. under a royal estate the principal means to preserve the peoples liberty , is to maintain the only authority of the king ; dividing it amongst many , they do but multiply their masters : for it s better to have one evil master , then many good ones . chap. xiv . how the covenanters have no reason to invite the reformed churches , to their allyance , since they differ from them in many things of great importance . we wonder exceedingly how our enemies dare solicite the reformed churches to covenant with them : from whence comes this great familiarity ? is it because of their great resemblance one with another ? it s that we cannot find . as for obedience due to the king , which is the principal point of the covenanters , we have made it already appear , that the divines of the reformed religion are as contrary to the covenanters , as they are to the jesui●es , their brethren and companions in blood and war. this point being denied them , they care not much for the society of any church in other points of doctrine . this is the first and great commandment of the covenant , to obey the people against their king , maintain but this their fundamental maxime , and they will give you leave to chuse your religion , but in many other things this faction differ from the reformed churches . concerning the doctrine of the lords day , they have a great quarrel against calvin , who is so far from constraining the church to a jewish observation of the sabbath , that he accounts that the church is not subjected to the keeping of the seventh day , a passage which learned rivet alledgeth and appro●●s ; and to both these , doth doctor prideaux , since bishop of worcester joyn ; who in a discourse of the sabbath , complains that the english sabbatarians lean towards judaisme , and go against the common received doctrine of divines ; never considering into what captivity they cast themselves , in establishing the observation of the seventh day under christianity , by the authority of a mosaical precept . master primrose , minister of rohan , hath writ a very learned book full of profound knowledge , upon this subject ; whe●e amongst other things , he proves at large how all the reformed churches are contrary to this opinion . although god hath no need of the errour of men to establish his service , we so much love the reverence due to that holy day , that we would not lightly quarrel at any thing thereupon . let every one enjoy his opinion , so that god may be served , and the day which is dedicated to him , be not violated , neither by prophaneness nor superstition . but since the covenante● in this point are so contrary to the reformed churches , and have so often condemned it by their writings , the assembly at london did very ill to plead conformity with these churches in this article , and complain to them of the liberty the king gave to poor servants to sport on sunday after divine service . so also for the festivals , although mr. rivet declares his desire , that those daies which carry the names of saints , should be abolished in england , because of the abuses of these festivals in the church of rome ; nevertheless he acknowledgeth and commends the protestation of the english church hereupon , that they observe them not for the service of saints , but for to glorifie god , in imitation of the primitive church , by the memory of those whom god was pleased to serve himself by , to build up his church , and exceedingly blames those who accuse them of idolatry for this observation . king james of happy and glorious memory , speaks thus in his confession of faith ; as for the saints departed , i reverence their memory , in honour of whom , our church hath established so many daies of solemnity as there are saints enrolled by the authority of the scripture . the festivals of saints scarce exceed the number of the apostles and evangelists ▪ monsieur du moulin his champion defends this confession of his majesty . indeed ( saith he ) we condemn not this celebration of the memory of martyrs and saints ; we find the custome good of the english church , who have daies set apart for the commemoration of the apostles : and a little after he gives the reason why the french churches do not follow their example , because living in a country where superstition abounds , the people would be easily drawn to abuse them , and be tainted with the common contagion . the prudent and religious acknowledge with him , that in this the churches have liberty to govern themselves , according to the exigencies of time and place ; and that if in the english calender there be some festivals which might well be passed by , and whereof there might be some fear of the consequence ; these things ought to have been fairly represented , with the humility of subjects , and the charity of christians , and not defame the reputation of the english church , as idolatrous , and a member of antichrist , nor reform the church and the king by the sword , since the reformed churches in this point acquits them , and the example of the primitive justifies them . but although they make a great shew of their agreement with other churches , they make but use of them in some points where they like and approve of , and spare not to accuse them of idolatry as well as others when they please . 't is that which they do without naming them , then when they reject , as gross idolatry , the observation of the memory of the daies dedicated to the nativity , passion , resurrection , and ascension of christ , and the sending of the holy ghost into the church . behold here the opinion and practise of the reformed churches , declared by that godly and learned festus hominius , it s a thing of very great profit to the edification of the church , to commemorate and press solemnly to the people at certain ordinary times the principal manifestations of god , and his most signal benefits to his church , since that the primitive church , even in the times of the apostles , dedicated certain daies to the anniversary celebration of the nativity , death , resurrection , and ascension of christ , and sending of the holy spirit . it s very well done to retain the practise of the ancient church in a thing which is not simply indifferent , but singularly profitable to edification , provided that none attribute superstitiously any sanctity to be in the daies ; and impose not upon the consciences of christians a yoke of absolute necessity , contrary to the liberty of the gospel . our new reformers cannot affirm in sincerity that the clergy of england attributed any inherent sanctity to be in the daies , or made use of them to impose a yoke of absolute necessity upon their consciences , there was no need then to abolish them with such rigour , not to scandalize so many pious souls , nor resist a vain fear of superstition by insolence and prophaneness , which is a remedy worse then the evil . the day of the nativity in the year 1644 ▪ was changed by an express publick order into a fast , which was the first time since the apostles that there was any fast kept that day in the christian church , and because many would not fast , they sent souldiers into their houses a little before dinner , to visit their kitchins and ovens , who carried away the meat , and eat it , though it was a fasting day , who were exempted from fasting , provided they made others fast ; such insolencies were ordinary , if we may call them insolent actions which were done by authority . and as for easter day , on which and the daies following the people are enjoyned by act of parliament to receive the blessed sacrament ; the devotion of the people in many places have been opposed by violence . we have heard of a parish , where by main force the bread and wine was taken away from the people , who were assembled at church for this holy action . behold their wayes to change the times , and to reform abuses , which is to resist a supposed superstition , with a true and manifest one , and to make sacriledge fight for religion . le ts pass to other differences : the reformed churches do not believe as they , that all significant ceremonies excepting in the sacraments , are unlawful ; for then , it would follow that to keep off the hat , and kneel at prayer , should be unlawful , for these are ceremonies which signifie reverence ; whence many of the covenanters for this reason refuse to put off their hats , or kneel at prayer , without being taken notice of , and reproved by authority . also the reformed churches do not believe as they , that to be tyed to written prayers , or forms of prayers in the administration of the sacraments , is to binde the spirit of god , many of the covenanters are come so far as to call the usage of forms of prayer idolatry ; yea , even the use of the lords prayer , which the most part of this faction refuse to say ; although by a special priviledge it s permitted the minister by their directory to make use of it if he please ; for it s not commanded him . according to this directory ( as they call it ) that is to say , an instruction how the minister should govern himself in the church . the minister must not say the apostles creed , nor repeat the ten commandments of god , whereby the people shall be without any form of what they are to believe , or what they are to do ; therefore in the families of most part of this faction , they reach no● their children neither the creed , the lords prayer , nor the ten commandments ; and as for the children which have learned these holy forms , they teach them to forget them : above all things , they take a special care that the minister tyes not himself to any form of words , as a thing of dangerous consequence , and which hath a taint of antichrist . henceforward then there will be no uniformity in the divine service , nor no more help for the infirmity of aged ministers , nor for the understanding and memory of simple and dull auditors , who cannot comprehend at the first aboard what the minister saith , but had need to be well accustomed to him . also there will be no more bounds to devour phantastical spirits , which is the principal vice of this nation : every church will have a particular order , or rather will have none at all ; for the pastor hath liberty to alter it every time he pleases , nothing being forbidden but to make use of the long established forms , by the authentical acts of many parliaments , sanctified by the publick devotion of so many years ; and composed by the first reformers , persons excellent in piety and wisdome , whose books these are not worthy to carry after them . if these directors had had any fear of scandalizing the churches , whom they invited to associate with them , they would never have abolished the custome received in all the reformed churches , and generally in all the christian churches of the world , who have certain forms for the publick service of god. if they had born any respect to antiquity , and to the universal consent of the christian church in all ages , and in all places , they would not have begun in this age a custome so prodigiously singular , as to banish out of the church all forms and orders of prayers , the apostles creed , and the ten commandments . there rests yet some liturgies of the ancient churches , and hymns used in the publick service , as the eighteenth canon of the councel of laodicea , that the form or liturgy of prayers morning and evening ought alwayes to be the same . there hath not , nor ever was there a church , who had not some forms of prayers , but above all for the higher powers , but that being abolished in england by the directors , we need not wonder if many ministers of the new edition have long since forgot to make mention of the king in their prayers , and those that pray for him , do it in odious terms , thrust on by a perverse and malignant zeal , telling god a long story of the sins they impute unto their king , as if they would poure all their choler into the bosome of god. if any amongst them should thus pray for his father in the pulpit , lord grant repentance to my father of all his extortions , perjuries , thefts , murthers and adulteries , they would account him a fool , or exceedingly wicked , but against their king all things were permitted . behold the fruits of abolishing the divine service , and the liberty of the prophetique spirits of the times , fomented by publick order . chap. xv. of abolishing the liturgy , in doing whereof , the covenanters oppose the reformed churches . amongst their reasons for the abolishing such good prayers in this time of rebellion , this none of the least , because in the liturgy there are divers clauses which ●each the people the soveraignty of their prince , and the obedience they owe unto him . there the king is called our most gracious soveraign : this would give the minister the lie , if after that he should call him a most cruel tirant , as it was their custom : there they pray , that it would please god to strengthen the king , that he might overcome all his enemies , which were to pray to god for the ruine of their holy covenant : there god is called the only governour of princes , which would contradict the doctrine and practise of the times , which gives other governours to princes besides god , and subject the king to his subjects . there they pray to god that the subjects of the king may duly consider whose authority he hath , namely gods. if his subjects duly come to consider this , they would lay down their arms which they had taken up against him , for fear of fighting against god , and would reject the instruction taught them , that the king holds his authority of men . there they pray that the subjects of the king may faithfully serve , honour , and humbly obey him , a prayer of a most dangerous consequence , and would utterly spoil the affairs of the covenanters , if the lord should hear them . there they also pray , the lord would so bless the king , that under him we may be godly and quietly governed , but it is not under him but without him , that they would govern us , there being not according to their saying , any means to live godly and quietly under his obedience . in the same manner they pray for all those who are established in authority under him ; but according to the form of the state turned the bottom upward , as the presbyterians would have it , they must now pray for all those established in authority over him . 't is also a most dangerous clause in that same prayer , which prays to god to punish all wickednesse and vice , and to preserve true religion and piety . for if this prayer were once heard , the zealots of the state who draw their swords against the king , and the preachers of rebellion , would be constrained to make their speeches to the people on the gallowes , and their hypocrisie would be unmasqued , and they rendered the publick object of contempt and scorn , and the brownist and anabaptist sent into the islands of america . also the prayer that god would give peace in our daies , would be very unsuitable to the intentions of the covenanters , who preach no other thing in substance , then that text ill applied , cursed is he that withholds his sword from shedding blood . they have therefore voted it a point of prudence to lay aside the liturgy out of their way , which is so contrary to their politick intentions ; as for conscience and the government of the church , which is dislocated and dismembred by this abolition of the divine service , they will then consider of , after these gentlemen have served themselves of the general disorder , to build themselves an empire in the confusion . it s most certain that in this change god is far worse served , there are indeed some certain ministers capable without the divine service , to make prayers full of edification , and truly every minister of the gospel ought thus to be prepared , but how many are there amongst them who for lack of being tied to certain prayers in publick , abuse the patience of god and holiness of prayer : if the judicious auditory at charenton , should but hear what tales and news these people tell god , the insolent familiarity whereby they discourse and reason with him , their maledictions against their king , their humorous , mad and phantastical tricks , which pass for sallies of zeal , they would mark out lodgings for them in the petites maisons ( with us here called bedlam ) which might exempt them from the chatelet ( but with us from new-gate . ) certainly as liberty ought not to be a cloak of maliciousness , so it ought not to be a door open for folly . the libertine and capricious humour of the climate in matter of the service of god , should have taught these directors to have restrained this licentiousness rather than to have let loose the rains , and the importunity of those that demanded this liberty , should have the more induced them to refuse it . but what ? those who accorded this most pernicious liberty , were the same persons who only demanded it . the prophane contempt wherewith they used this so holy liturgy , ought not to be imputed to the insolency of the souldiers , but unto the instructions which were given them . the parliaments souldiers catechisme published and recommended by special authority , teacheth them to tear it a peeces wheresoever they find it , pag. 22. calling it a most abominable idol , and a nurse of ignorance and blindness , which foments an idle , lazy and dissolute ministry , and that therefore they should reduce it to ashes , as hezekiah did the brasen serpent , as the occasion of much evil and an object of idolatry . but seeing in so great a change they oppose the general consent of their church , and that for one whom they please hereby , they offend more than a hundred . they labour to turn the eyes of the ignorant people towards the churches beyond the seas , hoping as well they might , that looking so far off , they could not know what they did . the authors of the directory affirm , that by a long and sad experience they find that the english liturgy is offensive to the forreign reformed churches . and they add a little after , that it is to answer the expectation of those churches , that they reject the ordinary liturgy . oh our good god! these persons do they meddle to preach the truth ? because that france and england are separated by sea and language , do they think their people shall never be informed the truth of the opinion of their neighbours touching the english liturgy , nor the manner of their practise in matter of their publick service ? i hope they will leave to others the practise of this maxime , lie boldly , although you be refuted after , there will remain some impression upon the spirits of the hearers ; and therefore we will believe charitably , that the most part of these divines knew not what they said , but referred themselves to the faith of others , and hoping that after they are better informed , they will change their opinion , we will say to them , as st. paul to the galatians , i have confidence in you through the lord , that ye will be none otherwise minded , but he that troubleth you shall bear his judgment , whosoever he be , gal. 5.10 . since then they speak of their long experience , let us take it from the beginning , soon after the liturgy was compiled , it was sent to good cal●in who thus writ to the protector of england , as for the form of prayers , and ecclesiastical ceremonies , i much approve that they should be established as a certain form from which it may not be lawful for the pastors to go in the execution of their charge . behold two points very contrary to the covenanters , the one that he very well approves of the book of common prayer , and the ecclesiastical ceremonies ; the other , that there ought to be a certain form of divine service , from which it should not be lawful for the pastors to digress : will they not say in reading these words of calvin , durus sermo , this is a hard saying , who can hear it ? what cruelty is this , to undertake to bind the spirit of zeal ? and to dare to speak of a rule to them , who will stand fast in the liberty christ hath made them free , and will not again be entangled in the yoke of bondage , for they make use of this text for that subject ; we will leave them this text of calvin to ruminate , and pray them not to begin the date of their long experience , till after his decease . martin bucer will yet shorten it some years , he speaks thus to the churches of england of the form of their divine service , i give thanks to god who hath given you grace to reform these ceremonies in such a purity , for i have found nothing in it , which is not taken out of the word of god , or at least is not contrary to it , being rightly interpreted . that which the directors and their party find most to be reprehended in this book , is of so small consideration with beza , that he wrote thus to those who were so enraged against it , the surplice ( saith he ) is not a thing of such importance , that ministers should be so scrupulous , as to leave their function rather than wear it , or that the people should forbear to ●eed of the bread of life , rather than hear their pastors preach who wear them . and as for receiving the blessed sacrament of the lords supper kneeling , musick in churches , and things of the like nature , he saith to them . that these are such small and indifferent things which should not much trouble them . behold here their long experience much shortned , for its little above fourty years since beza died . gualter and bullinger likewise commending the english liturgy , condemned the affected tenderness of some who made use of it for a cloak of their sedition and rebellion , speaking thus in an epistle which they both joyntly wrote to their discontented brethren in england upon this subject , that if any of the people perswade themselves that these things smell of popery , let them learn to know the contrary , and let them be perfectly instructed , and that if the clamours of any of them raise up troubles amongst the multitude , let them beware lest in doing so , they draw upon your necks a more heavy yoke , and provoke no● his majesty , and bring not many ministers into such dangers out of which they shall find no means to escape . this advertisement might well be turned into a prophesie , and these persons who falsly alledge the reformed churches are offended with the liturgy of england , repent too soon that they had not followed their exhortations , and submitted themselves . now the king hath offered to exempt tender consciences from the observation of certain things which offend them ; yea to submit the whole reformation to a lawful synod : but in stead of receiving this gracious offer of his majesty , they persecute him and his clergy with all violence ; manifesting thereby that it is not our reformation , but our destruction which is capable to content them , and these tender consciences which tremble at the sight of a surplice , or the sound of an organ , are strong and lusty enough to commit murder and sacriledge ; like the pharisees , who strained at a gnat , and swallowed a camel. his majesty made a declaration to all the reformed churches , of the sincerity of his profession and intention to live and die in the holy religion which he had maintained , and because the factious of his kingdom had used all their endeavours to alienate forreign churches from the church of england upon the outward of religion , his majesty remembers them there how at the synod of dort both the discipline and liturgy of england was approved by word and writing by the most eminent divines of germany , france , denmark , sweden and switzerland , as appears in the acts of that synod , and yet nevertheless the covenanters at this day , are so impudently bold as to publish that by long and sad experience they have found that the english lyturgy was offensive to the forreign reformed churches . where is their honesty ? where is their sincerity ? do they hope by these wicked waies to draw down a blessing of god upon their cause ? the truth which they pretend to advance , must it be established and set up by lying ? by all this then it appears that their long experience comes to nothing , but if they are wanting in the old experience , let them produce the new . where are the forreign churches that require of them the abolition of the publike service ? would they could cause them to speak for themselves : by forreign churches they cannot understand the scotch church ; for since the beginning of this war , the covenanters would not acknowledge them for strangers , for fear of being reproached for inviting and bringing in forreign forces , and keeping them under pay in the kingdom . and as for other churches , we account the experience of the authors of the directory do not much exceed ours : now we have not known any protestant stranger ever made it any difficulty to joyn in the publick prayers of the church of england , except some walking anabaptists , as in london they have lately made to appear ; and neither in france nor the low countries , we never knew or understood the least trace of dissention hereupon , and if the fashion of some particulars amongst us displease other churches , they do not less displease ours . the reformed churches are better instructed than lightly to quarrel at the exteriour circumstance of divine service , where the substance is whole and sound ; they have learned to speak after calvin , in the confession presented in the name of the churches of france to the emperour and princes of germany , we acknowledg that all and every church have this right to make laws and statutes , and for to establish a common policy amongst them , provided that all things be done in the house of god decently and in order , and they owe obedience to these statutes , so that they do not inthrall the conscience , nor impose superstition , and those that refuse this are accounted by us seditious and wilful . beza goes yet a little further , and maintains that in the outward of religion , many things may , yea ought to be born , notwithstanding they are not justly commanded . st. augustin hath an epistle upon this subject , which is a golden epistle , wherein he instructs januarius of the indifferency of ecclesiastical observations , as of the times of fasting , and the divers customs of receiving the blessed sacrament of the lords supper . all things of this kind ( saith he ) have their observations free , and for this there is no better of discipline for a grave and prudent christian , then to do as he seeth them do in all the churches whither he goes , for that which is neither against faith and good manners ought to be held indifferent , and ought to be observed according to the company with whom we live and converse ; and hereupon he reports how his mother being come to millan found her self in great perplexity , because they did not fast on the saturday , as they did in the church from whence she came , and he to resolve he , went to ask counsel of st. ambrose archbishop of millan , who answered him ▪ when i ( saith he ) go to rome , i fast on the saturday , when i am here i fast not on that day , do ye the same : into whatsoever church ye go , observe their customes ; if you your self will not give offence to persons , and will that no person should give you offence . all protestants of europe except the faction of the covenant , govern themselves thus , in whatsoever place they are , they joyn with the reformed church , whatsoever their form of discipline be , which as some say is divers in all nations . to this grave counsel of s. ambr. s. austin adds a character to the life , of the imperious and scrupulous humour of our melancholy zealots , whom one would think had an intention to paint them out : i have oft perceived ( saith he ) with much grief and sorrow , that many weak and infirm persons have been much troubled through their contentions , wilfulness and superstitious fearfulness at some of their brethren , for doing some things which could not be certainly defined by the authority of the holy scriptures , nor by the tradition of the universal church , nor by the utility that might thereby come for the bettering and amendment of our lives ; only because there is some matter for their conceptions to reason and discourse upon , or because they think the farther they go , or are able to separate themselves from the customs received , is the most exquisite and nearest to perfection , moving such litigious and idle questions , that they make appear to all , that they will never allow of any thing well done unless they do it themselves . the reformed churches take and give this liberty , that every one form an outward order of divine service according to their prudence , and its more to be wished than expected , that there should be one and the same order throughout all churches . but i know , not any church that reject and cast off all certain forms as the covenanters . the declaration following made some few years since , by persons of account in the churches of france , is notable . as for the ceremonies and customs of ecclesiastical service and discipline , no judge convenient to leave to every church his own , without altering or changing any thing . one day when it shall please god to perfect and confirm amity amongst these churches , we may be able by an universal councel and consent , to form a certain liturgy which may be as a symbole and bond of concord . the churches of the covenanters ought to be exempted out of this number , for the liturgy is become to them an apple of discord , which hath made them quarrel with all churches of the world ; being in this point like unto esau , whose hands were against every one , and every ones hands against him . therefore the directors refute themselves by a manifest contradiction , then when by their publike declaration they tell the people , that it is to conform themselves to the reformed churches , that they prescribe not an ordinary form of publike prayers and administration of the sacraments . seeing that it is a thing most notoriously known , that all the reformed churches have certain forms of prayers : but they do as if they should apparrel themselves with green and yellow , because the ministers of france apparel themselve● with black : 't is the doctrine of the brownists , which now predominate in england , that for to have a liturgie or form of prayers , is to have another gospel : now after all this , do they not well , think you , to court the churches of france , and to make a great noise of their conformity with them , having so openly condemned them ? and their phanatical phrensie in this point is proceeded so far , that neither the lords prayer , nor the ten commandements , nor the apostles creed , are repeated in their churches , nor are taught their children in their houses ; much less any form of catechism : behold here a faction who reject the books of christian religion : an horrible and unheard of thing in all ages , and in all churches since christianity entred the world . and dare these people speak of reformation and conformity with the reformed churches ? chap. xvi . of the great prudence and wisdome of the first english reformers , and of the fool-hardiness of these at present . if these directors who boast themselves of a new light , had had at least the light of prudence , they would have considered that they had to deal with popular spirits , who were accustomed to a good and holy liturgie , but since on a sudden interdicted the use , they could not but think they were suddenly transported into another gospel , for the people are dull , and fastned upon the exterior , and that if they be once fastened to a form of devotion which is good , although below perfection , there is occasion to praise god that the people have any tast of devotion , even in any form , and it should be cherished and encouraged . and if there be any thing in this form to be amended , it should be done so mildly and dexterously , that the people be not exasperated , and the change made in the outward skin of religion , make not the substance distasted ; for the most part mens spirits penetrates not much further than the superficies , as indeed no further did theirs who came to reform us with the sword . it s a very dangerous thing to overthrow an order wherein the devotion of the people hath taken root . for besides the disorder that follows commonly in the church and state , they shall find that in transplanting devotion into a new soil , they cause it to die ; some being prophane , others desperate and atheistical . for an exemplary conduct of christian prudence in this great point of publick reformation , all after ages will admire the english reformers under the reign of edward the sixth , who intrapt the people , as saint paul beguiled the corinthians , who confessed that being subtile , he caught them by guile , for to establish the doctrine , so as it is contained in the confession of faith in english church , and agrees with that of other reformed churches , they kept themselves from going openly and suddenly against the inclination of the people , above all in the exteriour , which although it is of less importance , hath notwithstanding a very strong influence upon the common people . after the reformation was concluded upon by the prelates and nobles , mattins were said in the cathedral churches at their accustomed hours , with the same garments they were wont to wear , and the same ordinary singing , but the hymns and psalms they read in english , and their scriptures were not read in pieces , but by whole chapters , and prayers were put to god only in the name of jesus christ , and in a known tongue ; a thing which did much content the people , and much edifie them , and being accustomed to these things , they passed by the mass . sermons became more frequent , simply instructing the people in the truth and holiness without any bitterness or contest ; whereby they gained the spirits of the people by charity , which is the only method for to decide controversies , and in a short time , that which superstition had drawn over the service of god , was insensibly abolished , and there was a general conversion of the kingdom wrought without any noise . this prudent way wrought better effects than all the combats of religion , whether fought by armies or letters , which have been since above these hundred years : their enemies of the church of rome would much rather the reformers had disputed concerning the doctrine and discipline , and that they had set upon them with their utmost strength . our melancholy and peevish zelots would have done no great good upon them by the waies they now take , if this task had fallen into their hands ; for such a great work there was need of better notions of piety and prudence than the fundamental maximes of the reformation at present , that the purest religion is that which hath least conformity with the church of rome . that for to do well , they must do quite contrary to that which the church of rome doth , and hereby they make all that remains of the institution of the apostles to become antichristian , because the papist hath practised them . maximes which are only proper for poor seditious spirits , whose nature is like the crab-fishes , who know not how to go but backward . religion consists not in negation , the saving truths are affirmative , and it would be a dangerous rule to believe altogether contrary to that which the devil believes , which would oblige us to deny the divinity . for so high an enterprise , which is equally as necessary as dangerous , there is required clear , seeing judgments , firm & stable , ready & charitable ; who are able to penetrate and dive into the inside of religion , and discern the meat from the shell ; who without bending the truth to the times , know how to accomodate their work to the nature of men and affairs ; and who have the discretion recommended by saint paul , prove all things , hold fast that which is good , wisely distinguishing betwixt the apostolical institution , and the rust that is grown on it through length of time . these excellent persons manifest to the world that they well understood this secret , that the matter of religion is a thing rather adored than known by the people ; but the form and ceremony is that their eyes are fixed upon , and which fills their spirits , and he that pleaseth them in the exteriour , shall easily prevail with them for the inward of doctrine . now it appears that superstition is alwayes of the same nature , although she changeth her object ; for the fanaticall zeal of the people of the covenant being fleshed and egged on to destroy the exteriour order , perceived not in the mean while that they undermined the foundations of faith ; for we find amongst our enemies , many different sects ; some denying the trinity , the incarnation of the son of god , and his divinity , who neverthelesse agree altogether to hate & abolish our lyturgie with the sword , without contending amongst themselves for these essential differences ; neither are they moved for these monstrous errors , which directly oppose the glory of god and salvation of men ; so much are men for the most part children , yea brutish in matters of piety , fastening themselves upon appearances , and not upon things , considering more the garment then the body of religion . the vulgar being every where of this disposition , god shewed great favour to the ignorant people in times of our fathers , to put them into so good hands , who knew how to lead them mildly to the truth , without exasperating them for the discipline . for to provoke and irritate them , was not the means to instruct them . let all the world judge if the reformers at present follow this example , and whether they search to instruct or to provoke the people ; for after we have made the best and soundest party amongst them to confess that the doctrine of the church of england was good and holy , and they be demanded hereupon , why they persecute the king and his people with such rage ? they pay us with this miserable reason , that the people are affectionate to certain things as necessary , which are not necessary , and they would wean them from this opinion : and must they for this drown three famous kingdoms in bloud , and snatch the crown from off the head , and the sword out of the hand of a good king ? we may well tell them that they undertake an impossible thing ; for there is no religion , no nation , nor almost person , who is not lodged there ; but they themselves , are they not more superstitious in this point , than those whom they would correct ? for what greater superstition , for to make a necessity to contradict and oppose things ; where there is no necessity , yea to account the abolishing of things not necessary , so necessary , that for it they will massacre the king , and bathe themselves in the blood of the church and state. can there be in the world a more pernicious superstition ? no verily , if they consider that this superstition , kils the soul as well as the body . for those from whom they take the use of their holy prayers , have great cause to fear they will also take from them their religion , whereupon some have fallen into a desperate melancholy ; if they deal thus with us , because they have a greater measure of light then we , it is much to be desired that they had a little more ; that they fall not into the offence condemned by s. paul , and through thy knowledge shall thy weak brother perish for whom christ died , but when ye sin against the brethren , and wound their weak conscience , ye sin against christ , 1 cor. 8.11 , 12. heretofore this faction would be spar'd in their disobedience to the ecclesiastical laws , pretending tenderness and weakness of conscience ; but now that they are become masters of the laws , they regard not our weakness , but force us to follow their fantasies , without considering our doubts and scruples . the king by the articles of uxbridge , offered them liberty of conscience , but they will not give neither the king nor his subjects the like liberty : either take the covenant or leave your benefice , was the choice they gave many ministers . alledge to them the great and deep affliction of the people , because they had taken from them their common prayers , their forms for the celebration of the sacraments , and of marriage , their customs of receiving the sacrament at christmas , easter , and pentecost , and the decent manner of burying their dead , with some prayers and texts of scripture , which put the living in mind of their mortality , and raised up in them an assurance of their resurrection . they will answer you , that these observations are not necessary , and mock at the affliction of the ignorant people : but we hold that it is necessary to obey god , who hath commanded us to do nothing whereby thy weak brother stumbleth , is offended , or made weak , but be such as give none offence , neither to the jew , nor to the gentiles , nor to the church of god , rom. 14.21 . also the imaginary danger which they fear of things that may come to passe , is a thousand times less then the present scandal and offence done to pious souls , to behold all ecclesiastical order overthrown , and liberty given to prophane and fanatique spirits , to whom any thing is permitted , unless to obey the king , and the orders established by lawfull authority . but let us pass to other offences : there are many more besides the violation of orders , the very substance of religion is endamaged . what care do many people take to baptize their children ? how do they reprove them that baptize no more in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost ? is it notpermitted to every one to baptize or not baptize their children ? and baptism is it not refused to many infants , which are presented to be baptized ? these new reformers find so many difficulties in the capacity of their parents , that they are constrained many times to carry their children far from their dwellings to be received into the christian church ; for 't is one of the errors of the times , that if the father hath not faith ( that is to say a faith after their mode ) the infant must not be baptized ; in stead whereof the reformed churches in baptizing infants , consider not the faith of the parents , but of the church in which they are born ; and the doctrine , not according as it is believed , but according as it is taught , fidem non subjectivam sed objectivam . for if they must be certain whether the father hath faith , they should also be certain that he is the father of the infant , which the charity of the church questioneth not . also it is an ordinary custom amongst them to rebaptize aged persons , and to plunge women naked into the water untill they say they feel faith . the abuse of the blessed sacrament of the lords supper is yet worse , because it is more universal , and maintained by the body of their divines . we beseech all lovers of the christian religion to enquire themselves of these ministers , how long time they have forborn to receive or administer this holy sacrament ? when was it that the heads of the covenanters received it ? when is it that their souldiers were partakers of it , those zealous murtherers , whose assassinations and plunderings are steeped in piety ? is it because they dare not receive the body and blood of our lord , with hands defiled with rapine and innocent blood ? but this reason cannot serve for the churches where the ministers are laid hold on , and forbidden to administer the sacrament where they are ministers . how many churches are there where there hath been no speaking of a sacrament these fifteen or sixteen years ? and is it not for them to mock god to make a directory of the manner of receiving the lords supper , and not to make use of it , yea by force to hinder execution and performance of it ? our lord jesus hath commanded us , to do this in remembrance of him , 1 cor. 11.26 . but behold here persons , who impose a necessity not to do , because they know not those who are worthy , and therefore they hinder others to obey jesus christ , taking by force the bread and wine from the people , who were assembled to communicate , and carried away the minister out of the church , for fear he should administer the sacrament . these actions cry to heaven , and will one day draw down a just vengeance . these proceedings make us fear , least they rank the lords supper amongst the superannuated ceremonies which must be abolished ; for in many churches where the covenanters are it 's not used , which is a horrible thing to hear ; the church of god , since christs time , never before brought forth such examples . certainly since jesus christ would , that we should do this in remembrance of him , until his coming again ; if he should come now , he would find it very strange , that they had left before his coming this celebration of the memory of his death , which he had so expresly commanded , and it is to be presumed that he will receive no reason against his command : for the coming of jesus christ is the only reason which ought to make this holy ordinance cease . by this scruple , that they dare not administer the holy supper , but to those alone whom they know to be worthy ( which is the general pretext of their party for their total abstinence ) they condemn not only the reformed churches , who exclude none from the holy communion , unless they be ignorant and scandalous persons , but also jesus christ , who administred to the disciple that betrayed him ; even then when he was plotting his treason in his heart . by this also they even bind themselves not to celebrate the supper of the lord until they be inspectors and lookers into conscience , that is to say , gods : for otherwise they cannot be fully satisfied of the worthiness of persons , and all those who have a holy desire to partake of the lords table , shall not be admitted , until these principal clerks of the councel-chamber of god have formed a church , which consists purely of elect. it s great pity when men will be too wise , and introduce laws of severity into the church which god hath not required at our hands : these men should meditate on the text of solomon , eccles . 7.16 . be not righteous over-much , neither make thy self over-wise , why shouldest thou destroy thy self ? or otherwise , why shouldest thou draw desolation on thy self ? thus the pharisees by an impertinent wisdome and affected authority , and a sublime divinity of chymeras , were confounded in the vanity of their understandings , and drew desolation upon themselves , and their church . but yet there is a mystery of iniquity under this scruple , which doth deeply stain the divines of the covenant ; for their masters foment them for to advance their affairs , and it is easie to see , that if they once become the strongest , they will exclude from the sacrament of the lords supper all those who cannot banish from their heart the love of their king , and the church wherein they were born and brought up : in a sermon preached before the house of commons , and printed by command , we learn that their party will no more communicate with the antichristian faction ; the preacher explains himself , and tells us he means all those that adhere to the king in this quarrel : they have many times preached that none should receive the lords supper , but those who had taken the covenant ; yea , they have spoke aloud , that the oath of the covenant , and the lords supper should be administred together , so that the communicants must swear upon the body & blood of our lord , and upon the hope of their salvation , that they would be rebels to their king as long as they live ; and the blood of jesus christ must be imployed for the same use , the cup of mans blood which the confederates with cataline drunk round one to another , in taking the oath of conjuration to murder their superiours , and ruine their country . but this design is not yet ripe for execution , they defer it for a time : in the mean time , these gentlemen and the spiritual fathers deny themselves the seal of their union with jesus christ , and hereafter they will dispose of this sacrament according as the necessity of the covenanters do require . they forgot to put down this article of their reservation in the epistle they sent to forreign churches , but in inviting them in general to conform themselves unto them , they exhort them to this amongst the rest . what ? must the reformed churches then abstain from the lords supper , and chuse to interdict the ordinance of jesus christ , rather then put themselves in danger of administring to the unworthy ? must the universal christian church be gulled by their scruples , composed of the folly of some , and the malice of others ? must all believers in the world hold their faith in suspence , and deprive themselves of the sacrament of their union with jesus christ , until the covenanters of england have found a proper time to make use of the body and blood of christ , to bind together a wicked faction , and have made the mysteries of salvation their footstool for ambition . rather then suffer by a criminal complacency , that religion should be so destroyed , and that these horrible things should pass for doctrines of the reformed churches , let all those who bear this title , defend the honour of the gospel , and thereby a publick detestation of so great a corruption . let all those who love god testifie by a just anger they hate the evil . it matters not what fraternity these innovators pretend with other churches , if they corrupt the christian religion , and invite them to do the like , familiaris accipere haud familiariter , let them manifest , they have no fraternity with heresie , and impiety , repulse boldly the temptation of those who invite so basely to do ill , that they may have no more courage to return . but there is one consideration which should mitigate your indignation against them . that amongst this most impious extravagansie , there is a malady and disease of the spirit , for many of this party have their brains dislocated and displaced . some whereof have taken their children , and gone and sacrificed them , pretending a particular command , like that god gave to abraham ; others have shut themselves up with a bible , and resolved to eat nothing , because it is written , that man shall not live by bread alone , but by every word which proceedeth out of the mouth of god. some have killed their cat , because she had taken a mouse on sunday , but defer'd the execution until munday . and there are women and tradesmen amongst them , who preach by the spirit without call , knowledge , or premeditation , others who account the receiving of the sacrament on their knees , is to communicate at mass , and that the surplice is the smock of the whore of babylon , the publick prayers mass refined , the sound of the organs , the hoboyes of antichrist ; ye need not wonder the covenanters have so great a party , since fools and ideots are on their side . the like weakness is seen in the epistle of the assembly to the reformed churches , they highly aggravate the persecutions prepared for all those who would not bear the mark of the beast , meaning by this mark , their obedience to the order of episcopacy , and the use of the publick service , for the king required no other thing of them ; but as beasts which being cast into the river , ordinarily swim against the stream , so many of these brutish spirits , think they can never be saved , but in going against the ancient received customes , how good soever they be , and make all their piety and honesty to consist in a sullen and dogged devotion , fantastical and turbulent , which will give no rest to themselves , nor others . this scrupulous humour hath produced strange effects , witness he that killed his mother and brother in cold blood , having no other quarrel against them , but that they loved the liturgy . this was a preamble of the devil , who the year after began this war for the same subject , in which he made use of the melancholy humour of the people to cut the throats of their brethren for devotion , according to the instructions before alledged out of sions plea , and the souldiers catechisme . in effect their spirit of contradiction , and their bloody inclination , which hath formed this maxime of the times , that the reformation must be made by blood , are the productions of a sharp choler , predominant in the hipocondres or bowels , whose vapours besiege the animal spirits , which carries them into a savage rage , which hath something of the nature of the licanthropy . there is alwayes in the worst parties excellent natures , which are carried away with the stream , and we know amongst the party of the covenant , some very brave men ; but the churlish zealots , whose fierceness and number govern even the governours themselves , are of weak and malignant spirits , whose temper is like that of tiberius , that is of dung kneaded and wrought together with blood , these are men of sad , sordid , and reserved natures , which a wild melancholy renders fearful , superstitious , suspitious and cruel ; and when all these ingredients meet together , ignorance , superstition , presumption and wilfulness , and a flitting and imperious humour , all steeped in a black and hot melancholy , they make the most malignant composition of the world , pernicious to church and state , to families and all societies , causing every where ruine and combustion , like a granado fired , that makes all fly a pieces that is near it . chap. xvii . how the covenanters labour in vain to sow dissention between the churches of england and france , upon the point of discipline ; of the christian prudence of the french reformers , and of the nature of discipline in general . hitherto we have found no such conformity as might induce the covenanters of england to invite the reformed churches to espouse their quarrel , for they every where carefully administer the lords supper , they take order that infants be baptized , they suffer none to be re-baptized , they suppress heresies , scandals , the liberty of fanatique spirits , they repeat to the people the ten commandments of god , the articles of the christian faith , they make use of certain forms of prayer in administring the sacraments , and other parts of the divine service . they teach the people to submit to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , and not to resist supreme powers , but to suffer for righteousness sake ; they are free from a capricious weakness in matters of indifferency which are peculiar to our enemies ; also these churches approve of the english liturgy , and without scruple joyn with it in prayer when occasion serves ; what is there then which should oblige them to associate together . the reformed churches , say they , have no bishops ; but we demand of them , whether all those churches which have bishops are not reformed ? they incline doubtless to this opinion , for in the title of their epistle to the reformed churches , they name but those of france , the low countries , and switzerland , they let the other pass under an &c. if that be their opinion , they have much forgot themselves in their copies which they sent to particular states , for they writ to the churches of hesse , and those of anhalt , which are governed by superintendents , that is to say in our language , bishops . in all those countries subject to the crowns of denmark and sweden , the episcopal degree is kept ; so almost through all germany , this degree is preserved under the name of superintendent , and in some places ( as in brene ) the name of bishops remain ; although part of these churches be lutherans , we will not refuse them the name of reformed , there wanting but a little charity in them , to make both them and us to accord . so likewise in the large territories of bohemia , polonia , and transylvania , the evangelical churches are governed by seniors , ( as they call them ) who have episcopal power . they should not then boast of the consent of the reformed churches , nor complain to them , that the king would not admit a reformation , which pretends to abolish the episcopal degree as an appurtenance of antichrist , which is in effect to condemn all churches where there is any preheminence amongst the clergy . i forbear to speak of the churches of russia , grecia and india , and of the rest of the world , whose doctrine is less known to us , then the point of their discipline , which are all governed by bishops . but the covenanters magisterially prescribe their discipline to all the world , although they themselves have none , vaunting themselves of a piety without pair , and yet will not leave to other churches any liberty . therefore their declarations give all to understand , that after they have planted it in england , they will go and do as much beyond the seas . the donatists shut up the church within the confines of africa , which then was a small thing , unfitly applying that text of the canticles , tell us where thou feedest , where thou makest thy flocks to rest at noon , cant. 1.7 . but the french translation re●deth , to rest towards the south . at present the kingdom of jesus christ is in danger to be confined within england , whither other nations must come and search it , saying , tell us where thou feedest , where thou makest thy flocks to rest towards the north. it 's easie to make the consent of the churches named in the title of the epistle to sound high , because they have no bishops , but to prove their agreement with the covenanters in this point , they should do well to make these two things to appear ; the one , that these churches condemn the episcopal order as unlawful and antichristian ; the other , that these churches do conform to the discipline of the covenanters , things which they will find false . as for the first , we see not that the other churches quarrel at the church of england hereupon , but pray god to bless them in the order ; against this it matters not to alledge the thirtieth article of the churches of france confession of faith. we believe that all true pastors in what place soever they be , have the same authority and equal power under one head jesus christ , and that for this cause no church ought to pretend any dominion or lordship over the other . he that speaks for the general , expounds this article , ye must know ( saith he ) that the equality of pastors in that which is of authority to declare the gospel , and administer the sacraments , and for the use of the keyes is held necessary amongst all ; for baptism , the lords supper , and the declaring of the remission of sins is of equal dignity in the mouth of pastors , whether they be of great or little authority . but as for ecclesiastical policy , we do not hold the equality of pastors absolutely necessary , we do not account this order a point of faith , nor a doctrine of salvation , we live ( god be thanked ) in brotherly concord with our neighbour-churches , which follow another form , and where the bishops have superiority . in his disputations of divinity in the university of sedam , this is one of his theses , we maintain that the bishops of england after their conversion to the faith , and their abjuration of papistry were faithful servants of god , and ought not to forsake , neither the name nor title of bishops . calvin himself spake as much before in his epistle to cardinal sad●let , speaking of the church of rome ; let them ( saith he ) establish such an hierarchy , where the bishops having the dignity , refuse not to submit themselves to christ , and depend of him as their onely head , and refer themselves to him , and let them maintain amongst them such a brotherly society , which is not entertained but by the bond of truth . then if there be found any persons who refuse to respect such an hierarchy with reverence and soveraign obedience , i acknowledge and confess him worthy of al sorts of anathema's this passage serves for the episcopal degree in general : this other of jacobus lectius professor at geneva hath a singular regard to the bishops of england , he saith , that those bishops only were true and lawful bishops , and such as s. paul writes of in his epistles to timothy and titus ; and we deny not ( saith he ) but there hath been formerly such bishops , and that there are some now , and that they elect such now in the kingdom of england . beza writes thus to archbishop whitgift , archbishop of canterbury , in my writings touching the ecclesiastical government , i have ever opposed the roman hierarchy , but it was never in my intention to oppose the ecclesiastical policy of your english church , nor to require of you to form your church according to the pattern of our presbyterian discipline , for whilst the substance of your doctrine is uniform with the church of christ , it is lawful for us to differ in other matters , according as the circumstances of times , places and persons require , and is avowed by the prescription of antiquity ; and for this effect , i desire and hope that the sacred and holy society of your bishops will continue , and maintain for ever their right and title in the government of the church , with all christian equity and moderation . moreover the churches , yea the english bishops render to their brethren beyond the seas the like charity : thus speaks famous and reverend bishop hall , i most cordially respect , and with me our church their dear sister , those excellent forreign churches , who have chosen and followed an outward form of government , which in every respect , is most expedient , and sutable for their condition . with the like charity , an excellent bishop whose title of his book being without name , binds us not to name him : having proved that according to the antient institution of the christian church , the bishops always gave the imposition , or laying on of hands . i write not here ( saith he ) to prejudice our neighbour churches , i dare not limit the extraordinary working and operation of the holy ghost , there where the ordinary means is wanting , without the fault of the persons ; god gave his people manna so long as they were in the wilderness , necessity is a strong pleader , many reformed churches live under kings and bishops of another communion ; others have particular reasons , why they could not continue nor introduce bishops , but it is not so amongst us , speaking of the church of his own country . a few lines after he adds , as for my self , i am very much inclined to believe , that the lord looks upon his people with pity in all their prejudices , and that there is a great latitude left to particular churches in the constitution of their ecclesiastical government , according to the exigence of place and persons , provided that the divine order and institution be observed . now after these charitable judgements , the reformed churches do not believe , that which the epistle of the assembly of divines would perswade them ; that the bishops hate forraign churches , and reach that without bishops they could have no church nor lawful call of ministers , so that if any of ours have offended of late the reformed church in the point of discipline , they are disavowed in it by their bishops . here is , thanks be to god , a christian harmony , the churches which have no bishops say , let them that would and can injoy the order of episcopacy , let them injoy it , far be it from us that we should either proudly or rashly reprove them for it . the bishops respect cordially the forraign churches , which have not the same order , and account the government established amongst them in all respects , the most expedient for them . let both the one and the other hold themselves there , and let them grant one another the liberty to govern in the outward , according to prudence and exigencies ; and let them joyn brotherly together to maintain the substance of religion constant and uncorrupted . it is the councel of the reverend bishop before alledged , there are some plants ( saith he ) which thrive best in the shadow , if then this form of government without bishops , agree best to the constitution of some common-wealths , we pray to god to give them joy in it , and pray them to say as much for us . petimus damusque vicissim . this is spoken christianly and wisely ; if our enemies had the charity to have said so much , there would have been no covenant , neither would they have pulled down monarchy , for to pull down bishops , under colour of pulling down the kingdom of antichrist : but if they would that in this quarrel the reformed churches should joyn with them , they should first have drawn from them a declaration , that they held the episcopal degree unlawful , and a mark of antichrist , and incompatible with the gospel ; and that rather then suffer it , they should overthrow the state , and dispossess your kings ; for lesse then this perswasion could not induce the reformed churches to espouse the quarrel of the covenant . we will proceed no further in this controversie , only because the covenanters build their rules of reformation upon the example of the french churches , which the french reformers never thought of , we beseech all equal persons to consider the christian prudence of those that put their hand to this great work in france , having the court and clergy contrary to them . the best that they were able to do in the matter of discipline , was to provide pastors who should teach purely , and leave them in a simple equality , there being no question of governing in times of persecution , but to instruct and suffer ; and it being a thing subject to danger and envy , to erect new degrees , which could not be done without quarrelling at them which were established . necessity contributes to prudence , for the reformation in france having begun by the common people , and some few of the inferiour clergy , who were opposed by the civil and ecclesiastical power , we cannot wonder , if the government which they established according to the time , was popular ; if the reformation had begun by bishops , the government had been episcopal ; the priests that were converted had not powe● to convert their bishops ; as the english who began the reformation , helped by their authority , the conversion of their clergy and people . for the inferiour orbs , having a contrary motion to the superiour , have not the power to make them follow their course : but the superiour orbs carry along with them the inferiour . it was a great matter that the reformed people could gain any retrogation against the rapidity and swiftness of the greater sphears . the discipline of the french churches is most commodious to their present estate , and hardly could there be found a more proper for a church that lives under magistrates of a contrary religion , in expectation of the reformation of them who possess the ecclesiastical degrees . the french ministers in this humble and equal order keep themselves in a state of obedience proper to submit themselves to their diocesans when it shall please god to convert them , and we believe that their fathers did chose this equality , not as an opposition to the degrees of the clergy , but as a way to dispose them , and as a plank ready to invite the bishops to pass over to their reformation . but if the churches of france should come to maintain this doctrine of the covenanters , that the order of episcopacy , is an appurtenance of antichrist , and that there is no kingdome of jesus christ , but there where the ministers are equal and poor ; this would put the conversion of the french churches out of all hope . but for as much as we desire the advancement of the gospel , we keep our selves from re-inforcing the considerations of flesh and blood , or from augmenting the reproach of the gospel ; we are not offended at the degrees , nor revenues of the clergy , we render not the entrance into the church more thorny then it is : for to preach reformation to a clergy of a divers religion , and bind them to degrade and strip themselves for to reform them ; what other thing is this , but at once to call them , and to shut the door against them ? it 's true , that notwithstanding all earthly considerations , god may do miracles for to convert them , but that hinders not but that we should carry our selves prudently to invite them , and we ought not of deliberate purpose to make new barracadoes between them and us , because god can , if he please , break them . but to the end that the difference of disciplines move no quarrel amongst the reformed churches , this truth ought wisely to be considered , that there is no entire rule of discipline laid down in scripture ; and that not to have an outward order in the church , all the parts whereof not being expresly set down in the word of god , is to involve themselves in great difficulties , and shut themselves up into straight bounds , it 's to search that in the word of god , which is not there to be found . let all things be done decently , and in order , 1 cor. 15. it s a scripture that may be stretched very far , and which remits to the christian prudence of the ministers of the word of god , to advise of such an order which is most expedient for the times and places wherein they live , provided that nothing be done against divine institution . it 's then necessary that to the divine institution the humane should be joyned , and it was never otherwise in church : now that which is humane in the discipline , can never be so well united and fitted with the divine , that there may be made of these two , a form entirely regular , and a perfect composition : it 's like the iron and clay in the feet of the statue of nebuchadnezzar , which could never well joyn themselves one with another , for the ecclesiastical ordinances are the feet of religion , bearing on them a head of gold , and a brest of silver , that is striving to uphold a doctrine of great price ? but they themselves touch the earth , and are mingled , and there is not such a prudence and sanctity of reformation , which can form a discipline purely celestial , nor joyn that which it hath of humane and divine in it with such a justness , as to compose a perfect order , with materials of so different a nature . this here is the cause of so many faults which may be found in all ecclesiastical order . for notwithstanding the confusion of schismes and heresies , the sharpness of persecutions , the infinite revolutions of states , during sixteen ages , a pure and divine doctrine remains in the world , as gold which is found alwayes at the bottom of the furnace : the same cannot be said of the discipline , for that is defective in all churches , and varieth ; yea , ought to vary according to the times and places , and it hath so much of man in it , that what it hath of divine , is alwayes more or less sophisticated by humane inventions ; and will be alwayes so , until jesus christ hath withdrawn his church from the earth , and raised it to that great ecclesiastical government , which is the rule of heaven . surely though there be certain rules of discipline divine and certain , there yet remains ever something for prudence to form , which ought to accommodate it self to necessity ; so bending according as occasions serve , the rules that god hath left , to the wisdome of men , as the divine be not damnified , and that the government of the church thwarts not that of the state , which is our misery at this day . whosoever shall consider the kingdomes and commonwealths of christendome , shall find that every where the religion of the state hath a discipline suitable to the civil government , the church taking hold of the state , as the ivy that groweth about a tree : but the covenanters pretend the quite contrary , labouring to form the state to their new pattern of ecclesiastical discipline . hither tended the petition of the rabble of london , to the house of commons ; which was after by the same house in a body , presented to the house of lords ; wherein they required an equality in the state , that thereby there might be one in the church . an action which will leave for ever to posterity , an infamous and true character of the intentions of the covenanters : but in this they have but followed the doctrine of their sect. cartwright had taught them before , as the tapestries or hangings are fitted to the house , so the commonwealth ought to be fitted and accommodated to the church , and the government of the state to the ecclesiastical government . this design is wholly void of all prudence and possibility , and being ruinous to the state , must of necessity be the ruine of it self . it 's certain that the doctrine of religion must not be accommodated to the state , but that which is humane in the discipline , ought to be subject to humane laws , and the authority of the magistrate , since god demands it of us , submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake : but these men make no difference between the doctrine and the discipline , and would perswade us , that they have a whole body of discipline altogether divine , and which is even the substance of the gospel , without which there is no true religion , but it is that we cannot find in the gospel , but in stead of that , they prove it by the sword. chap. xviii . how the discipline of the covenanters is far from the practice of other churches . there is another point which the covenanters ought to prove , before they associate themselves with the churches of france in matter of discipline . they must prove that they have an ecclesiastical discipline like unto theirs ; for all churches which had no bishops , have not for all that the same discipline . as for the discipline of the covenanters , they need make none by theirs , nor receive any from them , for they have none at all , and they take the way never to have any . if the menaces of the scotch army , cause them to make an ordinance in favour of the presbytery , they make presently an honourable reparation to the independents ; and much of their prudence lies in this , to accord all to the different parties , but give them nothing ; in making use of the service of the divers sects of religion , they take no care of their order , but of their liberty to convert all ; which will one day turn to their ruine , and confusion , when they shall have no enemy to unite them . but in the mean while religion is destroyed , and all the world behold with astonishment that the english reformers have left the church without any discipline , now these many years ; they have done much worse then he who began to build , but was not able to finish , for these have overthrown the antient order , without ever considering what they would build in the place ; and yet they are not agreed thereupon , they made a great noise of the building they would erect ; but this noise proceeded from their contestation , and their building advanced like that of babel , that which the one builded , the other pull'd down , and in the end the division of tongues will make them forsake their work . it 's an easie thing to ruine , 't is a work of ignorance and insolence ; 't is the pastime of the devil , and the occupation of his children : destruction and unhappiness is in their wayes , and the way of peace they have not known , rom. 3.16 . and ordinarily those that burn down the house , know not what it is to build it up , and those who build up a church or state , proceed by wayes and rules quite contrary to those that ruine them , the sharp and rigorous proceeding of our enemies wholly to raze the established order , witness they want knowledge to build an order in the church ; for to this purpose there is not only required to conceive an idea of reformation , but to consider the matter they have in hand , and how to frame it ; for as he is not the best engenier who knows best how to make a regular platform upon paper , but he that can best accommodate his rules to the nature of the place which he fortifies ; and it would be a strange method to pull down and lay level the place for to build it again regularly . but it s that wherein our new reformers have laboured ; certainly they neither understand the theory , nor the practick of the work they undertake , and their knowledge goes no further then destruction : it 's true , many of the assembly desired the scotch discipline , and to establish it , courted the scotch armies . we also respect these armies , hoping that god will one day touch their hearts to defend the rights and person of their soveraign , and we pray god for their prosperity : but let them give us leave to tell them mildly our advice of their discipline , the wisest amongst us commend the subordination , and concatenation of their synods , and do confess that that was wanting in the english order , judging that the synodal power is not incompatible with the episcopal ; but in an order well made , both the one , and the other is requisite , and it is impossible that the english bishops , excellent in knowledge and piety , who have lived within these ninety yeares , should not know this very well , above all those who were imploid in the reformation . but behold that which hath hindred the ordinary use of synods amongst us , incontinent after the reformation , it had been to ill purpose to have given all the clergy liberty to assemble in a synod , papistry being not then well rooted out of the priests and curates , and before the english church was well healed of this old malady she fell into a new one , and was infected with a fanatick and malignant sect , who made piety consist in overthrowing all order and superiority in the church , and to controle that of the magistrate , whereupon our soveraigns and their prelates beholding the body of the church swollen with evil humours , and mutinous superstition , continually ready to break forth , feared least the frequent use of synods , should not be made use of by the discontented , to gather and associate a faction ; and therefore accounted the surest way to maintain peace and truth , was to keep these violent spirits in their duty by the episcopal rod , assisted with the royal scepter , and certainly this way would have had better success , if they had not let the bridle too loose for such hard mouths . the synod is proper to make ordinances , and the bishop is proper to cause them to be observed : the synod to hinder tyranny , the bishop to prevent confusion ; the synod to determine in point of doctrine , the bishop to maintain order and discipline ; the synod to remedy inveterate evils , the bishop to suppress immergent evils ; and in the mean while , both the one and the other serve to all these uses , and ought not to be separated in a church where there is freedom , and where the estate upholds the religion . but in a church which lives under a state of a contrary religion , order must bend to necessity ; and as it is not possible to have all the parts of ecclesiastical government , also there is less need , for common adversity unite affections , and take away many occasions of scandal and disorder . such are the reformed churches of france , where the order is sutable to their condition ; and the native piety and simplicity of their discipline is commended even by those of a diverse profession . now having had leisure to examine their discipline , we find not that it doth much resemble the scotch discipline ; for the consistories and synods of france have not ruling elders , whose voices alwaies carry it , as they do in scotland . their elders pass not any sentence in matter of doctrine , neither have they the power of the keys to determine censures : all that calvin granted them , was but praeesse moribus , to have an eye to the manners and behaviour of the flock in which they served as assistants to the pastors , and this was a commendable use . but in scotland the elders command , for the lord of the parish is ordinarily the ruling elder of the consistory , and in some manner is a lay bishop , and although the minister is alwaies moderator , it s but for form , for the elders have the principal power , and being deputies to the assemblies , they keep there the same credit , above all in the general assembly , where dukes , marquesses , earles and barons have their voices , and decide the points of controversies and the censures of the church . we greatly respect the power of synods , but we require that it be purely ecclesiastical , and that it be managed by none , but by those who are appointed of god ; lay persons have not to do , but to assist them , except the king , who ought to have the exterior power ( which the scotch deny him ) to convocate and dissolve their assemblies , to suppress disorders , without medling himself with the interiour or spiritual , for it seems to us a thing unreasonable and contradictory to it self , that the other laiques should be admitted to the full capacity of the spiritual power equal or above the ministers , and that the king only should be excluded , and hath not so much as the exercise of his temporal and purely royal power in the assembly . we could wish also that the power of their consistories and synods were a little more limitted , for these assemblies being courts of conscience , which takes cognisance of all the offences of the church , they may enclose in their jurisdiction , all criminal and civil causes of the kingdom , there being no cause which hath not in it a point of conscience : and so hereby it may come , that the sentences of judges may be controuled in the consistory , and the officers of the crown questioned about their managing of publick affairs , and so the government of the state become purely arbitrary . and the power of the ecclesiastical councel being such , the most unquiet and ambitious will be ever pressing to be of it , whereupon sidings and factions will abound , revenge and particular interest will turn the ballance ; there they will form factions in the state , and parties against the king , for what is there that they dare not enterprise who have so vast a power , which have no other limits than the extent of the flitting and moveable conscience of particulars , which give account to none , who pretend to have their authority only of divine right , and therefore are not subject to be controuled ? these are not conjectures nor suppositions , but observations of long experience ; certainly that personal citation which was sent by the national synod of scotland to their king , when he was in the midst of his armies in england , feb. 1645. filled forreign churches with amazement and scandal : and no less is the authority they exercise even over their parliaments , which having demanded advice of the synod , concerning what they were to do with their king , the ministers concluded that they should not bring the king into scotland , and that the kingdom of scotland ought not to espouse his quarrel , for to maintain his rites in england , and their advice passed for an ordinance ; after this they cannot reprove the bishops for being councellours of state. monarchy which can endure neither master , nor companion , can hardly comply with this court of conscience , which gives laws , but receives none , unless themselves make them , and limit the king , but refuse to be limited by him , but the magistrates of an aristocratick , or popular common-wealth will shift better with them , for this court pretending an ecclesiastical jurisdiction , purely soveraign and divine , yet nevertheless admit lay men to the participation of this power ; the lords never fail to be members of this consistory , and to govern there . and thus the question touching the ecclesiastical authority is eluded . now although above all we desire to enjoy an apostolical and episcopal discipline , where the bishop , assisted with the councel of his clergy governs the church , and admits other pastors according to their degree and quality , to the participation of the power of ths keies , yet nevertheless if the revolution of the state brings in another discipline , our ministers submit themselves to it , not to be actors there , remembring themselves of their duties and promise made at their reception of orders , but to surfer themselves to be governed , remembring that they are call'd to preach the gospel , and whether there be a good or an evil order in the church , or even none at all , the vocation binds them to feed the flock and to maintain the holy doctrine . but indeed its great pity to be reduced to expect a discipline of those that have none , and yet make the kingdom of christ to consist in it , for which they made such clamours , in their licentiousness , and overthrow of all order and lawful vocation in the church . the reformed churches of france who employ all their zeal and industry to maintain the purity of the gospel , without contending with any about the outward discipline , look upon with contempt and compassion the impetuous weakness of our enemies , who overthrow the holy doctrine , and ruine church and state for points of discipline , which is to lose the end for the accessaries , yea although these accessaries are not good in this regard , there being but two things to reprove in the covenanters , their end , and the mean● which they employ to attain that end . chap. xix . that the covenanters ruine the ministers of the gospel under colour of reformation . one of the points of reformation for which they laboured so much with cannon shot , was to abase and pull down the clergy , which is a work already done without proceeding further . as for their greatness , the only thing wherein it consisted was taken from them in the year 1645. which was the bishops sitting and having power to vote in the lords house , the rest is a smal thing . as for their revenues , they are confiscated and sequestred , and even the revenues of the bishops were such as might cause rather pitty then envy , except four or five bishopricks ; the rest were so poor , that for to help them to uphold their degree , and pay their dues to the king , tenths and first fruits , his majesty ever out of compassion , gave them some other benefices , otherwise very few would have hazzarded the taking of them , the bishopricks of england being like the ruined monasteries in some countries , which have nothing remaining but the wals , with nothing in them . the children of those parents who had formerly f●tted themselves by the bishopricks , have now swallowed the rest , and yet labour to begger the inferior clergy : this is that they call reformation , and in truth 't is the reformation of scotland , where the tenths of the clergy are possessed by the ruling elders , above all by the lords , some of them having the tenths of whole provinces . therefore ye need not wonder they fight with such zeal for a reformation which is so profitable . in england ordinarily the great towns and rich parishes are impropriated , and in the hands of lay persons , the rest of the benefices have but to provide in a mediocrity for students in divinity : those who reform the clergy , are those who possess the goods of the church ; and besides the tithes that are alienated , many of them even make use of the tithes of the clergy , with which they are lawfully invested , terrify●g their poor ministers with sequestration , too weak to contend against them , and force them to injurious and damageable contracts . how many patrons are there who sell their benefices to them who will give most ? and by the infamous simony of these gentlemen , who make a noise of reformation , the door of the church is shut to the clergy , unless they have a golden key to open it ; and thus they prefer profit before conscience : 't is well done of them to mend that which they have marred , and they of all other have reason to take in hand the reformation of ministers , because themselves have done what possibly they can to corrupt them . of all liberal professions , divinity is the poorest , and have most thorns in her way ; and therefore parents find it more profitable to put their children to a trade , than bring them up in the study of divinity ; and yet after all this , their very poverty seems superfluity in the eyes of envy ; and untill these hungry harpies have caught that little which hath escaped the claws of sacriledge , they will never leave calling for the reformation of the clergy , that is to say , wholly to ruine them . the devil who hates the gospel , labours to ruine i● by the poverty of those who preach it , knowing well that the indigence of ministers brings contempt upon the ministry ; and that the rewards being taken away , the study of divinity will be neglected , and then there will be none but the meanest of the people , like to the priests of jeroboam . poverty abates the courage , and clips the wings of conception , and oft-times occasions evil designs and councels in those whose means are too small for their degree . to do well in pulpit , and by writing to build up indeed the kingdom of jesus christ , and to destroy the works of the devil , they ought to have their spirits free , and not oppressed through necessity , magnae mentis opus , nec de lodice paranda attonitae ; they that require , and would a man should do well , and yet will not do well to him , t is an unjust demand ; and many now in england pass the unjustice of pharaoh , requiring double the number of bricks , and yet give to them less straw . if they alledge to us that jesus christ and his apostles were poor , we answer , that so were their auditors ; and the condition of our lord and his disciples is a pattern as well for layicks as the clergy . and if the primitive church of hierusalem spoken of in the acts , ought to be proposed for an example of the ecclesiastical and civil government of all christendom , the clergy of england humbly beseech the gentlemen , our reformers , to imitate these pious souls , who sold their possessions , and brought the price , and laid them down at the apostles feet . let them sell their lands , and bring the mony to their pastors to dispose of according to their discretion , and the ministers will part with their tithes . if we were now to speak to the clergy of england , we would exhort them to love their office and their benefice , and now that god hath called them to the cross and poverty , to rejoyce in their conformity to jesus christ , who made himself poor to enrich us , expecting their reward in heaven , bearing patiently the spoyling of their goods , accounting themselves rich enough if god be glorified , and his gospel purely preached , but these exhortations have an evil grace in the mouth of them who come to plunder or sequester them , which is as if a thief in robbing a traveller , should preach a sermon to him of christian patience and contempt of the world ; 't is the method of our enemies , who driving their ministers from their houses and revenues , read such lectures of divinity to them . for the present , some ministers who have been the principall instruments of their party , have means and honour , and yet little enough , considering the great service they have done them . peters their great and active agent , had for a recompence given him , but with great glory and ostentation , two hundred pound 〈◊〉 annum in land : but who so considers well the geni● of the faction will judge that , that little good they do now to their ministers , will not long continue . it were a pleasant thing to consider , if there were not greater cause of sorrow in it , how of two ambitions , the simple serves the ambition of the crafty ; for the ministers who animated the people against their king , are people impatient of subjection , who would be every one of them kings and bishops in their parishes , and during these agitations , they reign in the pulpit a time , b● they are set a work by those who manage the publique affairs , who raise them up and flatter them to the people , untill they have done their work with them , for when these gentlemen shal have done to destroy church and state , and built their imaginary throne of jesus christ , upon the ruines of the kingdom , they will have so strict a hand of the discipline , that the power and the profit shall remain with them , allowing their spiritual fathers a portion purely spiritual , and will discharge them of those cares which accompany the riches and honours of the world . before these civil warres , the bishops were profitable to all ministers , friends and enemies , for those who submitted themselves freely to them enjoye● their protection , and those who opposed them were respected and secretly maintained by the adversaries of the episcopal order , but now the bishops are cut off , there is neither protection nor opposition , that can gain respect or support to the clergy . the stubborn and refractory ministers have struck so violently at the root of that great tree which they have now made to fall , after they had been a long time cover'd under the shadow of it , but they may assure themselves that it will not be long before they themselves be crushed under the fall of it , and draw upon themselves a just punishment : they will then consider too late , that they have been but instruments to the covetousness and ambition of others , and in the dissipation of the goods of the church , they shall be dealt with as the captain of samaria , to whom the king of israel committed the keeping of the gate , where the provision was to enter , then when the people after a long famine pressed to enter , they shall behold the plenty , but not taste of it ; but be trodden under foot . chap. xx. of the corruptions of religion objected to the english clergy , and the ways that the covenanters took to remedy them . wee will answer to the objections against the king and his party , and will begin with the most ordinary . now they reproach us with corruption in religion : in such an accusation we must have regard to them that speak it ; it s those who turn the rising up of the people against their king , into a doctrine and article of faith ; it s those that have absented themselves from the lords supper for these many years , those who summoned their king before them to give account of his actions , those who have committed against his sacred person an execrable paracide , those who will employ the body and blood of our lord to knit up a conspiracy against their king. those who neither teach the people in the church , nor their children at home , the ten commandments , the creed , nor the lords prayer , those who suffer and make use of all damnable sects , and punish none ; but those who ●each to suffer for righteousness , and not to resist the supream powers , to all these we might add many more hateful truths ; but we will not without necessity publish the evil that may be hid , for we love not to teach evil by representing it : whosoever shall consider their belief and practice , will never wonder that such kind of people find something to say against our religion . god be praised that thus opposing us , they make all the world to know that we are not guilty of their evil opinions ; amongst men , blame and praise take their force from him that gives them . those who accuse us of corruption in religion , should do well to tell us first , amongst the scores of religions that are , what their religion is ; for there are many religions which are together with the covenanters , and live together , as so many wilde beasts in the ark , who when they are gone out thence , will devour one another , or flee one from another , but at present they all agree to tear us a pieces . now to these accusers of corruption , we present the thirty nine articles of our confession , which they and we have sworn and subscribed , and let their consciences judge between them and us , which of the two parties have violated and falsified their oath . how have they observed the thirty sixt article , in which they acknowledged that the consecration of arch-bishops and bishops used in england , and confirmed by act of parliament , contains nothing in it , that is either superstitious or impious ; and yet now thunder out against this order as a mark and branch of antichrist ; is this to want memory , or conscience ? can they upbraid us with any thing like unto this , to have opposed in a body , and condemned an article of our confession . the corruptions which they alledge against us , are falsely so named , or at the worst they are but faults of particulars . but the body of the church hath kept and doth keep the confession of their faith inviolable . if they produce any we would have brought in any new doctrines or customes , who can produce others that have opposed them , and that the religion subsisted entire , whilst they subsisted . let them not rob those divines of their due praise who in the beginning of the parliament laboured sincerely to confirm the doctrine , and to stifle the difference about discipline . we have before represented with what wisdom , piety , and vigor , many bishops and divines chosen by his majesty , had lead the two parties to accord upon a certain number of propositions , which contained the body of religion , and what great hope there was , that the point of discipline would be amiably composed ; and how a faction , enemies to the peace of the church , and jealous least any good should come by the means of the bishops , broke off that excellent accord , which could never since be renewed ; persecuting the prelates with all rigor , never giving them rest , until they had imprisoned them as criminals , although they were not guilty of any other crime , then because they would have terminated the differences of religion . but this was to stifle the covenant in the cradle , and take away all pretext from this holy rebellion . it 's not then a wonder if this sin be not pardoned them ; it appears by the testimony of the reverend pastors of the church of geneva , in what esteem our religion was amongst our neighbours , for in their epistle to the assembly at london , they beseech god that he would restore our church and kingdome to such a high degree of holiness and glory , as it had shined in until that present : by this they acquit us of the corruption , which they impute to us , and do obliquely accuse this assembly , and those that imploy them , that by their means the kingdom hath lost his glory , and the church her holiness . now put the case that the corruption were as great amongst us , as they make it , yea put the case also , that even in our liturgie , composed with so much piety and wisdome , that there were something to mend , as a freckle in a fair face , and that the discipline ought to be over-looked ; what could there be more expected of the king and the clergy , then to submit the persons and things to be reformed ? how often had the king offered to joyn his authority to the advice of parliament , and a national synod , to examine and punish the faulty , and correct disorders , yea and even the laws themselves , if there were need ? to these so reasonable commands , behold here what obedience they yielded : a part of the house of commons , having driven away the other by violence and popular tumults , and put to flight nine parts of ten of the house of lords , besides the bishops who represented the body of the clergy ; this small rest , in lieu of a national synod , by lawful deputation of the church , chose some ministers of their faction , for to make use of their advice so far as it should please them . these ministers who had no deputation , nor representation , nor authority from the body of the english church , and having divers lay persons joyned with them , who wholly govern them , mould a religion all new , defame the reputation of the church and confession , to which they had sworn obedience ; invite to their aid forreign churches , as their brethren , and ordain that which serves the intention of their masters . we know that amongst these divines , there were some men of merit , persons which we know , had it been in their power , would have overcome evill with good ; but amongst pieces of gold , there is many times a great deal of small money , like unto our clipped half testors ; they are the little heads without learning . if the two houses had assembled the body of the clergy , as was proposed to them by his majesty , they had found themselves filled with orthodox persons , and they cannot complain if those persons whom they had most desire to , received not the publike censure of the clergy , since they would not permit the clergy to assemble themselves ; neither can they complain , that any guilty hath gone unpunished , for they have taken a sure course , for by the universal ruine of the deans and chapiters , they have involved the innocent with the guilty . hearken what the king said hereupon : i was content to accord and render to the presbyter ( that is to say , to the body of pastors ) all the right which with reason and discretion they could pretend in their conjunction with the episcopal degree , but to suffer them wholly to invade the ecclesiastical power , and to cut off altogether with the sword , the authority of this ancient order , for to invest themselves in it , it was that which i accounted neither just , in regard of the bishops , nor sure nor profitable in regard of the presbyter himself , neither any way convenient for the church or state. a right and good reformation might have been easily produced by moderate councils , and i am perswaded such councils would have given more contentment , even to those very divines , who have been perswaded , with much gravity and formality , to serve the designs of others , which without doubt , many of them now acknowledge , although they dare not make their discontent appear for finding themselves frustrated of their intentions . i am very well assured , that the true method to reform the church , cannot subsist with the perturbation of the civil state , and that religion cannot justly be advanced in depressing loyalty ; which is one of the principal ingredients and ornaments of true religion ; for after the precept to fear god , the next following is , to honour the king. i make no doubt but the kingdome of christ may be established , without pulling down mine ; and in a time free from partialities , its impossible any should pass for a good christian , who shews not himself a good subject . the government of christ serves to confirm mine , and not to overthrow it , for as i acknowledge , i hold my power of him , so i desire to exercise it for his glory , and the good of his church . if any one had sincerely proposed the government of christ , or understood in their heart what it required , they would never have been so ill governed in their words and actions , as well towards me , as one towards another . as the good ends cannot justifie the evil wayes , so also the evil beginnings cannot produce good conclusions , unless god by a miracle of mercy make light to spring out of darkness , order out of our confusion , and peace from our unruly passions . this is spoken as a king , as a phylosopher and as a good christian . our enemies to blind the eyes of their neighbours , made them believe a long time that they desired such a reformation as theirs , but the hypocrisie of this profession appeared then , when the king offered to assemble a national synod , and to invite the neighbour churches to it , whom these people would seem to imitate . and this the good king would never have named , had he not an intention to defer much to their judgement . but of this his majesty could never obtain an answer ; for it was that which the independents feared above all , and we see not that the presbyterians did any way favour this proposition ; the actions both of the one and the other were such , that it was the surest course for them to palliate them with declarations sent a far off , rather then to have them brought to light here at home in a synod ; and they were very well content to receive their neighbours to their society , but not to admit them to their counsel . they have hereby made it appear , that it was not reformation , but the revenues of the church they pursued ; otherwise they would have imbraced the proposition of his majesty , and the request of the clergy , who desired nothing more then to be heard in a lawful synod , and to reform willingly , that which was displeasing to some . but this had untwisted the designs of their enemies , who then should have had no pretext to ruine the clergy , and enrich themselves with their spoils , and take from monarchy the support of the church , if the ecclesiasticks had been reformed . then let the rage and invective malice of our enemies greaten our faults in quality and number , as much as they can , let them make small spots , imposthumes ; let them paint us out in false colours , and disfigure us like devils to the eyes of all the world ; all that the severest justice can require of us , is to amend and freely to submit our selves to the censure of a lawful assembly , and then when a great king , who is subject to none but god , shall come to them , and offer to change that which hath been practised or tolerated , and to lend his ear to receive better information . o this was a grace capable to molifie hearts of stone , and to turn the complaints of his subjects into acclamations of joy and praises . but they will neither the grace of the king , nor our amendment . to these offers of the king so sincere and frequent , they answered not but by complaints and blowes , and they consulted not of means to correct us , but to destroy us ; they will not take the pains to cleanse the church , they will cut it up by the root , root and branch . 't is the watch-word of the seditious , whereby they pretend to know those that are of the godly party ; and they have also put an unnatural maxime in the mouth of the furious and blind people , that the reformation must be made in blood . this they call to renew , or revive the church ; but it 's as the daughters of pelias undertook to make their father young again , who to that end cut his throat to let his old blood pass out of his body , but after , it was not in their power to put in new . god keep us from them who come to reform the church their mother with a sword , and that would cut our throats to make us young again . certainly beholding chyrurgeons coming to let us blood with a sword in both hands , we have reason to withdraw into some safe quarter , and to fear a healing which will not take away the evil , but in taking away our life . we dare say for our clergy , that if it should cost them their lives to redeem the peace of their king and state , they would account them well imployed , and willingly consent to be cast over-board with jonas , that their loss might appease the tempest . this is of greatest anguish and affliction , to see murther pass for piety , then to suffer in their persons , and they cheerfully wish , that a potion of their blood could quench the heat of their bloody zeal . this zeal appeared in the title of sions plea , and in the book called , christ on his throne . the first pleads for the presbyterian , the other for the independent . both of these books have this text in the frontispice : bring those mine enemies , that would not that i should raign over them , and slay them before me . by enemies they understand those who will not imbrace their discipline . and their actions now have , and do make a bloudy commentary upon the text. that if our lord jesus christ , who poured forth his most precious bloud to spare ours , put not a stop to this flux of bloud , these zealots will reform england , as the anabaptists reformed munster , and as the spaniards converted the west-indies . let all christian churches of the world then know , that the english church confesseth humbly before god , her infirmities , and acknowledgeth her self the defaults which peace and the length of time is wont to bring to the best established order , and hath done her duty to reform , submitting her self to a general synod , and the states of the kingdome under the authority and conduct of her good king , and that a sacrilegious and murthering faction , drunken with the bloud of their soveraign , and the goods of the church : having oppressed the liberty of the assembly of states , snatched this holy work out of her hands , and would hear of no other reformation , but her total destruction ; introducing in the place of ancient and lawful order , a chaos of prophane and licentious heresies , destructive to religion and state. chap. xxi . an answer to the objection , that the king made war against the parliament . it 's the ordinary complaint of the covenanters , that the king made war against his parliament , a phrase which seems tacitly to imply , that the king rebelled against his superiours ; and indeed there are many that understood it so in good earnest , conceiving the parliament to be above the king. and hereupon it was declared by the house of commons at westminster , that the kings coming to their house was treason , as if the majesty resided in the commons , but how ridiculous and false this is , hath heretofore been shewed : and yet they could in no other sense call the houses at westminster , his parliament , since they had taken up arms against his majesty ; doubtless those of both houses , who adhered to the king at oxford , without comparison the more considerable in quality , were rather his parliament , for these were for him , and the other against him . moreover by this frequent expression , they would frequently signifie , that the king was the aggresseur , and he that first assaulted them ; a thing which they have much laboured to perswade the world , although it be notoriously known that his enemies had seized upon his forts , towns , magaziens , ships , revenues , and levied souldiers , before ever the king had so much as one single company of horse , or foot. when he first came to york , he had not so much as his ordinary guards , whereas his enemies had all the strength of the kingdom , they wanted only god on their side : and this great power encouraged the seditious in all countries where he passed to entertain him with the same courtesie the gergasites received christ jesus , beseeching him to depart out of their quarters , and the good king had then this conformity with his saviour , that he had not where to lay his head . he was then in a condition to suffer , but his enemies in a posture to oppose . when he would in a peaceable manner without arms enter into his town of hull , he found the gates shut , and the walls garnished with souldiers , presenting their muskets against him ; upon this his majesty levied fix companies of foot , and two cornets of horse , for the guard of his person , but set not up his standard until four moneths after this prodigious act of hostility and rebellion , having often before endeavoured to reduce his subjects to their obedience by all reasonable and christian offers , witness a number of most excellent declarations composed and written by himself , wherein the world beheld the sincerity of his actions , with the piety and candor of his spirit , worthy so great a prince . the covenanters considering that they could not perswade them who had any remembrance or common sense , that the king began the war , laboured to prove that although they began , yet their armies were but defensive ; affirming , that a war undertaken , upon a just fear , was defensive , yea although they struck the first blow ; and that they seized upon the forts , magaziens , and revenues of the king , because they feared he would make war upon them ; that is to say , that they made war upon him , least he should make war upon them . a reason much like that of count gondomore , ambassador of spain in england , who by his cunning and subtilty had wrought so far , as to have a gallant english knight to be condemned and put to death ; being demanded what evil he had done that he so persecuted him : answered , that it was not for any evil he had done , but for that evil which he might do . but the court that did it , had just reasons , far from the spanish interests ; but in these mens dealings with the king , were he even a subject , the injustice is both without reason , and without example : for , was there ever any court of justice , which condemned a man to lose both his goods , and his life , not because he had done any evil , but for fear he should . that which would be most unjust against the meanest subject , can it possibly be thought , and reputed a work of piety and justice against their lawful soveraign ? but leaving these persons , who from the beginning had this diabolical design , which since they have inhumanely executed ; we will believe of many of the covenanters , that the intent of their army was not to punish the king for the pretended exorbitancies of his past government , although they laboured by all means to perpetuate the memory , and to stifle those eminent and signal acts of grace , by which the king had merited the love of his people beyond all his predecessors . we are willing also to believe that some amongst them condemn the doctrine of goodman , turned since into sad practice , that judges ought to summon princes before them for their offences , and proceed against them , as against other criminals and malefactors . if it were not then for the punishing of what was passed , it was for fear of the future , they took up arms , which indeed is the only reason left them . for after the king had promised to give content to his people , in all their reasonable requests represented to him , and they had taken the power out of his hands , then when he would have accomplished his promises ; all the reason they give for so violent a proceeding is , that they durst not trust the king ; which verily is a most frivolous and injurious excuse . which is as if one had a neighbour that dwelt by him , more mighty then himself , and whose displeasure he feared , it should be permitted him to watch his opportunity to surprize his house , seize upon his revenues , and drive from his possessions , to free and deliver him from fear ? but such an action as this from subjects towards their prince , is beyond all comparison more unjust . the question between the king and his subjects , being not , whether they may with confidence leave the sword in the kings hand ? but whether god hath committed the sword to the king to be born by him ? now in this their dealings with the king , they give him an evil example , for by the same reason he may take from his subjects the propriety , they have in their estates , because he dares not trust them , and finds by sad experience , they use it for his destruction ; and he should have much more reason to do it , since the subjects hold their lands of the king ; but the king holds not his power of the people ; prudence ought not to seize upon justice . the care of a mans self cannot give him a right to the goods of another : the duty of a christian is not to fortifie himself against his fears , but to obey the commandments of god : but if his fear and forecast carries him beyond his duty , he should above all fear him that can cast both body and soul into hell . yea , i say unto you , fear him , luke 12.5 . taking then that which themselves accord , that the subjects took up arms to secure themselves against their fears ; had not the king as much reason to take up arms after their example to provide against his ? if he had been their equal , this reason had been sufficient enough , how much more then being their soveraign , for the sword that they had drawn against him , was his own ; those forts , towns , ships , arms and revenues , which they imployed against him , were his ; therefore he had a double reason to take up arms , one to defend himself , and another to recover his own rights . by all laws divine and humane , the king alone hath the power of the sword , whosoever strikes without him is a murtherer . saint bernard preaching to the knights templers of hierusalem ; to perswade them from duells , saith that two things are required to make a combat just and lawful ; the defence of a just cause , and obedience to a lawful power . the last of these is the principal , and that alone which gives to souldiers a just call , for in wars ordinarily the interests of princes are only known to themselves , and often the right and wrong being of two sides , we esteem it not necessary that every souldier be perfectly satisfied of the justice of the armies of his soveraign ; but as for obedience to a lawful power , it s a condition absolutely requisite to justifie the taking up of arms of a souldier , and there is no exception , nor modification , that can be brought against it . saint augustine saith , that a just man bearing armes under a sacrilegious prince , may justly obey his commands , if he knowes not the war wherein he serves , is against the commandment of god , or if he be doubtful of it ; so that the prince may be faulty in commanding , and the subject innocent in rendring the duty of his obedience : according to this wise councel , if it be not palpably manifest that the commandment of the prince do transgress the laws of god , whom we must ever obey rather then men , the subject in matter of war , be it forraign or civil , hath but one thing to consider for conscience ; namely , where the lawful power is ? who he is to whom god hath committed the sword , and who hath power to give it to others , and to whom god hath subjected him ? in taking up the sword at his command , we cannot do amiss . this gives full satisfaction to their consciences who took up arms and fought for the king , for besides the goodness of his defence which is just and necessary , if ever any were , they learn that it is possibly to fight justly for him , even when his cause may be unjust ; but without him it is impossible to draw the sword justly , much less against him , how just soever the complaints and fears of the contrary party that draws the sword be . all lawful demands , religious intentions , specious pretexts , pretended necessities , the publick good ( the masque of all rebellions ) prayers , fastings , covenanting with god , all this and much more can never make a war just , which receives the sword from him to whom god hath not given it , and draws it against him to whom god hath committed it . therefore the principal of the covenanters well perceiving this , endeavoured from the beginning to make the king either give them , or lend them the power of the militia . in doing whereof , they did much wrong to their cause , for if they had the lawful power of the sword , why did they then so often demand it of the king ? and if they had it not , why did they draw the sword without the lawful power , and against him to whom the power appertained by their own confession ? why else should they ask it of him ? they either did injustice to the king to take from him the militia , or else they did injustice to themselves to demand it : certainly by their importunity for the militia , they manifestly condemned themselves , and acknowledged that the militia belonged to the king , and that they made the war without his authority , and therefore they had great need of many sermons , fastings , prayers , protestations , oaths upon oaths , to bind in many knots this covenant , which otherwise held by nothing ; and to perswade the people , that instead of the lawful and ordinary power , they had an extraordinary one , which was conducted by revelation . rebellion is against nature , samuel saith , it s as the sin of witchcraft or divination , 1 sam. 15.23 . it is composed of such charms which for a time corrupts the use of reason , but cannot destroy the faculty , but at last the cloud will vanish and they shall retain nought , but the impression of shame and astonishment for their past errors , and an earnest desire of an acknowledgment . this natural notion is imprinted in the hearts of subjects . that they ought to obey the king , and that to him pertaines the power of peace and war. the very name of king will make even souldiers spring from the ground to serve him , the plow-shares shall furnish him with swords , and the flayls and long staffes shall fight so : his crown . the arms which they have ravisht from him , shall acknowledge their master , and return of themselves to him , as those which were unjustly taken from ajax . it 's a very hard thing to fight against nature : this appeared in the counties of the covenanters , wherein whilst the king was master , he raised ten thousand men in eight daies , but after the covenanters commanded in them , although they levied souldiers continually , their forces ever decreased , and those they listed in the day , disbanded and run away in the night . that if the secret judgment of god which would chastise us , had not rendred the people fearful and dismayed for a time , such was their number and hatred against the party of the covenanters , that they had easily dispatched the countries against the king , though themselves were disarmed ▪ and it must be in the end that nature surmounts the constraint , for the king is the center of the state , whither all parts tend by their own proper weight , and wherein all the lines of the common interests terminate . their complaints of violence by the kings forces , are of no consideration ; the armies of the king as well as those of the covenanters were not composed all of saints , but these complaints sound ill in their mouths , who lifted up their hands against their soveraign , those who had so often planted their artilery against the squadron where the person of the king was , and had shot fifty cannon shot against the queen in her bed , and after all this , cut off the head of their lawful soveraign , can they assume the impudence to complain of our souldiers taking away their poultry and killing their sheep ? if those who were in actual rebellion against their king , had been punished by our souldiers as they deserved , they would never have had the power to complain that their houses were plundered , or that they spoyled and destroyed their goods : we dare maintain , that those amongst the covenanters that suffered less than death , have suffered less than they deserved ; we do not desire that every one should be punished according to his deserts , for we would not that god should so deal with us , but that our enemies may know , both by the divine law , and the law of nations , every person that rebels against his prince , is guilty of death , josh . 1.18 . and loseth his propriety in his goods and possessions . let them know also , that being destitute of lawful authority for the war , and drawing their swords against him that bears the sword by divine authority , every stroak they struck against the faithful subjects of the king , they committed an execrable murther , 1 sam. 11.12 . and every penny they levied upon them , they committed rapine , employing their robberies to maintain murther and rebellion : if the names of these crimes offend their ears , the crimes themselves should much more afflict their consciences ; these terms proceed not from passion , but flow from the necessary consequence of this truth , that the war of the covenanters is destitute of all authority , lawful and divine . oh that every christian who hath drawn his sword in this sinful cause , would seriously consider how he should answer it before god and man , and that he may have horrour and dread in him for the evil he hath deserved , and yet much more for that which he hath committed . chap. xxii . of the depraved and evil faith of the covenanters . but we cannot so slightly let them pass with their fore-alledged excuse for the war , that they durst not trust the king. the cause is evident , which is because they had taken from him all the ground of reason that might be , that he should trust them ; nothing being more to be distrusted than a depraved and ill faith : the king permitted them to perpetuate the parliament as long as they pleased , he committed himself wholly over to their faith , affection and conscience ; if any thing obligeth a man to be faithful , it is to repose an entire and free confidence in him , and there is nothing more odious and unworthy the name of man , than to employ that assurance and confidence they have freely committed to us , to deceive and ruine them . they themselves after this signal favour , without example , often declared to the world , that if they should abuse so great a trust to the dammage and detriment of his majesty , they should be unworthy to live upon the earth , but this was before the loyal subjects had separated themselves from their company . they are then condemned by their own confession , for that most signal act of trust , such as never king gave to his subjects , they returned him the most infamous and perfidious acts , and base ingratitude that ever subjects rendred to their king. he that said , fidelem si putaveris , facies , the means to make men faithful , was to think them so , was never known to these men . in conscience can ye believe that when the king committed to them this great power , that he understood it thus , that when he should refuse to do any thing they requested him , he gave them liberty to force him to do it , or to do it without him , to take from him his children , to seize upon his revenues , to turn his armies , navies , and forts against him , to make a broad seal , and to break his , to dispose of all the offices of the crown , to levy forreign souldiers , and bring them into his kingdom , to deprive his subjects of their goods and possessions , to drive the ministers of the gospel from their flocks , to rob the church of her revenues , to overthrow the ancient laws of the land , and to make a religion all new ? after all this , can any man wonder if they durst not trust the king ? for where is the criminal or malefactor that dares commit himself to , or trust the judge ? and where is the cozener and deceiver , who being discovered , dares trust him whom he hath cozened and deceived ? if by these vile actions they have violated the trust the king reposed in them , and if by the act for the continuance of the parliament , the king gave them a power to deal thus with him , we refer our selves to the better part of the parliament , who withdrew themselves to the king , abhorring such a prodigious violation of the publick faith , and of the duty of subjects and christians unfaithfulness ; they committed the like to the people , who deputed and committed to them the publick safety : for doubtless in their choice it never enter'd into the spirits of them who sent them , to invest them with an absolute power over their goods and persons , much less over their king , for they could not give that which they had not , nevertheless they have executed this power , casting their fellow-citizens out of their houses and possessions , and gather'd together great treasure out of the rents of the king and his subjects , manifesting themselves very liberal of the goods of others . but they defend these actions by a new maxime of state , invented upon this occasion ; some of the principal citizens of london being oppressed by their great and often taxes , came to the house , and represented to them that it was their duties to maintain the subjects in the propriety of their goods , and beseeched them , not to fall themselves into that inconvenience which they were bound to remedy . the gentlemen of the house of commons answered them , that in truth the subjects might plead the propriety of their goods against the king , but not against the parliament , to whom it appertained to dispose of all the goods of the kingdom ; but to perswade the people to believe this , is a very hard task , who rather judged , that the parliament whom they had chosen , had violated the publick faith and the trust committed to them , and had taken that into their disposing which was never committed them . let these gentlemen never hereafter speak so loud of their publick faith , since they have lost it , nor ever attempt to borrow more money upon so sorry a caution . there were none in either houses who had not often taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , by which they acknowledge the king their soveraign , depending of none , and had sworn to him loyalty and obedience . they moreover took the protestation made in the beginning of the parliament , and imposed upon the whole kingdome , wherein also they swear the same thing . the oath of the covenant which was taken after , renew'd the same promise , and there they swore to defend the person and authority of the king , and cause the world to behold their fidelity , and that they would not in the least thing diminish his just power , and greatnesse . consider here ( good reader ) oaths enough to binde them to perform and keep their promise . but this multitude of oaths is a kind of proof of their ill faith , for they that swear often , manifest thereby , that they think themselves unworthy to be believed , and distrust , that every one mistrusts them ; it had been better for them to have been faithful to their king without swearing : for as in the grammar latine , two negatives make an affirmative , these on the contrary in stead thereof , would seem to make two affirmatives to make one negative , and that many oaths to be faithful to their soveraign bound them to do the contrary ; for in effect these last oaths were solely imployed to ruine the antient oath of allegiance , for if their intentions had been simply to be faithful to their soveraign , they needed have taken no other oath then the first . therefore after these two new oaths , came the third , which they called the negative oath , in which they caused men to swear , that they should neither directly , nor indirectly assist the king in this war. and thus behold in fine the mask taken off , and the intention of their former oaths uncover'd . there can be no greater symptome of a desperate sick state , then the multiplication of oaths to form parties and factions ; and we may say after the prophet jeremy 23.10 . the land mourns because of oaths . as for the principals who imposed the oaths , they made use of them to halter , and intangle the consciences of the people , for to serve their ambition , practising the doctrine of lysander , who taught that men ought to be amused with oaths , as children with bables ; and as for the people upon whom the oaths were imposed , for the most part they took them rather for imitation , then knowledge , or for fear , or from a blind zeal , or an implicit faith . moreover the multitude of oaths do imbase the dignity , and a people accustomed to them , respect no more an oath , then their old shoes . those also that swear often , are often forsworn , overthrowing one oath with another . but the oath of the covenant hath this singular , wherein it surpasseth all chymera's , centaurs , hypogriff● , in extravagance and contradiction ; for in taking it in the sense of the covenanters , they overthrow this oath by the oath it self ? and they forswear that which they had sworr ; for in swea●ing that they would defend the person and authority of the king , and make the world behold their fidelity , according to their opinion they are bound to make war against him , and by virtue of this oath , they persecuted , rob'd , and after all deposed him . oh supreme degree of perfidy , and frantick blindness ? have we not whereat to mourn and lament , to behold these illuminated reformers so plunged in the gall of bitterness , and bonds of iniquity , for to persecute their good king with all rage and violence , because they had sworn to defend him , and to be faithful to him . this oath was called covenant , that is to say , alliance , or confederation , because those that took it ( for at present its forbidden to be taken ) pretended to make an alliance and covenant with god : this oath is yet in vogue in scotland . it 's their new covenant , besides that of the new testament , and the modern canonical scripture , which is judge in all cases of conscience , and from which there is no appeal . their ill faith is moreover evident in the composition of this oath , and certainly it 's the only thing evident in the third article , which is a discourse so twisted and interwoven , composed expresly not to be understood : there they swear to defend the person and authority of the king in defence of religion and the publique liberty . it 's very hard to say what that signifies , every good soul who suffer'd himself to be perswaded to take this oath , understood thereby , that to defend the person of the king , was a necessary point , both to preserve their religion and liberty , and that they could not fear god as they ought , without honouring the king ; and those that took the oath in this sense , were bound to fight against the covenanters for the defence of their religion and soveraign . but the unworthy companions of the covenant interpreted it thus , that they bind themselves to defend the person and authority of the king , so far forth as it is compatible with the defence of religion and liberty . now ( say they ) we find that the defence of the person , and authority of the king is incompatible with the defence of religion , and the publique liberty ; and therefore we are bound to oppose and ruine the king for the defence of liberty and religion . and thus it appears that this malicious obscurity is a fold of the serpent , and a lurking hole of the evil spirit , even the rather when we narrowly consider this construction , to defend one thing in defence of another , which signifies nothing , and wants both true logick and common sense . the oath being a profession before god , and the strongest affirmation of all , had need to have been clear , and couched in such terms , that every one might have understood it in the same sense they took it ; but to insert such equivocations , was to abuse the name of god , whom they took to witness , and the simplicity of the people . he that takes a forked oath , and understands it not in the sense that he that gives it , or understands it not at all , swears not in truth , in righteousness , and judgement , which are the qualities required in an oath , for he calls god to witness his hypocrisie , blindness and temerity . the same article makes profession of fidelity to the king , and to diminish nothing of his just authority and greatness . it 's no new thing for rebels to take the oath of allegiance to their soveraign , to combine a faction against him . the mutineers in the time of richard the second , took an oath to be faithful to the king and people , and yet nevertheless made use of this oath to stir up the people to ruine the king : and these did the like ; and when hereupon we tax them with unfaithfulness , and breach of their oath , they answer , and pay us with a distinction betwixt the politick and personal capacity of the king , and they tell us that it was against charles they made the warre , and not against the king , making the king a pure idea , an accident without a substance . it 's very hard for them to say what became of the politick capacity of the king , then when they beheaded him in his personal capacity , for they so long honoured him in idea , that at last they massacred him in substance . but they forget that in the same article they had sworn to be faithful to the person of the king , and protested to defend his person and authority ; as things conjoyned and inseparable : so strong is truth , and respect due to soveraignty , so natural to subjects , that even in the oath which they formed , to confederate against him , their duty is couched in express terms , which will one day be produced in judgement against them . but in good earnest have we not much to wonder at , and to acknowledge the wrath of god , in the blindness of these men , that so many millions of men should think they were bound to persecute the king to all extremity , and to take away his goods , honour , liberty , safety , and at last his life ; because they had sworn to defend the person and authority of the king , and make the world behold their fidelity , and that they would diminish nothing of his just power and authority : is it possible that their by-got zeal could so dislocate their brains , and a-brutish their spirits , as to make them commit so many crimes and enormities , upon so unreasonable a consequence . oh lord create in us a clean heart , and renew a right spirit within us . in the fourth article of this oath , they promise to endeavour with all their power , to bring to condigne punishment all those who were the cause of separating the king from his people ; and according to this , it was , they made the people believe a long time , that the occasion of their taking up arms was to bring the king to his parliament ; but the hypocrisie of protestation , is now clearly manifested , for when the king offered to return to his parliament , they utterly refused to receive him ; telling him plainly if he came , he should come at his peril . forbidding all persons whatsoever , under pain of death , to receive or entertain him in their houses . let all good subjects who have taken this oath , open now at last their eyes , and acknowledge that the intentions of their guides , was quite contrary to their professions . the sixth article required every person to swear ; that this cause touched the glory of god , the happiness of the three kingdomes , and the dignity of the king. indeed this cause touched the glory of god with such fowl hands , as have defiled it as much as possible men could , and it touched the happiness of the three kingdomes with such malignant claws , as have torn them to pieces . but if they will that we take them in their sense , namely , that their cause defends and advanceth the glory of god , the happiness of the kingdomes , and the dignity of the king , we behold and feel the contrary : but grant that this should be true , 't is not a thing for which we must swear . oaths are of two sorts ; the one sort are to affirm the truth of a thing present or past , the other for to promise and oblige our will for the future ; these two sorts of oaths cannot be taken together . the oath of the covenant is of the latter ; and therefore it is very ill done of them to confound it with the first , which is altogether of another nature and usage , and in a promise for the future ; to thrust in an affirmation of a thing present , yea , of a thing false , or at least doubtful , and whereof they of their party are not accorded . but suppose that this oath were of the first sort , the things which we should affirm upon oath , are such as require the testimony of the person who swears : such are all questions of fact . but as for questions of right , they ought not , neither can they be decided by oath ; and it is to want common sense , to make his neighbour judge , to know which is the true religion , and to judge whether the cause of the parliament is better then the kings . there the oath loseth his use , for it s made to perswade and give authority to the thing , by the witness of the person . if the cause of the covenant be the cause of god , there is no need to swear it , but to justifie it by reason and practice . and although we should even believe that it searcheth and advanceth the glory of god , the happiness of the kingdome , and dignity of the king , it were unjust and ridiculous , to press us to swear it ; for moral truths , and even also theological , ought to be believed , not sworn . civil things only , and those amongst them which are matters of fact , ought only to be affirmed by oath ; we have a very firm belief of the truth of many points of religion , and of the honesty of divers persons , and yet nevertheless , for all the world , we would not swear to them ; all who have any ingenuity , or good sense acknowledge , that to force us to affirm the goodness of the covenant by oath , is an extreme tyranny , and full of ignorance and absurdities . and also seeing we are very ill satisfied of the goodness thereof , it s another tyranny to make us swear to defend it ; and a most barbarous cruelty , to confiscate our possessions , and sequester our ministers of their benefices , because they refuse to take so unreasonable an oath , and yet all this was practised during the presbyterian reign . the articles of the covenant were assisted with a religious prologue and epilogue , full of protestations of zeal and repentance , and therefore it was almost impossible , but the most part of them that took it should be perjured , considering the generality of the people are evil . and this should have prevented the gentlemen to impose the covenant indifferently upon all , under such great penalties . for as they will not suffer the sacrament of the lords supper to be administred to the people , for fear to encrease their condemnation : they should have by the same reason , according to their principles , have withheld to administer these protestations of zeal and repentance , to their consciences , whose disposition they were ignorant of . now a great evidence of their depraved and evil faith , consists in their protestations of sanctity and superlative expressions of zeal ; in which the independent party who rejected the covenant , without comparison , fly higher then their predecessors ; all their ordinances , and declarations , yea even their letters of news , were sallies of zeal . all their murthers and robberies were to establish the purity of the gospel , to conquer a kingdome for jesus christ , and that godliness might reign and flourish . if they speak of the abominable parricide committed against their soveraign , they say that god made bare the arm of his holiness , that the lord is on their right hand , that he hath smote kings in the day of his wrath , and that they may wash their feet in the blood of the ungodly . thus they made their horrible crimes march disguised in terms of scripture , and the devil borrowed the language of the spirit of god. whosoever shall well consider the use they made of the scripture , and whereto they imployed their great shew of holiness , shall find an answer to the question in the 50 psal . 16. but to the wicked god saith , what hast thou to do to declare my statutes , or that thou shouldest take my covenant in thy mouth . behold here the work of the covenanters ; they declare the statutes of god , and take his covenant into their mouths , to put on rebellion , the mask of religion , and to invest themselves without trouble , of the authority and revenues of the crown , the goods of the church , and without suspition to grope the purses of the people ; for the outward shew of devotion , doth much amuse the assistants , and gain their belief ; for who can fear any evil from those who so piously invite them to repentance , and the advancement of the glory of god ? who would not confide and trust in them that declare the statutes of god , and take his covenant in their mouth ? satan in all forms is dangerous , but he is never so pernicious as when he clothes himself as an angel of light , and it is ill going procession when the devil carries the cross . moreover by their fruits ye shall know them . how often abused they the credulity of the people , when they conjured them to help to fetch the king from his evil councellors , and to bring him gloriously to his great and faithful councel , that is to say , to themselves ; but their faithfulness appeared then when he departed from them whom they called his evil councellors , to yeeld himself up to them ; for then their terrible mennaces against him , and all those who should dare to receive him , forced this poor prince to travel disguised in great danger of his life through their armies which besieged oxford , and to go and cast himself into the arms of the scots , as a chased boar casts himself into the toils . he found by sad experience in this his miserable refuge , that the covenanters were of the same genius in other nations , and of the same evil faith. it imports not much whether it be true or false , which was said of the scots , that they had secretly invited him , and promised to expose both their goods and lives for his defence and safety ; but how ever it was , they were bound by their natural duty to do so : but instead of rendring him the duties of faithful subjects , as crafty merchants they made their profit of him ; for after they had kept him captive some moneths , at length they drew two great benefits by him ; the one upon their promise to imploy their armies for his service , they made use of his authority , to make that miracle of valour and fidelity , the marquess of mentr●sse , the kings lieutenant in their country , and the terrour of the rebels , to disband , and lay down his armes ; the other , in making sale of his majesty , to the gentlemen at westminster , for two hundred thousand pounds sterling in ready money , obliging them to pay the like summe more two years after . upon which this most wise prince , being demanded whether he had rather continue with his scottish subjects , or go to his subjects in england , answered with an excellent grace and serenity , without question , i must be with those who have bought me , and not with those who have sold me . and in his meditation upon this subject , since i am thus sold by them , i am only afflicted for the evil they have done , and to behold my self valued at a higher price then my saviour . these words proceeding from a quick and well governed spirit , a king of his passions , and so conforming himself to the passion and obedience of the sonne of god , cannot be heard , nor read by good christians with the same moderation they were pronounced ; but this magnanimous patience , should produce in every pious soul , a most just execration of this the most base and barbarous treachery , that hath been committed since that of judas , and which in iniquity yields only to the abominable paracide , to whom he was deliver'd by this infamous sale . it matters not much what is said hereupon , that the scots in delivering up the person of the k. to the gent. at westmin . drew from them a promise to treat him with safety , liberty and honor ; for they ought not impose upon other then themselves , this duty which was natural to them . neither could they expect that the english should render him that safety , liberty and honor , which themselves refused him , or that the buyers should not as well search to make their profit by him , as the sellers , and to reimburse themselves with usury by his ruine . but for their care they took of the k. when they deliver'd him , let us do them the favour to pass by their perfidiousness , and behold how the gent. at westm . performed their promise to treat the k. with safety , liberty and honor . behold how they led him captive to holmby house , where they set a guard of souldiers , his enemies upon him , denied him his revenues , rights , liberty , children , servants , and ( that which with greatest earnestness he desired ) his chaplins , and the free exercise of his conscience , extremely misusing him with insolent threatnings and injurious demands , and for all this the scots never seemed to be moved or troubled , whilst the k. was in the presbyterian parties custody . but when the independents had seised vpon his person , although his captivity was a little sweetned over it was before , the scotch began to demand aloud the accomplishment of their promises for his liberty , whereupon the gent. at west . made a declaration , to break and null all their former promises of loyalty , and respect made to his majesty by this parl. telling the scots , that these promises were formed , published , and imploid according as the state of affairs then stood , but they might now be altered , and yet nevertheless these promises to preserve the person and authority of the k. had been made with the solemnest and sublimest protestations , we protest ( say they ) in the presence of almighty god , which is the strongest bond of a christian , and the publick faith , the most solemn that any state can give , that neither adversity nor success shall ever cause us to change our resolutions . now at this day it sadly appears how much they respect the presence of almighty god , and how much they find themselves obliged by the strongest obligation of a christian , and the publick faith , the most solemn that the body of an estate can give . it is to be doubted , whether they believe there is a god , or that he is almighty , or so just as to call them before him in judgment for the prophanation of his most holy name . before these gentlemen did openly manifest that they would not grant the king neither liberty , honour , nor safety , they set awork their hypocrisie and treachery . the independent army having taken away the person of the king from the presbyterians , began to use him more honorably , but not out of love to him , but in hatred to his former goalers , and to flatter and lull asleep the royal party , and for this effect this army made some declarations in favour of his majesty . see here some of their expressions . forasmuch as a scandalous information hath been presented to the two houses , importing that his majesty is kept prisoner amongst us , and uncivilly and barbarously dealt with , we judge our selves bound to declare that this suggestion , and all other of the same nature , are most false and absolutely contrary , not only to our requests , but also to our principles . and a little after , we profess openly that we see not how there can be any firm or durable peace in the kingdome , without a due consideration and provision for the rights , repose and immunities of his majesty and his royal family . and in another place they promise , that until such time as there be made a settlement , his majesty shall find amongst them all civil and personal respect , with all reasonable freedome . but let us next see how they performed this promise , after they found this great prince inflexible to all their unjust and dishonourable propositions , and especially to those which concerned the ruine of the church , they restrained his liberty , and set over him more insolent guards in his house at hampton court ; at which nevertheless oliver cromwell , who was then in effect chief of the league , seemed to be much troubled , and very careful of the life of his majesty , and therefore perswaded him to escape by night , and to save himself out of such wicked hands into the isle of wight ; for being resolved to charge the king with a criminal process , which was the way as he thought most proper for the designs of his ambition , then privately to make him away ; but he durst not proceed thus far , whilst the king was so neer the gates of london , and in the heart of his kingdome , the hearts whereof he possessed . i will not undertake to sound the mysteries of iniquity of this agent of satan , but shew you a piece of his perfidiousness , and profound hypocrisie . the night before the king stole from hampton court , cromwell came to visit him , causing all persons to withdraw out of the chamber , except major huntington , in whom he only confided , and taking the king aside , had a long discourse with him , which huntington could not hear , but could well behold his passionate gesture , which witnessed a singular freedome and affection . cromwell at his departure cast himself upon his knees , and took the king by the hand , kissing it many times , wetting it with his tears , and at length lifting up his voice , said to him : sir , so god bless me and my children , as i am resolved to endeavour to place you and your children in your rights and dignities ; after this , approaching to huntington , major ( saith he ) tarry with the king , and 〈◊〉 there happen any thing now this night , take a good horse , and come with all speed and acquaint me . this night then the king passed secretly the thames , and taking post , cast himself into the trap they had laid for him in that retired place : so soon as huntington knew of the departure of the king , and whether he was gone , he went in all hast to give advice to cromwell , that the king had escaped into the isle of wight , who beholding him astonished and amazed at this sudden change , laughed at him , telling him , that the king was there where he desired , and that there wanted nothing now to the satisfying of his desires , but that all his children were there with him . this history is attested by huntington himself , a person of credit and repute , whose eyes this action and the like hath opened , and turned his heart towards the king his soveraign . now the king being confined into this little island , where all the avenues might easily be kept by the creatures of cromwell , and the other gentlemen of the covenant ; the mask was presently taken off at westminster , and in the army , and all their oaths and protestations to maintain the person and authority of the king , were changed into loud cries , in calling for justice against him , to which the gentlemen at westminster easily condescended , and for this effect declared him incapable to govern ; charged him with all the crimes malice could devise , forbidding all persons to make any more addresses to him : but in this fair way , they had some disturbance , by those parties that in the year 1648. rose for the king , but god justly provoked against this sinful nation , suffered injustice to triumph through the disloyaly of persons , who having until that time born arms against the king , took part with him expresly to betray and ruine him . and thus from the beginning to the end of this tragedy , falshood hath plaid his part , and at length this just prince lost his life by the hand of those his subjects , who had called heaven and earth to witness their loyalty and affection ; and this is very admirable and memorable to all ages , how the conscience and constancy of the king took a way altogether contrary to that of the covenanters , for whilst the covenanters swore themselves to destroy him , he would do neither the one , nor the other to save his life , or crown ; for its manifest that there was a time , wherein if the king would have promised that which he was resolved not to have kept , he had in a short time been put into such a condition ( according to all humane appearances ) as would have put him out of the power of all the discontented to constrain him to have kept his promise . i cannot pass the last act of this hideous treason , without letting the world behold another piece of the damnable hipocrisie of oliver cromwel . the day assigned for the execution of the king being come , the councel of war sate , which was then the great councel of the kingdom : a letter without name was addressed to this councel to represe●t to them by reasons of conscience and prudence , the formidable consequences of so strange and hateful an execution . cromwel seemed to be much touched at it , ( which caused some suspicions , as though he himself underhand had procured it ) and proposed it to the consideration of the councel , part of this company began to yeeld to the force of justice , and their duty , and to lean towards compassion : cromwel beholding this made a turn to the door , and sent one of his confidence to those to whom the execution was committed , to command them to dispatch the business : then returning to the councel table , made a long discourse shewing the inconvenience of this execution , and advised them so to secure the person of the king for the time to come , that he might neither do nor receive hurt . this discouse was seconded by others , and then again re-assumed by himself with a great many words to lengthen the consultation , until that one briskly entring into the chamber told them , gentlemen , you may cease to consult , the work is done , the king is executed : upon this cromwel suddenly fell upon his knees with signs of great devotion , crying out , that this was the work of god , and a true stroak of heaven , the councel being disposed to save his life , but the divine justice would not suffer so much innocent blood shed by this tyrant to pass unpunished , and hereupon made an eloquent prayer to give glory to god , and acknowledge his providence . and from this history i leave the reader to draw a character of this person , whose perpetual method was to make his impostures to pass for miraculous and divine managements . when he would make his inventions pass into publike resolutions , he would suborn a prophet or prophetess , who should come and find him in full councel , or in the head of his army , for to enjoyn him on the behalf of god , that which before he had resolved ; he caused all the councels he proposed to pass for motions of the blessed spirit , therefore if his councels and actions did ill accord with his preceding professions , his inspirations from above excused all , and he laid all the fault upon god ; when any minded him of his protestations made to preserve the person of the king , and restore him to his dignities : he would answer , that it was indeed his intention , but that when he sought god to open him a way for the performance , god had silenced him , and shewed that it would not be acceptable to him . his partie seriously give him this commendation , that he was so affected with the glory of god , that if he had promised any thing with the most solemn and holy adjurations , and that afterward god should put it into his spirit , that the contrary to what he had promised was most expedient for his glory , he presently forgot all his promises . therefore when he had the k. in his power at hampt . court , and often conferred with him ; his majesty expressed his perplexity to persons of honour , telling them , i cannot ( saith he ) treat with these people upon any foundation , who refer me to their inspirations , for that which they promise me to day , they contradict too morrow , if the spirit dictate to them ; but you must note that the spirit never dictates any thing to them but for their profit . the wrath of god is great against us in suffering us to be ruined and destroyed by fraud and hypocrisie , but verily his indignation is yet greater against those who are seduced ; for it is a lesser evil to be persecuted by the devil , then to mistake him for the spirit of god. but let us consider other acts of the evil faith of the covenanters . how have the members of parliament answered the intentions of those that sent them ? was it the desire of those countries and places for which they served , that the divine service so much loved by the people should be taken away , and their ministers driven from their benefices , and anabaptists and such like , without knowledge and call , established in their places ? did they give them commission to levy and make war against their king , to cut off his head ? and were they not sent and departed to councel and advise the king , and to succour their counties ? ●nd have not they done the contrary ? when their fellow citizens chose them , did they chuse them to be their soveraigns ? was it their intentions that they should ●it in parliament to perpetuity , and place in their children to perpetuate their raign in their families ? whereby they have gained more in a few years then the house of austria , which hardly in two hundred years of an elective empire , have made one successive ; for these people have in a few years turned into succession an empire , in which they have no election . and it would be very hard to tell , who gave them the power to dispose of the goods and lives of the people , and to govern the kingdome by an army , of which england hath never hope to be delivered , but by an absolute victory obtained by the king. of these high actions of presumption and tyranny , warranted by no authority , and upheld onely by the strength of arms , they must render account to god , and since they maintain that the soveraignty resides in the people , they must also one day give an account to the people of their administration . they made an ordinance , that no member of parliament should exercise any office in the state , but how well did they keep it ? did they not make amongst themselves a monopoly of all the gainful offices ? they gave out they would give an account of the treasure expended of the state , but in the mean while they followed the councel of pericles , which was to studie how never to give any . they invited the people to present their plaints against their own members , but those who dared to do it were ruined in the prosecution , and served as a sad example to all others to beware and keep themselves from so dangerous an enterprise for the future . they have also forced the consciences of men to break their faith , witness the breach of articles subscribed in the counties of york and chester , whereby the gentlemen engaged on both parties , were mutually obliged to lay down their arms and live in peace , but the gentlemen at westminster , frighted with this hideous name of peace , declared this accord null , as destructive to their affairs ; for both the devil and the covenanters maintain themselves by dissention . they forced the londoners , taken and released by the king at the battel of brainsford , to take up arms against him the second time , against their faith sworn to his majesty , who most graciously gave them both their lives and liberty , releasing them without any ransome . but as for them they wickedly massacred those who yielded themselves upon their promise of life , and liberty , as duke hamilton , the earl of holland , and the gallant and noble lord capel , sir charles lucas , sir george lisle , and many others . they being thus habituated in disloyalty and unfaithfulness , their great quarrel against the late king of blessed and glorious memory was , that he would not break his faith , nor falsifie his oath he took at his coronation , to maintain the rights and priviledges of the church , and to defend the laws of the land. and as they were perfidious to us , so were they also to one another , they falsified their faith to their army , which had too well fought for them , under the command of the earl of essex , and disbanded them without their pay . but another army paid them for this perfidiousness by another . the independent troops were those which professed to them fidelity with the greatest zeal : and these were they which unroosted them at westminster , and pull the gentlemen out of their thrones , leaving there , only such as pleased them . and in passing , let us mark another seat of activity , of cromwel , he perswaded the house of commons to casheer this army , promising them that he would lay down his arms at their feet , but he gave them this counsel only for to provoke and irritate the army against them , and to ruine them , as indeed it did . then when the army began to present criminal informations against the king , they sent an embassie of six collonels to the house of lords to keep them quiet , promising to maintain their priviledge of peerage , but as soon as the king was beheaded , they casheered the house of lords , and those lords having basely abandoned their head to the slaughter , presently lost the life of honour , which flowed from thence upon them , and were most justly laid aside as dead and unprofitable members . the scots also for having been too faithful to their brethren in rebellion , were paid with the like treachery , for all that power and interest which they ought to have had in the affairs of both kingdoms , according to the articles of their league , was denied them with scorn and insultation . amongst our miseries , this is a recreative spectacle to us , to behold the thieves who pillaged us , to pillage and rob one another , and to deal treacherously amongst themselves after they betray'd us . to their disloyalty let us joyn their falshood , wherein consisted the foundation and building of all their fabrick . this appeared singularly in the beginnings of the covenant . then the gentlemen discovered daily some treason or other , with as much facility as the labourer finds his work . news of england , written from spain , france , italy , denmark , politick discourses of a dutch mariner , to an english hostler , of armies kept under ground by the king , to cut the throats of all the protestants in a night ; and the greatest danger of all , which caused the chiefest fear to the subtle spirits of london , was a design laid for a mine of powder under the thames , to cause the river to drown the city ; but this dangerous enterprise was discovered a little before the execution , whereupon the devout people very conscientiously gave thanks to god , and they took special order for the future that the thames should not be blown up . in two or three moneths these treasons amounted to the number of nine and thirty , according to the account of a venerable member of the house of commons , in one of his speeches . this indeed was the time they had most need of them to form a party . they made use of the same path according to their occasions ; after a defeat , they used to keep a day of thanksgiving for a victory ; if the king offered peace to his subjects , they gave ou● amongst the people that he refused it , and would have none ; and the ministers told god of it in their publick prayers , with all the news of the times , that he might have no cause to pretend ignorance . to draw money from the people , a plot would be discovered , for which publick thanks was to be given do god , and afterwards the londoners must pay a hundred thousand pound sterling in acknowledgment of so great a benefit . by these plots which were only against their purses , the people were often pillaged , yet they had not the wisdom to beware of them , the devil having sent amongst them such strong delusions , that they should believe a lie. certainly this device or motto should have been written upon the standards of the covenanters , p●ssuimus in 〈◊〉 latibulum nostrum , & mendacio protecti sumus . we have made lies our refuge , and under falshood have we hid our selves , isa . 28.15 . but this covering will not long continue , for the hail shall sweep away the refuge of lies , saith the prophet , v. 17. and that which is builded thereon , shall fall as an house built upon the sand. and thus much for them who boast of their publick faith , and say they dare not trust their king. chap. xxiii . of the instruments both parties made use of , and of the irish affairs . let us now come to the accusation which made the lowdest noise : our enemies reproached the king , that he made use of wicked instruments . for beholding to their great regret , that the person of the king was without blame , they cast all the sins of his court and armies upon him . but we will see what instruments the two parties served themselves with , and whether the consideration of the instruments can alter the nature of the cause . but first of all let us make our advantage of that which our enemies are forced to yield us , for envy which tare a pieces those which served the king , found nothing to fasten on , in his person , yea though continually endeavoured , even after his death , when the covenanters entertained , and yet do , writers in pay , to write sandalous and defamatory libels against his sacred majesty . there was never rebel which called not his prince unjust , otherwise they would condemn their own party of injustice : but the open conversation of the king was a subject very improper , either for the detracter or flatterer ; he lived not obscure and hidden as the kings of china , but made appear to the eyes of all the world what he was , as the sun makes himself seen to the universe by his own proper light . this prince whom the covenanters persecuted under colour of piety and reformation , was four times a day upon his knees at his devotion , was guided by the fear of god , and comforted by his love , made his word the rule of his belief and actions , humbled himself in his adversities under his mighty hand , and reposed himself with a firm faith upon the same hand which smote him . his discourses were honest , religious , pertinent and judicious , and his writings were the same ; wherein shined forth a vigor and majesty truly royal. and the sanctity of his retired meditations , which are now publick , will for ever fill all good souls with consolation and instruction , and his enemies with confusion , he was a prince sober , continent , temperate , a spirit composed by singular geometry , so equal in all his inclinations , that it is hard to say , to which passion he was most enclined . greatness arms vices with power , and tempts the desires by the facility ; and the devil hath his agents in the courts of princes , who observe and watch their humours , and advertise them of all the evil they may do ; for to resist such trials , one had need of a soul wherein nature and grace had contributed to strengthen against such temptation ; this our prince shewed by his behaviour , that he believed there could be no pleasure where there was sin , abhorring that which was evil , cleaving to that which was good , rom. 12.9 . the councellours of vice had here assayed in vain , all which might move youth or power : if in any thing he manifested passion , it was in favouring vertue , knowledge and arts , which he loved by judgment and experience . the injustice they are able to reproach him with , is that which he committed against himself , having taken from his own rights to preserve and augment those of his subjects . it were to be wished for their good , that he had less loved them , and himself a little more ; for if he had given them less , they would have had more than they have at this day . of his clemency , none can speak more than his enemies , for his greatest adversaries were those who were the principal subjects of it . he preserved the lives of those who purchased his destruction : he restored the inheritances to the children of them , which ravisht and took from him his own , and who died with their swords in their hands against him , he offered a free pardon to them who would not pardon him . but if this way hath not gained their affections , doubtless it hath gods. certainly since they have rejected and destroyed their good king , they deserve god should give them such masters , like the king of the frogs in the fable , storks and herons which should devour them and consume them one after another ; but if he doth not , i fear there will be such good order amongst them , that they will mutually devour one another , there being no tyranny so cruel as that of a multitude , nor worse servitude than to want a master . behold here then a great point gained , that the king was a just and good prince ! those who so much complain of his evil counsellors or instruments , ought to love him so much the more , and to acknowledge that he could find no instruments like himself ; there is no malady in the body of state which is not curable , whilst the head is found : in all kingdoms , the injustice committed in the courts of judicature , is done in the name of the king ; and there is no government so just and prudent , no , even that which is governed by a prophetical conduct , as that of davids , which have not faults enough , to give occasion to an absolom to say , oh that i were made judge in the land , that every man which hath any suit or cause , might come unto me , and i would do him justice , 2 sam. 15.4 . in publick grievances , good subjects are wont to cast the blame upon the ministers of state , and rest satisfied in seeing some of them punished , accounting it their principal interest to preserve the honour of their soveraign ; and good princes when they are informed that the ministers of state have abused their authority to the damage of their subjects , which is theirs , are wont to examine them , and judge them according to the laws . and in this , the king did as much as possible they could require of him , having submitted the persons of those whom the covenanters complained against , to be judged , and tried by lawful and ordinary waies : but whilst they tread under foot the royal authority , the power of parliament , and the majesty of the laws , and that they were in open war against him , what reason had he to submit his servants and ministers to the judgment of his enemies ? being certain that whilst the war continued , they would aim most at them who served him best . then when the parliament was whole and entire , there passed a vote worthy the gravity of that great court , that the king could do no wrong , and that his officers , and not he were guilty of the evil which was done in the publick government : but since those who loved the king departed , and withdrew themselves to him , those which remained at westminster , followed a way quite contrary , for they cast upon the king all the faults of his servants , and made use of them against him , whom they ought & should have punished for having ill served him . then when they took in hand to examine the ministers of state , in stead of punishing them which were guilty , they received them into favour ▪ yea , after their ●aults proved against them , and turned all the discontent of the people upon the king : what a great noise was there in the house of commons against the forgers of monopolies ? one would have thought that hardly any should have escaped with their lives , but there happened altogether the contrary : for because the monopolists and other accused persons , made a considerable number in parliament , they made use of their faults , to make a strong faction against the king , terrifying and making them understand , there was no way left to preserve them from utter ruine , but to joyn with the new party which was forming , and hereupon they were promised impunity for what evils they had done , on condition they should do greater . some of these were sent to the king to newmarket , in the behalf of their companions , to whom his majesty said these words , capable to convert them , or to make their indi●emen● at the day of judgment . gentlemen , lay your hands upon your consciences , who are they which invented those taxes by which you have so provoked my people against me ? for whose advantage and profit were those imposts ●●●ied ? were my revenues encreased by them ? it was you that induced and moved me 〈◊〉 them , for your own particular profit , and now you return me a worthy recompence . other parliament men , guilty of many crimes , were kept in the parliament in hope of impu●ity , the holy covenant 〈◊〉 a garment which covered a multitude of sins , even to the violating of a great lady , and abusing her by own of their members , almost in the sight of the parliament : behold these , the reformers of church and state ! others which were not of the parliament , but under censure , for having been councellours , or instruments in the imposts and taxes of the people , were released by them , and employed for the same business , as persons who well understood the trade , who pillaged then with a good conscience , for the advancement of the kingdom of jesus christ . those whose infamous life was the shame of the royal court , were the honour of the court at westminster , and the pillars of the covenant . likewise the judges accused of corruption , and the ministers of a scandalous life , in taking the covenant , obtained a plenary indulgence of all their sins , for after that , there was no more to say to them , for those who washed themselves in this water , returned as white as if they had been washed with ink , or with the second baptism the anabaptists use at this day . but now let us look upon the armies : our enemies cry aloud , that the king made use of those of the church of rome , to serve him in his wars . upon which , an excellent writer makes this gentle question to them , how many were in their armies , or how many they would have had ? for if the common report do not much wrong them , they employed divers persons of that religion , there were persons of honour and quality , who assured us , that they prisoners of the same religion , served the covenanters . we refer our selves to their own consciences , if they gave not a commission to my lord aston to levy forces . the relation in notable , the king being at york , this gallant man , accounted the most experienced , and best commander of war of his time , came to present his service to his majesty , the king gave him thanks , and withal told him , he was resolved to employ none of his religion in his army . well ( saith he ) i will go then to those who will employ me , and indeed went presently to westminster , where he was received with open arms , and a commission given him written and signed , which he carried to the king ; ye cannot wonder then , that the king made use of him , and others of his religion , whom before he was resolv'd not to employ , although he had , to take away all shadow of occasion from his enemies , who sought somthing whereat to quarrel with him , made a proclamation that none professing the religion of the church of rome should come neer his court. after this , the covenanters used all their power to make them draw to the kings party , well considering , their party being so small , would bring more hatred than help to the king ; and for this effect , they treated them with great inhumanity , forcing them to forsake their houses , and lands , and run and hide themselves under the kings protection , and this the king could not refuse them , for as they owed him their subjection , the king owed them his protection , so long as they governed themselves according to the laws , and accomplished the conditions whereby they were permitted by act of parliament to live in the kingdom . by this reason of reciprocal duty , the king protecting them as his subjects , they were bound to defend him as their king , and ye shall not find in all the statutes which concern them , that they are exempted to serve the king in his armies , neither is it reasonable that they only should be free from the perils of war , whilst th●ir fellow subjects venture their lives , and are shedding their bloud for the defence of their country . the covenanters made it appear sufficiently to the world , that they judged that religion ought not to exclude any from bearing arms in the publick danger , for in their armies they made use of all religions , yea that of the church of rome , as we shall shew hereafter . if it were lawful for them to make use of those who denied the incarnation of jesus christ , and of others that denied his divinity , and those who were re-baptized and denied baptism to infants , and the blessed sacrament of the whole church , it were not less lawful for the king to make use of souldiers of the roman religion ; and if those whom they now call reformed , embrace the doctrine of the jesuits , touching the deposing and murdering of kings , and that persons of the roman religion reject this , and joyn themselves with the reformed church in this point , the king had reason to serve himself of the last as well as of the first . moreover the king had but two religions in his armies , which were too many : and although the roman is not tolerated by the laws , yet the statutes give protection to the persons which make profession of it , but the covenanters motly army consisted of many religions , there can be no certain number of them , for they multiplied and subdivided daily ; and these religions had no tolleration by the laws , nor the persons which made profession of them . but put the case that the covenanters were a party reformed , uniform and illuminated , since they have destroyed their king , what law divine or humane , doth hinder him for using all means that god gives him to defend himself ? and if amongst his loyal subjects , there be some who are blinded in matter of religion , why should he not make use of those who are blind to repress those who are illuminated ; and maintain his life and crown ? 't is then a ridiculous question , which they demand of the king , whether he will defend the reformed religion with souldiers of the roman religion ? for he makes not use of them to defend his religion , but his person and scepter , which those whom they call reformed , would wickedly pluck out of his hands . 't is foolishly and unjustly done of them to complain that the king made them to kill the protestants , a name which they make a great noise with , when they have lost the thing ; they were not protestants but rebels , whom the king killed in his just defence . the king was not to enquire of what religion they were that made war upon him ; the true religion gives not license to malefactors to do evil , and to binde the hands of the judge , that he should not punish them ; chiefly , when the malefactor fights against the judge , and he to whom god hath committed the sword to execute vengeance in wrath , is constrained to make use of it to defend his life and authority ; the malefactor who is instructed in a holy religion is doubly guilty , he is the evil servant in the gospel , who knows his masters will , but does it not , and therefore he shall be beaten with many stripes . this above written serves as an answer to the e●clamations of our enemies , that the king caused an armie of irish papists to come over to kill the protestants in england , for it matters not what religion the english be of , if they be rebels , and who can blame him for employing rebels converted , against rebels obstinate , but onely those that perish by them : but that which gives occasion of laughter in this objection is , that there were none , and the irish have not yet sent over their army into england , according to their promise to help the king. we grant that the english are far more considerable to the king then the irish ; suppose the difference be as great as betwixt a son and a servant , but if the son prove unnatural and draws his sword against his father , who can blame the father if he arms his servant , were he a barbary slave , to defend his life ? 't is not to purpose then for them so often to object to us , that the irish were the executioners to cut the throats of a multitude of protestants in ireland , and that it 's a horrible thing to bring them over into england to do as much here ; for at the worst they were but executioners of rebels ; certainly civil war is a horrible thing , where one destruction draws on another , abyssus abyssum advocat ; but since the enraged and implacable obstinacy of the covenanters , brought the king to this extremity , that he could not quench the fire that they had kindled in his kingdom , but by ruine ; like those who would quench a town all in flames with cannon-shot , what could we do other then call in the irish to his succours ? having rebellions then on all sides ? was it not wisely done of him to make an agreement with the most tractable and pliant , and to serve himself with their forces to make head against the others ? if the english would not have had the king made peace with the irish , why did they then refuse the peace and pardon which the king so often , and so graciously rendred them ? and did he enter into treaty with his irish subjects , before he had a long time in vain sollicited his english to their duty ? should he rather willingly have lost two kingdoms to help his enemies to render themselves masters of the third ? but say they , the irish shed abundance of protestants blood in ireland , which should have been revenged in stead of granting them peace . it s true , they committed many fearful and strange cruelties , but this blood hath been sufficiently revenged ; for , for one which they put to death , five of theirs have been killed since the beginning of the war : and moreover this reason sounds ill in the mouthes of christians , who ought to leave vengeance to god. we could not expect that the covenanters would ever commend this peace , which might have been so disadvantagious to them , and might have supplied the king with many souldiers , if the irish had kept their word . the principal reason of their complaint was , because the londoners lost much hereby , for they had advanced great sums of monies to the two houses , for which they were to have had the irish rebels lands , after they were extirpated ; which was to buy the bears skin before he was killed ; and this partly was the cause of breaking up of the treaty at uxbridge , for the citizens of london would by no means hear of peace , unless the king would break his faith with the irish , and root them out ; for the quarrel that the english covenanters had with them was not for their religion , or rebellion , but because they would not suffer themselves to be killed in a peaceable and quiet manner , that thereby the merchant adventurers of london might have their bargain . and thus the covenanters as much as in them lay , justified the unjust arms of the irish , since they would by no means have peace with them : and after all , the king hath the sole power of peace and war , and if he will receive into grace , and pardon his subjects who have offended him , he is to give account to none . yet nevertheless that it may appear to all the reformed churches how much our good king departed , loved his religion , he would not grant peace to his irish subjects on the conditions they demanded , advantagious to their religion ; which if he had accorded , he might have had legions in stead of regiments , and not wanted neither the help of his subjects , nor their neighbours ; but rather then he would buy their assistance at that price , he chose to sink and fall under the oppression of the covenanters ; after this piety or humanity ought to have converted the enemies of the king , if he had had to do with persons who had either the one or the other . but if the gentlemen at london lost their monies which they advanced upon the irish affairs , they have cause to complain of the gentlemen at westminster , who made use of this money , not to reconquer ireland , but to make war upon the king , who had a great desire to terminate that business , and would have gone in person , but not to serve the avaritious and barbarous intentions of these merchants of blood , but to recover his rights , and to restore a number of his exiled subjects to their possessions ; those ruined and remaining families of the general massacre , cried aloud in the ears of the king and parliament . for to help them there was a generall collection through the kingdom , and the ministers by order of parliament were to excite the charity of the people to a liberal contribution , which was done , and great sums of money were raised for the irish war. but to what was the charity of many pious souls imployed ? to make war against the king ; the armies which the cries of the poor exiled irish had raised , and were ready at their port to be shipped , were called back , and conducted against his sacred majesty ; and although many in those troops had their interests in ireland , they were constrained to forsake them , for unknown interests , and an open hostillity against their soveraign . 't is no wonder then , if part of those troops at the battel of keinton , turned to the king ; and took a bloody revenge of so great injustice . for what a most horrible tyranny was this , to make them fight against their king in england , whilest the throats of their wives and children were cutting in ireland ? we earnestly beseech the covenanters , that whensoever they curse the irish rebellion , they would remember these two things ; the one , that the scots shewed them the way , having before made a covenant for religion , and levied arms to maintain it , and obtained by this way , all that they desired . the irish seeing this was the way to obtain the liberty of their religion , presently followed the example of their neighbours , and as a judicious writer saith pleasantly , that if the scots had not piped , the irish had never danced . let them remember also , that the irish as wicked as they were , had without comparison more reason for their rising , then either the english or scotch , for it 's most certain that the irish were held in with a bridle , which had a ruder bit then the other subjects of the king. many of the irish for their former rebellions were dispossessed of their lands ; and although the sentence was just , the loss nevertheless was sensible ; moreover they had not the free exercise nor liberty of their religion , the english nor scotch cannot alledge any thing like these . hardly shall you find in any history a raign of fifteen years more flourishing , peaceable , and mild , then the fifteen first years of the reign of the late king , notwithstanding all the grievances the covenanters reckon up to his disadvantage : there never shined more happy days upon england and scotland ; in effect , they were nations sick of too much ease . when subjects undertake to criticise upon mysteries of state , and come to quarrel amongst themselves for subtilties of religion , or points of discipline , it s a symptome of an easie yoke , and of excess of ease and prosperity . moreover the irish fought against men of another religion , and of another nation , they fought not against the person of their king , cut not the throats of their brethren , nor ruined those of their profession ; imposed not necessity of conscience upon others ; but only demanded publick liberty of conscience for themselves , although many amongst them contented themselves with lesse ; for by the articles of peace in septemb. 1646. the king gave them no toleration for the publike exercise of their religion ; certainly therefore as those of niniveh shall rise up in judgment against the scribes and pharisees , so shall the irish against the english and scotch covenanters . further , our enemies are very unjust to complain , that the king assailed to bring over irish armies into england , since they in effect a year and half before had brought armies of scotch into england to serve them . if they take the boldness to entertain the armies of strangers within the kingdome of their soveraign , shall it not be lawful for the king to defend his person and kingdom with his own subjects , which in this quality are not strangers in respect of him , but the scotch are strangers in regard of the english . histories furnish nought parallel to this crime , to have brought the scots into england , and to move them to come , gave them part of the kingdom of ireland ; but its easie for them to give that which was none of theirs ; with the same right the devil offered to jesus christ all the kingdoms of the world , for they can produce their authority no other where . this nation abounding in men , living in a barren countrey , will be easily induced to plant colonies in a more fertile soil , and who will believe that having their weapons in their hands , and being in england , backed with their forces from scotland , they will govern themselves at the devotion of those that sent for them , and go no further then they are comanded ; there is danger least it happen as to the fountain of lucian , which a student in magick , with certain words he had learn'd of his master sent to fetch water , to which the fountain obeyed , but the poor apprentise knew not the words to make it stay , which in the mean while went and fetched water without ceasing , till it filled the house up to the windows . certainly our mutineers had the wit to make the scotch come to their help , and there needed no great charm to perswade a people which had nothing , and had nothing to do , to come and fish in troubled waters , in their neighbours pond : but i have great fear , that those which caused them to enter upon their march , were ignorant of the charm , to stay them that they should go no further , and that the scotch will not have done , when the english have done with them . it was not then an action of judgment to cause the scots to enter england , without having power to make them return , and to hinder their coming again , much less an action of piety , for god needs not the wickedness of men to advance his kingdom , it was an action purely of spight and stomack , a stroak of despair , proceeding from persons resolved to destroy their country with them , rather than to suffer the insultation of a conqueror , or the reproach of their treachery : but in doing this , they have rather augmented their reproach , and drawn upon themselves perpetual infamy : for as long as there is a god in heaven , and conscience in the world , the memory of those , who had but a finger in so base an action , will be hateful to all good men , their names will offend their ears , and their posterity will be forced ( if any remain ) to change their names , for fear of being stoned by the publick . but le ts return to ireland , and poure into the bosom of our enemies the objection they have so often pressed against his majesty , that he invited irish papists over to his party ; and shew to the world , that it was the covenanters , and not the king , who really employed them . for to unwind this intangled and intricate business , we must take the thred of the affair higher ; ye must then know , that there are two sorts of irish papists ; the one , ancient inhabitants of the country , who since the conquest of ireland bear an hereditary and irreconcilable hatred to the english ; the other , the posterity of those english colonies which were planted in ireland about four hundred years since , to preserve the conquest for the english , and are accounted as english , by the ancient inhabitants , for they yet preserve the language , manners and inclination of the country from whence they issued ; the english and scotch protestants in ireland are new colonies , which during these forty years of peace , have encreased in number almost equal to the others . when the rebellion brake out in ireland , soon after that in scotland , being encouraged by their example , the old irish and the old english colonies joyned together in one common design to establish the roman religion , whereupon the gentlemen at westminster instead of suppressing them speedily by arms , ( which his majesty desired , and offered to go in person ) made an ordinance wholly to extirpate them , to which the king would never consent , alledging that it would be a means to cause the colony of protestants in ireland , who were without defence , to be extirpated ; as it came to pass , for the irish being provoked by that bloody ordinance , did what they at westminster had taught them , and extirpated the most part of the protestant colonies , killing man , woman and child , with most horrible barbarousness . i leave to the just judgment of god to decide against whom this sea of innocent bloud cries . in this butchery , the old irish were the most active and cruel , the others went along with them only for company ; and besides , their interests were different , for the intention of the old english colonies went little further than the design of freeing themselves in matter of religion , but the native irish would as well be freed of the nation , as have the freedom of their religion , and would shake off the yoke of the english monarchy , take possession in the name of the pope , of the abbies which were all in the hands of lay men , recover all that they had lost by confiscation , for their former rebellions , and for this effect , null all titles which held of the crown . this intention was contrary to the old english , who held all their estates of the crown , and possessed divers abbies by pattent royal , and besides this , had an hereditary affection towards their king and ancient country ; and therefore they had reason to fear , that after the extirpation of the english protestants , their throats should be cut , and upon this consideration they listned to the overtures of an accord the king made to them , in the year 1643. and although they brake not off suddenly with the old irish , yet they loosed themselves by little and little , and in the end , declared themselves for the king ; but it was not until a long while after they did him any service , having been amused and abused a long time by the subtilties of rome , who upheld and instructed the old irish , for to pass into england and serve the king , if ever they had promised it , the same subtilties and their dissentions would never permit them to do . no man of understanding or sense can blame the king to receive from them the service they owed him , neither did he ever make any profession to the contrary , as they at westminster , who passed a vote of extirpation against them , and stirred up the people against the king by this pretext , that he made use of persons of the roman religion ; now after this , if they themselves shall make use of them , they are inexcusable before god and man. but now let us see how their actions agree with their words and looks . the royal party being greatly encreased in ireland , especially by the conversion of the protestant forces which before served the parliament : the gentlemen of the covenant finding themselves very low in that kingdom , found no better expedient to repair their languishing affairs there , than to joyn their interest with the popes , and the old irishes , for it 's most notoriously known , that before the death of the king these irish papists took pay of the parliament , and served them in the warre , and have since rendred many good services to the holy covenant , above all , before derry , which the covenanters held , but was besieged by the scotch royalists , and had been taken without the coming of the irish , conducted by owen row o neal , who forced the scotch to raise the siege with a signal loss , when the besieged were in great distress , and ready to yield up the town . and this conjunction endured near a year , for it was not till after october 1649. that these irish returned to the obedience of their king. and indeed we have not here any thing to wonder at and be astonished , if two sorts of rebels who agreed together to cast off their king , joyn themselves together in one party , and if their temporal interest which binds them be preferred before the spiritual , which both in the one and the other league served but as a pretext to their covetousness and ambition , the gentlemen at westminster judged right , that the advancement of the pope in ireland , was less disadvantagious to them , than the whole reduction of that kingdom under the obedience of his majesty . this scandalous conjunction having much exasperated the spirits of the by-got people , whom they had taught to hate the king , because he had made peace with the papists , and murderers of ireland , the gentlemen at westminster , after they had a long time denied it , and seeing they could not any longer dissemble this infamous action , publickly called before them in examination colonel monk , who was employed in this agreement , and demanded of him , who caused him to make it ? he being instructed beforehand , answered , that he had done it of himself , of his proper motion ; then being enquired why he durst make such an accord without a commission , he answered , that he judged his agreement then profitable for the interests of his party ; and hereupon he was dismissed and sent away without any punishment , and these gentlemen condemned this accord and allyance by a publick act. but where is the man that is so simple as to be deceived by so sottish a force ? but to undecive the abused , and to shew that these gentlemen gave no orders for to break this agreement ; they had news a while after , that great succours were put into this garrison of derry , ( then the covenanters ) by the troops of his holiness ; and then all the jugling was discovered ; and there rested then no other answer for them to give , but that of the italian , who being exceedingly pained with the gout , and having prayed to god and all the saints , and yet found no ease , began to call and pray to the devil for help , and gave this reason to them that rebuked him for it , ogni adjuto e bono , all help is good from whomsoever it come . now every man who shall compare their protestations with their actions , may demand these questions with astonishment and horror . are these the men who have so cried out against the murtherers , which massacred so many thousand protestants ? are these they who before and after the massacre , did so press the king to sign their utter extirpation ? are these those who rendred the king odious , only for offering them peace and pardon ? are these the men that stirred up the people against their king , because he had some few souldiers of the roman religion scattered here and there in his armies ( for he never had an entire company of that religion ) and yet behold they themselves , entertain a great body of an army of the most refined papists , and the most violent enemies of the reformed religion , to whom ( when the king treated with them ) he refused to give them any toleration . behold the army of the popes become the parliaments , behold the murderers whom they would have rooted out , become their souldiers ; behold the revenge of the blood of their brethren , which they made such a noise of ! the massacre of the protestants is pardoned the murderers , provided they massacre those that remain of them . is it to pay the armies of his holiness , that such great summes of money are raised of the protestants ? and that they suck the poor families even to the very marrow ? is this the effect of so many solemn professions , of so many fasts and publick humiliations for the establishment of the gospel in ireland ? where is their shame ? where is their ingenuity ? where is their conscience ? be confounded infamous hypocrites , and since ye cannot hereafter avoid the execration of men , endeavour to prevent by your repentance the judgment of god upon your impostures . chap. xxiv how the different factions of the covenant agreed to ruine the king , and contributed to put him to death . we will not undertake to deprive the independants of the glory to have been the last actors in that exectable paracide , committed upon the sacred majesty of their king ; an action which being the shame of the nation , and reproach of religion , was nevertheless set forth to the eyes of the world , with the ostentation of justice and piety ; and for this horrible execution , there was a solemn thanksgiving enjoyned to be rendered to god by a publick ordinance . it 's true , this ordinance was ill obeyed , and many ministers cryed out against it , which did so provoke their new masters , that they appointed a committee , to eject the ministers out of their benefices , and to place in lay persons . now because the presbyterians thunder aloud against this action , we will see whether they have not contributed to it , and if their behaviour to their good king gave him occasion to hope for better dealing at their hands . and for this purpose we may do well to consider the propositions which they presented to the king at beverly , and since at uxbridge , and at new-castle , then when the presbyterians held the better end of the staffe ; they required of him in substance , that he should not dispose , neither of the militia , nor of the civil government , nor of his townes and revenues , nor of his children , nor of his court , nor of honours , nor of the offices of the crown , and that he should hold no power in the treaties of peace , of war , and of commerce with his neighbours : that his councel should no more depend upon him , that he should have no negative voice in parliament , and should be bound to grant whatsoever the parliament would demand of him ; that he should shew no acts of grace , nor execute justice , and not have the power to do either good or evil ; that he should consent that his party should be for ever ruined , and deliver up all those who had served him to their rage and butchery : that he should utterly overthrow both the civil and ecclesiastical government , cut all the nerves of government , and dispossess himself and his posterity without resource : in brief , that he should betray all the trusts god had committed to him , and render himself the most miserable and guilty creature in the whole universe : all the choice left this poor prince , was , whether he would be destroyed by his enemies , or by his own proper act , for if he condescended not to these demands , being then in their hands that made them , the least he could expect , was to be deposed ; and if he granted them , he deposed himself : every man that hath either prudence , or conscience , will chuse rather to be executed by another hand , than be his own proper executioner : read the articles , which are too long to be inserted here , and if there were any thing that was his , or which god had given him to keep , that these gentlemen demanded not of him , except his life , and if he could assure himself of his life , after he had given his enemies the sword of justice , and had by consequence acknowledged them his superiours , before whom he was justiciable : the sequel of affairs have shewed the truth of this consequence , for it was upon the presbyterian principles , that the independants built their conclusions . let them weigh well this reasoning , saint paul teacheth us , rom. 13. that the supream magistrate beareth the sword by god , he is his minister ; upon this ground the supream magistrate exerciseth authority in the earth , by way of force : observe that the apostle saith not , he beareth swords , he assignes him but one , and this sword , both executes justice , and the militia by one and the same power . now the presbyterians have a long time taught , that the sword of the militia appertained of right and originally to the people , of whom the parliament is the representative , and if this doctrine be not true , their arms were unjust ; but if it be true , the sword of justice also belongs to them ; for if upon these grounds it was lawful for them to wrest out of the hand of the king , the sword of the militia , to make use of it against him , it was no less lawful for them to employ the sword of justice against him ; all their philosophy cannot divide these two powers , which have the same foundation both in scripture and reason , and which have been equally violated in beheading him , and making war against him . therefore the presbyterians who now cry so loud , that the person of the king was inviolable , and not subject to the sword of justice , condemns by this all their past actions ; for if it were an execrable paracide , to cut off his head upon a scaffold , it could not be the action of a good subject to take off his head by a cannon bullet in the field , as they many times assayed . and in employing the militia against the king , they gave the independants the sword of justice , who unhappily massacred him : after they took from him , his sword , his crown , his revenues , his servants , his children , the liberty of his person , and which is much more , of his conscience , they left the independants but a step to go further , which was to take away his life . and all wherein these last surpass them , was that they gave the last blow to the king ; the presbyterians laid his head on the block , and the independants cut it off . the name independant was hardly known then , when his majesty complained in one of his declarations , that divers persons to the number of seventeen , had been accused to have said , they would kill the king , and how the accusers could obtain no justice against them ; if the members of parliament who now abhor this murder , had then had any care of the safety of his sacred person , they would never have stayed the course of justice against these crimes . they had not entertained in pay mercurius britannicus , and such rascals , by horrible libels to defame his majesty , and enflame the rage of a foolish and seditious people against him . if the quarrel had been only against his evil counsellours , ( which is the old and super-annuated pretext of all rebels ) they would never have cashiered the army of the earl of essex , for to employ a — and a medly of pestilent anabaptists , whom they knew to be mortal and sworn enemies to the king and monarchy . certainly we have so much charity as to believe , they had not an intention to put him to death , when they began the war against him , no not even when they imprisoned him ; as judas according to all appearance , had no intention to cause his master to be crucified , when he sold him to the council of the jews , and never thought that the priests would proceed so far ; for when he heard they had condemned him to dy , this unexpected blow so surprized him , and moved him in such a manner , that he presently brought back again the reward of iniquity , and rendred witness to the truth , and to his conscience before the council , i have sinned in betraying innocent blood : 't is more than the presbyterians have declared , beholding their k. condemned and beheaded by their practises , although it was beyond their intention , neither have they been so smitten with remorse of conscience , to bring back again that which they have got by sacriledge and rebellion , and yet notwithstanding , jesus saith of judas , much more penitent then some of them , that it had been better for him he had never been born . in speaking thus , we have no design to lead them to despair , but to repentance , to which the mercy of god is ever open , since we speak of the party , and not of particulars ; many whereof detest their councels and past actions , and we do not doubt but that of such , the king shall yet receive most signal services : it s that whereof his wise and glorious father assured him in his last instructions : be assured ( saith he ) as i am , that the most part of those who have injured me , have done it , not through malice , but through misinformation , and a sinister apprehension of the affairs . none will be more loyal and faithful both to me and you , then those subjects , who being sensible of their errors , and of the wrongs we have received , shall feel in their souls most vehement stirrings to repentance , and ardent desires to do us some reparation for their past offences . without question there are many that yet serve the covenanters , especially those in civil imployments , and even some in the parliament , who groan under the yoke of impiety , and sigh after religion , peace , their king , and their duty : but alas 't is but to think of liberty when they are in chains ; although so afflicted as we are , we have great compassion on them , and esteem their condition worse then ours . it s a great misery to be obliged to evil , because they have done evil , and to do the work of the devil , and to know it , and cannot retire . behold the fruits of affranchising themselves in the beginning to do evil , to the end that good might come of it ; flattering themselves with a good intention ( which pretext cannot be wanting to any injustice ) and with a vain hope to return to their duty when they should see it expedient , and to amend when they would , what they had marred ; they offended god with gladness of heart , but now they find themselves fettred in a cruel necessity , continually to offend him , or to cast themselves into our condition ; they were better to come and keep us company , and generously to be ruined for the love of god , then to be perpetual actors in the ruine of their king , their country , their church , and their conscience ; and by their hardness and impenitent heart , treasure up wrath against the day of wrath , and the declaration of the righteous judgement of god , who will render to every one according to his works . chap. xxv . of the cruelty of the covenanters towards the good subjects of the king. from the oppression of the king , let us cast our eyes upon that of his subjects ; to begin this discourse , is to enter into a gulf without bottom , of misery and impiety ; for the covenant is the den of cyclops paved with blood , hung with spoils ; 't is the cave of radamanth , where is heard the noise of whips , the clattering of chains , the menaces of furies , and the pitiful shrieks of those whom the vultures tear a pieces , and who are fle●d alive ; there you shall behold thousands massacred , stretched upon the ground , the flower of the church and state cut off , the grandure of the kingdome reduced into a heap of ruines , upon which set some petit gentlemen , enriched by the general wrack , and fatted by the blood and bowels of their miserable country , there you shall behold the grandees of the kingdome a foot , begging the favour of their inferiours a horseback , and beholding their offices and revenues distributed among common persons , and their enemies . against them and all the nobility is the great quarrel , the covenanters hate them , because they are persons of honour , and acknowledged the king for the fountain of honor , and as such for the most part , they have followed and served him ; thus almost all the rich and wealthy families of the kingdome were wholly ruined , not by the insolent souldiers pillaging in hot blood , but by the extorsion of a new committee , and robbery , which was done upon the carpet , and in cool blood . of these grand revenues , they accommodated themselves in the first place , and then those who have served them , assigning for a recompence to their instruments , persons of no worth , and newly raised from the dust , the antient rights and revenues of lords and gentlemen , they wanting nothing to be such but blood and generosity . the covenanters party often celebrate the feasts of saturn , where the servants sit at the upper end of the table , and are served by the masters , and this fanatick insolence proceeded so far , that these spoilers esteemed themselves as lawfully invested in the inheritances of their superiours , and country-men , as the israelites were of the lands of the amorites : there is but this difference , the israelites took possession by the command of god , these against his command . now by the special favour of the gentlemen at westminster , it was ordered that the fifth part of the revenues should be for provision for the wives and children of delinquents , ( such they call them , who so little respected the majesty of the house of commons , that they were faithful to their soveraign . ) thus their wives sometimes were admitted to be farmers of their husbands estates , and reserving themselves the fifth part , paid the rest to the state. but at last , even the delinquents were admitted to compound for their estates ; those who were best dealt with , paid two years value of their rents , others this double ▪ if such be their compassions , what is their severity ? is not this for them to comment upon the saying of solomon , which saith , the mercies of the wicked are cruel . but moreover these favours were not granted to all , there being many who were never admitted to farm their estates , no neither to redeem them by composition , and whose wives and children have scarce bread , nevertheless , the confiscation of their estates , their perpetual banishment , the sentence of death pronounced against them , are honorable marks of their great and loyal services to their soveraign . of all those who suffered in this quarrel , the ministers of the gospel were the most barbarously dealt with , and for the least cause , very few amongst them , who ingaged themselves in the war. the bishops whom the laws gave the precedency in the house of lords , have wholly lost their places , through the violence of the house of commons , assisted with the seditious multitude ; their houses and ecclesiastical revenues have been sold , and are torn from the church for ever , their persons a long time imprisoned , and the most eminent of them had his head cut off upon a scaffold . this cruelty executed upon the heads , descended upon the members , all the revenues of the dean and chapiters through the kingdome are become the prey of sacriledge , and of lazy bellies , which cram and fill themselves with the patrimony of the church ; the lawful possessors , without any distinction good or bad , were dispossessed : whereby the gentlemen of the covenant clearly shew , that it was not the amendment of the clergy , but their own enriching with the spoils of the church , was the mark and scope of this reformation . in the ninety seven parishes within the walls of london , there were found upon account , that there were fourscore and five ministers driven by violence from their churches and houses ; and to number the suburbs and parishes adjoyning to london , the number of the ministers , were a hundred and fifteen , without comprising those of s. pauls and westminster , where the deans and prebends ran the same fortune ; of this number , twenty were imprisoned , and of those who are dead by distress , and anguish in divers prisons , in the holds of ships and banishment , they reckoned five years since twenty two ; but this number is almost doubled since , and the others dispersed and fled into strange countries , or otherwise oppressed and ruined , are left to meditate upon this of the psalmist , the lord is the portion of mine inheritance , he shall maintain me , for any other of the church it s denied them . in the other parts of the kingdom , many faithful ministers to the king had the like usage , especially those who possessed the fairest and best benefices , for this was an unpardonable crime , and some of them were massacred by the furious anabaptists , as a sacrifice well pleasing to god. now whereas some other delinquents have liberty to dwell in their houses , to farm their rents , and to compound for the principal ; to the clergy nothing like this is accorded , but they are turned out in their shirts , condemned to a total ruine without resource . there is indeed an ordinance of parliament , that the wives and children of ejected ministers , should have the fifth part of the revenues of their benefices , but it is very ill observed , for the new incumbents into these benefices , carry themselves with such pride , and inhumanity to these poor women , refusing to obey the ordinance , constraining them to plead before judges , their adversaries ; who instead of speedily relieving them , delay them with length of time , and make them consume in suits that which they borrowed to plead their cause . so that these poor desolate persons , through the greatness of the expence , and tediousness of delays are constrained to desist their prosecution ; and many being ejected out of small benefices , dare not present their petitions for the fifths , because the expences will amount higher then the principal : certainly if there were any charity or sincerity in the authors of this ordinance , they would cause it to be strictly observed , they would not permit that the poor wives and children whom they have ruined , should be shufflled off with litigious and crafty tricks , and oppressed with charges , when they come to demand that small alms which is granted them out of their husbands estates , they should not deny them that in retail which they have accorded them in gross . moreover you must know that this pretended gratuity is but for the wives and children , but as for the ministers , who have neither the one nor the other , they are accounted unworthy to live , and not any part of their estates is given to them ; and thus they have rendered the ministers of the gospel conformable to their master , who had not where to lay his head , and jesus christ is yet persecuted in his servants . but the persecution staid not at those whom they ejected . behold a new invention , to ●oot out at one stroak , all those who remained loyal , or orthodox in the church and state. it was ordered that all who had any office either in church or state , should subscribe to be faithful to the present constitution of government , by the house of commons , without king or lords , but the principal aim was to pick a quarrel with the ministers of the gospel upon their refusing , and to abolish the ministry , for which they had already prepared the people , having appointed a committee , to displace disobedient ministers , and to put those in their places , who condemned their vocation : these are the terms of the instruction given the committee , this horrible menace should give to all faithful pastors , cause rather of hope then fear , for he that said to his disciples , he that refuseth you , refuseth me , finds himself refused , and rejected in the persons of his servants , and yet more in their ministry ; without doubt he is provoked to jealousie , and will take upon him the cause of the ministry of his word . whosoever shall seriously consider all that hideous spectacle of devastation of the church , the abolition of government , the ruine of the pastors , the corruption of religion , the profanation of the service of god , and shall compare this persecution with that the greek churches suffer at this day , shall find that all the ravages of the turks since the taking of constantinople , have not so disfigured the church in two hundred years , as these reformers did in six or seven years in their own country , and amongst their brethren in the faith . but pass we from the ecclesiastical to the civil , the new courts erected to hear complaints , and to receive the compositions of delinquents , were as so many butchers shambles , and flaying-houses , where they tore off the skin , and pulled out the bowels , and where they dismembred , and cut in pieces many antient and good houses ; our miserable party had to do with worser judges , then he spoken of in the eighteenth of s. luke , which feared not god , neither regarded man ; and yet he suffered himself to be overcome by the importunity of the afflicted widdow , and said , i will avenge her , or i will do her justice ; we propose him for an example to these cruel souls , and say after our saviour , hear what the unjust judge saith ; and shall not god avenge his own elect , which cry day and night unto him , though he bear long with them , i tell you that he will avenge them speedily . there could be expected no juster sequel of iniquity from their beginnings , then when it was commanded for every person through the kingdom to bring in their plate and jewels , which the seditious zealots contributed as freely as the idolatrous israelites to make a golden calf , but those who did not bring their plate , they plundred their houses , and took it away by force ; at the same time they commanded the people to take up arms under the penalty of being hanged , and this sentence was executed in the counties of essex , suffolk , and cambridge ; the principal actor of this tyranny , was the earl of manchester , who caused some to be hanged , who not being well learned in the catechisme of sedition , refused openly to take up arms against the king , others for the same reason were tyed neck and heels , unreasonably misused , and cast into prisons until they had learned rebellion , and the rest of the people affrighted hereby , went peaceably to commit treason against his majesty . therefore the greatest cruelty of the covenanters , was not in rendring their country miserable , but in having rendred it wicked , and forced so many simple people to be instruments of their ambition , and partakers of their crimes . how will they answer for the blood and the consciences of their souldiers killed in the act of paracide , then when they discharged their muskets against the squadron where the person of the king was ? how will they answer for them who were actually imployed in the massacre of the king , and who have since felt a hell in their consciences ? we must confess that they have been more cruel towards their own party , then towards ours , since they have only made us to suffer evil , but they have forced their adherents , both to suffer and do evil , which are the two principal things wherein all the work of the devil consists . after this execrable murther of their excellent soveraign , how many murthers did they heap upon this ? duke hamilton , the earl of holland , the truly noble and loyal lord capel ; many others killed in their armies in divers places , many in every county condemned to death by partial judges , who received all accusations against those who had served their king , and many thousands good subjects murthered in ireland by these sanguinary zealots . it would be infinite to reckon up all their crimes against god , their religion , their church , their king , and their country , and all that can be spoken , is nothing in comparison to that prodigious mass of iniquity , which stricks heaven with its height , and makes even the earth to sink with the weight which draws from the bottom of our wounded souls , these ardent sighs . oh our good god , art thou so wrathfully displeased against these nations , as to give them over to a rebrobate sense , and abandoned to do the will of the devil , and establish his kingdome ? oh religion , conscience , king , church , state , order , peace , justice , laws , all are violated , defaced , disfigured and melted into a horrible chaos of obscurity and confusion ! alas how can it be that this people enlightened with the knowledge of god , abounding with the riches of heaven and earth , should fall into such a diabolical frenzy , as to trample under their feet their religion , cut off the head of their king , pluck out the throat of their mother , the church , and deal with their fellow-countrymen , and brethren in jesus christ , more cruelly then the mahumetans deal with the christians , who drives them not from their houses and patrimonies in turky , nor reduce them to the fift part of their revenues , how is the faithful city become an harlot ! it was full of judgement , righteousness lodged in it , but now murtherers , isa . 1.21 . certainly although the evil they do unto us , should not force us to go out of our country and leave it , yet the evil that we behold in it , is capable to make us forsake it , and to imbrace the prophet jeremies choice , jer. 9.2 , 3. o● that i had in the wilderness a lodging place for way-faring men , that i might leave my people , and go from them , for they be adulterers , an assembly of treacherous men , and they bend their tongues like their bow for lies , but are not valiant for the truth , for they proceed from evil to evil , and they know not me , saith the lord. ha people frantick ? whose eyes the god of this world have darkned , and exasperated your passions with a seditious rage , cruelly and bloodily to persecute your church and soveraign ? miserable people who do the work of their enemies , and execute upon themselves the malediction pronounced to hierusalem in rebellion , sion shall tear her self with her own hands , ridding and casting their crown and glory upon the ground , cutting their own sinews , and breaking their bones , and by their weakness and disunion , invite the enemy to come and make an end of them . blind zealots , who stirred you up so disorderly to pull down antichrist ? you will find in doing thus , you have contributed to raise him up , and having drawn an horrible scandal upon our most holy religion , by your impious actions , and infamous doctrines , have healed the mortal wound of the beast , and hardned the consciences of men against the sword of the gospel , which rarely penetrates with efficacy , when it s welded with wicked hands . that which comforts us in beholding you to 〈…〉 to make faith cease from being in the earth , is , that hereby 〈◊〉 advance the desired coming of jesus christ , who hath marked that time for his return , when he will deliver his church , from the bondage of seduction , vanity , blindness , and misery , for to invest her with liberty , holiness , and glory , which he hath purchased for her by his blood . in waiting for this happy deliverance , if we must still behold rebellion proudly domineer , over the supreme powers ordained by god , and sacriledge make havock in the church , and crimes turned into laws and doctrines of religion , we shall preserve our selves by the grace of god , from murmuring at his justice , and the conduct of his providence , remembring that god punisheth us justly by instruments which are unjust , and that he will assuredly manifest his just judgements upon them , when he shall see it most expedient for his glory , which ●e is used to advance by wayes contrary , in appearance , and makes , as in the creation , light to shine out of darkness ; we will endeavour to learn in our calamity , this divine wisdome of solomon , eccles . 5.8 . if thou s●est the oppression of the poor , and violent perverting of judgement , and justice in a province , marvel not at the matter , for he that is higher then the highest , regardeth , and there be higher th●n they . being persecuted by a people who in destroying us , pretend they do god service , and who palliate their cruelty with zeal of his glory , we comfort our selves in this holy promise , as made expresly for our condition . isa . 66.5 . hear the word of the lord ye that tremble at his word , your brethren that hated you , that cast you ●ut for my name sake , said , let the lord be glorified , but he shall appear to your joy , and they shall be ashamed . o our god we beseech thee forgive our enemies , confound their pernicious designs , and convert their erring consciences , repair the hedge broken down of thy vine , whereby the wildb●ar out of the woods break down the branches , and root up the tender plants , wherefore shall they say amongst the heathen , where is now their god. soli deo gloria . el poder malamante adquirido , no suale ser duradera . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a36871-e1000 ☜ notes for div a36871-e5540 fuller ans . p. 7. notes for div a36871-e6180 * vindiciae contra tirannos , & de jure magistratus . * accentus athuach . notes for div a36871-e8680 goodman of obedience . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 buchanan de jure reg. p. 56 , 57. observator defended , p. 8. bellar. de po●t . l. 5. cap. 7. it was declared by the two houses that the kings coming to the house of commons was treason caligula parum abfuit quin speciem principatus in regnum converteret & capiti diadema circumponeret . melchior golodast . tom. 3. p. 124. fuller ans . p. 21. buchanan de jure reg. p. 57. notes for div a36871-e10150 fullers answer . full. ans . p. 6. l. 12. in his oration before the three estates , jan. 15. 160● . notes for div a36871-e10420 observations upon the answers of his majesty . dec. aug. 12. 1642. notes for div a36871-e10710 bodin . de repub. lib. 1. cap. 8. bodin . de repub. l●b . 1. cap. 8. de repub. lib. 2. cap. 5. 2 hen. 5. ola. magna charta diar . hen. 4. 3 edw. 3. 7 edw. 1. ut igitur in naturalibus capite de truncato residuum non corpus sed truncum appellamus , sic in politicis sine capite communitus nulla tenus corporatur . fortescue cap. 13. notes for div a36871-e12040 judge of controversie , cap. 5 p. 103. notes for div a36871-e12190 anno 1641. this story is related in the kings declaration of august 12 , anno 1642. notes for div a36871-e12710 bel. de con. l. 2. c. 19 gilby lib. de obedientia , p. 25. & 105. bellarm. l. 3. de pontif. cap. 7. goodman p. 144. and 149. charron in his christian discourse about the end of his book of wisdom . emanuel sa in voce tyranaus . knox to engl. and scotl. 78. papa urban . causa 23. qu. 5. can. excommunicatorum . buchanan de jure regni p. 70. hyparaspishes , l. 3. cap. 10. jesuita vapulans , cap. 13. sions plea , page 240. anticorum . amphith●atrum honoris . the souldiers catechism composed for the parliaments army by robert ram , minister , published by authority , page 14 , 15. of the seventh edition . vindiciae philadel . usurpations des papes c. 5. pag. 81. notes for div a36871-e14140 the epistle of the venerable assembly of english divines , and the deputies of scotland , to the reformed churches of france , the low-countries , and switzerland , &c. mulus mulum fricat . liceat interim apud fratres quos salutat haec epistola , dilectissimos innocentiae nostrae testimonium & in sacris eorum coetibus quandocunque opus fuerit apologiam obtinere . the scots declaration in the year 1644. the scots now feel it . usurpation des papes . jesuita vapulans , cap. 26. art. 2. an answer for the churches of france . a rare pattern for a conquerour . buckler of faith , sect ▪ 182. vindication of the royal commission of jesus christ . buckler of faith , sect. 182. notes for div a36871-e16550 institut . l. 4. c. 20. art. 29. art. 25. com. upon dan. c. 4. v. 19. instit . l. 4. c. 20. s●ct . ult . pet. martyr clas . 4. loc . 20. en fundum & fundamentum totius paracidialis doctrinae . potestas à populo regi data est fiduciaria . section . 183. tho. 22. qu. 10. art. 10. dominiū & praelatio introducta sunt ex jure humano , & qu. 12. art 2. dominium introductū est de jure gentium quod est jus humanum . casabon in epist. ad frontenem ductum jesuitam . hunc ordinem , regendi inturbavit ▪ nimrodus , qui novo titulo principatum acquisivit scit . jure bello . nimrod arripuit insuetam primus in populo tyrannidem , regnavitque in babylone . hier. in trad. hebraic . ad gen. 10. v. 10. neque unquam libertas gratior extat quam sub reg. pio. notes for div a36871-e18190 calvin . institut . l. 2. c. 8. rivet explicatione decalogi precep . 4. rivet about the end of his exposition of the 4 command . disput . 1. thes . 3. senatus-consulius scelera pa●rantur . notes for div a36871-e18760 charenton the name of the protestant church at paris . in the preface to the directory . epistola ad protectorem anglia . bucer scripta angl●eana , p. 455. beza ad quosdom anglicarum ecclestarum fratres . confessio ecclesiarum gallicarum inter opus●ula calvin . in his epistle before alledged . tom. 2. epist . ad januarium . sententia quorundam ecclesiae id gallin pastorum eximiorum edita à d. johanne duraeo londini , an. 1638. barrow refut . 224 notes for div a36871-e19980 the book called christ upon his throne , p. 23. by mr. francis cheynall . a woman at dover cut off her childs head and alledged this scripture . the quaker that fasted and died at colchester . enoch ap evan neer to shrewsbury . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , suet. tiber. notes for div a36871-e20710 buckler of faith , sect. 124. jacobus lectius praescriptionum theologicarum , lib. 2. march 1591. in his treatise of episcopacy . the serpent salve , 111. serpent salve , p. 219. reply to whitgift , page 181. cartwright , 247. notes for div a36871-e21840 bodin . method . histor . de repub. geneva . notes for div a36871-e23020 sermon 1. of duells , to the templers . august . lib. 21. contra faustum cap. 75. notes for div a36871-e23500 husbands in his book of declarations , p. 557. and 663. this was written during the ●itting of the long parliament in anno 1650. notes for div a36871-e27360 note that this book in the french was printed in the year 1650. truth and innocence vindicated in a survey of a discourse concerning ecclesiastical polity, and the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of religion. owen, john, 1616-1683. 1669 approx. 520 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 208 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53733 wing o817 estc r14775 12279521 ocm 12279521 58629 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53733) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58629) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 191:2) truth and innocence vindicated in a survey of a discourse concerning ecclesiastical polity, and the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of religion. owen, john, 1616-1683. [2], 410 p. : port. [s.n.], london : 1669. written by john owen. cf. wing. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. imperfect: t.p. and port. lacking on filmed copy. the beginning to p. 9 photographed from harvard copy and inserted at the beginning. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng parker, samuel, 1640-1688. -discourse of ecclesiastical politie. church polity -early works to 1800. freedom of religion -great britain. church and state -great britain. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion truth and innocence vindicated : in a survey of a discourse concerning ecclesiastical polity ; and the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of religion . non partum studiis agimur ; sed sumsimus arma , consiliis innimica tuis , discordia vaecors . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clemens alexand. london , printed . 1669. review of the preface . among the many disadvantages , which those who plead in any sense for liberty of conscience are exposed unto , it is not the least , that in their arguings and pleas they are enforced to admit a supposition , that those whom they plead for , are indeed really mistaken in their apprehensions about the matters concerning which they yet desire to be indulged in their practice . for unless they will give place to such a supposition , or if they will rigidly contend that what they plead in the behalf of , is absolutely the truth , and that obedience thereunto , is the direct will and command of god , there remains no proper field for the debate about indulgence to be mannaged in . for things acknowledged to be such , are not capable of an indulgence properly so called ; because the utmost liberty that is necessary unto them , is their right and due in strict justice and law. men therefore in such discourses , speak not to the nature of the things themselves , but to the apprehensions of them with whom they have to do . but yet against this disadvantage every party which plead for themselves , are relieved by that secret reserve that they have in the perswasion of the truth and goodness of what they profess , and desire to be indulged in the practice of . and this also , as occasion doth offer it self , and in the defence of themselves from the charge of their adversaries , they openly contend and avow . neither was it judged formerly , that there was any way to deprive them of this reserve and relief , but by a direct and particular debate of the matters specially in difference , carried on unto their conviction by evidence of truth , managed from the common principles of it . but after tryal made , this way to convince men of their errors and mistakes , who stand in need of indulgence with respect unto the outward administration of the powers that they are under , is found , as it should seem , tedious , unreasonable , and ineffectual . a new way therefore to this purpose is fixed on , and it is earnestly pleaded , that there needs no other argument or medium to prove men to be mistaken in their apprehensions , and to miscarry in their practice of religious duties , than that at any time , or in any place they stand in need of indulgence . to dissent , at all adventures , is a crime ; and he whom others persecute , tacitly at least , confesseth himself guilty . for it is said , that the law of the magistrate being the sole rule of obedience in religious worship , their non-complyance with any law by him established , evidencing it self in their desire of exemption , is a sufficient conviction , yea a self-acknowledgement not only of their errors and mistakes in what they apprehend of their duty in these things , and of their miscarriages in what they practise , but also that themselves are persons turbulent and seditious in withdrawing obedience from the laws which are justly imposed on them . with what restrictions and limitations , or whether with any or no , these assertions are maintained , we shall afterward enquire . the management of this plea , ( if i greatly mistake him not ) is one of the principal designs of the author of that discourse , a brief survey whereof is here proposed , the principle which he proceeds herein upon , himself it seems knew to be novel and uncouth , and therefore thought it incumbent on him , that both the manner of its handling , and the other principles that he judged meet to associate with it , or annex unto it , should be of the same kind and complexion . this design hath at length produced us this discourse ; which of what use it may prove to the church of god , what tendency it may have to retrive or promote love and peace among christians , i know not . this i know , that it hath filled many persons of all sorts with manifold surprizals , and some with amazement . i have therefore on sundry considerations , prevailed with my self much against my inclinations , for the sake of truth and peace , to spend a few hours in the examination of the principal parts and seeming pillars of the whole fabrick . and this i was in my own mind the more easily indueed unto , because there is no concernment either of the church or state in the things here under debate , unless it be , that they should be vindicated from having any concern in the things and opinions here pleaded and argued . for as to the present church , if the principles and reasonings here maintained and managed , are agreeable unto her sentiments , and allowed by her ; yet there can be no offence given in their examination , because she hath no where yet declared them so to be . and the truth is , if they are once owned and espoused by her , to the ends for which they are asserted , as the christians of old triumphed in the thoughts of him , who first engaged in wayes of violence against them among the nations in the world , so the non-conformists will have no small relief to their minds in their sufferings , when they understand these to be the avowed principles and grounds , on which they are to be persecuted and destroyed . and for the power of ecclesiastical jurisdiction belonging to the kings of this nation , as it hath been claimed and exercised by them in all ages since the establishment of christian religion among us , as it is declared in the laws , statutes , and customs of the kingdom , and prescribed unto an acknowledgement in the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , it and steddiness of expression , which we shall be farther accustomed unto . but in what here he avers of himself , he seems to have the advantage of our lord jesus christ , who upon less provocations than he hath undertaken the consideration of ( for the pharisees with whom he had to deal , were gentlemen be tells us , unto those with whom himself hath to do ) as he saith , fell into an hot fit of zeal , yea , into an height of impatience , which made him act with a seeming fury , and transport of passion , pag. 7. and if that be indeed his temper which he commends in himself , he seems to me to be obliged for it unto his constitution and complexion , as he speaks , and not to his age ; seeing his juvenile expressions and confidence , will not allow us to think that he suffers under any defervescency of spirit by his years . the philosopher tells us , that old men in matters dubious and weighty , are not over-forward to be positive , but ready to cry , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perhaps , and it may be so , and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they have experience of the uncertainty of things in this world . as indeed those who know what entanglements all humane affairs are attended withal , what appearing causes and probable reasons are to be considered and examined about them , and how all rational determinations are guided and influenced by unforeseen emergencies and occasions , will not be over-forward to pronounce absolutely and peremptorily about the disposal of important affairs . but as the same author informs us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; young men suppose that they know all things , and are vehement in their asseverations ; from which frame proceed all those dogmatical assertions of what is politick , and impolitick in princes , of what will establish or ruine governments , with the contempt of the conceptions of others about things conducing to publick peace and tranquility , which so frequently occur in our author . this makes him smile at as serious consultations for the furtherance of the welfare and prosperity of this nation , as it may be in any age , or juncture of time have been upon the wheel , preface p. 48. these considerations made it seem to me , that in an ordinary course , he hath time enough before him to improve the notions he hath here blessed the world with a discovery of ; if upon second thoughts he be equally enamoured of them unto what now he seems to be . i could indeed have desired , that he had given us a more clear account of that religion which in his judgement he doth most approve . his commendation of the church of england , sufficiently manifesteth his interest to lye therein ; and that in pursuit of his own principles he doth outwardly observe the institutions and prescriptions of it . but the scheme he hath given us of religion , or religious duties , wherein there is mention neither of sin , nor a redeemer , without which no man can entertain any one true notion of christian religion , would rather bespeak him a philosopher , than a christian. it is not unlikely , but that he will pretend he was treating of religion , as religion in general , without an application of it to this or that in particular ; but to speak of religion as it is among men in this world , or ever was since the fall of adam , without a supposition of sin , and the way of a relief from the event of it mentioned , is to talk of chimaera's , things that neither are , ever were , or will be . on the other hand the profit and advantage of his design falls clearly on the papal interest . for whereas it is framed and contrived for the advantage , security , and unquestionableness of absolute complyers with the present possessors of power , it is evident , that in the states of europe , the advantage lyes incomparably on that hand . but these things are not our concernment . the design which he manageth in his discourse , the subject matter of it , the manner how he treats those with whom he hath to do , and deports himself therein , are by himself exposed to the judgement of all , and are here to be taken into some examination . now because we have in his preface a perfect representation of the things last mentioned throughout the whole , i shall in the first place take a general view and prospect of it . and here i must have regard to the judgement of others . i confess for my own part i do not find my self at all concerned in those invectives , tart and upbraiding expressions , those sharp and twinging satyrs against his adversaries , which he avoweth or rather boasteth himself to have used . if this unparalleld heap of revilings , scoffings , despightful reproaches , sarcasms , scornful contemptuous expressions , false criminations , with frequent intimations of sanguinary affections towards them , do please his fancy , and express his morality to his own satisfaction , i shall never complain that he hath used his liberty ; and do presume that he judgeth it not meet that it should be restrained . it is far from my purpose to return him any answer in the like manner to these things ; to do it — opus est mangone perito qui smithfieldenst polleat eloquio : yet some instances of prodigious excesses in this kind , will in our process be reflected on . and it may be the repetition of them may make an appearance unto some less considerate readers , of a little harshness in some passages of this return . but as nothing of that nature in the least is intended , nothing that might provoke the author in his own spirit , were he capable of any hot impressions , nothing to disadvantage him in his reputation or esteem , so what is spoken being duly weighed , will be found to have nothing sharp or unpleasant in it , but what is unavoidably infused into it from the discourse it self , in its approach unto it to make a representation of it . it is of more concernment to consider with what frame and temper of spirit he manageth his whole cause and debate ; and this is such as that a man who knows nothing of him , but what he learns from this discourse , would suppose that he hath been some great commander , in campis gurgustidoniis vbi bombamachides cluninstaridys archides erat imperator summus ; neptuni nepos , associate unto him , who with his breath blew away and scattered all the legions of his enemies , as the wind doth leaves in autumn . such confidence in himself and his own strength , such contempt of all his adversaries , as persons silly , ignorant , illiterate , such boastings of his atchievments , with such a face and appearance of scorning all that shall rise up against him ; such expressions animi gladiatorii doth he march withall , as no man sure will be willing to stand in his way , unless he think himself to have lived , at least quietly , long enough . only some things there are , which i cannot but admire in his undertaking and management of it ; as first , that such a man of arms and art as he is , should harness himself with so much preparation , and enter the lists with so much pomp and glory , to combat such pittiful poor baffled ignoramus's as he hath chosen to contend withall ; especially con●idering that he knew he had them bound hand and foot , and cast under his strokes at his pleasure . methinks it had more become him , to have sought out some giant in reason and learning , that might have given him at least par animo periculum , as alexander said in his conflict with porus , a danger big enough to exercise his courage , though through mistake it should in the issue have proved but a wind-mill . again ! i know not whence it is , nor by what rules of errantry it may be warranted , that being to conflict such pittiful trifles , he should before he come near to touch them , thunder out such terrible words , and load them with so many reproaches and contemptuous revilings , as if he designed to scare them out of the lists , that there might be no tryal of his strength , nor exercise of his skill . but leaving him to his own choice and liberty in these matters , i am yet perswaded that if he knew how little his adversaries esteem themselves concerned in , or worsted by his revilings , how small advantage he hath brought unto the cause managed by him , with what severity of censures , that i say not indignation , his proceedings herein are reflected on by persons sober and learned , who have any respect to modesty or sobriety , or any reverence for the things of god , as debated among men , he would abate somewhat of that self-delight and satisfaction which he seems to take in his achievement . neither is it in the matter of dissent alone from the established forms of worship , that this author , and some others , endeavour by their revilings and scoffings to expose non-conformists to scorn and violence ; but a semblance at least is made of the like reflections on their whole profession of the gospel , and their worship of god ; yea these are the special subjects of those swelling words of contempt , those farcastical invidious representations of what they oppose , which they seem to place their confidence of success in ; but what do they think to effect by this course of proceedure ? do they suppose that by crying out canting , phrases , silly , non-sense , metaphors , they shall shame the non-conformists out of the profession of the gospel , or make them foregoe the course of their ministry , or alienate one soul from the truth taught and profest amongst them ? they know how their predecessours in the faith thereof , have been formerly entertained in the world : st. paul himself falling among the gentlemen philosophers of those dayes was termed by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a babler , or one that canted ; his doctrine despised as silly and foolish , and his phrase's pretended to be unintelligible . these things move not the non-conformists , unless it be to a compassion for them whom they fee to press their wits and parts to so wretched an employment . if they have any thing to charge on them with respect to gospel-truths , as that they own , teach , preach , or publish any doctrines , or opinions that are not agreeable thereunto , and doctrine of the antient , and late ( reformed ) churches , let them come forth , if they are men of learning , reading , and ingenuity , and in wayes used and approved from the beginning of christianity for such ends and purposes , endeavour their confutation and conviction ; let them i say with the skill and confidence of men , and according to all rules of method and art , state the matters in difference between themselves and their adversaries , confirm their own judgements with such reasons and arguments as they think pleadable in their behalf , and oppose the opinions they condemn with testimonies and reasons suited to their eversion . the course at present steered and engaged in , to carpe at phrases , expressions , manners of the declaration of mens conceptions , collected from , or falsly fathered upon particular persons , thence intimated to be common to the whole party of non-conformists ( the greatest guilt of some whereof , it may be is only their too near approach to the expressions used in the scripture to the same purpose , and the evidence of their being educed from thence ) is unmanly , unbecoming persons of any philosophick generosity , much more christians and ministers ; nay some of the things or sayings reflected on , and carped at by a late author , are such , as those who have used or asserted them , dare modestly challenge him in their defence to make good his charge in a personal conference , provided it may be scholastical , or logical , not dramatick or romantick . and surely were it not for their confidence in that tame and patient humour , which this author so tramples upon , p. 15. they could not but fear that some or other by these disingenuous proceedings might be provoked to a recrimination , and to give in a charge against the cursed oaths , debaucheries , profaneness , various immoralities , and sottish ignorance , that are openly and notoriously known to have taken up their residence among some of those persons , whom the railleries of this and some other authors are designed to countenance and secure . because we may not concern our selves again in things of this nature , let us take an instance or two of the manner of the dealing of our author with non-conformists , and those as to their preaching and praying , which of all things they are principally maligned about ; for their preaching he thus sets it out , p. 75. whoever among them can invent any new language presently sets up for a man of new discoveries , and he that lights upon the prettyest non-sense , is thought by the ignorant rabble to unfold new gospel mysteries , and thus is the nation shattered into infinite factions with senseless and phantastick phrases ; and the most fatal miscarriage of them all lyes in abusing scripture expressions , not only without , but in contradiction to their sense ; so that had we but an act of parliament to abridge preachers the use of fulsome and luscious metaphors , it might perhaps be an effectual cure of all our present distempers . let not the reader smile at the oddness of the proposal ; for were men obliged to speak sense as well as truth , all the swelling mysteries of phanaticism would then sink into flat and empty non-sense ; and they would be ashamed of such jejune and ridioulous stuff as their admired and most profound nations would appear to be . certainly there are few who read these expressions that can retain themselves from smiling at the pittiful phantastick souls that are here characterized ; or from loathing their way of preaching here represented . but yet if any should by a surprizal indulge themselves herein , and one should seriously enquire what it is that stirred those humours in them , it may be they could scarce return a rational account of their commotions : for when they have done their utmost to countenance themselves in their scorn and derision , they have nothing but the bare assertions of this author for the proof of what is here charged on those whom they deride ; and how if these things are most of them , if not all of them absolutely false ? how if he be not able to prove any of them by any considerable avowed instance ? how if all the things intended whether they be so or no as here represented , depend meerly on the judgement and fancy of this author , and it should prove in the issue that they are no such rules , measures , or standards of mens rational expressions of their conceptions , but that they may be justly appealed from ? and how if sundry things so odiously here expressed , be proved to have been sober truths declared in words of wisdom and sobriety ? what if the things condemned as fulsome metaphors prove to be scriptural expressions of gospel mysteries ? what if the principal doctrines of the gospel about the grace of god , the mediation of christ , of faith , justification , gospel-obedience , communion with god , and union with christ , are esteemed and stigmatized by some as swelling mysteries of fanaticism ; and the whole work of our redemption by the blood of christ as expressed in the scripture , be deemed metaphorical ? in brief , what if all this discourse concerning the preachings of non-conformists be , as unto the sense of the words here used , false , and the crimes in them injuriously charged upon them ? what if the metaphors they are charged with , are no other but their expression of gospel mysteries not in the words which mans wisdom teacheth , but which the holy-ghost teacheth , comparing spiritual things with spiritual ? as these things may and will be made evident when particulars shall be instanced in . when i say these things are discovered and laid open , there will be a composure possibly of those affections and disdainful thoughts , which these swelling words may have moved in weak and unexperienced minds . it may be also it will appear that upon a due consideration , there will be little subject matter remaining to be enacted in that law or act of parliament which he moves for ; unless it be from that uncouth motion that men may be obliged to speak sense as well as truth ; seeing hitherto it hath been supposed that every proposition that is either true or false , hath a proper and determinate sense ; and if sense it have not , it can be neither . i shall only crave leave to say , that as to the doctrine which they preach , and the manner of their preaching , or the way of expressing those doctrines or truths which they believe and teach , the non-conformists appeal from the rash , false , and invidious charge of this author , to the judgement of all learned , judicious and pious men in the world ; and are ready to defend them against himself , and whosoever he shall take to be his patrons or his associates , before any equal , competent , and impartial tribunal under heaven . it is far from me to undertake the absolute defence of any party of men , or of any man because he is of any party whatever ; much less shall i do so of all the individual persons of any party , and least of all , as to all their expressions , private opinions , and peculiar ways of declaring them , which too much abound among persons of all sorts . i know there is no party , but have weak men belonging to it ; nor any men amongst them but have their weaknesses , failings and mistakes . and if there are none such in the churcb of england , i mean those that universally comply with all the observances at present used therein , i am sure enough that there are so amongst all other parties that dissent from it . but such as these are not principally intended in these aspersio●s : nor would their adversaries much rejoyce to have them known to be , and esteemed of all what they are . but it is others whom they aim to expose unto contempt ; and in the behalf of them , not the mistakes , misapprehensions , or undue expressions of any private persons , these things are pleaded . but let us see , if their prayers meet with any better entertainment ; an account of his thoughts about them he gives us , p. 19. it is the most solemn strain of their devotion to vilifie themselves with large confessions of the hainousest and most aggravated sins : they will freely acknowledge their offences against all the commands , and that with the foulest and most enhancing circumstances ; they can rake together , and confess their injustice , uncleanness and extortion , and all the publican and harlot sins in the world ; in brief , in all their confessions , they stick not to charge themselves with such large catalogues of sin , and to amass together such as heap of impieties , as would make up the compleatest character of lewdness and villany ; and if their consciences do really arraign them of all those crimes whereof they so familiarly indite themselves , there are no such guilty and unpardonable wretches as they : so that their confessions are either true or false ; if false , then they fool and trifle with the almighty ; if true , then i could easily tell them the fittest place to say their prayers in . i confess this passage at its first perusal surprized me with some amazement . it was unexpected to me , that he who designed all along to charge his adversaries with pharisaism , and to render them like unto them , should instance in their confession of sin in their prayers , when it is even a characteristical note of the pharisees , that in their prayers they made no confession of sin at all . but it was far more strange to me , that any man durst undertake the reproaching of poor sinners with the deepest acknowledgement of their sins before the holy god , that they are capable to conceive or utter . is this , thought i , the spirit of the men with whom the non-conformists do contend , and upon whose instance alone they suffer ? are these their apprehensions concerning god , sin , themselves and others ? is this the spirit wherewith the children of the church are acted ? are these things suited to the principles , doctrines , practices of the church of england ? such reproaches and reflections indeed , might have been justly expected from those poor deluded souls , who dream themselves perfect and free from sin ; but to meet with such a treaty from them who say or sing , o god the father of heaven , have mercy upon us miserable sinners , at least three times a week , was some surprizal . however i am sure , the non-conformists need return no other answer to them who reproach them for vilifying themselves in their confessions to god , but that of david to michal , it is before the lord , and we will yet be more vile than thus , and will be base in our own sight . our author makes no small stir with the pretended censures of some whom he opposes ; namely , that they should esteem themselves and their party to be the elect of god , all others to be reprobates , themselves and theirs to be godly , and all others ungodly ; wherein i am satisfied , that he unduely chargeth those whom he intends to reflect upon : however i am none of them ; i do not judge any party to be all the elect of god , or all the elect of god to be confined unto any party ; i judge no man living to be a reprobate , though i doubt not but that there are living men in that condition ; i confine not holiness or godliness to any party ; not to the church of england , nor to any of those who dissent from it ; but am perswaded that in all societies of christians that are under heaven that hold the head , there are some really fearing god , working righteousness , and accepted with him . but yet neither my own judgement , nor the reflections of this author , can restrain me from professing that i fear that he who can thus trample upon men , scoff at and deride them for the deepest confessions of their sins before god , which they are capable of making , is scarce either well acquainted with the holiness of god , the evil of sin , or the deceitfulness of his own heart , or did not in his so doing , take them into sufficient consideration . the church of england it self requires its children to acknowledge their manifold sins and wickednesses , which from time to time they have grievously committed by thought , word and deed , against the divine majesty ; and what in general , others can confess more , i know not . if men that are through the light of gods spirit and grace , brought to an acquaintance with the deceitful workings of sin in their own hearts , and the hearts of others , considering aright the terror of the lord , and the manifold aggravations wherewith all their sins are attended , do more particularly express these things before , and to the lord , when indeed nor they , nor any other can declare the thousandth part of the vileness and unworthiness of sin and sinners on the account thereof , shall they be now despised for it , and judged to be men meet to be hanged ? if this author had but seriously perused the confessions of austin , and considered how he traces his sin from his nature in the womb , through the cradle , into the whole course of his life , with his marvellous and truly ingenious acknowledgements and aggravations of it , perhaps the reverence of so great a name might have caused him to suspend this rash , and i fear , impious discourse . for the particular instances wherewith he would countenance his sentiments and censures in this matter , there is no difficulty in their removal . our lord jesus christ hath taught us , to call the most secret workings of sin in the heart , though resisted , though controlled , and never suffered to bring forth , by the names of those sins which they lye in a tendency unto ; and men in their confessions respect more the pravity of their natures , and the inward working and actings of sin , than the outward perpetrations of it , wherein perhaps they may have little concernment in the world ; as job who pleaded his uprightness , integrity , and righteousness against the charge of all his friends , yet when he came to deal with god , he could take that prospect of his nature and heart , as to vilifie himself before him , yea to abhor himself in dust and ashes . again , ministers who are the mouths of the congregation to god , may , and ought to acknowledge , not only the sins whereof themselves are personally guilty , but those also which they judge may be upon any of the congregation . this assuming of the persons of them to whom they speak , or in whose name they speak , is usual even to the sacred writers themselves . so speaks the apostle peter , 1 epist. 4. 3. for the time past of our lives may suffice us , to have wrought the will of the gentiles , when we walked in lasciviousness , lusts , excess of wine , revellings , banquetings and abominable idolatries . he puts himself amongst them , although the time past of his life in particular was remote enough from being spent in the manner there described : and so it may be with ministers when they confess the sins of the whole congregation . and the dilemma of this author about the truth or falshood of these confessions , will fall as heavy on st. paul as on any non-conformist in the world . for besides the acknowledgement that he makes of the former sins of his life when he was injurious , a blasphemer , and persecutor , ( which sins i pray god deliver others from ) and the secret working of in-dwelling sin , which he cryes out in his present condition to be freed from ; he also when an apostle professeth himself the chiefest of sinners ; now this was either true , or it was not ; if it was not true , god was mocked ; if it were , our author could have directed him to the fittest place to have made his acknowledgements in . what thinks he of the confessions of ezra , of daniel and others in the name of the whole people of god ? of david concerning himself , whose self-abasements before the lord , acknowledgements of the guilt of sin in all its aggravations and effects , far exceed any thing that non-conformists are able to express . as to his instances of the confession of injustice , uncleanness , and extortion , it may be as to the first and last , he would be put to it to make it good by express particulars ; and i wish it be not found that some have need to confess them , who cry at present , they are not as these publicans . vncleanness seems to bear the worst sound , and to lead the mind to the worst apprehensions of all the rest ; but it is god with whom men have to do in their confessions ; and before him , what is man that he should be clean , and he that is born of a woman , that he should be righteous ? behold he putteth no trust in his saints , and the heavens are not clean in his sight , and how much more abominable and filthy is man , who drinketh in iniquity like water , job . 15. and the whole church of god in their confession cry out , we are all as an unclean thing , and all our righteousnesses are as filthy raggs , isa. 54. there is a pollution of flesh and spirit , which we are still to be cleansing our selves from whilst we are in this world . but to what purpose is it to contend about these things ? i look upon this discourse of our author as a signal instance of the power of prejudice and passions over the minds of men . for setting aside the consideration of a present influence from them , i cannot believe that any one that professeth the religion taught by jesus christ , and contained in the scripture , can be so ignorant of the terror of the lord , so unaccustomed to thoughts of his infinite purity , severity and holiness , such a stranger to the accuracy , spirituality , and universality of the law , so unacquainted with the sin of nature , and the hidden deceitful workings of it in the hearts , minds and affections of men , so senseless of the great guilt of the least sin , and the manifold inexpressible aggravations wherewith it is attended , so unexercised to that self-abasement and abhorrency which becomes poor sinners in their approaches to the holy god , when they consider what they are in themselves , so disrespective of the price of redemption that was paid for our sins , and the mysterious way of cleansing our souls from them by the blood of the son of god , as to revile , despise and scoff at men for the deepest humblings of their souls before god , in the most searching and expressive acknowledgements of their sins , that they do or can make at any time . the like account may be given of all the charges that this author man●ageth against the men of his indignation ; but i shall return at present to the preface under consideration . in the entrance of his discourse , being as it seems conscious to himself of a strange and wild intemperance of speech in reviling his adversaries , which he had either used , or intended so to do , he pleads sundry things in his excuse or for his justification . hereof the first is , his zeal for the reformation of the church of england , and the settlement thereof with its forms and institutions ; these he saith are countenanced by the best and purest times of christianity , and established by the fundamental laws of this land ; ( which yet as to the things in contest between him and non conformists i greatly doubt of , as not believing any fundamental law of this land to be of so late a date , ) to see this opposed by a wild and fanatick rabble , rifled by folly and ignorance , on slender and frivolous pretences so often and so shamefully baffled , yet again revived by the pride and ignorance of a few peevish , ignorant and malepert preachers , brainsick people , ( all which gentle and peaceable expressions are crowded together in the compass of a few lines ) is that which hath chased him into this heat and briskness ; if this be not to deal with gain-sayers in a spirit of meekness , if herein there be not an observation of the rules of speaking evil of no man , despising no man , of not saying racha to our brother , or calling of him fool ; if here be not a discovery how remote he is from self-conceit , elation of mind , and the like immoralities , we must make enquiry after such things elsewhere ; for in this whole ensuing treatise we shall scarce meet with any thing more tending to our satisfaction . for the plea it self made use of , those whom he so tramples on , do highly honor the reformation of the church of england , and bless god for it continually , as that which hath had a signal tendency unto his glory , and usefulness to the souls of men . that as to the outward rites of worship and discipline contested about , it was in all things conformed unto the great rule of them , our author doth not pretend ; nor can he procure it in those things , whatever he sayes , any countenance from the best and purest times of christianity : that it was every way perfect in its first edition , i suppose , will not be affirmed ; nor considering the posture of affairs at the time of its framing both in other nations and in our own , was it like it should so be . we may rather admire that so much was then done according to the will of god , than that there was no more . whatever is wanting in it , the fault is not to be cast on the first reformers , who went as far as well in those dayes could be expected from them . whether others who have succeeded in their place and room , have since discharged their duty in perfecting what was so happily begun , is sub judice , and there will abide , after this author and i have done writing . that as to the things mentioned , it never had an absolute quiet possession or admittance in this nation , that a constant and no inconsiderable suffrage hath from first to last been given in against it , cannot be denyed ; and for any savage worrying or rifling of it at present , no man is so barbarous as to give the least countenance to any such thing . that which is intended in these exclamations , is only a desire that those who cannot comply with it as now established in the matters of discipline and worship before mentioned , may not meerly for that cause be worried and destroyed , as many have already been . again , the chief glory of the english reformation consisted in the purity of its doctrine , then first restored to the nation . this , as it is expressed in the articles of religion , and in the publickly authorized writings of the bishops and chief divines of the church of england , is , as was said , the glory of the english reformation . and it is somewhat strange to me , that whilst one writes against original sin , another preaches up justification by works , and scoffs at the imputation of the righteousness of christ to them that believe ; yea whilst some can openly dispute against the doctrine of the trinity , the deity of christ , and the holy ghost ; whilst instances may be collected of some mens impeaching all the articles almost throughout , there should be no reflection in the least on these things ; only those who dissent from some outward methods of worship must be made the object of all this wrath and indignation . quis tulerit gracehos de seditione querentes ? some mens guilt in this nature , might rather mind them of pulling out the be am out of their own eyes , than to act with such fury to pull out the eyes of others , for the motes which they think they espy in them . but hence is occasion given to pour out such a storm of fury , conveyed by words of as great reproach and scorn , as the invention of any man i think could suggest , as is not lightly to be met withal : might our author be prevailed with to mind the old rule , mitte malè loqui , dic rem ipsam , these things might certainly be debated with less scandal , less mutual offences and provocations . anothor account of the reasons of his intemperance in these reproaches , supplying him with an opportunity to encrease them in number and weight , he gives us pag. 6. & 7. of his preface , which because it may well be esteemed a summary representation of his way and manner of arguing in his whole discourse , i shall transcribe . i know , sayes he , but one single instance in which zeal or a high indignation is just and warrantable : and that is when it vents it self against the arrogance of haughty peevish and sullen religionists , that under higher pretences of godliness supplant all principles of civility and good nature ; that strip religion of its outside to make it a covering for spight and malice ; that adorn their peevishness with a mark of piety , and shrowd their ill nature under the demure pretences of godly zeal , and stroke and applaud themselves as the only darlings and favourites of heaven ; and with a scornfull pride disdained all the residue of mankind as a rout of worthless and unregenerate reprobates . thus the only hot fit of zeal we find our saviour in , was kindled by an indignation against the pride and insolence of the jews , when he whipped the buyers and sellers out of the outward court of the temple ; for though they bore a blind and superstitious reverence towards that part of it that was peculiar to their own worship , yet as for the outward court , the place where the gentiles and proselytes worshipped , that was so unelean and unhallowed , that they thought it could not be profaned by being turned into an exchange of vsury : now this insolent contempt of the gentiles , and impudent conceit of their own holiness , provoked the mild spirit of our blessed saviour to such an height of impatience and indignation , as made him with a seeming fury and transport of passion whip the tradesmen thence , and overthrew their tables . what truth , candor , or conscience hath been attended unto in the insolent reproaches here heaped up against his adversaries , is left to the judgement of god and all impartial men ; yea let judgement be made , and sentence be past according to the wayes , course of life , conversation , usefulness amongst men , readiness to serve the common concerns of mankind , in exercising lovingkindness in the earth , of those who are thus injuriously traduced , compared with any in the approbation and commendation of whom they are covered with these reproaches , and there lives not that person who may not be admitted to pronounce concerning the equity and righteousness or iniquity of these intemperances . however it is nothing with them with whom he hath to do to be judged by mans day ; they stand at the judgement seat of christ , and have not so learned him as to relieve themselves by false or fierce recriminations . the measure of the covering provided for all these excesses of unbridled passion , is that alone which is now to be taken . the case expressed it seems is the only single instance in which zeal is just and warrantable . how our author came to be assured thereof i know not ; sure i am that it doth neither comprize in it , nor hath any aspect on , the ground , occasion , or nature of the zeal of phinehas , or of nehemiah , or of david , or of joshuah , and least of all of our saviour as we shall see . he must needs be thought to be over-intent upon his present occasion , when he forgot not one , or two , but indeed all instances of just and warrantable zeal that are given us in the only sacred repository of them . for what concerns the example of our blessed saviour particularly insisted on , i wish he had ossended one way only in the report he makes of it . for let any sober man judge in the first place , whether those expressions he useth of the hot fit of zeal , that he was in , of the height of impatience that he was provoked unto , the seeming fury and transport of passion that he acted withall , do become that reverence and adoration of the son of god which ought to possess the hearts , and guide the tongues and writings of men that profess his name . but whatever other mens apprehensions may be , as it is not improbable but that some will exercise severity in their reflections on these expressions ; for my part ; i shall entertain no other thoughts but that our author being engaged in the composition of an invective declamation , and aiming at a gradeur of words , yea to fill it up with tragical expressions , could not restrain his pen from some extravagant excess , when the lord christ himself came in his way to be spoken of . however it will be said the instance is pertinently alledged , and the occasion of the exercise of the zeal of our blessed saviour is duly represented . it may be some will think so , but the truth is , there are scarce more lines than mistakes in the whole discourse to this purpose . what court it was of the temple wherein the action remembred was performed , is not here particularly determined ; only 't is said to be the outward court wherein the gentiles and proselytes worshipped in opposition to that which was peculiar to the worship of the jews . now of old from the first erection of the temple there were two courts belonging unto it and no more ; the inward court , wherein were the brazen altar with all those utensils of worship which the priests made use of in their sacred offices ; and the outward court whither the people assembled , as for other devotions , so to behold the priests exercising their function , and to be in a readiness to bring in their own especial sacrifices , upon which account they were admitted to the altar it self . into this outward court which was a dedicate part of the temple , all gentiles who were proselytes of righteousness , that is who being circumeised had taken upon them the observation of the law of moses , and thereby joyned themselves to the people of god , were admitted , as all the jewish writers agrree . and these were all the courts that were at first sanctified , and were in use when the words were spoken by the prophet , which are applyed to the action of our saviour ; namely , my house shall be called a house of prayer , but ye have made it a den of thieves ; afterwards in the dayes of the herodians another court was added by the immuring of the remainder of the hill , whereunto a promiscuous entrance was granted unto all people . it was therefore the antient outward court whereinto the jews thought that paul had brought trophimus the ephesian , whom they knew to be uncircumcised . i confess some expositors think that it was this latter area from whence the lord christ east out the buyers and sellers ; but their conjecture seems to be altogether groundless ; for neither was that court ever absolutely called the temple , nor was it esteemed sacred , but common or prophane ; nor was it in being when the prophet used the words mentioned concerning the temple . it was therefore the other antient outward court common to the jews and proselytes of the gentiles that is intended ; for as there the salt and wood were stored , that were daily used in their sacrifices , so the covetous priests knowing that many who came up to offer , were wont to buy the beasts they sacrificed at hierusalem to prevent the charge and labour of bringing them from farr ; to further as they pretended their accommodation , they appropriated a market to themselves in this court , and added a trade in money , relating it may be thereunto , and other things for their advantage . hence the lord christ twice drove them ; once at the beginning , and once at the end of his ministry in the flesh ; not with a seeming transport of fury , but with that evidence of the presence of god with him , and majesty of god upon him , that it is usually reckoned amongst one of the miracles that he wrought , considering the state of all things at that time amongst the jews . and the reason why he did this , and the occasion of the exercise of his zeal , is so express in the scripture , as i cannot but admire at the invention of our author , who could find out another reason and occasion of it . for it is said directly , that he did it because of their wicked profanation of the house of god , contrary to his express institution and command ; of a regard to the jews contempt of the gentiles there is not one word , not the least intimation ; nor was there in this matter the least occasion of any such thing . these things are not pleaded in the least , to give countenance to any , in their proud supercillious censures and contempt of others , wherein if any person living have out-done our author , or shall endeavour so to do , he will not fail i think to carry away the prize in this unworthy contest . nor is it to apologize for them whom he charges with extravagances and excesses in this kind . i have no more to say in their behalf , but that as far as i know , they are falsly accused and calumniated , though i will not be accountable for the expessions of every weak and impertinent person . where men indeed sin openly in all manner of transgressions against the law and gospel , where a spirit of enmity to holiness and obedience unto god discovers and acts it self constantly on all occasions ; in a word , where men wear sin 's livery , some are not afraid to think them sin 's servants . but as to that elation of mind in self-conceit wherewith they are charged , their contempt of other men upon the account of party which he imputes unto them , i must expect other proofs than the bare assertion of this author before , i shall joyn with him in the management of his accusation . and no other answer shall i return to the ensuing leaves , fraught with bitter reproaches , invectives , sarcasms , far enough distant from truth and all sobriety . nor shall i though in their just and necessary vindication , make mention of any of those things which might represent them persons of another complexion . if this author will give those whom he probably most aims to load with these aspersions , leave to confess themselves poor and miserable sinners in the sight of god , willing to bear his indignation against whom they have finned , and to undergo quietly the severest rebukes and revilings of men , in that they know not but that they have a providential permissive commission from god so to deal with them , and add thereunto , that they yet hope to be saved by jesus christ , and in that hope endeavour to give up themselves in obedience to all his commands , it contains that description of them which they shall alwayes , and in all conditions endeavour to answer . but i have only given these remarks upon the preceding discourse , to discover upon what feeble grounds our author builds for his own justification in his present engagement . pag. 13. of his preface , he declares his original design in writing this discourse , which was to represent to the world the lamentable folly and silliness of those mens religion with whom he had to do , which he farther expresses and pursues with such a lurry of virulent reproaches as i think is not to be parallel'd in any leaves , but some others of the same hand ; and in the close thereof he supposeth he hath evinced that in comparison of them , the most insolent of the pharisees were gentlemen , and the most savage of the americans philosophers . i must confess my self an utter stranger unto that generous disposition and philosophick nobleness of mind , which vent themselves in such revengefull scornfull wrath , expressed in such rude and barbarous railings against any sort of men whatever , as that here manifested in , and those here used by this author . if this be a just delineation and character of the spirit of a gentleman , a due portraicture of the mind and affections of a philosopher , i know not who will be ambitious to be esteemed either the one or the other . but what measures men now make of gentility i know not ; truly noble generosity of spirit was heretofore esteemed to consist in nothing more , than remoteness from such pedantick severities against , and contemptuous reproaches of persons under all manner of disadvantages , yea impossibilities to manage their own just vindication , as are here exercised and expressed in this discourse . and the principal pretended attainment of the old philosophy , was a sedateness of mind , and a freedome from turbulent passions and affections under the greatest provocations ; which if they are here manifested by our author , they will give the greater countenance unto the character which he gives of others ; the judgement and determination whereof is left unto all impatial readers . but in this main design he professeth himself prevented by the late learned and ingenious discourse , the friendly debate ; which to manifest , it may be , that his rhetorical faculty is not confined to invectives , he spendeth some pages in the splendid encomiums of . there is no doubt , i suppose but that the author of that discourse , will on the next occasion require his panegyrick , and return him his commendations for his own achievements with advantage ; they are like enough to agree like those of the poet , discedo alcaeus puncto illius , ille meo quis ? quis nist callimachus ? for the present his account of the excellencies and successes of that discourse minds me of the dialogue between pyrgopolynices and artotrogus : pyrg . ecquid meministi ? art. memini ; centum in ciliciâ , et quinquaginta centum sycolatronidae , triginta sardi , sexaginta macedones , sunt homines tu quos occidisti uno die , pyrg . quanta isthaec hominum summa est ? art. septem millia . pyrg . tantum esse oportet ; rectè rationem tenes . art. at nullos habeo scriptos , sic memini tamen . although the particular instances he gives of the man's successes , are prodigiously ridiculous , yet the casting up of the summ total to the compleating of his victory , sinks them all out of consideration : and such is the account we have here of the friendly debate . this and that it hath effected , which though unduly asserted as to the particular instances , yet altogether comes short of that absolute victory and triumph which are ascribed unto it . but i suppose that upon due consideration , mens glorying in those discourses , will be but as the crackling of thorns in the fire , noise and smoak without any real and solid use or satisfaction . the great design of the author , asis apparent unto all , was to render the sentiments and expressions of his adversaries ridiculous , and thereby to expose their persons to contempt and scorn , egregiam vero laudem & spolia ampla ! and to this end his way of writing by dialogues is exceedingly suited and accommodated : for although ingenious and learned men , such as plato and cicero , have handled matters of the greatest importance in that way of writing , candidly-proposing the opinions and arguments of adverse parties in the persons of the dialogists , and sometimes used that method to make their design of instruction more easie and perspicuous , yet it cannot be denyed that advantages may be taken from this way of writing to represent both persons , opinions , and practices , invidiously and contemptuously , above any other way ; and therefore it hath been principally used by men who have had that design . and i know nothing in the skilfull contrivance of dialogues , which is boasted of here with respect unto the friendly debate , as also by the author of it in his preface to one of his worthy volumes , that should free the way of writing it self , from being supposed to be peculiarly accommodated to the ends mentioned . nor will these authors charge them with want of skill and art in composing of their dialogues , who have designed nothing in them but to render things uncouth , and persons ridiculous , with whom themselves were in worth and honesty no way to be compared . an instance hereof we have in the case of socrates . sundry in the city being weary of him for his uprightness , integrity , and continual pressing of them to courses of the like nature ; some also being in an especial manner incensed at him , and provoked by him ; amongst them they contrived his ruine . that they might effect this design , they procured aristophanes to write a dialogue , his comoedy which he entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the clouds ; wherein socrates is introduced and personated , talking at as contemptible and ridiculous a rate , as any one can represent the non-conformists to do ; and yet withal to commend himself as the only man considerable amongst them . without some such preparation of the peoples minds , his enemies thought it impossible to obtain his persecution and destruction ; and they failed not in their projection . aristophanes being poor , witty , and as is supposed hired to this work , layes out the utmost of his endeavours so to frame and order his dialogues , with such elegancy of words , and composure of his verses , with such a semblance of relating the words and expressing the manner of socrates , as might leave an impression on the minds of the people . and the success of it was no way inferiour to that of the friendly debate ; for though at first the people were somewhat surprized with seeing such a person so traduced , yet they were after a while so pleased and tickled with the ridiculous representation of him and his philosophy , wherein there was much of appearance and nothing of truth , that they could make no end of applauding the author of the dialogues . and though this were the known design of that poet , yet that his dialogues were absurd and inartificial , i suppose will not be affirmed ; seeing few were ever more skilfully contrived . having got this advantage of exposing him to publick contempt , his provoked malicious adversaries began openly to manage their accusation against him . the principal crime laid to his charge was non-conformity , or that he did not comply with the religion which the supream magistrate had enacted ; or as they then phrased it , he esteemed not them to be gods whom the city so esteemed . by these means , and through these advantages , they ceased not until they had destroyed the best and wisest person , that ever that city bred in its heathen condition , and whereof they quickly repented themselves . the reader may see the whole story exactly related in aelian . lib. 2. var. histor. cap. 13. much of it also may be collected from the apologies of xenophon and plato in behalf of socrates , as also plutarch's discourse concerning his genius . to this purpose have dialogues very artificially written been used and are absolutely the most accommodate of all sorts of writing unto such a design . hence lucian who aimed particularly to render the things which he disliked ridiculous and contemptible , used no other kind of writing ; and i think his dialogues will be allowed to be artificial , though sundry of them have no other design but to cast contempt on persons and opinions better than himself and his own . and his way of dealing with adversaries in points of faith , opinion and judgement , hath hitherto been esteemed fitter for the stage , than a serious disquisition after truth , or confutation of error : did those who admire their own achievements in this way of process , but consider how easie a thing it is for any one , deposing that respect to truth , modesty , sobriety , and christianity which ought to accompany us in all that we do , to expose the persons and opinions of men by false , partial , undue representations to scorn and contempt , they would perhaps cease to glory in their fancied success . it is a facile thing to take the wisest man living , and after he is lime-twigg'd with ink and paper , and gagged with a quill , so that he can neither move nor speak , to clap a fools coat on his back , and turn him out to be laughed at in the streets . the stoicks were not the most contemptible sort of philosophers of old , nor will not be thought so by those , who profess their religion to consist in morality only . and yet the roman orator in his pleading for muraena , finding it his present interest to cast some disreputation upon cato his adversary in that cause , who was addicted to that sect , so represented their dogmes , that he put the whole assembly into a fit of laughter ; whereunto cato only replyed , that he made others laugh , but was himself ridiculous ; and it may be some will find it to fall out not much otherwise with themselves by that time the whole account of their undertaking is well cast up . besides , do these men not know , that if others would employ themselves in a work of the like kind by way of retortion and recrimination , that they would find real matter amongst some whom they would have esteemed sacred , for an ordinary ingenuity to exercise it self upon unto their disadvantage ? but what would be the issue of such proceedings ? who would be gainers by it ? every thing that is professed among them that own religion , all wayes and means of their profession , being by their mutual reflections of this kind , render'd riciculous , what remains but that men fly to the sanctuary of atheism to preserve themselves from being scoffed at and despised as fools . on this account alone i would advise the author of our late debates to surcease proceeding in the same kind , lest a provocation unto a retaliation should befall any of those who are so fouly aspersed . but , as i said , what will be the end of these things , namely of mutual virulent reflections upon one another ? shall this sword devour for ever ? and will it not be bitterness in the latter end ? for , as he said of old of persons contending with revilings ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great store there are of such words and expressions on every hand , and every provoked person , if he will not bind his passion to a rule of sobriety and temperance , may at his pleasure take out and use what he supposeth for his turn . and let not men please themselves with imagining that it is not as easie , though perhaps not so safe , for others to use towards themselves , haughty and contemptuous expressions , as it is for them to use them towards others . but shall this wrath never be allayed ? is this the way to restore peace , quietness and satisfaction to the minds of men ? is it meet to use her language in this nation concerning the present differences about religion , nullus amor populis , nec foedera sunto ; imprecor arma armis , pugnent ipsique nepotes ? is agreement in all other things , all love and forbearance , unless there be a centering in the same opinions absolutely , become criminal , yea detestable ? will this way of proceeding compose and satisfie the minds of men ? if there be no other way for a coalescence in love and unity in the bond of peace ; but either that the non-conformists do depose and change in a moment , as it were , their thoughts , apprehensions and judgements about the things in difference amongst us , which they cannot , which is not in their power to do ; or that in the presence , and with a peculiar respect unto the eye and regard of god , they will act contrary unto them , which they ought not , which they dare not , no not upon the present instruction , the state of these things is somewhat deplorable . that alone which in the discourses mentioned seemeth to me of any consideration , if it have any thing of truth to give it countenance , is that the non-conformists under pretence of preaching mysteries and grace , do neglect the pressing of moral duties , which are of near and indispensable concernment unto men in all their relations and actions ; and without which , religion is but a pretence and covering for vice and sin . a crime this is unquestionably of the highest nature if true , and such as might justly render the whole profession of those who are guilty of it suspected . and this is again renewed by our author , who to charge home upon the non-conformists reports the saying of fl●ius ilyricus a lutheran who dyed an hundred ye●rs ago ; namely that bona opera sunt pernitiosa ad salutem , though i do not remember that any such thing was maintained by illyricus , though it was so by amsdorsius against georgius major . but is it not strange , how any man can assume to himself , and swallow so much confidence as is needful to the mannagement of this charge ? the books and treatises published by men of the perswasion traduced , their daily preaching witnessed unto by multitudes of all sorts of people , the open avowing of their duty in this matter , their principles concerning sin , duty , holiness , vertue , righteousness and honesty , do all of them proclaim the blackness of this calumny , and sink it with those who have taken , or are able to take any sober cognizance of these things , utterly beneath all consideration ; moral duties they do esteem , commend , count as necessary in religion as any men that live under heaven ; it is true they say that on a supposition of that performance whereof they are capable without the assistance of the grace and spirit of god , though they may be good in their own nature , and useful to mankind , yet they are not available unto the salvation of the souls of men ; and herein they can prove , that they have the concurrent suffrage of all known churches in the world , both those of old , and these at present : they say moreover , that for men to rest upon their performances of these moral duties for their justification before god , is but to set up their own righteousness through an ignorance of the righteousness of god ; for we are justified freely by his grace ; neither yet are they sensible of any opposition to this assertion . for their own discharge of the work of the ministry , they endeavour to take their rule , pattern and instruction from the precepts , directions , and examples of them who were first commissionated unto that work , even the apostles of our lord jesus christ , recorded in the scripture , that they might be used and improved unto that end . by them are they taught , to endeavour the declaring unto men all the counsel of god concerning his grace , their obedience and salvation ; and having the word of reconciliation committed unto them , they do pray their hearers in christs stead to be reconciled unto god ; to this end do they declare the unsearchable riches of christ , and comparatively determine to know nothing in this world but christ and him crufied , whereby their preaching becometh principally the word or doctrine of the cross , which by experience they find to be a stumbling block unto some , and foolishness unto others ; by all means endeavouring to make known what is the riches of the glory of the mysterie of god in christ , reconciling the world unto himself ; praying withal for their hearers , that the god of our lord jesus christ , the father of glory , would give unto them the spirit of wisdom and revelation in the knowledge of him , that the eyes of their understanding being enlightned , they may learn to know what is the hope of his calling , and what the riches of the glory of his inheritance in the saints ; and in these things are they not ashamed of the gospel of christ , which is the power of god unto salvation . by this dispensation of the gospel , do they endeavour to ingenerate in the hearts and souls of men , repentance towards god , and faith in our lord jesus christ. to prepare them also hereunto , they cease not by the preaching of the law , to make known to men the terror of the lord , to convince them of the nature of sin , of their own lost and ruined condition by reason of it , through its guilt as both original in their natures , and actual in their lives , that they may be stirred up to fly from the wrath to come , and to lay hold on eternal life ; and thus as god is pleased to succeed them , do they endeavour to lay the great foundation jesus christ , in the hearts of their hearers , and to bring them to an interest in him by believing . in the farther pursuit of the work committed unto them , they endeavour more and more to declare unto , and instruct their hearers in all the mysteries and saving truths of the gospel , to the end that by the knowledge of them , they may be wrought unto obedience , and brought to conformity to christ , which is the end of their declaration ; and in the pursuit of their duty , there is nothing more that they insist upon , as far as ever i could observe , than an endeavour to convince men , that that faith or profession that doth not manifest it self , which is not justified by works , which doth not purifie the heart within , that is not fruitful in universal obedience to all the commands of god , is vain and unprofitable ; letting them know that though we are saved by grace , yet we are the workmanship of god created in christ jesus to good works , which he hath ordained for us to walk in them ; a neglect whereof doth uncontrollably evict men of hypocrisie and falseness in their profession ; that therefore these things in those that are adult , are indispensably necessary to salvation . hence do they esteem it their duty , continually to press upon their hearers the constant observance and doing of whatsover things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are pure , whatsoever things are comely , whatsoever things are of good report ; letting them know that those who are called to a participation of the grace of the gospel , have more , higher , stronger obligations upon them to righteousness , integrity , honesty , usefulness amongst men , in all moral duties , throughout all relations , conditions and capacities , than any others whatever . for any man to pretend , to write , plead that this they do not , but indeed do discountenance morality and the duties of it , is to take a liberty of saying what he pleases for his own purpose , when thousands are ready from the highest experience to contradict him . and if this false supposition should prove the soul that animates any discourses , let men never so passionately admire them , and expatiate in the commendation of them , i know some that will not be their rivals in their extasies . for the other things which those books are mostly filled withal , setting aside frivolous trifling exceptions about modes of carriage , and common phrases of speech , altogether unworthy the review or perusal of a serious person , they consist of such exceptions against expressions , sayings , occasional reflections on texts of scripture , invectives , and impertinent calling over of things past and by-gone , as the merit of the cause under contest is no way concerned in . and if any one would engage in so unhandsome an employment , as to collect such fond speeches , futilous expressions , ridiculous expositions of scripture , smutty passages , weak & impertinent discourses , yea profane scurrilities , which some others whom for their honors sake , and other reasons i shall not name , have in their sermons and discourses about sacred things been guilty of , he might provide matter enough for a score of such dialogues as the friendly debates , are composed of . but to return , that the advantages mentioned are somewhat peculiar unto dialogues , we have a sufficient evidence in this , that our author having another special design , he chose another way of writing suited thereunto . he professeth , that he hath neither hope , nor expectation to convince his adversaries of their crimes or mistakes , nor doth endeavour any such thing . nor did he meerly project to render them contemptible and ridiculous ; which to have effected , the writing of dialogues in his mannagement would have been most accommodate . but his purpose was to expose them to persecution , or to the severity of penal laws from the magistrate , and if possible , it may be , to popular rage and fury . the voice of his whole discourse is the same with that of the jews concerning st. paul , away with such fellows from the earth , for it is not meet they should live . such an account of his thoughts he gives us ; pag. 253. saith he , the only cause of all our troubles and disturbances ( which what they are he knows not , nor can declare ) is the inflexible perverfeness of about an hundred proud , ignorant , and seditious preachers , against whom if the severity of the laws were particularly levelled how easie would it be , &c. macte nova virtute puer , sic itur ad astra . but i hope it will appear before the close of this discourse , that our author is far from deserving the reputation of infallible in his politicks , whatever he may be thought to do in his divinity . it is sufficiently known how he is mistaken in his calculation of the numbers of those whom he designs to brand with the blackest marks of infamy , and whom he exposeth in his desires to the severities of law for their ruine . i am sure , it is probable , that there are more than an hundred of those whom he intends , who may say unto him , as gregory of nazianzen introduceth his father speaking to himself , nondum tot sunt anni tui , quot jam in sacris nobis sunt peracti victimis , who have been longer in the ministry than he in the world , but suppose there were but an hundred of them , he knows , or may know , when there was such a disparity in the numbers of them that contested about religion , that it was said of them , all the world against athanasius , and athanasius against the world ; who yet was in the right against them all , as they must acknowledge who frequently say or sing , his quicunque vult . but how came he so well acquainted with them all and every one , as to pronounce of them that they are proud , ignorant , and seditious ; allow him the liberty , which i see he will take whether we allow it him or no , to call whom he pleaseth seditious upon the account of reall or supposed principles not complyant with his thoughts and apprehensions ; yet that men are proud , and ignorant how he can prove but by particular instances from his own acquaintance with them , i know not ; and if he should be allowed to be a competent judge of knowledge and ignorance in the whole compass of wisdom and science , which it may be some will except against , yet unless he had personally conversed with them all , or were able to give sufficient instances of their ignorance from actings , writings , or expressions of their own , he would scarce be able to give a tolerable account of the honesty of this his p●remptory censure ; and surely this must needs be looked on , as a lovely , gentle , and philosophick humour , to judge all men proud and ignorant , who are not of our minds in all things , and on that ground alone . but yet let them be as ignorant as can be fancied , this will not determine the difference between them and their adversaries . one unlearned paphnutius in the council of nice stopped all the learned fathers when they were precipitately casting the church into a snare ; and others as unlearned as he , may honestly attempt the same at any time . and for our authors projection for the obtaining of quiet by severe dealings with these men in an especial manner , one of the same nature failed in the instance mentioned . for when athanasius stood almost by himself in the eastern empire for a profession in religion , which the supream magistrate and the generality of the clergy condemned , it was thought the levelling of severity in particular against him , would bring all to a composure . to this purpose after they had again and again charged him to be proud and seditious , they vigorously engaged in his prosecution , according to the projection here proposed , and sought him neer all the world over , but to no purpose at all , as the event discovered . for the truth which he professed having left its root in the hearts of multitudes of the people , on the first opportunity they returned again to the open avowing of it . but to return from this digression ! this being the design of our author , not so much to expose his adversaries to common contempt and laughter , as to ruine and destruction , he diverted from the beaten path of dialogues , and betook himself unto that of rhetorical invective declamations , which is peculiarly suited to carry on and promote such a design . i shall therefore here leave him for the present , following the triumphant chariot of his friend ; singing io triumphe ! and casting reflections upon the captives that he draggs after him at his chariot wheels , which will doubtless supply his imagination with a pleasing entertainment , untill he shall awake out of his dream , and find all the pageantry that his fancy hath erected round about him , to vanish and disappear . his next attempt is upon atheists , wherein i have no concern , nor his principal adversaries the non-conformists ; for my part i have had this advantage by my own obscurity and small consideration in the world , as never to converse with any persons that did , or durst question the being or providence of god , either really or in pretence . by common reports , and published discourses , i find that there are not a few in these dayes , who either out of pride and ostentation , or in a real complyance with their own darkness and ignorance , do boldly venture to dispute the things which we adore ; and if i am not greatly mis-informed , a charge of this prodigious licentiousness and impiety , may from pregnant instances , be brought neer the doors of some who on other occasions declaim against it . for practical atheism the matter seems to be unquestionable ; many live as though they believed neither god nor devil in the world , but themselves ; with neither sort am i concerned to treat at present , nor shall i examine the invectives of our author against them ; though i greatly doubt , whether ever such a kind of defence of the being of god was written by any man before him . if a man would make a judgement upon the genius and way of his discourse , he might possibly be tempted to fear , that it is persons , rather than things that are the object of his indignation ; and it may be the fate of some , to suffer under the infamy of atheism , as it is thought diagoras did of old , not for denying the deity , nor for any absurd conceptions of mind concerning it , but for deriding and contemning them , who without any interest in , or sense of religion , did foolishly , in idoliatrous instances make a pretence of it in the world . but whatever wickedness or miscarriages of this nature our author hath observed , his zeal against them were greatly to be commended , but that it is not in that only instance wherein he allows of the exercise of that vertue , let it then be his anger or indignation , or what he pleases , that he may not miss of his due praises and commendation . only i must say , that i question whether to charge persons enclined to atheism with profaning johnson and fletcher as well as the holy scriptures , be a way of proceeding probably suited to their conviction or reduction . it seems also that those who are here chastised do vent their atheism in scossing and drollery , jesting , and such like contemptible efforts of wit , that may take for a while amongst little and unlearned people , and immediately evaporate . i am afraid more of those who under pretences of sober reason do vent and maintain opinions and principles that have a direct tendency to give an open admission unto atheism in the minds of men , than of such fooleries . when others fury and raving cruelties succeeded not , he alone prevailed , qui solus accessit sobrius ad perdendam remp. one principle contended for as rational and true , which if admitted will insensibly seduce the mind unto , and justifie a practice ending in atheism , is more to be feared , than ten thousand jests and scoffs against religion , which methinks , amongst men of any tolerable sobriety should easily be buried under contempt and scorn . and our author may do well to consider whether he hath not , unwittingly i presume , in some instances , so expressed and demeaned himself , as to give no small advantage to those corrupt inclinations unto atheism , which abound in the hearts of men ; are not men taught here to keep the liberty of their minds and judgements to themselves , whilest they practise that which they approve not , nor can do so ; which is directly to act against the light and conviction of conscience ? and yet an associate of his in his present design , in a modest and free conference , tells us , that there is not awider step to atheism than to do any thing against conscience , and enforms his friend , that dissent out of grounds that appear to any founded on the will of god , is conscience ; but against such a conscience , the light , judgement and conviction of it , are men here taught to practise ; and thereby in the judgement of that author , are instructed unto atheism . and indeed if once men find themselves at liberty to practise contrary to what is prescribed unto them in the name and authority of god , as all things are which conscience requires , it is not long that they will retain any regard of him , or reverence unto him. it hath hitherto been the judgement of all , who have enquired into these things , that the great concern of the glory of god in the world , the interest of kings and rulers , of all governments whatever , the good and welfare of private persons , lyes in nothing more , than in preserving conscience from being debauched in the conducting principles of it ; and in keeping up its due respect to the immediate soveraignty of god over it in all things . neither ever was there a more horrid attempt upon the truth of the gospel , all common morality , and the good of mankind , than that which some of late years or ages have been engaged in , by suggesting in their casuistical writings such principles for the guidance of the consciences of men , as in sundry particular instances might set them free , as to practice , from the direct and immedsately influencing authority of god in his word . and yet i doubt not , but it may be made evident , that all their principle● in conjunction are scarce of so pernicious a tendency as this one general theorem , that men may lawfully act in the worship of god , or otherwise , against the light , dictates , or convictions of their own consciences . exempt conscience from an absolute , immediate , entire , universal dependance on the authority , will , and judgement of god , according to what conceptions it hath of them , and you disturb the whole harmony of divine providence in the government of the world ; and break the first link of that great chain whereon all religion and government in the world do depend . teach men to be like naaman the syrian to believe only in the god of israel , and to worship him according to his appointment by his own choice , and from a sense of duty , yet also to bow in the house of rimmon contrary to his light and conviction out of complyance with his master ; or with the men of samaria to fear the lord , but to worship their idols , and they will not fail at one time or other , rather to seek after rest in restless atheism , than to live in a perpetual conflict with themselves , or to cherish an everlasting sedition in their own bosomes . i shall not much reflect upon those expressions which our author is pleased to vent his indignation by ; such as religious rage , and fury , religious villany , religious lunacies , serious and consciencious villanies , wildness of godly madness , men lead by the spirit of god to disturb the publick peace , the world filled with a buzze and noise of the divine spirit , sanctified fury , sanctified barbarism , pious villanies , godly disobedience , sullen and cross-grained godliness , with innumerable others of the like kind ; which although perhaps he may countenance himself in the use of , from the tacite respect that he hath to the persons whom he intends to vilifie and reproach ; yet in themselves , and to others , who have not the same apprehensions of their occasion , they tend to nothing but to beget a scorn and derision of all religion , and the profession of it ; an humour which will not find where to rest or fix it self , untill it comes to be swallowed up in the abysse of atheism . we are at length arrived at the last act of this tragical preface ; and as in our progress we have rather heard a great noise and bluster , than really encountred either true difficulty or danger ; so now i confess that weariness of conversing with so many various sounds of the same signification , the summ of all being knaves , villains , fools , will carry me through the remainder of it , with some more than ordinary precipitation , as grudging an addition in this kind of employment to those few minutes wherein the preceding remarques were written or dictated . there are two or three heads which the remainders of this prefatory discourse may be reduced unto . first , a magnificent proclamation of his own achievements ; what he hath proved , what he hath done , especially in representing the inconsistence of liberty of conscience with the first and fundamental laws of government ; and i am content that he please himself with his own apprehensions , like him who admired at the marvelous feats performed in an empty theatre . for it may be that upon examination it will be found , that there is scarce in his whole discourse any one argument offered at , that hath the least seeming cogency towards such an end ; whether you take liberty of conscience , for liberty of judgement , which himself confesseth uncontroleable , or liberty of practice upon indulgence which he seems to oppose , an impartial reader will i doubt be so far from finding the conclusion mentioned to be evinced , as he will scarcely be able to satisfie himself that there are any premises that have a tendency thereunto . but i suppose he must extreamly want an employment who will design himself a business , in endeavouring to dispossess him of his self-pleasing imagination . yea he seems not to have pleaded his own cause absurdly at athens , who giving the city the news of a victory when they had received a fatal defeat , affirmed that publick thanks were due to him , for affording them two dayes of mirth and jollity , before the tidings came of their ill success ; which was more than they were ever like to see again in their lives . and there being as much satisfaction in a fancied , as a real success , though useless and failing , we shall leave our author in the highest contentment that thoughts of this nature can afford him . however it may not be amiss to mind him of that old good counsel , let not him that girdeth on his armour , boast like him that putteth it off . another part of his oration is to decry the folly of that bruitish apprehension that men can possibly live peaceably and quietly if they enjoy the liberty of their consciences ; where he fears not to affirm , that it is more elegible to tolerate the highest debauchertes , than liberty for men to worship god according to what they apprehend he requires ; whence some severe persons would be too apt it may be to make a conjecture of his own inclinations ; for it is evident that he is not absolutely insensible of self-interest in what he doth or writes . but the contrary to what he asserts , being a truth at this day written with the beams of the sun in many nations of europe , let envy , malice , fear , and revenge suggest what they please otherwise , and the nature of the thing it self denyed being built upon the best , greatest , and surest foundations and warranty that mankind hath to build on , or trust unto for their peace and security , i know not why it's denial was here ventured at , unless it were to embrace an opportunity once more to give vent to the remainders of his indignation , by revilings and reproaches , which i had hoped had been now exhausted . but these things are but collateral to his principal design in this close of his declamation ; and this is the removal of an objection , that liberty of conscience would conduce much to the improvement of trade in the nation . it is known that many persons of great wisdom and experience , and who , as it is probable , have had more time to consider the state and proper interest of this nation , and have spent more pains in the weighing of all things conducing thereunto than our author hath done , are of this mind and judgement . but he at once strikes them and their reasons dumb , by drawing out his gorgon's head , that he hath proved it inconsistent with government , and so it must needs be a foolish and silly thing to talk of its usefulness to trade . verum , ad populum phalera ; if great blustering words , dogmatical assertions , uncouth , unproved principles , accompanied with a pretence of contempt and scorn of all exceptions and oppositions to what is said , with the persons of them that make them , may be esteemed proofs , our author can prove what he pleaseth , and he is to be thought to have proved whatever he affirms himself so to have done . if sober reason , experience , arguments derived from common acknowledged principles of truth , if a confirmation of deductions from such principles , by confessed and commonly approved instances are necessary to make up convincing proofs in matters of this nature and importance , we are yet to seek for them , notwithstanding any thing that hath been offered by this author , or as far as i can conjecture is likely so to be . in the mean time i acknowledge many parts of his discourse to be singularly remarkable . his insinuation that the affairs of the kingdom are not in a fixed and established condition , that we are distracted amongst our selves with a strange variety of jealous●es and annimosities , and such like expressions , as if divulged in a book printed without licence , would and that justly , be looked on as seditious , are the foundations that he proceedeth upon . now as i am confident that there is very little ground , or none at all for these insinuations , so the publick disposing of the minds of men to fears , suspicious , and apprehensions of unseen dangers by such means , becomes them only , who care not what disadvantage they cast others , nay their rulers under , so they may compass and secure their own private ends and concerns . but yet not content to have expressed his own real or pretended apprehensions , he proceeds to manifest his scorn of those , or his smiling at them , who with mighty projects labour for the improvement of trade , which the council appointed , as i take it , by his majesty thence denominated , is more concerned in than the non-conformists , and may do well upon this information finding themselves lyable to scorn , to desist from such an useless and contemptible employment . they may now know , that to erect and encourage trading combinations , is only to build so many nests of faction and sedition ; for he sayes , there is not any sort of people so inclinable to seditious practices as the trading part of a nation ; and that their pride and arrogance naturally encrease with the improvement of their stock . besides the fanatick party , as he sayes , live in these greater societies , and it is a very odd and preposterous folly , to design the enriching of that sort of people ; for wealth doth but only pamper and encourage their presumption ; and he is a very silly man , and understands nothing of the follies , passions and inclinations of humane nature , who sees not that there is no creature so ungovernable as a wealthy fanatick . it cannot be denyed , but that this modern policy , runs contrary to the principles and experience of former ages . to preserve industrious men in a peaceable way of emproving their own interests , whereby they might partake in their own and family concerns , of the good and advantages of government , hath been by the weak and silly men of former generations , esteemed the most rational way of inducing their minds unto peaceable thoughts and resolutions . for as the wealth of men encreaseth , so do their desires and endeavours after all things and wayes whereby it may be secured ; that so they may not have spent their labour and the vigour of their spirits with reference unto their own good and that of their posterity in vain . yea , most men are found to be of issachar's temper , who when he saw , that rest was good , and the land pleasant , wherein his own advantages lay , bowed his shoulder to bear , and became a servant unto tribute ; fortes and miseri , have heretofore been only feared , and not such as found satisfaction to their desires in the encreases and successes of their endeavours . and as caesar said , he feared not those fat and corpulent persons anthony and dolabella , but those pale and lean discontented ones , brutus and cassius ; so men have been thought to be far less dangerous , or to be suspected in government , who are well clothed with their own wealth and concerns , than such as have nothing but themselves to lose , and by reason of their straights and distresses , do scarce judge them worth the keeping . and hath this gentleman really considered what the meaning of that word trade is , and what is the concernment of this nation in it ? or is he so fond of his own nations and apprehensions , as to judge it meet that the vital spirits and blood of the kingdom should be offered in sacrifice unto them ? solomon tells us , that the profit of the earth is for all , and the king himself is served by the field ; and we may truly in england say the same of trade ; all men know what respect unto it there is in the revenues of the crown , and how much they are concerned in its growth and promotion ; the rents of all from the highest to the lowest that have an interest in the soyl , are regulated by it , and rise and fall with it ; nor is there any possibility to keep them up to their present proportion and standard , much less to advance them , without the continuance of trade in its present condition at least , may without a steddy endeavour for its encrease , furtherance and promotion . noblemen and gentlemen must be contented to eat their own bief and mutton at home , if trade decay ; to keep up their antient and present splendour , they will find no way or means . corporations are known to be the most considerable and significant bodies of the common people , and herein lies their being and bread ; to diminish or discountenance their trade , is to starve them , and discourage all honest industry in the world . it was a sad desolation that not long since befell the great city by fire ; yet through the good providence of god , under the peaceable government of his majesty , it is rising out of its ashes , with a new signal beauty and lustre . but that consumption and devastation of it , which the pursuit of this council will inevitably produce , would prove fatal and irreparable . and as the interest of all the several parts of the common-wealth do depend on the trade of the people amongst our selves , so the honor , power and security of the whole in reference unto forraign nations , are resolved also into the same principles ; for as our soyl is but small in comparison of some of our neighbours , and the numbers of our people no wayes to be compared with theirs , so if we should forego the advantages of trade for which we have opportunities , and unto which the people of this nation have inclinations , above any countrey on nation in the world , we should quickly find how unequal the competition between them and us would be : for even our naval force , which is the honour of the king , the security of his kingdoms , the terror of his enemies , oweth its rise and continuance unto that preparation of persons employed therein , which is made by the trade of the nation . and if the councel of this author should be followed , to suspend all thoughts of the supportment , encouragement , and furtherance of trade , until all men by the severity of penalties should be induced to an uniformity in religion ; i doubt not but our envious neighbours would as readily discern the concernment of their malice and ill will therein , as hannibal did his , in the action of the roman general , who at the battel of cannae , according to their usual discipline , ( but fatally at that time misapplyed ) caused in the great distress of the army , his horsemen to alight and fight on foot , not considering the advantage of his great and politick enemy , as things then stood , who immediately said , i had rather he had delivered them all bound unto me , though he knew there was enough done to secure his victory . a survey of the first chapter . the author of this discourse , seems in this first chapter to design the stating of the controversie , which he intendeth to pursue and handle , ( as he expresseth himself pag. ii. ) as also to lay down the main foundations of his ensuing superstructure . nothing could be more regularly projected , nor more suited to the satisfaction of ingenious inquirers into the matters under debate ; for those , who have any design in reading , beyond a present divertisement of their minds , or entertainment of their fancies , desire nothing more than to have the subject matter which they exercise their thoughts about , clearly and distinctly proposed , that a true judgement may be made concerning what men say , and whereof they do affirm . but i fear our author hath fallen under the misadventure of a failure in these projections ; at least as unto that certainty , clearness , and perspicuity in the declaration of his conceptions , and expression of his assertions and principles ; without which all other ornaments of speech in matters of moment , are of no use or consideration . his language is good and proper , his periods of speech laboured , full , and even ; his expressions poynant towards his adversaries , and singly taken , appearing to be very significative and expressive of his mind . but i know not how it is come to pass , that what either through his own defect , as to a due comprehension of the notions whose mannagement he hath undertaken , or out of a design to cloud and obscure his sentiments , and to take the advantage of loose declamatory expressions , it is very hard , if possible , to gather from what he hath written , either what is the true state of the controversie proposed to discussion , or what is the precise determinate sense of of those words wherein he proposeth the principles that he proceeds upon . thus in the title of the book he asserts the power of the magistrate over the consciences of men ; elsewhere confines the whole work and duty of conscience to the inward thoughts and perswasions of the mind , over which the magistrate hath no power at all . conscience it self he sometimes sayes is every mans opinion ; sometimes he calls it an imperious faculty , which surely are not the same ; sometimes he pleads for the uncontrollable power of magistrates over religion and the consciences of men ; sometimes asserts their ecclesiastical jurisdiction as the same thing , and seemingly all that he intends ; whereas i suppose , no man ever yet defined ecclesiastical jurisdiction , to be , an uncontrollable power over religion and the consciences of men. the magistrates power over religion he asserts frequently , and denyeth outward worship to be any part of religion , and at last pleads upon the matter only for his power over outward worship . every particular vertue he affirms to be such , because it is a resemblance and imitation of some of the divine attributes ; yet also teacheth that there may be more vertues , or new ones that were not so , and that to be vertue in one place which is not so in another : sometimes he pleads that the magistrate hath power to impose any religion on the consciences of his subjects , that doth not countenance vice , or disgrace the deity ; and then anon pleads for it in indifferent things , and circumstances of outward worship only . also that the magistrate may oblige his subjects consciences to the performance of moral duties , and other duties in religious worship under penalties , and yet punisheth none for their crime and guilt , but for the example of others . and many other instances of the like nature may be given . now , whatever dress of words these things may be set off withal , they savour rankly of crude and undigested notions , not reduced unto such a consistency in his mind , as to suffer him to speak evenly , steadily , and constantly to them . upon the whole matter , it may not be unmeetly said of his discourse , what tally said of rullus his oration about the agrarian law ; concionem advocari jubet ; summâ cum expectatione concurritur ; explicat orationem sane longam & verbis valdè bonis ; vnum erat quod mihi vitiosum videbatur ; quòd tantâ ex frequentiâ nemo inveniri potuit qui intelligere posset quid diceret . hoc ille utrum ins●diarum caus● fecerit , an hac genere eloquentia delectetur , nescio ; tamen siqui acutiores in concione steterant , de lege agrairia nescio quid voluisse eum dicere suspicabantur . many good words it is composed of , many sharp reflections are made on others , a great appearance there is of reason ; but besides that , it is plain that he treats of the nonconformists and the magistrates power , and would have this latter exercised about the punishment or destruction of the former , ( which almost every page expresseth ) it is very , hard to gather what is the case he speaks unto , or what are principles he proceeds upon . the entrance of his discourse is designed to give an account of the great difficulty which he intends to assoyl , of the controversie that he will handle and debate , and of the difference which he will compose . here , if any where , accuracy , perspicuity , and a clear distinct direction of the minds of the readers unto a certain just apprehension of the matter in question and difference , ought to be expected . for if the foundation of discourses of this nature , be laid in terms general , ambiguous , loose , rhetorical , and flourishing , giving no particular determinate sense of the controversie , ( for so this is called by our author ) all . that ensues in the pursuit of what is so laid down , must needs be of the same complexion . and such appears to be the declamatory entrance of this chapter . for instead of laying a solid foundation to erect his superstructure upon , the author seems in it only to have built a castle in the air , that makes a goodly appearance and shew , but is of no validity or use . can he suppose that any man is the wiser , or the more intelligent in the difference about liberty of conscience , the power and duty of magistrates in granting or denying an indulgence unto the exercise of it , by reading an elegant parabolical discourse of two supream powers , the magistrate and conscience , contesting for soveraignty , in and about no man knows what ? what conscience is ; what liberty of conscience ; what it is pleaded for to extend unto , who are concerned in it ; whether its plea be resolved absolutely into its own nature and constitution , or into that respect which it hath to another common rule of the minds and conceptions of men in and about the worship of god , is not declared ; nor is it easily discernable , what he allows and approves of in his own discourse , and what he introduceth to reflect upon , and so reject . pag. 5. he tells us , that conscience is subject and accountable to god alone , that it owns no superiour but the lord of consciences . and pag. 7. that those who make it accountable to none but god lone , do in effect usurp their princes crown , defie his authority , and acknowledge no governour but themselves . if it be pleaded that in the first place , not what is , but what is unduly pretended is declared , his words may be as well so expounded in all his ascriptions unto magistrates also ; namely , that it is not with them as he asserts ; but only ' t is unduly pretended so to be , as to any thing that appears in the discourse . the distinct consideration of the principles of conscience , and the outward exercise of it , can alone here give any shew of relief . but as no distinction of that nature doth as yet appear , and if rested on , ought to have been produced by any one who understood himself , and intended not to deceive or entangle others , so when it is brought on the stage , its inconsistency to serve the end designed shall be evinced . but that a plea for the consciences of private men , ( submitting themselves freely and willingly to the supream power and government of magistrates in all things belonging to publick peace and tranquility , ) to have liberty to express their obedience unto god in the exercise of his outward worship , should receive such a tragical description of a rival supream power set up against the magistrate to the usurpation of his crown and dignity , is a new way of stating controversies whether in divinity or policy , which this author judgeth conducing to his design and purpose . and i shall say no more but that those who delight in such a way of writing , and do receive light and satisfaction thereby , do seem to be exercised in a logick that i was never acquainted withal , and which i shall not now enquire after . what seems to be of real difficulty in this matter which is so rhetorically exaggerated , our blessed saviour hath stated and determined in one word ; give , saith he , unto caesar the things that are caesar's , and to god the things that are gods ; and this he did , when he gave his disciples command not only to think , judge and believe according to what he should propose and reveal unto them , but also to observe and do in outward practices what ever he should command them . as he requires all subjection unto the magistrate in things of his proper cognizance , that is all things necessary to publick peace and tranquility in this world the great end of his authority : so he asserts also that there are things of god which are to be observed and practised , even all and every one of his own commands ; in a neglect whereof on any pretence or account , we give not unto god that which is his. and he doubted not , but that these things , these distinct respects to god and man , were exceedingly well consistent , and together directive to the same end of publick good . wherefore passing through the flourishes of this frontispiece with the highest inconcernment , we may enter the fabrick it self , where possibly we may find him declaring directly what it is that he asserts in this matter , and contendeth for ; and this he doth pag. 10. and therefore it is the design of this discourse by a fair and impartial debate to compose all these differences and adjust all these quarrells and contentions , and settle things upon their true and proper foundations ; first by proving it to be absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the world , that the supream magistrate of every commonwealth should be vested with a power to govern and conduct the consciences of subjects in affairs of religion . i am sure our author will not be surprized , if after he hath reported the whole party whom he opposeth , as a company of silly , foolish , illiterate persons , one of them should so far acknowledge his own stupidity , as to profess that after the consideration of this declaration of his intention and mind , he is yet to seek for the direct and determinate sense of his words , and for the principle that he designes the confirmation of . i doubt not but that the magistrate hath all that power which is absolutely necessary for the preservation of publick peace and tranquility in the world . but if men may be allowed to fancy what they please to be necessary unto that end , and thence to make their own measures of that power which is to be ascribed unto him , no man knows what bounds will be fixed unto that ocean wherein the leviathans they have framed in their imagination may sport themselves . some will perhaps think it necessary to this purpose that the magistrate should have power to declare , and determine whether there be a god or no ; whether if there be , it be necessary he should be worshipped or no ; whether any religion be needful in , or usefull to the world ; and if there be , then to determine what all subjects shall believe , and practise from first to last in the whole of it . and our author hopes that some are of this mind . others may confine it to lesser things , according as their own interest doth call upon them so to do ; though they are not able to assign a clear distinction between what is subjected unto him , and what may plead an exemption from his authority . he indeed who is the fountain and original of all power , hath both assigned its proper end , and fully suited it to the attainment thereof . and if the noise of mens lusts , passions , and interests , were but a little silenced , we should quickly hear the harmonious consenting voice of humane nature it self , declaring the just proportion that is between the grant of power and its end ; and undeniably express it in all the instances of it . for as the principle of rule and subjection , is natural to us , concreated with us , and indispensably necessary to humane society in all the distinctions it is capable of , and relations whence those distinctions arise ; so nature it self duly attended unto , will not fail by the reason of things , to direct us unto all that is essential unto it , and necessary unto its end . arbitrary fictions of ends of government , and what is necessary thereunto , influenced by present interest , and arising from circumstances confined to one place , time , or nation , are not to be imposed on the nature of government it self ; which hath nothing belonging unto it but what inseparably accompanieth mankind as sociable . but to let this pass ; the authority here particularly asserted , is a power in the supream magistrate to govern and guide the consciences of his subjects in affairs of religion . let any man duly consider these expressions , and if he be satisfied by them as to the sense of the controversie under debate , i shall acknowledge that he is wiser than i , which is very easie for any one to be . what are the affairs of religion here intended , all or some ? whether in religion , or about it ; what are the consciences of men , and how exercised about these things ; what it is to govern and conduct them ; with what power , by what means this may be done ; i am at a loss for ought that yet is here declared . there is a guidance , conduct , yea government of the consciences of men , by instructions and directions in a due proposal of rational and spiritual motives for those ends ; such as is that which is vested in , and exercised by the guides of the church ; and that in subjection to , and dependance on christ alone , as hath been hitherto apprehended ; though some now seem to have a mind to change their master , and to take up praesente numine who may be of more advantage to them . that the magistrate hath also power so to govern and conduct the consciences of his subjects in his way of administration , that is by ordering them to be taught , instructed , and guided in their duty , i know none that doth deny . so did jehosophat , 2 chron. 17 , 7 , 8 , 9. but it seems to be a government and guidance of another nature that is here intended . to deliver our selves therefore from the deceit and intanglement of these general expressions , and that we may know what to speak unto , we must seek for a declaration of their sense and importance from what is elsewhere in their pursuit affirmed and explained by their author . his general assertion is ( as was observed ) that the magistrate hath power over the consciences of his subjects in religion , as appears in the title of his book ; here p. 10. that power , is said to be , to govern and conduct their consciences in religious affairs ; pag. 13. that religion is subject to his dominion as well as all other affairs of state , pag. 27. it is a soveraignty over mens consciences in matters of religion , and this universal , absolute , and uncontrollable ; matters of religion are as uncontrollably subject to the supream power , as all other civil concerns ; he may if he please reserve the exercise of the priesthood to himself , p. 32. that is , what now in religion corresponds unto the ancient priesthood , as the ordering bishops and priests , administring sacraments and the like ; as the papists in q. elizabeth 's time did commonly report , in their usual manner , that it was done by a woman amongst us , by a fiction of such principles as begin it seems now to be owned . that if this power of the government of religion be not universal and unlimited it is useless , p. 35. that this power is not derived from christ , nor any grant of his , but is antecedent to his coming , or any power given unto him or granted by him , pag. 40. magistrates have a power to make that a particular of the divine law , which god had not made so , p. 80. and to introduce new duties in the most important parts of religion . so that there is a publick conscience which men are in things of a publick concern ( relating to the worship of god ) to attend unto and not to their own . and if there be any sin in the command , he that imposed it , shall answer for it , and not i whose whole duty it is to obey , p. 308. hence the command of authority will warrant obedience , and obedience will hallow my actions , and excuse me from sin , ibid. hence it follows , that whatever the magistrate commands in religion , his authority doth so immediately affect the consciences of men , that they are bound to observe it on the pain of the greatest sin and punishment ; and he may appoint and command whatever he pleaseth in religion , that doth not either countenance vice , or disgrace the deity , p. 85. and many other expressions are there of the general assertion before laid down . this therefore seems to me , and to the most impartial considerations of this discourse that i could bring unto it , to be the doctrine or opinion proposed and advanced for the quieting and composing of the great tumults described in its entrance ; namely , that the supream magistrate in every nation hath power to order and appoint what religion his subjects shall profess and observe , or what he pleaseth in religion , as to the worship of god required in it , provided that he enjoyneth nothing that countenanceth vice , or disgraceth the deity ; and thereby binds their consciences to profess and observe that which is by him so appointed ( and nothing else are they to observe ) making it their duty in conscience so to do ; and the highest crime or sin to do any thing to the contrary ; and that whatever the precise truth in these matters be , or whatever be the apprehensions of their own consciences concerning them . now if our author can produce any law , usage , or custome of this kingdom , any statute or act of parliament , any authentick record , any acts or declarations of our kings , any publickly authorised writing , before or since the reformation , declaring , asserting , or otherwise approving the power and authority described , to belong unto , to be claimed or exercised by the kings of this nation , i will faithfully promise him never to write one word against it , although i am sure i shall never be of that mind . and if i mistake not in a transient reflection on these principles , compared with those which the church of england hath formerly pleaded against them who opposed her constitutions , they are utterly by them cast out of all consideration ; and this one notion is advanced in the room of all the foundations , which for so many years her defenders , ( as wife and as learned as this author ) have been building upon . but this is not my concernment to examine ; i shall leave it unto them whose it is , and whose it will be made appear to be , if we are again necessitated to engage in this dispute . for the present ; be it granted , that it is the duty , and in the power of every supream magistrate , to order , and determine what religion , what way , what modes in religion shall be allowed , publickly owned , and countenanced , and by publick revenue maintained in his dominions . that is , this is allowed with respect to all pretensions of other soveraigns , or of his own subjects ; with respect unto god , it is his truth alone , the religion by him revealed , and the worship by him appointed that he can so allow or establish . the rule that holds in private persons with respect to the publick magistrate , holds in him with respect unto god. illud possumus quod jure possumus . it is also agreed , that no men , no individual person , no order , or society of men , are either in their persons or any of their outward concerns , exempted , or may be so on the account of religion , from his power and jurisdiction ; nor any causes that are lyable unto a legal , political disposal and determination ; it is also freely acknowledged that whatever such a magistrate doth determi●● about the observances of religion . under what penalties soever , his subjects are bound to observe what he doth so command and appoint , unless by general or especial rules , their consciences are obliged to a dissent , or contrary observation by the authority of god and his word ; in this case they are to keep their souls entire in their spiritual subjection unto god , and quietly and peaceably to bear the troubles , and inconveniencies which on the account thereof may befall them , without the least withdrawing of their obedience from the magistrate . and in this state of things as there is no necessity or appearance of it , that any man should be brought into such a condition , as wherein sin on the one hand , or the other , cannot be avoided ; so that state of things will probably occurr in the world , as it hath done in all ages hitherto , that men may be necessitated to sin , or suffer . to winde up the state of this controversie ; we say that antecedent to the consideration of the power of the magistrate , and all the influence that it hath upon men or their consciences , there is a superiour determination of what is true , what false in religion , what right and what wrong in the worship of god , wherein the guidance of the consciences of men doth principally depend , and whereinto it is ultimately resolved . this gives an obligation , or liberty unto them , antecedent unto the imposition of the magistrate , of whose command and our actual obedience unto them in these things , it is the rule and measure . and i think there is no principle , no common presumption of nature , nor dictate of reason more evident , known , or confessed , than this , that whatever god commands us in his worship or otherwise , that we are to do ; and whatever he forbids us , that we are not to do , be the things themselves in our eye great , or small . neither is there any difference in these things with respect unto the way or manner of the declaration of the will of god ; whether it be by innate common light , or by revelation , all is one ; the authority and will of god in all is to be observed . yea a command of god made known by revelation , ( the way which is most contended about ) may suspend as to any particular instance , the greatest command that we are obliged unto by the law of nature in reference unto one another ; as it did in the precept given to abraham for the sacrificing of his son. and we shall find our author himself setting up the supremacy of conscience in opposition unto , and competition with that of the magistrate , ( though with no great self-consistency ) ascribing the preheminence and prevalency in obligation unto that of conscience , and that in the principal and most important duties of religion and humane life . such are all those moral vertues , which have in their nature a resemblance of the divine perfections , wherein he placeth the substance of religion ; with respect unto these , he so setteth up the throne of conscience , as to affirm that if any thing be commanded by the magistrate against them , to disobey him is no sin , but a duty ; and we shall find the case to be the same in matters of meer revelation . for what god commands that he commands , by what way soever that commnad be made known to us . and there is no consideration that can adde any thing to the obligatory power and efficacy of infinite authority . so that where the will of god is the formal reason of our obedience , it is all one how or by what means it is discovered unto us , whatever we are instructed in by innate reason , or by 〈◊〉 ▪ the reason why we are 〈◊〉 by it , is neither the one nor the other , but the authority of god in both . but we must return unto the consideration of the sentiments of our author in this matter as before laid down . the authority ascribed to the civil magistrate being as hath been expressed ; it will be very hard for any one to distinguish between it and the soveraignty that the lord christ himself hath in and over his church ; yea if there be any advantage on either side , or a comparative preheminence , it will be found to be cast upon that of the magistrate . is the lord christ the lord of the souls and consciences of men ? hath he dominion over them to rule them in the things of the worship of god ? it is so with the magistrate also ; he hath an universal power over the consciences of his subjects . doth the lord christ require his disciples to do and observe in the worship of god what ever he commanded them ? so also may the magistrate , the rule and conduct of conscience in these matters belonging unto him ; provided that he command nothing that may countenance vice , or disgrace the deity ; which , with reverence be it spoken , our lord jesus christ himself , not only on the account of the per●ection and rectitude of his own nature , but also of his commission from the father , could not do . is the authority of christ the formal reason making obedience necessary to his commands and precepts ? so is the authority of the magistrate in reference unto what he requires . do men therefore sin if they neglect the observance of the commands of christ in the worship of god , because of his immediate authority so to command them binding their consciences ? so do men sin if they omit or neglect to do what the magistrate requires in the worship of god because of his authority , without any farther respect . hath the lord christ instituted two sacraments in the worship of god , that is outward visible signs , or symbols , of inward invisible or spiritual grace ? the magistrate if he please may institute and appoint twenty under the names of significant ceremonies ; that is outward visible signs of inward spiritual grace , which alone is the significancy contended about . hath the magistrate this his authority in and over religion and the consciences of men from jesus christ ? no more then christ hath his authority from the magistrate ; for he holds it by the law of nature antecedent to the promise and coming of christ ? might christ in his own person administer the holy things of the church of god ? not in the church of the jews , for he sprang of the tribe of judah , concerning which nothing was spoken as to the priesthood ; only he might in that of the gospel , but hath judged meet to commit the actual administration of them to others ? so is it with the magistrate also . thus far then christ and the magistrate seem to stand on even or equal terms ; but there are two things remaining that absolutely turn the scale and cast the advantage on the magistrates side . for first , men may do and practise many things in the worship of god which the lord christ hath no where , nor by any means required ; yea to think that his word or the revelation of his mind and will therein , is the sole and adequate rule of religious worship , is reported as an opinion foolish , absurd , impious and destructive of all government . if this be not supposed not only the whole design of our author in this book is defeated , but our whole controversie also is composed and at an end . but on the other hand , no man must do or practise any thing in that way , but what is prescribed , appointed and commanded by the magistrate , upon pain of sin , schism , rebellion and all that follows thereon . to leave this unasserted is all that the non-conformists would desire in order unto peace . comprehension and indulgence would ensue thereon . here i think the magistrate hath the advantage . but that which follows will make it yet more evident ; for secondly , suppose the magistrate require any thing to be done and observed in the worship of god , and the lord christ require the quite contrary in a mans own apprehension , so that he is as well satisfied in his apprehension of his mind as he can be of any thing that is proposed to his faith and conscience in the word of god ; in this case he is to obey magistrate , and not christ , as far as i can learn ; unless all confusion and disorder be admitted an entrance into the world . yea , but this seems directly contrary to that rule of the apostles , which hath such an evidence and power of rational conviction attending it , that they refer it to the judgement of their adversaries , and those persons of as perverse corrupt minds and prejudicate engagements against them and their cause , as ever lived in the world ; namely , whether it be meet to obey god or man , judge ye . but we are told , that this holds only in greater matters ; the logick ( by the way ) of which distinction , is as strange as its divinity . for if the formal reason of the difference intimated , arise from the comparison between the authority of god and man , it holds equally as to all things small or great that they may be oppositely concerned in . besides who shall judge what is small , or what is great in things of this nature ? cave ne titubes . grant but the least judgement to private men themselves in this matter , and the whole fabrick tumbles ; if the magistrate be judge of what is great and of what is little , we are still where we were without hopes of delivery . and this to me is a notable instance of the preheminence of the magistrate above christ in this matter . some of the old irish have a proverbial speech amongst them , that if christ had not been christ when he was christ , patrick had been christ ; but it seems now that takeing it for granted that he was christ , yet we have another that is so also ; that is lord over the souls and consciences of men ; and what can be said more of him , who sits in the temple of god , and shews himself to be god. as we formerly said non-conformists who are unacquainted with the mysteries of things of this nature , must needs desire to know whether these be the avowed principles of the church of england , or whether they are only inventions to serve a present turn of the pursuit of some mens designs . are all the old pleas of the jus divinum of episcopacy , of example and direction apostolical , of a parity of reason between the condition of the church whilst under extraordinary officers , and whilst under ordinary ; of the power of the church to appoint ceremonies for decency and order , of the consistency of christian liberty with the necessary practice of indifferent things , of the pattern of the churches of old , which ( whether , duly or otherwise we do not now determine ) have been insisted on in this cause , swallowed all up in this abysse of magistratical omnipotency , which plainly renders them useless and unprofitable ? how unhappy hath it been that the christian world was not sooner blessed with this great discovery of the only way and means of putting a final end , unto all religious contests ? that he should not until now appear , qui genus humanum ingenio superavit , & omnes praestrinxit stellas , exortus at aetherius sol . but every age produceth not a columbus . many indeed have been the disputes of learned men about the power of magistrates in and concerning religion . with us it is stated in the recorded actings of our soveraign princes , in the oath of supremacy , and the acts of parliament concerning it , with other authentick writings explanatory thereof . some have denyed him any concern herein ; our author is none of them ? but rather like the phrenetick gentleman who when he was accused in former dayes , for denying the corporal presence of christ in the sacrament : replyed in his own defence , that he believed him to be present booted and spurred as he rode to capernaum . he hath brought him in booted and spurred , yea armed cap-a-pie into the church of god , and given all power into his hands to dispose of the worship of god according to his own will and pleasure . and that not with respect unto outward order only , but with direct obligation upon the consciences of men . but doubtless it is the wisdom of soveraign princes to beware of this sort of enemies ; persons who to promote their own interest make ascriptions of such things unto them , as they cannot accept of , without the utmost hazzard of the displeasure of god. is it meet that to satisfie the desires of any , they should invade the prerogative of god , or set themselves down at his right hand in the throne of his only begotten son ? i confess they are no way concerned in what others for their advantage sake , as they suppose , will ascribe unto them , which they may sufficiently disown by scorn and silence . nor can their sin involve them in any guilt . it was not the vain acclamation of the multitude unto herod , the voice of god and not of man , but his own arrogant satisfaction in that blasphemous assignation of divine glory to him , that exposed him to the judgements and vengeance of god. when the princes of israel found by the answer of the reubenites that they had not transgressed against the law of gods worship , in adding unto it or altering of it , which they knew would have been a provocation not to have been passed over without a recompence of revenge ; they replyed unto them , now have you delivered the children of israel out of the hand of the lord ; and it is to be desired that all the princes of the israel of god in the world , all christian potentates , would diligently watch against giving admission unto any such insinuations , as would deliver them into the hand of the lord. for my own part , such is my ignorance , that i know not , that any magistrate from the foundation of the world , unless it were nebuchadnezzar , cai●s caligula , domitian and persons like to them , ever claimed or pretended to exercise the power here assigned unto them . the instances of the laws and edicts of constantine in the matters of religion and the worship of god , of theodosius and gratian , arcadius , martian and other emperours of the east remaining in the code and novels ; the capitular of the western emperours , and laws of gothish kings , the right of ecclesiastical jurisdiction inherent in the imperial crown of this nation , and occasionally exercised in all ages are of no concernment in this matter . for no man denyes but that it is the duty of the supream magistrate to protect and further the true religion , and right worship of god , by all wayes and means suited and appointed of god thereunto . to encourage the professors thereof , to protect them from wrong and violence , to secure them in the performance of their duties , is doubtless incumbent on them . whatever under pretence of religion brings actual disturbance unto the peace of mankind , they may coerce and restrain . when religion as established in any nation by law , doth or may interest the professors of it , or guides in it , in any priviledges , advantages , or secular emoluments , which are subject and lyable , as all humane concerns , to doubts , controversies , and litigious contests in their security and disposal , all these things depend meerly and solely on the power of the magistrate , by whose authority they are originally grantted , and by whose jurisdictive power both the persons vested with them , and themselves are disposable . but for an absolute power over the consciences of men to bind or oblige them formally thereby , to do whatever they shall require in the worship of god , so as to make it their sin deserving eternal damnation not so to do , without any consideration whether the things are true or false , according to the mind of god or otherwise , yea though they are apprehended by them who are so obliged to practise them , to be contrary to the will of god , that this hath hitherto been claimed by any magistrate , unless such as those before mentioned , i am yet to seek . and the case is the same with respect unto them who are not satis●ied that what is so prescribed unto them will be accepted with god. for whereas in all that men do in the worship of god , they ought to be fully perswaded of its acceptableness to god in their own minds , seeing whatever is not of faith is sin , he that doubteth is in a very little better capacity to serve god on such injunctions , then he who apprehendeth them to be directly contrary to his mind . if an edict were drawn up for the settlement of religion and religious worship in any christian nation , according to the principles and directions before laid down , it may be there would be no great strife in the world by whom it should be first owned and espoused . for it must be of this importance . whereas we have an vniversal and absolute power over the consciences of all our subjects in things appertaining to the worship of god ; so that if we please we can introduce new duties , ( never yet heard of , ) in the most important parts of religion ( pag. 80. ) and may impose on them in the practice of religion and divine worship what we please ; so that in our judgement it doth not countenance vice , nor disgrace the deity , ( pag. 85. ) and whereas this power is naturally inherent in us , not given or granted unto us by jesus christ , but belonged to us , or our predecessors before ever he was born , nor is expressed in the scripture , but rather supposed ; and this being such as that we our selves if we would , ( whether we be man or woman ) ( here france must be excepted by vertue of the salique law , though the whole project be principally calculated for that meridian ) might exercise the special offices and duties of religion in our own person , especially that of the priesthood , though me are pleased to transfer the exercise of it unto others ; and whereas all our prescriptions , impositions , and injunctions , in these things , do immediately affect and bind the consciences of our subjects because they are ours , whether they be right or wrong , true or false , so long as in our judgement they neither ( as was said ) countenance vice nor disgrace the deity , we do enact and ordain as followeth . ( here , if you please , you may intersert the scheme of religion given us by our author in his second chapter , and add unto it ; that because sacrifices were a way found out by honest men of old , to express their gratitude unto god thereby , so great and necessary a part of our religious duty ; it be enjoyned that the use of them be again revived ; seeing there is nothing in them that offends against the bounds prescribed to the power to be expressed ; and that men in all places do offer up bulls and goats , sheep , and fowls , to god , with as many other institutions of the like nature , as shall be thought meet ; ) hereunto add , now our express will and pleasure is , that every man may , and do think and judge what he pleaseth concerning the things enjoyned and enacted by vs ; for what have we to do with their thoughts and judgements ? they are under the empire and dominion of conscience , which we cannot invade if we would ; they may if they please judge them inconvenient , foolish , absurd , yea contrary to the mind , will , and law of god : our only intention , will and pleasure is , to bind them to the constant observation and practice of them , and that under the penalties of hanging and damnation . i know not any expression in such an impious and futilous edict , that may not be warranted out of the principles of this discourse ; the main parts of it being composed out of the words and phrases of it , and those used , to the best of my understanding , in the sense fixed to them by our author . now , as was said before , i suppose christian princes will not be earnest in their contests , who shall first own the authority intimated , and express it in a suitable exercise . and if any one of them should put forth his hand unto it , he will find that — furiarum maxima juxta accubat , & manibus prohibet contingere mensas . there is one who layes an antecedent claim to a sole interest in this power , and that bottomed on other manner of pretensions than any as yet have been pleaded in their behalf . for the power and authority here ascribed unto princes , is none other but that which is claimed by the pope of rome , ( with some few enlargements ) and appropriated unto him by his canonists and courtiers . only here the old gentleman , ( as he is called by our author ) hath the advantage ; that beside the precedency of his claim , it being entred on record at least six or seven hundred years before any proctor or advocate appeared in the behalf of princes , he hath forestall'd them all in the pretence of infallibility ; which doubtless is a matter of singular use in the exercise of the power contended about . for some men are so peevish as to think that thus to deal with religion and the consciences of men , belongs to none but him , who is absolutely , yea essentially so , that is infallible . for as we have now often said ( as contrary to their design men in haste oftentimes speak the same things over and over ) as to all ecclesiastical jurisdiction over persons and causes ecclesiastical , and the soveraign disposal of all the civil and political concernments of religion which is vested in the imperial crown of this nation , and by sundry acts of parliament is declared so to be , i shall be alwayes ready to plead the right of our kings , and all christian kings whatever , against the absurd pleas and pretences of the pope ; so as to this controversie between him and such princes as shall think meet to contend with him about it , concerning the power over the consciences of men before described , i shall not interpose my self in the scuffle ; as being fully satisfied they are contending about that which belongs to neither of them . but what reason is there , why this power should not be extended unto the inward thoughts and apprehensions of men about the worship of god , as well as to the expression of them in pure spiritual acts of that worship . the power asserted i presume will be acknowledged to be from god ; though i can scarce meet with the communication and derivation of it from him in this discourse . but whereas , it is granted on all hands , that the powers that be are of god , and that none can have authority over an other , unless it be originally given him from above ; i desire to be informed why the other part of the power mentioned , namely over the thoughts , judgements , and apprehensions of men in the things of the worship of god , should not be invested in the magistrate also ; that so he having declared what is to be believed , thought , and judged in such things , all men should be obliged so to believe , think , and judge ; for this power god can give ; and hath given it unto jesus christ. i presume , it will be said , that this was no way needful for the preservation of peace in humane society , which is the end for which all this power is vested in the magistrate . for let men believe , think , and judge what they please , so long as their outward actings are , or may be over-ruled , there is no danger of any publick disturbance . but this seems to be a mighty uneasie condition for mankind ; namely to live continually in a contradiction between their judgements and their practices , which in this case is allowed to be incident unto them . constantly to judge one way best and most according to the mind of god in his worship , and constantly to practise another , will , it is to be feared , prove like the conflicting of vehement vapours with their contrary qualities , that at one time or other will produce an earthquake . how then if men weary of this perplexing distorting condition of things in their minds , should be provoked to run to excesses and inordinate courses for their freedom and rest , such as our author excellently displayes in all their hideous colours and appearances , and which are really pernicious to humane policy and society ? were it not much better that all these inconveniencies had been prevented in the first instance , by taking care that the faith , thoughts , perswasions , and judgements of all subjects about the things of god , should be absolutely bound up unto the declared conceptions of their rulers in these matters ? let it not be pretended , that this is impossible , and contrary to the natural liberty of the minds of men , as rational creatures guiding and determining themselves according to their own reason of things and understandings . for do but fix the declared will of the ruler , in the room and place of divine revelation , ( which is no hard matter to do , which some actually do universally , and our author as to a great share and proportion ) and the obligation sought after to prevent all inconvencies in government , falls as full and directly upon the minds , thoughts , and judgements of men , as upon any of their outward actions . and this , for the substance of it , is now pleaded for ; seeing it is pretended that in all things dubious , where men cannot satisfie themselves that it is the will of god that they should do a thing , or no , the declaration of the magistrate determines not only their practice , but their judgement also , and gives them that full perswasion of their minds which is indispensably required unto their acting in such things ; and that faith which frees them from sin ; for he that doubteth , is damned if he eat . but it will be said , that there will be no need hereof ; for let men think and judge what they please , whilst they are convinced and satisfied that it is their duty not to practise any thing outwardly in religion , but what is prescribed by their rulers , it is not possible that any publick evil should ensue upon their mental conceptions only . we observed before that the condition described is exceedingly uneasie ; which i suppose will not be denyed by men who have seriously considered , what it is either to judge or practise any thing that lyes before them with reference unto the judgment of god. and that which should tye men up to rest perpetually in such a restless state , is as it seems a meer conviction of their duty . they ought to be , and are supposed to be convinced that it is their duty to maintain the liberty of their minds and judgements , but to submit in their outward practice universally to the laws of men that are over them . and this sense and conviction of duty , is a sufficient security unto publick tranquility , in all that contrariety and opposition of sentiments unto established religion and forms of worship that may be imagined ; but if this be so ; why will not the same conviction and sense of duty restrain them , who do peaceably exercise the worship of god according to the light and dictates of their consciences , from any actings whatever that may tend to the disturbance of the publick peace ? duty , nakedly considered , is even as such , the greatest obligation on the minds of men ; and the great security of others in their actings ariseth from the●c● . 〈◊〉 more it is influenced and advantaged by outward considerations , the less it is assaulted and opposed by things grievous and perplexing in the way of the discharge of it , the more efficacious will be its operations on the minds of men , and the firmer will be the security unto others that thence ariseth . now these advantages lye absolutely on the part of them who practise , or are allowed so to do , according to their own light and perswasion in the worship of god , wherein they are at rest and full satisfaction of mind ; and not on theirs who all their dayes are bound up to a perverse distorted posture of mind and soul , in judging one thing to be best and most pleasing unto god , and practising of the contrary . such an one , is the man that of all others , rulers have need i think to be most jealous of . for what security can be had of him , who hath inured himself unto a continual contradiction between his faith and his practice ? for my part i should either expect no other measure from him in any other thing , nor ever judge that his profession and wayes of actings are any sufficient indications of his mind , ( which takes away all security from mankind ) or fear that his convictions of light and knowledge , ( as he apprehends ) would at one time or other precipitate him into attempts of irregularity and violence for his own relief . — hic nig●r est , hunc tu romane caveto . it will be said , perhaps , that we need not look farther for the disturbance of publick peace , from them who practise outwardly any thing in the worship of god but what is prescribed , established , and enjoyned ; seeing that every such practice is such a disturbance it self . i say this pretence is miserably ridiculous and contemptible , and contrary to the common experience of mankind . if this were so , the whole world for 300 years , lived in one continual disturbance and tumult upon the account of christian religion , whose professors constantly practised and performed that in the worship of god , which was so far from being established or approved by publick authority , that it was proscribed and condemned under penalties of all sorts , pecuniary , corporal , and sanguinary or capital . but we see no such matter ensued , nor the least disquietment unto the world , but what was given unto it by the rage of bloody persecutors , that introduced the first convulsions into the roman empire , which were never well quieted , but ended in its dissolution . the experience also of the present and next preceding ages , casts this frivolous exception out of consideration . and as such a practice , even against legal prohibitions , though it be by the transgression of a penal law , is yet in it self and just consequence remote enough from any disturbance of government , ( unless we should suppose that every non-observance of a penal statute invalidates the government of a nation , which were to fix it upon such a foundation , as will not afford it the steddiness of a weathercok ; ) so being allowed by way of exemption , it contains no invasion upon , or intrusion into the rights of others ; but being accompanied with the abridgement of the priviledges of none , or the neglect of any duty required to the good of the common-wealth , it is as consistent with , and may be as conducing to publick good and tranquility , as any order of religious things in the world , as shall be elsewhere demonstrated . it remains therefore that the only answer to this consideration is , that men who plead for indulgence and liberty of conscience in the worship god according to his word , and the light which he hath given them therein , have indeed no conscience at all , and so are not to be believed as to what they profess against sinister and evil practises . this flaile i know no fence against , but this only ; that they have as good and better grounds to suspect him to have no conscience at all , who upon unjust surmises shall so injuriously charge them , as finding him in a direct transgression of the principal rules that conscience is to be guided and directed by , than he hath to pronounce such a judgement concerning them and their sincerity in what they prosess . and whether such mutual censures tend not to the utter overthrow of all peace , love , and security amongst mankind is easie to determine . certainly it is the worst game in the world for the publick , to have men bandying suspicions one against another ; and thereon managing mutual charges of all that they do surmise , or what else they please to give the countenance of surmise unto . i acknowledge the notion insisted on , namely , that mhilest men reserve to themselves the freedom and liberty of judging what they please , or what seems good unto them in matters of religion and the worship of god , they ought to esteem it their duty to practise in all things according to the prescription of their rulers , though every may contrary unto , and inconsistent with their own judgements and perswasions , unless it be in things that countenance vice , or disgrace the deity ( where of yet it may be , it will not be thought meet that they themselves should judge for themselves and their own practise , seeing they may extend their conceptions about what doth so unto such minute instances as would frustrate the whole design ) is exceedingly accommodated to the corrupt lusts and affections of men , and suited to make provision for their security in this world , by an exemption from the indispensable command of professing the truth communicated and known unto them ; a sense of the obligation where of , hath hitherto exposed innumerable persons in all ages to great difficulties , dangers , and sufferings , yea to death the height and summ of all . for whereas men have been perswaded that with the heart man believeth unto righteousness , and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation ; the latter clause is in many cases hereby sufficiently superseded ; and the troublesome duty seeming to be required in it , is removed out of the way . it will not , it may be , be so easie to prove that in the religion of the mahumetans there is any thing enjoyned in practise , that will directly fall under the limitations assigned unto the complyance with the commands of supeperiours contended for . and therefore let a man but retain his own apprehensions concerning jesus christ and the gospel , it may be lawful for him , yea be his duty to observe the worship enjoyned by the law of mahomet , if his lot fall to live under the power of the grand seignior , or any soveraign prince of the same perswasion . but the case is clear in the religion of the papists , which is under the protection of the greatest number of supream magistrates in europe . it will not be pretended , i suppose by our author , that there is any thing in the confession of the church of rome , or imposed by it on the practices of men , that directly gives countenance unto any immorality , especially as the sense of that term is by him stated ; and it is no easie matter for ordinary men to prove and satisfie themselves , that there is ought in their modes of worship of such a tendency , as to cast disgrace upon the deity ; especially considering with how much learning and diligence the charge of any such miscarriage is endeavoured to be answered and removed ; all which pleas ought to be satisfied , before a man can make sedately a determinate judgement of the contrary . let then men's judgements be what they will in the matters of difference between protestants and papists , it is on this hypothesis , the duty of all that live under the dominion of soveraign popish princes , outwardly to comply with and practise that religious worship that is commanded by them and enjoyned . the case is the same also as to the religion of the jews . now as this casts a reflection of incredible folly and unexpiable guilt upon all protestant martyrs , in casting away their own lives , and disobeying the commands of their lawful soveraigns ? so it exposeth all the protestants in the world who are still in the same condition of subjection , to the severe censures of impiety and rebellion ; and must needs exasperate their rulers to pursue them to destruction , under pretence of unwarrantable obstinacy in them . for if we wholly take off the protection of conscience in this matter , and its subjection to the authority of god alone , there is no plea left to excuse dissenting protestants from the guilt of such crimes , as may make men justly cry out against them as the jews did against st. paul , away with them , away with them , it is not meet that such fellows should live ; or , frotestantes ad leones , according to the old cry of the pagans against the primitive christians . but if this should prove to be a way of teaching and justifying the grossest hypocrisie and dissimulation that the nature of man is capable of , a means to cast off all regard unto the authority of god over the wayes and lives of men , all the rhetorick in the world shall never perswade me that god hath so moulded and framed the order and state of humane affairs , that it should be any way needful to the preservation of publick peace and tranquility . openness , plainness of heart , sincerity in our actions and professions , generous honesty , and an universal respect in all things to the supream rector of all , the great possessour of heaven and earth , with an endeavour to comply with his present revealed mind , and future judgement , are far better foundations for , and ligaments of publick peace and quietness . to make this the foundation of our political superstructure , that divisum imperium cum jove caesar habet , god hath immediate and sole power over the minds and inward thoughts of men ; but the magistrate over the exercise of those thoughts in things especially belonging to the worship of god , and in the same instances , seems not to prognosticate a stable or durable building . the prophet was not of that mind of old , who in the name of god blamed the people for willingly walking after the commandment of their ruler , in concerns of worship not warranted by divine appointment ; nor was daniel so , who notwithstanding the severe prohibition made against his praying in his house , continued to do so three times a day . but besides all this ! i do not see how this hypothesis is necessarily subservient to the principal design of the author , but it may be as well improved to quite distant , yea contrary ends and purposes . his design plainly is , to have one fabrick of religion erected , one form of external worship enacted and prescribed , which all men should be compelled by penalties to the outward profession and observance of ; these penalties he would have to be such as should not fail of their end ; namely , of taking away all professed dissent from his religious establishment ; which if it cannot be effected without the destruction and death of multitudes , they also are not to be forborn . now how this ensues from the fore-mentioned principle i know not . for a supream magistrate , finding that the minds of very many of his subjects are in their judgements and perswasions engaged in a dissent unto the religion established by him , or somewhat in it , or some part of it , especially in things of practical worship ; though he should be perswaded that he hath so far a power over their consciences , as to command them to practise contrary to their judgement , yet knowing their minds and perswasions to be out of his reach and exempted from his jurisdiction , why may he not think it meet and conducing to publick tranquillity and all the ends of his government , even the good of the whole community committed to his charge , rather to indulge them in the quiet and peaceable exercise of the worship of god according to their own light , than alwayes to bind them unto that unavoidable disquietment which will ensue upon the conflict in their minds between their judgements and their practices , if he should oblige them as is desired . certainly , as in truth and reality , so according to this principle , he hath power so to do . for to fancy him such a power over the religion and consciences of his subjects , as that he should be inevitably bound on all occurrences and in all conditions of affairs , to impose upon them the necessary observation of one form of worship , is that which would quickly expose him to inextricable troubles . and instances of all sorts might be multiplyed to shew the ridiculous folly of such a conception . nay it implies a perfect contradiction to what is disputed before . for if he be obliged to settle and impose such a form on all , it must be because there was a necessity of somewhat antecedent to his imposition , whence his obligation to impose it did arise . and on such a supposisition it is in vain to enquire after his liberty or his power in these things , seeing by his duty he is absolutely determined , and whatever that be which doth so determine him and put an obligation upon him , it doth indispensably do the same on his subjects also ; which as it is known utterly excludes the authority pleaded for . this principle therefore indeed asserts his liberty to do what he judgeth meet in these matters , but contains nothing in it to oblige him to judge , that it may not be meet and most conducing unto all the ends of his government to indulge unto the consciences of men peaceable , ( especially if complying with him in all the fundamentals of the religion which himself professeth ) the liberty of worshiping god according to what they apprehend of his own mind and will. and let an application of this principle be made to the present state of this nation , wherein there are so great multitudes of persons peaceable and not unuseful unto publick good , who dissent from the present establishment of outward worship , and have it not in their power either to change their judgements or to practise contrary unto them ; and as it is in the power of the supream magistrate to indulge them in their own way , so it will prove to be his interest as he is the spring and center of of publick peace and prosperity . neither doth it appear that in this discourse our author hath had any regard either to the real principles of the power of the magistrate as stated in this nation , or to his own which are fictitious ; but yet such as ought to be obligatory to himself ; his principal assertion is , that the supream magistrate hath power to bind the consciences of men in matters of religion , that is by laws and edicts to that purpose ; now the highest and most obligatory way of the supream magistrates speaking in england , is by acts of parliament ; it is therefore supposed that what is so declared in or about matters of religion , should be obligatory to the conscience of this author ; but yet quite otherwise , p. 59. he sets himself to oppose and condemn a publick law of the land , on no other ground than because it stood in his way , and seemed incompliant with his principles . for whereas the law of 2 and 3 ed. 6. which appointed two weekly dayes for abstinence from flesh , had been amongst other reasons prefaced with this , that the kings subjects having now a more clear light of the gospel through the infinite mercy of god ( such canting language was then therein used ) and thereby the kings majesty perceiving that one meat of it self was not more holy than another , &c. yet considering that due abstinence , was a means to vertue , and to subdue mens bodies to their souls and spirits , &c. and it being after found ( it should seem by a farther degree of light ) that those expressions meeting with the inveterate opinions of some , newly brought out of popery , had given countenance to them to teach or declare , that something of religion was placed therein ; thereon by the law made 5 elizab. adding another weekly day to be kept with the former for the same purpose , the former clause was omitted , and mention only made therein of the civil and politique reasons inducing the legislators thereunto ; and withall a penalty of inflicting punishment on those who should affirm and maintain that there was any concernment of conscience and religion in that matter . this provision hath so distasted our author , that forgetting it seems his own design , he reproaches it with the title of jejunium cecilianum ; and thinks it so far from obliging his conscience to acquiess in the determination therein made , that he will not allow it to give law to his tongue or pen ; but ( vexet censura columbas ) it seems they are the phanaticks only that are thus to be restrained . moreover on occasion hereof we might manifest how some other laws of this land do seem carefully to avoid that imposition on conscience , which against law and reason he pleadeth for ; for instance in that of 21 jacob. touching usury , and the restraint of it unto the summ therein established , it was provided , that no words in this act conteined shall be construed or expounded to allow the practise of vsury in point of religion and conscience . and why did not the supream magistrate in that law determine and bind the consciences of men , by a declaration of their duty in a point of religion ; seeing whether way soever the determination had been made , neither would immorality have been countenunced , nor the deity disgraced ? but plainly it is rather declared , that he hath not cogni●●●ce of such things with reference to the consciences of men to oblige them , or set them at liberty , but only power to determine what may be practised in order to publick profit and peace . and therefore the law would neither bind , nor set at liberty the consciences of men in such cases , which is a work for the supream law-giver only . neither , as it hath been before observed , do the principles here asserted and contended for , either express or represent the supremacy of the kings of this nation in matters ecclesiastical as it is stated and determined by themselves in parliament ; but rather so , as to give great offence and scandal to the religion here professed and advantage to the adversaries thereof ; for after there appeared some ambiguity in those words of the oath enacted 1 eliz. of testifying the queen to be supream governour as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as in temporal ; and many doubts and scruples ensued thereon , as though there were assigned to her a power over the consciences of her subjects in spiritual things , or that she had a power her self to order and administer spiritual things ; in quinto elizab. it is enacted by way of explanation , that the oaths aforesaid shall be expounded in such form as is set forth in the admonition annexed to the queens injunctions , published in the first year of her reign , where disclaiming the power of the ministry of divine offices in the church , or the power of the priesthood here by our author affixed to the supream magistrate , her power and authority is declared to be a soveraignty over all manner of persons born within this realm , whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal , so that no foraign power hath , or ought to have any superiority over them ; and so is this supremacy stated in the articles anno 1562. namely an autho●ity to rule all estates and degrees committed to the charge of the supream magistrate by god , whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal , and to restrain the stubborn or evil-doers . of the things contended for by our author ; the authority of the priesthood , and power over the consciences of men in matters of religion there is not one word in our laws , but rather they are both of them rejected and condemned . i have yet laid the least part of that load upon this principle , which if it be farther pressed it must expect to be burdened withal , and that from the common suffrage of christians in all ages . but yet that i may not transgress against the design of this short and hasty discourse , i shall proceed no farther in the pursuit of it ; but take a little survey of what is here pleaded in its defence . now this is undertaken and pursued in the first chapter , with the two next ensuing , where an end is put to this plea. for if i understand any thing of his words and expressions , our author in the beginning of his fourth chapter , cuts down all those gourds and wild vines that he had been planting in the three preceding ; for he not only grants but disputes also for an obligation on the consciences of men antecedent and superiour unto all humane laws and their obligation ; his words are as followeth , pag. 115. it is not because subjects are in any thing free from the authority of the supream power on earth , but because they are subject to a superiour in heaven ; and they are only then excused from the duty of obedience to their soveraign when they cannot give it without rebellion against god ; so that it is not originally any right of their own that exempts them from a subjection to the soveraign power in all things ; but it is purely gods right of governing his own creatures that magistrates then invade when they make edicts to violate or controll his laws ; and those who will take off from the consciences of men , all obligations antecedent to those of humane laws , instead of making the power of princes , supream , absolute , and uncontrollable , they utterly enervate all their authority , and set their subjects at perfect liberty from all their commands . i know no men that pretend to exemption from the obligation of humane laws , but only on this plea , that god by his law requires them to do otherwise ; and if this be so , the authority of such laws as to the consciences of men , is superseded by the confession of this author . allow therefore but the principles here expressed , namely , that men have a superiour power over them in heaven , whose laws , and the revelation of whose will concerning them , is the supream rule of their duty , whence an obligation is laid upon their consciences of doing whatever is commanded , or not doing what is forbidden by him , which is superiour unto , and actually supersedes all humane commands and laws that interfere therewith , and i see neither use of , nor place for that power of magistrates over the consciences of men , which is so earnestly contended for . and our author also in his ensuing discourse in that chapter , placeth all the security of government in the respect that the consciences of men have to the will and command of god ; and which they profess to have ; which in all these chapters he pleads to be a principle of all confusion . but it is the first chapter which alone we are now taking a view of . the only argument therein insisted on to to make good the ascription unto the magistrate of the power over religion and the consciences of men before described , is the absolute and indispensable necessity of it , unto publick tranquility , which is the principal , and most important end of government . in the pursuit of this argument , sometimes yea often , such expressions are used concerning the magistrates power , as in a tolerable construction declare it to be what no man denyes nor will contend about . but it is necessary that they be interpreted according to the genius and tenor of the opinion contended for , and accordingly we will consider them . this alone i say is that which is here pleaded , or is given in as the subject of the ensuing discourse . but after all , i think that he who shall set himself seriously to find out how any thing here spoken , hath a direct and rational cogency towards the establishment of the conclusion before laid down , will find himself engaged in no easie an undertakeing . we were told i confess at the entrance ( so as that we may not complain of a surprizal ) that we must expect to have invectives twisted with arguments , and some such thing seems here to be aimed at ; but if a logical chymist come , and make a separation of the elements , of this composition , he will find , if i mistake not , an heap of the drossy invective , and scarce the least appearance of any argument ore. instead of sober rational arguing , — crimina rasis librat in antithetis ; — great aggravations of mens miscarriages in the pursuit of the dictates of their consciences , either real or feigned , edged against , and fiercely reflected upon those whom he makes his adversaries , and these the same for substance , repeated over and over in a great variety of well placed words , take up the greatest part of his plea in this chapter ; especially the beginning of it , wherein alone the controversie as by himself stated is concerned . but if the power and authority over religion and the consciences of men here ascribed unto supream magistrates , be so indispensably necessary to the preservation of publick tranquility , as is pretended , a man cannot but wonder how the world hath been in any age past , kept in any tolerable peace and quietness ; and how it is any where blessed with those ends of government at this day . for it will not be an easie task for our author , or any one else to demonstrate that the power mentioned , hath ever been either claimed or exercised by any supream magistrate in christendom , or that it is so at this day . the experience of past and present ages , is therefore abundantly sufficient to defeat this pretence , which is sufficiently asserted , without the least appearance of proof or argument to give it countenance or confirmation ; or they must be very charitable to him , or ignorant in themselves , who will mistake invectives for arguments . the remembrance indeed of these severities i would willingly lay aside ; especially because the very mention of them seems to express an higher sense of and regret concerning them , then i am in the least subject unto , or something that looks like a design of retaliation ; but as these things are far from my mind , so the continual returns that almost in every page i meet with , of high and contemptuous reproaches , will not allow that they be alwayes passed by without any notice or remark . it is indeed indispensably necessary that publick peace and tranquility be preserved ; but that there is any thing in point of government necessary hereunto , but that god have all spiritual power over the consciences of men , and rulers political power over their actings wherein publick peace and tranquility are concerned , the world hath not hitherto esteemed , nor do i expect to find it proved by this author . if these things will not preserve the publick peace , it will not be kept if one should rise from the dead to perswade men unto their duty . the power of god over the consciences of men , i suppose is acknowledged by all who own any such thing as conscience or believe there is a god over all . that also in the exercise of this authority , he requires of men all that obedience unto rulers that is any way needfull or expedient unto the preservation of the ends of their rule , is a truth standing firm on the same foundation of universal consent , derived from the law of creation ; and his positive commands to that purpose , have an evidence of his will in this matter not liable to exception or controll . this conscience unto god our author confesseth ( as we have observed , in his fourth chapter , to be the great preservation and security of goverment and governours , with respect unto the ends mentioned . and if so , what becomes of all the pretences of disorder and confusion that will ensue , unless this power over mens consciences be given to the magistrate and taken as it were out of the hands of god ? nor is it to be supposed that men will be more true to their consciences supposing the reiglement of them in the hand of men , than when they are granted to be in the hand and power of god ; for both at present are supposed to require the same things . certainly where conscience respects authority , as it always doth , the more absolute and soveraign it apprehends the authority by which it is obliged , the greater and more firm will be the impressions of the obligation upon it . and in that capacity of preheminence , it must look upon the authority of god compared with the authority of man. here then lyes the security of publick peace and tranquility , as it is backed by the authority of the magistrate , to see that all outward actions are suitable unto what conscience toward god doth in this matter openly and unquestionably require . the pretence indeed is that the placing of this authority over the consciences of men in the supream ruler , doth obviate and take away all grounds and occasions of any such actings on the account of religion , as may tend unto publick disturbance . for suppose conscience in things concerning religion and the worship of god subject to god alone , and the magistrate require such things to be observed in the one or the other as god hath not required , at least in the judgements and consciences of them of whom the things prescribed are required , and to forbid the things that god requires to be observed and done ; in this case it is said they cannot or will not comply in active obedience with the commands of the magistrate . but what if it so fall out ? doth it thence follow that such persons must needs rebell and be seditious and disturb the publick peace , of the society whereof they are members ? wherefore is it that they do not do or observe what is required of them by the magistrate in religion or the worship of god , or that they do what he forbids ? is it not because of the authority of god over their minds and consciences in these things ? and why should it be supposed that men will answer the obligations laid by god on their consciences in one thing , and not in another ; in the things of his worship and not of obedience unto civil power , concerning which his commands are as express and evident , as they can be pretended to be in the things which they avow their obligation unto . experience is pretended to the contrary . it is said again and again , that men under pretence of their consciences unto god in religion , have raised wars and tumults , and brought all things into confusion , in this kingdom and nation especially ; and what will words avail against the evidence of so open an experience to the contrary ? but what if this also should prove a false and futilous pretence ? fierce and long wars have been in this nation of old , upon the various titles of persons pleading their right unto supream government in the kingdom , against one another ; so also have there been about the civil rights and the priviledges of the subjects , in the confusions commonly called the barons wars . the late troubles , disorders , and wars amongst us must bear the weight of this whole charge . but if any one will take the pains to review the publick writings , declarations , treaties whereby those tumults and wars were begun and carried on , he will easily discern that liberty of conscience in practice , or the exemption of it from the power of the magistrate as to the rule and conduct of it now ascribed unto him , in the latitude by sober persons defended or pleaded for , had neither place in , nor influence into the beginnings of those troubles . and when such confusions are begun , no man can give assurance or conjecture where they shall end . authority , laws , priviledges , and i know not what things wherein private men of whom alone we treat ▪ have no pretence of interest , were pleaded in those affairs . he that would judge aright of these things , must set aside all other considerations , and give his instance of the tumults and seditions that have ensued on the account of menskeeping their consciences entire for god alone , without any just plea , or false pretence of authority , and the interest of men in the civil concerns of nations . however it cannot be pretended that liberty of conscience gave the least occasion unto any disorders in those dayes . for indeed there was none , but only that of opinion and judgement , which our author placeth out of the magistrates cognizance and dispose ; and supposeth it is as a thing wherein the publick peace neither is nor can be concerned . it is well if it prove so ; but this liberty of judgement constantly prest with a practice contrary to its own determinations , will i fear prove the most dangerous posture of the minds of men in reference to publick tranquillity , that they can be well disposed into . however we may take a little nearer view of the certain remedy provided for all these evils by our author , and satisfie our selves in some enquiries about it . shall then according to this expedient the supream magistrate govern , rule , and oblige unto obedience the consciences of his subjects universally in all things in religion and the worship of god , so that appoint what he please , forbid what he please , subjects are bound in concience to observe them and yield obedience accordingly ? his answer as far as i can gather his meaning is , that he may and must do so in all things , taking care that what he commands shall neither countenance vice , nor disgrace the deity , and then the subjects are obliged according to the enquiry . but yet there seems another limitation to be given to this power p. 37. where he affirms , that the lord christ hath given severe injunctions to secure the obedience of men to all lawful superiours , except where they run directly cross to the interest of the gospel ; and elsewhere he seems to give the same priviledge of exemption , where a religion is introduced that is idolatrous or superstitious . i would then a little farther enquire , who shall judge whether the things commanded in religion and the worship of god be idolatrous or superstitious ? whether they cross directly the interest of the gospel ? whether they countenance vice , and disgrace the deity , or no. to say that the magistrate is to judge and determine hereof , is the highest foppery imaginable . for no magistrate , unless he be distracted , will enjoyn such a religion to observance , as he judgeth himself to fall under the qualifications mentioned ; and when he hath done declare that so they do , and yet require obedience unto them . besides , if this judgement be solely committed unto him , indeed in the issue there neither is , nor can be any question for a judgement to be passed upon in this matter . for his injunction doth quite render useless all disquisitions to that purpose . the judgement and determination hereof therefore is necessary to be left unto the subjects , from whom obedience is required . so it lyes in the letter of the proposal , they must obey in all things but such ; and therefore surely must judge what is such and what is not . now who shall fix bounds to what they will judge to fall under one or other of these limitations ? if they determine according to the best light they have that the religious observances enjoyned by the magistrate do directly cross the interest of the gospel , they are absolved by our author from any obligation in conscience to their observation . and so we are just as before ; and this great engine for publick tranquility vanisheth into air and smoak . thus this author himself in way of objection supposeth a case of a magistrate enjoyning , as was said , a religion superstitious and idolatrous ; this he acknowledgeeth to be an inconvenience ; yet such as is far beneath the mischiefs the ensue upon the exemption of the consciences of men in religion from the power of the the magistrate , which i confess i cannot but admire at , and can give reasons why i do so admire it ; which also may be given in due season . but what then is to be done in this case ? he answers , it is to be born : true , but how ? is it to be so born as to practise and observe the things so enjoyned though superstitious and idolatrous ? though his words are dubious , yet i suppose he will not plainly say so ; not can he unless he will teach men to cast off all respect unto the authority of god , and open such a door to atheism , as his rhetorical prefatory invective will not be able to shut . the bearing then intended must be by patient suffering in a refusal to practise what is so commanded , and observing the contrary commands of god. but why in this case ought they to suffer quietly for refusing a compliance with what is commanded , and for their observance of the contrary precepts of the gospel ? why , they must do so because of the command of god , obliging their consciences unto obedience to the magistrate in all things wherein the publick peace is concerned , and so that is absolutely secured . is it not evident to him that hath but half an eye that we are come about again where we were before ? let this be applyed to all the concernments of religion and religious worship , and there will arise with respect unto them , the same security which in this case is deemed sufficient , and all that humane affairs are capable of . for if in greater matters men may refuse to act according to the magistrates command , out of a sense of the authority of god obliging them to the contrary , and yet their civil peaceableness and obedience be absolutely secured from the respect of their consciences to the command of god requiring it ; why should it not be admitted that they may and will have the same respect to that command , when they dissent from the magistrates constitution in lesser things , on the same account of the authority of god requiring the contrary of them ? shall we suppose that they will cast off the authority of god requiring their obedience , on the account of their dissatisfaction in lesser things of the magistrates appointment , when they will not do so for all the violences that may be offered unto them in things of greater and higher importance ? the principle therefore asserted is as useless as it is false , and partakes sufficiently of both those properties to render it inconsiderable and contemptible . and he that can reconcile these things among themselves , or make them useful to the authors design , will atchieve what i dare not aspire unto . i know not any thing that remains in this first chapter deserving our farther consideration ; what seems to be of real importance , or to have any aspect towards the cause in hand , may undergoe some brief remarques , and so leave us at liberty to a farther progress . in general a supposition is laid down , and it is so vehemently asserted as is evident that it is accompanied with a desire that it should be taken for granted ; namely , that if the consciences of men be not regulated in the choice and practice of religion by the authority of the magistrate over them , they will undoubtedly run into principles and practices inconsistent with the safety of humane society , and such as will lead them to seditions and tumults ; and hence , ( if i understand him , a matter i am continually jealous about from the loosness of his expressions , though i am satisfied i constantly take his words in the words in the sense which is received of them by most intelligent persons ) he educeth all his reasonings , and not from a meer dissent from the magistrates injuctions , without the entertainment of such principles , or an engagement into such practices . i cannot i say , find the arguments that arise from a meer supposition that men in some things relating to the worship of god , will or do practise otherwise than the magistrate commands , which are used to prove the inconsistency of such a posture of things with publick tranquility , which yet alone was the province our author ought to have managed . but there is another supposition added , that where conscience is in any thing left unto its own liberty to choose or refuse in the worship of god , there it will embrace , sure enough , such wicked debauched and seditious principles , as shall dispose men unto commotions , rebellions , and all such evils as will actually evert all rule , order and policy amongst men . but now this supposition will not be granted him , in reference unto them who profess to take up all their profession of religion from the command of god , or the revelation of his will in the scripture , wherein all such principles and practices as those mentioned are utterly condemned ; and the whole profession of christianity being left for 300 years without the rule , guidance , and conduct of conscience now contended for , did not once give the least disturbance unto the civil governments of the world. disturbances indeed there were , and dreadful revolutions of government in those dayes and places , when and where the professors of it lived ; but no concerns of religion being then involved in or with the civil rights and interests of men , as the professors of it had no engagements in them , so from those alterations and troubles no reflection could be made on their profession . and the like peace , the like innocency of religion , the like freedom from all possibility of such imputations as are now cast upon it , occasioned meerly by its intertexture with the affairs , rights , and laws of the nations , and the interests of its professours as such therein , will ensue , when it shall be separated from that relation wherein it stands to this world , and left as the pure naked tendency of the souls of men to another , and not before . but what , sayes our author , if for the present the minds of men happen to be tainted with such furious and boysterous conceptions of religion as incline them to stubbornness and sedition , and make them unmanageable to the laws of government , shall not a prince be allowed to give check to such unruly and dangerous perswasions ? i answer ; that such principles which being professed and avowed , are in their own nature and just consequence destructive to publick peace and humane society , are all of them directly opposite to the light of humane nature , that common reason and consent of mankind wherein and whereon all government is founded , with the prime fundamental laws and dictates of the scripture , and so may and ought to be restrained in the practises of the persons that profess them ; and with reference unto them the magistrate beareth not the sword in vain — for humane society being inseparably consequent unto , and and an effect of the law of our nature , or concreated principles of it , which hath subdued the whole race of mankind in all times and places unto its observance , opinions , perswasions , principles , opposite unto it or destructive of it , manifesting themselves by any sufficient evidence , or in overt acts , ought to be no more allowed than such as profess an enmity to the being and providence of god himself . for mens inclinations indeed , as in themselves considered , there is no competent judge of them amongst the sons of men ; but as to all outward actions that are of the tendency described , they are under publick inspection to be dealt withall according to their demerit . i shall only add that the mormo here made use of , is not now first composed or erected ; it hath for the substance of it been flourished by the papists ever since the beginning of the reformation . neither did they use to please themselves more in , or to dance more merrily about any thing than this calf ; let private men have their consciences exempted from a necessary obedience to the prescriptions of the church , and they will quickly run into all pernicious fancies and perswasions . it is known how this scare-crow hath been cast to the ground , and this calf stamped to powder by divines of the church of england . it is no pleasant thing i confess to see this plea revived now with respect to the magistrates authority , and not the popes ; for i fear that when it shall be manifested , and that by the consent of all parties , that there is no pleadable argument to botom this pretension for the power of the magistrate upon , some rather then forego it , will not be unwilling to recur to the fountain from whence it first sprang , and admit the popes plea as meet to be revived in this case . and indeed if we must come at length for the security of publick peace , to deprive all private persons of the liberty of judging what is right and wrong in religion in reference to their own practice , or what is their duty towards god about his worship and what is not , there are innumerable advantages attending the design of devolving the absolute determination of these things upon the pope , above that of committing it to each supream magistrate in his own dominions . for besides the plea of at least better security in his determinations than in that of any magistrates , if not his infallibility which he hath so long talked of , and so sturdily defended as to get it a great reputation in the world , the delivering up of the faith and consciences of all men unto him , will produce a seeming agreement , at least of incomparably a larger extent , then the remitting of all things of this nature to the pleasure of every supream magistrate , which may probably establish as many different religions in the world , as there are different nations kingdoms or commonwealths . that which alone remains seeming to give countenance to the assertions before laid down , is our authors assignation of the priesthood by natural right unto the supream magistrate , which in no alteration of religion he can be devested of , but by vertue of some positive law of god , as it was for a season in the mosaical institution and government . but these things seem to be of no force . for it never belonged to the priesthood , to govern or to rule the consciences of men with an absolute uncontrollable power ; but only in their name , and for them , to administer the holy things , which by common consent were admitted , and received amongst them . besides , our author by his discourse seems not to be much acquainted with the rise of the office of the priesthood amongst men , as shall be demonstrated , if farther occasion be given thereunto . however by the way we may observe what is his judgement in this matter . the magistrate we are told hath not his ecclesiastical authority from christ ; and yet this is such as that the power of the priesthood is included therein ; the exercise whereof as he is pleased to transfer to others , so he may , if he please , reserve it to himself , p. 32. whence it follows , not only that it cannot be given by christ unto any other , for it is part of the magistrates power ▪ which he hath not limited , nor confined by any subsequent law , nor can there be 〈◊〉 coordinate subject of the same power of several kinds ; so that all the interest or right any man , or men , have in or unto the exercise of it , is but transfer'd to them by the magistrate ; and therefore they act therein , in his name , and by his authority only ; and hence the bishops , as such , are said to be ministers of state , p. 49. neither can it be pretended that this was indeed in the power of the magistrate before the coming of christ , but not since . for he hath as we are told , all that he ever had , unless there be a restraint put upon him by some express prohibition of our saviour , p. 41. which will hardly be found in this matter . i cannot therefore see how in the exercise of the christian priesthood there is ( on these principles ) any the least respect unto jesus christ , or his authority ; for men have only the exercise of it transferred to them by the magistrate , by vertue of a power inherent in him antecedent unto any concessions of christ ; and therefore in his name and authority they must act in all the sacred offices of their functions . it is well if men be so far awake as to consider the tendency of these things . at length scripture proofs for the confirmation of these opinions are produced , p. 35 , 36. and the first pleaded , is that promise , that kings shall be nursings fathers unto the church . it is true this is promised , and god accomplish it more and more ; but yet we do not desire such nurses , as beget the children they nurse ; the proposing , prescribing , commanding , binding religion on the consciences of men , is rather the begetting of it than its nursing . to take care of the church and religion , that it receive no detriment , by all the wayes and means appointed by god , and useful thereunto , is the duty of magistrates ; but it is so also antecedently to their actings unto this purpose , to discern aright which is the church whereunto this promise is made , without which they cannot duly discharge their trust , nor fulfill the promise it self ; the very words , by the rules of the metaphor , do imply , that the church , and its religion , and the worship of god observed therein , is constituted , fixed , and regulated by god himself , antecedently unto the magistrates duty and power about it . they are to nurse that which is committed to them , and not what themselves have framed , or begotten . and we contend for no more but a rule concerning religion , and the worship of god antecedent unto the magistrates interposing about it , whereby both his actings in his place , and those of subjects in theirs , are to be regulated mistakes herein have engaged many soveraign princes in pursuit of their trust as nursing fathers to the church , to lay out their strength and power for the utter ruine of it ; as may be evidenced in instances too many of those , who in a subserviency to , and by the direction of the papal interest , have endeavoured to extirpate true religion out of the world. such a nursing mother we had sometimes in england , who in pursuit of her care burned so many bishops and other holy men to ashes . he asks farther , what doth the scripture mean when it stiles our saviour the king of kings , and maketh princes his vicegerents here on earth ? i confess , according to this gentleman's principles , i know not what it means in so doing : kings , he tells us , have not their authority in and over religion , and the consciences of men from him , and therefore in the exercise of it cannot be his vicegerents ; for none is the vicegerent of another in the exercise of any power or authority , if he have not received that power and authority from him . otherwise the words have a proper sense , but nothing to our authors purpose . it is his power over them , and not theirs over the consciences of their subjects , that is intended in the words . of no more use in this controversie is the direction of the apostle , that we should pray for kings , that under them we may lead a quiet and peaceable life ; for no more is intended therein , but that , under their peaceable and righteous administration of humane affairs , we may live in that godliness , and honesty , which is required of us . wherefore then are these weak attempts made to confirm and prove what is not ? those , or the most of them , whom our author in this discourse treats with so much severity , do plead that it is the duty of all supream magistrates to find out , receive , imbrace , promote the truths of the gospel , with the worship of god appointed therein , confirming , protecting , and desending them , and those that embrace them , by their power and authority . and in the discharge of this duty , they are to use the liberty of their own judgements , enformed by the wayes that god hath appointed , independently on the dictates and determinations of any other persons whatever ; they affirm also , that to this end they are entrusted with supream power over all persons in their respective dominions , who on no pretence can be exempted from the exercise of that power , as occasion in their judgements shall require it to be exercised ; as also that all causes , wherein the profession of religion in their dominions is concerned , which are determinable in foro civili by coercive vmpirage or authority , are subject unto their cognizance and power . the soveraign power over the consciences of men to institute , appoint , and prescribe religion , and the worship of god , they affirm to belong unto him alone , who is the author and finisher of our faith , who is the head over all things to the church . the administration of things meerly spiritual in the worship of god is , they judge , derived immediately from him to the ministers , and administrators of the gospel , possessed of their offices by his command , and according to his institution ; as to the external practice of religion , and religious worship as such , it is , they say , in the power of the magistrate to regulate all the outward civil concernments of it , with reference unto the preservation of publick peace , and tranquillity , and the prosperity of his subjects ; and herein also they judge that such respect is to be had to the consciences of men , as the scripture , the nature of the thing it self , and the right of the l. christ to introduce his spiritual kingdom into all nations , do require . that which seems to have imposed on the mind of this author is , that if the magistrate may make laws for the regulating of the outward profession of religion , so as publick peace and tranquillity may be kept , added to what is his duty to do in the behalf of the truth ; then he must have the power over religion , and the consciences of men by him ascribed unto him ; but there is no privity of interest between these things ; the laws , which he makes to this purpose , are to be regulated by the word of god , and the good of the community , over which in the name of god he doth preside ; and whence he will take his warranty to forbid men the exercise of their consciences in the duties of spiritual worship , whilest the principles they profess , are suited to the light of nature , and the fundamental doctrines of the gospel , with the peace of mankind , and their practices absolutely confistent with publick welfare , i am yet to seek ; and so , as far as i can yet perceive , is the author of the discourse under consideration . it will not arise from a parity of reason from the power that he hath to restrain cursed swearing , and blasphemies by penal coercions . for these things are no less against the light of nature , and no less condemned by the common suffrage of mankind ( and the persons that contract the guilt of them may be no less effectually brought to judge and condemn themselves ) than are the greatest outrages that may be committed in and against humane society ; that the gospel will give no countenance hereunto , he seems to acknowledge , in his assignation of several reasons why the use of the power , and exercise of it in the way of compulsion by penalties , pleaded for by him , is not mentioned therein ; that christ and his apostles behaved themselves as subjects ; that he neither took nor exercised any soveraign power ; that he gave his laws to private men as such , and not to the magistrate , that the power that then was , was in bad hands , are pleaded as excuses for the silence of the gospel in this matter . but lest this should prove father prejudicial to his present occasion , he adds p. 42. the only reason why the lord christ bound not the precepts of the gospel upon mens consciences by any secular compulsories , was not because compulsion was an improper way to put his laws in execution ; for then he had never established them with more enforcing sanctions , but only because himself was not vested with any secular power , and so could not use those methods of government which are proper to its jurisdiction ; this in plain english is , that if christ had had power , he would have ordered the gospel to have been propagated as mahomet hath done his alcoran ; an assertion untrue and impious , contrary to the whole spirit and genius of the gospel , and of the author of it , aud the commands and precepts of it . and it is fondly supposed that the lord christ suited all the management of the affairs of the gospel , unto that state and condition in this world , wherein he emptied himself , and took upon him the form of a servant , making himself of no reputation , that he might be obedient unto death , the death of the cross ; he layes the foundation of the promulgation and propagation of it in the world , in the grant of all power unto him in heaven and earth . all power , saith he to his apostles , is given unto me in heaven and earth , go ye therefore , and baptize all nations , teaching them to observe all things whatever i have commanded you , matth. 28. 19 , 20. he is confidered in the dispensation of the gospel , as he who is head over all things to the church , the lord of lords , and king of kings , whom our author acknowledgeth to be his vicegerents ; on this account the gospel with all the worship instituted therein , and required thereby , is accompanied with a right to enter into any of the kingdoms of the earth , and spiritually to make the inhabitants of them subject to jesus christ ; and so to translate them out of the power of darkness into the kingdom of the son of god ; and this right is antecedent and paramount to the right of all earthly kings and princes whatever , who have no power or authority to exclude the gospel out of their dominions ; and what they exercise of that kind , is done at their peril . the penalties that he hath annexed to the final rejection of the gospel , and disobedience thereunto , are pleaded by our author , to justifie the magistrates power of binding men to the observation of his commands in religion on temporal penalties to be by him inflicted on them ; unto that is the discourse of this chapter arrived which was designed unto another end . i see neither the order , method , nor projection of this procedure ; nor know , amphora cum cepit institui , cur vrceus exit ; however the pretense it self is weak , and impertinent . man was originally made under a law and constitution of eternal bliss , or woe ; this state , with regard to his necessary dependance on god , and respect to his utmost end , was absolutely unavoidable unto him . all possibility of attaining eternal happiness by himself he lost by sirr , and became inevitably obnoxious to eternal misery , and the wrath to come . in this condition the lord jesus christ , the supream lord of the souls and consciences of men , interposeth his law of relief , redemption , and salvation , the great means of man's recovery , together with the profession of the way , and law hereof . he lets them know , that those by whom it is refused , shall perish under that wrath of god , which before they were obnoxious unto , with a new aggravation of their sin and condemnation , from the contempt of the relief provided for them , and tendered to them . this he applyes to the souls and consciences of men , and to all the inward secret actings of them , in the first place , such as are exempted not only from the judicature of men , but from the cognizance of angels . this he doth by spiritual means in a spiritual manner , with regard to the subjection of the souls of men unto god , and with reference unto their bringing to him , and enjoyment of him , or their being eternally rejected by him. hence to collect , and conclude that earthly princes , who , ( whatever is pretended ) are not the soveraign lords of the souls and consciences of men , nor do any of them , that i know of , plead themselves so to be ; who cannot interpose any thing by their absolute authority , that should have a necessary respect unto mens eternal condition ; who have no knowledge of , no acquaintance with , nor can judge of the principal things whereon it doth depend , from whose temporal jurisdiction , and punishment the things of the gospel , and the worship of god as purely such , are ( by the nature of them , being spiritual and not of this world , though exercised in it , having their respect only unto eternity , and by their being taken into the sole disposal of the soveraign lord of consciences , who hath accompanied his commands concerning them with his own promises , and threatnings , ) plainly exempted ; should have power over the consciences of men , so to lay their commands upon them in these spiritual things , as to back them with temporal , corporal restraints and punishments , is a way of arguing that will not be confined unto any of those rules of reasoning , which hitherto we have been instructed in . when the magistrate hath an arm like god , and can thunder with a voice like him , when he judgeth not after the sight of his eyes , nor reproveth after the hearing of his ears , when he can smile the earth with the rod of his mouth , and slay the wicked with the breath of his lipps , when he is constituted a judge of the faith , repentance , and obedience of men , and of their efficacy in their tendency unto the pleasing of god here , and the enjoyment of him hereafter , when spiritual things in order to their eternal issues and effects are made subject unto him ; in brief , when he is christ , let him act as christ , or rather most unlike him , and guide the consciences of men by rods , axes , and halters ( whereunto alone his power can reach ) who in the mean time have an express command from the lord christ himself , not to have their consciences influenced in the least by the consideration of these things . of the like complexion is the ensuing discourse , wherein our author , p. 43. having spoken contemptuously of the spiritual institutions of the gospel , as altogether insufficient for the accomplishment of the ends , whereunto they are designed , forgeting that they respect only the consciences of men , and are his institutions who is the lord of their consciences , and who will give them power , and efficacy to attain their ends , when administred in his name , and according to his mind , and that because they are his ; would prove the necessity of temporal coercions , and penalties in things spiritual , from the extraordinary effects of excommunication in the primitive times , in the vexation and punishment of persons excommunicate by the devil . this work the devil now ceasing to attend unto , he would have the magistrate to take upon him to supply his place , and office , by punishments of his own appointment , and infliction ; and so at last , to be sure of giving him full measure , he hath ascribed two extreams unto him about religion , namely , to act the part of god , and the devil . but as this inference is built upon a very uncertain conjecture , namely , that upon the giving up of persons to satan in excommunication , there did any visible , or corporal vexation of them by his power ensue , or any other effects but what may yet be justly expected from an influence of his terrour on the minds of men , who are duly and regularly cast out of the visible kingdom of christ by that censure ; and whereas , if there be any truth in it , it was confined unto the dayes of the apostles , and is to be reckoned amongst the miraculous operations granted to them for the first confirmation of the gospel ; and the continuance of it , all the time the church wanted the assistance of the civil magistrate , is most unduly pretended without any colour of proof , or instance , beyond such as may be evidenced to continue at this day ; supposing it to be true , the inference made from it , as to its consequence on this concession , is exceeding weak , and feeble . for the argument here amounteth to no more but this ; god was pleased , in the dayes of the apostles , to confirm their spiritual censures against stuborn sinners , apostates , blasphemers , and such like hainous offenders , with extraordinary spiritual punishments , ( so in their own nature , or in the manner , or way of their infliction ) therefore the civil magistrate hath power to appoint things to be observed in the worship of god , and forbid other things , which the light and consciences of men , directed by the word of god , require the observation of , upon ordinary , standing , corporal penalties to be inflicted on the outward man ; quod erat demonstrandum . to wind up this debate ; i shall commit the vmpirage of it to the church of england , and receive her determination in the words of one who may be supposed to know her sense and judgement , as well as any one who lived in his dayes , or since . and this is doctor bilson bishop of winchester , a learned man , skilled in the laws of the land , and a great adversary unto all that dissented from church constitutions . this man therefore treating , by way of dialogue , in answer to the jesuites apologie and defence , in the third part p. 293. thus introduceth theophilus a protestant divine , arguing with philander a jesuite about these matters . theoph. as for the supream head of the church ; it is certain that title was first transferred from the pope to king henry the eighth , by the bishops of your side , not of ours . and though the pastors in king edwards time might not well dislike , much less disswade the style of the crown , by reason the king was under years , and so remained until he dyed ; yet as soon as it pleased god to place her majesty in her fathers throne , the nobles and preachers perceiving the words , head of the church , ( which is christs proper and peculiar honor ) to be offensive unto many that had vehemently refelled the same in the pope , besought her highness the meaning of that word which her father had used , might be expressed in some plainer and apter terms ; and so was the prince called supream governour of the realm ; that is ruler and bearer of the sword , with lawful authority to command and punish , answerable to the word of god , in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as well as in temporal . and no forreign prince or prelate , to have any jurisdiction , superiority , preheminence or authority to establish , prohibit , correct , and chastise with publick laws , or temporal fains , any crimes or causes ecclesiastical or spiritual within her realm . philand . calvin saith this is sacriledge and blasphemy . look you therefore with what consciences you take that oath , which your own master so mightily detesteth . theoph. nay look you with what faces you alledge calvin , who maketh that style to be sacrilegious and blassphemous , as well in the pope as in the prince ; reason therefore you receive or refuse his judgement in both . if it derogate from christ in the prince , so it doth in the pope . yet we grant the sense of the word supream , as calvin perceived it by stephen gardiners answer and behaviour , is very blasphemous and injurious to christ and his word , whether it be prince or pope that so shall use it . what this sense is , he declares in the words of calvin , which are as followeth in his translation of them . that jugler , which after was chancelor , i mean the bishop of winchester , when he was at rentzburge , neither would stand to reason the matter , nor greatly cared for any testimonies of the scripture , but said it was at the kings discretion to abrogate that which was in use , and appoint new . he said the king might forbid priests marriage , the king might bar the people from the cup in the lords supper ; the king might determine this or that in his kingdom : and why , forsooth the king had supream power . this sacriledge hath taken hold on us , whilst princes think they cannot reign , except they abolish all the authority of the church , and be themselves supream judges as well in doctrine as in all spiritual regiment . to which he subjoyns ; this was the sense which calvin affirmed to be sacrilegious and blasphemous ; for princes to profess themselves to be supream judges of doctrine and discipline ; and indeed it is the blasphemy which all godly hearts reject and abomine , in the bishop of rome . neither did king henry take any such thing on him for ought that we can learn ; but this was gardiners stratagem , to convey the reproach and shame of the six articles from himself and his fellows that were the authors of them , and to cast it on the kings supream power . had calvin been told , that supream was first received to declare the prince to be superiour to the prelates , ( which exempted themselves from the kings authority by their church liberties and immunities ) as well as to the lay men of this realm , and not to be subject to the pope , the word would never have offended him . thus far he ; and if these controversies be any farther disputed , it is probable the next defence of what is here pleaded , will be in the express words of the principal prelates of this realm since the reformation , until their authority be peremptorily rejected . upon my first design to take a brief survey of this discourse , i had not the least intention to undertake the examination of any particular assertions , or reasonings , that might fall under controversie ; but meerly to examine the general principles whereon it doth proceed . but passing through these things currente calamo , i find my self engaged beyond my thoughts and resolutions ; i shall therefore here put an end to the consideration of this chapter , although i see sundry things as yet remaining in it , that might immediately be discussed with case , and advantage , as shall be manifest , if we are called again to a review of them . i have neither desire , nor design serram reciprocare , or to engage in any controversial discourses with this author . and i presume himself will not take it amiss , that i do at present examine those principles , whose novelty justifies a disquisition into them ; and whose tendency , as applyed by him , is pernicious , and destructive to so many quiet and peaceable persons , who dissent from him . and yet i will not deny , but that i have that valuation and esteem for that sparkling of wit , eloquence , and sundry other abilities of mind , which appear in his writing , that if he would lay aside the manner of his treating those from whom he dissents , with revilings , contemptuous reproaches , personal reflections , sarcasms , and satyrical expressions , and would candidly , and perspicuously state any matter in difference ; i should think that what he hath to offer , may deserve the consideration of them who have leisure for such a purpose . if he be otherwise minded , and resolve to proceed in the way , and after the manner here engaged in , as i shall in the close of this discourse absolutely give him my salve aeternumque vale , so i hope he will never meet with any one who shall be willing to deal with him at his own weapons . a survey of the second chapter . the summary of this chapter must needs give the reader a great expectation , and the chapter it self no less of satisfaction , if what is in the one briefly proposed , be in the other as firmly established . for amongst other things a scheme of religion is promised , reducing all its branches either to moral vertues , or instruments of morality ; which being spoken of christian religion , is , as far as i know , an undertaking new and peculiar unto this author , in whose mannagement all that read him must needs weigh and consider , how dextrously he hath acquitted himself . for as all men grant that morality hath a great place in religion , so that all religion is nothing but morality , many are now to learn. the villany of those mens religion that are wont to distinguish between grace and vertue ( that is moral vertue ) is nextly traduced and inveighed against . i had rather i confess that he had affixed the term of villany to the men themselves whom he intended to reflect on than to their religion ; because as yet it seems to me that it will fall on christianity , and no other real or pretended religion that is , or ever was in the world . for if the prosessors of it , have in all ages according to its avowed principles , never before contradicted , made a distinction between moral vertues ( since these terms were known in the church ) and evangelical graces , if they do so at this day , what religion else can be here branded with this infamous and horrible reproach , i know not . a farther enquiry into the chapter it self may possibly give us farther satisfaction ; wherein we shall deal as impartially as we are able , with a diligent watchfulness against all prejudicate affections , that we may discover what there is of sense and truth in the discourse , being ready to receive what ever shall be manifested to have an interest in them . the civil magistrate , we are also here informed , amongst many other things that he may do , may command any thing in the worship of god that doth not tend to debauch mens practices , or to disgrace the deity . and that all subordinate duties both of morality and religious worship ( such as elsewhere we are told the sacraments are ) are equally subject to the determination of humane authority . these things and sundry others represented in this summary , being new , yea some of them , as far as i know , unheard of amongst christians untill within a few years last past , any reader may justifie himself in the expectation of full and demonstrative arguments to be produced in their proof and confirmation . what the issue will be , some discovery may be made by the ensuing enquiry , as was said , into the body of the chapter it self . the design of this chapter in general is , to confirm the power of the magistrate over religion , and the consciences of men ascribed unto him in the former , and to add unto it some enlargements not therein insisted on . the argument used to this purpose , is taken from the power of the magistrate over the consciences of men in matters of morality , or with respect unto moral vertue ; whence it is supposed the conclusion is so evident unto his power over their consciences in matters of religious worship , that it strikes our author with wonder and amazement that it should not be received an acknowledged . wherefore to further the conviction of all men in this matter , h● proceeds to discourse of moral vertue , o● grace , and of religious worship , with hi● wonted reflections upon , and reproache of non-conformists , for their ignorance about and villanous misrepresentation of these things , which seem more to be aimed at● than the argument it self . i must here with again that our author had more perspicuously stated the things which he proposeth to debate for the subject of his disputation . but i find an excess of art is as troublesome sometimes as the greatest defect therein . from thence i presume it is , that things are so handled in this discourse , that an ordinary man can seldom discern satisfactorily , what it is that directly and determinately he doth intend , beyond reviling of non-conformists . for in this proposition , which is the best and most intelligible that i can reduce the present discourse unto , the supream civil magistrate hath power over the consciences of men in morality , or with respect unto moral vertue ; excepting only the subject of it , there is not one term in it that may not have various significations ; and those such as have countenance given unto them in the ensuing disputation it self . but , contenti sumus hoc catone , and make the best we can of what lyes before us . i do suppose that in the medium made use of in this argument there is , or i am sure there may be , a controversie of much more importance than that principally under consideration . it therefore shall be stated and cleared in the first place , and then the concernment of the argument it self in what is discoursed thereupon , shall be manifested . it is about moral vertue and grace , their coincidence , or distinction , that we are in the first place to enquire . for without a due stating of the conception of these things , nothing of this argument , nor what belongs unto it , can be rightly understood . we shall therefore be necessitated to premise a brief explanation of these terms themselves , to remove as far as may be all ambiguity from our discourse . first then , the very name of vertue , in the sense wherein it is commonly used and received , comes from the schools of philosophy , and not from the scripture . in the old testament we have vprightness , integrity , righteousness , doing good and eschewing evil , fearing , trusting , obeying , believing in god , holiness and the like ; but the name of vertue doth not occur therein . it is true we have translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a vertuous woman ; and once or twice the same word vertuously , ruth . 3. 11. prov. 12. 4. chap● 31. 10 , 39. but that word signifies as 〈◊〉 used , strenuous , industrious , diligent , and hath no such signification as that we now express by vertue . nor is it any where rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the lxx . although it may have some respect unto it , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and peculiarly denote the exercise of industrious strength , such as men use in battail . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is vis , robur , potentia , or exercitus also . but in the common acceptation of it , and as it is used by philosophers , there is no word in the hebrew nor syriack properly to express it . the rabbins do it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies properly a measure . for studying the philosophy of aristotle , and translating his ethicks into hebrew , which was done by rabbi meir , and finding his vertue placed in mediocrity , they applyed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to express it . so they call aristotles ethicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the book of measures , that is of vertues . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are boni mores . such a stranger is this very word unto the old testament . in the new testament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs four times ; but it should not seem any where to be taken in the sense now generally admitted . in some of the places it rather denotes the excellency and praises that do attend vertue , than vertue it self . so we render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praises ; 1 pet. 2. 9. as the syriack doth also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praises ; and the same translation , phil. 4. 9. renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if there be any vertue , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , works glorious , or praise worthy . 2 pet. 1. 9. it is a peculiar gracious disposition , operation of mind , distinguished from faith , temperance , patience , brotherly kindness , godliness , charity , &c. and so cannot have the common sense of the word there put upon it . the word moral is yet far more exotick to the church and scripture . we are beholding for it , if there be any advantage in its use , meerly to the schools of the philosophers , especially of aristotle . his doctrine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , commonly called his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or moralia , his morals , hath begotten this name for our use . the whole is expressed in isocrates to demonicus by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the vertue of manners . if then the signification of the words be respected as usually taken , it is vertue in mens manners that is intended . the schoolmen brought this expression with all its concerns , as they did the rest of aristotles philosophy , into the church and divinity . and i cannot but think it had been well if they had never done it ; as all will grant they might have omitted some other things without the least disadvantage to learning or religion . however this expression of moral vertue having absolutely possest it self of the fancies and discourses of all , and it may be of the understanding of some , though with very little satisfaction when all things are considered , i shall not endeavour to dispossess it , or eliminate it from the confines of christian theologie . only i am sure had we been left unto the scripture expressions , of repentance towards god , and faith towards our lord jesus christ , of the fear of god , of holiness , righteousness , living unto god , walking with god , and before him , we might have been free from many vain wordy perplexities ; and the whole wrangle of this chapter in particular , had been utterly prevented . for let but the scripture express what it is to be religious , and there will be no contesting about the difference or no difference between grace and moral vertue . it is said , that some judge those who have moral vertue to want grace , not to be gracious . but say , that men are born of god , and do not commit sin , that they walk before god and are upright , that they cleave unto god with full purpose of heart , that they are sanctified in christ jesus and the like , and no man will say that they have not grace , or are not gracious , if they receive your testimony . but having , as was said , made its entrance amongst us , we must deal with it as well as we can , and satisfie our selves about its common acceptation and use. generally , moral vertues are esteemed to be the duties of the second table . for although those who handle these matters more accurately , do not so straiten or confine them , yet it is certain that in vulgar and common acceptation , ( which strikes no small stroke , in the regulating of the conceptions of the wisest men , about the signification of words ) nothing else is intended by moral vertues or duties of morality , but the observation of the precepts of the second table . nor is any thing else designed by those divines , who in their writings so frequently declare , that it is not morality alone that will render men acceptable to god. others do extend these things further , and fix the denomination of moral , firstly upon the law or rule of all those habits of the mind , and its operations , which afterwards thence they call moral . now this moral law is nothing but the law of nature , or the law of our creation ; which the apostle affirms to lye equally obligatory on all men , even all the gentiles themselves , rom. 2. 14 , 15. and whereof the decalogue is summarily expressive . this moral law is therefore the law written in the hearts of all men by nature , which is resolved partly into the nature of god himself , which cannot but require most of the things of it from rational creatures ; partly into that state and condition of the nature of things and their mutual relations , wherein god was pleased to create and set them . these things might be easily instanced and exemplified , but that we must not too much divert from our present occasion . and herein lyes the largest sense and acceptation of the law moral , and consequently of moral vertues , which have their form and being from their relation and conformity thereunto . let it be then , that moral vertues consist in the universal observance of the requisites and precepts of the law of our creation and dependance on god thereby . and this description , as we shall see for the substance of it , is allowed by our author . now these vertues , or this conformity of our minds and actions unto the law of our creation , may be in the light and reason of christian religion , considered two wayes . first , as with respect unto the substance or essence of the duties themselves , they may be performed by men in their own strength , under the conduct of their own reason , without any special assistance from the spirit , or sanctifying grace of christ. in this sense , they still bare the name of vertues , and for the substance of them deserve so to do . good they are in themselves , useful to mankind , and seldome in the providence of god go without their reward in this world. i grant i say , that they may be obtained and acted without special assistance of grace evangelical ; though the wiser heathens acknowledged something divine in the communication of them to men. papinius speaks to that purpose , diva jovis solio juxta comes ; undeper orbem rara dari , terrísque solet contingere virtus . seu pater omnipotens tribuit , sive ipsa capaces elegit penetrare viros . — but old homer put it absolutely in the will of his god. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus we grant moral vertue to have been in the heathen of old . for this is that alone whereby they were distinguished amongst themselves . and he that would exclude them all from any interest in moral vertue , takes away all difference between cato and nero , aristides and tiberius , titus and domitian ; and overthrows all natural difference between good and evil ; which besides other abominations that it would plentifully spawn in the world , would inevitably destroy all humane society . but now these moral vertues thus performed , whatever our author thinks , are distinct from grace , may be without it , and in their present description , which is not imaginary but real , are supposed so to be . and if he pleases he may exercise himself in the longsome disputes of bellarmin , gregory de valentia , and others to this purpose innumerable ; not to mention reformed divines lest they should be scornfully rejected as systematical . and this is enough i am sure to free their religion from villany , who make a distinction between moral vertue and grace . and if our author is otherwise minded , and both believe that there is grace evangelical , ●●●●ever there is moral vertue , or , that moral vertues may be so obtained and exercised without the special assistance of grace , as to become a part of our religion , and accepted with god , and will maintain his opinion in writing , i will promise him if i live to return him an answer , on one only condition , which is , that he will first answer what augustine hath written against the pelagians on this subject . again these moral vertues , this observance of the precepts of the law of our creation , in a consonancy whereunto originally the image of god in us did consist , may now under the gospel be considered , as men are principled , assisted , and enabled to and in their performance by the grace of god , and as they are directed unto the especial end of living unto him in and by jesus christ. what is particularly required hereunto , shall be afterwards declared . now in this sense no man living ever distinguished between grace and vertue , any otherwise than the cause and the effect are to be , or may be distinguished ; much less was any person ever so bruitish as to fancy an inconsistency between them , for take grace in one sense , and it is the efficient cause of this vertue , or of these vertues which are the effects of it ; and in another they are all graces themselves . for that which is wrought in us by grace is grace ; as that which is born of the spirit is spirit . to this purpose something may be spoken concerning grace also , the other term , whose ambiguity renders the discourse under consideration somewhat intricate and perplexed . now as the former term of moral vertue owed its original to the schools of philosophy , and its use was borrowed from them ; so this of grace is purely scriptural and evangelical . the world knows nothing of it but what is declared in the word of god , especially in the gospel , for the law was given by moses , but grace and truth came by jesus christ. all the books of the ancient philosophers , will not give us the least light into that notion of grace , which the scripture declares unto us . as then we allowed the sense of the former term given unto it by its first coyners and users , so we cannot but think it equal , that men be precisely tyed up in their conceptions about grace , unto what is delivered in the scripture concerning it ; as having no other rule either to frame them , or judge of them . and this we shall attend unto . not that i here design to treat of the nature of gospel grace in general ; but whereas all the divines that ever i have read on these things , whether ancient or modern ( and i have not troubled my self to consider whether they were systematical ones only or otherwise qualified ) allow some distinctions of this term to be necessary , for the right understanding of those passages of scripture wherein it is made use of . i shall mention that or those only , which are so unto the right apprehension of what is at present under debate . first therefore , grace in the scripture is taken for the free grace , or favour of god towards sinners by jesus christ. by this he freely pardoneth them their , sins , justifieth , and accepteth them , or makes them accepted in the beloved . this certainly is distinct from moral vertue . secondly , it is taken for the effectual working of the spirit of god , in and upon the minds and souls of believers , thereby quickning them when they were dead in trespasses and sins , regenerating of them , creating a new heart in them , implanting his image upon them : neither i presume will this be called moral vertue . thirdly , for the actual supplies of assistance and ability given to believers , so to enable them unto every duty in particular , which in the gospel is required of them ; for he works in them both to will and to do of his own good pleasure . as yet the former distinction will appear necessary . fourthly , for the effects wrought and produced by this operation of god and his grace , in the hearts and minds of them that believe ; which are either habitual in the spiritual disposition of their minds , or actual in their operations ; all which are called grace . it may be our author will be apt to think that i cant , use phrases , or fulsome metaphors . but besides that i can confirm these distinctions , and the necessity of them , and the words wherein they are expressed , from the scriptures and ancient fathers , i can give them him for the substance of them out of very learned divines , whether systematical or no i know not , but this i know they were not long since bishops of the church of england . we are now in the next place to inquire into the mind of our author in these things ; for from his apprehensions about them he frames a mighty difference between himself and those whom he opposeth , and from thence takes occasion and advantage afresh to revile and reproach them . first , therefore he declares his judgement , that the moral vertues which he treats of do consist in mens observance of the law of nature , of the dictates of reason , and precepts thereof . secondly , that the substance , yea the whole of religion consists in these vertues , or duties ; so that by the observation of them men may attain everlasting happiness . thirdly , that there is no actual concurrence of present grace , enabling men to perform these duties , or to exercise these vertues , but they are called grace on another account . fourthly , that his adversaries are so far from making vertue and grace to be the same that they make them inconsistent . and these things shall we take into a brief examination according as indeed they do deserve . the first of them , he plainly and more than once affirms ; nor shall i contend with him about it . so he speaks pag. 68. the practice of vertue consists in living suitably to the dictates of reason and nature , and this is the substance and main design of all the laws of religion , to oblige mankind to behave themselves in all their actions as becomes creatures endowed with reason and understanding , and in wayes suitable to rational beings , to prepare and qualifie themselves for the state of glory and immortality . this is a plain description both of the rule of moral vertues , and of the nature of them . the law of reason and nature is the rule ; and their own nature ( as acting , or acted ) consists in a suitableness unto rational beings ; acting , to prepare themselves for the state of immortality and glory . the first end of all vertue no doubt . we need not therefore make any farther inquiry into this matter , wherein we are agreed . secondly , that the substance , yea the whole of religion consists in these moral vertues he fully also declares , pag. 69. moral vertue having the strongest and most necessary influence upon the , end of all religion viz. mans happiness , it is not only its most material and useful part , but the ultimate end of all its other duties ; ( though i know not , how the practice of vertue in this life can be the vltimate end of other duties ) and all true religion can consist in nothing else but either the practice of vertue it self , or the use of those means and instruments that contribute unto it . so also p. 70. all duties of devotion excepting only our returns of gratitude are not essential parts of religion , but are only in order to it , as they tend to the practice of vertue and moral goodness ; and their goodness is derived upon them from the moral vertues to which they contribute ; and in the same proportion they are conducive to the ends of vertue , they are to be valued among the ministeries of religion . so then the whole duty of man consists in being vertuous , and all that is injoyned him beside , is in order thereunto . hence we are told elsewhere , that outward worship is no part of religion ; again pag. 76. all religion must of necessity be resolved into enthusiasm or morality ; the former is meer imposture , and therefore all that is true must be reduced to the latter . but we need not insist on particulars , seeing he promoteth this to confirmation by the best of demonstrations , i. e. an induction of all particulars ; which he calls a scheme of religion ; wherein yet if any thing necessary be left out or omitted , this best of demonstrations is quickly turned into one of the worst of sophismes . therefore we have here ( no doubt ) a just and full representation of all that belongs to christian religion ; and it is as follows ; pag. 69. the whole duty of man referrs either to his creator , or his neighbour , or himself . all that concerns the two last , is confessedly of a moral nature ; and all that concerns the first , consists either in praising of god or praying to him ; the former is a branch of the vertue of gratitude , and is nothing but a thankful and humble temper of mind , arising from a sense of gods greatness in himself , and his goodness to us . so that this part of devotion issues from the same vertuous quality , that is the principle of all other resentments and expressions of gratitude ; only those acts of it that are terminated on god as their object are stiled religious ; and therefore gratitude and devotion are not divers things , but only differing names of the same thing ; devotion being nothing else but the vertue of gratitude towards god. the latter , viz. prayer is either put up in our own or other mens behalf ; if for others it is an act of that vertue we call kindness or charity ; if for our selves , the things we pray for , unless they be the comforts and enjoyments of this life , are some or other vertuous qualities ; and therefore the proper and direct use of prayer is to be instrumental to the vertues of morality . it is of christian religion that this author treats , as is manifest from his ensuing discourse , and the reason he gives why moral vertues are stiled graces . now i must needs say that i look on this of our author as the rudest , most imperfect , and weakest scheme of christian religion that ever yet i saw ; so far from comprising an induction of all particulars belonging to it , that there is nothing in it that is constitutive of christian religion as such at all . i wish he had given us a summary of the credenda of it , as he hath done of its agenda , that we might have had a prospect of the body of his divinity . the ten commandments would in my mind have done twice as well on this present occasion , with the addition of the explication of them given us in the church cateehism . but i am afraid that very catechism may ere long be esteemed phanatical also . one i confess i have read of before , who was of this opinion , that all religion consisted in morality alone . but withall he was so ingenious as to follow the conduct of his judgement in this matter , unto a full renunciation of the gospel , which is certainly inconsistent with it . this was one martin sidelius a seilesian , who gave the ensuing account of his faith unto faustus socinus and his society at cracovia . caeterum ut sciatis cujus sim religionis , quamvis id scripto meo quod habetis , ostenderim , tamen hic breviter repetam . et primum quidem doctrina de messia , seu rege illo promisso , ad meam religionem nihil pertinet : nam rex elle tantum judaeis promissus erat , sicut & bona illa canaan . sic etiam circumcisio sacrificia , & reliquae cerimoniae mosis ad me non pertinent , sed tantum populo judaico promissa data & mandata sunt . neque ista fuerunt cultus dei apud judaeos , sed inserviebant cultui divino , & ad cultum deducebant judaeos . verus autem cultus dei quem meam religionem appello , est decalogus : qui est aeterna dei voluntas , qui decalogus ideo ad me pertinet , quia etiam mihi à deo datus est , non quidem per vocems sonantem de coelo , sicut populo judaico , at per creationem insita est menti meae ; quia autem insitus decalogus , per corruptionem naturae humanae , & pravis consuetudinibus , aliqua ex parte obscuratus est , ideo ad illustrandum cum , adhibeo vocalem decalogum , qui vocalis decalogus , ideo etiam ad me , ad omnes populos pertinet , quia cum insito nobis decalogo consentit , imo idem ille decalogus est . haec est mea sententia de messia seu rege illo promisso , & haec est mea religio , quam coram vobis ingenue profiteor . martin seidelius olavensis silesius . that is . but that you may know of what religion i am , although it is expressed in that writing which you have already , yet i will here briefly repeat it . and first of all , the doctrine of the messiah , or king that was promised doth not belong to my religion ; for that king was promised to the jews only ; as was the good land of c●n●an . so in like manner circumcision , sacrifices and the rest of the ceremonies of moses belong not to me , but were promised , given , and granted unto the people of the jews alone . neither were they the worship of god among the jews , but were only subservient unto divine worship , and lead the jews unto it ( the same opinion is maintained by our author concerning all exterior worship : ) but the true worship which i call my religion , is the decalogue which is the eternal and immutable will of god ; ( and here also he hath the consent and concurrence of our author ) which decalogue doth therefore belong unto me because it is given by god to me also ; not indeed by a voice sounding from heaven as he gave it to the people of the jews , but it is implanted in my mind by nature . but because this implanted decalogue by reason of the corruption of humane nature , and through depraved customs , is in some measure obscured , for the illustration of it i make use of the vocal decalogue , which therefore also belongs unto me and all people ; because it consenteth with the decalogue written in our hearts ; yea is the same law with it . this is my opinion concerning the messiah , or the promised king ; and this is my religion which i freely acknowledge before ye . so he , this is plain dealing . he saw clearly , that if all religion and the worship of god consisted in morality only , there was neither need nor use of christ , nor the gospel . and accordingly having no outward advantage by them , discarded them . but setting aside his bold renunciation of christ as promised , i see not any material difference between the religion of this man and that now contended for . the poor deluded souls among our selves , who leaving the scripture , pretend that they are guided by the light within them , are upon the matter of the same religion . for that light being nothing but the dictates of reason and a natural conscience , it extends not it self beyond morality ; which some of them understanding , we know what thoughts and apprehensions they have had of christ and of his gospel and the worship of god instituted therein . for hence it is , ( and not as our author pretends , with a strange incogitancy concerning them and the gnosticks , that they assert the scripture to be the only rule of religious worship ) that they are fallen into these fond imaginations . and these are the effects which this principle doth naturally lead unto . i confess then that i do not agree with our author in and about this scheme of christian religion ; which i shall therefore first briefly put in my exceptions unto , and then offer him another in lieu of it . first , then this scheme seems to represent religion unto us as suited to the state of innocency , and that very imperfectly also . for it is composed to answer the former assertions of confining religion to moral vertues , which are granted to consist in our conformity unto and expression of the dictates of reason and the law of nature . again the whole duty of man is said to refer either to his creator , or his neighbour , or himself . had it been said to god absolutely , another interpretation might have been put upon the words . but being restrained unto him as our creator , all duties referring to our redeemer are excluded , or not included , which certainly have some place in christian religion . our obedience therein is the obedience of faith , and must answer the special objects of it . and we are taught in the church catechism to believe in god the father who made us and all the world , and in god the son who redeemed us and all mankind ; and in god the holy ghost , who sanctifies us and all the elect people of god. now these distinct acts of faith , have distinct acts of obedience attending them ; whereas none here are admitted , or at least required , but those which fall under the first head . it is also very imperfect as a description of natural religion , or the duties of the law of nature . for the principal duties of it , such as fear , love , trust , affiance of and in god , are wholly omitted ; nor will they be reduced unto either of the heads which all religion is here distributed unto . for gratitude unto god hath respect formally and directly to the benefits we our selves are made partakers of . but these duties are eternally necessary on the consideration of the nature of god himself , antecedent unto the consideration of his communicating of himself unto us by his benefits . prayer proceeds from them ; and it is an odd method to reduce the cause under the head of its effect . and prayer it self is made at length not to be so much a moral vertue , as somewhat instrumental to the vertues of morality . secondly , i cannot think we have here a compleat representation of christian religion , nor an induction of all its particulars , because we have neither supposition nor assertion of sin , or a redeemer , or of any duty with respect unto them . gratitude and prayer i confess are two heads , whereunto sundry duties of natural religion without respect unto these things may be reduced . but since the fall of adam , there was never any religion in the world accepted with god , that was not built and founded on the supposition of them , and whose principal duties towards god did not respect them . to prescribe now unto us a religion as it respects god , without those duties which arise from the consideration of sin , and a redeemer , is to perswade us to throw away our bibles . sin , and the condition of all men on the account thereof , their duty in that condition , what god requires of them with reference thereunto , the way that god hath found out , proposed , and requires of us to make use of , that we may be delivered from that condition , with the duties necessary to that end , do even constitute and make up that religion which the scripture teacheth us , and which , as it summarily expresseth it self , consists in repentance towards god , and faith in our lord jesus christ ; neither of which , nor scarce any thing that belongs unto them , appears in this scheme ; so that thirdly , the most important duties of christian religion are here not only omitted , but excluded . where shall we find any place here to introduce repentance ; and as belonging thereunto conviction of sin , humiliation , godly sorrow , conversion it self to god ? for my part i will never be of that religion where these duties towards god have no place . faith in our lord jesus christ , with all that is necessary to it , preparatory for it , included in it , and consequentiall on it , are in like manner cast out of the verge of religious duties here schematized . an endeavour to fly from the wrath to come , to receive jesus christ , to accept of the attonement , to seek after the forgiveness of sins by him ( that we may cant a little ) and to give up our souls in universal obedience to all his commands , belong also to the duties of that religion towards god which the scripture prescribeth unto us ; but here they appear not in the least intimation of them . no more do the duties which though generally included in the law of loving god above all , yet are prescribed and determined in the gospel alone . such are self-denyal , readiness to take up the cross , and the like . besides all the duties wherein our christian conflict against our spiritual adversaries doth consist , and in especial the whole of our duty towards god in the mortification of sin , can be of no consideration there , where no supposition of sin is made or allowed . but there would be no end if all exceptions of this nature , that readily offer themselves , might here have admittance . if this be the religion of our adversaries in these things , if this be a perfect scheme of its duties towards god , and induction of all its particulars ; let our author insult over , and reproach them whilst he pleaseth , who blame it as insufficient without grace and godliness : i would not be in the condition of them who trust their eternal concernments to meer observance of it ; as knowing that there is no name under heaven given unto men whereby they may be saved , but only the name of jesus christ. it will be in vain pretended , that it is not a description of christian religion , but of religion , as religion in general , that is here attempted . for besides that , it is christian religion , and that as used and practised by christians , which is alone under consideration ; and an introduction of religion here under any other notion would be grievously inconsistent and incoherent with the whole discourse . it is acknowledged by our author in the progress of his disputation as was before observed , when he gives a reason why moral vertue is stiled grace , which is peculiar and appropriate to christian religion alone . besides , to talk now of a religion in the world , which either hath been , or may be , since the fall of adam without respect unto sin , is to build castles in the air . all the religion that god now requires , prescribes , accepts , that is or can be , is the religion of sinners , or of those who are such , and of them as such , though also under other qualifications . on many accounts therefore this scheme of religion or religious duties towards god , is exceedingly insufficient and imperfect . to lay it therefore as a foundation whereon to stand , and revile them who plead for a superaddition unto it of grace and godliness , is an undertaking from whence no great success is to be expected . i can easily supply another scheme of religion in the room of this , which though it have not any such contexture of method , nor is set out with such gaudy words as those which our author hath at his disposal , yet i am confident in the confession of all christians shall give a better account than what is here offered unto us both of the religion we profess , and of the duties that god requires therein ; and this taken out of one epistle of st. paul ; namely , that to the romans . and i shall do it as things come to mind in the haste wherein i am writing . he then gives us his scheme to this purpose . as first , that all men sinned in adam , came short of the glory of god , and rendred themselves liable to death and the whole curse of the law. then , that they do all , as left to themselves accumulate their original sin and transgression , with a world of actual sins , and provocations of god. that against men in this condition , god testifies his wrath and displeasure , both in his works and by his word . hence it necessarily follows , that the first duty of man towards god is to be sensible of this condition , of the guilt of sin , with a fear of the wrath and judgement due to them . then he informs us , that neither the jews by the law , nor the gentiles by the light of nature , could disentangle themselves from this state , or do that which is pleasing unto god , so as they might obtain forgiveness of sin and acceptation with him . this bespeaks unto all the great duty towards god , of their acknowledgement unto him , of their miserable and helpless condition , with all those affections and subordinate duties , wherewith it is attended . in this state he declares , that god himself in his infinite wisdome , goodness and grace , provided a remedy , a way of relief ; on which he hath put such an impression of his glorious excellencies as may stirr up the hearts of his creatures , to endeavour a return unto him from their apostasie ; and that this remedy consists in his setting forth jesus christ to be a propitiation through faith in his blood , to declare his righteousness for the forgiveness of sin ; which he proposeth unto men for their receiving and acceptance . this renders it the greatest duty of mankind towards god , to believe in the son of god so set forth , to seek after an interest in him , or being made partaker of him ; for this is the great work that god requires , namely that we believe on him whom he hath sent . again , he declares that god justifieth them who so believe , pardoning their sins , and imputing righteousness unto them ; whereon innumerable duties do depend , even all the obedience that christ requires of us ; seeing in our believing in him , we accept him to be our king to rule , govern and conduct our souls to god. and all these are religious duties towards god. he declares moreover , that whereas men are by nature dead in trespasses and sins , and stand in need of a new spiritual life , to be born again , that they may live unto god ; that god in jesus christ doth by his spirit quicken them , and regenerate them , and work in them a new principle of spiritual life ; whence it is their great duty towards god ( in this religion of st. paul ) to comply with , and to yield obedience , unto all the wayes and methods that god is pleased to use in the accomplishment of this work upon them , the especial duties whereof are too many to be instanced in . but he further manifests , that notwithstanding the regeneration of men by the spirit , and their conversion to god , there yet continues in them a remainder of the principle of corrupted nature , which he calls the flesh , and indwelling sin , that is of it self wholly enmity against god , and as far it abides in any , inclines the heart and mind unto sin , which is to be watched against and opposed . and on this head , he introduceth the great religious duty towards god of our spiritual conflict against sin , and of the mortification of it , wherein those that believe are to be exercised all the dayes of their lives , and wherein their principal duty towards god doth consist , and without which they can perform no other in a due manner . moreover he farther adds the great gospel-priviledge of the communication of the spirit of christ unto believers , for their sanctification , consolation , and edification ; with the duties of thankfulness towards god , joy and rejoycing in him , cheerfulness under tryals , afflictions , and persecutions , and sundry others that on that account are required of us , all religious duties towards god , in the religion by him proposed unto us . having laid these foundations , and manifested how they all proceed from the eternal counsel and free grace of god , in which it is our duty to admire , adore , and praise him , he declareth how hereby and on the account of these things , we are bound unto all holiness , righteousness , godliness , honesty , and usefulness in this world , in all relations and conditions whatsoever ; declaring our duties in churches , according to our especial interest in them , towards believers ; and towards all men in the world in our several relations ; in obedience to magistrates ; and all superiors ; in a word in universal observance of the whole will and all the commands of god. now whither any one will call this a scheme or no , or allow it to have any thing of method in it or no , i neither know nor care ; but am perswaded that it makes a better , more plain , and intelligible representation of the religious duties towards god which christian religion , requires of us , unto all that suppose this whole religion to depend on divine revelation , than that of our author . but i find my self in a digression ; the end of this discourse was only to manifest the sentiments of our author , on the second head before laid down , which i think are sufficiently evinced . the third is , that there is no actual work of present grace , either to sit the persons , of whom these duties of moral vertues are required , unto the performance of them , or to work and effect them in them . for although they are called graces , and the graces of the spirit , in the scripture , yet that is upon another account ; as he declares himself , pag. 72. all that the scripture intends by the graces of the spirit , are only vertuous qualities of the soul that are therefore stiled graces , because they are derived purely from god's free-grace and goodness , in that in the first ages of christianity , he was pleased out of his infinite concern for its propagation , in a miraculous manner to inspire its converts with all sorts of vertue . vertuous qualities of the soul , is a very ambigious expression . take these vertuous qualities , for a new principle of spiritual life , consisting in the habitual disposition , inclination , and ability of mind unto the things required of us in the will of god , or unto the acts of religious obedience , and it may express the graces of the spirit ; which yet are far enough from being so called upon the account here mentioned . but these vertuous qualities , are to be interpreted according to the tenour of the preceding discourses , that have already passed under examination . let now our author produce any one writer of the church of god , from first to last , of any repute or acceptation , from the day that the name of christian was known in the world , unto this wherein we live , giving us this account why the fruits of the spirit , the vertuous or gracious qualities of the minds of believers , are called graces that here he gives , and i will give him my thanks publickly for his discovery . for if this be the only reason why any thing in believers is called grace , why vertues are graces , namely because god was pleased in the first ages of christianity miraculously to inspire its converts with all sorts of vertue , then there is ●o communication of grace unto any , no work of grace in and upon any , in an ordinary way , through the ministry of the gospel , in these latter ages . the whole being , and efficacy of grace , according to this notion , is to be confined unto the miraculous operations of god in gospel concernments , in the first ages , whence a denomination in the scripture is cast upon our vertues , when obtained and exercised by and in our own strength . now this plainly overthrows the whole gospel , and contains a pelagianisme that pelagius himself never did , nor durst avow . are these things then so indeed ? that god did from his free grace and goodness , miraculously inspire the first converts of christianity with all sorts of vertues , but that he doth not still continue to put forth in any , actually , the efficacy of his grace , to make them gracious , holy , believing , obedient to himself , and to work in them all suitable actings towards himself and others ? then farewell scripture , the covenant of grace , the intercession of christ , yea all the ancient fathers , counsels , schoolmen , and most of the jesuites themselves . many have been the disputes amongst christians about the nature of grace , the rule of its dispensation , the manner and way of its operation , its efficacy , concurrence , and co-operation in the wills of men ; but that there is no dispensation of it , no operation but what was miraculous in the first converts of the gospel , was i think untill now undiscovered . nor can it be here pretended , that although the vertuous qualities of our minds and their exercise , by which is intended all the obedience that god requireth of us , in principle and practice , that we may please him , and come to the enjoyment of him , are not said to be called graces , only , on the account mentioned ; for as in respect of us , they are not so termed at all , so if the term only be not understood , the whole discourse is impertinent and ridiculous . for those other reasons and accounts that may be taken in , will render that given utterly useless unto our authors intention , and indeed are altogether inconsistent with it . and he hath given us no reason to suppose , that he talks after such a weak and preposterous a rate . this then is that which is here asserted , the qualities of our minds and their exercise wherein the vertues pleaded about , and affirmed to contain the whole substance of religion , do consist , are not wrought in us by the grace or spirit of god through the preaching of the gospel , but are only called graces , as before . now though here be a plain contradiction to what is delivered but two pages before , namely , that we pray for some or other vertuous qualities , that is doubtless to be wrought in us by the grace of god ; yet this present discourse is capable of no other interpretation but that given unto it . and indeed it seems to be the design of some men , to confine all real gifts and graces of the spirit of god , to the first ages of the gospel , and the miraculous operations in it ; which is to overthrow the whole gospel , the church , and the ministry of it , as to their use and efficacy , leaving men only the book of the bible to philosophize upon , as shall be elsewhere demonstrated , our author indeed tells us , that on the occasion of some mens writings in theology , there hath been a buzz and a noise of the spirit of god in the world. his expressions are exceedingly suited to pour contempt on what he doth not approve ; not so to express what he doth himself intend . but i desire that he and others would speak plain , and openly in this matter , that neither others may be deceived nor themselves have occasion to complain that they are mis-represented ; a pretence whereof would probably give them a dispensation to deal very roughly , if not despightfully with them with whom they shall have to do . doth he therefore think or believe , that there are not now any real gracious operations of the spirit of god , upon the hearts and minds of men in the world ? that the dispensation of the spirit is ceased , as well unto ordinary ministerial gifts , with its sanctifying , renewing , assisting grace , as unto gifts miraculous and extraordinary ? that there is no work at all of god upon the hearts of sinners , but that which is purely moral , and perswasive by the word ? that what is asserted by some concerning the efficacy of the grace of the spirit , and concerning his gifts , is no more but a buzz and a noise ? i wish he would explain himself directly and positively in these things ; for they are of great importance . and the loose expressions which we meet with , do give great offence unto some , who are apt to think , that as pernicious an heresie as ever infested the church of god , may be covered and clocked by them . but to return ; in the sense that moral vertue is here taken , i dare boldly pronounce , that there is no villany in the religion of those men , who distinguish between vertue and grace ; that is , there not in their so doing ; this being the known and avowed religion of christianity . it is granted ; that whereever grace is , there is vertue . for grace will produce and effect all vertues in the soul whatever . but vertue on the other side may be where there is no grace , which is sufficient to confirm a distinction between them . it was so in fundry of the heathen of old ; though now it be pretended that grace is nothing but an occasional denomination of vertue , not that it is the cause or principle of it . but the proofs produced by our author are exceedingly incompetent unto the end whereunto they are applyed . for that place of the apostle , gal. 5. v. 22 , 23. the fruit of the spirit is love , joy , peace , long-suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness , temperance ; though our author should be allowed to turn joy into cheerfulness , peace into peaceableness , faith into faithfulness , as he hath done , corruptly enough , to accommodate it to his purpose , yet it will no way reach his end , nor satisfie his intention . for doth it follow that because the spirit effects all these moral vertues in a new and gracious manner , and with a direction to a new and special end in believers , either that these things are nothing but meer moral vertues , not wrought in us by the grace of god , ( the contrary whereof is plainly asserted in calling them fruits of the spirit ) or that where-ever there is moral vertue , though not so wrought by the spirit , that there is grace also , because vertue and grace are the same ? if these are the expositions of scripture which we may expect from them , who make such out-cries against other mens , perverting and corrupting of it , the matter is not like to be much mended with us , for ought i can see , upon their taking of that work into their own hands . and indeed his quotation of this place is pretty odd . he doth not in the print express the words as he useth , and as he doth those of another scripture immediately , in a different character , as the direct words of the apostle , that no man may charge him with a false allegation of the text. yet he repeats all the words of it which he intends to use to his purpose , somewhat altering the expressions . but he hath had , i fear , some unhappiness in his explanations . by joy he would have cheerfulness intended . but what is meant by cheerfulness is much more uncertain than what is intended by joy. mirth it may be in conversation is aimed at , or somewhat of that nature . but how remote this is from that spiritual joy , which is recommended unto us in the scripture , and is affirmed to be unspeakable and full of glory , he that knows not , is scarce meet to paraphrase upon st. pauls epistles . neither is that peace with god through jesus christ , which is rought in the hearts of believers by the holy ghost , who creates the fruit of the lipps , peace , peace , unto them , a matter of any more affinity with a moral peaceableness of mind and affections . our faith also in god , and our faithfulness in our duties , trusts , offices and employments , are sufficiently distinct . so palpably must the scripture be corrupted and wrested to be made serviceable to this presumption . he yet adds another proof to the same purpose , if any man know distinctly what that purpose is ; namely , titus 2. 11. where he tells us that the same apostle make the grace of god , to consist in gratitude towards god , temperance towards our selves , and justice towards our neighbours . but these things are not so . for the apostle doth not say that the grace of god doth consist in these things , but that the grace of god teacheth us these things . neither is the grace here intended , any subjective or inherent grace , or to speak with our author any vertuous quality or vertue , but the love and grace of god himself , in sending jesus christ as declared in the gospel , was is manifest in the words and context beyond contradiction . and i cannot but wonder , how our author desirous to prove that the whole of our religion consists in moral vertues , and these only called graces because of the miraculous operations of god from his own grace in the first gospel converts , should endeavour to do it by these two testimonies ; the first whereof expresly assigns the duties of morality as in believers , to the operation of the spirit , and the latter in his judgment makes them to proceed from grace . our last inquiry is into what he ascribes unto his adversaries in this matter , and how he deals with them thereupon . this therefore he informs us pag. 71. it is not enough say they to be compleatly vertuous , unless ye have grace too . i can scarce believe that ever he heard any one of them say so , or ever read it in any of their writings . for there is nothing that they are more positive in , than that men cannot in any sense be compleatly vertuous unless they have grace ; and so cannot suppose them to be so , who have it not . they say indeed , that moral vertues , as before described , so far as they are attainable by , or may be exercised in the strength of mens own wills and natural faculties , are not enough to please god and to make men accepted with him . so that vertue as it may be without grace , and some vertues may be so for the substance of them , is not available unto salvation . and i had almost said that he is no christian that is of another mind . in a word , vertue is , or may be without grace , in all or any of the acceptations of it before laid down . where it is without the favour of god and the pardon of sin , where it is without the renewing of our natures , and the endowment of our persons with a principle of spiritual life , where it is not wrought in us by present efficacious grace , it is not enough ; nor will serve any mans turn with respect unto the everlasting concernments of his soul. but he gives in his exceptions , pag. 71. but when , saith he , we have set aside all manner of vertue , let them tell me what remains to be called grace , and give me any notion of it distinct from all morality , that consists in the right order and government of our actions in all our relations , and so comprehends all our duty ; and therefore if grace be not included in it , it is but a phantasme and an imaginary thing . i say first ; where grace is , we cannot set aside vertue , because it will and doth produce and effect it in the minds of men . but vertue may be , where grace is not , in the sense so often declared . secondly , take moral vertue in the notion of it here received and explained by our author , and i have given sundry instances before , of gracious duties , that come not within the verge or compass of the scheme given us of it . thirdly , the whole aimed at , lies in this , that vertue that governs our actions in all our duties may be considered either as the duty we owe to the law of nature , for the ends of it , to be performed in the strength of nature , and by the direction of it , or it may be considered as it is an especial effect of the grace of god in us , which gives it a new principle , and a new end , and a new respect unto the covenant of grace wherein we walk with god , the consideration where of frustrates the intention of our author in this discourse . but he renews his charge , pag. 73. so destructive of all true and real goodness is the very religion of those men , that are wont to set grace at odds with vertue ; and are so farr from making them the same , that they make them inconsistent ; and though a man be exact in all the duties of moral goodness , yet if he be a graceless person ( i. e. void of i know not what imaginary godliness ) he is but in a cleaner way to hell ; and his conversion is more hopeless than the vilest and most notorious sinners , and the morally righteous man is at a greater distance from grace , than the prophane ; and better be lend and debanched than live an honest and vertuous life , if you are not of the godly party ; with much more to this purpose . for the men that are wont to set grace at odds with vertue , and are so far from making them the same , that they make them inconsistent ; i wish our author would discover them , that he might take us along with him in his detestation of them . it is not unlikely , if all be true that is told of them , but that the gnosticks might have some principles not unlike this ; but beside them i never heard of any that were of this mind in the world . and in truth the liberty that is taken in these discourses , is a great instance of the morality under consideration . but the following words will direct us where these things are charged . for some say , that if a man be exact in all the duties of moral goodness , yet if he be a graceless person , void of i know not what imaginary godliness , he is but in a cleaner way to hell. i think i know both what , and who are intended , and that both are dealt withal with that candour we have been now accustomed unto . but first , you will scarce find those you intend over forward in granting that men may be exact in all the duties of moral goodness , and yet be graceless persons . for taking moral vertues to comprehend , as you do , their duties toward god , they will tell you such persons cannot perform one of them aright , much less all of them exactly . for they can neither trust in god , no believe him , nor fear him , nor glorifie him in a due manner . take the duties of moral goodness , for the duties of the law between man and man , and the observation of the outward duties of gods worship , and they say indeed , that they may be so performed as that in respect of them , men may be blameless , and yet be graceless . for that account if they mistake not the apostle paul gives of himself . phil. 3. 6 , 7 , 8. they do say therefore that many of these duties , so as to be useful in the world , and blameless before men , they may perform who are yet graceless . thirdly , this gracelessness is said to consist in being void of i know not what imaginary godliness . no , no ; it is to be void of the spirit of god , of the grace of christ , not to be born again , not to have a new spiritual life in christ , not to be united to him , or ingrafted in him , not to be accepted and made an heir of god , and enabled to a due spiritual evangelical performance of all duties of obedience , according to the tenour of the covenant ; these are the things intended . and as many with their moral duties may come short of them and be graceless ; so those to whom they are imaginary , must reject the whole gospel of christ as an imagination . and i must say , to give matter of a new charge , that to the best observation that i have been able to make in the world , none have been , nor are more negligent in the principal duties of morality , than those who are aptest to exalt them above the gospel , and the whole mystery of it ; unless morality do consist in such a course of life and conversation , as i will not at present charactarize . it is farther added , that the conversion of such a one , is more hopeless than the vilest and most notorious sinners ; and the morally righteous man , &c. setting aside the inviduous expression of what is here reflected upon , and there is nothing more openly taught in the gospel . the pharisees were a people morally righteous , whereon they trusted to themselves that they were righteous ; and yet our lord jesus christ told them , that publicans and harlots , the vilest and most notorious of sinners , entred before them into the kingdom of god. and where men trust to their own righteousness , their own duties , be they moral or what they will , there are no men farther from the way of the gospel than they . nay our saviour lets us know , that as such , the gospel is not concerned in them , not they in it . he came not , he sayes , to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance ; not men justifying , or lifting up themselves in a co●ceit of their moral duties , but those who are burdened and laden with a sense of their sins . and so in like manner , that the whole have no need of the physitian but the sick ; and st. paul declares what enemies they were to the righteousness of god , who went about to set up their own righteousness ; rom. 10. now because moral duties are incumbent on all persons , at all times , they are continually to be pressed upon all , from a sense of the authority , and command of god , indispensibly requiring all mens attendance unto them . yet such is the deceitfulness of the heart of man , and the power of unbelief , that oftentimes persons who through their education , or following convictions , have been brought to some observance of them , and being not enlightned in their minds to discern their insufficiency unto the great end of salvation , in and of themselves , are apt to take up with them , and to rest in them without ever coming to sincere repentance towards god , or faith in our lord jesus christ ; whereas others , the guilt of whose sins doth unavoidably press upon them , as it did on the publicans and sinners of old , are oft times more ready to look out after relief . and those who question these things , do nothing but manifest their ignorance in the scripture , and want of experience in the work of the ministry . but yet upon the account of the charge mentioned , so unduly framed , and impotently managed , our author makes an excursion into such an extravagancy of reproaches , as is scaree exceeded in his whole book : part of it i have considered before in our view of his preface ; and i am now so used to the noise and bluster wherewith he pours out the storm of his indignation , that i am altogether inconcerned in it , and cannot prevail with my self to give it any further consideration . these things though not direct to the argument in hand , and which on that account might have been neglected ; yet supposing that the author placed as much of his design in them , as in any part of his discourse , i could not wholly omit the consideration of ; not so much out of a desire for their vindication who are unduly traduced in them , as to plead for the gospel it self , and to lay a foundation of a further defence of the truths of it , if ocasiou shall so require . and we have also here an insight into the judgment of our author , or his mistake in this matter . he tells us that it is better to tollerate debaucheries and immoralities , than liberty of conscience , for men to worship god according to their light and perswasion . now all religion according to him , consisting in morality , to tollerate immoralities and debauckeries in conversation , is plainly to tollerate atheism ; which it seems is more eligible than to grant liberty of conscience , unto them who differ from the present establishment , only as to some things belonging to the outward worship of god. these things being premised , the argument it self pleaded in this chap. is capable of a speedy dispatch . it is to this purpose . the magistrate hath power over the consciences of men in reference to morals , or moral vertues , which are the principal things in religion , and therefore much more hath so in reference to the worship of god , which is of less importance . we have complained before of the ambiguity of these general terms , but it is to no purpose to do so any more , seeing we are not like to be relieved in this discourse . let us then take things as we find them , and satisfie our selves in the intention of the author , by that declaration which he makes of it up and down the chap. but yet here we are at a loss also . when he speaks , or seems to speak to this purpose , whether in the confirmation of the proposition , or the inference , whereof his argument consists , what he sayes is cast into such an inter-texture with invectives and reproaches , and expressed in such a loose declamatory manner , as it is hard to discover or find out what it is that he intends . suppose therefore in the first place , that a man should call his consequent into question ; namely that because the magistrate hath power over the consciences of his subjects in morals , that therefore he hath so also in matters of instituted worship ? how will he confirm and vindicate it ? two things are all i can observe that are offered in the confirmation of it . first , that these things of morality , moral vertues , are of more importance in religion than the outward worship of god , which the amplitude of power before asserted , is now reducing to a respect unto . secondly , that there is much more danger of his erring and mistaking in things of morality , than in things of outward worship , because of their great weight and importance . these things are pleaded , p. 28. and elsewhere up and down . that any thing else is offered , in the confirmation of this consequent i find not . and it may be some will think these proofs to be very weak and feeble , unable to sustain the weight that is laid upon them . for it is certain that the first rule , that he that hath power over the greater , hath so over the lesser , doth not hold unless it be in things of the same nature and kind ; and it is no less certain and evident , that there is an especial and formal difference between these things , namely moral vertues , and instituted worship ; the one depending as to their being and discovery on the light of nature , and the dictates of that reason which is common to all , and speakes the same language in the consciences of all mankind ; the other on pure revelation , which may be , and is variously apprehended . hence it is , that whereas there is no difference in the world about what is vertue and what is not , there is no agreement about what belongs to divine worship and what doth not . again ; lesser things may be exempted from that power and authority by especial priviledge or law , which hath the disposal of greater committed into it , and intrusted with it . as the magistrate amongst us , may take away the life of a man , which is the greatest of his concernments , the name of his all , for fellony , but cannot take away his estate or inheritance of land , which is a far less concernment unto him , if it be antecedently setled by law to other uses than his own . and if it cannot be proved that the disposal of the worship of god , as to what doth really and truly belong unto it , and all the parts of it , is exempted from all humane power by special law and priviledge , let it be disposed of as who so will , shall judge meet . nor is the latter consideration suggested to inforce this consequent of any more validity ; namely , that there is more danger of the magistrates erring or mistakes about moral vertue , than about rites of worship ; because that is of most concernment in religion . for it is true , that suppose a man to walk on the top of an high house or tower , on a plain floor with battlements or walls round about him , there will be more danger of breaking his neck , if he should fall from thence , than if he should fall from the top of a narrow wall that had not the fourth part of the heighth of the house . but there would not be so much danger of falling . for from the top of the house as circumstantiated , he cannot fall , unless he will wilfully and violently cast himself down headlong ; and on the top of the wall , it may be , he cannot stand , with the utmost of his heed and endeavours . the magistrate cannot mistake about moral vertues unless he will do it wilfully . they have their station fixed in the world , on the same ground and evidence with magistracy it self . the same evidence , the same common consent and suffrage of mankind is given unto moral vertues , as is to any government in the world. and to suppose a supream magistrate , a law-giver , to mistake in these things , in judging whether justice , and temperance , or fortitude , be vertues or no , and that in their legislative capacity , is ridiculous . neither nero nor caligula were ever in danger of any such mis-adventure . all the magistrates in the world at this day , are agreed about these things . but as to what concerns the worship of god , they are all at variance . there is no such evidence in these things , no such common suffrage about them , as to free any absolutely from failings and mistakes ; so that in respect of them , and not of the other , lyes the principal danger of miscarrying , as to their determination and administration . supposing therefore the premises our author layes down to be true , his inference from them is feeble , and obnoxious to various impeachments , whereof i have given some few instances only , which shall be increased if occasion require . but the assertion it self which is the foundation of these consequences , is utterly remote from accuracy and truth . it is said that the magistrate hath power over the consciences of men in reference unto moral duties , which are the principal parts of religion . our first and most difficult inquiry , is after the meaning of this proposition , the later after its truth . i ask then , first whether he hath power over the consciences of men with respect unto moral vertue , and over moral vertue it self , as vertue , and as a part of religion , or on some other account ; if his power respect vertue as a part of religion , then it equally extends it self to all that is so , by vertue of a rule which will not be easily everted . but it doth not appear that it so extends it self as to plead an obliging authority in reference unto all duties . for let but the scheme of moral duties , especially those whose object is god , given us by our author be considered , and it will quickly be discerned how many of them are exempted from all humane cognizance and authority ; and that from and by their nature as well as their use in the world. and it is in vain to ascribe an authority to magistrates which they have no power to exert , or take cognizance whether it be obeyed or no. and what can they do therein with respect unto gratitude to god , which holds the first place in the scheme of moral vertues here given in unto us . we are told also , p. 83. that in matters both of moral vertue , and divine worship , there are some rules of good and evil that are of an eternal and unchangeable obligation , and these can never be prejudiced or altered by any humane power , because the reason of their obligation arises from a necessity and constitution of nature , and therefore must be 〈◊〉 perpetual as that ; but then there are other rules of duty that are alterable according to the various accidents changes and conditions of humane life , and depend chiefly upon contracts and positive laws of kingdoms . it would not be unworthy our inquiry to consider what rules of moral duty they are , which are alterable and depend on accidents and contracts . but we might easily find work enough , should we call all such fond assertions to a just examination . neither doth the distinction here given us between various rules of moral vertue , very well answer what we are told , p. 69. namely , that every particular vertue is therefore such , because it is are semblance and imitation of some of the divine attributes , which i suppose they are not , whose rules and formes are alterable upon accidents and occasions . and we are taught also , pag. 68. that the practice of vertue consists in living suitable to the dictates of reason and nature ; which are rules not variable and changeable . there must be some new distinction to reconcile these things , which i cannot at present think of . that which i would enquire from hence is , whether the magistrates have power over the consciences of men in reference unto those things in morality , whose rules of good and evil are of an eternal obligation . that he hath not is evidently implyed in this place . and i shall not enter into the confusion of the ensuing discourse , where the latter sort of rules for vertue , the other member of the distinction , are turned into various methods of executing laws about outward acts of vertue or vice ; and the vertues themselves into outward expressions and significations of duty ; for i have at present no contest with this author about his manner of writing , nor do intend to have . it is enough that here at once all the principal and most important vertues are vindicated to their own unalterable rules as such , and the consciences of men in reference unto them put under another jurisdiction . and what then becomes of this argument , that the magistrate must have power over the consciences of men in matters of divine worship , because he hath so in things moral which are of greater importance , when what is so of importance , is exempted from his power . hence it sufficiently , appears that the authority of the magistrate over men , with reference unto moral vertue and duty , doth not respect vertue as vertue , but hath some other consideration . now what this is , is evident unto all . how moral vertues do belong unto religion and are parts of it , hath been before declared . but god who hath ordered all things in weight and measure , hath fore-designed them also to another end and purpose . for preparing mankind for political society in the world among themselves for a time , as well as for religious obedience unto himself , he inlayed his nature and composition with principles suited to both those ends , and appointed them to be acted with different respects unto them . hence moral vertues notwithstanding their peculiar tendency unto him , are appointed to be the instrument and ligament of humane society also . as the law of moses had in it a typical end , use , and signification , with respect to christ and the gospel , and a political use as the instrument of the government of the nation of the jews . now the power of the magistrate in respect of moral vertues , is in their latter use ; namely , as they relate to humane policy , which is concerned in the outward actings of them . this therefore is granted ; and we shall enquire farther whether any more be proved , namely , that the magistrate hath power over the outward actings of vertue and vice , so far as humane society or publick tranquility is concerned in them , and on that account . secondly , it may be enquired what is the power and authority over moral vertues , which is here ascribed unto the civil magistrate , and over the consciences of men , with respect unto them . is it such as to make that to be vertue which was not vertue before , or which was vice , and oblige men in conscience to practise it as vertue ? this would go a great way indeed , and answer somewhat of what is , or as it is said , may be done in the worship of god , when that is made a part of it which was not so before . but what name shall these new vertues be called by ? a new vertue both as to its acts and objects , will as much fly the imaginations of men , as a sixth sense doth . it may be our author will satisfie us as to this enquiry ; for he tells us , pag. 80. that he hath power to make that a particular of the divine law , that god hath not made so . i wish he had declared himself how , and wherein ; for i am afraid this expression as here it lyes , is offensive . the divine law is divine , and so is every particular of it● ; and how a man can make a thing divine , that is not so of it self , nor by divine institution , is hard to find out . it may be that only the subject matter of the law , and not the law it self formally is intended ; and to make a thing a particular of the divine law , is no more but to make the divine law require , that in particular of a man which it did not require of him before . but this particular , referrs to the nature , essence and being of the thing , or to the acting , and occasion of it in particular . and if it be taken in the latter sense , here is no more ascribed unto the magistrate , than is common with him to every man in the world. for every one that puts himself into new circumstances , or new relations , doth so make that unto him to be a particular of the divine law , which was not so before ; for he is bound and obliged unto the actual performance of many duties , which as so circumstantiated , he was not bo●●● unto before . but somewhat else seems to be intend●● from the ensuing discourse ; they are fully empowred to declare new instances of vertue and vice , and to introduce new duties in th● most important parts of religion . and y●● i am still at the same loss . for by his declaring new instances of vertue and vice , suppose he intends an authoritative declaration , such as that they have no other foundation , nor need none to make them what they are . they are new instances of vertue and vice , because so declared . and this suits unto the introducing of new duties in the most important parts of religion , made duties by that introduction . i wish i could yet learn what these new instances of vertue and vice are , or mean. whether they are new as vertues and vices , or as instances . for the first , would i could see a new practice of old virtues ; but to tell you the truth , i care not for any of the new vertues , that i have lately observed in the world ; nor do i hope ever to see any better new ones . if it be the instances that are new , i wish again i knew what were more in them , than the actual and occasional exercise of old duties . pag. 79 , 80. conduce most to extricate us out of these ambiguities . there we are informed , that the laws of every nation do distinguish and settle mens rights , and properties , and that distinctly with respect whereunto , justice , that prime natural vertue , is in particular instances to be exercised . and pag. 84. it is further declared , that in the administration of justice , there may be great difference in the constitution of penalties and execution of men . this it seems is that which is aimed at ; the magistrate by his laws determines , whteher titius have set his hedge upon caius's ground ; and whether sempronius hath rightly conveyed his land or house , to his son , or neighbour , whereby what is just and lawfull in it self , is accommodated to the use of political society . he determines also how persons guilty of death shall be executed , and by whom , and in what manner ; whence it must needs follow that he hath power to assign new particulars of the divine law , to declare new bounds , or hedges , of right and wrong , which the law of god neither doth , nor can limit , or hath power over the consciences of men with respect to moral vertues ; which was to be demonstrated . let us lay aside these swelling expressions , and we shall find that all that can be ascribed unto the civil magistrate in this matter , is no more , than to preserve property and peace , by that rule and power over the outward actions of men , which is necessary thereunto . having made some enquiry into the termes of moral vertue and the magistrates power , it remains only that we consider what respect this case hath unto the consciences of men , with reference unto them . and i desire to know whether all mankind , be not obliged in conscience to the observation of all moral vertue , antecedently to the command or authority of the magistrate , who doth only inspect their observation of them as to the concerns of publick peace and tranquility . certainly if all moral vertue consists in living suitable to the dictates of reason , as we are told , and in a sense rightly , if the rule of them all and every one , which gives them their formal nature , be the law of our creation , which all mankind enter the world under an indispensable obligation unto , it cannot be denyed but that there is such an antecedent obligation on the consciences of men , as that inquired after . but the things mentioned are granted by our author ; nor can by any be denyed , without offering the highest outrage to scripture , reason , and the common consent of mankind . now if this obligation be thus on all men , unto all vertue as vertue , and this absolutely from the authority of god over them and their consciences , how comes an inferiour authority to interpose it self between that of god and their consciences , so immediately to oblige them . it is granted that when the magistrate commandeth and requireth the exercise of any moral duty , in a way suited unto publick good and tranquility , he is to be obeyed for conscience sake ; because he who is the lord of conscience doth require men to be obedient unto him , whereon they are obliged in conscience so to be . but if the things required of them be in themselves moral duties , as they are such , their consciences are obliged to observe and exercise them , from the command of god , and other obligation unto them as such , they neither have nor can have . but the direction and command for the exercise of them , in these and those circumstances , for the ends of publick . good whereunto they are directed , belongs unto the magistrate , who is to be obeyed . for as in things meerly civil , and which have nothing originally of morality in them , but secondarily only , as they tend to the preservation and welfare of humane society , which is a thing morally good , the magistrate is to be obeyed for conscience sake , and the things themselves as far as they partake of morality , come directly under the command of god which affects the conscience ; so in things that have an inherent and inseparable morality , and so respect god in the first place , when they come to have a civil sanction in reference to their exercise unto publick political good , that sanction is to be obeyed out of conscience ; but the antecedent obligation that was upon the conscience unto a due exercise of those duties , when made necessary by circumstances , is not superseded , nor any new one added thereunto . i know what is said , but i find not as yet what is proved from these things , concerning the uncontroleable and absolute power of the supream magistrate , over religion and the consciences of men . some things are added indeed here up and down , about circumstances of divine worship , and the power of ordering them by the magistrate , which though there may be some different conceptions about , yet they no way reach the cause under debate . but as they are expressed by our author , i know not of any one writer in and of the church of england , that hitherto hath so stated them , as they are by him . for he tells us pag. 85. that all rituals , ceremonies , postures and manners of performing the outward expressions of devotion , that are not chargeable with countenancing vice or disgracing the deity , are capable of being adopted into the ministeries of divine service , and are not exempted from being subject to the determinations of humane power . whether they are so or no , the magistrate i presume is to judge ; or all this flourish of words and concessions of power , vanish into smoak . his command of them binds the consciences of men to observe them , according to the principle under consideration . hence it must be absolutely in the power of every supream magistrate to impose on the christian subjects , a greater number of ceremonious observances in the worship of god , and those of greater weight than ever were laid upon the jews . for who knows not that under the names of rituals , ceremonies , postures , manners of performing all divine service , what a butrdensome heap of things are imposed in the roman church ; whereunto as far as i know a thousand more may be added , not chargeable in themselves with either of the crimes , which alone are allowed to be put in , in barr or plea against them . and whether this be the liberty whereunto jesus christ hath vindicated his disciples and church , is left unto the judgement of sober men . outward religious worship we know is to be performed by natural actions ; these have their circumstances , and those oft-times because of the publick concernments of the exercise of religion , of great importance . these may be ordered by the power , and according to the wisdome of those in authority . but that they should make so many things , as this assertion allows them to make to belong unto , and to be parts of the worship of god , whereof not one is enjoyned or required by him , and the consciences of men be thereby obliged unto their observance ; i do not believe , nor is it here at all proved . to close this discourse about the power of obliging the consciences of men ; i think our author grants that conscience is immediately obliged to the observation of all things that are good in themselves , from the law of our creation . such things as either the nature of god , or our own require from us , our consciences surely are obliged immediately by the authority of god to observe . nor can we have any dispensation for the non-performance of our duty , from the interposition of the commands and authority of any of the sons of men. for this would be openly and directly to set up men against god , and to advance them or their authority above him or his . things evidently deduced , and necessarily following the first principles and dictates of nature , are of the same kind with themselves , and have the authority of god no less enstamped on them than the other ; and in respect unto them , conscience cannot by vertue of inferiour commands , plead an exemption . things of meer revelation do remain ; and concerning them i desire to know , whether we are not bound to observe and do , whatever god in his revealed will commands us to observe and do , and to abstain from whatever he forbids , and this indispensably ? if this be denyed i will prove it with the same arguments whereby i can prove that there is a god , and that we are his creatures made to serve him ; for the reason of these things is inseparable from the very being of god. let this be granted , and ascribe what ye will , or please , or can , to the supream magistrate , and you shall not from me have the least contradiction . a survey of the third chapter . the third chapter entertains us with a magnificent grant of liberty of conscience . the very first paragraph asserts , a liberty of conscience in mankind over all their actions whether moral , or strictly religious . but lest this should prove a bedlam concession that might mischief the whole design in hand , it is delivered to the power of a keeper , who yet upon examination is no less wild and extravagant , than it self is esteemed absolutely to be . this is , that they have it as far as concerns their judgements , but not their practice ; that is ; they have liberty of conscience over their actions , but not their practices ; or over their practices , but not over their pratices . for upon tryal their actions and practices will prove to be the same . and i do not as yet well understand , what is this liberty of conscience over mens actions , is it to do , or not to do , as their consciences dictate to them ? this is absolutely denied , and opposed in the chap. it self . is it to judge of their actions as done , whether they be good or evil ? this conscience is at no liberty in . for it is determined to a judgment in that kind naturally , and necessarily , and must be so whilest it hath the light of nature , and word of god to regard , so far as a rule is capable of giving a measure and determination to things to be regulated by it ; that is ; its moral actings , are morally determined . what then this liberty of conscience over mens actions should be , where they can neither act freely according to their consciences what they are to do , nor abstain from what they are not to do , nor are at liberty to judge what they have done to be good or bad , i cannot divine . let us search after an explication of these things in the paragraph it self , whose contents are represented in the words mentioned . here we are told , that this liberty consists in mens thinking of things according to their own perswasion , and therein asserting the freedom of their judgements . i would be loth to think that this liberty of mens consciences over all their moral actions , should at first dash dwindle into a liberty in speculations ; that men may think what they will , opine as they please , in , and about things that are not to be brought into practice ; but yet as far as i can perceive , i must think so , or matters will come to a worse issue . but these things must be a little farther examined , and that very briefly . here is mention of liberty of conscience ; but what conscience is , or what that liberty is , is not declared . for conscience it is called sometimes the mind , sometimes the vnderstanding , sometimes opinion , sometimes described by the liberty of thinking , sometimes termed an imperious faculty , which things without much discourse , and more words , than i can now afford to use , are not reconcilable amongst themselves . besides , liberty is no proper●affection of the mind , or understanding . though i acknowledge the mind , and its actings to be naturally free from outward compulsion , or coaction ; yet it is capable of such a determination from the things proposed unto it , and the manner of their proposal , as to make necessary the elicitation of its acts. it cannot but judge that two and three make five . it is the will that is the proper seat of liberty ; and what some suppose to be the ultimate determination of the practical understanding , is indeed an act of the will. it is so if you speak of liberty naturally and morally , and not of state and condition , which are here confounded . but suppose what you will to be conscience , it is moral actions or duties that are here supposed to be the object of its actings . now what are , or can be the thoughts , or actings of the mind of man about moral actions , but about their vertue , or their vice , their moral good or evil ? nor is a conclusion of what is a mans own duty in reference to the practice of them , possibly to be separated from them . that then which is here asserted is , that a man may think , judge , or conceive such or such a thing to be his duty , and yet have thereby no obligation put upon him to perform it ; for conscience , we are informed , hath nothing to do beyond the inward thoughts of mens minds . to state this matter a little more clearly ; let us take conscience in the most usual acceptation of it , and that which answers the experience of every man that ever looks into the affairs and concerns within ; and so it is , the practical judgment that men make of themselves , and of their actions , or what they are to do , and what they are not to do , what they have done , or what they have omitted , with reference unto the judgement of god , at present declared in their own hearts , and in his word , and to be fully executed at the last day . for we speak of conscience as it is amongst christians , who acknowledge the word of god , and that for a double end ; first , as the rule of conscience it self ; secondly , as the declaration of the will of god , as to his approbation , or rejecting of what we do , or omit . suppose then , that a man make a judgment in his conscience , regulated by the word of god , and with respect unto the judgement of god concerning him , that such and such a thing is a duty , and whose performance is required of him ; i desire to know , whether any obligation be upon him from thence to act accordingly ? it is answered that the territory of conscience is confined unto mens thoughts , judgements and perswasions , and these are free , yea , no doubt ; but for outward actions there is no remedy , but they must be subject to the cognizance of humane laws , pag. 9. who ever doubted of it ? he that would have men so have liberty from outward actions , as not to have those actions cognoscible by the civil power , as to the end of publick tranquility , but to have their whole station firmed absolutely in the world upon the plea of conscience , would no doubt lay a foundation for confusion in all government . but what is this to the present enquiry , whether conscience lay an obligation on men , as regulated by the word of god , and respecting him , to practise according to its dictates ? it is true enough ; that if any of its practices do not please , or satisfy the magistrate , their authors must for ought i know , stand to what will follow , or ensue on them to their prejudice ; but this frees them not , from the obligation that is upon them in conscience unto what is their duty . this is that , which must be here proved , if any thing be intended unto the purpose of this author ; namely that notwithstanding the judgment of conscience concerning any duty , by the interposition of the authority of the magistrate to the contrary , there is no obligation ensues for the performance of that duty . this is the answer that ought plainly to be returned , and not a suggestion that outward actions must fall under the cognizance of the magistrate ; which none ever doubted of , and which is nothing to the present purpose ; unless he would have them to fall under the magistrates cognizance , as that his will should be the supream rule of them ; which i think he cannot prove . but what sense the magistrate will have of the outward actions , wherein the discharge of mans duty doth consist , is of another consideration . this therefore is the state of the present case applied unto religious worship . suppose the magistrate command such things in religion , as a man in his conscience guided by the word , and respecting god , doth look upon as vnlawful , and such as are evil , and sin unto him , if he should perform them ; and forbid such things in the worship of god , as he esteems himself obliged in conscience to observe as commands of christ ; if he may practise the things so commanded , and omit the things so forbidden , i fear he will find himself within doors continually at confession , saying with trouble enough ; i have done those things , which i ought not to have done , and i have left undone those things , which i ought to have done , and there is no health in me ; unless this author can prove that the commands of god respect only the minds of men ; but not their outward actions which are left unto the authority of the magistrate alone . if no more be here intended , but that whatever conscience may require of any , it will not secure them , but that when they come to act outwardly according to it , the civil magistrate may , and will consider their actions , and allow them , or forbid them according to his own judgement , it were surely a madness to deny it , as great , as to say the sun shineth not at noon day . if conscience to god be confined to thoughts , and opinions , and speculations about the general notions , and notices of things , about true and false , and unto a liberty of judging , and determining upon them what they are , whether they are so or no 〈◊〉 the whole nature and being of conscience , and that to the reason , sense , and experience of every man , is utterly overthrown . if conscience be allowed to make its judgement of what is good or evil , what is duty or sin , and no obligation be allowed to ensue from thence unto a suitable practice , a wide door is opened unto atheism , and thereby the subversion of all religion and government in the world . this therefore is the summ of what is asserted in this matter ; conscience according to that apprehension , which it hath of the will of god about his worship , ( whereunto we confine our discourse ) obligeth men to act , or forbear accordingly ; if their apprehensions are right and true , just and equal , what the scripture , the great rule of conscience doth declare and require , i hope none upon second thoughts will deny , but that such things are attended with a right unto a liberty to be practised , whilst the lord jesus christ is esteemed the lord of lords , and king of kings , and is thought to have power to command the observance of his own institutions . suppose these apprehensions to be such as may in some things , be they more or less , be judged not to correspond exactly with the great rule of conscience , yet supposing them also to contain nothing inconsistent with , or of a disturbing nature to civil society , and publick tranquillity , nothing that gives countenance to any vice , or evil , or is opposite to the principal truths and main duties of religion , wherein the minds of men in a nation do coalesce , nor carry any politick entangle●ments along with them ; and add thereunto the peaceableness of the persons posses● with those apprehensions , and the impossibility they are under to devest themselves of them , and i say natural right , justice , equity , religion , conscience , god himself in all , and his voice in the hearts of all unprejudiced persons , do require that neither the persons themselves , on the account of their consciences , have violence offered unto them , nor their practices in pursuit of their apprehensions , be restrained by severe prohibitions and penalties . but whereas the magistrate is allowed to judge , and dispose of all outward actions in reference to publick tranquility , if any shall assert principles , as of conscience , tending , or obliging unto the practice of vice , immorality , or sin , or to the disturbance of publick society , such principles being all notoriously judged by scripture , nature , the common consent of mankind , and inconsistent with the fundamental principles of humane polity , may be in all instances of their discovery and practice , coerced , and restrained . but plainly , as to the commands of conscience , they are of the same extent with the commands of god : if these respect only the inward man , or the mind , conscience doth no more ; if they respect outward actions , conscience doth so also . from the liberty of conscience , a proceed is made to christian liberty , which is said to be a duty , or priviledg founded upon the ( chimaerical ) liberty of conscience before granted . but these things stand not in the relation imagined ; liberty of conscience is of natural right , christian liberty is a gospel-priviledge , though both may be pleaded in bar of unwarrantable impositions on conscience . but these things are so described by our author , as to be confounded . for the christian liberty described in this paragraph , is either restrained to matters of pure speculation , wherein the mind of man is left entirely free to judge of the truth , and falsehood of things ; or as it regards things that fall under laws and impositions , wherein men are left intirely free to judge of them , as they are objects of meer opinion . now how this differs from the liberty of conscience granted before , i know not . and that there is some mistake in this description of christian liberty , need no other consideration to evince but this ; namely that christian liberty , as our author tells us , is a priviledge , but this is not so , being that which is equally common unto all mankind . this liberty is necessary unto humane nature , nor can it be divested of it , and so it is not a priviledge that includes a specialty in it . every man cannot but think what he thinks , and judge what he judgeth , and that when he doth so , whether he will or no ; for every thing when it is , and as it is , is necessary . in the use of what means they please , to guide , direct , and determine their thoughts , their liberty doth consist ; this is equal in all , and natural unto all . now this inward freedom of our judgements is , it seems , our christian liberty , consistent with any impositions upon men in the exercise of the worship of god , with an obligation on conscience , unto their use and practice ; a liberty indeed of no value , but a meer aggravation of bondage ; and these things are further discoursed , sect. 3. pag. 95. wherein we are told , that this prerogative of our christian liberty , is not so much any new favour granted in the gospel , as the restauration of the mind of man to its natural priviledge , by exempting us from the yoke of the ceremonial lam , whereby things in themselves indifferent were tyed upon the conscience with as indispensable an obligation , as the rule of essential goodness , and equitys during the whole period of mosaick dispensation ; which being corrected by the gospel , those indifferent things , that have been made necessary by a divine positive command , returned to their own nature to be used , or omitted , only as occasion should direct . it is true , that a good part of our christian liberty , consists in our deliverance from the yoke of mosaical institutions ; but that this is not so much a new favour granted in the gospel , as the restauration of the mind of man to its natural priviledge , is an insertion that runs parallel with many others in this discourse . this priviledge , as all others of the gospel are , is spiritual , and its outward concerns , and exercise , are of no value , where the mind is not spiritually made free by christ. and it is uncertain what is meant by the restauration of the mind to its natural priviledge ; if the priviledge of the mind in its condition of natural purity is intended , as it was before the entrance of sin , it is false ; if any priviledge , the mind of man in its corrupt depraved condition is capable of , be designed , it is no less untrue . in things of this nature , the mind in that condition is in bondage , and not capable of any liberty ; for it is a thing ridiculous , to confound the meer natural liberty of our wills , which is an affection inseparable from that faculty , with a moral , or spiritual liberty of mind , relating unto god and his worship . but this whole paragraph runs upon no small mistake ; namely that the yoke of mosaical institutions , consisted in their imposition on the minds , and judgments of men , with an opinion of the antecedent necessity of them . for although the words recited , things in themselves indifferent , were tyed upon the conscience with as indispensable an obligation as the rules of essential goodness and equity , may be restrained to their use , exercise , and observation ; yet the conclusion of it , that whatever our superiours impose upon us , whether in matters of religious worship , or any other duties of morality , there neither is , nor can be any intrenchment upon our christian liberty , provided it be not imposed with an opinion of antecedent necessity of the thing it self , with the whole scope of the argument insisted on , makes it evident to be the sense intended . but this is wide enough from the mark ; the jews were never obliged , to judge the whole systeme of their legal institutions , to be any way necessary , antecedent unto their institution and appointment ; nor were they obliged to judge their intrincsik nature changed by their institution , only they knew they were obliged to their constant , and indispensable practice , as parts of the worship of god , instituted and commanded by him , who hath the supream authority over their souls and consciences . there was indeed a bondage frame of spirit upon them in all things , especially in their whole worship of god , as the apostle paul several times declares . but this is a thing of another nature , though our delivery from it , be also a part of christian liberty . this was no part of their inward , no more than their outward bondage , that they should think , believe , judge or esteem the things themselves enjoyned them , to be absolutely of any other nature , than they were ; had they been obliged unto any such judgement of things , they had been obliged to deceive themselves , or to be deceived ; but by the absolute authority of god , they were indispensibly bound in conscience to the actual observance , and continual use of such a number of ceremonies , carnal ordinances , and outward observances , as being things in themselves low , and mean , called by the apostle beggerly elements , and enjoyned with so great strictness , and under so severe penalties , many of them , of excision , or extermination from among the people , as became an intolerable , and insupportable yoke unto them . neither doth the apostle peter dispute about a judgement of their nature , but the necessity of their observation , when he calls them a yoke , which neither they , nor their fathers were able to bear , acts 15. 10. and when st. paul gives a charge to believers , to stand fast in the liberty , wherewith christ hath made them fres , it is with respect unto the outward observation of mosaical rites , as by him instituted , and not as to any inward judgment of their minds concerning their nature , antecedent unto that institution . his whole disputation on that subject , respects only mens practice , with regard unto an authoritative obligation thereunto , which he pleaded to be now expired , and removed . and if this christian liberty , which he built and proceeded upon , be of force to free , not our minds from the judgement that they had before of things in themselves , but our persons from the necessary practice , and observance of things instituted of god , however antecedently indifferent in themselves ; i think it is , at least , of equal efficacy , to exempt us from the necessary practice of things imposed on us in the worship of god , by men . for , setting aside the inequality of the imposing authority , which casts the advantage on the other side , ( for these legal institutions were imposed on the church by god himself , those now intended are such matters , as our superiours of themselves impose on us in religious worship ) the case is absolutely the same ; for as god did not give the law of commandment's contained in ordinances unto the jews , from the goodness of things required therein , antecedent to his command , which should make them necessary to be practised by them for their good ; but did it of his own soveraign arbitrary will and pleasure ; so he obliged not the people themselves unto any other judgement of them , but that they were necessarily to be observed ; and setting aside the consideration of his command , they were things in their own nature altogether indifferent ; so is it in the present case ; it is pleaded that there is no imposition on the minds , consciences , or judgements of men , to think or judge otherwise of what is imposed on them , than as their nature is , and doth require ; only they are obliged unto their usage , observance , and practice ; which is to put us into a thousand times worse condition than the jews , if instances of them should be multiplyed , as they may lawfully 〈◊〉 every year ; seeing it much more quiet● the mind ; to be able to resolve its thought● immediately into the authority of go● under its yoke , than into that of man. i● therefore we are freed from the one by our christian liberty , we are so much more from the other ; so , as that being made free by christ , we should not be the servants of men , in things belonging to his service and worship . from this discovery here made of the nature of christian liberty , our author makes some deductions , p. 98 , 99. concerning the nature of religious worship , wherein he tells us , that the whole substance of religious worship is transacted within the mind of man , and dwells in the heart , and thoughts , the soul being its proper seat , and temple , where men may worship their god as they please , without offending their prince ; and that external worship is no part of religion it self . i wish he had more clearly , and distinctly expressed his mind in this matter ; for his assertions , in the sense the words seem to bear , are prodigiously false , and such as will open a door to atheism with all villany and confusion in the world. for who would not think this to be his intention ; let men keep their minds and inward thoughts , and apprehensious right for god , and then they may practise outwardly in religion what they please ; one thing one day , another another ; be papists and protestants , arians and homousians ; yea mahometans and christians ; any thing , every thing , after the manner of the country , and laws of the prince , where they are , and live ; the rule that ecebolius walked by of old ? i think there is no man , that owns the scripture , but will confess that this is , at least , if not a direct , yet an interpretative rejection of the whole authority of god. and may not this rule be quickly extended unto oaths themselves , the bonds and ligaments of humane society ? for whereas in their own formal nature they belong to the worship of god , why may not men pretend to keep up their reverence unto god , in the internal part of them , or their esteem of him in their invocation of his name , but as to the outward part , accommodate it unto what by their interest is required of them ; so swearing with their tongues , but keeping their mind at liberty ? if the principles laid down be capable of any other more tolerable sense , and such as may be exclusive of these inferences , i shall gladly admit it ; at present what is here deduced from them , seems to be evidently included in them . it is true indeed , that natural , moral , or internal worship , consisting in faith , love , fear , thankfulness , submission , dependance , and the like , hath its constant seat , and residence in the souls , and minds of men ; but that the wayes whereby these principles of it are to be outwardly exercised , and expressed , by gods command and appointment , are not also indispensably necessary unto us , and parts of his worship , is utterly false . that which principally in the scripture , comes under the notion of the worship of god , is the due observance of his outward institutions ; which divines have upon unquestionable grounds , contended to be commanded and appointed in general in the second commandment of the decalogue , whence all particular institutions in the several seasons of the church , are educed , and resolved into the authority of god therein expressed . and that account which we have here given us of outward worship , namely , that it is no part of religion it self , but only an instrument to express the inward veneration of the mind , by some outward action or posture of the body , as it is very difficultly to be accommodated unto the sacrifices of old , or the present sacraments of the church , which were , and are parts of outward worship , and , as i take it , of religion ; so the being an instrument unto the purpose mentioned , doth not exclude any thing from being also a part of religion , and worship it self , if it be commanded by god to be performed in his service , unto his glory . it is pretended that all outward worship is only an exteriour signification of honour ; but yet all the parts of it in their performance , are acts of obedience unto god , and are the proper actings of faith , love , and submission of soul unto god , which if they are not his worship , and parts of religion , i know not what may be so esteemed . let then outward worship , stand in what relation it will to inward spiritual honour , where god requires it , and commands it , it is no less necessary and in dispensably to be performed , than any part of inward worship it self , and is a no less important duty of religion . for any thing comes to be a part of religious worship outwardly to be performed , not from its own nature , but from its respect unto the command of god ; and the end whereunto it is by him designed . so the apostle tells us that with the heart man believeth unto righteousness , and with the mouth confession is made un● salvation , rom. 10. confession is but the exteriour signification of the faith , that is i● our hearts ; but yet it is no less necessary to salvation , than faith it self is to righteousness . and those , who regulate their obedience , and religious worship by the commands of god , knowing that which way ever they are signified , by inbred light , or superadded revelation , it is they which give their obedience its formal nature , making it religious , will not allow that place and use of the outward worship required by god himself , which should exclude it from being religious , or a part of their religion . but upon the whole matter our author affirms , that in all ages of the world , god hath left the management of his outward worship unto the discretion of men , unless when to determine some particulars hath been usefull to some other purpose , pag. 100. the management of outward worship , may signifie no more but the due performance of it ; and so i acknowledge that though it be not left unto mens discretion to observe , or not observe it , yet it is too their duty and obedience , which are their discretion and their wisdom . but the management here understood , is opposed to gods own determination of particular forms , that is , his especial institutions ; and hereof i shall make bold to say , that it was never in any age so left to the discretion of men . to prove this assertion , sacrifices are singled out as an instance ; it is known , and granted , that these were the most solemn part of the outward worship of god for many ages ; and that there was a general consent of mankind unto the use of them ; so that however the greatest part of the world apostatized from the true , only , and proper object of all religious worship , worship , yet they retained this mode and medium of it . these sacrifices we are told , p. 101. did not owe their original unto any divine institution , but were made choice of by good men as a fit way of imitating the gratefull resentments of their minds . the argument alone , as far as i can find , fixed on to firm this assertion is , that those who teach the contrary , and say that this mode of worship was commanded , do say so without proof , or evidence . our author , for the most part , sets off his assertions at no less rate than as such , without whose admittance , all order , and government , and almost every thing that is good amongst mankind , would be ruined and destroyed . but he hath the unhappiness to found them ordinarily not only on principles , and o●●nions dubious , and uncertain ; but on su●● paradoxes , as have been by sober and lear●●ed men generally decried . such is this 〈◊〉 the original of sacrifices here insisted o● the divines of the church of rome , do g●●nerally contend that religion and sacrific● are so related , that the one cannot be with●out the other . hence they teach go● would have required sacri●ices in the st● of innocency , had mankind continued therein . and though the instance be ill laid and not proved , yet the general rule applyed unto the religion of sinners , is no● easily to be evicted . for as in christian religion we have a sacrifice that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as to its efficacy , alwayes newly offered , and living ; so before the personal offering of it in the body of chirst , there was no season or age , without a due representation of it in sacrifices typical , and of mystical signification . and although there be no express mention in the scripture of their institution , ( for these are ancient things ) yet there is as good warrant for it , as for offering , and burning incense only with sacred fire taken from the altar , which was of an heavenly traduction ; for a neglect whereof the priests were consumed with fire from before the lord ; that is , though an express command be not recorded for their institution and observation , yet enough may be collected from the scripture that they were of a divine extract , and original . and if they were arbitrary inventions of some men , i desire to have a rational account given me of their catholicism in the world ; and one instance more of any thing not natural , or divine , that ever prevailed to such an absolute universal acceptance amongst mankind . it is not so safe , i suppose , to assign an arbitrary original , unto any thing that hath obtained an universal consent and suffrage ; lest men be thought to set their own houses on fire , on purpose to consume their neighbours . besides , no tolerable colour can be given to the assertion , that they were the invention of good men . the first notice we have of them , is , in those of cain and abel , whereof one was a bad man , and of the evil one , and yet must be looked on as the principal inventor of sacrifices , if this fiction be allowed . some of the antients indeed thought , that adam sacrificed the beasts to god , whose skins his first garments were made of ; and if so , he was very pregnant and sudden in his invention , if he had no direction from god. but more than all this , bloody sacrifices were types of christ from the foundation of the world ; and socinus himself , who , and his followers are the principal assertors of this paradox , grants that christ is called the lamb of god , with respect unto the sacrifices of old , even before the law ; as he is termed a lamb slain from the foundation of the world , not only with respect unto the efficacy of his sacrifice but to the typical representation of it . and he that shall deny , that the patriarchs in their sacrifices had respect unto the promised seed , will endeavour the shaking of a pillar of the churches creed . now i desire to know how men , by their own invention , or authority , could assign such an end unto their sacrifices , if they were not of divine prescription , if not designed of god thereunto . again ; the apostle tells us , abel offered his sacrifice by faith , heb. 11. 4. and faith hath respect unto the testimony or god , revealing , commanding , and promising to accept our duty . wherever any thing is done in faith , there an assent is included to this , that god is true , joh. 3. 33. and what it doth , is thereby distinguished from will-worship , that is resolved into the commandments , and doctrines of men , which whoso rest on , make void the commandment of god , matth. 15. 3 , 6. and the faith of abel as to its general nature was the evidence of things not seen , and the substance of things hoped for , heb. 11. 1. which in this matter it could not be , if it had neither divine command , nor promise to rest upon . it is evident therefore that sacrifices were of a divine original ; and the instance in them to prove , that the outward worship of god hath in all ages been left unto the prudence , and management of men , is feeble , and such as will give no countenance unto what it is produced in the justification of ; and herewith the whole discourse of our author on this subject falls to the ground , where i shall at present let it lye , though it might in sundry particulars be easily crumbled into useless asseverations , and some express contradictions . in the close of this chapter , an application is made , of what hath been before argued , or rather dictated , unto a particular controversie about significant ceremonies . i am not willing to engage in any contests of that nature ; seeing , to the due handling of them , a greater length of discourse would be necessary , than i think meet at present to draw forth this survey unto . only seeing a very few words , may serve to manifest the loosness of what is here discoursed , to that purpose , i shall venter on the patience of the reader wit● an addition of them . we have therefore in the first place , a reflection on the prodigious impertinency of the clamour against th● institution of significant ceremonies , when i● is the only use of ceremonies , as all other outward expressions of religion , to be significan● . i do somewhat admire at the temper of this author , who cannot express his disser●● from others , in controverted points of the meanest and lowest concernment , but with crying out prodigies , clamours , impertinencies , and the like expressions of astonishment in himself , and contempt of others . he might reserve some of these great words for more important occasions . but yet i joyn with him thus fa● in what he pleads ; that ceremonies instituted in the worship of god , that art not significant , are things very insignificant ; and such as deserve not the least contention about them . he truly also in the next words tells us , that all outward worship is a sign of inward honour . it is so ; both in civil things , and sacred . all our questionis , how these instituted ceremonies come to be significant , and what it is they signifie , and whether it be lawful to assign a significancy to them in the worship of god , when indeed they have none , of the kind intended ? to free us from any danger herein he informs us , p. 108. that all the magistrates power of instituting significant ceremonies , amounts to no more , than a power of determining what shall , or what shall not , be visible signs of honour , and this can be no vsurpation upon the consciences of men . this is new language , and such as we have not formerly been used unto in the church of england ; namely , that of the magistrates instituting significant ceremonies ; it was of old , the churches appointing ceremonies for decency and order . but all the terms of that assertion are now metamorphosed ; the church into the magistrates ; appointing , which respects exercise , into institution , which respects the nature of the thing , and hath a singular use and sense in this matter ( or let them pass for the same ) and order and decency , into ceremonies significant . these things were indeed implyed before , but not so fully and plainly expressed or avowed . but the honour here intended in this matter , is the honour , which is given to god in his worship . this is the honour of faith , love , fear , obedience spiritual , and holy , in jesus christ. to say that the magistrate hath power to institute visible signs of this honour , to be observed in the outward worship of god , is upon the matter to say that he hath power to institute new sacraments ; for so such things would be . and to say what neither is , nor can be proved , nor is here either logically , or any way regularly , attempted so to be . the compiring of the ceremonies and their signification , with words and their signification , will not relieve our author in this matter . some things are naturally significant of one another ; so effects are of causes ; so is smoke of fire ; and such were the signes of the weather mentioned by our saviour , matth. 16. 2 , 3. thus i suppose ceremonies are not significant ; they do not naturally signifie the things whereunto they are applyed ; for if they did , there would be no need of their institution . and they are here said to be instituted by the magistrate . again ; there are customary signes , some it may be catholick , many topical , that have prevailed by custome , and usage , to signifie such things , as they have no absolute natural coherence with , or relation unto ; such are putting off the hat in sign of reverence , with others innumerable . and both these sorts of signs , may have some use about the service , and worship of god , as might be manifested in instances . but the signes we enquire after , are voluntary , arbitrary and instituted as our author confesseth ; for we do not treat of appointing some ceremonies for order and decency , which our canons take notice of , but of instituting ceremonies for signification , such as neither naturally , nor meerly by custome and usage , come to be significant , but only by vertue of their institution . now concerning these one rule may be observed ; namely , that they cannot be of one kind , and signifie things of another , by vertue of any command , and consent of men , unless they have an absolute authority both over the sign , and thing signified , and can change their natures , or create a new relation between them . to take therefore things natural , that are outward , and visible , and appoint them to be signs not natural , nor civil , nor customary , but mystical of things spiritual , supernatural , inward , and invisible , and , as such , to have them observed in the church , or worship of god , is a thing which is not as yet proved to be lawfull ; signifie thus naturally they never can , seeing there is no natural relation between them ; civilly , or by consent they do not so ; for they are things sacred , which they are supposed to signifie ; and are so far from signifying by consent , that those , who plead for their signification , do not agree wherein it doth consist . they must therefore signifie so mystically , and spiritually ; and signa , cum ad res divinas pertinent , sunt sacramenta , sayes austin ; these things are sacraments ; and when men can give mystical , and spiritual efficacy to any of their own institutions ; when they can make a relation between such signes , and the things signified by them ; when they can make that teaching , and instructing in spiritual things , and the worship of god , which he hath not made so , nor appointed , blessed , or consecrated to that end ; when they can bind gods promises of assistance , and acceptance to their own inventions ; when they can advance what they will into the same rank , and series of things in the worship of god , with the sacrifices of old , or other parts of instituted worship introduced into the church by gods command , and attended with his promise of gracious acceptance , then and not before may they institute the significant ceremonies here contended for . words , it is true , are signs of things ; and those of a mixed nature ; partly natural , partly by consent . but they are not of one kind , and signi●ie things of another ; for , say the schoolmen , where words are signs of sacred things , they are signs of them as things , but not as sacred . a survey of the fourth chapter . in the fourth chapter we have no concern ; the hypothesis whose confutation he hath undertaken , as it is in it self false , so it is rather suited to promote what he aims at , than what he opposeth ; and the principles which himself proceedeth on , do seem to some to border on , if not to be borrowed from his , and those which are here confuted . and thence it is that the foundations , which he layes down in the entrance of this discourse , are as destructive of his own pretensions , as of those , against which they are by himself improved . for it is granted , and asserted by him , that there are actions , and duties in , and about which , the consciences of men are not to be obliged by humane authority , but have an antecedent obligation on them from the authority of god himself ; so that disobedience unto the contrary commands of humane authority is no sin , but an indispensible duty ; and although he seems at first to restrain things of this nature , unto things natural , and of an essential rectitude ; that is , the prime dictates of the law of nature ; yet he expresly extends it i● instances , unto the belief of the truth of th● gospel , which is a matter of meer and purr revelation : and hereon he adds , the formall , and adequate reason of this exemption of conscience from humane authority , and i● obligation unto duty , before its consideration without it , and against it , which is , not because subjects are in any thing free from the authority of the supream power on earth , but because they are subject to a superiour i● heaven , and they are then only excused from the duty of obedience to their soveraign , when they cannot give it without rebellion against god ; so that it is not originally any right of their own , that exempts them from a subjection to the soveraign power in all things , but it is purely gods right of governing his own creatures , that magistrates then invade , when they make edicts to violate , or controll his laws . it is about religion , and the worship of god that we are discoursing ; now in these things no man ever thought that it was originally a right of subjects , as subjects , abstracting from the consideration of the authority of god , that should exempt them from a subjection to the soveraign power . for though some of the antients discourse at large , that it is of natural right and equity , that every one should worship god as he would himself , yet they founded this equity in the nature of god , and the authority of his commands . this exemption then ariseth merely , as our author observes , because they are subject to a superiour power in heaven , which excuseth them from the duty of obedience to their superiours on earth , when they cannot give it without rebellion against god ; whence it undeniably follows that that supream power in heaven hath exempted these things from all inferiour powers on earth . extend this now unto all things wherein men have , and ought to have a regard unto that superiour power in heaven , as it must be extended , or the whole is ridiculous , ( for that heavenly supremacy is made the formall reason of the exemption here granted , ) and all that our author hath been so earnestly contending for in the preceeding chapters , falls to the ground . for no man pleads exemption from subjection unto , yea from giving active obedience unto the authority , and commands of the magistrate , even in things religious , but merely on the account of his subjection to the authority of god heaven ; and , where this is so , he is set● liberty by our author from all contra● commands of men . this is bellarmine's 〈◊〉 tissimum est , which , as king james obse●ved , overthrows all , that he had contened for in his five books de justificatione . a survey of the fifth chapter . the fifth chapter is at such variance with it self , and what is elsewhere dictated in the treatise , that it would require no small labour , to make any tollerable composition of things between them . this i shall not engage in , as not being of my present concernment . what seems to tend unto the carrying on of the design of the whole , may be called unto some account . in the beginning of it , he tells us that a belief of the indifferency or rather imposture of all religions ; is made the most effectual , not to say the most fashionable argument for liberty of conscience . for my part , i never read , i never heard of this pretence or argument , to be used to that purpose . it wants no such defence . nay the principle it self , seems to me , to be suited directly to oppose and overthrow it . for if there be no such thing in reality as religion in the world , it is certainly a very foolish thing , to have differences perpetuated amongst men upon the account of conscience , which without a supposition of religion , is nothing but a vain and empty name : but hence our author takes occasion , to discourse of the use of religion and conscience in the government of affairs in the world ; and proves in many words , that conscience unto god , with a regard to future eternal rewards or punishments , is the great ligament of humane society , the security of government , the strongest bond of laws , and only support of rule , without which every man would first and last , be guided by mere self interest , which would reduce all power and authority to meer force and violence . to this purpose doth he discourse at large in one section of this chapter ; and in another , with no less earnestness and elegancy of words , and repetition of various expressions of the same signification , that the use and exercise of conscience , will certainly overthrow all government , and fill the world with confusion . in like manner , whereas we have been hither● throughly instructed , as i thought , tha● men may think what they will in the matters of religion , and be of what perswai●● they please , no man can or ought to control● them therein ; here we are told , that 〈◊〉 power , nor policy , can keep men peaceable , untill some perswasions are rooted out of thei● minds by severity of laws and penalties , pag● 145. and whereas heretofore , we wer● informed , that men might believe what the● would , princes were concerned only i● their outward practice ; now are we assured , that above all things , it concerns princes to look to the doctrines and articles of men● belief , p. 147. but these things , as was before intimated , are not of our concern . nor can i find much of that importance● in the third and fourth paragraphs of this declamatory invective . it is evident whom he regards and reflects upon , and with what false , unmanly , unchristian revilings , he indeavours to traduce them . he would have the world believe , that there is a generation of men , whose principles of religion teach them to be proud , peevish , malicious , spightful , envious , turbulent , boysterous , seditious , and what ever is evil in the world ; when others are all for candour , moderation and ingenuity ; amongst whom no doubt he reckons himself for one , and gives in this discourse in evidence thereof . but what are these doctrines and articles of mens belief , which dispose them inevitably to all the villanies that our author could find names for . a catalogue of them he gives us , pag. 147 , 148. saith he , what if they believe that princes are but the executioners of the decrces of the presbitery ; and that in case of disobedience to their spiritual governours , they may be excommunicated , and by consequence deposed ? what if they believe that dominion is founded in grace , and therefore all wicked kings forfeit their crowns , and that it is in the power of the people of god to bestow them where they please ? and what if others believe that to pursue their successes in villany and rebellion is to follow providence ? all the world knows what it is , that hath given him the advantage of providing a covering , for these monstrous fictions ; and an account thereof hath been given elsewhere . and what now if those intended do not believe these things , nor any one of them ? what if they do openly disavow every one of them , as for ought i ever heard or know they do , and as i do my self ? what if some of them , are ridiculously framed into articles of faith , from the supposed practices of some individual persons ? and what if men be of never so vile● opinions about the pursuit of their successes , so they have none to countenance them i● any unlawful enterprises , which i think must go before successes ? what if only the papists be concerned in these articles of faith ; and they only in one of them about the excommunication and deposition of princes , and that only some of them ; and not one of those have any concern in them , whom he intends to reproach ? i say if these things are so , we need look no farther for the principles of that religion , which hath furnished him with all this candor , moderation and ingenuity , and hath wrought him to such a quiet and peaceable temper , by teaching him that humility , charity and meekness , which here bewray themselves let it be granted , as it must and ought to be , that all principles of the minds of men , pretended to be from apprehensions of religion , that are in themselves inconsistent with any lawful government , in any place what ever , ought to be coerced , and restrained . for our lord jesus christ , sending his gospel to be preached and published in all nations and kingdoms of the world , then , and at all times , under various sorts of governments , all for the same end of publick tranquility and prosperity , did propose nothing in it , but what a submission and obedience unto , might be consistent with the government it self , of what sort soever it were . he came , as they used to sing of old , to give men an heavenly kingdom , and not to deprive them , or take from them their earthly temporal dominions . there is therefore nothing more certain , than that there is no principle of the religion taught by jesus christ , which either in it self , or in the practice of it , is inconsistent with any righteous government on the earth . and if any opinions can truly and really be manifested so to be , i will be no advocate for them , nor their abettors . but such as these , our author shall never be able justly to affix on them whom he opposeth ; nor the least umbrage of them ; if he do but allow the gospel , and the power of christ to institute those spiritual ordinances , and requiring their administration , which do not , which cannot extend unto any thing wherein a magistrate as such , hath the least concernment in point of prejudice . for if on a false , or undue practice of them , any thing should be done , that is not purely spiritual , or that being done , should be esteemed to operate upon any of outward concerns , relations , interest● occasions of men , they may be restrain by the power of him who presides o● publick good . but besides these pretences , our a●thor i know not how , chargeth also the ●●mours , inclinations and passions of some me● as inconsistent with government , and a●wayes disposing men to phanaticisme and ●●dition ; and on occasion thereof falls out to an excess of intemperance in reproa●●ing them whom he opposet● , such as 〈◊〉 have not above once or twice before 〈◊〉 with the like . and in particular he ra● about that zeal , as he calls it , for the g●●ry of god , which hath turned whole natio● into shambles , filled the world with bute●ries and massacres , and fleshed it self wi●● slaughters of miriads of mankind . no● omitting all other controversies , i sha●● undertake to maintain this against any m●● in the world , that the effects here so tr●gically expressed , have been produced 〈◊〉 the leal our author pleads for , in co●pelling all unto the same sentiments and pr●●ctices in religion , incomparably abo● what hath ensued upon any other pretenc● in or about religion , what ever . this neel require , i shall evince with such in●stances , from the entring of christianity into the world to this very day , as will admit of no competition with all those together , which on any account or pretence have produced the like effects . this it was , and is , that hath soaked the earth with blood , depopulated nations , ruined families , countrys , kingdoms , and at length made innumerable christians rejoyce in the yoke of turkish tyranny , to free themselves from their perpetual persecutions , on the account of their dissent from the worship publickly established in the places of their nativity . and as for the humours , inclinations , and passions of men , when our author will give such rules and directions , as whereby the magistrate may know how to make a true and legal judgement , of who are fit on their account , to live in his territories , and who are not , i suppose there will not be any contest about them ; until then , we may leave them as here displayed and set up by our author , for every one to cast a cudgel at them , that hath a mind thereunto . for to what purpose is it to consider the frequent occasions he takes , to diseourse about the ill tempers and humours of men , or of enveighing against them for being morose , and ungentile , unsociable , peevish , censorious , with many other terms of reproach , that do not at present occur to my memory , nor are doubtless worth the searching after . suppose he hath the advantage of a better natural temper , have more sedate affections , a more complyant humour , be more remote from giving or receiving provocations , and have learned the wayes of courtly deportment , only was pleased to vail them all and every one , in the writing of this discourse ; is it meet that they should be persecuted and destroyed , be esteemed seditious and i know not what , because they are of a natural temper not so disposed to affability and sweetness of conversation as some others are ? for my part , i dislike the humour and temper of mind characterised by our author , it may be as much as he ; i am sure , i think , as much as i ought . but to make it a matter of such huge importance , as solemnly to introduce it into a discourse about religion , and publick tranquility , will not it may be , on second thoughts , be esteemed over considerately done . and it is not unlikely , but that our author seems of as untoward a composition , and peevish an humour to them whom he reflects upon , as they do to him , and that they satisfie themselves as much in their disposition and deportment , as he doth himself in his . nimirum idem omnes fallimur , neque est quisquam quem non in aliqua re , videre suffenum possis — sect. 5. pag. 155 , 156. he inveighs against the events that attend the permission of different sects of religion in a common-wealth . and it is not denyed , but that some inconveniencies may ensue thereon . but as himself hath well observed in another place , we do not in these things enquire what is absolutely best , and what hath no inconvenience attending it ; but what is the best which in our present condition we can attain unto ; and what in that state answers the duty that god requireth of us . questionless , it were best that we should be all of one mind in these things of god ; and it is no doubt also our duty on all hands to endeavour so to be . but seeing de facto , this is not so , nor is it in the power of men , when and how they wil to depose those perswasions of their minds , and dictates of their consciences , from whence it is not so , on the one part or the other ; ( although in some parts of our differences , some may do so and will not , namely in things acknowledged to be of no necessity antecedent to their imposition ; and some would do so and cannot , ) it is now enquired , what is the best way to be steer'd in , for the accomplishment of the desired end of peace and tranquility for the future ; and maintaining love , quietness and mutual usefulness at present amongst men . two ways are proposed to this purpose ; the one is to exercise mutual forbearance to each other , whilst we are inevitably under the power of different perswasions in these things , producing no practices that are either injurious unto private men in their rights , or hurtful unto the state , as to publick peace ; endeavouring in the mean time , by the evidence of truth , and a conversation suited unto it , to win upon each other to a consent and agreement in the things wherein we differ . the other is , by severe laws , penalties , outward force , as imprisonments , mulcts , fines , banishments , or capital punishments , to compell all men out of hand , to an uniformity of practice , whatever their judgements be to the contrary . now as the state of things is amongst us , which of these wayes is most suitable to the law of our being and creation , the best principles of the nature of man , and those which have the most evident resemblance of divine perfections , the gospel , the spirit and letter of it , with the mind of its author our lord jesus christ , which is most conducing to attain the end aimed at , in wayes of a natural and genuine complyance with the things themselves of religion , conscience , and divine worship , is left unto the judgement of god , and all good men . in the mean time , if men will make declamations upon their own surmises , jealousies , and suspitions of things which are either so indeed , that is really surmized , or pretended to be so for some private interests or advantages of their own , which no man can answer or remove ; if they may fancy at their pleasure ghosts , goblins , fiends , walking sprights , seditions , drums , trumpets , armies , bears , and tigers ; every difference in religion , be it never so small , be the agreement amongst them that differ , never so great , be it the visible , known , open interest of them that dissent from what is established , to live quietly and peaceably , and to promote the good of the commonwealth wherein they live ; do they profess that it is their duty , their principle , their faith , and doctrine , to obey constantly their rulers and governours in all things , not contrary to the mind of god , and pretend no such commands of his , as should interfere in the least with their power in order to publick tranquility ; do they offer all the security of their adherence to such declared principles , as mankind is necessitated to be contented and satisfied with , in things of their highest concernment ; do they avow an especial sense of the obligation that is put upon them by their rulers , when they are protected in peace ; have they no concernment in any such political societies , combinations , interests , as might alone give countenance unto any such disturbance ; all is one , every different opinion is press-money , and every sect is an army , although they be all and every one of them protestants , of whom alone we do discourse . other answer therefore i shall not return unto this part of our authors arguing , than what he gave of old . ne admittam culpam , ego meo sum promus pectori . suspicio est in pectore alieno sita . nam nunc ego te si surripuisse suspicer , jovi coronam de capite e capitolio , quod in culmine astat summo , st non id feceris ; atque id tamen mihi lubeat suspicarier ; qui tu id prohibere me potes , ne suspicer . only , i may add , that sundry of the instances our author makes use of , are false , and unduly alledged . for what is here charged on differences in and about religion , in reference unto publick tranquility , might have been , yea and was charged on christian religion for three hundred years , and is so by many still on protestancy as such ; and that it were a very easie and facile task , to set out the pernicious evills of a compelled agreement in the practice of religion , and those not fancied only or feigned , but such as do follow it , have followed it , and will follow it in the world . an enquiry in this invective , tending to evince its reasonableness is offered , in pag. 158. namely , where there are divided interests in religion in the same kingdom , it is asked how shall the prince behave himself towards them . the answer thereunto is not i confess easie , because it is not easie to be understood , what is intended by divided interests in religion . we will therefore lay that aside , and consider what really is amongst us , or may be according to what we understand by these expressions . suppose then , that in the same profession of protestant religion , some different way and observances in the outward worship of god should be allowed , and the persons concerned herein have no other , cannot be proved to have any other interest with respect unto religion , but to fear god and honour the king ; it is a very easie thing to return an answer to this enquiry . for not entring into the profound political speculation of our author , about ballancing of parties , or siding with this or that party , where the differences themselves constitute no distinct parties , in reference to civil government and publick tranquility ; let the prince openly avow by the declaration of his judgement , his constant practice , his establishing of legal rights , disposing of publick favours in places and preferments , that way of religion which himself owns and approves ; and let him indulge and protect others of the same religion , for the substance of it with what himself professeth , in the quiet and peaceable exercise of their consciences in the worship of god , keeping all dissenters within the bounds allotted to them , that none transgress them to the invasion of the rights of others ; and he may have both the reality , and glory of religion , righteousness , justice , and all other royal vertues which will render him like to him whose vice-gerent he is ; and will undoubtedly reap the blessed fruits of them , in the industry , peaceableness , and loyalty of all his subjects whatever . there are sundry things in the close of this chapter objected against such a course of proceedure ; but those such , as are all of them resolved into a supposition , that they who in any place or part of the world , desire liberty of conscience for the worship of god , have indeed no conscience at all . for it is thereon supposed without further evidence , that they will thence fall into all wicked and unconscientious practices . i shall make , as i said , no reply to such surmises . christianity suffered under them for many ages . protestancy hath done so in sundry places for many years . and those who now may do so , must as they did , bear the effects of them as well as they are able . only i shall say , first , whatever is of real inconvenience in this pretension , on the supposition of liberty of conscience , is no way removed by taking away all different practices , unless ye could also obliterate all different perswasions out of the minds of men ; which although in one place , tells us ought to be done by severe pe●ties , yet in another , he acknowledgeth th● the magistrate hath no cognizance of 〈◊〉 such things ; who yet alone is the inflicts● of all penalties . nay where different a● prehensions are , the absolute prohibition of different answerable practices , doth thousand times more dispose the minds 〈◊〉 men to unquietness , than where they 〈◊〉 allowed both together , as hath been before declared . and he that can oblitera● out of , and take away all different apprehensions and perswasions about the worship of god , from the minds and consciences of men , bringing them to center 〈◊〉 the same thoughts and judgements absolutely , in all particulars about them , dicendum est — deus ille fuit , deus incly● mem●●● qui princeps vitae rationem invenit eam ; — he is god and not man. secondly , it is granted , that the magistrate may , and ought to restrain all principles and outward practices , that have any natural tendency unto the disturbance of the peace ; which being granted , and all obligations upon dissenting parties being alone put upon them , by the supream legislative and executive power of the kingdoms and nations of the world , publick tranquility is , and will be as well secured on that respect , as such things are capable of security in this world . all the longsome discourse therefore which here ensues , wherein all the evils that have been in this nation , are charged on liberty of conscie●ce , from whence not one of them did proceed , seeing there was no such thing granted , until upon other civil and political accounts , the flood-gates were set open unto the following calamities and confusions , is of no use , nor unto any purpose at all . for until it can be demonstratively proved , that those who do actually suffer , and are freely willing so to do , ( as far as the foregoing , otherwise lawful advantages , open unto them as well as others , may be so called ) and resolved to undergo what may farther to their detriment , yea to their ruine be inflicted on them , to preserve their consciences entire unto some commands of god , have no respect unto others of as great evidence and light to be his , ( as are those which concern their obedience unto magistrates , compared with those which they avow about the worship of god ; ) and that private men , uninterested in , 〈◊〉 uncapable of any pretence unto publi● authority of any sort , do alwayes this themselves warranted to do such things●● others have done , pleading right and authority for their warranty ; and 〈◊〉 be made manifest also , that they have 〈◊〉 other or greater interest , than to enjoy the particular conditions and estates in peace and to exercise themselves in the worship of god according as they apprehend 〈◊〉 mind to be , these declamations are altogether vain , and as to any solid wor● lighter than a feather . and i could desire that if these controversies must be farther debated , that 〈◊〉 author would omit the pursuit of the things , which are really 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and according to the antient custom ●●tend 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without rhetori●● prefaces , or unreasonable passions , unto the merit of the cause . to this purpose , 〈◊〉 suppose it might not be amiss for him , consider a few sheets of paper lately published , under the title of a case stated , & wherein he will find the main controversy reduced to its proper heads , and a mode provocation unto an answer to what proposed about it . — illum aspice contra qui vocat . a survey of the sixth chapter . the sixth chapter in this discourse , which is the last that at the present i shall call to any account , ( as being now utterly wearied with the frequent occurrence of the same things in various dresses ; ) is designed to the confutation of a principle , which is termed the foundation of all puritanism , and that wherein the mysterie of it consisteth . now this is , that nothing ought to be established in the worship of god , but what is authorised by some precept or example in the word of god , which is the compleat and adequate rule of worship . be it so , that this principle is by some allowed , yea contended for . it will not be easie to affix a guilt upon them , on the account of its being so ; for , lay aside prejudics , corrupt interests , and passions , and i am perswaded that at the first view , it will not seem to be forraign , unto what is in an hundred places declared and taught in the scripture . and certainly a man must be master of extraordinary projections , who can foresee 〈◊〉 the evil , confusion and desolation in the world , which our author hath found out , as inevitable consequents of its admi● tance . it hath , i confess , been former disputed with colourable arguments , pr● tences and instances , on the one side and the other ; and variously stated among●● learn'd men , by , and on various distinction● and with diverse limitations . but the manner of our author is , that whatever is contrary to his apprehensions , must present●● overthrow all government , and bring in 〈◊〉 confusion into the world. such huge weight hath he wonted himself to lay o● the smallest different conceptions of the minds of men , where his own are not 〈◊〉 throned . particularly it is contended that there can be no peace in any churche● or states , whilest this principle is admitted : when it is easily demonstrable , tha● without the admittance of it , as to its substance and principal end , all peace and agreement among churches are utterly impossible . the like also may be said of states , which indeed are not at all concerned in it , any farther , than as it is a principal means of their peace and security , where it is embraced ; and that which would reduce rulers to a stability of mind in these things , after they have been tossed up and down with the various suggestions of men , striving every one to exalt their own imaginations . but seeing it is pretended and granted to be of so much importance , i shall , without much regard to the exclamations of this author , and the reproachful contemptuous expressions , which without stint or measure he poures out upon the assertors of it , consider both what is the concern of his present adversaries in it , and what is to be thought of the principle it self ; so submiting the whole to the judgement of the candid reader . only i must add one thing to the position , without which it is not maintained by any of those , with whom he hath to do ; which may deliver him from combating the air in his next assault of it ; and this is , that nothing ought to be established in the worship of god , as a part of that worship , or made constantly necessary in its observance , without the warranty before-mentioned ; for this is expresly contended for by them , who maintain it ; and who reject nothing upon the authority of it , but what they can prove to be a pretended part of religious worship as such . and , as thus laid down , i shall give some further account both of the principle it self , and of the interest of the non-conformists in it ; because both it and they are together here reproached . what then i say is the true sense and importance of that which our author design● to oppose , according to the mind of them who assert it ; how impotent his attempts against it are for its removal , shall briefly ▪ be declared . in the mean time i cannot but , in the first place , tell him , that if by any means this principle truly stated , as to the expression wherein it is before laid down , and the formal terms whereof it consisteth , should be shaken , or rendred dubious , yet that the way will not be much the plainer , or clearer , for the introduction of his pretensions . there are yet other general maxims , which non-conformists adhere unto , and suppose not justly questionable , which they can firmly stand and build upon in the management of their plea , as to all differences between him and them . and because , it may be , he is unacquainted with them , i shall reckon over some of them for his information . and they are these that follow . 1. that whatever the scripture hath indeed prescribed , and appointed to be done , and observed in the worship or god , and the government of the church , that is indeed to be done and observed . this , they suppose , will not be opposed : at least they do not yet know , notwithstanding any thing spoken or disputed in this discourse , any pretences , on which it may honestly so be . it is also , as i think , secured , matth. 28. 20. 2. that nothing in conjunction with , nothing as an addition or supplement unto what is so appointed , ought to be admitted , if it be contrary either to the general rules , or particular preceptive instructions of the scripture . and this also , i suppose , will be granted : and if it be not freely , some are ready by arguments to extort the confession of it from them that shall deny it . 3. that nothing ought to be joyned with , or added unto , what in the scripture is prescribed and appointed in these things , without some cogent reason , making such conjunction : or addition necessary . of what necessity may accrue unto the observation of such things , by their prescription , we do not now dispute : but at present only desire to see the necessity of : their prescription . and this can be nothing , but some defect in substance or circumstance , matter or manner , kind or form , in the institutions mentioned in the scripture , as to their proper ends . now whe● this is discovered , i will not , for my par● much dispute by whom the supplement to be made . in the mean time i do judg● it reasonable , that there be some previou● reasons assigned unto any additional prescriptions in the worship of god unto what is revealed in the scripture , rendring the matter of those prescriptions antecedently necessary and reasonable . 4. that if any thing or things in this kind , shall be found necessary , to be added and prescribed , then that and those alone be so , which are most consonant unto the general rules of the scripture , given as for our guidance in the worship of god , and the nature of those institutions themselves , wherewith they are conjoyned , or whereunto they are added . and this also i suppose to be a reasonable request , and such as will be granted by all men , who dare not advance their own wills and wisdom above or against the will and wisdom of god. 5. now if , as was said , the general principle before-mentioned , should by any means be duly removed , or could be so ; if intangled or rendred dubious ; yet as far as i can learn , the non-conformists will be very far from supposing the matters in contest between them and their adversaries , to be concluded . but as they look upon their concernments to be absolutely secured in the principles now mentioned , all which they know to be true , and hope to be unquestionable : so the truth is , there is by this author very small occasion administred unto any thoughts of quitting the former more general thesis as rightly stated ; but rather , if his ability be a competent measure of the merit of his cause , there is a strong confirmation given unto it in the minds of considering men , from the impotency and succeslesness of the attempt made upon it . and that this may appear to the indifferent readers satisfaction , i shall so far divert in this place from the pursuit of my first design , as to state the principle aright , and briefly to call the present opposition of it , unto a new account . the summ in general , of what this author opposeth with so much clamour is , that divine revelation is the sole rule of divine religious worship ; an assertion , that in its latitude of expression , hath been acknowledged in , and by , all nations and people . the very heathen admitted it of old , as shall be manifested , if need require , by instances sufficient . for though they framed many gods in their foolish darkened imaginations , yet they thought , that every one of them would be worshipped according to his own mind , direction and prescription . so did , and , think do , christians generally believe : only some have a mind to pare this generally avowed principle , to curb it , and order it so by distinctions and restrictions , that it may serve their turn , and consist with their interest . for an opposition unto it nakedly , directly and expresly , few have had the confidence yet to make . and the non-conformists need not go one step farther , in the expression of their judgements and principles in this matter . for who shall compell them to take their adversaries distinctions , ( which have been invented and used by the most learned of them ) of , substantial and accidental ; proper and reductive ; primitive and accessary ; direct and consequential ; intrinsick and circumstantial worship , and the like , for the most part unintelligible terms in their application , into the state of the question ? if men have a mind , let them oppose this thesis as laid down , if not , let them let it alone : and they , who shall undertake the confirmation of it , will , no doubt , carry it through the briets of those unscriptural distinctions . and that this author may be the better instructed in his future work , i shall give him a little farther account of the terms of the assertion laid down . revelation is either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and containeth every discovery or declaration , that god hath made of himself , or of his mind and will , unto men . thus it is comprehensive of that concreated light , which is in all men , concerning him and his will. for although we say , that this is natural ; and is commonly contra-distinguished to revelation properly so called , which for perspicuity sake we call revelation supernatural ; yet whereas it doth not so necessarily accompany humane nature , but that it may be separated from it ; not is it educed out of our natural faculties by their own native or primigenial vertue ; but is , or was distinctly implanted in them by god himself ; i place it under the general head of revelation . hence whatever is certainly from god , by the light of nature and instinct thereof declared so to be , is no less a certain rule of worship and obedience , so far forth as it is from h●m , and concerneth those things , than any thing that comes from him by express vocal revelation . and this casts out of consideration a vain exception , wherewith some men please themselves ; as though the men of this opinion , denyed the admittance of what is from god , and by the light of nature discovered to be his mind and will. let them once prove any thing in contest between them and their adversaries to be required , prescribed , exacted or made necessary by the light of nature , as the will of god revealed therein , and i will assure them , that as to my concern , there shall be an end of all difference about it . but yet th●● i may adde a little farther light into the sense of the non-conformists in this matter ; i say , 1. that this inbred light of reason guides unto nothing at all in or about the worship of god , but what is more fully , clearly and directly taught and declared in the scripture . and this may easily be evinced , as from the untoward mixture of darkness and corruption , that is befallen our primigenial i●bred principles of light and wisdom , by the entrance of sin ; so also from the end of the scripture it self ; which was to restore that knowledge of god and his mind , which was lost by sin ; and which might be as useful to man in his lapsed condition , as the other was in his pure and uncorrupted estate . at present therefore , i shall leave this assertion , in expectation of some instance , in matters great or small , to the contrary , before i suppose it be obnoxious to question or dispute . 2. as there can be no opposition , nor contradiction , between the light of nature , and inspired vocal or scriptural revelation , because they are both from god : so if in any instance , there should appear any such thing unto us , neither faith nor reason can rest in that which is pretended to be natural light , but must betake themselves for their resolution unto express revelation . and the reason hereof is evident ; because nothing is natural light , but what is common to all men ; and where it is denyed , it is frustrated as to its ruling efficacy . again , it is mixed , as we said before ; and it is not every mans work to separate the chaffe from the wheat ; or what god hath implanted in the mind of man when he made him upright , and what is since soaked into the principles of his nature , from his own inventions . but this case may possibly very rarely fall out , and so shall not much be insisted on . 3. our enquiry in our present contest , is solely about instituted worship , which we believe to depend on supernatural revelation ; the light of nature can no way relieve or guide us in it or about it , because it refers universally to things above , and beyond that light : but only with reference unto those moral , natural circumstances , which appertain unto those actings or actions of men , whereby it is performed ; which we willingly submit unto its guidance and direction . again , vocal revelation hath come under two considerations : first , as it was occasional . secondly , as it became stated . first , as it was occasional . for a long time god was pleased to guide his church in many concerns of his worship , by fresh occasional revelations ; even from the giving of the first promise unto adam , unto the solemn giving of the law by moses . for although men had in process of time many stated revelations , that were preserved by tradition among them ; as the first promise ; the institution of sacrifices , and the like : yet as to sundry emergencies of his worship , and parts of it , god guided them by new occasional revelations . now those revelations being not recorded in the scripture , as being only for present or emergent use ; we have no way to know them , but by what those , to whom god was pleased so to reveal himself , did practise ; and which , on good testimony found acceptance with him . whatever they so did , they had especial warranty from god for ; which is the case of the great institution of sacrifices it self . it is a sufficient argument that they were divinely instituted , because they were graciously accepted . secondly , vocal revelation as the rule of worship , became stated and invariable , in and by the giving and writing of the law. from thence , with the allowances before mentioned , we confine it to the scripture , and so unto all succeeding generations . i confess many of our company , who kept to us hitherto in granting divine revelation to be the sole principle and rule of religious worship , now leave us , and betake themselves to paths of their own . the postmisnicall jews , after many attempts made that way by their predecessors , both before and after the conversation of our lord christ in the flesh , at length took up a resolution , that all obligatory divine revelation was not contained in the scripture ; but was partly preserved by orall tradition . for although they added a multitude of observances , unto what were prescribed unto their fathers by moses : yet they would never plainly forego that principle , nor do to this day ; that divine revelation is the rule of divine worship . wherefore to secure their principle and practice , and to reconcile them together , ( which are indeed at an unspeakable variance ) they have fancied their oral law ; which they assert to be of no less certain and divine original , than the law that is written . on this pretence they plead , that they keep themselves unto the fore-mentioned principle , under the superstition of a multitude of self-invented observances . the papists also here leave us ; but still with a semblance of adhering to that principle , which carryes so great and uncontrollable an evidence with it , as that there are very few as was said , who have hitherto risen up in a direct and open opposition unto it . for whereas they have advanced a double principle for the rule of religious worship , besides the scripture ; namely tradition , and the present determinations of their church , from thence educed ; they assert the first to be divine or apostolical , which is all one ; and the latter to be accompanyed with infallibility , which is the formal reason of our adherence and submission unto divine revelations . so that they still adhere in general unto the fore-mentioned principle ; however they have debauched it by their advancement of those other guides . but herein also , we must do them right ; that they do not absolutely turn loose those two rude creatures of their own ; traditions , and present church determinations , upon the whole face of religion , to act therein at their pleasure ; but they secure them from whatever is determined in the written word ; affirming them to take place only in those things , that are not contrary to the word , or not condemned in it . for in such , they con●ess , they ought not , nor can take place . which i doubt whether our author will allow of or no , in reference to the power by him asserted . by religious worship , in the thesis above , we understand , as was said before , instituted worship only , and not that which is purely moral and natural ; which , in many instances of it , hath a great coincidence with the light of nature , as was before discoursed . we understand also the solemn or stated worship of the church of god. that worship , i say , which is solemn and stated , for the church , the whole church , at all times and seasons , according to the rules of his appointment , is that which we enquire after . hence in this matter , we have no concernment in the fact of this or that particular person , which might be ●●casionally influenced by necessity ; as vids eating of the shewbread was ; 〈◊〉 which , how far it may excuse or just 〈◊〉 the persons that act thereon , or regu●● their actions , directly , i know not , nor any way engaged to enquire . this is the state of our question in ha●● the mind of the assertion , which is h●● so hideously disguised , and represent in its pretended consequences . neit●●● do i think there is any thing needful f●●ther to be added unto it . but yet for 〈◊〉 clearing of it from mistakes , somethi●● may be discoursed which relates unto we say then ; first , that there are sundry things be used in , about , and with those actio● whereby the worship of god is perfor●●ed , which yet are not sacred , nor do 〈◊〉 long unto the worship of god as su●● though that worship cannot be perform without them . the very breath that 〈◊〉 breathe , and the light whereby they s● are necessary to them in the worship●● god ; and yet are not made sacred● religious thereby . constantine said of o● that he was a bishop , but without the churc● not a sacred officer , but one that too● care , and had a supervisorship of thir● ●ecessarily belonging to the performance of gods worship , yet no parts or adjuncts 〈◊〉 it as such . for it was all still without . now all those things in or about the worship of god , that belonged unto constantines episcopacy , that is the ordering and disposal of things without the church , but about it ; without worship , but about it ; we acknowledge to be left unto common prudence , guided by the general rules of scripture , by which the church is to walk and compose its actings . and this wholly supersedes the discourse of our author concerning the great variety of circumstances , wherewith all humane actions are attended . for in one word , all such circumstances as necessarily ▪ attend humane actions as such , neither are sacred , nor can be made so without an express institution of god , and are , disposable by humane authority . so that the long contest of our author on that head , is altogether vain . so then , secondly , by all the concernments of religious worship , which any affirm , that they must be directed by divine revelation , or regulated by the scripture ; they intend all that is religious , or whatever belongs to the worship of god , as it is divine worship : and not what belongs unto the actions , wherein and when by it is performed , as they are actions . thirdly , that when any part of worship is instituted in special , and general rule are given for the practice of it hic ● nunc : there the warranty is sufficient fo● its practice at its due seasons ; and for those seasons the nature of the thing it self , with what it hath respect unto , and the ligh● of the general scripture rules , will give them an acceptable determination . and these few observations will abundantly manifest , the impertinency of those who think it incumbent on any , by vertue of the principle before laid down , to produce express warranty in words of scripture , for every circumstance that doth attend and belong unto the actions , whereby the worship of god is performed : which as they require not ; so no such thing is included in the principle as duly stated . for particular circumstances , that have respect to good order , decency , and external regulation of divine worship , they are all of them either circumstances of the actions themselves , whereby divine worship is performed and exercised ▪ and so in general they are natural and necessary ; which in particular , or actu exercito , depend on moral prudence ; or religious rites themselves , added in and to the whole , or any parts of divine service , which alone in this question come under enquiry . i know there are usually sundry exceptions put into this thesis , as before stated and asserted : and instances to the contrary are pretended ; some whereof are touched upon by our author , pag. 181. which are not now particularly , and at large to be considered . but yet because i am , beyond expectation , engaged in the explication of this principle , i shall set it so far forth right and straight unto further examination , as to give in such general observations , as , being consistent with it , and explanatory of it , will serve to obviate the most of the exceptions that are laid against it . as , 1. where ever in the scripture we meet with any religious duty , that had a preceding institution , although we find not expresly a consequent approbation , we take it for granted that it was approved ; and so on the contrary , where an approbation appears , and institution is concealed . 2. the question being only about religious duties , or things pertaining to , or required in or about the worship of god ; no exception against the general thesis ca●● take place , but such as consists in thing● directly of that nature . instances in and about things civil , and belonging meerly to humane conversation , or things natural , as signs and memorials one of another are in this matter of no consideration . 3. things extraordinary in their performance , and which , for ought we know may have been so in their warranty 〈◊〉 rule , have no place in our debate . fo● we are inquiring only after such things as may warrant a suitable practice in us● without any further authority , which is the end , for which instances against this principle are produced ; this actions extr●ordinary will not do . 4. singular and occasional actions which may be variously influenced and regulated by present circumstances , are n● rule to guide the ordinary stated worship of the church . davids eating of th● shew-bread , wherein yet he was justifie● because of his hunger and necessity , was not to be drawn into example of giving the shew-bread promiscuously to the people . and sundry instances to the same purpose are given by our saviour himself . 5. there is nothing of any dangerous or had consequence in this whole controversie , but what lyes in the imposition on mens practices of the observation of uncommanded rites , making them necessary unto them in their observation . the things themselves are said in their own nature , antecedent to their injunction for practice , to be indifferent , and indifferent as unto practice . what hurt would it be to leave them so ? they cannot , say some , be omitted for such and such reasons . are there then reasons : for their observation besides their injuction , and such as on the account whereof they are injoyned ? then are they indeed necessary in some degree before their injunction . for all reason for them must be taken from themselves . and things wholly indifferent have nothing in themselves one more than another , why one should be taken , and another left . for if one have the advantage of another in the reasons for its practice , it is no more indifferent : at least it is not comparatively so . granting therefore , things injoyned to be antecedently to their injunction , equally indifferent in their own nature , with all other things of the same or the like kind , which yet are rejected or not injoyned ; and then to give reasons taken from themselves , their decency , their conducingness to edification , their tendency to the increase of devotion , their significancy of this or that ; is to speak daggers and contradictions ; and to say , a thing is indifferent before the injuction of its practice ; but yet if we had thought so , we would never have enjoyned it ; seeing we do so upon reasons . and without doubt this making necessary the practice of things in the worship of god , proclaimed to be indifferent in themselves , and no way called for by any antecedent reason , is an act of power . 6. where things are instituted of god , and he himself makes an alteration in , or of his own institutions , those institutions may be lawfully practised and observed , untill the mind of god for their alteration and abolition be sufficiently revealed , proposed , and con●irmed unto them that are concerned in them . for as the making of a law doth not oblige , untill , and without the promulgation of it , so as that any should offend in not yielding obedience unto it ; so upon the abrogation of a law , obedience may be conscienciously and without sin yielded unto that law , untill the abrogation , by what act soever it was made , be notified and confirmed . an instance hereof we have in the observation of mosaical rites , in the forbearance of god , after the law of their institution was enervated , and the obligation of it unto obedience really dissolved ; at least the foundation of it laid ; for the actual dissolution of it depended on the declaration of the fact , wherein it was founded . 7. there may be a coincidence of things performed by sundry persons , at the same time and in the same place ; whereof some may have respect unto religious worishp directly , and so belong unto it ; and others only occasionally , and so not at all belong thereunto . as if when the athenians had been worshipping of their altars , st. paul had come , and reading the inscription of one of them , and thence taking occasion and advantage to preach the unknown god unto them ; their act was a part of religious veneration , his presence and observation of them , and laying hold of that occasion for his own purpose , was not so . 8. many things , which are meer natural circumstances , requisite unto the performance of all actions in communities whatever , and so to be ordered by prudence according unto general rules of the word of god , may seem to be adjuncts of worship , unless they are followed to their original , which will discover them to be of another nature . 9. civil usages and customes observed 〈◊〉 a religious manner , as they are all to be by them that believe , and directed by them unto moral ends , may have a shew and appearance of religious worship ; and so , according to the principle before stated , require express institution . but although they belong unto our living unto god is general ; as do all things that we do , seeing whether we eat or drink , we are to do a● to the glory of god ; and therefore are to be done in faith ; yet they are or may be no part of instituted worship , but such actions of life as in our whole course , we are to regulate by the rules of the scripture , so farr as they afford us guidance therein . 10. many observances in and about the worship of god , are recorded in the scripture , without especial reflecting any blame or crime on them , by whom they were performed ; ( as many great sins are historically only related , and left to be judged by the rule of the world in other places , without the least remark of displeasure on the persons guilty of them , ) and that by such whose persons were accepted of god ; yea it may be in that very service , wherein less or more they failed in their observation , god being merciful to them though not in all things prepared according to the prepartion of the sanctuary ; and yet the things themselves not to be approved nor justified , but condemned of god. such was the fact of judas maccabeus in his offering sacrifices for the sin of them that were dead ; adn that of instituting an aniversary feast in commemoration of the dedication of the altar . this little search have i made into this great mystery , as it is called , of puritanism , after which so mighty an outcry is raised by this author ; and if it might be here further pursued , it would as stated by us in these general rules and explications , be fully manifested to be a principle in general admitted , untill of late , by all sorts of men : some few only having been forced sometimes to corrupt it for the security of some especial interest of their own . and it were an easie thing to confirm this assertion by the testimonies of the most learned protestant writers , that have served the church in the last ages . but i know how with many amongst us they are regarded ; and that the citation of some of the most reverend names among them , is not unlikely to prejudice and disadvantage the cause , wherein their witness is produced . i shall not therefore expose them to the contempt of those , now they are dead , who would have been unwilling to have entred the lists with them in any kind of learning , when they were alive . there is , in my apprehension , the substance of this assertion still retained among the papists . bellarmine himself layes it down as the foundtion of all his controversies ; and indeavours to prove , propheticos & apostolicos libros verum esse verbum dei , & certam & stabilem regulam fidei . de verbo dei. lib. 1. cap. 1. that the prophetical and apostoiclal books , ●are the true word of god , a certain and stable rule of faith , wil go a great way in this matter . for all our obedience in the worship of god is the obedience of faith : and if the scripture be the rule of faith , our faith is not in any of its concerns , to be extended beyond it ; nor more than the thing regulated is to be beyond the rule . neither is this opinion of so late a date , as our author and others would perswade their ceredulous followers . the full sense of it was spoken out roudly of old . so speaks the great constantine ( that an emperour may lead the way ) in his oration to the renowned fathers assembled at nice . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. the evangelical and apostolical books , and the oracles of the ancient prophets , do plainly instruct us , what we are to think of divine things . laying aside therefore all hostile discord , let us resolve the things brought into question , by the testimonies of the writings given by divine inspiration . we have here the full substance of what is pleaded for ; and might the advice of this noble emperour be admitted , we should have a readier way to expedite all our present differences , than as yet seems to be provided for us . the great basil speaks yet more expresly than constantine the great lib. de confes . fid . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. it hath the manifest guilt of infidelity and pride , to reject any thing that is written , or to add or introduce any thing that is not written ; which is the summ of all that in this matter is contended for . to the same purpose he discourseth epist. 80. ad eustath : where moreover he rejects all pretences of customs and usages of any sorts of men , and will have all differences to be brought for their determination to the scripture . christstome in his homily on psalm 95. speaks the same sense , saith he ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . who is it that promiseth these things ? paul. for we are not to say any thing without testimony , nor upon our meer reasonings . for if any thing be spoken without scripture ( testimony ) the mind of the hearers fluctuates , now assenting , anon hesitating , sometimes rejecting what is spoken as frivolous , sometimes receiving it as probable . but where the testimonies of the divine voice comes forth from the scripture , it confirmeth the word of the speaker , and the mind of the hearer . it is even so ; whilest things relating to religion and the worship of god , are debated and disputed by the reasonings of men , or on any other principles besides the express authority of the scriptures , no certainty or full perswasion of mind can be attained about them . men under such actings are as lucian in his menippus , says he was between the disputations of the philosophers ; sometimes he nodded one way , sometimes another , and seemed to give his assent backwards and forwards to express contradiction . it is in the testimony of the scripture alone , about the things of god , that the consciences of those that fear him can acquiesce and find satisfaction . the same author as in many other places , so in his 13 homily on the 2 epist. to the corinth . expresly sends us to the scripture to enquire after all things , as that which is the exact canon , ballance , and rule of religion . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . among the latines tertullian is express to the same purpose . in his book against hermogenes , adoro ( said he ) plenitudinem scripturum quae mihi factorem manifestat & facta — again , scriptum esse hoc doceat hermogenis officina , aut timeat , rae illud , adjicientibus , aut detrahentibus destinatum . i adore the fulness of the scripture ; — and let hermogenes prove what he saith , to be written , or fear the woe denounced against them , who add to , or take from , the word . and again in his book de carne christi ; non recipio quod extra scriptuream de tuo infers . i do not receive , what you bring of your own without scripture . so also in his book , de praescriptionibus . nobis nihil ex nostro arbitrio indulgere licet ; sed nec eligere quod aliquis de arbitrio suo induxerit apostoles domini habemus authores , qui nec ipsi quicquam ex suo arbitrio quod inducerent elegerunt , sed acceptam a christo disciplain ani , deliter nationibus assignaverunt . it is ● lawful for us ( in these things ) to ind●● unto our own choice ; nor to choose what ● one brings in of his choosing . we have apostles of our lord for our examp●● who brought in nothing of their own min● or choice ; but having received the discipl● ( of christian religion ) from chrsit , t●● faithfully communicated it to the nation . ● hierome is plain to the same purpose i● sundry places . so comment . in 23 matt● quod de scripturis authoritatem non habet , ea●dem facilitate contemnitur , qua probatur . th●● which hath not authority from the scripture● is as easily despised as asserted . comm. i● hagg. cap. 1. sed & alia quae absque autho●●ritate & testimoniis scripturarum , quasi traditione apostolica sponte reperiunt atque confingunt , percutit gladius dei ; but those other things which without authority or testimony of the scriptures , they find out or faign of their own accord , as of apostolical . tradition ; the sword of god smites through . it were easie to produce twenty other testimonies out of the ancient writers of the church , giving sufficient countenance to the assertion contended about . what account our author gives of this principle is now , very briefly , to be considered . first therefore , pag. 174 , 175. he re●es it as a pretence wild and humoursome , ●ich men must be absurd if they believe ; ● impudent if they do not ; seeing it hath ●t the least shaddow or foundation either ●m scripture or reason : though it be ex●●esly asserted either in its own terms , or ●onfirmed by direct deductions , in and ●om above forty places of scripture . ●nd so much for that part of the as●ault . the next chargeth it with infinite follies ●nd mischiefs in those which allow it . and 't is said , that there can never be an end of alterations and disturbances in the church , whilest it is maintained . the contrary whereof is true , confirmed by experience and evidence of the thing it self . the admittance of it would put an end to all disturbances . for let any man judge , whether , if there be matters in difference , as in all these things there are and ever were ; the bringing them to an issue and a setled stability , be not likelier to be effected by all mean consenting unto one common rule , whereby they may be tryed and examined , than that every party should be left at liberty , to indulge to their own ▪ affections and imaginations about them . and yet we are told , p. 178. that all the pious villanies , that ever have disturbed the christian world , have sheltered themselves in this grand maxime ; that jesus christ is the only law-maker to his church . i confess , i could heartily desire , that such expressions might be forborn . for let what pretence men please be given to them , and colour put upon them ; they are full of scandal to christian religion . the mixime it self , here traduced , is as true as any part of the gospel . and it cannot be pretended , that it is not the maxime it self , but the abuse of it , ( as all the principles of the gospel , through the blindness and lusts of men , have been abused ; ) that is reflected on : seeing the design of the whole discourse is to evert the maxime it self . now whatever apprehensions our author may have of his own abilities , i am satisfied , that they are no way competent to disprove this principle of the gospel ; as will be evident on the first attempt he shall make to that purpose ; let him begin the tryal as soon as he pleaseth . in the third section , we have an heap of instances raked together to confront the principle , in its proper sense before declared and vindicated , in no one whereof it is at all concerned . for the reason of things , in matters civil and religious , are not the same . all political government in theworld consists in the exercise of principles of natural right , and their just application to times , ages , people , occasions and occurences . whilest this is done , government is acted regularly to its proper end : where this is missed , it failes . there things god hath left unto the prudence of men , and their consent ; wherein they cannot , for the most part , faile , unless they are absolutely given up unto unbridled lusts ; and the things , wherein they may faile , are alwaies convenient or inconvenient ; good and useful , or hurrful and destructive ; not alwaies , yea very seldome directly and in themselves morally good or evil. in such things mens ease and pofit not their consciences , are concerned . in the worship of god things are quite otherwise . it is not convenience or inconvenience , advantage or disadvantage , as to the things of this life , but meerly good or evil , in reference to the pleasing of god , and to ternity , that is in question . particular applications to the manners , customes , usages of places , times , countreys , which is the proper field of humane authority , liberty , and prudence in civil things , ( because their due , useful , and regular administration d●●pends upon them ; ) have here no plac●● for the things of the worship of god b●●ing spiritual , are capable of no variatio● from temporal earthly varieties amon● men ; have no respect to climate● customes , formes of civil governmen● or any thing of that nature . but con●sidering men quite under other notions namely , of sinners and believers ; with respect utterly unto other ends , namely their living spiritually unto god here , and the eternal enjoyment of him hereafter are not subject to such prudential accommodations or applications . the worship of god is or ought to be , the same at all times , in all places , and amongst all people , in all nations ; and the order of it is fixt and determined in all particulars , that belong unto it . and let not men pretend the contrary , untill they can give an instance of any such defect in the institutions of christ , as that the worship of god cannot be carryed on , nor his church ruled and edified , without an addition of something of their own for the supply thereof ; which therefore should and would be necessary to that end antecedent unto its addition ; and when they have so done , i will subscribe unto whatsoever they shall be pleased to add of that , or indeed any other kind . ●ustomes of churches , and rules of decency , which our author here casts under the magistrates power , are ambiguous terms , ●nd in no sense express the hypothesis he ●ath undertaken the defence of . in the proper signification of the words , the ●hings intended may fall under those natural circumstances , wherein religious actions in the worship of the church may have their concern , as they are actions , and are disposable by humane authority . but he will not , i presume , so soon desert his fundamental principle , of the magistrates appointing things in , and parts of religious worship , no where described or determined in the word of god ; which alone we have undertaken to oppose . the instances he also gives us about actions , in their own nature and use indifferent ; as going to law , or taking physick ; are not , in the least , to his purpose . and yet if i should say , that none of these actions are indeed indifferent in actu exercito , as they speak , and in their individual performance , but have a moral good or evil , as an inseparable adjunct , attending them , arising out of respect to some rule , general or particular , of divine revelation , i know he cannot dis●prove it ; and much more is not pleade concerning religious worship . but this principle is further charge with mischief equal to its folly ; which i●●proved by instances in sundry uninstituted observances , both in the jewish , an● primitive christian churches ; as also i● protestant churches abroad . i answer that if this author will consent to um●pire these differences by either the old or new testament , or by any protestant church in the world ; we shall be nearer an end of them , than , as far as i can see , yet otherwise we are . if he will not be bound , neither to the example of the church of the jews ; nor of the churches of the new-testament ; nor of the present protestant churches ; it must he confessed , that their names are here made use of , only for a pretence and an advantage . under the old testament we find , that all that god required of his church , was , that they should observe the law of moses his servant , which he commanded to him in horeb , for all israel , with his statutes and judgements , mal. 4. 4. and when god had given out his institutions , and the whole order of his worship , it being fixed in the church accordingly ; it is added eight or ten times ●n one chapter , that this was done , as ●he lord commanded moses , even so did he , exod. 40. after this god gives them many strict prohibitions , from adding any thing to what he had so commanded ; as deut. 4. 2. and chap. 12. 32 prov. 30. 6. and as he had in the decalogue rejected any worship not of his own appointment as such , exod. 20. 4 , 5. so he made it afterwards the rule of his acceptation of that people and what they did , or his refusal of them and it ; whether it was by him commanded or no. so in particular , he expresly rejects that which was so added , as to dayes , and times , and places , though of the nearest affinity and cognation to what was appointed by himself , because it was invented by man ; yea by a king , 1 kings 12. 33. and when in process of time , many things of an uncertain original were crept into the observance of the church , and had firmed themselves with the notion of traditions ; they were all at once rejected in that word of the blessed holy one ; in ●ain do ye worship me , teaching for doctrines ( that is , what is in my worship to be observed , ) the traditions of men . for the churches of the new testament , the foundation of them is laid i● that command of our saviour , matt 28. 20. go and teach all nations ; teac●●ing them to observe and do all whatsoever command you , and so i am with you to th● end of the world . that they should b● taught to do or observe any thing , bu● what he commanded ; that his presenc● should accompany them in the teaching o● observation of any superadditions of their own ; we no where find written , intimated , or exemplified by any practice of theirs . nor , however , in that juncture of time , the like whereunto did never occurt before , nor ever shall do again , during the expiration and taking down of mosaical institutions , before they became absolutely unlawful to be observed , the apostles , according to the liberty given them by our lord jesus christ , and direction of the holy ghost , did practise some things complyant with both church-states , did they , in any one instance , impose any thing on the practice of the churches in the worship of god , to be necessarily and for a continuance observed among them , but what they had express warrant , and authority and command of our lord christ for . counsel they gave in particular cases , that depended upon present emergencies ; directions for the regular and due observation of institutions , and the application of general rules in particular practice ; they also taught a due and sanctified use of civil customes ; and the proper use of moral or natural symbols . but to impose any religious rites on the constant practice of the church in the worship of god , making them necessary to be alwaies observed by that imposition , they did not once attempt to do , or assume power for it to themselves . yea , when upon an important difficulty , and to prevent a ruining scandal , they were enforced to declare their judgement to the churches in some points , wherein they were to abridge the practice of their christian liberty for a season ; they would do it only in things made necessary by the state of things then among the churches , ( in reference to the great end of edification , whereby all practices are to be regulated ) before the declaration of their judgement , for the restriction mentioned , acts 15. so remote were they from assuming unto themselves a dominion over the religion , consciences or faith of the disciples of christ ; or requiring any thing in the constant worship of the church , but what was according to the will , appointment and command of their lord and master , little countenance therefore is our author like to obtain unto his sentiments , from the scriptures of the old and new testament ; or the example either of the jews or christians mentioned in them . the instances he gives from the church of the jewes , or that may be given , are either civil observances , as the feast of purim ; or moral conveniencies directed by general rules , as the building of synagogues ; or customary signes suited to the nature of things , as wearing of sackcloth ; or such as have no proof of their being approved , as the feast of dedication , and some monethly fasts taken up in the captivity , from none of which any objection can be taken against the position before laid down . those from the church of the new testament had either a perpetual binding institution from the authority of christ , as the lords day sabbath ; or contain only a direction to use civil customes and observances in an holy and sanctified manner , as the love feasts and kiss of charity ; or such as were never heard of in the new testament at all , as the observation of lent and easter . he that out of these instances can draw a warranty for the power of the civil magistrate over religion and the consciences of men , to institnte new duties in religion when he pleaseth , so these do not countenance vice , nor disgrace the deity ; which all his christian subjects shall be bound in conscience to observe ; or otherwise make good any of those particulat conclusions , that therefore christ is not the ouly law giver to his church ; or that divin● revelation is not the adequate rule of divin● worship ; or that men may add any thing to the worship of god , to be observed in it , constantly and indispensiely , by the whole church ; will manifest himself to have an excellency in argumentation , beyond what i have ever yet met withal . a removal of the argument taken from the perfection of the scripture , and its sufficiency to instruct us in the whole counsel and will of god , concerning his worship and our obedience unto him , is nextly attempted : but with no engines , but what have been discovered to be insufficient to that purpose an hundred times . it is alledged , that what the scripture commands in the worship of god , is to be observed ; that what it forbids , is to be avoided , which if really acknowledged , and a concernment of the consciences of men be granted therein , is sufficiently destructive of the principal design of our author . but moreover i say , that it commands and fo●●bids things by general rules , as well by particular precepts and inhibition and that , if what is so commanded be d●served , and what is so forbidden be avoided , there is a direct-rule remaining in for the whole worship of god. but this is said here to be of substan●● duties , but not of external circumstance and if it be so even of substantial dut●● it perfectly overthrows all that our autho● hath been pleading in the three first cha●ters of his discourse . for external circumstances ; of what nature those are wh●● are disposable by humane authority an● prudence , hath been now often declare and needs not here to be repeated . the summ of his apprehensions in th● matter , about the perfection and suffici●ency of the scripture in reference to th● worship of god , our author gives us pag. 189. anything , saith he , is lawful ( th●● is , in the worship of god ) that is no● made unlawful by some prohibition : for things become evil , not upon the scors of there being not commanded ; but upon that of their being forbidden , and what the scripture forbids not , it allows ; and what it allows , is not unlawful ; and what is not unlawful , may lawfully be done . this tale , i confess , we have been told many and many a time : but it hath been as often answered , that the whole of it , as to any thing of reasoning , is captious and sophistical . once more therefore ; what is commanded in the worship of god , is lawful ; yea is our duty to observe . all particular instances of this sort , that are to have actual place in the worship of god , were easily enumerated , and so expresly commanded . and why among sundry things that might equally belong thereunto one should be commanded , and another left at liberty without any institution , no man can divine . of particular things not to be observed there is not the same reason . it is morally impossible , that all instances of mens inventions , all that they can find out to introduce into the worship of god , at any time , in any age , and please themselves therein , should be before hand enumerated , and prohibited in their particular instances . and if because they are not so forbidden , they may lawfully be introduced into divine worship , and imposed upon the practices of men ; ten thousand things may be made lawful , and be so imposed . but the truth is , although a particular prohibition be needful to render a thing evil in it self ; a general prohibition is enough to render any thing unlawful in the worship of god. so we grant , that what is not forbidden is lawful : but withal say , that every thing is forbidden , that should be esteemed as any part of divine worship , that is not commanded ; and if it were not , yet for want of such a command , or divine institution , it can have neither use nor efficacy , with respect to the end of all religious worship . our author speaks with his wonted confidence in this matter ; yea it seems to rise to its highest pitch : as also doth his contempt of his adversaries , or whatever is , or may be offered by them in the justification of this principle . infinite certainty on his own part , pag. 193. baffled and intolerable impertinencies ; weak and puny arguments ; cavils of a few hot-headed and brainsick people , with other opprobrious expressions of the like nature , filling up a great part of his leaves , are what he can afford unto those whom he opposeth . but yet i am not , for all this bluster , well satisfied , much less infinitely certain , that he doth in any competent measure understand aright the controversie , about which he treats with all this wrath and confidence . for the summ of all , that here he pleads , is no more but this ; that the circumstances of actions in particular are various , and as they are not , so they cannot be determined by the word of god ; and therefore must be ordered by humane prudence and authority : which if he suppose that any men deny , i shall the less wonder at his severe reflections upon them ; though i shall never judge them necessary or excusable in any case whatever . pag. 198. he imposeth it on others that lye under the power of this perswasion , that they are obliged in conscience to act contrary to whatever their superiours command them in the worship of god : which further sufficiehtly evidenceth , that either be understands not the controversie under debate , or that he believes not himself in what he saith : which , because the harsher imputation , i shall avoid the owning of in the least surmise . section 6. from the concession , that the magistrate may take care , that the laws of christ be executed ; that is , command and require his subjects to observe the commands of christ , in that way , and by such means , as those commands , from the nature of the things themselves , and according to the rule of the gospel , may be commanded and required ; he infers , that he hath himself power of making laws in rel●●gion . but why so ? and how doth thi● follow ? why , saith he , it is apparently im●plyed , because whoever hath a power to see the laws be executed , cannot be without a pow●● to command their execution . very good but the conclusion should have been ; he cannot be without a power to make laws is the matter , about which he looks to the execution : which would be good doctrine for justices of the peace to follow . but what is here laid down is nothing but repeating of the same thing in words a little varied ; as if it had been said ; he that hath power to see the laws executed , or a power to command their execution , he hath power to see the laws executed , or a power to command their execution ; which is very true . and this we acknowledge the magistrate hath , in the way before declared . but that because he may do this , he may also make laws of his own in religion , it doth not at all follow from hence , whether it be true or no. but this is further confirmed from the nature of the laws of christ , which have only declared the substance and morality of religious worship : and therefore must needs have left the ordering of its circumstances to the power and wisdom of lawful authority . the laws of christ , which are intended , are those , which he hath given concerning the worship of god. that these have determined the morality of religious worship , i know not how he can well allow , who makes the law of nature to be the measure of morality , and all moral religious worship . and for the substance of religious worship , i wish it were well declared what is intended by it . for my part i think , that whatever is commanded by christ , the observation of it , is of the substance of religious worship ; else i am sure the sacraments are not so . now do but give men leave , as rational creatures , to observe those commands of christ in such a way and manner , as the nature of them requires them to be observed ; as he hath himself in general rules prescribed ; as the concurrent actions of many in society make necessary ; and all this controversie will be at an end . when a duty , as to the kind of it , is commanded in particular , or instituted by christ in the worship of god , he hath given general rules to guide us in the individual performance of it , as to the circumstances that the actions whereby it is performed , will be attended withal . for the disposal of those circumstances according to those rules , prudence is to take place and to be used . for men , who are obliged to act as men in all other things , are not to be looked on as brutes in what is required of them in the worship of god. but to institute mystical rites , and fixed forms of sacred administrations , whereof nothing in the like kind doth necessarily attend the acting of instituted worship , it not to determine circumstances , but to ordain new parts of divine worship : and such injunctions are here confessed by our author , pag. 191. to be new and distinct commands by themselves , and to enjoyn something that the scripture no where commands : which when he produceeth a warranty for , he will have made a great progress towards the determining of the present controversie . page 192. he answers an objection , consisting of two branches , as by him proposed : whereof the first is ; that it cannot stand with the love and wisdom of god not to take order himself for all things , that immediately concern his own worship and kingdom . now though i doubt not at all , but that god hath so done ; yet i do not remember at present , that i have read any imposing the necessity hereof upon him , in answer to his love and wisdom . i confess valerianus magnus , a famous writer of the church of rome , tells us , that never any one did so foolishly institute or order a commonwealth , as jesus christ must be thought to have done ; if he have not left one supream judge to determine the faith and consciences of men in matters of religion and divine worship . and our author seems not to be remote from that kind of reasoning , who , without an assignment of a power to that purpose , contendeth that all things among men will run into confusion ; of so little concernment do the scriptures and the authority of god in them , to some seem to be . we do indeed thankfully acknowledge , that god out of his love and wisdom hath ordered all things belonging to his worship and spiritual kingdom in the world . and we do suppose , we need no other argument to evince this assertion , but to challenge all men , who are otherwise minded , to give an instance of any defect in his institutions to that purpose . and this we are the more confirmed in , because those things , which men think good to add unto them , they dare not contend that they are parts of his worship ; or that they are added to supply any defect therein . neither did ever any man yet say , that there is a defect in the divine institutions of worship , which must be supplyed by a ministers wearing surplice . all then that is intended in this consideration , though not urged , as is here pretended , is ; that god in his goodness , love and care towards his church , hath determined all things that are needful i● or to his worship : and about what is not needful , men , if they please , may contend ; but it will be to no great purpose . the other part of the objection , which he proposeth to himself , is laid down by him in these words ; if jesus christ hath not determined all particular rites and circumstances of religion , he hath discharged his office with less wisdom and fidelity than moses ; who ordered every thing appertaining to the worship of god , even as far as the pint or nails of the tabernacle . and hereunto in particular he returns in answer , not one word : but only ranks it amongst idle and impertinent reasonings . and i dare say , he wants not reasons for his silence : whether they be pertinent or no , i know not . for setting aside the advantage , that , it is possible , he aimed to make in the manner and terms of the proposal of this objection to his sentiments ; and it will appear , that he hath not much to offer for its removal . we dispute not about the rites and circumstances of religion , which are termes ambiguous , and , as hath been declared , may be variously interpreted ; no more than we do about the nails of the tabernacle , wherein there were none at all . but it is about the worship of god and what is necessary thereunto . the ordering hereof , that is , of the house of god and all things belonging thereunto , was committed to jesus christ , as a son over his own house , heb. 3. 3 , 4 , 5. in the discharge of his trust herein , he was faithful as was moses ; who received that testimony from god , that he was faithful in all his house , upon his ordering all things in the worship of god as he commanded him , without adding any thing of his own thereunto , or leaving any thing uninstituted or undetermined , which was to be of use therein . from the faithfulness of christ , therefore , in and over the house of god , as it is compared with the faithfulness of moses , it may be concluded , i think ; that he ordered all things for the worship of god in the churches of the new testament , as far as moses did in and for the church of the old ; and more is not contended for . and it will be made appear , that his commission in this matter was as extensive , as that of moses at the least ; or he could not , in that trust and the discharge of it , have that preheminence above him , which in th● place is ascribed unto him . section 7. an account is given of th● great variety of circumstances , which do a●tend all humane actions : whence it is in possible that they should be all determine by divine prescription . the same we sa● also ; but add withal , that if men woul● leave these circumstance free under t●● conduct of common prudence in the in●stituted worship of god , as they are com●pelled so to do in the performance of mo●ral duties , and as he himself hath le●● them free ; it would be as convenient fo● the reasons and consciences of men , an attempt to the contrary . thus we hav● an instance given us by our author in th● moral duty of charity ; which is command●ed us of god himself ; but the times , sea●sons , manner , objects , measures of it are le●● free , to be determined by humane pru●dence , upon emergencies and occasions ▪ it may be now enquired , whether th● magistrate , or any other , can determine those circumstances by a law ? and whether they are not , as by god , so by al● wise men , left free , under the conduct of their reason and conscience , who are obliged to the duty it self by the command of god ? and why may not the same rule and order be observed with respect to the circumstances that attend the performance of the duties of instituted worship ? besides , there are general circumstances that are capable of a determination : such are time and place as naturally considered , without such adjuncts as might give them a moral consideration , or render them good or evil ; these the magistrate may determine . but for particular circumstances attending individual actions , they will hardly be regulated by a standing law. but none of these things have the least interest in our debate . to add things necessarily to be observed in the worship of god , no way naturally related unto the actions wherewith prescribed worship is to be performed , and then to call them circumstances thereof , erects a notion of things which nothing but interest can digest and concoct . his eighth section is unanswerable . it contains such a strenuous reviling of the puritans , and contemptuous reproaches of their writings , with such encomi●ms of their adversaries , as there is no dealing with it . and so i leave it . and so likewise i do his ninth , wherein , as he saith , he upbraids the men of his contest with their shameful overthrows : and dares them to look those enemies in the face , that have so lamentably cowed them , by so many absolute triumphs and victories . which kind of juvenile exultations on feigned suppositions , will , i suppose , in due time receive an allay from his own more advised thoughts and considerations . the instance , wherewith he countenaunceth himself in his triumphant acclamations unto the victory of his party , is the book of mr. hooker and its being unanswered . concerning which i shall only say ; that , as i wish the same moderation , ingenuity and learning unto all , that engage in the same cause with him in these dayes ; so if this author will mind us of any one argument in his longsome discourse , not already frequently answered , and that in print , long ago , that it shall have its due consideration . but this kind of discourses , it may be , on second thoughts will be esteemed not so comely . and i can mind him of those , who boast as highly of some champions of their own against all protestants , as he can do of any patron of those opinions , which he contendeth for . but it doth not alwayes fall out , that those who have the most outward advantages , and greatest leisure , have the best cause , and abilities to mannage it . the next sections treat concerning superstition , will-worship and popery ; which , as he faith , having been charged by some on the church unduly , he retorts the crime of them upon the authors of that charge . i love not to strive , nor will i contend about words that may have various significations fixed on them . it is about things that we differ . that which is evil , is so , however you call it , and whether you can give it any special name or no. that which is good , will still be so , call it what and how men please . the giving of a bad or odious name to any thing , doth not make it self to be bad or odious . the managing therefore of those appellations , either as to their charge or recharge , i am no way concerned in . when it is proved , that men believe , teach or practise otherwise , than in duty to god they ought to do ; then they do evil : and when they obey his mind and will in all things , then they do well ; and in the end will have the praise thereof . in particular , i confess superstition , as the word is commonly used , denotes a vicious habit of mind with respect unto god and his worship ; and so is not a proper denomination for the worship it self , or of any evil or crime in it . but yet , if it were worth contending about , i could easily manifest , that according to the use of the word by good authors in all ages , men have been charged with that crime , from the kind and nature of the worship it self observed by them . and when st. paul charged the athenians with an excess in superstition , it was from the multiplication of their gods , and thronging them together , right or wrong , in the dedication of their altars . but these things belong not at all to our present design . let them , who enjoyn things unto an indispensible necessary observation in the worship of god , which are not by him prescribed therein , take care of their own minds , that they be free from the vice of superstition ; and they shall never be judged , or charged by me therewith . though i must say , that a multiplication of instances in this kind , as to their own observation , is the principle , if not the only way whereby men who own the true and proper object of religious worship , do or may manifest themselves to be influenced by that corrupt habit of mind ; so that they may relate unto superstition , as the effect to its cause . but the recrimination here insisted on , with respect unto them , who refuse admittance unto , or observance of things so enjoyned , is such as ought to be expected from provocations , and a desire of retortion . such things usually taste of the cask ; and are sufficiently weak and impertinent . for it is a mistake , that those charged do make , as 't is here expressed , any thing necessary not to be done ; or put any religion in the not doing of any thing , or the non-observance of any rites , orders , or ceremonies ; any other , than every one puts in his abstinence from what god forbids ; which is a part of our moral obedience . and the whole question , in this matter , is not , whether , as it is here phrased , god hath tyed up his creatures to nice and pettish laws ; laying a greater stress upon a doubtful or indifferent ceremony , than upon the great duty of obedience . but meerly , whether men are to observe in the worship of god , what they apprehend he hath enjoyned them ; and to abstain from what he doth forbid ; according to all the light that they have into his mind and will ; which enquiry , as i suppose , may be satisfied ; that they are so to practise , and so to abstain , without being lyable to the charge of superstition . no man can answer for the minds of other men ; nor know what depraved vicious habits and inclinations , they are subject unto . outward actions are all , that we are in any case allowed to pass judgement upon ; and of mens minds , as those actions are indications of them . let men therefore , observe and do in the worship of god whatever the lord christ hath commanded them ; and abstain from what he hath forbidden , whether in particular instances , or by general directive precepts and rules , by which means alone many things are capable of falling under a prohibition ; without the least thought of placing any worship of god in their abstinence from this or that thing in particular ; and i think , they need not much concern themselves in the charge of superstition , given in , or out , by any against them . for what is discoursed section 11. about will-worship , i cannot so far agree with our author , as i could in what passed before about superstition ; and that partly because i cannot discern him to be herein at any good agreement with himself . for superstition , he tells us , consists in the apprehensions of men , when their minds are possessed with weak and uncomly conceits of god , pag. 201. here , that will-worship is one sort of superstition ; and yet this will-worship consists in nothing else , than in mens making their own phancys and inventions necessary parts of religion , which outward actings are not coincident with the inward frame and habit of mind before described . and i do heartily wish , that some men could well free themselves from the charge of will worship , as it is here described by our author ; though cautelously expressed , to secure the concernments of his own interest from it . for although i will not call the things , they contend to impose on others in the worship of god , their phancys ; yet themselves acknowledge them to be their inventions : and when they make them necessary to be observed in the whole worship of god , as publick and stated ; and forbid the celebration of that worship without them ; when they declare their usefulness , and spiritual or mystical significancy in that worship or service , designed to honour god in or by their use ; setting up some of them to an exclusion of what christ hath commanded ; if i cannot understand , but that they make them necessary parts of gods worship , as to the actual observance of it , i hope they will not be angry with me : since i know the worst they can possibly with truth charge upon me in this matter , is , that i am not so wise , nor of so quick an understanding as themselves . neither doth our author well remove his charge from those whose defence he hath undertaken : for 〈◊〉 doth it only by this consideration ; tha● they do not make the things , by them introduced in the worship of god , to be parts of religion . they are not so , he saith , nor are made so by then . for this hinders not , but that they may be looked on as parts of divine worship ; seeing we are taught by the same hand , that external worship is no part of religion at all . and let him abide by what he closeth this section withall ; namely , that they make not any additions to the worship of god , but only provide , that what god hath required , be performed in an orderly and decent manner , and as to my concern , there shall be an end of this part of our controversie . the ensuing paragraphs about christian liberly ; adding to the commands of god ; and pope●y ; are of the same nature with those preceeding about superstition and will-worship . there is nothing new in them , but words ; and they may be briefly passed through . for the charge of popery , on the one side or other , i know nothing in it ; but that , when any thing is injoyned or imposed on mens practice in the worship of god , which is known to have been invented in and by the papal church during the time of its confessed aposta●y , it must needs beget prejudices against it in the minds of them , who consider the wayes , means , and ends of the fatal de●ection of that church ; and are jealous of a sinful complyance with it in any of those things . the recharge on those , who are said to set up a pope in every mans conscience , whilest they vest it with a power of countermanding the decrees of princes ; if no more be intended , by countermanding , but a refusal to observe their decrees , and yield obedience to them in things against their consciences , which is all can be pretended ; if it fall not on this author himself , as in some cases it doth ; and which by the certain conduct of right reason , must be extended to all , wherein the consciences of m●n are affected with the authority of god ; yet it doth on all christians in the world , that i know of , besides himself . for adding to the law of god , it is not charged on any , that they add to his commands ; as though they made their own divine , or part of his word and law : but only that they add in his worship to the things commanded by him , which being forbidden in the scripture , when they can free themselves from it , i shall rejoyce ; but as yet see not how they can so do . nor are there any , that i ko●● of , who set up any prohibitions of their ow● in or about the worship of god , or as thing thereunto pertaining , as is unduly and unrighteously pretended . there 〈◊〉 be indeed some things injoyned by me● which they do and must abstain from , 〈◊〉 they would do from any other sin whateve● but their consciences are regulated by ● prohibitions , but those of god himsel●● and things are prohibited and made sinf●● unto them , not only when in particular and by a specification of their instances they are forbidden ; but also when ther● lye general prohibitions against them ● any account whatever . some men indee● think , that if a particular prohibition of any thing might be produced , they would a● quiesce in it ; whilst they plead an ex●emption of sundry things from being in●cluded in general prohibitions ; althoug● they have the direct formal reason attending them , on which those prohibition● are founded . but it is to be feared , tha● this also is but a pretence . for let any thing be particularly forbidden , yet i● mens interest and superstition induce them to observe or retain it ; they will find out distinctions to evade the prohibition and retain the practice . what can be more directly forbidden , than the making or use●●g of graven images , in or about religious worship ? and yet we know how little ●ome men do acquiesce in that prohibi●●on . and it was the observation of a ●earned prelate of this nation , in his re●ection of the distinctions whereby they ●ndeavoured to countenance themselves in their idolatry ; that the particular instances of things forbidden in the second commandment , are not principally intended ; ●ut the general rule , of not adding any thing in the worship of god without his institution . non imago , saith he , non simulachrum prohibetur ; sed non facies tibi . what way , therefore , any thing becomes a sin unto any , be it by a particular or general prohibition ; be it from the scandal that may attend its practice ; unto him it is a sin . and it is a wild notion , that when any persons abstain from the practice of that in the worship of god , which to them is sinful as so practised , they add prohibitions of their own to the commands of god. the same is to be said concerning christian liberty . no man , that i know of , makes things indifferent to be sinful , as is pretended ; nor can any man in his right wits do so . for none can entertain contradictory notions of the same things , at the same time : as those are , that the fa●● things are indifferent , that is , not sin●●● and sinful . but this some say ; that this in their own nature indifferent , that 〈◊〉 absolutely so , may be yet relatively 〈◊〉 lawful ; because with respect unto that ●●●●lation forbidden of god. to set up altar of old for a civil memorial in a place , was a thing indifferent : but to 〈◊〉 up an altar to offer sacrifices on , who the tabernacle was not , was a sin . it● indifferent for a man that understands th● language , to read the scripture in la●●● or in english : but to read it in latine u● a congregation that understands it 〈◊〉 as a part of gods worship , would be 〈◊〉 nor doth our christian liberty consist al●● in our judgement of the indifferency things in their own nature , made nec●●●sary to practice by commands , as hath b● shewed . and if it doth so , the jews h● that priviledge as much as christians . a● they are easily offended , who complain● that their christian liberty , in the p●●ctice of what they think meet in the w●●ship of god , is intrenched on , by such , leaving them to their pleasure , because their apprehension of the will of god the contrary , cannot comply with them their practice . the close of this chapter is designed to the removal of an objection , pretended to be weighty and difficult ; but indeed made so meerly by the novel opinions advanced by this author . for laying aside all respect unto some uncouth principles broached in this discourse , there is scarce a christian child of ten years old , but can resolve the difficulty pretended , and that according to the mind of god. for it is supposed , that the magistrate may establish a worship that is idolatrous and superstitious : and an enquiry is made thereon , what the subject shall do in that case ? why ? where lyes the difficulty ? why , saith he , in this case they must be either rebels , or idolaters . if they obey , they sin against god : if they disobey , they sin against their soveraign . according to the principles hither to received in christian religion , any one would reply , and say , no : for it is certain , that men must obey god , and not contract the guilt of such horrible sins , as idolatry and superstition ; but in so doing they are neither rebels against their ruler , nor do sin against him . it is true , they must quieily and patiently submit to what they may suffer from him : but they are in so doing guilty of no rebellion nor sin against him . did ever any christian yet so much as call it into question , whether the primitive christians were rebels , and sinned against their rulers because they would not obey those edicts , whereby they established idolatrous worship ? or did any one ever think , that they had a difficult case of conscience to resolve in that matter ? they were indeed accused by the pagans as rebels against the emperours ; but no christian every yet thought their case to have been doubtful . but all this difficulty ariseth from the making of two gods , where there ought to be but one . and this renders the case so perplexed , that , for my part , i cannot see directly , how it is determined by our author . sometimes he speaks , as though it were the duty of subjects to comply with the establishment of idolatry supposed , as pag. 214 , 215. for with respect , as i suppose it is , to the case as by him stated , that he sayes ; men must not withdraw their obedience : and better submit unto the unreasonable impositions of nero or caligula , than to hazard the dissolution of the state. sometimes he seems not to oblige them in conscience to practise according to the publick prescription ; but only pleads , that the magistrate may punish them , if they do not ; and sain would have it thought , that he may do so justly . but these things are certain unto us in this matter , and are so many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in christian religion ; that if the supream magistrate command any thing in the worship of god that is idolatrous , we are not to practise it accordingly ; because we must obey god rather than men . nextly , that in our refusal of complyance with the magistrates commands , we do neither rebel nor sin against him . for god hath not , doth not at any time , shut us up in any condition unto a necessity of sinning . thirdly , that in case the magistrate shall think meet , through his own mistakes and misapprehensions , to punish , destroy and burn them alive , who shall not comply with his edicts , as did nebuchadnezzar ; or as they did in england in times of popery ; after all honest and lawful private wayes of self-preservation used , which we are obliged unto ; we are quietly and patiently to submit to the will of god in our sufferings , without opposing or resisting by force , or stirring up seditions or tumults , to the disturbance of publick peace . but our author hath elsewhere provided a full solution of this difficulty , chap. 8. p. 308. where he tells us , that in cases and disputes of a publick concern , private men are not properly sui juris ; they have no power over thi● actions ; they are not to be directed by thei● own judgements , or determined by their ou● wills ; but by the commands and determina●●ons of the publick conscience . and if the● be any sin in the command , he that imposed i● shall answer for it , and not i whose duty it i● to obey . the commands of authority will warrant my obedience , my obedience will hall●● or at least excuse my action ; and so secure 〈◊〉 from sin if not from errour , because i folle● the best guide and most probable direction , 〈◊〉 am capable of ; and though i may mistake , my integrity shall preserve my innocence ; and in all doubtfull and disputable cases it is better to err with authority , than to be in the right against it . when he shall produce any o●● divine writer , any of the ancient fathers , any sober schoolmen , or casuists , any learned modern divines , speaking at this rate , or giving countenance unto this direction given to men , for the regulating of their moral actions , it shall be farther attended unto . i know some such thing is muttered amongst the pleaders for blind obedience upon vowes voluntarily engaged into , for that purpose . but as it is acknowledged by themselves , that by those vowes , they deprive themselves of that right and liberty which naturally belongs unto them , as unto all other men , wherein they place much of the merit of them ; so by others those vowes themselves , with all the pretended bruitish obedience that proceeds from them , are sufficiently evidenced to be an horrible abomination , and such as make a ready way for the perpetration of all villanies in the world , to which purpose that kind of obedience hath been principally made use of . but these things are extreamly fond ; and not only , as applyed unto the worship of god , repugnant to the gospel , but also in themselves to the law of our creation , and that moral dependance on god , which is indispensible unto all individuals of mankind . we are told in the gospel , that every one is to be fully perswaded in his own mind ; that whatever is not of faith is sin ; that we are not to be ( in such things ) the servants of men ; that other mens leading of us amiss , whoever they are , will not excuse us ; for if the blind lead the blind , both shall fall into the ditch ; and he that followeth , is as sure to perish as he that leadeth . the next guids of the souls and consciences of men , are doubtless those who speak unto them in the name of god , or preachers of the gospel . yet are all the disciples of christ , frequently warned to take heed that they be not deceived by any , under that pretence , but diligently examining what is proposed unto them , they discern in themselves what is good and evil . nor doth the great apostle himself require us to be followers of him , any further than he was a follower of christ. they will find small relief , who at the last day shall charge their sins on the commands of others , whatever hope to the contrary they are put into by our author . neither will it be any excuse that we have done according to the precepts of men , if we have done contrary to those of god. ephraim , of old , was broken in judgement , because he willingly walked after the commandment , hos. 5. 14 but would not his obedience hallow , or at least excuse his action ? and would not the authority of the king warrant his obedience ? or must ephraim now answer for the sin , and not be only that imposed the command ? but it seems that when jeroboam sinned , who at that time had this goodly creature of the publick conscience in keeping , he made israel sin also , who obeyed him . it is moreover a brave attempt to assert that private men with respect to any of their moral actions , are not properly sui juris , have no power over their actions , are not to be directed by their own judgements , or determined by their own wills . this is circes rod , one stroke whereof turned men into hoggs . for to what purpose serve their understandings , their judgements , their wills , if not to guide and determine them in their actions ? i think he would find hard work , that should go about to perswade men to put out their own eyes , or blind themselves , that they might see all by one publick eye . and i am sure it is no less unreasonable , to desire them to reject their own wills , understandings , and judgements , to be lead and determined by a publick conscience ; considering especially that that publick conscience it self is a meer tragelaphus , which never had existence in rerum natura . besides , suppose men should be willing to accept of this condition of renouncing their own understandings and judgements , from being their guides as to their moral actions ; i fear it will be found that indeed they are not able so to do . mens understandings , and their consciences , are placed in them by him who made them , to rule in them and over their actions in his name , and with respect unto their dependance on him . and let men endeavour it whilest they please , they shall never be able utterly to cast of this yoke of god , and destroy this order of things , which by him inlaid in the principles of all rational beings . men , whilest they are me● in things that have a moral good or e●● in them or adhering to them , must be guided and determined by their own understandings whether they will or no. a● if by any means , they stisle the actings 〈◊〉 them at present , they will not avoid the judgement , which according to them , shi● pass upon them at the last day . but the● things may elsewhere be farther pursue . in the mean time the reader may take thi● case as it is determined by the learned p●●late before mentioned , in his dialogue abou● subjection and obedience against the p●pists , whose words are as follow . par. 3 pag. 297. philand . if the prince establish any religion , whatever it be , you must by you● oath obey it . theoph. we must not rebel● and take arms against the prince ; but will reverence and humility serve god before the prince , and that is nothing against our oath . philand . then is not the prince supream . theoph . why so . philand . your selves are superiour , when you serve whom you list . theoph. as thought to serve god according to his will , were to serve whom we list , and not whom princes and all others ought to serve . philand . but you will be judges , when god is well served , and when not . theoph. if you can excuse us before god when you mistead us , we will serve him as you shall appoint us ; otherwise if every man shall answer for himself , good reason he be master of his own conscience , in that which toucheth him so near , and no man shall excuse him for . philand . this is to make every man supream judge of religion . theoph. the poorest wretch that is , may be supreme governour of his own heart ; princes rule the publick and external actions of their countreyes , but not the consciences of men . this in his dayes was the doctrine of the church of england ; and as was observed before , no person who then lived in it , knew better what was so . the sole enquiry remaining is , whether the magistrate , having established such a religion , as is idolatrous or superstitious , may justly and lawfully punish and destroy his subjects , for their non-complyance therewithall ? this is that , which , if i understand him , our author would give countenance unto ; contrary to the common sense of all christians , yea of common sense it self . for wherereas he interweaves his discourse with suppositions , that men may mistake in religion , and abuse it ; all such interpositions are purely sophistical , seeing the case proposed to resolution , which ought in the whole to be precisely attended unto , is about the refusal to observe and practise a religion idolatrous or superstitious . of the like nature is that argument , which alone he makes use of here and elsewhere , to justifie his principles ; namely , the necessity of government ; and how much better the worst government is , and the most depraved in its administration , than anarchy or confusion . for as this by all mankind is unquestioned ; so i do not think there is any one among them , who can tell how to use this concession to our authors purpose . doth it follow , that because magistrates cannot justly nor righteously prescribe an idolatrous religion , and compel their subjects to the profession and obedience of it ; and because the subjects cannot , nor ought to yield obedience therein , because of the antecedent and superiour power of god over them ; that therefore anarchy or confusion must be preferred before such an administration of government ? let the magistrate command what he will in religion , yet whilest he attends unto the ends of all civil government , that government must needs be every way better than none ; and is by private christians to be born with , and submitted unto , untill god in his providence shall provide relief . the primitive christians lived some ages in the condition described ; refusing to observe the religion required by law ; and exercising themselves in the worship of god , which was strictly forbidden . and yet neither anarchy , nor confusion , nor any disturbance of publick tranquility did ensue thereon . so did the protestants here in england in the dayes of queen mary , and sometime before . the argument , which he endeavours in these discourses to give an answer unto , is only of this importance . if the supream magistrate may command what religion he pleaseth , and enact the observation of it under destructive penalties ; whereas the greatest part of magistrates in the world will and do prescribe such religions and wayes of divine worship , as are idolatrous or superstitious , which their subjects are indispensibly bound in conscience not to comply withall ; then is the magistrate justified in the punishing of men for their serving of god as they ought ; and they may suffer as evil doers , in what they suffer as christians . this , all the world over , will justifie them that are uppermost , and have power in their hands , ( on no other ground , but because they are so , and have so , ) in this oppressions and destructions of them , th● being under them in civil respects , d● dissent from them in things religious , no● whether this be according to the mind 〈◊〉 god or no , is left unto the judgement 〈◊〉 all indifferent men . we have , i confes●● i know not how many expressions inte●posed in this discourse , as was observed about sedition , troubling of publick peace men being turbulent against prescribe rules of worship , whereof if he pretend that every peaceable dissenter and dissent from what is publickly established in religious worship , are guilty , he is a pleasa●●● man in a disputation ; and , if he do any thing , he determines his case proposed o● the part of complyance with idolatro● and superstitious worship . if he do not so ; the mention of them in this place it very importune and unseasonable . all men acknowledge , that such miscarriages and practices may be justly coerced and punished . but what is this to a bare refusal to comply in any idolatrous worship , and peacable practice of what god doth require , as that which he will accept and own ? but our author proceeds to find out many pretences , on the account whereof , persons whom he acknowledgeth to be innocent and guiltless , may be punished . and though their apprehensions in religion be not , as he saith , so much their crime , as their infelicity , yet there is no remedy , but it must expose them to the publick rods and axes , pag. 219. i have heard of some wise and righteous princes , who have affirmed , that they had rather let twenty nocent persons go free , than punish or destroy one that is innocent . this seems to render them more like him , whose vice-gerents they are ; than to seek out colourable reasons for the punishment of them , whom they know to be innocent ; which course is here suggested unto them . such advice might be welcome to him , whom men called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clay mingled and leavened with blood ; others no doubt will abhor it , and detest it . but what spirit of meekness and mercy our author is acted by , he discovereth in the close of this chapter , pag. 223. for , saith he , it is easily imaginable how an honest and well-meaning man may , through meer ignorance , fall into such errours , which , though god will pardon , yet governours must punish . his integrity may expiate the crime , but cannot prevent the mischief of his errour . nay so easie is it for men to deserve to be punished for their consciences , that there is no nation in the world , in which , ( were government rightly understood and duty managed , ) mistakes and abuses of religion would not supply the gallies with vastly greater numbers , than villany . there is no doubt , but that if phaeton get into the chariot of the sun , the world will be sufficiently fired . and if every absalom who thinks he understands government and the due management of it , better than its present possessours , were enthroned , there would be havock enough made among mankind . but blessed be god , who in many places , hath disposed it into such hands , as under whom , those who desire to fear and serve him according to his will , may yet enjoy a more tolerable condition than such adversaries are pleased withall . that honest and well-meaning men , falling into errours about the worship of god , through their ownignorance , wherein their integrity may expiate their crime ; must be punished , must not be pardoned ; looks , methinks , with an appearance of more severity , than it is the will of god , that the world should be governed by ; seeing one end of his instituting and appointing government among men , is , to represent himself in his power , goodness and wisdom unto them . and he that shall conjoyn another assertion of our author , namely , that it is better and more eligible to tolerate debaucheries and immoralities in conversation , than liberty of conscience for men to worship god according to those apprehensions which they have of his will ; with the close of this chapter , that it is so easie for men to deserve to be punished for their consciences , that there is no nation in the world , in which , were government rightly understood , and duly managed , mistakes and abuses of religion would not supply the gallies with vastly greater numbers , than villany ; will easily judge with what spirit , from what principles , and with what design , this whole discourse was composed . but i find my self , utterly besides and beyond my intention , engaged in particular controversies : and finding by the prospect i have taken of what remains in the treatise under consideration ; that it is of the same nature and importance , with what is past and a full continuation of those opprobrious reproaches of them whom he opposeth ; and open discoveries of earnest desires after their trouble and ruine , which we have now sufficiently been inured unto ; i shall choose rather here to break off this discourse , than further to pursue the ventilation of those differences , wherein i shall not willingly , or of choice , at any time engage . besides , what is in the whole discourse of especial and particular controversie , may be better handled apart by it self : as probably ere long it will be ; if this new representation of old pretences , quickned by invectives , and improved beyond all bounds and measures formerly fixt or given unto them , be judged to deserve a particular consideration . in the mean time this author is more concerned than i , to consider , whether those bold incursions , that he hath made upon the antient boundaries and rules of religion , and the consciences of men ; those contemptuous revilings of his adversaries , which he hath almost fill'd the pages of his book withal ; those discoveries he hath made of the want of a due sense of the weaknesses and infirmities of men , which himself wants not ; and of fierce , implacable , sanguinary thoughts against them , who appeal to the judgement seat of god , that they do not in any thing dissent from him or others , but out of a reverence of the authority of god , and for fear of provoking his holy majesty ; his incompassionate insulting overmen in distresses and sufferings , will add to the comfort of that account , which he must shortly make before his lord and ours . to close up this discourse ; the principal design of the treatise thus far surveyed , is to perswade or seduce soveraign princes , or supream magistrates unto two evils , that are indeed inseparable , and equally pernicious to themselves and others . the one of these is , to invade or usurp the throne of god ; and the other , to behave themselves therein unlike him . and where the one leads the way , the other will assuredly follow . the empire over religion , the souls and consciences of men in the worship of god , hath hitherto been esteemed to belong unto god alone , to be a peculiar jewel in his glorious diadem . neither can it spring from any other fountain but absolute and infinite supremacy , such as belongs to him , as he hath alone , who is the first cause and last end of all . all attempts to educe it from , or to resolve it into any other principle , are vain and will prove abortive . but here the sons of men are enticed to say with him of old ; we will ascend into heaven ; we will exalt our throne above the stars of god ; we will sit upon the mount of the congregation , in the sides of the north ; we will ascend above the heights of the clouds ; we will be like the most high. for wherein can this be effected ? what ladders have men to climb personally into heaven ? and who shall attend them in their attempt ? it is an assuming of a dominion over the souls and consciences of men in the worship of god , wherein and whereby this may be pretended , and therein alone . and all this description of the invasion of the throne of god , whence he , who did so , is compared to lucifer , who sought supremacy in heaven ; is but the setting up of his power in and over the church in its worship , which was performed in the temple , the mount of the congregation , and in sion , on the north of the city of jerusalem , isaiah 14. this now princes are perswaded unto : and can scarce escape without reproaches , where they refuse or omit the attempting of it . suppose they be prevailed with , to run the hazzard and adventure of such an undertaking ; what is it that they are thereon perswaded unto ? how are they directed to behave themselves , after they have assumed a likeness unto the most high , and exalted themselves to his throne ? plainly that which is now expected from them , is nothing but wrath , fury , indignation , persecution , destructions , banishments , ruine of the persons , and families of men innocent , peaceable , fearing god , and useful in their several stations , to satisfie their own wills , or to serve the interests of other men . is this to act like god , whose power and authority they have assumed , or like to his greatest adversary ? doth god deal thus in this world , in his rule over the souls of men ? or is not this that , which is set out in the fable of phaeton , that he , who takes the chariot of the sun , will cast the whole world into a combustion ? so he , who of old is supposed to have affected the throne of god , hath ever since acted that cruelty to his power , which manifests what was his design therein , and what would have been the end of his coveted soveraignty . and whoever at any time shall take to himself that power , that is peculiar to god , will find himself left in the exercise of it , to act utterly unlike him , yea contrary unto him . power , they say , is a liquor , that let it be put into what vessel you will , it is ready to overflow : and as useful as it is , as nothing is more to mankind in this world , yet when it is not accompanied with a due proportion of wisdom and goodness , it is troublesome if not pernicious to them concerned in it . the power of god is infinite , and his soveraignty absolute : but the whole exercise of those glorious dreadful properties of his nature , is regulated by wisdom and goodness no less infinite than themselves . and as he hath all power over the souls and consciences of men ; so he exercises it with that goodness , grace , clemency , patience and forbearance , which i hope we are all sensible of . if there be any like him , equal unto him in these things , i will readily submit the whole of my religion and conscience unto him , without the least hesitation . and if god , in his dominion and rule over the souls and consciences of men , do exercise all patience , benignity , long-suffering and mercy ; for it is his compassion that we are not consumed ; doth he not declare , that none is meet to be entrusted with that power and rule , but they , who have those things like himself : at least , that in what they are or may be concerned in it , they express , and endeavour to answer his example . indeed soveraign princes and supream magistrates are gods vice-gerents , and are called gods on the earth ; to represent his power and authority unto men in government , within the bounds prefixed by himself unto them , which are the most extensive that the nature of things is capable of ; and in so doing , to conform themselves and their actings to him and his , as he is the great monarch , the proto-type of all rule and the exercise of it , in justice , goodness , clemency and benignity ; that so the whole of what they do may tend to the relief , comfort , refreshment and satisfaction of mankind , walking in wayes of peace and innocency , in answer unto the ends of their rule , is their duty , their honour and their safety . and to this end , doth god usually and ordinarily furnish them with a due proportion of wisdom and understanding : for they also are of god ; he gives them an understanding suited and commensurate to their work ; that what they have to do , shall not ordinarily be too hard for them : nor shall they be tempted to mistakes and miscarriages from the work they are imployed about , which he hath made to be their own . but if any of them shall once begin to exceed their bounds , to invade his throne , and to take to themselves the rule of any province , belonging peculiarly and solely to the kingdom of heaven ; therein a conformity unto god in their actings is not to be expected . for be they never so amply furnished with all abilities of mind and soul for the work , and those duties which are their own , which are proper unto them : yet they are not capable of any such stores of wisdom and goodness , as should fit them for the work of god , that which peculiarly belongs to his authority and power . his power is infinite ; his authority is absolute ; so are his wisdom , goodness and patience . thus he rules religion , the souls and consciences of men . and when princes partake in these things , infinite power , infinite wisdom , and infinite goodness , they may assume the same rule and act like him . but to pretend an interest in the one , and not in the other , will set them in the greatest opposition to him . those therefore , who can prevail with magistrates to take the power of god over religion and the souls of me● in their observance of it , need never fea● that when they have so done , they will imitate him in his patience , clemency , meekness , forbearance and benignity ; for they are no way capable of these things in a due proportion to that power which is not their own ; however they may be eminently furnished for that which is so . thus have we known princes , ( such as trajan , adrian , julian of old ) whilst they kept themselves to their proper sphere , ordering and disposing the affairs of this world , and all things belonging to publick peace , tranquility and welfare , to have been renowned for their righteousness , moderation and clemency , and thereby made dear to mankind : who , when they have fallen into the excess of assuming divine power over the consciences of men and the worship of god , have left behind them such footsteps and remembrances of rage , cruelty and blood in the world , as make them justly abhorred to all generations . this alone is the seat and posture , wherein the powers of the earth , are delighted with the sighs and groans of innocent persons , with the fears and dread of them , that are and would be at peace ; with the punishment of their obedient subjects ; and the binding of those hands of industry , which would willingly employ themselves for the publick good and welfare . take this occasion out of the way , and there is nothing that should provoke soveraign magistrates , to any thing that is grievous , irksome or troublesome to men peaceable and innocent ; nothing that should hinder their subjects from seeing the presence of god with them in their rule , and his image upon them in their authority , causing them to delight in the thoughts of them , and to pray continually for their continuance and prosperity . it may be some may be pleased for a season with s●●●rities against dissenters , such as concerning whom we discourse ; who falsely suppose their interest to lye therein . it may be they may think meet , rather to have all debaucheries of life and conversation tollerated , than liberty for peaceable men to worship god , according to their light and perswasion of his mind and will ; as the multitude was pleased of old with the cry of , release barrabas , and let jesus be crucified ; magistrates themselves will at length perceive , how little they are beholding to any , who importunately suggest unto them fierce and sanguinary connsels in these matters . it is a saying of maximilian the emperour celebrated in many authors ; nullum , said he , enormins peccatum dari potest , quam in conscientias imperium exercere velle . qui enim conscientiis imperare volunt , ii arcem caeli invadunt , & plerumque terrae possessionem perdunt . magistrates need not fear , but that the open wickedness and bloody crimes of men , will supply them with objects to be examples and testimonies of their justice and severity . and methinks it should not be judged an unequal petition by them , who rule in the stead and fear of god , that those who are innocent in their lives , useful in their callings and occasions , peaceable in the land , might not be exposed to trouble , only because they design and endeavour , according to their light , which they are invincibly perswaded to be from god himself , to take care , that they perish not eternally . however i know , i can mind them of advice , which is ten thousand times more their interest to attend unto , than to any that is tendred in the treatise we have had under consideration , and it is that given by a king , unto those that should pertake of the like royal authority with himself ; psalm 2. 10 , 11 , 12. be wise now therefore , o ye kings ; be instructed , ye judges of the earth . serve the lord with fear , and rejoyce with trembling . kiss the son , left he be angry , and ye perish from the way , when his wrath is kindled but a little ; blessed are all they that put their trust in him . and he who can inform me , how they can render themselves more like unto god , more acceptable unto him , and more the concern and delight of mankind , than by relieving peaceable and innocent persons from their fears , cares , and solicitousness about undeserved evils , or from the suffering of such things , which no mortal man can convince them , that they have merited to undergo or suffer ; he shall have my thanks for his discovery . and what is it , that we treat about ? what is it , that a little truce and peace is desired unto , and pleaded for ? what are the concerns of publick good therein ? let a little sedate consideration be exercised about these things , and the causelesness of all the wrath we have been conversing withall , will quickly appear . that there is a sad degeneracy of christianity in the world , amongst the professors of christian religion , from the rule , spirit , worship and conversation of the first christians , who in all things observed and expressed the nature , vertue , and power of the gospel , all must acknowledge , and many do complain . whatever of this kind comes to pass , and by what means soever , it is the interest and design of them , who are present gainers by it in the world , to keep all things in the posture , that yields them their advantage . hence upon every appearance of an alteration , or apprehension that any will desert the wayes of worship , wherein they have been engaged , they are cast into a storm of passion and outrage , like demetrius and the rest of the silver-smiths , pretending divisions , present settlement , ancient veneration , and the like ; when their gain and advantage , whether known or unknown to themselves , is that , which both influenceth them with such a frame of spirit , and animates them to actings suitable thereunto . thus in the ages past there was so great and universal an apostacy , long before fore-told , overspreading christianity , that by innumerable sober persons it was judged intolerable : and that , if men had any regard to the gospel of christ , their own freedom in the world , or everlasting blessedness , there was a necessity of a reformation , and the reduction of the profession of christian religion unto some nearer conformity to the primitive times and pattern . into this design sundry kings , princes , and whole nations engaged themselves , namely what lay in them , and according to the sentiments of truth they had received , to reduce religion unto its pristine glory . what wrath , clamours , fury , indignation , revenge , malice , this occasioned in them whose subsistence , wealth , advantages , honour and reputation , all lay in preserving things in their state of defection and apostacy , is known to all the world , hence therefore arose bloody persecutions in all , and fierce wars in many nations , where this thing was attempted ; stirred up by the craft and cruelty of them , who had mastered and managed the former declensions of religion to their own use and advantage . the guilt of which mischiefs and miseries unto mankind , is by a late writer amongst our selves , contrary to all the monuments of times past , and confessions of the adversaries themselves , endeavoured to be cast on the reformers . however a work of reformation was carried on in the world , and succeeded in many places : in none more eminently , than in this nation wherein we live . that the end aimed at , which was professedly the reduction of religion to its antient beauty and glory in truth and worship , is attained amongst us , some perhaps do judge , and absolutely acquiesce therein : and for my part i wish we had more did so . for , be it spoken , as i hope , without offence on the part of others , so without fear of giving it , or having it taken , on my own ; there are among many , such evident declensions from the first established reformation , towards the old or a new , and it may be worse apostacy ; such an apparent weariness of the principal doctrines and practices , which enlivened the reformation ; as i cannot but be troubled at , and wherewith many are offended . for although i do own a dissent from some present establishments in the church of england , yet i have that honour for the first reformers of it , and reformation it self ; that love to the truth declared and established in it ; that respect to the work and grace of god , in the conversion of the souls of thousands by the ministry of the word in these nations ; that i cannot but grieve continually to see the acknowledged doctrines of it deserted , its ancient principles and practices derided , its pristine zeal despised by some , who make advantage of its outward constitution ; inheriting the profits , emoluments and wealth , which the bounty of our kings have endowed it withal ; but not its spirit , its love , its stedfastness in owning the protestant truth and cause . but to return ; for these things may better elsewhere be complained of , seeing they relate only to particular persons . that what is done in reformation be established ; that any farther publick work of the same nature be attempted ; or the retrivement of what is done to its original condition and estate , belongs to the determination of the supream magistrate , and to that alone . private persons have no call , no warrant to attempt any thing unto those purposes . however many there are , who dislike some ecclestastical constitutions and modes of outward worship , which have been the matter of great contests from the first reformation : but much more dislike the degeneracy from the spirit , way and principles of the first reformers before mentioned , which in some at present , they apprehend , and therefore though many seem to be at a great distance from the present established forms of the church of england ; yet certainly all who are humble and peaceable , when they shall see the ministry of the church , as in former dayes in some measure , acted rightly and zealously towards the known ends of it , and such as are undeniably by all acknowledged , namely , the conviction of the world , the conversion of souls , and edification of them that do believe ; and the discipline of it exercised , in a conformily at least to the rule of the discipline of the secular powers of the earth , not to be a terrour to the good , but to them that do evil ; and in these things a demonstration of the meekness , humility , patience , forbearance , condescension to the weakness , mistakes , errings and wandrings of others , which the gospel doth as plainly and evidently require of us , as it doth , that we should believe in jesus christ ; will continually pray for its prosperity , though they cannot themselves joyn with it in sundry of its practices and wayes . in the mean time , i say , such persons as these , in themselves and for their own concerns , do think it their duty , not absolutely to take up in what hath been attained amongst us ; much less in what many are degenerated into ; but to endeavour the reduction of their practice in the worship of god , to what was first appointed by jesus christ ; as being perswaded , that he requires it of them ; and being convinced , that in the unspeakable variety that is in humane constitutions , rest unto their souls and consciences is not otherwise to be obtained . and if at the same time they endeavour not to reduce the manner and course of their conversation to the same rule and example , by which they would have their worship of god regulated ; they are hypocrites . short enough , no doubt , they come in both of perfection ; but both they profess to aim equally at . and herein alone can their consciences find rest and peace . in the doctrine of faith , consented on in the first reformation , and declared in the allowed writings of the church of england , they agree with others ; and wish with all their hearts they had more to agree withall . only they cannot come up to the practice of some things in the worship of god ; which being confessedly of humane prescription , their obedience in them would lye in a perfect contradiction to their principal design before mentioned . for those things , being chosen out from a great multitude of things of the same nature , invented by those , whose authority was rejected in the first reformation , or reduction of religion from its catholick apostacy ; they suppose , cannot justly be imposed on them ; they are sure , cannot be honestly received by them , whilest they design to reduce themselves unto the primitive rules and examples of obedience , in this design they profess themselves ready to be ruled by , and to yield subjection unto any truth or direction , that can or may be given them from the word of god , or any principles lawfully from thence educed . how their conviction is at present attempted , let the book under consideration , and some late unparallel'd and illegal acts of violence , conformable to the spirit of it , be a testimony . but in the management of their design , they proceed on no other principles , than those of the libetty of judgement ( of di●eretion or discerning they call it , ) for the determining of themselves and their own practices , in what they believe and prosess about religion , and the liberty of their consciences from all humane impositions , than were owned , pleaded and contended for by the first reformers , and the most learned defenders of the church of england , in their disputations against the papists ; those they will stand to , and abide by : yea than what are warranted by the principles of our nature and constitution ; for no man practiseth any thing , nor can practise it , but according to his own will and choice . now in these things , in their principle , or in their management of it , it may be they are mistaken ; it may be they are in an errour ; or under many mistakes and errours . but from their integrity they know themselves innocent , even in their mistakes . and it is in the nature of men to think strange of sedate violences , that befall them without their demerit , and of suffering by law without any guilt . their design of reducing themselves in worship and conversation to the primitive pattern , they openly avow : nor dare any directly condemn that design ; nor can they be convinced of insincerity in what they profess . and shall they they be destroyed , if they miss it in some matters of smaller concernment ? which , whatever some may boast of , is not hitherto tolerably proved . shall now their dissent in religious observances on this occasion , and those , and that about things mostly and chiefly , if not only , that appear neither name nor thing in the scripture , be judged a crime not to be expiated , but by their ruine ? are immoralities or vicious debaucheries rather to be tolerated , or exempted from punishment , than such a dissent ? what place of scripture in the old or new testament , which of the ancient fathers of the church , do speak at this rate ? opinions inconsistent with publick tranquility , with the general rules of moral duties in all relations and conditians ; practices of any tendency in themselves to political disturbances , are by none pleaded for . meer dissent it self , with different observances in the outward worship of god , is by some pretended indeed to be a civil disturbance . it hath alwayes been so by some , even by those , whose own established wayes have been superstitious and idolatrous . but wise men begin to smile , when they hear private interest pleaded as publick good , and the affections which it begets , as the common reason of things . and these pretences have been by all parties , at one time or another , refuted and discarded . let the merit of the cause be stated and considered , which is truly as above proposed , and no other : set aside prejudices , animosities , advantages from things past and by-gone in political disorders and tumults , wherein it hath no concern ; and it will quickly appear how little it is , how much , if possible , less than nothing , that is or can be pleaded for the countenancing of external severity in this case . doth it suite the spirit of the gospel , or his commands , to destroy good wheat , for standing , as is supposed , a little out of order , who would not have men pluck up the tares , but to let them stand quietly in the field untill harvest ? doth it answer his mind to destroy his disciples , who profess to love and obey him , from the earth ; who blamed his disciples of old for desiring to destroy the samaritans , his enemies , with fire from heaven ? we are told , that he , who was born after the flesh , persecuted him , who was born after the promise : and a work becoming him it was . and if men are sincere disciples of christ , though they may fall into some mistakes and errours , the outward persecuting of them on that account , will be found to be of the works of the flesh . it is certain , that for those in particular , who take upon them , in any place or degree , to be ministers of the gospel , there are commands for meekness , patience and forbearance , given unto them . and it is one of the greatest duties incumbent on them , to express the lord jesus christ , in the frame of his mind and spirit unto men ; and that eminently in his meekness and lowliness , which he calls us all in an especial manner to learn of him . a peculiar conformity also to the gospel , to the holy law of love , self-denyal and condescention , is required of them ; that they may not in their spirits , wayes and actings , make a false representation of him , and that which they profess . i know not therefore whence it is come to pass , that this sort of men do principally , if not only stir up magistrates and rulers to laws , seventies , penalties , coercions , imprisonments , and the like outward means of fierce and carnal power , against those , who in any thing dissent from them in religion . generally abroad throughout christendome , those , in whose hands the civil powers are , and who may be supposed to have inclinations unto the severe exercise of that power which is their own , such as they think possibly may become them as men and governours , would be inclineable to moderation towards dissenters , were they not excited , provoked and wearied by them , who pretend to represent jesus christ to the world ; as if any earthly potentate had more patience , mercy and compassion , than he look on those lutheran countreyes where they persecute the calvinists ; it is commonly declared and proved , that the migistrates , for the most part , would willingly bear with those dissenters , were they not stirred up continually to severities by them , whose duty it were to perswade them to clemency and moderation , if in themselves they were otherwise enclined . and this hath ruined the interest of the protestant religion in germany , in a great measure . do men , who destroy no more than they can , nor punish more than they are able , and cry out for assistence where their own arm fails them , render themselves hereby like to their heavenly father ? is this spirit from above ? doth that , which is so , teach men to harrase the consciences of persons , their brethren and fellow-servants , on every little difference in judgement and practice about religious things ? whom will such men fulfill the commands of patience , forbearance , waiting , meekness , condescension , that the gospel abounds with , towards ? is it only towards them , who are of the same mind with themselves ? they stand in no need of them : they stand upon the same terms of advantage with themselves . and for those that dissent , arise , kill , and eat , seems to be the only command to be observed towards them . and why all this fierceness and severity ? let men talk what they please , those aimed at , are peaceable in the land ; and resolve to be so , whatever may befall them . they despise all contrary insinuations . that they are , in their stations severally , usefull to the common-wealth , and collectively in their industry and trading , of great consideration to publick welfare , is now apparent unto all indifferent men . it is or must be , if it be for any thing , ( as surely no men delight in troubling others for trouble sake ; ) for their errors and mistakes , in and about the worship of god. all other pleass are meer pretences of passion and interest . but who judgeth them to be so guilty of errors ? why those , that stir up others to their hurt and disquietment . but is their judgement infallible ? how if they should be mistaken themselves in their judgement ? if they are , they do not only err , but persecute others for the truth . and this hath been the general issue of this matter in the world . error hath persecuted truth ten times , for truths once persecuting of error . but suppose the worst ; suppose them in errors and under mistakes ; let it be proved , that god hath appointed , that all men who so err , should be so punished , as they would have non-conformists , and though i should believe them in the truth , i would never more plead their cause . and would these men be willingly thus dealt withall , by those who judge , or may judge them to err ? it may be some would ; because they have a good security , that none shall ever judge them so to do , who hath power to punish them : for they will be of his mind . but sure none can be so absolutely confined unto themselves , nor so universally in all their affections and desires unto their own personal concerns , as not to have a compassion for some or other , who in one place or other are judged to err by them , who have power over them to affix what guilt they please unto that , which is not their crime . and will they justifie all their oppressors ? all men have an equal right in this matter , nothing is required , but being uppermost , to make a difference . this is that , which hath turned christendome into a shambles ; whilest every prevailing party , hath judged it their duty and interest , to destroy them that do dissent from them . once more ; what name of sin or wickedness will they find to affix to these errors ? nullum criminis nomen , nist nominis crimen . no man errs willingly , nor ought to be thought to tempt or seduce his own will , when his error is to his disadvantage . and he is innocent whose will is not guilty . moreover , those pretended errors in our case , are not in matters of faith ; nor for the most part , in or about the worship of god , or that which is acknowledged so to be : but in or about those things , which some think it convenient to add unto it , or conjoyn with it . and what quietness , what peace is there like to be in the world , whilst the sword of vengeance must be continually drawn about these things ? counsels of peace , patience , and forbearance , would certainly better become professors of the gospel , and preachers of everlasting peace than such passionate and furious enterprizes for severity , as we meet withal . and i no way doubt , but that all generous noble and heroick spirits , such as are not concerned in the impaleed peculiar interest and advantages of some , and do scorn the pedantick humours of mean and emulous souls ; when once a few more clouds of prejudices are scattered , will be willing to give up to god the glory of his soveraignty over the consciences of men ; and despise the thoughts of giving them disquietments for such things , as they can no way remedy ; and which hinder them not from being servants of god , good subjects to the king , and usefull in their respective lots and conditions . and now instead of those words of pilate , what i have written , i have written , which though uttered by him maliciously and despightfully , as was also the prophecy of caiaphas , were by the holy wise providence of god , turned into a testimony to the truth ; i shall shut up this discourse , with those of our saviour , which are unspeakably more our concernment to consider , matth. 24. 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51. who then is a faithfull and wise servant , whom his lord hath made ruler over his houshold , to give them meat in due season ; blessed is that servant , whom his lord when he cometh shall find so doing . verily i say unto you , he shall make him ruler over all his goods . but and if that evil servant shall say in his heart , my lord deferreth his coming ; and shall begin to smite his fellow servants , and to eat and drink with the dru●ken ; the lord of that servant shall come in a day that he looketh not for him , and in an hour that he is not aware of ; and shall cu● him assunder , and appoint him his portion with the hypocrites ; there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth . finis . the kings maiesties letter to the the lords grace of canterbury, touching preaching, and preachers. abbot, george, 1562-1633. 1622 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a16382 stc 33 estc s120422 99855620 99855620 21121 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a16382) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21121) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 649:06) the kings maiesties letter to the the lords grace of canterbury, touching preaching, and preachers. abbot, george, 1562-1633. [6+] p. s.n. [london : 1622] text begins on a2r. identified on film as stc 33 reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -clergy -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1603-1625 -early works to 1800. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the kings maiesties letter to the lords grace of canterbury , touching preaching , and preachers . most reuerend father in god , right trustie and right intirely beloued councellor , we greet yee well . forasmuch as the abuse and extrauagancies of preachers in the pulpit , haue been at all times repressed in this land , by some act of councell or state , with the aduise and resolution of graue and reuerend preachers , insomuch as the very licensing of ` preachers , had beginning by order in the star-chamber , the eighth of iuly , in the nineteenth yeare of king henry the eight , our noble predecessor : and whereas at this present diuerse young students , by reading of late writers and vngrounded diuines , doe preach many times vnprofitable , vnseasonable , seditious and dangerous doctrine , to the scandall of the church , and disquieting of the state and present gouernment : wee , vpon humble presentation vnto us of these ill inconueniencies by your selfe , and sundrie other graue and reuerend prelates of this church ; as of our princely care and desire , for the extirpation of schisme and dissention growing from these seedes ; and for the setling of a religious and peaceable gouernement both of church and state : doe by these our speciall letters straightly charge and command you , to vse all possible care and diligence , that these limitations and cautions herewith sent you concerning preachers , be duely and strictly from henceforth obserued , and put in practise by the seuerall bishops in their seuerall diocesses within your iurisdiction . and to this end our pleasure is , that you send them forth seuerall copies of these directions , to be by them speedily sent and communicated to euery parson , uicar and curate , lecturer and minister , in euery cathedrall and parish church within their seuerall diocesses ; and that ye earnestly require them , to employ their vtmost endeauours for the performance of this so important a businesse : letting them know , we haue an especiall eye to their proceedings , and expect a strict accompt thereof both from you and euery of them , and this our letter shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge in this behalfe . giuen vnder our signet at our castle of windsor , the fourth day of august , in the twentieth yeare of our reigne of england , france , and ireland , and of scolland the sixe and fiftieth . directions concerning preachers . 1 that no preacher , vnder the degree and calling of a bishop , or deane of a cathedrall or collegiate church , and they vpon the kings dayes , and set festiuals , doe take occasion by the expounding of any text of scripture whatsoeuer , to fall into any set discourse or common-place ( otherwise then by opening the coherence and diuision of his text ) which shall not be comprehended and warranted , in essence , substance and effect , or naturall inference , within some one of the articles of religion set forth 1562. or in some of the homelies set forth by authoritie in the church of england , not onely for a helpe for the non-preaching , but withall for a patterne and a bundarie ( as it were ) for the preaching ministers , and for their further instructions : for the performance hereof , that they forthwith peruse ouer , and read diligently the said articles , or the two bookes of homilies . 2 that no parson , vicar , curate , or lecturer , shall preach any sermon or collation vpon sunday and holy-dayes in the afternoone in any cathedrall or parish church throughout the kingdome , but vpon some part of the catechisme , or some text taken out of the creed , tenne commandements , or lords prayer , ( funerall sermons onely excepted ) and that those preachers be most encouraged and approoued of , who spend these afternoone exercises in examining the children in their catechisme , and in expounding of the seuerall points and heads of the catechisme , which is the most auncient and laudable custome of teaching in the church of england . 3 that no preacher of what title soeuer , vnder the degree of a bishop or deane at the least , do from henceforth presume to preach in any populous auditorie , the deepe points of predestination , election , reprobation ; of the vniuersalitie , efficacie , resistabilitie , or irresistabilitie of gods grace , but leaue those theames to be handled by the learned men , and that moderately , and modestly , by way of vse and application , rather then by way of positiue doctrine , as beeing fitter for the schooles and vniuersities , then for simple auditories . 4 that no preacher of what title or denomination soeuer , shall presume from hence forth in any auditorie in this kingdome , to declare , limit , or bound out by positiue doctrine , in any lecture or sermon , the power , prerogatiue , iurisdiction , authoritie , or duty of soueraigne princes ; or otherwise meddle with these matters of state , and the references betweene princes and the people , then as they are instructed and presidented in the homilie of obedience , and in the rest of the homilies and articles of religion , set forth as is before mentioned by publike authoritie ; but rather confine themselues for those two heads , faith and good life , which are the subiect of auncient sermons and homilies . 5 that no preacher of what title or denomination soeuer , shall causlesly , and without inuitation from the text , fall into bitter inuectiues , and vndecent rayling speeches , against the persons of either papist or puritan , but modestly , and grauely when they are inuited or occasioned thereunto by their text of scripture , free both the doctrine and discipline of the church of england , from the aspersion of either aduersarie , especially where the auditorie is suspected to be tainted with the one or the other infection . 6 lastly , the archbishops and bishops of this kingdome ( whom his maiestie hath good cause to blame for their former remisnes ) be more warie and choice in licensing preachers , and reuoke all grants made to any chancellor , officiall , or commissary to licence in this kind . and that all the lecturers throughout the kingdome ( a new body seuered from the auncient clergie of england , as beeing neither parson , vicar , nor curate ) be licensed henceforth in the court of faculties , onely vpon recommendation of the party from the bishop of the diocesse , vnder his hand and seale with a fiat from the l. archbish. of canterbury , and a confirmation of the great seale of england ▪ and that such as transgresse any of these directions , bee suspended by the l. bish. of the diocesse ; in his default by the l. archbish. of the prouince , ab officio & beneficio , for a yeare and a day , vntill his maiestie by aduice of the next conuocation shall prescribe some further punishment . the lord archbishop of canterburie his letters to the bishop of the diocesse of norwich . my very good l. i doubt not but before this time , you baue receiued from me the directions of his most excellent maiesty concerning preaching and preachers , which are so graciously set downe , that no godly or discreet man , can otherwise then acknowledge , that they doe much tend to edification , if he doe not take them vpon report , but do punctually consider the tenor of the words as they lie ; and doe not giue an ill construction to that , which may receiue a fairer interpretation . notwithstanding , because some fewe churchmen , and many of the people haue sinisterly conceiued ( as we doe here find ) that those instructions doe tend to the restraint of the exercise of preaching , and doe in some sort abate the number of sermons , and so consequently by degrees , doe make a breach to let in ignorance and superstition : his maiestie in his princely wisdome hath thought fit , that i should aduertise your lordship of the graue and waighty reasons which induce his highnesse to prescribe that which is done . you are therefore to know , that his maiestie being much troubled , and grieued at the heart , to heare euery day of so many defections from our religion , both to poperie and anabaptisme , or other points of separation in some parts of this kingdome , and considering with much admiration , what might be the cause thereof , especially in the reigne of such a king , who doth so constantly professe himselfe an open aduersary to the superstition of the one , and madnesse of the other : his princely wisdome could fall vpon no one greater probabilitie , then the lightnes , affectednes , and vnprofit ablenesse of that kind of preaching , which hath been of late yeares too much taken vp in court , vniuersitie , citie , and countrey . the vsuall scope of very many preachers , is noted to bee a soaring vp in points of diuinitie , too high for the capacities of the people , or a mustering of much reading , or displaying of their wit , or an ignorant medling with ciuill matters , aswell in the priuate of seuerall parishes & corporations , as in the publike of the kingdome : or a venting of their owne distastes , or a smoothing vp of those idle fancies , which in this blessed time of so long a peace , doe boyle in the braines of vnaduised people . and lastly , by an euill and vndecent rayling , not onely against the doctrine ( which when the text shall occasion the same , is not onely approoued , but much commended by his maiestie ) but against the persons of papists and puritanes . now the people bred vp with this kind of teaching , and neuer instructed in the catechisme and fundamentall points of religion , are for all this aiery nourishment , no better then abrasae tabulae , new table-books , ready to be filled vp either with the manuals or catechismes of popish priests , or papers and pamphlets of anabaptists , brownists , and puritanes . his maiestie euer calling to mind that saying of tertullian , id verum quod primum , and remembring with what doctrine the church of england in her first and most happy reformation , did driue out the one , and kept out the other from poisoning and infecting the people of this kingdome , did find that the whole scope of this doctrine is contained in the articles of religion , the two bookes of homilies , the lesse and the greater catechisme , which his maiestie doth therefore recommend againe in these directions , as the proper subiect of all sound and edifying preaching . and so farre are these directions from abating , that his maiestie doth expect from our hands , that it should encrease the number of sermons , by renewing vpon euery sunday in the afternoone in all parish churches throughout the kingdome , the primitiue and most profitable exposition of the catechisme , wherewith the people , yea very children may be timely seasoned & instructed in all the heads of christian religion . which kind of teaching ( to our amendment be it spoken ) is more diligently obserued in all the reformed churches of europe , then of late it hath bin here in england . i find his maiesty much moued with this neglect ; & resolued , that if wee which are his bishops do not see a reformation hereof ( which i trust wee shall ) to recommend it to the care of the ciuill magistrate , so far is he from giuing the least discouragement to solid preaching , and religious preachers . to all these i am to adde , that it is his maiesties princely pleasure , that both the former directions , and these reasons of the same , bee fairely written in euery registers office. to that ende , that euery preacher of what denomination soeuer , may if he be pleased take out copies of either of them with his owne hand gratis , paying nothing in the name of fee , or expedition . but if he doe vse the paines of the register his clerks , then to pay some moderate fees , to be pronounced in open court by the chancellor and commissaries of the place , taking the direction and approbation of any the lords the bishops . lastly , that from henceforth a course may be taken , that euery parson , vicar , or curate , or lecturer , doe make exhibite of these his maiesties directions and reasons of the same , in the next ensuing visitation of the bishops and archdeacons , paying to the register by way of fee two pence onely at the time of the exhibite . and so wishing , and in his maiesties name requiring your lordsh. to haue a speciall and extraordinarie care of the pr 〈…〉 ▪ i leave you to the almightie . from croidon , sept. 4. 1622. your louing brother , g. cant. interest mistaken, or, the holy cheat proving from the undeniable practises and positions of the presbyterians, that the design of that party is to enslave both king and people under the masque of religion : by way of observation upon a treatise, intitutled, the interest of england in the matter of religion, &c. / by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1661 approx. 285 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 96 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47873 wing l1262 estc r41427 31355330 ocm 31355330 110404 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47873) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110404) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1744:15) interest mistaken, or, the holy cheat proving from the undeniable practises and positions of the presbyterians, that the design of that party is to enslave both king and people under the masque of religion : by way of observation upon a treatise, intitutled, the interest of england in the matter of religion, &c. / by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. the second impression. [16], 173, [2] p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1661. advertisement: p. [1]-[2] at end. imperfect: print show-through. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng corbet, john, 1620-1680. -interest of england in the matter of religion. interest of england in the matter of religion. presbyterianism -controversial literature. church and state -england. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-01 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion interest mistaken , or the holy cheat ; proving from the undeniable practises and positions of the presbyterians , that the design of that party is to enslave both king and people under the masque of religion . by way of observation upon a treatise , intituled , the interest of england in the matter of religion , &c. by roger l'estrange . the second impression . aug. de civ . dei. nullo modo his artibus placatur divina majestas , quibus humana dignitas inquinatur . london , printed for henry brome at the gun in ivy-lane . 1661. to the honourable hovse of commons assembled in parliament . most honourable , to begg your pardon , or protection , were to suppose a fault , or hazzard , but in this dedication finding neither , i shall waive that formality : humbly submitting what i have to say ; my reasons , and my self , to your authority , and wisdom , without more prologue , or apology . there is a faction which under the note of presbyterian , seems much concerned to stickle against bishops , & church-rites , on the behalf of tender consciences . their writings and opinions , are with great freedom , craft , and diligence , dispers'd throughout the nation ; to the great scandal of the true church , and the encouragement of those of the revolt . but this is yet the least part of the mischief , or in effect of their design : their ayme being to tumultuate the people , and make a partie against the civil power . indeed their pamphlets wear the face of church-disputes , and modells ; but he that reads them through , and marques them narrowly , shall find the king's authority the question . that the late war against the king was lawfull ; is a position common to them all , and this they publiquely maintain , as the main basis of the cause . by which assertion , they cast the bloud , and guilt upon his majestie ; make his adhaerents traitors : place the supreme authoritie in the two houses : subject the law to an ordinance : the government , to a faction : and animate the schismatiques to serve his majestie in beeing as they did his father . this is the drift of their seditious libells , and of their projects too ; if any judgement may be made upon their strict conformity of argument , and methode , to those that first embroyl'd us . how farr this matter may require your care , becomes not me to meddle : i thought it might be worth your honours knowledge , and led by an opinion of my duty , this state of the affair , ( such as it is ) i doe most humbly lay before you . his majesty had no sooner set foot upon english ground , but swarms of pestilent papers were in a readiness to enterteyn him . some of the sharpest of them , i delivered to several members of that session , with the stationers name for whom they were printed , ( smith , at the bible in cornhill , croftons agent ) but all too little to suppress them . one passage is this that follows ; speaking of the limited power of kings — this may serve to justify the proceedings of this kingdom against the late king , who in a hostile way set himself to overthrow religion , parliaments , lawes and liberties . hand in hand with this pamphlet , came forth smectymnuus ; reviv'd , and recommended by mr. manton : and since that time , some hundreds more of the same stamp , whose common business 't is , by affronting of the law , and flattering of the rabble to cast all back into confusi●n . among the many other actours of religion , i find not any man playes his part better , then the author of that treatise which hath extorted this : who indeed , abuses the people in very good terms . some hasty observations i have pass'd upon him , in favour of the easie , and deceivable vulgar ; which prailties i submit to your honours charity ; but the main equitie of the cause , i hope , will stand the test of your severest justice : for doubtlesse much is due to the late king's honour , as well as to his blood. and somewhat ( with submission to your wisdoms ) may be allow'd to his partie : at least sufficient to protect them from popular contempt , and the infamous lash of every daring libell . i dare not trust my self further with my own thoughts , and yet i take them to be such as very well consist with the duty of your honours most obedient and humble servant , roger l'estrange . to the good people of england . the cm mon good is the common pretence of all seditious combinations : and it is no new thing for a crafty faction to impose upon a simple multitude , empty appearances , for truths and reason . but our reformers scorn to stop at this dull , general method of confusion . the law of god must be subjected as well as that of the nation ; we must call treason , loyalty , and commit murther as a point of conscience . no lesse than this is hinted in the presbyterians justification of the scotish league and quarrel : nor have they any other aim , than by procuring an allowance of that war , to make way to another . to this end , they disperse their poysonous infusions into all quarters of the kingdom , under those very forms of piety , and tenderness , by which they first betrayed us : and by those very means do they now prosecute afresh their first intentions . that is , they labour to promote the cause , by scandalous and rank invectives , against the church , and stirring up of tumults to reform it : by a loud pharisaical ostentation of their own holyness , & a sour churlish censure of all others : by sharp and sawcie aspersions upon the royal party , and by reflections yet more bitter and audacious , upon his sacred majesty , and his murtherd father . to see these libells passe with freedom , and impunitie , as if they were authorized : and to observe what foul mistakes are grounded upon these grosse allowances , to the kings disadvantage , and all without controll or confutation . this , and no other reason ( so god blesse me ) that is ; of private passion , or animosity of temper ) hath drawn this honest folly from me . i reckon it my duty to my prince and country , to my own honour , and to the oath i have taken , where ever i find a publique enemy to discover him : and being thus commissioned , both by authority and conscience , i proceed . the benefit of this treatise is directed to the people , and the design of it is onely to lay open the presbyterian juggle , that in one age they be not twice deluded by the same imposture . my arguments are drawn from their own practises , and positions : from presidents of former times ; ( cartwright and his disciples ) from what hath passed within our own experience ; from what these very men have done , and from the very logique of their own writings , what they professe , they do intend to doe . as the delusion is apparent , so is the justice of discoursing it . can it be thought , that by the act of pardon , his majestie ever meant to subject all the sober and legal interests of the nation , to be worried by a faction ? who of the royal party charges them ? or if they did , what has the law done to offend them ? or say the law be sharp against them , his majesties unparalell'd mercy has by his royal grace taken off the edge of it ; hazzarding himself to preserve these unthankfull people , which are now practising upon that authoritie , that saved them . and i beseech you what is the goodly subject of the controversie ? the presbyterian discipline forsooth ; and ceremonies of mystical and humane institution . touching the former ; st. augustine tells us , that aërius turn'd heretique upon the misse of a bishopprick . ( the first assertor of church-parity ) i am affraid some of our reverend clergy are sick of his disease ; for their design is not so much to convert bishops into presbyters , as to make every presbyter a bishop . and then for ceremonies ; they teaz and chafe the common-people into a pettish scruple , that would be well and quiet enough without them . they make their consciences like skittish jades , that boggle at their own shadowes , and start into a precipice to avoid a feather . they tell us too of number , and press their importunities in the name of many thousands of the good people of the nation ; so did the kings insolent judges , and with as much truth the one as the other . let it be further noted , that in this case , the factious and schismatical clergy are but ( with reverence ) bawds to a state-faction . a tumult for religion , is within one step of rebellion . nor do they only shape their loose opinions to their lewd purposes , but by all secret arts and practises , they form their parties . but here i am confin'd . — all i design is only a fit caution to all well-meaning subjects , not to believe their eares against their reason . if they can adde one syllable , of weight , to what they have already promised , and broken , i 'le give my self up to the partie . this is not yet to cast a general blot upon all persons of that judgement , nor to excite any unquiet thoughts toward the rest : but only to present a modest , and an usefull warning to the people . so far am i from a desire to move any distemper , that i do positively affirm , should the king ( which is impossible ) pick out of all his subjects those very persons , who upon twentie years experience , have proved through all extremities how much they love his cause and person , above their lives and fortunes : should , i say , these be pick'd out by his majestie , and marqu'd for slaves to those that with an equal zeal and steadynesse have opposed him ; our dutie were the same yet . severitie , and kindnesse may move us as men , but not as subjects : obedience to kings being a divine precept , and not subjected to those accidents which work upon our passions . nor shall this sense of my own clearness betray me yet to a surprize ; for i fore-see a thousand mischiefs may befall me , and all which either private malice , or open and bold prejudice can cast upon me ; i am provided for . to those of the presbyterian perswasion that truly love the king , i bear a more then ordinarie respect , because it is a more then ordinarie virtue , and for the rest , i care not . i am not now to learn the temper of the rigid presbyterians . they did me once the honour to condemn me , almost at mid-night , by a pack'd committee , and without a hearing ; well-nigh four years they kept me in newgate upon that account . this was a pretty tast of their good nature . i do not now complain , but i confesse , it would have pleas'd me as well if the bishop that christens still by the directory , had chosen some other chancellour , instead of my judge advocate : — but i desire only to make a sober use of these mistakes ; the king knowes nothing of them . god preserve his majesty , convert his enemies , & comfort his friends . farewell . the holy cheat : proving , from the undeniable practices and positions of the presbyterians , that the design of that party is to enslave both king and people , under the masque of religion , &c. if the authour of the interest of england , &c. had meant fairly to the question , he would as well have told us the good of bishops , and the ill of presbyters , as he hath done the contrary , and never have concluded for , or against either , from the best actions of the one , and the worst of the other . at least , a man would think this partiality of method , might content him without the further service of those little arts he uses , to aid , and recommend his undertaking . the present state of things , he represents quite other then it is : and raises thence a political expedience of doing this , or that , — of linking interests , — never considering , that he himself creates that interest , and gives affairs the face of that expedience . page the 16. he laies his ground-work , in these following words . among the various dis-agreeing parties within this kingdom , which seem to render it an indigested mass of people ; two main ones appear above the rest , of so large an interest , that if by any means they might become no more twain , but one ; they would take in , and carry along the whole stream and strength of the nation . and these two are the episcopal and presbyterian parties , each of them highly laying claim to the protestant religion . and undoubtedly whilst these two remain divided , the kingdom of england , and the protestant religion is divided against it self . this dis-union is removed , either by the abolition of one party , or by the coalition of both into one . the former , if supposed possible , cannot be accomplished , but by violent & perillous ways and means . the latter is brought to pass by accommodation , or mutual yielding . moreover , there is a third way imaginable , toleration indulged to the weaker side . in which of these ways lies the true interest of the king and kingdom , is the greatcase of the time , and the subject of this discourse , which presumes not to inform his majesty , but in subordination unto his declared moderation and condescention , endeavours , by shewing things as they are , to convince and perswade interessed persons , that the pacification begun for this interim may be entire and perfect , and fully setled for perpetual unity . observation let it be here observed , first , what the difference is ; next , betwixt whom ; in the third place , the danger of it ; and lastly , the expedient to remove it . it seems , the episcopal , and presbyterian parties , united in religion , cannot agree yet about discipline : and while these two remain divided , the publick is in danger . from hence results the interest of mutual yielding — ( his coalition of both parties into one ) upon which hinge moves the whole frame of his design ; and in two pages , he gives the presbyter possession of his claim , deciding with exceeding ease , the case of king and kingdom . opinion is a great mistress : for that which he so magisterially lays down and challenges , appears to me mis-stated , and worse managed . i must confess , his reduction of all other interests under episcopal and presbyterian , is , in some sense , no ill dichotomy , that is , intended of the two main parties , whereof , the one's against the law , the other for it : but why the single presbyterian should be esteemed the ballance of the nation , i cannot comprehend . if they are so , they should do well to cast their cause upon a popular vote , and try the issue by the poll. for quiet sake , no matter , many or few , there may be equity where there wants number . we 'l rather see in point of right what 't is they insist upon : which , if exemption from episcopal authority , in things indifferent , and of humane institution . we must plead judgment of discretion too , as well as they : a freedom , and capacity to distinguish betwixt a scandal given and taken ; betwixt a dis-conformity proceeding from conscience , and from passion ; where the dissent proceeds from conscience , a toleration clears that scruple : but our good peoples liberty consists in burthening others , as well as freeing themselves , and that 's intolerable . how many strange indecencies are here , one upon the neck of another i first , here 's the minor part imposing upon the major : secondly , a novel , and vulgar imagination , bearing down an apostolical institution : thirdly , a private opinion , contesting with a solemn , and publike sanction : and finally , the subject of all this earnestnesse , in their own phrase , is but a very accommodable difference . from what i have said , i am perswaded that severity to the pertinacious presbyter , is the true interest of this nation , allowing yet indulgence to the conscientious . well , but our authour tells us , that abolition if possible , is perillous , and toleration only an imaginary remedy . is not this to intimate that the party makes less conscience of a tumult , than of a ceremony : and to argue the necessity of complying , from the danger of refusing ? what would these people do if they had power , that are so bold without it ! and yet our politician makes it the kings interest to close with them . he means perchance , according to the covenant : the coalition , there , of all schisms , and heresies into one interest , was of great reason , and important service to the commune work : but we are now advising how to settle not to disjoynt a government , and to incorporate dis-agreements , were to begin upon a principle of confusion . as the case stands with us , in my weak judgement , persons should rather be indulg'd , than parties . my reason is this , some individuals of that perswasion , have done his majesty some service , but ( to the best of my remembrance ) the entire party , never any . yet one reflexion more . allow these people all their askings , in what concerns their discipline , will they rest quiet there , without a further hankering after more ? ( the legislative power perhaps ; the militia ; — or some such trifle ) i am the more suspitious , because i do not well remember , where ever that party was satisfied with less than all. nor need i look far back for instances to justifie my fears ; but having in some measure hitherto discovered his foundation , we 'l forward now , and see what work he makes upon this sandy bottom , taking his title-page in my way , for , to my thinking , he stumbles at the threshold . — it runs thus . the interest of england in the matter of religion , unfolded in the solution of these three questions . i. qu. vvhether the presbyterian party should in justice or reason of state be rejected and depressed , or protected and encouraged . ii. qu. vvhether the presbyterian party may be protected and encouraged , and the episcopal not deserted nor disobliged . iii. qu. whether the upholding of both parties by a just and equal accommodation , be not in it self more desirable and more agreeable to the state of england , then the absolute exalting of the one party , and the total subversion of the other . written by j. c. observation i would fain know what is meant by , the matter of religion , as it stands here related to civil interest ? doctrine it cannot be , for that were to advise a yielding upon a principle of policy , in opposition to a rule of conscience : subjecting interest of religion , which is eternal happiness , to reason of state , which regards but temporal convenience . if it be discipline , what 's that to the interest of england ? our settlement depends upon a due obedience to the establish'd law ; not the encouraging of froward humors , by an audacious and mis-govern'd zeal , under pretext of conscience to affront it . let authority reform , and private persons either obey , or suffer ; we are to answer for our own faults , not those of the government . and in fine , if the hill will not come to mahomet , let mahomet go to the hill. after a pleasant breviate of the story of our late troubles , handsomely penn'd indeed ) in his tenth page he takes his biass . at length ( says he ) a full tide of concurring accidents carries him ( the duke of albemarle , then general ) to a closure with the sober part of the parliamentary party , who from first to last intended onely a reformation , and due regulation of things in church and state , but abhorred the thought of destroying the king , or changing the fundamental laws of the kingdom . observation i thought the act of pardon and oblivion had quieted all animosities , and silenc'd all discourses of this quality ; but 't is , it seems , the interest of england in the matter of religion , to keep the quarrel waking ; and by asserting the proceedings of the two houses in the late war , to engage this king within the danger of his fathers president . to be as free with the authour , as he is with his majesty , i 'le put his meaning in a little plainer english. beside the grand division of the nation into a royal and a popular party ; that party which he here calls parliamentary , is again split ; and under this subdivision are comprised , those which did actually destroy the king ; and those which by good fortune , did it not . ( presbyterians , and independents . ) the sober part , ( meaning the presbyterian ) he justifies from first to last , even to their very intentions . ( i must tread warily , for i am here upon a narrow and a slippery path . ) not to dispute the gentlemans intuitive knowledge ; we 'l rather modestly believe that they mistook their way , then he , their meaning : for certainly , the murther of the king , was not the onely unlawful violence acted upon that sacred person , and he that stops there , does as much as nothing . i would not touch upon this subject , were i not bound by oath , and duty , to discharge my soul , in what concerns the honor , and the safety of my prince . can the first cause asserted by both houses , in opposition to his late majesty , be justifi'd , and not the king condemn'd ? and is not the honor and safety of his majesty that now is , concern'd in these indignities upon his murther'd father ? what was then lawful , is so still : and he that but implicitly charges the last king , strikes at this. the text will bear no other sense without a torture . but i shall by-and-by , compare him with himself . in the mean while we may explain one presbyterian by another . douglas , in 1651. preach'd the kings coronation-sermon . which since his majesties return , is over and over again reprinted . a king ( says he ) abusing his power , to the overthrow of religion , laws , and liberties , which are the very fundamentals of this contract and covenant , may be controlled and opposed ; and if he set himself to overthrow all these by arms , then they who have power , as the estates of a land , may and ought to resist by arms ; because he doth , by that opposition , break the very bonds , and overthroweth all the essentials of this contract and covenant . this may ☜ serve to justifie the proceedings of this kingdom against the late king , who in an hostile way set himself to overthrow religion , parliaments , laws and liberties . i think this needs no comment , — about the same time , smectymnuus was revived by mr. manton , ( a most auspicious welcome doubtless to his majesty ) wherein five champions of the cause take up the cudgels against one bishop , on the behalf of scandalous pamphlets , and tumultuary petitions against episcopacy . this is the naked truth , what ever the jolly priest may tell the reader , of the * faction against which they dealt . five orthodox divines , he says , were the authors . four of the five i shall not mention , the fifth was marshal , of whose divinity , a taste ; that by the sweet agreement , we may the better judge of mr. manton's . in a letter printed 1643. arguing for the authority of the two houses , page 14. thus. let every soul in england be subject to king and parliament , for they are the higher powers ordained unto you of god ; whosoever therefore resisteth king and parliament , resisteth the ordinance of god ; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . the man was no conjurer , yet he had wit enough , when presbytery went down , to court the rising interest ; and ' though the common-prayer was an abomination , to marry his daughter by it , for fear of after-claps . but i suppose 't was huddl'd up , as 't is in mr. manton's church , that no man might be able to make oath 't was not the directory . if the case had been concerning * the allowance of christian burial to a gentleman that was quartered for his loyalty . or to determine in the great point of the late kings death , ( upon an anniversary fast ) whether or no 't was murther : truly considering the potent arguments brought on both sides , 't is possible that mr. marshal would have contented himself ( as well as his neighbours ) barely to put the case , and leave the point at last undecided to his auditory . not to spend time , and paper needlesly , the whole stream of the disciplinarians runs this way : onely perhaps more or less bold , and open , according to the present strength , or weakness of the faction . but to return : can any thing be more gentle , then a reformation , and due regulation of things in church and state ? ( words smoother than oyle , yet are they very swords . ) first , to reform , and regulate , belongs to the supreme magistrate ; if they intended that , they were to blame . now to take it in a qualifi'd and softer sense ; 't was a due regulation they intended . to put this general notion in more intelligible terms ; upon this point depends no less then all that 's dear to every honest man. the dignity of the king , the liberty of the subject , the freedome of parliaments , and the honor of the nation . god knows my thoughts , i do not envy any man , either the benefit of his majesty's mercy , or the blessing of his favour , that hath the grace at last not to abuse it . i look upon his royal act of pardon with reverence ; and upon every soul within that pale as in a sanctuary . but yet i do not understand a pardon for one rebellion , to be a dispensation for another ; nor how the argument lies from fact to right . under these two words , due regulation ; thus much is comprehended , ( waiving less differences and greater . ) 1. the transferring of the power of chusing great officers , and ministers of state ; from the king to the two houses . 2. all matters of state in the interval of parliaments must be debated , and concluded by a counsel so chosen , and in number not above twenty five , nor under fifteen ; and no publick act esteemed of any validity , as proceeding from the royal authority , unless it be done by the advice and consent of the major part of that counsel ; attested under their hands . and these too sworn to the sense of both houses . 3. the lords and commons must be intrusted with the militia . 4. his majesty may appoint , but the two houses , or the counsel ( in such manner as aforesaid ) must approve of all governors of forts , and castles . lastly , no peers hereafter made , must sit , or vote in parliament , unless admitted thereunto by the consent of both houses . upon these terms ; his majesty shall be supported , in honor , and plenty ; by his most humble and faithful subjects , who have in their thoughts and desires nothing more precious , ( next to the honor and immediate service of god ) than their just , and faithful performance of their duty to the king , and kingdom . this is the due regulation they intended : ( for sure they meant what they proposed , to our late soveraign . i speak not this , of persons , but of the gross of the party ; nor to reproach that neither , but to remove a scandal from the ashes of that blessed martyr , and to direct a reverence towards his successor . what provocation have these restless people , now to revive this question : but an unruly impotency of passion against the government ? this is their way . in generals , they justifie from first to last , the presbyterians cause . the multitude , they look into particulars : and from those injuries which the late king suffered , draw inferences dis-honourable , and dangerous to this . in the next periode , me-thinks he falls upon a non-sequitur . the re-admission of the secluded members , ( he says ) did necessarily draw after it , the restoring of king , lords , and commons , according to the antient constitution . not necessarily ( under favour ) according to the antient constitution : ( i will not say nor probably : but ) there were two shrewd blocks cast in the way . the first , in the militia ; where no commissionated officer was to act , that should not first acknowledge in these words , viz. i do acknowledge and declare , that the warre undertaken by both houses of parliament in their defence against the forces raised in the name of the late king , was just and lawful ; and that magistracy and ministery , are the ordinances of god. the second , was in the exclusion of the royal party from the next choice , as followeth . resolved , that all and every person who have advised , or voluntarily aided , abeited , or assisted , in any war against the parliament ( since the first day of january 1641. ) his or their sons , unless he or they have since manifested their good affections to this parliament , shall be uncapable to be elected to serve as members of the next parliament . now how a choice thus limited in the house , and principled in the field , should necessarily set us right , does not to me appear ? perhaps it was the most the time would bear : but god forbid , that declaration charging the guilt , and blood of the late war upon the king , should stand upon record to future generations . who ever affirms that war was lawful , does beyond question meditate another ; not to say more than needs , it blasts the memory of the late king , and upon the king that now is , it reflects many mischiefs , subjecting both his dignity and person , to his fathers hazards . it administers argument for a new war ; and shakes the very foundation of royalty . grant that , the act of oblivion is on the wrong side ; if the king was in fault , the presbyterians must grant the pardon . from the clear reason of the matter in it self , and from the obvious consequences ; beside that justice which both king and people owe to the ashes of a father and a soveraign , it seems to me of high concern , to counter-state that declaration , and place the militia of this nation now in such hands , as will acknowledge the late kings quarrel was defensive . i am the bolder in this particular , because i find the faction pressing beyond both modesty and reason , upon this bottom . where majesty it self is affronted , it were a second injury to allow the servant better quarter than the master . but they are very exact and careful in this particular : as will appear in what follows . after a dreadful earthquake , shaking all the powers of the kingdom , and over-turning the very foundations , and after a new frame of things erected standing for divers years , and seemingly stated for perpetuity , the regal family and government is raised up again , not by the power or policy of that party , who fought under the banner of his late majesty in the wars , between him and both houses of parliament ; but by the restless desire of the nation , and the vigorous actings of the city of london , with the concurrence of the secluded members of the long parliament , in conjunction with that renowned person , who then held the power of the sword. let it be noted here , that ( by his confession ) the war was between the king and both houses of parliament . now to that party who fought under the banner of his late majesty . ( whom he might have spared for the general 's sake . ) truly , considering what havock hath been made of them , by slaughters , extrajudicial sentences , plunders , sequestrations , imprisonments , banishments ; shipping them away into plantations , &c. — and this for twenty years continuance . 't is no great wonder to find some abatement of their power . but to affirm that they contributed nothing to his majesties restauration , is very unkind , and something rash. the nation did , ( he says ) the city of london , and the secluded members of the long parliament ; but not that party . ( a pleasant and phantastical dis-junction . ) this way of barely affirming , and denying ; crying one party up , and the other down , and proving nothing , is neither mannerly , nor prudent . how comes this man of metaphysical inspection , that reads the very thoughts of the presbyterians , and seems so well enformed in all the actings of the royal party : how comes he by this wondrous insight and intelligence ? does he not find that all he says is nothing , unless he can see things invisible , and prove negatives ? is this the work of the spirit of pacification ? or will he tell us , in the holy dialect , that 't is the enmity betwixt the seed of the woman , and the seed of the serpent ? so far were we , ( for i write my self of that party ) from this unfriendly and unchristian temper of dis-uniting , that we declared unanimously against it , binding our selves by all that 's sacred , to an eternal union with all parties , in order to the restauration of his majesty , all differences apart ; of what degree or quality soever . in this , we had an eye to the king's interest , and to the nation 's ; for it referred both to his majesty's return , and to a lasting peace ; the former being facilitated by that conjunction of interests ; and the latter , provided for by a conciliation of affections , to be wrought by suppressing all motions toward revenge in the one party , and the fears of it in the other . it had been good manners to have met us half way ; but truly high discretion , as well as common equity , to close with us , and entertain the offer . but far from this , we do not onely get not one good word , but many a bad one : such , as those people that will never leave the king , are to expect from such as do not love him. our adversary talks much of the gospel . is it a gospel-precept , to render evil for good ▪ what i have shewed already , that the kings party did , amounts to somewhat more than nothing . we 'l see a little further , allowing yet to all that acted in that work their share of glory . the duke of albemarle was the leading card , then in the head of an army , better dispos'd to his command , than design : and to him the honest part of the city and nation were no ill seconds . but till he had tasted and tri'd them , he did well to walk warily : and rather take the middle and safer way , of gratifying all interests then on foot , than the more positive , and hazardous , of disobliging any two parties , in favour of the third . for there were then three several interests in play : the king 's , the presbyterian's , and the phanatique's : the royal party press'd for a free choice and convention , without prelimination . the presbyterians urg'd a re-admission of the secluded members . the phanatiques , they were for filling up the house , according to such qualifications as the rump should resolve upon . the course the general steer'd was this ; — the rump continued ; the secluded members returned ; and the royallists were satisfied with the assurance of a new choice soon after . his excellence acting in this affair rather as a conciliator , than a party , and in order to a settlement , giving things the best consistency they would then bear . but had the antient stock of royallists no hand at all in this procurement ? it never came to blows , so that the matter rests upon the effects of policy and counsel ; whereof our undertaker cannot give any absolute account ; nor shall we in our just apology , exalt our selves , and cry , we brought the king in . that 's presbyterian language . we did not drive him out , we 'l say ; and that we joyn'd with many thousands , as honest as our selves , in duty to restore him . whether there was place for action , and to do the king a service that way , we never articled for offices or rewards , but without further care of interest , persu'd our duties . in fine the loyal part of the nation was animated by the same soul , joyn'd stocks , and counsels : and many thousands of brave fellows that never saw the king , were forward and ambitious to die for him . i could say what was undertaken by the old royal party , particularly , in hewson's scuffle , ( and indeed where not ) but that it casts a slur upon some of his majesty's new friends . this however , those lads of the city , that would have done the work without more ado , had they not been muzzl'd by some of their mungrel magistrates , that din'd with the mayor , and supp'd with the committee of safety : those honest people will , if need be , bear witness for us , and in like manner the whole nation , that by action , counsel , writing , we did all that was possible in the business . neither does what i have delivered in defence of the royal party , disagree with his majesty's testimony of the other , in his gracious speech to the house of peers for hastning the act of indempnity : which yet our author cites against us . my lords , if you do not joyn with me in extinguishing those fears , which keep mens hearts awake , and apprehensive of safety and security , you keep me from performing my promise , which if i had not made , i am perswaded that neither i nor you had been now here : i pray you let vs not deceive those who brought vs , or permitted vs to come together . observation the king does not there say so much who brought him in , as who permitted his restoring ; implying , that he was fain to condition for that too ; but withal , a great earnestness to perform his promise . had but this gentleman considered as well what the king said at the passing of the indempnity , as at the hastning of it , this wrangle would have been saved ; i 'l do him the service to mind him of it . i do very willingly pardon all that is pardoned by this act of indempnity , to that time which is mentioned in the bill . nay , i will tell you , that from that time to this day , i will not use great severity , except in such cases where the malice is notorious , and the publick peace exceedingly concern'd . but for the time to come , the same discretion and conscience which disposed me to the clemency i have express'd , which is most agreeable to my nature , will oblige me to all rigour and severity , how contrary soever it be to my nature , towards those who shall not now acquiesce , but continue to manifest their sedition and dislike of the government , either in actions or words . and i must conjure you all ( my lords and gentlemen ) to concur with me in this just and necessary severity ; and that you will in your several stations , be so jealous of the publick peace , and of my particular honor , that you will cause exemplary justice to be done upon those who are guilty of seditious speeches or writings , as well as those ☜ who break out into seditious actions : and that you will believe those who delight in reproaching and traducing my person , not to be well affected to you and the publick peace . never king valued himself more upon the affections of his people , than i do ; nor do i know a better way to make my self sure of your affections , than by being just and kind to you all ; and whilst i am so , i pray let the world see , that i am possessed of your affections . thus far the ground-work , now the goodly structure . his majesty thus brought back to a willing and free-spirited people , by their own act , beholds his undoubted interest set forth to his hand , and made plain before him ; which is no other , than a well-tempered and composed state of affairs , both religious and civil , in all his dominions , by the abolishing of former differences , and the reconciling of all reconcileable parties ; and especially of those grand parties , which ( if made one ) do upon the matter carry the whole nation . and this his majesties wisdom hath already observed , in that excellent proclamation against vitious , debauched , and prophane persons , in these words , [ that the reconciliation and union of hearts and affections , can onely , with god's blessing , make us rejoyce in each other , and keep our enemies from rejoycing . ] and this is the earnest expectation and hope of the religious , and well affected to the publick tranquillity , that the king , our supreme head and governor , whose gracious disposition doth not suffer him to cleave to any divided part of his subjects , and to reject others that are alike loyal , will , as a common father , protect and cherish all those that are found capable and worthy , and become our great moderator by his authority and wisdom , to lessen differences , and allay animosities , between dissenting brethren , which already agree in the main points of religion . having hitherto asserted , that those who fought under the late king's banner , were not his majesty's friends ; and that those who fought against it , ever were ; he proceeds now to a conclusion suitable to his premises , and states the interest of the king in favour of that voluntary mistake : directing an accord betwixt all reconcilable parties , and an indulgence toward all those that are found capable , and worthy . in both ( and in all ) cases , the presbyterian himself must be the judge : and then we know what will become of royallists and bishops . the kings friends have ever had the honor to be divided ( by these people ) into persons popishly affected , evil counsellors , and loose livers ; and it is evident , that they design , under these limitations of reconcilable , capable , and worthy , to cast all such as conscientiously , and frankly adhere to monarchy , and episcopacy , out of the terms of their pretended pacification . all those that they find capable and worthy , and esteem reconcilable , shall be admitted . now to the question . 1. quest. whether in justice or reason of state the presbyterian party should be rejected and depressed , or protected and encouraged ? observation it would be first agreed what 's meant by the presbyterian party : we 'l weigh the justice and reason of the proposition after . his own remarque upon it is not amiss . as concerning their true character , the notation of the name whereby they are called , is both too shallow , and too narrow for it . the word presbyterian hath not sufficient depth to go to the root of the matter , nor breadth sufficient to comprehend this sort of men . that form of ecclesiastical government by parochial and classical presbyteries , provincial and national assemblies , is remote enough from their main cause , and those firm bonds that make them eternally one , in respect whereof many that approve a regulated episcopacy , will be found of their number . observation 't is truly and well said . their cause is not the form , but the exercise of government : for they like well enough to have that power themselves , which they condemn in others . nor do i doubt but that many of them approve a regulated episcopacy ; that is , a presbyter in a bishop's seat , where the office appears regulated by the person , as 't is in a regulated monarchy ; where the king 's subject to the law , and the law to the two houses . but i condemn not all , that wear that character . the wise , and honest few of that denomination , who keep themselves within the terms of duty , and the question ; such as can talk of the church , without disturbing the state ; and debate their private opinions , without giving publick scandal : for these , i have much charity , and reverence , and wish as great a tenderness toward them , as they themselves desire . but where i see a bold seditious faction , bidding defiance to the civil magistrate under the churches colours : i find not any thing so sacred in the name of presbyterian , as to protect a turbulent party assuming that appellation . it will be urg'd , that they do as little justifie the seditious , as i condemn the sober presbyterian . but to agree that point , i 'l prove , that the same party , for whom they plead , and against whom i engage , are no less enemies to the king , and people , than to bishops : and , which is more , from their own practises and positions , i 'l make it good . yet one would hardly guess this from their following character . as concerning their main and rooted principles , they admire and magnifie the holy scriptures , and take them for the absolute perfect rule of faith and life , without the supplement of ecclesiastical tradition ; yet they deny not due respect and reverence to venerable antiquity . they assert the study and knowledge of the scriptures , to be the duty and priviledge of all christians , that according to their several capacities , being skilful in the word of righteousness , they may discern between good and evil , and being filled with all goodness , may be able to exhort and admonish one another : yet they acknowledge the necessity of a standing gospel-ministery , and receive the directive authority of the church , not with implicite faith , but the judgment of discretion : they hold the teaching of the spirit necessary , to the saving knowledge of christ : yet they do not hold that the spirit bringeth new revelations , but that he opens the eyes of the understanding to discern what is of old revealed in the written word : they exalt divine ordinances , but debase humane inventions in gods worship , particularly ceremonies properly religious , and of instituted mystical signification : yet they allow the natural expressions of reverence and devotion , as kneeling , and lifting up of the hands and eyes in prayer ; as also of those meer circumstances of decency and order , the omission whereof would make the service of god either undecent , or less decent . as they worship god in the spirit , according to the simplicity of gospel institutions , so they rejoyce in christ jesus , having no confidence in a legal righteousness , but desire to be found in him , who is made unto us rigteousness by gracious imputation : yet withal they affirm constantly , that good works of piety towards god , and of justice and charity towards men , are necessary to salvation . their doctrine bears full conformity with that of the reformed churches , held forth in their publick confessions , and particularly with that of the church of england , in the nine and thirty articles , onely one or two passages peradventure excepted , so far as they may import the asserting of prelacy , and human mystical ceremonies . they insist much on the necessity of regeneration , and therein lay the ground-work for the practise of godliness . they press upon themselves and others the severe exercise , not of a popish , outside , formal , but a spiritual and real mortification , and self-denyal , according to the power of christianity . they are strict observers of the lords day , and constant in family prayer . they abstain from oathes , yea , petty oathes , and the irreverent usage of gods name in common discourse ; and , in a word , they are sober , just , and circumspect in their whole behaviour . such is the temper and constitution of this party , which in its full latitude lies in the middle between those that affect a ceremonial worship , and the heighth of hierarchical government on the one hand , and those that reject an ordained ministery , and setled church-order , and regular vnity on the other hand . observation here is much said , and little proved ; onely a pharisaical story , of what they are not , and what they are ; that they are not as other men are , and their bare word for all . the tale is well enough told to catch the silly vulgar , that look no further then appearances : but to a serious person , how gross , and palpable is the imposture ! in the main points of doctrine they fully agree with the nine and thirty articles : and 't is but peradventure , that they differ , in one or two passages , so far as they may import the asserting of prelacy , and humane mystical ceremonies . ] behold the mighty subject of an holy war ; the goodly idol , to which we have sacrific'd so much christian blood . can any man imagine this the true and conscientious reason of the quarrel ? or that the middle way our presbyter steers , betwixt phanaticism and popery , is the just measure of the case : but hear him on , and he 'l tell ye , the party is numerous as well as godly . vvithin these extensive limits the presbyterian party contains several thousands of learned , godly , orthodox ministers , being diligent and profitable preachers of the word , and exemplary in their conversation ; among whom there are not a few that excel in polimical and practical divinity , also of the judicious , sober , serious part of the people , ( in whose affections his majesty is most concern'd ) they are not the lesser number . by means of a practical ministery , this way , like the leaven in the gospel-parable , hath spread and season'd the more considerate and teachable sort in all parts of the kingdom , and especially in the more civiliz'd places , as cities and towns. observation it had been well our undertaker had put his orthodox , and learned thousands upon the list ▪ for that party is a little given to false musters . how many forg'd petitions and remonstrances ; what out-eries from the press and pulpit , in the name of the people , when yet the forti'th part of them were never privy to their own askings ! of * ninety and seven ministers within the walls of london , fourscore and five were driven from their churches , and houses , at the beginning of our troubles . and notwithstanding the monstrous clamours , which occasion'd the conference at hampton-court in 1603. * arch-bishop spotswood tells us , that [ of above nine thousand ministers , but forty nine appeared upon the roll , that stood out , and were deposed for disconformity . such a noise will a few disturbers cause in any society , where they are tollerated . ] touching his practical ministery ; i 'l grant , the cause is much beholden to the pulpit , and that , without the aid of seditious lectures , i do believe the strife had never come to blood : but yet these preachments did not the whole business . do not we know what craft and violence hath been used to cheat and force the people ; what protestations , covenants , and negative oathes have been imposed , upon pain of imprisonment , banishment , sequestration ? have not all schools , and nurceries of piety and learning , been subjected to the presbyterian mode , and many thousands of godly , and reverend divines , reduced to beg their bread , because they would not covenant : yet all too little to procure either a general kindess , or submission to their principles ? for the reasons afore-going , the infringement of due liberties in these matters , would perpetuate most unhappy controversies in the church from age to age. let the former times come in , and give good evidence . as touching ceremonies , the contest began early , even in king edward's reign , between hooper and other bishops . the consecration of hooper , elect bishop of glocester being stayed , because he refused to wear certain garments used by popish bishops , he obtained letters from the king and from the earl of warwick , to the arch-bishop of canterbury and others , that he might not be burthened with certain rites and ceremonies , and an oath common●y used in the consecration of bishops , which were offensive to his conscience . nevertheless he found but harsh dealing from his fellow-bishops , whereof some were afterwards his fellow-martyrs , and ridley among others , who afterwards thus wrote unto him , when they were both prisoners for the gospel . [ however in time past in certain circumstances and by-matters of religion , your wisdom , and my simplicity ( i grant ) hath a little jarred , each of us following the abundance of his own sense and judgment : now be assured , that even with my whole heart , in the bowels of christ , i love you in the truth , and for the truth's sake which abideth in us . ] some godly martyrs in queen mary's days disliked the ceremonies , and none of them died in the defence of ceremonies , liturgy , and prelacy , in opposition to all other ecclesiastical government and order . it was the protestant verity which they witnessed , and sealed in blood , in opposition to popery ; especially the prodigious opinion of transubstantiation , and the abomination of the romish mass or sacrifice . in the same bloody days , certain english protestants being fled for refuge into germany , and setled at frankford , were divided amongst themselves about the service-book , even with scandalous breach of charity and in the issue , the congregation was sadly broken and dissipated . what is intended by due liberty , might be a doubt , did not the coherence explain it to be a freedom of acting to all intents and purposes at pleasure , ( whether without law , or against it , no matter ) according to such presidents of former times , as our resolver refers unto , and justifies . he tells us , the contest about ceremonies began early ; and so in truth it did : for in the time of king edward , there was a wambling toward the geneva discipline ; but neither very earnest , nor very popular : and that ( so far as i can learn ) procured even by the author of that platform , calvin himself . concerning godly martyrs in queen mary's days ; some suffered that disliked the ceremonies , others , that liked them . that none died in defence of them , is a remarque might have been spared ; for the question was matter of faith , not discipline . the frankford breach indeed was a sad story , but yet , considering the dividers , of no great honor , or authority to our friends purpose . knox and whittingham were the prime ring-leaders in this disorder , who upon some disputes started about the service-book , joyning with others of the consistorian stamp , drew such an extract of it , as they thought fit , and sent it to calvin , requesting his opinion of it . such was the answer they received , as blew the whole congregation into a flame ; from whence arose that scandalous breach ensuing . viz. the english service being established , whitingham , gilby , goodman , with some others , divided , and went to geneva , whence , both by letters and discourses , they tampered the ministers and people of england and scotland into a revolt , encouraging them to set up their new discipline , in despite of all opposers whatsoever . the gospel returning under queen elizabeth , these differences were revived and held up by disputes , writings , and addresses to several parliaments ; and there were great thoughts of heart for these divisions . observation why this is english yet : it is but turning now to queen elizabeth's reign to understand these people , and unriddle the due liberty they plead for . ( but of this , in its proper place ) having drawn down the quarrel from edward the sixth , to the blessed restauration of charls the second , ( whom god protect ) he proceeds to descant upon the present . the greatest part of the ministers named puritans , yielded conformity to those controverted rites and forms , that were by law or canons established , as to things burdensome not desirable , in their nature supposed indifferent , but in their use many ways offensive ; and groaning more and more under the yoke of bondage , ( as they conceived ) they waited for deliverance , and were in the main , of one soul and spirit with the nonconformists . and even then the way called puritanism , did not give , but get ground . but now the tenents of this way are rooted more than ever ; and those things formerly imposed , are no● by many , if not by the most of this way , accounted not onely burdensome , but unlawful . observation but is it so , that matters by law established , in themselves indifferent , and onely burthensome to day , ( rebu●sic stantibus ) may become vnlawful to morrow ? by the same rule , kings may be taken away as well as bishops ; all dignities and powers being alike submitted to a popular level : for if the people shall think fit to say , the magistrate is unlawful , as well as the ceremony , by the same reason he may destroy one with the other ; and virtually he does it . we know , the rites and forms of worshipping , are not of the essence of religion , and the huge bustle about discipline , is onely an appeal to ignorance and tumult . the church must be reformed . by whom ? not by the rabble . what means this application then of so many factious sermons , and libels to the people ? they are not judges of the controversie . but in a cause more capable of force than argument , they do well to negotiate , where clamour , and pretence , weigh more than modesty and reason . if a man asks , by what commission act these zelots ? they answer readily : 't is god's cause , and better obey god than man. he that said , give not credit to every spirit ; i suppose knew as much of gods mind , as our illuminates . is not mistaken , or perverted scripture , the ground of all schism and heresie ? counsels may erre , they say , and cannot presbyterians ? how comes this party to be more infallible than their neighbours ? if they are not , let but all other people of different judgments take the same freedom they do , of out-cries against any thing , under pretext of conscience ; let any man imagine the confusion . for , where every man is his own judge , all men shall dispute , till each particular condemns himself ; so that the strife is endless , and the event restlesness , and confusion . this comes of not submitting to some final , and over-ruling decision . upon this pinch at a dead lift , they fly to their judgment of discretion : which leaves them still at liberty to shape their duty to their profit . they tell us ; they 'l be tryed by the word of god : not heeding , how that is again to be tri'd by them : so that in issue , their private interpretation of the scriptures must pass for the law paramount , to which both king and people are equally , and indispensably subjected . undoubtedly , what god commands , we ought to do , and not to do what he forbids . this , in few words , comprises the duty of reasonable nature , without distinction either of offices or persons . but these inviolable fundamentals apart , the accidents of worship , the modes of doing this or that ; the how , when , where , &c. are left various , and variable , according to the several requiries of manners , times , and places , at the discretion of those rulers whom god sets over us . where we find matters of this middle nature orderly setled , and dispos'd , we are commanded to submit to these humane ordinances for the lords sake ; and not to obtrude upon the word for conscience , such disagreements , as effectually arise from peevishness , or want of due enquiry . but why do i talk to those that stop their ears ? their minds are fix'd in this opinion , after a long time of search and practice , and are not like to be reduc'd to the practice of former times . this is but martin junior revived , who says , that it will be very dangerous to our state , to maintain two contrary factions ; that the magistrates are then bound , even for the quieting of our state , to put down the one ; that those that stand for the discipline , neither can nor will give it over , ( so as they will not be put down ) and that the said magistrates cannot maintain the corruption of our church , namely , arch-bishops and bishops , without the discontentment of their subjects . me-thinks the man of peace grows peremptory . will not this argument from search and practice , absolve them from obedience to the king , as well as to the church ? has not the regal power been scann'd and sifted , as well as the ecclesiastick ? or have their practises been more favourable to his majesty , than to the clergy ? but ( their minds are fix'd , and not to be reduc'd . ) this is to say , that if the law and they cannot agree , they 'l tug for 't , upon this supposition , thus he concludes . that ( in all reason , the imposing of such matters of controversie , as by so many are held unlawful , and by those that have a zeal for them judged indifferent , not necessary , cannot procure the peace of church and kingdom . ) observation i say on the contrary , that the peace of church and kingdom cannot be preserved , where every private and licentious spirit shall dare to question the authority of either . in fine , admit the scruple truly conscientious . it would be well yet , that such as fault the present government , would frame another , that should be liable to no exceptions , before they alter this. if that cannot be done , let us rest here ; for if we are bound to change till all are pleas'd , never must we expect to be at quiet . some consciences will have no magistrates at all ; others will govern those they have , or quarrel with them . to reconcile these two in any end of settlement , is as impossible , as 't is unsafe to put much power into the hands of people , so dangerously principled ; ( but to destroy a government none agree better , and this we speak upon experience . ) from hence to his 40th . page , i find little but rapture , in commendation of the presbyterians , with now and then a snap at the late prelates , which is beside my purpose . see now his complement to the king. blessed be god for our gracious soveraign , who makes it his care and study to allay distempers , and compose differences by his just and gracious concessions already published concerning ecclesiastical affairs . observation for fear his majesty's concessions should be taken for a pure act of grace , they are epitheted , just , as well as gracious , to lessen the favour , by intimating the duty ; what return gives the presbyterian party for this indulgence ? are they not troublesome as ever both in their writings and contrivements ? that declaration was no sooner publique , but a petition was exhibited from divers ministers in and about london , for more liberty , with some formalities indeed of gratitude for that . how many bold and scandalous invectives since that time , both from the press and pulpit , against the rites of the church , and the episcopal clergy : nay , and against the sacred majesty of that very person , to whose incomparable clemency they owe their heads and fortunes ? one observation here , to shew , that onely severity can work upon this faction ; * the single imprisonment of crofton hath quieted that party more , than all the multiply'd , and transcendent mercies of his majesty . that worthy gentleman , in his epistle dedicatory to the liturgical considerator , tells us , that [ the common-prayer-book hath been expell'd by a lawful authority , ] ( referring to an ordinance of january 3. 1644. ) if this be not treason , then scot and peters were no traitors . the considerator further assures us , page 34. [ that very few christians that know the power of godliness , care for medling with the liturgy . ] i hope his majesty may pass for one of those few . a great assertor of his principles is the authour of the covenanters plea , although in some respects more plausibly couch'd ; in others bolder ; treating his majesty with a most unpardonable insolence , and with a suitable regard all his episcopal friends as they fall in his way . i should exceedingly wonder how he scap'd a lash from the last convention , especially dedicating that reverend piece to the commons then assembled , did i not consider , that those very pamphlets , whereof his majesty complains in his declaration , touching ecclesiastical affairs , were by my self , at their first comming forth , delivered to several members of that session , which notwithstanding , they were still sold in the hall ; all the interest i had being too little to get them suppressed . but now return we to our author , who complains , that the presbyterians are loaded with many calumnies ; as , that they are against the interest of civil magistracy , especially of monarchy ; that they are giddy , factious , schismatical , domineering , and what not ? but no such matter he assures us ; for , they yield unto the supreme magistrate a supreme political power in all spiritual matters ; but they do not yield that he is the fountain of spiritual power , there being a spiritual power belonging to the church , if there were no christian magistrate in the world . they assert onely a spiritual power over the conscience , as intrinsecally belonging to the church ; and acknowledge , that no decree nor canon of the church , can be a binding law to the subjects of any kingdom under temporal penalties , till it be ratified by the legislative power of that kingdom . and they do not claim for the convocation , or any other ecclesiastical convention , an independency on parliaments ; if they did , surely the parliament of england would resent such a claim . neither are they antimonarchical . did the english or scotish presbyters ever go about to dissolve monarchy , and to erect some other kind of government ? in no wise : for in the solemn league and covenant , they bound themselves to endeavour the preservation of the king's person and authority , and declared they had no intent to diminish his majesty's just power and greatness . observation how far their principles comport with the interest of civil magistracy or monarchy , shall have a place by it self : yet i might very well content my self with what arises from his own words , as they lie here before us ; to prove what he denies ; for in the same breath he both starts the question and resolves it . did not the english and scotch presbyters go about to dissolve monarchy ? what is the analysis of monarchy , but a government by a single person ? ( and , as i take it , the injur'd father of our present soveraign was that person , to whom of right the regal dignity belonged . ) did not these presbyters he talks of , place the supreme power in the two houses , and under their commission , seize the king's towns , and forts ; levy arms ; tax the people ; plunder , and kill their fellow-subjects ; impose oathes ; share his majesty's revenues ; persue , and jewishly sell and betray his sacred person ? if to do all this , not onely without , but expresly against the king's commission , be not to go about to dissolve monarchy , i know not what is . or if the gentleman had rather dispute the royal prerogative , than confess his own mistake in this particular , we 'l look a little that way too : but i doubt the prospect will be none of the pleasantest . upon the trial of cook and peters , this was delivered for law. see the narrative , page 182 and 183. it is the law of this nation , that no one house , nor both houses of parliament , have any coercive power over the king : — that the imprisoning of the king is treason . and a little further , thus , the king of england is one of those princes who hath an imperial crown : what 's that ? it is not to do what he will ; no , but it is , that he shall not be punished in his own person , if he doth that which is in it selfe unlawful . this is a short and clear decision of the case : nor will it serve the good man's turn to argue their integrity , from what they were bound to by their covenant and declarations . it matters not what they profess'd , but what they did. if this be all they have to say ; some heads are now upon the city-gates that said as much . what was the covenant , but a popular sacrament of religious disobedience , a mark of discrimination , who were against the king , and who were for him ? and this the marquis of montross soon found , who being at first unwarily engaged in it , with the kirk-party , quickly perceived his error , and retired ; living and dying the honor of his nation , and of the royal cause . mark this , * his loyalty was charged upon him at his death , for breach of covenant . the presbyterian casuists would fain perswade the nation , to think themselves obliged by that engagement . who vnderstands it first ? ( and certainly we cannot be bound to do we know not what ) next , 't is impossible either to keep , or break it : 't is made up of so many contradictions . but once for all ; there is a nullity in the institution . no man can oblige himself in things wherein he is subject , without leave from his superior . and again ; the oath of one who is under the power of another , without the others consent , is neither lawful nor obligatory . thus the reverend , and learned bishop sanderson . now to my presbyterian again . after the violent change of government , they came slowest , and entred latest into those new engagements imposed by the vsurped powers , and some utterly refused , even to the forfeiture of their preferments , and the hazzard of their livelyhoods , when the nation in general submitted to the yoke ; and many of those who thus object against them , did in temporizing run with the foremost . the truth is , the generality of conscientious presbyterians never ran with the current of those times . some more eminent among them , ministers and others , hazzarded their lives , and others lost their lives , in combining to bring our soveraign that now is to the rightful possession of this his kingdom . and those in scotland adventured no more then all to uphold him ; and when he lost the day , they lost their liberty ; and when he fell , it was said by the adversary , presbytery was fallen . where i must either leave the story foul on the kings side , or prove it so on the other , my choice is pardonable : but otherwise i shall be very tender of engaging the honest presbyterians , with the guilty . that many of them lov'd his majesty , and suffer'd for him , i will not question ; and that they all submitted most unwillingly , to that violent change here mention'd , i do as little doubt . but i must needs say , the action had been nobler , and the loyalty much clearer , had they consulted the kings security , before they lost their own . this does not yet oblige me to the same charity for the scotish party ; who first , during a treaty with his majesty , basely and brutishly murthered montrose , and after that , treated the king himself , liker a prisoner , than a prince . he urges , that [ the presbyterians first divided , and then dissipated the sectarian party , and so made way for his majesties return in peace . ] lambert , and his nine worthies did as much . i do believe him too , [ that the sense of the covenant quickned many men's consciences in their allegiance to the king. ] so did the cock-crowing mind st. peter of the denial of his master . but he went out , and wept bitterly ; so does not every body . alas , alas , the saints have no faults ; what should they weep for ? it may be peradventure said , the presbyterians would enervate monarchy ; but surely ( says our discourser ) i cannot find the rise of this objection , unless from hence , that they were not willing to come under any yoke , but that of the law of the realm , or to pay arbitrary taxes , levied without consent of parliament . observation from hence these two deductions ; first , that the subjects free from that which binds the king , namely , the yoke of law. suppose he breaks that law , by what law can we question him ? at best , 't is but to punish one transgression by another . the second hint is dis-ingenuous : as if arbitrary taxes had been the subject of the difference . all the world knows , before a blow was strook , the king had stript himself to his honour , and his conscience , to gratifie his people . but 't was the government they aim'd at , and that they fought for . here is yet another gentle slip : what are taxes to presbytery ? but this is a devil that will hardly be kept within his circle . just so in their practices do they reduce all civil actions , under the cognizance of their courts of conscience , as he brings here by head and shoulders , arbitrary taxes to matter of religion . i confess ( says he ) there are none that more reverence their liberties , and value the native-happiness of the free-born subjects of england . and verily their true knowledge and sense of the nature of christian religion , makes a due freedom exceeding precious : for this religion is not variable , according to the will of man , but grounded upon an unchangeable and eternal truth , and doth indispensably bind every soul , high and low , to one divine law and rule , perpetual and unalterable . and therefore doth strongly plead the expedience of a due civil liberty on the behalf of its professors ; yet such a liberty as will not enfeeble monarchy , nor the legal power of the kings of england . observation truly i think i have not seen words so well put together , that signifie so little . because religion is not variable , but grounded upon an unchangeable and eternal truth , &c. — therefore the professors of it must have a due civil liberty , &c. is not a due liberty , due to all people ? again , what is civil liberty to matter of salvation ? and yet again . why should the presbyterians challenge that liberty to themselves , which they refuse to others , upon the very same plea : and not rather submit their discipline to the law , then stoop the law to their discipline ? there is a liberty which is a cloak for maliciousness : and i am afraid , theirs and that are much a-kinn . one thing is very notable ; they never state what they would have , their terms are general , and indefinite , hard to be understood , because they are resolv'd not to be satisfi'd . a due freedom , a due civil liberty , the legal power ; — what means all this , but any thing they shall be pleased to make of it ? a king ruling a free people , hath a power much more noble and more free , than he that ruleth over perfect vassals , that have no propriety . the power is more noble , because it hath a more noble subject of government ; it is more honorable to rule men than beasts , and freemen than slaves . likewise the power is more free : for whatsoever prince hath not his power limited by his people's legal freedom , he will be bound up some other way , either by the potency of subordinate princes and great lords within the realm , or by a veterane army , as the turkish emperor by his janizaries , and the roman caesars by the pretorian bands and the legions . vpon which account , to be a powerful monarch over a free people , is the freedome and glory of our soveraign lord , above all the potentates on earth . observation a king ruling a free people , is a kind of presbyterianism , and sounds better in the mouth of a lawyer , than of a divine . the correlate to rule , is subjection : nor will their title to a propriety , yet justifie the common usage of the term. 't is of a dangerous intimation , and seems to give the people more than comes to their share . ( i speak with reverence to the benignity of our english laws , and the indubitable right which every subject hath to the benefits thereof . ) that it is more honorable to rule free-men than slaves , is but a complement for i can make those slaves , free , when i please , whereas the other way of my power 's confin'd ; that is , in equity , a prince is bound to observe the law , as his own act : and if he fails , the people may compel him to it , if they can shew a law for 't . to end this point ; what prince soever shall suffer every bubling brain to controvert the bounds of king and subject ; the royal authority , and the peoples freedom ; that prince , i say , runs a great hazzard of his soveraignty . the very moving of the question , is to prophane the sacredness of majesty ; and by degrees begets irreverend and sawcy habits in the people . but rebellion ( he tells us ) and disobedience , is the loud out-cry of some against this party . and this were a crying sin indeed . but let not sober minds be hurried into prejudice by such exclamations and out-cries . it were to be wished , for common peace and amity , that the late publick discords were eternally forgotten . but seeing some in these times of expected reconciliation , will not cease to implead and condemn the honest minded , and render them odious to the higher powers , a necessity is laid upon us to speak something apologetical , at least to mitigate the business , and remove prejudice . observation sure this loud out-cry of rebellion aad disobedience , comes from within himself ; for truly i have a little watch'd the press , and since his majesty's return , ( nay , a good while before ) upon my conscience i have not met with one syllable of bitterness against that party , but defensive : yet i dare undertake to produce forty presbyterian pamplets , and discourses , of fresh date , exceeding foul against the king , and his adherents . it really makes me blush and tremble , to consider how great a mercy they abuse , how sad a vengeance they provoke . had but these people the least spark of natural affection and remorse , the venerable ruines of a glorious chuch and state would work upon them ; or now and then a thought how matters stand betwixt god and their souls : but their great care of others make them neglect themselves , and become true anathemaes for a pretended publick good . however they do well to cry whore first ; and call that a necessitated apology , which seems to me a palpable and causeless slander . we have heard much and often of the presbyterians loyalty and religion ; we 'l look a little now into their law , which very fairly gives us to understand , that the vnbishopping of timothy and titus , will not do their trick . they are at work already upon the two main props of royalty ; the king 's negative voice , and the power of the sword. a blessed age the while , when the pulpit shall pretend to dispose of the crown ; kerve out the government ; and every scribling priest vent his seditious and crude politiques to the people . but now it works . the presbyterian party in england never engaged under a less authority than that of both houses of parliament . i have read , that the parliament of england hath several capacities , and among the rest , these two ; first , that it represents the people as subjects , and so it can do nothing but manifest their grievances , and petition for relief . secondly , that by the constitution it hath part in the soveraignty , and so it hath part in the legislative power , and in the final judgment . now when as a part of the legislative power resides in the two houses , as also a power to redress grievances , and to call into question all ministers of state and justice , and all subjects of whatsoever degree in case of delinquency , it might be thought , that a part of the supreme power doth reside in them , though they have not the honorary title . observation me-thinks we should do well to leave calling the two houses , the parliament of england , having already paid so dear for that mistake . concerning the power of the parliament of england . 't is beyond doubt , onely inferiour to the fountain of all power , even god himself . but then an agreement is imply'd ; neither king , lords , nor commons , nor any two of them , can pretend to a parliamentary authority , without the third . this is not to suppose co-ordination neither . the two houses are still subjects : their office being onely consultive , or preparatory ▪ the character of power rests in the final sanction , and that 's the king's : so that effectually , the passing of a bill , is but the granting of a request . so much for parliaments , in propriety of speaking . now to the power of the two houses , by my antagonist mis-call'd , the parliament of england , upon which bottom stands the presbyterian fabrick . he tell us , they act in two capacities . as subjects , or petitioners , first : and then , as sharers of the soveraignty : as if he said , they are sent to ask what they list , and take what they please . the petitioning capacity is not for the presbyterians purpose ; wherefore he waves that , and sticks to the other . what their power is , will best appear from the king 's writ of summons , which both commands and limits them , pro quibusdam arduis , & urgentibus negotiis , &c. — ordinavimus , &c. — he states it otherwise , and places a part of the legislative power in the two houses , which is not doctor-like . for the legislative power is totally the king 's . they do but make the bill , he makes the law ; 't is the stamp , not the matter , makes it current . nor do i comprehend what he can mean by part of the legislative power : to my thinking , he might as well have said , part of an indivisible point . this will come to a pretty fraction , two thirds of a parliament , shall make two thirds of a law. is it not enough that the king can do nothing without the two houses , unless they may do every thing without the king ? grant this , and of all people living we are the greatest slaves , as of all constitutions ours is the most ridiculous . touching the power of the two houses , to redress grievances , and question all ministers of state and justice , ] the power they have is either from prescription or commission . to the former , i think , few will pretend ; and to the latter , none . never was the house of commons , at any hand reputed a court of justice . they cannot give an oath , impose a fine : not indeed exercise any empire but over their own members . 't is true , the lords house hath in some cases a right of judicature ; but claiming by prescription , they are likewise limited by custom . further , both houses are no court of judicature , and ( with due reverence to his majesty ) the king himself in parliament , joyn'd with the three estates , claim not a right of judication , but very rarely , and with great tenderness . it is the proper business of a parliament to make laws , alter , or repeal them , not to interpret them , unless in matters of very great importance . that 's left to the judges ; and to determine of their validity . for acts of parliament , either repugnant in themselves , or of impossible supposition , or against common right , are deem'd not binding . the common , and most specious shift of all the rest , is , that the government of this nation is in king , lords , and commons . this must be swallowed with great wariness , or 't will choak half the nation . by the king , architectonicè ; and by the other two , organicè , ( as walker distinguishes it ) the king , as the architect ; and the two houses , as his instruments . if there were neither practice , law , nor interest in the case , me-thinks the very odds of honor in the deputation , should be enough to carry it . the king is god's representative , they are but the peoples . say i should now admit them all they challenge , ( as delegated by the people ) so tickle is the point yet , that if any one single person of the number , should be illegally debarr'd the freedom of his vote ; that nicety avoids , and nulls the whole proceeding . i can hardly think any thing clearer , than the error of placing part of the supreme power in the two houses . it implies a contradiction : a part of a thing ( with leave ) impartible . ( but drowning men will catch at straws ) however , i perceive , that his majesty's best friends , and the church's ( as they style themselves ) are resolved to serve both king and bishops alike . that is ; just as the bishop is to rule in consociation with his presbyters , so shall his majesty with his fellow-princes , the presbyterian members . it cannot but exceedingly dispose the king , to grant these people all due liberty , that will give him so much . crowns are but troublesome ; and government sits heavy upon the shoulders of a single person ; they 'l ease him of that care and weight : and for the honor of their prince , and their country's good , divide the glorious load among themselves . this being past , ( which heaven avert ) we may ( says the late king ) be waited on bare-headed , we may have our hand kiss'd , the style of majesty continued to us , and the king's authority , declared by both houses of parliament , may be still the style of your commands ; we may have swords and maces carried before us , and please our self with sight of a crown and scepter . ] — but soft , the man relents , and tells us , ( though the law says , the king can do no wrong ) [ that this part of the supreme power , is indeed capable of doing wrong , yet how it might be guilty of rebellion , is more difficult to conceive . ] observation put case the two houses should take up arms against the king , because he will not banish the one half of his friends , and hang up the rest : would not that be rebellion ? i could start twenty suppo●itions more ; but i 'll stop here , and the rather , because our author professes , that [ in this high and tender point , it belongs not to him to determine . ] yet he goes on , and certainly believes , that the world is divided into fools and presbyterians : he would not otherwise have thrust upon us so gross a juggle , as that which i am now about to examine . touching the much debated point of resisting the higher powers , without passing any judgment in the great case of england , i shall onely make rehearsal of the words of grotius , a man of renown , and known to be neither anti-monarchical , nor anti-prelatical , which are found in his book , de jure belli & pacis , by himself dedicated to the french king. ( si rex partem habeat summi imperii , partem alteram populus aut senatus , regi in partem non suam involanti , vis justa opponi poterit , quia eatenus imperium non habet . quod locum habere censeo , etiamfi dictum sit , belli potestatem penes regem fore . id enim de bello externo intelligendum est , cum alioqui quisquis imperii summi partem habeat , non possit non jus habere eam partem tuendi . ) lib. 1. c. 4. s. 13. observation here we find grotius cited , to justifie , that the lords and commons may make war against the king , to defend their title to the supreme power . ( pythagoras his opinion concerning wild-foul , had been as much to the purpose ) for the english reader 's sake i 'l turn it ; and in this point desire a more than ordinary attention . where the supremacy is in the king , in some cases ; in others , in the people , or senate . that king invading the others right , may be lawfully resisted ; for his power reaches not so far . and this i think will stand good , although i have already placed the right of making war , in the king ; for that must be understood of a forreign war : since whosoever hath a part of the supreme power , hath consequently a right of maintaining such part as he hath . ] there is one line yet remaining , which our author hath very prudently kept for a reserve , till the presbyterians shall have gotten the better of the king. quod ubi fit , potest rex etiam suam imperii partem belli jure amittere ; that is , where thus it happens , the king's encroachment upon the peoples right , may fairly amount to a forfeiture of his own . is it not pity that people of these milde , and complying principles , should be charg'd with disobedience ? if this be the case of england , the question is no longer , the presbyterians liberty , but the king's title to his crown . that chapter of grotius , whence he takes his quotation , treats de bello subitorum , in superiores ; where , and where not , subjects may take up arms against their superiors . this learned man , among other cases , tells us , in this they may , and the reason is evident ; : for where the soveraignty is thus dispos'd ; half to the king , half to the people , that prince is but a subject to some purposes , a king to others . so that in any point of soveraignty , formally vested in the people ; he is not their superior , but they his . how finely he hath match'd the case of england , where kings have no restraint , but what they put upon themselves , for the laws are their proper acts ! but mark the process of his reasonings : and how ( in his own phrase ) he feels his way step by step . the presbyterians were ever in the right ; he says . why , if he would be quiet , who says the contrary ? but then the king was in the wrong . to bring the case up to grotius his determination : we must admit first , that by the constitution of england , the soveraignty is shared betwixt the king and the two houses : and next , that the late king did actually invade the popular prerogative : from whence arises the lawfulness of resistance ; and after that , potest rex etiam suam imperii partem belli jure amittere . they have at last the same right to the crown , they had at first to the quarrel . he that peruses the first eight sections of the fore-mentioned chapter , will find grotius no favourer of his opinions that quotes him . be the prince what he will , he tells us , summum imperium tenentibus resisti jure non posse . bodin yet more expresly , that england and scotland are absolute monarchies : that the supreme power is onely in the king ; ( iura majestatis , ac imper●i summam , in unius prinoipis arbitria versari . further , in senatu nullum est imperium ; nor onely so , but whoever urges the contrary , meditates a commotion , isti qui imperium senatui tribuunt , reipublicae interitum , ac status eversionem moliuntur . as to the point of loyalty now in question , the subversion of the fundamental government of this kingdom could not be effected , till those members of parliament that were presbyterian , were many of them imprisoned , others forcibly secluded by the violence of the army , and the rest thereupon withdrew from the house of commons . observation then it seems till that violence by the army , upon the presbyterians , there was none acted by the presbyterians upon the king. to seize his towns and magazines ; hunt , and assault his royal person ; part his revenues ; hang up his friends : all this is justifi'd , in case his majesty refuses to be rul'd by his two houses . alas , the fundamental government was safe , ( i warrant ye ) so long as the rights of soveraignty were exercis'd , first by the assembly in scotland , and then by a pack'd party , in a close committee : and the presbyterians never the less honest men for selling the king first ; then voting him a prisoner ; and after that , for pinching him even upon the very point of presbytery . surely they are much to blame that charge these innocents with disloyalty . if the presbyterian members had not been forced , ( they say ) all had been well . truly it may be so ; yet if i mistake not , there was a time when the episcopal members were forced too ; and had that violence been spared , it had never come to this. but i suppose , the city-tumults against bishops : the outcries of the rabble at white-hall : the multitudes that baul'd for reformation : posting up such and such for straffordians , as honestly opposed the torrent of the people . this in the vvell-affected , passes for christian liberty . but our author follows his opinion with a proof . for they ( says he , meaning the presbyterians ) had voted the king's concessions a ground sufficient for the houses to proceed to settle the nation , and were willing to cast , whatever they contended for , upon a legal security . observation waving their former vote of non-addresses , and that foul declaration of their reasons for it : we will in charity believe , they were over-aw'd , and that it was extorted by the army . but what excuse for the matter of the propositions ? that they were actuated by a presbyterian spirit , appears in this , that they demanded a settlement of a presbyterian government . it remains now onely from hence , to gather the fair equivalence , of this gentleman's doctrine , and to discover what 't is the presbyterian faction calls a legal security . they hold , that if the king of england will not comply with the two houses , the people may chase , sequester , and imprison him : and when they have him in distress , they may without disloyalty press him to these , or the like conditions for his liberty . 1. by a publick act to justifie that violence , and condemn himself . 2 ly . to renounce and abolish episcopacy , although bound by oath and judgment to defend it . 3 ly . to transfer the right of levying men and monies , to the two houses ; by them to be raised and disposed of at pleasure , without rendring any accompt to his majesty . 4 ly . to deliver up the lives , liberties , and fortunes of all that served him , to the mercy of that party . 5 ly . to grant , that all offices of trust may be disposed of by the appointment of both houses . this is a short , and modest accompt of presbyterian loyalty , the due liberty they contend for : which being setled upon a legal security , with such further concessions , as their modesty shall vouchsafe to require , puts an end to the dispute . his late majesty observes ( upon uxbridge treaty ) that it was a grand maxim with them , always to ask something , which in reason and honor must be denyed , that they might have some colour to refuse all that was in other things granted . ] and so we find it . but what 's the reason of this peevishness ? is there any thing in the nature of prelacy that frames the mind to obedience and loyalty ? or is there any thing in presbytery , that inclines to rebellion and disobedience ? observation truly i think there is . prelacy holds a better proportion in the scale of order , as a more regular subordination of duties and relations . nature and providence do not move by leaps , but by insensible and soft degrees , which give stability and beauty to the universe . is not the world compos'd of disagreements , hot and cold , heavy and light ? — and yet we see those oppositions are by the means of middle , and conciliating mixtures wrought into a compliance ? 't is the same case in subject and superior : higher and lower , betwixt top and bottom , are but as several links of one providential chain , where every individual , by vertue of this mutual dependency , contributes to the peace and benefit of the whole . some are below me ; and this sweetens the thought that i am below others : by which libration are prevented those distempers which arise either from the affectation of more power , or the shame of having none at all . as these degrees of mean and noble , are beyond doubt of absolute necessity to political concord ; so possibly the closer the remove , the better yet , as to the point of social expedience ; provided , that the distances be such as to avoid confusion , and preserve distinct offices , and powers from enterfering . nor is this gradual method onely suited to humane interest , as being most accommodate to publick quiet , and to defend the sacredness of majesty from popular distempers : but 't is the very rule which god himself imposes upon the whole creation : making of the same lump , one vessel to honor , and another to dishonor . subjecting by the law of his own will , this to that : that to what 's next above it : both to a further power , all to himself . and here we rest : as at the fountain of authority . from god , kings reign ; they appoint their substitutes , and so on to inferior delegations ; all powers derive from a divine original . this orderly gradation , which we find in prelacy , must needs beget a reverence to authority ; the hierarchy it self depending upon a principle of obedience ; whereas our utopian presbytery advances it self upon a level of confusion . it is a kind of negative faction , united to dissolve a laudable and setled frame of government , that they may afterward set up they know not what . we may have learn'd thus much from late and sad experience . let him that would know more of it , read the survey of pretended holy discipline . i think it would be hard to shew one eminent presbyterian , that stickles not for an aristocracy in the state , as well as in the church : and he that said , no bishop , no king , gave a shrewd judgment ; not as implying a princes absolute dependance upon bishops , but in effect the king's authority is wounded through the church ; the reformation of what is amiss , belonging to the ruler , not to the people . i do not yet condemn all presbyters , nor justifie all prelates . we are told , that in antient times , and for a series of many ages , the kings of england have had tedious conflicts with prelates , in their dominions . ] 't is right , and the same cause is now espoused by our more than ordinary papal presbyterians ; to wit , ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the civil power . but we are further question'd . if presbytery and rebellion be connatural , how comes it to pass , that those states or kingdoms where it hath been established or tollerated , have for any time been free from broils and commotions . observation it is as true , that those places have been quietest , where presbytery hath gain'd footing , as 't is , that presbyterians have never disclaimed or abandoned their lawful prince : that they have never ceased to solicite , and supplicate his regards and favours , even when their power hath been at the highest , and his sunk lowest . this is something which in good manners wants a name . how far the presbyterians have abandon'd their prince , i shall not press , but rather refer the reader to examine how far , and in what manner they have solicited him . ( cujus contrarium . ) his late majesty , after forty messages for peace , and a personal treaty , finding himself most barbarously laid aside ; in a declaration from carisbrook castle , dated janu. 18. 1647. expostulates the matter in these termes . now would i know , what it is that is desired : is it peace ? i have shewed the way ( being both willing and desirous to perform my part in it ) which is , a just compliance with all chief interests . is it plenty and happiness ? they are the inseparable effects of peace . is it security ? i , who wish that all men would forgive and forget like me , have offered the militia for my time . is it liberty of conscience ? he who wants it , is most ready to give it . is it the right administration of justice ? officers of trust are committed to the choice of my two houses of parliament . is it frequent parliaments ? i have legally , fully concurr'd therewith . is it the arriers of the army ? upon settlement , they will certainly be paid , with much ease ; but before , there will be found much difficulty , if not impossibility in it . thus all the world cannot but see my real , and unwearied endeavours for peace , the which ( by the grace of god ) i shall neither repent me of , nor ever be slackned in : notwithstanding my past , present , or future sufferings . but , if i may not be heard , let every one judge , who it is that obstructs , the good i would do , or might do . where the right lies , a presbyterian may better determine , than a royallist question . — magno se judice quisque tuetur . here 's the testimony of a pedant , in ballance against the authority of a prince . he tells us by and by , that prophaneness , intemperance , revellings , out-rages , and filthy lewdness were not at any time in the memory of the present age , held under more . restraint , than in the late distracted times , by means of a practical ministery . observation these generals spell nothing , and to name particulars were not so candid ; i could else make up scot and peters , at least a score , even out of the select tribe of the reformers , ( and these i think are not as yet canoniz'd for saints . ) 't is no prophaneness ( is it ? ) to play the hocus pocus in a pulpit , with rings and bodkins ; to talk treason by inspiration ; and entitle the holy ghost to murther and rebellion . to appoint mock-fasts , and thank god for victories he never gave them . to swear for , and against the king , in the same breath . to convert churches into stables , and for fear of superstition to commit sacrilege . nor is it out-rage sure , or intemperance to seize the patrimony of the church , the king's revenues ; pillage and kill their fellow-subjects . to set up ordinances against setled laws , and subject the ten commandements to the superior vote of a committee . to justifie tumults against authority , and suffer the most damnable heresies to scape without reproof . but what if there were disorders ; by whom were they caused ? it is most unreasonable to object , that the late wild postures , extravagancies , and incongruities in government , were the works of presbytery , or presbyterians . the nation had never proof of presbytery , for it was never setled , but rather decry'd , and expos'd to prejudice by those that were in sway , and that in the more early times of the late wars . observation i must confess indeed , that presbytery was never setled , nor ever likely to be , so much did the whole nation stomach it ; but yet how this agrees with his former reasoning , pag. 29. i do not understand . there he pretends , that by * long practise mens minds are fix'd in this opinion : and that the party is numerous . here he contents himself to acknowledge , that the presbyterians lost their power early , and that they never recovered it since . this will not serve his turn , to acquit the faction ( so denominated ) of our late miseries . our soveraign ( of blessed memory ) brings the contest down , to his surprisal at holmby , and the distractions in the two houses , the army , and the city , ensuing upon it . these ( says that excellent prince ) are but the struglings of those twins , which lately one womb enclosed , the younger striving to prevail against the elder . * what the presbyterians have hunted after , the independents now seek to catch for themselves . ] in fine ; one finish'd what the other began ; for the king died at last , but of those wounds which he at first received in his authority . his majesty , upon his leaving oxford , and going to the scots , clears this yet further : where he calls it , adventuring upon their loyalty , who first began his troubles . the truth of this matter ( says he ) is cleared by a passage of our late soveraign , in a let-to his majesty that now is . [ all the lesser factions were at first officious servants to presbytery their great master , till time and military success discovering to each other their particular advantages , invited them to part stakes , and leaving the joynt stock of uniform religion , pretended each to drive for their party the trade of profits and preferments , to the breaking and undoing not onely of the church and state , but of presbytery it self . — ( it follows ) which seem'd and hop'd at first to have engross'd all . observation the last line is as true as any of the rest ; but all truths are not to be spoken . indeed this slip is somewhat with the grossest . not to trouble my self with their formal fopperies , of deacons , elders , and their parish-meetings ; those are but popular amusements : we 'll pass to what 's more pertinent , and see how he acquits his friends of joyning with the independents . the truth is , sectarianism grew up in a mystery of iniquity and state-policy , and it was not well discerned , till it became almost triumphant by military successes . observation 't is a strange thing the presbyterians should not see what they themselves contrived ; what all others took notice of ; and what the late king offered to prove , [ in his declaration of august the 12th 1642. ] the insolence of sectaries being not onely wink'd at , but publickly avow'd ; and the law thwarted to protect them . see what one says ( no stranger to their practises ) to prove , and evidence the combination . the leading-men , or grandees , first divided themselves into two factions or juncto's , presbyterians and independents : seeming to look onely at the church , but they involv'd the interests of the common-wealth . — these having seemingly divided themselves , and having really divided the houses , and captivated their respective parties judgments . — teaching them by an implicite faith , jurare in verba magistri , to pin their opinions upon their sleeves : they begin to advance their projects of monopolizing the profits , preferments , and power of the kingdom in themselves . to which purpose , though the leaders of each party seem to maintain a hot opposition , yet when any profit or preferment is to be reach'd at , it is observ'd , that a powerful independent especially , moves for a leading presbyterian , or a leading presbyterian for an independent : and seldom doth one oppose or speak against another , in such cases , unless somewhat of particular spleene or competition come between : which causeth them to break the common-rule . by this means , the grandees of each faction , seldom miss their mark , since an independent moving for a presbyterian , his reputation carries the business clear with the independent party : and the presbyterians will not oppose a leading man of their own side . i find we are not like to agree , for these people cannot see their own faults , nor we their virtues . i would take a good journey to meet any man stiff in that way , that would but confess he was ever in any error . of all the prejudices and scandals taken against this way , there is none greater than this , that it is represented as tyrannical and domineering , and that those who live under it , must ( like issachar ) crouch under the burdens . we do indeed account the presbyterian discipline very tyrannical , and by and by we 'l give our reasons for it . not because this discipline censures scandalous disorders ] ( as he insinuates ) but for that it subjects all civil matters to a consistorian cognisance , and rapt by an impulse of passion , calls many things scandalous , which measured by the rule of piety and reason , are found praise-worthy , and of laudable example . the usage of the common-prayer book is to them , scandalous , though setled by the law : but to eject a minister for reading it , though both without law , and against it , that , they esteem no scandal ; we , the contrary . i have now brought the gentleman to his first stage , where i might very fairly leave him , for having already done my business ; what i do more , is but for company . so far as i can judge , i have not scap'd one syllable material to his purpose : nor have i either broken his periods , or unlink'd his reasonings , to puzzle , or avoid his meaning . how fairly i have dealt with what i have expos'd : whether in matter of fact , deduction , or good manners , ( the subject of the difference duely weighed ) that i submit to the reader , and where the reason lies betwixt us . i have indeed omitted a great part of the debate , as not at all related to my design , nor ( to speak freely ) much to the point in question . his frequent and rhetorical raptures , extolling to the heavens , the wisdom and sanctity of the presbyterians ; ( but above all , the legions of the saints ) what does this florid vanity ●ignifie more than the putting of his own name to a fair picture , when yet , for ought he proves , and for ought we discern , there 's not one line betwixt them of agreement . the contrary course he takes with the prelatick party . they ( forsooth ) are not so and so : and from his generals , there he is pleased to enter into prohibited particulars , taxing in special manner the excesses of some of our late prelates : but without any instances of good in the other party , which does but spitefully and weakly imply , that bishops have more faults , than presbyterians have virtues . it will not be now expected , that we that differ in the premises , should agree in the conclusion . but for that we 'll take our fortunes . vpen the whole matter aforegoing , we firmly build this position : that the presbyterian party ought not in justice or reason of state , to be rejected and depressed , but ought to be protected and encouraged . ( this is but one doctor 's opinion ; we think otherwise . ) nevertheless ( says he ) there being a seeming complication in this business , and an other ample party appearing in competition , a difficulty remains , and the matter falls into a further deliberation . and thereupon we are fallen upon the second main enquiry . ii. quest. whether the presbyterian party may be protected and encouraged , and the episcopal not deserted nor disobliged . observation 't is a particular grace , that the bishops party may yet be admitted into the competition , and that the man of the short robe will vouchsafe to enquire into the consistence of episcopacy and presbytery : yet it was boldly ventur'd to determine what ought to be done before he had examin'd , whether the thing was fesible or no. i shall not spend my time to controvert idea's , and wrangle about governments in the air : we are for plain and practicable contrivements , such as authority , good order , and long experience have recommended to us . i suppose the agreeing of both parties in such middle terms as he proposes , a thing not utterly impossible . many things may be fair enough in notion , yet of exceeding hazzard to be put in practice ; especially 't is dangerous to try tricks with politick constitutions . great alterations are scarce safe , even where they are lawful , and wrought with good intention : much less are those so , which are promoted by a disorderly , and popular earnestness , and with seditious meaning . for this i dare lay down as a position : never did any private party band against a publick settlement , with an intent to mend it . but what have we to do with the imaginary coalition of the two church-parties ; when the kirk-discipline affronts the civil sanction , and actually invades the kings authority ? let them first bring their principles to their duties , treating like subjects , and submitting as christians . can any man believe those people friends to the church , that are enemies to the state ▪ or that the god of order can be pleased with the promoters of confusion ? were there no other reason to deny the thing they ask , than their bare manner of asking ; it ought not to be granted . what signifies their talk of number , power , resolution , but a false muster of the faction , to make a party with the rabble ? when yet , god knows , they 're inconsiderable : let every man but over-look his neighbour , and count , he 'l find the disproportion . undoubtedly the most insufferable of all their arguments is that of danger ; there 's but one step between that word and violence . first , it implies a seditious complication . they move for such as they believe will tumult : if not , where lies the hazzard ? besides , those subjects that dare tell their prince , 't is dangerous to deny their askings , do by that insolence render his concessions much more hazzardous . persons of that audacious temper , will hardly make a sober use of an extorted bounty . so far as presbyterian , and episcopal , purely refer to the church , i shall not much concern my self in our resolvers second main enquiry : ( equal to all the world is the incomparable hooker , upon that subject ) but where these terms are in a greater latitude , applyed to civil matters , i shall be bold to pass some further observations . the dissenting side oppose not all liturgy , but desire that the present onm may be changd , or reformed . observation that 's but a modest motion . but now suppose his majesty , the law , and forty for one of the nation , should desire the continuance of it as it is : what equity have the dissenters to the change ; or what would be the benefit if granted ? not the tenth part even of the presbyterians , would be contented with it . some of them are against all set-forms of common-prayer whatever ; others ( more moderate forsooth ) do not oppose a prescript form , so it be not enjoyn'd . a third sort , will vouchsafe to permit the english liturgy , provided they may have the purgeing of it themselves . and when all 's done , the sectaries may claim as much right to abolish that , as they to alter this. and now for ceremonies . they oppose not any circumstance of decency and order , but desire , that mystical ceremonies of humane institution , may be abolished or not enjoyned . first , the dissenters are not the judges of decency and order ; and for mystical ceremonies of humane institution ; ( as scaliger says of the sepia ) caliginem effundit , & evadit ; he troubles the water , and escapes in the dark . multiformity in religion ( says our reconciler , pleading for accommodation ) publickly profess'd , doth not well comport with the spirit of this nation , which is free , eager , jealous , apt to animosities and jealousies , besides that it hath ever had a strong propension to vniformity . observation had this fallen from a common pen , i could have better born the disproportion of his character of the english temper , — free , eager , jealous , and yet propense to vniforformity . this seems to me a mixture incompossible . but the good man means well , and writes so , when he lists . his drift is , to perswade us , that to comply with the presbytery , is to comport with the spirit of this nation : which being free and eager , seems to cry , beware . how blessedly would these free-spirited worthies order their subjects , if they were once in power , that thus presume from their own level , to menace and control authority . if toleration might compose the difference , there were some hope ; but that , alas , is more than they can afford the government , and much less will they accept it for themselves . the temper of this kingdom ( says he ) does not well accord with extremes on either hand ; ] and to see the fortune of it , the presbyterians are just in the middle . toleration being not the daughter of amity , but of enmity , ( at least ) in some degree supposeth the party tolerated to be a burden , especially if conceived dangerous to the way established , and commonly holds no longer than meer necessity compels ; and consequently neither party take themselves to be safe , the one always fearing to lose its authority , and the other its liberty . observation behold a learned expostulation , and a dutiful . [ where the party toelrated appears dangerous to the way established : the one fears to lose its authority , and the other its liberty . ] there 's no great depth in the discovery , that from an opinion of mutual danger , arises mutual jealousie . but what 's this case to the subject of our debate ? by toleration is not meant an imprudential yielding to an untractable , and churlish faction : but a discreet and pious application of tenderness toward such as by their fair comportment in the main of order , and good manners , appear to merit it . true it is , god himself is the onely searcher of hearts , who sees our thoughts , even in the bed of their conception . yet where we find an inconformity of practise to profession : people that strein at a gnat , and swallow a camel , we may without offence to charity , rank those incongruous christians amongst hypocrites : and with great justice hold them to the law , that strive to bring the law down to their humors . by the same rule ought we to judge in favour of their scruples , whose lives are squar'd by a conform severity and strictness . it is most true , that such proposals may suffice for peace , which will not satisfie humor and faction , and carnal interest . ] why do we not apply our selves then to the onely umpire of the controversie , the setled law , which without either passion or design , lays down our duty , and our interest ? these wranglings about trifles do but enflame the difference , and start new animosities , instead of quieting the old. the great pretence of scandal ( forsooth ) is this. the presbyterians stick at ceremonies properly sacred , and significant by humane institution , which they conceive to be more than meer circumstances , even parts of worship ; and whatsoever instituted worship is not ordained of god , they hold unlawful . this passage lies a little out of my rode , but however , i 'le make it my way . it is much easier to call our ceremonies sacred , and parts of worship , than to prove them such ; or that we understand them so . is the manner of doing any thing , part of the thing done ? and for significant by humane institution ] the exception is as frivolous . because that in some cases even of external discipline , the church is limited , does it therefore follow that it is free in none ? or ty'd up onely to such rites and ceremonies , as hold no signal proportion with the reason of their institution ? this argument cuts their own throats , since by the significancy of the sitting posture at the communion , they ma●ntain the use of it ; for ( say their admonitioners ) it betokens rest , and full accomplishment of legal ceremonies in christ. they that scruple our mystical significant ceremonies , conceive that they are properly and meerly sacred , as having the honor of god for their direct and immediate end . these reasons are but snares for woodcocks . that the ultimate end of all our actions is , or at least ought to be ) the honor of god , admits no question ; but 't is not therefore the immediate end of every thing we do , nor in particular of ceremonies . the outward forms and rites of publick worship , direct partly to uniformity and order ; and partly to excite due reverence and affection in the discharge of holy duties , by sensible actions , and remarkable circumstances . but he persues his error ; and instances , that the surplice is not for gravity , nor meerly for decent distinction , but a religious mystical habit , the character or badge of a sacred office , or service conformable to the linnen ephod under the law. the grand exception against the surplice is matter of scandal , and that amounts to nothing , where people will be peevish , and carp at every thing . allow it what original he pleases : if it be neither unlawful in it self : nor wickedly applyed ; and by authority thought fit to be imposed ; why should it not be used ? what says the incomparable hooker , in this point ? [ to solemn actions of royalty , and state , their suitable ornaments are a beauty ; are they onely in religion a steyn ? ] and in another place . the names of our months , and of our days , we are not ignorant from whence they came , and with what dishonor unto god they are said to have been devised at the first . what could be spoken against any thing more effectual to stir hatred , then that which sometimes the antient fathers in this case spake ? yet those very names are at this day in use throughout christendom , without hurt or scandal to any . clear and manifest it is , that things devised by hereticks , yea , devised of a very herétical purpose , even against religion , and at their first devising worthy to have been withstood , may in time grow meet to be kept ; as that custome , the inventers whereof were the * eunomian hereticks . so that customs once established , and confirmed by use , being presently without harm , are not in regard of their corrupt original , to be held scandalous . but concerning those ceremonies , which they reckon for most popish , they are not able to avouch , that any of them was otherwise instituted , than unto good ; yea , so used at the first . ] the signing with the sign of the cross ( they conceive ) is more evidently sacred than the former . as baptism consecrates the child , so doth the cross. it is used as a sealing sign of our obligation to christ , as the words used in the application thereof do manifest , and the book of canons doth declare expresly , which saith , [ that it is an honorable badge , whereby the infant is dedicated to the service of him that died on the cross , as by the words used in the book of common-prayer it may appear . ] and therefore it is in that respect sacramental . observation 't is a well nurtur'd child that gives his mother the lye : and it is little better , to charge this sense upon the church of england , when by the very letter of the canon , an express care is taken to prevent all possibility of exception , by a clear explication of the churches judgment in that particular . the juggle is so gross , i need but cite the canon to confute it . first , the church of england , since the abolishing of popery , hath ever held and taught , and so doth hold and teach still , that the sign of the cross used in baptism , is no part of the substance of that sacrament ; for when the minister dipping the infant in water , or laying water upon the face of it ( as the manner also is ) hath pronounced these words , i baptize thee in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost , the infant is fully and perfectly baptized . so as the sign of the cross being afterwards used , doth neither add any thing to the vertue or perfection of baptism ; nor being omitted doth detract any thing from the effect and substance of it . secondly , it is apparent in the communion book , that the infant baptized is by vertue of baptism , before it be signed with the sign of the cross , received into the congregation of christs flock , as a perfect member thereof , and not by any power ascribed unto the sign of the cross ; so that for the very remembrance of the cross , which is very precious to all them that rightly believe in jesus christ , and in the other respect mentioned : the church of england hath retained still the sign in baptism , following therein the primitive and apostolical churches , and accounting it a lawful outward ceremony , and honorable badge , whereby the infant is dedicated to the service of him that died upon the cross , as by the words used in the book of common-prayer it may appear . ] if this will not suffice to prove , that nothing sacramental is intended by it , let it be noted , that in private baptism the cross is totally omitted . his next exception is at holy-days : but i shall pass my bounds too far . i 'll borrow one maxim of the judicious hooker , ( upon th●t subject ) which shall serve for all . those things which the law of god leaveth arbitrary , and at liberty , are all subject unto positive laws of men : which laws , for the common benefit , abridge particular mens libertie in such things , as far as the rules of equity will suffer . after the quality of our ceremonies , the holy man will have one fling at the number of them . if the english ceremonies be warrantably used , what hinders the use of divers other ceremonies used in the roman church ? is it said , their multitude will become burthensome and inconvenient ? but who can determine the convenient number ? and however , an exchange of one ceremony for another were not unlawful . for what reason may not some other romish rites in baptism be used as well as the cross , seeing they are nothing less significant or inoffensive ; nay , peradventure much more inoffensive , because the papists by giving divine worship to the cross , have abused it to gross idolatry . observation beggars must be no choosers : must we use all , or none ? the english church hath made election of the english ceremonies ; what , and how many : being the proper judge both in the point of number and convenience . 't is not for us to question the authority , but to obey it . what if the cross hath been abused ? so hath the knee been bent ; the hands and eyes addressed to an idol . are we , because of this mis-application , prohibited to worship the true god , in the same manner , and posture ? now to the liturgy again . the presbyterians are not satisfied in the present liturgy , but desire it may be laid aside , or much reformed . and what solid reason withstands the equity of this desire ? this solid reason does withstand it . they beg like sturdy cripples , for christ's sake , with a cudgel . and 't is not safe for authority to give ground to a faction . whosoever observes impartially , shall find , that political prudence was joyn'd with christian piety , in composing the english service-book . ] and the same prudence is now joyn'd with the same piety , both in the right , and interest of preserving it . his next grief is a heavy one . canonical subscription lately impos'd , is a yoke of bondage , ( now mark him ) to be considered by all those that have a true regard to such liberty in religion , as equity and necessity pleads for . observation either this passage is seditious , and to enflame the people against authority , or i am no englishman . the canon ( says he ) requires a subscribing to the thirty nine articles ; to the common-prayer-book ; to the book of ordering bishops , priests , and deacons ; that all these contain in them nothing contrary to the word of god. this is unreasonable , unprofitable , and unnecessary . nay , let us take in the third article too , — to wit , [ that the nine and thirty articles are agreeable to the word of god. ] and now the form of subscription , viz. [ i do willingly , and ex animo , subscribe to these three articles above mentioned , and to all things that are contained in them . this is the yoke of bondage , which our reverend libertine complains of . first , to the unreasonableness of this subscription . touching the king's supremacy , asserted in the first article , he is silent ; and i suppose he would be thought consenting . as to the rest , what reason is there that any man should be admitted into the ministery , without subscribing to the constitution of that church , into which he seeks admitance ? if he cannot subscribe in conscience , he cannot be admitted in prudence : and if he refuses in point of stomach , that man is not of a gospel-temper . in fine , he that holds a fair opinion of the doctrine , and discipline of the church of england , may very reasonably set his hand to his opinion : and he that does not , may as reasonably be rejected because of such disagreement . so much for unreasonable ; neither is it unprofitable : for such as have any spark , either of honor , or shame , will in regard to such a testimony , be tender of giving themselves the lye , whatever they would do otherwise . his third cavil is , that it is unnecessary ; ( so are his exceptions . ) let any man consider ; when all these bars and limits are too little to restrain turbulent and sacrilegious spirits from dangerous and irreverent attempts : what seas of schism and heresie would break in upon us , were but these banks demolish'd . but he hath found out an expedient , how [ unity in doctrine , and uniformity in practise , may be as well attain'd , and far more kindly , without this enforced subscription : ( that is ) if no minister be suffered to preach , or write , any thing contrary to the establish'd doctrine , worship , or discipline , nor ordinarily for the main to neglect the establish'd rule . ] observation this last passage appears to me most spitefully pleasant . not ordinarily for the main , that is ; always sometimes he would neglect the establish'd rule . if the laws already in force against revolters , had been duly executed , 't is likely the interest of england , in the matter of religion , had not been now the question . but still this supposition does not imply an absolute sufficiency of that strictness to all intents and purposes of order and agreement . 't is what we think , not what we say ; the harmony of souls , more then of forms , which god regards : without that sacred , and entire consent of judgment , and affections , the rest is but a flat , and cold formality . not to act contrary to prescribed rules , ( where we are bound up by a penalty ) is but a negative and passive obedience ; a compliance rather with convenience , than duty , unless joyn'd with a prone , and full assent , both to the truth and equity of those determinations . for these and many reasons more , canonical subscription seems to me exceeding necessary . but for those people to decline it , ( upon pretence forsooth of conscience ) that upon pain of freedom , and estates , nay , and of hell it self , enforced the covenant , is most unequal . a presbyterian preacher , * refused to pray for sir william nesbett , late provost of edenburgh , when he was lying upon his death-bed , onely because he had not subscribed the covenant . let me be pardoned , if i understand not this incongruous holiness . as for the decrees and canons of the church , what rightful authority doth make them , as the law of the medes and persians that altereth not ? observation surely his reverence over-shoots himself . what rightful authority ? the kings : and by a less authority they cannot be discharged . by that authority , that licenses x] the excommunication of the impugners of the rites and ceremonies established in the church of england : — the opposers also of the y] government , by arch-bishops , bishops , &c. — by that authority , to which this gentleman hath forfeited the head he wears . well , but he tells us , the publick state of these differences is such , that the prelatists may , and ought to descend to the presbyterians , in the proposed moderate way ; but the presbyterians cannot come up to the prelatists in the height of their way . with the king's leave , had been good manners yet . by what authority , does presbytery pretend to unseat the hierarchy ? all the world knows , ( as much as they know any thing of that antiquity ) that bishops are of apostolical extraction : and we are not to imagine , that they died intestate , and their commission with them . but bishops have descended already , and what was the event of it ? truly it was as moderate an episcopacy as heart could wish : but , as i remember , their revenues were not employed to maintain a practical ministery . the rule is , — si vis scire an velim , effice ut possim nolle . but see the moderation of the man. some change ( he says ) in the outward form , and ceremonies , which are but a garb , or dress , is no real change of the worship . i thought we had differ'd upon point of conscience , about * [ ceremonies properly sacred , — and parts of worship . ] but now it seems 't is but the garb , or dress we stick at . the good-man has forgot himself ; and yet we had best be wary , for 't is but an untoward hint he gives us . oftentimes ( says he ) moderate reformations do prevent abolitions , and extirpations . ] observation they do so , often , and sometimes they cause them : that is , be the state never so distemper'd , where subjects turn reformers , the remedy is worse than the disease . in fine , when i look back , i find the very same desires of reformation originally pretended ; which ( after such descensions as never any prince before the blessed father of our gracious soveraign , made to his subjects ) proceeded yet to utter extirpation , root , and branch . the present face of things looks so like twenty years ago , i cannot choose but fear the same design from the same method ; the same effects from the same causes . is not that likely to be a blessed reformation , where faction dictates , and tumults execute ? but our pacifick moderator is of another temper sure ; he onely advises a yielding , for fear of worse : especially considering , that the party called presbyterian may be protected , and encouraged , and the episcopal not deserted nor disoblig'd . which is his resolution upon the second quaere presbyterian improvements are commonly a little sinister ; ( or , as a man may say , over the left shoulder ) they have something an odd way of making a glorious king , and a happy people . but we shall not dispute the possibility of doing many things which may be yet of dangerous experiment . i do believe it possible for a man to flie ; yet set him upon pauls , and lure him down , upon the trial , 't is at least six to four he breaks his neck . truly in my opinion , this proposal is all out as impracticable . but 't is all one to me. what if the two church-parties , can agree , or what if they cannot ? my business is to keep the presbyterian from laying violent hands upon the civil power , and to convince a party so denominated , of sedition , not of schism . his third enquiry follows . qu. iii. whether the upholding of both parties by a just and equal accommodation , be not in it self more desirable , and more agreeable to the state of england , than the absolute exalting of one party , and the total subversion of the other ? ( and thus he reasons . that state of prelacy which cannot stand without the subversion of the presbyterians , and that stands in opposition to regulated episcopacy , will become a mystery of a meer carnal and worldly state , under a sacred title , and venerable name of our mother the church . for in such opposition , of what will it be made up , but of lordly revenue , dignity , splendor , and jurisdiction , with outward ease and pleasure ! what will its design be from age to age , but to uphold and advance his own pomp and potency ? read the ecclesiastical histories , and you shall find the great business of the hierarchy hath been to contest with princes and nobles , and all ranks and degrees , about their immunities , privileges , preheminences , to multiply constitutions and ceremonies for props to their own greatness , but not to promote the spiritual kingdom of our lord jesus christ in the hearts of people , according to the life and power of christianity . observation let this serve for a taste of his pedantique boldness . whether the scandal , or the danger of these liberties is the greater , may be one question : and whether the usurper of this freedom is the better subject , or christian , may be another . if we respect the holy order of bishops , together with the sacred authority of law , by which they are here established , how scandalous and irreverend is this invective ! or if the unsetled humor of the people , how dangerous ! if we reflect either upon christian unity , or political obedience : how inconsistent is this manner of proceeding , with what we owe to god , and the king ! that state of prelacy , which cannot stand without the subversion of the presbyterians , &c. — 't is very well ; — and why the subversion of the presbyterians ? how those that never were vp , should be thrown down , i cannot imagine . by what law , or by what equity , do these people pretend to any interest of establishment in england ? those of the presbyterian judgment , that out of a real tenderness cannot comply in all particulars , will beyond doubt receive from his majesty such favour and indulgence , as may abundantly suffice to their relief . but that pretence doth not one jot entitle them to challenge a further influence upon the government . these wayward appetites and cravings , are but the sickly longings of a peevish woman : a kind of voluntary and privileged conscience they have , which if it happens to take a fancy even to the crown , monarchy it self must rather perish , than these poor wretches lose their longings . soberly i would advise them by any means , to waive these troublesome and groundless pretences . it starts a scurvy question , and makes men ask , how these people came by the right they challenge ? for the rest ; episcopacy is like to be well ordered , when the presbyterians have the regulation of it . there have been great contests ( no question ) mov'd by the hierarchy ; but i suppose this gentleman will not instance in many , ●ince the reformation , derogatory to the jurisdiction royal : whereas the whole course of the presbyterian discipline hath been tumultuous ; and their avowed principles are more destructive to royalty , than even the rankest of the jesuites themselves . having at length talk'd his fill against the pomp of prelacy ; and charg'd the arrogance of presbyters upon the bishops : thus he concludes , in very deed , the state here described , will never stand safely among a people that are free , serious , searching , and discerning in matters of religion . ] which to the many , sounds thus much . this is the pride and tyranny of bishops : and none but a slavish and besotted people will endure it . he that makes other of it , forces it . having by the spirit of natural divination foretold the effects which he himself intends to cause ; he gives this hint to the vulgar , that [ a hierarchy of this nature hath a strong bias toward popery . ] no doubt , and so had monarchy . was not this imputation , by the same party , cast upon the late king , and with the same measure of confidence and bitterness ? when yet we know , that those that charged him with it , did not believe themselves ; it was so rank , and evident a calumny . nor to insist upon the dying testimony of that incomparable prince ; ( which was but suitable to the pious practise and profession of his whole life ) that early protestation of his majesties , before his receiving of the holy eucharist at christ-church in oxon , 1643. will be more pertinent to my purpose . his majesty being to receive the sacrament from the hands of the lord arch-bishop of armagh , used these publick expressions immediately before his receiving the blessed elements , he rose up from his knees , and beckning to the arch-bishop for a short forbearance , made this protestation . my lord , i espy here many resolved protestants , who may declare to the world the resolution i now do make . i have to the utmost of my power prepared my soul to become a worthy receiver ; and may i so receive comfort by the blessed sacrament , as i do intend the establishment of the true reformed protestant religion , as it stood in its beauty in the happy days of queen elizabeth , without any connivence at popery . i bless god , that in the midst of these publick distractions , i have still liberty to communicate ; and may this sacrament be my damnation , if my heart do not joyn with my lips in this protestation . this was not yet enough to allay the clamour , till with his royal blood he had seal'd this protestation . if the objector can produce a fouler injury , either to religion , duty , truth , honor , or humanity , let it be done , to save the credit of the faction , unless they reckon the superlative perfection of their wickedness , a point of glory . his next remark is not amiss . [ let it be well observ'd , that the designs of suppressing puritans , and complying with papists , had their beginning both at once , and proceeded in equal paces . observation let it be here as well observ'd , that if by puritans be meant those of the separation , by papists is intended such as kept their stations : these squires of the revolt , esteeming as anti-christian , whatever stands in opposition to their heady purposes . we have this both from story and experience , that it hath been the constant practise of these unmannerly apostates , to speak evil of dignities ; & being fall'n off themselves , it is but carnal prudence , by damning of the authority to justifie the schism . no wonder then , if the designs of suppressing puritans , and complying with papists , had ( in his sense ) the same beginning , and proceeded in equal paces . to bring himself off , he shifts it thus . [ according to a vulgar sense , we take popery in the heighth thereof , for the heresies and idolatries ; and in the lower degree thereof , for the gross errors and superstitions of the church of rome . ] and 't is against english popery in the lower degree , that he plants his battery : arguing so formally against our going over to rome , that any stranger to the story would swear , — the prelates and the pope were more then half agreed already . having at length with great good-will advised the church of england as to the main , he concludes , that [ all approaches and motions towards rome are dangerous . ] but are not all recesses from truth , more dangerous : because in every thing we cannot agree with them , must we in nothing ? to me this appears rather petulancy , then pious reason . we are to hold fast the truth , where-ever it lyes : and to embrace what 's good , and laudable in any church , without adhering to the contrary . did not st. paul become all things to all men , that by all means he might gain some ? but if we walk upon the brink ( he tells us ) we may soon fall into the pit. ) these wary men forget , that there 's a gulf on the one hand , as well as a pit on the other : and that the narrow way is that which leads to eternal happiness . but as to reason of state ( he says that ) enmity with rome , hath been reputed the stability of england ; concerning which the duke of rhoan hath delivered this maxime ; [ that besides the interest which the king of england hath common with all princes , he hath yet one particular , which is , that he ought throughly to acquire the advancement of the protestant relig●●n , even with as much zeal as the king of spain appears protector of the catholick . allow this maxime good in state , he hath but found a rod to whip himself . the king of england ought to advance the protestant religion . ] content . what now if these disciplinarians prove no protestants ? but rather a schismatical , and dividing party , driving an interest of their own , under that specious name , and with great shew of holiness , opposing not only the practises and rules of the reformed churches , but even the fundamentals of christianity it self ? by whom will they be tryed , or on what judgement , and authority will they rest ? they quarrel with the order of bishops ; the common-prayer ; the rites and ceremonies of the church ; the law of the land , with customes , and antiquity : in short , with every thing but the geneva discipline . they do by that too , as our gallants do by french-fashions . the court of france being the standard of queint mode and dress , to the one , as is geneva of church order to the other : what is there used , though in it self extravagant enough , our humour is to over-do ; and if the french wear but wide breeches , we forsooth must wear petticoats . consult the learned and most eminent assertors of their discipline ; ask the grand architect himself , or indeed , any of his sectators , ( of fair and honourable credit ) concerning the subject of our present controversie . and 1. whether it be a protestant opinion , that the hierarchy is antich●istian ? ii. whether such laws of humane institution , as neither contradict the general laws of nature , nor any positive law in scripture , be binding or no ? iii. in case of male-administration , either in church , or state : whether the people may take upon them to reform ? but this they are not so stiff in , as to maintain it , but by blind inferences not worth regard . this is the state of our dispute ; and if in these particulars our anti-prelatists oppose the current of reformed divines : to advance their interest , is to undermine the common interest of the king , nation , and the protestant cause . needs must it move many revolts , and keep off many proselytes , to see such principles declared of the essence of christian religion , as a good honest pagan would be ashamed of . nor less repugnant are they to rules of society , than of conscience ; no tyranny so cruel and imperious ; no slavery so reprochful . set up their discipline , and we 're at school again . methinks i see a presbyter with his rod over every parish ; and the whole nation turning up their tails to a pack of pedants . yet hateful as it is , even that it self , establish'd by authority , might challenge our obedience . i have digress'd too far ; yet in convenient place , i must say something further upon this subject . if our new fangled polititian had consider'd , that the kings interest leads him to support , that which the presbyterians strive to overthrow , ( the protestant religion ) i am perswaded he would have spared the duke of rhoan in this particular . the maxime even as it lies before us , affording matter of dangerous deduction to his disadvantage : but taken in coherence , nothing can be more sharp and positive against him . that great and wise captain the duke of rhoan , discoursing upon what reasons of state , q. elizabeth acted toward spain , france , and the united provinces ; tells us particularly , how much she favoured the protestants in france , & germany . [ par toutes ces maximes , ( dit il ) cette sage princesse a bien fait comprendre , a ses successeurs , que outre l' interest que l' angleterre a commun avec tous les princes , &c. — by all these maximes ( says he ) this wise princess hath given her successors to understand , that besides the interest which england hath common with other princes , yet one particular it hath , which is to advance the protestant religion with the same zeal , the king of spain does the catholick . be it here noted , that when the queen was most concern'd , and busie to promote the protestant cause , even at that very time was she as much employ'd to crush the presbyterian faction , viz. cartwright , coppinger , arthington , hacket , and their confederates . the first of these was imprison'd , and fined for seditious and schismatical practises against the church and state. the second starved himself in a gaol ; the third repented , and publickly recanted : the fourth was put to death for horrid blasphemies . ( these people talk'd of a practical ministery too . — ( the men are gone , but their positions are still in being , and only attend a blessed opportunity to be put in execution . this may appear from divers late discourses , which are effectually no other then cartwrights principles , and model , couch'd in warier terms , and other authority than these , or such as these , i think the very authors of them will scarce pretend to . one observation more . our paraphrast renders the advancement of the protestant religion , — enmity with rome , to the great scandal of the reform'd profession . we have no enmity but with errour , which in a rigid puritan , to us , is the same thing as in a papist . but popery ( he tells us ) hath been ever infamous for excommunicating , murthering , and deposing princes . i am no advocate for the roman cause , but upon this account , i think betwixt the jesuite , and the puritan , it may be a drawn battel . and yet he follows , with an assurance that the protestant religion aims at nothing , but that the kings prerogative , and popular liberty , may be even ballanced . ( that is , the puritan , — the presbyterian religion , as he explains himself a little lower . i cannot call to mind one single passage in this whole discourse , concerning the kings power , or the peoples liberty ; which is not either worded doubtfully or with some popular limitation upon the royal authority . what does he mean by even ballancing ? cheek by joul ? or by what warrant from the word of god , does a presbyters religion intermeddle with popular liberty ? unless the holy man intends to bring homage to kings , within the compass of ceremonies of humane , and mystical institution . yet once again . the presbyterian principle ( he sayes ) is for subjection to princes , though they were hereticks , or infidels ; and if they differ herein from the prelatical protestant , ( i was afraid we had been all papists ) it is only that they plead for liberty , setled by known laws , and fundamental constitutiont . ] still ad populum ? these are the incantations which have bewitch'd this nation . this charm of qualify'd disloyalty , and conditional obedience . behold the very soul of the faction in these five lines ; a fair profession first to his majesty , and with the same breath a seditious hint to the people . what is that liberty he talks of , but a more colourable title to a tumult ? that legal freedome , to which both by the royal bounty , and our own birth-right we stand entituled , we ought not to contest for with our soveraign , and ( god be prays'd ) we need not , now for another fit of kindnesse . his majesty our native king , may govern as he pleases , without fear of hazards , by continuing to shew himself a common father . observation what 's this cause a kin to the third article of the covenant ? to preserve and defend the kings majesties person and authority , in the preservation and defence of the true religion , and liberties of the kingdoms , ] ( as who should say , if , he does otherwise , let him look to himself . the excessive dominion of the hierarchy , with the rigorous imposition of humane ceremonies was accounted much of the malady of former times , which ended in those deadly convulsions of church and state. observation since this pragmatical levite will provoke a controversie , i am content to entertain it . if the bishops excesses were the cause of war , how came the kings ruine to be the effect of it ? but 't is no new thing for a presbyterian to saddle the wrong horse . just in this manner did the covenanters treat his late majesty : and by those very troops that cryed down bishops was the king murther'd . ridiculous brutes , to boggle at a surplice , and yet run headlong into a rebellion . the grand source of our miseries was the covenant , by which , as by a spell ( in the name of the blessed trinity ) the people were insensibly bewitched into an aptnesse to work any wickednesse which the interpreters of that oracle should say was the intendment of it . the first notorious rupture was in scotland , in 1637. attended with a covenant , which without question was formerly agreed upon by the confederate faction of both kingdoms , as the most proper and least hazardous way of tasting the kings patience , and the peoples humours . that their design was laid and carried on by counsels , and intelligence as aforesaid , may be collected from the consequent , and brotherly agreements : and truly the retrospect of the act of indemnity seems to hint no lesse , for it commences from the first scottish broyls , tho' four or five years before the war brake out in england ; what was begun by covenant , was so prosecuted . by virtue of the covenant the kirk-party supply'd themselves with men and monies : armies were brought into the field ; and beyond doubt , many that truly loved the king , not knowing what they did , ingaged against him . to keep up this delusion , the press and pulpit did their parts , and to deal freely after this advance , i should as much have wondred if they had stop'd short of his death , as i find others wondering how they durst accomplish it . death with a bullet or an axe , is the same mischief to him that suffers it : and the same crime , wilfully done , in those that act it . no man can rationally allow one , and condemn the other : for if the violence be lawful ; why not as well in the field , as upon a scaffold ? in this particular , the doctor is beside his cushion . he makes me think of the marquiss of newcastle , upon a sawcy clergy-man . why should i remember that he 's a priest ( says my lord ) if he forgets it himself ? his next argument against prelacy is a modest , and ( as i take it , ) a queint one. can the self same state ( sayes he ) and frame of ecclesiasticks be now revived after so great and long continued alterations , by which the anti-prelatical party is exceedingly increased and strengthned ? surely this gentleman has a mind to give his brother crofton a visit . cannot prelacy be better restored after a discontinuance , then presbytery erected , where it never had a being ? the very laws are yet to make , for the one , and still in force for the other . but the great obstacle is , the anti-prelatical party is exceedingly increased , and strengthned . ] truly i think , if his majesty should lessen the number of them , by two or three of the promoters of that doctrine , the precedent might do some good upon the rest . can any thing be more feditious ? these hints upon fair grounds and given in private , might very well become the gravity of a churchman , or the profession of a loyal subject . but to the people , these calculations are dictates of sedition ; and only meant to engage the credulous and heady multitude in false opinions both of the tyranny of prelates , and their own power . thus far in observation upon the first part of the interest of england , in the matter of religion , &c. — the whole structure whereof ( in his own words ) rests upon these positions , as its adequate foundation . 1. that whilest the two forenamed parties remain divided , both the protestant religion , and the kingdome of england is divided against it self . 2. that the presbyterians cannot be rooted out , nor their interest swallowed up , whilest the state of england remaineth protestant . 3. that their subversion if it be possible to be accomplished , will be very pernicious to the protestant religion , and the kingdome of england . 4. that the coalition of both parties into one may be effected by an equal accommodation , without repugnancy to their conscientions principles on either side , in so much that nothing justifiable by religion or sound reason can put a bar to this desirable union . the whole matter ( in debate he tells us ) rests upon three main enquiries . i. qu. whether in justice or reason of state the presbyterian party should be rejected and depressed , or protected and incouraged . ii. qu. whether the presbyterian party may be protected and incouraged , and the episcopal not deserted nor dis-obliged . iii. qu. whether the upholding of both parties by a just and equal accommodation be not in it self more desireable and more agreeable to the state of england , than the absolute exalting of the one party and the total subversion of the other . observation i shall now offer some further reasonings of my own ; upon this subject ; therein proposing such brevity and clearnesse ; that both the lazy , and the busie may find time to read it , and the weakest not want capacity to understand it . his first position holds no further good , then as the presbyterians are first protestants in the matter of the difference , and then considerable in the ballance of the nation . religion led the quarrel , so let it the dispute . in using the word protestant , i follow custome , for i had rather call it catholick : but protestant let it be . i suppose by the protestant religion , we understand that of the reformed churches : to whose decision we shall willingly submit the sum of our disagreements : which may be stated under a reduction to these two questions . i. qu. whether or no the government of the church by archbishops & bishops — be antichristian , or unlawful ? ii. whether such laws of humane and significant institution , as are orderly made , and neither contradict the general laws of nature , nor any positive law in scripture , — be binding or not ? first , concerning the prelacy : luther himself distinguishes betwixt popish tyrants , and true bishops : professing his quarrel to them as popish not as bishops . the authors of the augustane confession , leave it upon record , that they would willingly preserve the ecclesiastical and canonical polity , if the bishops would cease to tyrannize over their churches . ] bucer advises by all means the restoring of such ecclesiastical governments as the canons prescribe , ( episcopis & metropolitanis ) to bishops and metropolitans . melancthon to luther , — you would not imagine ( says he ) how some people are netled to see church-policy restored : as if it were the romish soveraignty again . ] ita de regno suo , non de evangelio , dimicant socii nostri . calvin himself recommends the hierarchy to the king of poland : and treating concerning the primitive church , says , that the antient government by arch-bishops and bishops , and the nicene constitution of patriarchs , was for orders sake , and good government . [ ad disciplinae conservationem pertinebat . ] the same person being called to accompt by cardinal sadolet , concerning the geneva defection , and for subscribing the augustane confession , renders this answer . cursed be such as oppose that hierarchy , which submits it self to christ jesus . [ nullo non anathemate dignos censeo , quotquot illi hierarchiae , qui se domino jesu submittit , subjici nolunt . zanchi ( the compiler of the gallican confession ) observes a change of name , rather than of office , throughout most of the german churches . bishops and arch-bishops being onely disguised under the notion of super-intendents , and general-superintendents : acknowledging , that by the consent of histories , counsels , and the antient fathers , those orders have been generally allow'd by all christian societies . beza , ( the rigid successor of calvin ) being check'd by the arch-bishop of canterbury , for intermedling beyond his spheare , — we do not charge ( says he ) all archbishops and bishops with tyranny . — the church of england hath afforded many learned men , and many glorious martyrs of that function . if that authority be there still in beeing , may a perpetual blessing go along with it . [ fruatur sane istâ singulari dei beneficentiâ , quae utinam illi sit perpetua . ] this with all ceremony was addressed , — totius angliae primati : to the primate of all england , and in the name of the whole church of geneva . saravia makes him him speak yet plainer ; who arguing for the hierarchy out of the apostles canons , receives from beza this reply . this is no more then what we wish might be restored to all churches . [ quid aliud hic statuitur , quam quod in omnibus locis , ecclesiis restitutum cupimus ? ] zanchi comes up to the very case of england ; ( nay , and a little further too ) not onely affirming episcopacy to be agreeable to the word of god : but where it is in exercise , that it ought to continue , and where by violence it hath been abolish'd , that it ought to be restor'd . [ * vbi vigent ( isti ordines scil . ) non esse abolendos , & ubicunque iniquitas temporum eos abolevit restituendos . ] with what face now shall the enemies of bishops call themselves protestants , in this particular at least , wherein they evidently cross the whole stream of protestant divines ? now to the second quae●e . whether such laws of humane , and significant institution , as are orderly made , and neither contradict the general laws of nature , nor any positive law in scripture , be binding or not ? hear calvin first , [ quamvis quod oberuditur scandalum afferat , quia tamen verbo dei per se non repugnat concedi potest . ] scandals taken , without repugnancy to the word of god , are not sufficient to invalidate the obligation of a ceremony imposed by the church . beza himself , nay , mr. cartwright , the captain of our blessed legions , will allow , rather than quit a benefice , to wear a surplice . bucer thanks god with all his soul to see the english ceremonies so pure , and conform to the word of god , or at least , ( rightly understood ) not contrary to it . not to hunt further for particular authorities , i shall be bold with my own brother , and make use of some general collections which he hath gathered ready to my hand . nothing assuredly can be more demonstrative of the protestant tenets , than the confession of their several churches . that of helvetia first , [ churches have always used their liberty in rites , as being things indifferent , which we also do at this day . ] that of bohemia ; [ humane traditions and ceremonies brought in by a good custom , are with an uniform consent to be retained in the ecclesiastical assemblies of christian people , at the common service of god. ] the gallican ; [ every place may have their peculiar constitutions , as it shall seem convenient for them . ] the belgick ; [ we receive those laws as are fit , either to cherish or maintain concord , or to keep us in the obedience of god. ] that of ausburg ; [ ecclesiastical rites which are ordained by mans authority , and tend to quietness and good order in the church , are to be observed . ] that of saxony ; [ for order sake , there must be some decent and seemly ceremonies . ] that of swethland ; [ such traditions of men as agree with the scriptures , and were ordained for good manners , and the profit of men , are worthily to be accounted rather of god than of man. ] these were the tenents they publickly owned , nor did they act different from what they taught , ordaining churches , pulpits , prayers before and after sermon , administring the sacraments in churches , delivering the communion in the forenoon to women , baptizing infants , and several other things , not one whereof were directly commanded by either christ , or his apostles . from hence 't is manifest , we may divide from presbyterians , and yet the protestant religion not be divided against it self . a schism there is , but whether in the church , or in the faction , is onely a dispute for those that plead the authority of tumults . as their opinions are not one jot protestant , where they divide from bishops ; so neither are their morals any more warrantable , wherein they act as men. which shall we credit , words , or deeds ? will they not bite ; where they pretend to kiss ? a famous martyr of that party , ( hacket ) served a fellow so . some difference there had been , and they were to be made friends . hacket pretends a reconcilement ; takes the man in his arms , bites off his nose , and swallows it . this is that hacket that was joyn'd with coppinger , and archington , in a plot to murder the lords in the star-chamber , because they had committed cartwright , ( the great rabbi of the party ) whose crime was onely the erecting of the presbytery without , and against the queens authority . thus we see , that in queen elizabeth 's days too , the protestant religion was divided against it self . briefly , that it is not religion which moves these people , is most apparent , from their unquiet and distempered actings . proceed we now to enquire what it is , or in plain terms , to unmasque the holy cheat , and shew it bare-fac'd to the people . of all impressions , those of religion are the deepests ; and of all errors , the most to be lamented and indulged , are those of tender and mis-guided consciences . the clearness of this principle considered , it is no wonder that the foulest designs , put on the greatest shews of holiness , as the onely way to gain and rule affections , without which , no great matters can be accomplish'd . this is a truth well known to the presbyterians , and of experiment as antient as their discipline . we do not undertake to read their hearts , but their vvritings we may venture upon ; enquire a little into their practises , and by comparing both , give some tolerable guess at their intentions . the readiest way is to look back , and match them ; for the best prospect of the future is behind us . some grumblings toward the consistorian discipline , there were in the days of edw. 6. but the first notorious separation was that of frankford , ( in the reign of queen mary ) when gilby , goodman , and whitingham , with their companions , flew off , and went to geneva , from whence they returned into england , soon after queen elizabeth came to the crown . these led the dance in england ; knox in scotland : and at this day our presbyterians do but write after their copy : professing the same principles , pretending the same scruples , and beyond doubt proposing the same end ; which was to get the same dominion here , which calvin and beza exercised at geneva : to whom they still repair'd for counsel as they needed . cartwright and travers came in the breech of these , but not without consulting beza first , to learn the knack of the geneva model . these were the men that first brought into england that horrible position , that the geneva discipline was as essential a note of the church , as either the true preaching of the word , or the due administration of the sacraments . this is the principle which supports the presbyterian interest . for the first thirteen years of the queen's reign , they contented themselves to throw about their libels against ceremonies , and divide into conventicles . in the fourteenth of her majesty , they addressed two admonitions to the parliament ; the former in the quality of a remonstrance , with a platform ; the other , bolder , and more peremptory . this parliament was no sooner dissolved , but they fell presently to work upon their discipline ; the progress whereof is with great exactness set down in the third book of bancroft's dangerous positions . in 1572. a presbytery was erected at wandesworth in surrey , at which time they had also their conventicles in london , where little was debated , but against subscription , the attire , and book of common-prayer . in 82. a meeting was appointed of 60 ministers , out of essex , cambridge-shire , and norfolk , at cockfield ; to confer about the common-prayer , — what might be tolerated . ] in 83. the form of discipline was compiled , and decrees made touching the practise of it , which soon after were put in execution . ] in 87. the discipline was received , and put in practise in northampton-shire . ] in 88. a classical assembly at coventry . ] in 89. a general meeting in cambridge , and another at ipswitch . ] in 1590. vpon the detection of the premises , they refused to answer upon oath . being thus associated , they appropriate to their meetings the name of the church , and use the style . the offices of the lord arch-bishops , and bishops , &c. ( says martin junior ) are condemn'd by the doctrin of the church of england . ] by these degrees , the schismaticks advanced to a dangerous heighth , and boldness ; and of this temper and extraction are our presbyterians . after the aforemention'd discovery , a stricter eye and hand was kept upon them ; divers of the ring-leaders were imprison'd , and the covy broken . upon the coming in of king james , they began to stir again ; but he knew them too well , either to trust , or suffer them . how they behaved themselves towards the late king , is to the eternal infamy , not onely of the faction , but of the nation , too notorious : what they design toward the present government , that 's the question : and now i come to enquire . — whether in justice or reason of state the presbyterian party should be rejected and depressed , or protected and incouraged . before i fall upon the question , once again i explain my self . by presbyterian , i intend a faction , that under colour of setling a reform'd discipline , seeks to dissolve the frame of an establish'd government . and first , i am to prove that party so distinguish'd , such a faction , which both from their own practises , positions , and from common observation , and authority , i think i shall make good ; and that their last aim is to exercise that tyranny themselves , which they pretend to punish . we 'l first examine how they treat the civil power . if princes be tyrants against god and his truth , their subjects are freed from their oaths of obedience . kings , princes , and governors , have their authority of the people , and upon occasion , the people may take it away again . ministers ought not to obey the prince , when he prescribes ceremonies , and a fashion of apparel . evil princes ought by the law of god to be deposed . andrew melvil being cited to answer for treason delivered in a sermon , declined the judgment of the king , affirming , that what was spoken in pulpit , ought first to be tried and judged by the presbytery ; and that neither the king nor counsel might in primâ instantiâ , meddle therewith , although the speeches were treasonable . ] strike the basilique vein ; nothing but this will cure the plurisie of our state. let us never give over , till we have the king in our power , and then he shall see how good subjects we are . ( delivered in a sermon . ) it is lawful for subjects to make a covenant , and combination without the king. but to come nearer home , to shew that the whole gang is of the same leaven . worse than all this was daily printed against the late king , even by those persons that were in pay to the presbyterian faction : and yet at last , those outrages are justifi'd against the father , by such as would be thought loyal to the son. if parliaments think to scape better , they are deceived . if the brethren cannot obtain their will by suit , nor dispute , the multitude and people must do the feat . one preached , that though there were never so many acts of parliament against the covenant , yet it ought to be maintain'd against them all . the parliament can make no law at all concerning the church , but onely ratifie what the church decrees : and after it hath ratifi'd it , yet if the assembly of the church shall prohibite it , and repeal that decree of the church , all the subjects are discharged from yielding obedience to that act of parliament . an assembly may abrogate acts of parliament , if they any way reflect upon business of the church . reformation of religion belongs to the commonalty . of the parliament in the 24 year of the queen , ( says the supplication ) if the desired reformation be not granted . ] there shall not be a man of their seed that shall prosper , be a parliament man , or bear rule in england any more . concerning laws established ; they fall in consequence with the power that makes them . presbyterians opinion of bishops let us see now with what modesty they treat the church , and first the bishops . they are ordinances of the devil , — proud , popish , presumptuous , prophane , paltry , pestilent , pernicious prelates , and vsurpers , — robbers , wolves , simoniacks , persecutors , sowers of sedition , dragons , ( and so to the end of the chapter . ) their clergy , an antichristian , swinish rabble , — the ministers are neither proved , elected , called , nor ordained according to gods word . the ceremonies , — carnal , beggerly , antichristian pomps . presbyterian reformation . hitherto , the faults of governors , and government , now their proposals of amendment , and reformation ; by what rules , and by what means we may be governed better . thus then . let the whole government of the church be committed to ministers , elders , and deacons . very good , and to whom the government of the state ? why to them too . for the church wherein any magistrate , king , or emperor is a member , is divided into some that are to govern : viz. pastors , doctors , and elders : and into such as are to obey , viz. magistrates of all sorts , and the people . the question is next , about the extent of the ecclesiastical power , and in what manner that assumption hooks in all civil actions within their cognisance ? in ordine ad spiritualia , forsooth : by which rule nothing scapes them . 't is the desire of the admonitor ; that he and his companions may be deliver'd by act of parliament , from the authority of the civil magistrates : as justices , and others , and from their inditings , and finings . ] the eldership shall suffer no leud customs to remain in their parishes , either games , or otherwise . ] and further ; the office of the church-governors , is to decide controversies in doctrine and manners , so far as pertaineth to conscience and the church-censures . ] every fault ( says cartwright ) that tendeth either to the hurt of a man's neighbour , or to the hindrance of the glory of god , is to be examined and dealt in by the orders of the holy church . ] nay , knox goes further yet . the bare suspition of avarice , or of pride , superfluity , or riotousness in chear or rayment . ] — even this nicety falls within their censure . now would i know what need of a civil magistrate , when even our private thoughts are subjected to the scrutiny of a presbytery ? but will some say , what signifies the intemperance of particular tongues , as to the general of the party ? i am challenged by the author of the interest of england , to produce their actions : and that 's my next immediate business . the presbyter has now the chair , see how he manages his greatness . none of that tyranny ye found in bishops , i warrant ye : no groaning now under the yoke of antichrist ; the intolerable burthen of canonical subscription ; the imposition of ceremonies , properly sacred ; the injunction of the cross in baptism ; and that abominable idol , the common-prayer . some words perhaps may slip unwarily , that might have been as well let alone ; but alas good people , they mean no harm . suppose that some of this way were guilty of some provoking forwardness , should grave patriots , and wise counsellors thereupon destroy the weak party , or rather heal it ? 't is indeed possible , that in the heat of a reforming and spiritual zeal , they may have let fall speeches of holy indignation against the opposers of the * lord's ordinance . but have they shewed their disaffection either to * king or parliament , by any thing discernable in their outward behaviour : have they controlled the law of the land , or the just liberty of the people ? if they have not done all this , there 's a great failing both in our stories , and our memories . i know 't will be objected , they petition'd , and in a supplicant and humble way , suitable to the duty of good subjects . they did retition ; and in this manner — ( about the. 27. of the queen . ) may it please your majesty , &c. — that it may be enacted , &c. — that the book hereunto annexed , &c. intituled , a book of the form of common-prayers , administration of sacraments , &c — and every thing therein contain'd , may be from henceforth authorized , put in ure , and practised throughout all your majesty's dominions . herein they press upon the nation their own form , which would not yet allow of any other . what they could not get establish'd by law , they settle yet by practice , and privately agree upon a general endeavour to encrease the party . ] but say they should be opposed ? why then , have a fling at evil counsellors . [ if her majesty give ear to such counsellors , she may have cause one day to lament . ] then they remonstrate , how miserably poor men have been handled ; ] that godly ministers have been brought before the bars of justice ; ] and that if this persecution be not provided for , it is the case of many a thousand in england : great troubles will come of it . ] this numerous party will not vary from it self , &c. — the minds of men are fix'd in this opinion , and are not like to be reduced to the practise of former times . ] well said i. c. yet , thousands ( says another ) do sigh for this discipline ; and ten thousands have sought it . ] we do protest unto your majesty ( say the supplicators ) that we will be no longer subject unto the bishops unlawful , and usurped authority , &c. ] — and another . [ the truth will prevail ( speaking of the discipline ) in spight of your teeth , ( meaning the bishops ) and all other adversaries of it . ] in the late king's declaration concerning the tumults in scotland : this way of petitioning is very frequent : and this is that my friend hints , in saying , that the presbyterians have never ceased to sollicite , and supplicate , &c. ] but words draw no blood. 't is true , but such as these come very near it . we phancy first , defects in government ; then we discourse them ; after that , we propose a reformation , which , if rejected , we proceed to press it : the next step is a threat , and then a blow . where there are failings in authority , 't is not for private persons to take publick notice of them . who ever does that , would strike , if he durst . this is not meant of every slip , in common discourse , either of heat , or inadvertency ; yet that is very ill too ) but of deliberate affronts ; such as proceed from a form'd habit of irreverence : and in that case , i think 't were no hard measure , if he that sets his hand to the king's dishonor , should lose his head for 't . take it at worst . put case a prince misgoverns ; yet we are sure , that his superior does not ; and that respect we cannot pay to his failings , we must allow to his commission . from vvords proceed we now to actions . presbyterian practices toward their sovereign . the presbyterian is no sooner in the saddle , but ( in the name of reformation ) how the man gallops : kings , parliaments , laws and liberties , oathes and covenants , are but as feathers in his way . i shall not clog this section with many instances . the traiterous actings of the conventicle at glasgow , in 1638. the horrid outrages that usher'd it , and the most deplorable consequences that ensu'd upon it , contain enough to brand that faction to eternity . i shall the rather fix there , because it brings the case home ; and first , in regard that the schismaticks of both nations acted by the same tie of oath and interest . next , as it is the model , they have made the people swear they would be damn'd by . some of their many insolencies are these . i. the assembly is independent , either from king or parliament , in matters ecclesiastical . ii. it is lawful for subjects to covenant and combine without the king , and to enter into a bond of mutual defence against him . iii. an assembly may abrogate acts of parliament , and discharge their fellow-subjects from obedience to them , if they any way reflect upon the business of the church . iv. they deny the king 's right of calling or dissolving assemblies , and they continue to sit and act , notwithstanding his majesty's express order for their dissolution . ( see the king's declaration . ) these rebellious proceedings are yet darkned by the transcending usurpations that followed them . but here i am bounded ; this onely i may say ; who ever has a mind to run the extremities of another war , and to see another king murther'd , let him give his vote for presbytery . and here let every man look behind him , and lay his finger on his mouth . as the geneva discipline is injurious to kings , and stated laws , so it is most ridiculously tyrannous to the people . a great uproar arising in edinburgh , about the making of a robin-hood , they of the consistory did excommunicate the whole multitude . ] 't is a strange tenderness possesses these saints . one of them being to christen a child , brake off in the middle of the action , because he would not call it richard. ] i suppose no man knew this kind of cattel better than king james . i was persecuted ( says that learned prince ) by puritans , not from my birth onely , but even since four months before my birth . ] and to prince henry thus. take heed to such puritans , very pests in the church and common-weal , whom no deserts can oblige , neither oathes or promises bind ; breathing nothing but sedition , and calumnies , aspiring without measure , railing without reason , and making their own imaginations ( without any warrant of the word ) the square of their conscience . i protest before the great god , and since i am here as upon my testament , it is no place for me to lie in , that ye shall never find with any highlands or border-thieves , greater ingratitude , and more lies and vile perjuries , than with these phanatique spirits . and i think every man may say as much that hath but known them . we are at length by gods grert mercy , delivered from those evangelical impostors , and after all our wandrings brought once again , into the channel . we have our prince , our laws , our freedoms , our interest lies before us , and certainly we cannot be so mad , as now to dash a second time upon the same rock : yet they shall lose nothing for want of offering at it . the arguments of 1641. are set on foot again : the very same with cartwright's , ( that consistorian patriarch , as bancroft terms him ) nay , they are advanc'd already beyond pleading of their cause , to pressing of it , by sawcy importunities , and peremptory threatnings . from what i have deliver'd , it cannot be deny'd , but their positions are destructive to all civil government : and for their practices , the story is written in blood. this might suffice to end the controversie concerning reason of state , for certainly a faction so principled , cannot with safety to the publick be incorporated into any politick constitution . but i shall add some further reasons , why by no means they are to be admitted . 1. they 'r a party never to be gain'd by obligations ; and this is manifest from their proceedings toward the late king , whose most unhappy tenderness of nature rost him his life . and at this instant , that irreclaimable ingratitude is yet more clear toward his majesty in beeing : whose unexampled mercy , so much as lies in them , is converted to his dishonor , and destruction . 2. they ground their claim upon the equity of their cause , which if allow'd , by the same reason they may serve this king as they did his father . 3. their demands are endless , as well as groundless , and it is not prudential to grant any thing to a faction , that will be satisfi'd with nothing . it is but giving them a power to take the rest . 4. they expostulate , and what they get upon those terms , they look upon rather as a submission , than a concession . the very manner of their address has a spice of mutiny in it , and they will hardly make an honest use , of what they compass by dishonest means . 5. it is not advisable to encourage tumultuary combinations , by rewarding them . 6. the dispute is not so much what their consciences will bear , as what their importunities can obtain : and to feel the pulse of the supreme authority . in fine , it is a contest betwixt the law and a faction , and a fair step toward a new rebellion . so much for reason of state. now to the justice of their pretences . the quaere is . whether in justice or reason of state the presbyterian party should be rejected and depressed , or protected and incouaged . 't is one thing what the king may do in point of justice , and another thing what the presbyterians may demand upon that score . there is a justice of conscience , honor , and of prudence . by the first : his majesty is ty'd up in common with the meanest of his subjects . that is , if the king find himself in conscience bound to maintain episcopacy in the state he found it , ( legally settled ) he is not free to alter it . in point of honor : there 's more liberty , and whatever the king does in that particular , is well done . but his majesty not having as yet declar'd himself ; what do we know , how far even upon that point he may concern himself to reject the presbyterian's demands ? partly out of reverence to his royal father ; in part , out of a princely strictness to his own dignity : and partly out of a generous tenderness toward his ruin'd party . first , as to what may seem relating to his majesty's father . that which these people urge , is what the late king chose , rather to die , than grant : which in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is intimated in these words . in these two points , the preservation of establish'd religion and laws , i may ( without vanity ) turn the reproach of my sufferings , as to the worlds censure , into the honor of a kind of martyrdom , as to the testimony of my own conscience , the troublers of my kingdoms , having nothing to object against me but this , that i prefer religion and laws established , before these alterations they propounded . every word hath its weight , which fell from the pen of that pious and judicious prince . nor can i over-pass a caution of his learned father's ; when i consider the sum of their proposals , which in effect is but a condemnation of the late king , in the bold , needless justification of themselves . these are the words . as for offences against your own person and authority , since the fault concerneth your self , i remit to your own choice to punish or pardon therein as your heart serveth you , and according to the circumstances of the turn , and the quality of the committer . here would i also eike another crime to be unpardonable , if i should not be thought partial : but the fatherly love i bear you , will make me break the bounds of shame , in opening it unto you . it is then , the false and unreverent writing , or speaking of malicious men against your parents and predecessors . and a little further . it is a thing monstrous to see a man love the child , and hate the parents : as on the other part , the infaming and making ●dious of the parents , is the ready way to bring the son into contempt . and for conclusion of this point , i may also alledge my own experience : for besides the judgments of god , that with mine eyes i have seen fall upon all them that were chief traitors to my parents , i may justly affirm , i never found yet a constant biding by me in all my straits , by any that were of perfect ☞ age in my parents days , but onely , by such as constantly bode by them ; i mean , specially by them , that served the queen my mother ; for so that i discharge my conscience to you , my son , in revealing to you the truth , i care not what any traitor , or treason-allower , think of it . thus far his majesty may find himself concern'd in honour to his fathers ashes , now to his dying counsels . take heed of abetting any factions , or applying to any publick discriminations in matters of religion , contrary to what is in your judgement , and the church well setled . i cannot yet learn that lesson , nor i hope ever will you , that it is safe for a king to gratifie any faction with the perturbation of the laws , in which is wrapt up the publick interest , and the good of the community . what in effect do these people now desire , but that his majesty would rather take their counsel , than his fathers ? in the next page , the king expresses a more than ordinary earnestness , in these words . my counsel and charge to you is , that you seriously consider , the former real or objected miscarriages , which might occasion my troubles , that you may avoid them . herein , his majesty is tacitly conjured against them ; it being a most notorious certainty , that the late king lost both his crown and life by over-granting . the now-pretended cause of the quarrel , was not mentioned till after the war was begun . the colour of raising an army , being to fetch in delinquents . after which ( says his majesty ) among other lesser innovations , this chiefly was urged : the abolition of episcopal , and the establishment of presbyterian government . as to the point of imperial honour , wherein his majesty may possibly concern himself more immediately : it is a high excesse of goodnesse to make his favours common , where they are look'd upon so cheap , ( as here ; witness these daily new transgressions , since his most gracious pardon . ) [ some men ( sayes the late king ) have that height , as to interpret all fair condescendings , as arguments of feebleness , and glory most in an unflexible stiffness , when they see others most supple and inclinable to them . ] there remains yet a third question under this head of honour ; that is , how far his majesties generosity may extend it self , in favour , and protection of those persons that have serv'd him , through all extremities till they have nothing left them beyond the hopes of honourable epitaphs . these people have consciences too ; a sense of duty and religion . they reverence the episcopal order , and that , which through the sites of bishops , was equally wounded : the order of kings . at last , those that subverted the former , and usurped the latter , demand ( i think in reparation of their hazards ) a presbyterian government . in which particular , our duty teaches us not to direct our master : only we take a sober freedome to answer our accusers ; and to professe to all the world , that those who fought for king and bishops , were in our opinion as honest men at least as they that fought against them . to his majesties honourable consideration , i think in this point we may claim a right . we have suffer'd for , and with his royal father , and himself , and the main justice of the cause , betwixt the king and those that serv'd him , is the same thing : so that whoever strikes at vs , wounds our soverein . lastly , there is a justice of prudence , wherein a man may frame a thousand reasons against the encouraging of the presbyterians ▪ not speculative , and airy notions , but close , and pinching reasons , grounded upon weighty authority , and a never-failing course of long experience . ( yet not to dictate to his majesty , to whose will we submit our reasonings ) first , if their desires were modest , the manner yet of promoting them , is too rude and positive ; they preach and print their grievances , which is the way rather to stir a faction , than allay a scruple . lord , ( sayes mr. manton ) give us the liberty of the gospel , before we go hence and be no more seen . ] as if episcopacy , were paganisme . 't is dangerous to grant more , to those that take too much . how do i reverence the divine spirit of his late majesty . the great miscarriage i think is , that popular clamours and fury had been allowed the reputation of zeal , and the publick sence ; so that the study to please some parties , hath indeed injured all . and again ; take such a course as may either with calmness and charity quite remove the seeming differences and offences by impartiality , or so order affairs in point of power , that you shall not need to fear or flatter any faction ; for if ever you stand in need of them , or must stand to their courtesie , you are undone : the serpent will devour the dove : you may never expect lesse of loyalty , justice , or humanity , than from those who ingage into religious rebellion : their interest is always made gods , under the colours of piety , ambitious policies march , not only with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy ; you may hear from them jacobs voice , but you shall feel they have esaus hands . to what i have said , i shall be bold to add a justice of proportion ; and thereupon two questions . 1. why should the presbyterians ; a small , irregular party , pretend to give the law to the supreme authority , the established constitution ; and incomparably the greater part of the nation ? 2. why should those people , that with a more then barbarous rigour press'd the covenant : ejecting , sequestring , imprisoning such as refused to take it , and without mercy or distinction : — those that in publick barr'd non-covenanters , the holy communion in express terms with adulterers , slanderers , and blasphemers , affirming in the pulpit , that all the non-subscribers to the covenant were atheists . — why should ( i say ) those people that with so unlimited a tyranny imposed upon the nation a rebellious league ; to the engagement of their souls in taking it ; their liberties and fortunes in refusing : — i say yet once again ; why should those people now at last demand an interest in that government , which root and branch they have laboured to extirpate ? or with what face can they pretend a right to an authority , where but by mercy they have none to life ? ( i speak of these late libellers and their abettors . ) let me be understood likewise by presbyterians , to intend those of the scottish race , to whom we are beholden for our discipline . that faction first advanced it self by popular tumult and rebellion . knox learned the trick on 't at geneva , and brought it into scotland ; we had our agents too , that did as much for us , these fellows conferr'd notes , set the wheel going , and we were never perfectly quiet since . vpon the whole matter aforegoing ( in the gentleman 's own words ) we firmly build this position , that the presbyterian party , ought not , either in justice or reason of state , in any wise to be encouraged , but rather rejected ; neither ought they to be protected in any inconformity to the law , but rather totally depressed . his second quaere is soon dispatch'd , viz. ii. qu. whether the presbyterian party may be protected and incouraged , and the episcopal not deserted nor dis-obliged . first , many things are possible , which are neither just nor rational ; and therefore it matters not much to allow it the one , if i prove it not to be the other ▪ imagine such a contemperation of episcopal , and presbyterian pretences , as might atone their present disagreements , yet where 's the king ? the interest that 's principal in the concern , is not so much as named in the question . the quarrel was about the militia , not lawn-sleeves , and the royal party is to be taken in , as well as the episcopal . the truth of it is ; this gentleman does not find it convenient at present to move an utter extirpation of bishops : but he proposes that , which granted , would most infallibly produce it . a consociation forsooth , that for the better credit of the project , shall be called a regulated episcopacy , which in good honest english is next door to a tyrannical presbytery . in fine , the episcopal authority is deserted and disobliged by the admittance of a presbyterian competition . yet pardon me , i have found a way to reconcile them , make but these squabling presbyterians , bishops , and the work 's done : as presbyters they are encouraged ; and ( i dare say ) not disobliged , as bishops . the plague of it is , there 's neither justice nor reason of state for 't , and so we are where we were again . we shall make short work too with his third question : for in effect it spells just nothing . iii. qu. whether the upholding of both parties by a just and equal accommodation be not in it self more desireable , and more agreeable to the state of england , than the absolute exalting of the one party , and the total subversion of the other . i must needs take notice here of two mistakes , the one in propriety of language , viz. the vpholding of both parties . one of those parties is not up , and cannot be upheld . the other , shifts the question , and states the difference betwixt the exaltation of the one , and the subversion of the other , when all that we desire is but to keep both where they were , without advancing or depressing either . if they have any title to the interest they challenge , the same had cromwel to the crown . this question must be better stated , before we think it worth an answer . one reflexion now upon the whole . here 's exaltation , — and subversion ; — but not a syllable of toleration : and what 's the reason of all this ? they are afraid that would be granted ; and how should they do then to pick a quarrel ? their way is never to be satisfi'd in conscience , with what the king can give in honor , and reason . ( his sacred majesty's observation ) a grand maxim with them was always to ask something , which in reason and honor must be deny'd , that they might have some colour to refuse all that was in other things granted ; setting peace at as high a rate as the worst effects of war. ] i have cited this already , but every line drawn by that hand deserves to be repeated . to this , there is another end that 's common to the gang , which is , to draw an odium upon one party , and a compassion toward the other . and other end than this do i see none at all , in his absoute exalting , — and total subversion . we covet no change , but desire the contrary . how little soever it may appear to our purpose , 't is very much to theirs , to have the people understand by absolute exalting , — the dangerous and intolerable pride of bishops ; and by their total subversion , on the other side , how sadly the word goes with the professors of the gospel . these trivial appearances have more weight , than commonly the world imagines : 't is not so much ( as hooker says ) how small the spark is that flyeth up , as how apt things about it are to take fire . their business is to stir the affections of the common people , which must be done by means and ways , to wise men , in themselves ridiculous , but in their applications of most desperate effect . i speak in earnest , that very tone they use in preaching ; that fellow-feeling-tone ( as they would have it understood ) is i believe of great use to their business . i have observed the groans that follow the ahi-mee's , and beyond doubt those snivelling affectations are not without their benefit . that 't is a forc'd and acted passion , is evident in this ; they almost all of them use the same emphasis . i would not for my hand let fall a syllable should cast a scandal upon that holy ordinance : and with my soul i reverence the grave and pious clergy . we cannot attribute enough to god ; assume too little to our selves . we cannot be too much afflicted for our sins , nor too sensible of our own unworthiness . yet i suppose a fit christian sorrow may be contain'd within such terms as to reach heaven , without disturbing the congregation . to come to a church-dore , and hear an out-cry , as if a man were cutting for the stone ; and what 's all this , but an afflicted pastor , mourning for those heavy judgments , that hang over the land because of common-prayer : and then the sisters groan so ruthfully , you 'd swear five hundred women were in labour . away with these ostentations of holiness , — but first away with the discourse of them . i must confess , the gentleman hath offered fair , and more i doubt then he can undertake for , were it accepted . what if six presbyterians of seven renounce his moderation , and say he treated without commission : where 's his pacifick coalition then ? 't is for a parity they struggle ; which when they have got , they shall as much contest among themselves to crush again , as ever they did to introduce it . just thus was the king treated ; he was to rule in consociation too , by the advise of his presbyters . and what came on 't ? the factions interfer'd ; the change went round the circle ; and at long-length ; in the place of a most gracious prince , up starts a most tyrannical protector . and yet i verily think , a way might be found out to work upon these people : let the king settle their strict form of discipline ; fill the presbyteries with episcopal divines , and elders of his own party ; i verily believe these very men would be as hot for bishops . i cannot comprehend the temper of that sacrilegious tenderness , that makes men digest bishops lands , and yet forsooth they cannot swallow the sleeves . onely this word . some of the authors i have quoted for episcopacy , ( to deal sincerely ) may be as well produc'd against it . for that , let them look to 't , i am innocent : and my cause clearer for it . they found it for their interest to engage their disciples in many opinions , which for their honor they would not undertake to defend against their equals . i should end here , were i not drawn out beyond my purpose , by a second part from the same hand ; which should not yet divert me from my first intention , could i but save my self , in letting it absolutely alone . by the formalities of title and connexion , it seems related to the former part , further then by some passages in the treatise it appears to be ; whereof some few i am concern'd to examine , and i shall shorten even that little i intend , as much as possible . he calls it — a deliberative discourse , proving , that it is not agreeable to sound reason to prefer the contracted and dividing interest of one party , before the general interest of protestantism , and of the whole kingdom of england , in which the episcopal and presbyterian parties may be happily vnited . we are agreed in all but in the main , and as to that , i have already shew'd , that in the subject of our difference , the presbyterian party ( that is , the kirk-party ) is divided from the protestant : so that unless it can be made out , by the judgment of the reformed churches , that prelacy is antichristian , and that instituted ceremonies are vnlawful ; the author of this deliberation overthrows himself by his own argument , of preferring the general interest of protestantism , before the contracted and dividing interest of one party . we should not take in discipline within the pale of religion , but against that party , which reckons it an essential mark of the church . and let them take their choice , whether it shall be accounted among things indifferent , or necessary . if the former , obey the imposition ; if the latter , let them produce their authority . the foundation being mis-lai'd , the building will hardly stand : or , which is worse , it falls upon the builder . he says , his aim is unity , and truly so is mine ; but vnity in such a composition will never set us right . two may agree in the same point of verity ; but then that truth must for it self be entertain'd , without considering one another . if about any thing material we differ , flie to the judge of truth : the scriptures , and the church : if about less , and common matters , go to the rule of duty , ( in such cases ) the setled law. but i forget my self . it must needs be ( says the deliberator ) the wisdom of this state to smother all dividing factions , and to abolish all partial interests , that the common interest of england may be alone exalted . observation i hope he does not mean , by state , the keepers of the liberties ; if the supreme authority of this nation as it is legally vested in the king , the man has kill'd himself . what are dividing factions , but such parties as start from that common rule the law , which every state is bound upon a principle of policy , and honor , to preserve sacred and inviolable ? the law is but the wisdom treasur'd up of many ages ; — onely an amass of all those lights , which long experience , strict search and industry ; and many consultations of great statesmen , have given to the discovery of our true interest . great reason is there to approve so great authority : and as great shame it were not to avow what we our selves have done ; ( the law being but an universal vote ) beside the penalty of disobedience . how mad then , how ignoble , and how desperate shall we esteem that faction , that breaks through all these bonds of reverence , honor , and prudential security , to force that sanctuary , wherein , as christians , and as men , we have reposed , first , the protection of our religion ; — and then the arbitration of our lives and fortunes . from such dividers , heaven deliver us , first , and then preserve us . all enterprises ( says our author very rationally ) that have their beginning in judgment , and not in passion , are directed to a certain end set up as a mark , and that end is not a business at rovers ; but some particular steady issue of things , certainly or probably apprehended and expected : wherefore let wise men consider the mark where at they level , and to what issue and state of things their actions tend . most certain 't is ; without that mark men go they know not whether . first the end ; then , the way ; is ( i suppose ) the common method of all wise men : and his advice to such , to look before them , might have been spared , they would have don 't without it . now to his business ; but first , i 'le clear the way to 't . the question is , whether the fomenting of these discords , ( viz. in matters of discipline ) do not proceed from a carual design ? and he debates the matter with the episcopalians . here is a numerous party not of the dregs and refuse of the nation , but of the judicious and serious part thereof : what will they do with them ? and how will they order the matter concerning them ? would they destroy them ? i solemnly profess , that i abhor to think so by the generality of the episcopal perswasion : i would disdain to mention such an unreasonable impiety , were it not to shew the inconsiderate and absurd proceedings of an unalterable opposition , as that it cannot drive to any formed end and issue . that protestants should destroy protestants , for dissenting in the point of ceremonies , and sole jurisdiction of bishops , is so dreadful a violation of charity and common honesty , that it is a most uncharitable and dishonest thing to suppose it of them . what then ? would they bear them down , or keep them under hard conditions ? shall all persons that cannot yield exact obedience to ecclesiastical injunctions concerning all the parts of the liturgy , and ceremonies , be suspended and deprived as formerly ? shall ministers of this judgment be cast and kept out of ecclesiastical preferment and employment ? shall all private conferences of godly peaceable christians , for mutual edification , be held unlawful conventicles ? it hath been thought by wise men to be against the rules of government , to hold under a rigid yoke a free people , of such a number and quality , and intermingled in all estates and ranks , and intimately conjoyned with all parts of the body politick , that it is almost impossible to exclude their interest from a considerable share in publick actions . observation we are so often told of this judicious serious party , pray let 's allow them to be a company of very fine gentlemen , and mind our business . i think he says they are numerous too . so were the frogs that came into the king's chamber : and what of that ? in good truth , altogether , it is a very pretty anagram of sedition . if it wants any single circumstance that 's needful to procure a tumult , i am exceedingly mistaken . mark it , here 's number ; conduct , and pretence of right , to embolden , and to fix the multitude . then , to provoke , and heighten them : old sores are rub'd ; they are minded how they were used so long ago ; and hinted yet of worse behind , if they have not a care betimes . what is all this to say ? but gentlemen , you remember how it was with you formerly ; if you have a mind to any more of that , so . but things are well enough yet ; there are those will stand by you that know what they have to do , and enow to make their hearts ake . — vvhy it is against all rule of government , to put this yoke upon a free people . — if the author be within hearing ; he should do well to be his own expositor . in the mean while , compare we the gloss with the text. he speaks now in his own words , which the reader may find by conferring them with the entire matter of the last quotation , to be extracted with the strictest justice to his meaning . here is ( says he ) a numerous party , of the judicious and serious part of the nation : what will they ( the episcopalians ) do with them ? &c. would they destroy them ? &c. i solemnly profess , that i abhor to think so of the generality of the episcopal perswasion , &c. shall they be suspended , and deprived as formerly ? shall all private conferences of godly , peaceable christians , for mutual edification , be held unlawful conventicles ? it hath been thought by wise men to be against the rules of government to hold under a rigid yoke a free people of such a number , and quality . — this is cutting of a man's throat with a whetstone . truly horace his saying would sound very well from this gentleman . — fungor vice cotis , acutum reddere quae ferrum valet , exors ipse secundi . my office is to whet , not cut. to tie him up now to his own philosophy , which is , ( according to his fore-alledg'd position ) that all rational enterprises propose some certain end , unto which end , all wise men conform their mediate actions . if it be so , ( as we are agreed upon it ) then by that very reason which directs him to chuse the means , are we enabled likewise to guess the end . his end , he says , is peace ; and in this treatise he hath chalk'd his way to 't . he 's a wise man , and certainly proceeds in order to the mark he levels at . let him be judge by his own rule . to mind the peevish of old grievances , and in so doing to transport the honest with a just sense of new indignities ; is this the way of peace ? to break a solemn law ; that law that saved the breakers of it ; to abuse the mercy of the prince that made it ; and to traduce the government of his father , whom they themselves destroyed ; and which is worse , to justifie all this : is this the way of peace ? to startle the mad brutish rabble with dangerous apprehensions ; to lay the justice of their cause before them , and when they are ripe for mischief , to shew them men and arms , — is this the way of peace ? — then let me learn which is the way of tumult . shall protestants destroy protestants , ( says he ) for dissenting in the point of ceremonies ? no , but the law shall destroy subjects , for attempting to rule their governors . touching their conventicles , since they fal● in my way , i think of them , as of the painter'● bad god that made a good devil : i take them to be none of the best churches , but for ought i know , they may make excellent — i beg ye onely to observe now , the equity o● these good folks . is it for the service of christ , and the encreas● of his kingdom the church , that so many abl● divines should be debarr'd the use of the lord talents , that so many laborious minister should sit still in silence ; that when christ teacheth us to pray that the lord would thrust forth labourers into his harvest , those labourers should be thrust out of his harvest ? surely this would make a cry in the ears of the lord of the harvest . observation do none of the woes in the gospel belong to this talker of it ? the service of god went merrily on , in the thorough reformation ; did it not ? when not a minister kept his living , but to the hazard of his soul ; and in several places ( where the allowance was small ) neither sacrament nor sermon , for divers years together . but in those days , the covenant kept all in good order . with what a monstrous confidence does this man press a text , which the whole nation knows is clear against him ! and all in scripture-phrase forsooth : ne sine formâ tantum scelus fiat , for the honour of the exploit . these people use religion , as your london-cooks do their pickled barbaries : they garnish with it . it serves for every thing : i know not how it is , but they do 't , because they find the women like it . when the episcopal , and loyal clergy , their wives , children , and families , were swept entirely away by th●t scotch plagve the covenant ; that made no cry sure in the ears of the lord of the harvest . let the great great judge of all the world determine it . if the neglect of brotherly pacification hold on , and the hierarchie resolve upon their own advancement to the highest pitch , one may well conclude , that they make a full reckoning to wear out the presbyterians , and to swallow up their interest , conceiving they are able to effect it by degrees ; and that greater changes than these have been wrought without much ado . let but the meanest soul alive now judge of these mens consciences . ( i speak of those that tumult since the act of pardon ) as deep a forfeiture as ever was made by mortals , the king hath remitted to them . they have cost the nation more then they have left it worth , beside the blood , the grief , and desolation they have brought upon it . this notwithstanding , they have at this instant the self same interest they ever had , as to freedome and safety , and otherwise more : they keep what they got ; beg , and get more ; and are not yet content unlesse they govern too . but this is but another alarm , as who should say ; look to your selves my masters ; lose not an inch , for if you do , they 'l do your business by degrees , by and by , among other concurring advantages , to the great changes queen elizabeth wrought in religion ; he reckons this for one . popery ( sayes he ) being in substance a religion con●rary to what was publickly professed , had no advantage for encrease by publick preaching , or books publickly allowed . observation nothing more certain then that the freedome of the press and pulpit , is sufficient to embroyl the best ordered government in the world. all governments have their disorders and their malecontents : the one makes use of the other , and here 's the ground of all rebellions . some real faults are first found and laid open to the people , which , if in matter of popular freedome , or religion ; so much the stronger is the impression ; the vulgar being natural●y stubborn ; and superstitious . bring it to this , a very little industry carries it on at pleasure . they shall believe impossibilities , act eagerly , they know not what , nor why ; ●nd while they reach at liberty , grasp their own fetters . their unhappiness is , they can ●etter phansy a government without any ●aults , then brook one that hath some . add ●ut to this distemper , licentious pamphlets , ●nd seditious sermons , the world shall never ●eep that people quiet . wherefore since on all hands it is agreed , that printing , and preaching in opposition to a ●ublick establishment , are of so dangerous con●equence , by the force of the gentlemans ●wn rule we ought to hear no more of their discipline from the press or pulpit . observe ●is next coherence . there are now in england thousands of ministers dissatisfied in the hierarchy and ceremonies , who are all competently and many of them eminently learned . they are not generally of light spirits , but steddy and well resolved , and tenderly affected touching their spiritual liberties . observation take notice first , how many , and how resolute they are . that is , take notice again for we have had it exceeding often . his resolute thousands make me think of the tribe● repairing to david . but they are dissatisfied he sayes : it may be 't is because they are no● bishops : yet truly if they be so well resolved methinks they should not be dissatisfi'd with tha● they cannot help . i 'll ask but two questions and i have done . 1. are any of those tender-conscienc'● thousandsthat are so tenderly affected toward spiritual liberties , those presbyterians that denye● the king the freedome of his own chaplains ? 2. had any of these eminently learned thousands a hand in the assemblies letter to th● reformed churches of france , the low-countries , &c. — ( as great a schism in learnin● as the other was in religion ) he comes now t● the point indeed . commonly ( sayes he ) those people who try all doctrines by scripture , and are swaye more by its authority than by the ordinanc● and customes of men , do much hesitate and stagger concerning the sole jurisdiction of bishops , the pomp of the hierarchy , and sacred mystical ceremonies of humane institution . and therefore let the episcopal party never look to be rid of these difficulties , till they remove the matters in question , whereat a knowing people are always ready to stumble . go to then , since the gentleman will have it so , grant for dispatch the thing he presses , to wit , — that they do hesitate , and stagger . 't is hard , that when upon a private search , the question hangs in ballance , the casting in the authority of the church , and the great weight of christian charity , should not be yet enough to turn the scale . he that doubts , sins , will not excuse that man , who because he thinks he stands , refuses to take heed of falling . but let him doubt , nay more , let him resolve ; all is but for himself still , not for me . when he comes once to muster up his thousands , and talk of parties , his plea of conscience is gone : and doublesse these violent and publick sticklers for the scrupulous , ( that is in such and such particulars ) are the greatest enemies they have . it casts a scandal upon the very cause of conscience , when those who evidently want it in themselves , plead for it in others . upon this subject , exceedingly well says mr. lloyd in a late treatise of primitive episcopacy , pag. 80. it becomes not good men to c●nsure us for using th●s● rights and ceremonies , which we are perswaded not to be prohibited by gods law , and both they and we do surely know to be commanded to be used by mans law duly made , which is gods ordinance , to which we must be subject for conscience sake . and a little after — if any will attempt to be authors of combinations , to extort by shew of multitudes and by tumults , the alteration or abrogation of any part of the established laws , civil or ecclesiastical , they will thereby evidently manifest themselves to be but meer pretenders to a tender conscience , and power of godlinesse ; for they that labour to extort a part , if they prevail , must have the whole in their power . and can they that attempt so great robbery , love god , and the power of godlinesse ? by this cursed fruit , we know these to be most vile-hypocrites . now to our adversary . the gentleman desires to clear the presbyterians of being no phanaticks : and we 'll give him the hearing . it is said that the presbyterians promoted the kings return , not out of good will to his majesty , or a love of order , and vnity , but out of fear of being destroy'd by the phanaticks . ] to this i shall say little but that i believe there was more in 't than so . let him argue upon it . the pretended reason of their insincerity seems to me to add much to their reputation in that behalf . for if the phanaticks would destroy them , it is manifest that they are none of them . phanaticks would not destroy themselves willingly . the several various sects will wrangle with each other in verbal contests ; but they never knowingly plotted or banded against each other upon the account of their different opinions , but did all unite in one common principle of pretended liberty of conscience , and in one common cause of vniversal toleration . a pleasant reasoning . a man would think christianity as strong a tye as phanaticisme , and yet we see christians destroy one another . but come to the point . what 's more familiar then for a couple of curs to hunt the same hare , and when they have catch'd her , worry one another for the quarry ? i 'll tell this gentleman a thing now , shall make him take me for a conjurer . i 'll tell him the true reason why those presbyterians help'd his majesty in , that are not quiet now they have him . not for feare of the phanatiques : he made that objection himself for ought i know ; but here ' t is . ( still saving to my self the freedome of interpreting my own words . ) i speak only of those presbyterians that since his maiesties happy return , are yet fomenting of new troubles . the presbyterian faction have been ever constant to the rule and method of doing their own businesse in the kings name ; and this went far with the simple , and well meaning people ; but let not any man believe this interest did their work . the ruin of his blessed majesty , was that unhappy agreement with the covenanters in 1639. after so horrid an expence of time and mony , as gave the greatest benefit imaginable to their interest , and an equal disadvantage to his own . the king by his expence being grown poor and they strong by the delay , was more and more oppressed , till at the last the field was clear'd : he and his party in appearance lost . what did these great pretenders then for the good of king and church , but share the booty , and exercise a power themselves ten thousand times more turkish then ever they called that they had abolished ? what hindered then the settlement of this nation upon its legal basis , ( as they phrase it ) if the good people had but had a mind to it ? who kept the king from his parliament ? — or was he ever nam'd but with relation to the losse of right as well of power . well , but at last , these people take their turns too , and then the king 's a gracious prince again . these factions are of kin to montaignes family , where the son beats the father from generation to generation . now we come near our purpose . look back into the scotch defeat in 1648. not any thing more clear sure , then that the presbyterian party , would they but frankly have closed with the kings tryed friends in that engagement ; without a miracle , they must have carried it . those few they had , did well nigh all that was considerable in the action . see afterward , in 50 , and 51. how dirtily upon this very accompt , the presbyterian crew treated his majesty : and look quite through their interregnum ; they have observ'd the same indisposition of uniting with the kings party , but still shaking the head , with an alass poor gentleman , at the mention of our persecuted soveraign . not to insist upon english particulars ; they never would joyn with vs to help his majesty , we never refused with them . now comes the mysterie of the reserve . say they , if we can order matters so as to get the king's person in the head of us , and keep out his party , their hands are ty'd by a principle of duty ; our power is enlarged upon an interest of favour , and we can play our game at pleasure . that is ; wee 'l not forget to mind him of his restorers , and now and then a whisper , how debauchd the gentry's grown ; how unfit this man is for trust , that for temper , and a third for conduct . we may then propose the naming of officers , and wee 'r to blame if we forget our selves . by these degrees , and wayes , time , and a little patience will wear them out ; or if it were nothing else , the very poverty we have reduced them to , would make them ●oon contemptible . whereas should we but offer once a general agreement with that party , our design 's spoyl'd , for they 'll be more than we shall well know how to master . that must not be . our interest lyes to take in just so many , as when they have done our work , we may be able to turn out again . so much for that . this is the very soul of the rigid presbyterians . poor worms , where is our charity and regard ( they crye ) to publick tranquillitie , if we reject the sure and only means of concord ? ] observation he should have rather said , where is our providence , if we admit so sure an introduction to confusion ? to comply with one importunity of this nature , is to authorize , and encourage more ; and to please all , is totally impossible . the canons stick in his stomach notably , they force too much , and bring in poperie [ shall not the laity be allow'd to search the scriptures , nor try the doctrines delivered , but acquiesce in what their teachers say without the exercise of their own reasoning , or judgment of discretion ? ] observation yes , let them search the scriptures , as their teachers may the lawes , yet by their leave , the church and bench must interpret them . what difference is there betwixt king james his phanatiques , and king charles his ; save that they ascribe one and the same effect to several causes . both claiming equal certainty , the one , from his judgement of discretion : the other , from divine impulse ? what work shall we have when every taylour shall with his judgement of discretion cut out his own discipline , and set it up for a fashion : when these men and their bibles are alone together ( as hooker sayes ) what phrensies do they not call directions of the spirit ? he comes now to the politicks . it is a chief point of knowledge in those whose work it is to mould and manage a nation according to any order of things , to understand what is the temper of the people , what principles possess and govern them , or considerable parties of them , and to what passe things are already brought among them . observation the more a prince considers this , the lesse will he afford a scotized english presbyterian . by temper he 's ambitious ; and vnthankful ; ever craving ; and never full : govern'd by principles insociable , and cruel . he rates his party , his piety , and his kindnesse , twenty times greater then they are , and rather than confesse that he is out in his reckoning , he shall face any other man down that one on the wrong side of a cipher is 1000 lastly , in considering to what passe things are brought among them , he will bethink himself likewise how they came to be so . a state may probably root out such opinions as it conceives to be heterodox and inconvenient , by using great severity in the beginning , when the opinions are but newly sowed in mens minds , and the people are of such a nature , as to abhor dangers , and aim to live securely , and when the nation in generall is devoted to the antient custom of their fore-fathers . but the same course may not be taken when the opinions have been deeply rooted and far spread by long continuance , in a nation of a free spirit , and zealous , and the generality of those , that in a law-sense are called cives , do not detest them . truly in this case , if heterodox opinions cannot be rooted out , the men that publiquely maintain them , must : and the rather , if they be free , and zealous : for there 's the more danger in their further progresse . especially if such opinions prescribe from the successe of treason . for there , even in matters of themselves very allowable , i would not leave the least marque of an approbation . it gives too great an honour to rebellion . provided alwayes that i act at liberty , and free from pre-ingagements . where there is such a real cause of fear , as is here shadow'd to us ; that prince that loves his empires or his honour , must struggle with it betimes : safety , or pleasure , such a people perhaps will be content to allow in exchange for soveraignty : but for the rest , that prince is lost that puts himself on the asking side . it never fayles , this rule : when subjects earnestly presse for more than they ought , they ayme at more yet than they aske . they are already past their duty , and short of their ambition . in such a case as this , rigour is the onely remedy : great aptnesse to forgive is entertain'd with greater pronesse to offend . let it be thought upon ; if any danger , where it lyes : not in the bare conceit of phancy , or dislike , for , or against the matter in dispute , but in the means that give form , growth , and strength to those unquiet motions ; and that assemble those loose scatter'd sparkes into one flame . these instruments are mercenary pulpit-men , and scriblers ; 't is but removing them , and the danger 's over . least he should seem to want a colour for these freedomes , he tells us , that [ the present age being more discerning , all sorts affect a greater liberty of judgement and discourse , than hath been used in former times . ] this we observ'd , but did not till now impute it to discretion . suppose they should grow more and more discerning , and their desires of liberty grow too ; would not these people soon grow wise enough to govern , that are already grown too good to obey ? 't is dangerous trusting of them ; yet he assures us otherwise . this kingdom , after the removing of foundations , is by a marvellous turn re-establish'd upon its antient basis . and verily that which hath wrought the change will settle it ; that which hath brought such things to pass , will keep them where they are , if we do not overlook and sleight it : and what was it , but the consent of the universality , the vote of all england ? observation if all that acted toward this late and blessed change meant to fix here : this needless , ill-timed , and dividing controversie , concerning ceremonies , would have been spared : and those which move the question with such earnestness ; at their prayers , rather than these expostulations . 't is an ill age when theeves arraign the law. that sort of men which ruin'd us , proposes now that very method , by which we were destroyed , to settle us , inviting the distemper'd people by this overture , to take their poysoners for their physicians . 't is very true , that ( under providence ) it was the common vote , and stirring of the nation , restored the king , and the law : and shall we now restrain that universal comfort to the particular advantage of that single party , that first invaded them ? how great a blemish were it to the honor , and wisdom of the nation , after so long , and hard a tugg , to throw away the sum of the contest : as if we had wrangled all this while for shadows ! but to explain my self . they that think matter of ceremony to be the true reason of the difference on either side , mistake themselves . it is the law it self , which is assaulted by the one party , and defended by the other , in the particular of ceremony : and it is the king himself that is affronted in the indignities they cast upon bishops . to leave the matter clear : there is a faction which would over-throw the law , and set up themselves above it ; and these contrivers put the people upon cavilling for ceremonies . they innocently , under a mistake of conscience , advance an interest of usurpation , taking that to be onely a dispute about the lawfulness of the practise , which rationally pinches upon the validity of the power . it ends in this . grant once , that a popular vote may over-rule a stated law , ( though but to the value of a hair ) the vertue of that reason extends to our freedoms , lives , and fortunes , which by the same rule they may take away as well as ceremonies . and ( as the case stands ) kings as well as bishops . but [ seeing this great revolution hath not happened by the prevailing force of one party , but by the unstrained motion of all england : what reason is there , that one party should thrust the other out of its due place of rest ; upon the common foundation ? no reason in the world . the law is our common resting place : the main foundation upon which we are all to bottom . the law is an impartial judge , let that determine which place belongs to bishops , which to presbyters ; what ceremonies are lawful , and which not . this is a short and a sure way , worth forty of his coalition . having pressed union hitherto , he proceeds now to remove certain impediments ; one whereof is an erroneous judgment touching the times foregoing the late wars . observation in truth 't is pity the people are no better instructed . then let them know from me , those very principles these folks contend for , were brought by knox about 1558. from geneva into scotland , from thence they were transmitted into england , since which time , the abettors of them in both nations , have never ceased by leagues , tumults , rebellions , and vsurpations , to embroile the publick peace , and affront the supreme authority . they have formally proceeded to the deposing of princes , the exercise of an absolute authority over the subject : the abrogation of laws , the imposition of taxes ; and , in fine , to all extremities of rigour , as well in matters of civil liberty , as of conscience . he that desires a presbytery , let him but read presbyter , for king , in the first book of samuel , and the eighth chapter , and he shall there find what he is reasonably to expect . these were the pranks foregoing the late wars : and such as these will be again , if people be not the wiser . but our camerade will be none of the party sure : for , i abhor ( says he ) to take upon me the defence of our late distracted times : the distempers thereof i would not in any wise palliate . ] is the wind in that dore ? now do i feel by his pulse , that crofton's laid by the heels . he hath forgot , that the war was between the king , and both houses of parliament . and that the presbyterian party in england never engaged under a less authority than that of both houses of parliament . ] and that presbyterians have never disclaimed , or abandon'd their lawful prince . ] it may be he means , that he will not justifie the distempers of the other side . but why do we contest ? since he tells us , that — it is the part of weak and selfish minds to contract religion to certain modes and forms which stand not by divine right , but by the wills of men , and which are of little efficacy , and very disputable , and if supposed lawful , ought to be governed by the rule of charity . observation i would fain know which is more tolerable ; for the church to impose upon the people , or the people upon the church ? for the people on the one side to exempt all , or for the church on the other side to bind all . order it self is of divine appointment ; but the manner of ordering ( save where god himself hath preimposed ) is left to humane liking and discretion . to think ( says he ) that none is a good christian , a sound protestant , a fit minister , that cannot subscribe to such modes , and forms , proceeds from a narrow , and ignoble judgment . he may be a fit teacher for geneva , that cannot subscribe to the form of england , and a fit minister for england , that cannot conform to the practise of geneva ; they may be both good christians too , and sound protestants ; yet neither of them fit in transposition . 't is one thing to be qualifi'd for the ministerial function , and another thing to be fit for such or such a constitution . 't is true , he officiates as a minister : but thus , — or so — as a subject , and that 's the real ground of their exception . they do not willingly admit the king's authority in matters of the church : and that , which effectually is but their own ambition , they obtrude upon the world , as a high point of tenderness to the people . there are beyond all doubt , weak consciences , fit objects for indulgence : but the less pardonable are their mis-leaders , whose business 't is for their own ends to engage the simple multitude in painful , and inextricable scruples . let them preach down-right treason , stir up the rabble to tumult , and sedition : if they chance to be caught and question'd for it : see with what softness they treat their fellows , and with what supercilious gravity their superiors . when some degree of forwardness breaks forth , it is encountred with that severity which hazards the undoing of the weak part , that should and might be healed . ] and again , to the same effect , ( concerning crofton's commitment , i imagine ) [ but suppose that some of this way were guilty of some provoking forwardness , should grave patriots and wise counsellors thereupon destroy the weak part , or rather heal it ? a prudent father is not so provoked by the stubbornness of a child , as to cast him out , and make him desperate while there is yet hope concerning him . it is meet indeed for princes to express their just indignation , when subjects presuming on their clemency do not contain themselves within their duty ; and the seasonable expression of such disdain , wisely managed , is of great force in government : nevertheless if it get the mastery , it is exceeding perilous . it was the counsel of indignation that proceeded from rehoboam 's young counsellors . ] what this language deserves both from the king and his counsel , let those that have authority to punish , judge . when governors resent the non-compliances of a party , their best remedy is to remove the occasions , when it may be done without crossing the interests of state , or maxims of government . observation that is , if the people will not yield to the prince , the prince should do well to yield to the people . a most excellent way for a king that hath to do with presbyterians : where he shall be sure never to want subject for his humility , nor ever to get thanks for his labour . where there are many sufferers upon a religious account , whether in truth or pretence , there will be a kind of glory in suffering , and sooner or later it may turn to the rulers detriment . observation there will not be many sufferers , where there are not many offenders ; and there will not be many offenders , where an early severity is used . but however , if any hazzard be , he that prints it , dictates , encourages , and promotes it , and deserves to suffer with the foremost . but the gentleman begins now to talk like a christian. i detest ( says he ) and abhor the tumults , and insurrections of the people , and the resisting of the soveraign power . ] observation this is honestly said yet : but hold a little . what is that soveraign power , which he abhorrs should be resisted by the tumults of the people ? even the two houses in co-ordination with the king. a little further , [ i am perswaded ( says he ) that the generality of the presbyterian denomination would endure extremities , before they would revenge or defend themselves by unlawful means , as rebelling against their lawful soveraign . observation this we shall understand too by confronting it , and find it onely the old fallacy , a little better colour'd . this part ( says he ) of the supreme power ( meaning the two houses ) is indeed capable of doing wrong , yet how it might be guilty of rebellion , is more difficult to conceive . ] now if the two houses cannot rebel , as being part of the supreme power ; ( by his argument ) neither can the presbyterians , in compliance with that party : so that by this mis-placing of the supreme authority , whatever hath been acted by vertue of any commission from the two houses , may be done over again , and no rebellion . by this device , he onely disavows rebellion so far as this , or that , is not rebellion according to his proposition , although the law determine otherwise . this is no more then what was ever maintained , even by those that stood themselves upon the highest terms of disobedience . did ever any man say , this is rebellion , and i 'll justifie it ? nay , i should be glad to hear any of them say , this was rebellion , and i 'm sorry for it . [ but it is evident , that the presbyterians love the king , and kingly government , and account themselves happy in his majesty's clemency , allowing them a just and inoffensive liberty in certain matters of conscience . ] observation the presbyterians may find many things to thank his majesty for : but i would they could hit upon a handsomer manner of doing it ; and not perpetually to be craving more , when they should be doing him service for what they have receiv'd already . they love the king , they say , but then their love is conditional , they must have something for it . would they expose themselves for twenty years together , to gaols and gibbets , all sorts of hazzards and misfortunes for their prince , and at the last sit down and sterve contentedly , out of a sense of honorable loyalty ? that subject is not right , who hath not brought his mind up to this frame ; however unhappy he may think himself in such encounters as put him to the trial of his utmost virtue . wise men inform us , that a prince by adhereing to one faction , may in time lift it up above his own imperial interest , which will be forced to give way to it as the lesser to the greater . and the prime leaders of the potent faction will sway more than the prince himself . they will become arrogant , unthankful , and boundless in their ambitious designs . this is a good rule , but ill apply'd ; unless return'd upon himself . i hope he will not call that party a faction , which submits all its actions to the clear letter of the law ; and he will hardly prove that to be none , which crosses this. if so , let common reason judge betwixt us . there is a saying , which by many hath been taken up for a proverb , no bishop , no king. i do not well understand the rise of this saying , and therefore dare not speak in derogation of their judgements who were the authors of it . but upon the matter it self , i crave to make this modest animadversion . and first it is some degrading to the transcendent interest of soveraignty , to affix unto it a necessity of any one partial interest for its support : for independency and self-subsistence , without leaning upon any party , is a prince his strength and glory . also it makes that party over-confident , and its opposite too despondent . such sayings as import a princes necessary dependence on any particular party , may in the mouthes of subjects be too presumptuous , and in the mouth of a prince too unwary . if we are not yet instructed in the weight and reason of that saying , — no bishop , no king ; sure we are past learning any thing . we found the sad truth of this judgment , in the event of the late war ; but that 's no rule . by no bishop no king , is not intended that bishops are the props of royalty , nor do the episcopalians understand it so : but that both one and the other are objects of the same fury , onely the church goes first : so that without presumption , a subject may affirm it ; and without loss of honor , a prince may grant it . i might draw arguments from the agreement of their original , the likeness of their constitution , the principles by which they are supported , and that they lye exposed to the same enemies , and the same method of destruction . but this would seem to imply a more inseverable interest then i aim at ; and raise the clergy above the proper state and orb of subjects . my meaning is more clear and open . all popular factions take the church in their way to the state ; and i am to seek where ever any prince quitted episcopacy , and saved himself . that is , his royal dignity ; for the empty name of king , is but the carkass of majesty . it is with the unruly populacy , as it is with raging tides , they press where the bank is weakest , and in an instant over-run all . if they had either modesty , or conscience , they would not force so far : if they have neither , will they stop there ? what did the late king grant ; or rather , what deny ? till by their mean abuse of his unlimited concessions , he lost his crown , and life ? yet what assurance words could give him , he wanted not : words wrapt up in the most tender and religious forms imaginable . but what are words where a crown lyes at stake ? in fine , treason 's a canker ; and where it seizes , that prince must early cut off the infected part , if he would save the sound . the true church lies in the middle between two extremes , formalists , and fanaticks . they are of circumspect and regular walking , no way forward in attempting or desiring alterations in a civil state. a prince doth hold them in obedience under a double bond . for they know they must needs be subject not only for wrath , but for conscience sake . indeed we will not conceal , that in lawfull wayes they assert that liberty which is setled by the known laws and fundamental constitutions , the maintaining whereof is the prince's as much as the peoples safety . if to be no way forward in promoting changes in the civil state , be a marque of the church : the presbyterians are out of the pale . it 's truth , they are , it seems , assertors of lawfull liberty , in lawfull waies ; but how is that i pray'e ? did they not tell us this when their swords were at our throats , when it was death to assist the king , when they were forc'd to flye to the equitable sense of the law , and quit the literal , and fetch their arguments , from inspiration , because they had none in reason . i shall here put an end to this discourse , which is become much longer already than i meant it , by reason of his addition . crofton's ill fortune i find hath made him wary , but not humble ; for he presses the same things in substance still , though in somewhat a differing manner of respect , and seeming candour . the good words he gives , belong to those persons which he shall vouchsafe to call serious , and to think worthy of them ; and the government is to be moulded , and disposed of as he pleases . finally , he pretends to ayme at a fair , and christian accord , and yet proceeds in a direct method of dividing : by sharp , and scandalous reflections upon the kings party . to say no more , his reasonings are dishonourable to the memory of the late king ; seditious , and provoking to the people ; bold , and imposing in themselves ; repugnant to the established law , and to the main scope of the general pardon . how out of all these ill ingredients should be composed a national , and healing balsome , i shall now give the reader leisure to consider . male imperatur , ubi regit vulgus duces . finis . a catalogue of some books printed for henry brome , at the gun in ivy-lane . the alliance of divine offices , exhibiting all the lyturgies of the church of england since the reformation , by hamon l'estrange esq in fol. the souls conflict , being eight sermons preach'd at oxford , and so much recommended by dr. hewit , in 8. dr. browns sepulchrall urns and garden of cyrus . in 8. two essayes of love and marriage in 12. the royal exchange , a comedy in 4. by r. brome . five new playes ▪ by r. brome , never before printed , in 8. poems by the vvits of both universities , in 8. a treatise of moderation , by mr. gaule , in 8. st. bonaventures soliloquies , in 24. mr baxter's treatise of conversion , in 4. the common law epitomiz'd , with directions how to prosecute and defend personal actions , very usefull for all gentlemen , to which is annexed the nature of a vvrit of errour , and the general proceedings thereupon , in 8. golden remains by that most learn'd r. stuart d. d. dean of westminster and clerk of the closet to king charles the first , being the last and best monuments that are likely to be made publick , in 12. mr. sprat's plague of athens , in 4. jews in america by mr. thorowgood , in 4. the royal buckler , or a lecture for traytors , in 8. a view of some late remarkable transactions , leading to the happy government under our gracious soveraign king charles the second , by r. l'estrange esq in 4. all the songs on the rump in 8. the pourtraicture of his sacred majesty king charles the second , from his birth 1630. till this present year 1661. being the whole story of his escape at worcester , his travailes and troubles . the covenant discarged by john russel , in 4. the compleat art of vvater-drawing in 4. mr. boys his translation of the 6th . book of virgil in 4. mr. walwin's sermon on the happy return of king charles the second . a perfect discovery of vvitchcraft , very profitable to be read by all sorts of people , especially judges of assize before they passe sentence on condemned persons for witches , in 4. a short view of the lives of the illustrious princes , henry duke of gloucester , and mary princess of orange deceased , by t. m. esq in 8. aeneas his voyage from troy to italy ; an essay upon the third book of virgil , by i. boys , esq in 8. trapp on the major prophets , in fol. songs and other poems , by a. brome , gent. mr. grenfeilds loyal sermon before the parliament . a caveat for the cavaliers . a modest plea both for the caveat and author , by r. l'estrange esq the history of portugall in 8. cases of conscience , in the late rebellion resolved by w. lyford b. d. minister of sherburn in dorsetshire . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47873-e110 dowglas his coronation sermon , page 10. notes for div a47873-e2530 j. c. page 10. douglas . * epistle to the reader . marshall . * epistle to the reader . presbyterian regulation . exact collections , pag. 310. page 10. observation . page 12. observation . his majesty's speech for hastning the act of indempnity . his majesty's speech at the passing the act of indempnity . page 14. observation . page 19. page 20. page 23. * english and scotch presbytery , pag. 316. * hist. of the ch. of scotl. p. 479. the presbyterians practical ministery . pag. 25. observation . presbyterian liberty . page 27. page 28. the consequents of presbyterian liberty . page 29. observation . page 29. page 40. * note . crofton . page 41. page 42. presbytery antimonarchical . the two houses have no coercive power over the king. the covenant an oath of confederacy . * note . the covenant neither lawful nor binding . pag. 44. observation . some honest presbyterians . page 45. page 46. ibid. page 46. page 47. page 48. presbyterians seditious and impenitent . page 49. the two houses , not the parliament . the legislative power in the king. the two houses no court of judicature . presbyters serve king and bishops alike . exact col. 316. page 49. page 50. presbyterian loyalty . bodin . de rep. lib. 2. cap. 5. de rep. lib. 1. cap. 8. lib. 3. cap. 1. ibid. pag. 51. page 51. presbyterian positions . page 52. prelacy a more orderly constitution than presbytery . rom. 9.21 . page 53. page 53. ibid. observation . rellquiae sacrae corolinae . page 158. page 55. page 59. * note . * note . page 58. note . page 60. exact collections . pag. 531. history of independency . page 1. page 2. page 63. observation . page 65. page 66. page 70. page 70. observation . page 73. page 47. ibid. toleration . page 76. page 84. observation . page 86. observ. significant ceremonies not sacred . ibid. observation . ecclesiast . polit . lib. 5. sect. 29. ecclesiast . polity lib. 4. sect. 12. * the eunomian hereticks in dishonor of the blessed trinity , brought in the laying on of water but once , to cross the custom of the chur. which in baptism did it thrice . page 87. can. 30. eccles. polit . lib. 5. sect. 71. page 88. page 90. observation . page 91. observation . page 94. page 95. can. 36. observ. canonical subscription defended . page 97. * the late kings declaration concerning scotland , page 403. page 101. x] can. 6. y] can. 7. page 97. observation . page 103. observation . * pa. 84. page 103. page 111. observation . page 111. a voluntary conscience . pa. 114. observ. ibid. observ. bibliotheca regia , p. 58. his majestys protestation . page 115. page 116. pag. 120. observation . pag. 120. ibid. observation . english & scotch presbyterians no protestants . l' interest des princes discours . 7. puritan-protestants . page 121. observation . page 121. observation . pag. 122. observation . page 403. ibid. page 124. observation . page 17. part . 1. apol. confess : per pap. pag. 137. de reform . adver . eccles . pag. 95. bez. cont . sarav . p. 116. * note . calvin epist. pag. 341. scripta anglicana , p. 455. h. l. s. his affinity of sacred liturgies . pag. 27. cap. 27. cap. 15. act. 32. act. 32. act. 15. act. 20. cap. 14. the rise of presbytery . the process of presbytery . dangerous positions , pag. 43. dangerous pos. pag. 44. dangerous pos. pag. 45. dangerous pos. pag. 75. pag. 86. pag. 89. pag. 91. dangerous pos. pag. 120. pag. 125. presbyters doctr. concerning kings . knox to engl. and scotl. fol. 78. gilby obedience , p. 25. register , p. 48. goodman , p. 144. spotswoods history of the chur. of scotl. p. 330. scots plea p. 262. kings declaration concerning scotland , p. 404. ibid. p. 409. bancroft , p. 169. king's declaration , 404. ibid. 408. ibid. 411 knox. bancroft pag. 56. ibid. p. 58. admon . 1. cartwright . holy discipline , pag. 260. ibid. 284. ibid. ib. 285. inter. of engl. part. 2. p. 81. * by which term they difference their classical approbation , from episcopal ordination . * inter. of engl. par. 2. p. 5● . the reformers way of petitioning . holy discipline , p. 100. bancroft's dangerous posit . p. 53. ibid. p. 56. ibid. p. 57. inter. of engl. p. 29. ibid. bancroft pag. 138. ibid. 11. p● . 14● . inter. of engl. p. 53. positions of the conventicle at glasgow , an. 1638. presbytery tyrannous to the people . bancroft p. 20. ibid. p. 105. presbyters persecutors of k. james . k. james his works : pag. 305. ibib. p. 160. the antiquity of phanaticks . reasons against coalition . justice of conscience . justice of honor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 239. k. james his works , p. 157. the late kings counsels . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . page 236. ib. p. 239. ib. p. 240. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 62. ibid. pag. 169. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . page 182. ib. p. 236. the late kings declaration concerning scotland . pag. 404. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 170. observation . page 14. the best rule of interest is the law. page 36. observation . page 33. page 36. the presbyterian method of making peace . page 38. page 39. observation . page 42. page 42. 1 chr. 12. page 43. observation . page 54. ibid. observation . the presbyterians do their own business in the kings name . page 60. page 61. page 62. page 63. observ. page 65 observation . page 66. page 67. observation . page 73. page 74. interest of england . part 1. page 13. part 1. page 49. ibid. 53. page 75. pag. 75. observation . page 78. page 81. page 83. page 84. page 98. interest of england . page 49 , ibid. 98. page 49. interest of england . page 101. pag. 104. observation . pag. 106. observation . page 116. observation . certain sermons and letters of defence and resolution to some of the late controversies of our times by jas. mayne. mayne, jasper, 1604-1672. 1653 approx. 535 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 112 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50410 wing m1466 estc r30521 11343387 ocm 11343387 47537 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50410) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47537) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1466:10) certain sermons and letters of defence and resolution to some of the late controversies of our times by jas. mayne. mayne, jasper, 1604-1672. ca. 210 p. printed for r. royston, london : 1653. each work has special t.p. and separate pagination. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. a sermon against schisme, 1652--a sermon concerning unity and agreement, [1647]--a sermon against false prophets, [1647]--a late printed sermon against false prophets vindicated by letter, [1647]--ochlo-machia, or, the peoples war examined according to the principles of scripture and reason, 1647. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -controversial literature. church and state -england. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. 2003-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certaine sermons and letters of defence and resolution , to some of the late controversies of our times . by jas : mayne , d. d. london , printed for r. royston , at the angel in ivie-lane . 1653. the contents . i. a sermon against schisme , or the separations of these times , on heb. 10. 24 , 25. ii. a serm. concerning unity and agreement , on 1 cor. 1. 10. iii. a sermon against false prophets , on ezek. 22. 28. iv. the serm. against false prophets , vindicated by letter . v. the peoples war examined , according to the principles of scripture and reason . a sermon against schisme : or , the seperations of these times . preacht in the church of wattlington in oxford-shire , with some interruption , september 11. 1652. at a publick dispute held there , between jasper mayne , d. d. and one — — mat. 13. 47. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . london , printed for r. royston , at the angel in ivie-lane , 1652. the preface . if you please to turne to the 19. chapter of the acts of the apostles , and to read from the 24. to the 33. verse of that chapter , there is there mention made of a great assembly , and concurse of people ; who upon the instigation of one demetrius , a silver-smith , were confusedly drawne together into a publick theater . and when they were met there , the confusion was so great , that the theater for the time , was quite changed into a babel ; there was a perfect division of speech , and tongues among them , scarce any two spoke the same language ; for some cryed out one thing , and some cryed out another , as you may read at the 32. v. of that chap. rudenesse , clamour , tumult , noyse , was all that issued from them . nay 't was a meeting so confused , so wholly void of reason , that the greatest part knew not why they were come together , as you may read in the end , and close of that verse . and hence 't is , that when saint paul would have ingaged himselfe among them , and would have preacht to them to convert and turne them from their errour , 't is said at the 31. verse of that chapter , that some of the chief of asia , who were his friends , sent to him , and desired him , that he would not adventure himselfe among such a rude , tempestuous rout of people . and now , if you desire to know why i have sayd this to you , 't is to let you see , first , that this hath partly been my case , i have been sent , nay spoken to , by some persons of quality and honour , not to ingage my selfe among such a mixt multitude as this ; where my affronts may be great , but my successe , and harvest small : and to speak truth to you , if i had been left to the peaceablenesse of my owne quiet temper , ( which never did delight in stormes , nor to dispute with fire . ) if the fierce , and eager importunity of some who have provokt me , had not drawn me from my iudgement , i should have followed their advice , this meeting had not beene . nay , i should have lookt upon my appearance here , as a distemper , like to theirs , who have provokt and called me hither . for my coole and wiser thoughts have still suggested to me , that to dispute of truth with those who doe not understand it , is such a piece of madnesse , as if i should dispute of colours with a blind man , of musicke with a deafe , or of the sent of flowers with one borne without a smell . next , therefore , having so farre departed from my reason , as to submit to a dispute in this great publick meeting , lest it should prove such a confused meeting , as i described to you before ; a meeting where my logick must fight duels with men made of rudenesse , tumult , noyse ; or lest it should prove a meeting where men who can speak nought but english , shall yet speak divers tongues ; and where some shall cry out one thing , and some shall cry another , i have made it my humble suit to some persons of honour here present , that by their presence they will free the place from all such wild confusions . and that , if i must dispute , i may dispute with civill men , and not undergoe saint paul's misfortune , who fought with beasts at ephesus . thirdly , lest this meeting should prove like the confused meeting , which i mention'd to you before , in one particular more ; that is , lest the greatest part of you should not know why you are this day come together . before i enter upon a full pursuit , or handling of this text , it will be needfull that i tell you the occasion of this meeting , which that i may the better doe , i shall desire you to beleeve , that 't is not a meeting of my projection or contrivance . i appeare not here to raise a faction , or to draw a party after me , nor to adde to the rents of the countrey , which are too wide already . nor am i come hither to revenge my selfe in the pulpit , or to speake ill of those who have most lewdly railed at me . let them wallow themselves , as much as they please , in their owne grosse filth , and mire ; let them , if they please , be those raging waves of the sea , which saint iude speakes of , which are alwayes foming out their owne shame , when they have steept their tongues in gall , and spewd forth all their venome , they shall not make me change my opinion ; which is , that to cast dirt for dirt , or to returne ill-language for ill-language , is a course so unreasonable , as if two men should fight a duell , and chuse a dunghill for their weapon . as therefore , i am not come hither to shew my selfe malitious , so i am not come hither to gaine applause , or reputation by this meeting . no thirst of fame , no affection of victorie hath drawne me from my study to steppe into this pulpit . i understand my owne infirmities too well to be so selfe-conceited . or if my abilities were farre greater then they are , yet i have alwayes lookt on fame thus got , to be so slight a thing , as if a man should feed on ayre , or make a meale of shaddows . not to hold you therefore any longer in suspense , if you , who know it not already , desire to know the true occasion of this meeting , 't is briefely this ; i have for some yeares ( even with teares in my eyes ) seen one of the saddest curses of the scripture fulfill'd upon this nation : with a bleeding heart i speake it , i have seene , not onely three kingdoms , but our cityes , towns , and villages , nay even our private familyes divided against themselves . i have seene the father differing in opinion from the sonne , and i have seene the sonne differing in opinion from the father . i have seene the mother broken from the daughter , and i have seen the daughter divided from the mother . nay , our very marriage-beds have not scapt the curse of separation . like iacob and esau issuing from the same wombe , i have seene two twins of separation rise from between the same curtains . i have seen the wedlock knot quite untyed in religion ; i have seene the husband in opposition to the wife , goe to one , and i have seene the wife in opposition to her husband , for many years together , goe to another congregation . in a word ( my brethren , ) the church of christ among us , which was once as seamelesse as his coate , is now so rent by schismes , so torne by separations , that 't is become like the coate of ioseph which you reade of in the 37. chapter of genesis , at the 3. verse , scarce one piece is colourd like another ; and i pray god it prove not like the coat of ioseph in one particular more ; i pray god the weaker be not sold by his brethren , and his coate be not once more dyed red , once more imbrued in bloud . this , you will say , is very sad , and yet this is not all ; that which extremely adds to the misery of our rents , and separations , is , that the wisest cannot hope they will ere be peeced , or reconciled . for the persons who thus separate , are so far from beleeving themselves to be in an errour , that they strongly thinke all others erre who separate not too ; they thinke themselves bound in conscience to doe as they doe . nay , zealous arguments are urged , and texts of scripture quoted , to prove that 't is a damning sinne not to goe on in separation . the churches where their neighbours met are now contemned , and scorned : nay , i have with mine owne ears heard a dining room , a chamber , a meeting under trees ; nay , i have heard a hog-stye , a b●…rne , called places more sanctified then they . in a word , one of the great reasons which they urge , why they thus forsake our churches , and make divided congregations , is , because ( they say ) the people which assemble there are so wicked , so prophane , that they turne gods house of prayer into a den of theeves . to keep this infection from spreading in my parish , and to keepe this piece of leaven from sowring the whole lumpe ; and withall to satisfie one , whom i looke upon as a well-meaning , though a seduced , and erring person , who hath ingaged her selfe by promise , that if i can take the mist from her eyes , and cleerly let her see her errour , she will returne back to the church , from which she hath for some yeares gone astray ; and being invited to doe this in a way of christian challenge , which hath raised a great expectation in the countrey , i have taken up the gauntlet , and here present my selfe before you ; and before i enter the lists , to let you all see the justice of the cause which i here stand to defend , i have chosen this text for my shield ; where he , who wrote this epistle to the hebrews sayes , let us consider one another to provoke one another to love and to good works , not forsaking the assembling of our selves together , as the manner of some is . the division . in which words , the only poynt which i shall insist upon , as the fittest , and most seasonable to be preacht to this divided congregation , shall be the point of schisme ; or , in plaine english , separation , as 't is exprest to us in these words , let us not forsake the assembling of our selves together , as the manner of some is . in the pursuit and handling of which words , i will proceed by these two plaine and easie steps . first , i will prove to you , by arguments , which have a sun-beame for their parent , that the rent or separation which is now made in the church , is a very grievous sinne : indeed , a sinne so grievous , that i scarce know whether christians can be guilty of a greater . next , i will examine and answer their arguments , and texts of scripture ; who doe perswade themselves and others that their separation is no sinne ; nay , that would be a grievous sinne not to separate as they doe . in the meane time i beseech you to lend me a quiet and favourable attention , whilest i begin with the first of these parts , and that shall be to prove to you , that the separations of our times , are great and grievous sinnes . among the other characters and descriptions which have been made of us men , we have been called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , a creature borne and made , and created for society . towards the preservation and maintenance wherof god at the beginning , ordered his creation of us so , that whereas other creatures take their originall and birth from a diversitie of parents . he made us men to spring from one , undivided , single payre . one adam , and one eve were the two joyn'd parents of mankinde . and the reason of this was , that there might not onely be among us one common kinred and alliance , but that we might hold a firme , and constant league and friendship with each other too . and hence 't is we see , that without any other teacher but their owne naturall instinct , men in all ages have avoided seperation , by gathering themselves into formed bodyes of cittyes , towns and commonwealths . neighbourhood , society , mutuall help , and conversation , being one of the great ends for which god made us men. and upon this ground it hath been disputed , whether a hermit , or monastic man , breake not the law of nature , because he separates himselfe from the company of men ? and 't is clearly stated by some great casuists , that if he seperate from others for no end but separation , if he retire himselfe into a cave or wildernesse , or desart , ( as some of the ancient hermits did ) not for devotion , but out of a hatred , or distaste of the rest of mankinde ; in that particular he cannot well be called a man , but some wilder creature , made to dwell in caves , desarts , forrests , dens . as then , the law of nature doth require us to preserve society and friendship , so the law of christ hath tyed , and woven this knot much faster . we are all of kinne by nature , but we are all brethren as christians : men allyed to one another by one common hope , one common faith , one common saviour , one common god , and lord , and father of us all . and upon this ground , when one christian shall divide or forsake the society of another , unlesse it be upon a just principle of conscience , and to avoid a sinne , the scripture calls it not barely separation , but separation which is schisme . that is , such a separation as is a gospel-sinne too . which , that you may the more clearly understand , give me leave to aske you in truth what is schisme ? why the best definition of it that was ever yet given is this , that schisme is nothing else , but a separation of christians from that part of the visible church , of which they were once members , upon meere fancyed , slight , unnecessary grounds . in which definition of schisme , three things doe offer themselves to your serious observation , to make it formall schisme , or a signe of separation . first it must be a separation of christians from some part of the visible church , of which they were once members ; that is , ( according to the definition , a visible church as it concerns this present purpose ) it must be a deniall of communion with that congregation of christians , with whom they were once united under a rightly-constituted pastor . next , they who thus separate , must betake themselves to some other teacher , whom , in opposition to the former , they chuse to be their guide , and so make themselves his followers . thirdly , they must erect a new assembly , or place of congregation , as a new church distinct from that from which they doe divide . lastly , this choyce of a new guide , and separation from the old , this erection of a new church , and division from the former must be upon slight unnecessary grounds ; for if the cause , or ground of their separation be needlesse , vaine , unnecessary , if it spring more out of humour , pride , desire of change , or hatred of their brethren , then out of any christian love to keepe themselves from sinnes ; 't is in the scripture-language schisme , that is , a sinne of separation . or if you will heare me expresse my self in the language of a very learned man ( who hath contrived a clue to lead us through this labyrinth ) this breach of communion , this separation from a church rightly constituted ; this choyce of a new guide , new teacher , new instructer . lastly , this setting up of a new congregation , or place of private meetings , is the same sinne in religion , which sedition , or rebellion is in the commonwealth or state. for upon a right examination of the matter 't will be found , that schisme is a religious , or ecclesiasticall sedition , as sedition in the state is a civill , lay-schisme . which two sinnes , though they appeare to the world in diverse shapes , the one with a sword , the other with a bible in his h●…nd ; yet they both agree in this , that they both disturbe the publick peace . the one of the state , where men are tyed by laws as men ; the other of the church , where men should be tyed by love as christians . to let you yet farther see , what a grievous sinne this sinne of schisme or separation is ; if the time would give me leave , i might here rayse the schoolemen , antient fathers , and generall councells from the dead , and make them preach to you from this pulpit against the sinne of separation . i might tell you , that in the purest times of the church , a schismatick , and hereticke were lookt upon as twinnes ; the one as an enemy to the faith , the other to communion . but because in our darke times , learning is so grown out of date , that to quote an ancient father , is thought a piece of superstition ; and to cite a generall councell is to speake words to our new gifted men unknowne , i will say nothing of this sinne , but what the scripture sayes before me . first , then , i shall desire you to heare what s. paul sayes in this case , in the last chapter of his epistle to the romans at the 17. verse . turne to the place , and marke it well i beseech you . now i beseech you , brethren , sayes he there , marke them which cause divisions , and offences , contrary to the doctrine which ●…e have learned , and avoid them : that is , in other words , separate your selves from them . and then he gives you a character , and description of those separaters at the 18. verse of that chapter ; and sayes , for they that are such , serve not our lord iesus christ , but their owne belly . and by good words and faire speeches deceive the hearts of the simple . in which words , foure things are so exactly drawn to life , as makes them a perfect prophecye , or rather picture of our times . the first is , that there were some in s. pauls dayes , who caused divisions in the church ; men , who in a way of schisme , and separation , made themselves the heads and leaders of divided congregations . next , the ground upon which they built their separation ; 't was not upon any just , true , lawfull , scripture ground . for the text sayes , 't was contrary to the doctrine which the apostles taught , and preacht . but the true cause , or ground , why they thus caused separations , was meerly self-interest ; and that they might gaine by their divisions . nay , 't was such a poore , base , unworthy selfe-interest , that 't is there said , they did it in compliance to their belly . the third thing which will deserve your observation , is , the cunning art they used to draw the weaks to be their followers . 't is there sayd , that by good words and faire speeches , they deceived the hearts of the simple , especially the simple of the weaker sex . and who these were , s. paul , in other words , but to the same purpose tells you , in the 3. chapter of his second ●…pistle to timothy at the 5 , 6 , 7. verses of that chapter . where speaking of such coseners , he sayes , they had a forme of godlinesse , an outward seeming holynesse to deceive and cosen by ; and that under this forme of godlynesse they crept into houses , and there led captive silly women , loaden with sinnes , and drawne away with divers lusts. women so unable to distinguish right from wrong , that they were alwayes learning , and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth . and certainly , my brethren , 't is no new thing under the sunne , to see the weaker sexe misled by holy formes , and shews . 't is no new thing , i say , under the sunne , for a man that makes long prayers , to eat up a widdows house ; or for a cunning angler to catch the fillyer sort , with a hooke bayted with religion . 't was so in our saviours time , and 't was so in s. pauls . and whether their demure lookes , their precise carriage , their long prayers , their good words and fayre speeches , be not the hooke , and snare , by which weake people are caught now ; whether the feasting of their bellyes , or the making gayne of godlinesse ; or whether the itch and pride of being the leaders of a faction ; or whether the vaine ambition of being thought more holy or more gifted than the rest , be not the true end of those , who doe now cause separations , i will not rashly censure , but i have some reason to suspect . but this is not all . the fourth , and last thing , which most deserves your observation , is , that separation in that place is such a scripture-sinne , that s. paul commands us to separate from those , who doe thus cause separations . heare the place , i pray , once more repeated to you , i beseech you , brethren , sayes he , marke them who cause divisions among you , and avoid them . that is , as i said before , separate your selves from them . if they , who upon no just cause doe separate , must be separated from , i hope you 'l all confesse that separation is a sinne . and what sinne thinke you is this sinne of separation ? why , i know some of you will thinke it strange if i should say , 't is a sinne of the flesh. and yet s. paul sayes , that 't is a sinne of the flesh , in the 3. chapter of his first epistle to the corinthians . marke i beseech you what he sayes in that place . are ye not carnall ? sayes he there . for whereas there are among you envyings , and strifes , and divisions ; are ye not carnall , and walke as men ? sayes he at the 3. verse . againe , when one saith , i am paul ; and when another saith , i am of apollos ; are ye not carnall ? sayes he at the 4. v. of that chapter . if to divide and separate from the followers of s. paul , and to make themselves the followers , and disciples of apollos ; or if by way of separation to make themselves the markes of severall churches to which apostles were the guides , were a sinne of carn●…lity ; ( as s. paul sayes it was ) what shall we say of some people of our times ? who instead of severall apostles to divide themselves by , doe chuse to themselves guides so meane , so unlearned , so liable to errour , that they perfectly make between them the picture of mistakes : the blinde leading the blinde , and both fallen into a ditch ? 't is not now , as 't was then . when some said , we are of paul , and when others said , we are of cephas , and when others said , we are of apollos ; others , we are of christ. though to make the names of christ , or paul , or cephas , names of faction , was a sinne . but we are faln on times so made of separation , that people doe divide themselves by teachers , whose second trade is teaching . teachers so obscure , so bred to manuall occupations ; teachers so sprung up from the basest of the people . lastly , teachers , so accustomed to the trewell , forge , and anvill , that i almost blush to name them in the pulpit . 't is not now sa●…d , we are of paul , and we are of apollos ; but we are of wat tyler ; we are of iacke cade ; we are of alexander the coporsmith ; we are of tom the mason ; and we are of dicke the gelder . and whether to divide and separate under such vulgar names as these , be no a sinne of the flesh , i leave to every one of you , who have read s. paul , to judge . and here , now , if time were not a winged thing , or if it would but stay my leisure , i might lay before you many other places of the scripture , which clearly doe demonstrate that separation is a sinne . for though , like the ghost of samuel , which you read of in the scripture , it usually appeare cloathed in the mantle of a prophet , though it were holinesse in the tongue , and precisenesse in the face ; yet to let you see what an apple of sodome it is ; how it lookes with a virgin cheek without , and is nought but rottennesse within , i shall once more desire you to heare what s. paul sayes of it , in the 5. chapter of the galatians at the 19. and 20. verses of that chapter , where he once more reckons it among the sinnes of the flesh. as for example , the works of the flesh are manifest , sayes he , which are these . adulterie , fernication , uncleannesse , lasciviousnesse , idolatrie , witchcraft , hatred , variance , emulation , wrath , strife , seditions , haeresies , sayes our english translation . but the words in the originall greek , ( which are the true word of god ) will beare it thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , divisions , sects , envyings , murthers , drunkennesse , revellings , and such like . of the which i tell you before , sayes he , as i have told you in times past , that they which doe such things shall not inherit the kingdome of god. where you see seditions , sects , and schismes , as well as adulterie , and murther , are there listed by s. paul among those works of the flesh , which doe shut men out of heaven , and exclude them from salvation . many such like places of the scripture i might lay before you . but i will content my selfe with one argument more ; which shall not onely prove to you , that separation is a sinne ; but one of the greatest sinnes , of which christians can be guilty . to make this cleare to you , and beyond all dispute , or question . that which i will say to you ( and mark it well ) is this . 't is a rule in divinity , ( and t is a rule infallible ) that those sinnes are the greatest , which are most contrary , and doe most oppose the greatest christian vertues . now the three great christian vertues which doe make and constitute a christian , are set downe by s. paul , in the 13. chapter of his first epistle to the corinthians , at the last verse , where he sayes , now abideth faith , hope , and charity ; but the greatest of these is charity . thus , then , stands the case . distrust in gods promises , or an unbeliefe in his power , is a very great sinne . for 't is a sinne which doth oppose and quite cut off the wings of hope . haeresie , or the strife , and obstinate defence , and persisting in a knowne errour , is a farre greater sinne . for 't is a sinne against faith , a sinne which strives to draw a cloud about the beames of truth . but if it be true what s. paul sayes , ( as most certainly it is ) if it be true that charity is greater then either faith , or hope , then 't will follow by good logick and all the consequence of reason ; that that sinne which doth untie , and break the bond of peace ; that sinne which destroyes christian friendship , and communion ; lastly , that sinne which rends , and teares the cords of charity asunder , is a farre greater sinne then unbeliefe or haeresie . and the sin which doth all this is the sin of separation . first 't is a greater sinne in it selfe , and the very formality of the sinne . as being the worst extreme to the best , and greatest vertue , namely , the vertue of love ; by which christ would have his followers distinguisht from the rest of mankinde . for by this shall all men know , sayes he , that you are my disciples , if yee love one another . as you may read in the 13. chapter of iohn at the 35. verse . and agreeable to this is that which is delivered here in this text , where the authour of this epistle to the hebrewes sayes , let us consider one another to provoke one another to love. and not forsake the assembling of our selves together , as the manner of some is . and as schisme , or separation upon a slight , or needlesse ground is in it selfe one of the greatest sinnes ; so t is one of the greatest sinnes too , in its dangerous effects . besides the hatred , envy , strife , which it begets among men of divided interests , and mindes , t is many times the coale which sets whole states and common-wealths on fire . it pretends , indeed , very much to the spirit , and at first cloaths it selfe in the dresse of humility and meeknesse ; but they who have written the chronicles of the church can tell you , that those pretences to the spirit have no sooner gathered strength , but they have proceeded to bloudy battells , and pitcht fields . where the meeke persons have throwne aside their bibles ; and have changed the sword of the spirit into the sword of warre . the proceedings of the donatists in affricke , and of the iohn-of leyden-men at munster are two sad examples of the truth of what i say . the grounds of separation examined . but here , perhaps , will some of you , who heare me this day , say , what 's all this to us ? in saying this which you have hitherto said , like those who wrote romances , you have but created an adversary out of your own fancy , and then foyl'd him ; or like the man in aristotle who drove his shaddow before him , you first frame a man of ayre , and then cry he flyes from you . but if this be to conquer , one of our gifted men who is at all no scholler , can as well triumph over men of ayre , and shaddowes , as your selfe . to let you see , therefore , that i am one of those , who desire not to fight duels with naked unarmed men , nor to meet any in the field , before we have agreed upon the just length of our weapons : if your patience will hold out so long , who come dis-interested hither , this second part of this sermon shall be spent in the pursuit of that , which master deane of christ-church just now very seasonably noted as a defect in our present way of arguing , and dispute , which was , that the grounds were not examined upon which the present separations of these times , do build themselves . these grounds , therefore , i shall now in the next place call to some reckoning and account , and in the doing of this , i will hang up a payre of scales before you , you shall see their arguments placed in one scale , and my answers in the other : and because no moderatour sits in the chayre to judge ( which was a thing foreseen by me , but could not well be compast ) i shall make you the iudges who heare me this day . and because the rudenesse , and ill-language of those who have disturbed me in this pulpit , hath made me stand before you here like a man arraigned for errour , i will freely cast my selfe upon god , and you the countrey . thus , then , i shall proceede . here ( as i said before ) may some of the separating party , say to me , how doth the former part of your sermon concern us ? we separate , 't is true , but not on those false grounds which you have all this while described . we grant , indeed , that if we broke communion with you out of faction , or selfe-interest , or pride , or desire of gaine , or meere love of separation , you might well call us schismaticks ; and we should well deserve that name . but the ground on which we separate from you , is , because you are not fit to be assembled with , you are sinners ; wicked , lewd , profane , notorious sinners . the places where you meet breathe nothing but infection . your teachers preach false doctrine ; and your people practise lyes . in a word , we cannot with the safety of our conscience frequent your congregations . since to appeare there would be an enterprize as dangerous , as if we should make visits to a pest-house , and there hope to scape the plague . this you will say ( good people ) is very hard language . and how , thinke you , do they prove it ? why , as they thinke by two cleare places of the scripture , which no man can oppose , and not make warre with heaven . two places of scripture , i say , have beene produced , and quoted to me , like sampson and achilles , with invincible lances in their hands . places which doe not onely allow , but command a separation ; nay , they command it so fully , that if they should not separate , or forsake our congregations , they say they should sinne greatly , and disobey the scripture . and what are these two places ? the first you shall finde set downe in the 5. last verses of the 6. chapter , of the second epistle of s. paul to the corinthians , where the words run thus . be ye not unequally yokt together with unbeleevers . for what fellowship hath righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse ? and what communion hath light with darknesse ? and what concord hath christ with belial ? or what part hath he that believeth with an infidell ? and what agreement hath the temple of god with idolls ? for ye are the temple of the living god ; * as god hath said , i will dwell in them , and walke in them ; and i will be their god , and they shall be my people . wherefore come out from among them , and be ye seperate , * saith the lord , and touch not the uncleane thing , and i will receive you . this is their first great place , which they urge for separation . will you now heare their second ? that you shall finde set downe in the 4. first verses of the 18. chapter of the revelations . where the words run thus , after these things , sayes s. iohn there , i saw another angel come downe from heaven , having great power ; and the earth was lightned with his glory . and he cryed mightily , with a strong voice , saying , babylon the great is fallen , is fallen , and is become the habitation of divells , and the hold of every foule spirit ; and the cage of every unclean , and hatefull bird. for all nations have drunke of the wine of the wrath of her fornications ; and the kings of the earth have committed fornication with her . and the merchants of the earth are waxed rich , through the abundance of her delicacyes . and i heard another voyce from heaven , ( sayes he ) saying ; come out of her my people , that yee be not partakers of her sinnes , and that yee receive not of her plagues . these two places of scripture ( if you will heare me expresse my selfe in the thred-bare lunguage of the times ) they say , doe hold forth themselves soe clearely , that i may sooner quench the sunne than finde an answer to them . nay , to deale freely with you , these two places , and these only are a piece of the challenge which hath occasioned this dispute . for i am promised by her , whom i here come to undeceive , that if i can answer these two places , she wil be my convert ; and will soparate from these who doe now make separations . i take her at her word , and doe thus contrive , and shape my answers ; marke them i beseech you . as for the first place in the 6. chapter of the second epistle to the corinthians ; you are to understand , that when s. paul wrote that epistle , the city of corinth was not wholly converted to the faith , but was divided in religions , some were yet heathens , and sacrificed to idols : others did imbrace the gospell , and gave up their names to christ. neverthelesse , they were not so divided in religions , but that dwelling together in the same city , certaine neighbourly civillities , and acts of kindnesse past between them . as for example , when a heathen or unbeleever offerd a sacrifice to his idol , 't was usuall , for old acquaintance sake , to invite his christian friends to be guests to his sacrifice ; and to eate of his meate which was offered to his idol , as you may read , 1 cor. 10. 27 , 28. and the place where the sacrifice was eaten , and where the feast was made , was , for the most part in the temple of the idol , as you may read , 1 cor. 8. 10. now , this mingling of religions ; this meeting of christians with heathens , at a heathen feast ; nay , at a feast where the meat was first offerd to an idol , nay in that idol was offered to the devils , as you may reade , 1 cor. 10. 20. nay , this meeting of christians with heathens at an idol sacrifice , and their eating with them of that sacrifice in the very temple of the idol , was a thing so dangerous , so apt to call weake christians back againe to their former idolatry , that saint paul thought it high time to say , be not thus unequally yokt with unbeleevers . in which expression he doth cast an eye upon that law of god , which you may read set downe in the 22. chapter of deuteronomye , at the 9 , 10 , 11. verses of that chapter . where god sayes , thou shalt not sow thy vineyard with diverse seeds ; nor shalt thou plough thy field with an oxe , and an asse yokt together ; nor shalt thou weare a garment of divers sorts , namely , of linnen , and woollen woven together in one piece . to the mysticall meaning of which law , s. paul here alludes , when he sayes , be not unequally yokt with unbeleevers . for a christian mingling with a heathen , in a heathen congregation : nay , a christian mingling with a heathen in the temple of an idol , was a more disproportion'd sight , then to see an oxe yokt with an asse in the same plough ; or then to see corn sown with grapes in the same field ; or then to see wool mixt with linnen in the same garment . in a word , the idolatry of the heathens was so inconsistent with the religion of the christians , that s. paul proceeds , and sayes , that they might as well reconcile light to darknesse , or contrive a league betweene christ and belial ; or tye a marriage knot between righteousnesse and sinne , as make it hold in fitnesse ; that christians who are the temples of god , and of his holy spirit , should meet , and eate , and beare a part in the idol temples of the heathens . and these infidels , these heathens , who did not believe in christ ; these corinthians unconverted , these worshippers of idols , who strived to draw the christians back to their former superstitions , were they from whom s. paul bids his new converts separate themselves . come out from among them , and be ye separate , sayes he , at the 17. verse of that chapter . o●… , ( in the language of the place ) come out from among them , and be ye separate , saith the lord , and touch not the uncleane thing , and i will receive you . which words are but a string struck by the prophet * esay first , and spoken by him , of the separation of the iewes , from the then idolatryes of the heathens . and that this is the true interpretation of this place , will appeare to any who shall compare , what s. paul here sayes , with that which he sayes , in the 10. chapter of his first epistle to the corinthians , from the 19. to the 30. verse of that chapter . this then , being so , let me aske the zealous persons , who thus delight in separation , are they from whom they separate such infidells , such heathens , such worshippers of idols , as s. paul doth here describe ? doe they see any gods of gold , erected in our temples ? or doe they see any images of silver adored , and sacrificed to by our congregations ? doe any of us make prayers to a stocke ? or doe any of us burne incense to a stone ? nay , let them ( if they please ) examine us by their private-meeting-catechisme . doe we not confesse the same god that they doe ? doe we not beleeve in the same iesus christ ? do we preach another gospel ? or hope to be saved by any other name but his ? are not our congregations built on the scripture-rock ? is not christ our corner stone , and his apostles our foundation ? doe we not agree with them in all things , but where they differ from the scripture ? as for example , we doe maintaine , and say , that separation is a sinne . they doe maintaine and say , that 't is a christian duty ; we urge that text which sayes , one lord , one faith , one baptisme ; they urge no text , which sayes , men must be twice baptised . we say , that if a child of god doe breake gods laws , a child of god sinnes . some of them say that god beholds no sinne in his children . lastly , we say of the scripture , as † s. peter said of s. pauls epistles ; that there be some things in them , very hard to be understood , which they who are unlearned wrest to their owne destruction . they say unlearned gifted men are the best expounders of the scripture ; what they meane by gifted men i will not here examine . but that which i will say is this , because we differ in opinions to divide themselves from us ; nay to apply such a reproachfull place of scripture to us , as makes us no better then infidels , and heathens , and worshippers of idols , is to revile us with the word of god , and to libell us with scripture . would they take it well , if we should apply to them that place which sayes ; woe to you , yee hypocrites , yee blind leaders of the blind ; you who strayne at gnats , and yet securely swallow camels ? would they take it well , if we should quote a place of scripture , and make it call them whited sepulchers ; which showe fayre and beautifull without , and hold nought but stinke , and rottennesse within ? againe , would they take it well if we should apply to them , that place which speakes of men , who have a forme of godlinesse , but deny the power thereof ? men , who like the old pharisees , with a long prayer in their mouth , creep into houses , and there leade captive silly women ? lastly , would they take it well if we should apply that place to them , which sayes ; that as iannes , and iambres withstood moses , so doe these men resist the truth ? men of corrupt mindes ; reprobate concerning the faith ? ( as 't is in the greek , and the margin of your bibles ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , men purblinde , voide of iudgement concerning the true knowledge of the faith ? if they would not take it well , why doe they not observe the rule of equity , and iustice , which is , to doe to us , but as they would have us doe to them ? but here perhaps , will some of you who heare me this day , say ; we doe not separate from you , because you are out-right unbeleevers , pagans , infidels , or heathens ; but because you weare the names of christians , and yet live the lives of heathens . though you doe not worship idols , yet there is covetousnesse among you , which s. paul calls † idolatry . and though you doe professe christ , yet you walke disorderly ; and doe commit those sinnes which they who denyed christ did . though we see no gods of gold nor silver in your temples , yet if we came there , we might see a congregation of such people as s. paul in other places bids us separate from . as for example , turne to the 3. chapter of his second epistle to the thessalonians , and the 6. verse . doth he not there command us in the name of the lord iesus to withdraw our selves from every brother , who walkes disorderly , and not according to the traditions which he taught ? or if this place be not cleare enough , turne to the 5. chapter of the first epistle of s. paul to the corinthians , and to the 11. verse , doth he not there say , that if any man that is called a brother , be a fornicatour , or covetous , or an idolater , or a rayler , or a drunkard , or an extortioner , with such a one we are not to keep company , no , not to eat ? i grant , indeed , s. paul sayes so , and doe think it very fit that s. paul should be obeyed . but how doth this prove that they are to forsake our congregations ? that there are such men among us , as s. paul doth there describe , is a truth too cleare to be denyed . but are our whole congregations composed of such men ? are all drunkards ? are all fornicatours ? are all raylers ? are all extortioners ? are all , both priests and people so like one another , that when they meete they make not a church . assembly , but a congregation of such sinners ? or are they onely some ? and they , perhaps , the lesser part who are guilty of those sinnes ? nay suppose they should be farre the greater part , who are guilty of these sinnes ; yet you know our * saviour christ compares the church to a field sowne with good seed ; but then he tells us too , that to the worlds end , among the good seed there shall still grow weeds , and tares . againe , in the 13. chapter of s. mathew at the 47. and 48. verses of that chapter , he compares the kingdome of god here in this world , to a net cast into the sea , which inclosed fishes of all sorts , bad as well as good. and what the meaning of this draught of mingled fishes is , i shall desire you to read at the 49. and 50. verses of that chapter , where he sayes ; that at the end of the world , and not till then , the angels shall go forth , and shall separate the wicked from among the iust : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sayes the originall greek , they shall separate the wicked from the midst of the iust , which clearely doth prove to us , that till this finall separation , in the church of god here on earth , there will alwayes be a mixture : to divide or separate , therefore , from the whole congregation , because some wicked men are in it , is a course so unreasonable , as if they should refuse a field of corne because there grew some weeds , or should renounce a field of wheat because it beares some tares . besides , i would faine know , how farre they will extend the meaning of that text , where s. paul sayes , that they are not to eat with a brother , who is a drunkard , or adulterer , or rayler , or extortioner . will they extend it to all sorts of persons who are such ? if they will , then if a woman have a drunkard to her husband , she must separate from him because he is a drunkard , if she doe not , every time she eats with him , she disobeyes s. paul ; and in every meale she makes with him she commits a scripture sinne . by the same reason also , if the sonne have a drunkard to his father , he must remove tables , and not dyet with his father . and so there will be one division more then those the scripture speakes of : for that onely tells us that the time shall come when the sonne shall be divided from the father , and the mother from the daughter . but if this interpretation be true , the wife must divide and break her selfe from her distemper'd husband too . nay give me leave to goe one step farther yet . if the sinnes of a part be a just sufficient ground to separate from the whole , why doe not they who separate , divide and fall assunder ? for here let me ask them , and let me ask without offence ; are they all so innocent , so pure , so free , so voyd of sinne , that there is not one disorderly brother among them ? is their place of private meetings so much the new ierusalem , that no drunkard , no adulterer , nor rayler enters there ? i wish there did not , my brethren . we ministers should not then so oft be called dumb doggs , idol shepheards , limbs of antichrist , baals priests , by tongues , wich if s. iames say true , are set on fire of hell. if then , it be not the meaning of s. paul in that place , that we should separate from all because some of those all are wicked , upon what other just ground doe they break communion with us ? is it because we preach in churches ? they are gods house of prayer . made his by the piety , and devotion of our fathers , who if they lived now would hardly call them saints , who preferre a barne , nay a hog-stye before a consecrated temple . or is it because there is haeresie or superstition mixt with our once common forme of prayer ? if there had been , you see that scandall is removed . or doe we persecute , or force , or drive them from our congregations ? we are so farre from that , that you see , they are ready to require that our publick congregations , should stoope , and bow the knee to their private meetings . what other secret reason t is which thus divides them from us , i can by no meanes think , unlesse it be wrapt up in the mystery and cloud of the 18. chap. of the revelations , which is their other strong herculean place of scripture , which hath been urged to me to make good their separation . from which dark place of scripture when i have removed the veyle and curtaine , i will put a period , and conclusion to this sermon . t is there said , that s. iohn heard an angel proclaime aloud , and say , babylon the great is fallen , is fallen ; and is become the habitation of divels , the hold of every uncleane spirit , and a cage of every uncleane , and hatefull bird ; as you may read at the 2. verse of that chapter . t is farther said , that he heard another voice from heaven , saying , come out of her my people , that yee be not partakers of her sinnes , and that ye receive not of her plagues . as you may read at the 4. verse of that chapter , where by babylon fallen , they understand the church of england falne , by the habitation of divels , the hold of foule spirits , and cage of uncleane birds . they understand our parish churches , and congregations which meet there ; which , they say , are so much a cage of uncleane birds , places so corrupt , so full of wickednesse , and sinne , that god , by his spirit , as it were , by a voice from the clouds , hath said unto them , come out of them , my people , divide your selves from them , lest ye be partakers of their sinnes , and go sharers in their plagues . this is , or must be their interpretation of that place ; or else 't will no way serve to uphold their separation . if , i say , by the habitation of divells , and cage of uncleane birds be not meant our church assemblyes , from which they doe divide , they doe but build a house of straw , and choose the sand for a foundation . i am sure i have been told that this was the very interpretation which the gentleman gave of this place , who just now disputed with me , at a dispute which not long since he had with mr. gibson of chinner . but now will you heare my censure of this wilde interpretation ? take it then , thus . among the severall expounders of the revelation , i once met with one , who when he came to interpret the seven angels , which blew the seven trumpets , he said that by one of those angels was meant luther , by another queen elizabeth . and when he came to give the meaning of the locusts which ascended from the bottomelesse pit , with crowns on their heads , by the locusts , he understood schollers of the universitie ; and by the crownes on their heads , he understood square caps . methinkes , these kinde of people deale just so with this place of the revelation . they see strange visions in it which s. iohn never saw ; namely , they see babylon in our churches , and uncleane birds in our assemblyes . nay , though the divels being spirits are too invisible to be seen , yet , by the benefit of a new-light , they can see sights which no other eyes can see without being present in the place to which foul spirits do resort , ( as if they had borrowed one of galilaeo's glasses ) they can see divels take notes at our sermons . but whether in short-hand , or at length , s. iohn hath not revealed . pardon me , i beseech you , you who are of the more grave and nobler sort , that i am thus pleasant in the pulpit ; i am compelled to be so when i meet with people who deale with the scripture , as men of melancholly fancyes use to deale with the clouds . for as i have knowne some hypocondriack men , who have faigned to themselves flying horses , winged troops , and skips sayling in the aire ; nay , as i have knowne some , who , like the melancholly man , who thought himselfe a urinall , have thought they have seene two armyes in the skie ; and have mistaken clouds , and meteors for soldiers , trumpets , drums , and cannons ; so i do not wonder that our gifted , thinking people should so mistake the revelation as they doe ; or that they should see monsters in the scripture clouds . where the scripture is most cleare , they hardly understand it ; how then , should they finde out the key to such darke prophecies as this ? but here may some man say to me , if they mistake this place , what 's your interpretation of it ? why , my interpretation is the very same which s. iohn himselfe delivers , rev. 14. 8. where the angel expresseth himself in the very same words , and sayes , babylon is fallen , is fallen ; that great city which made all nations drinke of the wine of the wrath of her abominations . and what was that great city ? why the city built on seven hills ; as 't is described in another place of the revelation . that great city which was the queen of nations ; namely , the city of rome , when 't was the seat of heathen emperours . lastly , that great city , which gave laws to all the world , to worship her false gods , and to partake of her idolatryes . and this was that great city , which s. iohn calls babylon ; either , because speaking of the fall and ruine of it , he thought it not safe to call it rome , or by its right and proper name ; lest , if he had done so , he might draw persecution on the christians . or els , because as babylon was the head city of the persian monarchy , so rome was then the head city of the roman . in a word , this is that great city , which was then the great court of idolatry , the queen of superstitions ; and therefore , justly called by the angel which spoke to s. iohn , the habitation of divels , and cage of uncleane birds . and from this babylon , this rome , the then city of confusion , the angel of god bid the christians of those times to come forth , and separate themselves ; lest they should be partakers of her sins , and go sharers in her plagues . but to say as they do , that the church of england is that babylon the great ; or that cut parish congregations , from which they do divide themselves , are the habitation of divels , the hold of foule spirits , and cage of unclean birds here mentioned in this chap. is such a piece of ignorance , as well as zealous slander , that they will never be able to prove it , till they can make the capitol of rome stand in our london streets , or till they can make the river tiber run , where now our thames doth ; or till they can change the countries in our mapps , and make the mid-lanà sea flow on our english shore . and farther then this i will not trespasse on your patience ; or inlarge my selfe to prove to you that separation is a sin. the end . a sermon concerning unity & agreement . preached at carfax church in oxford , august 9. 1646. by iasper maine , d. d. and one of the students of christ-church , oxon . rom . 12. 18. if it be possible , as much as lieth in you , live peaceably with all men . printed in the yeere , m d c xlvii . a sermon concerning unity and agreement . 1 cor. 1. 10. now i beseech you brethren , by the name of our lord iesus christ , that yee all speake the same thing , and that there be no divisions among you : but that ye be perfectly joyned together in the same mind , and in the same judgement . though truth , from what mouth soever it bee spoken , or in what shape or dresse soever it appeare , be but one and the same ; and where it is rightly understood , carries this uniting , peacefull quality with it , that it makes all its followers of one consent , and mind too ; yet i know not from what mist , or impotence , lodged in our nature , with whom errors and mistakes do for the most part prevaile more then arguments or demonstrations ; and with whom our owne mis-conceipts ( conveyed into us from such whom we think too holy to deceive us , or too learned to deceive themselves ) do for the most part sticke so deeply , and take such root and impression in us , that it is not in the power of truth it selfe to remove them : this one , uniting , peacefull bond of minds , this ray of our soules , according to the severall teachers of it , and according to the severall formes and shapes , into which they have cast it , hath alwaies been looked on as so many severall truths ; and to the discredit , and disadvantage of it , hath in all ages been as severally entertained and followed . thus among the heathen plilosophers , we finde the number of sects , to be much greater then the number of sciences . every new famous teacher , who professed severity in his looks , and austerity in his man ners , had the power to draw a cloud of disciples after him , and to erect a new truth with a new school . and thus in the very church of god it selfe , the gospell no sooner began to be preached to the world , but it began to have its sects and schismes , and sidings too . the apostles taught but one faith , one baptisme , one christ , one plaine , open way of salvation to men ; yet they were mis-understood by some , as if they had preached many : or as if the numbers of their severall doctrines , had equalled the number of their severall persons , and they had ( every one where he went ) scattered a severall gospell . to speake yet more plainely to you , and neerer home to the history of this text ; the corinthians ( to whom this epistle was written ) as if from every new teacher that came thither , they had learned a new religion , began at length to have as many religions among them as they had heard teachers . you might have distinguished divers churches in the same city , and have divided their beleefs and creeds by their families and streets . where , by a fallacy and deceit of the eare , judging of the things taught , by their affection to the teacher , and not judging of the teacher by the things which he taught , every one chose to himselfe the name of his minister to make a side and faction by . one ( as you read at the 12. verse , of this chapter ) said , i am of paul , another , i am of apollos , a third , i am of cephas , a fourth , i am of christ : as if christ had either been divided , or else were to stand with the rest as the name of a distinct religion ; or at least , as if the gospell ( which at first sprung from him ) like streams broken off from their spring-head , were no longer to retaine the name of the fountain from whence it rose , but were to weare the stile of the severall pipes and channells , by which it was conveyed abroad into the world . this diversity of names , and sides , grew at first from their diversity of opinions , and minds . when the unlearned wresting the scripture which they had heard preached to an apostles sense , would presume to impose that sense , which was indeed , not an apostles , on others . and those others , equally as unlearned , thought it as reasonable , so they could entitle it to another apostle , to impose their interpretation of scripture on the first . this diversity of minds , proceeded at length to diversity of language and speech . congregation spoke censoriously of congregation , as if none had been in the right , but they onely who most vehemently could charge others with being in the wrong . saint paul was urged , and quoted against saint peter , and apollos against both , and christ against all three . whose sermons , like those changeable figures which melancholly men frame to themselves in the clouds , were made to weare the shape and form , which every mans zeale and fancy suggested to him . hence , in time , from difference and disagreement in mindes and speech , they grew to difference and disagreement in society and conversation too . difference of opinion bred separation of companies ; and that which was at first but a neighbourly dispute , by degrees tooke flame , and grew to be mortall hatred , division and schisme . men of the next doore were no longer neighbours to one another . all the bonds of charity became utterly broken . all christian entercourse , and familiarity and commerce ceast between them . he was thought to be false , and to betray his side , who offered to shew himselfe affable or civill to one of another party . in short , the breach became so wide , that he was thought to be the onely religious man who could most enlarge the rent , and could bring most fuell to the present combustion which was thus unhappily kindled among them . to compose these differences the refore , ( differences not unlike those of our miserable , distracted times ) and to make the knot and reconciliation as fast and strong , as the disagreement and rent was large and wide , s. paul here in this text , prescribes a severall cure , for every particular and severall breach . first , to remove the discord which rose among them , by calling themselves by severall names , and to banish the ill consequences of all such factious compellations , which for the most part are bitter invectives , and sharp arrowes of detraction hurld at one another , he perswades them to unity of language and speech , and exhorts them to call themselves all by the same name , in these words , now i beseech you brethren , that ye al speak the same thing . next , to remove their want of meetings , and communion together in the same place of gods worship , he perswades them to unity of assemblies , and congregation , in these words , now i beseech you , brethren , that there be no divisions , that is , ( as i shall in the progress of this sermon , make it clear to you from the original ) that there be no separations , that is , ( as our english word doth wel express it ) that there be no private sequestred meetings , no such things as conventicles among you . thirdly , to remove the root , and spring of all these uncharitable strifes , and divisions , and separations , he perswades them to unity of opinions and minds , in these words , now i beseech you , brethren , that you be perfectly joyned together in the same mind , and in the same judgement . lastly , that he might with the greater successe do this , and ( like a skilfull reconciler ) might win upon all sides , he for a while layes aside the authority of his apostleship ; and mingling request and conjuration , with exhortation and advice , he acts the part of an apostle , in the forme of a petitioner , in these words , now i beseech you brethren , by the name of our lord iesus christ , &c. upon these parts , the apostles mild insinuation , and addresse of himselfe , and the severall degrees of unity and concord , in speech , in assemblies , and in opinions , to which he here exhorts the corinthians , i will build my future discourse . in the ordering of which , i will begin with the apostles submissive insinuation , or addresse of himselfe , in these words , now i beseech you , brethren , by the name of our lord iesus christ. for the clearer and more usefull handling of this part of the text , first , it will be necessary that i speake somthing to you of saint pauls person , the preacher here in the text , and of his calling to the ministery ; which well considered , will conduce very much to the removall of a certaine dangerous error received of late into the minds of too many unlearned , vulgar men among us : which is , that universities , and bookes , and studies , and learning are so farre from being necessary preparations to make a preacher of the gospell , that any lay-man , though perhaps brought up to a manuall trade , or a vocation of husbandry , or attendance upon cattel , if he finde by himselfe that he is called by the spirit of god , may put himselfe into orders , and take the ministery upon him . and thus enabled from above , without the forme of ordination , or those other slow , tedious , lazy helps , of sitting twenty years in a colledge to understand the bible , may in the few minutes of a powerfull inspiration spring up an apostle , and go forth a preacher of the word of god. to this perswasion they have been invited by two sorts of examples in the scripture ; one in the old testament , the other in the new , in the old testament , doe you not read , say they , that god called elisha from the plough to be a prophet ? and doth not amos tell you in the 7. chapter of his prophesie , at the 14. verse , that he was a herdman , and a gatherer of sycamore fruit ? then for examples in the new testament , pray what were the apostles ? were they great schollars ? or did christ send to athens for them ? were they not fishermen , men altogether unletter'd , men called from mending nets to preach the gospell ? if this were so , that god according to his good pleasure , without any consideration of study , or height of parts , chose simple , unlearned , unstudied men , to be prophets and apostles , and teachers , then why should any thinke he hath so confined , or entailed his free spirit , or vocation of men , upon great parts , and studies , that he may not , if he please call the like unstudied , simple men from the plough or fisher-boat , or stall , or shop-board , to be ministers of his gospel , and teachers of his people now ? my brethren , you see i have not prevaricated , or diminished ought of the strength of the argument which is urged in favour of lay-mens preaching . in answer to which , laying aside all partiality to my selfe , and prejudice against them , i shall with the same spirit of meekness and candour , with which saint paul here in this text bespoke his corinthians , beseech you , who heare me this day , to observe , and weigh , and consider well this which i shall say for a reply ? first , far , far be it from me so to flatter the place of my education , or so to biass my beleef , by any false ovevarluing of humane industry , or great parts that i should pinion , as it were , or put limits to the power of the almighty ; or should be so irreligiously bold , as to gain-say that piece of his gospell which compares his holy spirit to the wind , which bloweth where it listeth . if they who thus pretend to a private inspiration doe meane , that whatever god did in the times heretofore , he is able to doe now , i shall easily grant it ; and here in the presence of you all , confesse my selfe to be of their opinion . nor shall i make any doubt or scruple at all , to say , that , if we looke upon what god is able to doe , by the same power by which he was able to raise up children to abraham out of stones , or ( to speake yet more neerly to the argument in hand ) by the same power that hee was able to make a herd-man a prophet , or a fisher-man an apostle , he is able , in our times also , if he please , to make the meanest tradesman one of the greatest luminaries of his church . since to an omnipotent agent , whose gifts are meerly arbitrary , and depend wholly upon the pleasure of his owne will , the greatest endowments of men , and the least , are alike easie . but though he be able to doe this , and in the ancient times of the scripture have imparted his gifts without respect of persons , yet whether he now will , or whether in our times hee doth still thus extraordinarily raise up teachers to himselfe , is extreamly to be doubted . for here with all the christian gentleness and reason , which may possibly conduce to the clearing of this doubt , were i to argue this controversie with one of those men who invade our function , and from gathering of sycamore fruit step up into the pulpit , i would onely aske him this question ; what commission he hath thus to usurp upon our office ; or who signed him his patent ; since the apostle tells us in the fifth chapter of the epistle to the hebrewes , at the fourth verse , ( a place well worth your marking , my brethren ) that no man taketh this honour of a priest to himselfe , but he who is called of god , as was aaron ? i know his common answer will bee , that god hath called him to this office by the secret instinct , and motion of his holy spirit . but , then , he must not take it ill , if i yet farther aske him , by what signes , or markes , or testimonies , or tokens , he can either ma●… it reasonably appeare to himselfe , or others , that god hath dealt with him as he dealt with some of the prophets , or apostles ; called him from his trade by such a motion of his spirit ? elisha we know , made iron swim , and knew mens closet-discourses in a farre countrey , which was a sure and certaine signe that god had called him to be a prophet . the apostles also we know , wrought many of christs miracles , which was a most infallible signe that god had chosen them to be apostles . if any of these men , who derive their warrant from the same sacred spring , can make iron swim , or like elisha , remaining here in their owne . israel , can tell us what the king of syria saies in his bed-chamber ; or if like saint peter they can cure fevers and diseases by their bare shadowes passing over them ; or if , like the rest of the apostles , having never before knowne letters , they can of a sudden speake all languages , the controversie is at an end ; it would bee a very great sinne against the spirit of god to deny , that hee is in them of a truth . but if all the proofe and signe they can give us that they have him , be onely a strong perswasion of themselves ; nay , if by an infallible illumination they could assure themselves , that they have him , yet as many as have not the like infallible illumination to assure them so too , will not be guilty of an unpardonable offence , if they suspect they have him not . for here , i must once more repeat my former question , and aske by what effects , or signes of the spirit , men shall know them to be called ? by what ? will some man say , why ? doe you not heare them preach , expound scripture , unfold prophecies , interpret parables ; nay plucke the veile and cloud from the booke of mysteries it selfe , the very revelation ? can any of you great schollers , with all your study of philosophers , fathers , councells , schoole-men , historians , oratours , poets , either hold your congregations longer , or send them away more edified ? and will you yet ask questions ? or doubt of the certainty of their vocation ? i must not dissemble with you , if i could meet with an unlearned handicraft-man , who without study , can doe this to the same height , and measure of truth , as those unjustly-cryed downe , learned , and well-studied men doe , i should begin to alter my opinion ; and should reckon him as hee deserves , in the number of the inspired . but alas , my brethren , as i am not come hither to disparage the guifts of the holy ghost , in what person soever i finde them , or to perswade that scripture rightly expounded , is not one , and the same , from the mouth of a priest , or an inspired lay-man ; so this i must freely say to you , that as many of those strange teachers as i have heard , have expounded scripture indeed , and have ventured upon some of the hardest places of the prophets . but , then , if all my studies of the bible , assisted with all those holy , uncorrupted learned helps , which might enable mee to understand it aright , have not deceived me , their expositions , and sermons , how passionately delivered , or how long soever , are evident proofes to mee that they have not the spirit . if they had , they would never , certainely , expound scripture so directly contrary to his meaning ; or make the writings of the prophets or apostles , weare only that present shape , not which the holy ghost hath imprinted and stampt upon them , but which tends to the division of a kingdom , and the confusion of a church ; nor would they , as they do , what ever the text be , presse that sense from it , not which is genuine , and naturall , but which tends most to the destruction of a party , or the fomentation of a most unnaturall civill warre . saint paul tells us in the fift chapter of the epistle to the galatians , at the 22 , and 23. verses , that the fruits , or effects of the spirit , are love , peace , long-suffering , gentlenesse , meeknesse , temperance . he useth to speake to men in the voice , and figure of a dove : but to entitle him to all those forbidden workes of the flesh , of variance , hatred , sedition , heresies , envyings , murthers , and the like , there reckoned up in the precedent verses of that chapter , is to make him speake with the voice of a raven . in short , my brethren , the holy ghost is not the author of such doctrines as breake gods commandements in the pulpit . nor is it a long prayer , or a zealous two-houres reviling of the foot-steps of the lords anointed , their lawfull soveraigne , which can make their sermons to be any other then so much libell , or holy detractation ; or which can make their intrepretations of the word of god , how moderate soever in other cases , if they be not agreeable to the scope , and minde , and intention of the holy ghost , to be any more then so many zealous mistakes , and so many illegitimate births , and creatures of their own deluded fancies . next , in pursuit of this seasonable argument , give me leave , i pray , with all the plainenesse i can , ( for i well know where i am , and to what auditorie i speake ) to make it yet farther evident to you , that if i should grant what these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as s. basil calls them , these saints of a daies growth , challenge to themselves , who thinke that all that is required to make a minister of the gospell , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , onely to be willing , and to start up a preacher . if , i say , it should be granted them , that they have the inward calling of the spirit , yet god is so much the god of order , that unlesse they will enter themselves into his service , by undergoing those rites of consecration and imposition of hands , which god hath prescribed in his church , to stand for ever as the outward formes and signes of their vocation too , every act of the ministerie which they performe , is but a sacrifice like theirs who offered strange fire before the lord , and miserably perisht by their owne forbidden censors . or if you will have me expresse the danger of it by a judgement as terrible . thus to put their hand to the arke , thus to support it , if 't were ready to fall , is such an unwarranted piece of officiousnesse , as will ( certainely ) unrepented , at some time or other , draw the punishment of uzzrah upon them , provoke the abused almighty to breake forth in a flame of fire upon them , and consume them for their unnecessarie diligence . for here , all the scripture examples which imbolden them to this worke , do returne upon them , as so many instances and proofes of their incroachment on our office . for here let me once more ask them , how was elisha called to be a prophet ? meerly by the secret , unknown whisper and instinct of the holy ghost ? truly , if he had , yet this would not make much for them ; because god never tyed himself precisely to those outward formes in the choice of a prophet , which he then did , and still doth in the choice of his priests . yet the calling of this prophet was not without its visible signe . goe , saies god to elias , in the 19. chap. of the first booke of kings , at the 16. verse , anoint elisha the son of shaphat to be prophet in thy roome . and whether the like ceremony of powring oyle on his head , were not also performed by some elder prophet upon amos as the younger , as 't is not affirmed , so 't is not denyed in scripture , but left probable . in the consecration of the priests of those times , the case is much more evident : read at your leisure the 29. chapter of exodus , there you shall finde , that before god would receive them into that sacred function , first , divers sacrifices were to bee offered for them ; then they were to be brought to the door of the tabernacle of the congregation , and there to bee washt ; then the priests garments , the coat , the ephod , the brest-plate , and mitre , were to be put upon them . lastly , followed the anointing oyle , which was powred upon their heads : and this was the consecration of the priests of those times . the ceremonies of consecration in the new testament , were different , i confesse , from those of the old ; but yet equivalent , and answerable to them in their kinde . these were , a publike meeting of the church together , a presentation there made of the person to bee made a priest ; solemne prayers and supplications put up to god , to make him usefull to his church : and for a seale of all the rest , the imposition of the bishops hands , assisted by his presbyters . now , my brethren , apply this to the strange priests of our times , who with unwasht feet thrust themselves into the tabernacle ; not a sacrifice , not so much as a handfull of meale , or grain of incense , or drop of oyl spent towards their consecration ; no solemne assembly , no presentation of themselves made to god , no imposition of hands , not so much as a short prayer , or benediction , or god speed you , used towards their setting forth into the lords vineyard , and you will find that these are the theeves and robbers ( pardon the hardness of the language , i cannot make the scripture speake mildlier then it doth ) which our saviour christ speaks of in the 10. chapter of s. iohn at the first verse , men who enter not in by the doore into the sheep-fold , but climbe up some other way . in briefe , men , whose sermons and doctrines correspond to their consecrations . by stealth they enter into the ministery , and by stealth they exercise it . and whereas the mark and character of all the true ministers of the gospel is to stand , having their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace , these men wander , and goe about , having their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of strife . men , who never think themselves sufficiently apostles , till all the world doe call them the sons of thunder too . men who speake fire , and throw lightning among the people ; and thinke they have then onely done the worke , and businesse of an apostle , when they have cast the congregation which they leave behind them into a cumbustion and flame . i shall trouble your patience but with one objection , which may possibly be made against what i have hitherto said ; that is this : here , some one of these moderne , selfe-inspiring teachers may say , sir , you tell us of ceremonies and consecrations , and i know not what , imposition of hands ; but either you have forgot your selfe , or wisely dissembled the vocation of the apostles . were not they without your formality of laying on of hands , without all this adoe of conveying orders , and the holy ghost by fingers , immediately called by christ ? what imposition of hands went to change s. peter from a fisher-man into an apostle ? or what bishops ceremonies past to make s. paul ( in whose person you have all this while preacht against us ) of a persecutor of the church to become a doctor of the gentiles ? doth no●… your own tertullian say , nonne & laici sacerdotes sumus , that any lay-man , if he please , may be a priest ? to this i reply ; first , as for the apostles , 't is true , indeed , we doe not read that they were consecrated to their ministerie by such rites and imposition of hands , as were afterwards received and practised in the church . yet something answerable to the imposition of hands went to their consecration , before they were invested with full authority to preach the gospell to the world . for besides their first vocation by christ to be his disciples , from whom they learnt that gospell which they afterwards preacht , what saies the scripture ? tarry yee at ierusalem , sayes christ to them , after his resurrection , till i send the promise of my father upon you , and yee be indued with power from above . and , pray , what was that promise , and what was this power ? certainly , that which you read of in the second chapter of the acts , where at the time prefixt by christ , the holy ghost descended on them . and how did hee descend ? in a still , soft , secret , invisible perswasion of the fancy ? or in the silent whisper of an unperceived illumination ? no such matter , quod episcopus aliis , spiritus sanctus apostolis , saies a learned man. the holy ghost here supplyed the office of a bishop , descended upon them in an audible rushing wind , which signified his election of them to the eare ; and sate upon their heads in the shape of cloven tongues of fire ; which signified his election of them to the eye . hi ritus , haec impositio ; these were his ceremonies , this his imposition of hands , sayes that author . so that all the difference betweene the admission of the apostles to the ministery , and others , was onely this : in other consecrations the bishop onely granted the power to preach , but bestowed not the guifts ; here the holy ghost bestowed both . he first by visible , outward signes , testified to the world whom hee had chosen , and to whom they were to hearken ; and then furnisht them with tongues , and languages , and knowledge , and parts , fit to be the guides and great instructers of the world . let these men make it appeare to me , that the holy ghost hath thus descended upon them , thus furnisht them with parts , and i will most willingly resign my place to them in the pulpit . next , as for s. paul , 't is cleare by the story of his conversion , that he received not his commission to preach from that which christ spoke to him immediately from heaven . but what saies the place ? after he was fallen to th●… earth blinde , arise , saies christ to him , and goe into the city , and there it shall be told thee what thou must doe . when hee came into the city , a certaine disciple named ananias , pre-instructed by christ in a vision , was sent to him , who putting his hands on him , saies the text , said to him , brother saul , the lord ( even iesus that appeared to thee in the way ) hath sent me , that thou mightst receive thy sight , and be filled with the holy ghost . till his imposition of hands , the holy ghost was not bestowed upon him . and when he was bestowed upon him , yet he had not his full commission ; he was but yet a disciple consecrated by a disciple . to make him an out-right apostle , a higher , second , and more solemne consecration past upon him , which you may read in the 13. chapter of the acts , where , sayes the holy ghost to the trophets , and teachers of the church of antioch , separate me barnabas and saul , for the worke whereunto i have called them , ver. 2. and how were they separated i pray ? the third verse tells you , when the prophets and teachers ( there mentioned ) had fasted , and prayed , and laid their hands on them , saies the text , they sent them away , till then they wanted power . to which passage of this vocation , or calling to the ministery , give me leave to adde this for his parts . that in a humane way of acquired learning , hee was the greatest scholler of his time , bred up at the feet of gamaliel , a great doctor of law , spoke more tongues , attained by his owne industry , then all the other apostles , which had almost all languages instilled into them by infusion . in short , he was verst , and read , and studied , not onely in the scripture , but in the highest parts of secular learning ; in the writings of menander , epimenides , and aratus , heathen poets . which is sure signe to us , that studies , and learning , and parts acquired in universities , ar●… no hindrances , or impediments , if not helps to the ministery . lastly , as for that saying of tertullian , that lay-men may be priests , hee tells you , in the following words , in what case this is to be understood . ubi ecclesiastici ordinis non est consessus ; where the condition of the time and place is such , that ecclesiasticall orders cannot be had ; if a christian lay-man should come into a pagan island , or into a countrey of heathen people , where there is no true minister , here tinguis , & offers , & sacerdos es , everie man is a priest , and may baptize , and adminster the sacrament , and preach as much of the gospell as hee knowes . but where this necessity is not , to snatch the sermon out of the mouth , or the sacrament out of the hands or the child out of the armes of the true minister , is certainly to to be in the number of those uncalled teachers , of whom god complaines in the 23. chapter of ieremy , at the 21. verse , where he saies , i have not sent these prophets , yet they ●…an ; i have not spoken to them , yet they prophecied . and farther then this i will not pursue the first thing i proposed to you ; which was by occasion of saint pauls calling to be an apostle , to remove an errour of late taken into the minds of some , that crafts-men may exercise the place and function of a priest. the next thing i shall observe to you , is , the holy art and insinuation which s. paul here useth to win upon the minds of his disagreeing corinthians . though he professe , in the beginning of the next chapter , that he came not to them with that part of an orator about him , which consists in the excellency of speech , or the entising words of mans wisdome , ( lest if he had done so , he might perhaps , have gained much glory to himselfe , but then his master must have been in danger to lose his , and so the gospell have suffered from his eloquence ; and his epistles might , perhaps , have past for a good piece of rhetorick , but not for good sermons ) yet he every where carried this other , equally prevailing part of a good oratour with him , that by complying with the affections of those to whom he wrote , he first transformed himselfe into their shapes , and became all things to all men , that he might the better transforme them into his , and make all men become like himselfe . thus to the jewes he became as a jew ; and put himselfe a while with them under the law , that by insensible degrees hee might take their yoke from them , and might beget their liking , and entertainment of the gospell . and thus to the gentiles , who were without the law , he became as a gentile , without the law too , that he might unite them to the jewes . if i may speake of him , by his owne description of himselfe , ( and certainly , in that description of himselfe , he was inspired to speake truth as well as in his other writings ) as he was not chosen , like the rest of the apostles , out of fisher-men , or men unlearned , nor call'd to preach the gospell from mending nets ; but as there was a concurrence of naturall , acquired , and infused abilities in him , which rendred him though not one of the twelve , yet of equall guifts and endowments to them all . lastly , as his taske and patent to preach the gospell was much larger then the rest , as much larger , as the rest of mankind was larger then the nation of the jewes ; so in the performance of his taske , he never failed to expresse all this . like the beast , of which pliny speakes , which puts on the likenesse of every thing next it , and showes like a flower before a flower , like a streame before a streame , and like a flame before a flame ; so 't was a piece of this apostles ( art shall i say ? or ) holy commission , to be all things to all men . strong with the strong , and weak with the weake . to part with his liberty to the scrupulous , and to use it with the indifferent . to eat all things wtth those that did eat all things , and with those that did not , to keep himselfe to herbes . will you heare him in all these particulars expresse himselfe ? turne to the ninth chapt. of this epistle , and to the nineteen verse , where setting downe the end , and aime , which hee proposed to all his holy arts , he saies , though i be free from all men , that is , no way obliged to doe as i doe , but for my masters ser●…ice , yet have i made my selfe a servant to all , that i might win the more . now if humility , and the casting of himselfe below himselfe ; if to beseech , and entreat , and petition there , where he had sufficient authority and commission to enjoyne and command , be to wear the forme of a servant ; and if all discreet behaviours , compliances , and applications , take their measure , and use , and praise , from the good end to which they are directed , and the good successe which they are likely to procure , in all his epistles i finde not this apostle more expediently making use of his art in the forme of a suppliant , then in this text. for consider these corinthians , to whom he here applies himselfe , divided , and broken into factions ; and these factions severally deriving themselves , some from him , others from cephas , others from apollos , ( names in their opinions , as holy , and great as his ) and to have dealt imperiously with them , or to have used his apostolicall power , and to have commanded them to agreement , had not been to make peace , but to animate , and inflame that party which called themselves his side . it had been too , to call up opposition , and disdaine in the others , who were not of that side . who citing apollos , or saint peter against him , and thinking it to be some confession of their error and weaknesse to yeeld first , or to go over to them who said they were of paul , it being as reasonable that they should come over to them , who said they were of cephas or apollos , might have askt the same question which the striving israelite askt moses , who made thee a iudge over us ? and might have seconded this question with another , and have askt him , how one interested , and ingaged , nay the head ( as they conceived ) of a faction , could be presumed to be an impartiall reconciler ? the better therefore , to establish a peace and concord among them , s. paul in this chap. proceeds by three conducible waies of reconciliation . at the 13. ver. hee cleares himselfe from all interest and ingagement to a side ; and equally blaming those who said they were of paul , as those who said they were of cephas , or apollos ; he askes them how it came to passe , that they dealt with the gospell of christ , which was entire and seamlesse , like his coat , as the souldiers did with his other garments , divided it by a kinde of blind lottery among them , and every one take his share ? is christ divided ? saies he . was paul crucified for you ? or were ye baptized in the name of paul ? if you were not , why doe you raise a sect , and faction from him ? vvhy doe you call your selves by way of marke and distinction , paulists ? and so turn the name of your preacher and apostle , into the name of a schisme and side ? next , as he well knew that the readyest way to reconcile all sides , was to manifest himselfe to be of none ; so he well knew too , that he that would knit , and re-unite disagreeing mindes , was not to deale roughly , or magisterially with them , ( for that were to lose both ; and to turne the enmity and hatred which they held between themselves , upon the reconciler , who strived to make them friends ) but was to quench such discords with soft language , and to cure such rents and wounds of the church by pouring oyle into them . though , therfore , being armed with the authority of christ himselfe , he might , with justice enough , have made decrees and ordinances to bind them to agreement , yet he rather chooseth to reconcile them to one another with their owne consents . in a mild , and humble addresse of himselfe ; therefore , not entitling himselfe more to one side then anonher , he equally beseecheth them all , that he might the more regardfully be listned to by all . and he beseecheth them for things which little concerned himselfe , but for their owne good . he petitions them that they would be saved , and spends intreaties that they would vouchsafe to goe to heaven . he requests them that they would not be worse christians , that is , schismatiques and seperatists , then they were heathens , that is , unanimous idolaters . lastly , he begs of them that they would once more be a church and city ; that is , a place of communion , and society , and christian conversation . and that hee might the more prevailingly obtaine this of them , he addresseth himselfe to them in a stile and compellation of the greatest and gentlest perswasion to peace that can bee used , and calls them brethren . a word , which to remove all opinion of better or worse , or of inferiour or superiour , ( the usuail grounds of discord ) not only signifies an equality between the beseecher and the beseeched , and the beseeched among themsevles ; ( for esse fratres est relatio inter aequales , sayes the lawyer as well as the logician ; to be brethren , carries a reference of equality to one another ) but it implies all the naturall and religious grounds for which men ought to maintaine league and agreement , and peace with one another . for in calling them brethren , he called them men of the same fociable kinde , equally descended from the same common originall and stock , and equally wearing in their nature one and the same common image of god. and therefore , for this they were not to disagree , or quarrell with one another : since likenesse of kinde maintains agreement between savage beasts and tygers . leonum feritas inter se non dimicat , serpentum morsus non petunt serpentes ; who ever heard of a lyon devovred by a lyon ? or who ever heard of a serpent stung by a serpent ? much lesse should men then , bite and devour , and prey upon one another . againe , in calling them brethren , besides the naturall affinity that was between them as men , he put them in minde of their spirituall alliance , as they were christians too . that is , men allied to one another by one common faith , one common hope , one common redemption , and therefore to meet in one common bond of peace and charity too . rixari , & se invicem convitiis lacessere infidelium est ; 't is for infidells , and men not converted to the faith , to provoke , or brawle , or quarrell with one another . thirdly , lest all this sweetnesse of addresse and language should not prevaile , he joynes conjuration to petition , but vailes it in the stile and forme of a petition too , and beseecheth them to unity by the name of his , and their lord jesus christ. a name , by which as he had before dispossest devills , cured sicknesses , and restored the dead to life againe , so he repuests that he may dispossesse opinions , cure divisions , and restore agreement by it too . it being that name into which they were all baptized , and to which they had all past their promises , and vowes . lastly , a name by which they were all to be saved ; and by which they , by whose names ( to the blemish and disparagement of this ) they called themselves , were , with them , equally to be called , that is , christians . here then , 't were much to be wisht , that the preachers of our times would deale with their disagreeing flocks , as this apostle dealt with his : that is , that they would imploy their holy , and religious arts and endeavours , by sweetnesse of language , and indifferencie of behaviour to all parties , to reconcile them . for since it may be truly said of preachers , what was once said of oratours , that the people are the waters , and they the windes that move them ; to be thus the windes to them , as to speak , and move , and blow them into waves and billowes , which shall roll , and strike , and dash , and breake themselves against each other ; or to be thus the windes to them , as to rob them of their calme , and to trouble the peacefull course , and streame of things well setled , and to raise a storme and tempest there , where they should compose and allay one , is not to act the part of an apostle , or of a preacher of the gospell , but of an erynnis , or fury , who ascending from hell with a firebrand in her hand , and snakes on her head , scatters warres , and strifes , and hatreds , and murthers , and treasons , and betrayings of one another as she passeth . every haire of her head hurld among the people becomes a sedition , and serpent ; and every shaking of her torch sets villages , and towns , and cities and kingdomes , and empires in a combustion . alas , my brethren , how many such furies , rather then preachers , have for some yeares walkt among us ? men who speaking to the people in a whirle-winde , and breathing nothing but pitcht-fields , and sieges , and slaughters of their brethren , doe professe no sermon to be a sermon , which rends not the rockes and the mountaines before it : forgetting that god rather dwells in still , soft voices . 't is true indeed , the holy ghost once assumed the shape of cloven tongues of fire : but that was not from thence to beget incendiaries of the church ; teachers whose doctrine should be cloven too ; and which should tend onely to divide their congregations . if i should aske you , from whence have sprung our present distractions ? or , who are they who keep the wounds of our divided kingdome bleeding ? are they not certaine tempestuous , uncharitable active men , who make it their work and businesse to rob men of the greatest temporal blessing of the scripture , and to preach every man out of the shade of his owne vine , and out of the fruit of his owne fig-tree , and out of the water of his owne cisterne ? are they not men who will stone you for your vineyard , and then urge scripture for it ? and will take away your field , your possession , your daily bread from you , and then repay you with a piece of esay or ezekiel , or one of the prophets , and call this melting , and reformation ? are they not men who doe onely professe to have the art not to heale , or close , or reconcile , but to inflame , and kindle sides ? men who blow a trumpet in the pulpit , and there breath nothing but thunder , and ruine , and desolation , and destruction , whose followers call themselves brethren , indeed , and boast much of their charity ; but they call only such as are of their owne confederacy , brethren : and make no other use of the word which was at first imposed by christ , to bee the stile and marke of agreement and peace , then to bee the word and mark to know a faction by , and make no other use of their charity , which should extend it selfe to all men , even to their very enemies , but onely to keep themselves together in a separation and conspiracy . lastly , these are the men , who when they should strive to quench the present flame with their teares , do conjure as earnestly by the name of christ to discord and confusion , as s. paul here in this text doth to order and agreement . men who call it prophecy , and edification , and building up of the people , when they breake and divide them into sects and factions . as zealously exhorting them to speake divers things , as s. paul here exhorts them to speake all the same . which is the next thing to be considered ; and the first step towards the reconciliation , and peace , here petitioned for , which is unity and agreement in compellations and names in these words , now i beseech you brethren , that yee all speak the same thing . whether the dispersion of men , after the building of the tower of babell , over the face of the whole earth , were a punishment or a blessing to mankinde , i shall not in this auditory examine or dispute . only thus much we learne from the history of that place , that the occasion of that dispersion and separation of men from one another , sprung first from the confusion which god threw among them , and that confusion sprung from their diversity of speech . for as speech was at first bestowed upon us by god , that wee might hold league and society , and friendship with one another : so you may read in the 11. chapter of genesis , that as long as all the world was of one language , and of one speech , they lived unanimously together like men of one family and house . one heart , one soule seemed to move in them all . but when they once ceast to be unius labii homines , men of the same lip and speech , when as many languages were throwne among them , as they afterwards possest countries , then society , and co-habitation , and brotherhood ceast among them too . they were scattered abroad upon the face of all the earth , saies the scripture . they who were before children of the same common ancestours , and derived themselves from the same common parentage and stock , as if they had been borne in the adverse hemispheres of the world , or had taken their beginning from as many severall parents , as they afterwards found islands , of one great family and kindred , became so many divided nations . as this diversity of tongues at first broke the world into the severall crumbles and portions of men , who from that time to this have divided it among them ; so there is not any one thing which hath so fatally divided kingdomes , and states , and churches against themselves , somtimes to an utter extirpation , many times to an eternall breach , and irreconciliation , as diversity of language . i doe not meane when men speake divers tongues of severall dialects , and significations , ( as when they at the building of babell spoke some of them hebrew perhaps , some of them greek ) but my meaning is , that nothing more directly tends to the division of a state , or church , then for severall companies of men to distinguish , and divide and separate themselves from one another by certaine words and names of marke and difference , especially if they be words of disgrace , and scandall , and reproach , mutually imposed , and stuck upon each other ; or words of faction , and combination , assumed and taken by themselves . then , if hatred of person , or difference of religion doe accompany such words of distinction , that for the most part befalls them , which befell the men of the old world , they breake society and communion , and crumble asunder ; and of one people become so many divided nations , and churches to each other . this is an engine which the devill and wicked polititians have in all ages of the world made use of , to disturb the peace , and trouble the happinesse of kingdomes and common-wealths . making holy , vertuous words and names , many times the partition wall of separation ; and the device , and incitement , not onely to divide kingdomes but corporations , and private families against themselves . as long as the jewes called themselves by one and the same common name of their father iacob , israelites , they made but one state , one common-wealth among them . but when once ten tribes ingrossed that name to themselves , and the other two for distinction sake called themselves by the name of the tribe of iudah , the most united , happiest , neerliest allied people in the world , a people of one blood , as well as one language , fell asunder , and divided themselves , like iacob and esau , into two hostile , irreconcileable , never more to bee united kingdomes . and this was the case of these disagreeing corinthians , to whom s. paul directed this text. as long as they called themselves by one , and the same common name of christians , they made but one city , one church , one place of concord . but when they once began to distinguish themselves by their severall teachers , when some said , we are of paul , others , we are of cephas : a third sort , we are of apollos ; and onely a fourth sort , more orthodox then the rest , we are of christ ; then , then indeed , as if christ had been divided , or had beene the author of severall religions , preacht among them by severall apostles , they became broken , and rent , and torne asunder , into severall churches and congregations . where their usuall custome was , not onely to oppose sermon against sermon , and gospell against gospell , and teacher against teacher , but everie one in the defence of their owne teacher , and his gospell , thought it part of their religion to extoll , and quote , and urge the purity and infallibility of the one , to the depression , and disgrace , and contempt of the other : till at length it came to passe , ( as i told you before ) that that which begun in religion , proceeded to bad manners , and ill behaviour . markes and words of distinction , and difference , grew to bitter invectives , and mutuall reproaches of one another . they who were the followers of saint pauls doctrine , called those who followed apollos , by way of marke and infamy , apolonists . and they who were the followers of apollos , by way of retaliation , and brand , called the followers of saint paul , paulists , though saint paul and apollos preach both the same doctrine . hard censures flew between them in as hard language ; who ever was not of a party , nor enrolled of a side , was thought to be without the pale of the church . the gates of heaven were shut against him , and nothing but reprobation , and the lot of the damned , and hell fire were allowed to be his portion . here then , my brethren , let me make my appeale to eyery one of you , who heare me this day , hath not this been our verie case ? i must with sorrow of heart confesse to you , that as often as i have for some yeares , made to my selfe a contemplative survey of this unhappie kingdome , i have been able to discover no cause so pernicious for the many alienations of mind , or the many separations of congregation from congregation , heightned at length into the tragedy of an over-spreading civill war , as certain vain , ridiculous , empty words , and names of distinction among us ; which have sprung from some mens stricter or looser carriage of themselves in their profession of the same religion . they of the more free , and open carriage and behaviour , who call a severe regularity and strictnesse of life , precisenesse , and an abridgement of christian liberty , have called those of a more reserved , and lockt up , and demure conversation , puritans , and round-heads , and i know not what other names of contumely , and reproach . and they of the more strict behaviour , have equally as faulty , called those of a freer , and lesse composed conversation , libertines , and papists ; the usuall words of infamy made to signifie a cavalier . these two words my brethren , have almost destroyed a flourishing kingdome between them . to this , i cannot but adde one most pernicious cause of our present divisions more , which people have derived to themselves from making themselves followers too much of severall teachers ; and affecting too much to bee called after their names : whilest one saies , i am of paul , another , i am of cephas , a third , i am of apollos , only a few neutrall men , we are of christ. nay , if we needs must goe severall waies , i could wish wee had such sacred names as s. paul , or s. peter , or apollos to divide us . i know not whether it will be seasonable for me to speake it in this assembly : but we for some late yeares have chosen to our selves names more moderne , and fallible to divide our selves by ; whilest some have said , we are of calvin , others , we are of arminius , others , vve are of socinus . these , to the blemish , and reproach of christian religion , have been made names of strife and faction . yet they have been great and learned names ; though some of them , i must confesse , have been lyable to humane errours . but if you consider the many rents and separations into which the ordinary sort of people have for some years divided themselves , either you will find no names at all for them , or names so unlearned , so obscure , so altogether mechanick , and unconsiderable , that it will be your wonder how such vulgar , rude , untaught teachers should draw disciples after them . it would pose me very much to tell you by any monument of learning , or piety , which he hath left behind him to be knowne by , who was the father , or first bringer up of the sect of the brownists ; or who was the first author of the sect of the anabaptists . i know there were anabaptists in divers of the fathers times ; and i know too , that the parent of that sect then , though he were an hereticke , yet hee was a scholler . but as for the author of the sect of the anabaptists of our times , i cannot well say what he was . one who hath written the history of their wilde proceedings at munster , ( where they begun with the reformation of the church of jesus christ , and proceeded at length to three wives a piece ) saies , hee was a dutch botcher ; one who repaird old germents under a stall at leyden in the low-countries ; another sayes , he was a garmane cobler ; a third , that hee was a westphalia needle-maker ; but another controlls that , and saies he was a westphalia baker . but whatever hee were , have not we in our times seene patriarches and prophets , as vulgar and mechanick , as unlearned and base as he ? men who have invaded the pulpit . i will not say , from mending old breeches , or cobling old shooes , ( pardon the homelinesse of the expression i beseech you , it is but the historians latine translated into my english ) but from trades so meane , so dis-ingenuous , so illiberall , that i should defile your eares , and the pulpit to describe them : and yet , have not these moderne shades of muntzer , iohn of leyden , rotman , knippenburge , knipperdolling , melchior hoffman , the great enthusiasts , and disturbers of germany , to the astonishment of all judging men , drawn disciples after them , i wish i could only say , as meane , and base , and vulgar as themselves ? certainly , my brethren , consider the parallel well betweene the inspired troublers of our kingdome , and those , who by their wild doctrines did set westphalia , saxony , munster , and all the noblest parts of the germane empire in a flame , and you will finde , that in this sad eclipse of monarchy among us , there wants onely a sarcinator , or botcher , to assume to himselfe the crowne , and to be called by a sanedrim or privy councell of the like trades , rex iustitiae , & novae ierusalem imperator , king of righteousnesse , and emperour of the new jerusalem , to make our case the very same with theirs . againe , in this diversitie of guides and pastors , ( pastors scarce fit to be overseers of unreasonable flocks ) do we not also hear as great a diversity of language spoken ? the lay-preacher accuseth the university-man with want of the spirit ; and we of the university doe backe again account such lay-men mad . nay among us schollars , they who pretend to calvins doctrine , doe banish all those out of the state of salvation , who deny absolute predestination ; or hold not , that from all eternity without any respect of their workes or actions , whether they be good or bad , god hath past this sad irreversible sentence and decree , that some shall necessarily be saved , others shall as necessarily be damned . they who thinke this a piece of stoicisme , or a doctrine brought into the world to drive people to despaire , doe equally banish those from the state of salvation , who thus uncharitably banish others . but what speake i to you of this congregation of such high , schollarly dissentions ? or discourse to you of disputes and controversies , not in the power of scripture , synods , or generall councells to decide ? that which hath more troubled the peace of our distracted kingdome , hath been a strife of words about things as small as cummin , or annise : and about that part of the kingdome of heaven , which lies not wrapt up in an unsearchable decree , or an eternall sentence of gods concealed will , but in a grain of mustard-seed : a little , sleight indifferent ceremony , or piece of church-discipline . one hath called it an idolatry to make an obeysance in the church ; another hath call'd it a piece of gods outward worship to doe so . one hath stiled the crosse in baptisme a signe of superstition ; another hath stiled it the marke , and badge , and embleme of his christianity and profession . one calls all pictures in church windowes , idols ; another looks on them as so much holy story , brought into imagery and colours . the very garments we weare have not escaped contradiction . one calls the surplice a romish vesture ; another calls it a white robe of innocence , and decencie . nay our very prayers and devotions have not been free from quarrels . whilst some have called the lords prayer , a perfect forme , enjoyned by christ to be said as it is ; others most irreverently have called it a taylors measure , fit onely to cut out other petitions by . in this miserable diversity of sides , th●…n , where countrymen , and men of the same speech , doe so ordinarily speak divers languages , what way is there left to beget a peace and union among us ? truly , my brethren , i know none so fit as that which saint paul here prescribes in this text ; a way , which if it were well practised , or if men would either have more charity , or lesse gall in them , would in time beget an union and agreement between all churches ; that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we all speake the same thing . that is , first , that wee lay aside all those odious , hatefull names and words of reproach , which serve onely to provoke and engender strifes , and to beget a dislike of one mans conversation with another ; that the honest , strict , regular , heedfull , conscientious man , be no longer called a puritane , nor his wife a holy sister ; nor the free , sociable , affable , open , harmlesly unscrupulous man , be any longer called a papist , or atheist , or by way of reproach , a cavallier . i speak not now of the adulterous , swearing , riotous , lying , drinking , covetous man ; these are such , that one of the wayes to reforme them , is to call them by their right names . next , that we no longer , as our interest , or affections , or prejudices , or education , or customes sway us , pin our beleefe or faith upon any one particular guide or teacher , so irremoveably , as without comparison or examination to reject and despise al others . i am of opinion we should quickly make one church againe , if those new-borne names and words of independent and presbyter did not divide us . and i am also perswaded , that our severall disciplines and doctrines have not kept the church of rome at a greater distance with us , then the style and compellation of protestant and papist thirdly , that we schollars , in those high mysterious poynts which have equall argument and proofe on both sides , and which both sides ( for ought i know ) may hold yet meet in heaven , doe factiously or peremptorily betake our selves to neither ; but either lay them aside , as things of meere contemplation , not of practise or use ; or else speak of them to the people , onely in that generall sense wherein all sides agree , and as that generall sense is laid downe to us in the scripture . lastly , that in matters of ceremony and forme , things either altogether indifferent , or at most , neither enjoyned , nor forbidden in the scripture , that our carriage and words be alwayes as indifferent : that we call not that scandalous which is decent ; or that decent which is scandalous : that we presse not things as necessary , which are meerly ornamentall ; nor impose ornaments as things of necessity . that where no well-establisht law is broken by it , both in actions and language , where ever we come , we conforme our selves to the harmelesse ( though to us unusuall ) custome of the place : herein imitating that sure example of s. paul , by being strong with the strong , and weak with the weak , as neere as we can , to become all things to all men . in things meerly ceremoniall , to part with our christian liberty , and peaceably to yeeld to those , who , being otherwise perswaded , will contentiously refuse to part with theirs . and where our salvation , or the salvation of our neighbour is not concerned , charitably to comply , and sort with their infirmities ; neither crossing them by our practice , though perhaps the better , nor perplexing them with our disputes , though perhaps the more rationall : but if it be possible , as much as lies in us , not only to have peace with all men in words and speech , but in society , and conversation , and church-assemblies too : which is the next degree of unity here petitioned for , that is , an unity of meeting together in the same house of god , set downe in these words , i beseech you brethren , that there be no divisions among you . that i may the clearlier proceed in the interpretation of this part of the text , i shall desire you to observe , that the word which we here in english doe translate divisions , is in the originall greek ( by which we are to order our exposition ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : a word which signifies not every kinde of rent , or division , or disagreement among men ; but such a division onely as is accompanied with a perverse , unreasonable deniall of society and communion together in the same church . a division which carries with it an obstinate separation upon unnecessary grounds . which unnecessary separation upon weake , slight grounds , is that which saint paul here in this text , by way of difference and distinction from lighter rents , calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , schismes . a sin , my brethren , of which if i should discourse to you at large , and should shew you the hainousness of it , by its dangerous effects ; i might tell you that it is not only a sin against the sociable nature of men , who are borne for communion and commerce , and the mutuall help of one another ; but it is a sin directly against that unity and peace , which christ , as his last legacy bequeath'd to his church . a sin , which ( besides the uncharitable opinion which accompanies it , which is , that they who are separated from , must therefore be separated from , because they are wicked , deplorably wicked men , men reprobated , and utterly lost in the wayes of errour , and with whom all communion is destructive to our salvation ) doth not alwaies confine it selfe within the retired , sequestred limits of a bare separation . but that which at first began from a scruple , hath many times proceeded to a tragedy and massacre . they who at first causelesly separated themselves from their brethren , because they were wicked , have many times , as their strength and numbers have encouraged them , and as the time hath favoured their reformation ( as they have called it ) proceeded from the rectifying of mens errors , to the lessening of their fortunes . and they only have at length been called the wicked , who have been rich , and have had estates to lose . that onely which i shall further say to you of it , is this : separation is a sin which hath alwaies veyl'd it selfe in the disguise of sanctity . thus montanus , and his followers broke off communion with the whole christian church then in the world , because , forsooth , 't was revealed to them by divine illumination , that the holy ghost was no where to be found but in their conventicle . an heresie , which beginning in schisme proceeded at length to this monstrous conceit among them , that only the house of montanus was the true . church , and that montanus himselfe ▪ was the holy ghost . thus also the donatists ( an over-scrupulous sect of men ) divided themselves from the then catholique church , because it was not pure enough for such sanctified communicants ; nor complied with the inspired doctrines of the father of that sect. and this , it seems , was the fault of these corinthians here in this text ; who having intitled themselves to severall teachers , proceeded by degrees to divide themselves into severall churches and congregations : every one of which challenging to themselves the true and right religion , and charging the others with the name of the false , thought at length that no way was left to keep themselves pure and unspotted , but by breaking off all religious , nay civill commerce and communion with each other . hence , for feare of infection , it was held a crime for any but the righteous , to assemble , or converse with any but the righteous ; or for any to meet together at a spirituall exercise , but such who first agreed in the same purity of opinions . here , then , if i may once more take the liberty to parallel one people with another ; is not this our very case ? hath it not been the practice of many , many yeares , for those who call themselves the godly , the righteous , the children of the most high , to breake off society and communion , nay almost neighbourly civility , with those whom they call the wicked ? as there were among the jewes certaine uncleane places , and things , and persons , which whosoever toucht were for that time uncleane too ; so , hath not the like opinion past among us , that there have been certaine unholy , unsanctified places , and persons , which make those who touch , or approach neer them unholy too ? have not some pulpits been thought unsanctified , because , forsooth , the preacher hath been ungifted ? and wherein , i pray , hath his ungiftedness appeared ? because hee hath not expressed himself in that light , fluent , running , passionate , zealous stile , which should make him for that time seem religiously distracted , or beside himselfe ? or because his prayer or sermon hath been premeditated , and hath not flowne from him in such an ex-tempore loose careere of devout emptinesses and nothings , as serve onely to entertaine the people , as bubbles doe children , with a thin , unsolid , brittle , painted blast of wind and ayre ? or because , perhaps , the sands of his glasse have not fleeted for two tedious houres together with nothing but the bold insolent defamation and reviling of his prince ? againe , have there not been some who have thought our temples unholy , because the common-prayer booke hath been read there ? and have renounced the congregation , where part of the service hath been tuned through an organ ? hath not a dumb picture in the window driven some from the church ? and in exchange of the oratories , have not some in the heat and zeale of their separation , turned their parlours , chambers , and dining-roomes into temples , and houses of prayer ? nay , hath not christ been worshipt in places yet more vile and mean ? in places , which have reduced him the second time to a stable ? if i should aske the people of both sexes , who are thus given to separation , and with whom a repetition in a chamber edifies more then a learned sermon in the church , upon what religious grounds , or motives either taken from the word of god , ( which is so much in their mouthes ) or from reason , ( which is so little in their practice ) they thus affect to single and divide themselves from others : i believe it would pose them very much to give a satisfying answer . is it because the persons from whom they thus separate themselves , are irreligious , wicked men ? men who are christians onely in forme , and whose conversation carries nothing but evill example and pollution with it ? if i should grant this to be true , and should allow them to be out-right what they call themselves , the elect , and godly , and holy ones of the earth ; and other men to be outright what they call them , the reprobate , the wicked , the ungodly and prophane , yet is not this warrant enough to divide or separate themselves from them . nor are they competent judges of this , but god only , who by the mouth of his son , hath told us in the parable , that the wheat and corne is not to be separated from the chaffe and tares when we list , but that both are to grow together till the great harvest of the world . till then 't is a piece of the building of it , that there bee a commixture of good and bad . besides , let me put this christian dilemma to them : either the persons from whom they divide themselves are holy or unholy : if they be holy , they are not to separate themselves from them , because they are like themselves ; if they be unholy , they are in charity to converse with them , that they may reforme and make them better . did not our saviour christ ( and certainely his example is too great to be refused ) usually converse with publicans and sinners ? did he forsake the table , because a pharisee made the feast ? or did he refuse a perfume , because a harlot powred it on his head ? or did he refuse to goe up into the temple , because buyers and sellers were there , men who had turned it into a den of theeves ? certainely my brethren , we may , like christ , keep company with harlots , and hypocrites , and publicans and sinners , and yet retaine our innocence . 't is a weake excuse to say , i will never consort my selfe with a swearer , lest i learne to blaspheme : or , i will utterly renounce all familiarity and acquaintance with such and such an adulterer , or with such and such a drunkard , lest i learne to commit fornication from the one , or intemperance from the other . in all such conversations , we are to imitate the sun , who shines into the foulest puddles , and yet returnes from thence with a pure untainted ray. if mens vices then , and corruptions , bee not a sufficient cause to warrant a separation , what else can be ? is it the place of meeting , or church , or the things done there , which hath made them shun our ordinary congregations ? yes , say some , we have held it very unlawfull ( as we conceive ) to assemble in such a place , where we have seen altars , and windowes worshipped , superstitious garments worne , and have heard the more superstitious common-prayer booke read , that great bolster to slothfull ministers , and twin-brother to the mass , and liturgie of rome . were this charge true , ( a very heavy one , i confess ) had there been any among us so unreasonably stupid , as to spend their devotion on a pane of glass , or pay worship to the dumb sensless creature of the painter , or adore the communion-table , the wooden issue of the axe and carpenter , ( as i think there were none ) had there ( i say ) been very idolaters among us , yet unlesse they would have compelled them to be idolaters too , i ( after all the impartiall objections which my weake understanding can frame ) can see no reason why they should not communicate with them in other things wherein they were no idolaters . i am sure , if s. paul had not kept company with idolaters , we to this day ( for ought i know ) had remained infidels . my brethren , deceive not your selves with a fallacy , which every child is able to discover . if such superstitio ns had been publikely practised among us , it is not necessary that every one that is a spectator to anothers mans sin , should presently be an offender . nor are all offences so like the pestilence , that he that comes within the breath and ayre of them , must needs depart infected . thou seest one , out of a blind zeale , pay reverence to a picture , he hath the more to answer for . but why dost thou , out of a zeale altogether as blind , thinke thy selfe so interested in his errour , as to thinke thy self a partaker of his fault , unless thou excommunicate thy selfe from his conversation . againe , tell me thou , who callest separation security ; what seest thou in a surplice , or hearest in the common-prayer booke , which should make thee forbeare the congregation where these are retained ? is it the web , or matter , or colour , or fashion of the garment , or is it the frame or forme , or indevotion of the book which offends thee ? or art thou troubled because they have both beene borrowed from the church of rome ? that indeed is the great argument of exception ; which under the stile of popery , hath almost turned religion it selfe out of the church . but , then , it is so weake , so accidentall , so vulgar an argument , an argument so fit for none to urge but silly women , with whom the first impression of things alwaies takes strongliest , that i must say in replie to it , that by the same reason , that thou poore , tender-conscienc'd man , ( who art not yet past milke , or the food of infants in the church ) makest such an innocent , decent vesture as surplices , unlawfull , because papists weare them , thou mayest make eating and drinking unlawfull , because papists dine and sup . the subject is not high or noble enough to deserve a more serious confutation . that therefore , which i shall say by way of repetition , is onely this : if to weare or do , whatever papists weare or doe be unlawfull , as it will presently concerne us all to throw off our garments and turne adamites , so it will very neerely concern us too , to lay aside our tables , and betake our selves to fasting , as the ready way to famine . then to reject the common-prayer book , because some of the prayers in it resemble the prayers in the romish liturgie , is as unreasonable , as if thou shouldst make piety and devotion in generall unlawfull , because papists say their prayers . and so , in opposition to whatever they do , shouldst think thou art to turne athiest , because most in that church do confess there is a god. the time wil not give me leave to say much in the defence of that excellent book ; or , if i should , t is in any thing , i presume , which can fall from my imperfect mouth , which wil be able to recover the use of it back again into this church . yet thus much , out of the just sense , and apprehension which i have of the wisedome , as well as piety , and devotion of it , i shall adventure to say . that i cannot think , that ever any christian church , since the time that that name first came into the world , had a publique forme of gods worship , more primitively pure , more religiously grave , and more agreeable in all points to the scripture , then that is . to which i shall only add this one praise of it more , that there is not any ancient , classically condemned heresie , to be found in the records of councells , church-histories , or the confutations of fathers , which is not by some clause or other in that most orthodox book excluded . here , then , if there be any in this assembly of that il-perswaded mind , that he would not at this present make one of the congregation , if the common-prayers were read , let me once more ask him , what that great antipathie between him , and that admirable book is , which should make them quarrel one another out of the church : is it because it prescribes a ring i●… marriage , or a cross in baptisme ? over-scrupulous man ! who would'st rather choose to make a rent and schisme , and division in the church , then be spectatour to th●…ngs so harmless , and indifferent . but thy weak conscience is wounded . weak , indeed , when a piece of marriage-gold , or a little water sprinkled in the signe , and figure of a cross , the type , and emblem of thy christianity , shall drive thee from the church . i must confess to you freely , if such things , as the veneration of images , or adorations of altars , or sacrifices for the dead , or the worshiping of the hoste , or the mass-book , with all the unsignificant ave maryes , and superstitious prayers , which use to trauell round the circle of a numerous set of beads , had been establisht among us by publique authority ; and had be●…n enforced upon the practice , and consciences of men , and no liberty of person , or freedome of estates allow'd them , unless they would conform to the present golden calf of superstition set up before them , a separation had not only been allowable , but necessary . we would have offended god very much to be partakers of such dross . and our best answer would have been the answer of the three children , when the king would have had them fall down to the huge image , and colossus which he had set up , o king , we are not carefull to observe thee in this matter . but where no such things were enjoyned , where every one was left to the full use and exercise of his christian liberty , where nothing was blameable among us , but the ridiculous , over-acted postures and gestures of some few busie , fantasticall men , whose popery lay in makeing discreet men laugh , to see them so artificially devout , and so affectedly ceremonious , to divide , and separate , or to give us over for a lost church , because the psalmes of david , after his own musicall way , used to be sung to an organ ; as innocently , certainly , as if they had been tuned through his own loud cymball , or had more softly been sung , and vowell'd to his harpe : or to renounce our solemne assemblies , for such sleight , indifferent things , as a piece of holy story in a glass window , or because the minister wears white , or because marryed people come together by a ring , or because the lords prayer is more then once repeated , is not only schisme , and i may safely say , schisme upon scandall taken , not giuen , but t is directly contrary to s pauls advice , here in this text ; who is so far from tolerating any such needless divisions , and separations of presences and bodies , that he will not allow in the same church and congregation the least dissent or division of minds ; but makes it the least part of his petition to his disagreeing corinthians , that they would not only meet together in the same place of gods worship , but that they would be perfectly joyned together in the same mind , and in the same judg-ment , which is the last part of the text. to which i shall only adde some brief application of some things in this sermon to you my hearers , and so commend you to god. 't was well said of one of the philosophers , ( which saying of his hath since almost grown into a prouerb of truth ) nihil est in intellectu , quod non fuit priùs in sensu ; that there is nothing in the understanding , or mind within , which was not first in the sense without . t is as great , and measured a truth , that there is nothing in our speech , or words , or actions without , which was not first in our mind , or wil , or affections within . for what our saviour christ said , that out of the heart proceed evill thoughts , murthers , adulteries , thefts , false witness , blasphemies , and the like ; to every one of which sins without , belongs some secret , invisible spring within . as , i say , to every adultery without , belongs some hidden lust within ; and the uncleannesse of the body is but the foul issue , and off-spring of the soul ; and as to every murther without , belongs some secret envy , or hatred , or thirst of revenge within ; and the rancour of the heart only clothes it self in the violence and bloud-shed of the hand : so we may say of our divisions , and disagreements too . all those odious words , and names of mutuall infamy and reproach ; all those perverse crossings , and thwartings , and contradictions of speech ; all this duell , and skirmish , and quarrelsomeness of language ; lastly , all this shunning and lothing of one anothers company ; all this separation , and denyall of communion , which we so ordinarily see exercised , and practiced without , are but so many unchristian behaviours , which take their originall and birth from as unchristian grudges , and prejudices , and jealousies , and mis-apprehensions within . never man yet dissented from another in speech , but he first dissented from him in opinion : and never man yet separated from another in communion , but he first separated from him in affection and will. to remove , therefore , the root and spring of all disagreements , as well as the current and stream ; and to beget a peace , and concord , and reconciliation without , saint paul , like a skilfull artist , who reserves the hardest part for the last , proceeds from mens words and actions , to their opinions and thoughts : and like those who set watches , and clocks , where the hand upon the dyall without , cannot move regularly , unless the weights and springs which guide it , move orderly within ; the better to make us go all alike , and strike the same time , he endeavors to setle and compose those inward wheels , by which our words and behaviors without , are to be ruled and governed . the thing then for which he here so earnestly petitions , is unity , and agreement , and consent of minds . which , in plain terms , is to exhort us , that as we are all men of one and the same reasonable kind , formed and created like one another in the shape and figure of our body , so that we would approve our selves to be men of one and the same reasonable kinde , in the musique and harmony of our souls too . which would then come to pa●…s , if every one of us would by the impartiall search , and examination of his own mind , dislodg those mists and clouds of errour , which blind him towards himself , and benight him towards others . or , if he cannot do this by the strength and diligence of his own naturall forces , that he would have recourse to t●…ose who are most able to pluck this beam out of his eye ; and whose work and business it is so to apply their cures , as by proposing that one , constant , immutable , eternall , divine truth to his mind , in which t is possible for all minds well enlightned to concenter and agree , by degrees to reduce him from his bli●…dness and errour , and to make him not only speak , but conceive , and think the same things with him that taught him . it was wel said of him , who compared our minds to looking-glasses , or mirrours ; for certainly if we could but keep them open , and unclouded , they carry this property of mirrours with them , not only to return the images , and shapes , and truths of things , which pass before them as they are ; but all minds in a clearer , or less clear degree , have a capacity to receive into them the truth of the same things alike . as a thousand glasses , if they be true , successively lookt in , wil shew us the same faces : but then , as glasses , if they be false , wil cast false resemblances ; or if they be discoloured , wil transform all things which flow into them into their own die : so t is with us . i know not how it comes to pass , or whether i may ascribe the fault to education , or custome , or to our parents , or to our affections , too much knit , and wedded to the religion , or doctrin , or opinion , or teacher , which most complyes with our fancies ; but there are certain ill-cut , false-reporting minds , which look upon men , and things , in another size and figure then they are . other minds there are stained and died ( as it were ) with certain weak prejudices , and corrupt opinions ; through which , as through so many deceiving colours , they discern no truths which wear not that hue . as he that looks through a green glass , takes all things for green ; and he that looks through a blew glass , takes all things for azure . and this was the very case of these corinthians here in the text. they first addicted themselves over-partially to severall teachers ; and from their severall teachers , took in severall apprehensions , as they pleased to like or affect him above others , whose disciples they called themselves . some , though they did not well understand what they held , resolved ( without any examination what they were ) to be only of saint pauls opinions : others resolved to hold only what had been taught them by apollos : others resolved to hold only what had been preacht by s. peter . all which three taught and preacht one and the same gospell ; yet that gospel was not alike entertained by all hearers . whilst some disliked it in s. paul , because ( as himself complains ) he was of an humble presence , and of an ungrateful utterance . others dislike it , perhaps , in the mouth of apollos , because it came rhetorically from him , and he was guilty of that unedifying crime , forsooth , of being eloquent in the pulpit . others perhaps entertain'd it coldly from s. peter , because he had not been bred up in the school of demosthenes , nor tasted of the finer arts and educations of greece . in short , one and the same saving truth , for want of a little right judgment in the hearers to compare it , comming from several mouths , past into divers opinions first ; and then these opinions broke forth into divers factions . and is not this , my brethereu , our very case ? do but consider the present distempers of our poor , divided kingdome ; and , pray , what hath been the true root and spring of so much variance , and hatred , and heart-burning among us ? what hath crumbled us asunder , and turn'd one of the purest , and most flourishing churches of the world , into a heap of heresies and confusion ? hath it not been the very word of god it self ? in which all minds , i confess , should agree , and which should be the rule to compose all our strifes ; and before whose decisions the greatest scholars disputes , and the meanest mans doubts , should fall down , and mutually imbrace , and kiss each other . how comes it then to pass , that religion , which was ordained by god to be the oyl to cure our wounds , should prove only the oyl to feed , and nourish our combustions ? whence is it , that the scripture , that sword of the spirit , should prove to us only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a two-edged sword , and that no other use should be made of it by us , but only to be the weapon of our conflicts , by committing the edges , and making them enter duell , and combat with each other ? truly , my bretheren , all the reason that i can give you for this , is , that some ( perhaps wel minded people , but not of understandings either strong , or learned enough to reach the true sense and meaning of some places ) have stept beyond their measure ; and have presumed to interpret more then they have well understood . others , of a more modest , but credulous composition , have thought that only to be the right meaning of the word of god , which they have heard from the mouth of the preacher which they most affect . others , of a more dangerous policy , finding that the scripture rightly expounded would extreamly make against the plot of their dark proceedings , and that the holy ghost cannot be bribed to finde texts to make covetousness , sedition , or the slaughter of their brethren , or rebellion against their prince , lawfull ; have , with some formall helps of piety , and zeal , put to their expositions , made the scripture speak only those plausible untruthes , which most complied with their ends , and the peoples fancy . hence , the better to arrive to their estates , by the distractions of their minds , they have dealt with them as cunning anglers do with silly fishes , troubled the stream , and blinded them , and then made them their prey . the way to do this was to affront , and disgrace , clamour down all the primitive truths for some generations taught among them ; and to recall from their sepulchres , and dust , all the old , intricate , long since buried opinions , which were the madnesse of their own times , and the civill warre of ours . with which opinions they have dealt , as the witch of endor dealt with her familiar , raised them up to the people clothed in a long mantle , and speaking to them in the shape and voyce of a prophet . hence come those severall acceptions , and interpretations among you , even in your ordinary discourses , of one and the same plaine , but sinisterly understood places of scripture . one , following the practice of all the purest ages of the church , thinkes the sacrament of baptisme is to be administred to infants . others , ( who would certainly be a strange fight to the congregation , if they should appear the second time at the font ) of late are taught to thinke that none are to be baptized , but such as are old enough to be their owne godfathers , and can enter into covenant with god , and promise for themselves . some , because it hath beene called a binding of the spirit , to fetter their devotions in a set forme of prayer , have banisht that prayer , which christ prescribed to his apostles , out of their closets , as well as temples . others , of as rectified a piety , think no prayer so likely to finde acceptance with god , as that which was conceived , and put into forme by his sonne . i should tire your patience too much to give you an exact catalogue of all the rotten opinions which at this present swarm among us . one who hath computed the heresies , which have sprung up in this kingdome within these five years , sayes , they have doubled the number of those which were in saint austins time ; and then they were very neer fourscore . one is a chiliast , and holds the personall reigne of christ upon earth . another is a corporealist , and holds the death of the soul with the body . nay , as 't is said in africke , a lyon will couple with a tyger , from whence will spring a libbard ; so certain strange , unheard-of , double-sex't heresies are sprung up among us : not able to understand what he would hold himselfe . you shall have an arrian and sabellian lodged together in the same person . nay , ( which is yet worse ) whatever celsus spoke in scorn , and origen in vindication of our redeemer , christ and his mother , hath of late trodden the stage again , and appeared to disturbe the world. one ( i tremble to speak it ) hath called the virgin maryes chastity into question ; and others have spoken of the saviour of the world so suspiciously as if he had been a thing , of a stoln , unlawfull birth . in short , there want only some of those munster men among us , of whom sleydan writes , where one calleth himselfe . god the father , another god the sonne , a third paraclete , or god the holy ghost , to make our babel and confusion of wilde opinions at the height . in this miserable distraction , then , where heresie , and errour , hath almost eaten up the true religion ; and where all the light of the gospel , which shines among us , is but like that imperfect light at the creation , which shined before the sunne was placed in the firmament ; a light creeping forth of a dark chaos and blind masse , and strifefull heape of jarring elements : in this thick fogge of strange doctrines , i say , which hath condenst it selfe into a cloud , which hath almost overspread this whole kingdome , from which truth seemes to have taken flight , and made way for ignorance to stile it selfe once more the mother of devotion , what way is there left to reconcile our minds , or to beget one right knowledge , and understanding of the wayes of god among us ? truly , i know none but that which saint paul here prescribes in the text ; which is , that we endeavour as near as we can , to be of one mind , and of one judgment . but how shall this be brought to pass , unless all judgments were alike clear , and unbiassed ? or , unless , laying apart all partiality , and affection to their own side , and all prejudice , and hatred against those from whom they differ , men would submit themselves to him , who is best able to instruct them ; or who can bring with him the most saving truths into the pulpit ? besides , ( may some one say ) if people should bring minds prepared to entertain the truth , where is that instructor so infallible , or so opinionated of the strength of his own gifts and knowledg , that another pretending to the same truth , may not challenge to himself the like infallibility ? who shall be the judg of controversies ? or who shall present truth to us with such known marks and notes about it , that as soon as t is presented , every congregation ( of what mean capacities soever ) shall presently acknowledg , and entertain it ? wil you , sir , who have all this while thus bemoaningly pitied our divisions ? we are bound to thank you for your charity to us ; and should be desirous enough to imbrace a truth of your description . but you are a scholar , whose parts and abilities lye in the humane modell , and building of your own secular studies . we are therefore bid to doubt very much , whether you have the spirit ; and are told by some who profess themselves inspired , that all your readings , and studyings , and tyrings of your self over a difficult piece of scripture , at midnight perhaps , when all others sleep , by a lone , solitary , dumb candle , are but so many labours in vain , since t is impossible for any to understand the scripture aright , but such only who have it revealed to them by the same holy spirit that wrote it . my brethren , what shall i say to you ? modesty , and the knowledg i have of my own imperfections , wil not allow me to say peremptorily , that i have the spirit of god. or if i could distinguish his secret influences and assistances from the operations of my own soul , or could certainly say i have him , ( which s , paul himself durst not say definitively ) yet 't would not become me so to confine him to my frail , narrow parts , as to deny him to all others more learned then my self . for the setling therefore , and composing of your divided minds , i will not take upon me to be the judge of controversies , but you your selves shall be . onely the better to enable you to peforme this charitable office to your selves , and for your better direction how not to be out in your judgement , as a sure clue to guide you through the perplext windings of that labyrinth into which some of you are falne , so falne , that they seem to me quite lost in a wood of mistakes , where every path is a guide , and every guide is an error , give me leave to commend to you that seasonable advice of saint iohn , which he delivers in the fourth chapter of his first epistle , at the first verse , where ( as if he had prophecyed of our times ) he sayes , beloved , beleeve not every spirit , but try the spirits whether they be of god : because many false prophets are gone out into the world . in which words ; you have two of the best rules assigned you to go by , that can possibly be prescribed for the settlement of minds . first , be not too credulous ; doe not presently beleeve every man that sayes he hath the spirit ; nor suffer your selves to be tost and carried about with every wind of doctrine : for that is not the way to be all of one , but of as many severall minds as the art or cunning of severall teachers shall please to work upon you . i am perswaded this easinesse of belief , this credulity , or ( as the apostle calls it ) this admiration , this overvaluing of some mens persons , hath been one of the great parents of our present dissentions : whilst some weak , but yet well-minded people , building their judgment meerly upon the outward appearances of men , have mistaken the zeal and strict life of their preacher for his sufficiency . and taking their logicke from the precisenesse of his behaviour , have framed these charitable , but false conclusions to themselves : he is a man of a composed countenance , of a reserved speech , of a grave carriage , and of a devout elocution , therefore surely he is a holy man. and because he is a holy man , therefore whatever hee saies , shall be to us oracle ; as coming from the mouth of one , so much in the favour of god , that it is impossible he should deceive us , or speak that which is not right . my brethren , i have no designe or purpose to bring holinesse into contempt ; nor can i bee so injurious to piety or a good life , where ever i find it , as to expose it to the scorne of the licentious , by not giving it its due . i am so farre also from lending encouragement to the lives of vitious teachers , ( teachers who are the shame of their mother , and the scandall of their flock ) that i could wish that every congregation in england were furnished with such an exemplary minister , that his life as well as preaching , might be sermon to the people . nay , give me leave , i beseech you , to extend my charity yet one degree farther . i am so farre from disliking holinesse either in preacher or people , that i wish we all made but one united kingdome of priests . or , if you will have me expresse my selfe in the words of one of the holiest and meekest men of the earth , i could wish that all the lords people were prophets . but , then , you must give me leave to say too , that holinesse and strictnesse , and austerity of life , are no infallible signes that the preacher may not erre . nor hath god so annext the understanding of his word to the unstudied , unlearned piety , or sober carriage of the expounder , that he that is most zealous shall still bee most in the right . as long as that saying of s. paul remaines upon record , that we hold this treasure ; this knowledge of gods will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in earthen vessells ; as long as the preacher , how holy soever he be , is so much one of the people , as to dwell in a fraile , weake tabernacle of clay ; lastly , as long as men are men , they will bee liable to mens infirmities . and as the learned scandalous preacher may be sometimes in the right ; so it is possible that the ignorant , zealous , holy preacher may be often in the wrong . how to know this , and how to distinguish them , therefore , you are to make use of the next rule prescribed to you by saint iohn ; that is , when you heare an exposition , or a sermon , or a new doctrine preached to you , not rashly , without distinction or choice to consent to it , till you have past the impartiall sentence of a cleare judgement on it ; compared and weighed sermon with sermon , and preacher with preacher ; called every doctrine , every proofe , every confident assertion to the touch-stone , and measured it by some plaine evident place of scripture ; and examined whether the holy ghost , or his owne vaine , popular ambition , have for that time inspired the speaker ; or whether his sermon have had some dissembled , secular end , or gods glory for its marke . and this saint iohn calls , ●…ying of the spirits ; which is then done , when ( as i said before ) you reduce what you heare spoken by the preacher to the infallible rule of truth , the word of god ; and make that , well considered , the scales to weigh his doctrine in . does hee preach charity , and banish strife from his pulpit ? does he not flatter vice , though he find it clothed in purple , nor speak neglectfully of vertue , though he finde it clothed in rags ? does he strive to plant the feare and love of god in his auditory , the forgivenesse of their enemies , and pity towards the poore ? dares he arraigne a publique sinne , though never so fortunate ? or speak in defence of afflicted innocence , though over-borne by oppression ? dares he maintaine his christian courage in tyrannicall , doubtfull times ? and dares he call prosperous sedition , but a more successefull mischiefe ? lastly , does he preach such christian truths for which some holy men have died , and to which he himselfe would not be affraid to fall a sacrifice ? this , this man is to be hearkned to ; this man is fit to bee obeyed . and this man speaking the same things which god himselfe doth in the scripture , ( whatever his gifts of pleasing , or not pleasing sick , fastidious , delicate fancies be ) is thus at least to be thought of , that though he speake not by the spirit , ( as a thing entailed upon him ) yet , for that time , the spirit speaks by him , which ought to be all one to you . on the contrary , does the preachers sanctity and religion consist meerly in the devout composure of his looks and carriage ? does he strive to preach downe learning , or does he call study a humane folly ? does he choose his text out of the bible , and make the sermon out of his fancy ? does he reprove adultery , but preach up discord ? is he passionate against superstition , but milde and calme towards sacriledge ? does hee inveigh and raile at popery , and at the same time imitate the worst of papists , jesuits , urge texts for the rebellion of subjects against their prince , and quote scripture for the deposing , and butchery of kings ? does hee startle at a dumb picture in a church-window , and at the same time preach all good order and right discipline out of the church ? does an oath provoke his zeale , yet does he count lying in the godly no sin ? lastly , does hee preach separation upon weake untemper'd grounds ? or does labour to divide the minds , which hee should strive to reconcile ? let him bring what demurenesse or composure of countenance he please into the pulpit ; let him , if he please , joyne sanctity of deportment to earnestnesse of zeale ; let him never so devoutly bewaile the calamities of his country , which he hath helpt to make miserable ; or let him weepe never so passionately over the congregation , which he hath broken into factions ; in short , how seemingly holy , how precise , how unprophane soever his behaviour bee ; though the scripture doe so continually over-flow in his mouth , that hee will neither eat , nor drinke , nor speake , nor scarce sleep but in that phrase , yet as long as he thus forgets his charity , thus preaches strife , thus division , i shall so farre mistrust whether he have the spirit , that i shall not doubt to reckon him in the number of those false prophets which s. iohn sayes are gone out into the world . the conclusion then of this sermon shall be this . men and brethren , i have with all the sincerity and plainnesse which might benefit your soules , preacht truth , and concord , and mutuall charity to you . i have also for some yeeres , not been so sleepy an observer , but that i have perceived some of you ( who have thought your selves more religious then the rest ) to be guilty of the ( i might say crime , but i will rather say of the ) mis-guided zeale of these corinthians here in my text. there have been certaine divisions , and i know not what separations among you . i have farther observed , that certaine false , causlesse prejudices and aspersions have been raised upon our university , which to the grief of this famous nursery of gods church at home , and the reproach of it abroad , are still kept waking against us by some of you , as if conscience and religion , as well as learning and gifts , had so far forsaken us , that all the schools of the prophets cannot afford you a set of able , vertuous men , fit to be the lecturers to this soule-famisht parish . how we should deserve to be thus mistaken by you , or why you should under-value those able teachers which you have already , or refuse to take your supply from so many colledges which here stand present and ready to afford you choyce : or why you should supplicate to the great councell of this kingdome , in pitty to your soules , to send you godly teachers , ( which , perhaps , is but a well-meaning petition from you , but certainly 't is agreat scandall , and libell against us ) i know not . but whatever the mysterious cause be , i am confident , that unlesse they will sleep over their infamy and reproach , it will alwayes be in the power of our despised university-divines , to make it appeare , even to those whom you intend to petition , that this is but a zealous errour in you : and that they are as able to edifie you , certainly , as he , whose occupation it was to repaire the old shooes of the prophets . i should shame some of you too much , who were the disciples of that apostle , if i should discribe him to you by a larger character . instead therefore of a farther vindication of the reproach throwne upon us , that which i shall say of more neere concernment to you , is this : if i have in the progresse of this sermon , ript open any wounds among you , it hath not been with a purpose , to enlarge , or make them bleed , but to powre wine and oyle into them , and to heale , and close them up . next , if i have cleared any of your sights , or inabled you at length to discerne , that the reason why the mote in your brothers eye seemed so big , was , because an over-scrupulous zeale had placed a beame in your owne ; and that in contributing to the ruine of one of the purest religions in the world , the reason why you have swallowed so many monstrous camels , hath been , because at first you made scruple , and strained at gnats , i have what i intended : which was to let you see , that to divide and separate your selves from the communion of our church , if it had been guilty of a mole or two , is as unreasonable , as if you should quarrell the moon out of her orb , or think her unworthy of the skies , because she wears a spot or two writ on a glorious ball of light . lastly , if i have said any thing in the reproof of discord , or the praise of charity , which may re-unite your minds , and make you all men of the same heart and beliefe , as well as of the same citie and corporation , i shall thinke i have done the work and businesse of a just divider of the word of god towards you , and of a faithfull servant and steward towards my heavenly master . whose blessing of peace be upon you all , together with the grace of our lord jesus christ , and the fellowship of the holy ghost . to which glorious trinity , be ascribed all honor , praise , dominion and power , for ever . amen . finis . a sermon against false prophets . preached in st. maries chvrch in oxford , shortly after the surrender of that garrison . by iasper maine , d. d. and one of the students of christ-church , oxon . ier . 23. 16. thus saith the lord of hosts , hearken not unto the words of the prophets that prophesie unto you ; they make you vaine ; they speak a vision of their owne heart , and not out of the mouth of the lord. printed in the yeare , m d c xlvii . a sermon against false prophets . ezek . 22. 28. her prophets have daubed them with untempered morter , seeing vanity , and divining lyes unto them , saying , thus saith the lord god , when the lord hath not spoken . the preface . that which the best orator said of oratorie put to the worst use , nihil est tam horridum , tam incultum , quod non splendesent oratione , that there is nothing so deformed , or rude , which may not be made amiable by speech , hath alwayes been verified of religion too . no one thing hath , in all ages , been more abused , to paint and disguise foule actions . it hath been made the art to cozen people with their owne devotions , and to make them , in the meane time , think sacredly of their seducers . conspiracies , and insurrections , drest in these colours have been called holy associations and leagues : and the ambitious , to worke the more securely on the credulity of the simple , have not onely presented evill to them growing on the tree of good , but have proceeded thus much farther in the fallacy , that they have still made forbidden fruits seem pleasant to the eye . and the false colours under which they have seemed pleasant , have alwayes been taken from religion . thus in these heathen states , where they first made their owne gods , and then worshipt them , never plot was hatcht to disturbe the common-wealth , but the writings of some sybill , or other , were entitled to that plot ; and never any designe was laid to destroy the roman empire , but some augur , or priest was taken in , whose part 't was , to make the entrailes , and liver of his sacrifice , give credit to the ambition of the designe . and thus among the iewes , some ambitious men , the better to gild over their proceedings , still entitled god to them . who , as if he had been one of those tutelar , changeable deities , which used to be enticed , and called over from one side to another , they still entertained the people , that they who most zealously pretended to him , had him most . and that however he be the god of order , and iustice , & agreement among men , yet in favour of his owne cause , he would for a while be content to change his nature , and become the god of injustice , disorder , and confusion too . the better to worke this perswasion into the minds of the multitude , their first piece of policy was to draw the prophets into their faction . this is exprest to us in the 25. verse of this chapter . where 't is said of ierusalem , there is a conspiracy of her prophets , in the midst thereof . and truely , 't was a conspiracy so unfit for prophets that the resemblance of it was never yet found in any but those men of a much unholier stile , of whom the historian saies , est aliquod etiam inter latrones & sicarios foedus , that theeves and robbers hold league and friendship amongst themselves . for 't is said in the following words of that verse , that 't was a conspiracy like the roaring of a lion , ravening the prey . a conspiracy , by which they devoured soules , and took to themselves the treasure , and pretious things of the land. and because pillage of this publick nature , could hardly be gained without the death , and murther of the owners , 't is said in the close of that verse , that they made her many widdows in the midst thereof . to which if the scripture had added these two words of pitty , the fatherlesse and orphane too , nothing could have beene added to the calamity of the description . nor is there a much more favourable character stuck by the holy ghost , upon the priests of those times . for by that which is said at the 26. verse of this chapter , ( and 't is well worth your marking ) you may perceive that the disorder to which things were brought in the state , sprung first from the disorder , to which things were brought in the church . for 't is there said , that the priests had violated the law , and prophaned the holy things ; that they did put no difference between the holy , and prophane , nor made any distinction between the unclean , and the cleane . in briefe , the legall , well establisht service , and worship of god was at a kinde of losse , and indifferency . 't was referred to every mans fansie , to make to himself his own religion , blemisht , and unblemisht sacrifices began to be sacred alike . and the scripture of another prophet , became quite altered ; he that offered a swine , was thought as religious as he that slew an oxe ; and he that ●…t off a dogs neck , was thought as liberall a sacrificer , as he that brought a lambe to the altar . next , having taken the prophets , and priests , so far into their plot , as to mingle and confound the services of the church , they made it one part of their policy , more , to make them lend reputation , to their proceedings in the state. this is plainly intimated to us , by that which is said at the 27. verse of this chapter , cohering with that which is said in the words of my text. for there mention is made of certaine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or princes , or chiefe men , who are there said to be like wolves ravening the prey ; yet there wanted not some prophets ( as you may gather from my text ) who presented these wolves to the people in sheeps cloathing . 't is said too that they had this property of wolves , that they tooke pleasure to shed bloud ; yet there wanted not priests , who called blond thus spilt sacrifice . 't is said too that they did shed bloud that they might get to themselves dishonest gain ; yet there wanted not some , who called even that dishonest gain , godlinesse . if you will have all this limbed to you in one short draught and picture , how cruell soever , & destructive to the common safety , the projects , and proceedings of some men powerfull in the then state of the iewes were , there wanted not prophets who dawbed them with untempered morter ; seeing vanity , and divining lyes unto them , saying , thus saith the lord god , when the lord had not spoken . which words are a history of the worst times , in the then worst state. in which we have these considerable parts . 1. an irreligious compliance , or rather collusion , of spirituall men with lay. some there were , ( as you have them described in the precedent verse ) whose designe 't was , to make their countrey their prey ; others there were , whose part t was , to make them seem good patriots , and protectors of their countrey . some destroyed soules in the way to their ambitious ends , others made it their businesse to put holy colours on their slaughters . or if you wil have me express my self in the language of both texts , some there were who did shed bloud , that they might get to themselves dishonest gaine ; and some prophets there , were , who to make their proceedings seem specious , did put religious pretences to them , and with these pretences did disguise , and dawbe them . next , we have here , the frailty , and weaknesse , and deceiveable nature of such pretences . how plausible soever they seemed to the deluded vulgar , and however they might a while , not onely serve to cover , and veile foule purposes , but to set them off with a beauty , and lustre too , yet this could not be lasting . dishonest projects thus adorned were but so many painted ruines . and therefore , the prophets , who thus disguised them , are here said to dawbe them with untempered morter . thirdly , for the effecting of this , we have here a very strange abuse of their ministery and function , set downe to us in three expressions , having every one of them something of the forme , but nothing of the reality of a prophet in them . first , they are here said to be s●…ers . but as for the things they saw , they were of that foolish empty nature , that the scripture hath not vouchsafed to call them dreams . we may call them visions , perhaps ; but such as aene as in virgil saw among the shades . so voyd of weight , and body , and substance , so far from sense and reason , as well as revelation , that as the fittest word which could be found for them , they are here in this place called vanity . next , they are here said to divine , or foretell . but 't is added withall , that they foretold not things , but lyes . as many untruths as prophecies fell from them . and their predictions had onely thus much of divination in them , that some time was required for men to prove them false ; and to perceive , that , contrary to all true predictions , they would never come to passe . lastly , ( which was the third , and great abuse of their office and function ) they were not afraid to entitle god to their vanities and lies . as often as they were pleased to deceive the people , he was cited , and quoted , as the inspirer of the deceit . and this bold , insolent sin was committed against the holy ghost , that the vaine , foolish , groundlesse conjectures of the prophets , were called his inspirations : who , to make their falshoods take the stronglier , still uttered them in the holy , propheticall stile of truths , saying , thus saith the lord god , when the lord had not spoken . all which contracted into a narrow room , the irreligious compliance of spirituall men with lay , the weaknesse of their pretences , the abuse of their calling , by uttering their owne vanities for inspirations , and and their owne fictions for truths , together with the injury offered to god , by entitling him to all this , shall be the parts on which i will build my future discourse . in the ordering of which , i will begin with the compliance or combination . some there were among the iews ( as you have them decyphered in the former verse ) who did shed bloud , that they might get to themselves dishonest gain ; and some false prophets there were , who , to goe sharers in that gaine , by the holinesse of their function , did disguise and dawbe them . it was well said of a vertuous man in the praise of vertue , si oculis cerneretur , if it could be seen , or could be put into limbes or colours , nothing would more inflame , or ravish the beholders . and hee had spoken as well in the dispraise of vice , had hee said , si oculis cerneretur , if it could be made visible , or put into colours , nothing would appeare more deformed , or loathsome . to speake of it , as it deserves , there is so little beauty or amiablenesse in dishonest actions , that to be disliked , and abhorred , it hath alwayes been sufficient for them to be understood . none but the father of mischiefe , ever loved mischief for it selfe : and none but the children of such a parent , have found out a comlinesse of evill , meerely as 't is evill . of all other men , who have not quite lost their reason with their innocence , and over whose understandings darknesse and errour have not so prevailed , as to present vice and vertue to them , as one and the same thing , the saying of the poet hath alwayes held true , exemplo quod●…unque malo committitur ipsi displ●…cet authori ; bad actions are so farre from pleasing others , that they never yet pleased themselves . nor can i perswade my selfe , that ever any man could so stifle his conscience , or force it , ( like some compelled to enter into unwilling contracts ) to imbrace a bad designe , but he for that time divided himselfe between his designe , and his hatred . and the advantages which have accompanyed the foulenesse of the enterprize , have never been so great , but that the poore cosened offendor , at the same time sinned , and lothed himselfe . but then , as some either borne , or grown deformed , have found out certain arts to hide their deformities ; as some i say , of a withered , ill-shaped complexion , have by the help of their pencill , turned yellow into red , and pale into white , and by the same help , have placed a rose there , where there was before a decay ; and so have bestowed , not onely an artificiall beauty , but an artificiall youth upon themselves , and in this borrowed shape have flattered themselves , and deceived others : so few bad men have been so unpolitick , not to hide their deformities by painting too . and this cunning use hath beene made of vertue , that it hath alwayes been made the colour , to adorn , and cover vice . a thing the more easie to be effected , because that saying of the philospher hath alwayes been true , difficile est nonnulla vitia â virtut●…bus secernere , adeo prudentes nonnunquam fallunt , some vices are so nearely allyed to some vertues , that wise men have frequently mistaken them for twins . thus rashnesse with successe hath past for valour , and cowardice with discretion hath past for counsell . covetousnesse well order'd hath worne the shape of thrift ; and ryot hath put on the name of magnificence , and a large m●…e but where this neighbourhood between good and evill is not , ot●… helps have been taken in ; and a vertue of one shape hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 disguise the fowlenesse of a vice of another . thus among the iewes in our saviour christs time , there were some who tithed mint , th●… they might wi●…hhold iustice , and some pa●… ●…min , that they might keep back the weightier matters of the 〈◊〉 ●…ome made long prayers , that they might devoure widdowes ●…ouses , and some wore broad phylacteries that they might swallow orphans goods . and thus in this prophet ezechiels time , some disguised their rapine by a prophet , and their slaughters by a priest ; their covetousnesse by a seer , and their oppressions by a man of god. between whom the parts were so speciously carried , that , as if there had been no such things in nature , as right or wrong , iustice or injustice , but only as holy men would please to call them , the one devoured the prey , the other gave a blessing to it ; the one destroyed soules , the other excused the murder ; the one committed sacrilege , the other made it plausible . or if you will have me expresse my selfe to the true historicall importance of this text , the one grinded the faces of the poore , and polluted themselves both with private and and publique oppressions ; the other gilded , and palliated , and veyled , and dawbed them . complana●…ant , sayes one , gypsabant , sayes another translation . the prophets did smooth , and sleek , and put a faire crust upon them . the words are diverse , but have all one sense . for first , whether we expresse their palliation of sinnes by dawbing , ( which is the word here used by our english translators , and answers to saint ieromes obliniebant in the latine , and the septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greeke ) 't is a word ( if a learned interpreter , well skill'd in the originall , have not deceived me ) taken from those who deale in oyntments . and the meaning of the place is , that as some , skill'd in such confections , have at times been hired to disguise deadly receipts in fragrant smels , and so have conveyed poison in a perfume , and cloathed death in the breath and ayre of an odoriferous sent ; so these prophets here in the text , among the other abuses of their calling , changed one of solomons best proverbs into one of the worst compliances : which was , that by the opinion of their holinesle among the people , they made some mens illnames passe , as 't is there said of good , like a pretious oyntment powred forth . perfumes and odours were put upon ambition and avarice . and gods lawes were a while taught to forget their stile ; and those commandements were made most to defend the men , who did most violate , transgresse , and break them . or next , whether we use the word sleeke , or smooth , 't is a word taken from those who use the polishing toole , or file . and the meaning of the place will be , that , as such artificers doe ordinarily file rude , rough , mishapen matters , into decent figures and formes , and by the repetition of their instrument , and application of it artificially to the same place , doe raise a glasse and lustre there , where there was before onely a deformity and shade ; so these prophets dealt with the publick sins of their times . rapines , and oppressions were filed , and polisht , into the softer names of just levyes and supplyes . murthers also and bloud-sheds , together with the cries of widdowes , and teares of orphans were smooth'd and glazed into the milder appearances , perhaps , of publique utility & necessity of state. in briefe , these prophets here in the text , dealt with some mens vices , as the philospher would have us deale with our affections , transformed and wrought them into ornaments , and vertues . or lastly , whether we use the word gypsabant , 't is a word taken from those who deale in playster . and the meaning of the place will be , that as such artificers , by laying a new crust upon old decayes , doe many times make a falling building seem strong , and to the certaine danger of the dweller , doe so veile , and cover aged walls , as to disguise rottennesse , and make a ruine seem habitable ; so these prophets dealt with the sinnes of their times . they whited sepulchers and adorned rottennesse , and putrefaction . wicked designes had a faire crust put upon them ; and ruinous projects were supported with splendid , holy colours . if you will have mee speak more home to the minde of the text , some ambitious men built houses on the sand , and some flattering , servile prophets dawbed them with weake , untempered morter . which discovers to us the frailty and unsoundnesse of all such proceedings as are not built upon iustice , or truth , those two immoveable rocks of the scripture ; and leads us on to the next part of the text. for the clearer understanding and interpretation of which words , it will be necessary , that i once more briefely reconcile the severall translations of them . that which we in english doe read untempered morter , a very classicall interpreter of the bible reads thus : prophetae ejus linebant eos insulso , her prophets have dawbed them with a thing which is insipid , or which hath no salt in it . from whence some have made this exposition of the place . that though the thing with which these prophets disguised the soule actions of their times were holinesse , and religion ; and though it be true , that we may say of religion , as christ said of the teachers of it , that it is the salt of the world , yet this salt sprinkled upon forbidden enterprizes , leaves off to be sale , and loseth its savour . to speak yet more plainly to you ; holinesse it selfe applyed to wicked designes , leaves off to be holinesse . and they who put sanctity to that vile use , to serve onely as the paint to make the unlawfull projects of others seem faire , adde thus much guilt of their owne to the others , that they turne religion it selfe into their crime . and i may confidently say , that they had beene much more innocent , if in such forbidden cases they had beene lesse holy . saint ierome translates the words thus : propheta obliniebant eos absque temperamento , the prophets dawbed them with a thing which would not piece , or unite , or make a mixture . from whence some have given this interpretation of the place , that however religious pretences may be found out to mask irreligious deeds , and however holinesse may be made the vermilion to impiety , yet there can never such a mixture , or composition passe between them , that it shall cease to be impiety , because it hath piety joyned to it . but rather as gilt upon false coins makes it so much the more counterfeit ; or as tinne silver'd over is so much the more treason , because 't is silver'd over ; and copper so much the more deserves hanging , because it weares the kings image , and the inscription on it is written in golden letters : so 't is with bad actions silver'd over with religion ; they are so farre from becomming good , that they double their iniquity , and become so much the more counterfeit . and as the spirit of delusion is so much the more the spirit of delusion , when hee transformes himselfe into an angel of light ; so foule projects are never fouler , then when there is a glory and lustre put upon them . in all such disproportioned commixtures , where the worse is sure to vitiate , and corrupt the better , we may not onely ask the question , what agreement there can be betweene light and darknesse , or what fellowship christ can have with belial ? but we may boldly pronounce , that light thus joyned with darknesse , loseth its rayes , and becomes darknesse . and that christ thus joyned and matcht with belial , degenerates into a deceiver , and becomes belial too . the third and last translation of this place , ( which our english translators have followed ) is that of va●…ablus , who renders the words thus , prophetae ejus linebant eos luto infirmo , her prophets ( that is , the prophets of jerusalem ) have dawbed them with infirme , untempered morter : that is , as dyonisius carthusianus , very fully expounds the metaphor , confirmabant eos in errore persuasionibus non solidis , sed fucatis : the prophets confirmed them in their errors with weake , untempered reasons . all which severall interpretations doe agree in this one and the same undenyable sense ; that such is the conscious , guilty , unjustifiable nature of sinne , so suspicious and fearefull 't is to be seen publiquely in its owne shape , that it not onely deales with all sinners , as it did with the first two , upon a mutuall sight , and discovery of themselves , shewes them ashamed , and naked to one another ; but to cover and veyle their nakednesse and shame , sends them to such poore , fraile , unprofitable shelters , as bushes , and fig-leaves : which though they should grow in paradise it selfe , or should be gathered from the same holy ground , in which innocence , and the tree of life were planted together , yet applyed to hide an oppression , or pluckt to cover a sacrilege , they will still retaine the fading , transitory nature of leaves , which is to decay , and wither , between the hands of the gatherer , and lose their colour and freshnesse in the very laying on ; and to every well rectified , religiously judging eye , instead of being a veyle to hide , will become one of the wayes to betray a nakednesse . to speake yet more plainly to you , and to lay it as home as i can to every one of your consciences , who heare me this day ; if the designe and project be unlawfull , and contrary to gods commandements , let there be a prophet found to pronounce it holy , let there be a statist found to pronounce it convenient , let reason of state be joyned to religion , and publique utility to quotations of scripture ; lastly , let it be adorned with all the varnishes and paintings taken either from policy or christianity , which may render it faire and amiable to the deluded multitude , yet such is the deceiveable nature of such projects , such a worme , such a selfe destroyer growes up with them , that , like ionas gourd , something cleaves to their root , which makes their very foundation ruinous , and fatall to them . at best they are but painted tabernacles of clay , o●… palaces built with untemp red morter . the first discovery of their hypocrisie turnes them into heaps , and the fate of the scarlet whore in the revelation befalls them , whose filthinesse and abominations were no sooner opened and divulged , but she was dismembred , and torn in pieces by her owne idolaters and lovers . here then , if any expect that i should apply what hath beene said to our times , and that i should take the liberty of some of our moderne prophets , who have by their rude invectives from the pulpit made what ever names are high , and great , and sacred , and venerable among us , cheap , and vile , and odious in the eares of the people ; if any , i say , expect that by way of parallell of one people with another , i should here audaciously undertake to show that what ever arts were used to make bad projects seeme plausible , and holy in this prophets time , have been practiced to make the like bad projects appeare plausible , and holy now ; or that in our times the like irreligious compliance , hath past between some spirituall men , and lay , to cast things into the present confusion , i hope they will not take it ill , if i deceive their expectation . for my owne part , as long as there is such a piece of scripture as this , * diis non maledices , thou shalt not revile the gods , ( that is , thou shalt not onely not defame them by lying , but shalt not speake all truthes of them which may turn to their infamy , and reproach ; ) i shall alwayes observe it as a piece of obligatory religion , not to speak evill , no not of offending dignities . much lesse shall i adventure to shoot from this sacred place my owne ill-built iealousies , and suspitions , for realities and truths : which if i should doe , 't would certainly savour too much of his spirit of detraction , who hauing lost his modesty , as well as religion & obedience , to the scandall and just offence of all loyall eares here present , was not affraid to forget the other part of that text , which saies , nec maledices principi in populo meo , thou shalt not reproach the ruler of my people . yet because so many strange prophets , of our wilde , licentious times , have preacht up almost five years commotion for a holy war ; and because , in truth , no warre can be holy whose cause is not justifiable ; if i should grant them what they have proclamed from so many pulpits , that the cause for which they have all this while , some of them , so zealously fought , as well as preacht , hath beene liberty of conscience ; or , in other termes , for the reformation of a corrupted , degenerated church ; or to speak yet more like themselves , for the restitution of the protestant religion growne popish ; if i say , all this should be granted them , yet certainly , if scripture , gospell fathers , schoolmen , protestant divines of the most reverend , and sober marke , and reason it selfe have not deceived mee , all sermons which make religion , how pure soever , to be a just cause of a warre , doe but dawb the undertakers with untempered morter . for however it be an article in the turkish creed , that they may propagate their law by their speare ; yet for us who are christians , to be of this mahumetane perswasion , were to transfer a piece of the alcoran into a piece of the gospell . and to make christ not onely the author of all those massacres , which from his time to ours , have worne that holy impression , but 't were to make him over-litterally guilty of his owne saying , that he came not to send peace , but a sword into the world for though it be to be granted , that nothing can more conduce to the future happinesse of men , then to be of the true religion ; yet i doe not finde that christ hath given power to any to compell men to be happy ; or commanded , that force should be used for the collation of such a benefit . all the wayes more proportioned for the atchieving of such an end , hee hath in his gospel prescribed , namely preaching , and perswasion , and holy example of life . he bade his apostles goe , and teach all nations ; not stir up one nation against another , or divide kingdomes against themselves , if they would not receive the gospell . this had been plainly to joyne the sword of the flesh , to the sword of the spirit . which to save their lives , and fortunes , might perhaps , have made some hypocrites , and dissemblers without , who would neverthelesse , have remained pagans , and infidels within . in short , some things in the excell●…ncy , and height of the doctrines of christian religion being no way demonstrable from humane principles , but depending for the credit , and evidence of their truth upon the authority of christs miracles , conveyed along in tradition and story , cannot in a naturall way of argumentation force assent . since , as long as there is such a thing in men , as liberty of understanding , all arguments , even in a preaching , and perswasive way , which carry not necessity of demonstration in their forehead , may reasonably 〈◊〉 rejected . much lesse have i met with it in all my progresse of d●…vinity or philosophy , convincingly maintained , that men upon every slight disagreement , or dissent in religion , are to be whipt , or beaten into a consent ; or that the plunde of mens estates is a fit medium to beget a beleefe or perswasion in their minds . here then , should i once more grant the charge of these prophets to be true ( a very heavy one i confesse ) that the protestant religion among us , had very farre taken wing , and had almost resigned its place in this island to the romish superstition . nay , suppose ( which is yet farre worse ) that a great , and considerable part of this kingdome , had through the corruption of the times , not onely relapst from the protestant religion in particular , but from the christian faith in generall ; suppose , i say , ( which is the worst that can be supposed ) that they who have so frequently of late been branded for papists , had out-right turned infidels , however in such a case , that warre which fights against the errours of men thus lost , and proposeth to it selfe no other end but their repentance , and conversion , may to some perhaps , seem to weare the helmet of their salvation , and the army which thus strives to save men by the sword , may to some seem an army of apostles , yet i doe not finde that to come into the field with an armed gospel , is the way chosen by christ to make proselites . the scripture indeed , tells us of some who took the kingdome of heaven by violence ; but of any , who by violence may have it imposed upon them , 't is no where recorded . but alas , my brethren , ( if i may speak freely to you in the defence of that defamed religion , in which i was borne and to which i should account it one of the greatest blessings that god can bestow upon me , if i might , with the holy fathers of our reformation , fall a sacrifice ) that which these men call idolatry , and superstition , and by names yet more odious , was to farre from having shrined it selfe in our church ; so little of that drosse , and ore , and tinne , which hath lately filled our best assemblies with so much noyse and clamour , was to be found among us , that with the same unfainednesse that i would confesse my sinnes to god , and hope to obtaine pardon for them . i doe professe , that i cannot thinke the sun , in all his heavenly course , for so many yeares , beheld a church more blest with purity of religion for the doctrines of it , or better establisht for the government , and discipline of it , then ours was . and therefore , if i were presently to enter into dispute with the greatest patriarch among these prophets , who , even against the testimony of sense it selfe , will yet perversely strive to prove that our church stood in such need of reformation , that the growing superstitions of it could not possibly be expiated but by so much civill warre . i should not doubt with modesty enough to prove back again to him , that all such weak , irrationall arguments as have onely his zeale for their logick , are not onely composed of untempered morter ; but that in seeing those spots and blemishes in our church , which no good protestants else could ever see , 't will be no unreasonable inference to conclude him in the number of those erroneous prophets here in the text. who to the great scandall and abuse of their office , and function , did not onely palliate , and gild over the publique sins of their times , but did it like prophets , and saw vanity too . which is the next part of the text ; and is next to succeed in your attentions . if the phil●…sophers rule be true , that things admit of definitions according to their essences , and that the nearer they approach to nothing , the nearer they d●…aw to no description ; to goe about to give you an exact definition of a thing impossible to be defined , or to endeavour to describe a thing to you , which hath been so much disputed whether it be a thing , were to be like those prophets here in the text ; first , to see vanity my selfe , and then to perswade you that there is a reality , and substance in it . yet to let you see by the best lights i can , what is here meant by vanity , i will joyne an inspired to a heathen philosopher . solomon , ( whose whole book of ecclesiastes is but a tract of vanity ) as we may gather from the instances there set downe , places vanity , in mutability , and change . and because all things of this lower world consist in vicissitude , & change ( so farre , that as seneca said of rivers , bis in idem flumen non descendimus , we cannot step twice into the same stream ; so we may say of most sublunarie things , whose very beings do so resemble streams , ut vix idem bis conspiciamus , that we can scarce behold some things twice ) that wisest among the sonnes of men , whose philosophy was as spacious as there were things in nature to bee knowne , calls all things under the sunne , vanity , because all things under the sunne are so lyable to inconstancy and change , that they fleet away , and vanish , whilst they are considered ; and hasten to their decay whilst we are in the contemplation of them . aristotle desines vanity to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every thing which hath not some reasonable end or purpose belonging to it . for this reason , he calls emptinesse , and vacuity , vanity ; because there is so little use of it in nature , that to expell it , things have an inclination placed in them to performe actions against their kinde . earth to shut out a vacuity , is taught to flie up like fire ; and fire to destroy emptinesse , is taught to fall downe like earth . and for this reason , another philosopher hath said , that colours , had there not been made eyes to see them , and sounds , had there not beene eares made to heare them , had been vanities , and to no purpose . and what they said of sounds , and colours , we may say of all things else ; not onely all things under the sun , but the sun it selfe , who is the great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the eye of the world , without another eye to behold him , or to know him to be so , had been one of aristotles vanities . as then in nature those things have deserved the name of vanities , which either have no reasonable end , or purpose belonging to them , or else are altogether subject to mutability , and change , so 't is in policy , and religion too . to doe things by weake , unreasonable , inconstant principles , principles altogether unable to support , and upold the weight , and structure of publique businesse built upon them ; or to doe things , with no true substantiall , solid , usefull , but a meere imaginary good end belonging to them ; as for example , to alter the whole frame and government of a state , not that things may be mended , but that they may run in another course then they did before ; or to change the universally received government of a church meerely for change sake , and that things may be new , not that they may bee better , is a vanity , of which i know not whether these prophets , here in the text , were guilty ; but when i consider the unreasonable changes already procured , and the yet farther endlesse changes as unreasonably still pursued by the prophets of our times , i finde so much vacuity , and emptinesse in their desires , so much interested zeale , and so little dis-interested reason , so much novelty mistaken for reformation , and withall so much confusion preferred before so much decency , and order , that i cannot but apply the wise mans ingemination to them and call their proceedings vanity of vanities . for if we may call weak , groundlesse , improbable surmises and conjectures , vanities , have not these prophets dealt with the mindes of vu●…gar people , as melancholy men use to deale with the clouds , raised monstrous formes and shapes to fright them , where no feare was ? have they not presented strange visions to them ? idolatrie in a church window , superstition in a white surplice , masse in our common-prayer booke , and antichrist in our bishops ? have they not also to make things seem hideous in the state , cast them into strange , fantasticall , chymera figures ? and have they not , like the fabulous , walking spirits wee read of , created imaginary apparitions to the people from such things , flight , unsolid melting bodies as ayre ? and for all this if you enquire upon what true stable principle , or ground , either taken from reason ( which is now preacht to be a saecular , prophane , heathen thing ) or from scripture , ( which is now made to submit to the more unerring rule of fancy ) they have proceeded ; or what hath been the true cause , of their so vaine imaginations , you will finde , that ( contrary to all the rules of right judgement , either common to men , or christians ) they have been guided meerely by that causa per accidens , that fallible , erroneous , accidentall cause , which hath alwayes been the mother of mistakes . socrate ambulante coruscavit ; because it lightned when socrates took the ayre , one in the company thought that his walking was the occasion of the flash : this certainly , was a very vaine and foolish inference ; yet not more vaine and foolish then theirs , who have ●…right people to conclude , that all pictures in church-windowes are ●…dols , because some out of a misguided devotion , have worshipt ●…hem ; or that surplices , and the like church vestures are superstitious , because some superstitious men weare them ; or that our comm●…●…rayer booke is poperie , because part of it is to bee found in the 〈◊〉 of that church ; or that the government of the church 〈◊〉 bishops is antichristian because in their beleefe , antichrist al●…ady is , or , when he comes into the world , shall be a bishop . for here , if i should presse them in a rationall , logicall way , ( un●…sie they will call argument , and logick , and supersti●…●…oo ●…oo , and banish reason as well as liturgy out of the church ) ●…o think ( as they doe ) that churches are unhallowed by reason of their ornaments , or to perswade people to refrain them , because some out of a blind zeale have paid worship to the windows , is to me a feare●…s ●…s on reasonable , as theirs was , who refused to goe to sea , because ●…ere was a painter in the city , who limned shipwracks . for certainly , if that be all the reason they have to banish images out of th●… church , because some ( if yet there have been any so stupid ) have made them idols ; by the same reason , we should not now have a sun , or moon , or stars in the firmament , but they should long sin●… have dropt from heaven , because some of the deluded heathen , worshipt them . and if that be all the reason they have to prove surplices , or white vestments superstitious , because papists wear them , ( pardon the meannesse of the subject , i beseech you , which is score●… worthy of a confutation ) why doe not they also conclude linnes to be superstitious , because papists shift , and so make cleanlinesse to be as unlawfull as surplices or copes ? thirdly , to say our co●… prayer-booke is popish , because 't is so good , that some in the church of rome have praised it , is to mee an accusation as sencelesse , as theirs , who accused the generall of their army of treason against the state , because his enemies out of the admiration of his vertues , erected a statue to him . lastly , to call the government of our church by bishops , antichristian , because that church which they make to be the seat of antichrist is so governed , is to me such a weak imputation , as by the same reason makes all the christian governments of the world pagan . and therefore to be utterly extirpated , and banisht out of the world , because in some points of government they resemble the common-wealths of infidels . to all which vain , unlearned , impotent , shallow objections raised against the church , when i have added their vain , improbable conjectures , and objections raised against the state too ; where things possible , nay in a civill , politick way , almost impossible , have beene urged , and cited as things present , and done ; where , because some princes have been tyrants , and grievous to their subjects , people in serene , easie , halcyon times , have bin made beleeve that an aegyptian bondage , and thraldome was ready to fall upon them ; and where , because there was a time when a bunch of grapes or two extraordinary was gathered for the publicke , people , after so many reparations , so many acts of recompence , have been entertained , that those few , irregular grapes were but the prologues , and fore-runners to the intended rape which should in time have been committed upon the whole future , following vine ; i cannot look upon the prophets who have thus preacht vanity to them , thus amuzed them with false , imaginary dangers , but under that description which the prophet ieremy hath made of them , in his 23. chap. at the 26. verse ; where he calls them prophets of the deceit of their owne hearts , seers who coyne their owne visions . men who relying wholly upon the uncertaine illumination of their own fancies , which they call the spirit , and having never acquainted themselves with the true wayes , and principles either of reason , or religion , which should cleare their mindes , and take off the grosse filme which beclouds their understandings , make it their businesse and profession to deceive themselves , and others . building false conclusions upon weak , irrationall premisses ; and supporting improbable conjectures , by fictions , and untruths , which suggests to me the second abuse of the ministery , and function of these prophets here in the text. which was , that they not onely saw vanity , but divined lyes too . the thing in nature which makes the expression hold true , that man is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sociable creature , is that we are able to repay conversation with conversation ; and have a privilege bestowed upon us , beyond that of beasts , that wee can unite , and joyne our selves to one another by speech . without which , we , who now make rationall assemblies , and common-wealths , had been only a rude , discomposed multitude , and herd of men . nay , without language to expresse our selves , and to associate our selves to one another in discourse , every man had been thus like the first , that he had been alone , and solitary in the world . for where commerce and entercourse , and exchange of minds is denyed , and where all that passeth between us of men is that we are alter alteri spectaculum , onely a dumbe , speechlesse shew , and spectacle to one another ; meetings , and numerous assemblies are but so many unpeopled wildernesses and desarts . and where all that we enjoy of one anothers company is onely the dull sight , and presence , every one of us may reckon himselfe single in a full theatre and crowd . as speech , then , was at first bestowed upon us that we might hold conversation , and discourse with one another , so there was a law imposed upon us too , that wee should not deceive one another by our sppeech . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is aristotl●…s definition of speech , which hath a piece of commutative iustice in it . words , sayes he , are the images of thoughts . that is , sayes the divine , they alwayes ought , or should be so . the minde is thereby enabled to walke forth of the body , and to make visits to another separated , divided mind . our soules , also , assisted by speech , are able to meet , and converse , and hold entercourse with other soules . nay , you must not wonder at the expression , if i say , that as god at first conveyed our minds , and soules into us by breathing into us the breath of life , so by speech he hath enabled us , as often as we discourse , to breath them reciprocally back againe into each other . for never man yet spoke truth to another , and heard that other speake truth back againe to him , but for that time the saying of minutius felix was fulfilled , crederes duas esse animas in eodem corpore , there were enterchangeably two mindes in one body . but this ( as i said before ) is onely when truth is spoken . otherwise , as the question was askt of fire , igne quid utilius ? what more usefull gift did god ever bestow upon us then fire ? and yet the same poet tells us , that some have imployed it to burne houses . so we may say of words , sermone quid utilius ? what more beneficiall gift of nature did god ever bestow upon us then speech ? 't is the thing which doth outwardly distinguish us from beasts , and which renders us , like the angels , ( who discourse by the meere acts and revelation of their wills ) transparent and chrystall to one another . but then speech mis-imployed , and put to a deceitfull use , may turne chrystall into iet . and put into a lye , may raise a shade , and cloud of discourse , and obscurity there , where there should be onely a translucency and clearenesse . in short , some men , like the fish which blacks the streame in which it swims , and casts an inke from its bowels to hide it selfe from being seen , make words , which were ordained to reveale their thoughts , disguise them : and so like the father of lies , deale with their hearers , as he dealt with our first parents , appeare to them , not in their owne , but in a false , and borrowed shape ; and thereby make them imbrace an imposture and falshood , in the figure , and apparence of a reality and truth . an offence so fit to be banisht out of the world , that after i have said , that two thus talking , and deceitfully mingling speech , are some thing more then absent to one another ; after i have said , that the lyar is injurious to things , as well as persons ; which carry the same proportion to our mindes , as colours doe to our eyes ; and have a naturall aptnesse in them to bee understood as they are , but are for that time not understood , because not rightly represented : i must say too that there is injustice done to humane society . since in every untruth that is told , and beleeved , one mans lye , becomes another mans error , whereby a piece of his naturall right is taken from him ; which right is by the casuists call'd iudicandi libertas . hee is disabled to make a right judgement of what he heares . his beleefe betraies him : and the speaker thus fallaciously conversing with him , is not for that time , his companion , but his deceiver . but when religion shall be joyned ●…o a lye , and when a palsehood shall be attit'd , and cloathed with holinesse ; when they , whose profession 't is to convey embassies , and messages , and voices from heaven , shall convey onely cheats , and delusions , and impostures from thence ; though i cannot much blame the credulity of the simple , who suffer themselves to be thus religiously abused , and like men who see iuglers , thinke their money best spent , where they are best cosened ; yet , certainly , the deceivers themselves doe adde this over and above to the sinne of lying , that whereas others hold onely the truth of things , these men hold the truth of god in unrighteousnesse . and such it seems , were these prophets here in the text. who the better to comply with the publique sinnes of their times , did put untruths , and falshoods to the same holy use , that others did sacred inspirations , and dreames . fictions , the bastard creatures of their owne corrupt fancies , were delivered as prophecies infused into them from heaven , and he who fained most , and could lye with the most religious art , was thought to have the greatest measure of the spirit . prosperous successes were foretold to wicked undertakings , and the prophets dealt with the people , as some bold almanack-makers deale with us ; coyn'd soule , or faire weather as they pleased to set the times , and then referred it to casualty , and chance to come to passe . and can i passe over this part of the text , and not say that there have been such prophets among us in our times ? unlesse things should come about againe , that the devill should the second time get a commission to become a lying spirit in the mouth of the prophets , with a promise from the almighty , that hee should prevaile too , were it possible that so much cosenage should so long passe , for so much truth ? have we not seene the prophet micah's propheticall curse fulfilled upon this kingdome ? 't is in ●…his 2. chap. at the 11. ver . where he sayes , that if a man walking in the spirit , and falshood , doe lye , he shall be the prophet of this people . certainly , my brethren , when i consider how much romance , how much gazette , how much legend hath for some yeares past for sermon ; when i consider ( even with teares in my eyes ) the many false aspersions stuck upon our defamed , wronged vniversity , by some , who ( even against the light of their eyes as well as consciences ) have charged the breasts that gave them suck with infected poyson'd milke ; and have belyed their spotlesse mother , as if she were turned strumpet ; or as if 't were grown a place from whence pietie , and gifts and true religion , have long since taken slight ; a place which needs conversion , and which affords nothing but dangerous education ; of which crime , i confesse , i know not whether ●…he be guilty , unlesse it be for bringing forth such abortive lying sonnes , who thus make it part of their religion to revile her ; when i farther consider , that they have not spared majesty it selfe , though cloathed , and armed by god with all the sacred guards which should protect it from the venome of such disloyall , slanderous mouthes ; when i yet farther consider the seeming sanctity of the persons that do this , with what holy passion , what inspired zeale , what composure of face , what contention of voice , what earnest rhetorick of hand , what language of saints , they doe this ; lastly , when i consider how many there are , who , driving a gainfull trade in fictions , ( fictions as strange as his , who wrote of virgins transformed to bay-trees ) use to lye as devoutly from such holy ground as this , as others use to pray ; and when withall i doe observe that there is sprung up a certaine sect of hearers among us , who as zealously lend attention to lyes , as their preachers utter them ; i cannot but take the philosophers liberty to my selfe , and pronounce of such congregations , as he did of markets ; that they are places where people meet to deceive , and be deceived . and as in shops , and markets , religion is sometimes put to helpe out faulty ware , and the name of god is cited to make up measure and weight , and part of the false light by which the buyer is over-reacht , is the seeming sanctity of the seller : so 't is here . a certaine religious , holy , sacramentall cozenage passeth between preacher and people . and that they may the more solemnly bee cozened , these prophets deale with their fictions , as the devill dealt with his temptations , when hee would have perswaded our saviour christ to cast himselfe downe from a pinacle , cloath them with scripture , saying , thus it is written , and , thus saith the lord god , when the lord hath not spoken ; which brings me to the third , and last abuse of their profession , and ministeriall function . which is to entitle god to their vanities , and lyes . to which i shall onely adde somebriefe application of some things in this sermon to our selves , and so commend you to god. lucian , i remember in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or false prophet , tells us of a certaine mountebanke cheater , who the more artificially to deceive the people , did set up an oracle of his owne fancying , and contrivance ; in which he was both the god , and priest to the people who came to enquire . and , like the priests of those other true oracles , which we read of , where the sybill never gave answers till she was first entranced , and felt a kinde of sacred fury , and possession within her selfe ; so he , ( as often as he pleased to delude the people ) had his sacred ragings , and trances too ; and appeared to those who came to consult with him , filled with a kinde of holy fury , and possest with the god that spoke through him . me thinks , these prophets here in this text , were just such iuglers , who , in preaching their owne fancies for gods dictates , did not onely set up a false oracle , in which they were to the people , both the deity , and the priest ; but they divined untruths to them , in the same holy , solemne , propheticall forme and way , as others did truths . lyes had a kinde of holy trance , and extasie , and rapture put to them ; and falshoods came from them in a kinde of sacred madnesse , and possession as often as they had a minde to deceive the people , they could presently raise to themselves their owne inspirations , and a●… often as a plot , or project was to be brought about , they could ●…ently snatch themselves up into the third heaeven ; and could 〈◊〉 from thence as full of holy fiction , and imposture , as s●… . paul did of astonishment , and wonder . in the delivery of which fictions to the people , ●…here was thus much holy cozenage more added , that the ●…ips of the reporters seemed for that time to bee touched with a coale from the altar ; and god by the secret instuence and instinct of his holy spirit , was thought to be the kindler of that coale . an injury of that ( hipocriticall , shall i say ? or rather ) bold , presumptuous , impudent nature , that when i have spoken of it the most gently i can , i must say t is something more then the breach of the third commandement . for there wee are onely bid not to take gods name in vaine ; that is , not to mingle him with our ordinary , rash , light , unpremeditated discourses , or not to forswear our selves by him , or cite him to be a witnesse to our perjuries . but they who speak falsely in his name , and vent their owne sinister plots for his inspirations ; they , who , when they should bee the messengers of truth , and the reprovers of sinne , shall stand as the messengers of of falshood , and encouragers of publique wrongs , between him , and the people ; doe not onely take his name in vaine , and ( as much as in them lyes ) draw a cheapnesse , and contempt upon it ; but do commit a sin worse then perjury , for that onely calls him to testifie , and beare witnesse , but these men make him the principall , and first author of a lye : and so stick the reproach of a weak , impotent vice upon him , common to none , but base , servile , perfideous natures , and slaves . you may read in the old testament , that the priest of those times , among his other ornaments , wore two precious stones in his brest-plate , called the urim and thummim . through which , according as they did at times cast a bright , or dimmer lustre , god revealed his pleasure , or displeasure to the people ; and spoke to them by the sparkle of a iewell , as he did at other times by the mouth of a prophet . you may read too , that after the tabernacle was set up . god had a throne , or mercy-seat placed for him , between the wings of two cherubims , which veiled it ; from whence at certaine times he sent forth oracles . here then , let me put this case to you . suppose the priest , who wore the brest-plate , should have belyed his iewels , and when the people came to enquire of him , should have interpreted a pale , for a bright ray to the people ; or suppose he should have taken out the true , and have placed two false counterfeit iewels in his brest-plate ; and should have taught them , by a kinde of secret conspiracie , not to sparkle by the certainty , and holinesse of their owne impartiall fires , but according to the desires , and plot , and stratagem of the consulters ; had not this been plainly to set up an illegitimate anti-urim , and thummim , which should have cast a false , as the other did a true lustre ? nay , had not this been to make god , who used to appeare , and reveale himselfe in these iewels , as he did to moses in the bush , in a flame of fire , to become like one of those erraticall , uncertain , wandring night-fires , of which aristotle speaks in his meteors ; fires , which shine onely to lead travellers out of the way ? once more put the case , that the priest should have usurped the throne , and mercy-seat of god , and when the people came to enquire , should have placed himselfe between the cherubins , and should from thence have uttered such false , pleasing oracles , as he knew would most suite , and comply with the humour , and interest of the inquirers ; had not this been most insolently , to thrust himselfe into the place of god , and for that time to depose him from his sanctuarie or holy place , and to assume his businesse and peculiar office to himselfe ? nay , had not this been the way in time , to draw the same bad report upon him , which once passed upon the oracle at delphos , apud apollinem ut mihi videtur , mendacia emuntur , men paid for lyes at delphos , and sacrificed to apollo to be cozoned and deceived ? that this was the sinne of these prophets here in the text is evident from the words of it , and from their coherence with the rest of the chapter . who , ( as if they had entred into the same secret compact with god , as they had with their other complotters of those times ) made no other use of their profession , but onely to humour great men , and to make sale and gaine of their prophecies . enthusiasmes , and visions , and dreames , and revelations , were uttered , as some mechanick men utter their commodities , to him that would give most . the sanctuarie , in plaine termes , was made a place of merchandize ; onely the vvare was spirituall . and the difference between simon magus's bargaine with the apostles , and the bargaine here in the text , was onely this , that here both parties consented ; the one sinisterly bought , the other sinisterly sold the holy ghost . an offence , my brethren , so directly against the truth , and veracity , and majesty of god , so neere , ( ●…it not out-right ) that never to be pardoned sin against the holy ghost , that i am sorry i must say , that all the defence that can be made for it , is , that our times have brought forth prophets who have taken the same course . for now , as if the scripture were in a perverse , 〈◊〉 ▪ sense the second time to be fulfilled , that the 〈◊〉 things of the world shall confourd the wise , and that 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 , and things that are not , shall bring to nought realities , and 〈◊〉 , and things that are , he is not onely thought to be the holiest man , who can lye most in a holy cause , but he thrives best , and makes the best spirituall m●…kets , who most belyes god to his glorie . to what unweighed , aery scruples , and vanities , is he entitled ? how is his scripture , for want of learning to understand it aright , abused , and made the bellowes to blow a fire , fit rather to be quencht by the repentance , and teares of the incendiaries , and feeders of it ? how many are there who daily urge text for bloud-shed , and undertake to prove the slaughter of their brethren , ( i had almost said of their lawfull prince and soveraigne too ) warrantable by the vvord of god ? what bold libell , or pamphlet hath not for some yeares railed in a holy style ? and what sermons have not been spiced with a a holy sedition ? hath it not ( even to the ruine of one of the most flourishing kingdomes of the world ) beene made a piece of religion to divide it against it self , & to divorce a king from his people , and his people from their peace ? have not men been taught that they cannot give god his due , if they give caesar his ? and that the onely way left to preserve in themselves , the grace and favour of the one , is quite to deface and blot out the image and superscription of the other ? and have not the teachers of these strange , unchristian doctrines , delivered them to the people in the holy stole of prophets ? have they not called a most unnaturall , civill vvar , the burden of the lord ? have they not quite inverted the injunction of the apostle , and turning his affirmative into their negative , have they not ( directly contrary to his word ) said , thus saith the lord , honour not the king ? my brethren , let me speake freely to you , as in the presence of god , who knowes that i hate the sinne of these prophets here in the text , too much to flatter . or if i would be so irreligiously servile , you your selves know that the present condition of things is at too low an ●…bbe , for me or any man else to hope to thrive by such a false engine . if there be such a thing as a vvaking providence over the actions of men , ( wich , i confesse , an unresolved man in such irregular times as these might be tempted to question ) or if there bee such a thing in nature as truth , with a promise annext to it by the god of truth , that first or last it shall prevaile , unlesse by a timely , and seasonable repentance of their abuse of the name of god , and of their many bold reproaches throwne upon his annoynted , they divert their punishment : something , me thinks , whispers to me , ( i dare not be so confident of my owne infallible sanctity , as to call it the spirit of god ) but something whispers to me , and bids mee in the prophet ezechiels words in another place , prophecie against these prophets ; and say , * vvoe to the foolish prophets who have followed their owne spirit , and have seen nothing . because with lies they have made the heart of the righteous sad , whom the lord hath not made sad ; and have strengthned the hands of the wicked , that he should not returne from his evill way . or if this will not awake them , but that they will still be guilty of the sinne of these prophets here in the text , they must not take it ill , if , not i , but the holy ghost ( which they so much boast of , & by whom they so confidently pretend to speake ) passe this sad sentence on them and their complyers , by the mouth of two other prophets . 1. as for their complyers ( if any such there have been ) who have said to the ▪ seers , see not , and to the prophets , prophecie not unto us right things , but speake to us smooth things , prophecie deceit ; let them heare with trembling what the prophet esay sayes in his 30. chapter at the 12. and 13. verses . because ( sayes he ) ye despise my word , and trust in oppression , and perversenesse , and stay thereon ; therefore , thus saith the holy one of israel , this iniquity shall bee to you as a breach ready to fall , swelling ●…ut in a high wall , whose breaking commeth suddenly , at an instant . the meaning of which propheticall judgement will be easily understood of any , who shall consideringly marke the beginning and progresse of the chapter to the context where 't is uttered and denounced . next , as for the prophets themselves , who for poore , low , earthly interests , and respects , have suffered themselves to be mis-led , let them with confusion of face , heare what the prophet ieremy sayes in the 23 chapter , at the 32. verse . a place no lesse remarkable then the former . as for those , sayes he , who doe prophecie false d●…eames , and do tell them , and cause my people to erre by their lyes , and by their lightnesse yet i sent them not , nor commanded them ; behold , i am against them , saith the lord , and they shall not profit this people at all , saith the lord god. the conclusion then of this sermon , shall be this . fathers , and brethren of this university : i presume it could not but seem strange to you , to heare your manners , and religion , as well as studies , and learning not long since publiquely reproved , and preacht against out of this pulpit , by men , who professe themselves , indeed , to be prophets , but discovering to you so little , as they did of the abilities of prophets sonnes , could not but seem to you very unfit reformers , or instructers of this place . i presume also , that with a serious griefe of heart , you cannot but resent , that there should bee thought to be such a dearth , and scarcity of able , vertuous men among us , that the great councell of this kingdome , in pitty to our wants , should think it needfull to send us men better gifted , to teach us how to preach . what the negligence , or s●…oth , or want of industrie , in this place hath been , which should deserve this great exprobration of our studies from them ; or how one of the most famous springs of learning , which of late europe knew , should by the mis-representation of any false reporting men among us , fall so low in the esteem of that great assembly , as to be thought to need a tutor , i know not : nor will i here over-curiously enquire into the ungiftednesse of the persons , who have drawne this reproofe upon us , or say that some of us , perhaps might have made better use of our time , and of the bounty of our founders , then by wrapping up our talent in a napkin , to draw the same reproach upon our colledges , which once passed upon monasteries , which grew at length to be a proverbe of idlenesse . but that which i would say to you , is this : solomon , in one of his proverbs , sends the sluggish man to the spider , to learne diligence . take it not ill , i beseech you , if i send some of you ( for this is a piece of exhortation which doth concerne very few ) who have been lesse industrious to these vaine , but active prophets , which i have al this while preacht against . mistake me not , i doe not send you to them , to learne knowledge of them . for you know 't is a received axiom among most of them , that any unlearned , unstudied man , assisted with the spirit , and his english bible , is sufficiently gifted for a preacher . nor doe i send you to them to be taught their bad arts , or that you should learn of them to dawbe the publique sinnes of your times ; or comply with the insatiable , itching eares of those whom st. paul describes in the fourth chapter of his second epistle to timothy , at the third verse , where he sayes , that the time should come , when men should not endure sound doctrin , but after their owne lusts , should heap to themselves teachers . a prophecie , which i wish were not too truely come to passe among us ; where studies and learning , and all those other excellent helpes , which tend to the right understanding of the scripture , and thereby to the preaching of sound doctrine , are thought so unnecessary by some mechanicke , vulgar men , that no teachers suit with their sicke , queasie palats , who preach not that stuffe , for which all good sch●…llers deservedly count them mad : i do not , i say , send you to them for any of these reasons . but certainly , something there is which you may learne of them ; which st. paul himself commends to you , in the second verse of the fore-mentioned chapter . if you desire to know what it is , 't is an unwearied , frequent , sedulous diligence of preaching the word of god , if need be , as they doe : in season , out of season , with reproofe of sin , where ever you finde it , and with exhortation to goodnesse where ever you find it too ; and this to be done at all times , though not in all places . for certainly , as long as there are churches to be had , i cannot thinke the next heap of turfes , or the next pile of stones , to be a very decent pulpit ; or the next rabble of people , who will finde eares to such a pulpit , to be a very seemly congregation . for let me tell you my brethren , that the power of these mens industries , never defatigated , hath been so great , that i cannot thinke the milde conquerour ( whose captives we now are , and to whose praise , for his civill usage of this afflicted university , i as the unworthiest member of it , cannot but apply that epithet ) owes more to the sword , and courage of all his other souldiers , for the obtaining of this , or any other garrison , then to the sweats , and active tongues of these doubly armed prophets ; who have never failed to hold a sword in one hand , and a bible in the other . there remaine then , but one way for us to take off the present reproach , and imputation throwne upon us , which is to confute all flie , sinister , clancular reports , and to out-doe these active men hereafter in their owne industrious way . to preach truth and peace , and sound doctrine to the people , with the same sedulity , and care , as they preach discord , variance and strife . if this course be taken , and be with fidelity pursued , it will not onely bee in our power to dis-inchant the people , ( who of late ( by what spell , or charme i know not ) have unawares begun to entertaine a piece of popery amongst them , and to think , ignorance the onely mother of devotion ) but it will be no hard matter for us , ( towards the effecting of so charitable a worke , as the undeceiving of so many well-minded , but mis-guided soules ) to make our true arts deale with their false , as the rod of moses dealt with the magicians serpents , first , shew them to be onely so much fantasticall forme , and aire , then consume and eate them up , in the presence of their beleevers . to which ( for a conclusion of all ) i shall onely adde this , that if this course bee taken , and bee reduced to practice , assisted with those great advantages ( which are to most of them unknown ) of study , learning , tongues , the use of libraries , and books , besides those other helpes of opportunity , time , and leisure , to render our selves able , ( which they too immaturely ingaged to a family , or fortune , cannot haue ) we shall not onely comply with the ends and intentions of those founders , who built us colledges : ( which they , certainly , intended should be schools of vertue , not nurseries of sl●…th ) but our despised mother , the university , shall reap more honour by us , our countrey more service , and god more glory . to whom with his son , and the holy spirit of truth , be ascribed all honour and praise . amen . finis . a late printed sermon against false prophets , vindicated by letter , from the causeless aspersions of mr. francis cheynell . by iasper mayne , d. d. the mis-understood author of it . luke 21. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . printed in the yeare , m dc xlvii . a late printed sermon against false prophets , vindicated by letter , from the causelesse aspersions of mr. francis cheynell . as often as i have , for some yeares , considered the sad distractions of this kingdome , methinkes , thus divided against it selfe , it hath verified upon it selfe the fable of the people sowne of serpents t●…eth ; where , without any knowne cause of a quarrell , brother started up suddenly armed against brother , and making the place of their nativity the field , and scene of their conflicts , every one fell by the speare of the next , upon the turfe , and furrow which hatcht and brought him forth . 't is true , indeed , some have preacht , and others have printed , that the superstitions of our church were growne so high , that they could not possibly be purged but by a civill warre . but finding , upon my most sober and impartiall inquiries , that these superstitions were onely the misconceipts of some mens sicke fancies , who called certaine sleight harmlesse peeces of church ceremony superstition , i thought it a peece of charity to them and the deluded people , to let them no longer remaine in the case of the distracted midianites in the booke of * iudges ; where , upon a dreame told by a man to his neighbour , and upon the sight of such inconsiderable things as lamps , and broken pitchers , every mans sword was against his fellow ; and a well-order'd host of freinds , struck with an imaginary feare , became a confused and disorder'd heape , and rout of enemies . this desire to rectifie mistakes , and withall to shew upon what slender threds of vanity their sermons hang , whose accidentall , misguided arguments , under certaine false colours , have strived to prove things indifferent to be unlawfull ; and then , that thus by them pronounced unlawfull , they are to be extirpated by the sword , caused me at first to preach a sermon against false prophets , which hath since past the travell of a more publique birth : wherein , what a cold advocate i am in my pleadings for superstition , will appeare to any , who with an unclouded understanding shall read it : yet m. cheynell , ( one of the preachers sent downe by the parliament to oxford ) in a morning sermon of his preacht at s. maries jan. 17. upon esay . 40. 27. having directed the doctrinall part of it against one m. yerbury , an independent , ( who publikely in a dispute with him held , that the fulness of the godhead dwells in the saints bodily , in the same measure that it did in christ ) not without much violence offer'd to his text , he directed the vse and application of it to me ; whom ( after some characteristicall reproaches of my person , and defamations of my sermon ) he challenged to a publike disputation with him . this ( after two dayes ) coming to my knowledge , i disputed with my selfe what i was to doe in such a case : to returne reproaches for reproaches , or to vindicate my selfe in the place where i was thus publikely reviled , had bin to make my selfe second in a fault , which the whole congregation condemned in him as the first . besides if i could have dispens'd with my selfe for being so unchristianly revengefull , as to remove part of the civill warre , which hath too long imbrued our fields , into the temple , and there to answer challenges , and fight duells from the pulpit , this licence was denyed me ; who have for divers monthes beene compelled to be a speechless member of this silenced vniversity . againe , to sleepe over my infamy , and to dissemble my disgrace , had beene to beget an opinion in the mindes of those that heard him , that either i wanted a good cause , or else my good cause wants a defender . at length ( something contrary i confess , to the peaceableness of my studies , which never delighted much in those quarrelsome parts of learning , which raise tempests between men ) following the scripture counsell , which is , to take my offending brother aside in private , and to tell him of his fault , i resolved by the secresie of writing to wipe off those calumnies for the future , and to answer the bold challenge for the present , which hee hurl'd at me in the pulpit ; and having first banish'd all gall , and bitternesse from my pen , sent him this following letter . sir , that a text of scripture in your handling should weare two faces , and the doctrine of it should bee made to looke one way , and the use of it another , is at all no wonder to me . but that pretending so much to holiness , and christianity as you doe , you should thinke the pulpit a fit place to revile me in , would hardly enter into my beleif , were not the congregation that heard you on sunday morning last at s. maryes , my cloud of witnesses . from some of which i am informed , that you solemnly charged me with imprudence and impudence , for publishing a late sermon against false prophets . sir , though report , and my name perfixt in the title-page might probably perswade you , that i am the author of it ; yet to assure you , that i caused it to be publish'd , or consented to the printing of it , will certainly require a more infallible illumination , then , i presume , you have . besides , if i should grant you that 't was printed with my consent , ( which yet i shall not ) yet certainely the seasonableness of it in a time where godliness is made the engine to arrive to so much unlawfull gaine , will excuse me from imprudence , though perhaps not from an unthriving , in your sense , want of policy . and as for the impudence you charged me withall , i am confident that all they who heard you with impartiall eares , and have read that sermon with impartiall eyes , have , by this time , assigned that want of modesty a place in a more capable forehead . i heare farther that having in a kinde of pleasant disdaine shuffled pipes , surplices , pictures in church-windowes , liturgy , and prelacy together in one period , and stiled them the musty relickes of an at-length-banisht superstition , you were pleased out of that heape to select images , and to call them idolls , and then to charge me as a defender of them . sir , had you done me but the ordinary justice to pluck my sermon out of your pocket , as you did the practicall catechisme , and had faithfully read to your auditory what i have there said of images , i make no question , but they would all have presently discerned that i defend not pictures in church windowes as they are idolls , or have at any time beene made so , but that 't is unreasonable to banish them out of the church as long as they stand there meerly as ornaments of the place . from which innocent use having not hitherto digrest , for you to call them idols , and then to charge me as if i had made them equall with god , by my defence of them so formallized , will i feare , endanger you in the mindes of youre hearers , and beget an opinion in them , that you are one of the prophets who use to see vanity . i heare farther , that when you had traduced me as a defender of the fore-mentioned musty relicts of superstition , you said , that this was the religion to which i profest my selfe ready to fall a sacrifice . certainely , sir , this is not faire dealing . for if , once more , you had pluckt my sermon out of your pocket , and had read to the congregation that passage of it which endeavours to prove that 't is not lawfull to propagate religion , ( how pure soever it be ) by the sword , they would have heard from your mouth , as they once did from mine , that the religion to which i there professe my self ready to fall a sacrifice , is that defamed , true , protestant religion , for which the holy fathers of our reformation died before me . in saying , therefore , that i professe my selfe ready to fall a sacrifice in the defence of surplices , the common prayer booke , or church ornaments , ( things which i have alwayes held not necessary , unlesse made so , by right authority ) you have incurred one danger more , which is , not only to be thought to see vanity , but to be guilty of the next part of the text. i am farther told , that to deliver your selfe from the number of the false prophets there preacht against , you prophecyed in the pulpit ; and chose for the subject of your prediction , a thing which is possible enough for you to bring to passe ; which was , that you will have my sermon burnt . sir i have , for your sake , once more severely consider'd it . and can neither finde socinianisme , or any other poland doctrine there which should deserve that doome . but if it must die like bishop ridley or hooper , for its adhaesion to the best religion that this kingdome ever enjoyed , i must repeat the words of my sermon , and tell you , that ( without the fear of being thought by you a pseudo-martyr ) i shall account it one of the happiest passages to heaven , to be dissolved to ashes with it in the same funerall pile . lastly , sir , having , with all the sober detraction , which might probably beget a dislike in the mindes of your hearers , of me and my sermon , sufficiently defamed both , i heare you did beat up a drumme against me in the pulpit , and ehallenged me to a publike dispute with you . if by a dispute you meant a pen-combate , i shall be as ready to enter the lists with you , as you have beene to summon me to it , if you will grant me two things . the one is , that , if we engage our selves in a conference of that nature , you will confine your selfe to the particulars in my sermon which you quarrell'd at ; and not use your strange , wilde art of multiplying questions upon questions ; or like another hydra , what ever the hercules be , make three heads spring up in the place where you finde one convincingly lopt of . the other is , that , when you have made your charge , and i my resistance , you will consent that the debate of every question , thus disputed , may bee made publike and printed . but if by a dispute , you meant that i should fight a duell with you upon the same stage , and in the same theater of men and women , before whom you , and mr. yerbury played your prize , i doubt very much , if i should accept of your callenge in that sense ; whether all discreet men would not count this a spice of the phrenzy in me , which you complained of in the pulpit , for being imputed to you by him that wrote the conference at your late scruple-house ; and say i deserved to be cured by the discipline , and physicke of a darke roome . to deale freely with you , sir , i by no meanes can approve of an english disputation in a university . but because you shall not loose your challenge , nor i be thought to desert the cause , which i professe to defend , so you will choose the divinity schoole , and latine weapons , i shall not refuse ( as well as god shall enable me ) to give you a meeting there , and to sustaine the answerers part in the defence of the lawfulnesse of white surplices , church ornaments ; the common-prayer booke , and prelacy ; which are the particulars in my sermon , which you called relicts of superstition . to one of these two offers i shall patiently expect your answer ; unlesse without troubling me any further , you will let me quietly retire backe againe into the shade , from whence you have too importunately called me : who , neuer the less , have learnt so much charity , as to pray god to forgive you the wrong which you intended towards from my chamber this evening . ian. 19. 1646. the author of the sermon against false prophets . j. mayne . to this letter ( in which ( as briefly as the lawes of a letter would permit ) i indeavour'd to wash out the spots , with which m. cheynell in his sermon strived to defile and sully mine , and withall to comply with him in any sober way of dispute , which might befit two university-men ) after two dayes was returned an answer : first , strange for the messenger's sake that brought it , which was one iellyman ( some say ) a preaching cobler ; who from repairing the decayes of university-mens shooes was now thought fit to have a part in the conveyance of their disputes . next , for the double superscription of it , which without , on the side of the first paper that enclosed it , was as faire and full of candor as the whited sepulcher in the gospell , and was directed , to d. mayne at christ-church . but this outward stone was no sooner rolled away , but another inscription , very unlike the first appear'd , which ran thus . for m. jasper mayne ( one of the nevv doctors ) student at christ-church . by which parenthesis , it seemes m. cheynell , thought it an errour in the university , to make me a doctor . and truely ( if i may be believed upon my owne report ) as often as i compare my unworthiness with my degree , i am of his opinion ; and thinke i am a doctor , fit only to stand in a parenthesis ; and , without any iniustice done me , to be left out of the sentence . this second superscription was underwritten with a kind of a preamble letter to the more inward letter ; with the lock and guard of a scale upon it ; and ran thus . sir , i have sent severall times to your lodging this day to answer your challenge yesterday ; if you cannot meet to morrow , let me understand your minde to night . for i have a great deale of business , since the university was silenced for your sake . what kinde of meeting was here meant , or whether i ( having i thanke god , the use of my understanding ) could consent to it , will appeare by the letter it selfe ; which ( being an answer to mine ) was verbatim this . sir , i use to spend my morning thoughts upon a better subiect then a pot of dead drinke , that hath a litle froth at top , and dreggs at bottom ; sir , it appeares by your letter , that you doe not understand my text , and the learned scribe , or intelligencer , did not vnderstand my plaine , very plaine english sermon . i am not at leisure to repeat every sermon that i preach , ( preaching soe often as i doe sometimes twice , and upon just occasion thrice a day ) to every one that is at leisure to cavill at that which thay heard but at second hand ; yet to shew how much you are mistaken , i will give you a breife , but satisfactorie account . my text stands upon record , isa. 40. 25. the doctrine i raised from the words , was as followeth . doct. there is no creature in heaven , or earth , like god in all things , or equall to god in any thing . the first corollarie i deduced from thence , when i came to make application , was breifly this . that no picture can be made of god , because there was nothing like him in heaven or earth . all nations are less then vanity in comparison of god ; to whom then will ye liken god , or what likeness will ye compare unto him ? isay. 40. 17. 18. the prophet urgeth this argument , against all manner of images which are made to represent god , who sitteth upon the circle of the earth , and stretcheth out the heavens from the 19. v. of the same chap. to the 23. ver . and he enforceth this argument vers . 21. have yee not knowne — have ye not understood ? &c. as if he had say'd , yee are ignorant sotts , irrationall , and inconsiderate men , if yee apprehend not the strength of this argument . now , sir , be pleased to produce your strong reasons , and overthrow , if you can , the doctrine or the corollary . your , intelligencer was ( if not a false prophet yet ) a false historian , when he told you that i accused you of making images equall with god. sir , i said , that images were not like unto god ; and thereupon wondered that you tooke upon you to pleade for the retaining of those images which have beene too often turn'd into idolls , not by the piety ; but superstition of former times . you say , that by the same reason there should be no sun in the firmament . whence i collect , that you will be forc'd to maintaine , that images are as necessary in the church , as the sun in heaven ; be pleased to read the 22. page of the false prophet . moreover , you plead for copes , and for those parts of the common-prayer booke which were borrowed from rome , pag. 21 , 22. the uisitors will ere long enquire , whether there hath not beene a superstitious use of copes at christ-church ? and therfore i did not make any such enquirie in my sermon , but as a freind i give you and your adherents timely notice of it , because i believe you had need study for an answer . you maintaine , that some things in the excellencies and height of the doctrines of christian religion depend for their credit and evidence of their truth upon the authority of christs miracles conveyed along in tradition and story , pag. 16. and therefore i say your religion leanes too hard and too heavy upon tradition . you are offended that i spoke not distinctly concerning prelacy , you may ( if you please ) try your strength , and endeavour to prove that christ hath put the sole power of ordination and iurisdiction in the hand of a prelate . 2. you may ( if you can ) justifie , that no church that ever the sun look'd upon hath been more blest with purity of religion for the doctrine of it , or better establish'd for the government and discipline of it , then the church of england , pag. 7. if you believe this confident assertion , you may proceed and justifie all the doctrines , which were publikely countenanced , or approved ; all the superstitious practises , and prelaticall usurpations , nay , the delegation of the prelates , usurped power to chancellors and all the tyranny of the high commission , together with all the corruptions and innovations introduced into the state , church , university from the yeare 1630. till 1640. by a prevailing faction , who were not the church or university , but the disease , indeed the plague of both . if you dare not undertake so sad a taske , you cannot justifie the 17. 18. 22 , 23. 27. 35. pages of the false pr●…het ; you must prove that the proceedings of the parliament are turkish , pag. 15. 17. that none of the members of either house of parliament ( who complaine of the blemishes of the church ) are to be esteemed good protestants , pag. ●…8 . that the reformation which they have made is vanity of vanities , pag. 20. that they are guided by no other principles but such as are contrary to all rules of right judgement , either common to men or christians , pag. 21. that the ministers who have appeared for the parliament , are all of them false prophets , who have encouraged the parliament to oppression , sacriledge , murther , and to make all names that are great and sacred , cheap and odious in the eares of the people . that the ministers are the liars , and the parliament-men the compliers , as appears by all your unworthy insinuations , hints , intimations , quite throughout your scurrillous libell , falsly called a sermon : let any prudent man judge whether this be not your maine drift and scope , à carceribus usque ad metam . you talke of a religion , in which you were borne , were you borne in a surplice or a cope ? christiani non nascuntur sed fiunt . sir , the parliament doth not defame nor will they suppress the true protestant religion , and therefore if you fall in this quarrell , i said , that you must be sacrificed in the defence of tyranny , prelacy , popery : if you put not religion in copes , images , prelates , or service-booke , quorsum haec perditio ? why doe you talk of being martyr'd ? say , that ( if the king will give you leave ) you will burne your copes and surplices , throw off the bishops and common-prayer booke , you 'l break your windowes , and take the covenant , and make it evident that you are and ever will be of the kings religion ; for you hold none of these things necessary now , ( whatever you have said heretofore ) unless they be made necessary by right authority . sir , if i made any prediction , it was that your sermon would be confuted , before it was burnt ; you know paraeus was burnt before he was confuted ; and if you be not guilty of any doctrine received in poland , i wonder , first , why you did endeavour to incense an officer of this garrison against me , because i had refuted m. yerburies blasphemous errors . 2. why you did maintaine those damnable doctrines on the last sabbath : forgive me this injurie , for i heare you did but vent them , and were no way able to maintain them . sir , i acknowledge that i doe contend for the restitution of the true protestant religion , and contend for the civill right which we have to exercise the true protestant religion : we were in manifest danger to lose our right , by the force and violence of potent enemies , whereupon the high court of parliament judged it fit to repell force by forces : be pleased to shew how the parliament doth hereby canonize the alchoran , or declare themselves to be of the mahumetan perswasion ; the parliament will not compell you to be happy , onely take heed that you do not compell them to make you miserable . though you renounce all doctrines that m. yerberie maintaines , yet i thinke you are too great a friend to the rebels in ireland ; you contend for a vorstian liberty , not for a liberty of conscience , for you desire a liberty for men that have no conscience , such as turne from being protestants to be infidels . there is one of m. yerburies opinion , who saith , that the righteous are at liberty , [ he that is righteous let him be righteous still ] and the wicked are at liberty , [ he that is wicked let him be wicked still , ] but you are of a more dangerous opinion , the wicked as ( as you think ) are at liberty to kill and slay , but the godly are not at liberty to defend themselves by the power of the highest court of justice in the kingdome from illegall and unjust oppression , violence . i am convinced by many passages in your sermon , especially the 15 , 16 , 17. pages , that you think we ought not to fight against the rebells in ireland , because it is part of their religion ( as it was of your brethren the cavaliers ) to put all roundheads ( as you terme them ) to the sword ; missajam mordet , the mass may be armed , but the gospel must not : what thinke you of the war fore-told in the book of the revelation ? sir , you abuse your betters when you talk of the scruple-house . you are not worthy to carrie the books of those reverend ministers after them , nor could your carfax-sermon have ever silenced the ungifted preachers ; you would have found them gifted disputants : if you think otherwise try one or two of them in some of their beaten points ; sir , i speake thus freely , because i was not present at the famous meeting , novemb. 12. but i see you can cite one of your owne prophets , poets i should say , but he is no truer a prophet then you are like to prove a martyr , a cretian prophet . sir , the knowledge of my brethrens worth , and your famous pride and self-conceitedness hath provoked me to let my pen loose , that i might disabuse and humble you . it seems you are unwilling to come upon the stage ( though that be a fitter place for you then the pulpit ) to appear before a theater of men and women : sir , you love the stage too well , take heed you doe not love women too ill , there is a friend of yours that doth entreat you to beware of dark rooms and sight women ; for though a great physitian doth advise you to the use of such pleasing physick , yet the frenchmen will assure you , that it is not wholsome for the body , and the english can assure you , that it is not good for the soul ; your kind of phrenfie must be cured by more severe remedies , your devill will be better cast out with prayer and fasting . you are misinformed when you say , that i did beat up my drum . no sir , you did sound a charge and made a challenge , my acceptance of it was but the eccho which answered the 17. and 21. pages of the false prophet . in the 17. you seem prepared to enter into dispute presently with the greatest champion that appeares for the parliament , sir , one of the meanest that appears for them , takes up that gantlet which you threw forth with so much scorn and confidence . in your 21. page you threaten to press us in a rationall logicall way ; sir , doe your best , you shall find that we have neither lost our reason nor our logick . we can distinguish between demonstration and superstition ; and truly sir , if you had not put more poetry then logick into your sermon , though your sermon might have been longer , yet your libell would have been shorter ; if you please to blot out those few places of scripture which you have abused by misapplication and imprudent insertion of them into so prophane and wild a stamp , you may do well to turne your libell into verse , and then it may pass currant amongst the balladmongers for a triobolar ballad , and you will be ranked in the number of those who are reputed the most excellent authors , next to them that write in prose . if you are offended that i did not shew you so much respect , as i have shewed towards the learned author of the practicall catechisme , consider the difference , nay , distance betwen his person , education , learning , civility , writings and yours , and you will see a very sufficient and satisfactory reason . sir , if that author did overlook your letter , i believe he did advise you to contend onely for the lawfulness of prelacy , because i see that is interlined , and he was present at the sad debate at uxbridge ; if that learned doctor hath any thing to object against me , he knowes my mind , habet aetatem , he is able to speake for himselfe , the oratour needs not borrow eloquence of so prophane a poet. you are unwilling to dispute in english , to which i answer : first , your sermon is english. secondly , many of the persons whom you have abused and deceived by your printed sermon , understand not latine . thirdly , you have been too much addicted to english playes , and english verses , and you have with a pleasant kind of ignorance shuffled them ( with other verses published in more learned languages ) in the same book printed by the university-printer , and therefore i believe you are most able , and most ingaged to dispute in english , for the disabusing & undeceiving of those whom you have seduced by a sermon preacht and printed in english. be pleased to performe that task to morrow at two of the clock at s. maries church , where your sermon was preacht , and i will meet you ; and if you dare examine your sermon by the word of god , i shall be the opponent , because you have chosen to be the respondent . if when the doctor of the chaire comes home , you please to dispute in the divinity schools , let us agree upon the state of the questions in controversie , and i will accept your challenge at your owne weapon , which will i feare have more false latine , then true steele . sir , you make a dishonourable retreat , when you say that prelacy is lawfull ; you have cried it up jure divino , & assured the king , that hee cannot in conscience passe the bill against prelacy , because it is a government instituted by the will and appointment of iesus christ. now stand your ground , o●… confess your errour , acknowledge that you and your adherents have perswaded the king to destroy so many thousand of his loving and gallant subjects , that prelacy might be established in its tyrannicall height and rigour ; and now the god of heaven and lord of hosts hath broken all your forces , you tell us that the parliament must not pursue their victory ; but we must in charity beare with those malignant , prelaticall , and antichristian errors , which will not consist with faith ; be pleased to return such an answer as will indure the publike test and touchstone , and you shal be rationally , nay spiritually dealt with by the prior opponent of the false prophet , francis cheynell . to this letter ( which ( as all the world may judge ) declines that part of entercourse , which obligeth one mans letter to carry some correspondence to anothers , and instead of a confutation , only multiplies questions , and urgeth me to prove divers passages of my sermon , which m. cheynell's part was to convince ) because the superscription of it darkly , and the close of it more clearly required me to meet him at an english disputation the next day at s. maries before the townsmen and their wives , ( very unfit moderators , certainly , in the points there to be discus'd ) i for the present ( to divert that meeting ) return'd him this short answer . sir , though in the letter you sent me yesterday by ( i think ) iellyman the cobler , you have given me such a tast of your logick as well as civility , that i have small encouragement to med●… ▪ any farther with you , ( unless you will promise hereafter to write with better consequence , and less distemper ) yet , sir , least you should triumph over me , as one beaten by your arguments , not by your rudeness , i have thought fit for once to return you this answer . first , that without the danger of a dark room ( as i told you before ) i cannot consent to meet you at s. maries at two a clock . next , that i do imbrace your offer to meet me at latine weapons in the divinity schoole , when the doctor of the chayre comes to town . thirdly , that if your syllogismes be no better then your wit , ( which i perceive strived to be facete , when it adventured to say , that you feare my weapon will have more false latine then true steele ) i doubt the poet you contemne so much , will go equall with you in the conquest . lastly , not being ingaged ( i confess ) to preach thrice a day ) i will with as much dispatch as i can , put order to your chaos , and return a fuller answer to your strange letter ; wherein i know not whether you have less satisfied , or more reviled from my chamber this morning jan. 22. 1646. the author of the sermon against false prophets , i. mayne . this letter might have beene lengthened with many other reasons ( besides those already set down ) to shew how unfit 't was for mee to meet m. cheynell at an english disputation at s. maries , as m. yerbury did . as first , because the frame and carriage of the whole dispute between us , in all probability would have been as irregular and tumultuous as the other was ; where , because neither of them kept themselves to the lawes of disputation , which enjoyne the disputants to confine themselves to syllogisme , raised from the strict rules of mood and figure , which admit not of extravagancy : in the judgment of all schollers who were present , it was not a dispute , but a wild conflict , where neither answered one another , but with some mixture of ill language , were both opponents by turnes . next , because the greatest part of the auditory would have consisted of such a confluence of townsmen and women , as understood good arguments and replies as little as they do latine ; and so the issue of this disputation would probably have been the same with the former : where m. cheynell was thought to have the better by one sex , and m. yerbury by the other . loath , therefore to forfeit my discretion before such an incompetent assembly of witnesses , with as much dispatch as one ingaged by promise could make , i returned to his letter this fuller answer . sir , among the other praises , which greater friends to the muses then i perceive you are , have bestowed upon virgil , he hath been called the virgin poet. yet ausonius ordering his verses another way , hath raised one of the most loose lascivious poems from him that i think ever wore the name of a marriage-song . me thinks sir ( and i doubt not but all they who shal compare them together will be of my opinion ) you in your letter have just dealt so with my sermon ; it went from my hands forth a sober virgin , but falling into yours , it returns to me so strumpeted , so distorted in the sense , and misapplied in the expressions , that what i preach'd a sermon , you by translating whatever i have said of false prophets to the parliament , have with the dexterity of a falsification , transformed and ●…anged 〈◊〉 a libell . this i do not wonder at , when i remember what the physitian was , who said , that where the recipient is distempered , the most wholsome ●…od turns into his disease ; just as we see in those harmfull creatures , whose whole essence and composition is made up of sting 〈◊〉 poyson , the juice which they suck from flowers and roses , conc●…s into venome and becomes poyson too . having said this by way of preface to my following reply , first , sir , ( confining my self to your method ) how you spend your morning thoughts , being impossible for me outright to know , unless your thoughts were either visible or you transparent ; desire you wil not think me over-curious , if i open a door upon you , 〈◊〉 proceed by conjecture . you say , you use to spend them upon a better subject then a pot of dead drink that hath a little froth at top , and dregs at bottome . to what passage of my letter this refers , or why a language which i do not understand , should possess the porch & entrance to yours , i am not oedipus enough to unriddle . but if i may guess what your morning thoughts were , when ( as you confess ) you did let them loose by your pen to discharge themselves upon me in a shower of rude , untheologicall , flat , downright detraction , though they were not employ'd upon a frothy subject , yet they shew that you were at that time in his distemper in the gospel , a piece of whose raging and distraction 't was to fome at mouth . next sir , had i been present at your sermon , ( as i am glad i was not , for i desire not to be an auditor where i must hear my self libelled from the pulpit ) i shal casily grant , by the taste which you have given me in this short conference with you of the perspicuity of your stile , and the clearness of your matter , that 't was possible enough for me not to understand it . i doe , therefore , acknowledge it as a favour from you , that you will let me no longer wander in uncertainties , or write to you upon the mis-report of a fallible intelligencer ; but will your selfe be my clue to guide me to what you said . which favour , you have much heightned , by robbing your weightier employments of so much time to convey it in , as might have been spent in providing your selfe to preach thrice a day , and yet not doe it so hastily , or with such a running negligence , as to be thought to preach but once a week . as for your text , and the doctrine built upon it , at whom soever it was shot , i shall not quarrell with it . but how your corollary should concern any thing that i have said in my sermon contrary to your doctrine , i cannot possibly imagine ; who do there onely speak of the vanity of some of our modern prophets , who can see idolatry in a church-window : and do onely strive to prove that for people to refrain the church ( as you know who did ) because some ( though perhaps not of our age ) paid worship to the windowes , was a fear as unreasonable as theirs was , who refused to go to sea , because there was a painter in the city who limn'd shipwracks . sir , had you a minde to deal pertinently or ingenuously with me , you would witness for me , that though i speak in defence of the ornamentall use of images , yet i in no passage of my sermon do defend any image or pourtraicture made of the deity . sir , 't is not your saying , that no picture can be made of god , because there is nothing like him in heaven or earth , or the following proofs of your letter ( which i conceive to be a piece of your sermon at st. maries , which because i came not to it , you in charity have sent home to me ) that perswades me that any such picture is unlawfull : nature , as well as the numerous places of scripture , which you have quoted to prove that which i never yet denied , have long since taught me , that to make , or draw any picture , or image of god is not onely a breach of the second commandement , which is built upon the invisibility of his essence , and nature , but that the attempt would be much more vain , then if a painter should endeavour to limn a soul or minde , which not affording any idea , or resemblance to his fancy to be taken by , cannot possibly by him be exprest in colours . the task , therefore , to make any draught or figure of god ( pray sir , being misled by your example , do not think me superfluous in my pursuit of an argument , to which i was not bound to reply ) is ( besides the sinfulness of it ) much more impossible . for , first , sir , if the school-men ( which i hear you once said you had long studied to little purpose ) may be iudges , he cannot be limn'd or drawn , because he is a spirit : therefore not capable to be represented by any gross , materiall thing . next , because he is infinite ; and therefore not capable to fall under symmetry , or be circumscribed within the finite lines which stream from a painters pencill . thirdly , because he is simple , that is , ( as your schoolmen say , for you know sir , i am but an english poet ) all in all , and all in every part : or , in other termes , a thing entirely uniform , and indivisible within it self , which admits not of any false representation of it self by limbs or parts . lastly , sir , ( because i will not be tedious , and go over all his other attributes ) who shall paint his omniscience , who his omnipotence , who his eternity , who his ubiquity ? knowing this sir , and much more of him ( not by the help of a borrowed illumination ) i could not trespasse so much against my own studies , and conscience as to allow of any picture of god. and therefore , in this particular , challenging me , ( as you impertinently do ) to produce my strong reasons , and overthrow , if i can , your doctrine , or corollary , deduced from e●…ay 40. 25. where god by his prophet sayes , to whom will ye liken me , or shall i be equall saith the holy one ? you would fain have me be your adversary in an undefensible cause , that your conquest of me might be the easier . in short , you would have me profess my selfe to be an anthropomorphite , that you might have the advantage to confute me for an heretike . sir , since you deny that you said in your sermon , that i made images equall with god ( which if you had said , my sermon without any new confutation , would have disproved you ) i am in that particular satisfied , and shall think it was , though not a wilfull one , yet a mistake in the reporter . but , then , sir , i must tell you , that i am not at all satisfied with that which followes . where you say , that images are not like unto god , and thereupon wonder that i took upon me to plead for the retaining of those images which have been too often turned into idols , not by the piety , but superstition of former times : for here , sir , if i would take the advantage of expression not well considered , upon you , in saying that images are not like unto god , and thereupon that i did ill to plead for the retaining of other images not of god , a sophister would make the world believe , that you think all images superstitious , and therefore fit to be banisht out of the church , but onely such images as are made of god ; which would expose you to the opinion of being thought very subject to speak contradictions . but being a meer poet , sir , whose ability , you know , lies not in making use of aristotles eleuchs , but in the soft , harmless composure of an elegie or ode , i shall deal more gently with you ; that is , take you in the most advantagious sense which you possibly , upon your better morning thoughts can put to your words ; & believe , that the fault you finde with me for the retainment of images , is , because by the superstition of former times they have been turn'd into idols . sir , if i be not deceiv'd , my sermon , in this particular , is able to save me the labour of a reply . where i have once for all said that which you wil never be able to controul ( how poetically ( that is not dully ) soever you may think it exprest ) that by the same reason that ornaments are to be turn'd out of the church , because some out of a mis-guided devotion have adored them , we should not have a sun , or moon , or starres in the firmament , but they should long since have been banisht the skies , because some of the deluded heathen worshipt them . the little fallacy with which you think to entrap me , when you say , that hence you collect that i will be forced to maintaine that images are as necessary in the church , as the sunne in the firmament , will expire , like all other thin sophis●…es , in vanity & smoke , when i have shewn the weakness and infirmity of it , which will be briefly done by repeating onely the sense of my sermon in other words , and saying , that if images doe agree with the s●…nne , in that they have both been made idols , though one be no necessary part of the church , and the other be a necessary part of the building of the world , yet if for that reason wherein they agree , one must be banisht any man that hath logick ( though he be a poet ) may inferre , that 't will be as reasonable that the other should be banisht too . in your next paragraph , or fardell of i know not what , you say that i plead for copes , and for those parts of the common-prayer-booke which were borrowed from rome : and then confute me with the threats of an ere-long visitation . sir , there is neither logick , nor school-divinity in this . as for copes , you know i joyne them with surplices in my sermon ; and say that by the same reason that the false prophets of our times would perswade the people that surplices are unlawfull because papists weare them , they may endeavour to perswade them , that linnen is also unlawfull , because papists shift ; and so conclude cleanliness to be as superstitious as surplices or copes . sir , you may call this poetry , but there is a logick in it , which i hope doth not ceafe to be logick , which you cannot resist , because 't is not watrishly or slegmatickly exprest . as for those parts of the common-prayer-booke , which i doe not say were borrowed from rome , ( as you impose upon me ) but are to be found in the rubrick of the church : if i had said they had been borrowed from that church , yet you have said nothing to prove , that upon this supposition 't is popery to use those prayers in ours . foreseeing , i beleeve , that if you had offered to maintaine that what ever is in the popish lyturgie is popery , that is , superstitious , and fit to be proscribed out of the church , you would ( meeting with a good disputant , and one not addicted to poetry ) have been compelled to confess , that the lords prayer , and davids psalmes are popery too , ( though the one were delivered by christ , the other by one who lived long before antichrist ) because they are bound up in the same volumne with the masse . sir , if this be your logick , 't is socrate ambulante coruscavit , and will be a false fire to lead you for ever out of the way . but here , sir , though i need not take the paines to confute the nothings you have said against me , in this particular , yet whenever you shal call upon me to make good my undertaking , i doe promise to make it evident to you , that all the ancient parts of the common-prayer-booke , which i plead for , i doe not plead for because they are used by the church of rome , but because they were part of the lyturgie of those churches which were thought primitively pure , and not superstitious , and were in the world long before popery , or antichrist was borne . i must , therefore , for ought you have yet said to alter my opinion , still stand to my former conclusion ; which is , that by the same reason that either the whole , or any part of our comon-prayer-book is to be turned out of the church , because in some things it agrees with the lyturgie of the church of rome , italy , and rome it self is to be turned out of the world , ( & so a new map to be made of it where these places are not ) because they are the popes territories , and lye under his iurisdiction . lastly , sir , as for the visitors you threaten both me and christ-church withall , ( of whom some report that you are one ) when you come to execute your commission , so you will not urge it as a topicke to convince my understanding , but as a delegary of power to examine my studies , life , and manners , i shall bring all the submission with mewhich can be expected from one subject to the tryall and examination of such a power . being withall very confident , that when that time comes , however you may perhaps finde an old cope or two in our colledge , yet you will never bring logick enough with you to prove , that they are either idolatrous , or have been put to a superstitious use . and therefore , sir , in this particular you have lost your friendly counsell , there being no need at all that we should against that time study for an answer . in your next fascicle , you say , that i maintaine that some things in the excellency , and height of the doctrines of christian religion depend for their credit , and the evidence of their truth , upon the authority of christs miracles convey'd along in tradition , and story ; and , therefore , conclude that my religion leaues too hard , and too heavy upon tradition . sir , though i have alwayes lookt upon the scriptures of the old testament and the new , as two glorious lampes , which to all eyes ( that have not lost the use of seeing , by being kept sequestred from the sunne too long in the darke ) mutually give light to one another , so that a vigilant reader , by comparing prophecies with their accomplishments , will have very great reason to beleeve that both are true , yet because this amounts but to the discourses and perswasions of a single mans reason , if i prefer tradition , which is the constant , universall consent of all ages , as a fuller medium to prove doctrines by which are hardly otherwise demonstrable , doe i any more , i pray , then prefer the universall testimony , and report of the church of all times , before the more fallible suggestions of a private spirit ? your next paragraph , is perfectly the hydra with repullulating heads which i warned you of in my first letter ; and multiplies so many causeless questions as make it nothing but a heape , partly of such doubts , partly of untruths , as would make it one of hercules labours to examine them . first , you bid me prove that christ hath put the sole power of ordination in the hand of a prelate . sir , if the practice of the apostles in the scripture in this point were not cleare , yet the practice and opinion of the church for 1500 yeeres ought to be of too great authority with you to make this a scruple . knowing that no church in the world thought otherwise , till the presbyterian modell crept forth of calvins fancie ; nor any good protestant in the church of england , till such as you recalled aerius from his grave , and dust to oppose bishops . next , you bid me justifie , that no church that ever the sunne lookt upon hath beene more blest with purity of religion for the doctrines of it , or better establisht for the government , and discipline of it , then the church of england hath . sir , you repeat not the words of my sermon so faithfully as you should . i am not so extravagant as to say , that no church that ever the sunne lookt upon , but that the sun in all his heavenly course for so many , many yeeres , that is , ( in my sense ) for many ages , saw not a purer church then ours was , both for the doctrines , and discipline of it . against this you wildly object , i know not what doctrines publiquely countenanced , but tell me not what these doctrines were , speake of certaine superstitious practices , and prelaticall usurpations , but doe not prove them to be either superstitious , or usurpt ; quarrell with the delegation of bishops power to chancellors , then proceed to the tyrannie of the high-commission-court , and at last conclude with i know not what imaginary corruptions and innovations introduced into the state , church , and university . sir , if i should grant this long-winded charge of yours to be true , ( as truly i think it is onely a seeing of vanity ) yet my confident assertion is not hereby enfeebled . i hope , when i spoke of the purity of our church ▪ you did not think i freed it from all blemishes or spots . the primitive church it selfe had some in it who broacht strange doctrines ; saint iohn had not else written his gospell against the gnosticks , nor saint paul his epistle to the galatians against those that held the necessity of circumcision . the next ages of the church have not been more distinguisht by their martyrs , then heretiques ; yet the primitive church ceased not to be apostolically pure , because it had a cerinthus , or nicolaitans in it ; nor the succeeding churches to be the spouse of christ , because one brought forth an apelles , another a marcion , a third a nestorius , a fourth an eutiches , a fift an arius . sir , as long as the best church in the world consists of men not infallible there will be errors . but then you must not charge the heterodox opinions or doctrines of particular men , though , perhaps , countenanced by some in publique authority upon the church . besides , sir , every innovation is not necessarily a corruption , unless it displace , or lay an ostracisme upon some other thing more worthy and better then it selfe . you your selfe say , that the corruptions introduced were brought in by a prevailing faction , who were not the church . if they were not , my assertion holds good , that notwithstanding such corruptions , yet our church in its time was the purest church in the world . this , then , being so , me thinks , sir , you in your pursuit of reformation , by making root & branch your rule of proceeding , have beene more severe then the lawes of right reason will allow you . if there were such a tyrannie as you speake of streaming it selfe from the high commission court , why could not the tyrannie be supprest , without the abolishment of the court ? or if there were such a thing as prelaticall usurpation , why could not the usurpations be taken away , and episcopacie left to stand ? sir , if you be logician enough to be able to distinguish betweene the faults of persons and the sacredness of functions , you cannot but pronounce with me , that to extirpate an order of the church , ancient as the christian church it selfe , and made venerable by the never-interrupted reception of it in all the ages of the church but ours , for the irregular carriage of a prelate or two , ( if any such have beene among us ) is a course like theirs , who thought there was no way left to reforme drunkenness in their state , but utterly to root up , and extirpate , and banish vines . the remainder of your paragraph is very politically orderd ; which is , that because you finde it hard for you to confute my sermon by your arguments , you will endeavour to make the parliament my adversary , who , you thinke , are able to confute it by their power : and bid me prove that the proceedings of the parliament are turkish . here , sir , methinks , being a poet , i see a piece of ben iohnson's best comedy , the fox , presented to me ; that is , you , a politique would-be the second , sheltring your self under a capacious tortoise-shell . why , sir , can you perswade your selfe that the great councell of the kingdome , by whom you are imployed , if they will vouchsafe to reade my sermon , will not presently discerne your art ? and withall perceive , that though the text , upon which i , out of the integrity of my soule , preacht that sermon , stick as close to false prophets , as the cen●…aures shirt did to hercules , and set them a raging , yet that they having never parliamentarily profest to propagate religion by their speare , can no way be concerned , when i say that such a perswasion in us christians would be mahumetan ; and we thereby should translate a piece of the alchoran into a piece of the gospel . sir , i am so confident of the wisdome of that honourable assembly , of my owne innocent meaning , and of your guilt , ( who have beene one of those turkish prophets , ( and in your letter to me still are ) who have preacht that piece of the alchoran for good doctrine ) that for answer to all your slye , impotently-malicious mis-applications and shiftings off that which i have said onely of such as your selfe to the parliament , i shall onely appeale to my sermon . and by that , if you please to undertake the devils part , and be my accuser , shall be content to stand or fall . in the meane time , sir , i must repeat what i said before , that if it be read , or lookt on through those refractions , with which you have mis-shap'd , and crookt it , i shall consent to what you say in the end of your filthy paragraph ; that 't was once a sermon , but you almost à carceribus usque ad metam have made it a libell . in your next ( what shall i call it ? ) you are very critically pleasant ; and because i talke of a religion wherein i was borne , aske me , whether i were borne in a surplice , or cope ; and then very distinguishingly proceed , and say , christiani non nascuntur , sed fiunt . to the first , i reply , that it had been as unnaturall for me to be borne in a surplice , or cope , as for you to come into the world , with a little geneva set-ruffe about your neck . next , sir , for your sharpe distinction , i hope , though the muses be your step-dames , yet you thinke not the figures of rhetorick to be so superstitious , that it shall be popery in me , to make use of a metonymy , and to express my selfe by the adjunct , when i mean the place , and country . i grant , sir , that men are not borne , but re-born christians ; yet 't will be no great errour in speech for a man to say he is born in christianity , if he be a christian , and were born in the place where christianity is establish'd . sir , i doubt you begin to think secular learning to be a profane thing ; and that you are bound to persecute tropes out of expression , as you have liturgy out of the church . if you do , sir , we shall in time , ( if we proceed in this conflict ) fulfill a peece of one of saint paul's epistles between us ; i become a barbarian to you , and you to me . i am glad to hear you say , that the parliament will not suppress the true protestant religion ; sir , i never thought they would . but , then 't will be no harm to you , if i pray , that whilst you pursue such a through reformation of it , as of late years hath left it doubtfull in the minds of the people what the true protestant religion is , you let not in popery at that gate , by which they strive to shut it out . if queen maries dayes do once more break in upon us through the ●…luce which we open to them by our unsetledness , and distractions , and if i then fall a sacrifice in defence of the same religion for which i now contend , i hope you then will think your self confuted ; and no longer beleeve that i am such an ill iudge of religions , or so profusely prodigall of my life , that i would make it a holocaust , or oblation , either to tyranny , or popery . in short , sir , let the king and parliament agree to burn copes , and surplices , to throw away the common-prayer-book , or to break our windows , i shall not place so much religion in them , as not to think them alterable , and this done by right authority . but as for the covenant , 't is a pill , sir , which no secular interest can so sweeten to me , that i should think my self obliged to be so far of any mans religion , as to swallow both parts of a contradiction in an oath , if it appear to me to be such . your promise that my sermon should be first confuted before it be burnt , gives me hope it will be longer liv'd , then upon the first report i thought it would . but then i wonder you should passe that sentence on it , and choose paraeus for your precedent . i must confesse to you sir , had i written so destructively of parliaments as he did of kings , i should think it no injustice from that high court , if they should doom me the author to be sacrificed on the same altar with my book . but having ( upon the highest warrant that can possibly lend courage to a good action ) directed it wholy against false prophets , and no where reflected upon the members of either house , but where i maintain it to be unlawfull to speak evill of dignities , to condemn it to the flame for speaking such truths , as i could not leave unspoken , unlesse i had prevaricated with the scripture , will be so far from the reproach of a punishment , that 't will encrease the esteem and value of it from its sufferings ; and make it ascend to heaven as the angel in the book of iudges did , in the breath , and ayrc , and perfume of an acceptable sacrifice to god. sir , as your she-d●…ciple did very much mis-inform you , if she told you that i endeavoured to incense an officer of this garrison against you , so 't was one errour more in her ( as upon just occasion i shall demonstrate to you ) to tell you that i vented damnable doctrines in her company , which i was not able to maintain . she is my gentle adversary , and i desire she should know , that as i desire not to fight serious duells with that unequall sex , so when ever she will again provoke me to a dispute ( so it be not at saint maries , for s. paul forbids women to argue in the church ) she shall return with prizes , and i will confess my self conquer'd . in the mean time , sir , whither she came to you , or you went to her , her sex puts me in mind of some false teachers , not mention'd in my sermon , but branded by saint paul , * for creeping into houses , and leading captive silly women . if your intelligencer be one of these ( as i shrewdly suspect she is ) i should be sorry for those friends sake in whose acquaintance we both meet , that she should be lyable to the character of such silly women in the next verse ; where 't is said , that they were ever learning and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth . you proceed , and say , that you were in manifest danger to loose your right to the exercise of the protestant religion , whereupon the high court of parliament thought it fit to repell force by force . sir , do not entertain me with your own false fears , and ●…ealousies ; but demonstrate to me that the king ( for him i presume you mean ) meant to extirpate the true protestant religion by the sword , and to plant popery in its stead ; and you shall not more 〈◊〉 charge me that i make the parliament by such a resistance to denizon the alchoran , then i shall truely pronounce the kings party , in fighting for him to that end , guilty of a mahumetan perswasion . in saying this , you exceedingly mistake me if you think i contend for a vorstian liberty , or am hereby a friend to the rebels in ireland . sir , i hope you can distinguish between mens disloyalty and religion . as rebels i hold it fit , if they will not otherway return to their alleagance ; that they be reduced by force . there is a right to their subjection pursued by such a war , which makes all armes warrantable which are imploy'd for the recovery of such a losse . but to think , that as they are papists , nay , ( sir , i shall not shrink from my word ) if they were outright infidels , that the protestant rel●…gion is to be imposed upon them by force , is to make our selves guilty of all the hard censures which have past upon the spaniards conquest of the indians , where their silver mines were the true cause , and religion the pretence . notwithstanding your holy war , therefore , mention'd in the revelation ( which place i have considered , and find it as mysterious as the pale or black horse ) for ought you have said in disproof of it , i find not my self tempted to desert my opinion : which is , that to come into the field with an armed gospel , is not the way chosen by christ to make proselytes . and , therefore sir , i will not so much distrust the wisdome , or iustice of the parliament , that upon your bare assertion , they will make me miserable , because i maintain that they cannot wa●…rantably compell any man to be happy . why the bare mention of your scruple-house should put you into such a fit of ill language , as to pronounce me unworthy to carry the books of the reverend divines after them , who met there to heal doubts , or why my carfax-sermon should contribute to the raging of that fit , i cannot reasonably imagine . sir , i have no mind to fight many duells at once ; nor , ( having received a challenge from no other but your self ) to ingage my self with them by whom i have not been provok'●… . whither they be ungifted preachers , or gifted disputants , is best known to themselves . but , certainly , sir , if the report which was made to me ( by some who brought both their understandings as well as eares with t●…em to the famous meeting november 12. ) be true , there was nothing so demonstratively by them either objected , or replyed , as might incourage them , or their hearers , to beleeve this peece of popery , that they are unerring , and infallible in the chair : pray , sir , do not think my famous pride , or self-conceitedness ( which you say hath provoked you to break your chaines , and to let loose your pen , that you might whip me into humility ) hath prompted me to say this . had you named the reverend persons whose books i am not worthy to carry after them , so they be greek or latine books , and those well understood by them , perhaps i should have exprest a greater act of humility then you are aware of , and have been content ( though one of the new doctors yet by the second subscription of your letter but a master of art ) to sit a while at the feet of such learned gamaliel's . but speaking indefinitely as you do , i hope sir , for twenty years study sake in this university , ( where i have learnt to distinguish the letters of the greek alphabet , and at first sight do know that it would beget a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or quarrell among the vowells , if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a word should usurp the place of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) you will find me a nobler imployment then to carry books after them who count liberaries superfluous , humane , secular things ; and think a minister , not minister of gospel , ( as your scribe hath twice erred in the transcription of your letter , in a vowell very fatall to you ) needs no other furniture but the spirit , cottons concordance , and the english bible without the apocrypha . sir , i am sorry the fit which the mention of the scruple-house did put you into , should be increased by the mention of a dark roome . there goes a story of one who had tasted a while of bedlam , and was at length , by the help of discipline , dyet , and physick , cured of his distraction ; yet not so perfectly , but that still when he came within the sight of the place , his fancy remembred him of his old distemper , and tempted him to do something which required a second cure . i speak not this parable to upbraid any with an infirmity which is unavoydably naturall to them , and no way contracted from the pride , or irregularity of their own wills ; but if you have read tully's paradoxes , you may remember , sir , that he there maintains the opinion of the stoicks , that not onely they whose chaines and fetters , proclaim them distempered , but that all foolish , over passionate men are to be reckoned into the number of those who are to be cured by manacles , and chaynes : pray sir , do not take it ill , if ( being as you say a poet ) i cite a poet who was of this opinion ; but maintains it like a philosopher , ( i will not say a school divine . ) and having insisted in verse upon covetousness as one , ambition as another , the love of beauty either in reall or painted faces , as another species of madness , he concludes in anger , and sayes , ira furor brevis est ; that is , that the cholerick man , during the fit of his oholer , is in a short phrenzy . that which seneca , tully , and horace , called madness , ( though not the other more naturall , ( which i should be uncharitable to object to you ) you by this letter ( especially the angry part of it ) have given me very justifiable cause to apply to you , who ( as all dispassionated men may judge ) have fulfill'd the poets definition of madness upon your self in all the parts of it but one , which is , that your anger against me is not furor brevis , a short distraction , but extends from the word scruple-house to the end of your letter . for first , sir , in language almost as unclean , as the sin of uncleanness it self , you endeavour to raise a suspition upon me in the world as if i had been more familiar then i should with light women in dark roomes : sir , besides the poverty of your wit , and quibling antitheses of expression , ( to which i finde you in other places of your letter very subject ) i am not afraid ( with all the confidence of an innocent man ) to tell you , that as i never was an enemy to that sex , so i never converst with any of them single , or in a dark congregation , so loosely , to deserve to have the slander fastned upon me , which tertullian , and minutius faelix from him , say was laboured to be stuck upon the christians of those times , which was , that they used to meet in conventicles , where their custome was , after the end of the sermon , to put out the candles , and then to commit folly , the holy with the holy . sir , in plain termes , ( how blameable soever other errours , or vanities of my life may make me stand in the presence of god , who upon a true repentance , sir , is not so fatally tyed to the spindle of absolute reprobation , as not to keep his promise , and to seal mercifull pardons , yet ) in this particular , my known conversation in this university , and all other places , bids me defie you ; and challeng not only your self , but the precisest of your informers , either heer , or any where else , ( who use not to suffer the looks , gestures , or thoughts of any who are not of their tribe , much less notorious matter of fact , to scape unquestioned ) to appear in an accusation against me ; where it shall be probably , not conjecturally proved , that i have been frail with the frail sex either holy or profane . sir , all they of that soft sex , with whom i have converst , have accused me of too great severity , and ruggedness , towards them , but you are the first , who ever endeavoured to make me guilty of being too amorously affected . next , sir , however you may tell me that you have not so lost your reason , or logick , but that you , ( the meanest who appears for the parliament ) are ready to take up the gauntlet which i threw down , and to answer the challenge which i first sounded in the pulpit ; yet , certainly , they who shall read that passage of my sermon , where i say , that if i were presently to enter into a dispute with the greatest patriarch among these prophets , who ( notwithstanding that which i said before ) will still perversly strive to prove that our church stood in such need of reformation , that the growing superstitions of it could not possibly be expiated , but by so much civill war , i should not doubt with modesty enough to prove to him back again , that all such irrationall arguments , as have onely his zeal for their logick are composed of untemper'd morter : and shall compare the wilde torrent of ill language , with which the furious remainder of your paragraph over-flows , with the sober web , and composition of my sermon , which you there think no worthier of , then of a triobolar ballad , they will finde that you have said nothing in the progress of at least forty folio-lines together , which shews not that your reason assisted not your pen. one passage i confesse ( like a lucide intervall ) hath some taste of sobriety , and not short fury in it ; which is , that how meanly so ever you think you may speak of me , yet you think you are to make a more honourable mention of the author of the practicall catechism . that learned doctor , sir , i am acquainted with , but not so inwardly as that he should contribute to the interlining any letter i write to you ; or should suggest to me what he , not i , think fit to be maintain'd . i wish your lucid intervall had been as long as your fit ; for , then i perswade my self you would never have suspected that he did overlook my letter , or advised me to contend for the lawfulness of prelacy , because he was present at the sad debate at vxbridge . what you mean when you say , that if the learned doctor hath any thing to object against you , he knows your mind , and ( being none of the new doctors , who you presume are infants ) is able to speak for himself , i cannot possibly divine : unless by this oraculous expression , you would have him understand you ready to enter into a second conflict with him , and would put me to the mean imployment to convey your challenge . sir , if i know that doctor well , you had best content your self with me , who am a more poeticall adversary ; & whose weapons , you know , when they strike most , being sheath'd in roses , ought to be terrible to none but such , whose buying & selling consciences ( like the money-changers in the gospel ) wil drive them out of the temple at the sight of a whip made of straws and rushes . nevertheless , sir , if you be so fruitfully quarrelsome , that you think your leisure will serve you to hold combate with us both , let me desire you to hold this opinion of us , that as i shal at no time recruit my self fro him as an oratour , so he is too good a schollar to need my assistance as a poet. this word poet , i do observe , through the whole phrenzy of your letter , you strive to make use of in ad●…graceful sense ; and object it to me as a reproach that the muses are my friends . in one place you call me a cretian prophet , that is , ( according to your comment ) a poet ; in another place you tell me , that onely the few places of scripture which i have misapplied in my sermon , can preserve it from passing among the penny-merchandizes of those that s●…l ballads . in your next paragraph ( where you challenge me to dispute with you in english at st. maries , as mr ●…rbury did ) one of your arguments to move me to that frantick enterprize is , because i am an english poet , and have been not only addicted to playes , but have shussied my mother-tongue verses , with other verses publisht in more learned languages , in the same book printed by the university-printer . first , sir , though the ungentleness of your stile , and expressions , do sufficiently testifie that neither the muses , nor graces assisted at your birth , yet i hope you are not such an enemy to numbers , to think poetry superstitious , and therefore to be turn'd with imagery out of the church . if you do , you will compell me to call nazianzen in to my ayde ; who , besides his writing of a play ( if erasmus have not misnumbred them ) hath written thirty thousand heroick , 〈◊〉 , hend●…casyllable , elegiack , and other verses . tertullian , si●… , you know hath confuted marcion in verse ; and synesius thought it as great a glory to be called a good poet , as some who wrote in prose did to be called fathers of the church . i wil not repeat a peece of prosper to you nor tel you what s. austin hath said in the prais of virgil. to be a cretian prophet , that is in your sense , a lying 〈◊〉 , but in al theirs who understand the first c. of titus , an evil beast , and a false prophet ) is i confesse a crime . but then , sir , as one excellently sayes in his defence of poesie , this is a kind of poetry which belongs 〈◊〉 those who lye in prose as wel as those who fain in verse . for plin●… when he speaks of men with one foot , whose breadth interposed between them and the sun , shades their whole body , to be as great a poet as ovid , when he speaks of a virgin transformed into a laurell , so , sir , when you , ( contrary to the direct minde , and expressions of my sermon ) fain that to be spoken of the parliament , which is onely spoken against false prophets , you are a far greater poet then i have yet shewn my self either upon the stage at black-fryers , or in any university book here in oxford . next , sir , i was never so addicted to english poetry , but that in the same university book i had latine verses too ; and the reason why i wrote in both languages was , because i was prompted to it by my obedience to their commands , who had authority over me , and thought english the fitter language for that part of the court , whose sex doth make it a solecism to be written to in latine . lastly , sir , as for your arguments to give you one of mr yerbury's meetings , at saint maries ; 1. because my sermon preacht there is english , next , because you conceive that to be the readiest course to undeceive the people who understand not latine ; thirdly , because i am an english poet ; if you think i have not sufficiently answered them in my two former letters to you , i desire you once more to consider , if i should have consented to that course , whither you , as well as i , in the opinion of discreet men , might not have indangered our selves to have that half verse in horace applyed to us , aut insanit homo , aut versus facit , that either we are both mad , or both poets . the way to avoyd such an imputation , in a time of liberty , where every body may say what they list , is for us to stand constantly to the more academicall proposition i made you ; which was , to meet at latine weapons in the divinity school . where , sir , not agreeing upon the true state of the questions before hand , ( for if we agree before hand , nothing will be left us to dispute ) if you please , the question shall be that which concludes your letter ; that is , prelacy , which , how far 't is , or 't is not to be defended to be iure divino shall then appear . in the mean time , sir , as i can by no means allow that victory , and success , are alwayes the true signes of a right cause , ( because , the lord of hosts , who , you say , hath broken all our forces , is sometimes falsely thought to assist , when in truth he doth only permit ) so , sir when you write next to me , let me request you to keep your promise ; which is , to deal with me rationally for the matter , and spiritually , that is , like a divine for the language and forme . otherwise , sir , though i have long since learnt from the best master , that when i am reviled , i am not to revile againe , yet , instead of a conference , meeting with nothing but invectives , 't is possible you may so farre provoke me from my mild temper , that the philosophers expression in lucians nigrinus may be verified upon me ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the english of it will endure the publick test ; to which if you will be pleased to submit your letters with the same readiness that i am content to submit mine , i doubt not but the world will judge , that as you have not yet confuted , so you have very unchristianly injured the author of the sermon against false prophets , j. mayne . from my chamber , jan. 23. 1646. to this answer ( in which the reader may see , i have not much digrest from the copy which was before me , but have proportioned my defence to every considerable particular of m. cheynels charge ) at the end of six dayes was return'd this reply . sir , if i had not answered you according to your folly , you would have been wise in your owne conceit ; but if i should againe answer you according to your folly , i feare i should become too like unto you , prov. 26. 4 , 5. i told you that i did let loose my pen , that you might see how easie it is to answer you with a running pen , nay a running negligence in the less serious part of the day ; i did let fly so many quibbles that you might smell the stench of your owne elaborate folly ; glad i am that you have censured me for imitating of you , i hope you will now be at leisure to censure your selfe , for setting me so foule a copy ; doe but read over your owne sermons and letters , and suppose they were mine , and then seriously and impartially pass your sentence on them , and i dare say you will be a gainer by this conflict . i am very much pleased with your faire condescension to have all things in controversie rationally and spiritually examined . 1. sir , you did as i conceive preach in defence of all images set up in any chappell in the university ; you know there are divers images of some persons in the glorious trinity set up in some chappels within this university : you must then acknowledge all images of that sort ought to be taken downe . you are not perswaded by any scriptures which i have cited , but nature hath taught you ( so pure is your nature ) that it is a breach of the second commandement to draw a picture of god : ( revise that fancy ) the schoolmen whom you prefer before the testimonies cited out of the word , have taught you that it is not onely sinfull , but impossible to draw any picture of god. but , be pleased to consider that the scriptures are a perfect ( nay indeed the onely all-sufficient perfect ) rule , & therefore you need not goe about to patch up the rule with the low generall dictates of nature & schoolmen , you may study the lullian art , & fill your braine with sebund's fancyes , but my schoole-men ( as you call them ) are the besttutors , & the best schollars . if you prove that is is impossible to picture god , you doe not touch the point in controversie , for vaine men will fancy and endeavour to doe , that which is impossible for to be done . beleeve it sir , they who had consulted as many muses , and courted as many graces as you have done , and were able to demonstrate out of their poets that we are gods off-spring , yet were not able without the help of divine revelation to infer , from thence , that the godhead is not like to gold , as you may see it convincingly proved ; act 17. 29. for as much then as we are the off-spring of god , we ought not to thinke that the godhead is like to gold or silver , or stone graven by art or mans device , i dare not therefore make the schoolmen my iudges in this weighty point , and i beleeve you cannot prove them to be iudges in any point which concernes the mystery of faith or the power of godliness , but enough of that . 3. the word ( thereupon ) is sometimes illative , sometimes ordinative , you are sufficiently answered ; but let me adde , that if no image is like god , then sure those images , which are not made to represent god , and yet are by idolatours turned into idols , and worshipped as if they were divine , cannot reasonably be defended . sir , i must guess at your meaning , because i beleeve you have omitted two or three words ( such is your running negligence ) which should help to make your sophisticall criticisme perfect sense . truly sir , if it be so high a fault to picture god : i may justly wonder that any picture of a saint turned into an idoll should be retained and pleaded for by any man that pretends to be a protestant , and if it be impossible to picture god , it is also impossible to picture god-man . and i beleeve that you will acknowledge our mediatour to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4. that the sun and images cannot be put in the scales of a comparison in point of fitness to be preserved , is a truth written with a sun-beame ; sir , i never durst argue from the abuse of a thing against the use of it , if the thing be necessary ; but the sun is necessary , and images are not necessary , ergo , there is no parity of reason betweene the termes of your comparison . 5. it appeares to me by your shifting fallacy , that you make copes as necessary as clean linnen . 6. you will never be able to prove , that all , that the prelates and their faction have borrowed out of the missall , ritualls , breviary pontificall of rome are to be found in any lyturgie received by the primitive church ; and i would intreat you to consider , whether they , who doe profess a seperation from the church of rome , can in reason receive and imbrace such trash and trumpery . and yet though you would willingly be esteemed a protestant , i find you very unwilling to part with any thing which the prelates have borrowed from the court ( rather then church ) of rome . 7. your next paragraph doth concerne tradition ; i shall give you leave to preferre the constant and universall consent of the church of christ in all ages , before the reason of any single man ; but sir , you doe very ill to call the testimony of the spirit speaking in the word to the conscience of private men , a private spirit ; i thinke you are more profane in the stating of this point then bellarmine himselfe . 8. you have not yet proved that any prelate can challenge the sole power of ordination and iurisdiction iure divino . 9. i should be glad to know for how many yeares you will justifie the purity of the doctrine , discipline and government in england . i beleeve the doctrine , discipline and government of the prelaticall faction whom you call the church , was not excellent , if you reckon from 1630. to 1640. and that is time enough for men of our time for to examine . i beleeve that you will acknowledge , that the prelates did lay an ostracisme upon those who did oppose them ; who were in the right both in the point of doctrine and discipl●…ne , we shall in due time dispute . though prelacy it selfe be an usurpation , yet there were many other encroachments which may justly be called prelaticall usurpations , and the parliament hath sufficiently declared its judgement in this point , they have clearly proved that prelacy had taken such a deepe root in england , and had such a destructive influence , not only into the pernicious evills of the church , but civill state , that the law of right reason ( even salus populi quae suprema lex est ) did command and compell them to take away both roote and branch ; you may dispute that point with them ; sir , you cannot prove that prelacy is an order of the church , as ancient as the christian church it self , and made venerable by the never interrupted reception of it in all ages of the church but ours . 10. i am no turkish prophet , i never preacht any piece of the alchoran for good doctrine , much less did i ever make it a piece of the gospell ; all that i say is this , that christians incorporated in a civill state may make use of civill and naturall means for their outward safety . and that the parliament hath a legall power more then sufficient to prevent and restrain tyranny . finally , the parliament hath power to defend that civill right which we have to exercise the true protestant religion , this last point is sure of highest consequence because it concernes gods immediate honour , and the peoples temporall and eternall good . pray sir , shew me if you can , why , he who saith the protestants in ireland may defend their civill right for the free exercise of their religion , against the furious assaults of the bloudie rebells , doth by that assertion proclaime himself a turke , and denison the alchoran ; you talke of the papists religion , sir , their faith is faction , their religion is rebellion , they think they are obliged in conscience , to put heretiques to the sword , this religion is destructive to every civill state into which true protestants are incorporated , & therefore i cannot but wonder at your extravagancy in this point . sir , who was it that would have imposed a popish service book upon scotland by force of armes ? you presume that i conceive the king had an intent to extirpate the protestant religion ; sir , i am sure that they who did seduce or over-awe the king , had such a designe . i doe not beleeve that the queene and her agents ( the papists in england who were certainly confederate with the irish rebells ) had any intent to settle the true protestant religion ; & you cannot but beleeve that their intent was , to extirpate the protestant religion by the sword , and to plant popery in its stead ; i know christ doth make 〈◊〉 , and breake the spirituall power of antichrist , by his word and spirit , for antichrist is cast out of the hearts and consciences of men by the spirit of the lord iesus ; but christ is king of nations as well as king of saints , and will breake the temporall power of antichrist by civill and naturall meanes . if papists and delinquents are in readiness to resist or assault the parliament by armes , how can the parliament be defended or delinquents punished but by force of armes ? i know men must be converted by a spirituall perswasion , but they may be terrified by force of armes from persecution . all that i say , is , the parliament may repell force with force , and if men were afraid to profess the truth because of the queenes army ▪ and are now as fearfull to maintaine errours for feare of the parliament , the scales are even , and we may ( by study , conference , disputation , and prayer for a blessing upon all ) be convinced , and converted by the undenyable demonstrations of the spirit ; sir , this is my perswasion , and therefore i am sure far from that mahumetan perswasion of which i am unjustly accused . 11. i am glad that you speake out , and give light to your darke roome ; i did not accuse you of conventi●…les . i beleeve you hate those christian meetings which tertullian & minutius , pliny and others speake of ; we had lights and witnesses good store at our meetings . and as for your conceit , that i deserve to be in bedlam , because of the predominancy of my pride and passion , and the irregularity of my will ; sir , i confess that i deserve to be in hell , a worse place then bedlam ; and if you scoffe at me for this acknowledgement , i shall say as augustine did , irrideant me arrogantes , & nondum salubritèr prostrati , & elisi à te deus meus , ego tamen confiteor dedecora mea in laude tua . sir , be not too confident of the strength of your wit , make a good use of it , or else you may quickly come to have as litle wit as you conceive , god hath bestowed on me . 1. doe you beleeve that your nature is corrupt ? 2. and doth not a wanton wit make the heart effeminate ? 3. did you never converse with any woman of light behaviour ? rub up your memory . 4. superstitious persons are usually lascivious , i could tell you more , but i spare you . 5. are you more temperate then the disciples to whom christ gave that caveat , luk. 21. 34 ? you may then apply your selfe to prayer and fasting ; doe not say that this is a filthy caveat , but beware of that filthy sinne , and acknowledge that the caveat is given you , upon sad considerations . 12. you tell me that god is not so fatally tyed to the spindle of an absolute reprobation , but that upon your repentance he will seale your pardon . sir , reprobatio est tremendum mysterium ; how dare you jest upon such a subject , at the thought of which each christian trembles ? can any man repent , that is given up to a reprobate mind , and an impenitent heart ? and is not every man finally impenitent , save those few to whom god gives repentance , freely , powerfully , effectually ? see what it is for a man to come from ben. iohnson , or lucian , to treat immediately of the high and stupendidious mysteries of religion ; the lord god pardon this wicked thought of your heart , that you may not perish in the bond of iniquity and gall of bitterness ; be pleased to study the 9. chapter to the romanes . you say if we agree upon the true state of the questions before hand , nothing will be left us to dispute . sir , it is 1. one thing to state a question for debate , so that you may undertake the affirmative , i the negative , or è contra : 2. another thing to state a question in a supposition as the respondent usually doth , and a third business to state a question after the debate in a prudent and convincing determination , as the moderatour should doe ; i speake of agreeing upon the state of the question in the first sense , that the question may be propounded in such termes as doe so farre state the point in controversie , that you and i may know which part to take , the affirmative or negative . the questions as i conceive are these that follow . 1. whether all that our prelates have borrowed of the church of rome , and imposed upon the people , ought to be still retained in the church of england ? 2. whether the images of our mediatour , and the saints are usefull ornaments in protestant churches ? 3. whether any prelate be endued with the power of sole ordination and iurisdiction iure divino ? 4. whether they who defend the protestants of ireland against the rebells by force of armes , are therefore to be esteemed mahumetans ? 5. whether that faith which is grounded only upon tradition , ought to be esteemed a divine faith ? 6. whether the spirit speaking in the word to the conscience of private men ought to be esteemed a private spirit ? 7. whether any reprobate can ever be converted or saved ? 8. whether the papists of england , & rebells of ireland with their confederates did endeavour to extirpate the protestant religion and plant popery in its stead ? 9. whether they who endeavoured to impose a popish service-booke upon scotland by force of armes , were of the mahumetan perswasion ? 10. whether the school-men are competent judges in any point which concernes the mysterie of faith or power of godliness ? 11. whether the nationall covenant contradict it selfe ? sir , if you please to answer upon the three first questions in the schools , and hold them as you seem to hold them all affirmatively , i shall endeavour to prove the negative . to all your scoffes and abuses i have nothing to reply ; if god bids you revile or curse me , i shall submit to god ; you call me fool , bedlam , turke , dog , devill , because i give you seasonable advice : sure sir , nazianzen , prosper , &c. were not guilty of such poetry , nor did prudentius teach you any such streines . i did very honestly forewarn you of a visitation ; it is i thinke proper enough to enquire into matters of fact at a visitation . now whether copes have been put to a superstitious use is not a question to be determined by any but in-artificiall arguments , i mean by sufficient witnesses . to that which you prophesie of , that i am like to be a visitor ; i answer 1. i thinke you have litle ground for such a prophecy : i call it a prophecy , for i am sure the houses of parliament have not yet named any visitor . 2. you talke much of the wisedome of the high court of parliament ; and can you imagine that so wise a court or ( as you terme it ) councell will make choice of a bedlam , a turke , dog , &c. to visit so many prudent and learned doctors ? sir , you say you are not satisfied with my arguments , you might have consider'd that i doe reserve my arguments till we meete at schooles , our worke for the present is to draw up the points in controversie into formall questions ; i have you see formed some questions , if you please to adde more , you may , i shall be ready to give you the best satisfaction i can , after these are discussed , if i be not called away to some better imployment by those who have power to dispose of your humble monitor , fran : cheynell . an omnia è missali breviario necnon pontificali romano à prelatis nostris decerpta , populoque obstrusa in ecclesiam recipienda sint ? christi sanctorumque imagines reformatorum templis utili sint ornatui ? soli praelato potestas ordinationis nec non iurisdictionis iure divino competat ? in hisce quaestionibus animi tui sententiam expectat franciscus cheynell . having read over this letter , i felt two contrary affections move within my selfe . first , i was sorry , that it began in that kinde of bitterness , which useth to have the same mischievous effect upon minds not addicted to quarrel , as blear eyes have upon other eyes more sound . which finde themselves insensibly infected by beholding ; and in the presence of those that are bleared unawares learne their imperfections , and become bleared too . next , i was glad , that the controversies betweene us , ( which like the originall of mankinde , began in two , and in a short time had multiplyed themselves past number ) were at length reduced to three latine questions , and those to be disputed in the divinity school ; where that part of oxford , which understands no other tongue , but that in which they dayly utter their commodities , if they had been present towards the making of a throng , had yet beene absent to the dispute . thus divided , therefore , between my provocations to answer the reproachfull preface , and my alacrity to comply with the conclusion of the precedent letter , i returned this following answer . sir , when i had open'd the letter you sent me on saturday night last , ian. 30. and found by the first period of it , that as your first letter shew'd you a great master in detraction , so in this you had learnt the art to make the scripture revile me too , and taught two of solomons * proverbs to call me fool ; finding also in the next period how naturally and uncompelled ill language flows from you ; who do here confess that you did let loose your pen that i might see , how easily , and with what an unforc'd dexterity , in the less serious part of the day , without premeditation , or the expence of study , you could revile me ; and withall , that you did let flye so many quibbles ( as the exercise of your recreation , i presume ) to minde me of my more industrious trifles , i must confess i not onely look't upon you as a person fit to sit in the * seat of the scornfull , but as one very capable to be requited with a proverb ; which the same * chapter which you quoted , presented to me at the 18. & 19. verses ; where 't is said , that as a mad-man who casteth firebrands , arrows , and death , so is the man that deceiveth his neighbour and saith he is in sport . sir , i should not have applyed this peice of scripture to you by way of retaliation , ( which may seem to have some bitterness in it ) had you not at the very threshold and first unlocking of your letter , verified this proverb upon your self , by casting firebrands and arrows first , and thereby deceiving me , who ( upon your promise that i should be spiritually dealt with , that is , as a divine ingaged in a needless controversie with a divine ought to be ) unsuccesfully flattered my self , that for the future , though i could not expect much reason or proof or argument from you , yet you would certainly bind your self to the laws of sobriety , and good language . how you have made good your promise , will appear to any , who ( besides the reproachfull proverb with which you begin your letter , and for which , a greater then solomon hath said , you shall be in * danger of hell-fire ) shall read the puddle of your letter which streams from the first foul spring , and head of it ; where , having first charged me in my writing to you with elaborate folly , you make it an excuse to the dirt and mire of your pen , that i set you the copy , and was foul in my expressions first . sir , though the saying of tacitus be one of the best confutations of detraction , convitia spreta exolescunt , and though i have alwaies thought that to enter combate with a dunghill is the way to come off more defiled , yet finding my self engaged ( like one of the poeticall knights errant ) with an adversary that will not onely provoke me to fight , but , whos best weapon is to defile me out of the field , i shal for once apply as good perfume to the stench you speak of , as can possibly in such times make me walk the streets in my own oxford , uncondens'd not by you made foggy , ayre ; and shall make it evident , first to your self , next to the world , ( if you will consent that what thus secretly passeth between us shall be made publike , and printed ) that you are not onely fallible in your most sad , and melancholy considerations , but in those more pleasant , mirthful chymes of quibbling , for which i before placed you in the chaire . first , sir , you bid me read over my two sermons and the two letters which i have sent you , as if they were yours , and then impartially tell you , whether i am not to pass sentence upon them as you do ; that they are difficiles nugae , elaborate follies . to which my reply is ; first , that there is so much loyalty , and so little self-interest in them , that my imagination can never be strong enough to suppose them to be yours , next , that what folly soever betrayes it self in your expressions , yet the matter is built upon such sure rocks of the scripture , that 't is not all the waves or tempest which you can raise against them , wil be able to reduce them to the fate of a house built upon the sand. thirdly , ( since all disputes , as wel as wit , are like a rest kept up at tennis , where good players do the best with the best gamsters ) i do sadly promise you , that when ever you shal either write or urge to me such arguments of serious consideration , that i shal not have reason to think st. pauls saying verified in my expressions , that my foolish things are sufficient to confound , and bring to nought your wise ; i wil lay aside the folly you tax me withal . in the mean time , if you think my letters to you ( by what glass soever my sermons were made ) are elaborate , pray compare the dates , and receipts of them , with the no-dates , and uncertain receipts of yours ; and you wil find that the longest letter , i have yet written to you , was but the creature of two days , when your unelaborate answer to it back again was the birth , and travell of a whole week . having said this , sir , by way of answer to your ungospel-like preface , i shal next , ( confining my self once more to your own method ) address my self to the examination of the rest of your letter . a hard task , i confess ; it being so much a twinn-brother to your former where your evasions , and little escapes are so many , and your true substantiall , solid disproofes of any one thing which i have sayd either in my sermons or letters , so few , that , to deal freely with you , my conflict with you hitherto hath been ( and for ought i yet foresee is like to prove ) like the fight between hercules , and the river achelous ; which when 't was foyled in one shape , could tire the conquerour , and presently provoke him to a fresh encounter in another . sir , i could wish ( without your strange endless multiplycation of questions ) you would assume to your self some constant figure , wherein i might say , i grappled with a bodyed adversary . but changing form , as you do , and putting me stil to prove that which you have not yet so much as seemingly confuted , pardon me ( i beseech you ) if i say , that my combate with you is not only like the combate of hercules with that river , but like his , who thought he had entered duell with a gyant , and after much toyl found himself encountred by a cloud . first , you conceive , that i preacht in defence of all images set up in any chappell within this vniversity . sir , this is but your conceipt , of which you , not i am guilty . my sermon , if you mark it , is not so confined either to vanlings draughts , or any other mans pencil , as to defend what ever their irregular fancies shal draw , or not to defend what ever , either heer , or any where else , they shal regularly limb . but if your conceipt were true , what doth your logick infer , that because some chappels are adorn'd with the images of some of the persons in the glorious trinity , therefore i must acknowledg all images of that sort ought to be taken down ? pray , sir , how long hath the single topick of your meer assertion been of such forcible authority , that without any other proofe , you should think me obliged to hold such images worthy of expulsion , because you say they are ? had you either from scripture ( the most perfect rule for the decision of controversies ) or from reason , ( though in your esteem but a peece of nature corrupted ) urged any one necessary argument to prove them unlawful , or things which deserve to be called the idolatry or superstition of the place , perhaps being a servant to demonstration , ( though a favourite of the muses ) i should have been one of the first that should have cryed out for reformation . but this not being done by you , nor indeed , possible to be done by any other , though my sermon speak not of any image of any person in the trinity , yet i conceive all arguments , which shal strive to prove , that no picture of any person in the trinity ought to be the ornaments of a church , or chappell window , will be as frail and brittle as the glass in which they stand . sir , i have said in my last letter , and shal repeat it in this , that 't is not you , but nature and the numerous places of scripture , which forbid to make any picture of god , ( either taken for the divine essence common to all the three persons , or for the person of god the father distinct from the other two ) which perswade me that any such picture ( besides the impossibility ) is unlawfull . and therefore you need not have put your self to the unnecessary trouble to hang your margin with quotations taken out of bellarmine , or aquinas ; since all such quotations applyed to that which i have said and you have cited , which is , that all pictures of god are a breach of the second commandment , do strike me no more , then if i should enter conflict with those dead arras-captains , which in hangings threaten to assault the spectatour with imaginary , woven lances . much less need you so superfluously have called s. paul from the third heaven to prove , that ( because he once quoted this greek hemistick out of aratus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we are the off-spring of god ) god is not like to gold , silver , or stone , graven by the art of mans device . since by that which i have said of him in my former letter , you are obliged to testifie for me , that i have urged convincing reasons to prove he cannot be : which reasons , as borrowed from nature and the schoolmen ( with whom , sir , i hope you are not implacably fallen out ) i do not urge as the supream iudges of what i there prove , but as subservient mediums , which carry a musick and consent to that which god hath said of himself in the more perfect rule of his word . so that , for doing this , to charge me ( as you do ) with the study of the lullian art , is either nonsence in your letter , or an illation which resolvs it self into a contemptible mistake ; which is , that because lullius , who wrote of chymistry , was called raymundus , i , who have read another raymundus who wrote of natural theologie , am to be called a lullianist , which is a logick as wretched , as if i should say , mr cheynell hath read cajetane , and hath made him a marginal note , therefore he is a seeker of the philosophers stone , and study's to convert the ore and tin of the kingdom into gold. sir , your logick is not much mended when you say , that the word ( thereupon ) is sometimes illative , sometimes ordinative . for take it which way you will , as it stands in your last letter , you are bound to give me thanks as a poet , that i dealt not with you as a sophister , and proclaimed your infirmity for having utter'd a contradiction . which contradiction , i confess , might have been avoyded by the insertion of the omitted word or two , for want of which , you say my sophisticall criticism is abortive , and came but with one legg into the world. in answer to your next paragraph , i shall most readily grant , that 't is a high fault to picture god. because , any such draught not being possible to be made of him , but by resembling of him to something w●…n is able to afford a species or idea to the sense , would , ( besides the falseness of it , where a gross material figure should represent a pure invisible essence ) degrade him from the honour which he ought to hold in our minds which are his temple ; in which temple if he should hang up in a frame or table , which should contract and shrink him to the finite model of a man or any other creature , 't were the way to convert him into an idoll ; and so ( as i have often said ) to sin against the second commandement , which as it may be broken by spending our worship upon false gods ; so it may also be broken by our false portraitures , and apprehensions , and venerations of the true. the case of the saints is far otherwise . for whose pictures turn'd into idols , as i have no where pleaded , ( for as idols i acknowledge they are the crime of those who worship them ) so , as ornaments , you will never be able convincingly to prove but that they may be innocently retain'd , and be lookt on by those who do only count them speechless colours . the like may be said of al pictures made of christ , which pretend to express no more of him then is capable of representation , and exceed not the lines and symetry of his body and flesh . for i shal grant you that to limb his divinity , or to draw him in both his natures , as he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 god as well as man , is altogether impossible , and not in the power of any painter , though we should recall apelles , or parrhasius from their graves , and once more put pencils into their hand . you know , sir , if a man should have his picture drawn , 't would be an impossible task , if he should enjoyn the painter to limb his soul , as well as the proportion and feature of his body , since the soul is a thing so unexpressible to the sense , that it scarce affords any idea to be understood by the mind . sir , if you have read aristotles books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you wil there find , that the proper objects of al the senses besides those of the eye ( though much grosser then spirits or souls ) cannot be brought into picture . a painter may draw a flower but he cannot limb a scent . he may paint fire , but he cannot draw heat . he may furnish a table with an imaginary banquet , but he that should offer to taste of this banquet would find himself cozen'd . the reason is , because nature it self makes it impossible for the proper object of one sense to be the object of another ; and finds not art or colours for any thing invisible ; but only for those superficie's , symetry's , and sensible parts of things , which are first capable to be seen , and then to be transcribed into a picture . but why that part of christ , which after his resurrection , ( when it began to cease to be any longer a part of this visible world ) was seen of above five hundred brethren at once , may not be painted ; nay , why the figure of a dove , or of cloven tongues of fire ( wherein the third person in the glorious trinity appeared , when he descended upon our mediator christ , and sate upon the heads of the apostles ) may not be brought into imagery , i must confess to you , i am not sharp-witted enough to perceive . though this i shal freely say to you , ( and pray do not call it poetry ) that to maintain that christ thus in picture may be worshipt , is such a peece of supe●…stition , as not only teaches the simple to commit idolatry , but endeavours to verifie upon him in colours the reproach which the calumniating jews stuck upon his person and to make him thus painted , a seducer of people . as for your fourth paragraph , ( which assaults me the second time with an argument without an edge , which is , that the sun and images cannot be put in the scales of comparison in point of fitness to be preserved ) having in my former letter already answered you , i shal not put my self to the needless trouble , the second time to confute it . for answer to your fifth , pray , sir , read that part of my sermon which you have corrupted into a quibble ; and there you shal find , that what i say of clean linnen is not , as you say , a shifting fallacy . but i there say that which you wil never be able to controule ; which is , that by the same reason that you make surplices to be superstitious because papists wear them , you may make linnen also to be superstitious because papists shift ; and so conclude cleanliness to be as unlawful as surplices or copes . sir , this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i confess , the same answer twice served in to you , not out of scarcity or barrenness , or for want of another reply , but because much of your letter is but crambe repetita , a carret twice boyled . your sixth paragraph is a faggot bound up with more sticks in it , then you , without poetical licence , can possibly gather from my letter ; where , sir , i only promise you , ( when ever you shal cal upon me ) to derive to you all the ancient parts of our english liturgy from liturgy's which were in the church before popery was born . of which if any part be to be found in the rubricks of the church of rome your logick wil never be able to prove , that therefore 't is to be rejected as trash and trumpery in ours . good things , sir , lose not their goodness , because they are in some places mingled with superstitious . nor , as i told you before , do davids psalms cease to be a piece of canonical scripture , because they are to be found bound up in the volumn with the mass. sir , if what ever is made use of by the pope , or touches upon rome , should be superstitious , the river tiber would be the most blameable river in the world. what you mean by a prelatical faction here in england , or what they borrowed from the rituals or pontifical of rome , is exprest to me in such a mist of words ( which sound big to the common people , and signifie nothing to the wise ) that i must confess my dulness , i do not understand you . if you mean , that they inserted any new peeces into the old garment of our cōmon-prayer-book ; and those borrowed from the missal , or breviary of rome , i beleeve , sir , ( abstracting from those alterations made in the prayers for the king , queen , and royal issue , which the death of princes exacted , ( unless , for constancy sake , you would have them allow of prayers for the dead ; and in king charls and queen mary's days , to pray still for king iames and queen anne , which would be a piece of popery equal to the invocations of saints ) you will find nothing modern or of such new contrivance , as past not bucers examen in the raign of edward the sixth ; and was confirmed by act of parliament in the raign of queen el●…zabeth . in saying this in their defence , who had the ordering of such changes , i hope sir , you will not so uncharitably think me imbark't in their faction ( which truly to me stil presented it self like the conceal'd horses under ground , a fiction made to walk the streets , to terrifie the people ) as to perswade your self , after my so many professions to fall a sacrifice to the protestant religion , that it can be either in the power of the church or court of rome , to tempt me from my resolution : which is , to go out of the world , in the same religion i came in . sir , i gave warning in my last letter not to venture your writings upon the argument , which deceives none but very vulgar understandings , and which i in my sermon cal the mother of mistakes ; which is , from an accidental concurrence in some things to infer an outright similitude and agreement in all . because bellarmine says tradition is a better medium to prove somethings by , then a private spirit , and because i in this particular have said so too , you tacitely infer that i and bellarmine are of the same religion ; which is the same , as if a turk and a christian saying that the sun shines , you should infer , that the christian is a mahumetan , and for saying so , a turk . i confess , you do not say we are both of the same religion : but that i , in preferring tradition , which you your self , in your seventh paragraph , tllow to be the constant and universal report of the church ) before he testimony of the spirit , speaking in the word to the consciences of private men , am more profane than he . heer , sir , you must not take it ill , if i expose you to the censure of being deservedly thought guilty of a double mistake . the one is , that if bellarmine in this particular were in an errour , and if i had out-spoken him in his errour , yet the laws of speech will not allow you to say , that in an unprofane subject , either of us is profane ; more heretical , or mistaken you might perhaps have said : and this , though a false assertion , might yet have past for right expression . but to call him positively , and me comparatively more profane , because we both hold , that a drop is more liable to corruption then the ocean , or the testimony of al ages of the church is a fuller proof of the meaning of a text in scripture , then the solitary exposition of a man who can perswade none but himself , is as incongruous , as if you should say , that because bellarmine wrote but three volumns , and abulensis twelve , therefore abulensis was a greater adulterer then he. your other mistake is , that you confound the spirit of god speaking in the scripture with the private spirit ( that is ) reason , humour , or fancie of the person spoken to . sir , let that blessed spirit decide this controversie between us . he sayes * that no prophesie of the scripture is of private interpretation . that is , so calculated , or meridianized to some select minds & understandings , that it shall hold the candle to them only , and leave all others in the darke . but , if you will consent to the comment of the most primitive fathers on that text , the meaning of it is ; that as god by his spirit did at first dictate the scripture , so he dictated it in those thingswhich are necessary to salvation , intelligible to all the world of men , who will addict their minds to read it . it being therefore a rule held out to all mankind , for them to order their lives and actions by , and therefore universally intelligible to them , ( it should else cease to be either revelation or a rule ) for you to hold that it cannot be understood without a second revelation , made by the same spirit that wrote it , to the private spirit of you the more-cabinet reader , is as if you should inclose and impale to your self the ayre , or sun-beames ; and should maintain that god hath placed the sun in the firmament , and given you only eyes to see him . in short , sir , 't is to make his word , which was ordained to give light to all the world , a dark lanthorn , in which a candle shines to the use of none but him that bears it . your eighth paragraph being the third of your eleven questions as also the close of your ninth , shall receive a latine answer from me in the divinity school . your next paragraph is againe the hydra with repullulating heads : where , first , you put me to prove the purity of the doctrine , discipline , and government in england . which , being managed by a prelaticall faction , whom , you say , i call the church , was not excellent , if i reckon from the yeare 1630. to 1640. as for the doctrine , sir , i told you before , that the primitive church it selfe was not free from heresies . if therefore i should grant you ( which i never shall , till you particularly tell me what those erroneous doctrines were ) that some men in our church were heterodox , nay hereticall in their opinions , yet i conceive it to be a very neere neighbour to heresie in you to charge the doctrines of persons upon the kingdome or church . such doctrines might be in england , ( as you whether out of choice or luck have said ) yet not by the tenets or doctrines of the land : no more , then if you should say , that because m. yerbury and some few o●…hers hold the equ●…lity of the saints with christ , the whole kingdome is a blasphemer , and was by you confuted at s. maries . the publick doctrine of the church of england i call none but that which was allowed to be so by an act of pa●…liament of england ; and that , sir , was contained in the 39. articles . if any prelate or inferiour priest , for the cicle of yeares you speak of , either held or taught any thing contrary to th●…se , ( as it will be hard i beleeve for you to instance in any of that side who did ) you shall have my consent , in that particular , to count them no part of our church . in the meane time , sir , i beseech you be favourable to this island ; and think not that for ten yeares space 't was hereticall in all the parts of it on this side berwick . withall , sir , i desire ( since you have assigned me an epocha to reckon from ) that you will compare the worst doctrines which wore the date of the trojan warre among us , with those which have since broke loose in the space of a warre not halfe so long , and you will find , that our church for those ten yeares you speak of wore a garment , i will not say , as seamless and undivided as christs coat : but since the soldiers did cast lots upon it , so much heresie , as well as schisme , hath torne it asunder , that 't is now become like iosephs coat imbrued in bloud , where no one piece carryes colour or resemblance to another . as for the discipline and government of our church , ( if you would speak your conscience , and not your gall ) you would confess , that the frame and structure of it was raised from the most primitive modell that any moderne church under the sunne was governed by . a government so well sized and fitted to the civill government of the kingdome , that till the insurrection of some false prophets , who presumed to offer strange fire before the lord , and reduced a land which flowed with milk and honey , into a wildernesse ; they agreed together like the two scripture-brothers , moses and aaron ; and were the two banks which shut up schisme within its channell , and suffered not heresie or sedition to overflow their bounds . in short , sir , i know not into what new forme this kingdome may be moulded , or what new creation may creep forth from the strife-full heap of things , into which , as into a second chaos , we are fallen ; but if the civill state doe ever returne to its former selfe againe , your presbyterian government , which was brought forth at geneva , and was since nursed up in scotland , mingled with it , ( if i be not deceived in the principles of that government ) will be but a wild vine ingrafted into a true . vpon which unequall , disproportioned incorporation , we may as well expect to gather figs of thistles , or grapes of thornes , as that the one should grow so southerne , the other so northerne ; that one harmonious , musicall body should arise from them thus joyned . what errors in government or discipline were committed by the prelates , i know not ; neither have you proved them hitherto chargeable with any ; unless this were an error , that they laid an ostracisme ( as you say ) upon those that opposed your government . i beleeve , sir , when presbytery is set up , and you placed in your consistory with your spirituall and lay-brethren , you will not be so negligent , or so much asleep in your place , as not to find an ostracisme for those , who shall oppose you in your office . in the meane time , sir , to call them , or those , who submitted to their government , a prelaticall faction , because the then wheels of their government moved with an unanimous undisturbance , is , i beleeve , a calumny , which you would faine fasten upon them , provoked ( i suppose ) by the description which i have made of the conspiracy of the false prophets of ierusalem in my sermon . i must deal freely with you , sir , do but probably make it appear to me , that this faction in your letter was like the conspiracy in my sermon ; do but prove to me , that the prelates devoured soules ; that they took to themselves the treasure , and precious things of the land ; that to effect this , they kindled the first spark towards a civilwar ; & then blew it into such a flame , as could not be quencht but with the bloud of husbands ravisht from their wives , and the slaughter of parents prest and ravisht from their children : doe but prove to me that they made one widdow , or built their honours upon the ruine or calamity of one orphane ; lastly , do but prove to me that the priests ( whom you make to be the lower orbe of their faction ) did so mingle , and confound the services of the church , as to put no difference between the holy , and profane , or that in complyance with them , they saw vanity , and divined lyes to the people , and i shall think them capable of all the hard language , which you or others have for some yeares heapt upon them . till then , sir , pray mistake not concrets for their abstracts ; nor charge the faults of persons , upon the innocency of their functions . prelacy is an order so well rooted in the scripture , though now deprived of all its branches in this kingdome , that i verily perswade my selfe , that as caiaphas in the gospell when he spoke prophecy , perceived not himself at that time to be a prophet ; so you ( over-rul'd by the guidance of a higher power ) have in this paragraph exceedingly praised prelacy , whilst you laboured to revile it . for either it must be non-sense , or a very great encomium of it , when you say , that as long as it enjoyed a root here in this kingdome , it had not onely a destructive influence into the evils of the church , but of the civill state too . if the influence of it were so destructive of evils , ( as indeed it was ) pray with what logick can you say , that salus populi quae suprema lex est , did compell the parliament to extirpate a thing so preservative and full of antidote both to church and state ? sir , if mens styles & denominations be to be given to them by the place & clymate where they are borne & bred , i shall grant you are an english , nay an oxford christian. but if you preach , & maintain , that religion is to be propagated by the swor●… , i must tell you , that an english presbyter may in this case be a turkish prophet , and that though his text be chosen from the gospel , yet the doctrine raised from it , may be a piece of the alchoran . i shall allow you to say that the protestants in ireland had a right to the defence of the free exercise of their religion against the furious assaults of the bloody rebels . but when you tell me that christ is king of nations as well as king of saints , ( which i shall grant you ) and say , that as one of his wayes to make proselytes is by the perswasion of his word and spirit ; so , if that will not do , his other way to break the power of antichrist , that is , ( as i conceive you mean ) to convert men from popery , is by civill and naturall meanes , that is , ( if you meane any thing ) to compell them to be protestants by the sword ; me-thinks i am at mech●… , and heare a piece of turcisme preacht to me by one of mahomets priests . in short , sir , whether the papists in england were confederate with the irish rebels i know not : but doe you prove demonstratively , not jealously , to me , that the queene and her agents had an intent to extirpate the protestant religion , and to plant popery by the sword ; and the army that should bring that designe to pass , shall , in my opinion , be styled an army , not of papists , but of baptized ianizaries . as for your bidding me dispute the right of taking up armes in such a case , with the parliament ; first , i must desire you to accept the answer which favroinus the philosopher gave to a friend of his , who askt him , why he would let adrian the emperour have the better of him in a dispute ; i am loth to enter into an argumentation with those who command thirty legions . next , sir , if i were of consideration enough to be heard to speak publickly to that great assembly , having first kist my weapon , i should not doubt , with all the respective liberty , which might witness to them that i strive not to diminish the rights of their power , but to defend the truth of my cause , to tell them , that to come into the field with an armed gospel , is not the way chosen by christ to make proselites . if this be an error or mis-perswasion in me , shew me but one undenyable demonstration of the spirit to disprove it , besides your untopicall perswasion of your selfe to the contrary , and , without any farther conference , or dispute in this point , i shall acknowledge my selfe your convert , and be most glad to be convinced . in the mean time , sir , you are obliged , ( though i be in your opinion in an error ) to think more nobly of me , then of those cowards of your side , who durst not speak truth in a time of danger , when you see me , in the like time , such a resolute champion ( as you conceive ) for the wrong . sir , 't is one of the prayses of a good picture to be drawne so livingly , that every one in the room that beholds it , shall thinke it looks only on him ; 't is just so with some texts in scripture , and some parts of morall philosophy ; which when they speake very characterizingly of an irregular passion , or vice , if they meet with a man conscious , and one subject to such passions , remember him of his guilt , and prick his minde as if he only were signified by that which was writ to all the world. by your charging me that i dealt more sharply with you then i should , you give me cause to suspect , that my letter proved such a picture to you ; and you to your guilty selfe seemed a person so concerned . the words of bitterness which you have layed together in one heape , are composed of such language , as upon your twentieth perusall you will never be able to finde in my letter . sir , christianity ; and my profession ▪ ( however you in your letter forgot both ) have taught me not to returne vomit for vomit . and the love which i beare to to the civility of expression , would never suffer me to be so revilingly broad . if i made use of one of senoca's epistles , or of tully's paradoxes , or horace's poeticall controversies , and if you would apply what they said of ambition , pride , or choller to your self , certainly , sir , you have no reason to call this the luxuriancy of my wit. and thereupon to inferre these provocative conclusions ; that my wit is wanton , therefore i am effeminate . that i am superstitious , therefore lascivious too . sir , as my wit is so poore that i shall observe your councell , that is , never wax proud upon the strength of it , or despise those that are more weake , so ( without sparing me at all ) i doe once more challenge you to prove , that the wantonness of it hath betrayed me to the loose conversation of any that are light . lastly , sir , i hope you doe not think i have so much of the vaine glory , or selfe-conceitedness of those reverend hypocrites in the gospell in me , who were able to boast of their long prayers , and broad phylactaries , and of their fasting twice a weeke , that i will offer to thinke my selfe more temperate then the apostles . yet , sir , i dare once more challenge you , & the precisest of your inspired informers , to prove me at any time guilty of the breach of the text you quote against surfeiting , and drunkenness . luk. 21. 34. that part of your paragraph , therefore , which ends in exhortation , is a piece of homily , which returnes to you , to be made use of towards some other on the next last wednesday of the month , where fasting , and sobriety will be seasonable theams . i grant , sir , that reprobation is a mystery to be trembled at . yet sir , all they who ( maintaining it to be absolute ) doe revive the fiction of the three destinies , where one holds the distaffe on which the thred of every mans fate is spun , and doe preach a piece of zeno's philosophy for a piece of saint paul's epistles , can have no reason to accuse me of a jest , because i apply'd a spindle to the distaffe , on which mens fates are rolled . sir , in plainer termes , as absolute reprobation , is a piece of stoicisme , which was never held to be christian , till it crept forth into the church from the same fancy , which was the wombe in which the presbyterian government was formed , so me thinks , lucian , sir , ( how cheaply soever you think of him , or me , for having closed my last letter to you with a piece of his nigrinus ) in his confutation of this heathenish errour ( which hath made so many hang themselves ) urgeth arguments which would become one of the fathers of the church . i know not whether you have read his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but if you have , he there tells you , that if there be such a thing as the fatall decree , you speak of ; 1. that all they who lye under the inflexibility of it , being tyed by an unalterable necessity to do what they do , can in no reason be rewarded if they do well , nor with any justice be punisht if they do ill . next , that the sinnes which they commit , ( if they cannot but commit them ) are not to be called their sinnes , but the sinnes of that decree which laid this necessity upon them . and , therefore , thirdly that a murtherer ( thus predestined ) if he should be arraigned , may say to any iudge thus stoically perswaded , why doe you accuse me ? pray call my destiny to the bar ; and do not sentence me , but my fate to the racke and wheel . i was but an oversway'd instrument in this murther ; and was but such an engine to my destiny , as my sword was to me . though this were spoken by a heathen , only in disproof of fate , yet since saint chrysostome in more then three sermons had said the same things in disproofe of absolute reprobation , i hope , sir , neither calvin , nor piscator , have so mistaught you to understand saint paul , as from any epistler of his to conclude peremptorily , that anywithout their desert , are given up to a reprobate minde , and finally struck , & necessitated to a remediless impenitence . the 9. chap. of the romans , i have long since consider'd , and studyed it by the most ser●… , impartiall lights which might uncloud the great mysterie to me which lyes so obscurely there wrap'd up . and to deale freely with you , the best commentator i ever yet met with to lead me through the darkness of it , was another place of scripture or two set in presence , and scale with this , both which joyned , me thought , made perfectly the cloud which guided the iewes through the wilderness , which was a cloud to the aegyptians , but a pillar of fire to the israelites . sir , i know that neither saint paul hath written contradictions , nor any other of the apostles written that which is contradictory to saint paul. sir , i presume , also , that aristotles book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath not so forsaken your memory , but you know that an universall affirmative , and a particular negative are a perfect contradiction , and cannot both be true . here , then , stands the case . you , building your opinion upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or great depth of the ninth chapter to the romans , inferre from thence that god gives repentance only to some few , whose peremptory will 't is that they only shall be saved . saint paul in his first epistle to timothy , chapter 2. vers . 4. gives us a line and plummet to sound this depth ; and sayes expresly , that 't is the will of god that all men should be saved . between these propositions , 't is his will that all shall , and 't is his will that only a few shall be saved , there is no medium , in which they may be reconciled ; but one of them must necessarily be true , the other false . this , then , being so , i have alwayes held it safer to build my faith upon those cleare places of the scripture , which have no vaile before their face , then those which are mysterious , and lead me to a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over which i stand amazed , but cannot from thence infer . i doe farther profess to you , that i am not so wedded to this or any other speculative opinion , but that , if you will shew more convincing scripture for the contrary , i shall most readily renounce my owne thoughts , and espouse my self to yours . your premonition or forewarning of me that we at christ-church would e're long taste of a visitation , hath since come to pass , and in part approved it self to be true prophecy . whether inspired by you or no , i know not , but there have been two with us , who have taken away as many copes and guilt candlesticks , as if they had been superstitious . sir , 't is no wonder to me that in our times silver should be popery ; or that church utensills if they be gold should be called superstition . but certainly , sir , 't was a great misinformation to send them to search for copes or things of value to my poor protestant chamber ; where there never was a cope , though , perhaps , they might have found a long-disused surplice , there . and as for idolls of price , if they had searcht my purse , i beleeve that all the popery , which , in these impoverishing times , they could have found in it , cast into the fire , like the iewish earerings , would neither have come forth a silver crucifix ; much less so wealthy an idoll as a golden calse . sir , since at length i understand you , that by agreeing upon the true state of the questions before we dispute them , you mean that we should agree upon the termes in which they are to be held , i am very ready to comply with you in that reasonable particular . but to accept of any , either of your eleven english , or your three latine questions , in the terms in which you have formed them , i can by no meanes consent . first , sir , because i find a piece of artifice in the web , and contrivance of them , which hath something of a trap , and snare , and engine in it . which is , that by making them as popish questions as you can , ( especially one of them ) where you insert the words missall , breviary , and pontificall ) words odious to the people , and part of the dismall spell which for six yeares hath raised the spirit of discord to walk among us ; if i should hold it affirmatively under these termes of hatred , 't is possible it may beget an opinion in the minds of those that know me not , that , though i have more then once profest my selfe ready to fall a sacrifice in the defence of the protestant religion , yet that this was but a disguise which concealed my hypocrisie , 'till provoked i were put to defend the superstitions of the church of rome . sir , i know upon what lesser grounds then this , some in our credulous times have been unjustly called papists . next , sir , if i should hold them affirmatively , with their faces thus looking towards popery , and should bring them thus clothed in your termes of superstition into the divinity schoole , i doubt very much whethet the publickness of the defence may not draw an aspersion not onely upon me , and the moderator , ( if he will vouchsafe to sit in the chaire whilst we quarrell ) but upon the whole already too much defamed university , which such as you have from numerous pulpits called long since popishly affected ; but if it should allow of such a dispute , 't would lend fuell to your calumnies , and be endangered to be no longer thought popish , but out-right a papist . thirdly , sir , your first and last question ( if they were purged of their odious termes ) cannot publiquely be maintained without some affront to the parliament , who by one ordinance have put down the common-prayer-book , by another episcopacy . if , therefore , under your termes , i should publiquely stand up in defence of them , you had need procure a third ordinance , which when i have done may keep me safe . yet , sir , to assure you that this is no evasion in me to decline a dispute , because my sermon was the occasion of your challenge of me in the pulpit , and of this private conference betweene us since ; since also you allow me the liberty of alteration , and to adde my stroke to the anvill on which the questions to be disputed on between us are to receive the last form , and shape , in which , with least offence , and scandall , they may walk into the publique . lastly , since the three latine questions you sent me are three passages of my sermon , but so corrupted from themselves , as shew them to have been once purely protestant , but passing through your hands have degenerated , and clothed themselves with a to-be-suspected robe of popery , the nearest way i know for us to agree upon their true state is to deale with them as the bishops at the reformation dealt with the religion of the church of rome ; that is , purge them from their corruptions , and restore them to the primitive rule from whence they have digrest . which rule , being my sermon , ( if you read it with open eyes ) presents you with your three questions , in this more genuine forme . an liturgia anglicana ideò ●…liminanda sit , quia nonnullas partes ab ecclesiâ romanâ mutuata est , neg. christi , sanctorumque imagines in reformator . ecclesiis l●…ite retineri possint , aff. regimen ecclesiae anglicanae per episcepos sit antichristianum , ex eo quòd ecclesia romana ( quā nonnulli sedem antichristi statuunt ) sic gubernatur , neg. vpon these three questions ( which are but three periods of my sermon cast into a problematicall for●…e ) if you approve of them , and , like a generous adversary , will promise me , that neither for sending of them to you now , nor for defending them hereafter , i shall be question'd , ( for this i require no other security but your word ) i will not faile ( god assisting me ) to meet you in the divinity schoole at university weapons , when ever you shall think fit to call upon me ; and to bring with you those arguments , which , you say , you reserve for that place , and in your two letters have not vouchsafed to afford me , who doe daily pray ( for i begin to be weary of fighting with shades ) that this unnecessary conflict may at length end in a christian peace between you the opponent , and me the defender of the sermon against false prophets , j. mayne . from my chamber this afternoone , feb. 4. 1646. in the evening to the afternoone , in which this letter was sent , m. cheynell returned an answer , not so large , i confess , as i expected ; but composed of language , so complying with my desires , that i unfainedly felt a new strife within my self , how , having hitherto tolerably borne his rougher assaults , i should preserve my self from being conquer'd by his civilities . which i confess , have such a forcible charme upon my nature , softend , and tutor'●… to it by religion , that the world cannot afford an enemy , who shall raise such a tempest of persecution against me , but that i shall be ready to afford him my imbraces , and armes , if he will be content to be received there in a calme . i do farther confess , that m. cheynell , by undertaking to secure me against the danger which might have followed a publique dispute , hath not onely verified my expression , and shewne himselfe a generous adversary ; but by that engagement of himself , hath made me see , what reason i have to complaine of my hard fortune , which hath left me onely the will , and not the power , to be in the like kind , as generous to him back again . his letter was to a syllable this . sir , you may be confident that the messenger was not sent by me , because he return'd without you and without his fees . i never writ up one letter to london that did in the least measure reflect upon you ; if your sermon had not been printed , i had not spoke one word against it . i desire to deale with you in a rationall way , and therefore i doe accept of your academicall proposition or challenge so often sent me ; and because i find my prayers in some measure answered , and you more civill then heretofore , i shall deale freely with you . i doe here under my owne hand assure you , that if you be questioned for defending these propositions in a scholasticall way , ( you know reproaches are not scholasticke ) in the publique schools , i will answer for you ; the parliament will not question you for any learned rationall debate about prelates or the common-prayer-booke , for the satisfaction of your self and others . i will meet you if you please , at the doctor of the chaire his lodgings to morrow about two of the clock in the afternoon ; i doubt not but by his advice we shall agree upon termes fit to express the points in controversie ; if you like the proposall be pleased to send your approbation of it in two lines by this bearer to your friend to serve you , fran : cheynell . mert. coll. feb. 4. 1646. to this letter ( which was the last i received from him ) by the same messenger that brought it , i return'd this answer , which was the last he received from me . sir , i shall ( god willing ) meet you to morrow at your houre , at the doctor of the chaire's lodging . where if you be as willing to submit to the termes which he shall think fit to put the questions in , which we are to dispute upon as i shall be , there will be no variance between us there , nor shall we i hope , bring any with us from the divinity school . where sir , you shall meet one who is so great a lover of truth , that if you can convince me for being all this while in an errour , i shall think my self indeed , a gainer by this conflict . and no longer stile my self the defender of the sermon against false prophets , but one , who for being confuted by you ought to remain from my chamber , 〈◊〉 . 4. 1646. your affectionate friend and servant , jasper mayne . here , if any be curious to know how this last act of our conference ended , or what catastrophe did shut up the conflict between us , which had so much busie epitasis and expectation in it , i could wish master cheynell himself were the historian . nevertheless , none will have reason to thinke me partiall or unfaithfull in my report , having not only master wilkinson , if i deliver false story , but the doctor of the chaire to dispro●… , and contradict me . at whose lodging in christ-church when we 〈◊〉 , first , with a prudence becoming the granity of his person , and the dignity of his place , he told us , that he could not think it sit to sit moderatour to any disputation which was ●…ot either pro form , and conduced to the taking of a degree , or pro termino , which is a divinity exercise , at which the university statutes require his presence in the chaire . next , if we resolved to meet in the schools without a moderatour , his advice was , that master cheynell should have his scribe and i mine , to write down faithfully his arguments and my replyes : which thus taken and compared , would not be so liable to the variations of report , as when the eares and memories of the hearers are their only register . there remained but one difficulty , which was , how to make us agree upon questions fit to be disputed in such a publike way . m. cheynell utterly refused mine , and the doctor of the chaire thought it no way reasonable , that in the dangerous attire they wore , i should accept of his ; especially the first . which upon m. cheynells unlocking of the full extent and meaning of the termes , revealed it self to be a kinde of trojan horse ; consecrated indeed to pallas without , but lined with an ambush of armed enemies within . for , besides the words missall , breviary , and pontificall ( against which i before gave in my exceptions ) by a praelatis decerpta , populoque obtrusa , master cheynell said , he not only meant those parts of our english lyturgie which have been borrowed from the church of rome , but the scotch lyturgie too , as it was imposed upon that nation by the sword. which , though it were a mistake in him to say it was imposed by the sword , ( since the date of the reception of it in that church was the year 1637. at which time the sword of both nations lodged peaceably in the scabberd ) and though upon the perusall of it since , i finde it the same in all points with ours , but only in the contraction of the forme of the administration of the lords supper , and so for the matter of it as defensible as ours , yet having been turned out of that kingdome , and church as solemnly as it was at first introduced , that is , by an act of parliament ; to whose birth the king and houses concurred , , for me to have disputed publiquely for the second reception of it , had been the way not only to raise a northern army of men against my self , ( who would , doubtless , have thought it a very bold piece of insolence in me to disallow in a publique dispute , the proceedings of a whole state ) but of such northerne women too , whose zeale upon the first reading of that innocent lyturgie , mistook it for the mass booke , and thereupon converted their ioynt-stools , upon which they sate , into weapons , with which they invaded the reader , and chaced him , with his new-born popery in his hand , out of the church . these reasons being layed to those other , which in my last letter but one , produced to shew how scandalous , as well as unsafe , it would in all likelyhood , prove both to the university and my self , if i should publiquely maintaine a question which carryed so much danger with it , i prest m. cheynell with the intimation which he gave me in his last letter , which was , to stand to that frame of questions which the doctor of the chaire should contrive for us . to whose ordering of the terms of his first question if he would submit , i promised him to accept of his other two ; ( though in the doctor of the chaires opinion , the termes of his third question were something hard ) in that unaltered forme into which he had cast them . to this his reply was , that after the words populo obtrusa , in his first question , he would allow me to insert these two words of mitigation , ut fertur . whereto my answer was , that this addition would so litle deserve the name of a mitigation , that it very much increast my burther , and hung more weights upon me . since hereby i obliged my self , not only to stand up for the re-admission of the scotch lyturgie ; which could not be done without an affront offered to the act of state that banisht it , but for the iustification of all the unknown practices of the prelates , who had the contrivance of that lyturgie , against the sinister reports , and calumnies of the incensed people . who , as for some yeares , they have been falsely taught to thinke the order of bishops antichristian , so looking upon their persons through the mist cast by some false prophets before their eyes , it ought to be no wonder if their best actions have seemed popery . the conclusion of all was this . m. cheynell at length , without any farther clouds of discourse , told me plainly , that to any other alterations then this he could not consent ; being bound up by his instructions to hold this question only in the latitude & sense , which was signified by the termes in which he had arrayed it . whereupon , the long expected scene between us closed , and the curtaine to this controversie was let fall . and we , after some mutuall exchanges of civility , parted , i hope like two divines , in perfect charity with one another . the end . οξλο-μαξια . or the peoples war , examined according to the principles of scripture & reason , in two of the most plausible pretences of it . in answer to a letter sent by a person of quality , who desired satisfaction . by jasper mayne d. d. one of the students of ch. ch. oxon. rom. 13. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . printed in the yeare , 1647. honourd sir , i have in my time seen certain pictures with two faces . beheld one way , they have presented the shape and figure of a man. beheld another , they have presented the shape and figure of a serpent . me thinks , sir , for some years , whatever letters the king wrote either to the queene , or his friends , or what ever declarations he publish●… in the defence of his rights and cause , had the ill fortune to undergoe the fate of such a picture . to us who read them impartially , by their own true , genuine light , they appeared so many cleare , transparent copies of a sincere and gallant mind . look't upon by the people , ( of whom you know who said , populus iste vult decipi , decipiatur ) through the answers and observations , and venomous comments , which some men made upon them , a fallacy in judgement followed very like the fallacy of the sight ; where an object beheld through a false deceitfull medium , partakes of the cosenage of the conveyance , and way , and puts on a false resemblance . as square , bright , angular things through a mist show darke and round ; and straight things seen through water show broken and distorted . it seems , sir , by your letter to me , that your friend , with whom you say , you have lately had a dispute about the kings supremacy , and the subjects rights , is one of those who hath had the ill luck to be thus deceived . which i doe not wonder at , when i consider how much he is concern'd in his fortunes that the parliament should all this while be in the right . besides , sir , having lookt upon the cause of that side meerly in that plausible dresse with which some pens have attired it , and having entertain'd a str●…ng prejudice against whatever shall be said to prove that a parliament may erre , it ought to be no marvaile to you if he be rather of m. ●…rinnes then iudge ienkins's . opinion ; and perswade himselfe , that the parliament having , if not a superior , yet a coordinate power with the king , in which the people is interested , where ever their religion or liberty is invaded , may take up armes against him , for the defence of either . but then . sir , finding by my reading of the publick writings of both sides , that both sides challenged to themselves the defence of one and the same cause , i must confesse to you , that 〈◊〉 a while the many battailes , which so often coloured our fields with bloud , appeared to me like battails●…ught ●…ught in dreams . where the person combating in his sl●…epe , imagines he hath an adversary , but a wake perceives his error that he hel●… co●…flict with himselfe . to speak a little more freely to 〈◊〉 , sir , the kings declarations , and the parliaments remonstrances equally pretending to the maintenance of the same protestant religion , and the same liberty of the subject , i wondered a while how they could make two opposite sides , or could so frequently come into the field without a quarrell . but since your friend is pleased to let me no longer remain a sceptick , but clearly to state the quarrell ; by suffering the two great words of charme , liberty , and religion . ( from whence both sides have so often made their recruits ) to stand no longer as a salamis , or controverted iland between two equall challengers ; and since he is pleased to espouse the defence of them so wholly to the parliament , as to call the warre made by the king the invasion of them ; both for his and your satisfaction , who have layed this taske upon me , give me leave to propose this reasonable dilemma to you . either 't is true what your friend saies , that the parliament hath all this while sought for the defence of their liberty , and religion , or 't is only a pretence , and hath hid some darker secret under it . if it have been only a pretence , there being not a third word in all the world which can afford so good colour to make an unjust warre passe for a just , the first discovery of it , will be the fall , and ruine of it ; and the people who have been misled with so much holy imposture , will not only hate it for the hypocrisie , but the injustice too . if it be true , yet i cannot see how they are hereby advantaged , or how , either or both these joyned can legitimate their armes . for first , sir , i would fain know of your friend , what he means by the liberty of the subject . i presume he doth not mean a releasement from servitude . since amongst all their other complaints , delivered in petitions to the parliament , they never yet adventured to say that they were govern'd as servants by a hard master , not as subjects by a prince . nor doe i find that the king was such a pharaoh to them , that they were able to say , that he changed a kingdome of freemen into a house of bondage . some acts of his government , i confesse , some have call'd illegal ; namely the exaction of ship-mony . but this certainly , was a grievance which if it had not been redrest , deserved not to be reckoned among the brick kills of aegypt , or to denominate his government despoticall too . next then , doth your friend , by liberty , meane a releasement from tyranny , as tyranny allowes men to be subjects , but not much removed from slaves ? had the king indeed , made his will the rule of his government , and had his will revealed it selfe in nineteen years of injustice , had he like caligula , worne a table-book in his pocket , with the names of the nobility in it design'd and markt for slaughter ; had he without any trialls of law made his pleasure passe for sentence , and lopt off senators heads as tarquin did poppeys ; had he in his oppressions of the people made them feele times like those which tacitus describes ; where no man durst be virtuous , least he should be thought to upbrayd his prince ; where to complaine of hard usage was capitall ; and where men had not only their words , but their very looks and sighs proscribed ; his raigne would beare that name . but alas , sir , you your selfe know , that these are acts of tyranny , which were so farre from being practised , that they have not yet been faigned among us . 't is true , indeed , certain dark iealousies were cast among the people , as if some evill counsellors about the king had had it in their designe to introduce an arbitrary government . but these were but iealousies , blown by those , whose plot 't was to make the popular hatred their engine to remove those counsellors , that by their ruine they might raise a ladder to their own ambitions . for if the calamity of these times have not quite blotted out the memory of former , people cannot but remember , that no nation under heaven , more freely enjoyed the blessing of the scripture then we ; every one secure under the shade of his own uine . perhaps a grape or two extraordinary was gathered for the publique . but if any did refuse to contribute , i doe not find that like naboth , they were stoned for their uineyard . if therefore , the gentleman your friend understand liberty in this sense , the most he can say for the parliament , is , that they have taken up armes against their king , not because he was , but because he possibly might be a tyrant . which feare of theirs being in it selfe altogether unreasonable , and therefore not to be satisfied , could not but naturally endeavour ( as we find by sad experience it hath done ) ●…o secure it selfe by removing out right the formidable ob●…ect which caused it ▪ which being not to be done but by the removall of monarchicall government it selfe , could not but cast them at length upon a new forme of state , or such a confusion or no forme of state , as , we see , hath almost drawn ruine upon themselves and their countrey . once more therefore ▪ i must aske your friend what he meanes by liberty . i hope he doth not mean an exemption from all governement ; nor is fallen upon their wilde opinion , who held that there ought to be no magistrate , or superior among christians . but that in a freedom of condition we are to live together like men standing in a ring , or circle , where roundnesse takes away distinction , and order ; and where every one beginning and ending the circle , as none is before , so none is after another . this opinion , as 't would quickly reduce the house of lords to the house of commons ; so 't would in time reduce the house of commons to the same levell with the common people . who being once taught that inequality is unlawfull , would quickly be made docile in the entertainment of the other arguments , upon which the anabaptists did here to fore set all germany in a flame . namely , that christ hath not only bequeathed to men , the liberty of his gospell , but that this liberty consists in ones not being greater then another . it being an oracle in nature , that we are all borne equall ; that these words of higher , and lower , superiour , and inferiour , are fitter for hills , and vales , then for men of a kind ; that the names also of prince and subject , magistrate and people , governours and governed , are but so many stiles vsurpt . since in nature for one man to be borne subiect to another , is as much against kinde , as if men should come into the world with chaines about them ; or as if women should bring forth children with gyves , and shakles on . which doctrine as 't would naturally tend to a parity , so that parity would as naturally end in a confusion . lastly , therefore , i will understand your friend in the most favourable sence i can . that by the parliaments defence of the peoples liberty , he meanes the maintenance of some eminent rights belonging to the subiect , which being in manifest danger to be invaded , and taken from them , could not possibly be preserved but by armes taken up against the invader . but then , granting this to be true , ( as i shall in fit place shew it to be false ) yet the king being this invader ( unlesse by such an invasion he could cease to be their king , or they to be his subiects ▪ ) i cannot see how such rights could make their defence lawfull . for the clearer demonstration of this , i shall desire you ; sir , not to think it a digression in me , if i deduce things somewhat higher then i at first intended , or then your letter requires me ; or , if to cure the streame , i take the prophets course , and cast salt into the spring ; and examine first , how farre the power of a king , ( who is truly a king , and not one only in name ) extends it selfe over subjects . next , whether any such power doe belong to our king ; thirdly if there doe , how farre 't is to be obeyed , and not resisted . as for the first , you shall in the scripture , sir , find two originalls of kings , one immediatly springing from the election and choice of god himselfe . the other from the choice and election of the people ; but so , as that it resolves it selfe into a divine institution . the history of regall power , as it took originall from god himselfe , is set downe at large in the eight chapter of the first book of samuel . where , when the israelites , weary of the government by iudges ( who had the same power that the dictators had at rome , and differ'd nothing from the most absolute monarchs but only in their name , and the temporary use of their power ) required of samuel to set a king over them , god bid him hearken to their voyce . but withall * solemnly to protest and shew them the manner ( or as one translat ●…s it more to the mind of the originall , ius regis , the right , or power ) of the king that should raigne over them . that he would take their sonnes , & appoint them for his charets ; and their daughters , to be confectionaries , and cookes f●…r his kitchin. that he would also take their fields their uineyards , and their olive-yards , even the best of them and give them to his officers ; lastly , that he would take the tenth of their seed , and sh●…epe , and yee , saies the prophet ( which is a very characteristicall marke of subjection ) * shall be his servants . all which particulars , with many others there specified , ( which i forbeare to repeat to you , because they rise but ●…o the same height ) may in oth●… termes be briefly summed up into these two generalls . that the iews by requiring a king to be set over them , ( such a king as was to raigne over them , like the kings of other * nations ) divested themselves of two of the grea●…est immunities which can belong to freemen , liberty of person , and propriety of estates . and both these in such an unlimited measure , as left them not power , if their prince pleased , to call either themselves , or children , or any thing else their owne . to this if either you , or your friend shall reply , that this was but a propheticall character of saul , and a meere prediction to ●…he people wha●… he , made king would doe , noe true draught of his commission , what he in iustice might , ( since a prince who shall assume to himselfe the exercise of such a boundlesse power , doth but verify the fab●… , a s●…ork set over a common wealth of froggs , they to be his prey , not he to be their king ) to the first i answer negatively . that what is said in the fore-mentioned chapter by samuel , cannot be meant only of saul , since nothing is there said to confine the description to this raigne . nor doth any part of his history charge him with such a government . next , i shall g●…ant you , that no prince ruling by the strict lawes of naturall-equity , or iustice , can exercise all the acts of power there mentioned . nor can his being a king so legitimate all his actions , or so outright exempt him from the common condition of men , that what ever he shall doe shall be right . most of the acts there recorded are not only repugnant to the lawes of sociable nature , or just rule , ( which forbids one to have all ; and binds princes themselves in chains of reason ) but to the * law of god in another place ; which allowes not the king of his own choyce , to raigne as he list , but assignes him the law of moses for his rule . from which as often as he broke loose , he sinned like one of the people . yet so , as that upon any such breach of the law 't was not left in the power of the people to correct him , or to force him by a warre , lik●… ours , to returne back again to hi●… duty . his commission towards them ( if you marke it well ) ●…an in such an uncontroleable stile , that his best actions and his worst , towards them , wore the same warrant of authority . however therefore , regall power , in the forementioned place of samuel , be called the manner of what a king would doe , yet that manner , ( as i told you before ) carryed a ius or power with it unquestionable by the subiect , to doe if he pleased things unlawfull . and hence 't is that the prophet tells the iews at the 18. verse of that chapter , that in the day they found themselves opprest by their king , they should cry out for redresse to the lord ; as the only arb●…ter , and iudge , of the deeds , and actions of princes . the originall of regall power as it took beginning from the people , you have most lively exprest to you by s. peter in the 13. v. of the 2. chapter of his 1. epist. where exhorting those to whom he wrote to order their obedience according to the severall orbes , and regions of power of the states wherein they lived , he bids them submit themselves to every ordinance of man ; whether it be to the king as supreme , or unto governors , as unto them who are sent by him &c. in which words i shall desire you to observe . first , that monarchy as well as other formes of government , is there called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a human creature , or thing of humane creation . from whence some , such as your friend , ( who , i perceive by his arguments against monarchy in your letter hath read iunius brutus , and buchanan ) have inferred , that as to avoid disorder and confusion , people did at first passe over the r●…le and government of themselves to a prince , so the prince being but an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or derivative from them , doth still retain a dependance on his first creators . and as in nature 't is observed that waters naturally cannot rise higher then their spring-head ; so princes , they say , have their spring-head too . above which as often as they exalt themselves , 't is in the power of the fountain to recall it's streame , and to bring it to a plaine , and level with it selfe . for though , say they , it be to be granted , that a king thus chosen is major singulis , superiour to any one , yet he is minor vniversis , inferior to the whole . since all the dignity and power which makes him shine before the people , being but their rayes contracted into his body , they cannot reasonably be presumed so to give them away from themselves , as that in no case it shall be lawfull to call for them back againe . for answer to which opinion ( taken in by your friend from his misunderstanding of that text ) i will goe no farther then the place of scripture on which 't is built , where ( without any criticall strife about the signification of the words ) i will grant that not only monarchy , ( which is the government of a people by a prince ) but aristocracy , ( which is the government of a people by states ) & democracy ( which is the government of the people by the people ) hath next , and immediatly in all states but the iewish been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of humane creation . but then that 't is not so purely humane , as not to be of gods creation , and institution too , is evident by the words next in contexture , where the apostle bids them , to whom he wrote , to submit themselves to every such ordinance of man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the lords sake . who by putting his seale of approbation to mens elections and choyce , hath not only authorised a humane institution to passe into a divine ordinance ; but towards it hath imprinted even in nature it selfe such a necessity of government , and of superiority of one man over another , that men without any other teacher , but their owne inbredde instinct , ( which hath alwayes whisper'd to them that anarchy is the mother of confusion ) have naturally fallen into kingdoms , and commonwealths . and however such a state , or condition of life under a prince or magistrate be something lesse free then not to be subject at all , ( since mens actions have hereby been confined to the wills of superiours , whose lawes have been certaine chaines and shackles clapt upon them , ) yet a subjection with security hath alwayes , by wise men , been preferr'd before liberty with danger , & men have bin compelled to enter into those bonds , as the only way , & meanes to avoyd a greater thraldome . since without such a subordination of one man to another , to hold them together in just society , the times of the nomades would return where , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the weaker served only to be made a prey to the stronger . the next thing which i shall desire you to observe from that text , is , that the king , though chosen , and created by the people , is there stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supreame . now sir , you know that 〈◊〉 supream , is so to be over others , as to have no superiour above him . that is , to be so independently the l●… of his owne actions , of what sort soever , whether uniust or just , as not to beaccountable to any but god. if he were , that other , to whom he is accountable , would be supream not he. since in all things wherein he is questionable , he is no longer the king , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there describ●…d , but a more specious subject . whereupon will either follow this contradiction in power , that the same person at the same time may be a king , and no king ; or we must admit of an absurdity as great ; which is , that a supream may have a supream ; which to grant were to cast our selves upon an infinite progresse . for that there must be a non-ultra , or resolution of power either into one , ( as in a perfect monarchy ) or into some few , ( as in the government by a senate ) or into the maior part of the people joyning suffrages , ( as in a pure democracy ; all three formes agreeing in this , that some body must be supream and unquestionable in their actions , ) the nature of rule , and businesse , and governement it selfe demonstrates to us . which would not else be able to obtaine it's ends , or decide controversies otherwise undeterminable . and however this power may sometimes be abused , and strained beyond it's iust limits , yet this not being the fault of the power , but of the persons whose power t is , it makes much more for the peace of the publique , that one , or few should in some things be allowed to be unjust then that they should be liable to be questioned by an ill ▪ iudgeing . multitude in all. the third thing which you may please to observe from that peece of scripture , is , the creation of magistrates , or governours , who are there said to be sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by him. where a moderne writer applyes the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or by him , to god. as it all other governours were sent by him , not by the king. which interpretation of the place i would admit for currant , if by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or governours , so sent , he did understand the rulers in an aristocracie , or free-state . which being a species of governement , contradistinct to monarchy cannot be denyed to have god , as well as the other for it's founder . but then the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the peculiar epithet of monarchy , will beare another sence then i have hitherto given it ; and will not only signifie the king to be supream , ( for so the rulers of a free state are within their owne territories ) but compared with other formes of supremacy to be the most excellent . monarchy being in it selfe least subject to disunion , or civill disturbance . and for that reason pronounced by the wisest stateists to be that forme of governement , into which all other incline naturally to resolve themselves for their perfection . but by governours , in that place , understanding as he doth , not the senate in a free-state , but the subordinate magistrates under a prince , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most certainly belongs to the king. to whom the apostle there assignes the mission of governours as one of the essentiall markes , and notes , that he is , in his owne realm supream . and thus sir , having drawne the portraiture of regall power to you , by the best light in the world , but with the meanest pencill ; i know you expect that in the next place i should shew you what rayes , or beames , of this power are inherent in our king. which being a taske fitter for one of our greatest sages of the law , then for me , ( who , being one who doe not pretend to any exact knowledg in the fundamentall lawes , or customes , of this kingdome , ) which are to stand the land-marks and markes of partition between the kings prerogative , and the liberty of the subject , may perhaps be thought by drawing a line or circle about either , to limne figures in the dust , whose ●…ate bangs on the mercy of the next winde that blowes ) the steps by which i will proceed , ( leaving you to the late writings of that most learned and honest iudge ienkins for your fuller satisfaction in this point ) shall be breifly these two . first i will shew you what are the genuine markes , and properties of supream power ; next , how many of them have been challenged by the king , and have not hitherto been denyed him by any publique declaration of the parliament . sir if you have read aristotles politicks ( as i presume you have ) you may please to remember that he * there divides the supream powere of a state , into three generall parts . the ordering of things for the publique , the creation of magistrates , and the finall resolution of iudgment upon appeales ; to which he afterwards addes the power of levying warre , or concluding of peace , of making or breaking leagues with forraigne nations , of enacting or abrogating lawes , of pardoning , or punishing offendors , with banishment , confiscation , imprisonment or death . to which dyonisius halicarnassensis addes , the power to call or dissolve comitia , or publique assemblies ; as well synods and councells in deliberations concerning religion ; as parliaments , or senates , in deliberations secular concerning the state. to all which markes of supreame power , a * moderne lawyer ( who only wants their age to be of as great authority as either ) addes the power to exact tribute , and to presse souldiers . in the exercise of which two acts consists that dominium eminens , or dominion para ▪ mount , which the state , ( when ever it stands in need , and that too , to be the iudge of its owne necessity ) hath not only over the fortunes , but the persons of the subject ; in a measure so much greater then they have over themselves , as the publique poole is to be preferr'd before the private cisterne . now sir , if you please to apply this to the king , though good lawyers will tell you that the power of making or repealing laws be not solely in him , but that the two houses have a concurrent right in their production , and abolishment ; yet they will tell you too , that his power extends thus farre , that no law can be made or repealed without him. since for either , or both houses to produce a statute law by themselves , hath alwaies , in this state , been thought a birth as monstrous as if a child should be begotten by a mother upon her selfe . they usually are the matrice and womb , where lawes receive their first impregnation , and are shap't and formed for the publique ; but ( besides the opinion of all present lawyers of this kingdome , who , like that great * example of loyalty , dare speak their knowledge ) it hath alwaies been acknowledged by the law made 2. h. 5. by the sentence of refusall , le roy s' avisera , and indeed by all parliaments of former ages , that the king is thus farre pater patriae : that these lawes are but abortive unlesse his consent passe upon them . a negative power he hath then , though not an out-right legislative . and if it be here objected , by your friend , that the two houses severally have so too , i shall perhaps grant it , if in this particular , they will be modest , and content to go sharers in this power ; and no longer challenge to their ordinances the legality & force of acts of parliament . as for the other parts of royalty , which i reckoned up to you ; as the creation of officers , and counsellours of state , of iudges for law , and commanders for warre , the ordering of the militia by sea and land , the benefit of confiscations , and escheats where families want an heyre ; the power to absolve and pardon , where the law hath condemned ; the power to call and disolve parliaments , as also the receipt of custome and tribute , with many other particulars , which you are able to suggest to your selfe . they have alwaies been held to be such undoubted flowers of this crowne , that every one of them like his coyne ( which you know sir , is by the law of this land treason to counterfeit , which is an other mark of royalty ) hath in all ages but ours , worne the kings image , and superscription upon it . not to be invaded by any , without the crime of rebellion . and though ( as your friend saies , ) this be but a regulated power , and rise no higher in the just exercise of these acts , then a trust committed by the lawes of this kingdome , for the governement of it ▪ to the king , ( for i never yet perceived by any of his declarations , that his majes●…y c●…aimed these as due to him by right of conquest , or any ●…er of those absolute , and vnlimited waies , which might render his crowne patrimoniall to him , or such an out-right a●…odium that he might alienate it , or chuse his successour , or rule as he pleased himselfe ) yet as in the making of these lawes he holds the first place , so none of these rights which he derives from them , can without his own consent , be taken from him. for proofe hereof , i will only instance in three particulars to you , ( for i must remember , that i am now writing a letter to you , not penning a treatise , ) which will carry the greater force of perswasion , because conf●…st by this parliament . the first was an act presented to the king for the setling of the militia , for a limited time in such hands as they might confide in . a clear argument , that without such an act past by the king , the two houses had nothing to do with the ordering of it . another was one of the nineteen propositions , where t was desired that the nomination of all officers , and counsellours of state , might , for the future go by the maior part of voyces of both houses . another argument , that the king hath hitherto in all such nominations , been the only fountaine of honour . the third was , the passing of the act for the continuation of this parliament ; another argument , that nothing but the kings consent could ever have made it thus perpetuall as it is . many other instances might be given , but so undoubtedly acknowledged by bracton , by him that wrote the book call'd the prerogative of parliaments , ( who is thought to be sir walter raleigh ) by sir edward cooke , by the stiles and formes of all the acts of parliament , which have been made in this kingdom , and by that learned * iudge who wrote the examination of such particulars in the solemne league and covenant as concerne the law ; and who in a continued line of quotation , and proofe , derives along these and the other parts of supreme power in the king , from edward the confessour , to our present soveraigne king charles , that to prove them to you , were to adde beames to the sunne . here then , for the better stating of the third thing i proposed to you , ( which was , that granting the king to be supreme in this kingdome , ( at least so farre as i have described him ) how farre he is to be obeyed , and not resisted ) two things will fall under inquiry . first , supposing the king not to have kept himselfe to that circle of power which the lawes have drawn about him , but desirous to walke in a more absolute compasse , that he hath in somethings invaded the liberty of his people , whither such an incroachment can justifie their armes . next , if it be proved that he hath kept within his line , and only made the law the rule of his governement , whether a bare fear or iealousie , that when ever he should be able , he would change this rule , ( which is the most that can be pretended ) could be a iust cause for an anticipating warre . the decision of the first of these inquiries , will depend wholly upon the tenure by which he holds his crowne . if it were puerly elective , or were at first set upon his head by the suffrages of the people ; and if in that election , his power had been limited ; or if by way of paction , it had been said , thus farre the king shall be supreme , thus farre the people shall be free ; if there had been certaine expresse conditions assigned him , with his scepter , that if he transgrest not his limites he should be obeyed , if he did , it should be lawfull for the people to resist him ; lastly , if to hinder such exorbitances , there had been certaine epho●…i , or inspectours , or a co-ordinate senate , placed , as mounds , and cliffes about him , with warrant from the electours , that when ever he should attempt to overflow his bankes , it should be their part to reinforce him back into his channell ; i must confesse to you being no better then a duke of uenice , or a king of sparta ; in truth no king , but a more splendid subject , i think such a resistance might be lawfull . since , such a conveyance of empire being but a conditionall contract , as in all other elections , the chusers may reserve to themselves , or give away so much of their liberty as they please . and where the part reserved is invaded , 't is no rebellion to defend . but where the crowne is not elective , but hath so hereditarily descended in an ancient line of succession from king●…o ●…o king , that to finde out the originall of it , would be a taske as difficult , as to find out the head of nilus ; where the tenure is not conditionall , nor hangs upon any contract made at first with the people , nor is such a reciprocall creature of their breath , as to be blowne from them , and recalled , like the fleeting ayre they draw , as often as they shall say it returnes to them , worse then at first they sent it forth ; in short , sir , where the only obligation , or tye upon the prince is the oath which he takes at his coronation , to rule according to the knowne lawes of the place ; though every breach of such an oath be an offence against god , ( to whom alone a prince thus independent is accountable for his actions ) yet 't will never passe for more then perjury in the prince ; no warrant for subiects to take up armes against him. here then , sir , should i suppose the worst that can be supposed , that there was a time when the king , misled ( as your friend sayes ) by evill counsellours , did actually trample upon the lawes of the kingdome , and the liberty of his subiects , derived to them by those lawes ; yet unlesse some originall compact can be produced where 't is agreed , that upon every such incroachment it shall be lawfull for them to stand upon their defence ; unlesse some fundamentall contract can be shewen where 't is clearely said , that where the king ceaseth to governe according to law , he shall for such misgovernment cease to be king ; to urge ( as your friend doth ) such vnfortunate precedents as a deposed richard , or a dethroned edward , ( two disproportion'd examples of popular fury ; the one forced to part with his crowne by resignation , the other as never having had legall title to it , ) may shew the iniustice of former parliaments growne strong , never justifie the pitcht-feilds which have been fought by this . since , ( if this supposition were true ) the king being bound to make the law hi●… rule by no other obligation but his oath at his coronation ( then which there cannot be a greater , i confesse , and where 't is violated never , without repentance scapes vnpunish't ) yet 't is a trespasse of which subiects can only complaine , but as long as they are subiects can never innocently revenge . but this , all this while , sir , is but only supposition ; and you know , sir , what the logician saies , suppositio nihil ponit in esse , what ever may be supposed is not presently true . i●… calumny her selfe would turne informer , let her leave out ship-money ( a greivance which being fairely laid a fleepe by an act of parliament , deserved not to be awakened to beare a part in the present tragedy of this almost ruined kingdome ) she must confesse that the king through the whole course of his raigne was so farre from the invasion of his subjects rights , that no king of england before him , ( unlesse it were henry the first , and king iohn , whom , being vsurpers it concern'd to comply with the people , the one having supplanted his eldest brother robert duke of normandy , the other his nephew , arthur prince of britaine ) ever imparted to them so many rights of his owne . to that degree of infranchisement that i may almost say he exchanged liberties with them . witnesse the petition of right . an act of such royall grace , that when he past that bill , he almost dealt with his people , as tra●…an did with the pratorian praefect , ●…ut his sword into their hands , and bid them use it for him if he ruled well if not , against him. in short , sir , magna charta was a uine , i confesse , cast over the people , but this act enabled them to call the shade of it their owne . an act which ( if your friend will please to forget ship mony ) being in no one particular violated , so farre as to be instanc●…d in by those , whose present ingagements would never suff●…r such breaches of priviledge to passe unclam●…ur'd , will ob●…ge posterity to be gratefull , as often as they remember themselves to be freemen . thi●… then being so , the next inquiry will be , whether a bare iealousy that the king would in time have recalled this grace , and would have invaded the liberty of his subjects , by the change of the fundamentall lawes , could be a ●…ust cause for such a praeventive warre as this . to which i answ●…re , that such a feare , 〈◊〉 built upon strong presumptions cannot possibly be a just cause for one nation to make warre upon another ; much lesse for subjects to make warre against their prince . the reason is , because nothing can legitimate such a warre , but either an injury already offered , or so visibly imminent , that it may passe for the first dart or speare hurled . where the injury or invasion , is only contin●…ent and conjecturall , and wrapt up in the wombe of darke counsells , no way discoverable but by their own revelation of themselves in some outward acts of hostility , or usurpation , to anticipate is to be first injurious ; and every act of prevention , which hath only iealousie for its foundation , will adde new justice to the enemies cause , who , as he cannot in reason be pronounced guilty of anothers feares so he will come into the field with this great advantage on his side , that his reall wrong will joyne battle with the others weake suspition . but alas , sir , time , ( the best interpreter of mens intentions , hath at length unsee'●…d our eyes , and taught us that this hath been a warre of a quite opposite nature . the gentleman who wrote the defence of m. chaloners speech , and m. chaloner himselfe , if you marke his speech well , will tell you , that the quarrell hath not been whether the subject of england shall be free , but whether this freedome shall not consist in being no longer subject to the king. if you ma●…ke , sir , how the face of things hath alter'd with successe , how the scene o●… things is shifted ; and in what a n●…w stile they , who called themselves the invaded , have spoken , ever since their victories have secured them against the power of any hat shall invade ; if you consider what a politick use hath been made o●… those words of inchantment , law , liberty , and propriety of the subject , by which the people have been musically en●…ced into their thraldome ; if you yet farther consi●…er the more then decemvirall power which this parliament hath assumed to it selfe , by repealing old lawes , and making ordinances passe for new ; if you yet farther will please to consider how much heavyer that which some call priviledge of parliament , hath been to the subject , then that which they so much complained of , the kings prerogative ; so much heavyer , that if one deserved to be called a little finger , the other hath swolne it selfe into a loyne ; lastly , if you compare ship-mony with the excise , and the many other taxes laid upon the kingdome , you will not onely find that a whippe then , hath been heightned into a scorpion now ; but you will perceive , that as these are not the first subjects who , under pretence of liberty , have invaded their princes crowne , ( so farre as the cleaving of him asunder by a state distinction , which separates the power of the king from his person ) so ours , as long as he was able to lead an army into the field , hath been the first king that ever took up armes for the liberty of his subjects . vpo●… all which premises , sir , i hope you will not think it fa●…e logicke if i build this conclusion so agreeable to the lawes of the kingdome , as well as the lawes of god : tha●… supposing the parliament all this while to have fought , ( as was at first pretended ) for the defence of their assayled liberty ; yet fighting against the king whose subjects they are , it can never before a christian iudge make their armies passe for just . but being no way necessitated to make such a defence ( their liberty having in no one particular been assaulted , which hath not been redrest ) if s. paul were now on earth againe , and were the iudge of this controversy between them and their lawfull soveraigne , i feare he would call their defence by a name , which we in our moderne cases of conscience doe call rebellion . and thus , sir , having as compendiously as the lawes of a letter will permit , given you , i hope , some satisfaction concerning the first part of your zealous friends dispute with you ; which was , whether the two houses ( which he calls the parliament ) have not a legall power , in defence of their liberty , to take up armes against the king , i will with the like br●…vity , proceed as well as i can , to give you satisfaction in the second part of his dispute also ; which was , whether religion may not be a just cause for a warre . the termes of which question being very generall , and not restrained to any kind of religion , or any kind of warre , whether offensive or defensive , or whether of one nation against another , or of a prince against his subjects , or of the subjects back again against their prince , allow me a very large space to walk in . in which , least i be thought to wander , and not to prove , it will first be necessary , that i define to you what religion in generall is ; and next , that i examine , whether every religion which falls within the truth of that definition may for the propagation of it selfe be a just cause of a warre ; and so whether all they who either are of no religion , or a false , may not be forced to be of the true . lastly , what the duty of subjects is towards their prince , incase he should endeavour by force to impose a religion upon them which they think to be false , and can probably make it appear to be so by proofe●… t●…ken from the scripture ; religion then , ( to define it in the dearest termes ) is saies * aquinas , uirtus reddens debitum honorem deo , a virtue which renders to god his just honour . this payment of honour to god as 't is built and founded upon his creation of us , by which he hath a right to our s●…vice and worship of him , so in the contemplative part of it , it consists in these foure notions or apprehensions of him . first , that there is a god , and that there is but one. next , that he is not any part of this visible world , but something higher and more excellent , then any thing we see . thirdly , that he hath a providence going in the world , and takes care of humane affaires . lastly , that he made and created the world. to every one of which foure , answers a commandement in the first-table of the decalogue . where the first describes his unity , by forbidding the worship of other gods. the next his invisibility , by forbidding any image , or resemblance to be made of him. the third his providence , described there by two eminent parts of it . his omniscience , by which he knowes the thoughts of mens hearts : and his iustice , by which he inflicts punishments on those whose thoughts are disporportion'd to their oathes and words . the fourth declares his omnipotence , by which he created the world , and appointed the sabbath to be the feast and memoriall of that great worke. from which speculative apprehensions of him doe spring these practicall , that being such a god thus known , he is to be honour'd , lov'd , fear'd , worshipt , and obey'd . now since mens religion , or worship of god , cannot in reason be required to reach higher then their knowledge of him , ( for manifestation is so necessary to obligation and duty , that if'twere impossible to know that there is a god , 't would be no sinne to be an atheist ) so if god had never made any second revelation of himselfe by the scripture , but had left mankind to their own naturall search of him , and to those discourses of their mindes , by which they inferred that such an orderly frame and systeme of things , where every one works to the good and end of another , is too rationally contrived to arise from a concourse of atomes , or to be the creature of chance , and therefore must have some efficient cause higher , and nobler then it selfe , ( since it implies a contradiction , that any thing should be it 's own producer ) yet his bare creation of the world represents so much of him , that without any other booke or teacher , all ages have believed that there is a god who made the world ; and that he hath a rule , and providence going in it . this then being so , 't is the opinion of a very * learned moderne writer , that if there should be found a countrey of atheists , or a people of diagoras melius's opinion , or of the opinion of theodorus the cyrenian , whose doctrine 't was , nullos esse deos , inane coelum , that there is no god nor a habitable heaven , but that such names of emptinesse have been the creatures of superstitious fancies , whose fears first prompted them to make gods , and then to worship them ; or if there should be a people found of epicurus his opinion , who held that there were gods , but that they were idle , carelesse , vacant gods , who troubled not themselves with the government of the world , but past their time away in an undisturbed tranquillity , and exemption from such inferior businesses as the actions of men such opinions ( supposing them to be nationall ) as they are contradictory not only to the dictares of naturall reason , ) upon which god hath built the forementioned precepts of the decalogue ) but to that universally received tradition , that there is a divine power ; whose providence holds the scales to mens actions , and first or last sides with afflicted innocence against succesfull oppression , so they would be just causes for a reforming warre . not only because they are contumelious & reproachfull to god himselfe , but because being directly destructive to all religion , they are by necessary consequence destructive to humane society too . for let it once be granted that there is no god , or ( which , with reference to states , and common-wealths , will produce the same irregular effects ) that he regards not mens actions , nor troubles himselfe with the dispensation of rewards and punishments , and the doctrine of carneades will presently p●…sse for reasonable ; that utility is the measure of right ; and that he is most in the wrong who is least able to defend himselfe . that iustice is the virtue of fooles ; and serves only to betray the simple and phlegmaticke , to the more active and daring . in short , take away providence , especially the two great parts of it , which raigne in the hearts of men , hope of reward , and feare of punishment , and mens worst actions , and their best will presently be thought equall . whereupon lawes , the bonds of humane ●…ociety , wanting their just principle , which upholds them in their reverence , will inevitab●…y loose their force , and fall asunder ; and men will be men to each other in nothing but their 〈◊〉 injustice & oppressions of one another . 't was therefore the politick observation of an atheist in * sextus empiricus , that , to keep men orderly , and regular in a common-wealth , wise men at first invented lawes , but perceiving that these , reaching only to their outward actions , would never be well kept , unlesse they could find a way to awe their minds within too , as a meanes conducing to that end , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one more wise , and subtle then the rest , invented gods too . well knowing that religion , though but fained , is a conservative of states . upon consideration of which harmefull consequences , which naturally follow atheisme , and the deniall of gods providence , 't is the opinion of that author , that as 't was no injustice in those grecian citties , which banisht philosophers , who were of this opinion , out of their commonwealth , so if there should be found a nation of such impious perswasions , 't would be no injustice in any other people , who are not atheists , by way of punishment , to banish them out of he world. though this , sir , were the opinion of one , whose works have deservedly made him so famous to the whole christian world ( besides the peaceablenesse of his writings which decline all the wayes of quarrell ) that to erre with him would be no disreputation to me , yet i must confesse to you , that i am so fa●…re from thinking 〈◊〉 warre made for the propagation of religion , how true soever it be , is warrantable , that in this particular . i pers●…ade my selfe i have some reason to dissent from , hi●… and to think it a probleme very disputable , if his supposition were tru●… , that there were such a countrey of atheists , or epicureans , who should 〈◊〉 there is a god , or that he 〈◊〉 providence going in 〈◊〉 world ; whether for that reason only another nation 〈◊〉 justifi●…bly make warre upon them . for first , what should give them authority to doe so ? is 't because men of this 〈◊〉 perswasion doe sinne very grievously against 〈◊〉 ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be true , to the utmost 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 that this speculative error in ●…h●…ir mindes , d●… w●…s a practicall errour 〈◊〉 it in their lives , which i , not to p●…y worship to a god , which either they think not to be , or not at all to regard them , yet this being but a crime against god , the same author hath answered himselfe in another paragraph , where he saies , deorum in●…ae diis cura , that god is able to revenge the injuries committed against himselfe . next then , is 't because such an opinion is destructive of humane society ? truly , sir , though i shall grant that saying of plutarch to be true , that religion ( which atheisme , and the denyall of providence doe destroy ) is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ one , ( nay one of the firmest ) bonds of society , and supporters o●… lawes , yet i have not met with any demonstrative argument , which hath proved to me , that there is such a necessary dependance of humane society upon religion . that the absence of the one must inevitably be the destruction of the other . if it be , this is most likely to come to passe in the state , or commonwealth , which is of this opinion among themselves , not in a forraigne state , or common-wealth which is not . but since 't is possible that a countrey of atheists may yet have so much morality among them , seconded by lawes made by common agreement among themselves , as to be a people , and to hold the society of citizens among themselves . and as 't is possible for them , without religion , so farre , for meere utility and safeties sake , to observe the ●…aw of nations , as not to wrong or injure a people different from themselves , so where no civill wrong , or injury is offered by them to another people , but where the morall bonds of society , and commerce , though not the religious , of opinion , and worship , are unbroken by them , for the people not injured to make warre upon them , for a feard , imaginary consequence , or because , being atheists , 't is possi●…l ▪ that their example may spread , is an act of hostility which i confesse i am not able to defend . for thirdly , sir , such a warre must either have for it's end , their punishment , or their correction . their punishment can be no true warrantable end , because towards those who shall thus make warre upon them , they have not offended . nor can their correction legitimate such a warre . because all correction as well as punishment , requires iurisdiction in the correctors , and inflictors of the punishment . which one people cannot reasonably be presumed to have over another people independent , and no way subject to them ▪ unlesse we will allow , with that * author , that because naturall reason doth dictate that atheisme is punishable , therefore they , who are not atheists have a right to punish those that are ; which covarruvtas 〈◊〉 spaniard , who hath learnedly disputed this poynt , and others , as learned as he , have not thought fit to grant . it hath been a question●…k't ●…k't ▪ whether idolatry be not a crime of this punishable nature in one people by another , who are not guilty of that crime . to which the best divines , which 〈◊〉 h●… yet read upon that subject doe answer negatively , that it is not . for though it be to be granted that an●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and kinds of idolatry , one is more ignoble and irrationall then another ; a 〈◊〉 so t●… e●…nce towards god is greater or lesse as the objects , to which men terminate their idolatry , are more vile , or honourable ; as in those old heathens , 't was a more faulty idolatry to worship a dogge or crocodile , or serpent , then to worship things of a sublimer kinde , namely the sunne , or heavenly bodies , or soules of famous men departed ; and though all such idolatries have deservedly been thought to be so many affronts , and robberies of the true god , whose worship is thereby misplaced , and spent upon false , yet having left behind him in his whole globe of creation no exact figure or character of himselfe , to be known or distinguisht by , nor any plaine teacher but his scripture to informe men of vulgar understandings , that there is but one god , and that that one god is only an intelligible spirit , and no part of this grosse materiall world which we see , wherever the scripture hath not been heard of , if men ( unable by the sight of a naturall discourse to apprehend him as he is ) have fancied to themselves a plurality of false gods , or made to themselves false representations of the true , s. paul tells us that * god connived at it , as a piece of unaffected ignorance . which can never be a cause meritorious of a warre to correct it . first , because being only an offence against god , and the offendors being ( as i said before ) free , and no wa●… subject to any people but themselves , any forraigne nation ( unlesse they can show the like commission from god to punish them , as the iewes had to punish and root out the canaanites ) will want iurisdiction , and authority to their armes . next , because idolatry though it be a false religion , is yet as conservant of society ( which distinguishes it very much from atheisme , and the deniall of providence ) as if'twere true . nor can i see why he who worships many gods , if he believe them to be gods , should lesse feare punishment for his perjuries , or other crimes , then he who only worships , and believes there is but one . lastly , because though idolatry be an errour in men , yet being an errour , without the light of scripture to rectify it , hardly vincible in themselves , and no way criminall towards others of a more rectified reason , 't is to be reformed by argument , and perswasion , not violence , or force . since a warre made upon the errours or mens mindes , is as unreasonable , as a warre made upon the freedome or their wills. and for this ●…ast reason , i conceive that the propagation of christian religion , cannot be a just cause for a warre upon those who will refuse to imbrace it . first , because such a refusall may possibly spring from an errour in the understanding , which even in a preaching , and perswasive way would scarce be in the power of s. paul himselfe , if he were on earth againe ( unless he would joyne miracles to his sermons ) to dislodge . for though some parts of the new law doe carry such a musick and consent to the law of nature , that they answer one another like two strings wound up to the same tune ; yet there be other parts , which though they doe not contradict it , are yet so unillustrable from the principles of reason , that they cannot in a naturall way of argumentation force assent . and you know , sir , 't would be unreasonable to make warre upon mens persons for the reception of a doctrine , which cannot convince their minds . i must needs confesse to you , should christ now live in our daies , and preach much harder doctrines then those in the gospell , and should confirme every doctrine with a miracle , as he did then , 't would be an inexcusable peece of infidelity in all those who should see his miracles not presently to consent , and yeeld beliefe to his sermons . but somethings in his doctrine appearing new and strange to the world , and depending for the probability of their truth upon the authority of his miracles , and those miracles being matters of fact , wrought so many ages since , and therefore not possibly able to represent themselves to our times upon g●…eater authority an●… proofe , then the faith and generall report of tradition and story ; if any shall think they have reason not to believe such a report , they may also thinke they have no reason to believe such miracles , and by consequence the doctrine 〈◊〉 be confirmed by them . in short . sir , the gospell , at that very time when the 〈◊〉 of it was accompanied with miracles , obtained not alwaies that successe which the saving doctrine of it deserved . the iewes saies s. paul 1. cor. 1. 22. require a signe ; that is , they would believe it no farther then they saw miracle for it ; and the greekes ( that is , the learned gentiles ) seek after wisdome ; that is , they would believe no more of it then could be proved to them by demonstration . nay , notwithstanding all those great miracles which were wrought by christ , and his apostles after him , s. paul tels us at the 23. verse of that chapter , that the vilenesse of christs death did so diminish the authority of his doctrine , though confirmed by miracles , that the preaching of him crucified , was a stumbling block to the iewes , and foolishnesse to the greekes . next , sir , as christ hath no where commanded that men should be compelled to receive the gospell by any terrors or infl●…ctions of temporall punishments , so i finde that all such endeavours are very unsutable to his practise . you know what his answer was to his two zealous disciples who would have called for * fire from heaven , to consume those samaritans who would not receive him . * ye know not , saith he , of what spirit ye are of . the sonne of man is not come to destroy mens lives but to save them . which answer of hi●… was like the commission which he gave to his apostles , when he sent them forth to preach the gospell of verall citties , which extended no farther then th●…s . * if they will not receive you , shake off the dust of your feet against them , for a testimony that you have been there . ag●…eable to this p●…actise of christ is ●…hat canon whic●… p●…st in the councell of * toledo , which s●…ies praecipit san●…ta synodus nemin●… deinceps ad credendum vim inferre , 't is ordered by this holy synod , that no man be henceforth comp●…lled to believe the gospell . a canon , which i wish the m●… of the countrey where 't was made had worne in their ensignes when they made w●…e upon the indians . and agreeable to this canon , is the saying of tertullian . lex nova non se vindicat ultore gladio ; the new law allowes not it's apostles to revenge the contempt of it by the sword. and agreeable to this saying of tertullian is th●… 〈◊〉 in * procopius ; where one tell●… iustinian the emper●…or that in striving to force the samaritans to be 〈◊〉 by the sword , he made himselfe successor to the two over zealous apostles , who , because they would not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 master , would have destroy'd them by fire . th●… 〈◊〉 ●…ing ●…o , to deale freely , sir , both with you and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 as i read the writings of some of our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , w●…o think all others infidells who are not of th●… 〈◊〉 . and whose usuall language 't is towards all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from them in poynts , though in them●… ind●…fferent , and no way necessary to salvation , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , make covenants , raise armies , st●…p them 〈◊〉 ●…ir estates , and compell them to come in , 〈◊〉 thinks a 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 alcoran is before me●… ; an●… the preachers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…christian doctrines , 〈◊〉 they walke our english streets in the shape of assembly protestant divines , seem to me to be a constantinople colledge of mahomets priests . to speak yet m●…re pl●…ly t●… y●…u , sir , i am so far●…e from thinking it a peece of christian doctrine , to preach that ' ti●… lawfull ( if it may not be done by perswasion ) to take from men the liberty even of their erring conscience , that the new army which shall be raised ( which i hope never to see ) for the prosecution and advancement of such an end , however they may be scots or english-men by their birth , will seem to me an army of 〈◊〉 : and to come into the field with scymitars by their sides , and tulipants , and turbants on their heads . how farre defensive armes may be taken up for religion , cannot well be resolved without a distinction . i conceive sir , that if such a warre fall out between two independent nations , that which makes the ass●…ylants to be in the wrong will necessarily make the defendants to be in the right , which is ( as i have proved to you ) a want of rightfull power to plant religion by the sword. for in all such resistances , not only they who fight to preserve a true , but they who fight because they would not be compelled to part with a false religion , which they beleeve to be a true , are innocent●…like ●…like . the reason is , ( which i have intimated to you before ) because all religion , being built up , on faith , and faith being only opinion built upon autority , and opinion built upon autority , having so much of the liberty 〈◊〉 mens wills in it , that they may chuse how farre they will , or will not beleeve that autority , no man hath right●…o ●…o take the liberty of another mans will from him , or to prescribe to him what he shall , or shall no beleeve , though in all outward things hit other have sold his liberty to him , and made his will his subject , where both parties , therefore , are independent , and one no way subiect to the other , religion it selfe , though for the propagation of it selfe , cannot warrant the one to invade the others freedome . but 't is permi●…ted to the invaded , by both the lawes of god , that of nature , and scripture too , ( unlesse they be guilty of some preceedent injury , which is to be repayred by satisfaction , not seconded by resistance ) to repell force with force . and 〈◊〉 the army now in conduct under sir thomas fairefax be of this perswasion thus stated , i shall not think it any slander from the mouth of a presbiterian , who thinks otherwise , to be called an independent . if a prince who is confessedly a prince , and hath supreme power , make warre upon his subjects for the propagation of religion , the nature of the defence is much alter'd . for though such a warre ( whether made for the imposition of a false religion or a true ) be as uniust as if 't were made upon a forreigne nation , yet this injustice in the prince cannot warrant the taking up of armes against him , in the subject . because b●…ng the apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or supreme within his ow●… kingdome , as 〈◊〉 power concerning the publick , secular government●…f ●…f 〈◊〉 it selfe i●…to him , so doth the ordering of the outward exercise of religion too . in both cases he is the iudge of controversies . not so unerring or infallible , as that all his determinations must be received for oracles , or that his subjects are so obliged to be of his religion , that if the prince be an idolater , a mahumetan , or papist , 't would be disobedience in them not to be so too . but let his religion be what it will ; let him be a ieroboam , or one of such an unreasonable idolatry , as to command his people to worship calves , and burn incense to gods scarce fit to be made the sacrifice , though he be not to be obeyed , yet he is not to be resisted . since such a resistance , would not only change the relation of inequality , and distance between the prince , and people , and so destroy the supremacy here given him by s. peter , but 't would actually enter duell with the ordinance of god ; which ceaseth not to be sacred as often as 't is wickedly imployed . irresistibility being a ray and beame of the divine image , which resides in the function , not in the religion of the prince . who may for his person , perhaps , be a caligula , or nero , yet in his office still remaine gods deputy and vicegerent . and therefore to be obeyed , even in his unjust commands , though not actively by our compliance , yet passively by our sufferings . this doctrine as 't is agreeable to the scripture , and the practice of the purest , and most primitive times of the church , so i finde it illustrated by the famous example of a christian souldier , and the censure of a father upon the passage . this souldier being bid to burne incense to an idoll , refused ; but yeelded himselfe to be cast into the fire . had he , when his emperour bid him worship an idoll , mutinied , or turn'd his speare upon him ( saies that father ) he had broken the fift commandement in defence of the second . but submitting his body to be burnt , ( the only thing in him , which could be compelled ) instead of committing idolatry he became himselfe a sacrifice . i could , sir , second this with many other examples , but they would all tend to this one pious , christian result , that martyrdome is to be preferred before rebellion . here then , if i 〈◊〉 suppose your presbyterian friends charge to be true , ( a very heavy one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that the king miscounselled by a pre●…ticall court faction when he first marcht in●…o the field against the armies raised by the two h●…uses of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a●… inte●…t to subvert the protestant religion ▪ and to plant the religion of the church 〈◊〉 rome in it's stead , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to me , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 king ▪ or the two h●…uses to be his 〈◊〉 or ( 〈◊〉 their two oath●…●…f 〈◊〉 and alleage●… ) that in so ●…ing ●…e for 〈◊〉 his crowns , and w●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over all persons , and in all ●…auses as well ●…vill as ●…cclesiasticall within the 〈◊〉 of his three kingdomes supreame head and governour , i know no armes which co●…●…wfully be used against him ; b●… these which s. 〈◊〉 used against an arian emperour , lach●…as & suspi●…ia , sighes & tears , and prayers●…o ●…o god●…o ●…o turne hi●… heart . and therefore , sir , when your friend doth next aske you ▪ flow it could stand with the safe ●…onscience of any english protestant , to stand an idle spectator , whilst queen maries daies were so ready to break in upon him , that he was almost reduced to this h●…rd choyce , either to follow the times in the new erected fashion of religion , or live in danger of the stake , and faggot , if he persisted in the old , y●…u may p●…ease to let him know from me , that as i have no unruly thirst , or irregular ambition in me to d●…e a martyr , not am so much a circumc●…lee , as to court , or woo●… , or ( in case i●… fled from me ) enthusiastically to call upon me my own death and execution ; so , if it had been my lot to live in the fiery times he speaks of , when a protestant was put to death for an heretick , as i should not have quarreld with the power that condemned me , so i should have kist my funerall pile ; and should have though●… it a high peece of gods favour to me , to call me to heaven by a way so like that of his angell in the book of * iudges , who ascended thither in the flame , and aire , and persume of a sacrifi●…e . but what if this be only a jealousie and suspition in your friend ? ●…ay 〈◊〉 if it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 disguise , and pa●…t to some ambitious m●…s 〈◊〉 , who , to walke the more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 th●… darke and politick ends , ●…ave stiled th●…mselves the d●…fendours when they have all this while been the invadors ; and have calle●… the king the subverter , who hath all this while ( to his power ) been the defendor of this religion ? this certain●…y if it be proved , will very much 〈◊〉 and aggrav●…e their sinne , and dye it in a deep s●…let , through all the progresse of it . but because i rather desire to east a m●…tle over their strange proceedings , then to ad●…e to their nakednesse , which hath at length discover'd it selfe to all the world , all that i shall say , to deliver so much goodnesse from so much misrepresentation it this . that the report , ( which at first poyson'd the mindes of so many thousand well minded people ) that the king had an intent , by this ●…re , in destroy the protestant religion , could at 〈◊〉 have no other parent but some mens either crasty malice , or needlesse feare , appears clearly in this , that after all their great discoveries , they have not yet instanced in one considerable ground fit to build more then a vulgar iealousy upon . the kings affection to the queene , his alliance and confederacy with popish princ●…es abroad and the gentlenesse of his raigne towards his popish subjects at home , being premises 〈◊〉 unfit to build this inference and conclusion upon , that , therefore he took up armes that he might introduce thei●… religion , as his in aristotle were ; who because it lightned when socrates to●…k the ayre , thought that his walking●…use ●…use ●…hat commotion in the skyes . for that the root and spring of such a report ▪ could be nothing but their own deluded fancy , they must at length 〈◊〉 esse , unlesse with their faith they have ●…ast off their charity too . let 〈◊〉 friend , sir ▪ read ●…ve any one of his majesties declarations , and wh●… sacred thing ▪ 〈◊〉 there by which he hath not freely and uncompelled , obliged , and bound himselfe to live , and dre●… a protestant ? by what one act have these many vowes been broken ? who made that court faction , which would have miscounselled him to bring in popery ? or let your friend if he can , name , who those miterd prelates were , who lodged a papist under their rotchet . if he cannot , let him for beare to hold an opinion of his prince and clergy , which time ( the mother of truth ) hath so demonstratively confuted ; and let him no longer suffer himselfe to be seduced by the malitious writings of those , who , for so many years , and from so many pulpits have breathed rebellion , and slander with such an uncontrouled boldnesse and sting , that i cannot compare them to anything so fitly as to the locusts in the * revelation , which crept forth of the b●…ttomlesse pit ; every one of which worethe crowne of a king , and had the tayle of a scorpion . in short , sir , if he have not so deeply drunke of the inchanted●…uppe , as to forget himselfe to be a subject , let him no longer endanger himselfe to east of their ruine too , who , for so many years , have dealt with the best king that this nation ever had , as witches are said to deale with those whom they would by peece meale destroy , first shap't to themselves his image in waxe , then prickt , and stab'd it with needles . striving by their many reproaches of his government , and defamations of the bishops , to reduce his honour by degrees to a consumption , and to make it languish , and pine , and wither away in the hatred , and disaffection of his people . but , perhaps sir , your friend , and i , are not well agreed upon our termes : if therefore he doe once more strive to perswade you , that ( notwithstanding all this which i have said to the contrary ) the king would , if he had not been hindered , have destroyed the protestant religion , pray desire him to let me know what he means by the religion which he calls protestant . doth he mean that religion which succeeded popery at the reformation , and hath ever since distinguisht us from the church of rome ? doth he meane that religion which so many holy martyrs seal'd with their blood , that for which queene mary is so odious , and queene elizabeth so pretious to our memories ? lastly , doth he meane that religion which is comprised in the 39. articles , and confest to be protestant by an act of parliament ? if these be the markes , these the characters of it , let him tell me whether this be not the religion which the king in one of his * letters to the queene calls the only thing of difference between him and her , that 's dearest to him , whether this also , be not the religion , in which , if there be yet any of the old ore , and drosse , from whence 't was extracted , any thing either essentially , or accidentally evill , which requires yet more sifting , or a more through reformation , any thing of doctrine to offend the strong , or of discipline , or ceremony , to offend the weake , his majesty have not long since offered to have it passe the fiery tryall and disputes of a synod legally called . to all which questions , 'till he and his com presbyters , give a satisfying answer , however they may think to hide themselves under their old tortoise-shall , and cry out , templum domini , the temple of the lord , they must not take it ill if i aske them one question more , and desire them to tell me , whether this be not the religion which they long since compelled to take flight with the king , and which hath scarce been to be found in this kingdome , ever since the time it was deprived of the sanctuary it had taken under the kings standard this then , being so , hath your friend , or his fellow assemblers , yet a purer , or more primitive notion of the protestant religion , which compared with the religion which we and our fathers have been of , will prove it to be idolatrous , and no better then a hundred years superstition ? let them in charity ( as they are bound not to let us perish in our ignorance ! shew ut their modell . if it be more agreeable to the scripture then ours , have more of the white robe , and not of the new invention ; we may , perhaps , be their converse ▪ and their righteousnesse meeting with our pea●…e●…ay ●…ay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ea●…h 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tim●… ▪ sir , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wi●… not define ●…e prot●…stant religion so b●… neg●…tives , 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ no bishops , no li●… , or no comm●… ▪ ●…er bo●…ke these we , ( 〈◊〉 y●… co●…vinced to the 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 go●…d 〈◊〉 , but not ess●…ntialls , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we c●…l the pro●…t religion 〈◊〉 si●…e ; their negation then , can b●… 〈◊〉 true essentiall constituent of the same religion on theirs . there is but on●… positive notion more in all he world , 〈◊〉 whi●…h ▪ c●…n p●…ly ●…nderstand them , when they say , t●…ey have all this while fought for the defence of the protestant religion : t●…at i●… , th●…t by the defence of the protestant religion , ( if they meane any thing , or if this ●…ave not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 t●… 〈◊〉 more dangerous secret ) they meane the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new directory , and their a●… length conc●… go●…rnment of the church by presbyters . if this be thei●… 〈◊〉 , ( and 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should rock my invention , i c●…not make 〈◊〉 find ●…other ) the second part of that most holy , and glorious cause , which hath drawne the eve●… of europe upon it , and renderd the name of a protestant , a ●…roverbe to expresse disloyalty by , that pure , chast , uirgin , without sp●…t or wrinkle-cause , which like the scythian diana hath been fe●… with ●…o many humane sacrifices , and to which , as ●…o another moloch , so many men as well as children , have been compell'd ▪ 〈◊〉 through the fire , resolves it selfe into this vnchristiaen bloudy conclusion . that an assembly of profest protestant divines , h●…ve advised 〈◊〉 two parliaments of england●…nd ●…nd scotland , confe●… subiects , to take ●…p ar●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 king , their lawfull severaigne ▪ h●…e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three kingdoms in a ●…lame ▪ been the a●…rs o●… more prot●…stants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 civi●… , th●…n 〈◊〉 ●…ave served to ●…ver the pala●…ate by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bu●… thi●… vnn●…cessary ●…vell , accidentall consider●…on , t●…t the king ( 〈◊〉 compell'd by force ) would never cons●…nt , ( not indeed without perjury could ) to the change 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ancient , primitive , apostolike , vn●…versally received government of this church by bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new , vpstart●… ▪ mushrome ▪ calvinisticall government , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pre●…bytery , of spirituall & lay-elders . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by ●…rinciples ▪ ●…en both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ●…ture proved ●…o y●…u ) i●… the m●…st 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r●…sistance , 〈◊〉 no ▪ a●… invasion of the higher 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 higher 〈◊〉 being * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gods o●…dinance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a warre made against god ●…imselfe . and ●…he authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( unlesse they repent , and 〈◊〉 ●…hemselves t●… timely r●…turne to their obed●…ence ) in ●…anger to draw upon themselves this other , s●…d , tragicall ▪ irresistible conclusion , w●…ich st * paul tels us is the inevitable catastrophe 〈◊〉 disobedience , which 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you may english i●… , swift destruction . and thu●… , sir ( though ●…ll weak●… defences have something of the nature of prevarication 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a●…d he may in part be thought to betray a cause , 〈◊〉 feebly arg●… for 〈◊〉 ) i have return'd you a large answere 〈◊〉 the two quere's 〈◊〉 your short letter ; which i●…●…ou shall vouchsafe 〈◊〉 satisfaction , you will very much assi●…t my modesty , whic●… will not suffer me to thinke that i , in this argument , have said more then others . only being so fairely invited by you to say something , to have remain'd silent , had been to have cons●…st●…ny ●…ny 〈◊〉 convinced ; and my negligence , in a t●…me so seasonable●…o ●…o speak truth in , might perhaps , in the opinion of the gentleman , your friend , have seemed to take part with those o●… his side , against whose cause though not ●…ir persons ▪ ha●…e thu●… freely armed my pen , sir i should think my selfe fortunate , if any thinge which i ●…ave 〈◊〉 in this letter migh●… make him a proselyte . but this being rather my wish then my hope , all the successe which this paper aspires to is this , that you will accept it as a creature borne at your command ; an●…●…hat you will place it among your other records , as a testimony how much greater my desires , then my abilities are to deserve the stile of being thought worthy to be from my chamber iune 7. 1647. your affectionate servant jasper mayne . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a50410-e350 jude 13. notes for div a50410-e8070 2. * levit. 26. 12. * esay 52. 11. * esay 52. 11. † 2 pet. 3. 16. † col. 3. 5. * mat. 13. ●…am . 3. 6. notes for div a50410-e15930 ●…1 . 〈◊〉 qualifi 〈◊〉 . 5 , 15. luk. 2●… . acts 9. the a●… insinua himself 4. unity of blies . 〈◊〉 . 3. 16. 5. ●…ty of minds mat. 15. 1 2 cor. 10. ●…b . 11. 29. ●…r . 4. 7. notes for div a50410-e19270 division . 1 : the com●…ance . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…he frailty of ●…d designes . * exod. 3. 〈◊〉 first abuse ●…eir functi 4. ●…he second a●…e of their ●…nction . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…jury of●… to god. ●…ek . 13. 3. ●…ay 30. 10. the conc sion . notes for div a50410-e36600 * c. 7. v. 〈◊〉 2 tim 3. 6 imago nos tantùm ut memoriale excitat uti iesuitae passim . dico non esse ●…am certum in ecclesiâ an sint faciendae imagines dei , sive trinitatis , quā christi & sanctorū , hoc enim ad fidem ●…ertinet , illud est in opinione . bella. de imag . l. 2. c. 8 inanimata spiritualem quandam virtutem exconsecratione adipiscuntur , &c. tho. p. 3. q. 83. art 3. deum imaginibus inhabitantē colunt , deum ●…utem virtutē stam spiritualē●…etrahere al●…quando sive 〈◊〉 fatentur . cajetanus hac ●…n re ne genti●…ibus quidem ●…apientior ha●…tur . * pro. 26. 4 , 5. * psa. 〈◊〉 . 1. * pro. 26. 18. 19. * mat. 5. 22 * 2 pet. 1. 20 notes for div a50410-e80630 * v. 9. * v. 17. * v. 5. * deuter. 17. v. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. lib. 4. c. 4. grot. lib. 1. c. 3. de iure belli & pacis . * iudg ienkins . * sir iohn banks . * 〈◊〉 . sae . q. ●…0 . c. 3. * grot. l. 2. de iure bel●…i ac pacis c. 20. * adv. mathemat . p. 3●…8 . * lib. 2. de jure bell ▪ & pacis c. 20. * act. 17. 30. * luke 9. 54. * v. 55. 56. * luke 9. 5. * c. de iudiciis dist . 45. * iu arcanâ historiâ . * luke 14. 28. * c. 13. 20. * revel . 9. * cabinet opened . * rom. 13. 2. * v. 2. the serpent salve, or, a remedie for the biting of an aspe wherein the observators grounds are discussed and plainly discovered to be unsound, seditious, not warranted by the laws of god, of nature, or of nations, and most repugnant to the known laws and customs of this realm : for the reducing of such of his majesties well-meaning subjects into the right way who have been mis-led by that ignis fatuus. bramhall, john, 1594-1663. 1643 approx. 436 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 134 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29209 wing b4236 estc r12620 11694102 ocm 11694102 48224 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29209) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48224) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 15:19) the serpent salve, or, a remedie for the biting of an aspe wherein the observators grounds are discussed and plainly discovered to be unsound, seditious, not warranted by the laws of god, of nature, or of nations, and most repugnant to the known laws and customs of this realm : for the reducing of such of his majesties well-meaning subjects into the right way who have been mis-led by that ignis fatuus. bramhall, john, 1594-1663. [30], 236, [2] p. s.n.], [s.l. : 1643. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. attributed to john bramhall. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-07 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the serpent salve , or , a remedie for the biting of an aspe : wherein , the observators grounds are discussed and plainly discovered to be unsound , seditious , not warranted by the laws of god , of nature , or of nations , and most repugnant to the known laws and customs of this realm . for the reducing of such of his majesties well-meaning subjects into the right way who have been mis-led by that ignis fatuus . printed in the year 1643. to the reader . when that signe or rather m●…teor called castor and polinx appeares single to the sea-faring men , it portends a dangerous tempest , because of the density or toughnesse of the matter which is not easily dissolved : and when it appeares double divided into two , it presageth serenity and a good voyage . but it is otherwise in the body politick . when the king and parliament are united , it promiseth happy and halcionian dayes to the subject ; and when they appeare divided , it threatens ruine and dissipation to the whole kingdome . this is our present condition , the heads are drenched with the oyle of discord , and it runs down to the skirts of the garment . of all hereticks in theology , they were the worst who made two beginnings , a god of good and a god of evill : of all hereticks in policy , they are the most dangerous , which make the common-wealth an amphisbena , a serpent with two heads , who make two supreames without subordination one to another , the king and the parliament . that is to leave a seminary of discord , to lay a trappe for the subject to set up a rack for the conscience , when superiours sends out contrary commands ( as the commission of array , and the order for the milita . ) if they were subordinate one to another , we had a safe way both to discharge our conscience towards god , and secure our estates to the world , that is by obeying the higher power according to that golden rule , in presentia majoris cessat authoritas minoris . but whilest they make them coordinate one with another , the estate , the liberty , the life , the soule of every subject lies at stake : what passage can poor conscience find between this scilla and charybdis , between the two hornes of this dilemma ? no man can serve two masters . all great and sudden changes are dangerous to the body naturall , but much more to the body politick . time and custome beget reverence and admiration in the minds of all men ; frequent alterations produce nothing but contempt , break ice in one place , it will crack in more . mountebankes , projectors , and innovators , alwayes promise golden mountains , but their performance is seldome worth a cracked groat . the credulous asse in the fable believed , that the wolf ( his counterfeit phisiitian ) would cure him of all his infirmities , and lost his skin for his labour . when the devill tempted our first parents , he assured them of a more happy estate , then they had in paradise : but what saith our common proverbe seldome comes the better . it is the ordinance of god , that nothing should be perfectly blessed in this world , yet it is our weaknesse to impute all our sufferings to our present condition , and to believe a change would free us from all imcombrances . so thought the romanes , when they changed their consulls into consulary tribunes : so thought the florentines when they cashiered their decem-viri ; both found the disadvantage of their novelties ; both were forced to shake hands again with their old friends . other nations have used to picture an english man with a paire of sheares in his hand , thus deriding our newfanglednesse in attire : but it is farr worse to be shaping new creeds every day , and new forms of government , according to each mans private humour . when a sick man tosseth from one side of his bed to another , yet his distemper followes him . they say our countryman never knowes when he is well , but if god almighty be graciously pleased once again to send us peace , i trust we shall know better how to value it . in the mean time , let us take heed of credulity and newfanglednesse . those states are most durable , which are most constant to their own rules . the glory of venice is perpetuated not so much by the strong situation , as by that sanction or constitution , that it is not lawfull for any man to make mention of a new law to the grand counsell , before it have been first discussed and allowed by a selected company , of their most intelligent most experienced citizens . among the locrians no man might propose a new law , but with an halter about his neck , that if he did not speed in his suite , he might presently be strangled . the lacedemonians did so farr abhorre from all study of change , that they banished a skilfull musition , onely for adding one string 〈◊〉 to the harp. i desire that no man will interpret what i say in this discourse as intended to the prejudice of the lawfull rights , and just priviledges of parliament . the very name of a parliament was musick in our eares ; at the summons thereof our hearts danced for joy . it is rather to be feared that we idollized parliaments , and trusted more in them then in god for out temporall well being . god who gave the israelites a king in his anger , may at his pleasure give us a parliament in his anger . that we reap not the expected fruit ( next to our sins ) we may thank the observator , and such incendiaries . i confesse my selfe the most unfit of thousands to descend into this theater , as one who have lived hitherto a mute ; but to see the father of our country threatned and villified by a common souldier , is able to make a dumb man speak , as it did sometimes the sonne of craesus . quando doler est in capite ( saith saint bernard ) when the head akes the tongue cries for assistence , and the very least members , the toe , or the litle finger is affected . we are commanded to be wise as serpents . math. 10. 16. a chief wisdome of the serpent is in time of danger to wrap and fold his head in the circles of his body , to save that from blowes . i pretend not to skill in politicks , the observator may have read more bookes and more men , but let him not despise a weak adversary who comes armed with evident truth , i know i have the better cause , the better second . the birds in aristophanes fancying an all-sufficiency to themselves , did attempt for a while to build a city walled up to heaven , not much unlike such another fiction of the apes in hermogenes , but at length the one for feare of iupiters thunder , and the other for want of convenient tooles , gave over the enterprise . believe it , the frame of an ancient , glorious , well-temper'd , and setled monarchy , though it may be shaken for a time , will not , cannot be blown upside down , with a few windy exhalations , or an handfull of sophisticall squibbes . the world begins to see something through the holes of these mens cloakes , and to espye day through the midst of the milstone . and now that men may borrow a word edgeway with them , it will be pealed into their eares dayly . i shall deale more ingenuously with the observer , then he hath done with his soveraigne , to catch here and there at a piece of a sentence , and passe by that as mute as a fish , to which he had nothing to say . if his majesties cleare . demonstrations ( which to a strong judgement seeme to be written with a beam of the sun , and like the principles of geometry doe rather compell then perswade ) did leave any place for further confirmation , the observers silence were sufficient to proclaime them unanswerable . there needs no other proofe of his majestyes lenity and goodnesse then this , that a subject dare publish such observations in a monarchy , and maintain argument with his liege lord , multa donanda ingeniis , sed donanda vitia , non portenta sunt . he deserveth small pitty , who priseth his word more then his head. king lewes said of some seditious preachers in france , if they tax me in their pulpits i will send them to preach in another climate . pollio said of angustus , non est facile in eum scribere , qui potest proscribere . the king of the bees , though he want a sting , yet is he sufficiently armed with majesty . so should king charles be to the observer and his pew-fellowes if they were profitable bees , as they are a nest of waspes and hornets . i find two branches of this family ( i cannot call them the family of love ) as a verse one to another as sampsons foxes . it is hard to say whether is the ancient house ; for they both sprung up , the one in spaine , the other at geneva , about the same time , the yeare 1536. the captaines of the one are bellarmine , simancha , mariana , &c. the chieftains of the other , are beza ( if it be his book de jure magistratus , as is believed , ) buchanan , stephanus iunius , &c. the former in favour of the pope , the latter in hatred of the pope ; yet both former and latter may rise up in judgement with our incendiaries and condemne them ; for if they had had as gracious a prince as king charles ; they had never broached such tenets to the world , i have busied my selfe to find out the progenitors of these two different parties : and for the former , i cannot in probabillity derive them from any other then pope zachary , who it seemes ( as the oestridge ) left an egge in the sand , which after a long revolution of time , was found and hatched by the care of some loyolists , for thus he in aventine , a prince is subject to the people , by whose benefit he reignes ; whatsoever power , riches , glory , dignity he hath , he received it from the people , regem plebs constituit , eundem destituere potest . as for the latter ( because i know they will scorn to ascribe their originall to a pope ) i cannot fine one of their ancestors in all the church of christ , for fifteen hundred yeares , untill i come as high as saint iudes dreamers , or the pharisees of whom iosephus saith , that they were a sect , cunning , arrogant , and opposite to kings . and they have one pharasaicall virtue in great eminency , that is , self-love and partiallity , to make their own case different from all other mens , as may appeare by these particulars . first , a question is moved concerning the kings supremacy in ecclesiasticall affaires . they give power to kings to reforme the church , just as bellarmine gives to the pope to depose princes , not certainly , but contingently , in the case of an ungodly clergy ( that is in their sense , all other but themselves : ) but if they be once introduced , neither king nor parliament have any more to doe , but execute their decrees , then the whole regiment of the church , is committed by christ to pastors , elders , and deacons , so cartwright ; then magistrates must remember to subject themselves , submit their scepters , thr●…w down their crownes to the church , and as the prophet speaketh , to lick the dust of the feet of the church , that is , of the presbitery , what is this but kissing of the presbiters toes ? secondly , where they have hope of the king , there the supreame magistrate may , nay he ought to reforme the church , yea though the statutes of the kingdome be against it , so say the authors of the protestation printed 1605. but what if the king favour them not ? then he is but a conditionall trustee , it belongeth to the states and representative body of the kingdom : but what if the nobility will not joyne ? then the people must , so said field , since we cannot bring this to passe by suite , or dispute , the people and multitude must doe it , yea , though it be with blood , as martin threatens in his protestation . the people ( saith buchanan ) have as much power over kings , as kings have over particular persons . nobility ( saith the book of obedience ) is the bounty of the people to some persons , for delivering them from tyrants , which prerogative , the children kept , by the peoples negligence . and of late , have not the peers been exhorted to mingle themselves with the meanest of the people , and for the procuring a parity in the church , to consent to a parity in the state , and for the subduing of the pride of kings , for a time , to part with the power of noblemen . for a time , what 's that ? that is , according to the former doctrine , till the people be pleased out of their bounty to advance them according to their severall talents , for their zeale to shed the blood of the ungodly . the misery beginns now to open itselfe , and i trust will shortly appeare in its right colours . by these reverend . fathers ( i mean the rabble ) the discipline was brought into genevah it self , against the will of the syndicks , and two councels . in illa promiscua colluvie suffragiis fuimus superiores , saith calvin . thus these men make kings and nobles , but as counters which stand somtimes for a pound , somtimes for a penny pro arbitrio supputantis , just like chawcers frier , he knew how to impose an easy pennance , where he looked for a good pittance . thirdly , the wheele of heaven , hath not yet wound up one thred more of the ●…lew of our life , since we heard nothing but encomiums of the law , treason against the fundamentall laws , and declarations against arbitrary government . now the law is become a formallity , a lesbian rule , arbitrary government is turned to necessity of state. it is not examined what is just or unjust , but how the party is affected or disaffected , whether the thing be conducible or not conducible to the cause ; we are governed not by the known laws and customs of this realme , but by certain farrfetched , dear-bought conclusions , or rather collusions , drawn by unskilfull empericks , without art or judgement from the law of nature and of nations , which may be good for ladyes by the proverbe , but not for english subjects . now are we taught down-right , that the laws of the land are but mans-inventions , morall precepts , fitter for heathens then christians ; that we must lead our lifes according to gods word , ( as if gods word and the law of the land , were opposite one to another ) and that notwithstanding the law , men must not thinke that gods children in doing the work of their heavenly father ( that is , reforming religion ) will faint in their duty ( that is , in raising arms. ) so , farewell magna charta , and the laws of england for ever , if this man may have his will : and welcome the judiciall law of moses . now i see the reason , why they have taught so long , that the king cannot pardon any crime condemned by the judiciall law ; because no man can dispence with the law of god , but how many ▪ thousands have been drawn into this action which never dreamed of such a bottomlesse gulfe of mischief , and when they doe see it will abhominate it , and the contrivers of it . fourthly , they have cryed bishops out of parliament , because no man that warreth must intangle himself with the affaires of this life : yet they themselves have been humble motioners , both in england and in scotland , to have a number of wise and grave ministers admitted into parliament , in stead of bishops . it was the men then , not the thing they misliked . fifthly , they say , to be a clergy-man and a privie-councellour , are incompatible : yet calvin and bezae were of the councell of sixty at genevah ▪ and the syndicks and councellours there of the ecclesiasticall senate : yea , 〈◊〉 home in a great treaty of late , and in a commission now on foo●… , we have seen a 〈◊〉 a prime commission●… and their greate●… p●…vie-councellers are of their lay-elders , which by their new learning are a part of their ecclesiasticall hierarchy . sixthly we have heard a great noise lately about an oath decreed in the convocation ; about another oath called ex officio , as if it were against the law of nature , for a man to accuse himselfe , nemo tenetur prodere sseipsum ▪ and lastly ab●…ut the subscription which is ●…equired to o●… articles of religion : yet for the first , the citizens of genevah tooke the like oath f●… their new discipline ( which the sun had ne●…r beheld before ) that we prescribed here fo●… our old discipline . there every minister at his admission takes an oath in these words i doe promise and sweare to keep the 〈◊〉 ordinances , which are passed by the sm●…ll , great , ●…d generall councells of this city . this is a n●…te higher then ours . and of late we know w●…o they were , that tooke an oath to stand to●…ose 〈◊〉 and decisions , which should be m●…de in an assembly to come . for the second , ●…at is , the oath ex officio , it is allowed in th●…r presbiteries ; calvin in an epistle to favellus ●…cknowledged , that he himself admini●…red it ▪ and for subscriptions they are so miliar among them , that there is not a minister admitted to a ●…harge , nay not a boy metriculated in a colledge , but he knowes it . is not this partiality ? seventhly , they complaine , that the ecclesiasticall courts did extend their jurisdiction to civill causes : yet there is not that offence in the world , from dancing and feasting to treason and murder , which is either a violation of our piety towards god , or charity towards man , which they doe not question in their presbiteries : and which is worse , their determinations are not regulated by any known law , but are merely arbitrary , secundum sanas conscientias . neither doth there lye any appeale from them ( as their did from ecclesiasticall courts , ) he that durst but bring a prohibition to one of their elderships , he would quickly feele , what it was to pull the scepter of christ out of his hands . eightly , they groaned hard under the burthen of the high commission : yet themselves would erect an high commission in every parish ; i doe not know whether all their presbi●…eries be indowed with the like power , but ●…re i am , some of them have had both their prisons and their pursevants ▪ and where the high commission here was confessed to be a temporary institution , they plead for the other as a divine institution . yet fearing this parrochiall jurisdiction might not produce an uniforme reformation , some of them have desired , others accepted generall commissions ; for nationall-superintendency . ninthly , they s●…ieght all old councells , and new convocations , and call their cannons in scorn , the precepts of men : yet where they have power to call a synod or assembly , every man must submit at his uttermost perill , as if themselves were not men , but a company of angells . lastly , they call for liberty of conscience ; yet no men impose a heavier yoake upon the conscience . they cry out against martiall law in others , and approve it in themselves . they hate monopolists , but love monopoli●… , they condemn an implicit faith , yet no men more con●…iding and implicit ; grounding their actions neither upon reason , law , no●… religion , but upon the authority of their leaders and teachers . they magnifie the obligation of an oath , yet in their own case , dispence with all oathes , civill , military , religio●…s , ( witnesse master marshall and master 〈◊〉 ) we are now taught that the oa●… we have taken , must not be examined according to the interpretation of men , no ? how then ? surely according to the interpretation of 〈◊〉 . they complained that excommunication●… was used for triviall causes , yet themselves stick not to cast abroad this thunderbolt , for feasting , or dancing , or any the least 〈◊〉 . they complaine of severity against their pastors ; yet themselves do teach in their own case , that they are more rigorously to be dealt withall , who poyson the soule●… of men with false doctrine , then they that infect their bodyes with poyson . a false principle i confesse , and repugnant to the practise of all the world : men are willingly perve●…d , but not willingly poisoned : the poison●… knowes the power of his poisons , the false teacher doth not alwayes know his own error : repentance may be a remedy for the one , but there is no cure for the other . the diseases of the soule , are indeed , greater then the diseases of the body , if you consider them in the same degree ; otherwise , a sullen ●…it of melancholy ( though an infirmity of the mind ) is not ●…o terrible as a raging ●…it of the stone , yet is it but an infirmity of the body . they cry out against the disorders of our ecclesiasticall courts , but will not see the beame in their own eye , that in their consistories the same man is both president and register , the same parties both accusers , witnesses , and judges ; the proof sometimes upon oath , sometimes without oath , sometimes taken publikely , sometimes privately , so as the person accused neither knowes who is his accuser , nor what is proved ; sometimes records are kept , sometimes not kept , : as for matter of lawfull exception and defence , it is accounted superfluous and superstitious . i plead not for any former abuses , i desire not to abridge the lawfull power of any other church , but onely shew the extreame partiality of these men : yea , what is that which themselves have condemned in others , that themselves do not practise where ▪ they have power in a much higher degree ? is not this fine hocas po●…as ? a man and no man , hit a bird and no bird , with a stone and no stone , on a tree and no tree . in this riddle there may be ▪ something in nature which seems to be intermedious , to salve the contradiction in shew , but in their case no manner of difference to make the same thing just and unjust , but self-love and partiality . was it treason in the northern rebells to make an insurrection , and is it now become p●…ty ▪ i delight not in domesticall examples , let us rather cast our eyes beyond sea , and see where ever protestants were accused for rebellion , but where either anabaptisme , or this discipline did take place , and yet none of them ( i except onely anabaptists ) were halfe so criminous as ours : they had sundry pleas , which we cannot make for our selves . as first , that they did not rise up against their lawful prince , but onely against a protector to whom they did owe no allegiance , but an honorable acknowledgement ; but our laws binds us not onely to owe allegiance , but to swear it : or secondly , that they did not rise up against the person of their prince , but against some enraged minister of his , reserving still their obedience to their soveraigne inviolate ; but we have not onely resisted , but invaded the kings person : there were more great shot made at the very place where the king was at edge-hill , then the same proportion of ground throughout the field ▪ the ●…ery li●… cu●…esy was offered to the queen at ●…urlington , to welcome her into england : or thirdly ▪ their princes did go abo●…t to force their consciences , withot law or , against law ; and by an arbitrary power set up an inquisition among them ; but good king charles is so far●… from this , that for the ●…ase of his subjects ▪ he hath taken away an high-commission established by statute , and is still ready to condiscend to any thing that can be reasonably proposed for the ease of tender consciences . what is it then ? hath his majesty been a hard master ? no. heare a witnesse that will not violate his conscience to doe hi●… majestie service . i see many h●…re , the most ●…toriously obliged , indeed as much as serv●…s can be to a master , in this good cause h●…ve ●…stered those vulgar considerations , and had the courage to despise him ( that is the king ) to his face . a good panegyricke , and his majesty may live to requite them , as ca●…us did 〈◊〉 the traytor , when his sonne had slain 〈◊〉 ironside , and he saluted the king with a●… rex solus , his reward was a good ▪ gibbet , ego te bodie ob ●…nti obsequii meritum ▪ cunctis regni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these seditious and schismaticall principl●… , were not the ●…esults of a 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , and uningaged judgemen●… , but rather the excuse of criminous , or the 〈◊〉 o●… ne●…ssitated persons , whe●… 〈◊〉 produceth new opinions ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 followeth the dictates of the will , there is small hope of t●… ▪ when men o●… belial , factious persons , had shaken off 〈◊〉 yoake of a just government , being neither pretenders themselves in point of right , nor capable of soveraignity by reason of their ob●…curity , that they might retaine that i●… part , which they could not graspe in the whole ; they broached these desperate devises of the omnipotency of the people : whe●… others , o●… the same men , either having expelled bishops to gaine their revenues , upon pretence of superstition , or living under a soveraigne of another communion , could not have bishop●… of their own , and yet did find the necessity of discipline ; then they fancyed the new form of presbiteries , in imitation of the jewish synedriums throughout their synagogues , though that be most uncertaine and all men know this for certain , that the synagogues were but humane institutions , acts 15. 21. not from the law , but from old time. which new form of discipline , was so adapted and accomodated to the politicke state of the citty of genevah , that ( as it was there established ) it cannot possibly ●…it any other place , except it have fower syndicks , a greater & a lesser councell : then ( as all sects are modest in their beginnings ) they desired their neighbour churches onely to certifie that their discipline was not repugnant to the word of god ; yet now they would obtrude it on the world as the eternall gospell . so our new upstart independents , which run gadding about the world like lapwings with their shels upon their heads , having been kept under the hatches here in old england , performing their divine offices in holes and corners , and having no assemblyes but such as did of their own accord associate themselves to them , now deny the name of true churches to all societies but such blind conventicles : and shall we make their excuses to be our grounds ? shall we that live in the most temperate part of the temperate zone , & injoy a government as temperate as the climate it selfe , we who cannot complain either of too much sun , or too little sun , where the beames of soveraignty are neither too perpendicular to scorch us , nor yet so oblique but that they may warm us , shall we goe about in a madding humour , to dissolve a frame of government , which made our fore-fathers happy at home , and famous abroad ? shall we whose church was the envy and admiration of christendome , neither too garish , nor too sluttish , excelling some as far in purity , as it did others in decency , now learn religion out of tubbs , as if the little toes could see further then the eyes ? if they have an extraordinary calling , where are their miracles ? menda●…ia video miracula non video , we heare there lyes , not see their wonders . saint paul became all things to all men , but that was compatiendo non mentiendo , as st. augustine saith . shall we without need put our life 's into the hands of crackbrain'd unskilfull empericks ? which have taught us already to our losse , that a new phisitian must have a new church-yard : rather mutemus clipeos , let us leafe them old england , and content our selves with new england . it will be better to live in hollow trees , among savages and wild beasts , then here , to be chopping and changing our religion every new moon . be not deceived , as if these men did desire no more , then onely the rectifying of some former obliquities and irregularities : we are now told in plain english , that it is to subdue the pride of kings , monarchy it selfe is the onely object worthy of these men wrath. may not one here exclaime ( as the great turk did to his councell , when the templers and hospitaliers advised him by letter , how fredericke the christian emperour might be taken ) ecce fidelitas christianorum , behold the loyalty of our great reformers ! but what is this pride of kings ? if we will believe one of their authors in his application of the story of cleomedes his daughter , to the domestick custome of the spartan kings , ( pater hos●…es , manus non habet , ) it is a one piece of their pride to have a man to pull off their shooes , and yet they say the author had one to brush his cloathes . now they stick not to let us know why they maligned episcopacy ; whilest bishops stood , they could not fill all the pulpits of the kingdome with their seditious oratours , who might incite the people that their zeal to god may not be interrupted by their duty to the king , that by the christian labours of their painfull preachers , they may not want hands to bring their wishes to passe , ( they are their own words . ) is this the reason we have not a word of peace and charity from that party , but all incentives to warr , and to joyn in making that great sacrifice to the lord. yet whilest they are so busy in in getting hands , ( too many of them perjured hands , ) let them remember rodolphus the duke of sweveland his hand in cuspinian , who being drawn into a rebellious warre against the emperour , and in the battell having his right hand cut off , held out the stump to those that were about him , saying , i have a just reward of my perjury , with this same hand i swore allegiance to my soveraigne lord. yet the good emperour buried him honourably , which being disliked by some of his friends , he replied , utinam omnes mei adversarit eo ornatu sepulti jacerent . we have sworn allegiance as well ashe , and god is the same he was , a severe avenger of perjury . onely zedekia●… of all the kings of iudah ( a perjured person to nebuchadnezzar ) had his eyes put out , because ( saith one ) he had not that god by whom he sware before his eyes . another instance of perjury we have in uladislaus , when huniades had made truce with amurath for ten yeares , the king by the incitement of cardinali iulian , did break it ; the turk in distresse , spreads the articles towards heaven , saying , o iesus , if thou be a god , be avenged of these false christians ; presently the battell turned , uladislaus was slaine in the fight , the cardinall in flight . when god had justly punished corah and his rebellious company , the common people murmured against moses and aaron , saying , ye have killed the lords people . numb . 16. 49. what was the issue ? the lord sent a plague which swept away fourteen thousand and seven hundred of them : so dangerous a thing it is onely to justify traytors . dost thou desire to serve god purely according to his word ? so thou mayest without being a traytour to thy prince , if our practise were but conformable to the truth of our profession , we might challenge all the churches in the world. god almighty lighten the eyes of all those that mean well , that we may no longer shed one anothers blood , to effect the frantick designes of fanaticall persons , and by our contentions , pull down what we all desire to build up , even the protestant religion , the law of the land , and the liberty of the subject . treason never yet wanted a cloake , we are not to judge of rebells by their words , but by their deeds ; their voice is iacobs voice , but their hands are the hands of esau. the adulterous woman eateth and wipeth her mouth , and saith , what have i done ? yet sometimes god suffers the contrivers of these distractions , unwittingly to discover themselves , that unlesse we doe willfully hoodwinke our eyes , we cannot but see their aimes . among others , that speech which exhorts us to subdue the pride of kings ; to purchase a parity in the church with a parity in the state ; to shed the blood of the ungodly ; that sleights all former oaths and obligations , and vilifies the laws of the land as the inventions of men : may be a sufficient warning-piece to all loyall subjects and good christians . and so may the late petition be , though from meaner hands to a common councell , wherein they doe nakedly and professedly fall upon his majesties person without any mask , and sawcily and traytorously propose the alteration of the civill government , which every true-hearted english man will detest . say not these are poor vulgar fellowes : these have been the intelligences that have of late turned the orbe of our state about , or at least the visible actors . and who sees not that this is cast abroad thus by the cunning of their sublimated and mercuriall prompters , to try how it will rellish with the palate of the people , as an introduction to their actuall designe , that when it comes to passe , the world may not wonder at it as a prodigie . so was it given out among the people by richard the third , that his wife was dead , when she was in good health : but she wisely concluded what was intended by her kind husband to be her next part . where are our english hearts ? why doe we not at last all joyn together , to take a severe account of them who have blemished our parliament , subjected our persons and estates to their arbitrary power ; who have sought to de-throne our soveraigne , and to robbe us of our religion , laws , and liberties ? but now to the observator . observer . in this contestation between regall and parliamentary power , for method sake , it is requisite to consider , first of regall , then of parliamentary power , and in both to consider the efficient and finall causes , and the meanes by which they are supported . answer stay , sir before we enter into these consideratitions , let us remember the rule in rhetorick , cui bono , what advantage will this inquiry bring us ? doe you desire to be one of the tribunes or ephori of england to controule your king ? or would you have the great o●…ke cut down , that you might gather some sticks for your selfe ? thus we are told lately , the wisest men will not thinke thems elves uncapable of future fortunes , if they use their uttermost power to reduce him ( that is the king ) to a necessity of granting . or would you have us play the guelphes and gibellines , to cut one anothers throats for your pastime ? pardon us sir , we cannot thinke it seasonable now when poore ireland is at the last gaspe , and england it selfe lies a bleeding , when mens minds are exasperated by such trumpeters of sedition , to plunge our selves yet deepe●… in these domestick contestations ; what could the irish rebells desire more ? comparisons are alwayes odious , but contestations are worse , and this between a king and his parliament worst of all . this dismall question did never yet appeare in this kingdom , but like a fatall screech-owle , portending blood , death , and publique ruine . this was the subject of the barons warre ; the consequent of this in the wrong offered to a lawfull prince , was the fountain of those horrid dissentions between the red rose and the white , which purpled all our english soile with native blood , we have had too much of this already . halfe of that money which of late hath been spent , of that blood which hath been shed about this accursed controversie ; would have regained ireland , and disingaged england ; whereas now the sore festers dayly more and more under the chirurgeons hands . our fore fathers have setled this question for us , we desire to see what they have done , before we goe to blind-mans buffet one with another : if it hath been composed well , or but indifferently , it is better then civill warr : and though it had not , when the jarring strings of mens minds are turned again , it is probable it may sleep for eve●… . it were much better to pur it off as the areopagites did knotty questions to a very long day ; or with the jews for elias to resolve when he comes . but good sir , if it may be without offence satisfie me in one doubt , what sect you are of ? whether some newly sprung up mushrome , or you derive your self from those non conformists , which were in the dayes of queen elizabeth and king iames. they have solemnly protested in print , that a no christians under heaven , doe give more to the regall supremacy then they ; yea , b without limitation or qualification , that for the king c not to assume such a power , or for the churches within his dominions to deny it , is damnable sinne ( mark it ) although the statutes of the kingdom should deny it him ( and statutes are more then bare votes . ) that it is not tyed to their christianity , but their crown , from which no subject or subjects have power to seperate it . if no subjects collectively , then not one or both houses . but they goe further , and i pray you make it one of your observations ; that d though the king command any thing contrary to the word of god , yet we ought not to resist , but peaceably forbear obedience and sue for grace , and when that cannot be obtained meekly submit our selves to punishment . how you have practised this of late , the world sees , and this kingdom feels . they declare , that e it is utterly unlawfull for any christian churches by armed power against the will of the civill magistrate , to set up in publique the true worship of god , or suppresse any superstition , or idolatry . they abjure all doctrines repugnant to these as f anabaptisticall and antichristian . they condemne all practises contrary to these , as g seditious and sinfull . i forbear sundry other things avouched by them in the same protestation , as that h the king onely hath power within his dominions to convene synods of ministers , and by his authority royall , to ratifie their canons , yea , that if it should please the king and civill state to continue bishops , l they could be content without envy , to suffer them to injoy their state and dignity , and to live as brethren with those ministers that should acknowledge homage unto them . by this time i suppose you h●…ve enough of the protestation , my quaere is but short , whether you can change your doctrine as the ch●…aelion her colours , according to the present exigence of affaires ? or will acknowledge your opinions to be anabaptisticall and antichristian , your practise seditious and sinnefull , in the judgement of your predecessors . and yet i am not ignorant , that both before , and after , and about the time of this protestation , a cockatrice egge was hatching ; when a subject durst stile the great senate under which ●…e l●…ved , tumultuosa ●…erditorum hominum sactio , a tumultuous faction of desperate men ; and the judges discordiaram duces : then the mistery began to work closely , but shortly after it shewed it selfe openly , when his successor did publish to the world , that if kings observe not those pactions to which they were sworn , subordinate magistrates have power to oppose them , and the orders of the kingdom to punish them if it be needfull , till all things be restored to their former estate . that what power ●…ae generall councell hath to depose a pope for heresy , the same the people have over kings , that are turned tyrants . a wofull argument drawn from an elective pope , to an hereditary king , from a free and oecumenicall councell , to a company of limited and sworne subjects , from an action grounded on known law to an arbitrary proceeding . the kings crown sits closer , the councells power is greater , the like law is wanting . others teach that the people must bridle princes if the nobility will not . our countryman cartwright speakes very suspitiously , to think the church must be framed according to the common-wealth , and the church government according to the civill government , is as if a man should fashion his house according to his hangings ; whereas indeed it is cleane contrary ; that as the hanging●… are made fit for the house , so the common-wealth must be made to agree with the church , and the government thereof with her government . adde to this their other tenet ; that the government of the church with them is democraticall , or at best bur aristocraticall , and what will follow ? that the civill government must be the same , or at the least if it be inconsistent with the form of discipline which they fancy , it must be regulated and conformed thereunto . i omit the trayterous opinions of goodman , gilby , whitingham , teaching sheriffes and jailers to let loose them whom they call saints ; teaching subjects to reduce their soveraignes into order by force , yea , to depose them , or put them to death . but these seditious principles were suppressed then by the learning and authority of grindall , sands , parkburst , iewell , beacon , nowell , coxe , barlow , &c. who being exiled for religion , at franckford accused knoxe of high treason about them , and put him to make use of his heeles . let this very confusion of them in this matter be a warning to us , how we have the the faith of our lord iesus christ in respect of persons , or be so glued to the persons of our teachers , that we suck up their errors as greedily as their good lessons , forgetting that they were but men , and that particular relations and ingagements , have an insensible influence upon the best temper'd minds . observer the king attributes , the originall of his royalty to god and the law , making no mention of the grant , consent , or trust of man therein ; but the the truth is , god is no more the author of regall , then of aristocraticall power , nor of supreme , more then of subordinate command . nay , that dominion which is usurped and not just , yet while it remaines dominion , and till it be again legally divested , refers to god , is to the authour and donor , as much as that which is hereditary . answer that royalty and all lawfull dominion considered in the abstract , is from god , no man can make any doubt , but he who will oppose the apostle , the powers that be are ordeined of god ; and god himselfe who saith , by me kings raigne and princes decree iustice . but the right and application of this power and interest in the concrete to this particular man , is many times from the grant and consent of the people . so god is the principall agent , man the instrumentall ; god is the root , the fountain of power ; m●n the stream , the bough by which it is derived ; the essence of power is alwayes from god , the existence sometimes from god , sometimes from man : yet grant and consent differ much , and consent it selfe is of severall kinds , explicite or implicite , antecedent or subsequent , a long continued prescription or possession of soveraignty , without opposition or reluctatation , implies a full consent , and derives a good title of inheritance , both before god and man. these grounds being laid , take notice of fower grosse errors , which the observer runns into in this section . first he supposeth that all dominion , is from the grant or consent of the people ; whereas in truth all dominion in the abstract is from god. the people could not give what they never had , that is , power of life and death : but true it is , that magistrates in the concrete , are stiled the ordinance of man ; subjectively because they are men , objectively because they raigne over men , and many times effectively , because they are created or elected by men. but this last holds not in all cases , i say nothing of such kings as were named immediately by god : those whose predecessors or themselves have attained to soveraignty by the sword , by conquest in a just warre , claime immediately from god. those also who were the first owners or occupants of waste lands , might admit tenents or subjects upon such conditions as they themselves would prescribe . thirdly , those who plant at excessive charge in remote parts of america , will give and not take laws from their colonies . fourthly , upon the spreading of a numerous family , or the great increase of slaves and servants , ditis examen domus , how often have the fatherly or magistrall power been turned into royalty ? and though these were but petty kingdoms at the first ; yet as great rivers grow from the confluence of many little brooks ; so by warrs , marriages , and treaties , they might be enlarged . in all these cases there is no grant of the people . this i●… one error . his s●…cond error rests in the hypothesis ; his majesties originall title to this kingdome was not election , either of the person , or of the family , but conquest , or rather a multitude of conquests , the very last whereof is confirmed by a long succession of foure and twenty royall progenitors and predecessors , glorious both at home and abroad , in peace and war , except ●…hen this dismall and disasterous question , did eclipse t●…eir lustre , and hinder the happinesse of this nation , ●…n the d●…yes of king iohn , henry the third , edward and richard the second , or in the bloody warres between the two houses of yorke and lancanster , which were nothing else but the fruits and consequents thereof . neither can the observer collect from he●…e , that this is to enslave our nation as conquered vassalls . it is a grosse fallacy to dispute ae dicto simpli●…ter ad dictum secundum quid , from the right of absol●…e conquerers , to his majesty now , as if so many good lawes , so m●…ny free charters , so many acts of grace in so long a succession had operated nothing . this is a second error . thirdly , the observer teacheth , that subordinate commm●…nd is as much from god as supreme . his majesty i●… much bound unto him , to make his royall commands of no more force by gods institution●… then a pe●…ty constables . we have hitherto learned otherwise , that kings hold their crowns and scepters from god , and subordinate magistrates have their places by commission from them . but it is familiar with these men , to leap over the backs of intermedious causes , and derive all their fancyes from god as the heathens did their genealogies ; whereby they destroy the beauty and order of the world , and make many superfluous creatures , which god and nature never made . in summe , subordinate commands are from god , yet neither so immediately , nor so firmely as supreme : but as a row of iron rings touchching one another , and the first touching the load-stone , in their severall degrees , some more loosely , some more remotely then others ; the case is not altogether like for regall and aristocraticall power : one god in the world , one soule in the body , one master in a family , one sun in the heaven , and anciently one monarch in each society . all the first governours were kings . both forms are warranted by the law of nature , but not both in the same degree of eminency . if an old man had the eye of a young man , he would see as well as a young man ( said the philosopher ) the soule of an ideot is as rationall , as the soule of a states man , the difference is in the organ : so the soule of soveraign power , which is infused by god into democracy or aristocracy , is the same that it is in monarchy : but seeing the organ is not so apt to attain to the end , and seeing that god and nature do alwayes intend what is best ; and lastly , seeing that in some cases the existence of government as well as the essence is from god , who never inst●…tuted any form but monarchicall , the observer might well have omitted his comparison . the fourth aand last error is worst of all , [ that usurped and unjust dominion is referred to god as its authour and doner , as much as hereditary . ] this is right , we have been taught otherwise , before a se●… vaine upstart empericks , in policy troubled the world , that dominion in a tyranicall hereditary governour , is from god even in the concrete , ( i mean the power not the abuse ) that such an one may not be resiste●… without sinne , that his person is sacred : but contrarywise , that dominion in a tyranicall usurper or intruder is indeed from god permitting , wheras he coul●… restrain it , if it pleased him ; or from god concurring by a generall influence , as the earth giveth nourishment to hemlocks , as well as wheate , in him w●… live , we move , and have our being , or from god ordering and disposing it as he doth all other accidents and events to his own glory ; but that it is not from god as author , donor , or instituter of it . neither dar●… we give to a tyranicall usurper the essentiall priviledges of soveraignty ; we deny not that any subject may lawfully kill him as a publicke enemy , without legall eviction . much lesse dare we say wit●… the observer , that power usurped and unlawfull , is as much from god , as power hereditary and lawfull . if it be so , cough out man , and tell us plainly , that , god is the author of sinne. observer and the law which the king mentioneth , is not to b●… understood to be any speciall ordinance sent from heaven , by the ministery of angells or prophets , 〈◊〉 amongst the iews it sometimes was . it can be nothing else among christians , but the pactions and agreements , o●… such an●… such corporations . answer . there is a double right considerable ; the right to the crown , and the right of the crown : the right and title to the crown is with us undoubted , there needs no angell from heaven to confirme it , where no man can pretend against it . the right of the crown is the onely subject in question . this is from the law of god , the law of nature , and the law of nations . that this power in an absolute conquerer may be limited by statutes , charters , or municipall laws , in court of conscience , in court of justice , to god , to his people , i grant , without communicating soveraigne power to subordinate or inferiour subjects , or subjecting majesty to censure : which limitation doth no●… proceed from mutuall pactions , but from acts of grace and bounty . i would know to what purpose ▪ the observer urgeth this distinction of laws , will it ●…er ●…he state of the question , or the obligation of subjects ? nothing lesse . whether the calling of the prince , be ordinary or extraordinary , mediate or immediate , the title of the prince , the tye of the subject is still the same . those ministers who were immediately ordeined by christ or his apostles , did farre exceed ours in personall perfections : but as for the ministeriall power , no tract of time can bring the least diminution to it . god was the first instituter of marriage ; yet he never brought any couple together but adam and eve ; other marriages are made by free election : yet for as much as it is made by vertue and in pursuance of divine institution , we doe not doubt to say and truely , those whom god hath joyned together . his majesties title is as strong , the obligation and relation between him and his subjects is the very same , as if god should say from heaven , take this man to be your king. again , if the libertie of the subject be from grace , not from pactions or agreements , is it therefore the lesse ? or the lesse to be regarded ? what is freer then gift ? if a nobleman shall give his servant a farme , to pay a rose or pepper-corn for an acknowledgement , his title is as strong as if he bought it with his money . but the observer deales with his majesty , as some others doe with god almighty in point of merit ; they will not take heaven as a free gift , but challenge it as purchasers . in a word , the authour of these observations , would insinuate some difference betwixt our kings and the kings of israell , or some of them who had immediate vocation , wherein he would deceive us or deceiveth himselfe , for their request to samuell was make us a king to judge us like all other nations . observer . power is originally inherent in the people , and it is nothing else but that might and vigour , which such or such a society of men containes in it selfe ; and when by such or such a law of common consent and agreement , it is derived into such and such hands , god confirmes that law : and so man is the free and voluntary author , the law is the instrument , and god is the establisher of both : and we see , not that prince , which is most potent over his subjects , but that prince which is most potent in his subjects , is indeed most truely potent 〈◊〉 for a king of one small citty , if he be intrusted with a large prerogative , may be said to be more potent over his subjects , then a king of many great regions , whose prerogative is more limited : and yet in true reality of power , that king is most great and glorious , which hath the most and strongest subjects , and not he which tramples upon the most contemptible vassalls . this is therefore a great and fond error in some princes , to strive more to be great over their people , then in their people ▪ and to eclipse themselves by impoverishing , rather then to magnifie themselves by infranchising their subjects . this we see in france at this day , for were the peasants there more free , they would be more rich and magnanimous , and were they so , their king were more puissant ; but now by affecting an adulterate power over his subjects , the king there loses a true power in his subject , embracing a cloud in stead of juno . answer . it hath ever been the wisdome of governours , to conceal from the promiscuous multitude it s own strength , and that rather for the behoof of themselves then of their rulers . those beasts which are of a gentle and tractable disposition , live sociably among themselves , and are cherished by man ; whereas those that are of a more wild and untameable nature live in continuall persecution and feare of others , of themselves ; but of late it is become the master-piece of our modern incendiaries , to magnifie the power of the people , to break open this cabinet of state , to prick forward , the headie and raging multitude , with fictitious devises of bulls and minotaurs . and all this with as much sincerity , as corah , dathan , and abiram said to moses , and aaron , you take too much on you seeing all the congregation are holy . i desire the observer at his leisure , to reade platoes description of an athenian sophister , and he shall find himselfe personated to the life , that one egge is not liker another : if the coate fit him , let him put it on . the scripture phraseth this to be troubling of a church , or of a state : it is a m●…taphor taken from a vessell wherein is liquour of severall parts , some more thick , others more subtile , which by shaking together is disordered , and the dreggs and residence is lifted up from the bottome to the toppe . the observer hath learned how to take eeles ; it is their own rule , they that would alter the government , must first trouble the state. secondly , posito sed non concesso , admitting , but not granting , that power is originally inherent in the people , what is this to us who have an excellent forme of government established , and have divested our selves of this power ? can we play fast and loose and resume it again at our pleasures ? lesbia was free to choose her selfe an husband when she was a maide , may she therefore doe it when she is a wife ? admitting that his majesty were elected in his predecessors , yea or in his own person for him and his heires , is this power therefore either the lesse absolute or lesse perpetuall ? admitting that before election , we had power to covenant , yea , or condition by what laws we would be governed , had we therefore power to condition that they should be no longer laws , then they listed us ? this were to make our soveraigne not a great and glorious king , but a plain christmasse lord : or have we therefore power still to raise arms to alter the laws by force , without soveraigne authority ? this seems to be the observers main scope , but the conclusion is so odious , ( as which hath ever been confessed treason ) and the consequence so miserably weak , that he is glad to deale altogether enthemematically . thirdly , admitting and granting that the last exercise or execution of power , that is the posse commitatus , or regni , is in the people , is the right also in the people , or from the people ? excuse us if we rather give credit to our saviour , thou could'st have no power at all against me , except it were given thee from above . if pilate had his power from heaven , we may conclude strongly for king charles ; nil dat quod non habet , some power the people qua talis never had , as power of life and death , it is the peculiar right of god and his vicegerents . put the case the king grants to a corporation such and such magistrates , with power also to them to elect new magistrates ( which yet holds but somtimes ) from whom do those magistrates hold their power ? not from the people who elect them , but from the king who creates them . fourthly , you tell us that the power of a king , is to have powerfull subjects , and to be powerfull in his subjects , not to be powerfull over his subjects . your reason halts , because it wants a caeteris paribus : several kings may have severall advantages of greatnesse . the truth is , neither many powerfull subjects without obedience , nor forced obedience without powerfull and loving subjects , d●… make a great and glorious king : but the concatenation of superiours and inferiours in the adaman tine bonds of love and duty . when subjects are affected , as scillurus would have his sonns for concord as scipio had his souldiers for obedience , which they prised above their lifes , being ready to throw them selves from a tower into the sea at their generall●… command : this is both to be great in subjects , and over them . the greatest victoryes , the greate●… monarchyes , are indebted for themselves to this lowly beginning of obedience . it is not to be a king of kings , nor a king of slaves , nor a king of devills , ( you may remember to whom that was applied , ) but to be the king of hearts , and hands , and subjects , of many rich , loving , and dutifull subjects , that makes a powerfull prince . as for the present puissance of france , can you tell in what kings reigne it was greater since charlemaine ? neverthelesse admitting that the peasants in france ( as you are pleased to call them ) suffer much : yet nothing neare so much as they have done in seditious times , when civill warr●… raged among them , ( when their kings had lesse power over them , ) which is our case now . god blesse us from tvrany , but more from sedition . if the subjects of france be peasants , and the subjects of germany be princes , god send us englishmen to keep a mean ; between both extremes , which our fore-fathers found most expedient for all parties . observer . but thus we see that power is but secondary and derivative in princes the fountain and efficient cause is the people , and from hence the inference is just , the king though he be singulis major , yet is he universis minor , for if the people be the true efficient cause of power , it is a rule in nature , quicquid efficit tale est magis tale . and hence it appears that at the founding of authorities , when the consent of societies conveyes rule into such and such hands , it may ordaine what conditions , and prefix what bounds it pleases , and that no dissolution ought to be thereof , but by the same power by which it had its constitution . answer . thus we see your premisses are weake and naught , your argument proceeds from the staffe to the corner , and your whole discourse is a rope of sand. first , your ground-work ( that the people is the fountain and efficient of power ) totters , and is not universally true . power in the abstract is not at all ; power in the concrete is but sometimes from the people , which is rather the application of power then power itselfe . next , your inference from hence which in this place you call just , and a little after say , that nothing is more known or assented unto , that the king is singulis major but universis minor , greater then any of his subjects singly considered , but lesse then the whole collected body , is neither just , nor known , nor assented unto unlesse in that body , you include his majesty as a principall member . and yet if that should be granted you , before it would doe you any good , these universi , or this whole body , must be reduced to the major or greater part , and this diffused and essentiall body must be contracted to a representative body ( unlesse we may believe your new learning , that the essentiall and representative body are both one . ) but waving all these advantages , tell me sir , might you be perswaded to follow licurgus his advise , to try this discipline at home , before you offer it to the commonwealth ? could you be contented that all your servants together , or the major part of them had power to turne you out of your mastership , and place your steward in your roome ; or your children in like case depose you from your fatherhood ? no i warrant you , the case would soone be altered . and when the greatest part of the sheep dislike their sheepheard , must be presently put up his pipes and be packing ? take heed what you doe , for if the people be greater then the king , it is no more a monarchy but a democracy . hitherto the christian world hath believed , that the king is post deum secundus the next to god , solo deo minor , onely lesse then god , no person , no body politick between ; that he is vicarius dei , gods vicegerent . the scriptures say , that kings reigne not over persons , but nations ; that kings were anointed over israell , not israelites onely . saul is called the head of the tribes of israell . our laws are plain , we have all sworn that the kings highnesse is the onely supreme head , if supreme , then not subordinate ; if onely supreme , then not coordinate ; and governour of this realme , his highnesse is supreame governour , that is , in his person , in his chamber , as well as in his court. the ancient courts of england , were no other then the kings very chamber and moveable with him from place to place , whence they have their name of courts . supreme governour of this realme collectively , and not onely of particular and individuall subjects . in all causes and over all persons , then in parliament and out of parliament . parliaments doe not alwayes sit , many causes are heard , many persons questioned , many oaths of allegiance administred between parliament and parliament . the same oath binds us to defend him against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever , which shall be made against his person or crown ; to defend him , much more therefore not to offend him ; against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever , that oath which binds us to defend him against all attempts whatsoever , presupposeth that no attempt against him can be justified by law , whether these attempts be against his person or his crown . it will not serve the turn to distinguish between his person and his office , for both the person and the office are included in the oath . let every subject lay his hand upon his heart , and compare his actions with this oath in the fear of god. when the great representative body of parliament are assembled , they are yet but his great councell , not commanders . he calls them , he dissolves them ; they doe not choose so much as a speaker without his approbation : and when he is chosen he prayes his majesty to interpose his authority , and command them to proceed to a second choise ; plane propter modestiam , sed nunquid contra veritatem ? the speakers first request is , for the liberties and priviledges of the house : his majesty is the fountain from which they flow . when they , even both houses do speak to him , it is not by way of mandate , but humble petition as thus , most humbly beseech your most excellent majesty , your faithfull and obedient subjects , the lords spirituall and temporall and commons , in parliament assembled ; or thus , we your majesties loving , faithfull , and obedient subjects representing the three estates of your realme of england &c. except we should overmuch forget our duties to your highnesse &c. do most humbly beseech &c. here the three estates of the kingdom assembled in parliament doe acknowledge their subjection and their duty , do beseech her majesty . where by the way i desire to know of the observer , whether that of the three estates were a fundamentall constitution of this kingdom , and who were the three estates at this time , and whether a third estate have not been since excluded ? howsoever , we see they doe but rogore legem pray a law , the king enacts it , and as he wills or takes time to advise , so their acts are binding or not binding . they challenge no dispensative power above the law : he doth . in a word , he is the head not onely of the hand or of the foot , but of the whole body . these things are so evident , that all our laws must be burned , before this truth can be doubted of . but to stop the observers mouth for ever take an authentick testimony , in the very case point blanck , by divers old authentick histories and chronicles , it is manifestly declared , that this realme of england is an empire , and so hath been accepted in the world , governed by one supreme head and king , having the dignity and royall estate of the imperiall crown of the same , unto whom a body politick compact of all sorts and degrees of people , divided into terms , and by names of spiritualty and temporalty , being bounden and owen next to god a naturall and humble obedience , he being instituted and furnished by the goodnesse and sufferance of almighty god with plenary , whole , and entire power , preeminence , authority &c. now sir observe , first that not onely individuall persons , but the whole compacted body politicke of the kingdome , are not onely lesse then his majesty , but doe owe unto him a naturall and humble obedience , ( how farr is this from that majesty which you ascribe to the representative body ? ) secondly , that the spiritualty were ever an essentiall part of this body politick . thirdly that his majesties power is plenary . fourthly , that he derives it not from inferiour compacts , but from the goodnesse of god. it is true , were his majesty as the prince of orange is , or you would have him to be , not a true possessor of soveraigne power , but a keeper onely , as the roman dictator or an arbitrary proctor for the people , your rule had some more shew of reason : but against such evident light of truth to ground a contrary assertion , derogatory to his majesty , upon the private authority of bracton and fle●… ( no authentick authors ) were a strange degree of weaknesse or wilfulnesse , especially if we consider , first , upon what a trifling silly homonomie it is grounded , quia comites dicuntur quasi socii reqis , et qui habent socium habent magistrum . if he had called them the kings attendents , or subordinate governours of some certain province or county , as the sheriffe vice comes was their deputy , there had been something reall in it . secondly , if we consider , that this assertion is as contrary to the observers own grounds , as it is to truth , for what they ( bracton and fleta ) doe appropriate to the house of lords curiae comitum & baronum , he attributes to the collective body of the whole kingdom , or at the least to both houses of parliament : that is farr from the observers meaning and nothing to the purpose . this catachresticall and extravigant expression , with the amphibologicall ground of it , is either confuted or expounded by the authors themselves , as saying , the king hath no peere , therefore no companion ; that he is vicarius dei gods vicegerent , that he is not sub homina , under man. and if the words have any graine of truth in them , they must be undestood not of an authorative , but onely of a consultive power to advise him , or at the most approbative , to give their assent to laws propounded , he having limited himselfe to make no laws without them . so we may say a mans promise is his master ; as if a man should say that the judges in the house of peers , who have no votes , but are meere assistents , yet in determining controversies in point of law , are in some sort superiour to the lords , not in power which they have none , but in skill and respect of that dependence , which the lords may have upon their judgement and integrity . neither will your logicall axiom , quicquid efficit ●…ale est magis tale , helpe you any thing at all , for first your quicquid efficit must be quando efficit . if a cause have sufficient vigour and efficacy at such time as ●…he effect is produced , it is not necessary that it should ●…eteine it for ever after , or that the people should re●…ein that power which they have divested themselves of by election of another . to take your case at the ●…est , they have put the staffe out of their own hands , and cannot without rebellion and sinne against god , ●…doe what they have done . secondly , for your magic tale , there is a caution in this canon , that the same quality must be both in the cause and in the effect , which yet is not alwayes , not in this very case , it must be in causes totall essentiall and univocall , such as this is not . the sun is the cause of heat , yet it is not hot it selfe , sol & homo generant hominem viventem , yet the sun lives not . if two litigants consent to license a third person to name another for arbitrator between them , he may elect a judge , not be a judge . yet i shall not deny you any truth , when and where the antecedent consent of free societies not preingaged , doth instrumentally conferr and convey , or rather applie power and authority into the hands of one or more , they may limit it to what terme they please , by what covenants they please , to what conditions they please , at such time as they make their election : yet covenants and conditions differ much which you seem to confound , breach of covenant will not forfeit a lease , ( much lesse an empire . ) i have seen many covenants between kings and their people , sometimes of debt , and many times of grace , but i doe not remember that ever i read any conditions , but with some old elective kings of arragon ( if they were kings ) long since antiquated , and one onely king of polonia . you adde and truely , that there ought to be no dissolution of soveraignty , but by the same power by which it had its constitution , wherein god had his share at least : but this will not serve your turn , if you dare speak out plainly , tell us , when a king is constituted by right of conquest and long succession , yea or by the election of a free people , without any condition of forfeiture , or power of revocation reserved ( as the capuans gave themselves to the romans , ) and so according to your position it is established by god , can the people , or the major part without grosse treason attempt to dethrone this king , or send him a writ of ease ? they that are so zealous in religion , to have every thing ordered according to the expresse word of god , let them shew but one text , where ever god did give this power to subjects , to reduce their soveraignes to order by arms. if this were so , kings were in a miserable condition . consider the present estate of christendome , what king hath not subjects of sundry communions and professions in point of religion ? upon these mens grounds he must be a tyrant to one party or more . moses seemed a tyrant to korah and his rebellious company ; queen elizabeth and king iames did seem tyrants to squire , parry , sommervill , and the powder-traytors . licurgus of whom apollo once doubted whether he should be numbred among the gods or men , was well neere stoned , and had his eyes put out in a popular tumult . thus barabbas may be absolved , and the king of kings condemned . what divellish plots would this doctrine presently raise , if it were received ? what murthers and assassinates ? would it ●…sher into the world ? especially considering that the worst men are most commonly active in this kind , to whom nothing doth more discommend a king then his justice . observer . as for the finall cause of regall authority , i doe not find any thing in the kings papers denying , that the same people is the finall which is the efficient cause of it , & indeed it were strange if the people in subjecting it selfe to command , should aime at any thing but their own good in the first and last place . t is true according to machavills politicks , princes ought to aime at greatnesse , not in but ●…ver their subjects , and for the atchieving of the same , they ought to propose to themselves no greater good then the spoyling and breaking the spirits of their subjects , nor no greater mischiefe then common freedome , neither ought they to promote and cherish any servants , but such as are most fit for rapine and oppression , nor depresse and prosecute any as enemies , but such as are gracious with the populacy for noble and gallant acts , and a little after , his dignity was erected to preserve the commonalty , the commonalty was not created for his service , and that which is the end , is farre more valuable in nature and policy , then that which is the means . answer . still this discourse runs upon elective kingdoms : as for those which have had other originalls , here is a deep silence , s●…is tu simul●…e ●…upressum , quid hoc ? you can paint a cypresse tree , but what is this to the purpose ? let it be admitted that in such monarchies , the aime of the people is their own protection , concord , and tranquillity , rulers are the ministers of god for our good ; so on the other side , soveraigne princes have their ends also , who feedeth a flock , and eateth not of the milke thereof ? so there are mutuall ends , and these ends on both sides are lawfull and good , so long as they are consonant to the rules of justice . and though prince and people doe principally intend their own respective good , yet it were folly to imagine to atteine to such high ends of such consequence and concernment , without the mixture of some dangers , difficulties , troubles , and inconveniences : as saint ambrose saith , that since the fall of adam , thornes often grow without roses , but no true roses without thorns : we must take the rose with the thorn , the one with the other in good part , for better for worse , fructus transit cum onere the benefit passeth with the burthen . if we can purchase tranquillity which we intend , with obedience and subjection which we must undergoe ; we have no cause to complain of the bargain . it is a most wretched government , where one reall suffering , is not compensated with ten benefits and blessings . again , this publicke good of the people , is ( to use your own phrase ) either singulorum or universorum , publicke or private , of particular subjects , or of the whole common-wealth : howsoever the actuall intentions of individuall members of a society may aime at the private , yet when these two are inconsistent ( as sometimes it falls ou●… ) a good governour must preferr the publick ; and particular members must not grumble to suffer for the generall good of the body politick . but you say the end is farr more honourable then the meanes , and the preservation of the commonalty is the end of regall dignity . true , but this preservation must be understood , sub modo , according to law , which is not alterable at the discretion of humorous men , but with the concurrence both of king and subjects . likewise this is to be understood , where the ends are not mutuall ( as here they are ) the king for the people , and the people for the king : and where the end is not partiall but adaequate ( as this is not . ) lastly , the end is more valuable , how ? qua finis as it is the end in the intention of the efficient , not alwayes in the n●…ture of the thing . if the observer had argued thus , the publicke tranquillity of king and people is the end of government , therefore more valuable , hi●… inference had been good , but as he argues now , it is a meere paralogisme , which i will clear by some instances . the tutor is elected for the preservation of his pup●…ll , yet the pupill qua talis is lesse honourable : the angells are ministring spirits for the good of man-kinde , are men therefore more honourable then angells ? the redemption of the world is the end of christs incarnation , is the world therefore more excellent then christ ? whether the observer cite machiavell true or false , i neither know nor regard ? such a character might fit caesar borgias a new intruder , but not king charles , who derives his royalty from above an hundred kingly predecessors , whom malice itselfe cannot charge with one drop of guiltlesse blood , nor with the teare of an innocent , such a prince as vespa●…ian , of whom it is said , that justis suppliciis ill●…chrimavit & ingemuit . but i offer two issues to the observer , out of these words of machiavell , if he please to accept the challenge . first , that more noble worthies have been cru●…hed to nothing by the insolency of the people , ( proportion for proportion ) then by the power of kings . as in athens for instance , socrates , aristides , themistocles , alcibiades , and many more . the second , that gallant and veruous actio●…s doe not more often ingratiate men with the people , then a rouling tongue , a precipitate head , vain glorious profusion , oily insinuations , feined devotions , sufferings ( though deserved ) from superi●…rs , and above all opposition to the present sta●… . so that he that is a favorite to the king , is ipso facto , hated by the people or the major part : ●…nd to be sleighted by the prince , is frequently a re●…y way to be honoured by the people . iudas of ●…lilee was a great favorite of the commons , how did he indeare himselfe ? by seditious orations . wh●… more popular then simon magus ? t is megas so●… great one , and this onely with jugling . when abs●…om sought to ingratiate himselfe with the vulgar , wh●… course did he take ? to be more eminent in vertue ? no such thing ; but ostentation , lying , flattery and ●…ucing the present state. who hath not heard , ho●… ●…stratus and dionisius two execrable tyrants , did cut ●…d sl●…sh themselves , and perswa●… the credulous ●…titude , how it was done by the malignants for their zeal to the commonwealth , till by these arts they had first gotten a guard allowed for themselves , and after invaded the government . observer . to be deliciae humani generis is grown fordid with princes , to be publicke torments and carnificines , and to plot against those subjects , whom by nature they ought to protect , is held caesar like , and therefore bloody borgias by meere treachery and cruelty hath gotten room in the calender of witty and of spirited heroes . and our english court of late yeares hath drunke too much of this state-poyson , for either we have seen favorites raised to poll the people , and razed again to pa●…ifie the people ; or else ( which is worse for king and people too ) we have seen engines of mischiefe preserved against the people , and upheld against law , merely that mischief might not want incouragement . answer . curse not the king ( saith the wise-man ) no not in thy thought . thou shalt not revile the gods , nor speak evill of the ruler of thy people . two apostles bear record that there cannot be a surer note of a schismatick , then to despise dominion , and speak evill of dignities . evill language against a soveraign prince , hath ever been reputed an injury to al his subjects : but this age hath hatched such vipers , which dare not only like some rabshakeh , ●…aile against some forrein prince , but cast durt in the face of their naturall lord ; as if they were the colls of a wild asse in the wildernesse , subject to no man , accountable to no man : and that not onely in thought , which solomon disliked , or in a word , which god did forbid , but even to make the presse grone under dayly bundles of lies and slanders and fictitious fables . i say the presse , which hath been ever esteemed a peculiar priveledge of supreme majesty , n●…y , one king is not an object worthy of their wrath , but as it is said of iulian , that he sought to destroy both presbyteros and presbyterium , not priests onely , but priest-hood it selfe : so it is not one or two monarchs , but the destruction of monarchy it self which these men aime at ; witnesse our observer here , to be publick torments and carnificines , is held caesar like with princes , and one of his friends lately , he errs not much who saith , that there is an inbred hatred of the gospell in all kings , they doe not willingly suffer the king of kings to rule in their kingdomes , the lord hath his among kings , but very few , one perhaps of an hundred . increpet te deus satan . the lord himselfe will one day call them to an account for these blasphemies against his anoynted . is this a coale taken from the altar , or rather from the fire of hell ? there is hope our countrymen will robbe the jesuits shortly of their reputation : anabaptisme hath got it loose to be the liers and the rebells catechisme . sir , lay aside your eye of envy , which cannot endure the beams of majesty , and tell us what it is in king charles which doth so much offend you ? take diogenes his lanthorn , and look at noone-day among all his opposers throughout your classes and forms , if you can find one to match or parallell him , for piety towards god , justice towards man , temperance in his diet , truth in his word , chastity in his life , mercy towards the oppressed ; yea take your multiplying glasse and looke through his government from end to end , if you can find his crown sprinkled with one drop of innocent blood . he needs not with caius the emperour assume mercuries rod , apolloes bowe and arrows , m●…rs his sword and shield , to make himself resemble god , he hath better ensignes of the diety . unhappy we onely because we do not know our own good , that might enjoy a temperate and sweet government , sun-shine dayes under our own vines and fig-trees , the free profession of true religion , equall administration of justice , peace and plenty , with a dayly growth of all arts that may enrich or civilize a nation , under the radicated succession of a princ●…ly family . if the observers eyes had not been like the old lamiaes , to take out and put in at his pleasure , he might have seen a titus at home , a darling of mankind . but what is the ground of all this great cry ? forsooth we have had favorites . i doe not yet know any hurt in a good favorite , such an one as ioshua was to moses , or daniell to darius , or maecenas and agrippa to augustus , or craterus and ( for any thing i know ) ephestion also to alexander . wise men think a well-chosen favorite may bring great advantage both to king and people . but i leave the discourse : it is well known , his majesty is as opposite to favourites as the observer , and never raised any to th●… height , but they might be opposed and questioned ●…y their fellow-councellers . but if the observer have a mind to see some of those favourites , ( whom he call●… pollers , engines of mischiefe , or monopolists ) he may find them moving in another sphere : to side with his majesty is no ready way to impunity . observer . but our king here doth acknowledge it a great businesse of his coronation oath to protect us : and i hope under this word protect , he intends not onely to shield us from all kind of evill , but to promote us to all kind of politicall happinesse , according to his utmost devoir : and i hope he holds himselfe bound thereunto , not onely by his oath , but also by his very office and by the end of his soveraigne dignity . and though all single persons ought to looke upon the late bills passed by the king , as matters of grace with all thankfulnesse and humility : yet the king himselfe looking upon the whole state , ought to acknowledge , that he cannot merit of it , and that whatsoeven he hath granted , if it be for the prosperity of his people , ( but much more for their ease ) it hath proceeded but from meere duty . if ship-money , if star-chamber , if the high commission , if the votes of bishops and popish lords in the upper house be inconsistent with the wellfare of the kingdom , not onely honour , but iustice itselfe challenges that they be abolish't . the king ought not to account that a profit or strength to him , which is a losse or wasting to the people , nor ought he to thinke that perish't to him , which is gained to the people : the word grace sounds better in the peoples mouth then in his. answer . his majesty is bound in conscience both by his oath and office , not onely to protect his people committed to his charge in wealth , peace and godlinesse , but also to promote their good : but this protection must be according to law , this promotion according to law. now if a good king at seasonable and opportune times , ( so it may not be like the borrowing of a shaft for the hatchet to cut down the great oake , nor like the plucking off one or more feathers out of the eagles wings , wherewith to feather an arrow to pierce through that king of birds , ) shall freely according to the dictates of his own reason , part with any of those jewells which do adorn his royall diadem , for the behoofe of his subjects , it is an act of grace , not onely to individuall persons , but to the collected body of his people , & so both houses have acknowledged it : yet you say it is meere duty , that both honour and justice do challenge it from him . it is a strange and unheard of piece of justice and duty , which is without and beyond all law. you say the word grace sounds better in the peoples mouth then in his , o partiallity how dost thou blind mens eyes ! the observer sees that grace sounds ill in the kings mouth , and yet he doth not or will not see how ill duty and meere duty sounds in his own mouth , being a subject towards his soveraigne . the truth is , it is most civill for receivers to relate benefits , sufficit unus huit operi , si vis me loqui , ipse tace : but where the receivers forget themselves , yea deny the favours received ( as this observer doth ) it is very comely for the bestowers to supply their defect . next , to your taking away of ship-money , star-chamber , high commission , &c. it is an easy thing to take away , but difficult to build up , both in nature and in respect of mens minds , which commonly agree sooner in the destructive part then in the constructive . all the danger is either in exceeding the golden mean ( by falling from one extreme to another ) or in taking that away , which by correcting and good ordering skill , might have been of great use to the body politick . we are glad to be eased of our former burthens , yet we wish with all our hearts , that our present ease may not produce greater mischiefes , that in true reall necessities and suddaine dangerous exigences , the common-wealth may not be left without a speedy remedy . that if the laws have not sufficiently provided for the suppressing of riots and tumultuous disorders in great men ? yet the ordinary subject may nor be left without a sanctuary whither to fly from oppression . that in this inundation of sects , which doe extremely deforme our church , and disturbe the common-wealth , there may be a proper and sure remedy provided before it be too late , and we be forced in vaine to digge up antigonus again out of his grave . as for the taking away of bishops votes at this time . i doe not doubt but that great councell of the kingdom had reasons for it , and may have other reasons ( when it pleaseth god ) to restore them again : there is much difference betwixt a coercive and a consultive power : no nation yet that ever i read of , did exclude their religious from their consultations : to make a law perfectly good , piety must concurre , and who shall judge what i●… piou●… ? shall they first be excluded from all other professions , and then from their owne ? brittish bishop have been of no●…e in great councells forrein and domestique these one thousand four hundred and thirty years . it is your own rule , quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet : all other professions in the kingdome are capable ●…oth of electing and being elected ; but for this i doe submit , and leave it to time to discover what is good for the kingdome . observer . this directs us then to the transcendent achme of all politicks , to the p●…ramount law , which shall give law to all humane laws whatsoever , and that is salus populi . the law of prerogative it selfe is subservient to this law , and were it not conducing thereunto , it were not necessary nor expedient . answer . if this author could commit the law of prerogative , and this supreme law of salus populi together , as opposite one to another , he had said something ; but he cannot see wood for trees : the same transcendent achme which he magnifies , is the law of prerogative it selfe : because a generall law cannot take notice of the equity of all particular circumstances , nor of the necessity of all particular occurrences ; therefore the supreme prince is trusted with this power paramount . that which the law of nature warrants in a private man , as in a scathfire , to pull down a neighbours house to prevent the burning of a citty ; to cast another mans corne overboord in a tempest ; to defend himselfe from thiefes , in cases where he cannot have recoarse to the magistrate , or the suddainesse of the danger will admit no formall proceeding in law : so publicke necessity doth justifie the like actions in a king , where the exigence of the state is app●…tant . if this power be at any time misimployed , if this trust be violated ; yet the abuse of a thing cannot take away the use and lawfull and necessary right , which is grounded upon the universall and perpetuall law of salus populi , which comprehends the good of the soveraigne , as well as of the subject . but it is now grown into fashion for subjects without authority , equity , or necessity , to urge this law upon all occasions . salus populi , is like the foxe in aesops fables , it is in at every end . mens persons are imprisoned , their houses plundered , there lands sequestred , their rights violated without the judgement of their peeres , contrary to the known law , contrary to the great charter ; and nothing pretended for this , but the law paramount , truely sir , if this be salus populi , u●…a salus sanis nullam sperare salutem . a remote jealousie or suppofition is no good ground for the exercise of this law : as to pull down another mans house , for fear of a scathfire to come , god knows how or when , perhaps foretold in a prognostication . the dangers must be very visible , before this rule take place , not taken upon trust or an implicit faith , like seoggins fiery draggons in the aire . all true englishmen will desire to be governed by their known laws , and nor to hear too often of this paramount law , the application or misapplication whereof , hath been the cause of the past and present distempers of this kingdom . extraordinary remedyes like hot waters , may helpe at a pang , but being too often used , spoyle the stomack . observer . neither can the right of conquest be pleaded to acquit princes of that which is due to the people , as the authours and ends of all power , for meere force cannot altar the course of nature , or frustrate the tenour of the law , and if it could , there were more reason why the people might justifie force , to regaine due liberty , then the prince might to subvert the same . and it is a shamefull stupidity in any man , to think that our ancestors did not fight more n●…bly for their free customes , and laws , of which the conquerer and his successors had in part disinherited them by violence and perjury , then they which put them to such conflicts ; for it seems unnaturall to me , that any nation should be bound to contribute its own inherent puissance , meerely to abet tyranny , and support slavery ; and to make that which is more excellent ; a prey to that which is of lesse worth . and questionlesse a native prince if meere force be right , may disfranchise his subject as well as a stranger , if he can frame a sufficient party , and yet we see that this was the foolish sinne of rehoboam , who having deserted and rejected out of an intollerable insolence the strength of ten tribes , ridiculously sough●… to reduce them againe with the strength of two . answer . this author intends not to halt on one side onely in this discourse , qui s●…mel verecundiae limites transiverit , guavit●… 〈◊〉 esse oportet . first , that just conquest in a lawfull warr , acquireth good right of dominion , as well as possession , is so consonant to the universall opinion and practise of all nations , yea , to ●…he infallible and undoubted testimony of holy scriptures , that he that denyes it , may as well affirme , nil intra est ●…leam , nil extra est in nu●…e durum . force is not meere force , where justice goes hand in hand ●…ith it , omnia dat qui justa negat . neither is this to alter the course of nature , or frustrate the ●…enour of law , but it selfe is the law of nature and of nations , secondly , tha●… subjects who have not the power of the sword committed to them , after a long time of obedience and lawfull succession , after oaths of allegiance , may use force to recover their former liberty , or raise a●…ms to change the laws established , is without all ●…ontradiction bo●…h false and rebelliou●… . they t●…at are overcome ( saith iosephus most truely ) and have long obeyed , if they seek to shake off the yoke , they do●… the part of desperate men not of lovers of liberty ▪ surely , if any liberty might warrant such fo●…ce , it is the liberty of religion , but christ never planted his religion in blood : he cooled his disc●…ples heat with a sharpe redargution , yee know not of what spirit yee are of . it is better ●…o dye innocent then live nocent , as the thebaean legion , ( all christans of approved valour ) answered the bloody emperour maximian , cognosce imperator , know o emperour that we are all christians , we submit our bodies to thy power , but our free soules fly to our saviour , neither our known courage nor desperation it selfe hath armed us against thee , because we had rather dye inn●…cent , then live guilty ; thou shalt find our hands empty of weapons , but our brests a●…med with the catholick faith. so having power to resist , yet they suffered themselves to be cut all in pieces . the observer is still harping upon tyranny and slavery , to little purpose ; he is not presently a tyrant , who hath more power then nature did comm●… to him , nor he a sl●…ve who hath subjected himselfe to the dominion of another : that which is done to gain protection or sustenance , or to avoide the evills of sedition , or to performe a lawfull ingagement , is not meerely done to abet tyranny and support slavery . thirdly , to the observers instance of our ancestours in the barons warrs , i know not whether warrs he intends , the former or the latter , or both : this is certain , no party gained by them . they p●…oved fatall and destructive sometimes to the king , sometimes to the barons , sometimes to both , and evermore to the people . and howsoever the name of free customs and laws was mae use of as a plausible pretence , yet it is evident , that envy , re●…enge , coveteousnesse , ambition , lust , jealousie , did all act their severall parts in them . and if there were any ( as i doubt not there were many ) who did solely and sincerely aime at the publicke good , yet it cannot be denyed there was too much stiffenesse , and animosity on both side●… : a little yielding and bending is better then breaking outright , and more especially conscience requires it of them who are subjects , and of them who contend for an alteration . pliny relates a story of two goats that met in the midst of a narrow planke , over a swift current , there was no room for one to p●…sse by another , neither could turn backward , they could not fight it ou●… for the way , but with certain perill of dro●…ning them both ; that which onely remained , was that the one couching on the planke made a bridge for the other to goe over , and so both were saved . but the subject is so direfull and tragicall , and the remembrance of those times so odious to all good men , that i passe by it , as ●…ot much materiall to the question in hand : both parties are dead and have made their accounts to god , and know long since whether they did well or ill : neither can their example either justifie or condemne our actions . it is probable there were some shebahs , trumpetters of sedition in those dayes , as this author proves himselfe now : yet none so apt as these catalines to cry out against incendiar●…es . it is a good wish of saraviah , that such seditious authors might ever be placed in the front of the battle . yet thus farre the authors ingenuity doth lead him , to distinguish the barons then , from his majesties opposites now . the barons then fought for their laws ▪ not to change the laws and alter the government both in church and common-wealth , which was the very case of the lincolnshire , yorkeshire , and northren rebells in the dayes of henry the eight , and queene elizabeth . i wish none of his majesties subjects were involved in it at this present . fourthly , whereas he urgeth that a native prince may disfranchise his subjects by force , if he can make a party , as well as strangers : either he intends that he may doe it de facto , that is true ; so may a thiefe take away an honest mans purse ▪ or else that he may doe it de jure , lawfully and conscionably ; that is most untrue : there is a vast difference betwixt a just warre and an unjust oppression . his instance of rehoboam is quite beside the cushion , his error was threatning and indiscretion , the fault they found was with solomon , thy father hath made our yoke grievous : and yet it is most certain , they never had so gracious so happy a reigne as solomons was for peace & plenty , who made silver as plentifull as stones , and cedars as sicamores in ierusalem . so unthankfull we are naturally , so soone troubled with triviall matters as haman was , and like flyes feed upon sores , leaving the whole body which is ●…ound . this is sure , that against rehoboam , was a meditated rebellion , witnesse the place chosen shechem , in the midst of the faction ; witnesse their prolocutor ieroboam , a seditious fugitive , and ungratefull servant of solomons , by whom he had been preferred ; they sent for him out of aegipt . and howsoever the author makes rehoboams attempt ridiculous , yet it proved not so shortly after , his sonne abijah discomfi●…ed ieroboam , and ●…lew of his souldiers five hundred thousand men ; the the greatest number that we have read of slaine at once ; yet had ieroboam all the advantages in the world , of numbers , stratagems , and every thing except the justice of the cause . and that which is mo●…e for our learning , the house of iudah had many pious and virtuous kings after this revolt , but the house of israel not one but tyrants and idolaters . observer . i come now from the cause which conveyes royalty , and that ●…or which it is conveyed , to the nature of the conveyance . the word trust is frequent in the kings papers , and therefore i conceive the king ●…oes admit that his interest in the 〈◊〉 is not absolute , or by a meere donation of the people , ●…t in part conditionate and ●…duciary . and indeed all good princes , without any expresse contract betwixt them and their subjects , have acknowledged , that there did 〈◊〉 a great and high trust upon them ; nay heathen pri●…es that have been absolute , have acknowledged themsel●…es servants to the publick , and born for that service , a●…d professed that they would mannage the publick weale , ●…s being well satis●…ed populi ●…em esse non suam : and we cannot immagi●…e in the fury o●… warr ( when laws have the least vigour ) that any generalissimo can be so unc●…rcumscribed in power , ●…ut that if he should turn hi●…●…ons on his own souldiers , they were ipso facto absol●… of all obedience , and of , all oaths , and tyes of allegi●…e whatsoever for that time , and bound by a higher duty to seek their own preservation by resistence and de●…e ▪ wherefore if there be such tacite trusts and reserv●…tions in all publicke commands , though of most 〈◊〉 nature that can be supposed , we cannot but admit , that in all well formed monarchies , where kingly prerogative has any limits set , this must needes be one necessary condition , that the subject may live safe and free . the charter of nature intitles all subjects of all countryes whatsoever to safety by its supreme law. answer . the observer needs not bring any confessions of princes , christian or heathen , to prove that good kings account themselves great , though glorious servants to their subjects , like a candle burning away itselfe to give light to others ; which a germane prince stamped on his coyne with this inscription aliis serviens meipsum contero : whilest other men ●…lept ahasuerosh waked , and thoughts troubled nebuchadnezars head. they have many causes of care , which private persons want , & patet in cura●… a●… 〈◊〉 su●…s : queen mary said , they would find callic●… written in her heart . he is very incredulous who will not believe readily , that these distractions have pierced deeper into the brest of king charles , then of this observer ; and this because he knows & populi rem esse & suam : yet further , his majesty will acknowledge a trust from his people , a subsequent and implicit consent implyes a trust but not a guift : but the inference which this good man ( i can neither call him good subject nor good logician ) makes f●…om hence , that the king hereby admits that his interest in the crowne is not absolute but a meere donation , yea a conditionall donation from the people , is such a pretty treasonable ( i should say topicall ) argument , drawn just from te●…erden steeple to goodwin sands , confounding gods r●…st with mans trust , and in mans trust a trust of 〈◊〉 with a trust of dependence , a trust recoverable with a trust irrecoverable , a trust absolute with a trust conditionall , a trust antecedent with a trust consequent : i hope the author trusts in god , will he therefore make god his donee , yea his conditionate donee ? in plaine termes , sir , your collection is foundred of all four , and will not passe current in smithfield , and man well take your generalissimo by the hand : but good sir , without offence may i aske you , what countryman your generalissimo was ? for no man that i meet with , will believe that there ever was such a creature in the world : but certainly if there was , he was starke mad . now sir in the first place , he that shall goe about to shake in pieces an healthfull and beneficiall institution , for fear of such a danger , as was never yet produced into act , since the creation of the world ; deserves the next roome in bedlam to your generalissimo . these groundlesse panicall feares , these ifs and suppositions of incredible dangers , have been the raisers and fomenters of these present distractions : dic mihi si sius tu leo qualis eris ? if the sky should fall , what price will larkes beare ? secondly , it is a piece both of incivillity and knavery , for a servant first to withdraw his obedience from his master undutifully , and then to plead sawcily that some masters have been mad . thirdly , hath a generalissimo as large an extent of power in all respects , as unlimited for time as a soveraigne king ? when a generalissimo runnes into such a fran●…cke error , it is si●… he should lose his place : but when a●… hereditary king falls into it , it is just he should have a pro●…ex named , a deputy or protector ( which you will ) during his distraction , alwayes saving the right both to himselfe and his posterity . i have read such rebellious suppositions as this in late pamphlets , as of a pilot seeking to split his ship upon the rocks : of a patient calling to his phisitian for poison ; but never read one of them urged in a classicke author . put the case a man is to saile by sea , the pilot may runn mad , and seeke to split the ship upon rocks ; shall we therefore make an ordinance , that it shall not be lawfull for a pilot to move his rudder according to the alterable face of heaven , or different disposition of wind and weather , before he have consulted and gained the consent of all the passengers , or at the least of every inferiour marriner , or of the major part of them ? interea perit nau●…agus , before this can be done the ship may be cast away : howsoever it leaves small hope of a prosperous voyage . if you will prescribe limits and bounds and conditions to kings , you must find them written in plainer characters then any you produce hitherto . the charter of nature , lex nata non data , is indeed to preserve our selves , as water contracts it selfe into a globe or circle in a dusty place ; an embleme of association , which cannot be without nerves , bonds , ligaments , laws , and kings . what is this against the magistrate , who is the minister of god for our preservation and safety ? the subject never finds more safety or more liberty , then under a gracious king , neque unquam libert●… gratior aut tutior extat quam 〈◊〉 re●…e pio . but because the observer doth so often presse the charter of nature , even to the dissolving of all oaths and ●…es of allegiance and all mutuall compacts and agreements : as also to animate subjects to raise arms against their soveraignes , as a thing that is not onely lawfull but necessary , to which they are bound by a higher duty , unlesse they will be fellonious to themselves and rebellious to nature : that it is not just nor possible for any nation so far to enslave themselves , & that there are tacite trusts & reservations in all publicke commands . to give him an answer once for all in this point of resistence . first , i affirme though it be nothing to us , ( who are free subjects and might well have been omitted by him , as making nought to his purpose ) that even by the laws of nature , of nations , and of god , one man , or a society of men might enslave themselves to another for sustenance or protection . all histories both sacred and profaine are full of examples , and the law of god is plaine exod. 21. 6. levit , 25. 47. &c. and it seems strange , that the observer should so farr over-reach or beat the aire to no end at all : this confessed truth quite overthrowes his whole structure of tacite trusts and conditions and rebellions against nature . secondly , to come nearer our own case , i answer , that though the law of nature cannot be destroyed or contradicted , yet it may be limited by the positive laws of the land. and so it is ; the observer will not deny it in his own case , though he mete with another measure to his soveraigne . the charter of nature intitles man-kind indefinitely to ●…e whole earth , will the observer therefore give ●…is neighbour leave to enter as a coparcener into his freehold ? i beleive , not ; but would tell him readily ●…here is a new charter made by which he holds it ; that is , the law of the land. it is usuall with these men to divest men of all due relations , as if it were ●…he same to be a subject and a man. a man qua ●…alis , might doe many things , which in a subject is ●…lat treason , notwithstanding the charter of nature . thirdly , beyond and above both these , there is the law of god , there is the last will and testament of our saviour , by which we hold our hopes of happinesse , which to christians must be as the pillar of fire to the israelites , a direction when to go , where to stay . here we read of tyrants , and of the sufferings of the saints , but not a word of any tacite trusts and reservations , or of any such rebellion against nature , or dispensation with oaths , nor of any resistence by arms. certainly there is no one duty more pressed upon christians by christ and his apostles then obedience to superiours . give unto caesar that which is caesars , saith our saviour . submit your selves to every ordinance of man , for the lords sake , saith saint peter . put them in mind to be subject to principallities and powers , saith saint paul : and in that well known place to the romans , let every soul be subject to the higher powers , whosoever resisteth the powers , resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . to this evidence of holy scripture for want of one good answer , the observer hath devised three bad ones , ut quae non vale●…nt singu●… multa juvent , the clearing of which will helpe to 〈◊〉 an end to the controversy . first , they say , the apostle tells us not which po●… is highest , but that that power which is the highest 〈◊〉 to be obeyed . a strange evasion , the apostle els●… where names these two together , principallities 〈◊〉 powers : yea in this very text he expresseth himselfe , that by the higher powers , he understands th●… magistrate vers . 3. him that beareth the sword , verse 4. him to whom tribute is payed verse 7. none of all these will agree either to the people or to the senat●… but to the supreme magistrate onely , which saint peter tells us , is the king , whether it be to the king 〈◊〉 supreme . a second evasion is this , saint paul speakes to 〈◊〉 few particular dispersed men , and those in a primitive condition , who had no meanes to provide for their own preservation . it skills not whether he borrowed this from the jesuits defuerunt vires , they wanted strength ; or of buchanan , finge aliquem e nostris doctoribus , imagine one of our doctors did write to the christians which live under the tunke , to poor●… faint-hearted and unarmed men , what other counsails could he give , then saint paul did to the romans , thus they transforme a precept into a counsaile , i had thought they had allowed no evangelicall or apostolicall counsails : and what the apostle enjoynes to be do●… for conscience sake verse 5. under paine of damnation verse 2. they say is to be done for discretion sake , under pain of plundering . doe not these men deserve well of christian religion to infuse such prejudicate conceits into the bre●… of monarchs ? that christians are like the frozen snake , which if they take into their bosome , so soone as ●…he is warmed and inlived , they shall be sure to feele ●…er sting for their favours . let christians be guilt●…esse , and let the mischief fall upon the heads of the ●…editious contrivers . that it was not weaknesse or want of courage , but strength of faith that kept the primitive christians quiet under the persecutions of ●…he heathen emperours , tertullian and the ancients ●…oe abundantly witnesse , and it hath been sufficiently cleared by our divines against the jesuits . this is ●…s saint iude saith , to have mens persons in admira●…ion , because of advantage . the third answer whereupon they doe most insist , 〈◊〉 that this subjection is due to the authority of the ●…ing , not to the person of the king , that this authority resideth in his courts and in his laws , that ●…he power which saint paul treateth of , is in truth the kingly office , that to levie force or to raise arms against the personall commands of a king , accompanied with his presence , is not levying warr against the king : but warr against his authority , residing in his courts , is warr against the king. yet ●…et me give the observer his due , he is more favourable to princes then many of his fellowes in this , that he would have the person of his prince inviolable . and good reason , for what can the poor kingdome expect , where the person of the prince is not held sacred ? but combustion and confusion : witnesse our owne civill warres ; witnesse the histories of the gothish kings , and the romane emperours from iulius caesar to constantine the great , b●… ing five and sorty , whereof thirty perished by u●… timely deaths , diverse of them good princes : and a●… that while the common-wealth sympathized in th●… common calamity . no offence can be so great 〈◊〉 that it deserves to be punished by parricide . b●… this is a greater courtesy in shew then in deed : if a●… arrow shot at adventure , did wound the king of i●… rael mortally between the joynts of his harnesse , wh●… shall secure king charles from a bullet ? so all thi●… moderation ends in this , to give the king wa●… ning to avoide the field , or otherwise to take what fall●… at his perill . but that i may not denye truth to an ad●… versary , i grant three truths in this answer . first , that the person and office of a king at●… distinguishable : a good man may be a bad king , an●… a bad man a good king. alexander the great ha●… his two friends ephestion and craterus ; the one wa●… alexanders friend , the other was the kings friend the one honoured his person , the other his office ▪ but yet he that loved alexander did not hate th●… king , and he that loved the king , was no enemy t●… alexander . secondly , i grant in active obedience , if th●… king command any thing which is repugnant to the law of god or nature , we ought rather to obe●… god then men. the guard of saul refused justl●… to slay the priests of the lord ; and hanania●… mishael and azariah to worship nebuchadnezar●… golden image ; it is better to dye then to doe tha●… which is worse then death : da veniam imperato●… pardon me , o soveraigne , thou threatnest me wit●… prison , but god with hell. in this case it is not lawfull to yeeld active obedience to the king. again if the king command any thing which is contrary to the known laws of the land , if it be by an injury to a third person , we may not doe it : as for a judge to deliver an unjust sentence , for every judge ought to take an oath at his admission , that he will doe right to every person , notwithstanding the kings letters or any other persons ; there is danger from others as well as from the king : and generally we owe service to the king , but innocency to christ. but if this command intrench onely upon our own private interest , we may either forbear active obedience , or in discretion remit of our own right , for avoiding further evill : so said saint ambrose , if the emperour demand our fields , let him take them if he please , i doe not give them , but withall i doe not deny them . provided alwayes , that this is to be understood in plain cases onely , where the law of god , of nature , or the land is evident to every mans capacity : otherwise if it be doubtfull , it is a rule in case divinity , subditi tenentur in favorem regis & legis judicare : it is better to obey god then man , but to disobey the king upon surmises , or probable pretence , or an implicit dependence upon other mens judgements , is to disobey both god and man : and this duty ( as the protesters say truely ) is not tyed to a kings christianity , but his crown . tiberius was no saint when christ bid give unto caesar that which was caesars . thus for active obedience , now for passive . if a soveraigne shall persecute his subjects , for not doing his unjust commands ; yet it is not lawfull to resist by raising arms against him : they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . but they aske , i●… there no limitation ? i answer , ubi lex non distingui●… nec nos distinguere debemus , how shall we limit where god hath not limited , or distinguish where he hath not distinguished ? but is there no remedy for 〈◊〉 christian in this case ? yes , three remedies . the first is to cease from sinne , rex bonus est dextra , malus sinistra dei , a good king is gods right hand , a bad his left hand , a scourge for our sinnes : as we suffer with patience an unfruitfull yeare , so we must doe an evill prince as sent by god. tollatu●… culpa ut cesset tyrannorum plaga , ( said aquinas , ) remove our sinne , and god will take away his rod. the second remedy is prayers and tears , in that day you shall cry unto the lord because of your king. saint nazianzen lived under five persecutions and never knew other remedy : he ascribed the death of iulian to the prayers and teares of the christians . ieremy armed the iews with prayers for nebuchadnezar , not with daggs and daggers against nebuchadnezar . saint paul commands to make prayers and supplications for kings , not to give poison to them . saint peter could have taken vengeance with a word as well on herod as ananias , but that he knew that god reserves kings for his own tribunall . for this cause saint ambrose a man of known courage , refused to make use of the forwardnesse of the people against valen●…ian the emperour . and when saul had slayne the priests of god and persecuted david , yet saith david , who can stretch forth his hand against the lords anointed and be guiltlesse ? it was duty and not a singular desire of perfection that held davids hands ; who can stretch out his hand ? no man can doe it . the third remedy is flight , this is the uttermost which our master hath allowed , when they persecute you in one city fly to another . but a whole kingdome cannot fly , neither was a whole kingdome ever persecuted by a lawfull prince : private men tasted of domitians cruelty , but the provinces were well governed : the raging desires of one man cannot possibly extend to the ruine of all . nor is this condition so hard for subjects , this is thankworthy if a man for conscience towards god indure grief , and if a man suffer as a christian let him glorifie god on this behalfe . this way hath ever proved successefull to christian religion : the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church ; caedebantur , torquebantur , nrebantur , & tamen multiplicabantur . but all these remedies are not sufficient , they are nothing , and they that thinke otherwise are stupid fellowes in the judgement of the observer ; unlesse the people have right to preserve themselves by force of arms , yea notwithstanding any contracts that they have made to the contrary ; for every private man may desend himselfe by force if assaulted , though by the force of a magistrate , or his own father , &c. first i observe how the observer enterferes in his discourse , for in the forty fourth page he telleth us quite contrary , that the king as to his own person is not forcibly to be repelled in any ill doing . but passing by this contradiction , i aske two questions of him , by his good leave , the first is , if a father should goe about onely to correct his child and not to kill him or maime him , whether he might in such a case cry murther murther , and trie m●steries with his father , and allege his own judgement against his fathers to prove his innocency ? my second question is , if an inraged father should offer extreme violence to his sonne , how far he might resist his father in this case , whether to give blow for blow , and stabbe for stabbe , or onely to hold his fathers hands ? for if it be a meere resistence without any further active violence , ( which is allowable , ) if it be onely in extream perills where the life is ind●ngered , and against manifest rage and fury ; what the observer gets by this , he may put in his eye and see never the worse . but to give his remedy and his instance for it a positive answer , i say further , that this which he calls a remedy is ten times worse then the disease itselfe , even such a remedy , as the luke-warm blood of infants newly slain is for the leprosy : and in this respect worse , that a leprosy is a disease indeed , but where shall a man almost read in story of a father slaughtering his son ( except perhaps some franticke anabaptist in imition of abraham : ) it will not be difficult to find two sons that have made away their fathers , for one father that hath made away his sonne , notwithstanding the fathers authority . so this case is inter raro aut nunquam contingentia , and may be reckoned amongst the rest of the observers incredible suppositions , which are answered before in the beginning of this section . but if the observers doctrine were once received into the world throughly , for one instance of a parracide now , we should hear of an hundred . a mischief is better then an inconvenience ; a mischief that happens once in an age , then an inconvenience which is apt to produce a world of mischiefes every day : as where the king is able to make good his party , res facile redeunt ad pristinum statum ; or where forrein princes shall engage themselves , on the behalfe of monarchy it selfe , or perhaps doe but watch for an opportunity to seise upon both parties , as the kite did on the frog and the mouse ; and howsoever , where ambition , covetousnesse , envy , newfanglednesse , schisme shal gain an opportunity to act their mischievous intentions , under the cloake of justice , and zeal to the common-wealth . we are now god knowes in this way of cure which the observer prescribes . i may say it safely , this kingdom hath suffered more in the tryall of this remedy in one year , then it hath done under all the kings and queenes of england , since the union of the two roses , i think i may inlarge it , since the conquest ( except onely such seditious times . ) leave a right to the multitude to rise in arms , as often as they may be perswaded there is danger , by the observer or some such seditious oratours for their own ends ; and every english subject may write on his doore , lord have mercy upon us . thirdly , i doe grant , that to levy arms against the authority of the king , in the absence of his person is to warre against the king ; otherwise we should , have few treasons . some desperate ruffian or two or three raggamuffins sometimes ( but rarely ) out of revenge , most commonly upon seditious principles , and misled by some factious teachers , may attempt upon the person of the prince : but all grand conspiracies are veiled under the maske of reformation , of removing greivances and evill councellours , fallit enim vitium specie virtutis & umbra ▪ i goe yet further , that when a kings person is h●…ld captive by force and his commands are meerely extorted from him by duresse and fear of further mischief ▪ contrary to the dictate of his own reason , ( as it was in the case of henry the sixth ) there his commands are to be esteemed a nullity of no moment , as a forced marriage or a bond sealed per minas . but where the king hath dominion of his own actions , though he be actually misled , and much more though he be said to be misled ; the case is far otherwise . these three truths with these cautions i doe admit in this distinction of the kings person and office. but yet further here are sundry rocks to be avoided in it . the first is not onely to distinguish in reason but actually and in deed to divide the kings person from his authority ; that is , to make the king a platonicall idea wi●…out personall subsistence , or as the familists doe make their christ , a quality and not a man : as if the king of england were nothing but carolus rex written in court hand , without flesh blood or bones . to what purpose then are those significant solemnities used , at the coronation of our kings ? why are they crowned ? but to shew their personall and imperiall power in military affaires : why inthroned ? but to shew their judiciary supremacy : why ino●…led ? but to expresse their supremacy in matters of religion . that the kings authority may be where his person is not , is most true : that his person may be without authority , is most false . that his office and authority may be limited by law , is true : but a king without personall authority , is a contradiction rather then a king ; such a king as the souldiers made of christ , with a scarlet robe , a crown of thornes , a scepter of a reed , and a few courtesies and formallities . the person of a bad king is to be honoured for his office sake , to what purpose ? if his person and his office m●…y be divided : how dull were the primitive 〈◊〉 , that suffered so much , because they were not cap●…ble of this distinction . by this distinction s. paul ●…ight have justified his calling ananias whited wall , without pleading that he knew not that he was gods high-priest , and have told him plainly that be reverenced his office , but for his person and illegall commands , ●…e did 〈◊〉 respect them . when maximian commanded ●…he christian souldiers to sacrifice to idols , this ●…as an unlawfull command ; yet they c●…ose rather to ●…e cut in pieces then to resist . when the same maximian and dioclesian , published a cruell edict ●…t nicomedia ag●…inst christians ; that their chur●…hes should be demolished , their scriptures burned , ●…heir apostate servants infranchised , ( this was but a personall arbitrary edict ) a principall professor ●…ore it in pieces , and suffered death for it ( even in the judgement of his fellow christian ▪ ) deservedly . a second danger is to leave too great a latitude of judgement u●…to subjects to censure the doing●… of their soveraigne , and too great a liberty , not onely to suspend their obedience , but also to oppose his commands , till they be satisfied of the legallity thereof . a miserable a condition for princes , as it is pernicious for subjects , and destructive to all s●… cieties . a master commands the servant an unju●… act in the opinion of the servant ; yet the serva●… must submit or be beaten : doth not the master hi●… selfe owe the same subjection to his prince ? t●… master denyes the act is unjust ; so doth the prince who shall be arbiter ? it were too much sawcines●… for a servant to arrogate it to himselfe ; what is then for a subject ? will a judge give leave to an e●… ecutioner to reprive the prisoner , till he be satisfie of the legallity of the judges s●…ence ? a sup●… riour may have a just ground for his command , whic●… he is not alwa●…es bound to discover to his subjects nor is a subject bound to sift the grounds 〈◊〉 his superiour●… commands . in summe a subje●… should neither be tanquam scipio in manu , like staffe in a mans hand , alike apt to all motions ; read to obey his prince , though the act to be done be e●… dently against the law of god or nature : nor ye●… on the other side , so scrupulou●… as to demurre upon a●… his commands , untill he understand the legallity an●… expedience of each circumstance , which perhaps he 〈◊〉 not capable of , perhaps reason of state will not pe●… mit him to know it . the house of commons hav●… a close committee , which shews their allowance o●… an implicit confidence in some cases ; yet are the●… but proctors for the commonalty , whereas the kin●… is a possessor of soveraignty . but it is alleged , tha●… of two evills the lesse is to be chosen , it is better to disobe●… man then god ; rather of two evills neither is to b●… chosen : but it is granted that when two evills ar●… feared , a man should incline to the safer part : no●… if the kings command be certain , and the other danger but doubtfull or disputable ▪ to disobey the certain command for feare of an uncertain or surmised evill , is ( as saint austin saith of some virgins , who drowned themselves for feare of being defloured , ) to fall into a certain crime for fear of an uncertain . a third error in this distinction is to limit the kings authority to his courts . all courts are not of the same antiquity , but some erected long after others ▪ as the court of requests : neither are all justices of the same nature , some were more eminent then others , that were resident with the king as his councell in points of law ; these are now the judges : others did justice abroad for the ease of the subject ; as iustices of assise , iustices in eire , iustices of oier and terminer , iustices of peace . the barons of the exchequer were anciently peeres of the realme , and doe still continue their name : but to exclude the king out of his courts is worse , a strange paradox , and against the grounds of our laws , the king alone and no other may and ought to doe justice , if he alone were sufficient , as he is bound by his oath . and again , if our lord the king be not sufficient himselfe to determine every cause , that his labour may be the lighter , by dividing the burden among more persons , he ought to choose of his own kingdome , wise men and fearing god , and of them to make iustices . these justices have power by deputation , as delegates to the king. the kings did use to sit personally in their courts : we reade of henry the fourth and henry the fift , that they used every day for an houre after dinner to receive bills and and heare causes : edward the fourth sate ordinarily in the kings bench : richard the third ( one who knew well enough what belonged to his part ) did assume the crown sitting in the same court , saying , he would take the honour there where the chiefest part of his duty did lye ; to minister the laws : and henry the eight sate personally in guild-hall . the writs of appearance did ●…un coram me vel iusticiariis meis , before me or my justices ; hence is the name of the kings bench , and the teste of that court is still teste meipso , witnesse our selfe . if the king be not learned in the laws , he may have learned assistents , as the peeres have in parliament . a clear and rationall head is as requisite to the doing of justice , as the profound knowledge of law : it is a part of his oath , to doe , to be kept in all his judgments , right iustice , in mercy , and truth ; was this intended onely by substitutes , or by substitutes not accountable to him for injustice ? we have sworne that he is supreme governour in all causes , over all persons within his dominions , is it all one to be a governour , and to name governours ? david exhorts be wise now therefore o yee kings . moses requires that the king read in the booke of the law all the dayes of his life . quorsum per●…itio haec ? what needs all this expence of time , if all must be done by substitutes , if he have no authority out of his courts , nor in his courts but by delegation ? when moses by the advise of iethro deputed subordinate governours under him ; when iehosophat placed judges citty by citty throughout iudah : it was to ease themselves and the people , not to disingage and exinanite themselves of power . it is requisite that his majesty should be eased of lesser burthens , that he may be conversant circa ardua reipublicae , about great affaires of state , but so as not to divest his person of his royall authority in the least matters . where the king is , there is the court , and where the kings authority is present in his person or in his delegates , there is his court of justice . the reason is plain then , why the king may not controule his courts ; because they are himselfe : yet he may command a review , and call his justices to an account . how the observer will apply this to a court , where neither his majesty is present in person , nor by his delegates i doe not understand . the fourth and last error is to tie the hands of the king absolutely to his laws . first in matters of grace , the king is above his laws , he may grant especiall privileges by charter to what persons , to what corporations ●…e pleaseth , of his abundant grace and meere motion ; he may pardon all crimes committed against the law of the land , and all penaltyes and irregularityes imposed by the same : the perpetuall custome of this kingdome doth warrant it . all wise men desire to live under such a government , where the prince may with a good conscience dispence with the rigour of the laws . as for those that are otherwise minded , i wish them no other punishment then this , that the paenall laws may be executed on them strictly , till they reforme their judgements . secondly , in the acts of regall power and justice , his majesty may goe besides or beyond the ordinary course of law , by his prerogative . new laws for the most part ( especially when the king stands in need of subsidies ) are an abatement of royall power . the soveraignty of a just conquerer , who comes in without pactions , is absolute , and bounded onely by the laws of god , of nature , and of nations ; but after he hath confirmed old laws and customes , or by his charter granted new liberties and immunities , to the collective body of his subjects or to any of them ; he hath so farr remitted of his own right , and cannot in conscience recede from it . i say in conscience , for though humane laws as they are humane , cannot bind the conscience of a subject , and therefore a fortiore not of a king who is the law-giver , yet by consequence and virtue of the law of god , ( which saith submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , and again thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy selfe ) they doe bind , or to speak more properly , gods law doth bind the conscience to the observation of them . this is that which divines doe use to expresse thus ; that they have power to bind the conscience in se sed non a se , in themselves but not from themselves ; non ex authoritate legislatoris , sed ex aequitate legis , not from the authority of the law-giver , but from the equity of the law : many who doe not grant that to violate the law of man is sinne universally , yet in case of contempt or scandall doe admit that it is sinnefull . so then the laws and customes of the kingdome , are limits and bounds to his majestyes power ; but there are not precise laws for each particular occurrence , and even the laws themselves , doe of●…en leave a latitude and a preheminence to his majesty , not onely for circumstances ●…d forms of justice , but even in great and high privileges . these we call the prerogative royall , as to ●…e the fountain of nobility , to coyne money , to ●…eate magistrates , to grant protection to his deb●…rs against their creditours , to present to a bene●…ce in the right of his ward being the youngest co●…arcener before the eldest , not to be sued upon an or●…inary writ , but by petition , and very many others ●…hich are beyond the ordinary course of common-law , being either branches of absolute power or pre●…ogatives left by the laws themselves . thirdly , in the c●…se of evident necessity , where the who●…e commonwealth lye●… at stake ; for the safety of king and kingdome , his majesty may go against parti●…ular laws . for howsoever fancyed & pretended invisible dangers have thrust us into reall dangers and unseasonable remedyes , have produced our present calamityes : yet this is certaine , that all humane laws and particular proprietyes , must veile and strike top-sayle to a true publick necessity . this is confessed by the observer himselfe every where in this treatise , that salus populi is the transcendent achme of all politicks , the law paramount that gives law to all humane laws , and particular laws cannot act contrary to the legislative intent to be a violation of some more soveraigne good introducible , or some extreme and generall evill avoidable , which otherwise might swallow up both statutes and all other sanctions . this preservative power the observer ascribes to the people , that is to say in his sense , to the parliament in case the king will not joyn with them . though we all know a parliament is not ever ready , nor can be s●… suddenly called as is requisite to meet with a sudde●… mischief . and he thinks it strange that th●… king should no●… allow to the subject a right to rise i●… arms for their o●…n necessary defence , without his consent , and that he should assume or challenge such a share i●… the legislative ●…ewer to himselfe , as that without hi●… concurrence the lords and commons should have no right to make tempora●…y orders for putting the kingdo●… into a posture of defence . strange phrases and unheard of by english eares , that the king should joyn with the people , or assume a share in the legislative power , our laws give this honour to the king , that he can joyn or be a sharer with no man. let not the observer trouble himselfe about this division ; the king like solomons true mother challengeth the whole child , not a divisible share , but the very life of the legislative power : the commons present and pray , the lords advise and consent , the king enacts . it would be much for the credit of the observers desperate cause , if he were able but to shew one such president of an ordinance made by parliament without the kings consent , that was binding to the kingdome in the nature of a law. it is a part of the kings oath to protect the laws , to preserve peace to his people : this he cannot doe without the power of the kingdome , which he challengeth not as a partner , but solely as his own , by virtue of his seigniory . so the parliament it selfe acknowledged , it belongs to the king and his part it is , through his royall seigniory straitly to desend sorce of armour , and all other force against his peace , at all times when it shall please him , and to punish them which shall doe contrary according to the laws ●…nd usages of the realme , and that the prelates , earles , ●…arons , and commonalty , are bound to aide him as their ●…overaigne lord , at all seasons when need shall be . here is a parliament for the king even in the point . the argument is not drawn as the observator sets it own negatively from authority , or from a maimed ●…nd imperfect induction , or from p●…rticular premis●…es to a generall conclusion ; ( every one of which is ●…ophisticall : ) is thus , such or su●…h a parliament did ●…ot or durst not doe , this or that , therefore no parlia●…ents may doe it , or thus , some parliaments not com●…arable to the worthies of this , have omitted some good ●…t of supinesse or difficulty , therefore all parliaments ●…ust doe the same : but it runns thus , no parliaments did ever assume or pretend to any such power , some parliaments have expressely disclaimed it , and ac●…nowledged , that by the law of the land , it is a ●…ewell or a flower which belongs to the crown , therefore it is his majesties undoubted right , and ●…ay not be invaded by any parliament . yet further , ●…t were well the observer would expresse himselfe , ●…hat he meanes by some more soveraigne good introducible ; the necessity of avoiding ru●…ne , and introducing greater good is not the same : dangers often ●…come like torrents suddainly , but good may be in●…roduced at more leisure , and ought not to be brought ●…in but in a lawfull manner ; we may not doe evill that good may come of it . take the observers two instances , when the sea breakes in upon a county , a bank may be made on any mans ground without his consent : but may they cut away another mans land , to make an harbour more safe or commodious with●… the owners consent ? no. a neighbours ho●… may be pulled down to stop the fury of a scath-fire : b●… may they pull it down to get a better prospect , 〈◊〉 gaine a more convenient high way ? no. we des●… to know what this soveraigne good introduci●… meanes , and are not willing to be brought into●… fooles paradise with generall insinuations . let it a●… pear to be so soveraigne and we will all become su●… ters for it : but if it be to alter our religion , or our fo●… of government , we hope that was not the end of th●… militia . lastly , when necessity dispenseth with pa●…ticular laws , the danger must be evident to all , t●… concurrence generall , or as it were generall ; one o●… two opponents are no opponents : but where th●… danger is neither to be seen not to be named , so u●… certaine that it must be voted whether there be an●… danger or not , or perhaps be created by one or tw●… odde votes ; this is no warrant for the practise o●… that paramount law of salus populi . by this which hath been said we may gather a re●… solution , whether the king be under the law an●… how farr , i mean not the law of god or nature but his own nationall laws . first by a voluntar●… submission of himselfe , & quod sub lege esse debet●… evidenter apparet , cum sit dei vicarius ad similitu●… dinem iesu christi cujus vices gerit in terris : bu●… christ was under the law no otherwise then by voluntary submission . secondly , the law hath a directive power over kings , and all good kings wil●… follow it for example sake to their subjects , for conscience sake to themselves . tacitus saith of vespasian that being antiquo cultu victuque observing the old customes in his diet and his apparrell , he was unto the romans , praecipuus adstricti moris author , an excellent pattern of frugalitie . but the law hath no coercive power over him . this ( besides his power of pardoning and dispensing ) may appear by these two reasons . first that no writ lyes against him in law , but the party grieved hath his remedy by petition or supplication . secondly , that if upon petition he doth not right the wronged party , there is ●…o course in law to compell him , satis sufficit ei ●…d paenam quod dominum expectet ultorem , and elsewhere , incidit in manus dei viventis he falls into the hands of the living god , which the scripture saith is a fearfull thing ; wi●…nesse pharaoh , senacherib , nero , domitian , dioclesian , deci●…s , aurelian , iulian , &c. some slain by themselves , some by others , some drowned , some smitten with thunder , some eaten with worm●… . how seldome tyrants escape punishment even in this world i see not why the obser●…er should be so angry , that this doctrine should be pulpitted ( as he phraseth it , ) or why he should accuse it of flattery ; whether is the greater curbe to restreine princes , the fear of man or of god ; of tempor●…ll onely , or of temporall and eternall punishment ? si genus humanum & mortalia temnitis arma , at sperate deosmemores fandi atque nesandi . the observer acknowledgeth as much in effect , the king is not accountable for ill done , law hath only a directive no coercive force upon his person . there is a fourth answer to this text , by distinguishing between private persons and subord●…te magistrates , but because the observer makes no use of it , i passe by it . observer . but freedome indeed hath diverse degrees of la●…tude , and all countries there in d●… not participate al●… but positive laws must every where assigne those 〈◊〉 the charter of england ●…s not strait in privileg●… 〈◊〉 us , ●…ther is the kings oath of small strength to 〈◊〉 charter , o●… that though it be more precise in the care 〈◊〉 canonicall privileges , and of bishops and clergy-me●… ( is having been penned by popish bishops ) then of th●… commonalty , yet it confirmes all laws and rightfull . customes , amongst which we most highly esteeme parliamentary privileges ▪ and as for the word eligerit whether it be future or past it skills not much , ●…or if by th●… oath , law , iustice , and discretion be executed among●… us , in all judgements , ( as well in ●…s out of parliaments ) and if peace and godly agreement be 〈◊〉 kept amongst us all , and if the king defend and uphold all ou●… laws and customes , we need not ●…eare but the king 〈◊〉 bound to consent to new laws , if they be necessary , a●… well as defend old , for both bei●…g of the same necessity the publike trust must needs equally extend to both ; an●… we conceive it one parliamentary right and custome that nothing necessary ought to be denied . and th●… word eligerit if it be in the perfect tense , yet shews tha●… the peoples election had been the ground of ancien●… lawes , and customes , and why the peopl●…s ele●…ion in ●…arliament , should not be now of as great moment as ever i ca●…not discover . answer . ●…omento fit cinis , diu silva , the observer hath 〈◊〉 long weaving a spiders webbe , and now he ●…selfe sweepes it away in an instant : for if 〈◊〉 laws must every where assigne the degrees of li●… what will become of those tacite trusts and re●…ions , of those secret and implicite , but yet ne●…ry limits and conditions of soveraignty , which if the prince exceed , the subject is left free , nay 〈◊〉 is bound by a higher duty then oathes and all ▪ ties of allegiance whatsoever , to seek his own preservation and defence . calvin w●…s of another mind , superior si p●…testate su●… abutitu●… , rationem quidem olim re●…det deo , non tamen in presentia jus suum amit●…it . admitting this doctrine that there are such secret reservations and condition , and these as generall as ●…afety liberty and necessi●… , and make the people their own ●…udges w●…en necessi●…y i●… ; what is a violation of liberty , and what doth indanger their safet●… : and all that great and glorious power , which we give unto princes , will become but like the popes infallibility , and his temporall dominion , which his flatterers doe give unto him with so many cautions and reservations , that they may take it away when they please : take nothing and hold it fast . but leaving these flegmaticke speculations , i doe readily joyn hands with the observer herein , that the positive laws of a kingdome are the just measure and standard of the l●…berty of the subject . to say nothing of the great distance that is between ou●… euro●…aean p●…nces in extent of power over their 〈◊〉 , ●…o come ●…ome to our selves ▪ we see some corpor●…ons are indowed with more liberties and privileges then others ( thanks to a favourable charter , not to any an●…ecedaneous p●…ctions ; ) we see what difference of tenures is amongst u●… , some are coppy-holders , some are free-holders ; some hold in ville●… 〈◊〉 some in knight service , some in free soccage , 〈◊〉 in franke almaine : whence springs this diver●… but from custome and the pleasure of the do●… who freely imposed what conditions he liked at such time as he indowed the ancestor●… of the present possessors with such and such lands . we have a surer charter then that of nature to hold by , magna charta , the english mans jewell and treasure , the fountain and foundation of our freedome , the walls and bulwarke , yea the very life and soule of our security : he that goes about to violate it , much more to subvert it in whole or in part , i dare not curse him ; but i say for my selfe , and let the observer do the like , let him prove the shame and abject of men , and his posterity slaves . but doe you think it was penned by popish bishops ? faire fall them for it : certainly they did that as english bishops , and as christian bishops , not as popish bishops : long may their reformed successors injoy the fruit of their labours , if they doe not , others may looke to themselves . jam tua res agitur paries oum proximus ardet . it is no new thing to beginne with bishops and ●…end with nobles . it troubles you that they were so ●…recise in the care of canoicall privileges . t is probable they did it out of d●…otion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 call instinct , as foreseeing or fe●…ring 〈◊〉 times . yet you confesse withall , that it confirmes 〈◊〉 laws and rightfull customs to all subjects 〈◊〉 . now sir we are come to a fair●… issue , hold 〈◊〉 foote there : your next taske must be to shew ●…at part of magna charta is violated by his majesty ; what liberties there granted , are by him dete●…ned from the subject : if you doe not this , you have made us a very long discourse to little purpose . your argument consists of a proposition and an assumtion ; the proposition is this , all laws and lawfull customs are confirmed to the subject by magna charta , and his majesties oath for observation thereof . your assumtion stands thus , but to have nothing necessary denyed us is a lawfull custome , a parliamentary right and privilege : you amplifie your proposition ( as the blind senatour commended the fish ) at dextra jacebat piscis ; it is your assumtion sir which is denyed , bend your selfe the other way ; and shew us in what particular words of magna charta or any other charter , or any statute this privilege is comprehended , or by what prescription or president it may be proved : if you can doe none of these , sitte down and hold your peace for ever ; the charter of nature will be in danger to be torn in pieces , if you stretch it to this also . to be denyed nothing ? 〈◊〉 is a privilege indeed , as good as fo●…natus his purse , or as that old law which one found ou●… for the king of persia , that he might doe what he would . but you limit it , he ought to deny them nothing which is necessary : what necessity doe yo●… meane , a simple and absolute necessity ? that hath no law indeed ; or a necessity onely of convenience 〈◊〉 but conveniences are often attended with greater inconveniences . a cup of cold water to one who 〈◊〉 a feverish distemp●…r , is convenient to ass●…ge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sent thirst , but pernicious to the future habit 〈◊〉 of his body . many things may produce pr●…sent 〈◊〉 yet prove destructive to a state in their consequents . these things therefore must be carefully ballanced , and by whom ? will you be your own judge ? or will ●…ou permit his majesty to follow the dictate of his own reason ? so it is meet and just if you will have him supersede from his own right . lay your hand upon your heart , if you have any tenents who hold of you in knight-service , and they shall desire to have their tenure changed to free soccage , as being more convenient & conducible for them , ●…re you bound to condiscend ? it is well known to all this kingdome that the kings thereof have ever had a negative voice , ( otherwise they had lesse power then a master of a college or a major of a corporation , ) that no act is binding to the subject without the royall assent , that to say the king will advise was evermore a sufficient stop to any bill . yet the ground of this bold demand is but the authors conceit , we conceive it to be one parliamentary right ; and his reasons are such as may make a shew , but want weight to beget a very conceit . the former is , that new laws and old being of the same necessity , the publike tr●… must equally extend to both . how often must he be told that the publicke trust is onely a trust of dependence , which begets no such obligation as he conceits , offices of inheritance are rather ma●…ters that ●…ound in interest then in confidence . neither is there , neither can there be the same necesity of observing 〈◊〉 old law , to which a king is bound both by his ●…ter and by his oath , and of a new law to ●…hich he hath not given his royall assent . if mag●… charta did extend to this , it were charta maxim●… the greatest charter 〈◊〉 ever was granted ▪ if the kings oath did extend to this it were an unlawfull oath and not binding ▪ to sweare to confirme all laws that should be presented to him , though contrary to the rule of justice , contrary to the dictate of his own reason . among so many improbable suppositions , give leave to the other party to make one ; the author is not infallible , nor any society of men whatsoever . put the case a law should be presented for introducing or 〈◊〉 of socinianisme or anabaptisme , or the new upstart independenc●… ; is his majesty bound to give his assent ? surel●… no , not to assume his just power of supremacy ( as your late new masters confesse ) were damnable sinne . his other reason is this , it kills not whether the word eligerit ( he should say elegerit ) in the kings oath be in the future tense or in the perfect tense , whether he sweares to all such customes as the people have chosen , or shall choose ; for it shews that the peoples election was the ground of anci●… laws , and that ought to be of as great moment no●… as ever . it is a rare dexterity which the observe●… hath , with midas to turn all he toucheth into gold , whatsoever he finds , is to his purpose , past or ●…o come all is one , but he would deceive us or deceives himselfe ; for the peoples election never was , nor now is the sole cause of a law or binding custome ▪ but the peoples election was the sociall or subordinate cause , and the royall assent concurring with i●… they were ever joyntly the adaequate ground of 〈◊〉 and still are of the same moment that they we●… joyntly and severally , which the observer migh●… have discovered with halfe an eye . but because his majesties oath at his coronation , is so much insisted upon , as obliging him to passe all bills that are tendred unto him by his parliament , it will not be amisse to take this into further consideration , which i shall doe with all due submission . first , it must be acknowledged by all men , that the king of england in the eye of the law never dyes . watson and clarke ( two priest●… ) 〈◊〉 that they could not be guilty of treason , because king iames was not crowned : the resolution was , that the coronation was but a ceremony to declare the king to the people , so they were adjudged traytours . the like measure in the like case suffered the duke of northumberland in queen maryes da●…es , onely with this difference ; watsons and clarks treason was before the coronation , but the dukes before the very proclamation . co●…sensus expressu●… per verba de presenti facit matrimonium , a contract in words of the present tense , is a true marriage and indissolvable : and yet for solemnity sake , when the partyes come to receive the benediction of the church , the minister though he knew of the cont●…act , yet he askes wilt thou have this woman to thy wedded wife ? there is no duty which our kings do not receive ; as oaths of fealty , of allegiance ; no acts of royall power which they doe not exercise , as amply before their coronation as after . and therefore m. dolman ( otherwise parsons the jesuit , from whom these men have borrowed all their grounds ) erred most pittifully in this , ( as he did in many other of your tenets , ) that a king is no more a king before his coronation , then a major of a corporation is a true major after his election , before he have taken his oath . to thinke a few scattered people , assembled without any procuration have the power of the commonalty of england , is an error fitter to be laught at then to be confuted . secondly , the words of the oath ( which beares markes enough in it selfe , of the time when it was made ) are not to be pressed further then custome and practice ( the best interpreters of the law ) doe warrant , otherwise the words quas vulgus elegerit , cannot without much forcing be applied to the parliament . but admit the word vulgus might be drawn with some violence to signifie the house of co●…ons , by virtue of their representation : yet ho●… have the house of lords lost their interest , if the king be bo●…nd to confirme whatsoever the house of commons shall present ? thirdly , it cannot be denyed , that if the king 〈◊〉 bound by a lawfull o●…th to passe all b●…lls ; it is not the form of denying it , but the not doing it , which makes the p●…rjury . therefore the form of the king●… answer le roy savisera , can●… excuse the perjury in not doing . ne●…her doth it prove that the king had no power to deny , but that ●…e is tender of a flat d●…nyall , and attributes so much to the judgement of his great councell , that he will take further advice . this would be strange doctrin , ( indeed incredible ) that all the kings of england who have given this answer have been forsworn , and neither parliament nor convocation to take notice of it , in so many ages , nor in the n●…t succeeding parliament after so long advise to c●…l for a further answer . fourthly , it is confessed that in acts of gra●… , the king is not bound to assent ( it is well ●…f he have not been restreined of this right , ) that in all acts where his majesty is to dep●…rt from the particular right and interest of his crown , he is not obliged to assent ( and was not that of the militia such a case ? ) lastly , that though he be bound by oath to consent , yet if he doe not consent , they are not binding laws to the subject . thus farre-well but then comes a handfull of gourds that poisons the pottage ▪ except in cases of necessi●… . give to any person o●… socie●…y a legislative power without the king in case of necessity ; permit them withall to be sole judges of necessity , when it is , how long it lasts : and it is more then prob●…ble the necessity will not determine till they have their own desires , which is the same in effect as if they had a legislative power . necessity excuseth whatsoever it doth , but first the necessity must be evident : there needs no such great stirre who shall be judge of necessity , when it comes indeed , it will shew it selfe ; when extreme necessity is disputable , it is a signe it is not reall . secondly , the agent must be proper , otherwise it cuts in ●…under the very sinews of government , to make two supremes in a society , and to subject the people to contrary commands : if the trumpet give an uncertain sound , who shall prepare him selfe to battell ? there can be no necessity so pernicious as this very remedy . fifthly , the great variety of forms and presidents seems to prove that one precise form is not simply necessary : and the words adjiciantur quae justa ●…erint , and king henry the eights enterlining it with his own hand , do prove that it is arbitrary at least in part . to interline it , to interline it with his own hand , to leave it so interlined upon record , o stange ▪ if this clause had been of such consequence , we should have heard of some question about it , eit●…er then or in some succeeding parliament ; but we find a deep silence . thomas 〈◊〉 arch-bishop of canterbury , in parliament chargeth henry the fourth with his oath which he did voluntarily make . but to the forms . first , the oath which king iames and king charles did take runns thus . sir will you to grant to hold and keep the lawes and rightfull customes which the commonalty of this kingdom have . here is neither have chosen , nor shall choose . the oath of edward the sixth was this , doe you grant to make no new laws , but such a●… shall be to the honour and glory of god , and to the good of the common-●…lth , and t●…at the same shall be made by the consent of your people , as hath been accustomed . here is ●…o ●…gerit still , yet ●…is age freed him from the very thught of improving his prerogative . king henry the eight corrected the form then presented to hi●… thus , and affirme them which the nobles and pe●…ple have chosen with my consent . here is have chosen a●…d the kings consent added to boote . doctor cow●… in his interpreter , recites the kings oath out of t●… old abridgement of statu●…es set out in henry t●… eights dayes much different from this , as that the king should keep all the lands honours &c. of the ●…rown whole without diminution and reassume those wh●…h had been made away . and this clause in questin runnes thus , he shall grant to hold the laws and customs of the realme , and to his power keep them a●…d affirme them , which the folke and people have made ●…nd chosen ; and this seems to have been the oath of his predecessors . but perhaps if we looke up highe●… we shall find a perfect agreement in thi●… point . our next step must be to henry the fourth and richard the second , a tragicall time when the state run contrary waves like a whirligigge , fi●…ter for the honour of the nation to be buried in oblivion then drawn into president . but this oath being no innovation , it may serve well enough . yet the oaths of these two kings do not agree so exactly as to settle a certain forme , as to instance onely in the clause in question : henry the ●…ourths oath runs thus , concedis justas leges & constudines esse tenendas , & promittis pro te eas esse pro●…gendas & ad honorem dei corrobora●…d quas vulgus ●…gerit : which last word signifies indifferently either ●…ave chosen or shall choose . neither doth the re●…ord say that this was the very 〈◊〉 taken by henry ●…e fourth , but that it was the usuall for●… taken by ●…e kings of england , and twice by richard the ●…econd , and for proof of what it saith , referres us ●…o the registers of the arch-bishops or bishops pro●…t in libris ponti●…calium archiepis●… . et episc. plenius ●…ontinetur this prout is a clear evidence that this pre●…se form had no ground in statute or in common ●…aw , but was a pontificall rite . the oath of ri●…hard the second , related in the close rolls of the first year of his raigne , even in this very clause differs ●…n two materiall things : one is , that to justas leges & consuetudines , there is added ecclesiae : the other is , that to elegerit is added juste & rationabiliter ▪ which the people have chosen or shall choose justly and reasonably : which limitation , if the oath look forward to future laws , must of necessity be either expressed or understood , otherwise the oath is unlawfull and doth not bind , jusjurandum non debet esse vinculum iniquitatis . here also the word elegerit is doubtfull whether past or future . if it be urged that to corroborate must de understood of such laws as have not passed the royall assent ; the answer is easy , that the best confirmation of laws is the due execution of them . now from our english and latin formes , our last step is to the french , which was taken by edward the second and edward the third , ( as it is said ) and runnes thus . sire grantes vo●… a tenir & garder lesleys & l●…s custumes droiture les les q●… els la communante de vostre royaume aur es●…u & les de●… fenderer & afforcerer al honn●…ur de dieu a vostre po●… first how it shall appear that this oath was take●… by edward the second and edward the third , we are ye●… to seek . a bishops pontificall , and much more 〈◊〉 heraulds notes taken cursorily at a coronation , do●… not seem to be sufficient records nor convincing proofe in our law : and bracton who lived abou●… the same times sets down the oath otherwise . deb●… rex in coronatione sua in nomine iesu christi pr●…stito sacramento , haec tria promittere populo sibi subdito ; primo se praecepturum & pro viribus impen●…urum , ut pax ecclesiae & omni populo christiano omni suo tempore observetur : secundo ut omnes rapacitate●… & omnes iniquitates omnibus gradibus interdicat , tertio ut in omnibus judiciis aequitatem praecipiat & misericordiam . here is neither have chosen nor shall choose . secondly , though the french doe agree with the latin much for sense and substance , yet it is not the same forme . thirdly the king grants to defend the laws and customes , but it is no law till it hath received royall assent , it i●… no custome till it be confirmed by a lawfull prescription . fourthly , that the word elect is joyned immediately to customes , which seems not so proper if reddendo singula singulis , it ought to be referred to laws a●…d not to custome . fiftly , what the norman french may differ from the parisian , or both of them then from what they are now , or both then and now from our law french , i cannot determine : but take it at the worst , the words in question aur eslu make lesse for the observer then 〈◊〉 it selfe , and do●…●…gnifie have chosen , or in the most gramm●…ticall pe●…nticall construction that can be m●…de shall have 〈◊〉 ; whereas if it were shall choose , it should be 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 . if the herauld did take his notes as ●…l as he translates , his remembrances are but of small ●…oment . before all these formes i reade of others 〈◊〉 late authors ( for i have not opportunity to see ●…e originall records , ) as that of king richard the ●…rst , agreeing much with bracton . to o●…rve ●…eace ●…onour & reverence to almighty god , to his church ●…nd to the ministers of the same , to administer law ●…nd justice equally to all , to abrogate evill laws and ●…ustoms and to m●…intein good . here is indeed a refe●…ence to future law●… , but no dep●…ndence on other ●…ens judgements . and to this king iohns oath ●…ame nearest of any form yet mentioned , though ●…ot exactly the same as differing in the first clause in ●…his , to love and defend the catholicke church . to summe up all th●…n in a word , first , here is no cer●…ain forme to be found . secondly , for those formes ●…hat are , the parliament rolls referre us to the bi●…hops register . thirdly , few of those formes have ●…e word elegerit or ●…hoose in them , and those that ●…ave it , haveit doubtfully , either have chosen or shall choose . fourthly , admitting the signification to be fu●…ure , yet the limitation which is expressed in the oath of richard the second juste & rationabiliter , justly & ●…easonably , must of necessity be understood in all , otherwise the oath is unlawfull in it selfe , to oblige the king to p●…rform unjust and unreasonable propositions , and binds not : whether it be expressed or understood , it leaves to the king a latitude of judgement , 〈◊〉 examine what is just and reasonable , and to follow th●… dictate of his own understanding ; the practise of a●… parliaments in all ages confirmes this expositio●… lastly , admitting , but not granting , the word eleger●… to be future , and admitting that the limitation o●… juste & rationabili●…er could be suspended , yet it woul●… not bind the king to confirme all laws that are ten●…dred , but only excl●…sively to impose no other laws o●… his subjects , but s●…ch as shall be presented & approve●… in parliament . i●… hath been questioned by some 〈◊〉 whom the legisl●…ive power did rest by law , whether in the king ( ●…lone as some old forms doe see●… to insinuate , ) co●…ssimus , rex concedit , rex ordina●… rex statuit , d●…inus rex de communi suo concil●… statuit , dominus ●…ex in parliamento statuit , ) or i●… the king and p●…liament joyntly ▪ and what is th●… power of parlia●…ents in legisl●…tion , receptiv●… consultive , ap●…obative , or cooperative . an●… whether the ma●…g of laws by parliament be ( a●… some have said ) 〈◊〉 mercyfull policy to prevent co●…plaints not alter●…le without great perill ; or ( as 〈◊〉 seemes rather ) a●… absolute requisite in law and 〈◊〉 matter of necessity , there being sundry acts infer●… our to law-mak●…g , which our lawyers declare i●…valid , unlesse the●… be done by king and parliamen●… yet howsoever it be , abundans cautela non nocet , fo●… greater caution it yeelds more satisfaction to th●… people to give s●…ch an oath , that if the king ha●… no such power he would ●…ot usurpe it , if he had suc●… a power , yet he would not assume it . and this 〈◊〉 clearly the sense of that oath of edward the six●… that he would make no new laws but by the consent of his people , as had been accustomed . and this may be the meaning of the clause in the statute , sith the law of the realme is such , that upon the mischiefes and dammages which happen to this realme , he is bound by his oath with the accord of his people in his parliament , thereof to make remedy and law. though it is very true , that this being admitted ( as then it was ) to be a law in act , the king is bound by another clause in his oath , and even by this word elegerit in the perfect tense hath chosen , as well or rather more then if it were in the future shall choose . and so it follows in that statute plainly , that there was a statute law , a remedy then in force not repealed , which the king was bound by his oath to cause to ●…e kept , though by sufferance and negligence it hath been sinc●… attempted to the contrary . so the obligation there intended , is to the execution of an old law not the making of a new . richard the second confesseth that he was bound by his oath to passe a new grant to the justices of peace . but first it appears not that this was a new bill : secondly , if it did , yet richard the second was then but fourteen yeares old : and thirdly , if his age had been more mature , yet if the thing was just and beneficiall to the people , without prejudice to the rights of his crown , and if his own reason did dictate so to him , he might truely say that he was bound to doe it both by his oath and his office. yet his grand-father edward the third revoked a statute , because it wa●… prejudiciall to the rights of his crown , and was made without his free consent . observer . that which results from hence is , if our kings receive all royalty from the people , and for the behoofe of the people , and that by a speciall trust of safety and liberty expresly by the people limited , and by their own grants and oaths ratified , then ●…ur kings cannot b●… said to have so inconditionate and high a propriety in all our lifes , libertyes and possessions , or in any thing else to the crown apperteining , as we have in their dignity or in our selves , and indeed if they had , they were ●…ot born for the people , but meerely for themselve●… , neither were it lawfull or naturall for them to expose their lifes and fortunes for their country , as they have been bound hitherto to doe according to that of our saviour , bonus pastor ponit vitam pro o●…ibus , answer . ex his praemissis necessario sequitur collusio . all your main pillars are broken reeds , and your building must needs fall : for our kings doe not receive all royalty from the people , nor onely for the behoofe of the people , but partly for the people , partly for themselves and theirs , and principally for gods glory : those conditionate reservations and limitation●… which you fancy , are but your own drowsy dreames ; neither doth his majesties charter , nor can his oath extend to any such fictitious privilege as you devise : the propriety which his majesty hath in our lifes , libertyes , and estates , is of publicke dominion not of private possession : his interest in things apperteining to the crown is both of dominion and poss●…ssion : the right which we have in him is not a right of dominion over him , but a right of protection from him and under him : and this very right of protection which he owes to us , and we may expect from him , shews clearely that he is born in 〈◊〉 for his people , and is a sufficient ground for him to expose his life and fortunes to the extremest perills for his country . the authours inference , that it is not lawfull or naturall according to these grounds , is a silly and ridiculous collection , not unlike unto his similitude from the shepheard whom all men know to have an absolute and inconditionate dominion over his sheep , yet is he bound to expose his life for them . observer . but now of parliaments . parliaments have the same efficient cause as monarchies , if not higher : for in truth the whole kingdome is not so properly the authour as the essence it selfe of parliaments , and by the former rule it is magis tale , because we see ipsum quid quod efficit tale . and it is i think beyond all controversy , that god and the law operate as the same causes both in kings and parliaments , for god favours both , and the law establishes both , and the act of men still concurres in the sustentation of both . and not to stay longer on this , parliaments have also the same finall ●…use as monarchyes , if not greater , for indeed publicke safety and liberty could not be so effectually provided for by monarchs , till parliaments were constituted , for supplying of all defects in that government . answer . the observer having shewed his teeth to monarchs , now he comes to fawn upon parliaments : the italians have a proverbe , he that speakes me fairer then he useth to doe , either hath deceived me or he would deceive me . queen elizabeth is now a saint with our schismaticall mar-prelates ; but when she was alive , those rayling rabshekehs did match her with ahab and ieroboam : now their tongues are silver trumpets to sound out the praises of parliaments ; it is not long since they reviled them as fast , calling them courts without conscience or equity . god blesse parliaments , and grant they may doe nothing unworthy of themselves or of their name , which was senatus sapientum : the commendation of bad men , was the just ground of a wise mans fear . but let us examine the parculars . parliaments ( you say ) have the same efficient cause as monarchyes , if not higher , ( it seemes you are not resolved whether ) higher ? how should that be ? unlesse you have devised some hierarchy of angells in heaven to overtoppe god , as you have found out a court paramount over his vicegerent in earth . but you build upon your old sandy foundation , that all kings derive their power from the people . i must once more tell you , the monarchy of this kingdome is not from the people as the efficient , but from the king of kings . the onely argument which i have seen pressed with any shew of probability ( which yet the observer hath not met with ) is this , that upon deficiency of the royall line , the dominion escheats to the people as the lord paramount . a meere mistake , they might even as well say , that because the wife upon the death of her husband is loosed from her former obligation , and is free either to continue a widdow , or to elect a new husband , that therefore her husband in his life time did derive his dominion from her , and that by his death , dominion did escheat to her as to the lady paramount : yet if all this were admitted it proves but a respective equallity . yes , you adde that the parliament is the very essence of the kingdome , that is to say , the cause of the king , and therefore by your lesbian rule of quod efficit tale it is in it selfe more worthy and more powerfull . though the rule be nothing to the purpose , yet i will admit it and joyne issue with the observer ; whether the king or the parliament be the cause of the other , let that be more worthy . that the king is the cause of the parliament , is as evident as the noon-day light ; he calls them , he dissolves them , they are his councell , by virtue of his writ they doe ( otherwise they cannot ) sit : that the parliament should be the cause of the king , is as impossible as it is for shem to be noahs father . how many kings in the world have never known parliament , neither the name , nor the thing ? thus the observer , in the infancy of the world most nations did choose rather to submit themselves to the discretion of their lords , then to relye upon any limits ; and ▪ litle after , yet long it was ere the bounds and conditions of supreme lords , were so wisely determined , 〈◊〉 quietly conserved as now they are . it is apparent then , kings were before parliaments even in time : ou●… fre●…ch authours doe affirme , that their kingdom●… was governed for many ages by kings without parliaments happily and prosperously ; phillip the fair●… was the first erecter of their parliaments of paris and mountpelliers . as for ours in england , will you hea●… master stow our annalist ; thus he in the sixteenth of henry the first , in the name of our historiographers , not as his own private opinion , this doe the●… historiographers note , to be the first parliament i●… england , and that the kings before that time were never wont to call any of their commons or people 〈◊〉 councell or law making . it may be the first held by the norman kings , or the first held after the norman manner , or the first where the people appeared by proctors , yet we find the name of parliament before this , either so called then indeed , or by a p●…olepsis as lavinia littora . and not to contend abou●… the name , this is certain , that long before in the dayes of the saxon kings , there was the assembly of wise men or mickle synod , having an analogy with our parliaments , but differing from them in many things . so doth that parliament in henry the first his time differ from ours now : then the bishops had their votes in the house of lords , now they have none ; then proctors of the clergy had their suffrages in the house of commons , now they are excluded ; then there were many more barons then there are now burgesses , every lord of a mannour ●…ho had a court baron was a parliament man natus ●…y right ; then they came on generall summons , af●…er upon speciall writ . but both the one and the ●…ther were posteriour to kings , both in the order ●…f nature and of time : how should it be otherwise ? ●…he end of parliaments is to temper the violence of ●…overaigne power , the remedy must needs be later then ●…e disease , much more then the right temper . ●…egenerate monarchy becomes tyranny , and the cure ●…f tyranny is the mixture of governments ; parliments are proper adjuments to kings ; parliaments ●…ere constituted to supply the defects in that govern●…ent , saith the observer himselfe ; here you may apply your rule to purpose , that the end is more ●…xcellent then the meanes . i deny therefore that the ●…ingdome is the essence of parliaments : there is a ●…hreefold body of the state , the essentiall body , ●…he representative body , and the virtuall body : the ●…ssentiall body is the diffused company of the whole nobility , gentry , commonalty throughout the king●…ome ; the representative body are the lords , cit●…yzens and burgesses in parliament assembled and in●…rusted : the virtuall body is his majesty , in whom ●…ests the life of authority and power legislative , exe●…utive virtually : yet so as in the excercise of some ●…rts of it , there are necessary requisites , the consent and concurrence of the representative body . from this mistaken ground the observer draws fundry erroneous conclusions , posito uno absurdo sequuntur ●…mille . hence proceeds his complaint , that severance hath been made betwixt the parties chosen and the parties choosing , and so that that great privilege of all privileges , that unmoveable basis of all honour and power , whereby the house of commons claimes the intire right of all the gentry and commonalty of england , hath been attempted to be shaken . a power of representation we grant respective to some ends , as to consent to new laws , to grant subsidies , to impeach offenders , to find out and present grievances , and whatsoever else is warranted by lawfull customes ; but an intire right to all intents and purposes against law and lawfull custome we deny . an intire right , what to out wifes and children , to our lands and possessions ? this is not tollerable . hence also he tells magistrally enough , of an arbitrary power in the parliament , that there is an arbitrary power in every state somewhere , it is true , ●…is necessary and no inconvenience followes upon it , every man hath an arbitrary power over him selfe , so every state hath an arbitrary power over it selfe , and there is no danger in it ; for the same reason , if the state intrust this to one man , or few there may be danger , but the parliament is neither one nor few , it is indeed the state it selfe . now the maske is off , you have spunne a fair threed , is this the end of all your goodly pretences ? if this be your new learning , god deliver all true english men from it : wee chose you to be our proctors not to be our lords : we challenge the laws of england as our birthright and inheritance , and dislike arbitrary government much in one , but twenty times worse in more . there is no tyranny like many-headed tyranny : when was ●…ver so much blood shed and rapine under one tyrant , as under three in the triumvirate ? and the more they are , still of necessity there will be more ●…ngagements of love and hatred and covetousnesse and ambition , the more packing and conniving one with another , the more danger of factious and seditious tumults , as if the evills of one forme of government were not sufficient , except we were overwhelmed with the deluge of them all ; and he that is most popular ( who is most commonly the worst ) will give laws to the rest . therefore it hath ever been accounted safer to live under one tyrant then many : the lust , covetousnesse , ambition , cruelty , of one , may be sooner satisfied then of many , and especially when the power is but temporary and not hereditary nor of continuance : we see farmers which have a long terme , will husband their grounds well ; but they that are but tenents at will , plough out the very heart of it . no sir ( i thanke you ) we will none of your arbitrary government . and supposing , but no way granting , that the parliament were the essentiall body of this kingdome , or ( which is all one ) were indowed with all the power and privileges thereof to all intents and purposes ; yet it had no arbitrary power over it selfe , in such things as are contrary to the allegiance which it owes to his majesty , and contrary to its obligation to the received laws and customs of this land. hence be ascribes to parliaments a power to call kings to an account , heare himselfe , that princes may not be now beyond all limits and lawes by any private persons , the whole community in its underived majesty shall convene to doe iustice . here we have it expresly , that the parliament is the whole commun●…ty , that it hath a majesty , that this maj●…sty 〈◊〉 underived , that it hath power ●…o ●…ry princ●…s , ●…e 〈◊〉 doe justice upon them . hit●…erto we have misunderstood saint peter , submit your selfes to every ordinance of man for the lor●… sake , whether it be to t●… king as supreme . it seems the parliament●… whic●… passed the oaths of supremacy and allegiance , did no●… understand their own right , till 〈◊〉 third cato dropp●…d from heaven to inform them : and above all , o●… non-conformist ministers in their sol●…e protestation are deep●…st in this guilt , w●…o affirme so confidently , that for the king ●…ot to assume 〈◊〉 or for the church to deny it , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yea , though the statutes of the kingdome should de●… it unto him. what ma●… his fellow subject●… expe●… from the o●…server , who is ●…o sawcy with his soveraigne ? but before i leave thi●… poi●…t , i desire to be informed 〈◊〉 this new doctrin agrees with that undeniable principle of our law , the king can do 〈◊〉 wrong ? the observer glosseth it thus . that he can doe no wrong de jure , but de facto he may ; which is the drowsi●…st dreaming devise , that ●…ver dropped from any man●… pen in his right witts : iudas or the devill himselfe can doe no wrong de jure , unlesse both 〈◊〉 of a contradiction can be true : a fair privilege to give a prince , which a high way thiefe may challenge . it may with more probabillity be expounded thus , that the king is to discharge the publick aff●…ires of the kingdome , not by himselfe , but by his officer●… and ministers ▪ therefore if any thing be amisse or unjust , they are faulty , they are accouncountable for it , not he. but there seems to be something more in this principle then thus : for first 〈◊〉 the same reason a man might say the king can doe no right , if he can doe nothing by himselfe , he ●…s not capable of such thanks as tertull●… gave to ●…elix : secondly , it would be very strange , that a king should be excluded from the personall discharge of all manner of dutyes belonging to his high calling , ●…nd might occasion the renewing of the womans complaint against philip of m●…edon , why then art ●…hou king ? this were to make his majesty ano●…er childerick , one of the old ciphers or titulary kings of france , and put all the power into the hands of a major of the pallace , or a marshall , or some other subjects . what is it then ? there ●…ust be something more in this old maxime of ●…ur law , that the king can doe no wrong . and it ●…s thi●… doubtlesse , that in the intendment of law his person is sacred , he is freed from all defects , ( as though he be a mino●… or an infant , yet in the eye of ●…he law he is alwayes of full age , ) he owes account of his doings to god alone , the law hath no coercive power over him . this is that which samuel cals the law of the kingdom , not to shew what a king may lawfully doe , but what a subject ought to bear from a lawfull king. to the alone have i sinned , said david ; he had trespassed against uriah and bathsheba , yet he saith to thee onely have i sinned , quia r●…x erat , because he was a king , and accountable to none but god , as clemens alexandrinus , arno●…ius , saint ierome , saint ambrose , venerable bede , euthymius , and sundry others do all affirme upon this one place : and gregory of towers , si quis de nobis , if anyone of us o king , doe passe the bounds of justice , you have power to correct him , but if you exceed your limits who shall chastise you ? we may speake to you , if you list not hearken , who can condemne you , but that great god , who hath pronounced himselfe to be righteousnesse . and even antoninus whom the observer so much commends for a renowned and moderate prince , yet is positive in this , solus deus iudex principis esse potest , god alone can be judge of a soveraigne prince . in the parliament at lincolne , under edward the first , the lords and commons unanimously affirme the same , with a wonder that any man should conceive otherwise , that the king of england neither hath answered , nor ought to answer for his right , before any iudge ecclesiasticall or secular , ex praeeminentia status sui , by reason of the preheminence of his regall dignity , and custome at all times inviolably observed . to try princes and to doe justice ; some man would desire to know how farre this justice may be extended ? whether peradventure to depose them and dethrone them , to exalt them & depresse them , constituere destituere , construere destruere , fingere diffingere ? but for this they must expect an answer from the observer by the next post , when he sees how the people will dance after his pipe , and whether his misled partners will goe along the whole journy or leave his company in the mid way ; when he hath sufficient strength , then it is time and not before to declare himselfe : till then he will be a good child , and follow saint pauls advice in part ; stoppage is no payment in our law. suppose the prince faile●…●…n his duty , are the subjects therefore free from that ●…bligation which is imposed upon them by the law of god and nature ? when his majesty objects ●…hat a deposition is threatned , at least intim●…ted , what doth the observer answer ? he doth not disclaime the power but onely deny the fact : thus he saith , it may truely be denied that ever free parliament , did truely consent to the dethroning of any king of england , for that act whereby richard the second was dethroned , was rather the act of henry the fourth and his victorious army , then of the whole kingdome . marke these words , that any free parliament . so , it seemes that some parliaments are not free : and again did truely consent , there may be much in that word also ; first , whether they who are overawed with power of unruly mermidons , may be said to consent truely and ex animo ? secondly , whether they who consent meerely for hope of impunity to escape questioning for their former oppressions and extortions , may be said to consent truely ? thirdly whether they who consent out of hope to divide the spoyle , may be said to consent truely ? fourthly , whereas by the law of nations , the rights and voices of absentees , do devolve to those that are present ; if they be driven away by a just and probable fear , whether they may be said to consent truely ? lastly , they that follow the collier in his creed by an an implicit faith without discussion resolving themselves into the authority of a committee or some noted members , may they be said to consent truely ? that which followes of henry the fourth and his victorious army , shews the observer to be as great an heritick in ●…olicy as machiavell himselfe : he 〈◊〉 better have said the usurper and his rebellious a●…my . for a subject ●…o raise a●… against his soveraigne , to dethrone him ( as bullenbrooke did , ) and b●… violence to snatch the crown to him selfe in preju●… of the right heire●… , is treason confessed by all men ▪ his acquisition is meere usurpation , & for any perso●… or society of men to joyn with him , or to confirm●… him is to be partakers of his sin . but gods judgemen●… pursue such disloyall subjects and their posterity , as it did them . the greatest contrivers and actors in that rebellion , for a just reward of their treason , did first feele the edge of henryes victorious sword , and after them henries posterity , and the whole english nation sm●…rted for richards blood . it is o●…served that all the conspirators against iulius caesar , perished within three yeares , some by judgement of law , others by ship-wracke upon the sea , others by battail under the sword of their conquering enemyes , others with the fame bo●…k in wherewith they had stabbed their emperour ; one way or other vengeance o ertooke them every man. what others say of richards resignation , is as weake , which was done by duresse and imprisonment , or at the best for fear of imminent mischief . to conclude this section ; god and the law operate both in kings and parliaments : but not in both alike . god is the immediate cause of kings , the remote of parliaments . kings and parliaments have the same ultimate and architectonicall end , that is , the tranquillity of the whole body politicke : but not the same proper and next ends , which in the parliament is to advise the king , supply the king , and 〈◊〉 the constitu●…ion of new laws to concurre with the ●…ng : i grant ( to spe●…ke in his majestyes own words ●…s more full then the observers , ) that parliaments are so essentiall a part of the constitution of this kingdome , that we can a●…ein ●…o happinesse without them . but to conclude from hence their sup●…riority above kings , or equality with kings , is to subject the principall efficient to every secund●…ry cause , subordinate , i●…strumentall , or sine qua●…on . observer . two things are aimed at in parliaments , not to be at●…eined to by ot●…er meanes . first , that the interest of the people might be satisfied , secondly , that kings might ●…e better counsailed . in the summons of edward the first ( claus . 7. 111. 3. dors . ) we see the first end of parliaments expressed : for he inserts in the writ , that whatsoever affaire is of publick concernment , ought to receive ●…ublicke approbation , quod omnes tang 〈◊〉 , ab omnibus approba●…i debet or tract●…ri . and in the same writ he sith , this is lex notissima & provida circumspectione stabilita , there is not a word here but it is observable , publicke approbation , consent or treaty is necessary in all publicke expedients , and this is not a meere usage in england but a law , and this law is not subject to any doubt or disp●…e , there is nothing more known , neither is this known law extorted from kings , by the viole●…ce and injustice of the people , it is duely and formally establish't , and that 〈◊〉 a great deal of ●…eason , not with●…t the providence and circumspection of all the states . were there no further antiquity then the raigne d●… edward the first to recommend this to us , certainly s●… there ought to be no reverence with-held from it , fo●… this prince was wise , fortunate , just and valiant b●…yond all his predecessors , if not successors also , and therefore it is more glory to our freedomes that as weake and peevish princes have most opposed them , so that he first repaired the breaches , which the conquest had made upon them . and yet it is very probable , that this la●… was farr ancienter then his raigne , and the words le●… stabilita & notissima seemes to intimate , that the conquest it selfe had never wholly buried this in the publicke ruine and confusion of the state. it should seem at this time llewellins troubles in wales were not quite suppressed , and the french king was upon a designe 〈◊〉 invade some pieces of ours in france , and ther●…fore he sends out his summons , ad tr●…ctandum , ordinandum , faciendum , cum prelatis 〈◊〉 & aliis incolis regni , for the prevention of these dangers . thes●… words tractandum , ordinandum , faciendum , doe fully prove that the people in those dayes were summoned ad consensum as well as consilium , and this law quod omnes tangit &c. shews the reason and ground upon which that consent and approbation is founded . answer . the observer is just like a winter brooke , which swells with water when there is no need , but in summer when it should be usefull , is dried up : for all the absurd paradoxes which he brings in this treatise , he produceth not one authority but his own ; and here to confirme a known truth which no man de●…es , he cites rolls and adornes them with his glosses . ●…r my part i know no man that did ever en●…y or ●…aligne the honour of edward the first , except io●…nnes major , who was angry with him for his nor●…ren expedition , edvardus longshankes c●…m long●…s ●…biis suis venit in scotiam . but what is this to your ●…rpose ? yes , it makes for the glory of our freedomes , ●…at as weake and peevish princes opposed them , so he re●…ired the breaches of them : how doe you know that ? 〈◊〉 this summons also ? i see you are dextrous , and ●…n soone make an ell of an inch : but in truth you are ●…ry unfortunate in your instances , edward the first ●…as a much greater improver of the royalty then ●…y of his predecessours , in which respect he is stiled ●…y our chroniclers , the first conquerer after the con●…erer . that which was urged to his fathers , was ●…ever that i read of tendred to him , for the parlia●…ent to have the nomination of the chiefe justice , ●…hancellour , and treasurer , but onely once in his ●…hole time , and then being rejected with a frown ●…as never moved more . it is more probable or rather ●…pparent , that the lenity , irresolution , and mutable ●…isposition of princes , have been that which hath im●…oldened subjects to make insolent and presumptu●…us demands to their soveraignes . thus for the man , you are as ample for the law , ●…hat it is lex notissima , & not only notissima but stabilita , lastly stabilita provida circumspectione . a trimme gradation , quid tanto dignum feret observator hiatu ? who reads this and believes not that some great mountain is travelling ? yet in very deed it is with nothing but a ridiculous mouse : postquam incruduit p●… na , after the fray grows hot , dishes and trenchers a●… turned to weapons , said erasmus . let your la●… speake itselfe , that which con●…erns all men ought to 〈◊〉 approved or handled by all men. who denyes it ? 〈◊〉 shall easily grant you that this law is not onely a●… cienter then the first edward , but even as ancient 〈◊〉 the first adam ; a part of the law of nature , 〈◊〉 least in the grounds of it . but that you may not s●… away in a mist of generalities , ( as it is your use ) o●… word of your tangit , another of your approbari debe●… that which concerns all men , sir all men may be sai●… to be concerned two wayes , either in the consequen●… of affairs , or in the management thereof . this latt●… concernment gives a right sometimes to counsell only sometimes both to counsell and approve , sometime both to counsell approve and act according to the private constitutions of societyes , but the former implyes no right , neither ad approbandum nor yet ad tractandum . as for example , the meanest freshmen ar●… concerned in the statures and orders of the university ; yet are none admitted to deba●…e them but the visiters , heads , and at the lowest the regent masters . and this exception holds in all cases , wher●… either inferiours or their predecessours have legally divested themselves of this power by their proper act , or where this trust is committed to superiours , by the laws divine , naturall , or nationall . secondly the counsell , consent , or act of proctors , atturnyes , and generally of all trustees , whether one or more , whether rightfully elected or imposed , according to the latitude of their trust ought to be interpreted as the counsell , consent , act of thos●…●…ersons by whom , or over whom , or for whom they ●…e so trusted , and whose power virtually they doe re●…ine . so as a present and posteriour consent , is not ●…cessary to his majesty , for the excercise of any ●…anch of that imperiall power , which by law or ●…wfull custome , is annexed to his crown . and ●…erefore edward the first his summons ad tractandum , ●…dinandum , faciendum , which is the same in effect ●…ith all summons since , will doe your cause no good 〈◊〉 the world , unlesse you may have leave to doe as ●…e devill did with christ , leave out in viis tuis : 〈◊〉 you may put out in quibus dam and thrust in place ●…ereof in omnibus , as you doe in the next page , in ●…ll things perteining to the people . leave these fri●…olous these false suggestions ; your own-conscience ●…nnot but tell you , that reddendo singula singulis , in ●…omethings the houses of parliament have power ●…o consent , in somethings to order , in somethings to ●…ct , but in all things they have neither power to act , ●…or order , nor consent , and that will appear by your ●…ext section . observer . it is true we find in the raigne of edward the third , that the commons did desire that they might forbear counselling in things , de queux ils nount p●…s cognizance ; the matters in debate were concerning some intestine commotions , the guarding of the marches of scotland , and the seas ; and therein they renounce not their right of consent , they onely excuse themselves in point of counsell , referring it rather to the king and his councell how this shall derogate from parliaments either in poi●… of consent or counsell , i doe not know , for at last th●… they did give both , and the king would not be satisfie●… without them . and the passage evinces no more but this that the king was very wise & warlike , & had a very wis●… councell of warre , so that in those particulars , the commons thought them most fit to be consulted , as perhaps the more knowing men . answer . this is the first time that the observer is pleased to honour his adverse party , with the mention of one objection ; and that with so ill successe , that he cannot unty the knot again with all his teeth , i will put it into form for him thus ; that which the parliament in the raigne of edward the third had not , that no succeeding parliament hath , but that parliament had no universall cognizance , therefore the same rule holds in this and all other parliaments . the proposition is infallibly true , grounded upon an undeniable maxime , that quod competit tali qua tali , competit omni tali , that which is true of one parliament not by accident , but essentially as it is a parliament , must of necessity be true of every parliament . the assumtion is as evident , confessed by the parliament itselfe , who best knew the extent of their own power , that there was somethings of which ils nount pas cognizance , they had no cognizance . and if we will believe the observer , these things which did not belong to their cognizanc●… , were the appeasing some intestine or civill commotions , and the guarding of the seas and marches : why , these are the very case now in question concerning the militia . and doth a parliament here confesse that they have no cognizance of these ? yes , what saith the observer to this ? he saith they doe not renounce their right , but onely excuse themselves in point of counsell ; most absurdly , as if there were either consent or counsell without cognizance . but he saith they did give both consent and counsell , and the king could not be satisfied without them . it may be so : but there is a vast difference between giving counsell when the king licenseth , yea and requireth it ; and intruding into counsell without calling : between an approbative consent such as the saints give to god almighty , the onely authoritative judge of heaven and earth ; and an active consent , without which the kings hands should be so tied that he could do just nothing . the former all good kings doe desire , so farre as the exigence of the service will give way to have their counsells communicated : but the latter makes a great king a cipher and transformes an emperour into a christmasse lord. you tell us , that king had a very wise councell of warre , and perhaps more knowing in these things then the commons . it were strange if they should not be so , if the commons who are srangers to the affaires & ingagements of state , should understand them better then those who have served sundry apprentiships in that way : qui pauca considerat facile pronunciat , he that knows not or regards not the circumstances , gives sentence easily , but for the most part is mistaken . ignorance of the true state of things , begets iealousies and fe●…es where there are no dangers , and confidence wh●…e the perill is nearest : it makes a field of thistles 〈◊〉 army of pikes , and an army of pikes a field of thi●…les . let old states-men sitte at the helme still , a●… steere the ship of the common-wealth . the co●…ons are the best councell in the world for redre●…ng of grievances , for making of new lawes , for ●…inteining the publike interest of the kingdome ab●…d , and private interest of the subject at home ; ●…et this be their worke and their honour . observer . now upon a d●… comparing of these passages , with some of the kings la●…e papers , let the world judge whether parliaments have ●…ot been of late much lesned and injured . the king in one of his late answers alledge●… , that his writs may teach the lords and commons the extent of their commission and trust , which is to be counsellours not commanders , and that not in all things , but in quibusdam arduis , and the case of wentworth is cited , who was by q●…een elizabeth committed ( sitting the parliament ) for proposing that they might advise the queen in some things , which she thought beyond their cognizance , although wentworth w●…s then of the house of commons . and in other places , the king denyes the assembly of the lords & commons , to be rightly named a parliament , or to have any power of any court , and consequently to be any thing but a meer convention of private men. many things are here ass●…rted utterly destructive to the honour , right and being of parliaments . for first because the law hath trusted the king with a prerogative to discontinus parliaments &c. answer . having laid these former ground●… , the observer proceeds to some exceptions , against some passages in his majestyes papers , ( that 's his phrase ) as if they were old almanacks out of date , fit for nothing but to cover mustard pots , metuentia carmina scombros aut thus . his first exception is , that his majesty is trusted by the law , ( which the observer calls now a formallity of law , with a prerogative to discontinue parliaments , leaving no remedy to the people in such a case , which he saith is destructive to the honour , right ●…nd being of parliaments , and may yet be mischi●…vous in the future dissolution of them , and make our trienniall parliaments of litle service , if it be not exploded now . what is this to the observers grounds or his majestyes declaration ? this is rather an exception against the law it selfe then the king : so the observer and his pewfellowes deal with laws and law-makers ; if they make for them , suscipiunt ut aquilas , they admire them as eagles , if they make against them despici●…nt ut graculos , they despise them as dawes , the fundamentall constitutions of the kingdome , must be streight exploded , the law is become a formallity . are you in earnest sir , that this is destructive to parliaments ? you might have said more truely the productive cause of all parliaments , that ever were in england , or of any assembly that had an analogy with parliaments , i tooke you only for a reformer of some abuses newly crept in : but it is plain , you intend to be another licurgus , to alter the whole frame of government . truely sir you beginne very high , and jumpe over the backs of a great many generations at once : doubtlesse you are either very wise , or have a great opinion of your owne wisdome . but to the point , it is confessed that sometimes some evills doe flow from inconsiderate trust , but many more from needlesse jealousy . incommoda non solvunt regulam , inconveniences doe not abrogate a law. restraint commonly makes p●…ssion more violent . when you have done what you can , there must be a trust either reposed in one or many ; and better in one then many . doe but looke home a little , without trust a man knows not his owne father ; without trust a man knowes not his own children . some trust there must be , and who fitter to be trusted then he that hath the supremacy of power : unlesse you will make two supremes . you confesse that parliaments ought to be used as phisick , not as constant diet. and the law hath ●…ow set down a faire terme for the continuance of an ordinary parliament , unlesse you would be continually in a course of phisick . the second exception is , his majesty declares , that the parliament hath no universall power to advise in all things , but in quibusdam arduis , according to the writ , and cites the president of wentworth , a member of the house of commons , committed by queen elizabeth , ( the parliament sitting , ) for proposing to advise her , in a matter she thought they had nothing to doe with . the observer magnifies queen elizabeth , for her goodnesse and clemency , but withall he addes , but we must not be presidented in apparent violation of law by queen elizabeth . a grave historiographer tells us of a close and dangerous kind of enemies , tacitum inimicorum genus , such as make a mans praises an introduction to their venemous invectives , as if it were not malice but pure love of truth that even forced them to speak so much : such an one is a good man , but &c. so queen elizabeth was a good queen , but in this particular she played the tyrant . to violate laws , to violate them apparently , therefore wilfully , to have no respect to the house of commons ( whereof wentworth was a member , ) was no signe of grace and clemency . certainly queen elizabeth ( a wise and mercifull princesse , one that so much courted her people ) would not have done it , but that she thought she had just grounds : or if she might erre in her judgement , yet she had as wise a councell as any prince in europe , and a businesse of this consequence could not be done without their advice , who doubtlesse were some of them members of the same house , or if both she and they should be mistaken , yet why were the house of commons themselves silent , whilest such a known privilege was apparently invaded ? why did they not at least in an humble petition represent this apparent violation of their libertyes that it might remaine as a memoriall to plead for them to posterity , that they were not the betrayers of the rights of parliaments ? she that was so gracious as he observer acknowledgeth , and whose goodnesse was so perfect and undissembled , could not choose but take it well , and thanke them for it . neither will it suffice to say she gained upon them by courtesy : such an apparent violation , so prejudiciall to the highest court of the kingdome , passed over in deep silence , shews as litle courtesy on the one side , as discretion on the other . in brief , as i cannot conceive that these words in quibusdam arduis , are so restrictive that the house may consult of nothing but what shall be proposed , or was intended at the time of the summons : so on the other side i doe not see , how either the commission or prescription , doe give them such an universall cognizance or jurisdiction . queen elizabeth declared herselfe oftner then once in this point ; in her first parliament ( when in reason she should be most tender ) to the speaker and the body of the house of commons , out of their loves humbly moving her to marriage , she answered that she tooke it well , because it was without limitation of place or person , if it had been otherwise , she must needs have misliked it , and thought it a great presumption , for those to take upon them to bind and limit , whose duties were to obey . the third exception is , the king saith , they must meerely counsell and not command , ( a strange charge if you marke it ) for it is impossible that the same trust should be irrevocably committed to the king and his heires for ever , and yet that very trust , and a power above that trust be committed to others . the observer answers first ( little to the purpose ) that though there cannot be two supremes yet the king is universis minor , lesse th●n the collective body of his subjects , as we see in all conditionate princes , such as the prince of orenge &c. his maxime that the king is singulis major , univerversis minor ( except the king himselfe be included in the universi ) hath been shaken in pieces before . the law is plain , the kings most royall majesty of meer droit & very right , is very head , king , lord and ruler of this realm . and doth he now intend to include the king of england in his , &c. among condionate princes . take heed sir , this will prove a worse &c. then that in the late canons . secondly , he answers that though the kings power be irrevocable , yet it is not universall , the people have reserved something to themselves out of parliament , and something in parliament . it were to be wished that he would distinctly set down the particular reservations ; a deceitfull man walkes in generallityes . still the observer dreams of elective kingdoms , where the people have made choise either of a person or a family : to us it is nothing , they that give nothing can reserve nothing . trusted and yet reserved ? how the observer joynes gryphins and horses together ? if trusted how reserved ? if reserved how trusted ? but how doth the observer prove either his trust or reservation ? nay it is a tacite trust ; in good time , so he proves his intention by a company of dumbe witnesses . in conclusion his proofe is , that it is a part of the law of nature . a trimme law of nature indeed , which is diametrally opposite to the law of god and of nations . the observer deales in this just as if he had a kinsman died testate , and he should sue for a part of his goods , and neither allege the will nor codicill , not custome of the country , but the law of nature onely for a legacy . next the observer raiseth a new argument out of his majestyes words , a temporary power ought not to be greater then that which is lasting . this is first to make draggons and then to kill them ; or as boyes first make bubbles in a shell , and then blow them away without difficulty . the sinewes and strength of his majestyes argument did lye in the words to him and to his heires , and not in the word above : but if he will put the word above to the tryall , if he reduce it into right form it is above his answer . to give a power above his majesty , sufficient to censure his majesty , to a body dissolvable at his majestyes pleasure , is absurd and ridiculous : as if the king should delegate judges , to examine and sentence the observers seditious passages in this treatise , and yet withall give power to the observer to disjustice them at his pleasure ; in such a case he need not much fear the sentence . the observer pleads two things in answer to his own shadow . first , that then the romans had done unpolitickly , to give greater power to a temporary dictator then to the ordinary consulls . secondly , that it was very prosperous to them sometimes to change the form of government , neither alwayes living under circumscribed consulls nor under uncircums●…ibed dictators . we see what his teeth water at ; he would have his majesty a circumscribed consull , and gain an arbitrary dictatorian power to himselfe and some other of his friends . but in the meane time he forgets himselfe very farre in his history : for first the power of the dictator and of the consulls was ●…ot consistent together ; but the power of the king and the parliament is consistent . secondly the change of government was so farre from being prosperous ●…o the romans , that every change brought that state even to deaths doore . to instance onely in the ex●…ulsion of their kings as most to the purpose ; how ●…ear was that citty to utter ruine , which owes its subsistence to the valour of a single man , horatius co●…les : if he had not after an incredible manner held a whole army play upon a bridge , they had payed for their new fanglednesse , with the sacking of their citty . thirdly , the choosing of a dictator was not a change of their government , but a branch of it , a piece reserved for extremest perills , their last anchor and refuge either against forre in enemyes , or the domestick seditions of the patricii and plebei : and is so farr from yeelding an argument against kings , that in the judgement of that politick nation , it shewes the advantage of monarchy above all other formes of government . the observer still continues his majestyes objection , to make the parliament more then counsellers , is to make them his commanders and controllers . to which he answers , to consent is more then to counsell , and yet not alwayes so much as to command , for in inferiour courts , the iudges are so counsellours for the king , that he may not countermand their judgement , yet it were a harsh thing to say that therefore they are his controllers , much more in parliament , where the lords and commons represent the whole kingdome . if there were no other arguments to prove the superiority of parliament above the other courts then this that it represents the kingdome as they doe the king ; it would get little advantage by it . to consent is more then to counsell , and yet not alwayes so much as to command . true , not alwayes : but to cou●…sell so ●…s the p●…ty counselled hath no liberty left of dissenting , is alwayes either as much as to command or more : a man may command and goe without ; but here is onely advise , and yet they must not goe without . what a stirre is here about consent ? if he underst●…nd consen●… in no other notion then laws and lawfull customes doe allow ; it is readily yeelded , but makes nothing to his purpose . one said of aristotle , that he writ waking , but plato dreaming , the one had his eyes open and considered men as they were indeed , the other as he would have them to be : but if ever man writt dreaming , it was this observer ; his notes may serve rather for the meridian of new england then old england , and of eutopia rather then them both . he calls the judges the kings counsellers , as if they were not also his delegates , deputies , and comissioners , what they doe is in his name and his act : yet if they swerve from justice , he may grant a review and call them to account for any misdemeanour by them committed , in the excercise of their places ; and this either in parliament or out of parliament . but the inference hence , that because the parliament may take an account of what is done by his majesty in his inferiour courts , therefore much more of what is done by him without the authority of any court , seemes very weake . it is one thing to take an account of himselfe , another to take an account of his commissioners . his majesty hath communicated a part of his judiciary power to his judges , but ●…ot the flowers of his crown nor his intire prero●…ative , whereof this is a principall 〈◊〉 , to be free from all account in point of ●…ustice except to go●… and his own conscience . the last exception is , that the king makes the parliament without his consent , a livelesse convention without all virtue and power , saying that the very name of parliament is not du●… unto them . which allegation ( saith the observer ) at one blow confounds all parliaments and subjects us to as unbounden a regiment of the kings meere will , as any nation under heaven ever suffered under ▪ for by the same reason , that the kings dissertion of them makes parliaments virtuelesse and void courts , he may make other courts voide likewise . here is a great cry for a little wooll : if he proves not what he aimes at , yet one thing he proves sufficiently , that himselfe is one of the greatest calumniators in the world , in such grosse manner ●…o slander the footsteps of gods anointed , agnos●…as primogenitum sathanae . where did ever the king say that parliaments without his presence are virtuelesse and void courts ? but he denieth them the name of parliaments which is all one ? yes ▪ if a goose and a feather be all one . the name parliament with us signifies most properly , the par●…y of the king and his people , in a secondary sense it signifies a parly of the subjects among themselves , neither of these virtuelesse , but the one more vigorous then the other so the body is sometimes contradistinguished to the soule , and includes both head and members , sometimes it is contradistinguished to the head , and includes the members onely . it is one thing to be 〈◊〉 true parliament , and another to be a complete parliament , complete to all intents and purposes , and particularly in respect of the legislative power . in this latter sense onely his majesty denyes it , and in this sence the observer dares not affirme it . to dispute about the name is a meere logomachy , and from the name to inferre this height of power is a trifling homonomy . but the observer will either be caesar or no body , either all power o●… no power : just like a little child who if he wants some one thing he desires , throwes away all he hath and falls a crying . to his fear of his majestie●… deserting his other courts ; he may as well fear hi●… deserting of himselfe . this may goe amongst th●… rest of his improbable possibilities , which never were , never will be deduced into act. if he will admit no institution which is subject to any abuse , he must seeke for presidents in the new world of the moone . here he takes occasion to declaime against ou●… new masters of division , whose founder is machiavell , their rule divide & impera , their first erection was since the third of november 1640. hi●… majesty is the principall of the college whose paper●… ( saith the observer ) are freighted scarce with any thing else but such doctrine of division , tending to the subversion of our fundamentall constitutions , yet find such applause in the world. his plea against them consists of a fourefold charge ; first , they have divided between the king and the parliament . secondly betwixt the parliament and the kingdom withdrawing themselves from their representatives , yet there is nothing under heaven ( if we may trust him ) next to the renoun●…ing of god , can be more perfidious and more pernicious to the people then this . thirdly , by dividing between the parliament and a part of the parliament . and fowerthly , in the major part between a faction misleading and a party misled . who reads this and would not take the observer for another cal●… or constantine for peacemaking , whereas in truth all this is but a personated passage of demetrius , or one of his craftsmen , rayling against the towne clarke of ephesus , as a ringleader of division , and a disturber of them in their service to diana , the idoll of their own braines , and an hinderer of them in doing gods owne worke , that is , shedding the blood of the ungodly apostles , and is done with the very same grace that athaliah cryed out treason , treason . sic oculos , sic illa manus , sic ora ferebat . he is ever snarling at his majestyes papers , and and i doe not much blame him : for where these papers have had free passage , they have sweyed down the scale of mens judgements with the weight of unanswerable reason , that this observer and all his fellowes may compare their notes , and put their hands and heads and shoulders and all together , and never be able to lift it up again to an equilibrium . if they could have purchased every paper of them at the same price that the romanes gave for the sybills bookes , it would have been well bestowed for their cause , to have them suppressed . i plead not for masters of division , gods abhomination , the devills factors , th●… baine of the common-wealth ; da unum & habeb●… populum , tolle unum & habebis turbam . it was not phillip , but the dissentions of athens , thebes , sparta , that destroyed greece . it was not scipio , but the factions of hanniball and ha●…o that destroyed carthage : we have had too many such masters of division , indeed . our schismes in the church proclaime it , the question is not now of round or square , or black or white , or sitting or kneeling : our burying and marrying , our christening , our communicating are all questioned ; our churches , our holy orders , our publick liturgy , the lords prayer , the creed , our scriptures , the godhead of christ , the doctrin of the trinity , all our fundamentalls are questioned . it is not twins but litters of hereticks that struggle in the wombe of the church ; disciplinarias , independents , brownists , anabaptists , familists , socinians , &c. — pudet haec opprobria nobis , et dici potuisse , & non potuisse refelli . our sedition in the state proclaimes it , whilest some are for the king , some for the parliament , some for the law , some for arbitrary government , some for a monarchy , some for democracy . the superiority of the king or parliament is questioned , the kings negative voice is questione●… the right of the militia is questioned , the privileges our parliament , the liberty of the subject , e●…ry thing is questioned . thus to use the observers words , those rock foundations are razed , upon which this state hath been so happily setled , for so many ages now past , the pillars of law and policy ( and religion , ) are taken away , and the state ( and church ) set upon a new basis : each day produceth new opinions , new presidents , new questions ; and woe be to those men who are not onely occasionally , but intentionally the authors of these divisions : they are guilty before god of all that blood which is powred out like water upon the face of the earth , of all that spoyle which is committed : better were it for them that a millstone were hanged about their necks , and they cast into the bottome of the sea. how deep the observers share is herein , i leave it to his own conscience . this is certaine , a man may keep his possession by force , but he that shall goe about to thrust another out of his lawfull possession , is the true authour of the tumult , and whatsoever he suffers , he can blame no man but himselfe . now to your foure charges . first , who divided the king and parliament . there may be a quaere of others , but it is beyond all question that those base tumults and disorders at westminster and upon the thames tending to the danger of his majestyes person , but much more as they were unsufferable affronts to sacred majesty , and all those who are accessary to them , as contrivers , fomenters , or connivers , are the principall grounds of this cursed division : they that make two supremes coordinate one with another , make a division with a witnesse . next , for your seperation between the parliament and the kingdome . first your mouth runnes over extremely when you call it the most pernicious thing that can be , next to the renouncing god : we have stricter obligations to others then to our proctors . secondly , to regulate their trust , according to their first intentions and former presidents , is not to withdraw ●…epresentation ; if it were who taught it them , but those who first practised the same to their king ? but that you may clearly discern who are the authours of this seperation , heare a neare friend of yours in his plain english or rather plaine sedition , thus he , if ever the parliament should agree to the making up of an unsafe unsatisfying accomodation , this will beget a new question , whether in case the representative body can not ●…r will not discharge their trust , to the satisfaction not of fancy , but of reason in the people , they may resume if ever yet they parted with a power to their manifest undoing , and use their power so farr as conduceth to their safety ? you see the high ad ultimate judicature is neither now the kings , nor the parliaments . your third division is between the parliament and a part of it . of this charge they are guilty who made the distinction , of good and b●…d lords , of well affected and ill affected members . the votes of absentees doubtlesse by the law of nations devolve to those that are present : but if the place of the assembly be not free , if the absence be necessitated by unjust force or just fear , the case is otherwise . your fourth division is between the major part misled , and a faction in the major part misleading . i wonder you should thinke this so impossible . neere instances may be dangerous ; let us looke upon the great councell of a●…iminum , the question was of no lesse consequence then the diety of christ , the major part of the cou●…cell voted for the arrians , and in the major part the misleading faction were but few , the well meaning party were farre the more , but misled by the subtle manner of proposing the question , whe●…her they would have christ or homoousio●… ? which ●…either being discussed , nor understood as it ought to ●…ave been , they voted wrong and repented at lei●…ure . in the last place you distinguish between deserting ●…nd being deserted , if the wife leave her husbands ●…ed and become an adulteresse , t is good reason she ●…ose her dowry , but if her husband ca●…selesly reject ●…er , it is injustice she should suffer any detriment , your case is true as you propose it : but suppose the adultresse should stay at home and outbrave her husband , or by her power in the family thrust him good man out of doores ; suppose she should refuse to cohabite with him , except she may be mast●…r and do what she will without controllment , and forget her matrimoniall vow of obedience . this alters the case . observer . now of that right , which the parliament may doe the king by counsell , i●… the king could be more wisely or faithfully advised by any other court , or if his single judgement were to be preferred before all advise whatsoever , it were not onely vaine , but extreamly inconvenient , that the whole kingdom should be troubled to make elections , and that the parties elected should attend the publick businesse . answer . we have had both counsell and consent befo●… but now we must have them again . the questio●… raised by the observer are of such an odious natur●… that no good subject can take delight in them , whos●… duty is to pray for the like concent among the sev●…rall orders of this kingdome , that is supposed t●… be among the severall orbes of heaven . his majesty is undoubtedly the primum mobile , ( whatsoeve●… the observer in sundry parts of this treatise prattl●… to the contrary , ) the two houses of parliament , t●… great and privy councell are the lower spheres , whic●… by their transverse yet vincible motions ought to allay the violence of the highest orbe for the good an●… preservation of the universe . where there are no such helps and means of temper and moderation , there liberty is in danger to be often trodden under foot by tyranny . and where these adjuments by the unskilfulnesse or sinister ends of some young or ambitious phaetons become impediments , by a stiffe froward and unseasonable opposition , in stead of a gentle vincible reluctation , it sets the whole body politick in a miserable combustion , as dayly experience shews . but i must trace the observer . the calling of parliaments is not vaine and inconvenient , but his inference is vain and inconsequent ; there are other ends of parliaments besides counsell , as consenting to new laws , furnishing the publick with money , ( the nerves and sinews of great actions , ) mainteining the interest of the kingdome , and liberty of the subject . from removing one sociall end to inferre ●…at an action is superfluous , deserves no answer but 〈◊〉 and contempt . secondly , even in point of advise , there is more re●…uired in a good counseller then naturall wisdome ●…nd fidelity ; our fancyes are not determined by na●…ure to every thing that is fit for us , as in birds and beasts : but we must serve apprentiships ●…o ●…ble us to ●…erve one another . there is a thing called experience , of ●…igh concernment in the managery of publick affaires . he that will steere one kingdome right , must know ●…he right constitution of all others ; their strength , their ●…ffections , their councels and resolutions , that upon each different face of the skye , he may alter his rudder . the best governments have more councells ●…hen one , one for the publick interest of the kingdome , another for the affaires of state ; a councell for warre , and a councell for peace : and it were strange if it were not as requisite to have a councell for the church . every man deserves trust in his own profession : many are fittest for resolving , few for managing . the exigence of things require , sometimes secrecy , sometime speed . we see the house of commons , though they be but deputed by the people ( and a delegate cannot make a delegate , where their right is in confidence rather then in interest ) yet they have their committees and a councell in a counsell . neither are all parliaments of the same temper , if we may believe sir henry wotton ( one that was no foole , ) thus he , in the eighteenth of king james , many young ones being chosen into the house of commons , more then had been usuall in great councells ( who though of the weakest winges , are the highest flyers , ) there 〈◊〉 a certain unfortunate unfruitfull spirit in some places not sowing but picking at every stone in the field rath●… then tending to the generall harvest . thirdly , let them be as wise and as faithfull councellers as the observer pleaseth , onely let them be but councellers . let their conclusions have as much credit as the premises deserve ; and if they can necessitate t●…●…rince to assent by weight of reason , an●… convincing evidence of expedience , let them doe it o●… gods name , necesse est ut lancem in libra ponderib●… impositis deprimi , sic animum perspicuis cedere : but 〈◊〉 hope they will never desire to doe it out of the authority of their votes , or obtrude a conclusion on his majesty , before he understand how it is grounde●… upon the premises . this seemes to be the same , which the disciplinarians would impose upon the king in the government of the church , to be the executor of their decrees , his respect to their judgement ought to make him t●…nder in denying , but inferres no necessity of granting . fourthly , i wonder the observer is not ashamed to tell of his majestyes preferring his single judgement before all advise whatsoever , when the observer chargeth him with following the advice of his cabinet councell , when he hath his privy councell with him , when in the great councell , if they might meet freely , he believes that two third parts approve of his doings . are the most part of the nobility and gentry of this kingdome , no body ? are the flower of the clergy and universities , no body ? are so many grave solid lawyers , no body ? so many of the loyall commons , no body ? sir , you doe see , and you will see dayly more , that his majesty is not single in his course . lastly , it is the part of good counsellers , to present their whole advise together , what they desire to remove , and what they desire to introduce ; as well what they desire to build up , as what the●…●…esire to pull down . so the observer himselfe p●…eth in another case , before we demolish old structures , we ought to be advised of the fashion of new . his majesty hath required one intire full view of their demands , that he might judge more perfectly what to assent to , and what to advise further upon . this is a sure way not to be over-reached , not to cut down an old tree , before there be a new one ready to be planted in its place : many men will agree in the destructive , which will never agree in the constructive part . the old senators first of capua and after of florence , found this to be true by experience ; the people did not agree so well in taking them away , but they disagreed ten times as much in the choise of new : and they that were voted down whilest they looked upon them positively , were voted to stand when they looked upon them comparatively , they were not so worthy as they desired , but much more worthy then those that should be subintroduced . to instance in the case of the church , there are many schismaticall factions at this day , never an one of these can have their own ends , except the present government be taken away ; so farre they agree : yet if it should be taken away , not one of six should have his own ends ; here of necessity they must fall in pieces , and in probability will cry out with the capuans and the florentines , the old is the better of the two . if every mans single suffrage were ascertained to his proper object , as it is in the election of our knights and burgesses , we should soone see who would have most voices : and perhaps the old ( in a free meeting ) might have more then all the new put together . observer . but little need to be said , i thinke every mans hear●… tells him , that in publick consultation●… , the many eyes of so many choise gentlemen of all parts see more then fewer . answer . t is not sufficient for an adviser to see , unlesse he can let another see by the light of reason . a man ought not implicitly to ground his actions upon the authority of other mens eyes , whether many or few ; but of his own . many see more then few ; true caeteris paribus if all things be alike : or otherwise one phisitian may see more into the state of a mans body then many empericks , one experienced commander may know more in military affaires , then ten fresh-water souldiers , and one old states-man in his own element is worth many new practitioners , one man upon an hill may see more then an hundred in a valley . but yet if all things be alike , you will say many eyes see more then one ? they doe so commonly , but not alwayes : one paphnutius did see more in the councell of nice , then many greater clerks . how often have you seen one or two men in the parliament change the votes of the house ? certainly the eyes of so many choise gentlemen see the grievances of the kingdome , better then any other councell ; that is their proper object . observer . and the great interest the parliament has in common iustice and tranquillity , and the few private ends they can have to deprave them , must needs render their counsell more faithfull , impartiall , and religious then any other . answer . the interest is the kingdoms and each subjects ; to be parliament men adds to their trust not to their interest . the observers grounds are presumptuous , and tend onely to beget an implicit confidence : what mens private ends are , is not known to us but to god above . this we know , that good ends cannot justifie bad meanes , nor bad actions . men may have good ends , and yet be led hoodwinked by others whose ends are worse : and private ends will steal upon well affected men. discontent works strongly upon some , vain glory upon others ; delinquents may aime at their own impunity , and timorous persons at private security . but this is to be left to god that is the searcher of hearts . obsever . that dislike which the court has ever conceived against parliaments , without dispute is a pregnant proofe of the integrity and salubrity of publick advise , and is no disparagement thereof , for we have ever ●…ound enmity and antipathy betwixt the court and the country . answer . if you make a strict survey of the parliaments party , i believe you will find as many courtiers as countrymen ( proportion for proportion ) . to see the revenues of the crown be not diminished by needlesse profusion , to see his majesty be not prejudiced in the accounts of his officers , to take away monopolyes , and the like , are the proper workes of parliaments , and in probability cannot be so pleasing to some courtiers : but this is farre from a fancyed omnipotence . here he falls into his old complaint of the peoples not adhering to the parliament , but we have had this dish oft enough upon the table . observer . the king sayes , t is improbable and impossible that his cabinet counsellers , or his bishops , or souldiers , who must have so great a share in the misery , should take such paines in the procuring thereof , and spend so much time , and run so many hazards , to make themselves slaves and to ruine the freedome of this nation . how strange is this ? we have had almost forty yeares experience that the courtway of preferment , has been by doing publick ill offices , and we can nominate what dukes , what earles , what lords , what knights , have been made great and rich by base disservices to the state , and except master hollis his rich widdow , i never heard that promotion came to any man by serving in parliament : but i have heard of trouble and imprisonment : but now see the traverse of fortune ; the court is now turned honest , and there is no fear now but that a few hipocrites in parliament will beguile the major part . and pag. 23. the whole kingdome is not to be mastered against consent by the traine bands , nor the traine bands by the lords or deputy lieutenants , nor they by the major part in parliament , nor the major part in parliament by i know not what septemvirat . there is some mistery in this which seemes yet above , if not contrary to nature , but since the king hath promised to open it , we will suspend our opinion and expect it as the finall issue of all our disputes . and pag. 22. we are now at last fallen upon an issue fit to put an end to all other invectives whatsoever , let us stick close to it . the king promiseth very shortly a full and satisfactory narration of those few persons in parliament , whose designe is and alwayes was to alter the whole frame of government both in church and state , and subject both king and people to their own arbitrary power and government ; a little of this logick is better then a great deale of rethorick as the case now stands . if the king will please now to publish the particular crimes of such as he hath formerly impeached of treason , and the particular names of su●…h as now he sets forth in those characters , & will therein referre himselfe to the strength of his proofes , and evidences of his matter , it is impossible that any jealousie can cloud his integrity , or check his power any longer . et eadem pagina . by the performance of this promise , he shall not onely do right to himselfe but also to the whole kingdom , for the distracted multitude being at last by this meanes undeceived , shall prostrate themselves and all their power presently at his feete . answer . there is no dealing with the observer without a notary publick and good store of witnesses . the king sayes , so he : the contrivers of the declaration say , so the king. it is nothing to mistake an objection for a position : but it is something more to thrust in cabinet counsellers , bishops and souldiers ; though i suppose never an one of these will love their profession the worse for a dash of his tongue or pen. are there none for the king but those whom he terms in disgrace cabinet ●…ouncellers bishops & souldiers ? he will find many as eminent for piety , virtue , wisdome , courage , nobility , estate , as our brittish world affords , such as want no titles , no meanes that the condition of a subject is capable of : or if they did , need not make use of such oyly wayes to flippe into pre●…erment . admit some few have raised themselves by sinister course●… , what are they in comparison of such a cloud of worthies , but as the gleanings to the vintage ? apparent rari nantes in gurgite vasto . he saith he can name dukes , and earles , and ●…ords , and knights : if he can , let him look where he finds them now ; they that can serve the time dextrou●…y , will apply themselves to one as well as another . i ●…m not so wilfully blind as not to see that some have ●…gratiated themselves by dissembled goodnesse , or ●…y such services as are not warrantable by law , though ●…hen they were justified by the professors of the ●…aw : much lesse am i so childishly credulou●… , to be●…eve all those hideous lyes , which envy or selfe●…ve hath cast upon favorites or publick ministers of ●…tate . now to let us see he can shoot short as well ●…s over , he tells us that he never heard that promotion ●…ame to any man by serving in parliament . if he ●…d not , it is because he hath stopped his ears & 〈◊〉 his eyes when he looked that way : otherwise ●…e might have seen both in this parliament and for●…er parliaments within forty yeares , honours offi●…es and estates , gained either by service in parlia●…ent , or disservice , or both ; though i doe not love ●…o particularise as the observer doth . some mens advancements doe shew it is a good way to get preferment , to put the king to a necessi●…y of granting . good woodmen say that some have used dea●…-stealing as an introduction to a keepers place , and i have seen a non-conformists mouth stopped with a good benefice , as if he did but shew them before that if he were not satisfied he could ●…ape as wide as his neighbours . next , he makes it neare a prodigy , a mistery above if not contrary to nature , that a few hipocrites should beguile the parliament , or the major part be mastered by a septemvirate . i will nor argue with the observer utrum sit whether it be so ; my reverence to the great councell of the kingdome pull●… me by the eare : but utrum possit whether it may be so . then for the present we will change the scene to grece or italy . and i wonder why the observer should think it so strange that few should have an influence upon many , or that affections & passions , love , hatred , fear , hope , grief , &c. should betray mens judgements . let him peruse all historyes , and take a view of all free states and senates , as rome , areopagus , delphos &c. consular , tribunitian , pretorian , &c. of all kinds : and he shall find siding and faction and packing and conniving and an implicit dependence of many followers upon few leaders . h●… may be pleased to remember the bragge of an athenian boy , that his father ruled all athens , his mother ruled his father , and he ruled his mother . there are many dames in the world that woul●… thinke much not to have as great an influence eithe●… upon their husbands or the state , as madam themistocles had . even say sir , doe you thinke that private quarrells and the memory of former suffering●… did never worke upon any man ? that disconten●… and envy at other mens preferment , ( whom the●… conceived to be l●…se deserving then themselves ) di●… never transport some others further then the bias o●… judgement did draw them ? that fear of the las●… and a desire to se●…re themselves , hath never force any men to personate a part from the teeth outwards ? that great offices and honours have never been apearle in any mens eyes to hinder their sight ( though like lapwings they made least noise when they were nearest their nests ? ) that others have never been like organ pipes to whom the wind of popular applause hath onely given a sound ? is it never possible for a party who have premeditated their parts , and before their designe be discovered , to exclude or vote out those whom they conceive to be their opposites , upon some pretences or others , ( suppose of an unlawfull election , or being monopolists or the like ? ) i say nothing of the bewitching power of oratory , nor of that sheepish humour of following the drove , nor of the vehement impression that fancyed dangers make in some men , as of him that died in an innocent bath , when the by-standers onely told him , that his hearts blood was comming out now . but you may say these will never hold on to the journyes end : though we often see that when men are too farr ingaged , have passed the waters of rubicon and cannot retire with safety , they grow desperate and run head long upon the mouth of the cannon : yet considering the gracious disposition of our dread soveraigne , whose joy it is as it was his saviours to find the sheep that was lost , i doe verily believe they will not hold on to the last indeed ; why should they lose themselve to be laught at for their labours by them that had other ends then they ? but yet till this departure be , they make one body visibly . when the body naturall is infested with contrary distempers , that which is used as a good cure ●…or the one , may be poyson to the other : so in the body politick , they who are aptly chosen for the ●…emedy of one grievance , suppose the violation of liberty , may be most unfit and never would have b●…en chosen for the settlement of religion . in summe , the observers argument may be thus paralelled , it ●…s not discernable how the whole citty and state of athens could be mastered by a militia consisting but of three thousand , or those three thousand by the major part of thirty tyrants , or the major p●…rt of thirty by critias and one or two more : or thu●… , it is not discernable , how the world should be mastered by italy , or italy by rome , or rome by i know not what triumvirate . a very poor mercury may reconcile the observers understanding in this , if he be pleased . a trayned band of eighty or an hundred thousand fighting men , well armed ; well exercised , are able to master a greater kingdom then england ; armyes are not so soone raised , armed , disciplined ; he that is ready for the field may easily suppresse another , upon his first motion , or but offering to stirre . it is as easy to conceive how the traine bands may be at the disposition of their commanders , who pay them , reward them , punish them : and it is certain that they who have the naming of them will chuse such as they may confide in . the observer talkes much of nature , what arms hath nature given but teeth and nailes ? these will doe little service at push of pike or against a volly of muske●…s . this brings us to the issue which is propounded by the observer , and is accepted by his majesty , which may put an end to all other invectives : god grant it ●…ay prove true , we see no signes of it yet . the ob●…erver saith , let us stick close to it ; and i say , he that ●…tarts from it , let him be reputed guilty of all the ●…nnocent blood that is shed . he addes , which will ●…ring the distracted multitude to prostrate them●…elves at his majesties feet . alas the countenance ●…s not alwayes to be credited , but speech is the arch-deceiver . if this be not a vaine flourish , an empty aiery offer , but meant in good earnest , there is hope we may be happy . his majesty hath satisfied this demand long since , by his declaration of the 12. of august 1642. and yet we find not these fruits here promised with so much confidence ; he hath named the partyes , he hath specified the crimes . take the accusation in his owne words , 1. of entring into a solomne combination for altering of the government of church and state , 2. of designing offices to themselves and other men , 3. of soliciting and drawing down the tumults to westminster , 4. of bidding the people in the height of their rage and fury goe to whitehall , 5. of their scornfull and odious mention of his majesties person , 6. of a designe to get the prince into their hands , 7. of treating with forreine power to assist them . he is willing also to referre himselfe to the strength of his proofes , and evidence of the matter , which is all the observer desires . heare him for that also , we desire that the l. k. m. h. m. p. m. h. sir a. h. m. st. m. m. sir h. l. a. p. and c. v. may be delivered into the hands of iustice , to be tryed by their peers , according to the known law of the land. if we doe not prove them guilty of high treason , they will be acquitted and their innocence will justly triumph over vs. now if they desire to shew themselves great patriots and lovers of their country indeed , here is a faire opportunity offered , if they have as much courage as codrus had to leape into the gaping gulfe of division , and to reduce the kingdom to its former continuity and unity , if they dare trust to the touchstone of justice , and if the bird in their brest sing sweetly to them that they are innocent : here is a course provided whereby they may vindicate their good names , and out of the feined reports of malignant sycophants make themselves a triumphant garland or crown of lasting honour . but we see no hast , i know not mens hearts . there is an unhappy story in plutarch , ( but i dare not apply it , ) of pericles a stickler in the athenian commonwealth , who being busy and private in his study to make his account to the state , was advised by his nephew alciliades ( it was pestilent counsell ) rather to study low to make no accounts : which he did effect by ingaging the commonwealth in a warre , so as they had no leisure to call for his accounts after that . there can be nothing pleaded in bar●…e to the performance of this proposition , but the privilege of parliament . a great plea indeed ; so the observer , that none of the members of the parliament may be apprehended in case of suspition , where no information or witnesses appear to make good the prosecution , without acquainting the parliament , if leave may be conveniently obteined . he addes that by the same act the whole house might have been surprised . and in another place , that by this meanes , the meere imputation of treason shall sweep away a whole parliament . and his reason is thus grounded , that if way be given to this , so many members of either house may be taken away at any time , upon groundlesse pretences , as may make a major part of whom they will : and then farewell to the freedome of parliaments . which truely seemes to be urged with great shew of equity , where the partyes are taken away by dozens or greater numbers , and the tryall is long deferred to serve a turne . you shall find the same argument used & pressed after the same manner by steven gardiner to the parliament , alleging that nothing could be of worse example then to allow such a president , that by that meanes it shall be at the pleasure of him that ruleth to doe the same in more . but for all that we doe not find that either the parliament did afford him relief , or were sensible of any such danger : doubtlesse it stands both with naturall equity & the known law of the land , that they who have the honour to be the great councell of the king & kingdome , should have all such privileges & immunityes as are conducible to the furtherance of those ends for which they are convocated ; such are free accesse and recesse , to be exempted from attendence upon inferiour courts , so long as they are in that imployment , to have their servants free from arrests , that whilest themselves are busy about the great affaires of the common-wealth , their estates and occasions may not suffer in their absence , and that universall privilege of all councellers , that whilest their intentions are reall , they should not be questioned for a slippe of the tongue , or a mistake in their judgements . we see ordinary courts doe not onely protect their ministers of justice in the excercise of their places , but even those witnesses which a●… summoned to appeare before them . a clerke o●… the chancery cannot be called to any other cou●… to answer in any cause that is cogniscible in tha●… court. but here are sundry things considerable , as fir●… that his majesty is the true fountain of these privileges , not any mutuall compacts . this is plaine by that petition , which sir thomas moore ( then speaker for the house of commons ) made in his oration to king henry the eight , which i thinke hath been observed by all speakers that ever were since , that if in communication , or reasoning , any man in th●… commons house should speake more largely then of duty they ought to doe , that all such offences should be pardoned . secondly , these privileges ought not to be destructive to the essence or fundamentall ends or righ●… constitution of parliaments : and such a privilege i●… that the observer claimes , to be denyed nothing . for whereas our parliament is so sweetly tempered an●… composed of all estates , to secure this nation from the evills which are incident to all formes of government : he that shall quite take his majestyes negative voice away secures us from tyranny , but leaves us open and starke naked to all those popular evil●… or epidemicall diseases which flow from ochlocracy ; as tumults , seditions , civill warres , and that ilias of evills which attends them ; and seemes to reduce the king ( be it spoken with reverence ) to the ●…ase of the old woman in the epigrammatist , when she had coughed out her two last teeth , iam libere possis totis tussire diebus nil isthic quod agat tertia tussis habet . from hence appeares a ready answer to that question so often moved , what great virtue is in the kings single vote to avert evills from us , that an ordinance of both houses may not be binding to the whole kingdom without his consent ? the case is plain , it is of no great virtue against the evills of tyranny , but is a soveraigne remedy against the greater mischiefes which flow from ochlocracy : and i trust god will ever preserve it to us . thirdly , these privileges must not transcend the condition or capacity of subjects by making destructive reservations , or so as to deck the temples of inferiour persons with the flowers of the crowne . such a privilege seemes this to be which the observer here claimes , a dictatorian immunity from all question , to owe no account but to god and their own consciences : and yet by this new learning they may take an account of the king. what is this but to make kings of subjects and subjects of kings ? when some ancients more skilfull in theology then in philosophy or geography , did heare of the antipodes , they reasoned against it ( as they thought ) strongly , that then there were pensiles homines and pensiles arbores , men that did goe with their heads downwards , and trees that did grow with their tops downwards ; they forgot that heaven is still above , and the center below : but what they did but imagine the observer really laboureth to introduce , to make whole kingdomes to walke with their heads downwards and their heeles upwards . fourthly , the just measure or standard , whereby all privileges ought to be examined and tryed , is not now the law of nature , which is applyable ( though not equally ) to all formes of government ; this were to put the shoe of hercules upon an infants foote . the law of nature may be limited , though not contraried by the known laws and customs of this realme , as they shall appear by charters , statutes , presidents , rolls , records , witnesses . his majesty cites a confession of the parliament it selfe , to prove that their privileges extend not to the cases of treason , felony , or breach of peace , which heretofore hath been the common beliefe of all men. and it seemes no satisctory answer to say , that therefore they extend not to these cases because the houses do usually give way in these cases for them to come to tryall , either in parliament if it be proper , or otherwise in other courts . for it is a great doubt how a commoner in case of treason can be tryed in parliament per pares by his peeres : and if it be in their own power to give way or not to give way , the privilege extends to these cases as well as others . the case being thus , why doe we quarrell one with another ? why doe no●… we all repair to the common standard ( that is the law of the land , ) and crave the resolution or information of those that are professors in that study ? this will determine the doubt without partiali●… or blood , and he that refuseth it , let him be accounted as one that desires not to uphold but subvert the fundamentall laws of the land , upon a supposition of feares and such cases as never happened in the world. now it appeares how the former objection is not applicable to the case in question , where the partyes are commoners and ought to be tryed by their peers ; where his sacred majesty is the informer ; where the crimes are specified ; where a speedy tryall according to the known law is desired : where the partyes themselves out of a love to their country , out of a care to prevent the effusion of christian and of english blood , out of a desire to vindicate their own reputations , should themselves become suiters for a lawfull hearing , that they might not still suffer under such a heavy charge : at which tryall they may legally plead the privilege of parliament , if there be any such l●…wfull privilege . observer . but let us consider the lords and commons as meer counsellers , without any power or right of counsailing or consenting , yet we shall see if they be not lesse knowing and faithfull then other men , they ought not to be deserted , unlesse we will allow that the king may choose whether he will admit of any counsell at all or no , in the disposing of our lives , lands , and libertyes . but the king sayes , that he is not bound to renounce his owne understanding , or to contradict his own conscience for any counsellers s●…ke whatsoever . t is granted in things visible and certain , that iudge which is a sole iudge , and has competent power to see his own judgement executed , ought not to determine against the light of nature or evidence of fact . the sin of pila●…e was , that when he might have saved our saviour from an unjust death , yet upon accusations contradictory in themselves , contrary to s●…range revelations from heaven , he would suffer innocence to fall and passe sentence of death , meerely to satisfie a blood-thirs●…y multitude . but otherwise it was in my lord of 〈◊〉 case , for the king was not sole iudge , nay he w●…s uncapa●…le o●… sitting iudge at all &c. and therefo●…e the king might therein with a clear conscience have signed a warrant for his death , though he had dissented from the judgement . so if one iudge on the same bench dissent from three , or one iuror at the barre from eleven , they may submitt to the major number , though perhaps lesse skilfull then themselves , without imputation of guilt : and if it be thus in matters of law a fortiori , t is so in matters of state , where the very satisfying of a multitude sometimes in things not otherwise expedient , may prove not only expedient but necessary for the setling of peace and ceasing of strife &c. where the people by publick authority will seek any inconvenience to themselves , and the king is not so much interested i●… it as themselves , t is more inconvenien●…e and inju●…ice to deny then grant it ; what blame is it the 〈◊〉 prin●…es , when they will pretend reluctance of conscience and reason , in things beh●…vefull for the people ? answer . that which his majesty saith that a man may not goe against the dict●…te of hi own conscience , is so certain , that no man that hath his eyes in his head can deny it . the scripture is plain , he that doubteth is damned if he eate , because he eateth not of faith , for whatsoever is not of faith is sinne. reason is as evident , that all circumstances must concurre to make an action good , but one single defect doth make it evill . now seeing the approbation of conscience is required to every good action , the want thereof makes it unlawfull , nor simply in it selfe , but relatively , huic , hic , nunc , to this person , at this time , in this place . therefore all divines doe agree in the case of a scrupulous conscience , that where a man is bound by positive law to doe any act , and yet is forbidden by the dictates of his own conscience to do it , he must first reform his understanding , and then perform obedience . and this in case where a thing already is determined by positive law : but in his majestyes case where the question is not of obedience to a law already constituted and established , but of the free election or assenting to a new law before it be enacted , it holds much more strongly . but yet this is not all , there is a third obligation ( & a threefold cord is not easily broken . ) take one instance , the king i●…●…nd by his coronation oath to defend the church , to preserve to the clergy all canonicall privileges & the free franchises granted to them by the glorious king saint edward and other kings . now suppose such a bill should be tendred to his majesty to deprive them of their temporall goods , as was tendred to henry the fourth in that parliament called the lay parliament ; suppose that his majesty is very sensible of the obligaon of his oath , but sees no ground of dispensation with his oath . ; the clergy ( as then thomas arundell , arch-bishop of canterbury ) are his remembrancers and consent not to any alteration ; what should a king doe in this case ? in the one ●…cale there is law , conscience , and oath , in the other the tender respect which he beares to a great part ( yet but a part ) of his people . i presume not to determine : but our chroniclers tell us what was the event then , that his majesty resolved to leave the church in as good state or better then he found it , that the knights confessed their error , and desired forgivenesse of the same arch-bishop , that when the same motion was renewed after in the same year of his raigne , the king commanded them that from thenceforth , they should not presume to move any such matter . even as his predecessor richard the second in the very like case had commanded the same bill to be cancelled : kings then did conceive themselves to have a negative voice , and that they were not bound by the votes of their great councell . these grounds being laid , the observers instances will melt away like winter ice . first the oath and obligation is visible and certain , but the dispensation or necessityof alteration , is invisible and uncertain . secondly the rule that a man may not contradict his own conscience for the advise of any counseller , is universall , and holds not onely in actions judiciary whether sole or sociall , but generally in all the actions of a mans life . thirdly the understanding is the sole judge or directer of the will : the sin of pilate was not to contradict revelations ( which he never had , ) but for fear of complaints , and out of a desire to apply himselfe to an inraged multitude , to condemne an innocent person . the ●…bservers instance in the earle of strafford , might well ●…ave been omitted , as tending to no purpose , unlesse 〈◊〉 be to shew his inhumanity and despight to the dead ●…shes of a man , who whilest he was living might ●…ave answered a w●…ole legion of observers : and at ●…is death by his voluntary submission , and his owne ●…etition to his majesty , did endeavour to clear this ●…oubt and remove these scruples . take the case as ●…he observer states it , yet justice is satisfied by his ●…eath : and if it were otherwise , yet it is not meet for ●…im or me for to argue of what is done by his majesty ●…r the great councell of the kingdom ; that rancour ●…s deep which pursues a man into another world. but where the observer addes , that his majesty was not the sole judge and that he was uncap●…ble of sitting judge at all : i conceive he is much mistaken . his majesty may be authoritative judge where he doth not personally sit : and the naming of a delegate or high steward to be a pronunciative judge , doth not exclude the principall . the instance of a judge giving sentence according to the major number of his fellow judges though contrary to his own opinion , is altogether impertinent : for this is the judgement of the whole court not of the person , and might be declared by any one of the bench as well as another . such a judge is not an authoritative judge , but pro●…unciative onely : neither can he make law but declare it , without any negative voice . the other instance of a juror concurring with the greater number of his fellow jurors , contrary to his conscience , is altogether false and direct perjury . neither of them are applic●…ble to hi●… majesty , who 〈◊〉 pow●…r both to execu●…e and pardon ▪ it is true , necessi●…y of st●…te justifies many thing●… which otherwise were inexcusable : and it is as tru●… that it is not lawfull to doe evill that good may com●… of it . his last assertion , that where the people by publick●… authority will seek any inconvenience to themselves , an●… the king is not as much interessed as themselves , it 〈◊〉 more injustice to deny then grant it , i●… repugnant to wha●… he saith a little after , that if the people should be s●… unnaturall as to oppose their own pr●…servation , the kin●… might use all possible meanes for their safety , and muc●… more repugnant to the truth . the king i●… the father o●… his people ; he is a bad father that if his sonne ask●… him a stone in stead of bread , or a scorpion in stea●… of a fish , will give it him . that heathen was muc●… wiser who prayed to iupiter to give him good thing●… though he never opened his lippes for them , and to withhold such things as were bad or prejudiciall , though he petitioned never so earnestly for them . suppose the people should desire liberty of religio●… for all sects ; should the king grant it , who is constituted by god the keeper of the two tables ? suppose they should desire the free exportation of arms , monyes , sheep , ( which they say edward the fourth for a present private end granted to the kings of castile and arragon ) and that this should be assented to by the observers advise ; would not the present or succeeding ages give him many a black blessing for his labour ? god helpe the man so wrapt in errors endlesse traine . first to say that the people m●…y seek to obtein ●…heir desires of the prince by publick authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too m●…gistrall or fl●…t no 〈◊〉 , a p●…rase inu●… to english eares . heary the sixt w●…s no●… fy●…ht nor awefull sover●…igne , 〈◊〉 when th●… 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 presented a just req●…st unto 〈◊〉 , ●…ey 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 k●…ling upon their knee , ( no si●… of author●…y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) secondly the king o●…es a strict 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 god of his government , and is bou●…d by his of●…ce to promote the good of his 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a●… 〈◊〉 may be impeditive to this end , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…isfaction of an humorous 〈◊〉 , is no●… 〈◊〉 with this obligation . thirdly , his m●…jesty con●…eive the thing now desired , to be mo●…e then a ●…ple 〈◊〉 single inconvenience , that ●…selfe is deeply inte●…essed in it , and not himselfe onely , but his 〈◊〉 and all succeeding kings , and that it is not the desire of all his subjects , not ye●… of the greater ●…art , much lesse of the sounder ●…art who 〈◊〉 it : and therefore even upon the observers grounds , 〈◊〉 is ●…ot bound to give his assent . observer . so much for the ends of 〈◊〉 power , i come now to the true nature of it , publick con●…nt &c. answer . we had done with consent before , but now we mee●… with it again : such windings and mea●…ders there a●… in this treatise . but though consent be like the titl●… set upon the outside of an apothecaryes box , yet i●… we look into the subsequent discourse , we shall find little or nothing of it . the observer tells us a long st●…ry , that after the fall of adam the law written 〈◊〉 mans brest was not sufficient to make him a socia●… ble creature , that without society men could 〈◊〉 live , and without laws men could not be sociabl●… that without magistr●…tes law was a voide and va●… thing : it was therefore quickly provided that law●… ag●…ble to the dictates of reason , should be rat●…fied by common consent , and that the execution a●… interpretation of those laws should be intrusted 〈◊〉 some magistrate . to all which i readily assen●… wit●… this animadversion , that the rule is not cat●… pantos or universally true . a●… for the order of law●… or magistrate●… , it is confessed on the one side tha●… sometimes the people did choose their magistrat●… and law both together , and sometime the law before the magistrate , especially upon the extinctio●… of a royall family : but o●…●…he other side it canno●… be denyed that many times , very many times , magis●…es did either assume soveraignty by just con●… , o●… were absolu●…ely elected without any suc●… restriction . so much the observer co●…fesseth a li●… after , that in the infancy of the world , most nation●… did choose rather to submit themselves to the meere disdiscretion of their lords , then rely upon any limits , and be ruled by arbitrary edicts , rather then written statutes , in which case it is plaine , that the law is posteriour to the king , both in order of nature and of time. the observer proceeds to shew ; that intrusted magistrates did sometimes tyrannize over their people ; that it was difficult to invent a remedy for this mischief . first because it was held unnaturall to place a superiour above a supreme . secondly , because the restraint of princes from doing evill , by diminu●…ion of soveraigne power , doth disable them also from doing good , which may be as mischievous as the other ; that the world was long troubled between these extremityes ; that most nations did choose absolute governours ; that others placed supervisors over their princes , ephori , tribuni , curatores , ( which remedy the observer confesseth to have proved worse then the disease , and that the issue of it commonly was to imbroile the state in blood ; ) that in all great distresses the body of the people was constreined to rise and by the force of a major party to put an end to all intestine strifes ; that this way was too slow to prevent suddain mischiefes ; that it produced much spoile and effusion of blood , often exchanging one tyranny for another ; that at last a way was found out to regulate the moliminous body of the people by parliament , where the people may assume their own power to doe themselves right , where by virtue of election and representation , a few act for many , the wise for the simple : that the parliament is more regularly formed now then when it was cal-called the mickle synod , or where the reall body of the people did throng together ; that the parliament yet perhaps labours with some defects that might be amended , & that there are yet some differences and difficultyes concerning it , especially the privileges of it , which would be resolved . this is the summe of his discourse here , and a little after in the 21. page and the three pages following , he falls into a needlesse commendation of the constitution of parliaments , of their wisdome and justice , how void they are of danger , how full of advantage to the king and people , how princes may have sinister ends , but that it was never till this parliament withstoo●… that a community can have no private ends to mislea●… it . in all which there are not many things to be muc●… misliked , saving some results of his former false an●… seditious principles ; as that the people are the primogenious subject of power , that the essentiall an●… representative body of the kingdome are all one●… ( he might as well say that a whole county and 〈◊〉 grand jury are convertible terms . ) to place a superiour above a supreme is monstrous , and opens 〈◊〉 ready way to an infinite progresse , which both a●… and nature abhorre . i joyne with him in this tha●… to limit a prince too far is often the cause o●… much mischief to a state. but the observer havin●… given a good meale casts it down with his foot : fo●… after in the 40 page he tels us that the people had better want some right , then have too much wrong done them ▪ it may be so , it may be otherwise : but ordinaril●… the sufferings of one year in a time of sedition , a●… more burthensome to the subject , then the pressures they sustein from a hard soveraigne in a whole age. a limited commission may now and then bring ease to a society , but an unsufficient protection exposeth them to an hundred hazards and blowes , from superiours , inferiours , equalls , forreiners , domesticks . the observer would have such a prerogative as hath great power of protection and little of oppression . can you blame him ? he would have his fire able to warm him , but not accidentally to burn him . protection is the use , oppression the abuse of power . to take away power for fear of the abuse , is with lycurgus to cut down all the vines of sparta , roote and branch , for fear of drunkennesse . by the same reason he will leave neither a sunne in heaven , nor any creature of eminency on earth . if he will have no bees but such as have no stings , he may catch drones , and want his honny for his labour . to limit princes too farr is as if a man should cut his hawkes ●…ings that she might not fly away from him : so he may be sure she shall never make a good flight for ●…im . saint bernard tells us a story of a king who ●…eing wounded with an arrow , the chirurgeons de●…ired liberty to bind him , because the lightest mo●…ion might procure his death : his answer was non ●…ecet vinciri regem , it is not meet that a king should ●…e bound , and the father concludes libera sit regis & semper salva potestas . in two particulars this third cato is pleased to expresse himselfe , he would have the disposition of great offices , & power of calling and dissolving parliaments , shared betwen the king and the people . yesthe great offices of the kingdome and the revenues of the church have been the great wheeles of the clock , which have set many little wheeles 〈◊〉 going ; doubt you not the observer meant to lick 〈◊〉 own fingers . these speculations might be seasonab●…e in the first framing of a monarchy : now when a power is invested in the crown by law and lawful●… custome , they are sawcy and seditious . howsoever his bolt is soone shot , he that is wise in his own eyes , there is more hope of a foole then of such a man. other●…●…s much wiser then he is , almost as he conceives him●…lfe to transcend them , are absolu●…ely of another mi●… ; that this were to open a sluce to faction and sedi●…on , to rolle the apple of conten●…ion up and down both houses of parliament and each county and burrough in the kingdom , to make labouring for places & packing for votes , & in a word to disunite and dissolve the contignation of this kingdom ; this in policy . they say further , that in iustice , if the king be bound by his office and sworn by his oath , to cause law , iustice , and discretion , in mercy and truth to be executed to his people , if he be accountable to god for the misgovernment of his great charge , that it is all the reason in the world why he should choose his own officers and ministers . kings are shadowed by those brazen pillars which hiram made for solomon , having chapiters upon their heads adorned with chaines and pomgranates . if these sonnes of belial may strip majesty by degrees of its due ornaments , first of the chaines , that is the power to punish evill doers , and then of the pomegranates , the ability to reward good deserts , and so insensibly to robbe them of the dependence of their subjects ; the next steppe is to strike the chapiters or crownes from of their heads . but how can this be , except all parliaments were taken as deadly enemyes to royalty ? still when the observer comes to a piece of hot service , he makes sure to hold the parliament before him , which devise hath saved him many a blow . they that are not haters of kings may be lovers of themselves : we are all children of adam and eve : he would be a god and she a goddesse . his instance that this is no more then for the king to choose a chancellour or a treasurer upon the recommendation of such or such a courtier , is ridiculous ; there his majesty is free to dissent , here is a necessity imposed upon him to grant . yet saith he , the venetians live more happily under their conditionate dukes , then the turks under their absolute emperours . the trophees which rome gained under conditionate commanders , argue that there could be no defect in this popular and mixt government . our neighbours in the netherlands being to cope with the most puissant prince in christendom , put themselves under the conduct of a much limited generall , which streigthned commissions have yeelded nothing but victoryes to the states , and solid honour to the prince of orange . were hanniball , scipio &c. the lesse honoured or beloved because they were not independent ? was caesar the private man lesse succesfull or lesse beloved then caesar the perpetuall dictator ? whatsoever is more then this , he calls the painted rayes of spurious majesty , and the filling of a phantasticall humour with imaginary grandour . whose heart doth not burn within him to heare such audacious expressions ? yet still he protests for monarchy , a fine monarchy indeed , a great and glorius monarchy , an aristo-democracy nicknamed monarchy , a circumscribed , conditionate , dependent monarchy , a mock-monarchy , a monarchy without coercive power , able to protect , not to punish ; that is in effect neither to protect nor punish , a monarch subordinate to a superiour and accountable to subjects , that may deny nothing , a monarchy in the rights whereof another challengeth an interest paramount . quorsum haec ? he is more blind then a beetle that sees not whither all this tends , to advance king charles to the high and mighty dignity of a duke of venice or a roman consull : whilest this gentleman might sit like one of the tribunes of the common people to be his supervisor . it were to be wished that the observer would first make tryall of this modell of government in his own house for a yeare or two and then tell us how he likes it . that form may fit the citty of venice that will not fit the kingdome of england . i beleeve he hath not carefully read over the history of that state ; though now they injoy their sun-shines and have their lucida intervalla ; yet heretofore they have suffered as much misery , from their own civill and intestine dissentions as any people under heaven : and so have their neighbour states of genoah , florence , &c. and of florence particularly it is remarkeable , that though their prince hu●…band his territory with as much advantage to himselfe and pressure to his people , as any prince in europe : yet they live ten times more happily now , then they did before in a republick ; when a bare legged fellow out of the scumme of the people could raise tumults , surprise the senate , and domineere more then two great dukes ; so that now they are freer then when they did injoy those painted rayes of spurious liberty . if th●… romans had not found a defect in their popular government , they had never fled to the choise of a dictator or absolute prince , as a sacred anchour in all their greatest extremityes . and for the netherlands ; it is one thing for a free people to elect their owne forme of government ; another for a people obliged to shake off that forme which they have elected . it is yet but earely of the day to determine precisely whether they have done well or ill . the danger of a popular government is sedition ; a common enemy hath hitherto kept them at unity ; and the king of spaine hath been their best friend . scipioes opinion that carthage should not be destroyed was more solid and weighty then catoes , ( as experience plainly shewed . ) those forrein warres preserved peace at home , and were a nursery of souldiers to secure that state. when the united states come to have peace a while , then let them take heed of falling in pieces . the condition of the english subject when it was at the worst under king charles ( before these unhappy broiles ) was much more secure and free from excises and other burdens and impositions , then our neighbours the netherlanders under their states . if his majesty should use such an arbitrary power as they doe , it would smart indeed . i wonder the observer is not ashamed to instance in hanniball : he knows the factions of hanno and hannibal did ruine themselves and carthage : whereas if hannibal had been independent , rome had run that fortune which carthage did . how near was scipioes conquest of affricke to be disapointed , by the groundlesse suggestions of his adversaryes in the roman senate ? when he had redeemed that citty from ruine , how was he rewarded ? sleighted , called to the barre by a factious plebeian , and in effect banished from that citty whereof he had been ( in a kind ) a second romulus or founder : but if he had been independent , he had been a nobler gallanter scipio then he was . and if caesars dictatorship had not preserved him from the like snuffles , he might have tasted of the same sawce that scipio did and many others . it is true he was butchered by some of the observers sect , ( a rebell is a civill schismatick , and a schismatick an ecclesiasticall rebell , the one is togata , the other is armata seditio , ) and some of them as notoriously obliged as servants could be to a master : but revenge pursued them at the heeles as it did korah and his rebellious crew , zimri , absalom , adonijah , achitophel , iudas &c. frost and falshood have alwayes a foule ending . neither is it true altogether , that parliaments are so late an invention . what was the mickle synod here but a parliament ? what were the roman senates and comitia , but parliaments ? what were the graecian assemblies , amphictionian , achaian , boetian , pan-aetolian , but parliaments ? what other was that then a parliament , moses commanded us a law , even the inheritance of the congregation of jacob. and he was king in jesurum , when the heads of the people and tribes of israell were gathered together ? here is the king and both houses with a legislative power . non de possessione sed de terminis est contentio ; the difference is not about the being of parliaments , but the bounds of parliamentary power . as parliaments in this latitude of signification have been both very ancient , and very common : so if he take the name strictly , according to the present constitution of our parliament , he will not find it so very ancient here at home , nor a policy common to us with many nations ; yea , if the parts of the comparison be precisely urged , with none , not so much as our neighbour nation . i pray god it be not some mens aime to reduce our setled form to a conformity with some forrein exemplars . but if it be understood to have such a fulnesse of power , as he pretends , according to his late found out art , to regulate the moliminous body of the people ; it is neither ancient , nor common , nor ours . he may seek such presidents in republicks , but shall never find so much as one of them in any true monarchy under heaven . i honour parliaments as truely as the observer , yet not so as to make the name of parliament a med●…saes head , to transform reasonable men into stones . i acknowledge that a compleat parliament is that panchreston , or soveraigne salve , for all the sores of the common-wealth . i doe admire the presumption of this observer , that dare find holes and defects in the very constitution of the government by king and parliament , ( which he should rather adore at a distance , ) as if he were of the posterity of iack cade , who called himselfe iohn a●…ead all . it is l●…wfull for these men onely to cry out against innovations , whilest themselve●… labour with might and maine to change and innovate the whole fram●… of government both in church and 〈◊〉 . we reade of philip of maced●…n , that he g●…thered all the naughty seditiou●… fellowes in his king●…ome together , and put the●…●…ll into 〈◊〉 c●…y by thems●…lves , which he called 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 che●…er . i wish king charles would doe the like ( if a citty would contein them , ) and make the observer the head of the corporation , where he might molde his governm●…nt according to hi●… pr●…vate conceit . and yet it cannot be denyed , but the greatest and most eminent councells in the world , m●…y be either made or wrought by their major part to serve private end●… . i omit the lay parliament 1404 , and sir henry wottons younge parliament 18. iacobi : our historians tell us of a mad parliament 1258 , and the parliament of b●…tts or b●…ttownes 1426 ; a kind of weapon fitter for cav●…leers then peaceable assemblyes . the statu●…es of oxford were confirmed by the parliament at we●…minster 1259 , and ratified by a course against the breakers of them : shortly after the king and prince were both taken prisoners : yet in the parliament following at winchester 1255 , all the said acts were rescinded and dis●…nulled , and the king cryed quittance with his adversaryes . in the raigne of edward the second after the battell at burton , we see how the tydes of the parliament were turned , untill the comming of q●…een izabell and then the floods grew higher then ever . in the dayes of richard the second , how did the parliament●… change their sanctions ? as the c●…maelion her colours , or as platina writeth of the popes , after stephen had taken up the body of formosus out of his grave , it became an usual thing for the successors either to infringe or altogether to abrogate the acts of their predecessors . the parliaments of 1386. and 1388. were contradicted and revoked by the subsequent parliaments of 1397. and 1398 , and these again condemned and disanulled by the two following parliaments in 1399. and 1400 : yea though the lords were sworn to the inviolable observance of that of 1397 , and henry bullenbrooke who was a great stickler for the king in that parliament , of 1397. against the appealants ; yet in that of 1399 , was elected king by the trayterous deposition of richard , and the unjust preterition of the right heires . parliaments are sublunary courts , and mutable as well as all other societyes . if we descend a little lower to the times of henry the sixt , we shall find richard duke of yorke , declared the lord protector in parliament , yet without title to the crown in 1455. shortly after we find both him and his adherents by parliament likewise attainted of high treason in 1459. the yeare following 1460 , he was again by parliament declared not only lord protector , but also prince of wales and right heire to the crown , and all acts to the contrary made voide , and the lords sweare to the observance thereof . it rests not here , the very next year 1461. his sonne edward the fourth not contented to be an heire in reversion , assumes the imperiall diadem , and in parliament is received actuall king. the end is not yet , ten yeares after this 1471 , king henry is admitted king by parliament again , and king edward attainted of high treason , declared an usurper , and the crown intailed upon king henry and his heires males , and for want of such issue , to george of clarence and his heires . but this lasted but a while ; disinherited edward and clarence are reconciled , and the very next yeare , edward is crowned again , and received king in parliament . you see here , signa pares aquilas & peila minantia peilis , parliaments against parliaments : and this in that very question which you say is properly to be judged by parliament , who is the right king ? when the election is not of a particular person and his heires , but of a person and his family , so as the people have liberty to elect whom they please of that stock , ( as it was long since in scotland , till it was rescinded by act of parliament to take away those storms of discord and faction which it raised , ) the parliament was the most proper judge who should succeed : but where the crown is hereditary , there needs little question of the right heire , which for the most part every country man knows as well as the great councell of the kingdome . how easily were queens raised and deposed in henry the eights time by authority of parliament ? adde to this with what facillity religion was reformed in part by henry the eight , more by edward the sixt , altered by queeen mary , & restored again by queen elizabeth , & all this by authority of parliament within the compasse of a few yeares ; and it will evidently appear out of all that hath been said , that parliaments are not excepted from the defects of all humane societyes , nescience , ignorance , feare , hope , favour , envy , selfe-love , and the like , that they may erre both in matters of fact , and in point of right , that it is the incommunicable property of god alone , to be the same yesterday , to day , and for ever , that though we owe a tender respect to parliaments , yet we may not follow their directions as infallible , nor resolve our reason into their meere authority , as if their sole advice or command were a sufficient ground for our actions , which is the maine scope which this iehu our observer doth so furiously drive at in all his writings , that no evill is to be presumed of the representative body of the kingdom . and so farre he is right ; it ought not indeed to be presumed without proofe . but he goes further that it may not be supposed or admitted , it is of dangerous consequence to suppose that parliaments will do any injustice , it looseth one of the firmest sinews of law to admit it . but such communities can have no private ends . what had the shechemites by the suggestion of a worthy member of their citty ? or the brethren of ioseph ? if any man boggle at it , may he not be overvoted or overawed , as reuben was ? what ends had the romans when they made that arbitriment , quod in medio est , populo romano adjudicetur ? what had the whole citty of ephes●… , being perswaded by demetrius and his craftsmen , that there was a strange plot against diana ? the high priests , and scribes , and elders , and if you adde to these , pilate , iudas , the souldiers and the divell , all had their private ends . the high priests and elders to satisfy their envy , pilate to keep his place , iudas to get the thirty piece●… , the souldiers for christs garments : yet all these concurred in a generall designe to take away c●…rist . which shews us thus much , that a community may have private ends , yea , and contrary ends , all te●…ding to mischief , though upon contrary grounds : and yet all agree well enough so long as they keep themselves in a negative or destructive way . i intend these instances no further then to shew the weaknesse of the observers grounds ; parliaments are more venerable : yet till this corruptible have put on incorruption , private ends will seek to crowde into the best societyes . when a bill was tendred to richard the second to take away the temporalties of the clergy , there was old sharing : and thomas walsingham saith , he himselfe did heare one of the knights sweare deeply , that he would have a thousand marks by year , out of the abby of saint albons . the very like bill was put up to king henry the fowerth , with this motive or addition , that those temporall possessions would suffice to find an hundred and fifty earles , fifteen hundred knights , six thousand and two hundred esquires , and an hundred hospitalls more then there was in the kingdome , ( it had been a great oversight if they had not stuck down a few feathers . ) do you not see private ends in those dayes ? but even then they found themselves mistaken in their accounts . and now when the lord verulam and sundry others of our most eminent countrymen have acknowledged ( i have heard the very same fro●… sir ed●… sands ) that all the parliament●… since the 27. and 31. of king henry the eight , seem in some sort ●…o stand obnoxious and obliged to god in conscie●… to 〈◊〉 somewhat for the church , to reduce the patrimony thereof to a competency . now i say when the temporaltyes of the clergy are so inconsiderable in comparison of the honour of the nation and the order of the church , and so unable to satisfy the appetite and expectation of 〈◊〉 ; in so much as i dare speak it confidently , that all the temporaltyes of the arch-bishops , bishops , deanes , arch-deacons , deanes and chap●…ers , preben●… , petty canons , vicars chorall , ( which are recited in folio to make a shew , ) and of all the ecclesiasticall dignita●…yes and corporation●… whatsoever , let them take masters of hospitalls in to boo●… , ( except the two universityes and 〈◊〉 of benefices with cure , ) do not all amount in penny rent to the revenues of some two earles : such a proposition seems now to be much more unseasonable then it was then , yet even then the bill was commanded by the king to be cancelled . i confesse the true and uttermost value , may be double or triple to this , but what is redundant above the rent is in the hands of the gentry and commons , who will think much to lose either their interest or tenent-right . i confesse likewise that besides their temporaltyes , they have spiritualtyes consisting of tithes and oblations : but to think of taking these away also , will highly displease their leaders of the old edition . heare the humble 〈◊〉 , it is the duty of the commonwealth to convert those things which by their foundation were meant to the service of god to that very use , that reformation be not rather thought a baite to feed our bellyes , then to proceed of godly zeal . he calls it a plaine mockery of god , a scorn of godlinesse , the most divellish policy in the world , that upon pretence to further gods service , men should rob and ransack the church . to the same purpose mr. cartwright , this is our meaning , not that these goods should be turned from the possession of the church , to the filling of the bottomlesse sacks of their greedy appetites , who gape after this prey , and would thereby to their perpetall shame purchase to themselves a field of blood . after he calls them cormorants and protests against it as plaine sacrilege . a supply from hence , as it is sacrilegious in the opinion of their greatest reformers : so it would be inconsiderable either to inrich the crown , or to disingage the kingdom , or to satisfy the appetites or private ends of necessitous persons . observer . having now premised these things , i come to the maine difficulties lying at this time in dispute before us , &c. answer . we have now done with all the observers grounds ; the remainder of his treatise is either a repetition of the same matter in a new and diverse dresse ; as the hoast of chalcis served titus flaminius , when he gave him severall services of a tame hogge , and yet by cookery made him believe he fed upon choise variety of venison ; faire fall a good cooke : or else it is but superstructions builded upon the former grounds , which ( the foundations being substracted ) remain as castles in the aire , ready to fall of themselves without any further battery : or else it is matter of fact , which howsoever it be disguised by fictions in this feculent age , when the father of lyes is let loose ; yet it is well enough known to the greater and better part of the kingdome . such is the question of the militia , so often iterated by the observer , both in point of right and in point of fact : such is the case of the impeached members : and that of the tumults and commotions at london and westminster : and that of those infamous libells and invectives against his majestyes government , both out of the pulpit and presse , if not with incouragement yet without any restraint ; and some of them not onely against his government , but against monarchicall government in generall , as this very treatise of the observers . concerning the first , his majesty hath set forth an expresse declaration of the first of iuly , yet unanswered : to say more in this were to bring owles to athens . concerning the latter , his majesty passing by ordinary and misled persons , chargeth the heads and contrivers of these distractions and libellous invectives , in his declations of the 12 of august &c. so as it seemes needlesse to take any further notice of them . such others are that of the scotch army , and the surprising of newcastle , and the earle of straffords case : whereas the observer knows well enough that for the two former there is an act of oblivion , and for the latter a proviso that it shall not be drawne into president , which in effect is as much . he cannot choose but know , that otherwise something might be said in these cases which perhaps would trouble him to untwist : to insult over one that hath his hands tyed , or to brave one who i●… bound to the peace , argues a degenerous adversary . therefore to omit these and the like , and to insist upon such onely as afford us either new matter , or have more weig●…t of reason added to them . whereof the principall without comparison is the businesse o●… hull or s●…r iohn hotham , which runs so much in the observ●…s mind , that he falls upon it nine or ten times in thi●… little treatise , and after he professeth to have done with it pag. 30 ; yet he relapseth into it again thri●… in the 33. 35. and 43. pages . i shall not omit any thing that hath the least , scruple of weight or moment to advantage sir iohn hothams cause . first it is confessed b●… the observer , that to possesse a towne and shut the g●…es against the king is treason . a liberall concessio●…●…e had an hard forehead that should deny it . to d●…in one of the kings ships or castles onely , with●…t danger to his person , is treason : what is it then , ●…rst to in●…rude forcibly , and then to detein injuriousl●… not a pinnace or little tower , but one of the pri●… ports and strengths of the kingdom , and in it t●… kings whole magazine or provision of warre , a●… to raise his majestyes own subjects to keep it with muske●…s bent against his royall brest ? they ha●… need to be very saving circumstances that can alte●… the nature of such an act , or have virtue to transubstantiate cataline into camillus , and change treason into loyalty . who made the observer a distinguisher where the law doth not distinguish ? but let us view his reasons without prejudice . three things are alledged , first the circumstances of the action , secondly , the intention of the actors , thirdly the authority of the commanders . for the first he saith , the king was meerely denyed entrance for the time , his generall right was not denyed . i doe easily beleeve , that sir iohn meant not to hold hull for ever : if he did , he is not such a child to say so . when the lord gray and his complices had plotted to surprise the tower or dover castle , and to possesse themselves of the persons of king iames & his councell , it was not their designe to hold those forts , or detein them prisoners for ever : but untill they had gained their own conditions , which were the alteration of religion , and the distribution of the great offices of the kingdome among themselves ; yet it was never the lesse adjudged treason , and they condemned for it . he addes , no defying language was given to the king. no more did iudas give the king of kings when he cryed , hail master & kissed him . the prophet complaineth , of some that the words of their mouth●… were softer then butter , but warre was in their hearts . it was as true as tarta censure , which iohannes capocius a noble romane , gave of innocent the third , who did privately blow the coales betwixt otho and frederick , o holy father , your words are the words of god ( peaceable & pious ) bu●… your deeds are the deeds of the devill . he proceeds , no act of violence was used , though the king for diverse houres together did stand within musket shot , and did use t●…rms of defyance , and this makes the act meerely defensive o●… rather passive . passive ! how can that be ? notwithstanding the intrusion of sir iohn , the king is still the possessor , and the deteining is forcible in the eye of the law. this very plea argues a rotten and a trayterous heart : to kill an innocent and an anoynted king in the sight of the sun , requires an height of impiety , a longer preparation of partners , and instruments fleshed in blood and mischiefe . he that should have commanded such a shot , had need to have given his charge in ambiguous terms , as edvardum occidere nolite timere bonum est , or otherwise might have been thrown over the walls for his labour . if such a shot had fayled , it had been destructive to the actor and all his partakers : if it had taken it would have made them stinke in the 〈◊〉 of all good men ; but for my part i doe not beleeve there was any such intention . howsoever we have been told that in the place of the barons wars , we should expect the commons warres : yet generally the english nation delights not so much in democracy as the observer doth ; and a more gracions king they could not have , whose death would have dissolved many mens hopes . howsoever as king alphons●…s answered his phisitian , when he perswaded him not to handle the works of livy ( which were sent unto him by a great florentine ) for fear of poyson , the lifes and soules of kings are secure under the providence and protection of god : or as a traytour answered the king of the danes , that he wanted neither mind nor sufficient meanes to have effected his intentions , but the assistence and concurrence of god was alwayes wanting . which was verified in a conspiracy against king james , when the murderer smitten into an amazement by gods just judgement , could neither stirre hand nor foot . it follows , how should this administer to the king any grounds to levy guards at yorke ? &c. did the king without fear treat with sir iohn hotham as a traytour in the face of his artillery , and offer to enter hull with twenty horse unarmed , and continue such a harsh parley so many houres ; and yet when he was in yorke , in a county of so great assurance , could nothing but so many bands of horse and foot secure him from the same sir iohn hotham ? i wonder the observer doth not blush to be his majestyes remembrancer how much he descended from his royall state that day , in his attendence so many houres , and his courteous proffers . is it because he thinks good subjects take delight to hear of such an audacious affront put upon their soveraigne ? or of that base scandalous picture so much gazed at in forrein parts , of sir iohn hotham standing aloft armed cap a●…pe , incircled with gallants and great ordinance , like another achilles , impiger , iracundus , inexorabilis , acer ; whilest his sacred majesty was pictured below like a chancery petitioner with his hat in his hand , pittyfully complaining and suing to sir iohn for admission ? but the king called sir iohn traytour , and gave him harsh language . did he so ? you may remember what philip answered for the macedonians , when some of his own wicked instruments complained they called them traytours ; that his countrymen were plain dealing men to call things by their right names , and could not for their lifes think one thing and say another . if philip a prince benefited by those creatures , pleaded so for his subjects ; why might not king charles who was injuried , and a loser , have leave to speak for himselfe to his own subjects ? but if the king were so confident there , why did he raise forces at yorke , a place of more assurance ? first shew us your commission to take his majesties answer , or at least tell us why sir iohn began to raise forces first ? his majesty is authorized by god and the law to raise forces , and owes no account to the observer . and to his majestyes confidence then , and diffidence after , i can say nothing positively : if it were in another case , there might be sundry reasons given . perhaps the second cogitations are the sounder ; or men may hope for better measure then they find ; or the latter day is a scholler to the former ; or a man may desire to surprise him and cannot , whom he hath no desire to kill if he could ; or mischiefe growes not to maturity in an instant , but by degrees . but , the king might have prevented this repulse , by sending a messenger before hand , or by comming without such considerable forces in so unexpected a manner . how considerable his majestyes forces were , and what was his manner of comming to hull , him●…elfe hath published in a true satisfactory . declara●…ion long since : if it had been otherwise , how could ●…is majesty imagine or expect such a repulse against ●…ll laws , beyond all presidents . an impartiall man ●…ould rather thinke that sir iohn hotham should ●…ave taken it to heart , that his majesty should so ●…arre suspect his loyalty as to send such a message ●…efore him . this is certain , if there were an omis●…ion in point of discretion or good manners , it was ●…n sir iohn hothams part , who was privy to his own ●…esolutions : and though he h●…d forgotten his allegiance , yet in point of courtesy , he ought to have given his majesty a fair advertisement . it is very hard the observer should goe about to reduce his king to the condition of an ordinary passenger , that must send his harbinger before to try whether he may have enterteinment at his inne or nor . nondum finitus orestes , his circumstances are not yet done ; he addes , the things remaining at hull in the kings trust for the use of the kingdom were arms , & by consequence of more danger then other kind of chattells . if i intrust my cloake to anothers custody , i may not take it again by force , but if it be my sword , and there is strong presumption that it may be drawn upon me , i may use any meanes to secure it . i wish all the observers faction had been of his opinion in one point ; his majesty and many of his good subjects have been plundered deepely , and have had both their cloaks and their coates &c. taken away by force , wherein they challenged a right of interest , which is more then trust . still the observer builds upon his former extravigants : his majesty is not rex ad placitum one that hath meerely the custody of regall power , as the lord keeper hath of the great seale , or as the observer may give his cloake to his neighbour to hold : but he is the very owner and possessor of soveraignty to him and to his heires ; and this not by the antecedent trust , nor by the guift of the people , but by the goodnesse of god. it would be known what presumptions the observer had that the sword should be drawn upon him ; except he that hath given his superiour a boxe on the eare may lawfully disarm him when he hath done , for fear least being provoked he should strike again . the observer intimates no lesse , whether is more probable at this time , that the king is incensed against the parliament or the parliament against the king ? that very argument which he useth here is sufficient to convince himselfe . what is the thing deteined ? the magazine . to whom doth the right of armour belong ? to the king alone and not to the parliament ; witnesse a parliament it selfe 7. edvardi primi : much lesse to the observer or sir iohn hoth●…m . uzza was smitten dead for presuming but to take hold of the arke of god : god will rather have the arke of the church or commonwealth to shake and totter under his own immediate protection , then to have such men presume to lay hold on it , who have no calling from him . there is onely one saving circumstance left behind , heare it , the kings interest in hull is not such an in terest as in other movables , neither is the kings inte●…est taken away , the same things are reserved for him in better hands : and if it were the same , yet the state hath an interest paramount in cases of publicke extremity . the state hath an interest paramount ; what state ? have we any state in england without the king ? the observer is still in his old dreames . well , what is the interest of this imaginary state ? an imaginary interest . an interest paramount in cases of extremity . what a mixture of pleas is here ? extremity is the plea of private persons . in case of extremity where a man can not have recourse to the magistrate , every man becomes a magistate to himselfe : an interest paramount is the right of superiour lords . but first , here was no such extremity , if there had , still his plea is starke naught : necessity doth arme a private man against a thiefe , but not authorize a private man to disarme a lawfull magistrate . his other plea of an interest paramount is well worse ; if the people ( to comply with his own sense , ) have an interest paramount in whatsoever the king holds either jure coronae , or jure personae , then they are the soveraigne , and he but a subject . but it was reserved for him in better hands . reserved for the king ? how doe you meane ? as tophet is said to be prepared for the king ; that is to shoot at the king at edgehill or elswhere : otherwise i do not see how it was reserved for the king. this plea or the like , might serve a highway robber or any oppressor , to say it is taken into more needfull hands , or into their hands that knew better how to use it ; or that it was but borrowed , and should be repayed ( at the greek calends . ) none so fit to judge in what hands a thing should be kept as the true owner of it . but the kings right is not the same in hull that it is in other moveables . true he hath not the same right of property or possession to sell it , or give it , but he hath a right of dominion , and soveraignty , & protection , which is altogether inconsistent with his exclusion or shutting out of hull . if he be held out of it by force , he is a king de jure , but not de facto , even as he is king of france , or at least of normandy aquitaine &c. or as the king of the romans is king of rome . the king hath another interest in hull beside that of dominion : other townes are indebted to the king for their protection , but this town for its very foundation . the crown purchased it when it was capable of nothing but heards of cattell and flocks of sheepe , the crown builded it , the crown indowed it with privileges & possessions , made it a distinct county and able to support such a dignity , the crown fortified it and made it so strong as it is : and was all this done with an intent to be thrust out of it ? o that edward the third who builded it , or henry the eight who fortified it with blockhouses , were but in it for a day or two , with a regiment of their old cavaleers to try who should be king of hull and humber . the proper name of it is not hull , but kingston upon hull . the observer doth well to decline the right name , for according to his notions , it may be called kingston per antiphrasin , because it is none of the kings town . if the circumstances will not justify the action , the observer flyes to the common sanctuary of transgressours ; a good intention : so he goes on , the next thing considerable is the parliaments intention . if the parliament have hereupon turned any of the townes men out of their estates , or claimed any interest in it themselves , or have 〈◊〉 the king , utterly denying his right for the future , or have made any other use of their possession , but meerly to prevent civill war , and to disfurnish the kings souldiers of arms and ammunition , let the state be branded with treason : but if none of these things be by any credit , though their enemies should be iudges , the essentiall property of treason must needs here be absent in this act. there needs no enemies to be made judges ; if it were before a court of areopagites , this plea would be laughed at or hissed out of court. how shall we judge of mens intentions best , by their words or by their actions ? who ever proclaimed in the streets that he had rotten wares to sell ? who ever confessed that his meaning was naught ? mens intentions may be pleaded at the barre of conscience before god for mitigation , not at the barre of justice before man for justification . nei●…s it likely that sir iohn and his partners had all the same intentions ; their actions speak their intentions sufficiently . and admitting their intentions were good , yet that cannot justifie an unlawfull action ; they shall put you out of the synagogues , yea , whosoever killeth you , will think he doth god service : those persecuters had good intentions , but their actions were starke naught . you sa●… , they claimed no interest , yet your selfe claime an interest paramount for them . you say they disseised not the king , because they denyed not his right for the future ; as if there might no●… be a disseisure without such a deniall . you say they made no other use of the possession : the inhabitants say , they m●…de o●…her use of their houses and dwelt in them ; they made other use of their victuals and payd not for them : the merchants say , they made other uses of their wines , spices , and wares , and sold them , and tooke money for them : the countrymen say they made other use of themselves , and their servants , and their goods , and disposed them as freely as if they had been their own : the whole country complains , that hull hath been used as a nest and refuge for seditious persons , a seminary of warre , to the great dammage of the subject thereabouts , besides all the blood that hath been spilt upon that occasion ; whom shall a man trust , the townesmen , or the observer ? but you say , they turned none of the townesmen out of their estates ; perhaps not so soon as you writ ; either there are lyars , or some mens eyes were more upon yorkminster and cawood-castle , then upon hull or any houses in hull : but since , that faction hath turned out whomsoever they either disliked or suspected , and have seised mens estates at their pleasure , and sent out their emissary legions roming and plundring about the country , as if sathan were sent out from the face of the lord , to scourge the world ; trojan or tyrian , papist or protestant , all was fish that came to their netts . and if there can be no forgivenesse of sinne without restitution , some of them have a great account to make either in this world , or in the world to come . he tells us , this was the onely means to prevent civill warre , and to disfurnish the kings seducers of arms and ammunition : but the truth is , this hath been the onely source and fountain from whence all our civill warres have sprung . whether the king or kingdome have been seduced , and by whom , the god of heaven will discover ? i would every englishman had it ingraven in his forehead , how he stands affected to the commonwealth . we beetles did see no signes of civill warre , but all of peace and tranquillity : but the observer and his confederates being privy to their own plots , to introduce by the sword a new form of government both into state and church , might easily foresee , that they should stand in need of all the strength , both in hull and hell and hallifax to second them : whereof yet all true englishmen do acquit the parliament in their hearts desires ; though the observer be still at his old ward , shuffling sir iohn hotham out , and the parliament in , so changing the state of the question . but what weight that consideration hath , follows in his next and last allegation . sir john hotham is to be looked on as the actor , the parliament as the author , in holding hull . and therefore it is much wondred at , that the king seems more violent against the actor , then the author , but through the actor , the author must needs be pierced , &c. and if the parliament be not virtually the whole kingdome it selfe , if it be not the supreme iudicature as well in matters of state , is matters of law : if it be not the great councell of the kingdome as well as of the king , to whom it belongeth by the consent of all nations to provide in extraordinary cases , ne quid detrimenti capiat respublica ; let the brand of treason stick upon it : nay if the parliament would have used this forcible means , unlesse petitioning would not have prevailed , or if the grounds of their iealousie were meerly vain , or if the iealousie of a whole kingdome can be counted vain ; let the reward of treason be their guierdon . hitherto the observer like the wily fox , hath used all his sleights to frustrate the pursuit of the hounds : but seeing all his fetches prove in vain , he now begins to act the catte , and flyes to his one great helpe , to leape up into a tree , that is , the authority of parliament , ut lapsu graviore ruat , that he may catch a greater fall . by the way the observer forgets how the king is pierced through the sides of malignant counsellers . three things are principally here consider●…ble . first whether sir iohn hotham had any such command or commission from the parliament . secondly , if he had , whether he ought to have produced it ? thirdly , supposing he both had it , and produced it , whether it be valid against his majesty , or whether an illegall command do justifie a rebellious act. to the first of these . i take it for granted , that a commission , or an ordinance for sir iohn to be a meer governour of hull , doth not extend to the exclusion of his majesty ou●… of hull , nor warrant sir john to shut the gares against his soveraign ; if it did , every governour might do the same , and subordinate command might trample upon supreme . neither can a posteriour approbation warrant a precedent excesse ; for this is not to authorise , but to pardon , the sole power whereof is acknowledged to be in his majesty , without any sharers . to the first question therefore , the answer is , sir john hotham had no such warrant or commission from the parliament : he himselfe confessed , that he had no positive or particular order . how should he know of his majesties comming by instinct , or a propheticall spirit ? a negative can not , ought not to be proved ; the proofe rests whollyon sir johns side , and can be no other then by producing the ordinance it selfe , or his instrument whereby he can receive the sense of the house from westminster to hull in an instant : if he have not a precedent ordinance to shew , it is in vain to pretend the authority of parliament . to the second question . admitting , but not granting , that he had such an ordinance , whether could it be availeable to him , being not produced , when it was called for and demanded so often by his majesty ? de non apparentibus , & non existentibus eadem est ratio , whether there was no such ordinance , or no such ordinance did appeare , is all one both in law and reason ; he that can reade and will not make use of his clergy suffers justly : he that hath a warrant and will not produce it , may cry , nemo laeditur nisi a seipso , no man is hurt but by himselfe . a known officer so long as he keeps himselfe within the sphere of his own activity , is a warrant of himselfe : but he that it imployed extraordinarily , or transcends the bounds of common power , must produce his authority , or take what falls . sir john hath not yet gained so much credit , that his ipse dixit , his word should be a sufficient proofe , or his testimony in his own case taken for an oracle . thirdly , admitting that sir john had such an ordinance , and likewise that he did produce it , ( for if we admit neither , he can prove neither , ) yet the question is how valid this ordinance may be as to this act . i doubt not at all of the power of parliament , that is , a compleat parliament , where the king and both houses doe concurre : but an ordinance without the king , against the king , alters the case ; this may have the authority of both houses perhaps , but not of a complete parliament . secondly the power of both houses is great , especially of the lords as they are the kings great councell , and in that relation are the supreme judicature of the kingdome : but before the observer said it , i never thought the commons did challenge any share of this judicature , except over their own members , or preparatory to the lords : or that they had power to administer an oath , which the apostle saith is the end of all strife ; who ever knew any judicature without power to give an oath ? this makes the observers new devise , of the people meeting in their underived majesty to doe justice , a transparent fiction . it is not the commons , but the lords or the kings councell that challenge supreme judicature . but take both houses with that latitude of power , which they have either joyntly or severally , yet his majesty saith they have no power over the militia of the kingdome , or over his forts or magazines : he avoucheth for it the common law , statute law , presidents , prescriptions ; we have not yet heard them answered , nor so much as one instance , since the beginning of this monarchy given for a president of such an ordinance , or of any new ordinance binding to the kingdom , without his majestyes concurrence , in person or by commission . if the observer have any law , or president , or case , he may do well to produce it : if he have none , he may sit down & hold his peace ; his remote inconsequent consequences drawn from the law of nature are neither true nor pertinent . yet i never heard that sir iohn did allege any authority from the house of the lords ; but from the house of commons onely . this brings the parliament still into a straiter roome ; as if it were totum homogeneum , every part to bear the same name with the whole : so he may give the authority of parliament to a particular committee , or perhaps to a particular member . he saith it is virtually the kingdome . not so , it is virtually the commons of the kingdom : not to all intents neither , but to some purposes . he addes , that it is the great councell of the kingdom , to which it belongs to provide that the commonwealth receive no prejudice . it is a part of the great councell , and should provide for its safety , as the grand inquest doth for the whole county ; by finding out the dangers and grievances , and proposing remedyes : but to prattle of a majesty or plenitude of soveraigne power , derived now at this time of the day from the people , is to draw water out of a pumice , or to be mad with reason . i have now answered all that the observer hath brought throughout his booke , either concerning hull or sir john hotham . now will he heare with patience what hull men say ? they say that sir john hath been a prime occasion of these distempers , as the most severe and zealous collector of ship-mony that ever was , in his she●…ivealty , a president to the rest of the kingdome , not onely an executor of the commands of others , but also a plotter and contriver of this businesse : that he hath had , not 〈◊〉 moneths mind , but sixteen yeares mind to the government of hull , ( ever since the wars with spain ) upon all occasions , and as an introduction to his designes hath gotten the traine bands of hull added to his regiment : that his friends have been the raisers and fomenters of these feares and jealousies , of the surprising of hull , sometimes by the lord of dunbarres men that were trained under ground , ( surely they were not men , but serpents teeth that should be turned into armed men , ) sometimes by mr. terret a lincolnshire gentleman and his troopes of horse ; a fine devise indeed to have surprised hull on a suddain , with horse , and with horse from lincolnshire , who knows how they should have got over humber , unlesse they were winged ? they say that before ever the k●…ngdome took any notice of a breach between the king and the parliament , master hotham openly divided them at hull , they that are for the king stand there , and they that are for the parliament stand here ; did he know nothing then ? judge you . they tell who it was that threw away his majestyes letter in scorn , and told the major of hull it was worth nothing : who it was that commanded the burgesses upon pain of death to keep in their houses , and not to appeare when his majesty repaired to hull : who it was that caused the bonefires to be put out upon the day of his majestyes inauguration upon pretended fear of the magazine ; whereas at the same time his souldiers had a great fire under the very walls of it : who it was that desired of the townes men of hull a certificate to the parliament , that his majesty came against hull in an host●…le manner , with greater numbers then he had ; which was refused by the greater and sounder part , as good reason they had , both because it was untrue , and also because during all the same time they were confined to their houses upon pain of death : who it was that administred an oath or protestation to the townes men of hull , so directly opposite both to their oath of allegiance , and to the oath which they take when they are admitted burgesses or freemen of that corporation . they say mr. hothams mot●…o of his cornet is , for the publick liberty but that it was not for the publick liberty either for him to promise the townes men that none should be troubled with billeting souldiers against their wills , and so soon as he was gotten into hull to fill their houses with billiters , and tell them it was policy of state to promise fair till they were in possession ; or for his father to hold a pistoll to the brest of the kings lieutenant , to beate and imprison their persons , to banish them from their habitations , to drown their corne and meddow , to burn their houses , to robbe them of their goods , and allow the owner but ten pounds out of a thousand , for the maintenance of himselfe , his wife , and children ; to suffer his officers to charge an honest woman with fellony , for comming into her own house , because her husband was a delinquent , and sir iohn had disposed his goods . if you desire to know where was the first forcing of billets ? it was at hull : where was the first plundering of goods ? at hull : the first drowning of grounds ? at a hull : where was the first burning of houses ? at b myton neare hull : where was the first shedding of blood ? at c anlaby near hull ; and to aggravate the matter in a time of treaty and expectation of peace . they say the first men banished from their habitations , were mr. thornton , mr. cartwright , mr. perkins , mr. faireburne , mr. kerny , mr. topham , m●… . watson , mr. dobson of hull . they say the first impositionof four pound a tunne upon some kind of commodityes was at hull : and wish that the father had been translated into lincolnshire with the sonne , that yorkeshire might have sung , laetentur caeli &c. you have seen what they say , whereof i am bu●… the relater , if it seem too sharp●… , blame the pellica●… and not me . now i must crave a word with the towne . besides the oath of allegiance which every good subject hath taken or ought to take , every burgesse of that town takes another oath at his admission , to keep that towne and the blockhouses to the use of the king and his heires , ( not of the king and parliament . ) i cannot now procure the copy to a word : but i shall set down the like oath for yorke ; and of the two , the oath of hull is stricter . i desire the londoners and all the strong townes in the kingdom , who i conceive have taken the same form of oath , to take it into serious consideration for their soules health . this heare ye my lord major , mr. chamberlen●… , and good men that i from hence forth shall be trusty and true to our soveraigne lord the king and to this citty . and this same citty i shall save and maintein to our said soveraigne lord the king his heires and successors &c. so helpe me god. the oath beginnes as solemnely as that of the romane faeciall , heare o iupiter , and thou iu●… , quirinus thou &c. and being affirmative , though it bind not a townes-man ad semper , to be alwayes upon the walls in arms ; yet it binds him semper , to be ready upon all necessityes , it binds him never to doe any thing that may be contrary to his oath . and was not that protestation contrary , which was by sir iohn hotham imposed upon the inhabitants of hull and by them taken ? forasmuch as the king being seduced by wicked and evill counsell , intends to make warre against this towne of hull , who have done nothing but by order of parliament : we therefore whose names are here under written , doe protest before almighty god and all good christians , to be ready with all cheerfullnesse and willingnesse to our powers with our lifes and estates , to defend the same against all opposition whatsoever . observe first what gudgeons he makes them swallow . how doe they know that the king is seduced ? sir iohn tells them so : or that his majesty intended to make warre against hull , unlesse because their consciences told them they had given him just grounds to doe so ? it was sir john hotham , not the town of hull , which was accused by his majesty . observe how he makes his act , the act of the whole town , who have done nothing : and yet they poore men were mued up in their houses whilest it was a doing . lastly how they affirme that he hath done nothing but by order of parliament : yet it is certain many who were require to protest , and were banished for not pro●…esting , i believe not one of them all did ever yet see this order : ( how could they see that which never was ? ) for these men to know that he had an order , to know that he did not exceed his order , is miraculous . upon these feined grounds they build their solemne protestation ; what to doe ? to defend hull against all opposition whatsoever , his majesty is not excepted : and the first words , for as much as th●… king being seduced &c. shews that his majesty is principally intended . to save and defend the town to our soveraigne lord the king and his heires ; so saith the oath : to defend it against all opposition whatsoever , yea of the king seduced ; so saith the protestation . now if these two be not repugnant directly one to another , if every man that hath taken this protestation , be not directly perjured ; reddat mihi minam diogenes , let him that taught me logique give my mony again . what is this but to intangle and ingage god in rebellion , and to put his broad seale to letters counterfeited by themselves ? they suffered much who were banished for not protesting : but they more who stayed at home with such hazard of their soules . some men may be so silly as to aske whether of these two ingagements , the oath or the protestation ought to be kept ? the case is clear the former obligation doth alwayes prejudge the latter : the latter will is best , but the first oath : the protestation is plaine perjury , and to persevere in it , is to double the sinne : dura promissio , aecerbior solutio , to make the protestation was ill , to keep it is worse ; david protested as much against naball , yet upon better consideration , ensem in vagina●… revocavit , he retracted it . secondly , an oath made by one that is not sui juris , who hath not power over him selfe , in that which he sweares , is voide even when it is made : as for a child or a wife to sweare against their filiall or conjugall duty , or for a subject to swea●… against his allegiance , ( and such an one was that protestation , ) this is sufficient to make it voide . to which much more might be added , as that the former oaths were grounded both upon a naturall and a civill obligation , were freely assumed , but this protestation was meerely forced : the former were taken before a lawfull magistrate , the latter before an intruder , who had no power to administer such a protestation . but i have dwelt long enough on this point : i wish our great citties who have taken the like oath may lay it to heart . in the close of this point , the observer tells us , that if faux had fallen by a private mans sword in the very instant when he would have given fire to his train , that act had not been punishable . what then ? will he compare the soveraigne magistrate to a powder traytour ; or his undermining the parliament house with the kings repairing to his own town ; or his blowing up his majesty and the peeres , with the kings requiring his own goods . this is false and painted fire , the traine was laide the other way , quicquid ostendat mihi sic , incredulus odi . the next considerable observation is concerning ireland : a tragicall subject which may justly challenge our teares and prayers . the observer falls upon this in the 17. 29. and 36. pages of this treatise , and likewise in his observator defended , and other discourses lately published , either without a name or under another name . the condition of ireland is so much the more to be deplored , by how much the lesse it could then be expected : when religion began to shew its beames over the face of that kingdom , yea without any pressure to the conscience of any man , except such as were introducers of innovations into the publike service of the church ; when the law had obteined a free current throughout the whole island ; when the scale of equity gave the same weight to gold and lead , and the equall administration of justice to rich and poore , did secure the inferiour subjects from oppression ; when there was a dayly growth of all arts and trades and civility ; when that which was formerly so great a burthen to this crown in the ordinary accounts every year , was now become able not onely to defray its own charge , but also make a large supply to his majestyes revenue ; when all the orders of that kingdom had so lately given an unanimous expression of their zeal and devotion to his majestyes service : that on a suddain the sky should be so totally overcast , with a pitchy cloud of rebellion , that all our fairest hopes should be so unexpectedly nipped in the bud ; deserves a little inquisition into the true reason of it . some who have long since learned , that a dead man cannot bite , are bold to cast it on the earle of straffords score ; how justly let these two considerations witnesse . first that the prime actors in this warre , were as great opposers and prosecutors of the earle : members of the same faction may feine quarrells among themselves in publike , only to gain upon a credulous party , and to inable themselves to doe more mischief , but this never proceeds so far as blood . secondly , looke who they are in ireland whose heroicall actions , in such a scarcity of necessary supplyes , have mainteined the english and the protestant cause , and you shall find very many of them the intimate friends of the earl of strafford , and principall commanders in the irish army called the popish army , which was said to be intended against england : if you inquire further into the long robe for counsell , you will find the same observation made good . then let the earles ashes rest in peace for this . others bred out of the excrements of those giants who made warre against heaven , cast this upon his sacred majesty . ( to use the observers words ) an absurd , unreasonable , incredible supposition , that he who may boast more truely then pericles could upon his deathbed , that never one athenian did wear black for his sake : now , as if all his former goodnesse were but personated , or neroes soule had transmigrated into his body , should delight in the blood and slaughter of his subjects . to what end ? to exhaust his treasure , lose his revenues , weaken his friends , & deprive himselfe of the certain assistence of his subjects , at a time when he conceives it to be so usefull for his affaires . they had need be strong proofes indeed , that can incline the judgement of any rationall man , to such a senselesse paradox . let us view them . first , the rebells said so , they pleaded the kings authority , they called themselves the queenes army . is not this a doughty argument ? by the same reason we may accuse christ , as the patron of all schismaticall conventicles , because they say , here is christ , and there is christ , some out of a credulous simplicity , others out of a deep subtlety : or ascribe the primitive haeresies to the apostles , because the false teachers did use their names , to make their haeresies more current : so sir iohn hotham and serjeant major skippon , doe pretend the authority of king and parliament ; the king disclaimes both the one and the other : many who are now in arms against the king , do verily beleeve they fight for the king , against some bad counsellers , whom they cannot name . the same rebells sometimes pleaded an ordinance of parliament . nothing is more usuall with pirates then to hang out a counterfeit flagge . a second reason is , sundry commanders of note were passed over into ireland , by his majestyes warrant , who were seen presently after in the head of the rebells . his majesty hath long since answered this , and demanded reparation of such a groundlesse calumny . i onely adde two things . the one how ignorant our intelligencers are of the state of ireland , to fein such a devise of a brother of sir george hamletons : yet sir george hath no brother there but sir fredericke , who was then and long after in manour hamleton , as opposite to the irish rebells as the observer himselfe . the other is , if this were true , yet it were but a poor collection ; there are many who have had not onely warrants under the kings hand , but letters patents under his broad seale , who owe their very subsistence to his majestyes bounty ; yet have made a shift to creepe from his bosome , out at his sleeve . if such a thing had been , ( as it is an impudent fiction ; ) yet these are neither the first nor the last , that have betrayed the trust of a gracious king. the third and last reason is , because his majesty was not so active to represse this insurrection , nor so ready to proclaime them traytours : so the observer , he that will not accuse the king of zeal against the irish rebells , yet he may truely say , there is not the same zeal expressed that was against the scots &c. the proffered supplyes of the english and scottish nation are retarded , opportunityes neglected , nice exceptions framed . this plea is pertinent to make the king , though not the contriver , yet the conserver of that rebellion : but is as false as the father of lyes , from whom it proceeds hear his majesty himselfe , the irish rebells practise such unhumane and unheard of outrages upon our miserable people , that no christian care can hear without horrour , nor story paralell . and as we looke upon this , as the greatest affliction it hath pleased god to lay upon us , so our unhappinesse is increased in that by the distempers at home , so early remedyes have not beene applyed to those growing evills , as the necessity there requires . and we acknowledge it a high crime against almighty god , and inexcusable to our good subjects , if we did not to the utmost imploy all our powers and faculties , to the speediest and most effectuall assistence and protection of that distressed people . he conjures all his loving subjects to joyne with him in that worke , he offers to hazard his sacred person in that warre , to ing●…ge the revenues of his crowne ; what can the observer desire more ? perhaps he may say these offers came late and unseasonably . then let us looke backward to his majestyes proclamation of the first of ianuary 1641 , soon after his return from scotland , in a time of so great distractions here at home , when that remonstrance which ushered in all our feares and troubles , was ready to be published . let them shew , that any course was presented to his majesty before this , either by his great councell to whom he had committed the care of it , or by his lords justices and councell of ireland , who were upon the place ? we abhorring the wicked disloyalty and horrible acts committed by those persons , do hereby not onely declare our just indignation thereof , but also do declare them and their adherents and abetters , and all those who shall hereafter joyne with them , or commit the like acts on any of our good subjects in that kingdome , to be rebells and traytours against our royall person , and enemyes to our royall crown of england and ireland , &c. commanding them to lay down arms without delay , or otherwise authorizing and requiring his lord iustices there , and the generall of his majesties army , to prosecute them as traytours and rebells with fire and sword . but if we look further still ; when the first tydings of this cursed rebellion came to his majesty in scotland , he did not sleep upon it , but presently acquainted both his parliaments with it , required their assistence , recommended it to their care , promised to joyn in any course that should be thought fit . neither did his majestyes care rest there , but at the same time he named six or seven ●…olonels in the north of ireland , to raise forces instantly to suppresse that insurrection , which was done accordingly : and they say , if some had been as active then , as they were made powerfull by the confluence of that part of the kingdome , in all probability that cockatrice egge had been broken sooner then hatched ; before that ever any of the old english , and many of the meer natives had declared themselves . in pursuance of these premises , when the act for undertakers was tendered to his majesty , he condiscended freely to give away all his escheats to this worke ( an act not to be paralelled among all his predecessors : ) yea though some clauses in that statute , ( especially for the limitation of his majestyes grace , ) might seem to require a further discussion . the wants of ireland and the present condition of england doe speak abundantly , whether those great summes of mony , or those great forces raised for that end , have been imployed to the use for which they were solely designed : yet rabshekeh will not want a pretext to raile a●… good hezekiah , though spider like , he suck poison out of the sweetest flowers . surely there must be some fire whence all this smoake hath risen . perhaps they conceive that his majesty was not willing without good advise , upon the first motion to put all his strong forts in the north of ireland , into the hands of the scotch army ; can you blame him , considering the present state of affaires there ? i dare referre it to any mans judgement that is not wholy prepossessed with prejudice , whether it was expedient at that time , or conducible to the speedy settlement of ireland , for them to make that demand● to divide a little army , sixty miles one part from another , as farre as betwixt london derry , and carigfergus or the newry , where impassable rivers and mountaines , and an uncertain passage by sea would not permit one part to assist another ; was a ready way either to a long warre , or certain overthrow , and not to bring it to a quick conclusion . neither did these places stand in need of any addition of forces to secure themselves , whose service and victories against the rebells , may compare with any forces in the north of ireland : all their desire was that this army would but shew themselves the masters in the field , to carry the warre home to the rebells own doores . or if they had desired more garrisons , dungannon or charlemount in the heart of tyrone , had been much more convenient to distresse the enemy , then to have all their forces lye scattered up and down the sea coast . but these things were accorded quickly , and weeke after weeke , and moneth after moneth passed before any forces moved out of scotland for the reliefe of ireland . or perhaps his majesty was not willing in a preamble of a bill to presse souldiers for ireland , to divest himselfe altogether of the power of the militia here in england : we cannot be contented of late to gather the fruit , unlesse we may break the bough that did beare it , or to quench our present thirst , unlesse we may alter the property of the fountain . howsoever to exstinguish all questions , his majesty did freely offer to raise with speed 10000 english volunteers for that service ; or to passe a bill without any mention of the right , which might do the work without prejudice to any person . what is it then which may in probability be thought the ground of this rebellion ? it requires not so long a search as the head of nilus ; for though i deny not , but that the hen might be sitting , and some irish have been long plotting such a thing in forreine parts ; yet they sate so farre from their nests , that they could never have hatched it , without some extraordinary helps . some say that by weak management , soveraigne authority was grown contemptible ; or that desperate estates or crying debts , did ingage the ringleaders both in ireland and elswhere , into such courses ; or that personall quarrells and revenge might challenge a share . some say that there was a generall desire to shake off the english government : but omitting these and the like , there are two grounds visible enough . the one is the example of the late covenant of their neighbour nation : as the loadstone drawes iron to it ; so examples especially if they be successefull , have an attractive virtue and influence . i doubt not but the one went upon much safer grounds then the other in point of policy , neither doe i desire to argue the lawfulnesse in point of justice , being a meer stranger to their nationall laws . this is certain , there was a vast difference in the manner of prosecution , the one being more bloody then the other : which whether it be to be ascribed to their severall principles , or to some particular and accidentall reasons i leave every man to his own judgement . this is all i say , that if the one had not piped , in probability the other had not dan●… a second reason was a generall apprehension 〈◊〉 jealousie and feares at that time , that the liberty both civill and religious , of the subject and o●… conscience , and the exercise of their religion should be qui●…e taken away from them ; occasioned by some indiscreet threatnings , and some high-flying petitions , and nourished and augmented by turbulent and seditious persons , who perswaded the common people that there was no security , to be expected , either for life or for religion , soule or body , without such a generall insurrection . thus men plunge themselves into reall dangers , out of fancyed and imaginary jealousies and feares . the next thing in the observer concerning ireland , is the disparity between the proceedings of the true rebells in ireland , and the misnamed rebells here in england . their actions are all blood , rapine , torture ; all ages , sexes , conditions , have tasted of their infernall cruelty ; their intentions were to extirpate religion , &c. to massacre the english nation ; their chief leaders , are iesuits and meere bandetto●…s , &c. farre be it from me to justify , or so much as qualify those barbarous acts , which have been committed in ireland . cruelty is an argument of a coward , not of an heroicall nature . but it ill becomes the observer to inveigh against the iesuits , untill he have first taken the beame our of his own eye . he that shall compare dolman or parsons the iesuit with this observer , either for dangerous positions or virulent detractions , may say aut philo platonizat , 〈◊〉 plato philonizat , good wits jumpe . the observer doth but suppe up what parsons and some others had disgorged before , that he might vomit it up again . when once the bankes are broken , it is hard for him that was the cause of the inundation to prescribe limits to it . had the observer and his partners been as much the major part of england as the papists were of ireland , wee should have seen what men they were . in the mean time the observer hath given a caution , that whilest christians remaine in a primitive condition , that is , are the weaker part and want strength , it is discretion ( not duty ) to conceale themselves . the irish rebellion is against the authority of the king , not against his person , this both against his person and authority : the irish seek a liberty of conscience to themselves , these not onely a liberty , but to impose a necessity upon all others : the irish desire a capacity of preferment , yet at his majesties discretion to cull out whom he pleaseth ; these men will be their own carvers and not leave the king such a latitude : the irish fight against men of another religion , of another nation ; we like wild beasts fight protestant against protestant , englishman against englishman , brother against brother , parent against child : they fight for to recover what they had lost ; we fight to lose what we have : they know what they fight for ; the greatest part of us fight for we know not what : like the two paduan brethren the one supposing he had as many oxen as there were starres , and the other supposing that he had a pasture as large as the heavens ; the mortall quarrell between them was , whether the ones conceited oxen might feed in the others supposed ground . but believe it , they that cannot make rationall men understand , why they put them by the eares together , have secret reasons to themselves , that they dare not manifest to others . the last passage concerning ireland , is an answer to his majestyes objection , that if the major part of both houses in ireland , should vote a danger to their religion , or that kingdome , and thereupon by ordinance settle the militia , in the hands of such persons as they may confide in , of the romane communion ; they had the same grounds and pretences that our men have . the observer answers , that this is improperly urged , for england and ireland are the same dominion . that there is as true and intimate an union betwixt them , as between england and wales . and though they doe not meet in one parliament , yet their parliaments to some purposes , are not to be held severall : and therefore if the papists in ireland were stronger and had more votes , yet they would want . authority to overrule any thing voted and established here in england . the reason why the minor part in all suffrages subscribes to the major , is that blood may not be shed , 〈◊〉 in probability the major part will prevaile , 〈◊〉 strife and bloodshed would be endlesse , wherefore the major part in ireland ought to sit down and acquiesce , because ireland is not a severall monarchy from england . nor is that a major part of ireland and england too , for if it were , it would give law to us , as we now give law there , and their statutes would be of as much virtue here as ours are there , &c. such doctrin as this , hath helped to bring poore ireland , to that miserable condition wherein now it is . will you heare with patience , what the irish themselves say of this ? if any ordinance may be imposed upon us , without an approbative , or so much as a receptive power in our selves , where is our liberty then ? our government is meerely arbitrary , our condition is slavish . we had magna charta granted to us as well as england , and since that time , all other liberties and privileges of the english subject : shall that which is ours be taken from us without our own act , or our owne fault ; and we never heard either in our persons or by our proctors ? we desire the observer to remember what he said before , that which concerns all , ought to be approved by all ; we have no burgesses nor representatives there : and that it is unnaturall for any nation to contribute its own inherent puissance , meerely to support slavery . let the definition be according to the major part of the votes ; but shall the minor part be denyed a liberty to discusse or vote at all ? as we deny not but the kingdome of ireland is united and incorporated to the crown of england : so we understand not , by what right any power derived from the english subject , can extend it selfe over us . that power which they have over us is relative , as they are the kings councell , wherein he confides : or by virtue of his delegation to his judges representing his own person . thus they . for further answer . first , this is a meere trifling and declining of the force of his majestyes argument , which lyes not in this , whether ireland be 〈◊〉 distinct kingdome : but supposing it to be a distinct kingdome , ( as without doubt it either is or might be , ) whether that in such a case as is propounded by his majesty , it were lawfull for them to assume such a power contrary to the law of god and of nations ; or if ireland were as much bigger then england as france is , ( it is no strange thing for a greater kingdome to be conquered by a lesser , ) whether in such a case they might give law to us , or their statutes be of as great virtue here , as ours are there , meerely because it is so voted , by the major part of the representative body . an absurd incredible assertion . secondly , there is not the like reason of ireland and wales . wales is incircled with the same sea , a part of the same island , and originally in the dayes of the brittaines , a branch of the same kingdome . wales was incorporated to the realme of england by act of parliament 27. henrici 8. cap. 26 : so was not ireland . wales have their peers and burgesses sitting in the english parliament : so hath not ireland . wales hath no distinct parliaments of its own : but ireland hath . thirdly , as the irish readily grant , that their common law is the same with ours : so they will not easily believe , that the english statutes are all of force in ireland . what all ? even to an act of subsidies ? who ever heard that . it is true , there hath been a question moved among some lawyers , and those perhaps who were not the most concerned or versed in it , of the english statutes , what statutes and in what cases , and how farre they are binding to the irish subject ? but i have not heard their opinion was so high as the observers , or that ever the bell was rung out yet . if all english statutes be of force in ireland , what need was there for henry the seventh to make an expresse statute in ireland , to authorize and introduce all the english statutes before his time to be of force in that kingdome ? this act had been supervacaneous and superfluous . and since that time we see many statutes of force in england , that are of no force at all in ireland : and many both before and since that time of force in ireland , that have no power in england . lastly , this observer might be well one of father garnets disciples ; when he was asked about the powder-treason , whether it was lawfull to take away some innocents with many nocents ? he answered yes ; so it was compensated by a greater benefit or profit , which may perhaps be true sometimes ( as in time of warre ) accidentally , in publique and necessary , but not in private and voluntary agents . so the observer makes profit and strength , to be the onely rule and measure , of all actions of state : justice and piety are banished by an ostracisme out of his eutopia . this is to inslave reason , and crown bodily strength ; to silence law and justice , and to deifie force and power . the observer is every where girding at the clergy ; it is well that his new superstition reversed , will allow them that name . have they not great cause to thank him , as the poor persians did their king , when they were condemned , that he was pleased to remember them ? sometimes he scoffes at the tribe ; there were seditious schismaticks of all tribes . sometimes he derides their pulpetting , ( it may be he likes a chaire better ) because they teach a divine prerogative , which none understand but these ghostly counsellers who alwaies expresse sufficient enmity and antipathy , 〈◊〉 publique acts and pacts of men. he that accuseth another , should first examine himselfe . i doe not beleeve that ever there was any divine in the world , that made kings such unlimited creatures , as this observer doth the people . i have read some discourses of this subject , but i did never see any one so pernitious to a setled society of men , or so destructive to all humane compacts , as this seditious bundle of observations ; which makes the law of salus populi , to be a dispensation from heaven , for the breach of all oathes of allegiance , and all other obligations whatsoever ; which measures justice by the major part , and makes strength and power the rule of what is lawfull ; which gives the people the last judgement of necessity , and upon this judgement a power to rise in arms. if any divine have unwittingly slipped into any such errours , in not distinguishing between an absolute and respective soveraignty , ( which i can hardly beleeve , ) yet the observer might have held his peace for shame ; the one is so intent upon the law of god , the other upon the law of nature , that they both forget the known laws of the land. especially he shews his spleen against bishop , sometimes calling them popish bishops . if popery were as ancient as episcopacy , the observer might shake his eares at it to small purpose . sometimes he stiles them the praelaticall faction . if that be a faction which is established by the fundamentall law of the land , and hath ever been a radicated order of the kingdom , what may a man think , of hi●… rev●…rend co●…hmen and bu●…ton makers , and the rest of that diversified schismaticall ●…ie ? sometimes he makes levi and sim●…n , hierarchists and papists , the heads of the maine malignants . i ●…ope the observer will allow some government in the church , either of councells , or synods , or assemblyes , or consistoryes , or senates , or presbyteryes either 〈◊〉 as it is at genevah , or parochiall as it is in the low-countries ; either of presidents , or moderators , or visiters , pastors , doctors curate or not curate , elders perpetuall or annuall , deacons , widow●… , or some of them for they are not yet well agreed about any of these : in one place elders are commissioners to the seigniory , are placed and displaced by the magistrate , take an oath of obedience to the magistrate ▪ in other places the king hath not so much as the place of a lay-elder , except he be chosen . or perhaps the observer is for none of all these wayes , but as errant an independent in the church , as he desires to be in the common-wealth . here are many things very considerable in this businesse . first , that in doubtfull cases , melior est conditio vossident is , possession is a strong plea , especially if it be of long continuance , as this of episcop●…cy is ; ever since christianity was planted in this kingdome . this is certain , brittish bishops have been of note in forrein councells , since the second councell of arles , which is above thirteen hundred yeares ; to say nothing of aristobulus , mentioned in the epistle to the romans , whom some good authors make a bishop in this island . they that shall goe about to shake in pieces such an ancient institution , which was brought into the church , either by the authority , or at least , by the approbation of the apostles , had need to bring cleare proofes , not blind conjectures , about which they themselves cannot agree one with another . bishops flourished long in this kingdom , even when the brittish church enjoyed the cyprian privilege , and acknowledged no subjection to any forrein see whatsoever . secondly , that which the observer saith of monarchy , that our laws are locked and cabinetted in it , in such manner , that the wounding of the one , is the bleeding of the other , ( though he forget it throughout his discourse , ) is likewise true of episcopacy , that it is woven and riveted into the body of our law. heare a witnesse beyond exception , for the government of bishops , i for my part not prejudging the presidents of other reformed churches , doe hold it warranted by the word of god , and by the practise of the ancient church in the better times , and much more convenient for kingdoms , then parity of ministers or government by synods . and presently after , it is worth noting that the scripture saith , translato sacerdotio , necesse est ut & legis fiat translatio : it is not possible in respect of the great and neere sympathy between the state civill , and the state ecclesiasticall , to make so maine an alteration in the church , but it would have a perillous operation upon the kingdome . and therefore it is fit that controversie be in peace and silence . it would not be forgotten what was cited before , out of cartwright , that as the hangings must be shaped according to the house ; so must the civill government , be conformed to the government of the church . the anabaptis●…●…egan with bishops , but at length the emperour was ●…ith them but carolus a gandavo , charles of gant ▪ 〈◊〉 leave it to others to judge by what fate or fortune it ●…omes to p●…sse , beyond the sea , that wheresoever any ●…ther regiment of the church takes place , if the fa●…ourers of it be the major part , and have power in their ●…ands , it either finds or makes a popular state ; every ●…ans own imagin●…ion will supply him with instances . and this may be the reason why calvin ( a wise man ) 〈◊〉 an epistle to the king of polonia , doth represent , ●…ot the disciplinarian , but episcopall government as ●…tter for monarchyes . having shewed the regiment ●…f the primitive church by patriarkes , primates , and ●…ishops , he proceeds thus : as if at this day one arch-●…ishop should be over the illustrious kingdom of polonia , ●…t to domineere over the rest , or arrogate their right unto ●…imselfe , but for orders cause , &c. and further , there ●…ould be a bishop in each citty or province , to attend pe●…uliarly to the preservation of order , ( marke his rea●…on , ) even as nature it selfe doth dictate to us , that in ●…very college one ought to be chosen , upon whom the prin●…ipall care of the college should rest . thirdly , episcopacy is not onely ancient and ce●…ented into our laws , but also was universally re●…eived , without any opposition , or so much as a que●…tion throughout the whole christian world , among ●…ll sorts of christians of what communion or ●…rofession soever they were , graecian , latin , rus●…an , armenian , abissine &c : yea even among those ●…ho by reason of the great distance and remotenesse ●…f their countryes , never heard of the pope , nor of the name of rome , ever since the apostles did tread upon the face of the earth untill this last century of yeares ; so farre is it from being a relick of popery . and the observer is challenged to name but one church , or so much as one poor village , throughout the whole world , from the dayes of the apostles , till the year of christ 1500 , that ever was governed without a bishop ; ( i except the acep●…ali or such disordered persons that had no governmen●… at all : ) or to name but one lay-elder , or one ambulatory bishop that governed by turne or course in th●… primitive times , in the whole catholike church before the year 1536 , when calvine came to geneuah . we find the proper and particular names of apostles , evangelists , bishop , presbiters and deacons in the scriptures , in councells , in ecclesiastical historyes , in the fathers : if he and all his friend●… be not able out of all these authorities , to name on●… particular lay-elder or ambulatory bishop ; th●… reason must be , because there never was such a creature in rerum natura . and his elders in saint ambrose and saint ierome , are much mistaken ; ho●… should they be otherwise , the one authour being 〈◊〉 bishop himselfe , and the other deducing bishops i●… alexandria from saint marke , and telling us plainl●… ( that which we find to be true , ) that without episcopall authori●…y , there will be as many schismes as pries●… in the church ? the hierarchists ( as he calls them ▪ will be contented ●…o wave all other authors , and 〈◊〉 ●…ed by either of these . the seven angells in th●… revelation cap. 2. & 3 , cannot be the seven chu●…ches , for the angells and the churches are 〈◊〉 distinguished , rev. 1. 20 : but it must be the seven bishops of the churches . these were not parochiall churches , each of them had many pastors , and many particular flocks . beza confesseth that these angell●… were presidents over the other presbiters : but he believes not they had a priority : of power , or that this presidency was permanent , but went by course . if the government went by turnes , i would gladly know , why one of them is called an angell more then the other . surely he that shall reade the seven epistles , how some of them are comm●…ended for their constancy and perseverance in their government , and others reprehended for suffering heretick●… to continue in their churches : will find sufficient ground in every one of these epistles to believe , that they were not changeable every weeke , or moneth , or quarter of a yeare : but constant and permanent governours , having power of jurisdiction to represse abuses ; otherwise why are they taxed for the abuses done in their diocesses , if it were not in their power to remedy them ? and if he will give credit to the testimony of the primitive fathers , he may find both who sundry of these angells or bishops were , and also who were their successors . fourthly , though in such variety of new forms of church regiment , he hath not expressed himselfe to what forme he inclines , saving that in one place ●…e speakes of a iancto of divines , ( i cannot think but himselfe would have the naming of them : ) yet we will suppose that which we are farre from believing , that a few green heads see more then all the fathers , and councells , and schoolemen ; and that the observers busy working braine , could molde a church better then all the apostles . notwithstanding all this , saint austins rule to ianuarius is very considerable , if you will not erre , doe that which i use to do , to whatsoever church i come , i apply my selfe to the ceremonies thereof : he would have added the discipline also , if there had been sundry formes , but there was none but episcop●…y then in the world . god is a mercifull god , and lookes upon his creatures with all prejudices of education , habitation , &c. faction is more offensive to him , and breach of charity more dangerous to the soule , then any unknown errour in disc●…pline ; much more where the errour is but supposed or feined , and the schisme apparent . now for the discipline of the church of england , all men know and grant that it hath ever been episcopall . in the publick liturgy of our church , confirmed by act of parliament , we pray for bishops . in our booke of ordination confirmed by the same authority , it is directly affirmed , as evident by scriptures and ancient authours , that from the time of the apostles there have ever been these orders of ministers in christs church , bishops , priests and deacons ; and that these orders are appointed by the holy ghost . in our booke o●… articles , which conteins the received doctrin of our church , ( and therefore without doubt comes within the compasse of our late protestation , ) the same book of ordination is mainteined , and it is plainely affirmed , that there is nothing conteined in it , which ●…s either superstitious or ungodly . in the apol●…gy of our church , published to the whole christian world , and by all protestant churches approved and applauded , we declare that ●…e beleeve that there be diverse degrees of ministers in the church , whereof some be deacons , some be priests , some bishops . which being so it deserves some consideration , which king iames saith in the latter end of his proclamation for uniformity , such is the unquietnesse and unstedfastnesse of some dispositions , affecting every yeare new forms of things , as if they should be followed in their unconstancy , would make all actions of states ridiculous and contemptible ; whereas the stedfast mainteining of things by good advise established , is the weale of the commonwealth . i should not inlarge my selfe any further about this consideration , but for two reasons . the one is , i find it said by some , that scarce any but bishops have hitherto mainteined bishops . take only three testimonies of many ; they were all members of the english church , yet all strangers , and all had lived in places opposite to episcopall government , none of them either bishops , or their chapleins , or expectants . the first is king iames , the most learned of kings , i have alwayes thought that there ought to be bishops in the church , according to the apostolicall institution , and by consequence divine ordination . the second is learned bucer , a germane , and imployed in the first reformation of this church , to read divinity in cambridge : one that was so opposite to popery , that after his death , his very bones were taken out of his grave and burned by the papists . he is full in many places , take one . from the perpetuall observation of the churches , from the very apostles themselves , we see that it seemed good to the holy ghost , that among the ministers , to whom the charge of the church was especially committed , one should undergoe a singular care of the churches and the whole ministery , and in that care and sollicitude was before all the rest : for which cause the name of a bishop was peculiarly attributed to these highest procurators of the church . the third is peter martyr , at the same time imployed to reade divinity at oxford ; having expressed his consent & concurrence with saint ●…erome concerning episcopacy , he proceeds . so far it is from us to bring confusion into the church , that rather we follow the same way : for there is no diocesse with us , or citty , where of many pastors , there is not some one chosen excelling in learning and experience , whom they call the superintendent of the church . he convocates all the rest , he admonisheth them , he governs them according to the word of god , as the state of things requires . the second reason is , that i see it lately published to the world in print , that doctor whitakers , doctor fulke , and doctor reynolds , were all oppugners of episcopacy . perhaps of popish episcopacy , that is , the abuse not the thing , or of an absolute necessity by divine right of such and such an episcopacy indowed with such or such degrees of power or preheminence , or of such an episcopacy as is held to differ from presbiterate in the very power of order : but surely not of episcopacy it selfe . i wondred at the impudence of the man. it is a bad cause which stands in need to be underpropped with such pious impious frauds , & is onely fortified with hideous & palpable lyes : if he fable in this , let him have the just reward of a lyar not to be trusted in other matters . and first for doctor whitakers ; bellarmine objects against the protestants , that they take away bishops : he answers , neq●… 〈◊〉 tot●…m episcopo●… or●… 〈◊〉 , ●…t ille falso ●…lumniatur , sed pseud●… episcop●… tantum pontificios . we doe not condemne all the order of bishops , as he ( that is bellarmine : we may say the prefacer , ) falsly slanders us , but onely 〈◊〉 fals●… bishops of the church of rome . and about the same place , speaking of that ancient constitution , that three bishop●… should be present at the ordination of a bishop , he affirmes that it was a good and a godly sanction , and fit for those good times . doctor fulke expresseth himselfe home , that among the clergy for order and seemely government , there was alwayes one principall to whom the name of bishop or superintendent hath been applyed , by long use of the church : which roome titus exercised in crete , timothy in ephesu●… , others in other places . that though a bishop and ●…n el●…r is of one order and authority in preaching the word and administring the sacraments : yet in government , by ancient use of speech , he is onely called a bishop , who in scripture is called proesta●…enos , proest●…s , ●…egoumenos , rom. 12. 8. 1 tim. 5. 7. heb. 13. 17. that is , the chiefe in government , to whom the ordination or consecration by imposition of hands , was alwayes principally committed . so according to doctor fulke , the name is from man , but the office from god. i i beseech thee reader view the three places cited by him at leisure , and thou shalt see who are the rulers ●…nd governours and ruling elders mentioned in ho●…y scrip●…ures , in the judgement of doctor fulke . lastly , doctor reynolds is of the same minde , that the elders ordeined by the apostles , did choose one among them to be president of their company , and moderator of their actions , as of the church of ephesus though it had sundry elders and pastors to guide it : yet among these sundry , was there one chief , whom our saviour calleth the angell of the church , &c. and this is he whom afterwards in the primitive church , the fathers called bishop , &c. so that by doctor reynolds , though not for the name , yet for the thing episcopacy was in the church , even when saint iohn writ the revelation , and was approved by our blessed saviour from heaven . fifthly , in a difference of wayes , every pious and peaceable christian , out of his discretion and care of his own salvation , will inquire which is via tutissima , the safest way . now the separatists themselves ( such as have either wisedome or learning , ) doe acknowledge that holy orders are truely ( that is validly , ) given by the ordination used in our church , ( i meane not such as either hold no outward calling to be needfull , as the anabaptists , or make the church a meere democracy , as the independents : ) but on the other side , a very great part of the christian world , and among them many protestants , doe allow no ordination to be right , but from bishops . and even saint ierome , who of all the fathers makes the least difference between a bishop and a presbiter , yet saith , vvhat can a bishop doe , which a presbiter doth not , except ordination ? and seeing there is required to the essence of a church , 1. a pastor , 2. a flock , 3. a subordination of this flock to this pastor ; where we are not sure that there is right ordination , what assurance have we that there is a church ? i write not this to prejudge our neighbour churches , i dare not limit the extraordinary operation of gods spirit , where ordinary meanes are wanting without the default of the persons ; he gave his people manna for food whilest they were in the wildernesse . necessity is a strong plea ▪ many protestant churches lived under kings and bishops of another communion ; others had particular reasons , why they could not continue or introduce bishops : but it is not so with us . it was as wisely as charitably said of saint cyprian , if any of my predecessours through ignorance or simplicity have not holden that which our lord hath taught , the mercy of the lord might pardon them , &c : so if any churches through necessity , or ignorance , or newfanglednesse , or covetousnesse , or practise of some persons , have swerved from the apostolicall rule , or primitive institution , the lord may pardon them , or supply the defect of man ; but we must not therefore presume . it is charity to thinke well of our neighbours , and good divinity to looke well to our selves . but the chief reason is , because i do not make this way to be simply necessary , but onely shew , what is safest where so many christians are of another mind . i know that there is great difference between a valid and a regular ordination , and what some choise divines do write of case of necessity : and for my part am apt to believe , that god looks upon his people in mercy , with all their prejudices , and that there is a great latitude left to particular churches , in the constitution of their ecclesiasticall regiment , according to the exigence of time and place and persons , so as order and his own institution be observed . sixtly , those blessings which the english nation have received from that order , do deserve an acknowledgement . by them the gospell was first planted in the most parts of england : by their doctrine and blood , religion was reformed and restored to us : by the learned writings of them and their successors , it hath been principally defended ; cranmer , ridley , latimer , hooper , were all bishops , coverdale excercised episcopall jurisdiction . with what indignation doe all good protestants see those blessed men , stiled now in print by a younge novice , halting and time-serving prelates , and common stales to countenance with their prostituted gravities every politick fetch . it was truely said by seneca , that the most contemptible persons ever have the loosest tongues . the observer confesseth that magna charta was penned by bishops ; ( no ill service . ) morton a bishop of ely was the contriver and procu●…er of the union of the two roses ; ( a great blessing to this nation . ) bishop fox was the instrument imployed to negotiate and effect the union of the two kingdomes . in former distractions of this state , bishops have beene composers and peace-makers , according to their office : now they are contemned , and in their roomes such persons are graced , whose tongues are like that cursed bay-tree which caused brawling and contention wheresoever it came . england owes many of her churches , colleges , hospitalls and other monuments of piety and charity , to bishops . it requires good advise before we expell that order which of infidells made us christians , and that the the reasons should appear to the world. an act of any society how eminent soever , wherein are none of the clergy , may sooner produce submission then satisfaction to the conscience . seventhly , we have had long experience of episcopall government : if it have been accidentally subject to some abuses ; i desire to know what government in the world is free from abuses : yet late and deare experience hath taught us , that much of that rigour which we complained of , was in some sort necessary . if the independents should prevail , who are now so busy breaking down the walls of the church , to bring in the trojan horse of their democracy , or rather anarchy ▪ doe but imagine what a confused mixture of religions we should have : affricke never produced such store of diversified monsters . but to passe by them as unworthy of our stay , and to insist onely in that forme of church regiment , which of all new forms is most received . i intend not accidentall abuses , which from ignorant and unexperienced governours must needs be many : but some of those many grievances which flow essentially from the doctrin it selfe . first for one high commission , we shall have a presbytery or younge high commission in every parish . our bishops are bound to proceed according to law : but this new government is meerely arbitrary , bounded by no law but their own consciences . if the bishops did us wrong we had our remedy by way of appeale or prohibition : but they admit no appeale , except to a synod , which in a short session cannot heare the twentieth part of just grievances . our law allowes not a judge to ride a circuit in his own country , least kindred , or hatred , or favour might draw him to injustice : what may we then expect from so many domesticall judges , whose affections are so much stronger then their reasons , but siding and partiality ▪ yet they blush not to tell us , that this is the tribunall of christ : ch●…st hath but one tribunall in heaven , his kingdom is not of this world. that these are the laws of christ : the laws of christ are immutable , they alter theirs every synod . that their sentence is the sentence of christ : alas , there is too much faction , and passion , and ignorance . heretofore we accused the pope , for saying that he had one consistory with christ : doe we now goe about to set up petty popes in every parish ? and are they also become infallible in their consistoryes , at least in their conclusion , not onely in matters of faith , but also of fact ? these are generall grievances . in particular , his majesty shall lose his supremacy in causes ecclesiasticall , his patronages , his first fruits , h●…s tenths , and worse then all these , the dependence of his subjects , he shall be subjected to excommunication , by which engine the popes advanced themselves above emperours : the nobility and gentry shall be subjected to the censures of a raw rude cato ▪ and and a few artificers , they shall lose their advowsons ( the people must elect their own ministers , ) they shall hazard their impropriations : the two eyes of the kingdome , the universities , shall be put out : the clergy shall have their straw taken away , and the number of their bricks doubled : the people shall groane under the decrees of a multitude of ignorant unexperienced governours , be divided into factions about the choise of their pastors , be subject to censure in sundry courts for the same offence , be burthened with lay-elders , who if they please may expect , according to the apostolicall institution ( upon their grounds , ) double ●…onour , that is , maintenance : if there arise a private ●…arre between the parent and the child , the husband and the wife , they must know it and censure it , scire volunt secreta domus atque inde timeri : all men must undergoe the danger of contrary commands , from coordinate judges ; then which nothing can be more pernicious to the consciences or estates of men , nulla hic arcana revelo . these are a part of the fruits , of their most received government who oppose bishops : if they doe not all shew themselves in all places , remember the observers caution , they wanted power to introduce them as yet . as some plants thrive best in the shade : so if this form of regiment shall agree best with the constitution of some lesser commonwealths , much good may it doe them , so they will let us injoy the like favour , petimus damusque vicissim . eightly , those arguments which they urge out of scripture against episcopacy , are meere mistakes , confounding the power of superiority itselfe , with the vitious affectation or tyrannicall abuse of it ; and are none of them to the purpose . as those two texts that are most hotly urged , the kings of the gentiles excercise dominion over them , but ye shall not be so : and that of saint peter , neither as being lords over gods heritage , but being ensamples to the flock ; do admit as many answers almost as there are words in each of them , but they are not needfull . for no man that ever i read of , did say that bishops had any such despoticall or lordly dominion annexed to their office , but onely a fatherly power . and if these places be to be understood in that sense which they would have them , they doe as much overthrow all their new presidents , and moderators , and visiters , and their whole presbytery , as they would have them to doe episcopacy . neither christ nor saint peter did ever distinguish between temporary and perpetuall governours : between the regiment of a single person , and a society or corporation . they like not the name of lord , but that of master they love dearely : yet that is forbidden as much as the other , neither be ye called master , for one is your master , even christ. and whilest they reject the government of a president or chief pastour , yet they stile their own new devised elders , ruling elders : and understand them still in the scripture by name of governours . ninthly , waving all these and all other advantages of scriptures , fathers , councells , historyes , schoolemen : because it is alledged that all other protestant churches are against episcopacy , i am contented to joyn the issue , whether bishops , or no bishops have the major number of protestant votes . first the practise of all the protestant churches in the dominions of the king of sweden and denwarke , and the most of them in high germany , doe plainly prove it ; each of which three singly , is almost as much as all the protestant churches which want bishops , hut together , ( to say nothing of his majesties dominions ; ) all these have their bishops or superintendents , which is all one . but for the point of practise , heare reverend zanchy , a favourer of the disciplinarian way , in ecclesiis protestantium non desunt reipsa episcopi , &c. in the churches of the protestants , bishops , and arch-bishops are not really wanting , ( whom changing the good greek names into bad latine names ) they call superintendents , and generall superintendents . where neither the good greek names , nor bad latine names take place , yet there also there use to be some principall persons , in whose hands almost all the authority doth rest . neither is their practise disagreeing from their doctrin . to begin with those who first were honoured with the name of protestants , who subscribed the augustane confession , among whom were two dukes of saxony , two dukes of luneburge , the marquesse of brandburge , the prince of anhalt , and many other princes , republicks , and divines : thus they , facile possent episcopi legitimam obedientiam retinere , &c. bishops might easily retein lawfull obedience , if they did not urge us to keep traditions , which with a good conscience cannot be kept . again , nunc non id agitnr , &c. it is not now sought that the government be taken away from bishops but this one thing is desired , that they will suffe●… the gospel to be purely taught , and release some few observances , which cannot be kept without sinne . this generall confession may stand for a thousand witnesses , under which all the protestants in germany did shelter themselves . to this i may adde the apology for the same confession , hac de re in hoc conventu , &c. we have often testified of this matter in this meeting , that we desire wi●… all our hearts , to conserve the ecclesiasticall policy , an●… the degrees made in the church by humane authorit●… againe , this our will , shall excuse us both before god an●… all the world , that it may not be imputed to us , that th●… authority of bishops was weakned by our means . th●… confession of saxony is subscribed by seventeen superintendents of bishops . the suevick confession i●… so farre from opposing the spirituall power of the praelates , that they doe not exclude them from secular government ; and complaineth of great wrong done t●… their churches , as if they did seek to reduce the powe●… of ecclesiasticall praelates to nothing : and most plain ly they declare for the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction o●… bishops , in the 33. chapter of the secular magistrat●… i might produce the articles of the protestants , and more confessions , and many witnesses to this purpose , if it were needfull . but perhaps some may say●… that these are all lutherans , and no good protestant●… that were strange indeed , that they who made th●… protestation , and from thence were called protestants keeping themselves to the same grounds , should become no protestants ; and they who made no protestation , nor have right to the name , but by communio●… with them , should become the onely protestants . bu●… to satisfie them in this also . upon the words of the augustane confession●… before recited , the observations set forth in the nam●… of the french and belgicke churches , at the latte●… end of the harmony of confessions , doe divide bishops into three kinds ; 1 apostolicall , of orde●… not of degree , common to all the ministers of the word ; 2. humane , both of order and of degree , which they confesse to ●…e ancient , and defined , and circumscribed with many old canons ; 3. tyrannicall , in the church of rome , wandring not onely without the word of god , but also extra canones aequissimos , without those most equall or just canons : which last they abhominate ; but of this more in the next consideration . they say further , that it is the office of god●…y magistrates , to see how farre it may be expedient for bishops , to have some kind of civill dominion : and upon the saxonick confession they acknowledge , that bishops may make laws belonging to order ●…nd decency , so it be not done arbitrarily , but by the judgement of a lawfull synod ; and what doe we say more ? you have also seen the confession of the church of england , directly for episcopacy ; which neverthe●…esse was so approved and applauded by the tigurine divines , that they made no end of praising of it , that ●…hey judged nothing to have been published more perfect in those dayes , that they promise themselves that the protestant church shall never want a champion , so long as the authour thereof did live : yet it was both for bishops , and by a bishop . calvine was no lutherane , yet he subscribed the augustane confession , o●… the apology for it , or both . and in his institutions , he describeth at large the regiment of the primitive church , after the dayes of the apostles , that though the bishops of those times , expressed more in their canons then was expressed in the word of god , yet they composed the whole oeconomy of the church with that caution , that it may easily appear that it had almost nothing strange from the word of god , that in each citty the presbyters did choose one of their number to whom they gave the title of bishop , specially least dissention might spring from equallity as commonly it comes to passe . he shews out of saint ierome , that this institution was as ancient in alexandria as from saint marke . he proceeds to shew the end of arch-bishops , and the constitutio●… of patriarkes : and concludes , that this kind of government some called an hierarchy , by a name improper , at least not used in the scriptures : but if we pass●… by the name and looke upon the thing it selfe , we sha●… find that the ancient bishops did goe about to devise no other forme of governing the church , then that which god hath prescribed in his word . there might be sundry other places alleged out of his epistle , and his answer to sadolet , to the same purpose ; but i omit them only with this note , that one of the most conspicuous place●… in his epistle to sadolet , talem nobis hierarchiam , &c. ( against those that shall reject episcopacy , being reduced to its due submission to christ , and society with their brethren , ) is purged out in the two latter edition●… of beza and gallasius ; to let us see , that the romanist●… are not the onely men , who cut out the tongues o●… their own witnesses . zanchy delivers the very same grounds , and addes , that nothing is more certain●… then this , that episcopacy was received into the church communi consensu totius reipublicae christianae with the common consent of the whole christian commonwealth , that it was free for them to doe so , tha●… it was done for honest or just causes , that it cannot b●… misliked , that those things which are defined and received by the godly fathers , congregated in the nam●… of the lord , by the common consent of all , without an●… contradiction to the holy scriptures , though they be no●… of the same authority with the scriptures , yet they ar●… from the holy ghost . quae hujusmodi sunt , ea e●…o ●…probare nec velim , nec audeam bona conscientia , ●…uch as he had neither will , nor confidence , nor 〈◊〉 to disallow . which very place being ●…rged by ●…arraviah against beza , he closeth with it , a quo ma●…ime certe dissentimus , cum episcopatum illum mere di●…inum & apostolicum , ab humano non quasi sint illa ●…nter se repugnantia , sed tantum ut diversa & imparis ●…uctoritatis discernimus . from which opinion of zan●…y we doe not dissent , nor distinguish between that apostolicall and meerely divine episcopacy , from this other which is humane , as if they were re●…ugnant one to another , but onely diverse and of unequall authority . the same booke is full of such places , quod si nunc ecclesiae anglicanae instauratae , &c. if the english reformed churches doe now stand underpropped with the authority of bishops and arch-bishops , as it hath come to passe in our memoryes , that they have had men of that order , not onely notable martyrs , but most excellent pastors and doctors ; let them injoy that singular blessing , which i pray god may be perpetuall to them . and elswhere speaking of humane episcopacy ( as he is pleased to call it , ) he addes , quo sane fruantur , &c. which let them injoy who perswade themselves that the right use of it may be observed by them . and again , absit ut hun●… ordinem , &c. farre be it from me to reprehend this order as rashly or proudly erected , though it be not a divine or meerely apostolicall constitution : whereof rather no man can deny that there may be great use , as long as good and holy bishops are over the church ; let them injoy it therefore that will and can . this & poterint , and can , was well put in : it was not the unlawfulnesse of the order , but the inconsistency with the present state of genevah , which excluded it thence . and having spoken of the apostolicall canon , and the superiority of the arch-bishop above his fellow bishops , he concludes , quid aliud hic statuitur , &c. what else is here decreed , but that order which we desire to be restored in all churches ? it appeares then plainly , by the confessions of protestant churches , by the testimonyes of the most learned divines , yea , even of those that lived under another government , that if bishops be not necessary , yet at the least they are lawfull . it appeares that three parts of fower of the protestant churches , have either bishops or superintendents , which is all one : and that those churches which have neither , yet they have some principall men , primarios , which have as much power as bishops , viis & modis . but if we should be contented to leave three parts of protestants to joyn with the the fourth , shall we find them unanimous in this ? no such thing . the helvetian and other churches ascribe the government of the church to the magistrate and allow no lay-elders : but genevah and her daughters to their pre byteries , yet neither the mother is like the daughters , nor the daughters very like one another ; as hath been shewed in part before in this treatise : and the independents are for neither of these wayes : and all learned men doe acknowledge our english episcopacy to be lawfull , yea even the present president and pastors of genevah do the same . so if we desire consent either of protestants in particular , or of christians in generall , yea of the whole catholicke symbolicall church ; it is best for us to keepe us where we are . my tenth and last consideration riseth higher , that according to their grounds , who have been the greatest oppugners of episcopacy , the government of our english bishops is not onely lawfull , but for the most part necessary , nor onely necessary but even an apostolicall and divine institution . this seeming paradox is yet most certain , and their opposition hath been but beating the aire . for the clearer manifestation whereof , we must know . first that the greatest impugners of episcopacy , do not seek to bring such a parity into the church : but that by the ordinance of god and dictate of nature , one presbyter ought to be president above the rest , ex dei ordinatione perpetua , necesse fuit , est & ●…rit , ut in presbyterio quispiam & loco & dignitate primus , actioni gubernandae praesit , cum eo quod ipsi divinitus attributum est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was , it is , it ever shall be necessary , by the perp●…uall ordinance of god , that some one in the presbytery as chief both in place and dignity , be set over the action to govern it . he saith that even then , whilest the appellation of bishops and presbyters was common : yet the presbytery had suum aliquem primum & proest●… presbyterum , some one to be their ruling or presidentiall presbyter . he saith saint ierome did not so dote as to dream that no one of the presbytery was set over the whole company in the apostolique times : and takes it as a great injury , that any man should thinke that they did goe about to abolish omnem unius episcopen , in vel supra caeteros compresbyteros , all superspection or superintendency of one above his compresbyters . to the same purpose saith calvine , it is no mervaile that the twelve apostles had one among them to govern the rest ; this we have from nature , the disposition of men requires it , that in every company though they be equall in power , yet one should be as moderator . secondly , they teach ( notwithstanding their drowsie , groundlesse , new-hatched conceit , that this presidency went successively by turnes among the presbyters , ) that either in the dayes of the apostles , or immediately from them , this episcope or office of superintendency , became elective and perpetuall to ●…e man , quod certe , reprehendi nec potest nec debet , which certainly neither can , nor ought to be blamed ; especially seeing this ancient custome was observed in the famou●… church of alexandria ; i am inde a marco evangelist●… even from saint mark the evangelist . so as the office is of divine institution , the forme of application onely is humane : yet not meerly humane neither ; humanum non simpliciter tamen sed comparate , ●…lla cum patrum & tot ecclesiarum injuria appellavero , i may caell it humane not simply , but comparatively , without injury to the fathers , or so many churches ; indeed all the churches in the world , and all the fathers that ever were . thirdly , this presidency of order , which they give to one man , even upon their own grounds is not destitute of all kind of command and power . he hath jus regendae communis actionis , a right to moderate the action of the college , or to govern the common action , and that cert is l●…gibus , according to certain laws . first , a right to moderate the action , that is , to 〈◊〉 the presbyters , to appoint the time and place , to propose matters , to collect the suffrages either by himselfe or by such as he appoints , to pronounce sentence . secondly , certis legibus , according to certain laws ; this brings us to the true question where the water sticks : the law of god and the lawfull constitutions of the church , must be the just measure and limits of this presidents commands , of his compresbyters obedience . so that tyrannicall absolute arbitrary power which is usurped by the bishop of rome and his instruments , is rejected by all partyes on the one side , and all anarchy , ataxy and disorder on the other side ; yet this is not all . fourthly , this president hath another power by divine right , or at least by divine right is capable of another power : that is , not onely to moderate the whole action by his authority , but also to execute that which is decreed by common consent . neither can this executive power in reason be limited to the meer execution of personall decrees , concerning particular persons : but every where it extends it selfe to preparatory actions and matters of forme . neither doth it rest here , but admits , or at least may admit a greater latitude , even to the execution of laws ; especially where the law is cleare , the fact notorious or evidently proved , where succession and the publicke are not concerned , where the presence of the whole college is not so usefull or convenient , and might rather incomber then expedite the businesse : and all this more or lesse according to their certain laws , the severall constitutions of severall churches : alwayes reserving to the whole body of the clergy , or those who by election or prescription do represent them , the power of making and altering laws and canons ecclesiasticall , and to his majesty his royall power of assenting and confirming , and to the representative body of the kingdome their power of receiving , principally in cases of moment : and likewise reserving to the clergy , either rurall or cathedrall , according to their distinct capacityes , their respective power of counselling , consenting , or concurring , according to the constitutions of the church , and laws and customes of the realme , which as they are grounded upon naturall reason and equity , so they are no way repugnant to the law of god , whereof there are yet some footsteppes to be seen in our ordinations , our deanes and chapiters , our semestriall synods , &c. and if these old neglected observations , were a little quickned and reduced to their primogenious temper and constitution , : perhaps it might remedy sundry inconveniences , and adde a greater degree of moderation and authority to the government of the church . who can be so stupid a to imagine , that the state , and church , and people of genevah at this day , do not , or may not give to the president of their ecclesiasticall senate a perpetuity of government for his life : or inable him to execute some ecclesiasticall laws , so farre as they shall see it to be expedient for the good of that church and commonwealth , without swerving from the institution of christ ? this might yet further be made plain , by those comparisons and representations which 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 do bring of this episcopall or presidentiary power , of a consull in the senate , of a praetor in the court , of a provost in a college , of a steward in a family : they ought to looke upon him as their superiour and governor , and be upon them as brethren and fellow-elders . this is that which our english bishops claime , whereunto they are intitled by the fundamentall laws of the land. how farre the power of the keyes , of ordination or jurisdiction , is appropriated or committed to them , singly or joyntly by divine ordinance , ( of which subject great authors upon great reasons have declared themselves : ) yet in our case it is not so questionable , where another lawfull right is certain : and this clear satisfaction of conscience they want , who are so busy seeking after new devised forms of ecclesiasticall regiment . and herein i may as justly admire the excellent temper of our church government , asthe observer doth of the civill ; i hope it is not in either of us , ut pueri iunonis avem , as boyes praise the peacock , with a desire to pluck his feathers . the clergy present , the bishops approve , his majesty confirmes , the parliament receives : all parties have their concurrence , so as no man can be prejudiced without his own act . if we alter this frame , we shall have a better in heaven ; i fear not upon earth . so then we see that upon these very grounds , which have been laide by the greatest opposers of bishops in this age , 1 there is a subordination of many pastors to one president by divine ordinance , 2 this presidency , or superintendency , or episcopacy , ( all is one , ) may without violation of divine ordinance be setled upon one man for his life , 3 this person so qualified , hath a power essentially belonging to his place , to rule and moderate the publick meetings and actions of the church ; yea to execute the decrees of the whole college , 4 this executive power may receive a further latitude or extent , from the positive laws of men. what is the result of all this ? but that as presbyterate or the office of a priest , presbyter , or minister , ( i shall wrangle with no man about a name , whilest we agree upon the thing ) is of divine institution , yet neverthelesse there is something humane annexed to it ; as for instance the assignation of a single pastor to a particular parish , ( which custome was first introduced by evaristus , long after bishops were spread over the world : ) so likewise episcopacy it selfe is of divine right , yet something may be added to it , some extent of power which is humane , and yet very lawfull and expedient ; wherein every church is to be its owne judge . if to this which hath been said of the antiquity , universality , aptitude , security , of this way , &c , we shall adde that ambrose , austin , chrisostome , cyprian , basile , athanasius , and very many others , the lights of their times , were not onely defenders of episcopacy , but bishops themselves ; there can remain no scruple to us of this nation what church regiment is to be desired . but some do say , why then doe sundry eminent protestant authors inveigh so much against bishops ? i answer , it is not simply against , their function , but against the sloth of some for not preaching , or the pride and tyranny of some particular persons ; and more especially it is against the romish bishops . i might cite many witnesses to make this as clear as the sun ; take one of many : neque vero cum hoc dico , ●…jus tyrannidis eos episcopos veram christi religio●… prositontes & docentes intend●… , absit a me tam im●…dens arrogantia . neither while i say these things , doe ●…ccuse those bishops of tyranny , which professe and teach ●…e true religion of christ , far be such impudent arro●…nce from me . and further he saith , that they are to be knowledged , observed , reverenced , as faithfull pastors the christian church . and in an epistle to the ●…en arch-bishop of canterbury , he expresseth him●…fe , that such invectives were never intended against ●…e government of the english church , but against ●…ti-christian tyranny . secondly , it is objected that they did put away bishops . i answer , that some reformed churches were ●…der bishops , who were out of their territories ; as ●…e helvetian churches under the bishops of con●…e : others were under bishops of another com●…union ; as the french churches : others could not both ●…ntinue bishops and bring in the reformation of re●…ion ; as the church of genevah : others did retein ●…shops under the name of superintendents , because ●…e old name had been abused by the psu●…do episcopi or ●…se bishops , in the church of rome ; by the same ●…son we should neither use the name of christ , nor ●…postle , nor gospell , nor sacrament , because there ●…ve been false christs , false apostles , false gospels , ●…se sacraments : lastly , many reteined both the name ●…d the thing ; as the churches of england sweden , 〈◊〉 . and generally all reformed churche●… were de●…ous to have reteined episcopacy , if the bishops that ●…en were , would have joyned with them in the reformation . this is evident for the germane churches by the augustane confession , and apology , that bishops might easily have reteined their places , if they would , they protest that they are not guilty of the diminution of episcopall authority . and for the helvetian churches , it appeares by that letter of zui●…glius and ten others of their principall divines , to th●… bishop of constance ; in all humility and observanc●… beseeching him , to favour and helpe forward their beginnings as an excellent worke and worthy of a bishop they call him father , renowned prelate , bishop ; the implore his clemency , wisdome , learning , that 〈◊〉 would be the first fruits of the germaine bishops , favour true christianity springing up againe , to hea●… the wounded conscience ; they beseech him by the co●…mon christ , by our christian liberty , by that father affection which he owes unto them , by whatsoever was 〈◊〉 vine and humane , to looke graciously upon them : or he would not grant their desires , yet to connive at the●… so he should make his family yet more illustrious , a●… have the perpetuall tribute of their prayses , so would but shew himselfe a father , and gr●…●…he request of his obedient sonnes ; they co●…clude , god almighty long preserve your excellen●… thirdly , for the french churches , it is plain calvine in one of his epistles , touching a reform bishop , that should turne from popery : that he m●… retein his bishoppricke , his diocesse , yea even 〈◊〉 revennues and his iurisdiction . lastly , it is objected , that bishops have been 〈◊〉 ●…troducers of anti-christian tyranny , and all ot●… abuses into the church . one said of phisitians t●… they were happy men , for the sunne revealed their cure , and the earth buried all their in●…mities : contrarywise we may say of governours that in this respect they are most unhappy men , for the sun reveales all their infirmities : nay more , all the ennormities of the times , and the aberrations of their inferiours , are imputed to them ; but the earth buries all their cures . episcopacy hath been so farre from being an adjument to the pope , in his tyrannicall invasion of the libertyes of the church , that on the other side it was a principall meanes to stay and retard his usurpation ; as did well appeare at the councell of treat , how little he was propitious to that order , and by the example of grodsted bishop of lincolne , who was malleus romanorum , and many others . and now much the rather when bishops acknowledge no dependency upon him . no forme of government was ever so absolute as to keep out all abuses . errors in religion , are not presently to be imputed to the government of the church ; arrius , pelagius , &c. were no bishops : but on the other side if bishops had not been , god knows what churches , what religion , what sacraments , what christ we should have had at this day . and wee may easily conjecture by that inundation of sects , which hath almost quite overwhelmed our poor church on a suddain , since the authority of bishops was suspended . the present condition of england doth plead more powerfully for bishops , then all that have writ for episcopacy since the reformation of our church . i have made this digression by occasion of the observers so often girding at bishops ; he may either passe by it or take notice of it at his pleasure . there are some small remainders of his worke , but of no great moment ; as this , that there is a disparity between naturall fathers , lords , heads , &c. and politicall . most true , ( though the observer hath not met with the most apposite instances ) otherwise they should be the very same thing ; every like is also dislike . he conceives that there is onely some sleight resemblance between them : but our law saith expresly otherwise , that his majesty is very head , king , lord , and ruler of this realme , and that of meer droit and very right . first very head and lord , and then of meer droit and very right : it is impossible the law should speake more fully . but the maine difference which may come near the question is this , that the power which is in a father , lord , &c. moderately and distinctly , is joyntly and more eminently in a soveraigne prince ; as was long since declared at rome , in the case between fabius maximus and his sonne . no father could deserve more reverence from a sonne : yet he knew that domestick command , must veile and submit to politicall , and that the authority of a father of a family , doth disappear in the presence of the father of a country , as lesser starres do at the rising of the sun. but his maine ground is , that the king is the father , lord , head , &c. of his subjects divisim , but not conjunctim , if you take them singly one by one , but not of an intire collective body . so it seemes his majesty is the king of peter , and andrew , not of england , nor yet so much as of a whole towne or village : yet the observer himselfe can be contented to be the lord of a whole manour . i conceive he learned this doctrine out of schola salerni , anglorum regi , &c. if this assertion were true , how extrmely hath the world been deceived hitherto ? and we have all forsworne our selves in our oaths of supremacy and allegiance . his majesty is much bound to him for making him king of so many pretty little kingdoms : but as titus quinctius said of antiochus his souldiers , when their friends did set them out by parcells , for armies of medes , elemites , cadusians , that all these in one word were but syrians . so his majesty is well contented to reduce all these kingdoms of microcosmes , into one kingdome of england , if he may hold that in peace . such another paradox is that which follows , that treason or rebellion in subjects is not so horrid in nature , as oppression in superiours . one of the most absurd opinions , and most destructive to all societies , that ever was devised . by this new learning , when the master shall correct his servant , without sufficient ground in the servants conceit ; he may take the rod by the other end , give his master some remembrances , to teach him his office better : if it be a little irregular , yet it is the lesse fault upon these grounds . doth any man think that the observer instructs his family with this doctrin , at home out of his chaire ? beleeve it not . by the very equity of this conclusion it should be a greater sinne , for a man to mispend what is his owne , then to robbe or steale that which is not his own . the superiour though he abuse his power , yet hath a right to it , but the inferiour hath none . how discrepant is this from the judgement of former times ? they thought no crime could be so great , as that it ought to be punished with parracide : or that for discovery thereof , a servant should be examined against his master , or a child against his parent . the law of parricides denyed , lucem vivo , fluctuanti mare , naufrago portum , morienti terram , defuncto sepulchrum . tully saith , they were to be sowed up quick in a sack , and so cast into the river : not to the wild beasts , least the very beasts should become more inhumane by such nourishment , not naked least they should pollute that element which purgeth all things . our saviour calleth judas a devill , have not i chosen you twelve and one of you is a devill ? why a devill ? because he was a traytour . let the observer find out a worse name if he can . such another is his comparison , between the thirty tyrants at athens and the cavaleers at yorke . comparisons are odious , i desire not to meddle with them . but it is well known what the thirty tyrants were . 1 they were a company packed together by lysander for his purpose . 2 they were called optimi , good patriots , and administratores reipublicae , the administrators of the commonwealth . 3 they had the placing and disposing of the senators or councells . 4 they made the magistrates of athens out of their own faction and clients . 5 they were great profaners of temples and contemners of religion , as appeared by their command to pull theramenes from the altar . 6 they armed 3000 of their own party , and disarmed all others . 7 they filled all greece with athenian exiles . 8 they killed more in eight moneths , then the spartan warres had done in ten yeares . 9 condebant leges , they usurped both the legislative power ; and more then that , an arbitrary power without law , : so as there was need of a law , that no man whose name was written in such a catalogue , should be slain sine judicio without lawfull triall ; other men might . and yet as if both these were not sufficient , they assumed an absolute power over the law and against the law : ego vero ne lege hac se tueri possit , nomen ejus deleo & morte condemno , to depriye him of the benefit of this law , i blotte out his name and condemne him to dye . lastly , they had their turnes , according to that prophetick praediction of theramenes , when he had drunke up the cuppe of poison and cast the snuffe upon the ground , saying , propino hoc critiae pulchro , a health to gallant critias the arch-tyrant ; ( which story saith tully in his tuscula●…s no man can reade without teares ; ) and shortly after critias followed him into another world to give an account of his bloody administration . such flowers as these we find strawed here and there in his book . and so he concludes abruptly , i find my reason already captivated , i can no further — . whether it were done to amuse the world , as if he had much more matter , but that the presse prevented him ; or that all this while he hath been uttering , his misterious enthusiasmes and oracles , and now ( propiore deo , ) he is rapt into an extasie or trance : or lastly , because he was as confident of the successe of his observations , as the spaniards of their invincible armado . zeno sometimes wanted opinions , but never wanted arguments : what weighty reasons did the franciscans urge on both side , pro & contra , and with what fervour , even about the colour and fashion of their habits ? i have heard of a like stirre at amsterdam about starch : when men stretch and tenter their witts to uphold a party , they will find something to say , though it be in prayse of hellen , or commendation of folly. it is dangerous to leave old received rules , upon probable and specious pretences : remove not thou the ancient bounds , which thy fathers have set . it is the wisedome of the serpent , to stop her ears , against the voice of the charmer : it is the wisedome of a good christian , a good subject , to preserve his faith to god , and his loyalty to his prince , and to blesse himselfe from the magicall spells of all such charmers and observers . finis . good reader , whereas an anabaptisticall speech is ●…ked in the epistle which some say is of dubious faith , bemoane with me the licenciousnesse of the times , when the presse hath brought the just reward of a lyar upon it selfe , and an academicall uncertainty upon us ; but know that in this case it is not materiall , nothing being cited but what agrees with the very grounds of the anabaptists . errata . epist . page 2. line 11. for milita reade militia . p. 9. l. 7. for fine r. find . p. 19. l. 4. after insurrection adde for religion . p. 23. l. 3 for leafe r. leave . lib. pag. 2. l. 25. for turned r. tuned . p. 22. l. 18. for anthorative , r. authoritative . p. 35. l. 6. for foure hundred , r. three hundred . p. 44. l. 5. for recoverable irrecoverable , r. revocable irrevocable . p. 84. l. ●…4 . for oxibus r. ovibus . p 142. l. 12. for same yeare , r. eleventh yeare . p. 156. l. 24. for course r. curse . p. 158. l. 11. for peila peilis , r. pila pilis . p. 178. for heb. 6. 19. r. heb. 6. 16. and such like as sends for send . presentia for praesentia . phis●…tian for phisitian . cataline , for catiline . ahe or he for the. idollised for idolised . psuedopiescopi , for pseudoepiscopi ennormities for enormities , conjacture , for conjecture , jesurum for jesurun . and the like . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29209-e1660 a in the face . b pag. c pag. d pag. e pag. f pag. g pag. h pag ▪ l pag. 〈◊〉 . ep. 40 , ●…p . 10. ●…jure ●…ist . pag. 〈◊〉 95. ●…de in●…ni , p. 57. reply whitg●… pag. 181. james ▪ notes for div a29209-e2320 13. 1. 8. 15. 1 pet. 2. 13. philo. notes for div a29209-e2650 ●…am . 8. 5. notes for div a29209-e2790 sect. 4 ●…mb . 16. 〈◊〉 10. ●…to , lib. 6. repub. ●…ing 18. & 〈◊〉 . 5. 2. john 19. notes for div a29209-e3190 sect. 5. ●…am 15. 17 ●…ab . 30. 24. he●… cap. 12 notes for div a29209-e3960 sect. 6. 〈◊〉 . 13. 4. cor. 9. 7. ●…s 5. 37. 〈◊〉 8. 10. ●…m . ●…5 . notes for div a29209-e4430 sect , 7. eccl. 10. exo. 22. & act 5. 2. pet. 2●… & ju●… ●…eiae adelphi notes for div a29209-e4850 sect. 8. notes for div a29209-e5020 sect. 9. sir h. 〈◊〉 notes for div a29209-e5240 ●…ct . 10. luke 9. 5●… 1. king. 27. 1 king 3. 2. chr●… 13. 1●… notes for div a29209-e5790 sect. ●…11 observ. de●…ended pag. 7. pet. 2. 13. obs. defen●…ed . pag. 8. ●…ucha . vers . 16. 〈◊〉 king 22. 34. act. 5. 29. 〈◊〉 sam. 22. 17 austin . anno 18. ed. 3. stat sam. 7. 18. sam. 26. 9. mat. 10. 1 pet. 2. 1 pet. 4. pag. 17. mat. 27. 2●… acts 23. bract. 3. cap. 9. cap. 10. ●…we . ●…rtin . ●…ut . 17. ●…hron . 19. ●…d of the ●…rch . obs. defe ded pag. edv. pri●…i obs. defended pag. 4. bract lib. 1. ●…ap . 8. bracton 〈◊〉 . 44. notes for div a29209-e8500 sect 12. in 1 pet ▪ lord. ver●… lam . 〈◊〉 kings ●…th . 1 cor. 1●… stow p. bracton lib. 〈◊〉 cap. 9. 25 edv. 3. anno 15. e●…ward . 3. notes for div a29209-e10080 ●…ct . 13. notes for div a29209-e10190 ●…ct . 14. pet. 12. 3. acts. 24. 2●… notes for div a29209-e11460 ●…ct . 15. notes for div a29209-e11860 ●…ect . 16. notes for div a29209-e12080 sect. 17 26 hen. 20. notes for div a29209-e13300 ●…ect . 18. first obse●… vat . pag. notes for div a29209-e13560 ●…t . 19. notes for div a29209-e13690 sect. 2●… . notes for div a29209-e13770 ●…ct . 21. notes for div a29209-e13900 ●…t . 22 auno 154 notes for div a29209-e14870 〈◊〉 . 23. rom. 14. notes for div a29209-e15210 〈◊〉 ●…4 . ●…ngtons ●…y of ●…ny ●…tr . 33. 4. first ob . p●… 7. gen. 34 gen. 37. considerations dedicated to kin●… james notes for div a29209-e17150 〈◊〉 . 25. hull and iohn ●…ham . ●…s syl●… saxo. ●…ag 43. sam. 16. camden . tully . iohn 16. 2. ●…eb . 6. 19. 1634. and 1635. a july 5. b july 9. c july 27. ●…nbr . irish reb●… ion 1. obser pag. 11. declarati●… upon the r●… monstran●… pag. 21. guiccardine ●…he calling 〈◊〉 bishops ●…t popish . ●…ord vern●…ams consilerations . ep●…st . 100. ●…pist . ad e●… answ to s●… ravia p. 160 ▪ artic. 37. preface t●… christian moua●… c●… de reg●… christ●… cap. 〈◊〉 ●…sp . ad ●…rd . ad 50. ●…ject . ●…face to ●…r . ba●… . cont. 2. de eccles. qu. 〈◊〉 cap. 3. upon titus cap. 1. reynold . ad●… hart. p. 53●… ●…wo books 〈◊〉 reforma●…on . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . luke 22. 1 pet. 5. ●…at . 23. 10. cap. sept . potest eccl●… cap. de n●… & us●… s●… harm . confe●… sect. 19. p. 290. harm . confes . sect. 11. p. 65. 〈◊〉 . 1. obs. 3. obs. 1. pet. mart. ep. ad jewellum . lib. 4. cap. 4. sect. 1. 2. 3. 4. de relig. christ. c. 25. sect. 10. 11. & observat. in eundem locum . resp. pag. 116. pag. 3. pag. 177. pag. 144. ●…g . 116. bezae defens . pag. 153. pag. 140. pag. 160. ●…nst . lib. 4. c. 6. sect. 8. 〈◊〉 defens . pag. 141. 142. ●…43 . pag. ii4 . 887. calv. j●… lib. 4. cap sect. 2. beza resp . pag. 1589. pag. 126. epist. ●…73 . pag. 19. pag. 35. anti-●… ●…ov . 22. 28. ●…al . 58. 5. thirty queries, modestly propounded in order to a discovery of the truth, and mind of god, in that question, or case of conscience; whether the civil magistrate stands bound by way of duty to interpose his power or authority in matters of religion, or worship of god. by john goodvvin, minister of the gospel of jesus christ. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85419 of text r206926 in the english short title catalog (thomason e689_4). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 35 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85419 wing g1208 thomason e689_4 estc r206926 99866014 99866014 118273 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85419) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118273) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 106:e689[4]) thirty queries, modestly propounded in order to a discovery of the truth, and mind of god, in that question, or case of conscience; whether the civil magistrate stands bound by way of duty to interpose his power or authority in matters of religion, or worship of god. by john goodvvin, minister of the gospel of jesus christ. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. 16 p. printed by j.m. for henry cripps and lodowick lloyd, london, : 1653. annotation on thomason copy: "1652. march 1st". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng christianity -early works to 1800. church and state -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a85419 r206926 (thomason e689_4). civilwar no thirty queries,: modestly propounded in order to a discovery of the truth, and mind of god, in that question, or case of conscience; whethe goodwin, john 1653 6111 7 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-10 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion thirty queries , modestly propounded in order to a discovery of the truth , and mind of god , in that question , or case of conscience ; whether the civil magistrate stands bound by way of duty to interpose his power or authority in matters of religion , or worship of god . by john goodvvin , minister of the gospel of jesus christ . the servants said unto him , wilt thou then that we go , and gather them up ? but he said , nay ; lest while ye gather up the tares , ye root up also the wheat with them . let both grow together until the harvest , &c. matth. 13. 28 , 29 , 30. man , who hath made me a judg , or divider over you ? luke 12. 14. let them alone : they be blind leaders of the blind : matth. 15. 14. dei lex nos docuit quid sequamur : humanae leges hoc docere non possunt . extorquere solent timidis commutationem : fidem inspirare non possunt . ambros. epist. 13. london , printed by j. m. for henry cripps and lodowick lloyd , 1653. some queries concerning the duty of the civil magistrate , in , and about his publique interposure in matters of faith , the worship of god , and the promoting christian religion . i. whether any thing be incumbent by way of duty upon the civil magistrate , being christian , simply in respect of his office or place of magistracy , because of his being christian , which would not have been matter of duty to him , in cafe he had been pagan , and not christian ? or whether the office and work of the civil magistrate , as such , be not entire within it self , and consisting within its own appropriate bounds and limits ; so that nothing more accrues unto him , by way of duty , in his office , by his being christian ; nor is any thing , which is matter of duty unto him , as a magistrate , diminished or taken off from him , by his being , or turning , pagan ? and if so , whether doth god require of a pagan magistrate , that according to his present judgment and conscience , he should interpose and umpire with his authority in matters of christian belief , or in things appertaining to the worship of god ? ii. whether doth it appertain to the civil magistrate , as such , to provide by civil penalties , as by disgracing , fining , imprisonment , death , &c. for the observation of any other law in his territories , but of the law of nature only ; and of this so far only , as either it clearly dictateth or prescribeth the doing of such things , which have a rational connexion with the welfare , honor , and prosperity of that community of men , which is under his inspection and government ; or as it , with like clearness , restraineth the doing of such other things , which are in the eye of reason contrary hereunto ; considering that matters of a more spiritual nature , and such which relate either by way of sympathy , or opposition , only to an holy and humble walking with god , and not properly or directly to the civil interest , are of another cognisance , and committed by god to the care and faithfulness of ecclesiastical magistrates , in conjunction with the common councel of such christian churches , which are under their inspection , respectively ? iii. whether is the consent of the generality of the inhabitants of many nations , in one and the same principle , ( especially relating to the maintenance and upholding of their respective idolatries and superstitions , ) any competent or sufficient proof , that this principle is agreeable to the light , or law of nature , or safe for christians to practise and walk by ; considering , that the devil ( the god of this world ) laboreth in the very fire to corrupt the judgments , to blind the understandings , to pollute the consciences of men in matters appertaining to the worship of god , and hath so sadly prevailed over the world herein , as we generally know he hath done ? or whether is that principle of mahometanism , according unto which the men of this superstition judg it lawful to put a christian , or any other person , to death , who shall in any of their territories , call mahomet , accursed ( wherein probably many other idolatrous nations accord with them , in reference to their respective gods , so called ) a sufficient ground for christians to put a mahometan to death for calling christ , accursed , in their dominions ? or in case a christian state should thus practise , would it not be a snare of confirmation and obduration upon the mahometan in his way ? iv. whether our saviours intent in the parable of the tares , where the housholder forbiddeth his servants to gather up the tares , lest whilest they gathered up these , they plucked up the wheat also b , was not to prohibit such magistrates , who are christian and orthodox , the exercising of any degree of severity against blasphemers , seducers , heretiques , erroneous persons , &c. simply as such , for this reason , lest by such an example they occasion , or be accessary unto , the exercising of much greater severity by idolatrous and heretical magistrates upon christians , and godly persons , that are orthodox and sound in their judgment ? and whether is not this sence of the said passage , argued and asserted from the context it self , and by other arguments , against all reasonable contradiction , in a discourse ( not many years since published ) entituled , hagiomastix , &c. pag. 88 , 89 , 90 , 91 , 92 , 93 , 94 , 25. as also in another discourse printed not long after , and with relation to it , entituled , a postscript , or appendix , p. 14 , 15. v. whether is that right of power to interpose in matters of religion , as in punishing idolaters , seducers , false prophets , &c. which seems to have been given to the civil magistrate amongst the jews under the mosaical dispensation , any reasonable or competent ground on which to judg , that civil magistrates now , under the gospel , and amongst the gentiles , ought to assume ( yea , or lawfully may assume ) the like power ? or are there not many reasons , and these pregnant and undeniable , to prove the contrary , extant in the discourse mentioned , entituled , hagiomostix , pag. 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , &c. vi . whether the lord christ himself , did not strictly charge his disciples themselves , as well as others , not to accept of the title of rabbi , or masters , from men , in these words , but be not ye called , rabbi c ? and again , neither be ye called masters ? and whether they do not much more then accept of these titles , even compell men to give them unto them , who under civil mulcts and penalties shall exercise a magisterial jurisdiction over the judgements and consciences of men in matters appertaining to god , requiring of them either to beleeve such or such doctrines , or to submit to such or such practices , whilst their judgments and consciences remain unsatisfied and unconvinced of the truth of the one , and lawfulnesse of the other ? vii . whether may the civill magistrate , who derives and receives his power of magistracie from the people , lawfully exercise by vertue of his office , any other kind of power , or any further degree of power , then may lawfully be delegated unto him , and intrusted with him , by this people ; yea , or may he lawfully exercise any further degree of power then may reasonably be presumed that the people intended , or at the utmost ought to have intended , to confer upon him , or put into his hand ? if he may , from whom , or by whom , shall this surplussage of power be conceived to be derived unto him ? or upon what account can be justifie himself in the exercise of it ? if he may not , then by what right can he exercise any power in matters of faith , or over the judgements or consciences of men , in as much as the common people from whom he receiveth the intire body or sum of that power , which he administreth , have no right at all , nor colour of right , to delegate unto any man any authority or power to intermeddle or officiate in one kind or other in the affairs of jesus christ , and his kingdom , or to regulate ( authoritatively ) the judgements and consciences of men ( no , not their own ) in little or much , in things appertaining unto god ? viii . whether did not the lord christ rebuke his disciples ( and this somewhat roundly ) who desired a commission or authority from him to call for fire from heaven , as eliah formerly had done , to consume those , who refused to receive him ; did he not ( i say ) sharply reprove them in saying to them , ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of a ? [ meaning , that they did not consider the nature of the gospel , and what lenity ought to be shewed towards sinners , in order to the propagation thereof , above what the severity of the law admitted . ] and doth not the reason which he immediately subjoyneth , plainly shew this to have been his meaning ; for the son of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them ; as if he had said , the end ( or , one great end ) of my coming into the world , was not that any mans life should be destroyed , or taken from him for my sake , or for any injury done unto me b ; but that i might mediate , perswade , and prevail with those , who otherwise are severe against offenders , as you are , to exercise all lenity and patience towards them , and to be tender over their lives , in order to the salvation of their souls ? ix . whether , as the ancient saying amongst the fathers was , sanguis martyrum , semen ecclesiae , i. e. the blood of the martyrs was the seed of the church , so it be not altogether as true , and this upon the same account in reason , and experimented accordingly in all ages , that sanguis haereticorum , semen haereseos , the blood of heretiques is the seed of heresie ? and whether is not that saying of tacitus , punitis ingeniis gliscit authoritas , punishment doth but make the authority and credit of any mans wit , or parts , to glow , shine , and prevail the more , altogether as true in re ecclesiasticâ sive christianâ , in matters of an ecclesiastical or christian , as of a politique or civil , import ? x. whether had not an vzzah an honest and upright intention to accommodate the ark , and to preserve it from harm by shaking , when he put forth his hand to keep it steady by holding it ? and whether was not god offended with him notwithstanding , making a breach upon him by slaying him in the place ? or was the ark of god in any real danger of suffering inconvenience by the shaking of the oxen , in case vzzah had not intermedled to prevent it ? xi . whether might paul in his days have been lawfully punished by the civil magistrate in ephesus , for that sedition , or tumult , which was occasioned in this city , by his preaching the gospel , and paricularly of this doctrine , that they be no gods which are made with hands ? it not , whether may such ministers or preachers , upon occasion of whose preaching tumults are frequently raised by rude and inconsiderate people , be punished by the christian magistrate upon this account ? or ought not rather the heads and principals in such tumults be enquired out , and punished ? xii . whether are not , formality , hypocrisie , simulation , dissimulation &c. in , and about the worship of god , sins of an high provocation in the sight of god ? if so , is it not simply unlawful , either for the civil magistrate , or any other person whatsoever , either to compel , or to invite or tempt , unto any of these sins ? or is not the punishing of such persons , for not frequenting the publique places of divine worship , who have no sense of a deity ; or others , for not coming , or joyning in , a state-worship , whose judgments and consciences inwardly abhor such a worship , as much as a compelling of men unto those sins ? or whether is a christian state any whit the more like to receive countenance or blessing from god , for such practices in it as these ? xiii . whether was it reasonable , or at all pleasing unto god , that pharaoh and his taskmasters should require of the israelites their full tale of work , and yet not give them straw ? or is there any whit more reason or equity , that magistrates should require subjection unto such laws from men , to whom they neither give ( nor indeed are able to give ) either wisdom or strength , whereby they should be enabled to yield such subjection ; at least if it be supposed that they have no sufficiency of strength and power in this kind given unto them by any other ; yea such a sufficiency , whereby they are enabled to yield this obedience or subjection under any temptation whatsoever to the contrary ? or is it a thing equitable or lawful to impose mulcts and penalties upon blind men , whose eyes were put out by their parents , because they see not ? xiv . whether can there any thing demonstratively , yea or probably , be concluded for the punishing of idolaters by the civil magistrate , from this passage in job ; if i beheld the sun when it shined , or the moon walking in brightness : and my heart hath been secretly enticed , or my mouth hath kissed my hand ; this also were an iniquity to be punished by the judg c , &c. considering , 1. that these words , to be punished by the , have nothing in the original corresponding with them , but are inserted by the translators upon their own account , as the different character , wherein they are printed , importeth . 2. that this latter clause , this also were an iniquity to be punished by the judg ( upon which the stress of the pretended in●erence lieth ) is thus rendred , out of the hebrew , by arias montanus : etiam hoc iniquitas judicata ; i. e. this also [ is , or hath been ] an adjudged iniquity ; meaning , that such a practice , or practices , which job had now mentioned and described , had been adjudged , [ viz. by men fearing god ] or rather was to be adjudged by all men , impiously sinful . 3. that though the english translation of the said clause be admitted , yet it is no ways necessary that by the judg therein mentioned , we should understand the civil magistrate , or any earthly judg , but rather the judg of all the earth , god himself . 4. ( and lastly ) that the sin of idolatry was not like to be punished by the judges of the earth in jobs days , being for the most part , if not generally , idolaters themselves ? xv . whether is then a sword put into the hand of the civil magistrate for the punishment of false teachers , by this passage in zechary ; and it shall come to pass that when any shall yet prophecy , then his father and mother that begat him , shall say unto him , thou shalt not live : for thou speakest lyes in the name of the lord : and his father and his mother that begat him , shal thrust him through , when he prophecyeth d ; considering that many worthy expositors , as well ancient , as modern , understand the words in a figurative sence ; yea and mr deodate , who lived where high presbytery had her throne , as likewise our english divines , though desirous to enthrone the same government also amongst them , yet in their joynt labor of annotations upon the bible , plead for the same interpretation ? this with much more , for the opening the mind of the holy ghost in the said passage of scripture , is to be seen in a small discourse written upon this account only , published some years since under the title of a postscript , or appendix , being an explication of zech. 13. 3. xvi . whether was it not the sence of christian antiquity even after constantine's days , that the civil magistrate , as such , had no right of umpirage in matters of christian religion ? and whether doth not this sufficiently appear by these and such like passages of ambrose in his thirteenth epistle , written to the then emperor , valentinian . when did you hear , most gracious emperor , that laicks [ i. e. persons in no ecclesiastical , or church office ] did ever censure , or sentence any bishop [ or pastor of a church ] in matters of faith [ or christian religion ? ] and again : your father ( through the goodness of god ) having lived to maturity of years , said , that it did not belong to him to give judgment between bishops , [ meaning , as before , in causâ fidei , in a case of faith , or christian belief . ] so also : the law of god hath taught us what we are to follow [ or believe , ] the laws of men cannot teach us this . they may extort from persons timorous a change [ of their former profession , ] but they cannot inspire [ them with an inward ] belief [ of what they outwardly profess e ? ] now i● the sence of antiquity was , that the supreme magistrate , though christian , was not to umpire between bishops , or pastors of churches , in matters of faith , evident it is that they were of the same mind touching his incompetency to judg between other persons also in like cases ; and consequently that matters of faith did not at all appertain to his cognizance , as a magistrate . for the reason why they conceived that it did not belong to the emperor to judg between bishops in cases of faith , could not be any consideration of the particular qualitie , rank or function of these persons , but onely the nature and qualitie of those things , being spiritual , about which they were at variance amongst them elves . this plainly appears by the expresse specification ( in the words cited ) of those cases wherein the emperour ( as they conceived ) had no right of decision between the persons mentioned , as viz. in matters of faith : which clearly supposeth , that in other cases viz. such which are of a civil nature and cognizance , they had the right and power we speak of ; however the . church of rome hath since apostatized from this truth ( with many others ) and imbraced a lie in stead of it . of like impott with the former is that passage of tertullian , where he saith , that it is palpably unreasonable , that men who are free , should be forced against their wills to sacrifice ; when as it is the willingnesse of the mind that is required in all divine services ; yea it may well be judged ridiculous that one man should be compelled by another to honour the gods , when as he stands bound at his peril to render these propitious unto him of his own accord , a &c. xvii . whether the lord christ hath not expressly charged all men without exception not to call any man , father , upon the earth , in these words , and call no man your father upon the earth , for one is your father which is in heaven c ? and whether do not they sin with an high hand against this charge , who shall receive , or consent unto , any doctrine , or submit unto any practice in , or about the worship of god , upon the account only of such or such a mans , or of such or such mens judgement or authority , and without any satisfactory ground within themselves , that such , whether doctrine , or practise , is agreeable to the word of god ? xviii . whether are any two , four , or six persons , suppose all of them godly , learned , and competently ( yea let it be , if you please , excellently ) quilified for the ministry of the go●●el , competent judges of the gifts , parts , and ministerial abilities of many thousands of their brethren ? or is it christian or meet to make or set up nebuchadnezzars in the church of christ , persons ( i mean ) who shall ecclesiastically slay whom they will , and whom they will keep alive ; set up whom they will , and whom they will , put down ? or in case it shall be judged expedient for the affairs of the gospel , that any such number of persons be invested with such a prodigiousness of power , who are competent judges of the meetnesse , or worthinesse of persons to be intrusted herewith ; especially where there are so many thousands , as this nation ( through the abundant blessing of god upon it ) affordeth , of very excellent abilities and endowments , amongst whom it is next to an impossibility for men to single out any two , four , or six persons , to whose worth and abilities all the rest shall by any law of god , or of equity and reason it self , stand bound to stoop or do homage ? or is it not a solecism in reason and conscience , that greater parts , learning , and worth , should be compelled to go on foot , whilst those which are meaner and more servile are made to ride on horses ? xix . whether in case any two , four , or six persons shall be advanced to that power and interest now mentioned , are not they like to be the men , who wear soft raiment , and live in kings houses ; i mean , whose applications have been to the greatnesse of this world , who by ignoble artifices and compliances have infinuated themselves into the familiarity and friendship of the anointed cherubs of the earth , and such , who being ascended on high , are able to give gifts unto men ? and whether are such persons as these , who cannot , charity her self being judg , but be judged great lovers of this present world , meet to be intrusted with that high umpitage specified , in the affairs of jesus christ ? xx . whether hath not god in his word directed , prescribed , and injoyned all methods , waies , and means any waies necessary ( at least so judged by him ) for the propagation of the gospel in the world ? if so , is not any additional course , or device of men in order hereunto ( i mean any such course , which is not reducible to some , or other , one , or more , of the means prescribed by him ) a constructive insinuation , either that men are wiser , or else more provident and careful , of saving the souls of men , then god himself ? or is the device of authorizing a small number of men to commission whom they please for the preaching of the gospel , and again to exclude whom they please from preaching the gospel , either any of those means , which god hath sanctified for the propagation of the gospel , or reducible to any of them ? xxi . whether since the days of christ , and of his apostles , can it be proved , or is it in it self at all probable , that ever any person , who preached the gospel , how faithful and serviceable soever to god and men in his way , was wholly free from error , or universally orthodox ? or can it reasonably be thought either pleasing to god , or profitable unto men , or advantagious to the gospel , that no man should be admitted to the preaching of it , but only those , who shall be adjudged by a few men , and these in some things ( without all doubt or question ) possibly in many things , weak and erroneous themselves , to be throughout the whole circumference of their faith unspotted with error , and in all their tenents and opinions unquestionably orthodox and sound ? or , in case some heterodox or unsound opinions may be tolerated in those , who shall be permitted to preach the gospel , what , or of what nature , or to what degree dangerous , may these opinions be ? or who , according to the word of god , shall be judged meet to umpire in this so great and difficult an affair ? xxii . whether is it meet or christian , for any man , or any number of men ( especially for any smaller or inconsiderable number of men ) to presume so far of their own gifts , abilities , wisdom , learning , knowledg , insight into the scriptures , &c. as to judg themselves worthy or meet to prescribe authoritatively , and to the exposing of those , whom they shall make delinquents , to civil penalties or inconveniences , unto the gifts , parts , learning and knowledg of other men , and these ( probably ) no ways inferior , possibly superior to themselves , in all such qualifications and endowments ? or is it christian or reasonable , either to tempt men into such a conceit , or to indulge men under such a conceit , of themselves , by delegating such a power , or authority unto them ? xxiii . whether is it not generally held , and maintained by our best protestant writers , divines , and others , against papists , that even general councels themselves may err in matters of faith ? and that there is no infallible judg on earth in controversies incident to christian religion ? xxiv . whether is not the manifestation of the spirit ( as the apostle termeth the manifest gifts of the spirit of god ) given to every man to profit withall ? if so , who can with a good conscience inhibit such from publishing or preaching the gospel , upon pretence of an unsoundness in some disputable opinions , or for want of that , which some men call ordination , whose abilities for that work are at least competent , and the exercise of them desired by many for their edification ? xxv . whether did those christians , who , upon occasion of a great persecution raised against the church at jerusalem , being scattered abroad , went every where preaching the word , pass any test of their abilities , or sufficiency for the work , before they put forth their hand unto it ? or is their fact in preaching the gospel upon such terms , and before any publique approbation , any ways censurable by the word of god ? xxvi . whether is it likely that persons called to the work of magistracy and civil government , upon which very thing , if conscientious , they do attend continually b , and so have little time to wade into the depths of controversal divinity , or to inform their judgments throughly on which side of the way the truth lieth in many difficult and abstruse questions , much agitated and debated by studious and learned men , should be able to distinguish ( as it were by the face ) who are the orthodox , and who the heterodox men ? and if this be not likely , whether can they reasonably claim any such interest or right of power , wherby to nominate and appoint men for the tryal of the meetness of all other men , for the work and service of the gospel ? xxvii . whether such persons , which shal be nominated and appointed by the chief rulers in a state , to adjudg the meetness , and unmeetness of men for preaching the gospel , are not like to be of a state religion ; i mean , to be every ways conformable in their judgments to such tenents and opinions in religion , which that state , or generality of people in that state , consent unto , hold , and maintain ? and if so , whether are they not like to be corrupt , rotten , or unsound in many of their religious principles , or opinions , considering , 1. that ( for the most part ) men in rule , authority , and power , are enemies to jesus christ c , and so not like to receive the gospel in the purity and truth of it . 2. that the generality or great bulk of people in any state ( who generally are of the same religion , both for principles and practice , with their supreme heads and governors , as these likewise are of the same religion with them in both ) were never known to have embraced , or admitted such evangelical doctrines , or truths , which are clearly and plainly destructive to the flesh , or whose faces are directly set against their corrupt , sensual , profane , and vain practices and ways ; nor is it ( indeed ) in it self a thing any ways likely ever thus to be ? xxviii . whether are not all men bound to pray , that the lord would send forth laborers into his harvest a ; and if their prayer in this behalf be ( as it may , and ought to be ) effectually fervent , whether shall it not prevail , and consequently will not the lord of the harvest himself send forth laborers hereinto ? if so , are not such persons , who shall be commissioned with power to elect and reprobate whom they please , amongst those whose hearts shall stir them up to labor in this harvest , more like to refuse or keep back those ( at least some of them ) whom the lord shall send forth ( i. e. shall stir up their hearts to go ) into this harvest , then any wayes to accommodate him in his way , or to promote the harvest-work it self ? xxix . whether is there any whit more ground for the civil magistrate to act out of his sphere , ( i mean , in matters which are not of a politick or civil , but of a spiritual or ecclesiastick consideration ) then there is for the church magistrate , or ecclesiastical elder to act out of his , and to interpose in matters of state , and civil policie ? and if the lord christ refused to arbitrate in a civil case between brethren , replying to him that desired it at his hand , man , who made me a judg , or divider over you ; a whether hath not the civil magistrate , as much , or more , reason to disclaim all interposure , as a magistrate , in spiritual affairs , and to say unto those , who shall desire or expect any thing from him in this kind , who made me an ecclesiastical judg , or spiritual decider over you ? xxx . whether , when the apostle , speaking of the civil magistrate , saith of him , that he is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil , b are these words , him that doth evill , to be extended as well to him that is a spiritual delinquent or evil doer onely ( viz. ) that teacheth false doctrine , reproveth or disparageth him that teacheth true , worshippeth god in a false manner , or otherwise then he ought , &c. or to be confined to such evil doers onely , who sin against the clear light and law of nature , or the lawful politick constitutions of the state where he lives ? or hath it not by sondry undeniable grounds and reasons been proved , that the said words ought to be thus limited and understood , in the discourse formerly mentioned under the title of hagiomastix , pag. 58. 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a85419e-230 b mat 13 29. c mat. 23. 8. a luk. 9. 54 , 55 , 56 b ultra naturam aliquid monet , nempe inimicos diligendos esse , adversarios veritatis tolerandos &c. — docet item regnum ▪ dei non esse regnum in quo gladiis et fustibus res agatur . marlorat . exposit . ecclesiastica in luk. 9. 55. acts 19. 23 , 24 , &c. c job 31. 26 , 27 , 28. d zech. 13. 3. e quando audisti , clementissime imperator , in causa fidei laicos de episcopo judicasse ? pater tuus ( deo favente ) maturicris aevi , dicebat , non est meum judicare inter episcopos . dei lex nos docuit quid sequamur ; humanae leges hoc docere non possunt . extorquere solent timidis commutationem ; fidem inspirare non p●ssunt . a facile iniquum videtur liberos homines invites urgeri ad sacrificandum ; ( nam & alias divinae rei faciundae libens animus indicitur ) certe ineptum existimaretur si quis ab ali● cogeretur ad honorem deorum , quos ultro sui causa placare deberet , ne prae manuesset jure libertatis dicere , n●l● mihi jovem propitium , tertul. apol , c. 28. c mat. 23. 9. acts 8. 1 , 4 b rom. 13. 6. c 1 cor. 15 24 25. compared . a mat. 9 38. a luke 12. 14. b rom. 13 4. an apologie for the oath of allegiance first set foorth without a name, and now acknowledged by the authour, the right high and mightie prince, iames, by the grace of god, king of great britaine, france and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. ; together with a premonition of his maiesties, to all most mightie monarches, kings, free princes and states of christendome. james i, king of england, 1566-1625. 1609 approx. 359 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 136 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04286 stc 14401.5 estc s1249 22044916 ocm 22044916 24995 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04286) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 24995) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1728:13) an apologie for the oath of allegiance first set foorth without a name, and now acknowledged by the authour, the right high and mightie prince, iames, by the grace of god, king of great britaine, france and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. ; together with a premonition of his maiesties, to all most mightie monarches, kings, free princes and states of christendome. james i, king of england, 1566-1625. paul v, pope, 1552-1621. bellarmino, roberto francesco romolo, saint, 1542-1621. [3], 135, [13], 112 p. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiesties, imprinted at london : 8 april 1609. second pt. has special t.p., and separate pagination, with title: triplici nodo, triplex cuneus, or, an apologie for the oath of allegiance, against two breues of pope paulus quintus, and the late letter of cardinal bellarmine to g. blackvvel the arch-priest. first published anonymously in 1607--cf. nuc pre-1956 imprints. signatures: a-s⁴ t⁴(-t4) x2 a-o⁴. errors in paging: p. 82 and 87 in second part misnumbered 22 and 27 respectively. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng blackwell, george, 1546 or 7-1613. catholic church -england. oath of allegiance, 1606. church and state -england. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-12 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an apologie for the oath of allegiance . first set foorth withovt a name : and now acknowledged by the authour , the right high and mightie prince , iames , by the grace of god , king of great britaine , france and ireland ; defender of the faith , &c. together with a premonition of his maiesties , to all most mightie monarches , kings , free princes and states of christendome . psal. 2. vers . 10. et nunc reges intelligite : erudimini qui iudicatis terram . rom . 14. vers . 13. non ergo ampliùs inuicem indicemus . sed hoc iudicate magis , ne penat●s offendiculum fratri , vel scandalum . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie . april . 8. anno 1609. cum priuilegio regali . to the most sacred and inuincible prince , rodolph the ii. by gods clemencie elect emperovr of the romanes ; king of germanie , hvngarie , boheme , dalmatie , croatie , sclavonie , &c. arch-dvke of avstria , dvke of bvrgvndie , stiria , carinthia , carniola , and wirtemberg , &c. earle of tyrolis , &c. and to all other right high and mighty kings ; and right excellent free princes and states of christendome : our louing brethren , covsins , allies , confederates and friends : iames , by the grace of god , king of great britaine , france and ireland ; professor , maintainer and defender of the true , christian , catholique , and apostolique faith , professed by the auncient and primitiue church , and sealed with the blood of so many holy bishops and other faithfull crowned with the glory of martyrdome ; wisheth euerlasting felicitie in christ our sauiour . to yov , most sacred and invincible emperovr ; right high and mightie kings ; right excellent free princes and states , my loving brethren and covsins . to you , i say , as of right belongeth , doe i consecrate and direct this warning of mine , or rather preamble to my reprinted apologie for the oath of allegiance . for the cause is generall , and concerneth the authoritie and priuiledge of kings in generall , and all supereminent temporall powers . and if in whatsoeuer societie , or corporation of men , either in corporations of cities , or in the corporation of any mechanike craft or handie-worke , euery man is carefull to maintain the priuiledges of that societie whereunto hee is sworne ; nay , they will rather cluster all in one , making it a common cause , exposing themselues to all sorts of perill , then suffer the least breach in their liberties ; if those of the baser sort of people , i say , be so curious and zealous for the preseruation of their common priuiledges and liberties , as if the meanest amongst them bee touched in any such poynt , they thinke it concerneth them all : then what should we doe in such a case , whom god hath placed in the highest thrones vpon earth , made his lieutenants & vice-gerents , and euen seated vs vpon his owne throne to execute his iudgements ? the consideration heereof hath now moued me to expone a case vnto you , which doeth not so neerely touch mee in my particular , as it doeth open a breach against our authoritie , ( i speake in the plurall of all kings ) and priuiledge in generall . and since not onely all rankes and sorts of people in all nations doe inuiolably obserue this maxime , but euen the ciuill law , by which the greatest part of christendome is gouerned , doeth giue them an interest , qui fouent consimilem causam ; how much more then haue ye interest in this cause , not being similis or par causa to yours , but eadem with yours ? and indeed yee all fouetis , or at least fouere debetis eandem causam mecum . and since this cause is common to vs all ; both the ciuill lawes and the municipall lawes of all nations , permits and warne them , that haue a common interest , to concurre in one for the defence of their common cause ; yea , common sence teacheth vs with the poet , ecquid ad te pòst paulò ventura pericula sentis ? nam tua res agitur , paries cùm proximus ardet . awake then while it is time , and suffer not , by your longer sleepe , the strings of your authoritie to be cut in singulis , and one and one to your generall ruine , which by your vnited forces , would rather make a strong rope for the enemie to hang himselfe in , with achitophel , then that hee should euer be able to breake it . as for this apologie of mine , it is true , that i thought good to set it first out without putting my name vnto it ; but neuer so , as i thought to deny it , remembring well mine owne words , but taken out of the scripture , in the beginning of the preface to the reader , in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that nothing is so hid , which shall not bee opened , &c : promising there , which with god his grace i shall euer performe , neuer to doe that in secret , which i shall need to be ashamed of , when it shall come to be proclaimed in publique . in deed i thought it fit , for two respects , that this my apologie should first visite the world without hauing my name written in the forehead thereof . first because of the matter , and next of the persons that i medled with . the matter , it being a treatise , which i was to write , containing reasons & discourses in diuinity for the defence of the oath of allegiance , and refutation of the condemners therof ; i thought it not comely for one of my place , to put my name to books concerning scholastick disputations ; whose calling is to set forth decrees in the imparatiue moode : for i thinke my selfe as good a man as the pope , by his reuerence , for whom these my answerers make the like excuse ; for that his breues are so summary without yeelding any reason vnto them . my next reason was the respect of the persons whom with i meddled : wherein , although i shortly answered the popes breues ; yet the point . i most laboured , being the refutation of bellarmines letter , i was neuer the man , i confesse , that could thinke a cardinall a meet match for a king : especially , hauing many hundreth thousands of my subiects of as good birth as he . as for his church dignitie , his cardinalship i meane , i know not how to ranke or value it , either by the warrant of god his word , or by the ordinance of emperours or kings ; it being indeed onely a new papall erection , tolerated by the sleeping conniuence of our predecessors ( i meane still by the plurall of kings . ) but notwithstanding of this my forbearing to put my name vnto it , some embassadours of some of you ( my louing brethren and cosins ) whome this cause did neereliest concerne , can witnesse , that i made presents of some of those bookes , at their first printing , vnto them , and that auowedly in my owne name . as also the english paragraphist , or rather peruerse pamphleter parsons , since all his desciption must runne vpon a p. hath truely obserued , that my armes are affixed in the frontispice thereof , which vseth not to bee in bookes of other mens doing ; whereby his malice in pretending his ignorance , that he might pay me the soundlier , is the more inexcusable . but now that i find my sparing to put my name vnto it hath not procured my sparing by these answerers , who haue neither spared my person directly in naming me , nor indirectly by railing vpon the author of the booke : it is now high time for me no longer to conceale nor disauow my selfe , as if i were ashamed of my owne deed . and therefore that yee may the better vnderstand the nature of the cause , i will begin at the first ground thereof . the neuer ynough wondered at and abhorred povvder-treason ( though the repetition thereof grieueth , i know , the gentle hearted iesuite parsons ) this treason , i say , being not onely intended against me and my posteritie , but euen against the whole house of parliament , plotted only by papists , and they onely led thereto by a preposterous zeal for the aduancement of their religion ; some of them continuing so obstinate , that euen at their death they would not acknowledge their fault ; but in their last words , immediatly before the expiring of their breath , refused to condemne themselues & craue pardon for their deed , except the romish church should first condemne it ; and soone after , it being discouered , that a great number of my popish subiects of all rankes and sexes , both men and women , as well within as without the countrey ; had a confused notion and an obscure knowledge , that some great thing was to be done in that parliament for the weale of the church ; although , for secrecies cause , they were not acquainted with the particulars ; certaine formes of prayer hauing likewise bin set down and vsed for the good successe of that great errand ; adding hereunto , that diuers times , and from diuers priests , the arch-traitors themselues receiued the sacrament for confirmation of their heart , and obseruation of secrecie ; some of the principall iesuits likewise being found guiltie of the foreknowledge of the treason it selfe ; of which number some fled from their triall , others were apprehended ( as holy gamet himselfe and ouldcorne were ) and iustly executed vpon their owne plaine confession of their guilt : if this treason now , clad with these circumstances , did not minister a iust occasion to that parliament house , whom they thought to haue destroyed , couragiously and zealously at their next sitting downe , to vse all meanes of trial , whether any more of that mind were yet left in the countrey ; i leaue it to you to iudge , whom god hath appoynted his highest depute-iudges vpon earth : and amongst other things for this purpose , this oath of allegiance , so vniustly impugned , was then deuised and enacted . and in case any sharper lawes were then made against the papists that were not obedient to the former lawes of the countrey ; if ye will consider the time , place , and persons , it will bee thought no wonder , seeing that occasion did so iustly exasperate them to make seuerer lawes then otherwise they would haue done . the time , i say , being the very next sitting downe of the parliament , after the discouerie of that abominable treason : the place beeing the same , where they should all haue bene blowen vp , and so bringing it freshly to their memorie againe : the persons being those very parliament men whom they thought to haue destroyed . and yet so far hath both my heart and gouernment beene from any bitternes , as almost neuer one of those sharpe additions to the former lawes haue euer yet beene put in execution . and that ye may yet know further for the more conuincing these libellers of wilfull malice , who impudently affirme , that this oath of allegiance was deuised for deceiuing and intrapping of papists in points of conscience ; the truth is , that the lower house of parliament at the first framing of this oath , made it to containe , that the pope had no power to excommunicate me ; which i caused them to reforme ; onely making it to conclude , that no excommunication of the popes can warrant my subiects to practise against my person or state ; denying the deposition of kings to be in the popes lawfull power , as indeed i take any such temporall violence to bee farre without the limits of such a spirituall censure as excommunication is . so carefull was i that nothing should be contained in this oath , except the profession of natural allegiance , & ciuill and temporall obedience , with a prom●se to resist to all contrary vnciuill violence . this oath now grounded vpon so great and iust an occasion , set forth in so reasonable termes , and ordeined onely for making of a true distinction betweene papists of quiet disposition , and in all other things good subiects , and such other papists as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloody maximes , that the powder-traitors did : this oath , i say , being published and put in practise , bred such euill blood in the popes head and his cleargie , as breue after breue commeth forth , vt vndam vnda sequitur ; prohibiting all catholiques from taking the same , as a thing cleane contrary to the catholicke faith ; and that the taking thereof cannot stand with the saluation of their soules . there commeth likewise a letter of cardinall bellarmines to blackwell to the same purpose ; but discoursing more at length vpon the sayd oath . whereupon , after i had entred in consideration of their vniust impugning that so iust and lawfull an oath ; and fearing that by their vntrue calumnies and sophistrie the hearts of a number of the most simple and ignorant of my people should be mis-led , vnder that faire and deceitfull cloake of conscience ; i thought good to set foorth an apologie for the said oath : wherin i proued , that as this oath contained nothing but matter of ciuill and temporall obedience , due by subiects to their soueraigne prince : so this quarrelling therewith was nothing but a late vsurpation of popes ( against the warrant of all scriptures , ancient counsels and fathers ) vpon the temporall power of kings , where with onely my apologie doth meddle . but the publishing of this booke of mine hath brought such two answerers , or rather raylers vpon me , as all the world may wonder at . for my booke beeing first written in english , an english oath beeing the subiect thereof , and the vse of it properly belonging to my subiects of england ; and immediatly thereafter being translated into latine , vpon a desire that some had of further publishing it abroad it commeth home vnto me now answered in both the languages . and , i thinke , if it had beene set forth in all the tongues that were at the confusion of babel , it would haue beene returned answered in them all againe . thus may a man see how busie a bishop the deuill is , and how he omitteth no diligence for venting of his poisoned wares . but herein their malice doth cleerely appeare , that they pay me so quickly with a double answere ; and yet haue neuer answered their owne arch-priest , who hath written a booke for the maintenāce of the same oath , and of the temporall authoritie of kings , alledging a cloud of their owne scoolemen against them . as for the english answerer , my vnnaturall and fugitiue subiect ; i will neither defile my pen , nor your sacred eies or eares with the describing of him , who ashames , nay , abhorres not to rayle , nay , to rage and spewe forth blasphemies against the late queene of famous memorie . a subiect to raile against his naturall soueraigne by birth ; a man to rayle against a lady by sexe ; a holy man ( in outward profession ) to insult vpon the dead ; nay , to take radamanthus office ouer his head , and to sit downe and play the iudge in hell ; and all his quarrell is , that either her successour , or any of her seruants should speake honourably of her . cursed be he that curseth the anointed of god : and destroyed mought he be with the destruction of korah , that hath sinned in the contradiction of korah . without mought such dogs and swine be , cast forth , i say , out of the spirituall ierusalem . as for my latine answerer , i haue nothing to say to his person ; he is not my subiect ; he standeth or falleth vnto his owne lord : but sure i am , they two haue casten lots vpon my booke , since they could not diuide it : the one of them , my fugitiue , to rayle vpon my late predecessor , ( but a rope is the fittest answere for such an historian ; ) the other , a stranger , thinketh he may be boldest both to pay my person and my booke , as indeed hee doth ; which how iustly either in matter or maner , we are now to examine . but first , who should be the true authour of this booke , i can but guesse . he calleth himselfe matthaeus tortus , cardinal bellarmins chaplain . a a throwen euangelist indeed , full of throward diuinitie ; an obscure authour , vtterly vnknowen to me , being yet little knowen to the world for any other of his works : and therefore must be a very desperate fellow in beginning his apprentisage , not only to refute , but to raile vppon a king. but who will consider the cariage of the whole booke , shall find that hee writeth with such authoritie , or at the least tam elato stylo , so little sparing either kings in generall , or my person in particular ; and with such a greatnesse , b habemus enim exemplaria breuium illorum in manibus , and c decernimus : as it shall appeare , or at least be very probable , that it is the masters , and not the mans labour ; especially in one place , where he quarrelleth mee for casting vp his moralis certitudo and piè credi vnto him ; hee there grossely forgetting himselfe , saith , malâ fide nobiscum agit , thereby making this authour to be one person with bellarmine . but let it bee the worke of a tortus indeed , and not of a personated cardinall ; yet must it be the cardinals deede , since master tortus is the cardinals man , and doeth it in his masters defence . the errand then being the cardinals , and done by his owne man it cannot but be accounted as his owne deed ; especially since the english answerer doeth foure times promise , that bellarmine , or one by his appointment , shall sufficiently answere it . and now to come to his matter and manner of answere : surely if there were no more but his vnmannerly manner , it is enough to disgrace the whole matter thereof . for first , to shew his pride , in his printers preface of the po●itan edition of this elegans libellus , he must equall the cardinals greatnesse with mine in euery thing . for though he confesseth this master tortus to bee an obscure man ; yet being the cardinals chaplaine , he is sufficient enough forsooth to answere an english booke , that lacketh the name of an authour : as if a personated obscure name for auhour of a cardinals booke , were a meet match for answering a kings booke , that lacketh the name of an authour ; and a cardinals chaplaine to meete with the deane of the kings chappell , whome parsons with the cardinall haue ( as it seemeth ) agreed vpon to intitle to bee the authour of my apologie . and not onely in the preface , but also through the whole booke doeth he keepe this comparatiue greatnesse . he must bee as short in his answere , as i am in my booke , he must refute all that i haue said against the popes second breue , with equall breuity , and vpon one page almost , as i haue done mine : and because i haue set downe the substance of the oath in 14. articles in iust as many articles must he set downe that acte of parliament of mine , wherein the oath is contained : and yet , had hee contented himselfe with his owne pride , by the demonstration of his owne greatnesse , without further wronging of me , it had bene the more tol●rable . but what cause gaue i him to farce his whole booke with iniuries , both against my person and booke ? for whereas in all my apologie i haue neuer giuen him a foule word , and especially neuer gaue him the lye : he by the contrary giueth me nine times the lye in expresse termes , and seuen times chargeth mee with a falshood , which phrase is equiualent with a lye. and as for all other words of reproch ; as nugae , conuitia , temeritas , vanitas , impudentia , blasphemiae , sermonis barbaries , cum eadem foelicitate scribendi , cauillationes , applicatio inepta , fingere historias , audacia que in hominem sanae mentis cadere non potest , vel sensu cōmuni caret , imperitia & leuitas , omnem omnino pudorem & conscientiam exuisse , malâ fide nobiscum agit vt lectoribus per fas & nefas imponat : of such like reproches , i say , i doubt if there be a page in all his booke free , except where he idlely sets down the popes breues and his owne letter . and in case this might onely seeme to touch the vnknowen authour of the booke , whom notwithstanding he knew well enough , as i shew before ; he spareth not my person with my owne name : sometimes saying , that pope clement thought me to be inclined to their religion : sometimes , that i was a puritane in scotland , and a persecutor of protestants . in one place he concludeth , quia iacobus non est catholicus , hoc ipso haereticus est . in another place , ex christiano caluinistam fecerunt . in another place hee saith , neque omnino verum est , iacobum nunquam deseruisse religionem quam primò susceperat . and in another place , after that hee hath compared and ranked me with iulian the apostate , he concludeth , cum catholicus non sit , neque christianus est . if this now be mannerly dealing with a king , i leaue it to you to iudge , who cannot but resent such indignities done to one of your quality . and as for the matter of his booke , it well fits indeed the manner thereof : for he neuer answereth directly to the maine question in my booke . for whereas my apologie handleth onely two points , as i told you before ; one , to proue that the oath of allegiance doeth onely meddle with the ciuil and temporal obedience , due by subiects to their naturall soueraignes ; the other , that this late vsurpation of popes ouer the temporall power of princes , is against the rule of all scriptures , ancient councels and fathers : hee neuer improoues the first , but by a false inference ; that the oath denieth the popes power of excommunication directly , since it denyeth his authoritie in deposing of kings . and for the second point , he bringeth no proofe to the contrary , but , pasce oues meas : and , tibi dabo claues regni coelorum : and , that no catholike euer doubted of it . so as i may truely say of him , that he either vnderstandeth not , or at least will not seeme to vnderstand my booke , in neuer directly answering the maine question , as i haue already sayd ; and so may i iustly turne ouer vpon himselfe that doome of ignorance , which in the beginning of his booke he rashly pronounceth vpon me , saying that i neither vnderstand the popes breues , his letter , nor the oath it selfe ; and as hee delighteth to repeat ouer and ouer , i know not how oft , and triumpheth in this wrong inference of his ; that to deny the popes power to depose kings , 〈◊〉 ●o deny the popes primacie , and his spirituall power of excommunication : so doeth he , vpon that ground of pasce oues meas , giue the pope so ample a power ouer kings , to throne or dethrone them at his pleasure ( and yet onely subiecting christian kings to that slauerie ) as i doubt not but in your owne honours yee will resent you of such indignities ; the rather since it concernes so many of you as professe the romish religion , farre more then me . for since hee accounteth me an heretike , & like iulian the apostate ; i am consequently extra caulam , and none of the popes flocke , and so am in the case of ethnicke princes , ouer whom he confesseth the pope hath no power . but yee are in the popes folde ; and you , that great pastour may leade as sheepe to the slaughter , when it shall please him . and as the asses eares must be hornes , if the lion list so to interpret it ; so must ye be remoued as scabbed sheepe from the flocke , if so be the pope thinke you to be , though your skinne be indeed neuer so sound . thus hath hee set such a new goodly interpretation vpon the words of christ , pasce oues meas , as if it were as much to say , as depose christian kings ; and that quodcunque solueris gaue the pope power to dispense with all sorts of othes , vowes , penalties , censurers & lawes , euen with the naturall obedience of subiects to their souereigne lords ; much like to that new coined glosse that his brother a baronius made vpon the words in s. peters vision , surge petre , occide & manduca ; that is , ( said hee to the pope ) goe kill and confound the venetians . and because i haue in my booke ( by citing a place in his controuersies ) discouered him to be a small friend to kings , hee is much commoued . for whereas in his said controuersies , speaking de clericis , hee is so bold as to affirme , that church-men are exempted from the power of earthly kings ; and that they ought them no subiection euen in temporall matters , but onely virationis and in their owne discretion , for the preseruation of peace and good order ; because , i say , citing this place of his in my booke , i tell with admiration , that he freeth all church-men from any subiection to kings , euen those that are their borne-subiects : hee is angry with this phrase , and sayth it is an addition for breeding enuie vnto him , and raising of hatred against him . for saith hee , although bellarmine affirmed generally , that church-men were not subiect to earthly kings ; yet did he not insert that particular clause [ though they were borne and dwelling in their dominions ] as if the words of church-men and earthly kings in generall imported not as much : for layicks as well as church-men are subiect to none but to their naturall soueraigne . and yet doeth he not sticke to confesse that he meant it , though it was not fit ( he saith ) to be expressed . and thus quarrels hee me for reuealing his printed secret . but whose hatred did he feare in this ? was it not yours ? who haue interest , but kings , in the withdrawing of true subiection from kings ? and when the greatest monarchs amongst you will remember , that almost the third part of your subiects and of your territories , is church-men and church-liuings ; i hope , yee will then consider and weigh , what a feather hee puls out of your wings , when he denudeth you of so many subiects and their possessions , in the popes fauour : nay , what bryers and thornes are left within the heart of your dominions , when so populous and potent a partie shall haue their birth , education and liuelyhood in your countries , and yet owe you no subiection , nor acknowledge you for their soveraignes ? so as where the church-men of old were content with their tythe of euery mans goods ; the pope now will haue little lesse then the third part of euery kings subiects and dominions . and as in this place so throughout all the rest of his booke , hee doeth nothing but amplifie the popes power ouer kings , and exaggerate my vnreasonable rigour for pressing this oath ; which he will needes haue to bee nothing but a renewed oath of supremacie in more subtill and craftie termes onely to robbe the pope of his primacie and spirituall power : making his temporall power and authoritie ouer princes , to bee one of the chiefe articles of the catholike faith . but that it may the better appeare vnto you , that all my labour and intention in this errand , was onely to meddle with that due temporall obedience which my subiects owe vnto mee ; and not to entrap nor inthrall their consciences , as he most falsly affirmes : ye shall first see how farre other godly and christian emperours and kings were from acknowledging the popes temporall supremacie ouer them ; nay , haue created , controlled and deposed popes : and next , what a number of my predecessors in this kingdome haue at al occasions , euen in the times of the greatest greatnesse of popes , resisted and plainely withstood them in this part . and first , all christian emperours were for a long time so farre from acknowledging the popes superioritie ouer them , as by the contrary the popes acknowledged themselves for their vassals , reuerencing and obeying the emperours as their lords ; for proofe whereof , i remit you to my apologie . and for the creating of popes ; the emperours were in so long and continuall possession thereof , as i will vse for my first witnesse a pope himselfe ; who ( in a a synod of an hundreth fifty and three bishops and abbots ) did ordaine , that the emperour charles the great should haue the right of choosing the pope , and ordaining the apostolicall seate , and the dignitie of the romane principalitie : nay , farther hee ordained , that all archbishops and bishops should receiue their inuestiture from the emperour , or els be of no auaile ; and , that a bishop wanting it should not bee consecrate ; pronouncing an anathema against all that should disobey this sentence . and that the emperours assent to the popes election was a thing ordinary for a long time , b platina , and a number of the popes owne writers beare witnesse : and c bellarmine himselfe , in his booke of controuersies , cannot get it handsomely denied . nay , the popes were euen forced then to pay a certaine summe of money to the emperours for their confirmation : and this lasted almost seuen hundreth yeeres after christ ; witnesse d sigebert and e luitprandus , with other popish historians . and for emperours deposing of popes , there are likewise diuers examples . the emperour f ottho deposed pope iohn the twelfth of that name , for diuers crimes and vices ; especially of lecherie . the emperour g henry the third in a short time deposed three popes ; benedict the ninth , siluester the third , and gregory the sixt , as well for the sinne of auarice , as for abusing their extraordinarie authoritie against kings and princes . and as for kings that haue denied this temporall superioritie of popes ; first , we haue the vnanime testimonie of diuers famous historiographers for the generall of many christian kingdomes . as , h walthram testifieth that the bishops of spaine , scotland , england , hungary , from ancient institution till this moderne noueltie , had their inuestiture by kings , with peaceable inioying of their temporalities wholly and entirely ; and whosoeuer ( saith hee ) is peaceably solicitous , let him peruse the liues of the ancients , and read the histories , and hee shall vnderstand thus much . and for verification of this generall assertion ; we will first begin at the practise of the kings of france , though not named by walthram in this his enumeration of kingdomes : amongst whom my first witnesse shall be that vulgarly knowen letter of i philip le bel king of france to pope boniface the viij . the beginning whereof , after a scornefull salutation , is sciat tua maxima fatuitas , nos in temporalibus nemini subesse . and likewise after that k lewes the ninth , surnamed sanctus , had by a publike instrument ( called pragmatica sanctio ) forbidden all the exactions of the popes court within his realme : pope pius l the ij in the beginning of lewes the eleuenth his time , greatly misliking this decree so long before made , sent his legate to the said king lewes with letters patents , vrging his promise which he had made when he was dolphin of france , to repeale that sanction if euer hee came to bee king. the king referreth the legate ouer with his letters-patents to the councel of paris : where the matter being propounded , was impugned by ioan. romanus , the kings atturney ; with whose opinion the vniuersitie of paris concurring , an appeale was made from the attempts of the pope to the next generall councell ; the cardinall departing with indignation . but that the kings of france and church therof haue euer stoken to their gallican immunitie , in denying the pope any temporall power ouer them , and in resisting the popes as oft as euer they prest to meddle with their temporall power , euen in the donation of benefices ; the histories are so full of them , as the onely examples thereof would make vp a bigge volume by it selfe . and so farre were the sorbonists for the kings and french churches priuiledge in this point , as they were wont to maintain ; that if the pope fell a quarrelling the king for that cause , the gallican church might elect a patriarch of their owne , renouncing any obedience to the pope . and gerson was so farre from giuing the pope that temporall authoritie ouer kings ( who otherwise was a deuoute roman catholike ) as hee wrote a booke de auferibilitate papae ; not onely from the power ouer kings , but euen ouer the church . and now permitting all further examples of forraigne kings actions , i will onely content mee at this time with some of my owne predecessors examples of this kingdom of england , that it may thereby the more clearly appeare , that euen in those times , when the worlde was fullest of darkened blindnesse and ignorance , the kings of england haue oftentimes , not only repined , but euen strongly resisted and withstoode this temporall vsurpation and encroachment of ambitious popes . and i will first begin at o king henry the first of that name , after the conquest ; who after he was crowned gaue the bishopricke of winchester to william gifford , and forthwith inuested him into all the possessions belonging to the bishopricke , contrarie to the canons of the new synod , p king henrie also gaue the archbishopricke of canterburie to radulph bishop of london ; and gaue him inuestiture by a ring and a crosiers staffe . also pope q calixtus held a councell at rhemes , whither king henry had appointed certaine bishops of england and normandie to goe ; thurstan , also , elected archbishop of yorke , got leaue of the king to goe thither , giuing his faith that hee would not receiue consecration of the pope ; and comming to the synode , by his liberal gifts ( as the fashion is ) wanne the romanes fauour , and by their meanes obtained to bee consecrate at the popes hand . which as soone as the king of england knewe , hee forbad him to come within his dominions . moreouer king edward the first , prohibited the abbot of r waltham and dean of pauls , to collect a tenth of euery mans goods for a supply to the holy land , which the pope by three bulles had committed to their charge ; and the said deane of pauls compering before the king and his councell , promised for the reuerence he did beare vnto the king , not to meddle any more in that matter , without the kings good leaue and permission . here ( i hope ) a church-man disobeyed the pope from obedience to his prince euen in church matters : but this new iesuited diuinitie was not then knowen in the world . the same edward i. impleaded the deane of the chappell of vuluerhampton , because the said deane had , against the priuiledges of the kingdome , giuen a prebend of the same chappell to one at the popes command : whereupon the said deane compeered , and put himselfe in the kings will for his offence . the said edward i. depriued also the bishop of durham of all his liberties , for disobeying a prohibition of the kings . so as it appeareth , the kings in those dayes thought the church men their svbiects , though now wee be taught other seraphicall doctrine . for further proofe whereof iohn of ibstocke was committed to the goale by the saide king , for hauing a suite in the court of rome seauen yeares for the rectorie of newchurch . and edward ii. following the footsteps of his father ; after giuing out a summons against the abbot of walden , for citing the abbot of s. albons and others in the court of rome , gaue out letters for his apprehension . and likewise , because a certaine prebend of banbury had drawen one beuercoat by a plea to rome without the kings dominions , therefore were letters of caption sent foorth against the said prebend . and edward iii. following likewise the example of his predecessors ; because a parson of liche had summoned the prior of s. oswalds before the pope at auinion ; for hauing before the iudges in england recouered the arrerage of a pension ; directed a precept , for seasing vpon all the goods both spirituall and temporall of the said parson , because hee had done this in preiudice of the king and crowne . the saide king also made one harwoden to bee declared culpable and worthy to bee punished , for procuring the popes bulles against a iudgment that was giuen by the kings iudges . and likewise ; because one entred vpon the priory of barnewell by the popes bull , the said intrant was committed to the tower of london , there to remaine during the kings pleasure . so as my predecessours ( ye see ) of this kingdome , euen when the popes triumphed in their greatnes , spared not to punish any of their subiects , that would preferre the popes obedience to theirs euen in church matters : so farre were they then from either acknowledging the pope for their temporal superior , or yet from doubting that their owne church-men were not their subiects . and now i will close vp all these examples with an act of parliament in king richard 2. his time ; whereby it was prohibited , that none should procure a benefice from rome , vnder paine to be put out of the kings protection . and thus may yee see , that what those kings successiuely one to another by foure generations haue acted in priuate , the same was also maintained by a publike law. by these few examples now ( i hope ) i haue sufficiently cleared my selfe from the imputation , that any ambition or desire of noueltie in mee should haue stirred me , either to robbe the pope of any thing due vnto him , or to assume vnto my selfe any further authoritie , then that which other christian emperours and kings through the world , and my owne predecessours of england in especiall , haue long agone maintained . neither is it enough to say ( as parsons doeth in his answere to the lord cooke ) that farre more kings of this countrey haue giuen many more examples of acknowledging , or not resisting the popes vsurped authoritie ; some perchance lacking the occasion , and some the abilitie of resisting them : for euen by the ciuill law , in the case of violent intrusion and long and wrongfull possession against mee , it is enough if i proue that i haue made lawfull interruption vpon conuenient occasions . but the cardinall thinkes the oath , not onely vnlawfull for the substance thereof , but also in regard of the person whom vnto it is to bee sworne : for ( saith he ) the king is not a catholike ; and in two or three other places of his booke , he sticketh not to call me by my name very broadly , an heretike , as i haue already tolde . but yet before i be publikly declared an heretike ; by the popes owne law my people ought not to refuse their obedience vnto me . and ( i trust ) if i were but a subiect , and accused by the pope in his conclaue before his cardinals , he would haue hard prouing me an heretike , if he iudged mee by their owne ancient orders . for first , i am no apostate , as the cardinall would make mee ; not onely hauing euer been brought vp in that religion which i presently professe , but euen my father and grandfather on that side professing the same : and so cannot be properly an heretike by their owne doctrine , since i neuer was of their church . and as for the queene my mother of worthie memorie , although she continued in that religion wherin she was nourished , yet was shee so farre from being superstitious or iesuited therein , that at my baptisme ( although i was baptized by a popish archbishop ) shee sent him word to forbeare to vse the spettle in my baptisme ; which was obeyed , being indeed a filthy and an apish trick , rather in scorne then imitation of christ . and her owne very words were , that shee would not haue a pockie priest to spet in her childs mouth . as also the font wherin i was christened , was sent from the late queene heere of famous memorie , who was my godmother ; and what her religion was , pius v. was not ignorant . and for further proofe , that that renowmed queene my mother was not superstitious , as in all her letters ( whereof i receiued many ) she neuer made mention of religion , nor laboured to perswade me in it ; so at her last words , she cōmanded her master-houshold , a scottish gentleman my seruant , and yet aliue , shee commanded him ( i say ) to tell me ; that although she was of another religion then that wherein i was brought vp ; yet she woud not presse me to change , except my owne conscience forced mee to it . for so that i led a good life , and were carefull to doe iustice and gouerne well , she doubted not but i would be in a good case with the profession of my owne religion . thus am i no apostate , nor yet a deborder from that religion which one part of my parents professed , and an other part gaue me good allowance of . neither can my baptisme in the rites of their religion make me an apostate , or heretike in respect of my present profession , since wee all agree in the substance thereof , being all baptized in the name of the father , the sonne , and the holy ghost : vpon which head there is no variance amongst vs. and now for the point of heretike , i will neuer bee ashamed to render an account of my profession , and of that hope that is in me , as the apostle prescribeth . i am such a catholike christian , as beleeueth the three creeds ; that of the apostles , that of the councell of nice , and that of athanasius ; the two latter being paraphrases to the former : and i beleeue them in that sense , as the ancient fathers and councels that made them did vnderstand them . to which three creedes all the ministers of england doe subscribe at their ordination . and i also acknowledge for orthodoxe all those other formes of creeds , that either were deuised by councels or paticular fathers , against such particular heresies , as most reigned in their times . i reuerence and admit the foure first generall councels as catholike and orthodoxe . and the said foure generall councels are acknowledged by our acts of parliament , and receiued for orthodoxe by our church . as for the fathers , i reuerence them as much and more then the iesuites doe , and as much as themselues euer craued . for what euer the fathers for the first fiue hundreth yeeres did with an vnanime consent agree vpon , to be beleeued as a necessary point of saluation , i either will beleeue it also , or at least will be humbly silent ; not taking vpon me to condemne the same : but for euery priuate fathers opinion , it bindes not my conscience more then bellarmines ; euery one of the fathers vsually contradicting others . i wil therefore in that case follow s. a augustines rule in iudging of their opinions , as i finde them agree with the scriptures : what i find agreeable thereunto i will gladly imbrace ; what is otherwise i will ( with their reuerence ) reiect . as for the scriptures ; no man doubteth i will beleeue them . but euen for the apocrypha ; i hold them in the same account that the ancients did . they are still printed and bound with our bibles , and publikely read in our churches . i reuerence them as the writings of holy and good men : but since they are not found in the canon , we account them to be secundae lectionis , or b ordinis ( which is bellarmines owne distinction ) and therefore not sufficient whereupon alone to ground any article of faith , except it be confirmed by some other place of canonicall scripture ; concluding this point with ruffinus ( who is no nouelist , i hope ) that the apocryphall bookes were by the fathers permitted to be read ; not for confirmation of doctrine , but onely for instruction of the people . as for the saints departed ; i honour their memory , and in the honour of them doe we in our church obserue the dayes of so many of them , as the scripture doth canonize for saints ; but i am loath to beleeue all the tales of the legended saints . and first for the blessed virgin marie , i yeeld her that which the angel gabriel pronounced of her , and which in her canticle shee prophecied of her selfe : that is , that a she is blessed amongst women , and b that all generations shall call her blessed . i reuerence her as the mother of christ , whom of our sauiour tooke his flesh , and so the mother of god , since the diuinitie and humanitie of christ are inseparable . and i freely confesse , that shee is in glory both aboue angels and men , her owne sonne ( that is both god and man ) only excepted . but i dare not mocke her and blaspheme against god , calling her not onely diua but dea , and praying her to command and controule her sonne , who is her god , and her saviovr . nor yet can i thinke , that she hath no other thing to doe in heauen , then to heare euery idle mans suite and busie her selfe in their errands ; whiles requesting , whiles commaunding her sonne , whiles comming downe to kisse and make loue with priests , and whiles disputing and brawling with deuils . in heauen she is in eternall glory and ioy , neuer to bee interrupted with any worldly busines ; and there i leaue her with her blessed sonne our sauiour and hers in eternall felicitie . as for prayer to saints ; christ ( i am sure ) hath commaunded vs to come all to him that are loaden with sinne , and hee will relieue vs : and s. paul hath forbidden vs to worship angels , or to vse any such voluntary worship , that hath a shew of humilitie in that it spareth not the flesh . but what warrant wee haue to haue recourse vnto these dij penates or tutelares , these courtiers of god , i know not ; i remit that to these philosophicall neoterike diuines . it satisfieth me to pray to god through christ as i am commanded , which i am sure must bee the safest way ; and i am sure the safest way is the best way in points of saluation . but if the romish church hath coined new articles of faith , neuer heard of in the first 500. yeeres after christ , i hope i shal neuer be condemned for an heretike , for not being a nouelist . such are the priuate masses , where the priest playeth the part both of the priest and of the people ; and such are the amputation of the one halfe of the sacrament from the people ; the transsubstantiation , eleuation for adoration , and circumportation in procession of the sacrament ; the works of supererogation , rightly named thesaurus ecclesiae , the baptising of bels , and a thousand other trickes : but aboue all the worshipping of images . if my faith bee weake in these , i confesse i had rather beleeue too litle then too much . and yet since i beleeue as much as the scriptures do warrant , the creeds do perswade , and the ancient councels decreed , i may well be a schismatike from rome , but i am sure i am no heretike . for reliques of saints , if i had any such that i were assured were members of their bodies i would honorably bury them , and not giue them the reward of condemned mens members , which are onely ordained to be depriued of buriall : but for worshipping either them or images , i must account it damnable idolatry . i am no iconomachus , i quarrell not the making of images , either for publike decoration , or for mens priuate vses : but that they should be worshipped , bee prayed to , or any holinesse attributed vnto them , was neuer knowen of the ancients : and the scriptures are so directly , vehemently and punctually against it , as i wonder what braine of man , or suggestion of sathan durst offer it to christians ; and all must be salued with nice philosophicall distinctions : as , idolum nihil est : and , they worship ( forsooth ) the images of things in being , and the image of the true god. but the scripture forbiddeth to worship the image of any thing that god created . it was not a nihil then that god forbade onely to be worshipped , neither was the brasen serpent , nor the body of moses a nihil ; and yet the one was destroyed , and the other hidden for eschewing of idolatrie . yea , the image of god himselfe is not onely expresly forbidden to be worshipped , but euen to be made . the reason is giuen , that no eye euer saw god ; and how can wee paint his face , when moses ( the man that euer was most familiar with god ) neuer saw but his backe parts ? surely , since he cannot bee draawen to the viue , it is a thankelesse labour to marre it with a false representation ; which no prince , nor scarce any other man will be contented with in their owne pictures . let them therefore that maintaine this doctrine , answere it to christ at the latter day , when he shall accuse them of idolatry ; and then i doubt if he will be payed with such nice sophisticall distinctions . but christs crosse must haue a particular priuiledge ( say they ) and bee worshipped ratione contactus . but first we must know what kinde of touching of christs body drew a vertue from it ; whether euery touching , or only touching by faith ? that euery touching of his body drew not vertue from it , is more then manifest . when a the woman in the bloody flux touched him , shee was healed by her faith : but peter then tolde him that a crowd and throng of many people then touched him ; and yet none of them receiued any benefit or vertue from him . iudas touched him many and many a time , besides his last kisse ; so did the villaines that buffeted and crucified him , and yet i may safely pronounce them accursed , that would bestow any worshippe vpon their reliques : yea , wee cannot denie but the land of canaan it selfe ( whereupon our lord did daily tread ) is so visibly accursed , being gouerned by faithlesse turkes , full of innumerable sects of hereticall christians , and the very fertilitie thereof so far degenerated into a pitiful sterilitie , as he must be accursed that accounteth it blessed . nay , when a certaine woman blessed the belly that bare christ , and the breasts that gaue him sucke ; nay rather ( saith he ) blessed are those that heare the word of god and keepe it . except then they could first prooue that christ had resolued to blesse that tree of the crosse whereupon he was nailed ; they can neuer proue that his touching it could giue it any vertue . and put the case it had a vertue of doing miracles , as peters sh●dow had , yet doth it not follow , that it is lawfull to worship it , which peter would neuer accept of . surely the prophets that in so many places curse those that worship images that haue eyes and see not , that haue eares and heare not , would much more haue cursed them that worship a piece of a sticke , th●t hath not so much as any resemblance or representation of eyes or eares . as for pugatorie and all the * trash depending thereupon , it is not worth the talking of , bellarmine cannot finde any ground for it in all the scriptures . onely i would pray him to tell me ; if that faire greene meadow that is in purgatorie , haue a brooke running thorow it , that in case i come there , i may haue hawking vpon it . but as for me ; i am sure there is a heauen and a hell , praemium & poena , for the elect and reprobate : how many other roomes there bee , i am not on god his counsell . multae sunt mansiones in domo patris mei , saith christ who is the true purgatorie for our sinnes : but how many chambers and anti-chambers the deuill hath , they can best tell that goe to him : but in case there were more places for soules to goe to then wee know of , yet let vs content vs with that which in his word hee hath reuealed vnto vs , and not inquire further into his secrets . heauen and hell are there reuealed to be the eternall home of all mankinde : let vs indeauour to winne the one and eschew the other ; and there is an end . now in all this discourse haue i yet left out the maine article of the romish faith ; and that is the head of the church or peters primacie ; for who denieth this , denieth fidem catholicam , saith bellarmine . that bishops ought to be in the church , i euer maintained it , as an apostolike institution , and so the ordinance of god ; contrary to the puritanes , and likewise to a bellarmine ; who denies that bishops haue their iurisdiction immediatly from god. ( but it is no wonder he takes the puritanes part , since iesuits are nothing but puritan-papists , ) and as i euer maintained the state of bishops and the ecclesiasticall hierarchie for order sake ; so was i euer an enemy to the confused anarchie or paritie of the puritanes , as well appeareth in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . heauen is gouerned by order , and all the good angels there ; nay , hell it selfe could not subsist without some order ; and the very deuils are diuided into legions and haue their chiefetaines : how can any societie then vpon earth subsist without order and degrees ? and therefore i cannot enough wonder with what brasen face this answerer could say , that i was a puritane in scotland , and an enemy to protestants : i that was persecuted by puritanes there , not from my birth only , but euen since foure moneths before my birth ? i that in the yeere of god 84 erected bishops , and depressed all their popular paritie , i then being not 18. yeeres of age ? i that in my said booke to my sonne , doe speake tenne times more bitterly of them nor of the papists ; hauing in my second edition therof affixed a long apologetike preface , onely in odium puritanorum ? and i that for the space of sixe yeares before my comming into england , laboured nothing so much as to depresse their paritie , and re-erect bishops againe ? nay , if the daily commentaries of my life and actions in scotland , were written ( as iulius caesars were ) there would scarcely a moneth passe in all my life , since my entring into the 13. yeare of my age , wherein some accident or other would not conuince the cardinall of a lye in this point . and surely i giue a faire commendation to the puraitnes in that place of my booke , where i affirme that i haue found greater honesty with the high-land and border theeues , then with that sort of people . but leauing him to his own impudence , i returne to my purpose . of bishops and church hierarchie i very well allowe ( as i saide before ) and likewise of rancks and degrees amongst bishops . patriarches ( i know ) were in the time of the primitiue church , and i likewise reuerence that institution for order sake : and amongst them was a contention for the first place . and for my selfe ( if that were yet the question ) i would with all my heart giue my consent that the bishop of rome should haue the first seate : i being a westerne king would go with the patriarch of the west . and for his temporall principalitie ouer the signory of rome , i doe not quarrell it neither ; let him in god his name be primus episcopus inter omnes episcopos , and princeps episcoporum ; so it be no other wise but as peter was princeps apostolorum . but as i well allow of the hierarchie of the church for distinction of orders ( for so i vnderstand it ) so i vtterly denie that there is an earthly monarch thereof , whose word must be a law , and who cannot erre in his sentence , by an infallibilitie of spirit . because earthly kingdomes must haue earthly monarches ; it doeth not follow , that the church must haue a visible monarch too : for the world hath not one earthly temporall monarch . christ is his churches monarch , and the holy ghost his deputie : reges gentium dominantur eorū , vos autem non sic . christ did not promise before his ascension , to leaue peter with them to direct and instruct them in all things ; but hee promised to send the holy ghost vnto them for that end . and as for these two before cited places , wherby bellarmine maketh the pope to triumph ouer kings ; i meane pasce oues , and tibi dabo claues : the cardinall knowes well enough , that the same words of tibi dabo , are in another place spoken by christ in the plural number . and he likewise knowes what reason the ancients doe giue , why christ bade peter pascere oues : and also what a cloude of witnesses there is , both of ancients , and euen of late popish writers , yea diuers cardinals , that do all agree that both these speeches vsed to peter , were meant to all the apostles represented in his person : otherwise how could paul direct the church of corinth to excommunicate the incestuous person cum spiritu suo , whereas hee should then haue said , cum spiritu petri ? and how could all the apostles haue otherwise vsed all their censures , only in christs name , and neuer a word of his vicar ? peter ( wee reade ) did in all the apostles meetings sit amongst them as one of their number : and when chosen men were sent to anti●chia from that great apostolike councell at ierusalem ( acts 15. ) the text saith , it seemed good to the apostles and elders with the whole church , to send chosen men , but no mention made of the head therof ; and so in their letters no mention is made of peter , but onely of the apostles , elders , and brethren . and it is a wonder , why paul rebuketh the church of corinth for making exception of persons , because some followed paul , some apollos , some cephas , if peter was their visible head , for then those that followed not peter or cephas , renounced the catholike faith . but it appeareth well that paul knew little of our new doctrine , since he handleth peter so rudely , as he not onely compareth but preferreth himself vnto him . but our cardinall prooues peters superioritie , by pauls going to visite him . indeed paul saith , hee went to ierusalem to visite peter , and conferre with him ; but he should haue added , and to kisse his feet . to conclude then , the truth is that peter was both in age , and in the time of christs calling him , one of the first of the apostles ; in order the principall of the first twelue , and one of the three whom christ for order sake preferred to al the rest . and no further did the bishop of rome claime for three hundred yeares after christ : subiect they were to the generall councels , and euen but of late did the councell of constance depose three popes , and set vp the fourth . and vntil phocas dayes ( that murthered his master ) were they subiect to emperours . but how they are now come to be christs vicars , nay gods on earth , triple-crowned , kings of heauen , earth and hell , iudges of all the world , and none to iudge them , heads of the fayth , absolute deciders of all controuersies by the infallibility of their spirit , hauing all power both spirituall and temporall in their hands , the high bishops , monarches of the whole earth , superiours to all emperours and kings ; yea , supreme vice-gods , who whether they will or not cannot erre : how they are now come ( i say ) to this toppe of greatnesse , i know not : but sure i am , wee that are kings haue greatest neede to looke vnto it . as for mee , paul and peter i know , but these men i know not : and yet to doubt of this , is to denie the catholique faith ; nay , the world it selfe must be turned vpside downe , and the order of nature inuerted ( making the left hand to haue the place before the right , and the last named to be the first in honour ) that this primacie may be maintained . thus haue i now made a free confession of my faith : and ( i hope ) i haue fully cleared my selfe from being an apostate ; and as far from being an heretike , as one may bee that beleeueth the scriptures , and the three creedes , and acknowledgeth the foure first generall councels . if i bee loath to beleeue too much , especially of nouelties , men of greater knowledge may well pitie my weakenesse ; but i am sure none will condemne me for an heretike , saue such as make the pope their god ; and thinke him such a speaking scripture , as they can define heresie no otherwise , but to bee whatsoeuer opinion is maintained against the popes definition of faith . and i will sincerely promise , that when euer any point of the religion i professe , shal be proued to be new , and not ancient , catholike , and apostolike ( i meane for matter of faith ) i will as soone renounce it ; closing vp this head with the maxime of vincentius lirinensis , that i will neuer refuse to imbrace any opinion in diuinity necessary to saluation , which the whole catholike church with an vnanime consent , haue constantly taught and beleeued euen from the apostles daies , for the space of many ages thereafter without interruption . but in the cardinals opinion , i haue shewed my selfe an heretike ( i am sure ) in playing with the name of babylon , and the towne vpon seuen hils ; as if i would infinuate rome at this present to bee spiritually babylon . and yet that rome is called babylon , both in s. peters epistle and in the apocalyps , our answerer freely confesseth . as for the definition of the antichrist , i wil not vrge so obscure a point , as a matter of faith to be necessarily beleeued of al christians ; but what i thinke herein , i will simply declare . that there must be an antichrist , and in his time a generall defection ; we all agree . but the time , seat , and person of this antichrist , are the chiefe questions whereupon we differ : and for that , wee must search the scriptures for our resolution . as for my opinion ; i thinke s. paul in the 2. to the thessalonians doeth vtter more clearely that which s. ●ohn speaketh more mystically of the antichrist . first that in that place he meaneth the antichrist , it is plain , since he saith there must be first a defection ; and that in the antichrists time onely that eclipse of defection must fall vpon the church , all the romish catholikes are strong enough : otherwise their church must be daily subiect to erre , which is cleane contrary to their maine doctrine . then d●scribing him ( he saith ) that the man of sin , filius perditionis , shal exalt himselfe aboue all that is called god. but who these be whom of the psalmist saith dixi , vos dijestis , bellarmine can tell . in old diuinitie it was wont to be kings : bellarmine wil adde church-men ; let it be both . it is well enough knowen , who now exalteth himselfe aboue both the swords . and after that s. paul hath thus described the person , he next describeth the seat ; and telleth that he shall sit in the temple of god , that is , the bosome of the church ; yea , in the very heart thereof . now where this apostolike seat is , i leaue it to be guessed : and likewise who it is that sitting there , sheweth himselfe to be god ; pardoning sinnes , redeeming soules , and defining faith , controuling and iudging all men , and to be iudged of none . anent the time , s. paul is plainest of all . for he calleth the thessalonians to memo●y , that when he was with them hee told them these things : and therefore they know ( saith hee ) what the impediment was , and who did withhold that the man of sinne was not reuealed , although the mystery of iniquitie was already working . that the romane emperours in s. pauls time needed no reuealing to the christians to be men of sinne or sinfull men , no child doubteth : but the reuelation he speaketh of was a mysterie , a secret ; it should therefore seeme that hee durst not publish in his epistle what that impediment was . it may be hee meant by the translating of the seate of the romane empire , and that the translation there of should leaue a roume for the man of sinne to sit downe in . and that he meant not that man of sinne of these ethnicke emperours in his time , his introduction to this discourse maketh it more then manifest . for he saith ( fearing they should be deceiued , thinking the day of the lords second comming to be at hand ) he hath therefore thought good to forewarne them that this generall defection must first come . whereby it well appeareth that hee could not meane by the present time but by a future , and that a good long time . otherwise he proued ill his argument , that the lords comming was not at hand . neither can the forme of the destruction of this man of sinne agree with that maner of spoile , that the gothes & vandals made of * ethnick rome . for our apostle saith , a that this wicked man shal be consumed by the spirit of the lords mouth , and abolished by his comming . now i would thinke that the word of god and the preaching thereof , should bee meant by the spirit of the lords mouth , which should peece and peece consume and diminish the power of that man of sinne , till the brightnesse of the lordes second comming , should vtterly abolish him . and by his expressing the meanes of his working , he doeth likewise ( in my opinion ) explane his meaning very much . for he saith , it shall be by a strong delusion , by lying wonders , &c. well , what church it is that vanteth them of their innumerable miracles , and yet most of them contrary to their owne doctrine : bellarmine can best tell you with his hungry mare , that turned her taile to her prouender and kneeled to the sacrament ; and yet ( i am sure ) he wil be ashamed to say , that the holy sacrament is ordeined to be worshipped by oues & boues , & caetera pecora campi . thus haue i prooued out of s. paul now , that the time of the antichrists comming , and the generall defection was not to bee till long after the time that he wrote in ; that his seat was to be in the temple and church of god ; and , that his action ( which can best poynt at his person ) should be to exalt himselfe aboue all that were called gods. s. iohn indeed doth more amply , though mystically describe this antichrist , which vnder the figure of a monstrous beast , with seuen heads and ten hornes , he sets forth in the xiij . chap. and then interpreteth in the xvij . where he cals her a whore sitting vpon many waters , and riding vpon the saide monstrous beast ; concluding that chapter with calling that woman , that great city which reigneth ouer the kings of the earth . and both in that chapter , and in the beginning of the next , hee calles that great city , babylon . so as to continue herein my formerly proposed methode , of the time , seat , and person of antichrist ; this place doth clearely and vndeniably declare that rome is , or shal be the seat of that antichrist . for first , no papist now denieth that by babylon here rome is directly meant ; and that this woman is the antichrist , doeth clearely appeare by the time of his working ( described by 42. moneths in the xiij . chap. ) which doeth iustly agree with that three yeeres and a halfes time , which all the papistes giue to the reigne of antichrist . besides that , the beast it selfe with seuen heads and ten hornes , hauing one of her heads wounded and healed againe , is described iust alike in the xiij . and xvij . chap. being in the former prooued to be the antichrist by the time of her reigne ; and in the latter rome by the name of babylon , by the confession of all the papists : so as one point is now cleare , that rome is the seat of the antichrist . neither will that place in the xj . chap. serue to shift off this poynt , and proue the antichrists seate to bee in ierusalem , where it is saide ; that the corpses of the witnesses shall lie in the great citie , spiritually sodome and egypt , where our lord also was crucified . for the word spiritually is applied both to sodome , egypt , and ierusalem in that place ; and when he hath named sodome and egypt , hee doeth not subioyne ierusalem with a single vbi ; but with an vbi & , as if hee would say ; and this antichrists abomination shall bee so great , as his seate shall be as full of spirituall whoredomes and idolatries , as sodome and egypt was ; nay , and so bloodie in the persecution of the saints , as our lord shall bee crucified againe in his members . and who hath so meanely read the scriptures ( if he haue euer read them at all ) that knoweth it not to bee a common phrase in them , to call christ persecuted and slaine , when his saints are so vsed ? so did christ say , speaking of the latter day ; and in the same style did hee speake to s. paul at his conuersion . and that babylon , or rome ( since bellarmine is contented it bee so called ) is that great citie , where our lord was crucified , the last verse of the xviij . chap. doeth also clearely proue it . for there it is said , that in that citie was found the blood of the prophets , & of the saints , and of all that were slaine vpon the earth ; and i hope christ was one of them that were slaine vpon the earth . and besides that , it may well bee saide that hee was slaine in that great citie babylon , since by the romane authoritie he was put to death , vnder a romane iudge , and for a romane quarrell : for he could not bee a friend to caesar , that was not his enemie . this poynt now being cleared of the antichrists seate , as i haue already sayd ; wee are next to find out the time when the antichrist shall raigne , if it bee not already come . in the xiij . chap. s. iohn saith , that this beast with the seuen heads and tenne hornes , had one of his heads wounded and healed againe ; and interpreting that in the xvij . hee saith , that these seuen heads are also seuen kings , whereof fiue are fallen , one is , and an other is not yet come , and when he commeth hee shall continue a short space . and the beast that was and is not , is the eight , and yet one of the seuen . by which beast hee meaneth the antichrist , who was not then come , i meane in the apostles dayes , but was to come after . so as betweene the time of the apostles and the ende of the world , must the time of the antichrists comming be ; and with this the papists doe also agree . whereby it appeareth that babylon , which is rome , shall bee the seate of the antichrist ; but not that ethnicke rome which was in the apostles dayes ( for iohn himselfe professeth that he is to write of nothing , but that which is to come after his time . ) nor yet that turning christian rome while she was in the conuerting , which immediatly followed the apostles time , glorious by the martyrdome of so many godly bishops : but that antichristian rome , when as the antichrist shall set downe his seat there ; after that by the working of that mysterie of iniquitie , christian rome shall become to bee corrupted ; and so that deadly wound , which the gothes and vandales gaue rome , shall be cured in that head or king , the antichrist , who thereafter shall arise & reigne for a long space . but here it may be obiected , that the antichrist cannot reigne a long space ; since s. iohn saith in two or three sundry places , that the antichrist shall worke but the space of three yeeres and a halfe . surely who will but a little acquaint himselfe with the phrases and style of s. iohn in his apocalyps , shall finde that he doeth ordinarily set downe numerum certum pro incerto . so doeth he in his twelue thousand of euery tribe that will be safe ; so doeth hee in his army of two hundred thousand , that were sent to kill the third part of the men , and so doeth hee in diuers other places . and therefore who will but remember that in all his visions in the said booke , hee directly imitates the fashions of the prophet ezekiels , daniels , and zacharies visions ( borowing their phrases that prophecied before christ , to vtter his prophecies in , that was to speake of the last dayes ) shall finde it very probable that in these three dayes and a halfe hee imitated daniels weekes , accounting for his week the time between christs first and second comming , and making antichrist to triumph the halfe of that time or spirituall weeke . for as to that literall interpretation ( as all the papists make it ) of three yeeres and a halfe , and that time to fall out directly the very last dayes , saue fiue and fortie , before christ his second comming , it is directly repugnant to the whole new testament . for christ saith , that in the latter dayes men shall be feasting , marrying , & at all such worldly finesse , when the last houre shall come in a clappe vpon them ; one shall bee at the mill. one vpon the toppe of the house , and so foorth . christ telleth a parable of the fiue foolish virgins to shew the vnlooked-for comming of this houre ; nay , he saith the sonne of man , nor the angels in heauen know not this time . s. peter biddeth vs watch and pray , euer awaiting vpon that houre . and s. iohn in this same apocalyps doeth a twise tell vs , that christ will come as a theefe in the night ; and so doeth christ say in the b euangel . whereas if the antichrist shall reigne three yeeres and a halfe before the latter day , and that there shall be but iust 45. daies of time after his destruction ; then shall not the iust day and houre of the latter day , be vnknowen to them that shall be aliue in the world at the time of antichrists destruction . for first according to the papists doctrine , all the world shall know him to be the antichist , both by the two witnesses doctrine , and his sudden destruction ; and consequently they cannot be ignorant , that the latter day shal come iust 45. dayes after : and so christ shal not come as a theefe , nor the world be taken at vnawares ; contrary to all the scriptures before alleadged , and many more . and thus haue wee proued rome to be the seat of the antichrist , and the second halfe of that spiritual weeke between the first and second comming of christ , to be the time of his reigne . for in the first halfe thereof the mystery of iniquitie beganne to worke ; but the man of sinne was not yet reuealed . but who these witnesses should be is a great question . the generall conceit of the papists is , that it must be enoch and elias : and herein is bellarmine so strong , as hee thinketh him in a great error ( if not an heretike ) that doubteth of it . but the vanitie of this iewish fable i wil in few words discouer . the cardinall , in his booke of controuersies bringeth sowerplaces of scripture for probation of this idle dreame : two in the olde testament , malachie and ecclesiasticus , and two in the new , christ in matthew ( hee might haue added marke too ) and iohn in the xi . of the apocalyps . first , for the generall of all those places , i dare boldly affirme , that there is not a word in them , nor in all the rest of the scriptures that saith , that either enoch or elias shall returne to fight against antichrist , and shall be slaine by him , nor any such like matter . next as to euery place in particular , to beginne with malachie , i know not who can better interprete him then christ , who twise in matthew , chap. xi . and xvij . and once in marke tels both the multitude , and his owne disciples , that iohn baptist was that promised elias . and herein doth bellarmine deale most vnfaithfully with christ : for his demonstration that antichrist is not yet come , because e●och and elias are not yet returned ; hee , for his probation thereof , citeth these wordes of christ in the xvij of matthew , elias shall indeed come and restore all things ; but omits his very next words interpreting the same , that he is alreadie come in the person of iohn baptist . nay , wherby he taketh vpon him to answere biblianders obiection , that christ did by iohn the baptist , vnderstand the prophecie of elias comming to be accomplished , he picketh out the words , qui habet aures , audiat , in the xi . of matthew , immediatly following that purpose of elias , making of them a great mystery : and neuer taketh knowledge , that in the xvij . by him selfe before alledged , christ doth interpret malachy in the same maner without any subioyning of these words , qui habet aures , audiat ; adioyning shamelesly hereunto a fowle paraphrase of his owne , telling vs what christ would haue saide ; nay , in my conscience , hee meant what christ should and ought to haue said , if he had beene a good catholike , setting downe there a glosse of orleance that destroyes the text. thus ye see , how shamefully he abuseth christs wordes , who in three sundry places ( as i haue said ) interpreteth the second comming of elias to be meant by iohn the baptist . hee likewise cauils most dishonestly vpon that word venturus . for christ vseth that word but in the repeating their opinion : but interpreting it , that hee was alreadie come in the person of iohn baptist . as if hee had said , the prophesie is indeed true that elias shall come ; but i say vnto you that elias iam venit , meaning of iohn baptist : and so he first repeates the words of the prophesie in the future time , as the prophet spake them and next sheweth them to be now accomplished in the person of iohn , in the present time . neither can these words of malachie [ dies magnus & horribilis ] falsifie christs commentarie vpon him . for if that day whereupon the sauiour of the world suffered , when the a sunne was totally obscured from the sixt houre to the ninth ; the vaile of the temple rent asunder from the top to the bottome ; and the earth did quake , the stones were clouen , the graues did open themselues and the dead arose· if that day ( i say ) was not a great and horrible day , i know not what to cal a horrible day . which day no doubt had destroyed the whole nation of the iewes without exception by a iust anatheme , if the said iohn the fore runner had not first conuerted many , by the doctrine of repentance and by baptisme . but why should i presume any more to interprete malachy , since it is sufficient that christ himselfe hath interpreted him so ? and since ipse dixit ; nay , ter dixit , per quem facta sunt omnia , what mortall man dare interprete him otherwise ; nay , directly contrary ? now for that place of ecclesiasticus ; as the sonne of syrach onely borroweth it from malachie ( as appeareth by these wordes of his , of conuerting the sonnes hearts to their fathers , which are malachies owne words ) so doth christs comentary serue as well to interprete the one as the other : it being no shame for that mortall iesus to bee commented and interpreted by the immortall and true iesvs , though to the shame and confusion of the iesuits heresies herein . but enoch must bee ioyned to elias in this errand , onely to beare vp the couples , as i thinke . for no place of scripture speaketh of his returning againe , only it is said in ecclesiasticus the xliiij , that enoch pleased god , and was translated to paradise , vt daret gentibus sapientiam , or poenitentiam ; since they will haue it so . and what is this to say ? marry that enoch shall returne againe to this worlde , and fight against the antichrist . a prettie large comment indeed , but no right commentary vpon that text. when bellarmine was talking of elias ; he insisted , that elias must come to conuert the iewes principally , restituere tribus iacob . but when he speaketh here of enoch , he must dare gentibus poenitentiam , and not a word of iewes . belike they shal come for sundry errands , and not both for one : or like paul and peter , the one shall be apostle for the iewes , and the other for the gentiles . what need such wilde racked commentaries for such three wordes ? will not the sense stand well and clearely enough , that enoch pleased god and was translated to paradise ; that by the example of his reward , the nations might repent and imitate his holy footsteps ? for what could more mightily perswade the nations to repent ; then by letting them see that holy man carried quicke vp to heauen , for reward of his vprightnesse ; whereas all the rest of the people died and went to corruption ? and where scripture faileth , the cardinall must helpe himselfe with the fathers , to proue both that enoch and elias are yet aliue , and that they shall hereafter die ; but with the like felicitie , as in his alledging of scriptures ; to vse his owne wordes of me in his a pamphlet . for which purpose hee citeth fiue fathers ; irenaeus , tertullian , epiphanius , hierome and agustine . vpon this they all agree in deed , that enoch and elias are still aliue both , which no christian ( i hope ) will denie . for abraham , isaac , and iacob are all still aliue , as christ telleth vs ; for god is deus viuentium , non mortuorum . much more then are enoch and elias aliue , who neuer tasted of death after the manner of other men . but as to the next point , that they should die hereafter , his first two witnesses , irenaeus and tertullian say the direct contrary . for irenaeus saith , that they shall remaine in paradise till the consummation , conspicātes in corruptionem . now to remain there till the consummation , and to see incorruption , is directly contrary to their returning to the world againe and suffering of death . tertullian likewise agreeing hereunto saith most clearely , that enoch hath neuer tasted of death , vt aeternitatis candidatus : now hee is ill priuiledged with eternitie , if he must die againe ; as for his places cited out of the other three fathers , they all confirme that first point , that they are still aliue : but that they must die againe , they make no mention . but here speaking of the ancient fathers , let mee take this occasion to forewarne you concerning them : that though they mistake and vnderstand not rightly many mysteries in the apocalyps , it is no wonder . for the booke thereof , was still sealed in their dayes . and though the mysterie of iniquitie was alreadie working , yet was not the man of sinne yet reuealed . and it is a certaine rule in all darke prophesies ; that they are neuer clearely vnderstood , till they be accomplished . and thus hauing answered his two places , in the olde testament , by his thirde in the new testament , containing christs owne words : which being , luce clariora , i neede speake no more of them . i am now to speake of the fourth place of scripture , which is in the xj . of the apocalyps . for the two witnesses ( forsooth ) there mentioned , must be enoch and elias . but how this can stand with any point of diuinity or likelihood of reason that these two glorified bodies shall come downe out of heauen or paradise ( make it what you will ) preach , and fight against the antichrist , bee slaine by him after many thousand yeeres exemption from the naturall course of death , rise againe the third day in imitation of christ ; & then ( hauing wrought many woonders ) to goe vp againe to heauen ; making an ordinary poste betwixt heauen and earth : how this ( i say ) can agree either with diuinitie or good reason , i confesse it passeth my capacity . and especially that they must bee clad in sackcloth , whose bodies ( i hope ) haue beene so long agone so free from sinne , as i thinke they should neede no more such mac●ration for sinne . for they must be now either in heauen or paradise . if in heauen ( as doubtlesse they are ) their bodies must bee glorified : for no corruptible thing can enter there ; and consequently they can no more be subiect to the sensible things of this world , especially to death . but if they be in earthly paradise , wee must first know where it is . bellarmine indeede in his controuersies is much troubled to find out the place where paradise is , and whether it be in the earth , or in the ayre . but these are all vanities . the scriptures tell vs , that paradise and the garden of eden therein , was a certaine place vpon the earth , which god chose out to set adam into , and hauing thereafter for his sinne banished him from the same , it is a blasphemy to thinke that any of adams posteritie came euer there againe . for in adam were all his posteritie accursed , and banished from the earthly paradise : like as all the earth in generall , and paradise in speciall were accursed in him ; the second adam hauing by grace , called a certaine number of them to bee coheritors with him of the heauenly paradise and ierusalem . and doubtlesly , the earthly paradise was d●faced at the flood , if not before : and so lost all that exquisite fertility and pleasantnes , wherein it once surpassed all the rest of the earth . and that it should be lifted vp in the aire , is like one of the dreames of the alcoran . surely no such miracle is mentioned in the scriptures , and hath no ground but from the curious fancies of some boyling braines , who cannot be content , sapere ad sobrietatem . in heauen then for certaine are enoch and elias : for enoch ( saith the text ) walked with god and was taken vp , and elias was seene carried vp to heauen in a fiery chariot . and that they who haue beene the in-dwellers of heauen these many thousand yeeres , and are freed from the lawes of mortalitie ; that these glorious and incorruptible bodies ( i say ) shall come into the worlde againe , preach and worke miracles , and fighting against the antichrist bee slaine by him , whome naturall death could not before take hold of : as it is a fabulous inuention , so is it quite contrary to the nature of such sanctified creatures . especially i wonder , why enoch should be thought to bee one of these two witnesses for christ . for it was moses and elias that were with christ at the transfiguration , signifying the law and the prophets : which would be the fittest witnesses for conuincing of antichrist . but why they haue exempted moses , and put enochs head in the yoake , i cannot conceiue . but i haue too much laboured in the refuting of this foolish , and indeed childish fable , which i am so farre from beleeuing in any sort , as i protest in gods presence , i cannot hold any learned diuine ( in our age now ) to be a christian , that will beleeue it ; but worthy to bee ranked with the scribes & pharises , that raued and dreamed vpon the comming againe of elias , though christ told them the contrary . as for some of the ancients that mistooke this matter , i doe not censure them so hardly ; for the reason that i haue already alledged concerning them . and hauing now refuted that idle fable ; that those two witnesses were enoch and elias : it falleth mee next to guesse , what in my opinion should be meant by them . i confesse , it is farre easier to refu●e such a groundlesse fable as this is , contrary to all grounds of diuinity and reason , then to set downe a true interpretation of so high and darke a mystery . and therefore as i will not presume to binde any other man to my opinion herein , if his owne reason leads him not thereunto , so shall i propone such probable coniectures , as ( i hope ) shall be free from heresie , or vnlawfull curiosity . in two diuers fashions may the mysterie of these witnesses be lawfully and probably interpreted , in my opinion . whereof the one is , that by these two witnesses should be meant the olde and new testaments . for as the antichrist cannot chuse but bee an aduersary to the word of god , aboue all things ; so will he omit no endeuour to disgrace , corrupt , suppresse and destroy the same . and now whether this booke of the two testaments , or two witnesses of christ , haue suffered any violence by the babylonian monarchy or not , i need say nothing ; res ipsa loquitur . i will not weary you with recounting those common places vsed for disgracing it : as calling it a nose of waxe , a dead letter , a leaden rule , and a hundred such like phrases of reproch . but how far the traditions of men , and authority of the church are preferred to these witnesses , doeth sufficiently appeare in the babylonian doctrine . and if there were no more but that little booke with that pretie inscription , del ' insuffisance del ' escriture sainte , it is enough to proue it . and as to the corrupting thereof ; the corruptions of the old latine translation must not be corrected , though it bid euertere domum in stead of euerrere , for seeking of a penny ; and though it say of iohn , sic eum volo manere donec veniam , in place of si , though it bee knowen a plaine lye , and that the very next wordes of the text disprooue the same . nay , so farre must we be from correcting it , as that the vulgar translation must be preferred by catholikes , to the bible in the owne originall tongue . and is it a small corrupting of scriptures to make all , or the most part of the apocrypha of equall faith with the canonicall scriptures , contrary to the fathers opinions and decrees of ancient councels ? and what blasphemous corrupting of scripture is it , to turne dominus into domina throughout the whole psalmes ? and thus our ladies psalter was lately reprinted in paris . is not this to confound christs person with hers ? and as for suppressing of the scriptures how many hundreth yeeres were the people kept in such blindnesse , as these witnesses were almost vnknowne ? for the layicks durst not , being forbidden , and the most part of the cleargie , either would or could not meddle with them . thus were these two witnesses of christ ( whom of himselfe saith , scrutamini scripturas , illae enim testimonium perhibent de me ) these a two oliues bringing peace to all the beleeuers , euen peace of conscience : these b two candlesticks standing in the sight of god , and giuing light to the nations ; represented by candlestickes euen in the very order of the roman masse : thus were these two witnesses ( i say ) disgraced , corrupted and suppressed ( nay , so suppressed and silenced , as he was brent for an heretike that durst presume to looke vpon them ) kept close in a strange tongue that they might not be vnderstood , legends and lying woonders supplying their place in the pulpits . and so did their bodies lie in the streetes of the great citie , spiritually sodome , for spirituall fornication which is idolatrie ; spiritually egypt , for bringing the saints of god in bondage of humane traditions [ quare oneramini ritibus ? ] so did their bodies ( i say ) lie 3. daies and a halfe ; that is , the halfe of that spirituall weeke betweene christ his first and second comming ; and as dead carkases indeed did the scriptures then lye without a monument , being layed open to all contempt , cared for almost by none , vnderstood by as few ; nay , no man durst call for them for feare of punishment , as i haue already said . and thus lying dead , as it were , without life or vigour ( as the law of god did till it was reuiued in iosias time ) the inhabitants of the earth , that is , worldly men , reioyced and sent gifts to other , for ioy that their fleshly libertie was now no more awed , nor curbed by that two edged sword : for they were now sure , that to doe what they would , their purse would procure them pardons from babylon . omnia vaenalia romae ; so as men needed no more to looke vp to heauen , but downe in their purses to finde pardons . nay , what needed any more suing to heauen , or taking it by violence and feruencie of zeale ; when the pardons came and offered themselues at euery mans doores ? and diuers spirituall men vaunted themselues , that they neither vnderstood olde testament nor new . thus were these two witnesses vsed in the second halfe of this spirituall weeke ; who in the first halfe thereof were clad in sackecloth ; that is , preached repentance to all nations , for the space of fiue or sixe hundreth yeeres after christ : god making his word or witnesse so triumph , riding vpon the white horse in the time of the primitiue church , as that they ouercame all that opposed themselues vnto it , beating downe euery high thing , as paul sayth ; excluding from heauē all that beleeue not therein : as strongly with the spirituall fire thereof , conuincing the stiffenecked pride of vnbeleeuers , as euer moses or elias did , by the plagues of egypt and famine , conuince the rebellious egyptians and stiffe-necked israelites . neither shall it be enough to disgrace , corrupt and suppresse them ; but killed must they be at the last . to which purpose commeth forth a censura generalis , vt mucrone censorio iugulare eas possit ; and cutteth their throates indeed . for the authour ordaineth all translations , but their owne , to be burnt , which is yet commonly practised : nay he professeth , he commeth not to correct but to destroy them , controlling and calling euery place of scripture hereticall , that disagreeth front their traditions ( with almost as many foule wordes and railing epithetes , as the cardinal bestoweth on my apologie ) not ruling , nor interpreting scripture by scripture , but making their traditions to be such a touchstone for it , as he condemneth of heresie not only those places of scripture that he citeth , but layeth the same generall condemnation vpon all other the like places wheresoeuer they be writin the scriptures . and yet ( praised bee god ) we beginne now with our eyes , as our predecessors haue done in some ages before , to see these witnesses rise againe , and shine in their former glory : god , as it were , setting them vp againe vpon their feete , and raising them to the heauens in a triumphall cloud of glory , like elias his fiery chariot . which exalting of the gospel againe , hath bred such an earthquake and alteration amongst many nations ; as a tenth part , or a good portion of these that were in subiection to that great citie , to wit , babylon , are fallen from her ; seuen thousand , that is , many thousands hauing beene killed vpon the occasion of that great alteration ; and many others conuerted to the feare of god , and giuing glory to the god of heauen . this now is one of the wayes , by which ( i thinke ) this place of scripture may be lawfully and probably interpreted . the other is more common , and seemeth more literally to agree with the text. and this is to interpret , not the word of god , but the preachers thereof to bee meant by these witnesses . few they were that first beganne to reueale the man of sinne , and discouer his corruptions ; and therefore well described by the number of two witnesses : nam in ore duorum aut trium testiū stabit omne verbum . and in no greater number were they that begun this worke , then the greatnesse of the errand did necessarily require , they prophecied in sackcloth , for they preached repentance . that diuers of them were put to cruell deaths , is notorious to the world· and likewise that ( in the persons of their successours in doctrine ) a they rose againe ; and that in such power and efficacie , as is more then miraculous . for where it is accounted in the scriptures a miraculous work of god wrought by his holy spirit , when the apostle s. peter conuerted about three thousand in one day ; these witnesses i speake of , by the force of the same spirit , conuerted many mighty nations in few yeeres : who still continue praising god , that he hath deliuered vs from the tyranny of antichrist that raigneth ouer that great citie ; and with a full crie proclaiming , goe out of her my people , lest ye be partaker of her sinnes and of her plagues . let therefore these miracle-mongers that surfet the world , and raise the prise of paper daily , with setting foorth olde , though new gilded miracles and legends of lies ; 〈◊〉 such ( i say ) consider of this great and wonderfull miracle indeede , and to their shame compare it with their paultry wares . thus hauing in two fashions deliuered my coniecture , what i take to be meant by these two witnesses in the xj of the apocalyps , there being no great difference between them : in the one , taking it to bee the word of god it selfe ; in the other , the word of god too , but in the mouthes of his preachers : it resteth nowe that i come to the third point of the description of antichrist , which is anent his person . that by the whoore of babylon that rideth vpon the beast , is meant a seat of an empire , and a successiue number of men sitting thereupon , and not any one man ; doeth well appeare by the forme of the description of the antichrist throughout all the sayd booke . for in the last verse of the xvij . chapter the woman is expounded to bee , that great citie that reigneth ouer the kings of the earth ; which cannot signifie the only person of one man , but a successiue number of men ( as i haue already saide ) whose seat that great city must be : like as in the same chapter , the seuen heads of the beast are two wayes expounded . first , they are called seuen hils , which is plaine ; and next they are called seuen kings , which cannot bee meant by the kings that shall giue their power to the beast , and bee subiect vnto her , which is immediately after expressed by the tenne hornes : but rather appeareth to be those seuen formes of gouernment of that seat : fiue of which had already been and fallen ; as kings , consuls , dictators , decemuiri , and tribuni militum . the sixt was in the time of s. iohn his writing of this booke , which was the gouernment of the emperours . the seuenth which was not yet come , and was to last but for a short space , was the a ecclesiasticall gouernment by bishops , which was to come vpon the translation of the empire from rome to constantinople ; though their gouernment was in a maner substitute to the emperours . for though that forme of gouernment lasted about the space of 276. yeeres ; yet was it but short in comparison of the long time of the reigne of the antichrist ( not yet expired ) which succeeded immediatly thereunto . and the eighth , which is the beast that was and is not , and is to goe to perdition , is the antichrist : the eighth forme of gouernement indeed by his absolutenesse , and yet the seuenth , because hee seemeth but to succeed to the bishops in an ecclesiasticall forme of gouernement , though by his greatnes hee shall make babylons empire in glory , like to that magnificence wherein that great citie triumphed , when it most flourished : which in s. iohns time was much decayed , by the factions of the great men , the mutinies of the armies , and the vnworthinesse of the emperours . and so that flourishing state of that great citie or beast , which it was in before s. iohns time , and being much a decayed was but in a maner in his time , should bee restored vnto it againe by antichrist : who as he ascendteh out of the botomlesse pit , so must hee goe to destruction . and likewise by that great lamentation that is made for the destruction of babylon in the xvij . chapter , both by the kings and by the merchants of the earth ; where it is thrice repeated for aggrauating the pitie of her desolation , that that great citie fell in an houre : by that great lamentation ( i say ) it well appeareth , that the raigne of antichrist must continue longer then three yeeres and a halfe , or any one mans time . for the kings that had committed fornification with her , & in delicijs vixerant ; behoued to haue had a longer time for contracting of that great acquaintance : and the merchants of the earth set her foorth and describe her at great length , as the very staple of all their riches ; which could not bee so soone gathered as in one mans time . and to conclude now this description of the antichrist ; i will set downe vnto you all that is spoken of him in the apocalyps in a short methode , for the further explaining of these three points that i haue already handled . the antichrist is foure times ( in my opinion ) described by iohn in the apocalyps , in foure sundrie visions ; and a short compendium of him repeated againe in the xx . chapter . he is first described by a pale horse in the vision of the seales in the sixt chapter . for after that christ had triumphed vpon a white horse in the first seale , by the propagation of the gospel ; and that the red horse in the second seale , is as busie in persecution , as christ is in ouercomming by the constancie of his martyrs ; and that famine and other plagues signified by the blacke horse in the third seale , haue succeeded to these former persecutions : then commeth foorth the antichrist vpon a pale horse in the fourth seale , hauing death for his rider , and hell for his conuoy ; which rider fitted well his colour of palenesse : and he had power giuen a him ouer the fourth part of the earth ( which is europe ) to kill with the sword and vse great persecution ; as ethnick rome did , figured by the red horse : and to kill vvith spirituall hunger or famine of the true word of god ; as the blacke horse did by corporall famine and with death , whereby spirituall death is meant . for the antichrist , signified by this pale horse , shall afflict the church both by persecution and temporall death ; as also by alluring the nations to idolatry , and so to spirituall death : and by the beasts of the earth shall hee procure their spirituall death ; for hee shall send out the locusts ( ouer whom he is king ) mentioned in the ninth chapter of this booke ; and the three frogges , mentioned in the xvj . of the same ; for intising of all kings and nations to drinke of the cup of her abominations . that that decription now of antichrist endeth there , it is more then plaine : for at the opening of the first seale , the soules and blood of the murthered saints cry for vengeance and hasting of iudgement ; which in the sixt seale is graunted vnto them by christs comming at the latter day ; signified by heauens departing away , like a scrol when it is rolled : with a number of other sentences to the same purpose . but because this might seeme a short and obscure description of the antichrist ; hee describeth him much more largely & specifikely , especially in the vision of the trumpets in the ninth chapter . for there hee saith , at the blowing of the fift trumpet , heresies being first spread abroad in three of the four former blasts ; to wit , in the first , third , and fourth blast ( for i take temporall perecution to be onely signified by the second blast ) hee then saw a starre fall from heauen , to whom was giuen the key of the bottomlesse pit ; which being opened by him , with the smoke thereof came foorth a number of locusts , whom he largely describeth , both by their craft and their strength ; and then telleth the name of this their king , who brought them out of the bottomlesse pit , which is , destroyer : by this starre fallen from heauen , being signified , as i take it , some person of great dignitie in the church , whose duetie being to giue light to the world ( as christ saith ) doeth contrary thereunto fall away like lucifer , and set vp a kingdome , by the sending foorth of that noisome packe of craftie cruell vermine , described by locusts : and so is the seat of the antichrist begun to bee erected , whose doctrine is at length declared in the second vvoe , after the blast of the sixt trumpet ; where it is saide , that the remnant of men which were not killed by the plagues , repented not of the works of their hands , that they should not worship deuils , and idols of golde , and of siluer , and of brasse , and of stone , and of wood , which neither can see , heare , nor goe . ( as for worshipping of deuils ; looke your great iesuited doctor , vasques : and as for all the rest , it is the maine doctrine of the romane church . ) and then it is subioyned in this text , that they repented not of their murther , their sorcerie , their fornications , nor their theft . by their murther , their persecution is meant , and bloody massacres . for their sorcery consider of their agnus dei , that will sloken fire ; of the hallowed shirts , and diuers sorts of reliques ; and also of prayers that will preserue men from the violence of shot , of fire , of sword , of thunder , and such like dangers ; and iudge , if this be not very like to sorcerie and incantation of charmes . by their fornication is meant both their spirituall fornication of idolatry , and also their corporall fornication ; which doth the more abound amongst them , as well by reason of the restraint of their churchmen from marriage , as also because of the many orders of idle monastike liues amongst them , as well for men as women : and continuall experience prooueth , that idlenesse is euer the greatest spurre to lecherie . and they are guiltie of theft , in stealing from god the titles and greatnes of power due to him , and bestowing it vpon their head , the antichrist : as also by heaping vp their treasure with their iuggling wares and merchandise of the soules of men , by iubiles , pardons , reliques and such like strong delusions . that he endeth this description of antichrist in the same ninth chapter may likewise well appeare , by the oath that that mightie angell sweareth in the sixt verse of the tenth chapter : and after the blast of the sixt trumpet , that time shall be no more , and that when the seuenth angell shall blow his trumpet , the mysterie of god shal be finished , as he had declared it to his seruants the prophets . onely in the eleuenth chapter he describeth the means whereby the antichrist was ouercome , whose raigne he had before described in the ix . chapter ; and telleth vs that the two witnesses , after that they haue beene persecuted by the antichrist shall in the end procure his destruction . and in case any should thinke , that the antichrist is onely spoken of in the xj . chapter , and that the beast spoken of in the xiij . and xvij . chapters doth onely signifie ethnicke rome ; there needeth no other refutation of that conceit , then to remember them , that the antichrist is neuer named in all that xi . chapter , but where hee is called in the seuenth verse thereof the beast that commeth foorth of the bottomles pit : which by the description of the place he commeth out of prooueth it to be the same beast which hath the same originall in the xvij . chapter , and in the very same words ▪ so as it is euer but the same antichrist repeated , and diuersly described in diuers visions . now in the xij . and xiij . chapters and so foorth till the xvij . he maketh a more large and ample propheticall description of the state of the church , and raigne of the antichrist . for in the xij . chap. he figureth the church by a woman flying from the dragon ( the deuill ) to the wildernesse ; and when the dragon seeth he cannot otherwise ouer-reach her , he speweth forth waters like floods to cary her away ; which signifieth many nations , that were let loose to persecute and vex the church . and in the xiij . chapter , out of that sea of nations that persecuted her ariseth that great citie ( queene of all the nations , and head of that persecution ) figured by a beast with seuen heads and ten hornes , like a leopard ; as well for the colour because it was full of spots , that is , defiled with corruptions ; as also vsing a bastard forme of gouernement , in shew spirituall , but in deed temporall ouer the kings of the earth ; like the leopard that is a bastard beast betwixt a lion and a parde : hauing ●eete like a beare , to signifie his great strength ; and the mouth of a lion , to shew his rauenous and cruell disposition . this beast who had his power from the dragon , and had gotten a deadly wound in one of his heads , or formes of gouernment ( by the gothes and vandals ) and yet was healed againe ; opened his mouth to blasphemies , and made warre against the saints : nay , all the world must worship him ; which worship ethnicke rome neuer craued of any , being contented to call their neighbour kings amici & socij populi romani . and whether worship or adoration , euen with that same title , hee vsed to popes at their creation , our cardinall can best tell you . but then commeth another beast vp out of the earth , hauing indeed a more firme & setled originall : for she doth visibly and outwardly succeed to the true church , and therefore she hath two hornes like the lambe , in outward shew representing the spouse of christ , and pretending christ to bee her defence : but shee speaketh like the dragon , teaching damnable and deuilish doctrine . and this apostatike ( i should say apostolike ) church , after that she hath made her great power manifest to the world , by doing all that the first beast could doe , in conspectu eius ; that is , by shewing the greatnesse of her power , to be nothing inferiour to the greatnesse of the former ethnicke empire : shee then is mooued with so great a desire to aduance this beast , now become antichrist , as shee causeth the earth and all that dwell therein , to worship this former beast or roman monarch ; transferring so , as it were , her owne power in his person . yea , euen emperours and kings shall be faine to kisse his feet . and for this purpose shall she worke great miracles , wherin she greatly prides her selfe , deceiuing men with lying wonders and efficacie of lyes , as s. paul saith . and amongst the rest of her wonders , she must bring fire out of heauen , fulmen excommunicationis , which can dethrone princes . so that all that will not worship the image of the beast , that is , his vnlimited supremacie , must be killed and burnt as heretikes . yea , so peremptory will this beast or false prophet be ( so called in the xvj . chapter of this booke ) for the aduancement of the other beast , or antichrist ; as all sorts and rankes of people must receiue the marke or name of that beast in their right hand , or in their forehead ; without the which it should bee lawfull to none to buy , or sell : by the marke in the forehead , signifying their outward profession and acknowledgement of their subiection vnto her ; and by the marke in their right hand , signifying their actuall implicite obedidience vnto her , who they thinke cannot erre , though shee should commaund them to rebell against their naturall princes ; like that coeca obediencia wherunto all the iesuits are sworne : and like those romish priests in this countrey , that haue renounced and forsworne againe that oath of alleagiance ; grounded vpon their naturall oath ; which thought at their taking it , they confessed they did it out of conscience , and as obliged thereunto by their naturall duetie ; yet now must they forsweare it againe , for obedience to the popes command ; to whose will their conscience and reason must be blindly captiuated . and who euer denied this absolute power , might neither buy nor sell ; for no man was bound to keepe any faith , or obserue any ciuill contracts with heretikes : yea , to aequiuocate and commit periurie towards them , is a lawfull thing in a catholike . now as to the mystery anent the number of his name , whether it shal be vnderstood by the number composed of the letters in that greeke word λατεινος , which word well sutes with the romish church , romish faith , and latine seruice . or whether , in respect that in the text , it is called the number of the man , ye will take it for the number or date of the yeere of god , wherein that first man liued , that first tooke the title of the antichrist vpon him , i leaue it to the readers choise . by that first man , i meane bonifacius tertius , who first called himselfe vniuersall bishop , which s. gregorie that liued till within three yeeres of his time , a foretold would be the style of the antichrist , or his praecursor : for though he died threescore yeeres before the 666. of christ , yet was that title but fully setled vpon his successors , sixtie yeeres after his time . or if yee list to count it from pompey his spoiling of the temple , to this same mans time ; it will goe very neere to make iust vp the said number 666. now the raigne of the antichrist being thus prophetically described in the xiij . chapter ; his fall is prophecied in the xiiij . first by the ioyfull and triumphall new song of the saints in heauen : and next by the proclamation of three angels ; whereof the first hauing an euerlasting gospel in his hand to preach to all nations ( the true armour indeed wherewith the witnesses fought against the antichrist ; ) this first angel , i say , proclaimed feare and glory to god , since the houre of his iudgement was come . and the second proclaimed the fall of babylon , which is the destruction of the antichrist . and the third prohibited vnder great paines , euen the paine of eternall damnation , that none should worship the beast , or receiue his marke . but though that in the rest of this chapter the latter day be againe prophecied , as a thing that shall come shortly after the reuealing of the man of sinne ; yet in the xv . chap. he telleth of seuen plagues , vnder the name of vials , that shall first fall vpon the antichrist and his kingdome : which , being particularly set downe in the xvj . chapter , hereckoneth amongst the rest . in the fifth vial , the plague of darkenesse ; yea , such darkenesse as the kingdome of antichrist shall bee obscured : whereby at the powring foorth of the sixt vial , the way of the kings of the east shal be prepared ; the man of sinne being begun to be reuealed , and so all impediments remooued that might let the inuasion of that monarchie : euen as that great riuer euphrates that runneth by the literall babylon . guarded it from the kings of the east , the medes and persians , the time of the babylonian monarchie , til by the drying thereof , or vnexspected passage made through it by cyrus , babylon was wonne , and baltasar destroyed , and his monarchie ouerthrowne : euen while hee was sitting in that literall babylon , corporally drunken and quaffing in the vessels ordained for gods seruice ; and so sitting as it were in the temple of god , and abusing the holy mysteries thereof . for remedy whereof , at the powring forth of the sixt vial , three vnclean spirits , like frogs , shall then come foorth out of the mouth of the dragon , that beast , and of the false prophet ; which i take to be as much to say , as that how soone as the kingdome of antichrist shalb● so obscured , with such a grosse and a palpable ignorance , as learning shall be almost lost out of the world , and that few of the very priests themselues shall bee able to read latine , much lesse to vnderstand it ; and so a plaine way made for the destruction of babylon : then shall a new sect of spirits arise for the defence of that falling throne , called three in number , by reason of their three-folde direction ; beeing raised and inspired by the dragon sathan , authorized and maintained by the beast the antichrist , and instructed by the false prophet the apostatike church , that hath the hornes like the lambe , but speaketh like the dragon . these spirits indeed , thus sent forth by this three-folde authoritie for the defence of their triple crowned monarch , are well likened to frogs ; for they are amphibions , and can liue in either element earth or water : for though they be church-men by profession , yet can they vse the trade of politike statesmen ; going to the kings of the earth , to gather them to the battell of that great day of god almightie . what massacres haue by their perswasions beene wrought through many parts of christendome , and how euill ▪ kings haue sped that haue beene counselled by them , all the vnpartiall histories of our time doe beare record . and whatsoeuer king or state will not receiue them , and follow their aduise , rooted out must that king or state be , euen with gunpowder ere it faile . and these frogs had reason indeed to labor to become learned , thereby to dissipate that grosse mist of ignorance , wherewith the reigne of antichrist was plagued before their comming foorth . then doeth this chapter conclude with the last plague that is poured out of the seuenth viall vpon the antichrist , which is the day of iudgement : for then babylon ( saith he ) came in remembrance before god. but in the xvij chapter is the former vision interpreted and expounded ; and there is the antichrist represented by a woman , sitting vpon that many-headed beast ; because as christ his true spouse and church is represented by a woman in the xij . chap. so here is the head of his adulterous spouse or false church represented also by a woman , but hauing a cup ful of abominations in her hand ; as her selfe is called a whoore for her spirituall adultery , hauing seduced the kings of the earth to bee partakers of her spirituall fornication : and yet wonderfull gorgious and glorious was shee in outward shew ; but drunken with the blood of the saints , by a violent persecution of them . and that she may the better be knowen , he writeth her name vpon her forehead agreeable to her qualities : a mystery , that great babylon , that mother of whoredomes and abominations of the earth . a mystery is a name that belongeth vnto her two maner of wayes : one , as she taketh it to her selfe ; another , as she deserueth it indeed . to her selfe she taketh it , in calling herselfe the visible head of the mystical bodie of christ , in professing her selfe to bee the dispenser of the mysteries of god , and by her onely must they bee expounded : this great god in earth and head of the faith , being a mystes by his profession ; that is , a priest . and if the obseruation of one be true , that hee had of olde the word mystery written on his myter ; then is this prophecie very plainely accomplished . now that indeede shee deserues that name the rest of her title doeth beare witnesse , that sheweth her to be the mother of all the whoredomes and abominations of the earth : and so is she vnder the pretext of holinesse , a mystery indeed of all iniquitie and abominations ; vnder the marke of pretended feeding of soules , deuouring kingdomes , and making christendome swimme in blood . now after that this scarlet or bloody beast and her rider are described , by their shape , garments , name and qualities : the angel doth next interpret this vision vnto iohn , expounding vnto him what is signified both by the beast and her rider ; telling him , the seuen heads of the beast are seuen hils , meaning by the situation of that citie or seat of empire ; and that they are also seuen kings or formes of gouernement in the said citie , whereof i haue told my conceit already . as for the tenne hornes , which hee sheweth to be tenne kings , that shall at one houre receiue their power and kingdome with the beast , i take that number of ten to be numerus certus pro incerto , euen as the number of seuen heads and ten hornes vpon the dragon the deuill , cannot but bee an vncertaine number . and that he also imitates in those ten hornes , the ten hornes of the seuen headed beast in the seuenth of daniel : and therefore i take these ten kings to signifie , all the christian kings , and free princes and states in generall , euen you whome to i consecrate these my labors , and that of vs all he prophecieth , that although our first becomming absolute and free princes should bee in one houre with the beast ( for great christian kingdomes and monarches did but rise , and receiue their libertie by the ruines of the ethnicke romane empire , and at the destruction thereof ) and at the very time of the beginning of the planting of the antichrist there ; and that wee should for a long time continue to worship the beast , hauing one catholike or common consenting minde in obeying her , yelding our power and authoritie vnto her , and kissing her feet , drinking with her in her cup of idolatrie , and fighting with the lambe , in the persecution of his saints , at her command that gouerneth so many nations and people : yet notwithstanding of all this , wee shall in the time appointed by god , hauing thus fought with the lambe , but being ouercome by him , that is , conuerted by his word ; wee shall then ( i say ) hate the whore , and make her desolate , and make her naked , by discouering her hypocrisie and false pretence of zeale ; and shall eate her flesh , and burne her with fire . and thus shal the way of the kings of the east be prepared , as yee heard in the xvj . chapter . and then doth hee subioyne the reason of this strange change in vs : for ( saith hee ) god hath put it in their hearts to fulfill his will , and with one consent to giue their kingdomes to the beast , till the words of god be fulfilled , according to that sentence of salomon ; that the hearts of kings are in the handes of god , to bee turned at his pleasure . and hauing thus interpreted the beast or empire ; he in a word expounds , that by the woman that rode vpon her , or monarch that gouerned her , was meant that great citie that raigned ouer the kings of the earth : by the seate of the empire pointing out the qualitie of the persons that should sit and domine there . then is the greatnesse of her fall , and the great lamentation that both the kings and merchants of the earth shall make for the same , proclaimed by an other angel in the xviij . chapter . the kings lamenting her fall , because they liued in pleasure with her ; which no kings could doe with ethnicke rome , who conquered them by her sword : for shee honoured them with titles , and dispensed with their lustes and vnlawfull mariages . and the merchants of the earth , and all shipmasters , and traffikers vpon the sea shall lament the fall of that great city , which neuer had a fellow , for the losse of their riches and trafficke which they inioyed by her meanes . and there hee describeth all sorts of rich wares , whereof that great city was the staple : for indeede shee hath a necessary vse for all such rich and glorious wares , as well for ornaments to her churches and princely prelates , as for garments and ornaments to her woodden saints ; for the blessed virgin must be daily clothed and decked in the newest and most curious fashion , though it should resemble the habit of a curtizane . and of all those rich wares , the most precious is last named , which is the soules of men : for so much bestowed vpon masses , and so much doted to this or that cloyster of monkes or friers , but most of all now to that irregular and incomprehensible order of iesuites ; shall both redeeme his owne soule , and all his parents to the hundreth generation , from broyling in the fire of purgatory . and ( i hope ) it is no small merchandise of soules , when men are so highly deluded by the hopes and promise of saluation , as to make a frier murther his a soueraigne ; a young knaue attempt the murther of his next b successour ; many one to conspire and attempt the like against the late queene ; and in my time , to attempt the destruction of a whole kingdome and state by a blast of powder : and heereby to play bankerupt with both the soules mentioned in the scriptures , animus & anima . but notwithstanding of this their great lamentation , they are commanded by a voice from heauen to doe two things : one , to flee from babylon , least they bee partakers of her sinnes , and consequently of her punishment . which warning i pray god that yee all , my beloued brethren and cosins , would take heede vnto in time , humbly beseeching him to open your eyes for this purpose . the other commaund is , to reward her as shee hath rewarded you ; yea , euen to the double . for as she did flie but with your feathers , borrowing as well her titles of greatnes and formes of honoring her from you ; as also enioying all her temporall liuing by your liberalities ; so if euery man doe but take his owne againe , she will stand vp * naked ; and the reason is giuen , because of her pride . for she glorifieth her selfe liuing in pleasure , and in her heart sayth , shee sitteth as a queene ( outward prosperity being one of their notes of a true church ) and is no widow ; for her spouse christ is bound to her by an inuiolable knot ( for hee hath sworn neuer to forsake her ) and she shal see no mourning : for she cannot erre , nor the gates of hell shall not preuaile against her . but though the earth and worldly men lament thus for the fall of babylon in this eighteenth chapter , yet in the nineteenth heauen and all the angels and saints therein doe sing a triumphall cantique for ioy of her fall ; praising god for the fall of that great whoore : great indeed , for our * cardinall confesseth , that it is hard to describe what the pope is , such is his greatnesse . and in the ende of that chapter is the obstinacie of that whoore described , who euen fought to the vttermost against him that sate on the white horse , and his armie , till the beast or antichrist was taken , and the false prophet , or false church with him , who by myracles , and lying wonders deceiued them that receiued the marke of the beast ; and both were casten quicke into the burning lake of fire and brimstone ; vnde null redemptio . like as in the ende of the former chapter , to describe the fulnesse of the antichristes fall ( not like to that reparable wound that ethnicke rome gate ) it is first compared to a milstone cast in the sea , that can neuer rise and fleete againe : and next it is expressed by a number of ioyfull things that shall neuer be heard there againe , where nothing shall inhabite but desolation . but that the patience and constancy of saints on earth , and god his elected may the better be strengthened and confirmed ; their persecution in the latter dayes , is shortly prophesied and repeated againe , after that satan hath beene bound , or his furie restrained , by the worlds inioying of peace for a thousand yeeres , or a great indefinite time ; their persecutors being named gog and magog , the secret and reuealed enemies of christ . whether this be meant of the pope and the turke , or not ; ( who both began to rise to their greatnesse about one time ) i leaue to be guessed ; alwayes their vtter confusion is there assuredly promised : and it is said ; that the dragon , the beast , and the false prophet , shall all three bee cast in that lake of fire and brimstone , to be tormented for euer . and thereafter is the latter day described againe ( which must be hastened for the elects sake ) and then for the further comfort of the elect , and that they may the more constantly and patiently indure these temporall and finite troubles , limited but to a short space ; in the last two chapters are the ioyes of the eternall ierusalem largely described . thus hath the cardinals shamelesse wresting of those two places of scripture , pasce oues meas , and tibi dabo claues , for proouing of the popes supreme temporall authoritie ouer princes ; animated me to prooue the pope to be the antichrist , out of this foresaid booke of scripture ; so to pay him in his owne money againe . and this opinion no pope can euer make me to recant ; except they first renounce any further medling with princes , in any thing belonging to their temporall iurisdiction . and my only wish shal be , that if any man shall haue a fancie to refute this my coniecture of the antichrist ; that he answere mee orderly to euery point of my discourse : not contenting him to disproue my opinion , except hee set downe some other methode after his forme for interpretation of that booke of the apocalyps , which may not contradict no part of the text , nor containe no absurdities . otherwise , it is an easie thing for momus to picke quarrels in another mans tale , and tell it worse himselfe ; it being a more easie practise to finde faults , then to amend them . hauing now made this digression anent the antichrist , which i am sure i can better fasten vpon the pope , then bellarmine can doe his pretended temporall superioritie ouer kings : i will returne againe to speake of this answerer ; who ( as i haue alreadie told you ) so fitteth his matter with his maner of answering , that as his style is nothing but a satyre and heape full of iniurious and reprochfull speeches , as well against my person , as my booke ; so is his matter as full of lyes and falsities indeed , as he vniustly layeth to my charge . for three lyes hee maketh against the oath of allegiance , contained and maintained in my booke : besides that ordinary repeated lye against my book ; of his omitting to answere my lyes , trattles , iniurious speeches and blasphemies . one grosse lye hee maketh euen of the popes first breue . one lye of the puritanes , whom he would gladly haue to bee of his partie . and one also of the powder-traitors , anent the occasion that moued them to vndertake that treasonable practise . three lies he makes of that acte of parliament wherein this oath of allegiance is contained . he also maketh one notable lye against his owne catholike writers . and two , of the causes for which two iesuites haue bene put to death in england . and hee either falsifies , denies or wrests fiue sundry histories and a printed pamphlet : besides that impudent lye that he maketh of my person ; that i was a puritane in scotland , which i haue alreadie refuted . and for the better filling vp of his booke with such good stuffe ; he hath also fiue so strange and new principles of diuinitie therein , as they are either new , or at least allowed by very few of his owne religion . all which lyes , with diuers others , and fiue strange , and ( as i thinke ) erroneous points of doctrine , with s●n dry falsifications of hystories ; are set downe in a table by themselues in the end of this my epistle , hauing their refutation annexed to euery one of them . but as for the particular answering of his booke ; it is both vnnecessarie and vncomely for me to make a reply . vnnecessarie , because ( as i haue alreadie told you ) my booke is neuer yet answered so farre as belongeth to the maine question anent the oath of allegiance : the picking of aduantage vpon the wrong placing of the figures in the citations , or such errors in the print by casuall addition , or omission of words that make nothing to the argument ; being the greatest weapons wherewith hee assaults my booke . and vncomely it must needs be ( in my opinion ) for a king to fall in altercation with a cardinall , at least with one no more nobly descend●d then he is : that ecclesiasticall dignitie , though by the sloath of princes ( as i said before ) it bee now come to that height of vsurped honour , yet being in the true originall and foundation thereof nothing else , but the title of the priestes and deacons of the parish churches in the towne of rome ; at the first , the style of cardinals beeing generally giuen to all priestes and deacons of any cathedrall church , though the multitude of such cardinall priests and deacons resorting to rome , was the cause that after bred the restraining of that title of cardinall priests and deacons , onely to the parish priests and deacons of rome . and since that it is s. gregorie , who in his epistles sixe hundreth yeares after christ , maketh the first mention of cardinals ( and so these now electours of the apostolike sea , beeing long and many hundreth yeers vnknowen or vnheard of , after the apostol●ke age ; and yet doth he speake of them but in this sense , as i haue now described ) i hope the cardinall , who calleth him the apostle of england , cannot blame me that am king thereof , to acknowledge the cardinall in no other degree of honour , then our said apostle did . but how they should now become to be so strangely exalted aboue their first originall institution , that from parish-priests and deacons ( priests inferiours ) they should now come to be princes and peeres to kings : and from a degree vnder bishops ( as both a bellarmine and b onuphrius confesse ( to be now the popes sole electors , su●plying with him the place of a general counsel ; whereby the conuening of generall councels is now vtterly antiquated and abolished ; nay , out of their number onely , the pope to be elected ; who claimeth the absolute superiority ouer all kings : how this their strange vsurped exaltation ( i say ) should thus creepe in and be suffered , it belongeth all them in our place and calling to look vnto it ; who being god his lieute●āts in earth , haue good reason to be iealous of such vpstart princes , meane in their originall , come to that height by their owne creation , and now accounting themselues kings fellowes . but the speciall harme they do vs , is by their defrauding vs of our common & christian interest in generall councels ; they hauing ( as i sayd ) vtterly abolished the same , by rowling it vp and making as it were a monopoly thereof , in their conclaue with the pope . whereas , if euer there were a possibilitie to bee expected of reducing all christians to an vniformitie of religion , it must come by the meanes of a generall councell : the place of their meeting beeing chosen so indifferēt , as all christian princes , either in their owne persons , or their deputie commissioners , and all church men of christian profession that beleeue and professe all the ancient grounds of the true , ancient , catholike and apostolike faith , might haue tutum accessum thereunto ; all the incendiaries and nouelist fire-brands on either side beeing debarred from the same , as well iesuites as puritanes . and therefore hauing resolued not to paine my selfe with making a reply for these reasons here specified , grounded as well vpon the consideration of the matter , as of the person of the answerer ; i haue thought good to content my selfe with the reprinting of my apologie : hauing in a maner corrected nothing but the copiers or printers faults therein , and prefixed this my epistle of dedication and warning therunto ; that i may yet see , if any thing will be iustly said against it : not doubting but enow of my subiects will reply vpon these libellers , and answere them sufficiently ; wishing yov deepely to consider , and weigh your common interest in this cause . for neither in all my apologie , nor in his pretended refutation thereof , is there any question made anent the popes power ouer mee in particular , for the excommunicating or deposing of me . for in my particular ; the cardinall doeth me that grace , that he saith , the pope thought it not expedient at this time to excommunicate me by name ; our question beeing onely generall , whether the pope may lawefully pretend any temporall power ouer kings , or no ? that no church men can by his rule be subiect to any temporall prince , i haue already shewed you ; and what obedience any of you may looke for of any of them de facto , he plainly forewarneth you of , by the example of gregorie the great his obedience to the emperor mauritius : not beeing ashamed to slaunder that great personages christian humilitie and obedience to the emperour , with the title of a constrained and forced obedience , because hee might , or durst doe no otherwise . whereby he not onely wrongs the said gregorie in particular , but euen doeth by that meanes lay on an heauie slaunder and reproach vpon the christian humilitie and patience of the whole primitiue church , especially in the time of persecution : if the whole glorie of their martyrdome and christian patience shall be thus blotted with that vile glosse of their coacted and constrained suffering , because they could or durst do no otherwise ; like the patience and obedience of the iewes or turkish slaues in our time cleane contrary to s. paul and s. pe●●rs doctrine of obedience for conscience sake ; and as contrarie to tertullians apologie for christians , and all the protestations of the ancient fathers in that case . but it was good lucke for the ancient christians in the dayes of ethnicke emperors , that this prophane & new conceit was yet vnknowen among them : otherwise they would haue bin vtterly destroyed and rooted out in that time , and no man to haue pitied them , as most dangerous members in a common-wealth , who would no longer bee obedient , then till they were furnished with sufficient abilitie and power to resist and rebell . thus may ye see , how vpon the one part our cardinall will haue all kings and monarchs to be the popes vassals ; and yet will not on the other side , allow the meanest of the pope his vassals , to be subiect to any christian prince . but he not thinking it enough to make the pope our superior , hath in a late treatise of his ( called the recognition of his bookes of controuersies ) made the people and subiects of euery one of vs , our superiors . for hauing taken occasion to reuisite againe his bookes of controuersies and to correct or explaine what he findeth amisse or mistaketh in them ; in imitation of s. augustine his retractions ( for so hee saith in his preface ) he doth in place of retracting any of his former errours , or any matter of substance ; not retract , but recant indeed , i meane sing ouer againe , and obstinatly confirme a number of the grossest of them . among the which , the exempting of all church-men from subiection to any temporall prince , and the setting vp not onely of the pope , but euen of the people aboue their naturall king ; are two of his maine points . as for the exemption of the clerickes ; he is so greedy there to proue that point , as he denieth caesar to haue beene pauls lawfull iudge : contrary to the expresse text , and pauls plain appellation , and acknowledging him his iudge ; besides his many times claiming to the roman priuiledges , and auowing himselfe a roman by freedome ; and therefore of necessitie a subiect to the roman emperour . but it is a wonder that these roman catholikes , who vaunt themselues of the ancientie both of their doctrine and church , and reproch vs so bitterly of our nouelties , should not bee ashamed to make such a new inept glosse as this vpon s. pauls text ; which as it is directly contrary to the apostles wordes , so is it without any warrant , either of any ancient councell , or of so much as any one particular father that euer interpre●s that place in this sort : neither was it euer doubted by any christian in the primitiue church , that the apostles , or any other degree of christians , were subiect to the emperour . and as for the setting vp of the people aboue their owne naturall king , hee bringeth in that principle of sedition , that he may thereby proue , that kings haue not their power and authoritie immediatly from god , as the pope hath his : for euery king ( saith he ) is made and chosen by his people ; nay , they do but so transferre their power in the kings person , as they doe notwithstanding retaine their habituall power in their owne hands , which vpon certaine ocasions they may actually take to themselues againe . this , i am sure , is an excellent ground in diuini●●e for all r●bels and rebellious people , who are hereby allowed to rebell against their princes ; and assume libertie vnto themselues , when in their discretions they shall thinke it conuenient . and amongst his other testimonies for probation , that all kings are made and created by the people ; hee alledgeth the creation of three kings in the scripture , saul , dauid & ieroboam ; and though he be compelled by the expresse words of the text , to confesse , that god by his prophet samuel anointed both a saul and b dauid ; yet will he , by the post-consent of the people , proue that those kings were not immediatly made by god , but mediatly by the people ; though he repeat thrise that word of lott , by the casting whereof hee confesseth that saul was chosen . and if the election by lott be not an immediate election from god ; then was not matthias , who was so chosen and made an apostle , immediatly chosen by god : and consequently , hee that sitteth in the apostolike sea cannot for shame claim to be immediatly chosen by god , if matthias ( that was one of the twelue apostles , supplying iudas his place ) was not so chosen . but as it were a blasphemous impietie , to doubt that matthias was immediatly chosen by god , and yet was hee chosen by the casting of lots , as saul was : so is it well enough knowen to some of you ( my louing brethren ) by what holy spirit or casting of lots the popes vse to bee elected ; the colledge of cardinals , his electors , hauing beene diuided in two mighty factions euer since long before my time ; and in place of casting of lotts , great fat pensions beeing cast into some of their greedy mouthes for the election of the pope , according to the partiall humours of princes . but i doe most of all wonder at the weaknesse of his memorie : for in this place hee maketh the post consent of the people to bee the thing that made both these kings , notwithstanding of their preceding inauguration and anoyntment by the prophet at gods commandement ; forgetting that in the beginning of this same little booke of his , answering one that alledgeth a sentence of s. cyprian , to prooue that the bishops were iudged by the people in cyprians time , hee there confesseth , that by these words , the consent of the people to the bishops election must be onely vnderstood . nor will he there any wayes be mooued to graunt , that the peoples power , in consenting to or refusing the election of a bishop ; should be so vnderstood , as that therby they haue power to elect bishops : and yet do these words of cyprian seeme to be farre stronger for granting the peoples power to elect church-men , then any words that hee alledgeth out of the scripture are for the peoples power in electing a king. for the very words of cyprian by himselfe there cited are , that the very people haue principally the power , either to chuse such priests as are worthy , or to refuse such as are vnworthy : and , i hope , he can neuer proue by the scripture , that it had been lawfull to the people of israel , or that it was left in their choise , to haue admitted or refused saul or dauid at their pleasure , after that the prophet had anointed them , and presented them vnto them . thus ye see how little he careth ( euen in so little a volume ) to contradict himselfe , so it may make for his purpose ; making the consent of the people to signifie their power of election in the making of kings , though in the making of bishops , by the peoples cōsent , their approbauen of a deede done by others must onely bee vnderstood . and as for his example of ieroboams election to be king , hee knoweth well enough , that ieroboam was made king in a popular mutinous tumult and rebellion ; onely permitted by god , and that in his wrath , both against these two kings and their people . but if he will needs helpe himselfe against all rules of diuinity , with such an extraordinary example for proofe of a generall rule ; why is it not as lawfull for vs kings to oppose hereunto the example of iehu his inauguration to the kingdome ; who vpon the prophets priuat anointment of him , and that in most secret maner , tooke presently the kings office vpon him , without euer crauing any sort of approbation from the people ? and thus may ye now clearely see , how deepe the claime of the babylonian monarch toucheth vs in all our common interest : for ( as i haue already tolde ) the pope , nor any of his vassals , i meane church-men , must be subiect to no kings nor princes : and yet all kings and their vassals must not onely be subiect to the pope , but euen to their own people . and now , what a large liberty is by this doctrine left to churchmen , to hatch or foster any treasonable attempts against princes , i leaue it to your considerations , since doe what they will , they are accountable to none of vs : nay , all their treasonable practises must bee accounted workes of pietie , and they ( being iustly punished for the same ) must be presently inrolled in the list of martyrs and saints ; like as our new printed martyrologie hath put garnet and ouldcorne in the register of english martyrs abroad , that were hanged at home for treason against the crown and whole state of england : so as i may iustly with isaiah , pronounce a woe to them that speake good of euill , and euill of good ; which put light for darkenesse , and darknesse for light ; which iustifie the wicked for a reward , & take away the righteousnes of the righteous from him . for euen as in the time of the greatest blindnesse in popery , though a man should find his wife or his daughter lying a bed in her confessors armes ; yet was it not lawfull for him so much as to suspect that the frier ahadny errand there , but to confesse and instruct her : euen so , though iesuites practising in treason bee sufficiently verified , and that themselues cannot but confesse it ; yet must they bee accounted to suffer martyrdome for the faith , and their blood work miracles , and frame a stramineum argumentum vpon strawes ; when their heads are standing aloft , withered by the sunne and the winde , a publike spectacle for the eternall commemoration of their treacherie . yea , one of the reasons , that is giuen in the printers epistle of the colonian edition of the cardinal or his chaplains pamphlet , why he doth the more willingly print it , is ; because that the innocencie of that most holy and constant man henry garnet , is declared and set forth in that booke ; against whom , some ( he knew not who ) had scattered a false rumour of his guiltinesse of the english treason . but , lord , what an impudencie or wilfull ignorance is this , that he , who was so publikely and solemnely conuicted and executed , vpon his own so cleare , vnforced and often repeated confession , of his knowledge and concealing of that horrible treason , should now be said to haue a certaine rumor spred vpon him of his guiltinesse , by i know not who ? with so many attributes of godlinesse , constancie and innocencie bestowed vpon him , as if publike sentences and executions of iustice , were rumors of i know not who . indeed , i must confesse , the booke it selfe sheweth a great affection to performe , what is thus promised in the preface thereof : for in two or three places therin , is there most honorable lying mention made of that straw saint ; wherein , though he confesse that garnet was vpon the foreknowledge of the powder-treason , yet in regarde it was ( as he saith ) only vnder the seale of confession , he sticketh not to praise him for his concealing thereof , and would gladly giue him the crowne of glory for the same : not being ashamed to proclaime it as a principal head of catholique doctrine ; that the secret of sacramental con●ession ought not to be reuealed , not for the eschewing of whatsoeuer euil . but how damnable this doctrine is , and how dangerously pre●udiciall to all princes & states ; i leaue it to you to iudge , whom all it most highly concerneth . for although it he true , that when the schoolemen came to be doctors in the church , and to marre the old grounds in diuinitie by sowing in amongst them their philosophicall distinctions : though they ( i say ) do maintain , that wha●soeeuer thing is told a confessor vnder the vaile of confession , how dangerous soeuer the matter bee , yet he is bound to conceale the parties name : yet doe none of them , i meane of the olde schoolemen , deny , that if a matter bee reuealed vnto them , the concealing whereof may breed a great or publike danger ; but that in that case the confessor may disclose the matter , though not the person , and by some indirect means make it come to light , that the danger thereof may bee preuented . but that no treason nor diuelish plot , though it should tend to the ruine or exterminion of a whole kingdome , must be reuealed , if it bee told vnder confession ; no not the matter so far indirectly disclosed , as may giue occasion for preuenting the danger thereof : though it agree with the conceit of some three or foure new iesuited doctors , it is such a new and dangerous head of doctrine , as no king nor state can liue in securitie where that position is maintained . and now , that i may as well prooue him a lyar in facto , in his narration of this particular hystory ; as i haue shewed him to be in iure , by this his damnable and false ground in diuinity : i wil truly informe you of garnets case , which is far otherwise then this answerer alleageth . for first , it can neuer bee accounted a thing vnder confession , which he that reueals it doth not discouer with a remorse , accounting it a sin whereof he repenteth him ; but by the contrary , discouers it as a good motion , and is therein not dissuaded by his confessor , nor any penance enioyned him for the same : and in this forme was this treason reuealed to garnet , as himselfe confessed . and next , though he stood long vpon it , that it was reuealed vnto him vnder the vaile of confession , in respect it was done in that time , while as the partie was making his confession vnto him ; yet at the last he did freely confesse , that the party reuealed it vnto him as they were walking , and not in the time of confession : but ( hee said ) hee deliuered it vnto him vnder the greatest seale that might be , and so he tooke that he meant by the seale of confession ; and it had ( as he thought ) a relation to confession , in regard that he was that parties confessor , & had taken his confession sometimes before , and was to take it againe within few dayes thereafter . he also said , that he pretended to the partie , that he would not conceale it from his superior . and further it is to be noted , that hee confessed , that two diuers persons conferred with him anent this treason ; and that when the one of them , which was catesby , conferred with him thereupon , it was in the other parties presence and hearing : and what a confession can this be in the hearing of a third person ? and how far his last wordes ( whereof our answerer so much vaunts him ) did disproue it to haue been vnder confession , the earle of northamptons booke doth beare witnesse . now as to the other parties name , that reuealed the powder-treason vnto him , it was greenwell the iesuite , and so a iesuite reuealed to a iesuite this treasonable plot , the iesuite reuealer not shewing any remorse , and the iesuit whome to it was reuealed not so much as inioyning him any penance for the same . and that ye may knowe that more iesuites were also vpon the partie , owldcorne the other powder-martyr , after the misgiuing and discouerie of that treason , preached consolatorie doctrine to his catholike auditory ; exhorting them not to faint for the misgiuing of this enterprise , nor to thinke the worse thereof that it succeeded not ; alleadging diuers presidents of such godly enterprises that misgaue in like manner : especially , one of saint lewis king of france , who in his second iourney to the holy land , died by the way , the greatest part of his army being destroyed by the plague ; his first iourney hauing likewise misgiuen him by the soldans taking of him : exhorting them thereupon not to giue ouer , but still to hope that god would blesse their enterprise at some other time , though this did faile . thus see ye now with what boldnes and impudencie he hath belied the publikely knowen veritie in this errand , both in auowing generally that no iesuite was any waies guilty of that treason , for so he affirmeth in his booke ; and also that garnet knewe nothing thereof , but vnder the seale of confession . but if this were the first lie of the affaires of this state , which my fugitiue priestes and iesuites haue coined and spread abroad , i could charme them of it , as the prouerbe is . but as well the walles of diuers monasteries and iesuites colleges abroad , are filled with the painting of such lying histories , as also the bookes of our said fugitiues are farced with such sort of shamelesse stuffe ; such are the innumerable sorts of torments and cruell deathes , that they record their martyrs to haue suffered here ; some torne at foure horses ; some sowed in beares skinnes , and then killed with dogges : nay , women haue not beene spared ( they say ) and a thousand other strange fictions , the vanities of all which i will in two words discouer vnto you . first as for the cause of their punishment , i doe constantly maintaine that which i haue said in my apology : that no man , either in my time , or in the late queenes , euer died here for his conscience . for let him be neuer so deuout a papist , nay , though hee professe the same neuer so constantly , his life is in no danger by the law , if hee breake not out into some outward acte expresly against the words of the law , or plot not some vnlawfull or dangerous practise or attempt ; priests and popish church-men onely excepted , that receiue orders beyond the seas ; who for the manifold treasonable practises that they haue kindled & plotted in this countrey , are discharged to come home againe vnder paine of treason , after their receiuing of the saide orders abroad ; and yet , without some other guilt in them then their bare home-comming , haue none of thē bin euer put to death . and next , for the cruell torments & strange sorts of death that they say so many of them haue bin put vnto ; if there were no more but the lawe and continually obserued custome of england , these many hundred yeeres , in all criminall matters , it will sufficiently serue to refute all these monstrous lies : for no tortures are euer vsed here , but the manicles or the racke , and these neuer but in cases of high treason ; and all sorts of traitours die but one maner of death here , whether they bee papist or protestant traitours ; queene maries time only excepted . for then indeede no sorts of cruell deathes were spared vnexecuted vpon men , women and children professing our religion : yea , euen against the lawes of god and nature , women with childe were put to cruell death for their profession ; and a liuing childe falling out of the mothers belly , was throwen in the same fire againe that consumed the mother . but these tyrannous persecutions were done by the bishops of that time , vnder the warrant of the popes authoritie , and therefore were not subiect to that constant order and formes of execution , which as they are heere established by our lawes and customes , so are they accordingly obserued in the punishment of all criminals . for all priests and popish traitours heere receiue their iudgement in the temporall courts , and so doe neuer exceed those formes of execution which are prescribed by the law , or approued by continuall custome . one thing is also to be marked in this case ; that strangers are neuer called in question here for their religion , which is far otherwise ( i hope ) in any place where the inquisition domines . but hauing now too much wearied you with this long discourse , whereby i haue made you plainely see , that the wrong done vnto me in particular ; first by the popes breues , and then by these libellers , doth as deepely interest you all in generall , that are kings , free princes , or states , as it doth mee in particular : i will now conclude , with my humble prayers to god , that he will waken vs vp all out of that lethargike slumber of securitie , wherein our predecessors and we haue lien so long ; and that wee may first grauely consider , what wee are bound in conscience to doe for the planting and spreading of the true worship of god , according to his reuealed will , in all our dominions ; therein hearing the voice of our onely pastor ( for his sheepe will know his voyce , as himselfe saith ) and not following the vaine , corrupt & changeable traditions of men . and next that wee may prouidently looke to the securitie of our owne states , and not suffer this incroching babylonian monarch to winne still ground vpon vs. and if god hath so mercifully dealt with vs , that are his lieutenants vpon earth , as that he hath ioyned his cause with our interest , the spirituall libertie of the gospel with our temporall freedome : with what zeale and courage may wee then imbrace this worke : for our labours herein being assured , to receiue at the last the eternall and inestimable reward of felicitie in the kingdome of heauen ; and in the meane time to procure vnto our selues a temporall securitie , in our temporall kingdomes in this world . as for so many of you as are already perswaded of that truth which i professe , though differing among your selues in some particular points ; i think little perswasion should moue you to this holy and wise resolution : our greatnes , nor our number , praised bee god , being not so contemptible , but that we may shew good example to our neighbors ; since almost the halfe of all christian people and of all sorts and degrees , are of our profession ; i meane , all gone out of babylon , euen from kings and free princes , to the meanest sort of people . but aboue all ( my louing brethren and cosins ) keepe fast the vnity of faith amongst your selues ; reiect a questions of genealogies and b aniles fabulas , as paul saith ; let not the foolish heate of your preachers for idle controuersies or indifferent things , teare asunder that mysticall body , whereof yee are a part , since the very coat of him whose members wee are was without a seame : and let not our diuision breed a slander of our faith , and be a word of reproch in the mouthes of our aduersaries , who make vnitie to be one of the speciall notes of the true church . and as for you ( my louing brethren and cosins ) whome it hath not yet pleased god to illuminate with the light of trueth ; i can but humbly pray with elizeus , that it would please god to open your eyes , that yee might see what innumerable and inuincible armies of angels are euer prepared and ready to defend the truth of god : and with s. paul i wish , that ye were as i am in this case ; especially that yee would search the scriptures , and ground your faith vpon your owne certaine knowledge , and not vpon the report of others ; since euery man must be saf● by his owne faith . but , leauing this to god his mercifull prouidence in his due time , i haue good reason to remember you , to maintaine the ancient liberties of your crownes and common-wealthes , not suffering any vnder god to set himselfe vp aboue you ; and therein to imitate your owne noble predecessors , who ( euen in the dayes of greatest blindnes ) did diuers times couragiously oppose themselues to the incroaching ambition of popes . yea , some of your kingdomes haue in all ages maintained , and without any interruption enioyed your libertie , against the most ambitious popes . and some haue of very late had an euident proofe of the popes ambitious aspiring ouer your temporall power ; wherein ye haue constantly maintained and defended your lawfull freedome , to your immortall honour . and therefore i heartily wish you all , to doe in this case the office of godly and iust kings and earthly iudges : which consisteth not onely in not wronging or inuading the liberties of any other person ( for to that will i neuer presse to perswade you ) but also in defending and maintaining these lawfull liberties wherewith god hath indued you . for ye , whom god hath ordained to protect your people from iniuries , should bee ashamed to suffer your selues to bee wronged by any . and thus , assuring my selfe , that ye will with a setled iudgement free of preiudice , weigh the reasons of this my discourse , and accept my plainnesse in good part , gracing this my apologie with your fauours , and yet no longer then till it shall be iustly and worthily refuted ; i end , with my earnest prayers to the almightie for your prosperities , and that after your happy temporall raignes in earth , yee may liue and raigne in heauen with him for euer . a catalogve of the lyes of tortus , together with a briefe confutation of them . tortus . edit . politan . pag. 9. 1 in the oath of allegiance the popes power to excommunicate euen hereticall kings , is expresly denied . confutation . the point touching the popes power in excommunicating kings , is neither treated of , nor defined in the oath of allegiance , but was purposely declined . see the wordes of the oath , and the praemonition . pag. 9. tortus . p. 10. 2 for all catholike writers doe collect from the words of christ , whatsoeuer thou shalt loose vpon earth , shall bee loosed in heauen , that there appertaineth to the popes authoritie , not only a power to absolue from sinnes , but also from penalties , censures , lawes , vowes and oathes . confutation . that all roman-catholike writers do not concurre with this libeller , in thus collecting frō christs words , mat. 16. to omit other reasons , it may appeare by this that many of them do write . that what christ promised there , that he did actually exhibite to his disciples iohn 20. when he said , whose sinnes yee remit , they shall be remitted , thereby restraining this power of loosing formerly promised , vnto loosing from sinnes , not mentioning any absolution from lawes , vowes and oathes in this place . so doe theophylact , anselme , hugo cardin. & ferus in mat. 16. so doe the principall schoolemen . alexand. hales in summa . part 4. q. 79. memb . 5. & 6. art . 3. thom. in 4. dist . 24. q. 3. art . 2. scotus in 4. dist . 19. art . 1. pope hadrian . 6. in 4. dist . q. 2. de clauib . pag. 302. edit . parsien . an . 1530. who also alledgeth for this interpretation , augustine and the interlinear glosse . tortus . p. 18. 3 i abhorre all parricide , i detest all conspiracies : yet it cannot be denied but occasions of despaire were giuen [ to the powder-plotters . ] confutation . that it was not any iust occasion of despaire giuen to the powder-traitours , as this libeller would beare vs in hand , but the instructions which they had from the iesuites , that caused them to attempt this bloody designe : see the praemonition , pag. 127. and the booke intituled , the proceedings against the late traitours . tortus . p. 26. 4 for not only the catholiques , but also the caluinist-puritanes detest the taking of this oath . confutation . the puritanes doe not decline the oath of supremacie , but daily doe take it , neither euer refused it . and the same supremacie is defended by caluin himselfe , instit . lib. 4. cap. 20. tortus . p. 28. 5 first of all the pope writeth not , that he was grieued at the calamities which the catholiks did suffer for the keeping of the orthodox faith in the time of the late queene , or in the beginning of king iames his reigne in england , but for the calamities which they suffer at this present time . confutation . the onely recitall of the words of the breue wil sufficiently confute this lye . for thus writeth the pope . the tribulations and calamities which ye haue continually susteined for the keeping of the catholique faith , haue alway afflicted vs with great griefe of minde . but forasmuch as we vnderstand , that at this time all things are more grieuous , our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased . tortus . p. 28. 6 in the first article [ of the statute ] the lawes of queene elizabeth are confirmed . confutation . there is no mention at all made of confirming the lawes of q. elizabeth , in the first article of that statute . tortus . p. 29. 7 in the 10. article [ of the sayd statute ] it is added , that if the [ catholikes ] refuse the third time to take the oath being tendered vnto them , they shall incurre the danger of loosing their liues . confutation . there is no mention in this whole statute either of offring the oath the third time , or any endangering of their liues . tortus . p. 30. 8 in the 12. article , it is enacted , that whosoeuer goeth out of the land to serue in the warres vnder forreine princes , they shall first of all take this oath , or else be accounted for traytors . confutation . it is no where said in that statute , that they which shall thus serue in the warres vnder forreine princes , before they haue taken this oath , shal be accounted for traitors , but only for felons . tortus . p. 35. 9 we haue already declared , that the [ popes ] apostolike power in binding and loosing is denyed in that oath [ of allegeance . ] confutation . there is no assertory sentence in that oath , nor any word but onely conditionall , touching the power of the pope in binding and loosing . tortus . p. 37. 10 the popes themselues , euen wil they , nill they , were constrained to subiect themselues to nero and diocletian . confutation . that christians without exception , not vpon constraint but willingly and for conscience sake , did subiect themselues to the ethnicke emperours , it may appeare by our apologie , p. 23 , 24. and the apologetickes of the ancient fathers . tortus . p. 47. 11 in which words [ of the breues of clement the 8. ] not onely iames king of scotland , was not excluded , but included rather . confutation . if the breues [ of clement ] did not exclude mee from the kingdome , but rather did include me , why did garnet burne them ? why would he not reserue them that i might haue seene them , that so he might haue obtained more fauour at mine hands , for him and his catholickes ? tortus . p. 60. 12 of those 14. articles [ contained in the oath of allegeance ] eleuen of them concerne the primacie of the pope in matters spirituall . confutation . no one article of that oath doeth meddle with the primacie of the pope in matters spirituall : for to what end should that haue bene , since we haue an expresse oath els-where against the popes primacie in matters spirituall ? tortus . p. 64. 13 amongst other calumnies this is mentioned , that bellarmine was priuie to sundry conspiracies against q elizabeth , if not the authour . confutation . it is no where said [ in the apologie ] that bellarmine was either the authour , or priuie to any conspiracies against queene elizabeth but that he was their principall instructer and teacher , who corrupted their iudgement with such dangerous positions & principles , that it was an easie matter to reduce the generals into particulars , and to apply the dictates which hee gaue out of his chaire , as opportunity serued , to their seuerall designes . tortus . p. 64. 14 for hee [ bellarmine ] knoweth , that campian onely conspired against hereticall impiety . confutation . that the true and proper cause of campians execution , was not for his conspiring against hereticall impiety , but for conspiring against queene elizabeth , and the state of this kingdome , it was most euident by the iudiciall proceedings against him . tortus . p. 65. 15 why was h. garnet , a man incomparable for learning in all kindes , and holinesse of life , put to death , but because hee would not reueale that which he could not doe with a safe conscience ? confutation . that garnet came to the knowledge of this horrible plot not only in confession , as this libeller would haue it , but by other meanes , n●ither by the relation of one alone , but by diuers , so as hee might with safe conscience haue disclosed it ; see the premonition , p. 125 , 126 , &c. and the earle of northamptons booke . tortus . p. 71. 16 pope sixtus 5. neither commaunded the french king to be murdered , neither approued that fact , as it was done by a priuate person . confutation . the falsehood of this doeth easily appeare by the oration of sixtus . 5. tortus . p. 91. 17 that which is added concerning stanley his treason , is neither faithfully nor truely related : for the apologer ( as his maner is ) doth miserably depraue it , by adding many lyes . confutation . that which the apologie relateth concerning stanley his treason , is word for word recited out of cardinall allens apologie for stanley●s treason , as it is to be seene there . tortus . p. 93. 18 it is very certaine that h. garnet at his arraignment , did alwayes constantly auouch , that neither hee nor any iesuite either were authors , or compartners , or aduisers , or consenting any way [ to the powder-treason . ] and a little after . the same thing he protested at his death in a large speech , in the presence of innumerable people . confutation . the booke of the proceedings against the late traytors , and our premonition , pag. 125 , 126 , &c. doe clearly prooue the contrary of this to be true . tortus . p. 97. 19 king iames since hee is no catholike , neither is hee a christian . confutation . contrary : i am a true catholike , a professour of the truely ancient , catholike , and apostolike faith : and therefore am a true christian . see the confession of my faith in the premonition . pag. 35 , 36 , &c. tortus . p. 98. 20 and if the reports of them , which knewe him most inwardly , be trew , when he was in scotland , he was a puritane , and an enemie to protestants : now in england hee professeth himselfe a protestant , and an enemie to the puritans . confutation . contrary ; and what a puritane i was in scotland : see my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and this my premonition . p. 44 , 45. ¶ his falsifications in his alledging of histories , together with a briefe declaration of their falshood . the words of tortus . p. 70. 1 it was certaine that hee [ hnery 4. the emperour ] died a naturall death . confutation . it was not certaine : since sundry historians write otherwise , that he dyed vpon his imprisonment by his sonne henry 5. either with the noysomenesse and loathsomenesse of the prison , or being pined to death by hunger . read fasciculus temporum at the yeere 1094. laziardus epitom . vniuersal . histor . c. 198. paulus langius in chronico citizensi at the yeere 1105. and iacobus wimphelingus epitome rerum germanic . c. 28. tortus . p. 83. 2 henry 4. the emperour feared indeed , but not any corporall death , but the censure of excommunication , from the which that he might procure absolution , of his owne accord , he did thus demissely humble himselfe [ before gregory 7. ] confutation . that henry 4. thus deiected himselfe before the pope , it was neither of his owne accord , neither vpon any feare of the popes excommunication , which [ in this particular ] he esteemed of no force : but vpon feare of the losse of his kingdome and life , as the recordes of antiquitie doe euidently testifie . see lambertus schafnaburg . at the yeere 1077. abbas vispergen at the yeere 1075. the authour of the life of henry 4. bruno in his historie of the saxon warre . laziard . in epitom . vniuersal . histor . c. 193. cuspian . in henric. 4. sigonius de regno italiae lib. 9. tortus . p. 83. 3 the trueth of the history [ of alexander 3. treading vpon the necke of fredericke barbarossa with his foote ] may bee iustly doubted of . confutation . but no historian doubteth of it ; and many doe auouch it , as hieronym . bard. in victor . naual . ex bessarion . chronico apud baro. ad ann . 1177. num . 5. gerson de potestate ecclésiae consid . 11. iacob bergom . in supplem . chron. ad an . 1160. nauclerus gener . 40. petrus iustinian li. 2. rerum venetar . papirius masson . lib. 5. de episcop . vrbis , who also alledgeth for this gennadius patriarch of constantinople . besides alphonsus ciacconius de vit . pontif. in alexand. 3. and azorius the iesuite . instit . moral . part . 2. lib. 5. c. 43. tortus . p. 83. 4 what other thing feared frederick barbarossa but excommuniticaon ? confutation . that frederick feared onely pope alexander his excommunication , no ancient historian doeth testifie . but many doe write , that this submission of his was principally for feare of loosing his empire and dominions . see for this , martin . polon . ad an . 1166. platina in vita alexand. 3. laziard . in epitom . historiae vniuersal . c. 212. naucler . generat . 40. iacobus wimphelingus in epitom . rerum germanic . c. 32. tortus . p. 88. 5 adde heereunto , that cuspinian . [ in relating the history of the turks brother who was poysoned by alexander 6. ] hath not the consent of other writers to witnesse the trueth of this history . confutation . the same history which is reported by cuspinian , is recorded also by sundry other famous historians . see francis guicciardin . lib. 2. histor . ital. paulus iouius lib. 2. hist . sui temporis . sabellic . ennead . 10. lib. 9. continuator . palmerij , at the yeere 1494. ¶ the nouell doctrines , with a briefe declaration of their noueltie . nouell doctrine , p. 9. 1 it is agreed vpon amongst all , that the pope may lawfully depose hereticall princes , and free their subiects from yeelding obedience vnto them . confutation . nay , all are so farre from consenting in this poynt , that it may much more truely be auouched , that none entertained that conceit before hildebrand : since he was the first broacher of this new doctrine neuer before heard of , as many learned men of that age , and the age next following ( to omit others of succeeding ages ) haue expresly testified . see for this poynt , the epistle of the whole clergie of liege to pope paschal the 2. see the iudgement of many bishops of those times , recorded by auentine in his history , lib. 5. fol. 579. also the speech vttered by conrade bishop of vtrecht , in the sayd 5. booke of auentine , fol. 582. and another by eberhardus , arch-bishop of saltzburge . ibid. lib. 7. p. 684. also the iudgement of the arch-bishop of triers , in constitut . imperialib . à m. haimensfeldio editis . pag. 47. the epistle of walthram bishop of megburgh , which is extant in dodechine his appendix to the chronicle of marianus scotus , at the yere 1090. benno in the life of hildebrand . the author of the booke de vnitate ecclesiae , or the apologie for henry the 4. sigebert in his chronicle , at the yeare 1088. godfrey of viterbio in his history intituled pantheon , part . 17. otho frisingensis , lib. 6. c. 35. & praefat . in lib. 7. frederick barbarossa . lib. 6. gunther . ligurin . de gestis frederici , and lib. 1. c. 10. of raduicus , de gestis eiusdem frederici . vincentius in speculo historiali lib. 15. c. 84. with sundry others . nouell doctrine . p. 51. 2 in our supernaturall birth in baptisme wee are to conceiue of a secret and implied oath , which wee take at our new birth to yeelde obedience to the spirituall prince , which is christs vicar . confutation . it is to be wondered at whence this fellow had this strange new diuinity , which surely was first framed in his owne fantastical brain . else let him make vs a catalogue of his authours , that holde and teach , that all christians , whether infants or of age , are by vertue of an othe taken in their baptisme , bound to yeeld absolute obedience to christs vicar the pope , or baptized in any but in christ . nouell doctrine . p. 94. 2 but since that catholike doctrine doth not permit , for the auoidance of any mischiefe whatsoeuer , to discouer the secret of sacramental confession , he [ garnet ] rather chose to suffer most bitter death , then to violate the seale of so great a sacramēt . confutation . that the secret of sacramentall confession is by no meanes to bee disclosed , no not indirectly , or in generall , so the person confessing be concealed , for auoydance and preuention of no mischiefe , how great soeuer : besides that it is a position most daungerous to all princes and common wealths , as i shew in my premonition , pag. 122 , 123. it is also a nouell assertion , not heard of till of late dayes in the christian worlde : since the common opinion euen of the schoolemen and canonistes both olde and newe , is vnto the contrary , witnesse these authours following : alexand. hales part . 4. qu. 78. mem . 2. art . 2. thom. 4. dist . 21. q. 3. art . 1. ad . 1. scotus in 4. dist . 21. q. 2. hadrian . 6. in 4. dist . vbi de sacram. confess . edit . paris . 1530. pag. 289. dominic . sot. in 4. dist . 18. q. 4. art . 5. francis . de victor . sum . de sacram. n. 189. nauar. in enchirid. c. 8. ioseph . angles in florib . part 1. pag. 247. edit . antuerp . petrus soto lect . 11. de confess . the iesuites also accorde hereunto , suarez . tom. 4. disp . in 3. part . thom. disp . 33. § . 3. gregor . de valentia . tom. 4. disp . 7. q. 13. punct . 3. who saith the common opinion of the schoolemen is so . nouell doctrine . p. 102. 4 i dare boldly auow , that the catholikes haue better reason to refuse the oath [ of alleageance ] then eleazar had to refuse the eating of swines flesh . confutation . this assertion implieth a strange doctrine in deede , that the popes breues are to bee preferred before moses law : and that papistes are more bound to obey the popes decree , then the iewes were to obey the law of god pronounced by moyses . nouell doctrine . p. 135. 5 churchmen are exempted from the iurisdiction of secular princes , & therfore are no subiects to kings : yet ought they to obserue their lawes concerning matters temporall , not by vertue of any lawe , but by enforcement of reason , that is to say , not for that they are their subiects , but because reason will giue it , that such lawes are to bee kept for the publike good , and quiet of the common-wealth . confutation . how true friends the cardinall and his chaplen are to kings , that would haue so many subiects exempted from their power : see my premonition , p. 20 , 21. also p. 114 , 115. &c. but as for this and the like new aphorismes , i would haue these cunning merchants to cease to vent such stuffe for ancient and catholike wares in the christian world , till they haue disproued their owne venetians , who charge them with noueltie , and forgery in this poynt , triplici nodo , triplex cuneus . or an apologie for the oath of allegiance . against the two breues of pope pavlvs qvintvs , and the late letter of cardinall bellarmine to g. blackvvel the arch-priest . tunc omnes populi clamauerunt & dixerunt , magna est veritas , & praeualet . esdr . 3. ¶ authoritate regiâ . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno 1609. an apologie for the oath of allegiance . what a monstrous , rare , nay neuer heard of treacherous attempt , was plotted within these few yeeres heere in england , for the destruction of me , my bed-fellow , and our posterity , the whole house of parliament , and a great number of good subiects of all sorts and degrees : is so famous already through the whole world by the infamy thereof , as it is needlesse to be repeated or published any more ; the horrour of the sinne it selfe doth so lowdly proclaime it . for if those a crying sinnes ( whereof mention is made in the scripture ) haue that epithete giuen them for their publique infamie , and for procuring as it were with a loud crie from heauen a iust vengeance and recompense ; and yet those sinnes are both old and too common , neither the world nor any one countrey being euer at any time cleane voyd of them : if those sinnes ( i say ) are said in the scripture to cry so loud ; what then must this sinne doe , plotted without cause , infinite in crueltie , and singular from all examples ? what proceeded hereupon is likewise notorious to the whole worlde ; our iustice onely taking hold vpon the offenders , and that in as honourable and publique a forme of trial , as euer was vsed in this kingdome . 2. for although the onely reason they gaue for plotting so heinous an attempt , was the zeale they carried to the romish religion ; yet were neuer any other of that profession the worse vsed for that cause , as by our gracious proclamation immediatly after the discouery of the said fact doeth plainely appeare : onely at the next sitting downe againe of the parliament , there were lawes made , setting downe some such orders as were thought fit for preuenting the like mischiefe intime to come . amongst which a forme of oath was framed to be taken by my subiects , whereby they should make a cleare profession of their resolution , faithfully to persist in their obedience vnto me , according to their naturall allegiance ; to the end that i might hereby make a separation , not onely betweene all my good subiects in generall , and vnfaithfull traitors , that intended to withdraw themselues from my obedience ; but specially to make a separation betweene so many of my subiects , who although they were otherwise popishly affected , yet retained in their hearts the print of their naturall duetie to their soueraigne ; and those who being caried away with the like fanaticall zeale that the powder-traitors were , could not conteine themselues within the bounds of their naturall allegiance , but thought diuersitie of religion a safe pretext for all kinde of treasons , and rebellions against their soueraigne . which godly and wise intent god did blesse with successe accordingly : for very many of my subiects that were popishly affected , aswel priests , as layicks , did freely take the same oath : whereby they both gaue me occasion to thinke the better of their fidelitie , and likewise freed themselues of that heauy slander , that although they were fellow professors of one religion with the powder traitors , yet were they not ioyned with them in treasonable courses against their souereigne ; whereby all quietly minded papists were put out of despaire , and i gaue a good proofe that i intended no persecution against them for conscience cause , but onely desired to bee secured of them for ciuill obedience , which for conscience cause they were bound to performe . 3. but the deuil could not haue deuised a more malicious tricke for interrupting this so calme and clement a course , then fell out by the sending hither , and publishing a breue of the popes , countermaunding all them of his profession to take this oath ; thereby sowing new seedes of ielousie betweene me and my popish subiects , by stirring them vp to disobey that lawfull commandement of their soueraigne , which was ordeined to be taken of them as a pledge of their fidelity ; and so by their re●usall of so iust a charge , to giue me so great and iust a ground for punishment of them , without touching any matter of cons● : throwing themselues needlesl● 〈…〉 of these desperate straites : 〈…〉 losse of their liues and 〈…〉 their allegiance to the●● 〈…〉 ; or else to procure the condemnation of their soules by renouncing the catholike faith , as he alleadgeth . 4. and on the other part , although disparity of religion ( the pope being head of the contrary part ) can permit no intelligence nor intercourse of messengers betwerne me and the pope : yet there being no denounced warre betweene vs , he hath by this action broken the rules of common ciuility and iustice betweene christian princes , in thus condemning me vnheard , both by accounting me a persecutor , which can not be but implyed by exhorting the papists to endure martyrdome ; as likewise by so straitly commanding all those of his profession in england , to refuse the taking of this oath ; thereby refusing to professe their naturall obedience to me their soueraigne . for if he thinke himselfe my lawfull iudge , wherefore hath he condemned me vnheard ? and , if he haue nothing to doe with me and my gouernement ( as indeed he hath not ) why doeth hee mittere falcem in alienam messem , to meddle betweene mee and my subiects , especially in matters that meerely and onely concerne ciuill obedience ? and yet could pius quintus in his greatest furie and auowed quarrell against the late queene , do no more iniury vnto her ; then he hath in this cause offered vnto me , without so much as a pretended or an alleadged cause . for what difference there is , betweene the commaunding subiects to rebell , and loosing them from their oath of allegiance as pius quintus did ; & the commanding of subiects not to obey in making profession of their oath of their dutiful allegiance , as this pope hath now done : no man can easily discerne . 5. but to draw neere vnto his breue , wherin certainly he hath taken more paines then he needed , by setting downe in the said breue the whole body of the oath at length ; whereas the only naming of the title thereof might as wel haue serued , for any answere he hath made thereunto ( making vna litura , that is , the flat and generall condemnation of the whole oath to serue for all his refutation ) therein hauing as well in this respect as in the former , dealt both vndiscreetly with me , and iniuriously with his owne catholikes . with me ; in not refuting particularly what speciall wordes hee quarrelled in that oath ; which if he had done , it might haue bene that for the fatherly care i haue not to put any of my subiects to a needlesse extremitie , i might haue bene contented in some sort to haue reformed or interpreted those wordes . with his owne catholicks : for either if i had so done , they had beene therby fully eased in that businesse ; or at least if i would not haue condescended to haue altered any thing in the said oath , yet would thereby some appearance or shadow of excuse haue beene left vnto them for refusing the same : not as seeming thereby to swarue from their obedience and allegiance vnto me , but onely being stayed from taking the same vpon the scrupulous tendernesse of their consciences , in regard of those particular wordes which the pope had noted and condemned therein . and now let vs heare the wordes of his thunder . pope pavlvs the fift , to the english catholikes . welbeloued sonnes , salutation and apostolical benediction . the tribulations and calamities , which yee haue continually susteined for the keeping of the catholike faith , haue alwaies afflicted vs with great griefe of minde : but for as much as we vnderstand that at this time all things are more grieuous , our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased . for we haue heard how you are compelled , by most grieuous punishments set before you , to goe to the churches of heretikes , to frequent their assemblies , to be present at their sermons . truely we doe vndoubtedly beleeue , that they which with so great constancie and fortitude , haue hitherto indured most cruell persecutions and almost infinite miseries , that they may walke without spot in the law of the lord ; will neuer suffer themselues to bee defiled with the communion of those that haue forsaken the diuine law. yet notwithstanding , being compelled by the zeale of our pastorall office , and by our fatherly care which we doe continually take sor the saluation of your soules , we are inforced to admonish and desire you ; that by no meanes you come vnto the churches of the heretikes , or heare their sermons , or communicate with them in their rites , lest you incurre the wrath of god. for these things may yee not doe without indamaging the worship of god , and your owne saluation . as likewise you cannot without most euident and grieuous wronging of gods honour , binde your selues by the oath , which in like maner we haue heard with very great griefe of our heart is administred vnto you , of the tenor vnder written . viz. i a.b. doe truely and sincerely acknowlege , professe , testifie and declare in my conscience before god and the world , that our soueraigne lord king iames , is lawfull king of this realme , and of all other his maiesties dominions and countreyes : and that the pope neither of himselfe , nor by any authoritie of the church or sea o● rome , or by any other meanes with any other , hath any power or authoritie to depose the king , or to dispose of any of his maiesties kingdomes or dominions , or to authorize any forraigne prince , to inuade or annoy him or his countreys , or to discarge any of his subiects of their allegiance and obedience to his maiestie , or to giue licence or leaue to any of them , to beare armes , raise tumults , or to offer any violence or hurt to his maiesties royal person , state or gouernment , or to any of his maiesties subiects within his maiesties dominions . also i doe sweare from my heart , that , notwithstanding any declaration or sentence of excommunication , or depriuation made or granted , or to be made or granted , by the pope or his successors , or by any authoritie deriued , or pretended to be deriued from him or his sea , against the said king , his heires or successors , or any absolution of the said subiects from their obedience ; i will beare faith and true allegiance to his maiestie , his heires and successors , and him and them will defend to the vttermost of my power , against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoeuer , which shal be made against his or their persons , their crowne and dignitie , by reason or colour of any such sentence , or declaration , or otherwise , and will doe my best endeuour to disclose and make knowen vnto his maiestie , his heires and successors , all treasons and traiterous conspiracies , which i shall know or heare of , to be against him or any of them . and i doe further sweare , that i doe from my heart abhorre , detest and abiure as impious and hereticall , this damnable doctrine and position , that princes which be excommunicated or depriued by the pope , may be deposed or murthered by their subiects , or any other whatsoeuer . and i doe beleeue , and in conscience am resolued , that neither the pope nor any person whatsoeuer , hath power to absolue me of this oath , or any part thereof ; which i acknowledge by good and full authoritie to be lawfully ministred vnto me , and doe renounce all pardons and dispensations to the contrary . and all these things i doe plainely and sincerely acknowledge and sweare , according to these expresse wordes by me spoken , and according to the plaine and common sence and vnderstanding of the same words , without any equiuocation , or mental euasion , or secret reseruation whatsoeuer . and i doe make this recognition and acknowledgement heartily , willingly and truely , vpon the true faith of a christian . so helpe my god. which things since they are thus ; it must euidently appeare vnto you by the words themselues , that such an oath cannot be taken without hurting of the catholique faith , and the saluation of your soules ; seeing it conteines many things , which are flat contrary to faith and saluation . wherefore wee doe admonish you , that you doe vtterly abstaine from taking this and the like oathes : which thing wee doe the more earnestly require of you , because we haue experience of the constancie of your faith , which is tried like gold in the fire of perpetuall tribulation . wee doe wel knowe , that you will cheerefully vnder-goe all kind of cruell torments whatsoeuer , yea and constantly endure death it selfe , rather then you will in any thing offend the maiestie of god. and this our confidence is confirmed by those things , which are dayly reported vnto vs , of the singular vertue , valour and fortitude which in these last times doeth no lesse shine in your martyrs , then it did in the first beginnings of the church . stand therefore , your loynes being girt about with veritie , and hauing on the brest-plate of righteousnesse , taking the shield of faith , bee yee strong in the lord , and in the power of his might ; and let nothing hinder you . hee which will crowne you , and doeth in heauen beholde your conflicts , will finish the good worke which he hath begun in you . you know how he hath promised his disciples , that hee will neuer leaue them orphanes : for hee is faithfull which hath promised . hold fast therefore his correction , that is , being rooted and grounded in charitie , whatsoeuer ye doe , whatsoeuer yee indeuour , doe it with one accord , in simplicitie of heart , in meekenesse of spirit , without murmuring or doubting . for by this doe all men know that wee are the disciples of christ , if we haue loue one to another . which charitie , as it is very greatly to bee desired of all faithfull christians ; so certainely is it altogether necessary for you , most blessed sonnes . for by this your charitie , the power of the deuill is weakened , who doeth so much assaile you , since that power of his is especially vp held by the contentions and disagreement of our sonnes . we exhort you therefore by the bowels of our lord iesus christ , by whose loue we are taken out of the iawes of eternall death ; that aboue all things , you would haue mutuall charitie among you . surely pope clement the eight of happy memory , hath giuen you most profitable precepts of practising brotherly charitie one to another , in his letters in forme of a breue , to our welbeloued sonne m. george arch-priest of the kingdome of england , dated the 5. day of the moneth of october , 1602. put them therefore diligently in practise , and bee not hindered by any difficultie or doubtfulnesse . we command you that ye doe exactly obserue the words of those letters , and that yee take and vnderstand them simply as they sound , and as they lie ; all power to interpret them otherwise , being taken away . in the meane while , we will neuer cease to pray to the father of mercies , that hee would with pitie beholde your afflictions and your paines ; and that he would keepe and defend you with his continuall protection : whom we doe gently greete with our apostolicall benediction . dated at rome at s. marke , vnder the signet of the fisherman , the tenth of the calends of october , 1606. the second yeere of our popedome . the answere to the first breue . first , the pope expresseth heerein his sorrow , for that persecution which the catholiques sustaine for the faiths sake . wherein , besides the maine vntrueth whereby i am so iniuriously vsed , i must euer auow and maintaine , as the trueth is according to mine owne knowledge , that the late queene of famous memorie , neuer punished any papist for religion , but that their owne punishment was euer extorted out of her hands against her will , by their owne misbehauiour , which both the time and circumstances of her actions will manifestly make proofe of . for before pius quintus his excommunication giuing her ouer for a preye , and setting her subiects at liberty to rebel , it is well knowen she neuer medled with the blood or hard punishment of any catholique , nor made any rigorous lawes against them . and since that time , who list to compare with an indifferent eye , the manifold intended inuasions against her whole kingdome , the forraine practises , the internall publike rebellilions , the priuate plots and machinations , poysonings , murthers , and all sorts of deuises , et quid non ? daily set abroach ; and all these wares continually fostered & fomented from rome ; together with the continuall corrupting of her subiects , as well by temporall bribes , as by faire and specious promises of eternall felicitie ; and nothing but booke vpon booke publikely set forth by her fugitiues , for approbation of so holy designes : who list , i say , with an indifferent eye , to looke on the one part , vpon those infinite & intollerable temptations , and on the other part vpon the iust , yet moderate punishment of a part of these hainous offenders ; shall easily see that that blessed defunct lady vvas as free from persecution , as they shall free these hellish instruments from the honour of martyrdome . 5. but novv hauing sacrificed ( if i may so say ) to the manes of my late predecessor , i may next vvith s. paul iustly vindicate my ovvne fame , from those innumerable calumnies spred against me , in testifying the trueth of my behauiour tovvard the papists : vvherin i may truely affirme , that vvhatsoeuer vvas her iust and mercifull gouernement ouer the papists in her time , my gouernement ouer them since hath so farre exceeded hers , in mercie and clemencie , as not onely the papists themselues grevve to that height of pride , in confidence of my mildenesse , as they did directly expect , and assuredly promise to themselues liberty of conscience and equalitie vvith other of my subiects in all things ; but euen a number of the best and faithfullest of my sayd subiects , vvere cast in great feare & amazement of my course and proceedings , euer prognosticating and iustly suspecting that sowre fruit to come of it , which shevved it selfe clearely in the powder-treason . how many did i honour with knighthood , of knowen & open recusants ? how indifferently did i giue audience , and accesse to both sides , bestowing equally all fauours and honors on both professions ? how free & continual accesse , had all rankes & degrees of papists in my court & company ? and aboue alll , how frankly and freely did i free recusants of their ordinary payments ? besides , it is euident what strait order vvas giuen out of my ovvne mouth to the iudges , to spare the execution of all priests , ( notwithstanding their conuiction , ) ioyning thereunto a gracious proclamation , wherby all priests , that were at liberty , and not taken , might goe out of the country by such a day : my generall pardon hauing bin extended to all conuicted priests in prison : whereupon they vvere set at liberty as good subiects : and all priests that were taken after , sent ouer and set at liberty there . but time & paper vvill faile mee to make enumeration of all the benefits and fauours that i bestowed in generall and particular vpon papists : in recounting whereof euery scrape of my pen would serue but for a blot of the popes ingratitude and iniustice , in meating me with so hard a measure for the same . so as i thinke i haue sufficiently , or at least with good reason wiped the a teares from the popes eyes , for complaining vpon such persecution , who if he had beene but politikely wise , although he had had no respect to iustice and veritie , would haue in this complaint of his , made a difference betweene my present time , and the time of the late queene , and so by his commending of my moderation , in regarde of former times , might haue had hope to haue moued me to haue continued in the same clement course . for it is a true saying , that alledged kindnes vpon noble mindes , doth euer worke much . and for the maine vntrueth of any persecution in my time , it can neuer be proued , that any were , or are put to death since i came to the crowne for cause of conscience : except that now this discharge giuen by the pope to all catholiques to take their oath of allegiance to me , be the cause of the due punishment of many : which if it fall out to be , let the blood lig●t vpon the popes head , who is the onely cause thereof . as for the next point contained in his breue concerning his discharge of all papists to come to our church , or frequent our rites and ceremonies , i am not to meddle at this time with that matter , because my errand now only is to publish to the world the iniurie and iniustice done vnto me in discharging my subiects to make profession o● their obedience vnto me . now as to the point where the oath is quarrelled , it is se● downe in few , but very weightie words ; to wit , that it ought to be cleare vnto all catholiques , that this oath cannot be taken with safety of the catholike faith , and of their soules health , since it containeth many things that are plainely and directly contrary to their faith & saluation . to this , the old saying fathered vpon the philosopher may very fi●ly be applied , mul ta dicit sed pauca probat : nay indeede , nihil omnino probat . for how the profession of the natural allegiance of subiects to their prince can be directly opposite to the faith & saluation of soules , is so farre beyond my simple reading in diuinitie , as i must thinke it a strange and new assertion , to proceed out of the mouth of that pretended generall pastor of all christian soules . i reade indeede , and not in one , or two , or three places of scripture , that subiects are bound to obey their princes for conscience sake , whether they were good or wicked princes . so saide the people to a ioshua , as wee obeyed moses in all things , so will we obey thee . so the b prophet commanded the people to obey the king of babel , saying , put your neckes vnder the yoke of the king of babel , and serue him and his people , that yee may liue . so were the children of israel , vnto c pharaoh , desiring him to let them goe : so to d cyrus , obtaining leaue of him to returne to build the temple : and in a word , the e apostle willed all men to be subiect to the higher powers for conscience sake . agreeable to the scriptures did the fathers teach . f augustine speaking of iulian , saith , iulian was an vnbeleeuing emperour : was he not an apostata , an oppressour , and an idolater ? christian souldiers serued that vnbeleeuing emperour : when they came to the cause of christ , they would acknowledge no lord , but him that is in heauen : when he would haue them to worship idoles and to sacrifice , they preferred god before him : but when hee said , goe forth to fight , inuade such a nation , they presently obeyed . they distinguished their eternall lord from their temporall , and yet were they subiect euen vnto their temporall lord , for his sake that was their eternall lord and master . g tertullian saith , a christian is enemie to no man , much lesse to the prince , whom hee knoweth to be appointed of god : and so of necessitie must loue , reuerence and honour him , and wish him safe with the whole romane empire , so long as the world shall last : for so long shall it endure . we honour therefore the emperour in such sort , as is lawfull for vs , and expedient for him , as a man , the next vnto god , and obtaining from god whatsoeuer hee hath , and onely inferiour vnto god. this the emperour himselfe would : for so is he greater then all , while hee is inferiour onely to the true god. h iustine martyr ; we onely adore god , and in all other things cherefully performe seruice to you , professing that you are emperours and princes of men . i ambrose ; i may lament , weepe and sigh : my teares are my weapons against their armes , souldiers , and the gothes also : such are the weapons of a priest : otherwise neither ought i , neither can i resist . k optatus ; ouer the emperour , there is none but onely god , that made the emperour . and l gregory writing to mauritius about a certaine law , that a souldier should not be receiued into a monastery , nondū expleta militia , the almightie god , saith he , holdes him guilty , that is not vpright to the most excellent emperour in all things that he doth or speaketh . and then calling himselfe the vnworthy seruant of his godlinesse , goeth on in the whole epistle to shew the iniustice of that law , as he pretendeth : and in the ende concludes his epistle with these words , i being subiect to your commaund , haue caused the same law to bee sent through diuers parts of your dominions : and because the law it selfe doeth not agree to the law of the almightie god , i haue signified the same by my letters to your most excellent lordship : so that on both parts i haue payed what i ought : because i haue yeelded obedience to the emperour , and haue not holden my peace , in what i thought for god. now how great a contrarietie there is betwixt this ancient popes action in obeying an emperour by the publication of his decree , which in his owne conscience he thought vnlawfull , and this present popes prohibition to a kings subiects from obedience vnto him in things most lawfull and meere temporall ; i remit it to the readers indifferency . and answerably to the fathers spake the councels in their decrees . as the councell of m arles , submitting the whole councell to the emperour in these words : these things we haue decreed to be presented to our lord the emperor , beseeching his clemencie , that if we haue done lesse then we ought , it may be supplied by his wisedome : if any thing otherwise then reason requireth , it may bee corrected by his iudgement : if any thing bee found fault with by vs with reason , it may be perfected by his ayd with gods fauourable assistance . but why should i speake of charles the great , to whom not one councell , but sixe seuerall councels , frankford , arles , tours , chalons , ments & rhemes did wholy submit themselues ? and not rather speake of all the generall councels , that of nice , constantinople , ephesus , chalcedon , and the foure other commonly so reputed , which did submit themselues to the emperours wisdome , and pietie in all things ? insomuch as that of ephesus repeated it foure seuerall times , that they were summoned by the emperours oracle , becke , charge , and command , and betooke themselues to his godlinesse , a beseeching him , that the decrees made against nestorius and his followers , might by his power haue their full force and validitie , as appeareth manifestly in the epistle of the generall councell of ephesus written ad augustos . i also reade that christ said , his b kingdome was not of this world , bidding , giue to c caesar what was caesars , and to god what was gods. and i euer held it for an infallible maxime in diuinitie , that temporall obedience to a temporal magistrate did nothing repugne to matters of faith or saluation of soules . but that euer temporall obedience was against faith and saluation of soules , as in this breue is alledged , was neuer before heard nor read of in the christian church . and therefore i would haue wished the pope , before he had set downe this commaundement to all papists here , that since in him is the power , by the infalibility of his spirit , to make new articles of faith when euer it shall please him ; that he had first set it downe for an article of faith , before hee had commaunded all catholikes to beleeue and obey it . i will then conclude the answere to this point in a dilemma . either it is lawful to obey the soueraigne in temporall things , or not . if it be lawfull , ( as i neuer heard nor read it doubted of ) then why is the pope so vniust and so cruel towards his owne catholikes , as to commaund them to disobey their soueraignes lawfull commandement ? if it be vnlawful , why hath he neither expressed any one cause or reason thereof , nor yet wil giue thē leaue , ( nay rather he should commaund and perswade them in plaine termes ) not to liue vnder a king whom vnto they ought no obedience ? and as for the vehement exhortation vnto them to perseuere in constancie , and to suffer martyrdome , and all tribulation for this cause ; it requireth no other answere then onely this , that if the ground be good whereupon he hath commaunded them to stand , then exhortation to constancie is necessary : but if the ground bee vniust , and naught ( as indeed it is , and i haue in part already proued ) then this exhortation of his can work no other effect , then to make him guilty of the blood of so many of his sheep , whom he doeth thus wilfully cast away , not onely to the needlesse losse of their liues , and ruine of their families , but euen to the laying on of a perpetuall flaunder vpon all papists ; as if no zealous papist could be a true subiect to his prince ; and that the profession of that religion , and the temporall obedience to the ciuill magistrate , were two things repugnant & incompatible in themselues . but euill information , and vntrue reports ( which beeing carried so farre as betweene this and rome , cannot but increase by the way ) might haue abused the pope , and made him dispatch this breue so rashly . for that great city , queene of the world , and as themselues confesse , a mystically babylon , cannot but be so full of all sorts of intelligencies . besides , all complainers ( as the catholikes heere are ) be naturally giuen to exaggerate their owne griefes , and multiply thereupon . so that it is no wonder , that euen a iudge sitting there , should vpon wrong information , giue an vnrighteous sentence ; as some of their owne partie doe not sticke to confesse , that pius quintus was too rashly caried vpon wrong information , to pronounce his thunder of excōmunication vpon the late queene . and it may be , the like excuse shal hereafter be made for the two breues , which b clemens octauus sent to england immediatly before her death , for debarring mee of the crowne , or any other that either would professe , or any wayes tollerate the professors of our religion ; contrary to his manifold vowes and protestations , simul & eodem tempore , & as it were , deliuered vno & eodem spiritu , to diuers of my ministers abroad , professing such kindnesse , and shewing such forwardnesse to aduance mee to this crowne . nay , the most part of catholikes heere , finding this breue when it came to their handes , to bee so farre against diuinity , policy , or naturall sense , were firmely perswaded , that it was but a counterfeit libel , deuised in hatred of the pope ; or at the farthest , a thing hastily done vpon wrong information , as was before saide . of which opinion were not onely the simpler sort of papists , but euen some amongst them of best account , both for learning and experience ; whereof the arch-priest himselfe was one . but for soluing of this obiection , the pope himselfe hath taken new paines by sending foorth a second breue , onely for giuing faith and confirmation to the former : that whereas before , his sinne might haue beene thought to haue proceeded from rashnesse , and mis-information , he will now wilfully and willingly double the same : whereof the copie followeth . to ovr beloued sonnes the english catholikes , paulus p.p. v ius . beloued sonnes , salutation and apostolicall benediction . it is reported vnto vs , that there are found certaine amongst you , who when as wee haue sufficiently declared by our letters , dated the last yeere on the tenth of the calends of october in the forme of a breue , that ye cannot with safe conscience take the oath , which was then required of you ; and when as we haue further straightly commanded you , that by no meanes ye should take it ; yet there are some , i say , among you , which dare now affirme , that such letters concerning the forbidding of the oath , were not written of our owne accord , or of our owne proper will , but rather for the respect and at the instigation of other men . and for that cause , the same men do goe about to perswade you , that our commands in the said letters are not to be regarded . surely this newes did trouble vs ; and that so much the more , because hauing had experience of your obedience ( most dearely beloued sonnes ) who to the end ye might obey this holy sea , haue godlily , and valiantly contemned your riches , wealth , honour , libertie , yea and life it selfe ; we should neuer haue suspected , that the trueth of our apostolike letters could once be called into question among you , that by this pretence yee might exempt your selues from our commandements . but we doe herein perceiue the subtiltie and craft of the enemie of mans saluation ; and wee doe attribute this your backwardnesse rather to him , then to your owne will. and for this cause , we haue thought good to write the second time vnto you , and to signifie vnto you againe , that our apostolike letters dated the last yeere on the tenth of the calends of october concerning the prohibition of the oath , were written not onely vpon our proper motion , and of our certaine knowledge , but also after long and weightie deliberation vsed concerning all those things , which are conteined in them ; and for that cause that yee are bound fully to obserue them , reiecting all interpretation perswading to the contrary . and this is our meere , pure , and perfect will , being alwayes carefull of your saluation , and alwayes minding those things which are most profitable vnto you . and we doe pray without ceasing , that he that hath appointed our lowlines to the keeping of the flocke of christ , would inlighten our thoughts and our counsels : whom wee doe also continually desire , that hee would increase in you ( our beloued sonnes ) faith , constancy , and mutuall charity and peace one to another . all whom , wee doe most louingly blesse with all charitable affection . dated at rome at saint markes vnder the signet of the fisherman , the x. of the calends of september , 1607. the third yeere of our popedome . the answere to the second breue . now for this breue , i may iustly reflect his owne phrase vpon him , in tearming it to bee the craft of the deuil . for if the deuil had studied a thousand yeres , for to finde out a mischiefe for our catholikes here , hee hath found it in this : that now when many catholiks haue taken their oath , and some priests also ; yea , the arch-priest himselfe , without compunction or sticking , they shall not now onely bee bound to refuse the profession of their naturall allegiance to their soueraigne , which might yet haue beene some way coloured vpō diuers scruples conceiued vpon the wordes of the oath ; but they must now renounce & fors●eare their profession of obedience already sworne , and so must as it were at the third instance forsweare their former two oaths , first closely sworne , by their birth in the naturall allegiance ; and next , clearely confirmed by this oath , which doeth nothing but expresse the same : so as no man can now hold the faith , or procure the saluation of his sould in england , that must not abiure and renounce his borne and sworne allegiance to his naturall soueraigne . and yet it is not sufficient to ratifie the last yeeres breue , by a new one come foorth this yeere ; but ( that not onely euery yeere , but euery moneth may produce a new monster ) the great and famous writer of the controuersies , the late vn-iesuited cardinall bellarmine , must adde his talent to this good worke , by blowing the bellowes of sedition , and sharpening the spur to rebellion , by sending such a letter of his to the arch-priest here , as it is wonder how passion and an ambitious desire of maintaining that monarchie , should charme the wits of so famously learned a man. the copie where of here followeth . to the very reuerend mr. george blackwel , arch-priest of the english : robert bellarmine cardinall of the holy church of rome , greeting . reuerend sir , and brother in christ , it is almost fourty yeeres since we did see one the other : but yet i haue neuer bin vnmindful of our ancient acquaintance , neither haue i ceased , seeing i could doe you no other good , to commend your labouring most painfully in the lords vineyard , in my prayers to god. and i doubt not , but that i haue liued all this while in your memory , and haue had some place in your prayers at the lords altar . so therefore euen vnto this time wee haue abidden , as s. iohn speaketh , in the mutuall loue one of the other , not by word or letter , but in deede and trueth . but a late message which was brought vnto vs within these few dayes , of your bonds and imprisonment , hath inforced mee to breake off this silence ; which message , although it seemed heauy in regard of the losse which that church hath receiued , by their beeing thus depriued of the comfort of your pastorall function among them , yet withall it seemed ioyous , because you drewe neere vnto the glory of martyrdome , then the which gift of god there is none more happy ; that you , who haue fed your flocke so many yeeres with the word and doctrine , should now feed it more gloriously by the example of your patience . but another heauy tidings did not a litle disquiet and almost take away this ioy , which immediatly followed , of the aduersaries assault , and peraduenture of the slip and fall of your constancy in refusing an vnlawfull oath . neither truely ( most deare brother ) could that oath therfore be lawfull , because it was offered in sort tempered and modified : for you know that those kinde of modifications are nothing else , but sleights & subtilties of sathan , that the catholique faith touching the primacie of the sea apostolique , might either secretly or openly be shot at , for the which faith so many worthy martyrs euen in that very england it selfe , haue resisted vnto blood . for most certaine it is , that in whatsoeuer wordes the oath is conceiued by the aduersaries of the faith in that kingdome , it tends to this end , that the authoritie of the head of the church in england , may be transferred from the successour of s. peter , to the successour of k. henry the eight . for that which is pretended of the danger of the kings life , if the high priest should haue the same power in england , which hee hath in all other christian kingdomes , it is altogether idle , as all that haue any vnderstanding , may easily perceiue . for it was neuer heard of from the churches infancy vntill this day , that euer any pope did command that any prince , though an heretike , though an ethnike , though a persecutor , should be murdered ; or did approue of the fact when it was done by any other . and why , i pray you , doeth onely the king of england feare that , which none of all other the princes in christendome either doeth feare , or euer did feare ? but , as i saide , these vaine pretexts are but the trappes and stratagemes of satan : of which kinde i could produce not a f●we out of ancient stories , if i went about to write a book● and not an epistle . one onely for example sake i will call to your memory s. gregorius nazianzenus in his first oration against iulian the emperour , reporteth , that he , the more easily to beguile the simple christians , did insert the images of the false gods into the pictures of the emperor , which the romanes did vse to bow dawne vnto with a ciuill kind of reuerence : so that no man could doe reuerence to the emperours picture , but withall he must adore the images of the false gods ; whereupon it came to passe that many were deceiued . and if there were any that found out the emperours craft , and refused to worship his picture , those were most grieuously punished , as men that had contemned the emperour in his image . some such like thing , me thinkes , i see in the oath that is offered to you , which is to so craftily composed , that no man can detest treason against the king and make profession of his ciuill subiection , but he must be constrained perfidiously to denie the primacie of the apostolike sea. but the seruants of christ , and especially the chiefe priests of the lord ought to be so farre from taking an vnlawfull oath , where they may indamage the faith , that they ought to beware that they giue not the least suspicion of dissimulation that they haue taken it , least they might seeme to haue left any example of preuarication to faithfull people . which thing that worthy eleazar did most notably performe , who would neither eate swines flesh , nor so much as faine to haue eaten it , although hee saw the great torments that did hang ouer his head ; least , as himselfe speaketh in the second booke of the machabees , many yong men might be brought through that similation , to preuaricate with the law. neither did basil the great by his example , which is more fit for our purpose , carrie himselfe lesse worthily toward valens the emperour . for as theodoret writeth in his historie , when the deputy of that heretical emperour did perswade saint basill , that he would not resist the emperour for a little subtiltie of a few points of doctrine ; that most holy and prudent man made answere , that it was not to bee indured , that the least syllable of gods word should bee corrupted , but rather all kind of torment was to be embraced , for the maintenance of the trueth thereof . now i suppose , that there wants not amongst you , who say that they are but subtilties of opinions that are conteined in the oath that is offred to the catholikes , and that you are not to striue against the kings authoritie for such a little matter . but there are not wanting also amongst you holy men like vnto basil the great , which will openly auow , that the very least syllable of gods diuine trueth is not to be corrupted , though many torments were to be endured , and death it selfe set before you . amongst whom it is meete , that you should bee one , or rather the standerd-bearer , and generall to the rest . and whatsoeuer hath beene the cause , that your constancie hath quailed , whether it bee the suddennesse of your apprehension , or the bitternesse of your persecution , or the imbecillitie of your old age : yet we trust in the goodnesse of god , & in your owne long continued vertue , that it will come to passe , that as you seeme in some part to haue imitated the fall of peter , and marcellinus , so you shall happily imitate their valour in recouering your strength , and maintaining the truth . for if you will diligently weigh the whole matter with your selfe , truely you shall see , it is no small matter that is called in question by this oath , but one of the principall heads of our faith and foundations of catholique religion . for heare what your apostle s. gregory the great hath written , in his 24. epistle of his 11. booke . let not the reuerence due to the apostolique sea , bee troubled by any mans presumption : for then the estate of the members doeth remaine entire , when the head of the faith is not bruised by any iniury . therefore by s. gregories testimonie , when they are busie about disturbing or diminishing , or taking away of the primacie of the apostolique sea : then are they busie about cutting off the verie head of the faith , and dissoluing of the state of the whole body , and of all the members . which selfe same thing s. leo doth confirme in his third sermon of his assumption to the popedome , when he saith , our lord had a speciall care of peter , & prayed properly for peters faith , as though the state of others were more stable , when their princes minde was not to be ouer come . whereupon himselfe in his epistle to the bishops of the prouince of vienna , doeth not doubt to affirme , that he is not partaker of the diuine mystery , that dare depart from the solidity of peter , who also saith , that who thinketh the primacy to be denied to that sea , he can in no sort lessen the authority of it : but by beeing puft vp with the spirit of his own pride , doth cast himself headlong into hel . these & many other of this kind , i am very sure are most familiar to you : who besides many other bookes , haue diligently read ouer the visible monarchie of your owne saunders , a most diligent writer , and one who hath worthily deserued of the church of england . neither can you be ignorant , that these most holy & learned men iohn bishop of rochester , and tho. moore , within our memorie , for this one most weightie head of doctrine , led the way to martyrdome to many others , to the exceeding glory of the english nation . but i would put you in remembrance that you should take hart , & considering the weightines of the cause , not to trust too much to your owne iudgement , neither be wise aboue that is meete to be wise : and if peraduenture your fall haue proceeded not vpon want of consideration , but through humane infirmity , & for feare of punishment and imprisonment , yet doe not preferre a temporall liberty to the libertie of the glory of the sonnes of god : neither for escaping a light and momentanie tribulation , lose an eternall weight of glory , which tribulation it self doth worke in you . you haue fought a good fight a long time , you haue well neere finished your course ; so many yeres haue you kept the faith : doe not therefore lose the reward of such labours ; do not depriue your selfe of that crown of righteousnesse which so long agone is prepared for you , doe not make the faces of so many yours both brethren and children ashamed . vpon you at this time are fixed the eyes of all the church : yea also , you are made a spectacle to the world , to angels , to men ; do not so carry your self in this your last acte , that you leaue nothing but laments to your friends , and ioy to your enemies . but rather on the contrary , which we assuredly hope , & for which we continually power forth prayers to god , display gloriously the banner of faith , and make to reioyce the church which you haue made heauie ; so shall you not onely merite pardon at gods hands , but a crowne . farewell . quite you like a man , and let your heart be strengthened . from rome . the 28. day of september , 1607. your very reuerendships brother and seruant in christ , robert bellarmine cardinall . the answere to the cardinals letter . and now that i am to enter into the fielde against him by refuting his letter , i must first vse this protestation ; that no desire of vaine glory by matching with so learned a man , maketh mee to vndertake this taske ; but onely the care & conscience i haue , that such smooth circes charmes and guilded pilles , as full of exterior eloquence , as of in ward vntruthes , may not haue that publike passage through the world without an answere : whereby my reputation might vniustly be darkened , by such cloudy and foggy mists of vntruthes and false imputations , the hearts of vnstayed and simple men be mis-led , & the trueth itselfe smothered . but before i come to the particular answere of this letter , i must here desire the world to wonder with me , at the committing of so grosse an errour by so learned a man : as that hee should haue pained himselfe to haue set downe so elaborate a letter , for the refutation of a quite mistaken question . for it appeareth , that our english fugitiues , of whose inward societie with him he so greatly vaunteth , haue so fast hammered in his head the oath of supremacie , which hath euer bin so great a scarre vnto them , as he thinking by his letter to haue refuted the last oath , hath in place thereof onely paid the oath of supremacie , which was most in his head : as a man that being earnestly caried in his thoughts vpon another matter , then he is presently in doing , will often name the matter or person hee is thinking of , in place of the other thing he hath at that time in hand . for , as the oath of supremacie was deuised for putting a difference betweene papists , and them of our profession : so was this oath , which he would seeme to impugne , ordained for making a difference between the ciuilly obedient papists , & the peruerse disciples of the powder-treason . yet doth all his letter runne vpon an inuectiue against the compulsion of catholiques to deny the authoritie of saint peters successors ; and in place thereof to acknowledge the successors of king henry the eight . for , in king henry the eights time was the oath of supremacie first made : by him were thomas moore and roffensis put to death , partly for refusing of it . from his time til novv haue al the princes of this land professing this religion , successiuely in effect maintained the same and in that oath only is contained the kings absolute povver , to be iudge ouer all persons , asvvel ciuil as ecclesiastical ; excluding al forraine povvers and potentates to be iudges vvithin his dominions : vvheras this last made oath containeth no such matter , onely medling vvith the ciuil obedience of subiects to their soueraigne , in meere temporall causes . and that it may the better appeare , that vvhereas by name he seemeth to condemne the last oath ; yet indeed his vvhole letter runneth vpon nothing , but vpon the condemnation of the oath of supremacie : i haue here thought good to set downe the saide oath , leauing it then to the discretion of euery indifferent reader to iudge , whether hee doeth not in substance onely answere to the oath of supremacie , but that he giueth the child a wrong name . i a b. doe vtterly testifie and declare in my conscience , that the kings highnesse is the onely supreame gouernour of this realme , and all other his highnesse dominions and counties , as well in all spirituall or ecclesiasticall things or causes , as temporall : and that no forraine prince , person , prelate , state or potentate , hath or ought to haue any iurisdiction , power , superioritie , preeminence or authoritie ecclesiasticall or spirituall within this realme . and therefore , i do vtterly renounce and forsake all forreine iurisdictions , powers , superiorities and authorities ; and do promise that from hencefoorth i shall beare faith and true allegiance to the kings highnesse , his heires and lawfull successors : and to my power shall assist and defend all iurisdictions , priuiledges , pre●minences and authorities graunted or belonging to the kings highnesse , his heires and successours , or vnited and annexed to the imperiall crowne of the realme : so helpe mee god : and by the contents of this booke . and that the iniustice , as well as the errour of his grosse mistaking in this point , may yet be more clearely discouered ; i haue also thought good to insert here immediatly after the oath of supremacie , the contrary conclusions to all the points and articles , whereof this other late oath doeth consist : whereby it may appeare , what vnreasonable and rebellious points hee would driue my subiects vnto , by refusing the whole body of that oath , as it is conceiued . for he that shall refuse to take this oath , must of necessitie hold all , or some of these propositions following . that i , king iames , am not the lawfull king of this kingdome , and of all other my dominions . that the pope by his owne authoritie may depose me . if not by his owne authoritie , yet by some other authoritie of the church , or of the sea of rome . if not by some other authoritie of the church & sea of rome , yet by other meanes with others helpe , he may depose me . that the pope may dispose of my kingdomes and dominions . that the pope may giue authoritie to some forren prince to inuade my dominions . that the pope may discharge my subiects of their allegiance and obedience to me . that the pope may giue licence to one , or more of my subiects to beare armes against me . that the pope may giue leaue to my subiects to offer violence to my person , or to my gouernement , or to some of my subiects . that if the pope shall by sentence excommunicate or depose me , my subiects are not to beare faith and allegiance to me . if the pope shall by sentence excommunicate or depose mee , my subiects are not bound to defend with all their power my person and crowne . if the pope shall giue out any sentence of excommunication or depriuation against me , my subiects by reason of that sentence are not bound to reueale all conspiracies and treasons against mee , which shal come to their hearing and knowledge . that it is not hereticall and detestable to hold , that princes being excommunicated by the pope , may be either deposed or killed by their subiects , or any other . that the pope hath power to absolue my subiects from this oath , or from some part thereof . that this oath is not administred to my subiects , by a full and lawfull authoritie . that this oath is to be taken with equiuocation , mental euasion , or secret reseruation : and not with the heart and good will , sincerely in the true faith of a christian man. these are the true and naturall branches of the body of this oath . the affirmatiue of all which negatiues , doe neither concerne in any case the popes supremacie in spiritual causes : nor yet were euer concluded , and defined by any complete generall councell to belong to the popes authoritie ; and their owne schoole doctors are at irreconciliable oddes and iarres about them . and that the world may yet farther see ours and the whole states setting downe of this oath , did not proceed from any new inuention of our owne , but as it is warranted by the word of god : so doeth it take the example from an oath of allegiance decreed a thousand yeeres agone , which a famous councel then , together with diuers other councels , were so farre from condemning ( as the pope now hath done this oath ) as i haue thought good to set downe their owne words here in that purpose : whereby it may appeare that i craue nothing now of my subiects in this oath , which was not expresly and carefully commanded then , by the councels to be obeyed without exception of persons . nay , not in the very particular point of equiuocation , which i in this oath was so carefull to haue eschewed : but you shall here see the said councels in their decrees , as carefull to prouide for the eschewing of the same ; so as almost euery point of that action , and this of ours shall be found to haue relation and agreeance one with the other , saue only in this , that those ould councels were carefull and strait in commanding the taking of the same : whereas by the contrary , he that novv vanteth himselfe to bee head of all councels , is as carefull and strait in the prohibition of all men from the taking of this oath of allegiance . the vvordes of the councell bee these . heare our sentence . whosoeuer of vs , or of all the people thorowout all spaine , shall goe about by any meanes of conspiracie or practise , to violate the oath of his fidelitie , which he hath taken for the preseruation of his countrey , or of the kings life ; or who shall attempt to put violent hands vpon the king ; or to depriue him of his kingly power ; or that by tyrannicall presumption would vsurpe the soueraigntie of the kingdome : let him bee accursed in the sight of god the father , and of his angels ; and let him be made and declared a stranger from the catholike church , which he hath prophaned by his periurie , & an aliant from the company of all christian people ; together with all the complices of his impietie : because it behooueth all those that bee guiltie of the like offence , to vnder-lie the like punishment . which sentence is three seuerall times together , and almost in the same wordes , repeated in the same canon . after this , the synode desired , that this sentence of theirs now this third time rehearsed , might be confirmed by the voyce and consent of all that were present . then the whole clergie and people answered , whosoeuer shal cary himselfe presumptuously against this your definitiue sentence , let them be anathema maranatha , that is , let them be vtterly destroyed at the lords comming , and let them and their complices haue their portion with iudas iscarioth . amen . and in the fift a councell , there it is decreed , that this acte touching the oath of allegiance , shall bee repeated in euery councell of the bishops of spaine . the decree is in these wordes : in consideration that the mindes of men are easily inclined to euill and forgetfulnesse , therefore this most holy synode hath ordeined ; and doeth enact , that in euery councell of the bishops of spaine , the decree of the generall b councell which was made for the safetie of our princes , shall be with an audible voyce proclaimed & pronounced , after the conclusion of all other things in the synode : that so it being often sounded in their eares , at least by continuall remembrance , the mindes of wicked men being terrified might bee reformed , which by obliuion & facilitie [ to euill ] are brought to preuaricate . and in the sixt a councell , we doe protest before god , and all the orders of angels , in the presence of the prophets and apostles , and all the company of martyrs , and before all the catholike church , and assemblies of the christians ; that no man shall goe about to seeke the destruction of the king : no man shall touch the life of the prince ; no man shall depriue him of the kingdome ; no man by any tyrannicall presumption shall vsurpe to himselfe the soueraigntie of the kingdome ; no man by any machination shall in his aduersitie associate to himselfe any packe of conspirators against him ; and that if any of vs shal be presumptuous by rashnesse in any of these cases , let him be strickē with the anatheme of god , and reputed as condemned in eternall iudgement without any hope of recouery . and in the tenth b councell ( to omit diuers others held also at toledo ) it is said ; that if any religious man , euen from the bishop to the lowest order of the church-men or monkes , shall be found to haue violated the generall oathes made for the preseruation of the kings person , or of the nation and countrey with a profane minde ; forthwith let him be depriued of all dignitie , and excluded from all place and honour . the occasion of the decrees made for this oath , was , that the christians were suspected for want of fidelitie to their kings ; and did either equiuocate in taking their oath , or make no conscience to keepe it , when they had giuen it : as may appeare by sundry speeches in the a councell , saying , there is a generall report , that there is that perfidiousnes in the mindes of many poeple of diuerse nations , that they make no conscience to keepe the oath and fidelitie that they haue sworne vnto their kings : but doe dissemble a profession of fidelitie in their mouthes , when they hold an impious perfidiousnes in their minds . and b againe , they sweare to their kings , and yet doe they preuaricate in the fidelitie which they haue promised : neither do they feare the volume of gods iudgement , by the which the curse of god is brought vpon them , with great threatning of punishments , which doe sweare lyingly in the name of god. to the like effect spake they in the councel of a aquisgran : if any of the bishops , or other church-man of inferiour degree , hereafter thorow feare or couetousnes , or any other perswasion , shall make defection from our lord the orthodoxe emperour lodowicke , or shall violate the oath of fidelitie made vnto him , or shall with their peruerse intention adhere to his enemies ; let him by this canonicall and synodall sentence be depriued of whatsoeuer place hee is possessed of . and now to come to a particular answere of his letter . first as concerning the sweete memory hee hath of his old acquaintance with the arch-priest ; it may indeed be pleasing for him to recount : but sure i am , his acquaintance with him and the rest of his societie , our fugitiues ( whereof he also vanteth himselfe in his preface to the reader in his booke of controuersies ) hath prooued sowre to vs and our state. for some of such priests and iesuits , as were the greatest traitours and fomenters of the greatest conspiracies against the late queen , gaue vp father robert bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles . and therefore i doe not enuie the great honor he can win , by his vaunt of his inward familiaritie with an other princes traitours and fugitiues : whom vnto if he teach no better maners then hitherto he hath done , i thinke his fellowship are little beholding vnto him . and for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the altar of the lord : if the arch-priests prayers prooue no more profitable to his soule , then bellarmines counsel is like to proue profitable , both to the soule and body of blackwel ( if he would follow it ) the author of this letter might very wel be without his prayers . now the first messenger that i can finde , which brought ioyfull newes of the archpriest to bellarmine , was he that brought the newes of the arch-priests taking , and first appearance of martyrdome . a great signe surely of the cardinals mortification , that he was so reioyced to heare of the apprehension , imprisonment and appearance of putting to death of so old and deare a friend of his . but yet apparantly he should first haue bene sure , that he was onely to be punished for cause of religion , before hee had so triumphed vpon the expectation of his martyrdome . for first , by what rule of charitie was it lawfull for him to iudge me a persecutour , before proofe had bene made of it by the said arch-priestes condemnation and death ? what could hee know , that the said arch-priest was not taken vpon suspicion of his guiltinesse in the powder-treason ? what certaine information had he then receiued vpon the particulars , whereupon hee was to be accused ? and last of all , by what inspiration could he foretell whereupon hee was to bee accused ? for at that time there was yet nothing layed to his charge . and if charitie should not be suspicious , what warrant had he absolutely to condemne mee of vsing persecution and tyrannie , which could not be but emplied vpon me , if blackwel was to be a martyr ? but surely it may iustly be said of bellarmine in this case , that our sauiour christ saith of all worldly and carnall men , who thinke it enough to loue their a friends and hate their enemies ; the limits of the cardinals charitie extending no farther , then to them of his owne profession . for what euer he added in superfluous charitie to blackwel , in reioycing in the speculation of his future martyrdome ; he detracted as much vniustly and vncharitably from me , in accounting of me thereby as of a bloody persecutour . and whereas this ioy of his was interrupted by the next messenger , that brought the newes of the said arch-priest his failing in his constancie , by taking of this oath ; he needed neuer to haue bene troubled , either with his former ioy or his second sorrow , both being alike falsly grounded . for as it was neuer my intention to lay any thing vnto the said arch-priests charge , as i haue neuer done to any for cause of conscience ; so was blackwels constancie neuer brangled by taking of this oath ; it being a thing which he euer thought lawfull before his apprehension , and whereunto hee perswaded all catholikes to giue obedience ; like as after his apprehension , he neuer made doubt or stop in it ; but at the first offering it vnto him , did freely take it , as a thing most lawfull ; neither meanes of threatning or flatterie being euer vsed vnto him , as himselfe can yet beare witnesse . and as for the temperature and modification of this oath ; except that a reasonable and lawfull matter is there set downe in reasonable & temperate words , agreeing thereunto : i know not what he can meane , by quarelling it for that fault . for no temperatnes nor modifications in words therein , can iustly be called the deuils craft , when the thing it selfe is so plaine , and so plainely interpreted to all them that take it ; as the onely troublesome thing in it all , bee the words vsed in the end thereof , for eschewing aequiuocation and mentall reseruation . which new catholique doctrine , may farre iustlier bee called the deuils craft , then any plaine and temperate words , in so plaine and cleare a matter . but what shal we say of these strange countrey clownes , whom of with the satyre we may iustly complaine , that they blovv both hote and cold out of one mouth ? for luther and our bolde and free speaking writers are mightily railed vpon by them , as hot brained fellovves , and speakers by the deuils instinct : and novv if vve speake moderately and temperately of them , it must bee tearmed the deuils craft . and therefore we may iustly complaine vvith christ , that when we a mourne , they wil not lament : and when vve pipe , they vvill not dance . but neither iohn baptist his seueritie , nor christ his meekenesse and lenitie can please them , vvho build but to their owne monarchie vpon the ground of their ovvn traditions ; and not to christ vpon the ground of his word and infallible trueth . but vvhat can bee meant by alleadging , that the craft of the deuill herein , is onely vsed for subuersion of the catholique faith , and euersion of s. peters primacie ; had need bee commented anevv by bellarmine himselfe . for in all this letter of his , neuer one vvord is vsed , to proue that by any part of this oath the primacy of s. peter is any vvay medled vvith , except master bellarmine his bare alledging ; which without prouing it by more cleare demonstration , can neuer satisfie the conscience of any reasonable man. for ( for ought that i know ) heauen and earth are no farther asunder , then the professon of a temporall obedience to a temporall king , is different from any thing belonging to the catholique faith , or supremacie of s. peter . for as for the catholique faith ; can there bee one word found in all that oath , tending or sounding to matter of religion ? doeth he that taketh it , promise there to beleeue , or not to beleeue any article of religion ? or doeth he so much as name a true or a false church there ? and as for s. peters primacie ; i know no apostles name that is therein named , except the name of iames , it being my christen name : though it please him not to deigne to name me in all the letter , albeit , the contents thereof concerne me in the highest degree . neither is there any mention at all made therein , either disertis verbis , or by any other indirect meanes , either of the hierarchie of the church , of s. peters succession , of the sea apostolike , or of any such matter : but that the author of our letter doeth brauely make mention of s. peters succession , bringing it in comparison with the succession of henry the eight . of which vnapt and vnmannerly similitude , i wonder hee should not bee much ashamed . for as to king henries successour ( which he meaneth by mee ) as i , i say , neuer did , nor will presume to create any article of fayth , or to bee iudge thereof ; but to submit my exemplary obedience vnto them , in as great humilitie as the meanest of the land : so if the pope could bee as well able to proue his either person all or doctrinall succession from s. peter , as i am able to proue my lineall descent from the kings of england and scotland ; there had neuer been so long adoe , nor so much sturre kept about this question in christendome ; neither had a m. bellarmine himselfe needed to haue bestowed so many sheetes of paper de summo pontifice , in his great bookes of controuersies : and when all is done , to conclude with a morall certitude , and a piè credēdum : bringing in the b popes , that are parties in this cause , to bee his witnesses : and yet their historicall narration must be no article of faith . and i am without vantrie sure , that i doe farre more neerely imitate the worthy actions of my predecessors , then the popes in our age can be well proued to be similes petro , especially in cursing of kings , and setting free their subiects from their allegiance vnto them . but now we come to his strongest argument ; which is , that he would alledge vpon me a panick terrour , as if i were possessed with a needlesse feare . for , saith the cardinall , from the beginning of the churches first infancie , euen to this day , where was it euer heard , that euer a pope either commanded to be killed , or allowed the slaughter of any prince whatsoeuer , whether he were an hereticke , an ethnike or persecutor ? but first , wherefore doth he here wilfully , and of purpose omit the rest of the points mentioned in that oath , for deposing , degrading , stirring vp of arms or rebelling against them , vvhich are as vvell mentioned in tha● oath , as the killing of them ? as being all of one consequence against a king , no subiect being so scrupulous , as that hee will attempt the one , and leaue the other vnperformed if he can . and yet surely i cannot blame him for passing it ouer , since he could not otherwise haue eschewed the direct belying of himselfe in tearmes , which hee now doeth but in substance and effect . for a as for the popes deposing and degrading of kings , hee maketh so braue vaunts and bragges of it in his former bookes , as he could neuer with ciuil honesty haue denied it here . but to returne to the popes allowing of killing of kings , i know not with what face hee can sent so stout a deniall vpon it against his owne knowledge . how many emperors did the pope raise warre against in their owne bowels ? who as they were ouercome in battaile , were subiect to haue bene killed therein ; which i hope the pope could not but haue allowed , when hee was so farre inraged at b henry the fift for giuing buriall to his fathers dead corps , after the e pope had stirred him vp to rebell against his father , and procured his ruine . but leauing these old histories to bellarmines owne bookes that doe most authentically cite them , as i haue already said ; let vs turne our eyes vpon our owne time , and therein remember what a panegyrik a oration was made by the pope , in praise and approbation of the frier and his fact , that murthered king henry the third of france who was so farre from either being heretike , ethnike or persecutor in their account , that the said popes owne wordes in that oration are , that a true frier hath killed a counterfeit frier . and besides that vehement oration and congratulation for that fact ; how neere it scaped , that the said frier was not canonized for that glorious acte , is better knowen to bellarmine and his followers , then to vs here . but sure i am , if some cardinals had not beene more wise and circumspect in that errand , then the pope himselfe was , the popes owne kalender of his saints would haue sufficiently proued bellarmine a liar in this case . and to draw yet nerer vnto our selues ; how many practises and attempts were made against the late queenes life , which were directly enioyned to those traitours by their confessors , and plainely authorized by the popes allowance ? for verification whereof there needes no more proofe , then that neuer pope either then or since , called any church-man in question for medling in those treasonable conspiracies ; nay , the cardinals owne s. sanderus mentioned in his letter could well verifie this trueth , if he were aliue ; and who will looke his bookes , will find them filled with no other doctrine then this . and what difference there is betweene the killing or allowing the slaughter of kings , and the stirring vp and approbation of practises to kil them ; i remit to bellarmines owne iudgement . it may then very clearely appeare , how strangely this authours passion hath made him forget himselfe , by implicating himselfe in so strong a contradiction against his owne knowledge and conscience , against the witnesse of his former bookes , and against the practise of our owne times . but who can wonder at this contradiction of himselfe in this point , when his owne great volumes are so filled with contradictions ? which when either he , or any other shall euer be able to reconcile , i wil then beleeue that he may easily reconcile this impudent strong deniall of his in his letter , of any popes medling against kings , with his owne former bookes , as i haue alreadie said . and that i may not seeme to imitate him in affirming boldly that which i no wayes proue ; i will therefore send the reader to looke for witnesses of his contradictions , in such places heere mentioned in his owne booke . in his booke , of a iustification , there he affirmeth , that for the vncertaintie of our owne proper righteousnes , and for auoiding of vaine glory , it is most sure and safe , to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercie and goodnes of god ; b which proposition of his , is directly contrary to the discourse , and current of all his fiue bookes de iustificatione , wherein the same is conteined . god doeth not encline a man to euill , neither c naturally or morally . presently after he affirmeth the contrary , that god doeth not encline to euill naturally , but d morally . all the fathers teach constantly , that e bishops do succeede the apostles , and priestes the seuentie disciples . elsevvhere he affirmeth the contrary , that f bishops do not properly succeed the apostles . that g iudas did not beleeue contrary , that h iudas was iust and certainely good . the keeping of the i law according to the substance of the worke , doeth require that the commandement be so kept , that sinne be not committed , and the man bee not guiltie for hauing not kept the commandement . contrary , k it is to bee knowen , that it is not all one , to doe a good morall worke , and to keepe the commandement according to the substance of the worke . for the commandement may be kept according to the substance of the worke , euen with sinne ; as if one should restore to his friend the thing committed to him of trust , to the end that theeues might afterward take it from him . l peter did not loose that faith , whereby the heart beleeueth vnto iustification . contrary , m peters sinne was deadly . n antichrist shall bee a magician , and after the maner of other magicians shall secretly worship the deuill . o contrary , he shall not admit of idolatrie : he shall hate idoles , and reedifie the temple . by the words of p consecration the true and solemne oblation is made . contrary , the sacrifice doeth not consist in the words : but in the q oblation of the thing it selfe . r that the ende of the world cannot bee knowen . ſ contrary , after the death of antichrist , there shall bee but fiue and fourtie daies till the ende of the world . t that the tenne kings shall burne the scarlet whoore , that is rome . u contrary , antichrist shall hate rome , and fight against it , and burne it . x the name of vniuersall bishop may be vnderstood two wayes ; one way , that hee which is said to be vniuersal bishop , may be thought to be the onely bishop of all christian cities ; so that all others are not indeed bishops , but only vicars to him , who is called vniuersal bishop : in which sense , the pope is not vniuersall bishop . contrary , all ordinary y iurisdiction of bishops doeth descend immediatly from the pope ; and is in him , and from him is deriued to others . which few places i haue onely selected amongst many the like , that the discret and iudicious reader may discerne ex vngue leonem . for when euer hee is pressed with a weightie obiection , he neuer careth , nor remembreth how his solution and answere to that , may make him gainesay his owne doctrine in some other places , so it serue him for a shift to put off the present storme withall . but now to returne to our matter againe : since popes , saith hee , haue neuer at any time medled against kings , wherefore , i pray you , should onely the king of england bee afraid of that , whereof neuer christian king is , or was afraid ? was neuer chistian emperour or king afraid of the popes ? how then were these miserable emperours tost and turmoiled , and in the end vtterly ruined by the popes : for proofe whereof i haue already cited bellarmines owne bookes ? was not the a emperour afraid , who b waited bare-footed in the frost and snow three dayes at the popes gate , before hee could get entrie ? was not the c emperour also afraide , d who was driuen to lie agroofe on his belly , and suffer another pope to tread vpon his necke ? and was not another e emperour afraide , f who was constrained in like manner to indure a third pope to beat off from his head the imperiall crowne with his foote ? was not g philip afraid , being made emperour against pope innocentius the thirds good liking , when he brake out into these wordes , either the pope shal take the crowne from philip , or philip shal take the miter from the pope ? whereupon the pope stirred vp ottho against him , who caused him to be slaine ; and presently went to rome , and was crowned emperour by the pope , though afterward the pope h deposed him too . was not the emperour i fredericke afraide , when innocentius the fourth excommunicated him , depriued him of his crowne , absolued princes of their oath of fidelitie to him , and in apulia corrupted one to giue him poison ? whereof the emperour recouering , hee hired his bastard sonne manfredus to poyson him ; wherof he died . what did k alexander the third write to the soldan ? that if he would liue quietly , he should by some sleight murther the l emperour ; and to that ende sent him the emperours picture . and did not m alexander the sixt take of the turke baiazetes two hundred thousand crownes to kill his brother gemen ; or as some call him , si●imus , whom hee held captiue at rome ? did hee not accept of the conditions to poyson the man , and had his pay ? was not our n henry the second afraide after the slaughter of thomas becket ; that besides his going bare-footed in pilgrimage , was whipped vp and downe the chapter-house like a schoole-boy , and glad to escape so too ? had not this french king his great grandfather king iohn reason to bee afraid , when the o pope gaue away his kingdome of nauarre to the king of spaine , whereof he yet possesseth the best halfe ? had not this king , his successour reason to be afraid , when he was forced to begge so submissiuely the relaxation of his excommunication , as hee was content likewise to suffer his ambassadour to be whipped at rome for penance ? and had not the late queene reason to looke to herselfe , when she was excommunicated by pius quintus , her subiects loosed from their fidelity and allegiance toward her , her kingdome of ireland giuen to the king of spaine , and that famous fugitiue diuine , honoured with the like degree of a red hat as bellarmine is , was not ashamed to publish in print an a apologie for stanlies treason , maintaining , that by reason of her excommunication and heresie , it was not onely lawfull for any of her subiects , but euen they were bound in conscience to depriue her of any strength , which lay in their power to doe ? and whether it were armies , townes , or fortresses of hers which they had in their hands they were obliged to put them in the king of spaine her enemies hands , shee no more being the right owner of any thing ? but albeit it be true , that wise men are mooued by the examples of others dangers to vse prouidence and caution , according to the olde prouerbe , tum tua res agitur , paries cùm proximus ardet : yet was i much neerlie summoned to vse this caution , by the practise of it in mine owne person . first , by the sending forth of these bulles , whereof i made mention already , for debarring me from entrie vnto this crowne , and kingdome . and next after my entry , and full possession thereof , by the horrible powder-treason , which should haue bereft both me and mine , both of crowne and lif● . and howsoeuer the pope wil seeme to cleare himselfe of any allowance of the sayd powder-treason ; yet can it not be denyed , that his principall ministers here , and his chiefe mancipia the iesuites , were the plaine practisers thereof : for which the principall of them hath died confessing it , and other haue fled the countrey for the crime ; yea , some of them gone into italy : and yet neither these that fled out of this countrey for it , nor yet baldwine , who though he then remained in the lowe-countreyes , was of counsell in it , were euer called to account for it by the pope : much lesse punished for medling in so scandalous and enormous businesse . and now what needs so great wonder and exclamation , that the onely king of england feareth : and what other christian king doeth , or euer did feare , but he ? as if by the force of his rhetoricke he could make me and my good subiects to mistrust our senses , denie the sunne to shine at midday , and not with the serpent to stop our eares to his charming , but to the plaine and visible veritie it selfe . and yet for all this wonder , hee can neuer proue me to be troubled with such a panick terrour . haue i euer importuned the pope with any request for my securitie ? or haue i either troubled other christian princes my friends & allies , to intreat for me at the popes hand ? or yet haue i begged from them any aide or assistance for my farther securitie ? no. all this wondred-at feare of mine , stretcheth no further , then wisely to make distinction betweene the sheepe and goats in my owne pasture . for since , what euer the popes part hath bene in the powder-treason ; yet certaine it is , that all these caitife monsters did to their death maintaine , that onely zeale of religion mooued them to that horrible attempt : yea , some of them at their death , would not craue pardon at god or king for their offence : exhorting other of their followers to the like constancie . had not wee then , and our parliament great reason , by this oath to set a marke of distinction betweene good subiects and bad ? yea , between papists , though peraduenture zealous in their religion , yet otherwise ciuilly honest and good subiects , and such terrible firebrands of hell , as would maintaine the like maximes , which these powder-men did ? nay , could there bee a more gracious part in a king , suppose i say it , toward subiects of a contrary religion , then by making them to take this oath , to publish their honest fidelitie in temporall things to mee their soueraigne , and thereby to wipe off that imputation and great slander which was laid vpon the whole professors of that religion , by the furious enterprise of these powder-men ? and wheras for illustration of this strong argument of his , hee hath brought in for a similitude the hystorie of a iulian the apostata his dealing with the christians , when as he straited them , either to commit idolatrie , or to come within the compasse of treason : i would wish the authour to remember , that although a similitude may bee permitted claudicare vno pede ; yet this was a very ill chosen similitude , which is lame both of feet and hands , and euery member of the body . for i shall in few words prooue , that it agreeth in no one point , saue one , with our purpose , which is , that iulian was an emperour , and i a king. first , iulian was an apostata , one that had renounced the whole christian faith , which hee had once professed , and became an ethnike againe , or rather an atheist : whereas i am a christian , who neuer changed that religion , that i dranke in with my milke : nor euer , i thanke god , was ashamed of my profession . iulian dealt against christians onely for the profession of christes cause : i deale in this cause with my subiects , onely to make a distinction betweene true subiects , and false hearted traitours . iulians end was the ouerthrow of the christians : my onely end is , to maintaine christianitie in a peaceable gouernement . iulians drift was to make them commit idolatrie : my purpose is to make my subiects to make open profession of their naturall alleagiance , and ciuill obedience . iulians meanes whereby hee went about it , was by craft , and insnaring them before they were aware : my course in this is plaine , cleare , and void of all obscuritie : neuer refusing leaue to any that are required to take this oath , to studie it at leisure , and giuing them all the interpretation of it they can craue . but the greatest dissimilitude of all , is in this : that iulian pressed them to commit idolatrie to idoles and images : but as well i , as all the subiects of my profession are so farre from guilt in this point , as wee are counted heretiques by you , because we will not commit idolatrie . so as , in the maine point of all , is the greatest contrarietie . for , iulian persecuted the christians because they would not commit idolatrie ; and yee count me a persecutour , because i will not admit idolatrie . so as to conclude this point , this olde sentence may well be applied to bellarmine , in vsing so vnapt a similitude , perdere quos vult iupiter , hos dementat . and therefore his vncharitable conclusion doeth not rightly follow : that it seemeth vnto him , that some such thing should be subtilly or fraudulently included in this oath ; as if no man can detest treason against the king , or professe ciuill subiection , except hee renounce the primacie of the apostolike sea. but how hee hath suckt this apprehension out at his fingers ends , i cannot imagine : for sure i am , as i haue oft said , hee neuer goeth about to proue it : and to answere an improbable imagination , is to fight against a vanishing shadow . it cannot bee denied indeed , that many seruants of christ , as wel priests , as others , haue endured constantly all sorts of torments , and death , for the profession of christ : and therefore to all such his examples , as he bringeth in for verifying the same , i neede not to giue him any other answere , saue onely to remember him , that he playeth the part of a sophister in all these his examples of the constancie of martyrs : euer taking controuersum pro confesso , as if this our case were of the same nature . but yet that the reader may the better discouer , not onely how vnaptly his similitudes are applied , but likewise how dishonestly hee vseth himselfe in all his citations : i haue thought good to set downe the very places themselues cited by him , together with a short deduction of the true state of those particular cases : whereby , how little these examples can touch our case ; nay , by the contrary , how rightly their true sense may bee vsed , as our owne weapons to be throwen backe vpon him that alleadgeth them , shall easily appeare . and first , for a eleazar : if the arch-priest his ground of refusing the oath , were as good as eleazars was , to forbeare to eate the swines flesh , it might not vnfitly be applyed by the cardinall to his purpose . for as eleazar was a principall scribe , so is he a principall priest : as eleazars example had a great force in it , to animate the yonger scribes to keepe the law , or in his colourable eating it , to haue taught them to dissemble : so hath the arch-priests , either to make the inferiour priests to take the oath , or to refuse it : but the ground failing , the building cannot stand . for what exampl● is there in all the scripture , in which disobedi●nce to the oath of the king , or want of allegiance is allowed ? if the cardinal would remember , that when the church maketh a law ( suppose to forbid flesh on certaine dayes ) hee that refuseth to obey it , incurreth the iust censure of the church : if a man then ought to die rather then to break the least of gods ceremoniall lawes , and to pine and starue his bodie , rather then to violate the church his positiue law : will he not giue leaue to a man to redeeme his soule from sinne , and to keepe his body from punishment , by keeping a kings politique law , and by giuing good example in his person , raise vp a good opinion in me of like allegiance in the inferiours of his order ? this application , as i take it , would haue better fitted this example . but let me remember the cardinall of another a oath inioyned by a king to his people , whereby hee indaungered his owne life , and hazarded the safety of the whole army , when hee made the people sweare in the morning not to taste of any meate vntill night : which oath he exacted so strictly , that his eldest sonne , and heiere appa●ant ionathan for breaking of it , by tasting a little hony of the top of his rod , though he heard not when the king gaue that oath , had wel nigh died for it . and shall an oath giuen vpon so vrgent an occasion as this was , for the apparant safety of me and my posterity , forbidding my people to drinke so deepely in the bitter cup of antichristian fornications , but that they may keepe so much hony in their hearts , as may argue them still espoused to me their soueraigne in the maine knot of true allegiance ; shall this law , i say , by him be condemned to hell for a stratagem of satan ? i say no more , but gods lot in the oath of sauls , and bellarmines verdict vpon this oath of ours , seeme not to be cast out of one lap . now to his example of a basil , which is ( as hee sayeth ) so fit for his purpose . first , i must obserue , that if the cardinall would leaue a common and ordinary tricke of his in all his citations , which is , to take what makes for him , and leaue out what makes against him ; and cite the authours sense , as well as his sentence , wee should not bee so much troubled with answering the ancients which he alleadgeth . to instance it in this very place : if he had continued his allegation one line further , hee should haue found this place out of theodoret , of more force to haue moued blackwel to take the oath , then to haue disswaded him from it . for in the very next words it followeth , imperatoris quidem amicitiam magni se péndere , cum pietate ; quâ remotâ , perniciosam esse dicere . but that it may appeare , whether of vs haue greatest right to this place , i will in few wordes shew the authours drift . the emperour valens being an arrian , at the perswasion of his wife , when hee had depriued all the churches of their pastours , came to caesarea , where a s. basill was then bishop , who , as the history reporteth , was accounted the light of the world . before he came , he sent his b deputy to worke it , that s. basill should hold fellowship with eudoxius ( which c eudoxius was bishop of constantinople , and the principall of the arrian faction ) or if he would not , that he should put him to banishment . now when the emperours deputie came to cesarea , hee sent for basil , intreated him honourably , spake pleasingly vnto him , desired he would giue way to the time , neither that hee would hazard the good of so many churches tenui exquisitione dogmatis : promised him the emperours fauour , and himselfe to be mediatour for his good . but s. basill answered , these intising speeches were fit to be vsed to children , that vse to gape after such things : but for them that were throughly instructed in gods word , they could neuer suffer any syllable thereof to be corrupted . nay , if need required , they would for the maintenance thereof , refuse no kinde of death . indeed the loue of the emperour ought to be greatly esteemed with pietie ; but pietie taken away , it was pernicious . this is the truth of the history . now compare the case of basill with the arch-priests : basill was solicited to become an arrian : the arch-priest not once touched for any article of faith . basill would haue obeyed the emperour , but that the word of god for bade him : this man is willed to obey , because the word of god commandeth him . basill highly esteemed the emperours fauour , if it might haue stood with pietie : the archpriest is exhorted to reiect it , though it stand with true godlinesse in deed , to embrace it . but that hee may lay load vpon the arch-priest , it is not sufficient to exhort him to courage and constancie by eleazars and basils examples ; but hee must be vtterty cast downe with the comparing his fall to s. peters , and marcellinus : which two mens cases were the most feareful , considering their persons and places , that are to be found , or read of either in all the books of diuine scripture , or the volumes of ecclesiasticall histories ; the one denying the onely true god , the other our lord & sauiour iesvs christ : the one sacrificing to idols , with the profane heathen : the other forswearing his lord and master , with the hard-hearted iewes . vnlesse the cardinall would driue the archpriest to some horrour of conscience , and pit of despaire , i know not what hee can meane by this comparison . for sure i am , all that are not intoxicated with their cup , cannot but woonder to heare of an oath of allegiance to a naturall soueraigne , to bee likened to an apostats denying of god , and forswearing of his sauiour . but to let passe the disdiapason of the cases ( as his ill-fauoured coupling s. peter the head of their church , with an apostate pope ) i maruaile he would remember this example of a marcellinus , since his brother cardinall baronius , and the late edition of the councels by b binnius seeme to call the credite of the whole history into question , saying , that it might plainely be refuted , and that it is probably to be shewed , that the story is but obreptitious , but that he would not swarue from the common receiued opinion . and if a man might haue leaue to coniecture ; so would his cardinalship too , if it were not for one or two sentences in that councell of sinuessa , which serued for his purpose : namely that , prima sedes à nemine iudicatur : and , iudica causam tuam : nostrâ sententià non condemnaberis . but to what purpose a great councel ( as he termes it ) of three hundred bishops and others , should meete together , who before they met , knew they could doe nothing ; when they were there , did nothing , but like cuckowes , sing ouer and ouer the same song : that prima sedes à nemine iudicatur : and so after three dayes sitting ( a long time indeed for a great and graue councell ) brake so bluntly vp : and yet , that there should be seuenty two witnesses brought against him , and that they should subscribe his excommunication , and that at his owne mouth he tooke the anathema maranatha : how these vntoward contradictions shal be made to agree , i must send the cardinall to venice , to padre paulo , who in his a apologie against the cardinals oppositions , hath handled them very learnedly . but from one pope , let vs passe to another : ( for , what a principall article of faith and religion this oath is , i haue alreadie sufficiently proued . ) why he called s. b gregory our apostle , i know not , vnlesse perhaps it be , for that he sent c augustine the monke , and others with him into england , to cōuert vs to the faith of christ , wherein i wish the popes his successours would follow his patterne . for albeit he sent them by diuine reuelation ( as he said ) into england vnto king ethelbert ; yet when they came , they exercised no part of their function , but by the kings leaue and permission . so did king d lucius send to eleutherius his predecessor , and hee sent him diuers bishops , who were all placed by the kings authoritie . these conuerted men to the faith , and taught them to obey the king. and if the popes in these dayes would but insist in these steps of their forefathers , then would they not intertaine princes fugitiues abroad , nor send them home , not onely without my leaue , but directly against the lawes , with plots of treason and doctrine of rebellion , to drawe subiects from their obedience to mee their naturall king : nor be so cruell to their owne mancipia , as returning them with these wares , put either a state in iealousie of them ; or them in hazard of their owne liues . now to our apostle ( since the cardinall will haue him so called ) i perswade my selfe i should doe a good seruice to the church in this my labour , if i could but reape this one fruit of it , to moue the cardinal to deale faithfully with the fathers , and neuer to alledge their opinions against their owne purpose . for , this letter of gregorius was written to iohn bishop of a palermo in sicily , to whom he granted vsum pallij , to be worne in such times , & in such order as the priests in the i le of sicily , and his predecessours were wont to vse : and withall giueth him a caueat : that the reuerence to the apostolike sea , be not disturbed by the presumption of any : for then the state of the members doth remaine sound , when the head of the faith is not bruised by any iniury , and the authoritie of the canons alwayes remaine safe and sound . now let vs examine the words . the epistle was written to a bishop , especially to grant him the vse of the pall ; a ceremony and matter indifferent . as it appeareth , the bishop of rome tooke it well at his hands , that hee would not presume to take it vpon him without leaue from the apostolique sea , giuing him that admonition which foloweth in the words alledged out of him : which doctrine we are so far frō impugning , that we altogether approue & allow of the same , that whatsoeuer ceremonie for order is thought meet by the christian magistrat , and the church , the same ought inuiolably to bee kept : and where the head & gouernour in matters of that nature are not obeyed , the members of that church must needs run to hellish confusion . but that gregory by that terme , caput fidei , held himselfe the head of our faith , and the head of all religion , cannot stand with the course of his doctrine and writings . for first , whē an a other would haue had this stile to be called vniuersalis episcopus , hee sayd , b i doe confidently auouch , that whosoeuer calleth himselfe , or desireth to be called vniuersall bishop , in this aduancing of himselfe , is the forerunner of the antichrist . which notwithstanding was a stile far inferiour to that of caput fidei . and when it was offered to himselfe , the wordes of s. gregorie be these , refusing that title : c none of my predecessors [ bishops of rome , ] euer consented to vse this prophane name [ of vniuersall bishop . ] none of my predecessors euer tooke vpon him this name of singularity , neither consented to vse it , we the bishops of rome , do not seek , nor yet accept this glorious title , being offered vnto vs. and now , i pray you , would he that refused to be called vniuersall bishop , be stiled caput fidei , vnles it were in that sense , as i haue expressed ? which sense if he will not admit , giue mee leaue to say that of gregorie , which himselfe saith of a lyra , minus cautè locutus est : or which hee elswhere saith of chrysostome , b locutus est per excessum . to redeeme therefore our apostle out of his hands , & to let him remain ours , & not his in this case ; it is very true that he saith in that sense he spake it . whē ye go about to disturbe , diminish , or take away the authoritie or supremacie of the church , which resteth on the head of the king , within his dominions , ye cut off the head & chiefe gouernor therof , & disturb the state & members of the whole body . and for a conclusiō of this point , i pray him to think , that we are so well perswaded of the good minde of our apostle s. gregory to vs , that we desire no other thing to bee suggested to the pope and his cardinals , then our apostle s. gregory desired a sabinian to suggest vnto the emperour and the state in his time . his words be these : one thing there is , of which i would haue you shortly to suggest to your most noble lord and master : that if i his seruant would haue had my hand in slaying of the lombards , at this day the nation of the lombards had neither had king , nor dukes , nor earles , and had bin diuided asunder in vtter confusion : but because i feare god , i dread to haue my hand in the blood of any man. and thus hauing answered to s. gregory , i come to another pope , his apostle , s. leo. and that hee may see , i haue not in the former citations , quarelled him like a sophister for contentiō sake , but for finding out of the trueth , i do grant , that the authorities out of b leo , are rightly alleadged all three , the wordes truely set downe , together with his true intent and purpose : but withall , let mee tell him , and i appeale vnto his owne conscience whether i speake not truely , that what tullie said to c hortensius , when hee did immoderately praise eloquence , that he would haue lift her vp to heauen , that himselfe might haue gone vp with her ; so his s. leo lift vp s. peter with praises to the sky , that he being his a heire , might haue gone vp with him . for his s. leo was a great orator , who by the power of his eloquence redeemed rome from fire , when both b attilas and gensericus would haue burnt it . some fruits of this rhetorick he bestowed vpon s. peter , saying , the lord c did take peter into the fellowship of the indiuisible vnitie : which words being coupled to the sentence alleadged by the cardinall ( that hee hath no part in the diuine mysterie , that dare depart from the soliditie of peter ) should haue giuen him , i thinke , such a scarre , as hee should neuer haue dared to haue taken any aduātage by the words immediatly preceding , for the benefit of the church of rome , and the head therof ; since those which immediatly folow , are so much derogatory to the diuine maiestie . and againe , my d writings be strengthened by the authoritie and merit of my lord most blessed s. peter . we e beseech you to keepe the things decreed by vs through the inspiration of god , and the apostle most blessed s. peter . if a any thing be well done , or decreed by vs ; if any thing be obtained of gods mercy by daily praiers , it is to be ascribed to s. peters works and merits , whose power doth liue , & authority excell in his owne sea. he b was so plentifully watered of the very fountaine of all graces , that whereas he receiued many things alone , yet nothing passeth ouer to any other , but hee was partaker of it . and in a word , he was so desirous to extoll s. peter , that a messenger from him was an c embassage from s. peter : d any thing done in his presence , was in s. peters presence . neither did he vse all this rhetoricke without purpose : for at that time the patriarch of constantinople cōtended with him for primacie . and in the councell of e chalcedon , the bishops sixe hundred and more , gaue equall authority to the patriarch of that sea , and would not admit any priuiledge to the sea of rome aboue him ; but went against him . and yet he that gaue so much to peter , tooke nothing from caesar ; but gaue him both his titles and due , giuing the power of calling a councell to the emperour ; as it may appeare by these one or two places following of many . if it may please your a godlinesse to vouchsafe at our supplication to condescend , that you wil command a councell of bishops to bee holden within italy . and writing vnto the bishop of constantinople . because the most clement b emperor , carefull of the peace of the church , will haue a councell to be holden ; albeit it euidently appeare , the matter to be handled doeth in no case stand in need of a councell . and againe , albeit c my occasions wil not permit me to be present vpon the day of the councell of bishops , which your godlinesse hath appointed . so as by this it may well appeare , that he that gaue so much to peter , gaue also to caesar his due and prerogatiue . but yet he playeth not faire play in this , that euen in all these his wrong applied arguments and examples , he produceth no other witnesses , but the parties themselues ; bringing euer the popes sentences for approbation of their owne authoritie . now indeed for one word of his in the middest of his examples , i cannot but greatly cōmend him ; that is , that martyrs ought to indure all sorts of tortures and death , before they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the law of god. which lesson , if hee and all the rest of his owne profession would apply to themselues , then would not the sacrament be administred sub vnâ specie , directly contrary to christes institution , the practise of the apostles and of the whole primitiue church for many hundred yeeres : then would not the priuate masses bee in place of the lordes supper : then would not the words of the a canon of the masse be opposed to the words of s. paul and s. luke , as our aduersary himselfe confesseth , and cannot reconcile them : nor then would not so many hundreths other traditions of men be set vp in their church , not only as equall , but euen preferred to the word of god. but sure in this point i fear i haue mistaken him : for i thinke he doth not meane by his diuina dogmata , the word of the god of heauen , but onely the canons and lawes of his dominus deus papa : otherwise all his primacie of the apostolike sea would not be so much sticken vpon , hauing so slender ground in the word of god. and for the great feare he hath , that the suddennes of the apprehension , the bitternes of the persecution , the weaknesse of his age , and other such infirmities might haue bene the cause of the arch-priests fall ; in this , i haue already sufficiently answered him ; hauing declared , as the trueth is , and as the said blackwel himselfe wil yet testifie , that he took this oath freely of himselfe , without any inducement therunto , either precebus or minis . but amongst all his citations , he must not forget holy sanderus and his vi●ibilis monarchia , whose person and actions i did already a little touch . and surely who will with vnpartiall eyes read his bookes , they may well thinke , that he hath deserued wel of his english roman-church ; but they can neuer thinke , but that he deserued very ill of his english soueraigne and state. witnesse his owne books ; whereout i haue made choice to set downe here these few sentences following , as flowers pickt out of so worthy a garland . a elisabeth queene of england , doth exercise the priestly act of teaching and preaching the gospel in england , with no lesse authority then christ himself , or moses euer did . the supremacy of a a woman in church matters , is from no other , then from the deuill . and of all things in generall , thus he speaketh , the b king that wil not inthrall himselfe to the popes authority , he ought not to be tolerated ; but his subiects ought to giue all diligence , that another may be chosen in his place assoone as may be . a king that is an c heretike , ought to be remoued from the kingdome that he holdeth ouer christians ; and the bishops ought to endeuour to set vp another , assoone as possibly they can . wee doe constantly d affirme , that all christian kings are so far vnder bishops and priestes in all matters appertaining to faith , that if they shall continue in a falt against christian religion after one or two admonitions , obstinately , for that cause they may and ought to be deposed by the bishops from their temporal authority they hold ouer christiās . e bishops are set ouer temporall kingdomes , if those kingdomes do submit themselues to the faith of christ . we doe iustly f affirme , that all secular power , whether regall , or any other is , of men. the g anoynting which is powred vpon the head of the king by the priest , doeth declare that he is inferiour to the priest . it is altogether against the will of a christ , that christian kings should haue supremacie in the church . and whereas for the crowne and conclusion of all his examples , he reckoneth his two english martyrs , moore and roffensis , who died for that one most weighty head of doctrine , as he alleadgeth , refusing the oath of supremacie ; i must tel him , that he hath not bene well informed in some materiall points , which doe very neerly concerne his two said martyrs . for it is cleare and apparantly to be prooued by diuers records , that they were both of them committed to the tower about a yeere before either of them was called in question vpon their liues , for the popes supremacie ; and that partly for their backwardnesse in the point of the establishment of the kings succession , wherunto the whole realme had subscribed , and partly for that one of them , to wit , fisher , had had his hand in the matter of the holy b mayd of kent , he being for his concealement of that false prophets abuse , found guiltie of misprision of treason . and as these were the principall causes of their imprisonment ( the king resting secure of his supremacie , as the realme stood then affected , but especially troubled for setling the crowne vpon the issue of his second marriage ) so was it easily to be conceiued , that being thereupon discontented , their humors were therby made apt to draw them by degrees , to further opposition against the king and his authoritie , as indeed it fell out . for in the time of their being in prison , the kings lawfull authoritie in cases ecclesiasticall being published and promulged , as wel by a generall decree of the clergie in their synode , as by an act of parliament made thereupon ; they behaued themselues so peeuishly therein , as the old coales of the kings anger being thereby raked vp of new , they were againe brought in question ; as wel for this one most weighty head of doctrine of the pope his supremacy , as for the matter of the kings marriage and succession , as by the confession of one of themselues , euen thomas moore , is euident . for being condemned , he vsed these wordes at the barre before the lords , non ignoro cur me morti adiudicaueritis ; videlicet ob id , quod nunquam voluerim assentiri in negotio matrimonij regis . that is , i am not ignorant why you haue adiudged me to death : to wit , for that i would neuer consent in the busines of the new marriage of the king. by which his owne confession it is plaine , that this great martyr himselfe tooke the cause of his owne death , to be only for his being refractary to the king in this said matter of marriage and succession ; which is but a very fleshly cause of martyrdome , as i conceiue . and as for roffensis his fellow martyr ( who could haue bene content to haue taken the oath of the kings supremacy , with a certaine modification , which moore refused ) as his imprisonment was neither onely , nor principally for the cause of supremacy , so died he but a halting and a singular martyr or witnes for that most waightie head of doctrine ; the whole church of england going at that time , in one current and streame as it were against him in that argument , diuerse of them being of farre greater reputation for learning and sound iudgement , then euer he was . so as in this point we may wel arme our selues with the cardinals own reason , where hee giueth amongst other notes of the true church , vniuersalitie for one , we hauing the generall and catholike conclusion of the whole church of england , on our side in this case , as appeareth by their booke set out by the whole conuocation of england , called , the institution of a christian man ; the same matter being likewise very learnedly handled by diuers particular learned men of our church , as by steuen gardiner in his booke de vera obedientia , with a preface of bishop boners adioyned to it , de summo & absoluto regis imperio , published by m bekinsaw , de vera differentia regiae potestatis & ecclesiasticae , bishop tonstals sermon , bishop longlands sermon , the letter of tonstall to cardinall poole , and diuers other both in english and latine . and if the bitternesse of fishers discontentment had not bene fed with his daily ambitious expectation of the cardinals hat , which came so neere as calis before hee lost his head to fil it with , i haue great reason to doubt , if he would haue constantly perseuered in induring his martyrdome for that one most waightie head of doctrine . and surely these two captaines and ringleaders to martyrdome were but ill folowed by the rest of their countrymen : for i can neuer reade of any after them , being of any great account , and that not many , that euer sealed that weighty head of doctrine with their blood in england . so as the true causes of their first falling in trouble ( wherof i haue already made mention ) being rightly considered vpon the one part ; and vpon the other the scant number of witnesses , that with their blood sealed it ; ( a point so greatly accounted of by our cardinal ) there can but smal glory redound therby to our english nation , these onely two , enoch and elias , seruing for witnesses against our antichristian doctrine . and i am sure the supremacie of kings may , and will euer be better maintained by the word of god ( which must euer bee the true rule to discerne al weighty heads of doctrine by ) to be the true and proper office of christian kings in their owne dominions , then he wil be euer able to maintaine his annihilating kings , & their authorities , together with his base & vnreuerend speeches of them wherewith both his former great volumes , and his late bookes against venice are filled . in the old testament , kings were directly a gouernours ouer the church within their dominions ; b purged their corruptions ; reformed their abuses , brought the c arke to her resting place , the king d dancing before it ; e built the temple ; f dedicated the same , assisting in their owne persons to the sanctification thereof ; g made the booke of the law new-sound , to be read to the people ; h renewed the couenant betweene god and his people ; * brused the brasen serpent in pieces , which was set vp by the expresse cōmandement of god , and was a figure of christ ; destroyed i all idols , and false gods ; made k a publike reformation , by a commission of secular men and priests mixed for that purpose ; deposed l the hie priest , and set vp another in his place : and generally , ordered euery thing belonging to the church-gouerment , their titles and prerogatiues giuen them by god , agreeing to these their actions . they are called the m sonnes of the most high , nay , gods n themselues ; the o lords anoynted ; sitting p in gods throne ; his q seruants ; the angels r of god ; according to his ſ hearts desire ; the light t of israel ; the u nursing fathers of the church , with innumerable such stiles of honor , wherwith the old testament is filled ; wherof our aduersary can pretend no ignorance . and as to the new testament , euery soule is commaunded to be subiect vnto them , euen for x conscience sake . all men y must bee prayed for ; but especially kings , and those that are in authority , that vnder them we may lead a godly , peaceable and an honest life . the a magistrate is the minister of god to doe vengeance on him that doth euill , & reward him that doeth well . ye must obey all higher powers , but b especially princes , and those that are supereminent . giue euery man his due , feare c to whom feare belongeth , and honour to whome honour . giue d vnto caesar what is caesars , and to god what is gods. e regnum meum non est huius mundi . f quis me constituit iudicem super vos ? g reges gentium dominantur eorum , vos autem non sic . if these examples , sentences , titles , and prerogatiues , and innumerable other in the old and new testament , do not warrant christian kings , within their owne dominions , to gouerne the church , as well as the rest of their people , in being custod es vtriusque tabulae , not by making new articles of faith , ( which is the popes office , as i saide before ) but by cōmanding obedience to be giuen to the word of god , by reforming the religion according to his prescribed will , by assisting the spiritual power with the temporal sword , by reforming of corruptions , by procuring due obedience to the church , by iudging and cutting off all friuolous questions and schismes , as a constantine did ; and finally , by making decorum to bee obserued in euery thing , & establishing orders to be obserued in al indifferent things for that purpose , which is the only intent of our oath of supremacy : if this office of a king , i say , doe not agree with the power giuen him by gods word , let any indifferent man voyd of passion , iudge . but how these honourable offices , styles , and prerogatiues giuen by god to kings in the old & new testament , as i haue now cited , can agree with the braue stiles and titles that bellarmine giueth thē , i can hardly conceiue . 1. that kings are rather slaues then lords . 2. that they are not only subiects to popes , to bishops , to priests , but euen to deacons . 3. that an emperour must content himselfe to drinke , not onely after a bishop , but after a bishops chaplen . 4. that kings haue not their authority nor office immediatly from god , nor his lawe , but onely from the law of nations . 5. that popes haue degraded many emperours , but neuer emperour degraded the pope ; nay , euen * bishops , that are but the popes vassals , may depose kings , and abrogate their lawes . 6. that church-men are so farre aboue kings , as the soule is aboue the body . 7. that kings may be deposed by their people , for diuers respects . 8. but popes can by no meanes bee deposed : for no flesh hath power to iudge of them . 9. that obedience due to the pope , is for conscience sake . 10. but the obedience due to kings , is onely for certaine respects of order and policie . 11. that these very church-men that are borne , and inhabite in soueraigne princes countreys , are notwithstanding not their subiects , and cannot be iudged by them , although they may iudge them . 12. and , that the obedience that churchmen giue to princes , euen in the meanest and meere temporall things , is not by way of any necessary subiection , but onely out of discretion , and for obseruation of good order and custome . these contrarieties betweene the booke of god , and bellarmines books , haue i heere set in opposition ech to other , vt ex contrarijs iuxta se positis , veritas magis elucescere possit . and thus farre i dare boldly affirme , that whosoeuer will indifferently weigh these irreconciliable contradictions here set downe , wil easily confesse , that christ is no more contrary to beliall , light to darkenesse , and heauen to hell , then bellarmines estimation of kings , is to gods. now as to the conclusion of his letter , which is onely filled with strong and pithy exhortations , to perswade and confirme blackwell to the patient and constant induring of martyrdome , i haue nothing to answere , saue by way of regrate ; that so many good sentences drawen out of the scripture , so well and so handsomely packed vp together should bee so ill and vntruely applied . but an euill cause is neuer the better for so good a cloake ; and an ill matter neuer amended by good words : and therefore i may iustly turne ouer that craft of the deuill vpon himselfe , in vsing so holy-like an exhortation to so euill a purpose . only i could haue wished him , that hee had a little better obserued his decorum herein , in not letting slip two or three prophane wordes amongst so many godly mortified scripture sentences . for in all the scripture , especially in the new testament , i neuer read of pontifex maximus . and the pope must be content in that stile to succeed according to the lawe and institution of numa pompilius , and not to s. peter , who neuer heard nor dreamed of such an office . and for his caput fidei , which i remembred before , the apostles ( i am sure ) neuer gaue that stile to any , but to christ . so as these stiles , wherof some were neuer found in scripture , and some were neuer applied but to christ in that sense , as he applieth it , had bene better to haue beene left out of so holy and mortified a letter . to conclude then this present discourse , i heartily wish all indifferent readers of the breues and letter , not to iudge by the speciousnes of the words , but by the weight of the matter ; not looking to that which is strongly alledged , but iudiciously to consider what is iustly prooued ; and for all my own good and naturall subiects , that their hearts may remaine established in the trueth ; that these forraine inticements may not seduce them from their natall and naturall duetie ; and that all , aswell strangers , as naturall subiects , to whose eyes this discourse shall come , may wisely and vnpartially iudge of the veritie , as it is nakedly here set downe , for clearing these mists and cloudes of calumnies , which were iniustly heaped vpon mee ; for which ende onely i heartily pray the courteous reader to be perswaded , that i tooke occasion to publish this discourse . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a04286-e360 a a being a proper word to expresse the true meaning of tortus . b b p. 46. c c p. 63. pag. 69. p. 47. p. 98. p. 87. p. 98. ibid. p. 97. a a senten . card. baron , super excom : venet. lib. de cler. cap. 28. a a sigebert , ad ann . 773. walthram . naumburg . lib. de episc , inuestitura . mart. polon . ad ann . 780. theod. à niem . de priuileg . & iurib. imper. & dist . 30. c. hadrian . 2. b b see platin. in v●t . pel●g . 2. gregor . 1. & seuerini . c c lib. de clericis . d d in chron. ad ann . 680. e e in vit . agathon & anast . in vit . eiusd . agath . & herm. contract ad ann . 678. aedit . poster . & dist . 63. c. agatho . f f iuitpr . hist . lib. 6 c. 10 , 11. rhegino ad an . 963. & platin in vit . ioan. 13. g g marianus scot. sigeb . abbas . vrsp . ad ann . 1046. & platin in vit . greg. 6. h h walthram . naumburg . in lib. li● . de inuest . episc . vixit circae ann . 1110. i i see annales franciae nicolai . gillij in philip. pulchro . k k anno 1268 ex arrestis senatus parisiens . l l ioan. maierius , lib. de scismat . & concil . o o matt. teris . in henr. 1. anno ●100 . p p idem ibid. ann . 1113. q q idem . ibid. anno . 119. r r ex archiuis regni . a a lib. 2. con . cresconium . cap. 32. b b lib. 1. de ve●b . dei. c. 4. a a luc. 1.28 . b b ibid. ver . 48. matth 11.28 . colos . 28.23 . a a luke 8. luc. 11.28 . * * iubilees , in dulgences , satisfactions for the dead , &c. lib. 2 de purgat cap. 7. iohn 14. a a bellar lib. 4. de rom. pont. cap. 25. page 98. luk. 22.25 . iohn 14.26 . matth. 18.18 . 1. cor. 5.4 . act. 15.22 , 23. 1 cor. 1.12 . galat. 2. ● gal 1.18 . bellar. de rom. pont. lib. 1. cap 17. libello aduersus haereses . 1. pet. 5.13 . 2. thes . 2. verse 3. verse 3 , 4. psal . 82.6 . 2. thes . 2.4 . verse 5. verse 6. verse 7. * * for so doeth tortus call rome when it was spoiled by them , though it was christian many yeres before . a a verse 8. vers . 8.9 . bellar. lib. 3. de euchar. cap. 8. reuel . 17.51 . vers . 3. vers . 18. vers 5. cap. 18.52 . vers . 5. chap. 11.8 . matt. 25.40 . acts 9.4 . reuel . 18.24 . cap. 13.3 . cap. 17 , 10. verse 11. reuel . 1.1 . & cap. 41. cap. 7. cap. 9.16.18 . matth. 24.41 . matth. 25. a a reuel . 3.3 . and 16.15 . b b matth. 24.44 bellar. de rom. pont. lib. 3. cap. 6. mat. 11.14 . and 17.12 . mar. 9.13 . matt. 17.11 . malac. 4.5 . matth 27. a a this obscuring of the sunne was so extraordinary and fearfull , that dionysius , onely led by the light of nature and humane learning , cryed out at the sight thereof , aut deuspatitur , aut vices patientis dolet . mala. 4.6 . eccle. 48 9. mala. 4.6 . eccles . 44 16 a a p. 27. mat. 22 32. lib. 5. lib. cont . iadaeos . cap. 2. 2. thes . 2. reuelat. 11. reuel . 21.27 . lib de gra. ●rimi homini : gene. 2. rom. 12.3 . gene. 5.24 . 2. king. 2.11 , 10. cardinall peron . luke 15.8 . iohn 21.22 , 23. made by bonauentura doctor seraphicus . iohn 5.39 . a a reue. 11.4 . b b ibid. see expositio m●ssae , annexed to ordo romanus , set forth by g. cassander . verse 8. colos . 2.20 . verse 8. 2 chro 34.14 . verse 10. verse 3. reuel . 6.2 . 2. cor. 10.4 . reuel . 11.7 . a a printed at venice anno 1562. verse 11. 12. 13. deut. 19.15 . reuel . 11.3 . a a sauguis martyrum est semen eccles . verse 11. actes 2.41 . reuel . 18.4 . cap. 17. verse 18. verse 9. verse 13. verse 12. a a from the time of constantine the great his remouing of the empire from rome to constantinople , t● the time of boniface the third , to w●t , ●bout 276. yeeres verse 11. a a not in respect of the extent , and limites of the empire : but in regard of the gouernement therof , and glory of the citie . reuel . xviij . verse 9. and 11. verse 10.16.19 . verse 9. verse 12. 1. description of antichrist reuel . cap. vj verse 2. verse 4. verse 5. verse 8. a a or them , after other translations , whereby is ioyntly vnderstood the said pale horse , together with his rider and cōuoy , death and hell. verse 9. verse 10. verse 12. the second description . verse 1. verse 2. verse 3. verse 11. matth. 5.14 . verse . 13. verse 20. lib. de cultu adoration . lib. 3. disp . 1. cap. 5. verse 21. cap. 10. ver . 6 verse 7. cap. xj . verse 3. cap. xj . verse 7. the third description . cap. xij . verse 6. verse 15. cap. xiij . verse 1. verse 2. verse 3. verse 6. verse 7. verse 11. verse 12. 2. thes . 2.9 verse 13. verse 15. verse 17 verse 16. verse 15. irenaeus aduersus haeres . lib. 5. a a epistol . lib. 6. cap. 30. cap. xiiij . verse 3. verse 6. verse 7. verse 8. verse 9. cap. xv . verse 1. chap. xvj . verse 10. verse 12. dan. 5.3 . verse 13. verse 14. verse . 17. verse . 19. the fourth description . cap. xvij . verse 3. verse 4. verse 1. verse 2. verse 6. verse 5. verse 5. verrse . 9. verse 12. verse 13. verse 14 verse 16. reuel . 16.12 . verse 17 prou. 21.1 . verse 18 chap. xviij . verse 9.10 . verse 11 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. verse 12 , 13. verse 13. a a henry 3. k. of france . b b henry 4. verse 4. verse 6 * * cornicula aesopica . verse 7 cap. xix . verse 1. verse 2. * * bellar. in resad gerson . consid . 11. verse 19 verse 20. cap. 18.21 ibidem . verse 22 , 23 cap. xx . verse 2 verse 8 verse 9. verse 10. verse 11 , 12 , 13 matth. 24 22 chap. xxj . xxij a a lib. de clericis , cap. 16. b b lib. de episcopatibus , titulis & diaconijs cardinalium . rom. 13.5 . 1 pet. 2.13 . actes 25.10 . actes 22.28 . a a 1. sam. 10.1 b b 1. sam. 16.12.13 . actes 1. cyprian . lib. 1. epist . 4. 1. king. 12.20 2. king 9.2 , ● . isai 5.20 . verse 23. iohn 10.27 . a a 1. tim. 1.4 . b b ibid. c. 4.7 . actes 26.29 . abac. 2 4. notes for div a04286-e23840 a a gen 4.10 . the pope his first breue . the oath . a a magno cum animi moerore , &c. the intendement of this discourse . a a iosh . 1.17 . b b iere. 27.12 . c c exod. 5.1 . d d ezra . 1.3 . e e rom 13.5 . f f augusi●in psal . 124. g g tertul●ad scap. h h iust . martyr apol. 2. ad ant. imperat. i i amb. in orat cont . auxent●ū de basilicis traden . habetur lib. 5. epist . amb. k k optat. contra parmen . lib. 3. l l greg. mag. epist. lib. 2. indict . 11. epist . 61. m m concil . arelatense sub carolo mag. can. 26· a a vide epistolam generalis conc. ephes . ad august . b b iohn 18.36 . c c mat. 22.21 . question . answere to the popes exhortation . fama vires acquirit eundo . a a eusebius , occumemus and leo hold , that by babylon in 1. pet. 5.13 rome is meant , as the rhemists themselues confesse . b b see the relation of the whole proceedings against the traitors , garnet and his confederates . the catholikes opinion of the breue the second breue . a double oath of euery subiect . a great mistaking of the state of the question and case in hand . the difference betweene the oath of supremacie , and this of allegiance . touching the pretended councel of lateran . see plat. in vita innocen . iii. the oath of allegiance confirmed by the authoritie of ancient councels . the ancient councels prouided for equiuocation the difference between the ancient councels , and the pope counselling of the catholikes . concil . toletan . 4 can 47. ann. 633. a a concil . toletan . 5. can. 7. anno . 636. b b synod . toletan 4. vniuersalis , & magna synodus dicta , syn. t●l 5. ca. 2. a a concil . tolet . 6. can. 18 anno 638. b b concil . tolet. 10 can. 2. aera . 694. a a concil . toletan . 4. cap. 74. b b concil . tolet 4. cap 74. a a concil . a. quisgran sub ludou . pio , & greg. 4. can. 12. anno 836. campian and hart. see the conference in the tower. the cardinals charitie . a a mat. 5.43 . a a matth. 11.17 no decision of any point of religion in the oath of allegiance . a a bellar. de rom. pont. lib. 4. cap. 6. ibid. lib. 2. ca 12 b b idem . ibidem lib. 2. cap. 14. the cardinals weighiest argument . a a bellar. de rom. pont. lib. 5. cap. 8. & lib. 3. cap. 16. b b gotfrid . vite●b . helmod . cuspinian . e e pascal . 2. a a see the oration of sixtus quintus , made in the consistory vpon the death of henry the 3. a a bellar de iustif . lib. 5. cap. 7. b b contrary to all his fiue bookes de iustificatione . c c bellar. de amis . gra . & s●at . pecca . lib. 2. cap. 13. d d ibidem paulò pòst . e e bellar. de cleicis , lib. 1. cap. ●4 . f f bellar. de p●nt . lib. 4 cap. ●5 . g g bellar. de ●ont . lib. 1. cap. ●2 . h h b●llar . de ●ustif . lib. 3. cap. 14. i i bellar. de gra & lib. arbit . lib. 5. cap. 5. k k eodem lib. ●ap . 9. l l bell. de pont. lib. 4. cap. 3. m m bell. de iust . ●ib . 3. cap. 14. n n bell. de rom. pontif. lib. 3 . ●ap . 14. o o ibid. ex sen●ent . hypol. & ●yril . & cap. 12. eiusdem ●ibri . p p bellar. lib. 1 . ●e missa . cap. 27 q q bellar. de ●ss lib. 2. cap. 2. r r bellar. de inim . christ . ●●b . 4. cap. 5. ſ ſ bellarm. de pont. lib. 3. cap. 17. t t bellarm. de ●on . lib 3. cap. 3. u u bellarm. ibid. x x bellarm. de pont. lib. 2. cap. 31. y y bellar. de pontif . lib. 2 cap. 24. a a henry 4. b b abbas vrspergen . lamb. scaffin . anno 1077. plat. in vit . greg. 7. c c frederick babarossa . d d naucler . gener 4● . iacob . bergom . in supplem chron . alsons . ciacon . in vit . alex. 3. e e henry . 6. f f r h●ueden in rich. 1. ranulph in polychronico . lib. 7. g g abbaes vrsper . ad ann. 1191. nauc . gen . 40. cuspin . in philippo . h h abbas vrsper i i matth paris in henr. 3. petrus de vineis epist . lib. 1. & 2. & cuspin . in freder . 2. k k vita ●rederici germaincè conscriptae . l l frederick barbarossa . m m paul iouius histor . lib. 2. cuspinian . in baiazet . 11. guicciard . lib. 2. n n houeden pag. 308. matth. parls . in henric. ii. walsinga . in hypodig . neustriae ioan. capgraue . o o gometius de rebus gest . fran. ximenij archiepis . tolet lib. 5. a a card. allens answere to stan. let . anno. 1587. a a nazianzenus in iulian. inuectiuâ primâ . the disproportion of the cardinals similitude . a a 2. macchabees cap. 6. vers● 18. an answere to the cardinal● example of eleazar . a a 1. sam. 14.15 . a a theodorit . lib. 4 cap. 19. an answere to the card. example of s. basil a a theodorit . lib 4. cap. 19. b b modestus as nazianzen vpon the death of basil calleth him in his oration . c c looke cap. 12. eiusdem libr. the cardi. assimilating of the arch pr. case to s. peters , and marcellinus , considered· a a looke platina in vita marcellini . b b concil . tom. 1. pag. 222. looke baronius . ann. 302. num . 96. see tom. 1. concil . in act. concil . sinues . san . a a apol. pat. paul aduersus opposit . card. bellar. an answere to the place alledged out of s. gregory . b b greg. lib. 11. cap. 42. c c beda ecclesi . hist . gen . ang. lib. 1. cap. 25. d d beda ecclesiast . hist . gen . ang. iib. 1. cap. 4 a a greg. lib. 11. cap. 42. a a iohn of constantinople . see greg. lib. 4. epist . 32. b b lib. 6. epist . 30. c c greg. lib. 4. epist . 32. & 36. a a bellar. de rom. pont. lib. 2. cap. 10. b b idem . lib. 2. de missa cap. 10. a a greg. lib. 7. epist . 1. an answere to the authoritie out of leo. b b leo trimus in die ass●m● . su●e ad pontif. s●rmone 3. leo epist 89. ad epist . vien . idem ibid. cap. 2 c c cicero in hor. a a for so he calleth himselfe in serm . 1. in die assum . b b ex●reuiario romano . c c epist . 89. d d epist . 52. e e epist . 89. a a in serm . 2. in die anniuer . assum . suae . b b ser. 3. in die anni . assump . suae . c c epist . 24. d d epist . 4. e e concil . ch●lced . act. 16. & c●n . 28. a a epist . 9. theodosio . b b epist . 16. flauiano . c c epist . 17. theodosio . a a bellar. de sacra eucharist . lib 4. cap. 14. some of sanders his worthy sayings remembred . a a sand. de visib . monar . lib. 6. cap. 4. a a sand. de clau . dauid lib. 6. cap. 1. b b sand. de visib . monar . lib. 2. cap. 4. c c ibidem . d d ibidem . e e ibid●m . f f sand. de clau . dauid . lib. 5. cap. 2. g g ibidem . a a sand. de c●a . dauid lib. 5. cap. 4. the cardinals paice of martyrs weighed . b b called elizabeth barton . see the act of parliament . histor . aliquot mar●num nostri seculi , ann. 1550. the supremacy of kings sufficiently warranted by the scriptures . a a 2. chron. 19.4 . b b 2. sam. 5.6 . c c 1. chron. 13.12 . d d 2. sam. 6.16 . e e 1. chron. 28.6 f f 2. chron. 6. g g 2. king. 22.11 . h h nehe. 9.38 . dauid . salomon . * * 2. king. 18.4 . i i 1· kings 15.12 . k k 2. chron. ●7 . 8 . l l 1 kings 2.27 . m m 2. sam. 7.14 . n n psal . 82.6 . & exod. 22.8 . o o 1. sam. 24 . 1● p p 2. chro. 9.8 q q 2. chron. 6.15 . r r 2. sam. 14.20 ſ ſ 1. sam. 13.14 t t 2. sam. 21.17 u u isa . 49.23 . x x rom. 13.5 . y y 1. tim. 2.2 . a a rom. 13.4 b b 1. pet. 2.13 . c c rom. 13.7 . d d matth. 22.21 . e e iohn 18.36 . f f luke 12 14 g g luke 22.25 . a a euseb . lib. 3. de vita constaetini . 1. de la●cis . cap. 7. 2. de pont. lib. 1. cap. 7. 3. ibidem . 4. ibidem , & de cler . cap. 28. 5. de p. nt . lib 3. cap. 16. * * de rom. pont lib 5. cap. 8. 6. de laicis . cap 8. 7. de pont. lib 5. cap. 18. 8. de pont. lib. 2. cap. 26. 9. de pont. lib. 4 cap. 15. 10 de clericis cap. 28. 11. ibidem . 12. ibidem . gregory, father-greybeard, with his vizard off, or, news from the cabal in some reflexions upon a late pamphlet entituled, the rehearsal transpros'd (after the fashion that now obtains) in a letter to our old friend, r.l. from e.h. hickeringill, edmund, 1631-1708. 1673 approx. 457 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 172 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43621 wing h1808 estc r7617 12815129 ocm 12815129 94128 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43621) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94128) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 983:37) gregory, father-greybeard, with his vizard off, or, news from the cabal in some reflexions upon a late pamphlet entituled, the rehearsal transpros'd (after the fashion that now obtains) in a letter to our old friend, r.l. from e.h. hickeringill, edmund, 1631-1708. [2], 332 p. printed by robin hood ... : and sold by nath. brooke ..., london : 1673. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng marvell, andrew, 1621-1678. -rehearsal transpros'd. dissenters, religious -great britain. church and state -great britain -early works to 1800. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion gregory , father-greybeard , with his vizard off : or , news from the cabal in some reflexions upon a late pamphlet entituled , the rehearsal transpros'd . ( after the fashion that now obtains ) in a letter to our old friend , r. l. from e. h. london , printed by robin hood , at the sign of of the he-cow i. o. if it be not a bull , on the south-west and by west end of lake-lemane and sold by nath. brooke at the angel in cornhil . 1673. reflexions upon a late pamphlet , entituled the rehearsal transpros'd . in a letter to our old friend , r. l. sir , one would think you were at certain with the company of stationers , and , as their pensioner , retain'd in constant pay ; for of late a man cannot write a private letter to you , but forthwith you print it : and though all of you be in the fault , yet the innocent sheet does the pennance on the book-seller's stall ; or stands , like a poor greek , or some mountebanks bill , at every pillar and post , to be gaz'd on , if not laugh'd at . i know what you 'l say ; that all this modesty i now put on , is but a meer copy of my countenance ; and that indeed and in truth , ( you keeping the key to the press , ) i had not writ to you above all others , but on purpose that you might open the press-door , and let me in , with imprimatur r. l. which pass-port had been set down in the first place , ( as commonly it is , ) like a ticket , in hand , to get into the play-house , but that the book-sellers like it not . for they , ( honest men , ) knowing the worth of a book only by the ready sale , perceive the people have got an opinion , ( and then there 's no beating it out of their heads , ) and have taken such a prejudice against books so mark'd in the forehead , that construing it to be a brand of infamy , they will scarce ask the price of them , or bid a penny : taking it for granted , the author so licens'd , was some dull phlegmatick fellow , and either wanted wit or honesty to vouch himself . to tell you the plain truth on 't , and not to lie ; it was neither the importunity of friends , of the stationer in particular ; nor the near approach of the next term ; nor very much against my will ; nor to cancel the obligations many and great to his worship , her lady-ship , &c. neither as a testimony of great thankfulness ; nor out of penury and want of a better offering ; nor any of the like stale pretexts , that now set my pen a work : but of my own accord , meer motion , and advice ; mine own dear fingers itch'd to be at it ; till i had finish'd and dispatch'd the packet , in this express . wherein is inclosed and wrapt up a bundle of serious and honest truths , as if held forth from pulpit it self . but ( i confess ) they are , ( like my self ) merrily dispos'd ; yet purposely so dress'd , that the wholsom food therein contain'd , not disgusting the palate of this humorsome and frothy age , might rellish the better , and go merrily down . indeed it is a quelque-chose , here and there a little tart sometimes , but without gall or bitterness ; and here and there a bit so sharp too , as , ( like mustard , ) to bite the tongue of a sinner ; but it is only to make his eyes water , and bring him to repentance ; and the better digestion of his former crudities . if you suspect the truth of all this , as related by a party concern'd , ( for who is not in love with his own issue , though crouch-back'd , or crook-legg'd ? ) then read not one syllable more , 't is alike to me , for i shall not get a penny by your custome ; neither do i desire it . for i am well and warm ; and wish all mankind so ; and to doe what in me lies for the common bene●…t do i now write . praying that all men were of my religion , ( contain'd in this letter ) and then the world would need neither stocks nor gaol ; neither inquisition , nor surrogate ; neither act of indempnity , nor uniformity ; neither drums , nor colours ; swords , nor helmets ; fire-balls , nor little cutto's ; red-coats , nor men of war : nor have any great use of those two lately-found out inventions , printing and gunpowder ; ( and whether of them has most troubled the world , i will not take upon me here to discuss ; yet i think the latter has not prov'd so mischievous as is suppos'd ; battles having been before the use of gunpowder , the most bloody . ) but if you think , this preface is all but quack , and promises more , like an empiricks bill , than can be perform'd upon tryal and proof ; and has more in the contents than in the chapter ; then let the rest alone , for i write not to an infidel . yet the greatest part of the world is so : and a pretty quantity of the lesser part is inhabited , ( some think ) by people , that either have foreheads of brass , or no eyes in their foreheads : i mean knaves and fools . knaves will not , and fools can not understand my meaning in this following letter . and thus far by way of preface . at the rainbow-coffee-house the other day , taking my place at due distance , not far from me , at another table sat a whole cabal of wits ; made up of virtuoso's , ingenioso's , young students of the law , two citizens , and to make the jury full , vouz avez , one old gentleman : his bald pate cover'd with a huffing peruke , without an eye of gray in 't , or one gray-hair . but i knew him to be old , because they all laughing heartily and gaping , i took that occasion , to look him in the mouth , and knew his age , for indeed the mark was out of his mouth . i was tickled to know the cause of all this mirth , and presently found , it was a book made all this sport ; the title of it , the rehearsal transpros'd . look you here , says one of them , do not you see , p. 309. how smartly he ferrets the old foxes , the fathers of the church ? ( as in biting irony , he calls the old bishops : ) and how he claws off one of them by name , a. sparrow d. d. bishop of exon ? nay scratches one out of the grave , l. andrews late bishop of winchester ? he 's a notorious bold fellow , i 'le warrant him , sayes another ; he takes up the old fathers like so many school-boys ; and like a stout pedant , or priscian himself , he whips one of them publickly , and gives him chastisement for his worthy cares , because he had no better ply'd his book . but he goes a little higher , says a third , if in the same page , you look a little lower : and turns up his majesties evil councellors , and gives one slash at a great minister of state , with great courage pulling the dead lion by the beard . i like it not at all , and the author much worse , says the old gentleman ; it sounds so like the old cry of london-town in 1642. down with the bishops , down ; down with the evil councellors , that do so keep us off , we cannot come at the king ; and therefore it is we can never have him at our wills , to deal kindly by him , for his own good , and for reformation , to make him then a glorious king ; therefore , down with the bishops , down with evil councellors . the man is desperately disingenuous and unnatural , ( i think ) whosoever was the author ; he plays the tarrier , by his falling on so fiercely upon the old foxes , the fathers of the church ; and by that , should be some vicars son . for the tarrier you know , is a monstrous beast , begot of a bitch , by a fox , and so is half-dog , and half-fox : but there is no such enemy , in the world , to a fox , as is the tarrier which is a part of him , though an amphibious and degenerate issue . i think , ( replyed another ) he is rather a jaccal , ( which is an arabian beast , but more monstrous in the odd humour of his rapacity ) robbing the graves , and scratching up for a prey the dead corps , that lay decently interr'd , as by name bishop andrews , bishop bramhall , arch-bishop usher , arch-bishop laud ; and a glorious martyr , worth them all , king charles i. it is a marvel ( saith another ) what you will make of this new author , at the long run ; for you have made him a ferret , a tarrier , and a jaccall already ; the gentleman himself has reduc'd thus many metaphors within the compass of one bare sentence , p. 49. setching a cònjurer , a play-house , and a ferret to make it up : sure his rhetorick was born in a time when metaphors were cheap ; for though they be far fetch'd , yet sure they were not dear bought , he is so prodigal of them . well said ( saith a young lawyer ) i will bestow one metaphor the more upon him for his liberality : he seems to me , to be a cotswould-hare , he 's so well breathed , he has stood three or four courses already ; the first , called rosemary , that was slipt at him , made more hast than good speed , and scarcely had poor watt in view during the whole run : the latter gave him fair law , yet withal gave him so many smart turns , so nimbly and so quick , that i wonder how the poor fool shifted for it self . and now i hear there 's one will have another loose at him , if 't be but for sport , and yet 't is an even wager he 'l click him up in good earnest . look to thy hits , poor watt : thou hadst better have sat for ever on thy squatt , than hunted at this rate . the ostrich wings has got , for legs alone help not ; this last , though set out late , intends to shew thy fate ; and make thy bonny skutt a trophee for the hut , and there to be laught at . hold , good gentlemen ! says one of the citizens , you have made beast enough of him already in all conscience : but truly , verily , and indeed , that gentleman there , who made a jaccall of him , in my opinion has sampled the pattern to the life . as there is a law in england against wolves , so , if i were a parliament man , i would move for a law against jaccalls . this jaccall is an unsufferable beast in our soyl , especially when no dead corps pleases his palate so much , as those sacred reliques of arch-bishop laud , especially those of englands martyr , king charles 1. for he that beheaded these two was not half so barbarous , nor did do them half so much harm , as this gregory father-grey-beard , who with his utmost malice and inveteracy strikes at their innocence and honour . for which cause , ( though such a barbarian ought not to be christned , yet ) he having no name , the company did , ( as he did to mr. bayes , ) give him a name , by which he was known amongst them to this day , calling him , for his merits-sake , ( as we do hereafter ) gregory father-grey-beard ; or , mr. gregory , and sometimes plain greg. for certainly the heads-man father-grey-beard was incomparable less mischievous than this villain ; the natural lives of those two glorious martyrs being mortal , but their innocence ( by this vile man here assassinated ) should be immortal , and king charles himself was more tender of these , than of his life , valuing his dignity above his crowns ; saying , in his own unparallel'd words , ( i shall ne're forget them ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. 15. i can more willingly lose my crowns , than my credit ; nor are my kingdomes so dear to me , as my reputation and honour : those must have a period with my life , but these may surviveto a glorious kind of immortality , when i am dead and gone ; and a sweet consecrating of them to an eternity of love and gratitude among posterity . those foul and false aspersions were secret engines at first employed against my peoples love of me , that undermining their opinion and value of me , my enemies and theirs too , might at once blow up their affections , and batter down their loyalty . this in practice , ( what ever be the design ) is endeavour'd in this book p. 301. with as much venome as can be spit ; asserting there , that the whole reign of king charles 1. was deform'd . we had a good wise king ( the while ) then , and fit to live and reign , that would suffer his whole reign to be deform'd . thus making him a pupill , rather than a prince ; and one that of himself regarded not what was good ; but was kept during his whole reign under a tutor and guardian , or rather governour ; and he , viz. arch. bishop laud , one of the worst too , for he sayes , he seem'd to know nothing but ceremonies , arminianisme , and manwaring : with that he begun , and with that he ended , and thereby deform'd the whole reign of king charles 1. p. 301. thus he makes our solomon , a rehoboam ; namely a child at forty years of age . by ceremonies , arminianisme , and manwaring ; whatever they be in themselves , this author represents them as very vile , wicked and ugly things , because they deform'd the kings whole reign . and therefore he concludes thereby , that king charles 1. had no wisdom to understand the vileness , wickedness , and ugliness of these three things , ceremonies , arminianisme , and manwaring , whereby his whole reign was deform'd ; or else that king charles understanding the evil nature of these things that did deforme his whole reign , had not honesty , nor innocence enough to keep them off , from deforming his whole reign . so choose him whether , for this author determines him necessarily in these words , to be either so much a fool as to suffer his whole reign to be deform'd with ceremonies , arminianisme , and manwaring ; and to be led by a man , that seem'd to know nothing else ; with which he begun , and with which he ended , and thereby deform'd the whole reign : or else , knowing these things , and how they deform'd his whole reign ; he makes him a vile and wicked king that would not save and deliver his whole reign from deformity . by the former he makes him a weak prince , without wisdome ; the contrary whereof is known to the whole world , and was never suggested before this time , by any but the rebells in the beginning of the late civil-wars , to withdraw the affections of his people from him , as from a man that had not wit nor understanding enough to govern them , but was led by the duke of buckingham and arch-bishop laud. but if he mean the latter , that all this deformity was his own doings , and that though his reign was deform'd , it was himself , his own inclinations and bent which contriv'd , at least concurr'd , in making his whole reign deform'd ; then and even then , it is the old cry of the rebells , who when they had got their wills of the earl of strafford ; and arch-bishop laud , and left the king no councellors , nor kingdomes , nor so much as liberty ; then changed their note , and justified the evil councellors , more than the king himself ; saying he himself was his own wicked councellor , and a tyrant , and ought to die : and though their words ( like these of this authour ) were devillish and malicious ; yet they were as good as their words , and condemn'd him for a tyrant , and cut off his head . 't is indeed ( answered another ) all you say is infallibly true , and undeniable to a tittle ; but that which is admirable , and a greater marvel , is the skill and cunning of the man. he does the feat so cleaverly , as if he shot with white powder ; did execution indeed effectually , but makes no noyse , or evil report ; ( like other unskilful and bawling phanaticks ; ) for though you stare about , you shall not see the executioner , nor know whence the shot comes ; or if you do , he puts his vizard on presently , and looks , ( like faux ) in disguise . or , as the mountebank , keeping a man , who is content to be slash'd and cut , that his master may thereby show his dexterity and skill in the cure ; so this virtuoso wounds and cuts ( but indeed with design ) mortally ; and with matchless courage and boldness , ( disdaining trivial force ) fights neither with small nor great , ( except they lye in his way and detard royal assassination ) but only the king of our israel ; against whom when he has spit his venome , and with bold and home thrusts assaulted his innocence and honour ; yet he has his playster at hand , ( though it be without vertue ) and would seem to make all whole again , with crying , oh lord ! sir , i beg your pardon ; and then ; as you were : all is well again . the playster ( which he would make alexipharmacal for the wounds with which our late soveraign is attempted , and made , together with his whole reign , deform'd , ) is the neatest of all ; and clapt on as soon as the blow is struck , p. 301. deform'd the whole reign — of the best prince that ever wielded the english scepter . a contradiction in terminis , and as barbarous as absolute . for how could he possibly be the best prince that ever wielded the english scepter , except all the princes that ever wielded the english scepter had their whole reigns deform'd , either by their carelesness or folly ; or , ( which is the less affront to be call'd knave rather than fool , because one may be help'd , the other is remediless ) by vileness and wickedness doing the work themselves , and deforming their whole reign . again , if he be the best prince that ever wielded the english scepter , and yet either did deform his whole reign , or suffered it to be deform'd with ceremonies , arminianisme , and manwaring ; then these three reign-deforming buggs , ceremonies , arminianisme , and manwaring are very consistent with the best prince that ever wielded the english scepter . and if so , then these three reign-deforming buggs , are indeed but buggs , and fright men more than burt them , and can scare none but children and fools . for that the best prince that ever england had , owns , cherishes them , or at least permits them to be own'd and cherish'd above all other things ; and owns ( above all other men ) the man that seemed to know nothing else but these ceremonies , arminianisme , and manwaring ; with which he begun and with which he ended . and all this must necessarily follow , or else those good english princes that kept off , or expelled out of , their kingdomes , these same three ugly reign-deforming things ; were better princes than he that either brought them in , kept them in , or suffered them to stay in , and thereby deform'd his whole reign . and if they , ( in doing so well , and much better than he ) were better princes than he ; how could he be the best prince that ever wielded the english scepter ? so egregiously confident , and self-conceited is this virtuoso authour , this new politician ; that , ( through the high value he has for himself ; together with the mean and low esteem he has for all others ) thinks so slightly and easily to gull them ; and casting a little mist before their eyes , hopes to lead them about , like fools by the nose . otherwise this fool-hardy man would never have been so lost to all modesty and discretion , as to think to impose upon men , and be juggle them by such transparent mists , and easie legerdemain ; namely plain down-right non-sense and contradiction . alas ! the man is not master of his trade ! and yet , as if he onely , and the rest of the new politicians and virtuoso's , were like the chinenses and had two eyes in their heads ; but all the rest of the world blind ; or , ( at least ) the best of them but single-ey'd men ; who with but one eye are not so very quick-sighted , especially if you come upon them on the blind side . the company seem'd wonderfully well pleas'd with this discourse ; all of them but the virtuoso's and ingenioso's ; who were but four in all , and they too answered not one word : whether troubled with the fret , and at the heart too mad and enrag'd to utter a word , hearing themselves thus check'd to the face ; and their brother virt — ( who but a little before they had cry'd up for such a prodigie and marvel of wit ) should so suddenly be charg'd home with so unavoidable a shock ; whilst they stood by , and idly looking on , had neither ability nor wit enough to make resistance , nor knew how to help themselves nor him : yet , ( to see how soon the wind turns ! and how suddenly smiling dame fortune can knit her brows ! ) if he had but come into the room one half hour before , the whole clubb had rouz'd at the happy surprize of this wonderful wit ; and had carried the bugg upon their shoulders ( like the knight of the shire on election-day ) in triumph about the room : and had given him as many thanks for his great pains in this admirable book , as the authors friend i. o. and the conventicle did , when they sent him for these his happy endeavours , the gratuity , gather'd amongst the churches as a due offering ; with all hearty acknowledgments and the thanks of their house ; especially for promoting the good old cause , modern orthodoxy , liberty , indulgence , and reformation : but particularly for setting the old cry ( against bishops and evil councellors ) to a new tune ; not the old whining , snivelling , canting leer-away ; ( now somewhat stale , detected , and out of fashion ) but the fashionable , that most taking and admired new , new tune , the pleasant droll-away . the brethren and black-caps fac'd with white , having not vivacity nor wit enough for that way ; the vertue of sack-possets having not hitherto prov'd effectual nor spritely enough to raise their phlegmatick and insipid tempers to any semblance of elevated and mercurial style . at least these virtuoso's would have clap'd him on the back and spit in his mouth ; because it did so double and spend , when this mopsus did open so well upon the hot scent against bayes p. 150. with whoop , holla , holla , whoop ; ten times one after another ; and with so full a mouth , that sure he has been us'd to 't ; and has some thestylis to his mistress , whose nephew amyntas is out of his wits . or whether the arguments against their friend were all ad hominem , and made the indited and criminal to prove the evidence against himself , and by his own mouth and confession , or acknowledged all under his own hand ; and thereby necessarily stopping their mouths , as if they had been silenc'd by a bishop , or thunder-struck . or lastly , whether they were afraid to be laugh'd at the more , by answering nothing to the purpose , and thereby once more shame the authour , their order , and themselves ; as being loth further to stir in that ( sir reverence ) that already was so noysome , and smelt above ground ; i cannot tell . but now they answered only with a countenance made up 'twixt wrath and discontent , having not altogether so great an eye of scorn and self-conceit in the mixture ; and truly i was glad to see it , for mine own sake . for being but a plain blunt fellow my self , i did wish with all my heart , ( led thereunto by ( that that rules the world ) interest , ) that some good body would take them to do ; and so effectually humble them , that a home-spun countrey-grey and friez-coat ( though it be not a french-coat , nor bedaub'd with lace ) ( and is sometimes worn out , or sold in long-lane , before it be paid for ; ) might pass the streets quietly by them without a scoff or huff . but though they were mute , the gentleman went on that spoke last and so well of the plaister , that prov'd not big enough to salve the kings honour and innocence , if the wounds had been as truly as maliciously given him ; nor can in the least salve this authors honour and innocence if ever he had any . nor can keep him undetected , or protect him from the stroak of justice , and the smitings of his own conscience ; if he keeps any awake , for any other end but to laugh at , and atheistically to jear at . and as his own tongue has given it self the lye in reference to king charles i. so as palpably and plainly does it the same in relation to the account he gives of arch-bishop laud. as if the man resolv'd to make a book of prodigious contradictions in every page , and sometimes ( as already we have instanc'd ) in the same line making one repartee against the bishop , to clash with another repartee of his own for the bishop ; fighting with a two-edged sword , that cuts both wayes ; and slashes pro , and con. for the arch-bishop , repartee pro fights in the van , p. 281. in these words : arch bishop laud , who if for nothing else , yet for his learned book against fisher , deserved far another sate than he met with , and ought not ( mark that ! ) ought not to be mentioned without due honour : well charg'd pro. but here , come hither repartee con , and make him eat his words , or cram them down his throat ; in p. 301. he seem'd to know nothing but ceremonies , arminianisme , and manwaring ; with that he begun , and with that he ended , and thereby deform'd the whole reign of the best prince &c. well struck repartee con , i knew thou wouldst make him recant these words , namely ought not to be mentioned without due honour . but to him again repartee pro. p. 301. i am consident the bishop studied to do both god and his majesty good service ; his will was good then . what say you to that , repartee con ? i say in the same page and next following words : he was so learned , so pious and so wise a man ; a man may be pious indeed , and have a good will to do well ; but if he want learning and wisdome he knows not how to effect it ; this arch-bishop had both ( he says ) learning and wisdome , piety , good intentions and diligence , studying to do both god and his majesty good service , and yet presently after denyes all , he said no such thing ; no not a syllable on 't ; he neither said he had a good will and endeavours for god and his king , nor any such thing , he never acknowledged his learning , piety , wisdome , and honour that was due to him ; for the arch-bishop had not one jot nor tittle of any of them , or any other thing that was good in him ; why ? he seem'd to know nothing but ceremonies , arminianisme and manwaring , with that he begun and with that he ended . nay , continues the young gentleman ( he was a student of the laws ) i will shew you how almost every page contradicts the other ; but the company desir'd him to forbear a little ; because the old gentleman ( his tongue being tyred with lying still so long ) desired he might be heard . that which he was so big with , and did so long for the happy time of being deliver'd of it , when it came to the birth , was nothing but an old proverb . for , like as when a churlish mastiff worries a strange curr and tumbles him in the dirt , every dogged little curr will have a snap at him when he is down , so this old gentleman that not long ago had with the same mouth cryed up this strange new author , convinc'd now of his former folly , shows the truth of his conversion by his zeal ; and since the company generally did now cry him down , the old gentleman had scarce patience thus long to forbear him ; and because that , wanting teeth , he could not bite him , yet as well as he could , the old cur mouths him with a proverb , proverb against proverb . the proverb of this strange author that thus provok'd him and stuck in his stomach , did lie in p. 294. of the book . it was jack gentleman , jack gentleman . which , says this old gentleman , is a mere lie of his own making : though the author on 't , for fear of detection and shame , dares not own his own issue , but makes it filius populi , a bastard , of i know not whose begetting , only saying , they tell me , they tell me — it was come they tell me to jack gentleman . they tell me ? continued he ; what they ? i am sure if it was any body , but the author himself , it was nicholas nemo . for no body knows the old proverbs of those times better than my self ; and indeed , ( saith he ) i confess there was , and yet is , a proverb something like it , but this author clips it , and then new coyns it , and would make it pass for currant , with they tell me . the proverb , in those times was not jack-gentleman , but jack would be a gentleman , if he could speak french. and was of old , and ye●… true ; and made of those that being upstart gentlemen , and having more money than true honour , their fathers leaving and bequeathing to their sons gentlemens estates , but could not leave them ( what themselves had not ) a coat of arms. for supply whereof upstart gets himself a french coat , a french wit , a french head , a french wigg , french legs , french cringes , french tongue , and all other members about him ( in apish and mimick imitation of the french ) frenchefyed , thereby to be taken for a gentleman ; whence the proverb , jack would be a gentleman if he could speak french. at which , so probably related by the old gentleman , most of the company laughed heartily ; and concluded that this new author , designing in his whole book to promote again the good old cause , which he calls modern orthodoxy ; and sometimes the cause too good ; resolving right or wrong , to plead the cause of the non-conformists , which since he has espous'd , he is not asham'd of ; and therefore confesses p. 282. that if he can do the non-conformists no good , he is resolv'd to do them no harm ; and we will believe him without swearing . to carry on this goodly design , he bespatters the present government , with unparallel'd malice endeavours to stain and blemish the late kings whole reign as deform'd , rails at bishops and evil councellors , dead and alive , justifies schisme , ( as shall shortly appear ) cries up indulgence , and liberty , breda , breda ; reformation , reformation ; and with bitter sarcasmes and invective taunts , prosecutes the present parliament , ( rallery being the most biting and insufferable railing ) and all this with as little fear as wit. rather than not have a fling at the parliament , and pinch it till it recant all , ( especially the act for uniformity , or any act against the good old cause and non-conformists ) to twit it home , as wittily and effectually as he can ; he , p. 110. confounds nature to create a joque ; turns the parliament-men into a parliament of women , on purpose to break a jeast upon them , which had otherwise missed them , viz. superfoetation of acts. and new-mints a word , trinkle , trinkle the members ; rather than his beggarly wit should have nothing currant . it would make a man sick , to see this little tantalus catch and gape for a jeast and a little rhetorick ; and ( alas ! ) it will not come . and at other times to see him make a lyons face and grunt and groan to send forth a little wit , but it is right presbyterian , it will not come ; for the man is as costive as one of the old assembly of divines ; or smec . or tom dumby-low , who dy'd because he was so . and all this pother is for an old cause that stinks above ground in the nostrils of every honest heart , both here and all the world over . yet commend me to the men for one thing , they are as restless and indefatigable in their endeavours to promote it ; ( though so often baffled by god and man ) that they still cease not to move every stone , bribe and flatter , threaten and frown , fight and rayl , cant and recant , pray and lye , preach and slander , snivel and whine , exhort and blaspheme , in publique , in private , in city and countrey , in churches , in conventicles , with license , and without license , by your leave , and in spight of your teeth ; as if old knox himself was again metempsuchos'd in every one of them . to this purpose , in this authour , they assault the church and state , with the old weapons new furbish'd ; and to make you believe their old cause was good , they make the old kings cause bad , and this bold man dares , in this juncture of affairs , with implacable inveteracy , prey upon the dead , not permitting to rest in the bed of honour our gracious and blessed king , englands martyr , that sacrific'd his own life , rather than to live in infamy by betraying his people , the laws , and his own just rights . and , though we can scarce believe our own eyes when we see the matchless impudence of this authour thus to traduce him and his whole reign ; and the present parliament with taunts as bitter as bold : yet to make all this seem but a jeast , when he casts firebrands , arrows and death , like mad ; he seems to say , am not i in sport ? in an affected , but taking and fashionable drolling way , insinuating into every mans humour to carry on the work ; cajoling the rabble with liberty , indulgence , breda , breda ; cajoling the yeomen and corporations with interest and trade ; and propriety , invaded with fears of sibthorpianisme , ceremonies , arminianisme and manwaring . cajoling the gentlemen and noble men , with the dangers that again threaten their reputation and honour ; and make them feel for their cutto's , and draw upon poor cassock and lawn-sleeves , for fear it should come again to the proverb ( of his own making ) jack-gentleman . but i being suddenly call'd away , was no longer happy with the further discourse of this cabal of wits ; only i took notice before i parted , that the virtuoso's all this while made not one repartee ; or if they did , it was but one little one , answering mostly with a countenance compos'd , and made up of magisterialness and high conceit , mixt with some pity but more scorn , and a little smile , now and then , proceeding from both . but with such a paltry and surly grace , that i could scarce contain my self ; and i had much ado to forbear kicking the coxcombs . and they had certainly felt the print of my toes , but that i was not so angry as to hold from laughing right out , at such affected gravity , they look'd so scurvily . with head toss'd up , but bridling in the chin , as if with half cheek-bit and curb reyn'd in . mumbling a little sometimes to themselves , as the poor ass does , when feeding upon thistles , the sharp pricks gawl his chaps . whether , like right-bred cocks of the game , they kept their best strength for the reserve and last close : or , that they were good husbands of their wits , and would not spend it , but in better company , some cabal of their own ; or , thought that the moderators place was their own by patent and just right ; determining all at the last ; or , did not at that time carry their wit about them , as loth to wear it out ; or , like old true hunted hounds , would not open , but when the scent was certain ; or , whether they had some peculiar endearances for the authour , i cannot decide . but i was so netled with what i had heard of this new author , above all admiring the stupendious contradictions and double-tongue of the man ; that , though i had read in diodorus siculus of an island in arabia , where the inhabitants have two tongues in a head , but loth to go so far to see them ; yet since i might see the marvel at home , ( more prodigious than the child , at the swan by charing-cross , with two heads ) i was resolv'd , though it cost me a shilling , to see what i could find in this marvellous book ; and readily finding one at the next stationers : the bugg almost startled me at first , it had such a porten●…ous title , the rehearsal transpros'd . the rehearsal transpros'd ? some of the common herd of mankind , that ne're paid six pence yet at a club of the virtuoso's , nor so much as once got the word for that night , would quietly ( if not frighted with the goblin ) pass by this title-page , ( when starch'd up with the play-house bills , ) as unconcern'd and hopeless , as if it were copti or syriack . or if he should be so daring , as to venture to spell it , and put it together , it would stick in his throat , like welsh or irish. this 't is to be mortal , & not free of the company of wits , who , ( as gregory father-grey-beard ( for so i 'le style this whisler for his merits-sake , & sometimes for brevity sake , plain greg. ) intimates p. 51 , 52 , 53. 2d . imp. ) feast at a club on nothing but conceits reeking hot , and with a pretty smile or so , till it be grown almost as good as a play , at last laugh right out , and ( saving your reverence sir ) turn their breech ( 't is his own smutty language ) at all the world besides , that live ( poor souls ! ) on their leavings , viz. cold conceits and not enough matured . oh hudibras ! droll laureat ! wits-common-wealth ! or which is more , friend to trans ! poor wit might have slept quietly , ( as she has done time out of mind , ) but that hud took her napping , gave her a twitch by the nose , and made her wait on him in the shape of a droll , draws a circle and conjured her , henceforward never so much as to look at a cassock , a quoif , a gown , or a bulls-cap ; but by no means on a black-cap white-fac'd , nor so much as to come within sight of the cradle upon kings-colledge-chappel , but be confin'd henceforth for ever to the coffee-house , clubs , drolls , virtuoso's , and ingenioso's ; who now , with the help of the press , coffee , and the wine-press , want nothing but ink and elbow-grease , ( as trans threatens the trembling world , ) to do more harm than an hundred systematical divines , with their sweaty preaching . what a dull thing was he that writ the advancement of learning ? ( if he could but have hit on 't ) it had been but converting the colledges and halls into laboratories , the inns of court into coffee-houses , the doctors into ingeniosos ; then changing their books for limbecks ; crucibles , furnaces , coffee-pots , and china-dishes ; the canonical black for a light drugget , aristotle for hobs , ecclesiastical policy for contempt of the clergy , the friendly debate for our friend greg. chopping logick , and all antiquated terms of art , into tuants , flambos , ragousts ; risques , intrigues , harangues , comfortable importance , remarks , repartees &c. above all keeping the head warm the while with a perriwig instead of a square cap , and the business had been done , the circle squar'd ; the longitude , pepetual motion , and the true philosophers stone of wit had been found out . he that presum'd the pope was a niggard if not very hard-hearted , because he could as easily have fetch'd all the poor prisoners out of purgatory at once , as one or two now and then , if he had listed ; would certainly have had as little charity for greg. and his corporation of drolls , for engrossing all the wit and learning in the world , except that little they retayl out to the frail world that half starv'd gape for it , when they may so easily ( if they had the hearts ) by the help of a new dictionary for their new-coyn'd words , enrich the world with light wit by whole-sale , and free it from darkness . yet i 'le assure you ; dear sir , i shall ne're endeavour to bring these wit●…alls within the statute against monopolies ; i do not envy them , nothing of this moves my spleen , but that they are grown so spleenatick , and cannot be content to have all the wit in the world , but must needs become petulant , and with scorn trample upon all mankind . this insolence of greg. father-grey-beard against bayes , moves me ; ●…or not contenting himself with exposing our learned friend , as impudent and counterfeit , p. 2. a preface-monger , a malepert chaplain , p. 4. a dangerous fellow , p. 11. arrogance , p. 19. cut-throat , p. 41. ecclesiastical draw-can-sir , p. 42. peniten●…iary universal to the reformed churches , and ridiculous buffoon-general to the church of england , p. 44. daw-divine , p. 45. opprobrium academiae et pestis ecclesiae , p. 46. interloper , prodigie , and prodigious person , p. 47. ( yet by way of irony ) pink of cou●…tesie , p. 9. and overseer of gods high-way , p. 76. a creature most obnoxious ; yet m●… despicable , p. 48. a mad-priest , fit for nothing but bedlam and hogsdon , p. 61. cock-divine , c●…ck wit , p. 64. mad man in print , p. 66. hebrew jew , p. 73. one that has strewed arsehick in every leaf , p. 79. spy and intelligencer , p. 92. a writer of a paltry book , p. 105. a buffoon , p. 106. a hypocrite to god , and a knave amongst men , p. 115. with the like drivill , in twice as many pages more ; but by degrees to render him an enemy of mankind , like a raging indian , running a muck , and stabbing every man he meets , p. 59. and killing whole nations , friend and foe , hungary , transilvania , bohemia , poland , savoy , france , the netherlands , denmark , sweden , and a great part of the church of england , and all scotland , p. 42 , 43. bless me ( startled i ) the drawing-on world is just now at the last gasp ; but i was so much the more astonish'd and surpriz'd , because i found not one word of all this in englands fate , happily and piously discovered in two prophetical books , one call'd annus mirabilis , it has a greek name too , but in english it heights mervail's year , 1661. and the other , annus mirabilis secundus , 1662. ( who was the author you may ghess . ) but having some skill in astrologie , i had more than a months mind to see the face of the heavens , to know whether by their lowring looks , they boded all this terrour . with a trembling hand therefore ●…king down the ephemerides , and the table of the dignity of the planets , together with will. lillyes introduction , i drew my scheme , and i found the heavens look'd just thus . my fears brought me near enough to an extasie , which is next door to rapture and poesie , my fancy meeting by chance with a drolling muse , represented the scheme thus . sol's near his exaltation , where mars will welcome him anon ; mars his own house doth dignifie , englands brave prince is blest thereby . and saturn in his own house lyes : all these are happy auguries . mercury virtuoso close is in conjunction nose to nose with venus : ( poor girl ! ) fair , but frail : their meeting-house , the dragons tayl ; the sting , did make me quake for fear , i saw i' th' dragons tayl stick there . but forthwith all my fears were over , because this omen doth discover , mars being lord of the eighth house , ( which by astrologers is ch●…se as fittest for ) the house of death , in language of the stars , it saith , some lord by hector virtuoso may in a duel die , or so , so . mars being plac'd too in the ram , he dies a cuckold too . i came from thence to the tenth house , to spye in what posture venus did lie snugging so close to mercury . which speaks the loss of mayden-head ; no , hold ; alas ! 't is not so good ; 't is the loss of all modest sence , and speaks unparallel'd impudence . but jove being uncombust and free , with the lords o' th' triplicitie , in no azimenes ; they , thence united in their influence ; and in the tenth house , where do lye the drugs of cheating chymistry ; from thence it plainly does appear , the heavens will knit their brows this year on virtuoso's great and small , hogens and mogens too , that 's all . a bearded comet next appear'd ( i knew him only by his beard , ) which was a dreadful bush of hair , right under cassiopeia's chair ; and , which presag'd some little harm , andromeda held him in her arm ; his tayl too did not much befriend us , i took my optick of gassendus , and look'd him right up in the face , but found i much mistaken was ; for that which seem'd a beard so big was not a beard , but perriwig : the colour as it first began , still continued pale and wan , because he lodg'd in capricorn , which in the skies is th' sign o' th' horn : his face with wig so dreadful made , i scarce saw any face he had : whether he was asham'd to show a face so bad , i do not know . the dog-star lent him influence , his bushie-locks he had from thence : which shows , that water-dogs and irish grey-hounds shall make gentlemen flourish , with all the hair that they can spare , to make jack-gentlemans wig of hair : how near the gallants nose will come to th' hair that cover'd shag'd-dogs bum yet that in honour doth surpass , hair clip'd from scab'd-head countrey-lass ; or hair clip'd off by gregory from tyburn-thief's-head , as his fee : the self same head of hair i saw twice hang'd at tyburn ; is this law ? good my lord judge ! hang jack no more , his head has been hang'd twice before ; and sold to barber , by ' squire-dun , to make a jack a gentleman ; when upstart , honour true to have , the soft place in his he●…d does shave . who , more star-perriwigs does lack , this year look lillies almanack ; who heavenly wigs can trim , ( as well as i , ) by old prophetick skill , and long acquaintance with the stars : foretelling this year , that i' th' wars the french king did get , to his praise , fourty dutch towns in fourty dayes ; the witch i' his almanack foresees it , saying there venit , vidit , vicit : presaging what the french did get , as truly as last junes gazett . whether this witchcraft hangs him or no , he ought t' have been hang'd long ago , as much for villany , ( as i have heard ) 'gainst king charles as now father-grey i posted thence , from north to south , ( beard . in haste to view the poles hoth ; surveying the worlds axes too , whether the hinges held or no. i found them both , and either pole in every motion , safe and whole , loosen'd but by one pin : pox on it , ( to make up rhithme ; ) now i have done it . and i think i have done very fair for my self ; for all my fears forth with vanish'd . i took heart of grace , and found that all this pother made by our new authour , was but right down rayling set off with a little droll , the more takingly to calumniate and cast contempt on the clergy , which he endeavours to wound , ( through the sides of mr. bayes , ) bishop bramhall , and arch-bishop usher ; and if his malice had gone no further than the clergy , i had now left them to shift for themselves ; for there is but few of them inferior to greg. in any thing but this his own unparallel'd rhetorick of barking . is 't not a marvel who this same gregory father-greybeard is ? the thing should be female by the billings-gate oratory of scolding ; but then — whoop holla ; holla whoop ; some ridiculous common hunt ; by fears and jealousies , by his apology for i. o. and the brethren , it should be some r. b. or snivelling whining black-cap underlay'd with white ; by its busie interm●…dling with state-affairs , some sir politick would be ; by its half jests , quarter jests , and half-quarter jests , it would be thought to be some little droll , and by its plea for corporations , some candidate against the next vacation for a burgess place in parliament . but let the thing be what it will , the stroak's not so terrible as the crack . i do not deny though , but that one of the ingenioso's has found out of late , that all the land , mountains and groves were once sea ; and all the deep ( now an ocean ) was once inhabited with men , women and children , as populous as now the world in the moon ; and that this same sea shall be lind again , and the land sea ; but fear not , for he promises moreover i thank him , that this great change shall be the work of a six thousand years revolution . and therefore i dread no more the ruine of hungary , transilvania , bohemia , poland , savoy , scotland , france , &c. ( i will not say for the netherlands . ) than when the quaker cry'd overturn , overturn , overturn . and though greg. and his virtuoso's seem to themselves to be vertical and cock-a-hoop ●…risking and kicking , laughing and jearing , fretting and railing , at the poor clergie especially ; for my part i neither envy him nor them that jolly employment . for , ( as alvarez de luna , chief favourite to the king of castile , us'd to say to those that admir'd his fortune ; so say i of these men that are so scornful , secure and culminant ) commend not the building till it be finish'd . ante obitum nemo : ( i will make use of my dear ends of latine verse ; ( as well and as decently made use of , as italian patches are by greg. ) though i know the wits laugh at them ; and have jear'd them to death , as st. patrick did the rats in ireland , l. 65. s ti patricii . ) i grant there are such wise fools in the world , and so audacious , as , ( like the old gyants ) to bid heaven battle ; casting dirt , and flinging stones at the stars ; but he that sits in the heavens does but laugh them to scorn ; and the stones fall usually on their own pates . but aquila non capit muscas , greg. turns tayl from the ecclesiastical politician , as a prey too puny , and to shew the courage of his wickedness le ts fly with indignation , at two most reverend and learned prelates of our age , bishop bramball , and arch-bishop usher , lord primate and metropolitan of all ireland : ( that was so once , i mean , ) for ( thanks to such as greg. and his friends i. o. and the rest of the modern orthodox ) the good bishop stript of all but his priesthood , ( that indelible character ) was glad to crouch and pray that he might be suffered in one of the priests offices , that he might eat a piece of bread . which greg. calls p. 26. the height of the honest mans ambition , satisfying himself , ( happy he that could , and holy he that would be so satisfied ) with being admired by the white and blew aprons , and poynted at by the more judicious tankard-bearers . thus greg. adds scorn to the afflicted and affliction to his grief . happy england in such governours & politicians as this father-grey-beard , 't is pitty he was not one of the committee for plunder'd ministers in the late confusions , he is so tender-hearted . how would he have mump'd and frown'd upon the poor nuns , if he had been comrade-inquisitor with cromwel in hen. 8. dayes ? when the verdict was given in wittily enough for those times , ( for then keeping to the letter , and latine scrapt were not cry'd down by the wits ) primi pravi , episcopi aposcopi , cardinales carnales , canonici cenonici , praepositi praeposteri : oh monachi , vestri stomachi ! i know not what a kind heart to the nuns greg. might have prov'd , but i am confident he would have made no bones on their lands : and all this picque at the clergy is not without design : is not the band of — with thee in all this ? is there never a fat mannor of the bishops-lands next hedge to his little field , i mean , it would help the prospect a little better in his own ground , if he could perswade to another dissolution : beshrew me he has done fair to put in for a share ; and to be remembred in the dole . besides , his necessities may possibly plead for him ; for great gamesters , ( such as he makes himself p. 283. playing no less than pieces at picquet , and haunting the ordinaries ) are usually great losers : which unhappy chances if they fall out to be gregories lot , and blank him and bilk him , then sui profusus must be alieni appetens . and of whose goods then can this free-booter make a prize on more lawfully and with more justice , than upon the churches dignities ? a dignitory of lincoln he tells us , p. 282. having cheated him already of his pieces , and fingred his money . is 't not pity his majesty does not give him a letter of mart , to reimburse himself upon that people , by some of whom he was rob'd ? is not his book a prologue to his revenge ? foaming and raging against the people of god , ( as proud homan did , ) and vowing their destruction and total extirpation of all the dignities in the church , only for the affront of one mordecai , alledging ( as wicked haman did ) that it is not for the kings profit to suffer them . for render but the bishop's office useless , especially as to episcopal grandeur useless ; ( as indeed it is if there be no discipline , all indulgence ; then praestò comes me in judas with his old speech , ( made just 1640 years agoe , ) to what purpose is this wast ? had not these fair manors and bishops lands better have been sold and given to the poor ? poor soldiers , or poor courtiers rather than fail . if a gentleman has consumed his body , or wasted his estate , with gaming , riot , and wenching ; would not it wonderfully comfort his bowels , refresh , and chear up the man's drooping spirits and despair , to have all heal'd again with the lands of the old bishops , or prebends , that ne'r knew how to lead a dance , hand a mistress , tread in a masque , or pick the teeth with bonne grace ; nor so much as knew how to set the periwig and galloshoes , much less the true timing and accenting of a rapper , and double swinger . and though these accomplishments , ( not to be despised , ) are worthy consideration , and may plead some merit ; yet an hospital , one would think , should be the height of such mens ambition , and if it were not for charity-sake , more than their due . but if their merits were never so impulsive and supererogating , yet good men , like god , should hate robbery for an offering . when the levellers in the late times , set up their standard at burford-heath , and also erected a court of chancery , ( so called , for the equity of its design , ) inviting all christian people to the confederacy ; for is there any equity or good conscience , said they , that a lord or gentleman should have 5000 , 10000 , or 20000 pound per annum , when 20000 men have not so many pence ? oliver thereat took so hot an alarm , that he never did either more or better bestir himself , saying , if these men be suffered , there will be no living by them , either for gentlemen , yeomen or tradesmen : but it is written , thou shalt not steal . when the dumb beast opened his mouth , saying , am not i thine ass ? he did thereby in right and good reason stop the mouths of all those that should gape after the goods belonging to the prophet , though a wicked one : and this ass shall serve to reprove the madness of this father-grey-beard , who p. 309. by trampling on the fathers of the church , and rendring them useless , as wantonizing away their time and opportunities to do good ; and as tyrants , chastising them for their worthy cares , and afterwards striking at those of them that are privy councellors , with unparallel'd pertness and daring , would thereby render them uncapable of , and unfit for their great places and revenues . and all this in so palpable and signal a manner , that every vulgar eye may readily see through his design , and guess at the success , if his book had come out in 1642 , as it does in 1672. yet the government being so well setled , it is evident he labours in vain , and balaam's ass may silence him , these places and revenues ( belonging to those prophets ) are their own . and by as good right , reason , and law , as any other men can shew for their estates . indeed it is as needless as difficult for one of my quality to pass a judgment upon the merit and worth of the present fathers of the church ; and much more insignificant is any testimonial of mine to vouch them . yet in despight of father grey-beard or envy it self , and as far from flattery , we must say , that there are none , that are honess sons of the church and legitimate , that have any cause to be asham'd of the present fathers of the church of england , which cl●…ros inter habet nomina clara viros , still as of old , makes good the proverb , currant all the christian-world over , clerus britaunious stupor mundi . the english clergy are the worlds wonder . worthies we have many , of whom this ungrateful and frothy age of the world is not worthy . but granting ( what greg. endeavours should be taken for granted ) that some of the fathers of the church were good for nothing but to fill and keep the bag , must all the apostles be decry'd for one judas ? nay granting that all the lords spiritual minded nothing but wickedness , yet they have as good right to their estates as any wicked temporal lord of the laity , or prophane gentleman can have to his . and they must be very bad indeed if they deserve not their places , as well as the most others do ; or even as well as this father grey-beard himself does merit his places or lands , if he ever had any , or has any yet left , since he begun to frequent the ordinaries , and play pieces . and if he do not look well to his hits , it is more than an even lay , that i shall beat him out of his play , before i have done . yet i would have had more wit in mine anger , and favour'd him the more , if he had not so unmanly and disingenuously play'd upon the dead . not to mention again here those already mentioned , our late soveraign , arch-bishop laud , arch-bishop usher and bishop bramhall ; to his own eternal reproach already by him violated , but most to his own shame ; i cannot but here take notice how he again abuses himself , by contemning by name , lancelot andrews late lord bishop of winchester ; one that never produced any thing mishapen or deform'd ; but all so lovely , and with general liking and applause admired ; that greg. by dispraising any thing that was his issue , does but betray his own judgment , blinded with folly or implacable malice against all the clergy . to whom he confesses p. 283. he bears a great grudge , ever since he was nuzled by one of their coat ; as if it was such a marvel , jonye should be chous'd , when he comes to commence gentleman and gallant , by being made free of the company , with his pocket full of pieces at an ordinary . from which if he had abstain'd and kept still in his chamber , himself and his book ( writ it seems in revenge of his great loss ) he had been a wiser man , and richer too , by saving his pieces and his credit , which ( if not quite lost ) is at desperate hazard , and at the last stake . but if the sins of this nation should ripen to the like fatal revolution , in making havock and sale of the kings lands , and honours ; the lands of all his friends as well as the bishop lands , and father grey-beard to his wish , should live to keep his own court-baron in one of my now lord bishops mannors , it cannot be said in shri●…t for the rapine as at the dissolution of abbeys — possidebant papistae , ( for greg. himself assoyls our prelates of popery , p. 35. not for any great hatred they have to the popes great head , but for fear of his large throat , that swallows a whole patriarchate at a break-fast , and then if they be within reach and too near him ; swoop goes lambeth at one mornings-draught , like an egg in muscadine . ) yet greg. with all his arts will not be able to purge himself then , from his filthy share in the rime and the reason too of the other part of that old proverb — possident rapistae . but sacriledge is but a bugg to a wit and a droll , especially if he have a kindness for modern orthodoxy ; which vouches that crime : it is but ( as they use to preach ) the israelites robbing the egyptians : it is possible it may be done again therefore , for it has been done ; and some whaat else that i 'le acquaint mr. gregory with by and by , which he shall not be able to ward off , with his none-such weapon , called p. 281. ( in his hide-bound rhetorick ) the butt-end of an arch-bishop , meaning abbot . but i 'le make him that he had as good have chose the hinder-end of an arch-bishop , as the butt-end of that arch-bishop , to mouth with , before i have done . but i have not yet done with him in reference to the other arch-bishop of armagh , already stigmatized with his sawcy pen ; calling him with much arrogance and scorn , p. 26. honest man , who was deep gone in grub-street and polemical divinity , and troubled with fits of modern orthodoxy : nay which is worst of all , be undertook to abate of our episcopal grandeur , and condescended indeed to reduce the ceremonious discipline in these nations to the primitive simplicity . so that polemical divinity , modern orthodoxy , the abatement of episcopal grandeur , and primitive simplicity , are , ( if not terms aequivalent , yet all put together , ) the great undertakings of this primate , after he was past the sucking-bottle , and had so much strength and agility as to leap over a straw . yet how meritorious soever this precious work was in the primate , the honour of it lights upon our friends j. o. &c. for j. o. and the confederates were prompted by zeal pure-pute , but the honest primate stoop'd when he could not stand tip-toe any longer , & in spight of his teeth , let go what he could not hold : thank him for nothing . i perceive he might have had , on all sides , as much thanks for his great pains , though he had not chang'd his name , of primate and metropolitan of all ireland , to honest james usher ; and instead of his new dalliance with strange lovers , and making love to his new beloveds ( the white and blue aprons ) had not forsaken his first love . and thereby have verified the anagram , that , with more autumeing hope than truth , was given him when he was , james bishop of meath in ireland , james meath . anagr. i am the same . the archbishop did not stand fast , because he did not stand on good ground , but on the pinacles of the temple , episcopal grandeur , and some devils tempted him either to throw himself down headlong , or else they themselves would take the pains to do it , to save him a labour ; he must needs go , when the devil drives . why ? but does the devil drive men to modern orthodoxy ? i beg your pardon sir , if i mistake a little , nevertheless it puts me in mind of the indenture made at edinburgh in scotland the fourteenth day of the second month in the first year of the reign of o. c. protector , betwixt archebald mac. dougal , ( aged 72 years , and burnt for a wizard in the same year under edinburgh castle ) ( i saw him burnt ) on the one part ; and the great fiend beelzebub on the other part , &c. but arche . confest then and there that two of the articles which the devil chiefly stood upon , ( before he would seal , ) was that arche . should deny his baptism and the covenant , solemn league and covenant . with much adoe arche . was content to deny his baptism , but rather than deny his geud covenant , he would never be wizard whilest he liv'd ; nick , seeing the man peremptorily resolv'd , blotted out , the denying of the geud covenant , and seal'd notwithstanding ; saying the matter was not great , for he himself was at the making of the geud covenant . by all which it is as evident and true ( as is the manuscript of arch-bishop abbot , which greg. so impudently imposes , and asserts as dogmatically and magisterially , as if he had stood at the bishop's elbow when he writ it ) that this same modern orthodoxy ( he must mean the directory , and the geud covenant , ( its zinee ) for which his whole book instead of a ●…bining , ( which now takes not so well ) is a drolling apology , as he confesses , ( truth will out ) p. 282. if i can do the non-conformists no good , i am resolv'd i will do them no harm . ) i say , it seems this same modern orthodoxy and primitive simplicity of father-gray-beard , and the great fiend , were about that time and year , at no great feud , at least not of malice forethought . i know not how deep-learn'd mr. gregory is in modern orthodoxy , yet i durst lay my spectacles , he never read of a king standing on the stool of repentance , in the primitive simplicity : in the old records whereof i have seen lawn sleeves , rochet , square cap , and cassock writ in as fair and legible a hand , as coat in querpo , black cap white fac'd , breeches and doublet , stockings and hat , band and cuffs , cabala , luggs flappant , hour-glass , pulpit , blew and white aprons , simars , peruke , or new-fashion'd cloak . for that roman penula which st. paul left at troas , had neither black buttons nor cape : though greg. p. 236. admires it above that in 1 cor. 14. 40. and to tell you the plain truth on 't , i do not believe that st. paul ever left his cloak behind him at troas in his life : he was not so rich to have two sutes to his back . for this same cloak , that is so talk'd on , ( which some greek copies read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and lastly , some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which ) if you nip so hard as to make it cry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , penula , then you may make a roman cloak on 't indeed , but not otherwise . for the syriack , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a satchell which he left at troas to put his books and briefs in ; and therefore the learned estius renders it arculam libris chartisque refertam ; others scrinium . scriniolum , & domum scriptorum . some scriptorum repesitorium , so drus. some thecam librorum ; i confess indeed hesychius says it was a kind of cloak , and also that it was lin'd with fur to keep out the cold and the rain ; and yet presently stands in a quandary , and doubts whether indeed it was not scriniolum , a satchel still . so that if this be true , we shall not in the primitive simplicity so much as find the old cloak so much talk'd of ; how many cloaks soever you find in the modern orthodoxy . yet if the non-conformists be angry that i should thus rob them of their beloved cloak , ( which was worn thred-bare in the pulpit ) i can lend them three for't if i list , that shall fit them as well ; and every cloak fetch'd out of the wardrobe of the primitive simplicity , ( if they do not dislike the fashion ) for they are all canonical . the first and second i am sure they 'l like , if. 59. 17. they were clad with zeal as a cloak . the second is i thes. 2. 5. a cloak of covetousness ; and the third is in 1 pet. 2. 16. a cloak of maliciousness ; and the stuff that then and there this cloak was made of , you may see was , liberty ; i know they 'l like it ; if 't be but because this stuff is in fashion . what kind of stuff this same liberty is , i 'le show you by and by , i am sure , if it be not bayes , it is not perpetuana . truth says it , a kingdom divided cannot stand , and the fatal consequence of this liberty and indulgence , we see for example if we look at the netherlands , where their division and non-conformity is their ruine , their confusions their confusion , the heads craz'd and distracted , the hands feeble and the heart saint ; yet barnabee-greg . will not tak 't for a warning . but we go not so far , we 'l look nearer home , ( and all within the memory of man , ) what pittiful stuff this liberty and indulgence prov'd ( all the proof's in the wearing ) for one twelve years , when we had no king in israel , but every man spoke and did what was right in his own eyes . rake hell , view the ghastly apparitions and evil spirits that walk'd ever since the primitive simplicity , ( but bound down by wise antiquity ) and tell me if they did not all walk again in those twelve years of modern orthodoxy , liberty and indulgence . i deny not but they were spirits , ( oh spirit ! ) but i say they were evil spirits , ( layd and charm'd down by a form of wholsome and sound words ) which being rent and torn apieces by the modern orthodox , hell broke loose , and almost frighted us out of our wits . which some people that have bad memories and worse consciences have now forgot . did not the evil spirits of donatus , priscilian , pelagius , arrius , and aerius , ( for i care not to set them down in order ) the apostolicks , adamites , the family of love , carpocratians , henricians , valentinians , heraclians , anabaptists , contobaptites , the manichees , monetarians , cresconians , macedonians , nestorians , samosatenians , circumcellians , severians , ebionites , pharisees , essenes , flagelliferies , fratricellians , and the gnosticks , ( which i should have first nam'd ) so long dead , tread our english stage again , as if the old sects and heresies , were all metempsucho'd ? had we not spirits that denyed the kings supremacy in all causes and over all persons ? as did the fratricellians and manichees . ( aug. contr . f àust . l. 22. c. 74. ) and the flagelliferies . ( prateol . heres . de flagel . ) did they not allegorize the scriptures , the passion , and resurrection of our saviour ? as did the valentinians . ( iren. l. 1. c. 1. ) and the family of love . ( h. n. instruct , ar . 4. s. 17. 29. ) had we not the fatum stoicum from priscilian ? ( aug. de haeres . c. 10. ) did not some ( i name no body , i would not willingly give offence ) did not some i say make a covenant against authority , without authority , forswearing all former lawful oaths of allegiance and supremacy , but being tender in conscience ( good men ! ) scruple to renounce unlawful oaths and covenants of disloyalty and schisme ? and did they learn this modern orthodoxy out of the primitive simplicity ? or from donatus ? ( optat. de schism . donatist . l. 4. ) did they not learn to oppose bishops from the contobaptites ? ( niceph. l. 18 c. 49. ) and from aerius ? ( aug. de haeres . c. 53. ) and did not donatus teach some to make addresses to the weaker vessels , and to lead captive silly women ? ( optat. de schism . donatist . l. 4. ) did not some promote the designs and plots of their cabal by a common purse , and thought it religion so to do ? as did the apostolicks . ( aug. de haeres . c. 40. ) did they not confine the church of christ to their conventicles ? as did donatus . ( optat. de schism . donatist . l. 1. ) did they not gnash their teeth at the surplice ? as did pelagius . ( hierom. adv . pelag. l. 1. ) did they not deny all superiority and didistinction of persons and quality ? as did the anabaptists . ( sleidan . com. l. 5. ) did they not measure the dignity of the holy sacraments by the worth of the minister , as if those holy seals were the seals of the minister and not of christ ? as did donatus , from whom also they learnt rebaptization . ( optat de schism . don. l. 6. ) did not some make themselves equal to christ and the apostles , and so denying the lord that bought them ? as did the nestorians . ( euseb. eccles. hist. l. 3. c. 27. ) and the ebionites and macedonians . ( theodoret. haeret . l. 4. ) did they not deny salutations , or bidding god speed , to all but their own fraternity ? as did donatus . ( optat. de schism . don. l. 4. ) did they not cry down all holy-days and fast-days , ( except long-parliament fast-days , and thanksgiving-dayes for a bloody victory ? as did aerius . ( optat. de schism . l. 4. ) did they not learn to cant , and ascribe every motion of their own spirits , to be the motion of the holy-ghost within them ? as did the samosatenians . ( confes. august . 5. ar. 8. ) did they not undervalue scripture-authority ? as did the circumcellians . ( aug. cont. pet. l. 1. c. 27. ) who taught them not to value , or at least , to undervalue the testimonies of the old tetestament , but the manichees and severians ? ( trithem . de eccles. scrip. & bulling . contr . arnab . l. 2. c. 14. ) did they not learn that the jewish sabbath was none of the ceremonies abrogated by the apostles of christ , but moral and perpetual , from the sabbatharians ? ( doc. sab. l. 1. ) did not some lie and say they had no sin ? as did the adamites , pelagians and donatists . ( aug. cont. petil. l. 2. c. 14. &c. 19. ) and also the carpocratians . ( iren. l. 1. c. 24. ) who taught them to cry up the pulpit , and sermons only , and decry sacraments and prayers , and charity , but the eutichites ? ( theodoret . ) did they not deny infant baptism , and some the baptism of those infants whose parents would not be examin'd by the lay-elders , nor take the covenant , ( i mean ) such as were not of their fraternity and gang , as did the heraclians , henricians , and pelagians . ( magd. eccles. hist. cent. 12. c. 5. aug. de verb. apost . de bapt . parv . ) . did they not declare that private men have authority to order and reform the church , call assemblies and councels , and need not tarry for the prince and magistrate ? as did the monetarians . ( test. rhem. annot. hebr. 13. 17. ) and the cresconians . ( aug. cont . cresc . gra . l. 3. c. 51. ) did they not declare it unlawful for the magistrate to punish hainous offences with death , or to go to war whether offensive or defensive ? as did the manichees . ( aug. cont . manich. l. 22. c. 74. ) did they not declare that no man has proprietary in goods , lands or wife , but all should lie common , and without inclosure ? as did the pelagians and apostolicks . ( magd. eccles. hist. cent. 5. fol. 586. ) and the manichees . ( aug. de mor. eccl. cath. l. 1. ) would they afford either an alms or charity , or so much as a good word or look to any but their own sect and faction ? so neither would the manichees . ( aug. de mor. manich . l. 2. ) were they not pure in their own eyes , but abominated as dogs all but themselves , and their friends ? ( so called in enmity to all others ) as did the pharisees . ( luk. 18. 11. is. 65. 5. prov. 30. 12 , 13 ) and the donatists . ( optat. de schism . donatist . l. 4. did they not count it unlawful to swear , though in truth , in righteousness , and in judgment ? as did the essenes , the jewish puritans . ( philo judaeus . ) thus old heresies ( long ago condemned and dead and buried ) by the indulgence of our late licentious times , have found an unhappy resurrection . and cannot these evil spirits be bound down again to the infernal pit , from whence they came to deceive the nations , as formerly they were by the wisdome of our ancestors , when hell broke lose ? simon magus and his followers the gnosticks ( which in english signifies , the people of light ) as they proudly enough call'd themselves ) came at last , from one errour to another , indifferenter utendi foeminis . and do not our gnosticks that pretend to all the light , fall away from one delusion and enthusiasme to another , till they come to be ranters , atheists , and what not ? is there no eye to pity these , nor house of correction to be found ? words are lost upon them , they are possest and prepossest . we , we have liv'd to see that all this noise for the gospel , reformation , modern orthodoxy , liberty , primitive simplicity , and abatement of episcopal grandeur , does but bluster on purpose to blow down church and state , upon pretence to new-build them better and more fashionable after the geneva-frame . thus the kite flies up to heaven , but her design and eye is upon the prey , and , but that the buzzards ( like thieves ) fell out amongst themselves , true men had not so soon come to their own . but his majestic promis'd indulgence i am sure ( saith father grey-beard ) in his declaration from breda . let honour for ever wait on his majestic and his royal word ; but know , that the best , honestest and most learned casuists will tell us , that if thieves and robbers take a mans purse and rob his house , and not herewith satisfied , but they threaten also to kill him and every mothers son there , if the honest man do not promise and vow , nay swear , to give them more ; yet when he 's got out of their clutches he 's also free of his oath . in the name of god what would this people be at ? is 't not enough that they got his sacred majesties father , and all his loyal friends , body and goods , that they could get into their clutches , and have they not done unto them whatsoever they would ? is 't not enough that they rob'd him of his kingdomes and drive him to straits , that he had not where to lay his head ? and have they not cause to bless god and the king every day they rise , that they are not hang'd , drawn and quarter'd , as was baanah and rechab ? but must they capitulate ? setting down a stool of repentance for him to sit on whilst they expostulate the matter . oh but indulgence , and liberty , liberty of conscience ! by liberty of conscience must be meant either a liberty to do what we should do , or a liberty to do what we would do . if they mean a liberty to do what they should do , spur on , up and be doing , in the name of god. the reins of government will neither check nor curb you ; take my yoak upon you and learn of me , ( saith our blessed saviour ) for i am meek and lowly , and came not to do mine own will , but the will of him that sent me . that 's it ( saith greg. ) the non-conformists would be at , they desire only liberty to do the will of god , not their own wills ; and to worship god in his own way , in gods own way , though it be not the kings high-way . but what if the kings high-way be not out of gods way , will you be so wretchedly unsociable and singular , as to separate and go out of the way , when it is the kings high-way ? the truth is , i have no great skill in divinity , ( my education not designing me that way ) yet as the times are , in a mans own defence of his christianity ( for to be sure now if he walk but out as far as a club or a coffee-house he shall be sure to be assaulted on that side ) so much divinity to defend it always in readiness , becomes as necessary for a gentleman , as the little tool behind to save reputation , and much more honourable ; and without any great accoutrement , i may soon have divinity enough , to try it out with father grey-beard , i. o. and the rest of his friends ; and can easily prove that the worship of god , so much prated of , and contain'd in the first table , the four first commandments , is in order , and made for the very nonce , and for no other thing or end but that men might obey the second table , and six last commandments . start not , for i 'le prove it as clear as the sun at noon-day . and that though sometimes comparisons are odious , yet between gods commandments , to weigh and compare which is the greater and which is the lesser , is of absolute necessity to every godly man , when gods commandments seem to justle for precedence , and strive for the place . as they often do : and no man can truly fear god and obey him as he ought , that understands not these laws of honour , and rules of precedency . we cannot err when our saviour is the guide and leads us the way : i 'le instance in a few cases for example . the pharisees of old , ( just like our modern pharisees in their modern orthodoxy ) were marvellous men for the worship of god , and gods day of worship , the sabbath-day , oh the sabbath-day ! and then for prayers , long , long prayers , sacrifice , and indeed for all the worship of god prescribed in the four first commandments , who but they ? good , very good thus far ; who can otherwise think but that these who are so much for god , and his glorious worship , should be gods own people , the godly party , and almighty god as much for them ? who dare check them , lest he seem thereby to fight against god ? who dare speak against their ways , lest he seem to bid heaven battail , and speak against gods ways ? the lawyers amongst them , who were the chief preachers , took it wonderful hainously , that even our blessed saviour himself should dare to reprove them ; and when he made so bold as to do it , they took it as a very high affront , thus saying thou reproachest us also ; us also , and reproachest , ( not reprovest , but reproachest us also ; taking for granted that to reprove , was to reproach them . ) yet for all this , in the first sermon our saviour makes , he assures his auditory , that except their righteousness exceed the righteousness of the scribes and pharisees , they should in no wise enter into the kingdom of god. what ? would not the worship of god in his own way bring them to god ? no. would not a zealous and holy keeping gods holy day bring them to god ? no. would not the being cry'd up for the most pure and godly party bring them to god ? no. would not prayers many and long , and good too ; and preaching many sermons , and full good and orthodox and saving truths , bring them ●…o god ? no , yet our saviour gives them his testimonial , that they did not only preach well , but also nothing that was ill , ( whatsoever they bid you observe , do . ) and to give those pharisees their due , they did not only go heaven-wards , but they did far over-go many of our pharisees and preachers , heaven-ward . for the pharisees sat in moses's chair , preached truth , and nothing but the truth , whereas , bind your kings with chains , and your nobles with fetters of iron , this honour have all the saints — curse ye meroz , &c. and many other good truths , were miserably wrested ( you know ) by many , nay most of our godly party , ( that pretended above all others to fear god ) on purpose to dishonour the king. but i lay not the stress upon that , but granting that any man preaches , and prays , keeps gods holy day , and worships him , how divinely , truly and sincerely soever ; yet all this exceeds not a pharisee , nor shall ever bring him to the kingdom of god. lord , lord , have we not prophesied in thy name , and in thy name cast out devils ? depart from me , saith our blessed lord , i know you not ; what ? not know thine own preachers , prophesying in thy name , and such as have prayed too , lord , lord ? no. i know you not ( saith he ) why ? ye are workers of iniquity . workers of iniquity ? who are they ? or rather who are not so ? in respect of the first table , the four first commandments , the pharisees ( of all men living ) were not so , workers of iniquity . and in respect of the four first commandments , such as prayed and preach'd in christs name , stood for the lords worship , and consequently gods times of worship , and the lords-day , were ( of all men living ) the least workers of iniquity . therefore since christ knows not these , there is a greater thing than gods worship awanting , and which is the one thing necessary , and what 's that ? our saviour tells us , in the same sermon , even to do to others , as we would they should do unto us , for this is the law and the prophets , mat. 7. 12. that is to say , the summe and great design of the law , and the preaching of the prophets have all but this one scope and end , to prevail with mankind to keep the second table , or six last commandments , which do more particularly direct us how to observe this great general rule , whatsoever ye would that men should do to you , do ye even so to them . so that as food and ●…ayment is for the preservation of the body , preaching gods holy word , prayers , keeping days holy , and all the worship of god whatsoever has but one main scope and end , even to make men good , good to our own bodies and souls by temperance and sobriety , good to others , by demeaning our selves peaceably , justly and mercifully one towards another , as we are particularly directed in the six last commandments . which six last commandments god himself , our blessed saviour , and the prophets , and apostles , do therefore prefer much above the first table , and four first commandments ; in so much as the end is more noble than the meanes to that end ; as the life is more than meat , and the body than rayment ; meat and rayment being but the meanes designed for that great end , namely the preservation of the body and life . therefore as he that clothes himself with rayment , how good & warm soever it be , and presently throws it all off again ; and he that eats , and eats , and eats , and either presently vomits it up again , or that the meat lienterically pass through him without alteration , and digestion , must needs be starved ; so he that takes in never so much of spiritual food , and digests it not according to the great design and end for which god sent it , namely to observe the six last commandments , that is , to be good to himself and others , he must needs have a ruin'd and starv'd soul. the doctrine ( how wholesome soever ) being worthless for want of the use : and these great sermon-mongers are at best but the great-eaters , the spiritual maynards , and wood of kent , mr. c. of norwich , w. b. of yarmouth . for can all our worship of god , prayers , praises , and preachings , observing lords-days and sacraments profit god ? is he the better for them ? job 35. 7. 8. if thou be righteous , what givest thou him ? or what receiveth he of thy hand ? thy wickedness may hurt a man as thou art , and thy righteousness may profit the son of man : but cannot profit god. therefore when almighty god first promulgated his sacred laws , he tells his people wherefore he ordered them to keep his commandments , deut 10. 13. even for their good , not his own . and excellently does his prophet micah tells us to this purpose , the great duty of man , micah 6. 6 , 7 , 8. wherewith shall i come before the lord , and how my self before the high god ? shall i come before him with burnt-●…fferings ? &c. he hath shewed thee , o man , what is good ; and what doth the lord require of thee , but to do justly and to love mercy , and to walk humbly with thy god. and when the pharisees ( that prided themselves so much in looking so carefully after gods worship and gods day ) were offended so highly with the liberty which our saviour and his disciples took to themselves upon the sabbath-day , in not keeping it so strictly , as these hypocritical puritans deemed they ought to have done ; our saviour tells them of a superiour law and of far greater concernment than the four first commandments put together , mat. 12. 7. and that was the law of charity and mercy , which if the pharisees had understood , they would not have condemned the guiltless . even god himself dispenses with his own law for worship , in the old law , when mercy and charity plead against it ; for sacrifices and offerings were then part of gods worship , which were very chargeable ; therefore for mercys sake and charitys sake , at the purification whereas the woman by law ought to offer a lamb for her cleansing , yet if she was a poor woman , and not of ability , almighty god abates of his due , and is content with what , without any great charge or trouble , she might easily get in that country , namely , two turtles , or two young pigeons . so that the question is not so much which are gods commandments , as which are the greatest commandments , and best deserve preferment ; not the first table , but the second ; for to do justice and judgement is more acceptable to the lord than sacrifice , prov. 21. 3. and to obey , is better than sacrifice , 1 sam. 15. 22. therefore we must conclude , that though the worship of god be good , yet to do good and communicate good to others is better ; though to observe the four first commandments be good , yet to observe the six latter is better ; though faith in god be good , yet charity to our selves and others is better , 1 cor. 13. 13. and all faith and worship without this charity is not worth a pin , nay is just nothing at all , though a man preach like an angel , 1 cor. 13. 1 , 2. this being granted for a great truth , and which all the whining tribe , though they lay all their heads together , are not able to disprove or gainsay , may silence the non-conformists prayers , and stop their mouths more than st. bartholomew yet has done . for though to meet together to pray and preach , and worship god according to the four first commandments be good ; yet to obey the commands of a christian magistrate , and submit to his laws according to the first commandment in the second table is better ; and ought to be preferr'd by every truly conscienc'd christian ; and in so doing he is safe in that submission and obedience . but , whether it be right in the sight of god to hearken unto you more than unto god , judge ye , saith st. peter , acts 4. 19. for we cannot but speak the things which we have seen and heard . this text has been damnably abused , and as the same apostle says of other texts of scripture in st. pauls epistles , wrested , put upon the rack , ( as the word signifies ) and made to speak what it never thought ; and will never justifie our non-conformists either before god or man in the least . to whom does the blessed apostle speak ? act. 4. 5 , 6. to the rulers , and elders , and scribes , and annas the high-priest , and caiaphas , &c. who condemn'd our lord jesus to be crucified , and if they might have had their wills , would have been the death of all christianity with him . and is his sacred majesty , and his two houses of parliament no better in your esteem than annas , and caiaphas ; they are mightily beholden to you for your good opinion of them . and if that be not your opinion , that text is nothing to your case , nor to the purpose : but point-blank against you . for whether it be right to hearken unto god , judge ye . god had never given laws for his own worship to mankind , but for the good , peace and welfare of mankind : god had never made the first table of the law , but in order to , and for the better observance of the duties of the second table : if subjects would never have been disobedient to their prince and governours , nor children disobedient to their parents , nor servants to their masters ; if men would never have coveted their neighbours goods , nor their neighbours wife , nor servant , nor have rob'd , and murdered one another , but would have liv'd soberly , righteously , and therefore godlily in this present world , the allelujahs of angels had been the great worship of men : but since it is otherwise , and that the wickedness of man is great in the earth , and the imagination of the thoughts of his heart so bent to evil , and that continually , therefore god establish'd his laws , in the first table by worship , sacrifices , &c. typically , in the old testament , for expiation of the guilt of sin , and justification ; and sent his son , who was made a sacrifice for us antitypically in the new testament for expiation of the guilt of sin and justification , as our priest ; and to show us how to live well , as our prophet ; and to exact our obedience , as our king. but none are benefited by his priestly office , but such as obey his princely laws , according to his prophetical injunctions : none are justified , but such as are sanctified ; for this is the great will of god , our sanctification . our sanctification therefore is the grand design of the law and gospel , prophets and apostles , and that sanctification being summarily concluded by our saviour , in doing as we would be done by ; and all lesser holy duties of prayer , praising , hearing , sacraments , being in order to the great holy duty of doing as we would be done by , and particularized in , and reducible to , the second table , prove in all cases of conscience , the truly godly must do the greater duty rather than the less , and the duties of the second table rather than the first , so that he do but continue his faith in christ the while , and in so doing . now cannot the non-conformist preachers continue to be christians , though they do obey the fifth commandment , and submit to their governors injunctions ; nay can they obey god ( who is the author of the fifth commandment ) if they do not obey their christian governors ; does not god prefer the peace and tranquillity and welfare of mankind , before his own worship , and will not you prefer it ? in obeying , and submitting in quietness to the supream and christian powers , you obey god , and that obedience is better than sacrifice ; and proves evidently , that that which greg. sets down , p. 100. for apochrypha in the ecclesiastical politician , is an undoubted truth , namely , that moral vertue being the most material and useful part of all religion , is also the utmost end of all its other duties ; and all religion must be resolv'd into enthusiasme or morality . the former is m●…er imposture , and therefore all that is true must be reduced to the latter . in an unlawful and forbidden conventicle , you may pray possibly to god , and preach of god , and hear gods word ; this worship of it self good becomes evil & a sin , because though doing a duty which is good and great , in it self , yet thereby transgressing a duty of the second table , which is better and greater and of a higher concernment , your worship then and there is but as the cutting off of a dogs-neck , and god will say , who hath required these things at your hands ? when ye disobeying the fifth commandment in your forbidden conventicles appear before god , and spread forth your hands , he will turn away his eyes from you , yea when ye make many prayers he will not hear : why ? your hands are full of blood : your actions are bloody ; schisme , and rebellion has fill'd the land full of blood , from one end thereof unto another already , and therefore this liberty you cry up so , and cry so much for , and the calling of your forbidden assemblies god cannot away with : it is iniquity , even your solemn meetings , isa. 1. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 17 , 19 , 20. and know that the great duty of a truly godly man is to cease to do evil , to learn to do well , to seek judgement , relieve the oppressed , plead for the widdow , and to be willing and obedient ; and ye shall eat the good of the land. but if ye refuse and rebel , ye shall be devoured by the sword , for the mouth of the lord hath spoken it . oh but the ark , the tottering ark , what godly heart would not tremble for the ark of god , as old eli's did ? 1 sam. 4. 13. what considering heart would with democritus hold from laughing , till his sides ak'd , to see the madness of the people , and the priest ; or rather , ( with the other weeping whitaker ) weep at the folly and delusion of poor souls , so dismally bejuggled ? if a conformist minister , with all his aaronical weeds on , or barely attir'd in the linnen ephod should but name such a text in a christian congregation , how would the frighted brethren run out of church , and cry out , types , ceremonies , shaddows , levitical , old testament spirit ! is this your gospel minister ? is this primitive simplicity ? is this modern orthodoxy ? is there one word of the spirit in all this text ? is it not froth as applyed ? and nothing to the purpose ? but comes me godly mr c. precious mr. c. persecuted mr. c. bartholmew calamy , and then all must be gospel that he speaks . and though we poor souls understand not the cant , yet the cunning gypsies know well that by the ark of god is meant the bartholomew babies ; by the great scarlet whore is meant the pope ; ( but then whisper i to my self , this same great whore if it be the pope , can be none of them possibly but onely pope joan. ) by babylon is meant rome that shall be destroyed with fire and plagues in 666. the name of the beast , and the number of the name : but the mischief on 't was , that prediction , how ever aim'd , yet light upon poor london , ( god knows ) instead of rome ; so hard it is to construe the revelations , and so fatal to peep into the ark , and to pry into gods secret judgements ; such usually pay for their peeping , that ( unlike to the good and true prophet jeremiah 17. 16. ) hasten from being a pastor to follow god , to follow their own inventions , in desiring the woful day upon others ; o lord , thou knowest . then by babylon and antichrist is not only meant rome , ( that stands still , and above a thousand miles from babylon , yet ) take but one jump more , and but half so far , and you do onely make babylon in the land of shinar ( where the great tower stood , gen. 11. ) shake hands with rome in italy ; but with a small stretch more into little-brittain , you may make episcopal grandeur , lawn-sleeves , cross , cringing and surplice confederates in the complement . would not balaams ass ( if alive ) open his mouth again , to rebuke the madness of these prophets ? and a greater marvel it is to me , that the poor people should be such asses , besotted and gull'd to their faces by so easie and stale a legerdemain of these juglers , who endeavour to turn the world upside down , topsiturvy ; embruing all nations in blood and ruine ( as we have found to our cost , and by dear-bought experience . ) and all these hocus-tricks is but to scrape up a sneaking and beggarly living ; ( unworthy a man of parts or honour ; ) and to avoid the statute against beggars , fidlers , gypsies , and pick-pockets , ( like sworn brothers of the blade , ) they clap on the vizard of religion and liberty , with so much art and cuning , that though you hear the gypsie cant , you would almost swear he was a saint : and as soon suspect your own hands , as his , though you find them in your pocket ; the sleight of tongue doing the seat instead of sleight of hand , and with much more safely gets a richer prize . to whom mall cut-purse her self was but a fool , for the knave shall look you right in the face all the while he is at it , and cutting your purse . and as if egypt was broke loose hither in a new fashion , these vagrants shall wander from town to town , all the kingdom over by droves , and in this new guize , laugh at the constable , beadles , justice of the peace , house of correction , the stocks , the whipping-post , and the jail , crying out , liberty , liberty ; indulgence , indulgence ; breda , breda . would it not make a mans heart ake , and his hair stand on end , to see whole multitudes trepan'd by these spiritual juglers , into rebellion and blood , to the ruine of souls and bodies ? indeed the apostle saint peter prophesies of these times , and these tricks , in 2 pet. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. saying that false teachers shall privily bring in ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sneakingly , by stealth , furtim , clàm & subdolè , speciem pietatis praetendens , creeping into houses and leading captive silly women , with ) damnable heresies , even denying the lord that bought them . which those only do that pretend to christianity , but deny christs religion , that is , deny christs word or great religion , ( the summe of all religion , that is of christs making , ) viz. to do as we would be d●…ne by : and though their ways lead to destruction , yet many shall follow these pernicious ways ; this great way of truth being evil spoken of ( as m●…er morality or the like , ) by those that through covetousness and with fcigned words ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fictitious , canting , new-coyn'd , fanatick words , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , ) they shall make merchandise of you ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they shall make their money of them ; or these men that pretend so to the spirit shall be spirits indeed , but evil ones ; spirits , such as catch up men , women and children to make money on them through covetousness . if it were not foretold that many shall follow their pernicious ways , we might well wonder that such flocks should follow these evil spirits to their eternal damnation , as well as temporal loss of body and goods : but we have liv'd to see , and yet do see whole shoals catcht with this bait , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nothing but a few canting new-coyn'd words ; and with these they have made shift to get the good old coyn out of their pockets ; and sometimes plate , bodkins , thimbles , horses , armes , and silver-spoons , or whatsoever comes is welcome : all is fish that comes to net , whilst these hugh peters , baxters , marshals , and owens laugh in their sleeves to see how soon the fools and their moneys are parted ; and how parted ? do they not know of the going on 't , and how it is laid out , & what they get for it ? yes , they tell the poor souls they get christ for it ; oh get christ ! whenas indeed they get nothing but a little canting , new-coyn'd , fanatick , phrase , or so ; there 's all . be not offended that i call this expression , [ get christ , get christ ] meer canting , jugling and delusion , beguiling unstable soules ; for i will give you a reason for it , unanswerable by all the canters and cabala of juglers in england ; with whom and the best of them or all their great heads put together , i am not afraid to encounter in vindication of all and every thing in this letter ( occasion'd by the bold undertaking of their friend gregory graybeard , who puts for apochrypha , ( and so sets it down in a different character ) the great truth that christ our lord ever deliver'd to the world , viz. to do as we would be done by ; which is the great end of the law and the gospel ; namely the best regulation of our manners ; or , as p. 100. moral vertue being the most material and useful part of all religion ; which has but two parts , phanaticism and morality . which last is comprehended in that great way of truth so much evil spoken of by some christians ; as being the practice even of some heathens , and therefore not the summ of law and prophets . but let me live and die like such heathens , rather than live and die like such christians , as dare preferre any thing above this , or any part of religion above this ; which my saviour has told me is the summe of all . and he that believes christ in this word , as a true prophet ; and conforms his life and conversation to this law as given by his king jesus , shall assuredly find him a priest to pardon and forgive him , and bring him to glory , where he now sits . and this is that which in the beginning i call'd my religion ; not but that many others are of it , yet but few where i live . for i dwell in new-amsterdam , where satans seat is , the head-quarters of the legions , and the randevouz of hell ; the very sink of all heresies and sects , and the kennel where all the neighbouring fil●…h of religion disgorges its self and disembogues . and as we never read of any pharisee converted by our saviour , except one or two , yet very many publicans and harlots ; so here we find true that of our saviour , that publicans and harlots shall get into the kingdom of heaven , before these our modern pharisees ( in english ) separates or schismaticks , as the word signifies . and the great reason why this great rule and summe of christs message or gospel was no more believ'd by the pharisees , than now by our modern pharisees , or schismaticks , called now modern orthodox , is , because the heart of this people is waxed fat , and their cars are dull of hearing ; and s●…eng they see and not perceive , and hearing they hear and not understand . they say they believe gospel ; show them mat. 7. 12. and ask them if they believe that , that rule before their eyes is the summe of all ; and they 'l rail presently at you , and cry out , good works , good works , the man presses us to good works and merit , popery , arminianism , and manwaring . they say they believe st. paul's epistles to be god's word ; shew them 1 cor. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. and the rest of the chapter , and ask them , do you believe that your preacher , ( you so cry up for a precious man when he tells you of incomes , and experiences and getting of christ ) is a meer empty kettle , a meer canting jugling noise , a meer feign'd new-coyn'd sound , if he does not preach up good works and charity to you , all contain'd and included in doing as you would be done by ? they will presently fly out in rage and wrath against you , saying , you rail at gods ministers , god ways , and gods people ; and look upon all you say , as prophane , and coming from a prophane and loose spirit . though with never so much meekness you entreat them to take heed , how in so saying they blaspheme god and his holy spirit , who says altogether so much as i have said , in that first vers . though i speak with the tongue of men and angels , and have not charity , i am become as sounding brass , or a tinkling cimbal ; that is , a meer empty kettle , sound and noise ; yet they see this with their eyes , and yet will blaspheme and will not believe . tell them further that this precious preacher does not yet speak with the tongue of an angel , let his whinings , and snivellings , and gruntings , and groanings be never so tuneable ; they will not believe you , but when for the good of their immortal souls you bid them beware of the juggle , and take heed they be not cheated with new-coyn'd and feigned words , meer canting , as gypsies that have a peculiar dialect and phrase of their own ; yet then they will revile you , rendring you hatred for your good will , slandering you in blaspheming christ and the truth you declare to them ; and think all this while they are lying , standering and railing you ( which is far from charity ) that they do god good service , and vindicate precious men . ask them further , whether those be not ●…eigned , fictitious , new-coyn'd words ( as the apostle st. peter says false prophets make merchandize , or make good markets with , through covetousness ) which the holy-ghost in holy scripture uses not , and which gods holy word is not acquainted with ; and they will confess that they must be new-coyned and feigned by false prophets and juglers , if not coyn'd there by the holy-ghost . but then say , these expressions , viz. incomes , get experiences , look over your experiences , get christ , and the indwellings of the spirit , & such like , many hundreds of them produc'd with a wonderful long whine and twang , are neither the words of the holy ghost , prophets , christ , or his apostles , and therefore are feigned words which these spiritual merchants get money with , as gypsies do by cantting and singing ; and they will blaspheme and rail at you , though you say no more than st. peter has done ; and though they cannot find one such new-coyn'd word in all the bible . is not the heart of this people hardned ? and seeing they do not see , they will not see nor perceive , but like the pharisees , look upon all your reproof to be a reproach to them and the ways of god. they cannot be converted , because not convinced ; they are not convinced , partly by reason their preachers are not faithful to their souls , but instead of shewing them the way to heaven , fill their poor heads with nothing but sound and noise and whining and feigned words : and partly do they continue unconvinc'd and unconverted , by reason they think they are converted already ; & yet have as little reason to think so , as if they were turks , jews or heathens : nay , i 'le maintain it and avouch to be true before god and men , that i have by my own experience found more goodness , more kindness , more truth , more honesty , more sincerity among man-eaters or cannibals in india , and turks in arabia ; than amongst the best of these professors . read jam. 2. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 24. mat. 16. 27. eph. 2. 10. tit. 3. 8 phil. 1. 27. nay put in their preachers and all into a sack together , and the first that comes out shall have incomparably more pride , malice , wrath , lying , slandering , and evil speaking , and rejoycing in iniquity ( when they can hear of any faults or judgments with which any are overtaken that are not of their gang , ) than any turk , jew , or indian man-eater that ever i converst with , and i have converst with thousands ; and if these be the people of god , the lord in his mercy deliver me from them , and the evil way they walk in by companies , running headlong to the bottom and end of that way , eternal destruction , and striving who should first come there and run the fastest , ( as if they were afraid they should not come at the divel in good time . ) whereas my religion , namely , this of my saviour in mat. 7. 12. like the sun in his full strength and light , carryes its own evidence and speaks sufficiently for it self , leading men into unerring paths , bringing quietness and peace and light to mankind ; nor can any man walk in darkness or do any thing of the works of darkness that walks by this rule , but peace must be upon them , as upon the only true israel of god ; no canting , no hypocrisie , no feigned words needs here ; but righteousness and peace embrace each other , both here and to eternity . in which religion i doubt not by gods grace to continue all the dayes of my life ; for of all the idols of the heathens , there is but one true god , and of all religions , there is but one true one , one christ , one way , one truth , one life , one light ; and this is it . would god , think you , leave men a way to heaven , revealed by his son , if it were not to be found without a great many fathers , decrees of councils , glosses , homilies , sermons , infinite , and as large and of as little purpose the most of them as the writings of mr. prin ? whereas this way of christ is soon found , soon got my heart , easily remembred , readily applyed . and if no other text had been preacht upon this 30 years , and practised , england had seen no warrs nor bloodshed , ruine nor rapine , murder and rebellion , that had almost quite destroyed us ; neither had the war been carryed on with a few canting words , and misapplyed scriptures , prating and praying , seeking of god as cromwel called it , when he went to prayer with the officers of the army , to seek god and know his mind , whether he should murder the king or no , whereas he had resolv'd it long before ; like jezabel , seeking god by prayer and fasting , when the bottom and design of all is nothing but rapine and covetousness to take naboth's life , that thereby she might get the better footing in naboth's vineyard . but if this little rule be practis'd , down goes diana of the ephesians , and the idols , fictions and imaginations of the heart of man. no man could steal nor covet , nor be a rebel , nor disobedient to his superiors , if he keep to this rule ; why ? because he would be loth to be so serv'd himself ; loth men should take away his goods , his servant , his daughter , his wife , or his lands , or good name . no man would be a rebel or disobedient to his superiors that is of this religion ; why ? because he would not endure that his servants , his children and family should be disobedient unto him ; there would be no living , no keeping house with them , if they did not obey ; for if he command one son , in seed-time , to go plow , and another to sow , and his son or servant say nay , but it is better to thrash , or fan , and more needful ; this disobedience will make them all smart for it in a little time ; a house thus divided cannot stand long , nay , in spiritual things , the master of the family calling his servants & children to prayers in the morning , at noon , or night , he will not permit a servant or a child to be hallowing and playing abroad , whilst he is praying , nor to lie lolling upon a couch or chair , laughing and jearing with his hat on , whilst he is praying and kneeling , or singing of psalms ; there is not a phanatick in england will suffer this , but will reprove , rebuke , exhort and chastise such a jearing , irreverent son or servant , & , thinks god requires it at his hands , and would send judgements upon him , and his family , with a grievous curse , if when his sons are vile , he restrain them not ; ( though they tell him it is their conscience to be vile , and irreverent . ) and tell them moreover how god punish'd old eli , for neglecting to restrain his sons , let them pretend what conscience they will , he will likewise have the liberty of his own conscience , which tells him , if it be their conscience to be thus disorderly , vile , irreverent , and disobedient , it is also his conscience to restrain their vileness , irreverence , and disobedience : and will further ask them , if they were in his condition , and were masters of a family , whether they would be content that their servants and sons should do what they list , and what was right in their own eyes , and whether it is possible a house so divided can stand long this every phanatick in england pleads to his family , and brings the fifth commandment to confirm and warrant all that he saith to them ; adding that it is the first commandment with promise , ( as the apostle calls it , ) that is with promise of present reward in this life , even length of days ; whereas men by disobedience to their natural fathers , or spiritual or temporal fathers in church or state shorten their lives , as the rebels baanah , and rechab , achitophel , absalom , sheba and the rest of them in all ages . now apply this that i have said ; examine thine own heart , call it to account seriously before thou come before gods tribunal to receive thine eternal doom when it is too late to amend , and try in any particular where thou disobeyest thy superiours in church or state , whether thou wouldst suffer such disobedience in thine own family . first as to ceremonies , which are but the outskirts , the suburbs of true religion , ( this one true religion i am speaking of ) yet it is a sign that thou art an enemy to the city of god and holy hill of sion , if thou burn , plunder or pull down the suburbs ; not because the suburbs are the city ; or ceremonies of true religion , the true religion it self , and gods holy sion ; but yet the governours in the city will watch over thee , punish thee and keep thee off , because thou art an enemy to the holy city , to the true religion , or else thou wouldst not have overturned and trampled upon the suburbs . if you understand this , you have the true notion and understanding of a ceremony ; if you do not , i will not further explain my self . wilt thou not suffer thy child to loll and jear with his hat on , whilest thou art praying and kneeling with thy hat off , though he pretend conscience for his disobedience ; and wilt thou not kneel then , when they bid thee kneel , that are thy superiours in church and state ? and be uncoverd , when they bid thee be uncovered ? hast thou power to enjoin ceremonies in thy family ? and have not thy superiours as much power to ordain ceremonies in the church ? dost thou that pleadest the fifth commandement against thy wicked disobedient son & servant , never plead it against thy self ? dost thou say to thy son and servant , you must needs be subject and that for conscience sake ? and dost thou never send that scripture home to thine own heart ? thou that sayst a man should not steal , or be disobedient ; dost thou steal ? art thou disobedient ? what need of jayls or acts of indemnity or uniformity , licences or liberty , indulgence or no indulgence ? it is all one to him that is of this religion ; which will not suffer a man to pray and lye , slander and preach , fast and murder , talk of incomes and getting christ whilest he goes the way to hell . there can be no rebel-saints of this religion . i 'll tell you in one word how truly to get christ , whilest canters belabour you with a sound and an empty noise . to get christ , is to get to christ ; and there is no getting to christ , but in his own way ; his own way is what he taught himself for the sum of all religion , law and prophets , mat. 7. 12. which we have been treating of , which is ready at hand , always to direct thee in thought , word and deed , believe the creed , say the lords prayer , and the liturgy , frequent sacraments , and this is religion enough to carry thee to heaven . but you 'll say perhaps , and object against me , that if this be my religion , why do i not practise it ? and again ask me whether in this letter i have done to others as i would they should do to me ; that is , would i be willing to be so sharply reprov'd and check'd , as i sometimes check father grey-beard , and the canters . to which i answer , i not only would be content to be so us'd , but if i were such a wretch to trouble and confound the kingdom where i live , with arts and methods that do tend , and ( as by sad experience we have found ) have tended to blood , ruine , wars and desolation ; i would esteem him the best friend that i had in the world that could either convince me , and the people seduced by me of our villanies ; or laugh me and them out of such fopperies , by representing me and them upon the stage in as ridiculous a posture if it were possible as ever they were acted by me or them , or hugh peters himself , when multitudes of poor fools strove who should first part with their silver-bodkins and plate , body and soul for the good o●…d cause . and if it were not to do both the seducers and seduced good by this plain dealing , i had not writ a word in this letter ; for i know my reward from most of them is that hatred for my good will , railing , lying , and slandering me as the worst of men ; and yet cannot evidence in one particluar , where i have transgress'd this great rule of doing as i would be done by , this ten years . which i speak not as a fool or a pharisee to boast of ; for fame , nor honour , nor dishonour , riches , nor poverty , good report , nor evil report , safety or hazard , can seem to me , or any that are well grounded in this religion of christ , ( of doing as we would be done by , ) any thing to move me towards the least desire of applause ; for i know this justification of my self is the way to create great envy , and great reproach against me , in those that know no duty so great as the four first commandements ; namely , the worship of god , his days , sermons , mysteries , discourses and disputes of their ways of worship ; they are full of that , but yet can envy , lye , slander and rail ; and then i tell them , ( but they believe not , ) that all their praying , hearing , keeping sabbaths , are not worth a louse , nor their faith neither ; though it is the very words , at least the sence of what they read with their eyes , 1 cor. 13. 2. only here 's the difference , i speak more worthily of their prophesying , and their faith , than the apostle does allow to such idle mysteries , where charity is wanting , for he says , such a man as has the gift of prophesying , understands all mysteries , all knowledge , has all faith , without charity is nothing : whereas i only say , such a man's gifts , knowledge , mysteries and faith are not , without charity , worth a louse . so that i have therein out-bid the worth of them , a louse is good for something , ( i will not tell all its vertues ) it is good for the jaundice , &c. but all knowledge , mysteries , prophesying , and faith , without charity , the apostle makes good for nothing at all . away with mens prate of religion , and admiring this and that precious man , this and that precious piece of worship , when it only puffs men up , makes them more proud , more scornful , more headstrong , more cruel , more bloody , more rapacious , greater lyers , greater slanderers , more malicious than they were before , and more a devil , than any man in the world is , turk , jew or cannibal . shew me not the meat , but shew me the man ; if these people that prate of their precious heavenly food they have had in these late times , have in the mean time such starv'd souls , empty of all goodness , ( but a little outside holiness and vizard of worship , ) but are full of such horrid sins , as envy , malice , injustice , lying , cheating , defaming , and sometimes murdering and plundering and sequestring ; that on this side hell there 's no such treacherous , false and unsociable villaines ; then by this it is evident , that like ephraim , they sed upon the wind , liv'd like camelions upon air , sound , whineing , canting , feigned words ; and if perhaps they have cast out some one devil of swearing or sabbath-breaking , they have entertain'd in the room seven other devils more wicked than the former , and the last state of that man is worse than the first . i know with this plain dealing , i stir in a nest of wasps , and because i have cryed down these feigned words , ( with which craft these silver-smiths and juglers get their wealth , ) these dearly beloved tones and whinings , that did so affect the silly women , thus undervalued , spoils the trade : g●…e me pen and ink and paper , will the juglers say , this must not be suffered , we must use some course speedily to blacken , i say blacken the author , and impair the value of his letter , or our trade is gone . join your forces , up and be doing , truth is strongest ; ye fight against your saviour , s. peter , and s. paul to the corinthians ; if you quarrel me for this ; come meddle then if you dare . and if you do provoke me , i will not only spoil the sale and market of your new-coin'd feigned words ; but i 'll cry down your market-day too , on which you sell your empty sounds to fill your pockets . not that i am against preaching up charity and goodness ; and faith and hope too in order unto charity , and upon the lords day too , if so be that preaching , praying , or worship , hearing , or faith doth not hinder better duties , viz. works of mercy , mercy to my own body , to my beast , to my family , to my neighbour . but if keeping any day of worship , or performing any duties of worship hinder any of those greater duties ; then i sin in doing those duties of worship , which hinder those greater duties of mercy . yet i say if i can do both , ( both worship god and keep a holy day to him , and also perform the greater duties of mercy , ) then both is better ; god has join'd them together , let not man put them asunder ; faith is a good grace , and hope is good , and charity good ; and preaching , and prophesying , knowledge and mysteries are all good , it is a pity they should be parted ; but if we want charity , we want the great accomplishment , the greatest of these is charity . and if any body think that i herein speak too slightly of keeping the lords day , let them know , that if they think so , they do but censure amiss , and like the hypocrites and pharisees condemn me for that , that was the very cause why our saviour himself was accounted a sinner ; as you may see jo. 9. 14. 16. 24. the sabbath day , and all other days were made , as all things else , and as all commandments were made , viz. only for the good of man , not for his hurt and dammage , ( if you will believe our saviour . ) the sabbath was made for man and not man for the sabbath . if my neighbours house be on fire , as i am going to church , i ought to get my bucket and throw water and help to quench it , for all going to a sermon ; and god likes me better , with my pail in my hand at that time , than the bible in my hand , or a prayer in my mouth , when charity to my neighbour supersedes my worship of god , as being superiour to it ; as our saviour tells the pharisees upon the like occasion , mat. 12. 9. i will have mercy , and not sacrifice , that is , not sacrifice when it hinders the greater duty of mercy . and if a flood be coming down , ready to flow my meadows , when my hay had need be carried away with my cart , or else it will be carried away with the flood , i should sin at that time , if going to church , or any worship of god should prevent me from harnessing my horse and going to cart on the lords day : and my servants should sin grievously with going to church , when a work of mercy to my poor family and cattle called them another way . and though our modern pharisees and hypocrites will condemn me herein , yet they cannot tell how to confute it by scripture nor reason ; and if they had known the true religion , or what this meaneth , i will have mercy and not sacrifice , they would not have condemned the guiltless . i might give many other instances , in making ready food in mercy to my body ; i mean not only necessary food to keep life and soul togethet , as we vulgarly say , but such food as is most convenient , good hot victuals , and good drink on the lords day ; for watering a man's horse and ass on the sabbath day is not necessary for life ; they will live ( as hunting horses often do ) a longer time without water ; but it is not convenient so to make them fast , and being a work of mercy , though but to your beast , therefore does not every one of you think it lawful to do this convenient good on the sabbath day ? that is , supposing the fourth commandment had the same force and efficacy , that other ceremonies and types had in our saviours time . but alas ! the case is alter'd now ; those types and shadows are now of no more force than circumcision , and new moons ; which in respect of gospel discoveries are but weak and beggarly elements ; whereunto our modern pharisees desire again to be in bondage , and lest the hope of their gain should be gone , they are wonderful zealous for the morality of the sabbath ; and the morality of the fourth commandment ; that yet are the most unmannerly , sawcy , peremptory people under the heavens ; endeavouring to shew morality no where but in their market-day , where they get much gain with as light frothy ware , as ever was sold ; poor people are cheated and have a hard penny-worth of it , as ever men had , if they give a penny for these fictitious words , such as this , the ten moral commandments , and the morality of the fourth commandment ; which all the art they have can never prove ; nor that there is since christs death , any more intrinsecal holiness in one day than another ; nor any more holiness in the lords day , than any other holy-day , mentioned in the act of parliament for that purpose ; wherein are these words , — these days shall be kept holy , namely , every sunday in the year , then follow all the saints days , and holy days , to which the king and parliament may adde more holy-days if they please ; and as they have done ; and as they are of humane institution , can also take away some if they judge convenient . nor ought any man to keep the lord's day , in conscience or duty , more than any other holy-day . and the ground of a man's keeping the lords-day and all other holy-days , is in obedience to the fifth commandment , not the fourth commandment . which if it were moral , i. e. perpetual in their sence , it is not in the power of the church , nor king nor parliament to alter the day from the seventh to the first ; but all sabbath days were like the new-moons , and other jewish festivals , mere shadows of things to come , but the body is christ ; which being come , the shadows vanish . and those that zealously affect men with this jewish conceit , of keeping days , &c. do zèalously indeed affect men , but not well ; nor honestly . i know men are apt enough to take liberty to themselves in this licentious age to any prophaness ; but i deny that it is prophaness for me to dress convenient food for my self and family , hot and good if i can get it , on the lords-day ; and greg. does acknowledge himself and all that he knows of his party to be of this opinion herein ; in this one thing then we do agree ; and this is the first particular we have concurr'd in , since we met . also i deny that it is unlawful for me , ( but rather a duty incumbent upon me , ) to give my servants lieve to play and recreate themselves with any honest sport , upon the sunday , or any other holy-day at convenient times ; for i ought in mercy and charity , to be merciful to my beasts , my oxe or my ass , in watering them , which is not necessary , but only expedient for life ; much more ought i to be merciful to my poor prentice , my servant , my hand-maiden , that have drudg'd and trudg'd to slave and work for me on working days , when sunday or any other holy-day comes ; if i be of christs true religion , and do as i would be done by . nay , i ought , if i am able to let them drink better liquor , and eat better meat , eat the fat , and drink the sweet , as nehemiah speaks ; and send portions thereof to the poor according to my ability , on those festivals ; at least , give them , what i give my beast , ease and rest on those vacation-days ; a penny-worth of ease is worth a penny . and the contrary opinion is hypocritical , pharisaical , hard-hearted , apocryphal and prophane ; and contrary to the great law of charity and mercy ; and contrary to those infallible and unanswerable reasons rendred excellently in that proclamation for lawful sports on sundays and all other holy-days published by the command , and well setled judgment of king james , king charles i. to that purpose . and agreeable with the opinion and practice of all christians , nations and kingdoms in the world , and even of geneva it self ; and contradicted by none but our senceless , hypocritical , modern orthodox rebels , that write in this particular , after nobody but knox , that grand rebel and innovator . oh but did not these fellows arm the rabble against the king and bishops upon this very account ? they did so , the more prophane wretches they , by laying a yoke upon the necks of the disciples , which god never imposed ; through their own superstition ; or rather perverseness . wheedling the silly rabble with pretence of religion and gods-day ; which is not a day that the lord has made , more than any other day ; nor more holy , than so far forth , as the king and parliament have made it , and set it apart for holy uses , as they have done other holy-days ; namely , vacation-days from servile and worldly toil , that men might be now at leisure , for gods worship , merciful and charitable works to our selves , our neighbours , our servants , our handmaidens , our ox and our ass , and the like , which are the proper duties for a sunday and other holy-days . and because we are a trading , covetous , having , worldly minded people , if the king and parliament think fit to allow us no other holy-days but sundays , and half a dozen more in a year , i am content . and the late wrethced rebels might with more right and good reason have taken occasion to rebel , as massin●…lla and his mutineers in naples did by the spilling and overturning of a basket of apples ; than from that honest proclamation for sports published by king james and king charles i. of blessed memory , for lawful refreshments and recreations on sundays and holy-days after divine service ; so consonant to the doctrine and practice of all christendom , and so agreeable with the great law , of doing as we would be done by . and there is never a one of these spleenatick , peev●…sh , morose , unsociable , and hypocritical pharisees , but in their practice do as much contradict their own doctrine for the sabbath , as that so much talk'd of proclamation has done , every sunday when they leave their maid at home , carefully to look to the pot and the spit ; that all be ready piping hot precisely against the time , that lungs comes home , when his auditory is tyr'd perhaps more than himself . binding heavy burdens , and grievous to be born , and laying them on other mens shoulders , but they themselves will not move them with one of their fingers : and saying , as john of leyden did , ( upon the rack confessing the true cause of his fanaticism and impostures , ) the people love to he cheated with superstition , and love them h●…st , that gull them most . thus have i as briefly and as fast as my pen could write , given an honest and down-right account , why and how true christians should keep a sunday or other day holy , ( though not according to the hypocritical and modern orthodox ; but ) consentaneous with all the truly orthodox christians in the world . and in answer to what father grey-beard in a different character sets down as the apocryphal opinion of the reverend bishop bramhall , but is an infallible truth , p. 38. namely , he maintains the publick sports on the lords day by the proclamation to that purpose , and the example of the reformed churches beyond sea : and for the publick dances of our youth upon countrey-greens on sundays after the duties of the day , he sees nothing in them but innocent and agreeable to that under-sort of people . and he takes the promiscuous license to unqualified persons to read the scriptures , far more prejudicial , nay more pernicious , than the over-rigorous restraint of the romanists . and he took it well , in so taking it . for though no man can have a more sacred esteem and value for the holy scripture and gods word than i have ; knowing that it is profitable for instruction , and to make the man of god perfect throughly furnished unto every good work , yet this good work of instructing out of it properly belongs to the man of god , it is his province , not incumbent upon every man , nor possible to be undertaken by every man. because our english bibles are not in every particular the word of god ; nor in any one thing the words of the prophets , of christ and the apostles , who not one of them spoke english , except perhaps s. bartholomew , and the modern orthodox have no great kindness for that apostle , because of a certain reason . but chiefly because neither he nor any other apostle delivered the mind of god , and holy writ in the english tongue . the english bibles in the translation at best being but a paraphrase , or homily of the word of god ; nor all that neither for these reasons that are unanswerable and infallible . first , because the english bibles are in some places erroneous ; secondly , they are in some places scarce sence ; and of dangerous consequences , when every pert , bold and conceited fellow , ( that only understands english ) takes upon himself to raise doctrines and opinions thence , contrary to the sence and meaning of god in his holy word ; contrary to the mind and meaning of the holy-ghost , as well as contrary to the sence of the church and truly orthodox . i love not this discourse , and could wish it were any bodies task and employment rather than mine , it is so ungrateful and generally displeasing ; yet since this bold greg. has given the occasion by reflecting upon the honest words of the most reverend and learned bishop bramhall , in these odde animadversions , in things far above his shallow pate , apprehension and reach ; therefore now my hand is in , though i could fill a volume upon this excellent subject , so needful to be explain'd in these times , when people have run a madding with the english bible in their hands , and brought to vouch their exorbitances and horrid villanies ; i need say nothing of the mischievous consequences of this promiscuous license of reading the bible ; those that thumb'd it so much having prov'd themselves the most execrable villains and hereticks that ever the sun shone upon : but shall only give two or three instances , for what i have said . which when people have weighed and seriously consider'd , they will not so stare and stamp , and cry out ; oh , this man would rob us , not of our goods , our wives , our good names , and our lives , but that which is dearer to us than all these , he would rob us of our dear english bibles ; then come the days of darkness again , and of ignorance ; oh look to him he robs us of our bibles , is not here a popish plot ? and you will have cause to thank him for it , more than all the sermons that ever you heard from modern orthodoxy ; for this has ruin'd everlastingly the souls of millions of poor people guided with that frenzy and zeal , and has also shortned their days by duckquoying them into rebellion and blood , blood being therefore given them to drink for they were worthy : but the trepanning priest deserv'd the greatest punishment here and hereafter , by drilling them into rebellion and blood ; by wresting and misapplying of scriptures , such as those — curse ye meroz — bind your kings with chains , and your nobles with fetters of iron ; such honour have all the saints . — babylon the great is fallen ; and a hundred of the like temper . whereas , all that i say , makes righteousness and peace to kiss each other , makes useless swords and guns , brings again the golden age ; where every man sitting under his own vine and fig-tree , leads a holy and happy life here and hereafter , has a heaven upon earth , breaking their swords into plow-shares , and their spears into pruning hooks ; there being no use of armory , if the world were of my religion herein contained ; or rather of the true christian religion ; the summ and scope whereof our blessed saviour delivered with his own mouth , and epitomiz'd in one verse and sentence , mat. 7. 12. as abovesaid . but some instances i promis'd to give , to evidence that the english bible is in some particulars erroneous , scarce sence , and of ill consequence . as , in part of our saviours first sermon , is rendred mat. 5. 41. and whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile , go with him twain . from this story and fiction , ( by our english bible , ) father'd shamefully upon our blessed saviour , a christian is bound , if he meet with any man that being stronger than he , forces or compels him , ( though he be in post-hast , or going for a mid wife , a doctor or chirurgeon upon life and death , or whatsoever occasion , ) yet he must go another way , quite out of his way a mile , and may not call for the help of the constable , or neighbourhood , or other good body , to defend him from this violence , but in a quiet submission and obedience , he must ( thus compell'd ) go a mile ; which way soever the compeller pleases , he must make no resistance ; but that 's not all ; he must go another mile of his own accord ; and being thus easie to be fool'd , at the two miles end , if the man compel him again further another mile , away he must trudge ; and so along all england over , and the world over ; for there 's no end of this obedience , if a christian meets but with any compeller ; or freed from him , happens upon another , that leads him about and about like an ignis fatuus , and all this by vertue of your english bible , and in as plain words , as any that are in 't , and as easie to be understood ; without metaphor , allegory , figure or parable . what do you say to this now , you with your english bible ? whereas , i say , it is false and untrue , and our saviour never spoke such a senceless word in his life . for all that he said , as to this , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and theodore beza , ( a better critick than a man , ) renders truly — et quisquis te angariabit ad milliare unum , abi cum eo duo , that is , in english , whosoever by vertue of an order or warrant , from the magistrate under whose jurisdiction thou livest , shall compel thee to go with him a mile , go with him twain . and signifies no more than that ready and cheerful obedience that is due to authority , from every disciple of christ , who himself not only thus preach'd , but practis'd ; there was no rebel christians heard on , that fought their christian kings , nor so much as heathen kings or heretick kings , till calvin , knox , hugh peters , richard baxter , j. o. father grey-beard , and modern orthodoxy . constantius , valens , valentinian , anastasius , justinian , heraclius , were all arrian hereticks and emperours , yet the christians their subjects never confederated in a holy league and covenant , to reform by arms in spite of their teeth ; the church militant in those times did not prove their texts with sword and gun ; the good old cause was not then in those days old enough for the swadling clouts : nay afterwards when julian the apostate was emperour , there was no army of saints , nor holy redcoat-christians that pull'd off his crown , or cut off his head . perhaps you 'l say , thank them for nothing ; their wills might be good , but their arms were too short ; or perhaps they had no skill in their weapons , and though christians and saints , yet not army-saints . yes , that they were , army-saints ; but not rebel-saints ; army-saints they were , and there were more christians in julian the apostates army , than all the heathens and himself put together : as is evident by their chusing his successor , jovinian , to be their emperour , because he was a christian , ( but not till the apostate was dead , ) saying , one and all , one and all , jovinian , jovinian , for we are christians . and our blessed saviour , as he preach'd this cheerful obedience , and also his apostles , rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. — 1 pet. 2. 13. 1 tim. 2. 2. so did our saviour practise . there was a holy-day made , ( by the chief priest , who then was chief jewish magistrate , ) and no mention of it in gods law ; but he declaim'd not against it , but quietly observ'd it himself , namely the feast of the dedication , joh. 10. 22 , 23. he did indeed miracles to get better drink and meat , when poor people wanted it ; but he never did a miracle to get money , or coin , but only to pay his assessment , royal aid or poll-money , call it which you will , for it was each of them , and all of them , mat. 17. 27. and all this only , by his example , to shew true christians , that they ought to make no resistance , nor give offence . thus you see i have made very good sence , and good use of mat. 5. 41. which your english bibles make ridiculously useless , and no sence consistent or compatible with our blessed saviours honour , and innocence . again i 'll instance in mat. 28. 19. which though it be sence , yet it is of dangerous consequence ; and as interpreted by the anabaptists , has made a great bustle in the world ; and besides it seems somewhat a hard chapter , that god almighty should give a sacrament to the jews , namely that of circumcision , as a badge or token ( as the word sacrament signifies , ) that all that wore that livery , belong'd to him , were his visible servants , in which he comprehended a man and his house , and would not so much as suffer one of the little boys , to go above eight days without this badge and livery . and yet notwithstanding our saviour in the gospel should take away all these old liveries , and give his people no new-ones , as good at least , and as large and as many , even for the children too , fitted as well as in the old law : or that our blessed saviour , under the gospel which was to have larger extents , even to all nations , should take care only to mark his sheep , and not the lambs , by this holy badge and sacrament of baptism ; and which was , and has been in all ages the livery of all christian people , nations and languages ; excepting here and there , a bold , pragmatick , self-conceited coxcomb , building his saith upon this text , and construeing it in his own sence , knowing only the english translation , nor scarcely that ; not being able to speak or write true english . look you here , saith he , look in the commission , if it be not first teach , and then baptize — go ye therefore and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy-ghost . indeed this , as we translate it , and read it in our english bibles , has some colour , and looks plausibly . for though it is false , when they say christ said , first teach and then baptize , — yet we put down in our english translation teach , in the order of the words , before baptize . and though that do not prove any thing , nor move a rational man , that none should be baptiz'd before they be taught , any more than to perswade him that a bullocks horns do grow and put forth before their hoofs , because it is said in the psalm 69. 31. bullocks that have horns and hoofs : yet we have to do with people that know not the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and having their english bible , they will stamp and stare with it like mad , thinking it is on their side , because it is in their hand . then come i , & pluck it out of their hand , and say away you bold impudent fellows , audacious blasphemers , do you call this gods word , it is not gods word , christ never said teach all nations , baptizing , &c. away to your shop-boards , your looms and your comb-pots ; and that will be more beneficial and advantageous both for your souls and bodies , than thus blasphemously to abuse christ , by calling that his word , that he never spoke ; if you heard the words he spoke , you understand them no more , than you do greek or syriack ; therefore be not busie-bodies , mind your own business , and do not like gregory father grey-beard , argue of divinity and policy , and tell the king what he should do , and the clergy what they should do ; for these are things above your shallow capacities , of a higher orb and motion , above your reach , above your sphere . now pragmatick will not believe a word of this , though it is wholsome , and futeable and good for him , and fits every thing about him but his pride ; yet he will cry out , he 's undone , he 's rob'd , ( as micah holla'd , when he had lost his foolish images and idols , ) judg. 18. 24. you have taken away my gods which i made , and the priest and you are gone away , and what have i more ? and what is this that you say unto me ; what aileth me ? poor man ! what , lose all ? lose that thou madest a god on ? thy english bible , which yet is not god , nor his word altogether : what , lose that which thou didst idolize and adore , and ask counsel of , and was thine oracle , nay and lose the priest too of this english translation , the good taylor , the good chimney-sweeper , the good miller , the honest tinker , the honest weaver and cobler , that left the vocations whereunto they were called , to become poor , bare-bone , english priest to the great idol , english translation ; and all he says is oracle , and taken for gospel ; away go the women after him , and some silly men , and here and there a crafty knave ; that when he and all his relations are almost broke , then to get custom and credit , after them goes he too ; and the truth on 't is , he has the best on 't , together with the crafty , lazy knave that holds forth , for these rule all the other , are the judas's and keep the bag , and the offerings and gatherings of their church , yet throwing down their half-crown or an angel at a time among the rest , by their liberality to drill on the rest , ( the gain returning tenfold by such a venture , ) for they keep the stakes , and though they open their purse wide , and their mouth for the nonce , yet they can soon make up their mouth again . now i confess these crafty knaves will be cut at the heart , and cry out as if they were kill'd or rob'd , at this my plain dealing ; and open their mouths wide , and set the poor fools which they make their dogs , to fetch and carry for them , and bark , and bite if they durst at whomsoever they clap their hands ; but i am above them and their malice , safe in my charm for them — deo confisus nunquam confusus . which they no more understand , than they will do this my honest and faithful dealing with them , for their own good , if they consider it and weigh it without passion or prejudice , in the ballance of the sanctuary ; where i am as safe from their clamorous noise , as is the moon from the jaws of the barking currs . and if they would but hold their barking , till they do but hear me speak , i should stop their mouths more than any modern orthodox presbyter has done upon this text , mat. 28. 19. that ever i heard of . for , my honest friend , have a little patience , believe me that knows more than thy english translation , more than cobler , weaver , and chimney-sweeper , thy bare-bone priest , whom thou idolizest ; and when thou hast adorn'd him and hung thy ornaments about him , then like the israelites , thou admirest him as they did their calves , and sayst of him and thy english bible , these are thy gods , oh israel , that brought thee out of the land of egypt , popish egyptian darkness ; i was baptized when i was a child , because in those times of darkness my parents knew no better , but here is the man , and here is the bible , and here is the text , christs own commission , which has brought me out of that errour and darkness . alas ! poor soul ! deluded , bejugled , gull'd , abused and misled poor soul ! christ never said , teach all nations baptizing them , &c. but said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. in english , disciple all nations , or make disciples of all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , &c. then follows , teaching them to observe all things whatsoever i commanded you . so that now baptizing goes before teaching , how do you answer this mr. black-coat chimney-sweeper ? your idol cannot save you now , for it is the workmanship of mans hands , and subject to corruption . but perhaps you 'l say , were not the translators of the bible as good scholars as i am ? and as honest ? first , i answer , i am glad you see there is an absolute necessity of schollarship , more than a bare understanding and reading of english ; an absolute necessity to keep up and give encouragements to a learned clergy , and that you lose your own eyes , at least your own spectacles , your own lights , when you contemn them , despise them ; it is as the blind man despises his guide , but if he were gone , he would be glad to call him again , if not for love of him , yet for the need he has of him , he cannot get home without him , nor keep out of the pit without him ; or if he should call his guide again , and instead of him , one as blind as himself should happen to be near him , they might talk a little together , but this other blind man could not help his fellow home , nor keep out of the ditch , nor avoid the stumbling-blocks , although this same , or both of the blind men were bedaub'd with gold and silver lace ; or if their heads were adorn'd with a huffing peruke , but wanting eyes and a guide , they must necessarily both fall into the ditch . and if any think that this reflects upon gentleman himself , indeed i say it does , and is intended against those upstarts , which are jacks rather than gentlemen ; for true bred english gentlemen use to love and practise learning themselves , did study to adorn their heads with brains , rather than a strumpets hair , and lov'd and honour'd learning and learned men . but our frothy upstarts want wit and manners too , know no gallantry , but what i can adorn mine ass withal , when i list ; only here 's the difference , mine ass is good for something , gives good milk for a consumption , and is a repairer and restorer of the wasted body , and the pockey bones ; whereas your ass-gentleman is good for nothing , but is a waster instead of a repairer , does no good in his generation , so much as the beasts , seeming to be born for no other end , but to run squeaking up and down like the rats and the mice , and to gnaw cheese and parmasin ; and eat up the victuals . yet he shall catch at a phrase , chew to a crumb some chymical term of art , or a new-coin'd word pick'd up at a club ; and away he struts , repeats to himself , admires his own improvements , laughs at the clergy , dictates policy , talks of a new wo●…ld in the moon , and about goes the earth with a whip in a trice ; aristotle a block-head to copernicus , his politicks dull to machiavel-greg . galen a fool rather than a physician ; then nothing less contents him than to sublimate his silver into vapour and smoak , to be a virtuoso ; and with new experiments confound all order , government and policy , and thereby commence new politicoso ; and wast body and bones with a pockey ingenioso . and there 's your gentleman a la mode . and if i might perswade the clergy , if it were not to do good in their generation , and serve it , and keep it from the ruine , such as these , like father-grey-beard , do threaten it with , these fellows should have elbow-room , and have rope enough , to scope as they list in church and state , and court , and councils ; why should you be their cooks , since they rule the roast ? when there is scarcely the worst of you , but is more useful than a hundred of them . for as when there was no king in israel , in england , every man did that which was right in his own eyes , their liberty , they long'd for , reduc'd them to such confusions and streights , that they were forc'd for their sakes and benefits to call in the king , whose own right it was : so let but these new politicians play their pranks , with their new experiments of licentiousness , and in church , and state , and court , and councils do all , ( as far as his majesty will suffer them ) as well as do ill , and we shall soon see them bring such confusions upon the kingdom , and such streights upon themselves , they will be glad to call clergy into favour again for their own sakes , as well as for the sake of their posterities . which certainly will suffer , if these mens folly be suffer'd and indulg'd ; for who will bring up his son to be a clergy-man , when gregory grey-beard shall be more countenan'cd than the best of them : it is a shame to tell , but it is too true ; and a greater shame it should be so , than to say so . omnia cùm liceant non licet esse pium . for though no clergy-man gets either love or thanks , more than any other minister of state , by concerning himself in the great affairs of state ; ( those that inhabit the temperate zones , having more ease , and less sweat and danger , though not so near the sun and his directer beams , ) yet certainly it is good for the king and kingdom , that they should have ( as by law their due , ) a considerable influence upon and inspection into the great affairs of state. and i am of gregories opinion in that p. 301. that they make the best ministers of state in the world , if they keep them to their bibles ; 't is true , all men have errours , but they are in probability more like to keep to their bibles , than any other sort of men . god therefore at first gave the government to priests , and prophets , and preachers , such as moses was , and samuel , david and solomon , and made the kingdom happy under their oversight ; as england has been made as happy by their influence in government , as by any other sort of men whatsoever , till the kingdom 's happiness fell with them , by the advance of modern orthodoxy . and it is worth the remembring , that when the house of lords voted the bishops out of the house , and from the seats to which they had as good right as themselves ; they did but thereby become their own cryers , and made proclamation to dissolve their own court ; the spiritual lords only first going out at the door , and showing the rest of the lords the way down stairs ; and the most of the house of commons followed soon after . but my pen runs like mr. prin's , i have almost forgot where i was ; oh! at the objection , why did not our translators of the bible , render the original more exactly into english ? to which i answer , the translators in king james his time , did well and learnedly ; mended many things that were amiss , and deserve great honour and thanks ; but they did but cobble some things , bernardus non videt omnia ; and some inconveniences in wording it , they did not , nor could not fore-see : such as this of the anabaptists mistake , and misconstruction in this particular . yet the word bearing two significations , and lay-men in those times , not so audacious and impudent , nor the reading scriptures so promiscuous and frequent as of late , of which sad consequences we have too much experience . but does not our saviour bid men search the scriptures ? jo. 5. 39. i answer , no , he does not ; he said only to them that were learned in the scriptures , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or to whomsoever of his auditors that were conversant in scriptures , in the indicative mood , ye do search the scriptures , because in them ye think to have eternal life ; and they are they that testifie of me , yet ye will not come unto me that ye might have life . as if our blessed saviour should say , as he does in another place , seeing you see , and yet you do not perceive ; and hearing you hear , and do not understand ; ye search the scriptures , thinking to find this eternal bread , that i am preaching of , namely , eternal life by christ , and there you may see me , for they testify of me , yet ye will not come ( for so is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rendred jo. 1. 10. tamen , sometimes sed ) unto me that ye might have life . i know the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may be taken in the imperative mood , but that it is not so agreeable with the context , nor signifies any thing , if it were so , to prove this promiscuous use and license of reading the gospel and new testament , of which not one word was then writ . indeed no man in the world can desire more than i do , that all people did understand the scriptures , the mind and will of god , by reading and searching into the scriptures themselves , and also into the english bible , so they read and search with the spirit of meekness , for instruction , and not for cavil and disputes , raising controversies and horrid new opinions out of difficult places of scripture , not knowing what they say , nor whereof they affirm . those controversies should be left to those of greater abilities , and of more sober spirits than themselves . there are plain places of scripture enow for edification and to direct us in the way to heaven , by living soberly , righteously and godly in this present world . and he answered smartly and well to a fanatick , but a light heel'd gentlewoman , that was mightily perplex'd with finding out the meaning of daniel , ezekiel and the revelations ; that she had been better employed , if she had consider'd the meaning of those plain scriptures ; thou shalt not commit adultery ; and fear god , and honour the king. i wonder what rational account any man that understands only the english translation , can give why the pharisees should find fault , luke 6. 1 , 2. with christs disciples for plucking the ears of corn , as they pass'd through the corn fields , and did eat , rubbing them in their hands ? did not the pharisees eat on the sabbath days ? yes surely , and if they eat any thing , could not eat less , nor more easily made ready , than rubbing the corn out with their hands , and eating some of the grains ; meat ready dress'd in , and to their hands . and though some sabbath days were kept with more abstinence than others , and more solemnity ; yet the english translation help us to no discovery , calling that sabbath only — the second sabbath after the first . the second sabbath after the first ! what 's that ? if the jews had a sabbath that was called the first sabbath , ( as indeed they had , ) namely , the feast of the passover when the first day thereof fell on a sabbath day ; then by this translation this sabbath day , ( when the disciples plucked the ears of corn and did eat , ) must be the second , and next following sabbath to it . but that is not true , because it is not the meaning of the original word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , neither helps at all to solve the doubt , as being but an ordinary sabbath , on which it was lawful to eat a break-fast : but it was not lawful to eat a break-fast , or drink any thing by the jewish canon , until the sixth hour , ( which we call noon , or twelve a clock , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , luke 6. 1. which our english translation renders very imper●…ectly and untruly , the second sabbath after the first , and beza renders it much worse , namely , sabbato altero primo . and not at all to the purpose . the incomparable grotius renders it best , and gives the best reason for that reddition ; namely , the second prime-sabbath : that is , the day of pentecost , on which it was not lawful to eat a break-fast , or eat or drink till twelve a clock ; and therefore did the pharisees find fault with the disciples , not for eating upon a sabbath day , as every body did , as well as their beasts ; but for eating upon the second prime sabbath , the day of pentecost . and this thus explain'd gives a very good account of the strength of s. peter's argument , to prove that the disciples were not drunk , as some did suppose , when they spoke with new tongues upon the day of pentecost , acts 2. 1. 15. these are not drunk , seeing it is but the third hour of the day , or nine a clock . why ? is 't not probable men may be drunk by nine a clock ? yes , on other days , but not on that day the day of pentecost , or second prime sabbath , when none were suffered to sell any wine or meat , or drink , nor tast any thing till twelve a clock , or the sixth hour . a great many more imperfections there are in our english bibles , which i had rather were mended , than discover'd : these instances are sufficient to abate the confidence of those bold companions , that instead of being teachers of others , had need learn more humility and modesty themselves ; and not be so desperately devoted to a new opinion built upon false grounds , whose foundation is not laid upon the rock of ages , christ and his word ; but upon the sandy bottoms of self conceit and the english bible . i hope therefore that without any paralogism i have evidenc'd that what the reverend bishop bramhall has asserted concerning the promiscuous license of unqualified persons reading the sciptures is , ( though a paradox in this hypocritical age , where the appearance and profession of piety is more priz'd than the truth , yet ) not apocryphal , nor popish : as father grey-beard maliciously insinuates p. 30. rendring him thereby an enemy to the laity . whereas indeed and in truth he is the best friend to them , that wishing them well , and desiring their good more than their good will , would not willingly have them take that in their hands which through unskilfulness they cannot mannage , and through weakness they cannot weild ; name 〈◊〉 scriptures , sharper than a two 〈◊〉 sword. but is the good old cause ( which 〈◊〉 thought had taken its last sleep , ) awake again ? does not greg. revive the good old cause again , under the name of modern orthodoxy ? and give it strength , as well as life , by the same methods now , as in 1640 ? did they not then , as he now , endeavour to enrage the people and rowze them again , ( when they are tyred and willing to be quiet , ) with new jealousies and fears , fears of ceremonies , fears of losing their bibles , and their sabbaths ? rendring the eminent bishops dead and alive , friends in their hearts and doctrines too to popery , but for a certain reason , rather making love to it , than espousing it ? he sets not down these opinions of bishop bramhall's with an intent to confute them , ( 't is beyond his ability , ) but only notes them with an asterism as bordering upon popery , as pernicious to the laity ; to beget in them new heats against the church , by exposing the deformities of king charles i. and all his choicest bishops for the love they bore to ceremonies and arminianism ; and making all their religion , ( both of those deceased , and of those yet in power and alive ) to be wholly trivial if not prophane . which brings to my mind that observation of his sacred majesties in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. 15. concerning the same practices , that now this greg. does again renew . it was a great part of some mens religion to scandalize me and mine , they thought theirs could not be true , if they cryed not down mine as false . it has always been the method of atheists and hell , by scandalizing the clergy , and bringing them into contempt , thereby to foil all religion and bring god into contempt . he that violates the embassadour is not afraid of the king that sent him . plato was of an opinion that no man that went into a dark dungeon an atheist , and staid there two hours alone , could come out an atheist . because though company and frolicks may drown the secret whisperings of the soul , that the natural instincts of the truth of the deity cannot be heard ; yet when the soul is left to an undisturbed conference with , and reflexions upon it self , ( an opportunity it seldom wants , when the hour of death is at hand ) it must needs determine in the behalf of god almighty , and against its own vanity : as that scotch secretary of state that liv'd atheistically , died more wretchedly with these last words , heu ! miser aeternos vado damnatus ad ignes . muzzle the conscience some men can , and keep it from loud barking , but the longest practice upon it cannot altogether so stop its mouth , but it will make them hear sometimes , if not gnaw them , yea enough to make them weary of life , to be rid of such a troublesome companion ; but neither live nor dye can they with comfort ; such a precious life leads an atheist ; his head is at variance with his heart ; his wicked life and fears of an after-reckoning make him wish there was no god , but cannot long make him believe there is no god. tantùm optat nullos esse putare deos. for this reason it is that their words and actions fall out by the way , and are so often contradictory : sometimes laughing at all religion and then presently apologizing for it : sometimes railing , and then immediately condemning all railng : commending what they condemned , and condemning what they did commend : like brothers of the blade , that when they have rob'd in one disguise , change their vizards , and shift themselves into another shape for ●…ear of the hue and cry : which puts me in mind of this gregor . who did ever see so much railing in so little a book as his ? was ever any man prosecuted as he does the ecclesiastical politician with such variety of style in such prodigious rayling , as we have already noted in part ? what can be said more to defame the memory of king charles i. than to say , his whole reign was deform'd with ceremonies , arminianism , and sibthorpianism , and manwaring ? has not his present majesty our gracious soveraign as high interest in , and concern for , his blessed fathers honour , as his crowns ? can any violate the majesty of the father , and the son be untouch'd and unconcern'd ? and if this be true that greg. suggests , that the whole reign of king charles i. was deform'd , the duke of buckingham stab'd by felton , had a great hand in that deformity ; and then does not this malicious invective seem to plead for the justice and equity of that horrid violence that depriv'd his majesty and the duke of their lives ? could they fall desired and beloved for their innocence , that liv'd for nothing but to deform the whole reign ? father grey-beard reads his own sentence against himself , the same book that evidences his villany , craves justice against it , any i 'll join with him in his wishes , p. 187. i could wish that there were some severer laws against such villains , who raise such false and scandalous reports of worthy gentlemen , and that those laws were put in execution : and that men might not be suffered to walk the streets in so confident a garb , who commit those assassinates upon the reputation of deserving persons . that king charles i. was a deserving person , he confesses when he calls him the best prince in the world ; that arch-bishop laud was a deserving person , he confesses , when he says he 's confident he studied nothing more than to do his majesty and god almighty good service , and withal was so learned , so pious , so wise a man ; and that he ought not to be mentioned without due honour , and that he deserved a far better fate than he met with ; and yet notwithstanding all this merit and honour due to him , he makes him the cause of the rebellion begun in scotland , as he would make us believe , by imposition of the english liturgy , p. 303. and surely the king had a hand in 't too , or else he makes him a cypher , rather than a king ; sure this man was by when the inditements were contrived and drawn up against our blessed soveraign , and arch-bishop laud ; for then they lay to their charge all the innocent blood , as they call'd it , shed in england and ireland ; and who could expect any better should come on 't , when they seem'd to know nothing but ceremonies , &c. with that begun , and with that ended , till the whole reign was deform'd . and yet for all that this gregory double tongue , makes one a pious , learned , wise man , and the other the best prince that ever wielded the english scepter . was not this greg. begot by some proteus of a camaelion , an oedipus cannot riddle him : he fights backward and forward , sometimes for the king , and sometimes for modern orthoxy ; he slashes with a two edged sword and cuts both ways ; brandishes against the enemy , and then falls foul on his own party , and the good old cause ; but it is with pickeerings and flourishes , rather than close fight , and good earnest ; and therefore he gives the good old cause , a good new name , and because the old one is odious , he calls it sometimes primitive simplicity , sometimes modern orthodoxy , and p. 303. the cause too good . a cause too good ? too good for what ? too good to be burnt does he mean ? as it was by the common hangman ; or too good for the rebel saints ? i 'l assure you they did not think so ; nor yet would , if it would please god and the king to entrust them with it once more ; no , no , that 's not this authors meaning ; he says it is the cause too good to be fought for . sure he thinks ( as his friends h. p. j. o. &c. blasphemed in that horrid rebellion ( begun by the scots , but occasion'd and caus'd by bishop laud and consequently the king ) that the battle was the lords , and that men should standstill , ( i wish they had , ) and see the salvation of god ; and that the stars in their courses would fight against sisera , ( which they construed , ) the king and cavaliers . sure this greg. thought the king and arch-bishop , for sending the english liturgy into scotland , did thereby involve themselves and the kingdom in so much guilt , that the cry thereof would go to heaven ( for less he cannot mean ) and that god ought in justice to have taken the cause into his own hand , and destroyed us ( as he did sodom and gomorrah ) with fire and brimstone , and thereby have sav'd the rebels a labour , and the scots a long march into england . greg. would have been an happy instrument to have perswaded the scots to put up their pipes , for the cause was too good to be fought for . yet it seems it is not too good to be writ for , nor to good to be commended again to the world ; this mans a great friend to the king , to the bishops , to the government , to the english liturgy , which he represents to have been so mischievous in former times ; and now he quarrels with the letany , because the word schism is added : he does not like that men should pray against schism ; i am afraid one great quarrel and irreconcileable , he has against the liturgy , is the same as of old , because it makes men pray so oft for the king and his family , to which some mens hearts cannot say amen . he might as well have quarrelled the letany for another word there added ; namely , rebellion : but that had been to rob without a vizard : the picque now is only against schism . and why ? and why ? he tells us , it spoils the musick , and cadence of the period . men that never intend to repent of their crimes , love not to hear of them ; sure i am , schism in the letany there added , spoils not the musick so much , as it does the kingdom ; which by it alone has been quite out of tune . i wish with all my heart though , that the king and his two houses of parliament would take gregory's advice , p. 304. after all the fatal consequences of that rebellion , which can only serve as sea-marks unto wise princes , to avoid the causes . and what were the causes ? ( if you will believe his hint ) they were arch-bishop laud , and consequently and much more king charles i. p. 302. the english liturgy , p. 303. and the zealous assertors of the rights of princes , who are but at best , well-meaning zealots , p. 303. is 't not pity but this gregory should be call'd to the helm of government ? 't is pilots own self , he shows wise princes all the sea-marks ; here 's scylla , there charybdis ; here lies the flats , there the beacon ; here the buoy , there the fire-house ; here lies dogger-bank , there the galloper ; and that sand with the two horns , is the spits , that beyond , goodwin sands , but here , here , whoop , holla , holla , whoop , p. 150 , 151 , 152 , 153. the kings channel . good skipper ! so much skill , and so much pains , such a politician , and a virtuoso to boot , thou shalt have a new perry-wig , and once more another gratuity sent thee from j. o. and a new thanks-giving-day appointed by the churches , with another gathering at the end on 't , to that purpose ; beshrew me , it came seasonably for an use of great comfort after you had been chouc'd at the ordinary and plaid pieces . is it not meritorious enough ? he super-erogates ; gratifies the churches by shriving them , and laying all the blame upon that odious and hated thing the liturgy , that was the cause of all the blood-shed , all the wars and ruine ; that the rock on which we split ; mind the sea-marks , wise princes , avoid the causes , if you will avoid the sad and fatal consequences . 't is but lost money now to fee any courtiers to put in a seasonable word for indulgence and modern orthodoxy ; father grey-beard for all . is there never a corporation that sends burgesses to parliament , that ( upon a vacation , the late member being dead ) may cry up greg. and get him into the house ? the cabala cannot but approve the plot , greg. is greater than a second moses , he 's a second samson , can carry the whole house afore him . methinks i see him at it : and addressing himself to the speaker , makes this following speech in the parliament house , composed out of his own book ; ( for i scorn foul play ; ) nor will i adde one material word of mine own , to make him look more ridiculously or seditiously , than he has already with his own hand pourtrayed himself in his book ; ( only to make it to look more handsomely , i have dress'd it in the fashion in this following droll a la mode ; ) in forty pages of his incomparable book , ( like that self-conceited bookish philosopher , that undertook to read lectures to hannibal ) puff'd up with the beloved esteem he has for himself , takes upon him the pilot's place , directing wise princes how to govern the helm , stear their course and observe the sea-marks . and i have stinted my muse to his very words in all particulars that come most home to him , chusing rather to injure my fancy , than him ; or lay to his charge more than what is prov'd to his face under his hand . mr. speaker , i , that spoke here but once before , must now speak , though i ne'er spoke more : when the seas swell high as the poop , shall not your pilot , holla , whoop ? and rowze tarpollians , that lye sleeping , ne'er dreaming what cause there 's for weeping , fasting and prayers of the churches ? now orthodoxy left i' th' lurch is , and swallow'd up , for ought i know : prick up your ears , i 'll tell you how ; there is one bayes ( and shall i tell ye ? ) he has a thousand seas in 's belly , another hobbs leviathan , swells and will drown us if he can ; the netherlands and hungary are under water already , ( p. 43. ) and so is france , bohemia , sweden , and transilvania , denmark , and savoy , that by 'th' alps is , all scotland , england , ' xcept a small piece ; geneva by lake-lemane , poland , i think at last he 'll leave us no land ; look to your ship then , hard at helm , starboard , or else we overwhelm : ease the shrowds there , breda , breda ; there ne'er was such a flood since noah : take th' topsail in , do what you may , the mizen on the prow gives way . down with the kings flag , ( you nere mind , ) and let her spoon before the wind . all stands aloft ; swack , swack ; no near , for we have sprung a leak i fear . there'r goodwin sands , tom and john too ; w'have scap'd them tho' with much ado . rummage the ship , throw overboard what in the ship may best be spar'd : there ; y'have done finely , ( have you not ? ) thrown away th' best , the worst forgot ; the masse-book there , ( do you not see ? ) with th' act for uniformity , lying i' th' chaplains cabbin there : founder the ship they will , i fear : the surplice too , ( i think y' are blind , ) you always leave the worst behind ; orthodoxy's gone already , w' are sunk , if you do not steer steady . there grandeur lies : ( you are so dull , ) hand all the sails , and let her hull . keep your loof , hold ; w'have sprung a mast ; this 't is to bear more sail than ballast . ply the pump there , for i am told five foot of water 's in the hold. now , master speaker , if there be , within you so much repartee , as to ragoust now what i mean , by this harangue tuant and clean , this english ship of the first rate , ( the hieroglyphick of the state , ) is sav'd from wrack , by virtuoso , ingenioso , politicoso . thus have i taught you in parable , now for the moral ; th' other was fable ; i meant plainly to say ; wise princes , viewing the fatal consequences of the rebellion , look out ; spye where the sea-marks and buoys do lye ; that ye may guide us right , and even ; not tost and wrack'd as we have been . for to say truth , 't was bishop bramhall , laud and king charles , who did deform all ; with ceremonies , arminianism , manwaring and sibthorpianism ; also the english liturgy , and schism , in the letany , may ( grieving th' saints , ) again put soon us , and the musick out of tune : ( p. 306. ) put out that word then , ( as is fit , ) or put it all out every whit ; and ( if y' are wise , ) all th' liturgy , it makes some saints in prayer to lye , and against conscience , say a thing that checks them , praying for the king. these made the whole reign ugly look , i dare be sworn . ( give him the book , saith master speaker , kiss it , so on . ) but presently , as in a swoon , or planet-struck , poor greg. was dumb , he hawk'd and hum'd , nothing would come . at last said ; i 'll not break my oath , further to lye i would be loath : for never i , since i was born , did break my oath or was for sworn , nor , since i took the covenant , can for my heart or blood recant . therefore now i 'm upon my oath , not one word will i speak but troth . the good old cause should bear the blame , where the sin lyes , lay there the shame ; 't was neither good , nor yet too good , nor so ought to be understood . charles the best prince was , ( truth to say , ) that er●… did english scepter sway . arch-bishop laud was wise and pious , and learned too , and vertuous : who dares charge him with popery , his learned book gives them the lye ; nor is it just he should be blam'd , nor without honour due be nam'd , who study'd alwayes , what he cou'd , for god , the king , and kingdom 's good ; therefore deserv'd a better fate , than he ( good martyr ! ) did come at . and he that dares these truths deny , is a bold villain , and doth lye . only i could wish , that there were ( p. 187. ) some honest laws made more severe against such villains , who do raise such false reports ; and do dispraise with scandals worthy gentlemen , either alive or dead : and then we should not helpless thus grieve , when we such assassinats do meet , in garb so confident i' th' street , as if no harm at all th' had done , murdering reputation . why should the wolf be hang'd up , when the jaccal scot-free goes ? poor men that for necessity do prey , and take a purse on the high-way , your law hangs up , but he that does , like staphyla , rob graves , he goes without controul , because the laws are dumb and silent in this cause . to you it therefore does belong , to keep the tombs secure from wrong . lastly , 't is known to all the world , this realm was blest , till overhurl'd with the now modern orthodox , that gull'd this land , with calvin , knox. and — — — — — — but here i fancy he is interrupted , speaking so maliciously and inveterately against the blessed memory of king charles , and saying his whole reign was deform'd , in so great a presence as this parliament , which , ( be it spoken as far from envy , as flattery , ) yields to no preceding parliaments for eloquence as well as loyalty , and therefore commands mr. greg. to the barr , not questioning him for the good he had spoken , but for the evil . for he that spit in the face of that blessed martyr did not thereby do him the hundredth part of that ignominy and harm ; nor shew'd half so much venome harbour'd within . this father grey-beard not contenting himself with what our late soveraign , in vindication of his peoples laws and liberties , more than his own , has suffered from the hands of tyrannical and blood-thirsty men , but ( as in the enditement against him , ) he charges him again with deforming his whole reign , and by sibthorpianism , affecting an absolute government , upon which rock , ( he is bold to say ) we all ruined , p. 302. it seems then this rock of absolute government , which the king surely affected , if he countenanc'd it so much as this audacious man would make us believe , for which the rebels in no worse , but plainer terms , call'd him tyrant , and lay to his charge the guilt of all his innocent blood shed in england and ireland . i am sorry this man should again rip up the old sores , which we thought had been cicatrized without any deformity on the kings part . and therefore he does with unparallel'd confidence attempt to talk so much of sibthorp , manwaring , montague , &c. it is the business of many pages , from p. 285. to p. 304. and to evince all this , the first and choicest weapon he brings upon the stage , is as unresistable , as terrible : there 's no fence against a flail ; he falls in pell-mell , without giving one volley , to close fight , handy-gripes , and butt of musquet : ( which he calls p. 281. ) the butt-end of an arch-bishop , ( that was ) abbot , of canterbury . now , ( think i , ) wo worth the day , look to thy hits , poor bayes , and beat but this butt-end of an arch-bishop about his ears , and i 'll warrant him spoil'd for a fencer whiles he lives again . to make room , and heighten the expectations of this matchless onset , he would make men believe , p. 280. that the wounds that shall be given to his majesty , arch-bishop land , and the government at that time , ( by proving against them the guilt of sibthorpianism and absolute government , ) are the wounds given by a friend : against which there is no fence , we keep no guard against him , and being secure on that side , the thrusts ( like that of joab's into the heart of abner , and amnen , ) are certain and deadly ; as being made with as little difficulty , as truth ; and as easily and readily as basely and treacherously . and such is this butt-end of an arch-bishop ; it admits no answer , cannot possibly be warded , 't is the testimony of arch — against arch — the testimony of a friend . and i confess the testimony of a mans friend , ( though but his supposed friend , ) against him , shall find credit though false ; whilest the evidence given in by an enemy , ( through true , ) is not believed , ( like words of a frequent liar , though he tell truth sometimes , ) because all is construed the effects of practice , malice , or design . and if this butt-end of an arch-bishop be indeed abbot's butt-end , which is not credible , ( as i 'll shew by and by , where indeed it was forged , and out of what armory greg. fetches this unavoidable dead doing tool ; it is a hundred to one that we find that it came out of the arcenal of modern orthodoxy ; because greg. ( who is skilful and learned in nothing so much as that way ) does bring it on to the stage , with marvellous prowess , to this encounter ; ) yet the blows it can possibly give , will neither bring smart , nor infamy either to his majesty , or arch-bishop land , in the judgment of any by-stander , that knows but the temper of arch-bishop abbot , what he was ; and also the nature of this weapon , this same butt-end . i need not give you the history here , ( nor is this a place for it , ) of the plottings and contrivances of the modern orthodox in king james his time , from whose wardship though the king was set free by the privilege of his english crown , yet he was never emancipated from the importunities of those busie , and unweariedly troublesome spirits ; and t●…ough he condescended to the conference at hampton-court , where they , as well as his majesty , saw themselves baffled : yet these are not men that will give over so ; but king james would many times , ( whether for old acquaintance , or not quite forgetting his former pupillage under their imperious and pedantick tuition , nor altogether at all times clearly remembring that now he was quite free , and sui juris ; or whether , ( as indeed very often he did , ) to be rid of them and their busie intrusions ) grant them very great favours ; which he seems to repent of in his basilicon doron , when it was too late ; such was this advancement of abbot to the arch-bishoprick , voic'd and carried up so high by the cabal of the puritans , or modern orthodox , who were gratifyed herein by that good natur'd king , not without too late repentance , though abbot frustrated the expectations of both parties : for when he was got into gods blessing and the warm sun , and so near the court , he grew an absolute courtier , yet not altogether forgetting his friends and creators in the height of his fortunes . king charles did not make him , but found him , arch-bishop of canterbury ; the place being for term of life , and both the king and he had too much innocence to shorten it , before god and nature had put it to an end . yet the arch-bishop by reason of age , and the many infirmities and diseases of his mind and body , was very unmeet for council or court , being very way-ward , peevish , morose , and unsociable for the reasons aforesaid . his majesties affairs no more than nature could admit of this vacation , ( occasion'd chiefly by his decrepit age and diseases : ) it was thought fit therefore that his place should be supplyed by others , of more health and ability both of mind and body to do his majesty service . this prepared the way to laud's advancement , who then was but a young cour●… and in no great esteem either with the king or duke of buckingham , ( though before the unhappy blow given that favourite at portsmouth , he was high in his favour , as well as his majesties , king charles . who , notwithstanding whatever greg. does all along suggest , was no fool , but had the most piercing eye and judgment of any mans parts and behaviour about the court. and therefore laud ( doctor of the laws , yet no civilian but a priest , ) could not long at court be neglected or obscure ; being so vertuous , so pious , so wise a man , that his majesty could not but discern his accomplishments fitted for the greatest conndence of his prince , and to which he arriv'd after the death of the duke of buckingham , but not before ; and therefore if king charles his whole reign was deform'd , it was not by him all the while , ( here if i durst , i had told greg. hoc est falsum , or restat probandum , or-in phrase of he , he lyes ; but i am more modest , at least more wise , out of fear rather than ingenuity ; he makes himself such a terrible hector , p. 153. and p. 210. ) but certain it is the duke of buckingham , whilest he liv'd , bore all the blame , if any was due , as well as the shame . but after his death , what should be done to the man whom the king delighteth to honour , but make him chief favourite ! and who more deserving than laud , who studied to do both god and his majesty good service , and was so pious and wise , as aforesaid ? but envy , envy , ( the shadow of greatness , inseparably attending those most who live in the brightest beams of royal bounty , ) soon found out this great minister of state. and envy it is , more than miscarriages , ( to which all mortal men are subject , ) which either shortens , or miserably disquiets the favourites of princes ; nor was ever any man therefore known to be a favourite to two kings immediately succeeding one another , but the duke of buckingham ; which he did owe to himself , more than his fortune ; of which he was a miracle indeed , but a greater miracle of nature ; and seem'd to be made for the very nonce , in so incomparable a complexion of mind and body , which seem'd to disagree in nothing but a happy contention for precedency ; the beauty of his large mind seeming to strive with that of his incomparable body , which should be more amiable and sweetly ravishing ; his prudence and gravity being adorn'd with a ready wit , and command of his tongue ; which never had a denial of what it crav'd , even when he was by resolv'd and combin'd impeachments prosecuted in parliament , where he had more admirers than friends . but a wiser than he has told us , who is able to stand against envy ? it is probable the duke of buckingham and arch-bishop laud after him , did some things , as well as the earl of strafford , that were not altogether approveable , or in strict account justifiable : induc'd thereunto rather by necessities than any evil disposition of their own . nor do men of inferiour rank know the reasons of state , and necessity of affairs , which might plead for loans and ship-money too , as our saviour does for david ( in his transgression of the law , by vertue of a greater law than magna charta , or the petition of right and necessity . ) have you not read what david did when he was an hungred , and they that were with him , how he entred into the house of god , and did eat the shew-bread , which was not lawful for him to eat , neither for them which were with him ? nor do these bold men know what are the pressures and urgent straits of a kingdom , that cannot stay sometimes , without apparent ruine , the due redress of a parliament . especially when our wise king charles could not but foresee , by former experiences , those heats of passion and sparks of prejudice that by some incendiaries were likely to be kindled , and threatned those combustions in the kingdom , which afterwards by sad experience and tryals we found too true , and for very many painful years remedilesly groan'd and labour'd under . not but that a parliament is look'd upon by every honest english man , a most safe as well as acceptable constitution , both for the prerogative and the crown ; as much as the peoples just properties and liberties . yet at best it is but good physick , and proves unsuccessful and unhappy for the body politick , when perpetuated and made a constant food ; of which truth we have in our age a fatal probatum est . and only proves that some diseases are with less pain and hazard tolerated , than irritated by putting the body into a constant course of physick , in order to cure : which many times besides the trouble , does sooner and more certainly hasten that death , which before we did but fear . and sure i am that whatever is the meaning of sibthorpianism , manwaring , arminiauism , montague , absolute government , or loans , or any such frightful bugs , ( now brought again to scare the people with fears and jealousies , ) yet put together , and at the worst they be no bigger than the little finger , in comparison of those thicker loins of pressures and grievances , with which to the death we were oppress'd and tyranniz'd over many years together in pretence of remedy , and even still thereby our burdens are of nec●…ssity become so much the greater . but were arch-bishop laud and the sibthorpians never so much to blame ; were those sores & grievances never so great , by what authority , or to what good end does this bold greg. now rip them up again when they are healed and cicatrized ? his design must be either to create jealousies that his present majesty or some great favourites about him are again about to tread in sibthorpian steps ; ( if this could be prov'd against him , he deserves to be hang'd : ) or else not satisfied with the indignities his blessed father and the other martyrs suffered , crucifyes them again in effigie ; or as himself expresses it p. 280. and the detestable sentence and execution of his late majesty , is represented again upon the scaffold . and thus much for the temper of that arch-bishop abbot , in answer to his charge against laud , if it were truly his charge and narrative under his own hand : as greg saith it was p. 281. and if it was so , what great matter does it signifye , that an old morose man , peevish by complexion and age , and improv'd to a far greater height of malice by the old leven of modern orthodoxy , fermented by his own passions and sufferings , through the loss of his place at court and the kings favour , his exercise of the office-metropolitan being also suspended , and the profits of the arch-bishoprick to better use , sequestred ; occasion'd by the intelligence he kept with the factions , and not for refusing to license a sermon , ( as is suggested , ) as improbably as idlely , whether by other mens fictions or his own is not worth the enquiry . but such a deform'd issue may shame either the arch-bishop abbot , or any body else , that should pretend to father it ; not but that some of its parts are truly form'd , but many of them are monstrous untruths ; as if it were needful , i will demonstrate , and begin at the first three lines . but greg. has pick'd these few that seem'd most for his turn out of that , ( which indeed goes under his name , the narrative of arch-bishop abbot , &c. this audacious man as boldly calls it so , as if he had stood at his elbow , and saw him write every syllable , which he must have done , or else he is very impudent thus to impose upon men , that which he can but guess at , and has as little ground to build this faith of his upon , as ever any man had , that declared so audaciously , and confidently , as he does here , that any such narrative in print was another man's hand-writing . the truth is , greg. his prime talent lies in modern orthodoxy ; there he is best read , and there we find this narrative , &c. and if he can show me this narrative any where else than there , ( which i defye him to do ; ) then will i confess that this butt-end , ( which in his hand he does so terribly brandish and flourish , ) is indeed the butt-end of an arch-bishop ; and when he has done , since it is but the butt-end of that arch-bishop , at best is but an abbots opinion , which is now no more credited , nor more orthodox , than are the railings of greg. or other the discontents of modern orthodox . you may find it , if you will waste so much time as to read an old diurnal , for such stuff is this , composed in a history forsooth , dedicated to queen dick , which was ( in stile of modern orthodoxy ) richard by the grace of god , protector of england , scotland and ireland , &c. anno domini 1657. by your highness humblest and most obedient servant , john rushworth , chief secretary in the army , to general fairfax , and afterwards for pious declarations penn'd upon all occurrences for the satisfaction of the people , upon every new turn or change of government , by that worthy gentleman ; for such good services related to , and preferred by oliver cromwel and his son richard. this terrible dead-doing tool the butt-end of an arch-bishop , thus brandished again by father grey-beard , for the good old cause , was taken out of that holy arcenal ; let him deny it if he dare or can tell how . i cannot but smile to see this huffe , buffetting himself with this butt-end of an arch-bishop ; as at other times , he meditates his own ruine , ( when i in mercy and poor pitys sake would step to the man , and stop him , laying violent hands upon himself , ) in several pages of his own book ; namely , when he says p. 8. nor was there any thing that could more closely import him , than that the race and family of the railers should be perpetuated among mankind . and p. 18. i am the more obliged to repair in my self whatsoever breaches of his ( bishop bramhall's ) credit , by that additional civility which consecrates the ashes of the deceased . and p. 23. for all men pretend a share in reputation and love not to see it ingross'd and monopoliz'd , and are subject to enquire ( as of great estates suddenly got , ) whether he came by all this honestly , or of what credit the person is that tells the story . and p. 41. he never oils his hone but that he may whet his razor , and that not to shave , but to cut mens throats . and p. 49. though an ill man cannot by praising confer honour , nor by reproaching fix an ignominy , and so they may seem on equal terms ; yet there is more in it ; for at the same time that we may imagine what is said by such an author to be false , we conceive the contrary to be true . and p. 49. he propagated an original waspishness , and false orthodoxy amongst all his followers . and p. 48. but unluckily , in this fatal year of seventy two , amongst all the calamities that astrologers foretel , this also hath befallen us . and p. 68. which meeting with the former fracture in his cranium , and all the concurrent accidents already mentioned , has utterly undone him . and so in conclusion his madness hath formed it self into a perfect lycanthopy . he doth so verily believe himself to be a wolf , that his speech is all turn'd into howling , yelling and barking : and if there were any sheep here , you should see him pull out their throats , and suck their blood . and does so verily believe himself a jaccal , that if there were any dead corps here interr'd , you should see the beast scratch up their graves , and tear them out , to in●…omb them again ignominiously in his nasty guts . and p. 77. that after they have done or suffered legally and to the utmost , they must still be subjected to the wand of a verger , or to the wanton lash of every pedant ; that they must run the gantelope , or down with their breeches as oft as he wants the prospect of a more pleasing nudity . and p. 85. speaking to the little comfortable importance , ( call'd for variety of phrase , p. 12. closer importance , parthenope , whose mother sir , sells ale by the town wall , ) as you love your self , madam , let him not come near you , he hath been sed all his life with vipers instead of lampreys , and scorpions for cray-fish ; and if at any time he eat chickens , they had been cramb'd with spiders , till he hath so invenom'd his whole substance , that 't is much safer to bed with a mountebank before he has taken his antidote . and p. 136. ( for i am weary of noting the stabs he gives himself , ) as much as possible i would not expose the nakedness of any person so eminent formerly in the church . and p. 139. perhaps he said so only for evasion , being old excellent at parrying and fencing . and p. 139. he has face enough to say or unsay any thing , that 't is his privilege , what the school-divines deny to be even within the power of the almighty , to make contradictions true . and p. 155. whereby you may see with what reverence and duty he uses to speak of his superiours , and their actions , when they are not so happy as to please him . and p. 164. but of all his three bolts , this was the soonest shot , and therefore it is no wonder if he miss'd his mark , and took no care where his arrow glanced . but what he saith of his majesty and his council . and p. 146. he confounds himself every where in his reasonings , that you can hardly distinguish which is the whoop , and which is the holla , and he makes indentures on each side of the way wheresoever he goes . and p. 275. but such as you it is , that have always strove by your leasing ( gently good hec. as you love me , ) to keep up a strangeness and misunderstanding betwixt the king and his people ; and all the mischief hath come on 't doth much lye at your doors . and whether all the invectives against the whole reign of king charles i. ( deform'd , ( as he says ) with sibthorpianism , absolute government , the rock on which we split , the imposition of the english liturgy , the cause of the rebellion , ceremonies , arminianism , montague and manwaring , libelling the reverend bishops for their worthy cares , sentencing ministers of state , privy counsellors , jeering the present parliament with being trinkled , and bringing forth superfetation of acts , as if he had a commission to be chief censor , prying into all offices , and officers , and condemning all that stand in the way of m●…dern orthodoxy , and the good old cause and nonconformists , without mercy or fear , dead and alive , and all this in seventy two , and with as many self-contradictions as impertinences , ) can have any other meaning than by such leasing to keep up a strangeness and m●…sunderstanding betwixt the king and his people , judge you : is 't not pity but he should have his own wish , p. 187. only i could wish there were some severer laws against such villains , who raise such false and scandalous reports , &c. sure i am he gives himself often enough to his shame the b●…stinado , and if they are not all butt-ends , yet they are dogged counter-buffs , with the least whereof he hits himself a vile box on the ear . and instead of encountring the enemy , le ts fly at all adventure , and the random shot rencounters his own party , and being overcharg'd , the butt-end of his gun bumps his own breast , and fells him with the recoil . a sad accident ; like that , ( but much more fatal than that , ) which befel an honest well-meaning zealot , our friend and acquaintance , w. s. who , good man ! conceited of his own prowess and gallantry , and taking ●…he alarm at — the contempt of the clergy , musters up presently all his force , in a letter to a friend , with design to vindicate the clergy from contempt , and the fury of that charge . but in his wrath and rage , mistaking his way , and to oblige his friends by the next term , makes more haste than good speed ; and missing also his rest in the height of his career , coming to the grapple , fights in the shock , hand over head , for the enemy against his own party : in an answer , so incongruous to the design , confessing all , asking forgiveness , and crying for quarter , before the enemy had any thoughts of hurting him , and all this in language so insipid and ridiculous that he made the clergy , ( they thank him , ) so much the more contemptible , and both himself and the clergy the more laugh'd at : producing nothing but a mere black patch , ( aim'd indeed against , and clap'd on too upon the face of his adversary , but ) only thereby rendring the enemy so much the more a beauty , who indeed was lovely enough before . so that my dear friend , if ever the mad hair-brain'd humour of scribling possess you , as it has done greg. and w. s. so that nothing can hold you , but you must needs come out in print , tempted by the dog-star , the stationer , or the near approach of the next term , in a letter to a friend : let me beg of you , as you tender your reputation and honour , that you take care , not to subscribe it of all the letters in the cross-row , with those in the fag-end of it , w. s. and be sure you put not in the superscription one syllable of — the rehearsal transpros'd . lest thus mark'd , the hue and cry pursue you , up●…n suspicion of folly , and self-conceit , for the former ; and upon suspicion of folly , self-conceit and sedition , for the latter : and punish you , as self-condemn'd by your own gross self contradictions , for both . but especially take heed that you have not the least resemblance of greg. who does so often with his own hand foil and baffle himself and the cause he designs to promote . the man 's a fanatick , and by certain paroxy●…s , as pleases the planet that governs him , lunatick with modern orthodoxy , and talks like oliver's 〈◊〉 , now in bedlam , craz'd with a notion on that side the head . name but bayes , he cryes out ( like that hypocondriack that fancied he had noah's flood in his belly , and if he piss'd , should drown the world , ) falls into a fit , rages and frets , foams and stamps , stares and rants like mad , all are dead , dead as a herring , drown'd every mothers son , p. 42 , 43. in hungary , transylvania , bohemia , poland , savoy , france , the netherlands , denmark , sweden and all scotland , and a great part of the church of england . then as is meet , rails at him , calls him a prodigy , p. 47. a marvail , a prodigious person , a creature most obnoxious , hebrew , jew , cock divine , cock-wit , daw-divine , spy , buffoon , a dangerous fellow , cut●…hroat , mad-man , fit for nothing but bedlam , and hogsdon , &c. then can any charity believe otherwise but this poor greg. is craz'd ? and cryes holla bayes , whoop bayes , holla bayes , whoop , whoop ; name but bayes and his fit comes : or name but schism , and it works immediately ; as much as the name cromwel does upon the mad porter , who forthwith falls a praysing his old master , and talks of nothing but crowns and councils , scepters and bishops , and preshyters ; then rambling into a discourse of divinity , talks of superstition , ceremonies , prophanation of the sabbath , schism , the cause and the covenant . so my gentleman , when the word schism is but nam'd , he extolls it to the skies , or at least says it is no such frightful thing , as the world takes it to be ; take it into your hand , touch it , do , touch it , it will not hurt you ; it is but a theological scar-crow , and rather frights than hurts ; then like the mad porter commends his old master to the skies , ever since he had the honour of his acquaintance , when he was a school-boy at eaton ; o mr. hales of eaton , how does beauty and majesty like two twins sit in thy large forehead with admiration ? i should be as mad as he , if i should go about to answer seriously in divinity with such a mad-cap , and do no more good of him , than upon the aforesaid porter ; if i thought he was not past hopes , i would give him a hundred divines for his one ; the worst of them all of far more learning , and less partiality and prejudice , than mr. hales , without any disparagement or just offence to his master , that differ from him upon good reason in every thing that greg. brings him to prove in reference to modern orthodoxy ; all which mr. hales recanted after his conversion . if i thought any wise man would concern himself , in good earnest , with what so trivial a pen as his scribles in divinity , i would lengthen this letter upon that subject , though i am quite tyred already with his impertinencies , contradictions , and leasings . a word he taught me , but if he grutches me any thing of his own , i pretend no propriety in it , he shall have it again , for one thing he says , p. 219. for , without the sign of the cross , our church will not receive any one to baptisme — mr. greg. this is your leaseing , if by our church , you mean the church of england . i know you were better skill'd in your modern orthodoxy , than the liturgie , which gives rules for private baptism without the sign of the cross ; and declares that a child so baptized , in the name , &c. is lawfully and sufficiently baptized ; and ought not to be baptized again — &c. afterwards follows , then shall not he ( the minister ) christen the child again , &c. are not you an honest , true man , father gray-beard ? true of hand and tongue , and have kept your hand from picking at and stealing away the credit and good name of your betters ? have you kept your tongue from evil-speaking , lying and slandering ? i wish you would confess to the church of england , if indeed it be your church , who it was , whether tempted by the instigation of the devil , your own evil heart , or devilish men that hired you to these leasings . hold up thy head , man ! there , thou dost not use to have too much modesty ; come answer to this in your next mr. greg. i had rather hear of your honest confession and contrition , than any more leasings , by which such as you are , strive to fill the peoples heads with proclamations of ceremonies , superstition , put them in fear they cannot come at the sacraments , the church does so rayl it in ; making them jealous and fearful with your arminiansme , montagueisme , manwaringisme , sibthorpianisme , and such frightful words ; that though they know not the meaning of them more than your nepotisme , putanisme , &c. yet they believe these are some ghastly things , and you do very ill to scare them . this is the way to perpetuate and keep up a strangeness and misunderstanding betwixt the king and his people ; for the people are good people , and will hear reason , if it be spoken ; but when such as you hold forth , and represent the church of england , in such a frightful dress , the people cannot find in their hearts to make love to her ; but run from her , like mad , frighted out of their wits & religion too , by such boutefeaus & incendiaries . and all these mischiefs and all these dirty doings do lie at your doors , cleanse your self of them as well as you can . as school-boys have a book of phrases , collected out of the most fluent latine authours , which they bring in to every theam , and upon all occasions ; so greg. has here and there , amongst his mad harangues , a smart expression now and then , which he and the virtuoso's at a club have chew'd to a crambe , and now having gathered up the scraps , bunch'd them , and bound them together , he dishes them up in this book for a publick feast . but alas greg. does not consider that one man's meat is another man's poyson , and that which sutes one man's temper may kill another ; especially in this age , when so many people , like mithridates , or the maid in pliny , live upon that , laugh and grow fat with that , that would ruine others . perhaps amongst your crew and gang , such venemous expressions , as you disgorge in your book against the innocence and good fame of the late king , arch-bishop laud , by the deformity of the reign , with absolute government , ceremonies , &c. and perhaps amongst your selves you do securely jeer and scoff at the parliament , the church , sacraments , fathers of the church , and privy-councellors , and great ministers of state ; thinking you speak under the rose , and so all goes merrily down . but i 'le assure you these works of darkness , and words that are fit only for the place of darkness , malicious leasings , and consequently devillish and venemous words and discourses may not safely come abroad and be vended ; though you pretend never so much mirth and innocency in your design . apothecaries will not sell poyson to any but those they have great confidence in , not willing for a little gain to be so much as the remote occasion of mischief , not having antidotes in all their shop prevalent enough to check the malignity and energie of a little poyson . and truly all your peccavi's come too late , because no body can believe that the same tongue does in good earnest , in one breath speak contraries , and blow hot and cold together at the same time . indeed the man that blew his pottage to make them cold , and blew his fingers to make them hot , came something near in likeness , to your mouth ; but the story says , it was at several times , and he made two blasts on 't ; and two periods . but you in one sentence and breath , without stop or comma , talk of a whole reign deform'd by the best prince that ever wielded the english scepter , and the like of the arch-bishop ; you outdo all that ever i heard of . and worse than the cruel panther , that allures and entices his prey to come near him , by sending forth a sweet scent and savour from his mouth , 'till the silly brutes ( thus trepan'd ) come within his grasp , and the reach of his bloody paw . your breath is not so intirely perfum'd , but has two savours ; i wonder any body that have their senses intire , should be in love with you ; and but that you are incomparable in your own conceit , i wonder you are so much in love with your self . and nothing do i admire more , excepting always your own unparallel'd confidence , than that any body should admire you for such a tall fellow , and tough champion for modern orthodoxy , which you so often by your self-contradictictions betray , as well as therein your own weakness and infirmities . indeed you manage a cause that is plausible enough ( god knows ) in these days , when you strike at the bishops , who have not at present too many friends , and they themselves scorning to be grave with a buffoon ; ( it is his own phrase ) and having not many that i see to take up the gantlet in their defence so readily as my self , though ( i confess ) with great disadvantage to my own fame . the argument i undertake being not so plausible and taking in defending them now a days , as your jolly opposition and affront ; in which particular alone you have the advantage of me ; mine is the better , though your's be the more acceptable cause ; and this alone makes you to be cry'd up for a sampson , because you smite the church and clergy hip and thigh , though it be ( be not angry ) with the jaw-bone of an ass. is it not possible there should be true honour and vertue under a cassock or lawn sleeve ? has holland shirts , perrywig and light drugget got the monopoly of true nobility ? as the noblemen and gentlemen would be affronted , if the clergy should despise them , with your proverb , jack gentleman : so why should not the reverend bishops and others be as much offended , when such a pick-thank in a whole discourse seems to cry jack clergy-man ? the king alone is the fountain of honour , and are those streams of honour that flow from him , more pudled in a clergy than a lay-channel ? does not the man forget his own father ? i hate the folly as much as the pride of such upstarts , that because in their pride , jollity , and atheism , they would cast contempt on the clergy ; in their folly they think they may and should cast contempt on the clergy . who in the opinion of greg. himself , are the fittest to make the best politicians in the world , if they keep to their bibles . which none probably does or can better understand , nor any in like probability better observe ; 't is true they are men , and subject to frailties , but all men as much , and in all likelihood more than they . and now i am upon 't , i will but make tryal , what virtue there is in perriwig father gray-beard , above all others , to make a politician of . for he often ope's and gapes at politick lectures , like an oyster , against the coming in of the tide ; it is his very element , and he is either there good , or no where worth the opening . i can scarce forbear smiling to my self to see how prettily he sets his face , and makes up his mouth , with such caution and gravity before he begins to read to princes his politick would-bees . first , blaming the ecclesiastical politician , ( he must not be forgotten ) for offering at that which was none of his province , p. 61. instructing princes , like sancho , how to govern his island : and p. 206. he had put all princes upon the rack to stretch them to his dimension : and in another place , i am asham'd , mr. bays , that you put me on talking thus impertinently , for policy in us is so . now think i , we cannot be far off this politick lecture , it is either in front or reer , before or behind , it is hereabouts , look ; for greg. his whole book , then and there most condemns what he is forthwith about to practise ; as formerly is instanced in the case of railing . to make the king and parliament secure , he would lull them asleep with saying , p. 252. that men are all so weary , that he would be knock'd on the head that should raise the first disturbance of the same nature , . a new war must have , like a book that would sell , a new title . in the front of his book , you have a strange and unheard of new title , here he gives you the reason of it , he resolv'd there should be something in his boook to make it sell. and what if a man that had a mind to raise a disturbance should give the good old cause a new title , and call it the cause too good , or modern orthodoxy , are not those titles as new , and as ready made to a mans hand , as the the new title to his book , and by the same hand too ? this man cannot for his life , but he must confound himself . but he that should raise the first disturbance of the same nature would he knock'd on the head : would he so ? i do not believe any man likes it so well , as to be willing to be knock'd on the head , except those knocks be fine gentle knocks , not scotch knox , nor modern orthodox knocks : they did knock so gingerly that not any man i know would be so knock'd with his good will however . i suppose by , would be knock'd on the head , he means , he ought or should be knock'd in the head ; and that is somewhat deeper than on the head ; it is as much as a mans life is worth , to be knock'd in the head , but to be knock'd on the head , may be but a tailors blow , a knock with a thimble , a prick-louse rap. but not to play further with his words , the thing means as plain as it can speak , that the first rebel that should make disturbance , must needs be knock'd i' th' head . therefore disband your red and blue-coats , you need not fence where there is no fear ; the modern orthodox that use to be so busie and indefatigable , are now ( 't is very strange , and news you tell us , ) weary . as soon as ever i read this news , thought i to my self , and whispered , this is all leasing , the factions and modern orthodox weary ? 't is impossible . as they are the modern orthodox , so they are the never-to-be-tired modern peripateticks : what they that wearied two kings ; and one queen ; queen elizabeth , king james and kng charles , now themselves weary ? are they that would travel as far as holland , savoy , piedm●…nt , nay to new england , rather than not have their wills , now weary ? are they that are so incessant to this hour in their cabals , meetings , sending out spies and intelligencers into all quarters , now on a sudden weary ? are these modern pharisees that compass sea and land to make one proselyte , and when he is gain'd , make him more a child of hell than he was before , now weary ? does the father of lies walk to and fro through the earth , and like a roaring lion seek whom he may devour , and yet is never tyred with doing mischief ; and can the children of lyes so degenerate ? can those evil speakers , lyars and slanderers , ( in the french and greek languages , devils , ) now be weary and shame the stock they came of ? i should not believe this fair tale greg. tells , though i did not by sad experience know to the contrary : for though i did not live among such men , nor know the men and their communication , yet i know the nature of the men , the devil must be weary of tempting , before such natur'd men be weary of acting . if greg. did but know the boldness , impudence , confederacy , contrivances , designs of these men so well as i do , he could not with such impertinent and ridiculous lullabees , pass his word for the nonconformists , ( how much soever he loves them , ) if his word be any thing worth . not that i think truly that they either can or will bite , but thanks to his majesties vigilancy , they dare not ; the wolves in ireland assault not , nor attempt upon any man that is well arm'd for them , but his nature is nevertheless as rapacious and wolfish . nor can he be a friend to publick tranquillity , that by perswading to too much security , renders all unsafe . i am sure king charles i. never gave them an inch , but they took an ell , and found ( too late , and to his cost , ) how irreconcileable to all gratitude , and good nature , that sort of men continue , and says in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( to which book ( as greg. says of the bible , ) whatever englishman keeps , for this generation at least , makes the best politician , without controversie ; and of that happy and holy book i 'll say , praeter apostolicas post christi tempora chartas huic peperêre librum saecula nulla parem . ) in one edition printed in octavo 1649. and in page 204. c. 27. to the prince of wales : i cannot yet learn that lesson , nor i hope ever will you , that it is safe for a king to gratifie any faction with the perturbation of the laws , in which is wrap'd up the publick interest , and the good of the community . i have offered all for reformation and safety , that in reason , honour and conscience i can , reserving only what i cannot consent to without an irreparable injury to my own soul , the church and my people , and to you also , as the next and undoubted heir of my kingdoms . never repose so much upon any mans single counsel , fidelity and discretion in managing affairs of the first magnitude , ( that is , matters of religion and justice , ) as to create in your self and others a diffidence of your own judgment , which is likely to be always more constant and impartial to the interests of your crown and kingdom than any mans . next beware of exasperaring any factions by the crossness and asperity of some mens passions , humours or private opinions , imployed by you , grounded only upon the differences in lesser matters which are but the skirts and suburbs of religion . provided the differences amount not to an insolent opposition of laws and government , or religion established , as to the essentials of them , such motions and mincings are intolerable . time will d●…ssipate all factions , when once the rough horns of private mens covetous and ambitious designs shall discover themselves ; which were at first wrap'd up and hidden under the soft and smooth pretensions of religion , reformation and liberty . none will be more loyal and faithful to me and you , than those subjects , who sensible of their errors and our injuries , will feel in their own soul most vehement motives to repentance , and earnest d●…sires to make some reparations for their former defects . keep you to true principles of piety , vertue and honour , you shall never want a kingdom . and p. 35. c. 7. but common civility is in vain expected from those that dispute their loyalty . and p. 21. c. 4. as swine are to garden and orderly plantations , so are tumults to parliaments , and plebeian concourses to publick councils , turning all to disorders and sordid confusions . and p. 201. so order affairs in point of power that you shall not need to fear , nor flatter any faction . for if ever you stand in need of them , or must stand to their courtesie , you are undone . the serpent will devour the dove : you may never expect less of loyalty , justice or humanity than from those , who engage into religious rebellion ; their interest is always made gods ; under the colours of piety , ambitious policies march not only with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy ; you may hear from them jacob's voice , but you shall feel they have esau's hands . these indeed are politicks , fit to be read to wise princes , that observing the sea-marks , they may avoid the fatal consequences , that excellent prince experimented to his cost ; it is pity goodness should ever prove evil , or that the sun-shine of royal bounty , should the more harden some sorts of men . who , like true sheba's , sons of belial , that will endure no yoke , no restraint of laws , no reins of government , grow head-strong , and getting the bit in their teeth , away they run neck-break over hedge and ditch , till they throw themselves and their rider both into the ditch . and then , ( not till then , ) at their wits end , tyred with their own licentious wantonness , they entreat their rider to get up again and guide them and govern them . for indeed the crown is more beneficial to the people , than to him that wears it ; for he has more cares , more hazards , more perplexities ; and yet neither eats , drinks , nor sleeps better than millions of the people , nay sometimes as much in debt as any of them . so that i have sometimes wondred with my self that ever any man who had wit enough to be a knave , and was knave enough to be an usurper , should have so little wit as to wade in blood so deep only to get the pleasures of a crown . which how steddy soever it sits on any kings head , is yet weighty and more troublesome than gay ; and thousands that behold him have less cares and hazards , and yet wear as good cloths , and eat and drink as well as he , or any man can ; for to swoop like the gipsie-queen a dissolv'd jewel worth ten thousand pound for a mornings draught , is not now deem'd a cordial . and if ambition and faction were not monsters , one would marvel that greg. should so disquiet himself with picques at the privy counsellors and bishops : who by their great places have greater cares and perils , and are to be pitied , rather than envyed . and then for him to do all this with politick-scraps gathered up when let fall at a club in the tavern or coffee-house , bound up with patches out of diurnals , old parliament & army declarations , mr. hales of eaton his account of schism , and rushworth's orts , is intolerable presumption through a ridiculous conceit of his own abilities by such improvements . he had hit it , and had more seasonably transcrib'd rushworth , if he had given us a report out of the speech of mr. glanvile , a great lawyer and excellent orator , which quadrates the march-declaration to an inch ; in telling us how far the prerogative may lawfully entrench upon an act of parliament , p. 578. and 579. there is a trust inseparably reposed in the persons of the kings of euglond , but that trust is regulated by law , &c. statutes incorporate into the body of the common law , over which ( with reverence be it spoken ) there is no trust reposed in the kings soveraign power and prerogative royal to enable him to dispense with them , or to take from his subjects that birth-right , or inheritance which they have in their liberties by vertue of the common law , and of these statutes . and i believe there is not a man in england but admires the goodness and wisdom of his majesty and his privy-council in that march declaration for indulgence ; as a new experiment , to make tryal upon the modern orthodox once more , how good so much goodness will make them , who hitherto like clay in the sun , have been the more hardened by the beams of royal bounty . for sad experience has instructed us , that the head-strong jade , rides with the greatest grace , when rein'd in with a curb . yet for all this , as if this greg. our young machiavel , had the law in his own hand , he tutors our wise princes , shews the sea-marks , and reads politick-lectures 12 pages together . the great design he promotes is to teach his prince the art of forge-fulness ; not the art of memory , but the art of gentlemens memories ; by which he means , ( if he have any meaning ) a loose , flashy , watery memory , that will hold no print , nor retain impression . and though to help the impression and memory of some things forgot , he insinuate sibthorpianism , manwaringism and montagueism , and laudism ; yet to remember that ever there was a rebellion or harm in modern orthodoxy , then p. 253. believe him kings as they have royal understandings , so have gentlemens memories . nay , he will not suffer his majesty , our gracious soveraign , so much as to retain any good nature , or gentle impressions of his father's being murthered ; if he has , greg. makes him sorfeit his gentility ; he ought to have a gentleman's memory . and is it so indeed good greg ? cannot a king be gentile , though he retain his nature ? and cannot he be gentile except he bid defiance to all good nature too ? and can a man retain any good nature , if he quite forget he had a father and murther'd too ? or if he must be disciplin'd by you into that forgetfulness , why should his memory be supplied with those ungrateful resentments and impressions of sibthorpianism , manwaringism , absolute government , the deformity of his father's whole reign ? indeed father gray-beard you are a very hard hearted and cruel tutour as ever prince submitted unto for pupillage and instruction . and why shall not his majesty keep in memory , ( except in gentleman's memory ) that his dear father was murther'd ? why do you say ? for a great many whyes ? j. o. for one , can tell you a great many : and his friend greg. can also tell you a great many wherefores . not wherefores only , why the king should not remember that his father was murther'd ; nor only , who plotted , contrived , and were accessories thereunto ; but also wherefore he should look to himself also for fear , and take heed , special heed of offending those that having been flesh'd and bloodi'd already in the royal chace , are the more terrible . this is gregories policy . whereas almighty god teaches princes , who are gods on earth , by his own example , with the froward to show themselves froward , psal. 18. 26. and as job 29. 17. break the jaws of the wicked , and pluck the spoyl out of their teeth . the hebrew word there rendred jaws , signifies the grinders , or the jaw-teeth ; and is an allusion to the practise men use to curst currs , and mastives that are man-keen ; they break their teeth , their sharp grinders ; a toothless dog bites not much more than a dead dog : as if almighty god by these things should say to princes , courage ! regum est parcere subjectis , & debellare superbos ; be not afraid of a curr-dog or grinning rebel ; knock their teeth out , disarm them , trust them and hang them ; or , as our king 's blessed father says as aforesaid ; if ever you trust them , or must stand to their courtesie , you are undone . but comes me greg. reads quite another lesson , and instead of breaking the teeth of the ungodly , and smiting his enemies upon the check-bone , ( as god by king david's army did the rebels in absalom's army , psal. 3. 7. ) he would perswade the king into a panick fear , and to flatter the factious rabble , as unmanly as unwise : nay , not so much as to remember , but quite forget his father , or that he was murther'd ; and since it is past , so let it go . this must be the meaning of p. 241 , 242 , 243 , 244 , 245 , 246 , 247 , 248 , 249 , 250 , 251 , 252 , and 253. or else they are nonsence , and have no meaning in reference to what he retorts upon the ecclesiastical politician , p. 241. he goes a great way at first setting out for an instance of this new divinity and policy ; and truly so he had need ; for such examples are rare in history , wise princes were wiser than so ; and though he finds one prince in england , since modern orthodoxy came up , and got the upper hand , charles i. that had not been treated so ill , if he had not been so good ; yet this supererogating goodness is seldom sound in story . the first instance he fetches as far as rome , and 1700 years ago , ( excepting two moneths and three days , seven hours , seventeen minutes to a second ) in augustus caesar whose father too was murthered . too was murther'd ? this must relate and can relate only to the king whose father too was murther'd . but first i deny that augustus caesar's father was murther'd : and that it is as false as that king charles i. his whole reign was deform'd . now is greg. gravell'd , i feel him at the first step he takes , and knows not how to go a foot further , except lamely as he goes halting all along . and if augustus caesar's father was not murther'd , though he had never so much a gentleman's memory , yet it is nothing to the case in hand . augustus caesar's father died in his bed , the threed of his life was spun out as long as it would run naturally ; there was neither ax , nor gregory , nor father gray-beard , nor bradshaw , nor sword , nor dagger , nor senate-house , nor brutus , nor cassius in the case . why ? then saith greg. ( i know his refuge ) his uncle was murther'd : oh my nuncle ! but why does greg. then say , his father too was murther'd ? this is greg. his own self , he has heard in a coffe-house , or a play-book that augustus caesar succeeded julius caesar in the empire , and so he takes it for granted he was his son ; and because julius caesar was murther'd , therefore augustus his father too was murther'd . but augustus caesar was not so near a kin to him neither , as brutus that stab'd him , who was also his nephew , and some say more than his nephew ; and though it was not so commonly known till after his death , yet caesar's last words to brutus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made the credulous world believe that more than brotherly familiarity , of which before they were only jealous ; which was the reason perhaps that augustus caesar his nephew and successour was not so much as appointed by caesar's last will and testament to be his heir . the triumviri sharing the government amongst them , 'till they had destroyed brutus and cassius , and all the confederates in that bloody conspiracy , not leaving a man alive that had a hand in caesar's fall . and what greg. can make of this , or augustus caesar for his purpose , for my part , i do not know ; for let it go so , that augustus caesar's father too was murther'd ; then ( i also add ) his father's murtherers were kill'd for that murther ; but either this latter part of the story was not in the play , or else greg. did not stay to the end of it , to hear whether the comedy ( which he thinks makes for his sport and design ) did not end in a tragedy ; namely , the death and destruction of them that murther'd caesar — but that did not make for his purpose ; but would have spoyled all , and the king's murtherers would not have thank'd him for his plea. because then he must have spoke against them instead of speaking for them ; and if he had spoke the story out , he must have said — his father too was murther'd , but his successors did hang up and destroy those murtherers , every mother's son. as that king did , matt. 22. 7. not for murthering his father , but a far less fault , the murthering only of his servants ; and therefore he destroyed those murtherers and burnt up their city , for an example to all the king-killers in the christian world. i wish greg. had not nam'd for his purpose this augustus caesar , whose father too was murther'd ; and 't is ten to one but he has as ill luck in all the rest ; for never did blind archer more over-shoot himself , than does this greg. but now his first bolt aim'd indeed , and design'd at the eccles. politician , but is lodg'd in the gore-blood of the king's murtherers ; if greg. lov'd me never so dearly , i would not engage on his side ; for there is more danger from him than an enemy ; he has an unlucky hand as ever managed the modern orthodoxy . yet do not i deny but that honey lick'd off a thorn , wooll pick'd off a hedge , and phrases pick'd out of a comedy , diurnal , hales , clubs , rushworth's speeches , and army declarations are very good things in themselves , and as useful in compiling some books , as is thesaurus poeticus to help fancy , both with matter and words , when a school-boy composes a copy of verses . and looks like gazette ; wherein though you find things of grand importance , and may sooner come at your watch or horse when stoln by the intelligence it keeps in all quarters , than if m●…ll cutpurse her self were alive ; yet if you expect coherence and connexion there , you look for what it pretends not unto : but mr. greg. pretends a sailable book , fitted with a new title for the nonce ; and yet his letters are as contradictory as are sometimes those in a gazette ; you cannot pair them , you cannot sample them , they are of sveral parishes , and look ugly , because not alike . resembling a cambridge-schollar's riding furniture , which though good and not out at elbowes , yet it is a sorry dress because unsuitable : the whole garb being diverse to it self , and as different as the gentlemen of whom they are borrowed . therefore the next time greg. writes an apology for non-conformists and modern orthodoxy , i advise him to take time till he can accoutre himself with his own store , lest he again contradict himself so often and egregiously , to the hazard of his same as well as something else . from augustus caesar he skips into france , and makes rome and paris , and 1600 years meet together in the turn of a hand ; 't is well leap'd , nevertheless if it be but for his purpose , i 'le think it worth his while . henry the fourth of france , and his predecessor , ( that was hen. iii. of france , if i have not forgot , for it is a long time since i read the story , and i have not my monsteur de serre's now by me , nor is the matter great ) hen. iv. and hen. iii. his predecessor were ass●…ssinated . gregories words p. 241. are — or , ( to come nearer both to our times and your resemblance of the late war , which you trumpet always in the ear of his majesty ) had you ( meaning the eccl. politician ) happen'd in the time of hen. iv. should not you have done well in the cabinet ? no mr. bayes , you would not have been for their purpose . they took other measures of government , and accordingly it succeeded with them . and his majesty , whose genius hath much of both of those princes , and who derives half of the blood of his veines from the latter , will in all probability not be so forward to hearken to your advice as to follow their example . let any man judge by his words , if greg. does not intend by all this , that his majesty should in the case of his father's murther , take example at hen. iv. of france , and his cabinet-counsel , rather than follow the advice of the eccles. politician , his majesty being so much the more obliged to write after the copy of those two princes , especially his genius having much of both those princes , but to the latter he is a very near kinsman by the half-blood . and if this be the meaning of his words , ( which i think neither he nor any man can construe otherwise ) let us consider how aptly the gentleman fits the story to our king , and the case of his father's murther . if the murtherers of hen. iii. and hen. iv. of france were mercifully dealt withall , and not prosecuted to the utmost ; then indeed , and not otherwise does it plead at all for the murtherers of his majesties father ; so that if his majesty deal but by them , as his kinsman hen. iv. of france , and his cabinet-counsel have left him a glorious pattern to imitate ; then i perceive there is no great fear but his majesty may still continue in father gray-beard's good favour . hen. iii. was stab'd with a dagger , and so was hen. iv. of france ; the former by clement a monk , ( either in revenge of the death of the duke of guise , and other the confederates in the league , whom that king having once catch'd them in his net , put them to the pot ; or whatsoever other bloody motion animated this cursed monk to that horrid deed. ) hen. iv. his successor and next kinsman with much ado , and by the help of his protestant subjects , and our queen elizabeth conquered all opposition , and was happily crowned ; but leaving the protestant religion wherein he was educated , but not altogether his affection and kindness to the protestants , ravilliack stabs him to the heart at one blow , as he sat in his coach , and the villain being put upon the rack , to the very last denled that he had any consederates in that bloody assassination , but of his own accord and design alone was moved thereunto by reading of a book writ by a span●…sh jesuit called mariana . both these murderers were tortured , their flesh by piece-meal nip'd off with red hot pincers , and lastly drawn in pieces with four horses . ravilliack had a father and a mother alive , but not the least suspicion of confederacy with their son in that fatal stroke could be laid to their charge ; but in detestation of such a monster brought forth into the world , his parents were for ever banish'd , and the house wherein the villain was born and brought forth into the world was pull'd down and made a dunghill unto this day . this is the truth of the story ; if it be not , let greg. if he can or has impudence enough , deny it ; and if so , then mr greg. must either conclude that his majesty and cabinet counsel are very shallow , and meanly conversant in the history of his progenitors and neighbour nation , and so believe the groundless insinuations of this impertinent man ; or else he falls upon the party he has espoused with another terrible but-end and counterbuff , by perswading his majesty to follow the example of his kinsman hen. iv. of france , and his cabinet , and not leave one of our king-killers alive ; or if there be any on whom the innocent blood of his father still calls for vengeance , that he would first put them upon the rack , and make them confess who it was besides the devil and their own wicked hearts that did instigate them to so horrid a villany , and then pinch off their flesh from their bones with burning pincers , and pull their four quarters asunder with wild horses , and make their names as hateful as themselves , banish their parents , and make their houses a perpetual dunghil , in example of henry iv. of france , and for an everlasting pattern to all king-killers unto the end of the world . and this is all that our nibler at history gets hitherto by his sly insinuations , and indigested impertinencies in the behalf of his minions . now let us proceed and follow him to his next instance , for i am resolv'd i 'll take a brush with all the butt-ends in his book , if 't be but for curiosity , to try the metal of this vapouring huff ; as well as to prove what metal his weapon is made of . and now stand clear , the next is a none-such , a goliah's sword , they ( kings ) observe how the parliament of poland will be their kings taylor , &c. for which unsufferable affront to his majesty our gracious soveraign , his crown and dignity hereditary , and not elective , and at the good will either of people or parliament , as is the polish-crown , i leave him to be chastised by those whom it does so highly concern . leaving the consideration to their comments upon this bold intrenchment and invasion of our kings prerogative , and title to his crown by a comparison so odious , as well as false . and so much the rather do i wave any enlargment upon this , and the rest of his ridiculous instances , ( which would tempt any man alive , if he has any laughter in him , to laugh and droll upon this foppish greg. the most impertinent thing that ever offered to tell a story , ) but that i know he must shortly be disciplin'd for them by another hand , which ( by turning up all , for want of the prospect of a more pleasing nudity , ) will make us as good sport , with greg's following stories that were nuts to mother-midnight . go say thy prayers greg. and tremble at the rod that is coming upon thee , except thou thinkest the wisest way , in brief , is some way or other to save the hang-man a labour , and so be as insensible of the blows that are coming upon thee , as is thine old masters head , bradshaw's or father grey-beard's , ( your name-sake , as well as fellow-sinner's ) heads , when the jack-daws sh — upon them : and be thankful likewise that thou hast escap'd my fingers too , whose dexterity in flashing , more than any of the former pedants , to your smart , you may yet further feel , when you give me far less provocation , than in these idle instances of your politick abilities . i tell you true , i do not think it was worth your while , to go so far as france , nay as italy , for a sample of a king that had a gentlemans memory , and could not so much as remember that ever his father was murthered ; our king-killers , for whom you plead so heartily , might have made better escape , if you had never gone beyond sea , to find out kings to be for the murtherers of a king , royal advocates , viz. henry iv. of france , and augustus caesar whose father too was murthered . and now am i so weary with following this wild-goose-chace thus long , that if i would be knock'd on the head , i cannot write one page more , till i throw my pen away , and laugh a little at one pretty word : he has many on them , but this pretty word does so jear the parliament , and flear in their face for the act of uniformity , and the superfetation of that act , p. 310. i cannot but admire the sagacity of his raillery . it hath been observed that whensoever his majesty hath had the most urgent occasions for supply , others of them ( fathers of the church ) have made it their business to trinkle with the members of the parliament , for obstructing it , unless the king would buy it with a new law against the fanaticks . and this is that which of late years hath caused such a superfetation of acts about the same business . modern orthodoxy still ; tooth and nail , fly at king and parliament ; all , dead and alive , that have a hand , or has had an hand in the act of uniformity , that bane of the good old cause , but quite desperate by the superfetation-acts , about the same business . but this is no laughing matter , that which does tickle me spite of my teeth , is the word : the new coin'd word , by greg. his own self , minted , is trinkle ; trinkle with the members of the parliament ; some of the fathers of the church , when his majesty hath had the most urgent occasions for supply , did make it their busisiness to trinkle , to trinkle with the members — i wish for all that greg. had not said trinkle , trinkle ? it does so run in my mind like a new tune , that i cannot write one jot more till i have eas'd my hypochondriack sides , and laugh'd at this same trinkle a little , with my little droll : a mistress i lately made love to , only for the sake of her dress , 't is so much in fashion , and looks prettily ; but i ne'er entertain her above half an hour at a time , having better employ , and alwayes after dinner ; and that 's the reason my minerva is crassa , and my wit so gross ; yet it is but little neither for its age ; for which cause my little mistress droll does not much care for me , for fear i should get nothing but a race of pigmies , and therefore coy , and seldom comes at me . her iodgings are in the middle temple , there she keeps with the ingenuous hudibras ; and in good earnest i think she loves him above all english men . holla ! nine sisters ! you ! clio , melp . thal. and th' rest ! come hither , ho! but stay , of late you 're grown so common , send little droll , your waiting woman ; you get the hiss , but she the hum : droll then , my pretty houswife , come . what is 't ? ( if thou be oedipus , ) to trinkle members of the house ? come , scratch thy noddle girl , and guess : riddle me , riddle me what it is . to trinkle members , is meant here , to round the members in the ear ; no , no ; for they 've thrown off their round heads , and now got perukes , and more sound beads . to trinkle members is perhaps , to cure the members that have claps : yet now that cannot be meant here , for harry martin sits not there . to trinkle members , then must be some new , new term of alchymie ; and does in phrase of virtuoso , speak royal aid , supply , or so , so : then trinkle members is get glasses , limbecks , charcoal , stills , furnaces , ( to crock your faces be not sorry ) turn the house to a laboratory : bring luna , venus , quick-silver , mars , saturn , sol and jupiter ; sulphur , salt-peter and petrol , bole-armonack and vitriol , ceruse , minium and red-oker , pitch , chalk , ars'nick and synoper , allum , and salt , and antimony ; ( to find the mine where does lie money : ) casting off caput mortuum , try for the stone , if it will come : so trinkle members , as i 've heard , is nothing else but what i fear'd . fire the house , with honest fellows , trinkle the members , blow the bellows . thus trinkle th' members , ( as i am told , ) is turn the members into gold ; and so those bishops were midas's , and some o' th' members golden asses . or , trinkle members , is , get on , hey , for superfetation ! these two last sences th' meaning is , or , trinkles is non-sence , i wis . and greg. had better far been hang'd , than thus with lasting droll be bang'd . and if greg. takes it in dudgeon , that i thus set my little droll upon him , and soil him ; let him the next time bring either better weapons , skill and strength ; or more humility , submission and manners . lest she that has now bang'd him in metre , give him the next time no more quarter than the old irish rimes do their rais. but indeed it would be better on all hands , if he would keep him quiet , and within doors ; and not , ( as now ) so weakly and and wickedly rhodomantade for a baffled cause . by challenging his betters , whether dead or alive , to come if they dare ; whether king or parliament ; fathers of the church , or privy counsellors ; to play the prize over again once more , at the same old weapons , ( jealousies and fears , vile aspersions , crying , down with the evil counsellors , and the liturgy , ) to fight for reformation , liberty , indulgence , modern orthodoxy and the covenant . thus far i thought the design of the man was to fight neither with small nor great but only with the king and parliament . but now his hand 's in , he 'll play at small games rather than sit out , if 't be but for l●…oksake , and to that purpose , in the next page 311. makes one step to the ordinary . have you never a little clergy-man here , for a gentleman to play with ? never a droll , or boon companion with a cassock on ? that forgetting his serious office , will make a gentleman merry , & rather than fail , with a joque upon scriptures make a little play ? that i may pass upon him once or twice : and with a lucky hit , ( or as he phrases it , p. 312. with an unlucky repartee , ) jear the parson , make him a scorn , a tail and contempt to the people . his words there are ; but his , ( the eccles-politician's ) zeal spends it self against the atheists , because they use to jear parsons . that they may do , and no atheists neither . for really , while clergy-men will , having so serious an office , play the drolls and boon companions , and make merry with the scriptures , not only among themselves , ( who neither having perukes on their heads , nor swingers , and repartees at their tongues end cannot possibly be gentlemen ) but in gentlemens company , 't is impossible but that they should meet with , at least , ( if not a swinger and a rapper two or three , yet ) an unlucky repariee ( oh ! i thought it would come ) sometimes , and grow by degrees to be a tale and contempt to the people : ( or as it is in the original our people , namely , the modern orthodox do make themselves a taile of an old orthodox divine . and ( p. 314. ) i know not by what fate every day one or other of the clergy does , or saith , some so ridiculous or foolish thing , or some so pretty accident befals them , that ( in our authors words ) a man must be very splenetick that can refrain from laughter , ( it should have been quite contrary , a man must not be very splenetick that can refrain from laughter , for splen ridet — it is the seat of laughter , always while you live , so much spleen , so much laugh . ) but it would make a man laugh spite of his teeth : ( though he had scarce any laugh to spare ) at what ? to see how every day one or other of the clergy does or saith , or some accident befals him , that a body can't c●…use but laugh . thus the tassil-gentle , once upon the wing , for lack of a heron , or some noble prey , rather than fail , makes a stoop at a jack-daw , or a mag-pye . 't is a merry world with greg. he says , every day some one or other of the clergy ( either by word , or deed done by him , or done upon him ) is as good to greg. as jack-pudding himself , or wild , or merry andrew to make him laugh . when will 't come to my turn ( think i ) to wait , and make the gentleman sport ? i am afraid he will not like my droll , i shall ne'er please him ; or if he do laugh , i shall , with some unlucky repartee , make him laugh but on one side of his mouth . let me see ; give me mine almanack : since that greg. has his every day sport ( and laughing , and jesting at one or other of the clergy ) how long will it be before it comes to my turn ? for you know , my dear friend , father-gray-beard will find no great comfort in me , exc●…pt to laugh at my cassock and girdle ; but let him and all the virtuosos in england laugh how they will , whether with open mouth , or in their sleeves ; they can never be able to laugh me out of my coat . indeed i am none of these merry greeks ; i can neither pergraecari , nor laugh now ; i 'm not in the humour ; they only can best laugh that win . but i must be serious , and mind the great business in hand , to see when it will come to my turn to wait upon father-grey beard , as one of the clergy to make him laugh . let 's count . every day ? how many days is there in a year ? ask poor robin . according to the julian account 365 days . fanatick calender 366 days , for there is a mystery in 66. well then ; 366 days in a year , and above 1●…000 parishes in england ; of which i have but just four parishes , neither more nor less . how long then will it be before my turn comes for one or other of these four parishes to make sport for greg. and make him laugh , who is not one day without the company of one or other chaplain ( new as the day ) to say grace for him , and make him laugh ? at a venture , i 'l say , it will not come to my turn ( to tickle and trinkle him till he laugh again ) above once a year , and to the most of the clergy ( who have but one parish ) once in four years . now what great marvail is all this , in reproach to the clergy , that every one or other of them , ( some once a year , and some of them ( of the most wary and poorer sort , that have but one living , and that scarcely a living neither ) once in four pears ) does or saith , or at least some accident befals him or them , that a merry man and full of spleen ( sure he means a phanatick ) cannot hold from laughing ? nay , if there were a whole thousand of clergy-men so ridiculous , that once in a year , or at least once in four years , did do such a ridiculous action , or else spoke such a ridiculous word , or ( at least ) some gave him a twitch by the girdle , or some other sad accident befel him , that might make a gentleman laugh ; why are all the rest of the eleven thousand clergy-men thereby any more blemish'd and made contemptible , than were the eleven apostles for one judas ? or , than all , all the lords , parliament-men , gentlemen and tradesmen , because a certain lord , ( he shall be nameless ) and a certain parliament-man , ( i name none ) or a certain gentleman , and also fourthly , and lastly , a certain citizen , that either did or said , or else some accident befel him or them , or at least befel the wife of him , or one of them , so ludicrously and ridiculously ; that a man ( merrily dispos'd ) could not but laugh , as if he had seen a pair of horns upon the head of him , or them , or one of them , ( a sad accident ! ) or , that a certain lord , parliament-man , gentleman ( i forgot to say the knight ) or citizen with his perywig off ; either pluck'd off , or struck off , or box'd off , or fourthly and lastly ( by some other sad accident ) fallen off . now what a blot in the scutcheon would this be , to all the lords , parliament men , gentlemen and citizens in england ? if greg. was their adversary , or should come to be garter king at arms ? oh! yes , a very great blot and blurr to honour and reputation ; of which the gentlemen of england are so tender , that 't is two to one , if greg. had not ten thousand gloves sent him , all left-handed ; if he had dared thus to confront persons of quality , and men of honour . but to put the affront upon the clergy , great and small , poor and rich , long & short gowns , lawn sleeves , or no sleeves , cassocks silk or cassocks thread-bare , from the ordinary , to the rector , vicar or poor curate , from the silk girdle with four livings , to the worsted girdle with poor one living , 't is all one to greg. he dares all , slights all , jears all , nay huffs , and struts , stands a tip-toe , and looks big ; shakes his perywig , and stamps , scolds , rails , swells , frets , and rages like a profess'd hec. at all of them , as a pack of puny gown-men , a pen and ink-horn-crew , a sort of spiritless and cowhearted milk-sops , dastards and white-livers , and dare not send a gentleman the length of their sword . excepting this , there 's nothing tends to the contempt of the clergy in his whole relation and invectives , any more than what , changing the name , may with as much ease and unavoidably make a thrust at reputation of lord , parliament man , gentleman or citizen . some one or other of the clergy , nay a thousand of them may be black ; and yet both the church-men and the church continue comely . i wish indeed , with all my heart , that all the whole company of divines in england , were a divine company : i wish that the clergy , and all other men , ( of what quality soever ) were without spot or wrinkle , or any such thing ; that might tempt either a light heart to laugh , or a good heart to weep . but though i so pray , i have no cause to believe it will be so ; or any great ground for hope that it ever shall be so , whilst we are mortal , although modern orthodoxy and hugh peter should be rediviv'd . the modern orthodox ! oh! there 's your man ! iste regit dictis animos — — nec longè scilicet hostes quaerendi nobis , circumstant undique muros . these are the men that can make candida de nigris & de candentibus atra . ( i 'l fit you for ends of verse ; and i 'l use them as i list , and when i list , for all you , father-gray-beard . ) greg. tells us not of one daw-divine amongst the modern orthodox ( no , he says , that if he can do them no good , he is resolv'd , he will do them no harm ) nor tells us of one buffoon , or mad priest amongst them ; not one cock-wit , hugh peters , j. o. smec . or cock-divine , &c. thus , asinus scalpat asinum . the treacherous dealers have dealt treacherously , yea , the treacherous dealers have dealt very treacherously . but though there be not one of the modern orthodox ( that pretend to fear god ) who does truly honour the king : yet i wish ( if wishes would do ) that there were not one of the old orthodox divines ( who truly honour the king ) but would also truly fear god. turpe est doctori cùm culpa redarguit ipsum . which i english thus : great doctors sins ( when doctors fall ) just like their robes , are scarlet all. not but that i think , that evil ministers , if men of parts , may possibly minister some good ; a crackt bell may serve to ring others to church , though it self must be cast into the fire ; or , like noahs carpenters , who made a shift to build an ark of salvation for noah and his family , though themselves were drown'd . a dull whet-stone may serve to set an edge upon a knife ; and the life-less sun does yet enliven other creatures ; and ( in this sence ) denies the old axiome , nil dat quod non habet ; speaking , like the magick-head of brass , with honest words ; like the divel in samuels cassock , 1 sam. 28. 14. and the weeds that may now annoy the churches garden , may yet prove medicinable , virtute officii , though not virtutis officio . galba , otho , and vitellius , ( as our richard the third ) were good emperours , though bad men ; and 't is possible bad men may yet sometimes be good preachers : yet we may say , as of weeds , they do more harm than good in the garden of god , they make the way of truth to be evil spoken of , and stain the surplice they wear . being the churches opprobrium , rom. 2. 23 , 24. the scandal of their profession and high calling , putting religion to the blush . for when we compare their prophane lives , with those of the good apostles , whom they succeed ; we may say as that painter replyed to a cardinal ( who was angry with him for painting the faces of st. peter and st. paul so red ) i do it , saith he , for the very nonce , that they may be thought to blush at the lives of their successors . he was in the right on 't , that of old complain'd , that formerly the church had wooden chalices and golden ministers ; but now , saith he , we have golden chalices and wooden ministers . such drones , so they get the honey , care not who labour , or under what discouragements they labour , that 's work for the poor bee. thus damasus , ( the scholar to st. hierom ) stept up into the infallible chair , whilst poor st. hierom ended his days in a cell at bethlehem . yet it is more true honour , to deserve honour and want it , than by simony or smock simony to bluster in swelling titles without merit . cato had rather men should question why he had no statues erected in honour of his great worth , than why he had any ? true piety and vertue is vera nobilitas , it s own ornament ; and needs not the varnish of dear-bought heraldry to set it off . and if true piety be required in any man , much more in a clergy-man , whose escapes ( like a city upon a hill , and the oyntment of the right hand ) cannot be hid , especially in these times , when men watch for advantage against them , and like the divels rejoyce in iniquity . a little spot is seen in white , in a swan , not so in swine ; fine lawn is sooner stain'd than course canvas ; every little flaw spoils a diamond . the people are affected opere more than ore , exemplis plus quam verbis , more with examples than precepts ; more with deeds than words , except they be very flattering words , and pronounc'd by such glozing parasites , as will lick up the peoples spittle , in hopes of gain or fame : humoring them to the life , but to their own and the peoples everlasting death ; like demas , that forsook st. paul , to be further preferr'd to the favour of the rabble , and in the idol temple at thessalonica . they therefore that tread in high places , had need look to their steps , that they walk uprightly , especially when they have many followers and dependents ; lest they be accessary to other mens fall , as well as principally to their own . as the due place of the clergy sets them above many others , heb. 13. 17. 1 thes. 5. 12. so should they be more eminent than others in learning and piety ; gods high priest of old had pomegranates for smell , as well as bells for sound . king solomon the preacher call , himself koheloth , the preacheress , of the feminine gender ; and preachers are called wisdoms maids , prov 9. 3. and the apostles are called joh. 3. 29. christs nymphs , to teach the clergy purity , as virgins . the longer their gowns and robes are , the more apt to contract dirt , and therefore the more carefully to be holden up ; lewdness in a virgin is insufferable . epicurism and libertinism prevail'd in the world , not for the goodness of the doctrine , but because of the sober and austere life of the doctor that brought it , epicurus . and i am confident that rebellion and schism ( which is factions libertinism ) had never prevail'd so far in the hearts of the people of england , against so righteous a king and laws ; but for the austerity of many of the most vile incendiaries , and the loosness and remissness of others , who went not so steddily , though walking upon better ground . thus you see , my friend , i am not possest with a spirit of contradiction , right or wrong to oppose all that greg. does say ; i can be content to accept truth , even when it comes from the father of lyes : and all i have now writ toyou , upon this occasion given me by greg. is only out of my hearty well wishes to the clergy , that the enemy ( by standing on their ground ) may have no advantage over them ; for we are not ignorant of his devices ; endeavouring to foyl , and always twitting a good cause , where he finds the least resistance and defence . though in the greatest latitude of charity , no man can imagine that father-gray-beard exposes the loosness of any of the clergy , for any love he has to a more strict conversation , either in himself or them . that which is most admirable in the man is the pregnancy of his fancy in only one art ; to wit , the superfetation of wit in all the kinds of railing ; the worst butter-whore is to seek , and may well go to school to trinkles , he and she both being so sertile , sure the brood they ingender will all be marvelous railers . with what exuberancy of stile and variety of invectives does he prosecute the ecclesiastical politician , bishop bramhall , arch-bishop usher , bishop sparrow , bishop andrews deceased , arch bishop laud deceased , king charles deceased ; with many sinister reflexions upon his gracious majesty and this happy parliament ? how falsly does he charge the church of england , when he says it admits none to baptism without the sign of the cross ? whereas the sign of the cross is not the cross in baptism by her constitutions : but the cross after baptism , when the god-fathers and god-mothers vouch for the visibility of the childs profession and education in christ's religion ; and is a practice as ancient as innocent amongst christians , who , being scofft by the heathens for believing in christ , crucified on a cross , they did ever since the apostles time thereby testifie , and openly , and couragiously justifie to the world , that they were no gnosticks , but like st. paul , not ashamed of the cross of our lord jesus christ. and whereas he makes it such a horrid thing to keep men from the other sacrament of christ , viz. the lords supper , because they will not kneel and stoop to a ceremony ; let him know they do justly and warrantably in so doing , granting there is such an humane law , and ordinance for the same : which ought to be , lest men left to their liberty , some would out of novelty , singularity or capriciousness , loll , or lye upon the ground , in unseemly , if not in immodest postures , and consequently tempt some to abhorr the offering of the lord. and whether we stand , or keep walking all the time , as many calvinists do , or sit , as do some other calvinists , or kneel , as do the english protestants , one is as warrantable as the other , and all alike ; and all unlike to the posture of our saviour at the institution of it ; if he lean'd his head upon st. johns breast , as he did at supper ; which yet cannot be prov'd , that that posture of discumbency was his posture at the celebration of this sacrament . but much more credit had it been to trinkles , and much more good had he done in his generation , if instead of hollaing and whooping against the ecclesiastical politician , he had been hollaing and whooping his dogs , his hogs , his geese , or his sheep ; and leave discourses of divinity and policy , and censures upon the doctrine and fathers of our church , king and parliament , to men of greater abilities , and more modesty ; greater reading , and better parts : or , if his antipathy be great ( as it seems to be ) to all clergywen , forgetting his father ; let him , concerning sacraments , learn of that almost matchless pen of sir william morrice , in his coena quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which like a true english gentleman , and not an upstart virtuoso , he has gain'd a more lasting and glorious name , than a kingdom could have given him without such accomplishments ; and as much honour by every page of that his book , as father-gray-beard has got dishonour by his : and that is enough in all conscience , in the judgement of all learned men , always excepted the modern orthodox , who i know would be angry , to be excluded quite from being thought ( at least ) to be learned men ; though the truly learned men of the world , by long expectation to see some of their learning in their works or words , are now grown hopeless , and despair of it , it is so long a coming , a deaf man would be glad to hear it , as much as a blind mind would be glad to see it ; chiefly , because their learning consists in sounds and tones , cantings , groanings , noise , clamours and whinings , which would be convenient for a deaf man to hear : and likewise in thumping the pulpit , and there traversing all the whole postures of a master of fence , and has frighted some ( that used to sit near the pulpit ) from their feats , being so often menaced with visage grim and fierce , and bible heav'd up , lest at last they should be knockt on the head , with geneva and knox. and truly at this taking oratory they are old excellent , and for this alone cryed up and followed by the rabble , in as great multitudes as jack-pudding himself has about him at a fair. and though i know not one knowing man of quality in england , that is a phanatick , ( except upon design , as a crafty mountebank companies , and playes the fool with his own jack , ) so the rabble and multitude are generally as much pleased with one of these phanatick jack-puddings , and part with their monies as freely to them , and flock about them in droves , as great and numerous about them , as about merry andrew or poet wild. and they 'l follow this foolery , till their pocket's emptied and pickt pretty often , and the jest grow stale , ( as indeed it is very sowre already to all understanding men and women ; ) and though they did flock hand over head with their plate , thimbles , bodkins , horse , arms , spoons , gold rings and beakers , to those jack-puddings in the late times , hugh peters , and the rest , preaching upon judg. 5. 23. curse ye meroz — as if they were afraid the devil would take the hindmost ; yet it would not be so taking now , as then , except the hocus's devise some new antick tricks , ( fools and children being delighted only in change and novelty ) though the text , curse ye meroz — will serve still now for the feat as well as ever it did , when occasion serves . though to all but fools and knaves , it is such a text for loyalty and allegiance , such a text for the king and cavaleers ; that almighty god has not furnish'd us with such another in the whole bible : yet these villains could turn it to the quite contrary sence , wresting the holy word of god by their interpretation , as blasphemously as atheistically ; for they were not all of them so besotted , but they could not but know that they did lie to the holy ghost . i confess indeed there are abundance of texts , besides the fifth commandment , that plead for allegiance and loyalty , but none like this of curse ye meroz — other texts require us not to think evil , nor speak evil of dignities , much more not to entreat them evilly ; for who can lift up his hand against the lord 's anointed and be guiltless ? though the lord 's anoynted be as wicked as nero or saul , and have a devil in him as king saul had ; yet we must not be so devilish as to lift up our hands against him . david , that did not cut off king saul's head , yet his heart smote him , and his conscience smote him for cutting off saul's skirt . but this text — curse ye meroz — denounces a heavy curse — not only as other texts do for rebelling against the king and taking up arms against him , and sending in money and plate to the rebels to comfort the hearts and bowels of traytors ; — but here they are by the angel of the lord accursed , that like meroz sit at home , and will neither come nor send in their horse and arms , and monies to the help of the chief magistrate and chief judge of the land , as deborah then was ; and meroz was accursed by the angel of the lord for not coming to help her against her mighty enemies : where note too , that the helping thus the chief magistrate , ( as deborah was ) is called helping of god , or the help of the lord. no man that has his wits about him , or has any sober sence , enough to keep him from slavering , can deny this meaning i put upon it ; and let greg. and all the modern orthodox , if they dare , offer at any other interpretation , or mitigate the force of this sence i put upon it if they can ; and they are daring enough even now , as well as formerly , not only as t. g. and r. b. upon that text , touch not mine anointed , but as many others of them , and greg. amongst the rest does , p. 120. upon that text , rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft . which text because the eccles. politician interprets it , rebellion against the king — greg. says ( for fear he would be knock'd on the head , if he should deny it ) he does allow him that interpretation ; nevertheless ( he say there ) that text of scripture will scarce admit it . and though we know by that what true affection he bears to the king , ( against whom who rebels , rebels against god ; we have sinned against moses and against thee , say the people ; for the sin of mutiny and rebellion immediately against moses is acknowledged rebellion against god ) so that that evasion will ease the tender consciences of no rebels , but such of the modern orthodox , like father gray-beard , that thus mince it : as r. b. and j. o. did rom. 13. 2. making damn'd in that text sound more comfortably . but let j. o. and r. b. that writ oliver's maxims of policy and damnable treason , and the poyson to the antidote of his saints everlasting rest ; together with all the modern orthodox , and your self ( in the first place i should have said ) mr. greg. alleviate and take off the weight of this interpretation of curse ye meroz — which i impose upon you , and all of you put together have not art enough to shake it off ; though thus you are bereav'd of your darling-text , that sent so many poor souls to the devil , so many thousands to an untimely and desperate end , and so many millions of blood and treasure cast away and lost by your leasings and lies told so speciously upon this text. i know i had better have stirr'd in a hornets nest , than thus to fret and anger the modern orthodox , the leven of whose religion makes them waspish , peevish , touchy , clamorous , and malicious slanderers and backbiters ; but i am as much above the reach of their malice , as above their low and base principles , and unmanlike as well as ignoble and effeminate practices . answering a man's arguments with a libel upon his person , and clapping upon him such a beastly character , ( as did the heathens when they arrayed the christians in bear-skins ) on purpose to set their dogs at them ; according to their keeness either to bite or barke . let them oppose the strength of my arguments and reasonings with answerable skill and force , and then the danger is over as soon as it appears , though the cabala club for the shot ; as the whole assembly of divines did six years together with joynt and united forces , to make only at last a catechism for little children , when ball 's catechism new printed had done the feat much better . these are brave fellows , for whose sakes the government and laws must give place , and bow which way they please . i know wise men know them well enough , but because some look upon these demagogues and incendiaries , as the great lights and luminaries against ignorance and atheism , ( as greg. suggests , p. 313. ) i 'le but draw the picture of one of them in the pulpit , and barely represent the words that a thousand witnesses yet alive are ready to depose unto , as the very language of the pulpit , of hugh peters particularly , when they gull'd the people of their souls , bodies , money , arms and plate , by their damnable doctrine from that blessed text , judg. 5. 23. — curse ye meroz . — it had been happy for england , the king , parliament , people and themselves too , if they never had preach'd , nor ever should be suffer'd to preach on any other text , than matt. 7. 12. and because their pulpit buffonery on so sacred a text , as — curse ye meroz — was all drolling stuffe , i have suffered my muse to make use of her rhime , but not her fancy in this pourtraicture ; in which i can plead no propriety other than the chronologer does in the villanies of wat tyler or jack straw , the bare historical relation . i neither have nor can claim any right or share to this representation and interpretation of that sacred text , nor this following se●…mon of hugh peters thereupon , more than he that writ sermon-notes after him , to which i have added only the rhime , and abridg'd hugh peters idle tautologies and some slovenly as well as prophaner expressions , unworthy my pen. the historical relation and dress is mine own , but the buffoonery is well known to be the pulpit stuffe of hugh peters in many congregations , thwack'd full all the kingdome over , to listen to that prophane hocus , and paid him well for his pains . they shall have it therefore as freely as ever it was mine , they have bought it and paid dear for it , & therefore do i give it them , & put it in print for them , that keeping it by them , they may yet have something for all the plate , thimbles and bodkins , the poor fools gave him with such a liberal hand ; i am sure i deserve more for representing it in droll ; but they 'l be far enough before they 'l give me so much as one silver spoon for my pains , or perhaps so much as thanks , which is all i look for or need ( i thank god ) though my design is purely for their good , and to show them their folly and madness in so desperate a cause , to throw away their estates , body , and soul for such foppery , as hugh peters's sermon upon judg. 5. 23. curse ye meroz — represented , like it self , in this drolling pulpit-stuff . hid in these words , it plain appears , lie men and arms , 'gainst cavaliers : i see them , clear as any thing , both foot and horse , against the king : couchant , i grant , perdue they lie ; nor seen indeed by carnal eye ; because they lie in ambuscade ; but ready are for a parade : arm'd cap-a-pee ; and one and all , to come when we do beat a call. drum-major i , on pulpit drum , am therefore now , beloved , come , with bible in geneva print , to turn up all , this text has in 't . in which two parts , at least , i c●…unt , here 's gerazim , there 's ebal mount : here lies the blessing , there the curse : take you the better par●… ; the worse is good enough for cavaliers ; and such as dare not shew their eares , as round-heads do , in good old cause , for liberty , religion , laws : for which , who dies , is cursed never , from which , who flies , is cursed ever . for which , who dyes , is blessed ever , from which , who flyes , is blessed never . since i was with you last , i 've been , to tell you truth , in hell and heaven : you 'l say perhaps , it is a great way , yet to the first , it is a neat way ; and to be found out very easie , and down-hill all way to 't , an 't please ye : nor is 't far off , ye may come to 't in one day , though you go on foot : and bare-foot , with●…ut shooes or hose . of all days in the week , i chose the sabbath ( taught by master gurney ; ) to speed the better in my journey : for one may preach , and cant , and pray ; yet never be out of the way : when i came there , who ( do you think ) i spi'd , as i stood at pit's brink ? except the cavaliers , not one : and only one committee-man , with sequestrators three , at th' door ; only condemn'd for being poor , and ba●…king of a bishop's land , sentenc'd for ever there to stand . my foot stood just at brink of pit , a little more i 'd been in it : truly i durst not come too near , as i good reason had to fear : long prayers there are no assistance , i therefore still did keep my distance : and loth to stay , the fiends to shun like h●…re before the hounds , i run , and i , though fat , away did hie , to see what i in heaven could spie . and to that purpose i did gather in arabs a great phoenix feather to fly withall , a pretty thing , daedalus ne're imp'd such a wing ; resolving with my self to flie above the clouds , and starry skie ; hoping the better to get in , because my name-sake is in heaven , st. peter at the door : yet i , thinking on 't better , ( ●…th to fly so high a pitch ) had cause to fear i never should find entrance there , on that acount ( but was to blame ) peter was not my christian name . besides , i fear'd st. peter should owe me a grudge , because i would often ( for which i now am vext ) make a holdsally from my text against the pope , who is alli'd to peter by the surer side . fearing success , and loth to climb , i put off 'till some other time the journey : i desisting then can tell you no great news from heaven : therefore i 'l keep me to my text , that with some d●…ubts is much perplext ; but i 'l resolve all out of hand , and first , in order as they stand , curse ye meroz — what is meroz ? some infidel will not come near us , nor to us will horse and arms bring , but rather send them to the king , and go himself , and men to boot ; but for the cause not stir one foot . this is that cursed meroz , that to th' parliament will send no plate , but from us if he can will lock it , and keep his money in his pocket . so much for that . another word there is to clear : — help of the lord. help of the lord ! what 's that ? lord bishop ? or house of lords ? not so , i hope : nor lórd newcastle , nor lord goring ; ( with whom the wicked go a whoring ; ) help of the lord , is , one and all help the lord essex , general . but that 's not all , for moneys are the nerves and sinews too of war ; for powder must be had for gun ; ( we had as good else ne'r begun ; ) if the red-coats have not their pay , they 'l from their colours run away ; nor will they willing be to die : nay , and perhaps may mutinie for want of pay , where are we then ? we may go hang our selves for men , except we money have . the gold must here be found ; as i 'l unfold ; help of the lord then , is dear honeys , help the poor red-coats with your moneys . down with your dust then ; come , be nimble , plate , bodkins , tankards , spoon , ●…r thimble : all these ( then as if at a stand , and into pocket putting his hand ) all these ( like barber's teeth , being strung on red cloth , ready as they hung ) ( holding forth , said ) all these ( good people ! ) from colchester st. peter's steeple are all clear gains ; and i assure ye as many more i got at bury . then ( lest the people should discover his sleight of hand , and so give over , finding the juggle out , and mock it ) he put his hand in th' other pocket , as feeling for some other strings : ( but in the interim flyly flings his right hand into th' left behind , and then the better them to blind , his hands met under 's cloak , in brief , as the receiver with the thief ) he held it out then to be seen , ( as if some other string 't had been , and said ) this other string of plate i , from the wives of ipswich got . the butcher's wife did freely give all the poor soul had , i believe : i got all to her very plackit , and can have more still when i lack it . help of the lord then , is , dear coneys ! help us dear petticoats with moneys . list ; for i hear this text plain lie , fine ends of gold and silver crie : ( beggars must be n●… chusers ) whether silver broken or whole ; bring 't hi●…her ; good wife or w●…nch ; the widows mite : oliver c. shall you requite ; if you 'l not credit what he saith , i 'l give you then the publick faith. methinks i hear the proverb started , a fool and 's money is soon p●…rted : that proverb does belong to those that part with money to ou●… foes . help who ? the king ? no. nosuch thing , help parliament , not help the king : when we say , king and parliament , the parliament alone is meant . so much for this time then i say . desiderantur caetera . by this you have heard how the juggle has been done ; the story is good , because 't is true , and thousands to this day witness it to their cost , to the loss of their goods , plate and estates , and which is more to the loss of the bodies , and souls too , ( it is too probable , ) of their dear relations . was the holy word of god ever before in any age or kingdom so vilely abus'd by such abominable wrestings and interpretations , and to such base and bloody ends and designs , as by these peters , owens , marshals , baxters , &c. are not these worthy cares for the fathers of the new church of modern orthodoxy ? are not these within an inch and a half at least as bad as a rationale upon the sacred common-prayer ? could the devil of hell ever abuse and wrest the holy scriptures , as these modern orthodox : juglers and sermon-mongers have done ? nay , the devil to give him his due , was not so impudent , mat. 4. for though he was devil for taking the sacred word into his mouth , since he hated to be reformed ; yet those sermon mongers in these times were much more devils in that particular , and outvyed beelzebub himself . for he , mat. 4. quoted the scripture truly , but not fully , omitting in the sixth verse of that chapter , as his children used to do , in the seventeenth verse of 1 pet. 2. the latter clause , as that which made not for their turn . but these children have out-done their father in hellish craft upon those scriptures , curse ye meroz — give them blood to drink — bind their kings with chains , and their nobles in fetters of iron — and a hundred the like ; not , in concealing the full sence of them , as the devil did ; but being more devillish and out witting . hell it self , in wresting them to a quite contrary sence , the devil went not so far , these modern orthodox herein making the devil an ass. are not these worthy cares , mr. grey beard , for your learned fathers ? considering therefore these things with my self , as one whose fate it was to be born and bred up in schismatical times , and a factious university , ( sucking in schism with my mothers milk , in two s●…nses , ) and consequently when i was a child , did as a child , and was gull'd and cheated into their fopperies , as much as i must needs have been into mabometanism , if i had been born and bred up amongst the turks , whom yet i have found the honester of the two , though both bad ; i say , considering with my self , when i came to years of consideration , what devillish bloody and rapacious villains these modern orthodox preachers and sermon-mongers were , so that hell it self could not match them ; and withal considering that those people that most haunted those preachments , sermons , lectures and stories , were above all mankind whether turks , cannibals , indians or jews , the most false , malicious , revengeful , slanderous , envious , liars , cheaters , treacherous , bloody , perfidious , rapacious , plunderers , sequestrators , oliverians , committee-men , gifted-men , cruel , dissemblers , lovers of their own selves alone , together with them of their gang , covetous , boasters , proud , blasphemers , disobedient to parents , unthankful , unholy , traitors , heady , high-minded , lovers of pleasures more than lovers of god , having a form of godliness , but denying the power thereof , &c. presently i think with my self , if these be the people of god , who the devil will have for his people , i cannot tell ; for in all my travails upon earth , i never met with such villains and wretches amongst turks or indians ; praying , as the indian did , ( when the friar told him to what place after this life the bloody spaniard went ) that my soul may never go to that place , whither those bloody villains go , except they repent of their deeds . for thought i , how can these people be the godly party , whose deeds are blacker than hell , more bloody than those of that roaring lion , as great lyars and slanderers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the father of lies can be , or make them to be ; one may know by their looks what breed they are of , they are so father-like , as like him as ever they can look ' : and tell them of these things , instead of giving you thanks , or repenting and amending , they rage and rail , slander like mad , or the devil himself . therefore finding them characterized and prophesied of in the latter days by the apostle 2 tim. 3. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. oh! thought i , now i have found you traitors , heady , high-minded , &c. lovers of pleasures more than lovers of god ; having a form of godliness , but denying the power thereof , &c. indeed and indeed — will they say — have you found us traitors , heady , high-minded , &c. but i pray who is characterized by the next words , lovers of pleasures — mark that — more than lovers of god ; having a form of godliness — who is sor forms , i pray , come tell us that , are we for forms , &c. now the poor souls think they have hit it . alas ! poor souls ! the characters of traytors , and the rest of them do not seem to fit these modern orthodox altogether so well as these two last , for they seem to be made for them for the very nonce , on set purpose , nothing can be more apposite or proper for them . lovers of pleasures , the apostle says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , voluptuosi , lat. voluptueux , french , voluptuous , ( voluptas comes from voluntas ) and sounds thus much , lovers of their own wills and pleasures , a people that will have their wills and pleasures to be done , as if they were kings , or more than kings , a wilful generation , that what they list to have , they will have , or they will mingle heaven and earth , ruffle kingdoms , turn all to blood and ruine ; kings shall stand upon the stool of repentance , kingdoms shall be laid waste , millions of men and moneys lost ; and the best of kings if they stand in the way of their wills and pleasures , down they must , let god and laws say what they will , for they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , more in love with their own good pleasure , than gods good pleasure : god says , fear god , honour the king , submit to every ordinance of man for gods sake , be subject , you must needs be subject for conscience sake , or you shall be damn'd : no matter for that , let god and man say what they will , they will have their wills ; yet these wilful people never want woe ; nor those kingdoms that are troubled with them ; they misersably disquiet themselves as well as others . but these modern orthodox are not more signally describ'd by that character , than the next — having a form of godliness — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , translated here the form , is of the same signification with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence the latines , by way of anagram , have their word forma , and the english do nearer anagrammatize the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in our word here — form . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the face of any thing , exterior rei facies , the vizor , the mask , the image , the resemblance of a thing . so that the form of godliness here is the face of godliness , the vizor or mask of godliness , the resemblance or image of godliness , but denying the power thereof . such a mask as jezabel put on , when she proclaimed a fast , but denyed the power of godliness , when she murthered naboth to get his vineyard . and thus these modern orthodox put on the vizor and mask of godliness in their old parliament fast-days , their noise of reformation , multiplicity of sermons ; yet these zealous sermon-mongers , these gifted-praying men , these jewish sabbath-men , if they had had the power of godliness , they had not , durst not have run into rebellion , blood , schism , robberies called plunderings and sequestrations , murder , oppression , lyes , slanders , blasphemies , pride , malice , envy , hatred and all uncharitableness ; and murder , which makes them odious to all mankind , but themselves , namely , king-killing . but not a word of this as you love me , this must not be remembred , learn herein to get gentlemens memories ; but if you will remember , remember schism in the letany , extinguish it , letany and liturgy , the cause of all the wars , together with the king and council that imposed it , remember that — but as for the poor harmless lambs , if it were a failing to murther the king and his friends , come , it was but a failing , an infirmity in the saints , be gentlemen and forget it . yet for my part , in the most impartial scrutiny , that i can make , i do not perceive that these modern faux's had their vizors truly on , when they went about those deeds of darkness ; i do not find that their way of sermons , prayers , jewish sabbathizings deserves so much honour as to be called the true face , form , mask , vizor , or resemblance of religion ; it is so far from true , that it is not so much as like the true way of godliness , and gospel discoveries by christ and his apostles . first for their way of sermons , preachments , two , three , four or ten times a week , the running of an hourg-lass or two at a time , in lectures on sundays and week days , lectures in the morning , lectures at noon , and afternoon , lectures , lectures , sermons , sermons , oh sermons ! i am sure it is not a gospel way , nor so much as the true face , form or semblance of the preaching of our saviour and the apostles . our saviour in his first sermon upon the mount in the 5 , 6 , and 7 chapters of s. matthew , all not half an hour long , yet speaketh of twenty or fourty several subjects : not confining himself to one subject , one text , doctrines , inferences and uses , but thought he should not need to beg pardon , though he went from one subject in discourse to another of a random nature ; which our modern divinity men would have call'd r●…mbling , at least ; and 't is well if it scap'd so ; our blessed saviour speaking what was most useful and seasonable for his auditory at that time , and more than ever he spake at any other time , in one continued discourse . to say that all his sermons are not set down , is bold , impudent , precarious , and daring : the apostle john saith , the signs or miracles he did are not all set down , but for his words as they were all saving , so we have cause to think he did not grutch them to posterity ; for certainly novelty in religious worship and variety was not then in fashion , he preach'd and so did the apostles the best that they could , and the best that could be ; and if they had not preach'd the same things over and over , over and over again , they must have preach'd one time better than another ; which is not safe to say of our saviour ; therefore when his disciples desire him to teach them to pray , he tells them no other but what he had told them in his first sermon , when ye pray , s●…y , our father , &c. and when he was in his agony , and prayed most earnestly , the third time , it was short not like the pharisees , nor our modern pharisees , but to the purpose , and saying the same words , the same words — our saviour never took a text but once , and then the sermon he made of it was not so long as the text. s. peter converts three thousand with a sermon , acts 2. and all the whole sermon was but half a chapter , and yet the longest that ever he made ; that in the tenth chapter of the acts was scarcely half so long . i might give many more instances to shew that this way of sermons that now obtains and is the fashion , is not the way of christ , if this was intended for a set-discourse , for that purpose ; but i mention it now only to shew that these sermons , sermons , lectures , preachings , as they that m●…st haunted them and cryed them up , have been and still are the greatest villains , cheats , treacherous , deceivers ' under the cope of heaven ; so it does but still evidence the more that it is not the way of christ ; brought into the churuch by two or three talking men some hundred of years after christ , but they shall be nameless ; it is sufficient to say they could talk well , and they lov'd as all good orators do , to hear themselves talk ; but that this should be any argument that now therefore we must , ( let the weather be never so cold , ) sit it out forsooth , till an impertinent idle prating fellow has brought down moon , stars and glories to shew us how hard he studied the week before for this hour-glass-harangue , seems to me very strange , that the world should be so still bejugled ; especially these tedious speeches being at best but smil'd at , if not quite laugh'd out of countenance , where men speak best , viz. in the parliament house , councils , universities , inns of court ; but the pulpit must be the last that will learn more wit and grace ; though we pretend these are such gospel times too , and will take our saviour and the apostles for a pattern . when they can infer any thing with more sence than yet i have heard , from acts 20. 7. s. paul's continuing his discourse until midnight , the only objection in the bible against all that i alleadge , i will give them an answer , if they will tell me how many hours of that night st. paul and the disciples did spend in eating and breaking bread , v. 11 : and raising up eutychus ; and also if they will promise me , ( in one thing more ) to imitate that holy apostle , namely when they preach an hour , two , three , or till midnight , or all night , i care not , upon condition , these modern orthodox will also depart from us on the morrow for ever , to try how much we shall wet our handkerchiefs , when they tell us , we shall see their face no more . they would be happy indeed , for themselves perhaps , i am sure happy for the kingdom that has been so unhappy already , occasion'd chiefly by their sweaty preaching . if they have wit enough , let them answer this , and to purpose too , or else down goes bell and the dragon ; but if they answer as insignificantly , as they us'd to preach , when they cast so many long looks upon the slowly-sliding sands in the hour-glass ; if not angry shaking it for its sloath , then will their answers tyre me as much as ever did their sermons , and that 's enough in all reason and conscience , and i shall scorn to honour them by taking notice of such impertinents . if st. peter was alive again , and had not gone to school to some of these new holder-forths , how would little pulpit-man despise him for preaching the same , the same , and the same sermon perpetually , when he could show him for a need three or four hundred or a thousand harangues in his budget . a wicked , foolish , perverse and hypocritical generation we live in , when men , nay ministers rather endeavour to seem good preachers , than be good preachers in imitating christ and his apostles ; and not by idle inventions , preferr what is plausible before what is profitable , rather pleasing men than god ; therefore they have their reward : and have plung'd themselves into perplexities , or into parson slip-stockins extravagancies ; chusing rather impertinencies commended for their variety , only by an idle loose people given to change , than to speak often to the same purpose , over and over again , though never so necessary , profitable , and to good purpose . nor will the clergy ever free themselves and their sermons from contempt , till they follow the copy and pattern for preaching set them by christ and his holy apostles : and if priest and people find really and truly that these hour-glass discourses are as uneasie and troublesome , as unprofitable to both ; let them learn of their masters , christ and the apostles , and the primitive fathers , who in their preachings went to question 's and answers , that is , catechizing , or ecchoing answers to questions ; our blessed saviours usual way of preaching ; to which catechizer , as the right gospel preacher , st. paul charge ; the galathians 6. 6. to allow him all good maintenance or a good living , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; let him that is catechized in the word communicate to him that catechizeth in all good things ; and not — , let him that is taught in the word — for the words of st. paul ought to be , and are now properly translated , let him that is catechized communicate to him that catechizeth — for though all catechizing is teaching , yet all teaching ( modern orthodox , pulpit-harangue teaching for example ) is not catechizing , which was the usual way of teaching practised by our saviour , the apostles and primitive christians , and in england too , till this superstitious , hypocritical modern orthodoxy intruded , and impudently thrust its betters out of church , and put it out of countenance with a brazen forehead . didymus optatus was called the catechist , or catechizer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or doctor audientium , cyp. ep . 24. in the church of carthage ; cyril the great was not ashamed of that name at jerusalem , nor hierocles at alexandria , and many more , of the most famous men , of the world , as well as england , thought it no disparagement to catechize , though i can give good reasons , that usually , ( as in many places of christendom at this day ) any man may propound a question to the minister , and desire to be resolv'd , and therefore should the man of god be able and throughly furnished unto every good work and word , to give a pertinent and ready answer to such as hearing him , ask'd him questions too , if they pleased , as the doctors with our saviour , luk. 2. 46. so that those worthy cares of the fathers of modern orthodoxy in their preachments has not so much as the face , true form and resemblance of christ's sermons ; but is a whimsey cryed up so long by themselves , till it has justled sacraments , prayers , catechizing quite out of the church ; having not the power of godliness , in that there are no such villains ( as i said before ) as these sermon-mongers upon the face of the earth , as every body must acknowledge and confess , except themselves , who are always apt to find fault with other men for superstitious , when they themselves are the most superstitious people , i know , in the world , as i 'l show more fully on some other occasion ; superstitious , ( at the best ) their sermonizing is , and has been ; but that 's not all , it has been blasphemous , atheistical , damnable and prophane , as i have shown in their debauch'd interpretations and comments on holy writ ; and i fear it is so yet , they do not use to amend . and god looks upon these devotions of theirs , that they keep such a puther for , but as the cutting off of a dogs neck , and will say to them one day , who required these things at your hands ? it is iniquity , even your solemn meetings : and they may thank the king and parliament with all their hearts , if like careful parents , they will not suffer these wilfull , foolish , head-strong people have their wills , no longer be gull'd by a pack of cheats ; not permitting the blind cobler , tinker , weaver , taylor , chimney-sweeper , &c. nor the wilfully blind , but crafty canting presbyter to lead the blind , lest they both fall into the ditch remedilesly . if i were to commend a father , it should be him that has a care of his children , and keeps them from hurting themselves spite of their teeth ; and that chuses rather to do them good , than get their good will : when they come to discretion , ( which is not likely till they have wiser and honester guides ) then they 'l thank this good father for his care . alas ! if they were in their right mind , durst they blaspheme the holy ghost , when they father their impertinent , nonsensical , blasphemous ravings in prayer , upon the holy ghost ; calling it the spiritual gift of prayer , and the spirit of prayer , and i know not what good titles on so ill a deserving faculty ; obtain'd at best but by custom , use , confidence , and volubility of words ; which ( i can speak as experimentally of it , and knowingly , as any modern orthodoxman , yet do i not account my self for it a jot the better man , ) being an art of which every porter , cobler , chimney-sweeper , or hector , may easily be a master , and attainable by every common billings-gate-scold . i say again they lye to the holy ghost , and blaspheme the spirit of god , that call such pitiful , low , easie and beggerly gifts , the gifts of the spirit , other than of a confident , foolish , rash , impudent , blasphemous spirit , that is rash with his mouth in uttering any thing before god , before whom our words ●…ught to be few , eccles. 5. 2. which brings to my mind that bold and seditious petition which a scotch minister put up in his prayer before sermon in st. peters church at colchester two or three years ago , when he was about to pray for his sacred majesty , and our gracious queen katherine , in these very words — gud laird , bless the king and queens majesties , and keep them from aw lownery , but confund aw their images and idols , gud laird — whether having none of the kings images in gud white syller in his awn pouch , he was in hopes to get some amongst the factious crew , so much the more by this libelling prayer , or having the kingscoyn in his pocket he never fear'd that god would hear his prayer in confounding those images of the king ; sure i am he made a shift to chouce many of the fops of the king's images in good coyn , and away he run with his scotch frow that followed him . but yet i cannot think that the extravagancies of bold men in prayer , even for the king , are to be allowed or trusted to ; excellently provided against in our liturgy , to which i think all publick preachers ought strictly to be limited . and though many ministers usually pray for the king in their invented prayers before sermons ( harmlesly , one would think at the first blush ) yet upon stricter examination , their petitions for the king , are but a kind of rayling and blasphemy ; as when they beg of god , that he would be pleased to over-rule the kings heart , and make him a chaste , pious , wise , holy , just and temperate prince , and a thousand such like expressions , and of worse nature , not fit here to rehearse , but infinuating and hinting as if he was a prince that needed their prayers in those particulars ; and sounds little better than treason , in rendring him to their utmost odious to his people . for to pray in the spirit , is to pray in the mind or spirit , that is , to mind what we pray , and heartily beg the same of god in my mind or spirit , ( whether i use words or no words in private prayer the matter is not great ) so that whether with words or without words , my mind or spirit intercedes for mercies at the throne of grace , where the spirit of god helps our infirmites ; other prayer by the spirit there is none , but all other than this is pharisaical babling out of ostentation , covetousness , or some base design unworthy of , and inconsistent with so holy a duty , whether in words plac'd in wonted order , ( as most certain and profitable ) or in words of order diverted , subject to rash , uncouth , if not nonsensical sometimes and blasphemous expressions . and they that understand not this , know not what it is to pray in spirit , not knowing what they say , nor whereof they affirm , whilst these gifted brethren lie to the holy ghost , as ananias did , how can they escape the judgements of god ? father forgive them , they know not what they say . but when men pray in publick , as the church did , acts 4. 24. then they should render him the calves of their lips , with one mind and one mouth too , rom. 15. 6. glorifying god , all speaking , as in our divine letany and liturgy , ( at least all saying amen ) lifting up their voyces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with one accord , as the church did , acts 4. 24. and that you may be assured it was by a common-prayer-book at that time , in set words , known to all , it is said there , they did lift up their voyces with one accord , which is imp●…ssible to be done but by a liturgy ; otherwise one of the church might be praying for faith , hope , or patience , whilst others were praying for charity , temperance , or chastity , &c. and one would have done his prayers , whilst another was scarcely heated at it , or had not half done ; but to end the controversie , their set form of prayer is there registred upon record in the 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , and 30. verses of that acts 4. i wish the modern orthodox would shew us how they can answer this , with all their cavils , cheats , evasions and tricks ; that we might have another occasion to render them as ridiculous as they are already in themselves , to all the ingenuous of christendom . and that which makes devout men own the common-prayers of our english above others , is that a great many prayers are taken out of the mass book englished ; that we might not pray , as many papists do , in an unknown tongue ; taking out of it only the jewels , which are ( for ought i know , or any body else alive ) apostolical , and almost as old prayers , as the lord's prayer ; 't is an unanswerable schism , to depart from the church of rome , antioch , or greek church , in any thing but wherein they depart from christ and the apostles . but these fiery , headstrong and wicked modern orthodox instead of sweeping a house , pull it down , and consequently make more work , as well as more bad work , 'till they have quite erazed the very foundations of the house of god. nor did the race or religion of these modern orthodox ever come into any kingdom , but they fill'd it with blood and ruine ; sad instances whereof we have at home , in scotland , in france and germany , &c. desolated by their means a hundred leagues together , in more places than about munster ; their desolations and depopulations to be seen at this day , a sad spectacle whereof i have often had , which makes me the more loath their abominations . and every good man , as well as every worthy man , that has either honour or estate to leave to his children and posterity , had need be careful not only to leave his lands and fields to his children and posterity ; but likewise use his utmost care and diligence that those fields be not akeldama's to his children , fields of blood ; which they must needs be , if these modern orthodox men be not kept under , and muzled as you do a curst curr ; for when ever and in what kingdom soever since the first rebel of them calvin broach'd their religion , they have mouth'd and bit so keenly , where they had liberty , that the blood always followed , you may see the print of their teeth yet ; good lord deliver us from them , and the father of lies , from the devil , his children , and all his works ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the apostle to titus i. ii. speaking of unruly and vain talkers and deceivers , spiritual gypsies , cheats and juglers — it is very fit that their mouths should be stopped , saith st. paul : it is not fit that their mouths should be stopped , saith gregory father gray-beard ; indulgence , liberty , breda , breda . and what a rare fellow this gray-beard is , you may know by the opinon he has of calvin , p. 59. whom he calls a good scholar and a honest divine , calling the calvinists , p. 69. our calvinists . they may be calvinists , father gray-beards calvinists , because they are always bloody headsmen , whereever they have room to strike , and a sword in their hand : but they are not our calvinists , i assure you greg. let them be your calvinists then , it is pity you should be parted . and for calvin's being a good scholar , i doubt you would scarcely be mightily in love with the jesuits , though they should approve themselves , as many of them have , far better scholars , that is , men of better parts and better read men , and have shown more schollarship in their works ; and yet i think many of their principles have been as destructive to the peace of kingdoms , even almost as calvin himself ; called therefore lucian , so meritoriously anagrammatized 100 years before father gray-beard was born . for my part , i hate to undervalue any man's scholarship ; but i hate the folly as much of those men that argue so ridiculously ; that because calvin was a good scholar , therefore he could not be a knave , or as bad as a jesuit . this must be greg's meaning , or else his scholarship does not at all vouch his divinity : perhaps greg. is more acquainted with calvin's scholarship than i am ; though i think i have seen and read all his works ; the most famous ( the calvinists themselves say ) is his institutions , designed for a confession of faith , the adjuster of controversies , the oracle of his followers , and as if pronounc'd è cathedra , unerring divinity , and infallible ; dedicated to that purpose , to his king ( that once was so , i mean ) francis , the french king , whom he there in his epistle dedicatory styles the most christian king ; yet though he therein gave his own cause and his own heart the lie ; yet not altogether to forget himself , and to show he was still john calvin , he threatens him with the strong hand of the lord , which shall without controversie come in time , and extend it self armed ( i look'd for that ) both to deliver the poor out of misery , and to take vengeance on the despisers , which now triumph with so great confidence . sure this great divine was a great prophet , or rather he knew well , he had laid in that book such grounds of and for sedition , that his followers would with strong hand stretch forth themselves to take vengeance , and call all this — the hand of the lord , and the help of the lord. — curse ye meroz — to this , is but the second part of the same tune . some men have had such a reverence for this same calvin , especially being dead ; o! de mortuis nil nisi bonum ; that it has been thought as bad as sacriledge to tell truth of the man. no man can have greater reverence to urns than i have ; nay though a man die or be hang'd for his crimes , yet when the law is satisfied all good men ought to be so ; but in hayn●…us murtherers , parricides , and traytours the law is not satisfied with their deaths , but their horrid heads and quarters are set . up as long as they 'l last , not to scare crows , but to scaré men from the like villanies . there is as great difference therefore betwixt my speaking truth of hugh peters and john calvin , and betwixt father gray-beards speaking lies of our glorious martyrs charles i. and archbishop laud , as betwixt light and darkness , truth and falshood , honour and infamy , innocence and villany , heaven and hell . except bold greg. that assassinates the innocence and honour of these sacred persons deceased , do likewise say , that the law was not satisfied , except they also had been quartered , as well as beheaded ; and more i could say , but that the grief of my soul is so great , to think such a bold villain as this greg. should dare now , now that his son , our gracious soveraign is happily return'd , to aspe●…se the sacred memory of his father and friends and the whole reign , infamously as can be spoken , in saying against them and the reign , that it was wholly deform'd ; and if so , who is guilty of the innocent blood which those king-killers laid to the charge of our sovereign in that unparallel'd indictment against him , and archbishop laud ; sure gregory grey-beard was not far off when that indictment was drawn up ; but i am astonishd that he dares write thus now ; or that any loyal subject of his majesties should be jolly , laugh , and rejoyce in greg's book ; god preserve his majesty from all modern orthodox men , and from all that have been modern orthodox men , if they give not better proofs of their repentance and loyalty , than caressing and joying in father gray-beards , or any of the race of john calvin , as great a scholar and divine as he is . the greatest scholarship that john calvin has left behind him , as a testimonial of his learning or rhetorick , is , that his institutions are writ in pretty clean latine ; which sounds no more to me , nor any scholar that i know , as an argument of learning , than if they had been writ in clean french , welsh , or irish. one language signifying no more of scholarship than another ; no , though you add the admired greek , and ever to be admired hebrew ( a language that no man alive understands , nor can attain to ) into the bargain . languages being nothing else but helps to discourse with men , or acquaintance with books , as our occasions , trade or business does require . and a calves-head is still a calves-head , though it have a neat tongue in it , whether latine tongue , welsh tongue , greek tongue , french tongue , english tongue , or hebrew tongue ; which last though , i say , is not now to be bad for love nor money ; 't is utterly lost , and was so before our saviour's time ; mazoreth it self cannot retreive nor retrench it ; nor do we read that the holy ghost that descended in so many cloven tongues , gave the disciples one hebrew tongue amongst them all ; but that 's all one to me . all that i urge this for , is , that that clean latin style in which calvin's institutions is pencill'd , whether by himself or any other linguist , it matters not , nor signifies any thing to entitle him or any man else ; a great scholar . but if we may judge of his scholarship by his divinity , 't is ( to say no more ) right presbyterian , and knox his own self . who , ( as calvin made a religion , fitted only for the horizon of rebellion , wherein it was born and bred ; so ) knox that devillish rebel , thought he could not find a fitter for the innovations , blood , usurpations , rebellions and confusions , which he and the bastard murrey , intended , contrived and brought to pass in scotland , when they imprisoned their lawful queen , threatned her upon pain of death to resign her crown , which she was forced to do , to save her life ; with which modern orthodoxy scotland and afterwards england , as well as other countries , has been disciplin'd , 'till weltred in blood and ruine , as is known by woful experience . knox outdoing his master calvin in nothing , but his new superstition , of the morality of the sabhath , and judaizing therein , not more ridiculously than mischievously ; that whimsee being one of the spiritual and hypocritical colours , laid on to varnish their holy war and rebellion in scotland and england , to make the rotten old cause flourish with that ; which , like their preachments , sermons , and lectures , and gifted pharasaical , long , nonsensical prayers , are and have been as mischievous , i say , as superstitious and unwarrantable ; having not so much as the true face , vizor , or form of godliness , much less the power thereof ; yet with these they have long led captive silly men and women , laden with sins , subverging whole houses and kingdoms , though they ●…e men of corrupt minds , reprobate concerning the faith ; but ( i hope ) they shall proceed no further : it concerns all good men , and all that have either religion , peace , estates or consciences , honour or interest in posterity , to take care to their utmost that they proceed no further . i hope , that even yet the modern orthodox men will consider these things , and the evil of their ways , as well as evils that their ways have lead unto ; yet some people think , they 'l be hang'd before they amend , repent , or recant , they are so rooted in pride , stony-heartedness , and opinion of themselves , and their ways , though ( god knows ) they have as small reason to be self-conceited , as ever men had . i my self can show ( and in several particulars have already shown ) such a mystery of iniquity amongst them , and such a damn'd cheat , in what they most especially call religion , that their trade will be quite spoyled ; yet when they see the hopes of their gain is gone , they 'l rage and rayl , like the silver-smiths for their idol-shrines and diana's , as gregory does at the ecclesiastical politician ; but good mr. gregory ! good father gray-beard , old gentleman your idol shall not stand long , as your brother hugh said upon a more dismal occasion . gypsees ( some say ) do understand by lines they read in face and hand , how long , when , how , where you may dwell , can every way your fortune tell : all these mysteries , with their blessing , you have for six pence , or a less thing . so , — holder-forth — ( now indeed licitè indulg'd ) cries out , friends — benedicite : with canting terms , cheating tom pops ; the silly-women and the fops ; with both hands stretcht out , open , to shew he plays fair , and above-board to you , and never minds your purse , his eyes looking another way , to the skies ; yet he shall do the feat compleatly , and get into your pocket neatly , not with sleight of hand , but tongue , merely with a bare harangue ; ( an art , mol cut-purse neves tri'd , this art was found out since she di'd ; ) telling you stories , that shall fit right and good , as nuts to mother midnight : all the while , looking in your face , and telling , news of acts of grace , telling fortunes , predestinations , decrees , elections , reprobrations : ( of which , he no more truth can tell yee then gypsies can , or william lilly : ) peeping into the covered ark , construing the revelations dark , times hid , and seasons known to none , but to omniscience alone ; when spiritual gypsee thus is at it , take my advice , look to thy pocket . right preaching's catechizing , and , sirs , our saviour went to questions and answers , when he preach'd to the pharisees , publicans , sinners , sadducees , nor was his auditory vext , when he digress'd oft from his text ; which , we ne'r read he took , but once ; and then straight went again to questions , and answers , called catechizing , which , saints of old counted a wise thing , for this same hour-glass canting cheat has been invented but of late : though it be young , 't is gyant grown ; baffling all other religion : yet far from enlightning the mind , it rather has made men stark blind : like pearl on eye , 't must not be touch'd : i wish the cataract though was couch'd . for men by it , to deeds have run , which cannibals by nature shun . millions of sermons , holder-forth rehearses , have not such good in them as these six verses . where are they ? you 'l say , these same six verses that are worth millions ; they are better sure than golden verses . if the near relation i have to them do not enhance the price and value of them in my opinion , by some self-interest endearances , the six verses are worthy to be writ in letters of gold , on the out-side of every church in the kingdom , because if the sermon therein contained , be but remembred and put in practice , not one modern orthodox man will stay without door , or content himself with a bo-peep hearing at a church window , but into the church he must come , and must say , that if these six verses be but observed , it will certainly bring him and all men living to the kingdom of heaven , and bring peace on earth and good will towards men ; nor is it necessary for any man , i 'l justifie it , to hear any other sermon than these six verses , so that he practise them ; nor can any man go to hell that observes them , nor can there be rebellion , robbery , murder , evil-speaking or evil-doing , but by transgressing some particular in this sermon , contain'd in six verses . some men are so phantastical and phanatical , that they like and esteem nothing , but what is far fetcht and dear bought ; all the sermons preacht by modern orthodox this thirty years in england , i 'l maintain it against the best of them , have not been so soul-saving , good and free from all harm , as this little sermon : indeed some people will value those more , because they cost more than these six verses you have so cheap , whilst the modern orthodox mens sermons cost some people their plate , and monies , and some their hearts blood : but this sermon shall cost you nothing , esteem it not the less for that , the worth of it consists not in the cabinet or dress , but in the jewels wrapt up and contained within these six verses , which are the iliads in a nut-shell , the bible in epitome , and show the nearest way to heaven , and heaven upon earth . by the liturgy learn to pray ; so pray , and praise god every day : the apostles creed believe also , do as you would be done unto . sacraments take as well as you can : this is the whole duty of man. and is this all ? yes , this is all , and enough to bring thee to peace internal , external , and eternal ; peace in thy conscience and soul ; peace with all good men ; and peace with god , my soul for thine ; or , rather believe not me , but him that is the author thereof , mat. 7. 12. now do i know what these modern orthodox men will say , as well as if i were in their bellies ; away goes — to his congregation , calls a meeting , sends about tickets and messengers throughout the city and lines of communication , as at caryls funeral , to assemble the elders , and gather the churches to a general randevouz ( the word is proper enough , for most of them have been military men , souldiers wives & widows , and following their husbands into scotland , good honest leaguer-ladies there ) holderforth , that is best accoutred with mouth and lungs , speaking to this purpose . friends , we are here gathered together , in the sight of — and the face of this congregation to joyn together ( pish , pish , these common-prayer-book phrases have put me quite out , and made me quite forget my old canting stile ; hold , try again . ) friends , do you see , friends , ( i , now i am in and at it ) as i said before , friends , do ye see this book ? writ against us , friends ; and against our friends ; and against mr. — our friends friend ; by one e. h. what is this e. h ? oh! ( no , it it does not spell , oh! ) surely , then surely , verily friends , this e. h. is one of the race of cursed meroz . he is so far from helping us , that he has rob'd , to his utmost rob'd us , for ever , friends , even as i said but now , friends , do you see ? he has rob'd us in the first place , of all our hopes of plate , bodkins . sack possets , thimbles and church-gatherings , friends : nay , do ye see , friends ? secondly , he has rob'd us of our english bibles , our dear english bibles , and then , you know , as for our parts , though i , your speaker , am somewhat asham'd to say it , yet you all know it to be true , that if he take the english translation from me and you , he may keep all the other to himself if he will ; it is all one to us , as if he had rob'd us , dear friends , of all the bibles in the world , friends . thirdly , do ye s●…e , friends ? he hath rob'd us of our sabbaths , our foe-annoying sabbaths , our gain-procuring sabbaths , our heart-refreshing sabbaths , our heart-chearly sabbaths , and our spiritual market-day sabbaths . fourthly , friends , he has rob'd us , as i said but now , this same e. h. has rob'd us of our very sermons , our dear sermons . nay fifthly , friends , he has rob'd us of our lectures , our tantlin lectures , our soul-reviving , our soul-comforting lectures ; our every way profitable , and gain-procuring lectures , our enemies confounding lectures , those soul-ravishing opportunities , of you especially dear sisters , dear hearts . sixthly , friends , what shall i say ? friends , moreover , do ye see , he has stript us naked , left not a fig-leafe upon poor modern orthodoxy , but has rob'd us even , as i may so say , and with reverence be it spoken , this e. h. has rob'd us of our very prayers ; making nothing of them but an impudent harangue , pharisaical , nonsensical , and ( what shall i call ? ) hypocritical . seventhly , more than all this , friends ; he makes us , friends ; us , i say us ; he makes us that have been esteemed , in our own and other mens accounts , the godly party , to be the most treacherous , cheating , lying , bloody , malicious , envious , splenetick , slanderous , deceiful , dissembling , covetous , rapacious , and damnable villains , that ever the earth groaned under ; and says , he has trod upon many parts of the earth , but no such wretches are to be found amongst jews , turks , pagans , and other men , with hard names , cannibals , king killers , and man-eaters ; sure this e. h. is no gentleman , because he has not a gentlemans memory , as brother m — most gravely hints : that wicked clowns should remember these things , friends . eightly , moreover , friends , he says , this wicked ●…e , this e. h. friends , says that paul seems to mean us , above all mankind , when he prophesies , 2 tim. 3. 1. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. that in the last days perilous times shall come , and men shall be just such men and women , as you and i are , and all of us , friends , and all our friends there pourtrayed , as if the apostle bad an eye upon us , friends , when he did draw our picture there , so to the very life , as if it had been made for the very nonce , friends , and on purpose for us , friends , do ye see ! it does so fit us , friends . ninthly , he robs us of what i thought the whole world could not have rob'd us of , friends , he robs us of our very pretences , our dear pretences , our very vizors and masks , our very forms and faces of godliness , mark that friends , do you see ? we cannot keep a mask for him ; this same e. h. will not allow them to be so much as masks , true forms , nor faces of godliness , nor so much as like the primitive face of gospel-holiness ; advise and consult dear friends , what we shall do for our masks , and our vizors of holniess ; how shall we look , when we shall not have so much as jezabel had to paint with ? with what face can we call our late happy times the times of reformation and gospel days , when it will not be allowed that they were so much as the resemblance or likeness of gospel-days , & gospel-worship ? our forementioned attainments , friends , wherein through mercy we get glory , must not now be admitted to serve for so much as a vizor , a mask , a cloak of religion : nay , he makes the very cloak , friends , the cloak at troas , to be no more canonical , than a gown or cassock : these are heart-piercing and heart-breaking discouragements , friends , what will become of us ? tenthly , beloved , and is it so ? then the use we should make of all , should be to begin with an use of enquiry , who this same e. h. is ? that we may blacken him , friends , as brother harrison said upon another occasion , i say friends , we must blacken him , blacken , i am sure must be the word . eleventhly , friends , further enquire , how shall we blacken him ? was not the father of this e. h. some jesuit ? and his mother a strumpet ? was not the whore-son born at tripoly ? and one of the three that came over in four ships ? has he not a mole above his chin ? and another on his left knee ? enquire after that friends ; if it be so , then beloved , our friend and cause-advancing brother , william lilly will tell us , that there is no dealing with him , especially if this e. h. was born as i hear he was , in the very same year and month with charles ii. before whom we have begun to fall ; and then , i must tell you friends , i that am your prophet must then tell you , dear friends , with a sad heart , ( as the wise men and zeresh his wife told haman , ) that then we shall never prevail against him , but shall surely fall before him . twelfthly , again enquire and seek out from among your selves in this nation and common-wealth , as i may so call it , friends , among our selves , friends , here 's none here , i hope , but friends ; i say , enquire and seek out for a common-wealths man , and a modern orthodox man , for some brother well gifted , to defend us , and our holiness , which e. h. makes a nothingness ; nay , not worth a louse , as being neither so useful , vertuous , nor so hard to be acquired , especially in some countries , enquire therefore for some man amongst us that may endeavour to weaken at least the authority of his letter , and be sure to blacken him . thirteenthly , friends , i think , ( i only give you my advice , but ) in mine opinion , there is not of our party , any so well qualified to deal with him as j. o. if he be not too much out of credit already ; or rather , what think you of brother wild , he has some cause to be netled , and therefore will the more readily undertake this e. h. who has taken him up already , a little smartly ; and indeed all of us that were at brother caryl's funeral , i think we had as good have staid at home ; friends , yet since it is , as it is , friends , as i said but now , there is none of us have so much wit for the work as our brother wild , but the mischief on 't is , this drink , by this drink , friends , by this vile beastly drinking , friends , brother wild has now made his brains as foul and slubberly with his guzling as are the fore-skirts of his doublet ; what therefore shall we do ? dear friends ! fourteenthly , enquire still i say , friends , i am upon the use of enquiry , whether or no , it will not be our wisest course to sit still , and never offer at an answer to this letter from e. h. who , i perceive , is a merry man , and would joy in another opportunity to make us more ridiculous , a scorn and a proverb ; now that his hand is in , i wish it was off . yet fifteenthly , beloved , since this e. h. has rob'd us also , ( which i had almost forgot , ) of that never to be forgotten good old cause , mark that , friends , that cause , i say , which we have fought for , over head and ears , resisting even to blood , dear friends ; and since this e. h. has made it an old rotten cause , that stink●… above ground , saving your presence , friends ; therefore , i say , therefore some course or other must be taken to answer him , if it be but for the cause sake , which now , with modern orthodoxy lies ( it would pity ones heart to see it , friends , thus lie ) a gasping . sixteenthly , what think you friends ; i only propose it ; what think you of making another gathering among the churches for our friend — the author of the rehearsal transpros'd , to chear up his drooping spirits , for i hear he is crop-sick , and his spirit , like nabal's , almost dead within him ; but a little encouragement from you , i only give you my thoughts , would perhaps make him still get some more ink and elbow griese , and spend it briskly once more in behalf of modern orthodoxy , and the good old cause ; which , though he says , is now too good to be fought for , ( be not angry at him , friends , for he means no harm to us , nor it , so long as he does not think it a cause too good to be writ for , so he do but vindicate it the second time with his pen , we expect no more from such white-livers ; let us alone to vindicate it with the pike . seventeenthly , and lastly , beloved , one use more and i have done , it is an use of exhortation ; you have heard what e. h. has done in robbing us , and making us naked and bare ; you have also heard several enquiries , what may be thought fit to be done in our defence , which i leave , friends , to your consideration : which if you think useless , fruitless , goodless , and purposeless ; then in the last place let me exhort you never to repent as long as you live , let them say what they will , or laugh their hearts out . repent ! and recant ! that would be pretty indeed , that would be as much as to confess this indictment , and acknowledge our selves to have been guilty of all the innocent blood shed in these nations , royal blood and all ; and also to acknowledge that brother oliver deceased had no right to white-hall , nor we to the rest of the kings-lands , bishops-lands , lords-lands , & gentlemans-lands , sequestred & sold to us in those happy gospel times : the very thoughts wherof , ( friends , do you see ? ) makes me weep , so that my eyes dropping so fast , my words can no longer drop as the rain , i 'll sob out a little more though in the conclusion of this so necessary use of exhortation , namely , that you would , friends , abhorr this book , or this letter , call it what you will , from e. h. so that you abhorr it as much as the apocrypha , or as the tabernacle of a robber , or as that lewd womans house you read of , avoid it , pass not by it , turn from it , and pass away , for there are charms in it , i speak mine own experiences , there are charms in that book , that will force your wills , ( 't is strange ! ) to be ruled by your understandings , ( and then farewel blind zeal for ever ; ) & if you do but read and consider what he says , there are charms to make you believe all he says to be true , in spight of your teeth ; he has spoil'd us many a good sermon , wherein we use to inveigh against the cross in baptism , and against baptism of any , until they be taught , and against kneeling at the sacrament : having given us a spiteful go-by , which i never heard of before ; calling it the cross after baptism , as if the church of england held baptism sufficient without it , and before it be used : and also denying , ( which we know not how to help , ) that teaching goes before baptizing in the words of the commission , asserting that christ commands his disciples , to make disciples by baptizing them in the name of the father , &c. and then says , in the following verse comes in teaching , time enough . and then for kneeling at the sacrament of the lords suppper , he says it is as easie to prove it the posture of christ and his apostles , as is sitting , lolling , lying , standing or walking ; making no matter which , so there be decency and and order , friends ; saying there is no more ceremony in kneeling then , than at any other devotion ; nor more a ceremony than when the quakers in token of respect , love and reverence when they meet , wring one another by the hands ; but we know , friends , the quakers are the silliest and most foolish sect that ever was in the world , for denying all ceremonies , because it is impossible , whilest we have bodies and are in the flesh , but we must use some posture or other of body , when we are at our devotions ; and one posture is as much a ceremony as another : and also we must needs be covered with some vests , or vestments , when we are at our devotions , except we meet naked ; at which the women laughing , he concludes . thus have i constrain'd my self thus long into a snivelling cant , to shew those that never came at a conventicle , what comments , ( i am sure , ) will be made of my letter ; though i protest i have not writ a syllable in it , whether jest or earnest , but in a sober , true-hearted design for the good of those poor souls , bejugled and cheated of their estates and more precious souls by modern orthodoxy , carried on to the ruine of kingdoms by spiritual gypsies , fidlers & juglers that wander all the kingdom over , seeking whom they may devour and make a prize and booty of ; and if i were a lawyer , i think , i could find law enough against them , and bring them , for all their shifts & legerdemains , within the compass of the statutes against vagrants , fidlers , juglers and cheaters , if not wolves , though in sheeps cloathing . and i have manifested more true love in this letter to beguiled and unstable souls , than he does that picks their pocket . such i mean , as hugh peters , of whom they have had as good an opinion , as they now have of any of their precious , godly men , who can scarce hold from laughing , ( as hugh peters did , ) to see how soon the poor fools and their moneys were parted . of which precious snivelling , whining chapmen , if any be so fool-hardy as to plead for their baal's and diana's , here defyed ; let him but put his name to what he writes , and i 'll promise him i 'll tell him if he desire it , what e. h. ( at the end of this letter subscrib'd ) does signifie , and who claims that name , which those letters here stand for ; because i 'll justifie every word i write ; and i would also beg of such an one , ( if at least such an one there be , so daring as to defend modern orthodoxy , whose admirers did use to expose themselves in print as readily as ridiculously , and as pertly , as malepertly , ) that he would place his words , as right as that disorderly scribling tribe of adoniram use to do ; and let me not have one such tempting word , as trinkles , tuants , un : hoopable jurisdiction , or ferreting upon the stage , and the like to sport with ; as he loves me , my ease , my quiet and repose . left complaint be made by those of the kings and dukes play-house , that , for less money , to their great hinderance and want of custom , we entertain men in afternoons , with our repartees , till it be grown almost as good as a play ; as father gregory phrases it p. 35. very jocundly . gregory himself allows a man once in his life to change his party , p. 91. for which i could almost approve one thing he says ; and indeed otherwise he would have condemn'd s. paul and all mankind , who are born with their backs heaven-ward ; but when he says , they may change sides either for safety or preferment , he discovers the sow , beggarly and ignoble principles that act him ; 't is greg. like , gregories own self , for so he came to be an executioner , either for safety ( to save his own neck from the gallows ) or for preferment to so high an office. come take my advice greg. learn at last to be more wise , and leave this scribling , to which your stars are averse ; and because i am in the counselling humour , i also advise you , ( better late thrive than never ) abjure this villanous game picquet , which you say , you but lately learned ; haunt not the company of lincoln dignitaries , nor those rooking ordinaries , where you say you were chouc'd when you play'd pieces , for fear that though you never have grace to repent and return from oliverian orthodoxy , yet it is more than an even lay , that such lewd courses will in spight of your purse , make you a turn-coat , a profession that i was never so needy & thread-bare to be of ; for my buff-coat , though turn'd two or three times , will scarcely make so neat a cassock , as i now wear , though the kings taylor himself take it in hand ; modern orthodoxy , under which i was born and bred , and to which i was childishly led , being now abhorred by me , through more ingenuous & generous principles , than either safety or preferment . neither of which was either design'd , obtain'd , or like to be obtain'd in the change by me , who could , if i had listed to have been so base , have pickt the peoples pockets , with canting long snivelling sermons , as cleaverly as the best of them , with many thanks for my great pains therein , besides applause and renown too into the bargain alive and dead : whereas the party i own , is of another cue , and preferments , design'd by our noble ancestors with a liberal hand to men of most merit , being byass'd many times with little picques and self-interest , run right upon the jack , that if he paid not for it before he had it delivered , yet paid dearer for it by marrying cousin abigail , or blear-ey'd leah our daughter : whereas more safety and preferment ( as the non conformists know well ) flowes plentiful upon the oliverian orthodox , whilst the truly orthodox clergy fall into contempt universal , and by reason of envy to some of the great ones , and scorn to such as are too deservedly despicable amongst the clergy , very few men do cordially concern themselves therein . enough to deter men from those so little plausible truths , which i have own'd in this letter , with such candor and freedom , according to that primitive orthodoxy of our saviour , the apostles , the primitive church , and the present church of england , if they durst speak out , for fear of being houted at with such as greg. and scurrilous companions of oliverian orthodoxy ; who hang together on one string , stand by , defend , and encourage one another by gifts and preferments , too strong temptations for narrow and degenerous souls to resist , thereby betraying discountenanc'd truths ; whilst , on the other hand and party , men are so unconcern'd in any thing but private interest and little picques , that a despised truth may go a begging for all them , let the church and truth sink or swim , they 'l save one , little considering that neither their private cargo's nor themselves can possibly be safe in a wrack . which this kingdom and church has suffered lately already by a rebellion countenanc'd and vouch'd by gospel-discoveries , in their lectures , preachments , rash prayers , called blasphemously , gifts of the holy ghost , all which i have proved to be no gifts , otherwise than as physicians call their medicines doses , gifts ; yet men pay dear enough for these doses , and so have these doses , if they be gifts , cost these kingdoms dear , even their best heart blood ; god keep us from their doses , and the jewish thraldom of sabbathizing , by which hypocritically and pharisaically they impropriated a day from works of mercy , that they might have more leisure to sell their doses or gifts , as they falsly call them , helping themselves at once with a market day , on which they may sell at leasure all their apostate wares and impostures ; and perhaps sell the same wares two or three or four times on the same market-day , first in a morning lecture at one chureh , in a fore-noon sermon at another congregation , in an after-noon sermon at another place ; and then fourthly and lastly , a crambe repetition of the same sermon , though pitiful ware , god knows , as ever cost so dear , having been paid for dear enough in conscience , at the first part of the day , when it was expos'd to sale in the morning lecture . and also this superstitious sabbathizing ( though contrary to all the reformed churches in the world , and all christendom , whether they follow the greek , muscovian , roman , lutheran , or calvinian churches , yet ) here in england alone admired by these modern orthodox , partly for their gain-sake , partly for pride-sake , glorying and braving their betters with that silly superstitious vizor of religion ; but making more damnable use of it , by arming the people , bejuggled with their pretences of serving the lord in their care of the lords day against the king and church , that ( hating to lay greater yokes & burdens upon the necks of the disciples , than christ , the apostles , primitive church and all christendom does impose ) proclaim'd that due liberty , to which christ had set us free by abolishing that type sabbathical ( both weekly and yearly sabbaths ) amongst other hand-writings of ordinances ceremonial that were against us . yet these modern orthodox men , fairly pretending for god , and preaching up his day , though superstitiously and ceremoniously , jewishly , pharisaically and hypocritically , made the silly people believe all was gold that they made to glister , and nothing could be superstitious which they cry'd up , who used to cry down superstition with a filthy wide mouth ; and as wide from truth , scripture , right reason , as heaven is from hell , or truth from falshood . this jewish superstitious sabbathizing then furnisht them with one whole day in a week to vend their wares , and get gain ; ( though afterward their insatiable greediness got them week-day lectures too ) also furnisht them with a new cloak of holiness to cover their knavery , rebellion , jugglings , pride , covetousness and schism ; and also furnisht them with an artillery of men and arms , with adjutant supplies of money to boot , to fight against the king and church , and fill the whole land with blood and ruine , fighting for superstition under the colours of holiness , and the lords day ; and all that oppose them herein , must needs be fighters against god , and prophane . which opinion of the people is still so settled in them , and so little hopes there is , that they will be capable of better information , and so little thanks ( however ) for the pains ; ( unpleasant truths being never so welcome as pleasing errours and superstitions ; ) that i once resolv'd ( with the old politick monk , sinere res vadere vt vadunt ) to let people think and do what they would for all me . but when i consider'd the mischief that this jewish superstition alone has occasion'd in the kingdom , and that either king , church and kingdom must deny their own light and knowledge , and thus judaize , or else there is a weapon always at hand ready for the modern orthodox plausibly to assault again our peace upon all occasions ; and till mutiny be ripe , there is in the interim a sufficient calumny always ready , by way of preparation thereunto , wherewith to reproach the king and church as debauch'd in principles and practices prophane , when if the truth was but known , and the question determined , the prophaneness must lye , where the superstition lyes ; yet if greg. had not hinted it in reproach to bishop bramhall , i had not medled with it now , though i bless god for the occasion , and that he has put so much courage and honesty in my mind , as to study more to get my country-men good , by avowing the truth , than to get their good wills , by betraying truth , through slavish and base designs of applause and profit , against both which as to mine own particular affairs i now speak in this particular concern for truth , as you ( knowing my profession so well ) do very well know . and i am afraid some of the clergy of the church of england will give me little thanks for some passages , and a hundred to one if some little pert gentleman do not briskly stand up and say , you ! with your sermon of six verses , which you commend so highly to the skies , as that which alone will carry a man to heaven , if he do but practise that sermon , ( then he follows me on with latine sentences — laus proprio sordet in ore — &c. ) and must we burn all our sermon notes ? four or five hundred sermons i have now by me of mine own making , at least transcrib'd all with mine own hand ; and some i intend for the press , some to dedicate to the right worshipful my patron that gave me this living : some of the better sort to the right honourable my patron ( i hope ) that shall be , in giving me a better living . and do you think i will lose the opportunities of publishing my thankfulness to one patron for the living i have , and of procuring my self a better living by the simony of praises , a whole page full , in an epistle dedicatory to my patron that shall be , i hope ; you , with your six verses , what do you say to these things ? besides , i owe you an old grudge for the market-day you speak of a little too slightly by your favour , sir , as if we of the church of england too made an advantage of that superstition by morning lectures , and fore and after noon sermons and repetitions , besides week-day lectures ; and all these perhaps but one and the same harangue sold often after it was paid for fairly and delivered , in the presence of many witnesses ; i must tell you , sir , you are another bayes , you kill friend and foe , hungary , transylvania , &c. all scotland , and a great part of the church of england ; besides , sir , whilst i have a hebrew tongue in my head , i must speak in the behalf of hebrew , a tongue it seems ( you say ) you understand not , nor any body else , taking measures of others by your own shorter scantlings ; that would be a pretty jest indeed , what is hebrew tongue nothing with you , sir ? i have spent my money and my pains finely indeed , and mr — the old hebrew professor that has had many a fair piece , besides collations at my chamber for reading hebrew to me ; the mazoreth notes and all , you make nothing of , nor of the jewish university at tyberias , in fa this is fine , very fine , very fine indeed ; and all this , because one vessius prefers the septuagint , as ( he says ) christ and his apostles did , before the hebrew text , or tongue , which you say of all tongues ( at the gift of tongues ) was neglected as a language lost and needless , as not being the mother tongue of any people in the world , since the irrecoverable captivity of israel and judah into babylon : what do you say to these things e. h ? i will say , noble sir , nothing with a good will to offend your mesship , your priscianship , your pedantship . come on , i 'le try your scholarship presently ; i 'le pose you , in the first place , can you form 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or amo ? no. ha , ha , he , i knew what a scholar you were : can you cap verses ? no. i am no po — it seems then you want a hebrew tongue ? no. i say , no , still . then you have a hebrew tongue in your head : no , neither . then you would surely take my hebrew tongue away , would you ? no. i long for no such tongue , much good may it do you ; but for my part , i say , hang it ; 't is dry meat , when all 's done . but i mean , you say to my hebrew tongue , tongue thou liest , thou liest in the throat . yes , that i do say , where else should it lie but in the throat . i mean , you deny all hebrew tongues , hebrew texts , and hebrew jews . no. i do not deny but there may be one hebrew jew , for father gregory tells us of one at malmsbury , but excepting that one , not yet six moneths old , i say again there is not one more hebrew jew that i know of in the world ; if by hebrew jews you mean jews that vernacly speak hebrew ; or that do certainly understand it . did you ever converse among the jews ? yes , as far from this place as is hierusalem and the land of jury , and much further off . and are not those jews hebrews ? i mean do they not understand hebrew ? no , no otherwise than as you and i understand it ; some of their levites have a little insight into the masoreth notes and rules of canting that lauguage : their university at tyberias , to make some little shew that there is , or at least was such a nation undispersed , invented those masoreth notes , to give some light to that dark language , but thereby they have only of that tongue made any thing rather than any thing certain ; and to this day the jews own the chaldee paraphrase especially ; invented about our saviour's time ; by onkel●…s for the pentateuch ; and for the prophets great and small , by jonathan ; on whose paper , whilst he was writing it , if a fly chanc'd to light casually , fire from heaven came immediately to consume her , the rabbins say . had the jews no chaldee paraphrase before that time ? yes , esdras , who first reduc'd the old testament into the canon , as we have it now , immediatly after the return from babylonish captivity , turn'd the old testament into syriack , but for your hebrew text , that , as a great secret , was only known to the priests , who expounded all to the people from the syriack or chaldee , nehem. 8. 7 , 8. why , is syriack and chaldee all one ? yes , i think so , differing only in dialect , as did also the antiochian or maronites pronunciation , the galilean , and hierusalem dialects ; which yet were all one babylonish tongue , honoured by being the mother-tongue to our blessed saviour ( when in the flesh ) as also to the apostles ; all these dialects differing only as scotch , yorkshire , devonshire , and kentish pronunciations amongst us ; or as the dorick , ionick , aeolick , &c. among the greeks . but , i say still ; did not adam speak hebrew ? i do not remember , it is a great while ago , but i think he did not ; the learned grotius says , that that language which adam and all the world spake 3400 years together , before the confusion of tongues at b●…bel , was indeed one language , but it is now lost , and dispers'd amongst all languages , dividing that primitive tongue to every nation a piece , till it had never a bit left for it self ; and no matter , it lasted long enough in all conscience for one tongue ; without a miracle no one tongue can be epidemical and universal 100 years together , different climates will make different pronunciations : english and dutch was the same tongue in our forefathers the saxons , we scarce understand chaucer's english , nor do the dutch born in england readily understand the dutch spoken in the netherlands , and yet can speak a language which they themselves call dutch here in england amongst themselves . do not the jews at this day make most use of the hebrew text of the old testament ? no. our saviour , the apostles and all the jews in that time admired most , and made most use of the septuagint , which was given ( say some ) by divine inspiration ; however , though the autographical copy ( laid up carefully in that famous library of ptolomaeus philadelphus , ( who set the 70 to work ) when , in julius caesar's time ( half a hundred years before our saviours time ) was burnt at alexandria with all the rest of that glorious library , yet the apographical copies were taken for the most certain and authentick text of the old testament , and therefore quoted upon all occasions by christ and his apostles , sometimes in places differing from the hebrew text , as we have it , there being thirteen signal variations betwixt them ; the chaldee paraphrase not then having obtain'd that due credit it now has got ; and the hierusalem targum , invented about 1500 years ago ; and the megilloth targum , not above 1200 years ago , all in syriack , and now generally owned by the jews , all of them at this day ? but were not the talmuds both of them writ in hebrew , the pharisees saying they were delivered unto moses upon mount sinai with the law ? no , they were the invention of r. jehuda , sirnamed for his holiness , hakkadosh ; but in the chaldee tongue , and as spurious and adulterate rejected by our saviour . which do you think is the most authentick apographical copy of the septuagint , the vatican or alexandrian ? much alike ; yet the alexandrian is usually preferred ; we call it the king's manuscript , because it was sent to our king from constantinople by cyril lucaris patriarch there , and brought with him as a famous monument from alexandria where he was patriarch till advanc'd to the higher dignity , the patriarchat of constantinople ; from whence our leiger ambassadour there sir thomas roe sent it to our king. the greek church heard of no other bible but this septuagint 400 years after christ , when st. hierom first divulg'd commonly the hebrew text ; at which the african bishops , st. augustine especially was so offended , that he interdicted that hebrew bible , as did also the greek bishops ; which forc'd st. hierom l. 2. cont . ruffinum ; & in praf ad 2 chron. to beg their pardon , saying , he had no design by that promulgation , to confront the sacred septuagint . and for my part , i think ( if you will not be angry ) that the vulgar latin is a more certain interpreter , and as old ( i believe ) as since the times of the apostles , being writ by them , or some of their disciples for the use of the church of rome , to whom st. paul writ an epistle ; and even beza , as well as grotius acknowledges it , so much the more credibly authentick for that old as well as odd latine in which it gloried , before st. hierom's time . for he indeed pretended to amend and correct it by putting forth another latine translation , concordant , as to the old testament , with his hebrew text , encouraged thereunto by pope damasus , and both his latine version and the old vulgar latine were confirmed by gregory the great : but because they made a distraction in the church , they were by the authority as well as pains of clement 8. concorporated , and now are known by the old name ; ( given before st. hierom was born ) the vulgar latine : to which learned men i 'le assure you give a great deal of credit and reverence ; therein consenting with baronius , bonfrerius , serrarius , &c. though they differ in other matters . but i speak of my hebrew tongue , now that it is mended by the university at tiberias , the masoreth : what say you to that ? i say nothing to it , i told you before , i love no tongues when the goodness is quite dry'd out of them , i value them no more than a chip , though for want of better accommodation they usually serve some vain people to make a show with , thinking they are better than nothing , if you will believe a grave and learned authour called hudibras . for hebrew roots , although th' are found to flourish most in barren ground , &c. be not offended sir , i do not think you sir , nor a thousand more such hebrew bablers as your self are , at all concern'd in the sarcasme ; you carry hebrew only a little at the tip , and tongues end ; they are no small fools , i can tell you , that can produce the roots of that tongue . what language spoke our saviour ? only one , the syriack , or babylonish , his mother tongue according to the flesh ; though as god he understood all languages and things ; but he never travell'd , during his incarnation , out of the nation and language wherein he was born , that we read of . when our saviour and the apostles quoted scripture out of the old testament , did they not follow the hebrew text ? no certainly , but the septuagint , as 't is evident : nor was the old testament compos'd into a canon , as we have it , until esdras first did it , after the captivity : and the samaritans own no scripture to this day , nor in our saviours time , but the pentateuch ; the minor prophets , as we have them , not till esdras his time compos'd as now ; and some of the holy scripture is yet quite lost to us , namely the prophecies of the prophets , iddo , nathan , shemajah , &c. besides most part of the prophecie of daniel was writ in chaldee ; so also ezra chap. 4. and some other parts of holy scripture , that i list not here to recite : and st. augustine l. 18. c. 13. de civit . dei. tells us , the grecian christians knew not in his time whether there were any other sacred original but the septuagint . happily made more intelligible , if not more legible , by the concurrent testimonies of sacred apographical versions and copies , syriack , armenian , indian , vulgar latine , aethiopick , and the mungrel tongue coptick , partly greek , partly old aegyptian ; ( as to some books of the bible , persian ) chaldee paraphrase ; by the providence of almighty god , and the indefatigable pains of learned men preserved and collected , namely , st. hierom , cyril , eusebius , and pamphilus , mercer , buxtorf , sixtus senensis , pradus , nobilius flaminius , abbas apollinarius , stephanus , vilalpandus , azorius , simon de muis , lindanus , kircher , casaubon , bochartus , usherus , fullerus , erasmus , grotius , beza , morinus , breerwood , vatablus , munster , hutter , junius , fabritius , boderianus , masius , above all cardinal ximenius the toletan primate , for the first great polyglot bible , enlarged by arias montanus at the charge of philip king of spain , commonly called ; the king of spain's bible ; but augmented since by the parisian bible , at the cost and care of michael de jay ; and now all of them outvied by the late polyglot bible printed at london with as incomparable profit as pains . but do we not find the old hebrew tongue in those bibles ? yes ; yes ; but that which is rather construed by comparing with other languages more certain and better known ; especially since the old hebrew that had anciently but three letters that stood for vowels , we may now make a nose of wax of an old hebrew word , now that we have got a baker's dozen of vowels , besides dipthongs added to the former . and indeed all those vowels , notes , and points , are not only uncertain , but of less standing in the university , than greek accents and aspirations , a new invention too of the grammarians : yet both of them are of much longer standing , than the distinction of the holy books inter chapters and verses ; which yet are useful , if they be not always too much insisted upon : of all the new hebrew additions dagesch pleads the greatest seniority , being as old ( some say ) as the letter n. but most old hebrew copies neglect him , and leave him out . in what language was the new testament first indited ? in greek , all of them autographically , as the most universal language ; and also in other languages autographically , as latine , syriack without controversie , and one or two books thereof ( some say ) in the hebrew tongue : indeed the apostles could speak all useful languages ; but although some ancient ms. say , that matthew's gospel was writ in the hebrew tongue for the jews at hierusalem , cited by the learned doctour hammond in his annotations upon matt. 1. 1. yet because it is certain the jews then at hierusalem understood hebrew at that time no more than you and i , by the hebrew tongue there , must be understood the language of the hebrews then spoken at hierusalem ; which was syriack ; which theodoret and many other learned antiquaries say is an ancienter language , as well as more certain , than your hebrew tongue ; and being , as was said , the mother tongue to the apostles , many autographical copies of some books in the new testament writ in syriack were acknowledged for holy scripture , before some of those sacred books were indited , at least before they were generally received into the canon of holy writ ; namely , the second epistle of st. peter ; the second and third epistles of st. john ; the epistle of st. jude , and the revelations of st. john. the sun's face when long wrap'd up in a cloud more beauteous shows , having cast off that hood : the english genius mourning many a year in sniveling black , now grows more debonair . rome as she thrive in arms , so thrive in arts ; so england too ; since she got loyal hearts ; more brisk all learning 's grown , lately deform'd , and must the pulpit be the last reform'd ? in parliament , and inns of court , long speeches are reckon'd little worth but to wipe br — he best does speak , that speaks plain , short & sweet : is not right eloquence for the pulpit meet ? great is diana , great long sermons snivelling , by which craft holder forth sneaks for a living . be gone base canting tribe with your new lights that only teach men to be hypocrites ; long winded preachments being now forlorn , a dress now out of fashion , being worn thread-bare by whining pharisees alone , or 't is the jews-trump of religion . and is it not deservedly in disgrace ? it ne'r yet had so much as a good face or form of godliness , far from the power ; the primitive sermons not one jot like your : christ and his servants , holy writ records , converted thousands with a few plain words . but still i fear little priscian pursues me ; and perhaps will say , i wonder what work you will cut out for the ministers of the church of england , now you have clip'd away all , ( but your own sermon of six verses , ) as well as modern orthodoxy . truly , truly generous sir , i have cut out more and better work for you and all gospel ministers , than you are well aware of , or can readily accomplish . though all the shreds and parings , as rubbish be thrown into hell , except what is included in these six verses ; and you shall do your work more profitably and honourably to your selves and the people , if you keep your selves within the limits of those six verses , do as much good as ever you did , and have as much work too , and yet neither do nor say any thing mischievously and impertinently : for first your conversations ( at which the enemy is so scandalized as well as your selves ) will be unblameable by doing as you would be done unto ; you cannot then chouce poor gentlemen of their moneys when they play pieces at an ordinary , this principle will keep you from cheating tricks , or being cheated ; will keep your hands from picking and stealing and defrauding ; and your tongues from evil speaking , lying and slandering ; why ? because you would not willingly be so served by others ; but you must by this principle behave your selves soberly , in reference to your own bodies in temperance , righteously in reference to all other men , by justice , and godlily in reference to devotion towards god in duties of religion and holy worship : which is made up of five particulars , namely , faith , the seals of faith , prayers , praises and ceremonies . unto which some adde swearing : but not well advised therein ; for though god almighty says to his people , thou shalt fear the lord thy god , deut. 6. 13. and serve him , and shalt swear by his name ; yet the last clause is not exegetical of the former ; nor do men serve god by swearing ; nor is it any part of heavenly liturgy , other than as when we serve truth and our generation , being called at courts of judicature , to attest truth , calling god to witness , and to judge us according to the truth of what we averr ; and if this be done cordially , it assoils such a man of atheism , but not of irreligion ; if by religion we mean religious worship ; which i say has but five parts , as abovesaid : and all included in my sermon of six verses . now saith little modern orthodox ; are you there again with your clypticks ? having neither accepted sermon nor lecture into your holy worship ? i hope sermons that have had all the room in the church , ( when your liturgy , and your sacraments , and your ceremonies were turn'd out of doors , ) shall yet be taken in for one share , part and portion of religious and holy worship of god. no , not a bit , i admit no sermons , lectures , preachments , nor harangues , no not mine own dear sermon of six verses to have any part or lot in this matter of religious worship ; i know they have turn'd all religious worship out of the house of god , so that now sermon is taken to be the all of gods worship and so understood in common phrase ; is there a sermon this after-noon , or to day ? is sermon done ? were you at sermon to day ? &c. meaning , were you at church ? or serving god to day ? sermon , sermon for all ; and if no sermon , then there 's nothing at all , that amongst silly men and women can sound like religious worship . whereas i come and say quite contrary ; namely , that ceremonies , sacraments , &c. are religious , necessary , and holy worship of god ; but sermons , lectures and harangues are not at all the religious and holy worship of god , when they are never so good sermons ; but the usual sermons of modern orthodox , that justled true and holy worship out of the church , did not so much as tend to holy worship consisting in ceremonies , the liturgy , sacraments , &c. those men being so far from preaching up those parts of holy worship , that they preach'd them down , and consequently , the more sermons , and the more eloquent sermons of that nature , were the most devillish works of darkness and hell , and the more men heard and believed those sermons , the more they were children of wrath and darkness , if so be that those five particulars aforesaid contain all the parts and portions of holy worship ; and that sermons , the most admired preachments be not allowed therein any , ( not so much as the least ) share ; sermons at best being only in order to gods worship , as they plainly and honestly comment upon , and exhort unto ceremonies , faith , seals of faith , prayers and praises ; this ought to be the height of the ambition that sermons can lay claim unto ; only to be subservient and serviceable to these high and mighty devotions , faith , the seals of faith , prayers , praises and ceremonies , which three last you have most evangelically in our holy liturgy . and all sermons that tend not to the preaching up of these , ( how worthy cares soever father grey-beards do esteem them , ) are whimsical and extravagant at best , in relation to instructing people in holy and gospel worship : but if those sermons cry down these , or any of these five particulars , established in the church , then those sermons , and sermon-mongers are diabolical , schismatical , hypocritical , seditious , false , foolish and hellish ; and such sermons in the church , are like baal , an idol in the temple of god , and such sermon-mongers , baals priests . all whom here i defie in the name of the living god , to come out , if they dare try it out with me in this particular , and plead for their baal : so i call those sermons that men have not only made idols of , but those idols have been set up in the house of god , ever since modern oliverian orthodoxy was set up , and all true and holy worship has been quite thrown out of the church , to make room for this baal . not that i ( neither ) would have the pulpit thrown out of the church ; since it may be so useful by exhortations and honest instructions from thence , how men may demean themselves in the holy worship of god , and in temperance , and charity , and justice towards themselves and others . but still i say , though i allow it a place in the church , yet only such a place as the seat of ecclesiastical judicature , those judicial benches you see in some churches , when discipline was in fashion ; namely , those benches and the pulpit are only for direction , correction and instruction , and as much , and more need of the former than the latter ; if those seats and benches of discipline were , as they should be , fill'd with honest and able men , not with salesmen , brokers and hucksters . but neither spiritual courts , nor sermons , neither discipline nor doctrine are any parts of the holy worship of god ; though by reason of men's infirmities , they have , like physick to the body , or laws to a nation , been found useful , when well manag'd : but still , they are happiest people that need fewest laws , and the healthiest people that need the least physick , and the holiest and wisest people that need the least doctrine or discipline , sermons or spiritual courts . both which , i confess , have prov'd pretty gainful trades , as some have gone to work , to the peoples great loss , as well as great disparagement and reproach to them ; there being no greater sign of a dunce , than that he is taught , and taught , and taught his lesson over and over again , and yet can never say it , take forth , or turn a new leaf ; ever learning but never able to come to the knowledge of the truth , as those silly women st. paul chastises , 2 tim. 3. 6 , 7. but that our men should be so silly too , they may be ashamed of their dull pates , if they have any shame in them . besides , like blockheads and ill-thriven lean jades , they also shame their keepers , teachers and masters , who , if they had the right art of teaching , could not but make better scholars . perhaps the hypocritical oliverian crew will think i speak against hour-glass sermons out of a lazy self-interesting preservation , owning here plain and short pulpit-talk , thereby to vouch my own negligence and sloth . let them think so still , i care not : but though they think my sermons too short , i 'le make them amends in another bargain . i am sure they think my writings and this letter ( in particular ) long enough ; if they do not , perhaps they will think so upon the next occasion they give me to hold forth against them . besides , my sermons are not hour-glass sermons ; for i give order to my clark and sexton to turn the hour-glass in their pew , that a great quantity of the sand may be run out , ( under the rose be it spoken ) before they set it up in view upon my first approach to the ever-to-be-adored pulpit ; chusing rather to whet than dull the appetites of my hearers , and leave them rather a longing for more , than cloy their affections with tedious stuff : 't is healthful at such meals to rise with an appetite . and indeed i and my auditory are pretty well agreed for that matter ; most of them ( i hope ) having not so ill been taught , or so learned christ , but that they had rather be good than seem good : and so they have but the worship of god ( in our sacred liturgy ) to the full , they are more indifferent for those pulpit after-drops ; of which yet they have not been scanted , nor have they wanted any of their due and wonted measure , this fortnight that i have spent in this letter , more troublesome to my amanuensis than my self ; costing more pains and time in the printing and press than in the composure . however , my congregation , for the generality of them judge not the worth of a sermon by the quantity but quality thereof ; an ounce of meat being worth a pound of poyson , as much as an ounce of gold is worth a pound of dull lead : chusing rather to have a profitable and plain sermon , though short , than an impertinent story antiquely told , though never so long ; they coming not to church to see tumbling tricks and hocus juglings , with cloak hung by , buttons scracht ope , hands heav'd up , with wide open mouth and cheveril lungs , with teeth bitingly set and grinning , with such apish peters , rogers , dedham-jack-pudding tricks ; willing to leave those to modern pharisees , sermon-mongers , hypocrites and oliverian-orthodox , the head and body of whose religion is made up like a dismal monster , in which nothing appears eminent but sowcing great luggs and a mouth greater , without brains , and without any face like true religion ; and if the devil did not possess men strangely , with greedy covetousness , pride , blood and singularity , no man could be in love with it . but if any of these mad-caps will be so hardy , as to venture a fall or foil in behalf of their monstrous mistress of modern oliverian orthodoxy ; and undertake against me , to prove that she has a portion and share in religious and holy worship ; and also endeavor to prove that she has decent features , if she be not a beauty , and has more eminent and protuberant parts than mouth and ears , let him come out as soon as he will ; for her credit and his , and all the credits of good old cause men , lie desperately in jeopardy and at hazard . therefore the sooner they shew their courage and strength the better it will be for them , and not much the worse for me ; now my hand is in , i long to try again what metal they are made of , or where their great sampson's-strength lies , which fops only admire : for we never could find yet that their strength lay in their brains or any excrement that their brains put forth or hitherto produc'd . their talent lies in chucking the white and blew aprons ; and if the husband be novice enough to be cullied into the bargain , there 's so much sav'd : but if he be too crafty , like a cunning old bird , that will not be catch'd with such chaff ; in that case it is lawful for the dear heart his wife to filch religiously , and cheat her husband for god's sake . and so let them address to petticoat , that 's the height they can goe , and plot how to make their approaches to her pocket ; and for the great pains of brother precious therein get a maudlin courtsee , and thanks , very lovingly , with great cake and posset too , over and above ; mouthing in conclusion most savourly with hopkins and sternhold , which , in modern gypsee-cant , sounds — loth to depart . these are worthy cares for those fathers , ( so called in good earnest , it is no laughing matter , they become sometimes at such meetings , fathers , by right and good reason . ) but to fool themselves in print , it renders them to all ingenuous men , but so much the more ridiculous , who were ridiculous enough ( god knows ) before , in all conscience . like that little adventurer , who to satisfie wife , who long'd to see dear husbands name in print , and therefore desir'd him to put forth a ballad : no , quoth he , dear chuck , none of us have wit enough to make a ballad , except brother wild , whose fancy now ( wants tilting , even for ballad-wit , it ) runs so low , and is so sowre and stale withal , its briskness , such as it was , is now with its spirit quite gone , he is drain'd now to taplash tap-droppings : what think you then husband , said she , of the story , the pretty story you told me in bed last night of puss-cat ? what think you of putting that same cat into the press ? oh! dear love , replys he , i thank thee for that , 't is very true , the story of the cat , — that same , that , that , that , and away with it to the press , a whole sheet full of cat. cat ? what cat , do ye think ? house-cat ? no , church-cat , he would have said , but that he forgot it ( in his letter to a friend . ) and what news of the cat ? why , saith he , to this purpose , ( for i cannot write so slovenly as his words are , it is too much honour to take notice of such a scribler , except after dinner to laugh a little for digestion sake ) this same cat , saith he : very good , what of the cat ? why , once upon a time there was a cat : good ! go on : this cat came into the church — good still — and when she came there she was a ratcatcher , a rat-trap , and a mouse-trap : well , so far good ; and this same church-cat stood in spiritual hieroglyphick , for kneeling and the cross in baptism , those two hateful ceremonies to honest gentleman , modern orthodox man , who has an antipathy to that same church-cat : well , go on , what of all this ? what ? judge you , gentlemen , which is most civil , to keep that cat in the church , and thereby loose the good company of honest gentleman cat-hater , or else seal a lease of ejectm●…nt against this church-cat , otherwise modern orthodox starts up in a fright , saying , sit you m●…y , gentlemen , i cannot stay in the room , i have a natural antipathy to that same cat. in fa , what an antipathy ? where 's hopkins the witch finder ? search him for a teat , or any such imp-suckler , any marks of natural antipathy to this same church-cat can be found about him ; well , 't is done , come give in your evidence ; have you upon search found this same antipathy-teat about honest gentleman ? no , he 's free and clear for that matter : but i find an ill habit of body and mind , contracted by humour of singularity , pride , envy and lean-chapt malice , which is the only cause of this dislike against this church-cat of his own making ; and only speaks this same cat-hater to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a lover only of his own will , and good pleasure in gods service , that 's all . for ( to keep to the allegory ) since ceremonies ( which he calls the ratcatcher ) must needs be in the church one way or other , in one form or other ; whilst we have bodies , we must serve god either in the posture of kneeling , &c. ( which he calls the ratcatcher cat ) or else in the posture of sitting , lolling , lying , &c. ( which i 'l call ratcatcher owl ) to which i and millions more of honest christians in these days , and ever since our saviours time have had an antipathy ; to retort therefore upon this wise disputant , and beat the cat about the owls-head of the bouby ; judge you , gentlemen , which is most civil , to keep the owl in the church , by the ceremonies of sitting , and lolling with hat upon skull , &c. the like irreverent postures , to which church-owl , i and millions of honest gentlemen have an antipathy , or rather fright this ratcatcher owl out of the church , for with her howtings and scrietching she spoils the musick and harmony of spiritual worship ; so that i , and millions of such owl-haters by antipathy must otherwise avoid the room and be gone . we live in a foppish generation , hugh peters ghost yet walks ; he us'd to tell a story of pus-cat , and puss in her majesty : it took wonderfully , and this nonsensical story of the cat , because she made a mouth and mew'd against ceremonies , was as good ( at first ) to some , as are nuts to mother-midnight . what wicked design men can have in blurring paper , and make it dear at this rate , i cannot tell ; but sure i am the greatest purchase they get by it , is only infamy , amongst all wise men , by rendring themselves in print publick laughingstocks , a scorn and a proverb . the truth is , i find a great deal more difficulty in perswading my mind to stoop so low , as to take any notice of such despicable fellows , or what they print , than to consute them : why ? tell me seriously , was there ever any argument so vilely ridiculous , as this of the cat ? a sordid crew ! what never a modern orthodox man that can write like a man or , a scholar ? can they play the men only to the women ? i 'l assure you , now that i have here thrust out sermons from religious worship , that used to thrust out all religious worship , and have introduc'd ceremonies as a necessary part of divine and holy worship ; they had need rally all their forces , or they , are routed for ever . and to encourage the best of them to the ran-counter , i 'l help them with a weapon , from mat. 15. 9. let them manage it and flourish it as well as they can . but i would not have them , for their own credit , to tell the world , any more lyes in print ; and say , i speak against preaching and faith , and sermons the means of faith ; if they should , they tell a damn'd lye ; i would not have sermons ( so they be plain , honest and seasonable ) at all undervalued , or disused when occasion calls for it , and the peoples ignorance or negligence ; but i will not yet let them take place in gods worship , sermons being but man speaking to man , or at best , when gods assistance concurrs , it is but heavenly influence upon man , which is another thing than gods holy worship , which ought to be our daily sacrifice , in exercises of faith , the sacraments as occasion offers , constant prayers , praises , and ceremonies , according to our holy , heavenly and incomparable common-prayer-book . ceremonies , will greg. and the rest of oliverian orthodox say , ceremonies , they are one ground of our quarrel with your way of worship , and the great ground , as being superstitious , and but bodily worship . but bodily worship ? why ? what would you have ? i make them no more but bodily worship ; yet that but , is such a but , that it will prove a but-end against modern orthodoxy for ever , to all that honestly , and with a good heart , free from partiality , prejudice and passion , do consider , and believe gods holy word and their own eyes . how does the apostle beg of the romans , with many imprecations , for the ceremonies of bodily worship , in gods holy worship , as a most reasonable service to him , a holy acceptable and living sacrifice unto god , rom. 12. 1. and bids them all to open their mouths together in prayer , praises , and worship of god , as if they had but one mouth among them all , as well as one mind in glorifying god , rom. 15. 6. and also calls upon the corinthians not only to do the great duty , but the lesser duty ; not only to glorifie god with their spirits , but with their bodies , 1 cor. 6. 20. and that for a very good reason , because the body is gods purchase , as well as the soul ; christ hath bought both , paid a price for both ; both therefore , body as well soul must glorifie god , by reverent postures and gestures , as kneelings , bowing , sometimes even to the very ground , after the pattern and example of our saviour , mat. 26. 39. these blasphemous wretches of oliverian and modern orthodox would have called our saviour superstitious , and as well too st. paul kneeling , eph. 3. 14. and st. peter bowing down to the ground , luk. 5. 8. and kneeling , acts 9. 40. st. stephen at last gasp kneeling , acts 7. 60. with many other devout men , in the old and new testament , dan. 6. 10. psal. 95. 6. acts 20. 36. acts 21. 5. 't is true , the worship of the mind is more profitable than of the body , which profits but a little ; yet that little , since it much helps the reverence of my mind and spirit , ought i not to follow the example , precept and pattern of the holy ghost in scripture ? who sure best knows what is spiritual worship , after the holy example of our saviour , the apostles and all saints , in the ceremonies of kneeling , bowing , &c. in bodily worship ; rather than to follow the precept and pattern of new oliverian orthodox men , dissemblers , murderers , hypocrites , cheats , and antick foppish jugglers , and wresters of holy writ , as ever did gull silly souls , ceremonies then are one part of spiritual worship , and sermons are none ; much less are their sermons any , that have been full of trumpery , and railing against ceremonies ; thereby also railing against our lord and saviour , and all holy men : let baal look to his hits , he 's gone else for ever from the communion of saints and ingenuous men , for this generation , that yet feels the smart of their delusions and jugglings , and knows , to their cost , all i say to be true by lamentable experience . as for faith , you find all its articles in the apostles creed ; believe but that and be sav'd , so far as faith can save you ; but faith without good works can never save you , but is a dead faith , if you will believe your own eyes , jam. 2. more than those juglers , that cast a mist before you , to keep you blind , and lead you by the nose , by calling good works , ( without which no man shall go to heaven or be happy either in this world or the world to come ) most blasphemously , popery , superstition , and i know not what ; but be but so good as to give them your monies , your pla●…e , your bodkins , your thimbles , &c. oh! then it is no popery nor superstition ; but stroaking the tools on the head , gives them a coaks and a flap with a foxes tail , and makes them believe they do a very good work , and help the lord also ; and if they can perswade some old fop , man or woman , to part with a good estate to maintain a weekly lecture , or else mouth will not open , except that same annuity be in the case ; and then , the old fox dies a charitable good man , not guilty of popery by that good work , no not he : he that gives to monks and fryars , and english clergy , he is popish and and superstitious : but to give to modern orthodox for a weekly lecture and sermon ; oh heavenly ! thank you lovingly . as for the seals of faith , you have the sacraments ; initiating , baptism , strengthening , the supper of the lord. prayers and praises , which both for private , family , and publick devotions are incomparable , and without fear of nonsence , rashness or blasphemy , contained in the liturgy , which should be the daily sacrifice of prayer and thanksgiving either in your houses , or better ( if you can get company ) in your churches , every morning and evening , as well as once a week , and always was frequented by holy church , till modern orthordoxy , that abomination of desolation ( spoken of by daniel the prophet ) was set up in the room thereof , &c. the holy liturgy taken away , contemned and despised by wicked men , thereby to set up themselves their own superstitions and inventions . if in the explication of the liturgy , sacraments , or creed , or that text , matt. 7. 12. thereby to order mens conversations aright , you speak as pathetically , fully and plainly as you can , whether in the church or from house to house , catechizing the ignorant , on sundays , or other . holy-days or working-days ; whether on a single text , or ( as our saviour usually did ) on twenty several subjects , in delivering truths most seasonable and most useful to your hearers ; whether an hour , half an hour , or half a quarter of an hour , according to your discretions , what and how long may be most profitable and convenient ; fear not but in so doing you do the work of an evangelist with true honour and approbation of god and all good men . and leave canting , stories , whimsees and and cheats to the modern oliverian orthodox , they are unworthy the high calling whereunto you are called , and the benefit of the clergy of the church of england ; and only fit for taylors , weavers , coblers , chimney-sweepers , and such spiritual juglers , canters and gypsies . i have comprized in those six verses the best things and all that are needful things which accompany salvation ; of which now i will not further speak . it had been happy for the king , kingdom , the people and the prayers too , if they had kept themselves to that divinity alone contained in those six verses , infinite treasure and blood had been saved , which has been spent and spilt , through the whimsees and superstitions of these oliverian orthodox men . can any wise or good man imagine that the almighty and merciful god would leave the way to heaven so hard to find , that no body can find it out , but he that has heard twenty , or a hundred , or a thousand , or ten thousand sermons . foppish and bejuggled mankind ! our saviour and his apostles converted millions with a few , short , plain words : religion is the work of the whole man , all the days of his life , consisting in the constant practice of piety ; and not in prating of piety , in idle and endless questions , disputes , glosses , controversies , lectures , whimsees , stories and harangues , set off with antick twangs of the nose , wry faces , mops , mows , split jaws , sparrow-mouths , grunting , lyons faces , hems , haws , yawnings , gapings , snivellings , whinings , and mock-gypsee cantings and juglings , by spiritual hocus pocus , and oliverian orthodox , being traytors , heady , high-minded , lovers of their own wills and pleasures , more than gods will and pleasure , having a form or face of godliness , and that no good one neither , but denying the power thereof : for of this sort are they which creep into houses , and lead captive silly women , laden with sint , led away with divers lusts , &c. now will they have the impudence to say i rayl and reproach them in this reproof ; no matter : so said their predecessours to my saviour , when he denounc'd a wo to these scribes , pharisees , hypocrites : besides they are not my words , so much as the words of the holy ghost , 2 tim. 3. what can be said too smartly and home to such malignancies , as these foppish stories , lectures , whimsees , wrestings of sacred scripture , by hugh peters and the rest of the tribe , which has undone us once already ; he that cheats once 't is his fault , but if i am cheated twice with the same juggle , interpretation and legerdemayn , though from another hocus or pick-pocket , i may thank my self ; no matter ; look better to the pocket another time . aftertimes , ( for envy , ( like hollow friends ) accompanies every man that is worth any thing , till he comes in his grave , and then it leaves him ) ( when prejudice and passion does not bribe the judgment ) will best determine , which of these three ( greg. trinkles , or hugh peters ) thus in their colours pencill'd , have the best physnomy . indeed they all three face one way , go one way , and follow one and the same modern orthodoxy , but with a different style , and under a different name . hugh peters held forth & manag'd modern orthodoxy under the name of the good old cause ; but father gray beard follows it under the name of the cause too good . hugh peters rendred the good old cause good enough to be fought for ; but greg. has a higher value for it , at least seems to be so chary and tender over it , that he says , it is too good to be fought for . but both of them agree in fundamentals , and with joynt forces inveigh against the king , our late sovereign , and his whole reign ; rendring it and him despicable , and deform'd all over with ceremonies , arminianism , and manwaring . both of them agree against the common enemy , bishops and evil councellors ; both of them quarrel with the cross after baptism , and kneeling at the sacrament . only hugh peters does more tolerably pretend to controversies in divinity , as not being out of the road of his profession : but , certainly this same greg. whatever he be , is no divine . it would almost tempt charity to very hard thoughts of him , whilst he , like julian the apostate , prosecutes so vehemently and maliciously religion and all religious men . if plato's transmigration of souls were true , i should conclude that cham was again in him metampsuchos'd , he does so turn up the fathers of the church , and exposing their nakedness to his power , slashes them for their worthy cares . but his rod does most wound his own face , and his own malice , and betraying its self , becomes his own executioner . for certainly if his conscience were awake , it would fly in his face , and make him recant , ( with st. paul for a less defamation unawares ) i wi●…t not brethren that it was god's high priest. god's high priest — and yet a wicked man , and then too going about a wicked action ; and yet st. paul does ask forgiveness . but certainly greg. can have no call to pass a censure upon either ministers of state , councils , fathers of the church , their actions , councils , or books ; sure if the way were good , and the good old cause never so good , yet certainly greg. it is not your road , and therefore ( if for no other cause you are out of the way ) as much you are when you talk politickly of augustus caesar , hen. iv. &c. your policies are like your divinity , but neither of them taken out of the bible , which ( you say ) will teach a man the best politicks . you might learn other measures of government out of the bible , then displeasing or pleasing the people . herod to please the people killed james , and because he saw it pleased the people , he put peter in prison also , acts 12. 3. pilat to do the jews a pleasure , delivered our saviour to be crucified ; and foelix willing to do the jews a pleasure left paul bound . argumentum turpissimum est turba , faith seneca . these soft and unmanly rules of government and policy , may perhaps agree with your own effeminate temper ; but they are not grounded upon reason nor religion . indeed when the light of these are obscured and hood-wink'd with fear and cowardise , the man is no more a man , much less a governour , nor with these circumstances capable of direction ; for fear frights ' h●… out of his wits , and how can he govern others , that cannot govern himself ? but almighty god does usually give large and noble souls to them that are design'd for government , and not capable of such puny impressions of fear , that mollifie and unman vulgar and narrow spirits . the threatning ●…llows daunted and amaz'd julius caesar's waterman , till the great courage of caesar reviv'd the poor spirited man with caesarem & fortunes , and fetch'd him to life again , and made him tug it out . this noble spirit of government is called in holy writ , the spirit of god , which came upon soul when anointed to be a king , and upon the seventy elders , numb . 11. 17. when they were appointed to be councellors of state. indeed those independents , numb . 16. 3. korah , dathan , abiram and their crew thought themselves as good as the best , and as holy as the best , and as good as their governours , but moses presently shew'd them the difference on 't . there are many incomparable instances in the bible , which will teach governours better policy , than puny and narrow hearted greg. dares think on , for all the commendations he gives the bible , for the most absolute accomplishment of a politician . the people mutiny'd , were displeased with moses their governour , and rebelled , exod. 32. now if greg. had been at his elbow , how would he with fearful s. peter have advis'd moses , as s. peter did our saviour , master spare thy self : how would greg. have read politick lectures to him , and have entreated him to look to himself , and shift for himself , and not hazard himself among the rebels and tumults ? hell was broke loose , the people swarming in uproars , and terrible in threatnings : or if he could not have perswaded moses to run away , he would as he does to our governours , insinuate the wisdom and necessity of pleasing the people , coming with cap in hand , rather than sword in hand , and beg of them for gods sake to be quiet and they should have any thing . but moses gods servant was not so , he was faithful to himself and the true measures of government , and knew if he had rendred himself to their mercy , and yielded to their rage , it had been but offering his throat to be cut ; a sad instance whereof i could give you in these late times ; but what does moses in this case ? exod. 33. 26 , 27. who is on the lords side ? whose for me ? let him come to me . there came none to him but gown-men neither ; only in those days the sons of levi wore swords , and it seems knew how to handle them , as well as bluffer gallants , for moses had no sooner given them the word of command , but they fell upon the rabbble , cut and slew till they had left three thousand dead upon the spot ; and this the holy ghost calls the consecrating or sanctifying of a mans self by slaying the mutineers , and there is a blessing from heaven promised to be bestowed upon them for their valour and good service in the ●…9 . v. such a white-liver'd politician as mr. greg. durst not receive such measures of government as these into his breast , for fear they should fright him out of his wi●…s ; and if englands martyr charles i. had hearkened to his own courage so much as he did to softer councils ; if some pantaloon & mu●…se courtiers that had better courage to lead a dance or a young lady , than head a troop , had been away , & if in their stead he had had a company of swiss for his courtiers , or gallant english gentlemen with english courages , and with them sallyed out upon the tumults which flock'd about his gate , he had in all probability crush'd the cockatrice in the egg , and sent the prentices home ( as o. c. did ) to their shop-boards with a vengeance to them . however it could not possibly have fared worse with him than it did : those softer politick lectures bringing the good king in conclusion to die afterwards at the same place ; the more 's the pity , and pity it is that mercy and kindness are not always good nor fit ; as that good king found to his cost , and therefore tells his son , if ever you trust to them ( meaning the factious reb●…ls ) or must stand to their courtesie , you are undone . to manage the reins of government thus with a steddy hand , and to ride with a hank , is the best of all both for king and people , as we have found : head-strong jades would kill themselves , if you lay the reins upon their necks , it is their happiness and ease to be rid with a curb : a licentious government is no government , it is contradictio in●…adjecto , or ( as greg. phrases it p. 83. ) it is another j. o. an he cow , that is to say , a bull. and it is worth the while here to remember the clean fancy of that incomparable english poet — a king by yielding does like him and worse that sadled his own back to shame his horse . and because mr. greg. has put me upon 't to answer his politick lectures out of the bible , i 'll but give two instances out of it , not to instruct my governours and tutour kings , i thank god , i was never such a conceited thing , nor so lost to all modesty and sense of humility : but it is ( in my sphere ) to instruct people what a blessing attends their obedience to their supreme governours , if when they command some things in religion , which in circumstantials of religion are poynt-blank against god's own law ; and yet god likes it well , blesses the people for such obedience , though the command of their governours ( perswaded thereunto out of good reason , some great convenience or necessity ) was directly different from the command of god. when the king and his council made an order to keep the sacrament of the passeover , 2 chron. 30. 2. together with the advice and concurrence of the parliament therein , called there , all the congregation , it must be meant in their representatives : for all the people , nor the thousandth part could not come to hear , or know what was done at the great council , much less give their votes ; i say , this king hezekiah with his council and great council of the congregation made a decree to keep the passover in the second month. this is worse than the cross after baptism and kneeling at the sacrament ; for we can find no beginning when they entred into the church , and therefore have as much cause to think it was the posture of christ and his apostles and their constant practice , if not more cause , than to think the contrary . but here in 2 chron. 30. 2. is an act of parliament ( i 'll call it so , for the better understanding of it in english phrase ; for it is of the same nature ) quite contrary to the law of god concerning the sacrament , as to one circumstantial of time. god commands to keep it in the first month , and positively reiterates the command , and bids them keep it in that appointed season , num. 9 2 , 3 , 5. the king and parliament say to the people , we command you for certain good reasons and motives to observe the sacrament in the second month. now saith modern orthodox , hang me , draw me , quarter me , imprison me , fine me , do your worst , i defie the d●…vil , and all the laws of men contrary to god's law ; here i 'll live , here i 'll die . so you may ( say i ) and be damn'd too in all probability ; lose your soul , as well as your life , liberty and estate , as wise as you are , and as wilful as you are . and you may go on railing your governours and the fathers of the church , and tell them they sit in the seat and temple of god , and as if they were god , nay above him , make laws different from god's law ; and therefore call them antichrist , the be ist and the false prophet , and whether it be right to obey god or man , judgeye . thus accepted was that law of the ki●…g and parliament in hezekiah his time , by the zealots that had more heat than light , and more passion than knowledge and true spiritual wisdom . for if our governours be never so bad , they cannot be so bad as the devil himself , and michael the arch-angel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he was not so impudent or audacious as to rail at the devil , when contending about an honest cause with him : nor was the devil his superior , but because a dignity , a principality , an angel , though a black one , st. michael was not so audacious as to blaspheme the devil , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what desperate wretches then are those devillish people , that pretend to the greatest sight of religion and knowledge of god , and yet censure , rail , blaspheme , lie , slander , revile , and speak evil of dignities and their superiours , without any remorse or check of conscience ? and these people will talk of consciences ! consciences , and liberty to tender consciences ; then the nether milstone , the adamant , the rock is tender , if these men have tender consciences , that make their faces harder than a rock , impudent foreheads , hard hearts , hearts of stone , consciences seared with a hot iron ; that though the poyson of asps is perpetually under their lips , and they spit their venom against their superiors , yet recant not , repent not , nor do their tender consciences feel any remorse or regret . thus ver. 6. when the post went out with the letters from the king and his princes throughout all israel and judah , and according to the commandment of the king , requiring the people to conform , and not to be stiff-necked , v. 8. as their fathers were , but yield themselves unto the lord — so is the law of the king and council there called . but what entertainment did the people give it ? this is the question at this day . truly the people were then as now , some of them conformists , and some of them non-conformists . the nonconformists , were ephraim wholly , and part of the tribe of manasseh , and part of zebulon , v. 10. the conformists , were all judah , part of the tribe of ashur , part of manasseh and part of zebulon , v. 11 , 12. here stand the two pparties ; the non-conformists jearing and laughing , and scorning and mocking at the messengers or ministers of the king declaring the kings pleasure , and the law , v. 10. and the ministers were right serv'd ( i am sure ) father gray beard will say , he would have chastised them for their worthy eares ; nay , i fear he would have cried out ruine and desolation , all scotland and part of the church of england , &c. is quite undone ; here is man's post against god's post , man's threshold against god's threshold , antichrist against christ , and the king's law against the positive words of god's law. but perhaps some will say , hezekiah though a good king , yet had his faults , and so might his council too ; tell us not what they did , but tell us how god did approve and like of what they did , in making a law against his law : who did god own , the conformists or non-conformists can you tell us that ? yes , that i can , 2 chron. 30. 12. this commandment of the king and the princes against the positive rule of god's law , being made for a good reason moving the king and his council thereunto , is not withstanding called the word of the lord , and the band of the lord was with the conformists , god is on our side may they say : for the hand of god was to give them one heart to do the commandment of the king and of the princes , by the word of the lord. thus tempting of moses , is called tempting of christ , 1 cor. 10. 9. this i had not now urged but that greg. and such fellows as he , will take upon them to read politick and divinity lectures to the world in print , when they know nothing but modern orthodoxy ; read books , and hearken to preachers of their opinion , wherein thus confirm'd , they admire their gigantick improvements , and then bid defiance , like furious orlando's , to all mankind ; when indeed they are big with nothing but a soft pate huft and blown up with their own dear humours of self-conceit . nor do i think governours have warrant from that instance to disannul gods sacraments , but as to circumstances and ceremonies of time , place , habits , gestures , and the like , according to their judgement and necessity , or conveniency moving them , have an unanswerable right . let greg. and his modern orthodox men mitigate this too , i fear them not , nor all their snivellings and whinings , which no body admires , but blew and white aprons , and the more ingenious tankerd-bearers . and let them consider without prejudice , and in the fear of almighty god , that when the sons of jonadab , the sons of rechab , in obedience to him their superiour , submitted to his humane-law in drinking no wine , nor building houses , nor planting vineyards , ( which certainly are all very good things , and god likewise tells man that all the good creatures he made on purpose for him and his use , every herb bearing seed , and every tree bearing fruit , commanding it should be to mankind for meat , &c. ) yet in obedience to the first commandment with promise , they would not take the liberty and priviledge warranted to them by god and his word , but would obey the commandment of jonadab their father , and keep all his precepts : and god did so love them for it , that he blesses them for it , saying , jer. 35. 18 , 19. thus saith the lord of hosts , the god of israel ; because ye have obeyed the commandment of jonadab your father , and kept all his precepts , and done according to all that he hath commanded you : therefore , thus saith saith the lord of hosts , the god of israel , jonadab the son of rechab , shall not want a man to stand before me for ever . happy would it be for the people of england , in soul and body , and estate , here and hereafter , on earth and in heaven , if they would observe these thing , rather than the wily wrestings of holy writ by crafty seducers that have no way to cheat the people and be admired by them , but by such artifices as cheat them of their souls too , and make the kingdom so disturbed , and their followers too ; and the bottom of all these juglings is but to get a paltry sneaking livelyhood , and a little popular applause . and then must our governours , and the king in especial be therein happy too , and verifie every way the anagram of his name in latine , carolus stuarte . anagr. clarus sorte tua . when nero set rome on fire , he played upon the ho-boy all the time , and laid the blame on the christians ; and thus greg. j. o. and the rest of his friends , the modern orthodox set these three kingdoms on a flame with a brand fetch'd from geneva and the covenant , and yet they make themselves merry with our misery , lay all the blame upon king charles , arch-bishop laud , ceremonies , and imposition of the liturgy ; assassinating again those two glorious martyrs in their honour and innocence , and endeavouring to justifie the bloody villains that murthered them . nor must his majesty so much as think of their bloody and unparallel'd cruelty , because augustus caesar's father too was murthered , and his kinsman , henry iv. of france likewise , and henry iii. and such gentlemens memories had their successors and the cabinet-council , that they let the murderers escape scot-free ; and if piety and good nature would move for a stricter vindication of his fathers death , yet in policy , have a care , displease not the villains , as you love your kingdoms , for a sturdy swiss , and a malepert fisher-boy in naples overturn'd all by a basket of apples . with such stuffe as this does father grey-beard and his modern christians , wipe their mouths with the whore in the proverbs , and say , they have done no wickedness ; but all the fault is in thine own people , in king charles i. arch-bishop laud , fathers of the church , superfetations , parliaments , and evil counsellors . and if i have beat all these butt-ends of his upon his own pate , and vindicated king charles i. his reign from that deformity , wherewith both it , his majesty and arch-bishop laud are by this bold author , as falsly and maliciously , as well as most unseasonably , in this juncture maligned , i have my end . but who this malignant is for my part i am not solicitous , nor did i ever see any man that was taken for him upon suspicion . i have dealt with him all along , as is prescribed in the method for cure of unruly and vain talkers and deceivers , tit. 1. 13. namely , rebuk'd him as sharply , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cuttingly , to the quick , as near as i could , with honest design , by such harmless incisions to let out the impostumated quitter , and prepare for his cure ; odi vitium , non virum . and now i have done ; and ( to write after him , p. 325. but withall to set him a better copy ) i shall think my self largely recompen sed for this trouble , if greg. and others shall learn by this example , that it is not impossible thus long to be merry and angry , as he was ; but to be merry and angry , and yet not sin by , traducing the most innocent and honourable persons , dead and alive , by such superfetation of rayling , as he has done . i am your servant , edm. hickeringill . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a43621-e160 dr. bruges .